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A 


A  DICTIONARY 

CHRISTIAN    ANTIQUITIES. 

COMPRISING  THE  HISTORY,   INSTITUTIONS,  AND  ANTIQUITIES 

OF  THE  CHmSTlAEI  CHURCH.  FBOH  THE  TIME  OF  THE 

AP0£rrLE3  TO  THE  AGE  OF  CHARLEMAGNE. 

BT    TASIOUS  WBITXnS. 

"WILLIAM  gMITH,  D.C.L.,  LL.D., 
SAMUEL   CHEETHAM,  MA., 


IN  TWO  VOLCMES.— Vol.  I. 

ILLUSTRATED  BV  ElfCRAfJNCS  Olf  WOOD. 


LONDON 

JOHN 

MCRKAY,  ALBBMABLE  STB: 

1875. 

a*^ 

FOGG  MUSEUM  UBKAHl 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


UNIFORM   WITH   THE  PRESENT  WORK. 
■       •»■ 

DICTIONAEY  OF  CHRISTIAN  BIOGRAPHY,  LITERATURE, 
SECTS,  AND  DOCTRINES.  By  Various  Writers.  Edited  by  Wm. 
Smith,  D.C.L,  and  Henry*  Wace,  M.A.    Vol.  L     Medium  8ro.     SU.  6</. 


•f 


I 


uixywn  ASH  aom,  ctawobd  stBER 


LIST  OF  WRITERS 

IN  THE  DICTIONAKIES  OF  CHEISTIAN  ANTIQUniBS 

AND  BIOGEAPHY. 


tSirULS.  SAMES. 

C.  B.  Rev-  CuuRCHiLL  Babikgton,  B.D.,  F.L.S., 

Disney  Professor  of  Archaeology  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College. 

E  B— T.    Bev.  Henry  Bailey,  D.D., 

Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury,  and 
Honorary  Canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral ;  late  Follow 
of  St.  John's  Collie,  Cambridge. 

J.  B— Y.     Bev.  Jambb  Barmby,  B.D., 

Principal  of  Bishop  Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham. 

E.  W.  B.     Bev.  Edward  White  Benson,  D.D., 

Chancellor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

C.  W.  R     Bev.  Charles  William  Boasb,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

H.  B.         Henry  Bradshaw,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge ;  Librarian  of  tho 
University  of  Cambridge. 

W.  B.         Bev.  William  Bright,  D.D., 

Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford;  Begins  Professor  of 
Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

H.  B.         The  late  JRev.  Henry  Browne,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Pevensey,  and  Prebendary  of  Chichester  Cathedral. 

L  B.  IsAMBARD  Brunel,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Lan ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Ely. 

T.  R.  B.      Thomas  Byburn  Buchanan,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

D.  B         Bev.  Daniel  Butler,  M.A., 

Hector  of  Thwing,  Yorkshire;  late  Head  Master  of  tho 
Clergy  Orphan  School,  Canterbury. 

a  2 


iY  LIST  OF  WRITERS. 

INITIALS.  SAME8 

J.  M.  0.      Bey.  John  Moore  Oapes,  M.A., 

of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

J.  G.  C.       Rev.  John  Gjbson  Cazenove,  M.A., 

late  Principal  of  Cnmbrae  College,  N.6. 

C.  Rev.  Samuel  Cheetham,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology  in  King's  College,  London^ 
and  Chaplain  of  Dulwich  College;  late  Fellow  of 
Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  B.  C.      Edwabd  Btles  Cowell,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Sanskrit  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

J.  LI.  D.      Rev.  John  Llewelyn  Davies,  M.A., 

Rector  of  Christohurch,    Marylobone ;    late    Fellow    of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

C.  D.  Rev.  Cecil  Deedes,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Oxford. 

W.  P.  D.     Rev.  WnxTAM  P.  Dickson,  D.D., 

Regius  Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism,  Glasgow. 

S.  J.  E.        Rev.  Samuel  John  Eales,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Halstead,  Essex. 

J.  E.  Rev.  John  Ellerton,  M.A., 

Rector  of  Hinstock,  Salop. 

E.  S.  Ff.     Rev.  Edmund  S.  Ffoulkes,  B.D., , 

Late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 

A.  P.  F.        The  Right  Rev.  Alexander  Penrose  Forbes,  D.C.L., 

Bishop  of  Brechin. 

W.  H.  F.    Hon.  and  Rev.  William  Henry  Fremantle,  M.A., 

Rector  of  St.  Mary's,  Marj'lebone  ;  Chaplain  to  the  Arch  - 
bishop  of  Canterbury. 

J.  M.  F.      Rev.  John  M.  Fullej?,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Bexley. 

C.  D.  G.      Rev.  Christian  D.  Ginsburg,  LL.D. 

W.  F.  G.     The  late  Rev.  William  Frfj)ERick  Greenfield,  M.A., 

Master  of  the  Lower  School,  Dulwich  College. 

A.  W.  H.     The  late  Rev.  Arthur  West  Haddax,  B.D., 

Rector  of  Barton-on-the-Heath  and  Honorary  Canon  of 
Worcester  Cathedral ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Oxford. 

E.  H.  Rev.  Edwin  Hatch,  M.A., 

Vice-Principal  of  St.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford. 


LIST  OF  WRITERS.  v 

IKETUUL  NAMES. 

EL  C.  H.      Bev.  Edwards  Comerford  Hawkins,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  St.  John's  School,  Leatherhoad. 

L.  H.  Bev.  Lkwis  Hbnsley,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Hitchin,  Herts ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  Gcllogo, 
Cambridge. 

H.  Bev.  Fenton  John  Anthony  Hort,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge;  Chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester. 

B.  J.  H.      Bev.  Henry  John  Hotham,  M.A., 

Yioe-Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

J.  H.  John  Hullah, 

Late  Professor  of  Music  in  King's  College,  London. 

W.  J.  Bev.  William  Jackson,  M. A., 

Late  Fellow  of  Worcester    College,  Oxford;   Hampton 
Lecturer  for  1876. 

G.  A.  J.       Bev.  George  Andrew  Jacob,  D.D., 

late  Head  Master  of  Christ's  Hospital,  London. 

W.  J.  J.       Bev.  William  James  Josling,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Moulton,  Sufiblk ;  late  Fellow  of  Christ's  College, 
Cambridge. 

L.  Bev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.D., 

Canon  of  St.  Paul's ;  Lady  Margaret's  Professor  of  Divinity 
in  the  Univereity  of  Cambridge;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

R.  A.  L.       B.  A.  Lipsius, 

Professor  in  the  University  of  Kiel. 

J.  M.  L.       John  Malcolm  Ludlow,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Lin. 

J.  IL  L.        Bev.  John  Bobe»t  Lunn,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Marton,  Yorkshire;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 

G.  F.  M.     Bev.  George  Frederick  Maclear,  D.D., 

Head  Master  of  King's  College  School,  London. 

8.  M.  Bev.  Spencer  Mansel,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Trumpingtbn,  Cambridge;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

W.  B.  M.     The  late  Bev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott,  M.A., 

Of  Eton  College;  formerly  Fellow  of  Exeter  College, 
Oxford. 

G.  M.  Bev.  George  Mead,  M.A., 

Chaplain  to  the  Forces,  Dublin. 


FeUow  o/v^^^^ij's  CoUege,  Cambridge, 


Fi  LIST  OF  WRITERS. 

INITIALS.  KAMEB. 

F.  M.  Bev.  Fredsbigk  Metrick,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Blioklin^,  Norfolk;  Prebendary  of  Linooln 
Cathedral;  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Linooln;  late 
Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 

W.  M.  Bev.  WiLUAM  MlLLIGAN,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism  in  the  Uniyersity  of  Aber- 
deen. I 

0.  H.  M.     Bev.  Gbobob  Herbert  Moberly,  M.A.,  I 

Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury;  Bector  of  Dunst-  i 

bourne  Bouse,  Gloucestershire.  ! 

I 
H.  C.  G.  M.  Bev.  ELihdlet  Carr  Gltk  Moule,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

1.  B.  M.      John  Bickards  Mozlet,  M.A., 

late  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 

A.  N.  Alexander  Nesbitt,  F.S.A., 

Oldlands,  Uckfield. 

P.  0.  Bev.  Phipps  Onslow,  B.A., 

Beotor  of  Upper  Sapey,  Hereford.' 

G.  W.  P.     Bev.  Griqort  Walton  Pennethorne,  M.A., 

Bector  of  Ferring,  Sussex;  late  Yioe-Principal  of  the 
Theological  College,  Chichester. 

W.G.F.P,  Walter  G.  F.  Phillimore,  B.C.L., 

Lincoln's  Inn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Lincoln. 

E.  H.  P.      Bev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  M.A., 

(sometimes         Professor  of  New  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College, 
P.)  London ;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral ;  Vicar  of 

Bickley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

DE  Pressens^.  Bev.  E.  de  Prbssens^, 

of  Paris. 
J.  B.  Bev.  Jajces  Baine,  M.A., 

Prebendary  of  York ;  Fellow  of  the  University  of  Durham. 

W.  B.         Bev.  WnjJAM  Beeves,  D.D., 

Beotor  of  Tynan,  Armagh. 

G.  S.  Bev.  Gboroe  Salmon,  D.D., 

Begins  Professor  of  Divinity,  Trinitv  College,  Dublin. 

P.  S.  Bev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Theology  in  the  Union  Theological  Seminary, 
New  York. 

W.  E.  S.        Bev.  WiLUAJIf  JJpWARD  SCUDAMORE,  M.A., 

Hectxir  of  Jjf^^ingham ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College, 
J*  8.  BBv.JoHifStt,  ^^    M.A., 


J 


LIST  OF  WRITERS.  vii 

inmAIJL  HAMEB. 

B.  S.  Benjamin  Shaw,  MA., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Gam- 
bridge. 

B.  S.  Bey.  Robert  Sinker,  M.A., 

Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

L  G.  S.        Bev.  L  Gregory  Smith,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Great  Malvern,  and  Prebendary  of  Hereford 
Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

J.  8 — ^T.       John  Stuart,  LL.D., 

Of  the  General  Begister-Honse,  Edinburgh. 

&  Bev.  William  Stubbs,  M.A., 

Begins  Professor  of  Modem  History,  in  the  Uydversity  of 
(mord ;  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford. 

C  A.  8.       Bev.  Charles  Anthony  Swainson,  D.D., 

Norrisian  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  and  Canon  of  C^ohester  Cathedral;  late 
Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  S.  T.      Bev.  Edward  Stoart  Talbot,  M.A., 

Warden  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 

B.  St.  J.  T.  Bev.  BicHARD  St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  M. A., 

Late  Stndent  and  Bhetorio  Lecturer  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford. 

E.  V.  Bev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.A., 

Canon  Residentiary  and  Precentor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ; 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 

W.  Bev.  Brooke  Foss  Westoott,  D.D., 

(someiimefl      Canon  of  Peterborough  ;  Begins  Professor  of  Divinity  in 
B.  F.  W.)  the  University  of  Cambridge ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity 

Collie,  Cambridge. 

H.  W.  Bev.  Henry  Wage,  M.A., 

Cbaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History,  King's  College,  London. 

O.  W.  Bev,  George  Williams,  B.D., 

Bector  of  Bii^wood,  Hants ;  late  Fellow  of  King's  College, 
Cambridge. 

J.  W-  Bev.  John  Wordsworth,  M.A., 

Prebendary  of  Lincoln;  Examining  Chaplain  fo  the  Bishop 
of  Lincoln ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

W.  A.  W.    William  Aldis  Wright,  M.A., 

Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  ]£.  Y.      Bev.  Edward  Mallet  Young,  M.A., 

Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School ;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

H.  W.  y.    Bev.  Henry  William  Yule,  B.C.L.,  M.A., 

Bector  of  Shipton-on-Cherwell,  and  Vicar  of  Hampton 
Gay,  Oxon. 


PREFACE. 


This  Work  is  intended  to  furnish,  together  with  the  *  Dictionary  of 
Christian  Biography,  Literature,  and  Doctrines,*  which  will  shortly 
follow,  a  complete  account  of  the  leading  Personages,  the  Institu- 
tions, Art,  Social  Life,  Writings  and  Controversies  of  the  Christian 
Church  firom  the  time  of  the  Apostles  to  the  age  of  Charlemagne. 
It  commences  at  the  period  at  which  the  ^  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ' 
leaves  off,  and  forms  a  continuation  of  it :  it  ceases  at  the  age  of 
Charlemagne,  because  (as  Gibbon  has  remarked)  the  reign  of  this 
monarch  forms  the  important  link  of  ancient  and  modem,  of 
ciyil  and  ecclesiastical  history.  It  thus  stops  short  of  what  we 
commonly  call  the  Middle  Ages.  The  later  developement  of  Bitual 
and  of  the  Monastic  Orders,  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  great 
Mendicant  Orders,  the  Fainting,  Sculpture  and  Architecture,  the 
Hagiology  and  Symbolism,  the  Canon  Law,  and  the  Institutions 
generally  of  the  Middle  Ages,  furnish  more  than  sufficient  matter 
for  a  separate  book. 

The  present  Work,  speaking  generally,  elucidates  and  explains 
in  relation  to  the  Christian  Church  the  same  class  of  subjects  that 
the  *  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Boman  Antiquities  *  does  in  reference 
to  the  public  and  private  life  of  classical  antiquity.  It  treats  of 
the  organization  of  the  Church,  its  officers,  legislation,  discipline, 
and  revenues ;  the  social  life  of  Christians ;  their  worship  and 
ceremonial,  with  the  accompanying  music,  vestments,  instruments, 
vessels,  and  insignia;  their  sacred  places;  their  architecture  and 
other  forms  of  Art ;  their  symbolism ;  their  sacred  days  and  seasons 
the  graves  or  Catacombs  in  which  they  were  laid  to  rest. 

We  can  scarcely  hope  that  every  portion  of  this  wide  and  varied 
field  has  been  treated  with  equal  completeness ;  but  we  may  venture 
to  assert,  that  this  Dictionary  is  at  least  more  complete  than  any 
attempt  hitherto  made  by  English  or  Foreign  scholars  to  treat  in 
one  work  the  whole  archaeology  of  the  early  Church.     The  great 


X  PREFACE. 

work  of  Bingham^  indeed,  the  foundation  of  most  subsequent  books 
on  the  subject,  must  always  be  spoken  of  with  the  utmost  respect ; 
but  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  one  man  to  treat  with  the  requisite 
degree  of  fulness  and  accuracy  the  whole  of  so  vast  a  subject ; 
and  there  is  probably  no  branch  of  Christian  archaeology  on  which 
much  light  has  not  been  thrown  since  Bingham's  time  by  the 
numerous  scholars  and  divines  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to 
special  investigations.  We  trust  that  we  have  made  accessible 
to  all  educated  persons  a  great  mass  of  information,  hitherto  only 
the  privilege  of  students  with  the  command  of  a  large  library. 

In  treating  of  subjects  like  Church  Government  and  Bitual  it 
is  probably  impossible  to  secure  absolute  impartiality ;  but  we  are 
confident  that  no  intentional  reticence,  distortion  or  exaggeration 
has  been  practised  by  the  writers  in  this  work. 

It  has  been  thought  advisable  not  to  insert  in  the  present  work 
an  account  of  the  Literature,  of  the  Sects  and  Heresies,  and  of 
the  Doctrines  of  the  Church,  but  to  treat  these  subjects  in  the 
'Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,'  as  they  are  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  lives  of  the  leading  persons  in  Church  History, 
and  could  not  with  advantage  be  separated  from  them. 

It  has  not  been  possible  to  construct  the  vocabulary  on  an 
entirely  consistent  principle.  Where  a  well -recognized  English 
term  exists  for  an  institution  or  an  object,  that  term  has  generally 
been  preferred  as  the  heading  of  an  article.  But  in  many  cases 
obsolete  customs,  offices,  or  objects  have  no  English  name;  and 
in  many  others  the  EngUsh  term  is  not  really  co-extensive  with  the 
Latin  or  Greek  term  to  which  it  seems  at  first  sight  to  correspond. 
The  word  Decanus  (for  example)  has  several  meanings  which  are  not 
implied  in  the  English  Dean.  In  such  cases  it  was  necessary  to 
adopt  a  term  from  the  classic  languages.  Cross-references  are  given 
from  the  synonyms  or  quasi-synonyms  to  the  word  under  which  any 
subject  is  treated.  The  Councils  are  placed  (so  far  as  possible) 
under  the  modern  names  of  the  places  at  which  they  were  held,  a 
cross-reference  being  given  from  the  ancient  name.  In  the  case  of 
the  Saints'  Days,  the  names  of  the  Western  saints  have  been  taken 
from  the  martyrology  of  Usuard,  as  containing  probably  the  most 
complete  Ust  of  the  martyrs  and  confessors  generally  recognized  in 
the  West  up  to  the  ninth  century ;  the  occurrence  of  these  names 
in  earlier  calendars  or  martyrologies  is  also  noted.  In  the  letters  A 
and  B,  however,  the  names  of  Saints  are  taken  principally  from  the 
*  Martyrologium  Romanum  Vetus,*  and  from  the  catalogues  which 
bear  the  names  of  Jerome  and  of  Bede,  without  special  reference 


PBBFAGE.  XI 

to  UsnanL  In  the  case  of  the  Eastern  Church,  we  have  taken 
from  tbe  calendars  of  Byzantium,  of  Armenia,  and  of  Ethiopia, 
those  names  which  fall  within  our  chronological  period.  This 
alphabetical  arrangement  will  virtually  constitute  an  index  to  the 
principal  martyrologies,  in  addition  to  supplying  the  calendar, 
dates  of  events  which  are  fixed — as  is  not  uncommonly  the  case  in 
ancient  records  —  by  reference  to  some  festival.  The  names  of 
persons  are  inserted  in  the  vocabulary  of  this  Work  only  with 
reference  to  their  commemoration  in  mcurtyrologies  or  their  repre- 
sentations in  art,  their  lives,  when  they  are  of  any  importance, 
being  given  in  the  Dictionary  of  Biography. 

Beferences  are  given  throughout  to  the  original  authorities  on 
which  the  several  statements  rest,  as  well  as  to  modem  writers  of 
lepute.  In  citations  from  the  Fathers,  where  a  page  is  given  without 
reference  to  a  particular  edition,  it  refers  for  the  most  part  to  the 
standard  pagination — ^generally  that  of  the  Benedictine  editions — 
which  is  retained  in  Migne's  Patroloffia. 

At  the  commencement  of  this  work,  the  Editorship  of  that  por- 
tion which  includes  the  laws,  government,  discipline,  and  revenues  of 
the  Chun^h  and  the  Orders  within  it,  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Professor  Stubbs ;  the  education  and  social  life  of  Christians  in  those 
of  Professor  Flumptre ;  while  the  treatment  of  their  worship  and 
ceremonial  was  entrusted  to  Professor  Cheetham;  all  under  the 
general  snperintendence  of  Dr.  William  Smith.  As  the  work  pro- 
ceeded, however,  a  pressure  of  other  engagements  rendered  it  impos- 
sible for  Professors  Stubbs  and  Flumptre  to  continue  their  editorship 
of  the  parts  which  they  had  undertaken ;  and  from  the  end  of  the 
letter  C  Professor  Cheetham  has  acted  as  Editor  of  the  whole 
work,  always  with  the  advice  and  assistance  of  Dr.  William  Smith. 

In  conclusion,  we  have  to  express  our  regret  at  the  long  time 
that  has  elapsed  since  the  first  announcement  of  the  work.  This 
delay  has  been  owing  partly  to  our  anxious  desire  to  make  it  as 
accurate  as  possible,  and  partly  to  the  loss  we  have  sustained  by 
the  death  of  two  of  our  most  valued  contributors,  the  Eev.  A.  W 
Haddan  and  the  Bev.  W.  B.  Marriott. 


DIOTIONABY 


or 


CHBISTIAN   ANTIQUITIES. 


A 


A  JJTD  a 


AABOK 


.N^ 


A  aad  «.  (See  B«t.  xxii.  13.)  Of  these  I 
ifBbolic  letters  the  m  is  always  given  in  the  j 
■iaoaciilar  form.  The  symbol  is  generally  oom- 
Ufted  with  the  monogram  of  dmst.  pfONO- 
ABAX.]  In  Boldetti's  Osaervcaioni  topra  i  cinUterif 
Ibc  Rom.  1720,  foL  tav.  iii.  p.  194,  no.  4,  it  is 
feoad,  with  the  more  ancient  decussated  mono- 
gram, on  a  sepolchrml  cnp  or  vesseL  See  also 
Dc  Bocd  {InaenpUonSf  No.  776X  where  the  letters 

are  suspended  f^m  the  arms  of 

the  St.  Andrew's  Cross.  They 

are  combined  more  frequently 

_         with  the  upright  or  Egyptian 

'"  y/lV  monogram.      Aringhi,  Bom. 

/     ^^        8ySbL  Tol.  L  p.  381,  gives  an 

^  ^       engraving  of  a  jewelled  cross, 

with   the  letters  susjiended 

by  disins  to  its  horizontal  arm,  as  below.    And 

the  ame  form  oocnrs  in  sepulchral  inscriptions 

in  De  Rossi,  Inacr,  Ovr.  Horn. 
U  i.  nos.  661,  666.  See  also 
Boldetti,  p.  345,  and  Bottari, 
tav.  zliv.  voL  i. 

The  letters  are  found,  with 
or  without  the  monogram,  in 
almost  all  works  of  Christian 
antiquity ;  for  instance,  right 
Mad  left  of  a  great  cross,  on  which  is  no  form  or 
nca  symbolic  Lamb,  on  the  ceiling  of  the  apse 
«f  St  ApolHnare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna,  circ  a.d. 
673.  Iney  were  worn  in  rings  and  sigils,  either 
sloM,  as  in  Martigny,  s.  v.  AimeauXy  or  with 
the  monogTsm,  as  in  Boldetti,  ms.  21-31,  30-33. 
Oa  coins  they  appear  to  be  fint  used  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Constantine.  The 
tarliett  instances  are  an  aureus  nummus  of  Con- 
itaatios  (Banduri,  v.  iL  p.  227,  Iifumismata  Imp, 
itoshmomm,  &c.);  and  another  golden  coin  bear- 
iag  the  effigy  of  Constantine  the  Qreat,  with  the 
voids  "Victoria  Maxima."  Constantine  seems 
■ot  to  have  made  great  use  of  Christian  em- 
'^'—  on  his  coin  till  after  the  defeat  of  Lici- 


D 


I 

A 


r 


Dies  in  323,  and  especially  after  the  building 
fiT  CSHtaatinople.   (See  Martigny,  s.  v.  ^tants- 

Ths  use  of  these  ajmbolic  letters  amounts  to 
t'qaoUtion  of  Rev.  zjtii.  13,  and  a  confession  of 
6nh  in  our  Lord's  own  assertion  of  His  infinity 

OLMlgt.  AXT. 


and  divinity.  There  is  one  instance  in  Martial 
(Epig,  V.  26)  where  A,  Alpha,  is  used  jocularly 
(as  A  1,  vulgarly,  with  ourselves)  for  **  chief  or 
'*  first."  But  the  whole  expression  in  its  solemn 
meaning  is  derived  entirely  from  the  words  of 
Rev.  xxiL  13.  The  import  to  a  Christian  is 
shewn  by  the  well-known  passage  of  Prudentius 
{ffymnua  Omni  Bora,  10,  GaMmwrmon,  Ix.  p. 
35,  ed.  Tubingen,  45)  :— 

"Oocde  naUu  ex  parentis  ante  mundl  exordium, 
Alidis  et  O  oognomliuitus,  ipse  fbos  et  claoBula, 
Onmlum  quae  sunt,  feenint,  quaeque  post  fbtnra  soaf 

The  symbol  was  no  doubt  much  more  frequently 
used  after  the  outbreak  of  Arianism.  But  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  used  before  that  date,  from  its 
occurrence  in  the  inscription  on  the  tomb  raised 
by  Victorina  to  her  martyred  husband  Heraclius 
in  the  cemetery  of  Piiscilla  (Aringhi,  L  605). 
It  is  here  enclosed  in  a  triangle,  and  united  with 
the  upright  monogram.  See  also  another  in- 
scription in  Fabretti  (Tnscr.  antiq.  expUoatio^ 
Rom.  1699,  fol.),  and  the  cup  given  in  Boldetti 
from  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  tav.  iiL  no.  4,  at 
p.  194.  From  these  it  is  argued  with  apparent 
truth  that  the  symbol  must  have  been  in  use 
before  the  Nioene  Council.*  No  doubt,  as  a  con* 
venient  symbolic  form  of  asserting  the  Lord's 
divinity,  it  became  far  more  prominent  after- 
wards. The  Arians  certainly  avoided  its  use 
TGlorgi,  De  Monogram,  Christiy  p.  10).  It  is 
found  on  the  crucifix  attributed  to  Kicodemus 
(Angelo  Rocca,  Theaaunu  Pontificiarum^  voL  i. 
153,  woodnnt),  and  on  a  wooden  crucifix  of  great 
antiquity  at  Lucca  (Borgia,  De  Grace  Velitema^ 
p.  33).  For  its  general  use  as  a  part  of  the 
monogram  of  Christ,  see  Monogram.  It  will  be 
found  (see  Westwood's  PaheograpfUa  Sacra')  in  the 
Psalter  of  Athelstan,  and  in  the  Bible  of  Alcuin ; 
both  in  the  British  Museum.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

AABON,  the  High  Priest,   commemorated 

•  Boldetti:  "QosntoaUelettere AsDdM.nonv'liadabUe 
cbe  quel  primi  Cristisni  la  preseco  dall'  Apoeallsn.*' 
He  goes  on  to  saj  that  it  is  the  sign  of  Chiistiso,  not 
Ariu,  barial ;  and  that  Ariaos  were  driven  Ihim  Borne, 
and  excloded  from  the  OaSaoombs.  Aringhi  also  protests 
that  those  oemeteries  were  *'  hand  unqiuun  heretloo  schAs 
matlooqae  ooounerdo  pollntae.* 

B 


2  ABACUO 

Miaziah  1  =  March  27  (Ob/.  Ethiop,').  Depofition 
in  Mount  Hor,  July  1  {Mart.  Bedae^  Hteron,).  [C] 

ABAOUO.  (1)  Habakknk  the  Prophet,  oom- 
memorated  Jan.  15  {Martyrologium  Eonu  Vetuty 
MmroiL,  Bedae). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  nnder  Clandiiu,  A.D.  269, 
oommemorated  Jan.  20  (Martyr,  Bom.  Vettu), 

[C] 

ABBA.    [Aebat.] 

ABBAT.  (^66cu  or  AfAa  [rdtis],  &/3/3as, 
fti93a,  in  low  Latin  sometimes  AbinUj  Ital.  AbaUj 
Germ.  Abt,  from  the  Chaldee  and  Syriac  form  of 
the  common  Semitic  word  for  Father,  probaUy 
adopted  in  that  form  either  by  Syriao  monks, 
or  through  its  K.  T.  use.)  A  name  employed 
oocasionaTly  in  the  East,  even  so  late  as  the  10th 
century,  as  a  term  of  respect  for  any  monks 
(Gnasian.,  CoUat.  i.  1,  a.d.  429;  Beg.  8.  Colvmb. 
rlL,  A.D.  609 ;  Jo.  Moach.,  Brat,  Spir,^  a.d.  630 ; 
Epiphan.  Hagiop.,  De  Loc,  83,,  a.d.  956 ;  Byzant. 
auto.  ap.  Du  Oinge,  Lex,  Inf.  Graec, ;  Bulteau, 
Hist,  Mon,  (FOrient,  819:  and,  similarly,  ikfifid- 
Sioiff  kfifiaZlffKioVt  4fcv8(i3/3aT,  K\tirrd$0€u,  for 
an  evil  or  false  monk,  Du  Cange,  ibJ) ;  anid  some- 
times as  a  distingnishing  term  for  a  monk  of 
'  singular  piety  (Hieron^  in  Epitt,  ad  OaL  c  4 ;  m 
Matt.  lih.  ir.  in  c  23) ;  bat  ordinarily  restricted 
to  the  superior  of  a  monastery,  Bater  or  Brincepe 
MonasterO,  electire,  irremoTeable,  single,  abso- 
lute. Replaced  commonly  among  the  Greeks 
by  'Apx'/uu^pM'  [Abguimandrita],  'Hyo^ 
li^vos^  or  more  rarely  Koiyo3<^(px^s ;  the  first 
of  which  terms  howeyer,  apparently  by  a  con- 
fusion respecting  its  deriration,  came  occasion- 
ally to  stand  for  the  superior  of  more  monas- 
teries than  one  (Helyot,  Hiet,  des  Ordr,  Mon, 
i.  65) : — extended  upon  their  institution  to  the 
superior  of  a  body  of  canons,  more  properly 
called  BraepotituBf  Abbas  Canonicorum  as  op- 
posed to  AAos  Monachorum  (e.  g.  Cone.  Boris. 
A.D.  829,  c  37;  Cone.  Aquisg,  II.  a.d.  836. 
canon,  c.  ii.  P.  2,  §  1 ;  Chron,  Lsod.) ;  but  varied 
by  many  of  the  later  monastic  orders,  as  e.  g.  by 
cSirmeliteB,  Augustinians,  Dominicans,  Seryites, 
into  Braepositus  or  Brior  ConventwUis,  by  Fran- 
ciscans into  Gustos  or  OuardianuSf  by  Camaldu- 
lensians  into  Major,  by  Jesuits  into  Rector: — 
distinguished  in  the  original  Rule  of  Pachomius, 
as  the  superior  of  a  combination  of  monasteries, 
from  the  Bater,  Brinceps,  or  Oeoonomiu  of  each 
and  from  the  Braepositi  of  the  several  families  of 
each.  Enlarged  into  Abbas  Abbatvm  for  the  Ab- 
bat  of  Monte  Cassino  (Pet.  Diac.  Chron.  Cawi. 
iv,  60 ;  Leo  Ostiens.,  ib.  ii.  54),  who  was  vicar  of 
the  Pope  over  Benedictine  monasteries  {Brivil. 
Niool,  I.  Bapae,  A.D.  1059,  ap.  And.  a  Nuce  ad 
Leon.  Ostiens.  iii.  12),  and  had  precedence  over 
all  Benedictine  abbats  (Pn'ot/.  Baschal,  II,  Bapae, 
A.D.  1113,  in  Bull,  Casin.  ii.  130;  Chart.  Lothar, 
Imp,,  A.D.  1137,  ib.  157).  Similarly  a  single 
Abbat  of  Aniana,  Benedict,  was  made  by  Ludov. 
Pius,  A.D.  817,  chief  of  the  abbats  in  the  empire 
(Chron,  Farf,  p.  671 ;  Ardo,  in  F.  Bensd,  c  viii. 
36):  and  the  Hegumenos  of  St.  Dalmatius  in 
Constantinople  was,  from  the  time  of  St.  Dal- 
matius hunself  (a.D.  430),  ftpx**'  ^^  trar^p 
funwmiplvw.  Abbas  Universalis  or  KoBoXixhs, 
Sxarohus  omnium  monasteriontm  in  urbe  regia 
(Cone.  Constant,  iv.,  a.d.  536,  Act  i.;  Cone, 
Ephes,  iii.  a.d.  431 ;  and  see  Tillem.,  Mim,  EccL 
zlv.  322   and  Eustath.  in  V.  Eutych.  n.  18,  Jo. 


ABBAT 

Cantacuz.  i.  50,  Theocterictus  m  V,  8.  Nioetam^  i 
43,  quoted    by  Du  Cange).     Transferred     Im 
properly  sometimes  to  the  Braepositus  or  Prios 
the  lieutenant  (so  to  say)  of  a  monastery,  Abba 
Secundus  or  Secundarius  {Reg,  8.  Bened.  65  ;  an 
see  Sid.  Apoll.  vii.  17),  the  proper  abbat  beiii| 
called  by  way  of  distinction  Abhas  Major  (jCtmA 
Aqvisgr.  aj).  817  c  31).    Transferred  also,  ii 
course  of  time,  to  non-monastic  clerical  offioea 
as  e.  g.  to  the  principal  of  a  body  of  parochial 
clergy  (i.  the  Abbas,  Gustos,  or  Rector,  as  distiii' 
guished  from  ii.  the  Brefbyter  or  Capellan'usj  an<j 
iii.  the  8acrista  ;  Ughelli,  Ital,  8ac.  vii.  506,  ap.  Di 
Cange);  and  to  the  chief  chaplain  of  the  king  oi 
emperosr  in  camp  under  the  Ourlovingiana,  Abbeu 
Castrensis,  and  to  the  Abbcu  Curiae  at  Viennc 
(Du  Cange) ;  and  in  later  times  to  a  particnlai 
cathedral  official  at  Toledo  (Beyerlinck,  Afagn, 
Iheatrum,  s.  v.  Abbas},  much  as  the  term  car- 
dinal is  used  at  our  own  St.  Paul's ;  and  to  th« 
chief  of  a  decad  of  choristers  at  Anicia,  Abbaa 
Clericulorum  (Du  Cange) ;  and  later  still  to  th« 
abbat  of  a  religious  confraternity,  as  of  St.  Yto 
at  Paris  in  1350  and  another  in   1362   (/dL> 
Adopted  also  for  purely  secular  and  civil  offioera. 
Abbas  BopuU  at  Genoa,  and  again  of  the  Genoese 
in  Galata  (Jo.  Pachym.  ziiL  27),  of  Guilds  at 
Milan  and  Decnrions  at  Brixia ;  and  earlier  stilly 
Baiatii,  Clocherii,  CampaniUs,  8cholaris,  Eadaf-' 
fardorwn    (Du   Cange) ;    and    compare    Dante 
{Bwrgat.  xxvi).  Abate  del    Cottegio.     Usurped 
in  course  of  time  by  lay  holders  of  monasteries 
under   the   system    of   commendation    [sea  p. 
54],    Abbas    Broteetor,    Abbas    Zaicus^    Arcki- 
abbas,  AbbO"  [or  Abbi^'^  Comes,  denominated  by  a 
happy  equivoque  in  some  papal  documents  AMos 
Irreligiosus ;  and  giving  rise  in  turn  to  the  A66as 
Legitimus  or  Monasticus  {Serm.  de  JkunukU.  S, 
Qfiintin.,  ap.  Du  Cange),  as  a  name  for  the  abbat 
proper  (sometimes  it  was  the  Decani,  Oan^m. 
Aimtrin.  c  42 ;  and  in  Culdee  Scotland  in  the 
parallel  case  it  was  a  Brior')  who  took  charge  ot 
the  spiritual  duties.  Lastly,  perverted  altogether 
in  later  days  into  a  mock  title,  as  Abbas  Lastitiae, 
Jucenum,  Faiuorum,  or  again  Abbas  B^cmorum 
(of  freshmen,  or  "  Yellow  Beaks,"  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris),  or  Comardomm  or  Conardorum  (an 
equally  unruly  club  of  older  people  elsewhere  in 
France),  until  *^  in  vitium  libertas  excidit  et  vim 
dignam  lege  regi,"  and  the  mock  abbats  accord- 
inglv  "  held  their  peace"  perforce  (Du  Cange). 

The  abbat,  properly  so  called,  was  elected  in 
the  beginning  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  out  of 
the  monks  themselves  (with  a  vague  right  of 
assent  on  the  part  of  the  people  also,  according 
to  Du  Cange);   a  right   confirmed  at  first  by 
Justinian  {NooeiL  v.  c.  9,  A.D.  534-565);  Who, 
however,  by  a  subsequent  enactment  transferred 
it  to  the  monks,  the  abbat  elect  to  be  confirmed 
and  formally  blessed  by  the  bishop  {Novell,  cxxiii. 
c  34).    And  this  became  the  common  law  of 
Western  monasteries  also  {Reg,  8.  Bened.,  A.D. 
530,  c.  64 ;  Cone,  Carthag,,  A.D.  525,  in  die  Ilda; 
Greg.  M.,  Epist,  ii.  41,  iii.  23,  viii.  15;  Theodor., 
Boemt.  U.  vi  1  in  Wasserschl.  p.  207;  Pteudo- 
figbert,  Boenit.  Add,  in  Thorpe,  it  235,  &c  ;— 
^Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbatem,"  Aldhelm  ap.  W. 
Malm.,  De  G,  B.y,p,lll),  confirmed  in  time  by 
express  enactment  {Capit,  Car,  M,  et  Lud.  Bii, 
L  vi.,  A.D.  816),^**  Quomodo  (monachis)  ex  si 
ipsis  sibi  eligendi  abbates  licentiam  dederimus;" 
—Urban.  Pap.  ap.  Gimtiaa,  oop.  AUen,  cam,  1^ 


ABBAT 


ABBAT 


^  i ;  awl  to  ftlao  cap.  Quonietm  Diat,  Ixix. — 
•dwciBg  the  epifloopal  benediction,  from  Cone. 
JieacR.  il,  AJX  787,  c  14.  So  also  Counc.  of 
Galckytfa,  ajk  785,  c  5  (monks  to  elect  from 
tkor  own  mooasterj,  or  another,  with  consent  of 
kkhopX  but  Counc  of  Becanceld,  ajd.  694,  and 
«f  OeakhTth,  a.d.  816  (bishop  to  elect  abbat  or 
abbcts  vith  oonsent  of  the  ** family").  And 
fonas  oocar  accordingly,  in  both  Extern  and 
Western  Pontificals,  for  the  Benedictio  re- 
^Kctirely  of  an  Hegumenoa,  or  of  an  Abbas,  both 
JVJMicAonfBi  and  Ccmonioorumf  and  of  an  Abbch- 
tma  (see  also  Theodor.,  Poenit,  II.  iii.  5,  in 
Wasiersehl.  p.  204,  &c. ;  and  a  special  form  for 
the  bst  Damed,  wrongly  attributed  to  Theodore, 
■  Collier's  Records  from  the  Ordo  Rom,,  and 
vith  TsriatioDs,  in  Gerbert}.  An  abbat  of  an 
CMBpt  abbey  (in  later  times)  could  not  resign 
without  leaTe  of  the  Pope  (c.  Si  Abbatsm,  Bonif. 
VIIL  in  Sext.  Deer,  L  tL  36) ;  and  was  to  be 
eBofirmed  and  blessed  by  him  (Matt.  Par.  in  an, 
12S7).  A  qualification  made  in  the  Benedictine 
Sale,  allowing  the  choice  of  a  minority  if  theirs 
we  the  saniut  consHiwny  necessarily  became  a 
4esd  letter  from  its  impracticability.  Bishops, 
Wverer,  rrtained  their  right  of  institution  if  not 
loBiiiation  in  Spain  in  the  7th  century  (Cone, 
TeUL,  A.D.  633,  o.  50);  and  the  Bishop  of 
CUloas-sur-Mame  so  late  as  the  time  of  St. 
Bemud  {Epist,  58).  See,  however.  Cans,  zviiL, 
Oil  2.  The  nomination  by  an  abbat  of  his  suo- 
eesMT,  occurring  sometimes  in  special  cases  (e.g. 
St  Brono),  and  allowed  under  restrictions  (Cone. 
CabUhA,  U.,  A.D.  650,  c  12 ;  Theodor.,  Capit, 
Dedker,  c.  71,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  151),  was  ex- 
ceptional, and  was  to  be  so  managed  as  not  to 
iatcrfere  with  the  general  right  of  the  monks. 
So  also  the  founder's  like  exceptional  nominations, 
ut.%,  those  made  by  Aldhelm  or  Wilfrid.  The 
iatcr&renoe  of  kings  in  such  elections  began  as  a 
pnctiee  with  the  system  of  commendation ;  but 
in  royal  foundations,  and  as  suggested  and  pro- 
moted by  feudal  ideas,  no  doub^  existed  earlier. 
The  eonsent  of  the  bishop  is  made  necessary  to 
SB  abbat's  election,  ^'ubi  jussio  Regis  fuerit," 
iaJLa  794  (Omc.  Franoof,  c.  17).  The  bishop 
vas  also  to  quash  an  unfit  election,  under  the 
BeMdictiBe  lule,  and  (with  the  neighbouring 
aUets)  to  appoint  a  proper  person  instead  (Reg, 
Am.64> 

Onoe  elected,  the  abbat  held  office  for  life, 
vakss  canonically  deprived  by  the  bishop ;  but 
tbe  eoment  of  his  fellow-presbyters  and  abbats  is 
■sde  necessary  to  sucn  deprivation  by  the 
CboiqI  of  Tours  (Cone,  l^uron,  ii.,  a.d.  567,  c  7 ; 
as  abo  Excerpt.  Fsevdo-EgberU,  65,  Thorpe  ii. 
107)l  And  this,  even  if  incapacitated  by  sickness 
(Hiacnar  ad  Corbeiens,,  ap.  Flodoard.  iii.  7). 
Tricanial  abbats  (and  abbesses)  were  a  desperate 
expedient  of  far  later  popes.  Innocent  VIII. 
{uk  1484-1492)  and  Clement  Yll.  (a.d.  1523- 
1S34> 

Uke  all  monks  (Hieron.,  ad  Rustic,  95; 
Cuuan.,  CoBoL  v.  26 ;  Caus,  xvi.  qu.  1,  c  40 ; 
DkL  xciii.  c.  5),  the  abbat  was  originally  a  lay- 
lu  (** Abbas  potest  esse,  et  non  presbyter: 
kicBs  potest  esse  abbas ;"  Jo.  de  Turrecrem.,  sup. 


VisL  liix.) ;  and  accordingly  ranked  below  all 
eHers  of  clergy,  even  the  Ustiarius  (Did,  xciiL 
c  5^  In  the  East,  Archimandrites  appear  to 
kare  beoome  either  deacons  at  least,  or  com- 
■only  pneit%  Won  the  dose  of  the  5th  century 


(inter  Epist,  Hormisd.  Pap.,  A.D.  514-^23,  ante 
Ep,  xzii.;  Cone,  (Jonstantin,  iv.,  A.i>.  536,  Act  LX 
although  not  without  a  struggle :  St.  Sabas,  e.g., 
A.D.  484,  strictly  forbidding  any  of  his  monks 
to  be  priests,  while  reluctantly  forced  into  the 
presbyterate  himself  by  the  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem (Surius,  tn  Ftto,  5  Dec,,  cc  xxii.  xxv). 
And  Archimandrites  subscribe  Church  Councils 
in  the  East,  from  time  to  time,  from  Ctmc, 
Constantm,,  a.d.  448.  The  term  'Ai3/3a8oirpe<r- 
fiirtpos,  however,  in  Nomocan.  (n.  44,  ed.  Co- 
teler.),  appears  to  indicate  the  continued  ex- 
istence of  abbats  not  presbyters.  In  the  West, 
laymen  commonly  held  the  office  until  the  end 
of  the  7th  century,  and  continued  to  do  so  to 
some  extent  or  other  (even  in  the  proper  sense 
of  the  office)  into  the  11th.  Jealousy  of  the 
priestly  order,  counterbalanced  by  the  absolute 
need  of  priestly  ministrations,  prolonged  the 
struggle,  in  the  6th  century,  whether  Western 
monasteries  should  even  admit  priests  at  all.  St. 
Benedict,  a.d.  530,  hardly  allows  a  single  priest ; 
although,  if  accepted,  he  is  to  rank  next  the 
abbat  (Ifej.  60).  Anrelian  of  Aries,  a.d.  50, 
allows  one  of  each  order,  priest,  deacon,  sub- 
deacon  (Reg.  46).  The  RegtUa  Magistri  (23) 
admits  priests  as  guests  only,  **  ne  abbates  ut- 
pote  laicos  excludant."  St.  Gregory,  however, 
A.D.  595,  gave  a  great  impulse,  as  to  monastic 
life  generally,  so  in  particular,  by  the  nature  of 
his  ^gllsh  mission,  to  presbyter  (and  episcopal) 
abbats.  And  while  Benedict  himself,  a  layman, 
was  admitted  to  a  council  at  Rome,  a.d.  531,  as 
by  a  singular  privilege  (Cave,  Hist.  Litt.  in  V, 
Bened.) ;  during  the  next  century,  abbats  occur 
commonly,  1.  at  Councils  of  State,  or  in  Councib 
of  abbats  for  monastic  purposes,  in  Saxon  England 
and  in  France ;  but  2.  in  purely  Church  Councils 
in  Spain.  Theodore  (about  A.D.  690)  repeats 
the  continental  canon,  inhibiting  bishops  from 
compelling  abbats  to  come  to  a  council  without 
reasonable  cause  (Foenit,  II.  ii.  3;  Wasserschl. 
p.  203).  And  in  one  case,  both  Abbates  pres* 
byteri,  and  Abbates  simply,  subscribe  a  Saxon 
Council  or  Wltenagemot,  viz.,  that  of  Oct.  12, 
803  (Kemble,  C.  D.  v.  65),  which  had  for  its 
purpose  the  prohibition  of  lay  commendations; 
while  abbesses  occur  sometimes  as  weU,  e.  g.  at 
Becanceld,  A.D.  694  (Anglo-^ax,  Chron^  and 
at  London,  Aug.  1,  A.D.  811  (Kemble,  C.  D,  i. 
242).  Lay  abbats  continued  in  England  A.i>. 
696  (Wihtred's  Dooms,  §  18),  a.d.  740  (Egbert's 
Answ.  7,  11),  A.D.  747  (Ccunc.  of  Choesho,  c  5), 
AJ>.  957  (Aelfric's  Can,  §  18, — abbats  not  an 
order  of  clergy).  In  France,  an  annual  Council 
of  abbats  was  to  be  summoned  by  the  bishop 
every  Nov.  1,  the  presbyters  having  their  own 
special  council  separately  in  May  (Cone,  Aure- 
Uan,  i.,  A.D.  511 ;  Cone.  Autisiod,,  AJ>.  578  or 
586,  c.  7).  Abbats,  however,  sign  as  represen- 
tatives of  bishops  at  the  Councils  of  Orleans,  iv. 
and  v.,  A.D.  541,  549.  But  in  Spain,  abbats 
subscribe  Church  Councils,  at  first  after  and  then 
before  presbyters  (Cone.  Braear.  iii.,  A.D.  572; 
Osoens,,  a.d.  588 ;  Emerit,,  A.D.  666 ;  Tolet.  xii. 
and  xiii.,  a.d.  681,  683) ;  occurring,  indeed,  in 
all  councils  from  that  of  Toledo  (viii.)  A.D.  653. 
From  A.D.  565,  also,  there  was  an  unbroken 
succession  of  presbyter-abbats  at  Hy,  retaining 
their  original  missionary  jurisdiction  over  their 
monaatic  colonies,  even  after  these  colonies  had 
grown  into  a  church,  and  both  needed  and  had 

B^ 


ABBAT 


ABBAT 


bishops,  although  undiooesan  (Baed.,  H„  E.^  iii. 
4,  T.  24).  And  clerical  abbats  (episcopal  indeed 
first,  in  Ireland,  and  afterwards  presbyteral — 
see  Todd's  St.  Patrick^  pp.  88,  89)  seem  to  have 
been  always  the  rule  in  Wales,  Ireland,  and 
Scotland.  In  Ireland,  indeed,  abbats  were  so 
identified  with  not  presbyters  only  bat  bbhops, 
that  the  Pope  is  found  designated  as  "Abbat 
of  Rome  "  (Todd's  St,  Patrick,  156).  Most  con- 
tinental abbats,  however  (and  even  their  Prae- 
positi  and  Decani)  appear  to  hare  been  pres- 
byters by  A.D.  817.  These  officers  may  bestow 
the  benediction  ("  quamyis  presbyter!  non  sint" ; 
Cone,  Aquitgr,,  A.D.  817,  c.  62).  All  were  ordered 
to  be  so,  but  as  yet  ineffectually,  ▲.D.  826  (Cbnc. 
Bum.  c.  27).  And  the  order  was  still  needed, 
but  was  being  speedily  enforced  by  custom,  A.D. 
1078  iCtMC.  Pictav.  c.  7:  "  (It  abbates  et  decani 
[aliter  abbates  diaconi]  qui  presbyterl  non  sunt, 
presbyteri  fiant,  aut  praelationes  amittant "). 

A  bishop-abbat  was  forbidden  in  a  particular 
instance  by  a  Council  of  Toledo  (zii.,  a.d.  681, 
c.  4),  but  permitted  subsequently  as  (at  first)  an 
exceptional  case  at  Lobes  near  Wge,  about  A.D. 
700,  (conjecturally)  for  missionary  purposes  among 
the  still  heathen  Flemish  (D'Achery,  Spicil.  ii. 
730) ;  a  different  thing,  it  should  be  noted,  from 
bishops  resident  in  abbeys  under  the  abbat's 
jurisdiction  ("Episoopi  monachi,"  according  to 
a  very  questionable  reading  in  Baed.  jET.  E.  !▼. 
5),  as  in  Ireland  and  Albanian  Scotland,  and  in 
seyeral  continental  (mostly  exempt)  abbeys  (St. 
Denys,  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  &c.),  and  both  at  this 
and  at  later  periods  in  exempt  abbeys  generally 
(Du  Gauge,  voc.  Epiaoopi  Vagantes:  Todd's  St. 
Patrick,  51  sq.);  although  in  some  of  these  con- 
tinental cases  the  two  plans  seem  to  hare  been 
interchanged  from  time  to  time,  according  as  the 
abbat  happened  to  be  either  himself  a  biiiJiop,  or 
merely  to  have  a  monic-bishop  onder  him 
(Martene  and  Durand,  Thes,  Nov,  Anecd.  i. 
Pref.  giving  a  list  of  Benedictine  Abbatial  bishops ; 
Todd,  16.).  In  Wales,  and  in  the  Scottish  sees 
in  Anglo-Saxon  England  (e.g.  LindisfameX  uid 
in  a  certain  sense  in  the  monastic  sees  of  the 
Augustinian  English  Church,  the  bishop  was  also 
an  abbat;  but  the  latter  office  was  here  ap- 
pended to  the  former,  not  (as  in  the  other  cases)  the 
former  to  the  latter.  So,  too,  **  Antistes  et  abbas," 
in  Sidon.  Apoll.  (zvi.  114),  speaking  of  two  abbats 
of  Lerins,  who  were  also  Bishops  of  Riez.  Pos- 
sibly there  were  undiocesan  bishop-abbats  in 
Welsh  abbeys  of  Celtic  date  (Rees,  Wel8h  SS. 
182,  266).  Abbats  sometimes  acted  as  (^ore- 
piacopi  in  the  9th  century:  ▼.  Du  Cange,  voc. 
Chorepiscopus.  The  abbats  also  of  Catania  and  of 
Monreale  in  Sicily  at  a  later  period  were  always 
bishops  (diocesan),  and  the  latter  shortly  an 
archbishop,  respectively  by  privilege  of  Urban  II., 
A.D.  1088-1099,  and  from  A.D.  1176  (Du  Cange). 
So  also  at  Fulda  and  Corbey  in  Germany. 

We  have  iastly  an  abbat  who  ^^^  ^^  ^ 

o/^cio  a  cardinal,  in  the  cue  of  tJje  Abbat  of 

Clugny,  by  privilege  of  Pope  C^uriVB  Ti^  AJ). 

ni9  (Hug.  Mon.  ad  JPontS^iZ^ll    CIm.,  ap. 

Du  Cange).  4^^  '^ 

The  nstaral  rule,  that  th^  ^Jiould  be 

d^asen  from   the  seniors,  aai  f^^UK^  of  the 

r^iL  '"^^^C^'  ^  ^IS* /^^^olsten. 

^^ monks  C^jo^^!  \^     J^eiJM. 


lY' 


Pii,  i.  tit.  81,  ^  ex  seipsis,"  &c.,  as  above  quote 
ConciL  Botom.j  A.D.  1074,  c.  10) :  although  t 
limitation  to  one  above  twenty-five  years  old 
no  earlier  than  Pope  Alexander  III.  (^Oonc.  Z 
teran.  A.D.  1179).  In  the  West,  ho'vrever,  t. 
rule  was,  that  ^'Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbate 
de  ipsls  si  habent,  sin  autem,  de  extraneis 
(Theodor.,  Capit,  Daoh.  c.  72,  in  Wasserschl. 
151 ;  and  so  also  St.  Greg.,  Epist.  ii.  41,  viii.  15 
while  in  the  East  it  seems  to  be  spoken  of  as 
privilege,  where  an  abbey,  having  no  6t  moi 
of  its  own,  might  choose  a  l^votiovpiTiis — oi 
tonsured  elsewhere  (Leunclav.  Jus  Oraeco-^o* 
p.  222> 

Repeated  enactments  prove  at  once  the  rule  < 
one  abbat  to  one  monastery,  and  (as  time  wei 
on)  its  common  violation  (Hieron.  ad  Rustic  95 
Heg.  8.  Serap.  4,  and  Begulae  passim;  Com 
Venetic,  A.D.  465,  c.  8 ;  AgatK,  a.d.  506,  oc  3i 
57 ;  Epaon.,  A.D.  517,  oc.  9,  10 ;  and  so,  in  th 
East,  Justinian,  L.  I.  tit.  iii. ;  De  Epiao,  I.  39 :  an 
Balsamon  ad  Nomocan.  tit.  i.  c  20, — '*  Si  non  pei 
mittitur  alicui  ut  sit  clericus  in  duabus  eoclesiii 
nee  prsfectus  sen  abbas  duobus  monasterii 
praeerit").  Ko  doubt  such  a  case  as  that  o 
Wilfrid  of  York,  at  once  founder  and  Abbat  o 
Hexham  and  Ripon,  or  that  of  Aldhelm,  Abbai 
at  once  (for  a  like  reason)  of  Malmesbury,  Frome 
and  Bradford,  was  not  so  singular  as  it  was  ii 
their  case  both  intelligible  and  excusable.  Th( 
spirit  of  the  rule  obviously  does  not  apply,  eithei 
to  the  early  clusters  of  monasteries  under  th« 
Rule  of  St.  PMchomius,  or  to  the  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  monks  subject  to  the  government  oi 
e.  g.  St.  Macarius  or  St.  Serapion,  or  to  the  later 
semi-hierarchical  quasi-jurisdiction,  possessed  as 
already  mentioned  by  the  Abbats  of  St.  Dalma* 
tins,  of  Monte  Cassino,  or  of  Clugny,  and  by 
Benedict  of  Aniana.  Generals  of  Orders,  and 
more  compact  organization  of  the  whole  of  an 
Order  into  a  single  body,  belong  to  later  times. 

The  abbat's  power  was  in  theory  paternal,  bat 
absolute — "  Timeas  ut  dominum,  diligas  ut  pa- 
trem  "  (Beg.  8,  Macar.  7,  in  Holsten.  p.  25 ;  and 
BegtUae  passim).    See  also  St.  Jerome.    Even  to 
act  without  his  order  was  culpable  {Beg.  8. 
Basil.}.    And  to  meek  for  another  who  hesitated 
to  obey  was  itself  disobedience  (Beg.  passim). 
The  relation  of  monk  to  abbat  is  described  as 
a  libera  eervitus  {Beg.  8,  Orsies.  19,  in  Holsten. 
p.  73) ;  while  no  monk  (not  even  if  he  was  a 
bishop,  Baed.  H.  E.,  iv.  5)  could  exchange  mo- 
nasteries without  the  abbat's  leave  (Beg.  passim)^ 
not  even  (although  in  that  case  it  was  some- 
times allowed)  if  he  sought  to  quit  a  laxer  for 
a  stricter  rule  (Beg.  PP.  14,  in  Holsten.  p.  23; 
GUd.  ap.  MS.  8.  GalL  243,  pp.  4,  155);  unless 
indeed  he  fled  from  an  excommunicated  abbat 
(Gild.  tb.  p.  155,  and  in  D'Ach.,  SptciL  u  500). 
In  later  times,  and  less  civilized  regions,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  prohibit  an  abbat  from  blind- 
ing or  mutilating  his  monks  (Cone,  Franoof. 
A.D.  794,  c.  18).    The  rule,  however,  and  the 
canons  of  the  Church,  limited  this  absolute  power. 
And  each  Benedictine  abbat,  while  bound  exactly 
to  keep  St.  Benedict's  rule  himself  (e.  g.  Cone. 
Augustod.  c.  a.d.  670),  was  enjoined  also  to  make 
his  monks  learn  it  word  for  word  by  heart  (Ciwio. 
Aquiagr.,  A.D.  817,  oc.  1,  2,  80).    He  was  also 
limit^  practically  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority 
(1)  by  the  system  otPraepositi  or  Friores,  elected 
usually  by  bimselfi  but  **  oonnfib  et  vobmtak/rth 


ABBAT 


ABBAT 


»<M  *  {Seg.  Orient,  3,  in  Holsten.  p.  99 ;  Seg,  8, 
BtmtdL  $5)»  aikd  in  Spnin  at  one  time  bj  the 
hnbop  (CSmc.  ToleL  it.  A.D.  633,  o  dl);  one  in  a 
BcDedictine  abbey,  bnt  in  the  East  eometimes 
two,  one  to  be  at  home,  the  other  superintending 
tbe  monk*  abroad  (^Hig.  Orient.  2,  in  Holsten. 
p.  89) ;  and  under  the  Rule  of  Paehomius  one  to 
tuk  fubordinate  house  ;  a  system  in  some  sense 
remcd,  though  with  a  very  different  purpose,  in 
tbe  PriorM  non  Oonventuales  of  the  dependent 
OhtHekLicmy  CeUae,  kc^  of  a  later  Western  Abbey ; 
sad  (2)  by  that  of  Z/eoani  and  CentenarOj  elected 
bf  the  monks  themselves  (Hieron.  ad  JEuttoch. 
BfMd,  xriix. ;  B«g,  MonatX,  in  Append,  ad  Hieron. 
0^  v.;  Beg.  passim ;  see  also  Baed.  H. E.  ii.  2\ 
tknrn^  vfaom  the  discipline  and  the  work  of  the 
■OQsstery  were  administered.  He  was  limited  also 
froB  without  by  episcopal  jurisdiction,  more  e£S- 
deoUy  fai  the  YagX  iOmc.  Chak.,  AJ>.  451,  cc.  4, 
6,  fte.  fte. ;  and  so  Balsam,  ad  Nomooan.  tit.  xi., 
"Epiitopis  magis  subjecti  monachi  quam  monas- 
krionnn  praefiBctis  "^  but  in  theory,  and  until 
the  lith  century  pretty  fairly  in  fact,  in  the 
I  Wcft  likewise  ^Ifeg.  S.  Bened. ;  Cone.  Agath.,  A.D. 
N6,c  38;  Aweivjoi.  L,  aj>.  511,  c  19;  Epaon., 
AM.  517,  c  19 ;  Herd.  ▲.D.  524^  c.  3 ;  Areht  v., 
AM.  554,  ec  2,  3,  5 ;  and  later  still,  Gone.  TuU.^ 
AM.  859,  c  9;  Botomag.^  a.d.  878,  c.  10;  Au- 
fdtaLf  aJk  952,  a  6;  and  see  also  Greg.  M. 
EfitLf  TiL  12 ;  X.  14,  33 ;  Hincmar,  as  biefore 
qastsd ;  and  Omc.  Paris.  A.D.  615 ;  ToUt.  ir.  A.D. 
C33;  CahiUotu  i.  AJ>.  650;  Bendf.  A.D.  673,  c  3, 
ia  Baed.  ff.  E.  iy.  5,  among  others,  putting  restrio- 
tkas  upon  episcopal  interference).  The  French 
csaoBs  on  this  subject  are  repeated  by  Pseudo- 
Egbert  in  England  (^Excerpt.  63-^5,  Thorpe,  ii. 
lOS,  107)u  Gassian,  howerer,  in  the  West,  from 
thi  beginning,  bids  monks  beware  above  all  of 
tvo  sorts  of  folk,  women  and  bishops  (fie  Inetit. 
GmnsS.  XL  17).  And  although  exemptions,  at  first 
■erely  defining  or  limiting  episcopal  power,  but 
ii  tiiM  substituting  immediate  dependence  upon 
the  Pope  for  episcopal  jurisdiction  altogether,  did 
Ht  grow  into  an  extensive  and  crying  evil  until 
Ike  time  of  the  Councils  of  Rheims  and  of  Rome, 
rapcctively  a.d.  1119  and  1122,  and  of  the  lelf- 
deajing  ordinances  of  the  Cistercians  {Chart. 
AirS.  in  Ann.  Oieterc.  L  109)  and  Premonstra- 
tttsaas,  in  the  years  A.D.  1119, 1120,  repudiating 
nch  privileges  but  with  a  sadly  short-lived 
Tinoe,  and  of  the  contemporary  remonstrances  of 
St  Bcraard  (Xt6.  3  De  Gonad.;  tiud  Epist.  7,  42, 
179,180);  yet  they  occur  in  exceptional  cases 
■Qch  csrlier.  As  e.  g.  the  adjustment  of  rights 
between  Paustus  of  Lerins  and  bis  diocesan  bishop 
at  the  Council  of  Aries,  e,  A.D.  456  (which  se- 
cued  to  the  abbat  the  jurisdiction'  over  his  lay 
■Miki,  and  a  veto  against  the  ordination  of  any 
•f  them,  leaving  all  else  to  the  bishop,  Mansi, 
vit  907),  a  parallel  privilege  to  Aganne  (St. 
Kaarice  in  the  Valais),  at  the  Council  of  ChAlons 
A^  579,  and  privilegia  of  Popes,  as  of  Hono- 
rias  L  AJ>.  628  to  Bobbio,  and  of  John  IV.  A.D. 
Ml  to  LuxeuO  (see  Harculf.,  Formu/.  lib.  I.  §  1 ; 
nd  ICaliill.,  Ann,  Bened.  xiii.  no.  11,  and  Ap- 
^ndL  a.  18).  Even  exempt  monasteries  in  the 
E*it,  Le.  Uiose  immediately  depending  upon  a 
fittriarch,  were  subject  to  the  visitatorial  powers 
•f  reguLsr  officials  called  ExarcM  Mo/uuteriorum 
CiMm.  in  Nomooan.  L  20 ;  and  a  form  in  Greek 
^ttiikals  for  the  ordination  of  an  exarch,  Ha- 
Wt^  Ankierat^  Pontif.  Qhraec.  o'jtertf.  t.  ad  Edict. 


pro  Archknandrit.  pp.  570,  587),  exercised  some- 
times through  Apocrisiarii  (as  like  powers  of  thf 
bishops  through  the  Dtfeneores  Ecciesiarum) ;  and 
even  to  visitations  by  the  emperor  himself  (J  usti- 
nian,  Novell,  cxxxiii.,  cc.  2,  4,  5).  The  Rule  of 
Paehomius  also  qualified  the  abbat's  power  by  a 
council  of  the  Mo^ores  Monasierii,  and  by  a  tri- 
bunal of  assessors,  viri  saneti,  5,  10,  or  20,  to  as- 
sist in  administering  discipline  (Beg.  S.  Pack. 
167,  in  Holsten.  p.  49).  And  the  Rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict, likewise,  compelled  the  abbat,  while  it  re- 
served to  him  the  ultimate  decision,  to  take 
counsel  with  all  the  brethren  (juniors  expressly 
included)  in  greater  matters,  and  with  the  Seni- 
ores  Monast^i  in  smaller  ones  (Beg.  S.  Betted.  2, 
8).  The  Rule  of  Columbanus  gave  him  an  un- 
qualified autocracy. 

The  abbat  was  likewise  limited  in  his  power 
over  abbey  property,  and  in  secular  things,  by  his 
inability  to  interfere  in  person  with  civil  suits ; 
which  led  to  the  appointment  of  an  AdvocatuSj 
Vioedomnue,  Oeconomue,  Procurator  (Cod.  Can. 
Afric.  A.D.  418  (?),  c.  97 ;  Justinian,  lib.  I  Cod. 
tit.  3,  legg.  33,  42 ;  Cod,  Theodos.  lib.  ix.  tit.  45, 
leg.  3 ;  St.  Greg.  Epist.  iii.  22 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  ii. 
A.D.  787,  0.  11),  revived  with  greater  powers 
under  the  title  of  Advocaius  EccUsiae,  or  Monaa- 
terO,  by  Charlemagne  (Capit.  A.D.  813,  c  14 ;  and 
Lothar.,  Capit,  tit.  iii.  cc.  3,  9, 18,  &c.) ;  who  flrom 
a  co-ordinate,  frequently  pi'oceeded  to  usurp  an 
exclusive,  interest  in  the  monastic  revenues.  The 
abbat  also  was  required  to  give  account  of  the 
abbey  property  to  both  king  and  bishop,  by  the 
Council  of  Vem  (near  Paris)  a.d.  755 ;  while 
neither  abbat  nor  bishop  separately  could  even 
exchange  abbey  lands  in  Anglo-Saxon  England, 
but  onlv  by  joint  consent  (Theodor.,  Poen,  II.  viii. 
6,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208). 

Within  the  abbey  and  its  precincts,  the  abbat 
was  to  order  all  work,  vestments,  services  {Beg. 
S.  Bened.  47, 57 ;  Begulae  passim) ;  to  award  idl 
punishments,  even  to  excommunication  (Beg.  S, 
Bened.  24 ;  Leidrad.,  Lugdun,  Arch.,  ad  Car.  M. 
ap.  Galland.,  xiii.  390,  restoring  to  the  Abbat  of 
Insula  Barbara,  ^  potestatem  ligandi  et  solvendi, 
uti  habuerunt  praedecessores  sui ;"  Honorius  III. 
oap.  DUecta,  tU.  de  Major,  et  Obodientia,  desiring 
a  neighbouring  abbat  to  excommunicate  refrac- 
tory nuns,  because  their  abbess  coxdd  not ;  and  see 
Bingham),  or  to  the  use  of  the  '*  ferrum  abscis- 
sionis  "  (Beg.  S.  Bened.  28).  He  was  also  to  be  ad- 
dressed as  **  Domnus  et  Abbas"  (ib.  68).  And  while 
in  the  East  he  was  speciallv  commanded  to  eat  with 
the  other  monks  (Beg.  PX  11,  in  Holsten.  p.  23)« 
the  Rule  of  Benedict  (56)  appoints  him  a  separate 
table  "  cum  hospitibus  et  peregrinis,"  to  which 
he  might,  in  case  there  was  room,  invite  any  monk 
he  pleased.  The  Council  of  Aix  a.d.  817  (c.  27) 
tried  to  qualify  this  practice  by  bidding  abbats 
"  be  content "  with  the  food  of  the  other  monks, 
unless  ''propter  hospitem;"  and  some  monas- 
teries kept  up  a  like  protest  in  the  time  of  Peter 
Damiani  and  Peter  the  Venerable ;  but  it  con- 
tinued to  be  the  Western  rule.  He  was  ordered 
also  to  sleep  amon^  his  monks  by  the  Council 
of  Frankfort  A.D.  794  (c.  13).  The  abbat  was  spe- 
cially not  to  wear  mitre,  ring,  gloves,  or  sandals, 
as  being  episcopal  insignia— a  practice  growing 
up  in  the  West  in  the  10th  and  11th  centuries, 
and  (vainly)  then  protested  against  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Poictiers  A.D.  1100,  and  by  St.  Bemai-d 
(Epist.  42)  and  Peter  of  BIoib  (Epist.  90 ;  and  see 


ABBAT 


ABBAT 


also  Thom.  Cantipnt.,  D9  AjnbuB,  L  6 ;  Cknm, 
(kmn,  iy.  78).    But  a  mitre  is  said  to  have  been 
granted  to  the  Abbat  of  Bobbio  by  Pope  Theodo- 
ras I.  A.D.  643  {BuU,  Casin.  I.  iL  2\  the  next 
alleged  case  being  to  the  Abbat  of  St.  Sayianns 
by  Sylvester  II.  ▲.D.  1000.  A  staff,  however,  but 
of  a  particular  form,  and  some  kind  of  stockings 
Q*  baculum  et  pedules  "),  were  the  special  insig- 
nia of  an  abbat  in  Anglo-Saxon  England  in  the 
time  of  Theodore  a.d.  668-690,  being  formally 
given  to  him  by  the  bishop  at  his  benediction 
(^Poenii.  II.  iii.  5,  in  Wasserechl.  p.  204).  And  the 
staff  was  so  everywhere.  He  was  also  to  shave  his 
beard,  and  of  course  to  be  tonsured  {Cono,  Bitu- 
ric.  Jl,d.  1031,  c.  7).    His  place  of  precedence, 
if  an  ordinary  abbat,  appears  to  have  been  finally 
fixed  as  immediately  after  bishops,  among  prae" 
latij  and  before  archdeacons  (see,  however,  Decret. 
Greg,  /X,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  cap.  DecenUmus) ;  but 
the  list  of  our  English  convocations  fVom  Arch- 
bishop Kemp's  Register  a.d.  1452  (Wilk.  I.  xi. 
sq.),  though  following  no  invariable  rule,  appears 
usually  to  postpone  the  abbat  and  prior  to  the 
archdeacon.   In  Saxon  England,  he  shared  in  like 
manner  with  the  king  (as  did  an  abbess  also)  in 
the  "  wer  "  of  a  murdered  "  foreigner  "  (Laws  of 
Ine,  23 ;  Thorpe,  i.  117).    The  abbat  also  was 
not  named  in  the  canon  of  the  mass  (Qavant.  in 
Bubr,  Miss,  P.  iii.  tit.  8 ;  Macr.  F.F.,  JTieroiex,  in 
Can,  Missae\  except  in  the  case  of  the  abbat  of 
Monte  Cassino  (^g.  a  Nuce,  in  notis  ad  Lea 
Ostiens.  ii.  4).    But  an  anniversary  was  allowed 
to  be  appointed  for  him  on  his  death  (e.  g.  Cone, 
Aquisgr,  a.d.  817,  c  73).    He  was  forbidden  (as 
were  all  monks,  at  least  in  France)  to  stand 
sponsor  for  a  child  (Cbnc.  Avtissiod,  A.D.  578,  c. 
25 ;  Greg.  M.,  Epist,  iv.  42),  with  a  noUble  ex- 
ception, however,  in  England,  in  the  case  of  Abbat 
Robert  of  Hont  St.  Michel,  godfather  to  King 
Henry  II.'s  daughter  Eleanor  (Rob.  de  Monte  od 
an,  1 161),  or  to  go  to  a  marriage  (jCono,  Autis8iod.f 
ib,y ;  or  indeed  to  go  far  from  his  monastery  at 
all  without  the  bishop's   leave  {Cone,  Arel,  v. 
A.D.  554) ;  or  to  go  about  with  a  train  of  monks 
except  to  a  general  synod  {Cone,  Aquisgr,  a.d. 
817,  c.  59).     He  of  course  could  not  hold  pro- 
perty (although  it  was  needful  sometimes  to  pro- 
hibit his  lending  money  on  usury,  Pseudo-Egbert. 
Poenit,  iii.  7,  in  Thorpe,  ii.  199) ;  neither  could 
he  dispose  of  it  by  will,  even  if  it  accrued  to  him 
by  gift  or  heirship  after  he  became  abbat  (Beg. 
PP,  2,  in  Holsten.  p.  22);  but  if  the  heirship 
was  within  the  4th  degree,  he  was  exceptionally 
enabled  to  will  the  property  to  whom  he  pleased 
(Justinian,  lib.  i.  God,  tit,  de  JSpisc,  et  Cler,  c. 
33).    Further,  we  find  bishops  and  archdeacons 
prohibited   from  seizing  the  goods  of  deceased 
abbats  {Cone,  Paris,  a.d.  615 ;  Cdbillon,  i.  a.d. 
650).    And  later  wills  of  abbats  in  the  West  are 
sometimes  mentioned  and  confirmed,  but  prin- 
cipally in  order  to  secure  to  their  abbeys   pro- 
perty bequeathed  to  those  abbeys  (see  Thomassin). 
rrivileges  of  coining  money,  of  markets  and  tolls, 
of  secular  jurisdiction,  began  certainly  as  early 
as  Ludov.  Pius,  or  even  Pipin  (Gieseler,  ii.  p.  255, 
notes  5, 6,  Eng.  Tr.).  Others,  such  as  of  the  title 
of  prince,  of  the  four  Ahbates  Imperii  in  Germany 
(viz.,   of  Fulda — also  ex  officio  the   empress's 
chancellor— of  Weissenberg,  Kempten,  Murbach), 
of  the  English  mitred  baronial  abbats,  and  the 
like,  and  sumptuary  laws  limiting  the  number  of 
their  horses  and  attendants,  &c«,  belong  to  later 


times.  An  abbat,  however,  might  hunt  in 
land  {Laws  of  Cmd,  in  Thorpe,  i.  429).  An  a.bba:l 
or  an  abbess,  presiding  over  a  joint  honae  c 
monks  and  nuns,  is  noted  by  Theodore  as  &  pecv 
liar  Anglo-Saxon  mistom : — ^  Apud  Graeoos  no: 
est  consuetude  viris  feminas  habere  monachal 
neque  feminis  viros ;  tamen  consuetudinem  iatiii 

Erovinciae  "  (England)  "  non  destruamus  "  {Poenii 
[.  vL  8,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208).  The  well-kno^pm 
cases  of  the  Abbesses  Hilda  and  Aelbfled  of  W  tkithr 
and  of  Aebba  of  Coldingham  are  instances  of  th< 
latter  arrangement  (Baed.  H,  E,  iv.  23,  24,  25 
26) ;  and  the  last  of  them  also  of  its  misdiievoiu 
ness  {Id,  ib.  25).  Tynemouth  and  WimboarxM 
are  other  instances.  But  the  practice  was  a  Celti 
one  (e.g.  St.  Brigid;  see  Todd,  St,  Patrick 
pp.  11,  12),  not  simply  Anglo-Saxon:  and  wit2 
Celtic  monastic  missions,  penetrated  also  into  thi 
Continent  {e,g,  at  Remiremont  and  Poictiers^  anc 
even  into  Spain  and  into  Rome  itself  (so  Montalenn' 
bert.  Monks  of  West,  vol.  v.  p.  297,  Engl.  Tr.> 
It  is,  however,  remarkable,  that  while  instancei 
of  abbesses  ruling  monks  abounded,  abbats  ruling 
nuns  rest  for  us  upon  the  general  assertion  oi 
Theodore.  And  the  practice,  while  it  died  out  on 
the  Continent,  was  not  restored  in  England  after 
the  Danish  invasion.  In  the  East  there  -was  a 
rigorous  separation  between  monks  and  nuns. 
And  where  two  such  communities  were  in  any 
'  way  connected,  a  special  enactment  prohibited  all 
but  the  two  superiors  fVom  communication  -with 
one  another,  and  placed  all  possible  restrictions 
upon  even  their  necessary  interviews  {Reg.  S, 
Basil,  in  Holsten.  p.  158).  St.  Pachomius  esta- 
blished the  double  order,  but  put  the  Nile  be- 
tween his  monks  and  his  nuns  (Pallad.,  Hisi,  Laus^ 
cc.  30-42). 

Interference  by  abbats  with  the  ministrations 
of  parochial  clergy  oould  scarcely  exist  until  ab- 
bats were  presbyters  themselves,  nor  did  it  ever 
(as  was  naturally  the  case)  reach  the  extent  to 
which  it  was  carried  by  the  friars.     We  find, 
however,  an  enactment  of  Theodore  {Poenit,  II.  vi, 
16,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  209),  prohibiting  a  monas- 
tery from  imposing  penances  on  the  laity,  ''  quia 
(haec  libertas)  proprie  dericorum  est."    And  a 
much  later  and  more  detailed  canon,  of  the  4th 
Lateran  Council  (a.d.  1123),  forbids  abbats  to 
impose   penance,  visit  the  sick,  or  administer 
unction.    They  were  authorized  in  the  East,  it 
presbyters,  and  with  the  bishop's  leave,  to  confer 
the  tonsure  and  the  order  of  reader  on  their  own 
monks  {Cone,  Nicaen,  ii.  a.d.  787,  c.  14).     And 
they  could  everywhere  admit  their  own  monks 
("ordinatio  monachi" — ^Theodor.,  Poenit,  II.  iii.  3, 
in  Wasserschl.  p.  204).   But  encroachments  upon 
the  episcopal  office,  as  well  as  upon  episcopal  in- 
signia, gradually  arose.    Even  in  a.d.  448  abbats 
were  forbidden  to  give  k'vo<rT6\ta{Conc,  Constats 
tin., — corrected  by  Du  Cange  into  iwurr6\ia= 
commendatory  letters  for  poor,  and  see  Cone,  Alt' 
relian,  ii.  c  13,  and  Turon,  ii.  c.  6).    But  by  A.O. 
1123  it  had  become  necessary  to  prohibit  gene- 
rally their  thrusting  themselves  into  episcopal 
offices  {Cone,  Lateran,  iv.  c.  17).     And  we  find 
it  actually  asserted  by  Sever.  Binius  (in  Canon, 
Apostol,  ap.  LaJbh,  Cone.  i.  54e,  on  the  authority 
of  Bellarmine,  De  Eccles.  iv.  8),  that  two  or  more 
^*  abbates  infulati "  might  by  Papal  dispensation 
be  substituted    for    bishops  in   consecrating  a 
bishop,  provided  one  bishop  were  there ;  while 
Innocent  IV.  in  1489  empowered  an  abbat  bf 


ABBAT 


ABBB8B 


ioMelf to  ooider  not  obIj  th«  siibdtoooiwte,  bat 
Ike  diMsonate. 

The  ipiritaal  aUMt  wis  sopplaated  In  Wales 
(GiimUL  Gunlir^  IHil,  OemA^  wA  repeatedly)  and 
ia  Scotland  (Rolvrtaon,  Earfy  ScotL  L  3^9, 339), 
kf  the  end  of  the  8tli  and  m>  on  to  the  12th  oen- 
toy,   by   the   Adweahu   Eoeletku   (eonfiued 
Mowthnes  with  the   Oeconomut,  who  in  Weldi 
lad  Irish  manaatariee  waa  a  different  officer,  and 
Buaged  the  internal  secular  affiurs,  as  the  other 
did  t&  external),  called  in  Scotland  Hertnach^  in 
IreSaad  Axrchixneadk,  who  was  originally  the  lay, 
sad  padnally  became  also  the  hereditary,  lessee  of 
the  TVnaon  (or  abbey)  lands,  being  commonly  the 
Ibander  or  his  deaoendant,  or  one  of  the  neighbonr- 
'm%  lords ;  and  who  held  those  lands,  receiving  a 
aSai.  part  of  their  value  in  the  first  instance,  bat 
who  is  ibond  as  an  hereditary  married  lay  abbat 
dariag  the  period  named ;  e.  g.  Crinan,  the  Abbat 
sf  Denkeld,  who  was  grand&ther  of  Shakspeare's 
Daacan,  and  one  Dnndiad,  also  Abbat  of  Dunkeld, 
■he  died  in  battle  AJ>.  961.    The  case  was  the 
MBS  at  Abenethy  and  at  Applecrosa.    The  spi- 
ritnsl  daties  derolved  upon  the  bishop  and  a 
prior.    See  also  Da  Cange  (voc  Advocatui)^  for 
a  omilar  process  althoagh  to  a  less  degree  on  the 
Coatiaait.    In  Ireland,  the  Comarh,  or  similar 
btreditary  abbat  (or  bishop),  retained  his  spiritoal 
charseter  (Todd,  St.  Patrick,  pp.  155  8q.>    The 
lay  abbats  ia  Northombria,  denounced  by  Baeda 
{ipid.  ad  Bgb€rt,\  were  simply  fttiudulent  imi- 
tstisas  of  abbats  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word. 
Aa  entirely  like  result,  however,  and  to  as  wide 
aa  extent  daring  Garlovingian  times  as  in  Scot- 
had,  ensued    abroad   from  a    different   cause, 
vts^  from  the  system  of  commendation  [Com- 
hexda];  which  began  in  the  time  of  C&u-les 
Martel  (aj>.  717-741,  being  approved  by  Cone. 
Ltptim.  A.IX  743 ;  Cmc.  iSudniem.,  AJ>.  744;  and 
sse  Bsron.  m  on.  889,  n.  31),  with  the  plaosible 
object  of  temporarily  employing  monastic  re- 
veaaes  for  the  pressing  needs  of  warfare  with 
SaTMiMis,  Saxons,  or  o&er  heathens,  care  being 
takea  to  reserve  enough  to  keep  up  the  monas- 
tery proper.   The  nobleman,  or  the  king  himself, 
who  kd  the  troops  thus  raised,  became  titular 
And  in  Ckrlovingian  times,  accordingly, 
of  the  great  Frank  and  Bnrgundian  nobles 
sad  kings,  iod  sometimes  even  bishops  (e.  g. 
Hstto  of  Mains,  A.D.  891-912,  who  enjoyed  the 
Rpstation  of  holding  twelve  abbeys  at  once), 
were  titular  abbats  of  some  great  monastery,  as 
of  St  Denys  or  St.  Martin,  held  for  life  or  even 
lyinkeritaaoe;  the  revenues  of  which  were  soon 
direrted  to  parpooes  less  patriotic  than  that  of 
npplying  the  king  with  soldiers  (see  a  short 
Kit  by  way  of  specimen  in  Qieseler,  ii.  p.  411, 
aote  I,  Eng.  Tr.).    In  the  East  a  like  system  ap- 
ptan  to  have  grown  up,  although  hardly  from 
the  same  origin,  some  centuries  lator ;  John,  Pa- 
triareh  of  Antioch,  at  the  beginning  of  the  12th 
«antary,  InfiBrming  us  that  moat  monasteries  in 
bis  tigM  were  banded  over  to  laymen  (xapi<rra- 
■dpisi  =  henefoiariC)f  for  life  or  for  two  or  three 
disffBti,  by  1^  of  the  emperors;  while  Balsamon 
(ad  Cmo.  Sioatfi.  c  13)  actually  oondenms  him 
fer  eondenuiag  the  practice.    Later  abuses  of  the 
Uad  ia  the  West,  as  in  the  time  of  Francis 
L  ef  France  or  of  Louis  XTV.,  need  here  be  only 
sU^sdta. 

(Bin^iam ;  Balteau,  Jtid,  Mm.  d^Orieid ;  Du 
tiafe;  Ant.  Dadini,  JbcHic.  mm  Origg.  B^  ifONOs- 


tic. ;  Ferraris ;  Helyot,  Hid.  dea  Ordr.  JVbn. ;  Her- 
xog ;  Hospinian,  De  Monach. ;  Macri  FF.,  Ifiero- 
lexic. ;  Martens,  D€  jinKig.  Monach.  Bitibua  ;  Mar* 
Ugny;  Montolembert,  Monks  of  the  West;  Tho- 
massin,  De  Benefic. ;  Van  Espen.)       [A.  W.  H.] 

ABBATISSA.    [Abbess.] 

ABBESS.  (AhbcLtissa  found  in  inscript.  of 
▲.D.  569,  in  Murater.  429.  3,  also  called  Asdi" 
stita  and  Majorissa,  the  female  superior  of  a  body 
of  nuns ;  among  the  Greeks,  *Hyovfi4prif  ^Apx'" 
ftsurHpiriSf  ArchimandritissOj  Justinian,  Novell.^ 
'AfifjMf  or  mother,  Pallad.,  Hist,  Laus.y  c  42,  in 
the  time  of  Pachomius,  Mater  monasterii  or  moni- 
alium,  see  St.  Greg.  M.,  Dial,  IV.  13  [where 
**  Mater "  stands  simply  for  a  nun] ;  Gone. 
Mogtmt.  A.D.  813;  Aguisgr.,  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii.). 
In  most  points  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  ab- 
bats, mtUatis  mutandis  f — elective,  and  for  life 
(triennial  abbesses  belonging  to  years  so  late  as 
A.D.  1565,  1583) ;  and  solemnly  admitted  by  the 
bishop— ^<0natficMb  Abbatissae  (that  for  an  abbess 
monasticam  regrUam  projitentem,  capit.  ex  Canone 
7%eodori  Atiglontm  Episoopi,  is  in  the  Ordo  Ro- 
fnantM,  p.  164,  Hittorp.);  and  in  France  re- 
stricted to  one  monastery  apiece  {Cone,  Vem.  a.d. 
755) ;  and  with  Praepositae,  and  like  subordinates, 
to  assist  them  (fionc,  Aquiagr,,  A.D.  816,  lib.  ii. 
cc  24-26) ;  and  bound  to  obey  the  bishop  in  all 
things,  whether  abbesses  ofMonachae  or  of  CSomo- 
nicae  {Cone.  Cabillon.  ii  ▲.D.  813,  c.  65) ;  and  sub* 
ject  to  be  deprived  for  misconduct,  but  in  this 
case  upon  report  of  the  bishop  to  the  king  (Cone. 
Franoof,  a.d.  794) ;  bound  also  to  give  account  of 
monastic  property  to  both  king  and  bishop  (Cone. 
Vem,f  A.D.  755) ;  entitled  to  absolute  obedience 
and  possessed  of  ample  powers  of  discipline,  even 
to  expulsion,  subject  however  to  the  bishop  (Oonc. 
AqvUsgr.  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii.) ;  and  save  only  that 
while  an  abbat  could,  an  abbess  could  not,  excom- 
municate (Honorius  III.,  cap.  DilectOy  t^,  de  Ma* 
jor.  et  ObMUentid) ;  neither  could  she  give  the  veil 
or  (as  some  in  France  appear  to  have  tried  to 
do)  ordain  (Capitul.  Car.  M.  an.  789,  c.  74, 
Anseg.  71);  present  even  at  Councils  in  England 
(see  Abbat,  and  compare  Lingard,  Antiq.  i. 
139 ;  Kemble,  Antiq.  ii.  198 ;  quoted  by  Mont- 
alembert.  Monks  of  West,  v.  230,  Engl.  Tr.). 
While,  however,  a  bishop  was  necessary  to 
admit  and  bless  an  abbat,  Theodore  ruled 
in  England,  although  the  rule  did  not  become 
permanent,  that  a  presbyter  was  sufficient  in  like 
case  for  an  abbess  (Poenit.  II.  iii.  4,  in  Wasserschl., 
p.  203).  The  limitetion  to  forty  years  old  at  elec- 
tion is  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Trent ;  Gregory 
the  Great  speaks  of  sixty  {Epist,  iv.  11).  An 
abbess  also  was  not  to  leave  her  monastery,  in 
France,  save  once  a  year  if  summoned  by  the 
king  with  the  bishop's  consent  to  the  king's 
presence  upon  monastic  business  (jOonc.  Vem. 
A.D.  755 ;  Cabillon.  ii.  a.d.  813,  c.  57).  Neither 
was  she  even  to  speak  to  any  man  save  upon 
necessary  business,  and  then  before  witnesses 
and  between  the  first  hour  of  the  day  and 
evening  {Cone.  Cabillon,  ii.  A.D.  813,  cc.  55, 
56).  For  the  exceptional  cases  of  Anglo-Saxon, 
Irish,  or  Continentel  Irish,  abbesses  ruling 
over  mixed  houses  of  monks  and  nuns,  see 
Abbat.  It  was  noted  also  as  a  specially 
Western  custom,  that  widows  as  well  as  virgins 
were  made  abbesses  (Theod.,  Poenit.  II.  iii.  7,  in 
Wasserschl.  p.  204).  [A.  W.  H.1 


8  ABBET 

.      ABBBT.     [UONIBTEBT.] 

ABBUNA,  tha  common  *pp«lliUaB  of  th* 
Blihop,  Uctrui,  or  Uetropolltui,  of  Ainm,  or 
Abyufoli,  or  EtbiopiK,  not  ■  patriarcb,  bnt,  on 
tha  contnrr,  appoiatod  ud  cauacnt«d  alwayi 
bj  ths  patiiarcQ  of  Aleiuiilria,  and  ipcciiJl^ 
forbidden  to  bavs  more  tbau  UTan  loffregin 
biihopa  nader  biro,  Iwt  ba  ihould  make  binualf 
•o,  twalva  biihopa  being  beld  to  ba  tba  lovat 
casoDlcal  number  for  the  consacntion  of  a  patri- 
arcii.  Id  ■  Council,  If  bald  in  Greeca,  ba  ocm- 
piad  tba  seTenth  plan,  Immediately  after  tha 
preUte  of  Salaucia.  (Lndolf,  Bitt.  £iMop. 
£  7.)  [A.  W.  H.] 


ABDIANT^  of  AMoi,  commamontad  Jnna 
S  (Jfor(.  Bliroii.).  [C] 

ABDON,  Abdo  or  Abi>ub,  ud  BBNKEN, 
8ENBE8,  or  Sehhib,  PeniaQ  prlncaa,  mirtTred  at 
Roma  under  Deciiu,  A.D.  250,  are  commemorated 
Julj  30  (Martyrologmm  Rom.  Fit,,  Bedat,  AdOKuy 
Proper  oflice  in  Gregorian  Sacrammtary^  p.  116  ^ 
ud  Antipboa  in  tbe  Lii.  Antiflion.  p.  704. 

It  ii  related  (Adonii  Martyrol.  iil.  Kal.  Aug.) 
tbat  their  relici  were  traoalatad  in  tha  time  of 
Onutantine  to  the  cematerf  orPontianiu.  There 
Boaio  diicoTarad  a  nmarkabla  Ireaco,  Tcpreeaat- 
iagthe  Lord,  aean  from  the  waist  upward  emerg- 
ing &om  a  cJond,  placing  wroethi  on  tha  beadi 
of  SS.  Abdon  and  Sennen  (laa  woodcnt).    TUi  ii 


In  front  of  tha  vault  aadoaing  tha  luppoeed 
remain!  of  tbe  martrrt,  which  bean  tba  inicilp- 
tlon  [DBFOBITipKlS  DIE.  The  painting  ie,  in 
Martiguj'a  opinion,  not  earlier  than  the  toyentb 
centnrj.  It  is  remarkable  that  tbe  painter  haa 
avideDtljr  made  an  attempt  to  repreient  tha  Per- 
■ioD  dress.  Tbe  lainte  wear  pointed  caps 
hoodi,  timilar  to  those  in  which  tbe  Uogi  (._. 
■ometimes  reoraeented;  clo^s  liutened  with  a 
fibula  on  tha  breast ;  and  tunica  of  ikin  entirely 
unlike  the  Roman  tunic,  and  resembling  tbat 

e'en  to  St.  John  Baptiat  in  a  fresco  of  the 
id's  Baptiim  in  tbe  same  cemetcrj  of  PoDti- 
anni  (Bottari,  ScultaFt  e  Pitlurt,  tav.  xli..). 
Soma  aocoont  of  the  peculiar  dram  of  Abdon  and 
Sennen  may  be  foond  in  Lami'i  treatise  Da  Ent- 
diiioiu  ApotloloniBi,  pp.  12I-16S. 
The  gaatnra  of  tha  Lord,  cmwDing  tha  mart;ta 


ABJUBATION 

fbr  thdr  ooD*t«ocy,  is  fimnd  aba  on 
of  oarly  Chrietian  cupa  [Gijbb,  Chhisttak] 
when  Ba  crowns  S3.  Peter  and  Paul,  uu 
other  aainta  (Bnonarmoti,  Vtwi  Anticht,  tsv 
XT.  fig.  1,  and  elsewhere);  and  on  coini  of  thi 
Lower  Empire  tha  Lord  ia  not  nnfrequeutl] 
Han  crowning  two  ampetora.  (Ifartigny,  JMct 
dtf  Anliq.  cAr^linun.]  IC] 

ABECEDABIAN.  Tbe  term  "  Hrmnaa  "  oi 
"  Paean  Abecedarine"  is  applied  opeciallj  to  tbi 
bjmn  of  Sedulini,  "A  eolii  ortns  csrdiiia." 
[AoBOsna]  [C] 

ABBBCIC8  of  Jenualem,  Jcrmt^irToAvi 
toiwaraupyit,  commemorated  Oct.  23  (_Cal. 
Bj/iani.).  [CJ 

ABGARUB,  King,  commamoratad  Dsc  21 
(CW.  Armm.).  [C] 

ABIBA8,  martyr  of  Edasss,  oommamont«<l 
Nor.  15  (Cat.  Bytant.).  [C] 

ABIBOK,  iaventlon  of  his  relio  at  Jerrua- 
lem,  Aug.  3  (^Martyrol.  Ban.  Vet.y.  [CJ 

ABILIUS,  biabop  of  Alexandria  (A.fi.  B6-96), 
commemorated  Feb.  22  (^Martynl.  Son.  Vat.); 
Maakarram  1  ^  Aug.  2S  (CbJ.  EMop.).       [CJ 

ABJURATION— denial,  dIaaTowal,  or  re- 
nunciation upon  oath.  Abjoration,  in  tmnmon 
eocleiiaatiaal  language,  is  reetrictad  to  the  resiut' 
dation  of  beraiy  niade  by  the  penitent  lieretio 
on  the  occasion  of  bis  recondliatlon  to  the  Cliarch. 
In  soma  cases  tha  abjnration  waa  tha  only  cere- 
mony required ;  but  In  other*  it  wu  followed 
up  by  tbe  impoaition  of  honda  and  by  unction. 
The  practice  of  the  ancient  Church  Is  described 
by  St.  Gregory  tbe  Great  in  a  letter  to  Quiricna 
and  tbe  blebopa  of  Iberia  on  tha  TMoncillatloD 
of  tbe  Mestorians.  According  to  this,  in  caaaa  in 
which  tbe  heretical  baptism  was  imperfect,  the 
rule  was  that  tbe  penitent  ahonld  ba  baptiiad  ; 
but  when  it  wu  complete,  as  in  tha  case  of  the 
Ariana,  tba  cnatom  of  tha  Eastern  Church  was 
to  reooncila  by  the  Chrism  ;  that  of  tbe  Western, 
by  the  imposition  of  hands.  Ae,  bowerer,  the 
myiteiT  of  tba  Chrism  was  but  ths  Oriental  rite 
of  Confirmation,  tbe  practice  was  substantially 
IdenticaL  (On  the  question  of  Re-baptism,  sea 
Re-Baftum,  Butum.)  Converts  from  tha 
Uonophysites  ware  received  after  simple  confes- 
sion, and  tbe  prsvious  baptism  was  auppoead  to 
take  aS'act  "  for  tha  remission  of  line,  at  tbe 
moment  at  which  the  Spirit  waa  imparted  by 
tha  imposition  of  hands;  or  tha  convert  woa  re- 
united to  the  Church  by  his  profeiaion  of  faith 
(St.  Greg.  Ep.  9,  61).  A  oimiUr  mle  is  laid 
down  by  tha  Quinioeit  Conndl,  canon  95,  which 
classes  with  tha  Ariana,  tbe  Uacedoniano,  Nova- 
tians  and  othere,  to  be  received  with  the  Chrism. 
Tbe  Fanlianista,  Montaniata,  Eunomians,  and 
others,  are  to  be  re-baptised ;  to  ba  received  as 
Christians,  on  their  profession,  tha  first  daT,  ss 
Catechumens  the  second,  and  after  tber  have 
been  allowed  a  place  in  tha  Church  as  neorers 
for  some  time,  to  ba  baptiied.  In  all  cases,  tbe 
profession  of  fUth  must  be  mode  by  the  pre- 
sentation of  a  libellus,  or  form  of  abjonttion,  in 
which  the  convert  renounced  and  anathematised 
his  former  tenets.  After  declaring  his  a)>iura- 
tion  not  to  be  made  on  compnliion,  from  fMr  or 
any  other  unwotthj  motive,  he  proceeded  to 
the   sect   renounced,  by  all  «t* 


ABLUnON 

hbm;  IIm  hcntiarclis,  and  their  raooeason,  past, ' 
yi— if>  aad  fotore ;  Iw  then  enumerateid  the  \ 
tmto  noMTed  bj  them,  and,  baring  repudiated  i 
UoB  aiagl J  and  generally,  he  ended  with  making 
ywftMion  of  the  true  £uth.    (BandinioAi  Jfonu- 
wukU  iL  109-111.   Bat  for  the  whole  subject  see 
Mutcae  and  Doraiid,  De  AntiqiUt  Eccleaiae  Riti- 
\m  IL  liber  ill.  du  6 ;  Abj,de  Uvi  et  de  v^htmwii, 
ktcrdate.    See  Landon's  ilbcX.  Dtc.)      [D.  B.] 

ABLUTION.  A  term  under  which  rarious 
hmh  ef  ceremimial  washing  are  included.  The 
■iadpal  are  the  {bllowing :  the  washing  of  the 
Mtd,  as  a  preparation  for  unction  in  baptism, 
lai  the  washijig  of  the  feet,  which  in  some 
pbeet  fivnned  part  of  the  baptismal  ceremony 
[BAPnBM] ;  the  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  poor 
wj  exalted  persons,  whi<£  forms-  part  of  the  cere- 
may  of  Maundy  Thursday  [Feet,  washzno  of]; 
tbe  lastnl  ceremony  which  preceded  entrench  to  a 
cbvdk  [Cakthabub;  Holt  Water];  and  the 
vasbiag  of  the  priest's  hands  at  certain  points 
ia  the  eekbratioa  of  the  liturgy  [Aquamanile  ; 
Havdb^  WAnmro  or].  [C] 

ABORTION.    The  crime  of  procuring  abor^ 
^m  is  little,  if  at  all,  noticed  in  the  earliest 
bvL    It  ia  a  crime  of  dTilisation:  the  repre- 
MBlatiTe  of  the  principle  which  in  a  barbarous 
itite  of  society  is  infanticide.    The  oration  of 
Lyoss  which  waa  pronounced  on  occasion  of  a 
idt  oa  this  subject  is  lost,  so  that  it  cannot  be 
ieddsd  whether  the  act  was  regarded  by  the 
Athraiant  as  an  offence  i^ainst  society,  or  merely 
ss  a  prirate  wrong.     It  is  in  the  latter  aspect 
that  it  is  chiefly  regarded  in  the  civil  law.    The 
cUid  unborn  represents  certain  interests,  and  his 
hfc  er  death  may  be  beneficial  or  injurious  to 
iidhriduali:  thus,  it  may  have  been,  that  a 
filher,  by  hb  wife's  crime,  might  lose  the  jua 
trmn  l&erorun.    The  case  quoted  from  Cicero 
pie  Qaeatio  (Dig.  xlriiL  19,  39),  in  which  a 
■iiiisji  was  condemned  to  death  for  haying  pro- 
cored  abortion,  having  been  bribed  by  the  second 
heir,  is  clearly  exceptional.    The  only  passage 
ia  the  dril  law  in  which  the  crime  is  mentioned 
vithoat  such  connexion,  is  a  sentence  of  Ulpian, 
ia  the  Pkndeeto  (Dig.  xlviiL  8,  8,  ad  lesem  Cor- 
ndiaai  de  Sicariis),  where  the  punishment  b 
4ecUred  to  be  banishment.    The  horrible  preva- 
ience  of  the  practice  among  the  Romans  of  the 
Eapbe  may  be  learned  from  Juvenal* 

It  was  early  made  a  ground  of  accusation  by 
the  Ghristiaas  against  the  heathen.  Tertullian 
dcaaaneas  the  practice  as  homiddaL  "Pre- 
vcatiea  of  birth  is  a  predpitation  of  murder," 
Apsl.  ix.    Minudua  Felix  declares  it  to  be  par- 


Hie  Goondl  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  baring  men- 
tkaed  tJiat  the  andent  punishment  was  penance 
ftr  life,  proceeds  to  limit  it  to  ten  years ;  and 
tkc  ttme  space  of  time  is  given  by  St.  Basil,  who 
MadcmBs  the  practice  in  two  canons,  ii.  and  viii., 
aflepag  tlie  character  of  the  crime  aa  committed 
apbst  both  the  mother  and  the  ofispring ;  and 
dednuBg  to  accept  the  distinctions  drawn  by 
the  Uwycn  between  the  degrees  of  criminality 
varying  with  the  time  of  the  gestation.  The 
CModl  of  Lerida  (324)  dasses  the  crime  with 
ia&atidde,  but  allows  the  mother  to  be  received 
to  Coannnaion  after  seven  years'  penance  even 
vhca  hei  sin  b  complicated  with  adultery.  The 
'  IB  Trolls  cwdemna  it  to  the  penance 


ABSTINENCE  9 

of  homicide.  Pope  Gregory  III.  Jn  the  next 
century  reverta  to  the  ten  yeara'  penance,  al- 
though he  differs  from  St.  Baail  in  modifying  the* 
sentence  to  a  single  year  in  cases  where  the 
child  has  not  been  formed  in  the  womb ;  this  b 
based  on  £xod.  xxL,  and  b  countenanced  by  St. 
Augustine,  in  Quaestiones  Exodi,  in  a  passage  in- 
corporated by  Gratian. 

There  b  thus  abundant  evidence  that  the  crime 
was  held  in  extreme  abhorrence,  and  punished 
with  great  severity,  as  pertaining  to  wilful 
murder,  by  the  canons  of  the  Church.  By  the 
Vbigothic  law  (lib.  VI.  tit.  iii.  c.  1),  the  person 
who  administered  a  draught  for  the  purpose 
waa  punished  with  death.  [D.  B.] 

ABBAHAM.  (1)  the  patriarch,  comme- 
morated Oct.  9  (Martyrol.  Rem.  Vei,).  Also  on 
the  23rd  of  the  month  Nahasse,  equivalent  to 
August  16.  (Ca/.  Ethiop, ;  Neale,  Eastern  Churchy 
IntrocL  pp.  805,  815.) 

(8)  Patriarch  and  martyr,  commemorated 
Taksaa  6  =  Dec  2  {Col.  EtJuop,),  [C] 

ABRAHAM,  ISAAC,  AND  JACOB  are 

commemorated  by  the  Ethiopic  Church  on  the 
28th  of  every  month  of  their  Calendar.        [C] 

ABRAXAS  GEMS.  [See  Abrasax  in 
Dicr.  OF  Christ.  Bioor.] 

ABREHA,  firat  Chriatian  king  of  Ethio- 
pia, commemorated  Tekemt  4  =  (M.  1  {Col, 
Ethiop.),  [C] 

ABRENUMTIATIO.    [Baftdm.] 

ABSOLUTION  (Lat.  ^bao/tt^ib).  (For  Sacra- 
mental Absolution,  see  EzOMOLOOBSlS.) 

1.  A  short  deprecation  which  follows  the 
Psalms  of  each  Noctum  in  the  ordinary  offices 
for  the  Hours.  In  this  usage,  the  word  "  abso- 
lutio  "  perhaps  denotes  simply  **  ending  "  or  *'  com« 
pletion,"  because  the  monks,  when  the  Noctums 
were  said  at  the  proper  hours  of  the  night,  broke 
off  the  chant  at  tnis  point  and  went  to  rest 
(Macri  Hierolexicon  s.  v.).  In  fact,  of  the  "  Ab- 
solutiones  "  in  the  present  Roman  Breviary,  only 
one  (that  ''  in  Tertio  Koctumo,  et  pro  feria  iv. 
et  Sabbato")  contains  a  prayer  for  absolution^ 
in  the  sense  of  a  setting  free  from  Sin. 

2.  For  the  Absolution  which  follows  the  intro- 
ductory Confession  in  most  Liturgies  and  Offices^ 
see  CoNFEauoN. 

3.  The  prayer  for  Absolution  at  the  beginning 
of  the  office  is,  in  Oriental  Liturgies,  addressed 
to  the  Son  :  but  many  of  these  liturgies  ctmtain 
a  second  ^  Oratio  Absolutionis,"  at  some  pomt 
between  Consecration  and  Communion,  which  is 
addressed  to  the  Father.  For  example,  that  in 
the  Greek  St.  Basil  (Benaudot,  Lit.  Orient  L  81), 
addressing  God,  the  Father  Almighty  {h  %*^s, 
6  noT^p  6  UamoKpdreop),  and  reciting  the  pro- 
miae  of  the  Keys,  prays  Him  to  dbmiss,  remit 
and  pardon  our  sins  (&ycr,  &4^cf,  ffvyx^(ffl<^op 
il/uy).   Compare  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (A  i.  22). 

4.  The  word  **  Absolutio "  b  also  appUed  to 
those  prayers  said  over  a  corpse  or  a  tomb  in 
which  remission  of  the  sins  of  the  departed  b 
entreated  from  the  Almighty.  (Macri  /Ttmn 
iexicon,  a.  v.)  [C] 

ABSTINENCE.  Days  of  abstinence,  as  they 
are  called,  on  which  persons  may  take  their 
meab  at  the  ordinary  hour,  and  eat  and  drink 
what  they  please,  ia  any  quantity  so  that  they 


10 


ABUNA 


AGCENTUS  EOCLESIASnCUS 


abstain  from  meat  alone,  belong  to  modem  times. 
Ancientlj,  fasting  and  abstinence  went  together, 
as  a  general  rule,  formed  {>arts  of  the  same  idea, 
and  conld  not  be  dissevered.  There  maj  have 
been  some  few,  possibly,  who  ate  and  drank  in- 
discriminately, when  they  broke  their  &st,  as 
Socrates  (v.  22,  10)  seems  to  imply;  bnt  in 
general,  bayond  doubt,  abstinence  from  certain 
kinds  of  food  was  obserred  on  fasting  days  when 
the  fast  was  over,  '<  abstinentes  ab  iis,  quae  non 
r^icimus,  sed  diiferimus,"  as  Tertullian  says 
(fie  Jejun,  15).  Thus  it  will  be  more  properW 
considered  under  the  head  of  fasting,  to  which 
it  subserved.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ABUKA.    [Abbuna.]  I 

ABUNDANTIUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  26  {Mart.  Hieron,),  [C] 

ABUNDIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under 
Decins,  commemorated  Aug.  26  (Mart,  jRom,  Vet. 
et  Bedae);  Aug.  23  (Mart  Hieronym.'), 

(8)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Spoleto  under  Dio- 
cletian, Dec.  10  (Martyrol,  Rom,  Vet.).        [C] 

AGAGIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  May  7 
(CW.  Byzant.).  [C.] 

AOATHISTUS  (Or.  iuedBurros),  A  hymn  of 
the  Greek  Church,  sung  on  the  eve  of  the  fifth 
Sunday  in  Lent,  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
to  whose  intercession  the  deliverance  of  Constan- 
tinople from  the  barbarians  on  three  several  oc- 
casions was  attributed.  Meursius  assigns  its 
origin  more  especially  to  the  deliverance  of  the 
city  from  Chosroes,  king  of  the  Persians,  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Heraclius  (626).  It  is 
called  iucdOto'Tost  because  during  the  singing  of 
it  the  whole  congregation  stood,  while  during 
the  singing  of  other  hymns  of  the  same  kind 
they  occasionally  sat.  (Saicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v. ; 
Neale's  Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  747  ;  Daniers  Codex 
Liturg.  iv.  223.) 

Francis  Junius  wrongly  supposed  this  use  of 
the  Acathistus  to  commemorate  the  journey  of 
Mary  and  Joseph  to  Bethlehem.  (Maori  Hiiro- 
lexicotif  s.  V.) 

The  word  Acathistus  is  also  used  to  designate 
the  day  on  which  the  hymn  was  used.  (Sabae 
Typicum,  in  Suicer,  s.  v.)  [C] 

AGCENTUS  EOGLESIASTIODS.   One  of 

the  two  principal  kinds  (accentus  and  ooncentus) 
of  ecclesiastical  music 

1.  The  consideration  of  this  subject  is  encum- 
bered by  an  especial  difficulty — the  popular,  and 
now  all  but  exclusive  application  of  the  word 
**  accent "  to  emphasis,  stress,  or  ictus.  Accent, 
however,  claims  and  admits  of  a  much  wider 
application.  Ben  Jonson*  speaks  of  accent  as 
being  **  with  the  ancients,  a  tuning  of  the  voice, 
in  lifting  it  up,  or  letting  it  down," — a  defini- 
tion not  only  clear  and  concise,  but  thoroughly 
accordant  with  the  derivation  of  the  word 
*<  accent,"  from  accino,  i.  e.  ad  cano,  to  sing  to. 
We  are  ail  conscious  of  and  affected  by  the 
varieties  of  accent**  (in  tl^is,  its  etymological 
and  primitive  acceptation)  in  foreign  languages 
spoken  by  those  to  whom  they  are  native,  as 
well  as  in  our  native  language  spoken  by  fo- 
reigners, or  (perhaps  still  more)  by  residents  of 

•  English  Grammar^  1640,  chap.  viU. 
b  ••  Est  In  dloeodo  etism  qaJdam  cantiis  obscorior.*'— 
Qoero,  OnL  18, 6t. 


parts  of  Glreat  Bntam  other  than  our  own.  ^ 
Scottish,  Irish,  and  various  provinciAl  aeoeii 
are  not  so  much  the  result  of  different  Tocalxj 
tion  (i^e.  utterance  of  vowel  sounds)  aa  of  f 
different  gradations  in  which  the  Scotch,  Irii 
and  others,  **  tune  their  voices." 

2.  The  Accentus  Eodesiasticus,  called  alao  si 
dftis  choraliter  legendi,  is  the  result  of  sucoessj 
attempts  to  ensure  in  Public  Worship  nniformi 
of  delivery  consistent  with  uniformity  of  maM 
delivered ;  so  as,  if  not  to  obliterate,  at  leaat 
hide  indiWdual  peculiarities  under  the  veil  of 
catholic  **  use."  It  presents  a  sort  of  mean  I 
tween  speech  and  song,  continually  inclining  t 
wards  the  latter,  never  altogether  leaving  i 
hold  on  the  former ;  it  is  speech,  though  al^rm 
attuned  speech,  in  passages  of  average  interc 
and  importance ;  it  is  song,  though  always  di 
tinct  and  articulate  song,  in  passages  denaandii 
more  fervid  utterance.  Though  actually  muaic 
only  in  concluding  or  culminating  phrases,  tJ 
Accentus  Ecclesiasticus  is  always  sufficiently  is 
chronous  to  admit  of  its  being  expressed  in  mas 
cal  characters,  a  process  to  which  no  attemj 
(and  such  attempts  have  been  repeatedly  mad 
has  ever  succeeded  in  subjecting  pure  speech. 

3.  Accentus  is  probably  the  oldest,  as  it  is  on 
tainly  the  simplest,  form  of  Cantus  Eoclesiaatiem 
Like  most  art-forms  and  modes  of  operatic 
which  have  subsequently  commended  themaelTi 
on  their  own  account  to  our  sense  of  beauty,  i 
grew  in  all  likelihood  out  of  a  physical  difficaltj 
The  limited  capacit>  of  the  so-called  "  natural 
or  speaking  voice  must  have  been  ascertained  a 
a  very  early  period;  indeed  its  recognition  i 
confirmed  by  the  well-known  practice  whethe 
of  the  ancient  temple,  theatre,  or  forum.  The  ol 
rhetoricians,  says  Forkel,  are,  without  exoeptioi 
of  the  same  way  of  thinking ;  and  we  may,  fron 
their  extant  works,  confidently  conclude,  tha 
neither  among  the  Greeks  nor  the  Romans  wa 
poetry  ever  recited  but  in  a  tone  analogous  it 
that  since  known  as  the  accentus  ecclesiasticna. 
The  Abbe'  du  Bos'  too  has  demonstrated  tha 
not  only  was  the  theatrical  recitation  of  itu 
ancients  actually  musical — "  un  veritable  chant,' 
susceptible  of  musical  notation,  and  even  of  in 
strumental  accompaniment — ^but  that  all  theii 
public  discourses,  and  even  their  familiar  Ian* 
guage,  though  of  course  in  a  lesser  degree,  par 
took  of  this  character. 

4.  The  advantages  resulting  fh>m  the  employ 
ment  of  isochronous  sounds  (sounds  which  xn 
the  result  of  equal-timed  vibrations)  would  be- 
come apparent  on  the  earliest  occasion,  when  i 
single  orator  was  called  upon  to  fill  a  larg« 
auditorium,  and  to  make  himself  intelligible,  oi 
even  audible,  to  a  large  assembly.  So,  too,  foi 
simultaneous  expression  on  the  part  of  large  num- 
bera,  these  advantages  would  at  once  make  them- 
selves  felt.  In  congregational  worship  a  uniform 
(technically,  a  "unisonous")  utterance  might 
seem  as  essential,  as  conducive  to  the  decency 
and  order  with  which  we  are  enjoined  to  do  "all 

•  *'  Die  alten  Spnch-  und  DecUm*tion»-Lebrer  stnd 
tSmmUich  eben  deraelben  Meinung.  und  wlr  konncnsu 
ihren  hinterlasBenen  Werken  mil  dem  hoduten  Qrad  vM 
Wahncbeinlichkelt  BchUesMn,  dass  sowohl  bei  d«n  Gito* 
Chen  als  Bomem  die  melsien  Gedichte  mit  keiner  aoden 
sis  mit  dieser  Art  von  Geiaog  gesoogen  werden  setak"- 
Forkel,  AOgtm.  GesMdUe  dtr  MusOc,  ii,  IM. 

a  R^fieasinmssurlaPotsie.M^ 


AOGENTUS  E0CLESIASTI0U8 


AOCENTUS  E0CLESIA8TI0US  1 1 


tka^*  as  is  tbrnt  still  more  essential  aniformitj 
eqipeMSii  in  the  term  Common  Prayer,  without 
vkkkf  tndifd,  congregational  worship  would  seem 
Is  iw  impossible.  ^  Accent,"  sajs  Ornithoparcos, 
*'haih  great  aifinitj  with  Concent,  for  thej  be 
firstbeis :  because  Somu,  or  Sound  (the  King  of 
Kodenastical  HarmonrX  ^  Father  to  them  both, 
sad  b^at  one  upon  Grammar,  the  other  upon 
V«iek,''&e.  (He)  ''so  diTided  his  kingdome, 
that  Coneadus  might  be  chief  Ruler  over  all 
things  that  are  to  be  song,  as  Hymnes,  Sequences, 
Aatipbonss,  Responsories,  Introitus,  Tropes,  and 
the  Hke :  and  Accentua  orer  all  things  which  are 
rsid;  as  Gospels,  Lectures,  Epistles,  Orations, 
Prophecies:  For  tho  functions  of  the  Papale 
Kiagdome  are  not  duely  performed  without  Con- 
cmt,"  kc  **  Uence  it  was  that  I,  marking  how 
■uay  of  those  Priests  (which  by  the  leave  of  the 
ksned  I  will  saye)  doe  reade  Uiose  things  they 
have  io  reade  so  wildly,  so  monstrously,  so 
Utily  (that  they  doe  not  onely  hinder  the  de- 
votion of  the  fiiithfhl,  but  also  even  provoke 
them  to  laughter  and  scorning,  with  their  ill 
leaiiag),  resolved  after  the  doctrine  of  Concent 
ts  explain  the  rules  of  Accent ;  in  as  much  as  it 
hdoogs  to  a  Musitian,  that  together  with  Con>- 
cent.  Accent  might  also  as  true  heire  in  this 
Errifsiasticsll  Kingdome  be  established ;  Desiring 
that  the  praise  of  the  highest  King,  to  whom  all 
and  rererence  is  due,  might  duely  be 


5b  The  Aoeentus  Eodesiasticus,  or  modus  cho- 
nSter  legendi,  must  have  been  perpetuated  by 
tadition  only,  for  many  ages.  That  the  rules 
fm  its  application  hare  been  reduced  to  writing 
ealy  in  comparatirely  modem  times  does  not  in 
the  lesst  invalidate  its  claim  to  a  high  antiquity. 
On  the  contrary,  it  tends  to  confirm  it.  That 
which  is  extoisively  known  and  universally  ad- 
mitted has  no  need  of  verification.  It  is  only 
when  tnulitions  are  dying  out  that  they  begin  to 
be  pat  on  record.  So  long  as  this  kind  of  reci- 
tation wss  perfectly  familiar  to  the  Greeks  and 
Boaisns  there  could  be  no  necessity  for  ''  noting  " 
it;  not  till  it  began  to  be  less  so  were  '*  accents  " 
(the  chazacters  so  called)  invented  for  its  pre- 
suTstion, — just  as  the  **  vowel-points "  were 
ortrodoced  into  Hebrew  writing  subsequently  to 
the  dispernon  of  the  Jews.  The  force  and  accu- 
iiey  of  tradition,  among  those  unaccustomed  to 
the  ue  of  written  characters,  have  been  well 
iseertained  and  must  be  unhesitatingly  admitted ; 
their  operation  has  certainly  been  as  valuable  in 
■SHC  as  in  poetry  and  history.  Strains  incom- 
psrably  longer  and  more  intricate  than  those  now 
seee|)ted  as  the  ecclesiastical  accents  have  been 
pund  on  from  roice  to  voice,  with  probably  but 
tziffiag  alteration,  for  centuries,  among  peoples 
vho  had  no  other  method  of  preserving  and 
tnannitting  them. 

&  The  authorities  for  the  application  of  the 
Gutas  Eodesiasticus  are,  as  we  have  said,  com- 
psrUively  modem.  Lucas  Lossius,'  a  writer 
freqneatly  quoted  by  Walther,  Kock,  and  other 
■ore  recent  musical  theorists,  gives  six  forms  of 
csdesce  or  close,  ije^  modes  of  bringing  to  an 
•d  a  phraie  the  earlier  portion  of  which  had 
Wca  redted  in  monotone.    According  to  Lossius, 


OnilihopBieaOk  BU  Mkardogve.    Tiamhtted 
liO».    P.M. 

IMO. 


bfMBDowlad. 


accent  is  (1)  immutahUia  when  a  phrase  is  con- 
cluded without  any  change  of  pitch,  t.^.,  when  it 
is  monotonous  throughout ;  (2)  it  is  mediua  when 
on  the  last  syllable  the  voice  falb  from  the 
reciting  note  (technically  the  dominant)  a  third ; 
(3)  graviSf  when  on  the  last  syllable  it  falls  a 
fiflh ;  (4)  acutua,  when  the  ^  dominant,"  after  the 
interposition  of  a  few  notes  at  a  lower  pitch,  is 
resumed;  (5)  moderatiu,  when  the  monotone  is 
interrupted  by  an  ascent,  on  the  penultimate,  of 
a  second;  (6)  interrogativus,  when  the  voice, 
after  a  slight  descent,  rises  scale-wise  on  the  last 
syllable.  To  these  six  forms  other  writers  add 
one  more,  probably  of  more  recent  adoption; 
(7)  the  finalia,  when  the  voi(^  after  rising  a 
second  above  the  dominant,  falls  scale-wise  to 
the  fourth  below  it,  on  which  the  last  syllable  is 
sounded.  The  choice  of  these  accents  or  cadences 
is  regulated  by  the  punctuation  (possible,  if  not 
always  actual)  of  the  passage  redted ;  each  par* 
ticular  stop  had  its  particular  cadence  or  cadences. 
Thus  the  comma  (distinctio)  was  indicated  and 
accompanied  by  the  accentus  trnmutcAUis,  acutus, 
or  moderatus ;  the  colon  (duo  punctd)  by  the 
medius;  and  the  ftill  stop  {punctum  quadratum 
ante  syHabam  capitalem)  by  the  gravis, 

7.  The  following  table,  from  Lossius,  exhibits 
the  several  accents,  in  musical  notation  :-— 


IninrrABiua. 


Lec-ti  -  o     E-pb-to-lsesanc-ti  Fan-IL 
(2)    HxDnm. 


1 


i 


et     o  -  pe- ra-tnr  vir- ta-tes  in    vo-Us:       ' 
(3)    Gravis. 


i 


Be  •  ne  •  dl-  oen-tor  in    te    om-nes  gen-tos. 

(4)     AOUTOa.  (5)     MODSaATUB^ 


■♦— ♦■ 


^4^-^ 


Camspi-ri-tacoe-pe-ri-tisnuDe,  Cam  fi-de-li, 

(e)     IXTEKBOGATIVUa 


ex  op-e-rt-boB  le^sn  exaa-di-tn  fl-de  -  i? 

(T)     FtSALIS. 


i 


I 


a-Dl-ma    me-a     ad     te       De 


na 


The  examples  given  by  Omithoparcus  are  similar 
to  the  above,  with  two  exceptions — (5),  the  Mode^ 
ratus,  which  in  '  His  Micrologus '  appears  thus : 


i 


s 


Il.la-mi-Da-re    Je-ra*8a-  lem. 

And  the  InterrogaiivuSf  of  which  he  says :  ''  A 
speech  with  an  interrogation,  whether  it  have  in 
the  end  a  word  of  one  sillable,  or  of  two  sillables, 
or  more,  the  accent  still  falls  upon  the  last  sil- 
lable, and  must  be  acuated.  Now  the  signs  of 
such  a  speech  are,  who,  whichy  what,  and  those 
which  are  thus  derived,  why,  wherefore,  when^ 
how,  in  what  sort,  whether,  and  such  like." 


12 


ACCESS 


ACLEENSE  CONCILTUH 


i 


mm 


Un  -  de    es      tu  ? 


Quid  eat    ho  •  mo? 


Quintastaapbo-o  lii-l-qal-t*4«  etp60*oa*ta? 

^  To  these  ore  joyned  rerbes  of  asking ;  as, 
latke^  laeekCy  l  require,  I  tearche,  Iheare,  laee, 
and  the  like." 

Some  vanatioDs  too  from  the  above,  in  the 
present  Roman  use,  are  noticed  by  Mendelssohn  :f 
e,g,  in  the  Gravis^  where  there  the  voice  rises  a 
tone  above  the  dominant,  on  the  penultimate, 
before  falling : — 


changing  the  cadence  from  a  fifth  (compare  5) 
to  a  sixth ;  and  in  the  Interrogativut,  where  the 
voice  falls  from  the  dominant  (also  on  the  penul- 
timate) a  third : — 


To  the  aocentus  belong  the  following  forms,  or 
portions  of  offices  of  the  Latin  Church:^  (1) 
lhnu8  OoUectarufn  aeu  Orationum.  (2)  Tbnus 
EpisMartun  et  Evangelii,  including  the  melodies 
to  which  the  Passion  is  sung  in  Passion  Week. 
(3)  Tonus  Lectionum  solemnis  et  lugubris;  Pro- 
pMiarum  et  Martyroiogiu  (4)  Various  forms 
of  Intonation,  Benediction,  and  Absolution  used 
in  the  Liturgy.  (5)  Single  verses.  (6)  The 
Exclamations  and  Admonitions  of  the  assistants  at 
the  altar.  (7)  The  Prefaces;  the  Pater  Noster, 
with  its  Prefaces ;  the  Benediction,  Pax  Domini 
tit  semper  vofnscum.  [J.  H.] 

ACCESS.  1.  The  approach  of  the  priest  to 
the  altar  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist. 
Hence  the  expression  **  prayer  of  access  "  is  used 
as  equivalent  to  the  Ehxh  '")'  vapaffrdffMwSt  or 
prayer  of  the  priest's  presenting  himself  at  the 
altar,  in  the  Greek  Liturgy  of  St.  James  (Neale's 
Eastern  Church,  Introduction^  i.  360). 

2.  But  the  expression  **  prayer  of  access,"  or 
"prayer  of  humble  access,"  is  more  commonly 
used  by  English  liturgical  writers  to  designate 
a  confession  of  unworthiness  in  the  sight  of  God, 
occurring  at  a  later  point  of  the  service ;  gene- 
rally between  consecration  and  communion.  So 
that  the  *'  prayer  of  humble  access  "  corresponds 
to  the  '*  Prayer  of  Inclination  "  or  "  of  bowing 
the  neck"  in  the  Greek  Liturgies.  Though 
words  more  expressive  of  **  humble  access " 
occur  in  other  places ;  for  instance,  in  the  Greek 
St.  James,  where  the  priest  declares :  V^h  xpot' 
^iKBov  r^  dtl^  roWpf  Kcd  iirovpaMi^  fjwan^piqf 
ovx  &s  A^ios  ^dpx^fy  (Daniel^  Codex  Lit^  iv. 
88);  in  the  Mozarabic,  ''Accedam  ad  Te  in 
humilitate  spiritus  mei "  (/5.  U  71);  or  in  the 
'*  Domine  et  Deus  noster,  ne  a«p]ci^  ^  multitu- 
dinem  peccatorum  Dostrorutxi "  jp.  the  Liturgy  of 

Adaeua  and  Maris  (Id,  i.  ^7^.        Compare  CON- 

rEssiorr,  v» 


ACCLA.MATJON.    x. 


^.^f^ri 


[C] 
applied  by 


epignphista  to  certain  ,1  <  ^X^ptions,   ex- 
pre^  jutj,  ^eond  p^^^  ^^f^ntaSng  a 


t,  p.  1«7. 


^^' 


wish  or  injuncUon;  as,  VIVAS  IN  DEO  C'^^^^^ 
tori,  ITiesaurus  Vet.  Inacrip.  1954,  no.  4>.  B 
far  the  greater  part  of  these  acclamations  aix' 
sepulchrid  [Epitaph],  but  similar  sentenoes  ai^ 
also  seen  on  amulets,  on  the  bottoms  of  cup 
[Glabb,  Christian]  found  in  the  Catacombs,  am 
on  OEMS.    (See  the  Articles.) 

2.  The  term  acclamation  is  also  sometimei 
applied  to  the  responsive  cry  or  chant  of  tii4 
congregation  in  antiphonal  singing.  Coxnpaini 
AcBOSTio  (§  5) ;  Antiphon.  C^-H 

AOOUSBBB,  FALSE ;  HOW  PUNISHED. 

— ^Those  who  made  false  accusations  against  snj 
person  were  visited  with  severe  punishments 
under  the  canons  of  several  councils. 

In  Spain.  The  Council  of  Illiberis  (a.i>.  305 
or  306)  reftised  communion  even  at  the  hour  of 
death  (**  in  fine,"  at.  **  in  finem  ")  to  any  person 
who  should  falsely  accuse  any  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon  (can.  75). 

In  France.  By  the  14th  canon  of  the  1st 
Council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314)  those  who  wisely 
accuse  their  brethren  were  excommunicated  for 
life  ("  usque  ad  exitum  ").  This  canon  was  re- 
enacted  at  the  2nd  Council  held  at  the  same 
city  (a.d.  443),  but  permission  was  given  for  the 
restoration  of  those  who  should  do  penance  and 
give  satisfaction  commensurate  with  their 
offence  (can.  24).    See  also  Calumny.     [I.  B.3 

AGEPSIMAS,  commemorated  Nov.  3  CCaL 
Byxant.)i  Nov.  5  {CaL  Armen.);  April  22 
{Mart.  Bom.}.  QC] 

AGERBA  or  AGEBNA.  (The  latter  is 
possibly  the  original  form,  from  Acer,  mapl«.> 
Acerra  designatcKl,  in  classical  times,  either  the 
incense-box  used  in  sacrifices ;  or  a  smioll  altar,  or 
incense-burner,  placed  before  the  dead.  (Smith's 
Diet  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  s.  v.)  And 
in  ecclesiastical  latinity  also  it  designates  either 
an  incense-box  or  an  incense-burner;  ''Arcs 
thuris,  vel  thuribulum,  vel  thurarium."  (Papias 
in  Ducange's  Glossary  s.  v.  *  Acema.*) 

It  is  used  in  the  rubrics  of  the  Gregorian  sa- 
cramentary  (Corbcy-MS.)  in  the  office  for  the 
consecration  of  a  church  (p.  428) ;  and  in  the 
office  for  the  baptism  of  a  bell  (p.  438);  in 
the  latter  in  the  foim  Acema :  "•  tunc  pones  in- 
censum  in  acema."  In  both  cases  it  designates 
an  inoense-bumer  or  Thurible  (q.  v.).        [C] 

AGHAIGUM  CONCILIUM.— Two  synods 
of  Achaia,  in  Greece,  are  recorded :  one,  a.d.  250, 
against  the  Valesians,  who,  like  Origen,  inter-   : 
preted  St.  Matth.  xix.  12,  literally ;  the  other,  in 
359,  against  the  followers  of  Aetius.  [A.  W.  U.] 

ACHILLEAS  (or  Achillas),  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, commemorated  Nov.  7  {MartyroL  Hotn. 
Vet.).  [C.] 

ACHELLEUS,  the  eunuch,  martyr  at  Rome, 
May  12,  A.D.  96.  (Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bier. 
Bedae).  [C.] 

ACINDYKUS  QAiclySv¥os)  and  companions, 
martyrs,  A.D.  346,  commemorated  Nov.  2  (CaL 
Byz.).  [C] 

ACEPHALI    [Yagi    Clbbici  ;    Autoce- 

PHALl]. 

ACLEENSE  CONCILIUM  (of  Ades  a 
«<  Field  of  the  Oak,"  supposed  to  be  Aydiffe,  is 
Durham ;  Raine's  Priory  of  Hexham,  i.  38,  note> 
(L)  A.D.  781  (Flor.  Wig.  in  M.  H.  B.h^),  bo* 


^ 


' 


AOOElfETAS 


AOOLTTES 


IS 


782  (AngLSax.  Ckr.  and  H.  Hnnt^  t5.  336, 
731>  (H.)  AJ)b  787  (Kemble,  0,  />.,  No.  151). 
(ia.)  A.i>.  788,  SepL  29,  in  the  Tear  and  month  of 
Che  Buder  of  Elfwald  of  Northnmbria,  Sept.  21, 
788  (WUk.  L  153 ;  Mansi,  xiiL  825,  826).  (It.) 
1.0. 789  {AMgLSas.  CSb-.,  Jf.  ff,  B.  337  ''a  great 

tntod**)^  in  ^^  ^^  7«^  o^  Brihtric,  King  of 
Woaez  (H.  Hunt.,  &K  732).  (t.)  A.D.  804  (Kemble, 
r.  D^  No.  186).  (tL)  aj>.  805,  Ang.  6  (itf.  t6., 
Soc  190, 191).  (Tii.)  A.D.  810  (id.  16.,  No.  256). 
Km.  ii,  T.,  and  ri.  probably,  and  No.  vii.  oer- 
talalj,  were  at  Ockley,  in  Sorrey;  or,  at  any 
nU^  not  in  the  Northumbrian  Aclea.  Nothing 
MR  if  known  of  any  of  these  synods,  or  rather 
WitcBagemota,  beyond  the  deeds  (grants  of  lands) 
ibore  refeired  to,  in  Kemble.  [A.  W.  H.] 

AOOEMETAE,  lit.  the  •*  sleepless  "  or  "  an- 
resUag  **  (for  the  theological  or  moral  import  of 
the  term  t.  Soioer,  J^esaur.  EccL  S.T.),  a  so-called 
wder  of  monks  established  in  the  East  abont  the 
■addle,  rather  than  the  commencement,  of  the 
Mk  oentory,   being    altogether    unnoticed  by 
Seentes  and  Soxomen,  the  latter  a  sealons  chro- 
■ider  of  monks  and  monasteries,  who  bring  their 
kvtoTies  down  to  ▲.D.  440 ;  yet  mentioned  by 
Eragrias  (iiL  19)  as  &  regularly  established  order 
is  483.    Later  authorities  make  their  founder  to 
bare  bees  a  certain  officer  of  the  imperial  house- 
keVl  at  Constantinople  named  Alexander,  who 
flitted  his  post  to  turn  monk,  and  after  having 
kai  to  shift  his  quarters  in  Syria  sereral  times. 
It  length  returned  to  Constantinople,  to  give 
pennaaence  to  the  system  which  he  had  already 
eooBienced  on  the  Euphrates.    The  first  monas- 
tery which  he  founded  there  was  situated  near 
liie  church  of  St.  Hennas.    It  was  composed  of 
900  OMrnks  of  different  nations,  whom  he  divided 
isto  Bz  choirs,  and  arranged  so  that  one  of  them 
ikoald  be  always  employed  in  the  work  of  prayer 
tad  pnise  day  and  night  without  intermission 
all  the  year  round.    This  was  their  peculiar  cha- 
ncteristio — and  it  has  been  copied  m  various 
wijs  elsewhere  since  then — ^that  some  part  of 
**  the  house,"  as  Wordsworth  (£crctirt.viii.  185) 
erprijsu  it,  **  was  evermore  watching  to  God." 
Alczaoder  having  been    calumniated    for  this 
{nciiee  as  heretical,  he  was  imprisoned,  but 
Rgained  his  liberty,  and  died,  say  his  biographers, 
absot  AJK  430 — ^it  might  be  nearer  the  mark  to 
ar  450 — in  a  new  convent  of  his  own  founding 
ea  the  Daidanellea.    M arcellus,  the  next  head  of 
tke  Older  but  one,  brought  all  the  zeal  and 
**ergy  to  it  of  &  second  founder ;  and  he  donbt- 
le»  foond  a  powerful  supporter  in  Gennadius, 
pitnareh  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  458-71,  a  great 
nstorer  of  discipline  and  promoter  of  learning 
■Boogst  the  clergy.    Then  it  was  that  Studius, 
s  BoUe  Roman,  and  in  process  of  tipne  consul, 
<Bignted  to  Constantinople,  and  converted  one 
«f  the  churches  there,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the 
Btftist,  into  the  celebrated  monastery  bearing 
^  MBc,  but  which  he  peopled  with  the  Acoe- 
9t^at.  There  was  another  monastery  founded  by 
fit  Diu,  a  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great, 
tkat  also  became  theirs  sooner  or  later,  to  which 
Tilems  {Ad,  Ewg.  iii  19  and  31)  adds  a  third 
fiwided  hr  St.  Aissianus.    It  may  have  been 
<i«ing  to  their  connexion  with  Studius  that  they 
vere  led  to  correspond  with  the  West.    At  all 
•▼eats,  on  the  acceptance  by  Acacius,  the  patri- 
SKh  sQcoeeding  Gennadius,  of  the  Henotioon  of 
fteempmr  Zoio^  and  communion  with  the  schis- 


matic patriarch  of  Alexandria,  their  "hegumen,** 
or  president,  Cyril  lost  no  time  in  despatching 
complaints  of  him  to  Rome ;  nor  were  their 
emissaries  slow  to  accuse  the  legates  of  the  Pope 
themselves  of  having,  during  their  stay  at  Con- 
stantinople, held  communion  with  heretics.  The 
ultimate  result  was,  that  the  two  legates,  VitaliR 
and  Hisenus,  were  deprived  of  their  sees,  and 
Acacius  himself  excommunicated  by  the  Popes 
Simplicius  and  Felix.  Meanwhile  one  who  had 
been  expelled  from  their  order,  but  had  learnt 
his  trade  in  their  monasteries,  Peter  the  Fuller, 
had  become  schismatic  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and 
he,  of  course,  made  common  cause  with  their  op- 
ponents. Nor  was  it  long  before  they  laid  them- 
selves open  to  retaliation.  For,  under  Justinian, 
their  ardour  impelled  them  to  deny  the  cele- 
brated proposition,  advocated  so  warmly  by  the 
Scythian  monks,  hesitated  about  so  long  at  Rome, 
that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  suffered  in  the  flesh. 
Their  denial  of  this  proposition  threw  them  into 
the  arms  of  the  Nestorians,  who  were  much  in- 
terested in  having  it  decided  in  this  way.  For, 
if  it  could  be  denied  that  one  of  the  Trinity  had 
suffered,  it  could  not  be  maintained,  obviously, 
that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  become  incarnate. 
Hence,  on  the  monks  sending  two  of  their  body, 
Cyrus  and  Eulogius,  to  Rome  to  defend  their 
views,  the  emperor  immediately  despatched  two 
bishops  thither,  Hypatius  and  Demetrius,  to 
denounce  them  to  the  Pope  (Pagi  ad  Banm^ 
▲.D.  533,  n.  2).  In  short,  in  a  letter,  of  which 
they  were  the  bearers,  to  John  II.,  afterwards 
inserted  bv  him  in  Lib.  I.  Tit.  **  De  summ&  Trini- 
tate "  of  his  Code,  he  hinutelf  accused  them  of 
favouring  Judaism  and  the  Nestorian  heresy. 
The  Pope  in  his  reply  seems  to  admit  their  hete- 
rodoxy, but  he  entreats  the  emperor  to  forgive 
them  at  his  instance,  should  they  be  willing  to 
abjure  their  errors  and  return  to  the  unity  of 
the  Church.  With  what  success  he  interceded 
for  them  we  are  not  told.  During  the  iconoclastic 
controversy  they  seem  to  have  shared  exile  with 
the  rest  of  the  monks  ejected  from  their  monas- 
teries by  Constantino  Copronymus(Pa^'  ad  Baron, 
▲.D.  798,  n.  2) ;  but  under  the  empress  Irene  the 
Studium,  at  all  events,  was  repeopled  with  its  for- 
mer alumni  by  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all, 
Theodore,  in  whose  surname.  ^  Studites."  it  has 
perhaps  achieved  a  wider  celebrity  than  it  evei 
would  otherwise  have  possessed. 

In  the  West  a  branch  of  the  order  long  held 
the  abbey  of  St.  Maurice  of  Agaune  in  Valais, 
where  they  were  established  by  Sigismund,  king 
of  Burgundy,  and  had  their  institute  confirmed 
by  a  Council  held  there  ▲.D.  523.  For  ftiller  de- 
tails see  Bonanni's  Hist,  du  Clerg,  aec.  et  reg.  vol. 
ii.p.  153  et  aeq.  (Amsterdam,  1716);  Bulteau's 
ffid.  Monad,  d*  Orient,  iii.  33  (Paris,  1680); 
Hospin,  De  Orig,  Monach,  ilL  8;  Du  Fresno, 
Oloia.  Lot,  s.  V. ;  and  Constant.  Christian,  iv.  8 
2 ;  Bingham's  Antiq.  vii.  11,  10.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ACOLYTEfl—ACOLYTHS— ACOLYTH- 
IST8  CAki^Xov^oi).  One  of  ike  minor  orders 
peculiar  to  the  Western  Church,  although  the 
name  is  Greek.  In  the  Apostolic  age,  the  only 
order  which  existed,  in  addition  to  those  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  was  that  of  dea- 
conesses— ^widows  usually  at  first,  who  were  em- 
ployed in  such  ministrations  towards  their  own 
sex  as  were  considered  unsuitable  for  men,  espe- 
dallr  Id  the  East.    But  about  the  end  of  the  2n4 


14 


AGOLTTES 


AGB08TI0 


or  early  in  the  3rd  century,  other  new  officers 
below  the  order  of  the  deaoona  were  introduced, 
And  amongst  them  this  of  Acoiifles,  though  only 
in  the  Latin  Church  as  a  distinct  order.  In  the 
rituals  of  the  Qreek  Church  the  word  occurs  only 
as  another  name  for  the' order  of  sub-deaoon. 

The  institution  of  the  minor  orders  took  its 
origin  in  the  greater  Churches,  such  as  Rome 
and  Carthage,  and  was  owing  partly  to  the  sup- 
posed expediency  of  limiting  the  number  of  dea- 
cons to  seven,  as  first  appointed  by  the  apostles, 
and  partly  to  the  need  which  was  felt  of  assist- 
ance to  the  deacons  in  performing  the  lower  por- 
tions of  their  office ;  of  which  functions,  indeed, 
they  appear  in  many  cases  to  hare  be^  impa- 
tient, regarding  them  as  unworthy  of  their  im- 
portant position  in  the  Church.  Tertullian  is  the 
earliest  writer  by  whom  any  of  the  inferior  orders 
is  mentioned.  He  speaks  of  Readers,  De  Praetcr, 
c.  41.  It  is  in  the  epistles  of  Cyprian  that  the 
fuller  organization  of  these  orders  oomes  before 
OS  (JEpp,  xxixMy  zxzviii^  Ixrr.,  &&).  It  is  also 
stated  by  his  contemporary  ComeUub,  Bishop  of 
Rome,  that  the  Church  of  Rome  at  that  time 
numbered  forty-^iz  presbytei's,  seven  deacons, 
seven  sub-deaoons,  forty-two  acolyths,  and  fifty- 
two  exorcists,  readers,  and  doorkeepers  (Ostiarii). 
None  of  these  inferior  orders,  according  to  St. 
Basil,  were  ordained  with  imposition  of  liands, 
but  they  were  simply  appointed  by  the  bishop 
with  some  appropriate  ceremony,  to  certain  sub> 
ordinate  functions  of  the  ministry  such  as  any 
Christian  layman  might  be  commissioned  by 
episcopal  authority  to  perform.  The  form  of 
ordination  employed  in  the  case  of  Acolytes  is 
thus  prescribed  by  a  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Carthage.  **  When  any  Aoolythist  is  ordained,  the 
bishop  shall  inform  him  how  he  is  to  behave  him- 
self in  his  office ;  and  he  shall  receive  a  candlestick 
with  a  taper  in  it,  from  the  archdeacon,  that  he 
may  understand  that  he  is  appointed  to  light  the 
candles  of  the  church.  He  shall  also  receive  an 
empty  pitcher  to  furnish  wine  for  the  Eucharist 
of  the  blood  of  Christ."  Hence  it  appears  that 
the  Acolyte's  office  at  that  period  consisted  chiefly 
in  two  things,  viz.,  lighting  the  candles  of  the 
church  and  attending  the  officiating  priest  with 
wine  for  the  Eucharist. 

The  Acolyte  of  the  ancient  Western  Church  is 
represented  in  .the  later  Roman  communion  by 
the  Ceroferarius  or  taper-bearer,  whose  office  con- 
•bts  in  walking  before  the  deacons  or  priests  with 
a  lighted  taper  in  his  hand. 

Both  in  the  East  and  West  the  minor  orders  of 
ancient  times  were  afterwards  conferred  as  merely 
introductory  to  the  sacred  orders  of  deacon  and 

Sresbyter,  while  the  duties  which  had  formerly 
elonged  to  them  were  performed  by  laymen.  In 
the  7th  century  the  readers  and  singers  in  the 
Armenian  Church  were  laymen — in  the  8th  cen- 
tury the  readers,  and  in  the  12th  the  ostiarii 
and  exorcists  were  laymen  in  the  Greek  Church. 
Before  the  year  1300  the  four  orders  of  acolyte, 
exorcist,  reader,  and  ostiarius  began  to  be  con* 
ferred  at  the  same  time  in  the  Western  Churches. 
Not  long  afterwards  it  became  customary  to  re- 
lease the  clerks  thus  ordained  (rom  discharging 
the  duties  of  their  orders,  which  were  entrusted 
to  lay  clerks.  The  Councils  of  Cologne  and  Trent 
vainly  endeavoured  to  alter  this  custom ;  and 
•avmen  continue  generallv  to  perform  the  offices 
of'^the  ancient  orders  in  toe  Roman  churches  to 


the  present  day.  In  England  the  same  costom  fani 
prevailed ;  and  the  minor  orders  having  for  khih 
centuries  become  merely  titular,  were  disused  in 
the  Reformation  of  our  Churches. 

Fuller  information  on  the  subject  of  tbe  minor 
orders  may  be  found  in  Field's  Book  of  the 
Churchf  b.  T.  c.  25;  Bingham's  Antiquitie8f  K 
iiL  ;  Thomassin,  Vet,  et  Nov.  Ecol.  pars  I.  lib.  ii 
See  also  Robertson's  History  of  the  Church  and 
Palmer's  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  Christ,  [D-B.] 

AOONnXJS,  of  Rome,  commemorated  July 
25  (Mart,  Hieron,).  [C] 

ACROSTIC.  CA«P«»»^«X^»>  iucpotrrix^ow^ 
aKp6imxoyf  Acrostichis.)  A  composition  in 
which  the  first  letters  of  the  several  lines  form 
the  name  of  a  person  or  thing.  The  invention  is 
attributed  to  Epicharmus. 

We  find  several  applications  of  the  Acroetie 
principle  in  Christian  antiquity. 

1.  The  word  Acrostic  is  applied  to  the  well- 
known  formula  lx06s.    [See  IxeYC.] 

2.  Verses  in  honour  of  the  Saviour  were  fre- 
quently written  in  the  acrostic  form ;  Pope  £)»- 
masus,  for  instance,  has  left  two  acrostics  on  the 
name  Jesus  (^Carm,  iv.  and  v.),  the  former  >f 
which  nms  as  follows : 

"  In  rebns  tantls  Triua  con}iinctlo  mundi 
ErJIgit  humsnum  sensum  laodare  vennste : 
Sola  aalos  nobis,  et  mtuxll  summa  poteataa 
Venlt  peocati  nodom  dlsaolvere  fhictu. 
Summa  sains  cnnctis  nitolt  pw  saecala  terrla." 

The  same  pope,  to  whom  so  many  of  the  in- 
scriptions in  the  Catacombs  are  due,  composed 
an  acrostic  Inscription  in  honour  of  Constantia, 
the  daughter  of  Constantino.  This  was  origin- 
ally placed  in  the  apse  of  the  basilica  of  St. 
Agnes  in  the  Via  Nomentana,  and  may  be  seen  in 
Bosio,  Soma  Sotteranea,  p.  118.  And  inscrip- 
tions of  this  kind  are  frequent.  Lest  the  reader 
should  miss  the  names  indicated,  an  explanation 
of  the  acrostic  principle  is  sometimes  added  to 
the  inscription  itself.  For  instance,  to  the  epi- 
taph  of  Licinia,  Leontia,  Ampelia,  and  Flaria 
(Muratori,  Thesaurus  Novusy  p.  1903,  no.  5)  are 
added  these  verses,  which  give  the  key : 

'*  Nomina  sanctamm,  lector,  d  forte  requtrls^ 
Ex  omnt  versa  fee  Utera  prima  docebiL* 

So  the  epitaph  of  a  Christian  named  AgatnA 
(Marini,  I^telli  Arvali,  p.  828),  ends  with  the 
woi-ds,  "ejus  autem  nomen  capita verfsuum];" 
and  another,  given  by  the  same  authority,  ends 
with  the  words,  **  Is  cujus  per  capita  versorum 
nomen  declaratur."  Fabretti  {Insoript  Aniiq.  iv. 
150)  gives  a  similar  one,  '*  Revcrtere  per  capita 
versorum  et  invenies  pium  nomen."  (?azzera 
(IscrizionedelJPienumte,  p.  91)  gives  the  epitaph 
of  Eusebius  of  Yercelli,  in  which  the  first  letters 
of  the  lines  form  the  words  EVSEBIVS  EPIS* 
COPVS  ET  MARTYR;  and  another  acrosUo 
epitaph  (p.  114),  where  the  initial  letters  form 
the  words  CELSVS  EPISCOPVS  (MarUgny, 
Diet  des  Aniiq.  ChrA.  11> 

We  also  find  acrostic  hynms  in  (Sreek.  Seveisi 
of  the  hymns  of  Cosmas  of  Jerusalem,  are  of 
this  kind ;  the  first,  for  instance  (Gallandi,  Bi- 
bliotheoa  Pat.  xiiL  234),  is  an  acrostic  forming 
the  words,  ! 

XptoT^  pponAtU  J|r  ovtp  Oc^  /i^  j 

3.  Those  poems,  in  which  the  lines  or  stanza*  , 
commence  with  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  takes 


AGBOTBLEUnC 


A0T0B8  AND  AGTBE8SEB       15 


a  «4nv  finrm  another  dan  of  acrostioc  Soch 
k  Um  wetl-known  h jnm  of  Sednlins,  **  A  aolii 
«Has  eudlne,**  a  portioa  of  which  is  introduced 
IB  the  Roman  offices  for  the  Nativity  and  the  Cir- 
nmnAm  of  the  Lord ;  and  that  of  Y enantins 
Fertaaatas  {Canu  xtLX  whidi  begins  with  the 
«eids**AfanMatomnesaecnlani."  St.  Augnstine 
fl— posed  an  Abecedarian  Psalm  against  the  Do- 
■stists,  in  imilatioB  of  the  119th,  with  the  oon- 
itsBt  re^NHise,  ^Omnce  qui  gaudetis  de  pace, 
Bsde  Tcnun  jndicate.*' 

4.  A  pecnUar  use  of  the  acrostic  is  fovnd  in 
:k  0ffice4woks  of  the  Greek  Church.  Each 
CbaoB,  or  series  of  Troparia,  has  its  own 
semtiC;  which  is  a  metrical  line  formed  of  the 
iiitkl  letters  of  the  Troparia  which  compose  the 
Gbaoa.  To  take  the  instance  given  bj  £^.  Neale 
(Euiem  Ckmrch^  Introd.  p.  832);  the  acrostic 
ftr  the  Festival  of  SS.  Proclus  and  Hilarins  is, 

SfVfMf  cJAi^roiff  <wi>i>  cif^^pw  fUkof, 

11»  Bcaaing  of  this  is,  that  the  first  Troparion 
9i  the  Canon  begins  with  2,  the  second  with  £, 
sad  90  on.  These  lines  are  generally  Iambic,  as 
ia  the  instance  above;  bat  occasionally  Hex- 
sBMter,  as. 

They  frequently  contain  a  play  on  the  name  of 
the  Saint  of  th«  day,  as  in  the  instance  jost  given, 
aidia 

kt  St.  Dorothens  of  Tyre.  The  Troparia  are 
wrthaes,  bnt  rarely,  arranged  so  as  to  form 
o  slphabetic  acrostic,  as  on  the  Eve  of  the 
TnasSgnration  (Neale,  u.  s.). 

&.  The  word  ^poarlxuif  in  the  Apostolical 
(Wtttvtions  (iL  57,  §  5)  denotes  the  verses,  or 
portioos  of  a  verse,  which  the  people  were  to 
■Bg  responsively  to  the  chanter  of  the  Psalm, 
*^i  Afl^s  rii  kKpocrtxut.  ^o^a\X^T«."  The 
enstsatly  rspcated  response  of  the  136th  Psalm 
("  For  His  mercy  endnreth  for  ever "),  or  that 
sTtht  «Benedidte  omnia  Opera'  («" Praise  Him, 
•id  aiagnifr  Him  for  ever"),  are  instances  of 
vkst  is  probably  intended  in  this  case.  Compare 
imPHOS,  Pbalmodt  (Bingham's  Antiq,  xiv.  1, 
§W).       '  ^     [C.]' 

ACBOTELBUnO.  [Doxologt  ;  Pbalmodt.] 


ACTIO.  A  word  frequently  used  to  desig- 
asle  the  canon  of  the  mass. 

The  word  "agere,"  as  is  well  known,  bears  in 
daHcsl  writers  the  special  sense  of  performing 
a  aMTififia]  act ;  hence  the  word  "^  Actio  "  is  ap- 
pBed  to  that  which  was  regarded  as  the  essential 
psrtioB  of  the  Encharistic  sacrifice ;  "^  Actio  dici- 
tar  iose  canon,  quia  in  eo  sacramenta  oonficiuntur 
iWaica,"  sap  Waiafrid  Strabo  {De  Sebus  £col, 
c  S2,  p.  950,  Migne).  Whatever  is  included  in 
the  canon  is  said  to  be  "  infra  actionem ;"  hence, 
vbcB  any  words  are  to  be  added  within  the 
cnen  (as  is  the  case  at  certain  great  festivals), 
thcj  bear  in  the  litnrgies  the  title  or  rubric 
"iafra  actionem ;"  and  in  printed  missals  these 
verds  are  frequently  placed  before  the  prayer 
'Cananicantea."  Compare  Cahok.  (Bona, 
*  lU^  LHuryidty  lib.  iL  c  11}  Macri,  Bicr<h 
fawa,  s.  V,  «  AcUo  ".) 

Ueaorins  of  Antan  supposes  this  use  of  the 
«nd  **  actio  "  t«  be  derived  from  legal  termino- 


logy. **  If  issa  quoddam  judidum  imitatur ;  unde 
et  canon  Actio  vocatur  "  (lib.  i.,  c.  8) ;  and  ^  Canon 
.  .  .  etiam  Actio  didtnr,  quia  causa  povuli  in  eo 
cum  Deo  agitur"  (c.  103).  (In  be  Cange's 
Olosaary,  s.  v.  '*  Actio.")  But  this  derivation, 
though  adopted  by  several  mediaeval  writers, 
does  not  appear  probable.  [C] 

ACTORS  AND  ACTRESSES.— The  in- 
fluence  of  Christianity  on  social  life  was  seen, 
as  in  other  things,  so  specially  in  the  horror 
with  which  the  members  of  the  Christian  Church 
looked  on  the  classes  of  men  and  women  whose 
occupations  identified  them  with  evil.  Among 
these  were  Actors  and  Actresses,  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  found  the  drama  tainted  by 
the  depravity  which  infected  all  heathen  sodety, 
and  exhibiting  it  in  its  worst  forms.  Even  Au- 
gustus sat  as  a  spectator  of  the  ''scenica  adulteria  " 
of  the  '*mimi,"  whose  performances  were  tha 
favourite  amusement  of  Roman  nobles  and  people 
(Ovid,  IHst.  ii.  497-520).  The  tragedies  of 
Aeschylus  or  Sophocles,  or  Seneca,*  the  comedies 
even  of  Menander  and  Terence  could  not  compete 
with  plays  whose  subject  was  always  the  ^  vetiti 
crimen  amoris,"  represented  in  all  its  baseness 
and  foulness  (/6ttf.).  What  Ovid  wrote  of  <<ob- 
scaena"  and  *'turpia"  was  there  acted.  The 
stories  of  Hars  and  Venus,  the  loves  of  Jupiter 
with  Danae,  Leda,  and  Ganymede,  were  exhibited 
in  detail  (Cyprian,  De  Greet,  Dei,  c.  8).  Men's 
minds  were  corrupted  by  the  very  sight.  They 
learnt  to  imitate  their  gods.  The  actors  became, 
in  the  worst  sense  of  the  word,  efieminate,  taught 
''gestus  turpes  et  moUes  et  muliebros  exprimere" 
(^rprian,  Ep,  2,  ed.  Gersdorf.  61,  ed.  Rigalt). 
The  theatre  was  the  ''sacrarium  Veneris,"  the 
<(  oonsistorium  impudidtiae  "  (/Mi.  c  17).  Men 
sent  their  sons  and  daughters  to  learn  adultery 
(Tatian.  Orat.  adv.  Qraec,  c  22;  Tertull.  De 
Sped,  c  10).  The  debasement  which  followed 
on  such  an  occupation  had  been  recognized 
even  by  Roman  law.  The  more  active  cen- 
sors had  pulled  down  theatres  whenever  they 
could,  and  Pompeius,  when  he  built  one,  placed 
a  Temple  of  Venus  over  it  in  order  to  guard 
against  a  like  destruction  (/6tcf.  c.  10).  The 
Greeks,  in  their  admiration  of  artistic  culture, 
had  honoured  their  actors.  The  Romans  looked 
on  them,  even  while  they  patronised  them,  with 
a  consdousness  of  their  degradation.  They  were 
excluded  from  all  dvil  honours,  their  names  were 
struck  out  of  the  register  of  their  tribes ;  they 
lost  by  the  ^  minutio  capitis"  their  privileges  as 
dtizens  {Ibid,  c  22 ;  Augustin.  De  Civ.  Deiy  ii. 
14).  Trajan  banished  them  altogether  from 
Rome  as  utterly  demoralized. 

It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  Christian  writers 
should  almost  from  the  first  enter  their  pro- 
test against  a  life  so  debased.^  They  saw 
in  it  part  of  the  "pompae  diaboli,"  which 
they  were   called    on   to    renounco.      Tertul- 

■■       ■        I     ■ 

•  Angoitine^  who  hi  his  yoath  had  deUi^led  In  ihs 
higher  forms  of  the  drama  (Obii/m.  ill  a),  draws,  after 
his  oonversioD,  a  distlDctioD  between  these  ("acenioonun 
tolerabiltora  lodoram  ")  and  the  obeoenity  of  the  mimes 
(^De  Civ.  Detail  8). 

^  No  spedfio  referenoe  to  ttde  Ibnn  of  evil  is  found.  It 
Is  troe,  In  the  N.  T.  The  case  had  not  yet  presented 
ttseU  It  woDid  have  seemed  as  fanposslbleibr  a  Christian 
to  lake  put  ia  it  as  «o>iln  hi  adnal  Idolatiy. 


16 


AGTOBS  AND  ACTRESSES 


ADRIANTTS 


lian  wrote  the  treatise  already  quoted  specially 
against  it  and  its  kindred  evils  of  the  circus  and 
the  amphitheatre,  and  dwells  on  the  inconsis- 
tency 'of  uttering  from  the  same  lips  the  amen 
of  Christian  worship,  and  the  praises  of  the 
gladiator  or  the  mime.    The  actor  seeks,  against 
the  words  of  Christ,  to  add  a  cnhit  to  his  stature 
by  the  use  of  the  Cothumtts,     He  breaks  the 
Diyine  law  which   forbids  a  man  to  wear  a 
woman's    dress  (Deut.  xziL    5).     Clement  of 
Alexandria    reckons   them   among   the   things 
which  the  Divine  Instructor  forbids  to  all  His 
followers  {Paedagog,  ill.  c  77,  p.  298).    In  course 
of  time  the  question  naturally  presented  itself, 
whether  an  actor  who  had  become  a  Christian 
might  continue  in  his  calling,  and  the  Christian 
conscience  returned  an  answer  in  the  negative, 
the  case  which  Cyprian  deals  with  {Ep»  2,  ut 
supra)  implies  that  on  that  point  there  could  be 
no  doubt  whatever,  and  he  extends  the  prohibition 
to  the  art  of  teaching  actors.    It  would  be  better 
to  maintain  such  a  man  out  of  the  funds  of  the 
Church  than  to  allow  him  to  continue  in  such  a 
calling.  The  more  formal  acts  of  the  Church  spoke 
in  the  same  tone.  The  Council  of  Iliiberis  (c  62) 
required  a  *' pantomimus "  to  renounce  his  art 
before  he  was  admitted  to  baptism.    If  he  re- 
turned to  it,   he   was  to  be  excommunicated. 
The  Srd  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  35)  seems  to 
be  moderating  the  more  extreme  rigour  of  some 
teachers,  ijrhen  it  orders  that  ^  gratia  vel  recon- 
ciliation is  not  to  be  denied  to  them  any  more 
than  to  penitent  apostates.     The  Codex  Eccles. 
A/ric,  (c.  63)  forbids  any  one  who  had  been  con- 
verted, "  ex  qualibet  ludicr&  arte,"  to  be  tempted 
or  coerced  to  resume  his  occupation.    The  Coun- 
cil in  Trullo  (c.  51)  forbids  both  mimes  and  their 
theatres,  and  r&f  M  incny&v  hpx^v^th  under 
pain  of  deposition  for  clerical,  and  excommuni- 
cation for  lay,  offenders.      With  one  consent  the 
moral  sense  of  the  new  society  condemned  what 
seemed  so  incurably  evil.     When  Christianity 
had  become  the  religion  of  the  Empire,  it  was 
of  course,  more  difficult  to  maintain  the  high 
standard  which  these  rules  implied,  and  Chryso- 
Rtom  (^ffom,  vi.  in  Matt.,  Horn.  xv.  ad  Pop.  Antioch, 
Uvnu  X.  in  Coloss.  ii.  p.  403,  i.  38,  731,  780), 
complains  that  theatrical  entertainments  pre- 
vailed among  the  Christians  of  his  time  with  no 
abatement  of  their  evils.      At  Rome  they  were 
celebrated  on  the  entrance  of  a  consul  upon  his 
office  (aaudian  in   Cons.  MaU.  313).     On  the 
triumph  of  the  Emperors  Theodosius  and  Arcadius 
the  theatre  of  Pompeius  was  opened  for  perfor- 
mances by  actors  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire 
(Symmachus,  Epp.  x.  2,  29).    With  a  strange 
inversion  of  the  old  relations  between  the  old  and 
the  new  societies,  the  heathen  Zosimus  reproaches 
the  Christian  Emperor  Constantine  with  having 
patronised  the  mimes  and  their  obscenity.    The 
pantomimes  or  ballets  in  which  the  mythology 
of  Greece  furnished  the  subject-matter  (Medea 
and  Jason,  Perseus  and  Andromeda,  the  loves  of 
Jupiter),  were  still  kept  up.      Women  as  well 
as  men  performed  in  them  (Chrysost.,  Horn.  vi. 
m  Thess.),  and  at  Rome  the  number  of  actresses 
was  reckoned  at  3000.     The  old  infamy  adhered 
to  the  whole  class  under  Christian  legislation. 
They  might  not  appear  in  the  forum  or  basilica, 
or  use  the  public  baths.    And  yet,  with  a  strange 
inconsistency,  the  civil  power  kept  them  in  their 
degradation  rather  than  deprive  the  population 


of  the  great  cities  of  the  empire  of  the 
ments  to  whidi  they  were  so  addicted.  H 
the  Church  sought  to  rescue  them,  admitting 
them  to  baptism,  and  after  baptism  claiming 
immunity  from  their  degrading  occupation,  it 
stepped  in  to  prevent  any  such  conversion,  ex- 
cept in  extremis  (Cod.  Theodos.,  De  Scenic^  xy.). 
Compare  Milman's  History  of  Christianity^  hook 
iv.  c  2 ;  Chastel,  p.  211.  Perhaps  the  fxdlest 
collection  of  every  passage  in  Christian  antiquity 
bearing  on  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  Piynse^ 
Histrimastix.  [T.] 

ACUTUS,  martyr  at  Naples,  commemorated 
Sept.  19  {Martyrol.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] 

ACUS  (accubiwn,  or  ocu&tum,  adcuUij  spina, 
spifwia).  Pins  made  of  precious  metal,  and^  in 
later  mediaeval  times,  enriched  with  jewels,  for 
attaching  the  archiepiscopal  (or  papal)  p&llium 
to  the  vestment  over  which  it  was  worn,  t.  e,  the 
planeta  or  casula  (the  chasuble).  The  earlier 
mention  of  these  known  to  the  present  writer  Is 
in  the  description  given  by  Joannes  Diaconus  of 
the  pallium  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great.  Writing 
himself  in  the  9th  century,  he  notes  it  as  a  point 
of  contrast  between  the  pallium  worn  by  St.  Gre- 
gory and  that  customary  in  his  own  time,  that 
it  was  nvUis  acubus  perforatum.  Their  first 
use,  therefore,  must  probably  date  between  the 
close  of  the  6th  and  the  beginning  of  the  9tb 
century.  For  details  concerning  these  ornaments 
at  later  times,  see  Bock  (fiesch.  der  liturg.  Ge- 
icdndeTf  ii.  191).  Innocent  III.  (/>«  Sacro 
Altaris  MysteriOf  lib.  i.  cap.  63)  assigns  to  these 
pins,  as  to  every  other  part  of  the  sacerdotal 
dress,  a  certain  mystical  significance.  **Tra 
acus  quae  pallio  infiguntur,  ante  pectus,  super 
humerum,  et  post  tergum,  designant  compas- 
sionem  proximi,  administrationem  officii,  destri<^- 
tionemque  judicii."  [W.  B.  M.] 

ADAM  AND  EYE  are  commemorated  in 
the  Ethiopic  Calendar  on  the  6th  day  of  the 
month  Miaziah,  equivalent  to  April  1.  The 
Armenian  Church  commemorates  Adam  with 
Abel  on  July  25.  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd., 
pp.  800,  812.)    ,  [C] 

ADATJOTUS  or  AUD  ACTUS.  (1)  Martyr 
at  Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  30  (Martyroi 
Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.).  Proper  collects  in  Gre- 
gorian Saoramentary  (p.  127),  and  Antiphon  in 
Lib,  Antiph.  p.  709. 

(2)  Commemorated  Oct.  4  (M.  Hieron.).  [C] 

ADDERBOURN,  Council  near  the  (Ad- 

DERBURNENSE    CONCILIUM),    A.D.    705;    OU  the 

River  Nodder,  or  Adderbonrn,  in  Wiltshire;  of 
English  bishops  and  abbats,  where  a  grant  o( 
free  election  of  their  abbat,  after  Aldhelm's 
death,  made  by  Bishop  Aldhelm  to  the  abbejs 
of  Malmesbury,  Frome,  and  Bradford,  was  con- 
firmed  (W.  Malm.,  De  Oest.  Font.  v.  pars  iii.,  f> 
1645,  Migne ;  WUk.  i.  68).  [A  W.  H.] 

ADJT7T0R,  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec. 
17  {MaH.  Hteron.).  [C] 

ADMONITION.    [Monition.] 

ADRIANtJS.  (1)  Martyred  by  Galenas  is 
Nicomedia,  commemorated  Sept.  8  (^MartyroL 
Horn.  Vet.,  Hieron.  Bedae);  Aug.  26  {Cd 
Byzant.) ;  Nov.  6  (M.  Hieron.). 

(2)  Martyr,,  Natale  March  4  (Mart  Bedae) 


ADULTEBY 

(S>  Jdj  26  (Jr.  merwi), 
(4)  Aogiut  8  (fial.  Armen.). 


ADULTERY 


17 


[C] 


ADULTEBY.— We  shall  attempt  to  give  a 
gtaeni  aooonnt  of  laws  and  customs  relating  to 
tkis  topic,  duelling  more  fully  upon  such  as 
doddste  the  spirit  of  their  several  periods,  and 
•pon  the  principles  involved  in  disputable  poinU. 
Ow  outline  br^ks  naturally  into  the  three  fol- 
lowing divirions : — 

1.  Afiteoedents  of  Christian  jurisprudence  in 

Church  and  State  on  adultery. 

2.  Kature  and  classification  of  the  crime. 

3.  Penalties  imposed  upon  it. 

Oar  quotations  from  Eastern  canonists  when 
esBipsred  with  civilians  are  made  from  the  older 
Latin  versions;  oit  occasion  the  Greek  phrases 
are  added.  Iii  imperial  laws  the  Latin  is  com- 
moaly  the  most  authentic  These  are  numbered, 
fint  the  Book  of  Codez,  next  Title,  then  Law ; 
bit  ia  the  Digest,  where  it  is  usual  to  subdivide, 
the  title  is  distinguished  by  a  Roman  numeral. 

L  Aidecedents  of  Christian  Jurisprudence  in 
OmtcK  and  State  on  Adultery, — Respecting  the 
penns  of  future  differences  as  regards  this  and 
eoanected  subjects  traceable  in  the  Apostolic 
times,  Xeander  has  some  useful  observations 
{Pkutting  of  the  Christian  Church,  Bohn*s  ed.  L 
246-9  and  257, 261).  Many  circumstances,  how- 
erer,  kept  down  these  tendencies  to  opposition. 
la  an  age  of  newly  awakened  faith,  and  under 
the  pressure  of  persecution,  liring  motive  took 
tke  place  of  outward  law.  The  revulsion  from 
heatheD  sins  was  strong,  and  filled  the  souls  of 
coQTcrts  with  abhorrence,  while  the  tender  sym- 
pitbj  of  their  teadiers  urged  men  to  control 
themselres,  succour  the  tempted,  and  pity  the 
fikllen.  "I  am  overwhelmed  with  sadness," 
vrites  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians  (cap.  xi.), 
**(Ni  account  of  Valens  who  was  made  presbyter 
saongst  yon,  because  he  thus  knows  not  the 
place  which  was  given  him."  This  man  had 
fiUkn  into  adultery  (see  Jacobson  in  loco).  *^l 
grieve  exceedingly  both  for  him  and  for  his 
wife,  tQ  whom  may  the  Lord  grant  true  repent* 
aaoc.  Bt  ye  therefore  also  sober-minded  in  this 
matter,  and  count  not  such  persons  as  your  ene- 
mies; bat  as  suffering  and  wayward  members 
call  them  back,  that  you  may  save  the  one  Body 
<d  voa  alL  For  so  doing  ye  shall  establish  your 
own  selves." 

Clement  of  Rome,  unlike  Polycarp,  had  no 
tftoMl  example  to  deal  with ;  his  warnings  are 
therefore  general.  In  JEp.  i.  30  and  cap.  6  of 
the  2nd  Ep^  attributed  to  him,  adultery  is  stig- 
nutixed  among  the  foulest  and  most  heinous 
flu.  His  exhortations  and  promises  of  forgive- 
oeis  (L  7,  8,  9,  50)  are  likewise  general,  but 
their  tenour  leaves  no  doubt  that  he  intended  to 
mvite  all  such  sinners  to  repentance.  The  same 
declarations  of  remission  to  all  penitents  and 
the  loosing  of  every  bond  by  the  grace  of  Christ, 
occur  in  Ignat.  £p.  ad  Philadelph,  8 ;  and  are 
fcKud  in  the  shorter  as  well  as  the  longer  reccn- 
sioii  (gee  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat.  p.  97).  In  these 
addr^ses  we  seem  to  catch  the  lingering  tones 
*4  the  Apoatolic  age ;  and  all  of  like  meaning 
and  early  date  should  be  noted  as  valuable  testi- 
Konies.  De  I'Aubespine  (Bingham,  xvi.  11,  2) 
a&wrted  that  adulterers  were  never  taken  back 
into  communion  before  the  time  of  Cyprian,  and, 
thoQ{(h  Bishop  Pearson  refutes  this  opinion,  he 

CBlVr.  AHT. 


allows  that  respecting  them,  together  with  mnr* 
derers  and  idolaters,  there  was  much  dispute  m 
the  early  Church.  Beveridge  also  {Cod,  Can, 
vii.  2)  believes  that  its  severity  was  so  great  as 
to  grant  no  such  sinners  reconciliation  except 
upon  the  very  hardest  terms. 

Of  this  severe  treatment,  as  well  as  the  differ- 
ence of  opinion  alluded  to  by  Pearson,  we  see 
various  traces;  yet  the  prevailing  inclination 
was  to  hold  out  before  the  eyes  of  men  a  hope 
mingled  with  fear.    Hermas  (^Pastor  Mandat.  4, 1 
and  3)  concedes  one,  and  but  one,  repentance  to 
those  who  are  unchaste  after  baptism ;  for  which 
mildness  and  a  reluctant  allowance  of  second 
nuptials,  TertuUian  (De  Pudicit.  10)  styles  this 
book  an  Adulterers'  Friend.    Dionysius  of  Co- 
rinth, writing  to  the  churches  of  Pontus  on 
marriage  and  continency,  counsels  the  reception 
of  all  who  repent  their  transgressions,  whatever 
their  nature  mav  be  (Euseb.  iv.  23).    Thus  also 
Zephyrinus   of  liome  announced,  according   to 
TertuUian,   '^ego  et  moechiae  et  fornicationis 
delicta,  poenitentia  functis  dimitto ;"  and  though 
quoted  in  a  spirit  of  hostility  and  satire,  this 
sentence,   which  forms  a  chief  reason  for  the 
treatise  {De  Pudicit.),  probably  contains  in  sub- 
stance an  authentic  penitential  rule.   Of  Tertul- 
lian's  own  opinion,  since  he  was  at  this  time  a 
Montanist,  it  is  needless  to  say  more  than  that, 
differing  from  his  former  views,  not  far  removed 
from  those  maintained  by  Hermas  (cf.  De  Peni' 
tent.  7-10),  he  now  held  adultery  to  be  one  of 
those  sins  not  only  excluding  for  ever  from  the 
company  of  believers,  but  also  (cap.  19)  abso- 
lutely without  hope  through  our  Lord's  inter- 
cession.   Exclusion  from  the  faithful  was,  how- 
ever,  insisted    upon    in    such    cases    by  some 
Catholic  bishops.    Cyprian  (ad  Antonian.),  while 
himself  on  the  side  of  mercy,  tells  us  how  cer- 
tain bishops  of  his  province  had,  in  the  time  of 
his  predecessors,  shut  the  door  of  the  Church 
against  adulterers,  and  denied  them  penitence 
altogether.  Others  acted  on  the  opposite  system ; 
yet  we  are  assured  that  peace  remained  un- 
broken—  a   surprising  circumstance,  certainly, 
considering  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  that 
province,  and  the  importance  of  such  decisions 
to  a  luxurious  population.    Cypnan  hints  at  no 
lay   difficulties,  and    simply    says    that  every 
bishop  is  the  disposer  and  director  of  his  own 
act,  and  must  render  an  account  to  God  (cf.  also 
Cypr.  De   Unitate,  several  Epistles^  and   Cone. 
Carthag.  Prohquium).    Hence  the  determination 
of  one  bishop  had  no  necessary  force   in  the 
diocese  of  another.    So,  too,  the  acts  of  a  local 
council  took  effect  only  within  its  own  locality, 
unless  they  were  accepted  elsewhere.     But  the 
correspondence    of   bishops    and    churches    set 
bounds  to  the  difficulties  which  might  otherwise 
have  arisen,  and  prepared  the  way  for  General 
Councils — see,  for  instance,  the  fragment  (Euseb. 
▼.  25)  of  the  early  Synod  at  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine— ^its  object  being  the  difiWion  of  the  Syno- 
dical    Epistle.      United  action  was  also  much 
furthered  by  the  kind   of   compilation  called 
Codex  Oinonum,  but  the  first  of  these  (now 
lost)  was  formed  towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
century.   See  Dion.  JSxig.  ap.  Justell.  1. 101,  and 
Bevereg.,  Pand,  Can.  Proleg.  vii. 

The  passages  already  cited  show  the  strength  of 

Christian  recoil  from  heathen  sensuality.    In  his 

I  instructive  reply  to  Celsus  (iii.  51)  Origen  com* 

C 


18 


ADULTERY 


pans  the  attitade  of  the'  Church  towards  back- 
sliders, especially  towards  the  incontinent,  with 
that  feeling  which  prompted  the  Pythagoreans  to 
erect  a  cenotaph  for  each  disciple  who  left  their 
school.  They  esteemed  him  dead,  and,  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  way.  Christians  bewail  as  lost  to 
God,  and  already  dead,  those  who  are  overcome 
with  unclean  desire  or  the  like.  Should  sudi 
regain  their  senses,  the  Church  receives  them  at 
length,  as  men  alive  from  death,  but  to  a  longer 
probation  than  the  one  converts  underwent  at 
first,  and  as  no  more  capable  of  honour  and 
dignity  amongst  their  fellows.  Yet  Origen  goes 
on  to  state  (59'64)  the  remedial  power  of  Chris- 
tianity. Taken  together  these  sections  paint  a 
lively  picture  of  the  treatment  of  gross  trans- 
gressors within  and  without  the  Christian  fold. 
On  the  passage  in  his  De  Oratione,  which  sounds 
like  an  echo  of  Tertullian,  see  foot-note  in  Dela- 
rue's  ed.,  vol.  i.  256. 

Christians  might  well  shrink  from  what  they 
saw  around  them.  Ldoentious  impurities,  count- 
less in  number  and  in  kind,  were  the  burning 
reproaches,  the  pollution,  and  the  curse  of 
heathendom.  It  is  impossible  to  quote  much  on 
these  topics,  but  a  carefully  drawn  sketch  of 
them  will  be  found  in  two  short  essays  by  Pro- 
fessor Jowett  appended  to  the  first  chapter  of 
his  Commentary  on  the  Romans.  They  demon- 
strate how  utterly  unfounded  is  the  vulgar 
notion  that  Councils  and  Fathers  meddled  un- 
necesNarily  with  gross  and  disgusting  offences. 
With  these  essays  may  be  compart  Martial 
and  the  Satirists,  or  a  single  writer  such  as 
Seneca — unus  instar  omnium — e.g.  ^'Hinc  de- 
centissimum  sponsaliorum  genus,  adulterium," 
&C.,  i.  9 ;  or  again,  lii.  16,  "  Nunquid  jam  ulla 
repudio  erubescit  postquam  illustres  quaedam 
ac  nobiles  foeminae,  non  consulum  numero, 
sed  maritonim,  annos  suos  computant?  et 
exeunt  matrimonii  causa,  nubunt  repudii  ?  .  .  . 
Nunquid  jam  uUus  adulterii  pudor  est,  postquam 
eo  ventum  est,  ut  nulla  virum  habeat,  nisi  ut 
adulterum  irritet?  Argumentum  est  deformi- 
tatis,  pudicitia.  Quam  invenies  tam  miseram, 
tam  sordidam,  ut  illi  satis  sit  unum  adulterorum 
par?"  &c.  In  Valerius  Maximus  we  hear  a 
sigh  for  departed  morals — in  Christian  writers, 
from  the  Apologists  to  Salvian,  a  recital  of  the 
truth,  always  reproachful,  and  sometimes  half 
triumphant.  Moreover,  as  usual,  sin  became  the 
punishment  of  sin — Justin  Martyr,  in  his  first 
Apology  (c.  27  seq.),  points  out  the  horrible  con- 
sequences which  ensued  from  a  heathen  prac- 
tice following  upon  the  licence  just  mentioned. 
The  custom  of  exposing  new-bom  babes  pervaded 
all  ranks  of  society,  and  was  authorized  even  by 
the  philosophers.  Almost  all  those  exposed,  says 
Justin,  both  boys  and  girls,  were  taken,  rc»u^, 
and  fed  like  brute  beasts  for  the  vilest  purposes 
of  sensuality ;  so  that  a  man  might  commit  the 
grossest  crime  unawares  with  one  of  his  own 
children,  and  from  these  wretched  beings  the 
State  derived  a  shameful  impost.  Compare  Ter- 
tull.  Apohget.  9,  sub  fin.  Happy  in  comparison 
those  infants  who  underwent  the  prae  or  post 
natal  fate,  described  by  Minucius  Felix  c.  30.  To 
Lactantius  (we  may  rentark)  are  attributed  the 
laws  of  Constantine  intended  to  mitigate  the 
allied  evils  of  that  later  age,  cf.  Milman  {Hist, 
ChritA.  ii.  394).  <<We,''  continues  Justin  (c 
29)^  *'  expose  not  our  offspring,  lest  one  of  them 


ADUliTEBT 

should  perish  and  we  be  murderers;  nay,  the 
bringing  up  of  children  is  the  very  object  of  ou 
marriages.'  There  are  passages  to  the  saioi 
effect  in  the  Ep.  ad  Diognet.  c  5,  and  Athenag. 
LegcA.  pro  Christian,  (c.  33  al.  28),  and  thus 
these  early  apologists  adduce  a  principle  laid 
down  amongst  the  ends  of  matrimony  in  the 
Anglican  marriage  -  service.  They  no  doubt 
utter  the  thought  of  their  fellow  Christians 
in  opposing  to  the  licence  of  the  age  the  purest 
parental  instincts,  and  these  are  perhaps  in 
every  age  the  most  stringent  restraints  upon 
adultery. 

The  standard  of  contemporary  Jewish  practice 
may  be  divined  from  the  Dial,  cum  TrtffAon, 
cc.  134  and  141.  The  Rabbis  taught  the  law- 
fulness of  marrying  four  or  five  wives, — ^if  any 
man  were  moved  by  the  sight  of  beauty  Jaoob^ 
example  excused  him, — if  he  sinned,  the  prece- 
dent of  David  assured  his  forgiveness. 

Surrounding  evils  naturally  deepened  the  im- 
pression upon  Christians  that  they  were  stran- 
gers and  pilgrims  in  the  world,  that  their  aim 
must  be  to  keep  themselves  from  being  partakers 
in  other  men's  sins ;  to  suffer  not  as  evil  doers, 
but  as  Christians,  and  to  use  the  Roman  law  ss 
St.  Paul  used  it,  for  an  appeal  on  occasion — a 
possible  protection,  but  not  a  social  rule.   Hence 
the  danger  was  Quietism ;  and  they  were  in  fact 
accused  of  forsaking  the  duties  of  citizens  and 
soldiers — accusations  which  the  Apologists,  par- 
ticularly   Tertullian    and     Origen,    answered, 
though    with    many    reserves.      The    faithful 
thought  that  their  prayers  and  examples  were 
the  best  of  services ;  they  shunned  sitting  in 
judgment  on  cases  involving  life  and  death,  im- 
prisonment or  torture,  and  (what  is  more  to  our 
purpose)  questions  de  pudore.    On  the  admission 
of  Christians  to  magistracy  as  early  as  the  An- 
tonines,  cf.  Dig.  50,  tit.  2,  s.  3,  sub  fin.,  with  Gotho- 
fred's  notes.    Traces  of  their  aversion  from  such 
business  appear  in  some  few  Councils ;  e,  g.  Elib. 
56,   excludes  Duumvirs   from    public    worship 
during  their  year  of  office.    Tarracon.  4,  forbids 
bishops  to  decide  criminal  causes — a  rule  which 
has  left  its  mark  on  modem  legislation.     Natu- 
rally resulting   from    these  infiuences,   was   s 
higher  and  diffVised   tone  of  purity.    Obeying 
human  laws,  believers  transcended  them,  Ep,  ad 
Diognet.  5,  and  compare  Just.  Apoi,  I.  17,  seq. 
with    15.     He  8])enks   emphntically  of  the  in- 
numerable multitude  who  turned  f^om  license 
to  Christina  self-control.    The  causeless  divorce 
allowed  by  law  led  to  what  Christ  forbade  as 
digamy  and  adultery,  while  the  latter  sin  was 
by  Him  extended  to  the  eye  and  the  heart.    In 
like  manner,  Athenagoras  (Leg.  pro  Christ.  2) 
asserts  that  it  was  impossible  to  find  a  Christian 
who  had  been  criminally  convicted — and  that  do 
Christian  is  an  evil-doer  except  he  be  a  hypocrit* 
— 32,  33,  al.  27,  28,  that  impurity  of  heart  is 
essentially  adultery,  and  that  even  a  slightly 
unchaste  thought  may  exclude  from  everlasting 
life.     He  says,  as  Justin,  that  numbers  in  the 
Church  were  altogether  continent ;  numbers,  too, 
lived  according  to  the  strictest  marriage  mle. 
Athenagoras  goes  so  far  (33  al.  28)  as  to  pro- 
nounce against  all  second  marriages,  because  he 
who  deprives  himself  of  even  a  deceased  wife  br 
taking  another  is  an  adulterer.     Clement  of 
Alexandria  (Paedag,  ii.  6)   quaintly  ohserres 
that  '*  Non  Moechaberis  "  it  cut  up  by  the  roots 


ADULTERY 

tkiwgii  "bob  ooBcnpiioes,**  and  in  the  same 
fpiiH  fiMMiwniUmii  (Ingtmct.  48)  writes 
i  BMc^fidl  vM  man  eat  Vrngb  Tltate : 
wmA  UutftiM,  que  finni  atne  BaDgnlne  fino^ 

OiBpm  other  passages  on  adultery  of  the 
iMvt,  Lsctaat.  IndH.  ri.  23,  and  Epit.  8 ;  Greg. 
SiBiBs^  Earn.  37  aL  31 ;  and  later  on^  Photius, 
J^  13i^--a  remarkable  composition. 

Aaothcr  aalefnard  from  lioentiousness    was 

Ikck^Taloationnow  set  npon  the  true  dignitj 

•f  vonsB  not  only  as  the  help-meet  of  man  but 

m  t  partaker  in  the  Divine  Image,  sharing  the 

UK  kope,  and  a  fit  partner  of  that  moral 

BBMt  in  which  our  Lord  placed  the  intention 

lai  eaeaoe  of  the  married  state.    Clement  of 

Umadria  draws  a  picture  of  the  Christian 

wHi  lod  mother  {Paedag.  iiL  11,  p.  250  Sylb. 

aai  Pottar^s  Gr.  marg.);   of  the  husband  and 

frtkr,  (Sbvm.  tii.  p.  741).     Tertullian  before 

bin,  ia  the  last  cap.  ad  Uxorem  describes  a  truly 

(Jbrirtisn  marriage — the  oneness  of  hope,  prayer, 

pnctice,  and  pious  service ;  no  need  of  conceal- 

BNt,  mutual  avoidanoe,  nor  mutual  vexation ; 

dknst  banished,  a  freebom  confidence,  sym- 

pitky,  and  comfort  in  each  other,  presiding  over 

etefy  part  of  their  public  and  private  existence. 

This  languaee   derives    additional    strength 

btm  Tertullian  s -treatment  of  mixed  marriages. 

TImm  eontncted  before  oonversion  fall  under  1 

Cat.  TIL  10-17  (ef.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  2),  yet  their 

eoanqacDees  were  most  mischievous.    He  tells 

m{ad8eapfikan  3)  how  Claudius  Herminianus, 

vWr  wife  became  a  convert,  revenged  himself 

bf  kxbarous  usage  of  the  Cappadocian  Chris- 

tnas.   A  mixed  marriage  after  oonversion  is  a 

raj  gmt  sin,  forbidden  by  1  Cor.  vii.  39  and  2 

Cv.  ri.  14-16,  and  Tertullian  ad  Uxor.  ii.  3 

watifmni  these  who  contract  it  as  "  stupri  reos  " 

—  tnaagresBors    of   the    7th    Commandment. 

Addreaing  his  own  wife,  he  proceeds  to  describe 

iU  Krioos  evils  to  a  woman.    When  she  wishes 

to  attend  worship  her  husband  makes  an  appoint- 

■MBt  for  the  baths.     Instead  of  hymns  she  hears 

Magi,  sad  his  songs  are  from  the  theatre,  the 

tsfera,  and  the   night  cellar.    Her  fasts  are 

kiadcnd  by  his  feasta.     He  is  sure  to  object 

•fsiiBt  nocturnal  services,  prison  visita,  the  kiss 

«f  pesee^  sad  other  customs.     She  will  have  a 

^ifieslty  ia  persuading  him  that  such  private 

ohKimeee  as  crossing  and  exsufflation,  are  not 

nagiesl  rites.     To  these  and  other  remarks, 

Totalliaa  adds   the  sensible  arguments,  that 

aoM  but   the    worst    heathens   would  marry 

(Vistisa  women,  and  how  then  could  believing 

wins  feel  secure  in  such  hands?    Their  hus- 

kaads  kept  the  secret  of  their  religion   as  a 

■KSBS  of  enforcing  subjection ;  or,  if  dissatisfied, 

■aned  it  for  the  day  of  persecution  and  legal- 

ind  murder.    Their  own  motives  were  of  the 

hawr  kind — ^they  married  for  a  handsome  litter, 

■alei,  and  tall  attendants  from  some  foreign 

eoeatry ; — luxuria  which  a  fiuthful  man,  even 

if  wealthy,  might   not  think  proper  to  allow 

tkca.    This  being  the  early  experience  of  the 

Hkarch,  we  are  not  surprued   to  find  mixed 

■srriagtf  forbidden  in  after  times  suh  poena 


ADULTERY 


19 


We  cannot  here  pass  over  a  history  told  by 
Ja^  Martyr  in  his  ApoL  ii.  2,  and  repeated 
hjr  Eosebtns  iv.  17,  respecting  which  the  learned 
Bofkam  haa  been  led  into  a  remarkable  mis- 


take, copied  and  added  to  by  Whiston  in  a  note 
on  Antiq.  xv.  7,  10.  A  woman  married  to  a 
very  wicked  husband,  herself  as  drunken  and 
dissolute  as  the  man,  became  a  convert  to  the 
faith.  Thoroughly  reformed,  she  tried  to  per- 
suade him  by  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  terrors  of  eternal  fire.  Failing  in  her  at- 
tempts, and  revolted  by  the  loathsome  and  un- 
natural compulsion  to  which  her  husband  sub- 
jected her,  she  thought  repudiation  would  be 
preferable  to  a  life  of  impious  compliances.  Her 
friends  prevailed  upon  her  to  wait  and  hope  for 
the  best,  but  a  journey  to  Alexandria  made  her 
husband  worse  than  before,  and,  driven  to  des- 
pair, she  sent  him  a  divorce.  Immediately  he 
informed  against  her  as  a  Christian ;  a  blow 
which  she  parried  by  presenting  a  petition  for 
delay  to  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius,  who 
granted  her  request.  Upon  this  her  husband, 
thirsting  for  revenge,  accused  her  teacher  in 
religious  truth,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
three  lives  sacrificed  in  succession  to  his  ven- 
geance. 

Bingham  (zvi.  11,  6)  cites  the  narrative  as  an 
instance  of  a  wife's  being  allowed  by  the  Church 
to  divorce  a  husband  on  the  ground  of  adultery. 
But  the  valuable  writer,  led  perhaps  by  Gotho- 
fred  {Cod.  Theod.  vol.  i.  p.  812)  has  here  erred  in 
a  matter  of  fact,  for  Justin  tidces  some  pains  to 
show  that  the  woman's  grievance  was  not  adul- 
tery at  all.  Fleury  (iii.  49)  has  apprehended 
the  truth  with  correctness  and  expressed  it  with 
delicacy.  The  like  case  is  discussed  by  an  author 
long  called  Ambrose  in  his  comment  on  1  Cor.  vii. 
11  \Afnbros.  op.  ed.  Benedict.,  torn.  ii.  appendix 
p.  133  E-FX  and  he  determines  that,  under  the 
given  circumstances,  a  woman  must  separate 
from  her  husband,  but  she  must  not  marry  again. 
The  Imperial  law  also  provided  a  remedy.  Cod. 
Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  3.  It  is  certainly  noteworthy 
that,  in  telling  this  brief  tragedy,  neither  Justin 
nor  Eusebius  says  a  word  against  the  wife's  seek- 
ing relief  from  the  heathen  custom  of  divorce. 
Yet  its  license  was  condemned  on  all  sides.  The 
founder  of  the  Empire  strove  to  check  it ;  and, 
had  the  aggrieved  woman  lived  under  the  first 
Christian  emperor,  that  resource  would  have 
been  denied  her.  Clearly,  circumstances  justi- 
fied the  wife,  but  it  would  seem  natural  to  have 
mentioned  the  danger  of  doing  wrong,  while 
pleading  her  justification.  We,  in  modem  times, 
should  say  that  such  cases  are  exceptional,  and 
the  inference  from  silence  is  that  similar  wicked- 
new  was  not  exceptional  in  those  days,  and  was 
treated  by  the  Church  as  a  ground  of  divorce ; 
a  moumral  conclusion,  but  one  that  many  fiu;ts 
render  probable,  ejg.  the  Imperial  law  above 
cited. 

From  these  antecedents  our  step  is  brief  to 
laws  for  the  repression  of  incontinency.  The 
natural  beginning  was  for  each  community  to 
follow  simply  the  example  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor 
V.  and  2  Cor.  ii.),  but,  as  convei*ts  multiplied,  i 
became  necessary  to  prescribe  definite  tests  ci 
repentance  which  formed  also  ^he  terms  of  re- 
conciliation. Such  rules  had  for  one  object  the 
good  of  the  community,  and  in  this  light  every 
offence  was  a  public  wrong,  and  is  so  looked 
upon  by  canon  law  at  this  day.  But  penitence 
had  a  second  object — ^the  soul's  health  of  the 
offender— and  thus  viewed,  the  same  transgres- 
sion was  treated  as  a  moral  stain,  and  censured 

C  2 


20 


ADULTERY 


ADULTEBY 


according  to  its  Intrinsic  heinousness,  or,  in  few 
words,  the  crime  became  a  sin.  This  idea,  no 
doubt,  entered  into  the  severe  laws  of  Christian 
princes  against  adulteiy,  and  is  an  indication  of 
ecclesiastical  influence  upon  them.  Framers  of 
canons  had  in  turn  their  judgment  acted  upon 
by  the  great  divines,  who  were  apt  to  regulate 
public  opinion,  and  to  enforce  as  maxims  of  life 
their  own  interpretations  of  Scripture.  Some- 
times the  two  character  met  in  the  same  per- 
son, as  in  the  eminent  Gregories,  Basil,  and 
others ;  but  where  this  was  not  the  case,  theo- 
logians commonly  overlooked  many  points  which 
canonists  were  bound  to  consider. 

Church  lawgivers  must  indeed  always  have 
regard  to  existing  social  facts  and  the  ordinary 
moral  tone  of  their  own  age  and  nation.  They 
roust  likewise  keep  State  law  steadily  in  mind 
when  they  deal  with  offences  punishable  in  civil 
courts.  That  they  did  so  in  reality,  we  learn 
from  the  Greek  Scholia ;  and  hence,  when  divorce 
is  connected  with  adultery  (particularly  as  its 
cause),  the  Scholiasts  trace  most  canonical 
changes  to  foregoing  alterations  in  the  laws  of 
the  Empire.  The  reader  should  reproduce  in  his 
mind  these  two  classes  of  data  if  he  wishes  to 
foi*m  a  judgment  on  subjects  like  the  present. 
We  have  called  attention  to  the  license  which 
tainted  prae-Christian  Rome.  Of  the  Christian 
world,  homilists  are  the  most  powerful  illustra- 
tors, but  the  light  thrown  upon  it  by  canons  is 
quite  unmistakable.  The  spirit  prevalent  at  the 
opening  of  the  4th  century  may  be  discerned 
from  its  Councils,  cjq.  Gnngra ;  one  object  of 
which  (can.  4)  was  to  defend  married  presbyters 
against  the  attacks  made  upon  them ;  cf.  £lib.  33, 
and  Stanley's  account  of  the  later  1  Nic.  ?^{Eastem 
Ch,  196-9).  Gangra,  14,  forbids  wives  to  desert 
their  husbands  from  abhorrence  of  married  life ; 
9  and  10  combat  a  like  disgust  and  contempt  of 
matrimony  displayed  by  consecrated  virgins, 
and  16  is  aimed  against  sons  who  desert  their 
parents  under  pretext  of  piety,  t>.  to  become 
celibates,  something  after  the  fashion  of  "  Cor- 
ban."  An  age,  whei*e  the  springs  of  home  life 
are  poisoned,  is  already  passing  into  a  morbid 
condition,  and  legislative  chirurgeons  may  be 
excused  if  they  commit  some  errors  of  severity  in 
dealing  with  its  evils.  But  what  can  be  said  of 
the  frightful  pictures  of  Roman  life  drawn,  some- 
what later,  by  Ammian.  Marcell.  xiv.  6 ;  xxvii.  3 ; 
and  xxviii.  4 ;  or  the  reduced  copies  of  them  in 
Gibbon,  chaps.  25  and  31,  to  which  may  be  added 
the  fiery  Epistles  of  Jerome  (jpassim),  and  the 
calm  retrospect  of  Milman  (^Hist,  of  Christ,  iii. 
230,  seq.)?  Can  any  one  who  reads  help  reflect- 
ing with  what  intensified  irony  this  decrepit 
age  might  repeat  the  old  line  of  Ennius — 

MuUerem :  quid  potlus  dicam  ant  verius  qimm  nmlierem  ? 

Or  can  we  feel  surprised^wjih  violent  efforts  at 
coercing  those  demoralized  ,men  and  women  ? 

Gibbon,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  jurispru- 
dence of  Justinian,  saw  that  it  could  not  be 
understood,  particularly  on  the  topic  of  our 
article,  without  some  acquaintance  with  the 
laws  and  customs  of  the  earliest  periods.  To 
his  sketch  we  must  refer  the  reader,  adding  only 
the  following  remarks : — 

1.  His  opinion  upon  the  barbarity  of  marital 
rule  has  found  an  echo  in  Hegel  (see  Werke,  Bd. 
IX.  p.  348,  seq.).     F.  von  Schlegel,  though  in  his 


Concordia  highly  praising  the  conjugal  purity  oi 
ancient  Rome,  had  already  (^Werhey  xiii.  261,  3 
blamed  that  rigid  adherence  to  letter  and  for* 
mula  which  pervades  the  system.  To  such  cen- 
sures Mommsen  is  thoroughly  opposed.  In  book 
i.  chap.  .5,  he  views  the  stern  simplicity  of  idei 
on  which  all  household  right  was  founded  as  true 
to  nature  and  to  the  requirements  of  social  im- 
provement. In  chap.  12  he  points  out  how  the 
old  Roman  religion  supplemented  law  by  iti 
code  of  moral  maxims.  The  member  of  t 
family  might  commit  grievous  wrong  untouched 
by  civil  sentence,  but  the  curse  of  the  gods 
lay  henceforth  heavy  on  that  sacrilegious  head. 
Mommsen's  remarks  on  religious  terrors  agree 
well  with  the  very  singular  restraints  on  divorce 
attributed  by  Plutarch  to  Romulus.  The  im- 
pression of  ethical  hardness  is  in  &ct  mainlv 
due  to  the  iron  logic  of  Roman  lawyers.  Father, 
husband,  matron,  daughter,  are  treated  as  real- 
istic universals,  and  their  specific  definitioiu 
worked  out  into  axioms  of  legal  right.  Yet  id 
application  (a  fact  overlooked  by  Schlegel)  the 
swnmumjus  is  often  tempered  by  equitable  allow- 
ances, e,g.  a  wife  accused  of  adultery  had  the 
power  of  recrimination.  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  5; 
and  cf.  August.  Be  Conjug.  Adttiterin,  ii.  7  (vtii.) 
for  a  longer  extract,  and  a  comment  on  the  re- 
script. Such  facts  go  far  to  explain  the  coum 
pursued  by  Christian  lawgivers. 

2.  On  the  vast  changes  which  took  place 
after  the  2nd  Punic  war  Gibbon  should  be  com- 
pared with  Mommsen,  b.  iii.  cap.  13,  pp.  884-5. 

But  neither  of  these  writers,  in  dwelling  oo 
the  immoral  atmosphere  which  infected  married 
life,  point  out  any  specially  sufficient  cause  why 
Roman  matrons  showed  such  irrepressible  avi- 
dity for  divorce  with  all  its  strainings  of  law, 
its  dissolution  of  sacred  maxims,  its  connecticn 
with  celibacy  in  males,  and  a  frightful  train  of 
unbridled  sensualities.  Perhaps  the  only  tnu 
light  is  to  be  gained  from  a  comparison  with 
ecclesiastical  history.  We  shall  see  that  is 
later  ages  of  the  Church  there  came  about  va 
entire  reversal  of  earlier  opinions  on  the  crimi- 
nal essence  and  the  very  definition  of  adultery, 
and  that  the  ground  of  complaint  at  both  periodi 
(Pagan  nnd  Christian)  was  one  and  the  same; 
the  cause,  therefore,  may  not  improbably  be  one 
also,  viz.,  the  inadequate  remedy  afforded  U 
women  for  wifely  wrongs.  Some  parti cu Ian 
will  be  found  in  our  second  division,  but  the 
question  opens  a  wide  field  for  speculation,  out- 
lying our  limits,  and  belonging  to  the  philoso- 
phy of  history. 

3.  The  parallel  between  Church  and  State 
ought  to  be  carried  further.  Imperial  Rome, 
looking  back  upon  the  Republic,  felt  the  de- 
cadence of  her  own  conjugal  and  family  ties, 
and  wrote  her  displeasure  in  the  Inws  of  the 
first  Caesars.  So,  too,  when  the  nobleness  oi 
apostolic  life  ceased  to  be  a  substitute  for  legis- 
lation, it  sharpened  the  edge  of  canonical  ceo- 
sure  by  regretful  memories  of  the  better  time. 
The  same  history  of  morals  led  to  a  sameness  is 
the  history  of  law,  the  State  refieated  itself  u 
the  Church. 

4.  Gibbon  has  a  sneer  against  Justinian  for 
giving  permanence  to  Pagan  constitutions.  Bat 
those  laws  had  always  been  presupposed  bj 
Christian  government,  both  civil  and  spiritual 
The  emperors  amended  or  supplemented  them, 


ADULTERY 


ADULTERY 


21 


ni  vkere  bisbopt  felt  a  need,  they  petitioned 
far  aa  Imperiml  edict — €^»  the  canons  of  three 
African  ooandls  relating  to  oar  subject,  and 
•oced  hereafter,  in  which  the  sjnods  decide  on 
flacb  a  petition.  Then,  too,  the  opposite  experi- 
Bcnt  bal  been  tried.  The  Codex  Theodosianus 
heffSBL  with  the  laws  of  Constantino  (c£  art. 
Tkeoiomu  in  Diet,  Biograpk.);  but  when  Jus- 
tiaisB  strore  to  gire  scientific  form  to  Ids  juris- 
pndesee  he  found  that  completeness  could  no 
waj  be  attained  except  by  connecting  it  with 
the  old  framework ;  and,  as  we  haye  seen.  Gibbon 
kiBfldf  felt  a  similar  necessity  for  the  minor 
inrpooe  of  explanation. 

Oar  plan  here  will  therefore  be  to  use  the 
great  vork  of  Justinian  as  our  skeleton,  and 
clatlie  it  with  the  bands  and  sinews  of  the 
Church.  We  gain  two  advantages:  his  incom- 
pinUe  method ;  and  a  stand-point  at  an  era  of 
sTitenatie  endeaTour  to  unify  Church  and  State. 
For  Uiii  endeavoor  see  NooeU.  131,  c  1,  held  by 
ooBiists  to  accept  all  received  by  Chalcedon, 
as.  1  (eomprehending  much  on  our  subject),  and 
SateB.  83,  extending  the  powers  of  bishops  on 
eededastical  ofiences.  His  example  was  afber- 
vards  followed  by  the  acceptance  of  Trull,  can.  2, 
aUiiig  lai^ly  to  the  list  of  constitutions  upon 
adalterj ;  cf.  PhoHi  Nomocanoiu,  tit.  i.  cap.  2,  with 
Sehoiis,  and  for  the  difficulties  Bey.  Pand,  Can, 
Frokg.  TvL,  ix.  For  harmonies  of  spiritual 
aod  dvil  law  as  respects  breaches  of  the  7th 
GoauBSBdmeat  see  Aniio(Aeni  NomoCy  tits,  xli, 
aad  xliL,  and  Pkotii  Nomoc,  tit.  ix.  29,  and  tit. 
niL  3  and  6.     Both  are  in  Jtuielhta,  vol.  ii. 

liter  A.D.  305  the  Church  was  so  frequently 
ogaged  in  devising  means  for  upholding  the 
aaactitf  of  the  marriage  tie  that  every  step  in 
the  reception  of  canons  concerning  it  forms  a 
kadmark  of  moral  change.  Such  an  era  was 
the  reign  of  Justinian ;  it  was  an  age  of  great 
code  makers— of  Dionysius  Exiguus  and  Joannes 
Aitiochenua.  Numbers  of  local  constitutions 
becaaie  transformed  into  world-wide  laws;  the 
ftA,  therefore,  never  to  be  overlooked  respecting 
caaoBs  on  adultery,  is  the  extent  of  their  final 


We  now  come  to  Division  II.,  and  must  con- 
nder  at  some  length  the  definition  of  adultery 
itnctlj  ao  called.  On  this  point  a  revolution 
Unik  place  of  no  slight  significance  in  the  great 
antithesis  between  luist  and  West.  Details  are 
therefore  necessary. 

IL  yatwe  atvd  Classification  of  the  Crime. — 
K^lecting  an  occasional  employment  of  the  words 
ptrvmiacae  (on  which  see  first  of  following  refer- 
nccsX  we  find  (Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s  .6,  §  1,  Papinian), 
''Adalterium  in  nupta  committitur  stuprum 
vero  in  virginem  viduamve."  Cf.  same  tit.,  34, 
Modatinus,  and  Dig.  1,  tit.  12,  s.  1,  §  5,  Ulpian; 
see  Diet,  Autiq,^  and  Drissomus  de  Verb.  Signif, 
1,  s.  V.  for  distinctions  and  Greek  equivalents. 

The  offending  wife  is  thus  regarded  as  the  real 
erisiinal;  and  her  paramour,  whether  married 
«r  aamarried,  as  the  mere  accomplice  of  her 
oime.  She  is  essentially  the  aduttera,  and  he, 
becaose  of  his  complicity  with  a  married  woman, 
beeooies  an  adnlter.  If  the  woman  is  unmanned, 
the  condition  of  the  man  makes  no  difTerence — 
the  offence  is  not  adulterium. 

This  was  also  the  position  of  the  Mosaic  code 
*-oee  Lev.  xx.  10,  compared  with  Dent.  xxii.  22. 
It  ii  not  easy  to  perceive  how  the  law  could 


stand  otherwise  when  polygamy  was  permitted ; 
cf.  Diet,  of  Bible^  in  verbo.  Espousal  by  both  codes 
(Roman  and  Jewish)  is  protected  as  qitasi  wedlock 
(Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  3,  Deut.  xxii.  23,  24). 
So  likewise  by  Christian  canons,  e.g.  Trull.  98. 
'*  He  who  marries  a  woman  betrothed  to  a  man 
still  living  is  an  adulter."    Cf.  Basil,  can.  37. 

Both  in  Scripture  language  and  in  ordinary 
Roman  life  the  legal  acceptation  of  the  crime  is 
the  current  meaning  of  the  word.  Hosea  (iv. 
13,  14)  distinguishes  between  the  sins  of  Jewish 
daughters  and  wive^ ;  and  the  distinction  ib  kept 
in  the  LXX  and  Vulgate  versions.  A  like  dis- 
tinction forms  the  point  of  Horace's  **  Matronam 
nuUam  ego  tango;  cf.  Sueton.  Oct.  67  ''adnl- 
terare  matronas."  Instances  are  sulliciently  com- 
mon, but,  since  (for  reasons  which  will  soon 
appear)  it  is  necessary  to  have  an  absolutely 
clear  understanding  of  the  sense  attached  to  the 
word  adulterium  {=:fjLoiXfla)  during  the  early 
Christian  period,  we  note  a  few  decisive  re- 
ferences from  common  usage.  Val.  Max.  (under 
Tiberius)  explains  (ii.  1,  3)  adulteri  as  "sub- 
sessores  alieni  matrimonii."  Quintilian  (under 
Domitian)  defines,  Instit.  Orat.  vii.  3,  "Adulte- 
rium est  cum  aliena  uxore  domi  coire."  Juvenal 
may  be  consulted  through  the  index.  Appuleius 
(under  the  Antonines),  in  the  well  known  story 
Metamorph,  ix.,  describes  the  deed,  and  refers  to 
the  law  de  Adulteriis. 

Christian  writers  seldom  explain  words  un- 
less used  out  of  their  current  sense,  and  when 
they  do  so,  the  explanation  is  of  course  inci- 
dental. We  find  an  early  example  in  Athena- 
goras,  De  Besur.  Mort.  23.  al.  17,  where  in 
treating  of  bodily  appetites  occurs  a  designed 
antithesis.  On  the  one  side  'Megitlmus  coitus 
quod  ebt  matrimonium  " — on  the  other,  "  incon- 
cessus  alienae  uxoris  appetitus  et  cum  ea  consue- 
tudo— TowTo  7<£p  itm  fioix^la,"  Another  early 
instance  is  in  the  Shepherd  of  Hennas,  Maytdat, 
iv.,  which  thus  begins:  "Mando,  ait,  tibi,  ut 
castitatem  custodias,  et  non  ascendat  tibi  cogi- 
tatio  cordis  de  alieno  matrimonio,  aut  de  forni- 
catione."  We  have  here  a  twofold  division  like 
'Papinian's  above  quoted,  but  instead  of  opposing 
stuprum  to  adulterium  (implied  in  alieno  Matri- 
monio), he  employs  **  fornicatio,"  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal expression  when  it  has  this  special  meaning. 
Origen  {Levit.  xx.,  Homil.  xi.),  in  contrasting 
the  punishment  of  adulterers  under  the  Mosaic 
and  Christian  dispensations,  assumes  the  same 
act  to  be  intended  by  the  laws  of  both.  This 
passage  has  often  been  ascribed  to  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria, but  Delarue  (ii.  179,  180)  is  clear  for 
Origen.  Arnobius  (under  Diocletian)  writes,  lib. 
iv.  (p.  142,  Varior.  ed.), "  Adulteria  legibus  vin- 
dicant,  et  capitalibus  afficiunt  eos  poenis,  quos  in 
aliena  comprehenderint  foedera  genialis  se  lectuli 
expugnatione  jecisse.  Subsessoris  et  adulteri 
persona,"  && 

The  canonists,  Greek  and  Latin,  use  criminal 
terms  like  ordinary  authors  without  explanation, 
and  obviously  for  the  same  reason.  But  on  our 
subject  the  meaning  is  generally  made  certain 
by  (1)  an  opposition  of  words  resembling  the 
examples  before  quoted ;  (2)  by  the  case  of  un- 
married women  being  treated  in  separate  canons ; 
or  else  (3)  by  a  gradation  of  penalties  imposed 
on  the  several  kinds  of  sin. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century  we  have 
again  exact  ecclesiastical  definitions.    They  are 


22 


ADULTEBT 


Tery  Taluable,  becaose  given  bj  two  of  the 
greatest  canonists  the  Church  ever  produced, 
and  also  because  they  were  accepted  by  can.  it. 
TrolL  QregOTj  of  Nyssa  thus  distingnishes  (ad 
Letoium,  resp.  4),  ^'Fomicatio  quidem  dicatnr 
capiditatis  cujnspiam  expletio  quae  sine  alterius 
fit  injuria.  Adulterium  vero,  insidiae  et  injuria 
quae  alteri  affertur."  This  antithesis  is  substan- 
Ually  the  same  with  that  in  the  Digest,  but 
Gregory  so  states  it  because  (as  his  canon  tells 
us)  he  is  replying  to  certain  somewhat  subtle 
reasoners  who  argued  that  these  acts  of  inconti- 
nence are  in  essence  identical— a  theory  which 
would  equalize  the  offences,  and,  by  consequence, 
their  punishments.  The  arguments  are  such  as 
we  should  call  verbal,  e^,  what  the  law  does 
not  permit,  it  forbids — ^the  rwn  proprium  must  be 
alienum.  He  answers  by  giving  the  specific  di- 
vision nuule  by  the  Fathers  (as  above),  and  main- 
tains (1)  its  adaptation  to  human  infirmity,  (2) 
the  double  sin  of  adultery,  and  (3)  the  propriety 
of  a  double  penitence.  With  Gregory,  therefore, 
the  canonist  prevails  over  the  theologian  —  he 
refuses  to  treat  the  crime  merely  as  a  sin. 

In  Basil's  canon  ad  Amphihch,  18 — which  is 
concerned  with  lapsed  virgins — who  had  been 
treated  as  digamists,  and  whom  Basil  would 
punish  as  adulterous,  we  find  an  incidental  defi- 
nition :  "  eum,  qui  cum  aliena  muliere  oohabitat, 
adulterum  nominamus." 

Basil's  important  21st  canon  is  summed  by 
Aristenus :  *^  Yirum,  qui  fomicatus  est,  uxor  pro- 
pria recipiet.  Inquinatam  vero  adulterio  uxorem 
vir  dimittet.  Fornicator,  enim,  non  adulter  est, 
qui  uxori  junctus  cum  solnta"  (an  unmarried 
woman)  '*rem  habuerit."  Here,  again,  is  the 
old  opposition  (as  in  stuprum  and  adulterium) 
the  logical  essence  of  the  crime  turning  upon 
the  state  of  the  woman,  whether  married  or  sole. 
But  a  clause  of  great  value  to  us  is  omitted  by 
Aristenus.  Basil  considers  the  fornicatio  of  a 
married  man  heinous  and  aggravated ;  he  says, 
'*  eum  poenis  amplius  gravamus,"  yet  adds  ex- 
pressly, '^  Canouem  t;imen  non  habemus  qui  eum 
adulterii  crimini  subjiciat  si  in  solutam  a  Matri- 
monio  peccatum  commissum  sit."  This  clear 
assertion  from  a  canonist  so  learned  and  vera- 
cious as  Basil  must  be  allowed  to  settle  the 
matter  of  fact,  that  up  to  his  time  Church  law 
defined  adultery  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  civil  law. 

It  is  to  be  remarked,  too,  that  Basil's  answer 
addresses  itself  to  another  kind  of  difficulty 
from  Gregory's,  that,  namely,  of  injustice  in  the 
different  treatment  of  unchaste  men  and  women. 
No  objection  was  of  older  standing.  We  almost 
start  to  hear  Jerome  (Epitaph,  FcAiolae)  echoing, 
as  it  were,  the  verses  of  Plautusj  cf.  the  passage 
{Mercator^  iv.  5) — 

"  Ecastor  \egfi  dura  yivont  roallerei^ 
Maltoque  Inlqaiore  miserae.  qiuun  virl  .... 
....  Utlnam  lex  esaeteadem,  quae  uxori  est  viro." 

Yet  no  writer  tells  more  pointedly  than  Plautus 
the  remedy  which  Roman  matrons  had  adopted 
i^Amphitr,  iiu  2) — 

"  Valeaa :  tibl  habeas  res  taas,  reddas  meas." 

As  to  the  legal  process  by  which  women  com- 
passed this  object,  it  was  probably  similar  to 
their  way  of  enlarging  their  powers  respecting 
property  and  other  such  matters,  on  which  see 
Mommsen,  book  iii.  13. 


ADULTEBT 

We  now  note  among  divines  a  desire  to  im- 
press upon  the  public  mind  the  other,  ix,  the 
purely  theological  idea  that  all  incontinent 
persons  stand  equally  condemned.  They  appear 
to  reason  under  a  mixture  of  influences — 1.  A 
feeling  of  the  absolute  unity  of  a  married  couple, 
a  healthy  bequest  from  the  first  age ;  2.  Indig- 
nation at  marital  license;  3.  Desire  to  find  t 
remedy  for  woman's  wrong;  4.  The  wish  to 
recommend  celibacy  by  contrast  with  the  '*  aer^ 
vitude  **  of  marriage. 

Lactantius  (as  might  be  expected  from  his 
date)  fixes  upon  points  1  and  2.  He  finds  fault 
with  the  Imperial  law  in  two  respects — ^that 
adultery  could  not  be  committed  with  any  but  a 
free  woman,  and  that  by  its  inequality  it  tended 
to  excuse  the  severance  of  the  one  married  body. 
Tnstit,  vi..  23.  ^  Non  enim,  sicnt  jnria  publid 
ratio  est ;  sola  mulier  adultera  est,  quae  habet 
alium  ;  maritus  autem,  etiamsi  plures  habeat,  a 
crimine  adulterii  solutus  est.  Sed  divina  lex  its 
duos  in  matrimonium,  quod  est  in  corpus  nnum, 
pari  jure  conjungit,  ut  adulter  habeatur,  quis- 
quis  compagem  corporis  in  diversa  distraxerit." 
Cf.  next  page—**  Dissociari  enim  corpus,  et  dis- 
trahi  Deus  noluit."  It  would  seem  therefore 
that  this  Father  would  really  alter  the  ordinary 
meaning  of  the  word  aduiterium^  and  explain  the 
offence  differently  from  its  civil-law  definition. 
He  would  extend  it  to  every  incontinent  act  of 
every  married  person,  on  the  ground  that  by 
such  an  act  the  marriage  unity  enforced  by  our 
Lord  is  broken.  It  is  true  that  another  view 
may  be  taken  of  the  words  of  Lactantius.  They 
may  be  considered  as  rhetoric  rather  than  logic, 
both  here  and  in  Epitome  8,  where  the  same 
line  of  thought  is  repeated ;  but  this  is  a  ques- 
tion of  constant  recurrence  in  the  Fathers,  and 
reminds  us  of  Selden's  celebrated  saying.  The 
student  will  in  each  case  form  his  own  judg- 
ment; in  this  instance  he  may  probably  think 
the  statement  too  precise  to  be  otherwise  than 
literal. 

The  same  must  be  said  of  Ambrose,  whose 
dictum  has  been  made  classical  by  Gratian.  Yet 
it  should  be  observed  that  he  is  not  always  con- 
sistent with  himself,  <?.^.  (ffexaem,  v.  7)  he  lays 
it  down  that  the  married  are  both  in  spirit  and 
in  body  one,  hence  adultery  is  contrary  to  nature: 
We  expect  the  same  prefatory  explanation  « 
from  Lactantius,  but  find  the  old  view  :  **  Nolite 
quaerere,  viri,  alienum  thorum,  nolite  insidiari 
alienae  copulae.  Grave  est  adulterium  et  naturae 
injuria."  So  again,  in  Luc.  lib.  2,  sub  intf.,  he 
attaches  this  term  to  the  transgression  of  an 
espoused  woman. 

The  celebrated  passage,  one  chief  support  of  s 
distinction  which  has  affected  the  law  and  lan- 
guage of  modern  Europe  (quoted  by  Gratian, 
JDecret.  ii.  c.  32,  q.  4),  occurs  in  Ambrose's  Defence 
of  Abraham  {De  Abr.  Fatr.  i.  4).  We  give  it  as 
in  Gratian  for  the  sake  of  a  gloss :  **  Nemo  sibi 
blandiatur  de  legibus  hominum"  (gloss-— quae 
dicunt  quod  adulterium  non  committitur  cum 
soluta  sed  cum  nupta)  **  Omne  stuprum  adulte- 
rium est :  nee  viro  licet  quod  mulieri  non  licet, 
iiladem  a  viro,  quae  ab  uxore  debetur  castimonia. 
Quicquid  in  ea  quae  non  sit  legitima  uxor,  coor 
missum  fuerit,  adulterii  crimine  damnatur." 
This  extract  sounds  in  itself  distinct  and  con- 
secutive. But  when  the  Apology  is  read  as  a 
whole,  exactness  seems  to  vanish.    It  is  divided 


ADULTBBY 


ADULTERY 


23 


into  tkiet  mam  heads  or  defentkmet :  1st,  Abra- 
hiB  Jired  baferc  the  Iaw  which  forbade  adultery, 
thcreibre  he  oonhi  not  hare  committed  it.  **  Deus 
la  i^radiso  Jioet  eonjagiiun  lendaTerit,  non  adul- 
tarinm  damnaTCFat.  It  ia  hard  to  undentand 
how  fBch  a  sentence  oonld  have  been  written  in 
Uw  hm  of  Ifatt.  xiz.  4-9,  or  how  so  great  an 
authority  eoold  fbi^t  that  the  rery  idea  of  oov^ 
ptgnm  implied  the  wrong  of  adttUermm,  2ndly, 
/^lfr«iMm  vas  actuated  by  the  mere  desire  of 
oApriag ;  and  Sarah  herself  gave  him  her  hand- 
■udea.  Her  example  (with  Leah's  and  Rachel's) 
■  taned  into  a  monl  lesson  against  female 
jedomsy,  and  then  men  are  admonished — **  Nemo 
Ai  UandtatnT,**  &&,  as  above  quoted.  Srdly. 
GakL  ir.  21-4,  is  referred  to,  and  the  conclusion 
ixnrm,  **  Quod  ergo  putas  esse  peccatum,  adver- 
tis  OMO  mysterinm ; "  and  again  *'  haec  quae  in 
figirun  oontingebant,  illts  crimini  non  erant." 
▼e  have  sketched  this  chapter  of  Ambrose  be- 
etaie  of  the  great  place  assigned  him  in  the 
ciMtiofcisj  of  Western  against  £astem  Church 
kv. 

Another  passage  referred  to  in  thb  Q.  "  Dicat 
iliqais,''  is  the  9th  section  of  a  sermon  on  John 
tke  fiaptiit,  formerly  numbered  65,  now  52  (^ 
BcmI  App.  p.  462)^  and  the  work  of  an  Am- 
braiastcr.  But  here  the  aduUerium  (filii  testes 
adaltcrii)  is  the  act  of  an  unmarried  man  with 
kit  aadlia  (distinguished  from  a  concubina,  De- 
cnt:  L  DiML  34^  **  OmcMtnna  autem,"  seq.),  t:^. 
s  nrt  of  Contubemium  ia  called  by  a  word 
wki^  brings  it  within  the  letter  of  the  7th 
Cbamundment. 

Perhaps  Ambrose  and  his  pseudonym,  like 
BSBj  others,  saw  no  very  great  difference  be- 
tveen  the  prohilntion  of  sins  aecundvm  literam 
lad  JttfwiAin  analogiam — as,  for  example,  idola- 
try is  adultery.  It  seems  clear  that  he  did  not 
with  Lactantiaa  form  an  ideal  of  marriage  and 
tkcn  condemn  whatever  contradicted  it.  His 
laagoage  on  wedlock  in  Paradise  forbids  this 
tiplanation. 

Looking  eastwards,  there  is  a  famous  sermon 
(37,  aL  31)  preached  by  Gregory  Nazianxen,  in 
vkkh  he  blends  together  the  points  we  iiare 
■mbered  2,  3,  and  4.  He  starts  (tL)  from  the 
iaeqaality  of  Lsws.  Why  should  the  woman  be 
Tcstrsined,  the  man  left  free  to  sin  ?  The  Latin 
▼trnoa  is  incorrect ;  it  so  renders  fcarcnropf^c^ciy 
ai  to  introduce  the  kUer  notion  of  adulterium. 
Gr^iy  thinks  (more  Aesopi)  that  the  inequality 
caoie  to  pass  because  men  were  the  law-makers  ; 
Anther,  that  it  is  contrary  to  (a)  the  5th  Com- 
anadmcnt,  which  honours  the  mother  as  well  as 
thefsther;  (6)  the  equal  creation,  resurrection, 
sad  redemption  of  both  sexes ;  and  (c)  the  n^ys- 
tical  representation  of  Christ  and  His  Church. 
A  healthy  tone  is  felt  in  much  of  what  Gre- 
gory layi,  but  (ix.)  the  good  of  marriage  is  de- 
scribed by  a  definition  &t  inferior  in  life  and 
spirituality  to  that  of  the  pagan  Modestinus, 
siid  (in  X.)  naturally  follows  a  preference  for  the 
tu  higher  good  of  celibacy.  The  age  was  not  to 
be  tnuted  on  this  topic  which  formed  an  under- 
Ijiag  motive  with  most  of  the  great  divines. 

Chrysostmn  notices  the  chief  texts  in  his 
KMpotUoqf  Blomilies.  For  these  we  cannot  afford 
spoee,  sad  they  are  easily  found.  We  are  more 
esneoned  with  his  sermon  on  the  Bili  of  Divorce 
(el  Bened.iiL  198-209).  <"  It  is  commonly  called 
tdahtrj"  be  says  in  aubstanoe,  ^  when  a  man 


wrongs  a  married  woman.  I,  however,  affirm  it 
of  a  married  man  who  sins  with  the  unmarried. 
For  the  essence  of  the  crime  depends  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  injurers  as  well  as  the  injured. 
Tell  me  not  of  outward  laws.  1  will  declare  to 
thee  the  law  of  God."  Yet  we  encounter  a 
qualification :  the  offence  of  a  husband  with  the 
unmarried  is  (p.  207)  ftoix^las  ttrtpov  tUos. 
We  also  find  Uie  preacher  dwelling  with  great 
force  upon  the  lifelong  servitude  (iov\tia)  of 
marriage,  and  we  perceive  from  comparing  other 
passages  that  there  is  an  intentional  contrast 
with  the  noble  freedom  of  celibacy. 

Asterius  of  Amaseia  has  a  forcible  discourse 
(printed  by  Combefis,  and  particularly  worth 
reading)  on  the  question:  "An  lioeat  homini 
dimittere  uxorem  suam,  quacunque  ex  causa?" 
The  chief  part  of  it  belongs  to  our  next  division, 
but  towaxds  the  end,  after  disposing  of  insuffi- 
cient causes,  he  enters  on  the  nature  of  adul- 
tery. Here  (as  he  says)  the  preacher  stands  by 
the  husband.  ''  Nam  cum  duplici  fine  matrimo- 
nia  contrahuntur,  benevolentiae  ac  quaerendorum 
liberorum,  neutrum  in  adulterio  continetur.  Nee 
enim  affectui  locus,  ubi  in  alterum  animus 
inclinat ;  ac  sobolis  omne  decus  et  gratia  perit, 
quando  liberi  oonfunduntur.*'  Our  strong  Teu- 
tonic instincts  feel  the  truth  of  these  words. 
Asterius  then  insists  on  mutual  good  fiuth,  and 
passes  to  the  point  that  the  laws  of  this  world 
are  lenient  to  the  sins  of  husbands  who  excuse 
their  own  license  by  the  plea  of  privileged 
harmlessness.  He  replies  that  all  women  are 
the  daughters  or  wives  of  men.  Some  man 
must  feel  each  woman's  degradation.  He  then 
refers  to  Scripture,  and  concludes  with  precepts 
on  domestic  virtue  and  example.  The  sermon 
of  Asterius  shows  how  kindred  sins  may  be 
thoroughly  condemned  without  abolishing  esta- 
blbhed  distinctions.  But  it  also  shows  a  gene- 
ral impression  that  the  distinctions  of  the  Forum 
were  pressed  by  apologists  of  sin  into  their  own 
baser  service. 

Jerome's  celebrated  case  of  Fabiola  claims  a 
few  lines.  It  was  not  really  a  divorce  propter 
aduUerium,  but  parallel  to  the  history  told  by 
Justin  Martyr.  The  points  for  us  are  the 
antithesis  between  Paulus  noster  and  Papini- 
anus  (with  Paulus  Papiniani  understood) 
and  the  assertion  that  the  Roman  law  turned 
upon  dignity — i.^.  the  matrona  as  distinguished 
from  the  ancittvla,  Jerome  feels  most  strongly 
the  unity  of  marriage,  and  joins  with  it  the 
proposition  that  the  word  Man  contains  Woman. 
He  therefore  says  that  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  applies 
equally  to  both  sexes.  Moreover,  the  same 
tendency  appears,  as  in  Chrysostom,  to  de- 
press wedlock  in  favour  of  celibacy.  Marriage 
is  servitude,  and  the  yoke  must  be  equal,  "  Eadem 
servitus  pari  conditione  censetur."  But  the 
word  adukerium  is  employed  correctly ;  and  in 
another  place  (on  Hosea,  ii.  2)  he  expressly 
draws  the  old  distinction — "  Fomicaria  est,  quae 
cum  pluribus  copulatur.  Adultera,  quae  unum 
virum  deserens  alteri  jungitur."  * 

Augustine,  like  Lactantius,  posits  an  idea  of 
marriage(2>ff  Gtffwijix.  12[vii.J).  It  possesses  a 
Good,  consisting  of  three  thinga— /dfs,  prolee^ 

•  The  jmuipto  wbo  offends  aim  viro  otfi^ftigaio  Is  not 
bere  made  an  sdolteress ;  Jerome's  remedy  might  taav^ 
been  a  spedflc  constitution. 


24 


ADULTEEY 


ADULTERY 


aacrtmenttan,  *^  In  fide  attenditnr  ne  praeter  vin- 
culum  ooQJugale,  cum  altera  rel  altero  concnm- 
batur."  But  (Quaest.  in  JExod.  71)  he  feels  a 
difficulty  about  words — **  Item  quaeri  solet  utrnm 
moechiae  nomine  etiam  fomicatio  teneatur.  Hoc 
enim  Graecum  yerbum  est,  quo  jam  Scriptura 
utitur  pro  Latino.  Moechos  tamen  Graeci  nonnisi 
adulteros  dicunt.  Sed  utique  ista  Lex  non  soils 
viris  in  populo,  verum  etiam  feminis  data  est " 
(Jerome,  supra,  thought  of  this  point);  how 
much  more  bj  **  non  moechaberis,  uterque  sexus 
astringitur,  ....  Ac  per  hoc  si  femina 
moecha  est,  habens  virum,  concumbendo  cum 
eo  qui  vir  ejus  non  est,  etiamsi  ille  non  habeat 
uxorem ;  profecto  moechus  est  et  rir  habens 
uxorem,  concumbendo  cum  ea  qune  uxor  ejus 
non  est,  etiamsi  ilia  non  habeat  virum.'*  He 
goes  on  to  quote  Matt.  y.  32,  and  infers  ^'  omnis 
ergo  moechia  etiam  fornicatio  in  Scripturis 
dicitur  —  sed  utrum  etiam  omnis  fornicatio 
moechia  did  {HMwit,  in  eisdem  Scripturis  non 
mihi  interim  occurrit  locutionis  exemplum." 
His  final  conclusion  is  that  the  greater  sin  im- 
plies the  less — a  part  the  whole. 

Augustine's  sermon  (ix.  al.  96)  De  decern 
Chordis  is  an  expansion  of  the  above  topics.  In 
3  (ill.)  occurs  the  clause  quoted  Decrei.  ii.  32,  q. 
6.  (a  quaestio  wholly  from  Augustine^— "  Non 
moechaberis:  id  est,  non  ibis  ad  aliquam  aliam 
praeter  uxorem  tuam."  He  adds  some  particulars 
I'eminding  us  of  Asterius.  On  the  7th  Com- 
mandment, which  Augustine  calls  his  5th  string, 
he  says,  11  (ix.),  "  In  ilia  video  jacere  totum  pene 
genus  humanum;*'  and  mentions  that  false 
witness  and  fraud  were  held  in  hon*or,  but  (12) 
'*si  quis  volutatur  cum  andllis  suis,  amatur, 
blande  accipitur;  convertuntur  yulnera  in  joca." 

We  cannot  pass  by  two  popes  dted  by  Gra- 
tian.  One  is  Innocent  I.,  whose  4th  canon  Ad 
Exup.  stands  at  the  end  of  same  c.  82,  q.  5.  ^*-  £t 
illud  desideratum  est  sciri,  cur  communicantes 
viri  cum  adulteris  uxoribus  non  conveniant : 
cum  contra  uxores  in  consortio  adulterorum 
virorum  manere  videantur.'*  The  gloss  explains 
'*  communicantes "  of  husbands  who  commit  a 
like  sin  with  their  wives.  But  this  may  or  may 
not  mean  that  they  sinned  cum  conjugatls,  and 
the  woi*ds  **  pari  ratione,"  which  follow,  to  be- 
come decisive  must  be  read  with  special  emphasis. 
The  other  is  the  great  Gregory,  quoted  earlier 
in  same  q.  5.  The  passage  is  from  Gr^.  Mag, 
Moralivm,  lib.  21,  in  cap.  Jobi  xxxi.  9;  and  as 
it  is  truncated  in  quotation,  we  give  the  main 
line  of  thought,  omitting  parentheses :  "  Quam- 
vis  nonnunquam  a  reatu  adulterii  nequaquam 
discrepet  culpa  fornicatlonis  (Miitt.  v.  28,  quoted 
and  expounded).  Tamen  plerumque  ex  loco  vel 
ordine  concupiscentis  discernitur  (instance).  In 
personis  tamen  non  dissimilibus  idem  luxuriae 
distinguitur  reatus  in  quibus  fomicationis  culpa, 
quia  ab  adulterii  reatu  discernitur,  pinedicatoris 
egregii  lingua  testatur  (1  Cor.  vi.  9)."  The  dif- 
ference between  the  two  sins  is  next  confirmed 
from  Job.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  old  juridical 
sense  of  adulteriwn  is  not  taken  away  by  these 
expository  distinctions. 

We  now  come  to  the  event  which  gives  signi- 
ficance and  living  interest  to  our  redtal  of 
opinions.  The  canon  law  of  Rome  took  ground 
which  allied  it  on  this  as  on  other  questions 
with  what  appeared  to  be  the  rights  of  women. 
Ita  treatment  of  cases  arising  out  of  the  7th 


Commandment  widened  the  separation  of  Eati 
and  West,  and  left  a  mark  on  those  barbarian 
nations  which  owed  their  civilization  or  their 
faith  to  pontifical  Rome.  Our  business  here  ii 
only  with  a  definition,  but  canonists  followed 
civilians  in  working  their  doctrine  out  to  its 
more  remote  consequences,  and  some  of  these 
would  form  a  curious  chapter  in  history. 

The  essence  of  the  pontifical  definition  is  not 
that  a  wife  is  the  adultera,  and  her  paramour 
the  adulter,  but  that  the  offence  be  committed 
"cum  persona  conjugata,"  whether  male  or 
female.  Hence  it  comprehends  two  distinct 
degrees  of  criminality.  It  is  called  simplex  in 
two  cases,  "  cum  solutus  concumbit  cum  conju- 
gata,  vel  conjugatus  cum  soluta."  It  is  called 
duplex  *^cum  conjugatus  concumbit  cum  conju- 
gata."  These  distinctions  are  taken  from  F.  L 
Ferraris,  Frompta  Bibliotheca{ed.  1781),  in  verbo. 
They  rest  upon  the  Decretum  as  referred  to  by 
Ferraris,  part  2,  cause  32,  quaest.  4.  But  the 
extracts  we  gave  from  qs.  5  and  6  should  not  be 
neglected. 

The  Decretum,  according  to  C.  Butler  (^Horae 
Juridicae  Subsecitxie,  p.  168),  is  made  up  from 
(1)  decrees  of  councils,  (2)  letters  of  pontiffs, 
(3)  writings  of  doctors.  But  on  our  subject  the 
last-named  is  the  real  source — e.g.  q.  4  is  from 
the  moral  and  doctrinal  writings  of  Augustine, 
Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Gregory  I. ;  q.  6  wholly 
from  Augustine.  This  is  a  very  noteworthy 
fact,  since  it  tends  to  confirm  a  conclusion  that 
canonists  had  previously  agreed  with  the  dvil 
law  so  far  as  concerns  its  definition  of  the  crime. 
Gratian  would  never  have  contented  himself  with 
quoting  theologians  if  he  could  have  found 
councils,  or  canonical  writings  accepted  by  coun- 
cils, to  support  his  own  decisions. 

Such,  then,  is  one  not  unimportant  antithesis  in 
the  wide  divergence  between  East  and  West.  It 
would  foim  an  interesting  line  of  inquiry  (but 
beyond  our  province)  to  use  this  antithesis  as  a 
clue  in  those  mixed  or  doubtful  cases  of  descent 
where  the  main  life  of  national  codes  and  cus- 
toms is  by  some  held  homesprung,  by  others 
given  to  old  Rome,  and  by  a  third  party  derived 
from  Latin  Christianity. 

Through  all  inquiry  on  this  subject  the  stu- 
dent must  bear  in  mind  that  a  confusion  of 
thought  has  followed  the  change  in  law;  e.g. 
Duc4\nge,  Glossar.,  s.  v.,  commences  his  article 
with  a  short  quotation  from  Gregory  of  Nyssa's 
4th  can.  ad  Let.  (explained  above),  but  the  sen- 
tence cited  contains  the  opinion,  not  of  the 
saint,  but, of  the  objector  whom  he  is  answering. 
Ducange  proceeds  to  trace  the  same  idea  through 
various  codes  without  a  suspicion  that  he  has 
begun  by  applying  to  one  age  the  tenets  of  an- 
other. The  difficulty  of  avoiding  similar  mis- 
takes is  greater  than  at  first  sight  might  have 
been  anticipated.  In  the  Dictionnaires  of  Tre^ 
voux,  Fui-etifere,  Richelet,  and  Danet,  atxmtrie 
or  adultere  is  explained  from  papal  law  or  Thorn. 
Aquin.,  while  the  citations  mostly  give  the  older 
sense.  In  Chaucer's  Persone's  Tale  we  find  the 
same  word  {avoutrie)  defined  af^er  the  dvilians, 
but  soon  after  he  mentions  "  mo  spices  "  (more 
species)  taken  from  the  other  acceptation.  John- 
son gives  to  adultery  the  papal  meaning,  but  his 
sole  example  is  from  pagan  Rome,  and  most 
modern  English  dictionary  makers  are  glad  td 
copy  Johnson.     A  still  more  striking  instancf 


ADULTERY 


ADULTERY 


25 


if  wtAiaM  explanations  occurs  in  a  remark - 
■Uc  dialofne  between  the  doctor  and  his  friend, 
?oL  iiL  4«,  of  Croker's  BosweU, 

The  nataral  inference  is  that  the  aboTe-men- 
tkaed  aatbors  were  not  conyersant  with  the 
|ittt  chuge  of  definition  undergone  bj  the  word 
Llsltery  and  its  equivalents.  Bat  when  those 
vko  write  on  the  specialties  of  church  history 
aed  latiqiiities  quote  Fathers,  councils,  jurists, 
aed  decretals,  they  ought  in  reason  to  note  how 
ht  the  conunoD  terms  which  their  catenae  link 
toj;ctber  are  or  are  not  used  in  the  same  sense 
tliroQgkont.  This  precaution  has  been  generally 
aeflecta]  as  regards  the  subject  of  this  article, 
-4i<ace  endless  confusion. 

Immediately  upon  the  nature  of  the  crime  (as 
legally  defin«l)  followed  its  Classification.  By 
LexJvUa,  48  I>ii^^  i.  1,  it  was  placed  among 
poblie  wrongs.  But  a  public  wrong  does  not 
aaccaarily  infer  a  public  right  of  prosecution ; 
tee  Gothofred's  note  on  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2. 
— ''Aliod  est  publicum  crimen;  aliud  publica 
seeantio.''  For  Publica  Judida,  cf.  Dig.  as 
abore  and  Insiitia.  Justin,  4,  18,  sub  init. 

Usder  Augustus  the  husband  was  preferred  as 
fnaecntor,  next  the  wife's  father.  The  bus- 
had  was  in  danger  of  incurring  the  guilt  of 
procoration  {lenodnhan)  if  he  failed  to  prose- 
c«U  (48,  LHg.  ▼.  2,  §  2,  and  29,  sub  imt. ;  also 
9,  Cod.  Just.  9,  2).  He  must  open  proceedings  by 
Mkding  a  divorce  to  his  wife  (48,  Dig.  t.  2,  §  2 ; 
II,  $  10;  and  29,  tmt.>  Thus  dlTorce  was  made 
aa  eaectttial  penalty,  though  tar  from  being  the 
viioie  panishment.  By  NoreU.  117,  c.  8,  pro- 
eesdiogs  might  commence  before  the  divorce. 
Sech  pTMecntion  had  60  days  allowed  for  it, 
aid  these  must  be  dies  vtUes.  The  husband's 
choice  of  days  was  large,  as  his  libellus  might 
Wpreiented  ''de  piano,  t>.,  the  judge  not  sit- 
tag  «" pro  tribunali "  (48,  Dig.  v.  11,  §  6;  and 
14,  {  2).  The  husband  might  also  accuse  for  4 
moaths  farther,  but  not  "jure  mariti,"  only  '*  ut 
qairis  extraneus"  (Goth,  on  11,  §  6).  For  ex- 
ample, see  Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  85;  Labeo  called 
ts  aeomnt  by  the  praetor  (cf.  Orell.  note), 
fer  not  having  accused  his  wife,  pleads  that  his 
60  days  had  not  elapsed.  After  this  time  an 
extiaaeos  might  intervene  for  4  months  of  avail- 
aUe  days  (tit.  of  Dig.  last  quoted,  4,  §  1). 
if  the  divorced  wife  married  before  accusation, 
it  was  necessary  to  begin  with  the  adulterer  (2, 
•■L;  39,  §  3).  The  wife  might  then  escape 
tiiroagb  fiulure  of  the  plaint  against  him  (17, 
§  S).  Ht  was  liable  for  five  continuous  years 
rren  though  she  were  dead  (11,  §  4;  39,  §  2), 
and  his  death  did  not  shield  her  (19,  init.\  but 
that  period  barred  all  accusation  against  both 
«tfndcn(29,  §  5 ;  and  31 ;  also  9,  Cod.  J.  9,  5). 
CndcrConstantine,  A.D.  326  (9,  Cod.  Theod.  7,  2, 
and  9,  Cbd  y.  9,  30),  the  right  of  public  prose- 
cation  was  taken  away.  The  prosecutors  were 
Ihns  arranged :  husband ;  wife's  relations,  t>. 
Ather,  brother,  father's  brother,  mother's  brother. 
Thii  order  remained  unaltered  (see  Balsam.  Schoi. 
»  Bcvcreg.  Pandect,  i.  408,  and  Blistaris  Synr 
<*J«a,  p.  185). 

The  Mosaic  law,  like  the  Roman,  made  this 
a  public  wrong,  and  apparently  also  a 
for  public  prosecution;  compare  Deut. 

ii.  21  with  John  viii.  3  and  10.    As  long  as 
tW  penalty  of  death  was  enforced,  the  husband 
aet  condone.     But  in  later  times  he  might 


content  himself  with  acting  under  Deat.  xxiv.  1- 
4.  See  Matt,  i.,  19.  [Espousals  count  as  matri- 
mony under  Jewish  law  even  more  strongly  than 
under  Roman ;  compare  Deut.  xxii.  23,  seq.,  with 
48,  Dig.  V,  13,  §  3].  See  also  Hosea,  ii.  2,  iii.  I, 
and  parallel  passages. 

By  canon  law  all  known  sins  are  scandals,  and 
as  such  public  wrongs ;  cf.  Gothofr.  marg.  annot. 
on  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  1 ;  Gi*at.  Decret.  ii.  c.  6,  9,  1 ; 
J.  Clarud,  Sent,  Rec,  v.  1,  6;  and  on  Adultery^ 
Blackstone,  iii.  8,  1,  and  iv.  4,  11.  This  offence 
became  known  to  Church  authorities  in  various 
ways ;  see  Basil  34 ;  Innocent  ad  Exup,  4 ;  and 
Elib.  76,  78,  Greg.  Nyss.  4,  where  confesKion 
mitigates  punishment.  A  similar  allowance  for 
self-accusation  is  found  in  regard  of  other  crimes, 
e,g,  Greg.  Thaum.  cans.  8  and  9. 

The  Church  agreed  with  the  State  in  not 
allowing  a  husband  to  condone  (Basil,  9  and 
21),  and  on  clerks  especially  (Neocaesarea,  8). 
Divines  who  were  not  canonists  differed  consi- 
derably. Hermas's  Pastor  (Mandat.  iv.)  allowed 
and  urged  one  reconciliation  to  a  penitent  wife. 
Augustine  changed  his  mind ;  compare  De  Adul' 
terin.  Conjug,  lib.  ii.  8  (ix.)  with  Eitractat,  lib. 
i.  xix.  6.  In  the  first  of  these  places  he  hesitates 
between  condonation  and  divorce ;  opposes  for- 
giveness ^*  per  claves  regni  caelorum  "  to  the  pro- 
hibitions of  law  "  secundum  terrenae  civitatis 
modum,"  and  concludes  by  advising  continence, 
which  no  law  forbids.  In  the  latter  passage  he 
speaks  of  divorce  as  not  only  allowed  but  com- 
manded. *'  £t  ubi  dixi  hoc  permissum  esse,  non 
jussum  ;  non  attend!  aliam  Script uram  dicentem  ; 
Qui  tenet  adulteram  stultus  et  impius  est " 
(Prov.  xviii.  22  ;  Ixx.), 

A  public  wrong  implied  civil  rights  ;  therefore 
this  offence  was  the  crime  of  free  persons  (Dig. 
48,  tit.  5,  s.  6  init.).  **  Inter  liberas  tantum  per- 
sonas  adulterium  stuprumve  passas  Lex  Julia 
locum  habet."  Cf.  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  23  init.  A 
slave  was  capable  only  of  Contubemium  (see  Ser^ 
Tus  and  Matrimonium  in  Diet.  Antiq.").  Servitude 
annulled  marriage  (Dig.  24,  tit.  2,  s.  1),  or  rather 
made  it  null  from  the  first  (^Novell.  Just.  22.  8,  9, 
10).  *'Ancillam  a  toro  abjicere"  is  laudable  ac- 
cording to  Pope  Leo  I.  {Ad  Rustic.  6).  That 
Christian  princes  attempted  to  benefit  slaves 
rather  by  manumission  than  by  ameliorating  the 
servile  condition,  we  see  from  the  above-quoted 
Novell,  and  from  Harmenop.  Proch.  i.  14 ;  the 
slave  (sec  1)  is  competent  to  no  civil  relation^t, 
and  (sec.  6)  his  state  is  a  quasi-death. 

Concubinage  was  not  adultery  (Dig.  25,  tit.  7, 
s.  3,  §  1);  but  a  concubine  might  become  an  adult- 
eress, because,  though  not  an  uxor,  she  ought  to 
be  a  matrona,  and  could  therefore,  if  unfaithful,  be 
accused,  not  jure  mariti,  but  jure  extranci.  For 
legal  conditions,  see  Cod.  J.  5,  tit.  26  and  27,  Jtid. 
Novell.  18,  c  5  ;  also  74  and  89.  Leo  (Nov.  91) 
abolished  concubinage  on  Christian  grounds.  For 
the  way  in  which  the  Church  regarded  it,  cf. 
Bals.,  on  Basilj  26,  and  Cone.  Tblet.  i.  17 ;  also 
August.  Quaest.  in  Genesim,  90,  Ve  Fid.  et  Op, 
35  (xix.),  and  Serm.  392,  2.  Pope  Leo  I.  (Ad 
Bustic.  4,  cf.  6,  as  given  by  Mansi)  seems  to  make 
the  legal  concubine  a  mere  ancilla ;  cf.  Grat. 
Decret.  I.  Dist.  34  (ut  supra)  and  Diet.  Antiq.  s.  v. 

We  now  come  to  much  the  gravest  conse- 
quence of  a  classification  under  public  wrongs — 
Its  effect  on  woman's  remedy.  By  Lex  Julia,  the 
wife  has  no  power  of  x^laint  against  the  husband 


26 


ADULTERY 


ADULTERY 


for  adultery  m  a  public  wrong  {Cod.  J,  9. 
tit.  9,  8. 1.).  This  evidently  flows  from  the  de- 
finition of  the  crime,  but  the  glossators'  reasons 
are  curious.  She  cannot  complain  jure  mariti 
because  she  is  aot  a  husband,  nor  jture  extranet 
because  she  is  a  woman. 

The  magistrate  was  bound  by  law  to  inquire 
into  the  morals  of  any  husband  accusing  his  wife 
(Dig.  48,  tit.  5, 8. 13  §  5).  This  section  is  from  an 
Antonine  rescript  quoted  at  greater  length  from 
the  Cod,  Gregorian,  by  Augustine,  J)e  Conjug, 
Adutterin.  lib.  ii.  7  (viii.).  The  husband's  guilt 
did  not  act  as  a  compenaatU)  criminis.  In  Eng- 
land the  contrary  holds,  and  a  guilty  accuser 
shall  not  prevail  in  his  suit  (see  Burns,  Eccl. 
Law,  art.  "Marriage.").  But  the  wife's  real 
remedy  lay  in  the  use  of  dirorce  which  during 
the  two  last  centuries  of  the  Bepublic  became 
the  common  resource  of  women  under  grierances 
real  or  fancied,  and  for  purposes  of  the  worst 
kind.  There  is  a  graphic  picture  of  this  side 
of  Roman  life  in  Boissier's  Cic^hm  et  see  Amis ; 
and  for  the  literature  and  laws,  see  "  Divor- 
tium"  in  Smith's  Did.  of  Antiquities.  Bris- 
sonius  de  Formulia  gives  a  collection  of  the 
phrases  used  in  diyordng. 

Constantine  allowed  only  three  causes  on 
either  side  —  on  the  woman's  these  were  her 
husband's  being  a  homicide,  poisoner,  or  violator 
of  sepulchres  {Cod.  Theod.  3,  tit.  16,  s.  1 ;  cf.  Edict. 
Theodor.  54).  This  law  was  too  strict  to  be 
maintained ;  the  variations  of  Christian  princes 
may  be  seen  in  Cod.  J.  5.  tit.  17.  Theodos.  and 
Valentin.  1.  8,  added  to  other  causes  the  hus- 
band's aggravated  incontinency.  Anastasius,  1. 
9,  permitted  divorce  by  common  consent;  this 
again  "  nisi  castitatis  concupiscentia  "  was  taken 
away  by  Justinian  in  his  Novell.  117,  which  (cap. 
9)  allowed  amongst  other  causes  the  husband's 
gross  unchastity.  Justin  restored  divorce  by 
common  consent. 

The  Church  viewed  the  general  liberty  to  re- 
pudiate under  the  civil  law,  with  jealousy ;  cf. 
Greg.  Noziauz.  Epp.  144,  9  (al.  176,  181),  and 
Victor  Antiochen.  on  Mark  z.  4-12.  But  it  was 
f^lt  that  women  must  have  some  remedy  for 
extreme  and  continued  wrongs,  and  this  lay  in 
their  using  their  legal  powers,  and  submitting 
the  reasonableness  of  their  motives  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Church.  Basil's  Can.  35  recognizes 
such  a  process ;  see  under  our  Div.  III.  Spiritual 
jPenaltie8f  No.  2.  Still  from  what  has  been  said, 
it  is  plain  that  divorce  might  become  a  frequent 
oocasion  of  adultery,  since  the  Church  held  that 
a  married  person  separated  from  insufficient 
oatues  really  continued  in  wedlock.  Re-marriage 
was  therefore  always  a  serious,  sometimes  a  cri- 
minal step.    [DivoBCE.1 

Marriage  after  a  wife  s  death  was  also  viewed 
with  suspicion.  Old  Rome  highly  valued  conti- 
nence under  such  circumstances ;  Val.  Max.  ii.  1, 
§  3,  gives  the  fact;  the  feeling  pervades  those 
tender  lines  which  contrast  so  strongly  with 
Catullus  V.  ad  Lesbiam — 

**  Ooddit  mea  Lux,  meumque  Sidas; 

Sed  csram  sequar ;  arboreaqae  at  alta 

8ab  tellure  sacs  agnot  amoresi 

El  radidbas  Implicantar  Imis: 

Sic  DOS  ooDsodabttnur  sepulti, 

Et  vlvis  erinms  beatiores." 

Similar  to  Val.  Max.  is  Herm.  Mandat.  iv.  4. 
Gregory  Nazianz.  {Hem.  37,  al.  31)  says  that 


marriage  represents  Christ  and  the  Chutk, 
and  there  are  not  two  Christs ;  the  first  mar- 
riage is  law,  a  second  an  indulgence,  a  third 
swinish.  Against  marriages  beyond  two,  set 
Neocaes.  3,  Basil,  4,  and  Leo.  Nofoell.  90.  Curi- 
ously enough,  Leo  (cf.  Diet.  Biog.)  was  him- 
self excommunicated  by  the  patriarch  for  marry- 
ing a  fourth  wife.    [Digamy.] 

III.  Penalties. — ^We  are  here  at  once  met  by  t 
very  singular  circumstance.  Tribonian  attri- 
butes to  Constantine  and  to  Augustus  two  suspi- 
ciously corresponding  enactments,  both  making 
death  the  penalty  of  this  crime,  and  both  inflict- 
ing that  death  by  the  sword.  The  founder  of 
the  Empire  and  the  first  of  Christian  emperon 
are  thus  brought  into  a  closeness  of  juxtaposi- 
tion which  might  induce  the  idea  that  lawyen^ 
like  mythical  poets,  cannot  dispense  with  £po* 
nyms. 

The  Lex  Julia  furnishes  a  title  to  Cod.  Theod.  9, 
tit.  7 ;  Dig.  48,  tit. ;  and  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9 ;  but  in 
none  of  these  places  is  the  text  preserved,  and  we 
only  know  it  from  small  excerpts.  The  law  of 
Constantine  in  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2,  oontaios 
no  capital  penalty,  but  in  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  30, 
after  fifteen  lines  upon  accusation,  six  words 
are  added — "  Sacrileges  autem  nuptiarum  gladio 
puniri  oportet."  The  word  '*sacrilegos"  used 
substantively  out  of  its  exact  meaning  is  very 
rare  (see  Facciolati).  For  the  capital  clause^ 
ascribed  to  the  Lex  Julia,  see  Instit.  iv.  18, 4 ;  bat 
this  clause  has  been  since  the  time  of  Cujadni 
rejected  by  most  critical  jurists  and  historians,  of 
whom  some  maintain  the  law  o£  Constantine, 
others  suppose  a  confusion  between  the  great  em- 
peror and  his  sons.  Those  who  charge  Tribonian 
with  emblemata  generally  believe  him  to  have 
acted  the  harmonizer  by  authority  of  Justinian. 
On  these  two  laws  there  b  a  summary  of  the  case 
in  Selden,  Uxor,  Ebr.  iii.  12,  with  foot  references. 
Another  is  the  comment  in  Gothofred's  ed.  of  OuL 
Theod.  vol.  iv.  296,  7.  Heinecdus  is  not  to  be 
blindly  trusted,  but  in  Op.  vol.  III.  his  SylL  ri.  Ik 
Secta  Triboniano-mastigum  contains  curious  mat- 
ter, and  misled  Gibbon  into  the  idea  of  a  regular 
school  of  lawyers  answering  this  description. 
The  passages  in  Chijacius  may  be  traced  through 
each  volume  by  its  index.  See  also  Hoffmann, 
Ad  Leg.  Jul.  (being  Tract  iv.  in  Fellenberg'e 
Jurisprudentia  Antiqua) ;  Lipsii  Excurs.  in  TaciL 
Arm.  iv. ;  Orelli,  on  Tacit,  Ann.  ii.  50 ;  OrtoUn, 
Explication  des  Instituts,  iii.  p.  791 ;  Sandars, 
On  the  Institutes,  p.  605  ;  Diet,  Antiq.,  "  Adult- 
erium";  and  Diet.  Biog.y  <*  Justinianus." 

The  fact  most  essential  to  us  is  that  prae- 
Christian  emperors  generally  substituted  their 
own  edicts  for  the  provisions  of  the  Lex  Julii, 
and  that  the  successors  of  Constantine  were 
equally  diligent  in  altering  his  laws.  Histo- 
rians have  frequently  assumed  the  contrary; 
Valesius'  note  on  Socrates,  v.  18,  may  serve  by 
way  of  example.  The  Church  could  not  avoid 
adapting  her  canons  to  the  varied  states  of  dfil 
legislation;  cf.  Scholia  on  Can.  Apost.  5,  and 
Irull.  87,  besides  many  other  places.  The  tme 
state  of  the  case  will  become  plainer  if  we  briefly 
mention  the  different  ways  in  which  adultery 
might  be  legally  punished. 

1.  The  Jus  Occidendiy  most  ancient  in  its  ori- 
gin ;  moderated  under  the  Empire ;  but  not  taken 
away  by  Christian  princes.  Compare  Dig.  48,  tit 
5,  s.  20  to  24,  32  and  38,  with  same  48,  tit  8, 


ADULTERY 


ADULTERY 


2\ 


•L l,$  5;  Cbi.  /.  9, tit.  9,  s.  4;  and  Paoll  Reoept, 
loiilnf  VL  26u  This  right  is  oommon  to  most 
ntiiMis,  bat  the  ranarkable  point  is  that  Roman 
law  gsTt  a  graatar  prarogatire  of  homicide  to  the 
woman's  fiuher  than  to  her  hosband.  For  a 
BBiiJar  enstom  and  feeling,  see  Lane's  Modem 
EgffHan  i  297.  Tne  Jus  OccidewU  under  the 
Old  Testament  is  treated  b j  Selden,  De  Jure  Nat. 
d  G0iLjusta  Disdp,  Ebrieor,  ir.  8 ;  in  old  and 
Bodem  Fiuoe,  bj  Dncange  and  Raguean;  in 
Eaglaad,  by  BUckstone  and  Wharton«  There  is 
a  jaoTision  in  Basil's  Gan.  34  directing  that  if  a 
wonan's  adnlterv  becomes  known  tol^e  Church 
aathoriiies  either  by  her  own  confession  or  other- 
wiMysbe  shall  be  subjected  to  penitence,  but  not 
pbeed  among  the  public  penitents,  lest  her  bus- 
bead,  seeing  her  should  surmise  what  has  occurred 
aadtlay  her  on  the  spot  (cf.  Blastaris  Syntagma, 
letter  M,  cap.  14).  This  kind  of  summary  renge- 
aaoe  has  often  been  confounded  with  the  penalty 
aflicted  by  courts  of  law,  «^.  its  celebrated  as- 
iertioB  by  Oato  in  A.  Gell.  x.  23,  though  his  words 
"nw  jndicio  "  ought  to  hare  preyented  the  mis- 
take. Examples  of  it  will  be  found  Val.  If  ax. 
TL  1, 13 ;  the  chastisement  of  the  historian  Sal- 
lost  is  d«cribcd  A.  Gell.  xvii.  18 ;  many  illustra- 
tkos  are  seattered  through  the  satirists,  and 
one,  M.  Ann.  Senec^  ContrKm.  i.  4,  is  particularly 


2.  Tim  Houaekold  Tribwwl,  an  institution 
better  known  because  of  the  details  in  Dion. 
UaL  ii.  25.  The  remarks  of  Mommsen  (i.  5  and 
li)f  abonld  be  compared  with  Mr.  Hallam's  phi- 
losophical maxim  {Suppi.  to  Middle  AgeSy  art.  54) 
tbai  the  written  laws  of  free  and  barbarous 
mlioQs  are  generally  made  for  the  purpose  of 
pftrcating  the  infliction  of  arbitrary  punish- 
acats.  See  for  the  usage  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  2,  and 
A.  GdL  X.  23,  in  which  latter  place  the  husband 
ii  sfoken  of  is  the  wife's  censor,  a  thought  which 
perrades  Origen's  remarkable  exposition  of  Matt. 
111.  8,  9,  compared  with  t.  32  (tomus  xir.  24). 
The  idea  itself  was  likely  to  be  less  alien  from 
tke  mind  of  the  CSiurch  because  of  the  patri- 
srcbal  power  which  sentenced  Tamar  to  the 
ftuaes,  and  the  apostolic  principle  that  'Hhe 
Head  of  the  Woman  is  the  Man."  It  is  plain, 
kowerer,  that  all  private  administration  of  jus- 
tice is  opposed  to  the  whole  tenour  of  Church 
legislation.  But  perhaps  the  most  pleasant  ex- 
saple  of  the  Roman  Household  Court  best  shows 
tke  strength  and  extent  of  its  jurisdiction.  Pom- 
pooia  Graedna  (Tadt.  JkMn.  xiii.  32)  was  so  tried 
SB  the  capital  charge  of  foreign  superstition, 
sad  the  noble  matron,  an  early  conrert,  as  is 
soBMtimeB  supposed,  to  Christianity,  owed  her 
lift  to  the  acquittal  of  her  husband  and  his 
htulj  assessors. 

3.  A  fiur  more  singular  penalty  on  adultery  is 
fBcntioned,Tacit.  Aim.  u.  85,  Sueton.  Tib.  35,  and 
Merirale,  t.  197.  It  consisted  in  permitting  a 
ontron  to  degrade  herself  by  tendering  her  name 
to  the  Aediles  for  insertion  in  the  register  of  pub- 
lic women.  Tacitus  speaks  of  it  as  ^  more  inter 
▼etcres  reeepto,"  and  looks  back  with  evident 
regret  upon  the  ages  when  such  shame  was  felt 
to  be  an  ample  chastisement.  His  feeling  is 
skared  by  VaL  Max.  iL  1.  A  like  custom  sub- 
nsted  before  1833  among  the  modem  Egyptians, 
(aee  Lane,  i.  176-7X  differing  only  in  the  fact  that 
tk«  degradation  was  compulsory,  a  custom  curi- 
onsJy  parallel  to  a  narrative  of  Socrates,  v.  18, 


(copied  by  Nicephorus,  xii.  22),  who  says  that 
there  remained  at  Rome,  till  abolished  bv  the 
Christian  £mperor  Theodosius  I.,  places  o^  con- 
finement called  Sistra,  where  women  who  had 
been  caught  in  breaking  the  7th  Commandment 
were  compelled  to  acts  of  inoontinency,  during 
which  the  attention  of  the  passers-by  was  at- 
tracted by  the  ringing  of  little  bells  in  order  that 
their  ignominy  might  be  known  to  every  one. 
Valesius  has  a  dubious  note  founded  chiefly  on 
a  mistake,  already  observed,  as  to  the  constancy 
of  Roman  punishments.  They  really  were  most 
variable,  and  here  again  Egypt  offers  a  parallel, 
cf.  Lane,  i.  462-3.  Niebuhr  {lectures  on  Roman 
Hid.  i.  270)  thinks  the  unfixed  nature  of  penal- 
ties for  numerous  offences  in  Greece  and  Rome  a 
better  practice  than  the  positive  enactments  of 
modem  times.     We  now  pass  to 

4.  Judicial  Punishmsnts. — ^Augustine  {Oiv.  Deiy 
iii.  5)  says  that  the  ancient  Romans  did  not  in- 
flict death  upon  adulteresses  (cf.  Liv.  i.  28,  x. 
2,  XXV.  2,  and  xxxix.  18 ;)  those  who  read  Plautus 
will  find  divorce  described  as  their  usual  chas- 
tisement. The  critics  of  Tribonian  generally  be- 
lieve that  Paulus  (Sentent.  ii.  26,  14)  gives  the 
text  of  the  Lex  Julia.  It  commences  with  the 
punishment  of  the  woman,  and  proceeds  to  that 
of  her  paramour  on  the  principle  before  noticed 
of  the  adultera  being  the  true  criminal,  and  ,the 
adulter  her  accomplice.  After  Constantine, 
though  the  civil  law  maintains  this  ancient 
position,  there  is  an  apparent  inclination  to  punish 
the  man  as  a  seducer — a  clearly  vital  alteration, 
and  due  probably  to  Christian  influences. 

Augustine  places  the  lenity  of  old  Rome  to- 
wards adulterous  women  in  contrast  with  the 
severities  exercised  on  Vestal  virgins.  His  state- 
ment is  not  necessarily  impugned  by  those  who 
rank  adultery  among  capital  crimes  (e.  g.  Cod,  J, 
9,  tit.  9,  s.  9),  since  by  some  kinds  of  banishment 
^'eximitur  caput  de  dvitate,"  and  hence  the 
phrase  '^ civil  death"  (see  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  2  ; 
tit.  19,  s.  2 ;  tit.  22,  s.  3-7).  Emperors  varied 
from  each  other,  and  from  themselves.  Augustus 
exceeded  his  own  laws  (Tacit.  Ann.  iii.  24).  Ti- 
berius was  perverse  (ibid.  iv.  42).  Appuleius, 
under  the  Antonines,  represents  the  legal  penalty 
as  actual  death,  and  seems  to  imply  that  burn- 
ing the  adulteress  alive  was  not  an  unknown 
thing  (Met.  ix.  ut  supra).  Of  Macrinus  it  is  ex- 
pressly stated  (Jul.  Capit.  12),  '*  Adulterii  reos 
semper  vivos  simul  incendit,  junctis  corporibus." 
Alexander  Severus  held  to  a  capital  penalty  (Cod. 
J.  9,  tit.  9X  as  above.  Paulus  was  of  his  council 
(cf.  Ael.  Lamprid.  25),  a  fact  favouring  the  sup- 
position that  the  section  (Recept.  Sent.  ii.  26, 14) 
which  mentions  a  punishment  not  capital  must 
represent  an  earlier  law.  Arnobius,  undei  Dio- 
cletian (see  Diet.  Biog.y^  speaks  of  adultery  as 
capital  (iv.  p.  142,  ecL  Var.).  With  the  above 
precedents  before  him,  the  reader  may  feel  in- 
clined to  distrust  the  charge  of  new  and  Mosaic 
severity  brought  against  Constantine  and  his 
successors  in  chap.  44  of  Gibbon,  vol.  v.  p.  322, 
ed.  Milman  and  Smith. 

Whether  the  disputed  penal  clause  of  Con- 
stantine be  genuine  or  not,  by  another  law  of  his 
(Cod.  J,  9,  tit.  11)  a  woman  ofiendlng  with  a 
slave  was  capitally  punished,  and  the  slave  burned. 
Constantius  and  Constans  (Cod.  Theod.  11,  tit. 
36, 8. 4)  enacted  "  pari  similique  ratione  sacrilegot 
nuptiarum,  tanquam  manifestos  parricides,  in* 


28 


ADULTERY 


ADULTERY 


•uere  cnleo  vivos,  vel  ezurere,  jadicantem  opor- 
teat."  Compare  Diet.  Antiq.  art.  Leges  Comeliae, 
*^  Lex  PompeU  de  Parricidiis/'  and  for  burning, 
Paul!  Sentent.  Recept,  v.  24.  Baronins  (sub  fin. 
Ann.  339)  has  a  note  on  "  Sacrilegos," — a  word 
which  placed  the  male  offender  in  a  deeply  criminal 
light.  The  ezecation  of  the  sentence  was  en- 
forced bj  clear  cases  of  adultery  being  excepted 
from  appeal  {Serd,  Becepi.  ii.  26,  17),  and  after- 
wards {Cod.  Theod,  9,  tit.  38,  s.  3-8),  from  the 
Easter  indulgence,  when,  in  Imperial  phrase,  the 
Resurrection  Morning  brought  light  to  the  dark- 
ness of  the  prison,  and  broke  the  bonds  of  the 
transgressor.  Yet  we  may  ask,  Was  the  Con- 
stantian  law  really  maintained?  Just  thirty 
years  later,  Ammianus  (zxviii.  1)  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  decapitation  of  Cethegus,  a  senator 
of  Rome ;  but  though  the  sword  was  substituted 
for  fire,  he  reckons  this  act  among  the  outrages 
of  Maximin,  prefect  of  the  city ;  and  how  easily 
a  magisti'ate  might  indulge  in  reckless  barbarity 
may  be  seen  by  the  horrible  trial  for  adulterv 
described  by  Jerome  (Ad  Innocent.),  in  which  botn 
the  accused  underwent  extreme  tortures.  Again, 
though  the  Theodosian  code  (in  force  from  ▲.D. 
439)  gave  apparent  life  to  the  Constantian  law, 
yet  by  a  rescript  of  Majorian  (a.d.  459)  it  is 
ordered  that  the  adulterer  shall  be  punished  '*  as 
under  former  emperors,"  by  banishment  from 
Italy,  with  permission  to  any  one,  if  he  return, 
to  kill  him  on  the  spot  (NoveU,  Major.  9).  That 
death  in  various  times  and  places  was  the  penalty, 
seems  clear  from  Jerome  on  Nah.  i.  9 ;  the  Vandal 
customs  in  Salvian,  7;  and  Can.  Wallici,  27. 
Fines  appear  in  later  Welsh,  as  in  Salic  and 
A.  S.  codes.  For  these  and  other  punishments 
among  Christianized  barbarians,  see  Ancient  Lavs 
of  Wales ;  Lindenbrogli  Cod.  Leg.,  Wilkins,  vol.  i., 
Olaus  Mag.  de  Gent.  Septent.  XIV. ;  and  Ducange 
8.  V.  and  under  Trotari. 

For  Justinian's  legislation  see  his  134th  Novell. 
Cap.  10  renews  the  Constantian  law  against  the 
male  offender,  extends  it  to  all  abettors,  and  in- 
flicts on  the  female  bodily  chastisement,  with 
other  penalties  short  of  death.  Cap.  12  contem- 
plates a  possible  evasion  of  justice,  and  further 
offences,  to  which  are  attached  further  severities. 
Caps.  9  and  13  contain  two  merciful  provisions. 
Leo,  in  his  32nd  Novell,  (cited  by  Harmenop.  as 
19th),  compares  adultery  with  homicide,  and 
punishes  both  man  and  woman  by  the  loss  of 
their  noses  and  other  inflictions.  For  a  final 
summary,  cf.  Harmenop.  Proch.  vi.  2,  and  on  the 
punishment  of  incontinent  married  men,  vi.  3. 

Spiritual  penalties  may  be  thus  arranged — 1. 
Against  adultery  strictly  so  called  (Can.  Apost. 
61  al.  60).  A  convicted  adulter  cannot  receive 
orders. — Ancyra,  20.  Adultera  and  adulter  (so 
Schol.,  husband  with  guilty  knowleilge,  Houth 
and  Fleury),  7  years'  penitence. — Neocnesarea,  1. 
Presbyter  so  offending  to  be  fully  excommunicated 
and  brought  to  penitence. — Neocaesarea,  8.  The 
layman  whose  wife  is  a  convicted  adultera  can- 
not receive  orders.  If  the  husband  be  already 
ordained,  he  must  put  her  away  under  penalty 
of  deprivation. — Basil,  can.  9.  An  unchaste  wife 
must  be  divorced.  An  unchaste  husband  not  so, 
even  if  adulterous ;  this  is  the  rule  of  Church 
custom.  [N.B. — We  place  Basil  here  because  ac- 
cepted by  Trull.  2.}— Basil,  58.  The  adulter  15 
yeiirs'  penitence ;  cf.  59,  which  gives  7  years  to 
simple  incontinence,  and  compare  with  both  can. 


7  and  Scholia. — Gregor.  Nyss.,  can.  4^  prescribef 
18  years  (9  only  for  simple  incontinence). — ^Basil, 
27,  and  Trull.  26,  forbid  a  presbyter  who  has 
ignorantly  contracted  an  unlawful  marriage  be* 
fore  orders  to  discharge  his  functions,  but  do  not 
degrade  him. — Basil,  39.  An  adultera  living  with 
her  paramour  is  guilty  of  continued  crime.  This 
forbids  her  marriage  with  him,  as  does  also  the 
civil  law.  Cf.  on  these  marriages  Triburiense,  40, 
49,  and  51. — On  intended  and  incipient  sin,  com- 
pare Neocaesarea,  4,  with  Basil,  70  (also  Scholia) 
and  Blastaris  Syntagma,  cap.  xvi. — The  synod  of 
£liberis,  though  held  a.d.  305,  was  not  accepted 
by  any  Universal  Council,  but  it  represents  an 
important  part  of  the  Western  Church,  and  its 
canons  on  discipline  are  strict.  The  following 
arrangement  will  be  found  useful.  Eliberis,  19. 
Sin  of  Clerisy.  (Cf.  Tarracon.  9.)— 31.  Of  young 
men. — 7.  Sin,  if  repeated. — 69.  Of  married  men 
and  women.---47.  If  habitual  and  with  relapse 
after  penitence. — 64.  Of  women  continuing  with 
their  accomplices ;  cf.  69. — 65.  Wives  of  clerks. 
— 70.  Husbands'  connivance  (F.  Mendoza  remarks 
on  the  antiquity  of  this  sin  in  Spain). — 78.  Oi 
married  men  with  Jewesses  or  Pagans. 

2.  Against  Adultery  as  under  Syiritual  but  not 
Civil  Law. — Both  canonists  and  divines  joined  with 
our  Saviour's  precepts,  Prov.  xviii.  23 ;  Jer.  iii.  1 
(both  LXX) ;  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  and  vii.  11-16  and  39. 
They  drew  two  conclusions :  (1)  Divorce,  except 
for  adultery,  is  adultery.  Under  this  fell  the 
questions  of  enforced  continence,  and  of  marriage 
after  divorce.  (2)  To  retain  an  adulterous  wife 
is  also  adultery — a  point  disputed  by  divines,  e.g. 
Augustine,  who  yielded  to  the  text  in  Proverbs 
(Retract,  i.  xix.  6).  These  divisions  should  be 
remembered  though  the  points  are  often  blended 
in  the  canons. 

Can,  Apost.  5.  Ko  one  in  higher  orders  to 
cast  out  his  wife  on  plea  of  religion.  This  is 
altered  as  regards  bishops  by  Ti-ull.  12,  but 
the  change  (opposed  to  African  feeling)  was  not 
enough  to  satisfy  Rome.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that,  though  divorce  was  restrained  by 
Constantine,  whose  own  mother  had  thus  suf- 
fered (see  £utrop.  ix.  22),  his  law  was  relaxed 
by  Theod.  and  Valentin,  and  their  successors, 
and  it  was  common  for  a  clerk,  forced  into  conti- 
nence, to  repudiate  his  wife.  Trull.  13,  opposes 
the  then  Roman  practice  as  concerns  priests  and 
deacons,  and  so  far  maintains,  as  it  says.  Can. 
Apost.  5. — ^The  Scholia  on  these  three  canons 
should  be  read.  For  the  Roman  view  of  them 
compare  Binius  and  other  commentators  with 
Fleury,  Iltst.  Eccl.  xl.  50.  Cf.  Siricius,  Ad  Himer. 
7 ;  Innocent  I.  Ad  Exup.  1,  and  Ad  Max.  et  Set. ; 
Leo  I.  Ad  Rustic,  3,  and  Ad  Anastas.  4.  See  also 
Milman,  Lot.  Christ,  i.  97-100.  The  feeling  of 
Innocent  appeara  most  extreme  if  Jerome's  asser- 
tion (Ad  Dcmetriad.')  of  this  pope's  being  his 
predecessor's  son  is  literally  meant,  as  Milman 
and  others  believe. — Can.  Apost.  18,  al.  17. 
On  marriage  with  a  aist-out  wife;  cf.  Lerit. 
xxi.  7. — 48,  al.  47.  Against  casting  out  and 
marrying  again,  or  marrying  a  dismissed  woman. 
"Casting  out"  and  "dismissed"  are  explained 
by  the  Scholiasts  in  the  sense  of  unlawful  repu- 
diations. Sanchez  (^Dc  Matrim.  lib.  x.  de  Dicoti. 
Disp.  ii.  2)  quotes  this  canon  in  the  opposite  sense, 
and  brings  no  other  authority  to  forbid  divorce 
before  Innocent  I. ;  indeed  in  Disp.  i.  12,  he  savs, 
"  Posterior  (excusatic)  est,  indissolubilitatem 


ADULTEBY 


ADULTERY 


29 


trimmi  Don  ita  arcce  in  pnmitiyii  Ecclesia  in- 
telkctam  ene,  quia  lioeret  ex  legitima  causa, 
apod  Episoopof  prorinciales  probata,  libel  lum 
npmdh  dare."  ¥.  Hendoza  makes  a  like  reserve 
M  Eliberis,  8.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  Latin 
Rfiderings  of  Greek  law  terms  are  apt  to  be  am- 
Vifaoos;  e^.  ^'Soluta"  is  sometimes  used  of 
a  dismisMd  wife,  sometime  of  an  unmarried 
voman. — Basil,  Ad  AmphUoch,  can  9.  The  dictum 
of  our  Lord  applies  naturally  to  both  sexes,  but 
it  b  otherwise  ruled  hj  custom  [i.e.  of  th^ 
Chorch,  see  a  few  lines  further,  with  Scholia ; 
ud  on  unwritten  Church  custom  having  the 
fcite  of  law  cf.  Photli  Nomoc,  i.  3,  and  refer- 
Moes],  In  the  case  of  wives  that  dictum  is 
Aria^tl/  observed  according  to  1  Cor.  yi.  16  ; 
Jer.  iiL  1,  and  Prov.  xviii.,  latter  half  of  23 
(both  in  I .XX  and  Vulgate). — If,  however,  a  di- 
voreed  hosband  marries  again,  the  second  wife  is 
■ot  aa  adnltera,  but  the  first ;  cf.  Scholia.  [Here 
the  Latin  translator  has  mistaken  the  Greek ;  he 
naders  ovk  o78a  ct  96yarai  by  "•  nescio  an  possit," 
iBsteid  of  **  nescio  an  non  " — so  as  to  give  the  con- 
tnrr  of  Basirs  real  meaning.]  A  woman  must 
Bot  iesre  her  husband  for  blows,  waste  of  dower, 
inooBtineace,  nor  even  disbelief  (cf.  1  Cor,  vii.  16), 
SBJer  penalty  of  adultery.  Lastly,  Basil  forbids 
seooad  marriage  to  a  husband  putting  away 
his  wife,  ue,  wdawfuliy  according  to  Aristenus, 
Sddcn,  Tx.  EffT.  iii.  31,  and  Scholia  on  Trull.  87. 
Ob  like  Scripture  grounds  Can.  26  of  2nd  Synod 
attjibated  to  St.  Patrick,  commands  divorce  of 
adalteresses,  and  permits  husband  to  remarry. — 
Baai],  21,  assigns  extra  penitence  to  what  would 
Bov  be  called  simple  adultery  (then  denied  by 
Chnrch  custom  to  be  adultery),  i^.  the  incon- 
tineaey  of  a  married  man.  Divorce  is  next 
tfested  as  a  penalty — an  offending  wife  is  an 
adaltcreiB  and  must  be  divorced — ^not  so  the  hus- 
hud ;  cf.  can.  9.  Basil,  unlike  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
dfiet  not  justify  in  reason  the  established  custom. 
~35.  AUndes  to  a  judgment  of  the  sort  men- 
tuned  by  Sanchez  and  Mendoza,  and  referred 
to  above. — Can.  48.  Separated  wife  had  better 
Bot  r»>marry. 

Carthage,  105  ap.  Bev.  (in  Cod.  Eccl.  Afric, 
102). — Divorced  persons  (t.e.  either  rightly  or 
wrongly  repudiating)  to  remain  unmarried  or 
be  reconciled,  and  an  alteration  of  Imperial  law 
ia  this  sense  to  be  petitioned  for.  This  breathes 
a  Latin  rather  than  an  Eastern  spirit,  and  is  the 
ame  with  2  Mile  vis  (Mileum),  17  (repeated  Cone, 
Afric.  69X  cf.  1  Aries,  10,  and  Innocent  I.,  Ad 
Ex%p,  6.  The  case  is  differently  determined 
aader  differing  conditions  by  Aug.  de  Fid.  et 
Oper.  2  (i.)  compared  with  35  (xix.). 

The  Scholiasta  hold  that  the  Carthaginian 
eaaoo  was  occasioned  by  fiicility  of  civil  divorce, 
but  superseded  by  Trull.  87.  Innocent  III.,  with 
a  politic  regard  for  useful  forgeries,  ordained  that 
earlier  should  prevail  over  later  canons  (cf. 
Josteil.  L  311X  but  the  Greek  canonists  (as  here) 
Biaintain  the  reverse,  which  is  likewise  ably  up- 
held and  explained  by  Augustine,  De  Bapt,  II.  4, 
(iii.X  Md  14  (ix.> 

TralL  87,  u  made  up  of  Basil's  9,  21,  35,  and 
^  The  Scholia  should  be  read — but  they  do 
Boi  Dotioe  that,  when  it  was  framed,  divorce  by 
eonsent  had  been  restored  by  Justin,  Novell.  2 
(aathent.  140).  They  are  silent  because  neither 
this  JfcKtU.  nor  all  Justinian's  117  were  inserted 
h  the  Basilica  then  used ;  his  134  alone  repre- 


sented the  law  (see  Photii  Nomoc.  XIII.  4,  Sch.  3% 
— ^Trull.  87,  is  so  worded  as  to  express  desertion, 
and  therefore  implies  a  judicial  process,  without 
which  re-marriage  must  be  held  mere  adultery 
(see  on  this  point,  Bkutaris  Syntagm. :  Oamma, 
13).  The  ^  divine  "  Basil,  here  highly  magnified, 
is  elevated  still  higher  in  Blastaria,  Caw.  Matrim. 
ap.  Leunclavii  Jus  Graeco-Roman.  p.  514. 

This  canon  closes  the  circle  of  Oecumenical 
law  upon  adultery,  and  on  divorce,  treated  partly 
as  its  penalty  and  partly  as  its  cause.  The 
points  of  agreement  with  State  law  are  plain ; 
the  divergence  is  an  effect  of  Church  restraint 
upon  divorce,  which,  if  uncanonical,  easily  led  to 
digamy,  and  foi-med  per  se  a  species  of  adultery. 
According  to  canonists  (Photii  Nomoc.  I^  2,  Schol. 
2),  Churdi  law,  having  a  twofold  sanction,  could 
not  be  resisted  by  Imperial  constitutions. 

As  the  ancient  mode  of  thinking  on  adultery 
is  alien  from  our  own,  it  seems  right  to  refer 
the  reader  to  the  vindication  of  its  morality  by 
Gregory  Nyss.  {Ad  Let.  4). — Gregory  is  by  no 
means  lenient  to  the  incontinency  of  married  or 
unmarried  men  with  single  women;  9  years  of 
penitence  with  all  its  attendant  infamy  made  up 
no  trifling  chastisement.  But  he  held  that  the 
offence  of  a  married  woman  and  her  paramour 
involves  three  additional  elements  of  immoralitv 

m 

— the  treacherous,  the  specially  unjust,  and  the 
unnatural ;  or,  to  put  the  case  another  way,  he 
estimated  the  sin  by  the  strength  of  the  barriers 
overleaped  by  passion,  and  by  the  amount  of 
selfishness  involved  in  its  gratification.  So,  in 
modern  days,  we  often  speak  of  an  adulteress  as 
an  unnatural  mother,  and  visit  her  seducer  with 
proportionate  indignation.  Thus  viewed,  spuri- 
ousness  of  progeny  is  not  a  censure  by  rule  of 
expediency,  but  a  legal  test  of  underlying  de- 
pravity. 

This  section  may  usefully  close  with  examples 
showing  how  the  ancient  position  has  been  over- 
looked as  well  as  resisted.  We  saw  that  Car- 
thage, 105,  and  its  parallels  forbade  mari'iage 
after  divorce,  whether  just  or  unjust,  and  that 
the  view  of  its  being  adultery  had  gained  ground 
in  the  West.  Now,  three  earlier  Eliberitan  canons 
uphold  the  other  principle.  Can.  8.  Against  re- 
marriage of  a  woman  causelessly  repudiating. 
9.  Against  re-marriage  of  a  woman  leaving  an 
adulterous  husband.  10.  Against  marriage  with 
a  man  guilty  of  causeless  dismissal.  From  this 
last  canon,  compared  with  8  and  9,  it  appeai-s 
that  the  husband  divorcing  an  adulteress  may 
marry  again,  which  by  9  an  aggrieved  wife  can- 
not do ;  cf.  the  parallel,  Basil,  9,  supra.  Cotc- 
lerius,  note  16,  3,  to  Herm.  Pad,  Mand.  iv., 
quotes  cans.,  9  and  10  as  a  support  to  the  pseudo- 
Ambrose  on  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  11,  and  construes 
both  to  mean  that  the  man  is  favoured  above 
the  woman  under  like  conditions.  He  is  fol- 
lowed by  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  6,  as  far  as  the  so- 
called  Ambrose  is  concerned.  But  we  have  suf- 
ciently  proved  that  Church  custom  did  not  per- 
mit incontinency  to  be  held  a  like  condition 
in  husband  and  in  wife.  The  pseudo-Ambrose 
himself  misleads  his  readers — his  law  agrees 
with  the  Basilean  canon,  but  not  content  with 
laying  down  the  law,  he  goes  on  to  reason  out 
the  topic — the  man's  being  the  head  of  the 
woman,  &c.  The  Western  Canon  ascribed  to  St. 
Patrick  (jsuprd)  seems  a  remarkable  contrast  to 
the  Latin  rule.    The  fiict  is  equally  remarkable 


30 


ADULTERY 


ADVENT 


that  at  DO  ftu*ther  distance  from  Eliberis  than 
Aries,  and  as  early  as  a.d.  314,  it  was  enacted 
hj  Can.  10  that  joung  men  detecting  their  wives 
m  adultery  should  be  counselled  against  marry- 
ing others  during  the  lifetime  of  the  adulteresses 
(cf.  Nantes  12).  Most  curious  to  us  are  the  de- 
crees of  Pope  Leo  I.,  Ad  Nicet,  1,  2,  3,  4,  which 
allow  the  wires  of  prisoners  of  war  to  marry 
others,  but  compel  them  to  return  to  their 
husbands  under  pain  of  excommunication  should 
the  captires  be  released  and  desire  their  society. 
Such  instances  as  these  and  some  before  cited 
illustrate  the  various  modes  of  affirming  an  iron 
bond  in  marriage,  and  of  resisting  the  law  on 
adultery,  and  on  divorce  as  the  penalty  of  adul- 
tery (afterwards  received  in  Trullo),  ere  yet  the 
opposition  formed  an  article  in  the  divergence 
of  Greek  and  Latin  Christendom.  With  them 
should  be  compared  the  extracts  from  divines 
given  under  Division  11.  supra,  which  display  in 
its  best  colours  the  spirit  of  the  revolution.  For 
other  particulars,  see  Divorce. 

3.  Constncctive  Advitery, — ^The  following  are 
treated  as  guilty  of  the  actual  crime : — Trull.  98. 
A  man  marrying  a  betrothed  maiden ;  cf.  Basil, 
37,  with  Schol.,  and  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  3; 
also  Siricius,  Ad  Him,  4. — Elib.  14.  Girls  seduced 
marrying  other  men  than  their  seducers. — Basil, 
18.  Consecrated  virgins  who  sin  and  their  para- 
mours ;  cf.  his  60.  These  supersede  Ancyra,  19, 
by  which  the  offence  was  punished  as  digamy. 
See  on  same.  Trull.  4 ;  £lib.l3 ;  Siric.  Ad  Him,  6, 
Innocent,  Ad  Victr,  12  and  13.  Cyprian,  ^dPom- 
pon.,  pronounced  it  better  they  should  marry — 
the  offender  is  "  Christi  Adultera.*'  Jerome,  Ad 
Demetriad.  sub  fin.,  perplexes  the  case  for  irre- 
vocable vows  by  declaring,  ^  Quibus  aperte  dicen- 
dum  est,  ut  aut  nubant,  si  se  non  possunt  conti- 
nerc,  aut  contineant,  si  nolunt  nuberc." — Laod. 
10  and  31,  accepted  by  Chalced.  i.  and  TruU.  2, 
forbid  giving  sons  and  daughters  in  marriage  to 
heretics.  Eliberis,  15, 16, 17,  enact  severe  penal- 
ties against  parents  who  marry  girls  to  Jews, 
heretics,  and  unbelievers,  above  all  to  heathen 
priests.  1,  Aries,  11,  has  same  prohibition,  so  too 
Agde,  67.  By  Cod,  Theod.  16,  tit.  8,  s.  6  (a.d. 
339),  Jews  must  not  take  Christian  women ;  by 
Cod,  Theod,  3,  tit.  7,  s.  2  (a.d.  388),  all  marriage 
between  Jew  and  Christian  is  to  be  treated  as 
adultery,  a  law  preserved  by  Justinian  (Cod,  J. 
1,  tit.  9,  s.  6).  Some  suppose  this  phrase  simply 
means  treated  as  a  capital  offence,  but  Klib.  15, 
mentions  the  risk  o{  adultenum  animae.  The  pas- 
sage in  Tertullian,  Ad  Ux.  [[,  3,  ''fideles  gentilium 
matrimonia  subeuntes  stupri  reos  esse  constat," 
&c.  (cf.  Division  I.  tuprd)  shows  how  early  this 
thought  took  hold  of  the  Church.  Idolatry 
from  Old  Testament  times  downward  was  adul- 
tery ;  and  divines  used  the  principle  1  Cor.  vi. 
15, 16,  and  parallel  texts,  to  prove  that  marriage 
with  an  unclean  transgressor  involved  wile  or 
husband  in  the  sinner's  guilt.  Compare  Justin 
Martyr  in  the  history  cited  Division  I.,  Cyprian, 
Testimon,  iii.  62,  and  Jerome,  Epitaph,  FoUtiolae. 
It  would  appear  therefore  that  law  was  thus 
worded  to  move  conscience,  and  how  hard  the 
task  of  law  became  may  be  gathered  fi'om  Chal- 
cedon,  14.  This  canon  (on  which  see  Schol.  and 
Routh's  note,  Opusc,  ii.  107)  concerns  the  lower 
clerisy ;  but  the  acceptance  of  Laodicea  by  Can. 
1  had  already  met  the  case  of  lay  people.  See 
fbrther  under  Marriage. 


The  Church  was  strict  against  incitementi  am] 
scandals.  Professed  virgins  must  not  lire  with 
clerks  as  sisters.  See  SuB-nrntODUCTAE.  Oa 
promiscuous  bathing.  Trull.  77,  Laod.  30 ;  the 
custom  was  strange  to  early  Rome,  but  practice 
varied  at  different  times  (see  Did,  Antiq.  Bal- 
neae).  Cn  female  adornment,  Trull.  96,  and  com- 
pare Commodian's  address  to  matrons,  Inst.  59, 
60. — Elib.  35,  forbids  women's  night  watching 
in  cemeteries,  because  sin  was  committed  under 
pretext  of  prayer.  Against  theatricals,  loose 
reading,  some  kinds  of  revels,  dances,  and  other 
prohibited  things,  see  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  10-17, 
with  the  references,  amongst  which  those  to 
Cyprian  deserve  particular  attention. 

For  the  general  literature  on  Canon  Law  see 
that  article.  Upon  civil  law  there  are  excellent 
references  under  Justinianus,  Diet,  Biogr,,  with 
additional  matt«r  in  the  notes  to  Gibbon,  chap. 
44,  ed.  Smith  and  Milman,  and  a  summary  re- 
specting the  Basilica,  vol.  vii.  pp.  44,  45.  *  We 
may  here  add  that  Mommsen  is  editing  a  text  of 
the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis ;  and  the  whole  Russian 
code  is  now  being  translated  for  English  publica- 
tion. There  is  a  series  of  manuals  by  Ortolan 
deserving  attention:  Histoire  de  la  lAgislation 
romaine,  1842 ;  Cours  de  Legislation  pSnale  com- 
pareey  1839-41 ;  Explication  des  Instittds,  1863. 
Gothofredi  Manuals  Juris,  and  Windscheid's 
Lehrbuch  d,  Pandektenrechts  (2nd  ed.)  may  be 
useful.  An  ample  collection  of  Councils  and  Ec- 
clesiastical documents  relating  to  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  is  being  published  at  Oxford.  Re- 
ferences on  special  topics  have  been  fully  given 
above,  and  will  serve  to  indicate  the  ret^est 
sources  for  further  information.  Curious  readers 
will  find  interesting  matter  in  Saint  Edme,  Die- 
tionnaire  de  la  P€naliU;  Taylor,  On  Civil  Law; 
and  Duni,  Origine  e  Progressi  del  Cittadino  e  del 
Oovemo  civile  di  Roma,  1763-1764.      [W.  J.] 

ADVENT  {Advenius,  f^nffrcia  r&v  Xpurrov 
ytvvuv)^  is  the  season  of  preparation  for  the 
Feast  of  the  Nativity,  to  which  it  holds  the  like 
relation  as  does  Lent  to  Easter.  As  no  trace  of 
an  established  celebration  of  the  birth  of  our 
Lord  is  met  with  before  the  4th  century  [Na- 
Txyrrr],  no  earlier  origin  can  be  assigned  to  the 
ecclesiastical  institution  of  Advent;  the  state- 
ment of  Durand  (Rationale  divin.  off.  vi.  21^  which 
makes  this  an  appointment  of  St.  Peter  (unless, 
like  other  statements  of  the  same  kind,  it  means 
only  that  this  was  an  ordinance  of  the  see  of  St. 
Peter),  may  rest,  perhaps,  on  an  ancient  tradition, 
making  Christmas  an  apostolic  institution,  but 
is  contrary  to  all  historical  testimony,  and  devoid 
of  probability.  Expressions  which  have  been 
alleged  on  that  behalf  from  Tertullian,  St.  Cyprian, 
and  other  early  writers,  are  evidently  meant,  not 
of  "Advent"  as  a  Church  season,  but  of  the 
coming  of  the  Lord  in  the  fulness  of  time.  A 
passage  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn,  iii.  ad  Eph, 
t,  xi.  22  B),  in  which  Koiphs  ttjs  wpo<r69ov  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  t^  *Eiri^ayla  (t.  e. 
the  ancient  Feast  of  Nativity  and  Baptism)  and 
with  the  Lenten  Quadragesima,  speaks,  as  the 
context  manifestly  shows,  not  of  the  season  of 
Advent,  but  of  the  fit  time  (or  rather  fitness  in 
general)  for  coming  to  Holy  Communion  (compw 
Menard  on  Libr,  Sacram,  S.  Gregorii ;  Opp,  t.  iiu 
col.  446).  Setting  aside  these  supposed  testi- 
monies, and  that  of  the  Sermons  de  Advmt^ 


ADVENT 


ADVENT 


31 


alkfed  as  St  An^iutiDe's,  but  certainly  not  his, 
veksTv  two  homiHes  In  (or  De)  Adcentu  Domini^ 
dc  «o  qvod  dietam  est,  stent  fid^ur  cortiscans,  &c., 
ct  itdmlmt  w  lecto  uno^  hj  St.  Maximxis,  Bishop 
at  Taria,  o6l  466.     In  neither  of  these  sermons 
b  then  aaj  indication  of  Adrent  as  a  season, 
tmj  sliwion  to  Lessons,  Gospels,    &c.,  appro- 
pruted  to  such  a  season,  or  to  the  Feast  of 
XatintT  as  then  approaching.    And,  indeed,  the 
ha,  that  the  **  Sundays  in  Advent "  are  unknown 
i«  the  Sacnmentary  of  Pope  Leo  of  the  same  age 
MffideatJr  shows  that  this  season  was  not  yet 
otabiibhed  in  the  time  of  Mazimns.      Among 
Ut  HomiJies    (donbtfully)    ascribed     to    this 
bisiMiH  edited  by  Mabillon  (iftis.  ItcU.  t.  i.  pt.  2), 
cae,  horn.  tjL,  preached  on  the  Sunday  before 
CkristaMs,  simply  ezhort«  to  a  due  observance  of 
tte  fiaast,  and   contains   no   indication  of  any 
cedaBastical  rule.      Even   in  the  Sermons  de 
jiKata,  formerly  ascribed    to  St.  Augustine, 
WW  generally    acknowledged    to    have    been 
■fiittea  by  Gaesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  o6.  542  (S. 
Aagastini  0pp.  t.  v.  210,  Ben,  Append,  n.  115, 
116X  there  is  no  distinct  recognition  of  Advent 
as aaestablished  obeervance.  In  these,  the  faithful 
arc  exhorted  to  prepare  themselves,  several  days 
{taUe  ptures  die8%  foi  the  due  celebration  of  the 
Kaiivity,  especially  of  the  Christmas  Communion, 
hf  good  worlcs,  by  guarding  against  anger  and 
katnd,  by  modest  hospitality  to  the  poor,  by 
itnct  eontioence,  &c.     Still  there  is  no  indi> 
cation  of  the  length  of  time  so  to  be  set  apart, 
Mr  any  reference  to  Lessons,  Gospels,  or  other 
■attcn  of  Church  usage.    Tlie  preacher  urges 
nek  preparation,  not  on  the  ground  of  Church 
•Wrvaace,  but  as  matter  of  natural  fitness : 
**  Evea  as  ye  would  prepare  for  celebrating  the 
iirtk-day  of  a  great  lord  by  putting  your  houses 
la  Older,"  Jic     ^  Ideo  ab  omni  inquinamento 
sate  ejus  Natalem  multis  diebus  abstinere  de- 
ictis.    QuoHetcumqve  aut  Natalem  Domini  ctut 
rtHqmis  9oUemnitatea  celebrare  disponitis,  ebrieta- 
tem  ante  omnia  fhgite,"  &c.     And  so  in  the 
sMood  sermon :  **■  £t  ideo  (fuotiescumque  aut  dies 
Xatalift  Domini,  cent  reUffuaefestimtates  adveniunt, 
sicat  frequenter  admonui,  ante  plures  dies  non 
aolam  ab  infelici  concubinarum   consortio,  sed 
vtisB  a  propriis  uzoribus  abstinete :  ab  omni  ira- 
candia,**  ftc.    There  is  indeed  a  canon  cited  by 
Gntiatt  {Decretal,  zxxiii.  qu.  4)  as  of  the  Council 
of  Lerida,  ▲.!>.  523,  prohibiting  all  marriage /rom 
AAval  to  Epiphany.    But  this  canon  is  known 
to  be  spurious,  and  does    not  appear  in  the 
aatlwBtie  copies  (see  Brun's  Concilia^  t.  ii.  20). 
A  shnilar  canon  of  the  Council  of  Mftcon,  (a.d. 
581,  ihid.  242)  is  undisputed.     This  (can.  ix.) 
eajoiBs  that    from    the    Feast    of  St.    Martin 
(Xov.   11)  to  the   Nativity  there    be  fasting 
e«  Monday,   Wednesday,   and   Friday    of  each 
week,  and  that  the  canons  be  then  read ;  also 
that  the  aacrifices  be  offered  in  the  quadragesimal 
sHer.    (Subsequent  councils,  after  our  period, 
eijoia  the  observance  of  this  Quadragesima  S. 
Jbrtini  as  the  preparation  for  Christmas,  corre- 
^aading  to  the   Lenten  Quadragesima   before 
Easter.)    It  does  not  appear  what   were  the 
cuns  i^ipointed  to  be  read,  relating,  of  course, 
ts  the  ohservance  of  these  forty  days  before 
CSnistnus;  only,  it  may  be  inferred  that  such 
were,  or  were  supposed  to  be,  in  exist- 
of  evlier  date  than  that  of  Mftcon  (in  the 
to  which  council  it  is  said  these  enact- 


ments are  not  new :  ^  non  tarn  nova  quam  prieca 
patrum  statuta  sancientes  "  &c.).    In  the  second 
Council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567),  the  fast  of  three 
days  in  the  week  is  ordered  (can.  zvii.)  for  the 
months  of  September,  October,  and  November, 
and  from  (1)  December  to  the  Nativity,  omni 
die.    But  this  is  for  monks  only.     St.  Gregory, 
Bishop  of  Tours,  in  De  Vitis  Fatrwn,  written 
between  590  and  595,  alleges  that  Perpetuus, 
Bishop  of  Tours  (461-490),  ordered  "a  deposi- 
tione  B.  Martini  usque  ad  Nat.  Dom.  terna  in 
septimana  jejunia."     This  may  have  been  one 
of  the  prisca  atatvta  appealed  to ;  but  no  trace 
is  extant  of  any  such  canon,  either  in  the  First 
Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  460,  or  in  any  other  Latin 
council  before  that  of  M&con.     It  seems,  from  all 
that  is  certainly  known,  that  Advent  took  its  place 
among  Church  seasons  only  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  6th  century.     When  the  Nativity  had 
become  established  as  one  of  the  great  festivals, 
it  was  felt  that  its  dignity  demanded  a  season  of 
preparation.     The  number  of  days  or  weeks  to  be 
so  set  apart  was  at  first  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  faithful :  ''ante  plures  dies,  multis  diebus,'* 
as  in  the  above-cited  exhortation  of  Caesarius. 
Later,  this  was  defined  by   rule,   and  first,  it 
seems,  in  the  Churches  of  Gaul.    Tet  not  every- 
where the  same  rule :    thus  the  oldest  Gallican 
Sacramentary  shows  three  Sundays  in  Advent, 
the  Gothic-Gallican  only  two  (Mabillon,   Jfus. 
Hal.  t.  i.  pp.  284-288 ;  and  de  Liturg.  Gallicana, 
p.  98,  eqq.).     But  the  rule  that  the  term  of  pre- 
paration should  be  a  quadragesima  (correspond- 
ing with  that  which  was  already  established  for 
Easter),   to  commence   after   the   Feast  of  St. 
Martin,  which  rule,  as  has  been  seen,  was  not 
enacted,  but  reinforced  by  the  canon  of  M&con, 
581,  implies  six  Sundays ;  and  that  this  rule  ob- 
tained in  other  Churches  appears  from  the  fact 
that  the  Ambrosian  (or  Milan)  and   Mozarabic 
(or  Spanish)  Ordo  show  six  missae,  implying  that 
number  of  Sundays ;  and  the  same  rule  was  ob- 
served (as  Martene  has  shown)  in  some  of  the 
Gallican  Churches.     The  Epistola  ad  Bibianum 
&lsely  alleged  to  be  St.  Augustine's  account  of 
^  the  ofiices  of  divine  worship  throughout  the 
year  "  in  his  diocese  of  Hippo  (see  Bened.  Ad- 
monitio  at  end  of  0pp.  S.  Augustini,  t.  ii.), 
also  attests  this  for  Churches   of  Gaul,  if,   as 
Martene  surmises,  this  was  the  work  of  some 
Gallican  writer.      It  should  be  remarked  that 
this  writer  himself  makes  the  ordo  adventtis 
Domini  begin  much   earlier,  at  the  autumnal 
equinox,   Sept.   25,  as   being  the  day   of  the 
conception  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  so  the 
beginning  of  the  times  of  the  Gospel.     "Sed 
quia  sunt  nonnulli  qui  adventum  Domini  a  festi- 
vitate    B.   Martini    Turonensis    urbis    episcopi 
videntur  insipienter  excolere,  nos  eos  non  repre- 
hendamus ''  &c.     This  Quadi-agesima  S.  Martini 
seems  to  have  originated  in  Gaul,  in  the  diocese 
of  Tours,  to  which  it  was  specially  recommended 
by  the  devotion   paid   to  its   great  saint ;    an 
odditiouiil   distinction   was  conferred   upon   his 
festival  in  that  it  marked  the  beginning  of  the 
solemn  preparation  for  the  Nativity.     So  far,  we 
may  accept  Binterim's  conclusion  {Denkumrdig- 
keiten  der  chritt.-kathol.  Kirche,  vol.  v.,  pt.  i.,  p. 
166):  the  rule — ^not,as  he  says,  of  Ad  vent,  but — of 
this  Quadragesima  is  first  met  with  in  the  diocese 
of  Tours.     If,  indeed,  the  Tractatus  de  Sanctis 
tribus  QuadragesitniSf  ''undo  eas  observari  ae» 


32 


ADVENT 


ADVENT 


cepimus,  quodque  qui  eas  transgrediuntur  legem 
,  violent "  (ap.  Ooteler,  Momim.  EccL  Gr,  iii.  425), 
be,  as  Care  {Hist.  LH,")  represents,  the  work  of 
that  Anastasius  Sinalta  who  was  patriarch  of 
Antioch,  561,  ob,  599 ;  this  Quadragesima,  under 
another  name  {**  Q.  S.  Philippi,"  or  "  Fast  of  the 
Nativity"),  was  already  observed  in  the  £ast. 
But  the  contents  make  it  plain  enough  that  its 
author  was  another  and  much  later  Anastasius 
s>inalta,  who  wrote  after  A.D.  787.  The  ob- 
servance of  the  "Quadragesima  Apostolorum," 
and  '^  Quadragesima  S.  Philippi"  (the  Feast  of 
St.  Philip  in  the  Greek  Calendar  is  November 
14)  is  enjoined  upon  monks  by  Nicephorus, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  806.  This  fast  of 
40  days  before  Christmas  seems  to  have  been 
kept  up  chiefly  by  the  monastic  orders  in  Gaul, 
Spain,  Italy,  (Martene  De  Hit.  Ant.  EccL,  iii. 
p.  27);  it  was  observed  also  in  England  in 
the  time  of  Bede  (Hist.  iii.  27 ;  iv.  30),  and 
much  later.  It  was  not  until  the  close  of  the 
6th  century  that  the  Church  of  Rome  under 
St.  Gregory  received  the  season  of  preparation 
as  an  ecclesiastical  rule,  restricted,  in  its  proper 
sense,  to  the  four  Sundays  before  the  Nativity 
(Amalarius  De  Eccl.  Off.  ilL  40,  A.D.  812,  and 
Abbot  Bemo,  De  quibusdam  r^us  ad  Missam 
pertinentibuSf  c.  iv.  1014);  and  this  became  the 
general  rule  for  the  Western  Church  throughout 
the  8th  century,  and  later.  And,  in  fact,  four  is 
the  number  of  Sundays  in  Advent  in  the  Sacra- 
mentary  of  Gregory  {Liber  Sacrament,  de  oircuh 
anniy  ed.  Pamelius ;  and  in  the  Lectionanum  ^o- 
manumy  ed.  Thomasius).  But  other  and  older 
copies  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (ed.  Menard, 
1642,  reprinted  with  his  notes  in  the  Benedic- 
tine 0pp.  S.  Gregorii,  t.  iii.);  the  ComeSf  ascribed 
to  3t.  Jerome ;  the  Sacramentary  (jf  GelasiuSf  ob. 
496  (a  very  ancient  document,  but  largely  in- 
terpolated with  later  additions);  the  Antiquiun 
Kalend.  Sacrae  Romanae  Eccl.  ap.  Martene.  Thee, 
Anecdot.  t.  v.  (in  a  portion  added  by  a  later  hand) ; 
the  Pontifical  of  Egbert^  Archbishop  of  York,  cb. 
767  ;  a  Lectionary  written  for  Charlemagne  by 
Paul  the  Deacon  (ap.  Mabillon) ;  and  other  MSS. 
cited  by  Martene  (u.  s.  iv.  80,  ff.),  all  give  five 
Sundays.  Hence,  some  writers  have  been  led  to 
represent  that  the  practice  varied  in  different 
Churches,  some  reckoning  four,  others  five  Sundays 
in  Advent — an  erroneous  inference,  unless  it  could 
be  shown  that  the  first  of  the  five  Sundays  was 
designated  "  Dominica  Prima  Adventus  Domini." 
The  seeming  discrepancy  is  easily  explained. 
The  usual  ancient  names  of  the  four  Sundays, 
counted  backwards  from  the  Nativity,  are :  Do- 
minica i.,  ante  Nat.  Domini  (our  4th  Advent), 
Dom.  ii.,  Dom.  iii.,  Dom.  iv.  ante  Nat.  Domini. 
To  these  the  next  preceding  Sunday  was  prefixed 
under  the  style  Dom.  v.  ante  Nat.  Dom.,  not  as 
itself  a  Sunday  in  Advent,  but  as  the  preparation 
for  Advent.  So  Amalarius  and  Bemo,  u.  «., 
and  Dumndus:  *4n  quinta  igitur  hebdomada 
ante  Nat.  D.  inchoatur  praeparatio  adventus  .  .  . 
nam  ab  ilia  dominica  sunt  quinque  ofHcia  domi- 
uicalia,  quinque  epistolae  et  quinque  evangelia 
quae  adventum  Domini  aperte  praedicant."  The 
intention  is  evident  in  the  Epistle  and  Gospel 
for  this  Sunday,  which  in  the  Sarum  Missal  is 
designated  ''dominica  proxima  ante  Adventum," 
with  the  rule  (retained  by  our  own  order  from 
that  of  Sarum)^  that  these  shall  always  be  used 
for  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  begins. 


After  the  pattern  of  the  Lenten  fitst.  Advent 
was  marked  as  a  season  of  mourning  in  the  pub- 
lic services  of  the  Church.  The  custom  of 
omitting  the  Gloria  in  Exoelsis  (replaced  by  the 
BenedioamMS  I>omino)y  and  also  the  Te  Dewn  and 
Re  missa  est,  and  of  laying  aside  the  dalmatic 
and  subdeacon's  vestment  (which  in  the  11th 
and  12th  century  appears  to  have  been  the 
established  rule,  Micrologus  De  Eccl.  O&t .  c.  46 ; 
Rupert  Abbas  Tuit.  de  Div.  Off.  iii.  c  2),  wss 
coming  into  use  during  the  eighth  century.  In 
the  Mozarabic  Missal,  a  rubric,  dating  probably 
from  the  end  of  the  6th  century  (».«.  from  the 
refashionment  of  this  ritual  by  Leander  or  Isidore 
of  Seville),  appoints :  "  In  Adventu  non  dicitnr 
Gloria  in  Excdsis  dominicis  diebus  et  feriis,  sed 
tantum  diebus  festis."  And  Amalarius,  ob.  812 
{De  Offic,  Sacr.  iii.  c.  40),  testifies  to  this  custom 
for  times  within  our  period:  ''  Vidi  tempore 
prisoo  Gloria  in  Excelsis  praetermitti  in  diebus 
adventus  Domini,  et  in  aliquibus  locis  dalmaticas": 
and  iv.  c.  30 :  "  Aliqua  de  nostro  officio  reser- 
vamus  usque  ad  praesentiam  nativitatis  Domini, 
h.  e.  Gloria  in  Excelsis  Deo,  et  clarum  vesti- 
mentum  dalmaticam ;  si  forte  nunc  ita  agitur 
ut  vidi  actitari  in  cdigtUbw  locis."  The  Bene- 
dictine monks  retained  the  Te  Deum  in  Advent  as 
in  Lent,  alleging  the  rule  of  their  founder.  The 
Alleluia  also,  and  the  Sequences,  as  also  the 
hymns,  were  omitted,  but  not  in  all  Churches. 
In  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary,  the  Alleluia  is 
marked  for  1  and  3  Advent  and  elsewhere.  In 
some  Churches,  the  Miserere  (Ps.  li.)  and  other 
mournful  Psalms  were  added  to  or  substituted 
for  the  ordinary  Psalms.  For  lessons,  Isaiah 
was  read  all  through,  beginning  on  Advent 
Sunday ;  when  that  was  finished,  the  Twelve 
Minor  Prophets,  or  readings  from  the  Fathers, 
especially  the  Epistles  of  Pope  Leo  on  the  Incar« 
nation,  and  Sermons  of  St.  Augustine,  succeeded. 
The  lesson  from  ^'  the  Prophet "  ended  with  the 
form,  *^  Haec  dicit  Dominus  Deus,  Convertimini  ad 
me,  et  salvi  eritis." 

In  the  Greek  Church,  the  observance  of  a  8e8s<A 
of  preparation  for  the  Nativity  is  of  late  intro- 
duction. No  notice  of  it  occurs  in  the  liturgical 
works  of  Theodorus  Stndites,  ob.  826,  though^ 
as  was  mentioned  above,  the  40-day8'  fast  of  St 
Philip  was  enjoined  (to  monks)  by  Nicephoros, 
▲.D.  806.  Tliis  T€ffaa.paKoyTafifitpov,  beginning 
November  14,  is  now  the  rule  of  the  Greek 
Church  (Leo  Allat.  de  Consensu  iii.  9, 3).  Codintis 
{De  Off.  Eccl.  et  Curiae  Constantinop.  c.  7,  n.  20) 
speaks  of  it  as  a  rule  which  in  his  time  (cir. 
1 350)  had  been  long  in  use.  The  piece  De  Tribtu 
Quadragesimis  above  noticed,  ascribed  to  Ana- 
stasius  Sinalta,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  shows  that, 
except  in  monasteries,  the  rule  of  a  40-day8*  fast 
before  the  Nativity  was  contested  in  his  time 
(A.D.  1100  at  earliest).  And  Theodore  Balsarooo, 
A.D.  1200,  lays  down  the  rule  thus:— "We  ac- 
knowledge but  one  quadragesima,  that  before 
Pascha ;  the  others  (named),  as  this  Fast  of  the 
Nativity,  iEire  each  of  seven  days  only.  Those 
monks  who  fast  40  days,  viz.  from  St.  Philip 
(14  Sept.),  are  bound  to  this  by  their  rule.  So<^ 
laics  as  voluntarily  do  the  like  are  to  be  praised 
therefor."  Mespons.  ad  qu.  53  Marci  Fatriarck. 
Alex.,  and  ad  interrog.  mondchorum,  app.  to 
Photii  Nomocanon.  In  the  calendar  formed 
from  Evangelia  Eclogadia  of  9th  century  our  4 
Advent  is  marked  **  Sunday  before  the  Nativity,* 


ADVOCATB  OF  THE  CHUBGH 

vkilt  the  preceding  Sundays  Kn  nambered  from  ' 
Ail  SftiaU  =  our  Trinity  Sunday.     (Aflsemanni 
KalemiL  Eecl.  Umc^  t.  vi.  p.  575.)    The  term 
*^idT«Bi"  it  not  applied  to  this  season:   the 
■■yiaff^  riit  9€wr4pat  Tiapowrias  is  our  Seza- 


b  the  separated  Churches  of  the  East,  no 
tnee  aj^Man,  within  our  period,  of  an  Advent 
•eiMB ;  unless  we  except  the  existing  Nestorian 
•r  Chaldean  rule,  in  which  the  liturgical  year 
^tgiat  with  four  Sundays  of  Annunciation  (coay- 
7tAir]pi«»X  before  the  Nativity  (Assemanni  Bi' 
UUAmi  OnenL  U  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  380  s??.).  This 
btgianiag  of  the  Church  year  is  distinguished  as 
&i  jattfiUtfo,  i^,  initium  codicis,  from  the  Rish 
Aamato,  Le,  new-jeAt^s  day  in  October.  The 
AnMoian  Church,  refusing  to  accept  25th  De- 
eanber  ts  the  Feast  of  Nativity,  and  adhering  to 
the  noR  ancient  sense  of  the  Feast  of  Epiphany 
a*  iadading  the  Birth  of  Christ,  prepares  for 
this  high  fiutival  (6th  January)  by  a  &8t  of  50 
dijs,  beginning  17th  November. 

The  first  Sunday  in  Advent  was  not  always 
the  beginning  of  the  liturgical  year,  or  circulus 
tflUvs  anni.  The  Comes  and  the  Sacramentary 
ef  St.  Gregory  begin  with  IX.  Kal.  Jan.,  the 
Vigil  «f  the  Nativity.  So  does  the  most  ancient 
Leetioasriom  Gallicanum ;  but  the  beginning  of 
this  is  lost,  and  the  Vigil  is  numbered  VII.,  the 
ITstirity  VIU.  Hence  HabiUon  (Liturg.  QaUic, 
pi  98, 101)  infers  that  it  began  with  the  fast  of 
SC  Martin  (or  with  the  Sunday  after  it,  Dom. 
n.  sate  Nat.  I>om.>  One  text  of  the  Miaaale 
Ambrmaamm  begins  with  the  Vigil  of  St. 
Kartia  (ed.  1560>  The  Antiphonariw  of  St. 
Gregory  begins  1  Advent,  and  the  Liber  He- 
ifummHt  with  its  VigiL  But  the  earlier  practice 
VIS  to  begin  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  the 
■oBth  of  March,  as  being  that  in  which  our 
Loid  was  crucified  (March  25);  a  trace  of  this 
Rnains  in  the  notation  of  the  Quatuor  Tem- 
fon  as  Jejunium  primi,  quarti,  septimi,  decimi 
the  last  of  whidi  is  the  Advent  Ember 


UUrahtre, — De  CatkoUcaeEcclesiae  dUvinia  offic, 
ns,  Rome,  1590  (a  collection  of  the 
liturgical  treatises  of  St.  Isidore,  Alcuin, 
Micrologus,  Petr.  Damianus,  &c.); 
Mirtcne,  De  Ritibm  Ant,  Ecclesiae  et  Mona- 
elonm,  1699;  Binterim,  Die  vorzuglickstm 
DtnhcirdigkeiUH  der  christ.'katholischefi  Kirche, 
Mainx,  1829  (founded  on  the  work  of  Pel- 
De  Ckritt.  Eccla.  Pnmae  Mediae  et  No- 
Aetatis  PoHtia,  ^evp.  1777);  Augusti, 
aus  der  christlichen  Archdo- 
Leipug,  1818 ;  Herzog,  Real-EncyclopSdie 
fSr  pvtatatdiache  Theohgie  if.  Kirche,  s.  a.  Ad- 
veatszeit,  1853;  Rheinwald,  Kirchiiche  Archa- 
nloyie,  18:{0;  Alt,  Der  Christliche  CWHu,  Abth. 
ii  Do»  Kireheniakr,  1860.  [H.  B.] 

ADVOCATB  OF  THE  CHURCH  {Ad- 
•sestai^  or  Defensor^  Ecclesiae  or  Monasterii ; 
lfa>usi,*Eir>ucoy :  and  ^9oea<ib=the  office,  and 
senetimes  the  fee  for  discharging  it): — an  eccle- 
■istaesl  officer,  appointed  subsequently  to  the 
neogaiticB  of  the  Church  by  the  State,  and  in 
eoMcqueaoe  (1)  of  the  Church's  need  of  pro- 
tection, (2)  of  the  disability,  both  legal  and  re- 
ligious, of  clergy  or  monks  {Can,  Apost,  xx., 
iuxi. ;  (^onstit,  Apostol,  ii.  6 ;  Justinian,  Novell, 
nxm.  6 ;  and  see  Bingham,  vi.  4)  cither  to  plead 

catisr.  AKT. 


ADVOCATE  OF  THE  OHUBCH      33 

in  a  civil  court  or  to  intermeddle  with  worldly 
business.  In  its  original  form  it  was  limited  ta 
the  duties  thus  intimated,  and  took  its  origin  as  a 
distinct  and  a  lay  office  in  Africa  {Cod,  Can,  EccL 
Afric,  c  97,  A.D.  407,  "  Defeneorea,'*  to  be  taken 
from  the  *«  Schokutici;  "  Cone,  Milemt,  ii.  c  16, 
A.D.  416  ;  Can,  Afric,  c  64,  c  a.d.  424) ;  but  re* 
oeived  very  soon  certain  privileges  of  ready  and 
speedy  access  to  the  courts  from  the  emperors 
{Cod,  Theod,  2.  tit.  4.  §  7  ;  16.  tit.  2.  §  38). 
It  became  then  a  lay  office  {defensoreSj  distin- 
guished in  the  code  from  '*  coronati "  or  tonsured 
persons),  but  had  been  previously,  it  would  seem, 
discharged  by  the  oeoonomi  (Du  Cange).  And,  aa 
it  naturally  came  to  be  reckoned  almost  a  minor 
order,  so  it  was  occasionally,  it  would  seem,  still 
held  by  clerics  (Morinus,  De  Ordin, ;  Bingham). 
The  adiaocatua  was  to  be  sometimes  asked  from 
the  emperors  (authorities  as  above), — as  judicee 
were  given  by  the  Praetors ; — ^but  sometimes  was 
elected  by  the  bishop  and  clergy  for  themselves 
{Cod,  lib.  i.  tit.  iv.  constit,  19).  The  office  is 
mentioned  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  cc  2, 
25,  26,  A.D.  451,  and  is  there  distinguished  both 
from  the  clergy  and  from  the  oeconomus  ;  by  Pope 
Gelasius,  Epiat,  ix.  c  2,  A.D.  492-496 ;  and  by 
MaxentiuB  {Beep,  ad  Hormiad.)  some  score  of 
years  later.  But  it  had  assumed  a  much  more 
formal  shape  during  this  period,  both  at  Con- 
stantinople and  at  Rome.  In  the  former  place, 
as  protectors  of"  the  Church,  under  the  title  of 
*E«cicAi}0-i^ic8(ico(,  there  were  four  officers  of  the 
kind:  i.  the  vpnrikBiKos,,  who  defended  the 
clergy  in  criminal  cases ;  ii.  one  who  defended 
them  in  dvll  ones ;  iii.  b  rov  B-fiftaroSj  also  called 
the  irpvrAirairas  \  iv.  6  ri|f  *EKK\iifflas ;  increased 
by  the  time  of  Heraclius  to  ten,  and  designed  in 
general  for  the  defence  of  the  Church  against 
the  rich  and  powerful  (Justinian,  Edict,  xiii.,  and 
Novell,  Ivi.  and  lix.  c  1 ;  and  see  the  passages 
from  Codrinus,  Zonaras,  Balsamon,  &c,  in  Meur- 
sius,  Gloaa,  Oraecobarbartany  voc.  "Eicfturor,  and  in 
Suicer).  They  appear  also  to  have  acted  as 
judges  over  ecclesiastical  persons  in  trifling  cases 
(Morinus).  They  were  commonly  laymen  (so 
Cod,  Theod,  as  above) ;  but  in  one  case  certainly 
{Cone,  Conatantin,,  a.d.  536,  act.  ii.)  an  ^kkAii- 
ffi4K9ucos  is  mentioned,  who  was  also  a  pres- 
byter; and  presbyters  are  said  to  have  com- 
monly held  the  office,  while  later  still  it  was  held 
by  deacons  (Morinas).  In  Rome,  beginning  with 
Innocent  I.  (a.d.  402-417,  Epiat.  xii.  ed.  Con- 
stant) and  his  successor  Zosimos  {Epiat,  i.  c.  3), 
the  Defenaorea  became  by  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great  a  regular  order  of  officers  {Defenaorea 
Romanae  Ecclniae),  whose  duties  were — i.  to  da^ 
fend  Church  interests  generally ;  ii.  to  take  care 
of  alms  lefl  for  the  poor ;  iii.  to  be  sent  to  held 
applicants  from  a  distance  for  Papal  protection ; 
iv.  to  look  after  outlying  estates  belonging  to 
St.  Peter's  patrimony  (S.  Greg.  M.,  Epistt,  pas- 
sim). There  were  also  in  Rome  itself  at  that 
time  seven  officers  of  the  kind,  called  Defenaorea 
Regumarii  {Ordo  Roman.\  each  with  his  proper 
region,  and  the  first  of  the  seven  known  as  the 
PrinUceriua  Defenaorwm  or  Primua  Defensor  (St. 
Greg.  Epiatt.,  passim).  St.  Gregoiy  certainly 
marks  them  out  as  usually  laymen,  yet  in  some 
cases  clerics,  and  generally  as  holding  a  sort  of 
ecclesiastical  position.  And  the  other  Popes  who 
allude  to  them  (as  quoted  above),  are  led  to  do 
so  while  treating  the  question  of  the  steps  and 

D 


84    ADTOCATB  OF  THE  CHUBCH 

deUfi  to  be  mad*  m  admiUmg  la jmen  to  holj 
ordciiy  and  feel  it  aeeeewry  to  nj  that  aoch  re- 
atrietioBf  applj  **  eren  "  to  Dejenaom,  See  also 
St.  OngQTj  of  Touiy  Z>»  Fiitf  Po^mm,  c  6. 

The  great  derelopmeni  of  the  office,  howerer, 
took  place  onder  Charlemagne ;  who  indeed,  and 
Pipin,  were  themeelree,  jEorr*  ^|oxir,  **  Defenaora 
EocMm  BomanaeJ*    And  the  German  emperors 
became,  teehnicallj  and  hj  title,  Advocati  et 
J>€fen$ore9  Ecclesiarum  (Chailee  V.  and  Henrj 
VIII.  being  coupled  together  long  afterwards  as 
respectirelygcc/diMtf,  t^fdei,  defenaorei).  It  was 
ih«i  established  as  a  regular  office  for  each  church 
or  abbey,  nnder  the  appellations  also  occasionally 
of  MuniSbwdi  (or  ^iiSrgt),  Pastora  Laioif  and 
sometimes  suiply  eaumdiei  or  itUorei  ;  to  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  emperor  [Leo  DL,  however,  as  Pope 
appointed  (Dn  Ciuige)jj  but  then  probably  for  a 
particolar  emergency  only  (Oar.  A  CapU,  r.  31, 
Tii.  808);  and  nsnally  as  an  office  for  life,  to 
which  the  bishops  and  abbats  were  themselves 
to  elect  (fiono.  Mogwd,  c,  50,  A.D.  813,-~-all 
bishops,  abbats,  and  clergy,  to  choose  ''rioedo- 
minos,  praepodtoe,  adrocatos,  sire  defensores;" 
Cbnc.  Rem,  U.  c  24,  a.d.  813, — "  Ut  praepositi  et 
Ticedomini  secnndum  regnlas  vel  canones  con- 
stitnantnr;"  and  see  alM  Cone,  Moman.  oc.  19, 
20,  A.D.  826,  and  Cone,  Duziac,  ii.  P.  iii.  c  5. 
A.D.  87 IX  bat  "  in  praesentia  comitmn  "  (Legg, 
Lonaobard,  lib.  ii.  tit.  xlrii.  §  1, 2, 4, 7^  and  from 
the  landowners  in  their  own  neighbourhood  (cap. 
sir.  ex  Lege  SaUca,  Sonuma,  et  OttmlxUa, — **  £t 
ipei  [advocati]  habeant  in  illo  oomitatu  propriam 
haereditatem;"  and  in  a  capitular  of  A.D.  742, 
we  find  mention  of  a  ^  Qraphio"  i,  e.  count,  ^  qui 
est  defensor,"  Morinus,  De  Ordin.,  P.  III.  p.  307) ; 
and  this,  not  only  to  plead  in  court  or  take  oath 
there  (sometimes  two  advocati^  one  to  plead,  the 
other  to  swear,  Legg,  Zongobard,  ii.  zlviL  §  8), 
but  in  course  of  time  to  hold  courts  (placita  or 
media)  as  judges  in  their  own  district  0^  Cange, 
but  A.D.  1020  is  the  earliest  date  among  his 
authorities),  and  generally  to  protect  the  secular 
interests  of  their  own  church  or  abbey.    The 
Advocaitu  was  at  this  time  distinguished  from 
the  VicedommUf  sometimes  called  Major  Domua, 
who  ruled  the  lay  dependents  of  the  Church ; 
from  the  Praepoeiius,  who  ruled  its  clerical  de- 
pendents ;  and  from  the  Oeconomus,  who  (being 
also  commonly  a  cleric)  managed  the  interior 
economy  of  its  secular  affiiirs ;  although  all  these 
titles  are  occasionally  used  interchangeably.    He 
was  also  distinct  from  the  Cancettaritu,  whether 
in  the  older  sense  of  that  term  when  it  meant 
an  inferior  officer  of  the  court,  or  in  the  later 
when  it  meant  a  judge  (Bingh.  III.  zi.  6,  7). 
Two  circumstances  however  gradually  changed 
both  the  relative  position  of  the  Advocattu  to 
his  ecclesiastical  clients,  and  the  nature  of  his 
functions;  the  one  arising  from  the  mode   in 
which  he  was  remunerated,  the  other  from  the 
mode  of  his  nomination.      1.  He  was  paid  in 
the  first  instance  at  this  period  by  sometimes  an 
annual  salary,  with  certain  small  privileges  of 
entertainment  and  the  like ;  also,  by  the  third 
part  of  the  profits  of  his  judicial  office  (Tertia 
pars  hannontnif  emendanimy  legum,  compositionwny 
sc.  "  placitorum  ad  quae  ab  abbate  vocatus  fue- 
rit,"  Chron,  Sen,  lib.  ii.  o.  5,  in  D'Ach.  Spicil,  ii. 
C13,  ed.  1723 ;  tertifu  dencuriua)  ;  but  commonly 
and  fio.Hlly  by  lands  held  from  the  church  or 
abbey,  a  third  of  their  value  belonging  to  himself 


ADTOCATB  OF  THE  CHUBCH 

as  his  portioB.    And  the  growth  of  the  feudal 
tenure,  in  addition  to  other  obvious  inflooioes, 
gTadnally  converted  him  through  this  last  cir- 
eomstance  from  a  dependent  into  a  superior, 
from  a  law  offieer  into  a  military  one,  and  from 
a  beneficiary  into  an  owner,  and  sometimes  into 
an  usurper  outright.    In  the  Ordo  Bomaam^  b 
an  Ordo  ad  armanium  Ecclemae  Dtfeneorem  vei 
alimn  MQitem^  beginning  with  a  beniUctiovexUli^ 
lanceaef  entis  (p.  178  Hittorp.,  about  the  time  of 
Charlemagne).    His  tMbadnadmSy  let  us  add  (the 
number  ef  whom  was  limited  by  various  enact- 
ments), was  to  be  paid  in  one  instance  by  the 
receipt,  from  each  vill  of  the  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty, of  one  penny,  one  oock,  and  one  eexiarim 
of  oats.    2.  The  nomination  to  the  office,  resting 
originally  with  the  Church  itself  or  with  the  ent- 
peror,  was  usurped  gradually  by  the  founder, 
and  as  an  hereditary  appanage  of  his  own  estate ; 
whence  followed  first  an  usurpation  of  the  Church 
property  by  the  lay  AdfoocatuSf  and  next  an  usurpa- 
tion by  the  same  officer  of  the  right  of  nomi- 
nating to  the  church  or  abbey.    And  from  the 
latter  of  these  has  arisen  the  modem  use  of  the 
word  advotceonj  which  now  means  exclusively 
and  precisely  that  right  which  the  original  advo- 
caiue  did  not  possess;   the  jm  patronabte  no 
doubt  being  attached  to  the  founder  of  a  church 
from  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Orange  (c  10) 
A.D.  441,  and  of  Justinian  (Novell,  IviL  c  2,  cxxiii. 
c.  18),  A.D.  541,  555 ;  but  the  combination  of 
foundership  with  the  office  of  advooatva  being  an 
accidental  although  natural  combination,  belong- 
ing to  the  ninth  and  following  centuries.    The 
earliest  charter  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  an  election  (in  this  case  of  an 
abbat)  '^  assensu  et  coiisilio  advocati,"  is  a  "  pri- 
vilegium  Rudolphi  Episc  Halberstad.,"  A.z>.  1147. 
But  in  Scotland,  Wales,  and  Ireland,  the  officer 
analogous  to  the  lay  advocattu  had  usurped  the 
position  and  the  very  name  of  abbat  long  pre- 
vious to  the  12th  century  [see  Abbat].    And 
instances  of  similar  usurpation  abroad  may  no 
doubt  be  found  of  a  like  earlier  date  (see  Robert- 
son's Early  Scotland),  The  advooatio  of  a  bishopric 
seems  to  have  included,  at  least  in  England,  the 
cuitodia  (t.  e,  the  profits)  of  the  property  of  the 
see,  9ede  vaccmte ;  but  was  a  distinct  right  from 
that  of  nomination  to  the  office,  the  ^dignitta 
crodae  '*  (as  e,  g,  in  the  case  between  the  Welsh 
Lords  Marchers  and  the  English  Crown,  the  former 
claiming  the  cuatodia  but  not  the  nomination): 
although  the  two  became  in  England  combined ' 
in  the  Crown.    There  does  not,  however,  appear 
to  be  evidence,  that  this  particular  usurpation 
was  laid  to  the  charge  of  advocati  abroad  during 
the  Carlovingian  period ;  although  the  system  of 
lay  abbats,  commendataries,  &c.,  and  the  usurpa- 
tion of  such  offices  by  kings  and  nobles,  led  to 
the  same  general  result  of  usurpation,   there 
also,   by  the  lay,  over  the  ecclesiastical,  func- 
tionary.   Coundls  in  England  put  restrictions  on 
these  usurpations  of  lay  dominie  advoasti,  &c,  as 
early  as  the  Council  of  Beccanceld,  A.D.  696  X  716 
and  of  Clovesho,  a.d.  803  (Councib  UI.  338, 
Haddan  and  Stubbs ;  Wilk.  i.  56,  167).    Abroad, 
the  first  canon  on  the  subject  is  that  of  Rheims 
(c.  6),  A.D.  1148,   followed  among  others  by 
the  Councils  of  Salzburg  (c  24),  A.D.  1274  and 
(c.  12),  A.D.  1281.    But  a  check   upon  them 
was  attempted  as  early  as  the  10th  century  hj 
the  Capetian  dynasty  in  France. 


ADVOCATES 


AFFINITT 


85 


lb  OUc  of  FUei  Dpfmnor^  atUehed  to  tlie 
Ckwra  9i  EngUadf  and  m  strangely  inverted  ftv>ni 
Um  ipedal  intent  of  ite  original  Papal  donor,  may 
ka  taken  ee  the  last  existing  trace  of  the  ancient 
Afemrfw  or  XVfmsor  JSb^MMM.  Unless  (with 
Sphnaa)  we  are  to  giro  an  ancient  pedigree  to 
ckirehwardena»  and  find  the  old  office  still  in 
IkcB.  (Bingham;  Da  Cange;  Mearsixu,  Ghn, 
Gneoobarhor.  s  Iforinns,  JM  Ordinat.;  Tho- 
■Mm.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

ADVOG ATE8»  NOT  TO  BE  ORDAINED, 

— 'Afliongit  the  laws  which  imposed  restraints 
■pan  the  dergj  was  one  which  forbad  them, 
oecpt  m  certain  specified  cases,  to  act  as  advo- 
Sitcs  before  dril  tribunals;  since  it  was  con- 
■fcied  that  any  such  interference  with  worldly 
■stten  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  words 
•f  St.  Psnl  (2  Tim.,  iL  4  **  No  man  that  war- 
ffth  {mSUans  Deo]  entangleth  himself  with  the 
sfths  of  this  life:"  see  St.  Ambrose,  De  Off. 
ifiBHt  1,  36;  and  Gelasii  Papae  Epp,  17,  sec 
15).  For  this  reason  the  3rd  Council  of  Gar- 
th^ (AJ).  397)  in  its  15th  canon  prohibits  all 
slois  from  becoming  agents  or  procurators. 
The  prohibition  is  repeated  in  the  3rd  canon  of 
tiieOecnmrnieal  Council  of  Chalcedon  (▲.D.  451), 
Bot  with  the  proviso  that  secular  business  may 
\t  ndertaken  by  the  clergy  when  the  bishop 
iirecti  it  for  the  protection  of  Church  property, 
«r  of  orphans  and  widows  who  are  without  any 
«ne  to  defend  them.  This  exception  was  in  later 
extended  to  the  poor  and  all  others  who 
the  designation  of  '' miserabiles 
So  likewise  were  monks  forbidden  by 
the  11th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Tarragona 
(uk.  516)  to  undertake  any  legal  business  ex- 
eqvt  for  the  benefit  of  the  monastery  and  at  the 
«— maiMJ  of  the  abbot. 

la  Fraaee  the  abore-dted  proTisions  of  the 
Goaadl  of  Chalcedon  were  repeated  by  the  16th 
cnoa  of  the  Council  of  Yemeuil  (A.D.  755)  and  the 
14th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Mayence  (A.D.  813). 

There  are  many  other  canons  which  prohibit  the 
dergy  from  mixing  themselTes  up  with  worldly 
■stten,  and  which  therefore  forbid,  though 
Mt  m  express  terms,  their  acting  as  advocates. 

There  are  also  several  imperial  constitutions 
to  the  Hune  effect,  as,  for  instance,  one  of  Theodo- 
siai  IL  (A.D.  416)  which  he  afterwards  repeated 
iathe  Oodex  Theodoskmus,  A.D.  438  (16.  tit.  2. 
4SX  sad  which  was  also  inserted  in  the  Ist  book 
(titls.  17)  ofihe  Oodex  BepdUMPraelectumis 
ef  Jwtiaian  (a.d.  534> 

Similar  provisions  are  to  be  found  in  the  34th 
title  of  the  LAer  ntndlanm  of  Valentian  III. 
(aji.  452),  and  in  the  6th  chapter  of  the  123rd 
neeeflL  of  Justinian  (A.D.  541). 

(ThMnaasinus,  Vehu  et  nova  Ecdesiae  Disci- 
IiNm,  Ik  Beneficus,  Pars  III.  Lib.  3,  cap.  17-19  ; 
Boflix,  Tradahu  de  JmUcOs  Ecclesiadicis,  Pars 
L,  3, 4^).  [I.  B.] 

A£DrrUL     [DOOBKEEFEB.] 

AEGATES,  Saint,  commemorated  Oct.  24 
(MvLBedaey 

AETTHALAS.  (1)  Deacon  and  martyr,  com- 
Bcmorsted  Nov.  3  (CW.  Byzant). 
(I)  Nartyr,  commemorated  Sept.  1  (/&.).  [C] 

AFlfTTJANUa  (1)  Saint  in  Armenia,  com- 

MBwated  Feb.  8  (lf<tf^ro^  Bom.  Vet^  Hieron,). 

(S)  CoBftMor  i»  Africa,  Dec.  6  (Mart.  B.  F.). 


(1)  Confessor,  Jan.  8  (OaL  Bygomt,), 

(4)  Bishop  of  Cyzicum,  Confossor,  Aug.  8 
(i&.).  [C] 

AEMTLIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  comme- 
morated May  22  {Martyrol,  Bom,  Vet,). 

(5)  Of  Sardinia,  May  28  (A.). 

(8)  Commemorated  June  18  (Mcart,  Hieron,), 

[C] 

AEB.    [Veil.] 

AEBA.    [Eba.] 

AFBA,  martyr  in  Rhaetia,  commemorated 
Aug.  6  (Martyrol,  Bom,  Vet,)\  Aug.  6  (M. 
Hieron,),  [C] 

AFFIDATIO  (afflanoey  Spenser;  Fr.  fian- 
gatlle8)f  betrothal,  ft  appears  doubtful  whether 
this  term  came  into  use  within  the  first  nine  cen- 
turies of  the  Christian  era.  It  seems  rather  to 
belong  to  the  period  of  fully  developed  feudalism. 
The  earliest  example  quoted  by  I>u  Cange,  from 
the  synodal  statutes  of  the  Church  of  Li^ge  in 
Mart^e's  Thesaurtu  Nome  Anecdotorum,  is  in- 
deed of  the  year  1287.  The  forms  given  in 
Mart^ne's  work,  De  Antiquie  eooleeiae  Bitibua 
(see  vol.  ii.  pp.  136,  137^  in  which  the  word 
occurs,  from  the  ritnak  of  Limoges  and  of 
Rheims,  are  palpably  more  modem  vet,  to  judge 
from  the  passages  in  French  which  are  inter- 
mixed in  them.  [J.  M.  L.] 

AFFINITY  iadfinit€u%  a  relationship  by 
marriage.  The  husband  and  wife  being  legally 
considered  as  one  person,  those  who  are  related 
to  the  one  by  blood  are  related  to  the  other  in 
the  same  degree  bv  affinity.  This  relationship 
being  the  result  of  a  lawfril  marriage,  the  per- 
sons between  whom  it  exists  are  said  to  be  related 
tfi  law  ;  the  father  or  brother  of  a  man's  wife 
being  called  his  fatfter-inrlaw  or  brother-in'law. 
The  distinction  between  affinity  and  consanguinitv 
is  derived  from  the  Roman  law.  The  kinsfolk 
(pognati)  of  the  husband  and  wife  become  re- 
spectively the  adfines  of  the  wife  and  husband. 
We  have  borrowed  the  words  affinity  and  con- 
sanguinity from  the  Roman  law,  but  we  have  no 
term  corresponding  to  adfines.  The  Romans  did 
not  reckon  degrees  of  adfinitas  as  they  did  of 
consanguinity  (pognatio)  ;  but  they  had  terms  to 
express  the  various  kinds  of  adfinitas^  as  soctfr, 
fiither-in-law ;  socrus,  mother-in-law. 

It  has  resulted  from  the  Christian  doctrine  of 
marriage  that  persons  related  by  affinity  have 
been  always  forbidden  by  the  Church  to  marry 
within  the  same  degrees  as  those  who  are  related 
by  blood.  The  Council  of  Agde  (506)  particu- 
larises the  forbidden  degrees  as  follows  (Can.  61) : 
— ^**A  man  may  not  marry  his  brother's  widow, 
his  own  sister,  his  step-mother  or  father's  wife, 
his  cousin-german,  any  one  nearly  allied  to  him 
by  consanguinity,  or  one  whom  his  near  kinsman 
had  married  before,  the  relict  or  daughter  of  his 
uncle  by  the  mother's  side,  or  the  £iughter  of 
his  uncle  by  the  father's  side,  or  his  daughter- 
in-law,  •>.  hia  wife's  daughter  by  a  former 
husband." 

This  canon  is  repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the 
Council  of  Epone,  and  again  in  the  second  Council 
of  Tours  (566).  The  same  prohibitions  are  also 
specified  in  the  Council  of  Auxerre  (578). 

Certain  spiritual  relations  have  been  also  in- 
cluded within  the  prohibited  degrees.  This  re- 
striction,   however,    was   first    introduced    by 

D  2 


S6 


AFFUSION 


Justinian,  who  made  a  law  {Cod.  Jtut,  lib.  5, 
tit.  4,'  d€  NupUis,  leg.  26)  forbidding  anj  man 
to  marrj  a  woinan  for  whom  he  had  been  god- 
lather  in  baptism,  on  the  ground  that  nothing 
induces  «  more,  paternal  affection,  and,  therefore, 
a  jttster  prohibition  of  marriage,  than  this  tie, 
bj  which  their  souls  are  in  a  divine  manner 
united  together. 

The  Council  of  TruUo  (Can.  53)  extends  the 
prohibition  to  the  mother  of  the  godchild  :  and, 
bj  the  Canon  law  afterwards,  these  spiritual 
relations  were  carried  still  farther,  so  as  to 
exclude  from  marrying  together  even  the  bap- 
tiser  and  the  baptised,  the  catechist  and  cate- 
chumen, and  various  other  degrees  of  supposed 
spiritual  affinity.  Such  restrictions,  however,  of 
course,  could  not  be  maintained  in  practice,  and 
the  dispensing  power  of  the  Pope  was  accordingly 
extended  to  meet  the  necessity.  (Bingham ;  Gib- 
son's Codex;  Thorndike;  Wheatly^  On  Common 
Prayer.)  [D.  B.] 

AFFUSION.    [Baptism.] 

AFRICAN  CODE.    [African  Coxtnciia] 

AFRICAN  COUNCILS.  Under  this  head 
we  must  include  whatever  Councils  were  held  in 
Africa — ^no  matter  at  what  places,  only  distinct 
from  Egypt — for  this  simple  reason ;  that  so  many 
of  their  canons  were  so  soon  thrown  together  in- 
discriminately and  made  one  code,  which,  as 
such,  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  code  received 
in  the  East  and  West.  On  this  African  code  a 
good  deal  has  been  written  by  Jnstellus  {Cod.  Eccl. 
AfriCf  Paris,  1614, 8vo.),  who  was  the  first  to  pub- 
lish it  separately,  Bishop  Beveridge  {Synod,  vol. 
ii.  p.  202,  et  seq.),  ]>e  Marca  {Diss,  de  Vet.  Coll. 
Can.  c.  iv.-xi.),  and  the  Ballerini  in  their  learned 
Appendix  to  the  works  of  St.  Leo  (tom.  iii.  De 
Antiq.  Col.  Diss.,  pars  I.  c.  3,  21-9),  but  a  good 
deal  also  remains  unsolved,  and  perhaps  insoluble. 
Several  of  the  canons  contained  in  it  have  been 
assigned  to  more  Councils  than  one,  and  several 
of  the  Councils  differently  dated  or  numbered  by 
different  editors  or  collectors.  Perhaps  the  best 
edition  of  it  is  that  published  in  Greelc  and  Latin 
by  Mansi  (tom.  iii.  pp.  699-^43).  Not  that  it 
was  originally  promulgated  in  both  languages, 
though,  as  Beveridge  suggests,  the  probability  is 
that  it  had  been  translated  into  Greek  before  the 
Trullan  Council  of  a.d.  683«  by  the  second  canon 
of  which  it  became  part  of  the  code  of  the  Eastern 
Church.  As  it  stands  in  Mansi,  then,  it  compre- 
hends, first,  the  deliberations  of  the  Council  of 
(/srthage,  A.D.  419  ;  then  the  canons  of  the  same 
Synod  to  the  number  of  33 ;  then  '*  canones  di- 
versorum  oonciliorum  ecclesiae  Africanae" — in 
the  words  of  their  heading,  the  first  of  which  is 
numbered  34,  in  continuous  series  with  the  pre- 
ceding, and  the  last  138.  However,  in  reality, 
the  canons  proper  ought  to  be  said  to  end  with 
the  one  numbered  133,  at  which  point  Aurelius, 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  who  presided,  calls  upon  the 
Council  to  subscribe  to  all  that  had  gone  before, 
which  is  accordingly  done ;  he  signing  first,  the 
primate  of  Numidia  second,  the  legate  from 
Rome,  Faustinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  third,  St. 
Augustine,  Bishop  of  Hippo,  fourth ;  and  the  other 
bishops — ^217  or  229,  according  to  the  reading 
selected — in  order ;  and  after  them  all  the  two 
presbyter-legates  from  Romev  who  sign  last. 

This  done,  the  day  following,  a  letter  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  Synod  was  addressed  to  Boni- 


AFRICAN  CJOUNdLS 

face,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  be  despatched  by  the  ihrea 
legates.  This  is  given  at  length,  and  numbered 
134.  It  acquaints  him  with  their  objections  te 
the  ^  commonitorium  **  or  instructions  received 
by  the  legates  from  the  late  Pope  Zosimus,  par- 
ticularly to  that  part  of  it  bearing  upon  appeals 
to  Rome  in  conformity  with  some  supposed  canons 
of  Nicaea,  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  find  in 
any  Greek  or  Latin  copy  of  the  acts  of  that 
Council  in  their  possession,  and  therefore  beg  him 
to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  them  at  once  from 
the  Churches  of  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Con- 
stantinople. This  course  they  had  already  taken 
themselves,  while  recommending  it  to  him ;  and 
what  follows  as  canon  135  proves  to  be  a  letter 
fVom  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  to  the  same  bishopii 
telling  them  that  in  conformity  with  their  re- 
quest he  has  bent  them,  by  his  presbyter  Inno- 
cent, faithful  copies  of  the  authentic  Synod  of 
Nicaea,  which  they  would  also  find,  if  they  looked 
for  them.  In  the  ecclesiastical  history :  he  does 
not  say  by  whom. 

In  the  same  way  canon  186  is  a  letter  from 
Atticus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  telling  them 
that  he  too  sends  them  the  canons  as  defined  by 
Nicene  Fathers  pure  and  entire,  by  their  mes- 
senger Maroellus  the  sub-deacon,  as  they  had  re- 
quested. We  can  hardly  suppose  the  Synod  to 
have  been  sitting  all  the  time  that  it  must  have 
taken  these  messengers  to  go  and  return.  Next 
a  copy  of  the  Nicene  Creed  fbllows,  and  is  num- 
bered 137.  It  had  been  already  recited  and  ac- 
cepted, together  with  the  Nicene  canons,  in  the 
previous  deliberations  of  the  Council,  befbre  the 
resolution  to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  both 
had  been  carried  out.  Caecilian,  who  was  Bishop 
of  Carthage  at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nicaes, 
and  had  attended  it,  had  brought  back  with  him 
copies  of  its  creed  and  canons  in  Latin,  which  had 
been  preserved  with  great  care  by  his  Churdi 
ever  since.  What  follows  in  the  last  place,  and 
is  numbered  138,  cannot  have  been  written 
earlier  than  a.d.  422,  it  being  a  letter  addressed 
to  Celestine,  the  successor  of  Boniface,  who  died  in 
that  year,  ^'  our  beloved  lord  (ScmrifiT;)  and  most 
honoured  brother,"  as  he  is  styled,  in  the  nam« 
of  Aurelius  and  others  whose  names  are  given 
(St.  Augustine's  is  not  one)  and  the  rest  of  those 
present  in  the  universal  Council  of  Africa,  in 
which  they  tell  him  that  the  canons  of  which  his 
predecessor  had  spoken  were  nowhere  to  be  found 
in  the  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  decrees  jnsi 
received  from  the  East ;  and,  farther,  that  in  no 
Council  of  the  Fathers  could  they  find  it  defined 
that  "  any  should  be  despatched  as  it  were  from 
the  side  of  his  Holiness,"  as  had  been  attempted  in 
this  instance.  If  the  last,  or  20th  Council,  as  it  is 
called,  under  Aurelius,  therefore,  has  been  rightlj 
assigned  to  A.D.  421, — and  Aurelius  opens  its  pro- 
ceedings by  saying  that,  for  reasons  well  known 
to  his  audience,  it  had  been  suspended  for  the 
space  of  two  years,  thus  connecting  it  with  th« 
Council  of  A.D.  419, — either  it  must  have  sat  the 
year  following  as  well,  or  there  must  have  been 
a  21st  Council  under  Aurelius  the  year  following 
to  indite  this  epii»^ie,  which,  as  has  been  obserred, 
could  not  have  been  done  till  the  accession  of 
Celestine  had  become  known  in  Africa,  that  is, 
till  towards  the  end  of  A.D.  422.  And  with  it  thii 
collection  of  the  canons  of  the  African  Church  it 
brought  to  a  close.  Dionysius  Exiguus,  in  hit 
edition,  heads  them  appropriately  **  Uie  Synod  of 


ALBICAN  COUNCILS 


AFBICAN  COUNCILS 


37 


Ike  Afticus  at  Cui^ge  that  enacted  138 
eaaoBi^"  meaning  of  oaurae  the  Synods  of  A.D. 
41^22  eonsidered  as  one,  where  they  were 
iwased  or  eonfirmed  (Migne*s  Patrol.,  torn.  67, 
pw  161  H  S07.).  Not  but  there  are  other  ooUeo 
tions  extant  containing  fewer  or  more  canons 
thu  are  incloded  in  this.  For  instance,  the 
Spaaiih  and  Isidorian  Collections  begin  with  the 
Synod  of  Carthage  under  Gratus,  a.d.  348,  and 
cad  with  the  Synod  of  Mileyis,  ▲.D.  402,  making 
c^t  Synods  in  all,  one  of  Milevis  and  seven  of 
Carthage  (Migne'a  Patrol^  torn.  84,  pp.  179-236). 
h  fiereridge  (Synodic,  L  p.  365-72)  the  synodi- 
cd  letter  of  a  (Council  of  Carthage  as  far  back  as 
JLA.  258  (or  256  according  to  others)  under  St. 
Cyprian,  is  printed  in  the  form  of  a  canon,  and 
pboed,  together  with  the  speeches  made  there  by 
kirn  end  others,  immediately  before  the  Ancyran 
aaoas,  as  thongh  it  had  been  one  of  the  provin- 
cial Cooncib  whose  canons  had  been  accepted  by 
the  whole  Church,  which  it  was  not.  Earlier  far 
tiaa  either  of  them  is  Uie  oompendimn  of  eccle- 
s»tioal  canons,  African  mainly,  232  in  all,  by 
Folgentins  Ferrandus,  deacon  of  the  Chnrch  of 
(^jthage,  seemingly  drawn  from  independent 
•onrccs  (Migne*s  PatroLj  tom.  67,  p.  949-62). 
Thea  earlier  still  than  his  were  the  two  books 
prodsced  by  Boniface,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  at  the 
Synod  held  there  by  him  A.D.  525,  as  having 
been  discovered  in  the  archives  of  that  church, 
sne  volume  containing  the  Nicene  canons  in  part, 
end  those  which  had  been  passed  in  Africa 
before  the  time  of  AureliiiB ;  the  other  volume 
called  **  the  book  of  the  canons  of  the  time  of 
Airelios,"  in  which,  according  to  the  Ballerini, 
Biae  of  the  Synods  of  Carthage  under  Aurelius, 
9ad  same  others  of  Milevis  and  Hippo,  were  con- 
talaed  (Mansi,  viiL  p.  635-56).  Finally,  there 
ii   a    "Breviarium     canonum    Hipponensium " 

E'sted  in  Mansi,  with  the  comments  of  the 
llerini  npon  them,  supposed  to  have  been 
fM«cd  in  the  Synod  held  there  A.D.  393,  at 
vkich  St.  Augustine  was  present,  but  as  a 
priest ;  and  afterwards  inserted  in  the  Council  of 
Carthage,  held  four  years  afterwards  under 
Anreliafi,  amongst  its  own,  and  evidently  con- 
firmed by  the  34th  canon  of  the  Sjrnod  of  A.D. 
419,  as  proposed  hj  one  of  the  bishops  named 
EpigoBins. 

IHie  argument  drawn  by  the  Ballerini,  after 
daborately  comparing  these  collections,  is  unfa- 
Tonrable  to  the  title  given  by  Justellus  to  the 
138  CMOom  above  mentioned  of  the  African  code  : 
still  as  designating  those  canons  alone  which 
hare  been  received  generally  by  the  East  and 
West,  it  cannot  be  called  meaningless ;  and  this 
&ct  having  been  made  patent  by  his  publication 
of  them,  it  remains  as  a  matter  of  antiquarian 
iaiereit  solely  to  determine  what  canons  belong 
to  wbat  councils.  The  general  account  seems  to 
l«  that  there  are  sixteen  Councils  of  Carthage, 
one  of  Milevis,  and  one  of  Hippo,  whose  canons 
were  receiTed  and  confirmed  by  the  Council  of 
A.a  419  besides  its  own  (Johnson's  Vade  Mecum, 
VL  171);  but  it  is  beset  with  difficulties.  The 
two  canons  interdicting  appeals  beyond  the  sea — 
28  sad  125  according  to  the  Latin  numbering, 
and  doubtless  23  and  39  were  passed  with  the 
>UBe  object — have  been  attributed  to  a  Synod  of 
Hippo  by  some;  but  the  22nd  canon  of  the 
ieooad  Synod  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  to  which  both 
Aiirelios  and  St.   Augustine  subscribed,  reads 


identical  with  one  of  them,  and  the  34th  canon 
of  a  Council  of  C^thage  two  years  later  with  the 
other.  It  is  of  more  practical  importance  to 
ascertain  whether  they  steer  clear  of  the  Sardican 
canons,  as  some  maintain;  or  were  framed  in 
antagonism  to  them,  as  others.  The  Sardican 
canons,  it  has  been  said,  allowed  bishops  to  appeal 
to  Rome ;  the  African  canons  forbade  priests  and 
all  below  priests  to  appeal  to  Rome.  The  African 
tathers  carefully  abstained  from  laying  the  same 
embargo  upon  bishops :  nay,  they  undertook  to 
observe  the  canons  cited  by  Zosimus  as  Nicene, 
till  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  canons  had 
been  obtained  from  the  East.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  whatever  that  all  this  is  delusive.  In  the 
discussion  that  took  place  on  the  canons  cited  in 
the  '*  Commonitorium,"  some  were  for  observing 
them,  pending  the  inquiry ;  St.  Augustine  among 
the  number.  But  when  Aurelius  called  upon  the 
Council  to  say  definitively  what  it  would  do,  the 
collective  reply  was :  **  All  things  that  were  en- 
acted in  the  Nicene  Council  are  acceptable  to  ns 
all."  And  to  no  more  could  they  be  induced  to 
pledge  themselves.  Then  as  to  the  canons,  which 
if  they  did  not  frame,  they  confirmed  subse- 
quently ;  the  28th,  according  to  the  Latin  num- 
bering, is :  "It  wss  likewise  agreed  that  presby- 
ters, deacons,  or  any  of  the  inferior  clergy  with 
causes  to  try,  should  they  have  reason  to  com- 
plain of  the  judgment  of  their  bishops,  might  be 
heard  by  the  neighbouring  bishops  with  consent 
of  their  own;  and  such  bishops  might  decide 
between  them ;  but  should  they  think  they  ought 
to  appeal  from  them  likewise,  let  them  not  ap- 
peal to  transmarine  tribunals,  but  to  the  primates 
of  their  provinces,  as  has  also  been  frequently  en- 
acUd  in  regard  oflMops,  But  in  case  any  should 
think  he  ought  to  appeal  to  places  beyond  the 
sea,  let  him  be  received  to  communion  by  nobody 
within  AfHca,*'  The  words  "  sicut  et  de  episcopis 
saepe  constitutum  est,"  are  found  in  all  manu- 
scripts of  this  canon,  as  it  stands  here.  They  are 
wanting  in.  the  125th.  And  the  meaning  is 
clearly,  that  there  had  been  earlier  canons  in 
abuncUtnce  passed  for  regulating  episcopal  ap- 
peals ;  for  instance,  the  6th  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Constantinople,  where  it  is  said  that  bishops 
should  be  brought  before  the  greater  Synod  of 
the  diocese,  in  case  the  provincial  Synod  should 
be  unable  to  decide  their  case.  And  nothing  had 
occurred  to  induce  them  to  legislate  further  for 
bishops.  The  present  controversy  had  onginated 
with  a  simple  priest,  Apiarius.  Accordingly  their 
canons  were  directed  to  prevent  priests  and  all 
below  priests  in  future  from  doing  as  he  had 
done,  in  short,  they  told  Celestine  that  *'  the 
canons  of  the  Nicene  Council  left  all,  whether 
inferior  clergy  or  bishops  themselves,  to  their 
own  metropolitan;  it  having  been  wisely  and 
justly  considered  there  that,  whatever  questions 
might  arise,  they  ought  to  be  terminated  in  their 
own  localities."  Which  was  in  effect  as  much  as 
telling  him  that  the  genuine  Nicene  canons  were 
in  flat  contradiction  upon  each  point  to  those  so 
designated  by  his  predecessor.  Canon  125  is 
identical  with  the  preceding,  except  that  it  omits 
the  clause  *'  sicut  et  de  episcopis,"  &c.,  and  men- 
tions the  African  Councils  as  another  legitimate 
tribunal  of  appeal  besides  the  primates.  Canon 
23,  that  ^*  bishops  should  not  go  beyond  the  sea 
without  leave  from  their  primate,"  reads  very 
like  another  outpouring  of  their  sentiments  on 


38 


AFRICAN  OOUNGILB 


the  same  sabject ;  and  canon  39,  that  "  no  pn- 
maie  should  be  called  a  prince  of  priests,  or  pon- 
tiff/' seems  almost  borrowed  fh>m  the  well- 
known  invective  of  St.  Cyprian  against  Stephen. 
Such,  then,  is  the  language  of  some  of  the  canons 
of  the  African  code,  fairlv  construed,  to  which 
the  assent  of  Rome  as  well  as  Constantinople  has 
been  pledged.  And  ^  it  was  of  very  great  autho- 
rity,*' says  Mr.  Johnson  (^Vade  Mgcum,  ii.  p.  171) 
m  the  old  English  Churches;  for  many  of  the 
^  excerptions  "  of  Egbert  were  transcribed  from 
it. 

It  only  remains  to  set  down  the  different 
African  Councils  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
generally  supposed  to  have  occurred,  with  a  run- 
ning summary  of  what  was  transacted  in  each ; 
referring  generally  for  all  further  information  to 
Mansi,  Cave,  Beveridge,  Johnson,  ]>e  Marca,  the 
Art  de  vSrifier  Us  dates,  and  the  Ballerini.  Num- 
bering them  would  only  serve  to  mislead,  at  least 
if  attempted  in  any  consecutive  series.  Cave,  for 
instance,  reckons  9  African  between  AJ>.  401  and 
603,  and  as  many  as  35  Carthaginian  between 
A.D.  215  and  533 ;  but  among  the  latter  are  in- 
cluded 6  (between  a.o.  401  and  410),  which  he 
had  already  reckoned  among  the  9  African. 

Carthage,  a.d.  200,217 — Supposed  to  be  one 
and  the  same,  under  Agrippinus,  in  favour 
of  rebaptizing  heretics. 

— ^  A.D.  251 — ^Under  St.  Cyprian;  decreed 
that  the  lapsed  should  be  received  to  com- 
munion, but  not  till  they  had  performed 
their  full  penance. 

-^—  A.D.  252 — ^Against  Novatian,  who  denied 
that  the  lapsed  were  ever  to  be  received  to 
communion  again ;  and  Felicissimus,  who  af- 
firmed they  were,  even  before  they  had 
performed  their  penance. 

—  A.D.  254,  255— Doubtful  in  which  year ; 
under  St.  Cyprian,  in  favour  of  in£uit  bap- 
tism. 

-^—  A.D.  256 — ^Under  St,  Cyprian,  approving 
the  consecration'  by  the  Spanish  bishops  of 
Felix  and  Sabinus  in  place  of  Basil  and 
Martial, — ^two  bishops  who  had  purchased 
certificates,  or  "  libels,"  of  having  sacrificed 
to  idols,  and  declaring  that  Stephen,  Bishop 
of  Rome,  had  interjrased  in  favour  of  the 
latter  unreasonably,  from  having  been 
duped  by  them. 

i—  A.D.  256 — ^Another  held  in  the  same  year 
—or  there  may  have  been  several — in  fa- 
vour of  rebaptizing  all  who  had  received 
heretical  baptism,  when  St.  Cyprian  uttered 
his  celebrated  invective  against  Stephen. 
The  question  was  finally  ruled  in  the  7th 
of  the  Constantinopolitan  canons.  This  is 
the  Council  whose  synodical  letter  is 
printed  by  Beveridge  in  the  form  of  a 
canon,  immediately  before  those  of  Ancjrra. 
It  is  given  in  Mansi,  L  922-6;  but  the 
speeches  belonging  to  it  follow  951-92, 
under  the  head  of  **Concil.  Carthag.  iii. 
sub  Cypriano  episcopo ;"  what  purports  to 
have  been  the  second  being  given  p.  925, 
and  all  three  supposed  to  have  been  held 
A.D.  256. 

CiRTA,  A.D.  305— To  elect  a  new  bishop  in 
place  of  one  who  had  been  a  "  traditor ;" 
that  is,  had  surrendered  copies  of  the  Scrip- 
tures to  the  Pagan  authorities,  to  which  all 


AFRICAN  COUNCILS 

present,  when  they  came  to  be  asked,  how- 
ever, pleaded  eqntdlv  guilty. 

Cabthaoe,  a.d.  312 — Of  70  Donatist  bishops 
against  Caecilian,  bishop  of  that  see. 

— — —  A.D.  333 — ^under  Donatus,  author  of  the 
schism ;  favourable  to  the  *'  traditores." 

A.D.   348 — under  Gratus;   its  acts  are 

comprised  in  fourteen  chapters,  of  which 
the  first  is  against  rebaptizing  any  that 
have  been  baptized  with  water  in  the  name 
of  the  Trinity.  This  is  probably  the  Council 
whose  canons  are  invoked  in  canon  12  of 
the  AfVican  code. 

Theveste,  A.D.  362— Of  Donatists  quarrelling 
amongst  themselves. 

African,  a.d.  380 — Of  Donatists,  in  condem- 
nation of  Tichonius,  a  Donatist  bishop. 

Carthage,  a.d.  386— Confirmatory  of  the 
synodical  letter  of  Siricius,  Bishop  of  Rome. 

Leftes,  A.D.  386 — Passed  canons  on  disci- 
pline. 

Carthage,  a.d.  390 — Formerly  regarded  ai 
two  separate  Councils,  under  Genethlius, 
Bishop  of  Carthage;  made  13  canons,  by 
the  second  of  which  bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons  are  required  to  abstain  from  their 
wives  and  observe  continence.  Mansi  prints 
what  used  to  be  regarded  as  a  second 
Council  of  this  year  twice,  iii.  pp.  691-8 
and  867-76. 

A.D.    393  — Of  Maximian's    (Donatist 

bishop  of  Carthage)  supporters  against 
Primian  (another  Donatist  bishop  of  Car- 
thage). 

Hippo,  a.d.  393— At  which  St.  Augustine  dis- 
puted ^de  fide  et  symbolo"  as  a  pres- 
byter. 

Cararubsi  and  of  the  Caternb,  a.d.  394—^ 
the  same  on  the  same  subject. 

Bagaib,  A.D.  394 — Of  Primian's  supporters, 
against  Mazimian. 

-  A.D.  396 — One  canon  only  preserved; 
against  translations  of  bishops  and  priests. 

BrzATiuif,  A.D.  397 — Confirming  all  that  had 
been  decreed  in  393  at  Hippo. 

Carthage,  a.ix  397 — Called  the  3rd,  either 
reckoning  that  under  Gratus  as  first,  and 
that  under  Genethlius  as  2nd;  or  else 
supposing  two  to  have  been  held  under 
Aurelius  previously  in  394  ana  397,  and 
making  this  the  3rd  under  him ;  passed  50 
canons,  among  whicn  the  ^'Breviariom 
canonum  Hipponensium "  is  said  to  have 
been  inserted  (Mansi,  ilL  875,  and  the 
notes). 

Carthage,  a.d.  400 — Called  the  5th  under 
Aurelius;  of  72  bishops;  passed  15  canons 
on  discipline  (Pagi,  quoted  by  Mansi,  iii. 
p.  972).  Yet,  p.  979,  Mansi  reckons  a  first 
African  Council  in  399,  and  a  2nd  and  3rd 
in  401,  which  he  calls  4th,  5th,  and  6tk 
Councils  xmder  Aurelius,  in  the  pontificate 
of  Anastasius. 

MiLEYiB,  A.D.  402 — ^To  decide  several  points 
affecting  bishops. 

Carthage,  a.d.  403,  404,  405— Mansi  makes 
3  African  Coxmcib  of  these ;  a  1st,  2nd, 
and  3rd,  in  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent, 
or  8th,  9th,  and  10th  under  Aurelius,  for 
bringing  back  the  Donatists  to  the  Chnrch 
(ui.  pp.  1155  and  1159). 

A.D.  407,  408,  409— Called  by  Mansi 


AFBICAH  COUNCILS 


▲GAPAE^ 


39 


4tfc,  Mb,  6th,  and  7th  AfKcaa  Oonncik  in 
tke  pontificate  of  Innooent,  the  5tb  and 
6th  being  regarded  bj  him  aa  one,  or  the 
nth,  IsSi,  and  13th  Coandlfl  under  Aore- 
Ini»— ell  incorporated  into    the    African 

code  Ctii.  P-  1168> 
Garhaos,  ajd.  410— Against  the  Donatists— 
probeblr  the  14th  niuler  Anrelins. 

—  XJK  411 — Great  conference  between  the 
Oatkolics  and  the  Donatists ;  Anrelins  and 
St  AngosUne  both  taking  part  on  behalf 
of  the  former ;  286  bishops  said  to  have 
been  present  on  the  Catholic  side,  and  279 
on  the  Donatist,  yet  313  names  are  given 
oo  the  latter  skle.  There  were  three  dif- 
ferent stages  in  the  proceedings,  (Mansi, 
ir.  pp.  269  and  276.) 

—  AJk  412 — ^In  which  Celestins  was  ac- 
aued  of  Pelagianism  and  appealed  to  the 
Pope,  probably  the  15th  nnder  Anrelins. 

Cdti,  AJ>.412 — ^In  the  matter  of  the  Donatists 
— pnhlished  a  synodical  letter  in  the  name 
of  Anrelins,  St.  Angnstine  and  others.  Sil- 
vsans,  primate  of  Nnmidia,  heads  it. 

AmcA5,  A^.  414— Of  Donatists. 

CAmuoB,  AJK  416— or  the  2nd  against  the 
Pefaigiaas :  probably  the  16th  nnder  An- 
relins:  composed  of  67  bishops:  addressed 
a  synodical  letter  to  Innocent  of  Rome, 
condemning  both  Pelagius  and  Celestins. 

HiLEvn,  AJD.  416— Called  the  2nd  of  MileTis 
against  Pelagius  and  Celestins— <»mposed 
of  60  bishops — ^pnblished  27  canons  on 
discipline— addreued  a  synodical  letter  to 
Innocent  of  Borne,  to  which  was  sppended 
another  in  a  more  familiar  tone  from 
Anrelius,  St.  Augustine  and  three  more. 

TlDKA,  AJK  417 — Passed  canons  on  disci- 
pUne. 

CiSiiiAaB,  A.D.  417,  418 — ^Against  the  Pela- 
gians—Regarded as  one,  probably  the  17th 
under  Anrelins. 

HXPPQ^   SUFFETULA,    HaCBIAITA,  A.D.  418 — 

PsMed  canons  on  discipline  preserred  by 
Fmaadns  (Mansi,  ir.  439). 

IkKSEi^  AJ>.  418 — ^Published  nine  canons  on 
discipline. 

tAKTHAOK,  A.l».  419 — ^Attended  by  229,  or, 
socording  to  other  accounts,  217  bishops ; 
and  by  f  anstinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  and 
two  presbyters  as  legates  flrom  Rome.  Its 
proceedings  haTS  been  anticipated  in  what 
was  laid  on  the  African  code.  It  would 
•eem  as  if  it  really  conmienced  in  418, 
and  extended  through  419.  Pagi  supposes 
33  canons  to  have  been  pasMd  in  the 
fonner  year,  and  but  6  in  the  latter 
(Hansi,  ir.  419) ;  and  Mansi  seems  even  to 
make  two  synods  of  it,  calling  one  a  5th 
or  6th,  and  the  other  a  7th  Council  of 
Carthage  (against  the  Pelagians,  he  pro- 
bably meansX  and  yet  evidently  reckoning 
both  together  as  the  18th  nnder  Anrelius. 
From  419  it  seems  to  have  been  adjourned 
to  421,  and  then  lasted  into  422  at  least, 
ai  has  been  shown  above ;  this  adjourned 
eoondl  was  therefore  in  reality  the  20th 
under  Aurelian,  Chough  sometimes  headed 
the  18th,  as  being  one  with  the  council  of 
which  it  was  but  the  adjournment.  Then 
the  19th  nnder  Anrelius  is  the  title  given 
hi  Mansi  (ir,  443)  to  one  held  in  the 


mterim,  a.d.  420,  to  determine  oertain 
questions  of  precedence  amongst  bishops, 
possibly  the  missing  6th  against  Pela- 
grianism. 

NuHiDiA,  A.D.  423 — ^In  which  Antonius,  a 
bishop  of  that  province,  was  condemned. 

CARTHAaE,  AJ).  426— At  which  Leporius,  a 
French  presbyter,  cleared  himself  from 
Pelagianism. 

Hippo,  a.d.  426 — At  which  Heraclius  was 
elected  successor  to  St.  Augustine  at  his 
nomination. 

A.D.  427 — Said  to  have  passed  canons 

29  and  30,  in  the  Latin  numbering  of  the 
African  code  (Mansi,  iv.  539). 

African,  a.d.  484 — ^To  render  account  of  their 
'  faith  to  King  Hunneric,  when  it  appeared 
that  of  475  sees,  14  were  then  vacant :  88 
had  been  deprived  of  their  bishops  by 
death,  and  most  of  those  who  survived 
were  in  exile  (Mansi,  viL  pp.  1156-64 
and  the  notes). 

BrzATiuic,  A.D.  507 — ^To  appoint  new  bishops 
in  place  of  those  who  had  died  or  been 
exiled. 

JUNCA,  A.D.  523 — under  Liberatus:  to  con- 
demn a  bishop  of  the  province  of  Tripoli 
who  had  usurped  a  church  not  in  his 
diocese  :  St.  Fulgentius,  Bishop  of  Rnspe, 
being  one  of  those  present. 

CABTHAas,  A.D.  525 — ^under  Boniface ;  when 
two  volumes  of  the  canons  were  found,  as 
already  described  (Mansi,  viii.  635-56). 

African,  a.d.  533— Sent  a  synodical  letter  to 
John  II.  of  Rome  by  Liberatus,  deacon  of 
the  church  of  Carthage,  so  well  known  for 
his  writings. 

BrzATiUH,  A.D.  541 — Sent  a  deputation  to 
Justinian,  and  legislated  on  discipline. 

African,  a.d.  550 — ^Excommunicated  Yigilius 
for  condemning  the  three  chapters. 

SuFFETULA,  A.D.  570 — ^Passed  canons  on  dis- 
cipline, some  of  which  are  preserved. 

African,  aj>.  594 — Against  the  Donatists, 
probably  for  the  last  time. 

Btzatium,  A.D.  602 — ^To  examine  certain 
charges  made  against  Clement  the  pri* 
mate. 

KuiODiA,  A.D.  603— To  examine  the  case  of 
Donadeus,  a  deacon,  who  had  appealed 
from  his  bishop  to  Rome. 

Btzatium,  Kumidia,  Mauritania,  Car- 
thage, A.D.  633 — Against  Cyrus,  Pyrrhus, 
and  SergiuB,  the  Monothelite  leaders. 

Btzatium,  Kumidia,  Mauritania,  Car* 
thaqe,  646 — ^Against  the  Monothelites : 
the  councib  of  Byzatium,  Nnmidia,  and 
Mauritania  addressed  a  joint  synodical 
letter:  and  the  Bishop  of  Carthage  a 
letter  in  his  own  name  to  Theodore, 
Bishop  of  Rome :  all  preserved  in  the  acts 
of  the  Lateran  Council  under  Martin  I., 
A.D.  649.  [E.  S.  F.] 

AGABUS,  the  prophet  (Acts  xxi.  10),  com- 
memorated Feb.  13  {Martyrol,  Bom.  Fet.) ;  April 
8  {Cat.  Byxant.).  [C.] 

AGAPAE. — ^The  custom  which  prevailed  in 
the  Apostolic  Church  of  meeting  at  fixed  times 
for  ^  common  meal,  of  which  dl  alike  partook 
as  brothers,  has  been  touched  on  in  the  Did.  of 
the  Bible  [Lord's  Supper.]    It  had  a  precedent 


40 


AOAPAE 


in  the  habits  of  the  Esmdo  communities  in 
Judaea  (Joseph.  BeU,  Jud.  ii.  8),  And  in  the  tpayot 
of  Greek  ^uUds  or  associations ;  in  the  Charidie9 
of  Roman  life  (Ovid,  Fasti,  ii.  616),  in  the 
trwrtrlria  of  Crete,  in  the  ^ciSfria  of  Sparta. 
The  name  apparently  was  attached  to  the  meals 
towards  the  close  of  the  Apostolic  age.  The 
absence  of  any  reference  to  it  in  1  Cor.  zi.  or 
ziii.,  where  reference  would  have  been  so  natural, 
had  it  been  in  use,  may  fidrly  be  taken  as  nega- 
tive evidence  that  it  was  not  then  current.  The 
balance  of  textual  authoritv  inclines  in  favour  of 
kydftaiSy  rather  than  &ir«mur,  in  Jude  v.  12, 
and  perhaps  also,  though  less  decidedly,  in  2  Pet. 
J.  13,  and  we  may  fairly  assume  (without  enter- 
ing on  the  discussion  of  the  authorship  and  date 
of  those  epistles)  that  they  represent  the  termi- 
nology of  the  Church  in  the  period  from  a.d.  60 
to  A.D.  80.  The  true  reading  of  1  Pet.  v.  14 
(^i'  ^lA^/xori  h.yi.'wris)  cannot  be  disjoined  from 
the  fact  that  there  was  a  feast  known  then  or 
very  soon  afterwards  by  that  name,  at  which 
such  a  salutation  was  part  of  the  accustomed 
ceremonials.  Soon  the  name  spread  widely  both 
in  the  East  and  West.  Ignatius  (ad  Smym.  c.  8),* 
for  the  Asiatic  and  Syrian  Churches,  Clement 
for  Alexandria  (Paedag.  ii.  p.  142),  Tertullian  for 
Western  Africa  {Apol,  c  39),  are  witnesses  for 
its  wide-spread  use. 

It  is  obvious  that  a  meeting  of  this  character 
must  have  been  a  very  prominent  feature  in  the 
life  of  any  community  adopting  it.  The  Christians 
of  a  given  town  or  district  came  on  a  fixed 
day,  probably  the  first  day  of  the  week  (the 
'*  stato  die  **  of  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan,  Ej^,  x. 
96),  in  some  large  room  hired  for  the  purpose, 
or  placed  at  their  disposal  by  some  wealthy  con- 
verts. The  materials  of  the  meal  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  feeling  or  wealth  of  the  society. 
Bread  and  wine  were,  of  course,  indispensable, 
both  as  connected  with  the  more  solemn  com- 
memorative act  which  came  at  some  period  or 
ether  in  the  service,  and  as  the  staple  articles  of 
food.  Meat,  poultry,  cheese,  milk,  and  honey, 
were  probably  used  with  them  (August.,  c. 
Faust,  XX.  20).  Early  paintings  in  the  cata- 
combs of  Rome  seem  to  show  that  fish  also 
was  used  (Aringhi,  Roma  SubUrran,  ii.  pp.  77, 
83,  119,  123,  185,  199,  267).  Both  the  fact  of 
its  being  so  largely  the  common  diet  of  the  poor 
in  Syria  (Matt.  vii.  9,  xiv.  17,  xvi.  34),  and 
the  associations  of  Luke  xxiv.  42,  John  xxi. 
9  (to  say  nothing  of  the  mystical  significance 
attached  to  the  word  Ix^hs  as  early  as  Tertul- 
lian), would  naturally  lead  Christians  to  use  it 
at  their  ^*  feasts  of  love."  The  cost  of  the  meal 
fell  practically  on  the  richer  members  of  the 
Church,  whether  it  was  provided  out  of  the 
common  funds,  or  made  up  of  actual  contribu- 
tions in  kind,  meat  or  fruit  sent  for  the  purpose, 
or  brought  at  the  time.  At  the  appointed  hour 
they  came,  waited  for  each  other  (1  Cor.  xi.  33), 

*  There  is  a  snggestive  difference,  Indicating  a  change 
In  language  and  practice,  between  the  shorter  and  longer 
teztA  of  the  Ignation  Epistles  In  this  itassage.  In  the 
former  the  writer  claims  for  the  bishop  the  sole  prero- 
gative of  baptizing,  or  dydin^v  voMtf.  In  the  latter  the 
word  irpotr^^ctr  ii  interpolated  between  them.  The 
Agap^  Is  dlstingolBbed.  i.  e.  fhnn  the  '*SDpper  of  the 
Lord,"  with  which  it  had  before  been  identified ;  and  the 
latter,  thns  separated,  is  associated  with  a  more  sacrificial 
terminology,  and  placed  before  the  social  fea^t 


AGAPAE 

men  and  women  seated  at  different  tables,  pe^ 
haps  on  opposite  sides  of  the  room,  till  the  bishoj* 
or  presbyter  of  the  Church  pronounced  the 
blessing  (jshKoyla).  Then  they  ate  and  dranl^. 
Originally,  at  some  time  before  or  after  ^  the 
rest  of  the  meal,  one  loaf  was  specially  blessed 
and  broken,  one  cup  passed  round  specially  as 
"  the  cup  of  blessing."  When  the  meal  was  over, 
water  was  brought  and  they  washed  their  hands. 
Then,  if  not  before,  according  to  the  season  of  the 
year,  lamps  were  placed  (as  in  the  upper  room  st 
Troas,  Acts  xx.  8)  on  their  stands,  and  the  more 
devotional  part  of  the  evening  began.  Those 
who  had  special  gifts  were  called  on  to  expound 
Scripture,  or  to  speak  a  word  of  exhortation,  or  to 
sing  a  hymn  to  God,  or  to  "  Christ  as  to  a  God" 
(Plin.  1.  c).  It  was  the  natural  time  for  intel- 
ligence to  be  communicated  from  other  Churches, 
for  epistles  from  them  or  their  bishops  to  be 
read,  for  strangers  who  had  come  with  iwior6XQi 
awrrarucaX  to  be  received.  Collections  were 
made  for  the  relief  of  distressed  churches  at  a 
distance,  or  for  the  poor  of  the  district  (1  Cor. 
xvi.  1 ;  Justin.  M.  Ap<^  ii. ;  Tertullian.  Apol.  c. 
39).  Then  came  the  salutation,  the  kiss  of  lore 
(1  Pet.  V.  14),  the  "  holy  kiss"  «  (Rom.  xvi.  16), 
which  told  of  brotherhood,  the  final  prayer,  the 
quiet  and  orderly  dispersion.  In  the  ideal  Agapae, 
the  eating  and  drinking  never  passed  beyond  the 
bounds  of  temperance.  In  practice,  as  at 
Corinth,  the  boundary  line  may  sometimes  have 
been  transgressed,  but  the  testimony  of  Pliny  in 
his  letter  to  Trajan  (1.  c.),  as  well  as  the  state- 
ments of  the  Apologists,  must  be  allowed  as. 
proving  that  their  general  character  at  first  ws« 
that  of  a  pure  simplicity.  The  monstrous 
slanders  of  ^'  Thyestean  banquets  "  and  ^  shame- 
less impurity"  were  but  the  prurient  inventioos 
of  depraved  minds,  who  inferred  that  all  secret 
meetings  must  be  like  those  of  the  Bacchanalian 
orgies  which  had  at  various  periods  alarmed  the 
Roman  Senate  with  their  infinite  debasement 
(Liv.  xxxix.  13,  14).  At  Alexandria,  indeed,  ss 
was  natural  in  a  wealthy  and  luxurious  city, 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  tendency  to  make 
the  Agape  too  much  of  a  sumptuous  fesst, 
like  the  entertainments  of  the  rich,  and  to  give 
the  name  to  banquets  to  which  only  the  rich 
were  invited.  Clement  protests  with  a  natural 
indignation  against  such  a  misapplication  of  it 
by  those  who  sought  to  *'  purchase  the  promise 
of  God  with  such  feasts"  (Paedag.  ii.  1,  §  4,  p.  61). 
It  seems  probable  from  his  protest  against  the 
use  of  fiutes  at  Christian  feasts  {Paedag,  ii.  4,  p. 
71)  that  instrumental  music  of  a  secular  and 
meretricious  character  had  come  to  be  used  instesd 
of  the  *'  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs*' 
(Eph.  V.  19,  Col.  iii.  16)  which  had  been  in  use, 
without  accompaniment,  at  the  criginal  Agapae. 
Clement,  however,  permits  the  employment  of 
the  harp  or  lyre. 

At  first  the  practice  would  naturally  serve  as  a 

^  Chrysostom  (Horn.  27  and  54,  on  1  Cor.  zl.),  followed 
by  Theodoret  and  TheophyUct  tn  loc,  and  moot  liturgical 
writers,  say  *  before^"  but  obvionslj  nnder  the  Inflneiioe 
of  later  practice,  and  the  belief  that  the  Eadiarlfi  ooold 
not  have  been  received  otherwise  than  fasting  In  the  time 
of  the  Apostles. 

«  We  may  probably  think  of  some  order  like  that  which 
attends  tbe  use  of  a  "  graoe-cnp"  In  coUege  or  dvic  frast; 
each  man  kissed  by  his  neighbour  on  one  side,  sod  kisring 
in  turn  him  who  sat  on  the  other.. 


AOAPAE 


AGAPE 


41 


I  and  bond  of  the  brotherhood  of  Chrbtians.  i 
fikb  aad  poor,  eTen  master  and  slave,  met  together 
ea  the  same  footing.    What  took  place  but  once 
B  jcar  ia  the  Roman  saturnalia  was  repeated  in 
the  Christian  sodetj  onoe*  a  week.    But  in  pro- 
portion as  the  society  became  larger,  and  the 
Kflie  of  brotherhood  leas  living,  the  old  social 
dbtinctioos  would  tend  to  reassert  themselves. 
Tke  Agapae  would  become  either  mere  social 
eaterUiaments  for  the  wealthy,  as  at  Alexan- 
dria, or  a  mere    dole  of    food  for  the  poor, 
a*  ia  Western  Africa  (Angustin.    c.  Faustum 
u.  20),  and  in    either  case    would  lose  their 
or^ioal  significance.     Other  causes  tended  also 
to  tkrow  them   into  the  back-ground.      When 
Qirii^tiaBS  came   to  have  special  buildings  set 
apazt  fin-  worship,  and  to  look  on  them  with 
SMDcthiag  of  the  same  local  reverence  that  the 
Jews  had  had  for  the  Temple,  they  shrank  from 
nttiag  down  in  them  to  a  common  meal  as  an 
act  of  profanation.     The  Agapae,  therefore,  were 
gradully  forbidden  to  be  held  in  churches,  as 
bjtbe  Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  27),  and  that  of  3rd 
Guthage  A.D.  391  (c  30),  and  that  in  TruUo 
nock  later  <  (^.D.  692).     This,  of  course,  to- 
gether with  the  rule  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Carthage 
(e.29),  that  the  Eucharist  should  be  received 
6stiag,  snd  the  probable  transfer,  in  consequence 
«f  tkat  mle,  of  the  time  of  its  *' celebration  **  from 
tke  erening  to  the  morning,  left  the  '*  feast  of 
fere "  without  the  higher  companionship  with 
i^ich  it  had  been  at  first  associated,  and  left  it 
to  take  more  and  more  the  character  of  a  pauper 
laeaL    Even  the  growing  tendency  to  asceticism 
lid  men  who  aimed  at  a  devout  life  to  turn  aside 
fitttidioQsly   from  sitting  down  with  men  and 
vwBcn  of  all   classes,  as  a  religious  act.     So 
Tertuilian,  who  in  his  Apofogy  had   given  so 
beavtiiul  a  description  of  them,  after  he  became 
a  MoBtanJst,  reproaches  the  Church  at  large 
vitk  the  luxury  of  its  Agapae,  and  is  not  ashamed 
to  repeat  the  heathen  slander  as  to  the  preva- 
lence in  them  even  of  incestuous  licence  (/>« 
J^wi.  e.  xriL).    One  effort  was  made,  as  by  the 
GoBBcil  of  Gangra,  to  restore  them  to  their  old 
position.      Those  who  despised  and  refused  to 
come  to  them  were  solemnly  anathematised  (c. 
11).    But  the  current  set  in  strongly,  and  the 
practice  gradually  died  out.     Their  close  con- 
nexion with  the  annual  commemoration  of  the 
deaths  of  martyrs,  and  the  choice  of  the  graves 
•f  nartyrs  as  the  place  near  which  to  hold  them, 
was,  perhaps,  an  attempt  to  raise  them  out  of 
the  disrepute  into  which  they  had  fidlen.    And 
fat  a  time  the  attempt  succeeded.      Augustine 
descnbes  his  mother  Monica  as  having  been  in 
tke  habit  of  going  with  a  basket  full  of  provi- 
■ons  to  these  Agapae,  which  she  just  tasted  her- 
self^ and  then  distributed  {Confess,  vi.  2).    And 
this  shows  the  prevalence  of  the  practice  in 
Western  Africa.     In  Northern  Italy,  however, 
Ambrose  had  suppressed  them  on  account  of  the 
diiorders  which  were  inseparable,  and  their  re- 
semblance to  the  old  heathen  Parentalia,  and 
Angnstine,  when  he  returned  to  Africa,  urged 
Anrdios,  Bishop   of  Cuthage,  to    follow    the 
example  (£^/»M.  xxii).    The  name,  indeed,  still 
lingered  as  given  to  the  annual  dedication  feasts 


'  The  (rigniflcaace  of  the  revenal  of  the  prohibition 
rt  w  liteadate.  Is  that  it  shews  that  the  pracUoe  sUll 


of  churches  at  Rome  in  the  sixth  century  (Greg. 
M.,  Epp,  ii.  76X  and  the  practice  left  traces  of 
itself,  in  the  bread,  blest  as  distinct  from  conse- 
crated, which,  under  the  title  of  EtTLOOiA,  was 
distributed  in  churches,  or  taken  from  them  to 
absent  members  of  the  congregation,  (2)  in  the 
practice,  prohibited  by  the  Apostolic  canons  (c. 
3),  and  by  the  Council  in  Trullo  (c.  28,  57,  99) 
of  bringing  to  the  altar  honey,  milk,  grapes, 
poultry,  joints  of  meat,  that  the  priest  might 
bhiss  them  there  before  they  were  eaten  at  a 
common  table.    The  grapes  appear,  indeed,  to 
have  been  actually  distributed  with  the  &7ia,  or 
consecrated  elements,  while  the  joints  of  meat 
are   mentioned   as    a  special  enormity  of  the 
Armenian  Church.     (3)  Traces  of  the  Agapae 
are  to  be  found  lastly  in  the  practice  which 
prevailed  in  Egypt,  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Alexandria  to  the  Thebaid,  in  the  5th  century, 
of  meeting  on  the  evening  of  Saturday  for  a 
common  meal,  generally  fall  and  varied  in  its 
materials,  after  which  those  who  were  present 
partook    of   the    "mysteries"  (Sozom.   ff.  E, 
viL  19 ;  Socrates,  H.  E.  v.  22).    The  practice, 
then,  noticed  as  an   exception  to  the  practice 
of  all  other  Churches  (comp.  Augustin.  Epist, 
ad  Jan,  i.  5)  was  probably  a  relic  of  the  primi- 
tive Church,  both  as  to  time  and  manner,  when 
the  Lord's  Supper  had  been,  like  other  suppers, 
eaten  in  the  evening,  when  an  evening  meeting 
on  *'  the  first  day  of  the  week"  meant,  accoi*ding 
to  the  Jewish  mode  of  speech,  the  evening  of 
Saturday,  when  the  thought  that  "  fasting"  was 
a  necessary  condition  of  partaking  of  the  Supper 
of  the  Lord  was  not  only  not  present  to  men's 
minds,   but  was    absolutely    excluded    by    the 
Apostle's  rule,  that  men  who  could  not  wait 
patiently  when  the  members  of  the  Church  met^ 
should  satisfy  their  hunger  beforehand  in  theii 
own  houses  (1  Cor.  xi.  34). 

The  classification  of  Agapae,  according  to  the 
occasion  on  which  they  were  held,  as  (1)  con- 
nected with  the  anniversaries  of  martyrdoms 
[comp.  Natalitia],  (2)  as  Connubiales  [comn. 
Marriage],  (3)  as  accompanying  funerals 
[Burial],  (4)  as  at  the  dedication  festivals  of 
churches  [Dedications],  must  be  looked  on  as 
an  after-growth  of  the  primitive  practice  of 
weekly  meetings.  Details  will  be  found  under 
the  respective  headings. 

We  have  lastly  to  notice  the  probable  use  at  the 
Agapae  of  cups  and  plates  with  sacred  emblems 
and  inscriptions,  of  which  so  many  have  been 
found  in  the  Catacombs  [Glass,  Christian],  and 
which  almost  suggest  the  idea  of  toasts  to  the  me- 
mory of  the  martyrs  whose  Natalities  were  cele- 
brated. **  Victor  Vivas  in  Nomine  Laureti  " 
(Buonarrott.  Plate  xix.  fig.  2), "  Semper  Refri- 
oeris  in  Nomiite  Dei"  (/6m/.  xx.  2),  "IIIE 
ZH2AI2  EN  AFAeOIS,  DULCIS  ANIMA  VI- 
VAS, BIBAS  (for  Vivas)  IN  PACE,"  are  ex- 
amples of  the  inscriptions  thus  found.  In  tho 
judgment  of  the  archaeologist  just  refeiTed  to, 
they  go  back  to  the  third,  or  even  to  the  second 
centurv.  The  mottoes  were  probably  determined 
by  the  kind  of  Agape  for  which  they  were  intended 
(comp.  Martigny,  art.  Fonds  de  Coupe,),   [E.H.P.] 

AGAPE.  (1)  Virgin  of  Antioch,  commemo- 
rated  Feb.  15  and  March  10  (Mart,  Hieron,). 

(8)  Virgin  of  Thessalonica,  commemorated  April 
3  (Marti/rol.  Bom,  Vet,), 


42        AGAPBTI»  AND  AGAPETAE 

(8)  Martyr,  April  16  (Cb/.  Byzant.). 

(4)  Daughter  of  Sophia,  Sept.  17  (/6.). 

(6)  Virgin,  oommemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  8 

(6)  Virgin,  commemorated  at  Heraclea,  Nov. 
20  {M.  Hicron,).  [C] 

AGAPETI,  and  AGAPETAE,  respectively, 
men  who  dwelt  in  the  same  house  with  dea- 
conesses, and  virgins  who  dwelt  in  the  same 
house  with  monks,  under  a  profession  of  merely 
spiritaal  lore;  the  latter  of  the  two  akin  to 
(rvyc/trcucroc,  and  also  ciilled  &8cA^ :  denounced 
by  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Carm,  III.),  by  St.  Jerome 
(Ad  Etutoch,  and  Ad  Oceaniun, — **  Agapetarum 
pestis "),  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Pallad.  in  V.  8. 
Chrys.  p.  45),  by  Epiphanius  {Haer,  Ixiii.,  Izxix.), 
and  by  Theodoret  {In  Epist,  ad  Fhilem.  y.  2) ; 
and  forbidden  by  Justinian  {Novell,  vi.  c.  6),  and 
others  (see  Photius  in  Nomoooan,  tit.  yiii.  c.  xiy. 
p.  99).  (Du  Cange,  Meursius  in  Olossar.,  Suicer.) 
The  Irish  Rules  and  Penitentials  severely  con- 
demn a  like  practice :  see  e.  g.  Reg.  Columban. 
ii.  13.  And  the  "second  oHer  of  saints,"  in 
Ireland  itself  (according  to  the  well-known 
document  published  by  Ussher),  "  abnegabant 
muliernm  administrationem,  separantes  eas  a 
monasteriis,"  owing  apparently  to  the  abuse 
arising  from  the  practice  when  permitted  by 
"  the  firet  order."  See  Todd,  Life  of  St.  Patrick, 
pp.  90-92.    (See  trwtlffaicToi,)  [A  W.  H.] 

AGAPETU8  or  AGAPITUa  1.  Comme- 
morated March  24  {Mart.  JSieron.,  Bedae). 

{%)  Of  Asia,  April  12  {Mart.  Bieron.). 

(8)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated with  Felicissimus,  Aug.  6  {Mart,  Bom, 
Vet.,  Hieron,,  Bedae).  Proper  office  in  Gregorian 
Sacramentary,  p.  118,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib, 
Antiph.,  p.  705. 

(4)  Martyr  at  Praeneste,  commemorated  Aug. 
18  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Bedae),  Proper 
office  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  123,  and 
Antiphon  in  Lib.  Andph.  p.  707.  [C] 

AGAPIUS.  (1)  The  bishop,  martyr  in  Nu- 
midia,  commemorated  April  29  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.). 

(2)  And  companions,  martyrs  at  Gaza,  March 
15  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [C] 

AGATHA  or  AGATHE.  (1)  The  virgin, 
martyr  at  Catana,  passion  oommemorated  Feb.  5 
{Mart  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant), 
Another  commemoration,  July  12  (if.  Bieron.), 
One  of  the  saints  of  the  Gregorian  Canon.  Proper 
office  for  her  Natalie  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
p.  25,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  665. 

(8)  Commemorated  April  2  {Mart  Bieron.), 

[C] 

AGATHANGELUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
Jan.  23  {Cal.  Byzant),  [C] 

AGATHENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Aqde.] 

AGATHO.    (1)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  oom- 
memorated Dec.  7  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 
(2)  Deacon,  April  4  {Mart  Bedae), 
(8)  CommemoratedJuly5(i^.  et£ri(9royi.).  [C] 

AGATHONICA  of  Fergamua,  oommemo- 
rated April  13  {Mart  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] 

AGATHONICUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
Aug.  22  {Cal.  Byzant,).  [C] 

AGATHUS,  commemorated  May  8  {Mart, 
Bieron.),  [C] 

AGAUNE,   COUNCIL   OF   (Aoaunensb 


AGE,  CANONICAL 

CoNcnjDM),  April  30,  A.D.  515,  5ie,  or  523;  d 
sixty  bisliope  and  sixty  nobles,  nndei  Sigismiuid, 
King  of  the  Burgundians ;  established  the  *^  Laos 
Perennis"  in  the  monastery  of  Agaune  (or  St. 
Maurice  in  the  Valais),  then  also  endowed  with 
lands  and  privileges.  Maximus,  Bishop  of  Geneva, 
heads  the  signatures;  but  Avitns,  Archbishop 
of  Vienne,  is  supposed  to  have  been  also  present 
(Mansi,  viiL  531-538).  [A  W.  H.] 

AGDE,  COUNCIL  OP  (Aoathense  Conci- 
UUU),  in  Narbonne,  a.d.  506,  Sept.  10  or  11; 
of  35  bishops  from  the  South  of  France ;  in  the 
22nd  year  of  Alaric,  (Arian)  King  of  the  Goths ; 
enacted  73  canons  in  matters  of  discipline; 
among  other  things,  forbidding  **bigami"  to 
be  ordained;  commanding  married  priests  and 
deacons  to  abstain  from  their  wives ;  fixing  25 
as  the  age  of  a  deacon,  30  as  that  of  a  priest  or 
bishop,  &c  It  was  assembled  ''ex  permissu 
domini  nostri  gloriosissimi  magnificentissimique 
regis,"  9C,  Alaric;  without  any  mention  of  the 
pope  (Symmachus),  save  as  mentioning  his  year 
in  the  title  (Mansi,  viU.  319-346).    [A  W.  fa.] 

AGE,  CANONICAL.  The  age  required  by 
the  canons  for  ordination.  In  the  case  of  bishops 
it  appears  to  have  been  the  rule  of  the  Church 
from  early  times  that  they  should  be  thirty 
years  old  at  the  time  of  their  ordination.  This 
rule,  however,  was  frequently  dispensed  with, 
either  in  cases  of  necessity  or  in  order  to  pro- 
mote persons  of  extraordinary  worth  and  singular 
qualifications.  It  may  be  questioned  whether 
Uiis  rule  was  observed  from  the  days  of  the 
Apostles,  as  it  is  nowhere  enjoined  in  St.  PauFs 
Pastoral  Epistles  or  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testa^ 
ment.  And  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, which  may  be  taken  as  expressing  the 
system  of  the  Eastern  Church  as  it  was  es- 
tablished about  the  end  of  the  third  century, 
fifty  is  the  age  required  of  a  bishop  at  his  ordi- 
nation, except  he  be  a  man  of  singular  merit, 
which  may  compensate  for  the  want  of  years. 

The  age  of  thirty  is  required  by  implication 
by  the  Council  of  Keocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  which 
forbids  to  admit  any  one,  however  well  qualified, 
to  the  priesthood,  under  thirty  years  of  age, 
because  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  at  that  age  be- 
gan His  ministry.  The  Council  of  Agde  (Con- 
cilium Agathense)  forbids  the  ordination  of 
bishops  or  priests  under  thirty  years  of  age. 

By  this  rule,  as  enacted  by  the  above-named 
councils,  the  ordinary  practice  of  the  Church 
has  been  regulated.  The  deviations,  howerer, 
in  special  cases  have  been  numerous,  and  for 
these  a  warrant  may  be  found  in  the  case  of 
Timothy,  whose  early  ordination  as  Bishop  of 
Ephesus  is  inferred  from  the  Apostle's  admo- 
nition,— **Let  no  man  despise  thy  youth"  (1 
Tim.  iv.  12).  We  learn  from  Eusebius,  that 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus  and  his  brother  Atheno- 
dorus  were  both  ordained  bishops  very  young ; 
Iri  y4ovs  ifjL^,  It  is  probable  that  Athanaaius 
was  ordained  to  the  see  of  Alexandria  before  he 
was  thirty.  Remigius,  Bishop  of  Rheims,  as  all 
authors  agree,  was  ordained  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
two,  A.D.  471. 

In  later  times,  boys  of  eleven  or  twelve  years 
of  age  have  been  ordained  to  the  episcopate  by 
papal  dispensation ;  but  this  abuse  was  unlcnown 
to  the  ancient  Church. 

Presbyters,  like  bishops,  might  not  be  ordaued 


AGNDB  DEI 


43 


Mn  tb*  ■(•  of  thirt;.  Jutinlu,  indMd, 
mUd  Iktt  IMW  iboold  bi  m  pr«abyt«r  bafore 
■kirtj-En;  tat  the  Sixth  Qenenl  Coondl  of  Con- 
I  nuli»|ila  radocad  it  to  tha  old  period,  ippointing 
tUrtf  br  X  primt  aod  tweutj-fiTS  Tor  m  deaoin. 
Wkicb  ipa  wen  d»  lettled  in  the  SaioQ  Cborch, 
a  fftm  bj  Egbart'e  Callwtton  of  the  Cauoiu 


imtry, 

Tht  csiudl*  of  Agde,  506,  of  Cuiluge,  397, 
•f  Trallo,  692,  of  Toledo,  633,  all  prescribe 
twittf-Gn  u  the  miniinam  of  age  for  ■  deecan  ; 
nd,  >eeerdiBg  to  Biaghua,  thii  rule  wu  wry 
tiai)  •Wrnid,  lo  that  we  uaroe  meet  with  on 
atuate  of  uj  one  that  «u  ordsiDed  before  thii 
^billthehiitorj  of  the  Church.  Forthii  the 
Cwnl  of  Toledo  citea  the  Leritiail  precsdect. 

Ii  tk<  Greek  Chorch  the  age  of  thirty  is  itill 
fntcntied  fiir  a  prieat,  and  twenty-fire  for  a 
l/Mnt.  In  oar  own  Choreh,  the  firrt  Prajer- 
hak  ef  Edward  VI.  pracribed  twenty-one  for 
tow,  tventf-fbiir  for  prteati.  The  preaent 
rubric  b  a  proTiakm  of  Caooa  34. 

(Biugkai,  I.  I.  a.  20  ;  Leadon'i  ifontlaJ  of 
dmalt ;  Combei^i  Conhpanion ;  Frayerbooi  in- 
tiWawi.)  [D.  &] 

AGENDA  (from  agtn  in  the  ipecial  aeuM  of 
pHfmBiBg  (  tacred  act).  A  word  tued  to  deiig- 
■atc  hMh  the  HUM  and  other  portions  of  DiTine 

L  UOtplmrtU.—TiM  wcond  Conadl  of  Car- 
tkip  (3M)  ipeak*  of  preahfter*  who  committed 
•  hndi  of  diacipline,  in  that  "  agant  agenda  "  in 
ptinle  hoBiea,  withoat  the  anthoritf  of  the 
liA^  (Cbhb  9).  Innocent  I.  {EpitMa  ad  Dt- 
mtim\  {  3,  p.  552,  Higne)  apeaka  of  cele- 
kntiag  etiwr  agenda,  in  contrast  with  the  con- 
D  of  Uw  mnteriea. 


UK.  Per  iaatance,  SI  Benedict  in  hii  Rule, 
n(|L291Xipeaking  of  the  morning  and  erenii 
•fiei,nn,  "Agenda  matatina  et  xeipcrtina  non 

3.  The  word  "agenda"  it  not  onfreqaentlf 
Ml  ahnlntelj  to  denote  the  office  for  the  dead. 
Tks  Bay  Bot  improhablr  be  the  caie  in  the 
CUM  qaot«d  abora  bj  the  IL  Coac  Carthage ; 
nd  it  ia  certainly  uied  in  thii  letue  b;  Venerable 
iMe,  when,  ipeaking  of  local  commemorationi  of 
UK  itai,  he  aayi,  "  Per  omne  iabbstom  a  preeby- 
IB*  lad  illitti  Agendae  earum  tollenniter  cala- 
biwtar"  (  Vita  St,  Aagvstini,  in  Dncange  a.  r.)i 
Cmpare  Uenard*!  note  in  hia  edition  eiOrtgttrjfi 
Suramiitary,  f.  482.  (Dncanga'a  Glotmry,  a.  t. 
■lg.ad.">  [C.J 

A0ME8,  or  AGME  (iyrh)-  (X)  The  vii^in, 
Bulyr  at  Bom*.  Her  Satida,  which  ia  an  an- 
ost  and  hlghly'hODanred  featiral,  ia  celebrated 
Jib.  31  (Jforl  £oa.  Fri.,  funM.,  £stae} ;  Octal 
Ju.  28  (».).  PTot«r  office  for  the  Salalii 
tki  Ongotian  SaerxBnenlary,  f,  S3,  and  Antiphon 
ia  Ul  Ami^  p.  664.  By  Theodoma  Lector 
(filya  ii.)  Uie  depoeition  of'^her  relica  i*  joined 
■ilh  the  dcpoaition  of  tbote  of  Stephen  and 
Inrace  (aee  Greg.  Sacrtm.  p.  304,  ed.  Mdiard). 
be  it  «Be  of  the  aainle  of  the  Gngoiian  Canon, 
vben  her  name  appears  in  the  form  Agne. 

TilUnwt  (J&bL  £M.  It.  345)  conjectarei 
that  the  seeood  featiral  on  Jan.  2S  commemorates 
the  ippuition  of  St.  AgMa  to  het  parenti  eight 
^  after  bD  deatlk. 


'  remains  are  aaid  to  hare  been  bnritd  in  a 
praedialtan  belonging  to  her  ftmily  on  the  Via 
" — -.ntana.  The  crypt  dug  to  reoeiTe  them  be- 
the  nncleua  of  the  tamona  cemetery  of  St, 
Agnes.  Two  churches  at  Rome  ara  dedicated  to 
St.  Agnei,  one  of  which  is  said  to  be  that  built 
by  Conatantine  at  the  request  of  his  daughter 
Constantia,  and  ia  certainly  one  of  the  most  nu- 
'  int  basilicas  in  Rome.  In  early  times,  it  waa 
Btomary  for  the  Pope  to  be  present  at  the  fts- 
ti»al  of  St.  Agnes  in  this  chorch,  in  which 
Gregory  the  Great  deliversd  several  of  his  homi- 
Uca  (e.g.  In  Matt,  c  liii.,  Som.  2);  and  in  this 
chuicb  atill,  on  Jan.  21,  the  lambs  are  blessed, 
from  the  wool  of  which  the  PaLLu  destined  Air 
archbiahopa  are  to  be  made. 


In  the  illustration,  taken  from  an  ancient 
glass  yeasel,  the  doves  on  each  side  bear  the  two 
crowns  of  Chantity  and  of  Martyrdom.  Thi» 
representation  illustrates  the  verse  of  Prudentiui 


(Periiteph.  I 


'■n 


Representationa  of  St.  Agnes  are  foond  very  (re- 
lently  on  glass  vessels  in  the  catacombi ;  only 
_  i.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  foond  mure  often  so 
represented.  When  alone,  she  is  generally  placed 
between  tiro  tress ;  sometimes  she  is  at  the  aide 
of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  sometimes  between  the 
Lord  and  St.  Laurence;  between  St.  Vincent 
and  St.  Hippolytus ;  between  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul. 

(2)  There  is  another  festival  of  St.  Agnes  on 
Oct.  18  (ifart.  iTfcron.).  Tiliemont  (1.  c)  con- 
jeotoree  that  this  was  inatituled  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  dedication  of  some  church  in  her 
honour.  (Hartigay,  Did.  del  Antiq,  <ArA.  p. 
22  ff. ;  the  Abb«  Martigny  has  also  written  a 
monograph,  Notice  hietoriqiie,  litnrgiitie,  ct  arclufa- 
logipit  nir  le  Cvita  de  Ste.  AgnO.  Paris  et 
Lyons,  1847.)  [C] 

AGMirnS,  commemorated  Aug.  16  (Jfarl. 
BiertM.y  [C] 

AQNTJBDEI.  The  veraicle  "Agnus  Dei, qui 
tollia  peccata  mnndi.  Miserere  nobis,  is  generalljr 
apoken  of  as  the  "  Agnus  Dei." 

1.  A  reference  to  the  "  Lamb  of  God,  which 
taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,"  was  Intro- 
duced (as  waa  natural)  into  some  of  the  litnrgiaa 
at  an  early  period.  Thos  in  the  Liturgy  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  doring  the  breakicg  of  the  bread, 
the  priest  saya,   HtAt^evw  «el   SHU't^fftTOi   t 


44 


AGNUS  DEI 


AGNUS  DEI 


d/ivbs  TO?  ecou  (Neale's  Teiralogia,  176) ;  and  in 
that  of  St.  James,  after  breaking  and  signing 
with  the  cross,  the  priest  says,  *l8i  6  kfu^hs  rod 
8cov,  6  Tibs  rov  HarphSf  6  vHptiv  r^v  Ofuunlay 
Tov  K6fffioVt  ffifMKyuurOtls  ^Ip  rris  rov  Kwr/iov 
C»ris  Koi  awrnplas  {lb,  179).  And  in  the  ancient 
^  Morning  Hymn "  [Gloria  in  Exoeuis] 
adopted  l^th  in  Eastern  and  Western  Liturgies, 
the  deprecation  is  found:  'O  i/ivbs  rod  Oeov, 
'O  Tihs  rov  HarphSf  6  vHpw  rh.s  a^Mfnlas  rov 
K6<rfioVt  'EKeriffotf  ^fuis, 

2.  At  the  Trullan  Council  (692)  it  was  decreed, 
among  other  matters^  that  the  Lord  should  no 
longer  be  pictui*ed  in  churches  under  the  form  of  a 
lamb,  but  in  human  form  (Canon  82).    The  then 
Pope,  however,  Sergius  I.,  rejected  the  decrees  of 
this  Council  (though  its  conclusions  had  been 
subscribed  by  the  Papal  legates),  and  Anastasius 
the  Librarian  (in  Baron.,  an.  701,  vol.  xii.  179)  tells 
us  that  this  Pope  first  ordered  that,  at  the  time 
of  the  breaking  of  the  Lord's  body,  the  '*  Agnus 
Dei"  should  be  chanted  by  clerks  and  people. 
Some  think  that  Sergius  ordered  it  to  be  said 
thrice,  where  it  had  previously  been  said  only 
once ;  others,  as  Krazer  {De  iiturgiis,  p.  545), 
that  he  ordered  it  to  be  said  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  clergy  and  people,  as  being  a  prayer  for 
all ;  not,  as  previously,  by  the  choir  only.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  evidence  of  the  Ordines 
Roman!  I.,  II.,  and  III.  (Mabillon,  Museum  Itali- 
cuiriy  ii.  pp.  29,  50,  59),  and  of  Amalarius  of 
Metz,  shows  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury the  choir  alone,  and  not  the  priest  at  the 
altar,  chanted  the  "Agnus  Dei;"  and  this  was 
the  case  also  when  Innocent  III.  wrote  his  trea- 
tise on  the  "  Mystery  of  the  Altar."  The  Ordines 
Romani  do  not  define  the  number  of  repetitions  of 
the  versicle ;  but  Martene  (^De  Ritihus  Ecclesiae, 
lib.  i.,  c  4,  art.  9)  proves  from  ancient  documents 
that  the  threefold  repetition  was  expressly  en- 
joined in  some  churches — as  in  that  of  Tours — 
before  the  year  1000 ;  and  in  the  12th  century 
this  custom  prevailed  in  most  churches.     Subse- 
quently, probably  from  about  the  14th  century, 
the  *'  Agnus  Dei  "  came  to  be  said  in  a  low  voice 
by  the  priest  with  his  deacon  and  subdeacon.   In 
later  times,  says  Innocent  III.  (^De  aacro  Altaris 
MysteriOy  i.  4,  p.  910,  Migne),  as  trouble  and  ad- 
versity fell  upon  the  Church,  the  response  at  the 
third  repetition  was  changed  into  "  Dona  nobis 
pacem ;"   in  the   church   of  St.  John   Lateran 
only    was    the    older    form     retained.      When 
the    substitution     of    '*  Dona    nobis    pacem " 
was    made    is    uncertain;    it    is   found  in  no 
MS.   older  than  the  year   1000.     The  reason 
which  Innocent  gives  for  the  introduction  of  the 
prayer  for  peace  may  perhaps  be  the  real  one ; 
but  it  is  not  an  unreasonable  conjecture  that  it 
had  reference  to  the  ^'pax,"  or  kiss  of  peace, 
which  was  to  follow. 

3.  Gerbert  {De  Musicd  Sacrd,  i.  p.  458)  men- 
tions among  ancient  customs  the  chanting  of  the 
"Agnus  Dei"  by  the  choir  during  the  time  that 
the  people  communicated,  before  the  antiphon 
called  "  Communio "  (Daniel,  Codex  LUurgicus, 
i.  148). 

4.  The  "  Agnus  Dei "  was  sometimes  interpo- 
lated with  "  tropes ;"  for  instance,  the  following 
form  is  quoted  by  Cardinal  Bona  from  an  ancient 
missal,  the  date  of  which  he  does  not  mention : 
"Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccatji  mundi,  crimina 
toiiiSf  aspera  moilis,  Agnus  hotioriSf  Miserere  nobis. 


Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi,  vtAitra 
tanas,  ardua  pianos,  Agnus  amoris.  Miserere  nobis. 
Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  pecoata  mundi,  sordida 
mundas,  cuncta  foecundas,  Agnus  odoris,  Doaa 
nobis  pacem  "  (De  B^nts  Intwgicis,  lib.  ii.  c  16, 
p.  473).  And  Rupert  of  Deutz  has  the  addition, 
"  Qui  sedes  ad  dextram  Patris,  Miserere  nobis" 
(Daniel,  Codex  Lit  i.  142). 

5.  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  "Agnus  Dei" 
occurs  only  in  masses  for  the  dead  ;  where,  after 
"  Dona  nobis  pacem,"  the  words  are  added,  "  Re- 
quiem sempitemam,  et  locum  indulgentiae  cum 
Sanctis  tuis  in  gloria"  (Krazer,  De  LiturgOt, 
p.  637). 

6.  A  legend  preserved  by  Robert  of  Mount  St 
Michael  (in  Bona,  Be  Reb.  Lit.  lib.  ii.  c.  16)  tells 
how,  in  the  year  1183,  the  Holy  Virgin  appeared 
to  a  woodman  at  work  in  a  forest,  and  gave  him 
a  medal  bearing  her  own  image  and  that  of  her 
Son,  with  the  legend  "  Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  pec- 
cata mundi.  Dona  nobis  pacem."  This  she.  bade 
him  bear  to  the  bishop,  and  tell  him  that  all  who 
wished  the  peace  of  the  Church  should  make 
such  medals  as  these,  and  wear  them  in  token  of 
peace.  [C] 

AGNUS  DEI.  A  medallion  of  wax,  bearing 
the  figure  of  a  lamb.  It  was  an  ancient  custom 
to  distribute  to  the  worshippers,  on  the  fint 
Sunday  after  Easter,  particles  of  wax  taken  from 
the  Pasdial  taper,  which  had  been  solemnly 
blessed  on  the  Easter  Eve  of  the  previous  year. 
These  particles  were  bui'ued  in  houses,  fields,  or 
vineyards,  to  secure  them  against  evil  influences 
or  thunder-strokes. 

In  Rome  itself,  however,  instead  of  a  Paschal 
taper,  the  archdeacon  was  accustomed  to  pro- 
nounce a  benediction  over  a  mixture  of  oil  and 
wax,  from  which  small  medallions  bearing  the 
figure  of  a  lamb  were  made,  to  be  distributed  to 
the  people  on  the  first  Sunday  after  Easter,  espe- 
cially to  the  newly  baptised.  {Ordo  Bomanus  L 
pp.  25,  31;  Amalarius  de  Ecci,  Off,  i.  17,  p. 
1033;  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div,  Off,  c  19,  p.  482.) 

In  modem  times  this  benediction  of  the  Agnus 
Dei  is  reserved  to  the  Pope  himself,  and  takes 
place  in  the  first  year  of  each  pontificate,  and 
every  seventh  year  following. 

The  Paschal  taper  was  anciently  thought  to 
symbolise  the  pillar  of  fire  which  guided  the 
Israelites,  and  the  Agnus  Dei  the  Passover  Lamb 
(Amalarius,  u.  s.  c  18 ;  compare  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary,  p.  71;  "Deus,  cujus  antiqna 
miracula  in  praesenti  quoque  saeculo  coruscare 
sentimus'*). 

A  waxen  Agnus  Dei  is  said  to  have  been  among 
the  presents  made  by  Gregory  the  Great  to 
Tlfeodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards  (Frisi, 
Memorie  di  Monza,  i.  34) ;  but  nothing  of  the 
kind  is  mentioned  by  the  saint  himself  in  the 
letter  (JEpist,  xiv.  12,  p.  1270)  in  which  he  gives 
a  list  of  his  presents.  One  was  found  in  1725  in 
the  church  of  San  Clemente  on  the  Coelian  Hill 
at  Rome,  in  a  tomb  supposed  to  be  that  of 
Flavius  Clemens  a  martyr.  This  Agnus  is  sup- 
posed, by  De  Yitry  (in  Calogiei-a's  JRcKXoita, 
xxxiii.  280),  to  have  been  placed  in  the  tomb  at 
the  translation  of  the  relics  which  he  thinks  took 
place  in  the  7  th  century. 

An  Agnus  was  frequently  enclosed  m  a  case  or 
reliquary ;  and  some  existing  examples  of  suck 
cases  ai-e  thought  to  be  of  the  8th  or  9th  con* 


AGBicros 


ALB 


45 


Ivf.  A  Tery  remarkable  one,  said  to  hare 
Moi^^  to  Charlemagne,  is  among  the  treasures 
ef  Aii-la-Chapelle ;  but  the  style  appears  to  be 
of  t  nach  later  age  than  that  of  Charlemagne 
(CUUer  and  Martin,  Milangea  <fAroh^>logie, 
TeLi.pL  xiz.  fig.  D.).  [C] 

AQRICIUS,  Bishop  of  Tr^ree  and  confessor, 
dcpasitioB  Jan.  13  {Mori.  Bedae\  [C] 

A6BI00LA.    (1)  In  Africa,  martyr,  com- 

memorsted  Xor.  3  (Jtfl  Hierotu). 
(8)  Martyr  at  Bologna,  commemorated  Nov. 

'27  ^Jfarl  Bom,  Vet^y. 
^)  Saint,  Naiale  Dee.  3  ( Jf.  Bedae), 
(i)  In  Anrergne,  Dec.  9  (Jf.  Hieron,}, 
(f)  At  Rarenna,  Dec  16  (Jf.  JJwron.).    [C] 

AGBIPPINA,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
nted  Jane  23  (Oi/.  Bytant.),  [C] 

AGRIPPINENSE    CONCILIUM.      [Co- 

UKBffi,  COUSSCIL  OF.] 

AGRIPPIN1T8,  of  Alexandria,  oommemo- 
lated  Jnlr  15  (^MarL  HieroiL)\  Jakatit  5  =  Jan. 
SOfCbL^tJUop.). 

AINOL    [LiLUDS.] 

AISLE.    [Chubch.] 

AIX-LA-CmAPELLE,  (X)UNCILS  OF 
(iQinsoBAKEiisiA  Concilia): — ^i.  a.d.  789;  a 
■ixed  synod  held  under  CSiarlemagne  in  his 
fslMX,  which  enacted  82  capitulars  respecting 
the  Qiarch,  16  ad  monachoBj  21  on  matters  of  a 
mixed  kind  (Balnx.,  CapU.  i.  209).->-ii.  A.D.  797 ; 
abo  under  Charlemagne,  and  consisting  of  bishops, 
iUmUs,  and  counts ;  at  which  11  capitulars  were 
inde  req>ecting  matters  ecclesiastical  and  civil, 
ad  S3  **  de  partibns  Saxoniae."  The  canons  (46) 
flfTheodnlph,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  ''ad  parochiae 
siae  saeerdotes,"  are  appended  to  this  oonndi 
(Balaz.,  Capa.  i.  250 ;  Mansi,  xiii.  994-1022).— 
is.  A.O.  799;  also  under  Charlemagne,  and  in 
his  pabee,  of  bishope,  abbats,  and  monks,  where 
Felix  of  Urgel  was  induced  by  Alcuin  to  re- 
HMinoe  the  heresy  of  Adoptianism  (Mansi,  xiii. 
1033-1040,  from  Alcuin,  ad  Elipand,  i.,  and  the 
Vita  JievM.). — ir.  A.D.  802,  October ;  also  under 
Charlemagne,  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, 
who  then  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him 
(Haasi,  xiiL  1102> — v.  A.D.  809,  November; 
also  nnder  Charlemagne,  upon  the  question  of 
the  ftUoqne ;  which  sent  messengers  to  Pope 
Leo  UL,  and  was  instructed  by  him  to  omit  the 
wnds  from  the  Creed,  although  the  doctrine 
Itself  mtde/ide  (Mansi,  xiv.  17-28).  The  later 
Cevadb  of  Aix  are  beyond  the  period  assigned 
to  this  work.  [A.  W.  H.] 

ALB  (oAo,  tunica  alba,  tunica  talaris,  podcris, 
Ami,  mfpanUj  subucuh,  camitia ;  see  also  Sti- 

\  1.  Tkt  word  and  Us  deritfotion. — ^The  Latin 
word  albOf  the  Ailler  expression  for  which  is 
twUca  alba,  first  appears,  as  the  technical  de- 
signttion  o(  a  white  tunic,  m  a  passage  of  Vopis- 
CBS,  who  speaks  of  an  oRa  sdhserica,  or  tunic 
■ade  of  silk  interwoven  with  some  other  mate- 
mi  sent  as  a  present,  circ.  265,  A.D.,  from  Gal- 
lieaos  to  Claudius  (^iM.  Attgust,  Script,  Tre- 
beliitts  i»  CUmdio,  p.  208).  The  same  expression, 
jAa  nbieriea,  occurs  more  than  once  in  a  letter 
if  the  Emperor  Valerian.  The  word  survives  in 
the  Pr,  *•  aube,"  as  in  our  own  **  alb."    The  cor- 


respondmg  Italian  word  ^'camioe"  iu  derived 
from  **  camisia  "  (see  below,  §  3). 

§  2.  Ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word,  and  of  the 
vestment. — ^There  are  two  uses  of  the  term  in 
ancient  writers,  between  which  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  distinguish.  When  used  in  the  singulai 
it  has  generally  the  technical  meaning  above  no- 
ticed, that  of  a  white  tunic.  But  in  the  plural 
the  phrase  in  albis,  and  the  like,  may  either 
mean  "  in  albs,"  or,  more  vaguely  and  compre- 
hensively, "in  white  garments."  Context  only 
can  determine  which  is  meant. 

The  first  recorded  instance  of  the  technical 
use  of  the  term,  as  a  designation  of  a  vestment 
of  Christian  ministry,  occurs  in  a  canon  of  the 
African  church  (jConcU.  Carthag,  iv.  can.  41), 
dating  from  the  close  of  the  4th  century.  That 
canon  prescribes  that  deacons  shall  not  wear  the 
alb  except  when  engaged  in  Divine  service.  "  Ut 
diaconus  tempore  oblationis  tantum,  vel  lectionis, 
alba  utatur."  This  probably  implies  that  bishops 
and  presbyters,  but  not  deacons,  were  allowed 
to  wear  in  ordinary  life  a  long  white  tunic,  re- 
sembling that  worn  in  divine  service.  Other 
early  canons,  on  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical 
habits,  show,  as  does  that  last  quoted,  that  there 
was  a  general  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  dea- 
cons, and  other  yet  inferior  orders,  to  assume  the 
insignia  which  properly  belonged  to  the  higher 
grades  of  the  ministry.  **  Human  nature  "  had 
found  its  expression  in  such  and  the  like  ways  in 
the  early  church  as  in  later  times. 

This  conjecture  as  to  an  alb  being  worn  by 
bishops  and  presbyters  even  in  ordinary  life 
(from  the  time  of  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church " 
under  Constantine),  at  least  on  occasions  when 
'*  full  dress "  was  required,  is  confirmed  by  the 
remarkable  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  George 
at  Thessalonica.  These  date  in  all  probability 
from  the  4th  century.  Among  the  personages 
represented,  all  of  them  in  the  more  stately  dress 
of  ordinary  life,  there  are  two  only  who  are 
'ecclesiastics,  Philip  Bishop  of  Heraclea,  and  the 
Presbyter  Romanus ;  and  the  dress  of  each  is  so 
arranged  as  to  show  the  white  chiton  (or  tunic), 
though  an  outer  tunic  of  darker  colour  is  also 
worn.  In  this  respect  their  dress  differs  from 
that  of  the  other  figures,  which  are  those  of  lay- 
men. These  mosaics  are  figured  in  the  Byzantine 
Architecture  of  Texier  and  PuUan  (Lond.,  1864). 
That  an  alb  was  so  worn,  more  or  less  generally, 
by  presbyters,  at  least  in  some  parts  of  the  West 
in  later  centuries,  appears  clearly  from  such  a 
direction  as  that  of  Leo  IV.  in  his  Cura  Pastor^ 
alisz  "Nullus  in  alba  qua  in  suo  usu  utitur 
praesumat  missas  cantare."  This  direction  is 
repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the  Capitula  of 
Hincmar  of  Rheims  (t882),  and  in  the  Disciplina 
Ecclesiastica  of  Regino,  abbot  of  Prume,  in  the 
following  century. 

§  3.  Primitive  forms  of  the  Alb. — In  the  early 
ages  of  the  church  the  alb  of  Christian  ministry 
was  of  frill  and  flowing  shape,  and  distinguished 
in  this  respect  from  the  closely-fitted  txmic  of 
Levitical  priesthood.  St.  Jerome  (Epist.  ad  Fa- 
bioktm)  follows  Josephus  {Antiq.  Jud,  iii.  7)  in 
dwelling  particularly  on  this  distinctive  charac- 
teristic of  the  Levitical  tunic ;  and  in  order  to 
convey  to  his  readers  an  idea  of  its  general  ap« 
pearance,  he  is  obliged  to  refer  them  to  the  linen 
shirts,  called  camisiae,  worn  by  soldiers  when  on 
service.    More  than  four  centunes  later,  Amala« 


4A  ALB 

rina  ofHeti  qnatM  thli  puuga  sf  St.  Jnome, 
ia  hii  treatiM  Dt  EccbaiaMcit  Offidit  (lib.  iL 
cap.  IB) ;  and  aiprsaglj  notlcea  tha  tvA  that  the 
ClirutiaD  alb  diiTgrcd  from  the  podtrit,  or  iiill- 
laagUi  tDnia  of  L«vltic4l  miolBtrr,  in  thit,  while 
thii  lut  vat  ttrtctum,  cloulj  fitted  to  tbo  bodj, 
that  of  the  charch  was  largim,  fall  ind  flowlag. 
With  thi>  Btatement  the  earliest  moDiiDieiits  of 
miniAteniig  veatmeot<  quit«  oownL  The  albe 
(if  the;  be  not  nther  dalmatia)  worn  by 
Archbitbop  MiiimiiQ  and  hii  stteadaat  clergi 
in  the  Ravenna  mouia  (lee  rcifioriuni  C/irit- 
tianum,  PI.  iiriil. ;  and  under  TESTMENTS),  and 
in  a  leu  degree,  Uiat  asiigned  to  the  deacon  in 
the  froco  repreteuting  Ordiafttion  in  tbe 
cemetery  of  St.  Hermes  at  Rome  (Xrin([hi,  Boma 
^kM.  tom.  ii.  p.  3S9);  and  again  thou  worn 
under  a  planeta  bj'  Pope  Cornelini  of  Rome  and 
St.  Cyprian  of  Carthage  in  t^escoe*  of  (probably) 
the  8tb  centniT  (De  Ko«>l,  Soma  Soil.  vol.  i.  pp. 
298-304)  all  agree  in  this  reaped.  In  the» 
Uat,  particularly,  the  alba  (pooiblj  dalhaticb, 
q.  T.)  worn  under  the  planeta,  hare  ileerea  oi 
Urve  a<  thoee  of  a  modern  inrplice. 

Bat  while  thii  waa,  no  doubt,  the  preniling 
form,  we  have  pictorial  Bridenco  lo  thow,  that. 
In  the  ninth  century  certainly,  and  iu  all  probfr- 


fbnnofalbw 
Considerstioni 


uiderably  earliec 


a  differc 


■  had  been  the  case,  we  may  well 
believe,  in  the  caia  of  the  Lerittcal  prieetl.  If 
theie  latter,  in  the  diecharge  of  their  ucrilicial 
dutiei,  wonld  have  been  not  only  incommoded 
but  eiidangered  by  wearing  full  and  Bowing  linen 
garmento,  lo  were  there  occaiions,  particularly 
the  admiaiitration  of  baptiim,  when  large  and 
full  ileeTei,  like  those  of  the  ordinar;  alb  or 
ddmatic,  would  have  been  ineoDreuient  in  the 
highest  degree  to  those  engaged  in  officei  of 
Christian  ministry.  We  find  accordingly,  in  an 
illumiuation  dating  ft-om  the  9tb  century  (>ee 
woodcut  in  the  article  baPTiSII),  that  the  priest 
in  baptiiing  wore  a  cloaely  fitted  alb,  girded. 
This  is,  we  hare  retuon  to  bellere,  the  earliest 
example  in  Christian  art  of  an  alb  so  shaped ; 
bat  in  later  centuries,  as  the  "sacred  vest- 
ments "  continually  increased  in  number,  the 
>  worn  underneath  the 


gradually  n 


n  form 


e  present  time  the  alb,  techi 
called,  is  a  closely-iitting  vestment,  girded, 
nearly  resembling  that  of  the  priest  in  the  plaU 
just  referred  to. 

$  4.  DiKoraHoa  of  ffie  oA.— Like  other  vest- 
linen  only,  the  alb  was  often  enriched  in  later 
times  in  respect  of  omatnent,  material,  and 
colour.  Details  as  to  this  are  given  by  Bock 
{Lilurgiache  Geadnd^,  li.  33)  and  by  Dr.  Rock 
{Church  of  our  Fathtrt,  vol.  i.  p.  424  iff.).  The 
most  common  omameats  of  tbe  kind  were  known 
as  parunu  (a  shorter  form  of  panlume),  nbich 
were  oblong  patches,  richly  coloured  and  oma- 
mmted,  atMched  to  the  tunic  Hence  a  distinc- 
tion between  aHa  parata,  an  alb  with  "  ap- 
parels "  (technically  so  called),  and  aSta  pura, 
this  last  being  the  ^^  white  alb  piain  "  spoken  of 
in  the  first  Prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  These 
atboB  paratae  date,  according  ttt  Professor  Weiss, 
from  the  close  of  the  IDth  century  (£asfwn- 
teub,  a.  *.  w.,  p.  667).     But  this  is  true  only  of 


ALEXAlfDBIA 


similar  import.     See  Casaubon's  j 

sage  ofTrebellina  referred  to  in  $1.    [WJJl] 

ALBANTJB  (1)  (St.  AiAaii)  or  ALsnnn 
(Mart,  Hkron.')  and  hij  compoulooa,  martyrs  in 
Britain,  commemoratad  Jane  22  (Jbrt.  Jtm. 
Vet.,  Bieroa.,  tt  Btdat). 

(8)  Saint,  commemoiatad  Decembet  1  (M. 
Bedat).  [C.] 

ALBINTJS.     (I)  Bishop  and  canfonor,  com- 
memorated March  1  {Mart.  Hitron.,  Btiku). 
(8)  Martyr,  June  21  (if.  Bedae).  [(^] 

ALCE8TER,  Council  or  (Aursirni  Cov- 
CiLicii),  A.D.  709  ;  an  imaginary  council,  resting 
solely  on  the  legendary  life  of  Ei^win,  BialiD)! 
of  Worcester,  snd  founder  of  Evesham  Abbey,  by 
Brihtwald  of  Worcester  (or  Glastonbury);  said 
to  hare  been  held  to  confirm  the  grants  made 
to  Evesham  (Witk.  i.  72,  73;  Maosi,  lii.  132- 
189).  Wilfrid  of  York,  said  to  have  been  at  the 
council,  died  June  23,  709.  [A-  W.  H.] 

ALDBQUKDI5,  virgin,  deposition  Jon.  80 
(Jfart.  Bidaa).  [C] 

ALDEBUANN.    [E&ldobjun.] 
ALEXANDER,  (1)  martyr  under  Dedo^ 
ed  Jan.  30  {Mart.  Son.  Frt.). 
emontsd  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Bedae). 
f  Cl^ndina,  martyr  at  Ostia,  ?eb. 

>  of  Alexandria,  Feb.  26  (7i.) ;  April 

Hsalonica,  Feb.  S7  (JT.  ffi»r<m.\ 
ics,  March  5  (if.  JHenm.), 
amedio,  March  6  (if.  fnertm.'). 
Qains,  March  10  (Mart.  Bedae). 

>  of  Jemsalem,  martyr,  Uarch  18 
,_ Frt.,  Badat). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Caesorea  in  Palestine,  March 
28  (Karl.  Son.  Fit.);  Mar.  27  {M.  Bedae). 

(11)  Saint,  April  24  (ifarl.  Bedae) :  April  SI 
(Sieron.). 

(IS)  The  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Trajan, 
Hay  3  {Mart.  Som.  Vet.,  Bedae).  Named  in  the 
Qregorian  CaiuM,  Antiphon  in  Lb.  AnHph.  p.  693. 

(IS)  Martyr  at  Bergamo,  Aug.  26  ( Jfort.  Jioo. 
Vet.). 

(14)  Bishop  and  confessor,  Ang.  28  (71.). 

(IB)  "  In  Sabiuis,"  Sept.  9  {lb.  et  Illenm.). 

(18)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  (if.  fiierrm.). 
(IT)  In  Capoa,  Oct.  15  (if.  Hitna.). 

(la)  Patriarch,  Nov.  7  (  Cat.  Armen.) ;  Hiaiiah 
22  -  April  17,  and  Nohasse  18  =  Aug.  II  (CU. 
Etfnop.). 

(19)  Bishop  and  martyr,  Nov.  28  (JT.  B.  V.). 
(90)  Uartyr  at  Aleiandria,  tniislated  Dec 

12  {lb.).  [C] 

ALEXANDBIA,  OATECHETICAL 

SCHOOL  OF.   The  school  thns  described  occo- 

wss  instruction  {nrriixvi'i')  of  some  kind  for  con- 
verts [Catechukeks]  ;  everywhere,  before  long, 
there  must  have  been  some  provisiDH  mode  for 
the  education  of  Christian  children.  That  at  Alei- 
andria was  the  only  one  which  acquired  s  ipecia! 
,  repulatiou,  and  hod  a  succession  of  illnstrioui 


ALEXANDRIA 

litckai^  and  affected,  directly  and  indirectly, 
tht  tbeologj  of  the  Church  at  large.  The  lives 
flf  thoK  teachers,  and  the  special  characteristics 
of  tiicir  theological  specolations  will  be  treated 
ffebewhere.  Here  it  is  proposed  to  consider 
(1)  the  outward  history  of  the  school ;  (2)  its 
tctasl  mode  of  working,  and  general  Inflnence  on 
the  religions  life  of  the  Alexandrian  Chnrch. 

(L)  The  origin  of  the  Alexandrian  school  *  is 
tarisd  ia  ohscnrity.    Ensebins  {H.  E^  y.  10) 
ipeib  of  it  as  of  long  standing  (i^  ipx^ov 
Hm),  hot  the  earliest  tocher  whom  he  names  is 
hatacBOi,  are.  ajk  180.    If  we  were  to  accept 
t^  snthority  of  Philip  of  Sida  (Fragm.  in  I>od- 
«dl*s  Distert  ta  Iren,  Oxt  pp.  488-497),  the 
hoaovr  of  being  its  founder  might  be  conceded 
to  Athenagoras,  the  writer  of  the  Apologia  ;  and 
thif  voold  carry  ns  a  few  years  further.  But  the 
aithority  of  Philip  is  but  slight.    His  list  is 
maiftstly  inaocnrate,  the  name  of  Clement  com- 
jiq;  ifter  Origen,  and  eyen  after  Dionysius,  and 
Ike  sleooe  of  £oaebias  and  Jerome  most  be  held 
to  outweigh  his  assertion.    Conjecture  may  look 
to  St.  Hark  (Hieron.,  Cat,  36),  with  more  proba- 
bility, perbapa,  to  Apolloe,  as  haying  been  the  first 
cooqncooQs  tMcher  at  Alexandria.     Pantaenus, 
hoverer,  is  the  first  historical  name.    He  taught 
both  oially  and  by  his  writings,  and,  though  his 
vnk  was  interrupted  by  a  mission  to  India,  he 
M9BBS  to  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  to 
have  ooatinoed  teaching  there,  till  his  death, 
rust  working  with   him,  and  then  succeeding 
hiB,  we  haye  the  name  of  dement,  and  find  bim 
oeeopjiag  the  post  of  teacher  till  the  persecution 
of  Sevcnu,  aj>.  202,  when  he  with  others  fled  for 
■ietj.    The  vacant  plaoe  was  filled  by  Origen 
(Eaeeb.  H.  E.  yi  3),  then  only  eighteen  yeare  of 
agt,  but  already  well  known  as  a  teacher  of 
gnmaxar  and  rhetoric,  and  aa  having  studied 
pnAnadly  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. 
It  ii  probable,  but  not  certain,  that  he  himself 
kad  attended  Clement's  classes.  As  it  was,  seekers 
after  truth  came  to  him  in  such  numbers  that  he 
RMRUced  his  work  aa  an  instructor  in  other 
nbjecta,  and  devoted  himself  to  that  of  the 
■ekool  whidft  was  thus  reopened.    Clement  may 
pMnbly  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  worked 
with  him  till  his  death,  circ.  A.D.  220.    Origen 
Umelf  left  soon  afterwards,  and  founded,  in  some 
■OM,  a  rival  school  at  Caeaarea.    Of  the  teachera 
thit  followed  we  know  little  more  than  the  names. 
Philip  of  Sida  (^.e.)  givea  them  as  Heraclas, 
Dteariioi,  Pieriua,  Theognostus,  Serapion,  Peter, 
Mieariiis,  Didymua,  Rhodon.    Ensebins  {H,  E. 
TIL  32)  names  Pieriua  aa  a  man  of  philosophical 
attajimenta  at  Alexandria,  and  mentions  Achillas 
Mne  distinctly  aa  having  been  entrusted  with 
the  MoncoActoy  there  under  the  episcopate  of 
l^eooas.     He  further  speaks  of  the  school  as 
euting  in  his  own  time  (circ.  A.D.  330).    Theo- 
d«Rt  (i.  1)  names  Arius  as  having  at  one  time  been 
titf  chief  teacher  there,  and  Sozomen  (J71 E.  iii.  15) 
ttd  Rafinns  (JT*.  JSl  ii.  7)  name  Didymus,  a  teacher 
vbo  became  blind,  as  having  held  that  post  for  a 
loag  period  ofyears  (circ  iuD.  340-^95).  During 
tiM  later  years  of  his  life  he  was  assisted  by 
^hod«i  as  a  coadjutor,  who,  on  his  death,  re- 

*  Aaaj  be  worth  wliUe  to  note  the  nimes  by  which  It 
Ii  tosflMd  >— (1)  T^  rfv  iMinix'J^— H»  or  tb  tw  tcpwv 
r,  Eoseb^  A£y.lO,vL8.a6:  (2)Tb 
rmv  Itpm^  ^jaBiipAmv,  Soaom.  iU.  16 : 
%  ftnhsiailinB  Jafcoio,  Hkwa,  Qafcc.3«. 


ALEXANDRIA 


47 


moved  to  Sida,  where  he  nxmibered  among  his 
pupils  the  Philip  from  whom  we  get  the  list  of 
the  succession.  This  seems  to  have  broken  up  the 
school,  and  we  are  unable  to  trace  it  further. 

(2.)  The  pattern  upon  which  the  work  at  Alex 
andria  was  based  may  be  found  in  St.  Paul's 
labours  at  Ephesus.  After  he  ceased  to  address 
the  Jews  through  his  discourses  in  the  synagogue 
he  turned  to  the  "  school "  QrxoX^)  of  Tyrannus 
(Acta,  xix.  9).  That  <<  school "  was  probably  a 
lecture-hall  (so  the  word  is  used  by  Plutarch,  Vit, 
Arati,  c  29),  which  had  been  used  by  some  teacher 
of  philosophy  or  rhetoric,  and  in  which  the  apostle 
now  appeared  as  the  instructor  of  all  who  came  to 
inquire  what  the  ^  new  doctrine  "  meant.  Some- 
thing of  the  same  kind  must  have  been  soon 
found  necessary  at  a  place  like  Alexandria.  With 
teachers  of  philosophy  of  all  schoob  lecturing 
round  them,  the  Christian  Society  could  not  but 
feel  the  need  of  lecturers  of  its  own.  Elsewhere, 
among  slaves  and  artisans,  it  might  be  enough  to 
hand  down  the  simple  tradition  of  the  fiiith,  to  de- 
velope  that  teaching  as  we  find  it  in  the  Catechesea 
of  Cyril  of  JerusaleuL  The  age  of  apologists,  ap- 
pealing, as  they  did,  to  an  educated  and  reading 
class,  must  have  made  the  demand  for  such  teachers 
more  urgent,  and  the  appearance  of  Pantaenus  as 
the  first  certainly  known  teacher,  indicates  that 
he  was  summonea  oy  the  Church  to  supply  it. 
In  a  room  in  his  own  house,  or  one  hired  for  the 
purpose,  the  teacher  received  the  inquirers  who 
came  to  him.  It  was  not  a  school  for  boys,  but 
for  adults.  Men  and  women  alike  had  free  access 
to  him.  The  school  was  open  from  morning 
to  evening.  As  of  old,  in  the  schools  of  the 
Babbia,  as  in  those  of  the  better  sophists  and 
philosophers  of  Greece,  there  was  no  charge  for 
admission.  If  any  payment  was  made  it  came,  in 
the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  as  an  honorcuHwn 
from  grateftd  pupils  (Euseb.  H.  E,  vi.  4). 
After  a  time  he  naturally  divided  his  hearers 
into  classes.  Those  who  were  on  the  threshold 
were,  it  is  natural  to  think,  called  on,  as  in  the 
Cohortatio  ad  Graecoa  of  Clement,  to  turn  from 
the  obscenities  and  frivolities  of  Paganism  to  the 
living  and  true  God.  Then  came,  as  in  his  Paeda- 
ffogWy  the  '*  milk  "  of  Catechesis,  teaching  them 
to  follow  the  Divine  Instructor  by  doing  all 
things,  whether  they  ate  or  drank,  in  obedience 
to  ms  wilL  Then  the  more  advanced  were  led 
on  to  the  *'  strong  meat "  of  ^  iirorrucii  Buppia 
(Qem.  Alex.,  Strom,  v.  p.  686,  Pott.).  At  times 
he  would  speak,  as  in  a  continuous  lecture, 
and  then  would  pause,  that  men  might  ask  the 
questions  which  were  in  their  hearts  (Origen, 
in  Matt,  2V.  xiv.  16).  The  treatises  which 
remain  to  us  of  Clement's,  by  his  own  account 
of  them,  embody  his  reminiscences  of  such  instruc- 
tion partly  as  given  by  others,  partly  doubtless 
as  given  by  himself.  We  may  fairly  look  on 
Origen's  treatises  and  expositions  as  having  had 
a  like  parentage.  (Comp.  Guerike,  DeSdiold 
Alex. ;  Hasselbach,  De  Schola  Alex, ;  Redepen- 
ning's  Origenes,  i.  57,  ii.  10;  and  Art.  Alex- 
andrinischee  Catecheten  Sckuley  in  Herzog's  Real, 
Encyohpadie ;  Neander's  Church  History  [Engl. 
Translation],  ii.  260,  et  eeq.)  [E.  H.  P.] 

ALEXANDRIA,  COUNCILS  OF.  There 
were  no  councils  of  Alexandria  proportionate  to 
its  situation  as  the  marine  gate  of  the  East,  or  to 
the  fame  of  its  catechetical  and  eclectic  sdiools. 


n 


48 


ALEXANDRIA 


or  to  its  ecclesiastical  position,  as  hftying  been 

the  second  see  of  the  world.    And  the  first  of 

theiQ  was  held  A.D.  230,  under  Demetrius,  in  a 

hastj  moment,  to  pass  judgment  upon  one  of 

the  most  distinguished  Alexandrians  that  ever 

lived,  Origen  :  his  chief  fault  being  that  he  had 

been  ordained  priest  in  Palestine,  out  of  the 

diocese.     His  works  were  condemned  in  this, 

and  he  himself  excommunicated  and  deposed  in  a 

8ubsequc>nt  council ;  but  both  sentences  were 

disregarded  bj  the  bishops  of  Palestine,  under 

whose  patronage  he  continued  to  teach  and  to 

preach  as  before. 

A.D.  235 — ^There  was  a  synod  under  Heraclas, 

who  is  said  to  have  appointed  20  bishops ; 

one  of  whom,  Ammonius,  having  betrayed 

the  faith,  was  reclaimed  at  this  synod. 

A.D.  263— This  was  a  synod,  under  Diunysius, 

against  the  errors  of  Sabellius ;  in  another, 

Nepotianus,  a  bishop  of  Egypt,  and  Ce- 

rinthus  fell  under  censure  for  their  views 

on  the  Millennium. 

AJ>.  306 — under  Peter;  against  Meletius,  a 

bishop  of  Lycopolis,  who  had  sacrificed  to 

idols,  and  was  therefore  deposed. 

A.D.  321 — ^Against  Arius,  who  was  deposed  in 

two  synods  this  year  under  Alexander. 
A.D.  324--Against  Arius  once  more ;  but  this 
time  under  Hosius,  Bishop  of  Cordova,  who 
had    been    despatched    to  Alexandria   to 
make  enquiries,  by  Constantino. 
A.D.  328 — ^When  St.  Athanasius  was  conse- 
crated bishop.    (On  the  date,  see  Mansi, 
ii.  1086.) 
A.D.  340  —In  favour  of  St.  Athanasius.    De- 
puties were  sent  from  the  council  to  Rome 
and  Tyre  in  that   sense.     Its  synod  ical 
letter  is  given  by  St.  Athanasius  in  his  2nd 
Apology. 
A.D.  352— Called  "Egyptian;"  in  favour  of 

St.  Athanasius  again. 
A.D.  362 — under  St.  Athanasius,  on  his  return 
from    exile,   concerning   those    who    had 
Arianised.    It  published  a  syno^ical  letter. 
On  its  wise  and  temperate  decisions,  see 
Newman's  Arians,  v.  1. 
A.D.  363 — ^under  St.  Athanasius  on  the  death  of 
Julian ;  published  a  synodical  letter  to  the 
new  emperor  Jovian. 
A.D.  371 — Of  90  bishops,  under  St.  Athanasius : 
to  protest  against  Auxentius  continuing  in 
the  see  of  Milan.    This  is  one  of  those 
called  «  Egyptian." 
A.D.   371 — under  St.  Athanasius   the    same 
year ;  to  receive  a  profession  of  faith  from 
Marcellus,  Bishop  of  Ancyra,  which  turned 
out  orthodox. 
A.D.  399 — ^Against  the  followers  of  Origen, 
who  were  condemned.   Part  of  its  synodical 
letter  is  preserved  in  that  of  the  emperor 
Justinian  to  Mennas  on  the  same  subject 
long  afterwards. 
A.D.  430 — ^under  St.  Cyril  against  Kestorius  ; 
where   St.    Cyril    indited    his   celebrated 
epistle  with  the  twelve  anathemas. 
A.D.  457 — under  Timothy,  sumamed  Aelurus, 
or  the  Cat,  at  which  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon  was  condemned.    This  was  repeated, 
A.D.  477. 
A.D.  482 — At  which  John  Tabenniosites  was  con- 
secrated bishop ;  he  was  ejected  at  once  by 
the  emperor  Zeno^  when  Peter  Moggus  re- 


AL£XAKDBIA 

turned,  and  m  a  subsequent  synod  the 
same  year  condemned  the  4th  cooncil, 
having  first  caused  a  schism  amongst  his 
own  followers  by  subscribing  to  the  He- 
notioon  (Evag.  iii.  12-16). 
A.D.  485— under  Quintian,  to  pronounce  Peter 

the  Fuller  deposed  from  Antioch. 
A.D.  578— The  last  of  those  called  Egyptian ; 
it  was  composed  of  Jacobites,  to  consider 
the    case   of  the  Jacobite    patriarch   ot* 
Antioch,  Paul. 
A.D.  589 — under  Eulogius ;   against  the  Sa 

maiitans. 
A.D.  633 — under  Cyrus,  the  Monothelite  pa- 
triarch :    the  acts  and  synodical  letter  of 
which  are  preserved  in  the  13th  action  of 
the  6th  general  counciL    This  is  the  last 
on  record. 
The  interests  of  the  Church  History  of  Alex- 
andria are  so  great,  that  a  few  words  may  be 
added  respecting  its  patriarchate. 

The  patriarchate  of  Alexandria  grew  out  of  the 
see  founded  there  by  St.  Mark,  "  according  to  the 
constant  and  unvarying  tradition  both  o£  the  East 
and  West "  (Neale's  Patriarch  of  Alex,  1.  1.) ;  to 
which  jurisdiction  was  assigned,  as  of  ancient 
custom  appertaining,  by  the  6th  Nioene  canon, 
over  "Egypt^  Libya,. and  Pentapolis."  This  was, 
in  effect,  what  was  already  known  as  the  Egyp- 
tian  diocese,  being  one  of  five  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  praefect  of  the  East,  and  com- 
prehending itself  six  provinces.  Of  these,  An- 
gustanica  was  subdivided  into  Augustanica  prims, 
and  secunda :  the  first  stretching  upon  the  coast 
from  Rhinocorura  on  the  borders  of  Palestine  to 
Diospolis  on  the  east  of  the  Mendesian  mouth  of 
the  Nile,  with  the  second  immediately  under  it 
inland ;  Egypt  proper  was  likewise  subdivided 
into  prima  and  secunda,  of  which  seconds 
stretched  westwards  of  the  same  mouth  of  the 
Nile  along  the  coast,  with  prima  lying  imme- 
diately under  it  inland.  Then  Arcadia  at  Hep- 
tanomis,  foiining  the  3rd  province,  lay  under 
Augustanica  secunda  and  Aegyptus  prima  on 
both  sides  of  the  Nile  ;  and  south  of  this  Thebaic, 
or  the  4th  province,  whose  subdivisions,  prims 
comprehended  all  the  rest  of  the  country  lying 
north,  and  secunda  all  the  country  lying  south 
of  Thebes,  included  in  Egypt.  Returning  to- 
wards the  coast,  westwards  of  Aegyptus  secunda, 
the  5th  province,  Libya  inferior  or  secunda,  was 
also  called  Marmarica ;  and  to  the  west  of  it 
was  the  6th  province,  Libya  Pentapolis,  also 
called  Cyrenaica.  The  ecclesiastical  arrange- 
ments in  each  of  these  provinces  have  yet  to  be 
given.  For  this  purpose  the  "Notitia**  pub- 
lished by  Beveridge  (Synod,  ii.  143-4)  migiit 
have  been  transcribed  at  length  ;  but  as  the  sites 
of  so  many  of  the  sees  are  unknown,  their  mere 
names,  which  are  often  uncouth  and  of  doubtful 
spelling,  would  be  devoid  of  interest.  It  ma> 
suffice  to  enumerate  them,  with  their  metropolb 
in  each  case.  Thus  Augustanica  prima  con- 
tained 14  episcopal  sees,  of  which  Pelusium  was 
the  metropolis ;  Augustanica  secunda  6,  at  the 
head  of  which  was  Leonto ;  Aegyptus  prima  20, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  Alexandria  ;  Aegjrptns 
secunda  12,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Cabssa 
The  province  of  Arcadia  contained  6,  under  the 
metropolitan  of  Oxyrinchus ;  but  7  are  given 
subsequently,  corresponding  to  the  7  mouths  of 
the  Nile,  of  which  Alexandria  is  placed  first 


ALEXANDRIA 


ALEXANDRA 


49 


That  vere  8  tees  in  Thebais  prima,  under  the 
■cCropoUUn  of  Antino ;  and  twice  that  number 
ii  TMiak  Mconda,  under  the  metropolitan  of 
Plolanaii.  Ubja  secunda,  or  Marmarica,  con- 
taiaed  8,  nnder  the  metropolitan  of  Dranicon ; 
and  Libja  Pentapolis  6,  at  the  head  of  which 
vat  Sotiua.  Tripoli  was  a  later  acquisition,  in- 
daiiaf  3  sees  onl j.  They  may  have  been  placed 
aader  Alexandria  subsequently  to  the  time  of 
the  4th  Council,  when  all  to  the  west  of  them 
Isf  in  oonfusion  nnder  the  Vandals ;  and  possibly 
■aj  hare  been  intended  to  compensate  for  those 
two  sees  1^  Berytus  and  Rabba  bordering  on 
Mestine,  of  which  Alexandria  was  then  robbed 
to  swell  the  patriarchate  of  Jerusalem  on  the 
noth-vsst  (Cave,  Ck  Govt.  ir.  11).  The  list  of  1 
•MS  in  Le  Qaien  (Orisiu  Christianus,  vol.  ii.  p. 
330-640),  tllustrated  by  a  map  of  the  patriarch- 
tte  from  D^AnTille,  agrees  with  the  above  in 
BMft  respects,  only  that  it  is  shorter. 

Alexandria  had  been  synonymous  with  ortho- 
iuj  while  St.  Athanasius  liyed ;  shortly  after 
hii  death,  however,  the  next  place  after  Rome, 
wkich  it  had  ever  enjoyed  from  Apostolic  times, 
vas  girea  by  the  2nd  General  Council  to  Con- 
stsatioople.     For  this  it  seemed  to  hare  re- 
oGTKd  ample  compensation  in  the  humiliation 
sf  the  Coostantinopolitan  patriarch  Nestorius, 
si  the  3rd  Council  under  St.  Cyril ;  when  the 
viDt  of  tact  and  perverseness  of  his  successor 
Diosooms  enabled  the  more  orthodox  patriarchs 
of  Jerusalem  and  Constantinople  to  help  them- 
idres  at  its  expense,  and  obtain  sanction  for 
that  proceedings  at  the  4th  Council.    For  a 
tone,  it  is  true,  Rome  peremptorily  refttsed  as- 
sestii^  to  them ;  and  charged  their  authors  with 
hsTiag  infringed  the  Nicene  canons.    But  Alex- 
sadria  &liing  into  the  hands  of  those  by  whom 
the  doctrinal  decisions  of  the  4th  Council  were 
esUed  in  question  and  even  condemned,  Rome 
Mturally  ceased  taking  any  further  steps  in  its 
&Toar;  and  nnder  Jacobite  patriarchs  princi- 
pdly,  and    sometimes    exclusively,  Alexandria 
gndoally  came  to  exercise  no  palpable  influence 
whatever,  even  as  3rd  see  of  the  world,  on  the 
Rst  of  the  Church.    Le  Quien  reckons  48  patri- 
archs in  all,  down  to  Eustathius,  who  was  con- 
secrated AJ>.  801,  but  several  of  them  were 
heretical;  and  there  were  numerous  anti-patri- 
aithi,  botii  heretical  and  schismatical,  from  time 
to  time  disputing  their  claims.     The  'Art  de 
verifier  les  Dates*  makes  this  Eustathius  the 
Wih  patriarch.     Dr.  Neale  makes  him  the  40th, 
aad  coatemporary  with  Hark  XL,  the  49th  Jaco- 
bite pstriardi. 

There  were   several    peculiarities    connected 
with  the  see  of  Alexandria,  which  have  been 
vsrioosly  explained.    One  rests  upon  the  autho- 
rity of  Eutychius,  patriarch  of  Alexandria  in  the 
10th  century,  and  of  St.  Jerome.    The  words  of 
Entyefaios  are  as  follows :  ^  St.  Mark  along  with 
Aautas  ordained  12  presbyters  to  remain  with 
the  patriarch ;  so  that  when  the  chair  should 
beoome  vacant,  they  might  elect  one  out  of  the 
12  oa  whose  head  the  other  11  should  lay  their 
hands,  gire  him  benediction,  and  constitute  him 
pitriardi;  and  should   after  this  choose  some 
othe**  nun  to  supply  the  place  of  the  promoted 
pJ^ibyter,  in  such   sort    that   the   presbytery 
i^ud  always  consist  of  12.    This  custom  con- 
liBoed  at  Alexandria  till  the  time  of  the  patri- 
udi  Alexander,  one  of  tne  318  (Fathers  of 

cimsr.  AFT. 


Nicaea)  who  forbade  the  presbyters  in  future  U. 
ordain  their  patriarch ;  but  decreed  that  on  a 
vacancy  of  the  see,  the  neighbouring  bishops 
should  convene  for  the  purpose  of  filling  it  with 
a  proper  patriarch,  whether  elected  from  those 
12  presbyters  or  from  any  others."    Eutychius 
adds,  "  that  during  the  time  of  the  firit  10  patri 
archs,  there  were  no  bishops  in  Egjpt;  Deme- 
trius the  11th  having  been  the  first  t«  consecrate 
them."    (Taken  from  Neale,  p.  9.)    This  per- 
haps may  serve  to  explain  the  extreme  offence 
taken  by  Demetrius  at  the  ordination  of  Origen 
to  the  priesthood  out  of  the  diocese,  if  a  priest 
in  Alexandria  was  so  much  more  to  the  bishop 
than  a  priest  elsewhere.     It  may  also  serve  to 
explain  the  haste  with  which  Alexander  insti- 
tuted proceedings  against  Arius.    The  passage 
of  St.  Jerome  seems  conclusive  as  to  the  inter- 
pretation to  be  given   to    that  of  Eutychius. 
This  Father  in  an  epistle  to  Evagrius,  while 
dwelling  on  the  dignity  of  the  priesthood,  thus 
expresses  himself:    *^At  Alexandria,  from   the 
time  of  St.  Mark  the  Evangelist  to  that  of  the 
bishops  Heraclas  and  Dionysius  (in  the  middle 
of  the  Srd  century),  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
presbyters  to  nominate  one,  elected  from  among 
themselves,  to  the  higher  dignity  of  the  bishopric ; 
just  as  the  army  makes  an  emperor,  or  the  dea- 
cons nominate  as  archdeacon  any  man  whom  the? 
know  to  be  of  active  habits  in  their  own  body. ' 
{Ibid,"),    St.  Jerome  would  be  talking  nonsense, 
if  the  12  of  whom   he   is  speaking  had  been 
bishops  themselves;  that  is,  of  the  same  rank 
as  their  nominee  was  to  be.    Hence  the  theory 
of  an  episcopal  college,  to  which  Dr.  Neale  seems 
to  incline,  falls  to  the  ground  at  once.     On  the 
other  hand,  it  seems  unquestionable  that  St. 
Jerome  must  have  meant  election,  not  ordina- 
tion, from  the  marked  emphasis  with  which  he 
lays  down  elsewhere  that  presbyters  cannot  or- 
dain.   Otherwise,  from  the  age  in  which  Euty- 
chius lived,  and  still  more  the  language  in  which 
he  wrote,  it  would  hardly  be  possible  to  prove 
that  he  meant  election  only,  when  he  certainly 
seems  to  be  describing  consecration.     But  again, 
if  there  were  **  no  bishops  in  Egvpt  during  the 
timo  of  the  first  ten  patriarchs,"  how  could  epis- 
copal consecration  be  had,  when  once  the  patri- 
arch had  ceased  to  live  ?    To  this  no  satisfactory 
answer    has    ever  been  returned.     Eutychius, 
though  he  lived  in  the  10th  century,  may  be 
supposed  to  have  known  more  about  the  ancient 
customs  of  his  see,  in  a  land  like  Egypt,  than 
those  who  have  decried  him.    And  certainly, 
though  we  know  there  were  bishops  in  Egypt 
under  Demetrius,   for   two    synods  of  bishops 
(Phot.  Bibl.  s.  118  and  Huet.  Origen.  i.  12),  we 
are  told,  met  under  him  to  condemn  Origen ;  it 
would   be  difficult  to   produce   any  conclusive 
testimony  to  the  fact  that  there  were  any  epis- 
copal sees  there,  besides  that  of  Alexandria,  be- 
fore then.    The  vague  statement  of  the  Emperor 
Adrian,  **  IIH  qui  Serapim  colunt  Christiani  sunt ; 
et  devoti  sunt  Serapi,  qui  se  Christi  episcopos 
dicunt,"  speaking  of  Egypt,  clearly  warrants  no 
Huch  inference,  standing  alone;  nor  does  it  ap- 
jioar  to  have  ever  been  suggested  that  each  of 
the  first  ten   patriarchs    consecrated  his  suc- 
cessor during  his  own  life-time.    Tet  there  was 
a  strange  haste  in  electing  a  new  patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  that  seems  to  require  some  expla- 
nation.   The  new  patriarch,  we  leai  n  from  Libe« 

£ 


60 


ALEXIUS 


ALIENATION 


ratus,  always  interred  his  predecessor ;  and  be- 
fore doing  80,  placed  his  dead  hand  on  his  own 
head.  Can  it  have  been  in  this  way,  daring 
that  early  period,  extraordinary  as  it  may  seem, 
that  episcopal  consecration  was  supposed  to  be 
obtained,  as  it  were,  in  one  continuous  chain 
from  St.  Mark  himself?  The  position  of  the 
patriarch  after  consecration  was  so  exceptional, 
that  it  would  be  no  wonder  at  all  if  his  consecra- 
tion differed  materially  from  all  others.  In 
civil  matters  his  authority  was  very  great ;  in 
ecclesiastical  matters  it  was  quite  despotic.  All 
bishops  in  Egypt  were  ordained  by  him  as  their 
sole  metropolitan.  If  any  other  bishop  ever  per- 
formed metropolitan  iiinctions,  it  was  as  his  dele- 
gate. The  Egyptian  bishops  themselves,  in  the 
4th  action  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  professed 
loudly  tuat  they  were  impotent  to  act  but  at 
his  bidding  ;  and  hence  they  excused  themselves 
from  even  subscribing  to  the  letter  of  St.  Leo 
while  they  were  without  a  patriarch,  after  Dios- 
twrus  had  been  deposed ;  and  that  so  obstinately, 
that  their  subscription  was  allowed  to  stand 
over,  till  the  new  patriarch  had  been  consecrated. 
The  patriarch  could  moreover  ordain  presbyters 
and  deacons  throughout  Egypt  in  any  number, 
where  he  would;  and  it  is  thought  probable 
that  the  presbyters,  his  assessors,  had  power  given 
tliem  by  him  to  confirm.  All  the  episcopal  sees 
in  Egypt  seem  to  have  <»*iginated  with  him  alone. 
As  early  as  the  3rd  century  we  find  him  called 
**papa,"  archbishop  in  the  next,  and  patriarch 
in  the  5th  century,  but  not  till  after  St.  Cyril. 
In  later  times,  "judge  of  the  whole  world  "  was 
a  title  given  him,  on  account  of  his  having  for- 
merly fixed  Easter.  On  the  liturgies  in  use  in 
the  Egyptian  diocese,  Dr.  Neale  says  (Oeneral 
Tntrod,  i.  323-4),  *^  The  Alexandrine  family  con- 
tains 4  liturgies :  St.  Mark,  which  is  the  normal 
form,  St.  Basil,  St.  Cyril,  and  St.  Gregory.  .  .  . 
St.  Mark's  was  the  rite  of  the  orthodox  Church 
of  Alexandria.  .  .  .  The  other  three  are  used  by 
the  Monophysites.  St.  Basil  (t.  e.  the  Copto- 
Jacobite)  is  the  normal  and  usual  form ;  St. 
Gregory  is  employed  in  Lent ;  St.  Cyril  on  festi- 
vals. .  .  .  Why  the  first  of  these  liturgies  bears 
the  name  of  Sasil "  is  uncertain.  "  It  is  not 
possible  now  to  discover  its  origin,  though  it 
would  appear  to  have  been  originally  Catholic; 
to  have  been  translated  from  the  Greek  into 
Coptic,  and  thence  after  many  ages  into  Arabic. 
The  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  is  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  the  same  as  that  of  St.  Mark  .... 
and  in  both  that,  and  in  the  office  of  St.  Gregory, 
the  first  part  is  taken  from  the  normal  liturgy 
of  St.  Basil."  Both  the  proanaphoral  and  ana- 
phoral  parts  of  the  Copto-Jacobite  liturgy  of  Si. 
Basil,  together  with  the  anaphoral  part  of  that 
of  St.  Mark  are  given  in  parallel  columns  farther 
on  in  the  same  work.  And  the  Copto-Jacobite 
patriarchal  church  at  Alexandria,  said  to  be  the 
burial-place  of  the  head  of  St.  Mark,  and  of  72 
of  the  patriarchs,  is  described  there  likewise,  p. 
277.  Between  the  two  works  of  Dr.  Neale 
already  cited,  and  the  Orieru  Christiantis  of  Le 
Quien,  everything  further  that  has  yet  been 
discovered  on  the  subject  of  this  patriarchate 
may  be  ootained.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ALEXIUS,  i  h'Ofwvos  rov  Stov,  comme- 
morated March  17  (Co/.  Byzant);  July  17 
{Afart.  Rom.).  [C] 


ALIENATION  OF  CHURCH  PBO- 
PEBTY.  —  In  treating  of  a  subject  like  that 
of  the  alienation  of  Church  property,  the  canons 
and  other  authorities  cited  as  evidence  of  the 
law  concerning  it  might  either  be  arranged  ae- 
'  cording  to  the  various  descriptions  of  property 
to  which  they  refer,  or  else  the  entire  legisktion 
I  of  each  church  and  nation  might  be  exhibited  ia 
chronological  order  apart  ft-om  the  rest.  The 
latter  plan  has  been  here  adopted,  both  as  being 
more  suitable  to  a  general  article,  and  also 
because  in  matters  of  church  order  and  disci- 
pline the  canons  of  councils  were  not  in  force 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  churches  in  which  they 
were  authoritatively  promulgated. 

The  alienation — by  which  is  t«  be  understood 
the  transference  by  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  per- 
petual emphyteusis  •— of  Church  property  [see 
PROPEBXr  OF  THE  Chubch]  was  from  early  times 
restrained  by  special  enactments. 

It  is  a  much  debated  question  amongst  Ca- 
nonists whether  or  not  alienation,  except  in  ex- 
traordinary cases,  was  absolutely  prohibited  in 
the  first  ages  of  the  Church,  by  reason  of  the 
sacred  character  impressed  upon  property  given 
for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  by  that  act  dedi- 
cated to  God  (see  Balsamon  in  can.  12,  Cone.  VU. 
ap.  Beveridge  Pond.  Can,  L  303).  As,  however, 
the  property  of  the  Church  must  in  those  time^ 
have  consisted  only  of  the  offerings  and  oblations 
of  the  fiuthful,  which  were  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  bishops,^  it  would  appear  most  probable 
that  they  were  free  to  make  such  use  of  it  as 
they  might  think  would  be  productive  of  the 
greatest  benefit  to  their  several  dioceses. 

The  general  law  of  the  Church  has  been  well 
epitomised  in  the  Commentary  of  Balsamon  (ap. 
Beveridge  Pand.  Can.  IL  177).  ^  Unusquisqne 
nostrorum  Episcoporum  rationem  administra- 
tionis  rerum  suae  Ecclesiae  Deo  reddet.  Yaai 
enim  pretiosa  Ecclesiarum,  seu  sacra,  et  reliqoa 
Deo  consecrata,  et  possessiones  immobilea,  noii 
sunt  alienabilia,  et  Ecclesiae  servantur.  £ccl»- 
siastioorum  autem  redituum  administratio  secure 
credi  audacterque  committi  debere  illis,  qui  statis 
temporibuB  sunt  Episoopi."  Its  history,  as  it  is 
found  in  the  councils  of  different  chimshes,  has 
now  to  be  traced. 

In  the  East, — ^The  earliest  canon  which  refers 
to  the  subject  is  the  15th  canon  of  the  Conndl 
of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314),  which  provides  that  the 
Church  (on  the  expression  rh  xvpuuchtf  see  Beve- 
ridge, Adnott,  in  loc.)  may  resume  possession  of 
whatever  property  the  presbyters  of  a  dioceie 
may  have  sold  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see; 
but  this  canon  does  not  limit  any  power  which 
the  bishop  himself  may  previously  have  poesesaed, 
and  is  simply  an  application  of  the  well-known 
rule  **  sede  vacante  nihil  innovetur." 

The  Council  of  Antioch  (a.o.  341)  has  two 
canons,  the  24th  and  25th,  bearing  upon  this 

•  On  the  natare  of  this  tenure  see  Smith's  Dietiomanf 
of  Oredc  and  Roman  AntiquUiegt  sub  voo^  *£bpbj- 
teusis.'  It  may  be  described  in  brief  as  the  rif^t  to  me 
another  person's  land  as  one's  own,  on  condition  of  colti- 
vaiing  it,  and  paying  a  fixed  rent  at  fixed  times. 

^  Tbe  oath  now  taken  by  bishops  consecrated  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman  ordinal,  contains  a  clause  relating  to 
ibe  alienation  of  Chnrdi  property.  In  what  words  and 
at  what  time  a  clause  of  this  nature  was  first  InCrodiioed 
into  the  ordinal  is  a  quesUoa  which  has  given  rise  lo 
much  controversy. 


ALIENATION  OP  CHURCH  PBOPEBTY 


51 


an  eithier  imitated  fxx>m  the 
39th  and  40Ui  Apoctolie  Caiioiu,  or  haye  been 
mitatod  by  tike  authors  of  tiiat  oollection  [Afo6- 
TQUC  CabobbI.    The  24th  directs  that  Church 
fnftxij,  whiclk  ought  to  be  administered  subject 
to  tht  judcment  and  authority  of  the  bishop, 
ihsald  be  distinguished  in  such  a  way  that  the 
pccsbyteis  and  deaoons  may  know  of  what  it 
eoBsif^  to  tiiai  at  the  bishop's  death  it  may  not 
be  cmbttiled,  or  lost,  or  mixed  up  with  his  private 
pnpexty.    That  part  of  tlus  canon  in  which 
rafiraee  u  made  to  the  duties  imposed  on  pres- 
bftcn  and  deacons  is  not  contained  in  the  Apos- 
tolic caaw.    This  omission  would  seem  to  point 
to  the  eoodusion  that  this  council  is  later  in 
4ato  than  the  39tli  Apostolic  canon ;  and  Beve- 
ridfe  {Cod,  Gm.  L  43}  draws  the  same  inference 
M  to  the  date  of  the  40th  Apostolic  canon  from 
ill  not  making  mention  of  ol  r«r  ieypmv  Kaprol, 
wnds  vliich  are  to  be  found  in  the  25th  Canon 
«f  Aatioch.  By  the  25th  canon  it  is  provided  that 
tbc  IWiBdal  Synod  should  have  jurisdiction  in 
cMBi  wiiere  the  Inshop  is  accused  of  converting 
Chndi  property  to  his  own  use,  which  was 
alio  ftfbidden   by   the  37th  Apostolic   canon, 
«r  TMiiaging  it  without  the  consent  (ji^  furi 
Yixtfn*)  of  the  presbyters  and  deaoons,  and  also 
is  caiei  where  the  bishop  or  the  presbyters  who 
art  associated  with  him  are  accused  of  any  mis- 
appropriation for  their  own  benefit.    Here  again 
it  will  be  noted  that  the  effect  of  this  canon  is 
to  asks  provision  for  the  better  and  more  care- 
fel  management  of  Church  property,  and  that  it 
dsei  not  abridge  any  right  of  alienation  which 
tbe  bishop  may  have  before  possessed.    It  must, 
hsverer,  be  obeerved   that  the  power  of  the 
biiliop  to  manage  (x«f  ^C'cO  Church  property  (an 
expcssion  which  would  doubtless  incdnde  the 
set  of  alienation)  is  qoalified  by  the  proviso  that 
it  most  be  exercised  with  the  consent  of  his 
pmbytcrs  and  deaoons. 

The  7th  and  8th  oanons  of  the  Council  of 
(the  date  of  this  council  is  uncertain, 
writers  placing  it  as  early  as  a.d.  324,  and 
late  as  A.i>.  871 :  see  Van  Espen, 
DimrtaUo  m  Synothtm  GangreHaem,  Op.  iii.  120, 
«d.  Loraa.  1753,  and  Beveridge,  Jdnott,  in  id. 
Cbac,  who  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  it  was 
bcU  a  short  time  before  the  Council  of  Antioch, 
AJii  S41X  prohibit  under  pain  of  anathema  all 
fsrsiMi  from  alienating  (diMMu  f(»  rif s  ^icicXi}- 
das)  produce  belonging  to  the  Qiurdi,  except 
they  fest  obtain  the  consent  of  the  bishop  or  his 
oeeononras,  or  officer  entrusted  with  the  care  of 
Church  property. 

The  enactments  contained  in  the  second  Coun- 
cQ  of  Nieaea  (or  as  it  is  generally  styled  the  7th 
OseoBieiiical  Coundl)  A.i>.  787,  will  be  more  con- 
tcsieitly  considered  below. 

nt  African  Qmrch  seems  to  have  found  it 
neceiMij  to  place  special  restrictions  upon  the 
power  ii  aliouting  Church  property  possessed 
by  bishops  under  the  general  law.  By  the  31st 
caaea  of  the  oode  known  as  the  Statuia  Ecclesiae 
AtHqnoy  promulgated  (according  to  Bruns,  Ca- 
aows,  i.  140)  at  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage 
(aj».  3M),  the  bishop  is  enjoined  to  use  the  pos- 
■  ■iuui  of  the  Church  as  trustee,  and  not  as  if 
thej  were  his  own  property ;  and  by  the  next 
caaoo  all  gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church 
property  uMde  by  bishops  without  the  consent  in 
vritiag  (**  absque  oonniventia  et  subscriptione  ") 


of  their  clergy  are  pronounced  invalid.  In  the 
Slst  canon  there  are  ftirther  provisions  against 
the  unauthorized  alienation  of  Church  property 
by  the  inferior  clergy.  If  convicted  in  the 
synod  of  this  offence  they  are  to  make  restitu* 
Uon  out  of  their  own  property. 

Again  by  the  26th  (ap.   Bw.  29th)  canon 
of  the  Codex  EcclesUu  Africanae  promulgated 
A.D.  419,  which  repeats  the  4th  canon  of  the 
5th   Council    of  Carthage   (a.d.  401),    it   is 
ordained  that  no  one  sell  the  real  propei-ty  be- 
longing to  the  Church ;  but  if  some  very  uigent 
reason  for  doing  so  should  arise,  it  is  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  Primate  of  the  Province,  who  is 
to  determine  in  council  with  the  proper  number  of 
bishops  (t.«.  twelve)  whether  a  sale  is  to  be  made 
or  not ;  but  if  the  necessity  for  action  is  so  great 
that  the  bishop  cannot  wait  to  consult  the  synod, 
then  he  is  to  summon  as  witnesses  the  neigh- 
bouring bishops  at  least,  and  to  be  careful  after- 
wards to  report  the  matter  to  the  synod.    The 
penalty  of  disobedience  to  this  canon  was  de- 
position.    By  the  33rd  canon  (ap.  Bev.  36th) 
presbyters  are  forbidden  to  sell  any  Church  pro- 
perty without  the  consent  of  their  bishops;  and 
in  like  manner  the  bishops  are  forbidden  to  sell 
any  Church  lands  (praedia)  without  the  privity 
of  their  Synod  or  presbyters.     (See  on  these 
canons  Van  Espen,  Op,  liL  299,  &c;   and  the 
8(Mion  of  Babtamon  ap.  Bev,  Pond,  Can.  L  551.) 
Passing  ftom  Asia  Minor  and  Aftica  to  ItcUjf, 
the  earliest  provisions  with  reference  to  alienation 
to  be  found  in  the  councils  are  in  the  council  held 
at  Rome  by  Pope  Symmachns  in  A.D.  502.    The 
circumstances  under  which  the  canons  of  this 
council  were  passed  (and  which  relate  solely  to  Uie 
question  of  alienation)  are  thus  described  by  Dean 
Milman :  '^  On  the  vacancy  of  the  see  [by  the  death 
of  Pope  Simplicius,  A.D.  483]  occurred  a  singular 
scene.   The  clergy  were  assembled  in  St.  Peter's. 
In  the  midst  of  them  stood  up  Basilius,  the 
Patrician  and  Prefect  of  Bome,  acting  as  Vice- 
gerent of  Odoaoer  the  barbarian  King.     He  ap- 
peared by  the  command  of  his  master,  and  by 
the  admonition  of  the  deceased  Simplicius,  to 
take  care  that  the  peace  of  the  city  was  not 
disturbed  by  any  sedition  or  tumult  during  the 
election.    ...    He  proceeded,  as  the  protector 
of  the  Church  from  loss  and  iigury  by  church- 
men, to  proclaim  the  following  edict :  *  That  no 
one  under  the  penalty  of  anathema  should  alio* 
nate  any  farm,  buildings,  or  ornaments  of  the 
churches;  that  such  alienation  by  any  bishop 
present  or  ftiture  was  null  and  void.'    So  im- 
portant did  this  precedent  appear,  so  dangerous 
in  the  hands  of  these  schismatios  who  would 
even  in  those  days  limit  the  sacerdotal  power, 
that  nearly  twenty  years  after,  a  fortunate  occa- 
sion was  seized  by  the  Pope  Symmachns  to  annul 
this  decree.    In  a  Synod  of  bishops  at  Rome  the 
edict  was  rehearsedf,  interrupted  by  protests  of 
the  bishops  at  this  presumptuous  interference  of 
the  laity  with  affidrs  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
The  authenticity  of  the  decree  was  not  called 
in  question;  it  was  declared  invalid  as  being 
contrary  to  the  usages  of  the  Fathers  enacted 
on  lay  authority,  and  as  not  being  ratified  by 
the  signature  of  any  Bishop  at  Bome.     The 
same  council,  however,  acknowledged  its  wisdom 
by  re-enacting  its  ordinances  asainst  the  aliena- 
tion of  Church  property"  (Jlittory  of  Latin 
Chistiamtyy  vol.  i.,  p.  221,  2nd  ed.>    On  this 

£  2 


62 


ALIENATION  OP  CHUBCH  PROPERTY 


Connoil  Boehmer  notes  that  it  has  not  more 
authority  than  belongs  to  it  as  a  Conncil  of 
the  Italian  Church,  and  that  therefore  its  decrees 
(which  go  far  beyond  any  yet  promulgated  else- 
where) were  not  binding  upon  other  Churches. 
Previously,  howeyer,  to  this  date  Pope  Leo  the 
Qreat  (▲.D.  447)  had  written  to  the  bishops  of 
Sicily  and  forbidden  the  alienation  of  Church 
property  by  the  bishops  except  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Church,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  whole 
clergy  (Ep,  17).  Pope  Gelasius  also  (a.d.  492- 
496),  writing  to  Justinus  and  Faustus  (who  were 
acting  in  the  place  of  their  bishop),  directed  the 
restitution  of  all  property  belonging  to  the 
Church  of  Volterra  which  had  been  alienated  up 
to  that  time ;  and  in  another  letter  he  forbad 
the  appropriation  of  Church  lands  for  the  pay- 
ment of  any  particular  stipend  (Fragg.  23  and  24, 
ap.  Thiel> 

In  the  history  of  the  QaUioan  Church  the 
•arliest  reference  to  alienation  is  to  be  found 
in  a  letter  from  Pope  Hilarus  (a.d.  462)  to  the 
bishops  of  the  proyinces  of  Vienne,  Lyons,  Nar- 
bonne,  and  the  Maritime  Alps,  in  which  he  pro- 
hibits the  alienation  of  such  Church  lands  as  are 
neither  waste  nor  unproductive  (*'nec  deserta 
nee  damnosa ")  except  with  the  consent  of  a 
eouncil  (Ep,  8  sec.  ult.). 

The  Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  contains  seve- 
ral canons  on  alienation.  The  22nd  canon,  while 
declaring  that  it  is  superfluous  to  define  any- 
thing afresh  concerning  a  matter  so  well  known, 
and  a  practice  forbidden  by  so  many  ancient 
canons,  prohibits  the  clergy  from  selling  or 
giving  away  any  Church  property  under  pain  of 
being  excommunicated  and  having  to  Indemnify 
the  Church  out  of  their  private  resources  for 
any  loss,  the  transaction  being  at  the  same  time 
declared  void.  The  26th  canon  inflicts  the  like 
punishment  on  those  who  suppress  or  conceal  or 
give  to  the  unlawiul  possessor  any  document  by 
which  the  title  of  the  Church  to  any  property 
is  secured.  The  48th  canon  reserves  to  the 
Church  any  property  left  on  the  death  of  a 
bishop,  which  he  had  received  from  ecclesiastical 
sources.  The  49th  canon  repeats  almost  in  the 
same  words  the  above  cited  31st  canon  of  the 
Staivta  Eoclesiae  Antiqua  ;  the  53rd  canon  pro- 
hibits, and  pronounces  void,  any  alienation  by 
parish  priests ;  while  by  the  56th  canon  abbots 
are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  property  without 
the  bishop's  consent,  or  to  manumit  slaves,  ''as 
it  would  be  unjust  for  monks  to  be  engaged  in 
their  daily  labours  in  the  field  while  their  slaves 
were  enjoying  the  ease  of  liberty." 

The  1st  Council  of  Oi-leans  (a.d.  511)  places 
all  the  immoveable  property  of  the  Church  in 
the  power  of  the  bishop  **  that  the  decrees  of  the 
ancient  canons  may  be  observed**  (canons  14 
and  15). 

Pope  Symmachus,  A.D.  513  (who  died  a.d.  514), 
in  answering  certain  questions  put  to  him  by 
Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  forbids  Church  pro- 
perty to  be  alienated  under  any  pretence,  but 
be  permits  a  life  rent  to  be  enjoyed  by  clerks 
worthy  of  reward  (Ep,  15). 

By  the  5th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Cler- 
mont (a.d.  535)  all  persons  are  excommunicated 
who  obtain  any  Church  property  from  kings.    . 

In  the  same  year  Pope  Agapetus  writing  to 
Caesanus,  Bishop  of  Arlef ,  says,  that  he  is  un- 
willingly obliged  to  refu&e  the  bishop  permission 


to  alienate  some  Church  lands,  ^'revocant  nee 
veneranda  Patrnm  manifestissima  oonstituta, 
quibus  specialiter  prohibemur  praedia  juris  ec- 
clesiae  quolibet  titulo  ad  aliena  jura  transferre  ** 
iOonc,  GaU.  i.  240). 

The  12th  canon  of  the  3rd  Coundl  of  Orleans 
(a.d.  538)  allows  the  recovery  of  Church  pro- 
perty within  30  years,  and  ordains  that  if  the 
possessor  should  refuse  to  obey  the  judgment  of 
the  Council  ordering  him  to  surrender,  he  is 
excommunicated. 

The  23rd  canon  renews  the  prohibition  against 
the  alienation  of  Church  property  by  abbots  or 
other  clergy  without  the  written  consent  of  the 
bishop ;  and  by  the  9th  canon  of  the  4th  Council 
held  at  the  same  city  (a.d.  541)  it  is  provided 
that  Church  property  which  has  been  alienated 
or  encumbered  by  the  bishop  contrary  to  the 
canons  shall,  if  he  has  left  nothing  to  the 
Church,  be  returned  to  it ;  but  slaves  whom  he 
may  have  manumitted  shall  retain  their  freedom, 
though  they  must  remain  in  the  service  of  the 
Church.  The  11th,  18th,  30th,  and  34th  canons 
contain  further  provisions  on  the  subject. 

The  1st  canon  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Paris 
(a.d.  557)  is  directed  against  the  alienation  of 
Church  property,  but  this  canon,  as  well  as  those 
next  mentioned,  would  appear  to  refer  to  seizure 
by  force  rather  than  to  possession  by  any  quasi- 
legal  process.  Alienation  is  forbidden  by  the  2nd 
canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Lyons  (a.d.  567). 

In  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567)  there 
are  two  canons — the  24th  and  25th — relating  to 
the  recovery  of  Church  property  from  the  hands 
of  unlawful  possessors. 

In  Spain  the  Council  held  A.D.  589  at  Nar- 
bonne,  which  in  its  ecclesiastical  relations  most 
be  considered  in  Spain  (Wiltsch.  Geog.  of  the 
Church,  i.  100),  prohibits  the  alienation  of  Church 
property  by  the  inferior  clergy,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  bishop,  under  pain  of  suspension  for 
two  years  and  perpetual  inability  to  serve  in 
the  church  in  which  the  offence  was  committed 
(can.  8). 

By  the  3rd  Council  of  Toledo  (held  in  the  same 
year),  can.  3,  bishops  are  forbidden  to  alienate 
Church  property,  but  gifts  which,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  monks  of  the  diocese,  are  not  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  the  Church  cannot  be 
disturbed ;  by  the  next  canon  bishops  may 
assign  Church  property  for  the  support  of  a 
monastery  established  with  the  consent  of  his 
Synod. 

By  the  37th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Toledo  (A.D.  633)  the  bishop  is  permitted  (sub- 
ject to  the  confirmation  of  a  Provincial  Council) 
to  redeem  any  promise  of  rewai  d  made  for  ser- 
vices to  the  Church. 

The  9th  Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  655)  contains 
provisions  very  similar  to  the  above  cited  canons 
of  the  3rd  Council  held  at  the  same  place. 

In  England,  Archbishop  Theodore  of  Canter- 
bury (A.D.  668-690)  forbids  abbots  to  make  ex- 
changes without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  sod 
their  brethren  (Poenitentiale — De  Ahbatibus). 

The  Excerptiones  ascribed  erroneously  to  Arch- 
bishop Egbert  of  York  (who  held  that  metropo- 
litical  see  from  A.D.  732  to  766)  decbure  that 
gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church  property  bjr 
bishops  without  the  consent  and  written  per- 
mission of  the  clergy  shall  he  void  (cap.  144). 
The  Poenitentiale,  also  attributed  wrongly  to  the 


ALIENATION  OF  OHUBOH  PEOPEBTY 


53 


mnt  prelate,  permits  exchanges  between  mo- 
Mstcries  with  the  consent  of  both  oommnnities 
(addit.  25> 

The  last  Council  which  passed  canons  on  the 
nbjcct  of  alienation  during  the  period  covered 
br  this  article,  is  the  2nd  Council  of  Nicaea  (the 
**'SeTeoth  Oeenmenical  Conncil ")  held  A-D.  787. 
The  12th  canon  making  mention  of  the  39th 
Apostolic  Csnon  forbids  Uie  alienation  or  transfer 
of  Qiisreh  lands  hj  bishops  and  abbots  in  farour 
of  princes  or  other  secular  potentates ;  and  it  also, 
like  maaj  of  the  canons  hereinbefore  cited,  pro- 
biUts  bii^ops  from  appropriating  any  ecclesias- 
tkd  property  to  their  own  use  or  to  that  of 
tkdr  relatives.  Even  when  the  retention  of  any 
Charch  lands  is  unprofitable  they  may  not  be 
M.  to  magistrates  or  princes,  but  to  the  clergy 
n  to  fimners ;  and  these  again  may  not  sell  them 
to  msgistrates,  and  so  contravene  the  spirit  of  the 
cnunu  Sadi  deoeitiiil  transactions  are  invalid, 
sad  the  bishop  oi*  abbot  who  is  guilty  of  talcing 
part  in  them  is  to  be  deposed. — See  the  elaborate 
SAotiom  of  Balsamon  on  this  canon,  ap»  Bev, 
Pad,  Can.  i  303. 

Having  now  gone  through  the  principal 
cuoos  passed  by  the  ecclesiastical  assemblies  of 
the  first  eight  centuries,  there  remain  to  be  consi- 
dered the  law«  by  which  the  Christian  emperors 
hmited  the  power  of  the  Church  as  regards  the 
alienation  of  its  property. 

Cbostantine  the  Great  had  in  a  decree  of  the 
year  AJK  323  (sees.  16,  18)  assured  to  the 
Chorch  the  safe  enjoyment  of  its  property,  and 
lad  commanded  the  restitution  as  well  by  the 
State  as  by  private  individuals  of  all  such  pro- 
perty as  they  might  have  got  possession  of;  but 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  imperial 
Iqpslation  concerning  the  alienation  of  Church 
pnperty  until  after  the  promulgation  of  the 
Codtx  TKeodo&awus  in  ajd.  438. 

The  Codex  RepetUae  Fradectumit  promulgated 
bj  Jastinian  in  December  A.D.  534  contains  in 
tkc  2nd  title  of  the  1st  Book  various  provisions, 
■sde  by  his  predecessors  and  re-enacted  by  him, 
« the  subject  of  alienation. 

In  the  14th  section  there  is  a  constitution  of 
the  Emperor  Leo  (A.D.  470)  which  prohibits  the 
Archbishop  of  Constantinople,  or  any  of  his 
stewards  (oeoonomi)  from  alienating  in  any  way 
the  land  or  other  immoveable  property  or  the 
esloni  or  slaves  or  state  allowances  (civiles 
saaoase)  belonging  to  his  Church,  not  even  if  all 
the  dei^  agreed  with  the  Archbishop  and  his 
steward  as  to  the  propriety  of  the  transaction. 
The  reason  given  for  this  stringent  law  is  that 
as  the  Charch  which  b  the  mother  of  Religion 
and  Faith,  is  changeless,  her  property  ought  to 
be  preserved  also  without  change.  Any  trans- 
actions completed  in  defiance  of  this  constitution 
were  void,  and  all  profits  resulting  therefrom 
were  given  to  the  Church.  The  stewards  who 
vers  parties  to  the  act  were  to  be  dismissed,  and 
their  property  made  liable  for  any  damage  which 
■light  arise  tram  this  infringement  of  the  law. 
The  notaries  employed  were  to  be  sent  into  per- 
petasl  exile,  and  the  judge  who  ratified  the  pro- 
eeediag  was  punished  by  the  loss  of  his  office 
ud  the  eonnscation  of  his  propertv.  There 
was,  however,  an  exception  made  to  this  rule  in 
the  case  of  a  usufruct,  the  creation  of  which 
vss  permitted  for  a  term  of  years  or  for  the 
Bfc  of  the  nsafructnary*    (The  editions  of  the 


Corpus  Juris  Civilis  generally  contain  after  this 
section  a  series  of  extracts  from  the  Novells  on 
the  same  subject.) 

The  17th  section  contains  a  constitution  of  the 
Emperor  Anastasius  to  which  no  precise  date 
is  affixed  by  the  commentators,  but  which  must 
have  been  promulgated  between  the  years  A.D. 
491  and  517  (Haenel,  Indices  ad  Corpus  Legum 
ab  Imp,  Rom,  ante  Just.  Uxtarum,  p.  82,  Lipsiae 
1857).  This  constitution,  like  the  last  cited, 
applies  solely  to  the  Church  of  Constantinople, 
and  relates  to  monasteries,  orphanages  and 
other  eleemosynary  institutions  whose  property 
might  in  cases  of  necessity  be  sold,  exchanged, 
mortgaged,  or  leased  in  perpetual  emphyteusis ; 
provided  that  the  transaction  be  effected  in  the 
manner  therein  prescribed  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  civil  authorities  and  the  reprtsentatives 
of  the  particular  body  whose  property  is  about 
to  be  dealt  with.  It  is,  however,  decreed  that  if 
there  be  moveable  property  (the  sacred  vessels 
excepted)  sufficient  to  meet  the  sum  required, 
the  immoveable  property  shall  not  be  touched. 

In  the  2l8t  section  is  given  a  constitution  of 
Justinian  himself  (a.d.  529)  in  which  he  forbids 
any  sale  or  other  alienation  of  sacred  vessels  or 
vestments  except  only  with  the  object  of  re- 
deeming captives  (and,  according  to  some  edi- 
tions, relieving  famine) ;  '^  quoniam  non  absur- 
dura  est  animas  hominum  quibuscunque  vasis 
vel  vestimentis  praeferri." 

The  rule  which  permitted  the  sale  or  melting 
down  of  Church  plate  for  the  redemption  of 
captives  i-*  one  of  great  antiquity.    Its  propriety 
is  nowhere  more  eloquently  defended  than  in 
the  following  passage  from  the  2nd  Book  of 
St.  Ambrose  De  Offkiis  Ministrorum  (dr.  A.D. 
391)  "Quid  enim  diceres?     Timui  ne  templo 
Dei  omatus  deesset  ?    Responderet :    Aurum  Sa» 
cramenta  non  quaerunt;  neque  auro  placent, 
quae  auro  non  emuntur.    Omatus  sacramento- 
rum  redemptio  captivorum  est.    Yere  ilia  sunt 
vasa  pretiosa,  quae  redimunt  animas  a  morte. 
lUe  veros  thesaurus  est  Domini  qui  operatur 
quod  sanguis  Ejus  operatus  est.     .    .    .     Opus 
est  ut  quis  fide  sincera  et  perspicaci  providentia 
munus  hoc  impleat.    Sane  si  in  sua  aliquis  deri- 
vat  emolumenta,  crimen  est ;  sin  vero  pauperibus 
erogat,  captivum  redimit,  misericordia  est."    He 
concludes  by  directing  that  vessels  which  are 
not  consecrated  should  be  taken  in  preference  to 
those  which  have  been  consecrated ;  and  that 
both  must  be  broken  up  and  melted  within  the 
precinct  of  the  Church  (cap.  28).    The  supreme 
claims  of  charity  over  all  other  considerations  are 
insisted  upon  in  the  same  strain  by  St.  Jerome 
{Ep,  ad  Nepotianum,  A.D.  394)  and  St.  Chrysostom 
(Hom.  52  in  St.  Matthaeum),  while  at  the  same 
time  the  proper  respect  due  to  the  sacred  vessels 
is  always  emphatically  enjoined,  as,  for  example, 
by  St.  Optatus,  De  Schismate  Dinatistamm  vi.  2. 
An  example  of  the  precautions  taken  against  the 
abuse  of  this  privilege  is  to  be  found  in  one  of 
the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great  (vii.   13)  in 
which  writing  (a.d.  597)  to  Fortunatus,  Bishop 
of  Fano,  he  gives  permission  for  the  sale  of 
Churdi  plate  in  order  to  redeem  captives,  but 
directs,  with  the  view  of  avoiding  all  suspicion, 
that  the  sale  and  the  payment  over  of  the 
money  received  therefrom  should  be  made  in 
the  presence  of  the  "  defensor." 

Passing  to  the  Novella  of  Justinian— the  7th 


54 


ALIENATION  OF  GHUBOH  PBOFERTY 


Ncftell  (A.D.  535)  relates  to  the  qnastloii  of 
alienation  of  Ghnreh  property,  and  profiBseee  to 
amend  and  consolidate  the  then  existing  laws, 
and  to  eitend  their  operation  to  the  whole  of 
the  empire.  In  the  fint  chapter  the  alienation, 
either  by  sale,  gift,  exchange,  or  lease  on  per- 
petual emphyteusis,  of  immoreables  or  quasi- 
immoveables  belonging  to  churches  or  eleemo- 
synary institutions,  was  forbidden  under  the 
penalties  prescribed  by  the  above-cited  consti- 
tution of  Leo. 

Under  the  2nd  chapter  alienation  is  permitted 
in  favour  of  the  emperor  when  the  proper  forms 
are  observed  and  ample  compensation  made,  and 
when  the  transaction  is  for  the  public  benefit. 
The  reason  given  for  this  eioeption  is  not  with- 
out significanoe.  In  the  Latin  rersion  it  is  as 
follows:  **Nec  mnltnm  differant  ab  altemtro 
saoerdotium  et  imperium,  et  res  sacrae  a  oom- 
munibus  et  publids ;  qnaodo  omnis  sanotissimis 
ecdesiis  abnndantia  et  status  ex  imperialibus 
munifioentiis  perpetuo  praebeatur." 

The  third  and  four  succeeding  chapters  con- 
tain regulations  for  the  lease  of  Church  estates 
by  emphyteusis.  Their  provisions  are  too  ela- 
borate to  be  set  out  at  length,  but  may  be 
briefly  stated  thus:  ^The  usual  conditions  of 
these  emphytenses  are  for  three  lives  —  that 
of  the  original  emphyteuta  and  of  two  of  his 
or  her  heirs,  being  cnildren  or  grandchildren, 
or  the  husband  or  wife  of  the  emphyteuta  if 
there  be  a  special  clause  to  that  effect  (though 
about  this  power  there  is  some  doubt)  in  suc- 
cession. Thus  the  duration  of  the  lease  is  in- 
determinate and  contingent.  The  contract  was 
iUTalidated  by  defiiult  in  payment  of  the  quit 
rent  (canon)  for  two  instead  of  for  three  years 
as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses "  (Colqu- 
houn.  Soman  Oivil  Law,  §  1709). 

The  8th  chapter  renews  the  prohibition  against 
the  sale,  pledge,  or  melting  down  of  c£urch 
plate,  except  with  the  object  of  redeeming  cap- 
tives. 

The  12th  chapter  sanctions  the  abandonment 
of  all  contracts  made  on  behalf  of  the  Church 
for  the  acquisition  by  gift  or  purchase  of  un- 
profitable land. 

The  40th  Novell  (promulgated  the  following 
year,  A.D.  536)  gives  to  the  ^  Church  of  the 
Holy  Besurrection "  at  Jerusalem  the  privilege 
of  alienating  buildings  belonging  to  it,  notwith- 
standing the  general  prohibition  contained  in 
the  7th  Novell. 

The  46th  Novell  (a.d.  536  or  537)  relaxed  the 
law  against  the  alienation  of  immoreable  Church 
property  when  there  was  not  sufficient  moveable 
property  to  pay  debts  owing  to  the  State  or  to 
private  creditors.  But  this  step  could  not  be 
taken  except  after  investigation  by  the  clergy, 
the  bishop,  and  the  metropolitan,  and  under  a 
decree  of  the  ^  judex  provinciae." 

The  2nd  chapter  of  the  54th  Novell  (a.d. 
537)  permits  exchanges  between  ecclesiastical 
and  eleemosynary  corporations,  but  the  Church  of 
St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  is  excepted  from 
the  operatioil  of  this  law  as  it  is  also  from  that 
ofthe46thNoven. 

The  55th  Novell  (a.d.  537)  forbids  alienation 
made  ostensibly  in  favour  of  the  emperor,  but 
really  for  the  benefit  of  private  individuals.  It 
also  permits  churches  and  other  religious  bodies 
(with  the  exception  of  the  Church  of  St.  Sophia) 


to  lease  their  lands  to  one  another  In  perpetual 
emphyteosis. 

The  65th  Novell  has  reference  to  the  alienatioa 
of  property  belonging  to  the  Chuich  of  Mysis, 
but  being  only  of  local  importance  it  need  not 
be  further  considered. 

In  the  67th  Novell  (iuD.  538)  the  number 
of  persons  appointed  under  the  46th  Novell  to 
enquire  into  the  propriety  of  any  alienition  is 
increased  by  the  addition  of  two  bishops  ^osen 
by  the  metropolitan  from  his  Synod. 

The  10th  chapter  of  the  119th  Novell  (a.d. 
544)  permits  the  alienation  by  the  emperor  of 
Churoi  property  which  had  been  transferred  to 
him. 

The  last  of  the  numerous  edicts  promulgated 
by  Justinian  on  the  alienation  of  Church  pro- 
perty is  contained  in  the  120th  Novell  (A.01. 
544)  in  which  he  again  undertakes  the  task  of 
consolidating  the  law  on  this  subject. 

The  first  four  chapters  concern  only  the 
Church  of  Constantinople.  The  alienation  of 
immoveables  is  forbidden,  except  in  fiivour  of  the 
emperor. 

The  5th  chapter  relates  to  the  property  of 
other  Churches.  The  provisions  therdn  con- 
tained, and  those  contained  in  the  previous 
chapters  on  emphyteusis  are  thus  briefly  sum- 
marized by  Colquhoun  (^Boman  CivO  Laa^  § 
1709):— *<  The  120th  Novell  was  promulgated 
by  Justinian  in  order  to  modify  the  rigour  of 
the  prohibition  against  creating  perpetual  em- 
phyteuses on  ecclesiastical  property  by  restrict- 
ing it  to  the  estates  of  the  Church  of  Constanti- 
nople, leaving  the  property  of  other  Churches  to 
be  regulated  by  the  common  law.  It  is,  how- 
ever, very  doubtfU  whether  or  not  the  emphy- 
teusis on  Church  property  can  be  perpetual 
without  the  express  stipulation  for  a  term.  Nor 
does  the  prohibition  appear  to  be  absolute  even 
as  regards  the  Church  of  Constantinople,  which 
had  permission  to  grant  perpetual  emphyteuses 
in  cases  where  it  owned  ruined  edifices  without 
the  means  of  restoring  them.  The  Novell  fixes 
the  amount  at  a  third  of  the  revenue  which 
such  edifices  produced  before  their  then  ruined 
state,  payable  from  the  date  of  the  emphyten- 
tical  title,  or  at  a  half  of  the  revenue  which  the 
buildings  actually  produced  after  their  reston- 
tion.  What  is  doubtful  with  respect  to  the  lay 
is  clear  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  emphyteuses, 
viz.,  that  they  must  be  reduced  to  writing.  As 
before,  the  contract  was  invalidated  by  default  to 
pay  the  quit  rent  for  two  instead  of  three  years, 
as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses.  The 
point  open  to  discussion,  in  respect  to  lay  emphy- 
teuses, of  whether  the  rent  in  arrear  may  be 
recovered  and  the  expulsion  of  the  tenant  also 
insisted  on,  is  clear  in  the  case  of  ecclesiasticil 
emphyteuses  in  the  affirmative.  Lastly,  the 
Churches  enjoyed  a  right  of  resumption  entirely 
exceptional  to  the  common  law  when  the  estate 
accrued  '  aut  in  imperialem  domum,  aut  in  sac- 
rum nostrum  aerarium,  aut  in  civitatem  aliquam, 
aut  in  curiam,  aut  in  aliquam  venerabilem  sii- 
am  domum.'  This  right  of  resumption  applied 
equally  in  the  case  of  all  transmission  of  the 
right,  whether  inter  vivos  or  mortis  causa,  with- 
out reference  to  the  title  of  acquisition,  and  the 
time  for  its  exercise  was  two  years  instead  of 
two  months  as  in  lay  cases." 

The  remainia{f  chapters  of  this  Novell  relate 


ALIBNATION 


ALLELUIA 


55 


to  tke  exchange  of  ecclesiastical  property  and 
the  nle  of  immoyeables  and  Church  plate  for 
the  redemption  of  captiyes.  The  proyisions 
t^eruB  contained  do  not  differ  in  any  important 
peiticaiar  from  the  prerious  laws  above  dted  on 
tkt  same  subject^  and  they  need  not  be  repeated. 

The  proTisions  of  the  GiTil  Law  (which  have 
BOW  beoi  examined)  have  been  nseiiilly  arranged 
bf  the  glossator  on  the  Corpus  JwiM  Civtiis, 
Mor.  7  aiid  Not.  120  (ed.  Logd.  1627>  Im- 
■orasUe  property  belonging  to  the  Church  can- 
ist  be  alknided  under  any  circnmstances  if  it 
fidl  within  the  following  classes — 1.  If  it  had 
beta  giren  by  the  emperor  (Nov.  120,  7).  2.  If 
tbe  tUag  to  be  aliennted  is  the  church  or  mo- 
iMteiy  itself  (»&.).  3.  When  the  proposed  trans- 
frne  is  the  oeoonomus  or  other  church  officer 
(A,).  4s.  When  the  property  was  given  to  the 
Qituth  subject  to  a  condition  that  it  should 
lot  be  alienated  (Nov.  120,  9>  5.  If  the  pro- 
poml  transferee  be  a  heretic  (131,  14).  But 
labjeet  to  the  above  restrictions,  immoveable 
INopcrty  may  be  alienated  under  the  following 
dmmstances,  vix.: — 1.  For  debt  (Nov.  46)l 
1  Bj  way  of  emphyteusia  for  a  term  (var.). 
X  la  exchange  with  another  church  (Nov.  54,  2). 
<  If  the  transferee  be  the  emperor  (Nov.  7,  2). 
S.  For  the  redemption  of  captives  (Nov.  120,  9). 
Ob  the  other  hand  moveable  property  can  be 
frcdy  alienated  if  it  be  fi>r  the  advantage  of  the 
Ohnrch  that  such  a  step  should  be  taken.  The 
cxeeptioa  to  this  rule  is  in  the  case  of  Church 
fbte,  whidi  cannot  be  alienated  except  for  the 
ndcBiptaon  of  captives  (Nov.  7,  8  and  Nov.  120, 
lOX  sad  for  the  payment  of  debt  when  it  is  not 
for  the  proper  performance  of  Divine 
(Nov.  120,  10> 

The  Barbarian  Code$  contain,  as  might  be 
npected,  many  laws  directed  against  the  forci- 
ble seisare  of  Church  property,  but  such  acts 
ett  hardly  be  considered  to  fitll  under  tiie  head 
rf  sfanation.  There  are,  however,  a  ftw  pro- 
viwos  on  the  subject  anterior  in  date  to  the 
iisth  of  Charlemagne. 

By  the  3rd  chapter  of  the  5th  Book  of  the 
Yimgothorum  (pi,  A.D.  700:  see  Davoud 
Oghloa,  Hidoirt  de  la  LegiahUon  de$  Anciens 
GarsMMs,  i  2)  if  any  bishop  or  clerk  alienate 
by  sale  or  gift  any  Church  property  without  the 
eoaseat  of  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  such  sale  or 
lift  is  void,  unless  it  be  made  according  to  the 


AgiiB  in  the  20th  chapter  of  the  Lex  Alam^ 
mamorwn  (which  in  its  present  shape  was  pro- 
Ubly  eompiled  about  the  beginning  of  the  8th 
emtuiy— see  Davoud  Oriilou,  op.  cU.  i.  304)  the 
iafaior  clergy  are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  lands 
sr  daves  exeept  by  way  of  exchange. 

la  the  eoUection  entitled  CkqMularia  £sgwn 
Prmeonm  there  is  a  Capitulary  of  the  date  A.D. 
814,  ibrhkldittg  all  persons  whatsoever  to  ask 
iof  «r  rceeive  any  Church  property  under  pain  of 
•MBwnwnication  (6,  135> 

There  are  also  two  Ospitularies  which  are 
pnbaUy  not  later  in  dti/e  than  the  one  last 
oted.  By  the  first  of  these  presbyters  are  for- 
siddeB  to  sell  Church  property  without  the  con- 
<at  of  the  bishop  (7,  27);  to  which  in  the 
Nsond  is  added  the  consent  of  other  priests  of 
food  repnUtion  (7,  214). 

(The  following  authorities  may  be  consulted : 
-^Dn  BoQseeaQd  de  ia  Combe,  HecueU  de  J%tri$- 


pntdence  Cawmique  [Paris  1755],  sub  voce  AltS" 
nation ;  Boehmer,  Jtts  EcdesiastiGUm  ProteHan^ 
<tum[Halae  Magd.  1788,  &c]  in  Decretal,  HI.  13 ; 
Ferraris,  Bibliotheoa  Canonioa  [ed.  Migne],  sub 
voce  Alienatio;  Sylvester  Mazzolini  da  Prierio 
[Lugd.  1533]  sub  voce  Alienatio;  Kedoanns,  Dt 
Betm  Ecdesiae  ncn  alienandis  [printed  in  the  2Dd 
part  of  the  15th  volume  of  the  Tractatus  Uni» 
versi  Juris,  Venice,  1584] ;  and  the  Commenta- 
tors on  the  above-cited  passages  from  the  Corpus 
Juris  Civilis^  and  on  the  following  passages  from 
the  Corpus  Juris  CawnUoi,  Decreti  Secunda 
Pars,  Causa  xii.  Quaestio  2 ;  and  Decretal,  lib. 
m.  13).  [I.  B.] 

ALLELUIA  (Greek  *AXkfi\o^ia).  The  litur- 
gical form  of  the  Hebrew  R^'^/pH,  "  Sing  ye 

praises  to  Jehovah  ;"  a  formula  found  in  Ps&lm 
117,  and  in  the  headings  of  several  Psalms,  espe- 
cially Psalms  113-118,  which  formed  the  *'Ha]- 
lel,"  or  Alleluia  Magnum,  sung  at  all  the  greater 
Jewish  feasts.  Alleluia  and  Amen,  says  the 
Pseudo-Augustine  (Ep.  178,  ii.  1160,  Migne), 
neither  Latin  nor  barbarian  has  ventured  to 
translate  from  the  sacred  tongue  into  his  own ; 
in  all  lands  the  mystic  sound  of  the  Hebrew  is 
heard. 

1.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  the  early  Church 
transferred  to  the  Christian  Paschal  feast  the 
custom  of  singing  Psalms  with  Alleluia  at  the 
Paschal  sacrifice;  and  this  conjecture  derives 
some  probability  from  the  fact,  that  in  the  most 
ancient  sacramentaries  the  Alleluia  precedes  and 
follows  a  verse,  as  in  the  Jewish  usage  H  precedes 
and  follows  a  Psalm.  Yet  we  can  hardly  doubt 
that  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  Church  was 
confirmed,  if  not  driginated,  by  St.  John's  vision 
(Apoc,  19,  6)  of  the  heavenly  choir,  who  sang 
Alleluia  to  the  Lord  Qod  Omnipotent.  By  the 
4th  century  it  seems  to  have  been  well  known  as 
the  Christian  shout  of  joy  or  victory ;  for  Sozo- 
men  (i^.  JS,  vii.  15,  p.  298)  tells  of  a  voice 
heard  (an.  389)  in  the  temple  of  Serapis  at 
Alexandria  chanting  Alleluia,  which  was  taken 
for  a  sign  of  its  coming  destruction  by  the  Chris- 
tians. The  victory  which  the  Christian  Britons, 
under  the  g^dance  of  Germanus  of  Auxerre,  with 
their  loud  shout  of  Alleluia,  gained  over  the 
pagan  Picts  and  Scots  (an.  429)  is  another  instance 
of  the  ose  of  Alleluia  for  encouragement  and 
triumph  (Beda,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  c.  20, 
p.  49);  and  Sidonius  ApoUinaris  (lib.  ii.  Ep.  10, 
p.  53)  speaks  as  if  he  had  heard  the  long  lines  of 
haulers  by  the  river  side,  as  they  towed  the 
boats,  chanting  Alleluia  as  a  **celensma,"  to  make 
them  pull  together.  These  instances  are  of  course 
not  altogether  free  from  suspicion;  but  they 
serve  to  show  that  in  early  times  the  Alleluia 
was  regarded  as  a  natural  expression  of  Christian 
exultation  or  encouragement. 

2.  A  special  use  of  the  Alleluia  is  found  in  the 
liturgies  both  of  £ast  and  West.  In  most  Eastern 
liturgies,  it  follows  immediately  upon  the  Chb- 
RUBic  Htjtn,  which  precedes  the  greater  £n- 
TRANOB ;  as,  for  instance,  in  those  of  St.  James, 
St.  Mark,  and  St.  Chrysostom  (Neale's  TetrahgiOj 
pp.  54,  55).  In  the  Mozarabic,  which  has  many 
Oriental  characteristics,  it  is  sung  after  the 
Gospel,  while  the  priest  is  making  the  oblation : 
*'  Interim  quod  chorus  dicit  AUehiiay  offerat  »acer- 
dos  hostiam  cum  calice"  (Neale*s  TetrtUogiOy 
p.  60).    In  the  West,  it  follows  the  Gradual 


56 


ALLELUIA 


ALL  SAINTS 


and  flo  immediately  precedes  the  reading  of  ttaj 
Gospel.  In  early  times  it  seems  to  have  been 
simply  intoned  by  the  cantor  who  had  sung  the 
Gradual,  standing  on  the  steps  of  the  Ambo,  and 
repeated  by  the  choir ;  but  before  the  8th  cen- 
tury the  custom  arose  of  prolonging  the  last  syl- 
lable of  the  Alleluia,  and  singing  it  to  musical 
notes  (Ordo  Romanus  II.,  in  Mabillon's  Muaeum 
ItaHcunif  Tol.  ii.  p.  44).  This  was  called  jtibila' 
tio.  The  jubilant  sound  of  the  Alleluia,  however, 
was  felt  to  be  fitting  only  for  seasons  of  joy ; 
hence  its  use  was  in  many  churches  limited  to 
the  interval  between  Easter  and  Whitsunday. 
Sozomen,  indeed  (i^.  U,  vii.  19,  p.  307)  seems  to 
say  that  in  the  Roman  Church  it  was  used  only 
on  Easter-day;  but  we  cannot  help  suspecting 
that  he  must  have  misunderstood  his  informant, 
who  may  have  used  the  word  **  Pascha  "  to  de- 
note the  whole  of  the  seven  weeks  following 
Easter-day;  for  St.  Augustine  distinctly  says 
{Ep.  ad  Janarium;  Ep,  119  [al.  55]  p.  220 
Migne)  that  the  custom  of  singing  Alleluia  dur- 
ing those  fifty  days  was  universal,  though  in 
several  churches  it  was  used  on  other  days  also. 
In  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (c.  15,  p.  297)  the 
use  of  Alleluia  in  the  responsories  of  the  mass 
seems  to  be  limited  to  the  season  from  Easter  to 
Whitsunday ;  but  soon  after  Benedict's  time  it 
was  probably  more  common  in  the  West  to  inter- 
mit its  use  only  from  Septuagesima  to  Easter. 
For  at  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  Gregory  the 
Great  writes  to  John  of  Syracuse  {Epist.  iz.  12, 
p.  940)  that  some  murmured  because  he  (Gregory) 
was  overmuch  given  to  following  the  customs  of 
the  Greek  Church,  and  in  particular  because  he 
had  ordered  the  Alleluia  to  be  said  at  mass 
beyond  the  Pentecostal  season  (extra  tempora 
Pentecostes);  so  far,  he  continues,  is  this  from 
being  the  case,  that  whereas  the  Church  of  Rome 
in  the  time  of  Pope  Damasus  had  adopted, 
through  Jerome's  influence,  from  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem  the  limitation  of  the  Alleluia  to  the 
season  before  Pentecost,  he  had  actually  inno- 
vated on  this  Greek  custom  in  ordering  the 
Alleluia  to  be  said  at  other  seasons  also.  This 
seems  the  most  probable  sense  of  this  much-con- 
troverted passage,  as  to  the  reading  and  interpret 
tation  of  which  there  is  much  difference  of 
opinion.  (See  Baronius,  Ann,  384,  sx.  27 y  vol.  v., 
p.  578 ;  and  Mabillon,  Mvisewn  RcUicum,  ii.  xcvii.). 
The  4th  Council  of  Toledo  (oanon  11)  orders  that 
(in  accordance  with  the  universal  custom  of 
Christendom)  the  Alleluia  should  not  be  said  in 
the  Spanish  and  Gaulish  churches  during  Lent — 
an  injunction  which  seems  to  imply  that  its  use 
was  permitted  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  The 
same  canon  (iu  some  MSS.)  also  forbids  the  Alle- 
luia on  the  Kalends  of  January,  "  quae  propter 
errorem  gentilium  aguntur,"  but  on  which  Chris- 
tians ought  to  fast. 

The  intermission  of  Alleluia  during  a  particular 
season  is  expressed  by  the  phrase  *^  Alleluia  clau- 
sum  "  (Du  Cange,  s.  v.). 

3.  We  have  already  seen  that  St.  Benedict 
prescribed  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  respon- 
•sories  of  the  Mass  from  Pasch  to  Pentecost.  He 
prescribed  it  also  in  the  ordinary  offices  {ReguUiy 
c  12,  p.  286).  From  Pentecost  to  Ash-Wednes- 
day, however,  it  was  to  be  said  in  the  nocturnal 
office  only  with  the  six  last  Psalms:  "A  Pen- 
tecoste  autem  ad  caput  quadragesimae  omnibus 
aoctibus  cam   sex    posterioribus   Psalmis   tan- 


turn  ad  nocturnas  dicatur"  {Beg^thy  p.  15,  p. 
297> 

In  the  Roman  arrangement  of  the  ordizuuy 
offices,  the  Alleluia  follows  the  **  Invocation  "  in 
all  the  hours;  but  from  Septuagesima  to  the 
Thursday  in  Holy  Week  the  verse,  ^  Laus  tibi 
Domine ;  Rex  aeternae  gloriae,"  is  substituted. 

4.  We  learn  from  Jerome  {Ep.  27  [108],  §  19, 
p.  712,  ad  Eustochium ;  cf.  23  [38],  §  4,  p.  175) 
that  the  sound  of  the  Alleluia  summoned  monks 
to  say  their  offices :  *'  Post  Alleluia  cantatum,  quo 
signo  vocabantur  ad  coUectam,  null!  residere 
licitum  erat." 

5.  It  was  chanted  at  funerals ;  as,  for  instance, 
at  that  of  Fabiola  (Jerome,  Ep,  ad  Oosamon,  30 
[77],  p.  466) ;  at  that  of  Pope  Agapetus  in  Con- 
stantinople (BaroniuB,  ann.  536,  §  64^  voL  ix., 
p.  544). 

This  usage  is  found  in  the  Hozarabic  rite,  and 
perhape  once  existed  in  the  ancient  Galilean  (Ba- 
ronius, ann.  590,  §  39,  vol.  x.  p.  485). 

(Bona,  De  Divina  Psalmodia,  c  xvi.  §  7 ;  2^ 
R^nia  LiturgiciSy  lib.  ii.,  c.  6,  §  5 ;  Krazer,  De 
LUttrgiiSf  p.  419.)  [C] 

ALL  SAINTS,  Festival  op  (Omnium  Sane 
torum  NatcUiSy  Festivitaa,  Solemnitas). — In  the 
Eastern  Church  a  particular  Sunday,  the  first 
after  Pentecost,  was  appropriated  in  ancient 
times  to  the  commemoration  of  all  martyrs. 
Chrpostom,  in  the  'Eyxdifuoy  ccs  robs  aylovs 
wdyrcu  rohs  iv  tXtp  r^  xicfu^  finf>Tvp>fiiraPTas, 
says  that  on  the  Octave  of  Pentecost  they  find 
themselves  in  the  midst  of  the  band  of  martyn; 
Tap4kafi€jf  ilfMS  fMpiTitfmv  x^P^^  (^PP*  "*  711): 
and  there  is  a  similar  allusion  in  Orat.  contra 
Judaeos,  vi.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  650).  Thb  Festival  of 
All  Martyrs  became  in  later  times  a  Festival  of 
All  Saints,  and  the  Sunday  next  after  Pentecost 
appears  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Greek  Menologioo 
as  Kvpioic^  r&if  'Aylcoy  vdrrwv.  The  intention 
in  so  placing  this  commemoration  probably  was 
to  crown  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  a  solemnity 
dedicated  to  the  whole  glorious  band  uf  saints 
and  martyrs. 

In  the  West,  the  institution  of  this  festival 
is  intimately  connected  with  the  dedication  to 
Christian  purposes  of  the  Pantheon  or  Rotunda 
at  Rome.  This  temple,  built  in  honour  of  the 
victory  of  Augustus  at  Actium,  was  dedicated 
by  M.  Agrippa  to  Jupiter  Vindex,  and  was  called 
the  Pantheon,  probably  from  the  number  of 
statues  of  the  gods  which  it  contained,  though 
other  reasons  are  assigned  for  the  name. 

Up  to  the  time  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  idol- 
temples  were  generally  thrown  down,  or,  if  thej 
were  suBfered  to  remain,  were  thought  unworthy 
to  be  used  in  the  service  of  God.  Gregory 
himself  at  first  maintained  this  principle,  but  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  life,  thought  it  would  con- 
duce more  to  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  if 
they  were  allowed  to  worship  in  the  accustomed 
spot  with  new  rites  (see  his  well-known  letter 
to  Mellitus,  in  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  30 ;  0pp.  vl 
p.  79) ;  and  from  this  time,  the  principle  of  con- 
verting heathen  fanes  to  Christian  uses  seems  to 
have  become  familiar.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century,  the  Pantheon  remained  almost  the 
solitary  monument  of  the  old  heathen  worship 
in  Rome.  In  the  year  607  Boniface  III.  obtained 
from  the  Emperor  Phocas  the  important  re- 
cognition of  the  supremacy  of  Rome  over  sU 


ALL  SAINTS 


ALL  SOULS 


57 


ttber  dinrdies;  and  in  the  Mime  year  bia  aac- 
MHor,  BoDifice  lY^  having  cleansed  and  restored 
Um  i^theon,  obtained  the  emperor's  permission 
to  4«dicate  it  to  the  senrice  of  God,  in  the  name 
**&  Mariae  semper  Virginia  et  omnium  Mar- 
tjmm :"  (LAer  Pontif.  in  Muratori,  Ber.  ItaL 
Scr^ftores,  iii.  1,  135).  This  dedication  is  com- 
BKBionted,  and  is  believed  to  have  taken  place, 
on  Vaj  13.  On  this  day  we  find  in  the  old  Ro- 
naa  Martyrology  edited  by  Rosweyd,  "  S.  Mariae 
ad  Martjrei  dedicationis  dies  agitur  a  Bonifacio 
hipastatntos."  Baronins  tells  ns,  that  he  fbond 
it  reoorded  in  an  ancient  MS.  belonging  to  the 
Churdi  itaeli;  that  it  was  first  dedicated  *<In 
hoDoran  S.  Mariae,  Dei  Genetricis,  et  omnium 
SS.  Martynmi  et  Confessomm ;"  and  that  at  the 
time  of  dedication  the  bones  of  martyrs  from 
the  rarioos  cemeteries  of  the  city  were  borne  in 
s  piDcession  of  twenty-eight  carriages  to  the 
cbnrdi.  {MartyroL  Horn.  p.  204.)  The  technical 
«e  of  the  word  **  confessor  "  seems,  however,  to 
iadicate  a  somewhat  later  date  than  that  of  the 
dedicatioD;  and  Paulas  Diaconus  {Ilisi,  LongO' 
bard.  IT.  37,  p.  570)  tells  us  simply  that  Phocas 
fraated  Booi&ce  permission,  **  Ecclesiam  beatae 
lemper  Virginia  Mariae  et  omnium  Martyrum 
Beti,  nt  ubi  quondam  omnium  non  deorum  sed 
daemoDom  cultus  erat,  ibi  deinceps  omnium  fieret 
Bemoria  sanctorum,"  and  the  church  bears  to 
this  day  the  name  of  **S.  Maria  dei  Martiri." 
Thii  festival  of  the  13th  May  was  not  wholly 
ooaliaed  to  the  city  of  Rome,  yet  it  seems  to  have 
been  little  more  than  a  dedication-festival  of  the 
Kotnada,  corresponding  to  the  dedication-festivals 
of  other  churches,  but  of  higher  celebrity,  as  the 
•Miimemoration  of  the  finalvictory  of  Christianity 
over  Paganism. 

The  history  of  •  the  establishment  of  the 
festJTal  of  All  Sainta  on  Nov.  1  is  somewhat 
ohscore.  The  Martyrologntm  Rom.  Vet,,  al- 
Kadr  quoted,  gives  under  **  Kal.  Novembr."  a 
''Festiritas  Sanctorum,  quae  Celebris  et  gene- 
lalis  agitur  Romae."  The  very  terms  here  used 
ihow  that  this  **  Festivitas  Sanctorum  "  waa  a 
fpedally  Roman  festival,  and  it  was  probably 
cunplr  the  dedication-feast  of  an  oratory  dedi- 
cated by  Gregory  III.  '*  In  honorem  Omnium 
Saactorum."  But  in  the  8th  century,  the  ob- 
•errance  of  the  festival  was  by  no  means  con- 
fiied  to  Rome.    Beda's  Metrical  Martyrology  has- 

*  VnUpIki  rutflat  gemma  oea  in  fronte  November, 
Caadonmi  ftklget  Sanctomm  laode  dccorls." 

In  the  ancient  Hieronymian  calendar  in 
D^Achery  {SpkUeg,  tom.  ii.),  it  appears  under 
KsL  Novemb.,  but  only  in  the  third  place; 
**  Xatalis  St,  Caesarii ;  St.  Andomari  Episoopi ; 
lire  Omnium  Sanctorum."  The  list  of  festivals 
ia  the  Peniiential  of  Boniface  gives  ^  In  solemni- 
tate  Omnium  Sanctorum ; "  but  the  feast  is  not 
kmd  in  the  list  given  by  Chrodogang  (an.  762), 
or  m  Charlemagne's  Capitulary  ((^.  Caroli 
ifivns  L  326)  on  the  subject  of  festivals.  It 
appean  then  to  have  been  observed  by  some 
churches  in  Germany,  France,  and  England  in 
the  middle  of  the  8th  century,  but  not  univer- 
sally. It  was  perhaps  this  diversity  of  practice 
whici  induced  Gregory  IV.,  in  the  year  835,  to 
nfgert  to  the  Emperor  Lewis  the  Pious,  a  ge- 
neral ordinance  on  the  subject.  Slgebert,  in  his 
(^romioon  (in  Pistorfus,  Script.  Germ.  tom.  i.), 
tcib  IS,  nade   that  year,  ^  Tunc  monente  Gre- 


gorio  Papa,  et  omnibus  opiscopis  assenticntibus, 
Ludovicus  Imperator  statuit,  ut  in  Gallia  et 
Germania  Festivitas  Omnium  Sanctorum  in  Kal. 
Novemb.  celebraretur,  quam  Romani  ex  institute 
Bonifacii  Papae  celebrant."  (Compare  Adonis 
Martyrol.  ed.  Rosweyd,  p.  ISO.)  It  would  seem 
from  this,  that  the  festivals  of  May  13  and 
Nov.  1  had  already  coalesced  on  the  latter  day, 
and  that  the  one  festival  then  observed  was 
referred  to  Boniface  IV.,  who,  in  fact,  instituted 
that  of  Majr  13.  The  time  was  perhaps  chosen 
as  being,  in  a  large  part  of  Lewis's  dominions, 
the  time  of  leisure  after  harvest,  when  men's 
hearts  are  disposed  to  thankfulness  to  the  Giver 
of  all  good.  From  this  time,  All  Saints'  day  be- 
came one  of  the  great  festivals  of  the  Church, 
and  its  observance  general  throughout  Europe. 

It  probably  had  a  Vigil  from  the  first,  as  be^ 
fore  the  time  of  its  general  observance  a  Vigil 
and  Fast  preceded  the  great  festivals  of  the 
Church.  It  may,  perhaps,  have  had  an  octave 
from  its  first  institution  in  Rome  itself;  but  this 
was  not  the  case  in  other  churches,  for  an  octave 
of  All  Saints  does  not  seem  to  be  found  in  any 
calendar  earlier  than  the  13th  century.  Pi-oper 
collects,  preface,  and  benediction  for  the  "  Natalis 
Omnium  Sanctorum  "  are  found  in  some,  but  not 
the  most  ancient,  MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (p.  138). 

(Baronius  in  Martyrologio  Bomano,  May  13 
and  Nov.  1 ;  Binterim's  DenAvmrdigkeiterij  vol. 
V.  pt.  1,  p.  487  ff. ;  Alt  in  Herzog's  Beal-Ency- 
ckpddie,  i.  247.)  [C] 

ALL  SOULS,  Festival,  op  (Omnium  fide- 
Hum  defunctorum  memoria  or  oommemoratio). 
Yerj  ancient  traces  of  the  observance  of  a  day 
for  the  commemoration  of  'Uhe  souls  of  all 
those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  our  Lord "  (according  to 
Cyprian)  appear  in  the  Fathers  of  the  Church. 

TertuUian  (2>e  Corond  Militia,  c.  3)  says, 
'^  Oblationes  pro  defunctis  annua  die  fecimus." 
And  to  the  same  effect  he  speaks  (De  Exhort. 
Castitatis,  c.  11,  and  De  Monogam.  c.  10)  of 
annual  offerings  (oblationes)  for  the  souls  of  the 
departed.  These  were  probably  made  on  the  an- 
niversary of  the  death,  and  were  especially  the 
business  of  surviving  relatives.  So  Chrysostom 
(Horn.  29  tn  Acta  Apost.\  speaks  of  those  who 
made  commemoration  of  a  mother,  a  wife  or  a 
child.  Similarly  Augustine  (De  Cur&  pro  Mor^ 
tuis,  ch.  4). 

It  appears  from  an  allusion  in  Amalarius  of 
Metz  (before  837)  that  in  his  time  a  day  was 
specially  dedicated  to  the  commemoration  of  all 
souls  of  the  departed,  and  it  seems  probable  that 
this  was  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day. 
Amalarius  says  expressly  (J)e  Eccl.  Officiis,  lib. 
iii.  c.  44)  **  Annlversaria  dies  ideo  repetitur 
pro  defhnctis,  quoniam  nescimus  qualiter  eorum 
causa  habeatur  in  alter&  vit&."  And  in  c  65, 
he  says  "Post  ofiicium  Sanctorum  inserui  of- 
ficium  pro  mortuis ;  multi  enim  transierunt  de 
praesenti  saeculo  qui  non  illico  Sanctis  conjun- 
guntur,  pro  quibus  solito  more  officium  agitur." 
The  festival  of  All  Souls  is  here  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  supplement  to  that  of  All  Saints,  and 
may  very  probably  have  taken  place  on  the 
morrow  of  that  day.  But  the  earliest  definite 
injunction  for  the  observance  of  a  commemoration 
of  all  souls  of  th<i  departed  on  Not  2  appears  to 


68 


ALMACHIUS 


be  that  of  Odilo,  Abbot  of  Clngny,  in  the  10th 
oeutnry.  A  pilgrim  returning  from  Jerusalem, 
says  Peter  Damiani  (  Vita  Odiionis,  0pp.  ii.  410), 
reported  to  Odilo  a  woful  yision  which  he  had 
had  on  his  journey  of  the  suffering  of  souls  in 
purgatorial  nre ;  Odilo  thereupon  instituted  in 
the  churches  under  his  control  a  general  com- 
memoration of  the  souls  of  the  faithAil  departed 
on  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day:  **per 
omnia  monasteria  sua  constituit  generale  de- 
cretum,  ut  sicut  prime  die  Mensls  Novembris 
juxta  oniTersalis  Ecclesiae  regulam  omnium 
Sanctorum  solemnitas  agitur;  ita  sequent!  die 
in  psalmis,  eleemosynis  et  praecipue  Missarum 
solemniis,  onmium  in  Christo  quiescentium 
memoria  oelebraretur."  This  order  was  soon 
adopted,  not  only  by  other  monastic  congrega- 
tions, but  by  bishops  for  their  dioceses;  for 
instance,  by  the  contemporary  Bishop  Notger  of 
Li^e  {Cknmicon  Belgicwn,  in  Pistorius's  Scrips 
tores  German,  iii.  92).  The  obsenrance  appears, 
in  fact,  in  a  short  time  to  have  become  general, 
without  any  ordinance  of  the  Church  at  large  on 
the  subject. 

But  even  after  the  observance  of  a  commemo- 
ration of  All  Souls  on  Nov.  2  became  common, 
we  find  (Statutes  cf  Cahors,  in  Martene,  The- 
saunts  Anecdot,  iv.  766)  that  in  some  places  the 
morrow  of  St.  Hilary's  Day  (Jan.  14),  and  in 
others  the  morrows  of  the  Octaves  of  Easter 
and  Pentecost  were  appropriated  to  the  special 
commemoration  of  the  souls  of  the  departed 
(Binterim's  DenkwUrdUgkeiten,  voL  v.  pt.  1,  p; 
492  ff.).  [C] 

ALMACinUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  1  (Mart  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae),       [C] 

ALMS  ^%krnfio<rirn9  non-olassical  in  this 
sense,  either  word  or  thing;  although  for  the 
thing,  see  Seneca,  De  Benefic,  vi.  3,  and  Martial, 
^pigr,  V.  42 ;  and  for  the  word  also,  Diog.  Laert. 
V.  17 :  first  found  in  the  special  meaning  of  alms  in 
LXX.,  Dan.  iv.  24  [27  Heb.],  where  the  original 
reads  '^ righteousness;"  so  also  Tobit  xii.  9,  xiv. 
11  [and  elsewhere],  Ecclus.  iii.  30,  iv.  2,  vii.  10, 
zziz.  15, 16,  xxzv.  2).  Alms  recognized  as  a  duty 
throughout  the  0.  T.,  but  brought  into  promi- 
nence in  the  later  Jewish  period  (cf.  Buxtorf, 
FloriL  ffebr,  p.  88;  Lightfoot,  Mor.  H^,  tn 
Matt,  vi.  2,  Zuc.  ii.  8),  when  they  were  formally 
and  regularly  given  in  the  synagogues  (Vitring. 
De  Syn,  Vet,)  to  be  distributed  by  appointed 
officers,  as  also  by  putting  them  into  certain 
trumpetHshaped  alms-boxes  in  the  temple,  called 
yaCo<^\iKia  (Le  Moyne,  Not,  in  Var.  Sac,  ii. 
75 ;  Devling,  Observ.  Sac,  iii.  175 ;  distinct  from 
the  ya%o^vK^toy  or  treasury  of  St.  Luke  xxi.  1). 
They  were  regarded  also  as  a  work  specially 
acceptable  to  God  (Prov.  xix.  17,  xxii.  9,  &c; 
Tobit,  and  Ecclus.,  passim  ;  St.  Luke  xi.  41,  Acts 
X.  2).  In  like  manner  they  became  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church — 

I.  A  fundamental  law  of  Christian  morality 
(St.  Matt.  X.  42,  xix.  21,  xxv.  35 ;  St.  Luke  xii. 
33;  Acts  ii.  44,  iv.  34*37,  xi.  29,  30;  Rom.  xii. 
13,  XV.  25 ;  2  Cor.  viii.  12,  ix.  7  ;  Gal.  ii.  1,  vi. 
10 ;  Ephes.  iv.  28 ;  1  Tim.  vi.  18 ;  Hebr.  xiii. 
16;  1  Pet.  iv.  8,  9;  1  John  iii.  17),  so  tho- 
roughly recognized  as  to  make  it  both  super- 
fluous and  impossible  to  enumerate  patristic 
allusions  to  it.  Special  tracts  on  almsgiving, 
by  St.  Cyprian,  De  Opere  ct  Eleemos, ;  St.  Greg. 


ALMS 

Nyss.,  De  Faupertbus  Amandis  Oratt,  II.  St. 
Greg.  Naz.,  De  Paupenan  Amore  Orat, ;  St.  Basil 
M.,  Serm,  de  Eleemos,  inter  Sermon,  XXIV. ;  St. 
Ephraem  Syrus,  De  Amore  Pauperum  ;  St.  Leo 
M.,  Sermones  VI,  De  (JoUecHs  et  Eleemos. ;  St. 
Maximus,  Ad  Joann,  Cubic,  Epist,  II,  (De  Elee- 
mos,) ;  and  among  the  sermons  attributed  to  St. 
Chrysostom,  one  De  Jejun.  et  Eleemos,,  and  three 
De  Eleemos,,  kc  (and  see  a  collection  of  patristic 
citations  in  Drexelius,  De  Eleefnosyna),  Even 
Julian  the  Apostate,  c  a.d.  351,  bears  testimony 
that  the  almsgiving  of  "the  Galileans"  over- 
flowed beyond  their  own  poor  to  the  heathen 
(Epist,  ad  Arsac,,  Epist.  xlix.;  and  compare  Lucian, 
as  quoted  below);  and  thinks  it  expedient  to 
boast  of  his  own  kindness  (Ad  Themdst,"),  Com- 
pare also  such  notable  examples  as  those,  e,g,^ 
of  Pope  Soter  as  described  by  his  contemporary 
Dionysius  Bishop  of  Corinth,  c.  A.D.  160  (ap. 
Euseb.  ff,  E.  iv.  23) ;  of  Paulinus  of  Nola ;  of 
Deo  Gratias  Bishop  of  Carthage  towards  Gen- 
seric's  captives  (see  Milman,  L,  C.  L  205,  and 
Gibbon);  of  Johannes  " Eleemosynarius,"  Patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  A.D.  606-616 :  and  the  oe- 
currence  of  such  expressions  as,  "Hoc  praestat 
eleemosyna  quod  et  Baptisma  **  (St.  Hieron.  tn 
Ps.  cxxxOi.},  "  Christian!  sacrificium  est  eleemo- 
syna in  pauperem "  (St.  Aug.  Serm,  «/m.,  from 
Heb.  xiii.  16) ;  or  again,  that  almsgiving  is  the 
"characteristic  mark  of  a  Christian," — x^'P'^'^ 
rripurriichp  Xpumarov,  and  that  it  is  /t-'hrrip 
iiydinis,  ^>dpfi€Ucop  i^taprrffidrwp,  kM/m^  els  r^r 
o^pa^hy  kmiptyiUpn  (St.  Chrys.  m  ffib.  Bom. 
xxxiL,  and  in  Tit.  Ham,  vi,);  or  again,  that 
"  res  ecclesiae  "  are  "  patrimonia  pauperum." 

II.  An  integral  part  of  Christian  worship  (Acts 
u.  42,  vi.  1 ;  1  Cor.  xvi.l ;  1  Tim.  v.  3, 16) :  alms 
for  the  poor,  to  be  distributed  by  the  clergy  (Acts 
xi.  30),  being  a  regular  portion  of  the  offerings 
made  in  church,  among  those  for  the  support  of 
the  clergy,  and  oblations  in  kind  for  the  Church 
services  (Justin  M.,  Apol.  I.  p.  98,  Thirlby  ;  St. 
Greg.  Naz.,  Orat,  xx.,  0pp.  1.  351 ;  ConsOi. 
Ap^tol.  iv.  6,  8;  St.  Chrys.,  ffom.  L  in  S. 
Matth.  0pp.  vii.  518,  Ben.;  Cone.  Gangrene,^ 
drc  A.D.  324,  c  8 ;  for  the  East : — St.  Iren., 
Adv.  Haer,  iv.  18 ;  St.  Cypr.,  De  Op.  et  Eleem., 
203,  Fell;  Tertull.,  Apd.  39;  Arnob.,  Adv. 
Gent,  iv.,  in  fin.  ;  St.  Ambros.,  Ep,  xvii.  Ad 
Valewt,  Opp.  ii.  827,  Ben. ;  Cone,  EUber,,  A.D. 
304,  cc.  28,  29 ;  Cone.  Carthag,  iv.,  a.d.  398, 
cc.  93, 94  ;  Optatus,  De  Schism.  Donat,  vi.  p.  93, 
Albaspin. ;  Qmc.  Matiscon,  ii.,  a.d.  585,  c.  4 ; 
ffom.  cclxv.  in  Append,  ad  S,  Aug,  Opp.  v.; 
Besp.  Greg.  M.  ad  Qu,  Aug.  ap.  Baed.  ff.  E, 
i.  27 ;  for  the  West :  Psalms  being  sung,  at  least 
at  Carthage,  during  the  collection  and  distribu- 
tion, St.  Aug.  Retract,  ii.  11);  and  this  as  a  pri- 
vilege, the  names  of  considerable  donors  being 
T^cMeA(Con8tit.Ap08tol.  iii.  4;  St.  Cypr.,  Epist, 
ix.  al,  xvii.,  Ix.  al.  Ixii. ;  St.  Hieron.,  in  Jerem.  xi, 
lib,  ii,,  in  Ezech,  xviO, ;  St.  Chrys.,  ffom.  xviii. 
in  Act. ;  Gest,  Caecil.  et  Felic,  ad  fin.  Optati  p.  95), 
and  the  offerings  of  evil-livers,  energumeni,  ex- 
communicate persons,  suicides,  and  of  those  at 
enmity  with  their  brethren,  being  rejected  (St. 
Iren.,  Adv.  ffaer,  iv.  34 ;  Tertull.,  De  Praescrip. 
30 ;  Constit.  Apost,  iv.  5-7 ;  St.  Athan.,  Ep,  ad 
Sditar,,  p.  364,  ed.  1698 ;  Epist,  ad  Bomfitc  in 
App.  ad  Opp.  S.  Attg.  ii. ;  Cone.  Herd,  a.d.  524,  c 
13;  and  Autissiod,  i.,  a.d.  578,  c.  17  ;  the  Irish 
synods  assigned  to  St.  Patrick,  c.  12,  Wilk.  i.  3. 


ALMS 

«4c S,  ib. 4;  aad St.  Ambrose,  OpUtoa,  and  the 
OmkjIs  of  Ltriia  mnA.  Ckurthagty  above  qaoted  ; 
«r  later  fUll,  CapiL  Herard,  Arcldep.  TWtm. 
U«,  in  Balm.  CbpiT.  i.  1294,  and  repeatedlj  in 
tkc  CiyiliilerJiw)L  There  was  ako  an  alnu-boz 
(^afffeJUner,  corftdno,  lee  St.  Cjpr.,  De  Op,  et 
Slmmu.,  ami  St.  Hieron^  Epist.  27,  c  14),  placed 
iatke  dinrch  for  casual  alma,  to  be  taken  ont 
VMlUf  (Tertnll.  ^poL  S9>  And  Panlinns 
lEpuL  32)  speaks  of  a  table  (meMo)  for  re- 
cBviag  the  offerings.  Collections  for  the  poor  in 
(ftnreh  both  on  Sundays  and  on  week  days  are 
lawrtioiwd  bj  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Serm.  de  Col- 
kdu).  The  poor  also  habitnallj  sat  at  the 
dnuth  door,  at  least  in  the  East,  to  receive  alms 
(St  Chrys.,  Hon.  zxvl  I>e  Verb,  Apost^  Mom,  U 
u  S  TtaL,  Horn,  iiL  De  PoeiuL). 

HL  An  institution  having  a  formal  list  of  re- 
dpicBts,  mainly  widows  and  orphans  (St.  Ignat., 
srf  FUfoarp.  ir. ;  Cnisfuf.  Apost.  xv.  4,  Ac) ;  or, 
■pan  eeeasion,  nmityrs  in  prison  or  in  the  mines, 
«r  other  prisoners,  or  shipwrecked  persons  (Dion. 
Coriath.  ap.  Enaeb.  B.  E.  iv.  23 ;  Tertnll.,  De 
J*jmL  13 ;  Lnciaa,  De  MorU  Peregrin.  §  11,  Op. 
Tin  279,  Bipont. ;  Liban.,  A.D.  387,  Orat.  rri. 
m  Trmbhr.,  Orat.  de  Vinctis,  ii.  258,  445,  ed. 
Uike):  aid  special  officers,  as  (brother  directly 
scdsriastieal  ftinetiona,  so  also  for  managing  the 
Cbnr^  alms^  viz.  deacons  {Cotut.  Apost,  ii.  31, 
SS,iii.  19;  Dionys.  Alex.  ap.  Eoseb.  ff,  E,  vii. 
11 ;  SL  Cfpr-,  Epist,  xU.,  and  xliz.  al.  lii..  Fell. ; 
Stffieron.,  Jitf  Sepot,  Epitt.  xxxiv.);  and  among 
voBSB,  deaconessea,  commonly  widows  of  ad- 
viaesd  age  (Cbfuftf.  Apo^.  iii.  15 ;  St.  Hieron., 
M  NepeL  JE^itt.  xxzir. ;  and  Ludan  and  Libanius 
SI  aboTe)L  See  also  Tertnllian  (Ad  Uxor,  ii. 
4  sad  8)  for  the  charitable  works  of  married 
ChzHisn  matrons. 

IV.  These  arrangements  were  supplemented 
wba  neeeHary  by  special  collections  appointed 
hj  the  bishop  CTertull.,  De  Jejwn.  1S%  after  the 
psttcm  of  St.  Paul,  for  extraordinary  emer- 
gmdcs,  whether  at  home  or  among  brethren  or 
'ithcn  dsewfaere;  e.g.  St.  Cyprlim's  collection 
•f  ^sestertia  centum  millia  nnmmomm"  for 
the  ledemptioD  of  Numidian  captives  from  the 
hsrbsrfsns  (St.  Cypr-  Epist.  Ix.) ;  mostly  accom- 
paaied  by  fost  days  (Tertnll.  ib, — and  so,  long 
sfttr,  Theodulph,  A.D.  787  [Capit,  381  enjoins 
■hasgiviag  continually,  but  specially  on  last  days)^ 
t«t  sometimes  at  the  ordinary  Qiorch  service 
(3t  Leo  M.,  XV  CoOectis) :  a  practice  which  grew 
sooMtmes  into  the  abuse  which  was  remedied  by 
the  Govndl  of  Tours  (ii.  a.d.  567,  c  5),  enact- 
iag  that  each  dty  should  provide  for  its  own 
poor,  and  by  Gregory  the  Great,  desiring  the 
nibop  of  Milan  to  protect  a  poor  man  at  Genoa 
frmi  being  compelled  to  contribute  to  such  a 
ooUrctiott  (St.  Greg.,  Epiat,  ix.  126).  See  also 
St.  HiennL,  Adv.  VigUantiunL 

The  iydirtu  also  may  be  mentioned  in  this 
eaeaeetioa  (1  Cor.  xL  20,  Jude  12;  Tertnll., 
iM.39;  Constit.  Apoet.  H.  28;  prohibited 
Come  Laod.,  a.d.  364,  c.  5,  and  see  Cone.  Quini- 
Kgt  U).  762,  c  74;  and  under  Agapae).  Also 
tbe  {«9«rtf  or  |croSox<(a  (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in 
AeL  Apodol.;  St.  Aug.,  Trad,  xcvii.  in  Jok, 
1^4);  tlM  wrmx^rpo^Ta,  managed  by  the  ^icXn- 
fwo)  or  kj^frryenfaMTPOt  rmp  wrmx^i^v"  (Cone. 
CMmC  A.a  451,  c  8  ;  and  Pallad.,  Hist.  Laus. 
v.);  tbe  Tif^Mro^MB,  the  poeroKoiiMta  (Pallad.,  V, 
ObliL  pi  \V%  the  hp^eiMerpo^la :  of  which  the 


ALMS 


59 


names  explain  themselves  (and  see  abundant  re* 
ferences  in  Suicer,  su6  vooc,  and  Justinian  also 
enacts  laws  respecting  such  institutions  and  the 
clergy  who  manage  tncm),  and  which  came  into 
being  with  the  Christian  Church.  E.  g.,  the 
fioffiKtiiu  of  St.  Basil  at  Caesarea  stands  as  a 
notable  example  of  a  Christian  hospital,  at  once 
for  sick  and  strangers  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  94; 
St.  Greg.  Naz.,  Orat.  xxvii.  and  xxx. ;  Sozom.  vi. 
34),  with  its  smaller  ofishoots  in  the  neighbour- 
ing country  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  142,  143);  and 
so  also  the  hospital  of  St.  Chrysostom,  with  his 
advice  on  the  subject  to  the  faithful  of  Con- 
stantinople (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in  Act.  Apost. 
0pp.  ix.  343);  and  the  Xenodochittm  founded 
"in  portu  Romano''  byPammachins  and  Fabiola 
(St.  Hieron.,  Ad  Ocean.  Ep.  Ixxxiv.).  Add  also 
the  alms  given  at  marriage  and  at  funerals  (St. 
Chrys.,  Horn,  xxxii.  in  S.  Matth.;  St.  Hieron., 
Ad  Pammach.  de  Obitu  Uxor.  Ep.  liv. ;  Pseudo- 
Origen.,  Comment,  in  Job.  lib.  iii.  p.  437 ;  St. 
Aug.,  Cont.  Faust,  xx.  20;  and  see  Bingham). 
Our  own  Council  of  Cealchyth,  in  A.D.  816  (c. 
10),  directs  the  tenth  of  a  bishop's  substance 
to  be  given  in  alms  upon  his  death.  The  Mani- 
chaeans  appear  to  have  refused  alms  to  needy 
persons  not  Manichaeans  on  some  recondite  prin- 
ciple of  their  connection  with  the  principle  of 
evil,  for  which  they  are  condemned  by  St.  Aug. 
{De  Mor.  Mamch,  ii.  15,  16)  and  Theodoret 
(Haer,  Fab.  i.  26). 

There  was  apparently  no  specified  rule  for 
division  of  ecclesiastical  revenues,  originally  of 
course  entirely  voluntary  offerings,  anterior  to 
the  5th  century;  the  bishop  being  throughout 
their  chief  administrator,  but  by  the  hands  of 
the  deacons  (see  e.  g.  St.  Cypr.,  about  Felicis- 
simus,  ^Hst,  xli. ;  and  Cone.  Oangr.,  c.  8,  and 
Epiphan,  Haer.  xl.,  condemning  the  Eustathians 
for  withdrawing  their  alms  fVom  the  bishop  or 
the  officer  appointed  by  him).  In  the  Western 
Church  in  the  5th  century  (setting  aside  the 
questionable  decree  of  the  Synod  of  Rome  under 
Sylvester  in  324)  we  find  a  fourfold  division  of 
them :  1,  for  the  bishop ;  2,  for  the  clergy ;  3, 
for  the  poor ;  4,  for  the  fabric  and  sustentation 
of  the  churches.  Or  again,  for  1.  Churches; 
2.  Clergy ;  3.  Poor ;  4.  Strangers.  This  origin- 
ated with  the  Popes  Simplidus  (Epist.  3,  A.D. 
467)  and  Gelasius  (in  Oration  Caus.  12  qu.  2, 
c.  Sancimus,  A.D.  492) ;  is  mentioned  repeatedly 
by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
century  (e.g.  Ep.  iv.  11,  v.  44,  vii.  8,  xiii.  44 ; 
i?«sp.  ad  August.,  &c. ; — and  see  also  Cone.  Aurel. 
I.  c.  5),  was  varied  in  Charlemagne's  and  Lud. 
Pins'  Capitularies  (i.  80,  Baluz.  718),  as  re- 
garded Toluntary  offerings.  Into  two-thirds  to 
the  poor  and  one-third  to  the  clergy  in  rich 
places,  and  half  to  each  in  poor  ones ;  but  was 
repeated  in  the  old  form  by  the  Capit.  of  Charle- 
magne himself  respecting  tithes  (Baluz.  i.  356) 
and  by  the  Counc.  of  WonnSf  AJ>.  868,  c.  7 ; 
Tribur.,  A.D.  895,  c.  13 ;  and  Nantes,  A.  D.  895  (?), 
c  10  (if  at  least  this  last  is  not  to  be  referred 
to  the  Council  of  Nantes  in  658). 

The  special  office  of  Eleemosynarius  or  Almoner 
occurs  in  later  times,  afterwards  the  name  of 
the  superintendent  of  the  alms-house  or  hospital, 
but  at  first  a  distributor  of  alms :  both  in  monas- 
teries (described  at  length  by  Du  Cange,  from  a 
MS.  of  St.  Victor  of  Paris),  although  the  office  in 
the  older  Egyptian  momisteries  belonged  to  tb« 


60 


ALUS 


CdOOiumuM,  under  the  special  name  of  9uucoyla 
(Caasian,  CoUat.  zviii.  7,  xzi.  9) ;  and  afterwards, 
in  England  at  least,  as  an  officer  attached  to 
each  bishop  (Com,  Oxon.,  a.d.  1222;  Lyndw., 
Provinc,  i.  13,  p.  67) ;  and  lastly-  to  the  king,  as 
e.g.  in  England,  and  notably  to  the  Kings  of 
France  (see  a  list  in  Dn  Cange). 

In  the  history  of  doctrine,  the  subject  of  alms- 
giving u  connected — I.  With  the  notions  of  com- 
munity of  goods,  voluntary  poverty,  and  the 
difficulty  of  salvation  to  the  rich ;  the  current 
voice  of  fathers,  as  e,  g.  Tertull.,  Apol,  39,  Justin 
M.,  Apol.  i.,  Amob.  Adv.  Qent.  iv.  in  fin.,  magni- 
fying the  temper  indicated  by  tA  tUp  ^iKwv 
irdvra  Koivd,  while  others,  as  St.  Clem.  Alex. 
(Strom,  in.  6,  p.  536,  Potter),  rejected  its  literal 
and  narrow  perversion  (see  also  his  tract  at 
length,  Qui8  Dives  Salvetur);  which  perversion 
indeed  the  Church  condemned  in  the  cases  of  the 
Apostolici  or  Apotactitae  (St.  Aug.,  De  Haer.  zl. 
0pp.  viii.  9 ;  St.  Epiphan.,  ffaer.  Ixi.),  and  of  the 
Massalians  (St.  Epiphan.  Haer,  Ixx.)^  and  again 
m  that  of  the  Pelagians,  who  maintained  that 
rich  men  must  give  up  their  wealth  in  order  to 
be  saved  (so  at  least  Pseudo-Sixtus  III.,  De 
Divitiis ;  and  Me  St.  Aug.,  Epiat,  cvi.  ad  Paviin.^ 
and  Cone.  DiospoUt.  §  6,  A.D.  415).  Compare 
Mosheim's  Diss,  de  Vera  Nat.  Commun,  BonO' 
rwn  in  Eccl.  Hieros.  II.  With  the  relation  of 
good  works  to  justification;  alms  and  fasting 
standing  prominently  in  the  question,  i.  as  com- 
paratively outward  and  positive  acts,  ii.  as  beiug 
specially  urged  from  early  times  as  parts  of 
repentance  and  charity  (e,g,  Hermas,  Pastor 
X.  4;  Salvian,  Adv.  Avarit.  ii.  p.  205;  Lactant., 
Div.  Inatit.  vL  13,  tom.  i.  p.  470 ;  Constit.  S. 
Clem.  vii.  12 ;  St.  Ambros.,  De  Elia  et  Jejun, 
XX. ;  St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  vii.  de  Poenit.  §  6,  0pp. 
ii.  336  C).  "  Date  et  dabitur  vobis,"  found  its 
answer  in  the  repeated  occurrence  of  the  words 
(e.g.  St.  Caesar.  Arel.,  Horn.  xv. ;  St.  Eligius,  in 
Vita  ii.  15,  ap.  D'Ach.,  Spicil.  iL  96),  "Da,  Do- 
mine,  quia  dedimus;"  but  the  whole  doctrine 
derived  its  colour  in  each  case  from  the  succes- 
sive phases  of  the  doc|;rine  of  merit.  III.  With 
(in  time)  the  idea  of  compounding  for  other  sins 
by  alms,  a  feeling  strengthened  by  the  imposition 
of  alms  by  way  of  satisfaction  and  of  commuta- 
tion of  penance.  The  introduction  of  the  practice 
is  attributed  to  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  c.  a.d. 
700,  but  upon  the  ground  only  of  the  Peniten- 
tials  hitherto  falsely  attributed  to  him ;  while  the 
abuse  of  it  is  severely  condemned  by  the  Council 
of  Cloveshoe,  a.d.  747  (c.  26),  and  by  Theodulph 
(Capit.  32,  A.D.  787).  Its  grossest  instance  is 
probably  to  be  found  in  the  ledger-like  calcula- 
tion of  the  payments,  by  which  "  powerful  men  " 
could  redeem  their  penances,  in  Eadgar's  canons, 
in  fin.  (Thorpe,  ii.  286-289),  about  A.D.  963. 
See  also  Morinus,  De  Poenit.  lib.  x.  c  17,  who 
treats  the  question  at  length.  IV.  With  alms 
for  the  dead.  See  Cone.  Carth.  iv.,  A.D.  398,  c. 
79 ;  St.  Chrys.,  as  before  quoted,  and  Bingham. 
See  also  for  later  times.  Car.  M.,  Capit.  v.  364, 
ap.  Baluz.  i.  902. 

Plough-alms  in  England  (eleem.  carucarumj 
Suhl-aelmifsaan),  viz.,  a  penny  for  every  plough 
used  in  tillage,  to  be  paid  annually  fiftieen  days 
after  Easter  (Laws  of  Eadgar  and  Guthrun,  A.D. 
906,  c,  6 ;  Eadgar's  Laws  i.  2,  and  can.  54,  a.d. 
959  and  975;  EthelredTs,  ix.  12,  a.d.  1014; 
Onuts,  c.  8,  c  A.D.  1030 :  £ectit.  Sing  Pers.y  §  de 


ALTAB 

ViUams)j  were  rather  a  church  dot  than  alms 
properly  so  called.  As  was  also  St.  Peter's 
penny,  Eleemos.  S.  Petri.  And  Libera  Elsan^ 
synoj  or  Frank-Almoign,  ia  the  tenure  of  most 
Church  lands  from  Saxon  times  (viz.,  tenure 
on  condition,  not  of  specified  religious  services, 
but  of  Divine  Service  generally),  although  now 
incapable  of  being  created  de  novo  (Stat.  Quia 
EmptoreSf  18  Edw.  I.).  See  Stephen's  Blackstone, 
i.,  Bk.  n.  Pt.  i.  c  2,  in  fin,  [A.  W.  H.] 

ALNENSB  CONCILIUM.  [Amesteb, 
Council  of.] 

ALTAB. — The  table  or  raised  soriaoe  on 
which  the  Eucharist  is  consecrated. 

I.  Names  of  the  Attar. 

1.  T^xc^a,  a  table ;  as  Tpdlirc(a  Kvplov,  1  Cor. 
X.  21.  This  is  the  term  most  commonly  used  by 
the  Greek  Fathers  and  in  Greek  Liturgies ;  some- 
times simply,  ^  rpiiTfQx,  as  the  Table  by  pre- 
eminence (Chrysost.  in  Ephes.  Horn.  3),  but 
more  frequently  with  epithets  expressive  of  awe 
and  reverence;  fiv<miHif  TycvfiariiHif  ^fitpi, 
iPpiieHi,  <ftpiK<&SfiSt  fiaariKuHiy  &0dlyaTos,  Ic^  ay/a. 
Beta,  and  the  like  (see  Saucer's  Thescturus,  a.  v.). 
St.  Basil  in  one  passage  (Ep.  73,  0pp.  ii.  870) 
appears  to  contrast  the  Tables  (rpax^jos)  of  the 
orthodox  with  the  Altars  (Bwriatrrfiptd)  of  Basi- 
lides.  Sozomen  (Eccl.  Hist.  ix.  2,  p.  368)  says 
of  a  slab  which  covered  a  tomb  that  it  was 
fashioned  as  if  for  a  Holy  Table  (&(nrtp  tls  Up^ 
i^i^ffKuro  rpdir€(ay\  a  passage  which  seems  to 
show  that  he  was  &miliar  with  stone  tables. 

2.  Svauurr^piov,  the  place  of  Sacrifice;  the 
word  used  in  the  Septuagint  for  Noah's  altar 
(Gen.  viii.  20^  and  both  for  the  Altar  of  Buint- 
sacrifice  and  the  Altar  of  Incense  under  the 
Levitical  law,  but  not  for  heathen  altars. 

The  word  Ovtnaffrfipioy  in  Heb.  xiii.  10,  is 
referred  by  some  commentators  to  the  Lord's 
Table,  though  it  seems  to  relate  rather  to  the 
heavenly  than  to  the  earthly  sanctuary  (Thomas 
Aquinas).  The  dvcrtcurr-fipioy  of  Ignatius,  too 
(ad  PhUad.  4 ;  compare  Ma^.  7 ;  Trail.  7), 
can  scarcely  designate  the  Table  used  in  the 
Eucharist  (see  Lightfoot  on  PhiUppians,  p.  263, 
n.  2).  But  by  this  woid  Eusebius  (ffist.  EccL 
X.  4,  §  44)  describes  the  altar  of  the  great 
church  in  Tyre,  and  again  (Panegyr.  sub  fin.)  he 
speaks  of  altars  (OvciaffTlipia)  erected  through- 
out the  world.  Athanasius,  or  Pseudo-Athana- 
sius  (Disp.  cont.  Arium^  O^p.  i.  90),  explains 
the  word  rpiir^daL  by  Ovcriaar^pioy.  This  name 
rarely  occura  in  the  liturgies.  diMruurri^pior 
not  unfrequently  designates  the  enclosure  within 
which  the  altar  stood,  or  Bema  (see  Mede,  On  the 
Name  Altar  or  evtruurrfiptoy,  Works,  p.  382  ff.). 

3.  The  Copts  call  the  altar  *l\atrHipiory  the 
word  applied  in  the  Greek  Scriptures  to  the 
Mercy-Seat,  or  covering  of  the  Ark  [oompaie 
Abca];  but  in  the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Basil 
they  use  the  ancient  Egyptian  word  Pimaner- 
sohoousch*^  which  in  Coptic  versions  of  Scripture 
answers  to  the  Heb.  nUTD  and  the  Graek  $ve» 
<rr^piop  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  i.  181). 

4.  The  word  Bttfihs  (see  Nitzsch  on  the 
Odyssey,  vol.  ii.  p.  15)  is  used  in  Scripture  and 
in  Christian  writers  generally  for  a  heathen 
altar.  Thus  in  1  Maccab.  i.  54,  we  read  that  in 
the  persecution  under  Antiochus  an  ^abomins- 
ilim  of  desolation"  was  built  on  the  Temple-altar 


ALTAR 


ALTAR 


61 


{09fmrThfw\  while  idol-altan  (B«/u>2)  were 
■t  up  IB  tlie  aties  of  Judah ;  and,  again  (L  59), 
«aifioes  were  offered  **  i^rl  t6p  BmfiSir  hs  ^v  M 
rov  OvriamrfMov."  The  word  B»^f  is,  how- 
ircr,  applied  to  the  Leritical  altar  in  Eoclesias- 
tkoi  L  12,  the  work  of  a  gentilizing  writer.  It 
u  geeenllj  repudiated  by  early  Chrifitian  writers, 
cxeept  in  a  fij^aratire  senso:  thus  Clement  of 
Altxandria  {Strom,  rii.  p.  717)  and  Origen  (c. 
CtUmn  Titi.  p.  389)  declare  that  the  soul  is  the 
traeChiistian  altar  (Bmfi^s),  the  latter  expressly 
tdmittiiig  the  charge  of  Celsiia,  that  the  Chris- 
tiut  hed  no  material  altars.  Yet  in  later  times 
tmpus  was  nmetimes  used  for  the  Christian 
slUr;  Synasioa,  for  inatance  (KardarouriSj  c  19, 
pu  903),  speaks  of  flying  for  refuge  to  the 
ubkody  altar  (Bo^/c^r). 

5l  Theezpresaion  **  Menaa  Domini,"  or  "  Mensa 
OnBinica,"  is  not  imoomroon  in  the  Latin  Fathers, 
Mpedaily  Si.  Augustine  (e.g.  Sermo  21,  c.  5,  on 
fi  IdiL  11).  And  an  altar  raised  in  honour  of 
4  flttztyr  fivqnently  bore  his  name ;  as  *'  Mensa 
Cfpriani"  (Augustine,  Sermo  310)u  The  word 
"Btasa"  is  frequently  used  for  the  slab  which 
firmei  the  top  of  the  altar  (v.  infra). 

<L  Ara,  the  Vulgate  rendering  of  B«/ids  (1 
Maoesh.  t  54  [57^  etc),  is  frequently  applied 
br  Tertallian  to  the  Christian  altar,  though  not 
without  some  qualification;  for  instance,  ''ara 
Det**  (d^  OraUfme,  c.  14).  Yet  ara,  like  B«m^s, 
B  repudiated  by  the  early  Christian  apologists 
flB  account  of  its  heathen  associations;  thus 
Miaadus  Felix  (Octavius,  c  32)  admits  that 
"Ddubra  et  aras  non  habemus ; "  compare  Arno- 
bias  (adv.  Gentes  tI.  1)  and  Lactantius  (Divin, 
IvHL  iL  2).  In  rubrics,  Ara  designate  a  port- 
able altar  or  consecrated  slab.  (Maori  Hiero- 
fenoon,  a.T.  **^  Altare.")  Ara  is  also  used  for  the 
sidiBtnititure  on  which  the  mensa,  or  altar  proper, 
was  placed;  **Altaris  aram  funditus  pessum- 
dan  "  (Pmdentius,  Peristeph,  xiy.  49).  Compare 
Ario  Smaragdus,  quoted  below. 

7.  But  by  far  the  most  common  name  in  the 
latin  Fathers  and  in  Liturgical  diction  is  altare, 
a  **  high  altar,"  from  altus  (Isidore,  Origmes,  xt. 
4,  p.  1197 ;  compare  alreare,  collars).  This  is 
tbe  Yulgate  equivalent  of  0wruurrf\piov.  Ter- 
talliaa  {de  Exhort.  CcatitatU  c  10)  speaks  of  the 
Lord's  Table  as  "  altare  "  simply ;  so  also  Cyprian 
{Spid,  45,  §  3,  «dL  Goldhorn),  who,  by  the 
pbiaae  ''altari  posito,"  indicates  that  the  church- 
altar  in  his  time  was  moveable ;  and  who,  in 
aaother  place  {Epist.  59,  §  25),  contrasts  the 
Lnd's  Altar  C*  Domini  Altare  ")  with  the  *<  ara  " 
of  idola.  So  again  {Epist.  65,  §  1)  he  contrasts 
'"STH  diaboU"  with  "Altare  Dei."  So  Angus- 
tiie  {Strmo  159,  §  1)  speaks  of  <"  Altare  Dei." 
Tft  Cyprian  speaks  {Ep.  59,  §  15)  of  ''diaboli 
altaria,"  so  uncertain  was  the  usage.  In  the 
Latin  liturgies  scarcely  any  other  name  of  the 
altar  occurs  but  altare.  The  plural  altaria  is 
also  eoeasionally  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers, 
■a  iBTiriably  by  classical  authors,  to  designate 
an  altar;  thus  Caesarius  of  Aries  {Horn.  7)  says 
tbai  the  elements  (creaturae)  to  be  consecrated 
"aaeris  altaribns  imponuntur."  (Mone's  Oriech. 
«.  Xdt  Jfinam,  p.  6.) 

Tbc  singular  **  altarium  "  is  also  used  in  late 
vriteai:  as  in  the  Canon  of  the  Council  of 
Anxcxre  quoted  below,  mass  is  not  to  be  said 
BMif  than  once  a  day,  "super  uno  altario." 
Aharioa  is  also  used  in  a  wider  sense,  like 


OtMruurrfipiov,  for  the  Bema  or  Sanctuary;   so 
also  altaria. 

8.  In  most  European  languages,  not  only  of 
the  Romanesque  family,  but  also  of  the  Teutonio 
and  Slavonic,  the  word  used  for  the  Lord's  Table 
is  derived,  with  but  slight  change,  from  altare. 
In  Russian,  however,  another  word,  prestol,  pro- 
perly a  throne,  is  in  general  use.  [C.] 

II.  Paris  composing  aitars. — Although  in  strict- 
ness the  table  or  tomb-like  structure  consti- 
tutes the  altar,  the  steps  on  which  it  is  placed, 
and  the  ciborium  or  canopy  which  covered  it, 
may  be  considered  parts  of  the  altar  in  a  larger 
sense,  or,  at  least,  were  so  closely  connected  with 
it,  as  to  make  it  more  convenient  to  treat  of 
them  under  the  same  head. 

The  altar  itself  was  composed  of  two  portions, 
the  supports,  whether  legs  or  columns,  in  the 
table  form,  or  slabs  in  the  tomb-like,  and  the 
"mensa"  or  slab  which  formed  the  top. 

The  expression  "comu  altaris,"  horn  of  the 
altar,"  often  used  in  rituals  (as  in  the  Sacrament. 
Oshsianum  1,  c  Ixxxviii.),  appears  to  mean 
merely  the  comer  or  angle  of  the  altar,  no  known 
example  showing  any  protuberance  at  the  angles 
or  elsewhere  above  the  general  level  of  the 
mensa,  although  in  some  instances  (as  in  that  in 
the  church  of  S.  Giovanni  Evangelista  at  Ravenna 
hereafter  mentioned)  the  central  part  of  the  sar- 
face  of  the  mensa  is  slightly  hollowed.  By  the 
Comu  Evangelii  is  meant  the  angle  to  the  left  of 
the  priest  celebrating,  by  Comu  Epistolae  that  to 
the  right.  These  phrases  must,  however,  it  would 
seem,  date  from  a  period  subsequent  to  that 
when  the  Gospel  was  read  from  the  ambo. 

III.  Material  and  form  of  altars. — ^It  is  admitted 
by  all  that  the  earliest  altars  were  tables  of 
wood ;  in  the  high  altar  of  the  church  of  S.  Gio- 
vanni Laterano  at  Rome  is  enclosed  an  altar  of 
the  tomb-like  form,  the  mensa  and  sides  formed 
of  wooden  planks,  on  which  St.  Peter  is  asserted 
to  have  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  at 
Sta.  Pudenziana,  in  the  same  city,  fragments  of 
another  are  preserved  to  which  the  same  tra- 
dition attaches.    [Arca.] 

This  shows  an  ancient  belief  that  altars  were 
of  wood.  And  there  is  abundant  proof  that  in 
Africa  at  least  the  Holy  Table  was  commonly  of 
wood  up  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  centui'y. 
AthanasiuB,  speaking  of  an  outrage  of  the  Arians 
in  an  orthodox  church  {Ad  Monachos,  0pp.  i. 
847),  says  that  they  burnt  the  Table  {i^vXitni 
y^p  i{y)  with  other  fittings  of  the  church.  Op- 
tatus  of  Mileve,  describing  the  violence  of  the 
Donatists,  mentions  their  planing  afresh,  or 
breaking  up  and  using  for  firewood,  the  Holy 
Tables  in  the  churches  of  their  rivals  {De  Schis- 
mate  Donatistarum  vi.  1,  p.  90  ff.) ;  and  St.  Augus- 
tine {Epist.  185,  c.  27)  declares  that  they  beat 
the  orthodox  Bishop  Maximinianus  with  the 
wood  of  the  altar  under  which  he  had  taken 
refuge.  In  England,  at  a  much  later  date,  if  we 
may  trust  William  of  Malmesbury  {Vita  S. 
Wulstaniy  in  De  Qestis  Pomtif  Angl.  iii.  U\ 
Wulstan,  bishop  of  Worcester  (1062-1095),  de 
molished  throughout  his  diocese  the  wooden 
altars  which  were  still  in  existence  in  England 
as  in  ancient  days,  ''altaria  lignea  jam  inde  a 
priscis  diebus  in  Anglift."  Martene  {De  Antiq. 
Eccl  Ritibus  i.  3)  and  Mabillon  {Acta  SS.  Bene* 
diet.  Saec.  vi.,  pars  2,  p.  860)  have  shown  th«V. 
wooden  altars  were  anciently  used  m  Gaol. 


62 


ALTAB 


Tet  there  is  distinct  eyidenoe  of  the  exist- 
ence of  Ftone  altars  in  the  fourth  century. 
Gregorjr  of  Nyssa  (JDe  Ckristi  Baptismate,  0pp. 
iii.  369)  speaks  of  the  stone  of  which  the  altar 
was  made  being  hallowed  by  consecitition.  To 
the  same  effect  St.  Chrysostom  (on  1  Cor.  Horn. 
20).  And  stone  became  in  time  the  usual  canon- 
ical material  of  an  altar.  The  assertion  that 
Pope  Sylvester  (314-335)  first  decreed  that 
altars  should  be  of  stone  rests  upon  no  ancient 
authority  (Bona,  De  Reb.  Lit.  i.,  c  20,  §  1). 
The  earliest  decree  of  a  council  bearing  on  the 
subject  is  one  of  the  provincial  council  of  Epaona 
(Pamiers  in  France)  in  517,  the  26th  Canon  of 
which  (Brun's  Cawmea  ii.  170)  forbids  any  other 
than  stone  altars  to  be  consecrated  by  the  appli- 
cation of  Chnsm. 

As  this  council  was  only  provincial,  its  decrees 
were  no  doubt  only  partially  received.  The 
14th  chap,  of  the  CapituUries  of  Charles  the 
Great,  A.D.  769  (Migne's  Patrologia,  xcvu.  124), 
orders  that  priests  should  not  celebrate  unless 
**in  mensis  lapideis  ab  £piscopis  consecratis." 
This  seems  to  mark  a  period  when  the  use  of 
wooden  altars,  although  disapproved  of,  was  by 
no  means  unknown.  In  the  Eastern  churches 
the  material  of  the  altar  has  been  deemed  a 
matter  of  less  importance,  and  at  all  times  down 
to  the  present  day  altars  have  been  made  of 
wood,  stone,  or  metal. 

Assemani  (BibL  Orient,  iii.  238)  dtes  a  Canon 
of  a  Synod  of  the  Syro-Jacobites,  held  circa  a.d. 
908,  which  orders  the  use  of  fixed  altars  of  stone, 
and  the  disuse  of  wood ;  he  adds  that  in  the 
churches  of  the  Maronites  and  of  the  Jacobites 
the  altars  were  sometimes  of  wood,  sometimes 
of  stone  (compare  Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Intr.  181). 
In  some  instances  at  the  present  day  pillars  of 
stone  are  used  to  support  a  mensa  of  wood. 

This  change  of  material  was  in  some  degree 
occasioned  or  accompanied  by  the  adoption  of  a 
different  type  of  form,  that  of  the  tomb.  Such 
adoption  has  been  usually  accounted  for  by  the 
supposition  that  the  tombs  in  the  Roman  cata- 
combs known  as  *'  arcosolia  **  were  used  during 
the  period  of  persecution  as  altars.  These  arco- 
solia were  formed  by  cutting  in  the  wall  of  the 
chamber  or  oratory,  at  a  height  of  about  three 
feet  from  the  floor,  an  opening  covered  by  an 
arch.  In  the  wall  below  this  opening  an  exca^ 
vation  was  made  sufficiently  large  to  receive  one 
or  sometimes  two  bodies,  and  this  was  covered 
by  a  slab  of  marble. 

Snch  tombs  would  evidently  furnish  suffici- 
ently convenient  altars,  hot  there  appears  to  be 
some  deficiency  of  proof  that  they  were  actually 
so  used  during  the  period  of  persecution,  to 
which,  indeed,  the  far  greater  number  are  by 
some  centuries  posterior.  Some  writers  assert 
that  up  to  the  time  of  St.  Sylvester  the  only 
altars  in  use  were  wooden  chests  [compare 
Arca]  carried  about  from  place  to  place  where- 
ever  the  Roman  bishop  had  his  habitation. 
Whether  this  opinion  be  or  be  not  well-founded, 
it  is  certain  that  traces  of  altars  occupying  the 
normal  position,  viz.,  the  centre  of  the  apse,  have 
been  found  in  the  oratories  of  the  catacombs. 
Bosio  and  Boldetti  state  that  they  had  met  with 
such,  the  one  in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  the 
other  in  that  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter,  and 
Martigny  (Diet,  des  Aniiq.  Chrdt.  p.  58^  adds 
that  he  had  been  shown  by  the  Cav.  de  Rossi  in 


ALTAB 

the  cemetery  of  Galixtus  the  traces  left  by  the 
four  pillars  which  had  supported  an  altar.  The 
date  of  the  altars  in  question  does  not,  however, 
appear  to  have  been  clearly  ascertained. 

It  was,  however,  not  only  in  Rome  that  the 
memorials  of  martyrs  and  altars  were  closely 
associated;  the  83i'd  Canon  of  the  Codex  Can. 
Eccl,  Afric.  A.D.  419  (in  Brun's  Canonee,  i. 
176)  orders  that  the  altaria  which  had  been 
raised  everywhere  by  the  roads  and  in  the  fields 
as  ^  Memoriae  Martyrum,"  should  be  overtomed 
when  there  was  no  proof  that  a  martyr  lay 
beneath  them ;  and  blames  the  piaetioe  of  erect- 
ing altars  in  conseauence  of  dreams  and  **  inanes 
I'evelationes." 

In  the  Liber  PontificaUs  it  is  stated  that  Pope 
Felix  I.  (A.D.  269—274)  '*  oonstituit  supra  sepnl- 
era  martyrum  missas  celebrari,"  but  perhaps  the 
most  clear  proofs  of  the  prevalence  of  the  prac- 
tice of  placing  altars  over  the  remains  of  martyn 
and  saints  at  an  early  period,  are  furnished  by 
passages  in  Prudentius,  particularly  that  so  oftea 
quoted  {Feritteph,,  Hymn  XL  t.  169—174):.* 

**  TaUbos  Hli^lytl  corpus  mandatnr  opertis 
Propter  ubi  opposita  est  sra  dfeata  Deo^ 

Ilia  tacramenti  donatrix  mensa  etdemqoe 
CnscoB  Ada  sol  martyrls  appoiita, 

Servat  ad  aetarnl  spem  Jodids  oasa  sepnkro 
Fasclt  Item  ssnctis  tlbrtoolM  dapiboa." 

The  practice  of  placing  the  altar  over  the  re- 
mains of  martyrs  or  saints  may  probably  have 
arisen  from  a  disposition  to  look  upon  the  snfier- 
ings  of  those  confessors  of  the  faitli  as  analogoos 
with  that  sacrifice  which  is  commemorated  in 
the  Eucharist;  and  the  passage  in  the  Reve- 
lation (chap.  vi.  V.  9),  ^  I  saw  under  the  altar 
the  souls  of  them  that  were  slain  for  the  word 
of  God,"  no  doubt  encouraged  or  instigated  the 
observance.  The  increasing  disposition  to  vene- 
rate martyrs  and  their  relics  fostered  this  prac- 
tice, by  which,  as  Prudentius  says  {Perigtepk^ 
Hymn.  III.  v.  211)— 

"  Sic  venerarier  oeaa  llbet 
Oaslbas  altar  et  impoaltom.'* 

And  it  took  firm  root  in  the  Western  Church; 
so  much  so  that  a  rule  has  long  been  established 
that  every  altar  must  contain  a  relic  or  relioi, 
among  which  should  be  one  of  the  saint  in  whose 
honour  it  was  consecrated.  [Coivbegbahoh  or 
Chubohbs;  Reugb.] 

This  practice,  no  doubt,  conduced  to  the  change 
of  material  from  wood  to  stene,  and  also  to  a 
change  of  form  from  that  of  a  table  to  that  of 
a  chest  or  tomb,  or  to  the  combination  of  the 
two.  The  table-foim  seems  to  have  been  still 
common  in  Africa  in  the  early  part  of  the  5tk 
century:  for  Synesius  (KaTdoratris,  c  19,  p. 
303),  says  that,  in  the  terrors  of  the  Vandal 
invasion,  he  would  cast  himself  beneath  the 
altar,  and  clasp  the  columns  that  supported  it 
The  annexed  woodcut  furnishes  an  example  of 
the  combination  of  the  table-form  with  the 
tomb-form.  It  was  discovered  in  the  ruins  of 
the  so-called  basilica  of  8.  Alessandro  on  tb« 
Via  Nomentana,  about  seven  miles  from  Rome, 
and  may  with  all  probability  be  ascribed  to  the 
fifth  century.  The  mensa  is  a  slab  of  porphyry, 
the  rest  is  of  marble.  The  small  columns  were 
not  placed  as  represented  in  the  woodcut  at  the 
time  when  the  sketch  from  which  it  is  takei 
was  made ;  they  were,  however,  found  close  by 


IW  ilta.  avl  then  can  b«  little  doubt  bnt  thit 
thij  wtn  origiiullf  ■>  pluad,  fieowtb  th« 
Jui  ii  ■  dMllow  Mcantion  lined  irith  mwbl*, 


ii  aktcli  tkc  bsnes  of  St.  AUuuder  «rs  beliiTtd 
la  bin  bun  deptxited.  Th«  aqiuua  optniag  ia 
tkt  euHxIUttd  lUb  wm  probabi;  osed  for  the 
jurpoK  of  introdudng  cloth*  [BBAHDEi},  which 
nn  lijd  ca  the  tflmb  of  a  uint,  ud  iftcrwards 
pncrred  i»  relic*.  A  part  of  the  tnicriptioD  on 
iW  friBt  hai  bMO  loat :  what  remams  reads  "  et 
Jlcuadro  Delicatiu  Toto  pomit  dedicatite  Aepia- 
tafoTJa,,"  The  name  nntiog  at  the  begin- 
na;  ia  •appoiad  to  bt  that  of  Ereatitu,  alw  buried 
ii  Ut  amc  ena»Urj.  Urana  ia  beliered  to  bare 
irtB  biahop  of  NoneBtnin. 

Tit  altar  in  the  aepnlchial  chapel  at  RaveDiw, 
I,  ia  ao  example 
The  chapel  wia 
Mill  aknt  1.111  4au,  and  ttaia  utar  may  be  of 
i^nt  th*  iame  date.  Acxordiug  to  the  Rer.  B. 
TiM>  (JUcto  of  CoiUingntal  EccktMogy,  p. 
IJS)  II  ia  compoaod  of  three  slabg  of  alabaster 
■appntiiig  a  menia ;  on  the  eoda  are  carred 
tTiMu ;  gn  the  front  i*  a  cnoa  betvera  two 
iheif ;  and  «  each  dde  of  it  the  device  of  a 
■nwa  lupeulad  from  ■  wreath.  It  ia  ihewn 
ii  the  <9gnriBg  of  the  chapel  in  Gallj  Knight' 
Eal.  Ank.  i4  Jt^ 

la  the  aooiewhat  earlier  moaaici  in  the  b*p- 
IMtrj  of  the  cathedral  of  Rarenna,  altan  are 
nfnicntad  aa  tablea  anpported  bj  cotamoa  with 
afilala ;  the  tablea  are  repnHnted  nd  and  the 
ealoBai  gold,  indicating  perhaps  the  (ue  of  por- 
I^JTj  and  gilt  bronie  aa  the  materiala.  Nor, 
althevgh  the  tomb-like  rorm  eraatually  became  in 
Ihe  Wwlem  Cbarch  the  mliDjf  one,  was  the  tible- 
fn  dinued,  for  examples  of  it  of  '  ' 
tale  as  the  thirteenth  ccntorr  are  i 


ALTAB  63 

the  accompan;ing  weodcat.  Thii  altar  WW 
found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Aariol,  in  the 
department  of  the  Boachee-du-RhSne,  In  France, 
and   mftr  >>*   attributed   to   the  liflh   or  aiith 

HartigDj  {Did.  da  Aatiq.  Chret.,  p.  bS)  men- 
tions other  eiamplei  ia  which  the  men.u  ia  anp- 
ported  by  fire  colnmns,  one  being  in  the  centre. 
One  of  these  found  at  Avigoou  is  aupposed  to 
haie  been  erected  by  S.  Agricola  (dec.  a.d.  580). 
Another,  in  the  UiisA  at  Maneillei,  he  attri- 
butes to  the  5th  centnry,  and  a  third  he  says 
in  the  crypt  of  the  church  of  St.  Uartho, 
at  Tarascon. 
In  the  baptistery  of  the  cathedral  of  RareDna 
an  altar  composed  of  a  menis  with  two  colnmna 
front,  and  a  qaadiaugniar  block  of  marble,  in 
bich   is   a   recesa  or  cavity  now  closed  by  a 
odem  bnusdoor;  the  front   of  thU  block  hai 
some  decoration  of  an  architectural  character,  a 
crow,  doves,  ears  of  wheat,  and  bunches  of 
grapes.     TTiis  central  block  woald  appear  to  bo 
ID  altar  (or  part  of  one)  of  the  Sth  century.     A 
rery  eimilar  block  is  at  Pannio,  in  Istria,  and  is 
engraved  in  Heider  and  Eiselbei^er'a  HilltlalUr- 
"cht  EmatdmJmaii  da  Oattrrekhitchai  Kaiar- 
\aatet  (i.   109);    tbe  writer  of  that  work  ii, 
owever,  dispoud  to  conaider  it  not  in  altar  but 
tabernacle. 

Mr.  Webb  {Sietchet  of  Coni.  Ecchnaiogy,  pp. 
430,  440)  mention)  two  altara  at  Ravenna,  one 
"  !  crypt  of  S.  QiovanniETingelista,  the  other 
I  nire  of  S.  Apollinare  inClaiwe,  of  the  some 
form  as  that  of  the  baptistery  of  the  Cathedral 
described  above,  and  seems  to  consider  this  ar- 
rangement aa  original ;  but  says  of  the  altar  of 
tbe  bsptiitery  that  it  was  the  tabernacle  of  the 
old  Cathedral.  Ha  remarks  that  the  mensa  of 
the  altar  in  S.  Qiovaani  is  not  level,  bnt  slightly 
hollowed  10  aa  to  leave  a  rim  all  round. 

Many  notices  of  altars  may  l>e  found  in  the 
Liber  foiMficalis  (otherwise  known  aa  Amulatau 
Bibtiolheeariat  de  Viiit  Fimtificum),  aa  that  Pope 
Hilarns  <i.D.  461-167)  made  at  S.  Lorenzo  f. 
L  m.  "attare  argenteum  pensans  libros  qnadia- 
ginta,"  that  Leo  111.  (i.D.  765-816)  made  at  S. 
Oiovanni  Latarano  "altare  majua  miroe  mag- 
nltndinis  decoratnm  ei  aigento  puiissimo  pensans 
libiaa  seiaginCa  et  novem." 

In  these  and  in  the  nnmeroui  like  insUnces  it 
is  either  eipressly  stated  that  the  altar  was 
decorattd  with  gold  or  silver,  or  the  quantity  of 
the  metal  employed  is  evidently  quite  insufficient 
to  fomitb  the  sole  material ;  bnt  we  are  not  told 
whether  the  altar  was  conatmcted  of  stone  or  of 

In  a  mosaic  at  S.  Vitale,  at  Bavenna.  dating 
from  the  Sth  century  (engraved  in  Webb's  Con*. 
Eccte».  p.  437),  an  altar  doubtless  is  represented 
aa  standing  on  l^t  at  the  angles,  and  therefore 
of  the  table  form.  It  baa,  according  to  Ur. 
Webb,  aa  ornamental  covering  of  white  linen 
with  a  hanging  beneath. 

The  annexed  woodcut  takan  from  the  same 
work  (p.  440)  shows  an  alUr  aimilarly  re- 
presented in  a  mosaic  in  S.  Apollinare  in  assae 
«  Ravenna.  This  church  was  commenced 
between  5.14  and  538,  and  dedicated  between 
546  and  553,  but  mncb  of  the  mosaic  was  not 
executed  until  between  671  and  677  (Hilbsch, 
AOchrMKohm  Eirdumy 

Paol  the  Silentiary,  in  hit  poetioJ  deaeription 


dencribei  the  altar  aa  af  gold,  d«conted  with 
prccioiu  itonea  aod  luppartsd  oa  golden  colamna. 
Thii  hu  of  course  iong  tine*  been  dtatroyed, 
but  there  atill  eiisCi  as  altar  of  almoat  eqaal 
•plendoar,  though  of  the  other  type,  tLz.,  that  of 
the  tomb,   and  more  recent    by  three  hundred 


length  Kod  4 


g7ft.3 
1  in.  in  height,  the  mensa  being 
•■  iL.  •(  in.  Hiae.  The  front  ia  of  gold,  the  back 
and  aides  of  silver.  It  is  corered  with  lobjecU 
in  relief  in  panels  diiided  bj  buds  of  omamen' 
and  manj  small  orcameDts  iu  cloisona£  enaini 
are  interspersed.  The  aabjects  DQ  the  back  ai 
chieRf  iocidenti  in  the  life  of  St.  AmbroH 
thoee  of  the  ttoot  are  Christ  seated  within  a 
oval  eompartuieot  within  a  ciosa,  in  the  bruich< 
of  which  an  the  sTmbols  of  the  Evangelist 


the  Oospcln  or  the  Acta  of  the  Apostles.     On 
ends  of  the  altar  are  crosses  in  compartments, 
surroonding  which  are  angels  in  Tarious  attitude 
of  adoration.     It  is  represented  in  the  woodcut. 


Two  examples  of  the  tomb-like  form,  of  atone 
and  of  earlier  date,  maj  be  seea  in  the  latenl 
apses  of  the  basilicao  church  which  (anna  part 
of  S.  Stefano  at  Boli^na.  These  perhaps  date 
from  the  7th  or  8th  centurj-.  On  one  are  a  croas 
and  two  peacocks,  and  an  inscription  in  honour 
of  S.  Vitalis ;  on  the  other,  Rgum  of  a  lion  and 
a  stag  or  oi.  It  is  not  clear  whether  these  were 
coDttmcted  to  scrre  aa  altars,  or  are  tonibe  con- 
Terted  to  that  use ;  but  the  first  seems  the  more 
probable  auggeation. 

The  acconnt  given  by  Ardo  Smarsgdus,  In  his 
life  of  St.  Benedict  oT  Aniane  (Act.  Sand.  Feb. 
Tol.  ii.  die  12,  p.  614),  of  one  of  the  altan  coa- 
itructed  bj  the  latter  in  the  church  of  that  place 
(io  A.D.  782?),  is,  though  somewhat  obscure,  too 
renwrkable  to  be  passed  over;  the  altar  waa  hol- 
low within,  baring  at  the  hack  a  little  door ;  in 


the  high  altiu,  waa  ao  constructed 
(in  altari .  .  .  tres  ana  cauiavit  lubponi)  ■■  to 
■JMboliie  the  Trinity, 

It  b  difScnIt  to  Snd  the  date  at  which  it 
became  customary  to  incise  crosses,  nnallj  five 
in  namber,  on  the  mensa  of  an  altar;  tbev  do 
not  appear  to  exist  on  the  mensa  of  the  woodea 
altar  in  S.  Qiovanni  Lateraao  at  Borne,  which  is 
no  doubt  of  an  early  date,  on  that  of  the  altar  «( 
S.  Alessandro,  near  Borne,  or  oa  those  of  the  early 
altars  at  Ravenna,  or  Auriot,  or  even  on  the  altar 
of  S.  Amhrogio.  Crosses  are  however  found  oa 
the  porUble  alUr  which  waa  buried  with  St. 
Cnthbert  (A.D.  687).  The  very  fragmentary 
atate  of  thia  object  makes  it  impoesible  to  deter- 
mine with  certainty  how  many  crosses  were  on 
iL  Two  are  to  be  seen  on  the  oaken  board  to 
which  the  plating  of  silver  waa  attached,  and 
two  on  the  plating  itself,  hut  it  ia  quite  pofisible 
that  originally  there  were  five  on  each,  in  the 
order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  In  the 
SaerammOaiy  of  Gregory  the  Great  (p.  148X 
the  bishop  coosecratiug  is  desired  Id  make 
croaaei  with  holy  water  on  the  (bur  comen  ol 
the  altar ;  but  nothing  is  said  of  incised  crosMi. 

The  practice  of  making  below  the  menia  a 
cavity  to  contain  relics,  and  covering  tbis  by  a 
separate  stone  let  into  the  meosa,  does  not  appear 
to  be  of  an  early  date.     [CoHBECRATIOH.] 

IV.  Structural  acaiioriei  af  the  attar.— 
Usually,  though  not  invariably,  the  altar  wai 
raised  on  il«pa,  one,  two,  or  three  iu  number. 
From  theee  steps  the  bishop  sometimes  preached ) 
hence  Sidonius  ApoU.,  addressiug  Fanstus,  Bishop 
ofRiei,  says  (Carm.  XVI.  v.  Vi*),— 


Beneath  the  steps  it  became  cuetomarr,  from 
the  fourth  century  at  least,  at  Rome  and  wherem 
the  uuges  of  itome  were  tolloned,  to  constmcl 
a  small  vault  called  confcssio  ;  thia  wsaorigiullf 
a  inera  grave  or  repository  for  a  body,  as  at  S. 
Aleasandro  near  Rome,  but  gradnally  eipaodsd 
into  a  vault,  a  window  or  grating  below  thealtsi 
allowing  the  sarcophagus  in  which  the  body  of 
the  saint  waa  placed  to  be  visible.     [COKrESSio] 

In  the  Eastern  Church  a  piscina  is  usualiy 
found  under  the  altar  (Neale.  Eailem  OUinli 
Inlrod.  18S),  called  x"l,  X'"'"  °r  more  eon 
monly  Sif^aaaa  or  AiAairrrlSm.  What  the  si 
ti<|uity  of  thia  practice  may  be  does  not  seein  I 
be  ascertained,  bat  it  may  have  existed  in  tli 
Western  Church,  aa  appears  from  the  Fr^nkij 
missal  published  by  Mabillon  (Liturg.  Gall,  ii 
§  12,  p.  3U),  where,  iu  consecrnting  an  altu, 
holy  water  is  to  be  poured  ^^  ad  basem."  So  ^ 
Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  149. 

The  altar  was  oflen  enclosed  within  rtilingi  c' 
wood  or  metal,  or  low  waits  of  marble  ilsb; 
these  encloanrn  were  often  mentioned  by  earlt 
writers  under  the  names  "  ambitus  altan!,' 
uitua  altani;"  the  railings  were  calM 
:e1]i,'*Bnd  the  slabs  "  tninsennae."  Sam 
furtheraccount  of  these  will  b«  found  under  tbt 

Upon  these  enclosures  columns  and  archa  'f 
liver  were  ofl^n  filed,  and  veils  or  cartaiii  ^ 
icta  stuffs  suspended  from  the  arches:  tbey  >>< 
freqaently  mealioned  in  the  LA.  Pentif,  si  is 


ALTAK 

W  iaiUK*  whin  Pope  Leo  111.  gBT«  <I6  TciU 
■■K  Uglilj  onuDiCdt*!!.  to  bt  u  placed  ronnd 
tk 'udIhIiu  dUru"  (Jkd  the  "pmbyterioia' 
tlSt.  PMtr'i  It  B«D«. 

7.  CidoniHi,  othtrwiso  umbrscQlain,  Or.  ci- 
iifMi.  JUL  batduhJDo. — Down  to  the  tad  o\ 
Ikt  period  vitli  which  we  are  now  coanrncd, 
ud  iin  littr,  the  altu  wu  tunailr  covered  i> 
1  aaopj  mpperted  bj  columoA,  the  ciboriun 
At  mii  u  no  doabt  derived  IVam  the  Giee 
Bfmfum,  the  primarj  meaning  of  which  u  th 
cifrjik*  H«I-TeaMl  of  the  Igyplan  vnter-Yilj. 

It  iW  am  ippear  when  the  oiboiium  cam 
bil  te  lie  is  Die,  thoagh  thii  wan  probablj  at  u 
■Ht  1  date  u  that  in  which  aichilectnral 
tplalogr  mi  emplojeil  in  tbe  coDstrnction  or 
dudwL  Aagoiti  quotes  EnMbius  (Vii,  Cimai. 
M.  lib.  iiL  c.  ;<«)  as  nsiag  the  word  icif<i£pior 
■ba  dscribiag  the  charch  of  the  Sepulchre  at 
JsibIkii,  ind  cnnDectiog  it  with  the  word  iifu- 

u  BcilJicr  word  occnra  in  cap.  38,  while  in  cap. 


.  or  Kola  liag  been  thought  t 


AI.TAB 


65 


Meurs.  Teiier  and  PulUn'i  work  on  Bf 
tnotine  Architecture,  ia  fbnnd  in  the  moeaks 
of  St.  George  at  ThesulonicB,  works  cerUlnlr 
LDt  later  than  A.D.  500,  and  perhapa  mDcIi 
arlier ;  the  anthon  are  Indeed  disposed  to  refer 
hem  to  the  era  of  Conjtantina  the  Great. 

Cihoria  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Libtr  Pan- 
ificalit  in  the  long  catalogue  of  altar?  erected  in 
lud  gifts  made  to  churches  erected  in  Rome  asd 
Naples  by  Uonstantine,  nnleu  the  "fastiginm" 
of  silver  weighing  2025  ibe.  in  the  beailirA  of  St. 
John    Laterao   was,  u   aome   have   thongbt,   a 

^worthiness  of  thii 
part  of  the  Liber  PonHfiatta,  nor  does  anj  men- 
tion of  one  occur  until  the  time  of  Pope  Spnma- 
chui  (498 — 5U),  who,  it  is  sUted,  made  at  S. 
Silvestro  a  ciborium  of  silver  weighing  120  lbs. 
Mention  is  made  in  the  same  work  of  many 
other  ciboria ;  they  are  generally  described  as  of 
silver  or  decorated  with  silier,  Tbe  quantit;  of 
metal  variu  very  much  ;  one  at  S.  Paolo  f  1.  m. 
is  eaid  to  have  been  decorated  with  2015  lbs.  of 
>f  St.  Peter'^  of  silver-gilt,  weighed 


and  that 


liLatera: 


^ilAb.M.Epig.iy. 


nlj  122T  lbs.  All  these  were  erected  by  Pope 
Leo  HI.  (Te&-«16).  The  last  is  descHbed  as 
"cyborium  cam  column  is  suis  quatuor  ei 
argento  purissimo  divcrsis  depictum  bistoriis 
nm  caneellit  et  colamnellis  snis  mirae  magni- 
adinis  et  pulchritudinis  decant um."  The 
'cancel)!"  were,  no  doubt,  railinga  running  from 
»lumn  to  column  and  enclosing  the  altar.  Tbe 
;i barium  in  St.  Sophia's,  as  erected  bj  Justinian, 
I  described  by  Paul  the  Silentiary  as  having 
bur   columns    of    silver    which    supported    an 

ly  a  globe  bearing  a  cross.  From  the  arches 
bung  rich  veils  woven  with  figures  of  Christ,  St, 
"aul,  St.  Peter,  bt. 
Ciboria  were  constrooted  not  only  of  metai, 
r  of  wood  covered  with  metal,  but  of  marble  ; 
the  alabaater  columnt  of  the  ciborium  of  the 
high  altar  of  St.  Mark's  at  Venice  are  said  to 
have  occupied  the  same  position  in  the  chapel  of 
the  Greek  Emperor  at  Constantinople.  They 
ntirely  covered  with  subjects  &om  Biblical 


IS  early  a  date  as  the  fifth  century ; 


appear  I 


Trilt  are  inentioiwd  by  St.  Chrysoitom  (^om. 
■ii.  ■  Epiia.)  Bi  withdrawn  at  the  consecration 
■f  the  Eucharist,  and  it  ii  probable  that  these 
■en  attached  to  the  ciborium  in  the  fiuhion 
"mtattii  by  tlM  aceompanving  woodcut, 
wn  a  ciborinm  ia  shown  with  the  veils  cou- 
^■^  the  altar.     This    representation,   taken 


charch  of  S.  Apollinere  in  Classa  at  Ravenna, 

which  is  shown  by  the  inscription  engraved  apon 
it  to  have  been  erected  between  ^D.  806  and 
±J>.  810. 

Various  ornaments,  as  vases,  crowns,  and 
baskets  (cophini)  of  ailver,  were  placed  as  deco- 
rations upon  or  suspended  from  theciboria;  and, 

attached  to  thnn;  these  last  were  withdrawn 
after  the  consecration  but  before  the  elevation  of 
the  Eucharist.  These  curtains  are  mentioned 
repeatedly  in  the  Libtr  Ponti}.  as  gifts  made  bv 
rariouf  popea  of  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  nlntk 
centariea,  t.  g.,  "Vela  alba  boloeerica  rosata 
quae  pendent  in  arcu  de  cyhorio  numero  qua- 
tuor," given  to  S.  Maria  Maggiore  by  Pope 
Lao  HI.  (A.D.  795-816). 

It  does  not  appear  when  thejise  of  these  veilc 
was  discontinued  in  tbe  Weatem  Church  ;  in  the 
Eastern  a  screen  {iiKoviirriurt!)  with  doors  now 
'  serves  the  like  purpose.  Some  of  the  ciboiis  .it 
Kome,    according    to    Hartigny    (Art.     Coloiaii 


EueAarittique),  hsving  a  ring  fiied  in  the  centre 
of  th*  vmilt,  frum  which  h«  conceiiBs  «  receptacle 
for  the  hwt  to  bate  been  iuipended,  [Pebi- 
BTEftlUH].  No  ciborinm  nov  eiiitiog  at  Rome 
■Mmi  to  be  or  earlier  date  tbaa  the  tn-elftb 
aentury,  but  the  practice  of  tnipending  such 
receptaclei  it  no  donbt  much  earlier. 

Irhrtigny  is  of  r^nion  that  besidei  the  cibo- 
rium,  the  colamns  of  vhich  realed  on  the  gTOuiid, 
there  wai  eometimea  a  leuer  ODe,  the  ooliimni  ot 
which  retted  on  the  altar,  and  that  then  laat 
wer«  more  property  called  "  periiteria,"  M  enoloe- 
ing  a  Tewel  in  the  form  of  ■  dove,  in  which  the 
boat  wa*  contained.  [CuOBiOM,  TdbbiE,  Pebi- 
■TBBIUK.] 


VI.  J;ipnu%«  d/ tie  .ittar.— In  ancient  times 
nothing  was  placed  opon  the  altar  bat  the 
Altar-cloth e  and  the  ucred  vetaelt  with  the 
Eleuebts.  a  fefling  of  reverence,  eaya  M«t- 
tene  {de  Antiq.  Ecd.  Sit.  i.  112),  pennitted  not 
the  pretence  of  inTthing  on  the  altar,  except  the 
thlDgl  used  in  the  Holy  Oblation.  Hence  there 
were  no  candlesticici  on  the  alUr,  nor  (anleu  on 
the  columni,  archea,  and  cDrtaint  of  the  ciborium) 
any  imagee  or  picturei.  Even  In  the  ninth  cen- 
tary  we  find  Leo  IV.  (an.  8b5)  limiting  the  objeoti 
which  might  lawfully  be  placed  on  the  sltsT  to 
the  shrine  containing  relict,  or  perchance  tlie 
codei  of  the  Ooepelt,  and  the  pyi  or  tabernacle 
in  which  the  Lord^s  body  was  reserved  for  the 
Tiaticum  of  the  sick.  {Be  Cura  Pattorati,  §  8, 
in  Migne's  Patrolasia,  civ.  677.) 

The  Book  of  the  Gotpels  seems  anciently 
have  been  frequently  placed  on  the  altar,  evr 
when  the  Liturgy  was  not  being  celebrated 
(Nealo,  iTottmi  <X  Introd.  188).  An  example 
may  l>e  teen  in  the  frescoet  of  the  Baptistery  at 
Ravenna  (Webb't  Contituialal  EccltsMogy,  427). 

With  regard  to  the  relics  of  sainla,  the  ancient 
rule  was,  as  St.  Ambrose  tells  os  {Ad  ISarai- 
fioam,  ffx'sl.  85)"  111e[ChristUE]  super  altare  .  . 
iati  [martyres]  sub  alUri;"  and  this  was  the 
praclio'  not  only  of  the  age  of  St.  Ambrose,  but 


linth  century,  at  UabllloD  (Ada  6S.  Bf 
wdict.  Saec  iii.  Praebtio  S  105),  awnna  at ;  fiir 
the  anonymous  author  of  the  Life  of  Serratint 
of  Tongres  says  expressly  that  the  relict  of  thit 
taint,  when  tianilated  1^  command  of  Charla 
the  Great,  were  laid  b^ore  the  altar,  at  mea 
did  not  yet  pr«sume  to  lay  anvtbing  except  the 
sacrifice  on  the  altar,  which  u  the  Table  of  the 
Lord  of  Hosts.  And  even  later,  Odo  of  Clugnv 
telU  us  (CoUationet  il.  28)  that  when  Bene 
(in.  895)  laid  the  relict  of  St.  Walburgit  on 
the  altar,  they  ceased  to  work  miracles,  resenting 
the  being  placed  "nbt  majetCat  divini  Uytterii 
solommodo  debet  celebrari."  The  passage  of 
Leo  IV.,  quoted  above,  seems  In  fact  the  first 
permisiion  U>  place  a  shrine  containing  relics  on 
the  altar,  and  that  permission  wsi  evidently  not 
in  accordance  with  the  general  religioos  feeling 
of  that  age. 

In  the  early  centnriet  of  tbe  Chriitian  Chnrth. 
nntecrated  bread  wai  generally  reserved  in 
lael  made  in  the  tbnn  of  a  dove  a>d  tu- 
id  from  the  ciborium  rPEKWrEBiDM],  or 
perha]M  in  tome  cases  placed  on  a  tower  on  the 
altar  itself  (£i6sr  i>anfi/..  Innocent  I.  c  bl,  and 
Hilary,  c.  TO).  Gregory  of  Toun  [Dt  Gloria 
Martifnaa  L  86)  speaks  dutinctly  of  the  deacon 
lakii^  the  tnrrii  from  tbe  sacristy  B>d  pladig 
L  tbe  altar,  but  thit  teems  to  baie  contained 
onconaecrated  element!  [TurbuiI  and  to  hate 
been  placed  on  the  altar  only  during  celebration; 

n  the  turris,  capsa  or  pyxis  on  the  altar  appnr 
a  be  distinctly  mentioned  by  any  earlier  autbo- 
'ity  than  the  decree  of  Leo  IV,  qnoled  above 
(Binterim's  DenJmSrdigieilim,  iL  2.  167  tf.). 
No  initance  of  a  Croat  placed  permanentlr  on 
ie  menea  of  an  altar  is  found  ii.  the  first  e'ight 
■nturjet,  at  we  ahonld  expect  from  tbe  decree 
of  Leo  IV.  The  vition  of  i'robisnus  (Soiomen, 
HM.  Ecel.  ii.  3.  p.  49)  sbOK->  that  crosses  were 
seen  in  the  saoctoary  (fivmarripair)  in  the 
fourth  century ;  the  Croat  was  finind  on  the  sum- 
t  of  the  ciborium,  as  in  the  great  cbnreh  of 
.Sophia  St  Constantinople  (Paul  tbe  Silentlan, 
DifoHp.  S.  Sophiae,  737  [al.  ii.  320]),  and,  in  mhbe 
ehurchee  both  at  Rome  and  in  Ganl,  tnspendid 
from  the  ciborium  over  the  altar  (Gregory  of 
Tours,  Da  Gloria  Mart.  ii.  2D),  but  not  on  tbe 
mensB  of  the  altnr  itielf.  A  cross  was,  however, 
placed   on   the   altar  daring   celebration.      See 


The 


i.  41. 


third  Canon  of  the   Second  Council 

K.  567,  Brunt't  Caiunut  ii.  336),  " 
mini  inaltarinoni 


laginario  online, 
ted  tub  cracis  titulo  eomponatur,"  which  bsi 
been  thought  to  mesn,  that  the  Body  of  the 
Lord  should  not  be  reserved  among  tbe  images 
in  a  receptacle  on  the  reredos.  but  under  Ihe 
cross  on  the  altar  itself,  might  posiibly  reler  to 
a  suspended  cross;  but  it  is  probably  rightly 
explained  by  Dr.  Neale  (Etattm  Ch.  Introd.  520) 
to  mean  that  the  particles  consecrated  thonlit 
not  be  arranged  according  to  each  man's  &ncy, 
but  in  tbe  form  of  a  cnMt,  according  to  the 

Tapers  were  not  placed  on  the  altar  withia 
the  period  which  W(     ""     "" 


especially  on  fest 


ALTAR 


ALTAR 


67 


ftitil  dceoratioB  of  altars  a»  least  as  aarly  as 
tks  sixth  oe&tDJj;  ibr  Venantius  Fortanatas 
{Cumna  nuL  9)  says,  addreMing  St.  fihadegund, 

*Teilitlt  Taifib  altarla  fbsta  coranis." 

Aej  »pff**  M  decoFations  of  chnrcheB  as 
strirss tie  fourth  oentnry. 

m  NwiAir  cf  altctn  in  a  ChurcK-^There  was 
ia  priautire  times  but  one  altar  in  a  chnrch,  and 
tiie  snaafements  of  the  most  ancient  Basilicas 
tBtiiy  to  the  &ct.  (See  Pagi  on  Baronius,  ann. 
31.%  No.  15.)  Snsebiiis  {Hid.  EocL  z«  4,  §  45), 
is  tlM  dsscriptios  of  the  great  chnrch  at  Tyre, 
MBtiHii  only  one  altar.  St.  Angnsiine  (on 
1  /dbi,  Trad.  3)  speaks  of  the  existence  of  two 
aitsiB  in  one  city  (ciTitate)  as  a  risible  sign  of 
Ike  Doaatist  schism.  Bat  his  words  should  per- 
kps  B0t  be  taken  in  their  literal  sense ;  for  in 
tk  time  of  SL  Basil,  there  was  more  than  one 
ahsr  in  Neo-Caesaxea ;  for  he,  speaking  (Hom.  19, 
Si  (fSnimBi)  of  a  persecution  of  Christians  in  that 
alj,  says  tiiat  "  altars  (BwtmrHipta)  were  orer- 
tknva." 

The  Greek  and  other  oriental  churches  have 
ffca  now  but  one  altar  in  each  church  (Roiau- 
^  LSL  Orietd.  L  182) ;  nor  do  they  consecrate 
tk  Eacharist  more  than  <moe  on  the  same  day 
IB  the  saoM  place.  They  hare,  howerer,  and  hare 
kid  tat  sereral  centuries,  minor  altars  in  iro^ir^ 
cA9|9(ai  or  side-chapels,  which  are  really  dis- 
tiact  hniUinga.  Such  side-chapels  are  generally 
froad  where  there  has  been  considerable  contact 
with  the  Latin  Church  (Neale,  Eastern  Clmrch, 
iatMLlSS). 

Some  writers,  as  Martigny  {Did.  des  Awkiq. 
ArA,  art.  Auidy,  rely  upon  the  **  aroosolia  " 
•r  ahar-iomhs  in  the  catacombs  as  proring  the 
eiriy  vse  of  many  altars:  two,  three,  and  more 
isdb  tombs  are  often  found  in  one  cijpt,  and  in 
mt  esse,  a  crypt  in  the  cemetery  or  St.  Agnes 
aasr  Soaie,  there  are  as  many  as  eleren  arco- 
SQlk  (Marehi,  Jfon.  dOle  Arti  prim.  Critt.,  tar. 
xnr.,  xzzri.,  xxxrii.),  eight  of  which,  according 
ts  Pidre  MarcHi,  might  hare  been  used  as  altars 
if.  191);  bat  there  seems  to  be  generally  a 
iticMwy  of  proof  that  such  tombs  were  actually 
w  isej,  nor  is  their  date  at  all  a  matter  of 
certaiaty  in  the  great  majority  of  cases. 

It  woold  appear  probable  that  the  practice  of 

eoasidcfiag  the  tomb  of  a  martyr  as  a  holy  place 

fitted  for  the  celebration    of  the  Eucharistic 

acrifiee,  and  such  celebration  as  an  honour  and 

emsolation  to  the  martyr  who  lay  below,  led  first 

to  the  use  of  sereral  altars  in  a  crypt  in  the 

olaeombs  where  more  than  one  martrr  might 

ifst,  aad  then,  whan  the  bodies  of  sereral  martyrs 

ittd  been  transferred  to  one  church  abore  ground, 

te  the  eoDstmction  of  an  altar  orer  each,  from 

s  wiA  to  leare  none  unhonoured  by  the  celebra- 

tioa  of  the  Eacharist  abore  his  remains.    Such 

dtag  were  preralent  as  early  as  the  beginning  of 

the  6fkh  centory,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  writings 

«t  ?t9^iiuB(Peri9teph.  Hymn.  XI.  r.    169- 

174;  Hymn.  m.  r.  211),  Pope  Damasus,  and  St. 

Maiimas,  Bishop  of  Turin  (Sermo  LXIII.  De  no- 

fair  isiiclm'Mm ;  r.  llarchi,  p.  142  et  seq.).    At 

that  period,  and  indeed  long  after,  the  disturbance 

•f  tht  rellfls  of  saints  was  held  a  daring  and 

sesredy  allowable  act,  and  was  prohibiteid  by 

ThtsdeaJns  and  much  disapprored  of  by  Pope 

Gngonr  the  Great ;  nor  was  It  until  some  oen- 

tai&  iatar  that  the  increasing  eagerness  for  the 


possession  of  such  memorials  was  gratified  by  the 
dismemberment  of  the  holy  bodies. 

It  has  been  contended  that  more  than  one 
altar  existed  in  the  Cathedral  of  Milan  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  fourth  century.     That  St. 
Ambrose  more  than  once  uses  the  plural  **al- 
taria"  in  connection  with   the  chui'ch  prores 
nothing,   for    ^^altaiia"    frequently  means  an 
altar;  but  in  describing  the  restoration  of  the 
church  to  the  orthodox  (an.   385),  afier  the 
attempt  of  the  Arians  to  occupy  it,  he  has  been 
understood  to  say  that  the  soldiers  rushing  in 
kissed  the  altar :  hence  it  is  ai^ed  that,  as  they 
could  not  I'each  the  altar  of  the  Bema  or  sanc- 
tuary, which  was  closed  to  the  people,  there 
must  hare  been  at  least'  one  altar  in  the  nare. 
But  the  words  ^  milites  irruentes  in  Altaiia  os- 
culis  significare  pacis  signum  "  {ad  Marcellinam, 
Ep.  33)  seem  rather  to  imply  that  the  soldiers 
rushing  into  the  Bema  signalized  by  their  kisses 
the  making  of  peace.     Altaria  is  used  in  the 
same  sense,  aa  equiralent  to  "  sanctuary,"  in  the 
Theodosian  Codex.    [Altabium.]    Howerer  this 
may  be,  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  we  find 
distinct  traces  of  a  plurality  of  altars  in  Western 
churches.    Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Qhria  Mar' 
tyrum  i.  83)  speaks  of  saying  masses  on  three 
tJtars  in  a  diurch  at  Braisne  near  Soissons ;  and 
Oregory  the  Grreat  {Epiat.  r.  50)  says  that  he 
heard  that  his  correspondent  Palladius,  bishop 
of  Saintonge,  had  placed  in  a  church  thii*teen 
altars,  of  which  four  remained  unconsecrated 
for  defect  of  relics.    Now  certainly  Palladius 
would  not  hare  begged  of  the  Pope,  as  he  did, 
relics  for  his  altars,  if  the  plurality  of  altars 
had  not  been  generally  allowed.    Moreorer,  the 
Council  of  Auxerre  of  the  year  578  (Can.  10; 
Bruns's  Cammes  ii.  238)  forbade  two  masses  to 
be  said  on  the  same  day  on  one  altar,  a  prohi- 
bition which  probably  contributed  to  the  multi- 
plication of  idtars,  which  was  still  furthcor  acce- 
lerated by  the  disuse  of  the  ancient  custom  of 
the  priests  communicating  with  the  bishop  or 
principal  minister  of  the  church,  and  the  intro 
duction  of  prirate  masses,  more  than  one  of 
which  was  frequently  said  by  the  same  priest  on 
the  same  day  (Walafrid  Strabo,  De  Reb.  Eccl. 
c  21).    Bade  {Ehi.  Ecd.  r.  20)  mentions  that 
Aoca,  bishop  of  Hexham  (deposed  an.  732),  col- 
lected for  nis  church  many  relics  of  apostles 
and  martyrs,  and  placed  altars  for  their  rene- 
ration,  "  distinctis  portidbus  ad  hoc  ipsum  intra 
mnros  ejusdem  eoclesiae,"    placing  a  separate 
canopr  orer  each  altar  within  the  walls  of  the 
church.    There  were  sereral  altars  in  the  church 
built  by  St.  Benedict  at  Aniane  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
Feb.  ii.  614). 

In  the  serenth  and  eighth  centuries  the  num- 
ber of  altars  had  so  increased  that  Charlemagne, 
in  a  Capitulary  of  the  years  805-6  at  Thionrille, 
attempted  to  restrain  their  excessire  multiplica- 
tion. See  Capitula  infra  EccUsiam,  c  6  (Migne'i 
Patrol.  97,  283). 

This  was  not  rery  efibctual,  and  in  the  ninth 
century  the  multiplication  of  altars  attained  a 
high  point,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  plan  of  the 
church  of  St.  Qall  in  Switzerland  [CBpiiOHl 
prepared  in  the  beginning  of  that  century,  fn 
this  are  no  less  than  serenteen  altars.  The 
will  of  Fortunatus  Patriarch  of  Grado  (dec 
c.  A.D.  825)  also  affords  proof  of  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  altars  then  in  actire  progress :  in 

f  2 


68 


ALTAB 


ALTAR 


one  orator  J  he  placed  three  altars,  and  fire  others 
in  another  {Marin,  Com,  dei  Venezianif  t.  i. 
p.  270), 

VIII.  Places  of  Altars  in  Churches, — From  the 
earliest  period  of  which  ire  have  any  knowledge, 
the  altar  was  usually  placed,  not  against  the 
wall  as  in  modem  times,  but  on  the  chord  of  the 
apse,  when,  as  was  almost  invariably  the  case, 
the  church  ended  in  an  apse ;  when  the  end  of 
the  church  was  square,  the  altar  occupied  a 
corresponding  position.  St.  Augustine  therefore 
says  {Sermo  46,  c.  1.)  "  Mensa  Ghristi  est  ilia  in 
medio  posita."  The  ofBclating  priest  stood  with 
his  back  to  the  apse  and  thus  faced  the  congre- 
gation. In  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  and  a  very  few 
other  churches,  the  priest  still  officiates  thus 
placed;  but  though  in  very  many  churches, 
particularly  in  Italy,  the  altar  retains  its  ancient 
position,  it  is  very  rarely  that  the  celebrant 
does  so. 

That  such  was  the  normal  position  of  the  altar 
is  shown  by  many  ancient  examples,  and  by  the 
constant  usage  of  the  Eastern  churches.  The 
ancient  rituals  invariably  contemplate  a  detached 
altar  as  when,  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory, 
in  the  order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  (p. 
148),  the  bishop  is  directed  to  go  round  the  altar 
(vadit  in  circuitu  altaris),  or  in  the  Sacramentary 
of  Gelasius  where  the  subdeaoon  (L.  1,  cxlvi.) 
is  directed,  after  having  placed  the  Cross  on  the 
altar,  to  go  behind  it  (vadis  retro  altare). 

Exceptions  at  an  early  date  to  the  rule  that 
the  altar  should  be  detached,  are  of  the  greatest 
rarity,  if  we  except  the  tombs  in  the  catacombs, 
whidi  have  been  supposed  to  have  been  used  as 
altars.  It  is  possible,  also,  that  in  small  chapels 
with  rectangular  terminations,  as  the  chapel 
of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  annexed  to  the  bap- 
tistery of  the  Lateran,  the  altar  may  for  con- 
venience have  been  placed  against  the  wall. 
When,  however,  it  became  usual  to  place  many 
altars  in  a  church  it  was  found  convenient  to 
place  one  or  more  against  a  wall ;  this  was  done 
in  the  Cathedral  of  Canterbury  [Chuboh],  where 
the  altar  enclosing  the  body  of  St.  Wilfrid  was 
placed  against  the  wall  of  the  eastern  apse; 
another  altar,  however,  in  this  ease  occupied  the 
normal  position  in  the  eastern  apse,  and  the 
original  high  altar  was  placed  in  the  same 
manner  in  the  western  apse. 

In  the  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Gall,  prepared 
in  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  the  places 
of  seventeen  altars  are  shown,  but  of  these  only 
two  are  placed  against  walls. 

In  a  few  instances  the  altar  was  placed  not  on 
the  centre  of  the  chord  of  the  arc  of  the  apse  but 
more  towards  the  middle  of  the  church;  such 
was  the  case  in  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  at  Rome,  if  the 
altar  occupies  the  original  position.  In  this  in- 
stance it  stands  in  the  transept.  In  some  other 
early  churches  at  Rome,  the  altar  occupies  a  posi- 
tion more  or  less  advanced.  The  Lib,  Pontif,  tells 
as  that  in  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (A.D.  827- 
844)  the  altar  at  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere  stood  in 
a  low  place,  almost  in  the  middle  of  the  nave  (in 
humili  loco  paene  in  media  testndine),  the  Pope 
therefore  removed  it  to  the  apse,  and  the  altar 
at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  seems  to  have  been  in  the 
time  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795),  as 
appears  from  the  account  in  the  same  book  of  the 
alterations,  effected  by  that  Pope  in  that  church. 
It  is  thought  by  some  that  in  the  large  circular 


or  octagonal  churches  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries,  as  S.  Lorenzo  Maggiore  at  Milan,  and 
S.  Stefano  Rotondo  at  Rome,  the  altar  was  placed 
in  the  centre. 

In  the  churches  of  Justinian's  period  con- 
structed with  domes,  there  is  usually,  as  at  SL 
Sophia's  Constantinople  and  S.  Vitale,  Ravenna,  a 
sort  of  chancel  intervening  between  the  central 
dome  and  the  apse ;  when  such  is  the  case,  the 
altar  was  placed  therein. 

IX.  Useof  Pagan  Altars  for  Christian  purpose*. 
— Pagan  altars,  having  a  very  small  superiicies, 
are  evidently  ill  suited  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist ;  nor  would  it  appear  probable  that  a 
Christian  would  be  willing  to  use  them  for  that 
purpose;  nevertheless,  traditions  allege  that  in 
some  cases  pagan  altars  were  so  used  (v.  Mar- 
tigny  art.  Autel},  and  in  the  church  of  Arilje  in 
Sei'via,  a  heathen  altar  sculptured  with  a  figure 
of  Atys  forms  the  lower  part  of  the  altar. 
(Mittheil.  der  K  JT.  Central  Comm.  tur  Erfor^ 
dohung  und  Erhdttung  der  Baudenkmalcy  Vienna, 
1865,  p.  6.)  Such  altars,  or  fragments  of  them, 
were,  however,  employed  as  materials  (par- 
ticularly in  the  bases)  in  the  construction  of 
Christian  altars.  Instances  are  stated  by  Mar- 
tigny  to  have  been  observed  in  the  churches  of 
St.  Michele  in  Vaticano  and  of  St.  Nicholas  de* 
Cesarini  at  Rome. 

X.  PoBTABLE  Altars  (aUaria  portatilia,  gesto' 
tonOf  viatica')  are  probably  of  considerable  anti- 
quity ;  indeed,  it  is  evident  that  from  the  time 
when  the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  Eucharist 
could  not  be  fitly  celebrated  unless  on  a  conse- 
crated mensa  or  table,  a  portable  altar  became  a 
necessity.  Constantino  the  Great  (Sozomen,  Hist, 
Eccl,  i.  8)  can*ied  with  him  on  his  campaigns  a 
church-tent,  the  fittings  of  which  no  doubt  in- 
cluded a  portable  altar,  as  the  participation  of 
the  mysteries  is  especially  mentioned.  Bede 
{Hist.  Eccl.  V.  10)  tells  us  that  the  two  Hewalds, 
the  English  missionaries  to  the  continental 
Saxons  (an.  692),  took  with  them  sacred  vessels 
and  a  consecrated  slab  to  serve  as  an  altar  (tabn- 
1am  altaris  vice  dedicatam) ;  and  bishop  Wulfram, 
the  apoetle  of  Friesland  (before  740),  was  accus- 
tomed to  carry  with  him  on  his  journeys  a  port- 
able altar,  in  the  midst  and  at  the  four  comers 
of  which  were  placed  relics  of  saints  (Jonas  is 
Suriu8*s  Hist.  Sanctorum  ii.  294).  The  portable 
altar  of  St.  Willebrord  is  described  by  Brower 
(Annal.  Trevirens.  an.  718,  §  112,  p.  364);  it 
bore  the  inscription:  "Hoc  idtare  Willebroidus 
in  honore  Domini  Salvatoris  consecravit,  supra 
quod  in  itinere  missarum  oblationes  Deo  offerrt 
consuevit,  in  quo  et  continetur  de  ligno  cruds 
Christi  et  de  sudario  capitis  ejus."  This,  how- 
ever, is  probably  not  a  contemporary  inscrip- 
tion, and  the  genuineness  of  the  relic  may  per- 
haps be  doubted.  St.  Boniface  also  carried  an 
altar  with  him  in  his  journeys.  And  the  m<mks 
of  St.  Denys,  when  accompanying  Charles  the 
Great  in  his  campaign  against  the  Saxons, 
carried  with  them  a  wooden  board,  which,  covered 
with  a  linen  cloth,  served  as  an  altar  (Anonymus 
de  Mirac.  S.  Dionysii  i.  20,  in  Mabillon,  Acta  88, 
Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  350). 

These  portable  altars  seem  to  have  been  in 
almost  all  cases  of  wood.  Not  until  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighth  century  do  we  find  iastanoss 
of  such  altars  being  made  of  any  other  material. 
The  capitulary  of  796  (quoted  above)  seems  to 


A.LTAB  CLOTHS 


69 


ajoiM  th>  on  of  It 


ic  tablets  Tor  portabls  w  wall 


pimiat  liL  t  3  ;  in  HudOBin' 
{xW)  my  pri«t  to  celebret* 
Rfthc  >lUr,  or  OD  ■  "  Ubula  ib  epiicopo  coiue- 
tnit,"  Tbicfa  tabl*  might  b«  "  de  momion  rel 
upiFCtn  (Dt  licio  honHtiKimo."  If  the  read- 
UfLc  comet,  th«  lut  t«nD  certilalj  seen»  to 
wliau  a  ddueentcd  CJ<)U  [AhtimenbIOM]  of 
Tcrf  ricb  matcru] ;  though  lOnie  (Binterim^a 
DritiirdigkrileK  it.  1,  106)  coDDect  "lidum" 
titk  "nUiciiu,"  uid  loppoH  tb>t  it  means  ■ 
lUck  pitce  of  vood.  An  "altare  portatiU"  ii 
■U  to  lure  been  given  by  Chul«  the  Bdd  to 
lit  Boouterj  of  St.  Denyi  Bt  Psria,  K|nare  in 
Aipc,  made  of  porphyry  Ht  in  gold,  aai  coD' 
Oi^iig  nlk*  of  SL  Juns  the  Less,  St.  Stephen, 
lal  St.  Vincent  ()'A.  107). 

AportsUa  alUr  of  wood  is  preMrred  in  the 
diDch  of  S.  Maria  in  Campitelli  at  Rome, 
■kich  ii  (lid  to  hare  beloDgnl  to  St.  Gregory 


lifttiBite  claim  to 


IOCS   not   appear  to   nare  a 

HI  high  atj  antiquity.     Pro- 

i«'ing  eiample  ia  tn  hn  found 

found  with  thi 


IktDlhat  which  was  found  with  the  bones  of 
St.  Cnthbert  (dec  A.I>.  687)  in  the  cathedral  of 
I>arhaBi,  and  doDbtlena  belonged  to  him:  it  is 
m  praerred  in  the  chapter  library.  The  hd- 
leicd  woodcut    will    render    any   detailed   d( 


luru  6  inches  by  &i, 
DTered  with  very  thi" 
scribed  in  hohob  . 
■ea.  The  aeniecrthe 
Ictten  DB  the  lilTer  hai  not  been  aatisfactorily 
■•ie  out  {t.  St.  CWAiffft.  by  James  P'-- 
fL  MU)  A  limilar  porUble  altar  i>  record. 
Ihhwod  of  Durham  (ifonuiwnta  ffiii.  Brii.  [ 
D>  to  hare  b«n  foaud  on  the  breast  of  St.  Acca, 
Bi>lM|i  of  Hgiham  (ob.  A.D.  T40),  when  his  body 
•aaeihniDed  jaort  than  300  yeun  afterwards. 
It  was  of  two  pieces  of  wood  joined  by  >il' 
•aila.  ud  on  it  waa  cut  the  inscription,  "  Alms 
Trititall  agie  Sophie  Sanctae  Marine."  Wbethr 
— ' '       '■      ■■.,  the  writer  adds,  is  o< 


tana. 

TW  "Uhoot  "  slill  in  u 


n  the  Abysaini 


chnrchea  i*  a  sqiiare  ilab  of  wood,  itone  or  metal, 
on  which  the  elementa  are  couecrated,  in  bet,  ■ 
portable  altar.     [ArCA.] 

In  the  Greek  Church  the  substitute  fur  a  port- 
able altar  was  the  ANTluiiJismil. 

For  the  consecration  of  altars,  see  CONSEORA 

OH  or  CHUEtCUES. 

XI.  Zi[«nitur«.— Besides  the  works  quoted  JB 
this  ilrticla,  the  fbllowing  may  be  mentioned  i— 
J.  B,  Thiers,  DisicHaiUm  tur  let  Frincipaiu 
Auleb,  la  Clittire  da  Chirur  el  U>  Jvbti  dtt 
Bglitea :  Paris,  1688.  J.  Fabricius,  De  Arts  Va- 
tsruml^tnstunonun.-Helmstadt.ieSS.  O.Vcigt, 
ThyMiaiUriologia,  lev  De  AHaribui  Vetenan  ChHt- 
tianorvm:  Ed.  J.  A.  Fabriclns;  Hambnrg,  1T09. 
S.  T.  Schoulaad,  Histor.  SaclirichI  n>n  AOarea ; 
Leipzig,  ITIS.  J.  O.  Geret,  Dt  Vetenan  ChHs- 
lioMrum  AltarOmt :  Anspach,  1755.  J.  T.  Trei- 
b«r,  Dt  Sita  AUaritim  neriaa  Orientem:  Jena, 
1668.  Kaiser,  Diuertatio  De  Altaribia  Porta- 
taOaa:  Jena,  1695.  Heideloff,  Der  CkritO. 
Mlar:  NUrnberg,  I83S.  [A.  N.] 

ALTAE  CLOTHS  (li«ttamina,  pallia  or 
paliae  altarii.  In  Greek  writers,  'A^i^ia,  i/i^i- 
diT/iaTa,  irdfA^ia,  inrX^fivTa^  irtvrtd,  and  in 
authors  "  inlimae  aetatia,"  ri  Jcnntoafuto,  and  t1 
Tpawtio<l,ipa-).  Cloths  of  different  kinds,  and  of 
various  materials  (in  the  earliest  agea,  probably 
of  linen  only),  must  hare  been  used  In  connection 
with  the  celebration  of  Holy  Communion  iVnm 
the  very  earliest  times.  They  were  needed 
partly  (br  the  coTering  of  the  holy  table,  and  of 
the  oblations,  and  of  the  consecrated  elemente 
[CORPOltAl.K] ;  partly  also  for  the  claansiDg' of 
the  sacrtd  veuela,  and  the  like  [Hafpa].  The 
first  of  these  uses,  cf  which  we  haye  now 
more  particularly  to  speak,  is  referred  to  by  St. 
OpUtus,  Bishop  of  MileTis  in  Africa  (circ  370 
A.11.)  as  matter  of  general  notoriety.  "Who  is 
there,"  be  asks,  "  among  the  faithful,  who 
knows  not  that  during  the  celebration  of  the 
mrsteries  the  wood  of  the  altar  it  corered  with 
a  linen  cloth  (^  ipaa  ligna  linteamine  cooperiri,'  " 
De  Schiim.  Danat.  lib.  vi.  c  i.  p.  92.)  With 
this  we  may  compare  the  allasion  made  by 
Victor  Viteusis  (£e  Peruc.  Afric.  lib.  i.  cap.  12), 
Writing  in  the  year  487,  he  savs  that  Geoseric, 
the  Vandal,  seme  aiity  years  before,  sent  Pn>- 
culus  into  Zeugitana,  and  the  latter  requii'ed 
the  vessels  used  in  holy  ministry,  and  the  books, 
Co  be  giveo  up;  and  when  these  were  refused 
they  were  violently  seized  hv  the  Vandals,  who 
^'  rapaci  manu  cuncta  depopulahantur,  atqne  de 
palliis  altaria  proh  Defaal  camisias  (lAirll)  sibi 
ct  femoralia  fiiciebaut."  In  the  6th  century 
St.  Gregory  of  Tours  apeaks  of  an  altar,  with 
the  oblations  aponit,  being  covered  with  a  silken 
cloth  during  tbe  celebration  of  mass.  "Cam 
jam  altarium  cum  ohlationibne  palllo  serieo 
opertum  esset"  (Iliit.  Franc,  vii.  22;  compare 
Mabillon,  Liturgia  Qallicana,  p.  41).      A  littl- 

ing  right  of  lanctuary  in  the  church,  and  laying 
hold  on  the  "paliae  altaria"  for  his  protection. 
It  is  remarkable  that  at  Rome  no  mention  is 
found  of  any  pallia  altarit  among  the  many  do- 
nations to  churches  recorded  by  Anastaatus,  till 
after  the  close  of  the  6th  century.  Writing  of 
Vitalianns  Papa  (ted.  658-672),  Anasttslns  uya 
thai  in  bis  time  the  Emperor  Conatans  came  to  , 
Rome   and  went  to  St.  Peler't  in  state,  "  cum 


70 


ALTAB  CLOTHS 


ALTABIUM 


ezercitu  suo/'  attended  by  his  guards,  the  clergy 
coming  out  to  meet  him  with  wax  tapers  in  their 
hands ;  and  he  offered  upon  the  altar  '<  pallium 
auro  textile,"  or,  according  to  another  reading, 
**  pallam  auro  teztilem,"  after  which  mass  was 
celebrated (AnasL  Bibl,  135, 1. 15;  Migne,  P.  C,  C. 
tom.  128,  p.  775).  The  same  writer,  speaking 
of  Zacharias  Papa  (jud.  741-752),  says  that  he 
^  fecit  vestem  super  altare  beati  Petri  ex  auro 
textam,  habentem  nativitatem  Domini  et  Salra- 
toris  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  omavitque  eam  gemmis 
pretiosis."  The  earliest  monument  in  the  west, 
showing  an  altar  (or  holy  table)  set  out  for  the 
eelebration  of  "mass,"  is  of  the  10th  or  11th 
century  ( Vediarium  ChritHanumf  PI.  xliii.),  one 
of  the  fre8<M)es  in  the  hypogene  church  of  S. 
Clemente  at  Rome.  The  holy  table  is  there 
covered  with  a  white  cloth,  which  is  pendent  in 
front,  but  apparently  not  so  on  the  two  sides. 
A  richly  ornamented  border,  seyeral  inches  in 
breadth,  appears  on  the  lower  edge  of  this  "  lin- 
teamen  "  (if  such  be  intended)  as  it  hangs  down 
in  fVont  of  the  altar. 

The  allusions  in  Greek  writers  of  early  date 
correspond  in  character  with  those  abore  quoted. 
In  the  collection  of  Canons  Ecclesiastical  (2^ 
TojfM  Kaydywv)  formed  by  Photius  of  Constan- 
tinople, the  earliest  in  date,  bearing  upon  this 
point,  is  one  of  the  so-called  *'  Canons  of  the 
Apostles"  (Kay.  73)  to  this  effect :  "  Let  no  one 
alienate  for  his  own  private  use  any  vessel  of 
gold  or  of  silver,  which  has  been  set  apart  for 
holy  use"  (ayiwrBhp),  "or  any  linen"  (606r/iv); 
and  the  inference  we  naturally  draw  that  the 
"  linen "  here  spoken  of  has  reference  to  altar 
linen  (perhaps  also  to  ministering  vestments) 
is  confirmed  by  the  subsequent  Isnguage  of  the 
First  and  Second  Councils  of  Constantinople.  In 
Canons  1  and  10,  after  quoting,  the  "  Canon  of 
the  Apostles"  above  mentioned,  the  Council 
identifies  the  i$6tni  of  that  earlier  canon  with 
^  trtfiafffda  r^s  hyias  rpearifys  Mvr^,  "  the 
sacred  covering  of  the  holv  table."  On  the  other 
hand  a  passage  of  Theodoret,  which  has  been 
alleged  (Martigny,  Diet,  det  Aniiq,  Chr^iennes, 
in  voc  *  Autel  )  as  proving  the  use  of  rich  cloths 
for  the  altar  early  in  the  4th  century,  has  pro- 
bably a  very  different  meaning  from  that  attri- 
buted to  it.  The  word  SvvicurHipioy  in  early 
ecclesiastical  Greek  is  more  frequently  used  in 
the  sense  of  the  whole  space  immediately  about 
the  holy  table,  the  "sanctuary,"  than  of  the 
"  altar  "  itself.  When  therefore  Theodoret  states 
{Hist  Eocl,  lib.  i.  cap.  xxix.  a/,  cap.  xxxi.)  that 
at  the  consecration  of  a  church  at  Jerusalem,  in 
the  time  of  Constantino  the  Great,  ZtMKwriiuro 
t6  Ouo¥  9viri€urHipiop  fiMrtKiKois  r«  waparerd' 
trfuurw  iced  K€ifiiiklois  KtBoKoKK'^ois  xp^^^^h  ^^^ 
reference  is  in  all  probability  to  rich  curtains,  or 
"  veils,"  hung  about  the  sanctuary,  not  to  altar- 
cloths  properly  so  called.  Much  more  certainly 
to  the  purpose  is  a  passage  of  St.  Chrysostom 
(Horn,  1.  aL  li.  in  Matt.  cap.  xiv.  23,  24),  part 
of  a  homily  originally  delivered  at  Antioch,  in 
which  he  draws  a  contrast  between  the  cover- 
ings of  silk,  often  ornamented  with  gold  (xpvo'i^ 
waara  ivifixiifiarayt  bestowed  upon  the  holy 
table,  and  the  scanty  covering  grudgingly  given, 
or  altogether  refused,  to  Christ  in  the  person  of 
His  poor  members  upon  earth.  Among  the  Acts 
of  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  held  in  the  year 
536,  is   preserved  (Labbe's  Conct/ia,  by  Maasi, 


tom.  ix.  pp.  1102,  3)  a  curious  lettex  drawn  up 
by  the  clergy  of  the  church  of  Apamea  in  Syria 
Secunda.  They  complain  of  the  iniquitous  con- 
duct of  Severus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  of  their 
own  bishop  Petrus ;  and  amid  many  grave  charges 
brought  against  the  latter,  one  is  that  owing  to 
the  gross  carelessness  (worse  than  carelessness  is 
charged  by  the  letter)  with  which  he  celebrated 
the  Holy  Litui^,  the  purple  covering  of  the 
altar  was  defiled  (xcrrcxpwo'c  vr^furrt  rov  at- 
wrou  BtMruurnipiov  r^y  hXovpylha).  In  the  7th 
and  8th  centuries  we  find  evidence  that  these 
richer  coverings  of  the  altar  were  in  some  eases 
adorned  with  symbolic  ornaments  and  with  pic* 
tures  of  saints  (xBtpateriip^s  arfimp%  which  in- 
curred the  condemnation  of  the  Iconoclasts,  who 
carried  them  away  together  with  images  sod 
pictures  of  other  kinds.  So  we  learn  from  Oer- 
manus  of  Constantinople,  early  in  the  8th  century 
(Scti.  Germani  Patriarchae  de  SanctiB  Synodis,  6c. 
apud  Spicileg.  Bom,  A.  Mai,  tom.  viL  p.  62). 
Chi  the  other  hand,  in  times  of  grievous  puUic 
calamity,  we  read,  in  one  instance  at  least,  of  the 
altar  as  well  as  the  person  of  the  bishop  and  his 
episcopal  throne  being  robed  in  black.  So  Theo- 
doms  Lector  records  of  Acacins,  patriarch  ot 
Constantinople :  ical  lovr^v  ical  r6p  Bp6pop  col 
t6  Bwruurriptop  fitXttams  Mviuunv  iitt/^ltew. 
In  the  later  liturgical  offices  (see  Goar,  SvchoL 
Qraeo,  pp.  623,  627,  sqq.),  and  in  writers  such 
as  Symeon  of  Thessalonica  (circ  1420  A.i>.),  we 
find  mention  of  an  inner  covering  of  linen,  ksown 
as  KarAffopKOy  and  of  a  second  and  more  costly 
covering  without.  Patriarch  Symeou  makes 
i\irther  mention  of  four  pieces  of  cloth  on  each 
of  the  four  comers  of  the  altar.  "The  holy 
table  hath  four  pieces  of  woven  cloth  (rtvvapa 
liipjil  ^^dafitnos)  upon  the  four  corners  thereof; 
and  that  because  the  iiilness  of  the  Church  was 
formed  out  of  all  the  quarters  of  the  world ;  and 
on  these  four  pieces  are  the  names  of  the  four 
Evangelists,  because  it  was  by  their  instrument- 
ality that  the  Church  was  gathered,  and  the 
Grospel  made  circuit  of  the  whole  compass  of  the 
world.  But  the  [inner  cover]  called  KordLrapm^ 
has  an  outer  covering  {rpairf^o^6pop)  imme- 
diately above  it.  For  here  is  at  once  the  tomb, 
and  the  throne,  of  Jesus.  The  first  of  these  cover- 
ings is  as  it  were  the  linen  wherein  the  dead 
body  was  wrapped ;  but  the  second  is  as  an  outer 
garment  (ir«f></3oX^)  of  glory  according  to  that 
of  the  psalm,  said  at  the  putting  on  thereof^ 
*  The  Lord  is  king :  he  hath  put  on  beauteoot 
apparel '  "  (Symeon  of  Thessalonica,  apud  Goai, 
Euchol.  Graec.  p.  216).  Of  the  two  words  here  and 
elsewhere  employed  as  the  technical  desiznatioB 
of  these  two  altar-cloths,  the  first,  fcordiira^s, 
was  originally  used  of  an  inner  chiton,  or  tonic, 
worn  "  next  the  skin  "  (irar  jk  trdptca).  Thence  its 
secondary  usage  as  a  compound  word  (rh  umir 
trapKa)  in  speaking  of  any  inner  covering,  ashert 
of  an  inner  covering,  of  linen,  for  the  holy  table. 
The  use  of  the  word  rpcnrc^o^^por,  as  a  desig- 
nation for  the  more  costly  outer  cover,  belongs 
in  all  probability  to  a  comparatively  late  date. 
The  word  does  occur  in  earlier  writers,  but  is  a 
wholly  different  sense,  and  one  more  in  accord- 
ance with  classical  analogy.  [W.  B.  M.] 

ALTARIUM  (compare  Altab).  This  word 
is  sometimes  used  to  designate  not  merely  analtsr, 
but  the  space  within  which  the  altai*  stood.   For 


ALTINO 

tadiME,  Ptrpctaoi,  Biihop  of  Tonn,  ballt  a 
laities  ii   hoDoor   of  St.   Uirtiu,    which    had 

[iiti;*  "(Btim  acta,  Iria  ia  sltsrjo,  qninquc  in 
afto'  {Qnforj  of  Tonr»,  Hut.  Franc,  ii.  1*). 
Raiaut  nmarka  npoo  th#  puaa^  that  by  '*  alta- 
oaB  '  w*  an  to  andBrstaiid  the  prefibyt«ry,  by 
'  La|  null "  tbe  nan.  Compan  HabilloD,  de  Lit. 
ML  L  B,  }  1,  p.  69.    TBema.] 

tkt  pinni  "  allaria  ii  alu  nied  in  a  aJmilAr 
MUt;  at  bf  St.  AmbiUR  in  the  puaagc  (Epitt, 
13)  qaotcd  under  ALTUt ;  aud  in  the  Theodoaias 
Cain,  Tbuv  (Lib.  ii.  lit.  tS,  Dt  Spalio  Eeclai- 
ai6d  ^jy^O  ^t  ia  prarided ;  "  Pateajit  aomini 
M  tdnpla  timentibiu ;  nee  sola  attaria,"  et& 
Hm  tqniTalent  voni  id  the  Qieek   venioD   ia 


AMBITUS 


cilcnded  ainae  1*  faDDd  in  aome 
widtn  laBgDBgsa,  t.g.  in  PortngncM  "  altar 
ma' (giat  or  high  altar)  is  nwd  in  the  auua 
tt  ekair  or  cbaocel  (Barton,  HigUaiult  of  tit 
Bmt^i.  138).  [A.K.] 

ALTINO  (near  Aqnileia),  Ooorcn.  or  (At- 
raoiE  CosciUUH),  A-D.  S02;  conaidared  aa 
Uitioiii  hj  Haul  (liu.  10»»-1102)i  ujd  to 
han  b«n  held  bf  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia  to 
Bjipeal  to  Charlenuzne  for  protection  againat  the 
DvofTenice.  [A.  W.  B.] 


AKA  (.Iniiifa,  Hama,Hamvla;  compare  Germ. 
JVAow). 

*  An**  Tica  aunt  in  qnibo*  aacra  ablatio  con- 
IbttBT,  nt  Tinum.  ....  Amala,  via  Tinariom. 
iBsla*  dicuDtor  qaibna  oSertnr  derotio  aire 
•Uilio,  (imile  arceolia"  (Papiaa,  in  Dncange'i 
fiJovtry,  a.  t.>  The  veaael  in  which  wine  for 
tW  cdibration  of  the  Encharlat  waa  offered  by 
tha  wonhippera. 

Tit  word  Ama  ia  Daad  by  Colomella  and  other 
daaacal  aathon,  bat  the  earlieit  instance  of  ita 
tat  at  a  iitut^cid  Toaael  which  bu  been  noticed 

■  ■■  the  Charta  Cornntiana  of  the  year  471 
(JTaMSoa  d«  St  Dipl.  Ti.  202),  where  "hamolae 
gUatariae"  are  mentioned.  "  Amae  argenteae  " 
an  ■■ntiontd  in  the  Orda  Samanut  t.  (p<  &) 
tBtag  the  Tiauli  which  were  to  be  brought 
ban  the  Charch  of  the  Saviour,  now  known 
a*  St.  John   I^tetaD,  for  the  Pontifical   Haaa 

■  Eaittr-Daj ;  and  is  the  direction*  fbr  the 
FacUfical  Man  itaelf  in  the  mme  OrtJb  (p.  10), 
n  fiad  that  after  the  Pope  had  entered  the 

itg  him  recciTed  the  amalae,  and  poared  the 
'  t  larger  chalice  (calicem  majorem) 
"   '     ''- -      'leacon;   and  i-  '- 
u  decked,  the  i 
•CHOB  tooJi   to*  fopea   amola  (compare  i 
laiiai,  E^oga,  5&i)  from  the  oblationary 
deetaa,  and  ponred  the  wine  throngh  the  itn 
(•■pa  eolam)  into  the  chalice  [ChujCB]  ;  then 
tkaa  «f  the  deaccrna,  of  the  primlcerina,  and  thi 
•thm.   Whether  the  "emae  u^CDteae"  arc  iden 
Hal  with  the  "  amnlae  "  may  perhapi  be  doubted 
kwt  at  any  rate  the  amalae  teem  to  have  beei 
ctndk-Tisaeli  proridad  for  the  pnrpoae  of  the 
^rtuij.     Amoog  the  preacnta  which  Pope  Ad- 
lia  (773-796)  made  to  the  chnrch  of  St.  Adrian 
M  B«ne,  the  LOur  PaMfada  (p.  346}  mution 
a^m  anam,"  and  alao  an  "amalamoffertoriam' 


71 
\    ponnda. 


of  tilver  which  weighed  aiity^evei 
Thej  were,  however,  onen  of  mach  imaiier  aiie, 
ind  the  imall  eilver  Teateli  (nee  woodcats)  pra- 
lerred  in  the  Muieo  Crbtiano  ia  the  Vatican 
ire  deemed  to  be  amnlae.  They  tneaonre  only 
ibont  7  incbei  in  height,  ajid  may  probably  date 
f^m  the  5th  or  6th  century.  Bianchini  in  hia 
edition  of  the  Lib.  Fontif.  has  given  an  engniTing 
'  a  aimilar  Tsiael  of  larger  tise.  On  this  the 
iracle  of  Cana  ia  represented  in  a  tolerabiy 
good  style.  BiaBchinl  anppoaas  thli  to  bt  <rf 
the  fourth  centurj-. 


The  material  of  these  TetKlt  wai  nsoally 
silver,  but  sometimes  gold,  and  they  were  often 
adorned  with  gems.  Gregory  the  Great  (£piat. 
i.  42,  p.  539)  mentions  "  amalae  onychinae," 
meaning  probably  ressela  of  onyi,  or  giaas  imi- 
Mting  onyT.  [A.  M.] 

AMACIUB,  bishop,  dcpoaition  of;  Jaly  14 
{Mart.  BtdM).  [C] 

AMAKDU5,  Bishop  and  conl^aaor.  Satalis, 
Feb.  6  (Mart.  Bedat);  translation,  Oct.  2G  (ii.)^ 


Ht>  I 


le  Canon 


[CI 


the  Gregorian  Saeramtntary.     (See  Heuard'. 
p.  284.) 

AMANTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Boma,  oom- 
mamorated  Feb.  10  {Mart.  Bom.  Vtt.). 

It)  Of  NyoD,  commemorated  Jane  6  {Marl. 
Bitroa.,  Sdu).  [C] 

AMATOB,  Bishop  of  Auierre,  commemorated 
Nov.  2G  {Mart.  Hie^tm.^).  [C] 

AMATII8,  confessor,  oommamanted  Sept.  13 
(Marl.  Bedat).  [C] 

AMBITUS,  compass,  in  music.  (IbotifcM- 
ttu  oKmtat  tt  detcmtut.')  The  compaaa  of  the 
earliest  Charch  melodies  did  not  in  some  instances 
reach,  in  few  did  it  exceed,  a  Gflh.  "Principio 
cantilenas  adeo  simplices  fnSre  apud  primores 
Ecclcaiae,  ut  vii  diapeote  ascentu  ac  descensn 
implereut.  Cui  conauetudiai  proiime  accessisse 
dicontur  Ambrosiani.  Delude  paulatim  ad  Dia- 
pason deventnm,  verum  omnium  Modoram  ays- 
tema."  (Glareaaos,  Dodtcachonion,  lib.  i.  cap. 
lir.)      In  Gregorian  motic  the  octave  was  tns 


72 


AMBITUS  ALTARIS 


AMfiO 


limit  {  the  foar  authentic  scales  [Authentic] 
moTing  from  the  key-note  to  its  Sve,  the  four 
plagal  [Pla(^al]  from  the  4th  below  the  key- 
note to  the  5th  above  it.  In  later  times  tUs 
compass  (ambitus)  was  much  extended.  A  me- 
lody occupying  or  employing  its  whole  compass 
was  called  Cantus  Perfectua;  falling  short  of  it, 
Cktntus  Imperfectus ;  exceeding  it,  Cardua  Piu»' 
qwxmperfectus.  Subsequently  other  interpre- 
tations (such  as  the  course  of  modulation  per- 
mitted in  fugue)  have  been  given  to  the  word 
ambitus.  With  these  we  are  not  now  concerned. 
(Gerbert,  Script,  Mus. ;  Forkel ;  Kock,  Mus, 
Lex.)  [J.  H.] 

AMBITUS  ALTARIS  ClcpaTctoi'yRenaudot, 
Lit,  Orient,  i.  182).  This  expression  is  some- 
times used,  as  apparently  by  Anastasius  (Lib, 
Pontif,  in  Vitd  Sergii  ll,),  for  the  enclosure 
which  surrounded  the  altar.  Pope  Sergius  II. 
(A.D.  844-877),  he  says,  constructed  at  St.  John 
Lateran  an  "ambitus  altaris"  of  ampler  size 
than  that  which  had  before  existed. 

It  would  seem  that  it  was,  in  some  cases  and 
perhaps  in  most,  distinct  from  the  presbyterium 
or  "  chorus  cantorum ;"  and  according  to  Samelli 
(Antica  Basilicographia,  p.  84)  there  was  usually 
between  the  presbyterium  and  the  altar  a  raised 
space  called  **solea."  Various  passages  in  the 
lAb,  Pontif, — e.g,  those  in  which  the  alterations 
made  by  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795)  at 
S.  Paolo  f.  1.  M.,  and  by  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (a.d. 
827-844)  at  Sta.  Maria  in  Trastevere,  are  de- 
scribed— show  that  the  position  of  the  altar  and 
the  arrangement  of  the  enclosures  were  not  alike 
in  all  cases.  It  seems  not  improbable  but  that  in 
the  lesser  churches  one  enclosure  served  both  to 
fence  round  the  altar  and  to  form  the  "  chorus." 

In  the  plan  prepared  for  the  church  of  St. 
Gall  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  (v. 
woodcut,  s.  V.  Church)  an  enclosure  is  marked 
"  chorus,"  and  a  small  space  or  passage  intervenes 
between  this  and  an  enclosure  shutting  off  the 
apse,  within  which  stands  the  altar.  This  is  at 
the  west  end  of  the  church ;  at  the  east  end  the 
apse  is  in  like  manner  enclosed,  but  the  enclosure 
of  the  "chorus"  is  brought  up  to  the  steps 
leading  to  the  raised  apse  without  a  break.  A 
small  enclosure  is  shown  round  all  the  altars, 
except  those  which  are  within  the  enclosures  of 
the  apses. 

It  appears  not  unlikely  that  the  square  en- 
closure in  the  church  at  Djemla  in  Algeria 
[Ohurch]  may  be  such  an  "ambitus;"  Mr. 
Fergusson  considers  this  enclosure  a  cella  or 
choir,  and  says  that  it  seems  to  have  been  enclosed 
up  to  the  roof,  but  that  the  building  is  so  ruined 
that  this  cannot  be  known  for  a  certainty.  A 
choir  enclosed  by  solid  walls  would  be  a  plan  so 
anomalous  in  a  Christian  church  that  very 
strong  evidence  would  be  required  to  prove  its 
having  existed.  The  building  in  question  may, 
from  the  purely  classical  character  of  the  mosaic 
floor,  be  safely  assigned  to  an  early  date,  probably 
anterior  to  the  fourth  century. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  any  early  example  of 
an  "Ambitus  altaris  "  now  exists.  We  may  learn 
from  the  Lib.  Pontif.  that  they  were  usually  of 
stone  or  marble,  no  doubt  arranged  in  posts  or 
uprights  alternating  with  slabs  variously  sculp- 
tui'^d,  and  piercsd  in  like  manner  with  the 
presbyterium  at  S.  Cicmontc  in  Rome.     The  Lib. 


Pontif.  tells  us  of  the  Ambitus  which  aa  abon 
mentioned  Pope  Sergius  II.  constructed  at  St. 
John  Lateran,  that  he  "  pulchris  columnis  cum 
marmoribus  desuper  in  gyro  sculptis  splendide 
decoravit:"  many  fragments  of  marble  slabs 
with  the  plaited  and  knotted  ornament  charac- 
teristic of  this  period  are  preserved  in  the 
cloister  of  that  church,  and  may  probably  be 
fragments  of  this  "  Ambitus." 

In  the  richer  chnrches  silver  oolumna  bearing 
arches  of  the  same  metal  were  often  erected  on 
the  marble  enclosure,  and  from  these  arches  hung 
rich  curtains,  and  frequently  vessels  or  crowns 
of  the  precious  metals ;  repeated  mention  of  such 
decorations  may  be  found  in  the  Lib.  Pontif,^  and 
a  passage  in  -the  will  of  Fortunatos  Patriarch  of 
Grade  (Hazlitt,  Hist,  of  the  Republic  of  Venice, 
vol.  i.  App.),  who  died  in  the  early  part  of  the  9th 
century,  describes  a  like  arrangement  very  clearly 
in  the  following  words:  "Post  ipsum  altare  alium 
parietem  deauratum  et  deargentatum  similiter 
longitudine  pedum  xv.  et  in  altitudine  pedes  iv.  et 
super  ipso  pariete  arcus  volutiles  de  argento  et 
super  ipsos  arcus  imagines  de  auro  et  de  argento." 

This  expression  "ambitus  altaris"  may  per- 
haps also  sometimes  stand  for  the  apse  as  sui^ 
rounding  the  altar.  [A.  N.] 

AMBO  (GT.''Afi$»y,  from  ikvafialy^iw).  The 
raised  desk  in  a  church  from  which  certain 
parts  of  the  service  were  read.  It  has  been 
also  called  tr^pyoSf  pulpitum,  suggestus.  By 
Sozomen  (Eccles.  Hist.  iz.  2,  p.  367)  the  amlw 
is  explained  to  be  the  ^  fivfia  rwy  kywyvwarw " 
— the  pulpit  of  the  readers.  From  it  wefe  read, 
or  chanted,  the  gospel,  the  epistle,  the  Ibts  of 
names  inscribed  on  the  diptychs,  edicts  of  bishops, 
and  in  general  any  communications  to  be  made 
to  the  congregation  by  presbyters,  deacons,  or 
subdeaoons;  the  bishop  in  the  earlier  centuries 
being  accustomed  to  deliver  his  addresses  from 
the  cathedra  in  the  centre  of  the  apse,  or  from  a 
chair  placed  in  front  of  the  altar ;  St.  John  Chry- 
sostom  was,  however,  in  the  habit  of  preaching 
sitting  on  the  ambo  (lirl  rov  ifiPuwos,  Socrates 
Eccl,  Hist.  vi.  5),  in  order  that  he  might  be 
better  heai*d.  Full  details  as  to  the  use  of  the 
ambo  will  be  found  in  Sarnelli  (Antica  BasilioO' 
grafia,  p.  72),  and  Ciampini  ( Vet.  Mon.^  t.  i.  p. 
21  et  seq.);  but  the  examples  which  they  describe 
are  probably  later  by  several  centuries  than  the 
period  with  which  we  are  now  concerned,  and 
the  various  refinements  of  reading  the  gospel 
from  a  higher  elevation  than  the  epistle,  and 
the  like,  are  probably  by  no  means  of  very  early 
introduction.  Two  and  even  three  ambones  some- 
times existed ;  one  jeas  then  used  for  the  goepel, 
one  for  the  epistle,  and  one  for  the  reading  of 
the  prophetical  or  other  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.).  In  the 
old  church  of  St.  Peter's  there  was,  however, 
but  one,  which  Platner  (BeschreUmng  von  Bom) 
thinks  was  a  continuance  of  the  ancient  usage. 

Something  in  the  nature  of  an  ambo  or  desk  no 
doubt  was  in  use  from  a  very  early  period. 
Bunsen  (Basiiiken  des  Christlichen  Boms,  p.  48) 
expresses  his  opinion  that  the  ambo  was  origin- 
ally moveable.  In  the  earlier  centuries  much  of 
the  church  furniture  was  of  wood,  and  the  am- 
bones were  probably  of  the  same  msiterial. 
Wherever  a  "  presbyterium  "  or  "  chorus  can- 
torum" (i.e.  an  enclosed  space  in  front  of  the 


AMBR08IAN  MUSIC 


iha  racmd  far  the  nH  of  the  inferior  elerg;) 


73 

in  of 


The  amboDen  la  S.  Clemente  at  Rm 

ifferent  periods ;  the  imallsr  and  e.ir'ier  nuy 

perhsp  be  of  tba  nmt  data  M  the  cm  rni  with 

"  ■  '   't  1<  connected  (6th  century  ?),  but  there 

diflerence  in  the  character  of  the  work. 

The  larger  dates  probablj  froin  the  12th  centor}', 

u  no  doaU  does  alio  that  in  S.  Lorenzo  f.  1.  M.  at 

1  which  lh«  Abbe 

ISartigaj  (Did.  des  Aaliq.  C'hrfl.)  niies  u  proy- 

iog  the  high  anLiquitjr  of  this  last,  viz.  that  a 

part  of  its  base  is  I'onned  from  a  tas-relief  relating 

to  pagnn  secrifices,  cannot  be  considered  at  having 

much  weight,  ai  a  part  of  the  superstructure  ii 

"  nned  from  a  glib  bearing  an  earlj  Chriitinn 

scription,  and  ai  the  whole  style  and  character 

the  work  ace  sd  et id Batlj  those  in  use  at  Rome 

uHng  the  12Ih  and  13th  centuries. 

The  lesser  ond  earlier  am  bo  at  S.  Clemente  hiu 

twodeik^^ne,  the  moit  elevated,  looking  towariii 

the  altar,  the  other  in  the  contrary  direction; 

the  later  ambo  has  a  semi-heiagonal  projection 

I  each  tide,  and  is  ascended  by  a  stair  at  each 

id.     This  latter  plan  seems  to  have  been  the 

ore  usual ;  the  ambones  at  Ravenna  and  those  at 

ome  of  the  12th  and  I3th  centuries  are  all  thus 

planned. 

In  the  plan  for  the  ehnrch  of  St.  Gall  (c.  A.D. 

820),  the  ambo  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the 

e  but  near  its  eastern  end.  in  front  of  the 


enclonnre  marked  "  chorus,"  an 

A  tall  ornamented  column  is  ofteo  found  at- 
tached to  the  amiM  ;  on  this  the  paschal  candle 
was  Gied.  This  usage  may  have  existed  fivm 
on  early  period,  but  perhaps  the  earliest  existing 
eiample  of  such  a  column  is  one  preserved  In  the 
museum  of  the  Lateran  at  Rome,  which  however 
is  probably  not  older  than  the  11th  century.  It 
is  engraved  by  Ciampini  (  Vet.  Hon.,  t.  i.  pi.  lit.). 

According  to  Sumelli  (Aul.  Bat.  p.  64),  the 
word  smbo  is  the  proper  eipression  for  the  raised 
platform  or  chorus  cantorum  ;  he  however  gives 
no  authorities  for  this  use  of  the  word.   [A.  N.] 

AMBROSE.  0)  Bishop  of  Uilan,  confeuoT, 
commemorated  April  4  (ifari.  £om.  Vet.,  Bienm., 
Btdic);  Dec,  7  (Co/.  Ilyiant.). 

(2)    Bishop,  commemorated  Kov.  30  (_Marl. 


Hignm.). 


[C] 


AMBROSIAN  MUSIC,  the  earliest  music 
used  in  the  Christian  Church  of  which  we  have 
any  account,  and  so  named  after  Ambrose,  bishop 
of  MiluD  (374-39S),  who  introduced  it  to  his 
diocese  about  the  year  386,  during  the  reign  of 
Constanline. 

The  notions  prevailing  among  musical  and 
other  writers  respecting  the  peculiarities  of 
Ambrosian  music  are  based  rather  on  conjectnra 
than  knowledge.     It  may  tie  considered  certain 

Gregorian  music  which,  about  two  centuries 
later,  almost  everywhere  superseded  it.  Indeed 
has  been  doubted  whether  actual  melody  at 


til  ei 


leech— 


conjectured  that 

■i— monotone  with 
I  Eoci.t;9iAEricua, 
a  ima  oi  music,  or  mode  ot  musical  utterance, 
which  Gregory  retained  for  collects  and  responses, 
but  which  he  rejected  as  too  simple  for  psalms 
and  hymns.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been 
aipied  mora  plausibly  that,  to  whaleier  eitent 
the  Acrciiiu  or  Jfodtu  choraliUi-  legendi  may 


74 


AHBROSIAK  MUSIC 


AMBBOSIAN  MUSIC 


nave  been  used  in  Ambrosian  music,  an  element 
more  distinctly  musical  entered  largely  into  it ; 
that  a  decided  cantusy  as  in  Gregorian  music,  was 
used  for  the  psalms ;  and  that  something  which 
mii|;ht  even  now  be  called  melody  was  employed 
for  (especially  metrical)  hymns.  That  this  me- 
lody was  narrow  in  compass  [Ambitdb],  and 
little  varied  in  its  intervals,  is  probable  or  cer- 
tain. The  question  however  is  not  of  quality^ 
but  of  kind.  Good  melody  does  not  of  necessity 
involve  many  notes ;  Rousseau  has  composed  a 
very  sweet  one  on  only  three  (^Conaolations  des 
Misirea  de  ma  Viej  No.  53). 

The  probability  that  this  last  view  of  Ambro- 
sian  music  is  the  right  one  is  increased  by  the 
accounts  of  its  effect  in  performance,  given  in 
the  Benedictine  Life  of  St.  Ambrose,  drawn  from 
his  own  works,  wherein  one  especial  occasion  is 
mentioned  on  which  the  whole  congregation  sang 
certain  hymns  with  such  fervour  and  unction 
that  many  could  not  restrain  their  tears — an 
incident  confirmed  by  an  eye-witness,  St.  Augus- 
tine. "How  did  I  weep,"  he  says,  "in  Thy 
hymns  and  canticles,  touched  to  the  quick  by 
the  voices  of  Thy  sweet  attuned  Church  I  The 
voices  flowed  into  mine  ears,  and  the  truth  dis- 
tilled into  my  heart,  whence  the  affections  of  my 
devotions  overflowed,  and  tears  ran  down,  and 
happy  was  I  therein."*  It  is  diflicult  to  attri- 
bute to  mere  "musical  speech,"  however  em- 
ployed, such  effects  as  these,  even  upon  the 
rudest  and  least  instructed  people,  &  fortiori,  on 
persons  like  Augustine,  accomplished  in  all  the 
learning  and  the  arts  of  his  time.  The  hymns 
and  canticles  must  surely  have  been  conjoined, 
and  the  voices  attuned  to  a  sweeter  and  more 
expressive  song.  "Dulcis  est  cantilena,"  says 
Ambrose  (^Op.  t.  i.  p.  1052)  himself,  "quae  non 
corpus  effeminat,  sed  mentem  animamque  con- 
firmat."  Whatever  its  properties,  its  usefulness, 
or  its  dignity,  no  one  would  apply  the  epithet 
dulcis  to  the  Accenhu  Ecclesiasticus,  or  speak  of 
it,  or  anything  like  it,  as  cantilena. 

That  neither  Augustine  nor  any  contemporary 
writer  has  descril^  particularly,  or  given  us 
any  technical  account  of,  the  music  practised  bv 
the  Milanese  congregations  of  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  however  much  we  may  regret  it,  need 
hardly  cause  us  any  surprise.  We  are  very  im- 
perfectly informed  about  many  things  nearer  to 
us  in  point  of  time,  and  practically  of  more  im- 
portance. Augustine  has  indeed  told  us  in  what 
manner  the  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung  in  the 
church  of  St.  Ambrose,  and  that  this  manner  was 
exotic  and  new.**  But  of  the  character  of  the 
song  itself—- in  what  the  peculiarity  of  the  Cantua 
Ambrosianus  consisted — ^he  tells  us  nothing.  Pos- 
sibly there  was  little  to  tell ;  and  the  only  pecu- 
liarity consisted  in  the  employment  in  psalmody 
of  more  melodious  strains  than  heretofore -~ 
strains  not  in  themselves  new,  but  never  before 

•  "Qaantam  flevi  In  hymnis  et  cantids  tals,  suave 
sonantls  Eoclesiae  tuae  ▼oclbos  commotos  acrtter  I  Voces 
lllae  inflaebaot  auribus  mds,  et  eliqnabatnr  Veritas  In  oor 
menm ;  et  exaestnabat  hide  aflectos  pletatis,  et  canrebant 
laerimae,  et  bene  mihl  erat  cnm  eis."— A  Avguttini 
Cot\fei»ianum,  Uh.  Ix.  cap.  vL  e.  14. 

k  "Tone  hymnl  et  pMlmi  nt  'canerentiir'  ienm^tum 
wiorem  orieniaUum  jNirttum.  ne  populus  maerorls  Caedlo 
ooDtabeaoeret,  institatuni  est;  et  ex  Ulo  in  bodiemnm  re- 
tentom.  multis  Jam  ac  pene  umaiboa  gregibus  tais,  et  per 
cetera  orbis  imitantibaa."— OvV.,  lib.  Ix.  cap.  7-15. 


so  employed ;  for,  "  in  the  first  ages  of  Christi 
anity,''  says  St.  Isidore,  "the  psalms  were  r^ 
cited  in  a  manner  more  approaching  speech  thaa 
song."*  In  this  view  most  writers  on  Ambresiau 
music  have  concurred ;  that  it  was  veritable 
song,  in  the  proper  musical  sense  of  the  word, 
not  musical  speech  or  "half-song;"  and  that, 
not  only  was  it  based  on  a  scale  system  or  tonsF 
lity  perfectly  well  understood,  but  that  ite 
rhythmos  was  subject  to  recognised  laws.  S. 
Ubaldo,  the  author  of  a  work  {Diaqvintio  dt 
caniu  a  D.  Ambroaio  in  Mediolanensem  eodesiam 
introductOy  Mediolani,  1695)  especially  devoted 
to  Ambrosian  music,  says  expressly  that  St.  Am- 
brose was  not  the  first  to  introduce  antiphoui 
singing  into  the  West,  but  that  he  did  introduce 
what  the  ancients  called  Cantua  ffarmonicua,  ob 
account  of  its  determined  tonality  and  variety  oi 
intervals,  properties  not  needed  in,  and  indeel 
incongruous  with,  musical  speech.  With  thr 
Cantua  Harmonicua  was  inseparably  connectea 
the  Caniua  Hhj/thmicua  or  Metricua;  so  that,  by 
the  application  of  harmonic  (•*.  e,  in  the  modem 
sense,  melodic)  rule,  a  kind  of  melody  was  pnn 
duced  in  some  degree  like  our  own.  That  Am- 
brosian  music  was  rhythmical  is  irrefragably  at- 
tested by  the  variety  of  metres  employed  by 
Ambrose  in  his  own  hymns,  and  that  such  w» 
held  to  have  been  the  case  for  many  centuries  is 
confirmed  by  Guido  Aretinus  and  John  Cotton 
(11th  century). 

The  first  requisite  of  melody  is  that  the  sonndi 
composing  it  b«  not  only  in  the  same  "  system," 
but  also  in  some  particular  scale  or  succ^sioii, 
based  upon  and  moving  about  a  given  sonnd. 
The  oldest  scales  consisted  at  the  moet  of  foor 
sounds,  whence  called  tetrachords.  The  inflo- 
ence  of  the  tetrachord  was  of  long  duration ;  it 
is  the  theoretical  basis  even  of  modem  tonalitr. 
Eventually  scales  extended  in  practice  to  penta- 
chords, hexachords,  heptachords,  and  ultimatelj 
octachords,  as  with  us.  The  modem  scale 
may  be  defined  as  a  succession  of  sounds  con- 
necting a  given  sound  with  its  octave.  The 
theory  and  practice  of  the  octachord  were  fami- 
liar to  the  Greeks,  from  whose  system  it  is 
believed  Ambrose  took  the  first  four  octachords 
or  modes,  viz.  the  Phrygian,  Dorian,  Hypolydian, 
and  Hypophrygian,  called  by  the  first  Christian 
writers  on  music  Protus,  Deuterus,  Tritus,  and 
Tetrardus.  Subsequently  the  Greek  provincial 
names  got  to  be  misapplied,  and  the  Ambrosian 
system  appeared  as  follows : 

Pbotdb  ob  Dokian. 


i 


zz 


.^£. 


^        -"^ 


-«- 


I 


i 


Dkutkkus  ob  Prrtoiav. 


-«p- 


■JSL 


^      ra 


-^ 


m 


Tsmjs  OB  AsoLZAir. 


Tbtbabdus  ob  Mtxoltmav. 


i 


jSH 


g^        ^ 


These  scales  differ  essentially  from  our  scales, 

*  **  Ita,  at  proDuntlanti  vkinlor  eaaet,  qnam  pnHenll  * 
-'De  OffiCt  cap.  vii. 


AMBBOSIAN  MUSIC 


AM£N 


75 


Mftjor  or  miaor,  of  D,  E,  F,  G,  which  are  Tina- 
ally  tnafpodtions  of  one  another,  or  identical 
Kuet  at  a  higher  or  lower  pitch,  the  seats  of 
wImw  two  lemitoDes  are  always  in  the  same 
piaeesi— between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  the  7th 
nd  8th  MMinds  seyerally.  Whereas  the  Greek 
aad  Inhroaiaa  aeales  abore  are  not  only  unlike 
AM  another  (the  seats  of  the  semitones  being  in 
all  difleient),  but  they  are  also  unlike  either  our 
■sden  typical  major  scale  of  C,  which  has  its 
snsitoaes  between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  7th  and 
8th  sounds,  or  our  typical  minor  scale  of  A, 
vUch  has  one  of  its  semitones  always  between 
tkc  2nd  sad  3rd  aounda,  another  between  the  5th 
wd  6th  or  the  7th  and  6th,  and  in  its  chromatic 
fcfiB  between  both. 

TmcAi  JLuoB  SoALs: 


m 


^z. 


^.      fi^'^"=f 


TmcAXi  MnoB  Soali. 


The  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  Ambrosian  scales 
or  tones  therefore  are  not  what  we  now  call 
^kcys,"  but  **  modes,"  differing  from  one  another 
as  tne  modem  major  and  minor  modes  differ,  in 
tbt  plaees  of  their  semitones.  Melodies  there- 
kn  in  this  or  that  Ambrosian  *'  tone "  have  a 
fariety  of  character  analogous  to  that  which 
distiBguisheB  our  major  and  minor  modes  so  very 
videly.  Thus  tenderness  is  the  popular  attri- 
b«te  of  the  minor  mode ;  strength  and  clearness 
ars  those  of  the  major.  In  like  manner  one 
Aadbrosiaa  tone  was  supposed  to  be  characterised 
by  dignity,  another  by  languor,  and  so  on. 

The  rhythmua  of  Ajnbrosian  melody  is  thought 
by  BOOM  to  haTe  oonaisted  only  in  the  adaptation 
to  long  and  short  syllables  of  long  and  short 
■otek  "Of  what  we  call  time,"  says  Forkd 
{GttcL  der  Mtuikf  iL  168), — the  proportion 
between  the  different  divisions  of  the  same 
ndody, — ^the  ancients  had  no  conception." 
He  doei  not  tell  ns  how  they  contrived  to  march 
or  to  dance  to  timeless  melodies — ^melodies  with 
tve  beats  in  one  foot  and  three  in  another,  or 
three  feet  in  one  phrase  and  four  in  another,  nor 
bov  vast  congregations  were  enabled  to  sing 
tbeiB ;  and  if  anything  is  certain  about  Ambrosian 
toBg  it  is  that  it  was  above  all  things  oongrega- 
tioaaL 

Whether  Ambrose  was  acquainted  with  the 
■se  of  musical  characters  is  uncertain.  Probably 
be  was.  The  system  he  adopted  was  Greek,  and 
be  eoald  hardly  make  himself  acquainted  with 
Gieek  music  without  having  acquired  some 
kaowledge  of  Greek  notationt  which,  though  in- 
tricate in  its  detail,  was  simple  in  its  principles. 
But  cren  the  invention,  were  it  needed,  of  cha- 
nctcn  capable  of  representing  the  compara- 
tinly  few  sounds  of  Ambrosian  melody  could 
have  been  a  matter  of  no  difficulty.  Such  cha- 
nden  needed  only  to  represent  the  pitch  of 
tbcN  sounds ;  their  duration  was  dependent  on. 


and  sufficiently  indicated  by,  the  metre.  Copies 
of  Ambrosian  music-books  are  preserved  in  some 
libraries,  which  present  indications  of  what  may 
be,  probably  are,  musical  characters.  Possibly 
however  these  are  additions  by  later  hands.  It 
is  certain  that,  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  Am- 
brosian song  was  finally  superseded,  except  in 
the  Milanese,  by  Gregorian.  The  knowledge 
of  the  Ambrosian  musical  alphabet,  if  it  ever 
existed,  may,  in  such  circumstances,  and  in  such 
an  age,  have  easily  been  lost,  though  the  melo- 
dies themselves  were  long  preserved  tradition- 
ally.  [J.  H.] 

AMBB06IANXJM.— This  word  in  old  litur- 
gical writings  often  denotes  a  hymn,  from  S. 
Ambrose  having  been  the  first  to  introduce 
metrical  hymns  into  the  service  of  the  Church. 
Originally  the  word  may  have  indicated  that  the 
particular  hvmn  was  the  composition  of  S. 
Ambrose,  and  hence  it  came  to  signify  any  hymn. 
Thus  S.  Benedict,  in  his  directions  for  Noctums, 
says,  '*  Post  hunc  psalmus  94  (Venite)  cum  anti- 
phonft,  aut  certe  decantandus.*  Inde  sequatur 
Ambroskmum :  Deinde  sex  psalmi  cum  anti- 
phonis."  Also,  S.  Isidore  d«  Divin,  off.  lib.  i. 
c  1,  §  2,  speaking  of  hymns,  mentions  S. 
Ambrose  of  Milan,  whom  he  calls  **  a  most  illus- 
trious Doctor  of  the  Church,  and  a  copious  com- 
poser of  this  kind  of  poetry.  Whence  (he  adds) 
from  his  name  hymns  are  called  Aml^skms" 
(unde  ex  ejus  nomine  hymni  Ambrasiani  appel- 
lantur).  [H.  J.  H.] 

AMEN  (Heb.  }DK).    The  formula  by  which 

one  expresses  his  concurrence  in  the  prayer  of 
another,  as  for  instance  in  Deut.  xxvii.  15. 

1.  This  word,  which  was  used  in  the  services 
of  the  synagogue,  was  transferred  unchanged  in 
the  very  earliest  age  of  the  Church  to  the 
Christian  services  [compare  Alleluia]  ;  for  the 
Apostle  (1  Cor.  xiv.  16)  speaks  of  the  Amen  of 
the  assembly  which  followed  the  thjcapttrrloj  or 
thanksgiving.  And  the  same  custom  is  traced 
in  a  series  of  authorities.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. 
i.  c  65,  p.  127)  notices  that  the  people  present 
say  the  Amen  after  prayer  and  thanksgiving; 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (in  Enseb,  H,  E,  vii.  9,  p. 
253,  Schwegler)  speaks  of  one  who  had  often 
listened  to  the  thanksgiving  (^tbxapurrid),  and 
joined  in  the  Amen  which  followed.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  {CaUcJusmus  Mystag,  5,  p.  331)  says 
that  the  Lord's  Prayer  is  teaied  with  an  Amen. 
Jerome,  in  a  well-known  passage  (Prooemium  in 
lib.  ii.  Comment,  Ep.  Oai,,  p.  428)  speaks  of  the 
thundering  sound  of  the  Amen  of  the  Roman 
congregations. 

2.  The  formula  of  consecration  in  the  Holy 
Eucharist  is  in  most  ancient  liturgies  ordered  to 
be  said  aloud,  and  the  people  respond  Amen,  Pro- 
'uably,  however,  the  custom  of  saying  this  part 
of  the  service  secrete — afterwards  universal  in 
the  West — had  already  begun  to  insinuate  itself 
in  the  time  of  Justinian ;  for  that  emperor  ordered 
^Novella  123,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  tom.  72,  p.  1026), 
that  the  consecration-formula  should  be  said 
aloud,  expressly  on  the  ground  that  the  people 
might  respond  Afiten  at  its  termination.  [Com- 
pare Canon.]     In  most  Greek  liturgies  also, 

•  This  Is  explained  as  *'  oninino  ptotrahendo  et  ab  vno 
ant  a  plniibas  moroM*  or  as^fn  directum  dne  Antl- 
pbDni."    Jroiteiu  </e  Jfii.  Jfon.  fit.,  Lib.  L  cap.  IL  22. 


AHENESmS 


n  the 


X/HOTti."  tbe  receirer  answen  Ainm.  So,  too, 
ID  the  Clemeutiae  Liturgy,  sflar  the  ucriptioa 
of  Glory  to  God  (ApoK.  Cmtt.  liii.  13,  p.  215, 
Uttun).  (Bona,  Dt  Jtelxu  Liturgicii,  1.  JL  cc.  5, 
1!,  "•)  [C] 


AHICE  (_Anuctm,  HumeraU,  Saperfnimenh 
or  Ephed,  AnaMadiim,  Aiu^xl'igittm,  Amgotai- 
Mil).  S  I.  The  word  Amictus  Is  employed  in  clu- 
■icsl  writen  as  a  geaeral  term  for  tmy  cater 
garmeat.  Thus  Virgil  employ*  it  {Am.  iii.  405) 
in  ipcnkiD^  of  the  togi,  oroamfiitHl  with  pnr|iU, 
the  end  of  which  wu  thrown  about  the  head  by 
prieati  and  other  olGcisl  personi  when  engaged 
ID  acts  of  «acrific«.  (See  for  eiainple  "  the 
Emperor  incrificiDg,"  from  thecolumn  of  Trajaa, 
Vtat.  Christ,  pi.  iii.)  The  umo  general  usage 
may  be  tmced  In  the  earlier  ecclesiastical  wriUr*, 
M  in  St.  Jerome,  and  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  who 
uses  the  word  in  ipenking  of  a  bride'i  Teil.  St. 
Isidore  of  Setille  (circ.  6:i0  a.d.)  nowhere  em- 
ploy«  the  word  aa  the  designation  of  any  par- 
ticular garment,  SAcred  or  otherwise.  But  in 
defining   Che  meaning  of  an^iboladium  (a  Gi 


a  Uter 


ititied  w 


ent),  he 


quo  humeri  operiuntur,  quod  Gneci  et  Latini 
tiodonem  Tocant."  {Origina,  lii.  25.)  With 
thia  may  be  compared  St.  Jerome  on  leaiab,  cap. 
iii.,  where  in  referring  to  the  dreu  of  Hebrew 
women,  he  says.  "  Habeat  aindonei  quae  rouantur 
amictoria."  This  usage  of  "  amictorium,'*  and 
Its  equiyalent  "  anaboTadium,"  in  speaking  of  a 


Duiden 


II  preiHi 


tbe  9 Eh  century,  vhen  it  is  compared  by  Rabaaus 
Uaurus  (such  seems  to  bn  his  menuing)  with  the 
■'supeihiunenle"  of  Leiiticat  use  {Dt  Imtit. 
Cler.  Lib.  I.  cap.  15).  Rabnnu),  howoTer,  does 
not  use  the  word  "amictns,"  though  he  svems 
evidently  to  refer  lo  the  restment  elsewhere  so 
culled.  Amalarias  of  Meti,  writing  about  tbe 
aame  time  (circ.  825  a.d.),  speaks  of  the  "  amio- 
tus"  aa  being  the  first  in  order  of  the  vestmenU 
of  the  Church,  "primum  vestimentilm  nostrum 
quo  collum  andique  cingimus."  Hence  iti  sym- 
bolism in  his  eyes  as  implying  "castigatioTocis," 
the  due  restraint  of  the  voice,  whose  organs  are 
in  the  throat  (Dt  Eccl.  Of.  ii.  17.).  Walafiid 
Stnibo  writing  tome  few  years  later  (he  was  a 
pupil  of  Rabanus),  enumerates  the  eight  resl- 
ments  of  the  Chnrch,  but  without  including  in 
them  the  amice  (i'e  Scb.  Ecd.  c  'H.\  But  in  all 
ihe  later  liturgical  writ«n  the  restment  it  named 
under  some  one  or  other  of  the  various  designa- 
tions enumerated    at  tbe   head     " 


n  this 


y  then 


till  nearly  the  close  of  the  Snion  period.  It  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert.  In 
a  Inter  Anglo-Saion  Pontifical  (of  the  lOth  cen- 
tury, Dr.  Rock  says,)  among  tbe  vestments 
enumerated  occurs  mention  of  the  "supei'- 
bumerole  sen  poderem,"  an  eipreesion  which  hoa 
been  supposed  to  point  to  the  amice,  though  the 
use  of  "  poderia,"  as  an  alternatire  name,  seems 
to  make  thi>  somewhat  duubtfuL     (Quoted   bj 


— — ..^  ..„,  »,u„,c  -.u,  originally  a  squue  gi 
oblong  piece  of  linca,  somewhat  such  u  tint 
which  forma  the  background  in  the  accompany' 
lag  woodcut,  and  was  probably  worn  nearly  as 
■howD  in  Fig.  1,  so  as  to  cover  the  seek  and 


Dr.  Rook,  Church  of  our  Falhert,  vol.  I.  p.  Ati 
from  the  ArcluuiJiigiii,  voL  iiv.  p.  2S.) 

g  2.  Shtpt  of  the  Anuct,  itt  Material,  and  onu 


shoulders.  Early  in  the  10th  century(A.D.  S^.l) 
we  hear,  for  the  first  time,  of  omanienls  of  gohl 
ontheamice.  {TtaiiineiitiiKn  Iteeuifi  Epacopi  in 
Higne's  Putrologlit,  torn,  ciiiii.  p.  468,  "caligu 
et  landaliaa  pari*  duo,  amictcs  [sic]  cum  aurs 
quattaor.")  Thia  ornament  was  probably  id 
"aurifrigium"  or  "orfrev."  From  the  11th 
century  onwards  the  richer  amices  were  adorned 
with  embroidery,  and  at  times  even  with  pre- 
cious Btonei.  lliese  onuunente  were  attached  to 
a  portion  only  of  the  amice,  ■  comparatively 
emntl  patch,  iinown  as  a  piaga,  or  parura  (i.  el, 
paralura)  being  fastened  on  (see  Pig.  4  in  wool- 


^0  appear  as  a  kind  of  collar  above  Uie 

e  Fig.  3%     An  eiample  is  given  of  late 

he  shape  of  the  parara,  as,  from 

tbe  material,  very  early  amioet 


later   limes   as   "  mil  aria  "  or  "co 
Rock,  Ch.  ofourFatUrt,  i.  470). 

§  3.  How  kd™.-AII  the  cnrliei 
the  amice  ore  such  as  to  imply  that 
on  the  neck  and  shoulders  only. 
Autun  (writing  ore.  1125  A.D.)  is  t 
speaks  of  it  as  being  placed  on  the  \ 
merale  quod  in  Lege  Ephot,  apud 


:  illo  c 


collum  !< 


humeroH  (onde  et  Hnmerale  dicitur)  cooperil. 
in  pcctore  copulatum  duahns  vittia  ad  mammillsi 
cingiL  Per  Humeralc  qaod  capili  mpmiiv 
spes  caelestium  intelligilur."  {Qraana  atamne.  i. 
c  201.)  It  appeara  to  have  been  tempotarili 
placed  on   the  head  (as  shown  la  Fig.  2  of  the 

arranged,  after  which  it  was  turned  down  ■ 
that  the  pamra  might  appear  in  its  preprr 
place.  To  this  position  on  the  head  is  to  be 
referred  it*   later   aymboliam   as   ■   Mmct  t* 


AMICUS 


AMPULLA 


77 


.21,  >» 


cUntMi.  "  Amictns  pro  galea  capat  obnnbit.' 
Dnnndi  SaHtmale  iii.  1.  For  other  sjinbol- 
inns  tee  InnooeBt  IIL,  De  Sacro  AUari$  MysteriOy 
L  ee.  36  and  50.  (The  woodcut  above  is  from 
t>r.  Bock's  QwAichte  der  iiturgi8(Aen  Gewander, 
a  iL  TaC  iL)  [W.  B.  M.] 

AMICUS,  confessor  at  Lyons,  commemorated 
Jalr  U  {MarL  Hitrm.),  [C] 

AMMON.    (1)  Commemorated  Feb.  7  (Jtfar^ 

(f )  Coomiemorated  Feb.  9  ( Jf.  Sfieron,,  Bedae). 

(3)  *Afifnow,  the  deacon,  with  the  forty  women 
ktt  disciples,  martyrsy  commemorated  Sept.  1 
(CUL  fy^aU.). 

(4)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  (if.  Hiercn^ 
Bedxy 

(9)  Ifartrr  at  Alexandria,  Dec  20  (Mart. 
Bam.  r€t.y  Bedaey  [C] 

AMHONABLA,  martyr  at  Alexandria,  com- 
BMmorated  Dec  12  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet.).        [C] 

AMMONIUS.  (1)  Martyr,  Jan.  31  (Mart. 
Biero^L,  Btdaey. 

(5)  bifant  of  Alexandria,  commemorated  Feb. 
n  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 

(t)  Conmiemorated  Oct.  6  (Jf.  Hieron.).  [C.J 

AMOS,  the  prophet,  commemorated  June  15 
(CeL  Byzant.).  [C] 

AMPELU8  of  Messana,  commemorated  Nov. 
»(MarL  h'om.  Vet.).  [C] 

AMPHIBALUM  or  AMPHIBALUS.  §  1. 
Tais  word  appears  to  be  confined  to  Galilean 
writert.  And  this  fact,  coupled  with  its  Greek 
derivation,  pointing  as  this  does  to  a  very  early 
period  for  its  introduction,  is  noticeable,  as  one 
umn%  many  instances  of  diversities  of  usage 
ia  miaor  matters,  characteristic  of  the  Galilean 
diiirek,  and  indicating  an  origin  distinct  from 
that  of  other  western  churches. 

1 2.  /brm  cf  the  vestment,  and  its  prevailing 
me.    There  are  three  passages  to  which  refer- 
caoc  may  here  be  made  as  determining  all  that 
caa  vith  certainty  be   known  with  regard  to 
the  vestment  now  in  question.    St.  Remigius, 
Archbishop  of   Aries,  dying    about   500  A.D., 
left  to  his  successor  in  the  see  **  Amphibalum 
slbom  paschalem,"    a    white    amphihalus    for 
«e  OB   Sundays    and     high     festivals.      (For 
'pnchalu'  see  Dncange  in  voc.)    We  cannot 
here  conclude  with   alMoIute  certainty  that  it 
■  of  a  vestment  for  church   use  that  he  is 
yking,  though  the  context  seems  to  imply 
this.    (The  quotation  is  from  the  Testamentum 
S.  XemdgU  Semensis,  apud   Galland,  BiMiothec. 
PeL,  torn.  X.  p.  806.)    But  in  the  passages  that 
feUov  this  meaning  is  beyond  doubt.     In  a  life 
Hi  &  Bonittts  (o/tos  S.  Bonus),  f  circ  710,  A.D. 
vrittra,  as  it  is  supposed,  by  a  contemporary 
(Ada  Sandorvm  Jamuw.,  d.  xv.  p.  1071  sqq.)^  we 
ire  told  that  the  saint  was  much  given  to  weep- 
ia;  even  in  chmrch;  so  much  so,  that  the  upper 
ptrt  of  his  amphibalua,  which  served  as  a  cover- 
hg  tat  his  head,  was  found  to  be  wet  with  the 
tetn  he  shed.    **  Lacrimarum  ei  gratia  in  sacro 
•«  deerat  officio  ita  ut  amphibali  summitas,  qua 
apot  tegebator,   ex  profusione  earum  madida 
rideretor."    This  **  upper  part "  of  the  amphi- 

Wlas  wu  evidently  a  kind  of  hood  (like  that  of 


the  casula),.  separable,  m  some  sort,  irom  the 
rest  of  the  garment.  For  the  saint  is  repre- 
sented as  appearing  afler  death,  in  a  vision,  to  a 
certain  maiden,  devoted  to  God's  service,  and 
sending  through  her  a  message  to  the  "  mother  '* 
of  the  neighbouring  monastery,  bidding  her  keep 
by  her  (no  doubt  as  a  relic)  that  part  of  his 
amphibalus  which  covered  his  head.  "  Ut  pai'- 
tem  amphibali  moi  qua  caput  tegitur,  secum  re- 
tineat." 

Even  in  this  passage,  however,  though  it  is 
evidently  spoken  of  as  worn  in  church,  and 
during  the  "  holy  office,"  it  does  not  follow  that 
a  sacerdotal  vestment,  distinctively  so  called,  is 
there  intended.  The  mention  of  the  hood  (or 
hood-like  appendage)  as  worn  over  the  head 
.points  rather  to  use  in  the  choir.  But  in  a 
fragmentary  account  of  the  Galilean  rite,  of  un- 
certain date,  but  probably  of  the  9th  or  10th 
century,  the  word  amphibalus  is  used  as  equiva- 
lent to  the  **  casula,"  then  regarded  as  specially 
belonging  to  sacerdotal  ministry.  ^*  The  casula, 
known  as  amphibalus,"  the  writer  says,  "  which 
the  priest  puts  upon  him,  is  united  from  top  to 
bottom  .  .  .  it  is  without  sleeves  .  .  . 
joined  in  front  without  slit  or  opening  .  .  . 
*  Casula,  quam  amphibalum  vocant,  quod  sacer* 
dos  induetur  (nc),  tota  unita  .  .  .  Idee 
sine  manicas  (sic)  quia  sacerdos  potius  benedicit 
quam  ministrat.  Ideo  unita  prinsecus,  non  scissa, 
non  aperta,'"  &c.  (See  Martene,  ITiesattrus 
Anecdotorum,  torn,  y.) 

From  the  above  passages  we  may  infer  that 
"amphibalus"  was  a  name,  in  the  Gallican 
church  of  the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries,  for 
the  more  solemn  habit  of  ecclesiastics,  and  par- 
ticularly for  that  which  they  wore  in  offices  of 
holy  ministration.  Having  regard  to  its  (pro- 
bably) Eastern  origin,  and  to  its  subsequent  iden- 
tification with  the  casula,  we  shall  probably  be 
right  in  thinking  that  it  resembled  in  shape  the 
white  phenolia,  in  which  Eastern  bishops  are  re- 
presented in  mosaics  of  the  6th  century,  in  the 
great  church  (now  Mosque)  of  St.  Sophia  at 
Constantinople.  For  these  last  see  the  article 
Vestments  (Greek),  later  in  this  work,  and 
Salzenberg's  AUchristliche  BaudenkmeUe^  plates 
xxviii.  and  xxix.  [W.  B.  M.] 

AMPHILOCHIUS,  bishop  of  Iconium,  com- 
memorated Nov.  23  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.] 

AMPIDIUS,  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  14 
(Mart.  Bieron.).  [C] 

AMPLIAS,  **  Apostle,"  commemorated  Oct. 
31  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] 

AMPODIUS,  commemorated  Oct.  11  (Mart. 
Hieron.).  [C] 

AMPULLA  (Probably  for  amb-oOa,  from  iU 
swelling  out  in  everr  direction),  a  globular  yes- 
sel  for  holding  liquid.  In  ecclesiastical  language 
the  word  denotes  — 

1.  The  flasks  or  cruets,  generally  of  preciooa 
i  metal,  which  contain  the  wine  and  water  used 
at  the  altar.  The  word  "  pollen,"  used  in  some 
districts  of  Germany  to  designate  these  vessels 
(Binterim's  DenkwOrdigkeiten,  iv.  1.  183)  is  pro- 
bably derived  from  ^  Ampullae." 

WHien  the  custom  of  making  offerings  of  wine 
for  the  Holy  Communion  ceased,  ampullae  seem 
to  hare  taken  the  place  of  the  larger  Amab 


78  AMPULLA 

Tha  notion  of  th«  ampullae  thamulTia  hiTin; 
bacD  large  Teuela  it  probablj  fonodad  an  thi 
ancicDt  stymoli^,  "ampulla,  qnaii  Ta»  am' 
plum;"  an  atfmologf  which  Walafrid  Stnbo 
(Z>(  Reh.  Ecd.  c  24)  adapU  to  the  &cta  i  '  " 
own  tima  hj  reTeraicig  it, "  ampulla  qoasl  f 
ampU."  Ths  Gnt  mention  of  ampnllae  aa  allai^ 
TioBak,  appear*  to  be  in  the  Zt6cr  Pontifcaiit 
(c  110)  In  the  life  of  John  III.  (669-573),  who 
it  said  to  hate  ordered  that  the  oratoriea  of  the 
martyn  In  tbo  citf  of  Roma  ihonld  be  nippHail 
with  altar-plate,  incloding  ampnllae  [al.  amnUe] 
from  the  Latann  church. 

2.  Hore  commanlf  the  word  ampnlla  deuotea 
a  veiael,  A^icuSat,  UMd  for  holding  conaeciated 
oil  orchrinn.  In  thia  eenw  It  !■  used  b;  Optatus 
HileTitaaua  (jMntra  Donntidai  ii.  19,  p.  42), 
when  he  tella  na  that  an  "ampulla  chriunatia" 
thrown  from  a  window  by  the  Donatuta  mire- 
culouilj  remained  unbroken.  In  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  (p,  65),  in  the  direction!  for  the 
benediction  of  Chrimi  on  the  "  Feria  V.  poat 
Palmu,"  or  Thnrsday  In  H0I7  Week,  "  ampnllaa 
dno  cam  oleo"  an  ordered  to  be  prepared,  the 
better  of  wbidi  ia  to  be  preeented  to  the  Pope. 
[Chbish.] 


By  ftr 

kind  ii  that  which  was  laid  to  have'been  broUKlil 
bj  a  dors  from  heaTeu  at  the  baptiam  of  Gloria, 
and  which  waa  used  at  the  coronation  of  the 
Frank  kin^.  Hincmar,  in  the  service  which  he 
drew  up  for  the  coronation  of  Charlea  the  Bald 
(840),  speaka  of  the  first  Christian  king  of  the 
Franka  having  been  anointed  and  consecrated 
with  the  hcaf  en-descended  chrism,  whence  that 
which  he  himself  uaed  waa   derired  ("caelitoa 

tns  et  in  regem  sacraloa"),  aa  if  of  a  thing  well 
anown.  lu  Flodoard,  who  wrote  in  the  first 
half  of  the  10th  century,  we  find  the  legend  fully 
developed.  He  tolls  na  (/f,si.  Eceki.  Nemmtlt, 
i.  13,  in  Migne's  Patroi.  vol.  135,  p.  52  c.)  that 
at  the  Baptiam  cfClovis,  the  clerk  who  bore  the 
chrism  wsa  prevented  by  the  crowd  from  reach- 
ii^  his  proper  station;  and  that  when  the 
moment  for  uortion  arrived,  St.  RemI  raised  his 


AHULBTS 

eyes  to  heaven  and  prayed,  when  "  eece  nbltii 
colnmba  cea  nil  advolat  Candida  Tostro  dafenas 
ampullam  caelestis  doni  chrismate  replatam." 
This  aacnd  ampulla  (the  "Saint*  AmpouUe'^ 
waa  preaentedin  the  abbey  of  SL  Bemi,at  Reimi, 
and  Died  at  the  coronation  of  the  succesiive  kiip 
of  France.  It  was  broken  in  1793,  bat  em 
then  a  fragment  waa  said  to  have  been  praerved, 
and  waa  used  at  the  coronation  of  Charlet  X. 
The  ampolla  represented  in  the  woodcut,  from 
Honia,  it  said  to  be  of  the  Tth  century,  ll  it 
of  a  metal  resembling  tin,  and  hta  engrarid 
upon  it  a  representation  of  the  Adoration  oTlht 
Hagi  and  of  the  Shepherds,  with  the  inscrlptim. 
tAfcON  BYAOYZuHC  T«N  AricN  XPICTOV 
TOUoiN,  having  boan  used  for  preservlne  Holr 

OiL    [Oil,  Holt.]  [c.] 

AMULETS.  The  aarlieat  writer  in  whom 
the  word  occun.  is  Pliu]'  (f/.X.  iiii.  4, 19  ;  ai. 
15,  47,  et  nl.\  and  Is  used  by  him  in  the  sense  of 
a  "  charm  "  againat  poisons,  witchcraft,  and  tht 
like  ("  venefidomm  amnleta  ").  A  Latm  deriva- 
tion has  been  suggested  for  it  as  being  thil 
"quod  malum  amolitur."  Modern etymologiiti. 
however,  connect  both  the  word  at  well  ta 
the  thing  with  the  East,  and  derive  it  from  ths 
Arabic  hanimalet  (—  a  thing  snspendod).  tbt 
practice  which  the  word  implies  had  been  in  Ibe 
Christian  Church,  if  not  from  the  firat,  yet  •• 
soon  aa  the  Paganiim  and  Judaism  out  of  which 
it  had  emerged  began  again  tn  find  their  way 
into  it  as  by  a  process  of  infiltration,  and  the 
history  of  amulets  presents  a  strange  pictore  of 
the  ineradicable  tendency  of  mankind  to  fall  back 
into  the  bluest  auperstitions  which  seem  to  belong 
only  to  the  savage  bowing  before  his  ftiidn. 
Man  has  a  dread  of  unseen  powers  around  him — 
demons,  spectres,  a 


fh>m 


That  belief 


entativt 


o  preserve  him 


a  alte- 


Eathcr    arbitnry.      When    the    laraetitea    left 
gypt,  tbcy  came  fi^m  a  people  who  had  car- 
ried Uiis  idea  to  an  almost  unequalled  eitcat. 
The    •carabaeus,   the   hawk,   the   serpent,  the 
uraena,  or  hooded  snake,  an  open  eye,  out^nad 
wings,   with   or    without    formulae    of  prayer, 
deprecating  oc  invoking,  are  found  in  countlea 
variety  in  all  onr  musenms,  and  seem  to  hsve 
been  home,  some  on  the  breast,  some  suapendcd 
by  a  chain  round  the  neck.     The  law  orUoaca, 
by  ordering  the  ZicilA,  or  blue  fringe  on  the  gar- 
ita  which  men  wore,  or  the  papyrus  scnilb 
i>  tests  (Exod.  liii.  2-10,  11-17;  Dent  ri. 
4-g,  13-22),  which  were  to  be  aa  fh)ntlets  « 
their  brows,  and  hound  upon  their  amis,  known 
.ater  Jewa  as  the  Ttp/iiiUm,  or  when  nailed  on 
r  door  posts  or  the  walls  of  their  housei  ai 
Uttuaa,  sought,  as  by  a 
3   men   who   had    been 
usages  to  higher  thoaghts,  and  to  turn  what  had 
been  a  sDperstition  into  a  witness  for  the  truth. 
The  old  tendency,  however,  crept  in,  and  it  aeemt 
clear  that  aome  St  least  of  the  ornaments  named 
by  Isaiah  (iii.  23),  especially  the  DVrh,  were  of 
the  nature  of  amulets  (fiti.  Diet.  A>uixn).  Aid 
the  later  ^vXarripia  of  the  S.  T.,  though  an  at- 
tempt baa  been  made  by  aome  archaeologista  le 
explain  the  naoM  ai    though   they    iiaiiiiiiM 


AMUTJirrS 


ANAGNOSTES 


79 


BMi  fvkU^tuf    rhv    >4funf  (Schoitg^n)  were, 
tkcre  OB  be  little  doubt,  to  called  as  **pre- 
wermdrm"  against  demooa,  magic,  and  the  evil, 
cje.*    Tikioiigb  the  whole  hiatory  of  Rabbinism, 
the  tcBdencj  was  on  the  increaae,  and  few  Jews 
Miered  themselret  free  from  evil  spirits,  unless 
the  bed  en  which  thej  slept  was  guarded  hj  the 
JfitfUM.    Mystic  figures — ^the  saoed  tetragram- 
BMtea,  the  shield  of  Darid,  the  seal  of  Solomon — 
with  cabalistic  words,  AGLA  (an  acrostic  formed 
froB  the  initial  letters  of  the  Hebrew  words  for 
^Thoa  art  nighty  for  ererlasting,  O  Lord"), 
Ibncalan.  and  the  like,  shot  up  as  a  rank  after- 
growth.   Greek,  Latin,  Eastern  Heathenism,  in 
Kin  manner,  supplied  Tarious  forms  of  the  same 
eage.  Everywhere  men  lived  in  the  dread  of 
the  &acinatioa  of  the  **  evil  eye."  Sometimes  in- 
^iriihial  men,  sometimes  whole  races  (e.g,  the 
Thika  of  Pontos)  were  thought  to  possess  the 
peirer  of  smiting  youth  and  health,  and  causing 
them  to  waste  away  (Plutarch,  Stpnpaa,  ▼.  7). 
ind  against  this,  men  used  remedies  of  rarions 
kinds,  the  'E^ciria  ypdfifiortt^   the  fhalhts  or 
foQuum.    The  latter  was  believed  to  operate  as 
direrting  the  gnre  which  would  otherwise  be 
ittd  OB  that  which  kept  it  spell-bound  (Plu- 
tarch, Lc;  Varr.  de  Linff.  Lat,  vi.  5X  but  was  pro- 
bably connected  also  with  its  use  as  the  symbol 
•f  life  as  against  the  evil  power  that  was  working 
te  destroy  life.     It  is  obvious  that  superstitions 
if  this  kind  would  be  foreign  to  Christian  life  in 
its  first  parity.    The  "  bonfire  '*  at  Ephesus  was 
a  pretest  against  them  and  all  like  usages  (Acts 
m.  19).    They  crept  in,  however,  probably  in 
the  firrt  instance  through  the  influence  of  Juda- 
ing  or  Orientalizing  Gnostics.    The  followers 
if  Basilides  had  their  mystical  Abraxas  and  Jal- 
dahaoth,  which  they  wrote  on  parchment  and 
md  as  a  charm  [C%r.  Biogr.  art.  Basilides]. 
Searahaei  have   been   found,   with    inscriptions 
(Jao,  Sahaoth,  the  names  of  angels,  Bellerman, 
Cher  die  Soarahaeen,  L  10)^  indicating  Christian 
ciatioBS  of  this  nature.^    The  catacombs  of 
hare  yielded  small  objects  of  various  kinds 
that  were  used  apparently  for  the  same  purpose, 
a  brottse  fish  (connected,  of  course,  with  the 
■jitic  anagram   of  IxeTS),   with    the  word 
Ifl2Aa  on  it,  a  h;tuJ  holding  a  tablet  with 
ZHCE2,  medals  with  the  monogram  which  had 
figored  OD  the  hbarwa  of  Constantine  (Aringhi, 
£ma  Svbterraneoy  ri.  23  ;  Costadoni,  Del  Pesce^ 
ri.  n.,  iii.,  19 ;  Martigny,  s.  v.  Poisemi).    In  the 
East  we  find  the  practice  of  carrying  the  Gospels 
iPifiida  or  ^leryydkta  /uKp^)  round  the   neck 
as  fsAflrHlfaa  (Chrysost.  Horn.  Ixiiii.  in  Matt.) ; 
and  Jerome  (in   Hatt.   iv.   24)  confesses  that 
he  had  himself  done  so  to  guard  against  disease. 
When  the  passion  for  relics  set  in  they  too  were 
CBployed,  and  even  Gregory  the  Great  sent  to 
TVcodeliiida  two  of  these  ^uXorr^pia,  one  a  cross 
eoBtainittg  a  fragment  of  the  true  cross,  the  other 
a  box  containing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  each  with 
Greek  avocations,  as  a  charm  against  the  evil 
ipirita  or  lamiae  that  beset  children  (Epp.  xii.  7). 
la  an  these  cases  we  trace  some  Christian  asso- 

•  TUi  li  disthietly  stated  In  the  Jemsalem  Qenuua 
(BeacklbL3,4>  Oomp.  the  exbaastlve  article  fay  Leym 
«B 'Aytaklerlcn*  in  Henog. 

^TkeBMBttoDoT'tbe  horns  of  the  Scarabaens  "  as  att 
mdti  \f  Vtiaj  {B,  N.  xaviiL  4)  shews  how  widely  the 
iU  ^gypdao  feeling  aboot  It  bad  spread  fai  the  first 
efthiairfstlBn 


ciations.  Symbolism  passes  into  superstition. 
In  other  instances  the  old  heathen  leaven  was 
more  conspicuous.  Strange  words,  ir^plepyoi 
X^poKrripts  (Basil,  in  Ps.  xlv.,  p.  229  A),  names 
of  rivers,  and  the  like  (Chrysost.  Horn,  Ixxiii.  in 
Matt.),  "ligaturae*'  of  all  kinds  (August.  Tract  vii. 
in  Jixmn.),  are  spoken  of  as  frequent.  Even  a 
child's  caul  (it  is  curious  to  note  at  once  the 
antiquity  and  the  persistency  of  the  superstition)^ 
and  the  iyK6\'K'ior  Mvfta  became  an  kyK6Kwiov 
in  another  sense,  and  was  used  by  mid  wives  to 
counteract  the  ^  evil  eye  "  and  the  words  o{  evil 
omen  of  which  men  were  still  afraid  (Balsamon, 
in  Cone.  Trutt.j  c  61).  Even  the  strange  prohibi- 
tion by  the  Council  just  referred  to  of  the  practice 
of  "  leading  about  she  bears  and  other  like  beasts 
to  the  delusion  (vphs  iraiywtow)  and  injury  of  the 
simple,"  has  been  referred  by  the  same  writer 
(ibid.)f  not  to  their  being  a  show  as  in  later 
times,  but  to  the  fact  that  those  who  did  so  car- 
ried on  a  trade  in  the  ^vKaucHipiOj  which  they 
mnde  from  their  hair,  and  which  were  in  request 
as  a  care  for  sore  eyes. 

Christian  legislation  and  teaching  had  to  carry 
on  a  perpetual  warfare  against  these  abuses. 
Constantine  indeed,  in  the  transition  stage  which 
he  represented,  had  allowed  *'  remedia  humanis 
quaesita  corporibus "  (^Ood,  Theodos.  ix.  tit.  16, 
8.  3),  as  well  as  incantations  for  rain,  but  the 
Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  36)  forbade  the  clergy 
to  make  ^Xaicrfipta,  which  were  in  reality  ''8c(r- 
furrfipia  for  their  own  souls."  Chrysostom  fre- 
quently denounces  them  in  all  their  forms,  and 
lays  bare  the  plea  that  the  old  women  who  sold 
them  were  devout  Christians,  and  that  the  prac- 
tice therefore  could  not  be  so  very  wrong  (Jicm, 
viii.  in  Coloss.  p.  1374 ;  Hom^  vi.  c  Jud. ;  Hem, 
Ixii.  p.  536,  in  Matt.  p.  722).  Basil  (/.  c.)  speaks 
in  the  same  tone.  Augustine  (/.  c.  and  Serm,  ccxv. 
De  Temp.")  warns  men  against  all  such  '*  diabolioa 
phylacteria."  Other  names  by  which  such  amulets 
were  known  were  ircpiairra,  wtptdfifiarcu  We 
may  infer  from  the  silence  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria and  Tertullian  that  the  earlier  days  of  the 
Church  were  comparatively  free  from  these  super- 
stitions, and  from  the  tone  of  the  writers  just  re- 
ferred to  that  the  canon  of  the  Council  of  lAodicea 
had  been  so  far  efiectual  that  the  clergy  were  no 
longer  ministering  to  them.  [E.  H.  P.] 

ANAOHORETAE.    [Hermit.] 

ANACJLETUS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, 
commemorated  April  26  (Mart,  Potn,  Vet.),  [C.j 

ANAGTOBON  C/^dxropop  from  Maeretp), 
the  dwelling  of  a  king  or  ruler.  In  classical 
authors,  generally  a  house  of  a  god,  especially 
a  temple  of  the  Eleusinian  Demeter  or  of  the 
Dioscuri ;  also,  the  innermost  recess  of  a  temple, 
in  which  oracles  were  given  (Lobeck*s  Aglaopha^ 
mus,  i.  pp.  59,  62).  Eusebios  {Panegyr,  c.  9) 
applies  the  word  to  the  church  built  by  Constan- 
tine at  Antioch,  whether  as  equivalent  to  /Boo'i- 
Xfff^,  or  with  reference  to  the  unusual  size  and 
splendour  of  the  church,  or  with  a  reminiscence 
of  the  classical  use  of  the  word,  is  difficult  to  say. 
(Bingham's  Antiquitiea,  viii.  1.  §  5.)  [C.J 

ANAGNOSTES— LECTOR-READER.— 

Tertullian  is  the  earliest  writer  who  mentions 
this  office  as  a  distinct  order  in  the  Church  (De 
Praescr,  c.  41).  It  would  seem  that,  at  first,  the 
public  reading  of  the  Scriptures  was  performed 


80 


ANANIAS 


ANASTASI8 


indifierently  by  presbytei's  and  deacons,  and  pos- 
sibly at  times  by  a  layman  specially  appointed 
by  the  bishop.  From  Tertullian's  time,  how- 
ever, it  was  included  among  the  minor  ordei-s, 
and  as  such  is  frequently  referred  to  by  Cyprian 
i^Epp,  29,  88,  &c.).  It  is  also  one  of  the  three 
minor  orders  mentioned  in  the  so-called  ApoB- 
tolical  Canons,  the  other  two  being  the  {ncohii- 
Kovos  and  the  ^fdkrris.  The  Scriptures  were 
read  by  the  Anagnostes,  from  the  pulpitum  or 
tnbunal  ecclesiae.  If  any  portion  of  the  sacred 
writings  was  read  from  the  altar,  or  more  pro- 
perly from  the  bema  or  tribunal  of  the  sanc- 
tuary, this  was  done  by  one  of  the  higher  clergy. 
By  one  of  Justinian's  Novels  it  was  directed 
that  no  one  should  be  ordained  reader  before 
thi*  age  of  eighteen  ;  but  previously  young  boys 
wCa'c  admitted  to  the  office,  at  the  instance 
of  their  parents,  as  introductory  to  the  higher 
functions  of  the  sacred  ministry  (Bingham, 
Thorndike).  [D.  B.] 

ANANIAS.  (1)  Of  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  10), 
commemorated  Jan.  25  {Mart.  Rom.  VeU^ ;  Oct. 
1  (Co/.  ByzanL);  Oct.  15  (<7.  Armen.), 

(2)  Martyr  in  Persia,  April  21  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet), 
(8)  Mai*tyr,  with  Azarias  and  Misael,  Dec.  16 
(/&.);  April  23  {MaH,  Bedae);  Dec.  17  (Col, 
Byzant.).  [C] 

ANAPHORA.  QKvax^ood,  The  word  i^va- 
^4peiv  acquired  in  later  Greek  the  sense  of 
"  lifting  up "  or  "  offering :  '*  as  avcup4p€iv  $v- 
ffiasy  Heb.  vii.  27 ;  1  Pet.  ii.  5 ;  ianupepuy  th- 
Xapurriav,  €v<piifilay,  Ho^oKoyiaVj  Chrysostom  in 
Suicer,  s.  v.  'Avoupopd  was  also  used  in  a  cor- 
responding sense ;  in  Ps.  1.  21,  [LXX],  it  is  the 

equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  TO]),  *'  that  which 

goeth  up  on  the  altar.") 

1.  In  the  sense  of  "lifting  up"  Anaphora 
came  to  be  applied  to  the  celebcation  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist;  whether  from  the  "lifting 
up'*  of  the  heart  whicli  is  required  in  that 
service,  or  from  the  "oblation"  which  takes 
place  in  it ;  probably  the  latter. 

In  the  liturgical  diction  of  the  Copts,  which 
has  borrowed  much  from  the  Greeks,  the  word 
Anaphora  is  used,  instead  of  liturgy,  to  designate 
the  whole  of  the  Eucharistic  service,  and  the 
book  which  contains  it ;  but  more  commonly  its 
use  is  restricted  to  that  more  solemn  part  of  the 
Eucharistic  office  which  includes  the  Consecration, 
Oblation,  Communion,  and  Thanksgiving.  It  be- 
gins with  the  "  Sursum  Corda,"  or  rather  with 
the  benediction  which  precedes  it,  and  extends 
to  the  end  of  the  office,  thus  corresponding  with 
the  Preface  and  Cai70N  of  Western  rituals. 

The  general  structure  of  the  Anaphorae  of 
Oriental  liturgies  is  thus  exhibited  by  Dr.  Keale 
{Eastern  Church,  Introduction,  i.  463). 

7%e  Great  Evcharittic  Prayer— 

1.  The  Preface.    [Sdrsuk  Corda.^ 

a.  The  Prayer  of  the  Trlomidial  Hymn.  [Paxfacb.] 

3.  The  Trlamphal  Hymn.    [Sakotus.] 

4.  Oommemoratfon  of  our  Lmrd's  Life. 

5.  OommemoraUon  oflnstitatlon. 

The  OmeeeraJtioi^- 

6.  WoTxls  of  Institution  of  the  Bread, 
f .  Words  of  Institution  of  the  Wine. 

8.  Oblation  of  the  Body  and  Blood. 

9.  Introductory  Prayer  for  the  Descent  of  the 

Holy  Ghost 
10.  Prayer  for  the  Change  of  Elementa 


The  Great  Mereeeeary  Prayer— 

11.  General  Infeerceaaloo  for  Qnicik  and  Dead. 

12.  Prayer  before  the  iMtl'a  Prayer. 

13.  The  Lord's  l^rayer 

14.  The  EmboltMinus. 

The  Commumion — 

15.  The  Prayer  of  mdlnatlon  (rius  m^oAoc  kXA- 

Mtftcy). 

16.  Td  ayta  nli  ayibc«  and  Elsratton  of  UosL 

17.  ITie  Fraction. 

18.  The  Confession. 

19.  The  Communion. 

20.  The  Antldoron ;  and  Prayers  of  Tbank^ving. 

This  table  exhibits  the  component  parts  of  the 
Anaphorae  of  all,  or  nearly  alC  the  Eastern  litur^ 
gies,  in  the  state  in  which  they  have  come  down 
to  us ;  but  different  parts  are  variously  de 
veloped  in  different  liturgies,  and  even  the  order 
is  not  always  preserved ;  for  instance,  in  the 
existing  Nestorian  liturgies,  the  general  inter- 
cession is  placed  before  the  invocation  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  other  minor  variations  are  found. 
The  principal  of  these  will  be  noticed  under  their 
proper  headings. 

It  is  in  the  Anaphorae  that  the  characteristics 
are  found  which  distinguish  different  liturgies 
of  the  same  family;  in  the  introductory 'or  pro 
anaphoral  portion  of  the  liturgies  there  is  much 
less  variety.  "In  every  liturgical  family  there 
is  one  liturgy,  or  at  most  two,  which  supplies 
the  former  or  pro-anaphoral  portion  to  all  the 
others,  and  such  liturgies  we  may  call  the  normal 
offices  of  that  family ;  the  others,  both  in  MSS. 
and  printed  editions,  commence  with  the  '  Prayer 
of  the  Kiss  of  Peace,'  the  preface  to  the  Ana- 
phora "  (Neale,  Eastem  Church,  i.  319).  Thus, 
when  the  liturgy  of  Gregory  Theologus  or  of 
Cyril  is  used,  the  pro-anaphoral  portion  is  taken 
from  that  of  St.  Basil ;  the  Ethiopian  Church  has 
twelve  liturgies,  which  have  the  introductory 
portion  in  common ;  the  numerous  Syro-Jaoobite 
liturgies  all  take  the  introductory  portion  from 
that  of  St.  James;  the  three  Nestorian  from 
that  of  the  Apostles.  Further  particulars  will 
be  found  under  Canon  and  Communion. 

2.  The  word  kva^opd  is  sometimes  used  in 
liturgical  writings  as  equivalent  to  the  aiip  or 
Chalice-veil ;  and  has  found  its  way  in  this  sense, 
cori-upted  in  form  {Nuphir")  into  the  Syrian 
liturgies.    (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  ii.  61.)   [C] 

AN  ASTASIA.  (1)  Martyr  under  Diocletian. 
Her  Natalie,  an  ancient  and  famous  festival,  falls 
on  Dec.  25  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Ifieron,,  Bedae), 
Her  name  is  recited  in  the  Gregorian  Canon. 
The  proper  office  for  her  festival,  in  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacram,  (p.  7),  is  headed,  in  Mi^rd's 
text,  Missa  in  Mane  prima  Nat.  DonL,  site  S. 
Anastasiae;  and  is  inserted  between  the  SKsta 
In  Vigilia  Domini  in  Node  and  the  Missa  In  Die 
NatcUis  Domini,  The  titles  in  the  other  lifSS. 
are  equivalent.  In  the  Byzantine  Calendar  she 
is  commemorated  as  <f>c^fuuco\vrpla,  dissolver  of 
spells  on  Dec  22  (see  Neale's  Eastern  Ckvrdi, 
Introd.  786). 

(2)  Of  Rome,  da-iofjidpTvs,  commemorated  Oct 
29  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [C] 

ANASTASIS.— The  Orthodox  Greek  Church 
commemorates  the  dedication  of  the  Church  of 
the  Anastasis  by  Constantino  the  Great  (*£7irai- 
I'la  rov  Naov  r^s  ayias  row  Xpurrov  koI  6cov 
^fx&v  * KvoffrAffews)  on  Sep.  13.    (Daniel,  Coda 


ANASTASIUB 


ANOHOK 


81 


IT.  268.)  This  festival  refers  to  the 
of  the  Qmrch  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
«  of  the  Besurection  of  the  Lord,  at  Jerusalem, 
AJtL  335.  (Ensebivs,  Vita  CoHgUmtini,  iii.  26  ff.) 
A  MDilar  oaiM  was  given  to  the  room  where 
Gregory  of  Nasianzns  preached  at  Constantinople, 
lAervaids  converted  into  a  magnificent  church. 
(Gibbon's  ^ome,  iiL  367,  ed.  Smith.)  [C] 

AKASTA8IU8.  (1)  The  monk,  martyr  in 
Penis,  commemorated  Jan.  22  (^CcU.  Byzant^ 
Mart  Rom,  Vet.^  Hieron.^ 

(S)  Ssint,  April  1  (Mart,  Bedae), 

(S)  The  pope,  April  27  {Mari,  B.  V.,  Bedae) ; 
Oct  28  {CaL  Armen.). 

(4)  Saint,  May  2  ( Jf.  Bedae). 

(i)  The  Comicalarins,  martyr,  Aug.  21  (Mart. 
R.y.). 

(9)  Commemorated  Ang.  26  (M.  Hienm.). 

(T)  Bishop,  Got.  13  (^M.  Bedae,  Bieron.).   [C] 

ANATHEMAf  the  greater  exoommunica- 
ika,  saswering  to  Cherem  in  the  Synagogue, 
m  the  lesaer  form  did  to  Niddni,  «>.  Separation : 
tkb  latter  is  called  k^fopuffihs  in  the  ConstHutiona 
tf  the  Afo$tk9. 

The  excision  of  obstinate  offenders  from  the 
Christisn  fellowship  was  grounded  npon  the 
voids  of  Christ—^  If  he  will  not  hear  the  Church, 
kt  him  be  as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican." 
So  St.  Grmry  interprets  them — **  let  him  not 
be  oteemed  for  a  brother  or  a  Christian  " — ^  vi- 
deBeet  pcccator  gravis  et  scandalosus,  notorius 
ait  socosatns  et  convictus  " ;  being  reproved  by 
the  bishop  in  the  public  assemblies  of  the  Church, 
if  be  will  not  be  humbled  but  remains  incorri- 
gible and  perseveres  in  his  scandalous  sins — 
**  tan  anathemate  feriendus  est  et  a  corpore  £c- 
deaise  ieparandos"  (St.  Gregory  in  Ps.  v.),  and 
St  Augustine  (Troci  zxvii.  in  Johan.)  vindicates 
this  severity  of  discipline  on  the  Church's  part 
ia  radi  a  case — "  quia  neque  influxum  habet  a 
cftpHe,  neque  participat  de  Spiritu  ChristL" 

This  application  of  the  word  Anathema  to  the 
**  g:reatcr  excommunication  "  was  warranted,  in 
tbe  belief  of  the  ancient  Church,  by  St.  Paul's 
ose  of  it  (Gal.  i.  8,  9),  and  the  discipline  itself 
beiag  distinctly  warranted  by  our  Lord's  words, 
as  well  as  by  other  passages  in  the  New  Testa- 
nest,  the  anathema  was  regarded  as  cutting 
a  nai  off  from  the  way  of  salvation ;  so  that 
■akn  he  received  the  grace  of  repentance  he 
woald  certainly  perish. 

A  nilder  aense,  however,  of  the  word  Ana- 
tbcna,  as  uaed  by  St.  Paul,  has  not  been  without 
its  deieadcrs,  both  among  our  own  Divines  as 
Haaunood  and  Waterland,  and  by  (hx>tius.  The 
kttcr  writer,  oommenting  on  Rom.  iz.  3,  gives 
tbe  following  interpretation :  ^'Uoc  didt :  Yelim 
MB  nodo  earere  honore  Apostolatds,  verum 
contemptissimus  esse  inter  Christianos, 
sant  qui  exoommunicati  sunt." 
Aad  as  to  the  effect  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Ana- 
tboM — It  is  maintained  by  Vincentins  Lirinen- 
m  tbat  it  did  not  bear  the  sense  of  cursing 
anoag  the  ancient  Christiana,  as  Cherem  did 
SBoag  the  Jews. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  word  Ana- 

tbana  b  uniformly  employed  by  the  LXXas  the 
•^vivalcBi  of  Cherem ;  and  it   can   hardly  be 

iMrtiooed,  therefore,  that  where  it  occurs  in 

^  V.  T.  H  must  be  understood  in  the  deeper 
nlating  to  the  spiritual  condition — 


and  not  merely  to  exclusion  from  Church  prfvl* 
leges,  whatever  may  have  been  the  force  subse- 
quently attached  to  the  word,  as  expressing  the 
most  solemn  form  of  ecclesiastical  excommuni- 
cation. On  this  point  and  on  the  history  of  the 
word  in  general,  the  reader  is  reforred  to  Light- 
foot  on  Galatians  ;  Thomdike,  voL  iL  338 ;  Bp. 
Jeremy  Taylor  {Ductor  Dybitantium}.  For 
'Avd^fu,  see  Votive  OFrE&iNOS.         [D.  B.J 

ANATOLIA,  martyr,  commemorated  July  \f 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet).  [C]  ' 

ANATOLIUS,  bishop,  commemorated  July  3 
(MaH.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] 

ANAXABBE  (Stnoda  of)^  a.o.  431,  to  con- 
firm the  deposition  of  St.  Cyril,  and  those  who 
held  with  him.  Another  was  held  there  two 
years  later,  as  at  Antioch,  to  make  peace  with 
St.  CyriL  f  E.  S.  F.] 

ANCHOB  (AS  Sthbol).  The  anchor  is  an 
emblem  very  frequently  used,  from  the  earliest 
ages  of  Christianity,  in  symbolism.  As  the  anchor 
is  the  hope  and  often  the  sole  resource  of  the 
sailor,  the  ancients  called  it  sacred;  to  weigh 
anchor  was,  "Anchoram  aacram  solvere."  St. 
Paul  adopts  an  obvious  symbolism,  when  he 
says  (Heb.  vi.  19)  that  we  have  hope  as  '*  an 
anchor  of  the  soul  both  sure  and  stedfast ;"  so 
that,  in  its  special  Christian  sense,  the  anchor 
would  seem  to  be  an  emblem  of  hope. 

By  the  early  Christians  we  find  it  used,  some- 
times with  reference  to  the  stormy  ocean  of 
human  life,  but  mora  often  to  the  tempests  and 
the  fierce  blasts  of  persecution  which  threatened 
to  engulf  the  ship  of  the  Church.  Thus  the 
anchor  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  of  emblems ; 
and  we  find  it  engraved  on  rings,  and  depicted 
on  monuments  and  on  the  walls  of  cemeteries  in 
the  Catacombs,  as  a  type  of  the  hope  by  which 
the  Church  stood  firm  in  the  midst  of  the  storms 
which  surrounded  it.  In  this,  as  in  other  cases, 
Christianity  adopted  a  symbol  from  Paganism, 
with  merely  the  change  of  application. 

The  symbols  on  sepulchral  tablets  often  con* 
tain  allusions  to  the  name  of  the  deceased.  The 
Chevalier  de  Rossi  (Ik  Monum.  IXeTN  exhtb.  p. 
18)  states  that  he  has  three  times  found  an 
anchor  upon  tituli  bearing  names  derived  from 
Spes  or  4\irls ;  upon  the  tablet  of  a  certain 
ELPIDIVS  (Mai,  Coliect  Vatican,  v.  449),  and 
upon  two  others,  hitherto  unpublished,  in  the 
cemetery  of  Priscilla,  of  two  women,  EIPIZVSA 
and  Spes.  In  some  cases,  above  the  transverse 
bar  of  the  anchor  stands  the  letter  £,  which  is 
probably  the  abbreviation  of  the  woni  *Z\irls. 
Further,  we  find  the  anchor  associated  with  the 
fith,  the  symbol  of  the  Saviour  [IXBTS].  It  is 
clear  that  the  union  of  the  two  symbols  expresses 
'*  hope  in  Jesus  Christ,"  and  is  equivalent  to  the 
formula  so  common  on  Christian  tablets,  "  Spes 
in  Christo,"  <<  Spes  in  Deo,"  ''Spes  in  Deo 
Christo." 

The  transverse  bar  below  the  ring  gives  the 
upper  part  ofthe  anchor  the  appearance  of  acrtu; 
ansata  [Crobb]  ;  and  perhaps  this  form  may  have 
had  as  much  influence  in  determining  the  choice 
of  this  symbol  by  the  Christians  as  the  words  of 
St.  Paul.  The  anchor  appears,  as  is  natural,  very 
frequently  upon  the  tombs  of  martyrs.  (See 
Lupi,  Severae  Epitaphium^  pp.  136, 137 ;  Boldetti, 
OMemaxioid^  366,  370^  &c.;  Fabretti,  Inaorith 

0 


82 


ANOYBA 


tionum  Explic,  568»  569 ;  and  Martigny,  DicL 
des  Antiq.  Chr^,  s.  v.  *  Ancre.*)  [C] 

ANCYRA. — Two  svnods  of  Ancyra  are  re- 
corded ;  the  first  of  which  stands  at  the  head  of 
those  provincial  synods  whose  canons  form  part 
of  the  code  of  the  universal  Church.  It  was 
held  under  Yitalis  of  Antioch,  who  signs  first ; 
and  of  the  18  bishops  composing  it,  several 
attended  the  Nioene  Council  subsequently. 
Twenty-five  canons  were  passed,  about  half  of 
-which  relate  to  the  lapsed,  and  the  rest  to  dis- 
cipline generally  (v.  Beveridge,  Synod,  ii.  ad  /.). 
The  date  usually  assigned  to  it  is  a.d.  814. 
Another  synod  met  there,  A.D.  858,  composed 
of  semi-Arians.  They  condemned  the  second 
Synod  of  Sirminm,  accepted  the  term  homoi- 
0U8i(M„  and  published  12  anathemas  against  all 
who  rejected  it,  together  with  a  long  synodical 
letter.  Another  synod  of  semi-Arians  was  held 
there,  A..D.  375,  at  which  Hipsius,  Bishop  of 
Parnassus,  was  deposed.  [E.  S.  F.] 

ANCYRA,  THE  SEVEN  VIRGINS  OF, 
are  commemorated  by  the  Aimenian  Church  on 
June  20,  as  fellow-martyrs  with  Theodotion,  or 
Theodoras,  of  Salatia,  the  first  Bishop  of  Ancyra 
of  whom  we  have  any  account.  (Neale,  Eastern 
Church,  Introd.  p.  800.)  [C] 

ANDEGAVEN8E  CONCILIUM.  [An- 
gers, Council  of.] 

ANDELAENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Ande- 
LOT,  Council  op.] 

ANDELOT,  COUNCIL  OP  (Andelaense 
Conciliuh),  near  Langres ;  summoned  by  Gun- 
tram,  King  of  Orleans  (at  a  meeting  to  ratify  a 
compact,  also  made  at  Andelot,  between  himself 
and  Childebert,  Nov.  28  or  29,  587),  for  March  1, 
A.D.  588,  but  nothing  further  is  recorded  of  it,  and 
possibly  it  was  never  held  at  all  (Greg.  Turon., 
ffist.  Fr.  ix.  20;  Mansi,  ix.  967-970).  [A.  W.  H.] 

AND0C5HIUS  or  AND0CIU8,  presbyter, 
commemorated  Sept.  24  (^Mart.  Hieron., 
Bedae),  [C] 

ANDREAS.  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
Aug.  19  (^Mari.  Rom,  Vet). 

(2)  King,  Hedar  16  =  Nov.  12  {Ccd,  Ethiop,), 

(8)  The  general,  with  2953  companion  mar- 
tyrs, commemorated  Aug.  19  (jCai,  Byzant,), 

(4)  Of  Crete,  htnoyAinvs,  Oct.  17  {Cal, 
Byz.),  [C] 

ANDREW,  Saint,  Festival  op. — As  was 
natural,  the  name  of  the  **  brother  fisherman  " 
of  St.  Peter  was  early  held  in  great  honour. 
He  is  invoked  by  name  as  an  intercessor  in  the 
prayer  ^  Libera  nos  "  of  the  Roman  Canon,  with 
the  Virgin,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul ;  and  his 
principal  festival  was  anciently  placed  on  the 
same  level  as  that  of  St.  Peter  himself  (Krazer, 
De  Liturgiis,  p.  529).  His  "Dies  Natalis,"  or 
martyrdom,  is  placed  in  all  the  Martyrologies, 
agreeing  in  this  with  the  apocryphal  Acta  Andreae, 
on  Nov.  30.  It  is  found  in  the  Calendar  of  Car- 
thage, in  which  no  other  apostles  are  specially 
commemorated  except  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and 
St.  James  the  Great ;  and  in  St.  Boniface's  list 
of  Festivals,  where  no  other  apostles  are  named 
except  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Binterim*s  Denk- 
wurdigkeiten,  v.  i.  299).  The  hymn  "  Nunc  An- 
dreae solemnia,"  for  the  festival  of  St.  Andrew, 
is  attributed  to  Venerable  Bede.     Proper  offices 


ANDREW,  SAINT 

for  the  Vigil  and  Festival  of  St.  Andrew  an 
found  in  the  Sacramentaries  of  Leo  and  Gregory. 
In  the  latter  (p.  144)  there  is  a  clear  allusion  to 
the  Acta  (see  Tischendorf's  Acta  Apost.  Apocry* 
pha,  p.  127X  where  it  is  said  that  the  saint  frankij 
proclaimed  the  truth,  "nee  pendens  taoeret  in 
cruce;"  and  in  the  ancient  Liber  Jtesponsalis, 
which  bears  the  name  of  Gregory,  is  one  equally 
clear  to  the  same  Acta  in  the  words  of  St.  Aii- 
drew's  prayer,  "  Ne  me  patiaris  ab  impio  jndice 
deponi,  quia  virtutem  sanctae  cinicis  agnovi "  (p. 
836).  A  trace  of  the  influence  of  these  same  Ada 
is  found  again  in  the  Gallo-Gothic  Missal  (pro- 
bably of  the  8th  century),  published  by  Mabillon, 
in  which  the  '*  contestatio,  or  preface  (Litttrgia 
Gall.  lib.  iii.  p.  222),  sets  forth  that  the  Apostle, 
**  post  iniqua  verbera,  post  carceris  saepta,  alli- 
gatus  suspendio  se  purum  sacrificium  obtulit 
.  .  .  Absolvi  se  non  patitur  a  cruce  .  .  .  turba 
.  .  .  laxari  postulat  justura,  ne  pereat  populus 
hoc  delicto ;  interea  fundit  martyr  spiritum." 
The  Armenian  Church  commemorates  St.  Andrew 
with  St.  Philip  on  Nov.  16. 

The  relics  of  the  apostle  were  translated,  pro- 
bably in  the  reign  of  Constaniius,  though  some 
authorities  place  the  translation  in  that  of  Con- 
stantine  (compare  Jerome,  c.  Vigilantitany  c.  6, 
p.  391,  who  says  that  Constantius  translated  the 
relics,  with  Paulinus,  Carm,  26,  p.  628),  to  Con- 
stantine's  great  "Church  of  the  Apostles"  at 
Constantinople,  where  they  rested  with  those  of 
St.  Luke;  the  church  was  indeed  sometimes 
called,  from  these  two  great  s&ints,  the  church 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St.  Luke.  Justiniin  built 
over  their  remains,  to  which  those  of  St.  Timothr 
had  been  added,  a  splendid  tomb. 

The  Martyrohgium  Hieronymi  places  the  trans- 
lation of  St.  Andrew  on  Sept.  3,  and  has  a 
"  Dedicatio  Basilicae  S.  Andreae  *'  on  Nov.  3 ;  but 
most  Martyrologies*  agree  with  the  Martynh 
logium  Bomanum  in  placing  the  translation  on 
May  9.  Several  Martyrologies  have  on  Feb.  5 
an  "  Ordinatio  Episcopatus  Andreae  Apostoli,*'  in 
commemoration  of  the  saint's  consecration  tx) 
the  see  of  Patras  (Florentinus,  in  MariyroL 
Hieron,  p.  300 ;  Baronius,  in  Martyrol.  Romano, 
Nov.  30,  p.  502 ;  Tillemont,  Mem,  Eccles.  i.  320, 
589 ;  Binterim's  DenkwHrdigh^ten,  v.  i.  503,  £). 

As  was  natural  in  the  case  of  so  distinguished 
a  saint  as  the  first-called  Apostle,  churches  werp 
dedicated  in  honour  of  St.  Andrew  in  early  times. 
Pope  Simplicius  (c.  470)  is  said  to  have  dedicated 
a  basilica  at  Rome  in  his  honour  (Ciampini,  Vd. 
Monum,  i.  242);  and  somewhat  later  (c  500) 
Pope  Symmachus  converted  the  '^Vestiarium 
Neronis "  into  a  church,  which  bore  the  name 
"  S.  Andreae  ad  Crucem."  This  was  not  far  from 
the  Vatican  (Ciampini,  De  Sacris  Aec^,  p.  86). 
Later  examples  are  frequent. 

The  representation  of  St.  Andrew  with  the 
decussate  cross  (X)  as  the  instrument  of  his 
martyrdom  belongs  to  the  Middle  Ages.  Id 
ancient  examples  he  appears,  like  most  of  the 
other  apostles,  simply  as  a  dignified  figure  in 
the  ancient  Roman  dress,  sometimes  bearing  a 
crown,  as  in  a  5th-century  Mosaic  in  the 
church  of  St.  John  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vetera 
Monumenta,  torn.  i.  tab.  Ixx.  p.  235),  sometimes 
a  roll  of  a  book,  as  in  a  9th-century  Mosaic 
figured  by  Ciampini  (u.  s.  torn.  ii.  tab.  liu. 
p.  162),  where  he  is  joined  with  the  favoored 
disciples,  SS.  Peter,  and  James,  and  John.   [C] 


ANDRONICUS 
AKDRONIGUS.    (1)   Saint,   April  5  (Jf. 

(f )  Maj  13  (jr.  H%er<m.\ 

(S)  *«  Apostle,"  with  Junia  (Rom.  xri.  7),  com- 
owBonted  May  17  (Got/.  Byzant) ;  inyention 
of  their  relics,  Feb.  22  (/%.,  Neale). 

(4)  Commemorated  Sept.  27  (Jf.  JTieron.). 

(5)  "Holy  Father,"  Oct.  9  (CW.  5y«an«.). 

(6)  Martrr,  oommeroorated  Oct.  10  {Mart, 
niertM.);  Oct.  11  (Jf.  J?om.  Tet.);  Oct  12  (Col, 
ByzoMt),  [C] 

ANE6IU8,  of  Africa,  commemorated  March 
31  {Mart  Hier^M.),  [C] 

AX6ARIENSE    CONCILIUM.    [Sanqa- 

UE5BE  COXCIUUM.] 

ANGELS  and  ARCHANGELS,  in  Cimis- 
TikS  .\ST.  The  representations  of  angels  in 
Christ Un  art,  at  various  periods,  reproduce  in 
a  remarkable  manner  the  ideas  concerning  them, 
which  from  time  to  time  have  prevailed  in  the 
Church.  In  one  and  all,  however,  we  may  trace, 
thoiu^  with  varioos  modifications  of  treatment, 
tt  embodied  commentary  npon  the  brief  but  ex- 
jmssive  declaration  concerning  their  nature  and 
office  which  is  given  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
fi.  H).  Worship  or  service  rendered  unto 
tiod  (XciTovp>ro),*  and  work  of  ministration 
(ItMtork)  done  on  6od*s  behalf  to  men,  these  are 
the  two  spheres  of  angelic  operation  suggested  in 
Holy  Scripture,  and  these,  under  various  modifi- 
catioQS  ^  curioosly  characteristic  of  the  successive 
ai*ei  in  which  they  are  found,  oome  before  us  in 
X  lories  of  monuments  extending  from  the  fourth 
to  the  close  of  the  14th  century. 

§2.  Firti  three  Centuries.  Existing  monu- 
Beats  of  early  Christian  art,  illustrative  of  our 
preeat  subject,  are,  for  the  first  500  years,  or 
more,  almost  exdoaively  of  the  West,  and,  with 
oac  or  two  doubtful  exceptions,  all  these  are  of 
a  date  subsequent  to  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church," 
Dfider  CoBstantine  the  Great,  and  probably,  not 
earlier  than  400  A.D.  As  a  special  interest 
attaches  to  these  earliest  monuments,  it  may  be 
well  here  to  enumerate  them.  The  earliest  of  them 
all,  if  I/Agincourt's  judgment  (Histoirey  etc.  vol. 
T.  Peintnrey  PL  vii.  No.  3.)  may  be  trusted,  is 
a  mooument  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla,^ 

■  Hdx  L  14.  karovpyuci.  wruyMra  awoaTtXX6iiMva  tit 
iMaamv.  The  distinction  of  the  two  words  noticed 
above  la  lost  in  oar  EngUab  TersioiL  It  is  well  brought 
urn  \j  Orign.  osnL  CeUum,  lib.  v.  (quoted  by  Blngbam. 
JmHq^  book  xUL  cap.  liL  ^  2,  note  2).  See  this  further 
QtiMXBted  in  the  descrfpUoo  of  woodcut  in  ^  6  below. 

^  AtaMOt  (almost,  if  not  altogether)  for  the  first  four 
oBtaffies  (mo  f  a>  tbey  subserve  purposes  of  dogma  ((  3) 
is  dte  Mb oentary;  tbey  are  Scriptural  still,  but  also  in 
oaecMe  kgmdary  (f  4)  in  the  6tb.  From  that  time  for- 
wardcaaonlcal  and  apociTpbal  Scripture  and  mediaeral 
hsmd  are  mixed  up  togietiier.  We  find  them  imperial 
hi  Chaiactcr,  or  saeerdotal  and  Utnigical,  an  the  caae  may 
he;  vbile  in  the  later  middle  ages  even  feudal  notious 
vwe  characteristically  mixed  up  with  the  traditions  con- 
ttraiBf  then  derived  frxm  Holy  Scripture.  (For  this  last 
a»  JaaMaoo.  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art,  3rd  edit  vol.  i. 
p  M,  qooting  from  71  PeifeUo  Leffmdario.) 

'  Tbe  AbW  If  artigny  (  Z>ie<umfui^  Ac  M  me. « Anges  0 
with  evident  doubt  of  the  date  assigned  to  this 
D^Aginooort  himaelf  in  hta  description  gives  no 
pankalan  as  to  the  source  from  which  his  drawing  was 
fafwed.  Neither  esriier  nor  later  antiquariea  know  any- 
Wog  of  Hi  history.  And  this  being  so,  an  unsupported 
as  to  Its  date,  resting  on  the  authority  of  D'Agin- 


ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS 


83 


dating,  as  he  thinks,  from  the  second  centitry* 
It  is  a  representation  of  Tobias  and  the  angel. 
(This  same  subject,  suggestive  of  the  ^*  Guardian 
Angel,"  reappears  in  some  of  the  Vetri  Antichi, 
of  the  4th  and  5th  century.)  Another  fresco  of 
early  but  uncertain  date  in  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Priscilla  (Aringhi,  £.  S.  ii.  p.  297)  has  been 
generally  interpreted  as  representing  the  Annun- 
ciation. The  angel  Gabriel  (if  such  be  the  inten- 
tion of  the  painter)  has  a  human  figure,  and  the 
dress  commonly  assigned  to  Apostles  and  other 
Scriptural  personages,  but  is  without  wings,  or 
any  other  special  designations.  With  these 
doubtful  exceptions,  no  representations  of  angels, 
now  remaining,  are  earlier  than  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, and  probably  not  earlier  than  the  fifth. 

§3.  Fourth  and  fifth  Centuries.  There  was  an 
interval  of  transition  from  this  earlier  period, 
the  limits  of  which  are  Indicated  by  the  (Council 
of  llliberis,'  a.d.  305,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  by  the  Christian  mosaics  of  which  we 
first  hear  '  at  the  close  of  that  century,  or  early 
in  the  next.  The  first  representation  of  angels 
in  mosaic  work  is  supposed  (by  Ciampinus  and 
others)  to  be  that  of  the  Church  of  S.  Agatha  at 
Ravenna.  These  mosaics  Ciampinus  admits  to  be 
of  very  uncertain  date,  but  he  believes  '  them  to 
be  of  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  (See  his 
Vetera  Mtmumenta,  vol.  i.  Tab.  xlvi.)  The  first 
representations  of  the  kind  to  which  a  date  can 
with  any  certainty  be  assigned,  are  those  in  the 
CThurch  of  S.  Maria  Major  at  Rome,  put  up  by 
Xystus  III.  between  the  years  432  and  440  a.d. 
In  those  of  the  Nave  of  this  Church  (Ciampini 
V,  M.  tom.  i.  Pll.  1.  to  Ixiv.)  various  subjects  from 
the  Old  Testament  have  their  place ;  and  amongst 
others  the  appearance  of  the  three  angels  to 
Abraham \P1.  li.)  and  of  the  ''Captain  of  the 
Lord's  Hosts"  (by  tradition  the  archangel 
Michael)  to  Joshua  (PI.  Ixii.).  But  on  the 
**Arcus  Triumphalis"ff  of  this  same  Church, 
there  is  a  series  of  mosaics,  of  the  greatest  pos- 
sible interest  to  the  history  of  dogmatic  theology; 
and  in  these  angels  have  a  prominent  part. 
This  series  was  evidently  intended  to  be  an  em- 


court  alone,  carries  but  little  weight.  The  same  sntiiect  is 
reproduced  in  the  Gemetery  of  8&  Thraao  and  Satuminus 
(Ferret,  vol.  UL  pL  zxvL). 

d  The  37th  canon  forbids  the  painting  upon  waUs  the 
objects  of  religious  worship  and  adoration.  "  Placnit  plo- 
tnras  In  ecclesia  ease  non  debere,  ne  quod  oolitnr  et  adoratur 
in  parietlbna  depingatur."  Roman  writers,  for  obvious 
reasons*  seek  to  explain  away  the  apparent  meaning 
of  this  prohibition.  As  to  this,  see  Bingham,  C.  A., 
book  viii.  cap.  viii.  ^  6. 

*  Paullinus,  bishop  of  Nola,  early  in  the  6th  century, 
describes  at  mudi  length  In  a  letter  (E^  zil.)  to  bis  friend 
Sevens  the  decorations  with  which  he  had  adorned  hla 
own  church.  His  descriptions  accord  clo&ely  with  some 
of  the  actual  monuments  (aaroophagi  and  mosaic  pictures) 
of  nearly  oontemporaiy  date^  which  have  been  preserved 
to  our  own  time. 

'  The  form  of  the  Nimbus  here  assigned  to  our  Lord 
seems  to  indicate  a  later  date. 

s  By  the  "  trinmpbal  arch"  of  a  Roman  church  is 
meant  what  will  correspond  most  nearly  with  the  chancel 
arch  of  our  own  churches.  It  was  frill  in  view  of  the 
assembled  people  on  entering  the  church.  And  for  the 
first  six  centuries  (or  nearly  that  tlmey  It  was  reserved 
exclusively  for  such  subjects  as  had  Immediate  reference 
to  our  Lord ;  more  particularly  to  His  triumph  over  stn 
and  death,  and  Hla  sesskn  as  King  In  heaven.  See 
farther  on  this  sul^ect  Ciampini,  V.  M,  torn.  I.  p.  198,  sqq 

G  3 


84 


AKGELB  AND  ABCHANGEL8 


^GELS  AND  ARCHANGELS 


bodiment  in  art  of  the  doctrine  decreed  jiut 
preyioufilj  in  the  Conncil  of  Ephesns,  A.D.  431. 
The  angels  represented  in  the  scenes  of  ''The 
Annunciation/'  the  Worship  of  the  Magi  (see 
woodcQt  ^  annexed),  and  the  Presentation  in  the 
Temple,  are  here  made  to  serve  to  the  declaration 
of  what  had  just  before  been  proclaimed,  viz. : 
that  He  who  was  bom  of  Mary  was  not  a  mere 
man  in  whom  the  Word  of  God  might  afterward 
take  up  his  abode,'  but  was  himself  God,  as  well 
as  man,  two  natures  united  in  one  person.  The 
angels  throughout  are  represented  as  ministering 
as  it  were  in  homage  to  a  king.  Even  in  the 
Annunciation,  not  Gabriel  only  is  represented, 
but  two  other  angels  are  seen  standing  behind 
the  seat  on  which  the  Virgin  Mary  is  placed. 
Of  these  Ciampinus  rightly  says,  that  they  are  to 
be  regarded  as  doing  homage  to  the  Word  then 
^come  incarnate,  '*  Duo  illi  ....  astant,  sive 
Gabrielis  asseclae,  sive  Deiparae  custodes,  aut 
potius  incamato  tunc  Verbo  obsequium  ez- 
hibentes."  They  embody,  as  he  observes,  the 
thought    expressed    by    St.  Augustine.      ''All 


angels  are  created  beings,  doing  service  nnte 
Christ.  Angels  could  ho.  sent  to  do  Him  homage, 
(ad  obsequium)  could  be  sent  to  do  Him  senioe, 
but  not  to  bring  help  (as  to  one  weak  or  helpleai 
in  himself):  and  so  it  is  written  that  angds 
ministered  to  Him,  not  as  pitying  one  that  needed 
help,  but  as  subject  unto  Him  who  is  Almightj." 
(S.  Aug.  in  PscU.  Ivi.) 

§  4.  Sixth  Century,  Between  500  A.D.  snd 
600  A.D.,  the  following  examples  may  be  died : 
the  triumphal  arch  of  the  Church  of  SS.  Cosiniis 
and  Damianus  at  Rome  (Ciampini  V,  M,  torn.  iL 
Tab.  XV.)  circ.  530  A.D.,  and  fifteen  years  later  the 
mosaics  of  S.  Michael  the  archangel  at  Ravenna, 
i&ui  Tab.  zvii.).  In  the  apse  of  the  tribune  is 
a  representation  of  Cur  Lord,  holding  a  lofty 
cross,  with  Michael  r.  and  Gabrihel  (stc)  1.  On 
the  wall  above,  the  two  archangels  are  ^ain 
seen  on  either  side  of  a  throne,  and  of  one  seated 
thereon.  These  two  bear  long  rods  or  stares, 
but  on  either  side  are  seven  other  angels  (four  r. 
and  three  1.)  playing  upon  trumpets,  lliere  is 
here  an  evident  allusion  to  Rev.  viiL  2,  6,  "  I  saw 


Wonbip  of  fhe  lUgl.  fron  8.  HuiA  Ibdor  at 


the  seven  angels,  which  stand  before  God,  and  to 
them  were  given  seven  trumpets."  Comp. 
Ezek.  X.  10,  Tobit  xii.  15,  and  Rev.  i.  4;  iv. 
5.  (Ciampini  V,  M.  ii.,  xvii.,  comp.  Tab.  xix.) 
Michael  and  Gabriel  appear  yet  again  on  the 
arch  of  the  Tribune  of  S.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe 
(jhid.  Tab.  xxiv.);  and  there  are  representations 
of  the  four  archangels,  as  present  at  the  Worship 
of  the  Magi,  in  the  S.  ApoUinaris  Novus  (ibid. 
Tab.  xxvii.)  towards  the  close  of  that  century. 
To  this  period  abo  is  to  be  assigned  the  diptych 
of  Milan,^  which  is  remarkable  as  containing  an 

k  For  farther  paitlcalars  as  to  this  see  $  15  below. 

i  See  Cyril.  Alex.  BpixL  ad  Jfonochos,  in  whicb  the 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the  chief  opponent  of  Nestorius, 
represents  in  these  terms  the  doctrine  condemned  at 
Ephesns. 

k  Fignred  and  described  in  Bngatl,  Memone  di  S.  Cd$o 
Mcartire,  Append,  tab.  1.  and  ii.  The  particular  group 
above  referred  to  is  fignred  in  Martlgny.  IHctiomtaire,  tc, 
under  'Annondation.'  The  whole  diptych  is  pnblished 
to  tkcslmile  of  fictile  ivory  by  the  Amndel  Society. 


embodiment  (probably  the  first  in  CJhristian  art) 
of  legends  concerning  the  appearance  of  Gabriel 
to  the  Virgin  Mary,  derived  ftom  the  Apocryphal 

Gospels. 

§  6.  From  600  to  800  A,D,  Art  moan- 
ments  of  this  period  are  but  few  in  number. 
For  examples,  bearing  upon  our  present  subject, 
see  Ciampini  V,  M,  vol.  ii.  Tabb.  xxxi.  and 
xxxviii.  and  D'Agincourt,"  Peinturej  torn,  v^ 
PI.  xvi.  and  xvii.  They  contain  nothing  to  call 
for  special  remark,  save  that,  in  the  8th  centuiy 
particularly,  the  wings  of  angels  become  more 
and  more  curtailed  in  proportion  to  the  body; 
a  peculiarity  which  may  serve  as  an  indication  of 
date  where  others  are  wanting.  Cue  such  ex- 
ample in  sculpture,  of  Michael  and  the  Dragon,  ii 
referred  to  below,  §  10, 

§  6.  Eastern  and  Greek  Bepresentations.  Early 
monuments  of  Christian  art  in  the  East  are  nn- 


»  See  also  his  pL  z.  and  xlU  containing  fireeooes  of  Iat> 
bat  uncertain  date  from  the  oataoomba 


AMQEU  ini  ABGHANGEL8 
fatoitdy,  my  m%  thi  ual  of  the  Icoiuiclut4, 


AKGELB  AND  ABCHA2T0ELS 


85 


It  ■  btar  period  of  Smccni  and  Turki, 
f  bi^  &ti]  to  miDf ,  wbich  might  othtr- 
D  pnierTcd.  The  earlieat  eiuoplo 
a  Un*k  ut  ii  ■  repmaDtation  of  an  angal  in 
•  US.  of  Geneui  in  the  Imperial  Lihnry  at 
TiegH^  helieTrd  to  be  of  the  4th  or  5th  rrnturj. 
It  ii  fifond  bj  Stretu  lyA^coart,  Pn'nturv, 
Fl  ill.  It  ii  a  hnmui  figan,  winged,  and  with- 
«al  limboi   or  other  >ii«<^  attribats.      The 


Serf  sirord,  etc.,  epoken  of  in  Gen.  iiL  ig  th«r* 
repmenled  not  aa  a  nword,  in  the  hand  of  th< 
aogel,  bat  u  ■  great  wheel «  of  fire  biilde  him. 
Neit  in  date  to  this  is  an  intexutiag  picture  of 
the  Aicengion,  Id  a  S3rriac  MS.  of  the  GogpeU, 
written  and  illumioaUd  in  the  fear  586  l.D.  at 
Zagba  in  Mesopotamia.  We  hsTc  engraTed  tbia, 
oa  embodying  thoae  Oriental  types  of  the  angel 
form  which  hare  been  characteriitic  of  Eaitem 
and    Greek   art   iiom   that   time   to   thli.       It 


wQI  be  ieen  that  the  SaTioor  u  here  repre- 
■Bted  in  glory.  And  the  variooa  angelic  powers 
^fscar  in  three  dlBerent  capacitiea.  Beneath  the 
hct  of  the  Sarionr,  and  forming  ai  It  were 
a  chariot  npon  which  He  riiee  to  HeaTen,  iawhat 
tkt  Greeks  oil  the  Tetramorphon.  The  head 
■ad  thi  hand  of  a  man  (or  rather,  according  to 
Gntk  (raditiou,  of  an  angel),  the  heads  of  an 
•i^  a  lion,  and  an  oi,  are  united  by  wings  that 
an  fill  attjm  (eomp.  Ezekiel  i.  IS).  On  either 
Bde  of  these  again  are  two  pairs  of  £ery  wheels, 
"~''  '  vithin  wheelr"  as  suggested  again  by  the 
Eiak.    L    16       Thae    serve    - 


symbolic  representations  of  the  order  of  aneelt 
known  as  "thrones"  (comp.§  T  below),  and  of  the 
cherabim.  Of  the  sli  other  angels,  here  repre- 
sented in  haman  (brm,  and  winged,  fonr  are  min- 
istering to  Onr  Lord  (KinevprfovrTft),  either  by 
active  terrice,  as  the  two  who  bear  Him  np  Id 


COsmp.  V 


le  moealo  of  the  BL  Vllalia  at  B 
nil.  111.),  In  the  npper  part  ol 
KQ  spboldlnc  a  m jiUd  ■  wlieel." 


Kblch 


s^boUsiD  Inlendsl,  rightlj  deicrfin  Lt  irj  the  words 


86 


ANGELS  AKD  ABGHANGELS 


their  hands,  or  hj  adoration,  as  two  othsrs  who  are 
offering  Him  crowns  of  victory  (^rr^^xtvoi).  Two 
others,  lastly,  have  been  sent  on  work  of  ministry 
to  men  (comp.  note  *  above),  and  are  seen,  as 
St.  Lake's  narrative  suggesU,  asking  of  the 
eleven  disciples,  *'Why  stand  ye  here  gazing 
up  into  heaven?"  and  the  rest.  (The  central 
figure  of  the  lower  group  is  that  of  the  Virgin 
Mary.) 

§  7.  The  Celestial  Hierarchy  of  Dionysius. 
The  best  comment  on  the  picture  last  described  is 
to  be  found  in  the  *  Celestial  Hierai'chy '  of  Diony- 
sius.  The  whole  number  of  celestial  beings  are 
to  be  divided  (so  he  tells  us),  into  three  orders,  in 
each  of  which  a  triple  gradation  is  contained.  In 
the  first  order  are  contained  the  *Hhrones,"  the 
seraphim  and  cherubim.  And  these  are  con- 
tinually in  the  immediate  presence  of  God,  nearer 
than  all  others  to  Him,  r^ecting,  without  inter- 
vention of  any  other  created  being,  the  direct 
effulgence  of  His  glory.  Next  to  these,  and  of 
the  second  order,  are  dominions,  authorities, 
powers  (ffupK^TifTcs,  i^o^ffiau,  Zvvdfuis),  forming 
a  link  between  the  first  and  the  third  order.  To 
these  last  (principalities  [apx^*  archangels, 
and  angels)  he  assigns  that  more  immediate  ex- 
ecution of  the  divine  purposes  in  the  sphere  of 
creation,  and  towards  mankind,  which  in  the 
belief  of  religious  minds  is  generally  associated 
with  the  idea  of  angelic  agency. 

This  teaching  of  Dionysius,  regarded  as  it  was 
both  in  East  and  West  as  of  all  but  apostolic 
authority,  has  served  as  a  foundation  upon  which 
all  the  later  traditions  have  been  built  up.  And 
this  language,  with  the  additional  comments 
quoted  in  the  next  section,  will  give  the  reader 
the  key  to  much  that  would  be  otherwise  obscure 
in  the  allusions  of  Greek  fiithers,  and  in  the 
forms  of  Greek  art. 

§  8.  Angels  in  later  Greek  Art.  The  language 
of  the  *Epfi'tiy€ia  r^s  (trfpa^piicfisj  •  or  *  Painter's 
Guide'  of  Panselinos,  a  monk  of  Mount  Athos  in 
the  11th  century,  may  be  regarded  [see  under 
ApOffTLEs]  as  embodying  the  unchanging  rules  of 
Greek  religious  art  from  the  8th  century  to  the 
present  time.  Taking  up  the  division  quoted 
above,  the  writer  says,  as  to  the  first  order,  that 
'*  the  thrones  ai'e  represented  as  wheels  of  fire, 
compassed  about  with  wings.  Their  wings  are 
full  of  eyes,  and  the  whole  is  so  arranged  as  to 
produce  the  semblance  of  a  royal  throne.  The 
cherubim  are  represented  by  a  head  and  two 
wings.  The  seraphim  as  having  six  wings, 
whereof  two  rise  upward  to  the  head,  and  two 
droop  to  the  feet,  and  two  are  outspread  as  if  for 
flight.  They  carry  in  either  hand  a  hexapteryx,  p 
inscribed  with  the  words  *Holy,  Holy,  Holy.' 
It  is  thus  that  they  were  seen  by  Isaiah."  Then, 
after  describing  the  "  Tetramorphi,"  he  proceeds 
to  speak  of  angels  of  the  second  order."  These 
are  dominions,  virtues,  powers.  '*  These,"  he 
says,  '*are  clothed  in  white  tunics  reaching  to 
the  feet,  with  golden  girdles  and  green  outer 
robes.  4    They  hold  in  the  right  hand  staves  of 

»  Obtained  by  M.  Didron  in  MS.  at  Mount  Athos,  and 
published  by  him  in  a  FVench  translation. 

9  The  "  flabellum  "  or  **  lau  "  of  the  Greeks  was  called 
iiaoT^pvi,  aa  containing  the  representation  of  a  aix- 
wlqged  seraph.  The  "thrones,"  represented  as  wheels 
(with  wings  of  flame),  described  by  Panselinos,  may  be 
soeii  In  the  second  of  the  iilnstrations  of  this  article. 

«  Outer  robes.    **  Dcs  dtules  vertes,"  aays  M.  Didron. 


ANGELS  AND  ARCHANGELS 

gold,  and  in  the  left  a  seal  formed  thus  (^  ."< 

Then,  of  the  third  order,  (principalities,  arch- 
angels, angels),  he  writes  thus.  ^  These  are 
represented  vested  as  warriors,  and  with  golden 
girdles.  They  hold  in  their  hands  javelins  and 
axes;  the  javelins  are  tipped  with  iron,  ai 
lances." 

§  9.  Attributes  of  Angels.  There  are  two 
sources  from  which  we  may  infer  the  attributes 
regarded  as  proper  to  angels  in  early  times ;  the 
description  given  of  them  in  the  treatise  of 
Dionysius  already  quoted,  and  the  actual  monn- 
ments  of  early  date  which  have  been  preserved 
to  our  times.  As  to  these  Dionysius  writes  that 
angels  are  represented  as  of  human  form  in  regard 
of  the  intellectual  qualities  of  man,  and  of  his 
heavenward  gaze,  and  the  lordship  and  dominioD 
which  are  naturally  his.  He  adds  that  bright 
vesture,  and  that  which  is  of  the  colour  of  fire, 
are  symbolical  of  light  and  of  the  divine  likeness, 
while  sacerdotal  vesture  serves  to  denote  their 
office  in  leading  to  divine  and  mystical  omtem- 
plations,  and  the  consecration  of  their  whole  life 
unto  God.  He  mentions,  abo,  girdles,  staves  or 
rods  (significant  of  royal  or  princely  powerX 
spears  and  axes,  instruments  for  measurement  or 
of  constructive  art  (r&  yfwfi€TpiKa  teal  rcrro- 
vtKOi  ffKtvri),  among  the  insignia  occasionallT 
attributed  to  angels.  If,  from  the  pages  of 
Dionysius,  we  turn  to  actual  monuments,  we  find 
the  exact  counterpart  of  his  descriptions.  They 
may  be  enumerated  as  follows : — 1.  The  kaman 
form.  In  all  the  earlier  monuments  (enumerated 
above,  §§  3,  4),  angels  are  represented  as  men, 
and  either  with  or  without  wings.  In  this 
Christian  art  did  but  follow  the  suggestions  of 
Holy  Scripture.  But  St.  Chrysostom  expresses 
what  was  the  prevailing  (but  not  the  universal) 
opinion  of  early  Christian  writers,  when  he  sajs 
{De  SacercL  lib.  vi.  p.  424  D)  that  although 
angels,  and  even  God  Himself,  have  ofttimes 
appeared  in  the  foim  of  man,  yet  what  was  then 
manifested  was  not  actual  flesh,  but  a  sembUace 
assumed  in  condescension  to  the  weakness  of 
mankind*  (o&  (rapxhs  itkfideia  &AA&  ffvyxafrir 
ficurts).  Both  in  ancient  and  in  modem  art 
examples  are  occasionally  found  of  angels  thus 
represented  as  men,  without  any  of  the  special 
attributes  enumerated  below.  2.  Wings.  As 
heavenly  messengers  ascending  and  descending 
between  heaven  and  earth,  angels  have,  with  a 
natural    propriety'   as    well  as  on   Scriptural 

But  we  suspect  that  in  the  original  he  found  oroKax,  a  vord 
which  Qreek  writers  never  use  in  the  technical  sense  o( 
"stoles"  (the  ecclesiastical  vestment  known  aa  ttda  in 
the  West  since  the  8th  century). 

r  This  is  what  was  known  in  mediaeval  times  as  the 
**  Signaculum  Dei,"  or  Seal  of  God.  Such  a  seal  la  npn- 
sented  in  the  hand  of  Lucifer  b^ore  hisfdUt  in  tboBortm 
Ddiciarum,  a  MS.  once  in  the  Library  of  Straabourg- 

*  With  this  agrees  the  language  of  TertulUan,  DeJtamt- 
rectione  CamiSt  cap.  Izii. :  **  Angell  aliqua&do  tanquam 
homines  fliernnt,  edendo  et  bibendo^  et  pedes  lavacro  por* 
rigendo,  kumanam  enim  induenaU  svperficiam^  sdvs 
intus  substantia  propria,  igltur  si  angell,  facU  tanifaam 
homints,  in  eadem  substantia  tpirUus  permansenmt,"  kc 
Similar  language  reappears  in  other  Latin  Fathers. 

t  Comp.  Philo^  Quaea.  in  Excd.  zxv.  20. «  rov  0nv 
ircurai  SvvdfMts  vrcpo^vovm  r^  arw  irpov  r&r  Hotiv* 
oSau  y\t.\6iiuam.L  tc  xal  e^U/icrai.  And  very  beaatifhllr 
elsewhere  he  speaks  of  Uie  angels  as  going  up  and  down 
beiweeii  heaven   and   earth,  and  conveying  (&ayycA- 


ANGELS  AXD  ARCHANGELS 


ANGELS  AND  ABGHANGEL8 


'87 


MtlMritj,*  been  represented  in  all  ages  of  the 
chtuth  «  foroished  with  wings.     We  may  add 
t^t  thb  mode  of  expressing  the  idea  of  ubiquity 
lol  power,  as  superhuman  attributes,  had  pre- 
T  tiled  in  heathen  art  from  the  earliest  times, 
aal  that  in  East  and  West  alike.     Examples  of 
thu  ia  Assyrian   art   are   now  £eimiliar  to  us. 
Stnlisr  figures  are  found  in  Egypt.    They  were 
ktf  eommon  in  classical  art.     Yet  Mercury,  as 
tM  messenger  of  the  gods,  had  wings  upon  his 
teet ;  sod  little  winged  genii  were  commonly  repre- 
sented in  decoratire  work,  and  thence  were  trans- 
^rred  (probably  as  mere  decorations)  into  early 
Qiristian'  works  of  art.     As  to  the  number  of 
ikat  wings,  two  only  are  to  be  found  in  all  the 
orlier  representations.     We  do  not  know  of  any 
enmpic  of  four,  or  of  six  wings,  earlier  than  the 
9th  century,  though  the  descriptions  given  in  Holy 
Scripture  of  the  '^  Living  Creatures"  with  six 
vings.  and  the  four-winged  deities  of  primitive 
£aiteni  art,  might   natnrally   have   suggested 
sadb  representations.    As  to  later  representations 
of  cherubim  and   seraphim,  and  the  like,  see 
belov,  section   14.      3.   Vesture.     The   vesture 
usig^  to  angels,  in  various  ages  of  the  Church, 
kii  ew  been  such  as  was  associated  in  men's 
minds  with  the  ideas  of  religious  solemnity,  and 
m  ihe  later  centuries,  of  sacerdotal  ministry.     In 
Holj  Scripture  the  vesture  of  angels  is  described 
js  white  (Matt,  xzviii.  3 ;  John  xx.  12 ;  Rer.  iv. 
4;  XV.  6),  7  and  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  and  6th 
/atones,  at  Borne  and  Ravenna  (where  first  we 
ean  determine  questions    of    colour  with   any 
aoeuacyX  ^^  ^^  white  vestments  generally 
.  auigaed  to  them  (1^>^S  ^^^^^  <^<^  pallium),  ex- 
actly resembling    those  of  apostles.      But   in 
■Misics,  believed  to  be  of  the  7th  century  (St. 
Sophia  at  Theasalonica)*  angels  have  coloured 
himstia  (outer  robes)  over  the  long  white  tunic, 
sad  their  wings,  too,  are  coloured,  red  and  blue 
being  the  prevailing    tints.      And    these   two 
eolous  had,  long  ere  that  time,  been  recognised 
SI  iavesled  with  a  special  significance,  red  as  the 
eoloar  of  flame,  and  symbolical  of  holy  love 
Vesritss),  blue  as  significant  of  heaven,  and  of 
btsvealy  contemplation    or   divine    knowledge. 
Aad  ia  the  later  traditions  of  CThristian  art  (from 
the  9th  century  onwards)*  these  two  colours 
vers  ss  a  general  rule  assigned,  red  more  espe- 
raJly  to  the  seraphim  as  the  spirits  of  love,  and 
bine  to  the  cherubim  as  spirits  of  knowledge  or 
of  contemplation ;  while  the  two  colours  com- 
boMd,  as  they  often  are  found,  are  regarded  as 


0  the  Uddings  of  tbe  Fatber  to  His  cbildreD,  and 
the  raDts  of  the  children  to  their  Father. 

■  &e  the  pssagfn  In  Exodus,  laal&b.  and  Esekiel  already 
ntemd  to ;  and  compare  the  expression  In  Rev.  xiv.  0,  of 
m  ntfAJifimg  (vctq^mmk)  tbere. 

■  For  examples  see  Arin^i,  Rcma  StMerraneOf  torn.  L 
Pfn  321,  •  1  s ;  torn.  U.  p.  1«7.  Oompare  p.  29.  where  similar 
£gvv«t  vltbont  winp^  are  introduced  in  an  ornamental 


y  See  Qamplnl,  Y.  M.  iL  pp  58  and  64.  He  epeaks  of 
'tnieae*'  and  *  pallia  "  as  being  wbito ;  and  of  **  stoles  " 
{nali7  stripes  oo  the  tnnicX  and  wings  of  violet 

*  Tcxkr  and  Pollan,  Bytantine  ArehUeciurt^  pL  xL 
Omsfut  the  cnrious  picture  of  the  Holj  Family,  a  bishop 
t«r  (Khcreockaiastic),  and  two  angeln.  from  Urgub,  figured 
ia  pitas  V,  where  the  robes  of  the  angels  are  white,  their 
vi&9  Woe  and  reiUlsh  yellow. 

■  'TlkediKinctJoaof  hoe  in  the  red  and  blue  angels  we 
And  vfaolly  omltled  towards  the  end  of  the  16th  century  " 
(Ufa.  J«nMSoo,  Sacred  and  Legendary  Arty 


suggesting  the  union  of  the  two  qualities  of  love 
and  knowledge,  the  perfection  of  the  angelic 
nature.  It  should  be  added  that  the  vestments 
of  angels  have  not  unfre^uently  such  ornament 
appended  to  them  as  was  of  ordinary  usage  from 
time  to  time  in  ecclesiastical  dress,  viz.,  coloured 
stripes  on  the  tunic,  in  the  earlier  centuries, 
afterwards  oraria  or  stoles,  and  even  "omophoria," 
the  distinctive  insignia  of  episcopal  office  in  the 
East.  4.  The  Nimbus,  In  the  early  Greek  MS. 
already  noticed,  §  6,  and  in  one  or  two  early 
representations  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome,  angels 
are  represented  without  the  Nimbus.  But  from 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century  onward,  this  orna- 
ment is  almost  invariably  assigned  to  them. 
[Nimbus.]  6.  The  Wand  of  Power.  Only  in 
exceptional  instances  during  the  first  eight  cen- 
turies, are  angels  represented  as  bearing  anything 
in  the  hand.  Three  examples  may  be  cited,  in 
mosaics,  >>  of  the  6th  century,  at  Ravenna,  in 
which  angels  attendant  on  our  Lord  (see  §  3) 
hold  wands'  in  their  hands,  which  may  either 
represent  the  rod  of  divine  power,  or,  as  some 
have  thought,  the  "golden  reed" — the  "mea- 
suring reed,"  assigned  to  the  angel  in  Rev.  xxi. 
15,  as  in  Ezek.  xl.  3.  The  representations  of 
archangels,  particularly  of  Michael,  as  warriors 
with  sword,  or  spear,  and  gii*dle,  are  of  later  date. 
6.  Instruments  of  Music.  One  early  example 
has  been  already  referred  to  (§  4)  of  a  Ravenna 
mosaic,  in  which  the  "  Seven  Angels "  are  repre- 
sented holding  trumpets  in  their  hands.  In  the 
later  traditions  of  Christian  art,  representations 
of  angels  as  the  "Choristers  of  Heaven"  have 
been  far  more  common,  various  instruments  of 
music  being  assigned  to  them. 

§  10.  Michael. — The  archangel  Michael  is  first 
designated  by  name  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury, at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xvii.  and 
xxiv.).  And  in  other  cases  where  we  see  two 
angels  specially  marked  out  as  in  attendance  on 
our  Lord,  we  may  infer  that  Michael  and  Gabriel 
are  designated.  For  the  names  of  these  two 
alone  are  prominent  in  Holy  Scripture.  And 
according  to  a  very  ancient  tradition,  traced  back 
to  Rabbinical  belief,  perpetuated  as  many  such 
ti*aditions  were  in  the  East,  and  thence  handed 
on  to  Western  Christendom,  these  two  arch- 
angels pei'sonified   respectively**   the  judgment 

b  Ciampini,  V.  M.  IL  tab^  xvil..  xix.,  and  xxiv.  Oom- 
pare in  his  plate  xlvi.  of  vol.  i.  the  mosaic  at  S.  Agatha, 
whidi  we  believe  to  be  of  nearly  the  same  date. 

e  In  the  church  dedicated  in  the  name  of  the  archangel 
Michael  at  Ravenna,  in  the  year  546,  an  indication  of 
special  honour  is  given  to  him  by  the  small  cross  np(»i  his 
wand,  which  is  wanting  In  that  of  Gabriel  (damp.  7.  M. 
11.  tab.  xvii.). 

^  In  yet  other  traditions  the  mercy  of  God,  and  more 
particularly  His  healing  grace,  is  ministered  by  Raphael. 
There  is  great  variety  in  the  older  Jewish  tradltiona 
According  to  one  (Joma,  p.  37,  quoted  by  Buhmer  in 
Herzog**  Encycl^  when  the  three  angels  appeared  to 
Abraham,  Miclutel,  as  first  in  rank,  occupied  the  central 
place,  having  Gabriel,  as  second,  on  his  right  hand,  and 
Raphael,  as  third  in  rank,  on  bis  left  This  place  on  the 
nyM  hand  of  God  is  elsewhere  assigned  to  Gabriel,  as 
being  the  augel  of  bis  jmoer  (oomp.  Origen.  mpl  dpx<^r, 
i.  8),  and  to  Raphael  that  on  the  left  (m«r  the  heart),  as 
being  the  angel  of  His  mercy.  And  again  in  Pbllo  {Quaest. 
in  Gtn.  ill.  24),  the  two  cherubim  on  either  side  of  tlie 
mercy-seat  represent  respectively  the  messengers  of  tho 
Wrath,  and  of  the  Men^,  of  the  Lord  (comp  Fxod.  xxxl v. 
6-7> 


88         AlIQELS  AKD  ABCHANGELS 

aod  ths  mercj  of  Cod,  ud  wen  thererore  fitif 
pUixd,  Ulcbnel,  u  the  uig*l  of  power,  on  the 
riebt  haad,  Oabriel,  nsuir  to  the  haart,  oa  tlis 
left  haDd.  For  the  ipeciil  tnditioai  eonceniing 
"St.  Michul,"  hia  appeaisucn  in  Tiaioa  at 
Mount  Gilguio  id  Apulia,  to  St.  Qregory  the 
ar«at  on  the  mole  of  HadrUn,  now  the  cutle  of 
St,  Angelo,  and  to  Aub«rt,  Bishop  of  AmDchn 
in  706,  A.D.,  at  "  Moont  St.  Michel"  in  Nor- 
mandj  (to  thi<  our  OWD  St.  Hichael'a  Moant 
owea  ita  d«>igiiaUoD),  »e  Jamwon'i  Sacr^  and 
Legendary  Art,  pp.  EM  aqq.  The  old««t  «i- 
ampla  in  acalptiire  »f  St.  MicliMl  treadiog  under 
foot  tha  dragon  (lee  Rar.  lii.  7,  8),  ia  on  the 
parch  of  the  CaCbadral  of  Chalazia,  believed  to  be 


ANGEI£a: 


>  ABOUANGULS 


of  the  Tth  eentnr;'.  (Vigani  aboTe.]  Later 
pictarca  often  repmeat  St.  Michael  ai  Che  angel 
of  judgmaat,  holding  Kalee  in  his  hand,  in  which 
soul*  are  weighed. 

§  11.  Gabriel  (Heb.  "  Man  of  God,")  aa  the 
measenger  more  eapecially  of  comfort  and  of  good 
tiding!,  occnpiea  a  prominent  place  in  the  New 
Teatameut,  ai  announcing  the  birth  both  of  John 
the  Btlptlst  to  Zachariai  and  of  our  Lord  to  the 


Virgin  Mary.)  In  the  language  of  Taaso  he  li 
"  I'AngBlo  Annnniiatore,"  Thongh  only  twico 
(u  &r  u  I  have  observed)  deeignated  by  name 
in  taiiy  Christian  Art  (Ci        ■■-■.■■-. 


v.),  yet 


a  the  V 


i»  he,  of 

Gonru,  who  Is  to  be  understood.  By  a  singalar 
fate,  having  been  regarded  by  Mahomet  as  his 
immediate  inspirer,  he  is  looked  upon  in  many 
port*  of  the  f^t  aa  the  great  protecting  angel 
of  Islamiam,  and,  aa  such,  in  direct  oppoeition  to 
Michael  the  protector  of  Jews  and  Christians. 

§  13.  Siiphael  (Heb.  the  Besler  who  ia  from 
Oud,  or  "Divine  Henler")  is  mentioned  in  the 
iiMtk  of  Tobit  u<  "one  of  the  seven  holy  an^ls 
which  go  in  and  out  b«fore  the  glory  of  the  Holy 
One,"  cap.  lii.  15.  Through  the  infliience  of 
this  beautiful  Hebrew  story  of  tobiia  and 
Raphael,  his  name  became  aauKlAted  in  early 
times  wilh  the  idea  of  the  guardian  angel.    Jut 


inch  he  is  twice  figured  Is  the  &i 
and  allnaions  to  the  same  story  are  freqneU 
in  the  Vttri  AntiiAi.  [Olis,  CaBiBruM.]  ta 
mediaeval  Greek  art  the  three  archangels  already 
named  are  sometime*  represented  together,  de- 
signated by  their  initial  letten  M,  r,  and  f, 
Michael  as  a  warrior,  Gabriel  as  a  prince,  acvi 
Raphael  as  a  priest — the  three  supporting  be- 
tween them  a  youthfiil  figure  of  oar  Lord,  bioK 
self  represented  with  winga  as  the  "angeliis' 
or  mesienger  of  the  will  of  God.     (Figured  in 

§  13.  Uriel.  (The  Fire  of  Ood.)  The  fourth 
archangel,  named  Urisl  in  Esdnu  ii.  4,  has  been 
much  leas  prominent  in  legend  and  in  art  than 
the  three  already  named.*  He  is  regarded  as 
charged  more  particnlarly  with  the  interpreta- 
tion of  God's  will,  of  judgments  and  propbeoes 
(with  reArence,  doubtlesa,  to  Eadraa  ii.).  Thoe 
"archangels"  of  Christian  tradition  are  to  the 
Jcwa  the  first  four  of  those  "Seven  Angels'  who 
see  the  glory  of  God  (Tobias  iiiL  15);  the  other 
three  being  Chamuel  (be  who  sees  God),  Jophiel 
(the  beauty  of  God),  and  Zadkiel  (the  righteooi- 
nesi  of  God).  Bat  these  last  three  namea  have 
never  been  generally  realised  either  in  East  or 
Weat.  And  in  the  first  example  of  the  repre- 
sentation of  these  Seven  Angels  in  Christian  art 
they  are  distinguished  from  the  two  archangeb 
Michael  and  Gabriel,  who  hold  wands,  while  te 
the  seven,  as  already  noticed,  §  4,  trumpets  an 
assigned.     (Ciampini,  V.  M.,  ii.,  pi.  iviL) 

§  14.  Serapiim  and  Chtmbim.  The«  two 
names  appeiu,  the  first  in  Isaiah  vi.  2  (there  only), 
and  the  latter  in  Eiodus  iir.  18,  where  In 
are  spoken  of,  and  in  Eiekiel  i.  4-14,  who  speaks 
of  four  (compare  the  four  "  living  creatures  " 
of  Rev.  ir.  S).     They  have  been  perpetuateJ  in 


Christian  usage,  and  the  descriptioni  given  of 
them  in  Holy  Scripture  have  been  embodied 

SJioaeoftbe  cherubim  or  fonr"  living  creatutw," 
rst,  and  somewhat  later  those  of  the  seraphim) 

They  were  regarded  (see  above  §  3)  aa'the  spiriU 
nf  love  and  of  knowledge  respectively.  For  fuller 
details  concerning  the  two  in  Holy  Scripture  see 

"  From  the  name  o(  Uriel  belnffUUJelcmvii,  tbeftHnlb 
srchu^cel  it  ile*i£na(«d  La  some  nHdlseval  moanmsilB 
(JuuFSuD. .'--.  uvl  /..  jM.  |k  >9)  sa  -  5(  CtaniNiL" 


« 


ANGELS  OF  CHUBGHES 

•Dictiouiy  of  the  BtUe.'  In  art  tfaej  do  not 
tspfmr  u  Angei  forms,  with  sny  special  modi- 
6cstM&  of  the  ordinary  tj|)e,  as  far  as  we  have 
tbterred,  in  any  earlier  representation  tl\an  that 
af  tJM  Sjrriac  11 S.  already  described  and  figured. 
Liter  modifications  of  &is  oldest  type  may  be 
leen  in  Jameson,  &.  and  L.  Art,  p.  42  sqq., 
froa  which  the  cat  giren  abore  is  taken; 
D^il^iaooart,  Sculpture,  pi.  xii.  16  (the  diptych 
tf  Bsmboaa,  9th  century),  Peinture,  pL  1.  3 
(Greek  US.  of  12th  century).  Cherubic  repre- 
ntatioos  of  the  four  **  Liring  Chreatures"  will 
be  Rpsraiely  treated  under  Evangelistb. 

{ 15.  Tk€  Ilhuiratiotu  to  t/us  Article,  Great 
ialcRst  attaches  to  the  mosaic  of  Xystus  III., 
vUck  fiums  the  first  of  the  illustrations  to  this 
axtide,  from  its  bearing  upon  the  history  of 
doctrine,  and  especiaUy  of  the  cultus  of  the 
Vii^  Hary,  and  as  restorations  made  in  the 
toM  of  Benedict  XIY.  (1740-1758)  have  pro- 
dieei  ooasiderable  changes  in  the  mosaic  here 
iifired,  it  will  be  well  to  state  the  authority 
far  the  present  representation.  The  only  pub- 
liikd  picture  of  the  mosaic  in  its  older  state 
(tkst  here  reproduced),  is  a  very  rude  engraving 
a  CSaa^iini,  Vetera  Momtmenta,  i.  p.  200,  Tab. 
iluL  In  some  important  particulars  of  archaeo- 
k^ieal  detail  his  engraving  varies  from  the  care- 
My  diBwn  and  coloured  pictures,  from  which 
tkc  Ulnstiation  abore  given  has  been  taken.  But 
ii  the  general  arrangement  and  outline  of  the 
%ires  the  two  are  in  accord.  The  coloured 
dnwiags  of  which  we  speak,  form  part  of  a  ool- 
kekfeoa  (in  two  large  folio  volumes)  which  was 
■ade  by  Pope  Clement  XI.  when  Cardinal 
Albaao.  These,  with  a  number  of  other  volumes 
fflrtsiaiHg  dawira]  antiquities  of  various  kinds, 
were  pozdiased  at  Rome  by  an  agent  of  George  III., 
sal  sie  now  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor. 

The  second  of  the  illustrations  (from  a  Syriac 
MSl)  is  from  a  photolithograph,  reproducing  the 
enthne  given  by  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Feinture,  pi. 
nriL  That  author  speaks  of  it  as  ^^  caique  sur 
foriginsl,''  and  from  a  comparison  with  an  exact 
tapf  made  from  the  original  by  Professor  West- 
wood,  we  are  able  to  Touch  for  the  perfect  accu- 
nejof  the  present  illuatration.         [W.  B.  M.] 

ANGEL3  OF  CHUBGHES— Bishops.  It 
does  lot  appear  that  the  bishops  of  the  Primitive 
Qivdi  were  commonly  spoken  of  under  this 
titie,  Bor  indeed  did  it  become  in  later  times  the 
oHiaary  designation  of  the  episcopal  office.  In- 
oUaeet,  however,  of  this  application  of  it  occur 
IB  tlie  earlier  Church  historians,  as,  e.  g,^  in  So- 
mtcSf  who  so  styles  Serapion  Bishop  of  Thomais 
(Lib.  ir.  c.  23).  The  word  Bydei  also,  which  is 
Ssxoa  for  angel  or  messenger,  is  found  to  have 
bees  iimiUrly  employed  (see  Hammond  on  Rev, 
i.  20)^  Bat  though  no  snch  instances  were 
iortheoniiag,  it  would  prove  nothing  against  the 
neeived  interpretation,  as  it  may  be  considered, 
of  the  memorable  vision  of  St.  John,  recorded  in 
the  first  three  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse,  in 
vlueh  he  is  charged  to  convey  the  heavenly 
■esasge  to  each  of  the  seven  churches  through 
it«  **  Angel."  It  should  be  remembered  that 
the  laagnage  of  this  vision,  as  of  the  whole 
hook  to  which  it  belongs,  is  eminently  mystical 
ud  sjmbolical ;  the  woid  ^  Angel,"  therefore, 
as  being  transferred  from  an  hearenly  to  an 
CBithlj  ministry,  though  it  would  rery  signifi- 


ANGELS  GP  CHURCHES 


89 


cantly  as  well  as  honourably  characterize  the 
office  so  designated,  could  yet  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected to  pass  into  general  use  as  a  title  of 
individual  ministers.  By  the  same  Divine  voice 
from  which  the  Apostle  receives  his  commission 
the  "mystery"  of  the  vision  is  interpreted. 
"The  seven  stars,"  it  is  declared,  "are  the 
angels  of  the  seven  churches ;  and  the  seven 
candlesticks  which  thou  sawest,  are  the  seven 
churches."  The  symbol  of  a  star  is  repeatedly 
employed  in  Scripture  to  denote  lordship  and 
pre-eminence  (e,g.  Num.  xxiv.  17).  "There  shall 
come  a  star  out  of  Jacob,"  where  it  symbolises 
the  highest  dominion  of  all.  Again,  the  actual 
birth  of  Him  who  is  thus  foretold  by  Balaam  is 
announced  by  a  star  (Matt.  ii.  2 ;  cf.  Is.  xiv.  12). 
Faithful  teachers  are  "  stars  that  shall  shine  for 
ever  "  (Dan.  xii.  8) ;  false  teachers  are  "  wander- 
ing stars  "  (Jude  13),  or  "  stars  which  fi^  from 
heaven  "  (Rey.  vi.  13,  viiL  10,  xii.  4).  Hence  it 
is  naturally  inferred  from  the  use  of  this  symbol 
in  the  present  instance  that  the  "angels"  of  the 
seven  churches  were  placed  in  authority  over 
these  churches.  Moreover,  the  angel  in  each 
church  is  one,  and  the  responsibilities  ascribed 
to  him  correspond  remarkably  with  those  which 
are  enforced  on  Timothy  and  Titus  by  St.  Paul 
in  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  Again,  this  same  title  is 
given  to  the  chief  priest  in  the  Old  Testament, 
particularly  in  Malachi  (it  7), — ^where  he  is  stylea 
the  angel  or  messenger  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts, 
whose  lips  therefore  were  to  keep  knowledge, 
and  from  his  mouth,  as  from  the  oracle,  the 
people  were  to  "  seek  the  law,"  to  receive  know- 
ledge and  direction  for  their  duty.  To  the  chief 
minister,  therefore,  of  the  New  Testament,  it  may 
be  fairly  argued,  the  title  is  no  less  fitly  applied. 

By  some,  however,  both  among  ancient  and 
modern  writers,  the  word  "  angel "  has  been 
understood  in  its  higher  sense  as  denoting  God's 
heavenly  messengers;  and  they  have  been  supposed 
to  be  the  guardian  angels  of  the  several  churches 
— their  angels — ^to  whom  these  epistles  were  ad- 
dressed. It  is  contended  that  wherever  the 
word  angel  occurs  in  this  book,  it  is  employed 
unquestionably  in  this  sense ;  and  that  if  such 
guardianship  is  exercised  over  individuals,  much 
more  the  same  might  be  predicated  of  churches 
(Dan.  xii.  1).  Among  earlier  writers  this  inter- 
pretation is  maintained  by  Origen  (Horn.  xiii.  in 
Luc,  and  Horn.  xx.  in  Num.)  and  by  Jerome  (in 
Mich,  vi.  1,  2).  Of  later  commentators,  one  of 
its  most  recent  and  ablest  defenders  is  Dean 
^Iford.  But  besides  the  obvious  difficulty  of 
giving  a  satisfactory  explanation  to  the  word 
"  write  "  as  enjoined  on  these  supposed  heavenly 
watchers,  there  remains  an  objection,  not  easily 
to  be  surmounted,  in  the  language  of  reproof  and 
the  imputation  of  unfaithfulness,  which  on  this 
hypothesis  would  be  addressed  to  holy  and  sm- 
less  beings, — ^those  angels  of  His  who  delight  to 
"do  His  pleasure."  So  is  it  observed  by  Au- 
gustine (Ep.  43,  §  22) :  "  '  Sed  habeo  adversum 
te,  quod  caritatem  primam  reliquisti.'  Hoc  de 
superior i  bus  angelis  did  non  potest,  qui  per- 
petuam  retinent  caritatem,  undo  qui  defecerunt 
et  lapsi  sunt,  diabolus  est  et  angeli  ejus." 

By  presbyterian  writers  the  angel  of  the 
vision  has  been  variously  interpreted : — 1.  Of  the 
collective  presbytery ;  2.  Of  the  presiding  pres- 
byter, which  office,  however,  it  is  contended  wa& 
soon  to  be  discontinued  in  the  Church,  because 


90 


ANGEBS 


ANNE 


of  its  foreseen  cormption.  3.  Of  the  messengers 
sent  from  the  several  churches  to  St.  John.  It 
hardly  falls  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to 
discuss  these  interpretations.  To  unprejudiced 
readers  it  will  probably  be  enough  to  state  them, 
to  make  their  weakness  manifest.  It  is  difficult 
to  account  for  them,  except  as  the  suggestions  of 
a  foregone  conclusion. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  St.  John  is  believed  on 
other  grounds  to  have  been  pre-eminently  the 
organiser  of  Episcopacy  throughout  the  Church, 
80  here  in  this  wonderful  vision  the  holy  Apostle 
comes  before  us,  it  would  seem,  very  remarkably 
in  this  special  character;  and  in  the  message 
which  he  delivers,  under  divine  direction,  to  each 
of  the  seven  churches  through  its  angel,  we 
recognize  a  most  important  confirmation  of  the 
evidence  on  which  we  claim  for  episcopal  govern- 
ment, the  precedent,  sanction,  and  authority  of  the 
apostolic  age.  (Bingham,  Thomdike,  Archbishop 
Trench  on  £pp.  to  Seven  Churches.')         [D.  B.] 

ANGERS,  COUNCIL  OP  (Andegavense 
Concilium),  a.d.  453,  Oct.  4;  wherein,  after 
consecrating  Talasius,  Bishop  of  Angers,  there 
were  passed  12  canons  respecting  submission 
of  presbyters  to  bishops,  the  inability  of 
<<  digami "  to  be  ordained,  &c.  (Mansi,  vii.  899- 
902).  [A  W.  H.] 

ANGLICAN  COUNCILS  (ConcUia  Anglic 
cana);  a  designation  given  to  English  general 
councils,  of  which  the  precise  locality  is  un- 
known ;  e,  g.  a.d.  756,  one  of  bishops,  presbyters, 
and  abbats,  held  by  Archbishop  Cuthbert  to 
appoint  June  5  to  be  kept  in  memory  of  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Boniface  and  his  companions 
(Cuthb.  ad  Luilum,  intr.  Epist.  S,  Banif,  70 ;  Wilk. 
i.  144;  Mansi,  zii.  585-^90);  A.D.  797  (Alford), 
798  (Spelman),  held  by  Ethelheard  preparatory  to 
his  journey  to  Rome  to  oppose  the  archbishopric 
of  Lichfield  (W.  Malm.  0,  P.  A.  lib.  1. ;  Pagi  ad  an. 
796,  n.  27 ;  Mansi,  xiii.  991,  992).      [A.  W.  H.] 

ANIANUS.  (1)  Patriarch,  commemorated 
Hedar  20  =  Nov.  16  (jCal.  Ethiop.). 

(2)  Bishop ;  translation,  June  14  (Mart.  Bedae, 
nieron.)\  deposition  at  Orleans,  Nov.  17  (if. 
Hkron.).  [C] 

ANICETUS,  martyr,  commemorated  Aug. 
12  (CaL  Byzant.).  [C] 

ANNA,  the  prophetess,  commemorated  Sept.  1 
(Ado,  De  Festiv.,  Marty roi);  Jakatit  8  =  Feb.  2 
(Cb/.  Ethiop.).  [C.'] 

ANNATES  :  lit.  the  revenues  or  profits  of 
one  year,  and  therefore  synonymous  with  first- 
fruits  so  far;  but  being,  in  their  strict  anc 
technical  sense,  a  development  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  the  only  explanation  that  can  be  given  of 
them  here  is  how  they  arose.  Anciently,  the 
entire  revenues  of  each  diocese  were  placed  in 
the  hands  of  its  bishop,  as  Bingham  shews  (v.  6. 
1-3),  who  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his 
senate  of  presbyters  distributed,  and  in  the 
Western  Church  usually  divided  them  into  4 
parts.  One  part  went  to  himself;  a  2nd  to  his 
clergy ;  a  3rd  to  the  poor ;  a  4th  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  fabric  and  requirements  of  the 
diocesan  churches.  Of  these  the  3rd  and  4th 
were  claimants,  so  to  speak,  that  never  died ; 
but  in  the  case  of  the  two  former,  when  ofilces 
became  vacant  by  death  or  removal,  what  was 


lo  be  done  with  the  stipend  attaching  to  them 
till  they  were  filled  up  ?  Naturally,  when  en- 
dowments became  fixed  and  considerable,  siA 
promotions,  from  not  having  been  allowed  at  all,  . 
the  rule,  large  sums  constantly  fell  to  the  dis- 
posal of  some  one  in  this  way ;  of  the  1)isbop, 
when  any  of  his  clergy  died  or  were  removed ; 
and  of  whom,  when  the  bishop  died  tir  was  re; 
moved,  by  deposition  or  by  translation,  as  time 
went  on,  bUt  of  the  metropolitan  or  primate  at 
last,  though,  perhaps,  at  first  of  the  presbyteiy  ? 
And  then  came  the  temptation  to  keep  bishop*  , 
rics  vacant,  and  appropriate  "  the  annates,*'  of 
else  require  them  from  the  bishop  eleot'in  return 
for  consecrating  him.  It  was  but  a  step  further 
in  the  same  direction  for  Rome  to  lay  claim  to 
what  primates  and  archbishops  had  enjoyed  so 
long,  when  the  appointment  of  both,  so  far  as 
the  Church  was  .concerned,  became  vested  in 
Rome.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  eqoally 
certain,  that  had  the  primitive  rule,  founded  as 
it  was  in  strict  justice,  been  maintained  intact/ 
each  parish,  or  at  least  each  diocese,  would  hsTe 
preserved  its  own  emoluments,  or,  which  comes 
to  the  same  thing,  would  have  seen  them  applied 
to  its  own  spiritual  exigencies  in  all  cases.  The 
34th  Apostolical  canon,  the  15th  of  Ancyra,  and 
the  25th  of  Antioch,  alike  testify  to  the  old  rale 
of  the  Church,  and  to  what  abuses  it  succumbed. 
Still,  De  Marca  seems  hardly  justified  in  ascrib- 
ing the  origin  of  annates  to  direct  simonv  (Dg 
Concord.  Sac.  et  Imp.  vi.  10).  [E.  S'.  F.] 

ANNE  C'Ainra,  nin).  Mother  of  the  Virgin 
Mary.  July  25  is  observed  by  the  Orthodox 
Greek  Church  as  the  commemoration  of  the 
"  Dormitio  S.  Annae,"  a  Festival  with  abstinence 
from  labour  (dpyla).  The  same  day  is  said  to  have 
been  anciently  dedicated  to  S.  Anne  in  the  West 
also,  and  the  feast  was  probably  transferred  in  the 
Roman  Calendar  to  the  26th  (the  day  on  which 
it  is  at  present  held)  frx>m  a  desire  to  gire 
greater  prominence  to  S.  Anne  than  was  possihle 
on  S.  James's  Day.  In  the  Greek  Calendar,  also, 
Joachim  and  Anna,  **  SfowtuSpts,**  have  a  festival 
on  Sep.  9,  the  day  following  the  Nativity  of  the 
Virgin  Mary.  Both  the  Armenian  and  the  Greek 
Calendars  have  on  Dec  9  a''  Festival  of  the  Con- 
ception of  the  Virgin  Mary,"  or  (as  it  is  called 
in  the  latter)  *H  avWrii^is  Tfjs  kyias  icai  Ocovpo- 
firir6pos  "AvirtiSj  i.  e.  S.  Anne's  Conception  of 
the  Virgin,  icol  ykp  aMi  dv^Khiat  iH^r  fo^ 
X6yov  rhv  A^oy  icvfiaaa'ay.  In  the  Ethiopic, 
^  Joachim,  avus  Christi,"  has  April  7 ;  and  on 
July  20  is  commemorated  the  *'  Ingressus  Annae 
Matris  Mariae  in  Templum"  or  "Purificatio 
Annae."  (Daniel's  Codex  Liturgicus,  tom.  ir.; 
Alt's  Kirchenjahr.)  There  is  no  evidence  of  any 
public  recognition  of  S.  Anne  as  a  patron  saint 
until  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century, 
when  Justinian  I.  had  a  temple  built  in  her 
honour,  which  is  described  by  Procopius  (Jk 
Aedtfic.  Justin,  ch.  iii.)  as  Upowpewis  re  jccu 
kycurrhv  tXns  tZos  "Avyp  kyiify  "whom,"  he 
adds,  "  some  believe  to  be  fiTirdpa  S€ot6kov  and 
grandmother  of  Christ ; "  and  we  are  informed 
bv  Codinus  that  Justinian  II.  founded  another  in 
705. 

Her  body  was  brought  from  Palestine  to  Con- 
stantinople in  740,  and  her  "  Inventio  Cor|¥>ris  " 
was  celebrated  with  all  the  honour  due  to  a 
saint.  [C] 


ANNOTINUM  PABCHA 

AimOTINUM  PA8GHA.  In  the  Grego- 
ruB  lAer  B€apon»aliSy  and  in  some  MSS.  of  the 
Sayvmmtanff  following  the  Dominica  in  AUna 
(First  after  Easter),  we  find  an  office  m  Paa- 
eid  ^jT'*^  That  it  was  not,  howerer,  in- 
Tviiklj  oa  the  day  following  the  Odtaye  of 
Easter  is  shown  hj  Martene  (quoted  by  Binterim, 
«  L  246XVho  foand  it  placed  on  the  Thursday 
before  Aacension  Day  in  an  ancient  ritual  of 
Vieaae.  And  it  is  mentioned  in  later  autho- 
ritiei  as  having  been  celebrated  on  yariona  days, 
Si  00  the  SalAatMin  Vn  AJbis,  the  Saturday  after 
Eistei^Da^ 

is  to  tow  meaning  of  the  expression  there  are 
raiiovs  opiaioos.  Natalia  Alexander  {Hist.  Ecd. 
An.  VL  ^must.  2%  with  sereral  of  the  older  au- 
tkwitiei,  supposed  it  to  be  the  annirersary  of 
tk  Easter  of  the  preceding  year.  If  this  anni- 
Tonrf  was  specially  observed,  when  it  fell  in 
the  Lnt  of  the  actual  year  it  would  naturally 
M  onitted,  or  transferred  to  a  period  when  the 
Fast  was  orer ;  for  the  services  of  the  Paacha 
oMottnm  were  of  a  Paschal  character,  and  oon- 
se^oently  unsuited  for  a  season  of  mourning. 

PkobaUy,  however,  the  nature  of  the  Paxha 
m^tmam  is  correctly  stated  by  the  Micrologus 
(c56);  Annotine  Paacha  is  a  term  equivalent 
to  aBoirersaiy  Paacha ;  and  it  is  so  called  because 
ia  dden  time  at  Rome  those  who  had  been  bap- 
tised at  Easter  celebrated  the  anniversary  of 
their  baptism  in  the  next  year  by  solemn  ser- 
nccL  Honorius  of  Autun,  Durand,  and  Beleth, 
pre  the  same  explanation,  which  is  adopted  by 
Tlunnasius,  Martene,  and  Mabillon.  To  this  call- 
is;  to  mind  of  baptismal  vows  the  collects  of 
the  Gregoriap  SaeramenUiry  (p.  82)  refer.  The 
vords  of  the  Micrologus, 'that  this  was  observed  in 
oUen  time  (antiqnitns)  seem  to  imply  that  even 
at  the  time  when  that  treatise  was  written 
(sboat  llOOX  it  had  become  ubsolete  (Gregorian 
^enm,  Ed.  Moiard,  p.  399 ;  Binterim's  Denk- 
nnSgieaeH,  v.  i.  245  ff.).  [C] 

ANNUNCIATION.    [Mary  the  ViBaiN, 

ttgaVAlB  OP.] 

ANOINTINO.    [Unction.] 

ANOviuSj  of  Alexandria,  oommemorated 
Joly  7  {Mart.  Hierxm.), 

ANSENnUS.  Commemorated  August  7 
{Mart  Hieron.}.  [C] 

ANTEHPNUS,  bishop,  oommemorated  April 
27  {Mart.  Hieron,).  [C.] 

ANTEPENDIUM  (or  Antipendium),  a  veil 
«r  hanging  in  ttont  of  an  altar.  The  use  of  such 
a  pacee  of  drapery  no  doubt  began  at  a  period 
wl^  altars,  as  that  at  S.  Alessandro  on  the  Via 
Xomentana  near  Rome  [Altar],  began  to  be 
coostnictcd  with  cancellated  fronts:  the  veil 
hanging  in  front  would  protect  the  interior 
froon  dust  and  from  pro&ne  or  irreverent  curio- 
nty.  Ciampini  {V^»  Mon,  t.  ii.  p.  57)  says 
that  in  a  crypt  below  the  church  of  SS.  Cosmo 
c  DuDiano  at  Rome  there  was  in  his  time  an 
mdent  altar  ^  cum  duabus  oolumnis  ac  epbtilio 
at  corona ;  nee  non  sub  ipso  epistilio  anuli  sunt 
ferm  e  quibns  veU  pendebant."  (Compare  t.  i. 
^64.) 

In  the  7th  and  8th  centuries  veils  of  rich  and 
tittly  stufi  are  often  mentioned  in  the  Lib, 
^9Ktif,  as  suspended  ''ante  altare,"  as  m  the 


ANTIMENSIUM 


n 


case  where  Pope  Leo  III.  gave  to  the  church  of 
St.  Paul  at  Rome  "  velum  rubeum  quod  pendet 
ante  altare  habens  in  medio  crucem  de  chrysoclavo 
et  periclysin  de  chrysoclavo,"  a  red  veil  which 
hangs  before  the  altar,  having  in  the  middle 
a  cross  of  gold  embroidery  and  a  border 
of  the  same.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  in 
this  and  like  cases  the  veil  was  not  attached  to 
the  altar,  but  hung  before  it  from  the  ciborium 
or  from  arches  or  railings  raised  upon  the  altar 
enclosure.  [A  N.] 

ANTEBOS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, 
commemorated  Jan.  3  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet.^ 
Bedae).  [C] 

ANTHEM.    [Antiphon.] 

ANTHEMIUS,  commemorated  Sept.  26  {Cal 
Armen.),  [C] 

ANTHIA,  mother  of  Eleutherius,  comme- 
morated April  18  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.).  [C] 

ANTHIMUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Nico- 
media,  commemorated  April  27  {Mart.  Bom, 
Vet). 

(2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome,  May  11  {lb. 
et  Bedae). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Aegaea,  Sept.  27  {Mart, 
B.  v.),  [C] 

ANTHOLOGIUM  Qkveo\&yiov\  a  compi- 
lation from  the  Paracletice,  Menaea,  and  Horo- 
logium,  of  such  portions  of  the  service  as  are  most 
frequently  required  by  ordinary  worshippers.  It 
generally  contains  the  offices  for  the  Festivals  of 
the  Lord,  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  of  the  prin- 
cipal saints  who  hare  festivals  (jStv  iopra(o' 
fityuv  ayluy) ;  and  thase  ordinary  offices  which 
most  constantly  recur.  (Neale,  Eastern  Churchy 
Introd.  890.)  This  book,  which  was  intended  to 
be  a  convenient  manual,  has  been  so  swollen  by 
the  zeal  of  successive  editors,  that  it  has  become, 
says  Leo  Allatius,  a  very  monster  of  a  book.  {De 
Libris  Ecclesiasticis  Oraecorum,  p.  89.)        [C.] 

ANTI60NUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Feb.  26  {Mart  Hieron.),  [C] 

ANTIMENSIUM,  a  consecrated  altar-cloth, 
*'  cujus  nominis  ratio  haec  est,  quod  ea  adhibeant 
loco  mensae  sive  altaris  "  (Bona,  De  Bebus  Lit. 
L  XX.  §  2).  This  seems  the  natural  derivation, 
especitdly  if,  as  Suidas  says  (in  Suicer's  Thesaurus 
s.  V.)  the  word  was  a  Latin  one,  meaning  a  table 
placed  before  a  tribunal  {vp^  BiKcumipiov  kci- 
fi4fni)'  Nevertheless,  the  Greeks  always  write 
the  word  iiyri/iiyffiov,  and  derive  it  from  fdvcos, 
a  canister  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  186). 

These  Ajitimensia  were,  and  are,  consecrated 
only  at  the  consecration  of  a  church  (Gear's  Eu- 
chologiony  p.  648),  when  a  piece  of  cloth  large 
enough  to  form  several  antimensia  was  placed  on 
the  altar,  consecrated,  and  afterwards  divided 
and  distributed  as  occasion  required.  ''Relics 
being  pounded  up  with  fragrant  gum,  oil  is  poured 
over  them  by  the  bishop,  and,  distilling  on  to  the 
corporals,  is  supposed  to  convey  to  them  the 
mysterious  virtues  of  the  relics  themselves.  The 
Holy  Eucharist  must  then  be  celebrated  on  them 
for  seven  days,  after  which  they  are  sent  forth 
as  they  may  be  wanted  "  (Neale,  u.  s.  p.  187). 
As  to  the  antiquity  of  these  ceremonies  it  is 
difficult  to  speak  with  certainty. 

Theodore  Balsamon  (in  Suiccr,  s.  v.)  say?  that 
these  Antimensia  were  for  use  on  the  Tables  of 


92 


ANTIOGH 


Oratones  (tSp  tbrnrnplvy),  which  were  probably 
for  the  most  part  unconsecrated ;  and  Manuel 
Charitopnlns  (in  Bona,  n.  8.)  says  that  thev  were 
for  Qse  in  cases  where  it  was  doubtful  whether  the 
altar  was  consecrated  or  not.  They  were  required 
to  be  sufficiently  large  to  ooTer  the  spot  occupied 
by  the  paten  and  chalice  at  the  time  of  conse- 
cration. 

The  S3rrian8  do  not  use  these  cloth  antimensia, 
but  in  their  stead  consecrate  slabs  of  wood,  which 
appear  to  be  used  even  on  altars  which  are  con- 
secrated  (compare  the  Ethiopic  Area  [Abca]). 
The  Syriac  Nomocanon  quoted  by  Renaudot  {Lit, 
Orient  i.  182)  in  the  absence  of  an  Antimensium 
of  any  kind  permits  consecration  of  the  £ucharist 
on  a  leaf  of  the  Gospels,  or,  in  the  desert  and  in 
case  of  urgent  necessity,  on  the  hands  of  the 
deacons.  [C] 

ANTIOCH,  COUNCILS  OP.  Care  reckons 
•nly  13  CouncUs  of  Antioch  between  A.D.  252 
and  800,  at  which  date  the  first  vol.  of  his  Bist. 
Literaria  stops :  Sir  H.  Nicolas  as  many  as  33, 
and  Mansi  nearly  the  same  number.  Numbering 
them,  however,  is  unnecessary,  as  there  are  no 
first,  second,  and  third  Councils  of  Antioch  as  of 
Carthage  and  elsewhere.  They  may  be  set 
down  briefly  in  chronological  order,  only  three 
of  them  requiring  any  special  notice. 

▲JD.  252 — ^under  Fabian,  against  the  followers 
of  Novatus  (Euseb.  vL  46). 

—  264,  269— On  their  dates  see  Mansi  L 
1089-91 :  both  against  Paul  of  Samosata, 
who  was  also  Bishop  of  Antioch  after  De- 
metrian  (Euseb.  vii.  27-9).  For  details, 
see  below. 

—  331 — Of  Arians,  to  depose  Eustathius, 
Bishop  of  Antioch,  for  alleged  Sabellianism 
(Soc  i.  24). 

—  339— Of  Arians,  to  appoint  Pistus  to  the 
see  of  Alexandria,  to  which  St.  Athanasius 
had  just  been  restored  by  Constantino  the 
younger  {Life  of  St.  Athanasius  by  his 
Benedictine  editors). 

—  341 — known  as  the  Council  of  the  Dedi- 
cation :  the  bishops  having  met  ostensibly 
to  consecrate  the  great  church  of  the 
metropolis  of  Syria,  called  the  **  Dominicum 
Aureum,"  the  only  council  of  Antioch 
whose  canons  have  been  preserved  (Soc 
ii.  8).    For  details,  see  below. 

—  345 — Of  Arians  :  when  the  creed  called 
the  '*  Macrostiche,"  from  its  length,  was 
put  forth  (Soc.  ii.  18). 

—  348 — Of  Arians :  at  which,  however, 
Stephen,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  himself  an 
Arian,  was  deposed  by  order  of  Constantius 
for  the  monstrous  plot  organised  by  him 
against  the  deputies  from  Sardica  (New- 
man's Arians^  iv.  3,  4). 

— >  354 — Of  Arians :  against  St.  Athanasius. 

—  358 — under  Eudoxius :  rejected  the  words 
Homoousion  and  Homoiousion  equally : 
but  ^*  without  venturing  on  the  distinct 
Anomoean  doctrine "  (Newman's  Ariansy 
iv.  4). 

—  361 — To  authorise  the  translation  of  St. 
Meletius  from  Sebaste  to  Antioch.  A 
second  was  held  shortly  afterwards,  by  the 
same  party,  to  expel  him  for  having  made 
proof  of  his  orthodoxy. 

—  363 — Of  semi-Arians :  addressed   a    sy- 


ANTIOOH 

nodical  letter  to  the  new  onperor  Joriao. 
as  had  been  done  by  the  orthodox  at  Aki* 
andria.  St.  Meletius  presided,  and  ogned 
first  (Soc.  iii.  25). 
A.D.  367 — Creed  of  the  Co^mcil  of  the  Dedio- 
tion  confirmed. 

—  379 — under  St.  Meletius:  oondemned  Uir- 
cellus,  Photinus,  and  ApoUinaris.  Ad> 
dressed  a  dogmatic  letter  to  St.  Damuiis 
and  the  bishops  of  the  West,  .who  had  le&t 
a  similar  one  to  St.  Panlinus. 

—  380 — ^For  healing  the  schism  there :  wha 
it  was  agreed  that  whichever  surriTed— 
St.  Meletius  or  St.  Paulinus — should  be  ac- 
cepted by  all.  Here  the  T6fios  or  synodical 
letter  of  the  Westerns  was  received  (at 
least  so  says  De  Marca,  ExpUc,  Can.  \\ 
Condi,  Const,  a.d.  381,  among  his  Dis- 
sertations). St.  Meletius  signed  first  of  146 
others.  St.  Paulinus,  apparently,  was  not 
present  at  all.  A  meeting  of  Arians  took 
place  there  the  same  year  on  the  death  of 
their  bishop  Euxoius,  when  Dorotheus  was 
elected  to  succeed  him  (Soc  iv.  35,  and 
T.  3  and  5). 

—  389 — ^To  prevent  the  sons  of  Marcelliia, 
Bishop  of  Apamea,  from  avenging  hii 
murder  by  the  barbarians. 

—  391 — ^A^inst  the  Messaliana. 

—  424— or,  as  Mansi  thinks  (ir.  475)  in  418: 
at  which  Pelagius  was  condemned. 

—  431 — ^under  John  of  Antioch,  condemning 
and  deposing  St.  Cyril  and  five  others 
(Mansi,  5,  1147). 

—  432 — under  John  also ;  for  making  peace 
with  St.  Cyril :  after  which  he  in  this,  or 
another  synod  of  the  same  year,  condemned 
Nestorius  and  his  opinions. 

—  435 — ^Respecting  the  works  of  Theodoms 
of  Mopsuestia  and  Diodorus  of  Tamu 
lately  translated  into  Armenian. 

—  440--0n  the  same  subject :  occasioned  br 
a  letter  of  Proclus,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople. 

—  445 — under  Domnus :  in  which  a  Syrian 
bishop  named  Athanasius  was  condemned. 

—  448 — under  Domnus  also :  when  Ibas, 
Bishop  of  Edessa,  was  accused ;  but  his 
accusers  were  excommunicated. 

—  471— At  which  Peter  the  Fuller  was  de- 
posed, and  Julian  consecrated  in  his  room ; 
then  Peter,  having  been  restored  by  the 
usurper  Basilicus  in  476,  was  again  ejected 
by  a  synod  in  478  on  the  restoration  of 
Zeno. 

—  482 — ^At  which  the  appointment  of  Cs^ 
lendio  to  that  see  was  confirmed ;  but  he 
in  turn  was  ejected  by  the  emperor  Zeno 
in  485,  and  Peter  the  Fuller  restored,  who 
thereupon  held  a  synod  there  the  same 
year,  and  condemned  the  4th  Council. 

—  512— at  which  Severus  was  appointed 
patriarch. 

—  542— Against  Origen. 

—  560 — ^under  Anastasius :  condemning  those 
who  opposed  the  4th  Council. 

—  781 — ^under  Theodoric :  condemning  the 
Iconoclasts. 

Of  these,  the  two  synods  A.D.  264  and  269 
against  Paul  of  Samosata  were  conspicuous  both 
from  the  fact  that  the  accused  was  bishop  of  the 
city  in  which  they  were  held,  and  horn,  the  novel 


ANnOCH 


ANTIPnON 


93 


itntUf  of  their  proceedings.  They  came  to 
Ike  itern  rcaolatioa  of  deposing  him,  yet  had  to 
apply  to  a  pagan  emperor  to  enforce  their  sen- 
tnee,  who,  strange  to  say,  did  as  they  requested. 
No  such  case  had  occurred  before :  it  was  the 
gnrity  of  their  deliberations  and  the  justice  of 
Ucar  decisions  that  caused  them  to  be  respected. 
Wrth  the  first  of  tfavm,  aa  we  learn  from  £u- 
feUos,  there  were  some  celebrated  names  as- 
sociated. Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
4ona,  the  well-kuown  advocate  for  re-baptising  he- 
retio  with  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Gregory  the  wonder- 
irorker,  and  Athenodoros  his  brother,  the  bishops 
«f  Tarsos  and  Jerusalem,  and  others.  Dionysius 
of  Alexamlria  was  inrited,  but  sent  excuses  on 
aowont  of  his  age ;  declaring  his  sentiments  on 
toe  question  in  a  letter  addreraed  to  the  whole 
diocese,  without  so  much  aa  naming  the  accused, 
Its  bishop.  Those  who  were  present  exposed  his 
erron;  bat  Paul,  promising  amendment,  man- 
sfcii  to  cajole  Firmilian,  and  the  bishops  sepa- 
ntol  without  passing  sentence.  At  the  second 
eooBcsl,  baring  been  convicted  by  a  presbyter 
uiocd  Malchion,  occupying  the  highest  position 
ta  the  schools  of  Antioch  as  a  sophist,  he  was 
cit  off  from  the  communion  of  the  Church ;  and 
a  sjBodieal  letter  was  addressed  in  the  name  of 
those  present,  headed  by  the  bishops  of  Tarsus 
aari  Jerusalem — ^Firmilian  had  died  on  his  road 
to  the  council — and  of  the  neighbouring  churches, 
to  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria,  and  the 
vbole  Chnreh  generally,  setting  forth  all  that 
had  been  done  in  both  synods,  as  well  as  all  the 
&be  teaching  and  all  the  strange  practices — so 
mach  in  hannony  with  what  is  attributed  to 
the  sophists  of  Athens  in  Plato — ^for  which  Paul 
kad  been  deposed,  also  that  Domnus,  son  of 
DeoMtrian,  hb  predecessor  in  the  see,  had  been 
elected  in  his  place.  Still,  condemned  as  he  had 
beea,  Paul  held  his  ground  till  the  emperor 
lorelian,  having  heen  besought  to  interfere,  com- 
manded that  *'the  house  in  which  the  bishop 
Vttti  should  be  given  up  to  those  with  whom 
the  bishops  of  Italy  and  of  the  city  of  Rome  com- 
Boaicated  as  reguxis  dogma."  This  settled  his 
Cite  once  for  all. 

Toe  remaining  council  of  Antioch  to  be  spe- 
cially noticed  is  that  of  the  Dedicatio  A.D.  341. 
It  was  attcaded  by  90  bishops,  says  St.  Atha- 
Bssias,  or  by  97  aa  St.  Hilary.  Of  these  but  36 
are  said  to  hare  been  Arian :  yet  they  carried 
their  point  through  Constantius  so  far  as  to 
snbstitute  Eusebius  of  Hems  for  St.  Athanasius, 
and.  on  his  hesitating,  to  get  George  or  Gregory 
of  Csppadoda  sent  out  to  be  put  in  possession  of 
the  sec  of  Alexandria  without  delay. 

Kot  content  with  this,  they  got  their  12th 
caaon  levelled  against  those  who,  having  been 
deposed  in  a  synod,  presume  to  submit  their 
esse  to  the  emperor  instead  of  a  larger  synod, 
averriag  that  they  deserved  no  pardon,  and 
••fbt  not  ever  to  be  restored  again.  In  this 
WIT  the  restoration  of  St.  Athanasius  to  Alex- 
■adria  by  Constantine  the  younger  was  virtually 
deekred  uncanonical  and  his  see  vacant.  To 
tUi  csaon  St.  Chrysostom  afterwards  objected, 
wkca  it  was  adduced  aeainst  him,  that  it  was 
fiaoed  by  the  Arians.  Lastly,  they  managed  to 
promnlgatc  four  different  creeds,  all  intended  to 
aademine  that  of  Nicaea.  Yet,  strange  to  say, 
the  25  canons  passed  by  this  council  came  to  be 
the  moat  respected  of  any,  and  at  length 


admitted  into  the  code  of  the  Universal  Church. 
They  are  termed  by  Pope  Zacharias  **  the  canons 
of  the  blessed  Fathers;"  by  Nicholas  I.  ''the 
venerable  and  holy  canons  of  Antioch;"  and  by 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  '*  the  just  rules  of  the 
Fathers."  Hence  some  have  supposed  two 
councils :  one  of  50  orthodox  bishops,  or  more, 
who  made  the  canons ;  another  of  30  or  40 
Arians,  who  superseded  St.  Athanasius  (>lansi,  ii. 
1305,  note).  But  canon  12  plainly  was  as  much 
directed  against  St.  Athanasius  as  anything  else 
that  was  done  there.  On  the  other  hand,  it  laid 
down  a  true  principle  no  less  than  the  rest ;  and 
this  doubtless  has  been  the  ground  on  which 
they  have  been  so  widely  esteemed.  Among 
them  there  are  five  which  cannot  be  paased  over, 
for  another  reason.  The  9th,  for  distinctly 
proving  the  high  antiquity  of  one  at  least  of  the 
Apostolical  canons,  by  referring  to  it  as  "the 
antient  canon  which  was  in  force  in  the  age  of 
our  fathers,"  in  connexion  with  the  special 
honour  now  claimed  for  metropolitans — on  which 
see  Bever.,  Synod,  ii.  ad  loc — canons  4  and  5,  for 
having  been  .cited  in  the  4th  action  of  the  Council 
of  Chfidcedon,  or  rather  read  out  there  by  Aetius, 
Archdeacon  of  Constantinople,  from  a  book  as 
*< canons  83  and  84  of  the  holy  Fathers;"  and 
likewise  canons  16  and  17,  for  having  been  read 
out  in  the  11th  action  of  the  same  council  by 
Leontius,  Bishop  of  Magnesia,  from  a  book  as 
« canons  95  and  96  4"  being  in  each  case  the 
identical  numbers  assigned  to  them  in  the  code  of 
the  Universal  Church,  thus  proving  this  code  to 
have  been  in  existence  and  appealed  to  then,  and 
therefore  making  it  extremely  probable,  to  say 
the  least,  that  when  the  Chaloedonian  bishops  in 
their  first  canon  "  pronounced  it  to  be  fit  and 
just  that  the  canons  of  the  holy  Fathers  made  in 
every  synod  to  this  present  time  be  in  fVill  force," 
they  gave  their  authoritative  sanction  to  this 
very  collection.  Hence  a  permanent  and  in- 
trinsic interest  has  been  imparted  to  this  council 
irrespectively  of  the  merits  of  its  own  canons  in 
themselres,  though  there  are  few  councils  whose 
enactments  are  marked  throughout  by  so  much 
good  sense.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ANTIPAS,  Bishop  of  Pergamus,  tradition- 
ally the  "  angel "  of  that  church  addressed  in 
the  Apocalypse,  commemorated  April  11  (Ca/. 
Byzant),  [C] 

ANTIPHON--(Gr.  'Kprlffwvop:  Ut.  Anti- 
pKona:  Old  English,  Antefn,  Antem  [Chaucer]: 
Modem  English,  Anthem.  For  the  change  of 
Antefn  into  Antem^  compare  0.  K  Stefn  [prow] 
with  modem  Stem.  French,  Anttenne.)  "An- 
tiphona  ex  Graeco  interpretatur  vox  reciproca ; 
dnobus  scilicet  choris  altematim  psallentibus 
ordine  commutato."    (Isidore,  Origines  vi.  18.) 

There  are  two  kinds  of  responsive  singing  used 
in  the  Church ;  the  Responsorial,  when  one  singer 
or  reader  begins,  and  the  whole  choir  answers  in 
the  alternate  verses ;  the  present  Anglican  prac- 
tice when  the  Psalms  are  not  chanted ;  and  the 
Antiphonal  (described  in  Isidore's  definition)  when 
the  choir  is  divided  into  two  parts  or  sides,  and 
each  part  or  side  sings  alternate  rerses.  Of 
these  forms  of  ecclesiastical  chant  we  are  now 
concerned  only  with  the  second,  the  Antiphonal. 
We  shall  endeavour,  as  briefly  as  may  be,  to  men- 
tion (1)  Its  origin.  (2)  The  different  usages  of 
the  term  **  Antiphon."    (3)  Its  application  in  the 


94 


ANTIPHON 


ANTIPHON 


lilissal,  acd  in  the  Breviary;  pointing  out  as 
they  occur  any  peculiarity  or  difference  of  usage 
between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Churches. 

I.  Its  origin  may  be  found  in  the  Jewish 
Church.  For  we  read  (1  Chron.  vi.  31  &c.)y  that 
Dayid  divided  the  Levites  into  three  bands,  and 
"  set  them  over  the  service  of  song  in  the  house 
of  the  Lord,  after  that  the  ark  had  rest.  And 
they  ministered  before  the  dwelling->place  of  the 
tabernacle  of  the  congregation  with  singing, 
until  Solomon  had  bnilt  the  hoiLse  of  the  Lord  in 
Jerusalem ;  and  then  they  waited  on  their  office 
according  to  their  order."  It  appears  further 
that  the  sons  of  the  Kohathit«s,  under  ^*  Heman  a 
singer"  (v.  33),  stood  in  the  centre  while  the 
Gershomites,  led  by  Asaph,  stood  on  the  right 
hand,  and  the  Merarites,  led  by  Ethan  (or  Jedu- 
thun),  on  the  left.  These  arrangements,  and  the 
further  details  given  in  1  Chron.  xzv.  clearly 
point  to  some  definite  assignment  of  the  musical 
parts  of  the  tabernacle  and  temple  worship. 
Some  of  the  psalms,  moreover,  as  the  xxiv.  and 
the  czxxiv.  appear  to  be  composed  for  antiphonal 
singing  by  two  choirs. 

It  appears  on  the  evidence  of  Philo,  that  this 
mode  of  singing  was  practised  by  the  Essenes. 
Speaking  of  them  he  says :  *'  In  the  first  place 
two  choirs  are  constituted ;  one  of  men,  the  other 
of  women.  They  then  sing  hymns  to  the  praise 
of  Grod,  composed  in  different  kinds  of  metre  and 
verse — now  with  one  mouth,  now  with  anti- 
phonal  hymns  and  harmonies,  leading,  and  direct- 
ing, and  ruling  the  choir  with  modulations  of 
the  hands  and  gestures  of  the  body ;  at  one  time 
in  motion,  at  another  stationary ;  turning  in  one 
direction,  and  in  the  reverse,  as  the  case  requires. 
Then,  when  each  choir  by  itself  has  satisfied 
itself  with  these  delights,  they  all,  as  though 
inebriated  with  divine  love,  combine  from  both 
choirs  mto  one." 

Plmy  appears  to  allude  to  antiphonal  chanting 
when,  in  a  well-known  passage  (Epist.  x.  97),  he 
says  that  the  Christians  sing  a  hymn  to  Christ 
as  God,  ''by  turns  among  themselves"  (secum 
invicem). 

The  introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  among 
the  Greeks  is  ascribed  by  an  ancient  tradition  to 
Ignatius  of  Antioch  (Socrates,  EccL  Hist,  vi.  8), 
who  saw  a  vision  of  antiphonal  chanting  in 
heaven.  And  this  tradition  probably  represents 
the  fact,  that  this  manner  of  singing  was  early 
introduced  into  Antioch,  and  spread  thence  over 
the  Eastern  Church. 

We  learn  from  S.  Basil  that  it  was  general  in 
his  time.  He  says  {Ep,  ccvii.  ad  Cieric.  Neo- 
caesar.)  prefacing  that  what  he  is  going  to  speak 
of  are  the  receiv^  institutions  in  all  the  churches 
(rii  vvv  KeKparriKSra  ^Bri  Tdccus  Ta7s  rov  6cov 
^kkKticIcus  <riy^d  itrrt  wal  ir^/i^wva),  *'  that  the 
people,  resorting  by  night  to  the  house  of  prayer 

at  length,  rising  fVom   prayer,  betake 

themselves  to  psalmody.  And  now,  divided  into 
two  parts,  they  sing  alternately  to  each  other 
(5ixp  StavtfiriO€vr€S,  iLVTi^d?iKownir  &AA^Xo<s  .  .). 
Afterwards  they  commit  the  leading  of  the 
melody  to  one,  and  the  rest  follow  him." 

Theodoret  {ffist.  JSccles,  ii.  19)  ascribes  the 
introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  to  Flavian 
and  Diodorus,  who,  while  still  laymen,  he  says, 
were  the  first  to  divide  the  choirs  of  singers  into 
two  parts,  and  teach  them  to  sing  the  son^^s  of 
David  alternately  (oZroi  irpwroi,  Htxfi  Bitxivres 


Tovs  T&y  T^f<i\x6pTi»y  x^P^^^*  ^^  ^toSox^t  fSctf 
r^v  AavtSiK^y  4BlSix^ov  /itXif^lay),  and  then  he 
adds  that  this  custom,  which  thus  took  its  rise  at 
Antioch,  spread  thence  in  every  direction. 

In  the  Western  Church  the  introduction  of 
Antiphonal  singing  after  the  manner  of  the  Ori- 
entals (secundum  morem  Orientalium),  is  attri- 
buted to  S.  Ambrose,  as  S.  Augustine  says 
{Confess,  ix.  c.  7,  §  15^  and  he  gives  as  a  reason, 
that  the  people  should  not  become  weary. 

A  passage,  indeed,  is  adduced  from  TertoUian 
(ad  Uxor,  ii.),  from  which  it  is  argued  ^at  the 
practice  of  alternate  singing  was  in  vogue  before 
the  time  of  S.  Ambrose.  It  has  also  been  con- 
tended that  Pope  Damasus,  or  again  Caelestiae, 
was  its  originator  in  the  Western  Church.  As 
these  opinions  do  not  seem  to  be  generally  adopted, 
and  as  the  arguments  by  which  they  are  snp> 
ported  may  easily  admit  of  another  interpreta- 
tion, it  does  not  appear  to  be  necessary  to  occupy 
space  by  discussing  them  here. 

II.  The  word  Antiphon,  however,  has  been 
used  in  several  different  senses. 

1.  Sometimes  it  appears  to  denote  the  psalms 
or  hymns  themselves,  which  were  sung  anti- 
phonally.  Thus  Socrates  (Hist,  Eccl,  vi.  8)  calls 
certain  hymns  which  were  thus  sung  ''Anti- 
phonas."  When  the  word  is  used  in  this  sense 
there  is  generally  a  contrast  expressed  or  implied 
with  a  ''psalmus  directus,"  or  '^  directane'is." 
''Psallere  cum  antiphona"  is  a  phrase  much 
used  in  this  connexion,  to  which  "psallere  ii 
directum"  is  opposed.  Thus  S.  Aurelian  in  the 
order  for  psalmody  of  his  rule,  "  Dicite  Matn- 
tinarios,  id  est  prime  canticum  in  antiphoni: 
deinde  directaneum,  Judica  ma  Deus,  ...  in 
antiphon&  dicite  hymnum,  Spiendor  patemae 
ghriae,**  It  is  not  quite  certain  what  is  meant 
by  these  two  expressions ;  tne  general  opinion  is 
that ''  psallere  cum  (or  in)  antiphoni,"  means  to 
sing  alternately  with  the  two  sides  of  the  choir; 
and  "  psallere  directaneum "  to  sing  either  with 
the  whole  choir  united,  or  else  for  one  chanter  to 
sing  while  the  rest  listened  in  silence  (this  latter 
mode  of  singing,  however,  is  what  is  nsuallj 
denoted  by  "  tractus ;")  while  some  think  that 
"•  psallere  in"  or  *'  cum  antiphoni"  means  to  sing 
with  modulation  of  the  voice ;  and  that  **  peaUeit 
directaneum"  denotes  plain  recitation  withoat 
musical  intonation.  Thus  Cassian  (De  JnstiL 
Coenob,  ii.  2),  speaking  of  psalms  to  be  sung  in 
the  night  office,  says, ''  et  hos  Ipsos  antiphonaram 
protelatos  melodiis,  et  adjunctione  quammdam 
modulationum ;"  and  S.  Benedict  directs  that 
some  psalms  should  be  said  **  in  directum,"  bat 
many  more  ''modulatis  vocibus."  A  third 
opinion  is  that  ''psallere  cum  antiphonli"  means 
to  sing  psalms  with  certain  sentences  inserted 
between  the  verses,  which  sentences  were  called 
antiphons,  from  their  being  sung  altematelT 
with  the  verses  of  the  psalm  itself.  Of  this 
method  of  singing  we  shall  speak  more  fully 
presently.  In  opposition  to  this  sense,  "  psallere 
directum "  would  mean  to  sing  a  psalm  straight 

!  through  without  any  antiphon ;  and  it  may  be 
I  remarked  that  the  "  psalmus  directus,"  said  daily 
at  Lauds,  in  the  Ambrosian  office,  has  no  Anti- 
phon.    The  expression  "  oratio  recta"  seems  also 
to  be  used  in  much  the  same  sense. 

2.  The  word  Antiphona*  is  also  used  to  dencte 

•  «' A  distinction  is  made  bj  Htargical  writers  bet«*«i 


ANTIPHON 


ANTIPHON 


95 


i  matd  oompositioii,  or  oompilation  of  verses 
frocD  the  Psalms,  or  sometimes  from  other  parts 
«f  Seriptore,  or  several  coDsecutive  verses  of  the 
saaw  palm  appropriate  to  a  special  subject  or 
festiTiL  HiIs  was  sung  by  one  choir,  and  afler 
each  Terse  an  unvarying  response  was  made  by 
tbe  opposite  choir ;  whence  the  name. 

Compilations  of  this  nature  are  to  be  found  in 
the  old  office  books,  e^.,  in  the  Mozarabic  office 
kt  the  dead,  where,  however,  they  are  called  **  a 
halm  of  l>avid,'*  as  being  said  in  the  place  of 
palms  in  the  Noctums ;  and  they  have  this  pecu- 
litrity,  that  each  verse  (with  very  few  ezcep- 
tkos)  begins  with  the  same  word.  Thus  the 
rerses  of  one  such  *'  psalm  "  all  begin  with  "  Ad 
tc;**  those  of  another  with  '*  lldiserere ;"  of 
aaotker  with  *< Libera;'*  of  another  with  **Tu 
DNRDiDe,"  and  so  on.  They  are  also  found  in  the 
imbrosian  burial  offices,  where  they  are  called 
Aotiphonae,  each  verse  being  considered  as  a 
Kptrate  Antiphon,  and  are  headed  Antiph.  i. 
Aatiph.  iL  and  so  on.  The  Canticles,  which  were 
ap(*oiDted  to  be  said  ii^tead  of  the  "Yenite"  in 
tfie  English  state  services,  there  called  '*  hymns," 
sai  directed  to  be  said  or  sung  ^  one  verse  by 
the  Priest,  and  another  by  the  Clerk  and  people" 
{L  €.  aati|]^onally),  are  of  this  nature. 

3.  The  word  "  Antiphona"  denotes  (and  this 
ii  the  sense  in  which  we  are  most  familiar  with 
iti  aseX  a  sentence  usually,  but  by  no  means 
iiTariably,  taken  from  the  psalm  itself,  and  ori- 
giftAlIr  intercalated  between  each  verse  of  a  psalm, 
bat  which,  in  process  of  time,  came  to  be  sung, 
vkollv  or  in  part,  at  the  beginning  and  end  only. 
Wc  shall  speaik  more  at  length  on  this  head  pre- 
Matlr. 

m 

4.  The  word  '^Antiphona"  came  to  denote 
sacb  a  senterce  taken  by  itself,  and  sung  alone 
vithoat  connexion  with  any  psalm.  These  Anti- 
pliQos  were  frequently  original  compositions. 
(We  thus  arrive  at  our  common  use  of  the  word 
•Dthem  as  part  of  an  Anglican  choral  service.) 
Aatipbons  of  this  description  are  of  common 
oorarrenoe  in  the  Greek  offices. 

As  an  example  take  the  following  from  the 
^ee  far  the  taking  the  greater  monastic  habit 
(tw  fuyiXav  vxhpuiros).  In  the  Liturgy,  after 
the  entrance  of  the  Gospels,  the  following  Anti- 
phwi  (*Arr{^ra)  are  said : — 

^aL  1.  *  Woold  that  I  conld  wipe  out  with  tears  the 
httdvTidog  of  my  offence^  0  Lord :  and  please  Thee  by 
npeacance  for  the  remainder  of  my  life:  bat  the  enemy 
ieo^es  aie.  md  wan  against  my  souL  0  Lord,  before  1 
feaUj  perfrik,  ove  me. 

*  Wlio  tiut  k  tnawfrt  by  storms,  and  makes  for  it,  does 
io(  find  safety  in  this  port?  Or  who  that  is  tormeoted 
vttt  piin  and  Ctlla  down  before  it,  does  not  find  a  cure  in 
tts  pbee  of  healiiv?  O  thou  Creator  of  all  men,  and 
|*jiidak  of  the  sick,  O  Lord,  beforo  1  finally  perish. 


' I  am  sdieep<tf  Thy  rational  flock;  and  I  flee  to  Thee, 
Ite  BMd  Sbejpberd ;  save  me  the  wanderer  from  Thy  fuld, 
OOod.  ind  have  mercy  on  me." 

Then  foUowB  "Gloria  Patri"  and  a  "Tlieoto- 
kioa,**  which  is  a  short  Antiphon  or  invocation 
addressed  to  the  KV.M.  as  **  Theotokos."  Then 
AnttpiioB  ii,  after  ths  model  of  the  first,  but  in 


tod  antiphonmoy  the  neuter  form  denoting 
I  of  the  nature  here  described;  and  the  feminine 
or  nodoktioD  song  as  a  prefix  or  adJanct  to  a 
#Kii  pmtaa '  quasi  ez  opposito  reqModens.' "— Ooar,  Euch, 
^123. 


two  clauses  only.  So  after  another  '* Gloria" 
and  "  Theotokion,"  Antiphon  iii.  in  one  clause. 

III.  We  shall  now  re&r  to  the  principal  uses 
of  Antiphons  in  the  services  of  the  Church. 

1st.  In  the  Liturgy,  or  office  of  the  Mass. 

We  will  take  the  Greek  offices  first.  In  these 
(and  we  will  confine  ourselves  to  the  two  Litur- 
gies of  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom)  before  the  lesser 
entrance  (t.tf.  that  of  the  Gospels)  3  psalms,  or 
parts  of  psalms  are  sung  with  a  constant  re- 
sponse after  each  verse.  These  are  called  re- 
spectively the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon,  and 
each  is  preceded  by  a  prayer,  which  is  called  the 
prayer  of  the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon  respec- 
tively. 

The  Greek  liturgical  Antiphons  consist  each  of 
four  versides  with  its  response,  though  occasion- 
ally, as  on  Christmas  Day,  the  third  Antiphon 
has  but  three ;  that  "  Gloria  Patri "  is  said  after 
the  first  and  second  Antiphons,  but  not  after  the 
third.  (This  is  doubtless  because  the  office  passes 
on  immediately  after  the  third  Antiphon  to  other 
singing  with  which  we  are  not  now  concerned.) 
In  the  first  Antiphon  the  antiphonal  response 
is  always  the  same,  and  is  that  given  in  the 
cases  quoted ;  in  the  second  it  varies  with  the 
day  to  the  solemnity  of  which  it  has  reference ; 
it  always  begins  with  the  words  "  Save  us,"  and 
ends  with  *'  Who  sine  to  Thee,  Alleluia  "  (jr&trov 
iffjMs  .  .  .  ^dWoyrds  vot  *AWri\o{ta);  in  the 
third  it  varies  likewise  with  the  day,  but  is  not 
of  so  uniform  a  type.  It  is,  as  a  rule,  the  same 
as  the  "  Apolyticon,"  an  Anthem  which  is  sung 
near  the  end  of  the  preceding  vespers.  That 
aft«r  the  "  Gloria  "  in  the  second  Antiphon,  in- 
stead of  repeating  the  proper  response  of  the 
Antiphon  "0  only  begotten  Son  and  Woi'd  of 
God,"  &c.,  is  suDg  as  a  response.  (This  invoca- 
tion occurs  in  the  office  of  the  "  Typics,") 

Other  compositions,  which  are  virtually  Anti- 
phons, are  found  in  Greek  offices,  and  will  be 
spoken  of  under  their  proper  heads ;  see  Cohtta- 

KION,  THEOTOKION. 

We  turn  now  to  the  Liturgies  of  the  Western 
Church. 

The  three  Antiphons  of  the  Greek  Liturgies 
correspond  both  in  structure  and  position  with 
the  single  Antiphon  of  the  Western  Church. 
The  chant  which  the  Church  uses  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Mass  is  commonly  called  ^  Introitus," 
or  ''Antiphona  ad  Introitum,"  from  its  being 
sung  Antiphonally  when  the  priest  enters  upon 
the  service,  or  mounts  to  the  altar ;  for  both  ex- 
planations are  given  [Intboit].  It  still  retains 
its  name  of  "  Introitus  "  in  the  Roman  missal ; 
and  the  word ''  Introit "  b  frequently  used  among 
ourselves  at  the  present  day  with  a  similar  mean- 
ing. 

In  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  the  corresponding 
Antiphon  was  called  **Ingre8sa"  for  the  same 
reason ;  while  in  the  Mozarabic  and  Sarum  Litur- 
gies it  was  called  *^  Officium."  In  the  Gallican 
rite  it  was  called  *'  Antiphona "  or  '*  Antiphona 
ad  praelegendum,*'  or  "^  de  praelegere." 

The  institution  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit 
is  almost  universally  ascribed  to  S.  Caelestine, 
who  was  Pope  A.D.  422,  and  who  is  said  to  have 
borrowed  this  kind  of  singing  from  S.  Ambrose, 
and  to  have  appointed  that  the  cl.  psalms  of 
David  should  be  sung  antiphonally  befbre  the 
Sacrifice,  which  was  not  done  previously,  bnt 
only   the  Epistles  of  S.  Paul  and  the  Gospel 


96 


AXTIPHON 


ANTIPHON 


were  read,  and  thai  the  Mass  was  oonduct«d> 
In  the  account  given  by  S.  Angnstine  (de  Civ. 
Deiy  xxii.  8  sub  fin.)  of  a  Mass  which  he  cele- 
brated, A.D.  425,  there  is  no  mention  of  such  an 
Introit.  After  speaking  of  certain  preliminary- 
thanksgivings  (as  we  should  say  occasional)  for 
a  recent  miracle,  he  says,  ^*  I  saluted  the  people  " 
.  .  .  when  silence  was  at  length  established,  the 
appointed  lections  of  Holy  Scripture  were  read 
as  though  that  was  the  beginning  of  the  Mass. 

It  seems,  however,  doubtful  what  we  are  to 
understand  by  the  singing  of  Psalms  thus  insti- 
tuted by  Caelestine— whether  an  entire  Psalm, 
varying  with  the  office,  was  sung,  or  only  cer- 
tain verses  taken  fh>m  the  Psalms,  and  used  as 
an  Antiphon.  The  former  opinion  is  held  by 
Honorius  {Qemma  animaey  87),  who  says  that 
'*  Caelestine  appointed  Psalms  to  be  sung  at  the 
Introit  of  the  Mass,  f^m  which  (de  quibus) 
Gregory  the  Pope  afterwards  composed  Anti- 
phons  for  the  Introit  of  the  Mass  with  musical 
notations  (modulando  composuit.)"  Also  by 
Prisons  in  his  **  Acts  of  the  Popes,"  and  by  Cardi- 
nal Bona. 

The  latter  opinion  is  held  by  Micrologus 
(cap.  i.),  and  by  Amalarius  (^De  Eocl,  Off,  iii. 
5),  who,  in  explaining  this  addition  of  Caeles- 
tine's,  says,  **  Which  we  understand  to  mean 
that  he  selected  Antiphons  out  of  all  the  Psalms, 
to  be  sung  in  the  office  of  the  Mass.  For  previ- 
ously the  Mass  began  with  a  lection,  which  cus- 
tom is  still  retained  in  the  vigils  of  Easter  and 
Pentecost." 

It  has  again  been  argued  with  much  force  that 
it  was  customary  to  sing  Antiphons  taken  from 
the  Psalms  at  the  Mass  before  the  time  of  Caeles- 
tine.* S.  Ambrose  {de  Myst  cap.  8)  and  the 
writer  de  Sacr.  (iv.  2)  speak  as  though  the  use 
of  the  verse  **  Introibio,"  &c.,  at  the  Introit  were 
familiar.  So,  too,  Gregory  Nazian.  says.  When 
he  (the  priest)  is  vested,  he  comes  to  the  altar 
Mying  the  Antiphon  "  I  will  go  unto  the  altar  of 
God  "  (Introibo  ad  altare  Dei).  It  is  also  noticeable 
that  some  of  the  verses  said  to  have  been  used  as 
Antiphons  in  early  times  differ  somewhat  from 
Jerome's  version.  This  is  strong  evidence  that 
the  use  of  Antiphons  at  the  Introit  was  anterior 
to  the  time  of  Caelestine.  However  this  may 
be,  Caelestine  may  well  have  so  organized  or 
Altered,  or  developed  the  custom,  as  to  be  called 
its  inventor.  And  on  the  whole  the  more  pro- 
bable opinion  seems  to  be  that  he  appointed  en- 
tire Psalms  to  be  sung  before  the  Mass  and  that 
afterwards  Gregory  the  Great  selected  from  them 
verses  as  an  Antiphon  for  the  "Introit,"  and 
others  for  the  "  Responsory,"  *  "  Offertory,"  and 
**  Communion,"  which  he  collected  into  the  book 
which  he  called  his  Antiphonary.  In  support  of 
this  view  it  may  be  observed  that  the  Respon- 
sory  &C.  (which  are  really  Antiphons,  though 
the  Introit  soon  monopolized  that  name)  are 
often  taken  from  the  same  Psalm  as  the  Introit. 

The  form  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit  wax 
as  follows.  After  the  Introit,  properly  so  called, 
a  psalm  was  sung,  originally  entire,  but  afler- 

i>  Liber  ponHJUxdit  In  vita  8.  Ou^lestinL  See  also  the 
Gatalogue  of  the  Roman  FOntifEb,  April,  voL  L  (Heoachen 
and  Papebroch). 

a  Vide  Radnlph.  Tongrens.  2>e  Ccm,  (Hmerv.  prop.  23 
Gaflsian.  hutU.  UL  11. 

d  Afterwards  known  as  the  "GntdoaL**  In  the  Antl- 
lihoDajy  it  Is  called  "  Responsorinm  gndale.** 


wards  a  smgle  verse  with  "Gloria  Patri."  Hm 
Introit  was  then  repeated,  and  some  chordies 
used  to  sing  it  three  times  on  the  more  soleom 
days. 

The  Introit  in  the  Antiphonary  of  S.  Gregory 
is  taken  from  the  Psalms,  with  a  fkw  exceptions, 
which  Durandus  (Rat.  iv.  6)  calls  "Irregnlar 
Introits."  These  Introits,  taken  from  other  parts 
of  Scripture,  are  in  all  cases  followed  by  theit 
appointed  "  Psalmus."  There  are  also  a  few  In- 
troits which  are  not  taken  from  any  part  o( 
Scripture.  Such  is  that  for  Trinity  Sunday  in 
the  Roman  and  Sarum  missals. 

-BleBBed  be  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  the  nnditrUed 
Unity ;  we  will  give  thanks  to  It,  for  It  has  dealt  merd- 
taUy  with  us." 

And  that  for  All-Saints  Day  in  the  same  Missal 

'*  Let  us  all  n>Joice  celebrating  the  festival  in  bonoor 
of  all  the  Saints,  over  whose  solemnity  the  angels  r^jom^ 
and  Join  in  praising  the  Son  of  God." 

These  non-scriptural  Introits,  however,  are 
mostly,  as  will  be  observed,  for  festivals  of  later 
date,  and  are  not  fbund  in  Gregory's  Antipfaonarr. 
A  metrical  Introit  is  sometimes  found.  Thus 
in  the  Roman  Missal  in  Masses,  **  in  Commemora- 
tione  B.y.M.,  a  purif.  usque  ad  pasch."  the 
Introit  is : — 

Salve,  sancta  Parens,  enlza  puerpera  R^ieoi, 
Qui  coelum  temmque  r^t  in  secala  aecolornm.* 
Psalmut. — Virgo  Dei  genetriz,  quern  totns'  non  capit  ortiii 
In  tua  se  clauslt  viscera  factns  homo. 
Gloria  Patri. 

Here  the  "  Psalmus  "  is  not  from  the  Psalms, 
which  is  very  unusual,  though  this  is  not  a  soli- 
tary case.  That  of  Trinity  Sunday  is  another. 
The  lines  are  the  beginning  of  an  old  hymn  to 
the  Virgin,  which  is  used  in  her  office  in  various 
Breviaries. 

The  different  Sundays  were  often  popularly 
distinguished  by  the  first  word  of  their  "  Officium," 
or  ^  Introitus."  Thus,  the  first  four  Sundays  in 
Lent  were  severally  known  as,  "  Invocavit," 
"  Reminiscere,"  "  Oculi,"  **  Laetare."  Low  Sun- 
day as  **  Quasimodo,"  and  so  in  other  cases. 
So  too  we  find  week  days  designated,  i.e,  Wednes- 
day in  the  third  week  in  Lent  called  in  Missals, 
"Feria  quarta  post  Oculi."  In  rubrical  direc- 
tions this  nomenclature  is  very  frequent. 

The  Ambrosian  '^  Ingressa  "  consists  of  one  un- 
broken sentence,  usually  but  by  no  means  always, 
taken  from  Scripture,  and  not  followed  by  a 
"  Psalmus,"  or  the  "Gloria  Patri."  It  is  often 
the  same  as  the  Roman  *'  Qfficium."  It  is  never 
repeated  except  in  Masses  of  the  Dead,  when  its 
form  approaches  very  nearly  to  that  of  the  Bo- 
man  ^  Introitus." 

The  form  of  the  Mozarabic  '*  Officium  "  though 
closely  approaching  that  of  the  Roman  ''In- 
troitus "  differs  somewhat  from  it.  The  Anti- 
phon is  followed  by  a  ''  versus,"  corresponding  io 
the  Roman  **  Psalmus,"  with  the  "  Gloria  Patri," 
before  and  after  which  the  second  danae  alone  of 
the  Antiphon  is  repeated.' 

Durandus  {Rat.  lib.  iv.  cap.  5)  and  Beleth  (De 
Div.  Off.  cap.  35)  state  that  in  their  time  a 
Trofus  was  sung,  in  some  churches,  on  the  more 
solemn  days  before  the.  Antiphon. 


•  The  line  is  thus  given  in  the  Roman  and 
Mlasala    It  was  probably  rend  **  In  secla  sedoram.* 

f  This  is  the  Roman  manner  of  repeating  the  *B» 
sponBories"  at  Matlna 


ANTIPHON 


AKTIPHON 


97 


W«  Mw  MOM  to  that  me  of  Antiphons  with 
wUdk  we  an  probaUj  moit  femiliar — as  song 
«  tt  aoeoBpaBimoit  to  Paalmi  and  CSanticUs. 
la  fCMcal  toms  aa  A&ttphon  In  thia  sense  is 
A  HitiBee  wUoii  precedes  a  Psalm  or  .Canticle  to 
tk  Buical  tone  of  which  the  whole  Psalm  or 
Ontiele  is  snng,  in  alternate  verses  by  the  oppo- 
■ts  liiia  of  tiie  choir  which  at  the  end  unite  in 
Rpestii^  tiie  Antiphon.  Tliis  sentence  is  nsnally, 
kt  bf  Bo  means  nniTersallj,  taken  from  the 
hdm  itself  and  it  varies  with  the  day  and 
•eeadsB.  Originallv  the  Ptalm  was  said  bj  one 
dMJr,  sad  the  Anti|»on  was  intercalated  between 
«ch  Tene  by  the  opposite  choir:  whence  the 
me.  Pfe.  136  {Con/tanim)  and  the  Canticle 
'Baedidta'*  are  obvious  examples  of  this 
wlkd  of  singing.  Indeed  in  Ps.  135  (v.  10-12) 
vc  ksve  very  nearly  the  ssme  words,  without 
vkt  we  may  call  the  Antiphon  (^'for  His  merer 
cBducOi  lor  ever,*^  which  occur  in  Ptt.  136  with 
tbt  Antiphon  inserted  after  each  clause,  and 
tk  ^BeDedidto"  is  often  recited  without  the 
ifpgHtloB  of  its  Antiphon  after  every  versejr 
hL  4S  and  43  iQmadmoditm  and  Judica\  80 
(Q»'  rtgk  Israel),  and  107  (OmjSiwmm)  will  at 
ttoe  safgest  themselves  as  containing  an  Anti- 
pkaal  vcKse  which  is  repeated  at  intervals. 

TWn  are  many  examples  of  this  earlier  use  of 
latiphotts  In  the  Greek  Services.  For  instance : 
St  TMeis  on  the  '^Great  Sabbath"  ({.  #.  Easter 
Evt^n.  82  iD«u»  deUi)  Is  said  with  the  last 
tow,  "Arise,  O  God,  and  judge  Thou  the  earth, 
At  Then  shaH  take  all  heathen  to  Thine  inheri- 
toee,"  npeated  with  beautiftd  application,  as  an 
Aittjiii(^fji  between  each  verse. 

Afsin,  in  the  Office  fbr  the  Burial  of  a  Priest, 
hk  23  {IkmiKMa  regit  me\  24  (Domim  est 
Um\U{Qmmi dOsday, are Wd  with  «« AUeluia, 
AIMuis,*^  rneated  as  an  Antiphon  between 
eMb  verM.  Here  the  three  Ptalms  are  called 
mpedhrely  the  first,  second,  and  third  Anti- 


It  sppssn  that  in  the  Roman  Church  the  same 
eertsiB  of  repeating  the  Antiphon  after  each 
Ttneefthe  Pealm  originally  prevailed.  In  an 
eld  BissB,  edited  by  Menard,  in  the  Appendix  to 
fk  Sacramesiaiy  of  S.  Gregory,  we  read,  **  An- 
Epsieopo,  indpiatur  psalmus  a  Cantors, 
htroitn  reciprocante."' 

Aaalarios,  too  (^De  Ordine  Awtiphtmarii^  cap. 
wL\  npisking  of  the  Nocturne  of  weekdays,  has 
the  vords,  **  Ex  senis  AnUphonis  quas  vicissim 
cheri  per  smgulos  versus  repetunt."  We  have 
cvidaes  that  this  custom  was  not  obsolete  (in 
phcei  St  least)  as  lata  as  the  10th  century,  in  the 
Hfr  of  Odo^  Abbot  of  Cluny,  where  we  are  told 
that  tk  monks  of  that  house,  wishing  to  pro- 
kagtk  oOiee  of  the  Vigib  of  S.  Martin  (Nov. 
11)^  vbsn  the  Antiphons  of  the  office  are  short,^' 

*  .If.  k  fts  Lauds  of  the  Ambraalan  Bl«Tlaxy,and  In 
a  ma  mmn  eoanpteasfd  torn  in  the  Mosarablo  Leads; 
««d-BeDediclte''lsoailttsdlfh»a  the  begii^ 


^Ikeaae  of  ■  Aneteto*  on  this  and  on  similar  ocea- 
*ai«f  aoBrafag  (e^.  daiing  Lent)  Is  diiferait  from  the 
■ar  «f  Ik  Wosiera  Gfanich. 

inbaaeBstopafatmoreto  the  mode  of  sfa«lng  the 
ktait  thn  rtetaia  fai  flie  dsay  office. 

k  Tk  Uh  iHiisianne  of  their  fkcqaeot  repetition  hM 
hm  myteJ  as  a  reason  why  tk  AntiphoDS  to  the 
FWRHtetkdaUyoOoean^aaa  nUe^io  much  shorter 
*■  ftrt  ai  the  Intnit  of  the  Mass. 

anUR.  AST. 


and  the  nights  long,  till  daybreak,  used  to  repeat 
every  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Pnlms. 
We  find  also,  in  a  letter  by  an  anonymous  author 
to  Batheric,  who  was  appointed  Bishop  of 
Ratisbon,  A.D.  814  (quoted  by  ThomaslusX  ^ 
writer  complaining  that  he  has  In  the  course  of 
his  travels  found  some  who,  with  a  view  to  get 
through  the  office  as  rapidly  as  possible,  that 
they  may  the  quicker  return  to  their  worldly 
business,  reclto  It  ''without  Antiphons,  In  a 
perfunctory  manner  and  with  all  hiuto  "  ("  sine 
Antiphonis,  cursim,  et  cum  omni  velodtato"). 
Theodoret  also  relates  {Hist.  Eocl.  ilL  10)  that 
Christians,  in  detestation  of  the  impiety  of 
Julian,  when  singing  the  hymns  of  David,  added 
to  each  verse  the  clause,  "  Confounded  be  all  they 
that  worship  carved  images." 

A  ftmiliar  instance  of  this  older  use  of  aa 
Antiphon  is  found  in  the  "  Reproaches  "  ("  versi- 
culi  improperii"  or  "  improperia ")  of  the 
Roman  Missal  for  Good  Friday. 

These  are  Gregorian :  the  introductory  rubric 
as  it  stands  in  the  Roman  Missal  is  cited,  as  it  Is 
so  precise  as  to  the  manner  of  singing  them.  It 
runs  thus :  "  Versiculi  sequentes  improperii  a 
binis  altematim  cantantur,  utrosque  chore  simul 
repetonto  post  quemlibet  versum  Popule,  &&"  ■ 

Sometimes  metrical  hymns  were  sung  anti- 
phonaliy  after  this  manner.  Thus  at  the  "  Salu- 
totion  of  the  Cross "  the  verse  of  the  hjrmn 
^'Pange  Hnguoy**  which  begins  "  CnuffideUs;*  is 
sung  in  the  Sarum  rito  at  the  beginning,  and 
after  every  verse  of  the  hymn,  the  rubric  being— 

"Gtmnis  idem  rqietat  poet  mramquemque  Tetsam. 
"Gniz  fldelis  inter  omnea,"  Ac. 

(.  .  •  SacerdaUt  content  hune  tereum  tequentem.') 
**  Pange  llngna  glorlosl  proellnm  oertaminia,"  te. 
Chona—**  Gniz  fldelis^"  te. 

And  so  on.    So  also  before  the  Benediction  of 
the  Paschal  Candles  on  Easter  Eve,  according 
to  the  Sarum  rito,  the  hymn  "  Invador  rutili 
is  sung  in  the  same  manner,  with  the  first  stanza 
repeated  antiphonally  after  each  stanza. 

A  variation  of  this  fi>rm  of  antiphonal  Intor- 
polation  is  when  the  intorpolated  clause  itself 
varies.    The  following  is  a  striking  example : — 

On  the  morning  of  Easter  Eve  in  the  Greek 
office,  the  following  Antiphons  (rpordpia)  are 
said  with  Ps.  119,  ''saying"  (as  the  rubric 
directs)  "one  verse  (jrrlvop)  flrom  the  Psalm 
after  each  troparium."  These  are  known  as  rd 
iy§cd/iuiu 

''Bleaoed  art  Thoo.  0  Lord.  0  teach  ne  Thy  aUtnlea. 
Bleand  are  thoae  tkt  are  imdriiled  in  tk  way,  and  walk 
intklawofttieLoid." 

"Thou,  0  Ghiiat,  the  life,  waat  laid  knr  in  the 

grave,  and  the  angelic  hosta  were  smaaed,  glorftylnf 

Thy  condeaceDalon." 

"BieaBed  are  they  that  keep  Hla  tfstlmoniws,  and  aeek 
Him  with  tklr  whole  heart." 

«0  Life,  how  ia  it  that  Tboa  dost  die?    Bow  la  U 

that  Thou  doat  dwell  In  the  grave?    Thou  pajest  th» 

trlbole  of  death,  and  ndaeat  tk  dead  oat  of  Hadea." 

"For  they  who  do  no  wickedneai  walk  in  His  waya.*' 
"We  magnify  Thee,  O  Jean  the  King,  and  honoqr 

Thy  burial,  and  Thy  paarion,  by  which  Thoa  bast  saved 

aa  from  daitmetioa." 

And  so  on  throughout  the  whole  Psalm. 

In  the  same  manner  at  the  burial  of  mool(B| 
the  blessings  at  the  beginning  of  the  Sermon  on 

■  The  rubrical  dbeetlona  with  reapect  to  the  "Impio> 
perU"  in  the  MoMuaUo  Mtaaal  are  very  ftilL 

U 


98 


ANTIPHON 


ANTIPHON 


the  Mount  (ol  juucapio'fiot)  are  recited  with  a 
varying  antiphonal  clause  after  each,  beginning 
from  the  fifth. 

Aa  an  example  fh>m  the  Western  Church,  we 
may  refer  to  the  following,  which  belongs  to 
Vespers  on  Easter  Eve.  It  is  given  in  S.  Gre- 
gory's Antiphonary,  with  the  healing  ArUiph,  and 
Fs.  to  the  alternate  verses. 

Antiph,  *  In  the  end  of  the  Sabbath,  as  it  began  to  dawn 

towards  the  first  day  of  the  week,  came  Mary  Magdalene, 

and  the  other  Maiy  to  see  the  aepalchre."    Alleluia. 

Pt.  "  My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord." 

Afitifh.  **  And  behold,  there  was  a  great  earthquake.  For 

the  angel  of  the  Lord  descended  from  heaven/'    Alleluia. 

Pt. "  And  my  spirit  hath  r^oiced  in  God  my  Saviour." 

^.nd  so  the  Magnificat  is  sung  with  the  suc- 
cessive clauses  of  the  Gospel  for  the  day  used  as 
Antiphons  after  each  of  its  verses. 
.  The  missal  Litanies  which  are  said  in  the  Am- 
brosian  Mass  on  Sundays  in  Lent,  and  the  very 
beautiful  Precea  with  which  the  Mozarabic 
Missal  and  Breviary  abounds,  are  so  fiir  anti- 
phonal  that  each  petition  is  followed  by  an  un- 
varying response.  Their  consideration,  however 
interesting,  scarcely  belongs  to  our  present 
subject. 

The  repetition  of  the  Antiphon  after  each 
verse  was  called  '' Antiphonare."  In  the  old 
Antiphonaries  we  frequently  find  such  directions 
as  '*Hoc  die  Antiphonamus  ad  Benedictus"  or 
simply  **Hoc  die  antiphonamus."  The  word 
"  antiphonare "  is  explained  to  mean  to  repeat 
the  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Canticle. 
The  "  Greater  Antiphons  "  (i.  e,  "  0  Sapientia," 
&c.)  are  directed  to  be  sung  at  the  BenedictuSy^ 
with  the  rubric,  "Quas  antiphonamus  ab  In  Sanc- 
titate  ;"  which  means  that  the  repetition  of  the 
Antiphon  begins  from  the  verse  of  which  those 
are  the  first  words.^ 

At  a  later  period  the  custom  of  repeating  the 
Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Psalm  dropped, 
and  its  use  was  gradually  limited  to  the  beginning 
and  end  of  the  Psalm.  A  relic  of  the  old  usage 
still  surviveft  in  the  manner  of  singing  the 
"Venite"  at  Nocturns,  in  which  Psalm  the 
Antiphon  is  repeated,  either  wholly  or  in  part, 
several  times  during  the  course  of  the  Psalm. 

It  remained  a  frequent  custom,  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  the  monastic  usages,  at  Lands  and 
Vespers  on  the  greater  feasts  to  sing  the  Anti- 
phon three  times  at  the  end  of  Benedidus  and 
of  Magnificat,  once  before  Qloria  Patn,  once 
before  Sicut  erat,  and  once  again  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  whole.  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
general  use  of  the  Church  of  Tours ;  and  the 
Church  of  Rome  retained  the  practice  in  the 
12th  century,  at  least  in  certain  otHces  of  the 
festivals  of  the  Nativity,  the  Epiphany,  and  S. 
Peter.  It  was  called  "  Antiphonam  triumphare" 
which  is  explained  by  Martene  (De  Ant,  EccL 
Bit.  iv.  4)  as  "  ter  fari."  Antiphonam  levare,^  or 
imponere,  means  to  begin  the  Antiphon. 

Other  variations  in  the  manner  of  singing  the 
Antiphon  are  mentioned  by  other  writers.    Thus 

■  This  differs  from  the  later  (and  the  present)  practice, 
according  to  which  these  Antiphons  are  said  to  the  Mag- 
nificat  at  Vespers. 

«  This  is  the  manner  In  whidi  the  *"  fujcapitrfioi'*  men- 
tioned above  are  redted.  The  first  four  are  followed  by 
no  antiphonal  sentence. 

»  Oompare  our  English  nae  of  the  word  to  roHte. 


we  are  told  4  that  sometimes  the  Antiphon 
said  twice  before  the  Psalm ;  or  at  least,  if  <«ly 
said  once,  the  first  half  of  it  would  be  sung  l^ 
one  choir,  and  the  second  half  by  the  o&er. 
This  was  called  ^  respondere  ad  Antiphonam." ' 

It  appears  that  this  method  of  singing  the 
Antiphon  was  confined  to  the  beginning  and  end 
of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle.  When  repeated  during 
the  Psalm,  the  Antiphon  was  always  sung  by  one 
choir,  the  other  taking  the  verse. 

The  repetition  of  the  Antiphons  was  in  later 
times  still  further  curtailed,  and  the  opening 
words  only  sung  at  the  beginning  of  the  Paalm 
or  Canticle,  the  entire  Antiphon  being  recited  at 
the  close.  Still  later,  two  or  more  Psalms  were 
said  under  the  same  Antiphon,  itself  abbreviated 
as  just  stated.  This  is  the  present  custom  of  the 
Roman  Breviary.  When  the  Antiphon  was  taken 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle, 
after  the  Antiphon  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm  or 
Canticle  was  not  repeated,  but  the  recitation  was 
taken  up  from  the  place  where  the  Antiphon 
ceases.  For  instance,  the  opening  verses  of  the 
92nd  Psalm  are  said  at  Vespers  on  Saturday  ia 
the  Ambrosian  rite  in  this  manner : — 

AnL  "  Bounm  est." 

Pt.  **  Et  paallere  nomlnl  Tuo  Altisslme,''  ftc 

-Gloria  Patri,"&c. 
AnL  **  Bonum  est  conflteri  Domluo  Deo  nostra" 

Where  the  recitation  of  the  Psalm  begins  with 
the  verse  following  the  Antiphon,  though  the 
opening  words  only  of  the  Antiphon  are  said  at 
the  beginning. 

On  the  more  important  festivals  the  Anti- 
phons  at  Vespers,  Matins,  and  Lauds  (but  not  at 
the  other  hours),  were  said  entire  before  as  well 
as  after  the  Psalms  and  Canticles.  These  feasts 
were  hence  called  "  double  ;*'  those  in  which  the 
Antiphons  were  not  thus  repeated,  "  simple." 

There  are  a  few  peculiarities  in  the  use  of 
Antiphons  to  the  Psalms  and  Canticles  in  the 
Ambrosian  and  Mozarabic  rites  which  may  be 
mentioned. 

1.  The  Ambrosian  Antiphons  are  divided  into 
simple  and  double.  The  simple  Antiphons  are 
said  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Roman  Antiphou 
on  days  which  are  not  "double."  They  are 
always  so  said  whatever  be  the  nature  of  the 
feast.  In  Eastertide  the  Antiphon  is  said  entire 
before  the  Psalm,  and  instead  of  its  repetition 
at  the  end,  "  Alleluia,  Alleluia,"  is  said. 

The  double  Antiphons  consist  of  two  clauses, 
the  second  being  distinguished  by  a  V.(i.  e.  tersus), 
and  is  said  entire  both  before  and  after  the 
Psalm.  The  following  is  a  specimen  which  ti 
said  to  be  one  of  the  Psalms  on  Good  Friday: — 

Ant.  dupiUx.  "  Simon,  sleepest  thou  ?  Oouldeet  not  tbon 
watch  with  me  one  hour  ?" 

v.  *  Or  do  ye  see  Judas,  how  he  sleqM  uoi,  but  baflteu 
to  deliver  lie  to  the  Jews  i** 

These  double  Antiphons  occur  occasionally  snd 
iri'egularly  on  days  which  have  proper  Psalms. 


1  By  AroalariuB,  De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  7. 

'  In  the  Vatican  Antipfaonary  we  find  the  IbDowing 
direction  on  the  Epiphany :— '*  Hodie  ad  omnes  Aotipbons 
respondemus,"  and  so  in  other  instances.  In  a  MS.  of  tlie 
church  of  Rouen  the  antiphon  before  and  after  the  "Vag- 
nificat "  at  first  Vespi^rs  of  the  Assumption  Is  divided  inta 
four  alternate  parts  between  the  two  sides  of  the  choir, 
and  after  the  •^Gloria  Patri"  la  agsin  rang  by  both  adn 
together. 


ANTIPHON 

ftv  M  Wedandaj  before  Eaflter,  ont  of  nine 
falwtf  one  vas  a  doable  Antiphon ;  on  Thurs- 
dar.  <nt  ef  tea,  nolle,  and  on  Good  Friday,  out  of 
■ikteen,  one ;  on  Christmas  Day,  out  of  twenty- 
mty  fear;  and  on  the  £piphany,  ont  of  twenty- 
sac,  six.  FestiTals  mre  not  divided  into  <*  double  " 
sad  ''simple''  as  distinguished  by   the  Anti- 


ANTIPHON 


99 


2.  The  Mozanbic  Antiphons  axe  said  entire 
heSxt  as  well  as  after  their  Psalm  or  Canticle. 
OecattOBally  two  Antiphons  are  giyen  for  the 
Ckatide.*  They  are  often  divided  into  two 
distingui^ed'  by  the  letter  P,*  in  which 
St  the  end  of  the  Psalm  the  "  Gloria  "  is  In- 
tercslated  between  the  two  clauses. 

Of  the  nature  of  the  sentence  adopted  as  an 
iotiphao  little  is  to  be  said.  It  is,  for  the  most 
pert,  s  ferse,  or  part  of  a  verse,  from  the  Psalm 
it  seeompanies,  varying  with  the  day  and  the 
oeeasioQ,  and  often  wiUi  extreme  beauty  of  ap* 
plicitien.  Sometimes  it  is  a  slight  variation  of 
tk«  rene ;  or  it  is  taken  from  other  parts  of 
Scripture;  sometimes  it  is  an  original  composi- 
tjoe,  occasionally  even  in  verse.  E.  g.  in  the 
3nl  Noctun  on  Sundays  between  Trinity  and 
AArtsi  m  the  Sarum  Breviary : 

Ik  ft.  19  (OoeU  sMHTOfitX 
"Spoons  Qt  e  fhslsmo  processit  Christas  in  orbem : 
Descendeus  oodo  Jure  salatlfero." 

The  Antiphons  for  the  Yenite  are  technically 
aScd  the  brviTATOBiA.* 

The  corresponding  Antiphons  of  the  Eastern 
Chvch  need  not  detain  us,  as  they  are  less  pro- 
suoat  and  important,  and  present  no  special 
ftataret.  They  are  always  taken  from  the  Psalm 
itseM^aad  ar«  said  after  the  Psalm  only,  and  are 
pR&ced  by  the  words  jrol  irdXiy  (and  again), 
aad  are  introduced  before  the  «*  Gloria  Patri." 

"niQB  P^  104  (^Benedic  anima  med)  is  said 
^j  at  Vespers.  It  is  called  the  prooemiac 
haim ;  and  the  Antiphon  at  the  end  is — 


"The  inn  knoweth  }d»  going  down.  Thou  makest 
^rtmi  ttHt  U  rasj  be  night. 

*0  IxmL  how  maaifold  are  Thy  works.  In  wisdom 
kHtlVoo  made  them  aU." 

-Gfc«7be.*ftc.       «Asttwss."Ac. 

AMiiphana  Post  JSvangelium, — An  Antiphon 
laid,  as  its  name  indicates,  after  the  Gospel,  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite.  It  consists  of  a  simple  un- 
brofcea  clause,  and  is  sometimes  taken  from  the 
Mas  or  other  parts  of  Scripture ;  sometimes 
it  IS  composed  with  reference  to  the  day.  One 
•xampk  will  show  its  form,  that  for  the  ChristO' 
jUionf  or  return  of  Christ  out  of  Egypt  (Jan.  7). 

PiilM  the  Lord,  all  je  angels  of  His;  praise  Him  sU 
Vnim  EQm  son  and  moon:  pnilse  Him  all  ye 

is  nothing  corresponding  in  the  Roman 
ie  and  Sarum  Missals,  in  which  the  Gospel 

■  We  ds  not  feel  sore  whether  In  these  cases  it  Is  in- 
thai  t»lh  Antiphooa  be  used  at  oooe,  or  a  choice 
giwiibetveen  the  two. 

*  It  does  not  seem  quite  dear  what  this  P.  represents. 
VMi^r  it  ateods  for  FSalmns. 

"  The  Bonan  Is  taken  laiber  than  any  other  Brevlaiy 
■  ihlBC  a  diort  fonn.  The  Invitatorfes  of  the  Samrn 
Jkintoy  sre  nearly  the  saine  for  the  weekdays.  For 
lodays  tbere  is  a  greater  variety,  which  would 
them  longer  to  quota,  without  adding  to  the 


is  immediately  followed  by  the  Creed.  In  the 
Mozarabic  office  the  Lauda  followed  the  GospeL 
(The  Creed,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  sung  after 
the  consecration.) 

Antipihona  ad  Confractumem  Panis* — ^An  Anti- 
phon said  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass  on  certain  days 
at  the  breaking  of  the  consecrated  Host.*  It 
occurs  for  the  most  part  during  Lent,  and  in 
votive  Masses.  Also  on  ¥^itsunday  and  on 
Corpus  Christi.  It  is  usually  short  and  said  in 
one  clause.  Thus  from  the  4th  Sunday  in  Lent 
{Mediante  die  Festo),  up  to  Maundy  Thursday 
(in  coend  Domini),  and  also  on  Corpus  Christi, 
it 


**  Do  Thoo,  O  Lord,  give  os  our  meat  in  due  season 
Open  Thine  hand,  and  fill  all  things  living  with  plen- 
teonsness." 

In  the  Ambrosian  Missal  the  Confraotorium 
corresponds  to  the  Antiph,  ad  Confrac,  There 
is  no  Antiphon  appointed  at  the  same  place  in 
the  Roman  and  Sarum  Missals. 

Antipluma  in  Choro. — ^An  Antiphon  said  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite  at  Yespers  on  certain  days. 
It  occurs  near  the  beginning  of  the  office,  before 
the  Hymn,  and  is  said  on  Sundays,  and  at  the 
second  Vespers  of  festivals.  It  is  also  said  at 
the  first  Vespers  of  those  festivals  which  have 
the  office  not  solemn  y  (officium  non  solemne)  and 
of  some,  but  not  of  all,  *'  Solemnities  of  the  Lord.** 
It  is  not  said  at  first  Vipers  of  a  Solemn  Office. 
This  is  the  general  rule,  though  there  are  oc- 
casional exceptions.  It  varies  with  the  days,  and 
is  usually  a  verse  of  Scripture,  in  most  cases  from 
the  Psalms,  and  has  no  Psalm  belonging  to  it. 
Sometimes  it  is  an  adaptation  of  a  passage  of 
Scripture,  or  an  original  composition.  Thus,  on 
Easter  Day,  we  have — 

AnL  in  ch.  Ballel.  Then  believed  they  His  words, 
and  sang  praise  unto  Him."    HalleL 

Antiphona  ad  Crucem, — ^An  Antiphon  said  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite  at  the  beginning  of  Lauds 
after  the  Benedictw,  It  is  said  on  Sundays 
(except  in  Lent),  on  Festivals  which  have  the 
''Solemn  Office"  (except  they  &ll  on  Satur- 
day), in  *'  Solemnities  of  the  Lord "  (even 
though  they  fall  on  Saturday),  and  during 
Octaves.  It  is  usually  a  verse  from  Scripture, 
but  sometimes  an  original  composition  with  very 
much  of  the  character  of  a  Greek  rpovdpiov,  and 
always  ends  with  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr.  (i.e,  Kyrie 
eleison,  sometimes  written  E.  K.  K.).  It  is  said 
five  times,  the  Antiphon  itself  is  repeated  three 
times,  then  follows  Gloria  Patri,  then  the  Anti- 
phon again,  then  Sicut  erat,  and  then  the  Anti- 
phon once  more.  On  Sundays  in  Advent,  except 
the  6th,  on  Christmas  Day,  the  Circumcision, 
and  the  Epiphany,  it  is  said  seven  times,  i.  e.,  is 
repeated  five  times  before  the  Gloria  Patri, 

>  In  the  Mosarabic  rite  the  Host  after  oonsecration  is 
divided,  as  is  well  known,  into  nine  partly  which  are 
arranged  on  the  'paten  in  a  prescribed  order,  which  it 
wonld  be  foreign  to  our  present  poipose  to  describe.  In 
the  Eastern  Church  the  Host  is  broken  into  four  ports  by 
the  Priest,  who  recites  an  unvarying  form  of  words.  But 
this  is  not  an  Antiphon,  and  therefore  beyond  our  pro- 
vince. 

r  Festivals  are  divided  in  the  Ambroeian  rite  into  So- 
iwrnUia  of  tks  Lord  (Solemnitates  Domini),  and  thoee 
which  have  the  offioe  solemn  (offlcium  aolemneX  or  not 
*sitwm  (offldnm  non  solemne). 

H  2 


100 


ANTIPHOKABIUM 


ANTIPHONABIUM 


Thus  OB  Asoeniion  Day-— 

ML  od  erueem  qtrinqttlm,  "Te  men  of  Galilee  whj 
lUiid  je  gMJiig  up  Into  bMTcn?  Am  je  have  Men  Him 
go  into  heaTen«  n  ifaall  HeoanMu"  HalleL  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr. 

••  Te  men,**  kc 

•  T«  men,"  fta 
«•  Gloiy  bc^"  h». 

•  Ye  men,"  Ac. 

*'  As  It  waa,"  fta 

•  Temen,"te. 

An  Anltipkoina  ad  cruoem,  apparently  redted 
once  only,  often  occurs  in  the  Antiphonarr  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  after  the  Antiphons  of  Ves- 
pers or  Lands.  The  early  writers  on  the  offices 
of  the  Roman  Chorch  make  no  mention  of  it,  so 
that  it  was  probably  peculiar  to  the  monastic 
rites,  which  more  niuiily  admitted  additions  of 
this  nature.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
monastic  orders  deriyed  it  ftmtk  the  Church  of 
Milan. 

Antiphona  ad  Aooedentes  or  ad  Aooedendum, — 
An  Antiphon  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass,  sung  after 
the  Benmiiction,  and  befbre  the  Communion  of 
the  Priest.  They  do  not  often  change.  There 
IS  one  which  is  said  from  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost 
to  the  first  day  of  Lent  inclusiye,  one  which  is 
said  from  Easter  £ye  to  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost. 
In  Lent  they  yary  with  the  Sunday,  that  for 
the  first  Sunday  being  said  on  weekdays  up  to 
Thursday  before  Easter  ezclusiye.  The  first  of 
these  which  is  said  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  year,  is  as  follows : — 

-  0  tMte  and  see  bow  graoioas  the  Lord  la."  AlleL 
AUoLAUet 

F.  *  I  will  always  giye  thanks  unto  the  Lord.  His 
praise  shall  eyer  be  in  my  moafh."  P.  AIM.  Allei.  AlleL 

V.  "The  Lord  deliyeretb  the  souls  of  His  servants; 
and  all  fhej  that  put  their  trust  la  Him  aball  not  be  des- 
titnte."    P.  AlleL  AlleL  AlleL 

V,  "Gkny  and  honour  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the 
Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Gliost,  worid  wlthoat  end."  Amen. 
F.  AUeL  AlleL  AlleL 

In  the  ApotMioal  ConstiMufiUy  Fk,  24  (Bene- 
dicam),  from  which  this  Antiphon  is  taken,  is 
appointed  to  be  said  during  the  Communion,  as 
it  is  in  the  Armenian  Liturgy  during  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  Azjrmes."  (During  the  com- 
munion of  the  people  another  Canticle  is  sung.) 
S.  Ambrose  alluded  to  the  practice  in  the  wonls 
''  Unde  et  Eoclesia  yidens  tantam  Gratiam,  horta- 
tur,  Gustate  et  yidete.** 

The  second  Antiphon,  that  used  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost,  has  reference  to  the  Resurrection. 
It  is  adapted  from  the  words  of  the  Gospel  nar- 
ratiye,  and  we  need  not  quote  it. 

That  fbr  Thursday  befbre  Easter  is  much 
longer,  and  is  broken  into  many  more  antiphonal 
elauses,  and  is  an  abstract  of  the  Gospel  narra- 
tiye  of  the  institution  of  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  Those  in  use  during  Lent  are  of 
precisely  the  ordinary  form. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  other  Western  liturgies 
which  exactly  corresponds  to  this  Antiphon. 
The  Roman  and  Sarum  CommurUo,  and  the  Am- 
brosian  Ihxnsitorimn,  which  are  the  analogous 
parts  of  those  offices,  are  said  after  the  R^p- 
tion.  [H.  J.  H.] 

ANTIPHONABIUM  (also  AtOiphonaley  An- 
iiphonarius,  Antiphonaritu  Kber),  an  office  book 
of  the  Latin  Church,  containing  the  Antiphons 

■  These  correspond  to  the  French jpain  heni.  [Eulooiab.^ 


and  other  portions  of  the  Seryioe,  which  wtif 
sui^  antiphonally. 

llie  name  Antiphonarimn  is  applied  to  so^ 
books  by  John  the  Deacon,  in  his  life  of  Gregoiy 
the  Great,  who  says  that  tihat  Pontiff  was  the 
author  of  Antiphonaries.  The  complete  colleo- 
tion,  howeyer,  of  Antiphons  and  Responsoriei, 
known  by  the  general  name  o{  Antiphimarpm 
or  Seaponaorium,  was  usually  diyided  into  three 
parts  in  the  Roman  Church. 

Amalarius  writes :>  ''It  is  to  be  obeerred 
that  the  yolume  which  we  call  Antipkonanmm 
has  three  names  ^  (tria  habet  nomina)  among 
the  Romans.  That  part  which  we  term  Oradaal 
(Gradale)  they  term  Oamtatory  (CsntatorinmX 
which  is  still,  according  to  their  old  custom,  in 
some  churches  bound  in  a  separate  yolume.  Tlis 
following  part  they  diyide  under  two  headings 
(in  duobus  nominibus).  The  part  which  otAtains 
the  Responsories  is  called  the  Jieaponaorial  (Re- 
sponsoriale) ;  and  the  part  which  contains  the 
Antiphons  is  called  the  AnHphonary  (Antiphon* 
anus)." 

As  to  the  name  CantatonuMf  we  find  in  the 
"Ordo  Romanus  I."  (§  10)  the  direction:— 
"  After  he  [the  Subdeacon]  has  finished  readiag 
[the  epistlej,  the  singer  (Cantor),  with  the  Cbirta- 
tory,  mounts,*  and  sings  the  Response."  And 
Amalarius  (De  Eod,  Off,  iii.  16)  says:  ''The 
singer  holds  the  Tal>letB  (Tabulas),''  where  the 
word  Tdbfolas  is  thought  to  mean  the  same  thing 
as  (kmtatoriuin^  L  e.  the  book  itselC 

The  deriyation  of  these  words  is  obyious.  The 
book  was  called  Cantatoriwn  from  its  containing 
the  parts  of  the  Seryice  which  were  sung :  Oradak, 
QradaUSy  or  Oraduale  (Gradual  or  Graile),  from 
their  being  sung  at  the  steps  of  the  ambo  or 
pulpit ;  and  Ta&Uae  in  all  probability  from  the 
plates  in  which  the  book  was  contained,  and 
which  appear  to  haye  been  of  bone,  or  perhaps 
horn.  Amalarius,  in  the  context  of  the  passage 
quoted,  says  that  the  tabulae  which  the  Caadat 
holds  are  usually  made  of  bone  (solent  fieri  de 
esse). 

By  whateyer  name  this  book  was  known,  it 
contained  those  portions  of  the  office  of  the  Ma» 
which  were  sung  antiphonally,  and  was  the  first 
of  the  three  diyisions  aboye  alluded  to.  The 
second  part,  the  Reeponaorialet  contained  the 
Responsories  aft«r  the  lessons  at  Noctums ;  sad 
the  third  part,  the  Antipihonanimn,  the  Antiphoof 
for  the  Noctums  and  diurnal  offices. 

The  three  parts  together  make  up  what  ii 
generally  understood  by  the  Antipifumale  or  A»r 
Uphonarivm.  The  book  is  also  sometimes  called 
the  Official  Book,  or  the  Office  Book  (liber  offi- 
dalis.  A  MS.  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Gbsdl,  of 
part  of  an  Antiphonary  and  Responsorial  of  the 
usual  type,  is  headed  *'Incipit  officialb  liber"). 
It  seems  also  to  haye  been  occasionally  called  the 
Capitular  Book  (Capitulare).  In  a  MS.  of  St 
Gall,  of  apparently  about  tiie  beginning  of  the 
11th  century,  we  find  the  direction,  "Respon- 
soria  et  Antiphonae  sicut  in  Capitulari  habetnr;" 
and  though,  according  to  the  old  Roman  use  of 
words,  "  Capitulare  *'  means  the  Book  of  Epistles 
and  Gospels,  the  context  in  this  place  naoessitates 

•  De  erd.  Ant^ptL,  Pnioffm. 

h  i£.  ooosists  of  three  partsb  as  the  context  diowa 

*  Ca  the  Ambo  or  its  stepa»flbr  the  eostom  would  saai 
to  haye  yarled. 


AKTIPHOKABIUM 

of  AmUpkimary,    The  word  oocvn, 
throogiftoat  the   MS.  in   the   same 


ANTIPHONARIUM 


101 


AgkiphoBuiei  an  aometiniea  found  Sn  old 
MSS.  Abided  into  two  parts — one  beginning 
with  Admt,  and  ending  with  Wednesday  or 
Boae  liter  daj  (Ibr  the  practice  is  not  nniform) 
ia  the  Holy  Week,  and  the  other  comprising 
thi  rait  of  the  year.  Sometimes,  again,  they 
we  divided  into  two  parts,  containing  respect- 
ivdy  the  senrioes  fbr  the  daily  and  the  nocturnal 
efieHL  Among  the  books  of  the  Monastery  of 
Ffai  (Muatori,  ilsiii*  RaL  ir.)  we  meet  with 
■  JnlipAoiiaribe  octo,  qtthique  diumakSj  tres  noO" 
tmwUm,"  and  in  an  old  inventory  of  the  chnrch 
^ Tij\m  *"  AtU^phonariwn  de  die"  and  **  AnH- 
fkmanmn  dt  nooto  are  mentioned.  We  haye 
that  to  dktingalsh  between— 

(L)  The  AMHpkonariitm  (properly  so  called), 
vUch  f^*^^nH  the  Antiphons  for  the  Noctums 
ssddd^  office* 

(2.)  The  Liber  MeeponeondHe  et  AnHphona- 
rim,  freijnently,  and  in  the  Roman  Church 
waaUy,  called  for  brerity  Aniiphonarimi,  which 
iWTfi— <  the  contents  of  the  last-mentioned 
bsok,  together  with  the  Responsories,  originally 
diridsd  into  two  distinct  parts,  but  afterwards 
nitad  into   one,   and   arranged  in   order   of 


(3u)  The  AaHphonarimnf  otherwise  called  Ora- 
^tek,  Gradale,  or  Oradalis,  and  which  contains 
thoK  Mrtions  of  the  missal  which  are  song  anti- 
fhoadly.    This  is  what  is  called  by  some  Ccmkh 


Ihoae  which  are  meet  frequently  met  with  are 
ifdaMB2and  3. 

1  As  to  the  origin  of  Ajitiphonaries, — St. 
Oitgory  ihft  Great  is,  as  we  haye  stated,  nsnally 
to  haTe  been  the  author  of  Antipho- 
It  is,  however,  maintained  by  some,'  and 
modi  reason,  that  as  the  use  of.  Antiphons 
sad  Bs^onsories  in  the  Roman  Church  was  older 
tiaa  the  time  of  Ox^ory,  it  is  likely  that  books 
if  Antiphons  and  Rmonsories  existed  likewise 
pntnoaily,  and  thai  that  Pontiff  merely  revised 
sad  reainnged  the  Antiphonal  and  Responsorial 
boob  he  found  in  use,  much  in  the  same  manner 
SI  he  recast  the  old  Sacrameniary  of  Gelasius 
iito  wliat  is  now  universally  known  as  the  Ore^ 
ganan  Saerameniary* 

h  hss  been  also  questioned  bv  some  whether 
GngQty,  tlie  reputed  author  of  Antiphonaries, 
■ay  not  be  Pope  Grq;ory  IL  A.D.  715.  But  as 
the  title  of  tts  (?rM<  was  not  ascribed  to  Gregory 
L  till  kng  after  hu  death,*  the  argument  founded 
« the  ahicnee  of  that  title,  which  is  much  relied 
Si,  dees  not  seem  of  great  force. 

The  Roman  Antiphonary,  substantially,  we 
■ay  sappose,  as  Gregory  compiled  it,  was  sent 
hf  Pope  Adrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795)  to  Charle- 
The  received  story  is  that  the  Pope 
two  Antiphonaries  to  the  Emperor  by  two 
(Gantores)  of  the  Roman  Church.'  Of 
Uen,  eoe  AU  ill  on  his  journey,  and  was  received 
it  thi  Monastery  of  St  Gall,  to  which  monastery 

Opero,  It.  p.  aczslv. 

of  Bede^  Qrefloiy  of  Toars,  Jba  kc^ 

or  OngaHmt  P^^fo,  or  0r»- 

;  bok  not  Ongerim  Magnime, 

tUiS  eeeorilog  to  Thomaslus  ( J^  i.  sd 

Wis  dtrided  into  the  parts 


he  left  an  Antiphonary.  The  other  book  reached 
its  destination,  and  was  deposited  at  Hets.  This 
Antiphonary  was  held  in  high  estimation,  as  we 
learn  from  St  Bernard,  who  says  that  the  early 
Cistercians,  who  could  find  nothing  more  authen- 
tic, sent  to  Mets  to  transcribe  the  Antiphonary, 
which  was  reputed  to  be  Gregorian,  for  their 
use.  It  is  also  said  that  the  clergy  of  Mets 
excelled  the  rest  of  the  Gallic  clergy  in  the 
Roman  Church  song  (Romana  Cantilena)  as  much 
as  the  Roman  clergy  excelled  them. 

A  Roman  Antiphonary  was  also  sent  by  Pope 
Gregory  lY.  (A.D.  827-844)  to  the  then  Abbat  of 
Corbie,  which  was  known  as  the  Corbie  Anti- 
phonary ;  and  as  this  often  varies  from  that  of 
Mets,  it  is  inforred  (as  is  probable)  that  certain 
changes  and  variations  between  different  copies 
had  by  that  time  crept  into  the  Antiphonary  as 
compiled  by  Gregory. 

After  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  was  intro- 
duced into  France,  it  soon  underwent  many  addi- 
tions and  modifications. 

Walafrid  Strabo,  who  lived  in  the  9th  century, 
says  that  the  Church  of  Gaul,  which  possessed 
both  learned  men  and  ample  materials  for  the 
divine  offices  of  its  own,  intermingled  some  of 
these  with  the  Roman  offices.  Hence  a  great 
variety  in  the  usages  of  the  different  French 
churches,  on  which  we  need  not  touch. 

3.  As  examples  of  the  contents  of  these  booksy 
we  will  give  a  sketch  of  two. 

(1.)  "Hie  Antiphonary  for  the  Mass,  or  Gra- 
dual, attributed  to  St  Gregory.  This  is  headed 
^  In  Dei  nomine  incipit  Antiphonarius  ordinatus 
a  St  Gregorio  per  chrculum  anni." 

This  title  is  followed  in  the  St  Gall  MS.  by 
the  well-known  lines — 

**  droforiiis  Frsesol  meritis  et  nomine  dlgnm^ 
Undo  genus  ducit  Smnmnm  consoendlt  Honorem,"  elo. 

Tlie  book  contains  the  various  Antiphons  sune 
at  the  Mass  for  the  course  of  the  ecclesiasticu 
year,  divided  into  two  parts ;  that  for  the  Sun- 
days and  moveable  feasts,  and  that  for  the  Saints' 
days.  The  first  part,  corresponding  to  the  Ten^ 
poraie  of  the  Missals,  has  no  special  heading.  It 
begins  with  a  rule  for  finding  Advent  (that  it 
must  not  begin  before  V.  £d.  Dec,  or  after 
UL  Non.  Dec),  and  then  proceeds  with  the 
Sundays  and  Festivals  in  their  course,  beginning 
with  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent  (iHmL  1**  do 
Adventu  Domini),  giving  for  each  day  the  StaHon^ 
the  An^tpAona  ad  Introitmny  with  the  tone  for 
the  Psabn;  the  Besponsoritan  Oradale,  the  Trao- 
tu8f  when  it  occurs ;  the  Antiphona  ad  Offerenda^ 
and  the  Antiphona  ad  Communionemjt  each  with 
its  mrnu  ad  repetendum^  and  the  last  with  its 
paabnelso. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  year,  there  is  little 
to  be  noticed.  The  Sundays  during  the  summer 
are  counted  from  the  Octave  of  Pentecost,  and 
are  called  Dominica  prima  post  Octavos  Pente» 
oostas;  and  so  on  until  the  5th,  which  is  called  in 
some  MSS.  Dominica  prima  post  NatcUe  Aposto^ 
lorum,^  the  numbering  from  the  Octave  of  Pente- 
cost being  likewise  continued  till  Advent  After 
six  of  Uiese  Sundays  post-Natale,  die,  comes 

B  Those  aro  now  oalled  reipectlvely  the  GradtuH  (Onip 
dnal%  or  Gndale),  the  Ofertonf  ((Mhrtoriam>  and  the 
Oommmien  (Ooamiiuiio%  and  the  last  two  aze  sbortenei 
into  a  BUigIa  vorse. 

kU  (A  Ffeter  and  Fink 


102 


ANTIPHONARIUM 


Vomiruca  prima  post  St,  Laurentixf  and  so  on  tbr 
six  Sondays  more,  when  we  come  to  Dominica 
prima  post  8,  Angeli,^  of  which  last  set  of  Son- 
dajs  seven  are  provided.  Trinity  Sunday  does 
not  appear,  bnt  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  is 
called  «<fo  SS.  Trinitatej  [aL"]  Dom,  xxiv.  post 
Octav,'Pentec, ;  and  the  Antiphons  are  those  now 
used  in  the  Roman  Church  on  Trinity  Sunday, 
i.tf.,  the  Octave  of  Pentecost.  The  Festival  of  the 
Circumcision  does  not  appear,  the  day  being  called 
Oct,  Domini,  There  is  also  a  second  office  pro- 
vided for  the  same  day,  according  to  an  old  prac- 
tice, called  variously  In  Natal,  Sanctae  Marias 
or  be  Sancta  Maria  in  Octava  D**j  or  Ad  hono- 
fwn  Sanctae  Mariae.^ 

The  offices  for  Good  Friday  *^ad  crucem  ado- 
randam,"  and  the  Reproaches  (called  here  simply 
Ad  crucem  Antij^tona)  and  that  for  baptism  on 
Easter  Eve,  as  also  various  Litanies  and  other 
occasional  additions  to  the  usual  office,  are  found 
in  their  proper  places. 

The  second  part  is  headed  "2>0  natalitiis 
Sanetorum,**  and  corresponds  with  the  Sanctorale 
of  later  books.  It  begins  with  the  festival  of  St. 
Lucy  [Dec.  13],  and  ends  with  that  of  St.  Andrew 
[Nov.  30].  This  is  followed  k  the  St.  Gall  MS. 
by  offices  for  St.  Nicholas,  the  Octave  of  St. 
Andrew,  St.  Damasus  [Dec.  11],  and  the  Vigil  of 
St.  Thomas,  and  one  for  the  Festival  of  St.  Thomas, 
)vbich  difiera  from  that  previously  given.  There 
are  also  a  variety  of  occasional  and  votive  offices. 

The  Festival  of  All  Saints  is  found  in  some 
MSS.  There  is  one  Festival  of  the  Chair  of  St, 
Peter  in  one  of  the  St.  Gall  copies  on  Jan.  IS,** 
and  one  in  three  MSS.  on  Feb.  22.«  There  is  no 
addition  in  either  case  of  the  words  Romae  or 
Antiochiae,  and  both  are  not,  it  seems,  found  in 
the  same  MS. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  arrangement,  take  the 
fint  Mass  for  Christmas  Day,  that  in  media  node 
or  in  gain  cantu. 

"VIIL  Kalendas  Jannarii 

N&tivltas  Domini  nostri  Jesa  CbrlstL 

Ad  Sauctam  Marinm. 

Antiphona  ad  Introitum. 
Domfnos  dixit  ad  me,  FUios  mens  es  to.  Ego  bodie 
genui  te.    [Dominos  dbcit] 

Tan.W.  oiOjewmae, 
Ps.  2.  Qn«re  fremnenmt  gentes?  et  popnli  medltati 
tantinanla?  [Domlnus  dixit]  [Gloria.  Dominus  dixit] 
.  P  od  rejpetenduM.  Postula  a  me,  et  dabo  tibi  gentes 
haeredltatem  toam.  et  poaeessloDem  tuam  termlnoB  terrae. 
[DominuB  dixit.]" 

Then  follow  successively  the  Besponsorium 
gradate^  the  Antiphona  ad  offerenda,  and  the 
Antiphona  ad  Cammunionem,  each  with  it« 
versus,  and  the  last  with  its  psalm  and  versus  ad 
Yepetendum.  All  these  Antiphons  are  repeated 
in  the  manner  which  has  been  explained  in  the 
article  on  Antiphons;   and  as  they  are  of  the 

'    >  i.e.  Ang.  10. 

^  i.e.  Mldiaelmas,  as  we  sbould  say. 

■■  This  lias  been  put  forward  as  an  ai^^ment  for  the 
Gregorian  authorship  of  this  Antlphonary,  as  it  Is  said 
that  St.  Gregory  was  in  the  habit  of  celebrating  two 
masses  on  this  day,  the  second  of  which  was  **de  Sancta 
Maria." 

■  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter  at  Borne. 

«  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the 
Chai  r  of  St  Peter  at  Antioch. 


ANTEPHONAKIUM 

ordinary  form,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  set 
them  out  at  length  here. 

(2.)  As  an  example  of  ui  Antiphonary  for  the 
canonical  hours,  we  will  take  the  Antiphonary  of 
the  Vatican  Basilica.  It  is  a  MS.  with  mosical 
notation  differing  from  that  adopted  later.  It 
represents  the  use  of  the  Roman  Church  in  the 
12th  century,  and  may  be  considered  as  embody- 
ing the  substance  of  the  Gregorian  Antiphonaiy, 
together  with  some  later  additions.  It  is  headed 
— ^*  In  nomine  Domini  Jesu  Christi  incipit  Be- 
sponsoriale  et  Antiphonarium  Romanae  Ecdesiae 
de  circulo  anni  juxta  veterem  usum  Canonicoram 
Basilicae  Vaticanae  St.  Petri."  It  begins  with  a 
calendar,  with  the  usual  couplets  of  hexameten 
at  the  head  of  each  month,  and  then,  without 
any  further  title,  proceeds  with  the  Antiphons 
at  the  first  Vespers  of  the  first  Sunday  in  Ad* 
vent,  and  thence  onwards  throughout  the  coum 
of  the  year,  giving  the  Antiphons  at  Noctanu 
and  all  the  hours;  and  the  Responsories  after 
the  lessons  at  Noctums.  These  Antiphons  and 
Responsories  ai*e  so  nearly  the  same  as  those  ia 
the  present  Roman  Breviary  that  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  quote  more  than  the  following  spedmet 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  set  out : — 

**  Dominica  i.  de  Adventu  Domini. 

Statio  ad  Sanctam  Marlam  Majorem  ad  Praesepe. 

I8tad  Invjtatorium  cantamns  eo  die  ad  MatatinoiD 
nsqne  in  Vigil.  Natal.  Domini,  exoeptls  Festivitatlbu 
Sanctorum. 

Begem  venturum  Dorolnum,  venite  ■^^rfmns.  Venila 
in  i.  Noctumo. 

Ant,  Missus  est  Gabriel  Angelus  ad  Mariam  Viiiginen 
deeponsatam  Joseph.  PtaL  Beatns  vir.  Qoare  frenro- 
eront.    Domine  quid.    Domine  ne  in. 

AnL  Ave  Maria,  gratia  plena,  benedlcta  td  inter  rnnfi- 
erea.  Psal.  Domine  Dens  mens.  Domine  Douinos 
noster.    Oonfitebor.    in  Domino  confido. 

Ant.  Ne  timeas  Maria,  invenisti  gratiam  apod  Domi^ 
nam ;  ecce  concipies  et  paries  Fllium.  Alleluja.  PSnIL 
Salvum  me  fac.  Usqnequo.  Dixit  insiplena.  Domini 
quia 

V.  Ostende  nobis  Domine  misericordlam  Tuam. 

R.  Et  salutare  Tuum  da  nobis." 

Then  follows  a  long  rubric,  directing  how  the 
Responsories  should  be  sung,  and  then  the  thres 
well-known  Responsories : — 

(1)  Aspiciens  a  longe,  kc 

(2)  Aspiciebam  In  visu  noctis,  kc 

(3)  Missus  est  Gabriel,  &a 

The  lessons  are  not  indicated;  but  the  Re- 
sponsories ai*e  usually  taken  from  ihe  book  which 
is  being  read  in  its  course.  Thus,  on  the  Octave 
of  Pentecost  the  Books  of  the  Kings'  were 
begun ;  and  we  have  the  rubric,  **  Historia 
Regum  cantatur  usque  ad  Ealendas  Augusti,* 
followed  by  a  series  of  Responsories  taken  or 
adapted  from  those  books  for  use  during  that 
time.i 

The  Antiphons,  &c.,  for  ordinaiy  week  days 
(Feriae)  are  given  after  the  Octave  of  the  Epi- 
phany. On  days  on  which  there  are  nine  lesson^ 
nine  Responsories  are  given.  According  to  the 
present  Roman  custom,  the  ninth  is  replaced  by 
Te  Deum  on  those  days  on  which  it  is  said. 

There  is  also  an  Antiphonary  of  this  description 


p  Including  what  we  call  the  Books  of  Samnel. 

1  The  older  Roman  custom  was  to  sing  In  the  OcUve 
of  Pentecoet  and  daring  the  following  week  Besponsorles 
from  the  Psahns  (de  PsahnisU)  after  thatfhmtbs  KJo» 


ANTISTEB 

mAnM  to  St.  Gngoiy,  which  ezists  at  Bi, 
(ML  It  it  hetried  bj  an  introduetioE  in  Terse, 
vUch  Ugiaf  thus— 

•Baeipofw  OnforlQS  Pttra  de  more  aecntnt, 

iHtuiiBvlt  o|Ri^  Mizii  et  In  melius, 
ffis  f%IIl  CkrnB  meniem  cnnamtne  labdit 
(MUboii  pueem  hoc  na  oorda  faTO.* 
(■BdnooforHllMa.) 

Hie  MS.  bean  the  heading — ^^Mncipinnt  Re- 
MMfia  et  Antiphonae  per  drculum  anni." 
Vmt  are  in  the  main  identical  with  those  in  the 
Aatiphooanr  jnst  mentioned,  but  are  arranged 
witk  reftrence  to  the  monastic  distribution  of 
pidBis  and  leMona. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Antiphonary  is  a  large 
Hmber  of  Antiphons,  given  for  the  Benedicite, 
tke  BmedictUf  and  the  Magnificat  respectively. 

h  a  portion  of  an  Antiphonary  ("  ex  vetus- 
tinao  oodiee  MS.  membranaceo  Palatine  signato 
inL  497  in  Bibliotheca  Yaticana,  in  quo  conti- 
■atarTetnstiorea,  germanioresque  libelli  Ordinis 
RaBaai*^  containing  the  service  for  Easter 
vedc,  one  or  more  of  the  Antiphons  to  the 
prnfans  for  each  day  is  given  in  Greek,  but 
vxittea  in  Roman  chkractera,  the  others  remain- 
^  IB  Latin.  Thos  at  Vespers  on  Easter  Tuesday, 
titt  Antiphon  to  Pa.  czii  is  thus  given — 

'AIM^IiL    ProieclMie  laoe  mn  to  Qomo  mu :  dlnate  to 
■  hfua  li  ta  lUmata  tn  stomatoe  mo. 
f.  IMso  en  ptinibolaes  to  stoma  ma  :  phtbenxomae 


APOLLONIUS 


103 


Those  to  the  other  psalms  at  the  same  Vespers 
art  in  Latin. 

This  may  suffice  to  explain  the  general  nature 
of  Aatiphonaries.  The  consideration  of  the  many 
paiits  of  interest  which  their  details  present  is 
hjwd  the  scope  of  this  article.  [U.  J.  H.] 

ANTI8TE8.— This  title  appears  to  have 
beta  common  to  bishops  and  presbyters  in  the 
Esriy  Church.  As  the  name  ^  saoerdos  "  is  com- 
BMn  to  both  estates  in  respect  of  the  offices  of 
tiriae  service  which  were  performed  by  both, 
10  ia  respect  of  the  government  of  the  Church 
ia  vkich  they  were  associated,  we  find  them 
deaignsted  alike,  sometimes  as  **  Presbyters  "  as 
■aiiii^  their  age  and  dignity — sometimes  in 
reelect  of  their  ^core"  or  charge — as  **antis- 
tites,**  rpoHrrmrtSy  praepositi.  Thus  in  the  first 
euea  of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  the 
baliop  and  presbyter  are  both  expressly  classed 
uM«g  the  vpoco-TWTcf,  and  the  corresponding 
title  of  ^'Antistites"  is  evidently  extended  to 
t^  seeood  order  of  the  ministry  by  St.  Augus- 
tine {Serm.  351  <U  Poeniterdid),  as  follows :  "  Ve- 
■iit  (peccator)  ad  aidistUes,  per  quos  illi  in 
tedesii  daves  ministrantur,  et  .  .  .  a  praepo- 
■tat  sacramentomm  accipiat  satisfactionis  suae 
■odom."  Here  it  is  plain  that  '^antistites  in 
Mdeni''  are  not  the  bishop  alone,  but  the  bishop 
sad  the  presbyters.  This  usage  of  the  word 
■pecs  with  that  of  Archisynagogus  in  the 
Jewish  synagogue,  and  may  have  been  suggested 
^  it  (Thomdike,  Primitive  Oovemmmt  of 
Oardss,  voL  i.  p.  34.)  [D.  B.] 

ANTOKlOnS,  saint,  commemorated  April  19 
{Mart  Bedae),  [C] 

*9pt9ixm  KaM  /imv  rtf  vifuf  ^tov  *  Kkivan  rh  oit 
■P^  ••«  tA  p4fLara  to*  9Tdft«Tt^  lum. 


AXTQNINA,  martyr,  commemorated  June 
10  (Col,  Byzant.,  Neale).  [C] 

ANTONINUS.  (1)  Abbat,  Jan.  17  {M. 
Hieron.), 

(8)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  May  4  (^Sf,  ffieron,). 
(8)  Martyr  at  Apamea,  commemorated  Sept.  2 
(MaH,  Bom,  Vet.) ;  Sept,  3  (Mart  Hienm.).  [C] 

ANTONIUS.  (1)  The  hermit,  Jan.  17  (Mart 
Bedaej  Col,  Byzant,  Armen.), 

(8)  Martyr  at  Bome,  commemorated  Aug.  22 
(Mart.  Bom,  Vet.). 

(8)  In  Piacenza,  Sept.  30  (if.  Hieron.). 

(4)  In  Caesarea,  commemorated  Nov.  18 
(Mart  Hieron,).  [C] 

ANYSIA,  martyr  of  Thessalonica,  conmiemo- 
rated  Dec  30  (CaL  Byzant),  [C] 

APEB,  bishop,  conunemorated  Sept.  15  (Mart. 
Bedae,  Hieron.),  [C] 

APCKDREOS  CAiTi^icpcw;).— The  Sunday  in 
the  Orthodox  Greeic  Calendar,  which  corresponds 
to  our  Sexagesima  Sunday,  is  called  Kvptcuc^ 
*Air6Kptws,  because  from  it  the  abstinence  from 
flesh  begins,  though  the  more  strict  observance  of 
the  Lent  fast  does  not  commence  until  the  follow- 
ing Sunday.  [Lent.]  The  whole  of  the  preceding 
week  is  also  named  from  this  Sunday,  and  is  a 
kind  of  carnival.  [C.] 

APOCRISIARIUS.    [Lboate.] 

AP0D0SI8  CAirrf«o<rij).— When  the  com- 
memoration of  a  Festival  is  prolonged  over  several 
days,  the  last  day  of  this  period  is  called  in  the 
Greek  Calendar  the  **ApodoBis"  of  the  FestivaL 
For  instance,  on  the  Thursday  before  Pentecost 
is  the  Apodosis  of  the  Ascension  (&xo8(8otcu  ^ 
'EopT^  r^s  'AvoX^tfrcws).  In  this  case,  and  in 
some  others  (for  instance,  the  Exaltation  of  the 
Cross  and  the  Transfiguiiition)  the  Apodosis 
coincides  with  the  octave ;  but  this  is  not  always 
the  case.  Sometimes  the  period  is  more  than  an 
octave ;  Easter-day,  for  instance,  has  its  Apodosis 
on  the  eve  of  the  Ascension :  but  generally  it  is 
less ;  the  Nativity  of  the  Theotoicos  (Sept.  8),  for 
instance,  has  its  Apodosis  Sept.  12.  (Neale's 
Eastern  Church,  Introd,  764;  Daniel's  Codex 
Liturgicus,  iv.  230.)  [C] 

APOLLINABIS.      (1)  Bishop,   martyr  at 
Ravenna,  commemorated  July  23  (Mart,  Bom, 
Vet  J  Bedae).    Antiphon  for  Natalie  Sancti  Apol- 
linaris  in  Liber  Antiphon,  p.  704. 

(8)  Commemorated  Aug.  23  (Mart  Bedae), 

(8)  "  Avernus,"  Sept.  26  (M,  Hieron.), 

(4)  Bishop,  Oct.  6  (/6.  et  Hieron,).  [C] 

APOLLINARIUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
June  5  (Mart.  Bedae),  [C] 

APOLLONIA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Alexandria, 
commemorated  Feb.  j  (Mart,  Bom,  Vet),    [C] 

APOLLON,  bishop  and  martyr,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  10  (MaH,  Hieron,),  [C] 

APOLLONIUS.  (1)  Commemorated  March 
19  (Mart  Bedae), 

(8)  Of  Egypt,  commemorated  April  5  (Mart, 
Bom.  Vet);  Dec.  14  (Cal.  Byzant,), 

(8)  Presbyter,  of  Alexandria,  April  10  (lb,  et 
Hteron,), 

(4)  Senator,  martyr  at  Rome,  April  18  (/ft. 
ei  Bedae), 


104 


APOSTASY 


(5)  Commemorated  July  7  (Mart  Bedae  et 
Hieronjy, 

(6)  Commemorated  Dec.  23  ( Jf.  EierotL),  [C] 

APOSTASY  (Axmrroo-fo,  apoOasia,  praevari- 
catid)  is  of  three  kinds.  1.  Apostasy  a  fide,  or 
perfidiae;  2.  Apostasy  a  reUgione;  3.  Apostasy 
a6  ordffitf  tmcepto.  Of  these  the  two  last  wiU 
be  more  appropriately  considered  under  the 
articles  Monastioism  and  DESERTION. 

Apostasy  a  fide  is  the  voluntary  and  com- 
plete abandonment  of  the  Faith  by  those  who 
have  been  made  members  of.  the  Ghnrch  by 
baptism.  It  is  voluntary^  and  herein  to  be  dis- 
tinguished ftrom  the  sin  of  the  lapsed  [Lafsi]^ 
who  fall  away  through  compulsion  or  the  fear 
of  death ;  it  is  also  oompUtey  and  consequently  a 
graver  crime  than  heresy,  which  is  the  denial 
of  one  or  more  of  the  articles  of  the  Faith,  but 
not  an  entire  rejection  of  the  Faith  itself.  Lastly, 
Apostasy  is  an  abandotument  of  the  Faith,  and 
therefore  an  offence  which  could  only  be  com- 
mitted by  members  of  the  Church,  by  those 
who  had  in  baptism  taken  the  soldier's  oath  to 
fight  under  her  standard.  For  this  reason  apos- 
tates were  accounted  to  be  betrayers  of  their 
Master's  cause,  and  deserters  from  the  ranks 
in  which  they  had  sworn  to  serve.  ''Praeva- 
ricatores  eos  ezistlmamus,  qui  susceptam  fidem 
et  cognitionem  Dei  adeptam  relinquunt;  aliud 
poUicitos,  et  aliud  nunc  agentes"  (St.  Hilar, 
hct.  in  Pt,  118,  wr».  119). 

It  would  also  appear  that  catechumens  were 
by  some  considered  capable  of  committing  the 
sin  of  apostasy  (Cod.  Theod.,  De  Apostat.  zvi.  7,  2), 
although  their  guilt  was  not  so  great  as  that  of 
the  baptized  apostate. 

Apostates  a  fide  were  of  two  classes:  those 
who  became  Jews,  and  those  who  became  Pagans. 
Of  the  former  class  there  were  thoee  who  entirely 
abandoned  the  Christian  Faith,  and  who  there- 
fore were  properly  called  apostates;  and  those 
who  did  not  altogether  reject  it,  but  mingled  to- 
gether Christianity  and  Judaism,  and,  as  it  were, 
made  for  themselves  a  new  religion.  Such  were 
the  Coelicolae,  Cerinthiani,  £bionaei,  Nazaraei, 
£lcesaei,  and  Samsaeu  There  were  others,  again, 
who  were  also  called  apostates,  who,  without 
embracing  any  distinctive  Jewish  doctrines,  ob- 
served parts  of  the  ceremonial  law,  such  as  rest- 
ing on  the  Sabbath,  or  who  kept  the  Jewish 
feasts  and  fasts,  or  consulted  Jews  with  the 
object  of  procuring  charms  for  the  cure  of  sick- 


And,  secondly,  there  were  those  who  volun- 
tarily abandoned  Christianity  and  returned  to 
heathenism.  And  persons,  who  without  going 
to  this  length,  accepted  the  office  of  flamen,  or 
who  attended  sacrifices  (except  in  the  discharge 
of  duty),  or  joined  as  actors,  stage  players,  or 
charioteers  in  the  heathen  games,  or  who  sold 
animals  or  incense  for  sacrifice,  or  manufactured 
idols  and  the  like,  were  considered  to  have  be- 
trayed their  faith  and  to  be  guilty  of  a  sin  almost 
as  grave  as  that  of  apostasy,  and  to  merit  the 
name  of  apostates  (Devoti.  Inst.  Can,  iv.  3; 
Bingham,  Aftfig.  zvi.  6,  4). 

The  crime  of  apostasy  was  punished  in  the 
same  way  as  heresy,  though  it  was  a  graver 
offence.  There  are  also  special  enactments  in  re- 
ference to  it,  both  in  the  canons  of  Councils  and 
ill  the  constitutions  of  the  Christian  emperors. 


APOSTASY 

By  the  1 1th  canon  of  the  Oecumenical  Coued 
of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325),  those  who  had  voluntarily 
denied  Christ,  if  they  gave  proof  of  hearty  re- 
pentance, were  admitted  for  three  years  amongst 
the  audientes.  For  the  next  seven  years  they 
were  permitted  to  become  eubttroH,  and  were 
obliged  to  leave  the  church  at  the  same  time  as 
the  catechumens.  After  the  expiration  of  this 
term  they  were  allowed  to  join  as  contUltenteB  in 
the  prayers  of  the  faithful ;  but  two  years  hsd 
still  to  elapse  before  they  were  permitted  . 
to  make  oblations,  or  to  partake  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist;  then  they  were  said  i\Bw  M  rh 
riKtiov  (cf.  Beveridge,  Pand,  Can*  Amuiaiiones  i 
in  loc,  and  Bingham,  Antiq.  viiu  8 ;  zviii.  1). 

These  provisions  were  an  amelioration  of  the 
earlier  discipline  of  the  Church,  as  we  learn  from 
St.  Cyprian  (a.d.  252).  <<Apostatae  vero  et  de- 
sertores  vel  adversarii  et  hpstes  et  Christi  £cele- 
siam  dissipantes,  nee,  si  oocisi  pro  nomine  foris 
fuerint,  admitti  secundum  Apostolum  possunt 
ad  ecclesiae  pacem,  quando  nee  Spiritus  nee  Eocle- 
siae  tenuerunt  unitatem  "  (St.  Cyprian,  Ep,  Iv. 
ad  fin.). 

By  the  63rd  (or  64th)  of  the  Canons  of  the 
Apostles,  clerks  who  went  into  synagogues  to 

Eray  were  deposed  and  exoommtmicated  ;  and  if 
tymen  committed  a  like  offence  they  were  ex- 
communicated (on  the  interpretation  of  this  canon 
with  regard  to  the  question  whether  or  not  clerics 
were  to  be  excommunicated  as  well  as  deposed, 
see  Beveridge,  Pand,  Can,  Annoiationes,  in  loc.). 
The  same  punishments  were  by  the  65th  (or 
66th)  canon  inflicted  on  clerks  and  laymen  wbo 
fasted  on  the  Lord's  Day,  or  upon  any  Sabbath 
Day  except  the  Great  Sabbath,  Easter  Eve ;  and 
by  the  69th  (or  70th)  canon,  those  were  included 
who  observed  Jewish  fasts  or  feasts,  or  (canon 
70  or  71)  who  gave  oil  for  consumption  in  syna- 
gogues or  heathen  temples. 

By  the  1 1th  canon  of  the  ^  Concilium  Qnmi- 
sextum,"  or  "in  Trullo"  (a.d.  691  or  692),  the 
clergy  and  laity  were  forbidden — the  former  under 
pain  of  deposition,  and  the  latter  under  pain  of 
excommunication — ^to  eat  unleavened  bread  with 
Jews,  or  to  have  any  friendly  intercourse  with 
them,  or  to  consult  them  in  ackness,  or  even  to 
enter  the  baths  in  their  company. 

In  Africa,  by  the  35th  canon  of  the  Srd 
Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  397)  "Apostaticis  con- 
versis  vel  reversis  ad  Dominum  gratia  vel  re- 
conciliatio  non  negetur." 

In  the  East,  by  the  29th  canon  of  the  Conndl 
of  Laodicea  (a.d.  365,  according  to  Beveridge) 
Christians  were  forbidden  to  Ju(Uiize  (lov^atfwf) 
under  the  penalty  of  anathema.  By  the  37th 
and  following  canons  of  the  same  Council  they 
were  forbidden  to  be  present  at  Jewish  or  Pagan 
feasts. 

In  Spain,  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (a.d.  305  or 
306)  contains  several  provisions  for  the  supprs* 
sion  and  punishment  of  apostasy ;  for  example, 
by  the  first  canon  persons  of  full  age,  who  after 
baptism  went  to  a  heathen  temple  and  sacrificed 
to  an  idol  were  reftised  communion,  even  at  the 
hour  of  death.  By  the  46th  canon  of  the  same 
Council  apostates  who  have  not  been  guilty  of 
idolatry  are  admitted  to  communion  after  tea 
years'  penance ;  by  the  49th  the  blosing  of  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  by  Jews  is  forbidden,  and 
those  who  allow  that  ceremony  to  be  performed 
are  cast  out  altogether  from  the  CShurch.    Upoi 


AF06TABT 


APOSTLE 


105 


tkboiM  H«fele  (QMcaieiigemAiekte,  u  148)  o^ 
mnu:  **!!  Spun  the  Jews  had  beeome  so  dq- 
wiMt  sad  powerlVil  dnring  the  early  ages  of  the 
Ghrktiaa  era  that  »Dej  believed  they  might  ren- 
tuf  to  attempt  to  eoDTert  the  whole  country.  .  . 
Tkcri  it  Bo  doubt  that  at  that  period  many 
ChriitiBas  in  Spain  of  high  standing  became  con- 
ftns  CO  jwnswii* 

A^UD,  by  the  59th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Toledo  (ajk  633X  apostate  Jews  who  practise 
dfcnndiioo  are  punished ;  but  (canon  61)  their 
duUicB,  if  beliereiBy  are  not  ezclnded  from  sue- . 
MMB  to  their  property.  The  next  canon  (62) 
ftrbids  any  interoonrse  between  conrerted  Jews 
tad  thoic  wlio  remain  in  their  old  fidth ;  and  there 
ai«  oerenl  other  canons  which  show  that  apos- 
Utf  to  Judaism  waa  still  a  prevalent  crime  in 
Spis ;  aS)  for  »««**«a*^  the  64th  canon,  which 
«dttB9  that  the  eridenoe  of  apostate  Jews  should 
■ot  be  received  in  a  ooort  of  justice. 

la  the  Frsach  Conncils  there  are  several  canons 
ithtiag  to  apostasy^  By  the  22nd  canon  of  the  Ist 
OoiBcil  of  Aries  (ajx  S14)  it  was  forbidden  to 
pn  oonunanion  to  apostates  who  sooght  it  in 
arkiiw.  nntil  they  were  restored  to  h«!dth,  and 
kd  «hfl«tJMi  proper  evidence  of  their  repent- 


By  the  12th  canon  of  the  Cotmcil  of  Vennes 
(iJi  465)  the  clergy  were  forbidden  to  attend 
Jcwkh  banqfnets  or  to  invite  Jews  to  their  own 
liMsi  s  prohibition  which  was  repeated  in  the 
40th  caaeo  of  the  Goondl  of  Agde  (A.D.  506),  and 
eitcaded  to  laymen  by  the  15th  canon  of  the 
Coaadl  of  Epone  (A.D.  517),  and  also  by  the  13th 
OBoaof  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans  (aj>.  538), 
and  the  15th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Macon 
(A.  a  581> 

la  the  eollectiona  of  the  Imperial  Law — ^the 
*Codcx  Theodttdaniia '  (which  was  promulgated 
UK  436)  eoBtaina  Tarions  provisions  made  by  the 
ChnttisB  emperors  for  the  punishment  of  apos- 
iMj.  CoBstantine  the  Great  ordained  (a.d.  315) 
ikst  spostates  to  Judaism  should  suffer  **  poenas 
writes"  (Ood,  Tlwod.  zvi  8,  IX  which  were  de- 
faed  by  Oenstantius  (A.11.  357)  to  be  the  oonfis- 
citioo  of  the  property  of  the  offender  (Cod. 
Vmd.  ivL  8,  7).  lliey  were  deprived  by  Yalen- 
tiaka  the  Younger  (a.d.  383)  of  the  ju8  Uttandi, 
bet  the  action  upsetting  the  will  had  to  be 
keoght  within  five  years  of  the  death  of  the 
tMtstor,  and  by  persons  who  liad  not  in  his 
Ufatime  known  of  his  offence,  and  remained 
■kat  (Cbd:  Theod.  xvi.  7,  3>  Apostates  to  Pa- 
gniiB  were  deprived  by  llieodosius  the  Great 
(UK  381)  of  the  pu  iaiandi  (Cod.  Theod,  xvi.  7, 
1);  bat  another  constitution  of  the  same  emperor, 
pnnvlgated  A.D.  383,  made  a  distinction  be- 
tincn  the  baptized  (Cftrudumt  ac  fideles)  and 
dtcebumeBs  {CkrigHam  et  caieckiimeru)^  and  the 
litter  were  permitted  to  execute  testamentary 
di^ositioM  in  fKtoQX  of  their  sons  and  brothers 
fonnan.  By  this  oonstitutijun  it  was  farther  pro- 
vided that  apostates  should  not  only  be  unable, 
with  the  forecoing  exceptions,  to  bequeath  pro- 
perty by  wil^  but  should  also  be  incapable  of 
Rcetriag  property  under  the  will  of  another 
pnon  (CodL  Thtod,  xvi.  7,  2).  One  day  later 
Valcatiaian  the  Younger  promulgated  through- 
set  the  Western  Empire  the  constitution  dted 
abort,  which  applied  to  all  classes  of  apostates 
aliks (CbdL  Theod,  xvL  7,  3>  By  a  constitution 
rf  the  y«K  391  Um  Mme  emperor  ordained  that 


baptised  apostates  professing  P^nism  should  be 
deprived  of  the  right  of  bequeathing  by  will,  of 
receiving  property  under  a  will,  of  bearing  wit- 
ness in  a  court  of  justice,  and  of  succeeding  to  an 
inheritance.  They  were  also  condemned  "  a  oon- 
sortio  omnium  segregari"  (on  the  meaning  of 
this  expression  see  the  note  of  Godefiroi,  in  he.^ 
and  were  dismissed  from  all  posts  of  civil  dignity. 
It  was  also  declared  that  these  penalties  remained 
in  force  even  though  the  apostate  repented  of 
his  sin — **perditi8,  hoc  est  sanctum  Baptismum 
profanantibus,  nullo  remedio  poenitentiae  (quae 
solet  aliis  criminibus  prodesse)  succurritur  "  (Cod. 
2%eod.  xvi.  7»  4-5).  Arcadius  (a.d.  396)  extended 
the  power  which  his  father  Theodosius  the  Great 
had  given  to  apostate  catechumens  to  make  cer- 
tain testamentary  dispositions,  and  ordained  that 
all  apostates,  whether  baptized  or  catechumens, 
should  have  the  power  to  bequeath  property  to 
their  father  and  mother,  brother  and  sister,  son 
and  daughter,  and  grandson  and  granddaughter 
(Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7,  6).  The  last  constitution 
contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  under  this 
title  is  a  very  severe  enactment  of  Yalentinian 
the  Third  (A.D.  426),  abrogating  the  provisions 
of  the  above-oited  constitution  of  Valentinian  the 

« 

Younger  of  the  year  323,  as  far  as  it  related  to 
apostates  to  Paganism.  Under  its  provisions  a 
person  could  be  accused  of  apostasy  at  any  time, 
although  five  years  may  have  passed  since  his 
death,  and  it  was  immaterial  whether  the  accuser 
had  or  had  not  been  privy  to  the  offence.  Apo- 
states were  also  prohibited  from  disposing  of 
their  property  by  will  and  from  alienating  it  by 
sale  or  gift  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7  ult.).  The  <*  Para- 
titlon"  prefixed  to  this  title  in  the  edition  of 
Godefroi  (Leipsic,  1736,  &c.)  gives  a  brief  but 
very  useful  summary  of  its  contents. 

The  ^  Codex  Bepetitae  Praelectionis  "  promul- 
gated by  Justinian  in  December  A.D.  534  contains 
a  title,  **  De  Apostatis  "  (Lib.  I  tit.  7),  the  first 
four  Sections  of  which  relate  to  this  subject,  and 
consist  of  extracts  from  the  *'  Codex  Theodosi- 


M 


anus.' 

The  first  section  re-enacts  the  constitution  of 
Constantius  (A.D.  357),  by  which  the  property  of 
apostate  Jews  is  confiscated  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  8, 
7).  The  second  section  contains  that  part  of  the 
constitution  of  Valentinian  the  younger  (A.D. 
383),  which  limits  the  time  in  which  an  accusa- 
tion of  apostasy  could  be  brought  (Cod.  Theod. 
xvi.  7,  8).  In  the  third  section  the  constitution 
of  the  same  emperor  (a.d.  391)  is  re-enacted, 
which  is  contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  (xvi. 
7,  4),  and  is  cited  above.  The  fourth  section  re- 
peats the  enactment  of  Valentinian  the  Third 
(A.D.  426),  by  which  very  severe  penalties  were 
inflicted  on  apostates  (Uod.  Theod.  xvi  7  ult. 
cited  above).  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  le- 
gislation of  Justinian  was  not  more  tolerant  than 
that  of  his  predecessors  in  its  treatment  of  this 
offence. 

Although  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article,  it 
may  be  noted  that  the  title  of  the  Decretals  re- 
lating to  apostasy  is  the  9th  title  of  the  fifth 
book  0*De  Apostatis  et  Reiterantibus  Baptisms  "). 
The  subject  is  also  considered  by  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  (Brnma  Theol.  2-2,  quaestio  12>  [L  B.] 

APOSTATE  (&TMrrctTi|s,  apodato^  praefxui- 
oator).    See  Ap08TAST. 

AFOBTLE  (in  Hagiology).    The  word  'Avd 


lOG 


APOSTLES 


iTTo\oi  it  Dsel  in  the  Gnek  Cateudar  to  dtslgnita 
not  onlf  thoK  who  are  called  Apostles  m  the 
Htw  Teitameat,  bat  the.Sevent;  Disciples  aod 
others  who  were  companJODS  of  the  Apostles, 
strictly  so  ctdled.  It  is  applied,  for  iDitanra,  to 
Agabos,  RafOs,  Asjiicritiu,  and  others,  supposed 
to  be  of  the  Seveoty  (April  S) ;  and  to  AiuuiiBs 
of  Daiutucns  (Oct.  1).  Bat  the  Apostles,  in  the 
narrower  sense,  are  distiaguished  from  othen  t« 
whom  the  title  is  applied  bj  some  epithet  or 
description.  For  iostuice,  Kor.  30  is  described 
u  the  FestiTsl  tsD  iylov  iyS6iou  nal  waytiup^ 
uvu  'ATOrmfAou  'Avlpt'ou  toG  UpttTaKkirrov, 
■c.T.A. ;  SS.  Peter  uid  Paul  are  described  bj 
the  terms  rp<rroitO|>i>f«riii,  in  addition  to  the 
epithets  applied  to  St.  Andrew.  It  is  noteworthy 
lint  the  Constaatinople  "Typicom"  enpresGl; 
ftrbidiSt.  Peter  to  be  called  the  Apostleo/JiotM, 


APOSTLES 

inannnch  as  be  waa  a  teachei  and  culightcMr  ol 
the  whole  world;  and  it  hinU  that  if  any  placa 
is  In  be  connected  with  his  name,  it  shonld  bt 
Autioch  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  261). 

The  term  'laawirriikoi,  the  equal  of  the 
Apostlu,  is  applied  to 

1.  Biihopi  supposed  to  be  consecrated  bj 
Apoetles ;  as  Abercioi  of  Uisrapolis  (Oct  22). 

2.  H0I7  women  who  were  companions  of  the 
Apoetles :  as  Uary  Magdalene,  Junia,  and  Thekla. 

3.  Princes  who  hare  aided  the  spread  of  the 
Faith ;  as  RansUntiDe  nod  Helena  in  the  Ortbo 
doi  (h^ek  Church,  and  Vladimir  in  the  Bunian 
Church. 

4.  The  first  preachers,  or  "  Apostles,"  of  the 
Faith  in  any  countrf;  as  Nina,  in  the  Gaor^iaa 
Calendar  (Neale,  EatUnt  CAurcA,  lotra].  f. 
761).  [C] 


APOSTLES  IN  CHEISTLUf  ART.   §  1. 

In  representations  of  the  Twelre,  antecedent  to 
the   fear  1300  a.d.  or  thereabouts,  only  slight 


u  t""  '"T 


§  2.   tJ/  W«  EasUm  and  Grmk   Churches 
Eastern    monuments  of  an  early  date  are 
limited  in  number,  owie  "      ' 

first  of  the  Iconoclaate, 

cues,  of  theTurks.  Ana  among  tneie  lae  oniv 
ntpreaentatiouB  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  known  to 
the  present  writer  are  the  following.  In  an  early 
Syriac  manoscript  of  the  Gospels  written  at 
Zagba  in  Mesopotamia  in  the  rear  fiSo  a.d.,  now 
in  the  Library  of  the  Medici  at  Floreoce,  is  a 
picture  of  the  AGCensioo,  in  which  twelve  (not 
eleven  only)  Apoetles  are  represented,  the  Vii'gin 
Mary  standing  in  the  midst  of  them  (ste  thi* 
figured  under  Anscis).    Of: 


I  of  St.  i 


Thosalonicn,  figured  by  Teller  and  Pullan  in 
their  'ByEBntine  Architecture,'  pi.  il.,  ili.  Se- 
parate representatious  of  many  of  the  Apoetlea 
will  be  found  among  the  illumioAtions  of  the 
Heuoti^am  Graecomm  of  the  emperor  Basil. 
Theee,  though  of  coDsiderahh  later  date  (1 0th  or 
Ilth  cantary),  are  all  but  ijentical  in  character 


with  those  above  mentioned.  Indeed  the  reli- 
gions art  of  the  Greek*,  as  everything  elae  per- 
taining to  religion,  has  been  stereotyped  once  for 
all  from  the  close  of  the  8th  century  until  now. 
"Greek  art,"  says  M.  DidroO,  "is  wholly  Inde- 
pendent of  time  and  place.  The  painter  of  the 
Mores  reproduces  at  this  day  art  such  as  it  was 
at  Venice  in  the  10th  century;  and  those  Vene- 
tians again  reproduce  the  art  of  Mount  Athot 
four  or  five  centuries  before.  The  costume  of 
the  personages  represented  is  everywhere  and 
at  all  times  the  same,  not  only  in  shape,  but 
in  colour  and  drawing,  even  to  the  very  number 
and  size  of  the  folds  of  a  dress."  For  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Greeks,  at  all  times,  religious  art  has  b«n, 
what  one  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Seventh  General 
Conncil  de8Cril>ed  it — not  a  matter  U>  be  r^u- 
lated  bv  the  inventive  power  of  painlers,  but  bj 
the  prescriptions  and  tradition  of  the  Cbuni 
(Labbe's  Ctwnl.  tom,  vii.  col.  831). 

S  3.  Early  Uonummti  m  tie  Wat.— F.iprr- 
sentations  of  the  Apostles  in  monnments  ofearly 
date,  still  eitstiog  in  Italy  and  in  France,  an 
very  numerous,  and  of  very  various  kinds;  is, 
for  eiample,  in  nmsaics,  fresceea,  marble  sarco- 
phagi, and  even  in  smaller  objects  of  art,  sucb 
■a  vessels  of  glass  or  omamenta  of  bronie.  The 
principal  works  in  which  theee  an  Ggniodtrde- 
scribed  are  cnamerated  in  g  13  beiow. 


APOSTLES 

§  4.  Oottmme  ami  Intignwu — ^In  all  the  early 
WBumtaU  abore  referred  to,  whether  of  the 
bet  or  of  the  West,  in  which  the  Twelve  are 
npnseated,  almost  exactly  the  same  costume 
uiii  iasignia  are  attributed  to  them.  ChilySt. 
Pirtcr  and  St.  Paul  [see  Paul  and  Pcter  below] 
hATC  uy  special  attributes.  The  dress  assigned 
to  then  is  a  loog  tonic  reaching  to  the  feet  (with 
rare  exeeptions,  which  are  confined,  as  far  as  the 
writer  knowi,  to  some  of  the  Roman  catacombs) 
sod  with  a  pallimm  (Iftdnoy)  as  an  enter  gar- 
Boit  The  insignia  by  which  they  are  designated 
an  a  roll  of  a  book  (volumen)  generally  in  the 
left  hand,  indicatiye  of  their  office  as  Preachers 
•f  the  IXrine  Word,  or  a  chaplet  (porona)j  also 
bdd  ia  the  hand,  significant  either  of  the  Mar- 
tjfi  crown,  or  of  w^t  is  but  a  slight  variation 
of  the  same  idea,  the  crown  of  Victory  which 
tke  Lord  bestows  upon  them  who  contend  faith- 
fnliy  unto  the  end.  The  scroll  above  spoken  of 
ii  sometimes  replaced  by  a  codex  or  book  of  the 
store  modem  form  (thiis  latter  is  generally  the 
distinctive  mark  of  a  bishop).  In  the  mosaics  of 
St  Sophia  at  Thessalonica  above  mentioned  (§  2) 
tJie  roll  is  assigned  to  some,  the  codex  to  others, 
while  others  are  represented  without  either. 
[For  an  example  of  the  codex  assigned  to  an 
•poitle  in  Western  Art,  see  Ciampini,  Vet,  Jfon. 
ton.  ii.  tab.  zlliL,  a  monument  of  the  9th  cen- 
tarj.]  They  are  occasionally  represented  as  seated 
QB  *  thrones'  or  chairs  of  state  (see  woodcut,  p. 
106)  in  reference  to  their  delegated  authority 
(compare  Luke  zxiL  30)  to  rule  in  Christ's  name 
•rer  the  Chnrck.  And  in  one  mosaic,  probably 
af  tJie  5th  century,  in  the  church  of  St.  John  in 
Peote  at  Ravenna,  all  the  Twelve  wear  a  kind  of 
tian  or  peaked  cap,  suggestive  of  the  thought 
that  the  office  of  the  Apostles  in  the  Church 
canetponds  to  that  of  the  High  Priest  under 
the  Law.  [See  farther  under  TiARA.]  This 
monoment  is  engraved  by  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon, 
torn.  L  tab.  Ixx. 

§  5.  Names  of  the  Apostles  in  early  Monuments, 
—In  early  representations  of  the  whole  munJber  of 
the  Twelve  the  addition  of  names  to  each  is 
ef  very  exceptional  occurrence.  The  only  ex- 
aai^  known  to  the  present  writer  is  that  of  a 
BMiaie  referred  to  'above  in  the  church  of  St. 
ifkiL  m  Fonte  at  Ravenna.  The  arrangement 
there  is  a  circular  one,  the  figures  being  so  dis- 
posed that  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  occupy  the 
priadpal  position,  while  the  names,  and  figures, 
of  the  rest  occur  in  the  following  order :  An- 
TfssjkM — Jaoobub — Joannes  — Puiijpus — Bar- 
TDUWECB — SDf ON— Judas  Thadeus— Jacobus 
n— Matkub— Thomaa.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  namber  Twelve  is  obtained,  after  insert- 
iag  the  name  of  St.  Paul,  by  omitting  that  of 
Mathias  This  last  omission  is  generally  made 
in  fimilar  enumerations  of  the  Twelve  in  later 
caturies. 

$  6.  Mode  of  representation. — ^In  Western  mo- 
Bimests  of  the  first  eight  centuries  (the  period 
with  which  we  are  here  principally  concerned) 
the  Twelve  are  almost  invariably  represented  as 
standing,  or  as  seated,  on  either  side  of  our  Lord, 
like  is  either  figured  in  His  human  person,  or 
(aoeh  more  rarely)  symbolically  designated.  In 
cither  case  He  is  distinguished  from  the  Apostles 
theoaelTes  by  conventional  designations  of  higher 
digaity.  And  in  the  case  of  the  Apostles  them- 
isifm  symbolical  designations  sometimes  take  the 


APOSTLES 


107 


place  of  any  more  direct  representation,  while  in 
other  cases,  as  on  many  of  the  sarcophagi,  the 
two  modes  of  representation  are  combined. 

§  7.  Direct  representation — In  many  early  mo- 
numents (see  under  Paul  and  Peter)  there  has 
been  an  evident  attempt  at  portraiture  in  the 
case  of  the  two  *'  chiefest  Apostles."  Of  the  rest, 
some  are  represented  as  of  youthful  appearance, 
and  beardless,  others  as  bearded,  and  of  more  ad- 
vanced years.  But  beyond  this  no  special  tradi- 
tionary rules  of  representation  can  be  traced  in 
early  monuments. 

§  8.  Symbolical  designation. — Of  the  symbols 
employed  to  represent  the  Twelve,  the  most 
common  is  that  of  twelve  sheep,  adopted  (so  it 
has  been  thought)  with  reference  to  those  words 
of  Our  Lord,  *'  Behold  I  send  you  forth  as  sheep 
in  the  midst  of  wolves."  These  twelve  sheep  are 
commonly  represented  six  on  either  side  of  Our 
Lord  (personally  or  symbolically  representedX 
who  is  generally  seen  standing  upon  a  rock, 
whence  flow  four  sti-eams.  To  such  a  repre- 
sentation Paulinns  refers  (in  his  Epist.  xxxii.  ad- 
dressed to  his  friend  Severus,  bishop  of  Milevis 
in  Africa ;  Migne,  F,  C.  C.  tom.  1x1.  p.  366)  in 
speaking  of  his  own  church  at  Nola  in  Campania. 
He  is  writing  ciro.  400  A.D. 

"  Petram  saperstat  Ipse  petra  Eodeslae, 
De  qua  aonori  quatuor  fontes  meant, 
EvangeUatae,  viva  Cbristi  flumina." 

The  two  groups,  each  of  six  sheep,  are  generally 
represented  as  issuing  from  two  towers  repre* 
senting  Betnlehem  and  Jerusalem,  the  cities  of  the 
birth  and  the  passion  of  Our  Lord,  the  beginning 
and  the  end,  as  it  were,  of  that  Life  upon  earth, 
of  which  the  Apostles  were  the  chosen  witnesses. 
Another  symbol,  founded  also,  in  all  probability 
on  words  of  Our  Lord  (*'  Be  ye  . . .  .  harmless  as 
doves,"  Matt.  x.  16)  is  that  of  twelve  doves.  Pau- 
linus,  bishop  of  Nola,  in  the  letter  already  quoted, 
speaks  of  a  mosaic  picture  on  the  roof  of  the  apee 
of  his  church,  on  which  was  represented,  inter 
alia,  a  Cross  surrounded  with  a  '  Corona,'  a  circle 
of  light,  to  use  his  own  words,  and  round  about 
this  Corona  the  figures  of  twelve  doves,  emblem- 
atic of  the  twelve  Apostles.  Beneath  this  picture 
was  the  following  inscription,  descriptive  of  its 
meaning :— - 

"  Pleno  ooroscat  Tiinitaa  mysterio  : 
Stat  Christus  agno ;  vox  Patrls  caelo  tonat ; 
Et  per  oolumbom  Splrilus  Sancius  flui^ 
Cruoem  corona  lucldo  dogit  glubo, 
Coi  coronae  sunt  corona  ApostoU, 
Quorum  flgura  est  in  columbanim  choro." 

A  representation  ^  of  the  Twelve,  nearly  an- 
swering to  this  description,  forms  the  frieze  of  an 
early  sarcophagus  preserved  in  the  Museum  at 
Marseilles,  and  figured  below  (after  Miilin,  Voy^ 
ageSf  etc  plate  Ivi.  6).     Yet  other  symbols  are 


occasionally  used  in  designation  of  Apostles,  bat 
these,  as  being  less  capable  of  definite  interpre- 
tation, are  rather  accompaniments  of  personal 

•  A  cnidflx  with  twelve  doves  upon  the  four  portions 
of  the  cpoas  itself  in  the  apee  of  the  dmrch  of  St  Clement 
at  Rome,  la  of  the  13th  oenlory.  So  Didron,  in  the  Annalet 
Arckaeoloffiquts,  torn,  zxv L  p.  1 7.  Thia  cross  Is  figured  b^ 
Allegranra,  Spitgasione,  &&,  torn.  1.  pi  118. 


108  AP08TLB8 

MpnMnUtloiu  of  the  TwalTe,  thu  BnbiUtnta* 
for  them.  Sucli  tn  palm  tno,  tIubs,  and  other 
trm,  to  which  ■  myttical  nrereace  «u  gitau 
in  Cbriatiui  art  u  well  u  ia  orlf  Chriitfam 
liteimtiiTe.  St  Hila<7  of  Poitou,  commanting  on 
Hitt.  liiL  (tlie  pirabU  of  the  <  Sioapu '  or  Un>- 
tud  PlantX  Me*  in  th«  wad  committwl  to  the 
ground,  anl  then  apringlng  up  therefrom,  a  tjpe 
of  Chriit,  and  in  the  iranoW  of  the  tree,  put 
forth  by  the  Power  of  Chrut,  and  embracing  the 
whole  earth  beneath  their  abade,  a  tjpe  of  the 
Apoatlei,  bnncbei  to  which  Che  Gentilea,  like 
bird*  of  the  air,  ihonld  fly  from  the  world's 
troubling  storms,  and  find  rut.  St.  Augnatine 
Dees  nearly  aimilar  language  in  referenm  to  the 
aame  parable.  (Smno  in  Ftslo  S.  LaumtU.) 
And  thta  traditional  application   aSbrda  a  pro- 


AP0STLE8 
bable  interpretation  of  the  amall  bosh-Uke  tntei 
which  ore  aeen  tanidated  In  aome  earlr  bfcm 
with  epiraa  of  Onr  Lord  and  the  ApoatW  Tla 
iTmboliiiD  of  the  Tine  mnlted  oatntaliy  friM 
the  words  addrsnad  lo  Hie  dlscipiea  by  OnrLoB 
("lamthBTmel  y*  an  the  branchee,"  Job. ir. 
5).  The  palm-tree,  as  the  recognised  lymbol  el 
Tietory  and  of  triumph,  waa  saggeatiTe  of  tlii 
aame  Ihoughta  si  those  indicated  by  the  Tictoi'i 
chaplet  (pimjm)  which  Apoatles  often  b«r  is 
their  hands,  or  have  beitowed  upon  them  bra 
hand  Irom  heaTeii. 

Yet  one  other  lymbol  may  be  reftmd  le, 
nniquB  of  its  kind,  adopted,  eo  it  baa  been  ia^ 
nionily  suggeatod,'  by  soma  poor  man  who  eoold 
not  by  aoy  other  more  elaborate  means  eiprm  tht 
Chriatian  bith  and  hope  ia  which  he  r«al«l.   On 


the  walls  of  the  cemetery  of  St.  Calliitua  ia  an 
'--  -•-■Ion,  in  1     ■       ■         ■  •  ■ 

:ogi»en 

IAAAAAAi^'^AAAAAa] 

The  oantral  letten  of  the  inscription  are  belleTad 
to  reprvarat  the  A  and  Q,  which  frequently  occur 
In  early  monuments  ai  symbols  of  Oai  Lord ; 
while  the  twelve  letters  on  either  side  signify 
the  tweire  Apoatlea,  who  in  early  monuments, 
and  especially  on  sarcophagi,  are  frtqaently  re- 
presented, ail  on  either  hand. 

%  9.  Zaitr  coatentimal  dtsignatioru  of  tht 
different  J/iostfes.— Christian  art  in  the  West 
for  the  last  fire  centuries,  or  rather  more,  haa 
assigned  special  attributes  to  each  one  of  the 
Twelve,  moat  of  them  having  reference  to  late 
traditiona  omaerning  them,  unknown  to  the  earlv 
Church.  These  traditions,  by  their  late  date, 
lie  beyond  the  range  properly  embraced  by  the 
present  work.  But  for  the  sake  of  comparison 
and  contrast  with  the  older  representations  alwTe 
described,  it  may  be  well  very  briefly  to  notice 
them.  For  fuller  particulars,  the  reader  shonld 
consult  Didron's  Manuel  tTlconograpAie  (see  be- 
low S  12)  and  Jameson's  Saertd  and  Ltgendaru 
AH. 

%  10.  Am  AuOiort  of  Mparate  ArticUi  qf  Vie 
Cried. — Probably  the  earliest  of  these  later  modes 

i after  1300  a.D.)  of  designating  the  several 
kpostles,  is  that  of  assigning  to  each  (written  on 
a  scroll  held  in  the  hand)  the  particular  article 
of  the  Creed  of  which  each  was,  by  tradition,  the 
author.  (For  the  tradition  as  to  this  autborahip, 
aee  l>urand],  Rationale,  lib.  iv.  cap,  xxr.)  In  the 
cathedral  church  of  AIbi  (DidroD,  Manual  iTIco- 
nograpMe,  p.  3M)  the  Apoetloa  are  teptwented 
ID  thii  manner. 


S  11.  DiitinsvwAed  by  tpeciai  Iniignii.—it 
an  eumpla  of  yet  another  mode  of  desigcathig 
the  Apostles  individoBllj,  we  may  refer  (with 

Limousin  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Cbartre, 
The  Twelve  are  there  represented  with  the  fol- 
lowing insignia:— St.  Peter  with  the  Keys;  St. 
Paul  with  a  Sword  ;i  at.  Andrew  with  a  Cna, 
saltier-wise;' St.  John  with  aChalicejf  St.  Jama 
theLaaawithaBookSandaClub;'  St.Jamestht 
Elder  with  a  Pilgrim's  StaH;^  a  broad  Hat'  witb 
acaUop-ahelta,  and  a  Book ;  I  St.  Thomaa  with  ai 
Architect's  Square;'    St.  Philip  with    a  smaU 


ample.  In  that  of 

ird,  «illi  tiFD  AposUe*  on  dllwr  I 
IL  AgiKS  at  Rome.    AHngU,  S. 


UMglnrst 


tc    Fama.  ITMi 

'  As  the  tostnuoHit  by  wbLdi  he  waa  belle  vedlolitTt 
anf&red  mar^rdoDi :  or  (so  Dunndo^  Hai,  \,  9p.  1U.  It] 
aaa  Kidler  r>t  Chrtil,  ansed  (sDbe  probsblj  would  au(|"i) 
wWi-UiBiwonlDflheSplrlL'- 


Hsnjniliigies  (snd  In  one  or  two  Western  «SD|ln) 
CTudAcd  on  a  cross  of  tbc  cnll- 
Eee  ibe  JAiuhybw  crasemt,  VOL  L  p.  HI 


srdiilecU  sad  buiUexa 


APOSTLES'  FESTIVALS  AND  FASTS 


109 


OsH,  tb«  ftaff  of  which  is  knotted  like  a  reed ;^ 
Sl  XattiMW  with  a  Pike  (or  Spear);-  St  Ma- 
tUas  with  an  Axe;"  St.  Bartholomew  with  a 
Book*  and  a  Knife  ;■  St.  Simon  with  a  Saw.* 

1 11  AuUkfniiet  referred  to.— In  the  fbllow- 
ii^  aection  are  enumerated  the  principal  works 
ia  wkidb  the  monuments  aboye  refernd  to  are 
fi^ared  or  described.  For  the  Syriac  MS.  re- 
fend  to  in  §  2,  see  the  BMiotheca  Medicea  of 
&  E.  AaRmanns,  Florentiae,  fol.  1742.  For  the 
Greek  Monomenta,  see  Texier  and  PuUan,  Byzan^ 
tm  Ard^iiectMre,  Ibl.  London,  1864.  The  MenO' 
kfiim  Qraeeormm  referred  to  in  §  2  was  published 
at  Drbino,  3  Tola.  fol.  1727.  And  on  the  subject 
«f  the  kter  Greek  Religious  Art  generallj,  see  Di- 
dxen,  MoHmel  ^loonograpkie  CkiiUenM,  Qrecqae, 
4  Laiiaej  Flaris,  1845.  (This  is  a  French  trans- 
ktioa  of  the  'Epfn|yc(a  rqs  (tfypo^iciyf,  or 
'htater's  Guide '  of  Penselinoe,  a  monk  of  Mount 
Ithaa  in  the  1 1th  century,  and  the  recognised 
sithority  in  the  achool  of  Greek  Art  which  has 
its  entre  in  the  same  **  holy  mountain  "  to  this 
day.  It  is  enriched  with  very  yaluable  notes  by 
tkc  editor.  For  what  relates  to  the  Apostles, 
aee  pi  299  sjg.)  For  early  monuments  at  Bome 
sad  Sayeana  —  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta, 
Basne,  f>L  1699 ;  and  for  those  of  the  Roman 
CHacnmba  more  particularly  —  Aringhi,  JRoma 
SMerraneOy  2  rols.  foL  Romae,  1651,  or  Bottari, 
BaUture  e  Pitture  eagre,  etc,  Romae,  fol.  1737 ; 
Pienek,  CataoonAee  de  Borne,  6  vols.  fol.  Paris, 
1S51  (not  always  to  be  depended  on  in  matters 
af  detail);  Alemannas,  de  Parietinie  Lateranen- 
ai&ai,  R<Hiiae,  4*  1625 ;  and  for  ancient  ornaments 
ia  Glass,  chiefly  from  the  Roman  Catacombs, 
Gamed,  Vetri  omati,  etc  Roma,  1864.  For 
■loauinenta  at  Verona,  Maffei,  Ver<ma  Hhutrata, 
M.  1732 ;  and  at  Milan,  All^ranza  (Giuseppe), 
Spkgazitme  e  Bifieseioni,  etc,  Milano,  4»  1757. 
For  eariy  sarcophagi  at  Aries,  Marseilles,  Aix, 
aad  other  towns  in  France,  the  chief  authority 
is  MtUin,  Voyagea  dans  lea  D^rtemena  du  Midi 
dt  b  France,  8*  and  4*  Paris,  1807-1811.  One 
BMiament  of  special  interest,  that  of  the  Sancta 
Padentiatta  at  Rome  (the  figures  of  the  Twelve, 
tai  only  of  which  now  remain,  are  believed  with 
good  reason  to  be  of  the  4th  century,  though 
the  upper  part  of  the  mosaic  is  of  the  8th)  may 
best  be  studied  in  the  coloured  drawing  and 
dcKription  giren  by  Labarte,  Histoire  dea  Aria 
IndairieU,  etc,  toL  it.  p.  166  eqq.,  and  the 
AAoti  of  Platea,  toL  ii.  pi.  czxi.  This  mosaic 
is  abo  represented  in  Gaily  Knight,  'EooUaiaa' 
tkai  Architecture  <f  Italy  (London,  1842),  toI.  i. 
pL  xxfii.  [W.  B.  M.] 

APOSTLES*  FESTIVALS  AND  FASTS. 
— L  Feeticala. — 1.  In  the  Apoatolical  Conati- 
Mmb*  (TiiL  33,  §  3)  we  find  abstinence  from 
Uwor  enjoined  on  certain  "  days  of  the  Apostles  ** 
(tAs  \iUfn  Tw  kwocr6XMW  iipytlrateav),  but 

k  *  Fettle  cnte  do  rooaanz.**   So  Dldnm.    A  reference 
S.  and  L,A.p.  S42.  aad  to  the  drawing  there 
the  ezplaiiatlon  above  gfven.    The  shape 
is  that  of  a  trendUr'a  ataff;  and  the  emUnn 
the  apDollo  as  a  preodier  of  Christ  crucified  to 


*  8ae  note  ',  peeoaAng  page. 

*  S«  note  f  .  preceding  page. 

*  AeoDRHag  to  Wntera  tradition  Be  was  sawn  ascnder; 
tat  la  the  Oraak  repreaantatlon  of  his  martyrdom  he 
b  aflxfld  to  a  cnaa  exactly  Hke  that  of  our  Savloiir 
(JanBan.niLLp.3UD. 


what  these  days  were  does  not  appear,  though 
the  injunction  to  abstain  from  labour  betokena 
a  great  festival. 

2.  As  the  aervices  of  Easter  week,  following 
the  evangelic  narrative  of  the  events  after  the 
Resurrection,  placed  a  commemoration  of  the 
aolemn  aending  and  consecration  of  the  Apostles 
(St.  John  xz.  21-23)  on  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter,  this  day  appears  to  have  been  sometimes 
called  <<the  Sunday  of  the  Apostles."  This 
Sunday  was  one  of  the  highest  festivals  in  the 
Ethiopian  Calendar  (Alt,  ChriaUiche  Cultua.  u. 
33, 184). 

3.  In  the  West  the  oommemoiation  of  all  the 
Apostles  was  anciently  joined  with  that  of  the 
two  great  Apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul ;  and 
this  festival  appears  to  have  been,  at  the  time  of 
its  first  institution,  the  only  ftstival  in  honour 
of  the  Apostles;  for  we  find  in  the  Missae  for 
that  festival  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary 
(Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  55,  p.  44)  an  **  oratio  super 
oblata,"  which  runs,  **Omnipotens  sempiteme 
Dens,  qui  nos  omnium  apostolorum  merita  sub 
una  tribuisti  cekbritate  venerari."  And  this 
seems  to  have  been  the  case  also  when  the 
^Epistola  ad  Chromatium"  quoted  by  Cas- 
siodorus  (in  Leonine  Sacram,  p.  44)  was  written ; 
for  we  there  read  that  the  Apostles  were  com- 
memorated on  one  day,  '*ut  dies  varii  non 
videantur  dividere  quos  una  dignitas  Apostolatus 
in  coelesti  gloria  fecit  esse  sublimes.** 

4.  It  was  no  doubt  from  this  close  connection 
with  the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (June  29) 
that  the  Festival  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  (:S^va(if 
r&v  SiiSeKa  *K'Kwrr6\wv)  came  to  be  celebrated  in 
the  orthodox  Gh*eek  church  on  the  morrow  of 
that  festival — June  30 — as  it  is  to  this  day. 
This  is  a  great  festival,  with  abstinence  from 
labour  (^Apyla). 

5.  In  the  Armenian  calendar,  the  Satuoday  of 
the  sixth  week  after  Pentecost  is  dedicated  to  the 
Twelve  Holy  Apostles,  and  their  chiefr,  Peter 
and  Paul ;  and  the  Tuesday  in  the  fifth  week 
after  the  elevation  of  the  Cross  is  dedicated  to 
Ananias  of  Damascus,  Matthias,  Barnabas,  Philip, 
Stephen,  Silas  and  Silvanus,  and  the  Twelve 
Apostles.    (Alt,  ChriaUiche  Cultua,  ii.  242,  256.) 

6.  The  Micrologus  tells  us  (c.  55)  that  on 
May  1,  *Mnvenitur  in  Martyrologiis  sive  in 
Sac^ttmentariis  festivitas  SS.  Philippi  et  Jacob. 
et  omnium  Apoatohntm,"  The  existing  Mar- 
tyrologies  and  Sacramentaries,  however,  men- 
tion no  commemoration  on  May  1,  beyond  that 
of  SS.  Philip  and  James ;  but  the  mention  of  a 
commemoration  of  all  Apostles  may  have  arisen 
from  the  *'  Deposition*'  of  the  bodies  of  SS.  Philip 
and  James  in  the  **  Basilica  omnium  Apostolo- 
rum.** (Binterim*s  DenkwHrdigkeiteny  v.  i.  365 ; 
Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexiconf  xii.  57.) 

7.  The  15th  of  July  is  in  the  Roman  calendar 
the  Feast  of  the  **  Division  of  the  Apostles,'* 
(Divisio  SS.  Apostolorum).  This  was  probably 
intended  to  commemorate  the  traditional  event 
related  by  Rufinus  (^K  E.,  1. 9),  that  the  Apostles, 
before  leaving  Jerusalem  to  begin  their  work  of 
preaching  the  Gospel  to  all  nations,  determined 
by  lot  the  portions  of  the  world  which  each 
should  evangelise.  By  others,  however,  the 
Feast  ia  supposed  to  commemorate  the  *'  IMvisio 
oaaium  Petri  et  PaulL**  The  legend  to  which 
this  refers  is  as  follows: — ^The  remains  of  St. 

I  Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  placed  together  after  their 


110    APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 


APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 


martyrdom,  and  when  Po]te  Sylvester,  at  the 
consecration  of  the  great  charch  of  St.  Peter, 
desired  to  place  the  sacred  remains  of  the  patron 
«amt  in  an  altar,  it  was  found  impossible  to  dis- 
tinguish them  from  those  of  St.  Panl ;  but  after 
fiisting  and  prayer,  a  divine  voice  revealed  that 
the  larger  bones  were  those  of  the  Preacher,  the 
amaller  of  the  Fisherman;  and  they  were  con- 
sequently placed  in  the  churches  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  respectively.  (Ciampini,  de  Sacris 
AedifciUy  p.  53,  quoting  Beleth,  Explicat.  Divin, 
Offic.  c.  138.) 

II.  Fasts, — 1.  As  early  as  the  ApostoliccU 
Constitutions  (v.  20,  §  7)  we  find  the  week  fol- 
iowi^ig  the  octave  of  Pentecost  marked  as  a  fast. 
The  intention  of  this  probably  was,  as  no  fast 
was  allowable  in  the  joyful  season  between  Pasch 
and  Pentecost,  that  men  should  endeavour  to 
render  themselves  fit  recipients  of  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  by  subsequent  mortification. 
This  fiist  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  eve  of 
the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and  as  it 
now  filled  the  whole  space  between  the  **  Apostle 
Sunday"  and  the  great  commemorations  of  the 
Apostles  on  June  29  and  June  30,  it  came  to  be 
called  the  <*  Apostles'  Fast,"  N97<rrcfa  rwr  ayiwp 
*Awoar6Kmv,  (Augusti,  BancRmch  der  Christl. 
Archaologiey  iii.  481.) 

2.  There  is  a  collect  for  a  Fast  in  the  mass 
already  referred  to  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary. 
This,  perhaps,  indicates  that  an  extraordinary 
fast,  instituted  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo  for  the 
relief  of  Rome,  or  for  some  other  reason,  con- 
curred with  the  Festival  of  All  Apostles.  (Note 
in  the  Leonine  Saoram,  Migne's  Patrol.  voL  55, 
p.  44.) 

IIL  Dedications. — ^A  church  (Mapr^ptov),  de- 
dicated to  the  Twelve  Apostles,  second  in 
splendour  only  to  that  of  St.  Sophia,  was  built 
at  Constantinople  by  Constantine  the  Great,  who 
intended  it  for  the  place  of  his  own  sepulture 
(Eusebius,  Vita  Constantini,  lib.  iv.,  cc.  58-60). 
He  also  dedicated  at  Capua,  in  honour  of  the 
Apostles,  a  church  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Constantinian  {Liber  Fontif.,  under  *  Sylvester,' 
Muratori  Scriptores,  iii.  1).  The  ancient  church 
at  Rome  dedicated  to  the  Apostles,  is  said  to  have 
been  begun  by  Pope  Pelagius  L  (555-560),  and 
completed  by  his  successor  John  III.  (560-573). 
(Ciampini,  de  Sacris  Aedif.  p.  137.)  [C] 

APOSTOLUS,  the  formal  missive  of  the  judge 
of  a  lower  court,  whereby  a  cause  was  trans- 
ferred to  a  higher  court  to  which  appeal  had 
been  made  from  him.     See  Justinian,  Cod.  vii. , 
62,  &c.  &c.,  and  under  Appeals.       [A.  W.  H.] 

APOSTOLICAL  CANONS.  About  500 
A.D.,  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Roman  monk  of  great 
learning,  at  tlie  request  of  Stephen,  Bishop  of 
Salona,  made  a  collection  of  Greek  canons,  trans- 
lating them  into  Latin.  At  the  head  of  this 
collection  he  placed  50  canons,  with  this  title, 
''  Incipiunt  Regulae  Ecclesiasticae  sanctorum 
Apostolorum,  prolatae  per  Clementem  Ecclesiae 
Romanae  Pontificem."  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, Dionysius  says  in  the  preface  to  his  work, 
**  In  principio  itaque  canones,  qui  dicuntur  Apos- 
tolorum, de  Graeco  transtulimus,  qu^rus  quia 
plurimi  consensum  non  praebuere  facilenij  hoc 
ipsum  vestram  noluimus  ignorare  sanctitatem, 
quamvis  postea  quaedam  constituta  pontificum 
«x  ipsis  canonibus  assumpta  esse  videantur.'* 


These  words  obviously  point  to  a  difimnoe  of 
opinion  prevailing  in  the  Church,  though  it  hu 
been  doubted  by  some  whether  the  dissentienti 
spoken  of  rejected  the  canons  altogether,  or 
merely  denied  that  they  were  the  work  of  the 
apostles.  And  with  regard  to  the  last  claose,  it 
is  much  disputed  whether  previous  popes  can  be 
shown  to  have  known  and  cited  these  canons." 
Hefele  denies  that  **  Pontifices  "  means  Popes,  and 
would  understand  it  of  bishops  in  their  synoidical 
constitutions.^ 

The  subsequent  course  taken  by  the  Church  of 
Rome  in  relation  to  these  canons  is  not  aitc^ther 
clear.  In  the  last  decade  of  the  5th  century 
Pope  Gelasius  published  a  decree  De  LSbris  non  re- 
cipiendis,  and  in  the  text  of  this  decree  as  it  now 
stands  in  the  Decretum  Oratiani  there  appean^ 
amongst  other  rejected  works,  '  Liber  canonmn 
Apostolorum  apocryphus.'  But  it  is  said  that 
these  words  are  not  found  in  the  most  andoit 
MSS.  of  the  decree,  and  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in 
speaking  of  it,  expressly  says  that  Gelasius  is 
silent  as  to  the  Apostolical  Canons.  Moreover, 
Dionysius,  who  was  by  birth  a  Scythian,  does  not 
seem  to  have  come  to  Rome  until  after  the  death 
of  Gelasius,  and  consequently  his  collection  cannot 
have  appeared  at  the  time  of  the  decree.*^ 

Hefele  therefore  thinks  that  the  words  inqQe»> 
tion  were  for  the  first  time  inserted  by  Pope  Hor- 
misdas  (514-523),  when  he  republished  the  decree 
'  De  Libris  non  recipiendis '  {ConcUiengeschi^dej  i. 
719).'  If  so,  the  point  is  not  very  material.  It 
is  clear  that  Dionysius,  in  setting  forth  a  lata" 
collection  during  the  popedom  of  Hormisdas  (of 
which  the  preface  alone  is  now  extant)  left  out 
these  canons.  He  says :  '*  Omones  qui  dicuntur 
Apostolorum  et  Sardicensis  ooncilii  atque  Afri* 
canae  provinciae  quos  non  admisit  universUaSj  ego 
quoque  in  hoc  opere  praet^rmisi,  &c"  * 

•  Bishop  Pearaon  conteDds  that  Leot  Innocent,  and  Ge* 
laslos  blnuelt  refer  to  them  (Ftndtc.  Tgnatn  part  L  ajk 
iv.) ;  but  this  has  been  as  stroogly  denied.  Bickell  thinks 
Uiat  DionyslTis  may  have  had  in  view  expresdaDi  of 
Siricius  (Sp.  ad  Div.  Epiic.,  anno  386)  and  Innocent  (Jl^ 
ad  Yiclric.,  anno  404),  which,  however,  he  conceives  him 
to  have  misunderstood  (GeaA.  det  JTircAenreohis,  p.  T4). 
Von  Drey  seems  to  think  the  canons  were  not  known  at 
Rome  till  the  version  of  Dionysius ;  bnt  Hefele  dbaarm 
that  they  might  have  been  known  in  their  Greek  &nik 
Dionysius  in  his  preface  aays  that  he  had  been  exhorted 
to  the  work  of  translation  by  his  friend  Laurentius,  who 
was  "  confuslone  prlscae  translationis  ofiensos.'*  Does  thii 
point  to  an  existing  version  of  the  canons,  or  Is  it  to  te 
understood  of  the  other  matters  contained  in  his  col- 
lection f  The  latter  seems  moat  ta  accordance  with  the 
received  theory. 

b  See  his  CondUengesekichte,  voL  L  pb  76t.  Bat  mdni 
it  can  be  Ihnited  to  Eastern  bishops,  this  view  wwld 
equally  admit  that  the  canons  so  quoted  or  relied  an  nrait 
have  been  known  in  the  Western  Ghurdi. 

«  Dionysius  says  in  his  prefinoe :  "  Noa  qui  earn  (6«- 
laaium)  praesentii  corporali  non  vidimus."  This  in  itself 
would  not  be  conclusive  as  to  the  decree,  thou^  the  only 
alternative  would  be  to  admit  that  the  canons  were  knofn 
at  Rome  beftHre  Dionysins's  translation.  Bishc^  PBarBoo 
seeks  to  throw  donbi  on  the  decree  (  Vindic,  IgnaL,  part  L 
cap.  iv.) ;  but  much  of  his  reasoning  is  not  laconrinlirt 
with  the  theory  of  Hefele. 

d  So  too,  apparently,  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  74. 

*  Cited  in  Bickell  (i.  lb),  who  also  mentions  that  they 
were  omitted  fhnn  the  Spanish  collection  of  canons  in  the 
7th  century,  with  these  words :  **  Ouiones  antem  qui 
dicuntur  Apostolorum.  sed  quia  eoadem  neo  sedea  apM* 
toUca  redpil,  nee  S&  patrea  UUs  oonseQsom  praidmeni&i. 


AP06T0U0AL  CAN0N8 


APOSTOLICAL  0ANOJS8 


111 


At  aD  ercnts  it  must  be  taken  that  the  Church 
•f  SoBM  U  the  precent  day  does  not  accept  these 
ouMH  at  of  apostolic  authority.  Though  the 
dtatioas  made  by  Qratian  under  the  head  ^  De 
aactoritate  et  numero  Canonum  Apcetolorum/' 
are  not  Tery  consistent  with  each  other,  yet  the 
latart  caaonists  speak  more  distinctly. 

*'CuoMS  illi  non  sunt  opus  genuinum  aposto- 
kmn,  mc  <A  omni  naevo  immuna  ;  merito  tamen 
RpaUntnr  insigne  monumentum  disciplinae  Ec- 
dense  per  priora  secula,"  says  M.  Icard  in  his 
f^•m^0ctionel  Jwis  Cammici  at  St.  Sulpice  (pub- 
tiihed  with  the  approbation  of  the  anthorities  of 
Ikf  Charcfa)  in  1862,  and  he  then  cites  the  Gela- 
dccree  declaring  them  apocryphal. 

Nereitheless  great  attention  has  been  paid  to 
Extracts  were  admitted  by  Gratian  into 
the  Deeretnm,  and,  in  the  words  of  Phillips  ('  Du 
Droit  eeclesiastique  dans  ses  Sources,'  Paris,  1852) 
*^iis  oat  pris  rang  dans  la  legislation  canonique." 

But  we  must  return  to  the  6th  century, 
iboot  fifty  years  after  the  work  of  Dionysius, 
Joka  of  Antioch,  otherwise  called  Johannes  Scho- 
lasticos,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  set  forth  a 
wiwnjfim  aor^rwr,  which  contained  not  50  but 
8S  GuKMB  of  the  Apostles.  And  in  the  year  692 
tkee  were  expressly  recognized  in  the  decrees  of 
tlw  Qoinisextine  Council,  not  only  as  binding 
cuoas,  but  (it  would  seem)  as  of  apostolic  ori- 
pnJ  They  are  therefore  in  force  in  the  Greek 
QiQrch. 

How  it  came  to  pass  that  Dionysius  translated 
•alj  50  does  not  appear.  Some  writers  hare 
supposed  that  he  rejected  what  was  not  to  be  re- 
eoBoled  with  the  Roman  practice.*  But,  as 
Hcfele  obsenres,  this  could  hardly  be  his  motive, 
inssmach  as  he  retains  a  canon  as  to  the  nullity 
of  heretical  baptism,  which  is  at  variance  with 
the  view  of  the  Western  Church.  Hence  it  has 
been  suggested  that  the  MS.  used  by  Dionvsius 
vas  of  a  different  class  from  that  of  John  o^  An- 
tioch (for  they  vary  in  some  expressions,  and 
hsre  also  a  difference  in  the  numbering  of  the 
eaaoBsX  and  that  it  may  have  had  only  the  50 
tmslated  by  the  former.  And  an  inference  has 
also  been  drawn  that  the  35  latter  canons  are  of 
later  date.^  Indeed,  according  to  some,  they 
are  obviously  of  a  different  type,  and  were  pos- 
hUj  added  to  the  collection  at  the  same  time 

p(o  eo  qood  ab  haeretkls  sab  nomtne  Apootoloram  oom- 
PmM  digBoeeQiitar,  qoamTis  in  eladem  quaedmm  Inve- 
ntSlktL,  soctorttate  tamen  csnoDlca  et  apostolica 

et  inter  apocrypha 


■M  wwrntmadrta^  Mon  /iCM&r  aol  ««o  rov  vw  fitfiaiovt 
■H  o»f^W  *P^  ^x^  $«paania9  koa  iaxfi^Cav  waBmv 
Vivf  vrt  Mr  «p^  iw^^  myium  xal  fuutafiUiv  wariptov 

OuL  IL.  dted  In  Ultzen.  Preil 

r.is. 

DeifiMge  sTfuca  that  the  word  MfiAri  shewn  that, 
vhde  their  valktity  as  canons  of  the  Church  was  admitted, 
ttelr  a|«stolicil  origin  wa^  not  decided.  Gontra  Hefele, 
i^tiotaimffetek.  L  7t8. 

The  additioaal  35  csnons  in  the  collection  of  Scho- 
hadcas  have  not  been  In  any  way  recognised  by  the 
3Baf4  of  SdoMu 

•  Ax  for  lastanee;  DeMarca;  and  aee  Ayllffc's  Partrgon, 
banU  p,iw. 

^  See  oa  this  mbject,  Hefele,  L  T68.    SchoUsUcos  sstb 
I  pievhius  oottectkna  oontainlng  85. 


that  the  canons  were  appended  to  the  Constitu* 
tions.* 

It  is  time  to  come  to  the  Canons  themselves. 
Both  in  the  collection  of  John  of  Antioch  and  in 
that  of  Dionysius  they  are  alleged  to  have  been 
drawn  up  by  Clement  from  the  directions  of  the 
Apostles.  In  several  places  the  Apostles  speak  in 
the  first  person,*'  and  in  the  85th  canon  Clement 
uses  the  first  person  singular  of  himself.' 

Their  subjects  are  briefly  as  follow : — i 

I  &  2  (I.  &  II.).  Bishop  to  be  ordained  by  two 
or  three  bishops ;  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  the 
rest  of  the  cleri(^  body  by  one. 

3  &  4  (III.)  relate  to  what  is  proper  to  be  of- 
fered at  the  altar ;  mentioning  new  com,  grapes, 
and  oil,  and  incense  at  the  time  of  the  holy  ob- 
lation. 

5  (IV.).  First-fruits  of  other  things  are  to  be 
sent  to  the  clergy  at  their  home,  not  brought  to 
the  altar. 

6  (V.).  Bishop  or  presbyter  or  deacon  not  to 
put  away  his  wife  under  pretence  of  piety. 

7  (VI.).  Clergy  not  to  take  secular  cares  on 
them. 

8  (VII.).  Nor  to  keep  Easter  before  the  vernal 
equinox,  according  to  the  Jewish  system. 

9  (VIII.).  Nor  to  fail  to  communicate  without 
some  good  reason. 

10  (IX.).  Laity  not  to  be  present  at  the  read- 
ing of  the  Scriptures  without  remaining  for 
prayer  and  the  Communion. 

II  (X.).  None  to  join  in  prayer,  even  in  a 
house,  with  an  excommunicate  person. 

12  (XI.).  Clergy  not  to  join  in  prayer  with  a 
deposed  man  as  if  he  were  still  a  cleric. 

13  (XII.  &  XIII.).  Clergy  or  lay  persons,  being 
under  excommunication  or  not  admitted  to  Com- 
munion, going  to  another  city  not  to  be  received 
without  letters. 

14  (XIV.).  Bishop  not  to  leave  his  own  diocese 
and  invade  another,  even  on  request,  except  for 
good  reasons,  as  in  case  he  can  confer  spiritual 
benefit ;  nor  even  then  except  by  the  judgment  of 
many  other  bishops,  and  at  pressing  request. 

15  (XV.).  If  clergy  leave  their  own  diocese, 
and  take  up  their  abode  in  another  without  con- 
sent of  their  own  bishop,  they  are  not  to  perform 
clerical  functions  there. 

16  (XVI.).  Bishop  of  such  diocese  not  to  treat 
them  as  clergy. 

17  (XVII.).  One  twice  married  after  baptism, 
or  who  has  taken  a  concubine,  not  to  be  a  cleric. 

18  (XVIII.).  One  who  has  married  a  widow  or 
divorced  woman,  or  a  courtesan  or  a  slave,  or 
an  actress,  not  to  be  admitted  into  the  clerical 
body. 

t  So  Bickell.  i.  86  and  235.  For  the  CoDsUtntions,  see 
the  next  article. 

^  Beveridge  however  contenda,  from  the  variations  and 
omittlons  in  MSS.  and  versions,  that  the  introduction  of 
the  first  person  is  a  mere  interpolation  of  late  date,  in 
order  to  promote  the  fiction  of  apostolic  origin  (Cod.  Can. 
in  Ootel.,  vol.  iL  p.  73,  Appendix).  See  instances  in 
Canons  XXIX.,  L.,  LXXXIU  LXXX  V.  The  various  read- 
ings may  bo  seen  in  LHtxen's  edition,  afad  in  Lagarde's 
Iteliq.  Jur.  Eoda.  Anliquitt, 

1  The  numbering  varies.  Thus  Canon  III.  of  the  Greek 
text  Is  divided  into  two  by  Dionydns.  The  Arabic  nu- 
merals represent  the  order  in  Dionysius ;  the  Roman  that 
in  the  Greek  of  Johannes  Scholasticus.  Coielerius,  again, 
gives  a  dlffenait  nnmbexing,  making  the  canons  only  It 
inaU. 


112 


APOBTOLIOAL  CANONS 


19  (XEL).  Nor  one  who  has  married  two  sis- 
ters or  his  niece. 

20  (XX.).  Clergy  not  to  become  sureties. 

21  (XXI.).  One  who  has  been  made  a  eonnch 
by  violence,  or  in  a  persecution,  or  was  so  born, 
may  be  a  bishop. 

22  (XXII.).  But  if  made  so  by  his  own  act, 
cannot  be  cleric 

23  (XXIII.>  A  cleric  making  himself  so,  to  be 
deposed. 

24  (XXrV.).  A  layman  making  himself  a 
eonnch  to  be  shut  out  m>m  Commnnion  for  three 
years. 

25  &  26  (XXV.).  Clerics  guilty  of  inconti- 
nence, perjory,  or  theft,  to  be  deposed,  but  not 
excommunicated  (citing  Nah,  1,  9  ovit  Muc^trtis 
ais  M  rh  abrhy 

27  (XXVI.).  None  to  marry  after  entering  the 
clerical  body,  except  readers  and  singers. 

28  (XXvIIA  Clergy  not  to  strike  offenders. 

29  (XXVIU.).  Clergy  deposed  not  to  presume 
to  act,  on  pain  of  being  wholly  cut  off  from  the 
Churdi. 

30  (XXIX.).  Bishop,  &c.  obtaining  ordination 
by  money  to  be  deposed,  and,  together  with  him 
who  ordained  him,  cut  off  from  communion,  as 
was  Simon  Magus  by  me,  Peter. 

31  (XXX.).  Bishop  obtaining  a  church  by 
means  of  secidar  rulers  to  be  deposed,  &c 

32  (XXXI.).  Presbyters  not  to  set  up  a  sepa- 
rate congregation  and  altar  in  contempt  of  his 
bishop,  when  the  bishop  is  just  and  godly, 

33  (XXXII.).  Presbyter  or  deacon  nnider  sen- 
tence of  his  own  bishop  not  to  be  receiyed  else- 
where. 

34  (XXXIII.\  Clergy  from  a  distance  not  to 
be  received  without  letters  of  commendation,  nor 
unless  they  be  preachers  of  godliness  are  they 
to  have  anything  beyond  the  supply  of  their 
wants. 

35  (XXXIV.).  The  bishops  of  every  nation  are 
to  know  who  is  chief  among  them,  and  to  consi- 
der him  their  head,  and  do  nothing  without  his 
judgment,  except  the  affairs  of  their  own  dio- 
ceses, nor  must  he  do  anything  without  their 
judgment. 

36  (XXXV.).  Bishop  not  to  ordain  out  of  his 
diocese. 

37  (XXXVI.).  Clergy  not  to  neglect  to  enter 
on  the  charge  to  which  they  are  appointed,  nor 
the  people  to  refbse  to  receive  them. 

38  (XXXVIL).  Synod  of  bishops  to  be  held 
twice  a  year  to  settle  controversies. 

39  (XXXVIIL).  Bishop  to  have  care  of  all  ec- 
clesiastical affurs,  but  not  to  appropriate  any- 
thing for  his  own  family,  except  to  grant  them 
relief  if  in  poverty. 

40  (XXXIX.  &  XL.).  Clergy  to  do  nothing 
without  bishop.  Bishop  to  keep  his  own  affairs 
separate  from  those  of  tne  Churdi,  and  to  provide 
for  his  family  out  of  his  own  property. 

41  (XLI.).  Bishop  to  have  power  over  all  eccle- 
siastical affairs,  and  to  distribute  through  the 
presbyters  and  deacons,  and  to  have  a  share  him- 
self if  required. 

42  (XLII.).  Cleric  not  to  play  dice  or  take  to 
drinking. 

43  (XLIII.).  Same  as  to  subdeacon,  reader, 
singer,  or  layman. 

44  (XLIV.).  Clergy  not  to  take  usury. 

45  (XL v.).  Clergy  not  to  pray  with  heretics, 
itill  less  to  allow  them  to  act  as  clergy. 


APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 

46  (XLVI.).  Clergy  not  to  recognise  herttied 
baptism  or  sacrifice. 

47  (XLVII.).  Clergy  not  to  rebaptize  one  trvly 
baptized,  nor  to  omit  to  baptize  one  polluted  by 
the  ungodly,*  otherwise  he  contemns  the  croa 
and  death  of  the  Lord,  and  does  not  distingokh 
true  priests  from  false. 

48  (XLVIII.).  Laynum  who  has  put  away  his 
wife  not  to  take  another,  nor  to  take  a  divorced 
woman. 

49  (XUX.).  Baptism  to  be  in  name  of  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  not  of  three  eternals,  or 
three  sons,  or  three  paracletes. 

50  (L).  Baptism  to  be  performed  by  three  im- 
mersions, making  one  initiation — not  one  single 
immersion  into  &e  Lord's  death. 

LI.  Clergy  not  to  hold  marriage  or  the  use  of 
meat  and  wine  things  evil  in  themselves,  or  to 
abstain  on  any  other  than  ascetic  grounds. 

LII.  Bishop  or  presbyter  to  receive,  not  to  re- 
ject penitents. 

LIU.  Clergy  not  to  reftise  to  partake  of  meat 
and  wine  on  feast  days  [as  if  evil,  or  on  other 
than  ascetic  grounds3. 

LIV.  Clerics  not  to  eat  in  taverns  except  on  a 
journey. 

LV.  Clerics  not  to  insult  bishop. 

LVL  Nor  presbyter  or  deacon. 

LVII.  Nor  to  mock  the  maimed,  dea^  dumb, 
blind,  or  lame,  nor  must  a  layman  do  so. 

LVIII.  Bishops  and  presbyters  not  to  n^lee; 
their  clergy  or  people. 

LIX.  Nor  to  refuse  succour  to  the  needy 
clergy. 

U.  Nor  to  publish  in  the  church  as  sacred 
works  forged  by  the  ungodly  in  false  names. 

LXI.  Those  convicted  of  incontinence  or  other 
forbidden  practices  not  to  be  admitted  into  the 
clerical  body. 

LXII.  Clerics  from  fear  of  Jew  or  Gentile  or 
heretic  denying  Christ  to  be  excommunicated,  or 
if  only  denying  that  they  are  clerics,  to  be  de- 
posed.  On  repentance,  to  be  admitted  as  laymen. 

LXIII.  Cleric  eating  blood,  or  things  torn  by 
beasts,  or  dying  of  themselves,  to  be  deposed,  ob 
account  of  the  prohibition  in  the  law.  Layma 
doing  so  to  be  excommunicated. 

LXIV.  Cleric  or  layman  entering  synagogue  of 
Jews  or  heretics  to  pray,  to  be  deposed  and  ex- 
communicated. 

LXV.  Cleric  in  a  struggle  striking  a  single 
blow  that  proves  mortal  to  be  deposed  for  his 
precipitancy.    Laymen  to  be  excommunicated. 

LXVI.  Neither  cleric  nor  laym'an  to  fiwt  on 
Sunday  or  on  any  Saturday  but  one.* 

LXVII.  Any  one  doing  violence  to  an  unbe- 
trothed  virgin  to  be  excommunicated.  He  msv 
not  take  another,  but  must  keep  her,  though 
poor. 

LXVin.  Clergy  not  to  be  ordained  a  second 
time,  unless  when  ordained  by  heretics,  for  those 
baptized  or  ordained  by  heretics  have  not  really 
been  brought  into  the  number  of  the  faithful  or 
of  the  clergy. 

LXIX.  Bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  reader,  or 
singer,  not  fasting  in  the  holy  forty  days,  or  on 
the  fourth  and  sixth  days,  to  be  deposed,  unless 

*  I.e.  bapUscd  by  hereUca.  HereOosl  bapUon  to 
styled  not  an  InltiatloD,  bat  a  poUntlon.  See  Jftd, 
Cond.  vL  15. 

•  Namely,  that  before  Easter  day.  AfttL  Omd,  % 
18  and  30. 


APOSTOUOAIi  CANONS 


APOSTOLICAL  CANONS 


118 


fnm  bodily  weftkiiMi.    Laymen  to  be 
luiicated. 

IXX.  None  to  keep  fut  or  feast  with  the 
Jew,  or  reedre  their  feast-gifts,  as  unleavened 
hwsdaad  so  forth. 

LXXL  No  Chrktiaa  to  give  oil  for  a  heathen 
tenple  or  Jewish  synagogue,  or  to  light  lamps  at 
their  feast  times. 

1.1X11.  Nor  to  purloin  wax  or  oil  from  the 
Gkarek. 

LXXin.  Nor  to  convert  to  his  own  use  any 
esBsecnted  gold  or  silver  vessel  or  linen. 

LXXIY.  Kshop  accused  by  credible  men,  to  be 
~  by  the  bishops ;  and  if  he  appear  and 
the  charge,  or  be  proved  guilty,  to  have 
spprapriate  sentence ;  but  if  he  do  not  obey  the 
iiumflns,  then  to  be  summoned  a  second  and 
tkird  time  by  two  bishops  personally ;  and  if  he 
itill  be  ooatumacioaa,  then  the  Synod  is  to  make 
tke  fit  decree  against  him,  that  he  may  not  ap- 
pstf  to  gain  anvthing  by  evading  justice. 

LXXY.  No  heretic,  nor  less  than  two  wit- 
MBH,  even  of  the  fiuthful,  to  be  received  against 
sbiikop(Dent.  19,  15). 

LXXYL  Kshop  not  to  ordain  relatives  bishops 
set  of&vonr  or  afiection. 

LXXVIL  One  having  an  eye  injured  or  lame 
■ay  still  be  a  bishop,  if  worthy. 

LXXVIII.  But  not  one  deaf^  dumb,  or  blind,  as 
bdi^  practical  hindrances. 

LXilX.  One  that  has  a  devil  not  to  be  a  cleric, 
DOT  even  to  pray  with  the  faithAil,  but  when 
deaascd  he  may,  if  worthy. 

LXXX.  A  convert  from  the  heathen  or  ftx>m  a 
Tidoas  life  not  forthwith  to  be  made  a  bishop ; 
lor  it  is  not  right  that  while  yet  untried  he 
ihottki  be  a  teacher  of  .others,  unless  this  come 
abMt  in  some  way  by  the  grace  of  God.® 

LXXXL  We  declare  that  a  bishop  or  presbyter 
ii  oat  to  stoop  to  public  [secular]  offices,  but  to 
give  hiauelf  to  the  wants  of  the  Church  (Matt. 
6|24). 

LXXXn.  We  do  not  allow  slaves  to  be  chosen 
isto  the  clerical  body  without  consent  of  their 
Bsateis,  to  the  injury  of  those  who  possess  them, 
&r  this  would  subvert  households.  But  if  a  slave 
Mem  worthy  of  ordination,  as  did  our  Onesimus, 
■ad  the  masters  consent  and  set  him  free,  let  him 
beoidsincd. 

LXXXIII.  Clergy  not  to  serve  in  the  army,  and 
aeck  to  hold  both  Roman  command  and  priestly 
teietOlatt  22,  21). 

LXXXIY.  Those  who  unjustly  insult  a  king  or 
filer  to  be  punished. 

LXXXY.  For  you,  both  clergy  and  laity,  let 
tbert  be,  as  books  to  be  reverenced  and  held  holy, 
iitbc  Old  Testament — ^five  of  Moses,  Genesis,  Exo- 
^  levtticus.  Numbers,  Deuteronomy-M>f  Jesus 
tbe  MB  of  Nun,  one  ;  of  Judges,  one  ;  Ruth,  one ;  of 
Cap,  four ;  of  Panleipomena  the  book  of  days, 
two ;  of  Esd^aa,  two ;  of  Esther,  one ;  of  Macca- 
^  three ;  of  Job,  one ;  of  the  Psalter,  one  ;  of 
Sobmoa,  throe  Proverbs,  Eodesiastes,  Song  of 
SosfB ;  of  the  Prophets,  thirteen ;  of  Isaiah,  one ; 
•f  Jeremiah,  one ;  of  Ezekiel,  one ;  of  Daniel,  one. 
Orer  and  above  b  to  be  mentioned  to  you  that 
yrar  TOQBg  men  study  the  Wisdom  of  the  learned 
Sirach.  But  of  ours,  that  is  of  the  New  Testa- 
■tat,  let   there    ba  four  gospels,  Matthew's, 

*X.c.«BksBhsbedei|gnatedas  such  in  some  apedsl 
*V  ^  lbs  hand  «f  God.    Befsridn  refers  to  the  esse 


Mark's,  Luke's,  John's;  fourteen  epistles  of 
Paul ;  two  epistles  of  Peter ;  three  of  John ;  one 
of  James ;  one  of  Jude ;  two  epistles  of  Clement ; 
and  the  regulations  addressed  to  you  bishops 
through  me,  Clement,  in  eight  books,'  which  it  is 
not  right  to  publish  before  all,  on  account  of  the 
mysteries  in  them;  and  the  Acts  of  us,  the 
Apostles. 

The  above  is  merely  the  substance  of  the 
canons  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  not  of  course 
supersede  the  necessity  of  referring  to  the  origi- 
nal in  order  to  form  an  exact  judgment.  For  tiie 
sake  of  brevity  the  penalties  have  been  in  most 
cases  omitted.  They  are  usually  deposition  for 
the  clergy,  excommunication  for  laymen. 

Turrianus  attempted  to  maintain  that  these 
canons  really  are  what  they  proftss  to  be,  the 
genuine  work  of  the  apostles.  Daill^  on  the 
other  hand,  contended  that  they  were  a  produc- 
tion of  the  middle  or  end  of  the  5th  centurv. 
Against  him  Bishop  Beveridge  entered  the  fielcl ; 
and  in  two  treatises  of  great  learning,  acuteness, 
and  vigour,  4  sought  to  show  that  though  not  the 
work  of  the  apostles  themselves,  they  were  yet 
of  great  antiquity,  being  in  substance  the  decrees 
of  primitive  Synods  convened  in  different  places 
and  at  different  times  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
2nd,  or  at  latest  the  earlier  part  of  the  Srd  cen- 
tury. And  he  frirther  thinks  that  during  the 
Srd  century  they  were  brought  together  and 
formed  into  a  collection  or  Codex  Canonum, 
which  was  recognized,  and  cited  as  of  authority 
in  the  Church. ' 

Bishop  Pearson  also  holds  the  canons  in  a  col- 
lected form  to  have  been  in  existence  prior  to  the 
Council  of  Nice  {Vindic,  Ignat,  part  L  cap.  iv. 
in  Cotel.,  vol.  ii.,  append,  p.  295).  ■ 

It  will  be  well  to  endeavour  to  give  some 
samples  of  the  evidence  which  Beveridge  adduces 
to  show  that  the  canons  are  quoted  at  all  events 
from  the  first  part  of  the  4th  century  down- 
wards. 

George  of  Cappadocia  buys  the  favour  of  the 
Praefect  of  Egypt,  and  is  thrust  into  the  bishopric 
of  Alexandria.  Athanasius  thereupon  says,  'nnh- 
TO  robs  iKKKiiiriaffriKohs  Kc»6vas  irapaXwrw  (ad 
ubique  orthod.  c.  1,  p.  945).  The  reference,  it  is 
alleged,  is  to  Apost.  Can.  30  (xxix.)  and  31  (xxx.) 

»  Yis.  the  ApotL  CoiuHtettma    See  next  article 

4  *  Jodldom  de  GanoDibos  ApostoUds,'  to  be  fonnd  in 
Ootel.  rotret  Apott,  voL  L  p.  433.  edit  1Y34 ;  snd  *  Codex 
Qmonnm  Eodeslae  Primitfvaa  illosnwtaib  Ibid.  vol.  it 
Appendix,  p.  L 

'  *  Jndlc'  in  OoteL  voL  1.  pp.  43M41 ;  and  see  Cod. 
Can.  In  OoteL  voL  iL  Append,  pp.  S-IO,  et  allU.  He 
appears  to  think  that  in  manj  cases  they  maj  represent 
apostoUcal  traditioos.  They  wen  csUed  "apostoUcal" 
tarn,  this  feeling,  and  also  hecanss  fhuned  by  apoatoUcal 
men.  He  allows,  however,  that  they  were  probably  col- 
lected by  dirers  peracma  aome  of  whom  pot  together 
more,  aome  fbwer.  Henoe  Dknyrtns  firand  only  60  in 
theOodex  flnom  wbidi  he  translatwi.  while  Scolaaticas 
foand  8S.  Hlncmar  of  Rheims  is  cited  hj  BeTerldge  as 
on  his  aide ;  bat  it  woold  aeem  that  he  looked  on  the 
Apostolical  OBaons  ss  ooUectkns  of  apostolical  tradi- 
tknis  made  by  pioos  persons,  rather  than  ss  decrees  off 
fjDods.  He  speaks  of  them  as  "anteqoameplsoopicunctUa 
llbeie  indperent  oclebrare^  a  devotls  qnibnaqne  collectos." 
See  Clod.  0cm.  in  OoteL  voL  li.  App.  p.  IX 

•  The  qnesUoD  of  the  collection,  however,  stands  on 
very  dlibrent  groonds  from  that  of  tlie  antlqailj  of  par- 
ticular canons,  and  the  twopdnts  ahoold  be  kept  sepinM 
in  investigating  the  snltfect 


114        AFOSTOUGAL  0AN0N8 

"BtBiif  in  his  letters  to  Amphilochins  (which 
Live  themselves  obtained  the  authoritj  of 
Canons  in  the  Greek  CShnrch)  says  a  deposed 
deacon  is  not  to  be  oxoommonicated,  ii6Ti 
apxcuSf  ieri  Kta^  robs  iwh  fioBfiov  TewTMK^ 
TOT,  ro^T^  fiSy^  r^  rpifwtf  r%i  KoXJurtws  hro- 
fid\\€<rBM,  Reference  alleged  to  be  to  Apost. 
Can.  25.« 

Again  he  sajs,  robs  Htyd/jLovs  inanr§\&s  6 
Kav«^y  rqs  dirrypt Was  owiKXtio'e.   Comp.  Can.  17. 

Once  more  he  says,  the  Church  must  SovXc^ciy 
iucptfitiif  Koaflvwf^  and  reject  heretical  baptism. 
See  ApMt.  Can.  46. 

The  Council  of  Nice,  Can.  1,  while  treating 
self-inflicted  mutilation  as  a  bar  to  orders,  says : 
— Amrep  9^  tovto  irp69fri\ow,  8ri  ir€(A  r&w  hnnn- 
Zw6inw¥  rh  wpSyfAa  kcU  roK/t^rrt^y  hunobt 
iicT4fi3f€t9  dfnrraC  o9tws  «f  rircs  hrh  fiapfidpcty 
9ili§<nror&v c^ovx/<r09}<ray,  §^pUrKoufro ih  &AA«s 
A^toi,  robs  roio^ovs  tis  lAiipoy  irpovtertu  6 
KwAv,  Reference  alleged  to  Can.  Apost.  21 
and  22. 

Again  Can.  2  says,  that  things  had  lately  been 
done  tcapk  rhp  K€»6pa  rbr  iKKhticuurriKoy,  to 
correct  which  it  enacts  that  no  neophyte  is  to  be 
made  a  presbyter.  The  reference  is  alleged  to 
be  to  Apost.  Can.  Izzx. 

Can.  5  says : — Kpvr^lrm  ^  yvAfiii  kotA  rhv 
Kap6ya  rhv  hiceyopt^ovra  robs  hf>*  kripoiv  &xo- 
0\flB4rras^  6<p*  irtpctv  fi^  wpoffUcBau,,  Comp. 
Can.  Apost.  13  (xii.  and  xiii.)  and  33  (xxxii.) 

Again,  Can.  9,  concerning  the  ordination  of 
known  sinners,  treats  it  as  iraoh  KoySvoi,  and 
says,  To^ovs  6  Kcufity  ob  wpoaitrai.  See  Can. 
Apost.  Ixi. 

Can.  10,  concerning  such  as  are  ordained  in 
ignorance  of  their  having  lapsed,  says : — rouro  ob 
wpoKplytt  r^  Kav6yi  r^  iKKKiiaruurriK^'  yp^c- 
Bivrts  y^  KoBeupowreu.  Bev.  thinks  the  re- 
ference is  to  Can.  Apost.  Ixii.,  and  that  the 
Council  of  Nice  found  it  needful  to  extend  the 
rule  to  those  who  had  lapsed  before  ordination. 

Can.  15  and  16  restrain  the  clergy  from 
moving  from  city  to  city,  a  practice  which  it 
calls  aw^B^ia  inpii  rhp  kopSpo,  and  speaks  of 
such  persons  ss  fifyrt  rhp  4KKkii<ruurrtKbp  KCBp6pa 
€l96r€s,    Comp.  Can.  Apost.  14  and  15. 

The  Synod  of  Gangra,  held  in  the  middle 
of  the  4th  century  against  the  Eostathians,  after 
passing  several  canons  on  matters  more  or  less 
similar  to  those  treated  in  some  of  the  Apost. 
Canons,  declares  that  its  object  hss  been  to  con- 
demn those  who  bring  in  novelties, — rapit  rcks 
7pa<^&9  KoL  robs  iKKKfiffuurrucobs  kopSvos. 

The  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  speaks 
of  a  woXaios  BtiTfihs,  as  well  as  the  Nicene 
Canon,  for  bishops  to  ordain  in  the  ^iropx^^  or 
ecclesiastical  province  to  which  they  belong. 
Bev.  finds  in  the  mention  of  *'  provinces,"  a  re- 
ference to  the  authority  of  Metropolitans,  Can. 
Apost.  35  (xxxiv.). 

Not  long  afterwards  a  synod  at  Carthage  says : 
-^6  hpxiuos  r^os  ^uXax^<reT«,  fpa  fiij  ^^rropts 
rpiAp  r&p  6purB4prt9P  tls  xc'P<'TO''^av  'Eirio-ic^ 
vuv  kpK4in»mp,    Comp.  Can.  Apost.  i. 

«  Dalll6,  ud  his  ally, «  Obeervator"  (who  seems  to  have 
been  Matt,  de  la  Roque)  cooiend  that  the  oontezt  shews 
that  Basil  cannot  have  meant  to  allude  to  the  Apostolical 
Canons.  Beveridge  repUee  at  length  {CodL  Osn.  88, 39X 
BickeU  takes  the  same  vinw  as  DailU  (Oeieh.  detiTtirvftai-. 
rseUt.  I.  aa;  noteX  but  wlthonk  notlcinf  tlw  aisnmaatsor 


APOSTOUOAL  CANONB 

The  Council  of  Ephesus,  431  A.D.,  sent  thtcc 
times  to  summon  the  accused  bishop,  Nestoriu, 
to  appear,  saying,  that  it  did  so  in  obedience  t^ 
Kopopiy  and  afterwards  informed  the  Emperor  of 
the  course  taken,— rSr  K«p6ptp  vapcureXevo* 
lihmp  rp  rplrjf  leK-fiiru  vapoKoKuffBai  rhp  &vci- 
Bovpra. 

And  in  like  manner  at  Chalcedon,  451  a.d., 
upon  the  third  summons  sent  to  Dioscorus,  the 
bishops  who  were  the  bearers  of  it  say  that 
the  Council  sent  them  to  him: — rpinip  1^ 
KXijinp  rmn^p  wotovfiipTi  Karii  ri/p  tucoKw 
Biop  r£y  kyi^p  KOpSpmp,  Compare  Can.  Apost. 
Ixxiv. 

At  Ephesus  a  complaint  was  made  against  the 
Bishop  of  Antioch  for  trying  to  subject  to  him- 
self the  island  of  Cyprus : — ^  Contrarj  to  the 
Apostolic  canons  and  the  decrees  of  the  most 
holy  Nicene  Synod."  Comp.  Can.  Apost  36 
(xixv.) 

We  may  now  perhaps  pause  in  our  extracts 
fh>m  Councils  and  Svnods,  as  we  are  approaching 
a  period  about  which  there  is  less  dispute :  but 
we  must  go  back  to  the  Nicene  times  in  order  to 
cite  one  or  two  individual  testimonies.  Alex- 
ander, bishop  of  Alexandria,  writes  that  Anns, 
though  excommunicated  there,  was  received  by 
other  bishops,  which  he  blames, — r^  ^^«  r^p 
* KftoffroKuc^p  KCLpSpa  rovro  avyx^P^iP  (apod 
Theodoret,  Hisi.  Eod,  i.  c  iv.).  See  Can.  kpo^ 
13. 

About  the  same  time  Eusebius,  declining  to  be 
translated  from  Caesarea  to  Antioch,  Constaniine 
the  Great  writes  to  praise  him  for  observing  rds  tc 
iproXjks  rov  Osov  icol  rhp  *A'woaroKucdp  kop^po, 
KoL  r^s  4ieKKyi<rias  (Euseb.  Vita  Oond.  iil  61). 
The  reference  is  alleged  to  be  to  Osn.  Apost.  14, 
while  iicKXiio'las  is  said  to  allude  to  Uie  loth 
Canon  of  Nice. 

Again,  during  the  reign  of  Constantine,  Pope 
Julius,  writing  of  the  deposition  of  Athanasins 
and  the  intrusion  of  Gregory  into  his  see,  declares 
it  to  have  been  done  in  violation  of  the  Canons 
of  the  Apostles.  See  2nd  Apol.  of  Athanasins. 
The  reference  is  asserted  to  be  to  Can.  36  (xxxv.) 
and  Ixxiv.  (Gregory  being  an  untried  laj- 
man.)> 

Once  more,  in  a  provincial  synod  at  Con- 
stantinople, 394  A.D.,  it  was  determined  that  the 
deposition  of  a  bishop  most  not  be  merely  1^  two 
or  threo  bishops, — &XA&  TKtiopos  trvp^ov  ^|r^^. 
iccU  rup  rris  4irapxias,  KaB^s  fcol  ol  'AwwrroKutoi 
Ka»6p§s  impio-arro.  The  allusion  is  said  to  be 
to  Can.  Apost.  Ixxiv. 

Of  late  years  not  much  has  been  done  by 
English  scholars  in  the  way  of  original  inrestigar 
tion  into  the  subject,  but  German  writers  have 
given  a  good  deal  of  attention  to  it  during  the 
present  century,  and  have  arrived  at  rwolts 
widely  different  from  those  we  have  just  been 
considering.  Among  these  Von  Drey  and  Bickell 
stand  conspicuous.  The  former  seems  to  con- 
sider that  the  first  50  canons  were  collected  in 
the  early  part  of  the  5th  century,  partly  out  of 
decrees  of  post-Nicene  Councils,  partly  cot  of 
the  so-called  apostolical  constitutions ;  and  that 
the  other  35  were  added  subsequently,  probably 

«  If  this  oonld  be  consldaed  to  be  proved.  It  wobM 
settle  Uie  point  that  the  Canons  were  known  at  BoDSb 
and  referred  to  hf  popes  beAm  Dlunyslusls  venlon  of 
them.  AndiftheLXXiythbenaUjlDteBde4tt««all 
•bow  that  more  than  60  wece  then  rsfwanlsfd 


AFOSTOUGAL  CANONS 

rt  ik  begbiuBg  of  the  6t2i  oenturji  when  the 
vMt  B5  were  appended  to  the  constitiitioiit.* 

KMd  wkile  adoptiiig  a  similar  theory  does 
Ml  pen  it  BO  fiur.  He  believes  the  ooUection  to 
hsff  becB  Bade  out  of  like  materials  to  those 
tftd&ti  by  Drej,  but  to  be  not  later  than  the 
«1  of  the  4th  century ;  and  holds  that  the  apos- 
tslicil  esaoBs  were  qnoted  at  Chalcedon  instead  of 
ksif  iapaitderired  fromthedecreesof  ^t  Coun- 
cil H  Drey  would  maintain),  and  possibly  aUo  at 
IfAifai  and  CoMtantinople,  448  (Oe$ck,  dea  Kir- 
dimnekt$f  toI.  L  p.  83 ;  see  also  Hefele  Oond- 
iJei^MBL,  ToL  L  p.  771)1  Both  Von  Drey  and 
Biekell  sgree  in  denyii^^  the  position  of  BevO' 
ridge  thst  the  collection  was  made  not  later 
Ihn  the  3rd  century,  and  was  composed  out  of 
M  fd$  prerious  canons  then  existing.  And 
tkr  meet  his  citations  by  denying  that  Kotfifv, 
hrph  sad  such  like  words  always  imply  what 
ve  tail  a  eanon,  and  by  alleging  that  they  are 
sfed  ia  esrly  Unttm  of  any  generally  receiyed 
rak  ia  the  Oiurch.  Thus  K€t»Ay  kwocroXuchs 
■ight  either  refer  to  some  direction  of  the  Apos- 
tki  caatsined  in  the  New  Testament,  or  to  some 
eockdastiGal  practice  supposed  to  have  been 
•rigiBated  by  them,  and  to  have  their  authority. 

nos  €3enL  Rom.  speaks  of  r^y  itpurfUvop  t^s 
kmmffUa  ovreS  K€af6m  {Ep,  L  41),  and  it  is 
Mt  to  be  supposed  that  he  can  here  allude  to 
ay  sjBsdieal  decree.  Gomp.  Iren.  Ad,  Hfur,  i.  9  ; 
PtalTcntei,  apud  Euseb.  Hut.  EocL  y.  24 ;  aem. 
AL  a^mL  i.  350,  yt  676,  yii.  753,  756,  764  (see 
alw  the  iMtaiices  in  De  Lagarde  i?«/.  Jvnr,  EccL 
iit.  pnt  p.  yL).  Accordingly  Bickell  would 
thai  iateqnet  (as  Dailltf  had  done  before  him) 
the  OK  of  the  words  tcaifiaf  and  irairowac^s  y6fios, 
m  caaott  15  of  NeocaMsrea,  and  in  canons  13, 15, 
U,  of  KiceJ     So    also  Cornelius  Ad  Itibiwn 

■  lbs  tJDowIng  table  gives  iriiBt  be  sopposes  to  be  the 
•t^  of  ite  varioos  GsnoDt>- 

1,  n,  VI,  vn,  xviL.  xvm,  xx,  xxvl.  xxxiil, 

XLVI,  XLYIL,  XUX..  LL.  LIL.  LIIL.  LX^  LXIV..  are 
al  tikm  torn  the  Aposlolkaa  OoDstitations ;  the  first 
it  tooki  of  whkh  be  cooriders  as  of  letter  half  of  3rd 


LXm.  h  from  the  8th  book,  which  Is  later,  bat 
kfeRtejvsrsas. 
XXUXXIY^  and  LXXX^  are  token  ihnn  the  Nioeoe 


TUL-XYL.  sBd  XXVni,  sad  XXXL-XLI^  Dram 


XLT.  LUL.  LXXL.  fhn  those  efLeodicea. 
LIIY.  bam  those  of  Cbnslaotiiiopie,  ajpi  881. 
XXTILfrm  those  of  GoostantiDopleb  aj>.  3M. 
XXIX,  LXYIL,  LXXIY.,  LXXXL,  LXXXIU,  firam 
iowcrChakKdan. 
XILframNeocacsarea. 
XXY.  ftom  a  csaookal  letter  of  BesO. 
mx  sad  LXX^  oat  of  tiw  supposed  BplsUe  of 
"^T"^  id  PWIikWjA 

Dhntt  a  thM  of  tlM  OuoDS  Drey  treats  OS  of  unknown 
■%tfc  Tbi  9w»Jm.t  aioaer  off  many  of  them  he  conridoro 
■V  te  amo  aadcBt,  but  not  in  tte/orsi  ^  omons. 

As  to  tte  dMoeilaa  seid  to  be  appsront  between  the 

Intfe  QtaHnseiHl  the  residoe,  see  Bkkell,  1. 86  sod  230. 

'  Sor  aa  euaiiBation  of  these  Initanoes  fttan  a  oon- 

^petat  of  viBw,  aee  Beverldge (CML  Oim.  lib.  1.  cap. 

iLX  Bit  the  leader  aboold  nothse  that  in  NicL  C^  18, 

^  fcH*rt|y  twnslelee  uowp  ovr«  e  lutmw  ovrc  ^  <rvi^ 

by  **  nee  ceoooem  nee  ooDsoetDdfaem 

he  worie  ««pA  M»<jm  ma  npA  Td[|«F 

oftheOsaon.    He  ooderotands  the  Osnon  of 

ilbeiemaflt  be  seven deaoons, unA  yhv 

teaUiiitajUlivL  (ths  writtm  tow  of  At4»- 


AP06T0UGAL  0AN0N8        115 

(Euseb.  yi  43)  ttark  r^  r^s  UnKiivlaa  KW^^tm, 
and  Firmilian  Ad  Cfyprian.(iBp,  75)  and  Cone  Are- 
lat.  canon  13,  ''eoclesiastica  regula,"  and  comp. 
Euseb.  yi.  24.  Bickell  also  thus  interprets  the 
letter  of  Alexander  to  Meletius,  and  that  of 
Constantine,  which  as  we  haye  seen  (an<«,  p.  114) 
Beyeridge  takee  as  allusions  to  the  apostolical 
canons. 

In  short  Von  Drey  and  Bickell  maintain  that 
the  instances  brought  forward  by  Beyeridge  are 
not  really  proofk  that  the  set  of  canons  called 
apostolical  are  there  quoted  or  referred  to,  but 
rather  that  allusion  is  made  to  broad  and  gene- 
rally acknowledged  principles  of  ecclesiastical 
action  and  practice,  whether  written  or  un- 
written (see  Bickell,  L  p.  2,  and  p.  81,  82,  and 
the  notes)."  But  they  go  fturther  and  proceed 
to  adduce  on  their  side  what  they  consider  to  be 
a  positiye  and  decisiye  argument.  Many  canons 
of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  correspond 
not  only  in  subject  but  to  a  yery  remarkable 
degree  in  actual  phraseology  with  the  apostolical 
canons.  Yet  they  never  quote  them,  at  least  so 
nomine. 
The  following  table  gives  the  parallel  cases  i~^ 
Antioch  L  compared  with  Oan.  Apost  YIL 

XT  iVra,  IX,  X, 

"-  "  ••  "    lXL,XIL.Xin. 

ni.  ,,  ,,  .,       XY..XYL 

lY.  ,,  ,,  ,,       XXYin. 

» '  ( t  1 »  f  •        XXXT. 

VX  M  ,«  ,,       XXXIL 

Yn..YiiL       „       »,        ,,     xnuxxxm 
xni.       ,,       ,,        .,     xxxY. 

XYIILJ        "  "  *•       XXXYL 

ZXI.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XIY. 

XXIL  .,  ,,  „       XXXV. 

XXni.  ,,  ,,  p,       LXXYL 

XXI Y.  ,,  ,y  ,,  XIl. 

XX  Y.  •  I  IS  « ■        Xlil*. 


ft 


»» 


On  this  state  of  facts  Von  Drey  and  Bickell 
maintain  that  the  apoetolical  canons  are  ob- 
yiously  borrowed  from  those  of  Antioch,  while 
Beyeridge  argues  that  the  converse  is  thtf  case. 
The  argument  turns  too  much  on  a  dose  com- 
parison of  phrases,  and  of  the  respectiye  omis- 
sions, additions,  and  modifications,  to  admit  of 
being  presented  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  be 
found  on  one  side  to  some  extent  in  Bickell,  yol. 
i.  p.  79,  et  89q.j  and  p.  230,  et  wq.  (who  gives 

twre).  Some  mieht  possibly  contend  that  the  words  of 
the  E|rfBtl6  of  AlftxandPT  (M4Mna»  p.  1 14)  refer  io  2nd  Epist 
John  10.  He  also  deals  with  a  Canon  of  Anpyra  (Can. 
%l\  which  mentkAs  that  h  wpwnfUK  Spec  refased  com- 
mmiion,  except  on  the  death-bed.  to  nnchaste  women 
gnllty  of  abortion.  This  Beveridgeevgaos  does  not  mean  a 
"CsDon"  at  alU  bat  rstber  adedsion  of  Church  disdpUne. 
Hefel^  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  it  sUodes  to  a  Ouoa 
of  ElTba,  reftafaig  the  sacnuaent  to  sacb  seen  at  death 
(CtonoUofi^eMlk.  L  208). 

•  To  a  certain  extent,  Beveridge  discoases  this  theory 
when  put  figrwaxd  by  '•Obeerrator"  (eoe  (M.  C4m.  lib.  L 
e.  11,  p.  44),  and  appears  to  contend  tlttt  «ai^  la  not  need 
for  unwritten  law,  at  all  eventa  hj  OoanoHs  in  their  de- 
crees. There  certainly  seems  some  apparent  diatinctton 
drawn  in  Nic  Oaa  18»  o6t«  &  inamif  ovrt  ^  gynj^ia 


•  It  wni  be  obaerved  that  aU  the  ApostoUeal  OuHns 
except  one,  for  which  parallels  are  hoe  fonnd  hi  the 
Antkwh  decree^  foU  within  theflrstSO:  and  the  panOlel 
to  the  LXXYIth  Oinon  ia  teiy  (ar-fetebed. 

I  2 


lltf       APOSTOLICAL  OAKONB 

the  references  to  the  corresponding  parts  of  Von 
Drej's  work) ;  and  on  the  other,  in  fieveridge's 
Codex  CmMonvm^  lib.  i.  cap.  iy.  aiid  cap.  xi^  and 
elsewhere  in  that  treatise.* 

As  a  general  mle  the  apostolical  canons  are 
shorter,  the  Antioch  canons  ftiller  and  more  ex- 
press :  a  circumstanoe  which  leads  Bickell  to  see 
in  the  former  .a  compendium  or  abridgment  of 
the  latter,  bat  which,  according  to  Beyeridge, 
proyes  the  former  to  be  the  brief  originals,  of 
which  the  latter  are  the  subsequent  expansion. 

Beyeridge  obeeryes  with  some  force  that 
though  the  apostolical  canons  are  not  quoted  by 
name,  the  canons  of  Antioch  repeatedly  profess 
to  be  in  accordance  with  preyious  ecclesiastical 
rales,  whereas  the  apostolical  canons  neyer  men- 
tion any  rules  previously  existing.^  Still  the 
same  question  most  arise  here  as  in  relation  to 
the  canons  of  Nice,  yix.,  whether  the  allosion 
really  is  to  pre-existing  canons  of  councils,  or 
whether  the  terms  used  are  to  be  otherwise  ex- 
plained. And  as  regards  the  silence  of  the  apos- 
tolical canons  as  to  anything  older  than  them- 
selyes,  it  must  be  recollected  that  any  other 
course  would  haye  been  self-contradictory.  They 
coald  not  pretend  to  be  apostolic  and  yet  rely  on 
older  authorities.  Hence  eyen  had  such  refer- 
ences been  found  in  the  materials  of  which  they 
were  composed,  these  must  haye  been  struck  out 
when  they  were  put  together  in  their  present 
shape. 

The  synod  of  Antioch  lying  under  the  re- 
proach of  Arianism,  it  may  seem  improbable  that 
any  decrees  should  haye  been  borrowed  from  it. 
To  meet  this  objection  Bickell  urges  that  though 
the  Antioch  clergy  were  Arian,  the  Bishop  Me- 
letios  was  not  un-orthodox,  and  was  much  re- 
spected by  the  Catholics.  And  he  throws  out 
the  theory  that  the  apostolical  canons,  which 
shew  traces  of  Syrian  phraseology,  may  be  a 
sort  of  corpus  canonum  made  at  that  period  in 
Syria,  and  drawn  up  in  part  from  the  Antioch 
decrees,  in  part  from  the  apostolical  constitutions 
(which  shew  like  marks  of  Syrian  origin),  and 
in  pirt  from  other  sources.'  This  work,  it  is 
coDjeetured,  Meletins  brought  with  him  when 
he  came  to  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (where 
he  died)  in  381  A.D.,  and  introduced  it  to  the 
favourable  notice  of  the  clergy:  a  hypothesis 
which  is  thought  to  account  ^r  the  apostolical 
canons  being  cited  (as  Bickell  thinks  for  the  first 
time)  at  the  Proyincial  Synod  of  Constantinople, 
A.D.  394. 

The  opinion  of  Hefele  may  be  worth  stating. 
He  thinks  that  though  there  is  a  good  deal  to  be 
said  for  the  theory  that  many  of  the  apostolical 
canons  were  borrowed  from  those  of  Antioch, 

b  The  saggoitlon  is  there  made  that  the  Ooancil  stn- 
diooflly  re-enacted  certain  orthodox  canons,  in  order  to 
gain  a  good  reputation,  while  they  tbmst  in  here  and 
there  a  canon  dT  their  own  so  ftwiied  as  to  tell  against 
Athanaaias  and  the  Cathollos.  See  CtA,  Cosi.  lib.  L  oq>.  iv. 

•  However,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  ST-39  CJanons 
of  Laodlcea,  wUdi  cloaBly  resemble  the  LXX.  and  LXXI. 
Apostolical  OanoD^  do  not  in  any  way  refer  to  them, 
though  on  Beveridge^s  theory  the  A  post  CSanons  most 
have  been  in  the  bands  of  the  Fathers  of  Laodlcea. 

«  In  Gan.  XXXYII.  the  Syro-Maoedonlan  name  of  a 
month,  Hyperberetaens,  occnrs  In  oonnexlon  with  the 
time  for  the  autmnnal  synod.  Similar  names  of  months 
oocor  in  Ap,  Ctmd,  v.  if,  20,  and  at  viii.  10.  Evadlns, 
Bishop  of  Antioch.  is  prayed  fiir  aa  **  oar  bishop." 


APOSTOLICAL  OAKOBTB 

the  oonyerse  is  quite  possible,  and  the  ^Hnnt  bjr 
no  means  settled.  In  regard  to  the  Cc  uieil  of 
Nice,  it  would  appear,  he  thinks,  that  it  refen 
to  older  canons  on  the  like  subjects  with  those 
which  it  was  enacting.  And  it  is  by  no  means 
impossible  tiutt  the  allusion  may  be  to  those 
which  are  now  foimd  among  the  apostolic  caaou. 
and  which  might  haye  existed  in  the  Cbnrch 
before  they  were  incorporated  in  that  collectioa. 
This  yiew  he  thinks  is  supported  by  a  letter  from 
certain  Egyptian  bishops  to  Meletius  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  4th  century,*  in  which  thev 
complain  of  his  haying  ordained  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  diocese,  which  they  allege  is  con- 
trary  to  **  mos  divinus  "  and  to  *'  regula  eccle- 
siastica;"  and  remind  him  that  it  is  the  ^lex 
patrum  et  propatrum.  ...  in  alienis  paroedis 
non  licere  alicui  episcopornm  ordinataones  celt- 
brare."  The  inference,  Htfele  thinks,  is  almost 
irresistible  that  this  refers  to  what  is  now  the 
36th  (xxxy.)  Apostolical  Canon.  And  at  all 
eyents  he  appears  to  hold  with  Bickell  that  the 
wostolical  canons  are  referred  to  at  Ephesoa^ 
Constantinople  (A.D.  448),  and  Chaloedon.  Bat 
such  a  view  falls  short  of  that  of  Beyeridge. 

Coming  to  the  internal  eyidence,  we  find  great 
stress  to  haye  been  laid  by  Daill^  Von  Drer, 
Bickell,  and  others  on  the  contents  of  the  canons,  as 
distinctly  marking  their  late  date.  Thus  the  8th 
(yii.)  (as  to  Easter)  is  in  harmony  with  the  pre- 
sent interpolated  text  of  the  apostolical  consti- 
tutions, but  is  at  yariance  with  what  EpijAaains 
read  there,  and  with  the  Syriac  didascalia  (see 
infra,  pp.  122, 123).  It  relates  to  the  settlement  of 
a  particular  phase  of  the  Easter  controversy  which 
did  not,  according  to  Hefele,  spring  up  ontil 
the  3rd  century  (JjonciHengnch,  i.  303  and  776^ 
Moreover,  if  known  and  recognized  preyioos  te 
the  Council  of  Nice,  it  seems  extraordinary  that 
this  canon  should  not  have  been  mentioned  in 
Constantino's  famous  letter  to  the  Kioene  Fathers 
on  the  Easter  Controyersy  (Euseb.  Vita  ConuL  iii. 
18-20). 

Canon  27  (xxyi.)  hardly  sayours  of  a  yerr 
early  time.  On  this  canon  Beyeridge  (^AkmL  w 
Can,  Apoat,  sub  Can/one  xxyi.)  cites  the  Conncil 
of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451),  as  saying  that  in  manj 
proyinces  it  was  permitted  to  readers  and  singers 
to  marry  ;  and  anderstands  it  of  those  proyinces 
in  which  the  apostolical  canons  had  b^  put  in 
force,  they  having  been,  he  says,  originally  passed 
in  different  localities  by  proyincial  synods.  (See 
also  his  Jvd,  de  Can,  Apod,  §  xil.  in  CoteL  yoL  i. 
p.  436.)  This  seems  to  derogate  somewhat  from 
the  general  reception  which  he  elsewhere  appeals 
disposed  to  claim  for  them.  So  limited  an  opera- 
tion eyen  in  the  5th  century  is  scarcely  what  was 
to  be  expected  if  the  whole  collection  had  been 
made,  and  promulgated  a  century  and  a  half  be- 
fore. 

The  31st  (xxx.),  the  Ixxxi.,  and  Ixxnil,  all 
appear  to  sprak  of  a  time  when  the  onpire  was 
Christian  (see  Hefele,  yol.  i.  p.  783,  789 ;  Bio 
kell,  i.  80.).v 

•  Given  in  EUmth,  ReL  Soar,  vol.  ilL  pp.  381, 38S. 
r  If  Hefele's  view  on  this  sal^ect  be  accepted,  Beveridp 
most  be  held  to  have  conftised  the  special  point  here  rded 

with  other  qneationB  in  dlspate  in  the  fiaster  vuuuuvaij 
(^Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  c.  liL). 

f  Von  Drey,  however,  points  ont  that  It  la  difflcolt  to 
snppoee  a  ooancil  nnder  the  empire  would  si*  iCRif  m 
openly  agsinst  the  emperor's  intsitteenoe.   If  m  «■■ 


iPOSTOUGAL  CANONS 

IW  35tk  (zxxiv.),  recognicing  a  kind  X}f  metro- 
fiiSUm  wUhmiij,  has  also  been  much  insisted 
m  bj  Vot  I>Rj  and  Bickell,  as  well  as  hj  Daille, 
m  pRwf  of  an  origin  not  earlier  than  the  4th 
ccatvj  («e  eont^^  Bey.  CotL  Ccm,  lib.  2,  cap.  t.).^ 

Tht  Mkh  iQggests  the  remark  that  if  it  were  in 
cxistcice  at  the  timo  of  Cjprian,  it  would  snrely 
iHTe  becB  cited  in  the  controversy  as  to  heretictU 
bpciflD.  It  agrees  with  the  doctrine  of  the  apoa- 
toJkal  eoBstltntions  vL  15,  and  according  to  some 
b>  protebl  J  been  taken  thence.  Beveridge  indeed 
thgrrei  that  Cjprian  {Epitt,  to  Jubajanus)  does 
idj  «n  the  decree  of  a  synod  held  under  the 
prmdcacj  of  Agrippinus  (see  Jud.  de  Can.  Ap. 
$  iL  sad  Cod,  Can.  lib.  3,  cap.  xii.).  This  de- 
em be  Mems  to  think  may  be  the  original  of 
CUM  46.  If  80)  however,  it  would  seem  to  shew 
tiw  locsl  and  partial  character  of  the  apostolical 
moot,  ftr  we  know  that  the  Roman  Church 
kdd  st  this  very  time  a  contrary  view  (Comp. 
the  siimisKiaBs  of  Bev.  in  Jud.  de  Can,  §  xii.). 

igsii,  other  orders  besides  bishop,  priest,  and 
imeok  appear  in  the  clerical  body.  We  have  sub- 
teooBi,  readers,  and  singers  (canon  43).*  Though 
tht  second  of  these  is  found  in  Tertullian,  the 
int  sad  last  are  not  to  be  traced  further  back 
thu  the  middle  of  the  third  century. 

Sot  to  mention  other  instances,  it  may  in  con- 
doBoa  be  obserred  that  much  contest  has  taken 
fket  OTcr  the  list  of  canonical  books  in  the  last 
cuot,  aad  as  to  the  reference  therein  to  the  con- 
ititakioBL  Beveridge  thinks  that  the  variation 
ia  that  list  from  the  canon  of  Scripture  as  eventu- 
slir  settled,  is  a  proof  that  it  was  drawn  up  at 
aa  early  date  aiid  before  the  final  settlement 
•ai  nadow  But  at  the  same  time  he  (somewhat 
■Maasteatly)  is  inclined  to  take  refuge  in  the 
tbeary  that  this  last  canon  has  been  interpolated. 
Here  again  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt  an 
•WidioMttt  of  the  argument  (see  Cod.  Canon, 
Uh.  2,  e.  ix.  and  Jud,  de  Cttn,  Apod.  §  xvi.  et  aeq.) 

Beftre  omclading,  the  opinions  of  one  or  two 
other  vritera  most  be  mentioned.  Erabbe  think  s 
that  at  the  end  of  the  4th  or  early  in  the  5th 
ccitvry,  a  writer  of  Arian  or  Macedonian  teu- 
^caciss  drew  up  both  the  8th  book  of  the  consti- 
tntioai  aad  the  collection  of  canons,  the  former 
htiif  composed  out  of  precepts  then  in  circulation 
■■der  the  Apostles'  names,  with  many  additions  of 
hii  own,  the  latter  out  of  canons  made  in  different 
piooes  during  the  2Dd  and  3rd  centuries,  with 

^Tiit  al^l  be  henoe  gained  for  the  theory  that  these 
eaiai(ia  the  pitint  fomi,  at  aU  eTCDts)did  not  really 
^Hsli  fiQii  any  oooscU. 
*  Beveridge  obaervca  thai  the  Apostolical  Canon  merely 
of  fW  vpHTor  imivmww,  whereas  the  corre* 
Obmo  of  Andodi  has  tW  ev  rg  infrpowokti 
wLntomotf\  the  latter  betog  in  coofonnlty 
vtfh  (be  Bime  metropolitan.  This  name  did  not  arise  till 
fti4fteatai7;  and  he  therefore  thinks  the  Apostolical 
Gtea  h  prand  to  be  the  older  of  the  two,  and  to  be 
Mn  IhM  oia.  Moreover  the  Canon  of  Antioeh  pro- 
^MS  te  enactawnt  to  be  mar^  vor  opj^otonpor  jcpor 
Mr  wBT^pMr  i^twv  KOj^JMu  It  may  be  worth 
thai  thoe  Is  no  traoe  of  a  primacy  among 
h  the  Apoatolieal  Conatltotiona,  even  in  their 


*  fcaaHBHa  we  Had  only  a  general  etpreaalon,  as  In 
^^ (vfl.)«  wfakfa  nma  «S  rcc  htinunnt  ^  wptapSrtpot 
WiWec  ^hi  Ttm  HrnnXtrgoit  tw  Mparucev;  the  latter 
**dio— ythendtBg  the  other  orders,  and  being  appa- 
^'■^AtBl^  eqnfvalcDt  to  the  phraae  ^  ikmt  rov  xara- 
A^ia  oSr  cAmmt  hi  Osa.  1ft. 


APOSTOLICAL  0 ANCNS       1 1 7 

the  mterpolation  of  the  7th  and  85th  canons 
forged  by  himself  (see  (Jltzen,  p.  xvi.  pref.). 

Bunsen  attaches  much  importance  to  the  apos- 
tolical canons.  He  regards  them  as  belonging 
to  a  class  of  ordinances  which  were  '^  the  local 
coutumes  of  the  apostolical  Church,"  i.  e.  if  not 
of  the  Johannean  age,  at  all  events  of  that  imme- 
diately succeeding.  Yet  such  "never  formed 
any  real  code  of  law,  much  less  were  they  the 
decrees  of  synods  or  councils.  Their  collections 
nowhere  had  the  force  of  law.  Every  ancient 
and  great  church  presented  modifications  of  the 
outlines  and  traditions  here  put  together;  but 
the  constitutions  and  practices  of  all  churches 
were  built  upon  this  groundwork  "  (Christ,  and 
Mankind,  vol.  ii.  421).  Our  apostolical  canons 
served  this  purpose  in  the  Greek  Church.  The 
fiction  which  attributes  them  to  the  Apostles  is 
probably  ante-Nicene  (vol.  vii.  p.  373) ;  but  they 
are  now  in  an  interpolated  state. 

Internal  evidence  shews,  he  thinks,  that  the 
original  collection  consisted  of  three  chapters : — 
I.  On  ordination. 
II.  On  the  oblation  and  communion. 

III.  On  acts  which  deprive  of  ofiScial  rights 
or  offices. 

These  comprise,  with  some  exceptions,  rather 
more  than  a  third  of  the  whole.  To  these,  he 
says,  were  appended,  but  at  an  early  date — 

IV.  On  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  bishop ; 
and  subsequently  when  the  collection  thus  ex- 
tended had  been  formed — 

V.  Other  grounds  of  deprivation. 

Canons  6  (v.),  27  (xxvi.),  he  considers  from 
internal  evidence  to  be  interpolations.  Relying 
on  the  fiict  that  the  Coptic  version  (to  which  he 
attaches  much  weight,  calling  it  "The  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions  of  Alexandria")  omits 
canons  xlvii.,  xlviii.,  xlix.,  1.,  he  treats  these 
also  as  of  later  date.  Canon  35  (xxxiv.)  ho 
appears  to  consider  as  a  genuine  early  foim  of 
what  subsequently  became  the  system  of  metro- 
politan authority. 

Coming  then  to  what  he  styles  "  The  Second 
Collection,  which  is  not  recognized  by  the  Roman 
Church,"  •*.  e.  to  the  canons  not  translated  by 
Dionysius,  he  says  they  "bear  a  more  decided 
character  of  a  law  book  for  the  internal  dis- 
cipline of  the  clergy,  with  penal  enactments." 

Canon  Ixxxi.  is  a  repetition  and  confirmation 
of  one  in  the  first  collection,  viz.,  xx.  compared 
with  31  (xxx.).  This  and  canons  Ixxxiii.,  Ixxxiv., 
are  post-Nicene.  The  canon  of  Scripture  also  is 
spurious,  as  contradicting  in  many  points  the 
authentic  traditions  and  assumptions  of  the  eariy 
Church.  It  is  wanting  in  the  oldest  MS.,  the 
Codex  Barberinus  {Christianity  and  Maniind, 
vol.  ii.  p.  227). 

Oltzen,  though  modestly  declining  to  express 
a  positive  judgment,  evidently  leans  to  the  view 
of  Bickell  that  the  Antiochene  decrees  were 
the  foundation  of  manv  of  the  canons,  and  re- 
grets that  Bunsen  should  have  brought  up  again 
the  theory  of  Beveridge,  which,  he  considers, 
"recentiores  omnes  hujus  rei  judices  refuta- 
verant "  (Pref.  p.  xvi.  note,  and  p.  xxi.). 

There  are  Oriental  versions  of  the  apostolical 
canons.  As  Bunsen  has  observed,  the  Coptic  and 
Aethiopic  (the  former  being  a  very  late  but 
faithful  translation  from  an  old  Sahidio  version, 
see  Tattam's  Edition,  1848)  omit  certain  of  the 
canons  relating  to  heretical  baptism.    Except  in 


118 


AF06T0LI0AL  0AN0N8 


thif  and  in  Oan.  Ixxxt.  they  do  not  differ  in  any 
important  degree  ^  Some  acooont  of  these  yer- 
aions,  and  alto  of  the  STriao,may  be  leen  in  Bickell, 
ToL  L  append*  iv.  He  ooneiden  OTen  the  last- 
named  to  be  later  than  oar  Qreek  text,  and  that 
little  ajnistance  is  to  be  derived  from  them  (tee 
p.  215) ;  others,  howerer,  as  Bonsen,  rate  them 
Highly.    The  subject  deserves  further  inquiry. 

To  attempt  to  decide,  or  eyen  to  sum  up  so 
large  a  oontroyersy,  and  one  on  which  scholars 
have  differed  so  widely,  would  sayoor  of  pre- 
sumption. It  most  suffice  to  indicate  a  few 
pomts  on  which  the  decision  seems  principally 
to  turn.  The  first  question  is,  Can  we  come  to 
Beyeridge's  conclusion  that  a  corpus  canonum 
corresponding  to  our  present  collection,  and  pos- 
sessing a  generally  recognised  authority,  really 
existed  in  the  3rd  century  ?  If  so,  much  weight 
would  deservedly  belong  to  it. 

But  if  an  impartial  view  of  Beveridge's  argu- 
ments should  be  thought  to  lead  merely  to  the 
conclusion,  that  a  number  of  canons  substanti- 
ally agreeing  with  certain  of  those  now  in  our 
collection,  are  quoted  in  the  4th  century,  and 
presumably  existed  some  considerable  time  pre- 
viously, we  find  ourselves  in  a  different  position. 

In  this  case  the  contents  of  our  present  col- 
lection may  possibly  be  nothing  more  than  de- 
crees of  synods  held  at  different  and  unknown 
times,^  and  in  different  and  uncertain  places,  not 
necessarily  agreeing  with  each  other,  and  not 
necessarily  acknowledged  by  the  Church  at  large, 
at  all  events  till  a  later  period."* 

Again,  if  our  present  collection  as  a  whole  be 
not  shewn  to  be  of  the  3rd  century,  the  question 
at  once  ariMs  when  and  how  it  was  made,  and 
whether  any  modification  or  interpolation  took 
place  in  the  component  materials  when  they  were 
so  collected  together." 

If  it  be  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  digest  of  pre- 
existing canons  brought  together  from  various 
sources,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  how  far  the 
fact  that  any  particular  canon  is  authenticated 

k  In  Can.  LXXXY.  the  C!optlc  omits  Esther  from  the 
0.  T.  end  pnts  Judith  and  ToUt  tn  pUoe  of  Maccabees, 
and  after  mentioning  the  16  Prophets,  it  goes  on :  *■  These 
also  let  7oar  yoong  persons  learn.  And  ont  of  the  Wis- 
dom of  Solonion  and  Esther,  the  three  Books  of  Maccabees, 
and  the  Wisdo|n  of  the  Son  of  Slrach,  there  is  mncfa  In- 
straetioQ."  In  N.  T.  it  adds  the  Apocalypse^  between 
Jode  sod  the  Epistles  of  Clement,  and  says  nothing  tohot- 
aer  about  tki  €iglU  bookt  <^  rtgultttioiu.  •'The  Acta" 
are  merely  mcntlooed  by  that  name^  and  Mlow  the 
Gospela  in  the  list. 

1  Some  may,  no  doubt,  be  of  an  early  date :  thus  Von 
Drey  admits  the  probable  antiquity  of  Can.  1,  Oan.  10  (iz.). 
Can.  11  (z.),  and  others.  See  notes  to  the  Canons  in 
Hefele's  OoneiUengeockidUe,  voL  1.  Append. ;  end  comp. 
Bickell,  vol.  1.  pp.  80,  81. 

■  Beverldge  speaks  of  the  Apostolical  Ouions  as  the 
work  *  not  of  one  bat  of  many  synods,  and  those  held  in 
divers  plaoes"  (Ood.  Oatn.  lib.  1,  cap.  U.).  He  thinks 
that  the  name  of  the  month  Hyperberetaeos  in  Can. 
ZXXVIL  shews  that  Csnon  to  be  of  JSaatem  origin; 
while  he  argnes  that  the  rule  as  to  Easter  in  Can.  VII. 
proves  that  Canon  to  belong  to  the  WuUm  Church, 
inosmndi  as  the  rule  in  question  doa  not  agrot  viik  the 
Oriental praeKoe  (/ud.  de  Can.  s.  12;  and  see  a  27). 

>  As  to  admiasions  of  Interpolations,  see  Bev.  JiuL  de 
Octn.  ad  finemt  and  Cod,  Can.  in  CoteL  vol.  IL  Append. 
pp.  10,  T3, 114.  Nor  can  It  be  (brgotten  that,  in  the  only 
shapes  in  which  ve  know  of  their  having  been  cdlected, 
thij  are  introduced  by  the  untrue  pretext  of  being  the 
welds  of  the  Apoitks  dictated  lo  dement. 


AFOBTOLIOAL  OANONB 

by  being  dted  at  Nice  or  elsewhere,  in  aaj 
degree  authenticates  any  other  canon  not  ss 
cited.  For  unless  some  bond  of  connexion  cu 
be  shewn,  two  canons  standing  in  juztapositiflB, 
may  be  of  quite  different  age  ud  origin. 

These  considerations  have  been  principally 
framed  with  reference  to  the  arguments  of  Beve- 
ridge.  Of  course  if  the  views  of  Yon  Drey  be 
adopted,  any  im|>ortance  to  be  attadied  to  the 
canons  is  materially  diminished.  Up  to  a  certain 
point  Beveridge  certainly  argues  not  only  with 
ingenuity  but  force,  and  his  reasoning  does  not 
seem  to  have  received  its  fair  share  of  attention 
from  Von  Drey  and  Bickell.*  Still,  after  allow- 
ing all  just  weight  to  what  he  advances,  a  careful 
consideration  of  the  points  just  suggested,  may 
perhaps  tend  to  shew  that  it  is  not  difficult  to 
see  why  controversialists  of  modem  times  have 
not  ventured  to  lay  much  stress  on  the  apos- 
tolical canons. 

But  there  is  another  reason  for  this.  Ne 
Western  church  can  consistently  prodaim  their 
authority  as  they  now  stand.  Protestant  chnrcfaes 
will  hardly  agree,  for  instance,  to  the  rule  that 
one  who  was  ordained  unmarried,  may  not  after- 
wards marry,  nor  will  they  recognize  the  Mac- 
cabees as  a  canonical  book ;  while  the  csnoas 
which  require  a  trine  immersion  in  baptism,  and 
the  repetition  of  baptism  when  performed  by 
heretics,  will  not  be  accepted  by  either  Protest 
ant  or  Roman  Catholic.' 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  that  the  canons  here 
discussed  are  not  the  only  series  extant  which 
claim  apostolical  authority. 

ThuB,  for  instance,  besides  the  Atard^tis  rir 
kyicev  kiroor6Kttv  v^pl  x^^porovt&Vt  9tit  'lv» 
a-oAirrov  and  Al  iutrayai  ed  M  KXif/tlrrof  sal 
ieear6yts  ^KieKfia'uurracol  r&v  kyUav  dtMoarihmw 
(both  of  which  will  be  treated  of  in  oonnexioB 
with  the  Apost.  Constitutions),  we  have  certain 
pretended  canons  of  an  apostolic  council  at  An- 
tioch  (the  title  being  rov  iiylov  Upo/idprvpo$ 
Rofi^Xov  iie  T^s  4v  *AyTiox«tf  tAv  iarwrT6km^ 
tnnf^av,  tovt*  iirriw  4ir  rw  avpoiuc&v  wbrwt 
KOMivotv  lUpos  r&v  ^  oAtov  t^ptidrreev  €ls  vV 
'dptydwovs  fiifiXioHiniw).  They  are  in  Bickell, 
i.  138,  and  Lagarde,  Belig.  Jvria  Eocles.  p.  18. 

We  also  find  another  set  of  apostolic  canons 
(Bpos  Koifoyuchs  r&v  itffiwv  iarotrriXoni)  also 
published  by  Bickell,  i.  133,  and  Lagarde,  p.  36 
(and  of  which  the  latter  critic  says  that  it  is 
*<nondum  theologis  satis  oonsideratum  ") ;  and 
yet  again  a  curious  series  of  alleged  apoetolie 
ordinances  (many  of  which  resemble  parts  of 
the  apostolical  constitutions),  in  three  ancient 
Syriac  MSS.,  one  translated  into  Greek  by  Lagarde 
(Rd.  Jw.  Eccl.  p.  89),  and  two  into  English,  with 
notes,  by  Cureton,  in  *  Ancient  Syriac  Documents, 

•  Tet  it  is  oertainly  remarkable  tbatt  when  we  flrtt 
hear  of  theee  Quions,  the  questioD  seems  to  be  whether 
thej  are  apostolic  or  apocryphaL  The  view  that  they 
are  an  authentic  coUectiou  of  post^Hpoeiolie  sjuodial 
decrees  does  not  seem  to  have  then  suggested  IteeUl 

p  Refined  distinctions  have  indeed  been  drawn  to  qua- 
lify the  an;MUPent  sense  of  some  of  these  Oanoos  (see  Ber. 
Cod.  Can.  in  CoteL  voL  iL  Append,  p.  100,  and  p,  130); 
but  the  difllcnlty  attending  them  has  pnAaUy  had  its 
share  in  preventing  their  full  recognition.  Hefele  qteaks 
of  the  Canon  on  Heretical  BoptiMOi  as  contraiy  to  the 
Booian  rule.  Gul  LXVl.  i^  also  contraiy  U>  the  dlKH 
pltaie  of  Rome;  but  not  being  in  the  first  M^  It  Is  hiU 
spocryphaL 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 


119 


nbliif  totlMMrlkst  6ftabliaiim«nt  of  CSiruti- 
iBftjitldMH,'  iK^witb  prefiMebj W.Wright, 
lmLl96i,  It  appetn  that  in  God.  Add.  14,173, 
fcL  37,  a  Brit.  Miu.  this  document  is  quoted  as 
•*CuaM  of  the  .^postles." 

It  is  not  ptfhapo  a  wholly  unreasonable  hope 
tkst  farther  researches  into  the  ecclesiastical 
less,  of  Syria  may  he  the  means  of  throwing 
■sie  li^t  on  the  perpleung  questions  which 
Mirouid  alike  the  apostolic  canons  and  the  apos- 
telk  eoBstitutaons,  both  of  them,  in  all  proba- 
liliij,eIoEel7  connected  in  their  origin  with  that 
Ghnick  sad  oountry.4 

jMaftritia.--^Ctniwriatore8  MagMurg.  il  c.  7, 
f.  5H  ^  f r.  Turrianus,  Pro  Canon.  Apost.  et 
^JkateL  Poktif.  Apost,  Adterwa  Magd,  (ktdur. 
/i^MM>(Flor.  1572,  Lutetiae  1573),  Ub.  L  P.  de 
]iitci,0Mic&ic«r<i^iii2.  J.I>allaeus,i>ePs«u<i- 
tfigrofka  Apod^  lib.  iii.  Pearsoni  VincUc, 
Igid.  Qm  Cotelerius,  Pair,  Apoat^^  toL  ii.  app. 
f.  251X  part  L  cap.  4.  Hatt.  Larroquanus  in 
Jfp.  (H»,  ad  P§ar9omaaa$  Tgnatu  Vtndic.  (Rotho- 
m^.  1674).  Beveregii  Judicium  de  Can,  Apost, 
CnCoteL,  Po^r.  Apost,,  edit.  1724,  yoL  I  p.  432). 
Bcreregii  Aiaototalones  ad  Can,  Apost.  (Ibid.  p. 
455>  Codsx  CammumEocIesiae  Umversalis  Vin- 
ioatu  a  GuL  Beyeregio  (Ibid.  yol.  ii.  app.  p.  1, 
aad  Oxfoid  1848.)  BrJUkatoM  Judicium  da  Auctore 
Caomm  st  Consktutiomim  ApostoUcorum  (Cotel. 
wL  ii  app.  pw  177).  Prokg,  in  Ignatium  Jac, 
UstfH  (Ibid.  ToL  u,  app.  p.  199),  see  cap.  yi. 
KegobKcht,  Diss,  de  Can.  Ap,  et  Cod,  Ecc, 
Bkfi,,  fiatiftb.  1828.  Eiabbe,  De  Cod,  Can,  qui 
Apod,  (ficiutfur,  Eitt.  1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue 
Uderssck.  Hber  die  Konstit,  und  Kanones  der 
ifMt.,  Tiibingen  1832.  Bickell,  Geschichte  des 
KtrekesredUs,  Giessen  1843,  yoL  i.  Hefele,  Cor^ 
eikagesddekte,  Freiburg  1855,  yol.  i.  append. 
BuMD,  Cbistiamty  and  Mankind,  London  1854. 
ClticB,  Oonstitutiones  Apod,,  Suerini  1853,  pre- 
set §  2.  De  Lagarde,  SeHguiae  Juris  Eccleai- 
adidAidiqeiMaunaSy  1856.  [B.  S.] 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS.  The 
apoitoUcal  constitutions  consist  of  eight  books. 
Taeir  general  scope  is  the  discussion  and  regnla- 
tMB  (Dot  in  the  way  of  concise  rules,  but  in 
difiiae  and  hortatory  language)  of  ecclesiastical 
sfiirL  la  some  places  they  enter  upon  the 
private  behayiour  proper  for  Christians;  in 
ctltfr  parts,  in  connexion  with  the  services  of 
tb«  Cknrch,  they  furnish  liturgical  forms  at 
nanderable  length.*  A  large  share  of  the 
vbele  is  taken  up  with  the  subjects  of  the  sac- 
maents,  and  of  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
dergy. 

M  the  end  of  the  eighth  book,  as  now  com- 
■oalr  edited,  are  to  be  foond  the  apostolical 
caaoiB.  These  we  haye  already  treated  of  in  the 
ptriooi  article. 

The  constitutions,  extant  in  HSS.  in  yarious 
•ibuies,^  appear  during  the  middle  ages  to  haye 
beei  practically    unknown.     When    in    1546, 

^  Bfckd],  howefsf,  warns  us  thai  the  fruits  of  such 
nnntei  amsl  be  wd  with  csnttoo.  on  aoooont  of  the 
avritial  wqr  in  wbkh  ysiioas  pieces  are  pai  to> 
ynte  la  these  MBS.  (voL  L  p.  318). 

*  Tbeie  belang  eapvdsUy  to  the  question  of  Litoigles, 
«<  «1tt  not  ttaerefcre  be  ooostdered  St  length  here. 

^  la  eooogat  of  ttw  IfiflL  Is  given  in  UlCsen's  ediUon. 
■d  ly  Ugnde  !n  BoMea's  CMd,  ond  JKm.,  yol.  ri. 
%'d. 


Carolus  Capellns,  a  Venetian,  printed  an  epitome 
of  them  in  Latin  translated  from  a  MS.  foand  in 
Crete,  Bishop  Jewell  spoke  of  it  as  a  worlc  **  in 
these  countries  neyer  heard  of  nor  seen  beture.*' 
(Park.  Soc,  Jew,,  i.  111.)  In  1563  Boviua  pub- 
lished a  complete  Latin  yersion,  and  in  the  same 
year  Turrianus  edited  the  Greek  text.  It  is  not 
expedient  here  to  pursue  at  any  length  the 
question  of  subsequent  editions,  but  it  may  be 
as  well .  to  mention  the  standard  one  of  Cote- 
lerius in  the  Patres  Apostolici  and  the  usefal  and 
portable  modern  one  of  tJ'ltzen  (Suerin,  1853). 
There  is  also  one  by  Lagarde,  Lipsiae,  1862. 

The  constitutions  profess  on  the  face  of  them 
to  be  the  words  of  the  Apostles  themselves 
written  down  by  the  hand  of  Clement  of  Remi:, 

Book  1  prescribes  in  great  detail  the  mannars 
and  liabits  of  the  faithfiU  laity« 

Book  2  is  concerned  chiefly  with  the  duties  of 
the  episcopal  office,  and  with  assemblies  for 
divine  worship. 

Book  3  relates  partly  to  widows,  partly  to  the 
clergy,  and  to  the  administration  of  baptism. 

Book  4  treats  of  sustentation  of  the  poor,  of 
domestic  life,  and  of  virgins. 

Book  5  has  mainly  to  do  with  the  subjects  of 
martyrs  and  martyrdom,  and  with  the  rules  for 
feasts  and  fasts. 

Book  6  speaks  of  schismatics  and  heretics,  and 
enters  upon  the  question  of  the  Jewish  law,  and 
of  the  apostolic  discipline  substituted  for  it,  and 
refers  incidentally  to  certain  customs  and  tradi- 
tions both  Jewish  and  Gentile. 

Book  7  describes  the  two  paths,  the  one  of 
life,  the  other  of  spiritual  death,  and  follows  out 
this  idea  into  several  points  of  daily  Christian 
life.  Then  follow  rules  for  the  teaching  and 
baptism  of  catechumens,  and  liturgical  pre- 
cedents of  prayer  and  praise,  together  with  a  list 
of  bishops  said  to  have  been  appointed  by  the 
Apostles  themselves. 

Book  8  discusses  the  diversity  of  spiritual 
gifts,  and  giv»  the  forms  of  public  prayer  and 
administration  of  the  communion,  the  election 
and  ordinations  of  bishops,  and  other  orders  in 
the  Church,  and  adds  various  ecclesiastical  regu- 
lations. 

This  enumeration  of  the  contents  of  the  books 
is  by  no  means  exhaustive — ^the  style  being 
diffuse,  and  many  other  matters  being  incident- 
ally touched  upon — ^but  is  merely  intended  to  give 
the  reader  some  general  notion  of  the  nature  of 
the  work. 

From  the  time  when  they  were  brought  again 
to  light  down  to  the  present  moment,  great 
differences  of  opinion  have  existed  as  to  the  date 
and  authorship  of  the  constitutions. 

Turrianus  and  Bovius  held  them  to  be  a 
genuine  apostolical  work,  and  were  followed  in 
this  opinion  by  some  subsequent  theologians,  and 
notably  by  the  learned  and  eccentric  Whiston, 
who  maintained  that  (with  the  exception  of  a 
few  gross  interpolations)  they  were  a  record  of 
what  our  Saviour  himself  delivered  to  hia 
Apostles  in  the  forty  days  after  his  resurrection, 
and  that  they  were  committed  to  writing  and 
were  sent  to  the  churches  by  two  apostolic 
councils  held  at  Jerusalem,  a.d.  64  and  a.d.  67, 
and  by  a  third  held  soon  afler  the  destruction 
of  the  city. 

On  the  other  hand  Baronius,  Bellarmine  and 
Petavius  declined  to  attach  weight  to  the  Cob- 


120 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTTnjTIONS 


ttitationa,  while  DailM  and  Blondel  fiercely  at- 
tacked their^enuineness  and  authority. 

Whiston's  main  argument  was  that  the  early 
Fathers  constantly  speak  of  SiScuncaX^a  ixo- 
croKuc^t  ttard^fis,  iiarayal,  Hiardy/wra  rwy 
iaroer^MV,  Kiufi»¥  t^»  Kttrovfryiasy  tcwitv  -nj* 
kKifi^las,  and  so  forth,  which  is  tnie ;  bu4  he 
has  not  proyed  that  these  expressions  are  neces- 
sarily oMd  of  a  definite  book  or  books,  and  far 
less,  that  they  relate  to  what  we  now  have  as 
the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitutions. 

It  will  be  well  to  look  at  some  of  the  chief  of 
these  passages  fxt>m  the  Fathers. 

We  may  begin  with  the  words  of  Irenaeus  in 
the  fragment  first  printed  by  Pfaff  in  1715.  al 
Tcuf  8(vr^pcuf  r&v  inro<rT6\MV  Ziard^tct  vafnt- 
Ko\ovBiHKvr€s  iffwri  t6v  K^piov  viiuf  wpoir^opiuf 
4y  Tp  Kcuyf  HMd-fiicp  maBfoniKiycu  tearit  t6 
MaXaxiov  k,  r.  \. 

Professor  Lightfoot  is  disposed  to  see  here  a 
reference  to  £e  apostolical  constitutions,  bat 
does  not  recognise  the  Pfiiffian  fragments  as 
genuine.*  (Lightfoot  On  Epist,  to  PfulippianB, 
London,  1868,  pp.  201,  202.)  But  if  the  genu- 
ineness be  admitted,  the  reference  is  surely  in 
th«  highest  degree  vague  and  uncertain.  There 
is  nc  eyidence  that  the  ordinances  spoken  of 
(whAeyer  they  were)  were  to  be  found  in  any 
one  particular  book — still  less  is  there  anything 
to  identify  what  is  spoken  of  with  the  apostoliou 
constitutions  either  as  we  now  haye  them,  or 
under  any  earlier  and  simpler  form.  Moreoyer, 
it  appears  singular  that  if  the  Constitutions  were 
really  what  the  writer  was  relying  on,  he  should 
not  quote  some  passage  from  them.  Instead  of 
this,  he  goes  on  to  cite  the  Reyelation,  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
almost  as  if  these  contained  the  Utard^cts  in 
question.  What  is  meant  by  the  word  8c^«pai 
it  seems  yery  difficult  to  say  with  certainty. 

Origen  speaking  of  fasting  (in  his  10th  Homily 
on  Leyiticus)  says,  '*  Sed  est  et  alia  adhuc  re- 
ligiosa  [jejunandi  ratio],  cujus  laus  qrtorundam 
apostolontm  Uteris  praedicatur.  Inyenimus  enim 
iu  quodam  libeUo  ab  apostolis  dictum,  Beatus 
est  qui  etiam  jejunat  prae  eo  ut  alat  pauperem. 
Hujus  jejunium  yalde  acceptum  est  apud  Deum 
et  reyera  digne  satis :  imitatur  enim  Ilium  qui 
animam  suam  posuit  pro  fratribus  suis." 

The  terms  in  which  Origen  intixKluccs  this 
citation  do  not  seem  yery  appropiiate  to  such  a 
work  as  the  Constitutions,  nor  in  point  of  fact 
do  the  words  (which  seem  meant  as  an  exact 
quotation)  occur  in  it.  There  is  indeed  (Book 
T.  1)  a  general  exhortation  to  fast  in  order  to 
giye  the  food  to  the  saints,  but  the  passage  has  a 
primary  reference  (at  all  eyents)  to  saints  im- 
prisoQMl  on  account  of  the  fitith.  There  Is,  there- 
fore, a  considerable  diyergenoe  between  the  words 
in  Origen  and  those  in  the  Constitutions;  and 
we  are  hardly  justified  in  seeing  any  reference  to 
the  latter  in  the  former.^ 

«  Hilgenfeld  eppesrs  to  take  a  like  vipw,  both  as  to  the 
Apostolical  Constttatlons  bdng  intendeii,  and  as  to  the 
passage  not  being  genuine.  {Nov.TaLmtraCamon,recepL 
Faadc  iy.  pp.  83,  84.)  Bunsen  thinks  the  Fragment  ge- 
naloe.  and  |hat  it  refers  to  some  early  "  Ordinanoes,"  oot 
neoesstfily  the  lame  as  we  now  have :  CkritL  and  Jfoik, 
voL  It  p.  398,  et  aeq. 

d  Primft  fade,  too^ "  Uterae  quorvmdaM  apostoloram  "  is 
not  an  apt  designatiaa  of  a  work  professing  to  represent 
tha  joint  decrees  of  oK. 


A  later  treatise  entitled  <  De  Aleatoribos,'  ef 
unknown  date  and  authorship,  erroneously  as- 
cribed to  Cyprian,  refers  to  a  passage  **  in  doe- 
trinis  apostolorum,"  relating  to  Church  discipline 
upon  offenders.  Here  again  no  effort  has  suc- 
ceeded in  tracing  the  words  of  the  citation  either 
in  the  constitutions  or  in  any  known  work. 
There  is,  indeed,  a  passage  of  a  similar  effect 
(Book  ii.  c.  39),  bvt  the  actual  langua^  is  not 
the  same ;  and  a  similarity  of  general  tenor  v 
not  much  to  be  relied  upon,  inasmuch  as  th« 
subject  in  hand  is  a  very  common  one. 

We  come  now  to  Eosebius.  In  his  list  of 
books,  afler  naming  those  generally  allowed,  and 
those  which  are  hvriX^iii^poi,  he  goes  on, — "  We 
roust  rank  as  spurious  (v6Boi)  the  account  of  the 
*  Acts  of  Paul,'  the  book  called  <  The  Shepbeid/ 
and  the  '  Revelation  of  Peter,'  and  besides  these, 
the  epistle  circulated  under  the  name  of  'Bar- 
nabas,' and  what  are  called  the  'Teadiings  of 
the  Apostles '  (Twk  iiToarT6\»y  at  \ty6ti€imi  8i- 
SayaC),  and  moreover,  as  I  said,  the  '  Apocalypse 
of  John,'  if  such  an  opinion  seem  correct,  whidi 
some  as  I  said  reject,  while  others  reckon  it 
among  the  books  generally  received.  We  may 
add  that  some  have  reckoned  in  this  division  the 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  to  which  those 
Hebrews  who  have  received  [Jesus  as]  the  Christ 
are  especially  attached.  All  these  then  will  be- 
long to  the  class  of  controverted  books."  (Ensebu 
Hist.  JSccl  iii.  25.) 

The  place  here  given  to  the  ZiZaxai  (even 
supposing  them  to  be  the  constitutions)  is  in- 
consistent with  their  being  held  a  genuine  work 
of  the  Apostles.  It  speaks  of  them,  however,  as 
forming  a  well-known  book,  and  from  the  cos- 
text  of  the  passage,  they  seem  to  be  recognised 
as  orthodox ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  identify 
them  directly  with  our  present  collection. 

Athanasius,  among  books  not  canonical,  but 
directed  to  be  read  by  proselytes  for  instmctiim 
in  godliness,  enumerates  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon, 
the  Wisdom  of  Sirach,  Esther,  Judith,  Tobias, 
and  what  he  styles  8<Sax^  KoXovfieyri  rw  &yo- 
0-TuXwK.  The  same  remarks  obviously  apply  to 
this  Father  as  to  Eusebius  (Op,  S,  Athan.  I  963, 
Ed.  Bened.). 

The  language  of  neither  of  them  indicates  that 
the  work  in  question  was  looked  upon  as  an  au- 
thoritative collection  of  Church  laws.  Lagarde 
denies  that  either  of  them  is  to  be  considered 
as  quoting  any  book  of  our  constitutions,  laying 
much  stress  on  the  distinction  between  Si^axsi 
and  Siorr^eis  or  Siorayol  dTooroAw.  (Bunsen. 
Christ,  and  Man,,  vol.  vi.  p.  41.")  Bunsen,  how- 
ever, himself  is  inclined  to  see  here  a  real  refer- 
ence to  a  primitive  form  of  the  constitutions. 
(Ibid,  vol.  ii.  p.  405.) 

We  now  come  to  Epiphanius,  who,  writing  at 
the  close  of  the  4th  century,  has  nnmerous 
explicit  references  to  the  Hidra^ts  of  the  Apostles, 
meaning  thereby  apparently  some  book  of  s 
similar  kind  to  that  which  we  now  have.  His 
view  of  its  character  and  authority  is  to  be  found 
in  the  following  passage  : — 

^For  this  purpose  the  Audiani  themselves 
[a  body  of  heretics]  allege  the  Constitution  of 
the  Apostles,  a  work  disputed  indeed  with  the 


•  In  this  work  Lagarde  writes  under  the 
Boettlcher.  which  he  has  since  changed  for  family 
to  Ijsgarde. 


of 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 


121 


Mjwttf  Ud  Ghrktiaiia]  jet  not  worthy  of  re- 
'  For  all  ea&onical  order  b  contained 
wad  DO  point  of  the  fiuth  is  falsified,  nor 
jit  rf  the  caBnoBon,  nor  yet  of  the  adminis- 
tiatifi  syrtem  and  rule  and  faith  of  the  Chnrch." 
{Him'.  7Q|  No.  10 ;  oomp.  also  Ibid.  No.  11,  12  ; 
7d,Ko.6;  80,No.7.) 

Bofc  wha  we  examine  his  citations,  we  find 
that  none  of  them  agree  exactly  with  our  present 
tot,  while  some  of  them  rary  from  it  so  widely, 
that  they  can  be  connected  with  it  only  by  the 
fappodtion  that  they  were  meant  to  be  made  ad 
seasom  not  ad  literam.  Even  this  resource  fails 
n  a  fiuiKMis  passage,  immediately  following  that 
jot  dted,  where  Epiphanius  quotes  the  coosti- 
tstaoas  ss  directing  Easter  to  be  observed  ac- 
ondiog  to  the  Jewish  reckoning,f  whereas  in  our 
praeat  ot^ues  they  expressly  enjoin  the  other 
sTBtem.    ^ee  Book  y.  17.) 

Ia  a  wwk  known  as  the  '  opns  imperfectum  in 
Mstthseom,'  once  ascribed  to  Chrysostom,  but 
Mv  eoosidered  to  hare  been  the  production  of 
u  uknown  writer  in  the  5th  century,  there  is 
a  dirtiact  reference  to  *'  the  8th  book  of  the 
apostolic  caBcntB."  And  words  to  the  effect  of 
ti«ae  quoted  are  found  in  the  second  chapter. 
Aaother  citation,  however,  in  the  same  writer 
cunoC  be  rerified  at  all. 

it  is  not  neceaaary  to  pursue  the  list  further. 
Fna  this  time  forwards  references  are  found 
Thick  can  be  verified  with  more  or  less  exactness, 
and  ia  the  year  692  the  council  of  Constantinople, 
kaovi  as  Qnlnisextum,  or  the  TruUan  council, 
W  the  work  under  their  consideration,  bat  came 
10 « (ormal  decision,  refusing  to  acknowledge  it 
as  aathoritative  on  account  of  the  extent  to  which 
it  had  been  interpolated  by  the  heterodox. 

It  appears  then  that  we  must  conclude  that 
there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Church 
geaerally  reoeired  as  of  undoubted  authority  any 
coUcctioB  of  constitutions  professing  to  have 
raae  from  the  Apostles  themselves,  or  at  least 
to  be  a  trostwoilhy  primitive  record  of  their 
4edBocia.  Even  Epiphanius  bases  his  approbation 
•f  the  work  of  which  he  speaks  on  subjective 
gienods.  He  refers  to  it,  because  he  thinks  it 
d^hodox,  but  admits  that  it  was  not  received  as 
a  biaiiag  authority.  Yet  had  such  a  work 
ezirted,  it  should  seem  that  from  its  practical 
charscter  it  most  have  been  widely  known,  per- 
pctaaliy  dted,  and  generally  acted  upon. 

Indeed  that  the  so-called  apostolic  constitu- 
tMos,  as  they  now  stand,  are  not  the  production 
•f  the  Apostles  or  of  apostolical  men,  will  be 
dear  to  most  readers  from  their  scheme  and  con- 
tmta.  **  Apostles,"  says  the  author  of  an  article 
a  the  subject  in  the  *  Christian  Itemembranoer ' 
ia  18S4y  *^  are  brought  together  who  never  could 
hav«  been  together  in  this  life :  St.  James,  the 
ireater  (after  he  was  beheaded),  is  made  to  sit 
in  eooBcil  with  St.  Paul  (Lib.  vi.  c.  14),  though 
elaewhere  he  is  spoken  of  as  dead  (Lib.  v.  c.  7). 
Thus  aawmbled,  they  condemn  heresies  and 
hoeties  by  name  who  did  not  arise  till  a.fter 

'  IV  wv  «n«T6AMF  3cara(ir,  o9<ray  ftir  roic  «oA- 

MK  «r  a^iiyiAMiry,  «AA  ovc  MMifAOr. 

*  "OpiQtwn  yap  cr  rg  mtrS  itard$^  oi  iar69ro\M  5ri< 

tfuii  pji  ^nf^i^ifTw,  iJkXk  vouZtc  irar  ot  a5«A^0i  vi»mv  oi 

unpiqv*  fMT^  avTwv  iita  voiciTe.    And  he  adds : 

.  Xdyotrrtt  or*  K£y  n  srAomitfiMri)  fufi* 


their  death  (Lib.  vi.  c.  8);  they  appoint  the 
observance  of  the  days  of  their  death  (Lib.  viii. 
c.  33),  nay,  once  they  are  even  made  to  say 
*  These  are  the  names  of  the  bishope  whom  we 
ordained  in  our  lifetime '  (Lib.  viii.  c  47)." 

Most  persons  will  also  be  of  opinion  that  there 
is  a  tone  about  the  constitutions  themselves 
which  is  by  no  means  in  harmony  with  what  we 
know  of  apostolic  times.  Thus  for  instance,  the 
honour  given  to  the  episcopate  is  excessive  and 
hyperbolical. 

ohros  [i.  e.  6  Mckowos]  ^fMor  0affi\€bs  icol 
Zvvdffrris'  obros  ^fi&v  iiriydos  ©e^s  fieri  Oc^v, 
6s  64>c(Aet  rqr  wap*  hfiSty  rtfi^s  &iroXa^«v  (citing 
Ps.  Ixxxii.  6  and  Exod.  xxiL-xxvili.  in  LXX.). 
*0  7&P  MffKtnros  xpoKa0€(M»  bfiMv  its  OeoS 
&|f9  T9rifiiift4yos,  f  leparu  rov  KX^pov  icol  rov 
Xaov  vayrds  &px<*  (Book  ii.  26;  comp.  alsQ 
Book  ii.  33). 

And  in  Book  vi.  2  we  read : — 
c2  ykp  6  $a<nX,tv<riv  hrfy€ip6fJityos  KoXdfftus 
ll^ioSj  khy  vl6s  fi  khtf  ^l\ov  w6ir<f  fuiXXoy  6 
Uptvtrtv  iTrayurrdfttvos ;  *Oa'(p  yip  Upwr6vri 
fieuriKelas  hin^lvwy,  wepl  tfrvx^f  (fx^^^**  "^^^ 
hrfwckj  ro<ro{n(p  ical  $apvT4pap  Ix*'  ''^'^  rifiw- 
ptcof  6  ra^rp  roXfififfas  kmofipMrtlVf  ^ircp  6  r^ 
iSoo-iXcCf.^ 

A  system,  too,  of  orders  and  classes  in  the 
Church  stands  out  prominently,  especially  in  the 
8th  book,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the  ear- 
liest days  (see  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  62).  Thus  we 
have  subdeaoons,  readers,  &c.,  with  minute  direc- 
tions for  their  appointment.  Ceremonies  also  are 
multiplied.  The  use  of  oil  and  myrrh  in  baptism 
is  enjoined  (Book  vli.  22),  and  the  marriage  of 
the  clergy  after  ordination  is  forbidden  (vi.  17). 
We  must  therefore  feel  at  once  that  we  have 
passed  into  a  different  atmosphere  from  that  oi 
Clement's  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  and  that 
the  connection  of  Clement's  name  with  the  work 
must  be  a  fiction,  no  less  than  the  assertion  that 
he  wrote  its  contents  at  the  mouth  of  the  apos- 
tles. Even  those  who  think  that  they  trace 
something  like  the  origin  of  such  a  system  in  the 
letters  of  Ignatius  must  allow  that  it  is  here 
represented  in  a  state  of  development  which 
must  have  required  a  considerable  period  of  time 
to  bring  about. 

The  questions,  however,  still  remain  : — 
To  what  date  are  we  to  assign  the  work  in  the 
form  in  which  it  now  exists  ? 

Can  we  show  that  it  was  in  any  degree  formed 
out  of  pre-existing  materials  ? 

Bishop  Pearson  >  and  Archbishop  Usher  regai*d 
the  variations  between  the  citations  of  Epipha- 
nius, and  what  we  read  in  our  present  copies  of 
the  constitutions,  as  conclusive  evidence  that 
there  have  been  alterations  and  interpolations  on 
a  large  scale  since  the  time  of  that  Father,  and 
the  latter  of  these  writers  thinks'  that  the  same 
falsifier  has  been  at  work  here,  who  expanded  the 
shorter  epistles  of  Ignatius  into  the  so-called 
longer  epistles.) 

k  Oomp.  Usber,  In  CoteL  Patr,  Apo$U  voL  11.  p.  230, 
edit  1734. 

I  Vind.  IgnaL  Part  i.  c.  4  prope  fin.  And  see  the 
opinion  of  Deveridge.  Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  cap.  Ix. 

j  CoteL  Patr.  Ap.  voL  IL  Append,  p.  228.  Bickell  hss 
coUecifid  some  instanoes  of  oorrespoDdence  in  phraseology 
between  the  IgnatJan  Epistles  and  the  OoDStitudons  as 
they  stand,  which  the  reader  may  refer  to  in  order  to 
examine  the  probablUty  of  the  latter  theory  {Gueh  dm 


122 


APOSTOLICAL  OONSTITXJTIONS 


Aooording  to  Pearson,  we  should  probably 
attribute  the  work  in  its  existing  form  to  about 
the  middle  of  the  5th  oenturj,  while  Usher  re- 
fuses to  place  it  higher  than  the  6th  century.  If^ 
on  the  other  hand,  we  could  suppose  that  Epipha- 
nius  quoted  loosely,  and  that  tne  book  which  he 
had  may,  with  occasional  exceptions,  hare  re- 
sembled in  substance  what  we  now  hare,  ^  we 
should  be  able  to  put  its  antiquity  somewhat 
higher.  But  whateyer  conclusion  may  be  come 
to  on  this  point,  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence 
to  warrant  its  being  assigned  to  any  period  suffi- 
ciently early  to  make  it,  as  it  stands,  an  authority 
as  to  apostolic  usage. 

But  the  question  still  remains.  Can  we  trace 
its  composition,  and  in  any  degree  identify  the 
materials  out  of  which  it  has  been  put  together  ? 

That  the  work  was  a  pure  and  simple  forgerr 
is  improbable.  Such  was  not  the  course  which 
matters  took  in  early  days ;  nor  would  the  mea- 
sure of  acceptance  which  it  obtained  be  easily  ac- 
counted for  on  this  theory. 

Moreover  it  contains  passages  which  seem 
manifestly  to  belong  to  an  early  age.  Thus  in 
case  of  quarrels  the  Christian  is  recommended 
to  seek  reconciliation  even  at  a  loss  to  himself, 
iral  jR^  ipx^<r9»  M  KpvH^piov  iBwiK^p  (book  ii. 
c.  4-5} — ^words  which  at  all  events  savour  of  a 
time  before  the  empire  was  Christian.  So  again, 
the  secular  judges  are  said  to  be  4$wiieol  icai  ob 
yivAvKovrts  St^iyreu  So  also  martyrdom  and 
persecution  on  account  of  Christianity  are  spoken 
of  as  by  no  means  exclusively  belonging  to  the 
past  (see  Lib.  5,  init.  et  alibi). 

And  to  mention  but  one  more  point,  the  charge 
of  Arianism,  which  was  at  one  time  freely  brought 
against  the  constitutions,  and  used  to  prove  that 
they  had  been  corrupted,  if  not  forged,  by  here- 
tics,^ has  in  later  days  been  sometimes  made  the 
ground  of  an  opposite  inference.  It  is  thought  by 
some  modem  writers  merely  to  show  that  the 
phrases  excepted  against  date  from  a  time  before 
the  controversy  arose,  and  when  therefore  men 
spoke  with  less  of  dogmatic  exactness.  "■ 

Perhaps  it  is  possible  to  go  even  a  step  further, 
at  all  events,  by  way  of  not  unreasonable  conjec- 
ture. We  have  seen  that  Whiston  relied  on  a 
number  of  places  in  which  the  early  Fathers 
speak  of  SiSaxcU ,  SiScuriraXfeu,  Siar^siv  rwy  &T0- 
a-r6\c»Vt  and  some  years  before  Whiston  wrote. 
Bishop  Pearson  (in  his  Vindidae  IgnaHanae) 
had  suggested  the  idea  that,  so  far  as  such  ex- 
pressions really  referred  to  any  specific  works  at 
all,  they  were  to  be  understood  of  smaller,  more 
mcient,  and  more  fragmentary  treatises,  of  a 
kind  not  rare  in  the  Primitive  Church,  professing 
to  contain  the  words  of  the  apostles  or  of  aposto- 
lical men  on  matters  of  doctrine  and  Church 
order.  Some  of  these  were  the  production  of  here- 
tics, some  were  of  an  orthodox  character.  Those 
which  related  to  doctrine  were  called  didascaliae, 

Kirchewreehtt,  vol.  l  p.  68,  note).  Piearwn  takes  a  some- 
what different  view,  Vind,  tgnai.  aM  sapn. 

k  Oomp.  Bickell,  i.  pp.  67, 68,  note.  Eplpfaanlns,  bow- 
ever,  never  quotes  from  the  ?th  or  8th  books,  which  on 
any  theory  are  doubtlesB  of  later  data 

1  See  for  instance  Le  Qerc,  in  OofeeL  Pair.  ApotL  voL  U. 
Apfk  p.  492,  et  seq. ;  and  Bnmo,  lUd.  p.  Iff,  et  seq. 
Indeed  Photlns  and  the  Trallan  Gooncil  had  Inslnaated 
the  same  accusation  {BOMotk.  Can.  112, 113). 

"*  See  Bkikell,  p.  68,  note,  p.  61.  and  p.  <8,  note.  Oomp. 
Boll,  Dtf.  Fid.Nic.\nk2,c9,^9. 


those  which  gave  rules  of  ritual  or  disclpliiM^ 
Ztard^tis  or  Constitutiones.  These  works,  wnttes 
at  different  times  and  in  different  parts  of  the 
Church,  furnished  (as  Pearson  supposes)  the  mate- 
rials to  the  compiler,  who,  with  many  alteratioM 
and  interpolations  formed  out  of  them  our  present 
constitutions  (Vindio.  Ignat,^  Part  i.  c  4). 

Other  critics  have  spoken  in  terms  which  seem 
rather  to  point  to  a  gradual  accretion,  added  to 
from  time  to  time  to  express  the  Church  system 
as  developed,  and  modified  at  the  periods  when 
such  additions  were  respectively  made.  Thus 
Lagarde  says,  ^  Communis  virorum  doctorum  fere 
omnium  nunc  inraluit  opinio,  eas  [Constitutiones] 
saccule  tertio  clam  suocrevisse  et  quum  sex  ali- 
quando  libris  absolutae  fuissent,  septimo  et  octavo 
auctas  esse  postea"  (BeUq.  Juri$  Eocles.  Antiq, 
1856). 

That  the  work  as  we  have  it  is  a  composite 
one  is  indeed  manifest  enough  *^  from  the  genersl 
want  of  internal  unity,  method,  or  connexioa; 
the  difference  of  style  in  the  various  portions,  sad 
sometimes  statements  almost  contradictory ;  the 
same  topics  being  treated  over  and  over  again  in 
different  places ;  besides  a  formal  conclusion  of 
the  end  of  the  sixth  book,  and  other  indications 
of  their  being  distinct  works  joined  together " 
(Christ,  Bememhr,  ubi  supra). 

In  the  Paris  Library  is  a  Syriac  HS.  called  the 
Didascalia  or  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  12  Apos- 
tles and  holy  disciples  of  our  Saviour.  It  con- 
tains in  a  shorter  form  much  of  the  substance  of 
the  first  six  books  of  the  constitutions,  but  with 
very  great  omissions,  and  with  some  variatiosi 
and  transpositions. 

Its  contents  were  printed  in  Syriac  by  De  Ls- 
garde  (without  his  name)  in  1854 :  and  the  same 
critic,  in  the  6th  vol.  of  Bunsen's  Christianity  and 
Mankind,  has  published,  1st,  our  present  text, 
with  what  he  states  to  be  the  variations  of  the 
Syriac ;  and  2nd,  a  shorter  Greek  text  or  *  Dids»- 
calia  Purior,'  founded  on  the  Syriac.  >^ 

Bickell,  who,  however,  when  he  wrote  had 
only  seen  extracts,  thought  this  Syriac  HS.  a 
mere  abridgement  of  the  krger  work,  and  there- 
fore posterior  in  date  to  it,  and  adding  little  to 
our  knowledge. 

But  Bunsen  (Christianity  and  Mankind,  vol  I  p. 
X.),  Lagarde  (Hei.  Jur.  EccL  Ant.  pref.,  p.  iv.),  and 
the  author  of  the  article  in  the  Qiristian  Remem' 
brancer  1854,  all  agree  that  we  have  here  an 
older  and  more  primitive,  if  not  the  original 
work.  Hilgenfeld  says,  '*  Equidem  et  ipse  Syria- 
cam  Didascaliam  ad  hujus  operis  primitivam 
formam  propius  accedere  existimo,  sed  eandem 
nunquam  mutatam  continere  valde  dubito."*  He 
concludes,  on  the  whole,  "  tertio  demum  saecnlo 
didascalia  apostolica  in  earn  fere  formam  redacts 
esse  videtur,  quam  Eusebius  et  Athanasius  nove- 
rant,  quam  recensionem  a  nostris  oonstitutionibns 
apostolicis  valde  diversam  ftiisse  antiquissims 
docent  testimonia,  praecipue  Epiphanii.  £ji  antem 

"  It  does  not  aeem,  however,  that  this  literally  repR- 
senta  the  Syriac  For  one  of  the  pasMges  given  bf  ViSr 
gsnfeld  (see  inAra),  which  nndonbtedly  odets  in  the  Syriac, 
la  not  to  be  found  in  tbe  'Didascalia  Parlor.'  It  is  nracfa 
to  be  regretted  that  neither  Lagarde  nor  any  other  Oriental 
scholar  has  pnblished  a  literal  translation  of  the  S^jniae 
text 

•  His  own  view  la  that  the  ApostoUcal  OonstitiillaH 
sprang  ftom  an  Ebionlte  sonroe^  allied  to  that  vrtdsh  pro* 
dooed  the  Clementine  RecognitloDek 


A70STOLIOAL  CONSTITUTIONS 


123 


*  fl^ilMa  dHaiimlfa  qnamTis  oognata 
Ijnedimt.'*  He  Hunks  that  the  STriao 
wfjpmn  Bot  to  be  ▼err  oonnetent  on  the  subject 
rftbt  wlwU^i^  of  Easter.  It 'seems,  howerer 
(frn  the  tnosbtions  which  he  giTSs),  that  it 
coatainiapBHige  agreeing  in  safastanoe^th  what 
Epipbaaras  qaotes  as  to  keeping  Easter  b  j  the 
JcvUiMtiMd(antcp.  121): '<lhr  sollt  aber  begin- 
■ea  diaa,  wenn  enza  BrOder  aos  dem  Yolk  [Isnei] 
dMfticfaa  halteBy  wcily  als  nnser  Herr  und  Lehrer 
aut  am  das  Fudia  ass,  er  nach  dieser  Stonde  von 
Jaisf  Tcnathen  wnrda.  Und  nm  dieselbe  Zeit 
UbfB  wir  aagafimgen,  bedrllckt  an  werden,  weil 
cr  foa  VBs  geBommen  war.  Nach  der  Zahl  des 
M«ad«»  wie  wir  sihlen  nadi  der  Zahl  der  glan- 
b^  H«brier,  am  sehnten  im  Monat,  am  Montag 
kbn  ach  die  Priester  nnd  Aeltesten  des  Volki 
nnaaimelt "  a.  s.  w.,  and  subsequently  —  **  Wie 
tbi  dcr  Tienchnte  dea  Pascha  ftllt,  so  sollt  ihr 
Am  bshea.  Denn  nieht  stimmt  der  Monat,  und 
■nek  aicht  der  Tag  in  jedem  Jahre  mit  dieser 
Xeit,  Madera  er  iai  Terschieden."  ' 

TJiis  it  worthy  of  serious  attention,  as  an  argu- 
■cat  for  the  antiquity  of  Uus  Syriao  work. 

It  would  aeem  that  it  must  at  all  erents  be  ad- 
mitted tliat  the  original  work  from  which  the 
Sjriac  was  taken  consisted  of  six  books  only. 
The  7th  sad  8th  books,  as  they  now  stand,  formed 
Bftjartof  iL 

ibe  same  is  the  case  with  an  Aethiopic  yersion 
tnailstcd  by  Mr.  Piatt.  This  also,  though  said 
to  be  Teiy  loose  and  of  little  Talue  as  a  guide  to 
tk  original  text,  is  a  witness  to  the  £ftct  that 
tkere  were  but  six  books  when  it  was  made.  The 
like  is  true  of  the  Arabic  versions,  of  which  some 
ioeooBt  was  first  giren  by  Grabe,  and  of  which 
two  MSS.  are  in  the  Bodleian.  ^ 

Ket  only  do  these  facts  tend  to  isolate  the  first 
u  boob  fimn  the  7th  and  8th ;  but  the  formal 
eoadnsioa  which  occurs  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
trea  in  our  present  (ireek,  and  the  style  of  the 
nateats  itselC^  furnish  internal  evidence  in  the 
■■e  direction. 

It  has  therefore  been  contended  that  the 
brael  out  of  which,  to  a  great  extent,  the  first 
nx  books  sprang  was  a  shorter  b<K>k  called 
tilesaaXia  rwr  &«-o<rr^A»r,  of  which  the  Syriao 
▼enioa  fbraishes  a  fair  idea,  if  not  a  really  pure 
text 

lad  as  none  of  Epiphanius's  citations  are  made 
from  the  two  last  books,  it  is  suggested  that  we 
■aj  bare  here  something  like  a  key  to  the  work 
ai  it  vas  in  his  time,  the  7th  and  8th  books  hav- 
isf  been  added  since. ' 

Coniag  to  the  7th  book,  we  must  notice  that 
iU  6nt  thirteen  chapters  or  thereabouts  exhibit 
a  S^eat  similarity,  both  in  matter  and  expression, 
t»  the  first  part  of  an  ancient  tract  printed  by 
ftckell  from  a  Vienna  MS.,  and  entitled  At  8ia- 
rayal  si  8i^  KXiifi4rros  icol  Kap6wts  inieKiiiTuurTi' 


»  flBeBltpnleld,  iromioi  TttL  extra  Can,  reufL  Faid- 
calai  tr.  pi  n,  St  seq.    (lipilae.  ISM.) 
«  There  wn  Hi  the  Ar^iie  five  chapten  not  In  the 


'  Tkefaet  that  there  is  «o  Oriental  venkm  of  tbe  eight 
OneiL  hooka  as  •  whole,  bM  beenraUedoo  to  ahew  that 
(hfj  had  not  been  ludled  together  In  one  wotIe  np  to 
te  year  4S1.  when  the  Eigyptlan,  AetfaIople»  and  Sjilao 
ne  oBwied  fhem  the  comnraniai?  of  the  Greeks 
;  (jCkrtaL  Remembr^  1864,  p.  378).  The  same 
is  hiellBed  la  Aite  lbs  DIdascaly  in  the  latter 
IHlorthsftdoaataiy. 


Koi  r&v  hyitnf  krom-SKatr,  *  This  tract  professes 
to  contain  short  and  weighty  utterances  by  the 
apostles  (who  are  introduced  as  ^leaking  suooesa- 
ivelv)  on  Christian  morals,  and  on  the  ministers 
of  the  Church.*  An  Aethiopic  version  (for  it  is 
extant  in  Coptic,  Aethiopic,  and  Arabic)  calls  it 
«<  canons  of  the  apostles  which  they  have  made 
for  the  ordering  of  the  Christian  Church."  ■  It 
is  the  piece  which  Bickell  and  others  after  him 
have  called  **  Apostolische  Kirchenordnung." 
It  is  assigned  by  him  to  the  beginning  of  the 
3rd  centurv.*  The  same  date  is  given  in  the 
article  on  the  subject  in  Herzog's  JBnoyclqp&Ue, 
where  it  is  treated  as  a  document  independent  of 
the  constitutions.  Bunsen,  removing  the  dra- 
matic form  and  presenting  only  the  substance  of 
the  piece,  considers  it  to  be  in  fact  a  collection  of 
rules  of  the  Alexandrian  Church.  This  view, 
however,  is  warmly  disputed  by  the  writer  in  the 
Christian  Bemembrancer  (1854,  p.  293),  who 
contends  that  its  whole  garb,  style,  and  lan- 
guage show  that  it  was  not  an  authoritative 
work,  but  was  the  production  of  a  pious  writer, 
who  arrayed  in  a  somewhat  fictitious  dress  what 
he  sought  to  inculcate.  It  is  more  renuu-kable  for 
piety  Uian  knowledge;  for  though  the  number ot 
twelve  apostles  is  inade  out,  it  is  by  introducing 
Cephas  as  a  distinct  person  from  Peter,  and  by 
making  him  and  Nathanael  occupy  the  places  of 
James  the  Less  and  of  Matthias.  St.  Paul  does 
not  appear  at  all — a  fact,  perhaps,  not  without 
its  bearing  on  conjectures  as  to  its  origin. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  language  of  the 
first  part  of  this  tract,  and  of  the  7th  Book  of  the 
Constitutions,  coincides  to  a  great  extent  with  the 
latter  part  of  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  leaving  it 
doubtM  whether  it  was  taken  thence  or  whether 
the  transcribers  of  that  epistle  subsequently  in- 
corporated therewith  a  portion  of  this  treatise. 
Borrowing  and  interpolation  must,  it  would 
seem,  have  taken  place  on  one  hand  or  on  the 
other,  and,  as  in  other  cases,  it  is  difficult  to  de- 
cide the  question  of  originality. 

Upon  this  state  of  fiicts  the  writer  in  the 
Christ.  Bern,  argues  that  this  tract  furnished 
materials  fcr  the  first  part  of  the  7th  Book  ot* 
the  Constitutions.  He  also  thinks  that  it  is  it- 
self the  work  referred  to  by  £usebius  and  Atha- 
nasiuB  under  the  name  of  9i9ax^  r&y  &«-o- 
9r6>iMV,  We  have  seen  already  that  the  title 
in  the  Greek  varies  from  that  in  the  Aethiopic, 
and  it  is  urged  that  (considering  the  subject) 
there  seems  no  reason  why  it  may  not  also  be 
suitably  designated  *■  Teaching  of  the  Apostles.' 
Now  in  an  old  stichometry  appended  to  Niceph- 
orus'  chronc^raphy,]^  but  perhaps  of  earlier  date 
than  that  work,  the  number  of  lines  contained 
in  certain  works  is  given,  and  from  this  it  would 
appear  that  the  *Doctrina  Apostolorum'  was 

• 

■  Bickell,  voL  L  App.  I.  It  will  also  be  found  in 
Lagarde's  Rd.  Jvrit  Sod.  AnL,  p.  74. 

*  It  ia  the  former  of  these  points  alooe  in  which  the 
Ukeneea  appears  between  tiiis  work  and  the  Yth  Book  of 
the  OmstltntioDS. 

<^  See  Bickell  abi  sapra;  and  i.  p.  88. 

«  It  menttons  only  " Readers"  in  addition  to  the  tbree 
orden  of  the  miDiaUry ;  and  aa  TertoUian  doea  the  same 
{De  Praetor,  ffaer^  c.  41),  this  Is  thought  a  ground  for 
attrfbuting  tt  io  hia  epoch  (Bickell.  voL  L  p.  M).  See 
also  Hilgenlield,  Nov.  Test,  eatra  Can.  rtc,  Faadcaloa  iv 
pp.  93, 94. 

y  A  prodnetton  of  the  ath  cenloiy. 


124 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 


shorter  than  the  Book  of  Canticlea,  and  that  a 
book  called  the  '  Teaching  of  Clement,*  was  as 
long  as  the  Gospel  of  Luke.  Hence,  if  the  *  Doc- 
trina '  of  this  list  be  the  same  as  that  of  Ease- 
bias,  it  must  have  been  a  book  rerj  much 
shorter  than  our  present  constitations,  and  one 
not  far  differing  in  length  from  the  tract  of 
which  we  have  ^n  speaking;  while  the  'Teach- 
ing of  Clement '  (a  larger  work)  may  be  a  desig- 
nation of  the  earlier  form  of  our  present  first 
six  books — ^in  short,  of  the  Didascalia.  Ruffinus, 
in  a  list  otherwise  very  similar  to  those  of 
Eusebius  and  Athanasius,  omits  the  *  Teaching 
of  the  Apostles,'  and  inserts  instead  'The  two 
ways,  or  the  Judgment  of  Peter.'  Assuming 
that  the  '  Doctrina '  is  the  tract  we  hare  been 
discussing,  reasons  are  urged  for  supposing  that 
it  reappears  here  under  a  different  title.  We 
haye  already  seen  that  the  Greek  and  Aethiopic 
give  it  two  different  names,  and  its  contents 
might  perhaps  render  the  designation  in  Ruf- 
finus  not  less  appropriate.  For  St.  John,  who 
s}>eaks  first,  is  introduced  as  beginning  his  ad- 
dress with  the  words,  "There  are  two  ways, 
one  of  life  and  one  of  death ;"  and  St.  Peter  in- 
tervenes repeatedly  in  the  course  of  it,  and  at 
the  close  sums  up  the  whole  by  an  earnest  ex- 
nortation  to  the  brethren  to  keep  the  foregoing 
injunctions.  Such  is  the  hypothesis  of  the 
learned  writer  in  the  Christ,  Rein, 

Hilgenfeld,  it  may  be  mentioned,  has  independ- 
ently arriyed  at  a  conclusion  in  part  accordant 
with  the  abore.  He  argues  strongly  that  the 
treatise  published  by  Bickell  is  that  spoken  of  by 
Ruffinus  under  the  name  of '  Duae  viae  yel  Judi- 
■  cium  Petri,'  but  does  not  apparently  identify  it 
with  the  '  Doctrina  Apostolorum '  of  Athanasius. 
He  thinks  the  book  was  known  in  some  form  to 
Clemens  Alexandrinus,  and  agrees  that  great  part 
of  it  passed  into  the  7th  Book  of  the  Constitu- 
tions (see  Hilgenfeld's  Novum  Test,  extra  Canonem 
Hecepttmij  Lipsiae  1866 ;  Fasciculus  iv.  p.  93). 

We  now  come  to  the  8th  Book.  Extant  in 
seyeral  Greek  MSB.  (one  being  at  Oxford)  are 
large  portions  of  the  matter  of  the  earlier  part 
of  this  book,  not  however  connected  together 
throughout,  but  appearing  in  two  distinct  and 
apparently  separate  pieces.  The  first  of  them 
is  entitled  '  Teaching  of  the  Holy  Apostles  con- 
cerning gifts '  (xapi<r/iMir»K),  the  second  *  Regu- 
lations (Biard^us)  of  the  same  Holy  Apostles 
concerning  ordination  [given]  through  Hippo- 
lytus'  (vep)  x^^f^^^^^^*'  ^^  'IinroX^ov).  The 
two  together,  as  just  observed,  comprise  a  yery 
large  proportion  of  the  8th  Book,  but  are  not 
without  some  omissions  and  several  yariations 
from  it.  In  that  book  as  we  have  it,  the  two 
portions  represented  respectively  by  these  sepa- 
rate treatises  stand  connected  by  a  short  chapter, 
containing  nothing  of  importance,  and  seeming 
to  serve  only  as  a  link. 

Hence  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  haye  in 
the  treatises  in  question  an  older  and  purer  form 
of  the  8th  Book,  or  rather  the  materials  used  in 
its  composition.  The  *  Regulations '  are  also  in 
existence  in  Coptic  (indeed  there  are  two  Coptic 
forms  differing  from  each  other  and  from  the 
Greek  by  additions  and  omissions  and  probably 
in  i^e),  in  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Aethiopic,  the 
text  being  in  many  cases  a  good  deal  modified.* 

■  Tbs  Syrisc  snd  OopUc  fonn  part  of  the  collecUons 


Bunsen  treated  these  as  a  onllection  of  Ala- 
andrian  Church  rules,  and  >i«wed  the  por^ 
tions  common  to  them  and  to  the  8th  Book  of 
the  Constitations  as  in  a  great  degree  derived 
from  a  lost  work  of  Hippolytus  x€pi  x^Wf^- 
rwK*  {Christ,  and  Man^  yol.  ii.,  p.  412). 

On  the  other  hand  Bickell  argues  that  the 
tracts  in  question  are  nothing  more  thao  ex- 
tracts from  the  constitutions,  more  or  len 
abridged  and  modified.  He  relies,  for  example, 
on  the  fact  that  in  one  of  these  treatises  no  Ices 
than  in  the  text  of  our  8th  Book,  St.  Paul  (vho 
is  introduced  as  a  speaker)  is  made  to  comnumd 
Christian  masters  to  be  kind  to  their  servints, 
''  as  we  have  also  ordained  in  what  has  preceded^ 
and  have  taught  in  our  epistles."  This  he  con- 
siders to  be  a  clear  reference  to  what  has  been 
before  said  in  the  constitutions  on  the  same  snU 
ject  (Book  yii.  c.  13). 

Lagarde  expresses  a  similar  yiew,  and  draws 

mentioned  lof^  p.  125.  See  also  CkriiL  Rememtr.,p.  S8S, 
as  to  another  Qyriso  M&,  and  comp.  p.  383. 

*  The  inacripUon  on  the  statue  of  HippolyUn  at  Ran* 
mentions  among  his  works  vipl  xapurit^ttn^  ianvrokuai 
rapdioa-vt.  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  «cpc  x^  ^'m 
one  treatise  and  awovr,  vapdZ.  another,  or  whether  the 
whole  is  the  title  of  one  work.  See  Bickellp  p.  64^  note. 
As  regards  the  vtpl  x<^>oroFi«r,  Bunsen  considere  It  to 
have  been  the  sulject  of  much  Interpolatloo,  and  reBsrdi 
its  frte  In  this  respect  to  have  been  like  that  of  the  Ooasti- 
tatfons  themselves,  the  oompoeltion  of  which  he  dneribes 
tn  words  worth  qaoting  in  relation  to  the  goienal  watted  -. 
-  Here  we  see  the  very  origin  of  these  Gbnstiuitioia. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  ante-Nlcene  period  thcj  made 
the  old  simple  collections  of  cniUMns  and  regnlatiooB  into 
a  book,  by  introducing  different  sets  of  *  oootonie^'  l)j  a 
literary  composition  either  of  their  own  makiDg;  or  bj 
transcribtng  or  extracting  a  corresponding  treatise  of  some 
ancient  Ikther.  Thus  the  man  who  compiled  our  Tth  book 
has,  as  everybody  now  knows,  extracted  two  chapien  of 
the  ancient  epistle  which  bears  the  name  of  Bamabai. 
The  compiler  of  the  8th  book,  or  a  predeoeseor  In  this  wrt 
of  oompilation,  has  apparently  done  the  same  with  the 
work  of  Hippolytus  on  the  Cbarianata*  (Ckritttautf 
and  iftmJfcindk  voL  IL  416).  Elsewhere,  in  the  same  wmfc, 
he  expresKS  an  opinion  that  the  old  coUectioDsof  costomi 
here  spokm  of  were  themselves  made  at  a  much  eiriler 
time— perhaps  In  the  2nd  oentoiy— and  express  the  prao- 
tlceof  various  great  churches ;  and  that  the  oonsdoiMDeai 
of  apostolidty  hi  that  primitive  age  Justifies,  or  at  leest 
excuses,  the  fiction  l^  which  they  were  attributed  to 
A.postlesr-a  flcUon  which  deceived  no  one,  and  was  only 
meant  to  express  an  undoubted  ftct.  vis.,  the  aposUdidty 
of  the  InJuncttons  as  to  their  substance  (voL  IL  Z9»). 
Asoeodtng  atill  a  step  higher,  he  believes  that  the  male* 
rials  employed  in  these  old  oollectioDs  were  of  all  bot 
apostolic  times.  The  oldest  horiaon  to  which  we  kwk 
back  aa  reflected  In  them  is  perhaps  the  age  immediate 
posterior  to  Clement  of  Rome,  who  himself  repraenta  the 
end  of  the  Johannean  age,  or  first  century  (see  voL  IL 
p.  402).  To  Bunsen's  mind,  ItiU  of  fUth  in  the  power 
and  tact  of  snttJective  criticism,  this  means  mora 
than  to  the  mind  of  theolofl^ans  of  the  IJkigUiah  sdiooL 
He  believed  in  the  possibility  of  applying  the  cri- 
tical magnet  to  draw  forth  the  true  fragments  of  sleel 
from  the  mass  in  which  to  oar  eyes  they  seem  inex- 
tricably buried.  He  thus  speaks  of  the  sal]|ectlTe 
process  by  which  be  makes  the  first  step  upwards:— 
"  As  soon  as  we  get  rid  of  all  that  belong  to  the  bid 
taste  of  the  fiction,  some  ethic  introductloiis.  snd  allocca- 
alooal  moralisbig  condusloDs,  and  generally  evciytiiiag 
manifestly  re-written  with  literary  pretensioo ;  and  lastly, 
as  soon  as  we  expunge  some  IntcrpolatloDS  of  the  4tti  and 
5th  centuries,  which  are  easily  disoemible^  we  find  our- 
selves unmistakeably  in  the  midst  of  the  life  of  the  Ghardi 
of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  "  (voL  ii.  pi  40ft>. 


APOSTOLICAL  CONSTITUTIONS 


125 


to  tin  qrenmstance  that  in  one  part  of 
tkt  Ifauch  MS.  of  the  ve^il  x^f^^^^'^'^'^t  there 
k  a  note  which  expreasly  speaks  of  what  follows 
m  taken  ont  of  the  apostolical  constitutions.^ 

la  oondosion,  it  may  be  remarked  that  all 
mch  PMearches  as  those  we  haye  been  consider- 
iig  as  to  one  piece  being  the  basis  or  original  of 
awther^  are  beset  with  mach  difficulty,  because 
eertaia  statementa  or  maxims  often  recur  in 
KTezal  tracts  which  (in  their  present  state  at 
all  efeats)  are  distinct  from  each  other,  though 
soBetines  bearii^  similar  names.  Lagarde  points 
OQt  (RtL  Jv,  BocL  Ant^  preface  p.  xvii.,  and 
BmiM&'s  ChisUanUy  and  Mankind,  toI.  yi.  p.  S8, 
39)tliat  there  once  was  a  Syriac  collection  in 
sigkt  books  equdly  professing  to  be  the  work  of 
daaeat,  yet  far  from  being  identical  with  our 
preaeat  Qreek  constitutions,  though  here  and 
tJicrc  embracing  similar  pieces.  Passages  which 
Lagarde  deems  to  be  extracts  from  the  2nd  and 
3id  Books  haTs  been  edited  by  him  in  Syriac 
ft«a  fragments  found  in  the  same  Paris  MS. 
^aaserm.  38)  which  contains  the  Syriac  Didas- 
adia«  (see  his  JUL  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant,  Syrian.  1856). 
fle  has  also  translated  them  into  Greek  (see  his 
ieL  Jwr.  EccL  AjU,  Oraece,  p.  80,  and  Pref. 
f.  xTii).^  Then  again,  there  is  an  Egyptian  ool- 
iectkn,*  also  in  eight  books,  the  relation  of  which 
to  the  aborementioned  Syrian  Octateuch  is  dis- 
coand  by  Lagarde  {Bd.  Jur.  EccL  AfU,  preface, 
aid  Bansen's  Okrid.  and  Mankind,  toL  yi,  p.  39). 

We  hare  thus  endearoured  to  present  a  sketch 
«f  aane  of  the  leading  theories  which  have  been 
pot  forward  as  to  the  apostolical  constitutions, 
bid  ^laoe  permit  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  add 
•then.  Sxabbe  appears  to  have  thought  tliat 
Easebhia,  Athanasius,  and  Epiphanius  knew  the 
list  seven  books,  and  that  they  were  composed 
ia  the  East  not  long  after  the  time  of  Cyprian 
(tb  serenth  being  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the 
•then),  and  probably  by  one  author,  whose  object 
vas  to  model  the  Church  on  a  Levitical  pattern, 
and  who  perhaps  described  not  so  much  what 
cnstfed  as  what  he  desired  to  see.  At  a  later 
period  (end  of  4th  or  beginning  of  5th  century) 
the  8th  Book  was  added,  embracing  divers  pre- 

3ts  whieh  were  commonly  supposed  to  be  apos- 
eal,  tf^ether  with  much  from  the  writer  him- 


Rd.  JuriM  Sod.  Ant^  Preflioe,  p.  vili. ;  and 
a  theory  aa  to  tbe  name  of  Hippolytna, 
with  the  treatise, 
not  be  ooofimoded  with  the  Syriac  Dldas- 
fhm  whidi  It  is  quite 


•TUiinnflt 


*  Matter  ckMdlyagreefaig  with  these  fhigments,  though 
aat  ta  quite  the  aame  order,  and  oonnected  with  much 
ihrt  iiaddidooa].  Is  alao  ftyand  In  a  MS.  of  the  12th  cent 
hi  tbe  Chmbridge  Univ.  Library.  Thia  MS.  (brought  \if 
Bertunan  firam  Southern  India)  contained  eight  ImwIcb  of 
Ckaniine  OoosHtotlons  placed  at  the  end  of  a  Syriac 
BUe;  bet  it  ia  now  In  a  dilapidated  state.  It  may  be 
tbaa  the  RhIb  firagnMnta  are  extracta  tnai  H,  or,  on  the 
«thff  hmO,  this  MS.  (aa  the  Uter  of  the  two  hi  date)  may 
paiAly  eooUdn  a  sabaeqnent  development.  It  may  be 
hoped  that  tartherattentlen  wiU  be  paid  to  It  by  Oriental 
atiiolank   Its  eihtenor  seems  to  have  been  nnknown  to 


•  or  flrit  Egyptian  coUectton,  the  first  two  bodes  are 
fchrted  la  a  Greek  vervton  by  Lagarde  in  Bunaen'a  ChriiL 
mi  MaaWwd,  vL  4A1 ;  and  aee  Bnnaen's  analysis  of  the 
eallRtioa.  Ibid.  viL  SK.  Another  OopUc  MS.  was  trans- 
hlBl  by  Dr.  Tattom  in  1848.  There  la  a  notke  of  it  fai 
te  CIrM.  Uemembr,  for  ISBi,  p.  282. 


self,  probably  an  Arian  or  Macedonian.  .  Thus 
second  writer  probably  is  responsible  for  many 
interpolations  in  the  previous  books.' 

Von  Drey  again,  who  spent  much  labour  on 
the  subject,  advocated  the  view  that  the  treatises 
of  four  distinct  writers  are  combined  in  our  pre- 
sent work.  The  first  six  books,  he  thought, 
were  written  after  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century, 
to  teach  .practical  religion,  and  were  adapted  for 
catechumens.  The  seventh  is  probably  of  the 
date  of  A.D.  300,  and  treats  of  the  mysteries  for 
the  use  of  the  fhithful  alone.  The  8th  Book  is 
a  kind  of  pontifical  of  some  Eastern  Church,  being 
flill  of  litorgies  for  the  use  of  the  clergy.  It 
dates  perhaps  from  the  Srd  century,  but  has 
been  altered  and  adapted  to  the  state  of  things 
in  the  middle  of  the  4th.  Athanasius,  who 
speaks  of  the  8t5ax^  KdKovfiiyri  rwv  inroirT6\wy 
as  fit  for  recent  converts  desirous  of  instruction, 
is  to  be  taken  as  referring  to  the  six  first  books.f 
But  before  the  time  of  Epiphanius  the  eight 
books  were  joined  as  one  work. 

Interesting  as  such  Inquiries  are,  they  cannot 
at  present  be  considered  as  having  removed  the 
question  of  the  origin  bud  date  of  the  apostolical 
constitutions  out  of  the  class  of  unsolved  problems.^ 
The  majority  of  scholars  will  perhaps  decline  to 
say  with  confidence  more  than  that  the  precise 
age  and  composition  of  the  work  is  unknown, 
but  that  it  is  probably  of  Eastern  authorship,^ 
and  comprises  within  itself  fhigments  of  very 
different  dates,  which  we  have  no  certain  means 
for  dbcriminating  from  one  another,  and  which 
have  undergone  great  modifications  when  in- 
corporated with  the  rest.  The  consequence  is 
that,  as  it  stands,  the  work  cannot  be  deemed  to 
reflect  a  state  of  things  in  the  Church  much,  if 
at  all,  pnor  to  the  Nicene  age.'' 

Nor  can  it  be  said  ever  to  have  possessed,  so 
far  as  we  know,  any  distinct  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority. We  are  in  the  dark  as  to  its  author- 
ship, and  there  is  no  such  proof  of  its  general 
and  public  reception  at  any  period  as  would 
seem  needful  to  establish  its  validity  as  an  autho- 
ritative document.  There  are  indeed  signs  of  a 
common  nucleus  of  which  various  churches  seem 
to  have  availed  themselves,  but  in  adopting  it  into 
their  respective  systenu  they  modified  it  in  re- 
lation to  their  respective  needs,  with  a  fireedom 
hardly  consistent  with  the  idea  that  it  was  en- 
titled to  very  great  veneration. 

Authoritiea, — ^F.  Turrianns,  Prooem,  in  Libr, 


'  When,  however,  a  very  late  date  Is  attempted  to  be 
assigned,  it  shonld  be  remembered  e  eontra  that,  aa  ob- 
Bterypd  by  BIckell,  metropolitan  authority  does  not  af^iear ; 
and  If  we  hear  of  asoetidsm  (in  book  vili.),  there  Is  no 
mention  of  monastdclsm. 

c  While,  on  the  other  haxMl,  the  85tJi  of  the  Apoatolical 
Oanons  perhaps  refers  to  the  f  th  and  8th  when  It  qpeaka 
of  the  ApoatoUcal  GonstitDtlnns  aa  SiarayaX  tin  ov  xA 

^  See  the  words  of  Lagarde  In  Bunsen,  CkriH,  tmd 
Mamk^  vol.  vL  p.  40. 

i  See  Bickell,  vol.  L  p.  63,  who  assigmi  several  grannds 
for  this  oonclnalon.  It  Is  worth  notice  that  throni^ioat 
the  CoostitnUonB  the  Church  of  Rome  never  oocaplea  any 
positfon  of  priority  or  pre-eminenoe. 

k  The  age  of  the  Syriac  DldascaUa  la  of  coarse  another 
question.  It  demands  fhUer  consideration,  which  it  can 
hardly  receive  from  scholars  In  general  nntll  It  baa  been 
literally  translated.  According  to  the  *  IMdaacalia  Purior ' 
In  Bonsen,  it  is  not  fines  f^om  very  hyperbolical  language 
In  relation  to  the  clergy. 


126 


AP0ST0LI0U8 


Clemewti$  Bom,  de  Coiui,  Apost^  &c  Anty.  1578. 
Joh.  Dallaeofl,  De  Paeadepigraphis  Apott^  lib. 
iii.  Harderr.  1653.  Jac  Usserii,  Diss,  de 
Ignat.  Epitt.  (in  Gotel.  Patr.  Ap^  toI.  IL  app. 
p.  199,  &c  Edit.  1724).  Pearsoni,  Vindic.  Igmd, 
(in  Ootel.  Pair.  Ap^  toI.  ii.  app.  p.  251).  Part  I. 
chap.  4.  Branonis,  JwHoimi  (Ibid.  p.  177). 
Ck>telerii,  Judie,  de  Const,  Apost.  (Cotef.  vol.  i. 
p.  195).  J.  £.  Grabe,  SpioHog.  Patr.  Ozon. 
1711.  J.  £.  Orabe,  JEsaay  t^pon  two  Arabic  MSS, 
Lond.  1711.  W.  Whiston,  Priautive,  Christianity 
Meoivsd,  Lond«  1711.  Erabbe,  tJber  dm  Ur* 
sprung  und  den  Inhdtt  der  Ap,  Const,  Hamb. 
1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue  Uhtersuchungen  aber 
die  Const,y  &c  Tttbingen  1832.  Bothe,  Asfif&nge 
der  Christl,  KircKe,  Bickell,  GesclwMe  der  Kir- 
chenreohtSf  roL  i.  Gieasen  1843.  tJ'ltzen,  Const, 
Apost.  Snerini  1853.  Bnnaen's  Christianity  and 
Mankind,  London  1854.  Christian  Bemembrancer 
for  1854.  De  Lagarde,  Bdiqniae  Jwris  EGdesi- 
astioi  AsOiquissimaef  1856.  Idem,  Syriaoe  1856. 
Hilgenfeld,  Novum  Testamentum  extra  Canonem 
rec^atwn.  Lip8iael866;Fa8cic.IV.  l%eJBthiopic 
Didascalia  ;  or,  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  Apos- 
tolical Gonstitntions,  receired  in  the  Church  of 
Abjesinia.  With  an  English  translation.  Edited 
and  translated  by  Thomas  Pell  Piatt,  F.A.S. 
London,  printed  for  the  Oriental  Translation 
Fund,  1834.  The  Apost,  Constitutions;  or,  the 
Canons  of  the  Apostles  in  Coptic,  with  an  English 
Translation  bj  Henrj  Tattam,  LL.D.,  &c ;  printed 
for  the  Oriental  Translation  Fund,  1848.  [B.  S.] 

APOSTOLICnS,  a  title  once  common  to  all 
bishops  (the  earliest  instance  produced  by  Du 
Cange  is  from  Venantius  Fortunatus,  6th  century, 
addressing  Gregory  of  Tours,  Prdog,  to  F.  8. 
Martini  and  elsewhere ;  but  none  of  his  quota- 
tions use  the  word  absolutely  and  by  itself,  but 
rather  as  an  epithet);  but  horn  about  the  9th 
century  restricted  to  the  Pope,  and  used  of  him 
in  course  of  time  as  a  technical  name  of  office. 
It  is  so  used,  e.  g,,  by  Rupertus  Tuitiensis,  12th 
century  {De  Divin,  Offic,  i.  27) ;  but  had  been 
formally  assigned  to  the  Pope  still  earlier,  m 
the  Council  of  Rheims  ▲.D.  1049, — **  quod  solus 
Romanae  sedis  Pontifez  universalis  Ecclesiae  pri- 
mas  esset,  et  Apostolicus," — and  an  Archbishop 
of  Compostella  was  excommunicated  at  the  same 
council  for  assuming  to  himself  **  culmen  Apo- 
stolic! nominis''  (so  that,  in  the  middle  ages, 
ApostolicuSy  or,  in  Norman  French,  VApostoU  or 
VApostoUsy  which  =  ApostoUcusy  not  ApostoluSy 
became  the  current  name  for  the  Pope  of  the 
time  being).  Claudius  Taurinensis,  in  the  9th 
century,  recognizes  the  name  as  already  then 
appropriated  to  the  Pope,  by  ridiculing  his 
being  called  *'  not  Apostolus^  but  ApostoUcus"  as 
though  the  latter  term  meant  Apostoli  custos: 
for  which  Claudius's  Irish  opponent  Dungal 
takes  him  to  task.  (Du  Cange ;  Raynaud,  Contin. 
BaronU.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

APOSTOLIUM  ('A«■oaTo^e<or),  a  church 
dedicated  in  the  name  of  one  or  more  of  the 
Apostles.  Thus  Sozomen  (Hist,  Eoel,  iz.  10,  p. 
376)  speaks  of  the  Basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome 
as  rh  h^Tpov  kvooToXtioVj  and  the  same  writer, 
speaking  of  the  church  which  Rufinus  built  at 
the  Oak  (a  suburb  of  Chalcedon)  in  honour  of 
8S.  Peter  and  Paul,  says  that  he  called  it  *A«-o- 
OToXeior  from  them  (hist,  JSccL  viiL  17,  p.  347). 
[MABTntlUM,  Pbopheteuii.]  [C] 


APPEAL 

APOTAXAMENI  (&«oraC4^«cMM)— raraa- 
ciantes,  renounoers,  a  name  by  which  the  monks 
of  the  ancient  Church  were  sometimes  designated, 
as  denoting  their  renunciation  of  the  world  and 
a  secular  life,  e,g,  in  Palladius  ffist,  LausittCy 
c  15,  and  OMsian,  who  entitles  one  of  his  books, 
De  Instiiutis  Benmoiantiian,  (Bingham,  book  vil 
c  2.)  [D.  a] 

APPEAL  (AppeOatio  in  referenoe  to  the 
court  appealed  to,  Prof)ocatio  in  reference  to  the 
opponent;  l^eo'if  in  classical  Greek,  verb,  in 
N.  T.  iirueaX€io-9ai)f  a  complaint  preferred  before 
a  superior  court  or  judge  in  order  to  obtain  due 
remedy  for  a  judgment  of  a  court  or  judge  of  an 
inferior  rank,  whereby  the  complainant  all^pei 
that  he  has  suffered  or  will  su&r  wrong.  We 
are  concerned  here  with  ecclesiastical  appeals 
only.  And  they  will  be  most  conveniently  dis- 
cuned  if — distinguishing  between  1,  appeals 
from  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal  to  another  also 
ecclesiastical,  and  2,  appeals  from  an  eccle- 
siastical t<)  a  lay  tribunal,  or  vice  vers&t 
and  further,  as  regards  persons,  between  (a) 
bishops  and  clergy,  to  whom  in  some  rela- 
tions must  be  added  monks  and  nuns,  and  (/3) 
laity — ^we  treat  successively,  as  regards  subject 
matter,  of  I.  Spiritual  DiaeipUne  properly  so 
called,  II.  Civil  Causes,  and  III.  Criminal  ones. 
It  will  be  convenient  also  to  include  under  the 
term  Appeal,  both  appeals  properly  so  called, 
where  tiie  superior  tribunal  itself  retries  the 
case;  and  tfaiat  which  is  not  properly  either 
revision  or  rehearing,  where  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  superior  tribunal  is  confined  to  the  ordering, 
upon  complaint  and  enquiry,-  of  a  new  trial  by 
the  original,  or  by  an  enlarged  or  otherwise 
altered,  body  of  judges;  and  that  again  which 
b  properly  a  mere  revision,  where  the  case  is 
redsed  by  a  higher  tribunal  but  without  sos- 
pending  sentence  meanwhile;  and,  lastly,  the 
transference  also  of  a  cause  from  one  kind  of 
tribunal  to  another  not  co-ordinate  with  it,  as 
e,g.  from  lay  to  spiritual  or  vice  versd,  which,  if 
the  first  court  have  completed  ita  sentence, 
practically  constitutes  the  second  into  a  court  of 
appeal  to  its  predecessor.  It  is  necessary  also 
to  bear  in  mind  the  difference  between  a  friendly 
interference,  such  as  brotherly  love  requires  on 
the  part  of  all  bishops  if  any  fall  into  heresy 
or  sin,  but  which  implies  no  formal  authoritj 
of  the  adviser  over  the  advised ;  and  an  arbitra- 
tion, where  the  arbiter,  who  may  be  any  one, 
derives  his  authority  from  the  mutual  and  free 
consent  of  (properly)  both  parties,  but  (as  will 
be  seen)  in  certain  cases  sometimes  from  the  sole 
action  of  one ;  and  an  appeal,  where  some  defi- 
nite superior  tribunal  may  be  set  in  motion  hj 
either  party,  but  has  in  that  case  exclusive  ss 
well  as  compulsory  jurisdiction ;  and  the  yet 
ftirther  step,  where  (1^^^  ^^^  interoessio  o{  ibs 
Tribuni  PlXis)  the  superior  court  or  magistrate 
has  the  power  of  calling  up  the  case  for  revisioD, 
and  of  suspending  sentence  meimwhile,  smo  mote. 
An  appeal,  however,  of  whatever  kind,  implies 
the  legality  in  the  abstract,  and  asrames  tlie 
fact,  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  appealed 
from  as  a  primary  court.  And  it  becomes  need- 
fill,  therefore,  here  to  assume,  although  it  is 
no  business  of  this  article  either  to  detail  or 
to  prove,  the  extent  and  limits  of  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  in  the  first  instance;  in  order  olearly 


APPEAL 

•iMt  fcrtk  th«  Twions  checks  In  the  waj  of 
afpml  pbeed  in  such  gim  upon  that  original 
janfietioi.    On  the  other  hand,  the  limitation 
•f  the  nhjeci   to  the  period   antecedent   to 
nuile—ipii.  exdndes   fxtnn  consideration  the 
vhok  of  the  elahorate  fiUiric  hnilt  up  by  the 
Gun  Law  of  later  times,  mainly  npon  the  basis 
•fthe  False  Decretals.    And  we  hare  nothing 
to  ds,  aceordtnglr,  with  that  grand  innovation, 
wkreby,  in  the  West,  the  entire  system  of  purely 
eedcnsUeal  appeals  (and,  indeed,  of  jnstioe)  was 
ia  cAct  perverted  and  fmstrated,  vis^  the  right 
gndaaUy  allowed  of  appealing  immediately  f^m 
•ay  cedesiastical  tribunal,  high  or  low,   upon 
My  subject  great  or  small,  to  the  Pope  at  once ; 
Bw  yet  wiUi  the  elahorate  disputes  upon  the 
Btfare  and  limits  of  majcre$  cenuae  (the  phrase, 
beverer,  dating  from  Innocent  I.);  nor  with 
Ue  fMfoaehments  of  the  highest  or  of  other 
eodesissUcal  tribunals  upon  thoee  of  the  State  \ 
•or  with  the  celebrated  Appel  coinme  dTAbus  in 
■riietal  and    later   France;    nor   with    such 
quBitioiis  as  the  legitimate  effect  of  the  clause 
tffdbUom  remata  or   poripotita  in    a   Papal 
kkf ;  nor  with  the  appeal  from  the  Pope  to  a 
Gcaeial  Council,  present  or  future ;  or  from  the 
P«pe  ilUnfemed,   to  the  Pope  well-informed  t 
mr  again,  en  another  side  of  the  subject,  with 
dJwtJMtieos  between  appeals  judicial  or  extra- 
jaiidal,  or  from  sentences  definitiye  or  inter- 
kcvtory ;  nor  with  the  system,  at  least  as  sub- 
n^scatly  elaborated,  of  ApodoU  (certainly  not 
ioired  from  poet  app^lakonern)  or  letters  di- 
■iMoy,  whether  rererential,  reAitatory,  repo- 
stoiy,  teitimonial,   or     conventional,  whereby 
the  ander  ooort  formally  transferred  the  cause 
to  tbe  upper  one ;  nor  with  the  fcUaUa  appH- 
rrfiwwaa,  sell.,  the  fixed  times  within  whidi  an 
sppeal  must  be  laid,  carried  to  the  upper  court 
^  nesns  of  ApodoU,  prosecuted,  and  concluded ; 
aor,  ia  a  word,  with  any  other  of  the  elaborate 
details  of  the  later  Canon  Law  upon  the  subject. 
Oa  attention  must  be  confined  to  the  system 
M  fu*  as  it  was  worked  out  under  the  Koman 
Eaqiire,  and  renewed  or  modified  under  that  of 


APPEAL 


127 


L  L  Spiritual  jurisdiction  in  matters  of  dis- 
dpliae  orer  clergy  and  laity  alike,  rested  in  the 
legiDaiDg  both  by  Scriptural  sanction  and  by 
fraaitirc  practice  with  the  bishop,  acting,  how- 
ever, rsther  with  paternal  authority  and  in  the 
ipirit  of  mutual  lore,  through  moral  influence 
•atiie  one  side  met  by  willing  obedience  on  the 
ether,  than  according  to  the  hard  outlines  of  a 
fixed  Churdk  law  laid  down  in  canons ;  although 
ncfa  canons  gradually  grew  into  existence  and 
iite  fhlnses,  ud  the  ultimatum  of  excommuni- 
atkn  must  hare  existed  all  along  as  the  punish- 
BMat  of  obstinate  or  repeated  transgression.  The 
Apostolie  canons,  howoTer  (xxxriL  and  Ixxiv.), 
neogaiss  as  the  then  CShurch  law,  and  the  Nicene 
GMBca  (A.D.  325)  formally  establishes,  the  au- 
tberity  of  the  srnod  of  each  province  as  a  court 
•f  (rcTinon  rather  than)  appeal  firom  a  single 
tiitep;  enacting,  that  '^  exctnnmunicate  clerks 
ttd  Isynen  shall  abide  by  the  aentenoe  of  their 
Map,"  but  that,  '^to  prevent  injustice,  synods 
ef  tbe  biahopo  of  a  province  {htofx^ti)  shall  be 
Wld  twice  a  year.  In  order  that  questions  arising 
«  sach  subjects  mav  be  enquired  into  by  the 
Miimimity  of  the  bishops;  a  sentence  of  excom- 
if  ooofirmed  by  them,  to  hoM  good 


until  a  like  synod  should  reverse  it"  {Oomi,  Nie, 
can.  5) :  such  right  of  appeal  being  apparently 
the  common  law  of  the  Church,  and  the  Council 
interfering  only  to  secure  it  by  requiring  synods 
to  be  held  wiUi  sufficient  frequencv.  And  this 
right,  as  respects  presbyters  and  all  below  pres- 
byters, was  recognised  and  confirmed  by  Cone, 
CartKf  A.D.  890  can.  8,  and  A.D.  398  can.  29, 
66,  Cone,  Mil&D,  AJ>,  416  c  22,  for  Africa ;  by 
Cone  Vamta,  A.D.  442  can.  5,  and  Co»ic.  Venet, 
A.D.  465  can.  9  (**  Episoopomm  audientiam,  non 
secularium  potestatum,"  in  this  last  instance), 
for  Gaul  and  Armorica;  by  Cone,  Hitpal,  A.D. 
590  oc  5,  9,  for  Spain ;  and  by  Cono,  Antioch. 
cc  6, 11,  A^.  341,  directed  both  against  the  Pope 
and  against  appeals  to  the  Emperor  (adopted  into 
the  canons  of  the  Church  Catholic),  and  by  the 
Council  of  Constantinople  in  381,  cc  2,  3,  6,  for 
the  East.  The  last-named  Council  also  in  effect 
limited  the  right  of  appeal  from  above  as  well 
as  below,  by  forbidding  all  bishops  reui  {nr§popiois 
ileicKncUus  hriivm,  and  by  establishing  eadi  pro- 
vince in  an  independent  jurisdiction  {Cone,  Cbn- 
licaitinop,  c  2). 

a.  Confining  ourselvesfirst  to  the  case  of  cler^, 
the  right  of  the  bishop  to  judge  his  brethren  or 
his  clerks,  was  further  limited,  in  that  part  of 
the  Church  where  Church  law  was  earliest  and 
most  formally  developed,  vix.,  Africa,  by  the 
requirement  of  twelve  bishops  to  judge  a  biahop, 
of  six  to  judge  a  presbyter,  of  three  to  judge  a 
deacon  (fiono,  CcHh,  a.d.  348  can.  11,  ▲.D.  390 
can.  10,  A.D.  397  can.  8).  And  a  dispute  be- 
tween two  bishops  was  stiU  later  referred  by  the 
(African)  Council  of  Mileum  A.D.  416  (can.  21), 
to  bishops  appointed  by  the  metropolitan.  In 
the  East,  and  generally,  bishops  (and  presbyters) 
would  seem  to  have  been  left  by  the  Nicene 
canon  merely  to  the  natural  resort  of  an  appeal 
from  one  synod  to  another  and  a  larger  one,  vix. 
to  the  metropolitan  and  bishops  of  the  next  pro- 
vince; which  is  the  express  rule  laid  down  In 
Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  cc  11,  12,  14,  15,  and 
in  Cone,  ConaktnUnop,  A.D.  381,  can.  6.  So  also 
canon  13  of  the  collection  of  Martin  of  Braga. 
But  between  the  Nicene  and  Constantinopolitan 
Councils  and  tliat  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  a  further 
modification  took  place  in  accordance  with  the 
settlement  of  the  aeveral  Patriarchates,  whereby 
the  appeal  was  made  to  lie  from  the  bishop  to 
the  metropolitan  with  his  synod,  and  then  from 
him  to  the  Patriarch;  with  the  further  claim 
gradually  emerging  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  to  a  right  of  supreme  judicial  authority 
over  the  entire  Church.  (But  whether  the  sen- 
tence was  to  remain  in  force  pending  the  appeal 
seems  to  have  been  a  doubtftd  question,  variously 
aettled  at  different  times  and  places;  see  Bal- 
aamon  in  Can,  Afrio,  32.)  The  first  step  was 
that,  in  the  West,  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  ▲.d. 
347,  intended  to  be  oecumenical  but  in  result  only 
Western,  and  not  accepted  as  authoritative  either 
by  the  Eastern  or  even  by  the  African  Churches^ 
which  attempted  to  make  the  system  work  more 
fiurly,  and  perhaps  to  escape  reference  to  an  Arian 
Emperor,  by  giving  presbyter  or  deacon  an  ap- 
peu  to  tiie  metropolitan  and  the  comprovincial 
oishops  (can.  14  Lat.),  and  by  enacting  with  re« 
spect  to  bishops,  in  the  way  of  revision  rather 
than  appeal,  that,  whereas  ordinarily  they  should 
be  judged  by  the  bishops  of  their  own  province, 
if  a  bi&op  thought  himself  aggrieved,  either  the 


128 


APPEAL 


bishops  who  tried  him  or  those  of  the  neighbour- 
ing proyince  should  consult  the  Bishop  of  Rome , 
and  if  he  judged  it  right,  then  the  comprovincial 
or  the  neighbouring  bishops  should  by  his  ap- 
pointment retry  the  case,  with  the  addition  (if 
the  complainant  requested  it,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  complied  with  his  request)  of  presbyters 
representing  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  who  were  to 
take  their  place  in  that  capacity  among  the 
judges  (can.  4^  5,  7) :  no  successor  to  be  appointed 
to  the  deposed  bishop  pending  such  new  trial.  The 
choice  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  as  referee  (to  decide, 
however,  not  the  case  itself  but  whether  there 
ought  to  be  a  new  trial)  has  some  appearance  of 
haying  been  personal  to  Julius  the  then  Pope  (as 
was  Ute  subsequent  grant  of  Gratian  to  Pope 
Damasus),  to  whom  the  right  is  granted  by  name 
in  the  Greek  version  of  the  canons  (so  Richerius 
and  De  Marca) ;  but  certainly  it  was  determined 
to  the  see  of  Rome,  not  through  previous  prece- 
dent, or  as  by  inherent  right,  but  as  in  honour 
of  the  one  Apostolical  see  of  the  West, — 'Mn 
honour  of  the  memory  of  St.  Peter."  It  was  in 
fact  giving  to  the  Pope  the  right  previously 
possessed  exclusively  t>y  the  Emperor,  save  that 
the  latter  would  refer  caaies  to  a  Council.  Prior 
to  347,  the  case  of  Fortunatus  and  Felicissimus 
A.D.  252  (striving  to  obtain  the  support  of  Pope 
Cornelius  against  their  own  primate  St.  Cyprian, 
and  eliciting  from  the  latter  an  express  assertion  of 
the  sufficiency  and  finality  of  the  sentence  passed 
upon  them  by  their  own  comprovincial  African 
bishops,  St.  Cypr.  Episk.  59,  Fell)— and  that  of 
Marcian,  Bishop  of  Aries  ▲.D.  254  (whom  the 
bishops  of  Gaul  are  exhorted  to  depose  for  Nova- 
tianism,  St.  Cyprian  interfering  on  the  sole 
ground  of  brotherly  episcopal  duty  to  urge  them 
to  the  step,  and  asking  Pope  Stephen  to  inter- 
fere also,  but  solely  on  the  like  ground,  Id.  EpUt, 
68), — and  those  of  Basileides  and  of  Martial, 
Bishops  respectively  of  Leon  with  Astorga  and  of 
Merida,  also  a.d.  254  (deposed  by  the  Spanish 
bishops  as  having  lapsed,  and  of  whom  Basileides, 
having  deceived  Pope  Stephen  into  re-admitting 
him  to  communion,  and  into  ** canvassing"  for  his 
restoration,  was  rejected  nevertheless  by  the 
Spanish,  seconded  by  the  African  bishops.  Id.  EpisL 
67)  —  suflSciently  shew  that  while  tiie  Nicene 
canons  only  confirmed  and  regulated  the  pre- 
viously established  and  natural  principle  of  the 
final  authority  of  the  provincial  synod,  that  of 
Sardica  introduced  a  new  provision,  although  one 
rather  opening  the  way  for  further  extensive 
changes  than  actually  enacting  them.  In  341, 
also,  the  Council  of  Antioch,  representing  the 
East,  repudiated  the  same  Pope  Julius's  in- 
terference on  behalf  of  St.  Athanasius  (Sozom. 
iii.  8 ;  Socrat.  ii.  15)  and  passed  a  canon 
against  the  return  of  a  deposed  bishop  to  his  see 
unless  by  decree  of  a  synod  larger  than  that 
which  had  deposed  him  (9an.  12);  as  well  as 
against  appeals  of  deposed  bishops  to  emperors, 
unsanctioned  by  the  comprovincial  bishops :  canons 
adopted  into  the  code  of  the  whole  Church.  In 
the  West,  however,  the  Sardican  canon  became 
the  starting  point  of  a  distinctly  marked  ad- 
vance in  the  claims  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome, 
although  not  without  opposition  on  the  part  of 
the  Church,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  without 
political  support  from  the  Emperors.  In  367  a 
Council  of  Tyana  restored  Eustathius  of  Sebastea 
to  his  see,  among  other  grounds,  on  the  strength 


AFPEAli 

of  a  letter  of  Pope  laberins ;  but  the  proceed' 
tng  was  condemned  in  strong  terms  by  St. 
Basil  the  Great  {Epist.  263  §  3).  In  378,  the 
Emperor  Gratian  added  State  sanction — at  least 
during  the  Popedom  of  Damasus,  and  in  reference 
to  the  schism  of  the  antipope  Ursicinus — to  the 
judicial  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  in 
conjunction  witn  six  or  seven  other  bidiops  if 
the  accused  were  a  bishop  himself,  and  with  an 
alternative  of  fifteen  comprovincial  bish<^  in  the 
case  of  a  metropolitan,  the  attendance  of  the 
accused  bishop  at  Rome  to  be  compelled  by  the 
civil  power  (Cone.  JRom^  Epiat.  ad  OraUan^el 
Valentin,  Impp,  a.d.  378,  in  Mansi,  iii.  624,  and 
the  Rescript  appended  to  it  of  the  same  Em- 
perors ad  AquUinum  Vtcarituny.  In  381,  how- 
ever, the  epistle  of  the  Italian  bishops  (including 
St.  Ambrose)  to  Theodosius,  claims  no  more  re- 
specting Eastern  bishops  in  the  case  of  Haximns 
(deposed  by  the  Council  of  Constantinople)^  than 
that  the  voice  ^*  of  Rome,  of  Italy,  and  of  all  the 
West,"  ought  to  have  been  regarded  in  the  matter. 
But  in  some  year  between  381  and  398  (sec 
Tillemont,  Mfin.  EccL),  although  Theodoret(r. 
23)  seems  to  place  it  under  Innocent  I.  in  402, 
Flavian,  accepted  by  the  East,  but  rejected  bj 
Egypt  and  by  Rome  and  the  West,  as  Bidiop  of 
Antioch,  was  summoned  by  the  ^peror  to  go 
to  Rome  to  be  judged  there  by  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  but  refused  to  submit;  and  was  finally 
accepted  by  the  Pope,  to  whom  he  sent  a  depa- 
tation  of  bishops,  at  the  intercession  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  but  without  any  pretence  of  trial 
In  404-406,  Innocent's  interference  to  procure 
St.  Chrysostom's  own  restoration  to  his  see,  even 
to  the  extent  of  withdrawing  communion  from 
Si.  Chrysostom's  opponents,  proved  as  great  a 
failure  as  Pope  Julius's  like  attempt  on  behak* 
of  St.  Athanasius  (Sozom.  viii.  26-28,  and  the 
letters  of  St.  Chrysostom  and  Pope  Innocent  in 
Mansi,  iii.  1081-1118) ;  although  the  mean  pro- 
posed was  not  a  trial  by  the  Pope  but  a  general 
Council.  While  St.  Chrysostom  himself  at  the 
same  period  affirms  the  old  principle,  that  causes 
must  not  ^tpopiovs  eXicciF&cu,  &XA*  4p  rais  inf- 
X^ots  rit  rwy  hrapxmv  Yvfiy<£(c<r$cu  (in  Mansi,  &). 
But  even  in  the  Western  CSiurch  at  the  same 
period  the  Roman  claim  was  admitted  with  diffi- 
culty, and  only  gradually  and  by  continual  strug- 
gles. Innocent  I.  indeed  declared  that,  **  d  majores 
causae  in  medium  fuerint  devolutae,  ad  sedem 
Apostolicam,  sicut  synodus  statuit"  (meaning,  of 
course,  but  exaggerating,  the  Sardican  canons) 
"  et  vetus  sive  inveterata  oonsuetudo  exigit,  post 
judicium  episcopale  referantur "  (Epitl,  2  ad 
Victric,').  But  in  actual  &ct,  1.  in  Africa,  A.D. 
417-425,  the  appeal  to  Pope  ZosimuB  of  the  pres- 
byter Apiarius,  condemned  by  his  own  Bbhop, 
Urbanus  of  Sicca,  whom  the  Pope  summoned  to 
Rome  to  be  judged,  and  on  refusal  sent  legates  to 
auccessive  Carthaginian  Coundb  to  enfi>roe  his 
claims,  was  in  the  first  instance  provisionally  com- 
promised, by  a  temporary  admission  of  the  Papsl 
authority  (J^jpis^.  Cone.  Afric.  ad  Bcnifac,  Papam 
▲.D.  419,  in  Mansi,  iv.  511),  on  the  ground  of  the 
canons  of  Sardica,  alleged  by  the  Popes  (Zocimos, 
Boniface,  Celestine)  to  be  Nicene;  but  on  the 
production  of  the  genuine  canons  of  Nicaea  from 
Constantinople  and  Alexandria,  was  absolntdy 
rejected  (^Epist,  Cone,  Afric,  ad  Caeledinim  aJ). 
425,  in  Mansi,  iv.  515):  whilst  the  canon  (23) 
of  Mileum,  a.d.  416,  which  is  repeated  byOuth* 


m. 


AFPEAli 

Opndls  down  to  a  J>.  525  (Mansi,  viiL 
prtsbytcn  and  all  below  them  to 
ad  transmariBa  jndicia  sed  ad 
ftimtim  •narain  proyisdaEnun ;  ad  tranamarina 
aiten  qm  pntarerit  appeUandnm,  a  nullo  intra 
Ifiionn  ad  coBBmimionem  aiucipiatTir ;"  and  the 
CUL  Cm.  Afric.  18  Or.  31  (aj>.  419),  adds  to  this 
•-^sieat  et  de  Epiaoopia  saepe  oonstitntum  est,** 
tkt  geamMaen  of  which  last  clause  is  supported 
WTUkmoBt,  Deliarca,  and  Bereridge,  although 
4aBkd  bf  Baronins.  It  seems  oertainW  to  have 
hem  iaserted  in  the  canon  hr  tome  African  conn- 
cil  of  this  period.  At  the  same  time,  while  the 
gisM  of  Oratian  on  the  word  **  transmarina  " — 
**BiB  ibrtead  Roma  nam  sedem  appellayerit " — 
ii  l^ainly  of  the  kind  that  as  exactly  as  possible 
fsatiadicts  its  text ;  it  is  erident  by  St.  Augnstin's 
letter  to  Pope  Celestine  in  424  (Epist.  209),  that 
spplieatioDS  from  Africa  in  a  friendly  spirit  to 
EooN  in  dispates  respecting  bishops,  both  to 
jtdgt  sad  to  confirm  others'  judgments ,  and  this 
Bot  ooly  dnrii^  the  proyisional  admission  of  the 
P^  daim  (as  in  the  case  of  the  Bishop  of 
PisnlaX  bat  before  it,  had  been  frequent.  It  is 
faaid  to  beliere,  in- the  face  of  the  precisely  con- 
ltBi{Niinry  and  nnmistakeable  language  of  the 
■sfwiMMJ  African  bishops  at  tiie  close  of  the 
aatoofeisy  respecting  Apiarius,  that  such  ap- 
piicstions  ooold  have  been  in  the  nature  of  formal 
appeals;  although  the  ease  of  Pope  Leo  I.  an9  Lu- 
pconis,  AJ>.  444>,  shows  the  Papal  claim  to  have 
fcMB  stiU  kept  up  (St.  Leo,  JSpik.  xii.  al.  i.  §  12). 
2.  la  Dlyria, — ^whereas,  in  421,  the  Emperor 
Theodosins  had  decreed  that  doubt  Ail  cases  should 
bcdetennined  by  a  council,  "non  absque  sdentia" 
rfthe  Biabop  of  Constantinople  (Cod,  TheocL 
tti.  tit  3.  a.  45), — ^in  444,  Pope  Leo  I.,  insisting 
Mftan.  the  canons  apparently  of  Sardica,  and  as 
|Bit  of  the  Papal  measures  for  securing  the 
whole  of  lUyria  to  the  Roman  Patriarchate, 
evnaanded  appeala  ("  caussae  graviores  yel  appel- 
y&nm  '^  from  Illyria  to  be  brought  to  Rome 
(St  Leo,  EpisL  r.  §  6).  And  3.  in  Gaul,  in  445, 
th«  sune  Pope,  OTorthrowing  the  decree  of  Pope 
Zenstts  in  418,  which  haid  constituted  Aries 
the  neteopolitan  see  of  the  province,  insisted  on 
lAeiring  at  Rome  in  a  synod  the  causes  of 
Bnhop  At>jectus  and  of  Celidonius  Bishop  either 
of  Teeontio  or  of  Vienne,  whom  Hilary  of  Aries 
bal  deposed,  and  carried  the  point,  although  with 
ttnag  oppoaitioB  from  Hilary  (St.  Lee,  Epist. 
X.).  Pope  Hilary,  however,  461-462,  Epat.  xi., 
rMpeetiag  the  Metropolitan  of  Yienne  and  Aries, 
Rfcrs  his  anthority  as  Bishop  of  Rome  to  the 
"  4eereta  prindpnm."  And  undoubtedly  a  decree 
of  the  Emperor  Yalentinian  III.,  in  the  year  445, 
Maitcly  assigned  to  the  Pope,  not  simply  an  ap- 
pellate jorisdiction,  but  the  right  of  evoking  causes 
to  Kene  sao  tno^  by  enacting  that  "  omnibus  pro 
lege  sit  qnidquid  sanxit  vel  sanxerit  Apostolicae 
■lis  anctoritas,  ita  nt  quisquis  Episcoporum  ad 
jidieinm  Romani  antistitis  evocatus  venire  neg- 
kserit,  per  moderatorem  ejusdem  provinciae 
adsM  oogator"  (CM.  Thtod,  NowU.  Ht,  xxiv., 
%9tf.  p.  12).  An  ultimate  appellate  jurisdiction 
VIS  also  given  at  the  same  period,  but  by  Church 
•ithority,  viz.,  by  the  general  council  of  Chalce- 
4oii  in  451,  to  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople :  the 
wder  of  appeal  being  there  fixed  from  bishop  to 
netropolitan  and  synod,  and  from  the  latter  to 
tlM  particnlar  Patriarch  or  to  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
ctattiaople  {Cone.  Chale,  c.  9> 

CHSBT.  AST. 


APPEAL 


129 


The  Eastern  rule  appears  to  have  henceforward 
remained  the  same ;  except  that  Justinian  a.d. 
533,  confirming  the  canon  of  Chalcedon  in  other 
respects,  dropped  all  special  mention  of  the 
Bishop  of  Constantinople,  but  enacted  in  general 
that  an  appeal  should  lie  from  bishop  to  metro- 
politan, and  from  metropolitan  alone  to  me- 
tropolitan with  synod,  but  that  from  the  synod 
each  Patriarch  should  be  the  final  court  of 
appeal  in  his  own  Patriarchate,  as  final  as  was  in 
civil  cases  the  Praefectus  Praetorio  (Justin.  Cod, 
vii.  tit.  63.  s.  19) ;  although  no  cause  was  to  come 
to  him  at  once  unless  in  the  form  of  a  request 
that  he  would  delegate  it  to  the  bishop,  who  was 
the  proper  primary  tribunal  (Id.  i.  tit.  4.  s.  29 ; 
7.  tit  62.  s.  19;  Aovell.  cxxiii.  22).  A  law  of  Leo 
and  Constantius  in  838  (Leunclav.  Jus  Gr,  Bom.  II. 
99)  likewise  declares  the  patriarch  to  be  the  &px^ 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  whose  decision,  there- 
fore, is  final,  unless  indeed  he  chooses  to  review  it 
himself.  And  so  also,  apparently,  the  8th  General 
Council  of  Constantinople  a.d.  870  (Act  10,  cc. 
17,  26).  It  is  to  be  added,  however,  that  in  the 
case  of  any  one  under  the  degree  of  bishop, 
and  in  cases  not  ecclesiastical,  the  bishop  was 
the  primary  judge,  but  from  him  the  case  might 
be  taken  to  the  civil  judge,  the  Emperor  deciding 
if  they  differed  ;  but  in  the  case  of  a  bishop,  the 
right  of  appeal  to  the  patriarch  enacted  by 
Justinian  is  final  (Justin.,  NoneU,  IxxxiiL  12, 
cxxiii.  21,  22). 

In  the  West,  the  changes  in  the  matter  relate 
to  two  points,  to  the  fruitless  attempts  of  the  Popes 
to  obtain  appellate  jurisdiction  over  the  East, 
and  to  their  more  successfHil  efibrts  to  secure  their 
Western  claim  of  the  like  kind  nnder  the  altered 
laws  and  policy  of  the  new  Barbarian  rulers  of 
Europe;  efforts  which  may  be  said  to  have 
finally  secured  success  under  the  Carlovingians, 
in  the  popedom  of  Nicholas  I.  about  858.  and  as 
confirmed  by  the  false  Decretals,  first  used  by 
Nicholas  in  864  (Gieseler).  For  the  former,  in 
449,  Flavian  no  doubt  appealed  from  Dioscbrus 
and  the  Ephesine  Latrocmium  nominally  to  the 
Pope,  but  Leo's  own  lettei  to  Theodosius  in  con- 
sequence (St.  Leo,  Epist,  43  al.  34,  and  44  al.  40 ; 
Liberat.  Bret),  12,  in  Mansi,  ix.  379),  shows  that 
the  tribunal  of  appeal  contemplated  by  even  the 
Pope  himself,  was  a  general  council  (see  Quesnel 
and  Van  Espen).  In  484,  however,  Felix  II.  in  a 
synod  at  Rome,  as  the  issue  of  a  long  dispute, 
during  which,  among  other  steps,  he  had  sum- 
moned Acacius  of  Constantinople  to  be  tried  at 
Rome  upon  the  strength  of  the  canons  of  Sardica, 
misnamed  Nicene,  made  an  open  schism  with  the 
East,  which  lasted  40  years,  by  excommunicating 
and  deposing  Acacius  (Mansi,  vii.  1054);  a  sen- 
tence which,  it  need  not  be  said,  was  disregarded. 
In  587,  Pelagius  II.  seems  to  have  confirmed  the 
sentence  of  acquittal  passed  by  a  tribunal  at 
Constantinople,  summoned  by  the  Emperor,  in 
the  case  of  Bishop  Gregory  of  Antioch,  while 
protesting  against  the  title  of  universal  bishop 
applied  by  the  same  authority  to  the  Bishop  of 
Constantinople  (St.  Greg.  M.,  Epist.  v.  18 ;  Eva- 
grius,  vi.  7);  a  protest  renewed,  as  every  one 
knows,  by  Gregory  himself.  But  this  implied 
no  formal  superiority  over  Eastern  bishops. 
And  the  claim  unhesitatingly  advanced  by  Gre- 
gory— "  De  Constantinopolitana  ecclesia  quis  eam 
dubitet  Apostolicae  sedi  esse  subjectam"  (St.  Greg. 
M.,  Epitt,  ix.  12) — was  aecuredly  not  admitted  by 

K 


130 


APPEAL 


APPEAL 


the  Church  of  ConstantiDople  itself.  Farther 
on,  the  Council  m  Tttdlo  in  691,  repeated  not 
only  the  3rd  canon  of  Constantinople  in  381, 
but  the  28th  of  Chaloedon  in  451,  which  latter 
equals  Constantinople  to  Rome  (Gone,  Qumiaext, 
can.  36)  ;  and  also  the  17th  of  the  same  Council 
of  Chalcedon  (ib,  38),  which  inyolyes  the  9th  of 
the  same  council,  viz.,  that  which  (as  above  said), 
80  regulates  the  course  of  appeals  as  to  put  the 
patriarch  of  a  province  with  an  alternative  of 
the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  as  the  ultimate 
ti'ibunal.  The  dispute  which  a  century  after 
issued  in  the  great  schism,  cut  short  the  narrower, 
by  absorbing  it  in  the  broader,  controversy.  For 
the  West,  however,  matters  proceeded  more  suc- 
cessfully. Gelasius  (492-496),  while  allowing 
the  subordination  of  the  Pope  to  a  general 
council  approved  by  the  Church,  asserts  posi- 
tively (Epist  13),  tliat  the  see  of  St.  Peter  '*de 
omni  ecclesia  jus  habeat  judicandi,  neque  cui- 
quam  de  ejus  lioeat  judicare  judicio,"  and  that 
**  ad  illam  de  qualibet  mundi  parte  canones  ap- 
pellori  voluerint,  ab  ilia  autem  nemo  sit  appellare 
permissuB."  In  503,  although  the  Arian  Theodoric 
appointed  a  commission  of  bishops,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  a  single  bishop  (of  Altino),  to  judge  of  the 
disputed  election  of  Symmachus  to  the  Popedom, 
and  although  Symmachus  in  the  first  instance 
admitted  their  jurisdiction,  and  both  parties 
appealed  to  the  judgment  of  Theodoric  himself ; 
yet  1.  a  Roman  synod  (Synodus  Palmaris)  both 
sanctioned  Symmachus's  election  without  pre- 
suming to  make  enquiry,  and  declared  the  inter- 
ference of  laity  in  Church  elections  or  property 
to  be  against  the  canons  (Mansi,  viii.  201,  sq. ; 
Anasta&.  Lib,  Pontif,  inv, Symmachf);  and  2.£nno- 
dius  of  Ticinum,  in  511,  formally  asserted  in  an 
elaborate  document  the  absoluteness  of  the  Papal 
power,  and  especially  that  the  Pope  is  himself 
the  final  court  of  appeal,  whom  none  other  may 
judge  (Mansi,  viii.  282-284).  And  at  the  end 
of  the  century  Gregory  the  Great  assumes  as 
indisputable  that  every  bishop  accused  is  subject 
to  the  judgment  of  the  see  of  Rome  {Epiat.  iz. 
59).  Durine;  the  following  period,  however, — 
while  the  suffering  African  Church,  retaining  her 
privilege  untouched,  but  as  a  privilege,  under  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  yet  practically  gave  up  her  an- 
cient opposition  a  few  years  later  {Epist.  Episo, 
Afric.  ad  Papam  Theodorum,  in  Act,  Cone,  LaU 
eran,  A.D.  649,  Mansi,  z.  919), — ^the  European 
Churches  were  practically  under  the  government 
of  the  kings,  although  the  theoretical  claims  of 
the  Popes  remained  undiminished.  The  Irish 
Churches,  indeed,  were  still  independent  of  the 
Pope,  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  being  the 
close  of  the  Celtic  schism,  except  in  Wales.  In 
Saxon  England,  the  proceedings  of  both  kings  and 
synods  in  the  appeals  of  Wilfrid  (678-705),  when 
the  Pope  reversed  the  judgments  of  English 
synods  on  Wilfrid's  complaint,  showed  on  the  one 
hand  a  feeliug  of  reverence  for  the  Pope  (e.g.  the 
Council  of  Nidd,  ▲.D.  705  [Eddius  58]  did  not 
repudiate  the  Pope's  decree,  but  the  testimony  of 
Papal  letters,  which  might  be  forged,  as  against 
the  vivd  voce  evidence  of  Archbishop  Theodore) ; 
but  on  the  other,  disregarded  such  decree  in 
practice,  by  enforcing  that  precise  severance  of 
Wilfrid's  diocese  against  which  he  had  appealed. 
And  the  Council  of  Cloveshoo,  a.d.  747,  pointedly 
limits  ajipeals  to  the  provincial  council,  and  no 
further  (can.  25).     In  Spain,  although  Gregory 


the  Great  interfered  by  a  legate  antlori- 
tatively  in  favour  of  deposed  bishops,  viz., 
Stephanus  and  Januarius,  on  the  ground,  first, 
of  Justinian's  law  as  being  their  Patriardi,  and 
if  that  was  refused,  then  by  the  right  of  the  see 
of  Rome  as  head  of  the  Church  (Epitt,  ziiL  45^ 
yet  in  701  or  704,  King  Witiza,  in  a  Council  of 
Toledo,  expressly  forbade  appeals  to  auy^foreign 
bishop  {Cone,  Tolet,  xviii.).  And  a  little  earlier, 
admission  into  Church  communion  was  declared 
dependent  on  the  will  of  the  Prince  {Cone.  Tokt. 
A.D.  681  c.  8,  and  683,  c.  9).  The  Kings  in  effect 
were  in  Spain  supreme  judges  of  bishops  (Cenni, 
De,  Antiq,  Ecct,  ffiap.  iL  153,  quoted  by 
Gieseler).  In  Gaul,  the  cases  of  Saloniui, 
Bishop  of  Embrun,  and  Sagittarius,  Bishop  ot 
Gap,  deposed  in  577  by  a  synod  of  Lyons,  re- 
stored by  Pope  John  IIL  on  appeal,  but  by  per- 
mission and  power  of  King  Guntram,  and  ^en 
again  finally  deposed  in  579  by  a  Council  of 
Chftlons  (Greg.  Turon.,  ffist,  /Vonc.  v.  21-28), 
leave  the  Papal  claim  in  a  similar  state  of  half 
recognition  to  that  in  which  it  stood  in  Englaxid. 
And  in  the  ensuing  century  the  Royal  authority 
here  also  practically  superseded  the  Papal.  Id 
615,  the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline is  made  subservient  to  the  king's  interces- 
sion {Cone.  Paris,  c  3,  as  confirmed  by  Chlotariiu 
II.).  And  many  instances  of  depositions  of  bidu^ 
occuf  without  appeal  to  the  Pope,  beginning 
with  that  of  Saftaric  of  Paris,  deposed  by  s 
second  synod  there,  to  which  he  had  appealed 
from  a  former  one,  under  King  Chilperic,  A.a 
555.  Gregory  the  Great,  indeed,  renewed  the 
ingenious  expedient  of  appointing  the  Bishop  of 
Aries  his  vicar  to  decide  such  causes  in  Ganl,  in 
conjunction  with  twelve  bishops ;  and  yet  eveo 
so,  most  of  such  causes  were  decided  without 
even  the  presence  of  the  Papal  vicar  (De  Marca, 
vii.  19).  The  CapittUa  of  Hadrian  I^  sent  to 
Ingilram  of  Metz  in  785,  introduced  the  first 
great  innovation  upon  preceding  rules,  by  enact- 
ing (c  3)  that  no  bishop  should  be  condemned 
unless  in  a  synod  called  ^  Apostolica  aucto- 
ritate;"  and  again,  that,  if  a  deposed  bishop, 
whose  primary  tribunal  was  the  comprovincial 
sjmod,  appealed  from  it  to  Rome,  "id  observandum 
esset  quod  (Papa)  ipse  oensuerit"  (c.  20,  23,  and 
Epitome  Capit.  A.D.  773).  But  they  contamed 
also  the  Afncan  prohibition  of  appeals  ad  tnau' 
marina  judida  (see  Gieseler).  And  while  the  Ca- 
pitulary of  Aix  in  789,  repeated  more  expressly 
by  the  Council  of  Aix  in  816  (cc.  73,  74),  repeaU 
the  Nicene  and  Antiochene  (341)  canons  wljthont 
the  addition  of  those  of  Sardica,  the  Capitularies 
as  collected  by  Benedict  Levita  contain  also  the 
Sardican  canons.  For  bishops,  then,  Charlemagne 
allowed  the  appeal  to  Rome  for  a  new  trial, 
the  comprovincial  synod  being  still  held  to  be 
the  proper  tribunal  for  such  cases :  and  an  appeal 
being  also  allowed  to  more  numerous  epis(.t>pal 
judges  if  dissatisfaction  were  felt  with  those 
originally  appointed  by  the  metropolitan,  and, 
again,  from  them  to  a  sjrnod  {Capit,  vii.  413), 
or  again,  from  a  suspected  judge  to  another  (t6. 
vii.  240,  and  Add,  iii.  25,  iv.  18,  sq.):  — «« 
Capit,  V.  401,  410,  vi.  300,  vii.  102,  103,  314, 
315,  412,  Add,  iii.  105 :— but  left  the  ordinary 
and  direct  right  of  a  proper  appeal  to  the  Pope, 
and  the  condition  of  his  prior  consent  to  the  trial 
of  an  accused  bishop,  sufficiently  unsettled  to  lead 
to  the  great  disputes  of  the  following  period,  of 


APPEAL 


APPEAL 


131 


wkidi  tbc  tarn  of  Hincmar  and  Bishop  Rothad 
tt  the  primarj  case.  The  Carloyingian  Princes, 
iadced,  deposed  biahope  in  sjnods,  just  as  they 
cttcted  them,  without  anj  reference  to  the 
Pope:  Bvt  the  Papal  power  gradually  in- 
cRSMd.  And  while  Gregory  lY.,  in  835,  and 
Leo  IV^  about  850,  expressly  claim  a  proper 
appsUste  jurisdiction.  Pope  Nicholas  I.,  858-867, 
«B  Um  strength  of  the  False  Decretals,  may 
U  said  to  haye  finally  established  the  claim 
IB  Its  fnlneas.    Eren  in  791,  however,  the  synod 


of  Frinii  asserted  for  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia 
the  right,  that  even  no  presbyter,  deacon,  or 
irdiiiundrite  be  deposed,  in  his  Patriarchate, 
witkoot  consolUng  him  (can.  27) :  the  same  right 
wkidi  Hadrian  claLned  onirersally  for  the  Bishop 
of  Rome.  As  regards  all  below  bishops,  the 
Couicil  of  Frankfort  in  794,  can.  6,  re-enacts  the 
order  of  appeal  from  bishop  to  metropolitan,  i.e., 
to  tiie  pronncial  synod,  but  no  further ;  and,  in 
addition,  orders  the  ciTil  magistrate  (Comes)  to 
act  as  asBsesor,  and  to  refer  to  the  Emperor  all 
eisB  too  hard  for  the  metropolitan.  And  Capit, 
m.  I,  A.D.  812,  includes  bishops  also  among  those 
vke  are  to  bring  their  disputes  to  the  Emperor 
ki  tettlement. 

la  sum,  appeal  from  a  bishop  or  bishops  to  his 
■cifhbouring  brethren,  under  their  metropolitan, 
iA,  from  one  or  few  bishops  to  many,  was 
Ike  Oiurdi's  common  law;  the  appeal  terrai- 
Bstiag  there,  until  the  law  of  Valentinian  in 
445  lor  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  the  canon  of  Chal- 
eedoB  in  451  for  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople 
sad  patriarchs  generally,  and  the  law  of  Jus- 
tanan  in  533  for  all  patriarchs  without  dis- 
tiaetJon,  allowed  further  appeal  from  bishops  to 
tkeir  patriarchs:  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  however, 
sDegiag  also  for  hb  right  the  narrow  and  in- 
soSeient  basis  of  the  canons  of  Sardica,  and  cus- 
teBi,aBd  in  time  also  the  broader  and  sentimental 
grand  of  the  privilege  of  St.  Peter.  The  Fal»e 
Decretals  first  established  in  the  West,  In  its  full 
lawwing,  the  absolute  both  appellate  and  imme- 
diate juisdiction  of  the  Popes  as  of  Divine  right,  in 
the  9th  century,  during  the  Papacy  of  Nicholas  1. 
tt  remaias  to  add,  that  the  Cyprian,  the  Armenian, 
the  Georgian,  the  Bulgarian,  and  the  Ravennate, 
to  be  autocephalous,  were  simply  rem- 
of  the  older  condition  of  things  before  the 
■ce  of  patriarchates,  differing  from  each 
ether  eidy  in  the  fact  that  the  Cyprian  right 
actually  tried  and  confirmed  by  a  general 


B-  The  above  canons  for  the  most  part  leave 
lajmcB  to  their  original  right  of  appeal  to  a 
pwindal  synod,  according  to  the  canon  of  Nice. 
Aad  this  was  plainly  their  right,  generally 
^cakiBg,  throughout ;  and  is  confirmed  (as  above 
aid)  by  the  Council  of  Frankfort  in  794.  In 
Afria,  however,  where  the  right  of  appeal  was 
■Mie  jealously  guarded  than  elsewhere,  it  was 
wactid  at  one  time  (^Cono.  Garth.  A.D.  397  can. 
8,  aad  AJ>.  398  can.  22,  23)  that  the  bishop  of 
the  |daoe  **  agnoscat  et  finiat*'  the  causes  of  all 
Mow  presbyters,  although  in  no  case  **  absque 
prasentia  clericomm  suorum."  Hincmar,  in  the 
9th  century,  limits  the  same  class  of  appeals  to 
the  nrovincial  synod,  protesting  only  against  any 
tertaer  right  of  appeal  in  such  cases  to  the  Pope. 

I.  2.  The  interference  of  lay  tribunals  in  causes 
■piritoal,  after  the  Emperors  became  Christian, 
beleigs  properly  to  other  articles.    Questions  of 


faith  and  such  as  were  purely  ecclesiastical,  as  it 
is  sufficient  here  to  state  upon  the  unqualified 
testimony  of  Gothofred  {Comment,  in  Cod,  Tfieoi. 
16.  tit.  2.  s.  23,  quoted  by  Bingham),  were  left 
ordinarily  to  bishops  and  ^nods,  by  laws  reach- 
ing from  Constantius  to  Justinian  (e.  g.  Novell, 
Ixxxiii.,  czxiii.  21).    And  the  law  of  Honoriu& 
in  399  (Cod,  Theod,  16.  tit.  11.  s.  1),  among  others, 
which    expressly   denies    any  proper   right   of 
Church  courts  to  civil  jurisdiction,  affirms  also 
that  causes  of  religion  as  properly  belong  to 
them.    When,  however,  either  questions  of  faith 
or  private  causes  became  of  political  importance, 
a  qualified  and  occasional  practice  of  appeal  to 
the  Emperors  from  spiritual  tribunals  naturally 
grew  up.     Our  business  is  with  the  latter,  i.e. 
with  judicial  cases.     And  here  it  may  be  said  in 
brief,  that  the  Emperors  throughout  claimed  and 
exercised  a  right  of  ordering  a  new  trial   by 
spiritual  judges;   the    choice  of  whom   so  far 
rested  with  themselves,  that  they  took  them  if  it 
seemed  good  from  another  province  than  that  of 
the  parties  accused  or  accusing.     So  Constantino 
dealt  with  Caecilianus  in  the  Donatist  contro- 
versy, appointing  first  Melchiades  of  Rome  and 
three  Gallic  bishops  to  judge  the  case  at  Rome, 
and  then,  upon  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Dona- 
tists,  commanding  a  synod  to  rehear  it  at  Aries 
(without  the  Pope  at  all)  in  314.    The  precise 
question,  however,  was  one  of  discipline  more 
than  of  belief.     And  Constantine  disclaimed  all 
right  of  appeal  from  the  episcopal  tribunal  to 
himself.      So   also  Bassianus  of  Ephesus,  and 
Eusebius  of  Dorylaeum,  asked  letters  from  the 
Emperor  Marcian,  that  the  Council  of  Chalcedon 
In  451  might  judge  their  appeals.     And  at  a 
somewhat  earlier  period  Theodosius  in  a  like 
case  transferred   causes  from  one  province  to 
another  (De  Marca,  De  Cone,  Sac.  et  Imp,  iv. 
3).    So  also  Theodoric  appointed  bishops  to  de- 
cide the  case  of  Pope  Symmachus  c.  A.9.  500, 
although,  after  commencing  the  case,  they  ulti- 
mately refused  to  judge  the  Bishop  of  Romo, 
save  by  a  merely  formal  judgment.      And  the 
Council  of  Mileum  in  416,  while  condemning  to 
deprivation  any  appellant  to  a  civil  tribunal, 
excepts  the  case  of  those  who  ask   from   the 
Emperor  **  episcopale  judicium."     On  both  sides, 
however,   this  middle  course  was  occasionally 
transgressed.       Bishops    sometimes    asked    the 
Emperors  themselves  to  decide  their  appeals: 
e.g.,  even    St.   Athanasius,  while  in   his  Apol, 
ii.  expressly  repudiating  the  Emperor's  power 
to  decide  such   a  cause,  yet,  after  the  Coun- 
cil  of  Tyre   had  deposed  him,   requested     the 
Emperor  nevertheless,   not  only  to  assemble  a 
"  lawful"  council  of  bishops  to  rehear  the  case, 
but  as    an  alternative,   ^   koI  abrhw  8c(our9ai 
rijv  d»o\oylay  (Socrat.  i.  33).    And  the  Council 
of  Antioch  accordingly,  in  341,  took  occasion  (as 
above  said)  to  prohibit  all  applications  to  the 
Emperor  except  such  as  were  backed  by  lettei*s 
of  metropolitan  and  provincial  bishops,  and  to 
insist  upon  the  restriction  of  fresh  trials  to  '*  a 
larger  synod:"  canons  repeated  down  to  the 
days  of  Charlemagne,  and  adopted  by  the  Church 
at    large,    although  repudiated    as   Arian    by 
St.  Chrysostom  and  by  Pope  Innocent  I.,  when 
quoted  against  the  former.    And  about  a.d.  380, 
Sulpicius  Severus,  again,  affirma  that  he  himself 
and  his  fellow  bishops  had  done  wrong  in  allow- 
ing Priscillian  to  appeal  to  the  Emperor,  and 

K  3 


132 


APPEAL 


lays  it  down  thai  he  ought  to  hare  appealed  to 
other  hishops.  Tet  both  Pope  STmmachua  and  his 
opponent  Laorentins  requested  the  Arian  Lom- 
bard Theodoric  to  decide  between  them.  On 
the  other  side,  when  mentioning  a  verj  late 
case,  where  the  Emperor  transferred  a  cause  of 
a  spiritual  kind  from  the  Patriarch  Lulce  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  1156-1169,  to  a  civil  oourt, 
Bnlsaroon  (in  can.  15  Syn,  Carthag.)y  while 
affirming  this  to  be  against  the  canons,  'yet  ad- 
mits that  a  laj  co-judge  might  rightly  be  asked 
of  the  Emperor.  And  Justinian  (NoceiL  cxxiiL 
21)  reserves  indeed  a  right  upon  appeal  of  as- 
signing judges,  from  whom  an  appeal  lay  ''se- 
cundum legum  ordinem,"  i.e.  ultimately  to  the 
Pmefechu  Prastorio  and  Quaestor  Palatii  {Cod. 
7.  tit.  62.  s.  32);  but  ecclesiastical  causes  are 
expressly  excepted  from  such  appeal.  On  the 
other  hand,  Arcadius  and  Honorius  expressly 
prohibit  appeals  from  councils  to  themselves; 
unless,  indeed,  this  refers  only  to  civil  and 
criminal  causes.  The  Carlovingian  Emperors 
(as  we  have  seen  above)  reserved  an  appeal  to 
themselves  in  difficult  cases  from  the  metro- 
politan, in  causes  of  presbyters  and  all  below 
them ;  besides  appointing  the  civil  magistrate 
as  assessor  to  the  metropolitan  in  the  first  in- 
stance. And  in  the  case  of  Leo  IIL  A.D.  800, 
when  Charlemagne  convened  a  synod  at  Rome  to 
investigate  accusations  against  that  Pope,  the 
bishops  appointed  declined  to  act,  on  the  ground 
that  it  waa  the  Pope's  right  to  judge  them,  and 
not  theirs  to  judge  the  Pope  (Anastas.,  in  F. 
Leon,  IIL). 

'  II.  We  pass  next  to  civil  causes:  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  bishops  in  these,  whether  lay  or 
clerical,  is  of  course,  as  a  coercive  jurisdiction, 
purely  a  creation  of  municipal  law.  As  founded 
upon  1  Cor,  vi.  4,  it  could  not  have  been  until 
the  time  of  Constantine  more  than  a  voluntarily 
conceded  power  of  arbitration,  whereby  both 
plaintiff  and  defendant,  being  Christians,  agreed 
to  be  bound  (see  Estius,  ocf  Ax;.).  But  upon  prin- 
ciples of  Christian  love  and  of  avoiding  scandal, 
the  decision  of  such  cases  became  the  common 
and  often  the  inconveniently  troublesome  busi- 
ness of  bishops :  e.g.,  of  Paphnutius  (see  Ruffi- 
nus),  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  (St.  Greg.  Nyss.  in 
Vita),  St.  Basil  the  Great  (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat 
20),  St.  Ambrose  {Epist.  34),  St.  Augustine  (Pos- 
sid.  in  Vftd%  St.  Martin  of  Tours  (Snip.  Sev. 
Dial,  iL):  and  is  recognized  as  their  work  by 
St.  Chrysostom  (De  Sac,  iii.  18).  The  Aposi, 
Constit,  ii.  45-47  regulate  the  process.  St. 
Cyprian  (Adv,  Jvdaeos  iii.  44),  speaking  of  resort 
to  the  bishop  and  not  to  the  secular  court  as  the 
duty  of  Christians,  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of 
the  feeling  upon  which  the  practice  rested.  And 
while  Socrates  (vii.  37)  speaks  of  Bishop  Syl- 
vanus  of  Troas  as  declining  it  either  for  himself 
or  his  clergy,  it  is  recognized  even  by  the  Council 
of  Tarragona  in  516  (c  4)  as  extending  to  pres- 
byters and  deacons  also.  The  practice  was 
changed  from  9  precarious  to  a  recognized  and 
legal  institution  by  Constantine.  Either  party 
to  a  suit  was  allowed  by  him,  not  in  form  to 
appeal  from  magistrate  to  bishop,  but  to  do  so 
in  eflfbct ;  in  that  he  gave  to  either  the  power  to 
choose  the  bishop's  court  in  preference  to  the 
magistrate's^  the  bishop's  sentence  to  stand  as 
go<d  in  law  as  if  it  were  the  Emperor's  (Euseb., 
J)e  T.  Constcmtini,  iv.  27 ;  Sozom.  i.  9) ;  and  if 


APPEAL 

the  law  at  the  end  of  the  Theodoeiaa  code  ii 
(as  Selden,  and,  among  later  writers,  Haend 
and  Walter  [see  Robertson's  Becketj  p.  80]  think, 
but  Gothofred  denies)  his,  then  took  the  still 
further  step  of  empowering  either,  without  tht 
other's  consent,  and  whether  the  cause  wen 
actually  pending  or  even  already  decided  by  tb 
civil  court,  to  claim  a  rehearing  in  the  court  of 
the  bishop  {Extrav,  de  Elect.  JwUc,  Episc.  Ckd. 
Theod.  vi.  303). 

a.  This  power  was  enlarged  in  the  case  of  the 
clergy  into  a  compulsory  jurisdiction,  the  Chnrdi 
forbidding  clergy  to  take  civil  eases  in  which 
they  were  concerned  before  any  other  tribnntl 
than  the  bishop's  (Cone,  Carth,  AJ).  397  e.  9, 
Ckmc.  MUevit,  A.D.  416  c  19,  Cone  Chalc.  A.a 
451  c  2,  Cone,  Venetic,  A.D.  46^  c.  9,  Oonc 
CabiUon,  i.  a.d.  470  c  11,  Cone.  Matiacon.  ajk 
582  c  8),  while  the  Emperors  permitted  sad 
ratified  episcopal  jurisdiction  between  clergy  in 
dvil  cases,  and  where  both  parties  agreed  to  the 
tribunal  (Valentin.  III.,  NoveU.  de  Epiac  JvdkiOy 
xii.  Gothofr.).  And  Justinian  in  539  gave  dvil 
jurisdiction  outright  to  the  bishops  over  the 
clergy,  the  monks,  and  the  nuns,  subject  to  an 
appeal  to  the  Emperor  in  case  the  civil  judge 
decided  differently  to  the  bishop  (Novell,  hizix., 
Ixxxiii.,  cxxiii.  c.  21).  The  law  also  of  Constao- 
tius,  in  AJ>.  355,  refers  all  complaints  against 
bishops  without  distinction,  and  therefore  dril 
as  well  as  criminal,  to  an  episcopal  tribunal 
(Cod,  Theod.  16.  tit  2.  s.  12);  which' JustimsB 
specifies  into  a  regular  chain  of  appeal  to  metro- 
politan and  patriarch,  unless  in  one  excqitionsl 
case,  where  either  the  Praefectus  Piaetorio  per 
Orientem,  or  ^*  judges  appointed  by^he  Emperor," 
are  to  dedde  (Novell,  cxxiii.  cc  22,  24>  If  a 
layman,  however,  were  a  party  to  the  suit,  it 
rested  with  hun  to  choose  the  tribunaL 

jS.  With  respect  to  laymen,  indeed,  generally, 
the  law  of  Constantine,  if  it  ever  dM  go  to  the 
length  of  allowing  a  transfer  of  the  cause  at  the 
will  of  either  party,  and  at  any  stage  of  the  suit, 
was  soon  limited.  Arcadius  and  Honorius  AJ). 
408  require  the  consent  of  both  parties  (God 
Justin,  1.  tit.  4.  s.  7,  8).  And  both  they,  and 
Valentinian  III.  A.D.  452,  expressly  allow  a  lay- 
man to  go  if  he  chooses  to  the  dvil  court,  and  in 
all  cases  and  persons  require  the  ^  vinculum  oom- 
promissi,"  and  the  '^voluntas  jurgantium,"  ai  a 
prior  condition  to  any  episcopal  (coerdve)  juris- 
diction at  all ;  expressly  laying  down  also  that 
bishops  and  presbyters  **  forum  non  habere  needs 
aliis  causis  praeter  religionem  posse  cognosoere " 
(Cod.  Theod,  16.  tit.  11.  s.  1 ;  and  Valentin.  III., 
as  before  dted).  Justinian,  however,  appears  to 
have  gone  further.  1.  He  granted  to  the  dergy 
of  Constantinople  a  right  to  have  all  their  pe- 
cuniary causes,  even  if  a  layman  were  con- 
cerned, tried  in  the  first  instance  by  the  bishop; 
and  only  if  the  nature  of  the  case  hindered  him 
from  deciding  it,  then,  but  not  otherwise,  before 
the  civil  court  (NooeU,  Ixxxiii.) ;  and  2.  he  ap- 
pointed the  bishop  generally  00-judge  with  the 
dvil  magistrate,  and  with  an  appeid  from  tht 
latter  to  the  former  (Novell.  Ixxxvi.).  And  both 
in  Cone.  Cariliog,  A.D.  399  c  1  (Cod,  Can,  Afrie. 
5),  and  in  Justin.  Novell,  cxxiii.  §  7,  Cod.  1.  trt. 
3.  s.  7,  and  Cod,  Theod.  11.  tit.  39.  s.  8,  provi- 
sion is  made  to  protect  a  bishop  or  dergyman, 
who  had  thus  acted  as  judge,  &om  being  snhK- 
quently  molested  by  a  discontented  party  to  the 


APP£AX. 

nit,  whn  flhoBld  summon  him  to  gire  acoount 
»fiiii  jttlgmeiit  before  a  secular  tribunal. 

The  law  of  Coostantine  in  its  widest  form,  and 
tt  spplrinf  to  laitj  aa  well  as  clergy,  is  alleged 
to  ^v<  been  rerired  hj  Charlemagne  (Capit,  vi. 
28 IX  eipretslj  as  a  renewal  of  the  (extreme) 
tlwodofiui  enactment,  but  very  serious  doubts 
ire  thrown  on  the  genuineness  of  the  re-enact- 
BKSt :  TiXf  that  **Quicunque  litem  habeat,  sive 
pssteMorsiTe  petitor  fuerit,  yel  in  initio  litis  yel 
deeanb  temporum  curriculis,  sive  cum  negotium 
perontiir  sire^um  jam  coeperit  promi  sententia, 
fi  jodidum  elegerit  sacroeanctae  legis  Antistitis, 
Ulieo  dne  aliqua  dubitatione,  etiam  si  alia  pars 
R^agator,  ad  Episcoporum  judicium  cum  ser- 
moae  litigantium  dirigatur:  .  .  .  omnes  itaque 
oitae,  quae  rel  praetorio  jure  yel  dvili  tractan- 
tu,  Epbooporum  sententiis  terminatae,  perpe- 
tMstabllitatis  jure  firmentur :  nee  lioeat  ulterius 
letrsctari  negotium,  quod  Episooporum  senten- 
tia decideiit:'' — ^thus  interposing  an  abaolute 
right  of  appeal  in  dyil  causes  for  either  party, 
whether  lay  or  clerical,  at  every  stage  of  the 
ciTil  suit,  from  the  dvil  judge  to  the  bishop,  and 
forbidding  a[q)eal  from  the  latter  (see  also  Capit, 
Tu.  906,  and  Gratian,  Decrtt,  P.  II.,  c.  xi.  qu.  1 
oc  35-37;  and  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  u.  146, 
nth  ed.)L  At  the  same  time  it  is  obvious,  by 
Ome,  frtmoof.  A.D.  794  c.  6,  above  referred 
to,  that  an  appeal  to  the  Emperor  himself  was 
allowed,  even  from  the  metropolitan,  in  all  dvil 
aan.  The  joint  jurisdiction  of  bishops  and 
ddennen  in  Saxon  England  belongs  to  a  different 
sabject 

UI.  Is  criminal  casea,  this  article  is  not  con- 
cened  to  define  the  limits  and  nature  of  the 
ciempti<»s  or  privileges  of  clergy,  beyond  the 
brief  statement  that,  1.  Clergy,  and  in  particu- 
Ur  Uiheps,  were  exempted  from  dvil  tribunals 
kj  the  Emperors  in  criminal  cases,  provided  that 
fiat  the  deUcta  were  levia,  and  next  th^  con- 
■oft  of  the  plaintiff  if  a  layman  were  -obtained ; 
aad  %,  Episcopal  intercession  for  criminals,  all 
akof  looked  upon  as  a  duty  and  regarded  with 
hroar,  received  a  dvil  sanction  at  the  hands  of 
JMtiBian;  while  Heraclius  A.D.  628  formally 
nimitted  jurisdiction  over  the  criminal  offences 
of  dcrgy  to  the  bishopa,  to  be  judged  "  Korr^ 
r«^  9flmn  Ktofipas"  (Leunclav.  Jtu  Graeoo- 
Jbm.  L  73).  In  relation  to  appeals,  we  have 
cilj  to  mention,  that  Justinian,  in  criminal 
oaei  of  derks,  appoints  the  bishop  and  dvil 
jad^  to  act  together,  with'  an  appeal  to  the 
Eaijieror  (JSooeiL  cxxiii.  c.  21);  the  dvil  judge 
to  try  the  case,  but  within  two  months,  and 
the  bahop  then  (if  the  accused  is  condemned) 
U  deprive  {SooeU,  IxxxiiL) ;  and  that  in  the  law 
rf  HffMflins,  jost  mentioned,  occurs  the  well- 
haowB  phiaae — that  if  the  case  were  beyond 
flnwnicil  pumahment,  then  the  bishop  should 
he  directed,  "rhr  rotovrov  rots  iroXt- 
Y<coif  ipx^vtrt  irapa9t96ff9aif  riks 
t*?r  ^l§igT4p9*s  9impurfUras  w6fuiis  rifiMf^as 
^•^ifX^ipj^mr  And  in  such  cases,  therefore, 
the  cuK  was  thenceforth  transferred  from  the 
^iritual  to  the  lay  tribunaL  So  also  Justinian 
(JibfdL  Ixxxiii.)  requires  the  convicted  criminal 
chrk  to  be  first  deposed  by  the  bbhop,  and  then, 
^  Mi  before,  ^n^  rha  rAw  ¥6iuov  'x^PtoBcu 
V*p9s,  Under  the  Gurlovingian  empire,  the 
'iptchtiarim  m  ArehioaptUamm  acted  as  the 
SBftnir's  deputy  in  the  final  dediion  of  derical 


APSE 


133 


causes  of  all  kinds,  the  Emperor  being  the  ulti- 
mate judge  in  these  as  in  secular  ones  (^Ccnc, 
Franco/,  a.d.  749  c.  6 ;  and  see  for  Cappeliam 
under  the  Franks,  Walafr.  Strab.,  De  Reh.  EccL 
c.31> 

(Besides  the  works  of  De  Marca,  Richerms, 
Quesnel,  Thomassin,  Van  Espen,  and  Church 
Historians,  such  as  Fleury,  Neander,  Gieseler; 
and  Beveridge,  Bingham,  &c.  among  ourselves, 
the  works  of  Allies  and  of  Hussey,  on  the  Papal 
Supremacy,  and  Greenwood's  Cathedra  Petri, 
Lend.,  1856,  sq.,  may  be  referred  to ;  also,  He- 
benstreit,  Hist.  Jtui^i.  Eccl.  tx  legg,  utriusque 
Cod,  iUtutrata,  (Lips.  1773),  Schilling,  De  Origins 
Juried.  Secies,  in  Causis  Civilibus  (Lips.  1825), 
and  Jungk,  De  Originibus  et  Progressu  Episcop, 
Judicii  in  Caueis  Civilibue  Laicortun  usque  ad 
Justinianum,  Berlin  1832-8,  referred  to  by 
Gieseler.)  [A.W.  H.] 

APPBOBATION  OF  BOOKS.  [Cenboh- 
SHIP  OF  Books.] 

APBONIANUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  comme- 
morated Feb.  2  (Mart  Bom,  Vet).  [C] 

APSE,  the  niche  or  recess  which  terminateb 
a  church  at  the  end  near  which  the  high  altar 
is  placed.  This  feature  existed  in  the  basilicas 
or  halls  of  justice  constructed  by  the  Romans, 
the  tribunal  for  the  presiding  magistrate  having 
been  placed  ih  the  centre  of  the  arc  forming  the 
apse. ' 

In  the  earlier  centuries  the  apse  was  almost 
invariably  semidrcular,  in  some  churches  and 
particularly  in  those  which  would  appear  to 
date  from  the  third  or  early  part  of  the  fourth 
century  the  apse  is  internal,  so  that  the  building 
has  a  rectangular  termination.  Sta.  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme,  at  Rome,  has  this  plan,  though  it 
is  doubtful  whetliiii;  this  was  the  plan  adopted 
when  it  first  became  a  church ;  but  in  Italy  it  is 
very  rarely  found ;  in  AiVica  and  in  Asia  it  seems 
to  have  prevailed,  particularly  in  the  earlier 
period :  the  basilica  of  Reparatus  at  Orleansville, 
in  Algeria,  believed  to  date  from  a.d.  252  ;  the 
churdxes  at  Deyr  Abu-iFaneh  near  Hermopolis 
Magna,  at  Hermouthis  (Erment)  in  Egyp^  at 
Ibrihm  in  Nubia,  at  Pergamus,  and  Ephesus,  are 
all  thus  planned*    [Chubch.] 

In  the  basilica  of  St.  Reparatus  there  is  a  se- 
cond apse^  also  internal,  at 'the  other  end  of  th» 
buildins;  this  is  believed  to  have  been  added 
about  the  year  403. 

In  the  churches  built  in  the  fiflh  century  in 
the  East  three  apses  are  often  found,  the  aisles 
as  well  as  the  central  nave  being  so  terminated ; 
in  the  following  century  this  plan,  the  so-called 
parallel  triapsal,  was  introduced  into  Italy  and 
churches  at  Ravenna,  as  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe, 
built  A.D.  538-549,  (though  with  a  peculiar  mo- 
dification), and  the  Duomo  at  Parenzo  (a.d.  542), 
exhibit  it.  In  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  it 
appears  at  Rome,  as  in  St.  Maria  in  Coemedin  (a.d. 
772-795),  and  a  few  other  churches. 

The  transverse-triapsal  plan,  that  in  which 
there  are  three  apses,  one  projecting  f^om  the 
end,  and  one  from  each  side  of  the  building,  is 
rarely  found  in  churches  of  the  usual  basilican 
plan,  or  in  any  anterior  to  the  sixth  century.  It 
occurs  (with  some  modification)  in  St.  Sophia^ 
Constantinople,  and  in  other  churches  for  which 
that  building  served  in  some  degree  as  a  model, 
and  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuriefc  is  com- 


134 


APTONIUS 


ARGA  ABOULA 


mon  in  Gennany.  It  Is,  however,  found  at  Borne 
in  oratories,  even  in  the  fifth  century,  as  in  that 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist  opening  fVom  the  bap- 
tistery of  the  Lateran,  built  by  Pope  Hilarus, 
cir.  A.D.  461,  and  that  of  Sta.  Croce,  built  by  the 
same  pope,  but  now  destroyed. 

About  the  year  800  churches  in  Germany  were 
constructed  with  an  apse  at  each  end :  the  greater 
church  at  Reichenau,  in  the  Lake  of  Constance, 
begun  in  816,  has  a  semicircular  apse  at  one 
«nd  and  a  square  recess  at  the  other ;  the  plan 
prepared  for  the  church  of  St.  Gall  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  ninth  oeutury  shows  a  semicircular 
apse  at  each  end. 

The  altar  was  usually  placed  in  the  chord  of 
the  arc  of  the  apse,  the  cathedra  or  chair  for  the 
bishop  in  the  centre  of  the  arc  against  the  wall, 
while  a  stone  bench,  or  a  series  of  such,  one 
above  the  other,  afforded  places  for  the  clergy. 
At  Torcello,  near  Venice,  there  are  six  such 
ranges.  Apses  so  fitted  appear  to  have  been 
called  "apsides  gradatae."   [Chuboh.]    [A.  N.] 

APTONIUS,  commemorated  May  23  {Mart 
ffieron.).  [C] 

APUI>EIUS,  disciple  of  Peter,  martyr  at 
Rqme,  commemorated  Oct.  7  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet^ 
Bedae) ;  in  Rheims  MS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (see  Moiard's  ed.  p.  418). 

AQUAMANILE  (other  forms,  Aqmrnani- 
Hunt,  AquamantiSj  Gr.  Xtpyifioy),  the  bason 
used  for  the  washing  of  the  hands  of  the  cele- 
brant in  the  liturgy.  The  aquamanile  with  the 
urceus  ai'e  thp  bason  and  ewer  of  the  sacred 
ceremony. 

In  the  Statuta  Antiqiux  called  the  **  Canons  of 
the  Fourth  Council  of  Carthage  "  {Canon  V.),  it 
is  laid  down  that  a  subdeacon  should  receive  at 
his  ordination  from  the  handsof  the  archdeacon 
an  aquamanile  (corruptly  wrl|P&  ^  aqua  et  man- 
tile  ")  as  one  of  the  emblems  of  his  office.  Com- 
pare Isidore,  De  EccL  Off.  ii.  10.  And  these  di- 
rections are  repeated  verbatim  in  the  office  for 
the  ordination  of  a  subdeacon  in  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  (p.  221).  In  the  Greelc  office,  the 
subdeacon  receives  x^P^^^^^*'^^^  ^^^  fJuwfiitXiov^ 
where  the  word  x^P*'^^^^^^^^^  perhaps  includes  ^ 
both  urceus  and  aquamanile  (Daniel's  Codex  Lit, 
iv.  550\ 

In  the  Ordo  Bomanus  I.  (p.  5),  the  acolytes 
are  directed  to  carry  an  aquamanus  (among  other 
things)  after  the  Pope  in  the  great  procession  of 
£aster-Day. 

Aquamanilia  of  great  splendour  are  frequently 
mentioned  in  ancient  records.  Desiderius  of  Aux- 
erre  is  said  to  have  given  to  his  church  **  aqua- 
manile pensans  libras  ii.  et  uncias  x. ;  habet  in 
medio  rotam  liliatam  et  in  cauda  caput  homi- 
nis;"  and  Bininhilda,  qaeen  of  the  Franks,  offered 
through  the  same  Desiderius  to  the  church  of 
St.  G^iTaanus  "  aquamanilium  pensans  libi'as  iii. 
et  uncias  ix. ;  habet  in  medio  Neptunum  cum  tri- 
dente  **  (Krazer,  De  LiturgiiSy  p.  210).  Compare 
Urceqs.  [C] 

AQUILA  (1)  Wife  of  Severianus,  martyr, 
commemorated  Jan.  23  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 

(2)  Husband  of  PrUcilla,  July  8  (/&.);  July 
14  (Cal.^Byzant.). 

(3)  Martyr  in  Arabia,  Aug.  1  (Mart,  Bom. 
Vet).  [C] 

AQUILEIA,  CJOUNGIL  OF  (Aquiuense 
CONGOJUM).     I.,  A.D.  381,  provincial,  although 


the  Easterns  were  invited,  St.  Ambross  being  the 
most  important  bishop  present ;  summon^  by 
the  Emperor  Gratian,  to  try  the  cases  of  Bidiop 
Palladius  and  Secundianus,  who  were  there  con- 
demned for  Arianism  (Mansi,  iii.  59d-632). 

II.  A.D.  553,  Western  or  rather  provincial,  on 
behalf  of  the  three  chapters.  It  rejected  the 
Oecumenical  Covicil  of  Constantinople  of  aj>. 
550,  and  thereby  severed  the  Aquileian  Chuith 
from  the  Church  Catholic  for  over  100  yean 
(Baed.,  De  VI.  Aetat, ;  Mansi,  ix.  659>  lU. 
A.D.  698,  a  like  Synod  for  a  like  purpose  (Baed., 
ib. ;  Paul.  Diac.,  v.  14 ;  Sigebert  in  an. ;  Mans, 
xii.  115).  *  [A.W.H.] 

AQUILINAl,  martyr,  commemorated  Jane  13 
(Col.  Byzant).  [C.] 

AQUILrNTJS.     (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  Jan.  4 

(Mart,  ffieron.,  Bedae). 

(2)  Commemorated  Feb.  4  (M.  ffieron.), 
(8)  Of  Isauria,  commemorated  May  16  (Jforl 

Bom.  Vet,  Hieron.^  Bedae). 
(4)  Presbyter,  May  27  (M.  ffieron.^ 
(6)  Saint,    July    16    (A);     July    17    (JC 

ffieron.).  [C] 

AQUIS(3fRANENSE  CONCILIUM.  [An.] 

ARABICUM  (X)NCILin^~A  oonndl 
was  held,  A.D.  247,  in  Arabia  against  thoee  who 
maintained  that  the  soul  died  with  the  body. 
Origen  went  to  it,  and  is  said  to  have  reclaime>l 
tHem  from  their  error  (Euseb.  vL  37).  [£.SlF.] 

ABATOB,  commemorated  April  21  (Mart. 
Hieron.).  [C]   \ 

ARAUSICANXJM  C0KCILIUM.[0RA2ra£.] 

ABCA,  ABOULA.  1.  A  chest  intended  to 
receive  pecuniary  offerings  for  the  service  of  the 
church  or  for  the  poor  ^ertullian,  Apotogetitau, 
c.  39).  Of  this  kind  was  probably  the  *'arca 
pecuniae,"  which  Pope  Stephen  (an.  260)  is  said 
to  have  handed  over,  with  the  sacred  vessels,  to 
his  archdeacon  when  he  was  imprisoned  (XAer 
Pontif.  c  24);  and  such  that  which  Pbolinns 
Petricordius  says  (in  Vita  8.  Martini^  lib.  iv.  ap. 
Ducange)  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  s 
deacon  chosen  for  the  purpose.  The  box  from 
which  priesti  received  their  portions  is  described 
as  "  arcula  sancta"  by  Marcellus  (Vita 8.  iWicti, 
c  3). 

2.  It  is  used  of  a  box  or  casket  in  which  the 
Eucharist  was  reserved:  thus  Cyprian  (i>tf  Xopnt, 
c.  26,  p.  486)  speaks  of  an  **  area  in  qu&  Domini 
sacramentum  fuit,"  from  which  fire  issued,  to 
the  great  terror  of  a  woman  who  attempted  to 
open  it  with  unholy  hands.  In  this  case,  tbe 
casket  appears  to  have  been  in  the  house,  and 
perhaps  contained  the  reserved  Eucharist  for  tbe 
sick. 

3.  Among  the  prayers  which  precede  the  Etbi- 
opic  Canon  (Benaudot,  Lit.  Orient  L  501)  is 
one  ^  Super  arcam  sive  discum  majorem."  The 
prayer  itself  suggests  that  this  area  was  used 
for  precisely  the  same  purpose  as  the  pates, 
inasmuch  as  in  both  cases  the  petition  is  that 
in  or  upon  it  may  be  perfected  (perficiatur)  the 
Body  of  the  Lord.  Renaudot  (p.  525)  seems  to 
think  that  it  may  have  served  the  purpose  of  aa 
Antihensium  (q.  v.). 

It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  its  use  was 
limited  to  the  case  of  unconsecrated  altars ;  and 
when  we  remember  that  the  Copts  applied  the 
term  iXeurT'tipioy  to  the  Christian  oltai-  (Renaib 


ABOABIUS 

iok,  L  183)  it  docs  not  seem  improbable  tbai 
tUs  aiti  was  an  actual  chest  or  ark,  on  the  lid 
of  vUeh,  the  If  ercy-Seat,  consecration  took  place. 
It  is  vorth  noticing  that  chests  are  said  to  have 
hea  sBdeBtlr  used  as  altars  in  Rome  [Altar]. 
Dr.  Netle  {EasUrm  Church,  Iwtrod,  p.  186)  says 
tbst  the  taixmi  or  ark  of  the  Ethiopic  Chorch  is 
■Md  for  the  reserration  of  the  Sacrament.  Major 
Harm's  informant  {Highiands  of  Ethiopia,  iii. 
1J8)  declared  that  it  contains  nothing  except  a 
ptrdmeDt  inscribed  with  the  date  of  the  dedi- 
otiM  of  the  bailding.  [C] 

ABCADIUS.     (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
Jsi.  12  {MarL  JZom..  VetX 
(S)  Martyr  in  Africa,  Not.  12  (Jb.y        [C] 

ABCANI  DI8CIPLINA  [Disciplina  Ab- 

ABGHANEBIS,  commemorated  at  Rome 
lac.  1^  {^oH,  Nienm.).  [C] 

ARCHBISHOP.— The  earliest  use  of  this 
title  vss  probably  the  same  as  that  with  which 
ve  sre  (smiliar  in  the  Modern  Church,  viz.,  as 
deagnating  a  metropolitan  or  chief  bishop  of  a 
prorinee.  Afterwards,  however,  as. the  hierar- 
cUcsI  system  of  the  Chnrch  was  further  extended 
to  eorrespMid  with  the  civil  divisions  of  the 
Isaan  empire,  it  became  appropriated  to  the 
higher  dignity  of  patriarch.  Thus,  according  to 
B^ham  (ii  17X  Liberatus  {Breviar.,  c.  17)  gives 
sll  the  patriarchs  this  title  <^  archbishops,  and, 
hi  a^(^  so  does  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  fre- 
qiently,  speaking  of  the  patriarchs  of  Rome  and 
Cbnstsntinople  under  the  name  of  archbishops 
sbo^  About  the  time  of  Constantine  the  empire 
«Bs  divided  into  dioceses,  each  of  which  contained 
Bsny  provinoea.  This  division,  like  the  earlier 
one  of  provinces,  was  also  adopted  by  the  Church ; 
sad  as  the  State  had  an  exarch  or  vicar  in  the 
capital  dty  of  each  civil  diocese,  so  the  Church, 
in  proeess  of  time,  came  to  have  her  exarchs  or 
pstriarchs  in  many,  if  not  all,  the  capital  cities 
of  the  empire.  These  patriarchs  were  originally 
called  archbishops,  which  title  had  therefore  a 
Bach  more  extensive  signification  than  it  has  at 
present.  The  principal  privileges  of  the  arch- 
hiihopsof  that  period  were — 1.  To  drdain  all  the 
■Ktropditans  of  the  diocese,  their  own  ordination 
beiig  received  from  a  Diocesan  Synod ;  2.  To  con- 
vene Diocesan  Synods  and  to  preside  in  them ; 
3.  To  receive  appeals  from  metropolitans  and  from 
Vetropolitan  Synods ;  4.  To  censure  metropoli- 
tsB^  and  also  their  suffragans  when  metropolitans 
were  remiss  in  censuring  them.  The  Patriarch  or 
Archbishop  of  Alexandria  had  from  very  early 
tinef  some  peculiar  privileges  within  his  diocese, 
hat  origiBally  all  patriarchs  were  co-ordinate,  as 
well  as  mutually  independent  as  regards  actual 
pover,  though  some  had  a  precedence  of  honour, 
asthoK  of  Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  and 
Jemasleni,  to  whom  the  canons  gave  precedence 
•fall  others. 

Far  **  Archbishop  "  in  its  later  and  present  sig- 
aifiestion,  see  METBOK)LrrAif.  [D.  B.J 

ABCHDEAGON.  — 'A/»x<SuC<coirof,  'Apx** 
hixm,  *Afx<Ae1>{n|t  (CataL  Patriarch.  Constant. 
1030«,  41^  Mai  Script.  Vet.  iU.  243,  though  per- 
haps somewhat  late),  Archidiaamusj  Archidia- 
OMtXtfottsa^itwitcf  (Joannes  Secundus,  Vit,  Oreg, 
Mu. lie  25> 

i  Origim  cf  Ifame  catd  Oj^.— That  there  was 


ABOHDEAOON 


135 


ftam.  the  first  a  primacy  among  deacons,  as  there 
appears  to  have  been  among  presbyters,  and  as 
there  was  afterwards  among  bishops,  is  more  a 
matter  of  conjecture  than  of  historical  certainty. 
It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  some  one  deacon, 
either  the  senior  in  oflSce  or  the  most  eminent  in 
ability,  took  the  lead  of  the  rest,  as  St.  Stephen 
appears  to  have  taken  the  lead  of  the  seven  first 
deacons  (whence  the  Menologium  gives  him  the 

title  *Apxi'MU<>>'<'0 )  ^^^  ^^  ^  uncertain  when 
this  became  a  part  of  the  regular  ecclesiastical 
order.  The  name  is  sometimes  given  by  later 
writers  to  prominent  deacons  of  the  first  four 
centuries ;  for  example,  St.  Lawrence,  who  had 
evidently  some  precedence  over  his  brother 
deacons,  is  called  archdeacon  by  St.  Augustine 
(Serm.  de  DiversiSj  cxi.  cap.  9 ;  Sanctua  Lanwentiw 
archtcUaoonw  ftUt) ;  and  Caedlian  of  Carthage  b 
called  archdeacon  by  Optatus  (1.  i.  p.  18,  ed. 
Paris,  1679)w  But  other  writers  describe  the 
office  by  a  periphrasis ;  for  example,  Theodoret 
(ff,  E,  i.  26)  uses  the  phrase  6  rov  x^^^  '''^'^ 
9uuc6yvr  4tyoifi€vof  to  describe  the  position — 
which  was  evidently  equivalent  to  that  of  an 
archdeacon— of  Athanasius  at  Alexandria ;  and 
there  is  the  negative  evidence  that  neither  the 
name  nor  the  office  is  mentioned  in  the  Aposto- 
lical Constitutions  (although  some  have  supposed 
the  phrase  6  irapc<rr^9  r^  hpx^^P*^  9tdKoros,  in 
il.  57,  to  refer  to  it),  and  that  Cornelius  (ap. 
Euaeb,  H.  E.  vi.  43)  omits  the  archdeacon  from 
his  list  of  Church  officers  at  Rome.  The  first 
contemporary  use  of  the  title  is,  in  the  Eastern 
Church,  in  the  old  version  of  the  acts  of  the 
Council  of  Ephesus  (Labb^  Supplem,  Goncil.  p. 
505),  and,  in  the  Western  Church,  in  St.  Je- 
rome (tf.^.  Ep,  xcv.  ad  Butticum).  After  that 
period  it  is  in  constant  use. 

In  both  East  and  West  the  title  appears  to 
have  been  restricted  to  the  secular  clergy ;  the 
first  in  rank  of  the  deacons  of  a  monastery 
seems  to  have  had,  in  the  East,  the  title  of 
iTfWToiidKovos  (but  not  universally,  for  Joannes 
Climacus,  Seal.  Parad.  p.  58,  also  uses  the  title 
tipx*^^^^^  ^^  ^  monk) ;  a  deacon  in  a  similar 
position  in  the  West  seems  to  have  had,  at  least 
in  early  times,  no  special  designation. 

II.  idode  of  Appointment, — ^The  mode  of  ap- 
pointment varied  with  particular  times  and 
places.  At  first,  and  in  some  places  perma- 
nently, the  deacon  who  was  senior  in  date  of 
ordination  appears  to  have  held  the  office,  with- 
out any  special  appointment,  by  right  of  his 
seniority.  That  this  was  the  usual  practice  at 
Constantinople  is  clear  from  the  answer  of  Ana- 
tolius  to  Leo  the  Great  in  the  case  of  Andrew 
and  Aetius.  Leo,  probably  having  the  use  of 
the  Roman  Church  in  his  mind,  assumes  in  hib 
letter  of  remonstrance  to  Anatolius  that  the 
latter  had  appointed  {coMtituiaae)  Andrew  arch- 
deacon. Anatolius  replies  that,  on  the  ordina- 
tion of  Aetius  as  presbyter,  Andrew  had  suc- 
ceeded him  as  archdeacon  in  regular  order  (non 
provecttu  a  nobis  aed  gradu  faciente  Archidiaooni 
dignitate  honoratus—S.  Leon.  Mag.  Op.  vol.  L  p. 
653,  ed.  Paris,  1675).  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
Sosomen  speaks  of  Serapion  as  having  been  ap- 
pointed by  Chrysostom  (Pv  hpxi^tdicovoif  aibrov 
Korr^onie'c — R.  E.  viii.  9),  and  Theodoret  notices 
that  Athanasius  was  at  the  head  of  the  deacons, 
though  young  in  years-(Wot  r^r  ^KikIom),  which 
could  hardly  have  been  the  case  in  so  targe  a 


136 


ARCHDEACON 


ARCHDEACON 


church  as  that  of  Alexandria  if  the  rule  of 
senioritj  had  been  followed.  St.  Jerome  has 
indeed  been  sometimes  quoted  to  show  that  the 
practice  at  Alexandria  was  for  the  deacons  to 
elect  their  archdeacon,  but  the  hypothetical 
form  of  the  sentence  (**  quomodo  si  ...  . 
diaconi  eligant  de  se  quem  industrium  noverint 
et  Archidiaoonum  yocent ")  makes  it  difficult  to 
use  the  passage  as  an  assertion  of  an  existing 
fact.  In  the  West  there  appears  to  have  been  a 
similar  dirersitj  of  practice.  The  phrases  which 
are  sometimes  used  (e^.  bj  Joannes  Secundus, 
Vit,  S,  Greg,  Max.  i.  25,  ^Wevitam  septimum 
ad  suum  adjutorium  constituit ")  seem  to  show, 
what  might  also  be  expected  from  the  nature  of 
the  case,  that  when  the  archdeacon  became  not 
so  much  the  first  in  rank  of  the  minor  officers 
of  the  Church  as  the  bishop's  secretary  and  dele- 
gate, the  bishop  had  at  least  a  yoice  in  his  ap- 
pointment. But  there  is  a  canon  of  a  Gallic 
council  in  a.d.  506  {Cone,  Agath,  can.  xxiii., 
Mansi,  viii.  328)  which  strongly  asserts  the  rule 
of  seniority,  and  enacts  that  even  in  cases  in 
which  the  senior  deacon,  propter  simplicioretn 
naturamj  was  unfit  for  the  office,  he  was  to  have 
the  title  (loci  aui  noinen  teneat),  although  the 
burden  of  the  duty  devolved  upon  another.  In 
later  times,  however,  it  is  clear  that  the  right  of 
appointment  rested  absolutely  with  the  bii^op. 

III.  Number  J  andDuroHon  of  Office, — It  is  clear, 
both  from  the  statement  of  St.  Jerome  (Ep,  xcv. 
ad  Busticumj  "  singuli  ecdesiarum  episcopi,  sin- 
guli  archipresbyteri,  singuli  archidiaconi ")  add 
from  the  invariable  use  of  the  singular  number 
in  the  canons  of  the  councils  which  refer  to  the 
office,  that  for  several  centuries  there  was  but 
one  archdeacon  in  each  diocese.  When  the 
number  was  increased  is  not  altogether  clear. 
The  increase  seems  to  have  been  a  result  partly 
of  the  increase  in  the  number  of  rural  parishes, 
partly  of  the  difficulty  of  dividing  dioceses 
which  were  coextensive  with  civil  divisions. 
The  fact  of  the  Council  of  Merida  (a.d.  666) 
having  directly  prohibited  the  appointment  of 
more  than  one  axx^deacon  in  each  diocese  seems 
to  indicate  that  such  a  practice  had  been  con- 
templated, if  not  actually  adopted  (Cone,  Emerit, 
can.  X.,  Mansi,  xi.  81) ;  but  the  first  actual  re- 
cord of  a  plurality  of  archdeacons  occurs  a 
century  later  in  the  diocese  of  Strasburg.  In 
774,  Bishop  Heddo  divided  that  diocese  into 
three  archdeaconries  (archidiaainatua  rwalesy, 
and  from  that  time  there  appears  to  have  been 
throughout  the  West — except  in  Italy,  where  the 
dioceses  were  small — a  general  practice  of  re- 
lieving bishops  of  the  difficulties  of  the  admi- 
nistration of  overgrown  dioceses  by  appointing 
archdeacons  for  separate  divisions,  and  giving 
them  a  delegatio  (ultimately  a  delegatio  perpetud) 
as  to  the  visitation  of  parishes.  Thence  grew 
up  the  dbtinction  between  the  "  Archidiaconus 
magnus"  of  the  Cathedral  Church  and  the 
**■  Archidiaconi  rurales."  The  former  was  at  the 
head  of  the  cathedral  clergy,  whence  in  much 
later  times  he  was  known  as  the  provost  (pi*ae- 
positus)  of  the  cathedral,  ranking  as  such  before 
the  archpresbyter  or  dean.  The  latter  had  a 
corresponding  status  in  their  several  districts; 
they  were  usually  at  the  head  of  the  chapter  of 
a  provincial  town,  and  they  had  precedence,  and 
perhaps  jurisdiction,  over  the  "  Archipresbyteri 
rurales,"  who  were  at  the  head  of  subdivisions 


of  the  archdeaconries,  and  corresponded  to  moden 
*'  rural  deans."  There  was  thia  further  differ- 
ence between  the  two  classes,  that  the  miai 
archdeacons  were  usually  priests,  whereas  the 
cathedml  archdeacon,  even  so  late  .as  the  12tb 
century,  was  usually  a  deacon. 

Originally,  the  office  was  limited  to  deacons; 
an  archdeacon  who  received  priest's  orden 
ceased  thereby  to  be  an  archdeacon.  Proofs  and 
examples  of  this  are  numerous.  St.  Jerome 
says  (in  Ezech.  c  xlviii.)  that  an  archdeaooa 
**  injuriam  putat  si  presbyter  oi-dinetur."  Anato> 
liui  made  his  archdeacon  Aetius  a  presbyter  in 
order  to  get  rid  of  him,  of  which  proceeding 
Leo  the  Great,  in  a  formal  complaint  to  the 
Emperor  Marcian  on  the  subject,  says  *'dejeo> 
tionem  inuocentis  per  speciem  provectionis  in- 
plevit "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Epist,  57,  a/.  84) ;  and 
Sidonius  ApoUinaris  speaks  of  an  archdeacon 
John  who  was  so  good  an  archdeacon  that  he  was 
kept  from  the  presbyterate  in  consequence  (**dio 
dignitate  non  potuit  augeri  ne  potestate  poset 
absolvi " — lib.  iv.  ep,  24).  It  is  not  certain  at 
what  date  presbyters  were  allowed  to  hold  office 
as  archdeacons;  probably  the  earliest  certain 
evidence  on  the  point  is  that  which  is  afforded 
by  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  who  (a.d.  874)  addresses 
his  archdeacons  as  *'  archidiaconibus-presbyteris  " 
(Mansi,  xv.  497). 

IV.  Functions. — ^At  first  an  archdeacon  dif- 
fered only  from  other  deacons  in  respect  of  pre- 
cedence. In  the  churches  of  the  EbsI  he  %v 
probably  never  much  more.  Individual  arch- 
deacons attained  to  eminence,  but  not  by  rirtae 
of  their  office.  Their  office  gave  them  such 
privileges  as  the  right  of  reading  the  Gospel  in 
the  cathedral  (e.g.  at  Alexandria ;  Sozomen,  til 
19),  and  of  receiving  the  sacred  elements  before 
the  other  deacons  (Joannes  Citri,  Besp.  ad  C<jbatil. 
ap.  Meunius,  Gl,  Graeco-Barb,  s.  v.) ;  but  they 
appear  to  have  had  no  administrative  functions, 
and  at  Constantinople,  so  unimportant'  did  the 
office  become,  from  an  ecclesiastical  point  of  view, 
that  at  last  the  archdeacon  became  only  an  offior 
of  the  Imperial  court  (Codinus,  De  Off.  Constakt, 
c.  xvii.  38). 

It  was  different  in  the  West.  Partly  from  the 
&ct  that  the  deacons,  and  especially,  therefore, 
the  senior  deacon,  were  the  administrative  offi- 
cers of  the  Church ;  partly  from  the  fact  that 
the  senior  deacon  had  been  from  early  times  es- 
pecially attached  to  the  bishop,  the  office,  which, 
even  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo,  was  called  the  "  offi- 
dorum  primatus  "  (S.  Leon.  Magn.  Ep,  106,  a/. 
71),  assumed  an  importance  which  at  one  period 
was  hardly  inferior  to  that  of  the  episcopate 
itself. 

The  frinctions  of  the  office  may  conveniently 
be  distributed  under  two  heads,  according  as  thef 
grew  out  of  the  original  functions  of  the  diaco- 
nate,  or  out  of  the  special  relation  of  the  arch- 
deacon to  the  bishop. 

(1)  The  archdeacon  seems  to  have  had  charge 
of  the  funds  of  the  Church ;  e.g,  both  St.  Am- 
brose and  St.  Augustine,  in  speaking  of  St  Law- 
rence, speak  of  him  as  having  the  **  opesecdesiae" 
in  his  custody  (S.  Aug.  Serm,  de  Divers,  ai. 
c.  9) ;  and  St.  Leo  describes  the  appointment  of 
an  archdeacon  by  the  phrase  ''quem  eodesias- 
ticis  negotiis  praeposnit"  (S.  Leon.  Mags.  J^ 
85,  al.  58). 

This  involved  the  distribution  of  the  funds  to 


ABCHDEACON 


ABOHDEAGON 


137 


tfct  poor;  St  Jerome  speaks  of  the  archdeacon 
m  'iMOiarnm  et  Tidoanun  minister  '*  (S.  Hie- 
tm  ia  £ie6h.  czlTiiL)»  and  the  4th  Council  of 
Carthage  prohibits  a  bishop  from  attending  to 
tkt  *^  gabernataonem  Tidnarum  et  peregrinanun  " 
Uflielf;  bat  orders  him  to  do  so  **per  archi- 
fnAjtaum  ant  per  archidiaoonnm  "  (IV.  Cone. 
Cvtk.  can.  xriL ;  Mansi,  iii.  952). 

Afterwards,  if  we  are  to  trust  the  letter  of 
bdsre  of  SeTille  to  the  Bishop  of  Cordova, 
te  appears  to  hare  distribnted  to  the  clergy  of 
tbs  leTend  orders  the  monej  which  was  oflered 
Cor  their  support  at  the  communion  (Isid.  Hisp. 
Ep,adlmdifr^  Op.  ed.  Paris,  1601,  p.  615> 

(2)  The  archdeacon  had  the  ^  ordiuitio  eccle- 
■«,**  that  is,  the  superintendence  of  the  arrange- 
BKBti  of  the  cathedral  church  and  of  divine 
wrrice.  He  was  ^  master  of  the  ceremonies." 
Is  nch  he  had  (a)  to  keep  note  of  the  calendar, 
tad  to  announce  the  &rts  and  festivals  (Isid. 
Bi^  UriiL;  cL  the  phrase  '*  concionatur  in  po- 
pdn'*  of  Jerome  in  Ezech.  c.  xlviii.).  (3)  He 
had  to  correct  offences  against  ecclesiastical  order 
dariag  divine  serrlce ;  for  ejample,  at  Carthage 
s  woman  who  kissed  the  relics  of  an  unrecog- 
liaed  mart  jr  was  reproTcd  (porrepid)  by  Caeci- 
liu  (Optat.  i.  p.  18).  Probably  this  was  a  duty 
ef  tJie  archdeacon  in  the  East  as  well  us  in  the 
West ;  at  least  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the 
erijin  of  the  unseemly  scuffle  between  Meletius 
sad  his  arehdeaoon  at  Antloch  (Soxom.  Jff,  E.  iy. 
tt)  uless  we  suppose  that  the  latter  was  ezer- 
dsag  a  supposed  right.  (7)  He  had  to  see  that 
the  amngements  of  the  Church  for  divine  ser- 
Tiet  were  properly  made,  and  that  the  ritual 
VIS  properly  observed.  Isidore  of  Seville  (ibid.') 
sngns  to  him  in  detail,  ^  cura  vestiendi 
altaiis  a  levitis,  cura  incensi,  4t  sacrificii 
■eeetssria  sollicitudo,  quis  levitarum  Aposto- 
luB  et  Evangelium  legat,  quis  preces  dicat." 
(I)  1^  same  authority,  or  quasi-authority,  may 
W  qooted  for  his  having  also  charge  of  the 
Cibric  of  the  cathedral  church  t  *'  pro  repa- 
laadk  dioffsanis  basilids  ipse  suggerit  saoerdoti " 
(ibid.), 

(3)  The  archdeacon  had  to  superintend  and  to 
discipUne  over  the  deacons  and  other 

clergy,  lliis  was  common  to  both  East 
West ;  and  as  early  as  the  Council  of  Chal- 
we  find  it  stated  that  a  deacon  (Maras  of 
i)  had  been  excommunicated  by  his  arch- 
(ijcecriinrr^f  kori  r^  I9i^  Apx^''^'^^'^^  ■ 
hit  the  bishop,  Ibas,  who  is  speaking,  goes  on  to  say, 
Mi  4fMl  dwrtr  iuMtw^niros,  which  seems  to  im- 
ply that  the  bishop  and  the  archdeacon  had  co- 
•cdiaate  jurisdiction  over  deacons :  Mansi,  vii. 
232^  A  curious  instance  of  the  extent  of  their 
sathority  is  afforded  by  a  canon  of  the  Council 
sf  Agdc,  in  Gaul,  wliich  enacts  that  ''Clerid  qui 
SHnm  nutriunt  ah  archidiacono  etismsi  nolu* 
ennt  invita  detondeantur  "  (Cane,  Agath.  can.  xz. ; 
viiL  328).  This  ordinary  jurisdiction  of 
over  the  inferior  clergy  must  be 
from  the  delegated  jurisdiction 
vhidi  he  peasessed  in  later  times.  The  canon 
•f  the  Omadl  of  Toledo  whiph  is  cited  in  the 
lANrctals  as  giving  him  an  ordinary  jurisdiction 
presbyters  is  confessedly  spurious  (Mansi, 
L1008). 

(4)  This  power  of  exercising  discipline  was 
with  the  duty  of  instructing  the  in- 

fkrgy  in  tke  duties  of  their  office.    The 


4th  Council  of  Carthage  enacts  that  the  ostia- 
rius  before  ordination  is  to  be  instructed  by 
the  archdeacon.  Gregory  of  Tours  identities  the 
archdeacon  with  the  '*  praeceptor "  (H,  F,  lib. 
vi.  c.  86),  and  speaks  of  himself  as  living  at  the 
head  of  the  commnnity  of  deacons  (ViU  Pair,  e. 
9).  The  house  of  this  community  appears  to 
have  been  called  the  ^  diaoonium  "  (**  lector  in 
diaoonio  Caeciliani  "-~Optat.  lib.  i.  c.  21),  and  is 
probably  referred  to  by  Paulinus  when  he  says 
that  he  lived  *'sub  cura  "  of  the  deacon  Castus 
(Paulin.  Vit.  Ambras.  c.  42> 

(5)  As  a  corollary  from  these  relations  of  an 
archdeacon  to  the  inferior  clergy,  it  was  his  office 
to  enquire  into  their  character  before  ordination, 
and  sometimes  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony 
itself.  Even  in  the  East  it  is  possible  that  he 
had  some  kind  of  control  over  ordinations,  for 
Ibas  is  said  to  have  been  prevented  by  his  arch- 
deacon from  ordaining  an  unworthy  person  as 
bishop  (icMAvdels  irapk  rov  rriviKovra  &f»x ''<<>* 
k6vov  vArov-^^Ckmc.  Chaic,  act  x.,  as  quoted  by 
Labb^  iv.  647,  e^  but  Mansi  substitutes  irp^c* 
fivripo  V — ^vii.  224).  In  the  African  Church  the 
archdeacon  was  directed  to  take  part  in  the 
ordination  of  the  subdeacons,  aoolytus,  and 
ostiarius  (IV.  Cone,  Cctrthag.;  Mansi,  iii.  951> 
Throughout  the  West  his  testimony  to  charac- 
ter appears  to  have  been  required.  At  Rome 
this  was  the  case  even  at  the  ordination  of  pres- 
byters ;  bat  Jerome  speaks  of  it  as  '*  unius  urbis 
consuetudinem  "  (S.  Hieron.  Ep,  ci.  ai,  Lxzxv.  ad 
Evang.^  In  later  times  the  archdeacon  enquired 
into  the  literary  as  well  as  into  the  moral  quali- 
fications of  candidates  for  ordination  ;  but  there 
is  no  distinct  authority  for  supposing  this  to 
have  been  the  case  during  the  first  nine  cen- 
turies ;  the  earliest  is  that  of  Hincmar  of  Rheims, 
in  874,  who  directed  his  archdeacon-presbyters 
to  enquire  diligently  into  both  the  "vita  et 
acientia  "  of  those  whom  they  presented  for  ordi- 
nation (Mansi,  xv.  497).  In  one  other  point  they 
appear  in  some  places  to  have  conformed  to  latei 
practice,  for  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (Ep,  i.  29)  re- 
proves his  archdeacon  for  making  money  from 
ordination /ses  (iirh  ri/u^5  x«P<^<>i^(^>')- 

2.  The  second  class  of  an  archdeacon's  Amo- 
tions were  those  which  ,grew  out  of  his  close 
connection  with  the  bishop.  The  closeness  of 
this  connection  is  shown  as  early  as  the  4th 
century  by  St.  Jerome,  who  says  of  the  "  primus 
ministeriorum,"  ue,  the  archdeacon,  that  he 
never  leaves  the  bishop's  side  ("a  pontificis 
latere  non  recedit " — Hieron.  in  Ezech.  c.  xlriii.). 
This  expression  has,  without  any  corroborative 
evidence  except  the  indefinite  phrase  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (quoted  above),  been  in- 
terpreted exclusively  of  his  attendance  upon  the 
bishop  at  the  altar.  It  is  probable  that  this  is 
included  in  the  expression,  but  it  is  improbable 
that  nothing  else  is  meant  by  'JiL  The  mass  of 
evidence  goes  to  show  that  while  the  arch-pres- 
byter was  the  bishop's  assistant  chiefly  in  spi- 
ritual matters,  the  archdeacon  was  his  assistant 
chiefly  in  secular  matters. 

(1)  He  was  attached  to  the  bishop,  probably 
'  in  the  capacity  of  a  modern  chaplain  or  secre- 
tary. He  transacted  the  greater  part  of  the 
business  of  the  diocese ;  for  example,  St.  Leo 
speaks  of  the  office  as  involving  ^'dispensationem 
totius  causae  et  curae  ecclesiasticae  "  (Ep,  Ixxxiv. 
oL  Ivii.).  He  conveyed  the  bishop's  orders  to  the 


138 


ABCHDEACON 


dergj ;  for  erample,  when  John  of  Jenasalem 
prohibited  £piphaiiiiis  from  preachiog,  he  did 
so  **per  archidiaconum"  (S.  Hieron.  Ep,  xxxviii. 
ai.  Ixi.).  He  acted  as  the  bishop's  substitute  at 
sjmods ;  for  example,  Photinos  at  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  (Mansi,  vi.  567).  Compare  the  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Trullo,  in  692  (Mansi,  xi.  943), 
which  forbids  a  deacon  from  haying  precedence 
oyer  a  presbyter,  except  when  acting  as  substi- 
tute for  a  bishop,  and  the  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Merida,  in  666  (Mansi,  xi.  79),  which  expressly 
disapproyes  of  the  practice.  Ordinary  deacons 
were  sometimes  called  the  ''bishop's  eyes," 
whence  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  writing  to  his  arch- 
deacon, says  that  he  ought  to  be  ''all  eye" 
{t\oi  6^a\/ihs  6^i\9is  ^dpx*u^ — Isid.  PeL 
Ep,  i.  29). 

(2)  In  somewhat  later  times  he  was  dele- 
gated by  the  bishop  to  yisit  parishes,  and  to 
exercise  jurisdiction  oyer  all  orders  of  the  clergy. 
There  is  no  trace  of  this  in  the  East-.    It  grew 
up  in  the  West  with  the  growth  of  large  dio- 
ceses, with  the  preyalence  of  the  practice  of  ap- 
pointing bishops  for  other   than  ecclesiastical 
merits,  and  with  the  rise  of  the  principle  of  the 
immunity  of  ecclesiastical  persons  and  things 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  power.    But 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  the  date  at  which 
such  delegations  became  common.    The  earliest 
eyidence  upon  which  reliance  can  be  placed  is 
that  of  the  Council  of  Auxerre  in  578,  which 
enacted  that,  in  certain  cases,  a  parish  priest 
who  was  detained  by  infirmity  should  send  "  ad 
archidiaconum  simm,"  implying  a  certain  official 
relation  between  them.    More  definite  testimony 
is  affonied  by  the  Council  of  Chfilons  in  650, 
which  exjpressly  recognises  his  right  of  yisiting 
priyate  chapels  ("  oratoria  per  yillas  potentum  " 
—/.  Cone.  Gabili.  can.  14 ;  Mansi,  x.  1192).  A  simi- 
lar enactment  was  made  at  the  second  Council 
of  Chilons,  in  813,  which,  howeyer,  censures  the 
exacting  of  fees  for  yisitations  ("  ne  census  exi- 
gant "— //.  Cone.  CabUL  c.  15).     In  later  times 
this  "  delegatio  "  became  a  "  delegatio  perpetua," 
not  reyocable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  bishop  who 
had  conferred  it ;  but  that  such  was  not  the  case 
during  the  first  nine  centuries  is  clear  from  the 
letter  of  Hincmar  to  his  archdeacons  (quoted 
aboye),  and  also  from  the  fact  that  Isidore  of 
Seyille,   whose    authority,    or    quasi-authority, 
was  so  frequently  quoted  to  confirm  the  later 
pretensions  of  the  archdeacons,  only  speaks  of 
their  yisiting  parishes  "  cum  jussione  episcopi." 
The  rise  of  the  separate  jurisdiction  of  the 
archdeacon  is  still  more  obscure.     In  the  6th 
century  we  find  him  named  as  the  bishop's  as- 
sessor in  certain  cases  (I.  Cone.  Matitc.  can.  8, 
Mansi,  ix.  933 ;  II.  Cone,  Matiac,  can.  12 ;  Mansi,  ix. 
954);  but  there  is  no  trustworthy  eyidence  in 
fayour  of   the  existence   of  an   "archdeacon's 
court "  within  the  period  of  which  the  present 
work  takes  cognizance. 

(3)  In  the  East,  during  the  yacancy  of  a  see, 
the  archdeacon  appears  to  haye  been  its  guardian 
or  co-guardian.  Chrysostom  writes  to  Innocent 
of  Rome,  complaining  that  Theophilus  of  Alex- 
andria had  written  to  his  archdeacon  "  as  though 
the  church  were  already  widowed,  and  had  no 
bishop  "(c^cnrcp  f|8i}  xVpo^^fV^  f^f  ixicKriirlas  ical 
ovK  ix^^^^  MiTKOwov — Mansi,  iii.  1085) ;  and  in 
the  letter  which  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  wrote 
to  the  clergy  of  Alexandria  to  inform  them  of  the 


ABCHIMAKDBITE 

deposition  of  their  bishop  Diosooms,  the  arch- 
deacon and  the  oeconomus  are  specially  named. 
In  the  West  it  is  not  clear  that  this  was  the  case; 
hut  sometimes  the  archdeacon  was  regarded  as 
haying  a  right  of  succession.  Eulogius  {ap.  Phot 
Bibl,  182)  says  that  it  was  a  faw  at  Rome  for  the 
archdeacon  to  succeed ;  but  the  instance  which 
he  giyes,  that  of  Cornelius  making  his  arch- 
deacon a  presbyter,  to  cut  off  his  right  of  suc- 
cession, is  yery  questionable,  the  date  being 
earlier  than  the  existence  of  the  office.  Ko 
doubt,  many  archdeacons  were  chosen  to  succeed, 
but  the  most  striking  instances  which  are  some- 
times quoted  to  confirm  the  statement  of  Eulogius^ 
those  of  St.  Leo  and  St.  Gregory,  were  probably 
both  exceptional. 

(An  amusing  blunder  identified  the  archdeacon, 
who  waa  sometimes  called  not  only  "  oculns  epis- 
copi,"  but  ^oorepisoopi,**  with  the  chorepiscopus 
or  sufiragan  bishop;  the  blunder,  which  has  been 
not  unfrequently  repeated,  seems  to  be  traceable 
in  the  first  instance  to  Joannes  Abbas  de  tnms' 
latione  reliquiarwn  8,  Glodesindis,  quoted  in  H. 
Vales.  Adnot.  ad  Theodora,  I.  26.)  [E.  H.] 

ABCHELAUS,  or  ARCHILLAUS,  com- 
memorated Aug.  23  (^Mart.  Rom,  Vet.').       [C] 

ABGHIMANDBITE  (fipx*^  r^'  iiuiwhpv, 
praefecttu  ooenobu),  lit.    ruler  of  "the  fold" 
— ^the  spiritual   fold  that  is — a  fityourite  me- 
taphor for  designating  monasteries  in  the  East, 
and  yery  soon  appli^.    As  early  as  a.i>.  376 
we  find  St.  Epiphanius  commencing  his  work 
against  heresies  in  consequence  of  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  him  by  Acacius  and   Paul,  styling 
themselyes    "presbyters   and    archimandrites," 
that  is,  fathers  of  the  monasteries  in  the  parts  of 
Carch^on  and  Beroea  in  Coele-Syria.     Possibly 
St.  Epiphanius  omits  to  style  them  "  archiman- 
drites '  in  his  reply,  because  the  term  was  not 
yet  in  general  use.  ■    But  at  the  time  of  the 
Council  of  Ephesus  the  Emperors  Theodoaius  and 
Valentinian  receiyed  a  petition  from  "  a  deacon 
and  archimandrite,"  named  Basil  (Mansi,  torn.  iy. 
p.  1101).    At  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  a.d. 
448,  under  Flayian,  23  archimandrites  affixed 
their  signatures  to  the  condemnation  of  Eutydies, 
himself  an  archimandrite.    Sometimes  the  same 
person  was  styled  archimandrite  and  h^^umen 
indifferently  ;  but,  in  general,  the  archimandrite 
presided  oyer  seyeral  monasteries,  and  the  hegn- 
men  oyer  but  one.  The  latter  was  therefore  sub- 
ject to  the  former,  as  a  bishop  to  a  metropolitan 
or  archbishop.    Again,  there  was  an  exarch,  or 
yisitor  of  monasteries,  by  some  thought  to  haye 
been  inferior  to  the  archimandrite,  by  some  supe- 
rior, and  by  some  different  only  from  him  in 
name.    But  if  it  is  a  fact  that  archimaudrit«s 
were  admitted  to  their  office  by  the  patriarch 
alone,  though  he,  of  course  may  haye  sometimes 
admitted  the  others  as  well,  it  would  seem  to 
suggest  that  they  occupied  the  highest  rank  in 
the  monastic  hierarchy,  analogous  to  that  of  pa- 
triarch   amongst  bishops.    According  to  Goar 
{Euc/ioL  p.  240)  archimandrites  had  the  pririlege 
of  ordaining  readers,  which  the  ordinary  hegumea 
had  not ;  but  he  has  omitted  to  point  out  where 
this  priyilege  is  conferred  in  the  form  of  admis- 
sion giyen  by  him  further  on  (p.  492).    Eiag 
(p.  367),  in  his  history  of  the  Gi^  Cbnrch,  re- 

*  Bolh  letters  are  pnflzed  to  hfa  woik. 


ABCHINIMU8 

|udi  udumandiite  as  the  eqaivalent  for  abbot, 
aad  begvnwii  for  prior,  in  the  Western  monaa- 
uriai ;  but  he  can  onl j  mean  that  the  offices  in 
«idi  esse  were  analogous,  Rarelj,  bat  occaaion- 
tUy,  bishopa  and  archbishops  themselres  were 
de^gaated  archimandrites  in  the  West  and  East. 
Far  follcr  details,  see  Soicer,  TKeactur,  EccL  s.  y. ; 
Dq  Frcsne,  Glon^  Oraec,  s.  y.,  itivlpa ;  Habert's 
fa^fcaL  EcoL  Onuc  p.  570,  ei  seq,    [£.  S.  F.] 

ABCBIKI1CU8,  confessor,  conmiemorated 
Ihidi  29  {Mart.  Sonu  Vet).  [0.] 

ABCHIPABAPH0KI8TA  CApx<«^apa4xv- 
nnk^),  a  principal  officer  of  the  Boman 
*'SehoU  Ganiomm,'*  [Camtor]  called  also 
MQoaitiu  Sf^olae."  It  belonged  to  his  office  to 
laas  the  chanters  who  were  to  sing  the  seyeral 
ptrts  of  the  aeryice  in  a  Pontifical  Mass  {Ordo 
Eoaiamt,  I.  c  7 ;  111.  c.  7) ;  to  go  before  the  pope, 
aad  pUee  for  him  a  prajer-desk  before  the  altar 
{0.  R.  L  c.  8);  and  to  bring  to  the  sob-deacon 
tbe  water  for  nae  in  the  celebration  of  mass 
(0.  E,Uc  14).  [C] 

ARCmPPUS,  the  fellow-laboorer  of  St.  Paul 
eoflUBemorated  March  20  (Mart,  Bom.  VeQ;  as 
"Apostle,**  Feb.  19  (Cb/L  Byzatd.).  [C] 

ASOmSUBDIAOONUSw— This  is  a  word 
wliidi  oeeors  in  the  canons  of  the  sjnod  of  Anx- 
tn«  {Synod.  Autiasiodor.  can.  6 ;  Mansi,  ix.  912), 
Wt  apparently  not  elsewhere.  If  the  reading  be 
geaaiae,  it  would  appear  that  in  some  dioceses 
the  sabdeaeona  aa  well  aa  the  deacons  had  their 
pfuaate;  but  it  is  probable  that  the  reading 
tboald  be  wiiharchidiaoofaat,  which  may  have 
beei  another  name  for  the  officer  known  to  the 
Gncks  as  h  S«vr«pc^r,  and  to  some  Western 
difloews  as  seciMdarnia.  [E.  H.] 

ABCHPRESBTTEB.  (hpxnrptfrfiintpos, 
SoMOL  H.  E.  yiii.  12 ;  bat  the  ordinary  Greek 
tenn  was  wpttrowp€4f$6TfpoSf  which  is  found  ap- 
plied to  the  same  person  in  the  corresponding 
pissagc  of  Socrates,  Jf.  E.yi.  9 ;  cf.  also  Phot. 
BM.  59,  in  the  aoooant  of  the  irregular  synod 
ifaiait  ChiTBcetom,  and  Mansi,  yii.  252,  from 
which  it  appears  that  the  word  was  found  in 
Bome  ttesiotts  of  the  acts  of  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedoa;  in  later  times  =  wpteraw^as^  Codin.  De 
0/.  EceL  Omd.  c.  i. ;  archipretbyter,  S.  Hieron. 
E^  xcr.  ad  Buslie.') 

The  origin  of  the  office  is  not  clear ;  after  the 
perBaoeat  establishment  of  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  episcopate  and  presbyterate  it  appears 
that  the  senior  presbyter  had  certain  recognized 
ri^bis  in  yirtue  of  his  seniority ;  but  there  is  no 
crideace  of  his  haying  had  a  distinct  name  until 
the  dose  of  the  4th  century,  when  we  find  it,  as 
qcotcd  aboye,  in  Socrates. 

For  some  time  the  name,  when  giyen  at  all, 
Hems  to  haye  been  giyen  as  a  matter  of  course 
t«  the  presbyter  who  was  senior  \a  date  of  ordi- 
aatioQ.  But  the  assertion  of  Gregory  Nazianzen 
{Orat.  zliii.  39)  that  he  refused  rj^v  ray  irpttr- 
fivriptim  wporl/t^n^tw,  which  Basil  offered  him, 
sad  the  fdirase  of  Uberatns  (Brev.  c.  xiy.)  *'  qui 
[«e  Diet,  cf  (^.  Biopr,  art.  DioacORUS  OF 
Alexaxdru]  et  eom  ^Dict.  cf  Chr.  Biogr,  art. 
Pkotcbiub]  archipresbytemm  fecerat  **  seem  to 
•how  that  in  some  places  in  the  East  the  bishop 
had  thepower  of  making  a  special  appointment. 
la  the  IVcst,  howeyer,  this  was  regarded  as  a  yio- 
ktioft  of  the  regular  order,  for  St.  Leo  (Ep.  y. 
oL  xriL)  finds  great  fault  with  Doras  of  Bene- 


A3G0S0LIUM 


130 


yentum  for  giying  precedence  (he  does  not  nse 
the  word  archpresbyter)  to  a  newly  ordained 
presbyter  over  his  seniors. 

At  first  there  appears  to  haye  been  only  one 
archpresbyter  in  a  diocese  (cf.  S.  Hieron.  Ep.  xcy, 
ad  Bustic,  "  singuli  ecclesiarum  episcopi,  singuli 
archipresbyteri,  singuli  archidiaconl '*).  He  took 
rank  next  after  the  bishop,  all  of  whose  functions 
he  performed  during  the  yacancy  of  a  see,  and 
some  of  them,  9.g.  baptism,  during  the  bishop's 
temporary  absence.  It  has  been  held  that  he 
had  also  a  right  of  succession,  but  this  is  hardly 
proyed.  With  the  increase  in  the  population  in 
the  large  dioceses  of  the  West  and  the  growing 
difficulty  of  subdiyiding  them,  on  account  of  their 
identification  with  clyil  diyisions,  began  the  sys- 
tem of  placing  an  archpresbyter  (arch,  rvralu) 
in  each  of  the  larger  towns,  who  stood  in  the 
same  relation  to  the  clergy  of  the  surrounding 
district  as -the  archpresbyter  of  the  cathedral  to 
the  rest  of  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral.  The 
first  mention  of  these  rural  archpresbyters  it^  in 
Gregory  of  Tours  (J/iroc.  i.  78,  ii.  22).  Their 
duties  may  be  gathered  f^om  yarious  canons  of 
Gallican  and  Spanish  councils.  The  Council  of. 
Tours,  in  567,  enacted  that  subpresbyters  were  to 
be  liable  to  penance  if  they  neglected  to  compel 
the  presbyters  and  other  clergy  of  their  re- 
spective districts  to  Uye  chastely  (Mansi,  ix.  797). 
The  Council  of  Auxerre,  in  578,  inflicted  a  similar 
but  heavier  penalty  on  them  if  they  neglected 
to  inform  the  bishop  or  the  archdeacon  (the  first 
instance  of  such  a  subordination  of  rank)  of 
clerical  delinquencies;  and  aLw  enacted  that 
**  saeculares "  who  neglected  to  submit  to  the 
'*  institutionem  et  admonitioncm  archipresbyteri 
sui "  were  to  be  not  only  suspended  from  ecclesi- 
astical privileges  but  also  to  be  fined  at  the  king's 
discretion  (Mansi,  ix.  797).  From  Can.  19  of  the 
Council  of  Rheims,  in  630,  it  would  appear  that 
certain  feudal  rights  of  seigniority  had  begun  to 
attach  to  the  archpresbyters,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  office  was  being  held  by  laymen 
(Mansi,  x.  597>  The  Council  of  ChAlons,  in  650, 
enacted  that  lay  judges  were  not  to  visit  mona^- 
teries  or  parishes,  except  on  the  invitation  in  the 
one  case  of  the  abbot,  in  the  other  of  the 
archpresbyter  (Mansi,  x.  1191). 

The  name  deccmua,  which  was  given  to  the 
archpresbyter  of  the  cathedral,  and  decanua  ru- 
raUs,  which  was  given  to  the  archpresbyter  of  a 
country  district,  as  also  the  struggle  for  pre- 
cedence between  the  archpresbyters  and  the 
archdeacons,  in  which  the  latter  were  ultimately 
victorious,  belong  to  a  later  period.         [E.  H.] 

ABCHIYES.    [REGiffTEBS.] 

ABCOSOLIUM.  This  word  is  derived  by 
Martigny  {Did.  des  Antiq.  Chr  A,)  from  "  areas, 
an  arch,  and  **  solium,"  which  according  to  him 
is  sometimes  used  in  the  sense  of  sivrcophagus. 
Some  inscriptions,  and  particularly  one  now  in 
the  cortile  of  the  Palazzo  Borghese  (March  i, 
Mon,  dette  Arti  Christ.  primU,  p.  85),  which  runs 
thus,  **  Domus  etemalis  Aur.  Celsi  et  Aur.  Ilari- 
tatis  compari  mees  [leg,  oomparavimus]  fecimus 
nobis  et  nostris  et  amicis  aroosolio  cum  parieti- 
culo  suo  in  pacem,"  make  mention  of  it,  and  it 
has  been  supposed  to  denote  those  tombs  hewn 
in  the  living  rock  of  the  catacombs  at  Rome  (and 
elsewhere),  in  which  there  is  an  arched  opening 
above  the  portion  reserved  for  the  deposition  oi 


140 


ABCOSOLIDH 


ABCOSOLIUH 


thi  bodj  to  be  int«iTe<],  tbe  graia  being  dng 
trom  sbon  dowDwards  ioto  tba  rcserred  porti 
belav  the  arch. 

There  seeing,  however,  lonxt  reasoa  for  doubt- 
ing whether  the  attribution  of  the  word  ii 
Goirect,  and  whether  ws  ongbt  not  nth 
andenUnd  by  it  Che  Mpalchrel  chamhgn  i 
bicalm  in  which  the  great  majoritj  of  th<M 
tombs  ar«  fonnd. 

It  iadifficaltlAandcntandhDwona  tomb  of  the 
liind  could  contain  mora  than  sboat  fire  bodiea 
ereo  if  two  were  placed  in  the  graie  below,  aqd 
Chrea  In  locnll  cut  in  the  wall  under  the  arch; 
while  the  inscription  qnotsd  abare  wonid  Been 
to  impi;  that  a  mach  larger  aamber  were  to  be 
placed  in  the  arcoBoliam  made  by  Aareliaa  Cel- 
■us;  hnt  it  mafbe  that  these  pemom  were  all  men- 
tioned in  ordcT  that  tbe  right  of  InteimeDt  af  rela- 
tioM  or  friends  might  not  b«  disputed  if  claimed. 

It  is  not  clear  how  or  where  the  parieticuli 
or   partition   could    be    placed.     Hartigny   eaje 

partmenti  by  these  walls,  but  doei  not  explain 
is  what  way.  If  the  word  meao  merely  the 
tomb,  parieticuiam  would  probably  mean  " 
wall  Included  under  the  arch, 

The  word  may  reallj  be  derived  from  "  ■ 
a  sarcophagus,  and  "  soliuin,"  which  among  other 
meacinga  hai  that  of  a  piscina  or  reserroir  in  a 
bath,  and  in  mediaeval  l^tin  of  a  chamber  gene- 
rally j  it  may  thus  denote  a- vault  contatmug 
iarcaphagi. 

In  the  tombe  of  this  kind  the  receptacle  for  the 
corpse  wai  WDietlmes  covered  byatlab  of  marble, 
or  eometimei  a  marble  sarcophagus  is  inserted. 
In  a  few  casei  the  tarcophagtu  projects  forward 
into  the  chamber,  and  the  sides  of  the  ardi  are 
ooDtinaed  Co  the  ground  beyond  the  sarcophagus. 

Such  ilahg  or  sarcophagi  have  been  supposed 
to  have  served  as  altars  dnriag  the  period  of  per- 
secution, a*  being  the  resting-places  of  saints  or 
martyrs,  and  in  some  instances  thia  may  have 
been  the  case ;  bnt  the  &i  greater  number  of  these 
tombs  are  no  doubt  of  later  date,  and  simply  the 
monumenla  used  by  the  wealthier  claaa.  The 
Efitthops  and  martyrs  of  the  3rd  century  were,  as 
may  be  seen  iu  the  cemetery  of  Calliitns(on  the 
Via  Appia  near  Rome),  placed,  not  In  these  "ar- 
cniolla  or  "  monnmenta  arcnata,"  but  in  simple 
"  loculi,"  excavationi  in  the  wall  Just  large 
enough  to  receive  a  body  placed  lengthwise  (v. 
De  Rossi,  Kama  SaU.  Cria.  t.  ii.  Uv.  i.  ii.  Hi.). 
It  seems  hardly  probable  that,  when  such  illns- 
trioos  martyrs  were  interred  in  eo  humble  a 
nianner,  more  obscore  suffererx  shonld  he  more 

afford  ground  for  the  supposition  that,  where  a 
saint  or  martyr  of  the  first  three  centuries  has 
been  placed  in  a  decorated  tomb,  such  a  memorial 
u  to  be  attributed  not  to  the  period  of  the  ori- 
ginal interment,  bnt  to  the  piety  of  a  later  time. 
In  the  4th  and  Sth  centuries  the  humble  "locu- 
lus"  was  altered  into  the  decorated  "monu- 
menium  arcoatnm,"  and  the  whole  sepulchral 
chamber  in  many  cases  richly  adorned  with  in- 

uintings.  An  excellent  eiample  of  this  is  afforded 
by  the  chamber  in  the  cemetery  of  Calliitus,  in 
which  the  remains  of  the  Popes  EuseUus  (309- 
311)  and  Hiltiades  (or  Helchiades,  311-314) 
were  placed,  a  part  of  which  is  represenM  in 
the  Bsneied  woodcnt.  ! 


pL  lvii,-lii.    One  of  tl 


it  rvmaifcaU*  !■■ 


ABEA 


ABLES 


141 


k  the  tomb  of  St.  Hermes  in  the  cata- 
«HBbs  Bear  Rome  oUied  by  his  name. 

TIm  tombs  of  thitf  class  are  more  nsually  found 
ia  the  **  coMciila,'*  or  small  chambers,  than  in 
tlwgaUezies  of  the  catacombs:  in  the  former,  two, 
tkrw,  or  more  are  often  found.  Martigny  seeks 
to  draw  a  distinction  between  those  foond  in  the 
"calMcola,"  which  he  thinks  may  often  or  gene- 
nlly  be  those  of  wealthy  iadiTidiLils  made  at 
tber  own  cost,  and  those  in  the  so-called  chapels 
ff  larger  excsTations,  which  he  thinks  were  con- 
stracted  at  the  general  chai^  of  the  Christian 
cwnmnnity.  In  one  sach  chapel  in  the  cemetery 
ef  St.  Agnes  near  Rome  there  are  eleren  such 
tanbi.  RosUll  {BeKkretinmg  von  Som,  by  Bunsen 
sad  othcrsy  toL  L  p.  408)  giyes  it  as  his  opinion 
tbst  soch  chapels,  specially  connected  with  the 
Tooation  of  martyrs,  do  not  nsually  date  from 
SB  earlier  period  than  the  4th  or  5th  century. 
The  work  of  the  Cay.  de'  Rossi  on  the  catacombs 
{Soma  CrisL  Sotterraned)  will  no  doubt  when 
conpleted  throw  great  light  on  all  these  ques- 
taoBs,  which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  solved  except 
bf  that  union  of  the  most  careful  and  minute  in- 
wstigstiow,  and  candid  and  impartial  criticism, 
which  tiiat  learned  archaeologist  will  bring  to 
bsu- upon  them. 

Eiam|des  of  tombs  of  the  same  form  may  be 
fmad  in  structures  above  ground  at  a  much  later 
date:  two  such  are  in  the  walls  of  the  entrance 
ts  the  baptistery  at  Albenga,  between  Nice  and 
GcMa,  a  bailding  probably  not  later  than  the 
7th  eentury.  One  tomb  is  quite  plain,  the  other 
dscented  with  plaited  ornaments  in  the  style 
prmJent  drea  800.  [A.  N.] 

AREA.  L  A  space  within  which  monuments 
itaod,  which  was  protected  by  the  Roman  law 
frsB  the  acts  of  ownership  to  which  other  lands 
w«n  liaUe.  Such  areae  are  frequent  by  the 
nie  ef  most  of  the  great  roads  leading  into  Rome, 
sni  letters  on  the  monument  describe  how  many 
6k  of  frontage,  and  how  many  in  depth,  belong  to 
it  The  formula  is,  IN-FRP. . . .  IN-AGP.  .  .  . 
le^  "In  frtHite  pedes — ":  "In  agro  pedes — ." 
The  fiixe  of  these  areae  varied  much;  some  were 
16  Act  square,  some  24  feet  by  15 ;  a  square  nf 
aboat  125  feet  each  way  seems  to  have  been 
caoBBoa;  the  example  in  Horace  {Sat,  i.  8,  12) 

S'  rti  OS  1000  feet  by  300  ;  and  some  appear  to 
ve  been  even  larger  than  this ;  one  of  Grater's 
Aser^pfinws,  for  instance,  (i.  2,  p.  cccxcix.  1), 
im,  **  Hoie  monumento  cedunt  agri  puri  jugera 
So  large  a  space  was  required,  not  for  the 
»lenm  which  was  to  be  erected,  but  in  some 
caisi  fer  the  reception  of  many  tombs,  in  others 
bt  the  performance  of  sacra,  which  were  often 
aaaittuusly  attended  (Northoote  and  Brownlow's 
Soma  SaUerraneOj  pp.  47  f.). 

On  a  monument  or  a  boundary  stone  of  the 
ana  waa  engraved  a  formula  indicating  that  this 
plat  was  not  to  pass  to  the  heirs  of  him  who  set 
it  spart  for  sepulture.  This  was  generally 
H-M'H'N'S.  ftA,  **Hoc  monumentum  haeredes  non 
laqiHnr  "  (Orelli's  Ifucriptionea,  No.  4379).  The 
ebnaapooding  Greek  form  was,  "rois  K\ripov6- 
fm*  CSV  o6k  iwaicoKovBiiff^i  rovro  rh  ftyiyjucior  '* 
(Eockh's  Corpus  Intcripticnwn,  No.  3270). 

la  the  Roman  catacombs  care  has  evidently 
been  taken  lest  the  subterranean  excavations 
ibofsld  transgress  the  limits  of  the  area  on  the 
wfece  (Northoote,  u.a.  48). 


This  reverence  of  the  Roman  law  for  burial- 
places  enabled  the  early  Christians,  except  in 
times  of  persecution  or  popular  tumult,  to 
preserve  their  sepulchres  inviolate.  The  areas 
about  the  tombs  of  martyrs  were  especially  so 
preserved,  where  meetings  for  worship  were  held, 
and  churches  frequently  built.  Tertullian  {Ad 
ScapvU,  3)  tells  us  that  when  Hilarianus,  a  perse- 
cutor, had  issued  an  edict  against  the  formation  of 
boch  areae,  the  result  was  that  the  areae  (thresh- 
ing-floors) of  the  heathen  lacked  corn  the  follow- 
ing year.  So  the  Acta  Proconsularia  of  the  trial 
of  Felix  (in  Baronius,  ann.  314  §24)  speak  of  the 
areae,'*  where  you  Christians  make  prayers "(ubi 
orationes  facitis).  These  areae  were  frequently 
named  from  some  well-known  person  buried 
there;  thus  St.  Cyprian  is  said  to  have  been 
buried  *Mn  area  Candidi  Procuratoris"  {Acta 
Mart.  S.  Cypriani  in  Ducange's  Glossary  s.  v.).  In 
the  Oetia  Prtrgationis  Caeciliani  {Ibid,),  certain 
dtixens  are  said  to  have  been  shut  up  "  in  area 
martyrum,"  where,  perhaps,  a  church  is  intended. 
Compare  Cemetebt,  Marttrium. 

U.  The  court  in  fi'ont  of  a  church  [At&ixtm.] 
(Bingham's  Antiquities,  viii.  3  §  5.)  [C] 

ABBLATENSE  COKOILIUM.    [Arles.] 

AHETHAS  and  companions,  martyrs,  com- 
memorated Oct.  24  {Col.  Byxant.).  [C] 

ABGEUS,  martvr,  commemorated  Jan.  2 
{Mart,  Bom,  Vet.),  '  [C] 

ABIGIOK,  of  Nicomedia,  commemorated 
June  23  {Mart,  ffieron,),  [C] 

ARDilNENSE  CONCILIUM^    [Rimini.] 

ABISTAROHUS,  disciple  of  Apostles,  com- 
memorated Aug.  4  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet.);  '* Apostle," 
April  15  [14,  NealeJ  (CW.  Byzant,).  [C] 

ARISTIDES,  of  Athens,  commemorated  Aug. 
31  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.),  [C] 

ARISTION,  one  of  the  Seventy  Disciples  of 
Christ,  commemorated  Oct.  17  {Mart,  Rom, 
Vet,),  [C] 

ARISTOBULUS,  "Apostle,"  commemorated 
Oct.  31  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [C] 

ABISTOK,  and  others,  martyrs,  comme* 
morated  July  2  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet.).  [C] 

ABISTONIGUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
April  19  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet.),  [C] 

ABISTONIPPUS,  commemorated  Sept.  3 
{Mart,  ffieron.),  [C] 

ABISTUS,  commemorated  Sept.  3  {Mart, 
Bedae),  [C] 

ABLES,  CX)UNCIL8  OF  (Arelatensia 
Concilia).  —  I.  a.d.  314,  summoned  by  the 
Emperor  Constantino  to  try  afiresh  the  cause 
of  the  Donatists  against  Caedlian,  Bishop  of 
Carthage, — a  cause  **'  de  Sancti  Coelestisque 
Numinis  cultu  et  fide  Catholica  ;*'  because 
the  former  complained  that  the  judgment  given 
at  Rome  in  313  by  the  Pope  and  certain  Gallic 
bishops  (whom  Constantino  had  appointed  to  try 
the  case  there),  was  an  unfeir  one.  The  emperor 
accordingly  summoned  other  bishops,  from  Sicily, 
Italy  (not  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  he  having  been 
one  of  the  former  judges),  the  Gauls  (which 
include  Britain),  and  Africa  itself^  to  the  number 
of  200  according  to  St.  Augustin,  to  come  to 
Aries  by  August  1  to  retry  the  case.    Thp  sum- 


142 


ABLE8 


mom  to  Chrestns  of  Syracuse  (Mansi,  ii.  466, 
467,  from  Euseb.  z.)  desires  him  to  bring  two 
presbyters  and  three  servants  with  him  at  the 
public  expense.  And  the  letter  of  Constantino 
to  the  Vicarius  Afrioae  (ib.  463-465)  claims  it 
as  the  emperor's  duty  to  see  that  such  conten- 
tions are  put  an  end  to.  The  sentence  of  the 
Council,  adverse  to  the  Donatists,  is  likewise 
to  be  enforced  by  the  civil  power  (Reacript. 
Constant,  post  Synodum,  ib.  477,  478).  But  Con- 
stantine  in  the  same  letter  expressly  disclaims  all 
appeal  to  himself  from  the  "  judicium  sacerdotum" 
(ib.  478).  The  Synod  also  announces  its  judg- 
ment and  its  Canoiu  to  Pope  Sylvester,  in  order 
that  ^  per  te  potissimum  omnibus  insinuari,"  re- 
gretting also  the  absence  of  their  *'  frater  dilectis- 
simus,"  who  probably  would  have  passed  a 
severer  sentence.  The  canons  begin  with  one 
enacting  that  the  observance  of  Easter  shall  be 
**>  uno  die  et  tempore,"  the  Bishop  of  Rome  *' juxta 
eonsuetudinem  "  to  make  the  day  known.  They 
include  also  among  other  regulations  a  prohibi- 
tion of  the  rebaptizing  of  heretics  if  they  had 
been  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity ; 
an  exhortation  (*' consilium  *')  to  those  whose 
wives  had  been  guilty  of  adultery,  not  to  marry 
another  '^yiventibus  uzoribus;"  a  requirement 
to  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  of  eight  bishops, 
if  possible,  but  of  three  at  the  least ;  and  a  con- 
demnation of  those  '*  sacerdotes  et  Levitae,"  who 
do  not  abstain  from  their  wives.  The  Council 
was  purely  a  Western  one,  and  of  the  emperor's 
selection,  although  St.  Augustine  (De  Baj^.  cont, 
Ikmat.,  ii.  9,  and  elsewhere)  calls  it  '^  universal." 
Among  the  signatures  to  it,  according  to  the 
most  authentic  list,  are  the  well-known  ones  of^ 
^  Eborius  Episcopus  de  civitate  Eboracensi  pro- 
vincia  Britannia;  Restitutus  Episcopus  de  civi- 
tate Londinensi  provincia  suprascripta ;  Adelfius 
Episcopus  de  civitate  Colonia  Londinensium  "  (t.  e. 
probably,  Col.  Legionensium  i.e.  Caerleon  on  Usk); 
'*  exinde  Saoerdoe  presbyter,  Arminius  diaconus  " 
(Mansi,  ib.  476,  477).  There  were  present,  ac- 
cording to  this  list,  33  bishops,  13  presbyters,  23 
deacons,  2  readers,  7  exorcists,  besides  2  presby- 
ters and  2  deacons  to  represent  Pope  Sylvester. 

II.  A.D.  353,  of  the  Gallic  bishops,  summoned 
by  the  Emperor  Constans  to  condemn  the  person 
of  St.  Athanasius  (but  without  discussing  doc- 
trine) under  penalty  of  exile  if  they  revised, 
Paulinus,  Bishop  of  Treves,  being  actually  exiled 
for  refusing  (Sulp.  Sever.,  ii. ;  Hilar.,  LibelL  ad 
Constant, ;  and  Mansi,  iii.  231,  232). 

III.  A.D.  452,  called  the  second,  which  com- 
piled and  reissued  56  canons  of  other  recent  Gallic 
Councils  respecting  discipline  (Mansi,  vii.  875). 
Possibly  there  had  been  another  in  451  (Id.  i&. 
873). 

IV.  A.D.  455,  commonly  called  the  third,  pro- 
vincial, determined  the  dispute  between  Bishop 
Theodorus  and  Faustus  abbat  of  Lerins,  by  de- 
creeing that  the  right  of  ordination,  and  of 
giving  the  chrism,  &c.,  pertain  to  the  bishop, 
but  the  jurisdiction  over  laymen  in  the  monas- 
tery to  the  abbat  (Mansi,  vii.  907). 

V.  A.D.  463,  provincial,  convened  by  Leontius, 
Archbishop  of  Aries,  to  oppose  Mamertinus, 
Archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  had  encroached  upon 
the  province  of  Aries  (Mansi,  vii.  951,  from  St. 
Hilary's  EpUA,), 

VI.  A.D.  475,  provincial,  under  the  same  Leon- 
tius, to  condemn  the  error  of  **  predestination." 


ABBHAE 

The  books  of  Faustus,  De  Gratia  Dei,  ftc,  wew 
written  to  express  the  sense  of  the  Council,  and 
the  Augustinians  condemned  it  as  semi-Pelsgiao 
(Mansi,  vii.  1007). 

VII.  A.D.  524,  commonly  called  the  fourth, 
provincial,  among  other  canons  on  discipline,  sp- 
pointed  25  as  the  age  for  deacons'  orders,  and  30 
for  priests'  (Mansi,  viii.  625). 

VIII.  A.D.  554,  commonly  called  the  fifth,  pro- 
vincial, chiefly  to  reduce  monasteries  to  obedience 
to  their  bishop  (Mansi,  ix.  702). 

IX.  A.D.  813,  under  Charlemagne,  enacted  26 
canons  respecting  discipline,  and  among  others, 
tliat  the  Bishop  **  circumeat  parochiam  suam 
semel  in  anno"(c  17),  and  that  "Comite6,judices 
seu  reliquus  populus,  obedientes  sint  Episcopo,  et 
invicem  consentiant  ad  justitias  fadendas"  (c. 
13 ;  Mansi,  xiv.  55).  [A.  W.  H.] 

ABMARIUS,  in  monastic  establishments,  the 
precentor  and  keeper  of  the  church  books.  Ar- 
marius  is  continually  used  by  Bernard  (in  Ordine 
Cluniacensi,  &c.)  for  Cantor  and  Magister  Cei«- 
moniarum.*  [J.  H.] 

ABMENIA,  COUNCIL  OP.— A  council 
was  held  in  Armenia,  simultaneously  with  an* 
other  at  Antioch,  a.d.  435,  condemning  the 
works  of  Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  and  Diodonis 
of  Tarsus,  lately  translated  into  the  language 
of  Armenia  and  circulated  there  (Mansi,  v. 
1179).  [E.  S.  F.] 

ABM0GA6TES,  confessor,  commemorated 
March  29  (Mart.  Horn,  Vet,).  [C] 

ABMOBICA.  COUNCIL  IN,  a.d.  555,  to 
excommunicate  Maclou,  Bishop  of  Vannes,  who 
had  renounced  tonsure  and  celibacy  on  the  death 
of  his  brother  Chanao,  Count  of  Brittany  (Gr^. 
Tur.,  ffist.  iv.  4 ;  Mansi,  ix.  742).     [A.  W.  H.] 

ABNULPHUS,  confessor,  Aug.  16  (Mart 
Bedae)  ;  July  18  {M.  Hieron.).  [C.] 

ABONTIUS,  commemorated  Aug.  27  {Mart 
Hieron.).  [C] 

ABBIANUS,  martyr,  commemorated  Dec  14 
(Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.] 

ABBHAE,  OR  ABBAE  SPONSALITUE, 

ilso  ArrhabOy  Arraboy  earnest  money  on  be- 
trothal. The  practice  of  giving  earnest  money 
on  betrothal,  of  which  traces  are  to  be  found  in 
all  parts  of  the  world,  has  its  root  evidently  in 
the  view,  common  yet  to  many  savage  races,  of 
marriage  as  the  mere  sale  of  a  wife,  to  which 
betrothal  stands  in  the  relation  of  contract  to 
delivery. 

Among  the  Jews,  as  will  be  seen  from  Selden's 
treatise,  De  Uxore  Ifehraicd  (Book  ii.  cc.  1,  2, 
3,  4),  betrothal  was  strictly  a  contract  of  pur- 
chase for  money  or  money's  worth  (although 
two  other  forms  were  also  admitted) ;  the  coin 
used  being,  however,  the  smallest  that  could  be 
had.  The  earnest  was  given  either  to  the  wift 
herself,  or  to  her  parents.  It  could  not  be  of 
forbidden  things  or  things  consecrated  to  priMtly 
use,  or  things  unlawfully  owned,  unless  such  as 
might  have  been  taken  from  the  woman  herself; 
but  a  lawfully  given  earnest  was  suffident  to 
constitute  betrothal  without  words  spoken.    In 

•  Praeoentor  et  Armarius :  Ajmaril  nomen  obtiniiit.  eo 
qiiod  in  ^Jus  mann  aolet  esse  Bibliotheca,  qnae  et  in  alio 
nomine  Armarium  appellator.— ZHtamas. 


ABBHAE 


ABBHAE 


143 


itzkk  QSBMtenej  with  the  view  of  marriage  as  a 
fndiut  hj  the  man,  it  was  held  that  the  giving 
•f  mnert  hj  the  woman  was  Toid.  And  when, 
St  s  Utcr  period,  the  use  of  the  ring  as  a  Bjrmbcl 
«f  tke  eaniest  crept  into  Jewish  betrothals  from 
Gentile  prsctice,  so  carefiillj  was  the  old  view 
pmeited  that  a  proTions  formal  inquiry  had  to 
be  made  of  two  witnesses,  whether  the  ring 
§BtttA  wss  of  equal  value  with  a  coin. 

The  firrt  legal  reference  amons;  the  Romans 
!o  the  arrka  on  betrothal,  and  the  only  one  in 
the  Di^y  belongs  to  the  3rd  century, — 1>.  to  a 
period  when  the  Roman  world  was  already  to  a 
gnst  extent  permeated  by  foreign^  influences, — 
st  this  time  chiefly  Oriental.  It  occurs  in  a 
pHB^e  from  Paulas,  who  flourished  under 
Alenader  Serenis,  223-235  (Dig,  23.  tit.  2. 
s.  38).  The  jurist  lays  it  down  that  a  public 
ftrndiflnsry  in  a  province  cannot  marry  a  woman 
from  that  province,  but  may  become  betrothed 
tD  her;  and  that  if,  after  he  has  given  up  his 
office,  the  woman  refuses  to  marry  him,  she  is 
oily  bound  to  repay  any  earnest-money  she  has 
reoeived, — a  text  which,  it  will  be  observed, 
spplies  in  strictness  only  to  provincial  function- 
sries,  and  may  thus  merely  indicate  the  ex- 
iitnee  o€  the  practice  among  subject  nations. 
Certain  it  is  that  the  chapter  of  the  Digett  on 
betrothals  {De  SpomsaUbus,  23.  tit.  1)  says  not  a 
vard  of  the  arrka  ;  Ulpian  in  it  expressly  states 
thst  '^baxe  consent  suffices  to  constitute  be- 
trothal,'' a  legal  position  on  which  the  stage 
betrothals  in  Plautus  supply  an  admirable  com- 


Aboot  eightv  years  later,  however — at  a  time 
vikea  the  northern  barbarians  had  already  given 
cBpeiors  to  Rome — the  arrha  appears  in  full 
de^iopment.  Julius  Capitolinus — who  wrote 
■adcr  Constantino  —  in  his  life  of  Maximinus 
the  younger  (killed  313),  says  that  he  had 
beea  betrothed  to  Junia  Fadella,  who  was 
sftcrwaids  married  to  Toxotios,  *'but  there 
raniBed  with  her  royal  orrAo^,  which  were 
thcN,  ss  Junius  Gordus  relates  from  the  testi- 
noay  of  those  who  are  said  to  have  examined 
into  these  things,  a  necklace  of  nine  pearls,  a  net 
of  devcB  emenlds,  a  bracelet  with  a  clasp  of 
ter  jadnths,  besides  golden  and  all  regal  vest- 
■CBic,and  other  insignia  of  betrothal."*  Am- 
brose indeed  (346-^97)  speaks  only  of  the 
synbolicsl  ring  in  relating  the  story  of  St.  Agnes, 
vhom  be  represents  as  replying  to  the  Governor 
ef  Rome,  who  wished  to  marry  her  to  his  son, 
that  she  stands  engaged  to  another  lover,  who 
has  ofiered  her  fiur  Mter  adornments,  and  given 
her  for  earnest  the  ring  of  his  afiiance  (et 
saanlo  6dei  suae  subarrhavit  me,  Ep,  34).  To 
a  oGBtemporary  of  Ambrose,  Pope  Julius  I.  (336- 
352)  is  sscribeid  a  decree  that  if  any  shall  have 
cfpoosed  a  wife  or  given  her  earnest  (si  quis 
deopoQSKverit  uxorem  vel  subarrhaverit)  his 
brother  or  other  near  kinsman  may  not  marry 
her  (Labbe'  and  Mansi,  CancU,  iu  1266^  About 
a  century  later,  the  word  arrha  is  used  flgura- 
tiTilT  in  reference  to  the  Annunciation,  considered 
ss  s  iMtiothal,  by  Peter  Chrysologus,  Archbishop 
ef  Rsvesna  in  433,  as  quoted  by  Du  Gauge,  in 

la  the  days  of  Justinian,  we  see  iVom  the  Code 
*  A  few  words  of  tlie  above  pssssn  have  greatly  exer- 


that  the  earnest-money  was  a  regular  element  m 
Byzantine  betrothal.  It  was  given  to  the  in- 
tended bride  or  those  who  acted  for  her,  and 
cwas  to  be  repaid  in  the  event  of  the  death  of 
either  party  {Cod.  5.  tit.  1.  s.  3,  Law  of  Gra^ 
tian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  A.D.  380), 
or  or  breach  of  promise  by  the  woman ;  in 
the  latter  case,  indeed,  the  woman  sw'  jttria,  or 
the  father,  mother,  grandfather  or  great-grand- 
father of  one  under  age  having  to  pay  an  equal 
additiooal  sum  by  way  of  penalty ;  thoagh  a 
woman  under  age  was  only  bound  to  simple  re- 
payment, as  was  also  the  case  in  the  event  of 
any  unlawful  marriage,  or  of  the  occurrence 
of  some  cause  unknown  at  the  time  of  betrotlial 
which  might  dispense  the  woman  from  fulfilling 
her  promise.  The  fourfold  penalty  of  the  earlier 
law  was  still,  by  the  one  now  quoted,  made 
exigible  by  special  contract  {Pnd.  5,  Law  of  Leo 
and  Anthemius,  a.d.  469).  Simple  restitation 
was  sttffident  in  case,  after  betrothal,  either  party 
chose  to  embrace  a.  religious  life  (1.  tit.  3.  s. 
56 ;  Nov.  123,  c.  xxxix.) ;  or  in  case  of  diversity 
of  religious  faith  between  the  betrothed,  if  dis- 
covered 01*  occurring  after  betrothal,  but  not 
otherwise  iOode,  1.  tit.  4.  s.  16,  law  of  Leo  and 
Anthemius,  A.D.  469). 

It  is  difficult  not  to  seek  for  the  reason  of  this 
development  of  the  arrha  within  the  Roman  or 
Byzantine  world  of  the  6th  century  in  some 
foreign  influence.  Accordingly,  if  we  turn  to 
the  barbarian  races  which  overran  the  empire 
from  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  we  find  almost 
everywhere  the  prevalence  of  that  idea  of  wife- 
buying,  which  is  the  foundation  of  the  betrothal 
earnest ;  see  for  instance  in  Canciani,  Legea  Bar" 
barorvm  Arttiquae,  vol.  ii.  85,  the  (reputed)  older 
text  of  the  Salic  law,  tit.  47,  as  to  the  purchase  of 
a  widow  for  three  solidi  and  a  denarius,  vol.  iii. 
17,  18,  22 ;  the  Burgundian  Law,  titles  xii.  1 
and  3,  xiv.  3,  and  xxxiv.  2;  vol.  v.  40,  50; 
the  Saxon  Law,  titles  vi.  1,  2,  3,  xii.'xvili.  1,  2, 
&C.,  or  (in  the  volume  of  the  Becord  Commission^ 
our  own  Laws  of  Ethelbert,  77,  83;  Ine,  31. 
And  in  the  regions  overspread  by  the  Prankish 
tribes  in  particular,  the  arrha,  as  a  money 
payment,  is  visible  as  a  legal  element  in  be- 
trothaL  Gregory  of  Tours  (544-595)  repeatedly 
refers  to  it  (L  42 ;  iv.  47 ;  x.  16> 

In  the  earlier  writers  there  is  nothing  to 
connect  the  betrothal  earnest  with  a  religious 
ceremony.  Nor  need  we  be  surprised  at  this, 
when  we  recollect  that,  in  the  early  ages  of 
Christianity,  marriage  itself  was  held  by  the 
Roman  world  as  a  purely  civil  contract ;  so  that 
Tertullian,  enumerating  those  ceremonies  of 
heathen  society  which  a  Christian  might  inno- 
cently attend,  writes  that  "neither  the  virile 
robe,  nor  the  ring,  nor  the  marriage-bond  (neque 
annulus,  aut  conjunctio  roaritalis)  flows  from 
any  honour  done  to  an  idol "  {De  idoiol.,  c.  16). 
And  indeed  the  opinion  has-been  strongly  held, 
as  August!  points  out,  whilst  disclaiming  it,  that 
church  betrothals  did  not  obtain  before  the  9th 
century.  The  earliest  mention  of  a  priestly 
benediction  upon  the  sponsi  appears  to  occur  in 
the  10th  canon  of  the  Synod  of  Reggio,  a.d.  850 
(see  Labb^  and  Mansi,  doncil.  xiv.  p.  934) ;  and 
it  is  not  impossible  that  that  confusion  between 
the  sponsus  and  maritus,  the  sponsa  and  uxor^ 
was  then  already  creeping  into  middle  ase  Latin, 
which  has  absolutely  prevailed  in  French,  where 


144 


ABBHAE 


^jpoustf  ipovae^  are  sTnonymoaB  with  mari  and 
fenwie  in  the  sense  of  uxor.  In  a  contemporary 
document,  the  reply  of  Pope  Nicolas  I.  (858  •• 
867)  to  the  consultation  of  the  Bulgarians,  the 
question  whether  betrothal  was  a  ciril  or  reli- 
gious ceremony  remains  undecided;  but  as  he 
professes  to  exhibit  to  them  **a  custom  which 
the  holy  Roman  Church  has  receired  of  old,  and 
still  holds  in  such  unions,*'  his  testimony,  though 
half  a  century  later  than  the  death  of  Charle- 
magne, desenres  to  be  here  recorded,  bearing  wit- 
ness as  it  does  expressly  to  the  betrothal  earnest. 

^  After  betroUial,"  he  says,  '*  which  is  the 
promised  bond  of  future  marriage,  and  which 
is  celebrated  by  the  consent  of  those  who  enter 
into  this,  and  of  those  in  whose  authority  they 
are,  and  after  the  betrother  hath  betrothed  to 
himself  the  betrothed  with  earnest  by  marking 
her  finger  with  the  ring  of  affiance,  and  the  be- 
trother hath  handed  over  to  her  a  dower  satisfiio- 
tory  to  both,  with  a  writing  containing  such  con- 
tract, before  persons  inrited  by  both  parties, 
either  at  once  or  at  a  fitting  time  (to  wit,  in 
order  that  nothing  of  the  kind  be  done  before  the 
time  prescribed  by  law)^both  proceed  to  enter 
into  the  marriage  bond.  And  first,  indeed,  they 
are  placed  in  the  Church  of  the  Lord  with  the 
oblations  which  they  ought  to  ofier  to  God  by  the 
hand  of  the  priest,  and  thus  finally  they  reoeire 
the  benediction  and  the  heavenly  garment." 

Tt  will  be  seen  from  the  above  passage  that 
whilst  Pope  Nicolas  recognises  distinctly  the 
practice  of  betrothal  by  arrha^  symbolized 
through  the  ringj  yet  the  only  benediction 
which  he  expressly  mentions  is  the  nuptial,  not 
the  spousal  one. 

It  has  been  doubted  in  like  manner  whether 
charch  betrothals  were  practised  at  this  period 
in  the  Greek  Church,  and  whether  the  form  of 
betrothal  in  the  Gh*eek  Euchologium  is  not  of 
late  insertion.  That  at  the  date  of  the  last  quoted 
authority,  *or  say  in  the  middle  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury, the  Greek  ceremonies  appertaining  to  mar- 
riage differed  already  from  the  Roman  appears 
from  the  text  of  Pope  Nicolas  himself;  his  very 
object  being  to  set  forth  the  custom  of  the  Roman 
Church  in  contrast  to  that  of  the  Greek  (consue- 
tudinem  quamGraecos  in  nnptialibus  contuberniis 
habere  dicitis).  Now  the  striking  fact  in  refer- 
ence to  the  form  of  the  Euchologium  is  that  in  it 
the  earnest  or  kf^afiitv  is  not  a  mere  element  in 
betrothal,  but,  as  with  the  Jews,  actually  consti- 
tutes it— a  practice  so  characteristic  that  it  can 
hardly  be  supposed  to  flow  otherwise  than  from 
ancient  usage.  Here,  in  fact,  the  words  kf^afiitVt 
ili^a0vyi(ta0u,  can  only  be  translated  "be- 
trothal," '*  betrothing.**  The  formula,  repeated 
alternately  by  the  man  and  the  woman,  runs : 
'*  So  and  so,  the  servant  of  God,  betroths  to  him- 
self (i^^oLfiMyiitrcu)  this  handmaid  of  God  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  now  and  ever,  and  world  without 
end.  Amen."  The  prayer  is  in  like  manner: 
*'  Look  upon  this  Thy  servant  and  this  thine 
handmaid,  and  confirm  their  betrothal  ((rr7}pi|ov 
rhy  k(^pafiiova  avr&v)  in  &ith  and  concord,  and 
truth,  and  love.  For  thou,  Lord,  didst  show  us 
to  give  the  earnest  and  thereby  to  confirm  all 
things.*'  And  the  heading — which  may  indeed 
well  be  more  modem — is  **  service  for  betrothal, 
otherwise  of  the  earnest." 

The  most  therefore  that  can  be  concluded  on 


ABSENIUB 

this  still  doubtful  subject  seenas  to  be  this^ 
1st.  That  the  earnest-money  on  betrothal,  sjia- 
bolizing  as  it  clearly  does  the  barbarous  cnston 
of  wife-boying,  must  essentially  have  been  erery- 
where  in  the  first  instance  a  civil,  not  a  religiou 
act.  2.  That  the  practice  was  unknown  to  sn- 
dent  Greek  and  Roman  civilization,  and  mi 
especially  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  the  older 
Roman  law.  3.  That  it  was  nevertheless  fimilj 
rooted  in  Jewish  custom,  and  may  not  impro- 
bably have  passed  from  thence  into  the  ritntl 
of  the  Eastern  Church,  where,  as  with  the  Jews, 
the  giving  of  earnest  constitutes  the  betrothtl. 
4.  That  it  was  very  generally  prevalent  amoig 
the  barbarian  trib^  which  overran  the  Romaa 
empire,  and  seems  from  them  to  have  psssed  into 
its  customs  and  its  laws,  making  its  appesranoe 
in  the  course  of  the  3rd  century,  and  becoming 
prominent  by  the  6th  century  in  JnstiDiaa's 
Code,  at  the  same  time  when  we  also  find  its 
prevalence  most  distinctly  marked  in  Ganl,  and 
as  a  Prankish  usage.  5.  That  no  distinct  trace 
of  It  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church  can  how- 
ever be  pointed  out  till  the  later  middle  age, 
although  it  may  very  likely  have  prevailed  in 
the  Eastern  Church  from  a  much  earlier  period. 

It  follows,  however,  from  what  has  been  aaid 
above  that  whatever  may  have  lingered  in  later 
times  of  the  betrothal  carrha  must  be  ascribed 
to  very  ancient  usage ;  as  in  the  formula  qaoted 
by  Selden  iVom  the  Parochial  of  Ernest,  Arch* 
bishop  of  Cologne  and  Bishop  of  Li<%e,  whiek 
includes  the  use,  not  only  of  the  ring,  bat  also, 
if  possible,  of  red  purses  with  three  pieces  ot 
silver,  ^  loco  arrhae  spouse  dandae."  Onr  own 
Sarum  ordinal  says  in  reference  to  betrothal: 
^  men  call  arrae  the  rings  or  money  or  other 
things  to  be  given  to  the  betrothed  by  the  be* 
trother,  which  gift  is  called  wharratiOy  particn- 
larly  however  when  it  is  made  by  gift  of  a  ring." 
And  the  two  forma  of  Sarum  and  York  respec- 
tively run  as  follows :  (Sarum)  '*  With  this  ring 
I  thee  wed,  and  this  gold  and  silver  I  thee  give;** 
(Tork)  '<  With  this  ring  I  wed  thee,  and  with 
this  gold  and  silver  I  honour  thee,  and  with 
this  gift  I  honour  thee."  The  latter  fbrmvla 
indeed  recalls  a  direction  given  in  one  of  the  two 
oldest  rituals  relating  to  marriage  given  by  Kar- 
t^e,  De  Antiquis  EocMae  HUilms,  voL  ii.  p.  127 
(extracted  from  a  Rennes  missal,  to  which  he 
ascribes  about  700  years  of  antiquity,  or  say,  of 
the  11th  century),  entitled,  '*Ordo  ad  sponsnm 
et  sponsam  benedioendam,"  which  says  that 
^  after  the  blessing  of  the  ring  in  the  name  of 
the  Holy  Trinity  ....  the  betrother  shall  hon- 
our her  (the  betrothed)  with  gold  or  silver  ao> 
cording  to  his  means  "  ^onorare  auro  vd  argeoto 
pront  poterit  sponsus). 

As  respects  the  use  of  the  ring  in  betrothali 
see  further  under  Ring,  and  also  Betrothal. 

(August!,  Benkwiirdigkeiten,  vol.  ix.  295,  and 
foil,  may  be  consulted,  but  is  fiir  from  satis- 
factory. Bingham,  Antiquities^  book  xxiL  eh. 
iii.,  confounds  together  everything  that  can  be 
confounded.  Selden,  Uxor  HtbraUxk,  book  iin 
remains  by  far  the  best  single  source  of  re- 
ference.) [J.  M.  L] 

ARSENIUS.    (1)  6  lUyas,  May  8  (Obt  ^ 

(2)  Confessor,  July  19  {Mart,  Bedae), 
(8)  Martyr,   commemorated  Dec   14  (JTort 
R(mL  Vet,\  [C.1 


ABTEMIUB 

ABTEimJB.  (1)  Hiubaiid  of  Candida, 
■■rtyr,  «l  Borne,  eoDunemoraUd  Juno  6  (Mart, 
Mpm,  ViUy 

(S)  MrfmKtfidfTup  of  Antioch,  Oct.  20  (Ob/. 
BfunL),  [C] 

ABTBHOH,  oommemoraied  Oct.  24  {Cal. 
Amm.y  [C] 

AB>'£RK£NS£  CONCILIUM.     [Galu- 

CAS  OOUJKllS.'] 

A8CEN8IOK  DAT:  (AntMio  and  AxenM 
bmatt;  diet  festits  AKensiomu:  iopr^  rris 
Ai«\^wf ;  4  ia^ff^ts  and  4ifi4pa  &yaX^i^ifu>f> 
nk  ftitiTal,  asaigncd,  in  Tirtue  of  Acta  1.  8,  to  the 
frrtieUi  day  after  Eaater-day,  is  not  one  of  those 
wUek  fron  the  earliest  times  were  generally  ob- 
tnttL  No  mention  of  it  occurs  before  the  4th 
ecataiy,  unless  an  earlier  date  can  be  made  good 
ht  the  «*  Apostolic  Constitutions,"  or  for  the  pas- 
■^  in  which  mention  is  made  of  this  festiyal — 
lib.  ▼.  19 :  '^  Fron  the  first  day  (Easter-day)  num- 
ber y  forty  days  to  the  fifth  day  (Thursday),  and 
eplsbrsle  the  Feast  of  the  AnlXii^is  rov  Kvplovy 
Bsf  V  «Aiif6Mras  vaaor  ohtopofiiaif  kqI  9idra^w 
hn^U,  K.  r.  X." :  TiiL  33,  ''On  what  days  serr- 
siU  are  to  rest  firom  work :  r^y  &ydXt|^(y  kpy^i- 
mMr  Ilk  rh  ir4pas  r^i  jcot^  JLpurrhy  oixovo- 
fdu."  Origcn  (c.  CeU.  viii.  S62),  names  as  holy- 
dsTs  jpaer^y  observed,  besides  the  Lord's  Day, 
ealy  Pknsoeiw  (Good  Friday),  Pascha  (Easter- 
&yX  and  Penteoost.  No  others  than  these  are 
■eatjened  hj  TertnlUan.  Of  sermons  preached 
M  this  fotitvl,  the  oldest  seems  to  be  one  extant 
nly  in  a  Latin  yersion,  ap.  Sirmondi  Opp,  Varia, 
L  L  pi  39,  which  he  and  Valeaius,  on  insufficient 
pvaads,  sssign  to  Enaebius  the  Church  historian ; 
CsTe,  and  later  writers,  to  Eusebius  of  Emesa. 
Iti  title  is  da  Returrectione  et  Aaomsione  Domini^ 
sad  the  preacher  dwells  chiefly  on  the  Resurrec- 
tisa;  bat  the  opening  words  show  that  it  was 
prached  on  Ascension  Day :  **  Laetantur  quidem 
esali  de  fetHmtate  praeaentif  in  qua  Dominum 
•weepers  yictorem."  Next,  perhaps,  in  point  of 
satiqaity,  is  one  by  Epiphanius  (t.  ii.  285,  ed. 
PeUr.X  In  the  opening,  he  complains  that  the 
fRatasM  of  this  festiyal  is  not  duly  appreciated, 
thoagh  it  is,  to  the  others,  what  the  head  is  to  the 
body,  the  crown  and  completion.  First,  he  says, 
ii  the  Fesst  of  Incarnation ;  second,  the  Theopha- 
■is;  third,  the  Passion  and  Resurrection.  ^  But 
cy«B  this  iistiyal  brought  not  the  Ailness  of  joy, 
beeaaae  it  still  left  the  risen  Lord  fettered  to  this 
eirth.  The  Penteooet,  also,  on  which* the  Holy 
Gheit  was  communicated,  oratains  a  great,  un- 
fpeskaUe  joy.  But  to-day,  the  day  of  the 
Ajocasioa,  sll  is  filled  with  joy  supreme.  Christ, 
•peaiag  highest  heayens,  wc."  It  is,  of  course, 
oaly  with  a  rhetorical  purpose  that  Pentecost  is 
bete  named  before  Ascension.  There  were  in- 
detd  heretics,  Valentinians  and  Ophites  (Iren. 
i.  1, 5,  sad  34  adfn.\  and  other  Gnostics  (repre- 
sated  by  the  Akmkaio  Esaiae,  Aethiop.^  who 
iHiSBsi  a  period  of  eighteen  months  to  our 
Lenf 8  sojoun  on  aarih  after  the  Besurrection ; 
■ad  besides,  there  are  traces  of  a  belief  among 
the  orthodox  that  the  bodily  presence  of  the 
TiMn  Lsid  with  hb  disciples,  from  time  to  time, 
WM  eontinuad  during  three  years  and  six 
■eaths  (Ens.  Dem.  Ev.  viii.  400  B. ;  Browne's 
OrdaSaeehmm,  p.  82  £);  bnt  certainly  the  day  on 
wUdi  the  Aioenidon  was  celebrated  was,  in  all 

the  chordiea,  the  fortieth  after  Easter-day.    Of 
CBusr.  Airr. 


ASCENSION  BAT 


145 


about  the  same  time,  is  a  sermon  by  St.  Gregory 
of  Nyssa,  remarkable  for  its  title:  Els  r^v 
\eyofUpriv  r^  drix«pty  r&y  KennraMKww  fSu, 
*Einffw(o/i4irnv,  llris  itrriv  4  &ydAi|^is  rov  IL 
il/uiy  *I.  X.  Bingham,  Augnsti,  Rheinwald,  Alt, 
and  others,  explain  this  as  hfnii  rris  ^ncwCo- 
fi^ir^s  if>6a€ws  it^Bpcairiyris  (or  M  aotfofUvQ  ^^vu 
iuf$p«tviifp\  with  reference  to  the  crowning  work 
of  redemption  in  the  glorification  of  the  Manhood 
The  name,  marked  by  Gregory  as  local  to  Cap- 
padoda,  is  not  retained  in  the  Greek  calendar, 
bat  it  occurs  in  the  title  of  St.  Chrysostom's 
19th  Mrmon  on  the  Statues  (/ad  pop,  Antioch^  t, 
ii.  188  Ben.),  rf  Kvpiaic^  rris  *Eiriat»(oiji4yfis,  al. 
lSi»iojjAviis,  Leo  Allatius  (jie  Dcmm,  et  IMdom, 
Gramsorwn,  §  28),  who  eyidently  knows  th< 
designation  only  from  these  two  places,  says  that 
the  Sunday  is  the  fifth  after  Easter,  the  Sunday 
of  Ascension  week.  Tillemont  (see  the  Bene- 
dictine Pi-aefat.  t.  iL  p.  xi.  sqq.)  infers  from  the 
place  of  this  sermon  in  the  series  between  S.  18, 
preached  after  mid-Lent,  and  S.  20,  preached 
at  the  end  of  the  Quadragesima,  that  it  was 
deliyered  on  Passion  Sunday,  5  Lent.  But 
Chrysostom's  own  recital  in  the  first  seimon  d$ 
Anna  (t.  iy.  701  A.)  clearly  shows  that  the  19th 
sermon,  is  later  by  *'  many  days "  than  the 
2ls|t,  (preached  on  Easter-day:  see  the  Bene- 
diotine  Monitwn,  prefixed  to  the  sermons  on 
Anna,  and  also  (for  Montfaucon's  final  conclusion) 
Vit.  Chryaost.  t.  xiii.  128  sqq.  ed.  Par.  Ben.  2. 
Hence  it  appear*  that  the  Sunday  'Eri(r«(o- 
fiivris  cannot  be,  as  Sayile  (t.  yiii.  809)  supposes, 
the  octaye  of  Easter,  dominica  in  cUbia,  and  it 
seems  most  probable  that  Leo  Allatius  is  right  in 
making  it  the  Sunday  of  Ascension  week.  In 
this  case,  the  term  'EirurttCoH^i^  belongs  to  the 
Feast  of  Ascension.  Baumgarten  (Erldut.  das 
ChristL  Alterthum8f  p.  299  ap.  Augusti)  takes 
it  to  mean  any  day  specially  retained  for  solemn 
celebration  oyer  snd  aboye  the  great  festiyals ; 
in  this  sense,  or  rather,  perhaps,  in  that  of  ^a 
holiday  gained  or  secured  in  addition,"  it  will  be 
suitable  to  the  Feast  of  Ascension  as  one  of  recent 
introduction,  regarded  as  a  welcome  boon  espe- 
cially to  senrants  and  labourers.  On  the  Feast 
itself,  Chrysostom  has  one  sermon  (t.  ii.  447),  of 
uncertain  date.  The  celebration  was  held  l(ai  r^s 
ir6\tms :  this,  which  was  the  established  rule  for 
Good  Friday  (Serm.  de  Coemet,  et  de  Cruce^  t,  ii. 
397),  was  here  done  on  a  special  occasion,  in 
honour  of  the  martyrs  whose  remains  the  bishop 
Flayian  had  rescued  from  impure  contact,  and 
translated  to  the  martyrium  called  Romanesia 
outside  the  walls.  It  does  not  follow  that  an 
extramural  celebration  or  procession  was  the 
established  practice  at  Antio<^  on  Ascension-day, 
as  some  writers  haye  inferred  from  this  passage. 
In  the  sermon  de  b.  PhUogoniOj  preached 
20th  Dec.  386,  St.  Chrysostom  (t.  i.,  497  C), 
extolling  the  dignity  of  the  approaching  Feast  of 
Natiyity  (then  of  recent  introduction),  says : 
''From  this  the  Theophania  and  the  sacred 
Pascha,  <md  the  Ascensionf  and  the  Pentecost 
haye  their  origin.  For  had  not  Christ  been  bom 
after  the  flesh.  He  had  not  been  baptised,  which 
is  the  Theophania;  not  crucified,  which  is  the 
Pascha;  had  not  sent  the  Spirit,  which  is  the 
Pentecost."  Here  the  words  koI  4i  ivakjn^is  are 
clearly  an  interpolation.  The  three  ancient 
festiyals,  he  would  say,  are  Theophania,  Fas* 
oha,  Pentecost:  they  require  Natirity  as  their 

L 


146 


ASCENSION  DAY 


ASCENSION  DAY 


groiind.  So  in  Senxi.  1  de  Penteooate  (t.  i.  458) 
— also  of  onknown  date — he  enumerates  as  the 
three  leading  festivals,  Epiphany,  Pascha,  Pen- 
tecost, with  no  mention  of  Nativitj  or  of 
Ascension,  although  p.  461  he  refers  to  the  As- 
cension as  an  event :  **•  for,  ten  days  since,  our 
nature  ascended  to  the  royal  throne,"  &c.  But 
in  another,  the  second  de  Pentecotte  (t&.  469),  he 
says :  "  Not  long  since  we  celebrated  the  Cross 
and  Passion,  the  Resurrection,  after  this,  the 
Ascension  into  heaven  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

On  the  whole,  it  would  seem  that,  so  far  as 
our  sources  of  information  go,  the  institution  of 
this  festival,  in  the  East,  dates  at  eai'liest  from 
the  middle  of  the  4th  century. 

Nor  do  we  find  it  earlier  in  the  Western 
Church  :  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  Tertullian, 
SS.  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  Hilary,  or  in  the  canons 
of  the  early  councils.  In  St.  Augustine's  time, 
indeed,  the  usage  was  so  well-established  that  he 
speaks  of  it  as  universal,  therefore  of  Apostolic 
institution.  In  the  Epistle  to  Jannarius,  liv.  [al. 
czviii.]  (t.  ii.  123,  sqq.  Ben.),  he  ranks  it  with 
Pascha  imd  Pentecost.  ^'lUa  autem  quae  non 
scripta  sed  tradita  custodimus,  quae  quidem  toto 
terrarum  orbe  servantur,  datur  intelligi  vel  ab 
ipsis  Apostolis  vel  plenariis  oonciliis.  .  .  oom- 
mendata  atque  statu  ta  retineri,  sicuti  quod 
Domini  passio  et  resurrectio  et  aacensio  in  caelum, 
et  adventus  de  caelo  Sp.  sancti,  anniversaria 
solemnitate  celebrantur,"  &c.  (He  does  not 
name  the  Nativity,  this  was  well  understood  to 
be  of  recent  institution.)  Beverege,  Cod.  Can. 
Vindic.  c.  ix.  puts  the  argument  thus : — "  What- 
ever is  universal  in  the  Church  must  be  either 
Apostolic  or  ordained  by  general  councils;  but 
no  general  council  did  ordain  these  festivals, 
therefore  they  come  to  us  from  the  Apostles 
themselves.**  On  the  authority  of  this  passage 
of  St.  Augustine,  liturgical  writers,  Martene  and 
others,  have  not  hesitated  to  conclude  that  the 
Feast  of  Ascension  is  as  old  as  Pascha  and  Pente- 
cost. In  the  silence  of  the  first  three  centuries, 
we  can,  at  most,  accept  the  passage  as  testimony 
to  matter  of  fSiict,  that  at  the  end  of  the  4th 
century  Ascension-day  was  generally  kept ;  as  in 
the  second  of  his  five  Ascension-sermons  (261- 
265,  t.  V.  1065  sqq.  Ben.X  St.  Augustine  says,  §  3, 
**Ecce  celebratur  hodiemus  dies  toto  orbe  ter- 
rarum." From  this  time,  certainly,  the  observ- 
ance of  the  day  was  general  in  East  and  West. 
But  it  does  not  appear  to  have  ranked  with  the 
highest  festivals,  which  were  Nativity,  Easter, 
and  Pentecost  {ConciL  Agathenae,  a.  506.  can.  63, 
and  AurelianeTise  1,  a.  511,  can.  25).  As  a  feast 
of  secondary  order,  it  ranked,  in  the  Latin  Church 
with  Epiphany  and  St.  John  Baptist's-day  (comp. 
Condi,  Agath.  can.  21).  In  the  Eastern  Church 
it  was  celebrated  with  solemn  extra-mural  pro- 
cessions—possibly as  eai'ly  as  St.  Chrysostom's 
time  at  Antloch,  though,  as  before  observed, 
this  is  not  necessarily  implied  in  the  passage 
cited ;  in  Jerusalem,  to  the  Mount  Olivet,  on 
which  the  Empress  Helena  had  erected  a  church. 
Bede  says  that  the  celebration  there  was  almost 
as  solemn  as  that  of  Easter;  it  began  at  mid- 
night, and  with  the  multitude  of  tapers  and 
torches  the  mountain  and  the  subjacent  land- 
scape were  all  ablaze  (de  loc.  mcr.  c.  7).  Else- 
where, the  procession  was  to  the  nearest  hill  or 
rising  ground,  from  which  at  the  same  time  a 
benediction  was  pronounced   on  the   fields  and 


fruits  of  the  earth.  In  the  Western  Chnrch  this 
procession  and  benediction  were  transferred  to 
the  Rogation-days ;  and  when  Gr^ory  of  Tours, 
ob.  595  (ZTtst.  Franc,  v.  11),  spe^  of  the 
solemn  processions  with  which  Asoension-day 
was  every^where  celebrated,  perhaps  he  means 
only  processions  into  the  churches.  Martene 
describes  one  such  as  held  at  Vienne,  in  France. 
The  archbishop,  with  deacon  ax^  subdeaoon, 
headed  it :  on  their  return  to  the  church,  they  are 
received  by  all  standing  in  the  nave ;  two  can<ns 
advance  towards  the  cantors :  Cant.  Qusm  qwtt' 
ritiai  Canon.  Jeswn  qui  reaurrexiL  Cant. 
Jam  aaogndit,  aicut  dixit  Canon.  AlkhUa. 
Then  all  proceed  into  the  choir,  and  mass  is  cele- 
brated. There  was  also,  on  this  day,  in  some 
churches  (in  others  reserved  for  Pentecost)  a 
service  of  benediction  over  loaves  provided  for 
the  poor,  and  also  over  the  new  fruits  of  the 
earth. 

The  vigil  of  Ascension  was  kept  by  some  as  a 
fast,  as  an  exception  to  the  ancient  rule,  rigidly 
maintained  by  the  Greeks,  and  long  contoided 
for  by  many  of  the  Latins.  "Hoc  [jpaschali] 
tempore  nullius  festi  vigiliam  jejunare  vel 
observara  jubemur,  niai  AsostiMcmM  et  Pentt' 
ooatea.**  (Micrologus,  de  EccL  Obaervat  c  55.) 
Isidore  of  Seville  (610)  (de  Ecclea.  Off.  c  37) 
acknowledges  no  fast  whatever  between  Easter 
and  Asoension-day :  he  holds  that  all  fifty  days 
to  Pentecost  are  days  of  rejoicing  only ;  but  sraoe, 
he  says,  on  the  ground  of  our  Lord's  words,  St. 
Matt.  ix.  15,  *^Can  the  children  of  the  bride- 
chamber  mourn,"  &c,  kept  fast  on  the  ei^t 
days  from  Ascensii-n  to  Pentecoet.  The  extended 
fast  of  three  days  before  Ascension,  whidi 
Amalarius  (de  Ecd.  Off.  iv.  37)  calls  Mdwantm 
vigiliae  Aacaia.  jejunium  (apologising,  as  do  other 
early  liturgical  writers,  for  that  institution  as 
an  innovation  upon  the  known  ancient  rule  of 
East  and  West)  came  but  slowly  into  general 
observance  in  the  Western  Church.  Especially 
was  this  the  case  in  Spain.  **  Hispani,  propter 
hoc  quod  scriptum  est,"  says  Walafrid  Strabo 
(823)  (de  rebua  Eod.  c.  28),  **  <  Non  possunt  filii 
sponsi  lugera  quamdiu  cum  illis  est  sponsna,'  infra 
quinquagesimam  Paschae  recusantes  jejunare, 
litanias  suas  post  Pentecosten  posnemnt,  quiata, 
sexta  et  septima  feriis  ejusdem  hebdonudis  eas 
facientes."  Accordingly,  in  the  Spanish  oollectiaD 
of  the  Canons,  the  wording  of  those  relating  to  the 
Rogation  fast  is  altered.  In  Cone.  Aurelian.  i.  can. 
27,  the  title,  "  De  Litaniis  ante  asc.  Domini  eele- 
biandis,"  is  made,  "  Ut  Litaniae  poat  Dom.  aic 
celebrentur;"  and  in  the  body  of  the  Canon, 
for  "  Rogationes,  ue.^  Litanias  ante  asc  Dom.  ab 
omnibus  ecclesiis  placuit  celebrari  ita  ut  prae- 
missum  triduanum  jejunium  in  Dom.  ascensumis 
festivitate  solvatur,"  the  Spanish  oodex  has, 
"  Rog.,  i.e,,  lit.  poat  Asc  Dom.  placuit  celebrari, 
ita  ut  praem.  trid.  jej.  poat  Dom.  asc  aolemm- 
tatem  solvatur;"  and  the  next  canon  which 
pronounces  censure  *'  de  dericis  qui  ad  Utaxias 
venira  contempseript,"  is  made  to  affect  only 
clerics  who  refuse  to  come  ad  offioium^  ad  opfia 
aacrum  generally. 

The  Mosarabic  Order  does  not  even  reoogniss 
a  vigil  of  Ascension,  thou^rh  it  has  one  for 
Pentecost. 

There  was  no  octave  of  Ascension;  the  fbU 
lowing  Sunday  is  simplj  Dominioa  pimt  Atoea^ 
aionem. 


ASCENSION  DAY 


ASCETICISM 


147 


(Biidtxim,J>it  vorx^lkhstenI>enkw,  der  Christ- 
fffliML  JTcrdU,  B.  y.  Th.  L  253-256.  Angusti, 
Dfkm.  der  ChrisiL  ArchSologie,  B.  iL  351  sqq. 
Rh«nwaM,  Die  Kirehlkhe  Archdologie,  204  sq. 
Hon,  Gdir  das  AUer  dee  MbnmeifcJtrtafestes,  in 
Lit»rg,Jimnia^  t.  J.  H.  Wagnitz,  1806.)   [H.  B.] 

AflCEnCISM.    The  difficulty  of  tracing  the 
•irtorrof  Moetidsm  in  the  early  ages  of  Christi- 
iflitT  ariMS  in  part  from  acantineae  of  materials, 
Vnt  diieflf  from  the  circomstance  that  this  and 
tk  oegnate  terms  have  been  used  in  two  senses, 
•M  general,  one  more  specific.     These  two  signi- 
ficitioits,  and  this  enhances  the  difficulty,  cannot 
be  strictly  assigned  to  different  periods,  being 
■OK  infirequently  synchronous ;  nor  is  it  always 
Miy  to  distingniah  one  from  the  other  merely  by 
tke  eoDtezt.    The  neglect  of  this  important  dis- 
tiactioo  and  the  Tehemenoe  of  partisanship  have 
complicated  the  controrersy  on  the  origin  and 
growth  of  asceticism ;  some  writers  contending 
dttt  Ascetics    aa    an    order    are    coeval   with 
Christianity,  some  denying  their  existence  alto- 
gether Ull  \h%  4th  century.    Neither  statement 
aa  be  accepted  without  some  qualification.    The 
Mlowing  attempt   at  an   historical   sketch  of 
ssoetidsm  among  Christians,  in  its  earlier  phases, 
is  based  on  a  coUation  of  the  principal  passages 
ia  early  Christian  writers  bearing  on  the  subject. 
The  principle  of  asceticism,  and  this  is  allowed 
OQ  all  aides,  was  in  force  before  Christianity. 
Tbe  EsBcaes,  for  instance,  among  the  Jews,  owed 
thttr  existence  as  a  sect  to  this  principle.    It  was 
Amiinsnt  in  the  oriental  systems  of  antagonism 
between  mind  and  matter.    It  asserted  itself 
ercB  among  the  more  sensuous  philosophers  of 
Gneee  with  their  larger  sympathy  for  the  plea- 
nnble  development  of  man's  physical  energies. 
Bat  the  fuller  and  more  systematic  development 
•f  the  ascetic  life  among  Christians  is  contem- 
perueous  with  Christianity  coming  into  con- 
tact with  the  Alexandrine  school   of  thought, 
sad  eihibits  itaelf  first  in  a  country  subject 
to  the  cnnbined  influences  of  Judaism  and  of 
the  Platonic  philosophy.    Indeed,  the  great  and 
foadunental  principle  on  which  asceticism,  in  its 
aanower  meaning  rests,  of  a  two-fold  morality, 
•oe  expressed  in  "  Precepts  "  of  universal  obliga- 
tioa  fat  the  multitude,  and  one   expressed  in 
'GoQuels  of  Perfection  '*  intended  only  for  those 
■MR  advanced  in  holiness,  with  its  doctrine  that 
the  paauoos  m  to  be  extirpated  rather  than 
eoatnlled  (Ong.  Ep.  ad  Rom.  Lib.  iii. ;  Tertull. 
dr  PaBitj  7,  8 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  iv.  529,  vi. 
775)  is  very  closely  akin  to  the  Platonic  or  Py- 
thagorean distinction  between  the  life  according 
to  latnre  and  the  life  above  nature,  as  well  as  to 
their  doctrine  of  the  supremacy  of  the  contem- 
plative above  the  practical  life,  and   is  more 
■atanliy  dedndble  from  this  source  than  from 
ay  other  (Porphyr.  de  AbsUnmi. ;  £us.  H.  E, 
ii.  17>    In  fact  the  ascetics  of  the  3rd  and  4th 
cantwies  loved  the  designation  of  philosophers 
(Bonr.  Vitae  Pair.  pass. ;  cf.  Greg.  Nyss.  Orat. 
Orf«r^  18 ;  Soz.  H.  E.  i.  13).    At  the  same  time 
It  most  be  noted  that  the  Church  uttered  its 
imtests  from  time  to  time  against  the  idea  of 
there  being  anything  essentially  unholy  in  matter, 
ad  its  cautions  against  excessive    abstinence. 
That  Origen  insists  that  the  Christian  reason  for 
•MiacBoe  is  not  that  of  Pythagoras  (c.  Celsum 
T.  2M);  and  the  so  called  *' Apostolic  Canons" 
(Si,  53)  while  approring  asceticism  as  a  usefal 


discipline  condemn  the  abhorrence  of  things  in 
themselves  innocent  as  if  they  involved  any 
contamination  (cf.  Eus.  IT.  E.  v.  3). 

During  the  Ist  century  and  a  half  of  Chris- 
tianity there  are  no  indications  of  ascetics  as  a 
distinct  class.  While  the  first  fervour  of  conver- 
sions lasted,  and  while  the  Church,  as  a  small  and 
compact  community,  was  struggling  for  existence 
against  opposing  forces  on  every  side,  the  pro- 
fession of  Christianity  was  itself  a  profession  of 
the  ascetic  spirit ;  in  other  words,  of  endurance, 
of  hardihood,  of  constant  self-denial  (cf.  Acts  ii. 
44;  iv.  34,  35).  Thus,  even  at  a  rather  later 
date,  Clemens  of  Alexandria  represents  Chris- 
tianity as  an  HaKTitrts  (Strom,  iv.  22 ;  cf.  Minuc. 
Fel.  Oct.  cc.  12,  31,  36).  Similarly  the  term  is 
applied  to  any  conspicuous  example  of  fortitude 
or  patience.  Eusebius  so  designates  certain 
martyrs  in  Palestine  (de  Mart.  PcU.  10),  a  region 
into  which  monks,  strictly  so  called,  were  not 
introduced  till  the  middle  of  the  4th  century 
(Hieron.  Vit.  Hilar.  14),  and  Clemens  of  Alex- 
andria, calls  the  patriarch  Jacob  an  iLffmrriis 
(Paedagog.  i.  7).  This  more  vague  and  more 
general  use  of  the  word  appears  again  and  again 
even  after  the  formal  institution  of  monachism. 
Athanasius,  or  whoever  is  the  author,  speaking 
of  the  sufferings  of  the  martjrr  Lucian,  in  prison, 
calls  him  "  a  great  ascetic  "  (Synops.  Scr.  Sacr.). 
Cyril,  of  Jerusalem,  calls  those  who,  like  Anna 
the  prophetess,  are  frequent  and  earnest  in 
prayer  ** ascetics"  (Catech.  i.  19).  Jerome  ap- 
plies the  word  to  Picrius  for  his  self-chosen 
poverty,  and  to  Serapion,  Bishop  of  Antioch 
(Scr.  ikx.  76.  41) ;  and  Epiphanius  to  Marcion 
because,  prior  to  his  lapse  into  heresy,  he  had  ab- 
stained, though  without  any  vow,  from  marriage 
(ffaer.  xlii.).  Cyril  of  Alexandria  uses  iomiois 
as  equivalent  to  self-denial  (in  Joan.  xiii.  35)  in 
the  same  way  as  Chrysostom  speaks  of  virtue  as 
a  discipline  (Horn,  in  Insor.  'Act.  Apostol.  ii.  /3). 
So  far  there  is  nothing  to  prove  the  existence  of 
an  ascetic  class  or  order  bound  I^  rules  not 
common  to  all  Christians.  - 

For  about  a  century  subsequent  to  150  a.d. 
there  begin  to  be  traces  of  an  asceticism  more 
sharply  defined  and  occupying  a  moi*e  distinct 
position ;  but  not  as  yet  requiring  its  votaries  to 
separate  themselves  entirely  from  the  rest  of  their 
community.  Athenagonis  speaks  of  persons 
habitually  abstaining  from  matrimony  (Apol.  pro 
Chr.  XXV iii.  129 ;  ct*.  Ii'enaeus  ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  v. 
241 ;  cf.  Dionys.  Alexandr.).  Eusebius  mentions 
devout  persons,  ascetics,  but  not  an  order,  who 
minbtered  to  the  poor  (de  Mart.  Pal.  cc.  10,  11), 
and  calls  Narcissus,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  an 
"ascetic"  (H.  E.  vi.  9).  TertuUian  uses  the 
term  "exemtati "  or  disciplined,  (de  Puecr.  14), 
but,  apparently  in  reference  to  students  of  Holy 
Scripture.  Clemens  of  Alexandria  styles  the 
ascetics  ^kAcictwv  iKKtieroripot  "  more  elect  than 
the  elect"  (JTom.  "  Quis  Dices?"  36;  cf.  Strom. 
viii.  15) ;  and  Epiphanius  in  a  later  century 
speaks  of  monks  as  ol  airov^a7ot  or  "  the  earn- 
est" (Expos.  Fid.  22;  cf.  Eus.  H.  E.  vi.  11), 
just  as  the  word  "  religious  "  came  in  the  mid- 
dle ages  to  be  restricted  to  those  who  devoted 
themselves  to  a  life  of  more  than  ordinary  strict- 
ness. This  increasing  reverence  for  austerities 
as  such  is  seen  in  most  of  the  sects,  which  were 
prominent  in  the  2nd  century ;  only  with  the 
exaggeration  which  usually  characterises  move- 

L  2 


148 


ASCETICISM 


ASCETICISM 


ineiits  of  the  kind.  The  Montanists  prescribed 
a  rigorous  asceticism,  not  for  their  more  zealous 
disciples  only,  but  for  all  indiscriminately.  The 
Syrian  Gnostics,  the  followers  of  Satuminus  and 
Basilides,  the  &icratitae,  the  disciples  of  Cerdo 
and  Marcion  in  Asia  Minor  and  Italy,  all  car- 
ried the  notion  of  there  being  an  inherent  polln- 
tion  in  the  material  world,  and  of  it  being  the 
positive  duty  of  Christians  to  shun  all  contact 
with  it,  to  an  extent  which  left  e7en  the  Church 
doctrine  of  asceticism  far  behind  (Iren.  adv.  Ifaer, 
i.  24 ;  Epiphan.  Ifaer,  23).  How  fiir  their  prac- 
tice corresponded  with  theory  is  doubtful.  The 
proaeness  of  human  nature  to  a  reaction  into 
excessive  laxity  after  excessive  austerities  hardly 
admits  of  exception,  and  gives  probability  to  the 
allegations  made  by  the  orthodox  writers  of 
flagrant  licentiuusnen  in  some  cases. 

The  middle  of  the  drd  century  marks  an  era  in 
the  development  of  Christian  asceticism.  Antony, 
Paul,  Ammon,  and  other  Egyptian  Christians  not 
content,  as  the  ascetics  before  them,  to  lead  a  life 
of  extraordinary  strictness  and  severity  in  towns 
and  villages,  aspired  to  a  more  thorough  estrange- 
ment of  themselves  from  all  earthly  ties ;  and 
by  their  teaching  and  example  led  very  many 
to  the  wilderness,  there  to  live  and  die  in  almost 
utter  seclusion  ftom  their  fellows.  The  Great 
Decian  persecution  was  probably  the  imme- 
diate occasion  of  this  exodus  from  the  cities 
into  the  desert ;  not  only  by  driving  many  to 
take  refuge  in  the  desert,  but  by  exciting  a  spirit 
which  longed  to  emulate  the  self-renunciation  of 
the  martyrs  and  confessors.  But  it  was  probably 
the  influence  of  the  Alexandrine  teaching,  as  has 
been  already  suggested,  which  had  fostered  the 
longing  to  escape  altogether  fh>m  the  contamina- 
tions and  persecutions  of  an  evil  world.  It  was 
no  longer,  as  in  earlier  days,  only  or  chiefly  from 
external  enemies  that  a  devout  Christian  felt 
himself  in  danger.  As  Christianity  widened  the 
circle  of  its  operations,  it  became  inevitably  less 
discriminating  as  to  the  character  of  those  who 
were  admitted  into  the  community ;  and  the 
gradual  intrusion  of  a  more  secular  spirit,  among 
Christians,  fint  foi*ced  those  who  were  more 
thoroughly  in  earnest  to  aim  at  a  stricter  life  in 
the  world,  and  then  thrust  them  out  of  the  world 
altogether.  Eusebius  bears  witness  to  this 
Alexandrine  influence  on  Christian  asceticism  in 
a  remarkable  comparison  of  the  ascetics  of  his 
own  creed  with  the  Therapeutae  in  Egypt  (£r.  E. 
ii.  17 ;  Soz.  ff.  E.  i.  13).  There  seems  to  have 
been  something  in  the  climate  and  associations  of 
Egypt  (as  in  Syria)  which  predisposed  men  thus 
to  abdicate  the  duties  and  responsibilities  be- 
longing to  active  life.  The  exact  position  which 
these  Therapeutae  occupied  is  uncertain.  Pro- 
bably they  were  in  existence  prior  to  Christianity ; 
are  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Essenes ;  but 
were  chieflv,  though  not  exclusively,  Jews. 
From  Philos  account  (de  Vitd  ContempL  pp. 
892-4)  it  seems  clear,  at  any  rate,  that  this 
manner  of  life  resembled  in  many  respects  that 
of  the  Christian  ascetics  in  the  desert.  They 
dwelt  in  separate  cells  not  far  from  one  another ; 
renounced  their  possessions;  practised  fastings 
and  other  austerities;  and  devoted  themselves 
partly  to  contemplation,  and  in  part  to  study.  In 
this  last  point  their  example  was  not  imitated  by 
their  Christian  anti-types  in  Egypt.  They  seem 
to  have  been  imbued  with  the  mystical  spirit  of 


Alexandria.  Their  name  signifies  that  they  gave 
themselves  either  to  serve  God,  or,  more  proba- 
bly, to  cultivate  their  own  souls  and  thou  of 
their  disciples.    (Eus.  If,  E.  ii.  17.) 

Hitherto  Christian  asceticism  has  been  in- 
dividualistic in  its  character.  About  the  middls 
of  the  4th  century  it  begins  to  assume  a  corporate 
character.  Naturally,  as  the  number  of  reciiua 
increased,  the  need  was  felt  of  organisatioiL 
Pachomius  is  generally  regarded  as  the  fint  to 
form  a  "Coenobium,"  that  is  an  assodation  of 
ascetics  dwelling  together  under  one  supreme 
authority  (Hieron.  J2^.  Pach, ;  cf.  Graveson  BitL 
Ecd,  i.  116).  A  fixed  rule  of  conduct  and  a 
promise  to  observe  the  rule  were  the  natural 
consequences  of  forming  a  society.  But  the 
exaction  of  an  irrevocable  and  lifelong  vow  be- 
longs to  a  later  phase  of  asceticism.  James  of 
Nisibis  speaks  of  ascetics  practising  a  rigid  celi- 
bacy (Serm.  6tus).  The  term  ascetic  begins  now 
to  be  nearly  equivalent  to  monastic  The  so- 
called  *^  Apostolical  Constitutions,"  which  are 
generally  assigned  to  this  period,  enumerate 
**  ascetics,"  but  not  '^ monks"  among  orders  of 
Christians  (13).  The  X^s  k^tarrimht  of  Basa 
of  Caesaraea  is  on  the  monastic  life.  So  iffK^ns 
is  used  by  Palladius  (JTiuf.  Laus.  Proem,  c  46, 
&c.) ;  in  canons  of  the  Council  of  Gangra  against 
excessive  asceticism  (12,  13),  and  by  Athanasios 
in  his  life  of  Antony.  Athanaaios  calls  the 
two  disciples  who  waited  <hi  Antony  &<rjrov^TCi, 
^  learning  to  be  ascetics."  ^htrtcnr^plow  in  So- 
crates {H,  E.  iv.  23)  means  what  is  now  called  a 
monastery ;  haietrru^  ira\v/3^,  a  monastic  cell 
(Theodoret,  H,  E.  iv.  25).  At  that  time  fuvw- 
rriplow  was,  as  the  worti  literally  expresMs,  a 
separate  cell ;  iuriarniplow  a  common  dweliinf- 
place  under  the  rule  of  a  superior,  in  which  those 
who  desired,  according  to  the  idea  of  the  age,  a 
yet  higher  stage  of  perfection,  might  be  trained 
and  disciplined  for  absolute  sedusion  (Greg. 
Naz.  Or,  xx.  359).  In  the  middle  ages  the  wcad 
"  asceterium  "  was  altered  into  **  ardsterium 
or  "archisterium  "  (/>u  (kmgej  s.  voce.). 

In  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century  the  widow* 
and  virgins  who  were  officially  recognised  as  such, 
are  designated  &o'fci}T/>(ai  (Justinian,  NocdL  cfxiii. 
43).  At  a  later  period  the  word  means  a  nna : 
and  is  the  Greek  equivalent  for  '*  sanctimonialis,'* 
or  ''  monialis  "  (Phot.  Nomocan.  Tit.  ix.  1  p.  207> 
'AtrKtrrplot  is  a  later  form  for  iunnir^s. 

The  history  of  asoeticism,  after  the  institution 
of  monastic  societies  belongs  to  the  history  of 
MONAsnciSM.  There  it  will  be  seen  with  what 
marvellous  rapidity  this  development  of  OiristisB 
asceticism  spread  £ar  and  wide  from  the  deserts 
of  the  Thebaid  and  Lower  Egypt ;  how  Basil, 
Jerome,  Athanasius,  Augustine,  Ambrose,  were 
foremost  among  its  earliest  advocates  and  propa- 
gators, and  how  Cassian,  Columbanus,  Benedict 
and  others  crowned  the  labours  of  their  prede- 
cessors by  a  more  elaborate  organisation.  It  is 
enough  here  to  endeavour  to  trace  the  gradual 
and  almost  imperceptible  process  by  which  as- 
ceticism, f^om  being  the  common  attribute  of 
Christianity,  became  in  course  of  time  the  dis- 
tinctive speciality  of  a  class  within  the  Christiao 
community. 

(Besides  the  writers  quoted  already,  see  Bing- 
ham, Oriffines,  bk.  vii.  Paleotimo,  Smnma  Atsti' 
gwitatum,  lib.  vii.  Gluck's  AttSBerrae  Ongina 
Rei  Monastieae,    Mamachi,  Costumi  dei  primitim 


ABCUAIMENSE 


ASTERISGUS 


149 


L  Dinertatio  dr  Asoeti$  pnef.  S.  Jac. 
jruL&nii.  Ti.  GlMidii  S«lmani  Natae  in  TertuU. 
A  PdUk)  [I.  O.  S.] 

A8CHAIMEN8E  OONCILIUM.— A  cona- 
d  m  held,  A.D.  763,  at  AjBcheim,  under  Tm- 
■lo  IL,  Dnke  of  BnTuin,  that  passed  15  decrees 
w  discipline.  [E.  a  F.] 

ASCLEPIADES,  bishop  and  martyr,  com- 
■cmonted  Oct.  18  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet.),        [C] 

ASH  WEDKE8DAY.    [Lent.] 

ASIATICUM  00NGILn7M.~A  council 
was  bekU  ▲.!>.  345,  in  Asia  Minor  a|{ainst  Koetus, 
bit  at  what  place  is  uncertain.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ASINABn  (TertnlL  Apol.  c.  xri.),  a  term 
of  leptMck  against  the  early  Christians.  That 
the  Jevs  wordiipped  an  ass,  or  the  head  of  an 
SSI,  vas  a  coirent  belief  in  many  parts  of  the 
Gcatak  vorld.  Tadtns  {Hitt.  t.  4)  says  that 
tken  was  a  consecrated  image  of  an  ass  in  the 
tcBpk,  the  reason  for  this  special  honour  being 
thst  a  herd  of  wild  asses  had  been  the  means  of 
pidiag  tiie  Jews,  when  they  were  In  the  desert, 
to  springs  of  water.  Plntaix^  {Sympos,  ir.  5,  2) 
talis  Tirtnally  the  same  story.  Diodoms  Slcolos 
up  (lib.  xxxir.  I^Vxtg.)  that  Antiochns  Epiphanes 
fcaad  in  the  temple  a  stone  image  representing 
a  BBUt  sitting  upon  an  ass;  but  on  the  other 
hsad  Josephns  (e.  Apion.  ii.  c  7)  adduce  the 
fret  that  no  sadi  image  had  been  found  in  the 
toaplc  by  any  conqueror  as  an  argument  for  the 
groandleasaess  of  the  calumny. 

The  same  belief  appears  to  have  prerailed  in 
ideieace  to  the  early  Christians.  It  is  men- 
tioaed  by  both  Tertuilian  (Ad  Nat,  i.  14;  Apol. 
zn.)aBd  Minucins  Felix  (Octav.  9  and  28),  but, 
thvnffa  reftrred  to  in  later  times,  appears  to 
kare  died  out  in  the  course  of  the  3rd  century. 
(The  fret  mentioned  by  Serretus,  De  Trin,  Error. 
c.  16v  that  he  heard  the  same  reproach  made  by 
the  Ttoks  against  the  Christians  in  Africa  is 
probably  to  be  connected  with  the  mediaeval 
^'Feitiral  of  the  Ass"  rather  than  with  the 
tsriier  calumny.) 

The  origin  of  the  reproach  has  been  a  subject 
•f  Tarious  speculations  :■— <1)  It  has  been  con- 
riditwt  to  haTC  arisen  somewhere  in  the  Gentile 
world,  and  to  have  been  applied  to  the  Jews 
before  the  Christian  era.  On  this  hypothesis 
Tariois  explanations  of  it  hare  been  giren. 
Vsrians  {De  Capite  AtimoM  Deo  (^rittkmo,  Dord- 
nckt,  1620)  thought  that  there  was  a  concision 
betvaan  the  two  words  Chomer  CIDH),  which  is 
msd  (?)  fer  the  "  pot "  of  manna  in  the  temple, 
aad  Oamor  ChOTj),  which  means  a  «  wild  ass," 

ui  that  this  confusion  was  confirmed  by  the 
sppesranee  of  the  pot  of  manna  with  its  two  large 
ears.  Hasaeus  (De  Onolatria  olim  Judaeis  et  Chris- 
tttstt  impaeia,  Erfurt,  1716)  thought  that  the 
on  aaoog  the  Jews  (?  more  probably  late  Sama- 
ritaas)  of  the  word  «'Ashima"  r='«name")  for 
the  mora  sacred  word  ^Jehovah  may  hare  sug- 
geeted  the  perrersion  '^asinns"  to  the  Roman 
ieldien;  and  Heinsius  {D$  Laude  AtM^  p.  186, 
at  1629)  thought  that  the  obpattds  which  the 
Jew  were  repnUd  to  worship  (**  nil  praeter  nubes 
ct  coeli  Bumen  adorant,"  Juf.  Sat.  xir.  97)  was 
offrspted  into  6pos.  (2)  It  has  been  considered 
to  bare  arisen  in  Egypt,  and  on  this  hypothesis 
two  explanations  have  been  giren.  ^uiaquil 
fibar  {Epist.  L  6)  thought  that  it  was  a  corrup- 


tion from  the  name  of  Onias,  who  built  a  Jewish 
temple  at  Heliopolis ;  and  Bochart  (Hieroxoic.  i. 
2,  c.  18)  thought  that  the  Egyptians  wilfully  per- 
verted the  expression  ''Pi  iao"  (s*' mouth  of 
God  ")  into  ^  Pieo,"  which  in  an  Egyptian  voca- 
bulary edited  by  Kircher  signifies  **  ass."  (3)  It 
has  been  viewed  as  a  calumny  of  the  Jews  against 
the  Christians,  which  was  reflected  back  upon  the 
Jews  themselves.  In  fitvour  of  this  view  it  is 
urged  that  Tertuilian  distinctly  speaks  of  it  as  a 
Jewish  calumny;  and  against  it  is  the  prevalence 
of  the  story  in  writers  whom  a  Jewish  calumnv, 
however  industriously  spread,  would  hardly 
reach.  (4)  It  has  been  regarded  as  having 
originated  from  the  use  of  the  ass  as  a  symbol 
by  some  Gnostic  sects.  That  the  ass  was  thus 
used  is  clear  from  the  statement  of  Epiphanius 
(c.  ffaeres.  26, 10 ;  see  also  Origen,  c.  Cels,  vi.  9) 
Between  these  various  hypotheses  it  is  hardlj 
possible,  in  the  absence  of  &rther  evidence,  U 
make  a  choice;  the  question  must  be  left  un* 
decided.  A  slight  additional  interest  has  been 
given  to  it  by  the  discovery  at  Rome,  in  1856,  on 
a  wall  under  the  western  angle  of  the  Palatine, 
of  a  graffito,  which  forcibly  recalls  the  story 
mentioned  by  Tertuilian.  Ine  apologist's  words 
are  {Ad.  Nat.  i.  14) — *'  nuper  quidam  perditissi- 
mus  in  ista  dvitate,  etiam  suae  religionis  de- 
serter, solo  detrimento  cutis  Judaeus  ....  pic- 
turam  in  nos  proposuit  sub  ista  proscriptione 
ONOCOETES.  Is  erat  auribus  canteriorum  et 
in  toga,  cum  libro,  altero  pede  ungulate.  Et 
credidit  vulgus  infhmi  Judaeo."  The  graffito  in 
question  represents  an  almost  similar  caricature, 
evidently  directed  against  some  Christian  con- 
vert of  the  2nd  century.  Upon  a  cross  is  a 
figure  with  a  human  body  wearing  an  tn^^rWa, 
but  with  an  ass's  head.  On  one  side  is  another 
fisnre  lifting  up  his  head,  possibly  in  the  attitude 
of  prayer.  Underneath  is  written  AAEBAMENOs 
8EBETE  eEON  ('' Alexamenos  is  worshipping 
God").  The  form  of  the  letters  points  to  the 
graffito  having  been  written  towards  the  end  of 
the  2nd  century,  about  the  very  time  at  which 
Tertuilian  wrote  (see  P.  Garrucci's  article,  with 
a  copy  of  the  graffito,  in  the  OiviUa  Oxttolica, 
serie  3,  voL  iv.  p.  529).  This  graffito  is  now 
preserved  in  the  library  of  the  CoUegio  Romano 
in  Rome.  [E.  H.] 

A6PERGILLX7M.  The  brush  or  twig  used 
for  sprinkling  Holy  Water  [Holy  Water],  It 
anciently  was,  or  was  said  to  be,  of  hyssop,  a 
plant  supposed  to  possess  cleansing  virtues,  f^om 
its  use  in  the  Mosaic  law,  and  the  well-known 
reference  to  it  in  the  51st  Psalm.  Thus,  in  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  (p.  148)  the  bishop  in 
the  consecration  of  a  church,  sprinkles  the  altar 
seven  times  with  hyssop.  The  modem  French 
name  ChupH  indicates  that  a  fox's  brush  was 
some  time  used  as  an  aspergillum.  {QoupU  for 
Vulpicula,  Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.).  [C] 

ASPERSION.    [Baptism.] 

ASS,  WORSHIP  OF  THE.    [Asinabil] 

ASSUMPTION  OF  THE  VIRGIN 
MART.    [)f  AST  THE  Virgin,  Festivau  of.] 

ASTERISOUS  (sometimes  called  Stellula  by 
Latin  writers).  To  prevent  the  veil  from  dis- 
turbing the  particles  arranged  on  the  discus  or 
paten,  in  preparation  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Kncharist,  St.  Chrysostom  is  said  to  have  invented 
two  small  arches  to  support  it.     These,  wlieo 


150 


ASTEBIUS 


placed  80  u  to  cross  each  other,  resembled  a  star, 
and  hence  were  called  &<rritp  or  iurHipiCKos,  the 
star ;  hence  the  priest,  placing  it  oyer  the  paten, 
ia  directed  to  saj,  **  And  the  star  came  and  stood 
oyer  where  the  young  child  was."  In  modern 
times  the  arches  are  riveted  together  at  the  point 
of  intersection,  but  so  loosely  as  to  admit  of  one 
arch  being  turned  within  the  other  for  con- 
Tenienoe  of  carriage.  See  woodcut.  (Neale, 
HasUm  Church,  Introd,  350;  Daniel,  (hdex 
Liturgicw,  iv.  336,  390.)  [C] 


ASTEBIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  March  3 
^Mart.  Rom.  Vet,).  [C] 

A8T0BGA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Aotuhicense 
COMCiLinii),  A.D.  446,  condemned  certain  Mani- 
chees,  or  Priscillianists  (Gave;  Hansi,  ri.  490; 
but  omitted  by  Labbe).  [A.  W.  H.] 

ASTBOLOGEBS.  No  element  of  heathenism 
was  more  difficult  to  eradicate  than  the  belief 
that  the  stars  in  their  courses  influenced  the 
lives  of  men,  and  that  the  destinies  of  individuals 
and  of  nations  might  be  foretold  by  those  who 
studied  their  combinations.  Under  the  names  of 
Chaddaei  (as  representing  those  who  were  more 
famous  than  any  other  people  of  the  ancient 
world  for  their  devotion  to  this  study),  Mathe- 
matici  (in  popular  language  this  had  become  the 
exclusive  meaning  of  the  word),  Apotelesmatid 
(as  dealing  with  the  iirorcX^trfiaTa,  or  influences 
of  the  stars),  Genethliaci  (as  casting  horoscopes 
of  the  positions  of  the  planets  at  the  hour  of 
birth),  they  were  to  be  found  in  every  city  of  the 
empire.  They  became  on  many  grounds  objects 
of  suspicion  to  its  police.  They  were  cheats  and 
impostors ;  they  brought  in  the  foreign,  eastern 
superstitions  of  which  Roman  magistrates  stood 
in  dread  ;  they  might  at  any  time  play  into  the 
hands  of  political  rivals  by  predicting  their  suc- 
cess as  the  favourites  of  heaven.  The  annals  of 
the  empire  accordingly  present  a  series  of  edicts 
against  them.  They  were  banished  from  Rome 
by  Agrippa  and  Augustus  (Dion.  Cass.  xlix.  43, 
IvL  25),  by  Tiberius  (Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  32 ;  Sueton. 
Tiber,  c.  36),  bv  Claudius  (Tacit.  Ann.  xii.  52), 
by  Vitellius  (Siieton.  VitelL  14).  The  frequent 
repetition  of  the  measure  shews  how  ineradicable 
was  the  evil.  Sometimes  the  emperor  himself, 
Vespasian,  in  his  eager  ambition  (Tacit.  Hist,  ii. 
78),  Domitian,  in  his  restless  suspicion,  yielded 
to  their  influence.  Otho*s  murder  of  Galba  had 
been  prompted  by  their  counsels.  Over  the 
minds  of  most  men,  and  yet  more,  of  women, 
they  exercised  an  unbounded  sway  (Juven.  vi. 
553-568),  often  in  proportion  to  the  notoriety 
which  they  had  gained  by  being  mixed  up  in 
political  or  other  mysteries,  and  were  on  that 
account  expelled  from  the  city. 

Christian  feeling  was  opposed  to  the  practice 


ATHEISTS 

on  other  grounds.  It  belonged  to  the  mtea 
of  demon-worship  and  lying  magic,  which  Scrip 
ture  had  forbidden.  The  astrologer  was  a  chiLi 
of  the  devil.  His  art  had  come  down  from  the 
Egyptians  and  Chaldaeans  (Clem.  Alex.  Stnm, 
i.  16,  p.  132).  It  substituted  the  idea  of  des- 
tiny for  that  of  the  providence  of  Ood,  a&d 
tampered  with  the  sense  of  responsibility  by 
leading  men  to  impute  their  vices  to  the  stan. 
(August,  de  Civ.  Dei,  v.  1 ;  Tract,  in  Ps.  Ixi. ;  de 
Mathem. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Ep.  contr.  Fatum;  TertulL 
de  Idol.  c.  ix.  p.  156.)  Some  teachers  pointed  to 
the  oase  of  Esau  and  Jacob,  born  in  the  ssmt 
hour  yet  with  such  different  destinies,  as  a  proof 
that  the  system  was  false  (August,  de  Voctr. 
Christ,  ii.  21).  Some  conceding  that  the  heathen 
world  was  subject  to  these  influences,  favoorable 
or  malignant,  held  that  baptism  placed  men  in 
another  region  in  which  they  were  set,  and  that 
the  **new  birth"  annulled  the  horoscope  that 
was  cast  for  the  first  nativity.  The  action  of 
the  Church  was  in  accordance  with  the  teacliiDg 
of  its  chief  writers.  The  burning  of  the  books 
of  those  who  used  '*  curious  arts  "  in  Acts  xix. 
19,  served  as  a  precedent.  MathemaHci  wore  to 
give  up  their  books  to  the  bishop,  or  to  bom 
them  (ConstU.  Apost.  i.  4).  Clergy  of  all  orders 
were  forbidden  to  practise  the  art  under  pain  of 
excommunication  (0  Laod.  c  36).  In  two  or 
three  instances  the  operation  of  the  laws  con- 
nects itself  with  memorable  names.  AquiU,  the 
translator  of  the  Old  Testament,  was  said  to 
have  been  expelled  from  the  Church  on  the 
charge  of  being  an  astrologer  (Epiphan.  de  Ment. 
et  Pond.  §  XT.  t.  ii.  p.  171,  but  the  narrative  is 
hardly  more  than  a  legend).  Eusebiua,  of  Emeia, 
had  to  contend  against  the  suspicions  to  which 
his  love  of  science  exposed  him,  that  he  was 
addicted  to  the  fiipos  ktrortKea'fiaTiKhw  of  astro- 
logy (Sozom.  If.  E.  iii.  6).  It  was  one  of  the 
crimes  imputed  to  the  Priscillianists  of  Spain 
that  they  had  revived  the  old  superstitions  of 
the  Mathematici,  and  had  taught  men  that  the 
several  parts  of  their  body  were  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  (August,  de  Haer, 
Ixx.)  [E.  H.  P.] 

ASTUBI0EN8E  CONCILIUM.  [Astobqa.] 

ASYLUM.    [Sanctuary.] 

A8YNCBITUS»  <*  Apostle,"  commemorated 
April  8  (Col.  Byz.).  [C] 

ATHANASnJS  (1)  Bishop  of  Alexandria; 
Natale  commemorated  Jan.  18  {Cal.  Byztmt); 
Jan.  26  and  June  6  (Armen.);  May  2  (Mart  Ban. 
Vet.) ;  Dec.  20  (Mart.  Bedae) ;  translation,  May  3 
(Col.  Byzant.) ;  commemorated  Maskarram  13  = 
Sept.  16,  and  Ginbot  7  =  May  2  {Col.  Ethiop.). 

(2)  Presbyter,  Oct.  11  (Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.). 

ATHEISTS  (&0«ot),  a  name  of  reproach 
which  was  applied  to  the  early  Christians.  Ihs 
absence  of  material  symbols  of  the  Deity,  of  sso- 
rifice,  of  temples,  and  of  almost  all  the  extenuJ 
observances  which  constituted  the  religion  of 
contemporary  heathendom,  naturally  induced  s 
popular  cry  that  Christianity  was  a  new  form  of 
atheism.  The  cry  was  repeated  by  Jews  as  well 
as  by  Gentiles  (see  Justin  Mart.  c.  Tryph.  criii). 
It  was  a  leading  cause  of  the  general  animositT 
against  the  Christians  and  the  apologists  were 
at  some  pains  to  refute  it  (see  especially  Athenag. 
Legat.  pro  Christ.  3  and  4).    The  following  are  the 


ATHENilGOBAS 


AUDIENTES 


151 


dkfef  tUoiiQns  to  the  calomny  outside  the  writing 
•r  tkt  apologuts :— Eiuebius  {ff,  E,  iv.  15)  telU 
■s  that  the  fonnnJa  in  which  Polycarp  was  de- 
fired  br  the  prooonsal  to  abjure  his  £Euth  was 
«^  rm  Mws*  Dion  Cassius  (Ixvii.  14)  relates 
tiMt  Fbnns  Clemens,  the  uncle  of  Domitian, 
whoa  some  writers  have  identified  with  Clemens 
SooMUiiH,  and  who  was  no  doubt  a  Christian, 
was  put  to  death  for  athsitm,  Lucian  (Jdexand. 
Pmd,  c  25,  c£  c  38)  says  that  Pontus  was  full 
M«v  nl  X/MOTMVMr.  firen  so  late  as  the  4th 
cortvy  we  find  lieinins  accusing  Constantine  of 
embraced  r^v  &9cov  t6^a»  (Euseb.  Vit. 
c  15) ;  and  Julian  summed  up  his  objec- 
to  Christianity  when  he  described  it  as 
jit^r^ra  (Julian,  Ep.  ad  Arsao.  ap  Sozom.  ff,  E, 
T.  16).  But  bj  that  time  the  Christian  fiithers 
had  already  beg^un  to  turn  the  tables  upon  their 
advenaries  and  atheism  became  a  reproach,  not 
«f  Figaaism  against  Christianity,  but  of  Chris- 
tiaattj  against  Paganism  (see  Clem.  Alex.  Pro- 
<r^  p.  11).  [E.  H.] 

ATHENAGORAB,  with  ten  disciples  and 
fiTv  priests,  commemorated  July  23  {CaL 
Jfwa.).  [C] 

ATUKKOOENES,  martyr,  and  ten  disciples, 
cgnmemorated  July  16  (jCdL  Byzant.^        [C] 

ATBinM,  the  court  attached  to  churches 
ia  the  earlier  centuries.  It  was  usually  placed 
before  the  fnmt  of  the  church,  and  surrounded 
W  porticoes.  In  the  centre  of  the  open  area 
was  a  fountain,  or  at  least  a  cantharus  [Oak- 
TUKDB^  a  large  Tessel  containing  water  for  ab- 
litioa.  This  fountain  was  sometimes  covered 
with  a  roof  and  surrounded  by  railings.  The 
airiam  was  in  the  earlier  ages  considered  an  im- 
portant, almost  indispensable  adjunct  to  at  any 
rate  the  larger  churches.  Eusebius  describes 
{EogUm.  Hist,  X.  4,  §  39)  the  atrium  with  its 
ibor  porticoes  in  his  account  of  the  church  built 
by  Sl  Paulinus  at  Tyre;  and  atria  dating  from 
the  5th  century  existed  at  St.  Peter's  and  S. 
Ptolo  £  L  M.  at  Rome.  Examples,  though  not 
dating  from  the  period  with  which  this  work 
ia  coBoemed,  may  be  seen  in  sereral  churches 
at  Bone,  as  S.  Clemente,  S.  Cecilia,  and  others, 
sad  indeed  elsewhere.  In  the  ruins  of  the  basi- 
Jca  of  S.  Ste&no,  in  Via  Latina,  the  atrium,  in* 
ttead  of  occupying  its  normal  place,  is  placed  by 
the  side  of  the  apse,  the  reason  probably  being 
that  the  Via  Latina  ran  past  the  apse,  and  that 
those  who  wished  to  enter  the  church  from  that 
great  thorough&re  would  thus  pass  through  the 
atrivB.  Where,  however,  no  important  street 
or  pnUic  building  prevented  the  architect  from 
MIy  developing  his  plans,  the  atrium,  it  should 
MOD,  during  the  whole  period  treated  of  in  this 
woric  (and  indeed  until  a  later  period),  in  Italy 
at  least,  and  probably  elsewhere,  formed  a  part 
of  every  important  church*  [A.  N.] 

ATTIGNY,  COUNCILS  OF  (Attiniacest- 
BA  CohbiliaX  held  at  Attigny  (Attiniacum),  a 
tofWB  6i  France,  on  the  river  Aisne,  N.E.  of 
Bhftmsr— L  MlJk  765,  provincial,  under  Pipin 
(Vsasi,  xii.  674). 

U.  AJ>.  822,  at  which  the  Emperor  Louis  did 
public  penance,  ^  de  omnibus  quae  publico  perpe- 
na  geadt,"  ajid  especially  for  his  cruelty  to 
Us  ac^MW  Bernard  (Mansi,  xiv.  403). 

HL  aj>.  834,  November,  under  Ludovicus 
7lai»  a  synod  of  ''the  whole  empire,"  passed 


some  canons  on  behalf  of  the  Church,  and  re> 
ferred  a  criminal  cause,  brought  before  them 
by  the  emperor,  to  the  state  tribunal  (Mansi, 
xiv.  655).  [A.  W.  H.] 

ATTINLAOENSE    CONCILIUM.      [At- 

TIONT.] 

AUBERTU8  or  AUTBEBTU8,  bishop 
and  confessor,  commemorated  Dec  13  (Mart, 
Bedae).  [C] 

AUCTOB,  bishop,  commemorated  Aug.  9 
{Mart.  Bedae).  [C] 

AUDACTES,  martyr,  commemorated  Oct.  24 
(Mart.  Bom,  Vet.},  [C] 

AUDACTUS.    [Adauctdb,] 

AUDAX,  martyr,  commemorated  July  9 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet,).  [C.] 

AUDIENTES  ( AKpw&fifwot).  Two  stages 
have  to  be  noted  in  the  history  and  significance 
of  this  word.  Down  to  the  time  of  Novatus  and 
the  consequent  development  of  the  penitential 
system  of  the  Church,  it  is  used  as  equivalent 
to  catechumen.  The  Audientes  are  those  who 
are  present  in  the  Church,  but  are  not  yet  bap- 
tized, and  who  therefore,  in  the  nature  of  the 
case,  were  not  present  during  the  passages  of 
the  Fidelea,  or  the  yet  more  sacred  service  whidt 
followed.  They  heard  the  psalms,  the  lessons, 
the  sermon,  and  then  left  (Tertull.  de  BoenU, 
c  vi.,  vii. ;  Cypr.  Ep,  13).  At  Carthage  they 
were  placed  under  the  special  care  of  a  catechist 
OT  Avdientium  Doctor  (Cypr.  Ep,  31).  The  trea- 
tise of  Augustine,  de  oatecMzandis  rudibus,  was 
written  for  such  a  catechbt,  and  shews  fully 
what  was  the  nature  of  the  instruction  given* 
The  word  seems  to  be  used  with  somewhat  of 
the  same  vagueness  by  Augustine  (Serm,  132). 
There  is  no  trace  at  this  period,  if  indeed  at 
any  time  in  the  West,  of  a  distinct  position  for 
them  in  the  place  where  Christians  met  for 
worship. 

In  the  East,  however,  we  find  from  the  time 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  onwards  a  more  syste« 
matic  classification,  and  that  one  made  subser* 
vient  to  an  elaborate  penitential  system.  The 
Audientes  are  the  second  in  a  graduated  series  of 
those  who,  as  catechumens  or  members  of  the 
Church,  have  fallen,  and  need  to  be  restored* 
Outside  the  Church  stood  the  Flentee  (K?iat6fifyoi) 
mourning  over  their  guilt,  catching  only  the 
indistinct  sounds  of  what  was  passing  within, 
exposed  to  sun  or  rain.  Then  within  the 
nartheXf  the  portico  in  one  sense  outside  the 
church,  but  communicating  with  it  by  open 
doors,  were  the  Audientes  (Greg.  Tbaum.  Can* 
xi.).  They  might  stay  there  and  listen,  like  those 
who  bore  the  same  name  in  the  older  system,  till 
the  sermon  was  over.  Then  the  deacon  bade 
them  depart  along  with  the  unbelievers  (Const. 
Apost.  viii.  5),  and  they  had  not  the  privilege  of 
joining  in  any  prayers.  Afler  a  year  thus  pissed 
they  came  within  the  church,  as  Fiectentet 
(yowK\ivovT*s),  joining  in  the  prayers  up  to 
the  commencement  of  the  proper  Eucharistic 
service,  but  kneeling  in  their  contrition.  Lastly, 
they  became  Consistentes  {cwiffri^9voi\  stand- 
ing with  those  in  full  communion  with  the 
Church,  but  not  yet  admitted  themselves  to  that 
privilege.  Such  was  the  ideal  system  laid  down 
by  the  Council  of  Nicaea  (c.  xi.X  elaborated  by 
&wil  (Con,  xxii.,  Uxv.),  and  more  or  less  acted 


152 


AUDIKNTIA 


on  throughout  tho  churches  of  the  East.  It 
brought  with  it,  in  the  nsk  of  degradation  firom 
a  higher  order  to  one  of  shame  and  dishonour, 
from  the  position  of  full  membership  to  any  one 
of  them,  a  system  of  secondary  punishments  the 
actual  effect  of  which  it  is  not  easy  to  estimate. 
[Catechumens  ;  Penitents.]  [E.  H.  P.] 

AUDIENTIA      EPISOOPALIS.        This 
forms  one  of  the  heads  or  titles  in  the  first  boolc 
of  Justinian's  Codex^  and  is  there  used  in  rela- 
tion to  an  authority,  not  only  in  spiritual  but 
also  in  certain  secular  matters,  conferred  upon 
the  bishops  of  the  Church.     In  conjunction  with 
the  temporal  magistrates,  they  were  empowered 
to  take  part  in  managing  the  revenues  of  cities, 
the  guardianship  of  young  persons,  and  rarious 
other  matters  of  a  civil  nature  (see  Guizot,  Hist, 
of  Civilitation  in  Ewope^  Lecture  II.,  as  to  the 
influence  which  the  Church  thus  exercised  in 
society).    But  the  phrase  more  especially  de- 
notes the  power  given  to  the  bishops  of  hearing 
and  deciding  disputes  as  to  temporal  rights  in 
certain  cases.    Thus  we  find  {Cod,  i.  tit.  4.  s.  8) 
''  si  qui  ex  consensu  apud  sacrae  legis  antistitem 
litigare  voluerint,  non  vetabuntur.     Sed  expe- 
rientur  illius  in  dvili  dnntaxat  negotio,  more 
arbitri  sponte  residentis,  judicium ; "  and  {Ibid. 
s.  9)  **  Episoopale  judicium  ratum  sit  omnibus, 
qui  se  audiri  a  sacerdotibus  elegerint;  eamque 
eorum  judicationi  adhibendam  esse  reverentiam 
jubemns,  quam  vestris  deferri  necesse  est  potesta- 
tibus,  a  quibus  non  licet  provocare,  &c      Two 
limitations  appear  on  the  face  of  these  passages : 
— 1.  That  the  matter  in  controversy  must  be  of 
a  civil  character,  no  criminal  cases  being  to  be 
thus  decided.     2.  That  both  parties  to  the  dis- 
pute must  voluntarily  agree  to  have  their  cause 
thus  tried.    The  result  therefore  is  to  make  the 
bbhop  an  authoritative  arbitrator,  whenever  the 
parties    submitted  themselves  to   his  decision. 
This  repeats  what  had  been  previously  autho- 
rized by  Arcadius    and   Honorius  (see  Theod. 
Codex,  be  Juriadkt,  ii.  1),  and  by  Valentinian 
III. ;  and,  mdeed,  was  perhaps  little  more  than 
an  acceptance  and  recognition  on  the  part  of  the 
state  of  a  custom  whidi  had  long  prevailed  in 
Christian  communities,  of  bringing  their  disputes 
before  their  Christian  superiors  instead  of  before 
heathen  judges,  in  accordance  with  the  words  of 
St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  vi.).    At  one  period,  however, 
there  is  some  ground  to  believe  that  the  secular 
power  of  Rome  was  inclined  to  go  much  further. 
According  to  Eusebius  {Vit,  Const,  iv.  27)  and 
Sozomen  (i.  9X  Constantino  ordained  that  either 
party  in  a  dispute  of  a  civil  nature  might  select 
the  bishop  as  his  judge,  even  against  the  will  of 
the  other  party ;  and  that  the  episcopal  decision 
should  be  conclusive,  and  should  be  executed  by 
the  temporal  authorities.    This  compulsory  set- 
ting aside  of  the  ordinary  tribunals  of  the  Roman 
Empire  at  the  pleasure  of  either  litigant,  did  not 
long  endure,  and  seems  to  have  been  superseded 
by  the  more  moderate  principle  adopted  by  Arca- 
dius and  Honorius.     Indeed  the  learned  commen- 
tator Gothofred,  who  is  followed  by  Bingham 
{Antiq,  ii.  7,  3X  doubts  whether  Constantino  ever 
really  made  any  such  decree.    Later  writers, 
however,   have  not    shared    these  doubts  (see 
Herzog,  Real,  Encyd,  sub  voce,  **  audientia  Epis- 
<^pi.").    This  alleged  decree  was  in  later  ages 
revived  in  the  west,  being  then  attributed  to 
Theodosius.     In  that  form  it  was  accepted  by 


AUGU8TINU8 

Charlemagne  (CapU,  vi.  S66>,  passfti  into  the 
collections  of  laws,  and  finally  found  its  way  mte 
the  Decretun)  of  Gratian  (Part  II.  causa  xL 
quaest.  i.  35).  Innocent  IIL  lays  stress  upon  il 
(Decretal.  Greg.  i.  lib.  2,  tit.  i.  13),  and  indcea 
in  this  shape  it  was  well  calculated  to  minister 
to  the  Papal  pretensions.  [B.  S.] 

AUDIFAX,  martyr,  commemorated  Jan.  20 
{Mart.  Rom,  Vet.,  ffieron.).  [C] 

AUDOENUS  or  AUD0INU8  (SL  OuenX 
bishop  of  Rouen,  commemorated  Aug.  24  {Mart. 
Bierm.}.  [C] 

AUFINUS.  Natalia  in  Africa,  Oct  16  (M. 
Hieron.'),  [a] 

AUGENTIUS.  In  Africa,  Jan.  4  (JToH. 
Hieron.).  [C] 

AU6ULTJS,  bishop  and  martyr,  comme- 
morated Feb.  7  {Mart.  Bedae,  Hieron.).       [C] 

AUGURIES.   [Divinations.] 

AUGUSTA,  virgin,  commemorated  July  28 
{Mart.  Bedae).  [C] 

AUGUSTALIS,  commemorated  at  Aries, 
Sept  7  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] 

AUGUSTINE'S  OAK,  Conferences  at,  be- 
tween Augustine  of  Canterbury  and  the  British 
bishops: — L  In  a.d.  602  or  603,  and  probably 
at  Aust  on  the  Severn,  or  some  spot  near  to  it, 
with  a  view  to  induce  the  British  bishops  to  give 
up  their  Easter  Rule,  and  to  co-operate  with 
Augustine  in  preaching  to  the  Saxons.  The  first 
conference  (ikMd.  ii.  2)  was  only  preliminary 
(Augustine,  however,  working  a  miracle  at  it, 
ace.  to  Bede),  and  led  to— II.  A  more  fonnal 
conference  shortiv  after,  in  the  same  year,  at  the 
same  place,  at  which  seven  British  bishops  were 
present,  with  ^many  learned  men,"  especially 
from  Bangor  monastery  (near  Chester),  then 
under  Dinoth  as  its  abbat  On  this  oocasioo 
Augustine  limited  his  demands  to  three,  con- 
formity in  keeping  Easter,  and  in  the  baptismal 
rite,  and  co-operation  in  preaching  to  the  Saxons : 
suppressing,  if  Bede's  account  is  complete,  all 
claim  of  the  jurisdiction  which  Gregory  the  Cireat 
had  bestowed  upon  him  over  the  British  bishops, 
and  saying  nothing  of  the  tonsure ;  but  disgust- 
ing the  Britons  by  refusing  to  stand  up  at  their 
approach — a  token,  according  to  the  words  of  a 
cei'tain  anchorite  whom  they  had  consulted,  tiiat 
he  was  not  a  man  of  God,  and  therefore  was 
not  to  be  followed.  The  conference  according)/ 
broke  up  without  any  other  result  than  that  oi 
drawing  from  Augustine  some  angry  woiJs, 
which  unfortunately  came  true  a  dozen  years 
afterwards,  when  he  was  dead,  in  the  slaughter 
of  the  Bangor  monks  at  Chester  (Baed.  A.).  The 
baptismal  differences  have  been  conjectured  by 
Kttnstmann  to  relate  to  trine  immersion,  by 
Dr.  Rock  (upon  the  better  evidence  of  the 
Stowe  Missal)  to  have  referred  to  the  washing 
of  the  feet  which  the  Britons  are  supposed  to 
have  attached  to  baptism;  but  both  are  con- 
jectures only.  For  the  date,  locality,  and  his- 
tory of  these  conferences,  see  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
CouncUsy  iiL  40,  41.  And  for  the  well-known 
*'  Answer  of  Dinoth,"  which  is  plainly  the 
work  of  some  mediaeval  Welsh  antiquary,  see 
•6.  i.  122.  [A.  W.  IL] 

AUGUSTINUS.    (1)  Martyr  at  Niromedia. 
commemorated  May  7  {Mart,  Rem.  Krt.,  Hieron.) 


AU6UST0DUNENSE 

(f)  BUiop  ttd  oonftasor,  Apostle  of  England, 
Ibf  M  (MviyroL  BedaOj  Adonis). 
(S)  OnmcBiomted    at  Borne  Aog.  22  (if. 

(I)  Buhop  of  Hippo,  Gonfesaor,  Aug.  28  {Mart 
Ttt^HimfiLyetBedcMi).  In  Mart,  Bieron^ 
Ibj  26,  <*  in  Africa  j^tini  Episcopi ;" 

A«g.  28,  "  Ipono  regio  Depositio  Agnstini 

EpMOfii;''  80  that  May  26  teems  to  have  been 
gim  to  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury  at  a  date 
ktar  than  tbat  of  Mart,  ffieron.  His  name  is 
natal  in  the  Gregorian  Canon. 

(h)  PRsbyter,  Oct.  7  (If.  Bedae). 

(()  *"  in  Cappadoda  Agnstini  Episcopi,"  Not. 
17  ( Jt  Hierrm.}.  [C] 

AUGUSTODUNENSB    CONCILIUM. 
[Actus,  Cod5<3il  of.] 

AUGUSTUS.  (1)  Of  Alexandria,  Jan.  11 
(jr.  Hierxm.). 

it)  litaiyTf  commemorated  May  7  {Mart. 
Jtom.  Vet). 

(S)  Coniessor,  commemorated  at  Bourges,  Oct. 
7  {JL  HierxmX  [C] 

AUBELIANENSE  CONCILIUM. 
[OiUAsa,  Council  or.] 

AUREOLA.    [NofBUB.] 

AUBELIU8,  commemorated  April  26  (Mart. 
Bmm.).  [C] 

AUBTEBTUS,  commemorated  Oct.  19  (Mart. 
Hkrm.\  [C] 

AU8TEEBEBTANA,  abbess,  commemo- 
Btad  Feb.  10  (Jfar<.  ffteron.).  [C] 

AUTHENTIC.  The  sounds  connecting  the 
fiatl  (m  Gregorian  music)  with  its  octave,  or  a 
mhAj  in  which  they  only  are  employed,  were 
oDed  Authentic  in  contradistinction  to  those  con- 
iseliBg  the  4th  below  the  final  with  its  Sre,  the 
Uk  aboT«  it,  which  were  called  Plagal  (▼.  Plaoal). 
Ii  Ambronan  music  authentic  soedes  only  were 
Miplojed,  and  of  these  only  four ;  the  Phrygian 
(D-dX  Dorian  (E— e),  Hypolydian  (F— f),  and 
Hjpophrygian  (G — g)  of  the  Greek  system.  The 
leolisB  (A — a)  and  the  Ionian  (C--c),  sabse- 
^neatly  sdded  to  the  number  of  the  church 
mlet  (tones  or  modes),  were  subjected  to  the 
•BDe  dasstBcation.  Authentic  scales  are  cha- 
ncteriaed  by  the  harmonic  division  (6:4:8) 
•f  their  octares ;  e.  g.  C— g — c ;  the  plagal  by  the 
sritfamctical  dirision  (4:3:2);  e.  g.  G— C-^. 
Antheotic  melodies  are  thought  to  have  gene- 
nil^  gmter  dignity  and  strength  than  plagal. 
1  good  modem  example  of  the  former  u  the 
well-kaown  German  chorale  Ein'feste  Burg  ist 
mmr  Gcti,  and  of  the  latter  our  Evening  MymUy 
kttrihnted  to  Tallis;  and  it  would  be  difficult 
to  find  in  pure  melodic  music  better  examples 
tf  the  nUime  and  the  beautiAil.  But  the  tune 
kMwii  ia  England  as  the  Old  Hundredth  (essen- 
taUy  plagal)  certainly  oontrayenes  this  theory 
in  a  very  striking  instance  and  manner. 

TW  relations  of  subject  and  answer  in  the 
■edcn  tmal  fugue  (as  when  O— g  are  "  an- 
■nted"  not  l^  g — d  but  by  g— -C)  obriously 
gi«v  oat  of  the  division  of  scales  into  authentic 
flilpliCaL  [J.H.] 

AUTIB8IODORENBE     CX>NCILIUM. 

[AQUBBE,  GOtTNCIL  OP.] 

AUTOCEPHALI  (A^roici^aXoi,  from  v^hs 
mi  uftJJi),  a  name  given  by  canonists  and  in 


AUTOCEPHALI 


153 


the  Notitiaa — 1.  To  Metropolitans  who  remained 
independent  of  Patriarchs  after  Patriarchs  were 
established,  t. «.,  who  then  continued  still  to  be 
what  all  Metropolitans  originally  were.    So  the 
Cyprian  archbishop  (Cone,  Ephes.  a.d.  431,  act. 
vii. ;  and  again,  as  late  as  Cone.  Trull.  a.d.  691, 
can.  39,  at  a  time  when  the  Cypriots  had  fled 
from  Cypris  itself,  and  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
'Eiropx^a  'EAAi^cnrtJvrtos) :   to  whom  Balsamon 
joins  the  archbishops  of  Bulgaria  and  of  Iberia 
(Georgia).    The  privilege  had  been  given  to  the 
former  of  these  two  by  Justinian.    (See,  how- 
ever, Le  Quien,  Criens  Christ.,  vol.  i.  96.)    The 
latter  would  seem  to  have  been  at  first  reckoned 
as  subject  to  the  Patriarchate  of  Antioch,  and 
then  to  Constantinople;  but  from  A.D.  450  he 
styled  himself  avroK4(^a\os,  and  appears  to  have 
been  considered  as  such  (Malan,  Hist,  of  Georg, 
Ch.  35,  196,  &0.).    The  Armenian  Church  is  also 
so  styled  in  the  Notitiae  (see  Bingh.  II.  xviii.  2) ; 
but  it  would  rather  appear  to  have  claimed  to 
be  in  itself  a  patriarchate,  inasmuch  as  Nerses 
its  second  bishop,  present  at  Cone.  Constantin., 
A.D.  381,  styled  hinutelf  Patriarch  and  Katho- 
licos  of  Armenia,  as  did  thenceforward  his  suc- 
cessors (Malan,  Life  of  Gregory  the  lUunUnator^ 
27).    Ravenna  in  the  west  is  also  said  to  have 
arrogated  the  privilege  of  "  autocephalism,"  and 
only  to  have  surrendered  it  under  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Pope  Donus,  A.D.  676-679.    Roman  (and 
Welsh)  Britain,   which   is  usually  adduced  as 
another  western  instance,  and  which  undoubtedly 
had  no  relations  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  or 
any  other  for  three  centuries  (400-700), — as 
neither  had  Celtic  Ireland  nor  Columban  Scot- 
land,— ^was  rather  a  case  of  bishops  who  still 
remained  without  a  metropolitan,  the  legends 
of  the  archbishoprics  of  Caerleon  or  of  St.  David's^ 
or  indeed  of  any  archbishopric  in  the  island  at 
all  except  as  an  honorary  and  unmeaning  title, 
being  without  any  historical  authority  whatever. 
The  epithet  is  applied  to  Britain  only  by  late 
controversial  writers. 

2.  A  name  given  to  a  class  of  bishops  who 
came  to  exist  in  the  9th  century  in  the  eastern 
patriarchates,  as  Constantinople,  Jerusalem,  An- 
tioch, who  were  dependent  directly  upon  their 
patriarch  without  the  intervention  of  a  metro- 
politan, and  who  might  be  more  accurately  (and 
sometimes  were)  called  archbishops  or  metropo- 
litans themselves,  only  without  suffragans  (see 
authorities  in  Bingh.  II.  xviii.  3). 

3.  The  name  might  be  applied,  on  the  same 
principle  upon  which  it  is  attached  to  metropo- 
litans whose  independence  survived  the  establish- 
ment of  patriarchs,  to  bishops  whose  independence 
survived  the  establishment  of  metropolitans.  But 
the  origin  of  metropolitans  was  too  early  and  too 
universal  to  allow  of  any  ancient  authority  sig- 
nalizing possible  temporary  exceptions  of  this 
kind  by  a  name.  The  British  bishops,  however, 
appear  to  be  (substantially)  a  case  in  point. 
And  Valesius,  although  inaccurately  in  point  of 
fact,  has  applied  the  name  to  the  Bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem before  that  Bishop  became  himself  a 
patriarch  (Bingh.  ib.  4). 

4.  No  doubt  also  the  name  might  be  applied, 
as  Bingham  suggests,  to  any  esse  where  there 
happened  to  be  only  one  bishop  in  the  country, 
as  in  Scythia  in  the  time  of  Sozomen. 

Acephahu  CAkc^oAos)  is  said  to  be  sometimes 
used  for  Autocephalus, 


}o4 


AUTONOMITS 


(Bingham  ;  Brerewood,  Patriarchy  Qav,  of 
Anc.  Ch, ;  Care,  Diaaeri'.  on  Oov.  of  Anc.  Ch. ; 
Beveridge,  Pandect,  ;  Da  Cange  ;  Meoniiu ; 
Suicer.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

AUTONOMUS,  commemorated  Jane  24  (Cb/. 
Armen,),  [C] 

AUTUN,  COUNCIL  OF  (Auoustodun- 
EN8E  Concilium),  a.d.  670,  ander  Bishop  I^eo- 
degar,  passed  some  canons  respecting  monks, 
and  one  enforcing  the  Athanasian  creed  (Mansi, 
xi.  123).  [A  W.  H.] 

AUVERGNE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Cleb- 
HONT,  Council  of.] 

AUXENTIUS,  holy  father,  commemorated 
Feb.  14  (Oi/.  Byzant.)-^  July  28  {MM;t, 
Bieron,),  [C] 

AUXERRG,  COUNCILS  OF  (AunanoDO- 
BEN8IA  Concilia).  I.  a.d.  578,  diocesan,  where 
the  bishop,  with  his  7  abbats,  and  34  presbyters 
and  3  deacons,  passed  45  canons,  and  among 
others,  one  requiring  a  synod  of  abbats  every 
November  and  of  presbyters  erery  May  (Mansi, 
ix.  911). 

II.  A.D.  841,  proTindal,  gathered  by  the  Em- 
perors Loais  and  Charles  to  oonsalt  respecting 
the  slaughter  in  the  war  between  them,  for  which 
ft  three  days'  fast  was  appointed  (Mansi,  xiv. 
786).  [A.  W.  H.] 

AVE  MARIA.    [Hail  Mart.] 

AVITUS.  (1)  Bishop,  deposition,  Feb.  5 
(Mart.  Hieron,), 

(8)  Presbyter,  commemorated  Jane  17  {MarU 
Bedae), 

(8)  Confessor,  June  23  (/6.  et  Eieron.).    [C] 

AZARIAS,  martyr,  with  Ananias  and  Misael, 
commemorated  Dec.  16  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet);  April 
23  {Mart  Bedae) ;  Dec.  17  {Cal,  Byzant.),  [C] 

AZYME.    [Elements.] 


B 


BABTLAS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Antioch, 
A.D.  253;  commemorated  Jan.  24  {Mart.  Bom, 
Vet,^  Hieron.,  Bedae) ;  Sept.  4  {Cal.  Byz,). 

(8)  Saint,  Nataie^  June  11  {M.  Bedae).    [C] 

BACCANCELDENSB      CONCILIUM. 

•"Bapchild.  Council  op.] 

BACCHUS.  (1)  Secundicerius,  martyr,  a.d. 
290;  commemorated  Oct.  7  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet., 
Cal.  Byz.),  (8)  **  Passio  S.  Bacdii,"  Sept.  25 
{M.  Bedae).  [C] 

BACULUS.    [Staff.] 

BAGAJEN8E  CONCGO^IUM,  Donatist,  at 
Vagais  or  Bagais,  in  Numidia,  a.d.  394,  where 
310  bishops,  under  Primian  the  Donatist  Primate 
of  Carthage,  condemned  Maximian,  the  Catholic 
bishop  of  that  city  (St.  Aug.  Cont  Crescon.  iii. 
53,  V.  10,  0pp.  X.  465, 490 ;  Tillemont,  M.  E.  vi. 
165;  Labb.  ii.  1154).  [A  W.  H.] 

BAGAN,  virgin,  commemorated  with  Eu- 
genia, Jan.  22  {Cal.  Armen.).  [C] 

BAHED.  The  name  of  a  fast  in  the  Ethiopia 
Calendar,  ot)served  on  Ter  10  =  Jan.  5  (Neale, 
Eastern  Ch.  *Int.  p.  810).  [C] 

BALANCE  (Symbol).  The  balance  appears 
sometimes  upon  Christian  tombs.    A  sepulchral 


BALANCE 

stone  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriac  (Ariagki, 
Boma  Subt.  ii.  139)  displays  this  instrument  is 
conjunction  with  a  crown ;  it  may  also  be  seen 
upon  a  marble  slab  taken  by  Bosio  from  a 
cemetery  of  the  Via  Latina  (Aringhi,  ii.  658), 
accompanied  by  a  house,  a  fish,  by  a  doabtfm 
object  which  has  been  taken  wrongly  for  a  csn- 
delabrum,  and  by  a  mummy  set  up  in  a  niche. 
A  monument  of  the  same  nature  reprodnced  is 
the  work  of  M.  Perret  {fnacript.  No.  37)  repre- 
sents a  balance  with  a  weight  (see  woodcut^  De 
Rossi  {Boma  Sott.  T.  i.  p.  86)  notices  another 
example  in  the  church  of  St.  Cecilia  at  Rome. 


Some  antiquaries,  as  Mamachi  {Originei  t.  98) 
have  supposed  that  the  balance  is  symbolical  of 
judgment  or  justice.  And  it  is  true  that  it  is 
found,  doubtless  with  this  signification,  on  coiu 
of  Gordian,  Diocletian,  and  other  emperors  of 
pagan  Rome.  The  mediaeval  artists  again  hsfe 
frequently  made  use  of  this  idea.  We  may  ice 
it,  for  instance,  in  the  tympanum  of  the  great 
doorway  of  Notre  Dame  in  Paris,  and  in  U^t  of 
the  cathedral  of  Autun,  where  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  a  translation  in  sculpture  of  the  wwds 
of  the  Apocalypse  (xxii.  12).  But  in  the  fini 
two  instances  which  we  hare  mentioned,  and 
which  are  almost  the  only  examples  transmitted 
to  us  by  Christian  antiquity  properly  so  called, 
it  is  important  to  observe  that  mention  is  made 
of  the  contract  entered  into  between  the  pur- 
chasers of  the  tombs  and  the  F0690re8  Montanos 
and  Calevius:  VRSICINVS  ED  QVINTIUANA 
SE  BIBI  (vivis)  CONPARAVERVNT  LOCV  A 
MONTANV.  II  CALEVIVS  BENDIDIT  (ven- 
didit)  AVIN  TRISOMY. 

It  is  therefore  more  natural  to  suppose  that 
the  balance  symbolises  purchase  and  sale,  per  aa 
et  lS>ram. 

Sometimes  upon  tombs  the  balance  is  simplT 
indicative  of  a  trade,  as  for  example  on  the  slab 
of  a  Roman  moneyer  found  in  the  oemeteir  of 
St.  Priscilla  (Marini  Papiri  diplom.  p.  332): 
AVR.  VENERANDO.  NVM  j]  QVl.  VIXIT. 
ANN.  XXXV  II  ATILIA.  VALENTINA. 
FECIT  11  MARITO.  BENEMERENTL  IN.  PACE. 
Bronze  balances  were  found  in  a  Prankish  se- 
pulchre of  the  Merovingian  period  by  the  Abbe 
Cochet  {Sepult  Gavhiaea,  p.  253  and  following), 
where  in  all  probability  they  indicated  the  tomb 
of  a  monetary  officer,  or  fiscal  agent,  or  accountant 
of  some  kind.  This  is  rendered  almost  certain 
by  the  fact  that  a  balance  in  the  Fanssett  col- 
lection {/nventorium  SeptUchrale^  p.  43 ;  pi.  xril 
fig.  1,  2,  3),  was  found  in  the  same  tomb  with  a 
"  touch-stone  "  for  the  trial  of  metals.  Another, 
found  like  the  preceding  in  an  ancient  tomb  is 
Kent,  is  described  and  figured  by  Mr.  Roach 
Smith  in  Ct^iectanea  Antiqmiy  vol.  iit.  pp^  13-14; 


BALBINA 

pL  IT.  fig.  1  (Martignj,  Bid.  des  ArUiq.  ChrA, 
V-  fiT).  [C] 

BALBINA.  (X)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome, 
1.1)1 130 ;  commemoraUd  Mafch  SI  {Mart.  Bom, 
Td^Beda$y. 

(S)  Satale,  Oct.  6  (3f.  Bedae). 

BALDEGUNDIS,  deposition   at  Poictiers, 
Fek  11  (Mart,  ffieron.). 
BAXNEB.    [Lababum;  Vezillum.] 

BAPCHILD,  (X)UNCIL  OF  (Baocahcel- 
DESIE  OoitciLiuii),  or  rather  Witbnaoemot. 
(1)  Between  A.D.  696  &  716,  at  Bapchild,  near 
Sittiagboome,  in  Kent ;  a  Kentish  Witenagemot, 
St  which  ahhesses  and  presbjters,  as  well  as 
kisho|tf  and  abbats,  were  present,  and  where  the 
cdebisted  PriTilege  of  Wihtred  was  enacted, 
gnntiag  to  the  Kentish  metropolitan  a  free 
dcdion  in  the  case  of  abbats,  abbesses,  priests, 
sad  detcotts.  The  date  cannot  be  precisely 
deiennined;  and  is  further  confused  by  a  dis- 
ocpsney  between  the  Canterbury  Register  and 
the  T€xhu  SofenHs  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
Asi^h-Saxtm  Chronich  on  the  other,  respecting 
the  dates  of  Gebmnnd  and  Tobias,  successively 
bishops  of  Rochester.  Spuiious  forms  of  the 
Fridegimk  extend  it  to  the  election  of  bishops 
and  to  the  whole  of  Saxon  England.  See  Haddan 
sad  Stubbs,  Cbimctb,  iii.  238>247.--<9)  A-D.  798, 
if  at  lU ;  nid  to  hare  been  held  under  Kenulf, 
king  (not  of  Kent,  but)  of  Mercia,  and  Archbishop 
ithdaid,  with  bishops  (two  lists,  both  spurious), 
akbsts,  and  an  archdeacon;  and  to  have  prohi- 
bited lay  interference  with  churches  and  mo- 
Bssterifs,  in  compliance  with  a  mandate  of  Pope 
Leo  IIL  The  decree,  however,  is  verbatim  that 
•f  the  (genuine)  Council  of  Cloveshoo  of  a.d.  803, 
frmn  which  also  one  of  the  lists  of  bishops  is 
putisUy  taken  (Kemble,  Cod,  Dipt,  1018,  1024, 
WOk.  i.  162 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Cownc.  iii. 
517X  The  copy  in  Reg.  A  1  at  Canterbury, 
hewerer,  has  no  signatures.  [A  W.  H.J 

BJLPnSlL  This  Article  is  arranged  as 
follows: — I.  Terms  used  to  designate  Baptism. 
II.  The  Order  of  Baptism  in  various  Churches. 
nL  The  several  Parta  of  the  entire  Ritual,  viz. : 
Goigecntion  of  the  Water;  Interrogations  and 
Bfeqwnses  (Renunciation  and  Profession);  Pre- 
psntonr  Unction ;  Unclothing  of  the  Catechu- 
nea ;  the  Immeraion ;  the  Baptismal  Formula ; 
the  subsequent  Ceremonies,  viz. :  the  Kiss,  the 
lighted  Tapers,  the  white  Garments,  the  red 
sal  white  Thread,  the  Chaplet,  and  the  washing 
•f  FceL  lY.  At  what  times,  in  what  places, 
and  by  whom.  Baptism  was  administered ;  with 
what  matter,  in  what  mode,  and  at  what  age. 
V.  Grsi^iic  representations  of  Baptism.  VI.  Li- 
terature. The  subject  of  Sponsors,  and  that  of 
Beptismal  Names,  are  treated  separately  in  their 
•Iphshettcal  order. 

L  Tervu  tued  to  detignate  Baptism, 

§  t.  Barr((cfy  and  derived  toords.  The  meaning 
sfUikverb  is  not,  as  conmioalv  asserted,  identical 
with  that  of /iibrrctr,  to  ^  dip,  but  presented  this 
alia  under  special  modifications  characteristic  of 
the  Tsrious  ages  in  which  it  was  employed.  In 
chsrical  usage  it  was  commonly  used  meta- 
phorically in  speaking  of  one  "  drenched  "  with 
vise,  "overwhelmed"  with  misfortunes,  and 
the  like.  Polybius  uses  it  (iii.  72)  in  spo&king 
of  troops  pa5Btng  through  water  which  reached 


BAFPISM 


155 


up  to  their  breasts :  fi6Xis  cms  t&w  fioffr&p 
ol  wc^ol  fiaTri^6fi9vo»  Bidfiaivoy.  In  the  Canon- 
ical Books  of  the  LXX  it  occurs  but  once 
in  speaking  of  Naaman  either  "washing"  or 
^dipping  "  himself  in  the  Jordan  (1  Kings  v.  14). 
In  the  Apocrypha,  in  speaking  of  one  washing 
herself  (^/Sawri^cTo  M  ttjs  mryriv,  Jud.  xii.  7) 
at  a  spring ;  and  again  (Ecclus.  24,  37  aL  29)  of 
one  washing  himself  after  touching  a  dead  body ; 
both  cases  having  reference  to  ceremonial  puri- 
fication. In  the  New  Testament  it  is  occasionally 
used  metaphorically  (Matt.  xx.  22 ;  Mark  x.  38, 
39 ;  Luke  xii.  50).  But  it  generally  has  reference 
either  to  Jewish  ceremonial  purification  (Mark 
vii.  4 ;  Luke  xi.  28),  or  to  Christian  Baptism. 

§  2.  Aovrphv,  or  wiiy^,  lavacruiti,  fons.  These 
terms  (laver  and  font)  have  reference,  like  the 
last  noticed,  to  the  outward  drcumstancea  of  the 
Baptismal  Rite.  Aovrphy,  the  Latin  hvacrumf 
means  literally,  '*what  serves  for  washing  the 
body,"  that  is,  either  the  vese^f  or  the  tocier  so 
used.  St.  Paul  twice  (Eph.  v.  26,  and  Tit.  iii.  5) 
uses  the  word  in  reference  to  baptism.  In  Justin 
Martyr  it  appears  as  an  evidently  technical  de^ 
signation  of  baptism  (rh  Kovrphy  woioOyrai,  Apol. 
I.  c.  79),  and  from  that  time  onward  the  woxd  is 
repeatedly  used.  The  terms  wriyii  and  fonSf 
meaning  a  spring,  or  a  pool  fed  by  a  spring,  date 
as  technical  terms  from  the  time  when  either 
natural  pools  (see  §  39)  in  the  open  air,  or  bap- 
tisteries supplied,  as  was  commonly  the  case,  by 
natural  springs,  were  made  use  of  for  the  purpose 
of  Christian  baptism. 

§  3.  Terms  expressive  of  doctrine, — ^The  most 
common  of  these  doctrinal  designations  are  those 
which  have  reference  to  the  idea  of  Regeneration 
— ^iu  Greek  hfarfivvy\ois,  and  more  rarely  roXiy- 
ywtvia  and  $9oy4w§irts,  in  Latin  regeneration 
secunda  or  spiritualis  nativita^  renasci,  and  re- 
nasoentia.  Terms  of  regeneration  had  been  used 
in  a  figurative  sense  both  by  classical  authors 
and  by  Hellenists,  such  as  Philo  and  Josephus, 
before  they  were  adopted  into  the  language 
of  Christianity.  They  served  to  express  the  idea 
of  an  entire  change  of  condition,  as  for  ex- 
ample the  passing  out  of  a  state  of  misery,  of 
slavery  or  of  subjection,  into  a  state  of  well- 
being,  of  freedom  and  of  independence.  (See 
Wetstein  on  Matt.  xix.  28 ;  Trench's  Synonyms  of 
N,T.  pp.  71,  72.  Add  Tertullian,  de  Bapt,  c.  5.) 
The  Rabbinical  use  of  such  terms  more  directly 
illustrates  the  Christian  meaning  of  these  words, 
but  the  ultimate  date  to  which  that  use  is  to 
be  traced  is  open  to  doubt.  (See  Lightfoot  on 
John  iii.  4 ;  0pp.  tom.  ii.  p.  610,  fol.  Rotterdami 
1687 ;  Schoettgen,  Hor.  Heb.  i.  p.  704,  Dresdae 
4, 1733  ;  Carpzovii  Annotiitiones  m  TK  Qoodunni 
Mosen  et  Aaronem,  FrancofUrti  4,  1748,  lib.  i« 
cap.  111.  §  vii.) 

§  4.  :X^payls,  Signaculum,  &c.  Baptism  is 
not  unfrequently  spoken  of  as  ''the  seal,"  or 
more  fully  "the  seal  of  the  Lord,"  (Clemens 
Alex.),  and  that  partly  perhaps  with  reference  to 
the  language  of  Holy  Scripture  (2  Cor.  i.  22, 
Eph.  i.  13,  and  iv.  30).  But  other  thoughts  were 
also  connected  with  the  term,  as  e.g,  that  of  the 
sign  of  the  cross  (this  being  more  especially  the 
smT)  being  the  seal  of  the  Christian  covenant  or  of 
the  "  spiritual  circumcision."  (St.  Cyril.  Hieros. 
Catech.  T.  Mer^  •H)v  wf<mr  r^y  itytvfun-ueiiy 
TiMfAfidyofuy  o-^pcrviSo,  *Ayi^  Hy^^fiari  9t&  rod 
Xovrpov  wtpiTtftyifityoi.y    Hence  further  modi* 


156 


BAPTISM 


fieations  of  the  same  idea,  such  as  "  CSiaracter 
Dominicufl,'*  the  mark  impressed  by  the  Lord 
(St.  Augustine  ds  Bapi.  c,  Donai.  lib.  yi.  cap.  i. 
and  jE7/^.  184  6is,  c.  vi.  §  23.  Migne,  torn.  u. 
p.  803);  8c<nrorcfa$  <rniui»ffiSy  a  mark  indicative 
of  ownership  or  dominion  (St.  Greg.  Naz.  Or.  xl. ; 
compare  St.  Isaac  of  Armenia,  quoted  below, 
§  101) ;  or  again  the  Nota  Militaris  (St.  Augus- 
tine de  Bapt,  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.),  4i  rod  irrpvnArov 
a-^payls  (St.  Chrysostom  in  iL  Cor.  Horn.  iiL  ad 
fin.),  the  mark  put  upon  soldiers  to  ensure  their 
recognition. 

§  5.  Termt  of  Imtiation  or  i^fuminatum.— The 
idea  of  baptism  being  an  initiation  (ji^vis, 
fivffraytoyia,  rtKerij)  into  Christian  mysteries, 
an  enlightenment  (^TKr/t^s,  iUuminatiOj  t7/tfs- 
tratto)  of  the  darkened  understanding,  belonged 
naturally  to  the  primitive  ages  of  the  Church, 
when  Christian  doctrine  was  still  taught  under 
great  reserve  to  all  but  the  baptized,  and  when 
iidult  baptism,  requiring  previous  instruction, 
was  still  of  prevailing  usage.  Most  of  the  Fathers 
interpreted  the  ^mrurOdvm,  '*  once  enlightened," 
of  Heb.  vi.  4,  as  referring  to  baptism.  In  the 
middle  of  the  second  century  (Justin  M.  ApoL  ii. 
KoKtirai  Si  tovto  rh  \ovrphy  ^mrifffths  its  <i>w 
ri(ofi4v»y  riiu  ^idyoiop  rwr  ravra  itxu^9tuf6vr^v) 
we  find  proof  that  '*  illumination  *'  was  already 
a  received  designation  of  baptism.  And  at  a 
later  time  (St.  Cyril  Hieros.  Catech.  passim),  ol 
^>wTi(6fityoi  (illuminandi)  occurs  as  a  technical 
term  for  those  under  preparation  for  baptism, 
ol  ipom<r$4yT*s  of  those  already  baptised.  So  oi 
ii/A&iflToi  and  ol  fitfivrifi^yotj  the  uninitiated  and 
the  initiated,  are  contrasted  by  Sozomen,  ff,  E, 
lib.  i.  c.  3. 

§  6.  Modem  terms, — In  most  of  the  modem  Eu- 
ropean languages  the  words  expressive  of  baptism 
are  derived  diractly  from  the  Latin  haptizare,  and 
testify  to  the  fact  of  Latin  having  been  in  the 
Western  Churches  the  one  ecclesiastical  language 
almost  to  the  exclusion  of  ail  others.  But  there 
IS  one  notable  exception.  The  German  taufetiy 
to  ^  baptize,"  akin  to  our  English  "  dip,"  has  the 
same  technical  meaning  as  bapiixare,  and  recals 
the  time  when  on  the  conversion  of  the  German 
tribes  baptism  was  as  a  rule  performed  by  "  dip- 
ping "  (see  §  92),  and  when  not  Latin,  but  as  &r 
as  possible  the  mother-tongue  of  the  converts 
was  employed  in  the  baptismal  offices.  Our 
countryman,  St.  Boniface,  in  his  Statuta  (Mar- 
tene,  de  Ant,  Eoc,  Bit,  tom.  i.  p.  48)  desires  that 
the  catechumens  be  taught  to  make  the  Renun- 
ciations and  Confessions  of  Faith  in  Baptism  "  in 
."psa  lingua  qua  nati  sunt,"  and  directs  any  pres- 
byter to  leave  the  diocese  who  is  too  proud  to 
obey  this  direction. 

II.  The  Order  of  Baptism  in  various  Churches 
of  the  East  and  of  the  West, 

§  7.  Described  by  Justin  Martyr, — ^The  earliest 
description  of  the  actual  rite  of  baptism  is  that 
given  by  Justin  Martyr  in  his  first  Apology  (cap. 
ixxix.),  which  dates  from  the  middle  of  the 
second  century.  "  We  will  now  relate  after  what 
manner  we  dedicated  (jkytB^icafAfy)  ourselves  unto 
God,  when  we  were  new-made  through  Christ 
(^KmyovotriB4yr9s  Stik  rod  X.).  So  many  as  are 
convinced,  and  believe  the  truth  of  what  we 
teach  and  afRrm,  and  who  promise  to  be  able  to 
live  accordingly,  are  taught  both  to  pray,  and 
with  fasting  to  ask  of  God  remission  of  their  past 


BAPTISM 

tins,  while  we  join  with  them  in  their  pnyen 
and  in  their  fast.  Then  they  are  coaduGted 
by  us  to  a  place  where  there  is  water,  and 
they  are  regenerated  (iwaytyyAyreu)  after  the 
same  manner  of  regeneration  as  that  in  which 
we  ourselves  were  regenerated.  For  they  then 
make  their  ablution  (rh  Koirrphy  wotovmu)  in 
the  water,  in  the  name  of  God,  the  Father  and 
Lord  of  the  Universe,  and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  For  Christ  said : 
*  Except  ye  be  regenerated  iiiuffiii  ayaytmni^vrt) 
ye  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven.'  ** 

§  8.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  description  here 
given  is  without  full  details  concerning  the  rite 
Itself,  as  was  natural  in  one  writing  concerning 
a  Christian  Sacrament  to  persons  who  were  not 
Christians  themselves.     But  we  may  trace  clear 
allusions  to  the  prefatory  instruction  and  guid- 
ance of  the  catechumens — to  the  baptismal  pro- 
mises or  stipulations — ^to  a  place  of  baptism  apart 
from   the  ordinary  place  of  assembly  for  the 
faithfhl  {iyoyrai  tp*  rffA&y  Iv6a  Himp  iari).    We 
find  also  the  baptismal,  formula,  *'  In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost," 
though  with  slight  interpolations  which  are  pro- 
bably due  to  the  need  of  some  explanation  m 
addressing  a  heathen  audience  on  such  a  subject. 
§  9.    Bitual  described  by  Tertullian.-^Ahont 
fifty  years  later  than  Justin  Martyr,  and  about 
the  close  of  the  second  century,  we  find  evidenoe 
in  the  works  of  Tertullian  of  the  nature  of  the 
baptismal  rite  as  observed  at  that  time.    He 
speaks  first  of  the  Preparation  of  the  Catechumens 
immediately  before  Baptism — saying  that  they 
should  be  frequent  in  prayer,  with  fiisting  and 
kneeling  (then  a  penitential  attitude)^  and  watch- 
ing, and  with   confession  of   all   former  sins. 
^  Ingressuros  baptismum,    orationibus    crebris, 
jejuniis  et  geniculationibus,  et  pervigiliis,  orare 
oportet,  et  cum  confessione  omnium  retro  delict- 
orum,  ut  exponont  etiam   baptismum  Joannis. 
Tinguebantur,  inquit,  confitentes  delicta  sua" 
(De  Bapt,  c  20).    §  10.  He  describes  the  solemn 
renunciation  of  the  devil  and  his  pomp,  and  his 
angels,  distinguishing  the  renunciation  made  at 
the  time  of  baptism  from  that  made  some  time 
previously  in  the  church  (on  admission  as  cate- 
chumens).    (**  Aquam  adituri  ibidem,  sed  et  ali- 
quanto  prius  in  ecclesia  sub  antistitis  mono, 
contestamur  nos  renuntiare  diabolo  et  pompae  et 
angelis  ejus."  De  Ccr,  Mil,  c.  3.)  He  speaks  then 
of  other  ^  responses  "  made  by  the  baptized  while 
standing  in  the  water,  alleging  these  as  an  ex- 
ample of  custom  founded  on  tradition  only,  not  on 
any  express  direction  of  our  Lord.    (**  Dehinc  ter 
mergitamur  amplius  aliquid  respondentes  qunm 
Dominus  in  evangelic  determinavit."    Ibid,    See 
below,  §  93.)    §  11.  The  words  (ter  mergitamur) 
just  quoted,  and  those  of  the  treatise  De  Bapt.  c  1, 
"  in  aquam  homo  demissus  et  inter  pauca  verba 
tinctus,"  have  reference  to  the  Trine  Immersion 
then  customary  (see  below,  §  49)   and  the  n»e 
of  the  words  implicitly  prescribed  in  Matt,  xxviii. 
19.    These  points  he  more  exactly  determines 
elsewhere.     (^  Novissime  mandans  ut  tinguerent 
in  Patrem  et  Filium  et  Spirit um  Sanctum,  non  io 
unum :  nam  nee  semel  sed  ter,  ad  singula  nomina, 
in  personas  singulas  tinguimur."  Adc.  PraxeoMf 
c  26.)    §  12.  Among  the  traditionary  cu»tonis, 
Tertullian  mentions   the  tasting  of  a  mixture 
(concordiam)  of  honey  and  milk  on  leaving  the 
font  ('*  Inde  suscepti  lactis  et  mellis  ooncordiair 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


157 


t."  DeOor,Mii.e.S^  Bat  there  is 
wrefneBoe  to  tluB  ia  his  treatise de bapHmno,  so 
that  it  my  not  improbablj  hare  been  of  occa- 
Msl  or  ]ood  usage  only  in  his  time.  §  13.  The 
lasialiBf  with  a  consecrated  (benedicta)  oil,  and 
ikt  iiqwiitioB  of  liands  by  the  bishop,  which 
IbUsved  npon  baptism,  is  spoken  of  as  being 
■tiaatety  connected  with  the  actual  baptism. 
Is  tke  foat,  according  to  his  yiew,  we  are  washed 
fnm  sin,  sad  so  prepared  for  the  reception  of 
tht  Holy  Spirit.  ("  Non  qnod  in  aqnis  spiritnm 
MKtom  ooBsequamnr  sed  in  aqua  emnndati  sub 
iifelo  ^liritui  Sancto  praeparamnr  ....  An- 
fdvt  baptiani  arbiter  superrenturo  Spiritui 
Ssaeto  rias  dirigit  ablutione  delictorum  quam 
fide  impetrat  ofasignata  in  Patre  et  Filio  et 
SpiritQ  Sancto  ....  Exinde  egressi  de  laracro 
pcraogimnr  benedicta  nnctione  ....  Dehinc 
■sans  imponitor  per  benedictionem  adyocans 
ft  inritans  Spiritum  Sanctum."  De  bapt,  cc  6, 
7, 8).  The  eridence  of  TertuUian  on  other  points 
will  eooM  under  notice  later  in  this  article. 

§  14.  RiituU  <d  Jerutalenif  A.D.  347.  The 
Cktecbeaes  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  delivered  in 
Uat,  a.  347,  picture  to  us  in  tolerably  f\ill 
4stsil  the  ceranonial  usages  there  customary  in 
kit  time.  Throughout  Lent  (^Catech,  i.  rcircrafkU 
ssrra  ii/Ufas  •»  trxokd(us  rf  irpo<rcvx$ ;  end 
agua  Tfe^ofydicorra  iifupmr  lx<*'  fJMrdyoutv)  the 
Citecknniens  atembled  day  after  day  in  the 
ckaich  of  the  Anastasis  {Qtt,  xiv.)  for  prayer, 
sad  Ar  catechetical  instruction.  |  15.  And  at 
the  dflse  of  Lent,  on  the  ^Sabbath,"  or  £aster 
Kfc,  as  the  erening  {Myst,  CaUclL  i.  nor*  iictirnp 
Ttv  0arriaftmr9s  riir  hnriptof.  Compare  Chry- 
waA.  in  1  Cor.  Horn,  xl.,  where  he  speaks  of  Tt;v 
knifmw  ls«£nrr,  that  erening  in  which  baptism 
■  solnaaixed)  closed  in  upon  the  holy  city,  those 
to  bs  baptized  assembled  in  the  outer  chamber 
•f  tlie  baptistery  (cif  rby  irpoaiXiow  rov  /Benrrur- 
T^fim  etoor,  Mtfti.  Cat.  i.)  and  facing  towards 
the  vest,  as  being  the  place  of  darkness,  and  of 
the  powers  thereof^  with  outstretched  hand, 
Made  open  renunciation  of  Satan.  §  16.  Then 
tuning  them  abont^  and  with  &oe  towards  the 
EKt,  **  the  pUce  of  light,"  they  exclaimed,  "  I  be- 
Beve  in  the  Father  (cif  rhv  n.)  and  in  the  Son, 
sad  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  in  one  baptism  of 
fepcataace."  §  17.  This  said,  they  went  forward 
iato  the  inner  diamber  (oJkos)  of  the  baptistery, 
sad  iMy$L  Cat.  iL)  pat  off  the  garment  (chiton) 
wbciewith  they  were  clothed,  and  being  thus 
asked  were  anointed  with  oil  from  head  to  foot. 
§  18.  After  this  preparatory  unction  they  were 
kd  by  the  hand  to  the  font  itself  and  then  each 
sue  was  asked,  ^'Doet  thou  beliere  in  the  name 
of  the  Father,  athd  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Gbost?"  and  they,  in  answer,  witnessed  the 
sniag  confession  of  their  faith,  and  dipped  them- 
sckves  thrice  in  the  water,  and  thrice  lifted 
thnasdrea  up  from  out  thereof;  and  so  set 
fcrtb,  by  symbol,  the  three  days'  burial  of  the 
Laid,  and' his  Resurrection;  and  the  saying 
water  was  to  them  at  once  death  and  life,  at 
"a  tomb  and  a  mother."  {19.  Then,  on 
forth  fran  the  water,  they  were  clothed 
with  white  garments,  significant  of  the  parity 
sad  bri^tness  of  tliat  spiritual  yesture  with 
wbieb  they  were  oyer  henceforth  to  be  clothed 
(M^  Ctd.  iy.  m  )6n.>  §  20.  Afterward,  as 
Uiitt,  coming  up  out  of  the  waters,  was 
with  the  unction  of  the  Holy  Ghottt, 


descending  upon  Him  in  bodily  shape  as  a  dore, 
an  unction,  not  bodily  but  spiritual,  so  the  bap<> 
tixed,  when  made  partaken  of  **^  the  anointed," 
are  themselyes  **^  anointed  "  with  a  holy  oil  *^  on 
the  forehead,  the  ears,  the  nostrils,  and  .the 
breast;  and  while  the  body  was  thus  touched 
with  material  ointment,  the  spirit  was  sanctified 

for  *  consecrated,'  kytikitrwi]  by  the  holy  and 
ifogiying  Spirit"  {Mygt.  Cat,  iii.>    §  21.  Holy 
ClDfnmumbn.  After  this  followed  holy  communion, 
of  which  all  the  newly  baptised  were  partakers, 
therein  becoming  "  of  one  body  and  of  one  blood  " 
with  Christ  (jricirvfioi  icol  <r(waipLoi  tov  Xpurrodyf 
and  there  partaking  of  a  heayenly  bread,  and  of  a 
eup  of  salyation,  that  sanctify  both  soul  and  body 
(iS.  ir.).     §  22.  Pialms  and  Hghts.    Under  the 
figuratiye  language  employed  by  St.  Cyril  in  his 
prefatory  address,  we  may  see  eyident  allusions  to 
the  accompanying  ceremonial  of  the  great  Easter 
rite.    This  was  celebrated,  as  we  haye  already 
mentioned,  on  the  eye,  and  during  the  night 
(ir^e    fi^v    6fjuv    M^'p    6    $€hs    iKtitniw    r^r 
y^Kra  IC.T.X.,  Praefatio)  preceding  £aster  day. 
And  the  use  of  artificial  light,  thus  rendered 
necessary,  was  singularly  in  harmony  with  the 
occasion,  and  with  some  of  the  thoughts  most 
prominently  associated  with  it  (see  §  5  aboye). 
It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  any  scene  more 
moying  than  that  pictured  to  us  in  the  pages  of 
St.  Cyril,  when  on  the  eye  of  the  Saviour's 
resurrection,  and  at  the  doors  of  the  church  of 
the  **  Anastasis,"  the  white-robed  (§  19)  band 
of  the  newly  baptised  was  seen  approaching  from 
the  neighbouring  baptistery,  and  the  darkness 
was  turned  into  day  (rb  ffKirros  rh  iifupo^ay4sf 
Praefat.  ad  Catech.)  in  the  brightness  of  unnum- 
bered lights.    And  as  the  joyous  chant  swelled 
upwards,  '*  Blessed  is  he  whose  unrighteousness 
IB  forgiyen,  and  whose  sin  is  coyered,"  it  might 
well  be  thought  that  angels'  yoioes  were  heard 
echoing  the  glad  acclaim,  "  Blessed  is  the  man 
unto  whom  the  Lord  imputeth  no  sin,  and  in 
whose  spirit  there  ia  no  guile."  (5rc  ifi&v  vmBiv 
rwv,  t. «.,  after  your  baptism,  ol  &77cXot  ^t^<»- 
H^o'ovo'ir,  VLoKopun  iy  h/^iBmotxy,  ic.t.A.,  Prae- 
fat.) 

§  23.  Other  Eastern  rites.  In  Egypt.  The 
order  of  baptism  which  we  haye  traced  aboye  as 
obseryed  at  Jerusalem  in  the  year  347  A.D.,  bears 
a  close  resemblance  in  all  its  more  important  de- 
tails to  those  of  which  we  find  record  elsewhere. 
The  limits  of  this  article  do  not  admit  of  our 
quoting  these  in  full.  For  the  order  followed  in 
the  Egyptian  Church,  see  the  Constitutiones  Eccle- 
siae  Aegyptiacaey  §  46  seqq.^  published  by  Lagarde 
(aL  Botticher)  in  his  Peliqwae  Juris  Ecclesiastici 
antiquissimae.  It  will  be  found  also  in  Bunsen's 
Christiamty  and  Mankind,  yol.  yi.  p.  465,  seqq., 
in  a  Greek  translation  by  Lagarde  fh>m  the 
Coptic  original.  With  this,  whidi  may  probably 
date  from  the  4th  or  5th  century  (not  as  a  MS. 
but  as  a  rite),  may  be  compared  the  Ordo  Bap' 
tismi  of  Seyerus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  in  the 
7th  century  (Bibiiath.  Max.  Patrtnn,  Paris,  foL 
1654,  torn.  yi.  col.  25),  and,  for  a  much  later 
time,  see  Vansleb,  Histoire  de  Viglise  d'AleX' 
andrie,  Paris,  1677,  cap.  21,  p.  80. 

§  24.  In  Atithiopia.  The  Kthiopic  rite  must 
originally  haye  resembled  that  of  Alexandria. 
Our  fint  detailed  accounts  of  it  come  to  us  from 
the  Jesuit  missionaries  {Bibi.  Max.  Pair,  as 
alMve,  torn.  yi.  col.  57,  seqq.).    With  their  state- 


158 


BAPTISM 


baptism: 


vents,  which  coining  from  Tarious  quarters 
appear  at  times  somewhat  inconsistent  with 
each  other,  may  be  compared  the  account  given 
hj  Lndolf  in  his  Historia  AetMopica,  lib.  iii. 
cap.  vi. 

§  25.  T/ie  Descriptions  of  the  Rite  given  by 
DwnysiuSj  the  so-called  Areopagite  (JEcc,  ffier. 
lib.  ii.),  and  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions^ 
cannot  be  assigned  with  certainty  to  any  par- 
ticular date  or  locality ;  but  they  afford  interest- 
ing points  of  comparison  with  the  ritual  de- 
scribed elsewhere. 

§  26.  Western  Rites,  The  only  complete 
OrdUnes  Baptismi  of  any  early  Western  churches 
are  the  Roman  and  the  Galilean.  The  Roman 
may  be  traced  with  slight  yariations  in  the 
sacramentary  attributed  to  Gelasius  (Migne, 
PatroL  torn.  74,  p.  1105,  and  Muratori,  Liturg, 
Roman.  Vet^  and  that  of  Gregory  the  Great 
(ed.  H.  Menard).  Many  variations  of  the  Galilean 
Ordo  Baptismi  are  given  by  Martene  (^De  Ant, 
Eoc.  Bit.  tom.  i.  Part  1).  and  of  these  we  select 
one  example  as  being  of  exceptional  interest. 

§  27.  The  Gotho-Qciliican  Rite,  The  earliest 
of  tlie  Galilean  Ordines  Bmptismi  is  probably 
that  sometimes  described  as  the  Gothic,  as 
having  been  in  use  in  the  Visigothic  Church. 
The  order  commences  with  a  prefatory  address, 
remarkable  for  the  figurative  language  employed, 
which  is  utterly  unlike  that  to  be  met  with  In 
any  other  known  ritual,  and  in  which  we  may 
probably  see  traces  of  the  peculiar  circumstances 
under  which  Christianity  was  first  introduced 
into  Gaul.  ^*  Standing,  dearest  brethren,  on  the 
bank  of  this  crystal-clear  fount,  bring  ye  from  the 
land  to  the  shore  new-comers  to  ply  the  traffic 
whereof  they  have  need  (mercaturos  sua  com- 
mercia).  Let  all  who  embark  on  this  voyage 
make  their  way  over  this  new  sea,  not  with 
a  rod  ['  virga,*  probably  with  reference  to 
Moses  and  the  Red  Sea],  but  with  the  cross; 
not  with  bodily  touch,  but  with  spiritual  appre- 
hension ;  not  with  traveller's  staff,  but  in  sacra- 
mental mystery  (non  virga,  sed  cruce,  non  tactu 
sed  sensu,  non  baculo  sed  sacramento).  The 
place  is  small  but  full  of  grace.  Happy  hath 
been  the  pilotage  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Therefore 
let  us  pray  the  Lord  our  God,  that  He  will  sanc- 
tify this  fount,  and  make  it  a  laver  of  most 
blessed  regeneration  in  remission  of  all  sins; 
through  the  Lord."  §  28.  The  Collect  then 
follows,  being  a  prayer  for  the  benediction  of 
the  font.  "God  who  didst  sanctify  the  fount 
of  Jordan  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  let  the  angel 
of  thy  blessing  descend  upon  these  waters, 
that  thy  servants  being  bathed  (perfusi)  there- 
with may  receive  remission  of  sios,  and  being 
born  again  of  water  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  may 
devoutly  serve  thee  for  ever ;  through  the  Lord. 
§  29.  The  Contestatio.  ^^  It  is  meet  and  right. 
Holy  Lord,  Almighty  Father,  Initiator  of  the 
Saints,  Father  of  all  Unction,  and  author  of  a 
new  sacrament  through  thine  only  Son  our  Lord 
God ;  Who,  through  the  ministry  of  water  be- 
stowest  in  place  of  the  riches  of  the  world  Q  atite 
divitias  mundi,'  evidently  from  the  Greek  &vti 
rod  irXoirov  tov  K^fffjuov)  thine  Holy  Spirit ; 
Thou  that  providest  the  waters  of  Bethesda 
through  the  healing  operation  of  the  Angel ; 
Who  didst  sanctify  the  channel  of  Jordan  by  the 
worthiness  of  Christ  thy  Son ;  have  regaixl,  0 
Lord,  to  these  waters  prepared  for  the  doing 


away  of  the  sins  of  men ;  grant  that  the  Anj^l 
of  thy  fatherly  love  (pietatis  tuae)  may  be  pre- 
sent to  this  holy  fount ;  may  he  wash  <^  the 
stains  of  the  former  life,  and  sanctify  a  shrine 
wherein  Thou  mayest  dwell,  causing  them  that 
herein  shall  be   regenerated  to  grow  and  be 
strengthened  evermore  in  the  inner  man  (procu- 
rans  ut  regenerandorum  viscera  aetemaflorescant, 
probably  %va  tfctAAp  civ  rhv  aiiya  rh  trrkdyx^ 
twv  itvayfyyt0fi.4yup)^  and  bratowing  that  true 
renewal  which  is  of  baptism.   .  Bless,  Lord  God, 
this  water  that  Thou  didst  create,  and  let  Thj 
healing  power  (virtus  tua)   descend   upon  it 
Pour  down  from  above  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  the 
Paraclete,  the  messenger  [angel]  of  truth.    Sano* 
tify,   0  Lord,  these  waters  as  thou  didst  the 
streams  of  Jordan ;  that  they  who  go  down  into 
this  fount,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of 
the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  may  be  foaod 
worthy  to  obtain  both  pardon  of  sins  and  the 
on-pouring  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  through  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  Who  with  (apud)  Thee  and  the 
Holy   Ghost   is  blessed   for  evermore."    §  30. 
Consecration  with  Chrism.     "  Then  thoa  nuikeit 
a  cross   with   chrism,   and  sayest:    I   exorcise 
thee,  thou  water  of  God's  creation  {  I  exordse 
thee,  the  whole  army  of  the  devil,  the  whale 
power  of  the  adversary,  and  all  darkness  of  evil 
spirits ;  I  exorcise  thee  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  of  Nazareth,  to  whom  the  Father 
hath  subjected  all  things  in  heaven  and  in  earth. 
Fear  and  tremble.  Thou  and  all  the  malice  that 
is  thine :  give  place  to  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  all 
who  descend  into  this  font  may  have  the  laver 
of  the  baptism  of  regeneration,  unto  remission  of 
all  sins,  through  Our.  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who 
will  come  unto  the  judgment  seat  of  the  Majesty 
of  His  Father  with  the  holy  angels,  to  judge 
thee  thou  enemy,  and  the  world,  through  fii%, 
for  evermore."    §  31.  Insulation,    "  Then  thou 
shalt  breathe  (see  §  42)  three  timns  npcm  the 
water,  and  put  chrism  therein  in  the  form  of  a 
cross,  and  say :  *  the  on-pouring  of  the  salutary 
chrism  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  this  may 
be  made  a  fountain  of  water  springing  up  unto 
life  eternal.'  Amen."     §  32.  The  interrogatim 
and  the  baptism,    "  While  baptizing  thou  dudt 
make  the   interrogations  (dum  baptizas  inter- 
rogas :  see  below,  §  43)  and  say :  *  I  baptize  thee 
(naming  him)  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of 
the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  unto  remission  of 
sins,  that  thou  mayest  have  eternal  life.    Amen.'" 
§   33.    Unction.     *<  While   touching  him  with 
chrism  thou  shalt  say :  *  I  anoint  thee  with  the 
(chrism)  unction  of  holiness,  the  clothing  of  im- 
mortality,  which  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  first 
received,   bestowed  by  the  Father,   that  tiioo 
mayest  present  it  entire  and  undiminished  before 
the  judgment  seat  of  Christ,  and  mayest  live  for 
ever  and   ever."      §  34.  The  tcashing  of  feH. 
** While  washing  his  feet,  thou  shalt  say:  '1 
wash  thy   feet,  as  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  did 
unto  his  disciples.    Do  thou  the  like  to  strangers 
and    pilgrims,  that    thou  mayest  have  eternal 
life.' "    §  35.  The  clothing.    «  While  putting  the 
garment  upon  him  thou  shalt  say :  *  Receive  this 
white  garment,  which  thou  mayest  keep  and 
present  (quam  perfcras)  before   the  judgment 
seat  of  our   Loi-d  Jesus  Christ.' "      §  36.  ^ 
collect.     "  Let  us  pray,  most  dear  brethren,  our 
Lord  God,  for  these  liis  neophytes,  now  baptized, 
that  when  the  Saviour  shall  <^me  in  His  ma- 


BAPTISM 
jcMj,  H*  will  aiue  them  whom  Re  faath 
nftHiatal  of  nter  ud  tfae  Holj'  Spirit  to 
bt  cMlwd  for  ern-  with  tli*  gumaot  of  ulva- 
tim;  thr«ag)i  the  Lord."  J  37.  .i4iio<Aar  co/JM. 
■■For Ho*  wbo  4rs  now  btptiud,  aod  crowned 
(«  {  65}  in  Chrlit,  on  whom  our  Lord  hath 
4(i(Hd  to  biatow.  T«geD«ratioii,  w«  pnj  tfaei  , 
ilmifhtj  God,  that  they  msj  pratrra  uudefiled 
Ms  th(  tad  tha  bapUsDi  vhich  the;  hate 
ncd'tdi  tlirongta  Our  Lord." 

f  M.  PeenUaritiit  of  Oil  Aili.— There  ii  itrong 
iaUnal  nidcnoe  that  thli  rite  in  ill  prSH 
■kipe  ii  a  tmulation  lato  debiMd  I^tln  of 
(Utr  GiMk  original.  There  are  m»Lj  parlo 
•fit  of  whiih  the  kd»  can  onlr  be  guewed  by 
bit  Inailating  it  back  into  Greek,  word  for 
wild,  takiag  Latin,  lach  as  that  of  the  tninaUtDr 
•f  Inotew,  a>  a  guide  in  bo  doing.  And  thia 
bd,  uapled  with  that  of  the  metapbon  in  the 
•ftiuBf  iddreii  being  taken  wholly  from  the  Iih' 
ptft  of  trad*  and  of  nKiigition,  bears  oat  in 
1  imiikable  manner  the  CDDclutioa  to  which 
Mhet  independent  evidence  (AiriU,  tli.,  that 
dnrtimity  waa  introdaced  into  Ganl  throngb 
Gnek  uiuionariH,  and  in  connection  with  the 
(rat  line  of  commercial  tniflic  of  which  MiT- 
■dlla  wai  tbe  chief  westero  entrep6t,  and  the 
dtis  of  Cyiiciu,  Phocaea,  and  Alexandria  the 
pnadjal  enatem  port*.  It  has  another  point 
•f  iaterert  fiir  Engliab  readen,  lic,  that  there 
fie  itnog  gronnda  for  beliering  that  tbe  primi- 
linBritiih  and  Irish  rita  were  based  on  tbe 
•Id  GalUon  nae,  of  which  that  jnat  quoUd 
prwnti,  probably,  the  oldest  eiaraple  now  re- 

|39.  BritM  md  frisA  Bita.-^Ho  complete 
Od)  Bfititini  appears  to  hsre  bean  preserved 
■kieh  will  iiliutrate  the  piimilire  usage  of  tbe 
Briliih  aad  Iriih  Churches.  Incidental  notices 
<f  the  Utter  ii  aacivnt  docaments  serve  to  de- 
fmine  many  points  of  detail  which  will  be 
Mticed  in  their  place.  The  falleit  of  these,  and 
tr  which  is  of  great  interest  on  many  grounds, 
ii  (be  Mory  told  by  Tirechan  (6th  century)  in  tbe 
Busk  of  Armagh,  oonccming  St.  Patrick's  bap- 
ting  the  two  daughters  of  King  Laogbaire  at 
the  pool  of  Clebach  in  Conoaught.  For  this,  see 
Ttdd"!  Lift  tf  SI.  Patrick,  p.  452. 

1  to.  A/vnuA  fii'lir.— Sacb  detaiU  as  csD  now 
it  deteimisfd  concerning  tbe  primitive  baptismal 
rile  i>  Spain  are  contained  in  a  treatise  of  St. 
IldrptoBsas  of  Seville  (Tib  century),  Dt  Cogni- 
(BW  BapUmtL  Further  particulars  may  be 
tsisTed  bom  bidore  of  Serille  De  off.  Eccl. 
Ub.  ii.  (ap.  24;  and  from  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy, 
■ttribnlal  by  some  to  him.  That  Spanish  usi.ge 
ii  the  4th  century  differed  in  some  respects  ^m 
tbu  of  Rome,  ia  indicated  by  the  letter  of 
Suidu  of  Rome  to  Himerioi  Tamcooensis.  See 
Mow,  f  73. 

m.  D^aiU  of  tU  Ritual  of  Baftiiai. 

i  41.  Theodnlf,  bishop  of  Oileaoi,  Just  at  tha 
dae  of  the  Sth  centnrT,  wrote  a  treatise  De 
Ordimc  BaptiMmi  (Migne's  Palml.  cv.  223). 
-  -'"    •       implicated  Ritual 


developed  in  the  Bth  century,  viz.,  tbo  Conso- 
oration  of  tbe  Water,  Ibe  Renanciationa,  th* 
Profession  of  Faith,  the  Immersion  with  scoom- 
panying  Interrogations,  and  tha  subseqnent 
ceremonial. 

§  42.  CiMteoralion  ofOa  Waiir  of  Baptism.— 
This  consecration  is  Rnt  mentioned  by  TartuUian 
(ifc  Eapi,  c.  iv.)  a*  brought  about  (^invocation 
of  God.  St.  Cyprian  (Epiat.  In.  ad  Januar.X 
speaks  of  the  water  "  being  cleansed  beforehand 
and  sanctified  by  the  bishop  (a  sacenlote) ;"  and 
a  Coancil  held  at  Carthage  uniler  him,  tpenka  of 
this  eauctificBtion  being  brought  about  {preca 
BacerdDtis)by  tbe  bishop's  prayer,  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  CatxA.  iil.,  speaks  of  tbe  water  re- 
ceiving power  snd  being  sanctiiied  upon  invo- 
cation of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  of  Christ.  St.  Basil 
the  Great  (da  Sp.  SaiKto,  cap.  27)  reckons  the 
blessing  of  the  baptismal  water  among  tha 
traditional  customs  derived  from  tbe  Apostles. 
" —   St.  Augustine,  however  {de  Bafi.  lib.  vi. 


L  25)  we  learn 


"Invo 


idity  of  the  taera- 
ment.  In  St.  Augustine  first  (in  Joann.  Emng. 
Trad.  118  ad  Itn.)  we  hear  of  the  sign  of  tbe 
eron  being  made  at  this  lurocatiou.  CHI  also, 
poured  crosswise,  was  used,  at  lent  in  some 
churches,  in  tha  consecration  of  tha  water.  (DIo- 
nys.  Araop.  Dt  Bitr.  Ead.  cap.  11;  Sevems 
Patriarch.  Aleiandr.  Dt  Ordiiw  Baptiami,  Bibl. 
PaU.  Max.  t.  vi.  p.  25.)  To  tha  same  effect  tbe 
Sscrameatary  of  St.  Gregory  the  Grest  and  the  ' 
early  Gnllican  Rite  nlrcad;  quoted  in  %  30. 
This  ceremony,  and  tha  baptism  of  an  infant 
by  immersion,  are  represented  in  the  engraving 
below,  which  is  f^om  a  Pontifical  of  the  9ih  cen- 
tury. A  further  ceremony,  used  as  time  went 
on,  was  Exorcism  accompanied  by  Insnilislioa, 
or  breathing  npon  the  waters.  See  %  31  above, 
and  Martene,  De  A.  E.  Jt.  torn.  i.  pp.  13,  64. 


pnetiMdui 
Tskin,  hi. 


II  Churches 


Tskif 

ken  lb*  noti 

■idtr  itpante  discussion    In  other  artibl 

■ay  proceed  now  to  describe  sepsrately  th( 

fcaiim  of  tbe  order  of  baptism  as  thay  hai 


will    camel 


T!u  Interrcgaiioiu  and  Besporaa. 
§  43.  Jienunciation  and  Proftition.— The  two 
wrtions  of  the  Order  of  Baptism  ueit  to  be  con- 
>idered,  vii.,  Renunciation  followed  by  Profession 
>f  Fsith,  are  often  claased  together  In  early 
rriters  under  the  designstion  of  the  Taterrv 
^ationtsat  Bopoata,  hnpcrffiam  ml  iwoapfnii, 
in  reference  to  tbe  farmalae  of  question  snd  an- 
swer by  which  both  one  snd  the  other  were  ei- 
pressed.  These  phrases  hsdtlleir  nltlmate  origin 
probably  iu  nn  eiceptional  word  (/wfpiiiijjio, 
an  answer  fnnnally  made  to  a  question  formally 
put)  nwd  by  St.  Peter  (1  Pet.  iii.  21)  iu  speaking 
ofbaptism.  This  was  a  woi-d  of  technicallegal 
use,  having  reference  especially  to  fonoscf  co- 
venant stipalation.  And  this,  with  very  slight 
modification  only,  appears  as  a  received  technical 


100 


BAPTISM 


term  of  the  baptismal  ceremonial  in  the  middle 
of  the  3rd  century.  At  that  time  there  were 
forma  of  interrogation  and  response  recognised  as 
ol'  ** legitimate  ecclesiastical  rule"  in  Africa 
(Tertullian,  above,  §  10 ;  Cyprian.  J^fMt.  Ixx.  ad 
Januar.%  in  Egypt  (Dionysius  apud  Euseb.  ff,  E, 
lib.  vii.  c.  9),  in  Cappadocia  (Firmilianus  apud 
Cyprian.  Opp,  Baluz.  Ep,  Izzt.),  and  at  Rome  (i6.). 

§  44.  2he  cere/norUal  of  Bemtnciation, — The 
Catechetics  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  when  com* 
bined  with  allusions  incidentally  made  by  Dio- 
nysius, St.  Basil,  and  others,  put  before  us  very 
vividly  the  ceremonial  with  which  these  renun- 
ciations were  made.  St.  Cyril  {Cat.  Myat,  i.) 
addressing  the  neophytes,  says,  **  Ye  entered  in 
first  into  the  outer  chamber  of  the  baptbtery, 
and  standing  with  your  faces  to  the  west  ye  heard 
how  ye  were  bidden  to  stretch  forth  the  hand 
with  a  gesture  of  repulsion  (jkwctBoupra  rh^ 
X^i^paSj  Dionys.  Areop.  Ecc.  Hwr,\  and  ye  re- 
nounced Satan,  as  though  there  present  before 
you  .  •  .  saying,  *■  I  renounce  thee,  Satan '  .  .  . 
Then,  with  a  second  word  thou  art  taught  to 
say, '  and  thy  works '  .  .  .  and  then  again  thou 
sayest,  *  and  [his]  thy  pomp.'  And  afterward 
thou  sayest, '  and  all  thy  worship '  (Xorpcfor)  . . . 
When  thou  hadst  thus  renounced  Satan,  breaking 
altogether  all  covenants  with  him,  then  .  .  . 
turning  from  the  west  toward  the  sunrising,  the 
place  of  light,  thou  wast  told  to  say,  *•  I  believe 
in  the  Father,  attd  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost, 
and  in  one  baptism  of  repentance.'  "  From  Dio- 
nysius we  learn  further  that  before  making  this 
renunciation  the  catechumen  was  divested  of  his 
upper  garment,  and  standing  barefoot,  and  in 
his  chiton  (shirt)  only,  made  three  separate 
renunciations  in  answer  to  questions  put  to 
him  [this  is  implied,  but  not  so  distinctly  stated 
by  St.  Cyril],  and  then  being  turned  toward  the 
east  was  bidden  to  look  up  to  heaven,  and  with 
uplifted  hands  (rhs  x^^P^^  h,var%ivtuna.)  to  de- 
clare his  allegiance  unto  Christ  (avvri^oKr^at 
r^  Xpurr^),  and  after  so  doing  he  again,  in 
answer  to  questions  put  to  him,  thrice  naade 
confession  of  his  faith. 

§  45.  Words  used  in  Renunciation, — These  are 
given  with  more  or  less  of  detail,  according  to 
tiie  use  of  various  churches,  by  the  following 
writers  after  Tertullian  and  Cyprian  already 
quoted : — St.  Cyril,  Catedi.  Myst.  i. ;  St.  Basil, 
he  Sp,  S,  capp.  xi.  and  xxvii. ;  St.  Chrysostom, 
ffom.  xxi.  ad  Pop.  Antiochenum ;  Liber  Sactwn. 
Gelasii  apud  Martene,  De  A,  E.  R.  i.  p.  65; 
Isidore  Hispal.  De  Eccl.  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  20 ;  and 
St.  Ildephonsus,  DeCognit.  Bapt.  cap.  iii. ;  Ephraem 
Syrus,  De  Abrenuntiationey  &c.  {Opp.  ed.  Voes, 
2  fol.  Romae  1589,  t.  i.  p.  199).  For  the  Galilean 
usage,  see  Martene,  as  above,  tom.  i.  p.  64.  The 
mode  of  making  the  Renunciations,  and  the 
words  employed,  are  very  fully  described  in  the 
treatise  De  SoGramentiSj  attributed  to  St.  Am- 
brose, but  of  uncertain  date  and  of  doubtful 
authenticity.  In  the  Baptism  of  Infants  the 
Renuntiations  and  the  Profession  of  Faith  were 
made  by  the  Sponsor. 

The  Profession  of  Faith. 

§  46.  Baptism  "  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  involves 
in  its  very  nature  a  profession  of  Faith.  And  of 
the  formal  Declaration  of  Faith  made  in  Baptism, 
we  may  see  the   first  trace,  probably,  in  Acts 


BAPTISM 

viii.  37  (si  sana  est  lectio).  Fuller  details  wiQ 
be  found  in  Tertullian,  De  Bapt.  c.  vL  and  De 
Corona  Mil.  c.  iii. ;  in  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  Ixx.  and  the 
letter  of  Firmilian  published  with  St.  Cyprian's 
works  {Ep.  Ixxv.).  A  comparison  of  the  manj 
passages  in  later  writers  referring  to  these  In- 
terrogations and  Responses,  leads  to  the  con- 
elusion,  that  this  profession  was  originally  a  re- 
citation of  the  Creed,  assented  to  with  a  ** Credo** 
by  the  Catechumen,  much  as  in  our  own  bap- 
tismal service  now.  The  form,  however,  varied 
according  to  the  gradual  enlargement  of  the 
original  Creed,  and  special  questions  were  some- 
times added  having  reference  to  prevailing  here- 
sies or  schisms  in  particular  Churches.  Ex- 
amples will  be  found  in  the  Mtsaale  GaiUoanum 
quoted  by  Martene  {De  Ant.  Ecc.  Hit.  t.  i.  p.  65) 
and  in  the  Ordo  iiL  ibid.  p.  64. 

The  Preparatory  Unction, 

§  47.  Without  entering  at  length  upon  the 
subject  of  ^  Unction,"  which  will  be  treated  is 
a  separate  article,  it  may  be  well  to  note  here 
that  in  many  documents  dating  from  after  the 
close  of  the  3rd  century,  we  find  allusions  to  an 
Unction  preceding  Baptism,  in  addition  to  th<t 
which  was  given  (see  §  58)  after  Baptism.  Nei- 
ther Justin  Martyr,  nor  Tertullian,  nor  St.  Cy- 
prian, say  anything  of  such  a  preparatory  Unctioa. 
But  this  is  spoken  of  in  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions (lib.  iii.  c  15),  even  in  the  earliest  form 
in  which  they  have  been  preserved  to  us,  and  bf 
St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {Catech.  Myut.  ii.).  Diis 
last  gives  us  as  a  fixed  date  the  year  347  aji. 
The  use  may  of  course  have  been  even  earlier 
than  this  at  Jerusalem  and  elsewhere.  But  is 
Africa  we  may  infer  that  it  had  not  been  intro- 
duced even  at  the  close  of  the  4th  century,  ti 
St.  Augustine  nowhere  alludes  to  any  such  rite; 
and,  what  is  more,  in  one  passage  {Sermo  ocxxriL 
in  die  Paschae ;  al  De  Diversis,  83)  he  dwells 
with  much  emphasis  on  the  fact  (necessary  to 
the  argument  he  is  pursuing)  that  the  Unction 
of  Christians  follows  after  their  baptism.  Among 
books  of  doubtful  date,  which  contain  allosioos 
to  this  particular  rite  are  the  "  Recognitions^" 
ascribed,  though  falsely,  to  St.  Clement  of  Rome 
(lib.  iii.  c.  Ixvii.) ;  the  Eesponsiones  ad  Ortk(h 
doxos  {Quaest.  137,  ed.  Ben.  p.  501,  E.  7)  falsely 
attributed  to  Justin  Martyr ;  the  Ecdesiaslical 
Hierarchy  of  Dionysius,  the  so-called  Areopagite 
(see  §  39,  above) ;  and  the  Constitutions  of  the 
Egyptian  Church  already  referred  to. 

Ihe  Unclothing  of  the  Catechumens. 

§  48.  A  comparison  of  all  the  evidence  lesds 
to  the  oondttsion  that  the  catechumens  entered 
the  font  in  a  state  of  absolute  nakedness.  See 
particularly  St.  Cyril,  Hieros.  Myst.  CatedL  ii.  sd 
init. ;  St.  Ambrose,  Serm.  xx.  {0pp.  t.  v.  p.  153, 
Paris,  1642),  and  Enarrat.  in  Ps.  Ixi.  32  (B& 
t  i.  p.  966) ;  St.  Chrysostom,  ad  Ilium.  Grf.  i- 
(Migne,  tom.  ii.  p.  268>  Possibly  a  cincture  of 
some  kind  (quo  pudori  consuleretur)  may  ban 
been  worn,  as  indicated  in  some  mediaeval  worki 
of  art.  But  in  any  case,  the  question  ariacs, 
considering  the  great  numbers,  of  both  sexes  sad 
of  all  ages,  baptised  at  one  time,  how  coold  the 
solemn  celebrations  at  Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pen- 
tecost have  been  conducted  with  decency  sod 
order  ?  The  explanation  of  this  difficulty  seeoi 
to  lie  in  the  construction  of  the  ancient  bsp- 


BAPTISM 

IB  which  the  actaal  KoXvfifilfipci,  or 
fttl,  oecQpMd  the  centre  of  a  much  lart^er 
(kamber,  from  which  it  was  in  a  measure  sepa- 
ntai  hj  rows  of  surrounding  columns.  If  we 
uppoM  the  interrals  of  these  columns  to  have 
ktn  occupied  at  the  time  of  baptism  hj  cur- 
tain, it  is  easy  to  imagine  how  the  necessary 
sfTan^ments  could  be  made  without  difficulty, 
the  Bore  so,  as  the  custom  was  for  the  baptism 
•f  Bcn  to  take  place  fint,  that  of  women  after- 
wards. Aad  that  curtains  were  so  used  we  may 
iaferwith  some  certainty  from  the  following 
htU.  St.  Gregory  of  Tours,  in  his  well-known 
ieiaiptioa  of  the  baptism  of  Cloris  and  his  fol- 
lowers, tfieaki  thus  of  the  preparations  made  at 
the  baptistery  for  the  occasion  {Hisi.  Fra-nc,  lib. 
n.  e.  xxxi.).  **  The  open  spaces  of  the  church 
are  shaded  (or  are  darkened,  adumbrantur)  by 
eoiesred  hangingSi,  and  fitted  up  with  white  cur- 
taiw;  the  baptistery  is  duly  arranged,  balsams 
4aMmt  their  scent,  burning  lights  are  gleaming, 
nl  the  whole  enclosure  of  the  baptistery  is  be- 
dewed with  a  dlrine  fragrance,"  &c.  Similar 
anugements  to  these  we  find  extemporised  some 
ecatiiries  later  by  St.  Otto  in  Pomerania.  He 
liiBaelf  baptised  boys  in  one  place,  while  the 
pvwu  men  and  the  women  respectively  were 
kaptiaed  in  separate  places  by  others.  Large 
naieb  were  let  down  deep  into  the  ground, 
the  edge  reaching  upwards,  above  ground,  to 
tbe  height  of  the  ^ee,  or  somewhat  less.  These 
«cre  fUIed  with  water.  And  round  these  cur- 
taai  were  kui»g  on  **  columellae,"  probably  stout 
pelcs,  and  attached  to  a  rope.  A  further  ar- 
nageoient  is  described  in  the  following  terms : 
**Ajite  saoerdotem  rero  et  comministros,  qui  ex 
taa  parte  adstantes  sacramenti  opus  explere  ha- 
Maot,  lintenm  fune  trajecto  pependit  quatenus 
iwecoadJae  undique  prorisum  foret."  {S,  Ottonis 
yitOf  lib.  iL  c  15,  apud  Surium,  2  Julii.) 

The  Immerekm. 

{  49.  Triple  Tmmertion,  that  is  thrice  dipping 
tbe  head  (aoMEwc^  fr  riri  ri/^  r^  V^art  Kora- 
hUnm  ii/iSw  rkt  Kc^oXJkf,  St.ChryBost.  in  Joan. 
liL  S,  Horn.  xxT.)  while  standing  in  the  water, 
was  the  all  but  universal  rule  of  the  Church  in 
earl  J  times.  Of  this  we  find  proof  in  Africa 
(TcrtoUian  c  Praxeanif  cap.  xxvi.),  in  Palestine 
(St.  Cvril  Hiero.  Catech.  Myst,  ii.),  in  Egypt 
{Omem.  EccL  Asgypt,  see  above,  §  23),  at  Anti- 
oea  sad  Constantinople  (St.  Chrysostom,  Hem. 
*  Fide,  t.  ix.  p.  855),  in  Cappadocia  (St.  Basil 
Ik  8p.  SctOf  c  zxvii.  and  St.  Uregor.  Nyssen.  De 
BofL  fSoTi  Uanoht  kyttpi(nrroiu¥  .  .  .  icol  rpiror 
rmn  voci^arrcf).  For  the  Roman  usage  Ter- 
talhaB  indirectly  witnesses  in  the  second  cen- 
tvry ;  St.  Jerome  (adv.  Lucifer,  cap.  iv.  t.  iv. 
p.3»()  in  the  fourth ;  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  iv. 
ed  Epiec  Sieul.  c.  iiL)  in  the  fifth ;  and  Pope  Pela- 
pm  {Epiet.  ad  Gaudeni.  apud  Gratian.  bistinct. 
ff.  cap.  LkxxiLX  and  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
{EpieL  L  41,  ad  Leandrwn)  in  the  sixth.  Theo- 
Mf  of  Orleans  witnesses  for  the  general  practice 
ef  his  time,  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  (De 
Ofdiae  Biqititmiy  cap.  xi.  sub  trina  mersione  in 
fcatctt  .  .  .  desoendimus).  Lastly,  the  Aposto- 
hal  CuoBS,  so  called,  alike  in  the  Greek,  the 
Ceptic,  and  the  Latin  versions  (Can.  42  al.  50), 
give  ipedal  injunctions  as  to  this  observance, 
**7tag  that  any  bishop  or  presbyter  should  be 
wposed  who  violated  this  rule. 

ODBBT.  AHT. 


BAPTISM 


161 


§  50.  Single  Immersion.— While  trine  immer- 
sion was  thus  an  all  but  universal  practice,  Enno- 
mius  (circ  360)  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to 
introduce  simple  immersion  ^  unto  the  death  of 
Christ"  (Sozomen.  B.  E.  lib.  vi.  c  26;  and 
Theodoret.  Haeret.  Fab.  iv.  §  3 ;  Schultze,  t.  iv. 
p.  356).  This  practice  was  condemned,  on  pain 
of  degradation,  by  the  Canon.  Apost.  46  [al.  50]. 
But  it  comes  before  us  again  about  a  century 
later  in  Spain ;  but  then,  curiously  enough,  we 
find  it  regarded  as  a  badge  of  orthodoxy  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  practice  of  the  Arians.  These  last 
kept  to  the  use  of  trine  immersion,  but  in  such 
a  way  as  to  set  forth  thfeir  own  doctrine  of  a 
gradation  in  the  three  Persons.  Hence  arose, 
and  long  continued,  a  diversity  of  practice  in  the 
orthodox  Churches,  some  following  one  rite  and 
some  another.  Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  i.  41), 
when  his  advice  upon  the  subject  was  asked  by 
Leander  bishop  of  Hispala,  replied  that  either 
simple  or  trine  immersion  are  tdlowable,  the  one 
setting  forth  the  Unity  of  Godhead,  the  other 
the  Trinity  of  Persons.  But  under  the  special 
circumstances  of  the  Spanish  Churches,  and  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  trine  immersion  was  there 
specially  the  usage  of  heretics,  he  thought  they 
would  do  well  to  hold  to  simple  immersion.  But 
the  matter  was  still  unsettled  some  twenty  or 
thirty  years  later.  At  the  Coundl  of  Toledo  (the 
4th,  held  A.D.  633)  the  practice  suggested  by 
St.  GregoiT  was  laid  down  as  the  rule  of  the 
Spanish  Churches,  and  from  that  time  onward, 
though  triple  immersion  has  been  the  prevailing 
practice,  yet  both  canons  of  councils  and  writers 
on  ritual  questions  have  maintained  the  legiti- 
macy of  simple  immersion.  (See  Martene,  De 
A.  E.  R.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  art.  xiv.  §  viii.) 

The  Baptismal  Formula. 

§  51.  Not  less  necessary  to  a  valid  baptism 
than  the  use  of  water  was  the  pronouncing  of 
the  words  prescribed  by  implication  by  Our 
Lord,  in  Matt.  xxviii.-19,  *'I  baptize  thee  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost."  With  the  slight  exceptions  noticed 
below  there  has  been  at  all  times,  and  in  all 
Christian  Bodies,  a  practically  universal  assent 
as  to  the  use  of  these  *'  Evangelical  Words,"  as 
they  are  called  by  St.  Augustine.  In  this  we 
find  complete  assent  between  the  Churches  of 
the  East  and  of  the  West.  TertuUian,  in  reference 
to  this,  appeals,  not  to  any  ecclesiastical  tnidi- 
tion,  but  to  the  direct  command  of  Our  Lord, 
''  Lex  tinguendi  imposita,  et  forma  praescripta  : 
'Ite,  inquit,  docete  nationes,  tingentes  eos  in 
Nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti ' "  (De 
Bapt.  cl3.  Compare  his  treatise  Adv.  Fraxeanij 
c.  26,  quoted  in  §  11).  St.  Cyprian,  fifty  years 
later,  uses  similar  language  in  his  Epist. 
Ixxiii.,  ad  lubai.  p.  200.  And  St.  Augustine 
(de  Bapt.  lib.  vi.  cap.  25)  asserts  that  it  was 
easier  to  find  heretics  who  rejected  baptism 
altogether  than  to  find  any  who,  giving  baptism, 
used  any  other  than  the  generally  received  for- 
mula. The  use  of  this  form  was  no  less  care- 
fully maintained  in  the  East*  The  41st  of  the 
**  Canons  of  the  Apostles  "  orders  the  degradation 
of  any  bishop  or  Presbyter  who  baptized  other- 
wise than  according  to  the  commandment  of  the 
Lord  tit  Tlon-dpa  kcH,  Tlbv  irol  ^Ayioy  Tlmfuu 
Didymus  of  Alexandria  (ed.  Vallars.  1735, 
voLii.  p.  130),  St.  Basil  (De  8p,  SctCy  oap.  12, 


162 


BAPTISM 


torn.  iii.  p.  23),  and  others,  speak  of  Baptism 
as  Inyalid  if  not  given  with  these  words. 

§  52.  Apparent  exceptions.  In  the  language 
of  H0I7  Scriptnre  itself  aulhority  seems,  at  first 
sight,  to  be  found  for  a  certain  yariety  of  ex- 
pression in  giving  effect  to  the  command  of  Onr 
Lord.  Thus,  in  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  we  find  expressions  such  as  baptizing 
**  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,"  Acts  ii.  38 ;  ^  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  ibid.  viii.  16 ;  or 
simply  ^  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,"  ibid.  x.  48. 
But  in  all  probability  these  are  only  to  be  re- 
garded as  compendious  expressions,  equivalent  in 
meaning  to  a  statement  that  the  persons  in 
question  received  "Christian  Baptism."  And 
the  apparent  exception  afforded  by  the  language 
of  Justin  Martyr,  quoted  above  in  §  7,  is  proba- 
bly apparent  only,  and  not  real.  Addressing 
himself  as  he  there  does  to  persons  unacquainted 
with  Christian  Doctrine,  he  somewhat  amplifies 
the  actual  formula,  which  would  otherwise  have 
been  unintelligible  to  a  heathen,  and  speaks  of 
Christians  being  baptized  **  in  the  name  of  God 
the  Father  and  Lord  of  the  Universe,  and  of  our 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit." 

§  53.  Seal  Exceptions.  On  the  other  hand  we 
find  evidence,  even  as  early  as  St.  Cyprian's 
{Epist,  Ixiii.)  time,  that  there  were  some  who 
maintained  that  it  was  sufficient  to  administer 
"  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ."  St.  Ambrose 
favours  this  opinion,  if  the  treatise  J)e  Spiritu 
Sancto  (lib.  i.  cap.  Ill)  be  really  his.  In  later 
times  this  same  opinion  was  formally  maintained 
by  more  than  one  authority.  The  Council  of 
Frejus,  a.  792,  and  Pope  Nicholas  I.  in  his 
Responsa  ad  Bvigaros,  all  maintain  more  or  less 
emphatically  the  validity  of  such  a  formula. 

Directly  contrary  to  this  is  the  decree  of  the 
Synodus  Londinensis,  held  in  the  year  605,  by 
Augustine  of  Canterbury,  Laurentius,  Justus, 
and  Mellitus.  There,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter 
of  Pope  Zacharias  to  St.  Boniface,  it  was  decreed, 
that  anyone  who  had  been  "  washed "  without 
invocation  of  the  Trinity  had  not  the  Sacrament 
of  Regeneration.  The  omission  of  the  name  of 
any  one  person  of  the  Trinity  was  held  to  be  fatal 
to  the  validity  of  the  rite  (Wilkins,  Concilia^ 
p.  29).  St.  Ildephonsus  of  Toledo  (/>«  Cognit, 
BaptisnUf  lib.  i.  c  112),  circ  a.  663,  uses  similar 
language.  **  Quod  si  omissa  qualibet  Trinitatis 
persona  baptismum  conferatur,  omnino  nihil 
egisse  baptism!  solemnitas  deputetur  nisi  tota 
Trinitas  veradter  invocetur."  For  the  opinions 
of  the  Schoolmen  on  this  question  Me  Martene 
J)e  A.  E,  R,y  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  Art.  xir.  20.  And  for 
those  of  various  theologians  at  the  time  of  the 
Reformation,  and  subsequently,  see  Augnsti 
VenhcHrdigkeiten,  vol.  vii.  p.  239. 

§  54.  Slight  variations.  The  passages  above 
quoted  shew  that  all  the  earlier  Church  au- 
thorities, almost  without  exception,  speak  of  the 
use  of  the  words  **  In  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Qhost,"  as 
absolutely  required.  Yet  it  is  worth  noting  that 
it  was  an  essential  not  a  literal  identity  of  ex- 
pression that  was  required.  The  main  point  of 
faith  in  the  three  Persons  of  the  Blessed  Trinity 
being  secured,  slight  verbal  variations  in  the 
formula  were  not  regarded  as  of  vital  importance. 
Indeed  the  usage  of  various  churches  was  not 
absolutely  identical.  Thus  while  in  most  cases 
the  identical  words  of  Our  Lord  tls  rh  6vofia  rov 


BAPTISM 

narphs  Kol  rod  Tlou  koI  tov  hyicw  Upt^funeif 
were  exactly  reproduced  (in  Latin  Ritnal  **U 
Nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  "X  the 
words  cit  rh  tvofia^  "  in  nomine,"  were  in  soiw 
churches  omitted.    The  formula,  as  given  by  Ter* 
tullian  (§11)  and  in  the  Apostolical  ConstitatioBs 
(lib.  iii.  c.  14),  serves  to  exemplify  this  omiiaiiffi. 
Elsewhere  additions  were  made  to  the  formula, 
as  thus ;   '*  In  nomine  Patris,  Amen ;  et  Filii, 
Amen;   et  Spiritus  Sancti,  Amen."     The  cor- 
responding Greek  words  are  the  formula  of  the 
Greek  Church  to  this  day.     In  the  Gothic  miaal 
already  quoted   in  §  32,  we  find  *'In  nomi&e 
Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  in  remiasionem 
peccatorum,  ut  habeas  vitam  aetemam."    In  an 
ancient  Gallican  Missal,  there  is  still  greater 
variation,   "Baptize   te    credentem   in  nomine 
Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  ut  habeas  vitam 
aetemam   in    aaecula    saecnlorum,"   or   again, 
"Baptize  te  in  nomine  Patris  etc,  .  .  .  unara 
habentinm  substantiam,  ut  habeas  vitam  aetemam 
et  partem  cum  Sanctis."     Again  Vartene  {Ik 
A.  E,  R.  tom.  i.  p.  31,  §  xix.)  quotes  the  iat- 
mula  once  in  use   at  Cambray,  in  which  the 
words  "  Ego  te  baptize  "  were  altogether  omitted, 
and  the  ministrant  said  only,  "^  In  nomine  Patris 
et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti.     Amen."     Hugo  de 
St.  Victor,  Peter  Lombard,  and  others,  held  this 
to  constitute  a  valid  baptism ;   Pope  Alexander 
III.  decided  in  a  contrary  sense.     This  was  in  the 
year  1175  A.D.     About  400  years  earlier,  Za- 
charias (Martene  §  xix.),  then  Roman  Pope,  bad 
formally  to  decide  whether  Baptism  given  by  an 
ignorant    Priest  "In    nomine  Patria  Filia  et 
Spiritua  Sanctua "  was  valid  or  no.    St.  Boai- 
&ce   had  decided   that  such  baptism  was  in- 
valid, and   was   for    rebaptizing  a   child  vko 
had  so  received  it.    But  he  was  opposed  by  tw« 
other    bishops  (Yirgilius  and  Sidonius)  whose 
opinion  was  endorsed  by  the  bishop  of  Rome  oa 
appeal  made  to  him.     "If"  (so  he  wrote)**  he 
who  so  ministered  baptism  did  so  not  by  way  of 
introducing  error  or  heresy,  but  only  through 
ignorance  of  our  Roman  speech  spoke  with  a 
broken  utterance,  we  cannot  consent  to  any  re- 
petition of  the  baptism  so  conferred." 

§  55.  Eastern  and  Western  Forms,  One  dif- 
ference there  is  between  the  mode  of  employing 
the  "  Evangelical  words,"  which  is  characteristie 
of  Eastern  and  of  Western  Churches  Tespectirelj. 
In  the  West,  with  very  rare  exceptions  only,  the 
personal  office  of  the  ministrant  has  been  made 
somewhat  prominent  by  the  formula  ^  Ihaptias 
thee  (Ego  baptixo  te)  in  the  name  "  etc  But  in 
the  Eastern  use  this  is  not  the  case,  the  third 
person  being  employed,  /Sovrffcrflu  6  ScSra  (some- 
times 6  SovAos  TOV  0fftfv,  adding  the  name)  us  ri 
JivoiuL  K,  T.  X.  "  Such  an  one  "  (naming  him)^  or 
"  The  servant  of  God,  N.  or  M.  is  baptized  in  the 
name,"  &c.  The  exceptions  among  Eastern 
Churches  are  very  few.  The  Coptic  Formula 
(Abudacni  Historia  Jacobitarum  seu  Cbptonm, 
Oxon.  1675.  J.  £.  Gerhardi,  Exercit,  de  eodem 
Copticoy  1666)  is  in  the  first  person,  "  I  baptize 
thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Amen ;  I  baptize 
thee  in  the  name  of  the  Son,  Amen ;  I  baptize  thee 
in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Amen."  And  the 
Nestorians  (Badger's  Nestorians  and  their  RituaU) 
of  Syria,  though  their  own  older  formula  agreed 
with  that  of  other  Eastern  Churches,  adopted 
also  that  prescribed  by  the  Roman  Church,  ex- 
pressed in  the  first  person.    A  more  remark* 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


168 


•Ue  exeeptioB  to  the  lunal  Eastern  practice  is 
that  «r  the  Aethiopiaa  Church,  if  it  really  were 
m  deteribed.  AlTarez,  one  of  the  Jesuit  Mis- 
noDtfies,  states  in  one  place  that  the  form  thej 
tmfkj  is  ^I  baptize  thee  in  the  name  of  the 
Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost." 
And  Lodolf  (who  has  no  sympathy  with  these 
Rgman  aothoritics  when  he  thinks  them  moved 
hj  preJQdioe)  states  that  in  the  ritnal  books  of 
the  Ethiopians  he  had  nerer  been  able  to  find 
«BT  other  formula.  On  the  other  hand  there 
vere  others  of  the  same  Jesuit  Mission  who  spoke 
U  the  great  rariety  of  forms  which  they  found 
a  nse,  obliging  them  to  rebaptize«  See  Ludolf, 
Bid,  Adkiap.  Ub.  iii.  cap.  ri, 

Snf^sequeni  Ceremonial, 

§  5&  The  ceremonies  subsequent  upon  the 
setul  baptism  are  commonly  (as  by  Bellarmine, 
de  SapL  lib.  l  cap.  27)  reckoned  as  five  in  num- 
ber, the  Kiss,  the  Unction  of  the  Head  (distinct 
from  the  Unction  in  Confirmation),  the  lighted 
Taper,  the  white  Robe,  the  Tasting  of  Milk  and 
HflBcy.  To  these  may  be  added  th?  Washing  of 
Feet,  and  the  Chaplet  on  the  head,  which  found 
phee  in  the  Ritnal  of  some  early  Churches. 

(57.  The  Kiss.  We  first  hear  of  this  as  a 
eistooary  practice  in  Africa  in  St.  Cyprian's 
EpitL  Ldt.  {oL  Ut.)  ad  Fidum,  St.  Augustine 
quotes  the  passage  (contra  duos  epist,  Pekig,  lib. 
IT.  cap.  TiiL  §1  23,  24)  in  a  way  which  shews 
that  the  usage  had  been  maintained  to  his  own 
tiue.  It  is  expressly  prescribed  (to  be  given  by 
the  bishop  first  and  afterwards  by  the  assembled 
iahhiul)  in  the  ritual  of  the  Egyptian  Church 
f  50.  (See  above  §  23  of  this  Article),  and  in  St. 
Chrpoitom  (^Sermo  50  de  util,  leg,  script,  tom. 
m.  p.  80  L)  we  find  proof  of  a  similar  usage. 

t58.  The  Unction  of  the  Head.  No  trace  is 
I  found  in  the  earliest  records  of  more  than 
CM  Unction  aft«r  baptism,  viz.,  that  given  in 
Confinnatiott  by  the  bishop.  Its  introduction  is 
sttribated,  by  Roman  tradition,  to  St.  Sylvester, 
bishop  of  Rome,  from  314  to  335  a.d.  See 
farther  under  Qnction. 

f  59.  The  Use  of  Lights.  We  have  already 
KPB  that  in  the  4th  century  certainly,  and  pro- 
baUj  therefore  in  yet  earlier  ages,  baptism  was 
adaiiBistered  after  dark  (generally  late  on  Easter 
Etc),  In  this,  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  what 
wu  perpetuated  in  late  Christian  usage  for 
doctiinal  or  symbolical  reasons  took  its  rise  in 
ocBaderations  of  practical  convenience  or  neces- 
■it  J.  References  made  to  the  use  of  Lights  by 
St.  Cyril  Hieroe.,  have  already  been  alleged 
Q22)i  And  to  the  same  effect,  though  with 
BMne  of  detail,  is  the  language  of  St.  Gregory 
KaziaDz.  Orat.  xL  "  The  station  that  thou  shalt 
take  before  the  great  bema  (of  the  church), 
tfter  thy  baptism,  is  a  foreshadowing  of  the 
KImj  that  shall  be  from  heaven ;  the  psalmody 
wherewith  thou  shalt  be  received  is  a  prelude 
of  the  hymns  that  thence  shall  sound ;  the  lamps 
that  thou  shalt  kindle  set  forth  in  mystery  that 
VMxmum  of  many  lights  wherewith  bright  and 
virgiz  souls  shall  go  forth  to  meet  their  Lord, 
having  the  lamps  of  fhith  bright  and  burning.*' 
With  these  passages  compare  Ambrosius,  de 
iffn  tirg.  sac.  c.  5  ;  Marcus  Gazensis,  ad  Area" 
dhm  Imp,  apnd  Baronium  ad  ann.  401 ;  Gregor. 
Tama.  ffisL  Franc,  lib.  v.  c.  11 ;  St.  Gregory 
the  Grsat,  Lib,  Sacram,  de  sabbato  sancto ;  Al- 


cumus,  de  Div,  off,  de  sabbato  sancto;  Amala- 
rius,  de  eccl,  off,  lib.  i.  c  18 ;  Rabanus,  de  Inst. 
Cler,  lib.  ii.  c.  38,  39 ;  St.  Ivo,  of  Chartree,  de 
Sacramento  Neophytorum;  and  the  Ordo  Bap~ 
tismi  zviii.  in  Martene,  de  Ant,  Eccl,  Bit,  tom.  i. 
p.  78. 

§  60.  The  wearing  of  white  garments  (Xevicei- 
fiovttv  or  \afiirpwl>op9t»  in  Greek  writers)  by 
the  newly  baptized  was  of  universal  custom 
both  in  West  and  East,  and  this  was  continued 
throughout  the  week  to  the  Lord's  Day 
immediately  following,  thence  called  the  ''Do- 
minica in  albis  depositis,"  the  Kvpuueii  r^s 
Zuucaivriirifiov  (Goar,  Euchol,  Qraec,  p.  373)  of 
the  Greeks.  By  their  colour  these  garments 
were  significant  both  of  innocence  and  of  joy 
(Marriott,  Vestiarium  Christianum,  p.  182,  n. 
19),  and  by  their  material,  which  was  generally 
linen,  they  were  associated  with  the  idea  of  de- 
liverance from  death  (Philo  de  Somniis,  p.  597. 
Paris,  fol.  1640,  and  Jerome,  Epist,  ad  Fabiol, 
Opp,  tom.  iL  p.  574.  Paris,  foL  1693).  The 
allusions  to  this  practice  in  early  writers  are  in- 
numerable. It  will  suffice  here  to  state  a  few 
particulars  as  to  the  various  vestments  of  which 
we  find  mention. 

§  61.  The  Alb,  The  outer  garment,  vestis 
alba,  or  simply  ''  alba  "  (q.  v.),  Xofiirfth  or  Xcvir9) 
iaB^s,  or  dfi^wrlov,  was  probably  not  unlike 
that  worn  in  early  times  as  a  vestment  of  holy 
ministry.  In  some  instances  we  hear  of  this 
being  kept  as  a  memorial  of  baptism,  to  serve  as  a 
covering  for  the  body  after  death  (Antonini  Mart. 
Itinerarium:  'Mnduti  sindones  .  .  .  quas  sibi  ad 
sepulturam  servant.")  So  Constantino  the  Great, 
dying  shortly  after  his  baptism,  was  buried  /iact* 
atn&y  r&y  efi<l>9fTluv,  in  the  garments  which 
he  had  then  worn  (St.  Germanus  Patriarch. 
De  Sanctis  Synodis  etc,  apud  SpicU,  Bom,  A. 
Mai,  torn.  vii.  §  14).  And  so  Probus  Anicius  in 
his  epitaph  (Bosio,  Bom,  Sttbt,  p.  47)  is  described 
as  one,  "Qui  nova  decedens  muneris  aetherii 
vestimenta  tulit."  At  other  times  these  white 
garments  were  presented  to  the  Church.  This 
is  implied  in  the  story  of  Elpidophorus  and  the 
Deacon  Maritta,  told  by  Victor  of  Utica  {De 
Persec,  Vandal,  lib.  v.  Bihl.  Patr.  Max.  tom. 
viii.  p.  699).  For  the  use  of  the  poor  they  were 
provided  gratuitously,  as  e.g.  by  Constantine 
the  Great  (Surii  Vit.  Sanctorum^  in  S.  Syl- 
vestro,  die  31  Dec),  and  by  Gregory  the  Great 
{Epist.  iv.  16  ;  and  vii.  24). 

I  62.  The  Sabanwn.  This  word  (in  Greek 
(rdfiavoy)  as  originally  used  meant  either  a  large 
wrapper  for  covering  the  body  immediately  after 
bathing,  or  a  towel  used  for  drying  it.  The 
same  word  is  occasionally  used  (as  by  Victor 
Uticensis)  in  speaking  of  baptismal  vestments, 
and  it  is  used  in  the  Greek  Church  to  this  day. 
A  letter  is  extant  from  Pope  Paul  I.  in  which 
he  thanks  King  Pepin  for  having  sent  him  the 
**  Sabanum  "  used  at  the  baptism  of  the  king's 
daughter  Gislana.  It  is  not  clear  whether  this 
is  Identical  with  the  '*  alba  "  or  no. 

§  63.  The  Chrismale.  This  was  a  piece  of 
white  linen  tied  round  the  head,  and  intended 
to  retain  the  chrism  upon  the  head  throughout 
the  week  **  in  albis." 

§  64.  The  twisted  thread.  In  the  Armenian 
rite,  as  still  celebrated,  there  is  a  curious  relic 
of  the  pnmitive  customs  in  regard  of  baptismal 
dress.     We  here  read  [Translation,  unpublished, 

M  2 


164 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


hj  tha  Rev.  S.  C.  Malan]  of  the  pnest  '*  twist- 
ing the  thread."  And  the  Catholicos  (bishop) 
Joseph,  in  his  Russian  translation  of  this  order 
of  baptism,  enlarges  this  rubric  as  follows: 
'*  While  the  choir  sings,  the  priest  takes  two 
threads,  one  white  and  the  other  red,  in  remem- 
brance of  the  water  and  the  blood  that  flowed 
from  the  side  of  the  Saviour  of  the  world.  He 
lifts  them  up  under  the  holy  cross,  and  lays  them 
at  last  upon  the  catechumen  or  child  to  be  bap- 
tized." There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  is  a 
last  trace  of  former  white  baptismal  robes  with 
red  embroidery.  This  hypothesis  is  confirmed 
by  some  references  in  ancient  authors.  A  MS. 
at  Turin,  of  unknown  authorship  and  date  [from 
internal  evidence  it  appears  to  the  writer  to  be 
of  the  11th  century],  thus  describes  the  "  chris- 
male."  **Induitur  deinde  chrismali  neophytus, 
scilicet  alba  veste  quae  instar  capjiae  lineae  capu- 
tium  habet,  quo  caput  quasi  quadam  mitra  ope- 
ritur,  et  filo  rubeo  supersuitur."  Durandus  too 
(Sationafe  Div.  Off,  lib.  vi.  c.  82),  mentions  a 
custom  still  existing  in  hb  time  (13th  century) 
in  Narbonne,  that  the  white  garment  of  the  bap- 
tized had  sewn  upon  it  a  red  band  like  a  *  co- 
rona.' And  the  same  combination  of  colours 
was  still  preserved  in  the  usage  of  the  Ethiopic 
Church  two  centuries  ago  (Ludolf,  Hist,  Aethu^, 
lib.  ;ii.  cap.  6),  and  may  be  traced  back  in  Africa 
to  the  5th  century  of  our  era.  Victor  of  Utica 
(de  Pen.  Vand.  lib.  ii.)  speaks  of  the  white 
robe  as  *' puq^ura  sanguinis  Christi  decoratam." 

§  65.  The  Chaplet  (corona  or  <rT4^avos),  The 
earliest  certain  reference  to  this  as  worn  by 
Neophytes  is  in  the  ritual  of  Alexandria  de- 
scnbed  by  Patriarch  Severus  in  the  7th  century. 
"  Then  (i.  e.  after  baptism  and  unction)  he  takes 
the  baptized  to  the  altar,  and  gives  them  the 
sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  and  the  priest  crowns 
them  with  garlands"  {Bibl,  Max,  Patr.  Paris 
1U54,  torn.  vi.  p.  25).  This  usage  was  still  main- 
tained at  Alexandria  200  years  ago.  Vansleb, 
describing  their  baptismal  ritual,  writes  as  fol- 
lows. The  piiest,  "trempe  dans  I'eau  du  bap- 
t^me  la  couronne  et  la  ceinture  de  Tenfant  qui 
a  et^  baptis^  et  lui  met  oette  couronne  sur  la 
tSte,  et  il  lui  ceint  les  reins  de  cette  ceinture," 
&c.  {Hist,  de  V^Ajliee  cTAlexandriej  Paris  1677, 
12).  Allusions  to  a  similar  rite,  on  very  slight 
grounds  however  of  what  is  probably  merely 
metaphorical  language,  have  been  imagined  in 
the  Gotho-Gallican  Missal  (baptizati  et  in  Christo 
coronati)^  in  St.  Chrysostom,  Catech,  I.  ad  lUu- 
minandoi  (5ray  ^idlhifia  [not  a  chaplet,  but  a 
royal  crown],  kt^aZ^tniaOt  rSov  i^Xtcucwi^  hMrivmv 
<l>ai}ioor4pas  ^x**^  trayrdxoOtv  4ieini9t&aas  Xc^i- 
xii^was\  and  Catech,  II,  rhy  erri^a»oy  t^i 
8(icauoirvn}s,  a  quotation  from  Scripture.)  A 
passage  of  Gregory  Kazianz.  (firatio  xxiii.  ad 
irut.\  quoted  by  Augusti  for  this  usage,  has 
certainly  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  bap- 
tism, as  an  examination  of  the  entire  context 
will  conclusively  shew.  The  "crowns"  there 
spoken  of  are  the  words  of  public  encomium 
wherewith  St.  Gregory  welcomes  Heron,  a  con- 
fessor of  the  faith,  comparing  him  to  one  who 
has  conquered  in  the  arena. 

§  66.  Tasting  of  milk  and  honey.  This  sym- 
bolical usage,  like  many  others,  originated  in  a 
prevailing  metaphor.  "  Quid  ergo  lac  et  mel  ?  " 
asks  Barnabas.  "  Quia  nimirum  infans  lacte  et 
melle  vivificatur,  sic  et  nos  fide  promissionis  et 


verbo  nutrimur."  Tertuilian  in  more  than  onp 
passage  (see  §  12  above,  and  adv.  Marc.  lib.  i. 
c  14);  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Paedag,  lib.  L 
cap.  vi.) ;  the  Third  Council  of  Carthage,  cao. 
24 ;  the  Constitutions  of  the  Egyptian  Church, 
§  51 ;  St.  Jerome  (adv,  Lucifer.  Opp,  torn.  iL 
p.  180,  and  in  Eaaiam,  cap.  I  v.) ;  and  the  Leonine 
Sacramentary  (Muratori,  Liturg.  Rem.  Vet.  torn, 
i.),  all  allude  to  the  tasting  of  mingled  milk  iml 
honey  after  baptism.  The  rite  is  again  men- 
tioned by  Macarius  Bishop  of  Memphis,  circ.  s. 
756,  and  was  still  preserved  both  in  Alexandria 
and  in  the  Ethiopic  Church  two  hundred  yean 
ago  (Vansleb  and  Ludolf,  referred  to  above]^ 

§  67.  Pedilavium,  The  xoashing  of  fed.  A 
peculiar  custom  prevailed  in  the  early  Gallican 
ritual,  of  a  symbolical  washing  of  the  feet  of  the 
newly  baptized,  having  reference  to  the  action 
of  our  Lord  recorded  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  John 
(xiii.  1-16).  The  so-called  Gothic  minal, 
and  another  early  Gallican  missal  (Martene,  De 
A,  E,  R.  torn.  i.  pp.  63,  64),  both  contain  refe- 
rences to  this  as  a  recognized  part  of  the  bap- 
tismal ritual.  In  the  first,  see  above  §  34,  im- 
mediately after  the  application  of  the  chrism, 
we  read,  *'  Dum  pedes  ejus  lavas,  dicis,  '  Ego 
tibi  lavo  pedes.  Sicut  Dominus  noster  Jesos 
Christus  fecit  discipulis  suis,  tu  facias  hoepi- 
tibus  et  peregrinis  ut  habeas  vitam  aetemam :' " 
(then  follows  the  impositio  vestimenti).  In  the 
second  of  the  two  documents,  a  collect  is  giveB 
"ad  pedes  lavandos,"  which  follows,  as  before, 
immediately  upon  the  "Infusio  Chrismae." 
"Dominus  et  Salvator  noster  Jesus  Christus 
apostolis  suis  pedes  lavit :  Ego  tibi  pedes  lavo, 
ut  et  tu  facias  hospitibus  et  peregrinis,  qui  ad 
te  venerint.  Hoc  si  feceris  habebis  vitam  aeter- 
nam  in  saecula  saeculorum.  Amen.'*  In  jet  a 
third  Gallican  sacramentary  (Mabillon,  Ifiis.  ltd. 
torn.  i.  and  Martene,  De  A.  E.  R,  torn.  i.  p.  64) 
the  same  rite  is  noticed,  but  is  placed  after  the 
clothing  with  the  "  Vestis  Candida,"  instead  of 
immediately  before  as  in  the  two  earlier  MSS.; 
and  there  b  a  slight  variation  in  the  terms  of 
the  collect  prescribed.  From  two  treatises  of 
dottbtfbl  authenticity  attributed  to  St.  Ambroae 
{De  Sacram,  lib.  iii.  c  1  and  De  Myster.  c  6), 
it  has  been  inferred  that  the  rite  was  in  use  at 
Milan.  In  the  first  of  the  two  passages  the 
writer,  whoever  he  was,  mentions  that  the  rite 
in  question  was  not  of  Roman  usage.  No  traoei 
of  it  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  Ambrosian 
ritual.  Allusions  to  a  similar  rite  after  baptism, 
occurring  in  the  works  of  St.  Augustine,  are 
not;  as  might  be  thought,  a  proof  of  a  similar 
usage  in  the  African  Church.  They  occur  in  a 
sermon  {De  tempore  160)  which  on  other  gronodx 
had  been  judged  not  to  be  St.  Augustine's,  but 
to  have  been  composed  by  Caesarius  Archbp.  ot 
Aries  (t540).  He  quotes  the  words  of  a  Gal- 
lican missal  still  extant  (Martene,  De  A,  E,  IL 
p.  64) :  **  Secundum  quod  ipsis  in  baptismo  dic- 
tum est,  Hospitum  pedes  lavent,"  &c.  The 
48th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Illiberis,  forbidding 
the  practice  (neque  pedes  eorum  [qui  bapti- 
zantur]  lavandi  sunt  a  sacerdotibus  vel  clerids), 
marks  probably  a  previous  attempt  to  introdnce 
the  observance  in  some  parts  of  Spain,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  usage  elsewhere  existing.  No  traces 
of  the  rite  are  now  anywhere  to  be  found  in  con- 
nection with  the  administration  of  Vaptism.  Bat 
a  oaremonial,  similar  in  its  origin.  In  which  the 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


165 


P«^  takes  psrt,  fomus  one  of  the  observances  of 
Ute  Holj  Week  at  Rome  to  this  day, 

IV.  At  vhai  times  Baptism  teas  administered, 

§  68.  I*  the  Apostolic  Age  no  special  times 
w«re  appointed  for  the  administration  of  bap- 
tism, this  being  determined  bj  the  vary- 
jj^  circumstances  consequent,  in  the  nature 
ot  things  on  the  first  establishment  of  the 
lutli.  The  first  administration  of  Christian 
baptism,  properly  so  called,  was  on  the  first 
lliristiatt  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.),  when  some 
3«)00  persons  gladly  receiving  the  words  of 
Peter  were  at  once  baptized  on  the  same  day 
(rcr.  41).  The  Ethiopian  eunuch  (Acts  viii.), 
when  Philip,  taking  occasion  from  the  prophecy 
rf  Isaiah  (cap.  liii.X  ^^^  taught  him  the  glad 
tidings  of  Jesus,  was  straightway  baptized  in 
vatcr  by  the  way  side.  The  jailor  at  Philippi 
(Acts  xtL),  when  the  word  of  the  Lord  had 
iiccn  spoken  onto  him  (ver.  32)  by  Paul  and 
Silas,  was  baptized  with  all  Bis  household  while 
it  vas  night  (ver.  33  compared  with  ver.  25). 
jl^  adtber  in  Scripture  nor  in  any  of  the  ear- 
lier Christian  writers  before  Tertullian,  ]&  any 
tzaoe  to  be  found  of  the  setting  apart  of  any 
wpteaX  season  as  more  suited  than  others  for  the 
sdmiBistration.  This  greater  liberty  of  the 
Apostolic  times  is  often  alluded  to  by  early 
Others,  when  dissuading  men  from  the  indefinite 
deferring  of  baptisna  under  pretext  of  observing 
tke  fixed  times  appointed  by  the  Church  for  its 
■are  solemn  administration. 

§  69.  Special  eeaaons  spoken  of  by  TertuUian, 
The  first  mention  of  any  particular  season  as 
fceiog  set  apart  for  solemn  administration  of  bap- 
tiim,  is  found  in  Tertullian  (de  Bapt.  c.  six.) 
vTitiBg  about  the  close  of  the  2nd  century. 
"Pascha"  (i.e.  Easter),  he  says,  "offers  a  more 
tolenui  season  for  baptism,  for  then  was  fulfilled 
the  Passion  of  the  Lord  into  which  we  are  bap- 
tiied  ....  And  afterward  Pentecost "  (t.  e,  the 
vhole  period  from  Easter  to  the  day  of  Pente- 
out)  ■*  is  a  lengthened  time  for  the  preparation 
of  the  vaters  (ordinandis  aquis).  Therein  was 
the  Resorrection  of  the  Lord  celebrated  among 
the  disciples,  and  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
bestowed,  and  the  hope  of  the  advent  of  the 
Lnnl  suggested."  But  in  mentioning  these  as 
times  when  baptism  was  administered  with  more 
than  nsoal  solemnity,  he  is  careful  to  add,  that 
^'ererv  day  is  the  Lord's  ....  no  hour,  no 
tmic,  nnsuitable  for  baptism ;  the  solemnity  may 
ae  leas,  but  in  the  grace  given  there  is  no  diver- 
Bty."  Other  references  to  these  two  periods, 
or  one  of  them,  as  specially  observed  for  the 
lolenui  administration  of  baptism,  will  be  found 
ia  SL  Jerome,  St.  Gregory  Nazianz.,  St.  Chry- 
iastfoi,  and  other  writers  both  in  Elast  and  West. 

§  70.  Baptism  at  Epiphany,  Beside  the  two 
seasons  of  Easter  and  Pentecost,  there  were  not 
a  few  churches  in  which  the  Epiphany  festival 
vas  observed  in  the  same  way.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  4th  century,  Siricius  Bishop  of 
Kome  stated  (^Epist,  ad  Himertunif  lAbbe,  Condi, 
t.  ii.  p.  1018),  that  all  Churches  agreed  with 
that  of  Rome  in  an  exclusive  observance  of 
fittter  and  Pent«oa<«t.  But  in  this  he  was  mis- 
takeo.  Many  Eastern  Churches,  and  not  a  few 
in  the  West,  which  by  origin  or  by  subsequent 
mterconrM  came  under  &istei*n  influence,  ob- 
Epiphany  (traditionally  the  time  of  our 


Lord's  baptism  in  Jordan)  as  a  season  for  soleni. 
administration  of  baptism.  We  find  evidences 
of  this  in  the  churches  of  Cappadocia  (St.  Greg. 
Nazianz.  Orat,  xl.  yiiw  rk  ^a>Ta),  at  Antioch, 
but  before  St.  Chrysostom's  time  (this  by  in- 
ference from  a  comparison  of  St.  Chrysostom's 
Catechesis  I,  ad  flluminandos ;  Migne,  t.  ii.  p. 
268 ;  De  Baptismo  Christie  ibid.  p.  433,  seqq. ; 
and  Horn,  IIL  in  Ephes.  i.  ibid.  t.  zi.  p.  25) ;  at 
Jerusalem  (  Typicum  S,  Sc^Hxe,  quoted  by  Valesius 
on  Theodoret.  ffist,  Eccl,  lib.  ii.  c.  27 ;  and  the 
Itinerarium,  Antonini  Martyris);  in  Afiica 
(Victor  Uticensis,  J)e  Persec.  Vandal,  lib.  ii.  in- 
ferred from  his  mention  of  baptism  when  "  appro- 
pinquabat  jam  futurus  dies  ....  Kalendarum 
Februarium");  in  Spain  and  Sicily  (Siricius  ad 
Jlitnenum,  already  referred  to,  and  Leo,  ad  Epi9- 
copos  Siciltae,  Labbe,  Concil,  t.  iii.  p.  1297) ;  in 
Gaul  (see  Martene,  de  A,  E.  R.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  p. 
2) ;  in  Ireland  (St.  Patncii  ....  Synodic  Co- 
nones,  &c,  ed.  T.  P.  Villanuova,  Dublini  1835 ; 
Wilkins,  Concilia,  p.  26,  can.  xix.  These  canons 
are  of  late  date  in  their  present  form,  but  pre- 
serve some  genuine  traditions). 

§  71.  Other  days  were  observed  in  some 
churches.  Thus  we  hear  of  *^  Natalitia  Christi," 
or  Christmas,  in  Spain  and  in  Gaul  (see  Martene, 
as  above),  and  of  Festivals  of  Apostles  and 
Martyrs,  in  Spain  (Siricius  ad  Ilimerium),  in 
Campania,  Samnium,  and  Picenum  (Leo  M. 
Epist,  136),  and  of  the  Festival  of  St.  John 
Baptist  (Gregor.  Turon.  ffist.  Franc,  cap.  9). 
All  days  were  allowable  for  the  more  private 
administration  in  cases  of  pressing  necessity  from 
sickness  or  other  causes. 

§  72.  JRoman  usage^  however,  was  much  more 
strict  in  this  particular  than  that  of  other 
Western  Churches.  And  with  the  zeal  for  ritual 
un;formity  which  has  ever  been  characteristic  of 
that  Church  (Gregory  the  Great  a  notable  ex- 
ception), her  bishops,  and  a  series  of  councils 
more  or  less  under  Roman  influence,  made  re- 
peated efforts  to  confine  the  solemn  administration 
to  the  two  seasons  of  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

§  73.  Papal  decrees  to  this  effect,  directed  to 
churches  of  the  Roman  obedience,  are  those  of 
Siricius  (385-398),  in  his  epistle  (Labbe,  Concil.  ii. 
p.  1018)  to  Himerius,  Bishop  of  Tarraco,  in 
Spain;  of  Leo  the  Great  (440-461),  writing  to 
the  bishops  of  Sicily  (Labbe,  Concil.  iii.  p.  1297); 
of  Gelasius  (492-496),  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania ; 
Gregory  II.  (715-731)  to  the  clergy  and  people 
of  Thuringia,  and  Nicolas  I.  in  his  Pesponsa  ad 
Btdgaros,  cap.  69.  It  is  curious  to  find  the  same 
Roman  tradition  seeking  to  assert  itself  in  England 
many  centuries  later,  in  the  face  of  a  superstitious 
belief  on  the  part  of  some  that  it  was  perilous  to 
have  children  baptised  at  those  times.  So  we 
learn  from  the  language  of  Otto,  Cardinal  Legate 
at  the  Council  of  Londoy,  a.  1237  ("Nonnulli  in 
Anglia  periculum  suspicantur  si  praefatis  diebus 
pueri  baptizentur."     Wilkins,  Concil.  p.  650). 

§  74.  Councils.  Identical  in  effect  with  the 
decrees  last  quoted  are  the  canons  of  a  series  of 
provincial  councils,  extending  from  the  Gth  to 
the  13th  century.  The  earliest  of  these  is  the 
Council  of  Gerunda,  in  Hispania  Tarraconensis, 
a.  517.  With  this  agree  the  Councils  of  Autis- 
siodurum  (Auxerre),  a.  578  ;  of  Moguntia  (May- 
ence),  a.  813,  can.  4,  and  again,  a.  847,  can.  3 ; 
of  Paris  (Parisiense  vi.  a.  829,  part  1.  can.  7)'; 
of  Meauz  (Meldense,  a.  845);  of  Woi-ms  (Worma- 


166 


BAPTISM 


tieii8«|  ••  868,  can.  1)  ;  of  Tribar,  or  Tenver, 
near  Mayence  (Triboriense,  a.  895,  can.  12) ;  of 
Kouen  (  Rothomagense,  a.  1072,  can.  23) ;  of 
Winchester  (Wintoniense,  a.  1074,  can.  7);  of 
London  (Londinense,  a.  1237). 

§  75.  Imperial  and  other  authorities  were  not 
wanting  from  time  to  time  to  enforce  a  practice 
which  popes  and  provincial  councils  were  thus 
continually  enacting.  The  capitularies  of  Charle- 
magne, a.  804,  direct  **ut  nullus  baptizare  prae- 
sumat  nisi  in  Pascha  et  Pentecosten,  excepto 
infirmo."  To  the  same  effect  are  the  capitularia 
collected  by  Benedictus  Levita  (lib.  1,  n.  171). 
*^  Ut  baptiamus  non  fiat  nisi  statutis  temporibus 
id  est  Pascha  et  Pentecosten,  nisi  infirmitas  inter- 
cesserit."  And  lib.  ii.  n.  171 :  "  Ut  nullus  bapti- 
zare praesumat  nisi  per  dno  tempora,  id  est  vigilia 
Paschae  et  vigilia  Pentecostes,  praeter  mortis 
periculum."  Bishops  sometimes  made  this  ob- 
servance matter  of  special  injunction  to  the  clergy 
at  their  ordination  (St.  Hildephonsus  Ve  Cogn. 
Baptismiy  lib.  i.  c.  108 ;  Rodulfi  Archiepisc.  Bitu- 
ricensis  Capitular,  n.  20 ;  Ratherii  Yeronensis 
Episcopi  SywxJUca,  apud  Martene,  SpicOegium, 
tom.  ii.),  or  desired  parish  priests  to  enforce  this 
duty  upon  their  people  from  the  pulpit  (Otto, 
Caitiinalis,  apud  Wilkins,  Concilia^  p.  650). 

J  76.  Later  usage. — ^The  limitation  of  baptism 
to  one  or  two  special  periods  in  the  year  was  of 
advantage  in  the  first  four  centuries,  or  there- 
abouts, when  the  baptism  of  adults,  requiring 
previous  instruction  and  preparation,  was  still  of 
prevailing  usage.  But  this  limitation  no  longer 
served  any  important  end,  when  under  the  changed 
circumstances  of  the  church  the  baptism  of  adults 
was  rare  and  exceptional.  And  accordingly  these 
restrictions  have  long  ceased  to  be  observed  in 
churches  both  of  the  East  and  of  the  West. 

Places  of  administering  Baptism. 

S  77.  Originally  no  limitation  of  place  was 
observed.  Water  by  the  roadside  (Acts  viii.  36- 
38),  private  houses  (Acts  ix.  18),  or  a  prison 
(Acts  xvi.  29,  30),  were  all  made  use  of  for  the 
purpose.  And  in  sub-apostolic  times  we  find 
proof  of  the  same  freedom  from  all  limitation. 
See  Justin  Martyr,  quoted  above,  §  7  ;  Clementis 
Becog.  lib.  iv.  c  32,  and  lib.  vi.  c  15;  Tertullian 
de  Bapt,  c  4.  To  the  same  effect  are  the  tradi- 
tionary stories,  in  early  Hagiologies,  of  baptisms 
performed  in  private  houses,  in  prisons,  in  the 
public  road.  See  the  lives  of  St.  Laurentius 
(Surii  Va.  Sanct.  die  23  Julii),  of  St.  Apoilinaris 
{ibid,  die  10  August),  and  of  the  Deacon  Cyriacus 
{ibid,  die  16  Jan.).  It  is  not  till  the  close  of  the 
3rd  century  that  we  meet  with  any  mention  of 
baptisteries  properly  so  called,  and  under  the 
name  *^  baptisterium  "  (See  the  story  of  St.  Cyri- 
acus apud  Surium,  die  16  Jan.).    [BAPTiffTERY.] 

Baptism,  by  whom  administer^ 

§  78.  In  the  first  five  centuries,  or  there- 
abouts, the  rule  and  the  practice  of  the  Church 
was,  that  the  solemn  celebration  of  baptism, 
whether  at  Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pentecost,  should 
be  presided  over  by  the  bishop.  The  earliest 
authorities  bearing  upon  this  subject  are,  St. 
Ignatius,  ad  Smym.  cap.  8 ;  Tertullian  de  Bapt, 
c.  17 ;  ConsHt  Apost.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  (bishops 
and  presbytei*s  to  baptize,  deacons  being  in  at- 
tendance upon  them) ;  St.  Gregor.  Nyssen.  Orat. 
zl.  (Paris,  Morell,  fol.  1630,  tom.  i.  p.  656)  where 


BAPTISM 

j  baptism  by  bishops  and  presbyters  is  spoken  of 
Council  of  lUiberis,  a.  313,  can.  77,  decreeing 
that  if  a  deacon  baptise  any  one,  withont  either 
bishop  or  presbyter,  the  sacrament  must  be  **  com- 
pleted" afterwards  by  the  benediction  of  the 
bishop;  St.  Jerome,  adv.  Lucifer,  c.  4  (saying 
that  neither  Presbyter  nor  deacon  have  the  right 
of  baptising  without  direction  from  the  bishop, 
though  even  laymen  are  frequently  allowed  to 
baptise  if  necessity  so  require).  In  the  5th  and 
6th  centuries  we  find  at  one  time  (Gelasii  Papse 
Fpist.  ad  univ.  episc.  and  Isidor.  HispaL  Of.  BxL 
lib.  ii.  c.  24),  a  declaration  that  bishops  and  pres- 
byters are  the  only  proper  administrators  (cases 
of  necessity  excepted);  at  another  (CondL  HispaL 
ii.  a.  619,  can.  7),  the  vindication  of  the  supreme 
right  of  bishops  in  this  matter,  in  depreciation 
of  that  of  presbyters.  Of  the  practice  of  the 
Eastern  Churches  at  this  time  we  find  an  indi- 
cation in  a  letter  written  by  the  people  of  Edessa 
at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.  451, 
and  inserted  among  its  Acta.  In  it  they  beg  that 
Abas,  their  bishop,  will  return  to  them  as  soon 
as  possible,  on  account  of  the  approaching  Easter 
Festival,  his  presence  being  required  for  the 
instruction  of  the  catechumens,  and  for  those  who 
are  found  worthy  to  receive  holy  baptism.  Uore 
remarkable  is  a  somewhat  similar  letter  (quoted 
by  Martene  De  A.  E.  B,  tom.  i.  p.  7),  in  which 
certain  of  the  clergy  in  Italy  write  to  Constanti- 
nople,  begging  that  the  emperor  will  allow 
Dacius,  bishop  of  Milan,  to  return  to  his  diocese 
after  an  absence  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  years,  giving 
as  a  reason  that  almost  all  the  bishops  custom- 
arily oi*dained  by  the  Bishop  of  Milan  were  now 
dead,  and  an  immense  multitude  of  people  died 
wilnout  baptism  (quia  cum  pene  omnes  episcopi, 
quos  ordinare  solet,  ....  mortui  sint,  im- 
mensa  populi  multitude  sine  baptismo  moritor). 
It  is  worthy  of  note  in  connection  with  this  that 
from  the  time,  of  St.  Ambrose  to  that  of  Cardinal 
Borromeo,  if  not  later,  the  traditions  of  the 
Church  of  Milan  have  maintained  in  a  variety  of 
ways  the  special  o6ice  of  the  bishop  in  the  admi- 
nistration of  baptism.  Paulinus,  writing  (circ 
420)  the  life  of  St.  Ambrose,  says  that  St. 
Ambrose  had  with  his  own  handis  baptised  more 
persons  than  five  succeeding  bishops.  And  in 
the  Caeremoniale  Ambrosianum,  published  by 
Cardinal  Borromeo  (Martene,  p.  7X  it  is  stated 
that  the  archbishop  administered  baptism  solemnly 
twice  in  the  year,  at  Easter  and  at  Pentecost, 
and  also  at  other  times  throughout  the  year  in 
the  event  of  any  adults,  convert-ed  from  unbeliei^ 
being  presented  for  baptism. 

§  79.  In  later  centwies.  The  provision  last 
mentioned  will  of  itself  serve  to  suggest  why  it 
was  that  as  time  went  on  the  personal  action  of 
the  bishop,  as  the  recognised  administrator  of 
baptism,  became  gradually  less  and  less;  while 
that  of  presbyters,  deacons,  and  even  of  clergy 
of  the  minor  orders,  was  continually  increasing. 
From  the  time  when  the  baptism  of  adults  be- 
came the  exception  rather  than  the  prevailing 
rule,  and  when,  from  the  wider  extent  of  the 
Church,  the  number  of  the  children  brought  to 
baptism  was  continually  increasing,  the  older 
practice  of  the  Church  gradually  dianged.  It 
was  revived  at  a  later  time  by  missionary  bishopS| 
such  as  our  own  countryman  St.  Bonifiice  in 
Germany,  or  St.  Otto  of  Bamberg  in  Pomerania 
{Hist.  3,  Bonifacii  and  Hid.  S.  OUonis,  Ub.  il 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


167 


c  lt»  qsoted  by  Uaitcne  De  AM.  EccU  Bit.  lib.  i. 
op.  i.  art.  iiLX  ^^^  "^^^  exceptions  sucb  as 
tbse  but,  eioeptioos  which  prove  the  rule, 
tbt  tcadencT  in  moat  Churches,  from  about 
tbt  clew  0^  the  5th  century^  was  to  make 
the  adiiiBiftration  of  baptism  of  less  prominent 
inpeitaBce;  and  the  part  taken  by  the  bishop 
Unirif  beome  gradniilly  leas  and  Jess.  In  the 
GrrgorisB  Sacramentary,  not  the  bishop,  but 
)ii«tbytcn,  are  spoken  of  as  being  in  a  special 
sttse  the  DittisterB  of  baptism  (ministri  baptismi). 
Aad  em  at  the  more  solenm  ceremonies  of  the 
Enter  Baptism  at  Rome  and  elsewhere,  the 
bnkop  merely  inaugurated  the  ceremony  by 
li^tinig  a  few  himself,  leaving  the  rest  to 
prabften,  to  deacons,  or  if  need  were  to  acolytes. 
{tjrdo  Mmuums  apud  Mabillon  iftis.  IteU.  t.  ii., 
isd  Marteae  J>eA.E.R.i.i.  p.  8,  col.  2.) 

§  8(>.  Lay  Baptism,  Tertullian  (de  bapt.  cap. 
17)  sad  St  Jerome  (fldv.  Lucif.  cap.  4 ;  see  above, 
§  78)  ay,  in  effect,  that  for  a  layman  to  baptise 
u  Mt  eoatrary  to  essential  Christian  principles, 
tiioegh  ooatrary  to  ecclesiastical  order.  And 
■di  practically  has  been  the  judgment  of  the 
Cbordi  in  all  later  times,  forbidding  lay  baptism 
as  s  rale,  but  recognising  it  in  cases  of  necessity. 
See  sf  to  this  the  Council  of  lUiberis,  a.  313, 
cia.  38.  In  late  mediaeval  times  the  practice  of 
lij  kaptiani  became  very  common.  See,  as  illus- 
tntiag  English  usage  in  this  matter,  the  Council 
•f  Dnriiam  (between  the  years  1217  and  1222 ; 
ia  WUkins,  OmciL  p.  575)  and  the  ConncU  of 
OdbH,  a.  1222  (jSbidL  p.  594). 

§  81.  Baptiam  by  Women.  The  question 
vhcther  women  may  lawfully  baptise  is  first 
idvRted  to  by  Tertullian.  Nothing  can  well  bo 
tfroBgcr  than  his  language,  diluted  though  it  be 
ky  Moie  later  writers  into  the  assertion  that 
weoMB  msy  not  ** publicly  baptise  in  the  church." 
After  nyiag  {de  bapt,  cap.  17)  that  in  cases  of 
periloos  necessity  lajmen  should  not  hesitate  to 
pn  baptism,  he  goes  on  to  say  that  women, 
tbse^h  they  took  upon  themselves  to  teach, 
VDiM  fcaroely,  with  all  their  presumption, 
attempt  to  create  a  right  to  administer  baptism, 
taleM  indeed  some  strange  beast  arose  like  to 
•oe  tkat  formerly  had  been.  That  former  one 
foogbt  to  do  away  with  baptism;  some  successor 
■igkt  perhaps  seek  to  confer  baptism  herself. 
Gnpare  De  Virgin,  vekmd.  cap.  9,  and  De 
PnacrytL  cap.  41.  The  Apostolioal  ConstihUiona, 
Mk  m.  cap.  9;  Epiphanius,  Haeres.  70;  and  the 
Fovtb  Council  of  Carth^  a.  398,  canon  20 
(**Miilier,  quamvis  docta  et  sancta,  viros  in  con- 
Testa  dooere,  vel  aliquos  baptizare,  non  prae- 
niBst"X  sre  all  to  the  same  effect.  Isidore  of 
ffiipala  is  referred  to  (by  Augnsti,  Denkw.  p.  1 15) 
ai  aying  that  persons  baptised  by  women  are  not 
U  be  rebaptised.  And  Joannes  Moschus  (Pratwn 
iipinhtakj  cap.  3)  says  that  it  is  contrary  to  the 
•noae  for  women  to  baptise,  yet  makes  an  ex- 
ttptioa  for  cases  of  the  last  extremity.  Even  as 
hte  as  the  12th  century  we  tind  Hugo  de  S. 
Vietoce  speaks  of  it  as  still  with  some  a  disputed 
^iMstioa  whether  baptism  by  women  was  valid. 

{82.  Bijqptism  by  Heretics.  The  question  of 
tke  TsHdity  or  otherwise  of  baptism  by  heretics 
is  eoe  which  was  forced  on  the  attention  of  the 
Ckindk  in  the  3rd  century  by  the  Donatist  Schism. 
Ike  diMenrion  thence  arising  between  St.  Cyprian 
Cnppoitcd  by  all  the  African  bishops  and  by 
■ivcial  of  the  Eastern  (lurches)  and  Stephen 


Bishop  of  Rome,  is  on  many  grounds  of  great 
importance  to  early  Church  history.  But  this 
lies  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  article.  The 
final  settlement  of  the  question  was  based  upon 
the  principle  that  the  unworthiness  of  the  mmis- 
trant  cannot  mar  the  act  of  God,  or  as  was  said, 
that  the  wickedness  of  the  sower  affects  not  the 
vitality  of  the  seed.  Hence  the  question  of  re- 
baptising  or  otherwise  was  for  the  most  part 
determined  simply  by  the  question  whether  the 
essential  elements  of  baptism  were  wanting  or 
no,  viz. :  water  and  the  words  prescribed  by  our 
Lord.  If  these  were  employed  the  baptism  was 
regarded  as  valid,  though  irregular,  and  the 
person  so  baptised  was  admitted  into  communion, 
if  on  other  grounds  found  worthy,  after  impo- 
sition of  the  hands  of  the  bishop. 

§  83.  Baptism  by  Pagans  and  JevfSf  and  excom- 
municate  persons,  has  been  held  to  fall  under  the 
same  rule  as  that  last  stated.  But  opinions  have 
not  been  altogether  at  one  upon  this  point.  See 
the  authorities  quoted  by  Martene,  De  A.  E.  B. 
lib.  i.  cap.  X,  art.  iiL 

§  84.  Baptism  administered  in  sport.  Perhaps 
the  strongest  illustration  of  the  feeling  of  anti- 
quity in  this  matter  is  afforded  by  the  story  told 
by  Socrates  (Hist.  Ecc.  lib.  ii.  c.  16)  and  by 
Rufiinus  (Hist.  Ecc.  lib.  i.  c.  14).  When  Atha- 
nasius  was  a  boy,  so  the  q^ory  is  told,  he  was 
playing  with  some  young  companions  on  the 
shore  at  Alexandria.  The  bishop,  Alexander  by 
name,  happened  to  be  looking  on  from  a  distance 
as  they  played,  and  observed,  to  his  astonishment, 
that  they  were  imitating  the  ceremonial  of 
baptism,  Athanasius  acting  as  *'  boy-bishop,"  to 
anticipate  a  phrase  of  well-known  Mediaeval 
usage.  "Cn  diligent  inquiry,"  we  translate  now 
the  words  of  Ruffinus,  *'both  from  those  who 
were  said  to  have  been  baptised,  as  to  what  they 
had  been  asked  and  what  they  had  replied  (the 
iireporrfifrtts  and  the  kwoicpiirus,  above,  §  43), 
and  from  him  also  who  had  put  the  baptismal 
questions,  when  the  bishop  found  that  all  things 
had  been  duly  performed  according  to  the  ob- 
servances of  religion,  he  conferred  with  his  clergy 
in  council,  and  is  said  to  have  decided  to  this 
effect,  that,  as  water  had  been  poured  upon  these 
persons  after  the  interrogations  and  responses 
had  been  duly  made,  their  baptism  ought  not  to 
be  repeated,  but  only  be  made  complete  by  the 
customary  sacerdotal  acts  (adimplere  ea  quae  a 
sacerdotibns  mos  est).  Doubts  have  been  raised 
as  to  whether  such  an  occurrence  ever  actually 
took  place ;  but  whether  the  story  be  true  or  no 
it  serves  equally  to  illustrate  the  feeling  of  the 
Church  at  the  time  the  story  was  first  told. 

§  85.  Baptism  self-admimstered.  To  make  this 
subject  complete,  it  may  perhaps  be  added  that 
on  one  occasion  the  question  arose  whether  bap- 
tism self-administered  was  valid.  The  question 
was  decided  in  the  negative  by  Pope  Innocent  III. 
on  the  ground  that  there  is  an  essential  distinction 
of  person  between  the  baptiser  and  the  baptised. 
The  Council  of  Nismes  (a.  1283)  embodied  this 
decision  in  one  of  their  canons:  ''Si  quis  se  ipsum 
baptizaverit  talem  non  esse  baptizatnm  ecclesia 
judicablt." 

With  what  matter  Baptism  was  administered, 

§  86.  Of  water  as  the  materieU  dement.  Water 
f^om  natural  associations  has  ever  been  associated 
with  ideas  of  life  in  the  minds  of  most  cultivated 


168  BAPTISM 

utioiu.    And  to  Heatbsu  (Tertnlliaa.  d»  baft, 
c  5),  u  well  u  to  Jowg,  it  vtt  usociatal 
ia  thoDgLt  oulj,  bat  in  actn&l  ceremonial  us 
with  idusofreligiouapurificaCioii.    This  wiu 
material  elemeat  employed  in  the  Baptism  ot 
Lord,  this  that  wa*  united  in  mention  by  1 
witb    the  Name  of  the  Spirit,  when  s(«akiDg 
(John  iii.)  of  the  gift  of  a  aew  spiritual  birth. 
And  this   accordingly  from   the  first  Christian 
PentecOTt  (Acts  ii.)  to  this  time,  '        ' 
irarded  in  all  parU  of  Christendo 
timea  aa  determined  bj  dii ' 


srial  elm 


Baptbni.     The  fe 

which  require  notice  are  the  following. 

S  87.  Baptam  bi/ fin.     Fhilaetrins  of  Brescii 
(Z)«  Baeres.  n.  yiii.  apud  Bihlioth.  Patr.  Galland, 
torn.  Tii,  p.  4S9),  and  St.  Augustine  quoting  hi 
■a  an  anthotitf  {De  Hiwrti.  cap.  lii.  BB.  toi 
viii.  p.  SO  e.  7),  speak  of  Seleucns  and  Hermaa 
fonnden  of  a  Sect  or  which  one  characteriat 
was  their  mtuDtaining  the  only  trne  bBptism 
be   "Spiritn  et  Igni."    And  in  an  anonjmo 
Treatise  on  Heretical  Baptism  we  read  of  ion 
who,  bj  what  means  is  not  known,  produced  i 
appearance  of  tire  on  the  haptiimal  water, 
order  to  complete  what  thej  thought  neeeasai , 
for  Chriitlan  Baptism.     And  so  again  Irenaeua 
and  Clement  of  AleLandria  speak  of  certain 
heretics   (Carpocratians    and    Eeraelians)    who 
branded  a  mark  upon  the  ears  of  their  disciple*, 
thia  being  in  thoirevee  the  true  sealing  (^g^fvyi- 
i«r)  witi  the  Holy  Ghost. 

§  88.  Ba})tita\g  aiih  vmt  and  the  like.  The 
aothority  of  a  bishop  of  Rome,  Siricliis  (a.  38-t 
to  aB9),  or  according  ia  othem  of  Stephanus  II. 
or  III.,  has  been  claimed  for  the  assertion,  that 
Baptism  in  wine  ia  valid  though  not  to  ho  allowed 
except  in  cases  of  the  Imt  necessity.  The  facte 
concerning  this,  much  disputed  \>j  Koman  Ritu- 
alists, may  be  determined  bj  comparison  of  the 
following  authorities;  Antoninus  Augustinus  dn 
^IWfl^iiUione  Qnitianty  p.  ^0.  Baluzius,  Solae  in 
Ardon.  Auguit.  p.  431.  Martene  de  Ant.  Eix. 
Sit.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  Art.  lir.Bertini  dt  Sacrament. 
Vindob.  177*,  p.  507.  Hardulni  Diietri.  it  b-ip- 
timao  in  vino.  Othera  mingled  wine  with  water 
and  were  condemned  {Exctrjita  Egberti,  a.  750 
in  Wilkina,  Condi,  p.  104)  for  so  doing. 

$  89.  Bapliim  with  aaad.  In  one  case,  for 
which  Joannes  Moschus  is  the  earliest  authority, 
the  question  arose  not  aa  a  mere  abstract  dispu- 
tatiuu,  but  In  reference  to  an  actoal  matter  of 
tiict,  whelhei'  baptism  in  eand  be  legitimate  or 
QD.  In  the  reign  of  Btarcns  Anrelins  Antoninus 
a  certain  Jew  waa  travelling  in  company  with 

try,  when  he  was  seiEed  with  grievous  illness; 
and  being  apparently  at  the  point  of  death 
begged  his  companions  to  baptiie  him.  They 
replied  that  there  was  neither  priest  nor  water 
at  band,  and  that  withuut  these  baptiem  could 
not  be  had.  "  But  being  earnestly  adjured  not  to 
refuse  him,  they  divested  the  man,  and  sprinkled 


with  u 


1   ofw 


saying  that  they  baptised  him 
the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost."  Upon  this  (so  the  story  proceeds)  his 
strength  waa  miraculously  restored,  and  on  their 
return,  Diouysius,  then  Bishop  of  Aleiandria, 
being  consulted  on  tho  subject,  decided  "Bapti- 
'    '  ■         'o  aqua  denuo  p«r- 


BAFTISH 

funderetnr,"  in  other  words  that  the  inly  thing 
wanting  to  bis  Baptiim  was  the  element  of  water, 
with  which  he  was  to  be  ^porfusua.'*  Ant^ 
ritles  for  this  will  be  found  in  Joannes  Uowjun, 
i'ratnm  SpirOwilt,  cap.  176  (De  la  Bigne,  Bi- 
hlioth. Pair.  tom.  ii.  pp.  1132,  1133).  in  Nit*. 
pboius  (//ill.  Ecc.  lib.  iii.  c.  37) ;  and  the  itflty 
is  tohl  in  detail  by  the  Magdeburg  Centnriaton, 
who  are  quoted  by  Biughun  (Antiq,  book  li.  c 
2,  §5). 

§  90.  Baptitm  ailh  mili.  Beuedictua  Abbst 
Petrohnrgensia  (in  Gesiii  Bmrid  II.  ad  ana. 
1171,  edit.  Heame  tom.  i,  p.  38)  sUlestluits 
Gostom  prevailed  iu  the  early  Iriih  Church  of 
baptizing  the  children  of  the  rich  in  milk.    Oc- 

practice.  See  Mlchelet,  Siitoire  da  fivn/x,  ToL 
L  p.  263.     Note. 

i91.  Figurative  txprtstiont.  Phrases  sudi  ss 
e  baptism  of  blood,'  meaning  martjidoin; 
"  ilaptism  with  lire,"  meaning  either  martyrdom 
(OS  in  Eu«(b.  H.  E.  lib.  vi.  e.  4)  or  gifts  of  Hit 
Holy  Spirit  (as  SL  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  in  Ihiw 
different  paasages)  ;  the  Baptism  of  Tears,  mua- 
ing  Repentance  (as  iu  l^dore  of  Senile  and 
o^ers),  are  merely  metaphorical  eipreHoos, 
bearing  indeed  upon  primitive  Doctrine,  but  i»t 
iu  any  way  upon  primitive  Ritual  to  which  this 
article  Is  limited. 

Model  of  adminiaUring  Ba/iimt  (by  Immenini, 
AUnaioo,  Aspersion). 

§  93.  Immertion.  Passages  already  quoted  ia 
this  article  will  Lave  sufficed  to  show  that  tbt 
ordinary  mode  of  Baptism  in  primitive  timH,sL 
least  in  the  case  of  adnlts,  waa  that  the  Cale- 
ehumen  should  descend  into  a  Font  of  water 
(whether  natural  or  artificial),  and  while  ilsad- 
ing  therein  dip  the  head  thrice  under  the  water. 
See  §§  11,  18,49. 

§  93.  Affniion.     Tet  there  are  not  waali^ 

other  usage,  vii.,  that  of  the  bishop  or  otbn- 
udministrout  pouring  water  out  of  the  hand,  ar 
from  some  small  veesel,  on  the  head  of  the  hap- 
tized.     Thus  we  meet  more  than  once  in  Lalia 

to  the  Catechumen  (see  g^  38  and  89 :  and  aqoa 
infusa  g  84).  And  it  is  to  be  noted  thit  Iht 
word  flarrlfiiv,  which  is  used  in  Greek  Ritaai 
in  speaking  of  the  act  of  the  minbtnint,  might 
be  used  with  perfect  propriety  of  such  a  poDiiog 
of  water  upon  the  head  and  body  as  that  now  la 
question.  One  common  mode  of  bathiug  uaong 
the  aiicieuts  was  the  pouring  of  water  from 
vessels  over  the  body,  as  we  may  see  in  sdckdI 


vase  paintings  (compare  Ovid'a  descriptioD  of 
Diana'a  hath,  where  her  attendauta  "  urnis  api- 
cibus  undam  EtTundunt").  And  it  is  remarksble 
that  in  almost  all  the  earliest  represenlatiaai  nl 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


169 


Bi^iflB  tliat  hjiT«  been  prescrred  to  lu,  this  is 
Utt  spetud  act  represented.  Such  appears  to  be 
the  lepraenUtion  in  the  fresco  from  the  Ceme- 
ttnr  of  St.  Caliztos  here  engraved. 

ia  the  picture  of  Oor  Lord's  Baptism  in  the 
Bsptasterj  of  St.  John  at  Ravenna  (Ciainpini 
Id.  Mm,  torn.  i.  Tab.  Ixx.)  dating  probably 
from  about  the  year  450,  onr  Lord  is  standing 
it  the  Jordan,  the  water  reaching  to  the  waist, 
sad  tiie  Baptist  is  standing  near,  as  if  upon  the 
kak,  and  pouring  water  from  a  shell,  or  from 
■ome  sxnall  resael,  upon  the  head  of  our  Lord. 
Aad  there  is  a  similar  representation,  varying, 
boverer,  in  some  of  its  details,  in  the  Church  of 
S.  Msria  in  Coonedin,  also  at  Ravenna  (Ciam- 
piai  VH.  Mon.  i.  Tab.  xziii.),  the  Mosaics  of 
wUeh  are  said  to  date  from  the  year  553  A.D. 
Aad  it  would  seem  probable  on  a  review  of  all 
thi  eridence,  that  in  primitive  times,  while  adult 
Baptism  was  still  of  prevailing  usage,  the  two 
Bodes  hitherto  described  were  combined.  The 
£ppiBg  of  the  head  under  water  took  place,  in 
sone  diurches  certainly,  so  we  find  clearly 
Matsd,  during  the  final  Interrogations.  And 
^cre  this  was  the  case  we  may  infer  that  the 
**Affusio*  or  **  Perfusio,"  the  pouring  on  of 
water  by  the  Ministrant,  took  place  during  the 
proBaiiciati<m  of  the  formula.  This  hypothesis 
cf  a  double  use  explains  some  difficulties  in 
sacieat  authors,  more  particularly  in  the  Trea- 
tiie  De  Saennnentis  attributed  to  St.  Ambrose, 
and  in  the  ^jptian  Ritual  already  referred  to. 
lad  if  probability  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that 
ia  the  Armenian  Order  of  Baptism  even  to  this 
day  the  double  usi^e  of  Immersion  and  Affusion 
u  naintained.  There  the  actual  administration 
is  described  as  follows :  The  priest  asks  the  child's 
■use,  and  on  hearing  it,  lets  the  child  down 
iato  the  water,  saying,  **  This  N.  servant  of  God, 
vbo  is  come  from  the  state  of  childhood  (or 
from  the  state  of  a  Catechumen)  to  Baptism,  is 
Uptized  in  the  Name  of  the  Father  and  of  the 
SsB,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ....  While  say- 
ing this  the  priest  buries  the  chUdj  (or  Catechu- 
BKa)  CAnee  times  in  the  water,  as  a  figure  of 
(Prist's  three  days'  burial.  Then  taking  the 
child  oat  of  the  water  he  thrice  pours  a  handfui 
<if  water  en  his  head,  saying,  "  As  many  of  you 
••  hare  been  baptixed  into  Christ  have  put  on 
Christ.  Hallelujah.  As  many  of  you  as  have 
bs»  enlightened  by  the  Father,  the  Holy  Spirit 
ii  put  into  yon.  Hallelujah."  (From  an  unpub- 
lished transLition  by  the  Rev.  S.  C.  Malan.) 

§  M.  Affusion  and  Aspersion  in  clinic  Baptism, 
h  one  case  of  very  common  occurrence  in  early 
times,  viz.,  that  of  the  Baptism  of  the  sick  under 
fetr  of  approaching  death,  the  administration 
«as  necessarily  by  Affusion  or  by  Aspersion.  And 
ia  the  middle  of  the  third  century  we  find  the 
qntstioB  formally  raised,  by  one  of  the  African 
hishops,  whether  persons  so  baptized  (clinici,  or 
as  they  were  also  called  grabatarii,  baptized  on  a 
Bck4ied)  could  be  regarded  as  ^'  legitimi  Chris- 
^iaai,"  could  be  supposed,  in  other  words,  to  have 
teeaTed  baptism  in  a  legitimate  and  regular 
■naacr.  The  manner  in  which  Cyprian  replies 
to  the  enquiry  (Cypriani  Epist.  Ixxvi.  al,  Ixix. 
od  Jfdyatun)  shows  that  no  formal  decision  had, 
to  hit  knowledge,  ever  been  given  previoualy  on 
the  question.  He  judges  or  the  question  sub- 
mittol  to  him  to  the  best  of  his  own  ability 
(qiaaton  ooncipit  mediocritas  nostra),  and  ex- 


presses an  opinion  that  the  mode  in  which  the 
water  was  applied  was  a  matter  of  minor  im- 
portance, provided  that  Faith  was  not  wanting 
on  the  part  both  of  Ministrant  and  Recipient. 
In  the  ninth  century  Walafrid  Strabo  speaks  of 
Baptism  by  Affusion,  '*  desuper  fundendo,"  as  ex- 
ceptional only  {De  ltd).  EccL  cap.  26).  Not  till 
the  1 3th  century  (Augusti  DenhDikrdig,  cap.  ix.  § 
11)  do  we  find  proof  that  Affusion  or  Aspersion 
had  become  the  rule  of  the  Western  Church. 
The  older  practice  is  maintained  in  the  East  to 
this  day. 

Age  ai  tohich  Baptism  teas  conferred.    (Infant 
and  Adult  Baptism.) 

§  95.  Infant  Baptism.  St.  Irenaeuf,  Direct 
evidence  of  the  practice  of  Infant  Baptism  first 
occurs  in  St.  Irenaeus,  who  was  bom,  probably,  in 
the  year  97  A.  D.,  and  who  had  sat  at  the  feet  of 
Polycarp,  the  disciple  of  St.  John.  In  his  book 
against  Heresies  (lib.  ii.  cap.  39  al.  22)  he  says 
that  our  Lord  came  (into  the  world)  in  order 
that  through  Himself  He  might  save  all  men, 
infants,  and  little  ones,  and  children  and  youths 
and  elders,  even  all  who  through  Him  are  bom 
again  unto  Qod.  No  unprejudiced  interpreter^ 
acquainted  with  the  forms  of  speech  habitually 
employed  by  Irenaeus  himself,  and  by  the  early 
fathers  generally,  will  doubt  that  when  Irenaeus 
thus  speaks  of  Infants  and  little  ones,  as  well  as 
others  of  more  mature  age,  being  "  bom  again 
unto  God,"  he  refers  to  the  fact  of  their  being 
baptized.  (For  Irenaeus'  own  usage  see  particu- 
larly adv.  Haer.  lib.  i.  c.  18  tU  i^dpvriauf  rov 
fiawriafAoros  rrjs  tit  Othif  kvay^yyijff^ws,  and  cap. 
xix.,  where  authority  to  baptise  is  described  as 
'*  potestas  regenerationis  in  Deum.") 

§  96.  Tertullian  was  of  full  age  before  the 
death  of  Irenaeus,  and  in  knowledge  of  antiquity, 
and  of  the  usages  of  the  Church,  was  second  to 
none  then  living.  And  he  gives  absolutely  con- 
clusive proof  that  Baptism  of  Infants  was  a  com- 
mon practice  of  the  Church  in  his  own  time, 
towards  the  dose  of  the  second  century.  With 
characteristic  freedom  he  expresses  his  own 
opinion  that  the  practice  might  wisely  be 
altered,  stating  reasons  for  his  opinion  (de  Bapt. 
c  18).  But  he  nowhere  says  one  woni  to  im- 
ply that  the  practice  of  his  own  contemporaries 
was  an  innovation  upon  the  earlier  usage  of  the 
Church. 

§  97.  Origen.  We  have  testimony  no  less 
decisive  from  Origen  as  to  what  was  the  tradi- 
tionary practice  of  the  more  Eastern  Churches. 
He  was  born  probably  in  the  year  186  ▲.  D.  and 
was  a  disciple  of  Clemens  Alex,  and  an  inheritor 
of  his  great  learning.  His  language  in  several 
passages  shows  not  only  that  Infant  Baptism  was 
a  recognised  practice  of  the  Church  in  his  own 
day,  but  that  in  his  belief  (and  no  man  knew 
more  of  antiquity)  had  been  equally  so  from  the 
time  of  the  Apostles.  See  his  Horn,  viii.  on  Le- 
viticus (Oberthur  t.  vi.  p.  137)  and  Horn,  xiv. 
on  St.  Luke  (t.  xiii.  p.  335),  where  he  argues 
that  infants  must  have  original  sin,  '*else  why 
are  they  baptized  ? " — and  his  comment  in  Ep. 
ad  Rom.  lib.  v.  c.  vi.  (ecciesia  ab  apostolis  tradi- 
tionem  accepit  etiam  parvulis  baptismum  dare). 

§  98.  Other  early  evidence,  but  indirect  and 
inferential  only,  has  by  some  been  cited  (Bing- 
ham C.  A.  book  xi.  ch.  iv.  §§  vi.  vii.)  from  Cle- 
r^ent  of  Rome,  and  from  Justin  Martyr.     More 


170 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


conclasive  than  these  is  an  expression  of  Clemens 
Alex,  in  the  second  century,  when  {Paedag.  lib. 
iii.  c.  11)  he  speaks  of  t&v  4^  dStirwi^  iufcunr»fi4' 
rwy  «-a<8/«y,  the  children  that  are  drawn  up  from 
cut  of  the  water,  in  a  context  which  shows  clearly 
that  it  is  of  Baptism  that  he  speaks. 

§  99.  Jewish  Proselyte  Baptitm, — In  order  to 
complete  the  subject  of  the  evidence  for  Infant 
Baptism,  it  may  be  well  to  refer  to  the  argu- 
ments based  on  the  analogy  of  Christian  Baptism 
both  to  the  Proselyte  Baptism  of  the  Jews, 
which  was  given  to  infants  as  well  as  to  adults, 
and  to  the  rite  of  circumcision,  administered  on 
the  8th  day  after  birth,  and  only  in  exceptional 
cases  to  adults.  For  the  first  of  these,  the  Bap- 
tism of  Proselytes,  the  argument  from  analogy 
is  exceedingly  strong,  on  the  assumption  that 
the  practice  in  question  really  existed  before  the 
Apostolic  age.  Lightfoot  (on  Matt.  iii.  and  John 
iii.)  and  many  other  Hebrabts  assume  the  pre- 
existence  of  the  Jewish  rite  without  doubt.  To 
the  present  writer  there  appear  to  be  the 
strongest  grounds  for  this  opinion.  But  among 
ContinenUd  scholars  at  the  present  time  the 
prevailing  opinion  appears  to  be  opposed  to  that 
of  Lightfoot.  A  summary  of  the  arguments 
on  either  side,  and  full  references  to  the  best 
authorities,  will  be  found  in  Carpzovius  Armo- 
tationes  in  T.  Ooodwini  Mosen  et  Aaronem,  Fran- 
oofurti,  4,  1748.  See  particularly  the  Notes 
on  Lib.  i.  cap.  iii.  §  vii.  For  additional  authori- 
ties see  the  BibUographia  Atdiqwuia  of  T.  A. 
Fabricius,  p.  385. 

§  100.  The  Analogy  of  Circumcision  (adminis- 
terod  as  this  was  in  infkncy)  with  Christian 
Baptism,  is  recognised  both  in  Scripture  (Col.  2. 
ii.)  and  in  early  Christian  writers,  as  Justin 
Martyr,  Dial,  cum  Tryp.  lud, ;  St.  Irenaeus  adv, 
Haer.  lib.  iv.  c  zxx.  (this,  however,  open  to  dis- 
pute). In  St.  Cyprian's  time  so  close  was  this 
analogy  considei^  by  some  as  to  cause  doubt 
whether  in  view  of  ^  eighth  day  circumcision  " 
any  day  earlier  than  the  eighth  were  allowable 
for  Christian  Baptism  (C3rpriani  Epist,  lix.).  St. 
Gregory  Nazianz.  expressly  appeals  to  this  as 
analogous  to  the  practice  of  Infant  Baptism 
{prat,  xl.  de  Bapt.  p.  658> 

§  101.  Adrdt  Baptism.  The  general  conclu- 
sion, resulting  from  an  impartial  investigation 
of  all  the  evidence  now  available,  appears  to  the 
present  writer  to  be,  that  in  the  first  four  cen- 
turies of  Christian  History  adult  baptism  was, 
from  a  variety  of  concurrent  causes,  the  pre- 
vailing practice.  Yet  that  dui-ing  the  same 
period  infants  were  always  baptised  without 
delay  if  in  apparent  danger  of  death.  But  in 
the  absence  of  such  danger  their  baptism  was 
deferred  to  the  time  of  solemn  baptism  held  at 
Epiphany,  Easter,  or  Pentecost.  And  it  is  pro- 
bable that  in  manv  cases  Christian  parents  may 
have  shared,  and  have  acted  on,  the  opinion  ex- 
pressed by  Tertullian  in  the  second  century,  and 
by  Gregory  Nazianz.  in  the  fourth,  and  thought 
it  well  to  defer  the  baptism  of  children,  cases 
of  grave  sickness  excepted,  till  they  were  able  to 
make  answer  on  their  own  behalf  to  the  inter- 
rogations of  the  baptismal  rite  (see  Gregor.  Naz., 
Orat.  xl.  He  urges  the  baptism  of  infants  in 
case  of  danaeTj  and  yet  shortly  after  advises  the 
deferring  their  baptism  in  other  cases  till  they 
were  three  years  old).  In  the  year  450  or  there- 
abouts, we  find  evidence  that  in  Syria,  if  not 


elsewhere,  the  baptism  of  infants  was  rqianM 
as  not  allowable  only  but  matter  of  aWlote 
duty.  (St.  Isaac  the  Great  in  Assemani  Bibl. 
Oriental,  t.  i.  221.  «  Let  the  lambs  of  our  flock 
be  sealed  from  the  first,  that  the  Robber  nuy 
see  the  mark  impressed  (§  4)  upon  their  bodi« 
and  tremble.  Let  not  a  child  that  is  without 
the  seal  (§  4)  suck  the  milk  of  a  mother  that 
hath  been  baptized  ....  Let  the  children  cf 
the  kingdom  be  carried,  from  the  womb,  to 
baptism.") 

y .  Baptism  as  represented  m  Ancient  Art 

§  102.  Direct  Bepresentations.  Of  two  modes 
in  which  we  find  baptism  represented  in  andent 
art,  the  first,  that  of  direct  representation,  is 
confined  to  a  very  limited  number  of  examples. 
The  earliest,  proluibly,  is  one  of  those  engrared 
for  this  article  (see  §  93)  from  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Calixtus  at  Rome,  and  believed  by  De  Rossi 
to  be  of  the  second  century.  It  serves  to  illos- 
trate  what  has  been  said  above  of  what  appean 
to  have  been  one  customary  mode  of  adminbtcr- 
ing  the  rite,  viz.,  by  pouring  water  from  the 
hand,  or  from  a  small  vessel  held  in  the  hsnd, 
upon  a  person  standing  in  shallow  water.  Two 
Mosaics,  at  Ravenna  and  at  Rome,  in  which  the 
baptism  of  our  Lord  is  represented,  have  been 
already  described  (see  §  93).  AnoUier  rimiUr 
representation  is  painted  in  fresco  on  the  walls 
of  a  chamber  in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianiu^ 
originally  used  as  a  baptistery ;  and  yet  another 
in  the  church  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  at 
Ravenna  (the  Mosaic  said  to  be  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury), figured  in  Ciampini,  Vet»  Jfoneim.  L  p.  78. 
Millin  {Midi  de  la  France)  has-  engraved  {Atlat, 
PI.  Ixv.  11)  a  peculiar  representation  of  this  sub- 
ject from  a  sarcophagus.  With  this  may  be 
compared  that  on  the  diptych  of  Milan,  figured 
and  described  by  Bugati  {Memorie  di  S,  Cdso,  p. 
282),  and  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  the  Amndei 
Society.  No  other  such  representations  are 
known  to  the  present  writer,  dating  certainly  from 
any  period  antecedent  to  800  a.d.  But  two  very 
curious  representations  were  engraved  by  CiBni> 
pinus  in  his  Monumenta  Vetera  (tom.  L  p.  IB) 
of  Sarcophagi,  to  which  he  attributed  a  very 
great  antiquity.  In  the  first  is  represented  tbe 
baptism  of  a  king  and  queen  (their  rank  bemg 
indicated  by  a  Royal  crown  on  the  head  of  each), 
and  these  he  supposes  to  represent  Agilulfns  and 
his  wife  Theodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards, 
baptized,  as  he  thinks,  in  the  year  590.  On  the 
other  sarcophagus  a  somewhat  similar  scene  ii 
represented.  A  man  somewhat  advanced  ia 
years  kneels  to  receive  baptism,  which  is  admi- 
nistered bv  afiusion  only,  water  being  poured 
upon  his  head  from  a  snoall  vessel,  which  bai 
been  filled  evidently  from  one  of  lai^er  size  (not 
unlike  the  upper  part  of  a  modem  ^iglish  fbnt) 
which  stands  near.  Ciampinns  supposes  (but  on 
very  slight  grounds)  that  the  event  represented 
is  the  baptism  of  Arrichius,  second  Duke  of 
Beneventum,  a  contemporary  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  circ  591  A.D.  It  is  remarkable  that  in 
both  these  scenes  the  ministrant  of  the  baptism 
has  the  distinctive  dress  of  a  layman,  while  all 
the  other  men  represented  are  designated  by  an 
ecclesiastical  or  a  monastic  dress.  The  real  date 
of  these  sarcophagi  must,  however,  be  regarded 
as  extremely  uncertain.  To  the  12th  century 
belongs  a  fresco  m  the  church  of  St.  Lorenzoi 


BAPTISM 

■I  BoSN  (Md,  torn.  L  Tab.  ti.),  nprcHacing  ths 
bpU9EafSt.&(niunns,b7  St.  LBurentim.  This 
oatoliii  the  tndiUoD  illaded  to  b;  Walnfrid 
Stnba  ia  the  9tb  ccatarj.  "Notlndum  aon 
vloni  mer^ida  Temm  etUm  deauper  fnudeiida 
Bulla  kaptiistos  f^iBW,  et  adhuc  poiM  ita 
Wptiuii  li  D««uitu  lit,  licDti  in  pusione  B. 
LvUTOtii  qaemimm    orceo  allato    tflgimua  bfip- 

kniBcm  tiDgi  noQ  patitor."  The  baptism  of 
rnidnlti  bf'SC.  Paul,  repreMD'ed  m  the  aune 
[ole  (fhm  >  chapel  in  the  chnrch  of  S.  Pnden- 
tim)  b  prabahlj  of  the  same  date.  To  the 
am*  period  ii  to  be  autgned  the  repreaentatioa 
if  th*  iatgauLTj  baptiam  of  Conitaotine  bf  St. 
SItsMt,  (ormerlj  oD  the  %ada  of  St.  John 
Laieno,  at  Rome  (Ciampitii  lU  Sac.  Aaiif.  tab.  ii. 
if.  t>    The  picture  eognTed  below  li  from  a 


St.    Pntrick    and    hia   nephew    Secundioua 
qucQtly   emplojridK   the   rame   langnage   i 

were  engaged.    The  former  ss;s 


"  Valdo    dehitu 


.    Deo   q 
luli  mnlti  p< 


et  poatmodun 
mnrentur  ....  Iddrco  oportet  qnidem  bcDS  et 
diligeoter  piecari,  licut  Dominiis  praamonet 
dicena,  venite  poet  me,  faciam  voa  fieri  piacatarei 
hominum."  And  Secuadiana,  >peaklne  of  St. 
Patrick  :— 


Unm  el^t  nt  decent  barbaraa 


Utdt 


Peilifial  of  the  9th  ceolurr,  now  ia  liie  S. 
NiMiTa  library  at  Rome.  It  repreHQti  the 
haptia  tt  an  in&Bl  and  of  an  adult,  and  it  ia 
i^urtable  lliat  the  latter  ie  repreeented  a* 
wearing  a  tunic  in  the  tont.  Thit  ie  in  oddo- 
ritio  lo  the  conclnriou  drawn  fttim  literary 
aiieaat,  noticed  abore  in  $  48.  The  en- 
gnii^  in  §  ■"  ■    ' 


Tbii  ajraboi  of  the  fid)  u  of  i^nent  occnrrence 

in   the   Roman   oatacombs,   and    in  Tarione 

parte  of  France.     The  writer  has  observed  in 

mannseripta,  and  in  eccleaiaitical  monumenta 

of  varioua  kinde  at  Aatnn,  ClermDnt  Perrand, 

and  at  Parie,  a  peculiar  application  of  this 

■jmhal,  which  haa  not  hitherto,  to  hi>  know- 

ledge,  been    either   described  or  eiplained. 

Two  fiihea  are  lepreiented  in  close  proii- 

mitf,  attached  the  one  to  the  other  by  a 

etring  which  iieuea  from  the  mouth  of  one, 

and  attaches  to  the  head  of  the  other.     This 

is  In  all  probability  a  Chiialian  adaptation 

of   an    old   Celtic   symbol  familiar  to   the 

Oaula  in  P^an  times.     Their  Ood  of  Elo- 

qaenoe  waa  repreeented  with  a  golden  cord 

,  iatning  ftom  his  mouth,  and  entering   the 

ear  of  one  to  whom  he  is  snpposed  to  speak. 

And  BO  in  the  Christian  symbolism  of  Gaul 

at  a  later  period,  He  who  spake  as  never  man 

spake,  ia  represented  under  the  well-known  figure 

of  an  ixerc  or  Fiah,  drawing  to  Him  by  the 

power  of  His  Word  one  who  is  himself  (in  the 

langoage   of  the  Aatnu   inscription)    IXSTOc 

OTPANIOr  rENOc,  the  o&prinE  of  that  hea- 


copyic 


coiled 


)   Royal 


of  Pope  ament  XL, 

Library  at  Windsor. 

{  103.  SytiAoiiod  ReprtKtiaiioK.  From 
•  very  earl  j  period  indeed,  the  piaottoe  ob- 
laiaed  of  rcpreaenting  baptism  aymitolically 
■■der  a  fignre  doe,  probably,  in  the  £rat 
IBStaace.  U>  an  eipreasion  recorded  in  Mark 
L  17  (-1  will  make  vou  Gshers  of  men  "), 
ud  to  t^  parable  wherein  our  Lord  com- 
pares tbt  beavenly  kingdom  to  a  net  en- 
(liaing  fiili  both  bad  aud  good.  A  well- 
kiewa  puaage  of  Tertullian  will  snffice  for 
lUmtntion  of  this  symbolical  meaning. 
"  Hob  piseicull  sacundnm  piscem   nostmm 

Baaendo  lairi  sm^ua."    We  smaller  fishes, 
after  the  eiample  of  oar  Ichthus,  are  bom 

~ -  ■     oij-  bj  continuing  in  the 

nain  safe  (tfa  Papt.  c.  1). 
•It  na«  uie  same  figure  in  a  passage  of  St. 
Hilary  (/a  MatVuimm,  ed  Ben.  torn.  iii. 
p.  S79).   in   which    he   says    that   in   the 

■wk  of  the  Apoatlea  is  eel  forth,  in  draw- 
■f  forth  men,  like  lith  from  out  of  the 


ntu  do 


172 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


renly  Fish.  This  representation  may  be  seen 
over  the  westeni  doors  of  the  cathedral  at  Autau, 
in  a  MS.  Bible  (11th  century  probably)  in  the 
public  library  at  Clermont  Ferrand,  and  on  the 
capital  of  a  column  in  the  baptistery  of  the 
church  of  St.  Germain  des  Pr^  at  Paris.  There 
also  appears  a  modification  of  the  fish  symbol, 
which  is  probably  unique  in  its  kind.  Figures  are 
represented  which  are  heUf-man  and  half-Jiak,  with 
their  hands  clasped  upon  a  fish,  which  is  rising 
upwards  through  the  water,  as  shown  in  the 
accompanying  woodcut.  The  church  in  which 
this  capital  is  still  to  be  seen  is,  even  in  its  pre- 
sent state,  the  oldest  in  Paris.  When  it  was 
built  in  the  11th  or  12th  century  in  place  of  a 
church,  originally  built  six  centuries  before^  the 
capitals  of  many  of  the  older  columns  were  pre- 
served, and  employed  in  the  construction  of  the 
present  building.  And  on  these,  as  on  other 
grounds  which  cannot  now  be  stated  in  detail, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  representation 
dates,  in  origin  at  least,  from  the  very  earliest 
period  of  the  Galilean  Church.  (See  Marriott's 
Testimony  of  the  CataoombSf  ^c,  p.  142,  sq.) 

VL  Literature. 

§  104. — It  only  remains  to  mention  briefly  the 
chief  sources  of  information  upon  the  various 
matters  treated  in  this  article.  Details  as  to  the 
primitive  ritual  of  baptism  are  to  be  sought  in 
the  various  authors  and  treatises  already  quoted 
or  referred  to.  See  particularly  §§  27  to  40. 
Among  modem  authors,  who  have  treated  of  the 
Ritual  of  Baptism,  may  be  mentioned  Hugo 
Menardus,  whose  notes  on  the  sacramentary  of 
St.  Gregory  the  Great  abound  with  instruction 
upon  this  as  upon  other  matters  of  which  he 
treats.  The  treatise  of  Edmond  Martene,  De 
Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Bitibus^  part  i.,  is  full  of  infor- 
mation as  to  Western  usages,  and  gives,  what  is 
of  especial  value,  a  large  collection  of  the  earliest 
"Ordines  Baptismi."  But  he  shows  little  ac- 
quaintance with  Greek  authors,  and  his  references 
to  them,  and  occasionally  to  Latin  writers,  are 
not  always  exact.  Goar,  in  his  Euchologum 
Oraecorum,  gives  full  details  of  the  later  Greek 
rites,  and  his  notes  upon  these,  illustrating 
modern  usage  from  the  older  writers,  are 
valuable.  Bingham  (^Antiquities,  book  xi.)  does 
not  appear  to  have  investigated  the  early  ritual 
of  baptism  very  thoroughly,  but  the  later 
editions  of  his  treatise  are  of  use  as  containing 
in  the  notes  full  citations  from  the  original  text 
of  the  various  authors  whom  he  quotes.  The 
Treatise  of  Angusti,  Archaologie  der  Tavfe,  form- 
ing vol.  vii.  of  his  Denkuiirdigkeiten  aus  der 
Chi-istlicher  Archaologie,  contains  more,  and  more 
exact  information,  than  any  of  the  older  writers 
on  the  subject.  And  it  is  also  valuable  as  giving 
lists  of  writers  who  have  treated  either  of  bap- 
tism generally,  or  of  special  questions  in  con- 
nection with  it.  Binterim  has  given  (Die  Vor- 
zuglichsten  Denkwwdigheiten  der  Christ'Catho- 
lischen  Kirche,  vol.  i.  pt.  1)  a  fair  account  of  the 
ceremonies  of  Baptism,  with  abundant  citations ; 
and  an  essay  on  Baptism  in  Wine,  Milk,  and  Sand 
(Denkw.  ii.  pt.  i.,  pp.  2-34).  [W.  B.  M. 

BAPTISM,  Anqel  of.  Tertulhan  in  his 
treatise  de  Baptiamo,  cc.  5  and  6,  speaks  of  an 
angel  who  is  present  at  baptism  (baptismi 
arbiter),  and  who  prepares  the  waters  of  the 


font  (aquis  in  salutem  hominis  temperandis  adest 
— aquis  mtervenit),  and  under  whose  anspitcs 
men  are  prepared,  by  the  cleansing  of  the  foot, 
for  the  following  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (in  aqua 
emundati  sub  angelo  Spiritui  Sancto  praepsn- 
mur).  His  language  is  not  inconsistent  with  a 
belief  that  this  may  have  been  a  mere  ii  lindoal 
speculation  of  his  own,  rather  than  a  loctrise 
generally  accepted  in  his  time.  No  parallel  to 
this  language  has  hitherto,  as  far  as  tht  writer 
knows,  been  alleged  from  any  other  early  writent 
But  in  more  than  one  of  the  early  **Ordi]i«i 
Baptismi"  there  will  be  found  expressions, de- 
rived, in  all  probability,  from  this  very  passage  of 
Tertullian.  See  the  Article  Baptism,  §  29, 
where  there  is  the  same  allusion  as  in  Tertnllian 
to  the  angel  at  Bethesda  (angelum  aquis  inter- 
venire  si  novum  videtur,  exemplum  futuri  prae> 
cucurrit.     Piscinam  Bethesdam  angelns  inter- 

veniens  commovebat de  Bapt,  c.  5).  With 

this  compare  the  '*  Collectio "  of  the  Gotho-Gal- 
lican  Missal.  "  Descendat  super  has  aquas  angelns 
benedictionis  tuae,"  and  again  '*qui  Betheidac 
aquas  angelo  medicante  procuras ange- 
lum pietatis  tuae  his  sacris  fontibus  adesse  dig- 
nare.  So  too  in  the  Liber  Sacramentorum  of 
Gelasius  Papa  (Martene,  De  Ant,  Eccl.  Bit,  torn, 
i.  p.  66),  **  Super  has  aquas  angelum  sanctitatis 
emittas."                                            [W.  B.  M.] 

BAPTISM,  Iteration  op.  CAyaBearriCftp. 
Denuo  baptizare;  baptismum  iterare,')  It  has 
always  been  held,  as  matter  of  theory,  that 
baptism  once  really  conferred  can  never  be  reallj 
repeated.  And  yet,  from  the  2nd  century  to  the 
present  time,  questions  concerning  the  repetition 
of  baptism  have  continually  arisen,  and  hai'e  ben 
determined  upon  other  considerations  than  that 
of  the  abstract  principle  just  stated.  Yet  the 
principle  itself  was  always  maintained.  Those 
who  rebaptized  heretics  did  so,  as  St.^  Cyril 
Hieros.  says  (Catech,  i.  ol  alptrucol  iafaBawri(ovTai 
^ircidjjr  t6  vp6T9poy  ohK  ^v  fidwrterfta),  on  the 
ground  that  the  former  (reputed)  baptism  was 
not  really  baptism.  And  baptism  administered 
in  cases  where  the  fact  of  previous  baptism  was 
open  to  doubt,  was  defended  in  terms  which  implr 
that  any  conscious  or  intended  repetition  of 
baptism  would  be  matter  for  grave  condemnation. 
(Non  potest  in  iterationis  crimen  devenire,  quod 
factum  esse  omnino  nescitur.  Leo  M.  Epi^. 
xxxvii.  ad  Leon.  Bavenn,  Labbe  t.  iii.  p.  1326). 
But  the  abstract  principle  was  wholly  inadequate 
to  the  solution  of  the  more  difficult  question, 
"  what  constitutes  valid  baptism  ?  " 

§  2.  Baptism  by  Heretics. — Among  the  ques- 
tions thus  left  open  the  most  important  was 
whether  baptism  given  by  heretics  and  schis- 
matics was  to  be  regarded  as  valid  or  no.  Th*f 
question  came  prominently  before  the  Church  i& 
connection  with  the  Donatist  controversy  in  the 
3i*d  century.  St.  Cyprian,  supported  by  many 
bishops  in  the  East,  maintained  that  baptism 
given  "outside  the  Church"  (extra  eoclesiamX 
i.e.  by  schismatics  or  by  excommunicated  here- 
tics, was  not  to  be  accounted  valid,  and  was 
therefore  to  be  repeated  (in  theory,  given  for 
the  first  time),  in  the  case  of  penitents  seeking 
reconciliation  with  the  Church.  Similar  ques- 
tions had  to  be  determined  in  respect  of  the 
Marcionites,  Paulinianists,  Arians,  Eunomiam 
and  others. 

§  3.  Ultunate  decision.— The  ultimate  result  of 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISTERY 


173 


tW  eoitroTen^coBoeniiiig  rebaptization  was  th6 
aeeeptance,  in  the  West  absolutely,  but  with 
men  of  reserre  in  the  East,  of  the  principle  that 
tJw  faliditj  of  the  Sacrament  depended  upon  ad- 
naistntion  in  acoordanoe  with  Christ's  Institu- 
ti<«  (i.  c  with  water  and  the  **  fivangelic  words  *') 
without  regard  to  the  orthodozj  or  otherwise  of 
the  aimiaiftrator.    This  doctrine  finds  decisive 
fipreasioB  in  the  language    of   St.  Augustine 
('ttrfra  Ptiil.  da  wiico  hapiismo^  c  3).     "Si  de 
ipn  Trinitatis  unitate  dissentientem  haereticum 
iBTcaio,  et  umen  CTangelica  et  ecclesiastica  regula 
biptintum,  intellectum    hominis    corrigo    non 
Dei  nolo  sacramentum."    And  again  in  speak- 
i^  of  baptism  given  by  Marcion,  **  Si  evangelicia 
•crAM  in  nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti 
Hareion  baptismum  oonsecrabat,  integrum  erat 
noimentum,  qnamris  ejus  fides  sub  eisdem  ver- 
bis aliod  opinantis  quam  catholica  Veritas  docet 
■so  owt  integra,  sed  fabulods  falsitatibus  in- 
qiinita."    The  Council  of  Aries  (a.  448)  for  the 
resioBs  stated   hj  St.  Augustine,  allowed  the 
fatptism  of  the  Bonosiani  as  valid,  but  rejected 
thtt  of  the  Photinians.    And  the  precedents  thus 
srtiblished  have  been  followed  in  the  West,  ever 
asee,  with  scaroel  j  any  exceptions.    See  Baptism 
^  82  to  89.     But  in  the  Eastern  Churches  the 
tifereaee  of  tendency  indicated  in  what  has  been 
ilnadj  said  may  clearly  be  traced  in  other  cases. 
St.  Cyril  Hierofi^  as  we  have  already  seen,  says 
■■ply  that  **  Heretics  are  rebaptized,'*  as  their 
baption  k  not  really  such.    And  with  this  ao- 
eords  the  language  of  the  Apostolic  Canon,  quoted 
bf  Fhotins  {SffiUagma  Canomtm :  Spicil,  Horn.  A. 
Ihi,  torn.  vii.).     "  If  a  bishop  or  presbyter  re- 
biptiae  one  who  has  true  baptism  (rhif  Kterh 
AMifiv  lxM^«  fidwTurfija)t  or  if  he  refuse  to 
icbsptize  one  who  has  been  defiled"  (i. e.  by 
a  pretended  baptism— compare  St.  Athanasius 
qaoted  below)  **  by  the  ungodly,  let  him  be  re- 
garded as  making  mockery  of  the  Cross  and  of 
the  I>eath  of  Christ,  and    not    distinguishing 
prints  (l^p4as)  from  pretended  priests."    With 
this  St.  Athanasius  agrees  both  in  doctrine  and  in 
expression.    The  Arians,  he  says  {Orat,  ii.  cont, 
ArioL  BB.  torn.  i.  p.  510)  are  in  peril  as  to  the 
fmaen  of  the  Sacrament  itself.     ^  The  baptism 
the?  bestow  most  be  {JSlKKo  &y  efi; — /ailing  short 
ef  absolute  assertion)  alien  from  the  truth,  even 
tboQgh  out  of  regard  to  what  is  written "  [in 
Holy  Scripture!  **  they  make  pretence  of  naming 
the  Father  and  the  Son."    And  again  to  the 
■ate  effect  {pM.  §  43)  speaking  of  other  heretical 
bodies  which  do  but  utter  the  divine  names  (in 
the  Formula  of  Baptism),  but  without  a  right 
iatfation,  and  without  salutary  faith,  the  water 
that  they  bestow  is,  he  says,  ^  without  profit 
{hk99vT*K4s%  being  destitute  of  true  godliness,  so 
that  he  who  is  sprinkled  {ptaniQiiuvov)  by  them 
ii  rather  defiled  in  ungodliness  than  redeemed 
with  the  ransom  of  Christ."     This  kkiwtr^Xh, 
''without  profit,"  reminds  us  of  the  recurrent 
famnla  of  St.  Ai^nstine,  in  speaking  of  heretical 
baptism,  when  followed  by  repentance  and  re- 
septioo  into  the  Church.     In  heresy  men  may 
havi  baptism,  though  they  have  not  (per  quod 
itile  est)  its  bieneficUl  efiect.    On  repentance  and 
awvcrsioa,  **•  prodesse  incipit  ad  saiutem,"  that 
baptim  **  begins  to  avail  unto  salvation,"  which 
bafere  availed  only  to  condemnation  (^De  Baptismo 
cLomaL  lib.  t  cap.  xii.,  lib.  iv.  capp.  iv.  and 
libu  T.  capp.  V.  and  viii.,  and  xviii.  &c.). 


A  tone  like  that  of  Athanasius  may  be  traced  in 
the  decisions  of  various  Eastern  Councils  quoted 
by  Photius.  After  the  ^  Canon  of  the  Apostles  " 
already  quoted,  there  follows  Canon  29  of  the 
Council  of  Nicaea,  which  orders  the  rebaptizing  of 
the  followers  of  Panlinus.  It  has  been  conjec- 
tured (by  St.  Augustine  first,  De  Haeres,  c  44) 
that  this  was  because  of  some  defect  in  the 
formula  which  they  employed.  This  is  very  pro- 
bable, but  there  is  nothing  in  the  language  of  the 
canon  to  imply  this.  Forty  years  later,  at  the 
Council  of  Laodioea,  a  distinction  was  made. 
Canon  78  directs  that  Novatians  or  Photinians 
and  Quartodedmans  are  to  be  received  back  on 
conversion,  with  chrism  and  imposition  of  hands, 
and  then  adds,  **  Moreover  we  rehaptize,  as 
heathens  ('EAX^ras)  Manichaeans,  Yalentinians, 
and  Marcionists."  See  fnrther  Canons  on  the 
same  subject  in  the  Syntagma  Canonum  of 
Photius. 

§  4.  Bebaptizmg  in  caae  of  douibt. — ^The  second 
class  of  cases  involving  the  question  of  iteration 
of  baptism  was  that  of  children  whose  baptism 
was  matter  of  donbi.  This  question  was  formally 
brought  before  a  Synod  at  Carthage  (the  Fifth, 
a.  425)  in  reference  to  children  redeemed  from 
slavery,  and  who  could  neither  themselves  recol- 
lect, nor  had  witnesses  to  testify,  whether  or  no 
they  had  been  baptized.  It  was  determined 
*' absque  ullo  scrupulo  eos  esse  baptizandos  ne 
ista  trepidatio  eos  faciat  sacramentorum  purga- 
tione  privari."  This  canon  was  re-enacted  by 
Cone.  Carthag.  vi.  a.  525:  and  in  the  East,  in 
almost  identical  terms,  by  the  Quinisext  Council 
(Constantinople  a.  691).  It  appears  again  in  col- 
lections of  mediaeval  canons,  and  amongst  others 
in  those  of  Theodore,  Archbp.  of  Canterbury,  in 
the  Excerpta  of  Egbert  of  York,  and  the  Syntagma 
Canonum  of  Photius.  The  hypothetical  form  of 
baptism,  *'  Tjf  thou  art  not  already  baptized,"  &c., 
was  apparently  unknown  till  the  8th  century. 
The  earliest  example  of  it  is  found  in  the  Statuta 
of  St.  Boniface,  Archbp.  of  Mayence  (Martene 
De  Bit.  AnUq.  EccL  t.  i.  p.  59).  <«Si  do 
aliquibus  dubium  sit  utrum  sint  baptizati  absque 
ullo  scrupulo  baptizentur:  his  tamen  verbis 
praemissis:  non  te  rebaptizo,  sed  si  nondum  es 
baptizatus  ego  te  baptize  in  nomine  Patris  et 
Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti."  Cases  of  doubt  arising 
from  other  causes  have  been  noticed  under 
Baptism,  §§  80  to  89.  [W.  B.  M.] 

BAPTIST,  NATIVITY  OF.  [St.  John 
Baptist,  Festivals  of.] 

BAPTISTERY  (Lat  Baptixteriwn,  Greek 
BaiTTurT^/ytov,  also  Domus  UiuminationiSy  ^wri- 
<rTiiptov)y  the  building  or  chamber  set  apart  for 
the  celebration  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism. 
The  receptacle  for  the  water  was  called  in  Latin 
*^ piscina,"  in  Greek  **■  KoKvfi^Opa"  and  more 
rarely  by  some  other  names,  as  iiro»6fjLos,  lava- 
crum,  nataioria.  Besides  the  receptacle  for  the 
water  a  baptistery  was  famished  with  an  altar, 
for  the  practice  existed  from  a  very  early  period 
until  the  10th  century,  and  perhaps  even  later 
(v.  Martene,  De  Antiq,  Eccl  Hit,  t.  i.  p.  153),  of 
allowing  the  newly  baptized,  even  if  infants,  to 
partake  of  the  Eucharist.  In  the  earliest  ages 
the  administration  of  baptism  was  confined  to 
the  principal  church  of  the  diocese ;  and  this 
practice  still  exists  at  Florence,  Pisa,  and  else- 
,  where  in  Italy.    Pope  Marcellus  (a.d.  304-300) 


174 


BAPTI8TEBY 


BAPTISTERY 


is  said,  in  the  Lib,  Pontif,,  to  have  appointed 
twenty-five  "tituli"  in  Rome  ^'as  though  (quasi) 
dioceses,  on  account  of  the  baptism  and  penance 
of  many/'  Many  passages  in  the  Lib,  I'ontif, 
shew  that  baptisteries  existed  attached  to  many 
of  the  minor  churches  down  to  the  9th  century, 
and  it  is  probable  that  every  parish  church  in 
Rome  had  its  baptistery.  The  existence  of  many 
baptisteries  in  one  city  was,  it  would  seem,  al- 
most or  quite  peculiar  to  Rome. 

As,  during  the  earlier  centuries,  immersion, 
either  alone  or  accompanied  by  aspersion,  and 
not  merely  sprinkling,  was  deemed  to  be  the  pro- 
per mode  of  administering  the  rite  (v.  Martene, 
Ve  Antiq,  Eccl.  Rit,  t,  i.  p.  135),  a  large  recep- 
tacle for  ^ater  was  required;  and  as  Easter, 
Pentecost  and  the  Epiphany  were  seasons  specially 
appointed  for  baptisms,  and  large  crowds  of 
people  were  therefore  attendant  at  those  feasts, 
it  became  necessary  to  provide  a  spacious  apart- 
ment in  which  the  sacrament  might  be  adminis- 
tered. MHien  on  Holy  Saturday  St.  John  Chry- 
sostom  was  attacked,  three  thousand  men  had 
been  baptized,  and  many  more,  both  men  and 
women,  fled,  who  were  still  waiting  to  undergo 
baptism  (Chrysostom,  Epitt,  ad  Innocent. ;  Opp, 
iiL  518,  ed.  Montfaucon ;  Palladius,  Vita  Chry- 
sost,  c.  9).  The  presence  of  the  "  piscina,"  or  re- 
ceptacle for  water  would  have  been  inconvenient 
in  a  church,  and  all  the  space  of  even  a  very  large 
edifice  would  be  required,  at  the  great  festivals 
above  mentioned,  by  those  attending  the  solemn 
services  of  those  occasions.  From  these  circum- 
stances the  practice  of  constructing  a  building 
distinct  from  the  church  or  basilica  very  natu- 
rally arot;e,  and  though  we  have  no  existing 
baptistery  which  can  be  referred  to  any  period 
earlier  than  the  4th  century,  nor  indeed  any  dis- 
tinct account  of  the  building  of  one  before  the 
time  of  Constantine  the  Great,  it  seems  highly 
probable  that  where  in  Asia  or  elsewhere  churches 
had  been  built  at  earlier  periods  they  were  ac- 
companied by  baptisteries.  In  the  earliest  ages 
a  river  or  a  pool  may  have  served  as  a  place  of 
ixiptism,  and  indeed  the  spot  in  the  Jordan  where 
our  Saviour  was  baptized  by  St.  John  is  said  to 
have  been  lined  with  marble  and  resorted  to  by 
crowds  on  the  eve  of  the  Epiphany  (v.  Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq,  Chret.,  art.  Baptistere), 

That  Easter  was  still  in  the  8th  century 
chosen  as  a  peculiar  season  for  baptism  at  Rome 
is  shewn  by  a  passage  in  the  Lib,  Pontif.  in  the 
life  of  Hadrian  I.  (772-795).  This  Pope,  we  are 
told,  repaired  the  Claudian  Aqueduct,  which 
supplied  the  baths  of  the  Lateran  palace  and  the 
baptistery  of  the  church,  and  irom  which,  it  is 
added,  many  churches  were  supplied  on  the  holy 
day  of  Easter.  Charles  the  Great,  by  a  capitu- 
lary of  A.D.  804,  ordered  that  baptisms  should 
take  place  only  at  Easter  and  Pentecost. 

Passages  in  the  writings  of  TertuUian  {De 
Coron,  Mil.  c.  3)  and  of  Justin  Martyr  (Apol, 
u  c.  61)  shew  that  baptism  was  not  administered 
in  the  church,  but  that  the  place  of  baptism  was 
without  it.  Such  places  of  baptism  are  believed 
to  have  existed  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome ;  in 
one  of  these,  in  a  cemetery  known  as  the  Ostri- 
anum,  not  far  from  the  church  of  St.  Agnes  on 
the  Via  Nomentana,  St.  Peter  is  traditionally 
said  to  have  baptized.  The  spot  was  known  as 
«*ad  Nymphas  S.  Petri,"  or  "fons  S.  Petri" 
(v.  De  Rossi,  Boma  Sott,  Crist,  t,  i.  p.  189). 


BoMetti  believed  that  he  had  discovered  man 
than  one  of  these  baptisteriesi ;  but  Padre  Marchi 
says  expressly  (Mon,  delie  Arti  Crist.  Prim,,  tc, 
p.  222)  that  the  only  ''battist«rio  cimiteriale" 
known  at  the  time  that  he  wrote  (1844)  wu 
that  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Pontianus.  This 
(engraved  in  PI.  xlii.  of  Marchi's  work)  consists 
of  a  small  cistern  or  "  piscina  "  supplied  by  a 
current  of  water.  The  piscina  would  appear  to 
be  between  3  and  4  feet  deep  and  about  6  feet 
across;  it  is  approached  by  a  flight  of  steps, 
between  the  base  of  which  and  the  water  m 
a  level  space  about  5  feet  wide,  on  which  the 
priest  or  bishop  may  have  stood  while  performiog 
the  rite.  There  seems  to  be  no  trace  of  an  altar, 
nor,  indeed,  any  fit  place  for  one.  Above  the 
water  is  a  painting  representing  the  baptism  of 
Our  Lord,  and  on  another  side,  and  partly  hidden 
by  the  water,  a  painting  of  a  cross  adorned  with 
gems  and  throwing  out  leaves  and  flowers  from 
its  stem.  Two  lighted  candelabra  rest  upon  the 
arms  of  the  cross,  and  an  alpha  and  an  rmtffk 
hang  suspended  from  them  by  chaiB>;.  [See 
A  and  «,  p.  1.] 

The  lighted  candelabra  are  no  doubt  in  allnnon 
to  the  divine  illumination  of  the  soul  attendant 
on  baptism,  whence  baptisteries  were  oft«n  called 
^trrurr^ipiOf  as  has  been  remarked  above. 

This  baptistery  has  been  noticed  at  some 
length,  as  although  the  date  of  the  paintings 
which  decorate  it  cannot  be  fixed  with  any  cer- 
tainty, it  is  perhaps  one  of  the  earliest  examples 
now  remaining  of  a  chamber  set  apart  for  the 
performance  of  this  rite. 

Of  the  construction  of  baptisteries  in  the  time 
of  Constantine  the  Great  we  have  abundant  proof. 
The  anonymous  pilgrim  of  Bordeaux,  who  visited 
Jerusalem  c.  A.D.  334  when  speaking  of  the  basilica 
which  Constantine  had  just  built  at  the  Sepnlchre 
of  our  Lord  says,  that  by  its  side  were  reserroin 
for  water,  and  behind  it  a  bath  where  children 
were  *'  washed "  (balneum  a  tergo  ubi  infanta 
lavantur),  that  is,  no  doubt,  baptized.  Ensebins 
evidently  includes  a  baptistery  among  the  Exedrae 
of  the  church  of  Paulinus  at  Tyre,  and  Panlions 
of  Nola  (Ep.  12,  ad  Severum)  savs  that  Serems 
built  a  baptistery  between  two  basilicas.  Cyril 
of  Jerusaleip  speaks  of  the  baptistery  as  having 
a  porch  or  anteroom,  trpoa^Ktos  oJkbs,  where  the 
catechumens  made  their  renunciation  of  Satan 
and  Confession  of  Faith,  and  an  ivArtpot  ohoi, 
the  inner  room  where  the  ceremony  of  baptiim 
was  performed.  This  shows  that  a  well-ooa- 
sidered  plan  for  such  buildings  then  existed. 

Constantine  is  usually  said  to  have  built  the 
baptistery  of  the  Lateran,  and  the  Zt&.  Pwtif. 
contains  a  long  detail  of  the  magnificent  wit/i 
which  he  decorated  it.  Niebuhr  understands- b/ 
the  account,  which  is  not  without  obscurity,  that 
the  walls  of  the  baptistery  were  covered  with 
por|thyry  and  that  the  piscina  was  of  silver,  fire 
feet  in  height ;  the  water  is  said  to  have  flowed 
into  this  receptacle  from  seven  stags  of  silrer 
and  a  lamb  of  gold.  On  the  right  hand  d'  the 
lamb  stood  an  image  of  the  Saviour,  of  silrer, 
five  feet  high,  and  on  the  left  <9ne  of  St  John  the 
Baptist,  of  the  same  size  and  of  the  same  metal. 
In  the  middle  stood  columns  of  porphyry  bearing 
a  **  phiala  "  of  gold,  weighing  52  lbs.,  in  which 
the  Paschal  candle  was  placed.  As,  however,  the 
expression  which  Niebuhr  interprets  to  mean 
the  building  or  baptistery,  is  "  fons  sanctna,"  sad 


BAPTI8TEBT 

■DOB  "  fou  Inptisterii  "  Dccura  nnm«-  ' 
'^rnrds,  it  maj  l»  doabtnil  whether  . 
Dg  of  the  puugs  u  not  that  the  build- 
a{  {U.  the  baptutery)  was  cooitructed  of  or 
artni  irith  poiphfrj,  bat  that  the  piicina  which 
it  aMtiined  wu  of  parpfaf  rf  corered  with  illTei. 
Kitbuhr  ud  ««»er*l  other  writen  hiFe  quea- 
bnerl  wbtXhtc  thi>  part  of  the  Ub.  Pontif.  can 
k  nlied  no  u  historical ;  the  erectian  of  irasgei 
(flbtS>vwDr  aod  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  ii  cer- 
uiaJj  hot  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  the 
Qarch  at  that  period,  and,  in  coDJaactioB  with 
olhiiitatemviti  ofadoubtfnl  nature,  muet  throw 
midenblr  doabt  npon  tho  tnutworthineu  of 
tht  icanat  of  the  buildings  sad  dooatioDa  of 
CraitastiiM  which  the  book  containe.  There  i«, 
kntrer,  no  danbt  bnt  that  Conetantiae  erect«i 
1  bisliea  within  the  Lstenn  palace,  or  at  least 
uanrted  Hnne  hall  of  the  palace  Intg  a  church, 
•Bi  a  Uptiiterf  in  ail  probabilitj  formed  a  part 
•f  the  group  of  eccleiiutical  buildings.  It  is 
eaenll;  belieT«l  that  the  eiistiog  baptistery 
0«ee  it<  form  (thoogh  it  baa  nndergone  many 
■luntiooi  and  lieen  much  added  to),  to  Pope 
Situ  III.  (AJ>.  432-440).  He  is  uid  hj  the 
ompiltr  of  the  LA.  Pontif.  to  have  added,  u  a 
daeuation  to  the  "  fone,"  the  porphyry  colnmni 
which  Constutine  had  collected,  :iDd  marble 
"eptttjlia;"   by  which   we   should  under- 

tnrt*,  u  thosr  now  there  are  no  doubt 
utiqoc,  uiil  hare  inicribed  upon  them  tix- 
Ua  rtna  referring  to  baptiiin  (printed 
ii  the  Back.  s.  £om.,  bd.  iii.  abt.  t.}, 
which  arr  donbtlesi  those  which  the  Lib, 
Pagif.  altodei  to,  though  by  a  corruption 
Hi  the  teit  they  are  wid  to  haFc  been 
plieed  not  od  the  architlSTea  but  od  the 
celnmat. 

The  boilding  a>  it  now  eiisti  is  an  octa- 
ftm  ahont  £2  het  in  diameter,  in  the  centre 
•f  which  are  eight  colnmns  of  porphyry 
auyiBg  antique  apitalg  and  architraves; 
lescr  eclitmu  are  placed  on  the  archi- 
tratci,  and  inpport  tbe  roof.  This  octa- 
gei  i>  entered  &om  a  large  portico  with 
■pddal  ends  which  may  answer  to  the 
ifHdAui    •[(St    mentioned    by   Cyril    of 

Hnb«h    (iff.    Oiriit.    KircAen)    aa«ert« 
tkit  the  walliDg  as  well  of  the  octagon  aa 
rf  the  portico  to  a  height  of  about  .SO  feet  bears 
the  Mamp  of  the  Caustantiiiian  period. 

A>oIb«r  very  remarkable  boilding  at  Rome  is 
■odoobt  of  the  period  of  Ginstantine,  but  it  is 
■occrtaia  whether  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  hap- 
liitnT  or  aa  a  •epalchral  chnr^  This  is  the 
ntcnkr  chnrch  doae  to  St.  Agues,  on  the  Via 
■■■(BtanB,  known  u  Sta.  Costania.  The  Lib. 
Fmiif.  (in  vOa  S.  Silnatrt)  saya  that  Ckinstantine 
Uill '-  baailicam  Sanctae  Uartrris  Agnetis  "  and 
•■  laptbleriaiu  in  eodem  loco ;'  and,  aa  no  trace 
•faay  other  baptistery  has  been  found  near  the 
pUca,  ihia  chorch  ha>  been  usually  taken  to  be 
the  baptistery  mentioned  in   the   above-quoted 

■oaU  teem,  l>een  noticed;  the  building  was 
totiialy  the  place  of  aepultnre  of  one  or  more 
■emben  of  the  Imperial  familj- ;  and  it  appears 
bahtfbl  whether  at  that  period  it  would  have 
ha  deeme  I  right  to  bury  in  a  baailiea  or  a 
^«irt«T7  any  peraon,  of  rank  however  eialted. 


BAPTKTEBT 


175 


A  building  very  similar  to  this,  the  circular 
church  at  Noceradei  Pagani,  known  as  Sta.  Maria 
Maggiore,  was  no  doubt  constructed  for  a  bap- 
tistery, aa  it  pooaessea  a  large  and  apparently 
original  piscina.  It  is  a  circle  about  SO  feet  in 
■fourths  of 


:ircle  i 


a.  projee 


Tiirty 
0  pairs. 


columna  arranged,  as  at  tita.  Cost 
■upport  arches  on  which  rests  a  aome,  ana  tne 
aisle  haa  barrel  vaults.  The  piscina  in  the  cent-re 
is  circular  and  about  20  feet  in  diameter  and 
nearly  5  feet  deep ;  within  are  two  Itepe  or 
benches  running  round  the  whole  circumference, 
ipet  round  it. 


ictagonal  o 


o  the  . 


This 


slabs   of  m 


bearing  incised  patterns,  and  upon  it  stood  eight 
columns,  which  Jwrhapsonce  supported  acanopy; 
three  only  of  these  columns  now  remain  (v. 
Huhach,  Alt.  Chria.  Sirchen,  PI.  ivii.  iviii.).  The 
date  of  this  building  is  not  known  from  aaj  his- 
torical data,  but  it  may  perhaps  be  attributed 
with  probability  to  the  5th  century. 

Another  baptistery,  which,  though  probably 
oonsiderably  older  than  that  at  Nocera,  haa  the 


the  Mittelalterlidu  Eun^ienSimidt  iha  (Ederra- 
diixhan  Kaiier^aatei,  by  Heider  and  Eitelberger 
(bd.  i.  s.  119),  will  give  a  good  idea  of  the  manner 
in  which  a  baptistery  at  the  period  was  arrange). 
The  piscina  is  beiagonul,  and  would  seem  to  have 
one  step  and  a  low  parapet  wall  on  the  outside. 


a  steps  in  the  imide 


The 


the  above-quoted  work,  however,  state  that  the 
number  of  ttepa  ia  live,  meaning  probably  that 
any  one  ascending  from  the  floor  and  descending 

steps  and  descend  three,  lo  the  eastern  angle 
of  the  octagon  is  a  smsU  apse. 

This  baptistery  is  entered  by  a  vanl ted  passage- 
like  building  in  three  compartments,  which  beara 
the  name  of  "Chissa  dei  Pngani,"  and  probably 
served  as  a  place  of  aaaemblage  and  instruction 
for  the  catechumens  before  they  were  admitted 
to  baptism.  It  appears  to  have  had  an  [ppet 
story,  which  may  have  been  set  apart  For  vomer, 
as  there  is  ground  fur  believing  that  su:li  i 


17C 


BAPTISTERY 


BAPTISTERY 


KpantioE  (f  tbs  sexes  wu  practued  in  the  bap-  the  work  of  Neon.  The  accarrencc  oT  ■  miiqi- 
titlcriiu  or  the  apartinents  coanected  with  them,  gnm,  which  may  be  read  Uaiinluiiii  (Arcli- 
Sa  one  of  Che  l«ptiiteries  of  this  period  hu  bithop  oT  fUToniis  in  the  time  of  Jtutiniu).  of 
come  dowQ  to  the  present  time  in  &  more  on-  ad  inscriptioa  in  the  TnosaicAr  vhicb  appean  to 
altered  condition  than  that  of  the  Cathedral  of  refer  to  Tbeodorlc  the  Oreat  (Webb,  Caiik. 
Eocla.  p.  428),  and  verj  close  eimllaritj  in  tb( 
patterns  of  the  marble  inla;  on  the  valli  lo 
those  in  St.  Sophia's  at  Constantinople,  aad  in 
the  Dnomo  at  Parenzo,  ia  Istria,  lead  to  Ibe  con- 
clusion  that  the  work  of  decontioD  wu  aiilj 
groduall;^  eiecuted  and  not  compleMd  until  the 
middle  of  the  6th  centaiy. 
Ai  will  be  seen  bj  the  plan  annexed,  the  bnild- 
octagou,  with  two  niche*  or  spsei ;  it 


1  diameter.  Recent  This  baptistery  affords  one  of  the  b«st  eismpla 
ewn  that  there  were  origin-  of  the  laUrual  decoration  of  the  period,  carrwl 
a  the  centre  la  the   piscina,     thronghtha  whole  of  a  bnilding,  now  dieting  in 


which,  according  to  Hiibsch,  is  probabij  original. 
He  aenii-circnlar  indentatian  in  one  side,  in  which 
the  print  atood  while  bnptiiing,  is  remarkable- 


Europe;  the  arcfaitactnral  a 

understood  from  the  elevation  ud  the  » 

The  colnmoa  and  lUKhea  are  of  marble,  u 


BAFT18TEBT 

bw  put  of  tht  walls  b  lined  with  the  Mine 
■itaul  m  long  slabs ;  above  this  are  panels  of 
*'«pat  sectile,"  narqaeterie  in  porphyry,  ser- 
pcitiae,  msrUcs  of  yarioos  oolours,  and  brick, 
fiaesfth  the  arches  earned  bj  the  upper  range 
•f  eriunnt  an  figures  of  saints  (?)  executed  in 
AaeoD  in  iow  relief^  as  to  the  age  of  which  there 
if  mne  difierenoe  of  opinion.  The  dome  is 
ancred  with  mosaic ;  in  the  centre  the  baptism 
if  ear  Lord  is  repreeented,  round  this  the  twelve 
Ifeflilei)  and  below  them  a  range  of  eight  com- 
futBMatSy  in  each  of  these  are  alternately  two 
cethedne  placed  under  canopies  with  an  altar 
ktwtea  them,  and  two  tombs  of  an  altar  form 
ft^sdiag  under  canopies,  between  which  is  what 
Miins  to  represent  a  slab  or  low  tombstone  lying 
oe  the  ground,  over  which  hangs  a  mass  of  drapery 
supported  on  ornamental  posts.  The  meaning 
«f  these  representations  has  not  been  clearly 
explained ;  the  cathedrae  and  altars  have  been 
wpposed  to  symbolise  a  council,  but  this  leaves 
oexpiainad  the  signification  of  the  tombs;  the 
sltaK^ombs  appear  to  stand  for  tombs  of  confes- 
mn  or  martyrs,  ss  wreaths  appear  to  crown  them 
sad  lilies  or  palm  branches  to  spring  from  them ; 
the  tombs  over  which  the  draperies  hang  are 
thooght  by  Ciampint  (t.  L  p.  178)  to  represent  the 
tsaUis  of  bishops.  The  intention  may  have  been 
to  sjmbolise  the  whole  Church,  the  cathedrae 
itasding  for  living  bishops,  the  tombs  for  saints 
aid  Ushops  deceased. 

The  church  now  called  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin, 
is  Baicnaa,  was  also  once  a  baptistery,  having 
hMU  built  (it  is  believed)  in  the  time  of  Theo- 
dsrie  for  the  use  of  the  Anans ;  it  is  circular  in- 
leraally,  octagonal  externally,  with  a  small  round 
Mded  apee  projecting  from  one  of  the  sides  and 
a  Isggia  of  thrve  arches  from  another.  It  is  oo- 
«Bed  by  a  dome,  on  which  are  mosaics  represent- 
ia{  the  baptism  of  our  Lord  and  the  twelve 
ApastieiL  These  are  believed  to  be  of  later  date 
thm  the  original  building. 

Tbc  baptistery  of  St.  £phia's,  Constantinople, 
'no  doubt  is  that  erected  by  Justinian,  has 
a  pgrtieo  or  narthex,  and  is  rectangular  exter- 
■ally,  with  a  rectangular  projection  containing 
as  apee;  internally  it  is  octangular,  with  on  the 
CnNud-plan  four  niches  (besides  the  apse)  on 
fear  of  the  sides;  the  upper  story  b  octangular, 
with  a  large  window  in  each  side.  It  is  placed 
■aar  the  aouth-west  angle  of  the  cathedral,  facing 
vflstwaids  (Salzenberg,  Baudenkmale  v.  Cbnstofi- 
taopd;  pL  vL)w  At  Parenzo,  in  Istria,  the  bap- 
tiiteiy  stands  in  finont  of  the  dnomo»  and  oon- 
Moted  with  it  by  a  square  atrium,  which  last 
psKtaoo  was  one  frequently  adopted. 

The  preceding  examples  will  give  a  sufficient 

•J  m     e  ^ 

■sa  Of  the  form,  arrangements,  and  decorations 
af  baptisteries  down  to  the  6th  century.  One 
cnious  example,  which  pernaps  should  be  attri- 
bated  to  the  7th,  is  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers : 
Ibis  if  in  plan  an  oblong,  with  an  apse  projecting 
fran  one  of  the  l<Miger  sides ;  this  apse  is  straight 
head,  but  not  rectangular  on  the  outside  and 
five-aided  within.  Two  large  arches  in  the  end 
valla  make  H  probable  that  niches  existed  en- 
tered by  them.  A  building  of  later  date  has 
haiB  added  on  the  side  opposite  to  the  apse,  so 
tbat  the  form  of  the  original  entrance  cannot  now 
be  determined.  The  piscina,  nearly  in  the  centre 
^the  oUong,  is  octagonal.  The  architectural 
^eeantion  is  partly  original  and  partly  made  up 


BAFTIBTEBY 


177 


from  old  materials ;  what  is  original  is  rude,  but 
has  something  of  a  classical  character  (v.  Gail- 
habaud,  Mon.  Anc,  et  MofJL,  t.  li.). 

The  baptistery  at  Albenga,  between  Nice  and 
Genoa,  is  octangular  externally,  but  within  semi- 
circular; three  rectangular  niches  are  formed 
in  the  thickness  of  the  wall,  and  on  the  eighth 
side  was  the  entrance.  It  is  roofed  by  a  dome,  in 
the  drum  below  which  were  eight  windows, 
which  were  filled  with  slabs  of  marble  pierced  in 
patterns  of  circles  and  crosses.  The  vault  of  the 
niche  opposite  the  entrance  and  the  wall  at  its 
back  have  been  covered  with  mosaic ;  the  labarum, 
doves,  and  a  lamb  can  be  distinguished.  Ko  re- 
mains of  the  piscina  are  now  to  be  traced,  but  a 
perfectly  plain  cylindrical  font  stands  in  one  of 
the  niches.  Those  architectural  details  which 
are  original,  e,g.  the  slabs  in  the  windows,  are 
very  rudely  executed,  and  the  building  is  per- 
haps not  earlier  than  the  7th  or  even  the  8th 
century. 

About  A.D.  750,  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, erected  a  church  to  the  east  of  his 
cathedral,  and  almost  touching  it,  to  sort's  as  a 
baptistery,  and  for  other  purposes  (£dmer.  Vita 
3,  Bregwinij  Ang,  Sac,  t.  ii.  p.  186).  It  was 
dedicated  in  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 

During  the  8th  and  9th  centuries  baptisteries 
continued  to  be  in  full  use  in  Italy,  as  wo  may 
learn  from  the  Lib,  Ponttf,,  where  mention  is 
made  of  the  building  or  rebuilding  of  five  bap- 
tisteries attached  to  churches  in  R^e,  between 
A.D.  772  and  a.d.  816.  In  one  of  these  cases, 
that  of  S.  Andrea  Apostolo,  rebuilt  by  Pope 
Leo  III.  (795-816),  we  are  told  expressly  that 
the  place  was  too  small  for  the  people  who 
came  to  baptism,  and  that  the  Pope  therefore 
built  a  circular  baptistery  ''ampla  largitate," 
that  he  also  enlarged  the  "fons"  and  decorated 
it  with  porphyry  columns  round  about. 

Martigny  {Diet,  dea  Antiq,  (^et.)  expresses  an 
opinion  that  in  France  the  practice  of  placing 
the  baptistery  first  in  the  portico  and  then  in  the 
interior  of  the  church,  began  in  the  6th  century ; 
but  the  passage  in  the  Hist,  F^anc,  of  St.  Gregory 
of  Tours  (I.  U.  chap,  xxi.),  to  which  he  refers, 
seems  hardly  sufficient  to  prove  this  statement. 
St.  Gregory  himself  states  that  he  constructed  a 
baptistery  *<  ad  basilicam  *'  (apparently  of  St.  Per- 
petuus, at  Tours),  and  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers 
was  evidently  a  separate  bnilding.  The  baptistery 
at  Frdjus,  which  according  to  Texier  and  Pnllan 
(Byz,  Arch.)  was  built  in  810,  is  also  a  detached 
structure. 

In  Germany  and  Italy  baptisteries  were  built 
as  detached  struct  ares  down  to  a  much  later 
date;  but  this  was  not  an  invariable  practice, 
for  in  the  plan  for  the  church  of  St.  Gall 
[ChubchI  prepared  in  the  beginning  of  the 
9th  century,  there  is  no  detached  baptistery,  but 
a  circular  '*  fons,"  about  six  feet  in  diameter,  In 
the  middle  of  the  nave  towards  the  west  end  of 
the  church,  surrounded  by  a  screen. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  earlier  baptisteries 
were,  if  not  circular,  octagonal ;  it  is  uncertain 
whether  these  forms  were  adopted  merely  from 
reasons  of  convenience,  or  as  symbolical.  The 
circular  form  was  that  almost  invariably  adopted 
for  a  sepulchral  chapel  or  memorial  church,  and 
the  immersions,  with  which  the  rite  of  baptism 
w.\s  in  the  earlier  centuries  invariably  performed, 
were  considered  as  tjrpical  of  dying  to  the  world. 

N 


178 


BABBARA 


The  octagonal  form  is  said  to  have  been  adopted 
as  typical  of  perfection. 

The  piscina  was  nsnally  octagonal,  but  some- 
times hexagonal,  and  sometimes  cironlar.  In 
Lusitania,  we  are  told  bj  Gregory  of  Tours  {De 
Ohria  Martynun,  1.  i.  c  23),  it  was  customarily 
constructed  of  variegated  marble  in  the  form  of 
a  cross. 

Of  baptisteries  in  Asia  or  Africa  we  have  but 
little  information.  Texier  and  Pullan  (^Byx,  Arch. 
p.  14)  bowerer  state  that  small  baptisteries  are 
frequently  fbund  adjoining  ancient  churches  in 
the  East;  and  Count  de  la  Vogflff  has  given  a 
drawing  and  plan  of  one  at  De^-Seta,  in  Central 
Syria  (Arch.  Civ.  et  Relig,  en  Syriey  kc  pi.  117), 
of  an  hexagonal  form,  which  would  appear  to  be 
of  the  6th  century.  It  has  the  peculiarity  of 
three  doors,  one  in  each  of  three  contiguous  sides ; 
in  the  centre  was  an  hexagonal  piscina,  with  a 
column  at  each  angle. 

Mr.  Curzon  (Mcntut,  of  the  Levant^  cap.  131) 
describes  as  entered  from  the  vestibule  of  the 
church  of  the  White  Monastery  (or  Derr  Abou 
Shenood)  in  Egypt,  a  small  chapel  or  baptistery, 
25  feet  long,  arched  with  stone,  with  three  niches 
on  each  side,  and  a  semicircular  upper  end,  the 
whole  highly  decorated  with  sculptured  ornament 
of  very  p»i  style.  This,  as  well  as  the  adjacent 
church,  are  said  to  have  been  built  by  order  of 
the  Empress  Helena. 

Besides  being  used  for  baptisms,  baptisteries 
were  used  as  places  for  assemblies.  Cuthbert, 
archbishop  of  Ouiterbury,  is  stated  to  have  built 
the  baptistery  mentioned  above,  in  order  that  it 
might  serve  for  '*  baptisteria,  examinationes 
jndiciomm,"  and  also  that  the  bodies  of  the 
archbishops  might  be  there  buried  {Anglia  Sacra, 
ii.  186). 

This  practice  of  burying  in  baptisteries,  though 
prohibited  at  an  earlier  period  (as  by  the  14th 
Canon  of  the  Council  of  Auxerre  in  578),  was 
common  before  burial  in  the  church  was  allowed. 

Many  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  were 
buried  in  the  baptistery  from  the  time  of  Cuth- 
bert, who  built  it,  until  A.D.  1067,  when  it  was 
burnt,  in  the  original  entrance  to  the  baptistery 
at  Albenga  are  two  tombs  in  the  fashion  of  the 
^  aroosolia  "  of  the  Roman  catacombs,  as  early  as 
the  8th  or  9th  centuries. 

Baptisteries  appear  to  have  been  in  the  earlier 
ages  (at  least  in  the  West),  almost  always  dedi- 
cated under  the  invocation  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist.  [A.  N.] 

BABBABA,  virgin,  martyr  in  Tuscany,  drc 
200 ;  commemorated  Dec.  16  (Mart.  Som.  Vet.)\ 
Dec  4  (iT.  Hierm.,  Cal  ^yjsan^.);  Oct.  8  {Cal. 
Armeru).  [C] 

BABBABIANS,  BISHOPS  FOB.  Inordi- 
nary cases  the  election  of  a  bishop  required  the 
consent  or  sufirage,  not  only  of  the  clergy  of  the 
diocese  over  which  he  was  to  preside,  but  of 
the  faithful  laity  also.  This  rule,  however, 
could  obviously  be  applied  only  to  countries 
already  Christian,  l^en  a  bishop  was  to  be 
sent  out  to  a  distant  or  barbarous  nation,  it  was 
required  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  Can.  xxviii., 
that  he  ^ould  be  ordained  at  Constantinople, 
to  which  city,  as  the  New  Rome,  equal  privi- 
leges with  "the  Elder  royal  Rome,"  were  now 
to  be  assigned.  The  Bishop  of  Tomi  in  Scythia, 
is  an  instance  of  a  missionary  bishop  thus  or- 


BABKABA8 

dained,  and  commissioned  by  the  Pfttriaidi  ef 
Constantinople — ^the  consent  of  the  people  to 
whom  he  was  sent  to  minister  being,  of  neceHity, 
dispensed  with.  In  the  previous  century  it  is  rs- 
oonied  by  the  Church  historians  that  AUiiuttiat 
ordained  Frumentius  at  Alexandria  to  be  Bbhop 
of  the  Ethiopians,  when,  as  Bingham  remarks,  ''Mo 
one  can  imagine  that  he  had  the  fonnal  coos»t, 
though  he  might  have  tiie  presumptive  Proba- 
tion of  all  his  people."  (1).  B.] 

BABGELONA,  <X)imCIL  OF  (Babci- 
NONEKBE  ConciuumX  provindaL  (1)  ▲.&.  540, 
of  Sergius  the  metropolitan  and  six  sufiiagans, 
passed  ten  canons  upon  discipline  (Labb.  v.  378, 
379).— (2)  AJ>.  599,  Nov.  1,  in  the  14th  year  of 
King  Recared,  under  Asiaticus,  metropolitan  of 
Tarragona,  and  eleven  suffragans,  against  dmony, 
probably  in  compliance  with  the  representations 
of  Gregory  the  Great  (Baron,  tn  an.  599,  {  23^ 
from  Gregory's  letters).  It  also  forbad  ordina- 
tions per  ealtvm  ;  and  ordered,  in  the  election  of  a 
bishop,  a  choice  by  lot  from  two  or  three  candi- 
dates, to  be  nominated  by  the  ''clerus  et  plebs** 
of  the  diooese,  and  presented  to  the  metropolitan 
and  bishops  (Ubb.  v.  1605,  1606).    [A.  W.  R] 

BABOmONEKSE  (X)NOILnjM.  [Bii. 
CELONA,  Council  of.] 

BABDINIAKUS,  martyr  in  Asia;  comme- 
morated Sept.  25  (Mart.  Hieron.').  [C] 

BABNABAS,  ST.,  Leoehd  and  PiarnvAL 
OF.  There  is  a  tradition  that  he  became  s 
believer  after  witnessing  the  miracle  wrought 
by  our  Lord  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda,  and  that 
he  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples.  (EusebiUi 
Hist.  Eod.  i.  12,  and  ii.  1.)  It  is  also  said  that 
he  was  the  first  preacher  of  Christianity  at 
Rome,  that  he  converted  Clemens  Romanua  to 
the  &ith  and  that  he  founded  the  churches  cf 
Milan  and  Brescia.  But  these  and  other  state* 
ments  about  him  may  certainly  be  regarded  as 
unworthy  of  credit.  There  is  however  a  generd 
agreement  of  testimony  about  the  time,  place 
and  cause  of  his  death.  From  very  early  timcs^ 
in  the  Western  as  well  as  in  the  Eastern  church, 
he  has  had  the  credit  of  martyrdom.  It  is 
believed  that  he  was  stoned  to  death  by  tht 
Jews  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus  about  the  year  64 
A.D.  TnMlition  says  that  his  death  toolE  phux  oa 
the  11th  of  June  and  that  he  was  buried  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  town  of  Salamis.  N<^ 
thing  however  seems  to  have  been  heard  of  Ids 
tomb  until  about  the  year  478  A.11. 

The  discovery  of  his  body  is  fully  related  ii 
the  Eulogy  of  St.  Barftabasy  written  by  Alexander, 
a  monk  of  Cyprus,  about  the  beginning  of  the 
sixth  oentury.  After  giving  an  aooount  of  the 
martyrdom  and  burial  of  Bamabaa,  this  wntcr 
asserts  that  in  consequence  of  the  many  aaira* 
ouloua  curea  that  had  occurred  in  the  aeifh- 
bourhood  of  the  tomb  the  spot  had  beoi  calm 
the  *«  place  of  heaUng"  (r^wos  ^«(af>  Bot 
the  cause  of  these  miracles  was  unknown  to  the 
Cypriotes  until  the  disooveij  was  made  in  tht 
following  way.  Peter  the  Fuller,  Patriarch  of 
Antioch,  a  man  who  had  been  very  successful  ia 
creating  dissensions,  was  endeavouring  to  hriag 
Cyprus  under  his  episcopal  sway,  on  the  pica 
that  the  Word  of  God  in  the  first  instaaoe  was 
carried  from  Antioch  to  Cyprus.  The  Cypriotec 
resisted  this  claim  on  the  ground  that  their 
church  had  iVom  the  time  of  ita  founders  hees 


BABTHOLOMEW 

hifpriiitrnt  of  the  ae«  of  Antiodi.    Anihemiua, 
tJie  Kihop  of  CyproB,  a  timid  and  retiring  pre- 
hte,  was  acaroely  a  match  for  an  opponent  so 
aUt  and  experienced  as  Peter.     But  he  was 
Meooiaged  by  Bamahas  lumself  who  appeared 
t»  hm  arreial  timet  in  a  vision,    ^t  the  saint's 
Wdiog  be  searched  a  cave  in  the  neighbonrhood 
•f  the  rSmn  ^ulasj  and  found  a  coffin  con- 
Uiibf  the  bodj  of  Barnabas  and  a  oopj  of  St. 
Hstthew's  GospeL    He  proceeded  to  Constan- 
tiooplei  where  the  dispute  was  heard  before  the 
Inperar  Zeno,  and  in  support  of  his  claim  to 
ruuiB  independeot  he  announced  that  the  body 
rf  Barnabas  had  lately  been  disooyered  in  his 
tipeese.    On  hearing  this  the  emperor  gaye  his 
dedflon  in  fiiyour  of  Anthemius,  bade  him  send 
ai  «ace  to  Cyprus  for  the  copy  of  St.  Matthew's 
Geipel,  and  as  toon  as  it  arriyed  had  it  adorned 
vith  gold  and  placed  in  the  imperial  palace. 
After  conferring  great  honours  on  Anthemius, 
tk  enperor   sent   him   back   to  Cyprus  with 
iastractions  to  build  a  magnificent  church  in 
hmmr  of  Barnabas  near  Uie  spot  where  the 
My  was  found.    This  oraer  was  strictly  carried 
oQt,  tbe  body  was  placed  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  altar  and  the  11th  of  June  consecrated  to 
the  memory  of   the  saint,   (Acta  Sanctorum: 
Jnii  xi.) 

Hoveyer  ready  we  may  be  to  reject  this 
aecMBi  of  the  finding  of  the  body  of  Barnabas, 
tben  is  erery  reason  to  belieye  that  in  the 
Eastern  Churdi  these  eyents  were  the  origin  of 
tie  ftatiyaL  No  church  howeyer  was  built  to 
the  aaint's  memory  at  Constantinople.  It  is  also 
mttricable  that  from  early  times  the  day  was 
kept  in  the  Eastern  Church  in  honour  of  Bar- 
tboloinew  as  well  as  of  Barnabas.  When  the 
seeoad  saint's  name  was  added  is  quite  uncertain, 
bat  there  are  good  grounds  for  belieying  that 
tfic  day  was  originally  sacred  to  Barnabas  only. 
la  the  Menohgitan  AuilioHum,  edited  by  com- 
aand  of  the  Emperor  Basil  in  the  year  886  A.D., 
the  day  is  the  joint  festival  of  the  two  saints. 
At  what  time  it  was  first  obeeryed  in  the  Western 
Ghurch  is  rery  doubtful.  Papebrochius  asserts 
tbat  the  festi^  was  not  kept  in  Eastern  earlier 
Asa  in  Western  Christendom,  but  he  has  not 
iroTed  this  statement.  The  day  occurs  as  the 
Feast  of  Barnabas  in  the  calendar  of  the  Venerable 
Bedc,  so  that  unless  this  be  one  of  the  additions 
BaJe  after  the  author^s  death,  we  may  conclude 
that  the  day  was  obteryed  in  the  Western 
Gboreh  in  the  8th  century.  It  does  not  how- 
crer  occur  in  all  the  old  senrioe-books.  In  the 
Msrtjfroloffium  Somanum  it  appears  as  the  Fes- 
tiTai  of  Barnabas  only. 

The  principal  account  of  the  traditions  con- 
eerai^  Barnabas  is  the  work  aboye  referred 
Us  AkTandri  Monachi  Laudatio  in  Apost, 
S&rmAam;  in  Migne's  Patrol^  Serves  OraecOj 
veL  87,  ooL  4087;  Surius,  Vtiae  Sanctorum^ 
Juaii  xL  [W.  J.  J.] 

BABTHOLOMEW,  bishop ;  commemorated 
with    Padiomius,    Taks&s  11  =r  Dec    7    (Co/. 

Rkkm.)  [C] 

BABTHOLOlffEW,  ST.,  Lboefd  and  Fes- 
THTAL  or.  The  New  Testament  tells  us  but 
little  of  this  Apostle,  and  there  is  an  equal 
a^^g^ce  of  any  great  amount  of  early  trust- 
•erthy  tradition.  He  is  by  some,  with  a  great 
show  of  prohabiltty,  identified  withNathanael, 


BABTHOLOMEW 


179 


for  the  arguments  as  to  which  deriyed  from 
scripture,  see  Dici.  Bibl.,  under  Babthqlokew, 
Natbanael.    It  may  be  further  remarked  in 
fayour  of  the  identification  that  in  such  a  matter 
Eastern   tradition  is  more  to   the   point  than 
Western  (considering,  that  is,  the  scene  of  this 
Apostle's  labours  and  martyrdom),  aind  that  the 
former  uniformly  identifies  Nathanael  with  Bar^ 
tholomew.    For  example,  from  the  Armenian 
and  Chaldaean  writers  cited  by  Assemani  (Bibl, 
Or,  yol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  4),  e,g.  Elias,  bishop  of 
Damascus,  and  Ebedjesu  Sobensis,  we  may  infer 
that  Nathanael  was  in  those  churches  induded 
among  the  Apostles,  and  yiewed  as  one  with  Bar- 
tholomew ;  in  fact,  Assemani  remarks,  '*  Bartho- 
lomaeum  cum  Nathanaele  confundunt  Chaldaei " 
(Aid,  p.   5).     Moreoyer  in  martyrologies  and 
calendars,  both  of  Eastern  and  Western  Churches, 
the  name  of  Bartholomew  is  of  constant  occur- 
rence, while  that    of  Nathanael  is  ordinarily 
absent,  which  would  be  strange  on  the  hypo- 
thesis of  a  difference  between  the  two.    It  must 
be   allowed,  howeyer,  that  the  Egyptian  and 
Ethiopian  Churches  seem  to  identify  Nathanael 
with  Simon  the  Canaanite,  for  in  their  Meno- 
logies    and   Calendars,    edited  by    Job    Ludolf 
(Frankfort,  1691),  there  is  no  mention  of  Simon 
the  Canaanite,  but  on  July  10  is  **  Nathanael  the 
Canaanite "  (p.  33).    In  Greek  Menologies  also, 
under  the  days  April  22,  May  10  is  a  similar 
identification,  as  also  in  the  Russian  Calendar  for 
the  latter  day. 

The  general  account  giyen  by  tradition  of  tho 
labours  of  this  Apostle  is  to  the  effect  that  hv 
preached  the  gospel,  usmg  especially  that  by 
St.  Matthew,  in  India,  where  he  suffered  martyr- 
dom by  beheading,  haying  been,  according  to  some 
writers,  preyiously  flayed  (Euseb.  Mist,  EccL  v. 
10 ;  Jerome,  De  viris  lUtutr.  36,  yol.  ii.  651,  ed. 
Migne.  C£  also  Ado's  Libettw  de  festiv.  SS, 
Apostolorum  in  Migne's  Patrol,  Lot,  czziii.  185). 
In  the  appendix  De  vitie  Apostolorum  to  Sophro- 
nius's  Greek  yersion  of  the  De  viris  Illustrious, 
allusion  is  made  to  the  Apostle's  mission  *Ip9oTs 
rots  Ka\ovfi4rois  eh^aCfiotrtVy  which  might  pos- 
sibly refer  to  Arabia  Felix,  and  it  is  added  that 
he  suffered  in  Albanopolis,  a  city  of  Armenia 
Major  (Jerome,  yol.  ii  722).  The  latter  state- 
ment is  also  found  in  seyeral  other  writers  (e.g. 
Theodorus  Studita  and  Nicetas  Paphlago,  yide 
infra:  and  the  Martyrologies  of  Florus  and 
Rabanus),  generally  in  the  form  that  the  Apostle 
suffered  through  the  machinations  of  the  priests, 
who  stirred  up  Astyages  brother  to  the  king 
Polymius  whom  Bartholomew  had  conyerted. 
See  further  the  Pseudo-Abdias's  Acta  of  this 
Apostle,  published  by  Fabricius  (Ck)dex  Pseuds' 
pigrapkus  Novi  Testcanenti,  yoL  L  pp.  341  ssqq,). 
The  tenor  of  the  tradition  as  to  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  relics  of  St.  Bartholomew  is  on  the 
whole  consistent,  though  not  altogether  tree  from 
difficulties.  Theodorus  Lector,  a  writer  of  the 
sixth  century,  tells  us  (OoBecian,  2.  in  Magn, 
Bibl,  Pair,  yol.  yi.  part  1,  p.  505  ed.  Col.  Agr. 
1618)  that  the  Emperor  Anastasius  gaye  the 
body  of  St.  Bartholomew  to  the  City  of  Daras  in 
Mesopotamia,  which  he  had  recently  founded 
(circa  507  A.D.).  We  next  find  that  before  the 
end  of  the  sixth  century,  a  translation  had  been 
effected  to  the  Lipari  islands  (cf.  Greg.  Turon. 
Ds  Gloria  Martyrum,  i.  33).  Thence  in  809 
A.D.  the  relics  were  transferred  to  Beneyentnm, 

N2 


180 


BABTHOLOXEW 


and  fimilly  in  983  a.d.  to  Rome,  where  they  lie 
in  a  tomb  beneath  the  high  altar  in  the  church 
of  St.  Bartholomew  in  the  island  in  the  Tiber 
(See  Ciampini,  De  Sacris  AedifdU  &c.,  vol.  iii. 
pp.  58, 66,  who  refers  to  a  temporary  transference 
of  the  relics  to  the  Vatican  Basilica  in  con- 
sequence of  an  overflow  of  the  Tiber  during  the 
Episcopate  of  Paul  IV.).  For  these  statements 
we  may  refer,  in  addition  to  the  writers  dted 
above,  to  a  panegyric  of  Theodorus  Stndita 
(ob.  826  A.D.),  translated  into  Latin  by  Anasta- 
sius  Bibliothecarius,  and  published  in  ErAchery's 
SpicUegiutn  (vol.  iii.  pp.  13  teqq,) ;  to  an  oration 
of  a  certain  Joseph,  possibly  Joseph  Hymno- 
graphns,  a  contemporary  of  Theodorus  Stndita 
{Acta  Sanctorunij  August,  vol.  v.  pp.  43  aeqqJ) ; 
and  to  a  panegyric  of  Nicetas  Paphlago  (Com- 
befis,  Avotcar,  Nov.  PcUrum,  1.  p.  392). 

It  would  seem  that  not  before  the  eighth  cen- 
tury did  the  previously  existing  festival  com- 
memorating the  collective  body  of  the  Apostles, 
held  upon  the  day  after  the  feast  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul,  develope  itself  into  festivals  of 
individual  Apostles ;  consequently  it  is  in  writers 
of  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  that  notices  are 
to  be  looked  for  of  a  festival  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
which  would  appear  to  have  originated  with  the 
Eastern  Church  (for  the  notices  in  Latin  writers 
are  later),  probably  with  that  of  Constantinople. 
Of  this,  indeed,  the  encomiastic  orations  of  Theo- 
dorus and  Nicetas  are  evidence,  and  we  further 
have  a  direct  statement  on  the  part  of  the  latter 
(§  2)  to  the  etfect  that  the  festivid  of  this  Apostle 
was  then  annually  celebrated. 

It  will  of  course  follow  fh>m  what  has  been 
said  that  in  the  more  ancient  Sacramentaries 
(e.g.  those  of  Gelasius  and  Gregory)  in  their 
original  form  there  is  no  trace  of  a  festival  of 
this  Apostle,  nor  indeed  is  there  in  any  Latin 
writer  for  a  considerable  time  after  their  date. 
As  to  the  special  day  or  days  on  which  this 
festival  was  held,  very  great  diversity  exists  in 
ancient  Martyrologies  and  Calendars: — ^thus  in 
the  Calendar  of  the  Byzantine  Church,  we  find 
on  Jane  11,  '*  Bartholomew  and  Barnabas,"  while 
on  August  25  is  the  "  Translation  of  Barnabas 
the  Apostle  and  Titus  the  Apostle :  "  the  Arme- 
nians held  the  feast  on  February  25  and  December 
8,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  two  Calendars  given 
by  Assemani  (BibL  Or.  vol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  645). 
The  Ethiopic  or  Abyssinian  Church  again  com- 
memorates St.  Bartholomew  on  November  19 
and  June  17  (Ludolf  pp.  11,  31).  In  the  Arabian 
Calendar  the  name  occurs  several  times,  some- 
times alone,  sometimes  with  the  added  title 
martyr,  and  on  November  15  and  June  30,  with 
the  addition  Apostle  (Selden,  De  Synedriie  Ve- 
terwn  Ebraeorum,  bk.  iii.  c  15,  pp.  228,  243,  ed. 
Amsterdam,  1679).  It  is  explained  in  the  Greek 
metrical  Ep/iemerides  that  the  one  day  (June  11) 
commemorates  the  martyrdom  MfKdtp  <rra&- 
pvatuf  $ij^pova  hapOoKoftaiov  \  and  the  other 
(Augast  2.'>),  the  finding  of  the  relics,  ahr  vdicvy 
ctkoSi  tri/iirr^  BapBoKofuu*  l^cvpoi^— on  which 
latter  day  several  Calendars  associate  him  with 
Barnabas,  e.  g.  in  the  Pictorial  Moscow  Calendar 
prefixed  by  Papebroch,  together  with  the  pre- 
ceding, to  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May,  vol.  i. 
Cf.  Assemani  Calendarium  Eccleeiae  Univer$ae, 
ToL  vi.  pp.  420,  541. 

The  ancient  Latin  Martyrology  which  bears 
the  name  of  St.  Jerome  follows  the  Greek  in  | 


BASIL 

the  double  announoement,  and  on  June  13  has 
*'In  Perside  natalis  S.  Bartholomaei  Ai'ostoll;'' 
on  August  24^  <<  In  India  natalis  S.  Bartnolomsei 
Apostoli "  (voL  xi.  463,  472).  The  Utcr  Haiw 
tyrologies  content  themselves  with  a  notice  oa 
August  24  or  25 :  for  example,  those  of  Bede 
(Migne,  Pair,  Lot.  xciv.  604),  and  the  amplifiGii. 
tion  of  this  by  Ifloms  (ib,  1015),  of  Babsnot 
Maurus  (t&.  ex.  1164),  of  Wandelbert  (t6.  cxxi 
608),  of  Ado  (ib,  cxxiii.  167,  335),  and  of  Uso- 
ardus  (ib,  cxxiv.  393). 

We  subjoin  the  notice  of  the  day  as  given  ia 
the  Metrical  Martyrology  of  Wandelbert, 

**  Bartholomseos  nonsm  ezornat  rettnetque  hettaa, 
India  quo  doctore  Dei  cognovit  honoram, 
Uercnlis  et  Bscdil  Inssnis  vix  emta  sacris; 
Nnuc  illnm  fluna  est  varia  pro  soite  sepokri, 
AeoUum  IJpsre  Beneventi  et  tenpla  Vaten." 

With  regard  to  the  relative  importance  of  thii 
festival,  Binterim  (Denkwtirdigkeitenf  i.  445) 
refers  to  Schulting,  who  gives  an  extract  from  as 
old  English  Missal  which  contained  a  special  pn- 
fiuse  for  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  and  he  adds  that 
before  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  thii 
festival  was  viewed  in  England  as  of  considerable 
importance.  It  is  not  certainly  known  whether 
the  vigil  is  coeval  with  the  festival ;  in  meit 
Calendars,  however,  drawn  up  before  the  middle 
of  the  tenth  century  the  vigil  is  wanting,  while 
it  is  marked  in  later  ones. 

We  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  date  of  the  rise  of  this  festival  is  socfa 
as  to  preclude  its  appearance  in  the  ancient 
Roman  Sacramentaries  in  their  original  form. 
In  the  various  later  accretions,  however,  of 
Gregory's  Sacramentary,  is  a  collect,  ftc,  for  this 
day  (sold  first  to  occur  in  the  Cod.  Gemetioenaii, 
of  about  the  year  1000  ▲.D.)  on  which  the 
collect  of  our  own  prayer  book  is  based.  (Uignt 
Patrol.  Ixxviii.  138.) 

The  name  of  Bartholomew  has  apparently  not 
been  a  favourite  with  the  writers  of  pseudony- 
mous literature.  Traces,  however,  of  writings 
bearing  his  name  are  not  altogether  wanting. 
Thus  Jerome  (Prol,  in  Comm,  m  S.  Matt,  init, 
vol.  vii.  17)  refers  to  an  apocryphal  gospel 
bearing  the  name  of  Bartholomew,  doubtless  the 
same  condemned  by  a  Council  held  at  Rome  in 
the  episcopate  of  Gelasius,  '*  Evangelium  nomine 
Bartholomaei  Apostoli  apocryphum"  (Migne 
Patrol,  lix.  162)  and  this  also  may  be  thai  re- 
ferred to  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  Areopagita, 
OCkw  yovv  6  Bfiot  Bap$o?iafuu6s  ^<ri,  mi 
xoXX^y  r^v  BeoKoyiay  elnu  koX  iKux^ffrifr  nl 
T^  ^harfyiXiov  irharh  iced  /a^o,  ical  Mit  ev^ 
rrrfjenfji4yov(Myaica  Theohgia^c  1  §  3).  Finallr, 
in  the  ApokoUc  Constitutions  (lib.  viii.  cc  19, 
20)  is  given  under  the  nam«s  of  the  Apostle  Bar-  i 
tholomew  the  regulation  as  to  the  appointm^t  j 
of  Deaconesses.  [R.  S.] 

BASIL,  LrrURGY  OP.    [Liturot.] 

BASIL.  (1)  Holy  Father  and  Confessor  . 
under  Leo  the  Iconoclast ;  commemorated  Feb.  28  \ 
(CaL  Byzant.). 

(8)  Presbyter  of  Ancyra,  martyr  under  Jnlian; 
commemorated  March  22  (CaL  Byzant.). 

(8)  Buhop  of  Parinm,  is  commemorated  as 
"  Holy  Father  and  Confessor,"  April  12  (CaL 
Byzant,). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Amasea,  martyr  under  Lidaias, 
AprU  12  (Oal.  Byz.). 


BA8ILEU8 

(I)  TIm  Great,  Diihop  of  Gunrea  in  Oappa- 
iom,  commemontod  June  14  (Mart,  lUm,  Vet.) ; 
Ibf  23  {Mori.  Sienm.) ;  Juu  1  (Cal.  ByMont.) ; 
Kor.  12  (CU:  Armen,)',  Ter  6  =  Jan.  1  (ficU, 
Rkiop.).  A  standing  fignra  of  St.  Basil,  after 
iBCMBt  precedents,  is  giren  in  the  Benedictine 
eiitien  oif  his  works ;  a  head  in  Spiselins's  Acor 
dtmia  Ketes  Chrigtij  and  in  Acta  SS.  June,  torn. 
E  |k  936.  [C] 

BASILEU8.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  nnder 
OtlHens;  commemorated  March  2  {Mart.  Rom. 
ftL\ 

(S)  "*  In  AnUochia  Basillei  et  aliomm  zzz 
■tftjram  "  Dec  22  (Jiari.  Nieron.).  [C] 

BA8ILIANL  [See  IHct.  <4  Chr.  Biogr. 
Alt.  Babojobl] 

BASILIGA  (sc  amlaj  aedes).  This  word  in 
iU  ebancal  acceptation  signifies  a  hall  suited  for 
•r  emplojed  as  n  court  of  justice  or  a  place  of 
■eetiag.  Such  buildings,  often  of  great  size  and 
iplodonr,  existed  in  every  Roman  city ;  they 
were  usually  oblong  in  plan,  sometimes  with, 
tsmetimes  without  ranges  of  columns  dividing 
tke  space  into  a  nave  and  aisles ;  at  one  end  was 
wnslly  a  semi-circular  apse  (v.  Diet,  of  Greek 
aad Soman  AMig,^  Art.  'Basilica;'  Bunsen,  Die 
BenUken  det  Christ.  Boms.).  When  Christianity 
became  the  religion  of  the  state,  these  buildings 
vere  found  to  be  so  well  adapted  to  the  cele- 
of  public  worship  that  some  were  by 
slight  modifications  fitted  and  used  for  the 
pirpoee,  and  the  new  buildings  constructed  ex- 
prasdy  to  serre  as  churches  were  built  almost 
WTenally  on  the  same  model.  Hence  basilica 
csmt  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  church  by  the 
vriten  of  the  fourth  and  later  centuries  without 
say  regard  for  the  form  or  sixe  of  the  building. 
Iiriicr  writerB  use  *'  dominicum "  in  Latin,  or 
nmuAw  in  Greek,  and  some  other  names 
[Chubch}  Eusebius,  in  his  account  of  the 
chirdi  built  by  Constantine  at  Jerusalem,  calls 
it  4  fiuelkMiot  p^itf,  and  the  naye  fioffiK^ios 
tUn.  The  use  of  the  word  '* basilica"  as 
lawnnig  a  church  seems  to  have  arisen  gradu- 
afir,  tm  the  anonymous  pilgrim  who,  in  333, 
viVte  an  itinerary  from  Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem, 
van  he  says  thnt  a  "  basilica  "  had  been  built 
at  the  Holy  Sepulchre  by  Constantine,  adds 
the  explaaation,  *'  id  est  dominicum."  Mabillon 
(Op.  poetkitm,,  t.  iL  p.  355)  says  that  it  has  been 
"stii&ctorilr  shown  that  in  the  writings  of  au- 
then  who  wrote  in  Gaul  in  the  6th  and  7th  oen- 
tiriec  **  basilica"  is  to  be  understood  as  meaning 
the  rhnrch  of  a  conyent,  cathedral  and  parish 
chvthes  being  called  "  eodesiae ;"  the  writers  of 
stkcr  countries  do  not  obserye  this  distinction. 

Seven  churches  at  Rome — S.  Pietro  in  Vati- 
caao,  8.  Giovanni  Laterano,  Sta.  Maria  Magglore, 
Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  S.  Paolo  iaor  le 
Mnrs,  S.  Lorenxo  in  Agro  Verano,  and  S.  Sebas- 
thiw  are  styled  basilicas  by  pre-eminence  and 
«joy  certain  honorific  privileges. 

fiasilicuU  is  used  by  St.  Paullnus  (JSpist.  xii« 
ed  Sttaian)  and  by  A vitus  Viennensis  (JSpist.  vi.) 
fcr  a  chapel  or  oratory. 

The  word  basilica  is  found  in  the  Salic  Law 
(tit.  58.  c  3,  4,  and  5)  in  the  sense  of  a  monu- 
■tat  erected  over  a  tomb,  aptjarently  the  tomb 
«f  a  person  of  high  rank.  With  the  Franks  they 
a}i|iear  to  have  been  constructed  of  wood,  as 
aeotion  is  made  of  their  being  burnt.    Ciampini 


BATH 


181 


has  engraved  (Vet.  Mon,,  t.  i.  tab.  xlv.)  two  mo- 
numents which  in  his  time  existed  in  the  portico 
of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Agro  Verano  at  Rome,  which 
he  conceives  to  have  been  basilicas  or  basijiculae. 
One  may  be  described  as  a  model  of  a  temple 
with  four  pilasters  on  each  side,  and  without  a 
oella.  It  has  a  somewhat  elegant  and  almost 
classical  character.  The  other  would  seem  to 
have  been  only  the  lower  part  of  a  monument ; 
it  has  three  fluted  pilasters  in  front,  with  an 
open  space  behind  them.  These  pilasters  carry 
a  base  of  many  mouldings  of  somewhat  classical 
character,  upon  which  rest  the  bases  of  two  plain 
pilasters.  Ciampini  gives  no  hint  as  to  the  date 
of  these  monuments. 

Tombstones  of  very  early  date  may  be  found, 
in  which  the  top  is  ridged  like  the  roof  of  a 
house  and  carved  with  an  imitation  of  tiles  or 
shingles;  one  (engraved  in  Fosbroke's  EncycL 
of  Jntiq.,  vi.  1,  p.  132)  at  Dewsbury,  in  York- 
^ire,  may  be  as  early  as  the  7th  or  8th  century. 
Tombs  in  the  form  of  chapels  of  enrly  date  still 
remain  in  Ireland  (Petrie,  Bound  Towers  and 
Architecture  of  Ireland,  p.  454),  and  did  exist  at 
lona,  and  probably  at  Glastonbury  and  elsewhere, 
such  structures  are  no  doubt  instances  of  wliat 
the  Salic  Law  calls  *'  basilicas  "  [Toicb]. 

The  word  BasUioa  is  used  in  the  Vulgate  (e,  g, 
2  Chron.  vi.  13)  for  the  court  of  the  Temple ; 
hence  Christian  writers  occasionally  use  the 
expression  ^  basilica  ecclesiae,"  as  equivalent 
(seemingly)  to  the  Atrium  or  fore-court  of  a 
church.  (Binterim's  DenkuMrdigkeiten,  iv.  i« 
24.)  [A.  N.] 

BASILIGLES.  (i)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with 
Rogatus  and  others,  under  Aurelian;  comme- 
morated June  10  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.), 

(2)  Martyr,  with  Polymachus  and  others, 
under  Diocletian,  June  12  (M.  Hieron.,  Bedae), 
This  saint  has  a  proper  collect,  kcy  in  the 
Sacram,  Oreg.  (p.  105X  ^  pridie  Idus  Junii,"  i,  e, 
June  12,  with  Cyrinus,  Nabor,  and  Nazarius.  An- 
tiphon  in  the  Gregorian  Lib.  Antijph.  p.  699.  [C] 

BASnJDLANS.  [See  Dice,  o/ C^r.  ^tosr.  Art. 
Basilidbb.] 

BASniBOUS,  martyr  under  Maximian,  a.d. 
308;  commemorated  May  22  (Col,  Bysant.)i 
March  3  (M.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] 

BA8ILISSA,  wife  of  Julian,  martyr  at  An- 
tioch,  A.D.  296;  commemorated  June  9  (Mart, 
Bom,  Vet.)  I  May  20  (Mart.  Hieron.);  March  3 
(Cal  Byzant.)'j  Nov.  25  (Cal.  Atrmh.).       [C] 

BASILLA.  (1)  Virgin-martyr  at  Rome  nn- 
der Gallienus;  commemorated  May  20  (Mart. 
Bom,  Vet.^  Hieron.,  Bedae), 

(2)  Commemorated  Aug.  26  (M.  Bteron.). 

(8)  In  AnUoch,  Nov.  23  (M.  Hieron,),      [C] 

BASKET.    [CANiaTRUX.] 

BASSUS.    (1)  Saint  ofAfnca,ifa«a/0,  March 
19  (M.  Bedae). 
(2)  Saint,  Natale,  Oct.  20  (M.  Bedae), 
(8)  In  Heraclea,  Nov.  20  (MaH.  Hieron.).  [C. J 

BATH.  Baths  in  the  earlier  Christian  cen- 
turies were  in  such  frequent  use,  that  they  were 
almost  necessary  adjuncts  to  houses  of  a  superior 
class.  Moreover,  a  practice  existed  that  cate- 
chumens should  bathe  before  baptism,  and  priests 
on  the  eve  of  certain  f^estivals  and  other  occa- 
sions. We  therefore  find  that  baths,  Aovrpo, 
are  mentioned  among  the  adjuncts  of  the  Church 


182 


BATHIHQ 


BATHIKG 


of  th«  Twelve  Apostles,  bailt  by  Constantlne  at 
Constantinople  (Buseb.,  Vit.  Cciut^  1.  iv.  c  59). 
Tbej  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Codea  ITteodL, 
b.  ix.  tit.  4,  among  the  buildings  and  plaoes  in- 
cluded within  the  precincts  of  <£nrches. 

The  anonymons  pilgrim  of  Bordeaux,  who  was 
at  Jerusalem  c  A.D.  333,  sajs  that  a  **  balneum  ** 
was  placed  behind  the  basilica,  built  by  Constan- 
tine  over  the  Sepulchre  of  our  Lord,  but  as  he 
adds  the  words  "ubi  infantes  lavantur,"  it  is 
probable  that  he  speaks  of  a  baptistery,  or  of 
the  piscina  of  a  baptistery. 

The  Lib.  Poniif.  frequently  mentions  baths  in 
connexion  with  churches.    Pope  Hilarius  (a.d. 

461-467X  v«  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ** balneum"  of 
St.  Stephen,  and  in  the  life  of  Pope  Hadrian  I. 
(772-795)  mention  is  made  of  a  bath  at  the  La- 
teran  palace,  and  of  another  near  St.  Peter's ;  at 
this  last  we  are  told  the  poor  who  came  to  receive 
alms  at  Easter  were  accustomed  to  bathe.  Some- 
times these  baths  were  made  sources  of  profit, 
as  Pope  Damasus  (a.0.  367-385)  is  stated  to  have 
built  or  given  a  bath  near  the  **  titulus,"  S.  Lo- 
renxo  in  Damaso  (which  he  had  created^  which 
bath  yielded  27  solidi.  Martigny  (Diet,  dea 
AnUq.  Chrit,)  mentions  other  instances  of  bishops, 
— as  St.  Victor  of  Ravenna,  in  the  6th  century,  and 
Anastosius  IL  of  Pavia — who  erected  or  adorned 
baths  for  the  clergy;  and  in  the  7th,  of  St.  Agnel- 
lus  of  Naples,  who  made  an  ordinance  obliging 
the  priests  under  his  authority  to  bathe  on  cer- 
tain days,  and  made  a  foundation  to  Aimish  them 
with  soap  at  Christmas  and  Easter.  Certain  hot 
baths  at  Pozzuoli  he  states  are  still  known  as 
^  fons  episcopi." 

In  an  enclosure  bear  the  apse  of  the  ruined 
church  of  S.  Stefano,  in  Via  latina,  near  Rome, 
discovered  in  the  year  1858,  ia  a  small  reservoir 
(v.  woodcut  under  Chuboh),  which  has  been  con- 
sidered to  have  been  a  bath.  It  seems,  however, 
possible  that  it  may  have  been  the  piscina  of  a 
baptistery,  or,  if  the  area  in  which  it  stands  was 
the  atrium  of  the  church,  the  place  of  the  foun- 
tain or  cantharus.  [A.  N.] 

BATHING.  The  common  use  of  baths 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire  presented  to 
Christian  converts  a  special  difficulty  and  danger. 
The  habits  of  the  time  had  given  a  marked  pre- 
ference to  the  thermtw  or  hot-air  baths  such  as 
we  now  know  as  **  Turkish,"  and  neither  these 
nor  the  halneae  (swimming  or  plunge  baths)  were 
to  be  had  in  their  own  houses.  To  give  these 
up  was  to  sacrifice  comfort,  and,  it  might  be, 
health,  and  yet  to  go  to  them  was  in  many  cases 
to  run  the  risk  of  moral  contamination.  The 
feeling  of  the  older  Romans,  which  hindered  even 
a  grown-up  son  from  bathing  with  his  father 
(Cic.  De  Off.  i.  35 ;  Valer.  Max.  ii.  17),  had  died 
out,  and  in  the  thermae  of  all  large  cities  were 
to  be  found  crowds  of  men  and  boys,  frequently 
of  women  also,  sitting  naked  in  the  tepidarium  or 
Laconicum,  It  lies  in  the  nature  of  things  that 
in  a  society  corrupt  as  was  that  of  the  Empire, 
this,  even  without  the  last-named  enormity,  must 
have  brought  with  it  many  evils,  foul  speech  and 
fouler  acts.  It  might  have  seemed  at  first,  as  if 
those  who  were  seeking  to  lead  a  purer  life  would 
have  had  to  renounce  the  habit  altogether,  aa 
they  renounced  the  obscenities  of  the  mimes, 
and  the  ferocities  of  gladiatorial  shows. 

It  is  noticeable,  however,  thiit  the  rigorism  of 


early  Christian  life  new  readied  this  point 
Doubtless,  in  every  city,  there  were  establish- 
ments of  different  grades,  and  the  Christian  coaM 
choose  those  which  were  conducted  with  greater 
decency.  Probably,  too,  before  long,  as  the  em- 
ployment was  not  a  forbidden  one,  ChristiaM 
would  be  found  to  enter  on  it  and  reform  its  eriU. 
The  public  baths  at  Rome  which  were  established 
by  emperors  or  placed  under  mi^sterial  control, 
were  free  from  the  grosser  evila  of  the  mixture  of 
the  two  sexes ;  and  it  is  recorded  to  the  boaov 
of  many  of  the  emperors  who  were,  more  or  less, 
under  the  influence  of  a  higher  culture,  that  ther 
sought  to  check  them.  Hadrian  (Spartianns,  p. 
25),  Antoninus  Pius  (Julius  Capit.  p.  90),  Alex- 
ander Severus  (Lamprid.  c.  42),  are  all  named  at 
having  taken  steps  to  put  down  the  ^wcni 
mixta^  which  were  so  flagrant  an  outrage  on  all 
natural  decency.  As  it  is,  though  the  practioe^ 
like  most  others  in  the  common  routine  of  life,  is 
but  little  noticed  unless  where  its  accompsoiment 
calls  for  censure,  we  find  traces  enough  to  show 
that  the  most  devout  Christians  did  not  think  it 
necessary  to  abstain  from  the  public  bath.  It 
was  in  the  ''baths"  of  Ephesus  that  St.  John 
encountered  Cerinthua  (Euseb.  H.  E,  iii.  38)l 
Tertullian,  with  all  his  austerity,  acknowIedg«l 
that  bathing  was  necessary  for  health,  and  that 
he  practised  it  himself  {ApoL  c  xiiL)  Clement 
of  Alexandria  (Paedag,  iiL  c.  9),  laya  down  rales, 
half  medical  and  half  moral,  for  its  use.  It 
formed  part  of  the  complaints  of  the  Christian 
of  Lugdunum  and  Vienna,  and  was  mentioned  by 
them  as  the  first  sign  of  the  change  for  the 
worse  in  their  treatment,  that  they  were  ex- 
cluded from  the  public  baths  (Euseb.  ff.  £.  v.  I}, 
Augustine  narrates  how  on  his  mother^s  death, 
led  by  the  popularly  accepted  etymology  of 
fiaXaytiw  (as  if  from  fidXXtiy  iplw)  he  had 
gone  to  the  thermae  to  assuage  his  sorrow,  and 
found  it  fruitless  ("ncque  enim  exsudarit  de 
corde  meo  moeroris  amaritudo."  Confess,  ix.  32). 
The  old  evils,  however,  in  spite  of  the  refbnning 
Empire,  continued  to  prevail,  probably  in  worse 
forms  in  the  provinces  than  in  the  capital. 
Epiphanius  mentions  \ovTpk  Mip^yvva  as  com- 
mon among  the  Jews  of  his  time  {Haer.  30). 
Clement  describes  the  mixture  of  the  sexes  as 
occurring  in  the  daily  life  of  Alexandria  (Paedag. 
iii.  5);  Cyprian  as  in  that  of  Carthage  {de  Cult. 
Virg.  p.  73) ;  Ambrose  as  in  that  of  Milan  {de 
Off.  i.  18);  and  both  plead  against  it  with  aa 
earnestness  which  shows  that  it  was  a  danger 
for  Christians  as  well  as  heathens.  Even  those 
whose  sense  of  shame  led  them  to  avoid  the 
more  public  exposure,  submitted  to  the  gaze 
and  the  cares  of  male  attendants  (Clem.  Al.  /.  c). 
It  is  even  more  startling  to  find  that  it  was 
necessary,  after  the  conversion  of  the  Empire,  to 
forbid,  under  pain  of  deposition,  the  clergy  of  all 
orders  from  frequenting  baths  where  the  sexes 
were  thus  mingled  (C.  Laod.  c.  30 ;  C  Trull,  c 
77).  Offending  laymen  were  in  like  manner  to 
come  under  sentence  of  excommunication.  Gfip 
dually  the  better  feeling  prevailed,  and  the  lavor 
era  mixta  fell  into  a  disrepute  like  that  of  houses 
of  ill  fame.  It  was  reckoned  a  justifiable  cause 
of  divorce  for  a  wife  to  have  been  seen  in  om 
(Cod.  Justin.  V.  tit.  17  de  Bepud.). 

Another  aspect  of  the  practice  remains  to  |«c 
noticed.  Traces  meet  us  here  and  there  of  €%  dis- 
tinctly liturgical  use  of  bathin$;,  aua^ojroos  to  the 


BAYO 


BJSLFBY 


183 


dhfartkas  of  Jewkli  wonhippen  and  priatta,  m 
fnUaimrj  to  aolemii  religious  acts,  and,  in  parti- 
cakr,  to  baptton.    Tha  practloa  axiatad  among  tha 
&■—  (Joieph.  VU.  G.  2),  and  there  maj  pro^lj 
k«  a  rtfemoe  to  it  in  the  **  waahed  with  pure 
vattr*  of  Heb.  x.  22.    TertolUan  (de  Orat.  c 
iL)  candffinni  aa  inperstitiona  what  he  describei 
m  tha  oMnmon  custom  (^'plerique  superstitioee 
cinat")  of  waahing    the  whole   hodj  before 
crcfy  act  of  prayer.     In  Western  Afrioa  there 
vM  a  ?ei  stranger  usage,  which  Angnstina  cha- 
laetarises  as  "  pagan,"  of  going  to  the  lea  on  the 
FcMt  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  bathing  as  in 
his  booonr  {SerwL.  cxdv.  d$  Tenm,  23).    As  pre- 
ptnlory  to  baptism,  it  waa,  howoTer,  recog- 
■iaed.    The  catechnmena  who  were  to  be  admit- 
ted at  Eastor  had  daring  the  long  quadragesimal 
ftit  abttained  from  the  nee  of  the  bath;  and 
tkcn  was  some  risk  in  such  cases,  when  large 
nmbeis  were  gatherod  together  for  baptism  by 
iBBienioD,  and  stripped  in  the  presence  of  the 
Charch,  of  an  undeanliness  which  would  haTC 
beca  ofleosiTe  both  to  sight  and  smell.    Here, 
thcrcfae,  the  bath  waa  brought  into  use  (August. 
Spitt  Si),   and    the  bahteator  attended  with 
kii  sCnyd;  and  hia  flaak  of  oil  and  his  towels, 
slier  the  usual  fiwhion  (Zeno  Veron.  Invit,  ad 
fmL  ▼i.X    It  may  be  noted,  as  implied  in  this, 
thai  the  eraplojrment  was  among  those  which 
it  m  Bot  anlnwfal  lor  Christians  to  eneago  in- 
It  was  probabl  J  for  this  purpoae,  as  weu  as  for 
the  UM  of  priests  before  they  celebrated  the 
cBcharirt,  that  Constantino  constructed    baths 
lithiB  tlie  precincto  of  the  great  church  which 
ki  boUt  at  Constantinople  (Euseb.  Vit,  Const. 
rr.  59X  and  that  they  were  recognised  as  import- 
aat,  if  not  easentisl,  appendages  to  the  more 
riatelj  churchaa,  and  were  entitled  to  the  same 
wnit^  of  asylum  (Cod.  ThtodoB.  it.  tit  45). 
Popssttd  bishops  followed  the  imperial  example, 
uA  eonstmetcd  baths  in  Rome,  in  Paria,  in  Ra- 
rcnas,  and  in  Naples.    A  full  account  of  their 
itractare  and  use  is  to  be  found  in  Sidon.  Apol- 
haar.  Epp.  iL  2.    (Comp.  the  monograph  De 
neria  CkritHamorum  balntiaj  by  PaciandL    Rome, 
1758.)  [E.  H.  P.] 

BATO,  Saint,  of  Ghent  (died  653),  ITatcde, 
OeL  1  (Mart  B^dae,  Adonia  m  Appendioe).  In 
the  Raima  MS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
tbc  commemontion  of  S8.  caro,  Germanus,  and 
Vedait,  is  joined  with  that  of  St.  Remigius.  [C] 

BEADLE.  C-^'^-  Boix.  Bydel,  a  messenger.] 
Aa  ia&rior  officer  of  the  Church  answering  to  the 
Bodem  beadle,  is  possibly  referred  to  in  a  Canon 
rfthe  Council  of  Chalcedon  (A.D.  451)  under  the 
Bsaw  of  wapofAOi^dptos,  In  the  Roman  Church 
ib«  officer  was  called  mansionarins.  By  Gregory 
tb«  Great  he  is  also  styled  Custos  Ecdesiae — whose 
bedaesB  it  was  to  light  the  lamps  or  candles  of 
tbe  diurch.  Later  critics,  howcTer,  haye  given  a 
di&xeat  interpretetion  of  wtipofLowdptos.  Thus, 
Jn»teUas  explains  it  by  **  Tillicus,"  a  bailiff  or 
■teward  of  the  lands ;  and  Biahop  Beveridge  (Not. 
ia  Ome.  Ckaloed.  c  2)  styles  him  **  rerum  eccle- 
iiasticarum  administrator,"  which  would  hare 
tbe  same  meaning  (Bingham,  lit  13).      {D.  B.] 

BEARDS.  The  practice  of  the  clergy  in 
aadcat  times  in  respect  of  wearing  bear£  was 
la  eonformity  with  the  general  custom.  T'Ong 
bair  and  baldness  by  sharing  being  alike  in  ill- 
fvpate  as  unMcmiy  peculiarities,  the  clergy  were  | 


required  to  obserre  a  becoming  moderation  be* 
tween  either  extreme.  To  this  effect  is  the 
Canon  of  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage — Clerictta 
nee  ,Mnam  nutriat  nac  barbam  radat  The  con- 
trary practice,  howerer,  having  obtained  in  the 
later  Ronum  Church,  it  has  b^n  contended  by 
Bellarmine  and  others,  that  the  word  radat  was  an 
interpolation  in  the  Cuion.  But  this  allegation 
has  been  disproved  by  Savaro,  on  the  testimony 
of  the  Vatican  and  many  other  manuscripts :  and 
it  appears  further,  from  one  of  the  Epistles  of 
Sidonius  (lib.  iv.  JSp.  24^  that  in  his  Ume  it  was 
the  custom  of  the  Frendi  bishops  to  wear  short 
hair  and  long  beards :  his  friend  Maximna  Pala- 
tinus,  who  had  become  a  clergyman,  being  thus 
described — "  Habitus  viro^  gnidus,  pudor,  color, 
sermo  religiosus:  him  coma  bretia,  barba  pro- 
Hxa,^  &c  (Bingham,  b.  vL  c  iv.)  [D.  B.;| 

BEASTS,  IN  SYMBOLISM.  [STMBOumf.] 

BEATITUDES.  In  the  Liturgy  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  the  Beatitudes  QuucmpuryMl)  are 
ordered  to  be  sung  by  the  choir  on  Sundays, 
instead  of  the  thinl  Anhphon  (Daniers  Codex 
LUvrgtcua,  iv.  343;  Neale's  ^osfom  CA,  /itfrodL 
390).  Goar  {JBwMogion)  seems  to  have  been 
unoertoin  of  the  meaning  of  the  word,  or  of  the 
practice  of  the  Church ;  for  he  writes  that  these 
/Atucnpurfioi  are  **hymni  sanctorum  beatitudinis 
memoriam  recolentes ;  vel  potius  eae  beatitudines 
de  quibua  S.  Matthaei  v.;  vel  tandem  pia 
viventium  vote  pro  defunctorum  requie."  6r. 
Neale  tekes  them,  no  doubt  rightly,  for  tha 
Beatitudes  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.      [C] 

BEATRIX,  martyr ;  commemorated  July  29 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet.y  Bedae).  The  Mart.  Btavn. 
has  under  July  29  «  Veatrix;"  July  28,  **  Bea- 
trix;" and  again  "Beatrix,"  July  80.  The 
Corbey  MS.  of  the  SacrcmL  Oreg.  has  a  comme- 
moration of  S.  Beatrix  (with  S.  Felix  and  others) 
on  July  29.  Antiphon.  in  Lib.  AnUpk.  p.  704.  [C] 

BELFBY  (High-German,  Barcvrity  Bertfrit, 
a  tower  for  defence;  Low-Latin,  bertafredum, 
battefredum^  belfredum,  itc ;  Italian,  bettifredo,  a 
sentry-box  on  a  tower;  Old  French,  berfroi; 
Mod.  French,  beffroi;  Eng.  bdfry^  the  corrupt 
etymology  of  which  has  limited  uie  application, 
see  Wedgwood's  J>%ct.  of  Eng.  Etymology,  1 142). 
The  place  in  which  bells  hang.  Bsrfredum  is 
also  found  used  for  the  structure  of  timber  on 
which  a  bell  is  hung,  in  German  Olo(^enatuhl. 
In  common  parlance  belfry  and  ite  equivalento 
are  used  for  the  whole  tower  in  which  bells 
hang. 

The  earliest  examples  of  bell-towers  connected 
with  churches  appear  to  be  those  of  Ravenna : 
that  of  S.  Francesco  Hiibsch  attributes  to  the 
beginning  of  the  6th  centuxr,  and  those  of  S. 
Giovanni  Battiste  and  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  to 
the  middle  or  latter  part  of  the  same  century. 
Of  the  towers  at^  Rome  he  thinks  that  those  of 
Ste.  Pudeoxiana  and  S.  Lorenzo  in  Lucina  may 
be  in  part  at  least  of  the  7th;  but  no  docu- 
mentaiy  notice  of  bell-towers  has  been  found 
earlier  than  that  in  the  Lib,  Pontif.  of  the 
*Uurris"  built  by  Pojpe  Stephen  lU.  (a.d.  768- 
772)  at  St.  Peter's,  in  which  he  placed  three 
bells  ^'to  call  together  the  clergy  and  people 
to  the  service  of  God."  (This  passage  is  given 
by  Ducange,  but  does  not  appear  in  all  editions 
of  the  JUb*  Pontif.)    Pope  Leo  IV.,  the  same 


184 


BELL 


book  informs  us,  built  s  campanile  at  S.  Andrea 
Apostolo,  and  placed  there  a  bell  with  a  brazen 
hammer.  [A.  N.] 

BELL,  BOOK,  AND  CANDLE.  [£x- 

OOMMUNIGATION.] 

BELLS.  I.  Name9  of  Bells, — ^The  name  cam- 
panum  or  campana  is  commonly  said  to  hare  been 
giren  to  bells,  because  thej  were  invented  by 
raallinus  of  Nola  in  Campania.  Panilinus,  how- 
ever, who  more  than  once  describes  churches, 
never  mentions  bells,  and  the  more  probable  sup* 
position  is,  that  bells  in  early  times  were  cast 
from  Gampanian  brass,  which  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist. 
zxziv.  8)  describes  as  the  best  for  such  a  purpose, 
and  so  received  the  name  campana  or  oamponttm. 
The  word  ndla  can  scarcely  be  derived  from  the 
city  Nola,  and  is  perhaps  imitative  of  the  sound, 
like  the  English  <*  knoll" 

The  word  which  we  have  in  the  form  dock 
(compare  Irish  clogf  French  clochCf  Germ,  glooke) 
was  adopted  in  later  Latin,  both  in  the  neuter  form 
ehccum  {Vita  S.  Bonifacii,  in  Act,  Sanct.  June, 
tom.  i.  p.  472)  and  the  feminine  doooa  (Bonifacii 
Epistt.  9  et  75) ;  the  latter  is  the  usual  form. 
The  '*  Anonymus  Thuanus,"  quoted  by  Binterim 
(DmhoStrd.  iv.  1.  290)  gives  the  form  chqua  for 
a  tun-et-bell  (cloquam  turris). 

Signam  (Ital.  segno^  old  French  Mini,  whence 
tocsin)  is  the  most  usual  word  for  a  church-bell 
from  the  6th  century.  In  some  cases  it  appears 
to  designate  not  a  bell,  but  some  other  kind  of 
semafitron.  (Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v. ;  Rosweyd, 
Vitas  Patrum,  Onomast.  s.  v.  p.  1056.) 

Small  bells,  such  as  were  rung  by  hand  in  the 
refectories  of  monasteries,  were  called  tiatinna' 
htiUa;  and  the  still  smaller  bells  which  were 
sometimes  appended  to  priestly  vestments,  were 
designated  tinmola,  from  their  tinkling  sound. 
(Ducange,  s.  v.)  Tintmnum  seems  to  have  been 
sometimes  used  for  a  larger  bell  (see  Tatwin, 
quoted  below). 

The  word  skelh,  skilloy  scUla,  sqvUlaj  or  es- 
quUla  (Ital.  squiUa,  Germ.  scheUe)  is  also  used  for 
a  small  bell :  see  below.  In  the  Tabularitan  of 
St.  Remi  (quoted  by  Ducange)  a  ''schilla  de 
metallo"  is  mentioned  as  well  as  **8ignum 
ferreum." 

Other  designations  occasionally  found  are  aeSy 
aeramewtumy  l&beSj  tmUOy  Ki&9wy. 

II.  Use  of  Bells. — ^For  the  purpose  of  announcing 
meetings  of  Christians  in  times  of  persecution  a 
messenger  was  employed  [Cctbsob];  in  quiet 
times  future  services  were  announced  by  a  deacon 
m  time  of  divine  worship;  in  some  parts  of 
Africa  a  trumpet  seems  to  have  been  employed 
to  call  the  people  to  their  assemblies. 

After  the  time  of  ConstaQtine  some  sonorous 
instrument,  whether  a  clapper  [Semantbon]  or 
a  bell,  seems  to  have  been  generally  employed  to 
give  notice  of  the  commencement  of  Christian 
assemblies.  The  word  **  signum  "  in  Latin  writers 
is  probably  used  to  designate  both  these  instru- 
ments, and  it  is  not  always  easy  to  say  which  is 
intended.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ii.  23, 
p.  73)  mentions  a  ^  signum  "  as  calling  monks  to 
matins,  in  the  time  of  Sidonius  ApoUinaris ;  and 
elsewhere  {De  Mirao.  S.  Martini,  ii.  45,  p.  1068) 
he  mentions  the  *^  signum  "  (signum  quod  com- 
moveri  solet)  as  if  it  were  something  swung  like  a 
bell.  So  Venantius  Fortunatus  {Carm.  ii.  10) 
speaks  of  the  '*  signum  "  of  the  principal  church 


BELLS 

in  Ptois  calling  to  prayer.  St.  Colamba  b  said,  ii 
the  life  by  Cumineus  Alhus{Acta  S8.  Junii,  torn, 
ii.  p.  188,  c  10),  to  have  gone  into  the  church  when 
the  bell  rang  (pulsante  campana)  at  midnight; 
and  Bede  {ffitt.  EccL  iv.  23)  mentions  that  at 
St.  Hilda's  death,  one  of  her  nuns  at  a  distance 
from  Whitby  heard  suddenly  the  well-known 
sound  of  the  bell  which  roused  or  called  them  to 
prayer  when  one  departed  from  this  world.  These 
testimonies  seem  to  show  that  bells  of  considerable 
size  were  used  in  England,  at  least  in  convents, 
as  early  as  the  6th  century.  Tatwin,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  (731-734)  in  some  verses  **  De 
Tintinno  "  (Hook's  ArchbiOops,  I  206)  speaks  of 
a  bell  **  superis  suspensus  in  auris  "  hastening  the 
steps  of  the  crowd.  The  Exoerptknes  attri- 
buted to  Egbert  (oinon  ii.),  enjoin  '*  ut  omnes 
sacerdotes  horis  competentibus  die!  et  noctis  sn- 
arum  sonent  ecclesiarum  signa." 

St.  Sturm  when  dying  (an.  779)  ordered  all 
the  bells  (gloggas)  of  his  convent  to  be  rang 
(Eigil's  Vita  S.  Sturmii,  c.  25,  in  Migne's  PatrU. 
cv.  443). 

In  Gaul  we  have  already  seen  that  '* signs" 
were  used  as  early  as  the  6th  century.  At  a 
later  period,  Flodoard  {Hist.  Bemens.  ii.  12) 
tells  us  of  the  miraculous  silence  of  two  of  the 
bells  of  a  Gascon  church  in  which  St.  Rigobert 
(t749)  was  praying.  We  cannot,  of  course,  in- 
sist upon  all  the  details  of  this  narrative  as  if 
they  were  literally  true,  but  the  account  shows 
at  any  rate  that  Flodoard  (about  950)  took  foi 
granted  that  in  the  8th  century  the  great 
churches  in  the  Gascon  territory  had  many  bells, 
which  were  rung  at  certain  hours;  and  that 
even  country  churches  had  more  than  one,  for 
the  two  silent  bells  had  been  stolen  from  a 
country  church ;  moreover,  the  bells  must  have 
been  of  considerable  size,  for  the  narrator  speaks 
expressly  of  their  loud  sound  (his  altisone  re- 
boantibus).  It  is  worth  observing,  too,  that  he 
uses  the  words  campanaef  nolae,  and  signa  as 
precisely  synonymous. 

By  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  in  fiust,  the 
use  of  church-bells  seems  to  have  become  oonmioo 
in  the  empire.  Charles  encouraged  the  art  o| 
bell-founding,  and  entertained  iMll-fbnnders  at 
his  court.  Among  the  most  fiunons  of  these  was 
Tancho,  a  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  cast  a  fine  bell  Ux 
the  great  church  at  Aachen.  (The  Monk  of  St. 
Gall  De  Gestis  Caroli,  i.  31.)  He  asked  for  100 
pounds  of  silver  as  alloy  for  the  copper,  from 
which  we  infer  that  the  bell  may  have  weighed 
400  or  500  pounds. 

Bells  appear  to  have  been  held  in  especial  re- 
gard by  the  Irish  ecclesiastics  of  the  fifth  and 
succeeding  centuries.  Their  bells  seem  to  have 
been  chiefiy  hand-bells ;  but  Dr.  Petrie  {Romd 
Towers  of  Ireland,  p.  383)  says  that  ^'itis  per^ 
fectly  certain  that  bells  of  a  size  much  too 
large  for  altar-bells  were  abundantly  distribnted 
by  St.  Patrick  in  Ireland,  as  appears  from  his 
oldest  lives."  Sinall  of  ail  Airis,  m  the  tri- 
partite life  of  St.  Patrick  supposed  to  have 
been  originally  written  in  the  6th  century,  i> 
called  campanarius.  Hand-bells  are  preserved, 
which  are  attributed  to  Irish  Saints  or  ecclesi- 
astics from  the  5th  century  downwards.  Thef 
seem  to  have  been  reckoned  among  the  most 
necessary  insignia  of  a  bishop :  thus  in  the  an- 
notations of  Tlrechan,  in  the  Book  of  Arm-igbf 
we  are  told  that  Patrick  conferred  on  Fiac  the 


BBLL8 


BELLS 


185 


4yM  «f  t  biihop  and  gaTe  him  a  box  or  satchel 
watiiiing  a  bell,  a  ^  monster  "  (t.  0.  a  reliquary), 
B  cmicr,  and  a  **  polaire  "  or  ontamental  case 
^a  bMk  (PMrityp.  338).    The  earliest  of  these 

bells  and  the  most  highly 
renerated  is  that  known 
as  the  'Clog-an-eadhachta 
Phatraic,'— the  bell  of  the 
will  of  Patrick, — giren  to 
the  church  of  Armagh  by 
St.  Colnmba;  this  is  of 
qnadrangalar  form,  of 
tikick  Sheet  iron,  six  inches 
high,  fiye  inches  by  four 
at  the  month  and  dimi- 
nishing upwards,  with  a 
loop  at  the  top  for  the 
hand  (t.  woodcnt).  It  is 
kept  in  a  splendidly  orna- 
made  for  it  between  aj>.  1091  and 
llOa. 

HsBT  other  such  bells  are  in  existence,  as  the 
MI  of  St.  Gall,  in  the  Treasnrr  of  the  church 
•r  Sc  Gall  in  Switserland;  the  bell  of  St. 
Mope  (d.  AJK  624),  in  possession  of  the  Primate 
•f  Ireland,  he 

In  the  9th  century,  according  to  Dr.  Petrie 
(£o«ad  7b««rj  cf  Irekmdy  p.  252),  the  quad- 
fsagular  form  which  ia  found  in  all  the  early 
Mb  began  to  gire  way  to  the  circular.  The 
•sriy  bells  are  usually  of  iron,  but  one  of  bronze 
ia  the  collection  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
vikh  has  been  ascribed  to  St.  Patrick,  in  con- 
■eqaeaee  of  its  being  inscribed  with  the  name 
**Pktrki,*'  is  of  bronze,  as  arc  some  others. 

In  the  East,  church-bells  were  of  later  intro- 
^aetion.  No  mention  of  them  in  the  East  ap- 
pens  to  occur  until  Oreo,  duke  of  Venice,  towards 
the  cad  of  the  9th  century,  gare  twelve  large 
Wk  of  biMB  to  Michael  (or  Basil)  the  Greek 
caipnor,  who  added  a  bell-tower  to  the  church 
of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  for  their  re- 
ception. (Baronius,  in  Augusti's  ffandbuchj  i. 
402.)  [A.  N.]  and  [C] 

We  gather  from  the  aboTO  examples  that  from 
the  6th  century  at  least  bells  were  used  in  the 
Werfi,  first  in  oouTents,  afterwards  in  churches 
gcaenlly,  to  summon  worshippers  to  the  various 
ierrices,  and  to  gire  notice  to  the  fiiithful  of  the 
paaaag  away  of  one  of  the  brotherhood.  Details 
•f  the  manner  of  making  and  hanging  these  bells 
an  altogether  wanting. 

Besides  these  uses,  w«  find  that  bells  were 
aadently  used  by  the  Western  Church  in  proces- 
■ioak  ror  instancp,  the  rubric  of  the  Mozarabic 
Xmal  (p.  166,  ed.  Lesley)  directs  that  a  boy 
ringing  a  hand-bell  (esquillam)  should  precede 
the  procession  which  bore  the  Eucharist  to  the 
Scpalchre  on  Maundy  Thursday. 

Another  ecclesiastical  use  of  small  bells  is  the 
felloering: — Benedict  of  Aniane  (see  his  Life 
by  Aido,  e.  8,  in  Acta  SS.  Febr.  tom.  ii.  p.  612) 
evdered  a  aqmiOa  to  be  rung  in  the  monk's  dor- 
■itory  before  the  Bigftum  of  the  church  rang  for 
tiie  nocturnal  <«  Hours.** 

It  is  generally  agreed,  that  there  is  no  trace 
within  oor  period  of  the  practice  o£  ringing  either 
«  mall  bell  or  the  great  bell  of  the  church  at 
the  elcTation  of  the  Host.  The  ancient  Irish 
baad-beils  may  probably  hare  been  used,  in  pro- 
CBBiona,  or  in  monasteries  for  such  uses  as  those 
^ncnheil  above. 


The  belief  that  the  ringing  of  bells,  whether 
the  great  bells  of  a  church  or  hand-bells,  tended 
to  dispel  storms  is  of  considerable  antiqmty.  The 
origin  of  this  belief  is  traced  by  hagiographers  to 
St.  Salaberga,  who  lived  in  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century.  The  story  is,  that  a  small  bell 
attached  to  the  neck  of  a  stag,  was  brought  from 
heaven  to  St.  Salaberga,  for  the  relief  of  her 
daughter  Anstrudis,  who  was  terrified  at  thunder. 
This  belief  is  expressed  in  the  lines 

"  RelUqnUe  sanctae  Salabeiigae  et  campana  praesens 
Ezpeilnnt  febres  et  Ipsa  tonitma  peUit" 

See  Mabillon's  Ada  S8,  Bened,  saec.  iL  p.  414 ; 
BoUandist  Ada  SS,  Sept.  tom.  vi.  p.  517. 
This  supposed  property  of  dispelling  storms  ia 
alluded  to  in  the  services  for  the  benediction  or 
«« baptism  "  of  bells. 

III.  Bmedidion  of  BeUs.-^li  is  probable  that 
from  the  time  that  bells  first  became  part  of  the 
furniture  of  a  church,  they  were  subjected,  like 
other  church-furniture  and  ornaments,  to  some 
kind  of  consecration.  Forms  for  the  benediction 
of  a  church-bell  {Ad  signum  eodeMe  benedicm' 
dum)  are  found  in  the  Reims  and  the  Corbey 
MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (Sacram. 
Oreg.  ed.  Mcoiard,  p.  438)  to  the  following  effect. 
After  the  benediction  of  the  water  to  be  used  in 
the  ceremony,  Psalms  145-150  (Vulg.),  wero 
chanted;  meantime  the  bell  was  washed  with 
the  holy-water,  and  touched  with  oil  and  salt, 
by  the  officiating  bishop,  who  said  at  the  same 
time  the  prayer,  beginning,  ^'Deus,  qui  per 
Moysen  legiferum  tubas  argenteas  fieri  praece- 
pisti ; "  the  bell  was  then  wiped  with  a  napkin, 
and  ^e  Antiphon  followed,  "  Vox  Domini  super 
aquas  "  (Ps.  xxix.  3,  Vulg.) ;  the  bell  was  then 
touched  with  chrism  seven  times  outside  and 
four  times  inside,  while  the  prayer  was  said, 
"Omnipotens  sempiteme  Deus,  qui  ante  arcam 
Foederis,  &&;"  it  was  then  fumigated  with 
incense  within  and  without,  and  ^'Viderunt  te 
aquae  "  (Ps.  Ixxvi.  16)  was  chanted;  the  service 
concluded  with  the  collect  **  Omnipotens  Domi- 
nator  Christe,  quo  secundum  assumptioncni 
carnis  dormiente  in  navi,"  &c  Both  the  verses 
and  the  prayer  allude  to  the  supposed  power  of 
the  bell  to  calm  storms. 

The  office  Ad  signvm  ecclesiae  benedicetHhun 
given  in  Egbert's  Fontifioal  (pp.  177  ff.  ed.  Sur- 
tees  Society,  1853)  diffen  in  no  essential  point 
from  the  Gregorian. 

The  custom  of  engraving  a  name  upon  a  bell 
is  said  by  Baronius  {Atmales^  an.  961,  c.  93)  to 
have  originated  with  Pope  John  XIII.,  who  con- 
secrated a  bell  and  gave  it  the  name  John.  This 
will  probably  be  accepted  as  sufficient  testimony 
to  the  fact,  that  the  custom  of  engraving  a  name 
on  a  bell,  in  connexion  with  the  ceremony  of  con- 
secration, did  not  arise  in  Italy  before  the  10th 
century.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  in  other 
countries,  as  in  Ireland,  it  may  be  of  earlier  date ; 
or  the  names  engraved  on  some  ancient  Irish  bella 
may  simpiv  indicate  ownership. 

In  Charles  the  Great's  capitulary  of  the  year 
789,  c.  18,  the  words  occur,  ^  Ut  cloccae  non 
baptizentur."  As  it  is  almost  certain  that  some 
kind  of  dedication-rite  for  church-bells  waa 
practised  continuously  through  the  period,  we 
must  either  conclude  that  some  particular 
practice  in  the  matter — it  is  impossible  to  de- 
termine what — is  here  condemned    or  that  the 


186 


B£MA 


BENEDICITE 


"doccae"  here  intended  were  hand-bells  for 
domestic  use.  The  latter  supposition  is  strength- 
ened by  the  fact  that  the  direction  immediatelj 
follows  in  the  capitulary,  thAt  papers  should  not 
be  hun{r  on  poles  to  avert  hail ;  clearly  a  domes- 
tic superstition.  (Binterim,  DenkuktrdigJteiitn 
IT.  1,  294.)  The  connexion  suggests,  that  these 
^  cloccae  "  were  house-bells  to  be  used  for  ayert- 
iug  storms.  See  the  legend  of  St.  Salaberga, 
above. 

IV.  Literature,  N.  Eggers,  De  Origine  et 
IfonUne  Campanarum  (Jena,  1684);  De  Camf 
panarum  Materia  et  Forma  (lb.  1685).  H. 
Wallerii  Dise,  De  Campanie  et  prasoipuis  earum 
Unirtu  (Holm.  1694>  P.  C  Hilscher,  De  Cam- 
pania Templorum  (Lipsiae,  1692>  J.  B.  Thiers, 
Traits  dea  Clocheiy  &c  (Paris,  1719>  J.  Mon- 
tanus,  Historieche  Naohriokt  von  den  Qlocken, 
ti.  f.  10.  (Chemnits,  1726>  C  W.  J.  Chrysander, 
Jfiet.  Nackricht  wn  Ktrdim-Oloohen  (Rinteln, 
1755).  Canon  Bamad  in  Didron's  Awnaka 
Arch^ol,y  zri.  325;  zrii.  104,  278,  857;  zviii. 
57,  145.  [a] 

BEMA,  otherwiae  trUbunaiy  aanctMoriwn  (Gr. 
fi^fuC),  The  part  of  a  church  raised  above  the 
rest,  shut  off  by  railings  or  screens,  and  reserved 
for  the  higher  clergy.  The  part  so  reserved, 
when  the  apse  was  large,  was  sometimes  the  apse 
alone,  but  often  a  space  in  front  of  the  apse  was 
included.  When,  as  is  the  case  in  many  churches 
of  the  basilican  type  at  Rome  and  elsewhere, 
there  was  a  transept  at  that  end  of  the  church,  the 
bema  often  commenced  at  the  so-called  triumphal 
arch  at  the  end  of  the  nave.  In  the  old  church 
of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  the  bema  appears  to  have 
comprised  the  apse  alone,  but  at  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  M. 
the  whole  transept  is  slightly  raised.  Some- 
times where  a  transept  exists,  the  bema  does  not 
extend  into  the  arms  of  the  transept,  which  are 
parted  off  by  screens.  The  altar  was  usually 
placed  within  in  the  bema,  often  on  the  chord  of 
the  arc  of  the  apse.  Beneath  the  altar  was 
asually  a  crypt  or  confession.  Round  the  wall 
of  the  apse  or  ^  conchula  bematis  "  ran  a  bench 
for  the  presbyters,  which  was  interrupted  in  the 
centre  by  the  cathedra  or  throne  for  the  bishop. 
These  seats  are  alluded  to  by  St.  Augustine 
when  {Ep,  203)  he  speaks  of  '*  apsides  gradatae  " 
and  *'  cathedrae  velatae."  Such  an  arrangement 
x&  this  was  probably  in  use  as  early  as  the  time 
3f  Constanttne ;  for,  from  the  description  given 
us  by  Eusebius  of  the  church  built  by  Paulinus 
at  Tyre  (Ecdea.  Hist,  x.  14),  we  find  that  the 
altar  stood  in  the  middle,  and,  together  with  the 
scats  for  the  dignitaries,  was  surrounded  by  rail- 
ings of  wood  admirably  worked.  We  should 
probably  understand  by  middle,  not  absolutely 
the  middle  of  the  church,  but  the  middle  of  the 
apse,  for  the  description  is  given  in  a  very  in- 
exact and  rhetorical  style.  At  St.  Sophia's,  when 
rebuilt  by  Justinian,  there  was  an  enclosure 
(JepKos)  formed  by  a  stylobate,  on  which  were 
twelve  columns  surrounded  by  an  architrave, 
which  divided  the  bema  from  the  solea.  This 
enclosure  had  three  gates,  and  was  entirely  of 
silver,  very  richly  ornamented  (Pauli  Silentiarii 
Dcscrip.  8,  Sophiae).  Such  an  enclosure  is  called 
by  Sozomen  Hp^^futroj  and  by  Constantine  Por- 
phyrogcnitus,  KiyKKlHts,  Sudi  was  the  normal 
arrangement,  but  it  was  not  invariable ;  for  the 
/>ft6.  J^ontif.,  in  the  life  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d. 
772-795),  narrates  how  at  S.  Maria  ad  Pracscpc 


(now  S.  Maria  Maggiore)  the  womeD  whs 
attended  the  service  intervened  between  hia 
and  his  attendant  clergy,  and  in  the  life  of  Pops 
Qregoiy  IV.  (a^  827-844)  that  the  altar  st& 
Mana  in  Trutavere  stood  in  a  low  place,  slmort 
in  the  middle  of  the  nave,  so  that  the  crowd 
surrounding  it  were  mixed  up  with  the  clergy. 
The  Pope  therefore  made  for  the  clergy  a  hand- 
some *'  tribunal  "  in  the  circuit  of  the  apse,  rul- 
ing it  considerably.  This  arrangement  remained 
in  use  until  perhaps  the  11th  or  12th  oentorj; 
it  is  clearly  shown  in  the  plan  for  the  diurdi  of 
St.  Gall  drawn  up  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury (Aroh,  Journal,  voL  v.,  see  Chubch)^  boUi 
apses  being  shut  off  and  raised  above  the  rest  of 
the  chur^  Probably  no  example  now  exiib 
of  a  period  as  early  as  that  treated  of  in  this 
work,  in  which  a  ''bema"  remains  in  its  ori- 
ginal state ;  but  the  raised  tribunal  may  be  seen 
in  many  Italian  churches  in  Rome,  Ravenna,  sad 
elsewhere.  In  S.  Apollinare  in  daase,  in  the 
latter  dty,  >>  PArt  of  the  marble  enclosure  ssenu 
to  remain,  ^e  bench  of  marble,  with  the  ca- 
thedra in  the  middle,  may  also  be  seen  in  Uut 
and  many  other  churches,  a  good  example  is  af- 
forded by  those  at  Parenzo  in  Istria  which  woold 
seem  to  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  church— the 
6th  century.  In  the  church  of  S.  Clements  st 
Rome  marble  screens  of  an  early  date  (7th  cent- 
ury?) part  off  the  bema  in  the  ancient  fashion, 
but  the  church  is  not  earlier  than  the  12th  cent- 
ury. The  word  is  little  used  by  Latin  writen, 
being  in  fact  the  Greek  equivalent  for  whst  ia 
the  Lib,  Pontif.  is  called  *« tribunal;"  ''presby- 
tenum  "  in  the  same  work  is  perhaps  someUmes 
usid  with  the  same  meaning,  though  by  this 
word  the  *'  chorus  "  or  place  for  the  singers  and 
inferior  clergy  is  generally  meant  [v.  Chosu% 
Presbtterium].  The  word  ^'bema"  is  also 
found  in  use  for  a  pulpit  or  ambo,  aa  by  Sozomen 
(1.  ix.  c.  2);  but  it  is  distinguished  ftmn  the 
bema,  or  sanctuary,  by  being  called  fiSiita  tw 
h»Qrf¥marm¥,  the  readers'  bema.  The  same  ex- 
pression is,  however,  applied  by  Symeon  of  Thet- 
salonica  to  the  soleas,  a  platform  in  front  of  the 
bema  (Neale,  Ead,  Church,  t.  L  p.  201>  [A  N.] 

BENEDICAHUS  DOIQNO.  This  is  a 
liturgical  form  of  words,  said  by  the  priest  at 
the  end  of  all  the  canonical  hours,  with  the 
exception  of  matins.  The  response  to  it  is  always 
Deo  gratiaa.  It  is  also  said  at  the  end  of  the 
mass  in  those  masses  in  which  Gloria  in  excebia 
is  not  said,  and  which  are  not  masses  for  the 
dead,  in  which  the  corresponding  foTmwSeqmea- 
cat  in  pace.  The  custom  of  substituting  Bene 
dicamua  for  Ite  miaaa  est  in  these  masses  is 
derived  from  the  old  practice  of  the  Church, 
according  to  which  afUr  masses  for  the  dead, 
or  those  tor  penitential  days,  the  people  were  not 
dismissed  as  at  other  times,  but  remained  for 
the  recitation  of  the  psalms,  which  were  said 
after  the  moss.  Benedicamua  Domino  is  snog  on 
the  same  tone  as  Ite  miaaa  est,  which  varies  aca>rd- 
ing  to  the  character  of  the  day.         [H.  J.  H.] 

BENEDICITE.  This  canticle,  called  sko 
Canticum  triwn  puerorum,  is  part  [v.  35  to  ike 
middle  of  v.  66]  of  the  prayer  of  Axarias  in  the 
furnace,  which  occurs  between  the  23rd  and 
24th  verses  of  Daniel  iii.  in  the  LXX.,  but  is  sot 
in  the  Hebrew.  It  is  used  in  the  lauds  of  tiM 
Western  Church,  both  in  the  Gregorian,  incla* 


BENEDICTINE  BULE  AND  OBDEB 


187 


4fag  tk«  old  Sag lahy  and  Ifonaciic  uses,  among 
tkt  palms  of  landty  on  SnndajB  and  festiralB, 
maatialbdf  bofore  P^  exiviiL,  crtiz^  cL  It 
irfily  haa  aa  aaiiphoa  of  iU  own,  though  in 
•ama  bmb  the  ptafana  at  Umda  are  all  said  under 
me  snitphon.  The  antiphonal  clause^  **  Laudato 
li  saperexaltata  enm  in  saecola,"  is  only  said 
after  the  first  and  last  rerses.  Gloria  Pabri  is 
Mt  mid  aftar  it,  as  after  other  cantielesy  but 
ii  its  pbce  the  Toroes 

FDnm  com  Spfriin  Sancio : 
mm  fat  Bsecala. 
llrmsmento  ooetl :  et  landa- 
In 


la  the  Amhrosian  lands  for  Sundays  and  festi- 
nk^  Btmtdkiis  occurs  with  an  antiphon  varjing 
frith  the  day,  and  preceded  by  a  collect  [Oratio 
sccicu]  which  Taries  only  on  Christmas  Day 
sad  the  Epiphany.  During  the  octave  of  Easter 
Bdieh^M^  is  said  after  each  verse. 

Anadfega  also  occurs  in  the  private  thanks- 
frfiag  of  the  priest  after  mass ;  in  the  Roman 
•ffioe  ia  fill! ;  in  the  Sarum  the  last  few  verses 
mIj. 

la  the  Hozarabic  breviary  this  canticlo  is 
firaad  ia  the  lauds  for  Sundays  and  festivals  in 
rhat  different  form,  with  a  special  anti- 


phon, and  is  called  Benedictut,  It  begins  at  v. 
39;  the  antiphonal  clause  is  omitted  altogether 
till  the  ead;  and  the  opening  words  of  the  Brnie- 
aBStt  proper^  "  Benedidte  omnia  opera  Domini 
are  never  repeated  after  their  first 


la  the  officea  of  the  Greek  Church  this  canticle 
it  the  eighth  of  the  nine  ^  Odes  "  appointed  at 
iauik.  The  antiphonal  clause  is  said  after  every 
Tose,  and  a  supplementary  verse  is  added  at 
ths  end,  **c2Airyerrc  'Air J<rroXo<,  Ilpo^^ou, 
ni  M^rvpet  Kvpfov,  rhp  K6piov  ict.\.  This 
caatide  is  sometimes  called  (e^,  by  St.  Benedict 
aai  by  St.  Fructuosus  Archb.  of  bram,t  665) 
from  the  nature  of  ita  contents  the  Benidictio, 
ia  the  same  way  as  the  last  three  psalms  of  the 
I^ter  are  known  as  the  Laudes,       [H.  J.  H.] 

BENEDIOTA,  religious  woman,  martyr  at 
RoBie  under  Julian,  commemorated  January  4 
(Mart.  Jiom.  VeL).  [C] 

BENEDICTINE  BULE  AND  OBDEB, 

fcuaded  by  St.  Benedictus  of  Nursia,  bom  A.D. 
480,  sad  died  probably  542.  [See  Diet,  of  Chr, 
Kogr,  9.  v.]  Even  berore  the  institution  of  the 
Benedictine  Rule,  monasticism  was  widely  esta- 
Uithcd  in  Southern  and  Western  Europe,  and 
vas  iastrumental  in  spreading  Christianity  among 
tile  hordes  which  overran  the  prostrate  Roman 
Empire.  But  there  was  as  yet  neither  uni- 
fvrmity  nor  permanency  of  rule  (Mab.  Act, 
0, 8.  B,  Praef.).  In  the  words  of  Cassian,  which 
leem  to  apply  to  Occidental  as  well  as  Oriental 
BMnschisn,  there  were  as  many  rules  as  there 
were  monasteries  (IntUt.  ii.  2).  In  Italy,  always 
eKtly  accessible  to  Greek  influences,  the  Rule  of 
BectI,  which  had  been  translated  into  Latin  by 
Eoffinus  (Praef.  Reg.  Bos."),  was  the  favpurite; 
ia  Southern  Gaul,  and  in  Spain,  that  of  Cassian, 
•r  rather  of  Macarius ;  and  as  the  Rule  of  Bene- 
diet  worked  its  way  into  the  North-west  of 
Earope,  it  was  confronted  by  the  rival  system  of 
Cslombanus  (Pellic  PolU.  Ecc,  Chr.  I.  iii.  1,  §  4 ; 

•  &  apeli  Id  tfae  Ambrusisn  books. 


Mab.  Ann.  Praef.).  Uke  Aaron's  rod,  in  the 
quaint  language  of  the  Middle  Ages,  it  soon  swal* 
lowed  up  the  other  rules.  But,  in  fact,  there 
was  often  a  great  diversitv  of  practice,  even 
among  those  professing  to  follow  the  same  Rule, 
<rften  a  medley  of  different  rules  within  the  same 
walls  (Mab.  Aim.  Praef.),  and  a  succession  of  new 
rules  in  successive  years  (Mab.  Ann.  i.  29).  The 
Cplumbanists,  for  instance,  were  not,  strictly 
■peaking,  a  separate  order  (Mab.  Ann.  Praef). 
The  Benedictines  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the 
first  in  oi'der  of  time,  as  well  as  in  importance, 
of  the  monastic  orders. 

The  Benedictine  Rule  gave  stability  to  what 
had  hitherto  been  fluctuating  and  incoherent 
(Mab.  Ann.  Praef.).  The  hermit-Uih  had  been 
essentially  individualistic,  and  the  monastic  com- 
munities of  Egypt  and  the  East  had  been  an  aggre- 
gation, on  however  large  a  scale,  of  units,  rather 
than  a  compact  and  living  organization,  as  of 
^'many  members  in  one  Ix^y."  Benedict  seems 
to  have  felt  keenly  the  need  of  a  firm  hand  to 
control  and  regulate  the  manifold  impulses,  of  one 
sort  and  another,  which  moved  men  to  retire 
from  the  world.  Apparently  there  was  a  good 
deal  of  laxity  and  disorder  among  the  monks  of 
his  day.  He  is  very  severe  against  the  petty 
fraternities  of  the  Sarabaitae^  monks  dwelling 
two  or  throe  together  in  a  "oeH,**  or  small 
monastery,  without  any  one  at  their  head,  and 
still  more  against  the  **Gyrovagi"  monks,  who 
led  a  desultory  and  unruly  life,  roving  from  one 
monastery  to  another.  Unlike  his  Eastern  pre- 
decessors, who  looked  up  to  utter  solitude  as  the 
summit  of  earthly  excellence,  Benedict,  as  if  in 
later  life  regretting  the  excessive  austerities  of 
his  youth,  makes  no  mention  at  all  of  either 
hermits  or  anchorites  {Prd.  Beg,  8.  B.y.  Any- 
thing like  anarchy  offended  his  sense  of  order 
and  oongruity ;  and,  with  his  love  of  organizing, 
he  was  the  man  to  supply  what  he  felt  to  be 
wanting. 

Accordingly,  in  Benedict's  system  the  vow  of 
self-addiction  to  the  monastery  became  more 
stringent,  and  its  obligation  more  lasting. 
Hitherto,  it  had  been  rather  the  expression  of  a 
resolution  or  of  a  purpose,  than  a  solemn  vow  of 
perpetual  perseverance  (Aug.  Ep.  ad  Men.  109, 
p.  587 ;  Aug.  Rett,  c.  Jovinian.  ii.  22 ;  Hieron. 
Ep.  48;  Cass.  Inst,  x.  28).  But  by  the  Rule 
(c  58)  the  vow  was  to  be  made  with  all  possible 
solemnity,  in  the  chapel,  before  the  relics  in  the 
shrine,  with  the  abbat  and  all  the  brethren  stand- 
ing by ;  and  once  made  it  was  to  be  irrevocable — 
**  Vestigia  nulla  retrorsnm."  The  postulant  for 
admission  into  the  monastery  had  to  deposit  the 
memorial  of  his  compact  on  the  altar :  and  from 
that  day  to  retrace  his  steps  was  morally  impos- 
sible. The  Rule  contemplates  indeed  the  possi- 
bility of  a  monk  retrograding  from  his  promise, 
and  re-entering  the  world  which  he  had  re- 
nounced, but  only  as  an  act  of  apostasy, 
committed  at  the  instigation  of  the  devil  (c.  58). 
Preriously,  if  a  monk  married,  he  was  censured 
and  sentenced  to  a  penance  (Basil.  Respons,  36 ; 
Leo,  Ep.  90,  ad  Rustic,  c  12 ;  Epiphan.  Ilier. 
Ixi.  7;  Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Dem,  97  (8);  Aug.  de 
Ben,  Vid,  c  10 ;  Gelas.  Ep,  5,  ad  Episc.  iMcan, 
ap.  Grat.  Caua.  xxvii. ;  Quaest.  i.  c.  14;  Cone. 
Aurel.  I.  c.  23);  but  the  marriage  was  not 
annulled  as  invalid.  After  the  promulgation  of 
the  Rule,  far  heavier  i>Gmiltics  were  enacted. 


188 


BENEDICrriNE  BULE  AND  OBDEB 


The  monk,  who  had  broken  his  vow  by  marrying, 
was  to  be  ezoommanicated,  was  to  be  compellwl 
to  separate  from  his  wife,  and  might  be  forcibly 
reclaimed  by  his  monastery :  if  a  priest,  he  was 
to  be  degraded  (Greg.  M.  J^  L  33,  40,  yii.  9, 
zii.  20,  ap.  Grat.  xxrii.;  Qu.  i.  c  15;  Cone. 
Turcn.  II.  c.  15).  These  severities  were  no  part 
of  Benedict's  oomparatively  mild  and  lenient 
code ;  bnt  they  testify  to  his  having  intro- 
duced a  much  stricter  estimation  of  the  monastic 
vow. 

At  the  same  time,  as  with  a  view  to  guard 
against  this  danger  of  relapse,  Benedict  wisely 
surrounded  admission  into  his  order  with  diffi- 
culties. He  provided  a  year's  noviciate,  which 
was  prolonged  to  two  years  in  the  next  cen- 
tury (Greg.  M.  Up,  x.  24);  and  thrice,  at 
certain  intervals,  during  this  year  of  probation, 
the  novice  was  to  have  the  Rule  read  over  to 
him,  that  he  might  weigh  well  what  he  was 
undertaking,  and  that  Ids  assent  might  be  deli- 
berate and  unwavering  (c  58).  "Die  written 
petition  for  admission  was  required  invariably 
(c  58).  None  were  to  be  received  from  other 
monasteries,  without  letters  commendatory  from 
their  abbat  (c.  61);  nor  children  without  the 
consent  of  parents  or  guardians,  nor  unless  for- 
mally disiiUierited  (c  59).  Eighteen  years  of 
age  was  subsequently  fixed  as  the  earliest  age 
for  self-dedication.  The  gates  of  the  monastery 
moved  as  slowly  on  their  hinges  at  the  knock  of 
postulants  for  admission,  as  they  were  inexorably 
closed  upon  him  when  once  within  the  walls 
(cf.  Flenry,  ffist,  Eoc,  xxxv.  19 — ^note  by  Bened. 
£ditor ;  Aug.  Vindel.  1768). 

Benedict  had  evidently  the  same  object  before 
his  eyes,  the  consolidation  of  the  fiibric  which  he 
was  erecting,  in  the  form  of  government  which 
he  devised  for  his  order.  This  was  a  monarchy, 
and  one  nearer  to  despotism  than  to  what  is 
called  a  ''constitutional  monarchy."  Poverty, 
humility,  chastity,  temperance,  all  these  had  been 
essential  elements  in  the  monastic  life  from  the 
first.  Benedict,  although  he  did  not  introduce 
the  principle  of  obedience,  made  it  more  precise 
and  more  implicit  (oc.  2,  3,  27,  64;  cf.  Mab.  Ann, 
iii.  8) ;  stereotyped  it  by  regulations  extending 
even  to  the  demeanour  and  deportment  due  from 
the  younger  to  the  elder  (cc.  7, 63) ;  and  crowned 
the  edifice  with  an  abbat,  irresponsible  to  his 
subjects.  Strict  obedience  was  exacted  from  the 
younger  monks,  towards  all  their  superiors  in 
the  monastery  (oc.  68-71);  but  the  abbat  was 
to  be  absolute  over  all  (c.  3).  He  alone  is  called 
Dominus  in  the  Rule;  though  the  word  in  its 
later  form,  Domnus,  became  common  to  all  Bene- 
dictines (c.  63).  The  monks  had  the  right  of 
electing  him,  without  regard  to  seniority.  Sup- 
posmg  a  flagrantly  scandalous  election  to  be 
made,  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  or  the  neigh- 
bouring abbats,  or  even  the  '^  Christians  of  the 
neighbourhood,"  might  interfere  to  have  it  can- 
celled; but  once  duly  elected  his  will  was 
to  be  supreme  (c  64).  He  was  indeed  to 
convoke  a  council  of  the  brethren,  when  neces- 
sary :  on  any  important  occasions,  of  them  all ; 
otherwise,  only  of  the  seniors :  but  in  every  case 
the  final  and  irrevocable  decision,  from  which 
there  was  no  appeal,  rested  with  him  (c.  3).  He 
was  to  have  the  appointment  of  the  prior,  or 
provost  (c.  65 ;  cf.  Greg.  M.  Ep.  vii.  10%  and  of 
tlie  decani   or  deans,  as  well  as  the  power  of 


deposing  them  (c  21X*  the  prior  after  fear,  thi 
deans  i^r  three  warnings  (c.  65)^  Benedict 
was  evidently  distrustful  of  any  oollisioii  of 
authority,  or  want  of  perfect  harmonv,  betwean 
the  abbat  and  his  prior ;  and  preferrea  deans,  as 
more  completely  subordinate  (c.  65);  for,  while 
the  abbat  held  his  office  for  life,  the  deans  as 
well  as  all  the  other  officers  of  the  monastery, 
except  the  prior,  held  theira  for  only  a  certain 
time  (oc  21,  31,  32).  Even  the  oellerarioa,  or 
cellarins,  the  steward,  who  ranked  next  to  tht 
abbat  in  secular  things,  as  the  prior  in  things 
spiritual,  was  to  be  appointed  for  one,  four,  or 
ten  years ;  the  tool-keepers,  robe-keepers,  &a, 
only  for  one.  The  abbat  was  armed  with  power 
to  enforce  his  authority  on  the  recalcitrant,  after 
two  admonitions  in  private  and  one  in  public^ 
by  the  "  lesser  excommunication,"  or  banishmeot 
from  the  common  table  and  from  officiattng  ia 
the  chapel ;  by  the  '*  greater  exoonmiunication,'' 
or  deprivation  of  the  rites  of  the  Church ;  by  flog- 
ging, by  imprisonment,  and  other  bodily  penances 
(cc.  2,  23-29 ;  cf.  Mart,  de  Ant.  Jfon.  RU.  '±  11) 
in  case  of  hardened  offenders ;  and,  as  an  extreme 
penalty,  by  expulsion  frem  the  society.  Bene- 
dict, however,  with  characteristic  clemencj, 
expressly  cautions  the  abbat  to  deal  tenderly 
with  offenders  (c.  27) ;  allowing  readmission  for 
penitents  into  the  monastery,  even  after  relapses; 
and,  as  though  aware  how  much  he  is  entmstittg 
to  the  abbat's  discretion,  begins,  and  almost  ends, 
his  Rule  with  grave  and  earnest  cautions  against 
abusing*his  authority. 

Benedict's  constitution  was  no  mere  democracy, 
under  the  abbat.  All  ranks  and  conditions  of  men 
were  indeed  freely  admitted,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,^  and  on  equal  terms  (c  51 ;  cfL  Aug. 
de  Op,  Mon,  22) :  within  the  monastery  all  the 
distinctions  of  their  previous  life  vanished ;  the 
serf  and  the  noble  stood  there  side  by  side  (&  2). 
Thus  even  a  priest,  whose  claims  to  precedence, 
being  of  a  spiritual  nature,  might  have  been 
supposed  to  stand  on  a  difibrent  footing,  had  to 
take  his  place  simply  by  order  of  seniority  amoi^ 
the  brethren  (c  60),  though  he  might  be  allowed 
by  the  abbat  to  take  a  higher  place  in  the  chapel 
(c  62),  and  might,  as  the  lay-brothers,  be  pro- 
moted by  him  above  seniors  in  standing  (c.  63 ; 
cf.  Fleury,  Hist,  Eoc,  xxxii.  15).  Siimlarly,  a 
monk  from  another  monastery  was  to  hare  no 
especial  privileges  (c  61).  But,  with  all  this 
levelling  of  distinctions  belonging  to  the  work! 
without,  the  gradations  of  rank  for  the  monks 
as  monks  were  clearly  defined.  Every  brother 
had  his  place  assigned  him  in  the  mcnastie 
hierarchy.  Such  offices  as  those  of  the  hebdo- 
madarius  or  weekly  cook,  of  the  lector  or  reader- 
aloud  in  the  refectory,  were  to  be  held  by  each 
in  turn,  unless  by  special  exemption  (cc  35,  38), 
and  the  younger  monks  were  enjoined  to  address 
the  elder  as  *'nonni,"  or  fathers,  in  token  of 
affectionate  reverence  (c  63).  Benedict  seems 
to  have  had  an  equal  dread  of  tyranny  sad 
of  insubordination. 

Indeed,  the  strict  obedience  exacted  by  ike 
Rule  is  tempered  throughout  by  an  elastidtj, 
and  considerateness,  which  contrast  strongly 
with  the  inflexible  rigour  of  similar  institutions. 

•  V.  Martene,  note  in  Htg.  Comm,  ad  loc. ;  cf.  Cem, 
MogwU.  c  11. 

^  The  rvstrlcUons  and  Umitattotts  In  ICariene^  JEV 
Oomm.  are  not  m  Uie  Rule, 


BENEDICTINE  BULE  AND  OBDEB 


189 


like  tke  Evugclic  Sennon  on  the  If  onnt,  which 

he  mkei  hk  model  (  ProL  Beg. ;  cf.  e.  4^  Benedict 

cften  hyi  down  n  principle,  without  shaping  it 

lib  details.   Thm  he  enjoins  silence,  as  a  whole- 

SHM  disdpliae,  withont  prescribing  the  times  and 

pboes  for  it,  be jond  specifying  the  refectory  and 

the  donnitory  (c.  6).     Like  Lycnrgus,  he  wishes 

U  bequeath  to  his  followers  a  law  which  shall 

sever  be  broken  (c.  64);  and  yet,  in  the  closing 

voffdi  of  his  Role,  he  reminds  them  that  the 

Bale,  after  all,  is  imperfect  in  itself  (c  73). 

Hon  than  ones  he  seems  to  anticipate  the  day 

vbea  hb  order  shall  have  assumed  larger  dimen- 

aoai,  and  prorides  for  monasteries  on  a  grander 

■ale  than  existed  when  he  was  writing  his  Rale 

(ee.  31,  32,  53).    Thus,  about  dress,  as  if  fore- 

sseiag  the  Tarring  requirements  of  Tarious  climes, 

be  Imtcs  a  discretionary  power  to  the  abbat, 

afiraing  merely  the  uuTarying  principle  that 

it  is  to  be  cheap  and  homely  (c.  55) ;  and  that 

there  are  to  be  two  dresses,  the  *'  scapulare,"  or 

Mit  ef  cape,  for  field-work,  and  the  **  cucuUus," 

sr  bood,  ror  study  and  prayer  (cf.  Fleury,  Hik, 

Eec  xzziL  16)l     The  colour  of  the  tunic  or  toga, 

Wii^  left  undetermined   by  the  founder,  has 

mied  at  diflTerent  times:  till  the  8th  century 

It  was  usually  white  (Mab.  Ann,  ill.).     Nor  is 

there  any  Procrustean  stiffness  in  the  directions 

about  diet.    Temperance,  in  the  strictest  sense, 

ii  laid  down  as  the  principle :   but  the  abbat 

WKf  relax  the  ordinary  rules  of  quantity  and 

qoality  {c  40);  more  food  is  ordered  wheneyer 

than  is  more  work  to  be  done  (c.  39);  baths 

aad  meat  are  not  allowed  merely,  but  enjoined 

fcr  the  sick  (c   36X  for  the  young  or  aged 

(c  9l)f  as  well  as  for  guests  who  may  chance  to 

be  lo&ing  in  the  monastery  (c  42) ;  and  even 

viBe,ror£dden  by  Eastern  Asiatics,  is  allowed, 

i|Mriagly,  by  Benedict,  as  if  in  concession  to  the 

lational  propensities  imported  into  Italy  by  the 

Wrbariana,  tatd  to  the  oolder  climate  of  Northern 

lurope  (c.  40).     Even  those  minuter  rules,  in 

wbich  Benedict  evinces  his  lore  of  order,  pro- 

partion,  and   clocklike    regularity,  and    which 

Aofw  that  Benedict,   like  Wesley,  wished   to 

direct  ererything,   originate  almost  always  in 

a  wise   and  tender   consideration   for   human 

veakneasea.    The  day  is  mapped  out  in  its  round 

•f  duties,  so  that  no  unoccupied  moments  may 

inrite  temptation  (c  48%  but  the  hours  allotted 

tar  work,  prayer,  or  rest,  Tary  with  the  seasons. 

Beaediet   seems    to    take    especial    delight    in 

arraying  how  the  Pftalter  is  to  be  read  through, 

aidering  certain  Psalms  on  certain  holy  days; 

Vat  he  leares  it  open  to  his  followers  to  make  a 

better  distribution  if  they  can  (cc.  15,  18).    The 

lint  Ptelm  is  to  be  recited  slowly ;  but  this  is  to 

give  the  brethren  time  to  assemble  in  their 

antory.      The   monk  who  serres  as  cook    is, 

dsriag  his  week  of  office,  to  take  his  meals  before 

the  rest  (c.  35);   the  cellarer,  or  steward,  is  to 

bare  fixed  hours  for  attending  to  the  wants  of 

the  brethren,  that  there  may  be  no  yexation  or 

disappointment  (c  31) ;  a  list  is  to  be  kept  by 

the  abbat  of  all  the  tools  and  dresses  belonging 

to  th«  monastery,  lest  there  may  be  any  con- 

fcaioB(c.  32);  the  monks  are  to  sleep  only  ten 

•r  twelre  in  the  same  dormitory,  with  curtains 

between  the  beds,  and  under  the  charge  of  a 

^^aa,  fof  the  sake  of  order  and  propriety  (c.  22) ; 

the  Historiea]  Books  of  the  Old  Testament  were 

■at  to  be  read  the  last  thing  before  going  to  bed. 


as  unedifying  to  weak  brethren  (c  42) ;  and,  last 
and  least,  no  monk  is  to  take  the  knife,  which 
was  part  of  his  monastic  equipment,  with  him  to 
bed,  lest  he  should  hurt  himself  in  his  sleep 
(c  22).  But  it  is,  above  all,  in  its  treatment 
of  weaker  brethren  (the  '*  infirmi "  or  **  pusil- 
lanimi "),  that  the  Rule  breathes  a  mildness,  and 
what  Aristotle  would  call  "  ivituctloj'*  rare 
indeed  in  those  days.  The  abbat  is  to  'Move 
the  offender,  even  while  hating  the  offence;'' 
he  is  to  '*  beware  lest  he  break  the  Tessei  m 
scouring  it ;"  he  is  to  let  "  mercy  prevail  over 
justice"  (c  64).  A  whole  chapter  (c  43)  is 
devoted  to  meting  out  the  degrees  of  correction 
for  monks  coming  late  to  chapel  or  refectory; 
and,  in  this  unlike  Wesley,  Benedict  expressly 
discourages  the  public  conrassion  of  secret  faults, 
a  practice  inevitably  tending  to  unreality  and 
Irreverence  (c.  46),  as  well  as  loud  and  demon- 
strative private  prayer  in  the  chapel  (c.  52). 
There  is  something  peculiarly  characteristic  of 
Benedict's  gentle  and  courteous  spirit  in  his  oft- 
repeated  cautions  against  murmuring  on  the  one 
hand  (cc  31,  40,  41,  53),  and,  on  the  other, 
against  anything  like  scurrility  (cc.  43,  49,  &c.). 

Compared  with  Eastern  Rules,  the  Benedic- 
tine Rule  is  an  easy  yoke  (Sev.  Snip.  Vit.  S. 
Mariinif  i.  7;  Oass.  Instit,  i.  11);  and  this 
may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  more  prac- 
tical temperament  of  the  West,  partly  to  the 
exigencies  of  European  climates,  partly,  too,  to 
the  personal  character  of  the  lawgiver  (cc.  39, 
40,  46,  key.  Taking  the  passage  in  the  Psalms, 
'*  Seven  times  a  day  will  I  praise  Thee,"  and 
another,  ''At  midnight  I  will  rise  to  give 
thanks  unto  Thee,"  as  his  mottoes,  he  portioned 
out  day  and  night  into  an  almost  unceasing 
round  of  prayer  and  praise  (c.  16).  But  whereas 
his  predecessors  had  ordered  the  whole  of  the 
Psalter  to  be  recited  daily,  Benedict,  thougo 
with  a  sigh  of  regret  for  the  degeneracy  of  his 
age,  was  content  that  it  should  be  gone  through 
in  the  week  (c  18).  There  is  a  curious  direc- 
tion, too  (c  20X  against  lengthy  private  devo- 
tions, especially  in  chapel  after  service.  In 
harvest  time,  or  if  they  were  far  from  home,  the 
monks  were  to  say  their  devotions  in  the  field,  to 
save  the  time  and  trouble  of  returning  to  the 
monastery  (c.  50 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann,  iii.  8).  What- 
ever ascetic  austerities  were  introduced  at  a 
later  date  into  some  of  the  reformed  Benedictine 
orders,  we  find  no  trace  at  all  in  the  original 
Rule  of  those  ingenious  varieties  of  self-torture 
which  had  been  so  common  in  Egypt  and  Syria. 
Benedict  shows  no  love  of  self-mortification  for 
its  own  sake ;  and,  while  prizing  it  in  moderation 
as  a  discipline,  makes  it  subservient  to  other 
practical  purposes.  Thus  he  orders  some  more 
suitable  occupation  to  be  allotted  to  such  of  the 
brethren  as  may  be  incapacitated  in  any  way 
from  hard  work  out  of  doors  (c.  48).  The  diet 
allowed  by  the  Benedictine  Rule  would  have 
seemed  luxurious  to  the  monks  of  the  East 
(c.  39,  &C.). 

But  the  great  distinction  of  Benedict's  Rule 
was  the  substitution  of  study  for  the  compara- 
tive uselessness  of  mere  manual  labour.  Not  that 
his  monks  were  to  be  less  laborious ;  rather  they 
were  to  spend  more  time  in  work ;  but  their  work 
was  to  be  less  servile,  of  the  head  as  well  as  of 
the  hand,  beneficial  to  future  ages,  not  merely 
furnishing  sustenance  for  the  bodily  wants  of  the 


190 


BSNBDIOTINB  RULE  AND  OBDEB 


comixiimit]r»  or  for  alioBgiying  (oc  38,  48:  c£r 
Cass.  ImtiL  x.  28 ;  Hier.  JEp,  odEudoch,  18,  22). 
As  if  conscioiis  of  his  innovation  Benedict  seems 
to  restrict  the  word  **  lahor,"  as  heretofore,  to 
manual  oocapations;  to  these  he  still  devoted 
the  larger  part  of  the  day:  and  his  range  of 
literature  is  a  narrow  one,  specifying  by  name 
only  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  writings 
of  the  Fathers  (cc.  9,  48).  But,  by  reserving 
some  portion  for  study,  he  implanted  the  princi- 
ple, which  afterwards  bore  so  glorious  fruits  in 
the  history  of  his  order,  that  liberal  arts  and 
sciences  were  to  be  for  them  not  permitted 
merely,  but  sanctioned  and  encouraged  (c  48). 
It  is  a  question  how  far  Benedict  is  indebted  for 
this  to  Cassiodorus,  his  contemporary,  wrongs 
fully  claimed  by  some  sealous  Benedictines  as 
one  of  their  order  (Mign.  PatroL  Izix.  483). 
But  the  ^  Vivarium  **  which  Cassiodorus  founded 
in  Calabria  seems  to  have  been  more  like  an 
university,  or  even  the  intellectual  and  artistic 
Court  over  which  Frederick  II.  presided  in  that 
part  of  Italy  during  the  I8th  century,  more 
genial  in  its  tone  and  wider  in  its  range  of 
studies  (Cassiod.  dt  Ina^t  Div.  Litt,  cc.  28, 
30,  31).  Probably  Benedict  and  his  more  secular 
contemporary  were  both  alike  affected  by  the 
same  impulses,  inherited  from  the  dying  Utera- 
ture  of  Imperial  Rome. 

A  monk's  day,  according  to  the  Rule,  was  an 
alternation   of  work,  manual   or  mental,  and 
prayer,  in  the  words  of  the  Rule  of  the  "  opus  Dei 
or  dtvinum  offidum  **  and  ^  labor  et  lectio,"  with 
the  short  intervals  necessary  for  food  and  rest 
<cf.  Mab.  Arm.  iiu  8;  Fleuiy,  HisL  Eoo.  zxziL  15 
et  seq.).    In  winter  the  middle  of  the  day,  and 
in  summer  the  morning  and  evening,  were  for 
manual  labour ;  for  study  the  heat  of  the  day  in 
summer,  and  the  dusk  and  darkness  of  morning 
and  evening  in  the  short  days  of  winter  (cc. 
8,  48).    After  the  midday  meal  in  summer,  the 
monk  might  take  his  siesta,  or  a  book  (c.  48). 
The  seven  hours  for  dirine  service  were  those 
called  "canonical  ;**  and  the  services  were— ma^ 
tins  (afterwards  called   lauds)  at  sunrise   (in 
summer),  prime,   tierce,   sezt,   nones,    vespers, 
compline,  separated  eac^  from  each  by  three 
hours,  as  well  as  a  midnight  service,  which  was 
to  be  held  a  little  before  the  matins,  called  in 
the  Rule  ''  nocturnae  vigiliae  "  (c.  16).    On  Sun- 
days the  monk  was  to  rise  earlier  and  have 
longer  "  vigiliae  "  (c.  11),  and  was  to  substitute 
reading  for  manual  woz^  (c  48).     Each  ser- 
vice was  to  include  a  certain  number  of  Psalms, 
often  selected   with   especial   reference  to  the 
time  of  day,  as  the  third  for  noctuma,  of  Can- 
ticles, and  of  lections,  or  readings  from  Holy 
Scripture  or  the  Fathers  (c  8,  &c.).     On  Sun- 
days and  holy  days  all  the  brethren  were  to 
receive  the  BLoly  Communion  (c.  25).    The  pre- 
cise  times   for  the   several  avocations   of  the 
monastic  day  were  to  vary  with  the  four  seasons, 
both  of  the  natural  and  of  the  Christian  year 
(c.  8,  &e.).     The  work  or  the  book  for  the  time 
was  to  be  assigned  to  each  at  the  discretion  of 
the  abbat  (c.  48).     The  evening  meal  was  to  be 
taken  all  the  year  round  before  dark  (c  41). 
As  the  monk  had  to  rise  betimes,  so  his  thought- 
ful legislator  would  have  him  retire  early  to 
rest. 

Chapters  1-7  in  the  Rule  are  on  the  monastic 
character  generally — obedience,  humility,  &c. ; 


8-20  on  divine  service ;  21-80  on  deans  and  tk« 
correction  of  offenders;  31-41  on  the  oelbrcr 
and  his  department,  especially  the  refectory;  42- 
52  are  chiefly  on  pointb  relating  either  to  the 
oratory  er  to  labour:  the  remaining  tweatr- 
one  rules  hardly  admit  of  classiiicatioii,  beiiig 
miscellaneous  and  supplementary  to  those  pre- 
ceding. 

On  the  whole,  the  Benedictine  Rule,  as  a  Role 
for  Monks,  must  be  pnmounced,  by  all  who  view 
it  dispassionately,  well  worthy  of  ^e  high  piaiM 
which  it  has  received,  not  from  monks  only,  bat 
from  statesmen  and  others.  "First  and  fore- 
most in  discretion,  and  clear  in  style,"  is  the 
appropriate  comment  on  it  of  Gregory  the  Great 
{Dial,  ii.  36).  In  the  7th  century  the  obserranee 
of  it  was  enjoined  on  all  monks,  by  the  Coundl 
of  Augustodunxun  (c  15),  and  by  Lewis  the  Pious 
{ExK  adEigd,  Abb,  Fuld.  ap.  Migne,  Praef.  Beg,). 
It  is  commonly  entitled  in  councils  "the  h^y 
Rule"  (Migne,  Praef.  £eg,);  and  by  one  held  in 
the  9th  century  it  is  directly  attributed  to  the 
inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  {Cone  DvLziac  ii.). 
By  one  writer  it  is  contrasted  with  prerious 
rules  as  the  teaching  of  Christ  with  that  of 
Moses  (Gaufr.-Abb.  Vindocin.  Sermo  de  S,  B,  ap. 
Migne,  Pra^.  Beg,),  It  was  a  favourite  alike 
with  Thomas  Aquinas,  as  a  manual  of  mofalitj, 
and  with  the  politic  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  as  a 
manual  for  rulers  (Alb.  Butler,  Lives  of  the  SodHttf 
s.  voce;  cf.  Gu^anger,  Enchirid.  Bened,  'Pra^.), 
Granted  the  very  questionable  position,  that  the 
life  of  a  monk,  with  its  abdication  of  social  and 
domestic  duties,  is  laudable,  Benedict's  conoeptioa 
of  that  life,  in  principle  and  in  detail,  is  almost 
unexceptionable.  His  monks  are  indeed  treated 
throughout  as  simply  children  of  an  older  growth : 
they  may  not  even  walk  abroad  (c.  67);  nor,  if 
sent  outside  the  precincts,  may  they  stop  any- 
where to  eat,  without  the  abbat's  leave  (c  51); 
nor  may  they  even  receive  letters  from  home  (& 
51).  The  prescribed  washing  of  strangers'  feet 
(c  53),  and  the  very  strict  prohibition  against  a 
monk  having  anything,  however  trifling,  of  say 
sort  to  call  his  own,  are  all  part  of  this  extensMt 
into  maturer  years  of  a  discipline  proper  for  diil- 
dren.  But,  if  treated  ss  children,  the  foUovers 
of  Benedict  were  at  any  rate  under  a  wise  sad 
sympathising  Master ;  and  the  school  where  they 
were  to  be  trained  in  humility  and  obedience  vat 
not  one  of  needless  and  vexatious  mortifications. 
Order,  proportion,  regularity,  these  are  the 
characteristics  of  the  Rule;  with  an  especisl 
tenderness  for  the  "weaker  brethren."  As  in 
all  monastic  institutions,  self-love  seems  to 
force  its  way  through  all  the  barriers  heaped 
around  it ;  tinging  even  the  holiest  acti<His  with 
a  mereenariness  of  intention  {ProL  &c  Ac.). 
Thus  the  motive  proposed  for  waiting  sedulously 
on  the  sick  is  the  reward  which  may  be  won  by 
so  doing  (c  37).  But  the  Rule  appeals  alss, 
though  less  expressly,  to  higher  motives  thsn  the 
fear  of  punishment  or  the  hope  of  recompense" 
to  the  love  of  God  and  of  man  (e.  g.  ProL).  It 
cannot  be  said  of  Benedict's  Rule,  as  of  solitaiy 
asceticism,  that  self  is  the  circumference  ss  well 
as  the  centre  of  the  circle.  The  relations  of  the 
brethren  to  their  father,  and  to  one  another, 
tend,  in  the  Rule,  to  check  that  isolation  of  the 
heart  from  human  sympathies  which  is  the  bsae 
of  monasticism.  If  there  is  a  disregard  of  the 
claims  of  the  outer  world,  at  all  events  soase* 


BBNEDIOnNE  BULB  AND  OBDEB 


191 


tkoig  like  the  Urn  of  fitmily  U  duly  recognised 
mUSm  ih»  order,  hallowiag  eren  the  triyial  de- 
tub  of  dailj  life.  Tho  monastery  is  the  ^  House 
rfGed;"  aiid  erai  its  commonest  utensils  are 
•"bolf  things  "(c  81).  Benedict  disclaims  for 
■sa  either  anj  merit  in  keeping  the  divine  law, 
or  say  powr  to  do  so  withont  help  from  hearen 
(/VdL). 

la  style  the  Bnla  is  dear  and  concise ;  largely 
iHtenposed  with  apposite  qnotations  from  the 
SuipMues,  cepecially  the  Psalms.  But  its  La- 
tiaitf  is  Teiy  nnrlassiciil,  not  only  in  syntax,  bnt 
ian^e  wovla  (e.  g.  odirs  for  odiate,  c  4 ;  sofaftum, 
lor  *'keiper,'*  oc  31,  85 ;  tj/put  for  '<  arrogance  " 
•r  '•drcamlocation,''  c.  31>  In  this  respect  the 
fiak  ooBtrasts  unfiiTonrably  with  Cassian^s  oom- 
]isiatiTely  aocnrate  and  polished  style.  The 
lot  may  hare  been  corrupted ;  but  there  seems 
ts  bare  been  a  serious  deterioration  in  Latin 
iilairtiue  daring  the  5th  century. 

With  the  lapse  of  time,  the  right  meaning  of 
■a&j  psssages  in  the  Role  gave  rise  to  violent 
eoBkroTerriesL  Its  rery  brevity  and  conciseness 
woe  themselves  the  occasion  of  an  uncertainty, 
frequently  ejihanoed  by  the  changes  of  meaning 
vhkh  the  same  word  often  undergoes  in  suoces- 
■re  pciiodSb  Whether  such  phrases  as  "Com- 
"  and  ^^Missa"  are  to  be  taken  in  their 
technical  and  ritualistic  sense,  or  merely 
kg  "'charity"  and  the  '* termination  of  divine 
•errice;*  whether  "  ezcommunicatio  "  means  the 
fnstcr  or  the  leaser  sentence  of  deprivation  (cc 
M,^);  whether  '^derici"  (c  62)  means  dea- 
ooasealy,  or  priesta  as  well ;  all  these  have  been 
faiitisBS  with  oosnmentators  and  reformers. 
*lhtntiai*'  in  the  Rule  is  said  to  correspond 
vith  ths  service  afterwards  known  as  **  Laudes ;" 
■d  *  Laudes  **  in  the  Rule  to  mean  the  three 
fait  Fnlnia,  all  commenoiag  ^  Laudate  "  (Fleury, 
SmL  See.  tttii.  15>  '^Prior"  seems  in  one 
fbei  (&  BS),  where  the  younger  brethren  are 
mitmd.  to  aalate  the  '^priores,'*  to  mean  merely 
•Usr,  at  least  in  precedence ;  while  in  another 
fbei  (e.  68),  whidi  treats  of  obedience,  it  seems 
to  aean  those  in  office.  There  is  some  ambi- 
giitj  about  tlie  several  artides  of  dress  pre- 
sexibed  (c.  55);  and  still  more  about  the  diet. 
'Miztam  **  (c  38)  is  supposed  by  some  to  mean 
"viae  and  watcr,^  by  others  " vdne  and  bread ;" 
Sid  it  li  a  vexed  question,  whether  eggs  and  fish. 
Ml  nd  fewla,  as  wdl  as  ^'  pulse,"  are  induded 
m tbe  word  '^pulmentnm " (Hart. Oemm,in.Reg, 
eei38,55;Mah.iliM.i.53,xiii.2,xiv.46).  The 
■Moment  thai  ''even  a  small  part  **  of  the  bre- 
ftrm  may  dect  the  abbat  is  variously  explained, 
81  lifaning  either  a  minority,  in  certain  dr- 
f— s^nirfi,  or,  more  probably,  ''a  majority  how- 
etfr  ■Bell*  (Cbmm.  tPi  Meg,  c  64) ;  and  another 
fnrisiea  in  the  next  diapter,  that  "a  council 
of  the  brethren"  is  to  take  purt  in  electing  the 
prior,  is  vague  both  as  to  the  size  of  the  council 
Md  the  extent  of  its  powers  (c.  65).  A  distinction 
Msailiar  to  Roman  Oatholic  casuists  has  been 
^wu  by  some  commentators  between  the  **  pre- 
esftt"  and  "oonneels"  in  the  opening  words  of 
t^  Prologue  to  the  Rule ;  and,  however  that 
■sy  be,  the  opinion  has  prevailed  that  the  spirit 
other  than  the  letter  of  the  Rule  is  to  be  ob- 
Wttd,  and  that  it  is  not  strictly  obligatory  in  its 
hMtf  details  (note  by  Ed.  on  Fleury,  Eitt.  Hoc. 
nzii.  12,  Aug.  VindeL  1768 :  cf.  Bern,  de  Praeo, 
d  IMepeia^  J>cBtnL  dxxiL ;  Petr.  CI  un.  £pp,  L  28, 


Iv.  17,  Patrol,  dzzriz. ;  Hospin.  deMonaehatu,  pp. 
182-134).  But  the  hottest  dispute  has  been  on 
the  permissibility  of  secular  studies  for  the  bre* 
thren.  In  the  17th  century  lAabillon  and  others 
argued  against  their  Trappist  opponents,  that, 
though  not  mentioned  expressly,  these  studies 
are  implied  and  involved  in  the  Rule ;  that  as 
the  order  in  time  came  to  consist  more  and 
more  largely  of  students,  and  as  Latin  became  to 
them  a  dead  language,  instead  of  bdng  one  with 
which  they  were  habitually  £uniliar,  such  pur 
suits  became  for  them  an  absolute  neceasitr 
(Mab.  Breve  Script  de  Mm.  Stud.  Mat, ;  cf.  Bait- 
hmd's  Dark  Ages,  158-171). 

The  Rule  of  Benedict  soon  reigned  alone  in 
Europe,  absorbing  into  itself  the  Rule  of  Coluro- 
bonus,  which  had  been  dominant  in  Western 
Europe  (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.  i.  13,  v.  11>  In  lUly 
it  was  accepted  generally,  before  the  dose  of  the 
century  in  which  Benedict  died  (Joan.  Disc. 
Vita  Qreg.  M.  iv.  80)  It  was  probably  intro- 
duced into  Gaul  during  his  lifetime  by  his 
disdple  Maurus,  from  whom  the  famous  monas- 
tery of  St.  Maur  claims  its  name ;  and  there  it  soon 
made  its  way,  its  comparative  elastidfy  pre- 
vailing over  the  rigidity  of  the  rival  system. 
Thus  Paremoutier  transferred  itself  from  the 
Colnmban  Rule  to  that  of  Benedict  (A.  Butler, 
Livea  of  the  Saints  s.  S.  Fara).  The  Coundl  of 
Aachen  in  788  A.D.  ordered  the  Benedictine  to 
be  observed,  and  no  other,  in  the  Empire  of 
Earl  and  his  son  (Cone.  Aquisgran.;  cf.  Oonc. 
Augustod,  c.  15).  It  won  Germany  early  in  the 
9th  century  {Cone.  Mogunt.  c  11 ;  cf.  Pertz 
Legg.  I.  166,  c  11)^  and  Spain  in  the  next  cen- 
tury (Mab.  Ann.  Praef.  iv.  saec)  It  is  a  question 
at  what  date  it  was  introduced  into  England; 
whether  by  Benedict  Biscop,  by  Wilfrid  (Ling. 
Ang,Sax.  Church,  ch.  S\  or,  as  Mabillon  and 
other  learned  writers  have  asserted  (see  in  A. 
Butler's  Lives  of  the  Saints,  under  Benedict^  by 
Augustine,  importing  it  from  the  monastery  of 
S.  Andrea  on  the  Caelian  hill,  under  the  auspices 
of  Gregory.  A  lax  Rule  probably  prevailed  till 
the  time  of  Dunstan  (see  Marsham's  Praef. 
to  Dugd.  Monastic.  Anglic. ;  ct  Oonc.  Chvesh. 
747  A.D.).  [v.  BEinsDicruB,  in  Diet.  Chr.  Biog.^ 
In  the  10th  century  the  Benedictine  Rule  held 
almost  universal  sway  in  Europe  (Pellic  Pdit. 
Eoc.  Chr,  L  iii.  1,  §  4)^  and  wherever  it  pene- 
trated, it  was  the  apioneer  not  of  Christianity 
only,  but  of  dvilization  and  of  all  humanising 
influences.  For  their  labours  in  dearing  forests 
and  draining  swamps,  in  setting  an  example  of 
good  husbandry  generally,  as  well  as  for  luiving 
fostered  what  little  there  was  of  learning  and 
refinement  in  that  troublous  and  dreary  period, 
a  debt  of  gratitude  is  due  to  them,  which  cannot 
easily  be  overrated. 

For  more  than  three  centuries  after  its  insti- 
tution one  Rule  sufficed  for  the  Benedictine 
order  generally.  Between  the  9th  and  15th 
centuries,  as  the  oinler  extended  itsdf  more 
widely,  and  as  reformers,  ardent  against  abuses, 
arose  here  and  there  in  its  ranks,  various  **  con- 
stitutions "  were  engrafted  on  the  original  Rule. 
For  so  early  as  in  the  8th  century  there  were 
symptoms  of  decay.  The  rich  endowments 
granted  by  kings  and  nobles  had  brought  with 
them,  as  was  inevitable,  the  seeds  of  luxury  and 
self-indulgence,  and  the  very  popularity  of  the 
"  religious  "  life  often  gave  occasion  to  unreality 


192 


BENEDICmNE  BULB  AND  ORDER 


In  profisssing  it.  Thiu,  as  for  inttance  in  England, 
when  it  hi^  become  the  fashion  for  kings  and 
queens  to  quit  their  palaces  for  a  monastery, 
and  to  lavish  their  treasures  on  it  (Bed.  Eoo. 
Hist,  iii.  19,  23,  24;  Ling.  A.^,  C,  i.  211,  214), 
this  fatal  munificence  senred  to  attract,  in  the 
course  of  years,  oppressive  taxes,  or  spoliation  of 
a  more  downright  sort  (Bonif.  Ep,  ad  Cudbert, 
ell,  ap.  Bed.  HisA.  Eoc  p.  353,  Hussey).  Often 
too  the  immunity  (Pertz,  Legg*  i.  223)  and  com- 
parative security  of  the  monastic  life  tempted  a 
noble  to  assame  the  name,  without  the  i«ality, 
of  abbat;  in  cider  to  escape  legal  obligations 
he  would  get  his  ^^folkland"  converted  into 
**  bocland "  on  pretence  of  conveying  it  to  the 
service  of  God,  and  there  would  live  with  his 
family  and  dependants,  an  abbat  in  name  and  in 
tonsure,  but  in  nothing  more  (Bede,  Ep,  ad 
Egb.  ap.  Hist.  Eoc, ;  ling.  A.S.  C.  i.  226-7,  230, 
407,  413).  The  need  of  refonnation  soon  called 
into  existence  reformers.  Clugni,  in  the  10th 
century,  was  the  first  separate  congregation,  with 
a  separate  Rule  of  its  own  (Mab.  Praef.  Ann,; 
Thomass.  Vet,  et  Nova  Disdpl,  I.  iil  21, 25>  The 
four  centuries  which  followed  witnessed  the  birth 
of  more  than  twenty  *'  Reformed  Orders,"  all  pro- 
fessing to  hold  the  original  Rule  of  Benedict  In 
its  pristine  purity  and  integrity,  but  each  super- 
adding its  own  special  exposition  of  the  Rule  as 
binding  on  its  members  (Hospin.  de  Moh,  p.  132). 
Monte  Casino,  the  head-quarters  at  first,  if  not  the 
birthplace,  of  the  order,  retained  its  supremacy, 
which,  according  to  some  authorities,  the  founder 
intended  for  it  (v.  note  on  Fleury,  ffist,  Eoc, 
xxxiii.  12),  for  some  three  centuries ;  its  primacy 
has  never  been  denied.  It  was  sacked  by  the 
Lombards  in  591  A.D.  (Clint.  Fa$t,  BonL%  or 
580  A.D.  (Fleury,  Hist,  Ecc,  xxxiii.  10),  and  the 
fugitives  who  escaped  founded  the  Lateran 
Monastery  at  Rome  (Paul.  D.  Ei$t,  Lcmb,  iv.  18 ; 
cf.  Mab.  Ann,  vii.).  In  the  beginning  of  the  8th 
century  it  rose  again  from  its  ruins,  and  received 
within  its  walls  Carloman,  weary  of  the  cares  of 
empire.  But  Odo,  the  founder  of  Clugni,  became 
**  General  "  of  his  own  ^  congregation,"  and  his 
sxample  has  been  followed  by  others  (Mab.  Ann. 
i,  19). 

Among  the  most  famous  Benedictine  abbeys 
^the  term  ia  a  specialty  of  the  order)  were, 
besides  those  already  mentioned,  Bambei^,  Font- 
evraud,  Fulda,  Sta.  Giustina*at  Padua,  including 
in  its  jurisdiction  Sta.  Scliolastica  (A.  Butler, 
Lives  of  Saintt ;  see  St.  Bened.^  Grotta  Ferrata, 
Marmoutier,  S.  Paolo  fuori  near  Rome,  S.  Seve- 
rino  at  Naples,  &C.,  and  in  England,  St.  Albans, 
Glastonbury,  Malmesbury,  &C.,  with  many  of  our 
Cathedrals.  The  preference  of  the  old  Benedic- 
tines for  mountainous  sites  is  proverbial : 

*  BeriiaxduB  valles,  oMa  BenedActiu  amabat'* 

It  would  be  endless  to  enumerate  the  dis- 
tinguished members  of  the  order.  The  list  of 
those  belonging  to  Monte  Casino  alone,  during 
its  first  six  centuries,  fills  25  folio  pages  of 
Fabricius'  BiblioOteca  Ecciesiasticoj  with  a  brief 
notice  of  each  (Petr.  Diac.  J)e  Vir,  III,  Casin.), 
Trithemius,  the  learned  abbat  of  Spanheim, 
counts  on  the  roll  of  the  order,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  16th  century,  18  popes  (Gueranger,  ▲.D. 
1862,  says  "  30,"  EnclUrid.  Bened,  Praef.),  more 
than  200  cardinals,  1600  archbishops,  about 
4000  bishops,  and,  almost  incredible  as  it  sounds 


15,700  famous  abbats,  with  an  equal  number  tf 
canonized  saints  I  (v.  Fabric.  BibL  Ecc  s.  v.:  e£ 
Mab.  AA,  Praefl  vi.;  Ziegelbauer  n.  Legipsoi; 
ffist.  LU.  0.  8.  B.y,  St.  Paul  Is  the  Phtm 
Saint  of  the  Order. 

The  original  copy  of  the  Rule  is  said  to  have 
been  burnt  at  Teano,  near  Monte  Casino,  towarb 
the  close  of  the  9th  century  (Leo  Marsic  ap. 
Mab.  Amu.  iiL  263).  Sigebertus  Gemblacensis,  is 
the  12th  century,  states  that  it  was  first  made 
public  by  Simplidus,  third  abbat  of  Monte  Gssino 
(Fabric  BM,  Ecc,  s.  v.  Bened.).  Hospinian  gives 
no  authority  for  his  counter-etatement,  thst 
many  attribute  it  to  Gregory  the  Great  (Jk 
Monach,  p.  116\  Mabillon  assumes  it  to  have 
been  nuuie  by  Benedict  himself  at  Monte  Casiao 
about  528  A.O.  {Ann,  iii.  8;  A  Butler,  Lwetaf 
Saints,  see  St.  Bened.).  Wion  speaks  of  more 
than  a  hundred  editions  of  the  Rule  in  1554  A.D. 
{Lign,  Vit,  i.  7).  It  is  said  to  have  been  tnas- 
lated  into  English  by  Dunstan  (Mign.  Fra^.  Beg, 
8.  Bened), 

The  best  commentaries  on  it  are  those  sf 
Martene  and  Calmet  That  of  M^  is  eoa- 
sidered  lax  by  stricter  Benedictines.  The  omK 
mentaries  of  Smaragdns,  probably  abbat  of  St 
Michael's,  not  Smangdus  Ardo,  and  of  Uilde- 
marus,  a  French  Benedictine  in  the  8th  cen- 
tury, are  commended  by  Marttoe,  in  his  pre- 
fiice  to  the  Rule  (Mign.  PatroL  Ixvi.);  also  that 
of  Bemardus,  a  monk  of  Lerins,  afterwards 
abbat  of  Monte  Casino  in  the  13th  oentuiy,  and 
one,  incomplete,  by  Trithemius  lately  mentioned. 
But  especially  he  praises  those  of  Menard,  s 
monk  of  St.  Denys,  who  afterwards  placed  him- 
self under  the  stricter  rule  of  St.  Maur;  and 
of  Haeften,  a  Benedictine  prior,  the  author  of  the 
prolix  Disquisitioniss  Monasticae,  in  twelve  books, 
epitomised  by  Stengel  or  Stengelins.  Mabilloa 
seems  to  have  contemplated  a  Commentary  oa 
the  Rule,  but  fh>m  want  of  time  to  have  resigned 
the  task  to  Marttoe  (Praef,  Beg,  8,  B,  ap.  lOgn. 
Patrol,  Ixvi. ;  cf.  Not.  cc.  2,  9).  The  Rule  was 
harmonized  with  other  monastic  rules  by  Bcae- 
dictus  Anianensis.    [See  Diet,  cf  Chr,  Biogr.  s.  v.] 

The  following  are  important  works  on  the 
Benedictine  Rule  and  Order : 

Petr.  Diac  Casin.  de  Vir.  lUustr.  Casin.  in 
Fabric  Bibl,  Ecc,  and  de  Ortu  et  Obit.  Jnd. 
Casin.  in  Mail  Scr,  Vet,  Nov.  Coll.  and  Prohg, 
in  Vit,  8.  Placidij  in  Martene  et  Dnrand,  Ja^iHk 
Coll, ;  Leonis  Marsic  et  Petr.  Diac  CKronic.  Casin, 
^  ed.  W.  Wattenbach  in  Monmi.  German."  (Mign. 
Patrol,  s.  V.) ;  Beg.  8.  Bened  C.  Comment,  Joan, 
de  Turre  CrematA  et  Smaragdi  Abb.;  item 
IV,  LOtri  de  Vir.  IIL  0.  8.  B.  Joan.  Trithmii, 
CoL  Agr.  1575,  fol. ;  Arnold.  Wion,  Zignmn  Vitat, 
Venet.  1595 ;  Mifige,  Commentaire  sur  la  Rigk  de 
St.  Benoitj  Job.  M<^e  (de  St.  Maur)  Paris,  1687,  and 
Vie  de  8t.  Benoit  avec  une  Ilistoire  de  son  (Jrdre, 
Paris,  1690;  Bulteau,  ffistoire  de  FOrdre  de  St, 
Benoit,  Paris,  1691 ;  Menard,  Martyrdog.  0.  S.  B. 
Par.  1629.  La  Begle  de  St.  Benoit  expliquee  par  M . 
de  Ranc4  Abb6  de  la  Trappe,  Paris,  1690 ;  Martene, 
de  Ant.  Monach.  Bit.  Lugd.  1690,  and  CommesL  m 
Beg.  S.  B.  Paris,  169Q ;  Mabillonii  Annaies  0.  S.  B. 
Paris,  1703-39 ;  Dacherii  et  Mabillonii  AA.  SS. 
0.  S.  B.  Paris,  1668-1701;  MabUIonii  Brett 
Seriptmn  de  Mbnast.  Stud  Batione  in  BibL  AsceL 
Pezii ;  Berthelet,  Trait4  historiqne  et  morale  ssr 
FAbstuisnce,  1726,  Paris,  1731 ;  Calmet,  Consnent. 
ffist.  et  Morale  fir  la  JUgle  de  8.  B.  Par.  1734 


BKlfEDIOnON 

P^wri  CUbi  Stgmhr.  Monati.  H  CamonSc  a 
R.  P.  MuiaBO  Brockia  illostntiUy  &c^  Aug. 
TmkA.  1759;  HiMt.  La.  0,  S,  B^  Aug.  Vind. 
1754;  ZiefeUaner  il  Legipont.  Martyrolognun 
^BeMdOL  OrdMiyAiinbiirg,  1855;  St.BmoU 
«t  les  Ordrtf  rtligieux^  Lille,  1855 ;  Gu^ranger, 
JEidyrtifiM  J^Mdicfmian,  Andegav.  1862.  [I.Q.S.] 

BENEDICnOK,  the  spousal  or  nuptial. 
AmoBf  the  Jews  spec^  benedictions  were  in  use 
kih  &r  betrothal  and  actual  marriage,  the  latter 
eanstitated,  as  with  the  Romans,  by  a  dedvctio  or 
prncsiriott  aceompan jing  the  bride ;  which  how- 
9va  vith  the  Romans  had  for  its  goal  the  house 
«f  the  husband,  with  the  Jews  the  nuptial  bed 
itelil  A  passage  in  Tobit  (ni.  13,  14)  indicates 
the  dose  eonnezion  of  the  blessing  with  what  we 
ikvU  term  the  marriage  settlement.  Forms  of 
bith  benedictiona  will  be  found  in  Selden's  Dxor 
BAmioaj  hk.  ii^  oe.  TiL,  siL  But  Maimonides 
opnsslf  obserres  {Uxor,  Ebr,  bk.  ii.  c.  13)  that 
aat  the  blessing  of  the  betrothed  makes  mar- 
lisge,  but  the  leading  of  the  bride  to  the  nup- 
tislbed. 

Certain  heathen  marriages,  e.g.  the  Roman 
amfamatif,  being  also  accompanied  with  a 
bcBBdktioD,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  same 
cvtora  should  prevail  in  reference  to  Christian 
sHs.  A  good  deal,  however,  of  confusion  seems 
te  hsTe  arisen  on  the  subject,  especially  through 
set  diitiBguishing  the  le^  and  spiritual  aspects 
if  the  benediction.  It  cannot  be  too  often  re- 
pisted  that  lor  many  centuries  both  betrothal 
Sid  marriage  were  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church 
nimarily  dvil  contracts,  yalid  although  oele- 
bnlcd  aeeording  to  heathen  rites,  if  in  conformity 
vith  the  dril  law,  subject  only  to  certain  peculiar 
ChiisCiaB  restrictions.  It  is  not  meant,  however, 
by  these  expressions  that  such  contracts  were 
loikcd  OB  as  merely  ^  secular,"  as  many  would 
tcnn  them  now,  or  '^  profane,"  as  the  middle 
sfes  termed  them.  For  Our  Lord  and  His  Apos- 
tkl^  human  society  itself  was  a  sacred  thing : 
the  State,  whidi  embodied  it  for  all  purposes  of 
dril  liie,  was  sacred  (Rom.  ziii.,  1,  4,  6) ;  mar- 
risft  above  all,  the  very  keystone  of  all  human 
sodety,  had  a  primordial  sacredness  (Matt.  ziv.  4), 
eatirely  transcending  all  enactments  of  municipal 
ereeremooial  law. 

Bat  this  view  in  nowise  prevented  the  Church 
frem  claiming  spiritual  control  over  such  con- 
tiaeli  as  between  the  faithful,  from  recognizing 
al  sDnlin^  their  unions  by  its  benediction,  or 
even  from  looking  upon  such  unions  with  dis- 
hnar  when  this  was  not  solicited.  Thus  the 
5tk  chapter  of  the  EpUtle  of  Ignatius  to  Poly- 
csip  (admitted  by  Dr.  Cureton  as  genuine  into 
bis  *Corpas  Ignatianum')  says:  "It  is  meet 
tbst  men  and  women  who  are  marrying  should 
aaite  with  the  approval  of  the  bishop,  that  the 
■srriage  be  according  to  the  law  and  not  ao- 
evdiag  to  Inat^"  So  Tertullian  (writing  about 
AJU.  200%  in  his  work  Db  PwUcitid,  speaks  of 
*'iKKt  unions,  that  is,  not  first  declared  before 
the  church  "  (non  prius  apud  ecdesiam  professae) 
SI  luaning  the  risk  of  being  deemed  nigh  to  adul- 
tery and  Ibmication.  Another  passage  of  his, 
(Ad  Uxor,  c  8X  ia  generally  quoted  as  one  of  the 
^st  distinct  authorities  in  fSivour  of  the  eccle- 
■Bitieal  benediction  on  marriage.  According  to 
tht  eidiaary  reading,  it  runs  thus : ''  Blow  should 
«t  be  suffident  to  set  forth  the  bliss  of  that 
rhich  the  Church  brings  about  (cond- 


BENEDICTION 


198 


liat),  and  the  oblation  confirms,  and  the  benedi^ 
tion  seals,  angels  prodaim,  the  Father  ratifies  ?  " 
It  must,  however,  be  observed  that,  if  the  above 
reading  be  correct,  the  substitution  of  the  bene- 
diction for  the  execution  of  the  tabulae  nuptiojles^ 
which  the  ^ords  "  et  obsignat  benedictio "  im- 
ply, antedates  by  many  centuries  the  rule  of  the 
Church  in  the  matter.  It  is  remarkable,  too, 
as  pointed  out  by  Augusti,  that  one  text,  instead 
of  the  words  "  et  obsignat  benedictio,  angeli  re- 
nantiant,"  has  simply  **et  obsignatum  angeli 
renuntiant,"  *■  the  angels  prodaim  when  sealed,' 
— a  reading  which  brings  back  the  passage  into 
accordance  with  the  law  and  practice  of  the  time, 
but  at  the  expense  of  the  decisive  word  *'  bene- 
dictio" itself.*  That  such  benedictions  were 
pronounced,  however,  there  can  be  no  reason  to 
doubt.  Thus  Ambrose,  writing  against  mixed 
marriages,  says :  <<  For  dnce  marriage  itself 
should  be  sanctified  by  the  priestly  veil  (velamine 
sacerdotali)  and  by  benkliction,  how  can  that  be 
called  a  marriage  where  there  is  no  agreement 
of  faith  ?  "  (Bk.  ix.  Ep,  70).  But,  as  Sdden  has 
observed,  the  like  benedictions  were  often  daimed 
on  behalf  of  many  other  kinds  of  contract  besides 
that  of  marrii^e, — a  sale  for  instance.  The  total 
absence  from  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  of  any 
litargical  formulae  rdatiag  to  marriage,  and  of 
any  notice  of  church  usages  in  respect  to  it, 
seems  a  conclusive  proof  that  nothing  of  the  kind 
formed  part  of  the  ritual  of  the  early  church 
during  the  3  or  4  centuries  (or  even  more)  over 
which  the  collection  of  the  materials  for  the 
compilation  in  question  probably  extended. 

There  is  however  extant,  under  dates  ranging 
as  far  back  as  the  former  half  of  the  2nd  cen- 
tury, a  whole  series  of  authorities  enfordng  the 
necessity  of  the  ecdesiastical  benediction,  upon 
which  the  Church  of  Rome  has  unhesitatingly 
built  its  practice  as  to  the  ceremonial  validity  of 
the  rite,  and  which  have  been  quoted  without 
comment  by  Bingham  and  other  Protestant 
writers.  But  as  these  are,  for  the  most  part, 
spurious  documents  of  the  forged  Decre'tal  dsss, 
and  are  only  so  far  important  as  they  shew  the 
points  for  which  it  was  sought  to  claim  the  sanc- 
tion of  an  earlier  period,  and  thus  to  establish 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  clergy  in  matters  con- 
nected with  marriage,  they  may  be  passed  over. 

Turning  to  the  ^tem  Church,  we  find  that 
Chrysostom  in  his  voluminous  works  never  indi- 
cates the  existence  of  a  marriage  liturgy,  or  the 
indispensableness  of  sacerdotal  ^nediction.  Two 
letters  of  Gregory  Nazianzen  show  dearly  that 
such  benediction  was  looked  upon  rather  as  a 
seemly  accompaniment  to  Christian  marriage  than 
as  a  condition  of  it,  since  the  writer,  in  that  grace- 
ful tender  style  of  which  he  is  a  master,  professes 
to  give  bis  by  letter.  One  is  to  Procopius  (^Ep,  57, 
otherwise  4A\  on  the  marriage  of  "  his  golden 
Olympias."  ^  I  join  to  each  other,"  he  writes,  ' 
"  the  right  hands  of  the  young  people,  and  both 
to  that  of  God.  For  it  is  fitting  that  like  many 
other  good  things,  so  should  marriage  take  place 
in  the  best  way  in  all  respects,  and  according  to 
our  common  prayers."    However  visible  may  be 

•  It  sboold  not  be  overlooked  tbst  the  ssme  TertuUlsn, 
In  his  tieatlse  on  Idolsirr  (e.  16),  ezpresdy  sdmlts  the 
purity  of  betrothsl  sod  msrrlsge  in  tliemsetvra»  evoi 
when  oelebiated  smoogst  hesthens.  and  therefore  the 
iawftdnesB  or  a  Cbristien's  piesenes  at  both.  See  foUk^ 
srt  BnaofilaL 

O 


194 


BENEDICTION 


BENEDICTION 


here  the  habitual  form  of  Christian  marriage, 
nothing  can  be  more  obrions  than  that  the  Inter- 
ference of  the  Chnrch  is  not  treated  as  indispens- 
able. Another  letter  to  Easebins  (171)  is  still  more 
conclnsire,  as  shewing  that  whilst  Gregory  made 
it  a  rnle,  whenever  present  at  a  wedtfing,  to  inter- 
pose the  prayers  of  the  churoh,  the  actual  rites 
of  majTiage  he  left  to  be  performed  by  others, 
and  considered  that  a  sufficient  consecration  of 
them  could  be  given  from  afar,  since  prayers 
^'  are  not  bounded  by  space." 

We  must  now  however  notice  a  singular  docu- 
ment, which  is  included  by  Labb^  and  Mansi 
among  those  of  the  4th  century,  and  appended 
by  them  to  the  Acts  of  the  Nicene  Council,  as 
being  attributed  to  the  Nicene  Fathers  by  a 
Vatican  codex.  It  is  termed  "Sanctiones  et 
decreta  alia  ex  quatuor  regum  ** — quaere,  regu- 
lorum  ? — ^'  ad  Constantinum  libris  deoerpta  ** 
(L.  and  M.,  Councils,  vol.  ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.), 
and  is  written  in  Latin,  though  evidently  repre- 
senting the  practice  of  the  Greek  Church.  The 
2nd  chapter  of  these  'Sanctions  and  Decrees' 
forbids  marriage  with  a  person's  nuptial  para- 
nymphs,  with  whom  ''the  benediction  of  the 
crowns  "  is  received.  Benedictions  are  mentioned 
in  like  manner  in  c.  6  and  7,  but  it  is  clear  that 
the  ceremony  of  the  Greek  ritual  known  as  the 
benediction  of  the  crowns,  and  not  the  Latin  bene- 
diction of  the  marriage  itself,  is  what  the  above 
passages  refer  to.  But  when  we  attempt  to  fix  a 
date  for  the  work  which  contains  them,  we  shall 
foe  compelled  to  carry  this  to  the  second  half  of 
the  6th  century  at  earliest.  For  it  is  a  re 
markable  fact  that  Justinian's  legislation,  mi- 
nutely occupied  as  it  is  with  Church  matters, 
never  once  refers  to  the  ecclesiastical  benedic- 
tion of  marriage :  it  requires  a  will  to  see  it, 
as  some  have  done,  in  the  mere  expression 
*' vota  nuptiolia;"  and  this  although  it  will 
be  seen  (Contract  of  marriage)  that  a  kind 
of  church-registration  of  marriages  was  pro- 
vided for. 

It  is  however  by  no  means  improbable  that 
between  the  6th  and  7th  centuries  the  regular 
practice  of  an  ecclesiastical  benediction  upon 
marriage,  and  the  Greek  ritual  of  marriage  itself^ 
became  established.  And  it  is  a  well-known 
Greek  name  which  now  carries  us  back  to  the 
next  Western  authority  on  the  subject, — that  of 
the  -canons  of  a  Council,  held  in  England  towards 
the  end  of  the  7th  century,  under  Archbishop 
Theodore,  which  enact  that  **  in  a  first  marriage 
the  prie&t  should  perform  the  mass  and  bless 
both  "  parties  (c.  59) ;  implying,  it  would  seem, 
the  practice  set  forth  by  the  'Sanctions  and 
Decrees,'  of  confining  the  blessing  to  the  as  yet 
unmarried  party  only,  where  the  other  has  been 
married  already. 

In  the  Carlovingian  era,  finally — to  which  be- 
long the  head  springs  of  the  great  stream  of  church 
forgeries, — forgeries  which,  amongst  other  au- 
thorities, have  so  dealt  with  the  Capitularies 
themselves  that  it  is  frequently  impossible  to 
determine  the  precise  age  of  a  given  text — the 
priestly  benediction  entered  into  the  civil  law  as 
an  essential  requisite  of  marriage ;  and  the  various 
spurious  authorities  from  the  annals  of  the 
Western  Church  above  commented  on  were 
apparently  invented  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
back  to  a  remote  period  the  ecclesiastical  re- 
cognition of  its  necessity.    And  it  may  be  oIh 


served  that  the  mention  of  it  almost  inmvUf 
occurs  in  connexion  with  the  subject  of  ooBsaa- 
guinity,— another  great  source  of  clerical  in- 
fluence and  income  in  its  relation  to  marriagi^ 
which  has  been  even  more  prolific  in  snggestions 
of  pious  fraud.  By  the  35th  article  of  the  first 
Capitulary  of  802,  none  are  to  be  married  before 
inquiry  be  made  as  to  whether  they  are  related ; 
"  and  then  let  them  be  united  with  a  henedio> 
tion."  (Comp.  also  vi.  130,  viL  179,  viii.  408.) 
The  473rd  article  (vu.  473^  ''on  lawful  mar- 
riage "  is  almost  exactly  identical  in  its  wording 
with  the  supposed  letter  of  Pope  Evaristnt,  and 
may,  it  is  submitted,  be  (airly  deemed  its  ori- 
ginal. 

We  may  briefly  refer  to  certain  canons  of  the 
patriarch  Nicephorus,  recorded  by  Cotelerius,  and 
perhaps  enacted  at  the  Council  of  Constantiaoido 
in  A.D.  814,  which  indicate  that  at  this  period  at 
least  the  benediction  was  by  the  Chnrch  decreed 
to  constitute  the  marriage.  If  any  having  a 
concubine  would  neither  leave  her  nor  allow  her 
to  receive  the  benediction,  and  have  her  with  the 
sacramental  rite,  his  ofierings  were  not  to  be 
received  (can.  xxxiv.).  And  lastly,  the  well- 
known  document  known  as  the  reply  of  Pope 
Nicolas  to  the  Bulgarians,  though  belonging 
only  to  the  latter  half  of  the  9th  century,  pre- 
serves to  us  probably  the  practice  of  the  Romaa 
Church  on  this  subject  from  an  earlier  period. 
It  indicates  evidently  a  different  ceremonial  from 
that  of  the  Greek  Church,  and  although  dwelling 
on  the  formalities  of  betrothal,  speaks  of  no  bless- 
ing but  the  nuptial  one. 

To  sum  up  the  conclusions  of  this  inqsiry: 
1st.  There  never  was  «  period  when  the  CSiristiaB 
Church  did  not  rejoice  to  sanction  the  nuptial 
rite  by  its  benedictions,  and  did  not  exhort  the 
faithful  to  obtain  them  for  their  unions.  2nd. 
But  having  a  profound  faith  in  the  primordial 
sanctity  of  marriage  in  itself,  many  centuries 
elapsed  before  the  pronoundng  of  such  a  benedio* 
tion  was  held  essential  to  the  validity  of  marriage, 
when  duly  contracted  according  to  the  municipal 
law,  and  not  contrary  to  the  special  ethical  mlei 
of  the  Church  in  reference  to  marriage.  3rl 
Hence  the  total  absence  of  marriage  liturgies 
from  the  early  Christian  rituals,  extending  to 
about  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century;  the 
genuineness  of  the  one  in  the  Gelasian  MisstI 
(end  of  the  5th  century)  being  confessedly  im- 
pugned by  the  absence  of  any  in  the  Gregorian, 
a  century  later.  4th.  It  may  however  be  ad- 
mitted that  by  the  end  of  the  7th  century  the 
priestly  benediction  of  marriage  had  probably 
become  the  rule  in  both  great  branches  (dirisi<«i 
not  yet)  of  the  Church ;  and  in  the  course  of  the 
8th  and  9th  centuries  it  hardened  into  a  legal 
institution  within  the  domains  of  the  great 
usurpers  of  the  West,  the  Carlovingians,  being 
now  largely  supported  by  supposititious  chnrch 
authorities,  carried  back  as  far  as  the  beginning 
of  the  2nd  century.  5th.  It  is  also  possible 
that  about  thia  period  a  practice  of  sacerdotally 
blessing  betrothals  likewise  grew  up,  and  promis- 
ing to  open  a  new  source  of  income  to  the  clergy 
and  above  all  to  the  Roman  pontiflb,  was  in  like 
manner  sought  to  be  maintained  by  spurious 
authorities ;  but  the  date  of  this  cannot  be  fixed 
earlier  than  A.D.  860,  since  Pope  Nicolas,  in  his 
reply  to  the  Bulgarians,  clearly,  speaks  only  of 
the  nuptial  benediction.  [J.  M.  L] 


BENEDICTIONS 


BENEDICTIONS 


195 


BENEDICTIONS.  (Ben^dictio,  thXayicu) 

L  Jkfiadkm,  ^c. — ^Like  many  other  points  of 
rikiid,  tJi«  pnctioe  of  benediction  passed  from 
tkt  Jewish  to  the  Christian  Chnrch.  In  the  in- 
fiocf  of  the  former,  under  Aaron,  we  discover 
the  existenoe  of  the  blessing  of  the  congregation 
Vt  the  priest  after  the  morning  and  the  evening 
Btenncc  (Lev.  iz.  22) ;  and  later  notices  may  be 
sen  in  1  C3iron.  xziii.  13,  Ecclns.  zzzvi.  17,  zlv. 
la,  1. 20.  The  actoal  form  is  prescribed  in  Num. 
vi.  22  »qq. ;  cf.  Pis.  Uvit.  1, 

The  benediction,  ordinarily  prononnoed  by 
priests  (as  e^.  in  the  case  of  Zacharias,  for 
vhoie  blessing  the  people  waited,  Luke  i.  21)^ 
voaM  on  occasions  of  special  solemnity  be  re- 
ferred for  the  high  priest.  Even  the  king,  as 
the  rieeroy  of  the  Host  High,  might  give  the 
Uefling  (c£.  2  Sun.  vi.  18,  1  Kings  viii.  55, 
1  Chron.  zvi.  2).  It  would  appear  that  Levites 
had  ordinarily,  though  not  invariably,  the  power 
•f  giriogthe  blessing.  Cf.  perh.  2  Chron.  xxx.  27. 

1^  actual  formula  referred  to  above  does  not 
oeear  in  the  New  Testament,  though  our  Lord 
ii  spoken  of  as  blessing  little  children  and  His 
disdples  (Mark.x.  16,  Luke  xxiv.  50),  besides 
the  bieising  on  the  occasion  of  the  institution  of 
the  Encharist  (Matt.  zxvi.  26>  StiU,  the  gene- 
nl  tenor  and  form  of  the  blessing,  must  have 
beea  similar,  and  the  familiar  *'  peace "  of  the 
benediction  is  probably  a  relic  of  the  old  Aaron- 
Iticlbnn. 

Bc&re  proceeding  to  consider  the  various  oc- 
CMSBS  of  benediction  in  the  Christian  Church, 
attention  may  be  called  to  the  strict  definition 
«f  the  term,  in  contradistinction  from  the  allied 
cxprcflsioiis,  contecration,  dedicatioji,  although  the 
diitincti(»  is  not  unfrequently  lost  sight  of. 
iWasdfclion,  then,  may  be  defined  to  be  a  certain 
hely  action  which,  combined  with  prayer,  seeks 
lir  God's  grace  for  persons,  and,  in  a  lower  de- 
grae,  a  blonng  upon  things,  with  a  view  whether 
t»  their  efficiency  or  safety.  We  may  add  St. 
Ambrose's  defisution  (^De  Bmediciumibus  Patri" 
^dkanan^  c  2),  ''  Benedictio  est  sanctificationis 
flt  gratianmi  votivs  collatio."  On  this  point  the 
Mkwing  extracts  may  be  cited  from  Gillebert 
(Uihop  of  Limerick  in  the  12th  century),  De 
Un  EccktiasticOf  in  Du  Cange's  Glossary,  s.  w. 
•  Consecrare,"  "  Benedictio."  "  JDedicat  pontifex 
atrioD,  tcmplum,  altare,  tabulam  altaris.  De- 
£eare  enim  est  locum  Deo  offerre,  benedicere  et 
sactificare.  Conaecrat  autem  episcopus  uten- 
nlia  eodesiae,  quae  fere  omnibus  sacerdotibus 
■ant  communis,  vestimenta  videlicet  sacerdotalia 
ct  pontificalia,  altaris  velamina,  calicem,  patenam 
et  eorporalia  et  vascnlum  Eucharistiae,  chrisma, 
•ieia,  vas  chrismale,  thus  et  thuribulum,  baptis- 
tcrinm,  arcam  rel  scrinium  reliquiarum,  cibo- 
nam,  id  est  altaris  umbraculum,  crucem,  tin- 
tianahaJ  am  et  ferrum  judiciale.  £a  enim  tantum 
coesccrat  quae  a  communi  usu  in  cultum  divinum 
srparaatur."  .  .  •  '*  Benedicere  autem  dico  prae- 
nlon  ea  quae  non  sunt  utensilia  ecclesiae,  con- 
•KTue  vero  ipsa  utensilia.  Benedicit  ergo  pon- 
ti&x  reginam,  et  virginem  cum  velatur,  et  quem- 
iibet  fidelem  benedici  postulantem  et  totum 
pepvlom  ante  pacem."  These  benedictions  may 
ast  be  eonferred  by  a  priest  in  the  presence  of  a 
iishop.  Gillebert  had  previously  said,  ^  Bene- 
diKFe  potest  praeaente  epiacopo  aquam  et  sal  in 
Iknttiaieis  sacerdos  et  prandium  et  sponsum  et 
aqiam  jodicii  rel  panem  et  caetera.    In  absentia 


rero  episcopi  potest  benedicere  coronam  cleriei 
et  velum  viduae,  novos  fructus,  candelas  in  Puri- 
ficatione  S.  Mariae,  cineres  in  capita  jejnnii, 
ramos  in  Dominica  Palmarum,  et  peregrinaturos 
et  lecturum  Evangelium,  et  populum  cum  dimit- 
titur,  aquam  beaedictam  aspergit  ad  benedicendas 
novas  domos  et  caetera  nova." 

II.  Minister  of  Benediction. — It  will  be  obvious 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  that  a  benediction 
is  imparted  by  a  superior  to  an  inferior  (cf.  Heb. 
yii.  7,  where  this  is  explicitly  stated).  Hence 
it  is  laid  down  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (viii. 
28)  that  a  bishop  may  bestow  the  blessing,  and 
receive  it  from  other  bishops,  but  not  from 
priests ;  so  too  a  priest  may  bless  his  fellow- 
priests  and  receive  the  blessing  firom  them  or 
from  a  bishop ;  the  deacon  merely  receives  and 
cannot  impart  the  blessing.  Thus  if  a  bishop  be 
present,  to  him  does  the  Benedictio  super  plebem 
appertain,  and  only  in  the  absence  of  a  bishop, 
unless  special  authority  be  give%  is  it  permitted 
to  the  priest,  whose  blessing,  however,  is  not 
held  as  of  the  same  solemn  import  as  that  of  the 
bishop. 

The  ancient  Sacramentaries  do  not  distinguish 
between  Episcopal  and  Sacerdotal  blessings; 
while  in  later  times  a  minutely  developed  system 
has  been  formed,  as  may  be  seen,  for  example, 
from  the  extracts  from  Gillebert  given  above. 
To  enter,  however,  at  any  length  into  these  ac- 
cretions is  foreign  to  our  present  scope.  It  will 
suffice  to  allude  to  odo  or  two  general  points. 
Here  will  appertain  the  division  of  Benedictions 
into  solemnes  and  communes,  magnae  and  parvaey 
and  the  like,  although  these  distinctions  are  by 
no  means  uniformly  explained.  The  benedictio 
solemnis  appears  to  belong  strictly  to  the  bishop, 
dnd,  in  his  absence,  to  the  priest  acting  as  his 
representative  :  other  benedictions,  it  has  been 
seen,  the  priest  may  confer  in  the  presence  of 
the  bishop.  In  no  case,  however,  can  they  be 
imparted  by  a  deacon  or  layman  (cf.  Apostolio 
ConstUutions,  viii.  48,  iii.  10). 

The  distinction  between  the  b.  parva  and  the 
6.  magna  is  variously  explained :  by  some  they 
are  held  to  be  the  blessings  conferred  by  priest 
and  bishop  respectively;  by  others,  that  the 
former  implies  a  private  benediction,  the  latter 
a  public  and  solemn  one  (cf.  Cotelier's  note,  Po" 
tres  Apost.  i.  284.  ed.  1698). 

Here  may  be  added  a  remark  as  to  special 
powers  of  blessing  possessed  by  abbots.  Their 
pre-eminence  above  priests  in  general  consists  in 
a  superiority  of  jurisdiction,  not  in  a  higher 
order  of  consecration.  From  the  8th  century, 
however,  abbots  who  were  priests  have  pcMsessed 
sundry  episcopal  rights  both  of  benediction  within 
the  limits  of  their  own  cloisters  and  even  oi 
several  lower  forms  of  consecration,  the  latter 
of  which  indeed  was  specially  allowed  by  the 
second  General  Council  of  Nicea,  AJ>.  787,  can. 
14  (Labbe  and  Cossart,  Conciiia  vii.  909).  This 
example  seems  to  have  been  further  acted  on,  for 
in  the  time  of  Charlemagne  we  find  abbesses 
assuming  to  themselves  the  right  of  conferring 
benedictions  even  upon  men,  with  laying  on  of 
hands  and  the  sign  of  the  cross,  although  this 
was  distinctly  prohibited.  (Baluzius,  Capituhria 
Beg.  Franc,  [anno  789]  i.  238,  ed.  Paris,  1677.) 

III.  Objects  <f  Benediciion.'^Ii  will  be  readily 
seen  that  Benedictions  may  be  divided  into  Litur- 
gical and  non-Liturgical,  that  is,  into  such  an 

0  2 


196 


BEKEDICTIONS 


are  in  immediate  eonnection  with  various  holy 
offices,  and  those  which  may  be  viewed  as  iiide> 
pendent  offices.  Those  of  the  former  class 
specially  regard  persons,  those  of  the  latter 
may  regard  either  persons  or  things.  We 
shall  touch  briefly  on  each  class  of  objects 
separately. 

(A.)  Benedictions  of  Persons. — ^Here  may  be 
redconed  in  the  first  place  all  Liturgical  bless- 
ings, whether  (a)  general,  the  blessing  communi- 
cated to  the  whole  congregation  in  the  dismis- 
sion-formula (ikitSKvffis),  as  Dominus  xxMscum, 
pax  vobiscunif  &c^  in  the  ordinary  services  of  the 
Church,  as  those  of  the  Canonical  Hours,  of  which 
the  Benediction  is  an  essential  element  in  both 
Eastern  and  Western  ritual,  varying  however  in 
the  former  according  to  the  day  of  the  week :  or 
— (/9)  special,  as  those  at  the  Eucharist,  Baptism, 
Ordination,  Marriage,  Penance,  Extreme  Unction, 
Burial.  We  shall  briefly  comment  here  on  the 
B^^nedictions  entering  with  the  first  of  these 
offices,  for  the  others  reference  may  be  made  to 
the  several  articles  on  these  rites. 

The  old  Latin  Sacramentaries  agree  in  placing 
a  Benediction  in  the  Mass  after  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  before  the  Communion,  a  custom 
which,  in  the  Romish  ritual,  appears  to  have 
been  introduced  from  the  Galilean  and  Moza- 
rabic  Liturgies  (Daniel,  Cod.  Liturg,  L  141). 
Up  to  this  point  the  congregation  was  pro- 
hibited from  leaving,  as  e.g.  by  the  Council  of 
Agde  (506  A.D.)  and  the  First  and  Third  Councils 
of  Orleans  (511  and  538  A.D.).  *'  Missus  die  Do- 
minico  a  saecularibus  totas  teneri  special!  ordi- 
natione  praecipimus,  ita  ut  ante  benedictionem 
sacerdotis  populus  egredi  non  praesumat.'*  {Cone, 
Agath.  can.  47 ;  Labb^  iv.  1391.)  Menard  {Greg, 
Sacram,  p.  297 ;  but  cf.  Mabillon,  DeLiturgia  Colli- 
cana,  i.  4,  §  13, 14)  refers  this  to  the  benediction  at 
the  end  of  the  Mass.  ^Populus  non  ante  discedat 
quam  Missae  solennitas  compleatur,  et  ubi  epis- 
copus  fuerit,  benedictionem  accipiat  sacerdotis." 
{Cone.  Aurel,  I.  can.  26;  Labb^  iv.  1408.  Sirmond 
remarks  that  the  edd.  have  no  MS.  authority  for 
prefixing  a  negative  to  fuerit,  and  that  the  error 
is  apparently  due  to  its  not  being  perceived  that 
episc<^aus  and  sacerdos  are  used  synonymously.) 
'*  De  Missis  nullus  laicorum  ante  discedat  quam 
Dominica  dicatur  oratio ;  et  si  episcopus  praesens 
fuerit  ejus  benedictio  expectetur."  {Conc.Aur, 
IIL  can.  29 ;  Labb^  v.  302.)  The  Mass  in  one 
sense  was  now  over,  and  thus  those  who  did  not 
communicate  might  leave.  (Cf.  e,g,  Greg.  Tur., 
De  MiracuJis  S,  Martini,  ii.  47 :  "  Cumque  ex- 
pletis  Missis  populus  coepisset  sacrosanctum 
corpus  Redemptoris  accipere.")  We  may  further 
cite  the  injunction  laid  down  by  the  Fourth 
Council  of  Toledo  (633  A.D.),  which,  after  finding 
fiiult  with  these  priests  who  *'  post  dictam  ora- 
tionem  Dominicam  statim  communicant  et  postea 
benedictionem  in  populo  dant,"  proceeds  "  post 
or.  Dom.  et  conjunctionem  panis  et  calicis  bene- 
dictio in  populum  sequatur,  et  turn  demum  cor- 
poris et  sanguinis  Domini  sacramentum  sumatur  " 
(can.  18 ;  Labbe,  v.  171 1>  This  may  be  further 
illustrated  by  a  remark  of  Caesarius  of  Aries,  to 
the  effect  that  he  who  wishes  '*  Missas  ad  inte- 
grum cum  lucro  animae  suae  celebrare "  must 
remain  in  the  church  "  usquequo  or.  Dom.  di- 
catur et  benedictio  populo  detur."  {Serm,  281, 
§  2;  Migne,  xxxix.  2277.)  This  benediction, 
which  b  properly  the  prerogative  of  the  bishopi 


BBNEDICTIONS 

is  uttered  generally  in  three,  sometimes  however 
in  four  and  even  five  or  more  divisions,  at  the 
end  of  each  of  which  is  responded,  Amen, 

The  following  is  the  manner  in  which  this 
Benediction  is  ordinarily  introduced.  The  deaoon, 
if  one  be  present,  having  called  with  a  load 
voice,  HvmUiate  vos  hene^ctioni  (cfl  Caesarius, 
Serm,  286,  §  7),  the  imparter  of  the  blessing  fol- 
lows with  DonUwas  sit  semper  wbiscum,  to  which 
is  responded  Et  ctim  spiritu  tuo ;  then  follows 
the  benediction.  As  showing  the  nature  of  this, 
we  subjoin  the  benediction  for  the  festival  of 
St.  Stephen,  from  three  old  Latin  Liturgies,  the 
Gallican,  the  Gregorian,  and. the  Mozarabic  re- 
spectively (Migne,  Ixxu.  232  ;  Ixxviii.  33 ;  Ixxxv. 
199).  '^Deus,  qui  tuos  martyres  ita  vinxisti 
caritate  ut  pro  te  etiam  mori  cuperent,  ne  peri- 
rent.  Amen;  et  beatum  Stephanum  in  oonfes- 
sione  ita  succendisti  fide,  ut  imbrem  lapidum  noo 
timeret,  Amen,  Exaudi  precem  familiae  toae 
umatoris  inter  festa  plaudentem.  Amen.  Acoe- 
dat  ad  te  vox  ilia  Intercedens  pro  populo,  pro 
inimicis  quae  orabat  in  ipso  martyrio,  Jjms. 
Ut  se  obtinente  et  te  remunerante,  perveoiat 
illuc  plebs  adquaesita  per  gratiam,  ubi  te,  cadis 
apertis,  ipse  vidit  in  gloriam.  Amen,  Quod  Ipse 
praestare  digneris,  qui  cum  Patre  et  Spiritu 
Sancto  vivis  et  regnas  in  saecula  saecnlomm." 
«Deus  qui  beatum  Stephanum  Protomartyrem 
coronavit,  et  oonfessione  fidei  et  agone  martyrii 
mentes  vestras  circumdet,  et  in  praesenti  saecdo 
corona  justitiae,  et  in  future  perducat  vos  ad 
coronam  gloriae.  Amen,  Jllius  obtentu  tribuat 
vobis  Dei  et  proximi  charitate  semper  exuberare, 
qui  banc  studuit  etiam  inter  lapidantium  im- 
petus obtinere.  Amen.  Quo  ejus  exemplo  robo- 
rati,  et  intercessions  muniti,  ab  eo  quem  ille  a 
dextris  Dei  vidit  stantem,  mereamini  benedici, 

Aman.    Quod  Ipse "    *<Christus  Dei  Filios, 

pro  cujus  nomine  Stephanus  martyr  lapidatus 
est  innocens,  contra  incursantium  daemoDom 
ictus  vos  efficiat  fortiores,  Amen,  Quiqae  eum 
pro  inimicis  orantem  consummato  mart3rrio  pro- 
vexit  ad  caelum,  conferat  in  vobis  ut  sine  ooo- 
fusione  ad  eum  veniatis  post  transitum,  Amen, 
Ut  illic  laetatura  post  istud  saeculum  accedai 
anima  vestra,  quo  praedictus  martyr  spiritum 
suum  suscipi  exorabat,  Amen," 

Besides  the  above,  there  was  here  also  a  short 
benediction  at  the  end  of  the  service,  such  as 
**  Pax  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum,"  or  the  two 
following  taken  from  Saxon  offices,  **  Beiwdictio 
Dei  Patris  Omnipotentis  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti 
maneat  semper  vobiscum.**  "■  B.  Dei  Patris  et 
Fil.  et  S.  S.  et  pax  Domini  sit  semper  vobiscum." 
(Palmer,  Grig,  Lit.  iv.  §  24.) 

By  way  of  illustration  of  this  last  we  mar 
cite  Amalarius  {De  Eccl,  Off.  iii.  36^  «  Hun'e 
morem  tenet  sacerdos,  ut  poet  omnia  &M;rameota 
consummata  benedicat  populo;"  and  Babanus 
Maurus  {De  Inst.  Cleric,  i.  33),  "  Post  commu- 
nionem  ergo,  et  post  ejusdem  nominis  canticam, 
data  Benedictione  a  saoerdote  ad  plebem,  diaoonos 
praedicat  Missae  officium  esse  peractnm,  dans 
licentiam  abeundi." 

In  the  Apostolic  ConstittUions  (lib.  vtiL),  it  is 
ordained  that  before  the  Missa  Fidelium  a  solemn 
dismission-blessing  should  be  pronounced  over 
catechumens,  energumens,  and  penitents  (ec 
6-8).  The  solemn  bles§ing  over  the  congrega- 
tion is  to  be  found  later  (c  15)  after  the  com- 
munion, the  deacon  havii^  first  uttered  the 


BENEDICTIONS 
ibnn,  T^  Btp  9tk  rod  Tipurrov  abrov 

Tbt  IJiwiiigi  entering  into  Eastern  litnrgiee 
■le  fraqmst ;  and  we  find  them  at  Tarions  points 
if  the  ssrrioi  introduced  by  the  formnla  t&A.^<;- 
9m  l^evera.  It  has  been  remarlced  as  in  some 
difiet  s^aifieant  of  the  characters  of  the  two 
fieat  diniioas  of  Christendom  that  when  snch 
s  reqneit  as  the  abore  has  been  made  by  the 
4(acon  to  the  pricat,  in  the  Western  Chnrdi  the 
htler  proceeds  to  involse  God's  blessing  on  the 
floafrcgatioo  and  himself^  in  the  Eastern  Church 
be  SBfwen  it  as  a  rule  by  an  ascription  of  praise 
ts  God.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  Protheaia 
(or  iatndactory  part  of  the  Encharistic  Service) 
■  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  the  deacon's 
icqaest  to  bless  is  answered  by  edXoTirr^f  6 
9it  ^pMF  gi£rroTe  pv9  koI  &c1  icol  cb  ro^f 
MW  T«r  ai^nfP.  'Afc^K.  (Daniel,  iv.  329, 
saj  often.)  Or  again,  we  may  cite  the  form  as 
saed  at  tbe  beginning  of  the  proanaphoral  part 
af  the  litugy  (t.  e.,  the  continuation  of  the 
Mrrift  ap  to  the  Surnun  corda)  §(fXcyiifi4vfi  4i 
fiafAiAa  rev  Uarphs  fail  rod  T.  jcol  rod  'A. 
Tb.wwMl  iel,  ic.r  A.  (t6.  S40> 

Tht  long  benediction  we  have  spoken  of  as 
Meerrittg  in  Latin  liturgies  after  the  Lord's 
Pnjer,  k  not  found  in  the  Eastern  ritual,  at 
tbe  cuiietpending  part  of  which  occurs  what  is 
katva  ss  the  **  Prayer  of  Inclination,"  answer- 
isg  ia  character  to  the  ''prayer  of  humble 
Meai"  of  our  own  church.  (Neale,  Bbly 
Eatern  Oimrck,  Introd.  p.  515.) 

A  fiuther  enumeration  of  the  benedictions  of 
Greek  Htnrgics  appertains  rather  to  a  description 
•f  the  Eastern  Encharistic  offices ;  it  may,  how- 
crcr,  be  mentioned  that  in  addition  to  the  final 
AnianoD-bleasing,  universal  here  as  in  the 
Uiia  ritual,  some  of  the  Eastern  liturgies  (as 
thoie  of  St.  Mark  and  the  Coptic  so-called  liturgy 
•f  Sl  BMil)  give  a  long  benediction  after  the 
{wt'cemmunioB  prayers  of  thanksgiying  (see 
t.g»  Keale,  i6.  pp.  688,  694);  also  the  Nestorian 
bUirgj  of  Theodore  the  interpreter  closes  with 
s  ihailar  benediction  (Daniel,  iv.  193).  The 
shore  are  too  long  for  quotation  here,  but  we 
mj  cite  as  an  example  of  a  Greek  benediction 
the  6aal  blessing  from  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark 
(Duiel,  IT.  170):  thXoytrm  6  Bths  6  tbXoyvv 
ml  a7id{«r  ical  vkIv^ow  koSL  Ziaryip&v  irdyrcu 
fpir  hk  Tiff  fu94^uas  r&p  kylttv  ainov  fnvff' 
T^pUr,  I  iaf  ti^XoTifrht  cly  robs  a.  r&v  a. 
h  Bsj  be  mentioned  as  a  curious  peculiarity 
that  ia  the  Constantinopolitan  rite  the  priest 
deci  not  giTe  the  final  blessing  till  he  has  dis- 
roM  (Daniel,  iT.372> 

At  the  end  of  the  Ethiopic  liturgy  is  a  prayer 
if  the  people,  of  the  nature  of  a  benediction, 
■fehcB  after  the  blessing  of  the  bishop  or  priest 
bs  been  pronounced,  preluded  too  by  the  call 
of  the  deacon  to  kneel :  ''May  the  Lord  bless  us 
IfifaerranU  .  .  .  ." 

Besdcs  the  abore,  there  was  another  solemn 
benediction,  the  special  prerogatiTO  of  the 
kihop^  the  6.  mahUituUiB  et  vespertinaliSf  said, 
«  itt  name  implies,  at  the  end  of  matins  and 
iwpen^  For  this  we  may  again  refer  to  the 
CMadl  of  Agde  (can.  30^  **  Plebe  coUecta  ora- 
tMac  ai  Tcneram  ab  episcopo  cum  benedictioue 

'iuttstur.''    (Labb^  It.  1388;  cf.  also  Cone. 

BiWtIL  [540  A.D.]  can.  2 ;  t6.  r.  378.) 
W  M»'litnrgica]  blessings  appertaining  to  per- 


BENEDICTIONS 


197 


sons,  we  may  briefly  speak  here  of  the  gensral 
blessing,  properly  though  not  exclusiTely  the 
episcopal  prerogatiTe,  as  may  be  seen  from  e.g. 
Basil,  Ep.  199,  §  27  [It.  724,  ed.  Migne],  and 
Athanasius,  Vita  S,  Anion,  c.  67.  It  would 
seem  that,  especially  on  the  entrance  of  a  bishop 
into  a  place,  his  blessing  was  roTerentlj  be- 
sought by  the  people.  Cf.  Chrys.  Horn,  Encom, 
m  Mel.  §  2;  Aug.  Ep.  33,  §  5  [ii.  131,  ed. 
Migne] ;  and  Greg.  Kyss.  Vita  Macrinae  [iii.  976, 
MigneJ.  This  blessing  was  eagerly  sought  for 
STen  by  princes,  as  by  ClodoTeus  from  Remigius, 
or  by  the  Empress  Eudozia  from  the  Bishop 
Porphyrius  {Acta  Sanctonanj  i.  154  Oct.;  iii. 
653  Feb.).  This  may  be  Airther  illustrated  by 
a  statement  of  Philostorgius  (see  Valesius'  note 
on  Theodoret  It.  5)  to  the  effect  that  when  all 
the  other  bishops  went  to  pay  homage  to  En- 
sebia,  wife  of  the  Emperor  Constans,  Leontius, 
Bishop  of  Tripoli,  refused  to  do  so  save  on  the 
condition  that  the  empress  should  rise  at  his 
approach,  and  with  bowed  head  ask  his  blessing. 
It  was  allowed  by  the  Council  of  Epao  [517  A.D.] 
for  people. of  rank  {civeB  superiorum  natalium) 
to  invite  the  bishop  to  themselves  to  receive  hia 
blessing  at  Christmas  and  Easter. 

(B.)  Bensdiciions  of  things.  Before  proceed- 
ing to  enumerate  some  df  the  more  striking 
cases  of  benedictions  of  things,  we  may  once 
more  call  attention  to  the  distinction  already 
dwelt  on  between  benediction  and  the  stronger 
term  conae^raUony  in  that  in  the  one  regard  is 
had  but  to  the  bestowal  of  certain  grace  or 
efficacy,  whereas  in  the  other,  a  thing  is  not 
only  destined  for  a  holy  use,  but  is  viewed  as 
changed  into  a  holy  thing.  Augusti  (Denkwiir-' 
digk,  X.  192)  brings  out  this  distinction  by  a 
comparison  of  the  phrases  panis  benedidtts  and 
panis  consecraius  ;  and  so  the  Greek  Church  re- 
cognizes the  difference  between  thXoyla  on  the 
one  hand  and  hyuuriUs  or  KoJdUpwis  on  the 
other.  Similar  is  the  distinction  between  bene' 
dictionea  invocatif)ae  and  6.  oonstitutivae,  sacra* 
iivae,  destinativae,  the  names  of  which  show  that 
the  one  invoke  God's  grace,  the  other  dedicate 
permanently  to  His  service. 

We  shall  now  enumerate  some  of  the  more 
frequent  instances  of  special  benedictions  of 
things,  for  detailed  information  respecting  which 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  separate  articles. 

(I)  B,  fontis,  the  blessing  of  the  baptismal 
water,  &c  [Baptism].  (2)  6.  aquae  lustraiis 
[Holt  Water].  (3)  b.  panis  et  otnt,  which 
substances  when  blessed  bore  the  name  of  the 
saint  on  whose  festiTal  the  benediction  took 
place,  as  St.  John's  wine,  St.  Mark's  bread,  &c. 
(4)  6.  salis  [Salt],  whether  for  admixture  with 
holy  water  or  otherwise.  (5)  6.  lactis  et  meilis 
[Mile  and  Honet].  (6)  6.  olei,  whether  for  the 
catechumens  at  baptism  or  confirmation,  or  for 
the  Chrisma,  or  for  the  sick  (c&x^^ctioy) 
[Chrisic  ;  Oil].  (7)  6.  incensi.  (8)  6.  cereorvm^ 
as  for  the  special  feast  of  Candlemas  Day,  Feb. 
2.  (9)  b.  dnertan,  of  Ash  Wednesday  [Lent]. 
(10)  b.palmarumy  of  Palm  Sunday  processions. 

(II)  b.paachales,  whether  of  Easter  eggs  or  the 
paschal  lamb  or  the  Easter  candles ;  and  to  these 
may  be  added  an  immense  number  of  varieties 
of  benedictions  for  almost  every  imaginable  occa- 
sion, wherein  the  pious  of  psst  ages  deemed  that 
the  church  could  draw  forth  on  their  behalf 
from  a  rich  store  of  blessing.    Thus  we  may 


198 


BENEDICTIONS 


BENEDICTIONS 


mention,  in  addition  to  those  alreadj  cit«d,  the 
following  benedictionB  of  things,  occurring,  un- 
lea*  the  contraxy  be  specified,  in  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentarj.  (1)  6.  domiu,  (2)  uvae  velfavae 
(=  fabae),  (3)  adfructus  novos.  (4)  ad  omnia 
quae  rxdueris.  (5)  camis.  (6)  puiei  (Gall.). 
(7)  caaei  et  ovorum  (Euch.  Graec).  (8)  ignis 
(Pontif.  Egb.).    (9)  librorum  (ib.). 

IV.  Mode  of  imparting  Benedi<kion,  However 
rarious  the  objects  for  which  blessings  are  sought, 
and  however  different  therefore  the  formulae  in 
which  they  are  conferred,  still  there  are  certain 
accompaniments  which  are  as  a  rule  always 
present,  and  as  to  which  the  directions,  simple 
enough  in  the  earliest  Church,  have  been  in  pro- 
cess of  time  rendered  more  and  more  definite,  to 
leave  as  little  as  possible  to  individual  will, 
(a)  As  showing  how  the  Christian  Ritual  on 
these  points  is  foreshadowed  in  the  Jewish,  we 
have  thought  it  well  to  prefix  a  brief  note  as  to 
the  laws  of  blessing  in  the  latter.  The  priests, 
to  whom  the  power  of  imparting  blessings  was 
committed,  were  to  do  so  standing  (cf.  Deut.  x. 
8;  xxvii.  12),  with  outstretched  hands.  We 
cite  here  a  passage  from  the  Mishna,  the  earliest 
authority  to  which  we  can  appeal  next  to  the 
Bible.  '*  In  what  way  is  the  sacerdotal  blessing 
performed  ?  In  the  provinces  [«'.  e.  away  from 
the  temple]  they  say  it  in  three  blessings  [i.  e. 
the  formula  of  Numbers  vi.  24-26  is  divided 
into  three  clauses,  and  Amen  responded  at  the 
end  of  each],  but  in  the  temple  in  one.  In  the 
temple  they  say  the  Name  as  it  is  written  [«'.  e, 
the  r€TpaypdfifMroif]f  in  the  provinces  with  the 
substituted  name  [i.«.  Adonai].  In  the  provinces 
the  priests  raise  their  hands  on  a  level  with  their 
shoulders,  but  in  the  temple  above  their  heads, 
except  the  high-priest,  who  does  not  raise  up  his 
hands  above  the  diadem."  [Or  perhaps  rather  a 
plate  of  gold  worn  upon  the  forehead  of  the  high- 
priest.  The  reason  of  the  prohibition  in  his  case 
was  because  of  the  presence  of  the  Sacred  Name 
upon  the  plate.]  Mishn.  Sota,  vii.  6.  In  a  some- 
what later  authority,  the  commentary  on  Num- 
bers and  Deuteronomy  known  as  Sifree,  we  have 
further  directions  given :  (1)  the  blessing  is  to 
be  pronounced  in  the  Hebrew  language ;  (2)  the 
imparter  of  the  blessing  is  to  stand,  and  (3)  with 
outstretched  hands.  (4)  The  sacred  name  Hin^ 
is  to  be  used;  (5)  the  priest  must  face  the 
people,  and  (6)  speak  in  a  loud  voice.  {Sifree  on 
Numb.  vi.  22-27.)  Reference  may  also  be  made 
to  a  still  later  authority,  the  Babylonian  Talmud 
itself(<S!bto,  fol.  38  a). 

During  the  conferring  of  the  blessing  the 
people  must  not  look  at  the  priest,  for  for  the  time 
the  glory  of  God  is  supposed  to  rest  upon  him 
(vide  infra).  Also,  his  hands  are  disposed  so 
that  the  fingers  go  in  pairs,  forefingers  with 
middle  fingers,  ring  fingers  with  little  fingers, 
with  the  tips  of  the  two  thumbs  and  of  the  two 
forefingers  respectively  touching  each  other,  thus 
arranging  the  whole  ten  fingers  in  six  divisions. 
We  shall  quote  in  illustration  of  this  from  the 
Lekach  Tcb  of  R.  Eleazar  b.  Tobiah  (the  so- 
called  Fesikta  Zotartd)  on  Numbers,  /.  c.  "  It 
is  forbidden  to  look  at  the  priests  at  the  moment 
that  they  lift  up  their  hands, — and  he  divides  his 
hands  into  six  parts,  as  it  is  said,  *  Kvery  one  had 
six  wings.'     Isa.  vi.  2." 

One  more  extract  will  suffice,  which  we  take 
from  the  ancient  commentary  on  Numbers  {in 


loc.\  the  Bammidbar  Bahba  (c  11).  "There- 
fore it  is  said  (Cant.  ii.  9),  *  Behold  he  standi 
behind  our  wall,'  that  is,  synagc^ues  and  eol 
leges.  *  He  looks  from  the  windows ' : — ^At  the 
time  when  the  Holy  One,  Blessed  be  He,  said  \» 
Aaron  and  his  sons  'Thus  shall  ye  bless'  &&, 
Israel  said  to  the  Holy  One, '  Lord  of  the  Uai- 
verse,  thou  tellest  the  priests  to  bless  ns,  ve 
want  only  Thy  blessing  and  to  be  blessed  from 
Thy  mouth ;  according  as  it  is  said.  Look  from 
the  abode  of  Thy  holiness,  from  heaven '  (Deut 
xxvi.  15).  The  Holy  One  said,  *  Although  I  com* 
manded  the  priests  to  bless  you,  /am  standing 
with  them  and  blessing  you.'  Therefore  tin 
priests  stretch  forth  their  hands  to  indicate  that 
the  Holy  One  stands  behind  us,  and  therefore  it 
says,  *■  He  looks  from  the  windows '  [t>.  from 
between  the  shoulders  of  the  priests],  '  He  peeps 
from  the  lattice  work'  \ue,  from  between  the 
fingers  of  the  priests]." 

(/3)  The  foregoing  points  afford  a  very  cloie 
parallel  to  the  usages  of  the  Christian  diurcL 
That  the  imparter  of  the  blessing  should  stand 
is  but  in  accordance  with  the  natural  order  of 
things,  and  thus  is  a  point  universally  observed, 
80  that  the  Latin  church  does  but  stereotrpe 
usage,  when  in  the  ritual  of  Paul  V.  it  i^  laid 
down  as  a  Rubric  etando  semper  benedicat.  As  to 
the  kneeling  of  the  recipients  of  the  blessing,  we 
may  find  ancient  evidence  in  the  Apostolic  Qm- 
stitutions  (viii.  6),  where  the  injunction  is  pre- 
fixed to  the  Benediction,  ^* . . .  and  let  the  deacon 
say,  KKivare  kcH  thXoycitrB^" 

The  order  of  the  Jewish  ritual  that  the  priest 
should  face  the  people  is  paralleled  (to  say 
nothing  of  unvarying  custom)  by  the  Rubric 
before  the  benediction  in  the  mass  in  ancient 
Sacramentaries,  (thus  e.  g.  **  Postea  dicat  episco> 
pus  convertens  ad  populnm,"  in  an  ancient  maa 
for  Easter.  Greg.  Sacram,  p.  248) ;  and  that  to 
pronounce  the  blessing  in  a  loud  voice  by  the 
equivalent  command  constantly  met  with  in 
Greek  service  books  (e.g,  irtix^^'^  ^  ^^P*^ 
fieYa\6<puvos,  Goar,  Euchol.ja,  42)u 

The  lifting  up  of  handa  (fireipins  rHv  x^'f'O 
is  an  inseparable  adjunct  of  benedictions.  It  is 
constantly  associated  in  the  Bible  with  actions  of 
a  more  solemn  character,  as  oaths  (e^.  Gen.  xir. 
22 ;  Rev.  x.  6),  or  prayer  (e.g.  Psalm  xiviii.  2 ; 
xliv.  21  [20,  E.V.];  Ixiii.  5  [4,  E.V.];  1  Tim.  ii. 
8),  or  benediction  (e.g.  Lev.  ix.  22 ;  Luke  xiir. 
50).  An  occasional  addition  is  that  of  the  hf/iHij 
on  of  hands :  of  this  we  find  traces  in  Gen.  xiviii. 
14,  18 ;  Matt.  xix.  13,  15  ;  Mark  x.  16 :  and  w 
may  again  refer  to  the  Apostolic  Constdutisrta 
(viii.  9),  where  the  benediction  upon  penitents  is 
associated  with  the  laying  on  of  hands  (x«^ 
$((ria).  The  feeling  of  the  greater  worth  and 
power  of  the  right  hand  is  shown  in  patriarchal 
times  (Gen.  I.  c.) ;  and  in  later  times  it  is  either 
taken  for  granted  or  is  expressly  commanded  that 
the  right  hand  should  be  used. 

(7)  With  this  natural  and  almost  uniTenal 
gesture,  the  act  of  benediction  is  constantly  n- 
presented  in  ancient  art.  Thus,  the  Lord  extends 
His  open  hand  over  the  demoniac,  in  the  bas- 
reliefs  of  a  sarcophagus  at  Verona  (Maflei, 
Verona  Ittustraia,  pars  Hi.  p.  54) ;  and  also  orer 
a  kneeling  figure  in  an  Arooboliuh  of  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Hermes  (Bottari,  Piiture  e  Scat 
ture,  clxxxvii.  No.  2). 

In  process  of  time,  as  in  the  Jewi&h  ^  in  th* 


BENEDIOTIONS 

CkfiiHu  riUnl,  a  wiienlar  dispodtion  of  the 
liifin  ia  the  aet  of  blessing  became  usual.  In 
tk§  Orask  church,  and  in  Greek  paintings  for  the 
pert,  th»  band  outstretched  in  blessing  has 
the  thumb  touching  the  tip  of  the 
ring-finger,  while  the  forefinger, 
the  middle,  and  the  little  finger 
are  erected.  According  to  a  view 
mentioned  by  Ciampini  {De  Sacria 
Aedif.  Congt.  p.  42,  from  Theoph. 
Raynaud,  JDe  AHributis  Owisti,  4. 
9.  733,  who  cites  it  from  some 
fragments  of  a  Greek  writer  of 
uncertain  date,  Nicolaus  Malaxus), 
the  erect  forefinger  with  the  curved 
middle  finger  make  IC,  t>.  'Iritrovs, 
wkilc  the  eroising  of  the  thumb  and  ring-finger 
sad  the  earring  of  the  little  finger  make  XC,  ije. 
Iftttriu  One  cannot  but  agree  here  with  the 
nauk  m  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (June,  toL  Tii. 
p.  136)  that  this  ia  rather  an  ingenious  specula- 
tiBB  of  Malaxua  than  a  receired  doctrine  of  the 
Greek  church.  According  to  Gear  {Euchohgtonj 
|L  9£))  the  thumb  and  ring-finger  crossed  made 
8  X,  the  other  fingers  erect  with  the  fore  and 
■idfile  fingers  slightly  separated  were  supposed 
Is  represent  r,  I,  the  whole  standing  for  'itiffods 
X^itfHff  ricf.  He  also  gives  (pp.  114,  115) 
pietares  of  St.  Methodius  and  St.  Germanus, 
with  the  fingers  disposed  as  above,  sare  that  the 
five  sad  middle  fingers  are  united.  Evidence, 
hovever,  u  not  forthcoming  as  to  the  date  of 
that  representations.  (Cf.  Leo  AUatius,  De 
Cons.  EocL  Occid.  et  Orient,  pp.  1358  sqq.,  who 
denibcs  as  used  by  the  Greeks  a  disposition  of 
tbe  fingers  akin  to  that  spoken  of  by  Malaxus, 
aad  cMuiders  it  as  indicating  the  doctrines  of  the 
Triaitj  and  of  the  twofold  nature  of  our  Lord.) 
Xeale  (i6.  352,  n.)  thus  describes  the  eastern 
BeUiod,  ^The  priest  joins  hb  thumb  and  third 
filler,  and  erects  and  joins  the  other  three ;  and 
m  ^us  supposed  to  symbolize  the  procession  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  from  the  Father  alone;  and, 
acooiding  to  others,  to  form  the  sacred  name 
IHC  by  the  position  of  his  fingers." 

Ea  the  Latin  manner  of  benediction  the  erected 
£agen  are  the  thumb,  the  forefinger  and  the 

middle  finger,  while  the  other 
two  are  doubled  down  on  the 
palm  of  the  hand.  The  hand 
of  the  Lord  is  thus  represented 
in  some  monuments,  when  He 
works  a  miracle,  not  holding 
a  rod  in  the  hand:  for  in- 
stance, in  the  healing  of  the 
man  bom  blind  (Bottan,  tay. 
zix.),  that  of  the  woman  with 
an  issue  of  blood  (xxi.),  and 
ta  the  representation  of  Christ's  entry  into  Jeru- 
sdcB  (cxzxiii.):  see  also  the  illustrations  of 
Bu.VDy  HsALiKG  OF,  and  Bethesda.  The  same 
vraagcment  of  the  fingers  is  observed  in  the  bas- 
belicf  of  an  ancient  sarcophagus,  representing 
the  Good  Shepherd  blessing  His  sheep.  In  some 
CMCB  the  representation  of  the  natural  gesture  of 
«  enter  or  teacher  resembles  the  act  of  blessing ; 
m,  tar  instance,  in  the  representation  of  Christ  in 
tW  midst  of  the  doctors,  given  by  Bottari  (liv.). 
This  arrangement  of  the  fingers  is  said  to  be 
fiwad  ia  the  moat  ancient  pictorial  representa- 
t«asof  the  Popes  (Molanus,  Hist.  SS,  Imaginum, 
f*.  4<;8  n. ;  ed.  Louvain,  1771).     Pope  Leo  IV. 


BENEDICTIONS 


199 


(jETom.  de  Oura  Pasiorali,  Migne's  Patrol,  cxt. 
678)  seems  to  enjoin  a  »omewhat  different  ar- 
rangement, still  for  the  pui<po8e  cf  symbolizing 
the  Trinity ;  "•  districtis  duobus  digitis  et  poUice 
intus  recluso,  per  quod  Trinitas  annuitur." 
These  words,  however,  though  given  by  Labb^ 
are  wanting  in  muiy  authorities. 

But  it  seems  certain,  that  it  is  only  in  com- 
paratively modern  times  that  the  rite  of  benedic- 
tion has  constituted  a  distinction  between  the 
Greek  and  Latin  Churches.  For  instance,  in  the 
most  Roman  of  monuments,  the  Vatican  con- 
fessio  (or  crypt)  of  St.  Peter  (see  the  frontis- 
piece to  Borgia's  Vaticana  Confcaaio  B.  Petrt)^  the 
Lord  gives  the  blessing  in  the  Greek  manner ;  in 
the  triumphal  arch  of  St.  Mark's  Church,  in  the 
Latin  manner ;  in  the  tribune  of  the  same  church, 
after  the  Greek  manner ;  so  also  in  a  mosaic  of  the 
ancient  Vatican  (Ciampini,  De  Sacr,  Aedif.  p.  43)^ 
executed  under  the  direction  of  Innocent  lU. 
(1198-1216),  who,  treating  expressly  of  this 
matter  (^De  Sacro  Altaria  Myst.  iL  44), .  pre- 
scribes the  elevation  of  three  fingers,  without 
indicating  which.  On  the  other  hand,  the  bas- 
relief  of  a  Greek  diptych  given  by  Foggini  (Z>s 
Eom.  litn.  Petri,  p.  471),  represents  St.  Peter 
giving  the  blessing  in  the  Latin  manner,  while 
St.  Andrew,  the  reputed  founder  of  the  Church 
of  Constantinople,  blesses  in  the  Greek  manner ; 
a  circumstance  which  may  perhaps  indicate  that 
different  gestures  of  blessing  were  regarded  as 
characteristic  of  East  and  West  respectively 
(see  Martigny,  IHct.  dee  Antiq.  Chr^.  p.  84). 

(8)  The  81QJX  OF  THE  Cross  (see  the  article) 
constantly  accompanies  benedictions  both  in  the 
Eastern  and  the  Western  rites,  and  was  thought 
to  impart  validity  to  the  act;  '*quod  signum 
nisi  adhibeatur  .  .  nihil  horum  rite  perficitur," 
says  St.  Augustine  {IVact.  in  Joannem,  118,  §  5). 

(«)  Incense  is  a  frequent  accompaniment  of 
Benedictions ;  and  the  employment  of  Holy  Water 
to  be  sprinkled  on  peinsons  or  things  may  be 
regarded  as  a  form  of  Benediction  [Holy  Water]. 
The  modem  Romish  Ritual  makes  a  special  vest- 
ment incumbent  on  the  priest  who  gives  a  blessing. 
This,  however,  is  beside  our  present  purpose. 

V.  Benedictionale. — It  has  been  already  shown 
that  various  early  forms  of  benedictions  are 
found  interspersed  in  ancient  Sacramentaries. 
In  that  attributed  to  Pope  Leo  are  found  forms 
of  blessing  '^ascendentibus  a  fonte,"  and  *^  lactis  et 
mellis,"  as  well  as  a  **benedictlo  fontis,"  which 
is  possibly  a  later  addition.  It  is,  however,  in 
.the  somewhat  later  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  the 
Great  that  we  meet  with  specimens  of  benedic- 
tions on  a  more  extended  scale,  in  some  MSS. 
variously  interspersed  through  the  book,  and  in 
some  given  separately,  forming  the  so-called 
Benedktionale.  This  is  the  case  with  the  very 
ancient  MS.  of  the  Caesarean  Library,  edited  by 
Lamb^cius,  not  knowing  that  the  greater  part  of 
it  had,;  under  a  different  arrangement,  already 
been  edited  by  Mdiard.  Another  of  somewhat 
different  form  has  been  edited  by  Pamelius 
(^Litwgg.  vol.  ii.)  from  two  MSS.  of  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  now  in  the  Vatican.  The  Liber 
Sacramentorum  of  Ratoldus,  of  the  tenth  century, 
also  contains  numerous  benedictions,  but  the 
fullest  Benedictional  is  that  found  in  two  MSS. 
of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Theodoric,  near  Rheims, 
written  about  the  year  900.  Menard  has  also 
edited  a  Benedictional  from  a  MS.  in  the  abbey 


200 


BENEDIOTUB 


of  Si.  EUgiiu,  and  Angelas  Boooa  another  from 
a  MS.  in  the  Vatican.  A  large  collection  of 
beaedictionB  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  Pontifical 
of  Egbert  (Archbishop  of  Tork,  a.D.  732>766X 
published  bj  the  Sortees  Society  in  1853.  It 
will  be  obeeryed  that  all  the  aboye  are  merely 
recensions,  more  or  less  added  to,  of  the  bene- 
dictions in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary ;  it 
will  suffice  to  mention,  in  addition  to  those, 
the  benedictions  of  the  Gothic  Missal,  first 
edited  by  Joseph  Thomasios  and  then  by  Ma- 
billon  {AftMgum  Ralicumj  vol.  ii.),  which  are 
nnmerons,  but  of  Tery  different  form. 

VI.  Literature, — ^For  the  matter  of  the  present 
article  we  have  to  express  considerable  obliga- 
tions to  the  essay  Segen  und  Fluch  in  Binterim's 
DenkwOrdigkeiten  (toI.  yii.  part  2),  and  to 
Angusti's  henkwHrdigkeiten  <xus  der  Christlichen 
Archdologie^  vol.  x.  pp.  165  aeqq.  We  hare  also 
consulted  the  articles  Benedictionen  and  ^- 
nungen  in  Herzog*s  RScdewsykhpSdie,  and  in 
Wctzer  and  Welte's  Kirchen^Lexiam.  See  also 
Gerhard,  De  Benedictione  EccUsiastioa,  and  Hae- 
ner,  De  Bitu  Benedictionis  SacerdotaUs,  A  vast 
mine  of  information  is  to  be  found  in  Martene, 
I>e  ArUiquii  JSoclesiae  Bitibus,  and  in  Gretser, 
De  Benedictitmibua,  [R.  S.] 

BENEDICTUB,  of  Nursia,  abbot  of  Monte 
Gaasino,  bom  a.d.  480,  and  died  probably  542. 
[See  Diet,  of  Chr,  Biogr.  s.  t.]  His  festirals  are 
as  follows : — 

Under  March  21,  the  Mart,  Bom,  Vet,  has 
^'In  Cassino  Castro,  Benedicti  Abbatis;"  Mart, 
ffieron.,  "Depositio  Benedicti  Abbatis;"  Mart, 
Bedae,  <«Natale  Benedicti  Abbatis." 

Under  July  1 1,  Mart,  Bedae  has, "  Floriaco  adren- 
tus  &  B.  A. ;"  Mart,  Adonis, "  Translatio  S.  B.  A. ;" 
while  M.  Hieron,  has  again  "  Depositio  S.  B.  A." 

Under  Dec.  4,  the  M.  Hvsnm,  has  *<  Floriaco 
adrentus  Corporis  S.  B.  A." 

The  Cat,  Byxant,  celebrates  ''Benedict  of 
Nursia,  Holy  Father,"  on  March  14. 

We  see  that  the  festival  of  March  21  commemo- 
rates the  death  (or  burial)  of  the  saint ;  that  of 
July  11,  the  translation  of  his  relics  to  Fleury 
(St.  Benoit  sur  Loire),  in  653.  The  MaH,  Hieron,, 
here  as  in  some  other  places,  is  inexplicable. 

The  name  of  St.  Benedict  is  recited  in  the 
prayer  Comnumicantee  of  the  Gregorian  canon, 
and  in  the  ancient  canon  of  Milan  (Menard's 
Oreg,  Sacrdm.,  p.  546).  The  Corbey  MS.  of  the 
Sacram,  Greg,  has  on  vi.  Idus  Julii  (July  10) 
**  Vigilia  S.  Benedicti  Abbatis,"  with  proper  col- 
lect, &c.,  and  on  y.  Id.  Jul.  (July  11)  "Natale 
S.  B.  A.,"  with  proper  collect,  &c.,  for  the  mass. 
The  MSS.  of  Reims  and  of  Ratold  hare  also  the 
Natale  on  this  day,  but  the  office  is  simply  de 
oommuni  unius  abbatia  (Menard,  u.  s.  p.  407). 
Antiphon  in  Lib,  Antiph,  p.  703.  Compare  Liber 
Besponedlis,  p.  810. 

Stephen  of  Tournai  (^Epist.  105)  tells  us  that 
the  ancient  church  of  St.  Benedict  at  Paris  was 
built  so  that  the  sanctuary  was  towards  the 
west,  an  arrangement  which  was  afterwards 
altered  (in  M<&uird,  u.  s.  p.  329>  [C] 

BENEDIOTUB.  The  song  of  Zacharias  con- 
tained in  S.  Luke  i.  68-79,  so  called  from  its 
first  word.  This  canticle  has  been  said  at  lauds 
in  the  Western  Church  from  early  times  every 
day  throughout  the  year,  whatever  i>€  the  ser- 
vice. The  introduction  of  the  custom  is  attri- 
buted to  S.  Benedict.    It  is  said  with  a  varying 


BEBGHF0BDEN8E  (X)NC1LIUM 

antiphon  which  is  doubled,  L  «.,  said  entirt  beU 
before  and  after  the  canticle,  on  double  fessts) 
in  the  Roman,  Monastic,  and  other  offices  derived 
from  a  Gregorian  or  Benedictine  origin,  at  tfae 
end  of  lauds,  immediately  before  the  oratio  or 
collect,  and  occupies  the  same  position  at  lauds 
which  the  Magnificat  occupies  at  vespers,  h 
the  Ambroeian  office  it  occurs  on  the  contrary 
at  the  very  beginning  of  the  office,  after  tac 
opening  versicles.  The  Ambroeian  roles  too  for 
the  duplication  of  antiphons  are  different  from 
the  Roman.  The  Benedictue  is  also  found  else- 
where, e.g.,  in  the  Mosarabic  lauds  for  the 
nativity  of  S.  John  Baptist.  In  the  Greek  rite, 
the  Benedictus  called  irpoircvx^  Zaxopfou,  rw 
warphs  rov  Hpodp6/xov,  foims  together  with  sod 
following  the  Magnificat  the  last  of  the  nine 
odes  [Ode]  appointed  for  lauds. 

The  introductory  part  of  the  Song  cf  £iW  Tkra 
Children,  which  precedes  the  BenedicHoaet,  or 
Benedicite  proper,  is  also  known  as  the  Bcm- 
dictut  from  its  opening,  "  Benedictus  es  Dooiiae 
Deus  patrum  nostrorum,  &c.  .  .  ."  This  ii  nid 
daily  in  the  Ambroeian  rite  at  matins  before  tbc 
psalms,  in  the  place  the  Venite  occurs  in  other 
western  rites.  The  whole  of  the  Song  of  the 
Three  Children  is  also  called  the  BeniUctm  ia 
the  Mozarabic  breviary,  and  said  daily  at  Isodi, 
as  has  been  already  stated.  [H.  J.  H.] 

BENEFICE.  This  subject  occupies  a  Isr^er 
space  in  the  writings  of  Canonists  than  almost 
any  other  question  within  the  o(^msanoe  of  eccle- 
siastical law ;  but  its  history  prior  to  the  year 
814  may  be  compressed  into  a  small  compass. 

The  term  benefice  is  thus  defined — ^the  per- 
petual right  of  receiving  profits  from  real  pro- 
perty established,  by  authority  of  the  Church  in 
favour  of  a  spiritual  person  in  respect  of  the 
performance  of  a  spiritual  office. 

The  expression  seems  to  have  originated  in  the 
practice  of  gtanting  the  right  of  occupation  in 
Church  landb  to  laymen  in  exchange  for  pro- 
tection afforded  to  the  Church.  These  were 
called  benefices,  and  the  property,  when  restored 
to  the  Church,  retained  the  name. 

The  custom  of  assigning  to  ecclesiastics  a  life 
interest  in  Church  property  appears  to  hsre 
commenced  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century,  and  is  referred  to  in  the  22nd  gsdod 
of  the  Council  of  Agde  (i.D.  506)  and  io  the 
23rd  canon  of  the  first  Council  of  Orleans  (aj). 
511),  also  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Symmachus  to 
Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries  (a.d.  513). 

But  the  grant  was  not  larger  than  a  life 
interest  to  the  beneficiary;  and  it  therefore 
lacked  the  condition  of  perpetuity,  which  was 
an  essential  characteristic  of  a  benefice  in  later 
ecclesiastical  law  (Ducange,  Glosaaritan,  sub 
voce;  Ferraris,  Bff>liotheoa  Canonioa,  sub  voce; 
Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eodesiae  Disdplina, 
ii.  3,  13,  5 ;  Boahmer,  Jus  Eoclesiasticuni,  iii  5, 
492).    [Property  of  the  Chubch.]      p.  B.] 

BEKIGNUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tomi  in  Scythia: 
commemorated  April  3  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.). 

(S)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Dijon  under  H.  An- 
relius ;  commemorated  Nov.  1  (Mart,  Bienm., 
Adonis). 

BERGHAMSTEDENSE  CONCILIUM. 
[BfiBSTED,  Council  of.]  [C] 

BERGHPORDENBE  CONCILIUM.  [Bro- 
FORD  Council  OF.] 


[CO 


(.uleof  three u-chesiapportad  hj 
ltd,  no  doubt,  to  npreseat  ona  at 
as "  (St.  John  V.  2)  in  which  tfa* 
impottot  folk  were  laid  (Hnrtign;,  IHct.  diM 
Atiiig.  Chrtl.  p.  542).  The  aiune  miracle  ia  repre- 
■ented,  In  >  very  differeat  atjle,  in  the  rreit 
lAureutlui  HS.  See  Auemumi,  BibiioSucat 
Xadictat  Catai.  tab.  lU.,  and  Wutwood's  Palam- 
gra/Ma  Sacra,  [C."] 


COUNCIL    OF    (Bebqhui- 
E  Cokcojcm),  or  rather  WitehaqebOt,    ' 

•r  Kent,  at  Bented  near  HaiditODe,  a. 

mUA  the  ecclenaitical  lawa  of  Wihtred,  king 

tf  Kat,  ven  paned.      The  date  ii  ancertBln,    ] 

GctBaod.  biihop  of  Rocheatrr  (vho  nai  pre-    ' 

■atX  IJTing  ostil  696  according  to  the  Ttxtu4 

Stfauu  (irhencc    the    Uwi    are    UkeL),   but 

djmfia  turlj  aa  at  leaat  694  accordlDg  to  the 

&»  Oiroiiide.     "  To   the  Church,   freedoio 

6m  impoata,"  or,  more  probably,  "  A'cedom  in 

jindiclioD    and    rcTcnue,"    li    the    beginnlDg 

•T  the  £rrt    law  (HaddaB   and  Stubb*,   Come. 

ffi.  !33-S38  ;  Thorpe,  Jno.  Lavi  and  Imtaatei, 

i.  16-19>  tA.  W.  H.] 

BEBTTUB,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  448,  aa 

Itan  tliiaka  (ji.  501-3),  in  September,  to  hear 

*  (kai^  preferred  against  Ibu,  biihop  of  Edeoa, 

kf  BiM  of  hia  rler^,  wfaicb  oai  twofold  i  first, 

tkat  ht  hMl  Hiid,  "  1  euTf  Dot  Christ  beiug  made 

Gsd,  baTing  been  made  ao  myself  ai  maeli  is 

Hi,*  which  b»  denied    indignantly;   and  oeit, 

thai  he  had  called  St.  Cyril  a  heretic,  which  ho 

•ntnd  he  nerer   had  after   the   reconciliation 

WtveeB  John  of  Antioch,  his  own  mperior.  aod 

SL  CttiI.     To  refate  thia,  hia  celebrated  letter 

ta  lliiia,  of  Bubsequeat  date,  was   adduced  in 

tnltac*,  containing  a  oarratiTe  of  the  whole 

nalroTFray   between   Neatoriua   and    St.  Cyril.  [ 

U(  njoined    by  producing  a  testimonial  in  bii<  ; 

faroor  addresKd  lo  Euitathius,  bishop  of  Der)--  :  ' 

Ub.  and    Photiua.  bishop  of  Tyre,  two   of  his  i 

imipt,  and  ligned  by  apwards  of  siity  presby-  | 

(en.  dfacmi,  and  subdeacons  of  his  diocese.    His  |       BETHLEHEM  (iiRCHITECTITRAL).      In  the 

■crinltal  fbllowed:  which,  hnTing  been  reieraed  <  Etbioplc  churchei,  a  small  building  is  thrown 

•1  CphesBs  by  Dioaconu  of  Aleiandria  the  year  |  out  from  the  eut  end  of  the  sani^tiuiry,  where 

Milling,  waa  confirmed  in  the  tenth  lesrion  of  :  chf  bread  for  nee  in  the  euchariit  is  prepared  by 

lit  Caandl  of  (Sialcedon,  where  the  acta  of  thii    the  Deacon  aione,  and  baked  In  the  oven  with 

CsoKil  ate  prevnred  (Manil  rii.  211-72).     Hia  |  which  the  place  Is  furnished.     This  buiidia;  is 

Efristle  to  lUrU,  indeed,  was   aflerwardi   con- i  called  the  i««(UaA«n,  or  "  hoote  of  bread  "  (Neala, 

itaari  at  the  fifth  Qeuenl  Council.  1&.  S.  Ff.]    |  Eattem  CAurcA,  /ntrad.  190>  C^] 

BETHESDA,  HiaicLE  OF  (in  Art).  Of  i  BETHLEHEM  (SmBOL>  In  an  andenl 
tUa  miracle  titer*  i*  an  ancient  tepreseuln-  mosHlc  of  the  church  of  SS.Cc«maa  and  Damlan, 
tiea  on  a  aareophafna  from  the  Vatican  ceme-  i  in  the  Via  Sacra  at  Rome  (QampiDi,  Vetera 
tsy,  agrarsd  in  Bottari  (SmUtire  t  FUturi,  Jfoaumeiita,  li.  tab.  it!.;  see  woodcut)  two 
lai.  mix. !  see  woodcnl>  The  aubject  oc-  floclci,  each  of  sii  aheep,  pass  from  cities  labelled 
npa  tbe  centre  of  the  tomb.  A  wary  line,  respectively  HiEitusALCU  and  BETHLBHtiH 
Kprnenting  water,  dindes  the  compcaition  towards  the  figure  of  a  lamb,  repreiemiog  the 
hariiontally  into  two  compartmeDta ;  on  the  Lord,  which  atands  on  a  mound  in  the  centre. 
W«a,  the  impotent  man  is  seen  lying  on  bis  Similar  rapresentHtioas  are  found  in  BuonarotU 
teac^  which  is  covered  by  a  lirajajtm  or  {Frammtnii  di  Vasi,  tav.  vi.  1)  and  Perret 
tnerlet;  on  the  nppcr,  he  is  seen  healed  and  (CataoomAtj  da  Somi,  v.  pi.  iii.).  The  ibhi 
ctiryiag  his  couch,  while  the  Lord  stretches  Uartigny  ^Dict.  dtt  Antii/.  Chrei.  p.  Zli^)  su^ 
hith  Uia  hand  toward*  him;  another  figure  poeei  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem  to  symboliie 
nisei  hia  hand,  the  lingers  arranged  as  in  the  respectiTely  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  Churchei; 
latk  farm  of  benediction.     The  background  is  -  hot  thia  acsrcely  >«ems  B  probable  opinion.     It 


202 


BETHPHAIOA 


BETBOTHAL 


is  difficolt  to  see  how  Bethlekem  could  represent 
the  OentOe  church,  and  the  twelve  sheep  are 
generally  supposed  to  represent  the  Apostles, 
none  of  whom  came  forth  from  the  Gentiles. 
On  the  whole,  it  seems  more  probable  that  the 
issuing  forth  of  the  flock  of  Christ  from  Jerusa- 
lem and  Bethlehem  symbolises  the  fact  that  the 
church  is  founded  on  the  Nativity,  the  Passion, 
and  the  Resurrection  of  the  Lord.  Bethlehem 
was  the  scene  of  the  former,  Jerusalem  of  the  two 
latter.     See  Ciampini  (  Vet.  Mon.  i.  189).      [C.J 

BETHPHANIA.    [Epiphany.] 

BETUUKIUS,  martyr  at  Carthage  under 
Saturninus ;  commemorated  July  17  (^Mart. 
Bom,  Vet.\  [C] 

BETROTHAL.  Under  this  head  we  shall 
consider  only  the  ordinary  contract  of  that 
name,  reserving  for  the  head  of  Espousals  the 
specially  religious  applications  of  the  idea. 

The  two  influences  which  must  have  chiefly 
bnilt  up  the  earliest  practice  of  the  Chonm 
mu;it  have  been  the  Jewish  and  the  Roman,  as 
embodied  in  the  civil  law  of  the  Empire.  Bot 
as  respects  marriage,  these  influences  were  dif- 
ferent in  character.  The  Jewish  law  of  mar- 
riage embodied  much  of  the  old  and  to  this 
day  widely  prevalent  custom  among  uncivilized 
races,  of  treating  it  as  the  purchase  of  a  wife ; 
with  this  remarkable  feature  indeed,  that  the 
woman  was  at  a  very  early  age  (u  e,  within  her 
12th  year,  see  Selden's  Uxor  Ifebraioa,  bk.  ii.  c. 
iii.)  held  fit  to  dispose  of  herself.  Under  this  sys- 
tem, betrothal,  if  not  the  actual  marriage,  which 
was  held  to  consist  in  the  leading  of  the  bride  to 
the  nuptial  bed,  was  yet  really,  for  most  pur- 
poses, the  marriage  contract,  the  violation  of 
which  by  connexion  with  another  was  deemed 
adultery,  and  punishable  as  such,  the  dissolution 
of  which  could  only  take  place  by  a  "  writing  of 
divorcement "  (Selden,  quoting  Maimonides,  u.  s., 
c.  i.).  The  contract  was  made  by  persons  held 
to  be  of  full  age  (a.  e.  speaking  generally,  and 
neglecting  some  exceptional  minutiaey  males  in 
the  last  day  of  their  13th  year,  women  in  the 
second  half  of  their  12th)  at  their  own  will ; 
but  girls  under  age  might  be  betrothed  by  their 
fathers  or  guardians  (though  only  by  money  or 
writing),  with  power,  however,  at  10  to  repu- 
diate the  engagement;  it  could  also  be  entered 
into  through  go-betweens, — those  proxenetici  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans, — whose  name  has,  in 
ordinary  parlance,  been  shortened  in  form  and 
widened  in  meaning  into  that  of  our  "  proxies," 
but  who  represent  a  still  recognised  function  and 
calling  in  the  Jewish  communities  of  our  day. 
Where  the  contract  was  in  writing,  with  or 
without  the  giving  of  earnest  money,  it  was  to 
be  written  out  by  the  man  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses,  and  handed  over  to  the  woman,  who 
must  know  its  purport,  otherwise  there  was 
no  contract.  Selden  gives  the  form  of  such  a 
writing,  specifying  the  man's  pronouncing  of  the 
words  of  betrothal,  the  assent  of  the  girl,  and  his 
promise  of  a  jointure. 

The  Roman  looked  upon  the  marriage  contract 
with  different  eyes  from  the  Jew.  At  the  time 
when  the  Christian  Church  grew  up,  the  idea  of 
it  as  the  purchase  of  a  wife  had  quite  died  out 
from  men's  minds.  '  Marriage,  and  still  more 
betrothal,  was  (with  one  exception)  a  purely 
civil  contract,  verbally  concluded.    Under  the 


later  Roman  law  (we  need  act  here  go  in  detsd 
into  the  enactments  of  the  Lex  Julia,  or  rs|ii^ 
Poppaea),  which  forms  the  second  and  msia 
basis  of  church  practice  on  the  subject^  betrothal 
is  viewed  simply  as  a  contract  for  future  mar- 
riage. It  was  of  more  weight  indeed  than  our 
^  engagement,"  since  it  was  held  as  much  a  note 
of  infamy  to  enter  into  two  contracts  of  betrothal 
as  of  marriage  (fiig,  3,  tit.  2,  s.  1,  13^  m> 
that  Tacitus  says  of  the  younger  Agrippina,  when 
thinking  of  marrying  her  son  Domitius  to  Octavia, 
daughter  of  Claudius,  that  it  could  not  be  done 
"  without  crime,"  since  Octavia  was  already  be- 
trothed to  Silanus  (Ann,  bk.  xii.  c  3),  bnt  it  was  a 
compact  for  which  mere  consent  without  writing, 
even  of  absent  parties,  was  sufficient  (Z>i^.  23,  tit. 
1,  s.  4),  although  for  its  full  validity  the  consent 
of  all  parties  was  required  whose  consent  would 
be  necessary  to  marriage  (s.  7).  The  consent  of  a 
daughter,  however,  to  her  father's  betrothal  of  her 
was  implied,  in  default  of  proof  to  the  contniy 
(s.  1'2);  and  Julianus  held  that  the  like  eim- 
sent  of  a  father  was  to  be  implied,  in  default  of 
proof  of  his  dissent,  to  his  daughter's  bet:t>thal 

of  herself. 

No  forms  were  requisite  for  the  early  Roman 
betrothal,  and  there  seems  no  reason  for  suppos- 
ing that  the  stage  betrothals  which  are  so  fre- 
quent in  Plautus  would  not  have  been  stricti/ 
lefi^.  {Avivi.  ii.  2,  vv.  77-9  :  jPoenu/.  v.  3,  rr. 
37,  8;  Trinumn.  ii.  4,  w.  98-103.)  In  these 
the  essence  of  the  contract  lies  evidently  in 
the  question  and  reply  (the  interrogatory  fonn 
being  a  characteristic  of  the  early  Roman  lav): 
**  Spondesne  ?  " — *'  Spondeo."  At  the  same  time, 
the  early  Roman  betrothal  was  generally  accom- 
panied with  the  sending  to  the  woman  of  the 
iron  Bridal  Rino  (see  this  head). 

We  may  infer  from  the  much  larger  spaee 
assigned  to  betrothal  and  its  incidents  in  the 
Code  (5,  tit.  1-3.)  than  in  the  Digest  that  with 
the  growth  of  the  empire  the  contract  both 
assumed  greater  importance,  and  was  at  the 
same  time  more  frequently  broken.  The  prac- 
tice of  giving  earnest-money  [Ahrhae]  become 
now  prominent ;  whilst  gifts  on  betrothal  are 
also  largely  dwelt  upon.  Under  Constantine  we 
see  that  the  passing  of  a  kiss  between  the  be- 
trothed had  come  to  have  a  legal  value.  (Code  5, 
tit.  3,  s.  16.) 

A  glimpse  at  the  forms  usual  in  the  later 
Roman  betrothals,  towards  the  beginning  of  the 
3rd  century,  is  given  to  us  by  Tertullian.  In 
his  treatise  de  Vekmd.  Virgin,  c  ii.,  he  ob- 
serves that  even  among  the  Gentiles  girls  are 
brought  veiled  to  betrothal,  "  because  thev  are 
united  both  in  body  and  spirit  to  the  man 
by  the  kiss  and  the  joining  of  right  hands." 
This  passage  evidently  shows  that  in  his  time 
Gentile  betrothal  had  grown  to  be  a  ceremony, 
of  which  the  veil,  the  kiss  and  the  clasped 
hands  were  amo*:g  the  elements ;  his  mention  of 
the  kiss  illustrating  the  before  quoted  constitu- 
tion by  Constantine,  later  indeed  by  nearly  s 
century  and  a  half.  He  does  not  indeed  name  the 
ring ;  but  the  use  of  it  [Bridal  Rixg]  is  testified 
to  by  himself  in  another  passage,  and  by  several 
other  authorities. 

The  greater  prominence  of  the  betrothal  con- 
tract under  the  later  emperors — say  from  the  3rd 
century  inclusively — is  best  explained  throagii 
the  gradual  permeation  of  the  Roman  empire 


BETROTHAL 


BETROTHAL 


203 


If  tlM  barbarian  noes,  the  main  source  from  ' 
rkkb  all  the  moat  energetic  elements  of  its 
papalatioB  were  recmited,  long  before  any  col- 
le^Tt  iMTasioB.  For  when  we  torn  to  the 
btfbarie  Codes,  we  generally  find  betrothal  in 
s  poation  of  prominence  quite  unlike  anything 
a  Um  earlier  Roman  law — the  ruling  idea  being 
alBost  inrariably  that  of  wife-buying.  The 
Sahe  law  deals  with  the  subject,  after  its  wont, 
•aly  throogh  money-payments.  If  any  one 
eanits  off  a  betrothed  girl  and  marries  her,  he 
»  to  pay  €2(  solidi,  and  15  to  her  betrothed. 
{Pxtfu  amtignior,  t,  xIt.  arts.  8,  9.)  If  any, 
vbilst  the  bfrldesman  is  conducting  the  betrothed 
to  her  husband,  falls  on  her  in  wrath  and  with 
violence  oommits  adultery  with  her,  he  shall  pay 
iOO  solidi  (art.  10).  Amongst  our  forefathers  of 
tik  Aaglo-iSaxon  period,  we  find  the  laws  of 
£tbelbert  (597-616)  decreeing  that  **if  a  man 
euiy  flff  a  maiden  betrothed  to  another  man  in 
■flaey,"  he  is  to  *^  make  hot  with  20  shillings  " 
(83).  The  laws  of  Ina  (688-725),  though  a 
nstary  later,  do  not  any  more  than  those  of 
Ethelbert  seem  to  distinguish  betrothal  from 
parchase :  '^  If  a  man  buy  a  wife  and  the  mar- 
riage take  not  place,  let  him  give  the  money," 
&c.(31> 

Bat  it  is  in  the  Wisigothic  and  Lombardic 
hirs  that  we  find  most  matter  under  this  head. 
The  former  attribute  almost  absolute  authority 
ia  the  betrothals  of  women  to  the  father  or  his 
r^TcsentatiTC.  One  of  the  more  ancient  enact- 
nents  bears  that  ^  if  any  have  had  a  girl  be- 
trothed to  him  with  the  will  of  her  fiither  or  of 
tht  other  near  relations  to  whom  by  law  this 
power  is  giTcn,"  the  girl  may  not  marry  another 
^linst  her  parents'  (or  relatives')  will ;  but  if 
1^  do,  both  parties  shall  be  handed  over  to  the 
power  of  him  who  had  had  her  betrothed  to 
hnn  with  her  parents'  will,  and  any  relatives 
ahettieg  the  marriage  shall  pay  1  pound  of  gold. 

Tht  betrothal  contract  is  by  the  Wisigothic 
law  treated  as  so  far  equivalent  to  marriage, 
that  the  term  adultery  is  freely  used  of  its 
lioLation  by  the  parties.  A  husband  or  betrothed 
arc  moreorer  d^lared  not  to  be  responsible  for 
killing  those  who  commit  adultery  with  their 
wires  or  betrothed  (1.  4).  Again,  the  same  title 
of  the  law  embraces  the  rupture  of  both  contracts 
{De  di«>rtus  A'uptiarum  et  ditddio  Sjxmsorum, 
LtL). 

The  Wisigothic  Code  has  been  always  held  to 
hare  been  drawn  up  under  priestly  influence. 
The  Lombards  were  never  looked  on  with  favour 
br  the  Church.  Yet  between  the  two  systems 
of  legislation  there  is  less  difference  on  the  head 
which  occupies  us  than  might  be  expected.  The 
LoBibard  law,  like  the  Wisigothic,  adopts  from 
Rone  the  two  years'  maximum  for  delay  in 
carrring  out  a  betrothal  contract.  (Laws  of 
Xotharis,  A.D.  638  or  643,  c  178.) 

Hie  laws  of  Lnitprand  (a.d.  717)  are  very 
KTere  gainst  too  early  marriages  of  girls.  If 
any  betroth  to  himself  or  carry  away  [as  his  wife] 
a  giri  under  12,  he  is  to  compound  as  for  rape. 

The  filrms  of  betrothal  among  the  barbarian 
canqaerars  of  the  Boman  Empire  must  have  been 
iafioitely  varied.  The  Salic  betrothal  was  by 
the  offer  of  a  §oiidua  and  denarius,  and  the  con- 
tract could  oe  made  between  absent  parties ;  as 
when  Chlodowig  (Olovis)  espoused  Chlotildi 
through  his  envoys  (Nedegarius,  Epit.  c.   18). 


Canciani,  from  the  Euphemian  Codex  of  Verona, 
has  published  two  formulae,  one  apparently  of  a 
Lombard,  the  other  of  a  Salic  betrothal  (vol.  iL 
pp.  467,  476),  which,  although  the  text  of  them 
may  be  somewhat  later  than  the  period  to  which 
this  work  relates,  no  doubt,  like  most  written 
formulaey  exhibit  with  some    faithfulness  the 
usages  of  an  earlier  period.     In  both  of  them 
the  betrothal  has  palpably  become  a  judicial  act. 
A  sword  and  a  glove  are  the  main  features  of  the 
former :    ^  For    this    cometh   M.,  for  that  he 
willeth  to  espouse  D.,  daughter  of  P.    Camest 
thou   because  of  this  ?  "      ^  I  came."      '*  Give 
pledge,  that  thou  wilt  make  unto  her  a  fourth 
part  of  whatever  thou  hast ;  and  by  this  sword 
and  this  glove  I  betroth  to  thee  M.,  my  daughter, 
and  thou,  receive  her  by  title  of  betrothal." 
'*  Thou,  father  of  the  woman,  give  pledges  to  him 
that  thou  givest  her  to  him  to  wife,  and  sendest 
her  under  his  mundium.    And  thou,  give  [pledge] 
that  thou  receivest  her ;  and  whoever  shall  with- 
draw, let  him  compound  in  a  thousand  solidi." 
The  Salic  formula  is  confined  to  the  case  of  the 
second  marriage  of  a  ^  Salic  widow ;  "  it  belongs 
self-evidently  to  the  Carlovingian  era,  and  in  it 
the  ideas  of  betrothal  and  of  marriage  seem  to 
run  into  each  other. 

We  come  now  to  the  legislation  of  the  Church 
itself  on  the  subject  of  betrothal.  Tertollian 
in  his  treatise  on  Idolatry  (c  16X  seeking  to 
determine  what  actions  and  matters  a  Chris- 
tian is  not  to  meddle  with  on  account  of  their 
idolatrous  character,  says :  **  But  as  concern- 
ing the  offices  of  private  and  common  solemni- 
ties, as  these  ...  of  betrothal  or  marriage,  I 
think  no  danger  is  to  be  apprehended  from  any 
breath  of  idolatry  which  may  intervene.  For 
the  objects  must  be  considered  for  which  the 
oflSce  is  performed.  I  deem  those  pure  in  them- 
selves, for  neither  ...  the  ring  nor  the  mar- 
riage bond  flows  from  the  worship  of  any  idol." 
It  may  be  fairly  concluded  from  this  passage 
that  towards  the  end  of  the  2nd  or  beginning  of 
the  3rd  century,  betrothal  was  considered  by  the 
Church  as  being  in  itself  a  perfectly  valid  and 
lawful  contract,  and  even  when  celebrated  be- 
tween heathens,  involving  no  contamination  for 
the  Christian  who  should  take  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings connected  with  it. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  notice  the  forgeries  which 
support  sacerdotal  claims.  The  first  unim- 
peachable authority  on  the  subject  is  found  in 
Basil's  Canonical  Epistle  to  Amphilochus,  bishop 
of  Iconium.  It  will  be  seen  that  he  treats  of 
betrothal  in  a  quite  incidental  manner.  In  one 
passage  (c.  xxii.)  he  takes  the  case  of  men  who 
have  violently  carried  away  the  betrothed  of 
another ;  these  are  not  to  be  received  to  commu- 
nion until  they  put  their  wives  away,  and  sub- 
mit to  the  will  of  those  to  whom  these  were  at 
first  betrothed.  Yet  he  views  betrothal  as  so  far 
approximating  to  marriage  that  he  allows  (c.  69) 
a  reader  or  subdeacon  seducing  his  betrothed  be- 
fore marriage  to  be  admitted  to  communion  after 
a  year's  penance,  without  loss  of  office,  but  so 
that  he  cannot  be  promoted ;  but  in  case  of  his 
misconducting  himself  without  betrothal  with  a 
woman  he  is  to  be  deprived  of  his  oflice  itself. 

Of  more  interest,  both  in  itself,  and  as  being, 
probably,  the  first  genuine  utterance  of  a  Pope 
which  suffices  to  dispose  of  a  whole  mass  of 
antedated  forgeries,  is  a  letter  of  Pope  Bene- 


204 


BETKOTHAL 


BIGAMY 


diet  I.  (A.D.  57rU7)  to  the  Patriarch  of  Gran. 
The  Pope  had  heen  asked  whether,  where  a  girl 
had  been  betrothed  hj  word  of  mooth  only,  and 
died  before  marriage,  her  sister  coald  marrj  the 
same  man.  The  Pope  replied  that  it  was  connu- 
bial interooiirse  that  made  two  one;  ^'how  by 
bare  words  of  betrothal  they  can  be  made  one 
we  can  in  nowise  see.  Do  not  therefore  deny  that 
which  yon  can  show  no  reason  for  denying. 

It  is  indeed  evident,  from  the  application  itself, 
that  the  question  whether  the  contract  of  be- 
trothal did  not  of  itself  create  a  consanguinity 
between  the  parties,  suffidex^t  to  render  the 
subsequent  marriage  of  either  with  a  kinsman 
or  kinswoman  of  the  other  unlawful,  was  already 
a  moot  one.  We  might  not  be  surprised  if 
Gregory  the  Great  (a.d.  590-603),  in  whose 
powerful  mind  a  strong  rein  of  ascetic  feeling 
IS  discoverable — should  have  taken  the  opposite 
side  to  Benedict.  He  remains  indeed  quite 
within  the  law  in  allowing  a  betrothed  woman 
to  dissolve  her  engagement  in  order  to  enter 
a  convent ;  writing  (bk.  vi.  JSp.  20)  to  the 
bishop  and  defensor  of  Naples,  where  one 
Stephen,  betrothed  to  a  girl  who  had  been 
«  converted  '*  in  one  of  the  monasteries  of  the 
city,  was  alleged  to  detain  her  and  her  property, 
that  after  due  examination  he  was  to  be  exhorted 
to  restore  the  girl  herself  and  her  things,  and  if 
he  did  not,  then  to  be  compelled  to  do  so. 

The  Council  (3)  of  Constantinople  in  Trullo 
(a.d.  680-1)  is  the  first  oecumenical  authority 
for  assimilating  betrothal  to  marriage,  so  far  as 
to  make  it  adultery  to  marry  a  betrothed  woman 
in  the  life-time  of  her  first  betrothed.  Now 
about  this  period  indeed  betrothal  becomes  a 
very  frequent  subject  of  church  legislation  or 
church  jurisprudence.  One  of  the  canons  (105) 
of  a  Council  held  in  England,  under  Archbishop 
Theodore,  towards  the  end  of  the  7  th  century, 
provides  that  if  a  man  after  betrothing  to  him- 
self a  wife,  will  not  live  with  her,  he  shall  restore 
the  money  given  to  him  and  add  a  third  to  it. 
Another  (129)  forbids  parents  to  give  a  betrothed 
girl  to  another  '*  if  she  resist  altogether,"  but 
they  may  send  her  to  a  convent  (for  this  seems  the 
cruel  sense  of  the  enactment).  A  collection  of 
canons  of  the  Irish  Church,  supposed  to  be  also 
of  the  end  of  this  century,  enacts,  somewhat 
singularly,  that  when  betrothed  girls  have  been 
dishonoured  by  other  men,  they  are  to  be  bought 
and  given  back  to  their  first  betrothed  (bk.  xli. 
c.  37).  The  "Excerpt"  of  Pope  Gregory  III. 
(A.D.  731-41)  mentions  five  years,  "  or  more 
humanely  three,"  as  the  penance  for  attempting 
to  seduce  another's  betrothed.  In  the  case  (which 
is  that  mentioned  in  the  25th  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Ancyra)  of  a  man  seducing  the  sister  of  his 
betrothed,  and  of  his  victim  killing  herself,  all 
who  are  implicated  in  the  deed  must  do  ten  years' 
penance,  or  some  say  seven  (c.  18).  The  first 
Council  of  Rome  under  Pope  Zacharias,  a.d.  743, 
anathematizes  those  who  rashly  presume  to  steal 
a  maid  or  widow  for  their  wife,  unless  betrothed 
to  them  (can.  7).  The  Carlovingian  Capitularies 
enact  that  a  betrothed  girl  ravished  by  another 
man  is  to  be  given  back  to  her  former  betrothed, 
but  that  in  case  of  his  refusing  to  take  her  she 
may  marry  a  stranger,  but  not  her  ravisher, 
under  pain  of  anathema  (c  124),  and  follow 
generally  in  the  tracts  of  the  spurious  letters  of 
Evaristus  and  Siricius. 


Finally,  the  reply  of  Pope  Nicolas  to  ths 
Bulgarians  in  860,  shows  that  at  the  end  of  tki 
9th  century  the  form  of  betrothal  had  beooiM 
confined  to  the  placing  of  the  ring,  by  way  of 
earnest,  on  the  woman's  finger,  and  her  endow- 
ment by  the  man  in  the  presence  of  invited 
witnesses,  a  greater  or  less  interval  separating 
betrothal  from  marriage. 

If  we  are  not  mistaken,  the  history  of  the  8  or 
9  first  centuries  shows  in  the  Church  a  gradual 
recession  from  the  freedom  both  of  the  Jewish 
and  of  the  Roman  law  upon  the  subject  of  be- 
trothal. Two  causes  seem  to  have  operated  to 
produce  this  result,— on  the  one  hand,  the  in- 
fluence of  the  barbarian  codes,  which  generally 
look  upon  the  woman  more  or  less  as  the  property 
of  her  father,  if  not  of  her  family  generally,— on 
the  other,  that  of  the  growing  spirit  of  ascetidsin 
in  reference  to  the  relations  between  the  sexes, 
leading  to  the  encroachment  of  the  Church  upon 
the  domain  of  the  civil  power  as  respects  the 
whole  subject  of  marriage,  and  thereby  again 
fostering  restrictive  church  legislation  with  all 
its  attendant  covetousnesses  and  oorrupiioos. 
The  Carlovingian  era,  with  whi(^  we  break 
off,  is  that  of  the  first  establishment  of  this 
system.  [J.  M.  L] 

BEZIEBS,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bitekrenm 
Concilium),  provincial,  a.d.  356,  summoned  by 
command  of  the  Emperor  ConstAntius,  under 
Satuminus,  Bishop  of  Aries ;  one  of  those  minor 
Councils  of  the  West,  at  which  an  attempt  was 
made  to  condemn  St.  Athanasius.  St.  Hilary  of 
Poitiers,  who  defended  the  orthodox  cause,  was 
shortly  afterwards  banished  to  Phrygia  by  the 
emperor  through  the  false  dealing  of  Satuminiu 
(S.  Hilar.  Pictav.,  De  Synod,  §  2,  Ad  CoMtawt.  §  2, 
0/^.  ii.  460,  563 ;  Hieron.  De  Scriptt.  Etxi.c ; 
Sulp.  Sever.  J{,  E,  ii. ;  Labb.  v.  783).  [A.  W.  H.] 

BIBIANA,  martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated 
Dec.  2  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet,) ;  as  Viviana  {MoH. 
Bieron,),  [C] 

BIBLE,  USE  OF  IN  SERVICEa  [Ca- 
NONicAL  Books;  Epistle;  Gospel;  Lection abt; 

PfiOPHBCY.] 

BIBLIOTHEOA.    [Librart.] 

BIDDINO-PBAYEB.  This  term  is  used  by 
Bingham  to  designate  a  prayer  of  a  particular 
form  uttered  by  the  Deacon  in  the  Liturgy.  A*, 
however,  the  modem  English  Bidding-Prayo' 
appears  to  be  of  mediaeval  origin,  it  seems  best 
to  treat  of  the  ancient  prayer  under  its  proper 
designation  [Pbosphonesis].  [C] 

BIGAMY.  Under  this  head  we  shall  desig- 
nate only,  according  to  modem  usage,  the  case 
of  matrimonial  union  to  two  persons  at  the  same 
time ;  premising  that  until  the  beginning  of  the 
17th  century,  at  least,  the  term  was  applied  to 
all  cases  of  second  marriage,  whether  during 
the  existence  of  a  prior  union  or  after  its  dis- 
solution ;  the  word  "  polygamy  "  being  applied 
to  the  former  case.  Thus  Sir  £.  Coke  in  his  Sni 
Institute  (p.  88)  writes:  "The  diflerence  be- 
tween bigamy  or  trigamy  and  polygamy,  is  qiua 
bigamua  seu  trigamua^  «tc,  eei  qui  diversis  temf 
poribus  et  suooessive  duos  seu  ires,  etc,  uxora 
habuit :  poiygamus  qui  duos  vei  ptures  sinuU 
duxit  uxores  ;**  the  distinction  being  thus  made 
entirely  to  turn  on  the  simultaneous  or  sncoeisive 
nature  of  the  marriage  relations.    [DiOAMT. 


BIGAMY 


BIGAMY 


205 


h  is  of  ooane  not  from  Jewish  precedent  that 
CkHftendoin  has  borrowed  its  condemnation  of 
bifuny.  The  foundation  of  the  Church's  law 
in  this  natter  lies  in  the  teaching  of  our  Lord, 
Ibtt.  xix.  4  and  folL ;  Mark  x.  5  and  ibll.,  and 
IB  the  derelopments  of  that  teaching  by  St.  Paul. 
(Gonpare  also,  aa  an  early  and  quite  consonant 
aathority,  Hennas,  Bk.  ii.  Mand.  4;  likewise 
Afud,  Cmtt.  Bk.  ri.  c  14.)  In  church  practice 
iflMked  it  has  been  always  contested  whether  the 
expcesions  in  1  Tim.  iii  2,  12;  Tit.  L  6,  which 
oar  Tersion  renders  ^  husband  "  or  "  husbands 
«f  9ut  wift,"  apply  to  simultaneous  marriages 
Mly,  or  to  snocessire  marriages  as  well.  The 
jrti&aiy  Ptotestant  interpretation  assigns  to 
them  the  more  restricted  meaning;  but  this 
conclusion  will  probably  appear  the  more  doubt- 
fid,  the  more  Christian  antiquity  and  the  usages 
of  the  time  are  studied.  Whatever  might  be 
Jeviih  theory  on  the  subject,  there  is  no  hint 
whatever  in  the  New  Testament  at  either  bigamy 
or  polygamy  as  a  Jewish  practice,  and  neither 
vas  ceruinly  legal  in  eiUier  Ephesus  or  in  Crete, 
when  the  Epistles  above  referred  to  were  written 
io  the  respective  bishops  of  those  churches.  Mo- 
nogamy was  the  law  both  of  Greece  and  of  Rome. 
So  long  therefore  as  the  Roman  power  subsisted, 
the  monogamy  inculcated  by  the  Church  was  also 
•ttfcroed  by  the  law.  The  influence  upon  this 
state  of  things  of  the  barbarian  invasions  must 
ksre  been  very  rarious.  Tacitus  notes  of  the 
aadcBt  Germans  that  ^  almost  alone  among  the 
bvbarians  thej  content  themselves  with  one 
vife,  except  a  rery  few,  who  not  through  lust 
bat  for  hononr^s  sake  enter  into  several  mar- 
lines" (fiemu  18).  His  words,  however,  appear 
to  have  applied  more  or  less  to  all  the  Teutonic 
nees.  On  the  other  hand,  amoi^  the  Celtic 
races,  or  those  mixed  with  them,  e^.  the  Britons, 
Scots,  and  Hibernians  of  our  own  islands, — a  com- 
nreaity  of  wives  or  something  closely  equivalent 
to  it  is  testified  to  by  Caesar,  Jerome,  and  Strabo. 
Sabjection  to  Rome,  the  preaching  of  Christianity, 
did  not  suffice  to  introduce  monogamic  habits, 
aid  ve  find  Gildas  lamenting  that  his  country- 
aea  were  not  restrained  by  polygamy  from  fre- 
^aeattng  harlots  (quam  plurimas  uxores  haben- 
ta,  Bed  scortantes)L  Monogamy  seems  to  have 
hwi  equally  unknown  to  the  Slavonic  races,  as 
well  as  to  the  Tartar;  Attila's  harem  is  well 
known.  It  is  also  to  be  presumed  that  the 
weakening  of  the  Roman  power  in  Asia  allowed 
•id  polygamic  practices,  familiar  to  Orientals, 
to  revive.  With  these  preliminary  observations 
we  shall  endearour  to  trace  briefly  the  course  of 
Church  legislation  on  the  subject. 

The  first  authority  we  find  is  a  doubtful  one — 
that  of  those  Canons  attributed  to  the  Council  of 
Sicaea  (aJ).  325X  which  are  only  to  be  found  in 
the  Arabic  version.  The  24th  of  these  (26th  in 
the  rerrion  of  the  Maronite  Abraham  Echellensis) 
Wars  that  **  none  ought  to  marry  two  wives  at 
•nee,  nor  to  bring  in  to  his  wife  another  woman 
Ibr  pleasure  and  fleshly  desire."  If  a  priest,  such 
persen  is  to  be  forbidden  to  officiate  and  excluded 
fhna  annraunion,  until  such  time  as  he  cast  out 
the  sceood,  whilst  he  ought  to  retain  the  first ; 
aal  so  of  a  layman.  The  66th  Canon  (71st  of 
the  Edicllettsian  version)  enters  in  still  more 
detail  into  the  case  of  a  priest  or  deacon  taking 
•aether  wife,  whether  free  or  slave,  without 
having  dismissed  the   first,  the  penalty  being 


deposition;  or  for  a  layman  in  the  same  sin, 
excommunication.  The  67th  Canon  again  (22nd 
Echellensian;  enacts  that  whosoever  shall  have 
accepted  two  women  at  once  in  marriage  shall 
himself  be  excommunicated  with  his  second  wife. 
It  is  difficult  to  attribute  Nicene  authority  to 
these  Canons,  which  show  so  vividly  the  corrup- 
tions that  grew  up  in  the  more  distant  Oriental 
churches.  But  whether  illustrative  of  the  dege- 
neracy of  Arabian  Christendom  before  the  rise  of 
Mohammedanism  in  the  7th  century,  or  of  the 
influence  of  Mohammedan  polygamy  itself  upon 
it  at  a  later  period,  they  are  not  the  less  valuable. 
The  tradition  of  a  condemnation  of  bigamy  by 
the  Nicene  fathers  appears  also  from  the  sin- 
gular collection  attributed  to  them,  from  a  Vati- 
can Codex,  intitled  by  Labbe  and  Mansi  (see  vol. 
ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.),  *'  Sanctiones  et  decreta  alia 
ex  quatuor  regum  ad  Constantinum  libris  de- 
cerpta."  The  5th  chapter  of  the  1st  book  bears 
that  *'  to  no  Christian  is  it  lawful  to  have  two 
or  more  wives  at  once,  after  the  manner  of  the 
Gentiles,  who  marry  three  or  four  at  once ;  but 
one  is  to  be  married  after  the  other,  that  is,  the 
contract  is  to  be  made  with  a  second  after  the 
death  of  the  first."  If  any  dares  to  go  counter 
to  this  prohibition,  he  is  to  be  excommunicated. 
Reference  is  made  to  the  holy  fathers  assem- 
bled in  the  Council,  and  the  enactment  is  declared 
to  be  binding  on  all  Christians,  whether  laymen 
or  clerics,  priests,  deacons,  princes,  kings  and 
emperors. 

The  **  Sanctions  and  Decrees,"  whatever  be 
their  authority,  belong  evidently  to  the  Eastern 
Church.  But  from  the  canonical  epistle  of  Basil 
to  Bishop  Amphilochius  of  Iconium,  the  spurious- 
ncss  both  of  the  above  quoted  canons  from  the 
Arabic,  and  of  the  *'  Sanctions-  and  Decrees,"  so 
far  as  they  claim  Nicene  authority,  may  be  in- 
ferred, since  he  says  that  the  subject  of  polygamy 
has  been  pretermitted  by  the  fathers,  assigning 
a  four  years'  penance  for  it  before  the  offender 
can  be  admitted  to  communion  (C.  Ixxx.). 

The  practice  of  the  West,  except  in  far  out- 
lying provinces,  seems  to  have  been  generally 
more  strict  than  in  the  East,  and  we  have  thus  to 
infer  the  spirit -of  the  Western  Church  towards 
bigamy  chiefly  from  enactments  against  concu* 
binage.  The  first  Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  400) 
excludes  from  communion  a  man  having  a  faith- 
ful wife  and  a  concubine,  but  not  one  who  has 
a  concubine  and  no  wife,  so  long  as  he  contents 
himself  with  one  woman  (c.  17).  Passing  over 
an  alleged  decree  of  Pope  Celestin  (a.d.  423-32), 
which  declares  that  a  second  wife  married  against 
church  forbiddance  is  not  a  wife,  although  the 
first  should  not  have  been  betrothed  (c.  4, 
Gratian) ;  we  should  notice  a  letter  (12)  of  Leo 
the  Great  (A.D.  440-61),  addressed  to  the  African 
bishops  of  the  province  of  Mauritania  Caesariensis, 
which  speaks  of  an  actual  case  of  bigamy  in  thd 
priesthood  of  that  province.  Neither  apostolic 
nor  legal  authority,  it  says,  allow  the  husband 
of  a  second  wife  to  be  raised  to  the  pastoral 
office,  much  less  him  who,  "  as  it  has  been  re- 
lated to  us,  is  the  husband  of  two  wives  at  once  " 
(c.  5).  Another  letter  of  Leo's  (dated  458  or  9), 
to  Rnsticus  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  is  probably  the 
first  authority  for  the  lower  modem  view  of  the 
concubinate.  Not  every  woman  united  to  a 
man  is  the  man's  wife,  for  neither  is  every  son 
his  father's  heir.  .  .  .  Therefore  a  wife  is  one 


206 


BIGAMY 


BIGAMY 


thing,  a  concubine  another;  as  a  handtnaid  is  ^ 
one  thing,  a  freewoman  another.  .  .  Wherefore 
if  a  clerk  of  any  place  give  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  a  man  having  a  concubine,  it  is 
not  to  be  taken  as  if  he  gave  her  to  a  married 
man ;  unless  haply  the  woman  appear  to  have 
been  made  free,  and  lawfully  jointured  and 
restored  to  honour  by  a  public  marriage  (c.  4). 
Those  who  by  their  father's  will  are  married 
to  men  are  not  in  fault  if  the  women  which 
such  men  had  were  not  had  in  marriage  (c.  5). 
Since  a  wife  is  one  thing,  a  concubine  another, 
to  cast  from  one's  bed  the  bondmaid  and  to 
receive  a  wife  of  ascertained  free  birth  is  not  a 
doubling  of  marriage,  but  a  progress  in  honour- 
able conduct  (c.  6). — ^The  Council  of  Angers  in 
453  enacts  excommunication  against  those  who 
abuse  the  name  of  marriage  with  other  men's 
wives  in  the  lifetime  of  their  husbands  (c.  6). 
That  of  Vannes  (▲.D.  465)  deals  in  the  same  way 
with  those  who  having  wives,  except  by  reason  of 
fornication,  and  without  proof  of  adultery,  marry 
others, — both  enactments,  however,  pointing  per- 
haps rather  to  marriage  after  separation. 

Towards  the  same  period,  however  (latter 
half  of  the  5th  century),  we  must  notice  a  Nes- 
torian  Synod  held  in  Persia,  under  the  presidency 
of  Barsumas  Archbishop  of  Nisibis,  as  affoi'ding 
probably  the  first  instance  of  what  may  be  called 
the  modem  Protestant  interpretation  of  the 
Pauline  fuai  yvvan^s  iiirfip,  A  priest,  its  canons 
declare,  '^  should  be  one  who  has  one  wife,  as 
it  is  said  in  the  Apostle's  Epistle  to  Timothy, 
'  Whoever  marries,  let  him  have  one  wife ;'  if 
he  transgresses,  he  is  to  be  separated  from  the 
Church  and  the  priestly  order.  But  if  a  priest 
not  knowing  marriage,  or  whose  wife  is  dead, 
should  wish  for  lawful  marriage,  let  him  not  be 
forbidden  by  the  bishop,  whether  he  have  wished 
to  marry  before  or  after  his  priesthood."  Any 
one  who  contravenes  these  canons  is  anathe- 
matized, and  if  a  priest,  to  be  deposed  (see  Labbe 
and  Mansi,  Cone.,  vol.  viii.  pp.  143-4).  It  is 
clear  that  the  Nestorians  in  this  case  interpreted 
St.  Paul  as  speaking  not  of  successive  but  of 
simultaneous  marriage.  That  this  was  not  how- 
ever the  view  of  the  Greek  Church  generally  is 
evident  from  many  authorities ;  see,  for  instance, 
the  Canons  of  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in 
Trullo,  A.D.  691  and  following  years. 

If  Burchard's  collection  is  to  be  credited,  a 
canon  (16)  was  adopted  by  the  4th  or  5th  Council 
of  Aries  (A.D.  524  or  554)  forbidding  any  man  to 
have  two  wives  at  once,  or  a  concubine  at  any 
time  (sed  ncque  unquam  concubinam).  A  col- 
lection of  Irish  Canons,  supposed  to  belong  to 
the  close  of  the  7th  century,  shows  that  the 
Celtic  kings  of  Ireland  must,  as  in  Britain  in  the 
days  of  Gildas,  have  had  regular  harems.  The 
barbarous  Latin  title  of  one  of  its  chapters 
(bk.  xxiv.,  c.  vii.)  is,  **De  rege  non  habente 
uxores  plurimas,"  and  the  Synod  is  represented 
as  enacting  (if  the  term  can  be  used)  as  follows : 
''According  as  is  the  dignity  which  the  king 
receives,  so  great  should  be  his  fear ;  for  many 
women  deprave  his  soul,  and  his  mind,  divided 

by  the  multitude  of  his  wives,  falls  greatly  into 

«...  ** 
sin. 

To  the  8th  century  belongs  one  of  the  most 

curious  incidents  in  the  treatment  of  this  question 

by  the  Church.     In  a  letter  of  Pope  Gregory  11. 

(A.D.  714-30)  to  Boniface,  the  Apostle  of  Ger- 


many, written  in  answer  to  a  series  of  questioM 
put  to  him  by  the  latter,  we  find  the  Pope  treit> 
ing  the  case  of  a  wife,  who  through  bodily  iofir* 
mity  becomes  incapable  of  fulfilling  the  conjogal 
duty.  Can  the  husband  in  such  an  event  t^e 
a  second  wife  ?  The  Pope  replies,  that  it  is  good 
for  him  to  remain  united  to  her.  "  But  he  who 
cannot  contain"  (referring  evidently  to  1  Cor. 
vii.  9),  "let  him  marry  rather;"  but  without 
withdrawing  maintenance  '*  from  her  whom  in- 
firmity hinders,  but  no  detestable  fiinlt  excludes" 
from  his  bed — a  decision  closely  akin  to  that  of 
Luther  and  the  Protestant  theologians  in  the 
case  of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse.  Further  on  (c 
6)  the  Pope  condemns  bigamy  generally,  **  since 
that  is  not  rightly  to  be  deemed  marriage  whi^ 
exceeds  the  number  of  two,  for  the  yoke  is  not 
borne  except  by  two "  (quia  nisi  in  duobus  noa 
geritur  jugum)-— not  a  very  complimentary  argu- 
ment in  favour  of  monogamy  (S,  Bonif.  Epistt. 
ed.  Wflrdtwein,  No.  24). 

We  find  the  question  of  the  lawfulness  of  a 
second  marriage  in  case  of  a  wife's  bodilv  in- 
firmity recurring  in  a  work  not  of  mudi  later 
date  than  Pope  Gregory's  letter  to  Boniface, 
Archbishop  Egbert  of  York's  Dialogue  on  CSiurch 
Government  (JHalogus  per  interrogationa  tt 
responsiones  de  instituiione  eccleaiastiod).  The 
archbishop  is  however  more  cautious  than  the 
Pope.  He  puts  the  case  (c.  13)  only  in  the  shape 
of  a  dissolution  of  the  maniage  tie  by  agree- 
ment of  both  parties  (ex  convenientia  ambo- 
rum),  because  of  the  infirmity  of  one  of  them ; 
can  the  healthy  one  marry  again,  the  infirm  one 
consenting,  and  promising  continence?  The 
archbishop  implies  that  he  may :  "  By  change  of 
times  necessity  breaks  the  law  ...  in  doubtful 
cases  one  should  not  judge  (in  ambiguis  non  est 
ferenda  sententia)." 

Another  example  in  the  8th  century,  though 
bearing  rather  on  concubinage  than  on  bigamft 
is  to  be  found  in  certain  replies  reported  to  bare 
been  given  by  Pope  Stephen  lU.,  whilst  he  wu 
in  France,  in  the  town  of  Kierzy,  at  the  Breton 
monastery  (in  Carisiaco  villa  Brittannico  monas- 
terio),  to  various  questions  addressed  to  him  AJ). 
754.  He  expressed  his  approval  of  Pope  L«>'s 
view  as  to  the  propriety  of  dismissing  a  bond- 
maid concubine  and  marrying  a  freewoman,  aad 
(c.  3)  in  further  reply  to  a  case  put  to  him  of  a 
man  marrying  a  bondmaid  in  a  foreign  conntrr, 
then  returning  to  his  own  and  marrying  a  free- 
woman,  then  again  going  back  to  the  former 
country  and  finding  his  bondmaid  wife  married 
to  another,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  ^*  such  a 
one  may  take  another  bondmaid  (is  potest  aliam 
accipere),"  but  not  in  the  lifetime  of  the  free 
wife. 

The  relaxation  of  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage 
tie  in  the  Carolingian  era  seems  indeed  to  have 
become  extreme.  This  may  be  inferred,  fer  in- 
stance, from  the  frequency  of  enactments  for- 
bidding married  men  to  have  concubines,  for 
which  see  Ansegis,  bk.  vi.  cc.  230,  433,  and  again 
bk.  vii.  c.  338,  the  last  garnished  with  the  some- 
what naif  argument,  "  lest  love  of  the  concuMne 
detach  the  man  from  his  wife."  A  contemporary 
capitulary  (A.D.  774)  by  Arechis  Prince  of  Bene- 
vento,  forbids  a  man  having  a  lawful  wife  to  give 
aught  by  any  device  to  his  sons  or  daughters 
bom  duiing  her  life  of  another  unlawful  wife 
(c.  8),  an  enactment  which  seemingly  points  at 


BIOTHANATOS 


BIRD 


207 


aTowedlj  Ugtmons.  The  dUmusal  of 
Vivw  hj  Um  GWrolingian  soTereigns,  in  order  to 
mairj  cihen,  be<Mmes  likewise  so  common  that 
H  ■  aliaoci  impossible  to  distinguish  between 
MtcBt  bigamy  and  bigamy  veiled  tinder  the  name 
«f  diToroe.  At  the  summit  of  the  Carolingian 
v«rki  the  great  emperor,  besides  actual  and 
liToned  vires,  sets  the  law  at  defiance  by  keep- 
iag  concubines.  The  East  was  even  below  the 
West  in  serrility  towards  the  Tices  of  the  sots- 
retga.  In  the  year  809  a  Council  of  Constan- 
tiaople  prononnced  a  second  marriage  of  the 
reigning  emperor  Constantine,  after  sending  his 
&nt  wnSk  to  a  couTent,  lawful,  on  the  ground 
tkst  **the  Divine  law  can  do  nothing  against 
kiags." 

The  reader  is  refSerred  to  the  head  DiGAUT  for 
^  further  consideration  of  this  subject ;  in  the 
vesBwhile  we  may  conclude  that,  whilst  the 
Jmrek  of  the  eight  or  nine  first  centuries  never 
fcnnally  sanctioned  simultaneous  marriage  rela- 
tins  with  two  persons,  it  yet  sometimes  indi- 
rcctlj  permitted  them  in  outlying  proTinoes  in 
the  esse  of  a  wife's  infirmity,  and  certainly  was 
Mt  powerful  enough  to  check  them  among  the 
fnst  of  the  ruder  races,  nor  probably  generally 
a  the  Gsrolingiui  era.  [J.  M.  L.] 

BIOTHANATOS  (fitoBdtwros),  ''  Qui  morte 

virienti  pent,**  says  Suicer,  sub  v.:  as  if  it  had 

been  contracted    from  ^*  biaiothanatos,"  which 

'» the  definition  of  **  ol  fiioBawarovirres**  given  by 

Si.  Chrysostom  in  disputing  against  the  opinion 

that   the    souls    of  such  after   death  become 

doBoas  (i>0  Lazaro  Serm.  ii.  §  1 ;  Op.  voL  i. 

Ik  727 ;  £1  Montf.     Comp.  Tertull.  De  Animd, 

c  57).    According  to  Baronius,  A.D.  138,  n.  4-5, 

ii  was  one  of  the  terms  applied  to  Christians 

fCBcnJly  by  way  of  reproach  for  preferring  to 

loee  their   lives  sooner  than  deny  Christ :   an 

ip|4iGstion  that    would   have   been  unmeaning 

bad  not  the  prominent  notion  attached  to  the 

void  all  along  been  that  of  people  laying  violent 

bands  upon  themselves ;  and  hence,  according  to 

the  story  told  by  Gassein  {Collat.  iii.  6 ;  comp. 

las.  TiiL  14),  a  monk  who  had  thrown  himself 

iale  a  well  under  temptation  of  the  devil,  and 

been  drowned,  was  all  but  reckoned  by  his  abbot 

amoDg  such,  as  being  unworthy  to  be  commemo- 

rstcd  among  those  who  had  gone  to  their  rest 

ia  peace.     Pagan  moralists,   we  are   told    by 

Xr.  Lecky  (^Europ.  Mor,  ii.  46,  et  seq.),  con- 

denmed  suicide  upon  four  grounds.    '*  Christian 

Ibeok^pana,'*  he  adds,  **  were  the  first  to  main- 

taia  dogmatically  that  a  man  who  destroys  his 

swa  life  has  committed  a  crime  similar  both  in 

kind  and  in  magnitude  to  that  of  an  ordinair 

murderer.  ....  On  the  other  hand,  the  high 

position  assigned  to    resignation  in  the   moral 

Ksle,  .  .  .  aad,  above  all,  the  Christian  doctrine 

•f  the  remediid  and    providential  character  of 

nftring,   have     proved     sufficient     protection 

•fHut  despair.      Enthusiasm,   in   early  times, 

iadced,  animated    many  to  court   martyrdom ; 

sad  Qiristian  women  were  honoured,  or  at  least 

oeased,  for  committing  suicide  to  guard  their 

rhiititj.     But  this  feeling  died  away  with  the 

^cessions  which  evoked  it,  and  even  asceticism 

vas  graduaUy  subjected  to  rule,  when  experience 

W  ihown  the  extreme  limits  to  which  it  could 

be  ouried  without  injory  to  the  constitution." 

Tbe  "  CuncinncdKmes,''  a  wild  sect  of  the  Dona- 

^i■^  are  frequently  reproached  for  looking  upon 


suicide  in  the  light  of  a  virtue  by  St.  Augustine 
{Cent,  Ep,  Farm,  iii.  6 ;  Brev.  Coll,  cum  Don. 
Die  iii.  c.  8,  §  13,  &c.).  By  the  16th  canon  of 
the  first  Council  of  Braga,  A.D.  560  (Mansi  ix. 
774-84,  and  Pagi,  ibid.),  those  who  committed 
it  in  any  way  '*were  neither  to  be  comme- 
morated at  the  oblation,  nor  to  be  carried  to  the 
grave  with  psalm-singing."  Comp.  Qratian, 
Decret,  Part  ii.  cause  23,  9.  5 :  where  this  canon 
and  other  passages  in  point  are  cited.    [E.  S.  Ff.] 

BIBD  (as  btmbol).    The  birds  represented  in 
the  earliest  Christian    art  are  generally  dis- 
tinguished by  their  species  [see  Dove,  £aole. 
Phoenix,  &c.].    This  is  not  only  the  case  in  the 
early  saroophaguses  and  frescoes  of  the  catacombs, 
but  it  is  specially  remarkable  in  the  first  gothic 
works  of  the  Lombard  churches  in  the  North  of 
Italy.    See  Ruskin  {Stones  of  Venice^  Appendix^ 
voL  i.,  Byzantine  and  Lombard  Carvings^  where 
early  Lombard  work  is  contrasted  with  Byzan- 
tine.   But  in  the  very  earliest  tombs  (see  Aringhi, 
ii.  324,  and  De  Rossi  almost  pcusim,  Bottari 
t.  178  viii.  tav.  174,  &c.)  birds  assignable  to  no 
particular  species  are  introduced,  apparently  with 
symbolic  purpose.     In  De  Rossi  they  occur  so 
often  on  tombs,  with  or  without  the  palm  branch, 
that  they  may  clearly  be  taken  as  images  of  the 
released  soul  seeking  its  home  in  heaven.  Aringhi 
recognizes  this  in  a  passage  of  some  beauty 
(ii.  324) ;  he  takes  the  lightness  and  aerial  nature 
of  the  Bird  as  a  symbol  of  the  aspiration  of 
f&ithful  spirits  **  quorum  jugis  potissimum  con- 
versatio,  ut  Apostolus  ait,  in  coelis  est "  (see  also 
Ps.  czziii.  6  of  the  released  soul).     He  refers  to 
Bede  who  says  **  Yolucres  sunt  qui  surstan  cor 
habent,  et  coelestia  ooncupiscunt ; "  and  who 
looks  on  the  bird  also  as  a  sign  of  the  resurrec- 
tion.   The  faithful,  like  birds  ^'obviam  Xti  in 
afire  ex  mortuis  sunt  ituri."    [Note  the  curious 
analogy  of  the  Psyche-butterfly,  and   compare 
with  it  Hadrian's  *'  Animula  vagula,  blandula," 
&c.,  as  if  addressed  to  a  thing  of  uncertain  flight.] 
Caged  birds  are  occasionally  found  in  paintings  or 
other  representations  (Boldetti,  p.  154,  tav.  vi.)u 
They  are  supposed  to  represent  the  human  soul 
in  the  prison  of  the  flesh,  or  they  may  be  emblems 
of  the  imprisonment  of  a  martyr.     Martigny 
describes  a  mosaic  in  the  tribune  of  Sta.  Maria  in 
Transtevere,  in  Rome,  where  one  of  these  cages  is 
placed  near  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  with  inscrip- 
tion ^^Christus  Dominus  captus  est  in  peccatis 
nostris ; "  and  another  by  Isaiah,  with  the  words 
**  Ecce  virgoconcipiet  et  pariet  filium  " — ^referring 
thus  to  the  Passion  and  the  Incarnation  of  our 
Lord. 

The  symbolism  of  the  cross  by  a  bird's  out- 
spread wings  is  TertuUian's  {De  Oratvone,  c.  29 
[al.  24]):  Herzog  conjectures  that  the  pictures 
or  carvings  of  birds  with  flowers  and  fruits 
combined  are  symbolic  of  Paradise.  In  the 
illustrations  to  Le  Blant's  MSS.  Chr€timnes  de 
la  Gaule  nondescript  birds  are  found  almost 
passim,  generally  in  pairs  on  each  side  of  the 
monogram  of  Christ,  and  almq^t  always  with 
the  letters  A  »,  which  appear  more  frequently 
in  the  ancient  documents  of  Christian  France. 

Pairs  of  drinking  birds,  peacocks  (see  s.  v.)^ 
and  also  of  «>nventional  shape,  are  still  to  be 
seen  among  the  most  ancient  fragments  of  By- 
zantine domestic  sculpture  in  Venice  {Stones  of 
Venice,  ii.  138,  plate  xi.;.  They  may  be  carried 
!  back  to  the  11th  or  12th  century,  perhaps:  at 


208 


BIRRUS 


BISHOP 


all  events  they  are  clearly  decorative  repetitions 
of  the  bird-symbols  in  th«  catacombs  and  earlier 
monnments.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

BIRBUS,  cU.  BTBBHUS.  (B^^os,  BWok) 
The  word  Birrus  or  Burros  was  an  old  Latin 
word  (Festus  in  voc.)  equivalent  to  "  rufus "  or 
red,  and  identical  probably  with  the  Greek  irvj^f6s. 
So  St.  Isidore  seems  to  have  thought,  though 
late  copyists,  ignorant  as  most  of  them  were  of 
Greek,  have  made  nonsense  of  his  text.  '*  Birrus 
a  Graeco  vocabulum  trahit:  illi  enim  birrum 
bibrium  (?  wufpSv  or  Eriploy)  dicunt."  (Orig,  lib. 
zx.  cap.  24.)  No  traces  of  the  word,  as  the  name 
of  a  garment,  are  to  be  found  before  the  Christian 
era.  The  earliest  known  instance  of  such  an  use 
IB  in  Artemidorus  (early  in  2nd  century).  Speak- 
ing of  the  significance  of  various  urtides  of 
dress,  when  seen  in  dreams,  he  says  that  the 
Chlamys  (a  short  military  cloak),  '*  which  some 
call  Mandyas,  others  Ephestris,  others  $f}pioVj 
portends  trouble  and  difficulty,  and  to  prisoners 
under  trial  portends  condemnation,  by  reason 
that  it  compasses  about  and  confines  the  body  " 
(Oneirocritioaj  lib.  ii.  cap.  3).  Other  writers 
identify  it  with  the  "amphibalus"  (q.  v.). 
** Birrus:  amphibalus  villosus,"  says  Papias. 
And  the  author  of  the  life  of  St.  Deicolus  (^Ada 
SS.  Ord,  BenecL  saec  2,  p.  105),  ^  Birrum  .... 
quern  Graeci  amphibalum  vocant."  A  fresco 
in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus  (Aringhi,  Boma 
SotterraneOj  tom.  L  p.  383),  in  which  are  repre- 
sented three  laymen,  SS.  Miliz,  Abdon,  and 
Sennes,  and  one  ecclesiastic,  St.  Vicentius,  will 
probably  give  a  good  idea  of  the  difference  be- 
tween the  Chlamys,  the  Birrus,  and  the  Casula 
(or  Planeta).  St.  Miliz  is  represented  wearing 
a  Chlamys;  Abdon  and  Sennes  a  heavy  cloak 
reaching  from  the  shoulders  to  the  back  of  the 
knee,  and  in  form  differing  but  little  from  the 
Chlamys  (see  woodcut,  p.  8).  But  the  Birrus 
(if  such  be  the  garment  intended)  is  provided 
with  a  hood,  or  cowl,  for  wearing  over  the 
head,  as  were  most  such  outer  garments  when 
intended,  as  was  the  BiiTus,  for  out-door  use. 
And  this  hood  is  here  represented  as  worn 
on  the  head.  Such  a  rough  Birrus  as  this 
was  allowed  to  be  worn  by  slaves  under  the 
provisions  of  the  Theodosian  Code  (Lex  1,  de 
Habitu,  speaking  of  them  as  vilea  btrn).  And 
hence  some  have  inferred,  though  wrongly,  that 
the  Birrus  was  at  that  time  regarded  as  a  gar- 
ment suitable  only  for  penons  of  the  lowest 
class.  This  was  not  so.  There  were  *'viles 
birri,"  cheap  cloaks,  such  as  those  here  allowed 
as  a  privilege  to  slaves;  there  were  **pretio8i 
birri,"  costly  cloaks,  such  as  those  of  which  St. 
Augustine  says  that  they  might  perhaps  be  fitting 
for  a  bishop,  but  not  fitting  for  Augustine,  ^'  a 
poor  man,  as  his  parents  had  been  poor  before 
him  "  (^Sermo  de  DiversiSy  356,  tom.  v.  p.  1579). 
From  the  4th  century  onward  the  mention  of  the 
Birrus  is  not  unfrequent,  as  of  an  out-door  dress 
used  alike  by  laymen  (St.  Augustin.  De  Verbis 
Apost,  Serm.  zviii.  cap.  10)  and  by  ecclesiastics.* 
And  in  these  later  notices  it  is  almost  always 

•  Mora  particularly  we  hear  of  bisbops  wearing  them 
(as  an  out-door  dress),  St  Augustine,  above  cited,  and  De 
vita  CUricorum,  Serm.  11. ;  Palladiua,  HUL  Txiuiaic.  c.  135 ; 
Gregor.  Turon.  HitL  Jtatie.  lib.  11.  c.  1.  Many  centuries 
later  we  read  of  St.  'llwmas  of  Canterbury  wearing  a 
Birrus  (Anonymus  de  Miraculit  S,  Thomae  Cantuareneie, 
apod  Duoange). 


referred  to  as  being  either  a  somewhat  expenifvt 
dress,  or  as  having  a  certain  secular  character 
attaching  to  it  as  compared  with  the  dress  won 
by  monks.  Thus  Cassianus  (circ.  418  A.D.) 
describing  the  dress  of  monks,  says  {De  ffabOu 
Monach.  lib.  i.  cap.  7)  that  they  avoid  the  costli- 
ness and  the  pretence  to  dignity  implied  in  the 
Planeta  and  the  Birrus  (Planeticarum  simnl 
atque  birrorum  pretia  simul  et  ambitionem  de- 
clinant).  And  St.  Isidore  in  like  manner  couples 
together  the  Planeta  and  the  Birrus  as  garments 
which  are  not  allowable  to  monks  (Linteo  non 
licet  Monachum  indui.  Orarium,  birros,  planetas, 
non  est  fas  uti,  Jiegula,  cap.  13).  And  this  will 
account  for  the  peculiar  language  of  the  12th 
Canon  of  the  Council  of  Gangra  (a.  319),  warn- 
ing men  against  attributing  too  much  importance 
to  the  monastic  dress  for  its  own  sake,  ana 
despising  those  who  wore  '*  birri "  (robs  /Silipovr 
«popovtn'as).  Towards  the  close  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury we  find  St.  Gregory  the  Great  using  the 
term  "  Birrus  albus  "  in  speaking  of  the  white 
**  Christening-Cloak "  worn  by  the  newly  bap- 
tized {Lib,  vii.  Indict,  i.  Epist.  5).  And  the 
word  has  many  descendants  in  mediaevai  Latis, 
such  as  Birettum,  Birreta,  Blrrati  (the  Car- 
melite Monks,  '*  Les  Frferes  Barrez,"  were  so 
called);  and  in  old  French,  as  '^Bure"  coarse 
cloth,  Bureau  (Fr.  and  Eng.),  a  table  covered 
with  coarse  cloth,  such  as  was  used  for  official 
business  (Menage).  [W.  B.  M.] 

BIRTHDAYS  OF  SAINTS.    [FEsnvAii] 

BISHOP.    Names  and  titles.    Origin  of  the 
office. 

I.  Appointment, 

1.  Election. 

«.  \VhoeIected.    ^.  Who  were  eligRdeu    y.  Tim^ 
mode,  and  place  of  election. 
3.  Gonfirmation. 

3.  Ordination. 

a.  Matter  and  form.  ^.  Oidainers.  y.  Uses 
and  time  of  ordinatlMi.  i.  RegJBter  of  (wtt* 
nations. 

4.  Enthronization. 
6.  OaUis. 

«.  Profeasion  of  obedience  to  metropoUtaa.  fi. 
Oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor  or  king, 
y.  Oath  against  simony. 

n.  Removed, 

I.  By  translation. 
3.  By  resignation. 

a.  Simply.    /3.  In  favour  of  a  snocessor.    y.  flo 
far  as  to  obtain  a  ooa4Jutor. 
3.  Bj  deposition,  absolnte  or  temporary. 

A.  For  what  cause. 

a.  Of  irregularities  whidi  vitiated  the  a»- 
secratfon  ah  imUio.  fi.  Of  soch  as  en- 
tailed deposition  fh)m  the  oflBoe  already 
oonferreo.  y.  Of  sudi  as  also  entuM 
exoommnnicatlon.  <.  Of  such  as  entailed 
only  Buspensloo. 

B.  By  what  anthority. 

III.  Offices  and  FimctionSy  in  relation  to  the 

Church. 

L  Spiritual,  arising  ftx>m  his  office  as  Ushopi 
a.  Singly,  in  req)ect  to  his  own  diooeae. 

i.  Ordination,  ii.  Oonfirmation.  ill  Admi- 
nistration of  sacraments.  Iv.  Preaching 
V.  Discipline,  vi.  Creeds.  Utnrfqr.dnma 
worship^  ftc,  and  dinrch  affiitire  puK- 
rally,  vii.  Visitation  of  Diooeae.  viB. 
Was  the  repreeentative  of  the  diooeae: 
1.  in  issuing  UtteraeformeUtte;  lis 
communicating  with  other  dioceses,  tx. 
Alms  and  church  proper^,  z.  Patroo- 
age  of  benefloes  in  the  dlooese.  zL  Ar> 
bitratlon  of  lawsuits,  xii.  How  fu 
allowed  to  act  out  of  his  own  diooeiab 
siiL  A  single  bishop  to  each  diooeaa 


BIBHOP 


BISHOP 


209 


avu  m 


IV 


md  a  dngte  AooeM  to  Mdi  bishop. 
xiT.  Sim  of  dkoesM^  tbelr  UDion,  sabdi- 
tUoii,Ibc.    XT.  Residence. 
fi,  JdkMj,  In  ijDod,  In  respect  to  his  province. 
y.  OaDeetiveij,  in  general  council,  in  respect  to 
the  Ctaxch  at  lai^e: 
&  tMDDOtal.  oonferred  hj  tha  stale. 

tJuUdMl  aotlnfltj  In  secolar  canses.    M  Be- 

of  state  ooandls,  wilena- 
UL  Anaortly  over  subordinate 
tv.  Protection  of  minora, 
V.  Qflice  of  crowning 
aipeioi  or  king.  vL  Not  sworn  in  a  court 
of  jDsHoa.  TiL  Intercession  for  criminals. 
vlfl.  Special  1ml  protection  of  his  Ufo  and 
yniyalj.  ix.^icmption  from  jurisdiction 
of  civfl  ooorts.  x.  Legal  ibroe  of  siynodical 
dedsioaB  and  canona.  xi.  But  restricted  also 
Inr  law  or  eaooo  In  various  ways :  as,  1.  in 
tfae dis«Mli«  of  his  property  bj  will;  2.  in 
tbe  reading  (^heathen  or  of  heretical  books; 
3.  in  ways  of  Uvli^;;  4.  in  the  matter  of 
flaeal  bwrtww,  military  service,  kc  zli.  Of 
the  edooaHoo  given  in  the  bishop's  house. 
1.  Sodsl  and  houocanr  privileges. 

L  or  bowing  the  httd.  kissing  the  bands  and  the 
int.  kc  iL  Mitre,  ring,  pastoral  staff,  and 
other  vestments  and  insignia,  ill  Of  sfaig- 
tag  Uosaonas  before  him.  iv.  Of  the  phrsse 
"UMraoatua."  v.  Of  the  bishop's  throne,  Irs. 
vL  Bishops  attended  by  two  presbyters,  kc 

Poiitiony  in  Telation  to  other  bishops. 

L  AH  ki  flicir  inherent  ofBce  equal— Utteros  oommu- 

ainefnrins    order  of  precedence. 
X  AichUshop,  prtmaie.  meCropoUtan.  exarch,  pa- 

trisich,  pope.    (See  under  the  several  articles.; 
S.  Spedsl  Gseea*  as  in  Aftlca  and  at  Aleundria. 

II  Chwepfaoopl* 


7. 


and  inter- 


(See  under  the 
sevend  artldea.) 


V. 


^xokifwrtt,  smbulantes,  ha. 


X  If  ottsstic  biabops. 

1.  Aatlsica  palaliL 

4.  EpisoopaB  GBidinaH  s. 

k  adsuuMs  regioDario 

&  ntnlar  Msb<y,  and  inpartHma  inJUbAium, 

T.  Bdooppa  oitnnum. 

«.  librs.  aa  the  coUective  name  of  the  sufflragans  of 

dw  see  of  Rome. 
H  Lay  boUers  of  UshoprloL 
It.  ^pisuupi  Fatnomm— Innooentlumr-Pnerorum. 
(▲nihoriiiea.) 

Bbbop  (*Ewf^jrinros,  a  term  adopted  by  the 
ChrifttaB  Qmrck  through  the  LXX.  nsage  of  it, 
aad  fini  by  tiie  Hellenic  portion  of  the  Churcli, 
innn^  [Acts  L  20]  being  formed  from  it  to 
express  the  office)  =  in  the  Acts,  in  St.  Paul's 
Epistkt,  and  In  the  contemporary  St.  Clement  of 
RoBe  (but  wrongly  so  interpreted  in  the  spurious 
Epiit  of  St.  IgwitiuB  to  Ifero,  cc  iii.  riii),  first 
la  tppellatiTe  (Acts  icx.  28X  and  then  an  inter- 
ckaageable  title,  of  the  wpwfi^tpoi,  who  minis- 
tered to  the  sereral  Chnrdies  under  the  Apostles : 
l«t  from  the  earliest  years  of  the  2nd  century, 
aad  from  St.  Ignatius  onwards,  the  distinctive 
■amc,  adopted  as  such  in  every  language  used 

\j  Christians,  Eastern  (Syriac,  jLaOXimaj  • 

Anhic,tJuUw1;Ethiopicft»R.ftf8A:  Coptic, 

nieniCKOnOC)  as  well  as  Western  (Scan- 
diMviaa  and  Teutonic,  as  well  as  Latinised),  of 
tito  single  president  of  a  diocese  (irapoucloj  htol- 
cvritX  who  oame  in  the  room  of  the  Apoetles, 
haviag  presbyters,  deacons,  and  laity  under  him, 
«ai  poshensin^  ezdusive  power  of  oidination,  and 
pnaiarily  of  confirmation,  with  primary  authority 
is  the  adminfstxation  of  the  sacraments  and  of 

CHUT.  AKT. 


discipline  (St.  Ignat.  ad  Foiyoarp.  init.  and  v.  vi. 
viii.;  odEphes,  i.  ii. ;  Martyr.  8,  Ignat  §  iii. 
Martyr.  S.  Foiyoarp,  §  xvi. ;  Polycrates  ap.  Euseh 
H.  K  V.  24 ;  Hadrian.  Imper.  Epist.  ap.  Vopisc 
in  V.  Satumin. ;  Hermas  Pastor,  Via.  iii.  5 
Mvrator.  Canon,  p.  20,  ed.  Tregelles  [of  Piu^ 
bishop  of  Rome] ;  Hegesipp.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  11 
23  [of  St.  James  of  Jerusalem],  and  iv.  22  [ot 
Symeon  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  69] ;  Dion.  Cor.  ap. 
Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  23  [of  Dionysius  (appointed  by 
St.  PaulX  Publius,  Quadratus,  of  Athens];  St. 
Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi.  13,  and  ap.  Euseb.  ff.  E. 
IL  1 ;  &C&C.  &0.): — ^"Episcopi "  being  thenceforth 
occasionally  still  called  **  presbyteri,"  but  not 
Pice  versd  [see,  however,  St.  Clem.  Alex.  Qui$ 
Dives  Salvetur,  xliL  and  Tertull.  de  Fraeacript. 
iii.];  see  Pearson,  Vindic,  Ignat.  ii.  13,  pp.  547, 
sq.  ed.  Churton : — TArt  yup  tws  iKoivmvow 
Mfuxri'  \otwh¥  8^  rh  tSia(o¥  ixdffr^  iLirovwi- 
fiiirtu  tpofuei,  *Ewte'K6irov  'Eirc<ric<hr9»,  irptcfivrdpov 
vptfffivT4p^  (St.  Chrys.  in  FhU.  1,  Horn,  i.). 

Called  also  Apoatoltu  at  first,  but  for  so  short  a 
time  as  to  leave  little  more  than  a  tradition  of  the 
fiict  (Theodor.  Mopeuest.  in  1  Tirn,  iii.  1,  ap.  Rah. 
Maur.  vi.  604 ;  Theodoret  m  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  in  FMl. 
i.  1,  ii.  25;  Ambrosiast.  in  Ephes.  iv.  12,  and 
ap.  Amalar.  de  Off.  EocL  ii.  13--N.  T.  usage, 
as  in  Rom.  xvi.  7,  2  Cor.  viii.  23,  PhiL  u.  25, 
is  indecisive). 

Called  likewise,  but  rarely  after  the  fourth 
century,  by  names  applied  also  to  presbyters 
(cf.  •wpolvrifupOL,  1  Thess.  v.  12  and  see  Herm. 
Past.  Via.  ii.  4;  ^o^ficyoi,  Heb.  xiii.  7,  17,  and 
see  Herm.  Past.  Fts.  ii.  2,  iii.  9,  St.  Clem.  Rom. 
ad  Cor,  i.  21) ;  as,  e.g.  npottrribs  or  Tlpo^ffribs 
TTJa  *'EKKkria'las  (of  bishops,  in  Euseb.  ff.  E.  iv. 
28,  vi.  3,  8,  vii.  13,  viii.  18,  &c. ;  and  probably 
in  St.  Greg.  Nyss.  de  Soopo  Christian.  0pp.  iii. 
806 ;  of  presbyters,  in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  i. ; 
St.  BasiL  M.  Feg.  Moral.  Ixx.  36 ;  of  bishops  and 
presbyters  together,  in  Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341, 
can.  1 ;  the  word  is  ambiguous  in  St.  Justin  Mart. 
Apol.  i.  67) ;  npoXtrrdfi§yos  (of  bishops,  in 
Eusebius;  or  again,  vpoffrdsy  Euseb.  vi.  10, 
and  so  6  irpo<rrar»y  '^AyytXos,  Oecum.  et  Areth. 
tn  Apoc  ii.  1 ;  and  wpooraaia  of  a  bishopric, 
Euseb.  H.  E,  iv.  4,  vi.  35 ;  and  of  the  presbyterate 
in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat,  1 ;  and  St.  Chrys.  Horn.  xi. 
m  1  Tim.  iii.) ;  Ilp^eSpof  (of  bishops,  in  Euseb. 
H.  E,  viii.  2,  &c.;  Cone.  TVull,  cap.  xxxvii. ;  and 
vpotipia  ikwoffroXucii  =  a  bishopric,  Theodoret, 
iii.  14 ;  of  presbyters  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  x.  4,  Synes. 
Epist.  xii.) ;  Fraesidens  (Tertull.  de  Cor.  MU.  iii., 
and  Senior  of  both,  id.  Apoi.  89);  Fraepoaitua 
(of  bishops  in  St.  C^pr.  Epiat.  iii.  ix.  xiii.,  &c. ; 
St.  Aug.  de  Trin.  xv.  26,  Epiat.  xiii. ;  of  pres- 
byters, in  St.  Cypr.  Epiat.  3,  21);  Antiatea  (of 
bishops  repeatedlv,  as  in  Justinian's  Code,  St.  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  &c  &c. ;  and  so  expressly  Isidor. 
Hispal.  Etymd.  VII.  xii.  §  16 ;  of  presbyters,  as  in 
Ambrosiast.  tn  1  Tim.  v. ;  of  both  bishop  and  pres- 
byter, in  St.  Aug.  Serm.  251  de  Foenit. ;  but  ^  an- 
tistes  ordine  in  secundo"  of  a  presbyter,  by  the 
time  of  SidonJLpollin.  Epist.  iv.  1 1) ;  and  sometimes 
at  first  by  the  name  itself  of  Ilpeo'^^epos  (St.  Iren. 
adv.  Haer.  UI.  ii.  2,  IV.  xxvi.  2,  and  ap.  Euseb. 
H.  E.  V.  24 ;  St.  Clem.  Alex.,  Quia  Divea  Salvetw^ 
xiii.,  who  calls  the  same  person  both  iwlcKovot 
and  wp€ff$^§pos) ;  while  St.  Cyprian  and  St.  An- 
gustin,  after  1  Pet.  v.  1,  call  presbyters  **  oom« 
presbyter!  nostri ;"  and  4th  century  writers,  as 
Ambrosiast.  in  1  Tim.  iii.  10,  and  the  Qu.  Vet, 

P 


210 


BISHOP 


et  Nov,  Test,  ci.  in  Append,  to  St.  Aug.  III.  ii.  93, 
describe  the  bishop  as  **primns  presbyter"  or 
'*  inter  presbyteros,"  and  speak  of  '*  compres- 
byteri  "  and  "  consaoerdotes  (the  use  of  "  prae- 
latua "  for  bishop  exclusirely  is  altogether  mo- 
dem ;  but  ^  De  Praelatoram  Simplicitate  "  was  a 
title  of  St.  Cypr.  ds  Unit  Eccl, ;  and  the  word 
is  used  for  bishops  and  presbyters  together  in 
St.  Greg.  M.  Seg,  Pastoral, ;  it  is  used  also  of 
an  abbat,  as  in  Cone,  Suess,  ii.  ▲.D.  853). 

Called  also,  and  from  an  early  date,  by  names 
exclusiTely  belonging  to  bishops  specifically  such, 
as  "Kpx^^i  ^^  PrmcepSf  Ecclesiae^  or  PopuH 
(Origen,  cont.  Gels,  iii.;  Euseb.  ff,  E,  vi.  28, 
viii.  1 ;  St.  Chrys.  de  Saoerd,  iii.  14 ;  St.  Jerome 
repeatedly ;  Paulinus,  Epist,  ad  Myp,  zIt.  ; 
Optat.  i.  p.  15,  ed.  1679;  and  so  Spxh  ^of 
bishopric,  as  e.  g.  in  Eusebius,  ff.  E,  vi.  29); 
or  Prinoepa  simply  (St.  Jerome  in  Ps.  xlr.  and 
in  Esau  Ix.  17,  «c ;  and  so  in  the  5th  century 
[or  more  prob.  the  6th  or  7th]  St.  Patrick's 
canons  so  styled,  in  D'Achery,  and  in  Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Counc,  ii.) ;  Hector,  as  in  Hilary  the 
Deacon,  in  Ephes,  iv.,  and  Greg.  M.  Reg,  Pastor, ; 
Praesul  (Pope  Julius,  Epist,  ad  Euseb,  ap.  Con- 
stant, i.  382  [see  Du  Cange],  and  so  Praesuiatus 
=  Episcopate  in  e.  g.  Cassiodor.) ;  lipvirfo(f 
lityos  and  TlpwroKaBt^pirris  (Herm.  Past.  Vis,  iii. 
9) ;  ndvea  or  Papa  (especially,  at  first,  in  Africa, 
Dion.  Alex,  ad  Philem,  in  Euseb.  ff.  E,  vil.  7 ; 
Tertull.  de  Pudic,  xiii. ;  Letters  of  St.  Cyprian, 
St.  Augustin,  Sidon.  ApoUin.  &c,  and  in  St.  Jerome, 
Prudentius,  Snip.  SeTerns,  &c— compare  also 
Abunoy  in  the  Church  of  Abyssinia)^  used  down  to 
a  period  later  than  Charlemagne  (e.  g.  in  Walafr. 
Strab.  de  £eb,  Eccl,  vli.,  a^ut  a.d.  840,  and 
Eulog,  Cordvb,  about  A.D.  850)  of  all  bishops 
(Bingh.  II.  ii.  7 ;  Casaubon,  Exercit.  xiv.  §  4 ; 
Thomassin,  1. 1.  4,  50 ;  Suioer ;  Du  Cange) ;  and 
in  the  East  (as  still  in  the  Greek  and  Russian 
Churches)  of  presbyters  also,  and  especially  of 
abbats  (but  Gear's  distinction,  vdiras  =  a  bishop^ 
and  irairas  =  one  of  the  lower  orders  of  clergy, 
seems  a  refinement),  but  gradually  restricted  by 
usage  in  the  West  to  the  bishop  of  Rome  (see 
Cone,  Tokt,  A.D.  400,  Labbe,  ii.  1227 ;  Cone,  Horn, 
Palm.  A.D.  503;  and  Ennodius,  Lib,  Apotoget,, 
of  the  same  date ;  Cone,  Constantin,  a.d.  681, 
Act.  1  and  2 ;  Gieseler  refers  to  Jo.  Diecmann, 
de  Vocis  Papae  Aatatibus,  Viteberg.  1671),  and 
finally  and  absolutely  so  limited  by  Greg.  VII.  in 
a  Council  of  Rome,  A.D.  1073  (Baron.  Martyroi, 
Jan.  10);  and  in  the  East  to  the  bishop  of 
Alexandria  (Thomassin,  I.  i.  50,  §  14,  Du  Cange ; 
but  that  it  was  granted  formally^  to  St.  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  by  Pope  Celestine  [Niceph.  xiv.  34] 
is  a  manifest  and  confessed  [Baron,  as  aboTe] 
fiction) ; — sometimes,  again,  in  the  5th  century, 
'AtycXos  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  142 ;  St.  Ambrose  in 
1  Cor.  xi.;  St.  Jerome  in  1  Cor,  xi.;  Socrat.  iv.  23; 
from  Rev.  i.  ii.,  and  compare  Gal.  i.  8,  iv.  14,  and 
possibly  1  Cor.  xi.  10) ;  and  so,  in  Saxon  England, 
God's  **Bydels,"  or  messengers  (^'Bydelas,"  Laws 
of  Ethelred,  vii.  19,  and  of  Canute,  26);— and 
"Eipopos,  and  the  office 'E^ope^a  (Philoetorg.  iii. 
4,  15);  and,  in  the  8th  and  later  centuries. 
Latinised  into  Speculator  (in  Cone,  Suess,  iii. 
A.D.  862) ;  and  yaried  by  Anglo-Saxon  *^  pom- 
positas,"  in  episcopal  signatures  to  charters,  into 
Inspector,  Superspector,  Visitator,  Inspector  Plebis 
Dei,  Katascopus  Legis  Dei,  &c.  &c.  (Kemble, 
Cod,  Dipt,  passim) ; — called  also  PaMarcha  (so 


BISHOP 

Dupin,  Dissert,  i,  §  5,  and  Suicer ;  the  name  beiag 
first  confined  to  the  higher  bishops,  ace.  to 
Suicer,  by  Socrates  t.  8,  c  A.D.  440),  yet  only  rhe- 
torically so  called  in  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Orat,  20, 30; 
41)  and  St.  Greg.  Nyss.  (Orat,  Funebr,  m  M4eL ; 
and  see  Bingh.  II.  ii.  9),  but  as  an  ordinary  name 
under  the  Gothic  kings  of  Italy  (Athalaric,  EpisL 
ad  Joan,  Pap,  in  Cassiodor.  ix.  15). 

Called  also  by  names  indicative  of  their  fuBo- 
tions;  as,  'Icpd^x^^  (Pseudo-Dion.  Areop.  EocL 
Hierarch,  c.  v.;  &c.); — Sacerdos  or  Pont^ex, 
often  of  bishops  exclusirely  (Taylor,  Epiae, 
Assert.  §  27) ;  and  so  Attrovftyia  for  bishopric, 
e,  g.  in  Euseb.  vi.  29 : — Summus  or  Maximm 
Pontifex,  or  Summus  Sacerdos  (ironically  in 
Tertull.  de  Pudicit,  i,,  but  seriously,  de  Bapt,, 
xvii. ;  and  of  all  bishops  as  such,  in  SL 
Ambrose,  St.  Jerome,  St.  Augustin,  Stdoo. 
Apollin,  Qu,  in  Vet,  et  Nov.  Test,  ci.  Stc ;  Qmc 
Agath,  a.d.  506,  can.  35,  and  down  to  the  lltk 
century  [see  Du  Cange],  the  analogy  of  the  JeviA 
'ApxKpws  occurring  as  early  as  St.  Clem.  Bora. 
ad  Cor,  i.) ; — Pater  Patrum  and  Episoopus  Epi-^ 
scoporum,  but  rhetorically  only  (Sidon.  Apollia. 
Epist,  vi.  1,  after  Pseudo-Clem,  ad  Jacob.  EpisL 
1);  while  in  Africa,  where  the  power  of  the 
metropolitan  developed  more  slowly,  St.  Cyprian 
(p.  158,  Fell)  in  Cone,  Carth,  declares  that  no  one 
in  Africa  '^Episcopum  se  Episcoporum  oonstitoH;'* 
and  Cone,  Carth,  A.D.  256  (in  St.  Cyprian)^  and 
Cone,  Hippon,  Reg,  aj>.  393,  can.  39,  in  CbdL  Can, 
EccL  A/rio,,  forbid  expressly  the  assumption  at 
such  titles  ais  ^Princeps  Sacerdotum,  aut  Snmmns 
Sacerdos,  aut  aliquid  hujusmodi,"  and  command 
even  the  Primate  of  Africa  to  be  called  by  no 
other  title  than  that  of  *'  primae  sedis  Episoopos;* 
— or  again  from  the  4th  century  (bat  the  terms 
are  in  substance  in  St.  Ignatius,  ad  Ephes,  tL 
*Eirt<r«coiroy  its  eihrhw  rhw  KApiov,  ad  TraU,  i. 
T^  *Eirtinr<$ir9»  &s  Xpurr^ ;  and  St.  Cypr.  Epid, 
55,  63 ;  and  cf.  2  Cor.  v.  20),  Vicarias  Chritti^ 
Domini— Dei  (St.  Basil.  M.  Constit,  MonasL  23; 
0pp.  ii.  792  [6  rov  Xorriipot  ^4xefv  Tp^vnr]; 
St.  Ambrose  in  1  Cor.  xi.  10;  Pseudo-Dion.  Areopu 
Eccl,  ffier,  ii,  ^',  Qu,  Vet.  et  Nov,  Test.  127,  ia 
App.  ad  0pp.  St.  Aug.  iii); — and  from  a  ooon- 
derably  earlier  date,  Vicarius  or  Successor  Apih 
stohrum  (Hippolyt.  ffaer.  Proem,  p.  3 ;  St.  Irea. 
adv,  Haer,  iii.  3;  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  62,  69;  F!> 
milian  in  St,  Cypr,  Epist,  55,  75 ;  Omc,  CarA. 
iii.  in  St.  Cyprian,  A.D.  256,  can.  Ixxix.;  St. 
Jerome,  Epist,  liv.  al.  Ivii.;  Pseud.  Dion.  Areop. 
Ecd,  Hier,  ii.  2 ;  and  in  substance  St.  Aug.  m 
Ps,  xlv.  16,  De  Bapt.  c,  Donat.  vii.  43,  Serm.  ciL 
cl,  De  mH,  Credendi,  §  35,  Epist,  42,  &e.)^- 
also  Mtffimis  (Origen,  St.  Basil  H.,  St.  Chrys., 
Apost,  Constit,  iv.  26,  &c.,  in  Cotel.  ad  ConitiL 
Apost.  vol.  i.  p.  237  ;  and  fit<rir€taj^  B€ov  ical  &r- 
Bp^wVy  TovTo  yiip  tews  6  *Up€6s,  St,  Greg.  Ksx. 
Orat.  i.) ;  but  by  St.  Augustin's  time  it  had  be- 
come expedient  to  condemn  the  calling  a  bishop 
by  the  name  of  "  Mediator  "  (^Cont,  Parmen.  n.  8, 
0pp.  ix.  35); — Tloifiiiy,  Pastor  (Euseb.  ff,  E,  iii.  36, 
St.  Greg.  Naz.  and  St.  Hilar,  passim ;  Cone.  Sar- 
die,  A.D.  347,  can.  vi. ;  Theodoret,  ir.  8,  &c.  &&; 
so  in  the  English  Prayer-book,  **The  biahope  aad 
pastors  of  Thy  flock ;"  ^  postores  ovium,"  im 
St.  Cypr.  of  presbyters,  but  not  pastor  simply : 
so  Taylor,  Episcop,  Asserted,  |  25 :  see,  however, 
the  use  of  iroifiatireiy,  in  Acts  xx.  28) : — extrt- 
vagantly  denominated  Bths  ^ILirtyttes  fierk  Mr, 
and  by  other  extreme  designatioBs,   in  AposL 


BISHOP 

a  96;  and  at  a  latar  date,  Thromu  Dei 
(Cbw.  JUeL  jL  aj)i.  675,  oaau  6,  and  Carhving, 
mm;  qnotad  br  Dn  Ouige> 

btiigMied  alM>  by  t2i«  titles  of;— 1.  ApoaMicus, 
■y^liad  to  all  bidiopa  (and  their  sees  called '<  sedes 
Af>teikae'^aa  lata  as  Charlemagne  (St.  Aug. 
Sp^  43 ;  Gieg.  Tor.  H.  F.  ix.  42 ;  Venant. 
Pvtan.  /"Qsm.  iiL;  FonmUu  in  liarcnlfos; 
Gnlbnaa  in  Cone.  MaHtn*  IL  ▲.D.  585 ;  and  see 
<>siitw,  EwtrciL  zir.  §  4 ;  and  Thomassin,  I.  i. 
4);  rattrkied  at  one  time  to  metropolitans 
(SfaWna,  AJ^  384-398,  Epitt,  iv.  c.  1 ;  Alcnin, 
db  Dim.  Of*  zzzrii.) ;  bat  gradnallj  turned  into 
a  tnbaNitive  appellation  of  the  bishop  of  Rome 
(ss  in  ftip.  Tnit.  dn  Din.  Ojf.  L  27,  ^.D.  1111); 
vbile  a  eovnctl  of  the  11th  century  is  said  to 
hate  exoommnnicated  an  archbishop  of  Gallicia 
lar  so  styling  himself  [Apostoucdb]  ;  and  used  in 
the  Idth  and  following  centuries  as  the  Pope's  ordi- 
auT  designation  (s:  g*  in  the  English  Year-books, 
'"UAposUMle,"  or  <<  L'Apostole ;"  Spelman's 
statement — that  he  was  called  also 
a  mistake); — 2.  Beatissimus 
t — Deo  Amabilie 
ros — 'AytArteros  ^Meuco^ii^arof 
-ASBwiftAraTot  (in  the  Councils, 
Laws,  saperscriptions  to  letters,  as  St. 
Qinnrai  St.  Augnstin's,  &c.  &c. ;  and  Socrates 
{H.  JR.  tL  FrooemJ]  apologiaes  for  not  calling  the 
MAups^  his  oooAemporaries,  Oso^iXcordrovf  4^ 
kfmwemt  f  rk  rouaha) ; — 3.  Dominm — Ac^- 
wintt'-^SaMctitaB  2\mi— 'H  2^  Xfni<rr6rris,  Mar 
Mprfm,  'Aya^s  (\ik9  authorities) ;— 4.  "Dei 
gratia  Arehi^nsoopns "  first  occurs  in  England 
«f  ArebUdiop  Theodore  (Connc  of  Hatfield,  ^.d. 
680,  fai  Baed.  M,  S,  it.  17X  end  so  on  in  general 
af  his  saeeaaMis  («.  g.  of  Nothelm,  in  Kemble, 
CUL  D^  65>  Itc;— 5.  Lastly,  <<SerTus  Ser- 
Tsram  Dei"  is  found  as  early  as  Desiderius, 
Uihop  of  Oihon,  a-d.  650,  who  so  styles  himself 
(Thwaaasin,  L  L  4,  {  4> 

For  the  nature  and  institution  of  the  Christian 
■iaiBtiy  aa  such — in  so  &r  as  it  is  common  to 
hiihops  and  presbyters — see  O&debb,  Pbiest. 
the  special  episcopal  office  as  above  described, — 
esaastittg  in  a  presidency  over  the  clergy 
sal  laity  of  a  particular  diooese,  with  a  veto, 
sad  witk  a  sole  power  of  ordination, — and 
whether  regarded  (with  later  schoolmen)  as  one 
eider  with  the  presbyterate,  on  the  ground  of 
the  powers  of  tiie  ministry  common  to  both, 
diftreaeed  csUy  by  peculiar  and  additional  powers 
Mongia^  to  bishops,  or  (according  to  the  earlier 
sad  more  common  view)  as  a  distinct  order,  on 
the  gnmnd  of  those  additional  powers, — ^finds  its 
setnal  institation  implied  and  recorded  in  the 
5.  T. :  1.  in  the  position  of  St.  James  of  Jem- 
(Aela  ziL  17,  zv.  13,  zzi.  18,  Gal.  u.  9X 
also  by  all  antiquity  to  have  been  bishop 
; — ^2.  in  the  appointment  by  St.  Paul. 
his  **  measure "  (1  Cor.  z.  16)  grew  too 
krge  far  his  own  personal  supervision,  of  single 
eCioen,  with  powers  of  ordination  (1  Tim.  iii.  13, 
Tit^  L  5)  and  jurisdiction  (both  in  church  wor- 
dkip,  1  TIhl.  ii.  1-12,  and  over  all  church  mem- 
hcn,  Indodittg  presbyters,  1  Tim.  v.  1-22,  Tit.  i. 
S,  i.\  and  probably  of  confirmation  (1  Tim.  v. 
fix  iB  the  Apostle's  stead  (1  Tim.  i.  3,  Tit.  i.  5% 
in  ef  bishopa  in  the  later  sense  of  the  term 
(foaeveaUe,  like  later  bishops,  and,  as  it  seems, 
aetaally  remered,  when  the  needs  of  the  Church 
to  thepartkalar  eases  required  itX — viz.  Timothy 


BISHOP 


211 


at  Ephesus,  and  Titus  in  Crete,  certainly  (and  so 
the  Fathers  with  one  accord) ;  and,  not  improb- 
ably, Epaphroditus  at  Philippi  (Phil.  ii.  25,  and 
so  Theodoret  in  1  Tim,  vi.  1),  and  Archippus  at 
Colossae  (Col.  iv.  17,  Philem.  2 ;  and  so  Ambrose 
m  Col,  iv.  17) ;  to  whom  the  Fathers  add  a  great 
many  more  (see  a  list  in  Apost,  ConsHi,  vii.  47, 
and  among  modems  in  Andrewes,  Epiat,  i.  ad  Pet, 
Molin,,  Opp,  Posth,  pp.  185, 186) ;— 3.  in  the^Ay- 
7f  Aoi  of  Rev.  i.-iii.  [Angels  of  Chubcheb],  who 
were  real  individual  persons,  although  symbol- 
ized as  stars  (Rev.  i.  20),  just  as  the  Churches 
they  governed  were  real  Churches,  which  are 
symbolized  likewise  as  candlesticks;  and  who 
are  proved  to  have  been  bishops,  (i.)  by  the 
analogy  of  Gal.  i.  8,  iv.  14 ;  (ii.)  by  their  stand- 
ing for  and  representing  their  several  Churches ; 
(iii.)  by  the  fact  (see  nirther  on)  that  St.  John 
is  expressly  and  specially  stated  to  have  ap- 
pointed bishops  from  city  to  city  in  these  very 
regions ;  (iv.)  by  the  current  interpretation  of 
the  term  from  early  times,  as  in  St.  Jerome, 
St,  Ambrose,  St.  Aug.,  Oecumen.  and  Arethas  tn 
Apocalt/ps.  &c. ;  to  which  mav  be  added  the 
probable  mention  (the  reading  of  Rev.  ii.  20  being 
not  altogether  certain)  of  the  wife  of  one  of  them. 
And  these  intimations  find  their  counterpart  and 
confirmation,  (1)  in  express  statements  of  early 
Fathers,  as  (i.)  St.  Clem.  Rom.  ad  Cor.  i.  44^ 
that  the  Apostles,  having  appointed  presbyter- 
bishops  and  deacons  in  the  several  Churches 
in  the  first  instance,  proceeded,  as  a  f^irther  and 
distinct  step,  in  oider  to  provide  for  the  con- 
tinuanoe  of  the  ministry  without  schisms  or 
quarrels,  to  appoint  some  further  institution^ 
whereby  the  succession  of  such  presbyters  and 
deacons  might  be  kept  up,  as  first  by  the  Apostles 
thonselves,  so  after  them  by  other  chosen  men ; 
i.  e.  in  other  words,  instituted  the  order  of  bishops : 
Kafr4imi<rav  [ol  *Air6ero\oi]  robs  irpottp7ifi4rovs 
[_iwie'K6vovs  KoX  BuucSpovs},  icol  ficro^^  hrtyofiiiy 
ScScijcairiy,  Zwws  ikif  KotfitiBSo'iv,  diaZd^wTcu 
9r€f»ot  99lfoKtpuurfi4yot  it^bp^s  r^  \tirovpyiatf 
abr&tr  robs  odv  KeBTaffraBiyras  6ir^  iK^lvttv  fi  e. 
the  Apostles  themselves]  ^  ficro^d  b^*  Mfmp 
ikkoylfjuty  Mp&Vt  K,r.\.  (ii.)  The  Muratorian 
Canon  (p.  17,  ed.  Tregelles),  ^  Quarti  Evange- 
liorum  Johannis  ex  decipolis  "  [John  the  Apostle 
as  distinguished  from  John  Baptist],  **oohor- 
tantibus  condiscipulis  et  episcopis  suis;" — Ter- 
tnllian  {adv.  Marc,  iv.  5),  <*Ordo  episcoporum 
ad  originem  recensus  in  Joannem  stabit  auc- 
torem ;" — St.  Clement  Alex.  (Quw  Dive$  Salvetur, 
xlii.  0pp.  p.  959,  and  in  Euseb.  ff.  E.  iii.  23), 
'Air^ci  [sc  St.  John  when  returned  from  Patmos 
to  Ephesus]  xapaKaXo^/xtPos  fcol  M  rk  w\ri- 
fft6x»pft  f&v  iBvttv,  ticov  fA^y  'EtruTK^irovs  Koxa- 
(rHi<rt0y,  Swov  Bh  Z\as  "EKKKritrlas  apfi6a-»y,  Birov 
dh  Kkfip^  %ya  y4  riya  KX^ip^vwy  r&y  birh  rod 
Uyabftaros  fffifixuyofA4ytty  ;-St,  Jerome  {CaiaU 
Scriptt.  Eocl.  ix.),  **  Novissimus  omnium  scripsit 
[Joannes]  Evangelium,  rogatus  ab  Asiae  Epi- 
scopis  ;** —  testifying  to  the  appointment  by  St. 
John  of  bishops  from  city  to  city,  and  to  their 
existence  as  a  settled  and  established  order  from 
his  time.  (2)  In  the  fact,  that  bishops  in  the 
later  sense  are  actually  found  in  every  Church 
whatsoever,  from  the  moment  that  any  evidence 
exists  at  all ;  and  that  such  evidence  exists, 
either  simply  to  an  actual  bishop  at  the  time, 
or  more  commonly  to  such  a  bishop  as  in  suc- 
cession to  a  line  of  predecessors  traced  up  to 

Pa 


'412 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


Apostles,  and  with  no  intimation  of  snch  epi- 
scopate  being  anything  else  but  the   original, 
appointed,  and  onbroken  order :  and  this,  in  the 
case  of  Antioch,  and  of  Asia  Minor  generally,  as 
earlj  as  the  first  decade  of  the  2nd  century,  in 
other  cases  within  the  first  forty  years  of  that 
century ;  in  others,  as  e.  g.  Ephesus,  Alexandria, 
Jerusalem,  Athens,  within  the  last  quarter  of  the 
first — •'.  e.  either  close  upon  the  death  of  the  last 
Apostle,  or  within  about  a  quarter  of  a  century 
of  it,  or  long  before  it  happened — a  space  of  time 
within  which,  taken  at  the  longest,  it  is  histo- 
rically impossible  that  so  great  a  revolution  (if 
it  had  been  one)  should  have  been  not  only  accom- 
plished but  forgotten*    A  detailed  list  of  these 
cases  may  be  found  in  an  Excwaus  by  Professor 
Lightfoot  On  the  PhUippians,    The  only  discover- 
able exceptions, — that  of  the  Church  of  Corinth 
when  St.  Clement  wrote  to  it,  and  that  of  Phi- 
lippi  when  St.  Poly  carp  wrote  to  it, — are  so  few 
and  so  temporary,  as  to  prove  merely  that  the 
whole  of  the  needs  of  a  rapidly  growing  Church 
could  not  be  supplied  at  once,  and  that  circum- 
stances (as  e.  g,  the  martyrdom  perhaps,  or  the 
deportation,  of  an  Apostle)  might  leave  this  or 
that  Church    temporarily  unprovided   with   a 
bishop.      In  the   words  of  Ambrosiaster  (t.  0. 
Hilary  the  Deacon),  it  so  happened,  '*  quia  adhuc 
rectores  Ecclesiis  non  omnibus  locis  fuerant  con- 
stituti "  (in  1  Cor.  xi.  2).     And  there  certainly 
were  bishops  in  both  the  places  named  imme- 
diately afterwards.    Nor,  fiirther,  (3)  was  there 
any  substantial  difference  in  the  office  itself  from 
that  subsequently  so  styled.  St.  Clement  of  Rome, 
for  instance,  so  absolutely  represented  his  Church 
as  to  write  in  the  name  of  that  Church ;  and  is 
described  by  Hermas  Pastor  (  Via.  ii.  4)  as  offici- 
ally communicating  in   its  name  with  foreign 
Churches;  and  is  placed  by  St.   Irenaeus  and 
others  as  one  in  a  series  of  bishops,  all  so  called 
in  the  same  sense.    And  although  the  succession 
of  the  heads  of  the  school  at  Alexandria  (for 
which  see  Bing.  III.  x.  5)  may  well  have  been 
more  important  in  point  of  iniSuence  than  that 
of  the  bishops  of  that  see,  it  did  not  interfere 
with  the  office  and  succession  of  those  bishops, 
which  is  carefully  recorded  (as  is  that  of  all  the 
principal  sees)  by  Eusebius.     Nor  again  does  St. 
Irenaeus,  who  speaks  of  a  '*  succession  "  also  of 
**  presbyters,"  and  indeed  calls  bishops  themselves 
occasionally  *'  presbyters,"  know  of  any  difference 
between  the  bishop  of  Rome  of  his  own  time 
(assuredly  a  bishop  in  the  later  sense)  and  the 
succession  of  single  heads  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
whom  he  names  in  order  from  Apostolic  times 
down  to  that  same  bishop. 

The  Episcopate  then  is  historically  the  con- 
tinuation, in  its  permanent  elements,  of  the 
Apostolat^  4nd,  accordingly,  the  reasons  as- 
signed for  the  actual  appointment  of  the  epi- 
scopate are :  (1)  as  given  by  St.  Paul  himself, 
to  take  the  place  of  the  Apostles  (Tim.  i.  3; 
Tit.  i.  5),  and  for  the  better  maintenance  of  the 
faith  (t5.),  and  in  order  to  a  due  ordination  of 
the  ministry  (Tit.  i.  5).  To  these  the  Fathers 
add,  (2)  other  reasons,  drawn  apparently  from 
their  own  experience  of  the  benefits  of  the  epi- 
scopate :  as  St.  Clem.  Rom.  and  St.  Jerome,  who 
allege  it  to  have  been  instituted  as  a  preventive 
of  schisms ;  and  St.  Irenaeus  and  Tertullian,  a 
little  later  than  the  first  named,  who  regard  it 
as  a  safeguard   of  the  faith   (and   see  1   Tim. 


i.  8 ;  Tit.  ii.  1) ;  and  St.  Cyprian,-  a  little  later 
still,  who  chiefly  dwells  upon  it  as  a  hand  of 
unity ;  in  which  point  of  view  St.  Ignatius  alio 
had  regarded  it  at  the  beginning.    The  further 
suggestion  haaarded  by  St.  Jerome — that  it  wss 
an  afterthought  of  the  Apostles,  suggested  to 
them  by  the  schisms  at  Corinth — ^is  inconsisleiit 
with  the  fact  that  bishops  existed  before  these 
schisms.     And  the  gradual  spread  of  the  institii- 
tion  is  best  explain^  by  the  sensible  and  natund 
remark  of   Epiphanius,  that  Ob  vdufra  cMJ^ 
1l9viHi0ri<re»  ol  'AvdfrroXot  Kareurr^atUf  Kod  that 
presbyters  and  deacons  could  administer  a  diurbh 
for  a  while,  imtil  XP^^*  yiyo»€  (Haer,  Ixxv.  §  5; 
0pp.  i.  908).     Bishops,  who  came  in  place  of 
Apostles,  could  not,  indeed,  have  existed  both 
coincidently  and  contemporaneously  with  those 
in  whose  place  they  came,   but   only   as  the 
growth  of  the  Church,  and  the  removal  of  the 
Apostles,  required  and  made  room  for  them.    A 
theory  started  recently  (by  Rothe,  Anfdmge  der 
Christiichen  Kirche,  354-392,  quoted  by  Light- 
foot)  of  a  special  and  formal  Council  of  the  ApoitUs, 
which  among  other  things  instituted  episcopacy, 
as  one  among  a  series  of  '*  second  ordittanceB," 
seems  to  rest  upon  insufficient  grounds  (see  Light* 
foot's  Excursus  to  the  Philippians,  before  quoted^ 
and  to  transform  a  really  apostolic  origin  into  s 
single  definite  and  formal  apostolic  act :  like  the 
parallel  but  ancient  tradition  respecting  the  com- 
position of  the  Creed.    On  the  other  hand,  space 
of  time  literally  shuts  out  the  much  older  theoiy, 
viz.  that  there  wss  a  period  at  the  beginning 
when  each  Church  was  governed  by  a  college  of 
presbyters,  until  '*  ecclesiastical  authority"  estsp 
blished  a  bishop  over  each  college,  in  order  ts 
put  an  end  to  schisms,  and  notably  to  those  st 
Corinth ;  unless,  with  St.  Jerome,  the  originator 
of  it,  we  take  the  *'  ecclesiastical  authority "  to 
mean  the  Apostles  themselves,  and  the  period  ia 
question  to  be  reduced  therefore  so  as  to  fiil 
within  the  lifetime  of  the  Apostles,  and  so  refer 
it  simply  to  the  colleges  of  presbyters,  who  daring 
such  lifetime  did  undoubtedly  govern  the  seversl 
Churches  under  the  Apostles :  thus  rendering  tbs 
hypothesis  at  once  very  true  and  equally  innooest, 
and  in  effect  identifying  it  with  the  oontempo* 
rary  statement  of  St.  Clem.  Rom.  before  quoted. 
Later  repetitions  of  St.  Jerome's  theory,  snd 
often  of  his  words,  may  be  found  in  writers  of 
the  Western  Church  (see  quotations  in  Morinns, 
deSacOrd,  lU.  ii.  11  sq.)  down  to  the  10th  or 
11th  century.    But  these  are  of  coarse  simply 
St.  Jerome  over  again.    Contemporaneously  how- 
ever with  him, — yet  (as  it  should  seem)  chieflj 
with  the  view  of  repressing  the  presumption  (not 
of  bishops  but)  of  deacons,  or  (as  in  Angnstan's 
case)  in  order  to  turn  a  courteous  compliment 
to  a  presbyter  (viz.  St*  Jerome), — the  original 
identity  both  of  the  names,  and  of  the  offices,  of 
bishop  and  presbjrter,  became  a  curroit  topic: 
e.g.  in  St.  Aug.  Epist  19  ad  S,  Hiervn.;  Am- 
brosiast.  in  1  TVm.  iiL,  and  m  Ephgs.  iv.;  Q^ 
Vet,  et  Nov,  Test  ci. ;  Anon,  in  1  Tim*  iii.  17,  is 
App.  ad  0pp.  S.  Hieron. ;  Lib.  ad  Itustic  de  VIL 
Chad,  Eccl.  in  the  same  Append. ;  SeduL  Scot  ia 
Epist,  ad  Tit  i. ;  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Offic  Eod,  til; 
and  of  course  St.  Jerome  himself.    And  while 
St.  Augustin  assigns  the  "  usus  Eoclesiae"  ss  the 
ground  for  the  subsequent  appropriation  of  the 
names  ('*  honorum  vocabnla"),  St.  JeronM  (ss 
already  said)  affirms  of  the  office  itself  ss  dis- 


BIBHOP 


BISHOP 


2ia 


tiMt  ftvm  that  of  presbyter,  that  it  arose  **  ex 
ITiitoiei  eonractiiduie  magis  qnam  diflpositionis 
i^MuaicM  Tiritate"  (whidi  means,  apparently, 
thsi  it  rsrts  vpoa  do  written  words  ot  our  Lord 
iioMiU) ;  asiertiBg,  at  the  same  time,  that  it  was 
tht  Mt  ahsolntely  necessary  prerentiTe  of  schism, 
1^  B  sfeet  that  the  Apostles  had  established  it 
w  MKh;  sad  also  (in  common  with  all  the  others 
ahoft  pooled)  that  presbyters,  whatever  else  they 
escU  do,  could  not  ordain.  Another  view,  of  a 
fike  dste  with  St.  Jerome's,  probably  represents 
the  fnersl  facts  of  the  case  with  very  fair  ac- 
onacy,  vis.  that  contained  in  Hilary  the  Deacon, 
mSfkt.  iv.:  ''Ut  cresceret  plebs  et  multipli- 
esntnr,  omnibos  inter  initia  concessam  est  ot 
efs^iaze  et  baptiaaie  et  Scriptnras  in  ecclesia 
e^lttsre :  obi  avtem  omnia  loca  circnmampleza 
ml  Kwl— »*|  conventicola  constituta  sunt  et  rec- 
laes  et  cetera  offida  in  Ecclesiis  snnt  ordinate, 
■t  aalliis  de  dero  anderet,  qui  ordinatus  non 
•■at,  pnesomere  offidnm  quod  sdret  non  sibi 
cnditsm  vei  ooncessum."  In  other  words,  under 
■mure  of  necessity,  before  the  Church  could 
M  lally  orgaaixed,  and  before  a  longer  duration 
hsd  stifiened  it  into  orderlv  system  and  regular 
hv,  acts  were  allowed  and  held  good  to  any  one, 
vinch  were  pn^rly  and  primarily  the  office  of 
pcrtiedar  officers,  vi2.  of  **  Rectores,"  u  e,  bishops, 
sad  of  sa  ordained  clergy ;  those  acts  being  done 
•f  covse  not  against — ^but  ovdng  to  drcum- 
stwees^  not  by — ^the  dergy.  And  those  which 
sie  here  spedfied,  moreover,  are  such  only  as 
the  (^orch  has  ever  held  to  be  capable  of  being 
discharged  by  any  Christian  man,  so  that  they 
sie  doae  in  unity  with  the  Church.  Even  Ter- 
tallisa's  welloknown  words  do  not  make  it  plain, 
vhcther  he  meant  to  affirm  that,  in  case  of 
abidate  necesaty,  laymen  might  formally  ad- 
■iaister  the  Eudiarist,  or  whether  not  rather 
thst  in  snch  a  case  the  will  would  be  accepted 
far  the  deed.  For  this,  however,  and  like  ques- 
Me  Baptism,  Laity. 

L  Hie  first  step  towards  making  a  bishop 

■  his 

L  EbcHon. 

a.  Wko  dected.'-Thb  election  of  bishops  [xct- 
^ersrie  sometimes,  commonly  iicXoyii]  pertained 
fnm  the  beginning  to  the  neighbouring  bishops, 
sad  (cxeq>i  In  the  obviously  special  cases  of  a 
fciihip  seat  to  the  heathen  [as  e.  g.  Frumentiiis 
by  Si.  Athaosdos  to  the  Aoyssinians, — Socrat. 
L  19,  Theodoret,  L  23, —  or  St.  Augustine  to  the 
ilaioBs  by  St.  Chpegory^  or  of  one  sent  to  a 
dioesse  overrun  with  heresy  or  schism),  to  the 
dtrgy  and  laity  of  the  particular  Church.  But 
the  relative  rights  of  each  class  of  electors  were 
sp|«reBtly  determined,  not  by  express  enactment, 
Wt  by  Apostolic  practice,  defended  in  the  first 
iiilsnce  by  Jewish  precedent — ^  Traditione  Di- 
Tiia  rVum.  zz.  25,  26]  et  Apostolica  observa- 
tJoas*  [Ada  L  15,  vi.  2]  (St.  Cypr.  Epist.  IzviL 
FdiX  ead  subsequently  upon  grounds  of  com- 
ma sense  and  equity, — as  that,  ^  Deligatnr  epi- 
MBpos  praesente  plebe,  quae  singulorum  vitain 
fkdnme  novit  ^  (id.  i6.) ;  or  that,  "  Nullus 
■vitii  detor  episoopas  **  (Gadestin.  JEpist.  ii.  5) ; 
«v  that,  **  Qni  praetuturos  est  omnibus,  ab  omni- 
bw  digatnr  *  (Leo  M.  £pi8i.  Izzziz);  or  again, 
H^  vdrrmw  rAtf  luKkivrttv  voifuutfttrBw  fn^i" 
(ktwt  {Cone.  Chalc.  A.D.  451 ;  Act.  zL  Labbe, 
ir.  99Sy.  The  iudgment  [icpUriSt  judicium]  i.  e. 
CMiBonlj  the  ^dca,  and  tke  ratification  [avpof ], 


naturally  inclined  to  the  bishops,  so  that  for  the 
first  500  years  such  elections  were  ordinarily 
ruled  by  them.  The  approval  [(arvy€v96Kri<rts, 
oonssnstts]  and  the  testimony  to  diaracter  [/tofH 
r^pto¥f  testimoniim]  were  the  more  proper  office 
of  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  diocese  itself. 
While  the  formal  appointment  [^KordirrcuriSf 
which  included  the  ordination]  belonged  ezclu- 
sivelv,  as  to  the  Apostles  at  first,  so  to  the 
iW&ytfjLot  AyZpts  (St.  Clem.  Bom.  ad  Corinth. 
L  zliv.)  who  succeeded  them,  i.  e.  the  bishops. 
But  both  classes  of  electors  are  found  (so  soon  as 
we  have  anv  evidence  to  the  point,  t.  e.  from  the 
middle  of  the  8rd  century)  taking  the  initiative 
in  different  cases.  And  the  clergy,  and  the  people, 
alike,  possessed  the  right  of  giving  a  "  suffragium 
de  personi,"  as  well  as  a  "testimonium  de  viti*' 
(Andrewes,  Besp.  adBeUarm.  ziii.) ;  a  right,  how- 
ever,  alternating  in  point  of  fact  between  a  choice 
and  a  veto,  and  fluctuating  with  droumstances. 

The  germ  of  such  a  mode  of  dection  is  found 
in  the  N.  T,  The  Kvrdffraats  (Acts  vi.  3,  Tit. 
i.  5,  and  compare  Heb.  v.  1,  viii.  3,  and  St.  Matt. 
zziv.  45,  &c)  was  throughout  reserved  to  the 
Apostles  or  their  successors ;  but  the  ^  choice  '* 
of  the  persons  and  the  "  testimony "  to  thoir 
character  pertained  to  the  people  in  the  Mae  of 
the  seven  deacons  (Acts  vi.  2,  3) ;  the  former  to 
St.  Paul  and  the  latter  to  '*  the  brethren,"  in  that 
of  Timothy  (Acts  xvi.  2,  3);  St.  Paul  alone  (un- 
less so  £ur  as  the  **  presbyterv  "  joined  in  the  act) 
both  chose  and  sent  llmothy  and  Titus  respec- 
tively to  Ephesus  and  to  Crete  (1  Tim.  L  3,  18; 
Tit.  i.  5) ;  the  whole  of  the  disdples  appear  to 
have  chosen  the  two  between  whom  lots  were  to 
be  cast  in  the  case  of  St.  Matthias  (Acts  i.  23), 
which  is  however  an  exceptional  case ;  while  the 
word  x<<fM>roW«  (Acts  xiv.  23)  leaves  it  unde- 
termined whether  St.  Paul  and  Barnabas  only 
ordained,  or  did  not  also  choose,  the  Pisidinii 
presbyters.  The  earliest  non-Scriptural  witness, 
writing  however  before  the  N.  T.  canon  was 
dosed,  St.  Clement  of  Rome  (as  above),  agrees 
precisely  with  the  N.  T.,  in  terms  as  well  as 
substance.  He  reserves  the  Kordurroffts,  as  by 
express  Apostolic  appointment,  to  the  Apostles 
and  their  successors,  but  <rvpfvBoKri<rdfffis  rrjs 
''LKKKfivias  vdtnis  i  speaking,  it  is  true,  of  the 
case  of  hriffKviroi  who  were  presbyters,  but  in 
language  which  must  almost  certainly  apply  also 
to  that  of  bishops  properly  so  called.  In  con- 
formity also  with  this,  we  find,  after  A.D.  69, 
and  upon  the  martyrdom  of  St.  James,  the  re- 
maining Apostles  and  personal  disdples  of  Christ 
and  His  surviving  relatives,  meeting  together  and 
joining  in  the  appointment  of  Symeon  the  son  of 
Clopas  to  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem  (Euseb.  J7.  E, 
ill.  11).  The  theory,  that  at  first  the  "senior 
presbyter"  succeeded  as  of  right  to  the  epi- 
scopate, and  that  at  some  early  time  a  change 
was  effected,  "  prospiciente  condlio,"  such  that 
thenceforth  "  meritum,  non  ordo,"  should  select 
the  bishop,  seems  to  be  only  a  4th  century  hypo- 
thesis, based  upon  what  no  doubt  was  a  frequent 
practice,  of  Ambrosiaster,  i.e,  Hilary  the  Deiaoon, 
in  Eph,  iv.  12 ;  who  however  is  thinking  of  the 
election,  not  of  the  consecration,  of  a  bishop, 
whose  spedfic  office  also  he  distinctly  recognizes 
in  the  passage  itself. 

The  natural  course  of  things,  and  the  in« 
creadngly  fixed  and  detailed  organization  of  the 
Church,  gradoallj  defined  and  modified  the  orl- 


214 


BIBHOP 


BISHOP 


ginal  practice  thus  inaagurated :  1.  by  intro^ 
ductng  the  metropolitan  (and,  further  on,  the 
patriarch),  as  a  power  more  and  more  prepon- 
derant in  Buch  elections;  and  2.  bj  regulating 
the  rights  of  the  eomproyincial  bishops;  both 
points  formalized  into  canons  by  the  great  Nioene 
Council ;  3.  by  substituting  for  the  unavoidable 
disorder  and  evil  of  a  strictly  popular  suffrage 
(6x\ois)f  an  election  by  the  chief  only  of  the 
laity  (a  change  begun  by  the  Councils  of  Sardica, 
^D.  347,  and  Laodicea,  a.d.  365,  and  finally  esta- 
blished by  Justinian) ;  still  further  restricted  in 
practice  in  important  cases  to  a  nomination  by 
the  emperor  alone ;  and  changed  from  the  middle 
of  the  6th  century  into  a  general  right  of  royal 
consent,  converted  commonly,  and  as  circum- 
stances allowed,  in  the  case  of  the  European  king- 
doms, and  partially  in  that  of  the  Eastern  em- 
perors also,  into  a  right  of  royal  nomination, 
concurrent  with,  but  gradually  and  in  ordinary 
cases  reducing  to  a  mere  form,  the  old  canonicid 
mode  of  election.  The  substitution,  further,  in 
the  West,  of  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  as  the 
electoral  body,  and  in  the  East  of  the  compro- 
vincial bishops  solely,  in  place  of  the  old  **  plebs 
et  derus  "  of  the  diocese,  or  at  the  least  «f  the 
cathedral  town,  hardly  dates  before  the  9th  and 
10th  centuries. 

The  classical  passages  for  ante-Nicene  times 
are  principally  firom  St.  Cyprian,  and  belong  to 
Africa,  AJ>.  252-254.— <<Diligenter  de  traditione 
Divina  et  Apostolica  observatione  servandum  est 
et  tenendum  (quod  apud  nos  quoque  et  fere  per 
provincias  totas  teneturX  nt  ad  ordinationes  rite 
celebrandas,  ad  eam  plebem  cui  praepositus  ordi- 
natur,  episcopi  ejusdem  provinciae  prozimi  quique 
eonveniant,  et  episoopus  deligatur  plebe  prae- 
sente,  quae  singnlorum  vitam  plenissime  novit, 
et  uniuscujusque  actum  de  ejus  conversatione 
prospezit**  (.ij^ts^.  Ixvii.  addressed  to  the  Spa- 
nish Churches). — ^^'Instruit  et  ostendit  (Deus) 
ordinationes  sacerdotales  nonnisi  sub  populi  as- 
sistentis  conscientia  fieri  oportere"  [sciL  Num. 
zv.  25,  26;  Acts  i.  15,  vi.  2);  <*  ut  plebe  prae- 
aente  vel  detegantur  malorum  crimina  vel  bo- 
nornm  merita  praedloentur ;  et  sit  ordinatio 
justa  et  legitima,  quae  omnium  suffiragio  et 
judicio  fuerit  ezaminata "  (id,  t&.). — "  De  uni- 
versae  fratemitatis  suffragio,  de  episooporum 
qui  in  praesentia  oonvenerant  judldo  (id.  f6.). — 
'^Episcopo  semel  facto,  et  collegarum  et  plebis 
testimonio  et  judicio  oomprobato"  (id.  £pui. 
zliv.). — **  Cornelius  factus  est  episcopus  [Romae] 
de  Dei  et  Christi  Ejus  judicio,  de  dericorum  pene 
omnium  testimonio,  de  plebis  quae  tunc  aiffuit 
suffragio,  et  de  sacerdotum  antiquorum  et  bo- 
norum  virorum  collegio"  (id.  Epid,  Iv.). — ^  Post 
Divinum  judicium,  post  populi  suffiragium,  post 
oo-episooporum  oonsensum"  (id.  Epist  liz.). — 
«*  Episcopo  Cornelio  in  Catholica  Ecdesia  de  Dei 
judicio,  de  cleri  ac  plebis  suffragio,  ordinato" 
(id.  Epiai.  IzvUi.). — ^In  which  passages,  Buffra- 
giumfjudiciumf  testimonium,  ooruensus,  appear  to 
be  used  without  precise  discrimination,  either  in 
regard  to  meaning,  or  to  the  several  dasses  of 
electors  and  their  respective  functions,  and  to 
ezpress  little  more  than  St.  Clement  of  Rome's 
vaguer  term,  (rv¥w96Kriats. 

The  same  rule  is  testified  in  the  East  by  the 
joint  evidence  of  Origen, — "  Requiritur  in  ordi- 
nando  sacerdote  praesentia  populi,  ut  sciant  omnes 
et  certi  sint,  quia  qui  praestantior  est  ez  omni 


populo,  qm  doctior,  qui  sanctior,  qui  in  emoi  ru^ 
tute  eminentior,  ille  eligatur  ad  saoerdotium;  et 
hoc,  adstante  populo,  ne  qua  postmodum  rstne- 
tatio  cuipiam,  ne  quia  scrupulus  resideret "  (Am. 
vL  Ml  Lenity  0pp.  ti.  216,  ed.  Delame);— sad  sf 
the  cases  mentioned  by  Eusebius;  as,  e.g.,  A^^ 
Tois  r&y  6fUp»p  'EmcAiftf'un'  wpottrriiw,  to  elect 
Dins  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  c  A.D.  190  (H,  E.  Ti. 
10) ; — Alexander,  ordained  bishop  of  Jerasaleni, 
▲J>.  214,  furk  Kouf^s  T&p  'Eiruraceirwy  ol  rksvipi^ 
9M7woir  ^EKKKtifrias  yv^foit  (•&.  11) : — ^T^  rare 
kah¥  . .  ."A^uw  ivi$o^ff€u  [cried  out  that  Fabka 
was  worthy  to  be  bishop  of  Bome^  rmr  iitX^m 
krdfTtnf  xcifN»roWar  Ivciccr  r^s  rov  /uXknnoi 
9taB4xt<f^€u  riiv  ^lo'acov^y  M  r^s 'EicKAf^df 
<rvyK€KpoTfifi4¥»»  (ib.  vi.  29,  A.D.  236)>-aiid, 
similarly,  the  neighbouring  **^  bishops,  presbjtcn, 
deacons,  and  the  Churches,''  assembled  at  Antiodi 
A.D.  269  or  270,  deposed  Paul  of  Samosata,  sad 
appointed  Domnus  bishop  of  Antioch  in  his  place. 
The  Apostolic  Canons  (can.  i.X  snd  ApostcUc  CW 
stitutioMy  viii.  27,  require  three  or  at  least  two 
bishops  to  the  x^^P*^^^  which  at  least  in- 
volves the  election,  of  a  bishop.  The  fonaer 
(can.  zzziv.)  take  also  the  further  step  of  re- 
quiring reciprocally  the  yf^fii^  rov  wpArm  (tbc 
metropolitan),  and  the  yv6/iii  rdrrmw^  to  all 
church  acts.  And  the  latter  (viiL  4)  enjoin  tkst 
the  people  shall  be  thrice  asked  if  the  caadidste 
is  worthy.  Apostolic  Canoi^  Izzvi  further  Or 
joins,  that  no  bishop,  in  order  to  grati^  a  brotkor 
or  any  other  relative,  shall  c^t  rh  a^U^im  vft 
hriffKcmiiSy  h»  $o^\rreut  x^H^^*"*^"^^*  Andtlw 
Council  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314,  can.  xviiL)  prorei 
the  power  of  the  people,  as  the  last  quoted  csnoa 
does  that  of  the  bishops,  by  providing  for  the 
case  of  one  **  constituted  "  (icara0Ta0cit)  a  bishop, 
but  rejected  by  the  diocese  (wttpoucla)  to  which 
he  had  been  consecrated,  such  rejection  beiag 
apparently  assumed  to  be  oonduuve  as  regarded 
the  particular  diocese ;  although  in  AposL  Gn. 
zzzvi.  it  is  ordered,  on  the  contrary,  that  the 
bishop  in  such  a  case  shall  "  remain.''  The  case 
of  Alezandria  in  early  times  was  confessedly  ez* 
oeptional,  and  arose  m>m  the  seditious  chanctcr 
of  the  Alezandrians  (Epiphan.  ffaer,  Iziz.  ll)u 
The  presbyters  of  that  dty  by  themselves  chose 
one  of  their  own  number  (aoc.  to  the  well-known 
words  of  St.  Jerome),  and  that  immediately,  Le^ 
as  it  should  seem,  without  waiting  for  the  voioo 
of  the  people,  or  for  that  of  the  bishops  of  the 
patriarchate  (see  also  the  strange  story  in  Uber- 
atus,  Brsviar,  zz.).  The  Christian  (and  Jewish) 
practice,  "  in  praedicandis  sacerdotibus  qui  ordi- 
nandi sunt,"  was  also  recognized,  and  copied,  in 
the  case  of  provincial  governors,  by  the  emperor 
Alezander  Severus  (Lamprid.  in  F.  Alex,  Setsri). 
The  CouncU  of  Nice  (a.d.  325)  readied  aad 
established  the  power  of  the  oomprovindsi 
bishops,  and  the  authority  of  the  metropoUtaa, 
by  requiring  (can.  iv.),  if  it  can  be  had  [vpotHiKti 
fidXiarajt  the  personal  presence  of  **  all  the 
bishops  of  the  province  (iwnpxiay  in  order  to 
the  appointment  (leaBiffrMrOm)  of  a  bishop ;  but 
if  this  cannot  be  had,  then  of  at  least  three, 
ov/ii^^«y  ytyofUrm¥  jcal  r&p  km^rrmw  sol  w- 
riB^iiivnv  Jiik  ypdiAfuera,  the  ratification  («ifos) 
being  reserved  to  tlie  metropolitan ;  and  (can.  vL) 
by  voiding  elections  made  x^'  yi^H^f  H^f^ 
iroXhov.  The  Council  of  Antioch,  ▲.!>.  341, 
recognizes  also  both  people,  provincial  bishops, 
and  metropolitan,  by  voiding  (can.  zvi.)  an  elec- 


BISHOP 

lin  aide  Mx*  T^KtUa  trvMcv  (defined  to  be 
Mt  "tt  whidi  the  metropolitan  is  pfesenfX 
md  u  wmt  A  Afl^f  IXerro.  It  lepeate  also  in 
MbilaBei  (can.  lis.)  the  4th  Nioene  canon ;  while 
(ia  eiB.  rriiiX  proTiding  for  the  case  of  a  bishop 
rdand  br  hi*  dloceie,  it  refers  the  final  decision  to 
the  ^aod.  And  it  voids  (can.  xxiii.)  an  appoint- 
■eat  bf  a  single  bishop  of  his  own  successor, 
lifariai  sach  election,  aooording  to  rhy  iKic\if 
siwTsAr  %i»it0w^  to  the  synod  and  judgment  of 
Iks  liiibops,  whose  right  it  was.  The  Council  of 
flsr&s,  A.D.  347  (can.  it),  cancels  an  election 
■ale  bj  the  '^dsmoor"  of  the  people,  with 
iipicMn  <tf  bribery  or  undue  influence ;  and 
(ca.  tL)  also  requires  the  consent  of  the  metro- 
potitsa  [rov  ^jifx^  '^^  heapxiai\  That  of 
Uodicfs,  AJ>.  365,  assigns  the  choice  (tcplo'ts)  to 
tbe  aMtiopolitan  and  ol  r4pi^  *Zwi<rKowot  (can. 
n.) ;  ami,  on  the  other  side,  takes  the  first  step 
■giiast  popular  elections  br  forbidding  (can.  xix.) 
rms  ^Xms  kwtrpiwttw  ras  ixXoyhs  vouurBcu 
fm  fuXKiirrww  KoBlffraoBai  els  rify  Icporctoy. 
TWCoundl  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  381,  informs 
hft  Dimssus  of  the  yalidity  of  the  election  of 
Kcctarias  to  the  see  of  Constantinople,  as  haying 
bca  made  *^  br  the  common  consent  of  all,  in 
the  pKseaee  of  the  emperor,  with  the  applause 
«f  derrr  and  people :"— of  the  like  validitj  of 
thst  of  rUrian  to  Antioch,  because  **  canoniodly 
dectsd  by  the  assembled  bishops  "  r^s  hrapxias 
sjsk  fff  kamr^Ku^s  dieuc^cot;,  triaiis  trv}i^<pov 
fff  *tMKic^9ias  }— and  of  that  of  Cyril  to  Jem- 
because,  similarly,  wofk  rmp  r^f  iwapx^''' 
rra  (^Epist,  Synod,  ap.  Theodoret.  r. 
I).  Of  the  Councils  of  Carthage,  the  Second  (so 
esDedX  A.n.  390  (can.  ili.X  requires  the  consent 
if  the  primate ;  the  Third,  A.D.  397  (can.  xxziz.), 
thus  bishops  at  least,  appointed  by  the  primate  ; 
the  Fourth,  iuDu  398  (can.  L),  the  **  consensus 
dsrieorum  et  laioorum,"  and  the  **  oonventus 
titias  proTindae  episooporum,  mazimeque  metro- 
psKtaai  auetoritas  Tel  praesentia."  The  Council 
if  fiphesos,  A.D.  431  (can.  xix.),  secures  their 
right  to  the  bishops  of  Cyprus  as  against  the 
pstriarch  of  Antioch,  but  as  not  being  within  his 
ystriarehate.  And  that  of  Chaloedon,  A.D.  451 
(Act  XTL  Labbe,  ir.  817X  requires  the  consent  of 
sH  sr  the  major  part  of  the  bishops  of  the  pro- 
viaee,  r^  afipos  (xofTot  rov  /nfrporoXirov ;  and 
ifinas  the  authority  of  the  metropolitan  also  in 
Act  ziiL  (f».  713X  and  in  can.  xzt.  (t».  768). 
Snsilar  testimony  to  the  necessity  of  the  metro- 
f^dtau't  consent  is  borne  by  Pope  Innocent  I., 
*  Extra  ooosciMitiam  metropolitani  episcopi  nul- 
lis  aadeat  ordinare  episoopum "  (Epist.  L  c  2, 
aj>.4<nx417);  by  Bonifiuse  I.  {EpUt.  iii.  juD. 
418x423);  by  Leo  the  Great  (Epittt  Ixxxix. 
iciL);  by  Pope  HiUry  (Epi$t,  ii.  A.D.  461  x  468)  : 
^Oemc  Ibmrm,  can.  i.  iuD.  401;  and  by  Cone, 
Mat  iL  can.  T.  iuix  452. 

On  the  other  hand,  these  enactments  respects 
^  the  eomproTincial  bishops,  and  the  growing 
pew  of  the  metropolitans,  did  not  extinguish 
the  rights  of  the  dergy  and  people;  who  re- 
■stBed  a  real  power  for  many  centuries  still, 
md  eeotinued  so  in  name  (in  the  West)  down  to 
the  12th  century.  The  CouncU  of  Nice  itself,  in 
dealing  with  the  Meletian  schism,  required  the 
cheice  of  the  people  (el  6  \a^f  a^iro),  as  well 
ss  the  sanction  of  the  Alexandrian  metropolitan 
l^Wfmw^nififmfrot  Kti  irtff^pQyl(o9Tos  rov  t^t 
*AAs(a»lfeCat  "EwMW^ov),  in  case  a  reconciled 


BISHOP 


215 


Meletian  bishop  was  appointed  to  a  see  (^Epiat. 
Synod,  ap.  Theodoret.  i.  9,  Socrat.  i.  9).  St.  Atha- 
nasius,  immediately  after  the  council,  was  elected 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  ^i}^  rov  Xaov  irimos 
(St.  Greg.  Nax.  Orat,  xxL),  and  by  the  acclama- 
tion and  denuind  of  iroy  rh  wX^Bos  xal  war  6  Ao^r 
rris  KoBoXunii  *EicicAi}<r(ar  {Epist,  Synod,  Alex, 
ap.  Athanas.  Apol,  ii.);  and  Peter,  who  suc- 
ceeded him,  was  chosen  first  by  the  priests  and 
magistrates,  and  then  accepted  by  the  people 
(4  hahs  iiras  rais  tif^filais  49fi\ow  rijy  rj^o- 
v4iv,  Theodoret,  iv.  20) ;  statements  which  indi- 
cate that  Alexandrian  elections  did  not  then  at 
any  rate  possess  any  exceptional  character.  So 
also  Pope  Julius  (in  S.  Athan.  Apol,)  condemns 
the  intrusion  of  Gregory  into  the  see  of  Alex- 
andria, as  being,  1.  A  stranger ;  2.  Not  baptized 
there ;  3.  Unknown  to  most ;  4.  Not  asked  for  by 
either  presbyters,  bishops,  or  people.  Later  still, 
the  rights  of  the  ^*  derus  "  and  *'  plebs  "  are  tes- 
tified by  a  continuous  chain  of  witnesses :  as,  tf.  ^. 
by  the  Councils  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  can.  xviii., 
and  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  898,  can.  i. 
(both  above  quoted),  and  Cod,  Eod,  Afrioan,  can. 
xiii.,  6wh  w^AAwy — a  multis  —  x^'P^'^^''*'^'"  • 
and  again,  (1)  in  the  West,  by  Pope  Siricius  (a.d. 
394  X  398,  Epi8t.  i,  c  10,  <*  Si  eum  deri  ac  plebis 
cTocaTerit  electio,"  and  this  either  to  presby- 
terate  or  episcopate) ;  Pope  Zosimus  (a.d.  417, 
Epiat,  iii.);  Pope  Caelestinus  (▲.D.  422x432, 
j^aist.  ii.  c.  5,  "  Cleri,  plebis,  et  ordinis ") ;  Leo 
the  Great  (a.d.  440x461,  I^,  Ixxxiv.  <<  Cleri 
plebisque,''  and  the  metropolitan  to  dedde  a 
disputed  election ; — Epiat,  Ixxxix.  ^  Vota  drium, 
testimonia  populorum,  honoratorum  arbitrium, 
electio  derioorum  ;" — ^pist.  xcii.  "  A  dericis 
decti,  a  plebibus  expetiti,  a  prorindalibus  epi- 
scopis  cum  metropolitani  judicio  consecrati  ); 
Pope  Symmachus  (a.d.  498  x  514,  EpM.  r.  c  6) : 
Gregory  the  Great  (jxusim,  see  quotations  in  Tho- 
massin,  II.  ii.  10) ;  by  the  form  itself  of  election 
in  the  Ordo  Eomanua  (BibL  PP.  x.  104);  by  the 
system  of  Epimopi  Interventorea  or  Interoeaaorea, 
or,  later,  Viaitatoreay  sent  down  to  the  vacant  see 
to  superintend  the  election,  and  not  only  existmg 
in  Africa,  but  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  letters 
of  Gregory  the  Great,  of  Hincmar,  &c  &c  [Ihter- 
YXNTORES ;  Visitatoreb]  ;  by  St.  Jerome  ("  Spe- 
culator Ecdesiae  vel  episcopus  vel  presbyter,  qui 
a  populo  electus  est,"  in  Ezech,  lib.  x.  c.  33 ;  Opp, 
iii.  935) ;  OpUtus  (*'  Suffiragio  totius  populi," 
lib.  L) ;  Sulpic.  Severus  (de  V,  B,  Martini,  c.  vii. 
of  the  election  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  A.D.  371); 
Sidonius  Apollinaria  {Epiat.  lib.  viii.  £p.  5,  8,  9, 
of  the  election  of  the  metropolitan  of  Bourgea, 
A.D.  472);  St.  Auzustin  {Eptat.  ex.  0pp.  ii.  601, 
of  the  dection  of  Lis  own  successor) ;  by  Counc. 
of  Orleans  II.  a.d.  533,  can.  vii.,— H)f  Clermont  in 
Auvergne,  A.D.  535,  can.  ii.,— of  Orleans  HI.  A.D. 
538,  can.  iii. ;— and  (2)  in  the  East,  by  the  case  of 
£u8tathiu8,  compelled  to  accept  the  see  of  Antioch, 
A J>.  325,  by  ol  kpxi^p^h  re  xol  /epcis  Jcd  Awat 
6  \tths  6  ^iK6y^urrost  ^^  irou^  (Theodoret, 
L  7) ;  by  that  of  Eusebius  to  the  see  of  Caesarea 
in  Pontus,  A.D.  362,  6  ZijfjMS  Awcu  . .  •  &KOPra 
avyapwdirtarr^s . . .  rots  'Eiruric^iroir  irpoiHrforfov, 
rcAc^^yoi  re  ^^iovv  Jcd  mipvx^i'cu,  wci9oi 
fiioM  iu^ofd^airrts  (St.  Greg.  Nax.  Orat,  xii^ 
condemning  also  the  carrying  such  elections 
Keera  ^parp^ias  icd  avyytytlas) ;  by  that  of  Nec- 
tarine to  the  see  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  38 1, 
Kotyfl  4^^^  rrit  (TwdSov  (Sozom.  viL  8),  but  also 


21« 


BISHOP 


apwoffOfh  ^h  rov  Xcmv  (Socrat.  t.  8) ;  hj  that 
of  St.  Chrysoetom,  a.d.  397,  to  Constantinople, 
whom  6  fiairtKths  'ApircCSiof  fitrixwdfarrrat,  to 
make  him  archbishop,  ipn^itrfutrt  kow^  6fiov 
wivrwvy  KKvipov  r4  ^/it  ica2  \aov  (Socrat.  vi.  2) ; 
to  which  may  be  added  the  recognition  by  Leo 
the  emperor  (A.D.  457  x  474)  of  the  K\iipot  Koi 
rh  Koivhy  (Evagr.  iii.  12);  and  abundant  other 
evidence,  of  which  some  will  occur  fni'ther  on. 

The  Laodioene  Council,  howerer,  A.D.  865  (as 
above  quoted),  took  the  first  step  towards  the 
ultimate  practical  extinction  of  really  popular 
elections ;  although  elections  by  acclamation, 
held  to  be  not  irregular  as  springing  from  a  kind 
of  supposed  Divine  inspiration,  or  again  by  cries 
o{  Dignus  ot''A^ios,  still  occurred:  as,  e,g.  in 
the  cases  mentioned  by  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Augustin, 
Philostorgius,  Photius,  cited  by  Bingham,  IV.  ii. 
6 ;  in  the  case  of  St.  Ambrose  himself  (Paulin.  in 
F.  S,  Ambroa. ;  Theodoret,  iv.  7 ;  Sozom.  vi.  24) ; 
in  that  of  Sisinnius  at  Constantinople,  a.d.  426 
('Socrat.  vii.  26).  But  a  general  suffrage  was 
from  that  time  gradually  superseded  as  the  ordi- 
nary rule  by  the  votes  of  the  rich  or  high  in 
station.  And  successive  councils  recognized  the 
practice,  up  to  the  time  when  Justinian  enacted 
it  by  express  law.  In  the  Council  of  Ephesus, 
A.D.  431,  Memnon,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  complains 
that  his  opponent  sought  to  be  elected  by  the 
votes  of  rh  <r4/jiyo¥  fiovX^vHipiov  «cal  robs  Xofi- 
vpordrovs  (JEpist,  Cathoi,  in  Cone,  Ephes,  Labbe 
iii.  764).  Leo  the  Great  and  the  Roman  Council, 
on  occasion  of  Flavian's  condemnation  by  the 
Zatrooinium  JSphenntun,  A.D.  442,  write  in  his 
favour,  **Clero,  honoratis,  et  plebi,  consistenti 
apud  Constantinopolim"  {Cone.  Chaloed,  a.d.  451, 
p.  i.  c  22 ;  Labbe,  iv.  47).  And  the  same  Leo  also 
mentions  the  ^  honorati "  expressly,  although 
not  exclusively,  Epist,  Ixxxix.  cvi.  Stephen  of 
Ephesus  {Cone,  Choked,  Act.  xi. ;  Labbe,  iv.  687) 
claims  to  have  been  appointed  by  forty  bishops 
of  Asia,  ^^  «cal  rfiy  Xoftxpordrw  koH  r&v 
XoydZwv  «ca2  rov  MhXafitariirov  rdyros  xXiipov 
icol  rw  \oiir&¥  irdtrruv  rris  ir6\t«»s  wdffris.  And 
in  Act.  xvi.  of  the  same  council  (Labbe,  ib,  618), 
the  right  of  election  is  said  to  belong  to  the 
clergy,  the  Kkfyropts  koI  Kttfixpiraroi  &f8pcf, 
and  the  bishops,  **  all  or  most,"  of  the  province. 
Again  (ib,  p.  iii.  c  21,  Labbe,  t6. 890),  the  people 
of  Alexandria  and  its  ''honorati  et  curiales  et 
naucleri,"  are  said  to  have  demanded  Timothy  as 
their  bishop ;  while  Uberatus  {Breviar,  xiv.  xv.) 
affirms  that  Proterius,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
•  bishop  upon  whom  Timothy  was  intruded,  was 
elected  by  the  '*  nobiles  civitatis,"  which  he  also 
expresses  as  ^  decreto  populi."  Finally,  Justinian 
established  by  direct  law  that  the  itKiipucoi  Koi, 
irp&roi  r^s  Ir6\€ws  should  choose  three  persons, 
whenever  a  vacancy  occurred,  of  whom  the  or- 
dainer  [t.  «,  the  metropolitan]  should  ordain  the 
one  who  in  his  judgment  was  the  best  qualified 
{Novell,  cxxiii.  c.  1,  cxxxviL  o.  2,  and  Cod,  lib.  i. 
tit.  iii.  De  EpiaoopU,  L  42>  The  2nd  Council  of 
Aries,  A.D.  452,  had  previously  adopted  a  dif- 
ferent plan  for  attaining  the  same  end ;  viz.  that 
the  bishops  should  choose  the  three  candidates, 
out  of  whom  the  "clerici  vel  dves"  were  to 
select  one  (can.  liv.).  And  the  Spanish  Council 
of  Barcelona  subsequently,  a.d.  599,  so  far  varied 
the  rule  of  Justinian  as  to  enact  (after  the  pat- 
tern of  St.  Matthias*  election)  that  the  decision 
should  be  made  by  lot,  between  two  or  three. 


BI8H0B 

elected  by  the  "'  clerus  et  plebs,"  .ind  pnseiAA 
to  the  metropolitan  and  bishops  (can.  in,).  Tbt 
common  phrase  in  St.  Gregory  the  Great's  Letten 
is  "  clerus,  ordo,  et  plebs ;"  or,  **•  denu  et  nobiks, 
ordo  et  plebs." 

From  the  time  of  Justinian  onwards,  both  ia 
East  and  West,  the  chief  power  in  the  electi« 
of  bishops,  on  the  Church  side,  inclined  to  the 
metropolitan,  but  as  choosing  with  the  compro- 
vincial bishops  from  three  candidates  elected  by 
the  principal  people,  clergy  and  laity,  of  the  see; 
the  whole  process,  however,  being  snmmaxily 
overruled  upon  occasion  by  the  emperors ;  as  also 
in  course  of  time,  and  much  more  continnoulr 
and  absolutely,  by  the  Prankish,  Spanish,  and 
Gothic  kings.  Before  this  time,  indeed,  both  Theo> 
dosius  the  Great,  and  Theodosius  the  Younger, 
had  interfered  by  an  absolute  nomination  in  three 
several  appointments  to  the  see  of  Constantioople 
(Socrat.  vii.  8,  29,  40),  for  obvious  poUtictl 
reasons.  And  Valentinian  had  interfered  in  a 
like  manner  to  enforce  the  popular  demand  for 
the  consecration  of  St.  Ambrose  to  Milan  (Theo- 
doret, iv.  6).  But  such  interference  was  con- 
fessedly irregular,  had  been  expressly  condemned 
by  Can,  Apostol,  xxx.,  and  was  in  earlier  times  pro- 
tested against,  as,  e,  g.  by  St.  Athanasius  {Spitt, 
ad  Solit,  V.  Agentes,  §  51,  Gpp.  i.  375,  demuuW, 
IToxos  Kovitp  iirh  ira?iariov  ir^/i«-ccr6leu  rhw  *En- 
(TKoiroy),  But  from  the  6th  century  <»iwards,  in 
the  case  of  at  least  important  sees,  the  emperon, 
although  leaving  the  old  forms  of  election  intad, 
appear  to  have  commonly  interfered  to  make  (or 
at  the  very  least  to  sanction)  nominations  them- 
selves. St.  Gregory  the  Great  treats  the  uAt 
imperatorial  nomination  in  such  eases  as  a  mst- 
ter  of  course.  Instances  will  also  be  fbnnd,  both 
from  him  and  from  later  times,  down  to  Heradios, 
Justinian  II.,  Philippicus,  Constantino  Copronj- 
mus,  A.D.  754,  in  Thomassin,  IL  iL  17 ;  whUs 
the  2nd  (Council  of  Nice,  a.d.  787,  protests  against 
such  lay  interference  uncompromisii^iy  (cm.  iiL 
Ilao-ay  ^^v  irofK^  iLpx^vrtif,  'Eiruricmv,  | 
irp%<rfivripovt  ^  BtoKSwoVf  ixvpoi^  fUtt^v}.  Saracen 
conquerors,  as  might  be  expectisd,  interfered  in 
a  like  manner :  as,  «.  g,  in  Syria,  A.D.  736,  in  the 
case  of  the  patriarch  of  Antioch  (Thomassin,  IL 
ii.  17,  §  7).  But  it  remained  for  Nicephoms  IL, 
A.D.  963x969,  to  enact  as  an  universal  law, 
that  no  bishop  whatever  should  be  elected  w 
consecrated  &yev  rijs  a&rov  yy^foif  (Cedreo. 
p.  658,  and  so  also  Zonaras);  a  law  howerer 
which  did  not  last  long.  Finidly,  in  the  East,  the 
custom  settled  down  into  an  election  by  the 
clergy,  and  ultimately  only  by  the  oomprovindai 
bishops,  of  three,  of  whom  in  such  cases  ss  the 
see  of  Constantinople  the  emperor,  but  ordinariljr 
the  metropolitan,  selected  one  (Morinns,  iL 
193).  The  ancient  form  of  election  howerer, 
as  modified  by  Justinian,  still  held  its  ground  for 
a  considerable  time.  In  the  case,  e,g,,  of  Epi- 
phanius  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  528,  ^  the  emperor 
(Justin)  and  empress,  the  magnates,  the  bisliops, 
priests,  monks,  and  the  most  faithful  people," 
concurred  (Epiat,  Epiphan,  inter  Episit,  fformai. 
Papae  post  Epiat,  IxxL,  Labbe  iv.  1534).  In  thai 
of  Sophronius  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  634,  ''the 
clergy,  monks,  faithful  laics,  in  a  word  all  the 
citizens "  (Sophron.  Episl,  ad  Sergim^  Coiutm- 
tinop,  ap.  Gone,  Gonstanii$K  A.IX  680,  Act.  zi>f 
Labbe,  vL  854).  In  that  of  Stephen  of  Larissa,  who 
was  chosen  out  of  three,  elected  by  the  ^deraa 


BISHOP 


217 


^popttliu,*  aiKl'by  thoM  ^qaomin  sdsensns 
wtai  DMcnarins,"  ▲.a  531,  th«  **  nacU 
ftvrmamt  cjnodiu  et  totiu  dyitatis  possewores 
•BMqae  oorpw  EedesiM**;  and  (he  adds),  ''com- 
Bui  onniiun  tflstimonio  ordinatns  sum  "  (Hoi- 
HA.  CoUteL  JIUfm.  pp.  6,  7>  While  the  ooondl 
iiTraUo^  ajk  691,  speaAn  of  an  election  by  all 
tke  biifaops  of  the  proTince  as  the  "  andent  cne- 
faw*  (can.  xxzix.) :  and  Joh.  Antioch.  (^Notnocan, 
tit  TiL  in  BAl.  Jur.  Ckm,  p.  610)  roles  that  a 
biikop  must  be  elected  by  the  metropolitan, 
snd  by  all  the  bishops  of  the  proTince,  dther 
present  or  sending  a  written  oons4>nt ;  and  that 
saefa  elections  (itcXoyiis)  must  not  be  entrusted 
to  tbe  multitude :  and,  lastly,  Zonaras  and  Bal- 
■BOO,  glossing  the  older  canons  by  the  custom 
«f  their  own  time,  ezdnde  the  "  derus  et  plebs  " 
sltegether,  and  refer  the  whole  matter  to  the 
Bctiopolitan  and  bishops,  the  former  choosing 
us**  out  of  three,  elected  by  the 


Uihops  without  the  presence  of  the  metropolitan 
(eeoording  to  Symeon  of  Thessalonica),  and  pre- 
lated  by  them  to  him  (tee  the  form  at  length 
is  ^^1.  TkessaL  ap.  Horin.  ii.  149,  sq.).  Pro- 
U4j  the  emperor  really  determined  the  choice, 
wbererer  his  power  enabled,  and  his  policy  in- 
ctiasd,  him  to  do  so;  while  as  a  rule  he  left 
stdiaary  eases  to  the  ordinary  methods.  See, 
heveTer,  Le  Qnien,  Oriens  Christ,  i.  136, 169. 

In  the  West,  a  like  retention  of  the  old  form  of 
dedioB  ran  parallel  with  a  gradual  increase  (less, 
apparently,  through  drcumstanoes,  in  France 
tkaa  elsewhere)  of  the  power  of  the  metro- 
politan, and  with  the  practical  assumption  of  a 
sole  nomination,  especially  in  France,  by  the 
king.  In  France,  the  Councils  of  Orleans  II., 
A.DI  S33,  canons  i.  viiL,  of  Clermont,  a.d.  535, 
can.  ii.,  of  Orleans  IIL,  A.D.  538,  can.  iii.,  spedfy 
the  **'  elcrici,  dres,"  bishops  of  the  province,  and 
■ctnpolitan,  but  require  the  consent  of  ail  the 
esBproTincial  bishops  only  in  the  election  of  the 
Metropolitan  himself.  But  in  the  Coundl  of  Or- 
laasa  T.,  ajk  549,  canons  x.  and  li.,  occurs  first 
the  significant  phrase,  "  cum  Toluntate  regis ;" 
ahhoogh  still  **  juxta  electionem  deri  ac  plebis," 
aad  wtth  consecration  by  the  metropolitan  and 
prorindal  bishops,  and  with  a  special  enact- 
thai  "nollus  iuTitis  detnr  episcopus,  sed 
Mc  per  opprearionem  potentium  penonarum  .  .  • 
arm  ant  derid  indinentur ;"  aiid  although  also 
checked  almost  immediately  by  the  Coundl  of 
hris  m.,  AJ>.  557,  can.  ii.,  which  yoids  the 
"prindpb  imperium,"  if  against  the  will  of 
netropoljtan  and  bishops.  Absolute  nominations 
h^  the  kii^a,  howerer,  occur  earlier:  e.g,  under 
Theodoric  of  Austrasia,  A.D.  511  x  534  (Greg.  Tur. 
di  8S.  Patmm  VV.  c  iii.).  And  compare  also 
the  qipdntment  to  the  see  of  L^n,  of  Paulus 
by  Childebert  (F.  8.  Paul.  Leon,}, 
512.  The  issue  between  royal,  and  metro- 
eoclesiastlcal,  nominations  was  directly 
iiiaed  iuu.  563,  in  the  case  of  Emerius,  bishop  of 
Saiates;  whom  the  king  (Charibert)  forced  upon 
the  see  in  defiance  of  the  metropolitan,  as  being 
hn  predecessor  Lothaire's  nominee  (Greg.  Tur. 
B,  E,  It.  26).  And  Lothaire  II., — in  confirmmg 
of  can.  it  of  the  second  Council  of 


Pkris,  made  by  the  Coundl  of  Paris  Y.  A.D.  615 
(can.  L),  and  again  re-enacted  at  the  Council  of 
Kheima,  ▲.!>.  625,  can.  zxr.,  and  at  the  Coundl 
of  Chalons,  a.d.  649,  can.  z., — ^requires  to  such 
dectiotts,  made  ''a  dero  et  populo,"  the  sub- 


sequent "  ordinatio  principis,"  with  no  other 
qualification  than  that  "  oerte  si  de  palatio  ell* 
gitur  [episoopufl],  per  meritum,  &c,  ordinetur " 
(Mansi^  z.  543).    Thenceforward,  the  action  of 
the  people  of  the  diocese,  under  the  Prankish 
kings,  is  oonunonly  termed,  not  "dectio,"  but 
"flagitatio"  or  "petitio,"  or  is  expressed  as 
"  suppliciter  postulamus,"  addressed  to  the  king: 
Regular  forms  for  the  donation  of  a  bishopric  by 
the  king,  nominally  *'cum  consilio  episooporum 
et  procerum" — in  Marculphus,  and  in  Sirmond 
(Cino,  Gattic,  ii.  Append. ;  see  also  the  "  electio 
quo  modo  a  dero  et  a  populo  eligitur  episcopus 
in  propria  sede  cum  consensu  regis  archiprae- 
sulisque  omniumque  populo"  [sic],  in  Horinus, 
de  OrcUn.  ii.  304)— exhibit  the  choice,  even  when 
made  by  the  clergy  and  people,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  metropolitan,  as  uitimatdy  and  in  effect 
made  by  the  king.    And  in  point  of  fact,  the 
bishops  were  so  nominated.    Carloman,  however, 
and  Pipin  (Cone,  Liptm,  A.D.  743,  and  Cone.  Suess. 
▲.D.  744),  professed  to  restore  liberty  of  election 
to  the  Church.    And  a  new  set  of  "  formulae  ** 
occurs  accordingly  (in  Baluz.  ii.  591,  and  in  Sir^ 
mond),  as  ''usurpatae  post  restitutam  electionum 
libertatem.**    And  Charlemagne,  upon  the  advice 
of  Pope  Adrian,  that  he  should  leave  episcopal 
elections  to  the  "  derus  et  plebs "  acconiing  to 
the  canons  (Cone.  Gallic,  ii.  96),  issued  a  capitu- 
lary, A.D.  803  (Cone.  Aquiagran,  c  ii.,  repeated  by 
Louis,  A.D.  816,  Capit  Aquiagran.  c  ii.),  consent- 
ing "  ut  episcopi  per  electionem  cleri  et  populi 
secundum  statuta  canonum  de  propria  dioecesi 
eligantur;"  but  he  did  so  as  granting  a  grace, 
not  as  admitting  a  right.    And  as  the  bishops  in 
point  of  fact  continued  to  be  appointed  by  the 
emperoi's  (see  e.  g.  Baluz.  ad  Cone.  Gall.  Narbon. 
p.  34,  and  ad  Capit  ii.  1141^  and  no  chdoe 
could  be  made  save  by  the  emperor's  spedal  per- 
mission (so  Gieseler,  and  this  as  late  as  Cone,  Va- 
lentin. A.D.  855,  can.  vii.X  and  spedal  privileges 
of  free  emotion  were  given  to  particular  churches 
(Baluz.  i6.),  which  imply  the  universality  of  the 
opposite  practice, — ^not  to  add  also  the  much 
disputed  but  after  all  possibly  genuine  grant  by 
Adrian  to  Charlemagne  (in  Gratian,  Diet.  63, 
0.  22)  of  an  absolute   right  to  the  appoint- 
ment and  investiture  of  all  bishops  and  arch- 
bishops in  all  provinces  of  his  empire, — it  is 
obvious  that  the  change  was  more  in  name  than 
in  reality  (as  indeed  the  "  formulae  "  themselves, 
as  above  in  Sirmond,  &c.,  shewX  nntil  at  least  the 
renewal  of  the  contest  after  the  middle  of  the 
9th  century  in  the  time  of  Hincmar.    On  the 
other  hand,  the  power  of  the  metropolitan  and 
the  right  of  free  election  were  continually  re- 
asserted, although   with  little   effect  (see  the 
coundls  above  quoted,  from  that  of  Orleans  in 
533  to  that  of  Rheima  in  649);  until  under 
Charlemagne's  immediate  successors,  whose  right 
to  nominate  is  actually  recognized  at  the  Coundl 
of  Paris  VI.  ▲.D.  829  (can.  zzii.),  and  that  of 
Thionville  in  845  (Oxptf.  Car.  Calv.  tit.  ii.  c  2)« 
&c ;  and  this,  although  Carloman  and  Pipin  haa 
both  of  them  professedly  restored  the  rights  of 
the  metropolitan  as  well  as  freedom  of  election 
(A.D.  742,  Capit.  c  !.,  and  A.D.  755,  can.  ii.).    See 
the  whole  subject  carefhlly  treated  in  Henry  C. 
Lea's  Studies   m  Church   History,    pp.   81-90 
(Philad,  V.  S.  1869). 

In  Sazon  England,  king,  witan,  and  metro- 
politan appeiir  to  have  predominated,  although 


1 


218 


BISHOP 


the  first  gradually  became  as  a  rule  the  real 
nominator.  At  the  same  time,  the  canonical 
form  of  election  wa^  kept  up ;  and  when  the  king 
was  weak  and  the  Church  strong,  it  occasionally 
became  a  reality.  The  Kentish  and  Northumbrian 
kings  agreed  in  choosing  Wighard,  but  accepted 
Theodore,  aj>.  668,  as  Archbishopof  Canterbury, 
s  t  the  hands  of  the  pope,  upon  Wighard's  unex- 
pected death  at  Rome  (Baed.  ff,  E.  iii.  29,  iv.  1). 
Northumbrian  kings  and  witenagemots  adjudi- 
cated the  Tarious  disputes  about  Wilfrid's  sees. 
And  Theodore  and  a  synod  of  bishops  chose  and 
consecrated  Cnthbert  to  the  see  of  Lindisfame, 
▲.D.  684,  but  <*  sub  praesentia  Regis  Ecgfridi " 
(itf.  iv.  28>  Wihtred's  priTilege,  A.D.  696  x  716, 
in  its  genuine  form  refers  to  Kent  and  to  abbats 
and  presbyters,  not  to  England  at  large,  or  to 
bishops  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Counc.  iii.  238-247). 
And  Agatho's  privilegium  to  the  *'  congregatlo  " 
of  the  monastery  of  St.  Paul's,  A.D.  678  x  681,  to 
elect  their  own  bishop,  is  a  forgery  (t6.  161). 
On  the  other  hand  (although  no  doubt  contem- 
porary both  with  the  Carloyingian  nominal  re- 
storation of  liberty  of  election  in  France,  and  with 
the  breaking  up  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom), 
Alcuin's  letters,  **ad  Fratres  Eboracenses,"  of 
Aug.  796,  before  the  election  of  Eanbald  to  York, 
distinctly  affirm,  that  **  hucusque  sancta  Ebo- 
raoensis  Ecdesia  in  electione  sua  inviolata  per- 
mansit,"  adding,  ^  yidete  ne  in  diebus  restris 
maculetur ;" — dimply  that  Alcuin  himself  had  a 
Toice  in  the  election ; — and  urgently  exhort  the 
York  clergy  to  elect  a  proper  person,  if  he  him- 
self cannot  come  in  time  for  the  election  {Epittt. 
54,  55,  Migne ;  48,  49,  Froben.).  ^  Profes- 
siones,"  also,  of  a  little  later  date,  distinctly 
assert  an  election  by  the  diocese :  e.  g,  that  of 
Beommod  of  Rochester,  A.D.  805,  or  a  year  or 
two  earlier, — ^**electus  ab  Ethelardo  archiepi- 
scopo  et  a  serris  Domini  in  Cantia  constitutis " 
(in  Wharton,  A,  8,\ — and  that  of  a  bishop  of 
Lichfield  (probably  Eynferth,  ▲.D.  833x836X 
*<  quoniam  me  tota  Eocleua  prorinciae  nostras 
sibi  in  episoopatus  offidum  elegerunt"  {CotUm 
MSS,  Cleop.  £.  1),-— and  that  of  Helmstan  of  Win- 
chester, A.D.  888,  **  a  sancte  et  Apostolice  sedis 
4ignitate  et  ab  congregatione  dyitatis  Wentanae 
necnon  £thel[wulfi]  regis  et  totins  gentis  ocd- 
dentalium  Saxonum  ad  episoopalis  offidi  gradum 
electus  "  (t6.), — and  that  of  IXeorlaf  of  Hereford, 
▲.D.  857  X  866,  **  quoniam  me  tota  congregatio 
Herefordensis  Ecclesiae  sibi  in  offidum  episcopale 
elegerunt "  (App,  ad  Text,  J2o/.).  In  a  little 
later  times,  we  find  Odo  made  archbishop,  a.Di. 
942,  by  the  *'  regia  voluntas,"  followed  by  the 
**  assensus  episcoporum  **  (Will.  Malm.  0,  P.  A. 
i.);  Dunstan,  ▲.D.  960,  made  so  by  Edgar  (id,  ib,\ 
but  with  an  election  also  by  acclamation  accord- 
ing to  his  Life  ;  and  Living,  A.D.  1013,  "•  suffiragio 
Regis  Ethelredi"  (W.  Malm.  t6.).  And  in  the 
time  of  Eadward  the  Confessor,  Aelfric  is  elected 
by  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  but  set  aside  by  the 
king  in  favour  of  Robert,  made  archbishop 
^  regis  munere"  (F.  Eadw,  ed.  Luard,  pp.  399, 
400).  Bv  that  time  the  election  by  the  '*  derus 
et  plebs  of  the  diocese,  so  far  as  it  still  sur- 
vived at  all,  had  gradually  shrivelled  up  into  an 
election  by  the  dergy,  and  by  the  dergy  of  the 
cathedral, — a  process  materially  accelerated  by 
the  monastic  character  of  the  chapters,  coupled 
with  the  monastic  privilege  of  choosii^  their  own 
abbats, — but  which  was  also  perpetually  set  aside 


BISHOP 

by  the  necessity  of  the  royal  coOMnt,  rumlag 
naturally  into  a  right  of  royal  nomination.  See 
also  the  evidence  collected  by  Freeman,  HuL  vf 
Norm,  Conq,  ii  61,  117,  and  571-577.  Thecsas 
of  the  see  of  Rochester  was  exceptional,  Uit 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  daiming,  and  frt* 
quently  obtaining,  the  right  of  nominatioD  to 
that  see,  as  against  the  crown,  until  the  dsyi  of 
King  John. 

In  Spain,  the  power  of  the  bishops  in  the 
election  of  the  kings  preserved  and  extended 
also  thdr  own  power,  and  among  other  thiags,  in 
episcopal  elections.  The  Coundl  of  Toledo  X., 
A.D.  656,  for  instance,  elected  a  metropolitan  of 
Braga  (the  former  bishop  being  deposed  for  in* 
continence)  without  consulting  the  diocese.  See 
however  Ehxnbar,  Hi8t,of  Spain  and  FoHugalj  bk. 
ii.  c.  ii.,  who  rather  leans  towards  the  royal  power 
in  such  elections.  Ultimately  the  king  aad  the 
metropolitan  of  Toledo  seem  to  have  aoqvired 
practically  a  joint  power  of  nomination.  Cone, 
Toiet,  XII.,  A.D.  681,  empowen  the  aidibishop 
of  Toledo,  as  primate,  to  consecrate  at  Toledo, 
*'  quoscunque  regalis  potestas  elegerit  et  jam 
dicti  Toletani  episoopi  judidum  dignos  esse  pro- 
baverit "  (can.  vi.).  And  see  also  the  histoiy  of 
King  Witiza,  A.D.  701-710.  Martin  of  Brags 
too,  distinctly  says,  that  the  people  are  not  to 
elect  bishops. 

In  Italy,  also,  the  royal  power  gradnally 
overruled  without  superseding  the  oldn-  csaoau- 
cal  form  of  election.  But  that  the  latter  eon- 
tinued  in  all  ordinary  cases,  save  that  the  metro- 
politan's influence  and  veto  had  grown  more 
powerful,  is  palpable  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great's 
letters.  On  the  other  hand,  Odoaoer,  A.D.  47&- 
483,  with  the  ''  advice  "  of  Pope  Simplidus,  for^ 
bade  the  election  of  a  bishop  of  Rome  without 
his  (the  king's)  consent.  And  the  interference 
of  (the  Arian)  "Hieodoric  in  the  disputed  electioa 
of  Pope  Symmachus,  A.D.  501,  was  both  asked  ftr 
and  submitted  to ;  although  it  called  forth  £a- 
nodius'  Apologetic  Letter,  and  also  a  protest  from 
the  Cone,  Fabn.  A.IX  502,  which  dedand  Odosoer's 
law  invalid.  Tet  the  Gothic  kings  continued  to 
exerdse  such  a  power.  Theodoric  appointed  suc- 
cessive popes  during  his  reign,  down  to  FeUx  DL 
A.D.526(Greenwo<^ait^edLP0t.  iiLe.4).  And 
Athalaric  issued  regulations  about  papal  eleo- 
tions  on  occasion  of  the  outrageous  simony  that 
attended  the  accession  of  John  IL  A.b.  533 
(Cassiod.  ix.  15).  And  not  only  so,  bnt  the 
Greek  emperors,  when  they  recovered  Itslj, 
exercised  it  likewise ;  so  that,  e.  g.  Gregory  the 
Great,  A.D.  590,  after  due  election  by  the  **  denu, 
senatores,  populusque  Romanus,"  still  required 
the  **  praeceptio "  of  the  emperor  Maurice  to 
complete  his  election  (Jo.  Diac  in  V.  Greg.  M, 
lib.  i.  ep.  39,  40>  And  Pipin  and  Charlemagne 
fell  hein  to  the  like  ^*  jus  et  potestatem  eii- 
gendi  pontificem:"  for  all  which  see  detsUs 
under  Pope.  The  election  of  the  pope  in- 
deed remained  like  other  elections  of  the  kind, 
until  the  decree  of  the  done.  Bom,  of  A.i>.  1069 
imder  Nicholas  II.  (for  which  see  Giesder,  iL  360, 
Eng.  transl.);  which  itself  was  a  change  siur 
logous  to  the  contemporary  changes  elsewhere. 

In  brief,  then,  during  this  period,  the  oU 
canonical  diocesan  election  continued  throLgiioit 
the  Western  Church  as  the  right  and  proper  mode 
of  election ;  but  (1)  was  in  itself  gnduallj  ab- 
sorbed into  a  vote  of  the  cathedral  clergy  {^  electii 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


219 


«!,  pttiiio  pleUs,"  Is  t]i«  ntmost 
dbirad  imGi»Uiii,2)for.  L  dkL  62),  and  (2)  wiu 
ffcmled  perpetnallj  bj  the  Tojal  nominfttion, 
vhkk  itielf  was  ooncorrait  with  but  oommonly 
■■|iifiii'*  the  eoment  of  metropolitan  and  com- 
pnivindal  Wthopn 

F«r  ipedal  eonditiona  attending  the  election 
•f  netrapolitau,  and  for  the  relation  of  the 
Bcfcivpolitans  to  the  patriarchs  in  the  matter, 

M  M EnKIRKJTAN,  PaTBIABOB. 

At  what  times  special  qnestions  arose  respect- 
fair  the  qnalificatioBS  whidi  gave  a  right  to  vote 
ia  the  eleetion  of  a  Mshop^how  such  questions 
vtn  determined — in  what  way  votes  were  ac- 
taslly  taken — and  other  qnestions  of  like  detail 

there  remains  no  eyidenoe  to  shew :  except 
tkat  we  may  infer  from  such  accounts  as  e.  g, 
thst  ia  Synestua,  EpisL  67,  that  where  there  was 
a  papular  asaemblr  ordinarily  acting  in  other  and 
aril  mattezs,  sudi  assembly  acted  also,  at  first, 
ia  the  choice  of  a  bishon.  Synesius'  description 
slie  illvstiates  forcibly  the  ^xAoi  of  the  Laodicene 
Csaadl,  the  women  being  preeminently  noisy  on 
the  occasion,  and  oTen  the  children. 

fi.  Who  were  eUgMe, — Such  being  the  electors, 
it  fidlows  next  to  consider  the  qualifications  of 
those  wiko  were  to  be  elected.  The  general  dis- 
^miifications  for  the  derical  office — such  as,  «.  g. 
dipmy,  clinic  baptism,  heretical  baptism,  the 
hntsg  been  a  demoniac,  or  done  public  penance, 
«r  Ispsed,  the  occupations  of  pleader,  soldier,  play« 
sefeor,  usurer,  the  being  a  slave,  or  illegitimate, 
the  haring  any  of  his  own  immediate  family  still 
aaosnTsrtod  heathens,  ftc  &c. — will  be  best 
tnsted  under  the  art.  Obdebs,  Holt,  or  the  se- 
vwal  snbiects  themselTes.  The  special  conditions 
«f  eUgihuity  for  a  bishopric  were,  (1)  that  the 
fiidifste  shonld  be,  ace  to  Apoat,  Coiutit  ii.  1, 
fifty  years  of  age ;  but  aoc  to  Cone,  Neocae$. 
AJk  314  (requiring  30  for  a  presbyter,  on  the 
grooad  of  9L  Luke  iii.  23 — a  canon  adopted  by 
Ike  Church  uniTorsalX  and  aoc  to  similar  later 
SBOBS  {Areiai.  lY.  A.D.  475,  can.  L,  Agatk, 
AJ».  506,  can.  xrii.,  Aurdian,  III.  A.D.  538, 
ssa.  yLf  ToleL  lY.  A.!!.  581,  can.  xx. ;  and  again, 
iuitin.  NoveiL  cxxxtiL  1 ;  and  again,  Charlemagne 
at  Aix,  AJ>.  789,  CapU.  i.  49,  and  at  Frankfort, 
aol  7M^  can.  xlix.X  the  age  of  SO  only  was  in- 
wted  on.  And  so  also  Balsamon.  Photius  in 
mtt  place  (ap.  Suioer)  says  35,  which  is  likewise 
iastiaian's  nile  in  another  Novel  (cxxrii.  1).  And 
Sixichis  and  apparently  Zosimus  (Sir.  ad  Himer, 
EpkL  1  {  9,  Zos.  adffesych,  JEpist.  1,  §  3,  a  de- 
t^led  lex  aiuudie  in  both  cases)  place  the  mini- 
wim  at  45.  Special  merits,  however  (St.  Chrys. 
Hmu  m  1  TinL  x.  xL),  and  the  precedent  of 
rmothy  (1  Hm.  ir.  12;  and  see  St.  Ignat. 
ed  Magmee,  3,  speaking  of  rtwrfpueii  rd^ts  =  a 
jrathful  appointmentX  repeatedly  set  aside  the 
rale  ia  practice  (see  insfjtnces  in  Bingh.  II.  x.  1) : 
mt€.g,m  the  well-known  case  of  St.  Athanasius, 
spparently  not  much  more  than  23  when  conse- 
crated bishop.  (2)  That  he  should  be  of  the 
clergy  of  the  churdi  to  which  be  was  to  be  oon- 
seaated, — dhr*  c^ov  rev  l«parc(ov— ^  de  proprio 
derD*  (so  Pope  Julius,  EpiM.  ad  Orient,  ap.  S. 
AtkanaiL  Jfo^ii.;  Pope  Gaelestinus,  .^Mst  ii  c  4 ; 
Pope  Hilary,  JE^.Lc  3;  Leo  IL,  .^^.  Ixxxiv. ; 
mgory  the  Great  repeatedly ;  and  as  part  of 
the  old  canonical  rule,  the  GapU.  of  Charle- 
■Bgne  abore  quoted,  **de  propria  dioecesi)" :— a 
tub  likewise  repeatedly  broken  under  pressure 


of  circumstances,  roecial  merit  in  the  candidate, 
the  condition  of  the  diocese  itself,  &c,  and  by 
translations,  so  nr  as  translations  were  allowed ; 
but  one  also  enforced  by  the  nature  of  the  case 
so  long  as  the  voice  and  testimony  of  the  people 
of  the  diocese  was  an  important  element  in  the 
election,  and  on  like  grounds  disregarded  in  pro- 
portion as  metropolitan,  or  still  more  royal, 
nominations  became  predominant.  St.  Jerome's 
well-known  statement  about  Alexandria  seems 
to  speak  of  it  as  almost  a  special  privilege  of  that 
see  from  early  times :  which  it  plainly  was  not. 
If  the  presbyter  chosen  was  not  of  the  diocese 
itself^  the  consent  of  his  own  bishop  was  requisite 
(Cone.  Nioaen,  can.  xvi.  &c.  &c. ;  and  see  below, 
III.  1,  a,  X.).  (3)  That  he  should  be  a  presbyter, 
or  a  deacon  at  the  least,  and  not  become  a  bishop 
per  aaltum,  but  go  through  all  the  inierstitia  or 
several  stages; — also  at  first  an  ecclesiastical 
custom,  grounded  on  the  fitness  of  the  thing 
(e.g.  Pope  Cornelius  "  non  ad  episcopatum  subito 
pervenit  sed  per  omnia  ecclesiastics  offida,"  Stc , 
and  again,  ^  cunctis  religionis  gradibus  ascendit," 
St.  Cypr.  Epist,  52  al.  55;  and  similarly  Greg. 
Nas.  Orat,  xx.  of  St.  Basil ;  and  so  repeatedly 
St.  Gregory  the  Great,  objecting  to  a  layman 
being  made  bishop),  but  turned  into  a  oanon  by 
Cone  Sardic.  A.D.  347,  can.  x.  (jcotf*  eKoffrop 
fiaBfjAvt  ff.r. A.,  and  naming  reader,  deacon,  priest ; 
th^  object  being  to  exclude  neophytesX  and  by 
some  later  provincial  councils  {Cano.  Avrelian. 
IIL  A.D.  538,  can.  vi. ;  Bracar.  I.  A.D.  563,  can. 
xxxix. ;  Barcinon,  II.  A.D.  599,  can.  iii.) :  and  so 
Leo  the  Great  (admitting  deacons  however  on 
the  same  level  with  priests),  **  £x  presbyteria 
ejusdem  ficclesiae  vel  ex  diaoonibus  optimus  eli- 
gatur  "  (  JSjpwf.  Ixxxiv.  c.  6):— broken  likewise 

eirpetually  under  special  circumstances  (see 
orin.  de  Sacr.  Ordin,  III.  xi.  2).  Instances  of 
deacons,  indeed,  advanced  at  once  to  the  epi- 
scopate, are  numerous,  and  scarcely  regarded  as 
irregular,  beginning  with  St.  Athanasius  (see  4 
list  in  Biqgh.  II.  x.  5;  but  St  Greg.  Nas.  Ordt, 
xxi.  speaks  of  St.  Athanasius  as  xwrat^  rfjr  r&v 
fit^BfiAy  iiKoKQvBlmf  8ic|cA9cdy).  But  the  case 
of  a  reader  also  is  mentioned  in  St.  Aug.  {Epitt, 
cxlii.),  and  of  a  subdeaoon  in  Liberatus  (Breviar., 
xxii.).  And  although  expressly  forbidden  by  Ju^ 
tinian  (Novell,  vi  1,  oxxiii.  1,  cxxxvii.  1)  and  by 
Cone,  Arelat,  lY.  a.d.  455,  can.  ii.,  yet  the  well- 
known  cases  of  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Mar- 
tin of  Tours,  St.  Germanus  of  Auxerre,  and 
others,  prove  the  admissibility  of  even  a  layman, 
if  under  the  circumstances — as,  e,  g,  by  reason 
of  the  sudden  acclamation  of  the  people — such  a 
choice  was  held  to  be  *' voluntate "  or  '^judicio 
Dei "  (Hieron.  mJonam.  iii.  0pp.  iii.  1489  ;  Pon- 
tius, in  V.  S,  Cypr. ;  Paulin.  in  V,  8,  Ambro8.  iii ; 
&cy,  Instances  may  also  be  found  in  the  Alex- 
andrian church  (Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger,  Bit, 
Orient,  145,  146).  And  the  rubric  in  the  Nefr- 
torian  Pontifical  expressly  admits  the  possibility 
of  a  bishop  elect  being  a  deacon  as  well  as  a 
presbyter  (Denzinger,  ib.  146).  At  the  same  time 
there  is  the  well-known  case  of  the  patriarch 
Photius,  deposed,  because  ordained  on  five  suc- 
cessive days  respectively  monk,  reader,  subdea- 
oon, deacon,  priest,  and  on  the  sixth  day  bishcp 
(Cone.  Nicaen,  II.  A.D.  787,  can.  iv.).  See  also 
under  Advocate  or  the  Chvboh.  But  then  (4) 
such  candidate  was  not  to  be  a  neophyte  (1  Tim. 
iiij  6),  or  a  heathen  r-ecently  baptized,  who  had  net 


220 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


yet  befn  tried  (^Apott,  Cctn,  Ixxz. ;  Cone,  Nioaen, 
can.  ii. ;  Cone,  Laodic.  A.D.  365,  can.  iii.) :  but  one 
converted  at  least  a  year  before  {Cono.  Aurelian. 
III.  A.D.  538,  can.  ▼!.) ;  or  who  had  been  a  reader, 
or  a  snbdeacon,  or  (ace.  to  one  copy)  a  deacon  for 
a  year  (Cbnc  Braoar.  II.  A.D.  563,  can.  xx.) ;  or 
ace  to  yet  another  provincial  conncil  {Epaon, 
A.D.  517,  can.  xxxvii.),  at  the  least  **  praemissa 
religione."  Tet  here  too  special  circumstances 
were  held  to  justify  exceptions ;  as  in  the  case  of 
St.  Cyprian  himself^  **adhuc  ntfophytus"  (Pont. 
t&.) ;  of  St.  Ambrose  and  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea 
in  Pontus,  not  yet  baptised  (Theodoret,  iv.  7, 
Socrat.  iv.  30,  Sozom.  vi.  24,  St.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat. 
xix.);  of  Nectarius,  r^y  itvaru^p  4<r9^a  fri 
iltupi9<rfi4pof,  &c.  (Sozom.  vii.  8).  And  all  these 
are  cases  of  immediate  consecration;  the  later 
practice  of  ordaining  to  each  step  on  successive 
days,  in  order  to  keep  the  letter  while  brealcing 
the  spirit  of  the  rule,  dating  no  earlier  than 
the  case  of  Photius  above  mentioned  (Bingh.  II. 
X.  7).  (5)  Apost,  Can,  zxi.  permits  the  consecra- 
tion of  one  made  a  eunuch  by  cruelty,  or  bom 
so ;  and  (ib,  Ixxvii.)  of  one  maimed  or  diseased 
in  eye  or  leg :  but  (ib.  IxxviiL)  forbids  it  in  the 
case  of  a  desf  or  dumb  person.  (6)  Lastly,  the 
bishop  who  was  appointed  Interventor  to  a  see 
during  the  vacancy  was  pro  hoc  vice  ineligible 
to  that  see.  [Interyentoreb.]  It  remains  to 
add  (7)  that  the  candidate's  own  consent  was 
not  at  first  held  to  be  requisite,  but  that  in  many 
cases  consecration  was  forced  upon  him  tucorra ; 
as  in  the  instances  in  Bingh.  IV.  vii.  2 :  to  which 
may  be  added  others,  as,  e,g.  that  of  Eusebius  of 
Caesarea  in  Pontus,  A.D.  362  (Greg.  Naz.  Orat. 
xix.).  And  Apost,  Can.  xxxvi.  orders  the  excom- 
munication of  a  bishop  who  refhses  the  charge  of 
the  people  assigned  to  him.  But  first  St.  Basil 
(ad  Amphiloch,  z.)  exempts  those  who  in  such  a 
case  had  **  sworn  " — hfarvomts  fiii  KorMx^^^ 
T^r  x«poToi'(iu'.  And  afterwards  the  emperors 
Leo  and  Majorian  forbade  forced  ordinations  alto- 
gether (Novel,  ii.  in  Append,  ad  Cod.  Theodos,  vi. 
34).  And  similarly  Pope  Simplicius  (Epist,  ii.), 
and  Cone,  Aurelian.  III.  A.D.  538  (can.  vii.).  At 
the  same  time  the  law  of  Leo  and  Anthemins 
(Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  I>e  Episcopie,  \.  31) 
describes  the  '*  nolo  episcopari  **  temper  proper  to 
one  to  whom  a  bishopric  is  offered — ^  ut  quaeratur 
cogendus,  rogatus  recedat,  invitatus  refngiat,  sola 
lUi  sufiragetur  necessitas  obsequendi ;"  and  that 
**  profecto  indignus  est  sacerdotio,  nisi  fuerit  or- 
dinatus  invitus."  And  so  the  Fathers  generally 
(Thoraassin,  II.  ii.  65). 

y,  Tme,  mode,  and  place  of  election. — Further, 
(1)  the  election  was  ordered  to  be  made,  and  the 
new  bishop  consecrated,  ivrhs  rpwv  /*'^ywf,  un- 
less delay  was  unavoidable,  by  Cone.  Chalced, 
A.D.  431,  can.  xxv.  And  the  alleged  practice  at 
Alexandria  (doubtless  from  the  special  character 
of  the  place  already  mentioned)  was  to  elect  im- 
mediately after  the  death  of  the  last  bishop,  and 
before  he  was  interred  (Epiphan.  ffaer,  Ixix.  §  11, 
Liberat.  Breviar.  xx.,  and  see  Socrat.  vii.  7) ;  a 
practice  followed  in  one  instance,  that  of  Proclus, 
A.D.  434-447,  at  Constantinople  also  (Socrat.  viL 
40).  The  time  allowed  in  Africa,  however,  was 
much  longer,  the  episcopus  interventor  being  only 
superseded  if  he  allowed  the  election  to  be  de- 
layed beyond  a  year  (Cone.  Carthag,  V,  a.d.  398, 
can.  iii.;  Cod,  Can.  Eccl.  Afric.  Ixxiv.).  On 
the  other  hand.  Cone.  Bom,  a.d.  606,  to  prevent 


bishop*  nominating  their  own  suoeesson,  for- 
bids election  until  the  third  day  after  the  iasr 
bishop's  death.  (2)  Such  election  was  not  to 
take  place  M  woftovo'ia  hjcpomiUvmv—^VA  the 
presence  of  the  hearers,  L  e.  tlie  class  of  catc» 
chumens  so  called  (Cone.  Laodic.  aj>.  365,  caa. 
V.) ;  probably  because  accusations  might  oa  nch 
occasions  be  brought  forward  against  dei^gy. 
(3)  Later  canon  law  (Qreg.  IX.  DeeretaU  1.  tl. 
De  Elect,  et  Electi  Potest,  c  42)  spedfies  thne 
modes  of  electing ;  sdl.  by  ^  oompromisnrii  * 
(delegates  by  whose  act  tiie  body  of  electen 
bound  themselves  to  abide),  by  scrutiny  of  votes, 
by  **  inspiration "  (if  the  electors  agree  in  sa 
unanimous  and  unpremeditated  choioe]L  Of  these 
three,  eompromissarii  are  mentioned  by  Gregorj 
the  Great,  although  not  under  that  name  (EpUt 
iii.  35).  And  election  by  acclamation  was  (as  ws 
have  seen)  not  unknown.  The  other  was  of  ooons 
the  ordinary  way,  viz.  by  some  kind  or  other  of 
scrutiny  of  votes.  (4)  The  election  was  properly 
to  take  place  in  the  diocese  itself  (whereas  "  eom- 
promissarii "  might  be  sent  elsewhere  to  perform 
it),  that  the  people  might  be  able  to  give  their 
testimony  (St.  Cypr.  Epist,  Ixvii.).  Cone.  Aure- 
lian.  IV.  A.D.  541,  can.  v.,  &c  Ac,  refer  to  the  place 
of  ordination,  for  which  see  below.  So  long  as  that 
also  took  place  in  the  diocesan  cathedral  (see  s.y. 
St.  Aug.  Epist,  261,  and  below),  so  long  no  doubt 
the  election  took  place  there  likewise.  Bat  even 
when  the  ordination  came  to  be  transferred  to 
the  metropolitan  see,  the  election  still  remained 
commonly  as  to  be  done  on  the  spot  itseit 
[Interyentores;  VisrrATOitBB.] 

2.  Confirmation,— The  bishop  elect  was  next 
to  be  confirmed,  viz.  by  the  metropolitan.  And 
so  far  as  such  confirmation  merely  referred  to  the 
metropolitan's  share  in  the  electi<Hi,  it  would 
certainly  seem  to  follow  from  Cone.  Nioaen.  can. 
vi.  (itpaTcfrM  4f  r&w  irXtiivtfP  i^^f),  from  Cone, 
Antioch.  A.D.  341,  can.  xix.  (repeating  the  Nioene 
canon),  and  even  from  so  late  a  witness  as  Cose. 
Arelat.  IL  A.D.  452,  can.  v.,  that  in  the  first  ia- 
stance  and  canonically  the  voice  of  the  majoritj 
of  bishops  was  final.  At  the  same  time,  a  cer- 
tain right  of  ratification  is  assigned  to  the  me- 
tropolitan, even  from  the  time  of  the  Conncil  of 
Nice  itself.  And  it  certainly  seems  that  the 
metropolitan  in  course  of  time,  practically,  if 
not  expressly,  came  to  have  a  veto.  So^  e.^* 
Pope  Hilary,  a.d.  465,  Epist.  it  c  1.  In  the 
form  of  election,  however,  in  S3rm.  of  Theisal, 
the  bishops  alone  vote  at  all,  the  metro^li- 
tan  not  being  even  present.  [MetbopoutaV.] 
So  likewise  with  the  patriarch,  later  still  (see, 
however,  for  both.  Cone.  Chaiced,  aj>.  451,  Act 
xvi.,  Labbe,  iv.  818,  and  Patriarch).  But  from 
no  doubt  the  earliest  times,  and  correspondisg 
to  the  proof  (doKtiioffla)  required  in  1  Tim.  iii 
7,  10,  something  must  have  existed  like  the 
enactment  of  Omc.  Carih.  IV.  so  called:  ''Qoi 
episcopus  ordinandus  est,  antea  examinetor,  ii 
natura  sit  prudens,  si  dodbilis,  si  moribus  tern 
peratus,  &c.,  si  iitteratus,  si  in  lege  Domini  ia* 
structus,  si  in  Scripturarum  sensibus  cantos,  s. 
in  dogmatibus  ecclesiasticis  exerdtatus ;  et  ante 
omnia,  si  fidei  documenta  verbis  simpUeibiu 
asserat,  id  est,  Patrem  et  Filium  et  Spiritma 
Sanctum  unum  Deum  esse  oonfirmans,"  Ac.  Ik. 
So  also  Theodoret  (in  1  Tim.  v.  22\—f^rrii«' 
yhp  wp^9pop  x(f^  ^ov  jfdporopovfUpw  rhf  jSlo^ 


BISHOP 


BTBHOP 


221 


See  alto  tiie  Apost.  OonttU.,  and  the  de- 
KxipUoii  n  the  Greek  Pontificals  of  the  bishop 
to  be  ooDsecrated,  as  already  6roi^^iof  Koi 
/oTffpMiyi^s select  and  confirmed.  Certainly, 
from  the  4th  oentoiy  onward,  the  confirmation 
wai  i  distinct  technical  act,  following  apon  the 
deetioB;  so  ftr  distinct,  indeed,  that  in  time 
(£roin  the  4th  centnrj  itself  according  to  De 
lUrea,  de  Qmc.  SacertL  et  Imp,  YIII.  U.  1 ;  bnt 
TsB  Espeo,  Jwr,  EccL  Univ.  L  ziv.  1,  §  7, 
■wie  probably  refers  it  to  the  11th  or  12th) 
coofirmatioa  was  held  to  confer  upon  the 
biifaop  not  yet  consecrated  the  power  of  juris- 
diction, bnt  not  that  of  order.  Justinian  enacts 
that  a  bishop  elect  shall  carefully  peruse  the 
*  rales  laid  down  by  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic 
Qmrefa,"  and  shall  then  be  interrogated  by  his 
ofdsiner  (t.  e,  the  metropolitan)  whether  he  is 
eoapetent  to  keep  them ;  and  upon  his  solemn 
profession  aocordii^ly,  and  after  a  solemn  admo- 
BitioB,  shall  then  be  ordained.  And  so  we  find 
Gnffxrj  the  Great,  ▲.D.  596  (^Epid.  vii.  19),  de- 
siriag  the  archbishop  of  Ravenna  to  summon 
into  bis  presence  the  bishop  elect  of  Ariminum 
(fleeted  by  **  clems  et  plebs  "),  and  to  examine 
him;  aad  if  **ea  in  eo  quae  in  textu  Heptatici 
noite  mulctata  sunt,  minime  fuerint  reperta, 
atqae  fidelium  personarum  relatione  ejus  vobis 
qeidem  Tita  placuerit,  ad  nos  eum  cum  decreti 
ps^ina,  restxae  quoque  addita  testificationis  epi- 
stola,  destinaU*,  qnatenus  a  nobis  . . .  consecretur 
satistes."  So  again  in  Carloyingian  times,  two 
eeataries  and  a  half  later,  upon  the  election 
'of  Gillebert  to  the  see  of  Chalons  sur  Mame, 
Hiacmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  with  the  other 
biihops  of  the  proyince,  or  their  vicars,  the 
ahbats,  canons,  monks,  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
nbdcsboona,  being  assembled  at  Chiersi  (near 
iaoB) — the  archbishops  of  Rouen,  Tours,  and 
Seal,  being  also  present — the  "  clerus,  ordo,  et 
plebs"  of  Qialons  presented  the  decree  of  election 
to  Hiacmar  and  his  fellow-bishops,  and  (after  an 
explaaation  respecting  a  previous  election  that 
bed  been  set  aside)  declareid  the  unanimous  con- 
tent to  it  of  the  *'  canonid,  monachi,  parochi,  et 
BoUles"  of  the  diocese.  Thereupon  Hincmar 
iaterrogated  the  bishop  elect  respecting  his 
eouBtry,  condition,  literary  proficiency,  and  past 
ordinations;  and  ascertained  that  he  had  not 
been  **  conductor  alienarum  rerum,  nee  tnrpia 
lacra  vel  ezactlones  sive  tormenta  in  hominibus 
cxerDens;"  and  further,  as  he  had  held  some 
coart  oflSce,  that  his  accounts  with  the  king  were 
settled;  to  the  former  of  which  points  certain 
ckrid  and  noble  laymen  bore  testimony,  while 
far  the  latter  he  produced  a  royal  letter,  duly 
sealed,  and  containing  also  an  intimation  of  the 
mal  wish  for  his  consecration.  Testimonies  of  a 
bishop  and  certain  monks  to  his  good  behaviour 
were  then  produced;  and  the  consent  of  the 
archbishop  of  Tours  was  given  to  the  transfer 
into  another  province  of  one  bom  and  ordained 
«t  Tours.  Hincmar,  then,  with  the  archbishop 
«f  Tours  as  his  assessor,  desired  the  candidate  to 
nsd,  or  listen  to»  and  promise  to  keep,  the  Pas- 
toral of  Gregory  the  Great,  the  Canons,  and  the 
rales  osnally  given  by  the  ordainer  to  the  or- 
daiaed,  and  which  were  subsequently  given  to 
kin  in  writing ;  and  to  write  out  and  subscribe 
the  Creed,  and  hand  it  so  subscribed  to  the  me- 
tropolitan. The  written  consents  of  the  absent 
kisbops  were  then  produced  and  read,  and  the 


day  and  place  of  consecration  fixed  {Cone,  Oallic, 
Sirmond,  ii.  651).  See  also  the  Ordinals  in 
Martene  (ii.  386)  and  Morinus  (de  Sac,  Ord.  ii.)* 
A  profession  i.  e.  at  first  both  of  his  faith  and  of 
canonical  obedience  to  his  archbishop,  came  also 
to  be  part  of  the  formal  proceedings  of  the  con- 
firmation of  a  bishop.  The  English  "  Professions  *' 
begin  early  in  the  9th  century;  and  the  early 
ones  commonly  contain  a  kind  of  creed,  as  well 
as  a  promise  of  obedience.  So  likewise  in  the 
East,  the  2nd  Counc  of  Nice,  A.D.  787  (can.  ii.) 
requires  a  careful  enquiry  to  be  made  whether 
the  candidate  is  well  acquainted  with  the  Canons, 
with  the  Gospels,  Epistbes,  and  the  whole  Scrip- 
tures, and  is  prepeired  hiooself  to  walk,  and  to 
teach  the  people  committed  to  him,  according  to 
God's  commandments.  And  the  bishop  elect  was 
required  to  profess  that  he  '*  receives  the  Seven 
Synods,  and  promises  to  keep  the  canons  enacted 
by  them,  and  the  constitutions  promulged  by 
the  Fathers."  A  solemn  recitation  and  subscrip- 
tion of  the  Creed,  and  a  disclaimer  of  simony, 
were  required  also  of  the  bishop  elect  before  his 
consecration  (Sym.  Thessal.  ap.  Morin.  ii.  156). 
In  the  Western  Church,  even  at  this  date,  no 
further  confirmation  was  usual  or  necessary. 
The  pope  only  intervened  in  a  few  extraordinary 
cases  (Thomassin,  II.  ii.  30,  §  1 :  and  see  Patri- 
▲BGH,  Pope). 

8.  Ordination  (xe<f>ovoWa  moi>t  commonly,  as 
probably  in  Acts  xiv.  23,  although  the  word  is 
also  used  of  election,  as  2  Cor.  viii.  19 ;  x*^P^ 
B^trla,  which  also  means  sometimes  benediction 
only,  as  6  irp^fffiin^pos  x^^P^^^^h  oh  xetpo^eyei, 
Apost,  Ckmttit,  viii.  28  [and  so  x^^P^^^^"^^  ^^ 
X^tpoBertiy  are  distinguished  in  the  spurious 
Epist,  of  St.  Ignat.  to  Hero,  c  iii.] ;  KaBi€p»<ns ; 
T€Kt<rtovpylai  iupopi<rfi6s ;  and  in  Pseudo-Dion. 
Areop.,  rhetoridzed  into  T€\€i»(ris  UpariK^i 
&iroTX^f>«(rif,  liiaK6<rtx7)<rts,  ic.t.\.)» — followed 
upon  the  completion  of  the  confiiTuation. 

And  (a)  first,  the  matter  and  form  (as  it 
was  afterwards  called)  of  ordination  was,  from 
the   beginning,    laying   on  of   hands  (itriOarts 

T&y  x^^^y  '^^^  ^*  ^'  ^  ^*™*  ^^*  ^^>  ^'  ^^' 
2  Tim.  i.  6 ;  x<ip<*<^«''^  Euseb.),  accompanied 
necessarily  by  words  expressive  of  the  purpose 
of  the  act,  but  by  no  invariable  and  universal 
formula  claiming  apostolic  authority.  Other 
rites,  added  as  time  went  on,  cannot  claim  to 
be  either  apostolical  or  universal,  and  pertain 
therefore,  at  best,  "  to  the  solemnity,  not  to  the 
essence,"  of  the  rite,  (i.)  The  only  other  rite 
indeed  in  episcopal  ordination,  that  has  any  ap- 
pearance of  a  claim  to  the  '*  ubique  et  ab  omnibus," 
but  which  is  not  traceable  (although  it  very  pro- 
bably existed)  before  the  3rd  century,  is  the  lay- 
ing of  the  Gospels,  open  in  the  ancient  and  in  the 
Greek  church,  shut  ace.  to  the  Ordo  RomanuSj 
upon  the  head  (in  some  rites,  upon  the  neck  and 
shoulders)  of  the  bishop  to  be  ordained. — Const, 
AposM.  viii.  4 :  Kol  vufinis  ytyofi4yriSy  cT;  r£u 
TpArww  *l&irurK6wvy  Hfia  iroU  Bvaly  Mpois  irXif- 
ffloy  rod  Bvvuumipiov  i«rTifSy  r&v  \oiir&¥  '£Ti- 
tFKintwv  icol  -rpw^vrdpoty  iruairfi  wpoo'cvxefi^i'MVy 

*  The  special  appropristfon  of  the  term  eonaeeraUon  to 
episcopal  ordination  Is  purely  modem ;  Leo  M.,  e.p.,  uses 
the  term  indifferently  of  bishops,  priests^  or  deacons;  and 
Gillebert,  quoted  by  Du  Gangs,  opposes  it  to  *  dedfcsre," 
the  latter  meaning  to  devote  to  God,  the  Conner  to  set 
apart  for  boly  uses. 


222 


BISHOP 


r&p  9h  5caittfr«r  t&  Beta  EtmyydXia  M  rrjt  rov 
X*tporoifovfjJwav  Kt^aXris  iar€irrvyfi4ya  leartx^'^ 
r»Vt  Ar/^Ttf,  ff.r.X. — And  with  unimportant  ra- 
riations,  Ckno.  Carth,  TV,  a.d.  398,  can.  ii. : 
'*  Episcopufl  cmn  ordinatnr,  dno  episcopi  ponant 
et  teneant  EvangeUorum  codicem  super  caput  et 
cerricem  ejus,  et  uno  luper  eum  fundente  bene- 
dictionem,  reliqui  omnee  epiacopi  qui  adsunt, 
manibus  suia  caput  ejus  tangant.  — ^And  so  also 
CoMtit,  Apottd,  yiii.  8  (assigning  the  act  to 
deacons),  Pseudo-Chrya.  {Horn,  &  Uno  Legis- 
lator. 0pp.  vL  410,  Montfouc),  Pseudo-Dion. 
Areop.  {iis  Sod,  Bier,  V.  L  7,  iii.  7X  and  almost 
erery  ritual,  Eastern  and  Western,  including  (so 
Denzinger)  Nestorian,  Haronite,  and  Jacobite 
(assigning  it  either  to  the  patriarch  or  to  the 
assisting  bishops).  And  although  it  came  to  be 
used  in  Egypt  in  the  consecration  of  the  patri- 
arch only,  yet  there  too,  if  the  Pseudo-Dionysius 
represents  the  Alexandrian  rite,  it  must  have 
been  used  at  first  for  all  bishops  (Denzinger, 
£it.  Orient.  135).  Alcuin  howerer  (de  Div,  Off,\ 
Amalarius  (de  Offic,  EocL  ii.  14),  and  Isidor. 
Hispal.  (de  Div,  Offio.  ii.  5%  quoted  by  Morinus, 
seem  (rather  unaccountably)  to  imply  its  absence 
in  Gaul,  Germany,  and  SpiUn,  in  the  8th  and  9th 
centuries.  And.it  is  certainly  wanting  in  two 
pontificals  in  Mabillon  (iftts.  Ralio,  torn.  ii. 
numm.  yiii.  ij.).  The  actual  delivery  of  the 
Gospels  to  the  consecrated  bishop  occurs  among 
the  Maronites,  but  not  among  the  Jacobite  Sy- 
rians or  the  Nestorians  (Denzinger) ;  and  in  the 
West,  it  is  in  the  present  Roman  Pontifical,  but 
was  unknown  until  the  11th  century  (Morinus, 
iii.  23). — (ii.)  Anointing  of  the  head  in  episcopal 
ordination  is  a  much  less  ancient  or  general  rite 
than  the  imposition  of  the  Goepels.  Among  the 
Easterns  it  never  existed  at  all  (Morinus,  Den- 
zinger, &c) ;  the  few  ambiguous  expressions  in 
Eastern  rituals  (cited  by,  e,  g.^  J.  A.  Asseroani) 
referring  to  spiritual  anointing,  while  the  tes- 
timony to  the  absolute  non-oocurrence  of  the 
material  rite  is  express.  It  is  found  in  Gaul  in 
the  6th  century  (^Rit.  ap.  Morin.  de  Ordin.  ii.  261, 
sq.) ;  in  Africa  not  at  all ;  doubtfully  in  Spain 
(Morinus);  bat  in  Italy,  also  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury (S.  Leo  M.,  Serm,  viii.  de  Faseion,  Domini; 
Greg.  M.  in  Beg.  I.  x. ;  ap.  Morin.  ib.  III.  vi.  2, 
§  2) ;  and  in  Saxon  England  it  was  extended  to 
hands  as  well  as  head  in  the  8th  century  (Egbert's 
Pontif.  ed.  Greenwell ;  and  so  also  in  the  Roman 
ordinal  in  Morinus,  ii.  288).— (iii.)  The  sign  of 
the  cross,  accompanying  the  imposition  of  hands 
(which  is  therefore  called  <r<fipayls)f  is  mentioned 
by  St.  Chrys.  (Horn.  Iv.  in  Matth.)y  and  by  the 
Pseudo-Diouysios  as  above.  In  the  later  Greek 
ritual  it  occurred  thrice  (see  Morinus,  iii.  254). 
— (iv.)  Delivery  of  pastoral  staff  and  ring  be- 
came also  a  part  of  the  Western  rite  from  about 
the  latter  part  of  the  6th  century  (Maskell, 
Mon.  Hit,  vol.  iii.  273).  It  occurs  in  the  Ponti- 
ficals of  Gregory  the  Great  and  Egbert,  but  not 
in  those  of  Gelasius  or  Leo.  The  staff  indeed 
dates  from  the  4th  century,  as  one  of  the  insignia 
of  a  bishop,  both  in  East  and  West.  And  the  ring, 
which  is  unused  in  the  East  (except  by  the  Ma- 
ronite  Syrians,  and  by  the  Armenians,  the  latter 
of  whom  borrowed  it  from  Rome — so  Denzinger — 
and  the  c^payU,  or  sign  of  the  cross,  is  iunl  8a- 
KTvXlovy  aoc.  to  Sym.  Theraalon.),  occurs  in  the 
West  as  early  as  Isid.  Hispal.  de  Div.  Off.  ii.  5 ; 
but  ^  is  not  in  either  Amalarius,  Alcuin,  or  Rab. 


BISHOP 

Manrus"  (Maskell).  Both  staff  and  ring  ire 
in  Cono.  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can.  xxviiL  (men- 
tioning ''orarium,  annulum,  baculum");  md, 
seemingly,  in  Cone.  Franco/,  a.d.  794,  can.  z. 
(mentioning,  however,  only  in  general,  "epiioo- 
palia").  [Ring  ;  Cbosier  Staff.]  But  as  pert 
of  the  rite  of  ordination,  they  belong  to  the  West, 
and  to  the  latter  part  of  the  6th  century. 
[Investiture.]  The  staff,  however,  oocus  b 
a  late  Greek  Pontifical  in  Morinus  (de  Sac 
Ord.  ii.  124).— <v.)  The  itfio^piov,  or  paOim 
(a  linen  vestment  marked  with  crossesX  also 
came  to  be  given  at  episcopal  ordinatioa  in  the 
East.  It  is  mentioned  as  an  (Eastern)  epi- 
scopal vestment  as  early  as  Isidor.  Pelns.  in  the 
beginning  of  the  5th  century  (lib.  i.  Ep.  136; 
and  see  Morinus,  p.  ii.  pp.  220  sq.,  and  Den- 
zinger) ;  and  occurs  in  the  Eastern  rituals.  In  the 
West,  the  delivery  of  a  vestment  also  called  \rj 
the  name  o(  pallium  followed  ordination,  not  of  sU 
bishops,  but  of  archbishops,  as  a  totally  distinct 
ceremony,  and  with  an  entirely  different  mesning 
and  purpose.  And  this  began  about  A.D.  500 :  see 
Gieseler,  ii.  133,  En^.  ed.,  and  under  Paul— 
(vi.)  The  delivery  of  the  mitre  at  ordination  ia 
the  West  dates  only  afler  the  close  of  the  period 
to  which  this  article  refers ;  occurring  first  about 
the  10th  centuiy  (see  Maskell's  Man.  Kit.  iii.  275)l 
It  is  in  the  Sarum,  as  in  all  later  Pontifiesls. 
As  part  of  the  episcopal  dress  during  Divine 
service,  in  some  shape  or  other,  and  under 
various  names,  it  occurs  both  in  East  and  West 
from  apparently  the  4th  century.  [MnuE.]— 
(vi.)  The  delivery  of  the  paten  **  cum  obUtis," 
and  of  the  chalice  *'  cum  vino,"  which  fomu  a 
principal  part  of  the  later  additions  to  the  ordi- 
nation of  a  presbyter  [PresbtterI  is  fsusA 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Sacram.  of  Gregory  the 
Great  (Morinus,  ii.  277,  iii.  134),  and  in  the  con- 
secration of  a  bishop  (in  which  however  it  does 
not  occur  again).  Among  the  Syrians,  however, 
the  consecrating  bishop  touched  the  oonsecrsied 
elements  with  his  hands  before  laying  hands  upon 
the  head  of  the  bishop  to  be  consecrated  (Den- 
zinger) ;  and  in  the  Apost.  Conetit.  viiL  5,  one  of 
the  consecrating  bishops  is  ordered  Avo^^v 

— -(vii.)  The  Mi^^ffis  or  proclamation  (prae- 
duxttiOf  promulgatiOy  Aroic^pu^if,  ^ur^pu^is,  or 
lefipv^is  i^  6y6fittTos)y  and  (viii.)  the  kiss  ofpeacSj 
are  mentioned  by  Pseudo-Dion.  Areop.  as  follow- 
ing upon  the  consecration.  The  latter  is  men- 
tioned also  in  Apost.  Constit.  viii.  5,  but  as  oc- 
curring at  the  subsequent  enthronization.  And 
it  was  repeated  four  times  during  the  service  in 
the  East  in  the  time  of  Sym.  of  ThessaL  (sp. 
Morin.  ii.  171).  The  former  occurs  in  the  time 
of  Symeon  before  the  consecration,  and  wss  ii 
that  position  a  public  proclamation  by  name  of 
the  appointment  (i^  Btla  x^^'  wfox«<p^C<^») 
of  the  elect  bishop,  made  by  the  consecrating 
archbishop  (among  the  Jacobites  and  Copts, 
however,  by  the  archdeacon — ^Denzinger).  There 
were  indeed  two  such  /ii^v6fuera :  one,  the  de- 
claration made  to  the  bishops,  intimating  the 
choice  made  by  emperor,  or  by  metropolitsn, 
among  the  three  presentees ;  the  other,  the  pro* 
clamation  of  the  name  to  the  people  (Monnns, 
iii.  254).  In  the  older  Latin  Ordinals  the  ssme 
form  occurs  in  substance  in  like  place  (id.  ^ 
27);  viz.  as  a  declaration  by  the  consecrstor, 
that  "  cives  nostri  elegemnt  sibi  ilium  pastorem^ 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


228 


»  itaqne  pro  hoc  Tiro,"  &c.  It  is  also  in 
iM  unoa^  tbe  Syrians  (id,  ib,  31).  The  Apost 
Gowftf.  do  not  mention  it.  But  St.  Greg.  Naz. 
seeou  to  allnde  to  it  under  the  term  hnpt\fu- 
(cnu  (Vor.  A.  30).  *Ard^^^<rif  is  also  nsod  in 
SjMnvs  {Epitt,  67)  as  equivalent  to  consecra- 
tiaa ;  and  see  also  Snioer  in  voce. 

All  these,  howerer,  are  later  additions  to  the 
rite;  arising  (as  was  not  unnatural)  out  of  the 
gndnal  extension  of  the  "  traditio  instrumen- 
Uram^  which  had  constituted  the  ordination  of 
Um  minor  orders  from  the  beginning  (see  Cone, 
Carik,  W.\  to  the  higher  orders  also ;  and  accom- 
psfiied  in  the  case  of  some  of  them  by  an  equally 
astanl  oonTersion  of  accessories  in  course  of  time 
isto  csientials.  It  is  waste  of  words  to  prore  that 
the  one  and  only  essential  act  from  the  beginning 
VIS  imposition  of  hands.  This  also,  however, 
IB  process  of  time,  became  varied,  1.  by  repe- 
titiMi,  2.  br  the  use  of  one  or  both  hands,  and 
tbe  like :  for  which  details  see  Imposition  of 

The  form  of  ordination  was  not  similarly  fixed. 
Pope  Innocent  III.,  speaking  as  a  canonist,  and 
Hsbert,  writing  of  the  Greeks  as  a  theologian, 
eipreasly  declare  that  the  Apostles  appointed  no 
form  of  words;  that  It  rests  therefore  with  the 
Church  to  appoint  such  a  form ;  and  that,  apart 
&m  Church  authority,  any  words  whatever, 
silequate  to  the  purpose,  woiUd  suffice.  And  the 
&cts  of  the  case  are  in  themselves  enough  to 
tstsblish  this.  In  the  (Jreek  Church,  the  form 
ia  Sym.  TheasaL  runs  thtis :  'H  B^ia  x^"  *'P<^ 
X^ifT9i  r^  S«7ra  elt  'Evdncovoy,  it.r.A. ; 
tboe  words,  which  are  used  at  the  &yd^^Y}<rit, 
bdag  repeated  at  the  actual  consecration.  Den- 
aigir,  however  (pp.  140,  141),  considers  the 
caeatisl  words  in  the  Eastern  rites  which  he 
ncBtions  to  be  found  in  the  prayers  which  ao- 
ffowfianifd  the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  to  be  of  a 
precatory  form.  In  the  Latin  (%urch,  since  the 
lltk  century,  it  has  been  simply,  "  Accipe  Spi- 
ritam  Sanctum,"  without  express  mention  in  the 
frna  itself  of  the  episcopal  office  either  by  name 
«r  by  description,  the  context  sufficiently  limit- 
ing the  purpose  of  the  words  (Vazquez,  &c.). 
Prior  to  that  date,  the  '*  consecratio  '*  of  a  bishop 
was  not  an  imperative  declaration,  but  was  in 
tke  form  of  a  prayer.    [Ordination.] 

0L  The  ordainers  were  necessarily  bishops  (see 
below,  IlL  1,  a.  i).  **  Two  or  three  at  the  least," 
WM  the  rule  of  the  Apostolic  Canon  (1),  and  of 
tke^poef.  ConatU.  (viii.  4,  27):  the  latter  also 
deposing  both  ordained  and  ordainer,  if  any  were 
•rdsiaed  (of  course,  without  sufficient  cause),  by 
ene  bi9hop(viii.  27), yet  expressly  not  voiding  such 
oidination  if  the  case  were  one  of  necessity.  But 
vkile  St.  Cyprian  {Epist,  67)  implies  the  ordi- 
sary  presence  of  all  or  most  of  the  comprovincial 
Wiofis,  the  Nicene  Council  (can.  iv.)  requires 
llie  actual  participation  in  the  consecration,  of 
tkree  absolutely,  as  a  minimum— K)f  all,  if  pos- 
able — but  in  any  case  with  the  consent  at  least 
ef  the  rest  of  the  comprovincial  bishops,  or  (can. 
n.)  of  the  major  part  of  them.  And  so  also 
CW.  do/csdl  Act.  zvi.  Several  Galilean  pro- 
rincial  oonncUs  go  farther,  by  requiring  in  one 
ose  (Cbnc.  Areht,  I.  ▲.D.  314,  can.  zx.)  seven  as  a 
rale,  but  if  that  is  impossible,  at  least  <<  infra  tres 
BM  siides[n]t  ordinare ;"  or  again  {Cone,  Arelat, 
IL  A.n.  353,  can.  v.X  the  metropolitan  with  three 
(or,  according  to  another  reading,  the 


metropolitan  in  person  or  by  letter,  and  three 
suffragans),  with  the  consent  of  the  remainder, 
or  of  at  least  the  major  part  of  the  whole  numi- 
her,  in  case  of  division ;  or  yet  again  {Cone 
Arctusic.  I.  A.D.  441,  can.  xxi.),  by  actually  de- 
posing the  ordainer,  and  (if  a  willing  participator 
in  the  irregularity)  the  ordained  bishop  also,  if 
'*  two  bishops  presumed **  to  ordain;  while  yet  a 
fourth  like  council  {Regieru,  ▲.D.  439,  can.  ii.) 
not  only  censures  but  voids  a  consecration,  which 
shall  lack  any  of  the  three  conditions,  of  consent 
of  comprovincial  bishops,  presence  of  three  of 
them,  and  assent  of  metropolitan.  The  rule  re- 
quiring three  is  also  matter  of  constant  reference 
(as,  e.  g.,  in  Cone.  Epaon,  a.d.  517,  can.  i. ;  or 
again  by  popes  from  Damasus  onward  to  Leo  HI., 
in  discussing  the  position  of  chorepiscopi ;  see 
Morin.  iii.  58).  Spanish  councils  simply  repeat  the 
Nicene  canon  on  Uie  subject  (e.  g.  Cone,  Tolet,  IV. 
A.D.  581,  can.  zviii. ;  and  so  Isidor.  Hispal.  de 
Offic,  Eccl,  11.  5).  And  in  Africa,  at  an  earlier 
date.  Cone,  Carih,  III.  A.D.  397,  can.  xxxix.,  con- 
demns consecration  by  two  bishops,  pronounces 
the  requirement  of  twelve  (which  had  been  sug- 
gested) impracticable,  and  repeats  accordingly 
the  old  rule  of  three :  can.  xl.  of  the  same  council 
prohibiting  the  three  from  proceeding  to  conse- 
crate, in  case  objections  are  taken  to  the  bishop- 
elect,  until  themselves  with  **  one  or  two  "  more 
have  enquired  into  those  objections  on  the  spot, 
and  found  them  groundless.  The  rule  in  the 
East  was  the  same  (Denzlnger,  p.  142X  **  soil, 
ut  non  minuatur  numerus  teraarius."  And  Cono» 
Seleuc,  et  Ctesiph,  A.D.  410  (ed.  Lamy,  1869X 
deposes  (if  the  record  is  genuine)  both  conse- 
crated and  consecrators,  if  any  be  ordained  bishop 
by  one  bishop  or  by  two.  But  then  the  principle 
which  underlav  this  rule,  was  not  the  inability 
of  one  bishop  bv  himself  to  consecrate,  but  the 
desirableness  that  many,  and  if  possible  all, 
should  co-operate  in,  and  testify  to,  the  act  of 
consecration.  So  expressly  the  Apost,  Constit, 
viii.  27;  adding  with  like  clearness  a  proviso, 
that ''  one  **  may  consecrate  in  case  of  necessity, 
if  only  a  greater  number  signify  their  sanction 
of  the  act.  So  Gregory  the  Great,  in  the  well- 
known  Anstoera  to  Augustine,  requires  "  three  or 
four "  if  possible,  but  speaks  of  the  presence  of 
more  than  one  only  as  *'  valde  utilis,*'  as  of  those 
**  qui  testes  assistant ;"  and  distinctly  authorizes 
consecration  by  one  on  the  ground  of  necessity. 
So  Synesius  {Epist.  67)  censures  the  consecration 
of  Siderius,  bishop  of  Palaebisca,  as  (not  invalid 
but)  4tc94ff/iws,  1.  because  not  in  Alexandria  or 
with  the  consent  of  the  patriarch ;  but  also,  2.  be- 
cause performed  by  ''not  three,"  but  a  single 
bishop ;  and  Theodoret  (v.  23)  that  of  Evagrlus 
of  Antioch,  as  also  wo^  rhv  iKK\ii<rta,aruchu 
BtCfiSy,  *' because  (among  other  things)  Paulinus 
alone  consecrated  him.  But  Synesius  adds,  that 
necessity  iustified  the  former  of  these  consecra- 
tions, and  nad  led  St.  Athanasius  to  allow  the  like ; 
and  in  that  of  the  latter,  both  the  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria and  the  Western  bishops  recognized  it  none 
the  less  (Theodoret,  ib,  ,*  Innocent  I.  Episi,  14). 
So  again  the  bishops  of  Pontus  {Epist,  ad  fin.  Cone, 
Choked.)  speak  of  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria  as  actu- 
allv  bishop,  although  consecrated  by  only  two 
bishops  (and  those  under  censure), "  cum  regulae 
patrum  . . .  tres  episcopos  corporaiiter  adesse  . .  • 
prospidant."  Of  the  very  councils  themselves 
of  Aries  II.  and  of  Riez,  above  quoted,  the  former 


224 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


recognizes  the  reality  of  the  censured  consecra- 
tion by  appointing  the  bishop  consecrated  by  two 
to  one  of  the  sees  vacated  by  the  deposition  of 
his  consecrators,  if  the  irregularity  had  been 
without  his  consent;  and  the  latter, — although 
its  canon  can  scarcely  be  explained  away  (as  by 
Thomassin)  by  referring  it  to  election  and  not 
consecration, — yet    both   permits    the   deposed 
bishop  to  oonfins,  and  allows  the  orders  he  may 
have  already   conferred,    subject    only  to   the 
favour  of  the  metropolitan ;  or  in  other  words, 
does  not  venture  to  quash  the  consecration  out- 
right.    The  Welsh  and  early  Irish  and  Scotch 
practice— of  only  one  consecrator — was  no  doubt 
at  first  a  matter  of  necessity ;  although  continued 
after  it  had  ceased  to  be  so.    The  Saxon  Church 
resumed  the  canonical  rule  of  three,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  soon  as  possible.    And  even  in  664  a 
Wessex  bishop  called  in  two  British  bishops,  albeit 
he  must  have  thought  them  schismatical,  to  com- 
plete that  number  (Baed.  H,  E,  iii.  28).  The  cases 
of  Pope  Pelagius  I.  A.D.  555,  ordained  by  two 
bishops  and  a  presbyter  {Lib,  Pontif,  in  F.  Peiag,\ 
and  of  Novatian  long  before,  calling  in  three 
bishops,  ivypoiKovs  Ktd  iarKovardrovSf  from  some 
comer  of  Italy,  to  ordain  him  to  the  see  of  Rome 
(Euseb.  ff»  E,  vi.  43),  and  long  afterwards,  the 
permission  given   by  the  popes  (see  Bellarm. 
de  EccL  iv.  8)  to  make  up  the  number  of  three 
by  two  or  more  mitred  abbats,  so  that  there  was 
one  bishop  (Labbe,  i.  53), — prove  at  once  the 
existence  of  the  rule  while  they  violate  its  spirit. 
Pope  Siricius  also  (JEpist,  iv.  c  2,  A.D.  384  x  398) 
forbids  *'ne  unus  episoopus  episcopum  ordinare 
praesumat ;"  but  it  is  "propter  arrogantiam,"  and 
"  ne  furtivum  beneficium  praestitum  videatur." 
Michael    Oxita    (patriarch    of  Constantinople, 
A.D.  1145-6)  also  rejected  two  bishops  who  had 
been  ordained  by  a  single  bishop  (Bever.  Pandect, 
ii.  Annoi,  p.  10).    Among  the  Nestorians,  again, 
the  patriarch  'Hmotheus,  about  ▲.D.  900,  assert- 
ing the  ''need"  of  three  bishops,  allows  in  a 
case  of  necessity  the  sufficiency  of  two,  so  long 
as  the  necessity  lasted;   but  enjoins  that  the 
Gospels  shall  be  placed  on  the  right  hand  upon 
a  throne  in  lieu  of  a  third  bishop  (Assemani, 
BibL  Orient,  III.  i.  163).     Compare  finally  the 
distinction  drawn  in  the  Pontificals  between  the 
consecrator  and  the  *'  assisting  bishops  " — "  socii 
ordinationis  **  {Coptic  Bit.) :  or  again  the  words 
of  the  bishops  of  Pontus  mentioned  above,  '*  per 
sufiragium   consensumque  duorum  episcoporum 
cum  ipso  (patriarcha)  praesentium."    Whether 
chorepitcopi,  consecrated  by   one  bishop,  were 
bishops  themselves,  see  Chobepisoopi. 

y.  The  place  of  ordination  was  properly  and 
originally  the  actual  see  itself  to  which  the 
bishop  was  to  be  ordained.  So  St.  Cyprian 
{Epist,  67),  Poesid.  (in  V,  S.  Aug,  viiL),  St.  Au- 
gustin  himBe\{(Epi8t,  261),  Pope  Julius  {Epist,  ad 
Orient,  ap.  St.  Athan.  Apol,  ii.),  Cone.  Chatced.  Act. 
xi.  (Labbe,  iv.  700),  Cone,  Bom,  A.D.  531  (in  Hol- 
stein.  Collect,  Bom.  p.  7),  and  Synesius  {Epiat.  67, 
as  above).  The  practice  however  came  in  time 
to  be  that  the  metropolitan  appointed  the  place 
(Synes.  •6. ;  Cone.  Tolet,  IV.  A.D.  581,  can.  xviii.), 
although  it  was  commonly  the  metropolitan  see, 
and  the  metropolitan  himself  was  always  to  be 
consecrated  there  (Cone.  Tolet.  ib.),  U,  however, 
not  there,  Uien,  by  Cone,  Tarracon,  a.d.  516, 
can.  X.,  the  bishop  consecrated  elsewhere  was  to 
present  himself  to  the  metropolitan  within  two 


months.  And  Cone,  Aurelian.  IV.  A.D.  541,  can.  v., 
restricts  it  to  the  metropolitan  see,  unless  un« 
avoidably  removed  elsewhere ;  and  even  in  that 
case  commands  the  presence  of  the  metropolitsa, 
and  that  it  shall  be  within  the  province.    Is 
whatsoever  town  it  was,  the   rite  was  alwsyi 
celebrated  at  the  altar  of  the  church,  the  cut- 
didate  kneeling  (Pseudo-Dion,  as  above,  and  r- 
peatedly;  Theodoret,  iv.  15,  rapii  rV  Uf^rpi- 
Tc^ay).    A  natural  custom  also  in  course  of  time 
marked  out  the  Lord's  Day,  or  at  any  rate  some 
great  festival,  as  the  "legitimus  dies"  for  a 
bishop's  consecration  (Pope  Zosimus,  Epiat.  vi; 
Cone,  Tolet.  IV.  can.  xviii.);  while  Leo  the Gmt 
{Epist,  ix.)  insists  upon  the  Lord's  Day,  bat  at 
beginning  from  the  Saturday  evening ;  and  Pope 
Gelasius  actually  limits  the  ordinations  of  pre*- 
byters  and  deacons  to  the  Saturday  evening  ex- 
clusively.    But  there  was  certainly  no  restrio* 
tion  of  days  at  all  until  the  4th  century  (Pagi, 
ap.  Bingh.  IV.  vi.  7).    In  the  East  the  same  rde 
of  Sunday  came  to  prevail  universally  (Denzin- 
ger);  but  the  Nestorian  rubric  (as  doei  also 
common  Western  practice)  admits  festivals  like- 
wise (id.).    £mber-days,  when  they  came  to  exist, 
belonged  to  presbyterial  and  diaconal  ordinatiooSb 
The  hour  also  came  to  be  limited  as  well  as  the 
day,  viz.  to.  the  time  of  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist,  L  e,  the  morning  (r^t  /uMrruc^f  ^*p*^ 
ylas  vpoKUfi4yiiSy  says  Theodoret,   SisL  BeUg. 
xiii.,  speaking  however  of  presbyterial  ordina- 
tion): and  this  at  an  early  period,  inasmnck 
as  Novatus  is  censured  (Euseb.  ff.  E.  vi  43^  as 
having  been  (among   other  things)  consecnted 
fipf  8cfcc(ri7,  L  e.  somewhere  about  4  PJi.    In  the 
East  the  rule  became  equally  fixed,  and  on  like 
grounds;  and  this  as  regards  bishops  universallj: 
save  (as  before)  the  one  exception  of  the  Nee 
torians,  who  leave  it  optional,  and  provide  rubrics 
for  ordinations  made   **  extra  missam "  (Den- 
zinger).    Theodore  in  England  enacts  (Poenit.  IL 
iii.  1),  that  in  the  ordination  of  a  bishop  **  debet 
missa  cantari  ab  episcopo  ordinante."    The  parti- 
cular part  of  the  liturgy,  however,  at  whidi  the 
ordination  was  to  be  (so  to  say)  int«rpobit«d, 
difiered  in  East  and  West.    The  **  dies  anniver- 
sarins  "  of  the  ordination,  t.  e.  the  ^  dies  natalis  ** 
or  the  **  natalitia "  of  the  bishop,  was  also  com- 
monly kept  as  a  kind  of  festival  (St.  Ang.  CtmL 
Lit.  Peta.  iL  23,  Horn,  xxxii.  de  Verb.  Dohl, 
Horn,  xxiv.  et  xxv.  ex  QivAnquagintOy  Horn.  cccxL 
ed.  Bened. ;   Leo  M.,   Horn.  L  ii.  iii. ;  Paalio. 
Epiet.  xvL ;  St.  Ambros.  Epist.  v. ;  Pope  Hilarj, 
Epist.  ii. ;  Sixtus,  Epiat.  ad  Joh.  AntiocA,  Labbe, 
iii.  1261 ;  Pagi,  ap.  Bingh.  FV.  vi  15> 

8.  The  ordainers  were  also,  according  to  African 
rule  (Cod.  Can,  Afric.  89),  to  give  letters  under 
their  own  hand  to  the  bishop  ordained,  **con- 
tinentes  consulem  et  diem,"  in  order  to  prevent 
future  disputes  about  precedence.  And  a  register 
of  ordinations  (archimUy  matriadaj  ipx^rvroSt 
fiarpiKtoy)  was  to  be  kept  both  in  the  primate's 
church  and  in  the  metropolis  of  the  province  for 
the  like  purpose  (»6.  86;  and  see  Bingh.  D. 
xvi.  8). 

4.  Enthronization  (irBpopiiCfor,  inca!lkBdrert\ 
which  is  mentioned  in  the  Apost.  Cons^and 
in  Greek  Pontificals,  as  the  concluding  aa  of 
ordination,  followed  upon  ordination,  either  (as 
at  first)  immediately  or  (in  course  of  time)  after 
an  interval ;  a  regular  service  being  then  pro- 
vided for  it,  which  is  desci'ibed  by  Sym.  Theo.  & 


BISHOP 

fu.  A  wrmoa  wac  thereapon  preached,  at  least 

in  tkt  East,  by  the  newlj  consecrated  bishop, 

itjM  ^'senno  enthronisticas,"  of  which  instances 

ue  giTCB  io  Bingh.   IL  xi.  10.    And  Utterae 

fiwwiMiirfnriaiT,  or  sywodicaej  or  entkronxUicae, 

)^(^^arii    Koamruch^    irvXXa$td   iySpotnarucait 

vat  written  to  other  bishops,  to  give  account 

•f  the  •eider's  faith,  and  to  receive  letters  of 

cmuBimion  id  retnm  (Bingh.  i&.).    T&  Mpov^ 

ttTMt  *jBOf  were  payments  which  came  to  be 

Bade  bf  bishops  on  occasion  of  their  enthroniza- 

tMD.   The  Arabic  Tersion  of  the  Nicene  canons 

hu  a  rale  about  enthronization  (can.  Ixzi.),  viz. 

that  the  bishop  be  enthroned  at  once  by  a  delegate 

ef  the  aichbtthop,  and  that  the  archbishop  visit 

ten  pcxKinaUy  after  three  months,  and  confirm 

Urn  in  the  see.     In  664  or  5,  when  Wilfrid  was 

ceoRented   at  Compi^gne    by   twelve  French 

tUops,  they  carried  him,  with  hymns  and  chants, 

''is  ttlla  anrea  sedentem,  more  eomm  "  (Edd.  in 

5.  A  Frofettkm  of  Obedience  to  the  metro- 
politsBy  and  (in  the  Carlovingian  empire)  an 
oathtfaBeffkatce  to  the  emperor  or  king,  began 
to  be  reqoired,  prior  to  confirmation,  the  former 
from  the  6th  century  onwards,  the  latter  from 
tbe  time  either  of  CSharlemagne  or  of  his  imme- 
diate sQooessors ;  but  far  earlier  in  Spain,  a.  The 
euUest  written  profession  of  obedience  to  the 
metropolitan  produced  bv  Thomaasin — ^  cartula 
it  obedientiae  aponsione  — is  one  made  by  the 
netropolitan  of  Epirus  to  the  archbishop  of 
Tbesnlonica,  and  is  condemned  by  Pope  Leo  I.  A.D. 
450{EpisL  Izxziv.  c.  1).  And  some  kind  of 
vrittea  promise — *'  tempore  ordinationLs  nostrae 
lUMliiisque  aacerdoe  cautionem  scriptis  emit- 
tiaiiB,  ftndioie  de  fide  ordinatoris  nostri  " — was 
■ade  to  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia,  c.  A.D.  590, 
by  his  suffiragans  (Baron,  in  an,  590,  num.  xzviii.). 
Bat  Spanish  oouncib  of  a  little  later  date  are  (as 
Bight  be  expected)  most  express  on  the  point.  Cone. 
EmeriL,  indeed,  ▲.D.  666,  can.  iv.,— extending  to 
biihopB,  &e.,  an  enactment  of  Qmc.  Tolet,  IV. 
LSt,  581,  can.  xvii.,  respecting  presbyters  and 
deaooBs,-— only  enjoins  the  metropolitan  at  the 
tioM  of  his  ordination,  and  the  bishops  at  the 
tine  ef  theirs,  respectively  to  promise  ""  vivere 
caste,  recte,  et  sobrie."  But  Cone.  Tolet,  XI. 
JLDi.  675,  can.  x.,  requires  every  one  of  all  grades 
•fderi^,  before  ''consecration,'*  to  bind  himself, 
•ot  only  to  keep  the  faith,  live  piously,  and  obey 
tbe  CKDOM,  but  also  "ut  debitum  per  omnia 
beoorem  atque  obsequii  reverentiam  praeemi- 
xati  cibi  unnaquisqne  dependat."  St.  Boniface 
ikntly  after,  in  Germany,  A.D.  723,  when 
eaaacoated  bishop  by  Pope  Gregory  II.,  goes  a 
f«g  step  further,  by  giving  a  written  promise 
^addressed  to  Si.  Peter),  **  vobis,  beato  Petro,  vica- 
rioqae  tno  B.  Papae  Gregorio,  snccessoribusque 
cjas;**  that  he  will  keep  the  fitith  in  its  purity, 
it,  and  that  he  will  ^  fidem  et  puritatem,"  &c., 
*  ptaedicto  vicario  tuo  atque  successoribus  ejus 
fer  oomia  ezhibere,"  Iw.  (S.  Bonif.  Epist.  xvii., 
cd.  Jaff^ ;  an  innovation  which  Thomassin  tells  us 
vas  not  repeated  by  any  one,  not  even  by  St. 
Booiftce's  own  successors  at  Mentz.  Further 
«B,  in  Gaul,  Cone  CabtOcn,  aj>.  813,  can.  xili., 
npreaaly  forbids  the  oath  which  some  then  exacted 
at  erdinatica,  "  quod  digni  sint,  et  contra  canones 
aoi  iiBt  freturif  et  obedienies  sint  episcopo  qui 
SK  ordinat,"  Ac. ;  **  quod  juramentum  quia  peri- 
MkiUB  est,  onmaa  una  inhibendum  statuimus." 


BISHOP 


225 


And  a  Capitulary  of  Ludov.  Pius,  a.d.  816 
(Capit,  i.  c.  97),  noticing  the  '' sacramenta,"  as 
well  as  *'  munera,"  which  Lombard  bishops  then 
exacted  ^  ab  his  quos  ordinabant,''  forbids  ^  om- 
nibus modis,  ne  ulterius  fiat."  But  this  prohi- 
bition applied  to  the  exaction  of  an  oath  of  feulty 
(Canciani,  Leg,  Barbar.  v.  121).  Professions  to 
the  metropolitan  by  the  bishop  to  be  consecrated 
were,  certainly,  from  that  time  forward  the  regu- 
lar practice.  The  form  of  that  of  the  bishop  ol 
Terouenne  to  Hincmar  of  Rheims  is  in  Cone,  Gallic. 
li.  655.  And  English  professions  likewise  run  on 
from  the  like  date.  A  special  oath  to  the  pope, 
and  the  meaning  attached  to  the  reception  of  the 
pall,  belong  to  later  centuries,  the  instance  of 
St.  Boniface's  oath  alone  excepted.  In  the  East, 
a  form  of  written  promise  of  canonical  obedience, 
made  by  the  bishop  to  the  patriarch,  is  in  Jur, 
Orient,  i.  441 ;  and  is  expressly  sanctioned  by  the 
8th  can.  of  Cone,  Comtantin,  ▲.D.  869,  while 
condemning  certain  unauthorized  additions  to  it. 
It  may  also  be  mentioned  here  that  St.  Augustin 
procured  an  enactment,  at  a  Council  of  Car- 
thage, that  all  canons  relating  to  the  subject, 
''ab  ordinatoribus  ordinaudis  vel  ordinatis  in 
notitiam  esse  deferenda"  (Possid.  V,  S,  Aug, 
viii).  /3.  A  general  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
king,  from  all  subjects,  occurs  repeatedly  in 
the  Spanish  councils  (e.  g.  Cone,  Tolet,  XVI.  A.D. 
693).  And  a  promise  of  fidelity  from  bishops  is 
mentioned  in  Gietul  as  early  as  the  time  of  Leode- 
garius  of  Autun  and  St.  Eligius,  c.  A.D.  640.  But 
special  mention  of  an  oath  of  fidelity  taken  by  a 
bishop  at  his  ordination  seems  to  occur  first  at 
the  Council  of  Toul,  a.d.  850,  where  it  is  de- 
clared that  the  archbishop  of  Sens  had  thrice 
sworn  allegiance  to  Charles  the  Bald,  the  first 
time  being  when  the  king  gave  him  his  bishopric. 
Such  an  oath  of  allegiance  seems  also  to  be 
meant  by  Cone  Tur,  UL  a.d.  813,  can.  i. ;  and 
by  Cone,  Aquisgr,  II.  a.d.  836,  cap.  ii.  can.  xii. : 
although  spoken  of  with  no  reference  to  ordi- 
nation. But  the  absence  of  all  foiiaulae  for  it  in 
earlier  times  is  conclusive  against  throwing  back 
the  date  before  Charlemagne.  Homage  in  the 
feudal  sense  belongs  to  a  later  period  still.  At 
the  same  time  Charlemagne  introduced  an  oath 
of  fealty  in  the  case  of  bishops,  and  invested  a 
bishop  with  the  temporalities  of  his  see  by  ring 
and  crosier  (De  Marca,  de  Cono,  Ecd.  et  Imp, 
pp.  402,  426).  As  regards  the  East,  there  is  no 
mention  whatever  in  Symeon  Thessalou.  of  any 
oath  to  the  emperor  taken  by  a  bishop  at  ordi- 
nation, y.  The  oath  against  simony  may  also  be 
mentioned  here,  enacted  by  Justinian  {Novell, 
cxxxvii.  c.  2)  as  to  be  taken  by  a  bishop  at  ordi- 
nation ;  an  enactment  repeated  by  Pope  Adrian  I. 
(Epist,  ad  Car,  M,  in  Cone,  Gallic,  ii.  97>  (See 
also  above,  I.  2 ;  and  Simonv.) 

II.  We  have  next  to  consider  how  a  bishop 
ceased  to  be  so,  either  of  a  particular  see,  or 
altogether.    And, 

1.  Of  Thmslationj  which,  as  a  rule,  was  for- 
bidden, but  onlv  as  likely  to  proceed  from  selfish 
motives,  and  tnerefore  with  the  exception,  ex- 
pressed sometimes,  but  seemingly  always  under- 
stood, of  cases  where  there  was  sufficient  and 
good  cause.  Before  the  period  of  the  Apostolic 
Canons  this  prohibition  would  have  been  hardly 
needed.  Apod,  Can,  xiv.  forbids  it,  unless  there 
be  a  €ili\eyo5  alrla,  soil,  a  prospect  of  more  spi- 
ritual  "gain"  in  saving  souJa;  and  guards  the 

Q 


226 


BISHOP 


right  practical  application  of  the  mle  by  the 
proviso,  that  neither  the  bishop  himself,  nor  the 
wapoiKUi  desiring  him,  but  '*  many  bishops,"  shall 
decide  the  point,  and  that  vofHucX^iret  fityiffn^. 
The  Council  of  Nice  (can.  zr.),  Chnc,  Antioch. 
A.D.  341  (can.  xxi.),  Cone.  Sardic.  A.D.  347  (can. 
I.),  Cone,  CartK  III.  A.D.  397  (can.  xxxyii.),  and 
Cone,  Carth.  IV.  A.D.  398  (can.  xxvii.),  forbid  it 
likewise:  the  first  two  without  qualification; 
and  the  second,  whether  the  suggestion  proceed 
from  the  bishop,  the  people,  or  other  bishops; 
but  the  third,  if  &ir^  w6\sws  fUKpas  tls  Mpay ; 
and  the  fourth,  also  in  case  it  be  **  de  loco  ignobili 
ad  nobilem,"  while  allowing  it  if  it  be  S>t  the 
good  of  the  Church,  so  that  it  be  done  "  by  the 
sentence  of  a  synod,"  and  at  the  request  of  the 
clergy  and  laity.  And  the  Council  of  Nice  itself 
both  shewed  that  exceptional  cases  were  not  ex- 
cluded, by  actually  itself  translating  a  bishop 
(Sozom.  i.  2,  quoted  by  Pagi),  and  is  explained 
by  St.  Jerome  as  prohibiting  it,  only  **  ne  yirgin* 
alls  pauperculae  societate  oontempta,ditioris  adul- 
terae  quaerat  amplexus"  (Epist,  Ixxxiii.  ad 
OcAin.).  St.  Athanasius  indeed  gires  us  the 
cbiter  dictum  of  an  Egyptian  council,  condemning 
translation  as  parallel  with  dirorce,  and  therefore 
with  the  sin  of  adultenr  (Athan.  Apol,  ii.).  And 
gimilarly  St.  Jerome  {IJpist,  Ixxxiii.  ad  Ocean,), 
But  Pope  Julius  condemns  it  on  the  assumption 
throughout  that  its  motive  is  self-aggrandize- 
ment. Pope  Damasus  also  condemns  it,  but  it  is 
when  done  *'  per  ambitionem ; "  and  Pope  Grela- 
sius,  but  only  **  nuUis  existentibus  causis."  Leo 
the  Great,  c.  ▲.d.  450  (Epist,  Ixxxiv.  c.  8)  de- 
poses a  bishop  who  seeks  to  be  translated,  but 
it  is  '*  ad  majorem  plebem,"  and  ''  despecta  ciri- 
tatis  suae  mediocritate."  And  Pope  Hilary,  in 
Cone,  Bom,  A.D.  465,  condemns  a  proposed 
Spanbh  translation,  among  other  things,  as  con- 
trary to  the  Nicene  canon  (Hilar.  Epik,  1-3). 
While  Cone.  Choked,  A.D.  451,  can.  t.,  re-enacts 
the  canons  against  ^  transmigration."  At  the 
same  time,  both  translations,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
were  repeatedly  sanctioned,  beginning  with  the 
noted  case  of  Alexander  tuid  Narcissus  of  Jeru- 
salem (Hieron.  de  ScripU,  Eoel,  62);  as  may 
be  seen  in  Socrat.  vii.  35,  &c,  and  in  the  autho- 
rities quoted  by  Bingh.  VI.  iy.  6.  St.  Greg.  Naz., 
indeed,  a.d.  382,  speaks  of  the  Antiochene  canon 
on  the  subject  as  a  vSijlos  w(£Xeu  rtBv^icws :  and 
Socrates  actually  tells  us  in  terms,  that  transla- 
tions were  only  forbidden  when  persecutions 
ceased,  but  had  previously  been  perfectly  free  to 
all ;  and  asserts  that  they  were  a  thing  iidtd^opoy, 
whenever  circumstances  made  them  expedient 
fv.  8,  vii.  35) :  and  the  author  of  the  tract 
I>e  Translationibus  in  the  Jw  Orient,  (i.  293) 
sums  up  the  matter  tersely  in  the  statement 
that  ^  /i€Tdfiouri5  fccjct^Xvrai,  oh  fi^iv  ^  tk^riBtfris : 
%,e,  the  thing  prohibited  is  **  transmigration " 
(which  arises  from  the  bishop  himself,  f^m  self- 
ish motives),  not  **  translation  "  (wherein  the  will 
of  God  and  the  good  of  the  Church  is  the  ruling 
cause) ;  the  **  going,"  not  the  **  being  taken,"  to 
another  see.  The  same  rule  and  practice  prevailed 
both  in  East  and  West  down  to  the  9th  century, 
oomplicated  however  in  the  West  by  frequent 
cases  of  sees  destroyed  in  war,  or  removed  ^  ad 
alia  loca  quae  securiora  putamus  "  (St.  Greg.  M. 
Epist.  ii.  14).  Many  cases  occur  in  Gregory's 
letters,  of  bishops  of  Italy,  Corsica,  &c,  translated 
by  him  for  these  or  like  causes,  but  always  under  | 


BISHOP 

pressure  of  necessity  (see  Thomassin,  H.  iL  68); 
and  Joan.  Diac.  (iii.  18)  asserts  expressly,  that 
Gregory  *'  nunquam  episoopum  ab  intcgritate 
suae  Ecclesiae  vel  ipse  in  aliam  oommutavit  vd 
sub  quacunque  occasione  migrare  consensit.'' 
Gregory  of  Tours  supplies  instances  of  like  trau- 
lations  in  Gaul,  all  made  ^  consensu  r^um  ct 
episcoporum,"  but  ''inconsulta  sede  apostoliea" 
(Thomsasin,  ib,  §  5).  So  in  Spain  {Cone  ToieL  X. 
A.D.  656,  and  XVI.  a.D.  693,  can.  xii.).  In  Saxon 
England,  after  the  first  shifting  of  sees  ooDse 
quent  upon  the  settlement  of  the  Church  down 
to  Abp.  Theodore  was  passed,  no  trandatioos 
occurred  at  all,  except  the  simoniacal  instaaoe  of 
Wine  in  666,  until  that  of  Dunstan  tnan  Wor- 
cester to  London,  A.D.  959,  except  in  the  cases  of 
(1)  the  ever-shifting  sees  of  Hexham  and  Whit- 
heme,  and  there  once,  in  789,  and  (2)  the  ardi- 
bishoprics  of  Canterbury  and  York ;  and  even  in 
the  case  of  the  archbishoprics,  Cuthbert's  was  the 
only  instance  (a.d.  740)  until  the  10th  centniy. 
In  the  East,  while  the  case  of  Anthimns,  oon- 
demned  by  Cone,  Constcmtin,  A.D.  536,  Act.  i.,  for 
r^y  /JLOiX'^^  Ofmxyiiy  t^s  fiafftkiBos  'EiucXifcrtas, 
viz.  Constantinople,  and  for  leaving  his  own 
(smaller)  see  of  Trapezus  *'  widowed  and  withont 
a  husband,  against  the  canons,"— condemned  also 
by  Pope  Agapetus  I.  ('*  Impossibile  translatitinm 
hominem  in  ilia  sede  permanere,"  Idberat.  Bn^ 
viar,  21), — shews  the  existence  of  the  old  feelii^ 
on  the  subject-;  the  counter  case  of  Germanns  ot 
Cyzicum,  translated  A.D.  714  to  Constantinople^ 
**  sufiragio  atque  consensu  religiosomm,  presby- 
terorum,  diaconorum,  et  totius  sanctions  cleri 
sacrique  senatus  et  populi  imperatricis  hujos 
civitatis  "  (Thomassin,  from  Theophanes  m  ol 
and  Anastasius),  shews  equally  that  translatioiis, 
if  circumstances  were  thought  to  justify  them, 
were  not  prohibited.  In  the  Alexandrian  Chnrck 
the  rule  appears  to  have  been  exceptionally  strict, 
so  that  originally  it  was  forbidden  to  translate  a 
bishop,  already  such,  to  the  patriarchate,  althougk 
in  later  and  Mohammedan  times  this  rule  after 
great  contentions  became  relaxed  (Deudnger 
and  among  the  Nestorians,  as  one  result  of  sndi 
relaxation  of  a  like  rule,  it  came  to  pass  that 
patriarchs  were  often  actually  re-conseorsted 
(Assemani  and  Renaudot,  ap.  Denzinger). 

2.  Of^«8»^na^ton,  and  (a)  of  resignation  simply; 
respecting  which  there  is  no  express  canon,  abso- 
lutely speaking  ;  butC^n.  ApostoL  can.  xxxvLCSonCi 
Anoyr.  can.  xviii.,  ConcAniioeh,  A.D.  341,  cans.  xviL 
xviii.,  assume  or  enact  that  a  bishop  once  oowe- 
crated  cannot  refuse  to  go  to  a  see,  even  if  the 
people  will  not  receive  him ;  and  the  two  latter 
refer  the  decision  to  the  synod,  which  may  allow 
him  to  withdraw  or  not  as  it  judges  best.  Instances 
accordingly  occur  of  resignations  allowed  because 
circumstances  rendered  it  expedient  for  the  good 
of  the  Church,  as  where  the  people  obstinately 
refused  to  submit  to  the  bishop :  e,  g,  St.  Greg. 
Naz.,  when  archbishop  of  Constantinople,  wiu 
the  consent  of  the  Council  of  Constantinofde 
(Theodoret,  v.  8 ;  Socrat.  v.  7 ;  Sozom.  viL  7 ; 
St.  Greg.  Naz.  Epiet,  xlii.  aL  xzxvi.,  Ixv.  aL  lix^ 
Orat,  xxxii.,  and  Carmen  de  YUa  Sua);  Ifeletios 
when  bishop  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia  (Theodoret, 
ii.  31) ;  Martyrius,  bishop  of  Antioch  (Theod. 
Lectot'  i.) :  all  cases  in  point  to  the  canons  abovi 
mentioned,  the  people  in  each  case  being  &cUoiii 
and  perverse ;  but  the  second  and  third  (althougk 
the  latter  was  at  Antioch  itaalf  X  apparaitly  is 


BISHOF 

lireei  eoBtndicii<ni  to  the  Antiochene  rule,  no 

ffBodiea]  dedrioo  being  mentioned,  but    only 

the  vill  of  the  bishops  themselyee :  e.  g,  of  Mar- 

t}rnvs,  KX^Ipy  innrtfrdbcTy,  Kui  \a^  kir€i$ft,  K(d 

^LoAfvif  ifipvwmfupp  kfrordrTOfiai,     Instances 

seeor  tbo  of  resignations  offered  (and  approved 

thoogh  not  aeoepted)  forpeace'  sake :  as  St.  Chry-s. 

(Bom.  xi  m  Epiies.),  Ftavian  of  Antioch  under 

Tbcodoiiiis   (Tbeodiuret,    v.    23),    the  Catholic 

Afriosa  bishops  nnder  Aurelins  and  St.  Augustin 

at  tke  time  of  the  Donatist   schism  {Coliat, 

Cartkag.  AJ>.  411,  die  i.  c  xri.).   And  Eustathios 

af  Pern,  again,  was  permitted  to  resign  by  the 

Cms,  IjAss.  A.D.  431  (Act.  vii.  in  Efdst,  ad  Synod, 

FamphfibMi),  on  account  of  old  age,  retaining 

W  re  rff  iwuneor^t  iwofia  iral  r^v  rifi^v  xai 

r|r  KsiF«r(av,  but  without  authority  to  act  as 

Uihop  unless  at  a  fellow-bishop's  request.     And 

a  pension  out  of  the  rerenues  of  the  see  was 

grsnted  to  Domnus,  who  had  resigned  the  see  of 

Aatioeh,  by  the  Cone.  Chalced.  a.d.  457  (Act.  vii. 

tL  Act  z.,  Labbe,  iv.  681X  ftt  the  request  of 

HuiBua,  who  had  succeeded  him.    These  and 

fike  inrtaaces  testify  to  the  gradual  establish- 

BMOt  of  a  role,  permitting  resignations  under 

vcoBstaiices  of  obyious    expediency  for    the 

Churek,  so  that  they  were  sanctioned  by  at  least 

the  prorincial  synod.    And  forms  of  voluntary 

resigBstioB  both  for  patriarchs  and  bishops  in 

Ike  East  ooeur  in  Leunelar.  Jus  Orient,     At  the 

snse  time  the  feeling  of  the  Church  ran  strongly 

sfiiBSt  resignations,  as  being  a  giving  up  of  work 

lerChrvt    So  Leo  M.,  Epist.  xcii.    And  Cyril 

ikx.  pots  the  dilemma :  <*  If  worthy,  let  them 

esittaue;  if  unworthy,  let  them  not  resign  but 

k  deposed**  (^Epist.  ad  Ikmuium  ap.  Balsam,^ 

quoted  by  lliomassin).     Although  St.  Chrys.  in 

lake  ease  bids  a  bishop,  conscious  of  serious  guilt, 

lengB  rather  than  be  deposed  (de  Sacerd.  lib.  iii. 

c  10)     From  the  5th  century  onward,  resigna- 

lisii  oeeur  not  unfrequently  in  the  West  (see  a 

list  11  Tliofiuasin,  II.  ii.  52),  with  the  consent  of 

the  dcrgy,  or  at  least  the  metropolitan  and 

cemeil,  and  of  the  laity,  or  at  least  the  king. 

la  the  East,  the  omsent  of  the  emperor  and  of 

the  patriarch  of  Constantinople  became  necessary; 

» ia  the  case  of  Paulus  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of 

instin  (inter  EpitL  ffomtisd  Papae,  post  Epist. 

box.).     The  conception  of  a  matrimonial  tie, 

ach  that  Bo  authority  could  sever  it  unless  (in 

the  West)  that  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  developed 

itself  prominently  at  a  considerably  later  period, 

after  at  least  the  8th  century.     The  canonical 

{roaads  for  a  resignation,  as  summed  up,  later 

sciU,  in  the  Corp,  Juris  (Decret,  Greg,  IX.  lib.  i. 

tit  ix.  dr  Betntno,  c  10),  are  in  substance  those 

sinady  intimated : — i.  Guilt,  limited  however 

froB  earlier  severity  to  such  only  as  impedes  the 

diichaige  of  the  episcopal  office :  ii.  Sickness  (in 

vkkh  case  Gregory  the  Great  would  have  per- 

■ittcd  a  coadjutor  only) :  iii.  Ignorance  :  iv.  Per- 

fene  rebelliousness  of  tiie  people :  v.  The  healing 

•fasdrism :  vi.  Irregularity,  such  as,  e.g.  bigamy. 

A  desire  to  take  monastic  vows,  although  a  not 

nfrequent  case,  and  in  some  instances  at  least 

tslcfated,  was  not  a  canonical  ground  of  resigns- 

tifie.    (3.)  Resignation  in  fiivour  of  a  successor, 

koverer,  was  distinctly  prohibited,  by  Cone,  An- 

thtk.  A.D.  S41,  can.  xxiii. :  *Ev(ericavoy  fiii  i^timu 

W*  akrvv  jcci9urrfr  Irt poy  lourov  9tdioxo»t  khy 

«]pkf^Tf  reXevr^  tow  fiiov  Tvyxi"^'  il  94  ri 

Tfyiwrro,  hmpow,  elnu  i^y  Kordirrtunp, 


BISHOP 


227 


But  it  was  so,  as  the  rest  of  the  canon  shews, 
only  in  order  to  secure  canonical  and  free  election 
when  the  see  became  actually  vacant, — fitrh  rriv 
Kotfiriffiy  rov  kyvarav<re^4vov.  And  the  object 
was,  not  to  prohibit,  but  to  prevent  the  abuse  of, 
the  recommendations  very  commonly  made  by 
aged  bishops  of  their  successors;  a  practice 
strongly  praised  by  Origen  (in  Num,  Hem,  xxii.), 
comparing  Moses  and  Joshua  (so  also  Theodoret, 
in  Num,  c.  xlvii.),  but  which  naturally  had  often 
a  decisive  influence  in  the  actual  election:  as, 
e,  g,  in  the  case  of  St.  Athanasius  recommended 
by  Bishop  Alexander,  and  Peter  recommended  by 
St.  Athanasius,  both  of  whom  were  duly  elected, 
&c,  but  after  the  bishopric  was  actually  vacant ; 
the  story  being  apparently  without  grounds,  of 
an  intervening  and  rival  episcopate  before  St. 
Athanasius,  of  Achillas,  and  ofTheonas(£piphan. 
Haer,  Ixviii.  6,  12;  Theodoret,  iv.  18).  So  also 
St.  Augustin  recommended  his  own  successor, 
Eraclius.  But  such  recommendations  slipped  na- 
turally into  a  practice  of  consecrating  the  suc- 
cessor, sometimes  elected  solely  by  the  bishop  him- 
self^ before  the  recommending  bishop's  death,  thus 
interfering  with  the  canonical  rights  of  the  com- 
provincial bishops  and  of  the  diocese  itself.  Limit- 
ing then  the  prohibition  to  the  actual  election 
by  a  single  bishop  of  a  successor  to  take  his  own 
place  during  his  own  lifetime,  the  Antiochene 
canon  is  repeated  by,^e.  g.  C<mc, Pari8,Y,  a.d.  615, 
can.  ii.  (*'  ut  nullus  episooporum  se  vivente  alium 
in  loco  suo  eligeret  '*),  and  became  the  rule ;  al- 
though one  often  broken  in  the  West  in  the  7th 
and  8th  centuries,  as  e,  g.  in  the  noted  case  of  St. 
Boniface,  who  was  permitted  by  Pope  Zacharias, 
although  after  strong  remonstrances,  and  with 
great  reluctance,  to  nominate  and  ordain  his  own 
successor.  But  then  we  must  distinguish  (y) 
that  qualified  resignation,  which  extended  only  to 
the  appointment  of  a  coadjutor — not  a  coadjutor 
with  right  of  succession,  which  was  distinctly 
uncanonical,  but  simply  an  assistant  during  the 
actual  bishop's  life,  and  no  further.  The  earliest 
instance  indeed  of  a  simple  coadjutor,  that  of 
Alexander,  coadjutor  to  Narcissus  of  Jerusalem 
(Euseb.  i7.  E.  vi.  11)^  was  supposed  to  require  a 
vision  to  justify  it.  But  example  occur  re- 
peatedly thenceforward,  both  in  East  and  West 
(e,  g,  in  Sozom.  ii.  20 ;  Theodoret,  v.  4 :  St.  Am- 
bros.  Epiet,  Ixxix. ;  St.  Greg.  Kaz.  Orat,  xii. 
ad  Pair,  0pp.  i.  248.  c,  quoted  by  Bingham) ; 
including  St.  Augustin  himself,  who  did  not 
**  succeed,"  but  "  accede,"  to  the  see  of  Hippo, 
being  coadjutor  therein  first  of  all  to  his  pre- 
decessor Valerius,  by  the  consent  of  ^  primate, 
metropolitan,  and  the  whole  clergy  and  people 
of  Hippo,"  yet  this  "  contra  morem  Ecclesiae " 
(Possid.  F.  S.  Aug.  viii.) ;  the  canon  of  the  Nioene 
Council,  which  prohibits  two  bishops  in  one  city, 
being  held  to  prohibit  only  two  independent  and 
distinct  bishops,  and  not  where  one  was  (as 
English  people  might  now  cfll  it)  curate  to  the 
other,  although  Augustin  afterwards  thought 
that  canon  condemned  himself.  But  a  coadjutor 
with  right  of  succession  was  distinctly  unca- 
nonical ;  although  instances  occur  of  this  also : 
as  of  Theotecnus  of  Cnesarea  in  Palestine  (Euseb. 
ff,  E,  vii.  32),  before  the  Antiochene  canon,  and  of 
Orion,  bishop  of  Palaebisca  (Synes.  Epist.  Ixvii.); 
and  of  Augustin  himself,  but  with  this  difference, 
that  he  was  formally  and  canonically  elected,  so 
that  the  one  point  in  his  case  was  his  being  con* 

Q2 


228 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


secntod  before  his  predecessor'^  death.  So  also 
Paulinus  of  Antioch,  whose  act  was  condemned 
n  uncanonical  by  St.  Ambrose  (Epiat,  Ixxyiii.X 
and  by  Theodoret  (▼.  23)  and  by  Socrates  (ii.  15). 
And  a  like  case  in  Spain,  where  a  bishop  of  Bar- 
celona, with  consent  of  the  metropolitan  and 
comprovincial  bishops  and  the  whole  of  his  own 
diocese,  sought  to  make  a  neighbouring  bishop 
(who  was  also  his  heir)  his  coadjator  and  sno- 
oessor,  but  was  condemned  for  so  doing  by  Pope 
Hilary  and  a  Roman  Council,  ▲.D.  465,  protest- 
ing against  making  bishoprics  hereditary  (Hilar. 
Epistt,  ii.  iii.>  So  also  Pope  Boniface  H.  A.D. 
531,  was  compelled  to  desut  from  his  attempt  to 
appoint  Vigilios  his  own  successor.  And  rope 
Boniface  III.  in  a  Roman  Council,  ▲.D.  606,  forbade 
any  formal  discussion  about  a  successor  to  a  de- 
ceased bishop  until  ^  tertio  die  depositionis  ejus, 
adunato  clero  et  filiis  Ecclesiae ;  tunc  electio  fiat." 
Thomassin  sums  up  the  case  by  laying  down, 

(1)  that  coadjutors  or  successors  were  up  to  the 
9th   century  nerer  asked  for  from  the  Pope; 

(2)  that  the  consent  of  metropolitan  and  pro- 
Tindal  synod  was  necessary;  and  (3)  after  the 
5th  century  that  of  the  king ;  but  that,  lastly, 
with  these  last-named  sanctions,  coadjutors  were 

Srmitted  whenever  it  was  for  the  good  of  the 
lurch,  although  coadjutors  with  right  of  suc- 
cession were  forbidden.  The  heredit4iry  benefices 
of  the  Welsh  Church  of  the  11th  and  12th  cen- 
turies, and  of  the  contemporary  Breton  Church, 
and,  indeed  (in  some  degree  or  other^  of  other 
churches  also,  arc  too  late  to  come  into  this 
article.  So  far  of  the  removal  of  bishops  merely 
from  a  particular  see.    But,  next,  of 

3.  The  Deposition  of  bishops.  And  here  only 
of  the  case  of  bishops  as  such,  referring  to 
the  art.  Degradation,  for  the  general  "  irre- 
gularities," which  affected  all  clergy,  and  there- 
fore inclusively  bishops  also. 

(A.)  The  grounds  upon  which  bishops  as  such 
were  deposed  were  as  follows,  (a.)  First,  there 
were  certain  irregularities  which  vitiated  an  epi- 
scopal consecration  ab  initio  ;  and  these  were  for 
the  most  part,  although  not  wholly,  irregularities 
such  as  disqualified  for  consecration  at  all,  as 
those  already  referred  to  above,  (i.)  If  prior  to 
ordination  to  a  bishopric  the  candidate  had  not 
been  examined  in  the  faith,  or  had  failed  to  meet 
such  examination,  Justinian  {Novell,  cxxxvii.  c  2) 
deposed  both  the  ordainer  and  the  recently  or- 
dained, (ii.)  Although  the  Cone.  Neocaes.  (can. 
ix.  A.D.  314)  speaks  of  a  belief  that  ordination 
remitted  sins,  except  fornication,  yet  Gone.  Nicaen. 
(canons  ix.  x.)  rules  that  those  who  are  ordained 
through  ignorance  or  laxity,  being  guilty  of  sins 
(without  any  exception)  that  would  rightly  dis- 
qnalify  them,  yyw<rB4rr€S  KaBcupowrai.  (iii.) 
The  canons  that  *equire  the  consent  of  metropoli- 
tan and  synod,  &c.,  to  the  consecration  of  a  bishop, 
sometimes  proceed  to  void  a  consecration  made 
in  violation  of  them,  firii^tr  lax^^^  {Cone.  Antioch, 
A.D.  341,  can.  xix.),  and  similarly  Cone,  Segiena, 
can.  ii.,  Cone,  Aurelian,  Y.  canons  x.  xi.,  Cone,  Co- 
biilon,  I.  can.  x.  &c.  Yet  it  does  not  app^r  that 
in  such  a  case  the  consecrated  bishop  suffered 
commonly  more  than  the  forfeiture  of  the  see, 
ikvpop  €lvai  tV  Kordffrao'u^.  (iv.)  Consecration 
of  a  bishop  into  a  see  already  lawfully  filled 
was  reckoned  as  no  consecration  (Bingh.  XVII. 
T.  3,  quoting  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  Iv. ;  Cone,  Scurdie, 
aoc  to  Hilary,  de  Syn,  p.  128;  Cone.  Chalced, 


P.  iii.  Epist,  51,  54,  56,  57,  &c.,  about  Timothy 
the  Cat ;  Liberat.  Bremar,  xv.).  (v.)  Hie  ordi- 
nation of  one  under  sentence  of  deposition  wu 
also  void  {Cono.  Chalced.  Act.  xi.).  But  then 
(/3)  bishops  already  validly  consecrated  were 
liable  to  deposition,  as  well  for  the  geaer^ 
causes  affecting  all  clergy,  as  also  in  parti- 
cular for  causes  relating  to  their  own  especial 
office;  as,  e,  g,  (i.)  if  they  ordained,  or  if 
they  preached  (Cone.  TntU,  can.  xx.),  withont 
permission,  outside  their  own  dioceses  {ApottoL 
Can.  xxsv. ;  Cone,  AnOoch,  A.D.  341,  c.  xiL);  or 
(ii.)  if  they  received  a  clergyman  who  had  dis- 
obediently quitted  his  own  diocese  {Cone,  AnOock 
A.D.  341,  can.  iii. ;  Cone,  Chalced,  A.D.  457,  csa. 
XX.  excommunicated  them  in  this  case) ;  or  (iiL) 
if  they  ordained  for  money  {Apostol,  Can.  xxix.; 
Cone,  Chalced,  a.d.  451,  can.  iL) ;  or  (iv.)  accord- 
ing to  a  late  Galilean  council  (Cone.  Arauaie. 
A.D.  441,  can.  xxi.),  if  two  bishops  presumed  to 
consecrate  by  themselves,  whereupon  both  of 
them  were  to  be  deposed ;  or  (v.)  according  to 
Pope  Innocent  I.  {I^pist,  xxiiL  a  4,  A.O.  402 
X  417X  bishops  who  ordained  soldiers  were 
themselves  to  be  deposed ;  or  (vi.)  if  ther 
ordained  a  bishop  into  a  see  already  fnU 
(Cone  Chalced,  A.D.  451,  as  above) ;  or  (viL)  if 
they  ordained  any  that  had  been  baptised  or 
rebaptized  or  ordained  by  heretics  {ApoA. 
Can,  Ixviii.);  or  (viiL)  if  they  ordained  any  of 
their  own  unworthy  kindred  {Apost,  Can.  IxxrL) 
or  (ix.)  if  they  absented  themselves  hem  tbcdi 
diocese  for  longer  than  a  year  (Cone  ConKttmtm. 

IV.  A.D.  870,  can.  xvi.,  says  six  monthsX  and 
persbted  in  disobedience  when  duly  summoned 
to  return  (Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  c  2;  see  also 
below  under  HI.  1,  a.  xr.).  (x.)  For  simooy, 
see  Simony  ;  or  (xi.)  if  they  did  not  duly  enforce 
discipline  [Discipline];  or  (xii.)  if  they  soo^^t 
to  create  a  bishopric  for  themselves  out  of  smbi- 
tion,  either  in  a  place  where  there  had  been  none 
{Cone.  Tolet,  XII.  a.d.  681,  can.  iv. :  see  however 
below),  or  by  getting  royal  authority  to  divide  s 
province,  so  as  to  erect  a  new  metropolis  in  it 
{Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  451,  can.  xli.>  And  jet 
further  (7),  bishops  were  liable  to  exoommnni- 
cation  as  well  as  deposition,  if  (i.)  they  reoeired 
as  clergy  such  as  were  suspended  for  leaving 
their  own  diocese  {Apost,  Can,  xvi. ;  Cone  Carthag, 

V.  A.D.  398,  can.  xiii.  &c  &c.);  or  (ii.)  if  they 
^  made  use  of  worldly  rulers  to  obtain  prefer- 
ment **  {Apost.  Can,  xxx.,  often  repeated) ;  or  (ill) 
i^  being  rejected  by  a  diocese  to  which  they  hsTS 
been  appointed,  they  move  sedition  in  another 
diocese  {Conc.Ancyr.  a.d.314,  can.  xviiL);  tsckc 
(8.)  Lastly,  bishops  were  liable  to  suspension  or 
other  less  censure,  (i.)  if  they  refused  to  attend 
the  synod  when  summoned  {Cone.  Carthag,  V. 
A.D.  398,  can.  x.;  Arelat.  II.  a.d.  452,  can.  xii.; 
Tarraeon,  A.i>.  536,  can.  vi.  &c.  &c);  and  if  when 
summoned  to  meet  an  accusation,  they  failed  to 
appear  even  to  a  third  summons,  they  were  de- 
posed {Cone.  Chcde,  a.d.  451,  Act.  xiv.) ;  or  (ii.) 
if  they  unjustly  oppressed  any  part  of  their 
diocese,  in  which  case  the  African  Church  de- 
prived them  of  the  part  so  oppressed  (St  Ang. 
Epist,  cclxi.) ;  &c  &c. 

(B.)  The  authority  to  inflict  deposition  was 
the  provincial  synod :  and  for  the  gradual  growth 
and  the  differing  rules  of  appeal  from  that  tri- 
bunal, see  Appeal. 

Cone,  Chalced,  can.   xxix.  a.d.  451,  forhidi 


BISHOP 

ItgmUtioii  oi  a  bishop  to  the  rank  of  a  priest : 
kc  Bust  be  degraded  altogether  or  not  at  all. 
Aai  Cmbc  AntiocK  canons  zi.  xii.  A.D.  341,  forbids 
fKo^ne  to  the  emperor  to  reverse  a  sentence  of 
depontioB  passed  l^^  a  synod.    [Dbqradation  ; 

OSDEB^] 

'  IIL  From  the  appointment  and  the  removal 
•f  a  kishi^  we  come  next  to  his  office,  as  bishop. 
Aad  here,  in  general,  the  conception  of  that  office 

— omsistiiig  in,  1.  rh  l(f»x<<^>  '^^  2*  '''^  ^^P^ 
TfMiF  (so  St.  Ignat.  interpol,  Ep.  ad  Smyrru 
c  9)— was  plainly,  at  the  first,  that  of  a  ruler, 
aot  antocratic,  bat  (so  to  say)  constitutional, 
and  acting  always  in  concert  with  his  clergy 
sad  people,  as  he  had  in  the  first  instance  been 
ckcted  by  them ;  and  of  a  chief  minister,  in  sub- 
ordiaatioa  to  whom,  for  the  sake  of  the  essential 
ofliiy  of  the  Church,  all  Christian  sacraments 
and  discipline  were  to  be  administered,  yet  not 
as  by  mere  delegates,  but  as  by  the  due  co- 
operation of  subordinate  officers,  each  having  his 
•va  place  and  function :  for  the  former  of  which 
paiats  St.  Cyprian  is  the  primary  and  explicit 
witaeai,  and  no  less  so  St.  Ignatius  for  the  latter. 
The  legal  powers  and  the  wealth  gradually  ao- 
qaired  by  the  bishop,  the  weight  derived  from 
kt»  place  in  synods,  and  the  natural  increase  of 
the  power  of  a  single  ruler  holding  office  for  life, 
sad  habitually  adiministering  the  discipline  and 
the  pTDperty  of  his  diocese,  naturally  rendered 
the  esential  "  monarchy"  of  the  episcopate  more 
aai  more  absolute,  from  Constantlne  onwards, 
aad  eipectally  under  Justinian;  while,  on  the 
ttha  hand,  the  bishops,  paripassUy  became  also 
Bare  and  more  under  State  control,  especially  in 
the  East  In  the  West,  and  from  the  break  up 
•f  ibe  Roman  empire,  the  monopoly  in  the  hands 
af  ehoichmen  of  knowledge  and  of  civilization, 
the  poUticad  powers  thrown  (and  necessarily 
Uuown)  into  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  the  unity 
•f  the  Church  of  all  the  separate  kingdoms,  and 
itsrelationa  to  the  still  respected  imperatorial, 
as  veil  as  to  the  pontifical,  influence  of  Rome, 
—to  which  no  doubt  might  be  added  at  the  first 
tW  reverence  for  the  priesthood  as  such  felt 
bjr  barbarians,  and  especially  by  Germanic  peoples, 
net  sad  strengthened  by  the  Christian  view  of 
the  priestly  office, — gave  to  the  bishops  special 
veigkt,  as  the  leaders  of  the  Church  ;  a  weight 
cseeptionaUy  increased  in  Spain  by  the  elective 
position  of  the  Visigoth  kings ;  but  qualified  both 
tbere,  aad  much  more  elMwhere,  especially  in 
Tnace,  by  the  right  of  nomination  of  bishops 
anomed  by  the  kings,  and  by  their  simoniacal 
aad  oormpt  use  of  it,  and  by  the  assumption  on 
tbe  part  of  the  State  of  a  full  right  of  making 
lavi  for  the  Church.  But  to  proceed  to  details. 
Aad  hen — 

(1.)  Of  the  SPIRTTUAL  OFFICE  of  a  bishop,  as 
pertaining  to  him  essentially  and  distinctively. 
Aad  of  this,  first  (a),  in  respect  to  his  own 


BI8H0P 


2229 


(a.)  L  The  power  of  ordination  belonged  to 
bfehops  exclusively.  They  were  the  organ  by 
viicfa  the  Church  was  enabled  to  perpetuate  the 
niaistry.  Starting  with  the  fact,  that  no  one  is 
ipolDea  o£  in  the  N.  T.  as  ordained  except  either 
^  aa  Apostle,  or  by  one  delegated  by  an  Apostle 
to  this  fpedal  office,  the  earliest  intimation  we 
ncet  with  is  the  statement  of  St.  Clem.  Rom., 
alitady  quoted,  which  draws  a  plain  distinction 
the  original  appointment  of  presbyter- 


bishops  and  deacons,  and  the  subsequent  pro* 
vision  made  by  the  Apostles  of  an  order  of  men 
who  should  be  able  to  perpetuate  those  offices. 
When  next  the  subject  happens  to  be  mentioned, 
the  ordainen  are  assumed,  as  of  course,  to  be 
bishops,  and  the  question  is  only  of  their  requisite 
number  and  acts,  or  the  like ;  as  in  Can.  Apogt,  i., 
'EwlcKOTos  x*^(>*^oy€l<r$w  ^b  47FiffK6x»v  9^0  f 
rpi&Vf  and  can.  ii.  rptcfiirtpos  ^h  ivbs  iir 
CK^ov  x*tporov€ia9u ;  and  in  Cone,  Carthag.  Ill 
A.D.  897,  can.  xlv.  '*  Episcopus  unus . . .  per  quern 
presbyteri  multi  constitui  possunt;"  and  IV. 
A.D.  398,  canons  ii.  iii.  &c.,  which  is  the  classical 
passage  (so  to  call  it)  respecting  the  rites  of  or-> 
dination,  and  which  allows  presb3rter8  no  part 
at  all  in  episcopal  consecration ;  and  in  presby- 
terial,  only  to  hold  their  hands  "  juxta  manum 
episcopi  super  caput  illius  "  (qui  ordinatur),  but 
"  eplscopo  eum  benedicente  et  manum  super 
caput  ejus  tenente."  And  this  latter  practice 
(which  however  does  not  exist  in  the  Eastern 
church  [Denzinger],  although  supposed  to  be 
based  upon  1  Tim.  iv.  14)  appears  to  be  alluded 
to  by  Firmilian  (in  St.  Cypr.  Spist,  Ixxv.), 
"majores  natu  .  .  .  ordinandi  habent  potesta- 
tem.'*  Similar  assumptions  occur  in  Cone.  Nic. 
can.  xix.,  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  can.  ix.,  Choked. 
A.D.  451,  can.  ii.  &c  &c ;  and  in  Cone.  Bardie, 
A.D.  347,  can.  vi.,  *ET(<r«coiroi  KaOurr^  6^1' 
\ownp  ^ZviffK^Tovs  ^  and  also  Pseudo  -  Dion. 
Ai-eop.  EocL  Sier.  v.  So  also,  not  affirming 
simply  but  assuming  the  fact,  St.  Jerome 
{Epist.  ad  Evangel),  '*  Quid  facit,  excepta  or- 
dinatione,  episcopus,  quod  presbyter  non  fa- 
ciat?"  and  St.  Chrys.  (ffom.  xiii.  m  1  Tfen.), 
Od  ykp  9^'  wpcfffi^Ttpot  rhp  MffKOTov  ix^^P^ 
rovovr  (and  similarly,  Bom.  i.  m  PkUipp,)y  and 
{Horn.  xi.  «n  1  J^m.  iii.  8),  T»  y^  x*H^oyl<f 
lUvy  (pi   irlffKotroi)  *irep/8ei3^ifO(r«,   iced   roir^ 

Ia6vO¥    ZOKOVVI   W\€OV€ieT€llf  Tols   TFp^vfivT^pOVS^ 

while  Epiphanius  {ffaer.  Ixxv.),  expressly  affirm- 
ing what  at  length  Aerius  had  denied,  lays  down 
that  nar4oaf  ykp  ytvya  (^  r&v  ivi<rK^»y 
Td|iO  tJ  EKK\fiffi^  ^  9\  (Twy  wptafivT^pvr) 
-raripas  fi^  9vyafA4vri  jtyr^,  9iik  rris  rov  Aow- 
rpov  waXtyyfyfvieu  riava  y^vv^.  So  again,  in 
actual  practice,  the  cases  of  Ischyras,  declared  to 
be  only  a  "  layman  "  by  an  Alexandrian  synod, 
A.D.  324  or  325  (Neale,  Hist,  of  East.  Ch.. 
Alexandria,  vol.  i.  p.  135),  because  ordained 
presbvter  6irh  KoXKoIBov  rov  rpf(rfivr4pov  ^tay 
raff94vTos  irnvKoiHiy  (St.  Athanas.  Apol.  ii.  0pp. 
i.  p.  193,  ed.  1698),  and  of  certain  presbyters 
declared  to  be  laymen  for  the  like  reason  by 
Cone.  Sardic.  a.d.  347,  can.  xix. ;  while  the  much 
later  Council  of  Seville  (Cone.  Hispal.  II.  A.D.  619, 
can.  V.)  pronounced  certain  presbyterial  and  dia- 
conal  ordinations  void,  because,  although  the 
bishop  had  laid  his  hands  upon  the  candidates, 
a  presbyter,  the  bishop  being  blind,  ^  illis  contra 
ecclesiasticum  ordinem  benedictionem  dedisse 
fertur."  The  one  and  only  distinct  assertion  of 
a  contrary  practice  upon  this  point,  and  this  too 
(even  had  it  been  trustworthy)  of  a  single  and 
exceptional  case,  is  that  of  Eutychius,  patriarch 
of  Alexandria,  A.D.  933-940,  bom  a.d.  876,  who 
affirms  in  his  Origines,  that  in  Alexandria,  from 
the  beginning,  the  twelve  dty  presbyters  not 
only  chose  the  Alexandrian  patriarch,  upon  a 
vacancy,  out  of  their  own  number,  but  also  by 
imposition  of  hands  and  benediction  created  him 
patriarch ;  and  that  thl^  lasted  down  to  the 


230 


BISHOP 


patriarchate  of  Alexander,  who  was  at  the 
Nicene  Council,  i  e.  down  to  about  a.d.  308  or 
313 :  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  bishop,  in 
whose  time  an  Alexandrian  synod  deposed  one 
who  had  received  presbjterial  ordination,  and 
on  that  rery  ground,  yiz.  Ischyras,  was  himself 
ordained  by  presbyters,  and  that  all  his  prede- 
cessors had  been  so  likewise.  Both  date,  and  the 
internal  evidence  of  this  and  of  many  other 
equally  gross  blunders  (see  Pearson,  ViruUc,  Ignat 
c.  XI.  ii.  2,  pp.  270,  282  sq.,  ed.  Churton),  make 
Eutychius'  statement  unworthy  of  the  notice  it 
once  attracted.  And  it  is,  besides,  an  obvious 
perversion  of  the  fact  alleged  by  St.  Jerome,  that 
up  to  the  time  (not  of  the  patriarch  Alexander, 
but)  of  the  patriarchs  Heraclas  and  Dionysius,  viz. 
▲.D.  232  or  A.D.  264,  **  Alexandriae  presbyteri 
aemper  unnm  ex  se  tectum,  in  excelsiori  loco 
coUocatum,  episcopum  nominabant  f*  and  of  the 
stranger  practice  still,  mentioned  by  Liberatus 
(as  above  in  I.  1,  7).  That  there  were  bishops 
enough  in  Egypt  to  consecrate  legitimately 
(Eutychius  also  affirming  that  there  were  no 
others  except  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  until 
▲.D.  190),  is  evident  by  the  testimonies  collected 
in  Pearson  (as  above,  pp.  296,  sq. :  there  were 
above  a  hundred  at  one  of  Bishop  Alexander's 
councils).  The  further  assertion  of  both  Am- 
brosiaster  (in  Ephes.  iv.  11)  and  of  the  author 
of  the  Qvaest*  in  Vet,  et  Nov,  Test,  ci.,  that  in 
Egypt  '*  presb3rterl  consignant  si  praesens  non 
sit  episcopus,"  and  that  "  in  Alexandria  et  per 
totam  Aegyptum,  si  desit  episcopus,  consecrat 
presbyter,"  is  ruled  to  mean  either  the  con- 
secration of  the  Eucharist  or  the  rite  of  con- 
firmation, not  that  of  ordination,  whether  to 
the  episcopate  or  the  presbyterate,  1.  by  the 
date  of  the  statements,  viz.  long  after  the  period 
fixed  even  by  Eutychius,  and  much  more  that 
named  in  St.  Jerome ;  2.  by  the  meaning  of  the 
word  wnaignare ;  3.  by  the  case  of  Ischyras, 
above  mentioned,  which  is  conclusive.  Other 
instances  of  alleged  presbyterial  ordination  are 
either  **  mere  mistakes "  (see  a  list  with  expla- 
nations in  Bingh.  II.  iii.  7),  or  depend  upon  the 
assumption  that  chorepisoopi  were  not  bishops, 
or  upon  a  misinterpretation  of  an  obscure  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Ancyra,  can.  xiii.  [Chorepi- 
BCOPi.]  The  early  Scotch  and  Irish  Churches,  in 
which  the  presbyter-abbats  of  certain  monas- 
teries exercised  an  anomalous  jurisdiction,  never 
allowed  presbyterial  ordination  (see  Adamnan 
in  V,  8.  Cdumbae^  and  other  authorities,  in  Grub's 
Hist,  of  Ch,  of  ScotL  c  xi.  vol.  i,  162-160).  That 
a  bishop  however  was  not  at  liberty  to  ordain 
clerks  *'  sine  consillo  clericorum  suorum,  ita  ut 
civium  conniventiam  et  testimonium  quaerat" 
{Cone,  Carth.  IV.  can.  xxii.),  but  did  so  **  com- 
muci  consilio"  (St.  Cypr.  Epist,  xxxviii.),  see 
below  in  (a.)  x.  Moreover,  he  was  strictly  for- 
bidden to  ordain  in  the  diocese  of  another  bishop 
(see  below,  (a.)  xii.),  or  indeed  in  any  way 
iL?<Xorpio€TtffKOir€itr, 

(a.)  ii.  Confirmation,  in  accordance  with  the 
intimations  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  viii.  17,  xix.  6), 
appears  also,  when  first  mentioned,  as  the  office 
of  the  bishop  (Constit,  Apost.  iii.  16;  Pseudo- 
Dionys.  Hierarch,  Eccl,  ii.  p.  254 ;  Cone,  Carthag, 
II.  A.D.  390,  can.  iii.,  "  ut  chrisma,  &c.,  a  pres- 
byterls  non  fiant ").  But  (through  the  difficulty 
of  always  securing  the  bishop's  presence)  the 
practice  gradually  issued  in  a  severance  between 


BISHOP 

the  two  acts,  of  imposition  of  hands,  which  vu 
restricted  to  the  bishop  (St.  Cypr.  Episi.  Ixxm.; 
Firmilian,  ap.  St.  Cypr.  Spist,  Ixxv. ;  Anon,  de 
Bapt,  Haer,  in  Append,  ad  8,  Cypr,  Opp, ;  Qme. 
EliberU,  ▲.D.  205,  canons  xxxviii  IxxviL ;  Eiiiieh. 
H.  E.  vi.  43 ;  St.  Chrys.  Horn,  xviii.  tn  Atit,  Apost 
§  3 ;  St.  Jerome,  oont,  Lucif,  iv. ;  St.  Ambroi. 
de  Sacram,  iii.  2;  St.  Aug.  de  Trin,  xv.  26; 
Pope  Innoc.  I.  ad  Decent,  iii. ;  Gelasius,  Epist.  ix.; 
Leo  M.  Epist,  IxxxviiL;  Greg.  M.  Epist,  iiL  9; 
Siricius,  Epist,  i.  ad  Himer, ;  Cone,  Sispal  IL 
A.D.  619,  can.  vii. ;  Cone,  Meld.  AJ>.  845,  can. 
xlv.);  and  of  anointing  with  the  consecrsted 
chrism,  the  consecration  of  which  was  also  re- 
stricted to  the  bishop  (Cone,  Carthag.  IIL  AJX 
397,  can.  xxxvi. ;  Tdet,  I.  AJD.  400,  can.  xz. ; 
Bracar.  II.  ▲.D.  563,  can.  xix.,  and  IIL  A.D.  572, 
can.  iv. ;  Avtissiod.  A.D.  576,  can.  vL ;  BardnoiL 
IL  A.D.  599,  can.  ii. ;  Pope  Innocent  L  Epist,  L 
ad  Decent,  c.  iii. ;  Leo  M.  EpisL  Ixxxviii. ;  Gelac 
Epist,  ix.),  and  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese 
(Cone,  Carth.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can.  xxxvi. ;  Vaseiu. 
1.  A.D.  442,  can.  iii.  &c.  &c.);  but  the  actual 
application  of  it,  with  some  qualifications  and  in 
certain  cases,  allowed  to  presbyters :  Bae.g.bi 
the  Church  of  Rome,  there  being  a  double  anoint- 
ing, that  of  the  forehead  was  restricted  to  the 
bishop,  the  rest  not  so ;  in  Gaul,  a  single  anoint- 
ing was  ordinarily  the  presbyter's  office ;  in  the 
East,  a  single  anointing  also,  but  ordinarily  tJie 
bishop's  office,  and  o^y  in  his  absence,  as  at 
Alexandria  and  in  Egypt,  allowed  to  presbyters; 
but  in  West  and  East  alike,  allowed  to  presbrters 
in  cases  of  urgency,  as  of  energumens  or  of  those 
at  the  point  of  death,  or  again  by  oommiasioa 
from  their  bishop  (see  Bingh.  XIL  iL  l-^>  The 
Constit,  Apostoi,  vii.  43,  44,  describe  the  practice 
of  the  3rd  or  4th  century.    [Confibicatiok.] 

(a.)  iii.  In  the  administration  of  sacramentt, 
the  Ushop's  authority  was  primary,  that  of  pra- 
byters,  and  a  fortiori  of  deacons,  subordinate. 
St.  Ignat.  ad  Smym,  viiL :  ObK  4^iy  iari  x'f^ 
rod  iwuricSwov  otfrc  fiamriCfUf  otfrc  iiymrff 
woiciy.  Tertull.  de  Bapt,  17 :  «  Dandi  (bap- 
tismum)  jus  quidem  habet  summus  saoerdoc,  qni 
est  episcopus :  dehinc  presbyteri  et  diaconi ;  mm 
tamen  sine  episcopi  auctoritate,  propter  Ecdesiae 
honorem;  quo  salvo,  salva  pax  est."  Hieron. 
cont.  Lucif.  IV.:  '*Inde  venit  at  sine  jnsiioiM 
episcopi  neque  presbyter  neque  diaconus  jos  ha- 
beat  baptizandi."  St.  Ambroa.  de  Sacram.  iii.  1 : 
**  Licet  presbyteri  fecerint,  tamen  exordium  mi- 
nisterii  a  summo  est  sacerdote."  Similar  state- 
mente  are  numerous  (Bingh.  Lay  Bapt.  I  §  2,  sq.). 
So  e.  g.  Cone.  EUberU.  a.d.  305,  can.  lxxvii-4f  anj 
are  baptized  by  a  deacon,  ^  episcopus  eos  ja 
benedictionem  perfioere  debebit.  So  also  Cone. 
Vem.  I.  A.D.  755,  can.  viii.,  forbids  presbjten 
baptizing,  or  celebrating  mass,  **  sine  jussione 
episcopi."  Although  no  doubt  the  stetement  of 
Ambrosiaster  in  Ephes.  iv.  is  true  also, — as  it  is 
indeed  perfectly  consistent  with  the  pnndple 
above  laid  down,  and  both  would  be  and  b  in 
like  case  the  Church's  rule  now, — ^that,  before 
the  Church  was  settled,  laymen  were  allowed 
"  evangelizare  et  baptizare  et  Scripturss  is 
ecdesia  explanare."  See  also  Van  Espen,  Jwr. 
Eccl,  Univ.,  De  Bapt,  c.  iii  §  1 ;  and  BiDgbsm 
on  Lay  Baptism, 

(a.)  iv.  The  office  of  formal  preadiing^  as  dii- 
tinct  from  exposition  of  Scripture,  belonged  alto 
properly  to  bishops.     So  e.g,  in  the  AfnciB 


BISHOP 

Ckvpk,  if  the  biahop  were  preeent,  until  the 
tiiM  of  Sl  AogosUn ;  who  was  the  first  African 
^nshjier  that  preached  ^  coram  episoopo/'  but 
tJusy  **aooepta  ah  epiacopb  potestate"  (Poasid. 
V,  8.  Aaig.  r.).  Soaiao  in  Spain,  Cone.  Hispod,  II. 
Aju.  619,  can.  viL  In  the  East  the  practice  was 
vtherwise,  since  there  it  was  only  "  in  quibnsdam 
Ecriwiis,  taoere  presbjteros  et  praesentibos  epi- 
iDopts  non  loqni  (Hieron.  ad  Nepat.  Epist.  ii.). 
Yst  there  also  the  pririlege  depended  on  the 
aaMBt  of  the  bishop,  and  was  taken  away  in 
Akiandria  by  an  absolnte  prohibition  :  Tlp€fffi6- 
nf&t  h  'AAs^avSpcff  oh  irpofroiitXtt  (Socrat.  v. 
22;  Sozom.  t.  17,  rii.  19)^  from  the  time  of 
Iriosw  In  Borne,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  asserted 
tkst  DO  bishop  (ol^c  6  MtrKovos  olfr^  ftAAof  rts, 
sec  to  Sozom.  rii.  19,  repeated  by  Cassiodorus, 
Bid.  TripartJ)  preached  at  all  until  Leo  the  Great 
(Thomassin,  II.  ill.  83,  §  5).  To  preach,  however, 
eray  Sunday,  was  reckoned  ordinarily  the  duty, 
SI  veil  as  the  privilege,  of  the  bishop ;  on  the 
poud  that  he  is  to  be  iiivn-uths  =  apt  to  teach 
(w  Bpins  Mno^KoXuchs  =  the  bishop's  throne,  in 
St  Chryi.  Bom.  ii.  m  2*«f.,  and  i^Uffia  iiHwrKo- 
Ais^  =  *he  bishop's  office,  in  St.  Cyril  Alex. 
JE^.  ad  Monach.  in  Cone.  Epkes.  Labbe,  iii.  423 ; 
--end  Soxom.  vii.  19,  VL6»os  h  r^s  v^Acws  ixi' 
#K»vw  SiS^acci, — and  St.  Ambros.  de  Offic,  1.  1, 
**Epiacopi  proprium  munus  docere  populum"). 
Aid  see  also  Origen,  Bom.  vi.  in  Levit.  Cone,  Lcuh 
iice.  A.D.  366,  can.  xiz.,  and  Cone,  Vaient.  A.D.  855, 
en.  i,  take  the  practice  for  granted.  King  Gun- 
tnn,  AJy.  585  (^Edict.  confirm.  Cone.  Maiisc.  II.), 
cdMrts  bishops  to  frequent  preaching ;  Charle- 
nugne  enjoins  their  having  suitable  homilies 
(dpiCL  ▲.D.  813.  c  xiv.,  and  Cone.  Arelat.  can.  x., 
Jfo^wrf.  can.  XXV.,  and  Rhem.  canons  xiv.  xv., 
aU  of  the  same  year),  and  deprives  bishops  of 
tkair  lees  who  should  not  have  preached  l)«fore 
a  filed  day  (JfonocA.  S.  QaU.  1.  20);  Ludov.  Pius 
cBJoias  bUhops  to  preach  either  in  person  or  by 
tkdr  vicars  {Capit.  L  109);  and  Cone.  Ticin. 
ux  850,  can.  v.,  threatens  deposition  to  all 
Uifaops  who  did  not  preach  at  least  on  Sundays 
sad  kolidays.  Ethelred  also  in  England  enjoins 
bUiops  to  preach  (ZatDS,  vii.  19;  repeated  by 
Cant,  Law  xxvi).  And  similarlv  in  Spain,  Cone. 
Told.  XI.  AJ>.  675,  can.  ii.  Bishops  are  also  en- 
jotaed  by  Ccnc.  Turcn.  IIL  A.i>.  613,  can.  xvii., 
to  kave  homilies  about  the  Catholic  faith  and  a 
kolj  li£B,  and  to  cause  them  to  be  translated 
^'ia  nutjeam  Bomanam  linguam  aut  Theodiscam, 
quo  fiwalius  cnncti  possint  intelligere,**  &c  In 
tke  East,  the  Council  in  TruUo  (a.d.  691,  canons 
xiL  zx.)^  while  deposing  bishops  who  preached 
oQtside  their  own  dioceses  without  permission, 
(■joins  all  bishops  to  preach  ^at  least  every  Sun- 
dsT,  and  if  possible  every  day.  And  Balsamon, 
01  can.  Ixiv.  of  the  same  council,  lays  down  the 
liriiidple,  that  *'  to  teach  and  expound  belongs  by 
diriae  grace  to  bishops  only,  and  so  to  those  to 
vhom  bishops  delegate  the  office."  It  is  assumed 
to  be  the  bishop's  duty,  also,  in  Cod.  Theodos. 
lih  zvi  tit.  iL,  (fe  J^/isc.  L  25 ;  and  also  lib.  ix. 
tit  zL  <fe  Poenis  L  16;  and  in  Cbd  Justin,  lib. 
11.  tit.  xxix.  de  Crim.  Sacrilegiiy  1.  1. 

(a.)  V.  As  in  the  points  hitherto  mentioned, 
ao  also  in  the  administration  of  diacipline,  the 
Wliop  took  the  lead ;  the  presbyters  (and  appa- 
Raily  in  some  cases  the  deacons)  held  their 
pnper  subordinate  place  under  him,  and  formed 
■ii  eiNuicil.     Bishop  and  presbytery  occur  to- 


BIBHOF 


231 


gather  passim  in  St.  Ignatius.  The  oondemna* 
tions  of  Origen  (Pamphil.  Apol.  ad  Fhot.  Cod. 
cxviU.X  of  Novatian  (Euseb.  ff.  E.  vi.  43^  ol 
Paul  of  Samosata  {id.  vii.  28,  30),  of  Notftus 
(Epiphan.  Haer,  Ivii.  1),  of  Arius  at  Alexandria 
(id.  Ixix.  3 ;  and  see  Coteler.  ad  Constit.  Apost, 
viii,  28),  proceeded  from  the  bishop,  or  bishops, 
but  with  presbyters,  the  trpHrfivripior  alone  in- 
deed being  mentioned  in  the  case  of  No^tus,  and 
deacons  as  well  as  presbyters  in  that  of  Arius. 
So  also  Pope  Siricius  in  the  case  of  Jovinian, 
*'  &cto  presbyterio  "  (Siric.  Epist,  ii.,  the  deacons 
also  it  appears  concurring) ;  and  Synesius,  bishop 
of  Ptolemais,  in  that  of  Andronicus,  a  layman 
(Synes.  Epist.  Ivli.  Iviii.).  At  the  same  time, 
the  bishop  was  the  chief,  and  ordinarily  the  sole, 
judge  in  the  first  instance  in  cases  of  excommu- 
nication ('*mucro  episcopalis  ")^  following  the 
authority  of  1  Tim.  v.  1,  19  (but  see  also  1  Cor. 
V.  4,  2  Cor.  ii.  10 :— so  St.  Cypr.  Epist.  xxxviii. 
xxxix.  Ixv.  &c ;  Cone,  Nicaen.  can.  v. ;  Cono.  Carth. 
II.  A.D.  390,  can.  viii. ;  Cone.  Carihag.  IV.  ▲.D. 
398,  can.  Iv.;  Can.  Apost.  xxxi.;  Cone.  Ephss. 
can.  v.;  Cono.  Agath.  ajo.  506,  can.  ii. ;  and 
countless  other  evidence — see  ExooxMum- 
GATION);  subject  however  to  an  appeal  to  the 
synod  [Appeal]  :  although  his  power  came  to  be 
limited  in  Africa  by  a  Carthag.  Council  (II.  A.D. 
390,  can.  x.),  by  the  requirement  of  twelve 
bishops  to  judge  a  bishop  (which  came  to  be  the 
traditional  canonical  number),  of  six  to  judge  a 
presbyter,  and  of  three,  in  addition  to  the  ac- 
cused s  own  diocesan,  to  try  a  deacon.  The  power 
of  formal  absolution  from  formal  sentence  is 
throughout  assumed  by  the  canons  to  be  in  such 
sense  in  the  bishop,  that  presbyters  could  only 
exercise  it  (apart  from  him)  in  cases  of  imminent 
danger  of  death,  unless  by  leave  of  the  bishop; 
and  deacons  only  in  very  extreme  cases  indeed 
(Dion.  Alex,  in  Euseb.  ff.  E.  vi.  44;  Cone.  Carth. 
II.  canons  ii.  iv.,and  III.  can.  xxxii. ;  Cone.  Arausio, 
I.  A.D.  441,  can.  i. ;  Cone.  Epaon.  a.d.  517,  can. 
xvi. ;  &c  &C.).  St.  Cypr.  {Epist.  xiii.)  allows  a 
deacon  to  absolve,  only  if  neither  bishop  nor 
presbyter  can  be  had,  and  in  a  case  of  extreme 
urgency.  But  he  also  speaks  of  *'  episcopus  et 
clems"  as  both  uniting  in  the  solemn  act  of 
absolution  by  imposition  of  hands.  And  the  rule 
is  laid  down  fully  in  Cone.  EUberit.  A.D.  305, 
can.  xxxii, :  ^*  Apud  presbyterum . . .  placuit  agere 
poenitentiam  non  debere  sed  potius  apud  episco- 
pum :  cogente  tamen  infirmitate,  necesse  est 
presbyterum  communionem  praestare  debere,  et 
diaconum  si  ei  jusserit  episcopus."  See  also  "i/lAT- 
shhirs  Penit.  Discipl.  pp.  91,  sq.;  and  Taylor's 
Episoop.  Asserted,  ^36.  [Discipline  ;  Penance.] 
See  also  under  Penitentiabt,  Presbyter,  for 
the  Tptafiirtpos  M  rijs  fitrayolas  (Socrat.  v. 
19X  and  the  like  delegates  of  this  part  of  the 
bishop's  office. 

This  authority  extended  over  tfie  whole  diocese 
and  all  its  members.  Exemptions,  as  of  monas- 
teries, from  episcopal  jurisdiction,  are  directly  in 
the  teeth  of  the  Counc  of  Chalced.  canons  vii.  viii^ 
of  Justinian's  law  {Cod.  L  tit.  iii.  de  Episc.  1. 40), 
of  the  provincial  councils  of  Or/^ns,  I.  a.d.  511, 
can.  XIX. ;  Cone,  Agath.  a.d.  506,  can.  xxxviii. ; 
Cone.  Tlerdens.  a.d.  546,  can.  iii. ;  &c.  The  well- 
known  case  of  Faustns  of  Lerins  and  his  bishop 
at  the  Council  of  Aries  in  A.D.  455,  was  an 
adjustment  of  rights  as  between  abbat  and 
but  not  an  exemption  in  the  propei 


232 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


of  the  word  (aa  HallatD  superficially 
•tstes).  The  earliest  real  case  of  the  kind  appears 
to  belong  to  the  8th  century,  when  Zachary, 
▲.D.  750,  granted  a  privilege  to  Monte  Casino, 
**  ut  nuUios  juri  snbjaceat  nisi  solius  Romani 
pontificis  "  (Mabill.  Act.  S.  Ord,  Bened.,  Saec,  iii. 
.p.  643).  Precedents  for  such  exemptions,  as 
granted  by  royal  authority,  occur  in  the  Formulas 
of  Marculfus.    [Exemption  ;  Monks.] 

(a.)  yi.  As  in  the  special  subject  of  discipline, 
so  generally  in  the  afiairs  of  the  diocese,  the 
bishop  had  the  primary  administration  of  them, 
with  the  power  of  Teto,  but  (as  throughout)  with 
the  counsel  and  consent  of  his  presbyters,  and 
of  the  diocese  at  large.  So  e.  g,  St.  Cyprian, 
repeating  the  statement  over  and  over  again  in 
equivalent  terms, — ''Nihil  sine  consilio  vestro 
(presbyterorum)  et  sine  consensu  plebis  mea  pri- 
vata  sententia  gerere."  The  same  rule,  as  regards 
the  presbyters,  and  in  their  place  the  deacons,  is 
prominent  in  the  language  of  St.  Ignatius  in  the 
earliest  time.  And  the  ^  consessus  presby- 
terorum" is  likened  by  St.  Jerome  to  the 
bishop's  *'  senate,"  and  by  Origen  and  others  to 
the  fiov\^  ^EKKKriffias,  and  by  St.  Chrysostom  and 
Synesius  to  the  Sanhedrim  {irvy49piop).  That 
presbyters  also  shared  in  diooesan  synods,  **  ad- 
ttantibus  diaconis,"  see  Council,  Stnod.  On  the 
other  hand.  fiiiJi^v  iyw  yrAfiris  rov  hruTKifwau 
(Cone.  Laodic,  can.  Ivii.)  is  repeated  so  endlessly 
by  councils,  and  asserted  by  church  writers,  as 
to  make  it  needless  to  multiply  quotations.  Im- 
peratorial  legislation,  in  conferring  special  powers 
upon  bishops,  tended  largely  to  increase  episcopal 
authority.  Yet  provincial  synods  of  presbyters 
(and  of  abbats)  still  continued,  throughout,  down 
to  Carlovingian  times.  [Council  ;  Stnod.]  And 
Quizot  (H.  de  la  Civ,  en  France^  Le^on  15)  joins 
priests  with  bishops  as  the  really  governing  body 
of  the  Church  in  the  earlier  Prankish  period. 
In  the  particular  matters  of  creeds,  liturgies, 
and  church  worship  generally,  the  bishop  is  also 
inferred  to  have  had  authority  to  regulate  and 
determine  all  questions,  partly  as  being  a  natural 
portion  of  his  office,  partly  from  the  fact,  that  in 
unessentials,  even  the  creeds,  much  more  litur- 
gical points,  varied  in  various  dioceses,  within 
undefined  but  obvious  limits.  And  so  Basil 
of  Caesarea,  we  learn,  composed  certain  ^hx»v 
diardi^ctf  kcX  thnofffilas  rod  fiiifiaros  for  his 
own  Church  while  still  a  presbyter,  of  which 
Eusebius  his  bishop  sanctioned  the  use.  St. 
Augustin  {Epist  86,  ad  Casulan,)  assumes  a 
like  power  in  the  bishop  to  appoint  fasting  days 
for  his  own  diocese.  And  the  like  is  implied  in 
the  tradition,  that  St.  Ignatius  introduced  anti- 
phons  and  doxologies  into  his  own  church 
(Cassiod.  ffist,  Tripartit.  x.  9).  So  Proclus  of 
Constantinople,  A.D.  434-447,  is  said  to  have  In- 
troduced the  Trisagion  into  that  Church.  It  was 
the  bishop's  office  also  to  consecrate  churches' and 
cemeteries  [Consecration,  p.  426] :  mentioned 
as  early  as  Euseb.  H.  JET.  x.  3,  *EyKiupiotv  io(>Ta\ 
.  .  .  jcal  r&y  Apri  yforay&y  7rpoff€VKn\pio»v  itpi- 

(a.)  vii.  Visiffition  of  his  diocese  was,  at  first, 
rather  a  duty  following  as  a  matter  of  course  from 
a  bishop's  office,  than  a  legal  and  canonical  obliga- 
tion :  see  St.  Athanas.  Apol.  ii.  §  74 ;  St.  Chrys. 
Bom.  i.  in  EpUi.  ad  Tituni  {iruricd^us)',  Sulp. 
Sever.  Dial.  ii.  (of  St.  Martin);  St.  Aug.  Epist.  vi. 
0pp.  ii.  144 ;  Gi-eg.  Tur.  H.  E.  r.  5,  and  De  Ghr. 


Qmfeti.  liz.  cvi. ;  St.  Greg.  M.  DiaL  iii.  88,  Act 
and  see  also  under  Chobepisoopi,  and  Ilcpte- 
9€vrfis  or  YniTATOR.  Accordingly,  no  canons  si 
first  defined  or  enforced  the  duty.  But  in  connc 
of  time,  so  soon  as  canons  came  to  be  made  upon 
the  subject,  the  bishop  became  bound  to  visit  kit 
diocese  once  a  vear,  both  to  confirm  and  to  ad- 
minister discipline,  and  generally  to  oversee  the 
diocese :  St.  Bonif.  Epist  Ixx.  ed.  Jafie;  Cone 
Tarracwi,  A.D.  516,  can.  viii.;  Cone,  Bracar.  UL 
A.D.  572,  can.  i. ;  Cone.  ToUt,  IV.  A.D.  633,  can. 
xxxvi.;  Cone.  Tolet.  VII.  A.D.  646,  can.  iv.; 
Cone.  Liptin.  A.D.  743  (i.  e.  St.  Boniface,  as  above); 
Cone.  Sucss.  A.D.  744,  can.  iv. ;  Cone.  Areht  A.D. 
813,  can.  xvii;  Gapit.  Car.  M.  lib.  vii  cc  94, 95, 
109,  365,  A.D.  769,  813,  &c 

(a.)  viii.  Further  (1),  it  was  the  bishop's  office 
to  issue  letters  of  credence  to  any  members  of  his 
diocese,  which  alone  enabled  them  to  oomma- 
nicate  in  other  churches :  sc.  litterae  fi^tnatae,  or 
oanonioaej  &c  So,  Can.  Apost.  xxxli.,  no  stranger 
bishop  or  clergy  were  to  be  received  &rcv  ffwm- 
riK&y ;  Cone.  Laodic.  A.D.  366,  can.  xli.,  Ob  Ui 
Uparruchv  ^  KXiipiKhv  Avtv  Koyoyucahf  ypofifiirtty 
6M€ty\  Cone.  Antioch.  a.d.  341,  can.  vii.,  Miy- 
94ya  tb^ev  flfn^yiK&y  B4x*a^9ai  rmy  ^inty :  Cone. 
Carthag.  I.  A.D.  348,  can.  vii.,  '*  Clericus  vel  Uicas 
non  communicet  in  aliena  plebe  sine  litteris  epi- 
scopi  sui."  So  also  Cone.  Milevit.  A.D.  402,  can.  xx. 
(*'formatam  ab  episcopoaodpiat");  ConcAgaA. 
A.D.  506,  can.  lit,  and  repeated  Cone  Epaon. 
A.D.  517,  can.  vi.  (*'  sine  antistitis  sui  epistolis"); 
but,  in  each  case,  of  the  clergy,  who  should  travd 
from  home.  And  the  Councils  of  Aries  (A.IX  814, 
can.  ix.)  and  of  Eliberis  (A.D.  305,  can.  xxv.) 
forbid  ''confessors"  to  give  such  letters,  sad 
oi-der  those  who  have  them  to  procure  fresh 
"  communicatoriae"  from  the  bishop.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Antioch,  A.D.  341,  can.  viii.,  permits  ckor^ 
episcopi  9i96yai  cipi^MJcif,  but  forbids  presbyters 
doing  so ;  and  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (a.ix  305, 
can.  Ixxxi.)  prohibits  the  worse  abnse  of  the 
wives  (apparently  of  bishops)  giving  and  receiv- 
ing such  "  pacificae."  These  letters,  according 
to  their  pui'pose,  were  called  "commendatitiBe" 
(of  credence,  or  recommendation),  ''padficse" 
(also  "  ecclesiasticae "  or  ^  canonicae, '  of  oom- 
muuion),  or  *^  ditaissoriae  "  (&ToXvriiral,  vwrra- 
rural,  or  again  tlfniyiKot,  or  "  concessoriae  ") ;  see 
e.  g.  Cone.  Trvil.  can.  xvii.  (not  necessarv  or 
granted,  like  modem  letters  dimissory,  to  snj 
one  who  desired  to  be  ordained  in  another  dio- 
cese than  his  own — ^who,  however,  had  of  oooik 
to  obtain  leave  to  do  so— but  only  wheo  s 
clergyman  desired  to  change  his  diocese);  raid 
they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  unauthori- 
tative "  libelli "  given  by  martyrs  or  conftssors 
during  a  persecution  to  those  who  had  lapsed. 
Cone.  Chalced.  A.D.  451,  can.  xi.,  orders  evarcerf 
Koi  to  be  given  only  to  such  as  were  ''suspectae;* 
but  to  those  who  were  poor  and  in  want,  only 
tlpfiyiKcd,  and  not  erv<rrarucal — pacifoae^  and  not 
commendatitiae.  (2.)  The  bishop  also  represented 
his  diocese  collectively,  besides  answering  for 
its  individual  members;  as  in  communicating 
with  other  dioceses.  So,  e.  g.  St.  Clement  ot 
Rome  writes  to  the  Corinthian  Church,  as  speak- 
ing for  the  Church  of  Rome,  of  w^hich  he  was 
bishop;  and  is  spoken  of  by  Hermas  Psstor 
{Vis.  ii.  4)  as  officially  communicating  vitli 
Christians  of  other  dioceses.  It  is  ncedlen  t« 
give  evidence  from  later  timet. 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


233 


(&)  ii.  The  iseome  and  offerings  of  the 
C^rch,  aad  iU  alme,  were  likewiBe,  in  the  first 
fattance,  under  the  dispodtion  of  the  biihop,  to 
ht  dispensed  either  by  himself  or  hj  hie  proper 
sdioen  (eee  Alienation  of  CinTRCH  Pro- 
ramr,  Aun,  Abcbdeaoon,  Deacon,  Oboo- 
VOHTB);  and  this  upon  the  ground  of  Acts  ir. 
Zb,  37,  T.  2,  1  Cor.  zri.  3,  4;  bat  with  the 
fmmd  ooosent  of  his  presbjrters,  as  Acts  xi.  30. 
Tk  Tf  t  *EMKkiivtas . . .  Stouceio^cu  wpoiHiKu  furii 
9$UHtt  cal  J{o«Mr(a»  rwt  hruric6mo»  {Cone.  Anr 
Mi,  AA  341,  can.  xzIt.,  and  see  can.  zxr.). 
Asi  Come  Oangr,  (AJ>.  325,  canons  yii.  and  yiii.) 
paU  an  anathema  on  those  who  intermeddle  with 
church  property,  wmpk  yvAfitiv  (or  Topcirr^f) 
rs*  iti^Kimov  %  rov  ^K€Xfiptfrtx4vov  rh  roiavreu 
So  Cam,  Apost.  xxxriL  :  Hdirtty  rSv  iKKKrifruur" 
Tiair  wptryfidrmw  6  twitrKowos  ix^^  ''^^  ^poy 
Tila  «d  8wurc(To»  oirrd  &s  ScoS  i^p&mos.  And 
m  alse  tb.  can.  xl. ;  and  at  length,  Cotutit,  AposM, 
iL  2&.  And  St.  Cjpr.  (Epist.  xxxviii.  al.  xli.), 
^£|»seopo  dispensante."  And  St.  Hieron.  ad 
JhpoL  Epist,  xxxiv.,  '*  Sciat  episcopas,  cui  oom- 
iiisn  est  Ecdesia,  qnem  dispensation!  panperum 
cimeqiie  praefidat.'*  And  Possid.  in  V.  8,  Aug, 
Bet  (W.  AtUioch,  (as  above,  can.  xxy.)  forbids 
the  bisiM>p  from  doling  with  church  revenues, 

Kim»,  and  orders  hira  tbBvytis  waptx^^^  ''V  <'^'* 
fiAf  r9t  iwapxias.  And  Can.  Apost.  xxxix.  al.  xl. 
hids  him  keep  his  own  goods  and  those  of  the 
chuck  distinct,  so  that  $<mt  ^ca^tpk  t&  ISm  rod 
hwwlmom  wpdyftara  (d  yt  kclL  IBia  ^x*0  "^^t^ 
fmfk  rii  Kifptaxd,  jc.r A.  And  Cone.  Carth.  IV. 
Aa  398)  can.  xxxii.,  "  Irrita  erit  donatio  episco- 
ft/mm  Tel  renditio  rel  commutatio  rei  eccle- 
aissticse,  absque  oonnirentia  et  subscriptions 
derioorum."  Compare  also  the  established  ex- 
ceptional cases  wherein  church  plate,  &c.,  might 
he  sold,  yiz.  for  redeeming  captives  (as  St.  Am- 
brose, de  Offic.  iL  28 ;  Acacius  of  Amida,  in  So- 
ent  riL  21 ;  Deogratias  of  Carthage,  in  Victor 
Utic  de  Ponec.  Vandal,  i. ;  St.  Augostin  [Possid. 
la  y.  S.  Aug.  24]  X  or  feeding  people  in  case  of 
fuBOM  (as  St.  dyril  of  Jerusalem,  in  Theodoret. 
ii  37,  and  Sozom.  iv.  25) ;  in  which,  as  in  other 
CMcs  of  real  necessity,  the  bishop  allowably 
disposed  of  the  property,  but  with  the  consent 
•f  the  primate  **cum  statute  numero  episco- 
ponun  **  (jConc.  Carth.  V.  A.D.  398,  can.  Iv.),  or 
**  spnd  duos  vel  tres  comprovinciales  vel  vicinos 
cpsleopos"  {Cone.  Agatk.  A.D.  506,  can.  vii.); 
which  last  canon,  however,  permits  the  bishop  by 
kioHelf  to  dispose  of  **  terrulae  aut  vineolae  exiguae 
sit  ecelcstae  minus  utiles,"  &c  (can.  xlv.) :  and 
Omc  Epaon.  A.D.  517,  can.  xii.,  requires  the  '^con- 
sdcBtia  metropolitani "  to  a  like  sale.  Councils  of 
Oriesns,  III.  and  IV.  A.D.  538,  541,  repeat  like 
nlcs.  And  in  Spain,  Cone.  Hispal.  II.  a.d.  619, 
caaoM  ix.  and  xlix.,  and  Tolet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  can. 
xlviii^  and  the  Capit.  of  Martin  of  Braga ;  in 
luly,  the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  Cone, 
^fioMuVI.  under  Symmachus,  a.d.  504;  and  in 
the  Esst  Justinian  {NooeU.  123,  c.  23, 131,  c.  11), 
skew  a  like  system.  This  general  rule,  however, 
kcld  good  only  so  long  as  the  church  goods  of 
esch  diocese  formed  a  common  fund.  After  the 
sppropriation  of  special  incomes  to  special  officers 
ad  to  particular  parishes,  the  bishop  of  course 
eetsed  to  have  control  over  more  than  his  own 
iksre,  except  over  alms  and  general  oontri- 
Wtnas,  and  is  like  cases  (see    Tithes):  un- 


less 80  far  as  he  still  retained  the  power  of 
appointing  clergy  and  ordaining  them  to  parti« 
cular  benefices.  The  era  of  such  limitation  may 
be  taken  to  be  the  Cone.  Troaleian.  (Troli, 
near  Soisaons),  A.D.  909,  can.  vi ;  the  old 
rule  lingering  still  during  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne (see  Thomsssin,  III.  i.  8).  About  600/. 
a  year  is  Gibbon's  estimate  of  an  average  episcopal 
revenue  in  the  time  of  Justinian ;  the  valuation 
fluctuating  at  the  time  from  2  pounds  of  gold 
to  30  (Justin.  Novell.  123,  c  3> 

(a.)  X.  The  bishop  also  appears,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  have  so  taken  charge  of  his  whole 
diocese,  as  that,  the  diocesan  city  being  served 
by  clergy  of  his  own  ordaining,  the  country 
districts  were  served  from  the  city  by  clei^ 
at  his  appointment,  although  with  counsel  and 
consent  of  both  presbyters  and  laity.  The  dio- 
cese was  in  fact  one  parish,  there  being  no  such 
thing  as  a  parish  in  the  modeni  sense.  And  this 
original  condition  of  things  gradually  settled  into 
rule,  as  follows : — 1.  That  no  clergyman  could 
migrate  to,  or  be  ordained  to  a  higher  order  in, 
another  diocese  than  that  in  which  he  had  been 
born  and  ordained,  or  (if  this  involved  two  dio- 
ceses) in  which  he  had  been  ordained,  without 
the  express  leave  of  the  bishop  who  had  ordained 
him :  the  presbyters  being  bound  to  the  bishop 
who  had  ordained  them,  as  he  in  turn  was  bound 
to  support  them  if  in  need.  See  CLEaar,  Lit- 
TERAE  DIMI890RIAE,  Presbtter.  An  exception 
however  came  to  exist  in  favour  of  the  bishop  of 
Carthage,  in  relation  to  Africa,  '*  ut  soli  ecclesiae 
Carthaginis  liceat  alienum  clericum  ordinare" 
(Ferrand.  Breviar.  c.  230).  ^*  That  no  clergyman, 
when  benefices  came  to  exist,  could  resign  his 
benefice,  or  remove  to  another,  within  the  parti- 
cular diocese,  without  his  bishop's  consent.  Cone, 
Carth.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can.  xxvii.,  probably  refers  to 
different  dioceses, — "  Inferiorb  gradus  sacerdotes 
vel  alii  clerici  concessions  suorum  episcoporum 
possunt  ad  alias  ecclesias  transmigrare."  But  in 
later  times,  Cone.  Eemens,  a.d.  813,  can.  xx..  Cone. 
Turon.  a.d.  813,  can.  xiv.,  and  Cone.  Namnet.  can. 
xvi.,  are  express,  '*  De  titulo  minori  ad  majorem 
migrare  nulli  presbytero  licitum  est ;"  and  are 
confirmed  by  Charlemagne,  Capit.  lib.  vi.  c  197,-— 
*'NulIus  presbyter  cr^itam  sibi  ecclesiam  sine 
consensu  sui  episcopi  derelinquat  et  laicorum 
suasions  ad  aliam  transeat ;"  and  see  also  lib.  vi. 
c.  85,  lib.  vii.  c  73.  But,  at  the  same  time,  the 
bishop  could  not  remove  or  eject  a  clergyman 
against  his  will  or  at  his  own  pleasure,  the  rule 
coming  to  be  that  three  bishops  were  required 
to  judge  a  deacon,  and  six  a  presbyter,  including 
their  own  diocesan,  with  an  appeal  to  the  pro- 
vincial synod :  see  Appeal,  Deacon,  Presbtter, 
Synod.  3.  That  the  bishop  as  a  rule  collated 
to  all  benefices  within  his  diocese,  conferring,  by 
ordination  to  a  particular  **  title,**  the  spiritual 
jurisdiction,  which  drew  with  it  the  temporal 
endowments  (see  Bingh.  IX.  viii.  5,  6 ;  Thomassin, 
II.  i.  33-35>  But,  4.  that  the  right  of  nomi- 
nating to  a  church  in  another's  diocese  was 
granted,  as  time  went  on,  to  a  bishop  who  had 
founded  that  church  (and  apparently  to  his  suc- 
cessors, on  the  assumption  that  he  founded  it  out 
of  church  property^  in  the  West  {Cone.  Arausic.  I. 
A.D.  441,  can.  x.) ;  and  in  the  East  from  Justinian, 
and  ultimately  in  the  West  likewise  (e.  g.  Cone. 
Tolet.  IX.  A.D.  655,  can.  ii. ;  Cone.  Francof.  A.]x 
794,  can.  liv.),  to  laymen  also  in  like  position  \ 


234 


BISHOP 


and  in  both  East  and  West,  by  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian and  of  Charlemagne  respectivelji  to  kings, 
nobles,  and  other  laymen,  without  any  snch 
ground  :  although  the  right  of  the  bishop  to 
determine  whether  the  presentee  was  fit,  and 
if  unfit,  to  reject  him,  remained  still,  even 
in  the  case  of  noblemen's  chaplains.  Further, 
1.  in  the  East,  a  limit  also  was  put  to  the 
«  requests  "  (iwrcnrficfo't)  of  the  nobles,  and  to 
the  *^  command  "  (K4\wins)  of  the  emperor,  in 
making  such  presentations  (Novell,  3,  in  Praef, 
and  c  2) :  and,  2.  in  the  West,  the  Council  of  Aries, 
VI.  ▲.D.  813,  can.  ir.,  commands,  ^  ut  laici  pros- 
bytero3  absque  judicio  proprii  episcopi  non  eji- 
ciant  de  ecclesiis  nee  alios  immittere  prae- 
sumant  ;^  and  the  Council  of  Tours,  III.  ▲.d.  813, 
can.  zv.,  '*  Interdicendum  videtur  clericis  sive 
laicis  ne  quis  cuilibet  presbytero  praesumat  dare 
ecclesiam  sine  lifcentia  et  consensu  episcopi  sui ;" 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  both  Charlemagne  and 
Louis  the  Pious  guard  the  lay  side  of  the  ques- 
tion by  enacting,  **Si  laici  clericos  probabilis 
vitae  et  doctrinae  episcopis  consecrandos  suisque 
in  ecclesiis  constituendos  obtulerint,  nulla  qua- 
libet  oocasione  eos  rejiciant ;"  or  if  they  do  re- 
ject them,  then,  **  diligens  examinatio  et  evidens 
ratio,  ne  scandalum  generetur,  manifestum  faciat  *' 
(Capit  lib.  T.  c.  178,  and  Lud.  Pii  Capit  in 
Cone.  GaU,  ii.  430) :  an  enactment  repeated  by 
Cone,  P<»ns.  A.D.  829,  can.  zxii.  See  also  Cone, 
Bom.  A.D.  826  and  853,  can.  zxi.  The  right  of 
presentation  to  such  a  benefice  by  lapse,  as  de- 
volving upon  the  bishop,  is  not  traced  by  Tho- 
massin  (II.  i.  31,  §  5)  higher  than  the  time  of 
Hincmar.  The  consent  of  the  Church,  necessary 
in  the  time  of  St.  Cyprian  to  the  ordination  of  a 
presbyter,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  required 
in  that  of  a  deacon — *'  diaconi  ab  episcopis  fiunt " 
(St.  Cypr.  Epist,  Ixv.) — and  a  fortiori  not  in 
the  case  of  minor  orders. 

(a.)  zi.  The  bishop  became  also  a  judge  or 
arbitrator  in  secular  causes  between  Christians, 
on  the  ground  of  1  Cor.  vi.  4 :  necessarily,  how- 
ever, by  consent  only  of  both  parties,  and  by  an 
authority  voluntarily  conceded  to  him ;  an  office 
which  continued  so  late  as  the  time  of  St.  Au- 
gustin ;  sitting  on  Mondays  for  the  purpose :  for 
which,  and  for  other  details,  see  Apost,  ConstU, 
ii.  45-53.  See  also  under  Appeal.  As  an  office 
conferred  by  the  State,  and  endowed  with  legal 
power,  see  also  below  under  (2). 

(a.)  zii.  All  these  powers  belonged  to  a  bishop 
solely  in  relation  to  his  own  diocese.  Beyond 
that  diocese— not  to  discuss  here,  1.  the  authority 
of  synods,  or,  2.  the  gradual  growth  of  the 
offices  of  archbishop,  primate,  metropolitan, 
ezarch,  patriarch  (for  which  see  the  several 
articles)---each  bishop  had  no  right  to  interfere, 
except  under  circumstances  (such  as  the  pre- 
valence of  schism  or  heresy,  or  of  persecution, 
or  the  like)  which  would  obviously  constitute  a 
necessity  superseding  law.  So,  e,  g.  St.  Atha- 
nasius  ical  x*'P<^®''^''  ^iro/ct  in  cities  out  of  his 
diocese,  as  he  returned  from  ezile  (Socrat.  ii.  24). 
And  similarly  Eusebius  of  Samosata,  in  the  Arian 
persecution  under  Valens  (Theodoret,  iv.  13,  v.  4). 
And  Epiphanins  likewise  in  Palestine ;  defending 
his  act  on  the  ground  that,  although  each  bishop 
had  his  own  diocese,  '*et  nemo  super  alienam 
mensuram  eztenditur,  tamen  praeponitur  om- 
ubus  caritas  Christi "  {Epid,  ad  Joan,  Hieros, 
Opp.  ii.  312).     Compare  also  the  letters  of  Cle- 


BI8H0P 

ment  of  Romf  to  the  Corinthians,  and  of  Dimjiiiif 
of  Corinth  {itaBohMcaX  hrurroXui)  to  the  Lsce> 
daemonians,  and  to  the  Athenians,  and  nuiay 
others  (Enseb.  J7.  £.  iv.  23) ;  and  St.  Cypriaa's 
interference  in  Spain  in  the  eases  of  Martial  aai 
Basilides,  and  in  Gaul  in  that  of  M^rp^^,  And 
see  Dn  Pin,  de  Antiq,  EccL  DiadpL  pp.  141,  sq. 
Still,  the  rule  was — 

(a.)  ziii.  A  single  bishop  to  each  diocese,  end 
a  single  diocese  to   each  bishop.      "  CJniu  ia 
Ecciesia  ad  tempus  sacerdos,"  is  St.  Cyprian's 
dictum  {Epist,   HL  al.  Iv.).      And  St.  Jerome, 
"  Singuli   Ecclesiarom  episcopi,   singuli  archi- 
presbyteri,  &c.,    in   navi  unus  gubeinator,  ia 
domo  unus  dominus  "  {Epist.  ad  Bwtic,  and  re- 
peatedly).    And  similarly  St  Hilar.  Diac  (m 
PhiL  i.  1,  in  1  Cor.  zii.  28,  &c).    And  Socnt  vl 
22 ;  Sozom.  iv.  15 ;  Theodoret,  ii.  17  (cIs  Sc^s,  clf 
Xpurrhs,  cfs  Mckovos)^  and  iii  4;  and,  above 
all.  Cone.  Nicaen,  ▲.D.  325,  can.  viii.  kctsckc 
And  to  the  same  effect  the  numerous  canons  for- 
bidding the  intrusion  of  any  one  into  a  diocese  as 
bishop  during  the  lifetime  of  the  bishop  of  that 
diocese,  unless  the  latter  had  either  freely  re- 
signed or  been  lawfully  deposed.    The  seemlog 
exceptions  to  this,  indeed,  prove  the  rule.  Merely 
as  a  temporary  expedient,  in  order  to  heal  a 
schism,  the  Catholic  bishops  in  Africa  offered  to 
share  their  sees  with  the  Donatist  bishops  (Collat 
Carthag,  1  die  c  xri.  in  Labbe,  ii.  1352);  as  M»- 
letius  long  before  had  proposed  to  Paulinas  at 
Antioch   to  put  the  Gospeb  on  the  episoc^ 
throne  while  they  two  should  sit  on  either  side 
as  joint  bishops  (Theodoret,  v.  3) :  the  proposal 
dropping  to  the  ground  in  both  cases.    See  also 
what  is  said  above  of  coadjutors ;  and  the  conjec- 
ture, not  however  solidly  grounded,  of  Hammood 
and  others,  respecting  two  joint  bishops,  respec- 
tively for  Jews  and  Gentiles,  in  some  cities  ia 
Apostolic  times  (see  Bingh.  II.  xiii.  3).   It  most  be 
added,  however,  that  Epiphanius  {Haer,  IxviiL  6) 
does  say  that  Alexandria  never  had  two  bishops, 
&s  al  &AAcu  w6Kus,    On  the  other  side,  two  sees 
to  one  bishop  was  equally  against  all  rule.    Hie 
text,  "  Unins  uzoris  virum,"  says  the  De  Dign, 
Sacerd,  (c  i^.  inter  Opp.  8.  Ambro8.%  **si  ad 
altiorem  sensum  conscendimus,  inhibet  episoopom 
duas  usui'pare  Ecdesias."    And   later  writers. 
e.  g.  Hincmar,  work  the  same  thought  with  still 
greater  vehemence,  and  loudly  inveigh  against 
spiritual  adultery.    And  apart  from  this  exslted 
view,  the  canon  of  Chalcedon,  which  forbids  a 
clergjrman  being  inscribed  upon  the  roll  of  two 
dioceses,  was  (very  reasonably)  held  to  include 
bishops.     The  ezceptional  cases  indeed  of  Inter- 
ventoreSj  and  of  the  temporary  *'  commendatioo  " 
of  a  diocese  to  a  neighbouring  bishop  [Isteb- 
YENTOREB,  Commenda],  oocur,  the  fo  mer  in  the 
early  African  Church,  the  latter  as  early  as  St 
Ambrose  himself  (Epit.  zliv.).   And  a  case  ocean 
in  St  Basil  the  Great's  letters  (290  and  292X 
where  a  provincial  synod,  under  urgent  necessity, 
and  not  without  vehement  opposition,  by  a  d^ 
pensation  (rh  rqs  oucoyofAias  wayKtuoy),  allowed 
a  bishop,  promoted  to  the  metropolitan  see  of 
Armenia,  to  retain  his  previous  see  of  Colcoiia. 
And  Gregory  the  Great  in  several  cases  joined 
together  in  Italy  ruined  or  impoverished  or  de- 
populated sees.     St.  Medard  also,  in  532,  onited 
the  sees  of  Noyon  and  Toumay,  upon  the  nrgeacy 
of  his  metropolitan  and  comprovincial  bishops, 
and  of  the  king,  nobles,  and  people  (Sarins^  It 


BISHOP 

F.  &  JUL  Jan.  8)k  Bnt  pUmlitMs,  in  the  seiue 
«f  two  or  morp  preTioiMly  independeikt  bishoprics 
WU  tofttber  for  nerely  penonal  reasons,  do  not 
Mcm  to  hvn  crept  in  until  early  CSarlovingian 
tiacs;  when,  €»g^  Hugh,  son  of  Drogo,  becaune 
ndibidiop  of  Boaen,  A.i>.  722,  and  added  thereto 
nibsqnentl  J  the  sees  of  Paris  and  Ba  jenx,  besides 
the  sbbejs  of  Jomi^^  and  Pontanelles  (CAron. 
Gtmmttir,'),  for  no  other  apparent  reason  than  that 
U  WIS  nephew  of  Pipin  the  Elder.  In  England, 
tks  iixst  case  was  that  of  St.  ]>anstan,  who  held 
WsRcster  and  London  together,  in  order  no  doubt 
to  fiuther  his  monastic  schemes,  aj).  957-960. 
Asd  this  is  followed  by  the  well-known  series  of 
snhLUiops  of  Tork  who  were  also  bishops  of 
Werarter,  from  972  to  1023 ;  and  this,  again, 
hj  the  nnioii  of  the  same  unfortunate  see  of  Wor- 
earter  to  that  of  Crediton  in  the  episcopate  of 
LiTiBf,  1027-1046.  The  union  of  other  prefer- 
Bcnt,  as  of  deaneries  or  abbeys,  to  bishoprics, 
bcptn  much  about  the  like  period,  when  circum- 
rtanees  tempted  to  it.  And  for  two  abbeys  held 
tagether,  see  Abbat.  The  apparent  exception  of 
iht  iworinoe  of  Europa  in  Thrace  in  earlier  times, 
ii  which  two  bishops  were  allowed  upon  their 
ewa  petition  by  the  Council  of  Ephesus  (A.D.  431, 
Act  TiL  sub  finem)  to  hold  each  two^  and  in  one 
CMS  nere,  bishoprics  together,  on  the  ground  that 
thoM  bishoprics  had  always  been  held  together, 
Irisfs  us  rather  to  the  previous  enquiry  respect- 
■g  the  size  of  dioceses,  and  whether  necessarily 
haiited  to  (me  city  and  its  dependent  country, 
skI  if  io,  <^  what  size  the  city  must  be. 

(&)  sir.  And  here,  there  being  no  principle 
■rolTed  beyond  thnt  of  suitableness  in  each  case 
te  the  particular  locality,  and  the  original  diocese 
IB  each  case  being  the  great  dty  of  the  neigh- 
boorkood  with  so  much  of  its  dependent  country 
aad  towns  as  was  conrerted  to  the  foith,  questions 
iseemrily  aroee,  as  the  district  became  com- 
pletely Christianized,  and  were  determined  in 
iaSami  ways  in  different  places,  as  to  the  sub- 
dtraioa  of  the  original  vaguely  limited  diocese. 
hsome  eonntriee  that  subdiyision  was  carried 
so  far  as  to  call  forth  prohibitions  against  placing 
kiihops  4w  nAftp  riwi  ^  iv  fipax^i^  w6\u  {Ccnc, 
SurHc  AJ>.  347,  can.  vi.) ;  or  again,  iv  rats  k^ 
ant  aollr  Tsuir  x^ipois  {Cone,  Laodic.  about  ▲.D. 
366,  en.  Uvl),  which  latter  canon  perhaps  only 
pnhiktts  ckorqHtoopL  Leo  the  Great  also  vehe- 
watly  condemns  the  erecting  sees  **  in  castellis," 
Ae,  in  Africa  i^fisL  IxzzyiL  c  2>  And  it  was 
■ade  an  objection  to  the  Donatists  that  (to  multi- 
ply their  numbers)  they  consecrated  bishops  **  in 
vihis  et  in  fondis,  non  in  aliquibus  dritatibus  " 
{CdbL  Cartk.  c  181 ;  Labbe,  ii.  1399).  The 
pnhibition  is  repeated  in  later  times,  as  by  Pope 
Gnfory  IIL  aj>.  738,  and  Pope  Zacharias,  A.D. 
743.  The  practice  however  had  continued  never- 
thslsas;  as  is  obvioua  by  St.  Greg.  Naz.,  St.  Chry- 
•oston,  Synedns,  and  others,  quoted  in  Bingh.  II. 
liL  2, 3;  and  by  Sozomen  (vii.  19X  stating,  but 
ss  sa  exoeptioiud  case,  that  ^<rrli^  8wi|  ical  4y 
nSyiaif  hrurmovoi  Icpovrrout  its  wapii  *ApaL$iois 
sal  KwmfUis  trpmw.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
ceaTenion  of  the  German  and  other  European 
■stioas,  as  it  were,  wholesale,  upon  the  conver- 
M  of  their  kings,  led  in  a  large  part  of  northern 
Ennpe  to  sees  of  nations  rather  than  cities,  and 
to  «es  therefore  of  often  unwieldy  extent.  E,  ^., 
iiScythia,  voAAaI  itiKfit  trrn  lntiAni  \va  vd»T€S 


BISHOP 


285 


21) ;  viz.  the  Bishop  of  Tomi.  In  the  older  oonu' 
tries  it  might  obviously  happen,  very  naturally, 
that  (as  in  the  province  of  Europa)  two  or  more 
towns  or  **  dvitates  "  of  small  but  nearly  equal 
size  might  come  to  be  united  in  one  diocese,  of 
which  yet  ndther  of  them  could  claim  to  be  pre« 
eminently  the  dty.  Just  as,  on  the  other  hand,  Soz- 
omen tells  us,  that  Gaza  and  Majuma,  being  two 
^  dvitates  "  (although  very  small  ones)  and  also 
two  bishoprics,  were  united  by  the  emperors 
into  one  ^  dvitas,**  yet  remained  two  bishoprics 
still  (v.  4).  The  actual  number  of  bishops  in  the 
time  of  Constantino  is  reckoned  by  Gibbon  as 
1800,  of  whom  1000  were  Eastern,  800  Western. 
The  authority  for  subdivision  was  ^  voluntas 
episcopi  ad  quem  ipsa  dioecesis  pertinet,  ex  con« 
silio  tamen  plenario  et  primatis  authoritate^ 
(Ferrand.  Breviar,  ziiL  in  JustelL  Bibl.  Jur.  Can, 
i.  448).  See  also  Cone,  Carthag,  U.  A.D.  397,  can. 
v.,  and  m.  A.D.  397,  can.  xlii.  (Labbe,  u.  1160, 
1173),  and  St.  Aug.  Epist  cclxi.,  respecting  his 
erecting  the  see  of  Fussala  with  the  consent  of 
the  primate  of  Numidia.  The  consent  of  the 
bizhop  of  Kome  "was  not  asked  or  thought  of, 
until  in  the  West  in  the  time  of  St.  Boniface,  and 
even  then  it  was  chiefly  in  respect  to  newly  con- 
verted countries.  Compare  the  well-known  his- 
tory of  Wilfrid  in  England  in  the  end  of  the  7th 
century,  the  action  of  Pope  Formoeus  a  centnry 
later  in  respect  to  the  same  country,  and  the 
history  of  Nominee  and  the  Breton  sees  in  845. 
The  Pope's  consent  became  needful  about  the 
time  of  Gregory  V.  The  consent  of  the  king 
became  also  necessary  from  the  commencement 
of  the  Frank  kingdom,  and  in  Saxon  England. 
While  in  the  East  the  absolute  power  of  erecting 
new  sees  accrued  to  the  emperors  solely,  without 
respect  to  diocesan  bishop,  metropolitan,  council, 
or  any  one  else  (Thomassin,  De  Marca,  &c.).  An 
exceptional  African  canon  {Cod,  Can,  Afric,  cxvi.), 
in  order  to  recondle  Donatists,  allowed  any  one 
reclaiming  a  place,  not  a  bishop's  see,  to  retain  it 
for  himself  as  a  new  and  separate  bishopric  upon 
a  prescription  of  three  years.  And  so  again  in 
Spain,  according  to  Cone  7b2st.  a.d.  633,  can. 
zxxiv.,  and  Cone,  Emerit,  ▲.D.  666,  can.  viii.,  thirty 
years'  undisturbed  possession  by  one  bishop,  of 
what  had  previously  been  a  part  of  another's 
bishopric,  constituted  a  prescriptive  right  on  be- 
half of  the  possessor.  The  Cone,  Chaloed,  a.d.  451, 
can.  xi.,  had  fixed  the  same  period.  The  union  of 
sees  was  subiect  to  the  same  rules  with  the  sub- 
division of  them.  There  were  in  England  no  in- 
stances of  such  union  within  our  period,  except  in 
the  cases  of  the  temporary  sees  of  Hexham  and 
of  Whitheme,  and  of  the  possible  brief-lived  see 
of  Ripon ;  the  union  of  Cornwall  and  Devonshire 
being  of  considerably  later  date.  The  transference 
of  the  episcopal  see  m>m  one  place  to  another  with- 
in the  same  bishopric,  as  distinct  from  any  change 
of  the  limits  or  independency  of  the  bishoprio 
itself^  seems  to  have  followed  a  like  rule  with 
the  larger  measures  of  union  or  division.  The 
bishop,  with  sanction  of  his  comprovincials,  and 
with  the  acquiescence  of  the  State,  was  suificient 
authority  at  first  in  European  kingdoms  or  in  the 
East ;  as,  tf.  ^.  in  the  shlitings  of  the  see  of  East 
Anglia,  or  of  that  of  Wessex,  &c.  The  consent 
of  the  Pope  came  to  be  asked  afterwards ;  as  in 
the  time  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  in  the  case 
of  the  removal  of  Crediton  to  Exeter,  or  in 
that  of  the  great  movement  of  sees  from  "m^^ler 


280 


BISHOP 


to  larger  towns  in  the  time  of  William  the  Con- 
queror in  England  generallj;  which  howerer 
were  both  of  them  done,  and  the  latter  of  the 
two  expressly,  ^  by  leave  of  the  king." 

(a.)  XV.  Finally,  bishops  were  required  to 
reside  upon  their  dioceses.  The  Council  of  Nice 
(can.  ivi.),  enjoining  residence  on  the  other  orders 
of  clergy,  plainly  takes  that  of  bishops  for  granted, 
and  as  needing  no  canon.  The  Council  of  Sardica, 
A.D.  347,  can.  xv.,  in  the  case  of  bishops  who 
have  private  property  elsewhere,  permits  only 
three  weeks'  absence  in  order  to  look  after  that 
property,  and  even  then  the  bishop  so  absent  had 
better  reside,  not  on  his  estate  itself,  but  in  some 
neighbouring  town  where  there  is  a  church  and 
presbyter.  And  Cone,  TrtUL  ▲.D.  691,  can.  Ixxx., 
deposes  a  bishop  (or  other  derk)  who  without 
Strang  cause  is  absent  from  his  church  three 
Sundays  running.  A  year's  absence  from  his 
diocese  forfeited  the  see  altogether,  ace.  to  Jus- 
tinian's law  (at  first  it  had  forfeited  only  the 
pay,  Novell,  Ixvii.  c.  2),  or  six  months  ace  to 
Cone.  ConatatU.  aj).  870  (see  above).  Presence  at 
a  synod  (which  was  compulsory)  was  of  course  a 
valid  reason  for  absence.  Bishops  however  were 
not  to  cross  the  sea,  ace  to  an  African  rule  {Cod, 
Can.  Afric,  xxiii. ;  and  so  also  in  Italy,  Greg.  M. 
Spist.  vii.  8),  without  the  permission  and  the 
letter  (&«-o\vrtx^,  r€TvwvfjL4yij,  formatd)  of  the 

{>rimate;  nor  to  go  to  the  emperor  without 
etters  of  both  primate  and  comprovincial  bishops 
{Cono.  Antioch.  A.D.  841,  can.  xi.).  Nor  were 
they  to  go  into  another  province  unless  invited 
(^Conc.  Sardic.  can.  ii.) ;  nor  indeed  to  go  to  court 
at  all  unless  invited  or  summoned  by  the  emperor ; 
nor  to  go  too  much  'Mn  canali"  or  ''canalio" 
(along  the  public  road)  *'  ad  comitatum  "  (to  the 
court)  to  present  petitions,  but  rather  to  send 
their  deacon  if  necessary  (t&.  can.  ix.-xii).  Yet, 
A.D.  794,  by  Cone.  Franco/,  can.  Iv.,  some  four  and 
a  half  centuries  later,  Charlemagne  is  permitted 
to  have  at  court  with  him,  by  licence  of  the  Pope 
and  consent  of  the  synod,  and  for  the  utility  of 
the  Church,  Archbishop  Angelram  and  Bishop 
Hildebald.  Bishops,  again,  were  not  to  leave 
their  dioceses  **  negotiandi  causa,"  or  to  frequent 
markets  for  gain  {Cone.  Eliberit.  A.D.  805,  can. 
xviii.).  How  far  persecution  was  an  excuse  or 
reason  for  absence,  is  not  absolutely  determined. 
St.  Augustin  excuses  an  absence  of  his  own  on 
the  ground  that  he  never  had  been  absent  '*  licen- 
tiosa  libertate  sed  necessaria  servitute "  {Epist. 
cxxxviii.).  And  Gregory  the  Great  repeatedly 
insists  upon  residence.  And  to  come  later  still, 
Cone.  Franco/.  A.D.  794,  canons  xli.  xlv.,  renews 
the  prohibition  of  above  three  weeks'  absence 
upon  private  affairs.  And  Charlemagne  at  Aix 
(CapU.  Aquisgr.  A.D.  789,  c  xli.)  restrains  the 
bishop's  residence,  not  simply  to  his  see,  but  to 
his  cathedral  town  :  just  as  previous  Frank 
canons  repeatedly  enjoin  his  presence  there  at 
the  three  great  feasts  of  Easter,  Whitsunday, 
and  Christma«.  The  bishop,  too,  by  a  canon  of 
Cone.  Carthag.  IV.  A.D.  398,  can.  xiv.,  was  bound 
to  have  his  "  hoepitiolum  "  cloee  to  his  cathedral 
church.  The  sole  causes,  in  a  word,  that  were  held 
to  justify  absence,  were  such  as  arose  from  ser- 
vice to  the  Church ;  as  when  at  synod,  or  employed 
on  church  duties  elsewhere,  or  summoned  to 
court  on  church  business  or  for  Christian  pur- 
poses (but  this  was  an  absence  jealously  watched  : 
see  dnc.  Sardic,  &c  Itc.  as  above).    Absence 


BISHOP 

I  also  on  pilgrimage  was  seemingly,  ytt  hardly 
formally,  acquiesced  in.  And  a  journey  to  Rome 
(by  permission  of  the  prince)  would  oome  under 
the  same  class  of  exemption  as  the  attending  a 
synod.  By  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  moreover, 
the  office  of  Miesi  Domimcif  and  other  State 
duties,  were  held  to  justify  at  least  temporary 
non-residence. 

fi.  From  the  spiritual  office  of  the  bishop 
singly,  we  pass  to  his  joint  authority  whea 
assembled  in  provincial  synod;  and  this,  I  ss 
respects  the  consecration  of  bishops,  for  which 
see  above ;  and,  ii.  as  a  court  of  appeal  and  judi- 
cature over  individual  bishops,  for  which  see 
Appeal,  Council,  Sykod  ;  and,  iii.  as  exercising  t 
general  jurisdiction  over  the  province ;  for  which, 
and  for  the  relative  rights  of  bishops  and  presby- 
ters, &c.  in  synod  assembled,  see  Coukcil,  Svnod. 

y.  Thirdly,  for  the  collective  authority  of 
bishops  assembled  in  general  council,  i.  as  re- 
spects doctrine,  ii.  as  respects  discipline,  see 
Council,  Oecumenical. 

III.  (2.)  Over  and  above  the  spiritual  poven 
inherent  in  the  episcopate  as  8u<»i,  certain  tem- 
poral FOWEBS  AND  PRIVILEGES  were  conferred 
upon  the  bishop  frY)m  time  to  time  by  the  State; 
and  these,  partly,  in  his  general  capacity  as  of 
the  clergy  [iMMUNlTua,  p.  822],  partly  upon 
him  as  bishop. 

(i.)  The  judicial  authority  in  secular  causes  be* 
tween  Christians,  which  attached  to  the  bishop 
as  a  matter  of  Christian  feeling,  became  gra* 
dually  an  authority  reoognixed  and  enlarged  by 
state  law.  See  details  under  Appeal.  He  wis 
limited  in  the  Roman  empire  to  civil  causes,  and 
to  criminal  cases  that  were  not  capital,  and  almost 
certainly  to  cases  where  both  parties  agreed  to 
refer  themselves  to  the  bishop.  In  England, 
however,  the  bishop  sat  with  the  alderman  in 
the  Shire  Gemot,  twice  a  year,  *'  in  order  to  ex- 
pound the  law  of  God  as  well  as  the  secular  law" 
(Eadgar's  Zairs,  ii.  5,  &c  &c) ;  an  arrangement 
to  which  (as  is  well  known)  William  the  Con* 
queror  put  an  end.  In  Carlovingian  France,  the 
bishop  and  the  comes  were  to  support  one  another, 
and  the  two  as  Miesi  Dominici  made  circuits  to 
oversee  things  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  (CajiiL 
of  A.D.  789,  802,  806,  &c;  see  Gieseler,  iL  240, 
Eng.  tr.).  Questions  relating  to  marriages,  and 
to  wills,  were  also  referred  to  the  bishops  by  the 
Roman  laws,  and  by  the  Carlovingian  (see  under 
Marriage,  Testament).  The  bishop  also  was 
authorized  by  dod.  Justin.  I.  iv.  25,  to  prohibit 
gaming ;  as  he  had  been  by  Cod.  Theod.  IX.  iiL  7, 
XYI.  X.  19,  to  put  down  idolatry ;  and  IX.  xvi.  12, 
sorcerers ;  and  XV.  viiL  2,  pimps.  He  had  also 
special  jurisdiction,  in  causes  both  civil  and  (sub- 
sequently) criminal,  over  clergy,  monks,  and  nuns 
— '*  episcopalis  audientia" — from  ValentiniaD, 
A.D.  452  {Novell.  iiL  de  Episc  Judicio%  and  from 
Justinian,  a.d.  539  {Novell.  Ixxix.  and  Ixxxiii.,  and 
so  also  cxxiii.  c.  21) ;  and  from  Heradius,  A.D.  62S 
(for  the  inclusion  of  criminal  cases,  see  Gieseler, 
ii.  119,  n.  14,  £ng.  tr.).  And  this  exemption 
of  the  clergy  from  civil  courts  wa^  t^ontinued  by 
Charlemagne  (Gieseler,  ib.  256). 

(ii.)  Bishops  also  became  members  of  the  great 
council  of  the  kingdom  in  all  the  European 
states;  the  result  of  such  amalgamation  being 
to  merge  ecclesiastical  councils  to  some  extent 
in  civil  ones.  Their  political  position  had  alss 
the  effect  of  rendering  them  more  despotic,  whils 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


237 


it  mde  them  at  the  same  time  more  woridlj*.  { 
Xhfj  irere  in  effect  nobles,  with  the  additional  | 
|«vers  of  a  monopoly  of  education  and  of  the 
tuKtitj  of  their  office.      See  for  this  Guizot, 
Uitt.  d€  la  Civ,  en  France^  Le^on  13. 

(iil)  Under  the  Roman  emperors  it  would  seem 
also  that  ctTil  magistrates  were  placed  in  a  cer- 
uia  iCBse  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  in 
recpect  to  their  dTil  office.  Cone.  AreL  A.D.  314, 
aa.  m,  de  Praesidibns,  **  placuit  ut  cum  pro- 
Boti  foerint,  literaa  accipiant  ecdesiasticas  com- 
Buucstorias:  ita  tamen  ut  in  quibuscunque 
locts  geaserint,  ab  episcopo  ejusdem  loci  cura  de 
illis  agatur :  ut  cum  caeperint  contra  disdplinam 
pabtiam  agere,  tnm  demum  a  oommunione  ex- 
dadantur :  simiUter  et  de  his  qui  rempublicam 
tfcre  Tolunt  '*  (Labbe,  i.  1427).  And  so  Socrates 
(tuL  13X  writing  of  St.  (^yril  of  Alexandria  and 
Orestes  the  Pra^edua  AuguskUis  of  Egypt.  The 
t|ii<w^l  power  of  excommunication  seemed  to 
aind  a  ground  lor  this  authority.  And  so  St. 
GnfOTj  of  Nazianxam  declares  to  the  Avydirrcu 
ul  'Af x^vTCf  that  6  rod  Xpurrov  y6fios  &worl' 
Ifrnr  I^ULS  T^  ifA^  ivnurrtUf  jcal  r^  ifi^  P^ifiarif 
M-rJi.  {^OraL  xviL).  In  Spain,  at  a  later  period, 
Cbac.  Tolet  IIL  jld.  589,  can.  xriiL,  describes 
the  bishops  as  **  prospectores  quail ter  judices 
cion  popnlo  agant ,"  an  enactment  repeated  by 
Gaaa  ToleL  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  xxxii.  And  a  con- 
stitation  of  Lothaire's  in  France,  about  A.D.  559, 
CMCU,  in  case  of  an  unjust  decision  by  the  civil 
ja%e,  that,  in  the  absence  of  the  king,  **  ab  epi- 
casUgetar"  (Labbe,  t.  828).  And  this 
to  have  been  based  upon  Justinian's  Code 
(L  ir.  26),  and  upon  NovelL  yiii.  9,  Ixxxvi.  1 
aai  4,  cxxriii.  23  (see  Gieseler,  11.  118,  119, 

(it.)  The  more  special  office  of  protecting  mi- 
■m,  widows,  orphans,  prisoners,  insane  people, 
fcoadlings,  in  a  word  all  that  were  distressed 
and  helpless,  was  also  assigned  to  bishops ;  at 
fint,  ss  a  natural  adjunct  to  their  office  (see, 
cf.  Come  Sardic.  A.D.  347,  can.  vii. ;  St.  Jerome, 
«tf  <7eniii£.  [of  a  widow  protected  **  Eoclesiae 
jmesidio"] ;  St.  Ambros.  de  Offic.  ii.  29 ;  St.  Aug. 
EfitL  252  al.  217,  and  Semu  176,  §  2);  after- 
nrda  by  express  law  {Cod.  tit.  i.  c  iv.  de  Epiac. 
JMientia,  iL  22,  24,  27,  28,  30,  38);  repeated 
fiuther  on  by  Gallic  councils  {Aurdian,  Y.  ▲.d. 
M9,  can.  xx. ;  Turon,  II.  ▲.D.  567,  can.  xxix. ; 
Metiec.  IL  jld.  585,  can.  xiv. ;  Franco/,  a.d.  794, 
raa.  xl. ;  Arelat.  VI.  A.D.  813,  can.  xviL) ;  and  by 
Sfaakh  ones  {Tolet.  III.  a.d.  589,  can.  xriii.); 
aad  refeired  to  in  Italy  in  the  letters  of  Gregory 
the  Great  frequently.  The  manumission  of  slaves 
Wooging  to  the  Church  (e.  g.  Cone.  Agath.  a.d. 
506,  can.  vii.X  and  the  protection  of  freedmen  (t6. 
can.  xxix.,  and  Cone.  Aurelian.  V.  a.d.  549,  can. 
vil  &c),  were  also  permitted  and  assigned  to 
hidiops;  and  this  not  only  in  Gaul  but  else- 
where (see  Thomassin,  II.  iii.  87,  sq.).  And 
the  manumission  of  slaves  generally  was  often 
Bade  in  their  presence  (e.  g.  in  Wales  and 
Eaglaad,  Connc.  I.  206,  676,  686,  Haddan  and 
Stabhs),  and  was  furthered  by  their  influence. 

(v.)  The  practice  of  anointing  kings  at  their 
eoranation,  and  the  belief  which  grew  up  that 
the  right  to  the  crown  depended  upon,  or  was 
eaaveyed  by,  the  episcopal  unction,  added  further 
power  to  the  bishops.  But  this  began  in  the  West 
(if  we  except  the  allusion  in  Gildas  to  the  prac- 
liei^  and  the  well-known  case  of  St.  Columba 


and  King  Aldan)  only  from  about  Curlovingiaii 
times ;  in  the  East,  however,  from  the  emperor 
Theododus,  ▲.D.  408  (see  Maskell's  Dissert,  iu 
Mon.  Kit.  iii.,  and  a  list  in  Morinus,  de  Sao 
Ordin.  ii.  243 ;  and  Coronation,  Unction). 

(vi.)  Bishops  were  further  exempted  from  being 
sworn  in  a  court  of  justice,  from  Cone.  Chalced. 
(a.D.  451,  Act.  xi.);  confirmed  by  Marcian  and 
by  Justinian  (Cbcf.  i.  tit.  iii.  de  Epise.  et  Cler, 
1.  7,  and  Novell,  cxxiii.  7) ;  the  privilege,  however, 
being  mixed  up  in  the  first  instance  with  the 
general  question  of  the  legality  of  oaths  at  all  to 
any  Christian.     And  this  privilege  was  repeated 
by  the  Lombard  laws  (L.  ii.  tit.  51,  and  L.  iii.  tit. 
1),  and  is  traceable  in  the  Capit.  of  Charlemagne 
(ii.  38,  iii.  42,  v.  197>     But  oaths  of  fidelity 
to  the  king  were  imposed  upon  bishops  by  Char- 
lemagne (see  above).    It  was  extended  to  presby- 
ters also  in  so-called  Egbert's  Excerpts,  xix.  (9th 
century),  and  by  the  provincial  Council  of  Tribur 
(near  Mayence,  A.D.  895,  can.  xxi.) :  as  It  was 
always,  by  both  law  and  canon,  in  the  East,  ace 
to  Photius  in  Nomocan.  tit.  ix.  c.  27,  and  Bal- 
samon,  ib.    Bbhops  indeed  had  the  privilege  of 
not  being  summoned  to  a  court  to  give  evidence 
at  all,  from  at  least  Justinian's  time  (as  above) ; 
possibly  from  that  of  Theodosius  {Cod.  lib.  xi.  tit. 
xxxix.  de  Fide  Testium^  1.  8) ;  but  the  latter  law 
is  taken  to  mean  only  that  a  clergyman  chosen 
to  act  as  arbiter  could  not  be  compelled  to  give 
account  of  his  decision  to  a  civil  tribunal  (see 
Bingh.  V.  ii.  1).    The  value  of  a  bishop's  evidence, 
and  that  not  on  oath,  was  also  estimated,  accord- 
ing to  a  very  suspicious  law  assigned  to  Theodosius 
{Cod.  xvi.  tit.  xii.  de  Episc.  Attdient.  1.  1),  as  to 
be  taken  against  all  other  evidence  whatever; 
and  certainly  was  ranked  by  Anglo-Saxon  laws 
(Wihtred's    Dooms  xvi.)    with    the    king's,  as 
'*  incontrovertible."    See  also  Egbert's  Dialogue^ 
Re^.  i. ;  and  a  fair  account  of  "  compurgation," 
as  required  or  not  required  of  the  clergy,  in 
H.  C.  Lea's  Superstition  and  Force,  pp.  30,  sq. 
Philadelphia,  1870.      Gregory  of  Tours,  when 
accused,  condescended,  *' regis  causa"  and  'Micet 
canonibus  contraria,"   to  exculpate  himself  by 
three  solemn  denials   at    three  several  altars; 
although  it  was  held  superfluous  for  him  to  do 
this,  because  "  non   potest    persona    inferior " 
[which  was  the  case  here]  ^  super  sacerdotem 
credi."    Cone.  Meld.  A.D.  845,  can.  xxxvii.  forbids 
bishops  to  swear.     And  the  Capit.  of  Carolus 
Calvus,  A.D.  858  {Cone.  Carisiae.  c.  xv.)  is  ex- 
press in  forbidding  episcopal  oaths  upon  secular 
matters,  or  in  anything  but  a  case  of  '^scan- 
dalum  Ecclesiae  suae."    The  office  of  Advooatus 
Ecclesiaey  among  other  things,  was   connected 
with  this  inability  to  be  sworn.    See  also  H.  C. 
Lea,  as  above. 

(vii.)  Bishops  had  also  a  privilege  of  intercession 
for  criminals  in  capital  or  serious  criminal  cases ; 
which  the  Council  of  Sardica  regards  as  a  duty 
on  their  part  calling  for  frequent  exercise  : 
''Ewci  woXXojcIt  (Tf^/it/Saifyci  nvas  .  . ,  Kara^vyciy 
iirl  r^y  *EKK\ria'tai'  . .  .  ro7s  roio^oit  fiii  iipvt^ 
riay  elyai  r^v  fiaiiBtiaVf  &AA.&  X^P^^  fitWiiafiov, 
K,r,\.  (can.  vii.,  transportation  and  btmishment 
to  an  island  being  the  penalties  named).  As 
an  office  naturally  as  well  as  legally  attached  to 
the  episcopate,  such  intercession  is  mentioned  by 
St.  Ambrose,  by  St^  Angustin  (interceding  for 
the  Circamccllions,  Epist.  clviii.  and  clx.),  by 
St.  Jerome  {ad  Nepot,  Epist.  xxxiv.),  by  Socrates 


238 


BISHOP 


(t.  14,  TiL  17)l  It  did  not  extend  to  pecnniary 
aaoMs,  on  the  ground  that  in  these  to  help  the 
<me  side  would  be  to  injure  the  other  (St.  Ambroe. 
de  Offic,  iii.  9).  It  is  mentioned  later  still  bj 
6ulp.  Severus,  Dial,  iiL  of  St.  Martin,  by  En- 
nodius  of  St.  Epiphanius  of  Ticinum,  &c.  Restric- 
tions, however,  are  placed  upon  the  (admitted) 
right  by  Cod,  Theod.  (IX.  tit.  xl.  cc  16,  17), 
renewed  by  Justinian  (I.  tit.  iy.  De  Epiac,  Audient, 
1.  6),  and  again  by  Ilieodoric  in  Italy  (JBdid.  c. 
114):  free  access  being  given  nevertheless  to 
bishops  to  enter  prisons  with  a  view  to  such 
'*  interventiones "  (Append,  Cod,  Theod,  c  xiii.). 
And  Charlemagne  gives  authority  to  bishops  to 
obtain  pardon  for  criminals  from  the  secular 
judges  at  the  three  great  festivals  {CapU.  vi.  106). 
A  series  of  councils,  mostly  in  Gaul,  had  put 
limits,  before  Charlemagne,  to  the  Church's  right 
of  protecting  criminals.     See  Chuboh,  Sako- 

TUART. 

(viii.)  A  bishop's  character,  life,  and  property, 
were  also  placed  under  special  legal  protection : 
(1.)  By  the  canons,  rejecting  the  evidence  of  a 
heretic  altogether,  and  requiring  more  than  one 
Christian  lay  witness,  against  a  bishop  (4p08^ 
Can,  Ixxiv.);  or  again,  rejecting  in  such  case  the 
evidence  of  one  known  to  be  guilty  of  crime 
(Gone  Carih.  II.  A.D.  390,  can.  vi.);  or  of  one, 
cleric  or  lay,  without  previous  enquiry  into  the 
character  of  the  witness  himself  (Com,  Chak, 
A.D.  451,  can.  xxi.) ;  which  provisions  occur  also 
in  Cone,  ComtanUn,  (a.d.  381,  can.  vi.),  with  the 
qualification  that  they  do  not  apply  to  suits 
i^painst  a  bishop  touching  pecuniary  matters, 
but  only  to  ecclesiastical  cases.  (2.)  By  the  canons 
which  excommunicate  any  one  proved  to  have 
falsely  accused  a  bishop  (Apost.  Can,  xlviL); 
extended  also  to  priests  and  deacons  by  Cone, 
Eliberit,  A.D.  305,  can.  Ixxv.  Under  the  (3t^- 
manic  states  this  protection  was  carried  still 
further  (see,  e,  g,  for  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  Thorpe's 
index,  vol.  i. ;  and  across  the  Channel,  Leg,  Ala- 
mofm.  cc  X.  xii.;  Leg.  Longob,  I.  ix.  27;  Leg. 
Baiwar.  i.  11 ;  and  Capit.  Carol,  et  Ludov,  lib.  ri. 
oc.  98,  127 ;  vii.  c  362 ;  and  (Japit,  Ludov,  Add, 
iv.  c.  3):  provisions  suggested  by  Justinian's 
legislation  of  a  like  kind. 

How  far  bishops  were  exempt,  with  other 
clergy,  from  civil  jurisdiction,  see  Immunities. 
Justinian  gave  to  bishops  the  special  privilege, 
that  they  could  not  be  brought  before  the  civil 
magistrate  for  any  cause,  pecuniary  or  criminal, 
without  the  emperor's  special  order  (Novell, 
cxxiii.  I.  8). 

(ix.)  For  the  legal  force  attached  to  the  decrees 
of  (episcopal)  synods,  see  under  CounciL,  StKOD. 

(x.)  In  addition  however  to  privileges  thus 
accorded  to  bishops  by  the  State,  their  office  as 
bishops  entailed  upon  them  also  certain  restric- 
tions and  burdens,  partly  in  common  with  clergy 
generally  (for  which  see  the  several  articles), 
partly  peculiar  to  themselves,  or  belonging 
to  them  more  especially  than  to  the  clergy  of 
lower  rank.  As  (1)  in  the  disposal  of  their  pro- 
perty by  will :  wherein,  in  the  case  of  any  lands 
acquired  by  them  after  ordination,  they  were  re- 
quired to  leave  such  lands  to  the  Church  (Cone, 
Uarth.  111.  A.D.  397,  can.  xlix.),  and  could  only 
dispose  of  such  as  had  come  to  them  by  inheritance 
or  by  gift,  or  such  as  they  had  possessed  before 
ordination.  And  even  those  they  could  not  leave 
•ave  to  their  kinsfolk,  nor  to  them  if  they  were 


BISHOP 

heretics  or  heathens,  but  were  bound  to  lem 
them  by  will  to  the  Church  in  such  case  (Cm, 
Eccl,  Afric,  48).     Justinian  also  allows  bisbop 
to  leave  nothing  by  will  except  what  they  pos^ 
sessed  before  being  ordained  btshopa,  or  irhst 
might  have  accrued  to  them  since  that  time  bj 
inheritance  from  kinsmen  up  to  the  4th  degree 
and  no  further ;  all  else  to  go  to  the  Church,  or 
to  works  of  piety  (Cod,  L  de  Epim.  et  (Her, 
1.  33) :  the  goods  of  a  bishop  dying  intestate  to 
go  wholly  to  the  Church  (•&.).    And  Gregory  the 
Great  acts  upon  a  like  rule.    And  in  Gaul,  Cone, 
Agath,  A.D.  506,  can.  vi.,  Epaon,  a.d.  517,  can. 
xvii.,  Paris,  III.  A.D.  557,  can.  iL,  lAtgdm.  E 
A.D.  567,  can.  ii.,  contain  various  enactmeots 
founded  on  like  principles,  although  not  quite  so 
rigorous.      So  likewise  Spanish   coundli  from 
Cone,  Tarracon,  a.d.  516,  can.  xii..  Cone  ValenL 
AJ>.  524,  can.  ii.  iiL,  onwards ;  carefully  guard- 
ing the  right  of  the  Church  to  all  church  goodi 
(especially,  it  must  be  owned,  in  the  matter  of 
limiting  the  manumission  of  slaves  belonging  to 
the  Church),  while  leaving  the  bishop's  property, 
otherwise  acquired,  to  his  heirs.    And  all  thew 
enactments  were  backed  by  a  strong  feeUng  in 
favour  of  the  principle,  that  a  clergyman,  ami 
especially  a  bishop,  should  have  no  private  wealth, 
but  should  give  up  all  to  the  Church  and  the 
poor :  see  0.  ^.  Poasidius'  Life  of  St,  Auguatm.  He 
was  to  have  ''vilem  supellectilem  et  meoiam 
ac  victum  pauperem,**  aoc.  to  Cone,  GarAag,  IV. 
A.D.  398,  can.  xv.    Kor  was  he  to  become  exe- 
cutor under  a  will  (•&.  xviiLX  or  to  go  to  law 
**  pro  rebus  transitoriis  "  (A,  xix.).    But  see  for 
this  Guardian,  Litioatiok.    The  requirement 
of  the  royal  consent  to  a  bishop's  will  in  England 
in  Norman  times  arose  from  a  totally  different 
source,  viz.  the  king's  right  to  the  temporalties 
during  vacancy,  and  the  regarding  the  bishopric 
as  a  fie  in  the  feudal  sense.   See  also  the  parallel 
case  of  abbats,  under  Abbat.    (2.)  Aoe.  to  Cone 
Carthag,  A.D.  398,  can.  xvi,  a  bishop  was  not  to 
read  '<  gentilium  libros,  hacfetioorum  antem  pro 
necessitate  et  tempore."    But  see,  for  the  fluc- 
tuations of  the  dispute  respecting  classical  stodv 
and  the  reading  of  Pagan  writers,  Thomassin,  II. 
i.  92.    (3.)  For  prohibitions  about  hunting  and 
hawking,    and    social    matters    generally,   see 
HuirriNa.  (4.)  Under  the  Frank  kings  abo,  and 
notably  under  Charlemagne  and  his  successors, 
bishops,  who  with  the  other  clergy  enjoyed  Isi^ 
exemptions  under  the  Roman  empire,  gradually 
became  liable  to  certain  duties,  arising  from  thcti 
wealth  and  position,  and  gradually  aasuming  large 
proportions  as  the  feudal  system  grew  up :  as, 
e,  g,  annual  gifts  to  the  crown,  the  entertainment 
of  the  king  and  his  officers  on  progress  (/tis^uls 
jus  metattUy  &c.,  see  Du  Cange  sub  vo^tnts,  and 
Thomassin,  III.  L  38,  sq.),  the  finding  soldiers  far 
the  emperor's  service,  &c  dec    But  feudal  dues 
belong  to  a  later  date.    Clergy  had  been  espe- 
cially exempted  from  the  ''jus  metatus"  under 
the  Roman  emperors. 

(xi.)  We  may  also  mention  here  the  eastern 
of  educating  boys  in  the  bishop's  house  fcs  the 
ministry  (see  Possid.  in  V,  8,  Aitg,^  and  Sosom. 
vi.  31,  speaking  respectively  of  Africa  and  ct 
Egypt) ;  and  (kmc,  ToUt,  II.  A.D.  531,  can.  I 
and  ii.,  and  IY.  A.D.  633,  can.  xxiv.  (regulatanx 
the  practice  in  Spain) ;  and  Cone,  Turon.  V.  A.i^ 
567,  can.  xii.  for  Ganl>  See  Thomassin,  Hi  i- 
92-97. 


BISHOP 


BI8H0P 


230 


nt  (3.)  From  the  office,  we  pass  to  the  noNO- 
URT  PIUTILEOES  uid  rank  of  a  bishop ;  of  whom 
fa  gcaenl  the  AposL  Qmsta.  (ii.  34)  declare, 
tktt  men  oaght  rh^  Maxorop  vripytiv  its  va- 
Wjpst  f9fiiut4uL  its  fiartXia^  rifaJ^p  &s  ic^piov. 
Bat  M  doubt  many  of  snch  priri  leges  belong 
fa  Bjsutine  times,  and  date  no  earlier  than  the 
Sid  or  4tb  oentories  at  the  earliest.    And  here — 

(I)  Of  the  modes  of  salutation  practised  to- 
wnds  him  from  the  4th  centnry  onwards.  As, 
L  bowing  the  head  to  receive  his  blessing — 6iro- 
cXhmar  Kf^oXi^r — inclinare  caput :  see  Bingh. 
LL  ix.  1,  and  Vales,  in  Theodoret.  It.  6,  from 
SC  Hilary,  St  Cbrysostom,  St.  Ambrose,  &c 
spnkinf  of  bishopa  only ;  and  a  law  of  Honorius 
wl  Yslentinian,  speaking  of  bishops  as  those 
M  qnibns  omnia  terra  caput  inclinat."  2.  Kiss- 
ing hb  hand — manns  osculari  (Bingh.  t&.  2, 
qisting  Savaro  om  Sidon.  Apollin.  EpitL  riii.  11). 
X  KiMng  the  feet  also — pedes  deosculari — ap- 
psin  by  St.  Jerome,  Epiai.  Izi.  (speaking  of  a 
faibop  ^Coostantina  in  Cyprus ;  and  see  Gasau- 
fai,  ExtrdL  zir.  §  4),  to  hare  been  at  one  time  a 
murk  of  respect  common  to  all  bishops ;  being 
iMrrowed  indeed  from  a  like  custom  practised 
favuds  the  Eastern  emperors.  The  deacon  fa  to 
)am  the  bishop's  feet  before  reading  the  Gospel, 
ace.  to  the  Ordo  JSomtmus.  It  was  restricted 
fa  the  Pope  as  regards  kings,  br  Gregory  VII. 
4.  The  fbnas  of  address,  and  the  titles  and  epithets, 
a|i|ilied  to  bishops,  hare  been  mentioned  already. 

(n.)  The  insignia  of  a  bfahop  were, — 1.  the 
wibt ;  seemingly  alluded  to  by  Eusebius,  z.  4, 
■  rW  •Aydbrier  rifs  Z6^s  irr(^€»ov,  and  cer- 
tainly mentioned  by  Greg.  Naz.  Orai,  x.  under 
the  name  of  KlZapts,  and  by  Ammian.  MaroelL 
Ilk  xzix.  under  that  of  '^  corona  sacerdotalis," 
Tct  not  occurring  in  Pontificals  in  the  West  until 
afkcr  the  10th  century  (Menardus,  in  Du  CangeX 
md  not  reckoned  among  the  '*  episcopalia  "  even 
ia  A.D.  633  (see  above);  while  in  the  East, 
Snaen  of  TkMsalonica  tells  us  that  all  bfahops 
•fidated  with  bare  heads  ezcept  the  bishop  of 
Akzaadria,  who  did  then  wear  a  icfSopii ;  and 
the  homily  attributed  to  St.  Chrysostom,  de  Uno 
I^gifbA.  (0pp.  vL  410,  Montf.),  implies  that  there 
w  then  no  riafM  or  tcopvfi^ununf  appropriated 
fa  biihops  at  their  consecration.  The  **aurea 
hBiaa,**  however,  attributed  to  St.  John  by 
Sl  Jerome  (dt  Seriptt,  Bocl.\  and  by  Eusebius 
(WraXer,  iti.  31,  v.  24)  on  the  authority  of  Poly- 
ovtei.— Hmd  again  by  Epiphanius  {Hoar,  zziz.), 
«  that  of  Eusebius  and  Clement  of  Alezandria, 
fa  SL  James  of  Jerusalem, — seem  to  favour  the 
vapposition  that  some  kind  of  mitre  soon  became 
aiaaL  SeeMaskell,  MoiuRiL  iii.  274.  [Mitre.] 
1  The  rM^,  peculiar  to  the  West,  and  alluded 
fa  by  Optatus  (lib.  i.) :  see  above,  and  under 
Kdo.  3.  The  tiaff^  belonging  apparently  to 
patriarchs  in  the  East  (so  &dsamon),  and  of  a 
*ape  to  supply  the  ordinary  uses  of  a  staff, 
vis.  to  lean  upon ;  in  the  West,  growing  by  Car- 
l«*i&gian  times  into  a  sceptre  of  some  seven 
^  fang,  occasionally  of  gold  (see  the  Monach, 
£  ML  L  19,  quoted  by  Thomassin,  I.  ii.  58) ;  so 
that  OMtead  of  golden  bishops  carrying  wooden 
^ans,  there  had  come  to  be  (ace  to  a  saying 
fMted  by  Thomassin)  wooden  bfahops  carrying 
pUtn  ones.  See  Staft.  The  two  last  named, 
^ciing  and  the  staff,  were  so  far  the  charac- 
Isirtie  insignia  of  a  bishop  before  the  time 
^  Qiarlrmsgae  as  to  become  the  symbols  by 


which  buhoprics  were  given  (see  above).  And 
they  arft  recognized  as  such  A.D.  633  in  Spain, 
in  conjunction  with  yet  another,  viz.,  4.  the 
ararium:  for  which  see  Orarium.  5.  A  cro88 
borne  before  him  was  peculiar  in  the  East  to  a 
patriairch ;  in  the  West  it  does  not  occur  until 
the  10th  century,  unless  in  such  ezceptional 
cases  as  that  of  the  first  entry  of  St.  AugusUn 
into  Canterbury,  ^.D.  596 :  the  cross  of  gold  men- 
tioned by  Alcuin  as  carried  about  with  him  by 
Willibrord  being  apparently  only  a  pectoral  cross. 
See  Cross.  6.  The  tonsurey  when  general  rules 
about  modestly  cut  hair,  &o.,  settled  into  formal 
rule  about  the  6th  century,  was  not  peculiar  in 
any  special  form  to  buhops :  see  Tonbubb.  Nor 
yet,  7.  was  there  apparently  any  special  dress 
for  bfahops  apart  from  solemn  occasions  and  in 
ordinary  life,  during  the  period  with  which  thfa 
article  fa  concerned :  as  appears,  among  other 
evidence,  by  the  rebukes  addressed  by  popes  to 
the  Gallic  bishops  of  the  5th  century  onwards, 
who,  being  monks  before  they  were  bfahops, 
retained  their  monastic  habit  as  bishops  (see  at 
length  Thomassin,  I.  ii.  43,  sq.).  For  the  vest- 
ments used  during  divine  service,  see  VEmcBMTB. 

(iii.)  Singing  hosannas  before  a  bfahop  on  his 
arrival  anywhere,  is  mentioned  only  to  be  con- 
demned bv  St.  Jerome  (In  Matt.  zzi.  0pp.  vii. 
174  b>  But  see  Vales,  ad  Euseb.  if.  E.  ii.  23 ; 
and  Augusti,  J)mkwird,  out  der  ChrigtL  ArdumoL 
V.  218. 

(iv.)  The  form  of  addressing  a  bishop  by  the 
phrase  oortma  iua  or  testra^  and  of  adjuring  him 
per  oor<ma$nj  fVeqnent  in  St.  Jerome,  St.  Augus- 
tin,  Sidon.  AppUin.,  Ennodins,  has  been  ezplained 
as  referring  to  the  mitre,  to  the  tonsure,  or  to 
the  ooroiM  or  ocmtessus  of  the  bishop's  presbyters. 
The  personal  nature  of  the  appellation  appears  to 
ezdude  the  last  of  these.  Its  being  peculiar  to 
bfahops  is  against  the  second.  WhUe  the  objec- 
tion taken  by  Bingham  against  the  first,  viz. 
that  bishops  did  not  wear  mitres  at  the  period 
when  the  phrase  came  into  use,  seems  scarcely 
founded  on  fiust  And  the  bfahop's  head-covering 
was  also  certainly  called  ^  corona,"  as  by  Am- 
mianus  Marcellinus.  At  the  same  time,  the 
phrase  after  all  possibly  means  nothing  more 
definite  than  '*  your  beatitude,*'  or  "  your  high- 


ness." 

(v.)  The  bfahop's  throne— (^p^yoj,  Op6pof  iivo» 
4rro\uc6!—oT  (afler  the  name  of  the  founder  of 
the  see)  6  MdpKov  0p6ifof,  for  Alezandria,  &c — 
fififia--0p6»os  6f^\6s,  in  contradistinction  to  the 
**  second  throne  "  of  the  presbyters — ^*  linteata 
sedes"  (Pacian.  ad  Sempron.  ii.) — *'  cathedra  ve- 
lata  "  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  cdii). — SpiSvos  iffroKuriitvos 
hrKTKowtK&s  (St.  Athan.  Apoiog.yr-wBs  also  amark 
of  his  dignity.  The  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  364, 
condemns  Paul  of  Samosata  for  erecting  a  very 
splendid  throne,  like  a  magistrate's  tribunal 
(Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  30).  See  also  above  in  this  ar- 
ticle under  Enthronization.  By  Cone.  Carthag,  IV. 
A.D.  398,  canons  zzziv.  zxzv.,  a  bishop  fa  enjoined 
that,  as  a  rule  of  courtesy,  **  quolibet  loco  sedens, 
stare  presbyterum  non  patiatur;"  and  that  al- 
though ^  in  Ecclesia  et  in  consessu  presbyterorum 
sublimior  sedeat,  intra  domum  . . .  coUegam  se 
presbyterorum  esse  cognoscat."  During  prayers, 
according  to  the  Arabic  version  of  the  Nicene 
canons  (IziL),  the  bishop's  place  in  church  was 
**  in  fronts  templi  ad  medium  altarfa"  (Labbe, 
it  334). 


240 


BISHOP 


BISHOP 


(vi.)  If  we  are  to  take  the  pretended  letter 
of  Fope  LncioB  (Labbe,  i.  721)  to  be  worth  any- 
thing as  evidence  in  relation  to  later  times,  the 
bishop  of  Rome  was  habituallj  attended  by  two 
presbyters  or  three  deacon.^  in  order  to  avoid 
scandal. 

IV.  (1.)  The  relation  of  bishops  to  each  other 
was  as  of  an  essentially  eqnal  office,  however  dif- 
ferenced individuals  might  be  in  point  of  in- 
flaence,  &c.,  by  personal  qualifications  or  by  the 
relative  importance  of  their  sees.  St.  Cyprian's 
view  of  the  '^unus  episcopatus" — the  one  cor- 
poration of  whidi  all  bishops  are  equal  mem- 
bers— ^is  much  the  same  with  St.  Jerome's  well- 
known  declaration  {Ad  Evangel,  JSpiat,  ci.),  that 
<<  ubicunque  f^erit  episcopns,  sive  Romae  sive 
£ugttbii, ....  ejusdem  meriti,  ejusdem  est  et 
■acerdotil."  And  a  like  principle  is  implied  in 
the  litteras  oommunicatoriae  or  synodioae, — <rvy- 
ypdmuira  kohwvuA,  sometimes  called  Utterae  en- 
throiuBiicae,  av\Xa0<d  iyBpoynrriKoif — by  which 
each  bishop  communicated  his  own  consecration 
to  his  see  to  foreign  bishops  as  to  his  equals 
(Bingh.  II.  xi.  10).  The  order  of  precedence 
among  them  was  determined  by  the  date  of  con- 
secration (see,  e.g.  the  Cod.  Can,  JSccl,  Afric, 
Ixxxvi.,  Cone  Braoar,  II.  A.D.  563,  can.  vi.,  and 
Tolet.  17,  A.D.  633,  can.  iv.,  and  Braoar,  lY. 
A.D.  675,  can.  iv.;  and  the  English  CSoundl  of 
Sertfordf  A.D.  673,  can.  viii. ;  and  Justinian's 
Cod,  L  tit.  iv.  1.  29 ;  and  above  under  I.  3.  8). 
But— 

(2.)  This  equality  was  gradually  undermined 
by  the  institution  of  metropolitans,  archbishops, 
primates,  exarchs,  patriarchs,  pope :  for  each  of 
whom  see  the  several  articles. 

(3.)  However,  apart  from  this,  there  came  to  be 
special  distinctions  in  particular  Churches:  as, 
e.  g.  in  Mauritania  and  Numidia  the  senior 
bishop  was  "  primus ;"  but  in  Afirica  proper,  the 
bishop  of  Carthage  (Bingh.  II.  xvi.  6,  7) ;  and  in 
Alexandria  the  bishop  had  special  powers  in  the 
ordinations  of  the  suffragan  sees:  for  which 
see  Alexakdria,  (Patriarchate  of),  p.  48 ;  Me- 

TR01>OLITAN. 

(4.)  The  successive  setting  up  of  metropolitans 
and  of  patriarchs  gave  rise  to  exceptional  cases 
[A^TOJc^^oAot] :  all  bishops  whatever  having  been 
really  avrofc^^oAoi,  i.e.  independent  (save  sub- 
jection to  the  synod),  before  the  setting  up  of 
metropolitans,  and  all  metropolitans  before  the 
establishment  of  patriarchs :  see  Bingh.  II.  xviii. 
[AUTOOEPHALi,  Metropolitans,  Patriabchs.] 
Whether  there  continued  to  be  any  bishop  any- 
where, a^roK^^oXos  in  such  sense  as  to  have 
neither  patriarch  nor  metropolitan  nor  compro- 
vincial bishops,  appears  doubtful;  and  such  a 
case  could  only  occur,  either  in  a  country  where 
there  was  but  one  bishop  (as  in  Scythia  in 
the  5th  century),  or  as  a  temporary  state  of 
things  in  a  newly  converted  country :  see  Bingh. 
ib.  4. 

(5.)  For  Chorepiacopi,  in  contradistinction  ftom 
whom  we  find  in  Frank  times  Epiaoopi  Cathe^ 
draies  (Du  Cange),  6.  for  Suffragans^  7.  for  Co- 
adjtUorSf  8.  for  Intercesaores  and  Iwtenoentores, 
and,  9.  for  Commendatariiy  see  under  the  several 
titles. 

y.  There  remain  some  anomalous  cases;  as, 
(1.)  Episcopi  vaoanteSy  <rxoAatoi,  <rxoXdtCovTcs» 
irit,  bishops  who  by  no  &ult  were  without  a 
tee,  b)it  who  degenerated  sometimes  into  epi* 


mopi  vagi  or  atnbuhnteSj  itw6\t9€s,  or  fitucajnt$ai 
(Boo-KorrfiSoi,  in  Synes.  Epiat.  67),  eacaattn, 
and  among  whom  in  Carlovingian  times,  and 
in  northern  France,  ''Scoti"  enjoyed  a  had 
pre-eminence.  Bishops  indeed  without  sees, 
either  for  missionary  purposes  to  the  heathen,  or 
merely  ri/jiris  tyciccy  (Sozom.  vi.  34,  ov  -wiAjtmt 
riv6s\  existed  from  the  time  of  the  Council  of 
Antioch,  A.o.  341,  can.  xix. ;  and  see  Apott,  Can. 
xxxvi..  But  ^'Episcopi  vagi,  vagantes,  ambulanics, 
qui  parochiam  non  habent,"  are  condemned  by 
Cone,  Vermer.  A.D.  752  or  753,  can.  xiv.,  sad 
Cone.  Vemena.  or  Vemovena.  A.D.  755,  can.  xiiL, 
Cone.  CalcK.  A.D.  816,  can.  v.,  and  'Cone.  MM, 
A.D.  845,  can.  x. ;  and  the  *'  Scoti,  qui  se  dicnot 
episcopos  ei8%^*  by  Cone.  Cabillon.  II.  A.D.  813, 
can.  xliii.  Compare  the  case  of  the  early  Welch 
and  Irish  (Scotch)  churches  for  honorary  bisht^ 
and  again  for  the  custom  of  dioceseless  bishops. 
**  Epiacopi  portatiiea "  is  a  very  late  name  fat 
them  (fiono,  Lugd.  A.D.  1449). 

(2.)  For  the  biahop-abbata  or  bishop-monka,  prin- 
cipally of  Celtic  monasteries,  but  also  in  anne 
Continental  ones,  the  former  having  no  see  except 
their  monastery  (see  Abbat),  the  latter  being 
simply  members  of  the  fraternity  in  episcopal 
orders,  but  (anomalously)  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
their  abbat,  and  performing  episcopal  offices  for  the 
monastery  and  its  dependent  district :  see  Todd's 
St.  Patrick  ;  Reeves'  edition  of  Adamnan's  Life  af 
St,  Coivmba ;  Mabillon,  Annal.  Bened. ;  Harteoe 
and  Durand,  Thea.  Nov.  Aneod.  vol.  L  Pre£  Five 
bishops  of  tilts  class—*'  episoopus  de  monasteiio 
S.  Mauricii,  &c.  &c. — were  at  Cbnc  Attiniae, 
A.D.  765. 

(3.)  Epiaoopua  or  Antiatea  PcdaOi,  was  an  q>i- 
Bcopal  counsellor  residing  in  the  palace  in  the  time 
of  the  Carlovingians,  by  special  leave  (see  above, 
III.  1,  a.  XV.).  For  the  court  clergy,  whether 
under  the  Roman  emperors  from  Constantino,  or 
under  the  Franks,  see  Thomassin,  II.  iii.  589, 
and  Neander,  Ch,  ffiat,  vol.  v.  pp.  144,  sq.  Eng. 
transl. 

(4.)  For  Epiaoopua  Cardinalia,  which  in  St.  Gre- 
gory the  Great  means  simply  ^  proprius,"  L  e.  the 
duly  installed  (and  '^incardinated")  bishop  of  the 
place,  see  Du  Cange,  and  under  Cardikaus. 

(5.)  Epiaoopua  Begionariua,  i.  e.  without  a  sp^ 
cial  diocesan  dty :  see  Regionariub. 

(6.)  Titular  bishops,  and  bishops  in  partims  w- 
fideliumy  belong  under  these  names  to  later  timeiL 

(7.)  Epiaoopua  Ordinum,  in  Frank  times,  was  an 
occasional  name  for  a  coadjutor  bishop  to  assist 
in  conferring  orders  (Du  Cuige). 

(8.)  For  the  special  and  singular  name  of  Libra, 
applied  to  the  suffragans  of  the  see  of  Rome,  sea 
Libra. 

(9.)  For  lay  holders  of  bishoprics,  see  DiOCBB^ 
p.  559. 

(10.)  And,  lastly,  it  almost  needs  an  apolo^ 
to  mention  such  mockeries  as  Epiacopi  Fatuorvm 
— Innocentium — Puerorwn;  dl  too  of  later 
date :  for  which  see  Du  Cange. 

(Bingham ;  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov,  Ecd,  Dia- 
dpi.;  Du  Pin,  de  Antiqua  Eodea.  Diaciplma 
Diaaert,;  Morinus,  de  Ordinibua;  Van  Espen, 
Jua  Eccl.  Univ, ;  De  Marca,  ds  Cone,  EccL  etimp., 
and  de  Primatu  Diaaert,  ed.  Balux.;  Martene, 
de  Sacria  Ordinationibua  ;  Cave,  Diaaert  on  Amc 
Ch,  Govenunent ;  Brerewood,  Patriarxk.  Gov.  tf 
the  Church;  Bishop  Potter,  Disc,  on  Ch,  Govern 
ment ;  Greenwood^  Cathedra  Petri.)  [A.  W.  H.] 


.  BISOHUS 

BIBOHUS,  1  lepulchTe  capalilt  ofconUioiDg 
tn  badio  {rii^iaTB).  The  word  ii  fdund  ii 
HiipCnat  io  Duutiui  cemetfries  at  Rome  asi 
ibeabcK,  u  in  ona  found  in  tfae  cemeter;  o 
Cdliilu. DMT  Rocne ;  "  fioairiciiu,quiviiituini 
iiui.  rt  ii.  (ineiuXs,  poiilui  in  biiomum  in  pace 
1.1.  «t  pair,  ino."  [A.  N.] 

BISSEXTILE.    [CuROTOioar.] 

BTTEBBENSB  COXCILIUH.    [BcziEim, 

BrmUCBNSE  CONCILIUM.  [BoDttQ™, 


[C] 

BLAglUS,  or  BLAVIUS  (St.  Blaise), 
kkWp,  nurtjT  at  Sebute  (circ  320) ;  coinms- 
■onUd  ftb.  15  (Mart.  Bom.  Vit.);  Feb.  11 
ICJ.  Bgitat.);  Jan.  15  (Oij.  Arvtm.').  [C] 
BLASPHEUY:  lit.  "  defamatioti,'' and  to 
liafitmie,  fiKirrtai  -rijr  ^lair,  "  to  burt  the 
itfutatioa :  Lo  reproach  or  ipet^  injuriooslj  of 
laMlur;"  wfaiiji  i>  the  tneanJDg  of  Iwth  norda 
ii  Pialo,  Dnnoitbones,  bocnlei,  and  other  lub- 
■^■(Bi  writ*™,  nhtre  thsy  occur:  particularly 
tkt  LXX.  translator  of  the  Old  Testament. 
AccHiliBglT,  when  the  Praconiul  bade  St.  Poly 
<vp  Rrile  Chriit,  th«  answer  was,  "  How  oan  I 
Mt^^bemi  "—thai  ii,  apeak  eril  of—"  the  King 
<E>     ■" - 


BODY 


241 


of   the    Kew 


I  appro 


4ated  b 


□eat  this 
rickedne. 


ipedallf  where  need  vith- 

•■t  adjoncta,  aa    the    Jews  said   of  our   Lord, 

-na  man    blaaphemetb "   (Uatt.   ii.   3),    and 

St  PibE  of  hla  own  doiagi  at  one  time,  "  I  com- 

■1  them  to  blaipheme  "  (AcU  ini.  11) ;  and 

the  wilfal  and  persirteut  commiiaion  of  this 

igiisrt  the  Third  Penon  in  the  Oodhead,  or 

Ikt  Uelf  Ghost,  which  ii  denounced  by  our  Lord 

"      4f  aa  the  a»  lin  or  blasphemy  which  is 

fbrgiren  (Mark  iii.  29:  cf.  Heb.  tI.  4-7 

JahB  r.  16),  OD  which  aee    Bingham  at 

length  (iri.  7,  3 ;  cf.  Bloomfield  on  Uatt. 

liL  31).     He  bad  prerionsly  ibewn  that  "  bias- 

'     y"  wii   by  the    primitive   Church  placed 

of  the  tini  agaiut   the  third  Command- 

;  for  which  reason  it  was,  doubtlesa,  that 

all  ChristiaDa  are  forbidden  by  the  l&lh  African 

to  frequent  places  where  biaapbemy  waa 

■Hd.     Very  rarely  the  word  occurs  la  a  good 

■tee  for  salutary  chiding  or  remonetrance  :  see 

liUaD  and  Scott's  Lexicon  for  iU  clawiciil,  and 

ScUtaner'i  Lexiam  and  Suicer's  Tha.  for  its 

Suiptnral  and  ecdeaiaatical  sensei.     [L  S.  Ff.] 

BLESSING.    [BEHEDicnioa.] 

BLIND,  HEALING  OP  (in  Akt).    The 

haling  of  the  blind  is   frequently    represented 

oa  snacBt  monumants,  perhapa  as  a  tymbolical 

npraeatation    of    the   opening    of  the   eye   of 

Ite  soil  wronght  by  the  power  of  the  Saviour 

(I  Pet.  ii.  3).     See  Bottari,  Scuitvrt  »  PilHtrt, 

u,.  III.  uiii.  uiii.  ilii.  liviii.  cxiiri. ;  Millin, 

JUidilsi'mwv,  l<v.  5. 

la  meat  aatt  only  one  blind  man,  probably 
iht  "man  blind  from  his  birth"  of  St.  John  ii.  1, 
u  oeing  hea'ed.  He  if  generally  represented 
little  oi  stature,  to  mark  his  inferiority  to  the 
Saiinur  and  the  Apostles  (when  any  of  the  latter 

CHUIT.  ATf. 


are  lotiodaced),  is  shod  with  sandati  and  bean 
b  long  staff  Ic  guide  hie  steps.  The  Saviour, 
young  and  beardless,  touches  his  aye*  with  the 
fore-finger  of  the  right  hand.  This  represenUtioo 
Is  found  on  an  antique  vase  giren  by  Uamachj 
(Origmei,  v.  520),  on  an  ivory  casket  of  the 
fourth  or  fifth  century,  engraved  by  D'Agincourt 
(Sculphin,  pi.  xiii.  No.  4)  ;  in  a  bas-relief  of  a 
tomb  of  the  Seitiaa  family,  in  the  museum  «/ 
Ail  in  Provence,  of  about  the  tame  epoch  (/>ani:« 
fittoreaqae,  pi.  eiiirii.)  ;  and  elsewhere. 

In  a  few  oases  {,.g.  Bottai'i,  Mv.  uiivi.)  th. 
blind  man  healed  appears  to  be  Bartimaeus,  fi-om 
the  circumstance  that  he  has  "  cast  awny  his 
garment"  (^I^tu,/,  Mark  i,  50)  before  throwine 
himself  St  the  feel  of  Jesus.  ^ 

On  a  sarcophagiu  in  the  Vatican  (Bottari, 
aiiii.  see  woodcut)  is  a  representation  of  the 
healing  of  two  blind  men ;  probably  the  two  who 


healed  by  the  Lord  as  He  left  the  house  of 
s  (Matt  ii.  27-ai).  Here,  too,  the  figures 
of  those  upon  whom  the  miracle  is  wrought  are 
allsiie;  the  blind  appears  to  lead  the  bUnd, 
ne  only  has  a  sUff,  while  the  other  places 
and  upon  his  ahonlder.  The  Lord  Isjs  His 
band  upon  the  head  of  the  figure  with  the  staff, 
hile  another,  probably  one  of  the  Apostles, 
liees  his  hand,  the  fingers  arranged  alter  the 
Latin  manner  [Benediction],  in  blessing.  (Har- 
tigny.  Diet,  da  Anliq.  CArrtl.)  ;;C.] 

BODY,  in  the  sense  contenipkl«d  by  SL  Paul 
when  he  said  of  the  Church,  "  Which  is  His 
body  "  (Eph.  i.  23X  moaning  Christ'a,  which  is 
eipressed  farther  on,  "  For  the  edifying  of  the 
body  of  Christ  "(It.  12),  and  of  Chri->tiaos  gene- 
rally, "  Ye  are  the  body  of  Christ,  and  memben 
inpnrticular"(t  Cor.  lii.  27).  The  Apoetle,  we 
know,  spoke  (Acta  iii.  37X  as  well  as  wrota, 
Greek ;  but  being  a  Roman  citiien  (i6,  nil.  27) 
obably  bad  some  knowledge  of  Utin  as 
and  it  is  to  this  circumstance,  therefore, 
ve  must  ascribe  his  afHiing  a  semte  to  the 
Greek  word  ai/ia,  long  before  appropriated  by 
*  s  Latin  equivalent  "corpus,"  but  which  it  bad 
Ever  itself  shared  hitherto.  What  Greek  ears 
sd  always  understood  hithei-to  by  iTB^ia  was  a 
hysical  or  material  body,  orgnnic  or  inorgnnic, 
I  the  case  migbt  be;  and  occasionally  the  latter 
I  a  confused  mass,  as  "  body  of  water  "  or  "  o( 


242  BODY 

the  univeTse/'  But  ^  corpus/*  besides  these 
senses,  had  for  some  time  been  familiar  to  Latin 
ears  as  denoting  a  combination  of  living  agents  in 
various  relations :  a  troop  of  soldiers,  a  guild 
of  artisans,  or  the  whole  bod^  politic ;  of  these 
the  second  acceptation  was  beginning  to  be 
stereotyped  in  law,  where  "corpora"  (corpo- 
rations) quiclclj  became  synonymous  with  what, 
in  classical  literature,  had  been  known  as  "  col- 
legia "  (colleges).  There  must  have  been  many 
such  in  existence  at  Rome  when  the  Apostle 
wrote;  and  they  were  extended,  in  process  of 
time,  to  most  trades  and  professions.  The  gene- 
ral notion  attaching  to  them  was  that  of  "a 
number  of  persons" — ^the  law  said,  not  fewer 
than  three — "and  the  union  which  bound  them 
together"  (Smith's  Diet,  of  Roman  and  Greek 
Antiq.  p.  255).  Tit.  1  of  B.  xiv.  of  the  Theodo- 
sian  Code  is  headed  "De  Priyilegiis  Corporato- 
rum  urbis  Romae,"  and  Tit.  14  of  B.  xi.  of  that 
of  Justinian  is  on  the  same  subject.  Writing 
from  Rome,  therefore,  where  such  "bodies" 
abounded — his  own  craft  possibly,  that  of  tent- 
makers,  among  the  number — what  could  be 
more  natural  than  for  the  Apostle  to  apply  this 
designation  to  the  new  brotherhood  that  was 
forming,  and  then  paint  it  in  glowing  colours  to 
his  £phesian  converts  as  a  corporation,  whose 
head,  centre,  and  inspiring  principle  was  Christ  ? 
He  was  the  union  that  bound  it  together 
and  supplied  it  with  life.  So  far,  Ind^,  it 
stood  on  a  different  footing,  and  required  to  be 
placed  in  a  different  category  from  all  other 
corporations ;  still,  as  outwanily  it  resembled 
them,  might  it  not  also  be  described  in  terms 
which  they  had  been  beforehand  with  it  in  ap- 
propriating, and  invested  with  a  new  idea? 
The  Apostle  authorised  this  for  all  languages  in 
communicating  the  adopted  sense  of  the  Latin 
word  to  its  Greek  equivalent.  Accordingly  with 
us  too  the  Church  of  Christ  is  both  spoken  of 
and  exists  as  a  corporation.  But  though  it  has 
many  features  in  common  with  all  such  bodies, 
it  has  essential  characteristics  of  its  own,  evi- 
denced in  its  history  throughout,  which  are  not 
shared  by  any  other.  Their  agreement,  there- 
fore, must  have  been  one,  not  of  identity,  but  of 
analogy,  to  which  the  Apostle  cidled  attention. 
And  this  is  clear  from  his  having  recourse  to 
other  kindred  analogies  elsewhere,  to  develop  his 
meaning.  "The  husband,"  he  says,  "is  the 
head  of  the  wife,  even  as  Christ  is  the  Head  of 
the  Church ;  and  He  is  the  Saviour  of  the  body." 
As  if  he  had  said,  "  Do  not  misundei-stand  me : 
the  relation  of  the  church  to  Christ  is  not  merely 
that  of  corporations  in  general  to  the  principle 
which  binds  them  together :  it  is  closer  still.  It 
may  be  compared  to  the  maiTiage  tie,  described 
wien  first  instituted  in  these  solemn  words : 
*  They  two  shall  be  one  flesh '  (Eph.  v.  23-32). 
Even  this  falls  short  of  my  full  meaning.  I 
would  have  you  'grow  up  into  Him  in  all 
things,  which  is  the  Head,  even  Christ,  from 
whom  the  whole  body  fitly  joined  together  and 
compacted  by  that  which  every  joint  supplieth, 
according  to  the  effectual  working  in  the  mea- 
sure of  every  part,  maketh  increase  of  the  body 
unto  the  edifying  of  itself  in  love'  (Eph.  iv. 
15, 16).  Realise  the  vital  connexion  that  sub- 
sists between  the  head  and  members  of  each 
individual  man ;  realise  the  depth  of  communion 
that  there  should  or  may  be  between  husband 


BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE 

and  wife;   realise   the  full  force  of  the  bond 
determining  the  character  and  cohesion  of  every 
society,  or  corporate  body :  then  from  all  these 
collectivelv,  form  your  estimate  of  the  church  of 
Christ.     Each  of  them  illustrates  some  feature 
belonging  to  it  which  is  not  so  dearly  traced  ia 
the  others ;  therefore  none  of  them  singly  will 
bear  overstraining,  and  all  together  must  sot 
be  supposed  to  exhaust  the   subject."     Unseea 
realities  cannot  be  measured  or  determined  by 
what  can  be  seen  or  felt.     "  It  is  the  descripUon 
of  a  man  and  not  a  state,"  said  Aristotle  of  the 
Republic  of  Plato,  in  which  every  body  could  say 
of  every  thing,  "  it  is  my  property  "  (Po/.  iL  1). 
Spiritual  union  is  neither  political,  nor  conjugal, 
nor  phjrsical,  nor  anything  earthly.     It  may  hs 
illustrated  from  such  earthly  relations,  but  it 
transcends  them  all ;  nor  is  it  explained  really, 
when  called  "sacramental,"  further  than  that 
it  is  then  asserted  to  have  been  assured  to  os 
by  what  are  called  in  theological — not  Scriptural 
— ^language,  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.    As 
Hooker  says :  "Christ  and  His  holy  Spirit  with  all 
their  blessed  effects,  though  entering  mto  the  MOtUef 
man  we  are  not  able  to  apprehend  or  expreu  hine, 
do  notwithstanding  give  notice  of  the  times  whet 
they  use  to  make  their  access,  because  it  pleaseth 
Almightv  God  to  communicate  by  sensible  means 
those    blessings   which    are   incomprehensible'' 
(EccL  Pol,  V.  57,  3).    That  is  to  say,  when  such 
blessings  are  communicated  through  the  Sacra- 
ments.   Another  writer  adds :  "  We  are  told  ia 
plain  and  indubitable  terms  that  Baptism  and 
the  Lord's  Supper  are  the  means  by  which  men 
are  joined  to  the  Body  of  Christ,  and  therefore 
by  which  Christ  our  Lord  joins  Himself  to  that 
renewed  race  of  which  He  has  become  the  EeatL 
.  •  .  These  facts  we  learn  from  the  express  state* 
ments  of  St.  Paul :  '  For  by  one  Spirit  we  are 
all  baptized  into  one  body ; '   and  again,  *  We 
being  many  are  one  bread  and  one  body  :  for  we 
are  all  partakers  of  that  one  bread.*    Herein  it 
is  expressly  declared  that  the  one  and  the  other 
of  these  Sacraments  are  the  peculiar  means  br 
which  union  with  the  Body  of  Christ  is  bestowed 
upon  men.    They  are  the  'joints'  and  'bands' 
whereby  the  whole  body  in  its  dependence  am  its 
Head    has   nourishment  ministered"    (Wilber^ 
force's  Inoam.  p.  415).  .  .  .     Body,   then,  in 
the  sense  predicated  by  St.  Paul  of  the  Chnrdi, 
stands  for  a  multitude  of  singulars,  and  not  an 
abstraction.     It  means  the  collection  or  i^gre- 
gate  of  Christian  souls  who,  cleansed,  quickened, 
and  inhabited  by  Christ,  form  one  brotherhood 
in  Him.    What  each  of  them  is  separately,  that 
all  of  them  are  collectively,  neither  more  nor 
less.    Numbers  cannot  affect  its  integrity.    To 
say  that  a  body  so  composed  is  one  is  to  say 
no  more  of  it  than  must,  from  the  nature  of 
the  case,  be  said  of  every  body  ^rporate  with- 
out exception.    The  fact  of  its  unity  resulting 
from  a  personal  union  of  each  of  its  members 
with  one  and  the  same  Person,  viz.  Him  who 
redeemed    them,,  is  its  distinguishing   feature. 
"From  the  oneness  of  His  Body  which  was 
slain,  results  the  oneness  of  His  body  which  is 
sanctified."  [ E.  S.  Ff.] 

BODY,  BffUTILATION  OP  THR  This 
subject  may  be  considered  under  three  aspects  in 
reference  to  Church  history ;  1st,  in  respect  te 
its  bearing  upon  clerical  orders ;  2nd,  as  a  crintf 
to  be  repressed ;  Sixl,  as  a  form  of  punishment 


BODY,  MUTILATION  OP  THE 

I.  The  Pentat«Qch  forbade  the  exercise  of  the 
fnett*t  office  to  anj  of  the  Aaronites  who  should 
fevea  ^'Uemish,"  a  term  extending  even  to  the 
««e  of  a  "flat  nose  "  (Lev.  xxi.  17-23) ;  whUst 
■juris  to  the  organs  of  generation  excluded  eren 
from  the  congregation  (Dent,  xxiii.  1).     The 
Prepiiets  aoooonce  a  mitigation  of  this  severity 
(k  Itl  3-^X  which  finds  no  place  in  the  teach- 
d^of  oor  &Tioar  (Matt.  xix.  12)^  nor  does  any 
tnoe  of  it  remain  in  the  roles  as  to  the  selection 
«f  bishops  and  deacons  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles 
(1  Tim.  liL,  Tit.  i.).    Kevertbeless,  the  Jewish 
rail  seems  to  have  crept  back  into  the  discipline 
fif  tlie  QuiBtian  (Church, — witness  the  story  of 
the  Bonk  Ammonins  having  avoided  promotion 
to  the  episcopate  bv  catting  off  his  right  ear, — for 
which  see  Socrat.'^.  E.  iv.  23  (Boronios  indeed 
hoMs  him  to  have  been  eventually  ordained).  And 
«M  of  the  so-called  Apostolical  Canons  (deemed 
pnlnhly  antecedent  to  the  Nicene  Council  of  A.D. 
32$X  vhich  provides  that  one-eyed  or  lame  men, 
who  may  be  worthy  of  the  episcopate,  may  become 
Uihep8»  "since  not  the  bodily  defect"  (\c6/3i;, 
tzimlated  in  the  later  Latin  version  of  Haloander 
mMtiktio\  "but  the   defilement  of  the    soul, 
peUotes**  the  man  (c.  69,  otherwise  numbered 
76  or  71\  leaves  at  least  open  the  question 
whether  such  defects  are  a  bar  to  the  first  recep- 
tin  of  clerical  orders.    No  general  rule  however 
■  to  matiUtion  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  of 
aj  of  the  early  General  Councils,  but  only  in 
those  of  the  non-oecumenical  ones  of  the  West,  or 
ia  the  letters,  ftc,  of  the  Popes,  always  of  sus- 
picioitt  authority.    Thus,  a  letter  of  Innocent  I. 
(403-17)  to  Felix,  bishop  of  Nocera,  says  that  no 
•oe  who  has  voluntarily  cut  off  a  part  of  any  of 
hii  fiagen  is  to  be  ordained  {JSp,  4,  c  1).    A 
CeaieU  of  Rome  in  465  forbade  from  admission  to 
erden  those  who  had  lost  any  of  their  members, 
raiainng  even  the  ordaining  bishop  to  undo  his 
Kt  (c  3>    So  Pope  Gelasius  (492-6)  in  a  letter 
t9  the  bUiops  of  Lacania,  complains  that  persons 
with  bodily  matilations  are  admitted  to  the  ser- 
neei  of  the  Churdi ;  an  abuse  not  allowed  by 
aadait  tradition  or  the  forms  of  the  Apostolic 
Kc  {Ep.  9.  c.  16).     A  fragment    of  a  letter 
rf  the  same  Pope  to  the  clergy  and  people  of 
Bnadiai  condemns  in  like  manner  the  ordina- 
tioa  of  a  man  "  weak  and  blemished  in  any  part 
of  his  body.**     But  a  letter  to  Bishop  PaiUdius 
aji  4own — in  accordance  with  the  Apostolical 
Cttoa  above  quoted — that  a  dignity  received 
whikt  the  body  was  yet  whole  was  not  to  be 
lost  by  subsequent  enfeeblement ;  with  which 
letter  may  be  connected,  tor  what  it  is  worth, 
a  euon  or  alleged  canon  of  the  Council  of  Ilerda 
ia  S34,  quoted  by  Ivo,  to  the  effect  that  a  cleric 
made  lame  by  a  medical  operation  is  capable  of 
icomotiott.    Not  to  speak  of  an  alleged  canon  of 
GT^ry  the  Great,  590-603,  against  the  ordi- 
■atioB  of  persons  self-mutilated  in  any  member, 
to  be  fouui  in  Gratian ;  two  centuries  later,  in  a 
captulary  of  Pope  Gregory  IL  (714-30)  addressed 
to  his  ablegates  for  Bavaria,  we  find  in  like 
■aaner  any  bodily  defect  treated  as  a  bar  to 
ndimttoo.    On  the  other  hand,  we  may  quote  a 
ttttinHKBy  later  indeed  than  the  period  embraced 
ia  this  work,  bat  as  occurring  after  the  schism 
•f  East  and  West,  above  the  suspicion  of  all 
BemiiriTing  partiality,  that  of  Balsamon   (ad 
Herd  Alex,  interrog.  23,  quoted  by  Cotelerius, 
f*m  Apod.  L   pp.   478-9X   who   says   that 


BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE  243 

bodily  injuries  or  infirmities  supervening  after 
ordination,  even  if  they  rendered  the  priest 
unable  physically  to  fulfil  his  office,  did  not 
deprive  him  of  his  dignity,  as  **  none  was  to 
be  hindered  from  officiating  through  bodily  de- 
fect" (A(6/3i},  also  rendered  by  Beveridge  as 
mutilation). 

We  may  take  it  therefore  that  the  rule  of  the 
Church  as  to  mutilations  and  bodily  defects 
generally  was  this :  such  mutilations  or  defects 
were  a  bar  to  ordination,  especially  if  self-in* 
flicted;  but  supervening  involuntarily  after 
ordination,  they  were  not  a  bar  to  the  fulfilment 
of  clerical  duties,  or  to  promotion  in  the  hier- 
archy. There  is,  however,  one  particular  form 
of  mutilation — that  of  the  generative  organs — 
which  occurs  with  peculiar  prominence  in  early 
Church  history,  and  is  dealt  with  by  special  en- 
actments. 

One  sect  of  heretics,  the  Yalesians  (whose  ex- 
ample is  strangely  recalled  by  the  practices  of  a 
weU-known  body  of  dissenters  from  the  Russian 
Church  at  the  present  day),  enforced  the  duty  of 
emasculation  both  on  themselves  and  others 
(£piph.  cont.  ffaer,  58 ;  Aug.  de  Haeres.  c  37). 
Their  catechumens,  whilst  unmutilated,  were  not 
allowed  to  eat  flesh,  but  no  restrictions  as  to  food 
were  imposed  on  the  mutilated.  They  were  said 
to  use  not  only  persuasion  but  force  in  making 
converts,  and  to  practise  violence  for  the  purpose 
on  travellei*s,  and  even  on  persons  received  as 


The  most  notorious  instance  of  self-mutilation 
in  Church  history  is  that  of  Origen,  who,  when 
a  young  catechist  at  Alexandria,  inflicted  this  on 
himself  in  order  to  quench  the  violence  of  his  pas- 
sions (Euseb.  H.  JS.  yi.  8).  He  was  nevertheless 
ordained  by  the  bishops  of  Caesarea  and  Jerusa- 
lem, men  of  the  highest  authority  among  the  pre- 
lates of  Palestine.  But  Demetrius  of  Alexandria, 
who  had  formerly  spoken  of  him  in  terms  of  high 
praise,  began  attacking  the  validity  of  his  ordina- 
tion, and  the  conduct  of  his  ordaining  bishops. 
It  is  indeed  remarkable  that  Epiphanius  mentions 
three  separate  traditions  as  to  the  mode  which 
Origen  Mlopted  to  maintain  his  continence — two 
of  them  not  implying  actual  mutilation,  but  only 
extinction  of  the  generative  power — and  seems 
to  consider  that  a  good  many  idle  tales  had  been 
told  on  the  subject  {C<mtra  ffaer,  64).  It  is  well 
known,  at  any  rate,  that  Origen  was  condemned 
and  sentenced  to  be, deprived  of  his  orders  for 
self-mutilation  by  tl^e  Council  of  Alexandria,  A.D. 
230.  This  is  not  the  place,  of  course,  for  dwelling 
on  the  unworthy  motives  mixed  up  in  Origen's 
condemnation ;  but  if  what  is  recorded  of  the 
Valesians  be  true — ^whose  heresy  appears  to  have 
been  contemporaneous  with  Origen— it  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  the  Church  should 
firmly  resist  not  only  the  return  to  the  emascu- 
late priesthoods  of  the  heathen,  but  the  utterly 
anti-social  tendencies  which  sudi  practices  por- 
tended or  expressed.  The  Council  of  Achaia,  by 
which  the  Valesians  were  condemned,  is  usually 
set  down  to  the  year  250. 

If  the  Apostolical  Canons  are  as  a  whole 
anterior  to  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  they  constitute 
the  next  authority  on  the  subject.  According  to 
these,  whilst  a  man  made  a  eunuch  against  his 
will  was  not  excluded  from  being  admitted  into 
the  clergy,  yet  self-mutilation  was  assimilated  to 
suicide,  and  the  culprit  could  not  be  admitted,  or 

B  2 


244     BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE 

was  to  be  **  altogether  condemned  "  (expelled  ?) 
if  the  act  were  committed  after  his  admission 
(c  17,  otherwise  numbered  20-22,  or  21-23). 
A  Uyman  mutilating  himself  was  to  be  excluded 
for  3  years  ft'om  communion  (c.  17,  otherwise 
23  or  24).  It  may  however  be  suspected  that 
on  this  head  at  least  these  canons  must  have  been 
interpolated  after  the  Nicene  Council  (325),  or 
they  would  have  been  referred  to  in  that  well- 
known  one  which  stands  first  of  all  in  the  list  of 
its  enactments, — that  if  any  one  has  been  emascu- 
lated either  by  a  medical  man  in  illness,  or  by 
the  barbarians,  he  is  to  remain  in  the  clergy ;  but 
if  any  has  mutilated  himself  he  is,  if  a  cleric 
already,  on  proof  of  the  fact  by  examination,  to 
cease  from  clerical  functions,  and  if  not  already 
ordained  not  to  be  presented  for  ordination ;.  this 
however,  not  to  apply  to  those  who  have  been 
made  eunuchs  by  the  barbarians  or  by  their 
masters,  who,  if  they  are  found  worthy,  may  be 
admitted  into  the  clergy.  Contemporaneously,  or 
nearly  so,  with  the  Council  we  find  a  constitu- 
tion of  the  emperor  Constantino  rendering  the 
making  of  eunuchs  within  the  **  orbis  Romanus,'* 
a  capital  crime  (Code^  bk.  iv.  t.  xcii.  1.  1). 

It  is,  however,  at  this  period  that  we  find  the 
next  most  prominent  instance  of  self-mutilation 
in  Church  historv  after  that  of  Origen, — that  of 
Leontius,  Arian  bishop  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of 
Athanasius,  who,  when  a  presbyter,  had  been 
deposed  on  this  account,  but  was  nevertheless 
promoted  to  the  episcopate  by  the  emperor 
Constantius,  against  the  decrees  of  the  Nicene 
Council,  observes  Theodoret  (ii.  23;  cf.  Euseb. 
▼i.  8).  This  Leontius  figures  by  no  means  favour- 
ably in  the  Church  histories.  Athanasius  was 
very  hostile  to  him,  and  he  was  accused  of  cun- 
ning and  double-dealing,  of  promoting  the  un- 
worthy and  neglecting  the  worthy  in  his  diocese. 

A  canon  on  bodily  mutilation  similar  to  the 
Nicene  one  was  enacted  by  the  Synod  of  Seleuda 
in  Persia,  ▲.D.  410  (c.  4),  and  by  a  Syrian  synod 
in  465,  and  the  interdiction  against  the  admission 
to  orders  of  the  self-mutilated  was  also  renewed 
by  the  Council  of  Aries,  A.D.  452  (c.  7).  Pope 
Oelasius,  in  his  before  quoted  tetter  to  the 
Lucanian  bishops,  recalls  as  to  the  self-emasculate 
that  the  canons  of  the  Fathers  require  them  to 
be  separated  from  all  clerical  functions,  as  soon 
as  the  fact  is  recognized  {Ejnst.  9,  c.  17).  It 
thus  appears  that  this  most  serious  form  of 
mutilation,  so  long  as  it  was  not  self-inflicted, 
was  no  bar  either  to  clerical  ordination  or  promo- 
tion, but  that  if  self-inflicted,  it  was  a  bar  to  the 
exercise  of  all  clerical  functions. 

II.  Mutilation  as  a  Crime.— An  alleged  decretal 
of  Pope  Eutychianus  (275-6),  to  be  found  in 
Oratian,  enacts  that  persons  guilty  of  cutting 
ofl*  limbs  were  to  be  separated  from  the  Church 
until  they  had  made  friendly  composition  (the 
very  idea  of  composition  for  such  an  act  was 
entirely  foreign  to  the  Italy  of  the  3rd  century) 
before  the  bishop  and  the  other  citizens,  or,  if 
refusing  to  do  so  after  two  or  three  warnings, 
were  to  be  treated  as  heathen  men  and  publi- 
cans. The  document  may  probably  safely  be 
set  down  to  the  9th  century,  but  in  the  mean- 
while we  find  in  the  records  of  the  11th  Council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  675  (from  which  it  is  perhaps 
borrowed),  evidence  that  similar  crimes  were 
committed  by  the  clergy  themselves.  The  6th 
canon  enncts  amongst  other  things  that  clerics 


BODY,  MUTILATION  OF  THE 

shall  not  inflict  or  order  to  be  inflicted  mutilation 
of  a  limb  on  any  persons  whomsoever.  If  any  de 
so,  either  to  the  servants  of  their  church  or  to 
any  persons,  they  shall  lose  the  honour  of  their 
order,  and  be  subject  to  perpetual  imprisonuMit 
with  hard  labour.  The  Excerpt  from  the  Fathen 
and  the  Canons  attributed  to  Gregory  III.  bean 
that,  for  the  wilful  maiming  another  of  a  limh, 
the  penance  is  to  be  three  years,  or  more  kn- 
manely,  one  year  (c.  30).  The  Capitulary  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  789,  c.  16,  and  tbe  Council  of 
Frankfort,  794,  forbid  abbats  for  any  cause  to 
blind  or  mutilate  their  monks  (c  18)— enactments 
which  suflidently  shew  the  ferocity  of  the 
Carolingian  era,  and  with  which  may  be  noticed 
the  2nd  Capitulary  of  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans, 
to  his  clergy,  A.D.  797,  treating  amongst  minor 
sins  the  maiming  of  a  man  so  ihat  he  shall  not 
die,  the  refei'ence  being  at  least  mainly  to  clerical 
maimers. 

In  the  early  barbarian  codes  no  diflerenoe  was 
made  in  principle  between  the  various  shapes  of 
bodily  mutilation,  and  all  cases  were  punished 
by  pecuniary  compensation.  But  in  the  later 
Roman  law  we  find  absolute  distinction  made 
between  emasculation  and  every  other  form  of 
mutilation,  the  former  being  the  only  one  which 
it  is  deemed  necessary  to  legislate  against.  We 
have  already  seen  that  Constantino  had  made  the 
former  a  capital  crime,  when  committed  within 
the  Roman  world.  The  142nd  Novel  goes  fuiv 
ther  still.  Speaking  of  the  crime  as  having  be- 
come rife  again,  it  enacts  the  kx  tolionis  agkiost 
male  offenders,  with  confiscation  of  goods  and 
life-long  labour  in  the  quarries  if  they  survire 
the  operation ;  or  as  respects  females,  flinging, 
confiscation  and  exile.  We  may  probably  ascrih! 
the  character  of  the  imperial  law  on  this  subject 
to  the  influence  of  the  Christian  Church,  which, 
at  the  risk  of  whatever  incongruities  in  its  prae- 
tice,  has  always  treated  emasculation  as  a  oime 
aui  generis^  analogous  only  to  murder  and  suicide, 
according  as  it  is  endured  or  self-inflicted. 

III.  Mutilation  as  a  Puni^ment. — MutilatioB 
is  no  unf^equent  punishment  under  the  Chiistisn 
emperors  of  the  West :  Constantino  punished 
slaves  escaping  to  the  barbarians  with  the  loss 
of  a  foot  (Cod.  6.  tit.  1.  s.  3>  The  cutting  off 
of  the  hand  was  enacted  by  several  Novels ;  hy 
the  17th  (c.  viii.)  against  exactors  of  tribute 
who  should  fail  to  make  proper  entries  of  the 
quantities  of  lands ;  by  the  43rd  (c  1)  against 
those  who  should  copy  the  works  of  the  heretic 
Severus.  It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  the 
134th  Novel  finally  restricted  all  penal  mntihi- 
tion  to  the  cutting  off  of  one  hand  only  (c  xiii.)^ 
In  the  barbaric  codes,  mutilation  is  a  frequent 
punishment.  The  Salic  law  frequently  enacts 
castration  of  the  slave,  but  only  as  an  altematiTe 
for  composition  (for  thefts  above  40  denarii  in 
value,  t.  xiii.,  and  see  t.  xlii. ;  for  adultery 
with  the  slave-woman  who  dies  from  the  effects 
of  it,  t.  xxix.  c  6).  The  Burgundian  law,  by  a 
late  enactment  (Additam,  i.  t.  xv.,  suppond  to 
be  by  Sigismund),  extends  the  mode  of  dealing 
to  Jews. 

Even  in  the  legislation  of  the  Church  itsdf 
mutilation  as  a  punishment  occurs ;  but  only  in 
its  rudest  outlying  branches,  or  as  an  offence  to 
be  repressed.  Thus,  to  quote  instances  of  the 
former  case,  in  the  collection  of  Irish  Canons, 
supposed  to  belong  to  the  end  of  the  7th  cen- 


BONIFACIUS 

tvT,  Fitrick  u  repreiented  as  assigning  the 
cattiBf  off  of  a  hand  or  foot  as  one  of  several 
aitcnative  pnniahinenta  for  the  stealing  of 
iMMj  either  in  a  charch  or  a  city  within 
which  sleep  xnartjrs  and  bodies  of  saints  (bk. 
zxriiL  c  6).  Another  fragment  from  an  Irish 
OTaod,  appeadtd.  hj  Labbe  and  Mansi  to  the 
ahove,  enacts  the  loss  of  a  hand  as  an  alternative 
pukhmat  for  shedding  the  blood  of  a  bishop, 
when  it  does  not  reach  the  ground,  and  no  salve 
(eoUf  nam)  is  needed ;  or  the  blood  of  a  priest 
vfaea  it  does  reach  the  ground,  and  salve  is 
leqaind.  Instances  of  the  latter  case  have  been 
airadv  given  in  the  enactments  against  abbats 
animiag  their  monks,  which  was  no  doubt  done 
tt  least  under  pretext  of  enforcing  discipline.- 
b  the  '  Excerptions '  ascribed  to  Egbert,  arch- 
Mihop  of  York  (but  of  at  least  two  centuries  later 
dste)^  we  find  a  canon  that  a  man  stealing  money 
from  the  church-box  shall  hare  his  hand  cut  off 
«r  be  put  into  prison  (c  Ixxiii.).         [J.  M.  L.] 

BONIFACinS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarsus  under 
Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Dec.  19  (Col,  By- 
toat.).  He  was  formerly  commemorated  in  the 
Roman  church  on  June  5,  the  supposed  day  of 
kiB  burial  at  Borne  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet);  but  in 
■me  recent  Duutyrologies  this  Bonifiice  is  com- 
Bcmorated  on  May  14,  the  supposed  day  of  his 
4csth;  and, 

(S)  The  Apostle  of  Germany,  archbishop  of 
Meats,  martyred  in  Friesland,  is  commemorated 
«B  June  5  (Mart.  Bedae^  Adonis).  This  saint  is 
fipred  in  his  episcopal  vestments  (9th  cent.)  in 
tke  Acta  Sanctorum^  June,  tom.  i.  p.  458.  See 
abo  Brower's  l^gsaurus  Antiq.  Fuidensiumy  pp. 
16a-165. 

(t)  Deacon,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Hunneric ; 
cnnemorated  Aug.  17  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 

(4)  "Katale  Bonefadi  episcopi,"  Sept.  4  {M. 
Bmhe). 

(5)  Confessor  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Dec.  8 
(Mart  Sieran.) ;  Dec.  6  {M.  Adonis).  [C] 

BOKOSA,  sister  of  Zosima,  martyr  in  Porto 
onder  Severus ;  commemorate  July  15  {Mart. 
Som.  Vet.y  Bieron.).  [C] 

BOOKS,  CEN8UBE  OF.  A  studious  life 
VIS  strongly  enforced  upon  the  clergy  by  the 
sfidcDt  Fathers,  and  enjoined  by  various  canons 
of  the  earlier  Councils.  St.  Chrysostom  in  par- 
ticolar  insists  strongly  and  very  fully  on  the  duty 
lathe  clergy  of  qualifying  themselves  by  patient 
and  laborious  study  for  the  office  of  preaching,  and 
lor  the  defence  of  the  faith  against  heretics  and 
nbdievers ;  resting  his  argument  on  the  exhorta- 
tJoa  of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy  (1  Tim.  iv.  13>— 
"^Gire  attendance  to  reading,  to  exhortation,  to 
doctrine:  meditate  upon  these  things :  give  thyself 
viu^lr  to  them ;  that  thy  profiting  may  appear 
to  all'  men."  Exhortations  to  the  like  effect 
oocor  also  in  the  writings  of  St.  Jerome,  Cyprian, 
Uctaatius,  Hilary,  IdUnucius  Felix,  and  others, 
b  all  these  writers  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tores  is  urged  upon  the  clergy  as  being  of  pri- 
Bsry  obligation,  and  the  foundation  on  which 
til  the  superstructure  of  a  more  general  and 
cxteosive  learning  was  to  be  raised.  Certain 
caaoas  also  required,  e.g.  Cone.  Tolet.  iii.  c  7, 
tint  in  their  most  vacant  hours,  the  times  of 
oatiag  and  drinking,  some  portion  of  Scripture 
*»ald  be  read  to  them  —  partly  to  exclude 
fiHisg  and  unnecessary  discourse,  and  partly  to 


BOOKS,  CHUROH 


245 


afford  them  proper  themes  and  subjects  for  edi* 
fying  dlscoui'se  and  meditation. 

Next  to  the  Scriptures  the  study  of  the  best 
ecclesiastical  writers  was  recommended  as  most 
profitable  and  appropriate  to  the  clerical  ofiice : 
the  fint  place  in  such  writings,  however,  being 
assigned  to  the  Canons  of  the  Church.  These 
were  always  reckoned  of  the  greatest  use  and 
importance,  as  containing  a  summary  account, 
not  only  of  the  Church's  discipline  and  doctrlna 
and  government,  but  also  rules  of  life  and  moral 
practice — on  which  account  it  was  ordered  that 
the  Canons  should  be  read  over  at  a  man's  ordi- 
nation ;  and  again,  the  Council  of  Toledo  (iv.  c. 
25)  required  the  clergy  to  make  them  a  part  ot 
their  constant  study,  together  with  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  The  Canons,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered, were  then  a  soi*t  of  directory  for  the  pas- 
toral  care,  and  they  had  this  advantage  of  any 
private  directory,  that  they  were  the  public 
voice  and  authorised  rule  of  the  Church,  and 
therefore  so  much  the  more  entitled  to  respectful 
attention.  In  later  ages,  in  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, we  find  laws  which  obliged  the  clergy  to 
read,  together  with  the  Canons,  Gregory's  treatise 
De  Curd  Pastorali. 

With  regard  to  other  books  and  writings  there 
was  considerable  restriction.  Some  of  the  canons 
forbade  a  bishop  to  read  heathen  authors:  nor 
would  they  allow  him  to  read  heretical  books, 
otherwise  than  as  a  matter  of  duty,  t.  e.  unless 
there  was  occasion  to  refute  them,  or  to  caution 
others  against  the  poison  of  them ;  e.  g.  Cone. 
Carth.  iv.  c.  16 :  "  Ut  episcopus  Gfntilium  libros 
non  legat:  haereticorum  autem  pro  necessitate 
et  tempore." 

In  some  cases,  however,  the  study  of  heathen 
literature  might  be  advantageous  to  the  cause 
of  Christian  truth ;  and  the  Church's  prohibition 
did  not  extend  to  these.  Thus  St.  Jerome  ob- 
serves that  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  historians 
are  of  great  use  as  well  to  explain  as  confirm  the 
truth  of  the  prophecies  of  Daniel.  St.  Augustine 
says  of  the  writings  of  heathen  philosophers,  that 
as  they  said  many  things  that  were  true,  both 
concerning  God  and  the  Son  of  God,  they  were  in 
that  respect  very  serviceable  in  refuting  the 
vanities  of  the  Gentiles.  And  in  fact  all  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  Fathers  and  ancient 
writers  of  the  Church  know  them  to  have  been 
for  the  most  part  well  versed  in  the  classical  or 
heathen  literature. 

On  the  whole  it  appears  that  the  clergy  were 
obliged  in  the  first  place  to  be  diligent  in  study- 
ing the  Scriptures,  and  next  to  them,  as  they  had 
ability  and  opportunity,  the  canons  and  approved 
writers  of  the  Church.  Beyond  this,  as  there 
was  no  obligation  on  them  to  read  human  learn- 
ing, so  there  was  no  absolute  prohibition  of  it ; 
but  where  it  could  be  made  to  minister  as  a 
handmaid  to  divinity,  there  it  was  not  only 
allowed,  but  encouraged  and  commended ;  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  many  instances 
the  cause  of  Christian  religion  was  advanced  by 
the  right  application  of  secular  learning  in  the 
primitive  ages  of  the  Church.  The  pnnciples  on 
which  such  studies  were  maintained  are  summed 
up  by  St.  Ambrose,  Frooem.  in  Luc.  Evcmg.: 
*^  Legimus  aliqua,  ne  legantur ;  legimus  ne  igno- 
remus ;  legimus  non  ut  teneamus,  sed  ut  repn- 
diemus  "  (Bingham).  [D.  B.] 

BOOKS,  OHUBGH.    [Utubgical  Books.} 


246       BORDEAUX,  COUNCIL  OF 

BORDEAUX,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bubdioa- 
LENBB  Concilium),  provincial,  at  Bordeanz. 
(1)  A.D.  385,  condemned  and  deposed  Priscillian, 
Instantins,  and  their  followers,  for  complicity 
with  Manicheeism.  PrisdUian  appealed  to  the 
emperor  Mazentina,  who,  however,  put  him  to 
death  the  same  year  at  Treves  (Sulp.  Sever., 
H,  E,  ii.  46,  who  affirms  the  appeal  to  have 
been  permitted  only  **  nostrorum  inconstantia," 
whereas  it  oaght  io  have  been  made  to  other 
bishops ;  Labbe,  ii.  1034).— (8)  A.i).  670,  under 
Count  Lupus  and  the  archbishops  of  Bourges, 
Bordeaux,  and  Eauze  in  Armagnac,  by  order  of 
King  Chilp^c,  upon  points  of  discipline  (VArt 
de  Verifier  lea  Jkttes,  i.  291).  [;A.'W.  H.] 

BOSCI  (Boo-KoQ,  Syrian  monks  in  the  4th 
century,  so  called  because  they  lived  on  herbs 
only.  Sozomen  speaks  of  them  as  very  numer- 
ous near  Nisibis,  and  names  a  bishop  among  the 
most  fJEtmous  of  them.  They  had  no  buildings 
but  lived  on  the  mountains,  continually  praying 
and  singing  hymns.  £ach  carried  a  knife,  with 
which  to  cut  herbs  and  grasses  (Soz.  H,  E,  vi. 
33).  A  connexion  has  been  traced  between  them 
and  the  sect  of  Adamiani  or  Adamitae,  who  went 
about  naked.  The  principle  is  the  same— of  re- 
turning to  a  state  of  nature — ^but  the  Bosd  are 
not  accused,  as  the  Adamitae,  of  licentiousness ; 
and  with  them  the  motive  was  apparently  austere 
self-mortification.  Frequent  instances  of  similar 
abstinence  are  recorded  of  Eastern  hermits  in 
Ifoschus  (Prat,  SpirU.%  Theodoret  (PMloth.% 
and  Evagrius  (if.  E.  L  21).  (Tillemont,  ff.  E. 
viii.  292.)  [I.  G.  S.] 

BOSTRA,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  243  or  244; 
udeed,  there  probably  were  two  such:  one  at 
which  Beryllus,  bishop  of  Bostra,  was  reclaimed 
from  his  strange  views  respecting  the  Person  of 
our  Lord  by  Origen;  and  another  at  which 
Origen  refuted  some  Arabians,  who  said  that  the 
souls  of  men  died  with  their  bodies,  and  came 
to  life  with  their  bodies  again  at  the  resur- 
rection (Euseb.  vi.  33  and  7;  Mansi,  i.  787 
-90).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

BOURGES,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bituricesse 
Concilium),  at  Bourges,  but  (1)  a.d.  454,  only 
conjecturally  in  that  city.  That  there  was  a 
council  in  that  year  in  that  neighbourhood 
appears  by  a  synodical  epistle  signed  by  the 
bishops  of  Bourges,  Tours,  and  another  (Sir- 
mond.  Cone.  QaU,  iii.  App.  1507  ;  Labbe,  iv. 
1819).  Hincmar  wrongly  calls  it  a  Council  of 
Rome,  under  the  mistaiken  impression  that  the 
Leo  who  signs  it  was  the  Pope.— -{2)  a.d.  473, 
to  elect  Simplicius  to  the  see  of  Bourges  (Sidon. 
Apoll.  EpiaU,  vii.  5,  8,  9,  &c. ;  and  his  ora- 
tion to  the  people  for  Simplidus,  Labbe,  iv. 
1820-1827).  Sidonius  requests  the  interven- 
tion of  Agroecius,  archbishop  of  Sens  (although 
out  of  his  provinceX  and  of  Euphronius  of 
Autun,  the  provindal  bishops  being  too  few 
in  number.  And  the  ^*  plebs  Biturigum  "  appear 
to  have  referred  the  nomination  to  Sidonius  him- 
self.— (3)  A.D.  767,  under  Pipin,  mentioned  by 
Rcgino  and  Fredegarius,  but  with  no  record  of 
its  purpose  or  acts  (Labbe,  vi.  1836).  [A.  W.  H.] 

BOWING.    [Genuflexion.] 

BRACARENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Braga, 
Council  of.] 

BRAGA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Bracarense 
Concilium),    provincial,    ut    Baraga,   in   Spain, 


BRANDEUM 

between  the  Hinho  and  Douro.  (1)  aji.  411 
(if  genuine),  of  ten  bishops,  to  defend  ^e  faith 
against  Alans,  Suevi,  and  Vandals,  who  were 
either  Arians  or  heathens,  under  Pancntisaiis 
of  Braga  (Labbe,  ii.  1507-1510).— (2)  A.a 
561  or  563,  of  eight  bishops,  **  ex  praecepto 
Ariamiri  (or  probably  Theodomiri)  Begts,"  to 
condemn  the  PrisdlUanists.  It  passed  sko 
twentv-two  canons,  about  uniformity  of  ritul, 
churcL  revenues,  preoedence,  burial  without  and 
not  within  a  church,  and  other  points  of  disei- 
pline  (Labbe,  v.  836-845).— <8)  A.D.  572,  June  1, 
of  twelve  bishops,  under  Archbishops  Martin  of 
Braga  and'  Nitigisius  of  Luca,  under  Hiro,  kia; 
of  the  Suevi,  passed  ten  canons,  about  bishops 
exacting  undue  fees,  appointment  of  metropolitsa 
to  proclaim  annually  the  date  of  Easter,  sad 
other  points  of  disdpline.  It  was  also  the  first 
to  use  the  formula,  *'  regnante  Ghriato  "  (Ld>be, 
V.  894-902).  Mailoc,  bishop  of  Britona,  was  one 
of  the  bishops  present. — (4)  A.D.  675,  under 
Archbishop  Leoddisius,  with  seven  suflragans 
(including  a  bishop  of  Britona),  passed  nine 
canons ;  prohibiting  the  giving  of  milk,  or  of  the 
bread  dipped  in  the  wine,  or  of  grapes  instead  of 
wine,  at  the  Eucharist ;  allowing  a  priest  to  have 
dwelling  with  him  no  other  woman  than  his 
mother,  not  even  his  sister ;  and  on  other  points 
of  disdpline  (Labbe,  vi  561^70).     [A.  W.  H.] 

BRAINE,  COUNCIL  OF  (BREinrACSBSK 
CoNCiLiuii)^  at  Braine  near  Soissons  (Bemi  near 
Compi^gne,  ace.  to  UArt  de  Y^fer  let  Daiet, 
but  wrongly),  rather  a  State  than  a  Cknrcb 
Council,  held,  a.d.  580,  under  King  Oulpoic, 
excommunicated  Leudastes  (who  had  been  Count 
of  Tours)  for  falsely  accusing  Gregory  of  Tours 
of  having  calumniated  Queen  Fredegunda.  Wit- 
nesses were  not  produced,  ^  cunctis  dicentibos, 
non  potest  persona  inferior  super  saoerdotem 
credi."  And  Gregory  exculpated  himself  hj 
solemn  oath  at  three  several  altars  after  saying 
mass,  the  accusers  in  the  end  confessing  their 
guilt  (Greg.  Tur.,  HiaL  Franc,  v.  50 ;  Labbe,  t. 
965,  966).  [A,  W.  HJ 

BRANDEUM.  The  word  Brandeum  proba- 
bly designated  originally  some  particular  kind  of 
rich  cloth.  Thus,  Joannes  Diaconus  {Vita  8, 
Greg,  lib.  iv.,  in  Du  Cange,  s.  v.)  speaks  of  a 
lady  wearing  a  head-dress  **  candentis  brandeL" 

But  the  usages  with  which  we  are  immedi- 
ately concerned  are  the  following : — 

1.  The  rich  cloth  or  shroud  in  which  the  body 
of  a  distinguished  saint  was  wrapped.  Thus 
Hincmar  (  Vita  S,  Remigii,  c  73)  describing  the 
translation  of  St.  Remigius,  says  the  body  was 
found  by  the  bishops  who  translated  it  wrapped 
in  a  red  brandeum.  Compare  Flodoard,  Hiti, 
Remensis,  i.  20,  21. 

2.  Portions  of  such  shrouds  were  used  as 
relics ;  for  instance,  a  portion  of  the  brandeum 
which  enveloped  St.  Remigius,  enshrined  in  ivon, 
was  venerated  with  due  honour  (Hincmar,  L  c). 

3.  When  relics  of  some  saint  came  to  be  regarded 
as  absolutely  essential  to  the  consecration  of  a 
chorch  [CONSECaATiON],  pieces  of  cloth  which 
had  been  placed  near  them  were  held  to  be 
themselves  equivalent  to  relics.  St.  Gregory 
the  Great  sets  forth  his  view  of  this  practice  in 
a  letter  to  Constantia  (Epist,  iii.  30).  It  is  not, 
he  says,  the  Roman  custom,  in  giving  relics  of 
saint-s,  to  presume  to  touch  any  portion  of  the 


BREAKING  OF  BBEAD 

IWj,  iNit  obI  J  a  bnmdeum  is  pat  in  a  casket,  and 
Mt  aaar  the  most  holy  bodies.  This  is  again 
takea  aj»,  and  enshrined  with  dne  solemnity  in 
the  charch  to  be  dedicated,  and  the  same  miracles 
ait  wnmght  by  it  as  woold  ha^e  been  by  the 
roj  Mies  themaelyes.  Tradition  relates,  that 
wha  some  Greeks  doubted  the  efBpacy  of  sach 
rUo,  St.  Leo  cat  a  hrandeum  with  scissors,  and 
U««d  flowed  from  the  woond.  St.  Leo's  miracle 
is  related  by  St.  Germanos  to  Pope  Hormisdas 
{EpUtt  FnmUff.  p.  524)  and  by  Slgebert  (Chro- 
ana,  ajk  441).  Joannes  Diaconus  (Vita 
S.  Ortg,  ii.  42)  relates  a  similar  wonder  of 
St.  Gr^ory  himself,  which  is  said  to  be  also 
attested  by  an  inscription  in  one  of  the  crypts  of 
tke  Vstican  (Torrigios  de  Cryplia  Vatioama,  pt. 
2,  c  4,  cd.  2).  (Du  Gauge's  Gloaaary,  s.  y. 
BnmiMmy  [C] 

BREAKING  OP  BBEAD.    [Fbaction.] 

BREGENTFORD,  or  BBEGUNTPOBD, 
COUNCIL  Of  (Brentfordekse  Concilium), 
nroTiBdal,  at  Bregentforda,  Bregnntford,  or 
BrcBlfiinL  (1)  a.d.  705,  an  informal  political 
aoference,  mentioned  by  Waldhere,  bishop  of 
LoadoB,  as  to  be  held  by  the  kings,  bishops,  and 
sU»ts,  of  Wessex  and  of  the  East  Saxons,  about 
Mitaia  unnamed  grounds  of  quarrel  (Haddan  and 
Stabhs,  Comic.  iii.  274).— (2)  a.d.  781,  held  by 
Ola,  king  of  Mereia,  and  Archbishop  Jaenberht, 
freed  the  monastery  of  Bath  from  the  jurisdic- 
tioa  of  the  see  of  Worcester  (charter  in  Kemble, 
CU.  DipL  143).  Other  (questionable)  charters 
appsrcntly  profess  to  emanate  from  the  same 
OmuA  (*.  139,  140).  [A.  W.  H.] 

BRENNACEN8E  CONCILIUM.  [Braine, 
Oocsca  OF.] 

BBENTFOBDEN8E(X)N(}ILIUM.  [Brb- 
ecrrvoRD,  Council  op.] 

BBEYIABY  (^rwtariiim).    This  word,   in 
its  ecclesiastical  sense,  denotes  an  office  book  of 
tke  Chorch,  containing  the  offices  for  the  canoni- 
cal hoars,    as  distinguished  from  the  missal, 
vUch  contains  those  of  the  mass.    The  name, 
vhieh  Meratus  deriyes  from  6rros  horarium,  ex- 
pbiaiag  it  as  compendium  precum,  indicates  that 
the  book  is  an  abbreTiation  or  compilation ;  and 
it  tt  so  called,  according  to  some,  because  the 
castmg  form  is  an  abbreTiation  of  the  ancient 
efiee ;  soeording  to  others,  because  it  is  a  short 
taouBsry  of  the  principal  portions  of  Holy  Scrip- 
tare,  of  the  lires  of  the  greatest  saints,  and  of 
the  eboioest  prayers  of  the  Church ;  or,  again, 
Wcsvse  in  its  arrangement  the  various  parts  of 
the  office,  such  as  prayers,  hymns,  lessons,  &c, 
ire  fliklj  once  giren  in  full ;  and  afterwards  only 
iadicftted  by  the  first  words,  or  by  references.* 
Snae,  again,  have  thought  that  the  breviary 
was  originally  an  abbreviation  of  the  missale 
flaiariam;  and  mainly  distinguished   from   it 
kf  the  partial  omission  or  abbreviation  of  the 
rabries,  and  by  the  first  words  alone  of  the 
pnhns,  sections,  &c.,  being  given.    It  is  sup- 
posed that  this  abbreviated  book  was  originally 
canpOcd  as  a  directory  for  the  choir,  and  that 
n  its  general  adoption  in  convents,  in  which 
the  canonical  hours  took  their  rise,  these  were 
inserted,  ana  uenee  the  name  breviary  came  to 

*  Tkcre  is  greai  variety  of  practice  iii  this  respect  be- 
t*n  dUeRBt  bnvlaile^  and  eveo  different  editions  of 
fteaae  breviary. 


BBEYIABY 


247 


signify  the  book  containing  those  offices  in  dis- 
tinction to  the  missal :  a  few  short  offices,  not 
directly  connected  with  canonical  hours,  and  in 
some  breviaries  the  ordinary  and  canon  of  the 
mass,  with  a  few  special  masses,  still  remaining 
in  it. 

The  contents  of  the  breviary,  in  their  essential 
parts,  are  derived  from  the  early  ages  of  Christi- 
anity. They  consist  of  psalms,  lessons  taken 
from  the  Scriptures,  and  from  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers,  versicles  and  pious  sentences  thrown 
into  the  shape  of  antiphons,  responses,  or  other 
analogous  forms,  hvmns,  and  prayers.  The 
present  form  of  the  book  is  the  result  of  a  long 
and  gradual  development.  During  a  long  time 
a  great  diversity  existed  in  the  manner  in  which 
the  psalms  and  their  accompanying  prayers  were 
recited  in  different  dioceses  and  convents;  but 
from  the  5th  century  onwards  a  marked  ten- 
dency to  uniformity  in  this  part  of  divine  wor- 
ship may  be  observed,  till  in  later  days  the  only 
very  striking  difference  which  remains,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Mozarabic  breviary,  which  has 
a  special  character  of  its  own,  is  between  the 
office  books  of  the  East  and  the  West.  The  name 
breviary  is  confined  to  those  of  the  West. 

The  books  used  in  the  daily  office  which  con- 
tained the  materials  that  were  aflerwards 
consolidated  into  the  breviary,  were— (1)  the 
PaalteTf  containing  the  psalms  and  canticles 
arranged  in  their  appointed  order;  (2)  the 
8cripture$f  from  which  lessons  for  the  noctums 
were  taken ;  (3)  the  HomUiaary,  containing  the 
homilies  of  the  Fathers  appointed  to  be  read  on 
Sundays  and  other  days  indicated ;  (4)  the  Pas- 
sionary, or  Passionalf  containing  the  history  of 
the  sufferings  of  the  saints,  martyrs,  and  con- 
fessors ;  (5)  the  Antiphonaryy  containing  the  an- 
tiphons and  responsories ;  (6)  the  Hymnal;  (7) 
the  CoUectaneum,  or  Coilectarium,  or  Liber  CoU 
ledarius^  or  Orationaley  containing  the  prayers, 
and  also  the  Short  Chapters  read  at  the  several 
hours;  (8)  the  Martyrology,  There  were  also 
Pubrica  giving  the  directions  for  reciting  the 
various  offices. 

Various  digests  of  offices  from  these  and  similar 
sources  have  been  attributed  with  more  or  less 
probability  to  Leo  the  Great,  Gelasius,  and 
Gregory  the  Great.  Gregory  VII.  [flOSS]  com- 
piled the  book  which  is  the  basis  of  the  present 
Roman  breviary.  A  MS.  copy  of  this  book  was 
preserved  in  the  monastery  of  Casini,  from  about 
the  year  1100  a.d.  This  was  inscribed  ^Mncipit 
Breviarium  s.  Ordo  officiorum,  &c. ; "  and  hence 
Benedict  XIV.  derives  the  probable  origin  of  the 
name.  An  abbreviation  of  this  book  made  in 
1244  by  Michael  Haymon,  general  of  the  Mi- 
norites, obtained  the  approbation  of  Pope  Gre- 
gory X.,  and  was  introduced  by  Pope  Nicholas  III. 
in  1278  or  1279  into  all  the  churches  of  Rome. 

Originally  different  dioceses  and  monastic 
orders  had  their  own  special  breviaries,  varying 
one  from  the  other.  There  is  a  marked  differ- 
ence between  the  secular  and  the  monastic  bre- 
viaries, but  the  individual  members  of  these  two 
families,  while  they  vary  much  in  detail,  agree 
closely  in  their  arrangement  and  general  features. 
After  the  edition  by  Pius  V.,  the  Roman  breviary 
thus  revised  was  imposed  on  the  whole  Roman 
obedience  to  the  exclusion  of  those  hitherto  in 
use,  with  an  exception  in  favour  of  those  which 
had  then  been  in  use  for  200  years. 


248 


BBIBEBT 


BRIDAL  RING 


The  breviary  is  usual Ij  divided  into  four 
parts,  called  after  the  four  seasons  of  the  year, 
*^  Pars  hiemalis,  vemalu,  aestivalis  [v.  aestiva], 
autumnalis."  When  this  fourfold  division  was 
first  adopted  is  doubtful.  Traces  of  it  have 
been  found  in  the  11th  century.  Each  of  these 
parts,  in  addition  to  the  introductory  rubrics, 
calendar,  and  other  tables,  has  four  subdivisions  : 
(1)  the  Paalter  [Psalterium],  comprising  the 
psalms  and  canticles  arranged  according  to  the 
order  of  their  weekly  recitation,  and  also  other 
subordinate  parts  of  the  office  which  do  not  vary 
from  day  to  day ;  (2)  the  Proper  of  the  Season 
[Proprium  de  tempore],  containing  those  por- 
tions of  the  offices  which  vary  with  the  season ; 
(3)  the  Proper  of  the  Saints  [Proprium  Sanc- 
torum] ;  t.  e.,  the  corresponding  portions  for  the 
festivals  of  saints;  and  (4)  the  Common  of  the 
Saints.  [See  Hours  of  Prater  ;  Office,  The 
0IV1NE ;  Psalmody.]  [H.  J.  H.] 

BBIBEBY.  The  Old  Testament  is  so  full  of 
warnings  against  "  the  gift  "  that  *'  blindeth  the 
wise,  and  perverteth  the  words  of  the  righteous  " 
(Ex.  zziii.  8),  of  denunciations  of  those  that 
"judge  for  reward"  (Micah  iii.  11),  that  we 
could  not  expect  otherwise  than  to  find  the  like 
teachings  embodied  in  the  more  spiritual  morality 
of  the  New  Testament.  It  may  indeed  be  a  ques- 
tion whether  the  qualification  required  of  bishops 
and  deacons  by  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  that  they 
should  not  be  "  given  to  filthy  lucre  "  (jaticrxpo- 
Ktp^us},  1  Tim.  iii.  3,  8 ;  Tit.  i.  7,  implies  prone- 
taess  to  bribery,  properly  so  called,  or  covetous- 
ness  generally.  If,  however,  we  reckon  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  as  representing  gene- 
njly  the  Church  life  of  the  2i^  century,  we 
see  that  the  offence  was  then  beginning  to  take 
shape.  The  bishop  is  directed  not  to  be  open  to  re- 
ceive gifts,  since  unconscientious  men  "  becoming 
acceptors  of  persons,  and  having  received  shame- 
ful gift«"  will  spare  the  sinner,  letting  him  remain 
in  the  Church  (bk.  ii.  c  9).  Another  passage 
speaks  of  either  the  bishops  or  the  deacons  sinning 
by  the  acceptance  of  persons  or  of  gift»,  with  the 
addition  of  the  remarkable  words:  **For  when 
the  ruler  asks,  and  the  judge  receives,  judgment 
is  not  brought  to  an  end  "  (ib.  c.  17).  A  third 
deals  with  the  still  more  heinous  offence  of  con- 
demning the  innocent  for  reward,  threatening 
with  God's  judgment  the  "  pastors  "  and  deacons 
who,  either  through  acceptance  of  persons  or  in 
return  for  gifts,  expel  from  the  Church  those 
who  are  fiilsely  accused  (jS).  c.  42). 

There  was  of  course  nothing  exceptional  in  this 
morality.  In  the  Roman  law  there  were  nu- 
merous enactments  against  bribery.  Theodosius 
enacted  the  penalty  of  death  against  all  judges 
who  took  bribes  (Cod,  Theod,  9,  tit.  27,  s.  5). 
In  Justinian's  time,  although  the  penalty  of 
denth  seems  to  have  been  abrogated,  the  ofience 
is  subjected  to  degrading  punishments  {Nov.  viii., 
cxxiv.). 

The  law  of  the  Church  on  the  subject  of 
bribery  was  substantially  that  of  the  State.  The 
spiritual  sin  was  looked  upon  as  equivalent  to 
the  civil  offence,  and  the  Church  needed  no 
special  discipline  to  punish  the  former.  One 
form  of  bribery  indeed,  that  relating  to  the 
obtainment  of  the  orders  or  dignities  of  the 
Church,  is  considered  separately  under  the  head 
of  Simony.  [J.  M.  L.] 

BRICCIUS,   or  BRICTIUS.      (1)  Bishop, 


confessor  at  Martula  in  Umbria;  is  oommenKh 
rated  July  8  {MaH,  Bom.  Vet.);  July  9  {M. 
Adonis). 

(8)  St.  Brice ;  succeeded  St.  Martin  as  bishop 
of  Tours ;  commemorated  as  confessor,  Nor.  13 
{Mart.  Bedae,  ffieron.^  Adonis).  Proper  office  ia 
the  Gregorian  Liber  Eesponsaiis,  p.  835.      [C] 

BBIDAL  RING.  That  the  present  use  of 
the  ring  in  marriage  has  grown  out  of  its  use  ii 
betrothal,  is  historically  clear.  The  origin  of 
the  latter  is,  however,  obscure,  though  proba- 
bly it  is  the  meeting-point  of  several  difierent 
ideas  and  practices.  If  marriage  was  originallj 
wife-catching,  as  seems  probable,  the  ring  may 
be  considered  as  the  symbol  of  the  wife's  cap- 
tivity. Again,  before  money  was  invented,  or 
before  its  use  became  common,  a  ring  would  be 
one  of  the  aptest  representatives  of  wealth,  and 
as  such  would  easily  constitute  either  the  actual 
price  of  betrothal,  or  the  earnest  of  it ;  whilst 
we  know  that  in  some  countries  the  ring  has 
actually  taken  the  place  of  money,  e.g.  the 
** ring-money"  of  our  Teutonic  forefathers. 
Again,  as  signet-rings  came  into  use,  the  ring 
itself  would  easily  grow  to  be  looked  upon  ai 
a  pledge  of  contracts,  a  symbol  of  £uth  betwcei 
man  and  man.  Lastly,  as  men's  feelings  became 
more  refined,  the  idea  of  the  ring,  (1st)  as  a 
symbol  of  the  wife's  subjection,  r2ttd)  ^as  the 
price,  or  the  symbol  of  the  price,  of  her  purchase, 
(3rd)  as  the  pledge  of  the  contract  for  her  per- 
son, would  lose  itself  in  that  of  its  spiritual 
significance  as  a  symbol  of  endless  indissolnUc 
union. 

It  is  certain,  at  any  rate,  that  the  bridal  nog 
of  early  Chrbtian  custom  was  not  derived  from 
Jewish  practice,  since  it  appears  clearly  that  its 
use  by  way  of  earnest  on  betrothal  among  the 
Jews  was  of  late  introduction,  derived  from  the 
Gentiles,  and  depended  for  its  validity  on  the  ring 
being  worth  money  [Abrhae].  But  the  early 
Christians,  as  above  indicated,  found  it  in  use 
among  the  Romans,  unconnected  (as  was  ordinarj 
marriage  itself)  with  any  superstitious  practiceSf 
and  naturally  adopted  it.  TertuUian  uses  the 
term  anntUtu  metonymically  for  betrothal  itself^ 
in  that  passage  of  his  treatise  on  Idolatry,  ia 
which,  examining  what  transactions  among  the 
Gentiles  a  Christian  man  may  lawfully  take  part 
in,  he  decides  that  betrothals  are  among  the 
number,  since  "  the  ring  "  is  not  derived  fram 
the  honour  paid  to  any  idol  (c  16).  Tlie  same 
author  shews  in  his  Apology  that  by  his  time  the 
use  of  gold  for  the  betrothal  ring  must  have  long 
replaced  that  of  iron,  since  he  speaks  of  the 
woman  of  old  knowing  **  no  gold,  save  on  one 
finger,"  which  her  betrothed  "  oppignorasset 
pronubo  annulo"  (c  6),  with  which  may  be 
compared  Juvenal's  **digito  pignus  fortasse 
dedisti  "  (Sat.  vi.  17). 

It  will  be  obvious  from  the  last  two  passages 
that  the  main  significance  of  the  betrothal  ring 
in  the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  was 
that  of  a  pledge.  Hence  its  abiding  signi/icanoe 
as  repre.senting  the  arrhae.  Its  value  in  this 
respect  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  betrothal 
contract ;  thus  in  the  Digest,  Ulpian,  in  reference 
to  the  arrhae  on  an  ordinary  contract  of  sale,  pots 
the  case  of  a  ring  being  given  by  way  of  earnest 
and  not  returned  after  the  payment  of  the  price 
and  delivery  of  the  thing  sold  {D^.  19)  tit  1, 
s.  11,  §  6  ;  with  which  compare  14,  tit  3,  s.  Ih). 


BRIDAL  BING 

1Vr«  u  therefore  nothing  special  in  the  ex- 
prasten  *'Sabarnure  annulo,"  which  occurs  in 
a  iRll-kaoini  passage  of  the  34th  letter  of  St. 
Ambrose,  where  he  represents  St.  Agnes  saying 
to  the  governor  of  Rome,  when  he  pressed  her  to 
Bsrrj-  his  son,  that  **  another  lover  "  had  already 
'given  her  earnest  by  the  ring  of  his  £uth 
(aaanlo  fidei  snae  snbarravit  me). 

Historically,  the  bridal  ring  figures  somewhat 
prominently  in  the  record  of  the  5th  centnry. 
la  ILAugustin  Thierry's  <Histoire  d'Athila,' 
Sad  ed.  vol.  L  c.  5,  or  again  in  his  '  Placidie, 
leine  des  Gothes,'  appended  to  the  2nd  volume 
«f  his  *  Saint  Jerome,'  c  4  (Gibbon  c.  xzxv. 
relates  the  story  somewhat  differently),  it  b  told 
kov  in  A.D.  434,  Honoria,  the  graceless  grand- 
dai^ter  of  the  great  Theodosius,  in  a  fit  of 
rebdlion  i^ainst  parental  authority,  sent  her  ring 
by  a  eunuch  to  the  Hunnish  king  Attila  (then 
recently  come  to  the  throne)  by  way  of  betrothal 
sanest,  requesting  him  to  make  war   on   her 
brother  Valentinian.     The  barbarian  sovereign 
(who  had  a  whole  harem  of  his  own)  took  no 
notice  of  the  ring  at  the  time,  but  had  it  put 
away;  and  fifteen  years  after,  when  about  to 
invade  Italy,  sent  a  letter  to  the  Western  Emperor, 
complaining  that  the  princess,  his  betrothed,  had 
been  ignominio«sly  treated  on  hib  account,  and 
wss  kept  in  prison,  and  requiring  her  to  be  set 
free  snd  restored  to  him  with  her  dowry,  which 
he  reckoned  at  half  the  personalty  of  the  late 
emperor  Constantius,  and  half  the  Western  Em- 
pire; and  he  forwarded  by  his  envoys  at  the  same 
time  her  ring,  to  avouch  the  justice  of  his  claim, 
— ^which  however  he  afterwards  did  not  care,  and 
probably  never  intended  to  press, — indeed  Honoria 
was  msrried  at  the  time,  as  was  stated  to  him  in 
reply,  and  as  no  doubt  he  knew  already. 

The  received  position  of  the  ring  on  the  fourth 
fingor  is  explained  by  Isidore  of  Seville,  on  the 
groani  that  **  there  is  in  it,  so  they  say,  a  vein  of 
blood  which  reaches  to  the  heart "  (de  Oftc.  bk.  li. 
c  19X  The  quaint  reason  assigned  for  the  choice 
•f  the  finger  will  be  observed,  as  well  as  the 
indication  that  the  ring  was  only  given  in  first 
Biarriaget.  A  simpler  origin  for  the  use  of  the 
^Mirth  finger  is  that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  wore 
of  old  their  rings  on  that  finger  (Macrobius, 
Satem.  7,  L  13,  quoted  by  Selden  in  his  Uxor 

The  bridal  ring  is  referred  to  both  in  the 
^iflagoihic  and  the  Lombard  Codes.  The  former 
speaks  of  it  as  constituting  by  delivery  an  en- 
feroeable  marriage  contract  without  writing: 
**  where  a  ring  has  been  given  or  accepted  in  the 
nause  of  earnest,  though  no  writings  should  pass 
between  the  parties,  that  promise  should  be  in 
nowise  broken  with  which  a  ring  has  been  given 
stti  terms  (definitio)  fixed  before  witnesses " 
(bk.  iiL  t.  i.  c.  3).  The  Lombard  law  is  to  the 
same  effect:  when  a  man  betroths  to  himself 
a  woman,  **^  with  a  ring  only,  he  gives  earnest 
for  her  aind  makes  her  his'  (cum  solo  annulo 
earn  snbarrat  et  suam  facit),  '*  and  if  afterwards 
he  marry  another,  he  is  found  guilty  to  the 
imonnt  o'f  500  solidi "  (bk.  v.  c  i. ;  law  of  Luit- 
prand,  A.D.  717). 

is  late  as  the  9th  century,  it  is  clear  that  the 
ring  was  constitutive  of  betrothal,  not  of  mar- 
riage. This  is  shown  by  Pope  Nicolas's  answer 
to  the  Bulgarians,  where  he  says  that  "  after  the 
fat  ore  bridegroom  has  betrothed  to  himself  the 


BBIEFS  AND  BUILB 


249 


future  bride  by  earnest,  placing  on  her  finger  the 
ring  of  affiance  .  .  .  either  soon  or  at  a  fitting 
time  .  . .  both  are  led  to  the  mai  riage  (nuptialia 
foedera)  .  .  .  and  thus  at  last  receive  the  bene- 
diction and  the  heavenly  veil."  From  this  it 
follows  that  all  Western  Church  fomwiae  of 
blessing  rings  must  belong  to  a  still  later  period ; 
and  indeed  the  use  of  the  ring  in  marriage  is 
supposed  to  have  come  in  during  the  10th  century. 
On  the  other  hand,  since,  as  observed  under 
the  head  Arrhae,  Pope  Nicolas's  reply  expressly 
distinguishes  Latin  from  Greek  usage,  it  is  per- 
fectly possible  that  the  blessing  of  rings,  which 
occurs  in  the  betrothal  liturgy  of  the  Eucho- 
logium  may  be  of  earlier  date:  ''By  a  ring 
was  given  authority  to  Joseph  in  Egypt.  By  a 
ring  was  Daniel  glorified  in  the  land  of  Babylon. 
By  a  ring  was  shewn  the  truthfulness  of  Tamar. 
By  a  ring  our  heavenly  Father  shewed  mercy 
towards  his  son,  for  *■  having  slain  the  fatted  caff 
and  eaten  let  us  rejoice '  [he  said]  .  .  .  Thou 
therefore,  0  Lord,  bless  this  placing  of  rings  with 
a  heavenly  blessing,"  &c.  The  Greek  ceremony, 
it  may  be  observed,  requires  two  rings,  one  of 
gold  and  one  of  silver.  [J.  M.  L.] 

BBIDGET,  or  BBI6IDA,  virgin,  of  Ireland, 
martyr  in  Scotland,  a.d.  523,  wonder-worker, 
is  commemorated  Feb.  1  (Mart,  ffieron.^  AdoniSy 
Bedae).  [C] 

BBIEFS  and  BULLS  (Brwey  BvUd).  Both 
these  names  are  applied  to  the  Letters  Apostolic 
of  the  Pope :  the  distinction  between  them  being 
chiefiy  one  of  form,  and  relating  to  the  nature 
of  the  instrument  in  which  the  letters  ai'e  con- 
tained. 

A  Papal  Brief  is  ordinarily  written  in  the 
Latin  character,  and  is  sealed,  not  with  lead,  but 
with  wax ;  the  seal  bearing  the  impression  of  the 
so-called  **  fisherman's  ring,"  a  figure  of  St.  Peter 
fishing  from  a  boat.  It  is  signed  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  Briefs,  and  commonly  oommences  thus : 
"Pius  Papa  IX.,"  &c. 

A  Bull,  on  the  other  hand,  is  written  in  the 
Gothic  character,  and  is  sealed  with  a  leaden  seal 
of  a  globular  form  (from  which,  viz.  hviUi,  as 
most  suppose,  it  derives  its  name,  though  some 
deduce  it  from  ^ov\^'%  which  is  attached  to  the 
document  by  a  string  of  silk,  if  the  Bull  be  one 
of  Grace,  or  by  a  hempen  cord,  if  it  be  one  of 
Justice.  The  seal  bears  on  one  side  a  representa- 
tion of  the  Apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and 
on  the  other  the  name  of  the  reigning  Pope. 
Bulls  are  issued  from  the  Papal  Chancery,  and 
commence  in  this  form :  ^  Pius  Episcopus,  servus 
servorum  Dei,"  &c. 

Some  Bulls  have  not  only  the  Papal  seal,  but 
also  a  second  one  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  These 
are  Consistorial  Bulls,  and  are  issued  with  the 
assent  and  advice  of  the  Cardinals  in  Consistory, 
by  whom  they  are  subscribed. 

Briefs  and  Bulls  are  of  equal  force,  but  the 
former  are  supposed  to  have  greater  brevity  of 
expression  (whence  perhaps  the  name),  and  as 
a  general,  though  not  invariable,  rule,  to  be 
employed  in  matters  of  lesser  moment.  Befora 
his  coronation,  a  Pope  ought  not  to  issue  Bulls, 
but  only  Briefs.  Or  if  he  issues  a  Bull,  it  does 
not  bear  his  name  on  the  seal. 

A  Brief,  on  the  whole,  may  be  said  to  corre- 
spond in  some  respects  to  a  Writ  of  Privy  Seal 
in  England,  as  distingaished  from  Letters  Patent 


260       BRITAIN,  COUNCILS  IN 

of  the  Crown,  which  would  answer  to  a  Ball. 
It  may  be  added  that  a  Brief  may  be  suppressed, 
as  it  is  not  issued  in  the  same  open  form  as  a 
Bull ;  and  there  are,  it  is  said,  instances  of  Briefs 
being  suppressed  altogether.  It  may  also  be 
cancelled  or  superseded  by  a  subsequent  Brie£^ 
whereas  a  Bull  can  be  cancelled  only  by  a  Bull. 
For  the  most  part  also  a  Brief  is  of  less  extensive 
application  than  a  Bull,  the  latter  being  some- 
times binding  on  the  entire  Christian  world  in 
communion  with  Rome. 

It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  some  of  the 
particulars  just  specified,  though  characteristic 
of  Bulls  and  Briefii  at  this  day  and  for  a  long 
period,  are  not  observed  in  very  early  documents. 
Thus,  for  instance,  in  the  Zt6tfr  Diumus  Eomor 
norwn  Pontificum,  a  work  probably  of  the  8th 
century  (printed  in  Migne's  Patrohgiae  Ouraua 
CompietuSf  vol.  cv.)  forms  of  commencements  of 
Papal  letters  are  given,  in  which  the  name  of 
the  Pope  follows  instead  of  preceding  that  of  the 
great  person  to  whom  the  letter  is  addressed. 

Thus  to  a  Patrician  the  letter  begins  "Do- 
mino exoellentissimo,  atque  praecellentissimo  filio 
[name]  patricio,  [name  of  Pope]  Episcopus  servus 
servorum  Dei."  And  to  the  archbishop  of  Ra- 
venna— "  Reverendissimo  et  Sanctissimo  fratri 
[name  of  archbishop]  Coepiscopo,  [name  of  Pope] 
seiTus  servorum  Dei."  And  even  to  a  Pres- 
byter we  have  —  ^' Dilectissimo  filio  [name  of 
presbyter],  [name  of  Pope]  servus  servorum  Dei." 
In  a  Dissertation  annexed  to  the  edition  of  the 
Liber  Diumus  of  1860,  the  Jesuit  Gesner  states 
that  the  custom  of  putting  the  Pope's  name  first 
does  not  seem  to  have  come  in  until  about  the 
9th  century.  It  will  thus  probably  be  nearly 
contemporaneous  with  the  appearance  of  the 
Forged  Decretals,  and  will  appropriately  mark 
the  era  when  the  Popes  first  put  forward  regal 
and  ultra-regal  pretensions. 

Authorities, —  Ferraiis,  Bihliothsca  Canonica 
vol.  i.  edit.  1844,  sub  vocibus  *< Breve,  Bulla;" 
Ayliffe's  Parerqon  Juris  canonici,  tit.  **  of  Bulls 
Papal;"  h\im*fi Eodes. Law,  tit.  "Bull;"  Twiss 
On  the  Letters  Apostoltc  of  Pope  Pius  IX,  Lon- 
don, 1851,  p.  2.  [B.  S.] 

BBITAIN,  COUNCILS  IN.  [Brttannicdm 
Concilium.] 

BRITANNICUM  CONCILIUM;  •.«. Coun- 
cils of  the  Welsh  Church.  See  Caerleonense  ; 
Llanoewi-Bbefi  ;  Lucus  Yictobiae;  Augus- 
tine's Oak;  Verulahium. 

2.  Breton  Councils  [Brittany]. 

The  Councils  called  "  Britannica,"  in  Cave, 
Wilkins,  Labbe,  &c.,  are  either  those  above  named 
(mostly  misdated  and  incorrectly  described),  or 
are  pure  fables ;  while  Cave  has  chosen  to  add 
to  them  the  Northumbrian  Synod  of  Onestre- 
feld  of  A.D.  702,  which  see  under  its  proper 
title.  [A.  W.  H.] 

BROTHERHOOD.  The  origin  of  brother- 
hoods or  fraternities  in  the  Christian  Church  and 
world,  whether  clerical,  lay,  or  mixed,  is  iar  from 
being  satisfactorily  ascei*tained.  The  history  of 
monastic  fraternities  will  be  found  under  their 
appropriate  headings,  though  we  may  here  re- 
mark that  the  formation  of  such  miternities 
was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  very  impulse 
which  produced  monachism  itself,  and  sent  the 
fiovax^^t  or  solitary,  as  a  "hermit"  into  the 
wilderness  {Kprti/iov).     Yet  such  fraternities  were 


BROTHERHOOD 

practically  in  existence  in  the  £g]rptian  2asfw, 
when  Serapion  could  rule  over  a  thousand  monks ; 
they  received  their  first  written  constitntioi 
from  St.  Basil  (326-379),  and  both  Basil  and 
Jerome  (who  had  himself  been  a  hermit)  hsTing 
dedared  their  disapproval  of  solitary  monachisni, 
the  social  or  fraternal  type  must  be  considered  to 
have  become  fully  impressed  on  the  monsstic 
system  during  the  course  of  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries. 

Dr.  Brentano,  in  his  work  On  the  History  md 
Development  af  Qilds  (London,  Triibner,  1870), 
expresses  indeed  the  opinion  "  that  the  religioni 
brotherhoods  of  the  middle  ages,  and  as  they 
still  exist  in  Catholic  countries,  have  their  ongin 
in  a  connexion  with  monasticism,  and  in  so 
imitation  of  it  .  .  .  and  that  this  origin  is  to 
be  sought  in  Southern  lands,  in  which  Chris- 
tianity and  monasticism  were  first  propagated" 
(p.  9).  If  this  be  so,  it  must  be  admitt^  that 
the  imitation  was  almost  coeval  with  its  model, 
for  he  himself  ascribes  to  the  3rd  century—  the 
age  of  the  Egyptian  hermits  —  the  "Christisa 
brotherhood  for  nursing  the  sick  "  of  the  Para- 
bolani, — ^which  Muratori  was  the  first  to  point 
out  as  a  sort  of  religious  fraternity,  in  oppo- 
sition to  various  writers  quoted  by  him  (in  the 
75th  Dissertation  of  his  Antiquitates  MetUi 
Aevi,  vol.  vi.),  who  had  held  that  such  frater- 
nities date  only  from  the  9th  or  even  the  13th 
centuries.  [Parasolani.]  Muratori  also  sug- 
gests that  the  lecticarii  or  decaniy  who  are 
mentioned  in  the  Code  (1  tit.  2,  s.  4),  and  m 
Justinian's  43rd  and  59th  Novels,  by  the  latter 
as  fulfilling  certain  functions  at  funerals,  most 
have  been  a  kind  of  religious  fraternity.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  old  sodcUitas,  or  its  equiva- 
lent the  Greek  ^parpla  (henceforth  Latinized  as 
"phratria"  or  "  fratria '*)»  appears  to  have  be- 
come more  and  more  discredited,  since  the  18th 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451) 
requires  the  cutting  off  of  all  clerics  or  monks 
forming  "  conjurationes  vel  sodalitates  "  (Isidore 
Mercator  translates  "phratrias  vel  factiones"); 
for  if  **  the  crime  of  conspiracy  or  of  sodalUas  u 
wholly  forbidden  even  by  external  laws,  moch 
more  should  it  be  so  in  God's  Church."  A 
decree  of  the  Vandal  king  Gnndemar  (to  be 
found  in  the  10th  vol.  of  Labbe  and  Maasi's 
Councils,  p.  510),  about  A.D.  610,  directed  to 
the  priests  of  the  city  of  Carthage,  speaks  in 
like  manner  offratrias  et  conjurationes  against  the 
Metropolitan  Church.  So  again  the  6th  Oeca- 
menical  Council,  that  of  Constantinople  m  Trti/fo, 
A.D.  680-1,  has  a  canon  (34)  against  clerics  or 
monks  avyofiy^fityoi  ^  ^>p€n-pid(oyrfs  (translated 
in  the  Latin  conjurantes  vel  sodalitates  inewtet), 
who  are  to  lose  their  rank ;  and  other  similsr 
enactments  could  be  adduced. 

In  the  8th  century  we  find  a  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  Church  to  confine  the  idea  of  frater- 
nity to  clerical  and  monastic  use.  We  may  take 
as  an  instance  of  this  in  our  own  country  the 
'Dialogue  by  question  and  answer  on  Ghnrch 
government  *  of  Archbishop  Egbert  of  York  (mid- 
dle of  the  century),  in  which  the  terms /Vafer 
and  soror  will  be  found  applied  both  to  clerioi 
and  monks  or  nuns,  but  never  apparently  to  Isf* 
men.  But  there  is  at  the  same  time  gronnd  h 
surmising  that  the  term  "  fraternity,'^  wbidJ  ia 
the  12th  and  13th  centuries  is  used  ordinarily  » 
a  synonym  for  "gild,"  was  already  current  is 


BBOTHEBHOOD 


BUBIAL  OF  THE  DEAD       251 


tk  8tb  or  9Ui  to  dcdgnate  these  bodies,  the 
orpiiataon  of  which  Dr.  Brentano  holds  to  have 
beoi  oompleie  amoi^  the  Ai^lo-Saxoiis  in  the 
Sdi  oeatvjy  (Bre&tano  on  Gilds,  pp.  11-12),  and 
the  balk  of  which  were  of  la]f  constitution,  though 
rnHMXij  of  a  more  or  less  religious  character. 
The  ooBiiPTioii  between  the  two  words  is  esta* 
Uifbed  in  a  somewhat  singular  manner.  A 
Cboadl  of  Nantes  of  verj  uncertain  date,  which 
hss  been  i^aoed  hj  some  as  early  as  658,  by 
others  as  late  as  800,  has  a  canon  (9)  which  is 
Rpeated  almost  in  the  same  terms  in  a  capitulary 
af  Ardibiahop  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  of  the  year 
8&3  er  858  (c  16).  But  where  the  canon  speaks 
of  **  thoae  gatherings  or  confraternities  which  are 
tcnaed  eonsorOa  (de  oollectis  Tel  confratriis  quas 
eeamrtia  Tocaat),''  the  archbishop  has  *'de 
eoUectis  quas  geldoniaa  vel  confrxitrias  Yulgo 
foemt," — **g^herings  which  are  commonly 
called  gilds  or  oonfiratomities."  Whilst  the  fidth- 
fai  are  authorised  to  unite  ''in  oblations,  in 
l^kts,  in  mntual  prayers,  in  the  burial  of  the 
doid,  in  alms  and  other  oflSces  of  piety,"  those 
fatfts  and  banquets  are  forbidden,  where  *'  undue 
ciaetioBs,  shameful  and  vain  merriment  and 
qsairels,  oftoi  even  hatred  and  dissensions  are 
WQBt  to  arise;*'  the  penalty  assigned  being  for 
ckrica  deprivation,  for  laymen  or  women  exclu- 
from  communion  till  they  have  given  due 


But  the  term  **  gild  "  itself  was  already  in 
Me  to  designate  fratermties  for  mutual  help  be- 
kn  the  days  of  Hincmar.  We  meet  with  it  in 
a  capitulaiy  of  Charlemagne's  of  the  year  779, 
tnatod  by  Csnciani  and  Muratori  as  enacted  for 
LosrfMrdy,  but  by  Pertz  on  the  contrary  (in  his 
Mmwmtmtii  Otrmaniae  ffisUfrioa)  as  enacted  for 
Fmee,  which  bears  **  As  touching  the  oaths  mu- 
tally  sworn  by  a  gild  (per  gildoniam,  Cane ; 
pMooia,  Ports),  that  no  one  presume  to  do  so. 
■s  touching  their  maintenance  *  (ali- 
.,  or  ''alms,''  elemosynis,  Pertz),'  or  fire, 
or  shipwreck,  though  they  may  make  covenant 
(quanvis  convenientias  feciant)  let  none  presume 
u  swear  thereto  "  (see  also  bk.  v.  of  the  general 
eoUcetion,  c  200,  *'  de  sacramentis  pro  gildoma 
( giUoaii  )  invicem  conjnrantibus  " ;  and  the 
4th  <*  Addition,"  c.  134,  *'  ne  aliquis  pro  gildomii 
ssoaaMBtum  fiuere  andeat.")  It  is  thus  clear 
that  the  gilds  of  the  latter  half  of  the  8th  cen- 
taiy  existed  for  purposes  exactly  the  same  as 
those  which  they  fulfilled  several  oentnries  later. 
So  hr  iodeed  as  they  were  usually  sanctioned  by 
oath,  they  were  ob^asly  forbidden  by  the  capi- 
toUry  above  quoted,  as  well  as  by  several  others 
gainst  **  conjurations "  and  conspiracies  which 
Or.  BrcQtano  refers  to  from  Pertz,  the  last  (the 
TUoBTille  Capitulary  of  805)  of  a  peculiarly 
ftiocioiis  character. 

It  may  be  suspected  that  the  subject  of  reli- 
peas  or  quasi-religious  brotherhoods  or  fratemi- 
tiei  m  the  early  Church  (apart  from  monastic 
oats)  has  been  but  imperfectly  investigated  as 
Jtt  It  may  at  least  be  said  that  specific  bodies 
ai«  finmd  apparently  answering  to  the  character, 
attacfaod  to  particular  churches,  during  the  3rd, 
4th,  5th,  and  6th  centuries.  In  the  West,  how- 
ever, we  seem  first  to  discern  them  under  the 
Teatonic  shape  of  the  gild,  which  in  its  freer 
Cribs  was  palpably  the  object  of  great  jealousy 
b>  the  pofitical  and  spiritual  despots  of  the  Cai- 
era.  [J.  M.  L] 


BUCOLUS,  Bishop  of  Smyrna,  consecrated 
by  St.  John ;  commemorated  as  **  Holy  Father," 
Feb.  6  (Co/.  Byzant,)  [C] 

BULLS.    [Bbiefb  ajxd  Bulls.] 

BUBDIGALENBE  CONCILIUM.  [Boa- 
DEAUZ,  Council  of.] 

BUBFOBD,  COUNCIL  OP  (Berghpord- 
EN8E  ConciuumX  provincial,  ^juzta  vadum 
Berghford,"  at  Burford  in  Oxfordshire,  a.d.  685, 
witnesses  a  grant  by  King  Berhtwald,  an  under- 
king  of  Ethelred  of  Mercia,  to  Aidhelm  and  the 
abb«y  of  Malmesbury  (charter  in  WUl.  Maim, 
G,  A  A.  F.,  and  Kemble,  Cod,  Dipl,  26;  the 
latter  correcting  the  impossible  date  DCXXXV 
into  DCLXXXV,  and  thus  removing  the  main 
objection  to  the  genuineness  of  the  document* 
which  however  he  still  marks  as  spurious; 
Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Cownc,  iiL  169).  [A.  W.  H.] 

BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD.  Among  the  many 
points  of  contrast  between  the  Christian  Church 
and  the  systems  which  it  supplanted,  the  treat- 
ment of  the  departed  furnish^  one  of  the  most 
conspicuous.  Side  by  side  with  their  unexampled 
hospitality  and  their  austere  purity  of  life,  Julian 
enumerates  their  care  for  the  burial  of  the  dead 
as  one  of  the  means  by  which  the  Christians 
against  whom  he  strove,  had  succeeded  in  con- 
verting the  Empire  (JEpist,  ad  Arsac.  xlix.,  0pp. 
ed.  Spanheim).  That  which  was  characteristic 
of  the  new  faith  was  not  only  its  belief  in  the 
resurrection  of  the  body,  but  its  reverence  for 
that  body  as  sharing  in  the  redemption,  and  this 
showed  itself  in  almost  every  incident  connected 
with  the  funeral  rites. 

1.  Mode  of  Burial,  In  Egypt  and  .in  Palestine 
the  Christian  Church  inherited  the  practice  of 
embalming.  It  had  prevailed  from  the  earliest 
period  of  which  we  have  any  record.  It  had 
originated  in  a  belief  which  Christians  recognised 
as  analogous  to  their  own  (August.  Serm,  ds  Div, 
cxx.  12).  So  the  patriarchs  and  kings  of  the  Old 
Testament  had  been  interred,  so  had  been  their 
Lord  himself  It  was  natural  that  those  who 
found  the  practice  in  existence  should  not  discard 
it,  even  though  they  no  longer  looked  on  it  as 
essentiaL  The  language  of  Tertullian  implies 
that  it  was  in  general  use  in  Western  Africa 
{Apol,  c  42);  that  of  Augustine  (/.  c.)  shows 
that  it  was  adopted  in  Egypt.  In  Greece,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  dead  had  been  consigned  to  the 
funeral  pyre,  and  the  ashes  collected  in  an  urn 
of  bronze  or  clay,  from  the  heroic  age  downward. 
Rome,  which  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  Republic 
had  interred  its  dead,  had  adopted  the  Greek 
usage  in  the  time  of  Sulla  (the  dictator  is  said 
to  have  been  the  first  Roman  whose  body  was 
so  disposed  of)  and  had  transmitted  it  to  the 
Empire  (Plin.  Hist,  Nat.  vii.  54 ;  Cic.  de  Zegg. 
ii.  25).  Against  this  usage  Christian  feeling 
naturally  revolted.  Even  while  contending  that 
no  variation  in  the  mode  of  burial  could  affect 
the  resurrection  of  the  body,  Christian  writers 
protested  against  cremation  as  wanting  in  re- 
verencing, and  suggesting  a  denial  of  the  truth 
which  they  held  so  precious.  We,  they  said, 
'Weterem  et  meliorem  consuetudinem  humandi 
frequentamus"  (Minuc.  Felix,  Octav,  c.  39; 
August,  de  Civ,  Deiy  i.  12,  13).  And  accord- 
ingly, when  their  persecutors  sought  to  inflict 
the  roost  cruel  outrage  on  their  feelings,  they 
added  to  the  tortures  by  which  they  inflicted 


252   BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD 


BUEIAL  OF  THE  DEAD 


death,  that  of  burning  the  bodies  of  the  dead. 
In  this  way,  they  thought,  they  should  rob  the 
Christians  of  that  resuiTection  which  they  hoped 
for,  or  at  least  trample  on  that  which  they  held 
sacred  (Euseb.  H,  E.  v.  1,  ad  fin,).  As  a  rule, 
accordingly,  it  may  be  held,  that  interment,  with 
or  without  embalming,  according  to  local  custom 
or  the  rank  of  the  deceased,  obtained  from  the 
first  in  all  Christian  Churches. 

2.  Place  of  Burial.  At  first,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  Christians 
to  transgress  the  laws  of  the  Empire  which  for- 
liade  interment  within  the  walls  of  cities  (Cic.  de 
Legg.  ii.  58).  The  Jewish  custom  had  in  this 
respect  agreed  with  that  which  prevaUed 
throughout  the  heathen  world,  strengthened  by 
the  feeling  that  contact  with  the  graves  where 
the  dead  reposed  brought  with  it  a  ceremonial 
defilement.  The  tomb  of  Christ,  e.g,,  was  in  a 
garden  nigh  unto  the  city,  but  outside  the  gates 
(Matt,  xxvii.  60),  and  the  same  holds  good  of 
the  burial  at  Nain  (Luke  vii.  12),  And  of  that  of 
Lazarus  (John  xi.  30).  The  demoniac  of  Gadara 
had  **  his  dwelling  in  the  tombs,"  because  they 
were  remote  from  human  habitations  (Mark  v. 
5).  Commonly,  as  on  the  Appian  way,  and  the 
road  from  Athens  to  the  Piraeus,  the  strip  of 
ground  on  each  side  of  the  most  frequented 
highway,  beginning  at  the  city  gate,  became 
the  burial-place  of  citizens.  Slaves  and  foreign- 
ers were  laid  in  some  less  honourable  position. 
The  Jews  at  Rome  and  in  other  cities  had  burial- 
places  of  their  own. 

The  wish  to  avoid  contact  with  idolatrous 
rites,  and  to  escape  interruption  and  insult  in 
their  own  .funeral  ceremonies,  would  naturally 
lead  Christians  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
Jews,  and  to  secure,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  place 
where  they  could  bury  their  dead  in  peace.  The 
earliest  trace  of  this  feeling  is  found  in  an 
inscription,  which  recoi*ds  the  purchase  by 
Faustus,  a  slave  of  Antonia,  the  wife  of  Drusus, 
from  Jucundus,  a  Christian,  of  the  "jus  oUa- 
rum,"  the  right,  i.e.  of  burying  the  remains  of 
the  dead  in  a  columbarium.  The  Christian,  t.  e. 
will  no  longer  burn  the  bodies  of  those  for 
whom  he  cares,  nor  have  his  own  body  to  be 
burnt,  but  sells  his  interest  in  the  pagan  sepul- 
chre, and  provides  another  for  himself  (Muratori 
HDCLXViii.  6).  So  in  like  manner  Cyprian 
{Ep.  68)  makes  it  a  special  charge  against  Mar- 
tialis,  bishop  of  Astura,  that  he  had  allowed  his 
sons  to  be  *^apud  profana  sepulcra  depositos." 
During  the  long  periods  in  which  they  were 
exempt  from  persecution,  they  were  allowed  in 
many  cities  to  possess  their  burial-grounds  in 
l>eace.  At  Carthage,  e.g.,  they  had  their  areae, 
and  it  was  only  in  a  time  of  popular  fury  that 
their  right  to  them  was  disputed  (TertulL  ad 
Scap,  c.  3).  At  Alexandria  they  had  what  they 
had  been  the  first  to  call  Koifiririipia,  and  it  was 
not  till  the  persecution  under  Valerian  and  Gal- 
Henus  that  they  were  forbidden  to  have  access 
to  them  (Euseb.  B.  E.  vii.  11).  [Cemetery.] 
Soon  aftei-wards,  however,  they  must  have  been 
restored,  as  we  find  Diocletian  and  Maximian 
again  closing  them.  Special  edicts  of  this  nature 
are,  of  coarse,  exceptions  that  ptx>ve  the  rule. 
Whei-e,  as  at  Rome,  Naples,  and  Milan,  the  na- 
ture of  the  soil  lent  itself  readily  to  subterrane- 
ous interment,  this  was  caught  at  as  giving,  at 
wioe  the  privacy  and  security  which  the  Chris- 


tians needed.  As  Christianity  spread,  it  wsb  not 
difficult,  by  payment  or  by  fiivonr — often,  perhaps, 
through  a  secret  sympathy — to  obtain  from  the 
owners  of  the  land  which  was  thus  excavated  a 
prescriptive  right  to  its  use ;  and,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  sanctity  of  the  catacombs  never  seems 
to  have  been  violated.  [Cataoombs.]  Whatever 
other  pui*pose8  they  might  serve,  as  meeting- 
places  or  refuges,  this  was,  beyond  qaestion, 
their  primary  and  most  lasting  use. 

During  persecution,  especially  in  locslitici 
where  there  was  not  the  facility  for  conoeslment 
presented  by  the  catacombs,  the  Christians  had, 
of  course,  to  bury 'their  dead  as  they  couUL 
When  the  conversion  of  Constantino  restored  free 
liberty  of  choice,  the  places  w^hich  had  been 
made  sacred  by  the  bodies  of  saints  and  martyn 
were  naturally  sought  after.  The  tomb  becune 
the  nucleus  of  a  basilica.  The  devout  Christian 
wished  to  be  helped  by  the  pi*esence  and  protec- 
tion of  the  martyr  (August,  de  Cura  ger.prt 
Mort,  c  1  and  7).  The  phrases  FOnTOS  ad 
SANcros,  AD  MABTTRES,  are  found  frequently  on 
monumental  inscriptions  in  Italy  and  Gaol  (Li 
Blant,  InacriptioM  Chr^iennea,  L  83).  Gra- 
dually, through  the  influence  of  this  feeUng,  the 
old  Roman  practice  of  extramural  interment 
fell  into  disuse.  Burial  within  the  basilica  wss 
reserved  for  persons  of  the  highest  rank.  Con- 
stantine  was  the  first  to  set  the  example,  and 
was  followed  by  Theodosius  and  Honorius  (Chry- 
sost.  Horn,  26  in  2  Cor.y,  The  distinction  wss 
eagerly  sought  after,  and  the  desire  to  obtsin 
it  had  to  be  placed  under  restrictions  both  by 
Imperial  laws,  as  by  those  of  Valentinisn  and 
Gratian,  and  by  the  canons  of  councils  (Cone. 
Bracar.  A.D.  563,  c.  18).  During  the  transitiaB 
period  many  cities  seem  to  have  adhered  to  the 
old  plan,  and  to  have  refused  their  sanctioo  to 
any  intramural  interment  {iUd.),  Where  that 
sanction  was  given,  the  precincts  of  the  chnidi, 
sometimes  its  atrium  or  conrtvard,  where  it  wai 
consti-ucted  after  the  type  of  a  basilica,  became 
the  favourite  spot.  In  the  9th  century  Gregory 
of  Tours  supplies  the  first  instance  of  a  fonnsl 
consecration  of  a  churchyard  for  such  a  purpose 
(^De  Glor,  Confess,  c  6).  A  special  probibitioo 
against  the  use  of  the  baptistery  for  interments 
is  found  in  Gaul  about  the  same  period  (Cone. 
Antissiod.  c  14). 

Funeral  Rit£&  The  details  of  Christisn 
burial  present,  as  might  be  expected,  points  both 
of  resemblance  and  contrast  to  heathen  practices. 
Wherever  the  usage  was  the  expression  of  na- 
tural reverence  or  love,  there  it  was  adopted. 
Where  it  was  connected  with  any  pagan  soper* 
stition  it  was  carefully  avoided. 

(1.)  Starting  from  the  moment  of  death,  the 
first  act  of  the  by-standers,  of  the  nearest  of  kin 
who  might  be  present,  was  to  close  the  eyes  and 
mouth  of  the  corpse  (Euseb.  If.  E,  vii.  22). 
Among  the  Romans  this  had  been  followed  br 
reopening  the  eyes  when  the  body  was  placed 
upon  the  pyre  (Plin.  JVa*.  Hist,  xi.  37),  probably 
as  symbolizing  the  thought  that  though  tbej 
had  ceased  to  look  upon  the  world  which  the? 
were  leaving,  they  were  yet  on  the  point  ot 
passing  to  another  state  of  being  where  thej 
would  see  and  be  seen  again.  Of  this  latter 
custom  we  have  no  trace  in  Christian  historj. 
Then  followed  the  washing,  the  anointing,  some- 
times the  embalming.     In   the  society  arooiid 


BURIAL  OF  THE  DEAD 

Hen  tlus  liad  been  left  to  the  pollindoreSj  who 
mtde  it  their  basioeea.  With  Christians  it  was 
a  vark  of  lore,  done  for  friends  and  kindred,  or 
ffTca  for  strangers  and  the  poor  (Enseb.  J£.  E. 
Tii.22). 

(*i.)  In  Pdestine  and  throughout  the  East 
gnenllj  interment  followed  upon  death  after 
■B  iaterral  of  a  few  hours,  during  which  the 
kind  monmers  made  their  lamentations  (Matt, 
ii.  23;  3  Chron.  ttty.  25;  Jerem.  xxii.  18). 
Tkis  was  doe  in  part,  of  course,  to  the  rapidity 
vith  which  decomposition  seta  in  under  such  a 
dimate,  but  still  more  to  the  feeling  common  to 
both  Jew  and  heathen,  that  the  presence  of  the 
dead  body  brought  defilement  to  the  house  and 
its  inmateSk  Here  also  Christian  thought  shewed 
itelf  in  contrast,  and  the  interral  between  death 
sad  borial  was  gradually  prolonged  to  three  or 
feor  dayiL  The  body  was  swathed  in  white 
liaen,  sometimea  with  the  insignia  of  office,  or 
with  enaments  of  gold  and  gems,  placed  in  the 
csffia  or  sarcophagus,  and  laid  out,  sometimes  in 
tke  chamber  of  d«ath,  sometimes  in  the  church, 
tkat  friends  might  come  and  weep  and  take  their 
hrt  kwk  (Eoseb.  YiL  Const,  iv.  66,  67 ;  Ambros. 
OnL  m  tbU.  TAeodos. ;  August.  Conff,  iz.  12). 
Tiph  were  held  over  it,  accompanied  by  prayers 
aad  hymna.  Hired  mourners,  like  those  of  the 
East  or  the  praeiieae  of  the  Romans,  were  not 
allowed. 

(3b)  The  feeling  that  a  funeral  was  a  thing  of  evil 
sBca  for  the  eye  to  fall  on  led  the  Romans  to  choose 
aigkt  as  the  time  for  interment.*  The  Christian 
Cbirch,  on  the  contrary,  as  soon  as  it  was  able 
to  derelop  itself  freely,  and  was  free  from  the 
mk  of  outrage,  chose  the  day,  and  gave  to  the 
foaeral  procession  somewhat  of  the  character  of 
a  trivm^  The  cofBn  was  borne  on  the  shoulders 
•f  the  neatest  friends  and  kinsmen.  Where,  as 
ia  the  case  o{  Paula  (Hieron.  Ep.  27  ad  Eustoch.)^ 
hoDoar  was  to  be  shewn  to  some  conspicuous 
keacfoctor  of  the  Church,  it  was  carried  by  the 
buhops  and  the  clergy.  The  leading  clergy  of 
a  diocese  took  their  place  as  bearers  at  the  funeral 
of  a  bishop,  as,  e.  g,  in  that  of  St.  Basil  (Greg. 
Kaz.  Oroi.  XX.  p.  871).  They  and  the  others 
who  took  part  in  the  ceremonial  carried  in  their 
kaads  brandies,  not  of  the  funereal  cypress,  as 
saong  Greeks  and  Romans,  but  of  palm  and  olive, 
as  those  who  celebrate  a  victory.  I^eaves  of  the 
crerfreen  laurel  and  ivy  were  placed  in  the  coffin 
ia  token  of  the  hope  of  immortality  (Durand. 
RaL  dit,  of,  TiL  35).  Others,  again,  in  like  token 
of  Christian  joy,  carried  lighted  lamps  or  torches 
(ChiTiost  ifom.  IV.  m  /fe6r. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Vit 
JfaoTM.  iL  p.  201)l  The  practice  of  crowning 
the  head  with  a  wreath  of  flowers  was  rejected,'^ 
partly  as  tainted  with  idolatry,  partly  as  asso- 
ciated with  riotous  rerels  or  shameless  effeminacy 
(Oem.  Alex.  Patdag.  ii.  8;  Tertull.  de  Cor.  MUiU 
e.  lOX  bot  flowers  were  scattered  freely  over  the 
body.  Others,  again,  carried  thuribles,  and  fra- 
gnnt  clouds  of  incense  rose  as  in  a  Roman 

•  JiBoi,  in  Us  edict  agidnst  the  practice  of  funeral 
IsiiiMlWB.  flrfasttmH  by  tiicMe  which  had  been  heU  at 
Aattoch  in  boooor  of  the  martyr  Babylaa*  fiedls  bock 
apoe  the  old  soperatitkm:  *  Qui  entan  diet  est  bene  aus- 
fmxm  a  fancfe?  Ant  quomodo  ad  Deos  et  templa 
«aMar.''-Ctod  Tfteod.  Iz.  tit  IT*  L  & 

^  The  denial  of  what  had  come  to  be  a  reoognised 
■ilk  of  bonoor  was  turned  in  the  earlier  ages  of  the 
Charchintoagnrand  of  attack.  **OoTona8eiiam8epulchris 


BURIAL  OP  THE  DEAD       253 

triumph  (Baron.  Annal.  A.D.  310,  n.  10;  Chrysost. 
jSbm.  cxvi.  1.  6).  Nor  did  they  march  in  silence, 
but  chanted  as  they  went  hymns  of  hope  and 
joy.  '*  Right  dear  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  is  the 
death  of  His  saints;''  '*Tnm  again  unto  thy 
rest,  0  my  soal,  for  the  Lord  hath  rewarded 
thee ;"  '*  The  souls  of  the  righteous  ate  in  the 
hand  of  God " — were  among  the  favourite  an- 
thems {Ccnttt.  Apoat.  vi.  30;  Chrysost.  Horn. 
80,  de  Dorm.^  Bells  were  not  tolled  till  the 
eighth  or  ninth  century,  nor  can  the  practice  of 
carrying  the  cross  in  the  procession  be  traced 
beyond  the  sixth  (Greg.  Turon.  Vit.  Patr.  c.  14). 
When  they  reached  the  grave,  hymns  and  prayers 
were  renewed,  and  were  followed  by  an  address 
from  the  bishop  or  priest.* 

(4.)  Either  in  the  church  or  at  the  grave  it 
was  customary,  as  early  as  the  fourth  century, 
to  have  a  celebration  of  the  eucharist  in  token 
of  the  communion  that  still  existed  between  the 
living  and  the  dead.  (123  C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  29). 
With  this  were  united  special  prayers  for  the  soul 
of  the  departed.  The  priest  first,  and  afterwards 
the  other  friends,  gave  the  corpse  the  last  kiss  of 
peace  (Dionys.  Areop.  ffierarch.  Eocles.  c.  7).  For 
some  centuries,  in  spite  of  repeated  prohibitions  by 
councils  of  the  Church,  the  practice  prevailed,  in 
Western  Africa,  in  Gaul,  in  the  East,  of  placing 
the  consecrated  bread  itself,  steeped  in  the  wine, 
within  the  lips  of  the  dead  (C.  Carth.  iii.  c.  6 ; 
vi.  c.  83 ;  C.  Antissiod.  c  12 ;  C.  Tmllan.  c.  133). 
Another  practice,  that  of  burying  the  Eucharistic 
bread  with  the  dead,  though  not  between  the 
lips,  had  a  higher  sanction.  St.  Basil  is  reported, 
on  one  occasion,  after  consecration,  to  have  divided 
the  Eucharist  into  three  parts,  and  to  have  re- 
served one  to  be  buried  with  him  (Amphilochius 
in  SpicUeg.  vii.  p.  81) ;  and  St.  Benedict,  in  like 
manner,  ordei*6d  it  to  be  laid  upon  the  breast  of 
a  young  monk,  as  he  was  placed  in  the  grave. 
(Greg.  Dialog,  ii.  24 ;  cf.  Martene  da  Ant, 
Eocles.  £it.  i.  162,  ed.  1.)  The  old  union  of  the 
Agape  and  the  Supper  of  the  Lord  left  traces 
of  itaelf  here  also,  and  the  Eucharist  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  meal,  ostensibly  of  brotherhood,  or 
as  an  act  of  bounty  to  the  poor,  but  often  passing 
into  riotous  excess  (August,  de  Mor.  Eccl.  c.  34). 

When  the  body  was  lowered  into  the  grave  it 
waa  with  the  face  turned  upwards,  and  with  the 
feet  towards  the  east,  in  token  of  the  sure  and 
certain  hope  of  the  coming  of  the  Sun  of 
Righteousness  and  the  resurrection  of  the  dead 
(Chrysost.  ffonu  cxvi.  t.  vi.).  Other  positions, 
such  as  sitting  or  standing,  were  exceptions  to 
the  general  rule  (Arringhi,  Eoma  subt.  c.  16, 
p.  33).  The  insignia  of  office,  if  the  deceased 
had  held  any  such  position  —  gold  and  silver 
ornaments,  in  the  case  of  private  persons — were 
often  flung  into  the  open  grave,  and  the  waste 
and  ostentation  to  which  this  led  had  to  be 
checked  by  an  imperial  edict  {Cod  l%eodo8.  xi. 
tit.  7, 1.  14),  which  does  not  appear,  however,  to 
have  been  very  rigidly  enforced.     The  practice 

denegatls  "  ia  the  language  of  the  heathen  Id  the  Odaviut 
of  Minodas  Felix ;  and  the  Christian  in  his  replj  ac- 
knowledges *'nec  mortoos  coronamus**  (o.  xiL  xxxviii.). 
Flowers  were  however  scattered  over  the  grave  (Pru- 
dent CfUkBmeriwm,  x.  17T.) 

«  The  funeral  oretlona  of  Eusebins  at  the  death  of  Oon- 
Btantine,  of  Ambrose  on  that  of  Theodoelns,  are  the  most 
memorable  instances ;  bat  we  have  alto  those  t  f  Grf^goiy 
of  Nasiansum  on  bis  father  brother,  and  siiter. 


?M        BURIAL  OF  THE  LORD 

retaintnl  in  our  English  sernce,  of  a  solemn 
prayer  while  the  first  handfuls  of  earth  are 
thrown  npon  the  coffin,  is  not  traceable  to  any 
early  period.  In  the  Greek  £uchologion  the 
earth  is  cast  in  by  the  bishop  or  priest  himself. 
When  the  grave  was  closed  the  service  ended 
with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Benediction. 

There  were,  however,  subseqaent  rites  con- 
nected more  or  less  normally  with  the  burial. 
On  the  third  day,  on  the  ninth,  and  on  the  for- 
tieth, the  friends  of  the  deceased  met  and  joined 
in  petlms  or  hymns  and  prayers  (^Constt.  Apoet, 
viii.  c.  42). 

The  feeling  that  death  in  the  case  of  those 
who  fell  asleep  in  Christ  was  a  cause  not  for 
^mentation  but  for  thanksgiving,  shewed  itself 
lastly  in  the  disuse  of  the  mourning  apparel 
which  was  common  among  the  Romans,  of  the 
ashes  and  rent  garments,  which  were  signs  of 
sorrow  with  the  Jews.  Instead  of  black  clothes, 
men  were  to  wear  the  dress  which  they  wore  at 
feasts.  The  common  practice  was  denounoid  as 
foreign  to  the  traditions  and  the  principles  of 
the  Christian  Church  (Cyprian,  de  Mortal,  p.  115 ; 
August.  Serm.  2,  de  Coruol,  Mort,),  Here,  how- 
ever, the  natural  feeling  was  too  strong  to  be 
thrust  out,  and  gradually  the  old  signs  of  a 
sorrow,  which  could  not  but  be  felt,  even  though 
it  were  blended  with  hope,  made  their  way  into 
use  again. 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  religious  care 
with  which  the  Church  regarded  every  work 
connected  with  the  burial  of  the  dead,  that  even 
those  whose  tasks  were  of  the  lowest  kind,  the 
grave-diggers  {Koridrai,  fossarii),  the  saiufai- 
pilarii,  and  others,  whose  functions  'Corresponded 
to  those  of  the  undertaker's  men  in  our  own 
time,  were  not  merely  a  class  doing  their  work 
as  a  trade,  but  were  reckened  as  servants  of  the 
Church,  and  as  such  took  their  place  as  the  lowest 
order  of  the  clergy. 

The  more  developed  and  formal  ritual  of  in- 
terment in  the  Eastern  Church  is  given  at  some 
length  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  the  Areopagite, 
and  contained,  as  its  chief  elements,  the  follow- 
ing : — (1)  The  body  was  brought  to  the  bishop 
or  priest  by  the  next  of  kin,  that  he  might  offer 
thanksgiving  as  for  one  who  had  fought  the 
good  fight,  and  the  relations  sang  triumphant 
and  rejoicing  hymns.  (2)  The  deacons  recited 
the  chief  Scriptural  promises  of  the  resurrection 
and  of  eternal  life,  and  sang  creeds  and  hymns  of 
like  tenor.  (3)  The  catechumens  were  then  dis- 
missed, and  the  archdeacon  spoke  to  the  faithful 
who  remained,  of  the  bliss  of  the  departed,  and 
exhorted  them  to  follow  their  example.  (4)  The 
priest  then  prayed  that  the  deceased  might  find 
a  resting-place  with  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob 
in  the  land  where  sorrow  and  sighing  should  flee 
away.  (5)  The  bishop,  followed  by  the  kindred 
or  friends,  then  gave  the  corpse  the  kiss  of  peace. 
(6)  When  this  was  over,  the  bishop  poured  oil 
upon  the  dead  body,  and  it  was  then  placed  in 
the  grave.  The  anointing  of  baptism  was  to 
prepare  the  athlete  for  his  conflict:  that  of 
burial  was  a  token  that  the  conflict  was  over, 
and  the  combatant  at  rest.  {JSccles.  ffierarch, 
vii.  p.  359.)  [E.  H.  P.] 

BURIAL  OF  THE  LORD.  Easter-Eve  in 
the  Armenian  Calendar  Is  called  the  Burial 
of  the  Lord  (Neale,  Eastern  Ch,  Introd,  p. 
798>  [C] 


BYZATIUM,  COUNCTL  OP 

BUTTA,  BUTTO  or  BUTRO.  (Several  kin 
dred  forms  are  given  by  Du  Cange,  s.  v.  Evtia.")  In 
some  MSS.  of  the  Liber  Fontificalie  we  read  that 
Leo  in.  (7^5-816) 
caused  to  be  made 
for  the  venerable 
monastery  of  St. 
Sabas,  '*  butronem 
[al.  buttonem]  ar- 
genteum  cum  canis- 
tro  suo  pensantem 
libr.  xii.**  Leo  IV. 
(847-855)  is  also  re- 
ported by  the  same 
authority  to  have 
placed  in  the  church 
of  St.  Peter,  "  bu- 
tronem  ex  argento 
purissimo,  qui  pen- 
det  in  presbyterio  ante  altare,  pensantem  libr. 
cxliz  ";  and  another,  also  of  pure  silver,  ^  cam  ga- 
batis  argenteis  pendentibus  in  catenulis  septem.** 

These  buttones  seem  to  have  been  suspended 
cups  used  for  lamps.  [Compare  Canktrum, 
Gabatha.]  The  illustrations  are  from  the  Bie- 
rolexicon;  the  first  represents  a  single  sns- 
pended  buttOj  from  an  ancient  reprenentation ; 
the  second,  a  corona  with  three  hanging  but' 
toneSf  from  an  ancient  painting  once  existing  in 
St.  Peter's  at  Rome. 


Hngie  BttUdk «  Iab^ 


The  form  bulriata  is  used,  apparently  in  the 
same  sense,  by  Alcuin,  Foem,  165.  (Du  Cange's 
Glossary ;  Maori  Hisrolexicoii^  a.  t.  Bvtto.) 

Martene  (de  Ant.  Sccl.  Bit.  iu.  96)  describes 
AbtUa  as  used  for  fetching  and  preserving  the 
Chrism,  according  to  an  ancient  custom,  in  the 
church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours.  [C] 

BYBLINUS,  in  Caesarea ;  commemorated 
Nov.  5  (Mart,  Hieron.),  [C] 

BYZAOBNUM  CONCILIUM.  [Byia- 
TiuM,  Council  op.] 

BYZATIUM,  COUNCIL  OP  (Btzacbtcii 
Concilium),  provincial,  at  Bvzatium  in  Africa. 
(1)  A.D.  397,  to  confirm  the  canons  of  the 
Council  of  Hippo  of  A.D.  393  :  its  Synodicai 
Letter  is  in  the  Acts  of  the  Third  Council  of 


BTZATIITM,  OOUNCIT.  OB 

Cbrtlttfe  of  the  same  jeBT^  397  (Ifansi,  iii.  875). 
— (S)  A.i».  507,  a  nnxnerout  Council,  which  in- 
ibted  OB  filling  np  racani  bishoprics,  King  Thrasa- 
■ajHl  haring  forbidden  this  in  order  to  extinguish 
tlie  srthodoz  Chnrch  (Femnd.  Diac,  V,  FiUgent. 
iri;  Lsbh.  iv.  1378-1380).— <8)  A.D.  541,  sent 
a  deputation  to  the  emperor  Jnstinian,  who  in 
repjjr  confirms  all  the  canonical  pririleges  of  the 
Bctrqwljtan  of  Garthage  (DadannsX  and  of  the 
Africn  prhnatea  {Be9cripU  of  Jostinian  to  the 
Giendl  and  to  D^cianna,  in  Baron,  ad  cm,  541 ; 
Utte,  T.  380).— (4)  A.D.  602,  in  the  canse  of 
Gnnntias,  or  Clementins,  or  Clementinas, 
pffiMite  of  the  proTince,  held  at  the  Instigation 
ofGregory  the  Great  (J^Dtsft.  zii.  32),  who  ex- 
horts the  comprovincial  bishops  to  inqnire  into, 
tad  sdjndicate  upon,  certain  accusations  that 
VCR  corrent  against  their  metropolitan  (Labbe, 
r.  1612).— <5)  AJ},  646,  under  Stephen  the  me- 
trapolitan,  against  the  Monothelites  (Labbe,  t. 
1835,  ri.  133).  [A.  W.  HJ 


CALCULATORES 


255 


GABEBSU8SA,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Aitrican 
OxmciLL] 

CABILLONENSB  CONCILIUM.     [ChI- 

UOMUB-SAdHE.] 

CAECILIA,  Tirgin-martyr  at  Rome,  is  oom- 
neiiKnted  Not.  22  (Mart,  Rom,  Vet,  Bedae, 
Cusidi),  [C] 

GaScIUANUS,  martTr  at  Samgossa,  com- 
BMBorated  April  16  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] 

CAECILIUS,  with  others  *<  qui  Romae  ab 
apartolis  ordinati  sunt,"  is  commemorated  May  15 
{Jtxrt  Rem,  Vet,^  [C] 

CAE6AB  -  AUOUSTANUM         CONCI- 

UUIC.     [SARAiQCaBA.] 

CAEBABEA^  COUNCILS  OF.  (1)  In 
Palestine,  A.D.  196,  according  to  Cave  (ffist.  Lit, 
i-  97)  OB  the  Easter  controversy  that  had  arisen 
Wtveen  Pope  Victor  and  the  churches  of  Asia 
Kaor, — ^Naiciasns  of  Jerosalem,  Theophilns  of 
Gleam,  Cassius  of  Tyre,  and  Claras  of  Ptole- 
Buis  being  present,  as  we  learn  from  Ensebins 
{^-  25).  They  beg,  in  what  he  has  pieserred  of 
their  letter,  to  be  understood  as  keeping  Easter 
•Q  the  same  day  as  the  Church  of  Alexandria. 
Bet,  cnriously  enough,  several  yersions  of  the 
Acts  of  this  Council  hare  been  discovered  in  the 
Vest,  beginning  with  that  ascribed  to  Bede 
OHifut't  Patroi.  xc.  607;  oomp.  Mansi  i.  711- 
71^)  at  much  greater  length  :  the  only  question 
it,  are  they  in  keeping  with  the  above  letter  ? 

(S)  In  ralestine  (Mansi  ii.  1122),  summoned 
AJX  33L,  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  some 
c^sr)ces  brought  against  St.  Athanasius  by  his 
nmim,  but  not  held  till  334,  when  he  was  fur- 
ther aecuscd  of  having  kept  the  Council  ap- 
p«itcd  to  try  them,  waiting  thirty  months.  He 
kiew  too  well  to  what  party  the  bishop  of  the 
^•ceM,  and  father  of  ecclesiastical  hist<»ry, 
Wloagcd,  to  appear  even  then ;  and  on  his  non- 
>ppcsnaee,  proceedings  had  to  be  adjourned  to 
tbe  Cooadl  of  Tyre  tlM  year  following. 

(S)  In  Palestine,  iLD.  357  or  358  apparently, 
n]^r  Aeados  its  Metropolitan,  when  St.  Cyril 


of  Jerusalem  was  deposed  (Soz.  iv.  25).  So« 
crates  (ii.  40)  adds  that  he  appealed  from  Its 
sentence  to  a  higher  tribunal,  a  course  hitherto 
without  precedent  in  canonical  usage ;  and  that 
his  appeal  was  allowed  by  the  emperor. 

(4)  In  Pontus,  or  Neocaesarea,  A.D.  358,  ac- 
cording to  Pagi  (Mansi  iii.  291),  at  which  Ensta- 
thius,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  was  deposed;  and 
Melatius,  afterwards  bishop  of  Antioch,  set  in 
his  place. 

(6)  In  Cappadocla,  A.D.  370  or  371,  when 
St.  Basil  was  constituted  bishop  in  the  room  of 
Eusebius,  its  former  Metropolitan,  whom  he  had 
been  assisting  some  years,  though  he  had  been 
oixiained  deacon  by  St.  Meletius.  The  Libeliua 
Synodicus,  a  work  of  the  ninth  century  (Mansi 
i.  25,  note)  makes  St.  Basil  anathematise 
Dianius,  the  predecessor  of  his  own  prede- 
cessor at  this  synod;  but  St.  Basil  himself 
(Ep.  Ii.  al.  Ixxxvi.)  denies  ever  having  done  so. 
Further  on  in  his  epistles  (xcviii.  al.  cclix.) 
he  seems  to  speak  of  another  synod  about  to  be 
held  in  his  diocese,  to  settle  the  question  of 
jurisdiction  between  him  and  the  Metropolitan 
of  Tyana,  consequent  on  the  division  of  Cappa- 
docla by  the  civil  power  into  two  provinces. 
St.  Basil  stood  upon  his  ancient  rights:  but 
eventually  the  matter  was  compromised,  as  we 
learn  from  his  friend  St.  Gregory  {Orat,  xliii. 
§  59  al.  XX.),  by  the  erection  of  more  sees  in  each, 
the  carrying  out  of  which,  however  beneficial  to 
their  country,  proved  so  nearly  fatal  to  their 
friendship.  The  date  assigned  to  this  Council 
by  Mansi  (iii.  453)  is  A.D.  372.  [£.  S.  Ff.] 

CAESABIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Aries,  comme- 
morated Aug.  27  (Mart.  (Jsuardi). 

(8)  Deacon  and  martyr,  is  commemorated 
Nov.  1  (Mart.  Rom,  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi). 

(3)  Martyr  under  Decias,  is  commemorated 
Nov.  3  (Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CAINICHUS,  abbat  in  Scotland,  comme- 
morated Oct.  11  (Mart,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CAIUS.  (1)  Gaiud  of  Corinth  is  comme- 
morated Oct.  4  (Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Bologna,  Jan.  4  (Mart,  Usuardi). 
(8)  Palatinus,  martyr,  March  4  (ifart.  Usuardi), 

(4)  Martyr  at  Apamea  under  Antoninus  Verus, 
March  10  (Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Militana  in  Armenia,  April  19 
(Mart,  Rom,  Vet,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian. 
April  22  (Kal,  Bucher,,  Mart  Rom,  Vet.,  Bedae, 
Usuardi). 

(7)  Martyr  at  Nioomedia,  Oct.  21  (Mart,  Rom, 
Vet.,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Messina,  Nov.  20  (Mart.  Rom, 
Vet,,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CALCHUTHEN8E  CONCILIUM.  [Ceal- 

CHYTHE.] 

CALCUIiATOBES,  or  according  to  Pertz, 
CAUCULATORES,  casters  of  horoscopes.  This 
term  does  not  appear  to  figure  in  church  history 
till  the  time  of  C!harlemagne.  An  ecclesiastical 
capitulary  of  789,  dated  from  Aix-la-Chapelie, 
referring  to  the  precepts  of  the  Pentateuch 
against  witchcraft  and  sorcery,  enacts  that 
'*  there  shall  be  no  calculators,  nor  enchanters, 
nor  storm-raisers  (tempestarii),  or  obligatores  (/) ; 
and  wherever  they  are,  let  them  amend  or  be 
condemned'* — ^the  punishment  being  apparently 


256 


CALENDAB 


CALENDAR 


left  to  the  diBcretion  of  the  judge  (c  64).  The 
term  figares  again,  and  in  much  the  same  com- 
pany, in  a  similar  enactment  contained  in  certain 
'*  Capitala  Excerpta  "  of  the  year  802,  also  dated 
from  Aix-la-Chapelle  (c.  40>  [J.  M.  L.] 

CALENDAB  (KcUendarium,  Computus^  DU- 
tribUio  Offusiorvunper  circuiwn  tothu  annt,  /iriyou- 
ov  ioprcurrucSy,  iififpo\6yioy,  i^f/L§pl$i  later, 
KOKcyrdptoy.y  It  does  not  belong  to  this  article 
to  treat  of  the  calendar  except  in  its  ecclesiastical 
form  as  used  for  liturgical  purposes  during  the 
first  eight  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  The 
early  Christian  communities  continued  to  use 
the  mode  of  reckoning  and  naming  days  and 
years  which  existed  in  the  countries  in  which 
they  had  their  origin.  The  distinctive  church 
calendar  exists  for  the  purpose  of  denoting  the 
days,  either  of  a  given  year,  or  of  any  year, 
which  are  marked  for  religious  celebration. 

First  among  these  liturgical  requirements  is 
the  specification  of  the  Lord's  Day.  This  was 
fiuiilitated  by  a  contrivance  borrowed  from  the 
heathen  Roman  calendar.     [Sunda.t  Letter.] 

But  together  with  the  week  of  seven  days, 
of  which  the  first  day  or  Sunday  was  assigned  to 
the  celebration  of  the  Locd's  Resurrection,  there 
existed  from  the  earliest  times  a  yearly  com- 
memoration which,  eventually,  by  general  con- 
sent of  the  churdies,  at  first  divided  on  this 
point  (EikSTER),  was  assigned  to  the  Sunday 
next  after  the  day  on  which,  according  to  cer- 
tain calculations,  the  Jews  were,  or  should 
have  been,  celebrating  their  Passover,  that  is, 
the  day  of  the  full  moon  nearest  to  the  vernal 
equinox.  Hence  the  year  of  the  Christian 
calendar  is  partly  solar  of  the  Julian  form, 
partly  lunar.  All  the  Sundays  which  are  related 
to  Easter,  i.e,  all  from  our  Septuagesima  Sun- 
day to  the  last  Sunday  after  Trinity,  change 
their  places  year  by  year:  the  rest,  i,e.  from 
1  Advent  to  the  Sunday  before  Septuagesima 
shifting  only  to  a  place  one  day  later ;  in  leap- 
years,  two.  About  the  middle  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury, the  Nativity  of  Christ,  until  then  com- 
memorated, if  at  ail,  on  the  6th  January,  was 
fixed  to  the  25th  December  [Christmas].  And 
as  other  days,  commemorative  of  bishops,  mar- 
tyrs, and  apostles  came  to  be  celebrated,  these 
also  were  noted  in  the  fixed  calendar. 

The  calendar  existed  in  two  forms :  one,  in 
which  all  the  days  of  the  year  were  noted,  with 
specification  of  months  and  weeks:  the  other, 
a  list  of  the  holy  days,  with  or  without  specifi- 
cation of  the  month  date.  Of  the  full  calendar, 
what  seems  to  be  the  earliest  extant  specimen 
is  furnished  by  a  fragment  of  a  Gothic  calendar, 
composed,  probably,  in  Thrace  in  the  4th  cen- 
tury, edited  by  Mai,  Script,  vet,  nova  coUectio, 
V.  i.  66-68.  Comp.  de  Qabeleutz,  Ulphilas^  ii.  i, 
p.  xvii.  Krafil,  Kir^  Gesch.  der  germanixhen 
Vdlker,  i.  1, 371, 385-^87.  This  fragment  gives 
only  the  thirty-eight  days  from  23  October  to 
30  November.  It  assigns  the  festivals  of  seven 
saints,  two  of  the  New  Testament,  three  of  the 
Univei'sal  Church,  two  local,  munely  Gothic 
Not  less  ancient,  perhaps,  is  a  Roman  calendar, 
of  the  time  of  Constantius  II.,  forming  part  of  a 
collection  of  chronographical  pieces  written  by 
the  calligrapher,  Furius  Dionysius  l^ilocalus,  in 
the  year  354 ;  edited,  after  others,  by  Kollar, 
Analect.  Vindobon,  i.  961,  sqq.  This,  while  re- 
tammg  the  astronomical  and  astrological  notes 


of  the  old  Roman  calendars,  with  some  of  tk 
heathen  festivals,  is  so  far  Christian  that,  side 
by  side  with  the  old  nundinal  letters  A — H,  it 
gives  also  the  dominical  letters,  A — 6,  of  the 
ecclesiastical  year;  but  it  does  not  specify  any 
of  the  Christian  holy  days.  (Comp.  Ideler,  Bdk, 
2,  140.)  Next  in  point  of  antiquity  is  the 
calendar  composed  by  Polemeus  Silvius,  in  the 
year  448,  edited  by  the  BoUandists,  Ada  Smc- 
torum  Januar.  vii.  176  fif.  This  is  a  full  Roman 
calendar  adapted  to  Christian  use,  not  only  as 
that  of  A.D.  354,  just  noticed,  by  specification  of 
the  Lord's  Days,  but  with  some  few  holy  dap 
added,  namely,  four  in  connexion  with  Christ, 
and  six  for  commemoration  of  martyrs. 

Of  the  short  calendar,  the  most  ancient  speci- 
men is  that  which  was  first  edited  by  Bucherios, 
de  Dodrina  Temponan,  c.  xv.  266  sqq.  (Antwerp, 
1634)— «  work  of  Roman  origin  dating  from 
about  the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  as  appears 
from  the  contents,  as  also  from  the  fiict  that  it 
is  included  in  the  collection  of  Filocalus,  thence 
edited  by  Kollar,  u.  s. ;  also  with  a  learned  com- 
mentary by  Lambecius,  CataL  Codd.  MS8.  w 
BibliotK  Caesar.  VindoUm,  iv.  277  ff.,  and  by 
Graevius  77^8.  viii.  It  consists  of  two  por- 
tions, of  which  the  first  is  a  list  of  twelve 
popes  from  Lucius  to  Julius  (predecessor  of 
Liberius),  A.D.  253-352;  not  complete,  how- 
ever, for  Sixtus  (Xystus)  has  his  place  among 
the  martyrs,  and  Marcel  1  us  is  omitted.  The 
other  part  gives  names  and  days  of  twenty-two 
martyrs,  all  Roman,  including  besides  Xystvs, 
those  of  earlier  popes,  Fabianus,  Callistns,  and 
Pontianus.  Together  with  these,  the  Feast  of 
the  Nativity  is  noted  on  25th  December,  and  that 
of  the  Cathedra  Petri  assigned  to  22nd  Febmaiy. 

A  similar  list  of  Roman  festivals  with  a 
lectionary  (^Gapitulare  EvangeUorum  totiut  anw) 
was  edited  by  Fronto  (Paris,  1652,  and  in  his 
Epistolae  et  iHssertat.  ecdeaiasticaey  p.  107-233, 
Veron.  1733),  from  a  manuscript  written  in 
letters  of  gold,  belonging  to  the  convent  of  St 
Genevieve  at  Paris.  This  seems  to  have  been 
composed  in  the  first  half  of  the  8th  century* 
Another,  also  Roman,  edited  by  Martene,  Tha, 
Analect.  v.  65,  is  perhaps  of  later  date. 

A  calendar  of  the  church  of  Carthage,  of  the  like 
form,  discovered  by  Mabillon,  by  Rninart  appoided 
to  his  Acta  Martyrumy  is  by  them  assigned  to 
the  5th  century.  It  contains  only  festivals  of 
'  bishops  and  martyrs,  mostly  local.  It  opens  with 
the  title,  '*  Hie  continentur  dies  natalitiomm 
martyrum  et  depositiones  episcoporum  qnw 
ecclesiae  Carthaginis  anniversaria  celebrant." 

As  each  church  had  its  own  bishops  and 
martyrs,  each  needed  in  this  regard  (i.e.  for  the 
days  marked  for  the  Depositiones  Episooponm 
and  Natalitia  Martyrum)  its  separate  calendar. 
It  belonged  to  the  bishop  to  see  that  these  lists 
were  properly  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the 
church.  And  to  this  effect  we  find  St.  Cyprian 
in  his  36th  epistle  exhorting  his  clergy  to  make 
known  to  him  the  days  on  which  the  confessors 
suffered.  **Dies  eorum,  quibus  excedunt,  nnn- 
ciate  ut  commemorationes  eorum  inter  memorias 
martyrum     celebrare     possimus.      Quamquam 

Tertullus scripserit  et  scribat  et  sig- 

nificet  mihi  dies,  quibus  in  carcere  beati  fratres 
nostri  ad  immortalitatem  gloriosae  mortis  exitn 
transeunt,  et  celebrentur  hie  a  nobis  oblstiooes 
et  sacrificia  ob  commemorationes  eonun."    Oot 


OALENDAK 


GALENDAB 


257 


U  thmt  cdewUr  notices  grew  the  Marttbo- 
Loom  which,  however,  Uiey  greatly-  snrpau 
in  Aot&o.Ttj  and  importance.  For  the  calen- 
<lar,  heiag  e«ential  as  a  liturgical  directory, 
was  therefore  composed  only  bj  the  bishop  or 
bf  some  high  officer  of  the  chorch  appointed  by 
kirn.  Nothing  oonld  be  added  to,  or  altered  in, 
the  calendar  but  by  his  authority.  It  was 
aeoeidingly  prefixed  or  appended  to  the  Sacra- 
aad  other  liturgical  books.  As  an 
iple  of  an  early  form  of  this  liturgical 
the  following  is  here  giren  from  the 
RetpomtoritUe  and  Aniiphonanmn  ascribed  to  St. 
Grq^ory  the  Great  (ed.  Thomasius) : — 

Specimen  distribntionis  offidorum  per  drculum 


L  Advotos  1)0- 


n. 


ReqMDsoria  de  Fnlmis. 

NallT.  Diebos    Dominkds    Anti- 

SaWe  &  LscteB  Virslnis.  V&Ua  8.  SebastianL 

Ikm.  IIL  ante  MatlT.  Do-  HaUle  8.  Agnetis. 

■kiL  PoriflcaUo  &  Marlse. 

Don.  pradma  smte  Nat  TlgUla  et  NaUle  S.  Agnae. 

Dan.  Adnnatio  S.  Martae. 

TigHia  Nat  Ddm.  Domlnia  in  LXXma. 

Xaiivttaa  DaminL  Dodl  in  LXnta. 

Batik  &  SlephanL  Dom.  in  Lma.  (sen  Oarnla- 

.    8l  Joaioals.  pri^i  et  excaraaUonun> 

•     8S.  Innoeaittam.  Dmn.  1.  In  XLa. 

Ikm.  L  Dost  Nat  Dom.  Dom.  II. 

OetoTae  Nat  Dom.  Dom.  III. 

(aeo     Th«o-  Dom.  In  medio  XLmae  (sea 

ft).  da  JenMdem^ 

(teva  Eptoliaaiae.  Lactare  (rel  de  Rosa). 

lea  u    post  Tbeo-  Dom.  de  Puslone  Domini 

(aea  Mediana). 

II.  Dom.  In  Palmis  (sen  In- 

IIL  dulgeodae). 

ly.  Vigllla  Ooenae  Domini. 

Dominica  post  Asoensam 
Domini    (sea    Item    de 

TiBffiae&pHchae.  Rosa). 

EtoouBfca  &  RaKliae.  Pentecoete. 

tkm.  octsTS  FSsehae  (sea,  Octava  Pantecoetea. . 

port  albas  paacfaalea)u  Vigllla      NaUvttatis      S. 

MB.  L  post  nacha.  Joannas  Baptistae. 

1>Nn.  U.  (Sic  »equantur  ofBda  pro- 

IlL  pria  de  Sanctis  naqne  ad 

IV.  Adventam> 

Gonimonla  Offlda. 

Vlctia  AposldL  Fhllippl  et  Beaponaoria  de  llbro  Be- 

JaeoM.  gum,    Sapientlae,    Job^ 

Omu  IIL  et  IV.  in  PSscha  Tubia,  JiKttth.  Bstber.  de 

&.  R.  de  Aoctorltatp.  hlaiorla    Madukbaeorom 

Omu  Y.  et  VL  In  .Paacha  de  Propbetis. 

R.  R.  da  paatania.  Antiphonae    ad    hymnom 

la    NaralWIa     8a.    infta  trlum  poeroram. 

Ftecba.  De  Oaniloo  y<trhar1ae.     8. 

h  SaiaUtils   nnias   Mar-  Martae. 

tjna  tkv  OuoJfcawria.  Antlphonae  dontinids  di»> 

la  &  Oncis  InTeoUone.  bos  posi  Pentecoaten  a 

la  fxattattDoe  a  Cmds.  L.  usqae  ad  XXIY. 
DomittL 


A  knowledge  of  the  calendar,  being  indispen- 
sable for  the  due  performance  of  the  liturgy,  was 
ene  of  the  essentia  qualifications  for  the  priestly 
efioe.  It  is  a  frequent  injunction  in  the  capi- 
tida  of  bishops,  "presbyteri  computum  discant." 
k  canon  of  the  council  of  Aix-la-Ghapelle,  A.D. 
789,  c  70,  and  the  Capitulare  Interrogatianis, 
AJ>.  81 1,  of  (Charlemagne,  i.  68,  enjoin  (with  a 
Ti«v  to  the  supply  of  qualified  persons)  *'ut 
■cholae    legentium    puerorum    fiant,    psalmos, 

Mtas,  cantum,  oomjntfttm,  grammaticam 

'iflcaat.'*  For  instruction  in  this  department  of 
clerical  education  and  ecclesiastical  learning, 
treatises  more  or  less  copious  were  proyided. 
An  elaborate  work  of  this  kind  is  the  de  Computo 
of  Rabanos  Maums,  archbishop  of  Mayence 
(A.n.  847),  edited  by  Balusius,  MisoeUan.  t.  i. 
p.  1,  aqq.    Yearly,  on  the  feast  of  Epiphany,  the 

CHUn.  AITT. 


bishop  announced  the  date  of  Easter  for  that 
year,  as  enjoined  e,g.  by  the  4th  Council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  541,  can.  1  (Bruns,  ii.  201):  and  from 
him  the  clergy,  together  with  this  announcement, 
received  notice  of  any  new  festival  appointed,  in 
order  that  the  same  might  be  entered  in  their 
calendar,  and  made  known  to  the  people. 

It  results,  partly  from  these  subsequent  addi- 
tions made  to  the  original  texts  of  the  calendars, 
which  cannot  always  be  discriminated  in  the 
MSS.  by  difference  of  handwriting,  colour  of  the 
ink,  and  other  palaeographical  criteria,  that  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  say  to  what  age,  or  to  what 
province  of  the  Church,  a  given  calendar  belongs. 
It  is  doubtftil  whether  any  of  them  contains  the 
genuine  materials  of  such  lists  existing  in  times 
earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century. 
For  of  these  lists,  scarcely  any  can  be  supposed 
to  have  escaped,  in  the  Diocletian  persecution, 
from  the  rigorous  search  then  decreed  for  the 
general  destruction  not  only  of  the  copies  ot 
the  Scriptures,  but  of  all  liturgical  and  ecclesi- 
astical documents,  among  which  the  calendars, 
lists  of  bishops  and  martyrs,  and  acts  of  martyrs, 
held  an  important  place  (Euseb.  E".  E.  viii.  2 ; 
Amob.  adv.  Oentes^  iv.  36).  Some  rules,  how- 
ever, which  may  help  to  determine  the  relative 
antiquity  of  extant  calendars,  may  be  thus  sum- 
marized, chiefly  from  Binterim,  Denkwurdig' 
kerten,  v.  L  20,  sqq. : — 

1.  Brevity  and  simplicity  in  the  statement 
concerning  the  holy-day  are  characteristic  of  the 
earlier  times.  Only  the  name  of  the  martyr 
was  given,  without  title  or  eulogy ;  even  the 
prefix  S.  or  B.  {sanctvsy  beatus)  is  sparingly 
used.  Sometimes  the  martyrs  of  a  whole  pro- 
vince are  included  under  a  single  entry.  Thus 
the  Calendar  of  Carthage,  in  which  eighty-one 
days  are  marked,  has,  at  2  Kal.  Jan.  Sanctorum 
Temidennwn;  15  Kal.  Aug.  SS,  SciUtanorum. 
In  several  other  calenclars,  one  name  is  given,  with 
the  addition,  et  sociorwn  (or  comcCtun),  ejus, 

2.  To  one  day  only  one  celebration  is  assigned 
in  the  oldest  calendars.  <*  Commemorationes  " 
were  unknown  or  very  rare  in  the  earlier  times. 
These  seem  to  have  come  into  use  in  the  9th 
century,  by  reason  of  the  increasing  number  of 
saints'  days. 

3.  The  relative  antiquity  of  a  calendar  is 
especially  indicated  by  the  paucity,  or  entire 
alwence,  of  days  assigned  to  the  B.  Virgin  Mary. 
Writers  of  the  Church  of  Rome  satisfy  them- 
selves in  respect  of  this  fact  with  the  explana- 
tion, that  thq  days  assigned  to  the  Lord  in- 
clude the  commemoration  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
Mother.  Thus,  for  example,  Morcelli  {Afr, 
Christiana,  cited  by  Binterim,  u.  «.  p.  14)  ac- 
counts for  the  entire  silence  of  the  Caiend, 
Carthag,  concerning  the  days  of  the  V.  Mary ; 
and  the  like  explanation  is  given  of  the  fiict  that 
of  St.  Augustine  we  have  no  sermon  preached  for 
a  festival  of  the  Virgin. 

4.  Another  note  of  antiquity  is  the  absence  of 
all  saints'  days  and  other  celebrations  from  the 
period  during  which  Lent  falls.  Thus  March 
and  April  in  the  Carthaginian  CSalendar  exhibit 
no  such  days ;  and  the  like  blank  appears  in  the 
calendars  of  Bucherius  and  Fronto.  For  the 
51st  canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea  (cir.  a.d. 
352)  enjmns:  iri  o&  ScT  iif  rco'O'apairorrp 
fiapripttif  ytr40\ior  ^irircXcTv,  ii\X^  't&v  hylttv 
liofT^pmif  iiytieof  Toiur   iv  rois  <rc^$dTois  xai 

S 


258 


CALEP0DIU8 


Kvpuusats*  ''a  martjr's  day  must. not  be  kept 
during  the  quadragesima,  but  must  (at  that 
time)  be  reserTed  for  sabbaths  and  Lord's-dap  ** 
(Bruns,  i.  78).  And  with  this  agreed  the  rule 
of  the  Latin  Church,  as  expressed  in  the  Ist 
canon  of  the  10th  Council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  656 
(Bruns,  i.  298),  where,  with  especial  reference 
to  the  falling  of  Lady-day  (F.  of  Annunciation, 
25  Mar.)  in  Lent,  or  on  Easter-day  itself,  it  is 
said :  **  eadem  festivitas  non  potest  celebrari 
condigne,  cum  interdum  quadragesimae  dies  yel 
paschale  festum  videtur  incumbere,  in  quibus 
nihil  de  sanctorum  solemnitatibus,  sicut  ex  anti^ 
quitate  regulaH  cautum  est,  conyenit  celebrari." 

5.  Before  the  5th  century,  no  day  of  canonised 
bishop  or  other  saint  is  marked  to  be  kept  as 
festival,  unless  he  was  also  a  martyr.  The  oc- 
currence of  any  such  day  is  a  sure  indication 
that  the  calendar  is  of  later  date  than  A.D.  400 ; 
or,  that  the  entry  is  of  later  insertion.  To  the 
bishops  is  assigned  the  term  Depotitio ;  to  the 
martyrs,  Natalie  or  NatcUUium, 

6.  Vigils  are  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  oldest 
calendars.  Not  one  yigil  is  noted  in  the  JTa/. 
Bwiherianwn  and  Kal.  Carthaginense.  The 
Kal,  FrontowUmtan  (stf/)ra)has  four.  A  Galilean 
Calendar  of  A.D.  826,  edited  by  d'Achery  (Spi- 
cileg,  X.  130),  has  five  ;  and  another,  by  Martene, 
for  which  he  claims  an  earlier  date  (2%e8.  AneocL 
T.  65),  has  nine. 

For  the  determination  of  tbe  Province  or 
Church  to  which  a  Calendar  belongs,  the  only 
criterion  to  be  relied  on  is  the  preponderance  in 
it  of  names  of  martyrs  and  saints  known  to  be 
of  that  diocese  or  province.  Naturally,  each 
Church  would  honour  most  its  own  confessors 
and  champions  of  the  faith.  Especially  does 
this  rule  hold  in  respect  of  the  bishops,  whose 
names,  unless  they  were  also  martyrs  or  other- 
wise men  of  highest  note  in  the  Church,  would 
not  be  likely  to  obtain  a  place  in  the  csiendars 
of  other  than  their  own  Churches. 

The  Greek  Church  had  its  calendars,  under  the 
title  i^fitpls  (jkofnatrriK^'),  /AfivaToy  (iopr.); 
later,  KoKtrrdpioy,  which,  as  containing  the 
offices  for  each  celebration,  grew  into  enormous 
dimensions.  One  such,  with  the  designation, 
MrivoXSyioy  rcSr  tbayyeXiatp  ioprofrriKhy  sive 
Kalendarium  Ecdeeiae  Constantinopolitanaej 
edited  from  a  manuscript  in  the  Albani  Library 
by  Morcelli,  fills  two  quarto  volumes,  Rome, 
1788.  But  the  title  firivo\6ytoy  corresponds 
not  with  the  Latin  Kalendarium,  but  with  the 
Martyrologium.  Cave,  in  a  dissertation  ap- 
pended to  his  Hietona  LUeraria,  part  ii.  (de 
Libris  et  officiis  ecdesiastiGis  Graeoorum,  p.  43) 
describes  the  Ka\«tndpioy  or  Ephemeris  eccledae- 
tica  in  usum  totius  annt,  as  a  digest  of  all  church 
festivals  and  fasts  for  the  twelve  months,  day  by 
day,  beginning  with  September.  **That  calen- 
dars of  this  kind  were  composed  for  the  use  of 
the  churches  is  plain  from  Biblioth.  Yindobon. 
Cod,  Hist,  Ecd,  xcvii.  num.  xiii.,  which  gives  a 
letter  written  by  the  head  of  some  monastery  in 
reply  to  questions  concerning  monastic  observ- 
ances of  holydays ;  to  which  is  appended  a  com- 
plete Church  Calendar."  [H.  B.] 

GALEPODIUS,  aged  presbyter,  martyr  at 
Rome  under  the  emperor  Alexander  Severus, 
commemorated  May  10  {Mart*  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae, 
Usuardi).  [C] 


GALL  TO  THE  MINISTBT 

OALF.  Irrespectively  of  its  meaning  as 
symbol  of  an  EYANOEUflT,  the  image  of  the 
adf  or  ox  is  held  by  Aringhi  (lib.  vl  eh. 
xxxii.  vol.  ii.  p.  320)  to  represent  tii<s  Qiristiao 
soul,  standing  to  Christ  in  the  same  relation  as 
the  sheep  to  the  shepherd.  He  also  takes  the 
calf  or  ox  to  represent  Apostles  labouring  in  tkeir 
ministry,  quoting  various  Fathers,  and  finally 
St.  Chrysostom's  idea,  that  the  oxen  and  fatliags 
spoken  of  as  killed  for  the  Master's  feast  are 
meant  to  represent  prophets  and  martyrs.  The 
calf  or  ox,  as  a  sacrificial  victim,  has  been  taken  to 
represent  the  Lord's  sacrifice ;  for  which  Aringhi 
quotes  a  comment  on  Num.  xviiL  These  simih- 
tudes  seem  fanciful,  and  pictorial  or  other  repre- 
sentations hardly  exist  to  bear  them  out.  A  calf 
is  represented  near, the  Good  Shepherd  in  Buona- 
rotti  (  Vetri,  tav.  v.  fig.  2) ;  and  Martigny  refers 
to  Allegranza  (Mon,  antichi  de  MUano,  p.  125) 
for  an  initial  letter  at  Milan,  where  the  animal 
is  represented  playing  on  a  lyre :  typifying,  he 
thinks,  the  subjugation  of  the  human  nature  to 
the  life  of  fi&ith.  He  also  refers  to  St.  Clement 
of  Alexandria  {Paedag,  lib.  i.  c.  5)  for  a  com- 
parison of  young  Christians  to  sucking  calves 
(jioirx^RM  yaXoBiiy^f  connected  perhaps  in  the 
Father's  mind  in  the  same  way  as  in  nis  own; 
though,  as  Bishop  Potter  remarks  in  his  note  (ad 
loc.\  no  such  comparison  exists  in  Scripture. 
The  plate  in  Allegranza  is  of  considerable  interest, 
being  from  a  *^  marmo  "  belonging  to  the  ancient 
pulpit  of  S.  Ambrogio.  The  calf  is  lying  down, 
and  turning  up  its  forefoot  to  hold  the  lyre,  or 
^'  antica  cetra."  It  is  engraved  in  the  loop  of  an 
initial  D.  The  preceding  "  marmo  "  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  an  Agape,  from  the  posterior  parapet 
of  the  pulpit ;  and  Allegranza  considers  the  coif 
to  be  a  symbol  connected  with  the  Agape.  S«e 
above,  Clem.  Alex.  Paedag,  i.  5.  See  also  s.  t. 
Ltrb,  that  instrument  being  held  typical  of  the 
human  body  in  its  right  state  of  harmonv  with, 
and  subjection  to,  the  divinely-guided  souL  For 
oxen  with  Delia  see  Bottari,  iii.  155, 184. 

[R,  St,  J.  T.] 

GALIGAE.  These  were  stockings,  made  of 
various  material,  serving  for  a  defence  against 
cold,  and  as  such  worn  at  times  by  soldiers 
(Casaubon  on  Suetonius) ;  by  monks,  if  infirm 
or  exposed  to  cold  (Cassianus,  lib.  i.  c.  10 ;  S. 
Benedictus,  RegtUa,  c.  62 ;  Gregor.  Magnus,  DiaL 
cc.  2,  4);  and  by  bishops  in  out-door  dress 
(Gregor.  Turon.  Ifigt.  Franc,  lib.  vi.  c  31)b 
The  Eule  of  St.  Ferreolus  (quoted  by  Dncange, 
8.  v.),  c.  32,  has  an  amusing  passage  forbidding 
the  elaborate  cross-gartering  of  these  oaUgaty 
out  of  mere  coxcombry.  The  earliest  writer 
who  mentions  the  caligae  as  among  the  "  sacred 
vestments"  to  be  worn  by  bishops  and  cardi- 
nals is  Ivo  Camotensis  (tlll5>  "Antequam 
induantur  sandaliis  vestiantur  caligis  byssinis 
vel  lineis,  usque  ad  genua  protensis  et  ibi  beoe 
constrictis "  (Sermo  de  etgnificationHnis  indume^ 
torum  aacerdotaliwn,  apud  Hittorpium  de  Dm- 
Off,),  [W.  B.  M.] 

GALIXTUS  [Callistus]. 

GAJLL  TO  THE  MINISTKY  is  more  a 
matter  of  Christian  ethics  than  of  Church  canons; 
and  in  that  point  of  view  it  became  mixed  up,  in 
the  Church  of  the  4th  century  and  onwards,  with 
the  parallel  cases  of  the  adoption  cf  the  monaftie 
or  the  celibate  life.     The  temper  that  ooght  te 


GALL  TO  THE  UINISTBT 


0AL0YEB8 


259 


thumt  who  are  to  be  ordained  was  held 
to  be,  oa  the  one  hand,  a  aincere  and  pore  desire 
te  aerre  God  in  aome  special  way,  bat  on  the 
other,  aboy  a  shrinking  from  the  fearful  responsi- 
Uit;  of  the  ministry ;  on  the  one  hand,  obedience 
to  the  call  of  saperiors,  and  faith  to  undertake 
dnties  which  came  b  j  no  self-seeking,  on  the  other, 
homibtj,  that  was  really  the  more  worthy  the 
■Mfe  it  ielt  its  own  unworthiness.     In  a  word, 
the  tnie  noio  epiaoopari  spirit  was  held  to  extend, 
in  ■Mosare,   to  the  lower  orders  also.     Com- 
pve  Rom.  z.  15,  and  Heb.  v.  4,  5.     Under  this 
▼iew  of  the  esse,  it  was  not  indeed  the  absolute 
kw,  but  it  naturally  came  to  pass,  and  so.  was 
the  eoaunoD  rule,  that  the  bishops,  or  the  right- 
M  dccton  (which  included,  of  course,  the  bishop 
sr  the  bishops,  and  even  in  the  case  of  the  pres- 
byterate,  up  to  at  any  rate  the  Srd  century,  the 
deny  and  people  also)  should  choose  at  least  to 
iht  higher  oiders,  and  in  such  case  the  canons 
taaeted  that  any  one  already  in  orders  in  any 
Jtfiee  eonld  not  refuse  to  accept.     A  like  rule 
woeld  apply  in  a  leas  degree  to  the-  first  entry 
into  the  ministry ;  the  supply  in  both  cases  being 
sapplcBMttted  by  Toluntary  candidates,  from  the 
■ceeisity  of  the  case,  but  it  being  held  the  best 
that  the  call  should  come  from  others,  who  had 
aathority.     A  Carthaginian  canon  among  the 
€bl  Goa.  Afrie.  {Qraoc  c.  31)  rulea  that  ^  qui- 
onaqne    derici   rel  diaconi  pro  necessitatibus 
oedcsiamm  non  obtemperayerint  episcopis  suis 
ToicBtibiis  eoe  ad  honorem  ampliorem  in  sua 
aedflsia  proipoyere,  nee  illic  ministrent  in  gradu 
s«s  aade  reoedere  noluerunt."   And  for  the  case 
of  the  epiioopate,  in  particular,  see  under  Bishop. 
On  the  other  haikd,  Uie  call  certainly  needed  not 
of  neeeasity  to  originate  ¥nth  the  bishop.    It  was 
open,  and  it  was  held  a  pious  act,  for  parents  to 
dcTote  their  children  to  the  ministry,  not  com- 
pcUiag,  but  exhorting  and  encouraging  them  so 
to  derote  themaelres.    See,  9,g.  Gaudent.  Brix. 
{Smwk,  2),  and  St.  Augustin  {Epist.  199);  the 
ftraer  speaking  also  of  virgins  and  the  latter 
of  OMuks,  but  both  likewise  of  the  ministry. 
Cbac  TM.  II.  A.D.  &31y  regulates  the  education 
of  thaae,  **  qnos  yolontaa  parentum  a  primis  in- 
£ntiae  annia  in  clericabus  officio  mancipArit." 
Pope  Siidua  (^Epigt,  I.  cc  9,  10)  had,   before 
ti^(A.D.  385-39SX  regulated  the  sereral  periods 
of  yeurs  daring  which  such  should  remain  suc- 
oaBTdy  in  each  order  of  clergy.     And  Ckmc. 
MmerH.  A.D.  666,  can.  18,  bids  the  **  parochiani 
pfosbyteri  "  chooae  promising  young  people,  and 
**  da  ecdeaiae  suae  £amilia  dericoe  sibi  faciant." 
Kor  was  this  restricted  to  young  people  with 
their  parents'  consent.      Setting   aside  special 
occnpatiopf,  &c,  which  constituted  a  disqualifi- 
catioa  for  holy  ordera  altogether,  it  waa  open  to 
oUer  aien  also  to  oflbr  themselves  for  the  mi- 
aiitry;  bat  under  certain  couditiona,  in  order  to 
cnsore  purity  of  motive.  Pope  Siridus  (as  above) 
pcnaits  the  **  aetata  jam  grandaevus"  to  hasten 
"ex  laico  ad  aacram  militiam  pervenire;"  but 
ke  ia  only  to  obtain  the  preabyterate  or  epia- 
oopaie  "  acceoau  temporum, . .  .  ai  eum  deri  ac 
pkbia  vocarit  electio."     A  couple  of  centuriea 
later,  Gregory  the  Great  required  in  like  case  a 
probation  in  a  monastery  (Jo.  Diac.  lib.  ii.  c.  16). 
The  Coundl  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  869  (can.  5), 
prohibited  only  those  (of  senatorial  rank  or  other 
aoridly  occupation)  who  sought  to  be  tonsured 
froo  ambitions  or  worldly  motives,  expressly 


excepting  others  of  a  difierent  temper.  And 
canons  like  those  of  the  Council  of  Rouen  in  1072 
must  be  understood  with  a  like  exception,  which 
sentence  those  *'  clerici "  to  be  deposed  *'  qui  non 
electi  neo  vocati  aut  nesdente  episcopo  sacris 
ordinibus  se  intromittunt."  In  short,  the  words 
of  Hincmar  express  the  Church's  view  of  the 
subject,  who  praises  certain  clergy,  who  ''non 
importune  ad  ordinationem  . . .  se  ingesserunt . . . 
sed  electi  et  vocati  obedierunt"  (Hincm.  Spist. 
ad  Nicoknun  Fapam,  0pp.  ii.  308);  and  these  of 
St.  Augustin,  ''Honor  te  quaerere  debet,  non 
ipsum  tu  "  {Ifom.  13,  m  Quinquaaintd),  proceed- 
ing to  quote  the  parable  about  taking  the  lowest 
room.  See  also  St.  Chrys.  De  Sacerd,  i.  3,  and 
in  t  Tim,,  Horn,  1.  The  call  to  the  ministry,  then, 
in  the  earlier  Church,  meant,  in  the  case  of  the 
ministry  in  general,  the  invitation,  approaching 
to  a  command,  of  the  bishop ;  but  this  might  be 
anticipated,  under  certain  conditions,  by  the  vo- 
luntary offering  of  himself  by  the  candidate ; 
if  possible,  in  his  youth,  but  allowably  at  any 
age.  In  the  case  of  the  higher  orders,  it  was  or 
ought  to  have  been  the  outward  call  of  the 
rightful  patrons  (so  to  call  them)  of  the  parish 
or  diocese.  Who  occupied  this  position  in  respect 
to  presbyters  or  to  bishops  at  successive  periods, 
will  be  found  under  Bishop,  PiUEsr;  but  the 
bishop  did  so  primarily  and  properly,  and  of 
course  had  in  every  case  and  always  the  right 
of  examination  and  (If  he  thought  good)  rejection, 
when  it  came  to  the  question  of  ordination.  The 
inward  call  of  later  days — tL  e,  the  self-devotion 
of  the  candidate  himself  in  real  sincerity  and 
earnestness — was  assumed  throughout.  And  all 
regulations  on  the  subject  tended  to  sift  and  test 
the  reality  of  that  inward  calL  (Thomassin, 
De  Benef,  p.  ii.  lib.  i.  cc  23,  sq.)      [A.  W.  H.] 

GALLICULAE.  Oi*naments  for  the  alb  or 
white  tunic,  made  either  of  some  richly-coloured 
stuff  or  of  metal.  Examples  of  these  may  be  seen 
in  Perret,  Cataccmbes  de  Some,  ii.  pi.  7 ;  and  in 
Garrucci,  VeM  omaiij  vi.  5,  xxv.  4.  For  further 
particuUurs  see  Martigny,  Diet,  dee  Ant.Chr^,y  and 
bucange,  Glossaritan  in  voc  [W.  B.  M.] 

CALLINIGUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Apollonia 
under  Dedus,  is  commemorated  Jan.  28  (Mori, 
Usuardi) ;  July  29  ((7a/.  ByzantX 

2.  Commemorated  Dec.  14  (Ca^  P^jTon^.).  [C] 

GALLISTE,  with  her  brothers,  martyr,  is 
commemorated  Sept.  1  {Cal,  Byzant.),         [C.] 

GALLISTBATUS  and  the  forty-nine  martyrs 
(A.D.  288)  are  commemorated  July  1  {CaL  Ar* 
men.);  Sept.  27  (CW.  Byzant.),  [C] 

GALUSTUS.  (1)  With  Carisius  and  seven 
others,  martyrs  at  Corinth,  commemorated  April 
16  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). 

(SX  or  GALIXTXJB,  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, 
an.  223,  commemorated  Oct.  14  {Mart  Bom.  Vet., 
Bedae,  Usuardi).  [C] 

GALLOGEBUS,  or  GAL0GERU8,  eunuch, 
martyr,  commemorated  May  19  (iTo/.  Bucher,, 
Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi);  Feb.  11  (Mart. 
Bedae).  [C] 

GALOYEBS.  The  monks  of  the  Eastern 
Church.  The  word  is  derived  either  from  icdXoi 
and  yfjpas,  or,  more  probably  from  KdXos  and 
y4pmp,  signifying  a  good  old  age.  Applied  at 
first  to  the  ei£r  monks  exclusively,  it  soon 

S  2 


^ 


260 


CALUMNIES  AGAINST  THE  OliBISTIANS 


became  the  common  designation  of  all.  (Snicer. 
Tkeaaur,  s.  t.,  cf.  Pallad.  Hitt.  Laua,  ciii.  iriUos, 
where  Innooentins  is  callod  6  ndkos  yipmv). 
These  Eastern  monks  have  preserved  from  the 
first,  with  characteristic  tenacity,  the  Rale  of 
St.  Basil.  Thos  their  fastings  are  more  freqnent 
and  more  rigorous  than  those  in  Western  Chris- 
tendom. Their  offices  too  are  more  lengthy; 
but  partly  from  this  rery  circumstance,  and 
partly  from  the  office-books  being  yery  costly, 
some  are  not  infrequently  omitted  (Helyot. 
Hist,  d68  Ordrea  Relig.  I.  xiz.  6>  They  are 
divided,  like  their  Western  brethren,  into  three 
kinds,  Caenobitae,  dwelling  together  under  one 
roof;  Anachoretas,  scattered  round  the  several 
monasteries  and  resorting  thither  for  solemn  ser- 
vices on  festivals,  &c. ;  and  Eremitaey  or  solitary 
recluses.  The  Caenobitaef  or  monks  proper,  are 
again  subdivided  into  ArcKariij  novices ;  MicrO' 
gchemi;  and  Megaioachsmij  the  highest  grade 
{Helyot.  I.  xiz.). 

The  ''Hours"  observed  by  the  Caloyers  are 
much  the  same  as  those  in  the  West,  being,  in 
£tct,  derived  from  a  conunon  source.  After  a 
prolonged  service  at  midnight  they  sleep  from 
2  a.m.  to  5  a.m.  Then  a  service  corresponding 
to  matins,  lauds,  and  prime,  the  last  portion  of 
which  is  simultaneous  with  sunrise.  After  an 
interval  spent  in  their  cells,  they  meet  again  at 
9  a.m.  for  tierce,  sext,  and  mass.  At  mid-day 
dinner,  with  the  usual  lections,  in  the  refectory. 
At  4  p.m.  vespers ;  at  6  p.m.  supper,  followed  by 
the  h,T6Zwr¥0¥,  a  sort  of  compline ;  at  8  p.m.  to 
bod  (Helyot.  I.  xix.). 

They  have  four  especial  seasons  of  fasting  in 
the  year,  and  their  abstinence,  as  has  been  said 
already,  is  more  severe  than  in  Western  climes. 
Besides  Lent,  as  in  the  West,  there  are  the  ^'  Fast 
of  the  Apostles,"  commencing  on  the  8th  day 
after  Whitsunday,  and  lasting  about  3  weeks; 
the  ^  Fast  of  the  Assumption,"  lasting  14  days ; 
and  "Advent"  (Helyot.  I.  xix.). 

Their  robes,  more  flowing  and  voluminous  than 
those  of  Western  Orders,  are  marked  on  the  cape 
with  the  Cross,  and  with  the  letters  IC.  XC.  NC. 
(Jesus  Christus  Vindt).  The  tonsure  extends 
all  over  the  head;  but  they  wear  beards  (cf. 
Mab.  Ann,  I.  xv.  32).  (Helyot.  I.  xix.).  Nu- 
merous lay  brothers  are  attached  to  each  monas- 
tery, for  the  field  work ;  and  considerable  taxes 
are  collected  from  each  by  the  ''exarchs"  or 
visitors,  for  the  Patriarch  (Helyot.  L  xix.). 

The  greatest  of  the  Asiatic  monasteries  is  on 
Mt.  Sinai,  founded,  it  is  said,  by  Justinian,  and 
renowned  as  the  residence  of  St.  Athanasius  of 
Mt.  Sinai,  and  of  St.  John  Climacus,  whose  name 
figures  in  Western  Hagiologies  also.  Here,  as  at 
Mt.  Casino,  the  abbat  exercises  a  large  ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction :  he  is  archbishop  ex  officio.  As 
a  precaution  against  Arabs  there  are  no  doors, 
and  the  only  gateway  is  blocked  up.  Provisions 
and  pilgrims,  &c.,  are  all  drawn  up  in  a  basket 
to  the  window.  In  Europe  there  are  several 
monasteries ;  among  which  that  of  St.  Sabas,  in 
the  wilderness  near  Bethlehem,  and  those  on  the 
isles  in  the  Levant  are  famous.  But  the  greatest 
are  those  on  Mt.  Athos,  where  the  peninsula  is 
entirely  and  exclusively  occupied  by  the  "Ca- 
loyers ^'  (Helyot.  L).  [I.  O.  S.] 

CALUMNIES  AGAINST  THE  CHEIS- 
TIANS.     It   was  hardly  possible   that  a  new 


society  like  the  Christian  Church  should  escape 
misrepresentations.  It  had  enemies  on  all  sides. 
It  offended  men  by  presenting  a  higher  standini 
of  purity  than  their  own,  and  they  revenged 
themselves  by  imputing  to  it  their  own  impuitr. 
The  secrecy  that  attended  some  portions  of  its 
life  or  worship  gave  rise  to  suspicions.  Other 
societies,  heretical  or  fantastic,  which  were  popu- 
larly identified  with  it,  brought  upon  it  the  dis- 
credit to  whic)i  their  defects  made  them  liable. 
Popular  credulity  was  ready  to  accept  any  sensa- 
tional tale  of  horror  which  malice  or  ignorance 
might  suggest.  The  result  was  that  the  popular 
feeling  of  dislike  took  definite  shape,  and  that 
the  persecutions  of  the  Christians  in  the  first 
three  centuries  were  stimulated  by  the  general 
belief  that  they  were  guilty  of  crimes  wbicb 
made  them  enemies  of  the  human  race.  Bat 
over  and  above  these  influences,  there  was  also, 
if  we  may  trust  the  statements  of  many  early 
Christian  writers,  a  system  of  calumny,  oi^aniscd 
and  deliberate,  of  which  the  Jews  were  the  chief 
propagators.  Envoys  (jkv6(rroXoi)  were  sent  from 
Jerusalem  with  circular  letters  to  the  synagogues 
throughout  the  empire,  and  these  became  centres 
from  which  the  false  reports  were  disseminated 
among  the  heathen  (Just.  M.  Dial.  e.  Tryph, 
c.  17,  p.  234 ;  Euseb.  m  Esaiam,  xviii.  1,  p.  424)l 
They  spread  the  charge  of  Atheism,  which  was 
so  large  an  element  in  the  accusations  to  which 
Christians  were  exposed,  and  were  active,  as  is 
the  case  of  Polycarp,  in  stirring  up  the  multi- 
tude {Epist,  Smym,  9 ;  Clem.  Alex.  StnoL  viL 
1).  The  calumnies  in  question  are,  of  conne, 
the  chief  subject-matter  of  the  Apologetic  trea- 
tises of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries.  Of  these, 
the  treatise  of  Tertnllian,  ad  IfatU)nes,  as  being 
addressed,  not,  like  his  Apologia^  to  empovn 
and  proconsuls,  but  to  the  Gentiles  at  large,  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  exhaustive.  It  will  be  con- 
venient to  deal  with  the  chief  charges  singly. 

(1.)  The  Agapae  and  the  moro  sacred  Sopper 
which  was  at  first  connected  with  them,  fur- 
nished material  for  some  of  the  more  honiUe 
charges,  "  Thyesteian  banquets  and  Oedipodean 
incest "  became  bye-words  of  reproach  (Athenag. 
Apol,  c.  4)  side  by  side  with  that  of  Atheism. 
When  they  met,  it  was  said,  an  infant  was 
brought  in,  covered  with  flour,  and  then  stabbed 
to  death  by  a  new  convert,  who  was  thus  initi- 
ated in  the  mysteries.  The  others  then  ate  the 
flesh  and  licked  up  the  blood.  This  was  the 
sacrifice  by  which  they  wen  bound  tc^ther 
(Tertull.  ad  Nat.  i,  15;  Apol,  c  8;  Miaiu. 
Felix,  Octav,  c  9).  Two  sources  of  this  mon- 
strous statement  may  be  assigned  with  some  pro- 
bability, (a)  To  drinlc  of  human  blood  had  actoally 
been  made,  as  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catilina,  a 
bond  of  union  in  a  common  crime  (Sallust,  CatH 
c.  22),  and  the  blood,  it  was  said,  was  that  of  a 
slaughtered  child  (Dio.  Cass,  xxxvii.  30>  It 
had  entered  into  the  popular  imagination  as  one 
of  the  horrors  of  a  secrot  conspiracy.  Christians 
were  regarded  as  members  of  a  secret  society, 
conspiring  together  for  the  downfal  of  the  re- 
ligion and  polity  of  the  empire.  It  was  natnrsl 
to  think  that  they  had  like  rites  of  initiation. 
(6)  The  language  of  devout  Christians  as  to  tiie 
Supper  of  which  they  partook  would  tend  to  con- 
firm, even  if  it  did  not  originate,  the  beliefl  It 
was  not  common  bread  or  common  wine  which 
they  ate  and  drank    but  Flesh  and  Blood.    Bf 


CALXndNIES  AGAINST  THE  CHRIOTIAN8 


261 


|irtacif«tMHi  in  tbmi  flcch  and  blood  they  be- 
CBDc  nonbera  of  one  body.  It  te  singular,  how- 
•?vr,  that  the  Apologiata  do  not  meet  the  charge 
vith  this  explanation,  bat  confine  themselyea 
(i.  c)  to  dwelling  on  the  incredibility  of  such 
cbarsan,  on  the  abeence  of  any  evidence  to  sup- 
port them.  Their  unwillingness  to  expose  the 
BTsteriet  of  their  faith  to  the  scorn  a( 
the  heathen  was,  it  can  hardly  be  questioned,  the 
erase  of  this  reticence. 

(2.)  Next  in  order  came  the  charge  of  im- 
parity.    When    the    members  of  a  Christian 
Chnrch  met,  men  and  women,  it  was  at  night. 
A  lamp  gave  light  to  the  room,  and  to  its  stand 
a  dog  was   frstened.     After  they  had   supped 
and  were    hot  with   wine,  meat   was  thrown 
to  the  dog  ao  as  to  make  him  overthrow  the 
knp-^tand  in  hia  struggles  to  get  at  it,  and 
thca  the  darkneaa  witnessed  a  scene  of  shameless 
sad  unbridled  luat,  in  which  all  laws  of  nature 
■ere   set  at    nought  (Tertull.  Apol.  c.  S;  ad 
A4l  c.  16;  Euseb.  If.  E.  iv.  7-15;  Origen,  c. 
CtiM.  vu  27 ;  Minuc.  Felix  c.  9).     Here,  too,  we 
■ay  trace   the  calumny  to  two  main  sources. 
(«)  In  the  Bacchanalia  and  other  secret  mys- 
teries, reveUtiona  of  which  had  from  time  to 
time  startled   the  Roman  warld  (oomp.  Livy, 
xxxix.  13  for  those  of  B.C.   185),  turpitude  of 
this  Innd  had  been  but  too  common.    Men  of 
prarient  imaginations  imputed  it  even  where  the 
ores  of  the  accused  were  in  flagrant  contradic- 
tion to  it.    (6)  The  name  of  the  Agapae,  inter- 
frefted  as  aach  men  would  interpret  it,  was  sure 
to  strengthen  the  suspicion.     They  could  form 
m  other  notion  of  a  **  love-feast "  held  at  night. 
It  may  be  that  the  **■  holy  kiss,"  the  "  kiss  of 
pcaee,"  which  entered  into  the  early  ritual  of 
the  Enchariat,  was  distorted  in  the  same  way ; 
aad  that  the  names  of  <*  brother  "  and  **  sister  " 
hr  which  Christians  spoke  of  each  other  were 
iMoeiated  with  the  thought  that  the  intercourse 
which  waa  aaaumed  to  take  place  was  incestuous 
a  ito  nature  (Minuc.  Felix,  /.  c).    (c)  It  seems 
^hahle  thni  in  some  cases  abuses  of  this  kind 
iofi  actually  exist  in  the  Agapae.    [Aoapae.] 
They  became  conspicuous  for  licence  and  revelry. 
The  language  of  the  later  Apostolical  Epistles 
(3  Pet.  ii.  13,  Jude  v.  12)  shows  that  excesses 
had  occurred  even  then.    The  followers  of  Car- 
Miatca  followed  m  the  same  line,  and  are  said 
hj  dement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  iii.  2-4,  p.  185), 
sad  Ensebins  {ff.  E,  iv.  7,  §  5)  to  have  been 
pilty  in  their  Agapae  of  practices  identical  with 
theie  which   were    popularly  imputed  to  the 
Christians  at  large. 

(3.)  The  charge  of  Atheism  was  natural  enough 
ss  against  those  who  held  aloof  from  all  temples 
and  altars,  and,  though  it  was  a  formidable 
weapon  in  the  hands  of  their  persecutors,  can 
hardly  be  classed  as  a  distinct  calumny.  Still 
less  can  we  group  under  that  head  the  accusa- 
tioft  that  they  worshipped  one  who  had  died  a 
■alefiMrtor^s  death,  though  this  too  from  the 
taae  9(  the  Apostles  downward  was  a  frequent 
topic  of  reproach  (Tacit.  Annai.  xv.  63 ;  Justin 
ILDiaL  c.  Tryph,  c.  93;  Minuc  Fel.  p.  86). 
k  was  not  strange  either  that  the  reverential 
as*  which  the  Christians  of  the  2nd  century 
made  9f  the  sign  of  the  cross  should  lead  to  the 
aokioB  that  they  worshipped  the  cross  itself. 
We  nay  wonder  rather  that  the  Apologist  who 
of  the  accusation  should  be  content  almost 


to  admit  the  fact  without  any  explanation,  and 
to  retort  with  the  argument  that  the  framework 
scaffolding  of  most  of  the  idols  before  which  the 
Gentiles  bowed  down  exhibited  the  same  form 
(Tertull.  ApoL  c.  16).  We  enter  upon  the  region 
of  distinct  slander,  however,  when  we  come 
across  st-atements  of  another  kind,  as  to  the 
objects  of  Christian  adoration.  Of  these  the 
most  astounding  is  that  they  worshipped  their 
God  imder  the  mysterious  form  of  a  man  with 
an  ass's  head.  It  seems  strange  that  such  a 
charge  fhould  have  been  thought  even  to  need 
denial,  and  yet  it  is  clear  that  it  was  at  one 
time  widely  received.  Tertullian  (Apol,  c.  16  «Ki 
Nat.  c.  11)  speaks  of  a  caricature  exhibiting  sach 
a  form,  with  the  inscription  "  The  God  of  the 
CHRIOTIAN8"— ONOKOITES.*  And  a  picture  an- 
swering to  this  description  has  actually  been 
found  on  a  wall  of  the  palace  of  the  Caesars  on 
the  Palatine  Hill.  A  man  is  represented  as 
offering  homage  to  a  figure  with  an  ass's  head, 
and  underneath  is  the  inscription  AAEXAMEN02 
SEBETE  (for  2EBETAI)  SEON.  The  fragment 
is  now  in  the  Eircher  Museum,  and  exhibits  the 
lowest  style  of  art,  such  as  might  be  found  in 
a  boy-artisan  bent  on  holding  up  some  fellow- 
workman  to  ridicule.^  It  has  to  be  noted  that 
this  was  but  the  transfer  to  the  Christians  of  an 
old  charge  against  the  Jews,  and  that  there  it 
was  connected  with  the  tradition  that  it  was 
through  the  wild  asses  of  the  desert  that  the 
Jews  had  been  led  to  find  water  at  the  time  of 
the  Exodus  (Tacit.  Hist,  v.  3). 

(4.)  The  belief  that  Christians  were  worship- 
pers of  the  sun  obtained  even  a  wider  currency, 
and  had  more  plausibility  (Tertull.  Apol,  c.  16, 
Just.  M.  Apol.  i.  68).  They  met  together  on 
the  day  which  was  more  and  more  generally 
known  as  the  Dies  Sotis.  They  began  at  an 
early  period  to  manifest  a  symbolic  reverence 
for  the  East;  and  these  acts,  together  with 
the  language  in  which  they  spoke  of  Christ  as 
the  true  light,  and  of  themselves  as  "  children 
of  light,"  would  naturally  be  interpreted  as  acts 
of  adoration  to  the  luminary  itself.  With  this 
we  may  perhaps  connect  the  singular  statement 
ascribed  to  Hadrian  that  they  were  also  worship- 
pers of  Serapis  (Vopiscus,  Hist,  Aug,  p.  719). 
This,  however,  never  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  popu- 
lar calumny,  and  seems  to  have  had  its  beginning 
and  end  in  the  fantastic  eclecticism  of  that  em- 
peror, who  identified  Serapis  with  the  sun,  and 
so  reproduced  the  current  belief  under  this  form. 

(5.)  It  was  also  reported  that  the  members  of 
the  new  sect  worshipped  their  priests  with  an 
adoration  which  had  in  it  something  of  a  phallic 
character  (*'Alii  eos  ferunt  ipsius  anstititis  ac 
sacerdotis  colore  genitalia,"  Minuc.  Felix,  Octav. 
c  9).  In  this  case,  as  in  the  charge  of  immoral 
excesses,  we  have  probably  the  interpretation 
given  by  impure  minds  to  acts  in  themselves 
blameless.  Penitents  came  to  the  presbytery  of 
the  church  to  confess  their  sins,  and  knelt  before 
them  as  they  sat,  and  this  attitude  may  have 
suggested  the  revolting  calumny  to  those  who 
could  see  in  it  nothing  but  an  act  of  adoration. 

(6.)  Over  and  above  all  specific  charges  there 


•  Tlie  word  was  probably  meant  to  signify  "  Ass-bom." 
Another  reading  is  OvocROKsm,  as  if  parodyinf 
*kpax*»i*nntt,  and  oonveyinK  the  notion  of  Aaa-iwnnlt 

b  See  the  woodcut  under  CauciiruL. 


262 


CALUMNY 


fTimoln  iirfiim, 


was  the  dislike  which  men  felt  to  a  society  so 
utterly  anlike  their  owtt.  These  men  who  lived 
apart  from  the  world  were  a  lucifuga  natio.  They 
were  infructuoti  in  negotiis.  They  were  guilty 
of  treason  because  they  would  not  offer  sacrifice 
for  the  emperors,  and  looked  for  the  adrent  of 
another  kingdom.  They  were  ignorant,  rude, 
uncultivated,  and  yet  they  set  themselves  up 
above  the  wisest  sages.  They  led  men  to  a  dark 
fatalism  by  ascribing  to  God  all  their  power  to 
act  (Tei-tull.  Apol,  35-42).  They  showed  a  de- 
fiant obstinacy  in  their  resistance,  even  to  death, 
to  the  commands  of  civil  magistrates  (Marc. 
AureU  xi.  3).  [E.  H.  P.] 

CALUMNY.    [Detraction;  Siandeb.] 

CAMBBICUM  CONCILIUM,  a.d.  465,  is 
a  fiction,  taken  from  Geoffirey  of  Monmouth, 
&c  [A.  W.  H.] 

CAMELAUCIUM.  A  covering  for  the  head, 
in  use  chiefly  in  the  East,  of  very  unsettled 
orthography.  We  find  camelaticum,  camelauctu^ 
eaitmiaucwny  and  in  Greek  icofiriXa^iuop  and 
KOfitKa&Ktov,    It  appears  to  have  been  a  round 

cap  with  ear-flap  of  fur, 
originally  camel  s  hair  if 
the  ordinary  etymology  is 
to  be  accepted,  or  wool,  and 
sometimes  adorned  with 
gems.  The  form  and  name 
being  preserved,  it  some- 
times became  a  helmet  and 
was  worn  in  battle.  We 
find  it  adopted  both  by 
royal  personages  and  by 
ecclesiastics.  The  head-covering  taken  from 
Totila  when  killed,  a.d.  552,  and  presented  to 
Justinian,  is  called  by  Theophanes  (Chron.  p.  193) 
icafLii\a6iuotf  9idKi0oy,  Constantine  the  Great 
appears  on  his  triumphal  arch  at  Rome  similarly 
attired.  [See  Cbown.]  Ferrario  (Costumi, 
£uropa  (Rs)  vol.  iii.  part  i.  pi.  30),  and  Constan- 
tine Porphyr.  (de  Adm,  Imp.  c  13)  describe  by 
the  same  name  the  sacred  caps,  preserved  at 
the  high-altar  of  St.  Sophia's,  traditionally  be- 
lieved to  have  been  sent  by  an  angel's  hands 
to  Constantine  the  Great,  and  used  in  the  coro- 
nation of  the  emperors  of  the  East. 

Its  ecclesiastical  use  in  the  East  seems  to  have 
been  chiefly  confined  to  the  monastic  orders. 
Goar  (  Euchohg.  p.  156)  tells  us  that  the  mitre 
of  the  metropolitan  of  Constantinople  had  this 
name  only  when  he  was  taken  from  the  monastic 
rauKs.  It  is  defined  by  Allatius  (de  vtriua- 
que  Eccl,  Conaens.  lib.  iiL  c.  viii.  no.  12,  apud 
Ducange),  as  a  round  woollen  cap  worn  by 
monks.  It  was  worn  by  Armenian  bishops  when 
officiating  at  the  altar  (i6.,  Isaac  Invectio  aecunda 
m  Armen,  p.  414).    [Mitre.] 

Fuller  particulars  and  authorities  may  be 
found  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  Qlossary  of 
Ducange.  For  its  form,  Ferrario  «.*.,  Goar, 
Eucholog,  p.  156,  and  the  plates  prefixed  to 
Ducange's  Ghea.  Med.  et  Inf.  Graec,  may  be  con- 
sulted. [E,  v.] 

CAMERA  PARAMENTI.    [Sacriwt.] 

CAMISIA.  (Hence  the  ItaL  <Camicia'  a 
■hii-t,  and  *  Camice '  an  alb ;  i^.  *Camisa ; '  and 
the  Fr.  *  Chemise,'  in  Languedoc  *Camise.')  St. 
Jerome  {Ep.  ad  Fabiolam),  in  describing  the 
vestments  of  the  Jewish  priesthood  (*'  Yolo  pro 


CANA,  MIRACLE  OF 

legentis  facilitate  abuti  sermone  wdgato.  Soleot 
militant^s  habere  lineas  quas  camisias  toowI 
sic  aptas  membris  et  astrictas  corponbos  nl 
expediti  sint  vel  ad  cursum  vel  ad  praelia,"  jsc.). 
and  a  scholiast  on  Lucan  (suHarum  est  genus  rei- 
timentiquod  vulgo  camisia  dicitur,id  est  interola) 
speak  of  this  word  as  belonging  to  the  Ungfta 
vulgaris.  St.  Jerome's  description  shews  it  to 
have  been  a  shirt  fitted  to  the  body  so  as  to 
admit  of  active  exertion  of  the  limbs,  which  ms 
not  the  case  with  the  flowing  garments  worn  br 
the  more  wealthy  in  ordinary  life.  St.  Isidore 
iOrig.  xix.  22,  29)  derives  the  word  "a  ctams" 
("  quod  in  his  dormimus  in  camis,  id  est  in  strotii 
nostris  ").  With  him  it  is  a  night-fihirt  or  bed- 
gown.  The  word  'cama'  still  retains  tbe 
meaning  of  a  *  bed '  in  the  Spanish  language,  to 
which  St.  Isidore,  himself  a  Spaniard,  seems  to 
refer.  The  Arabic  'kamis'  is  no  doubt  con- 
nected with  the  Spanish  *■  camisa.'  See  further 
references  in  Manage,  Diet.  £tynL  'Chemise,' and 
in  Ducange,  Glossanum,  <  camisia.'     [W.  B.  IL] 

CAMFAOAE.  (Other  forms  of  the  same  word 
are  Campacus,  Gambacus,  Campobus.)  A  kind  of 
ornamented  shoe  worn  by  emperors  and  kingi 
(Trebellius,  m  Gallieno;  Capitolinus,  m  Maxi- 
min.  Jun.)  and  by  various  officers  of  state  (**  prse- 
toribus  Palatinis  et  quibusvis  aliis:"  cf.  Ducange, 
in  voc.y,  At  a  later  period  they  were  worn  by 
the  higher  ecclesiastics  at  Rome,  and  by  othen 
elsewhere,  but  in  disregard  of  the  special  priri- 
leges  claimed  in  regard  of  these  by  Roman  autho- 
rities. Gregor.  Magnus,  Ep.  vii.  indict,  i.  ep.  28). 
"  Pervenit  ad  noe,"  &c.  [W.  B.  M.] 

CAMPANA.    [Bell.] 

GAMPANARIUS.  The  special  office  of 
Campanariutf  or  bell-ringer,  in  a  church  is  per- 
haps not  mentioned  in  the  literature  of  the  fint 
eight  centuries.  See,  however,  the  so<aUcd 
Exoerpta  Egberti,  c.  2,  and  the  Leges  Fraiyt 
Northumbr.  c  36. 

In  more  ancient  times  the  duty  of  ringing  the 
bells  at  the  proper  seasons  seems  to  hare  been 
laid  upon  tJie  priests  themselves  {Ca^pihjhrs 
Epitcop.  c.  8;  Capit.  Caroii  Magni,  lib.  vL  c 
168).  To  the  same  effect  Amalarius  (de  Die. 
Off.  iii.  1)  says,  speaking  of  the  ringing  of  bells, 
**  ne  despiciat  presbyter  hoc  opus  agere."  (Du- 
cange s.  vv.  Campanunif  Campanarius.)  In  later 
times  the  Ostiarius  was  the  bell-ringer  (Maxtcm 
de  Hit.  Eocl.  ii.  18,  ed.  1783).  [C] 

CAMPANILE.    [Belfbt:  Tower.] 

CAMPIO,  **  champion  " :  one  whose  profei- 
sion  it  was  to  fight  for  another  in  cases  vbcre 
single  combat  was  permitted  by  law  to  decide 
the  right  "  m  oampo  duelhun  exercens."  People 
were  allowod  their  advocate  in  court,  and  their 
champion  in  the  field.  But  the  latter  was  s 
mediaeval  institution,  and  therefore  beyond  onr 
limits.  He  was  a  superior  personage  to  the 
gladiator  of  old  Rome,  so  far  in  that  he  foogfat, 
not  for  a  mere  display  of  brute  force,  but  for 
the  triumph  of  justice.  See  Dn  Cange,  Hoff- 
mann, Spelman,  and  Blount,  s.v»  [B.  S.] 

CANA,  MIRACLE  OP.  RepresentatJoos 
of  this  miracle  frequently  present  themselves 
in  Christian  art.  It  was  early  supposed  to  be 
typical  of  the  Eucharist ;  indeed,  Theophiliu  of 
Antioch,  so  far  back  as  the  2nd  century,  looks 
on  the  change  of  the  water  as  figurative  of  the 


CANOBLU 


met  caBiiaiiotod  in  teptiim  (Cbmnml.  iw 
Eh^.  lik  ir.).  CjTtl  of  Jcmulem  (_CaUch. 
uiL  11)  Mji  H  nprcMnU  the  chuge  of  the 
■H  Ufa)  Uie  blood  of  tha  LonI  in  tha  Encliuut ; 
ud  tlis  ids  hu  b*en  mpplifd  iritlk  ugir  inoon- 
■qotac*  M  Um  fappoit  of  the  foil  dogmn  of 
tiuHbrtutiation.  The  miracle  li  rapreatnted 
«■  u  irorf,  pnbLiabed  bj  Hunuhi,  Bottaii,  and 


■hieh  ■ 


"??~=f 


0  hire  fon 


tilt  sTeriiig  of  a  Uirooe  balongiog  to  the 
■f  EiTciuA,  uid  ii  nferred  to  the  Tth  centorj. 
Budini  (/■  Ta/n^am  a6iinMiifn  Oburvatimat,  4to. 
Flnuliie,  1746)  gira  a  plate  of  it:  and  the 

■  ISTl.     See  woodcot. 


U  Bottwi,  Utt.  iU.  uid  u 


(im,  u  alao  ia  liiiTiiL;  fOBr  is  tar.  liiiii. 
Ik  nmtU  or  fafdriae  are  of  different,  and  geoe- 
nllj  hamble  fomu,  on  tfaeH  >arcophagL  Bottari 
rnmrki  Uiat  the  Kalpton  maj  biTe  been  ham- 
{•red  bj  knowing  the  water-Teaeeli  to  hare 
WcB  Large,  conlaisiDg  a  "  metretet."  Bat  thoae 
OS  Baadini'a  ivor;  are  grecefull7-ahaped  am- 
pbme.  Ben  the  Lord  bean  a  Qreek  atom  dd  ft 
ntS,  and  motioiu  with  the  other  hand  to  the 
bidrgmom,  OT  a  lerraiit,  who  ia  catrjing  a  cup 
to  tiM  maiter  of  the  feaat,  gazing  >I«adilj  at  it, 
ud  titcnding  hia  left  hand  towarfU  the  Savionr. 
Tkt  Gnt-quoted  of  theie  pUtee  (lii.  tod  mil) 
of  Boitari'a  are  from  aarcophagi  foaod  in  the 
Vaticaa,  and  of  high  merit  id  an  artiitic  poiot 
■f  Titw.  The  later  oae*,  not  much  inferior,  are 
fnm  tha  cemetery  of  Lncioa,  in  the  Calliitine 
atacomb,  or  from  a  aarcophagiu  dug  up  in  1607, 
in  preparing  fouDdatiooB  for  the  Capella  Borgheaa 
U  Sta.  Haria  Uaggiore.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

CAJ;CELLI  (Podiwi,  Ptctaralia,  Memima ; 
Ko^-VSii.  AptfTa,  Kdrr*)UM,  lUTireJUai, 
UrnAAa).  Tb«H  words  are  applied  to  a  par- 
tus totmei  of  open  work  in  wood  or  iroik,  or 


OANOELLI  293 

even  of  atone  (Fapiaa,  in  Dncaoge,  a.  t.  CanotUut), 
eapeciallj  to  tha  open-work  ecreen  or  grating 
which  >epara(«a  the  choir  from  the  nave  of  a 
church,  or  the  uoctuary  &om  the  choir.  Eue^ 
biun  {Bist.  Sad.  1.  4,  fc  M),  after  deacribing  tha 
thronea  of  the  wpitlfoi  in  the  upper  part  of 


ictuarj,  aajB,  "These  Bg^o,  that  the)- might 
M  maccuaibie  to  the  laitj,  he  ascloaed  with 
wooden  giatiaga,  wrought  with  to  delicate  an 
art  aa  to  be  a  wonder  to  tiehold."  These  oonosJU 
BOem  to  hare  enclosed  the  whole  of  the  spae* 
occupied  br  the  clei^.     Compare  Chdbcb. 

St.  Ambrose  ia  uM  (Soioman,  BM.  Eod.  Tii. 
25,  317)  to  have  eiclnded  the  empeiora  from 
the  aanetoarf,  and  to  haveaaigned  them  a  place 
just  outside  the  rails  which  enclosed  it  (wpb  tAh 
ifiifiirriir  Toii  Ufortliiv).  Hera  the  iipBTfisr 
seems  to  oorreapond  with  what  we  call  the 
chancel,  inclnding  tha  whole  of  the  space  as- 
signed to  the  clergy,  and  not  merelj  the  sanc- 
tuarj;  for  the  emperor's  position  is  said  to 
indicate  his  precedence  among  the  people,  and  hia 
inferiority  to  the  clergy.  The  nil  seema  to  hare 
lieen,  la  short,  a  chancel-screen  rather  than  an 
altar-rail. 

Cyprian,  In  tha  Lift  a!  Caesarins  of  Arlea 
{^Aota  S3.  Bntd.  saee.  i.  App.)  says  that  tha 
saint  did  not  hesitata  to  give  lor  the  redemption 
of  captives  thingi  belonging  to  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament,  aa  chalices  and  censers, 
and  even  took  down  the  silver  ornaments  from 
the  catictUi.  In  this  case,  the  contait  soggesta 
that  the  canctUi  wero  near  the  alUr.  Paul 
Warnafrid  {Dt  Epitcop.  Meleta.  in  Perti, 
Mamtm.  Oennan.  li.  266)  says  that  Chiodegang 
CBOsed  to  be  made  a  church  in  honour  of  St. 
Stephen,  and  his  altar,  and  cancelli,  and  a  pres- 
bytery, where  again  the  rail  or  grating  seems  to 
have  been  the  enclosure  of  the  altar. 

Alhanaiius  (EpiiMa  ad  OrthodoxQi,  0pp.  L 
64S)  speaks  of  the  utyKsXai  of  a  church  as 
among  the  things  destroyed  by  Ariao  fnry. 

Cyril  of  Scythapolis,  in  the  Life  of  Euthymiui 
(t  B73 ;  in  Acta  SS.  Jan.  li.  302  !(.),  tells  how  a 
Saracen,  leaning  on  the  screen  of  the  sanctuary 
(ry  lurrJAy  ToE  Itporilou)  while  the  offering 
was  being  made,  saw  fire  descend  from  heaven 
and  sprssd  Itself  over  the  altar.  Here  the  screen 
clearly  enclosed  the  bema,  or  sanctoary,  and  ad- 
mitted of  the  altar  being  seen  from  without. 
And  again,  in  the  Lift  of  St.  Sabas  (in  Cotelerius, 
ihnunt.  Eccl.  Qraecat,  torn,  iii.),  he  speaks  of  the 
rails  of  the  sanctuary  (v.  toG  iuaiaimmiini). 

Some  have  thought  that  the  Rdoak  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  Liber  Pimiificalit  among  the 
presents  of  various  popes  to  Roman  churches  were 
cancellated  doora.    But  see  tha  article. 

Germanns  of  Constantinople*  {Hitt.  EccL  p. 
148,  ed.  Paris,  1560)  says  that  the  rails  {iciyiHWit) 
mark  out  the  space  to  the  outside  of  which  the 
people  may  approach,  while  inside  is  the  Holy  of 
HoLea,  accessible  only  to  the  priests.  Here  w* 
must  conclude,  either  that  the  phrase  T<i  I^^b 
rir  iylirr  iaclndes  choir  as  well  as  sanctuary, 
which  Is  highly  improbable,  or  that  tha  people 
entered  the  choir  at  any  rate  for  tha  purpose  ot 
communicating.  Compare  CuoiR. 
•  h  la  dcnttfid  wbeilut  lhfci"w<rt  is  U  bs  auribsled 


264 


CANDELABBUH 


DunodDs  (^Rationnlt,  i.  3,  3S)  otMerra  that  in 

»  liigh  u  to  prBTenl  ths  people  from  Muring  th« 
clerks;  bat  that  in  faie  owa  time  a  curtain  or 
partition  wai  genenllf  interposed  betveea  the 
derkii  and  the  pMiple,  to  that  the<r  could  not  lee 
each  other. 

baoange's  Qlonarj/,  s.  t.  CanctUui;  Snjc«r'i 
Ifuaaurui,  >,  TT.  Ip^ncTDi',  icrxvAli,  ■iI-)r)>iA.a ; 
Msbilloo,  Comment.  Praen,  in  OriSnem  Som. 
c  20,  p.  ciiiTit.  [C.] 

(3)  in  additioii  to  the  Die  of  thU  word  for  the 
lattice-work  protecting  the  altar  of  a  chnrch 
and  the  raised  area  on  which  it  itocd,  Citn- 
<x!li  wai  also  emplDjed  to  deaignate  a  railing 
round  a  tomb.  We  find  it  need  in  this  sense  by 
Angusline  (e.g.  Serm,  dt  Dintrt.  mi.,  de  Civit. 
Dei  iiii.  7,  &c.;  Gcegor;  of  Tonn,  de  Mirac.  i. 
69;  ii.  20,46,47;  id.fisl.vi.  10, where  thieves 
■re  described  as  breaking  into  St.  Martin'e 
Church  at  Tours  bj  raising  against  the  window 
of  the  apse  '*  cancellum  qui  super  tumulum 
cojasdam  daluDcti  erat"). 

Another  word  used  in  the  saoie  sense  from  the 
■imilstity  of  Iti  form  was  Cataracia,  nBTofi- 
MicTqf,  "a  portoQllis."  The  letters  of  ths 
legates  to  Pope  Bormisdss  leUtive  to  ths  re- 
qnett  of  Jnstinisn  for  some  relics  of  the  apostles 
speaks  of  the  "secnnda  cataracta."  Labixf 
CoTK.  iv.  1515;  and  the  encj-clic  of  Vigilioa, 
Ep.  IT.  mentions  the  "cataracts  Beati  Petri," 
le.  the  iron  railing  snrronnding  his  "confesiio" 
(ft.  T.  330).  [E.  v.] 

CANDBLABBUM.    [Coboha  Luoib.] 

CANDIDA.  (1)  Wifeof  Arttmius,  msrt^ 
at  Rome,  is  commemorated  June  6  (Mart.  Som. 
Vet.,  Uiuartii). 

(%)  Virgin,  of  Bonia,  is  commemorated  Aug.  29 
(Xart.  Uenardi>  [C] 

CANDIDDS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  is  oom- 
memorated  Feb.  S  (Mart.  Usoardi), 

(3)  llartyr  at  Sebaste  in  Armenia,  Uarch  9 
(ifort.  Bedse);  Uarch  11  (Hart.  Usuardi). 

(S)  Ualtyr,  one  of  the  Theban  Legion,  com- 
memorated Sept.  22  (Mart.  Bwlae,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Uartyr  at  Rome,  Oct.  3  (Mart.  Usuardi). 
CANDLE.  [LiORra:  Taper.]  [C] 
CANDLEHAS.  [Hast,  Feshvau  of.] 
CANiSTBH,  or  CASI8TKUM.      (I)     A 

basket  used  far  holding  coosecrsted  bread,  or 
perhaps  EOLOOIAB.  Compare  Asca.  St.  Jerome 
iEp.  ad  Btatio.  c.  20),  speaking  oF  the  practice 
among  Christiani  in  bis  day  of  carrjlDg  home 
the  ooDsecnted  elements  luth  of  bread  and 
wine,  OSes  the  eipression,  "Qui  corpus  Domini 
in  canistro  Timineo  et  sanguinem  portat  in 
vitro;"  from  which  it  appears  that  a  wicker 
basket   waa   need   for   holihng   the   consecrated 

Tliia  passage  is  remarkably  lllnstrated  by  a 
IVeseo  discovered  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Cornelius  hy 
Cavaliers  de'  Rossi.  This  represenU  a  fish  swim- 
ming in  the  water,  bearing  on  its  back  a  basket 
having  on  the  top  several  small  loaves,  and  inside 
a  red  object,  deariy  visible  through  the  wicker- 
work,  which  seems  to  be  a  email  glass  flask  of 
wine.  This  is  marked  In  the  enraving  by  a 
somewhat  darker  tiDt.  We  have  tHai  the  FUH, 
the  well-known  symbol  of  the  Redeemer,  com- 
bined with   the   representation   of   the  sacred 


CANON 

In  another  painting  of  the  same  eemetojia 
represented  a  tripod  table,  on  which  an  laid 
three  loaves  and  a  fish,  and  round  which  art 
placed  seven  baikets  fnll  of  loaves.  Here,  tki, 
it  cannot  be  doubt«d  that  the  loaves  are  endis- 
ristic,  either  as  being  the  loavea  actually  mo- 
B«crated,  or  thoee  blessed  for  distributioa  [Er- 
LOQiae]  (Martigny,  Diet,  dee  Ant.  ChrA. 
p.2«). 


Epiphanios    the    Presbyter    (in    Indian  ai 

Sormiedam,  quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  v.  Canatnim) 
aaya  that  certain  persons  proved  thcBuelita  to 
be  heretics  bj  the  very  fact  that  on  the  sppnsch 
of  what  they  called  penecution,  i.e.  Uie  pce- 
dominaDce  of  ths  orthodox  Church,  they  con- 
secrated great  quantities  of  sacramental  bread, 
and  distributed  full  baskets  (canistra  plena)  to 
all,  that  they  might  not  be  deprived  of  com- 
munion. Ducange  refers  this  to  the  euIi^iK; 
but  the  enlogias  would  scarcely  hsve  been 
regarded  as  a  substitute  for  communion,  snd  the 
passage  nuy  probably  be  referred,  like  tlut  id 
8t.  Jerome,  to  the  distribution  of  bread  actually 
consecrated. 

(S)  The  disk  or  taiza  placed  under  a  Ismp. 
Tliia  sense  is  frequent  In  the  Liber  PoitlificalU. 
For  inatance.  Pope  Adrian  (772-795)  is  said  to 
have  given  to  a  church  twelve  silver  aaudri, 
weighing  thirty-aii  pounds.  Leo  IIL,  hii  ruc- 
oesaor,  gats  a  ailvsr  caaitter  with  itt  chains, 
weighing  tUleen  pouidi.  Gregory  IT.  gave  tve 
canlatraof  nine  lights  (caniatn  ennafodia  =  ^nw- 
f^ia).  In  the  latter  case,  the  tights  wtie 
probably  distributed  round  the  drcumfetenw  of 
the  taiia.     (Dncange'a  OJolsivy,  s.r.).        [C] 

CANON.  Karir,  a  rule;  applied  cedtsiit- 
tically  to  many  very  diveree  things,  but  with  lb« 
one  notion  of  fiiity  or  regularity  underlying  all 
of  them:  as— 

1.  The  Holy  Scriptarea,  as,  i.  themselvs  i 
rule ;  ii.  in  respect  to  the  rule  by  which  to  de- 
termine what  is  Holy  Scripture,  the  latter  btine 
the  sense  in  which  the  word  was  lirst  applied  to 
them.     [CaSObioaL  Bookb.] 

3.  The  Creed.     [Cbebd.] 

3.  The  Roll  of  the  clergy  in  a  particulsr 
church  (4  ir  v^  Korin  =  clergyman),  frnn  s 
time  prior  to  the  Niceiis  Council  (can.  16, 17, 
19),  =  i  iyiot  larir  {Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  Ml, 
can.  I),  KarcUpyoi  Itpaviicji  (Cm.  ApoeL  14. 
50),  Albui  (Sidon.  ApoUin,  lib.  vi.  ep.  8),  Hstri- 
onla  (Cone.  Agath.  A.a  506,  can.  2),  TJ»l» 
Oericorum  (St  Aug.  Bom.  50  de  Die.).  Heuot 
Canonid,  and  Canonicae ;  and  later  still,  Csnou 
Secular  and  Canons  Regular.    [CaRONICL] 

4.  The  rules,  either  invented  or  improved  by 
Ensebius  after  the  AfonofnsarDii  of  Ammouiui, 
for  ascertaining  the  parallel  passages  of  ths  fear 
Qospels. 

5.  Canon  Faxhalit  =  the  role  for  £nditc 
Eaatsr.    [Easteb.] 

6.  The  lixed  portion  of  the  Eocharistlc  sarriA 
[Canon  of  thi:  Lrruiiav.] 


CANON  LAW 


CANON  LAW 


265 


T.  TLt  bjnuM  which  formed  inTsriable  por- 
ttoBs  of  feirioM  in  the  Greek  ofBce  books,  e,  g, 

wnpAftfttSf  K»4rcf  'ArmrrJififiot,  &C.  &C.  (Du 
Ckag«»  Meanias,  Saicer,  Care.)  [Canon  of 
Ooai] 

8.  A  Lectionary,  according  to  Gothofred  (see 
Biagbam  XIll.  t.  6) ;  hat  thia  seems  doubtful. 

9.  A  flynodical   decree.      [Canon-law.] 

10.  A  monastic  role, — Ktafi»¥  r^s  iiovaxiK^s 
nXxTflUr  (Care,  Din,  m  fin.  Hid,  Litty  So  also 
tied  bf  the  Pseudo-Egbert. 

11.  A  Penitential  (Care,  «&.).  ^  Incidere  in 
oBODa"  came  to  mean  *Uo  incur  penance"  (Du 
Ckage> 

\'L  The  epithet  eatumioae  was  also  applied 
^- 

L  Tbe  Camonioal  Letters  given  by  bishops  to 
the  faithful  who  trayelled  to  another  diocese. 
[EnnoLAE.] 

i.  The  Cammioal  Hours  of  prayer.    [HouBS.] 

in.  ** CcmoniceU Pensions"  granted  to  a  retired 
bnkep  oat  of  the  revenues  of  his  former  see. 
[Bmop;  Pension.] 

The  word  is  used  also,  politically,  of  an  ordi- 
■siy  ss  opposed  to  an  extraordinary  tax ;  whence 
St.  Atkaaasias  speaks  of  himself  as  accused  of 
gettiag  a  aov^r  imposed  upon  £gypt  {Apol,  ii. 
Op^  i.  178),  which  Sozomen  (yi.  21)  calls  ^6pos : 
sad  also  of  a  pension  or  fixed  payment  (Du  Gauge, 
S<Ker>  [A.  W.  H.] 

CANON  LAW.  The  term  Canon  Law,  as 
MBOMNily  used  at  tbe  present  day,  is  generally 
ladcntood  to  relate  to  that  complex  system  of 
eecksiastical  jurisprudence  which  grew  up  in 
tbeCbuTch  of  Rome  during  the  Middle  Ages.* 
Of  this  system,  howerer,  it  hardly  falls  within 
•■r  limits  to  speak.  The  Decretum  of  Gratian, 
vkicb  is  the  first  part  of  the  Corpus  Juris 
Csaoaici,  was  not  drawn  up  until  the  12th 
ct&tary,  and  eren  the  Decretals  of  the  Pseudo- 
Isidore,  which  form  to  so  large  an  extent  the 
htm  of  the  canon  law  of  Rome,  did  not  appear 
till  some  time  after  the  year  800.  We  have, 
therefore,  to  confine  ourselves  to  the  earlier 
collections  of  church  law 

*^lt  is  not  to  be  supposed  (says  Avliffe,  in 
hk  Introduction  to  his  Parergon  Juris  (!anonict) 
that  the  communion  of  the  Church  could  long 
subsist  after  the  death  of  the  Apostles,  without 
■Mne  other  laws  and  obligations,  holding  men  to 
peace  and  concord  among  themaelves,  than  those 
ooataioed  in  holy  writ;  considering  the  pride 
ud  passions  of  men,  and  an  overweening  conceit 
flf  their  own  particular  ways  m  point  of  Diviuo 
wonhip,  and  the  ceremonies  of  it." 

The  earli<>st  approach  to  a  fox  scripta  other 
tbia  and  beyond  the  Scriptures,  probably  con- 
usted  partly  of  letters  of  eminent  bishops  in 
Kplj  to  questions  put  to  them  on  disputed 
topics  (a  kind  of  '*  responsa  prudentum  **) — 
pvtly  of  traditional  maxims,  "  coutCUnes,"  as 
BuMca  calls  them  (jCkrigtianity  and  Mankind^ 
ToL  ii.  421),  reduced  to  writing,  and  generally 
scoepted,  with  or  without  synodical  sanction — 


*  II  k  aoDwdoMS  also  qppUcd  to  the  prorlndal  canons 
ssd  covtlmtlmis  passed  bj  domestic  synods  in  this  coon- 
*7-  It  Is  to  theae  thai  the  act  9ft  Hen.  8.  c.  19.  relates. 
^  fhssft  alao  belong  to  a  time  sabseqnent  to  tbe  year 
Ml  sad  do  not  tbeitfiiie  Call  to  be  noticed  hero. 


partly  of  decisions  of  local  councils,  in  which 
certain  neighbouring  dioce^ies  met  together  and 
agreed  upon  rules  for  their  observance  in  com- 
mon. 

The  so-called  apostolical  canons,  and  aposto- 
lical constitutions  [see  Afost.  Canons  and 
Apost.  Constitutions]  probably  contain  frag- 
ments derived  from  this  early  period.  The 
ancient  pieces  edited  in  Lagarde's  JReliquiae  Juris 
Ecclesiastici  Antiquissimae,  and  in  Bickeirs 
Gesckichte  des  Kirchenrechts,  also  perhaps  raflect 
to  some  extent  the  state  of  things  at  a  primitive 
stage,  with  more  or  less  of  subsequent  accretion 
and  interpolation. 

Eusebius  mentions  synods  or  meetings  of  the 
orthodox  on  the  subject  of  the  Easter  contro- 
versy as  early  as  the  close  of  the  2nd  cen- 
tury (if.  K  V.  23;  see  Bickell,  i.  88).  In  the 
3rd  century  like  assemblies  were  held  on  the 
question  of  baptism  by  heretics,  and  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  lapsi.  Of  letters  of  bishops  received 
as  having  weight  in  ecclesiastical  questions,  few 
or  none  remain  of  a  very  early  date.  The  epistle 
of  Clement  of  Rome,  and  the  epistles  of  Ignatius, 
hardly  fulfil  this  character,  and  the  pretended 

(letters  of  early  popes  in  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  De- 
cretals are  forgeries.  But  in  the  3rd  century  we 
have  a  letter  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  and  one 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  which  were  written  in 
reply  to  questions  put  to  them,  and  which  find  a 

J  lace  in  the  Codex  Canonum  of  the  Greek  Church, 
t  is  therefore  possible  that  similar  epistles  of 
other  bishops  may  have  exercised  more  or  less 
influence  in  regulating  the  afiairs  of  infant 
churches  during  the  previous  period. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century,  pro- 
vincial councils  became  numerous.  Before  the 
year  325  we  have,  for  instance,  councils  at  Elvira, 
Aries,  Ancyra,  and  Neocaesarea.  Then  begins  the 
series  of  genend  councils,  that  of  Nice  being  the 
first,  followed,  in  381,  by  the  first  Council  of 
Constantinople,  minor  councils  having  been  held 
in  the  interim.  [Council.]  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  some  efibrt  was  now  made  to 
collect  the  laws  of  the  Church.  We  begin  with 
the  Eastern  Church. 

The  first  collection  of  which  we  hear  has  not 
come  down  to  us  in  its  original  form.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  contained  at  first  only  the  canons  of 
Nice,  and  those  of  the  provincial  councils  of  An- 
cyra, Neocaesarea,  and  Gangra.  As  the  three 
last  mentioned  councils  were  connected  with 
the  diocese  of  Pontus,  it  has  been  conjectured, 
from  the  prominence  given  to  them,  that  the 
collection  originated  there. 

By  degrees  other  councils  were  added,  and  this 
Codex  Eociesiae  OrientcUis,  thus  enlarged,  became 
a  work  of  recognized  authority,  and  was  quoted 
at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451  A.D.  Jus- 
tell  us  edited  in  1619  a  Codex  Canonum  Eccleaiae 
Universae,  which  he  professed  to  be  the  collec* 
tion  quoted  at  Chalcedon,  and  to  have  been  the 
work  of  Stephen,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  at  the  end 
of  the  4th  century.  In  point  of  fact,  however, 
the  work  published  by  Justellus  contains  much 
additional  matter,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  an 
exact  representation  of  tbe  early  form  of  the 
collections    in     question.^       Subsequently    to 

b  ••  Notos  est  error  Jastellt,  qol  oodloem  snum  ca- 
noQum  ecdfislae  unlverMe  pro  Inbltu  oomposolt  ct  pra 
coUectloue  a  conciUo  Cbaloidoncnsi  confimiata,  nunc 


266 


CANON  LAW 


CANON  LAW 


the  Coanojl  of  Chaloedon,  divers  collections  ap- 
pear to  have  been  made,  varying  from  one 
another  more  or  less  in  the  order  and  character 
of  their  contents.  Meanwhile,  another  element 
had  been  added  to  church  law  hj  the  decrees  of 
the  Christian  emperors,  collected  in  the  Codes 
of  Theodosius  and  Justinian  (Biener,  p.  14). 

In  the  middle  of  the  6th  century,  John,  sur- 
named  Scholasticns,  a  priest  of  Antioch,  and 
subsequently  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  made 
a  more  systematic  and  complete  collection,  in- 
troducing into  it  sixty-eight  passages  from  the 
works  of  Basil,  which  the  Oriental  Church  re- 
ceives as  authoritative.  *  At  the  same  time  he  also 
extracted  and  put  together,  from  the  legislation 
of  Justinian,  a  number  of  laws  bearing  on  ec- 
clesiastical matters.  These  two  collections, 
when  afterwards  combined  (probably  by  another 
hand),  obtained  the  name  of  Nomocanon. 

We  now  come  to  the  council  in  TruUo,  held 
A.D.  692,  the  decree  of  which  furnishes  a  list 
of  what  was  then  received.  The  council  acknow- 
ledges 85  apostolic  canons,  and  those  of  Nice, 
Ancyra,  Neocaesarea,  Gangra,  Antioch,  Laodicea, 
Constantinople,  Ephesus,  Chalcedon,  Sardica,  and 
Carthage,'  also  of  the  Synod  of  Constantinople 
under  Nectaiius.*  It  further  recognizes  the  so- 
called  canons  taken  from  the  works  of  Dionysius 
and  Peter,  archbishops  of  Alexandria,  Gregory 
Thaumaturgus,  Athanasius,  Basil,  Gregory  Nys- 
sen,  Gregory  Theologus,  Amphilochius,  Timo- 
theus,  Theophilus  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and 
Gennadius,  patiiarch  of  Constantinople.  Lastly, 
it  confirms  the  Canon  of  Cyprian  as  to  the 
baptism  of  heretics,  which  it  states  to  haye  been 
recognized  by  the  usage  of  the  Church. 

Not  quite  two  centuries  later  appeared  the 
great  Nomocanon  of  Photius,  patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople. This  comprehended  a  digest  of  the 
canons  according  to  their  subject  matter,  and  of 
the  laws  of  Justinian  on  the  same  subjects.  A 
close  connexion  was  thereby  practically  estab- 
lished between  the  decrees  of  councils  and  those 
of  emperora  (Biener,  p.  22).  It  seems  to  be  the 
aim  of  this  work  to  embrace  the  same  canons 
in  the  main  as  were  recognized  by  the  TruUan 
Council,  and  to  add  them  to  the  Trullan  decrees, 
and  those  of  the  following  councils  : — 

The  so-called  7th  Council,  or  2nd  Nicene; 
the  so-called  Primo  secunda,  held  a.d.  861 ;  that 
of  St.  Sophia,  called  by  the  Greeks  the  8th 
Council,  A.D.  879.' 

The  council  styled  by  the  Latins  the  8th, 
viz.,  that  held  against  Photius  A.D.  869,  not 
being  acknowledged  by  the  Greeks,  did  not  ap- 
pear in  this  collection. 

In  the  11th  century  the  work  of  Psellus,  in 

demum  restitnta,  venditavit.''  Biener,  p.  10;  oomp. 
Phillips,  p.  15. 

*>  It  contained  the  Apostolic  Canons,  and  tbose  of  Nioe, 
Ancyra,  Neocaeiarea,  Sardica,  Oangra,  Antioch.  Laodicea, 
Constantinople,  JE^hesus,  and  Ghaloedon,  and  the  so-called 
Canons  of  BaaU. 

<i  /.  e.  probably  the  same  tBoarpta  from  tbe  Council, 
AJ>.  419,  which  Dionysius  Ezignns  received  into  his 
collection. 

•  /.  e.  that  held  in  S9i  In  rdstion  to  Agaplus  and 
Bagadins. 

'  For  an  acooont,  however,  of  certain  varieties  and 
omiasioos,  not  easily  to  be  aooonnted  for,  and  possibly 
due  in  port  to  subsequent  copyists  and  editors,  see 
Bi«ner,  $4. 


the  12th,  ^he  commentaries  of  Zooarw  and  BaI- 
samon,  and  of  Aristenus,  and  later  stOl,  the 
labours  of  Blastares,  would  require  special  men- 
tion, as  forming  marked  eras  in  the  growth  of 
canon  law  in  the  East,  as  disting^uished  from  the 
mere  collection  and  publication  of  ftTisting  ca- 
nons. 

But  we  have  already  passed  our  chronological 
limit,  and  we  therefore  turn  to  the  churches  of 
the  West. 

The  canons  of  Nice  appear  to  have  beenspeedilj 
translated  into  Latin,  and  to  have  been  circulated 
in  the  West,  togethei'  with  those  of  Sardica. 
Soon  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a  further 
collection  called  the  '*Prisca  translatio"  ap- 
peared, which  began  with  the  Council  of  Ancyn, 
and  comprehended  those  of  Chalcedon  and  Con- 
stantinople. We  hear  also  of  a  Gallic  coUectioD. 
The  African  church,  too,  as  it  had  numerous 
councils,  appears  to  have  collected  their  decrees 

[see  Codex  CANONT7MJ^festa«A/rtC(ma03>  ^^^^ 
about  A.D.  547  Ferrandus,  a  deacon  of  Carthage, 

published  his  Breviatio  Cbnonttm,  which  wss  not 

merely  a  compilation,  but  a  systematic  digest, 

and  comprehended  also  the  Greek  Councils  to 

which  he  appears  to  have  had  access  through  t 

Spanish  version. 

Spain,  indeed,  had  at  an  early  period  a  colla- 
tion of  her  own.  The  fact  that  a  Spanish 
bishop  presided  at  the  Council  of  Nice  would 
ensure  a  prompt  entrance  into  that  country  for 
the  Nicene  decrees.  The  canons  of  other  ooundix 
followed,  some  of  which  were  held  in  Spain  itsel£ 
An  old  Codex  Canonum  appears  to  have  existed, 
though  not  now  extant  in  its  original  form.  It 
is  said  to  have  been  cited  at  the  Council  of  Braga, 
A.D.  591. 

Martin,  archbishop  of  Braga,  also  compiled 
extracts  from  Greek  councils,  which  became  a 
valuable  contribution  to  the  canon  law  of  the 
Spanish  church.  In  the  seventh  century  we 
come  to  the  collection  which  goes  by  the  name 
of  Isidore  of  Seville,  and  which  seems  to  be  of 
his  date,  though  perhaps  not  his  work.  This 
was  edited  at  Madrid  in  1808  and  1821  from 
a  Spanish  MS.  This  collection  is  a  very  full 
one,  and  at  once  attained  to  a  high  position.  It 
contains  not  only  canons  of  councils  but  de- 
cretals of  popes.  In  its  composition  use  was  no 
doubt  made  of  the  Roman  work  of  Dionysius  of 
which  we  are  about  to  speak. 

We  must  now  go  back  a  few  years  in  order  to 
trace  the  state  of  things  at  Rome.  The  decreet 
of  Nice  and  Sardica  were  speedily  accepted  and 
acted  upon  by  the  popes,  but  the  history  of  any 
regular  collection  of  canons  is  obscure  until  the 
end  of  the  5th  century,  when  the  Scythian  monk 
Dionysius  Exiguus  settled  at  Rome,  and  not  long 
afterwards  undertook  to  edit  a  systematic  com- 
pilation. That  his  work  is  not  entirely  new  is 
clear,  because  he  states  that  one  of  its  objects 
was  to  give  a  new  and  better  translation  of  the 
Greek  canons.  This  seems  to  refer  to  the 
defective  nature  of  the  "  Prisca  translatio " 
above  mentioned.  The  labours  of  Dionysius  re- 
sulted in  a  collection  both  more  accurate  ssd 
more  complete  than  any  previously  existing  st 
Rome.  It  comprised  50  of  the  apostolical  csBO&St 
27  canons  of  Chalcedon,  21  of  Sardica,  and  13^ 
of  various  African  councils.  The  work  gave  « 
much  satisfaction  that  its  author  proceeded  to 
make  a  second  and  further  one,  mto-  which  the 


CANON  LAW 

waa  jiierworeik.  He  now  collected  and 
tlie  aecretal  letters  of  the  popes  down  to 
ILf  As  the  first  sysUmatic  editor  of 
lecntals,  Dianysins  gare  a  new  prominence  to 
tbat  branch  of  Canon  Law  (assimilating  it  to  the 
Rescripu  of  the  Emperors),  and  thus  contribatad 
nnch  to  strengthen  the  Papal  pretensions.^ 
That  in  a  work  which  no  doubt  was  much 
valued  and  widely  circulated,  the  epistles  of 
popes  should  be  placed  on  a  level  with  the  canons 
of  cowidls,  was  no  light  matter.  Accordingly 
the  Spanish  collection  of  Isidore,  of  which  we 
hsTe  just  spoken,  borrowed  and  republished 
these  decretals  £rom  the  work  of  Dionysius,  thus 
giriag  them  standard  authority  in  the  code  of 
the  church  of  Spain.  The  way  was  thus  pre- 
psnd  for  the  systematic  interpolation  of  the 
Lidorean  collection  with  a  host  of  forged  de- 
cretals purporting  to  be  the  genuine  letters  of 
early  popes,  but  Iwing  in  reality  fictitious  docu- 
Bents  fnmed  to  adTance  the  eztrayagant  papal 
pRlensioBS  then  rising  into  notice.  This,  indeed, 
did  not  take  place  until  the  ninth  century,  and 
the  i'seMdo-isidorean  work  must  not  be  con- 
franded  with  the  earlier  collection  of  Isidore.' 

The  work  of  Dionysius  became  extensively 
known  as  the  standard  repertory  of  canon  law. 
Creseonius  appears  to  hare  reproduced  its  con- 
tents for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Africa ;  Chil- 
perie  in  Gaul  is  said  to  have  been  acquainted 
with  it;  and  in  England,  Theodore  is  believed  to 
hsTe  quoted  from  it  at  the  Synod  of  Hertford  in 
673.  It  is  thought  to  have  made  its  way  even 
into  the  East.  Its  most  important  recognition, 
kowever,  was  that  which  was  accorded  to  it  by 
Pope  Adrian  L  when  he  transmitted  a  copy 
(aagmented  by  certain  additions)  to  Charle- 
laafae ;  and  by  Charlemagne  himself  when  he 
canaed  the  work  to  be  solemnly  received  by  the 
sjmod  held  at  Aiz-la-Chapelle.  From  this  period 
it  is  frequently  spoken  of  by  the  title  of  Codex 
Eadrianus,  sometimes  also  by  the  name  of  Codex 


At  this  point  we  panse.^  The  next  century 
urn  the  PseiKfo-Isidorian  collection  foisted  upon 
the  church. 

A  new  era  then  commenced;  the  era  of  ez- 
tcafagiat  papal  claimS|  and  of  canonical  sub- 

*  Last  of  all  he  published  a  revised  and  conrected 
edWaa,  vtakh  liowever  has  perisbed. 

^  1b  cnimeTwn  with  the  word  "  Decretal,'*  the  following 
aptaeatkn  oftenns,  as  used  in  tiie  later  canon  law,  may 
aac  be  oat  of  place : — "  A  canon  Is  aaid  to  be  that  law 
vfakk  is  maJe  and  ordained  In  a  general  council  or  pro- 
viacld  ^ynod  of  the  Oinrdt.  A  decree  is  an  ordinance 
wUch  Is  enacted  by  the  pope  Umeeif,  by  and  with  the 
aMoe  of  his  cazdlnals  assembled,  withont  being  consolted 
bf  my  one  thereon.  A  decretal  epistle  is  that  which  the 
pope  deqees  either  by  himself  or  else  by  the  advice  of  his 
anttaals.  And  this  most  be  on  his  being  consulted  by 
9emt  putlcaUr  person  or  persons  thereon.  A  dogma  Is 
Ait  drternitnatSoa  which  oooalsts  in  and  has  a  reli^on  to 
■■•  casBJstkal  point  of  doctrine,  or  some  doctrinal  part 
■fiheChriaUanfiyth."    Ayllffe.  xsxvll. 

t  The  Mter  of  Pope  Slildua  to  Himerius.  bishop  of 
Tanafooa,  aju  385,  seema  the  Qrst  authentic  Bipal 
ItemtiL 

^  It  floay  be  wdl  to  add  a  word  as  to  Poenitentiala 
Tben  were  designed  to  r^nlate  the  penances  to  be  cano- 
Ideally  fciflktcd  on  penitents.  They  do  not  afV^"*  to 
have  had  general  sanction,  but  were  locally  adopted  owing 
to  te  poBltloD  and  influence  of  their  authon.  Thus  we 
hate  the  PbenHcndal  of  Gregoty  the  Qreat,  of  Theodore, 
<rfBe«%aBiloaia«.   8eeAylSft,xv. 


CANON  OP  THE  LITUBGY     267 

tleties  engendered  by  ecclesiastics,  whose  pro- 
fessional labours  and  commentaries  developed 
the  law  of  the  church  into  a  system  more 
artificial  and  intricate  than  that  of  the  state. 
But  these  things  lie  beyond  our  present  province, 
and  it  is  only  necessary  to  draw  attention  to  the 
new  phase  which  from  this  period  ihe  whole 
subject  of  canon  law  assumes. 

From  this  time  forward,  the  student  has  to  do 
not  merely  with  a  collection  of  statutes  but 
with  a  fabric  of  jurisprudence — ^not  merely  with 
a  Codex  Canonum,  but  with  a  Corpus  Juris. 

Authorities: — Parergon  Juris  Canonici,  by 
Aylifie.  London,  1726.  Biener,  De  Coliectionn 
ifnu  Canonum  Ecdesiae  Qraecae,  Beriin,  1827. 
Bickell,  Qedchichte  des  Kirchenrechts,  Oiessen, 
1845.  Beveridge,  Pandedae  Canonum  Sanctorum 
Apostohrum  et  Conciliorum  ab  ecclesid  Graecd 
receptorum,  Oxon.  1672.  Phillips,  Du  Droit 
Ecd^siaetique  dans  ses  Sourcesy  traduit  par 
Crouzet.  Paris,  1852. — [A  useful  book  but 
ultramontane  in  tone.]  In  these  works,  parti- 
cularly in  the  first  and  last,  references  will  be 
found  to  the  older  authors  for  the  benefit  of 
such  students  as  desire  to  investigate  the  subject 
more  fUlly.  [B.  S.] 

OANON  OP  THE  LITUEGY.  That  por- 
tion of  the  Liturgy  which  contains  the  form  of 
consecration,  and  which  in  the  Roman  and  most 
other  rites  is  fixed  and  invariable,  is  called  the 
Canon, 

I.  Designations.  The  word  kop^v  designates 
either  the  standard  by  which  anything  is  tried, 
or  that  which  is  tried  by  such  standard  (see 
Westcott  on  the  Canon  of  the  N.  Jl,  App.  A). 
It  is  used  in  the  first  sense  by  Clement  of  Rome 
(1  Cor.  41),  where  he  desires  the  brethren  not 
to  transgress  the  set  rule  of  their  service  (rhv 
&purii4yev  rris  \urovpyias  Kay6ya);  in  the 
second,  when  it  is  applied  by  liturgical  writers 
to  the  fixed  series  of  Psalms  or  Troparia  for  a 
particular  day.  It  is  in  the  second  sense  that 
the  word  canon  is  applied  to  the  fixed  portion 
of  the  Liturgy.  As  the  names  of  certain 
saints  were  recited  in  this  canon,  the  word 
Katfoyl(fw  came  to  designate  the  act  of  entering 
a  name  in  a  liturgical  list  or  diptych,  and 
saints  whose  names  were  so  entered  were  said  to 
be  canonized. 

It  is  also  called  Actio  (see  the  articIeX  and 
the  title  Infra  Actionem  (infra  being  used  for 
intra'),  is  not  uncommonly  placed  over  the  prayer 
Commiunicantes  in  ancient  MS6.  See  Le  Brun, 
Exposition  de  la  Messsj  tom.  i,  pt.  iv,  art.  4. 

Pope  Yigilius  {Epist,  ad  Profuturum)  and 
Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  vii.  64)  call  the 
canon  Preoem,  Preoem  Canomcam,  as  being  the 
prayer  by  pre-eminence. 

It  is  also  called  Secreta  and  Secretum  Mtssae, 
from  being  said  in  a  low  voice.    [Secreta.] 

Tertullian  appears  to  use  the  word  Benedictio 
(=  titXoyia)  to  designate  that  portion  of  the 
Eucharistic  service,  or  Actio,  which  included 
consecration.  See  De  Pudic  c  14 ;  Ad  Uxorem, 
ii.  c  6. 

II.  Early  notices  of  this  portion  of  the  Liturgy, 
On  the  scriptural  notices  it  is  not  necessary  here 
to  dwell. 

In  Justin  Martyr's  account  of  the  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist  for  the  newly-baptized  {Apd,  1. 
c.  65),  this  portion  of  the  service  is  described  aa 
follows.    '^Then  is  presented  (irpo<r^perat)  to 


268   CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY 


CANON  OF  THE  LITUKGY 


the  brother  who  presides,  bread,  and  a  cap  of 
water  and  mixed  wine  {Kpdiiaros),  and  he,  re- 
ceiving them,  sends  up  praise  and  glory  to  the 
Father  of  All,  through  the  name  of  the  Son  and 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  offers  a  thanksgiring  (jt^x^' 
purriav)  at  some  length  for  that  He  has  vouch- 
safed to  us  these  blessings.  And  when  he  has 
finished  the  prayers  and  the  thanksgiving,  all 
the  people  present  respond  by  saying  Amen  .  .  . 
And  after  the  president  has  given  thanks  and 
the  people  responded,  those  who  are  called  among 
us  deacons  give  to  each  of  those  who  are  present 
to  partake  of  the  bread  and  wine  and  water  over 
which  thanks  have  been  given,  and  carry  them 
•o  those  not  present.  And  this  meal  is  called 
with  us  eucharistia,  of  which  none  is  permitted 
to  partake,  except  one  who  believes  that  the 
things  taught  by  us  are  true,  and  who  has  passed 
through  the  washing  for  remission  of  sins  and 
new  birth,  and  so  lives  as  Christ  commanded. 
For  we  receive  these  not  as  common  bread  or 
common  drink,  but  as  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour 
being  incarnate  by  the  Word  of  God  possessed 
both  flesh  and  blood  for  our  salvation,  so  also 
we  were  taught  that  the  food  over  which  thanks- 
giving has  been  made  by  the  utterance  in  prayer 
of  the  word  derived  iTom  Him  (r^i^  8t'  e^x^^ 
K6yov  rov  irtxp*  abrov  tbxo4>urTri$ti<re»  rpo^y) 
is  the  flesh  and  blood  of  that  incarnate  Jesus. 
For  the  Apostles,  in  the  memoirs  which  they 
wrote  which  are  called  Gospels,  transmitted  to 
us  that  Jesus  Christ  thus  charged  them;  that 
after  taking  bread  and  giving  thanks.  He  said, 
*■  Do  this  in  remembrance  of  me ;  tliis  is  my 
Body;'  and  that,  in  like  manner,  after  taking 
the  cup  and  giving  thanks.  He  said,  *This  is 
my  Blood;'  and  that  He  gave  to  partake  to 
them  alone.*' 

The  same  ceremony  is  more  briefly  described 
in  the  following  chapter,  in  the  account  of  the 
ordinary  Sunday  services,  with  the  addition  that 
the  president  sends  up  prayers  and  thanksgiving, 
"Sffi}  ^6ifafits  ai/r^'*  according  to  his  ability; 
for,  as  F.  Xavier  Schmid  observes  (Liturgik,  i. 
44),  "  even  the  prayers  of  the  sacrifice  of  the 
mass  depended  for  their  contents  and  length  on 
the  pleasure  of  the  several  presidents,  though 
they  might  often  be  moulded  on  a  type  given  by 
some  apostle  or  apostolic  man." 

Justin  connects  the  notion  of  sacrifice  with 
the  Eucharist.  In  the  Dialogue  (c.  117,  p.  386) 
he  speaks  of  the  acceptableness  of  the  sacrifices 
(dvaias)  which  Christ  ordained,  ^  that  is,  over  the 
Eucharist  or  thanksoffering  (^hrl  rp  cd'xafXfrrff ) 
of  the  bread  and  the  cup ;  "  and  he  regards  the 
offering  of  fine  flour  (Lev.  zir.  10)  as  a  type  of 
the  Eucharist. 

In  Irenaeus,  with  many  passages  interesting 
in  a  dogmatic  point  of  view  (with  which  at  pre- 
sent we  are  not  concerned)  are  several  which 
contain  liturgical  indications.  He  dwells  (^ffaeres. 
iv.  18,  §  4,  p.  251)  on  the  difficulty  which  they, 
who  do  not  believe  Christ  to  be  the  very  Word 
of  God  through  Whom  all  things  were  made, 
must  experience  in  receiving  the  truth  that  the 
bread  over  (or,  by  occasion  of)  which  thanks 
nave  been  given  (**  panem  in  quo  gratiae  actae 
sint ")  is  the  Lord's  Body.  And  again  he  says 
(Haeres.  v.  22,  §  3,  p.  294)  that  natural  bread 
receives  over  it  the  word  of  God,  and  the  thank- 
offering  becomes  the  Body  of  Christ  (6  y€yovii)s 
ipros  ^iriJfxe^ai  rhp  h^ov  rov  0eoG  wol  ylyt' 


Tcu  4  ^bxapurria  trS/ui  Xpitmv).  [Euchabist.] 
Speaking  of  the  heretic  Marcus  {Haem.  L  13, 
§  2),  he  says,  that  he  pretended  to  perform 
a  eucharistic  service,  and  that  by  uttering  a 
long  form  of  invocatidn  (4wl  r\4w  iicrtbmw 
rhy  \6yoy  r^f  ^ucX^crcws)  he  caused  the 
liquid  in  the  cups  to  appear  red  and  purple. 
This  was  no  doubt  in  imitation  of  the  Epi- 
CLE8I8  of  the  orthodox.  In  Fragmetd  38,  we 
read :  *'  The  offering  (wpofft^pii)  of  the  Eucharist 
is  not  fleshly,  but  spiritual,  and  therein  pure. 
For  we  offer  (wpoo'^dpofity)  unto  God  the  bread 
and  the  cup  of  blessing,  giving  thanks  (cirxo^- 
(TrovKTCf )  unto  Him,  for  that  He  bade  the  earth 
bring  forth  these  fruits  for  our  sustenance;  and 
at  that  point,  after  completing  our  offering,  ire 
call  forth  (^KKoXoD/Acy)  the  Holy  S[Mrit,  to  de- 
clare (pwMS  inro^jnii)  this  sacrifice  sind  the 
bread  the  Body  of  Christ  and  the  cup  the  Blood 
of  Christ,  that  they  who  partake  of  tfa«e  figures 
(iufTiT^irwy)  may  obtain  remission  of  their  sioa 
and  everlasting  life."  And  again  {Haeres.  iv. 
18,  s.  5,  p.  251)  we  read,  that  bread  produced 
from  earth,  receiving  over  and  above  its  prupei 
nature  the  invocation  or  calling-forth  of  God 
(rpo(r\e^6fJL€yos  riiv  ^mcXiftriy  rod  Bcov)  is  bo 
longer  common  bread,  but  Eucharistia. 

It  is  supposed  by  some  that  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria describes  the  great  eucharistic  thanks- 
giving of  his  time,  when  he  says  that  Christiaoi 
thank  God  for  the  blessings  of  creation  and  for 
the  gifts  of  nature  {Cohortatio  ad  Oenies,  pp.  7 
and  92,  ed.  Potter) ;  for  His  mercy  in  redeemiag 
us  by  His  Word  from  the  misery  of  the  Fall ; 
for  Christ's  life  and  works  (t&.  pp.  6  and  8 ;  com- 
pare p.  87).  This  is  not  quite  evident ;  nor  is  it 
clear  that  the  allusions  to  the  Cherubic  hymn 
of  Isaiah  {Strom,  v.  6,  p.  668;  viL  12,  p.  880) 
relate  to  the  use  of  that  hymn  in  the  liturgy. 
But  Clement  is  clearly  referring  to  the  Euchaiist, 
when  he  insists,  against  the  Eucratites,  oa  the 
use  of  wine  [Elements],  and  says  {Paedag.  ii.  2, 
p.  186)  that  the  Lord  **  blessed  (c^X^^cr)  the 
wine,  saying,  '  Take,  drink ;  this  is  My  blood,' 
the  blood  of  the  vin^ ;  under  the  figure  of  the 
holy  stream  of  gladness  He  describes  the  Word 
shed  forth  for  many  for  the  remission  of  idm 
(rhv  Xiyov  rhv  irtpl  iroAAwir  ixx^^h*^'  *** 
&^c<riy  h^jLoprmv  tl^l^poffitnis  Sryioy  dAAvyofw* 
vofid)."  He  gives  no  details  of  the  form  of  oob- 
secration. 

Tertullian's  works  contain  many  eucharistic 
allusions.  The  intercessions  which,  according  to 
his  testimony,  Christians  made  on  behalf  of  em- 
perors and  the  peace  of  the  empire  {Ap(^  cc 
30,  39),  on  behalf  of  enemies  {ApoL  c  31),  sod 
for  fruitful  seasons  (ad  Soapulam,  c.  4);  the 
commemoration  of  and  intercession  for  the  dead 
(De  Exhort.  Cast,  c  11 ;  De  Monogaam,  c  10) 
probably  all  took  place  in  connexion  with  the 
sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist  (ad  ScajMUun^  c.  2>  Ac- 
cording to  the  Marcionite  theory,  he  says  («*• 
Mardon.  i.  23),  the  eucharistic  giving  of  thanb 
is  performed  over  alien  bread  to  another  than 
the  true  God  (**  super  aliennm  panem  alii  Deo 
gratiarum  actionibus  fungitur  "),  implying  that 
a  giving  of  thanks  to  the  true  G<Ki  over  the 
eucharistic  bread,  took  place  in  the  sernce  of 
the  Church.  He  describes  (De  Anirna^  c.  17)  the 
blessing  of  the  Cup  in  the  Last  Supper  as  "con- 
secration;" and  the  conseci-ation  of  the  bread 
to  be  a  representation  ("  figura  ")  of  the  Unl'« 


CANON  OF  THE  LITUBGY 


CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY 


169 


Mf  he  lield  to  hAre  been  accomplished  by  the 
nrds,  **'  Hoc  est  corpus  memn  "  {adv.  Marcion. 
XT.  40;  tL  dg  Oral,  c  6).  Prayers  which  are 
caUed  **orstiones  sacrificiomm "  followed  com- 
BUMtt  (de  Orat.  c  14). 

St  Cyprian  says  (fjput.  63,  c  17%  that  in  the 
racbaristic  action,  '*  because  we  make  mention  of 
His  FMsiott  in  all  onr  sacrifices  (for  the  Passion 
•f  the  Lord  is  the  sacrifice  which  we  ofier)  we 
•■fht  to  do  no  other  thing  than  He  did;  for 
fcripknre  says  that  so  often  as  we  offer  the  cup 
ia  ooaimemoTation  of  the  Lord  and  His  Passion, 
ve  should  do  that  which  it  is  erident  that  the 
Locd  dkL*  He  is  arguing  here  especially  for 
the  mixed  chalice  [Elem£NT8[^  but  his  words 
ektfly  haTs  an  application  to  the  eueharistic 
office  in  general.  We  find  also  from  Cyprian  that 
ia  the  eueharistic  action  Q*  in  sacrificiis  nostris  "), 
t5  well  as  in  prayers  (**orationibus")  intercession 
vss  made  for  brethren  suffering  affliction  (^Epist. 
il,e.  4),  whose  names  were  recited  (JEJpis^.  62,  c  5), 
asvere  also  the  names  of  those  who  made  ofier- 
iags  {EpisL  16,  c  2)  and  of  the  dead  who  had 
departed  nnoensured  in  communion  with  the 
Chorch  (Epist.  1,  c  2).  The  liturgical  office  of 
s  priest  seems  to  be  summed  up  {Epist,  65,  c.  4) 
m  laaetifying  the  oblation,  in  prayers  and  suppli- 
cations {**  orationes  et  preces  ") ;  and  the  brethren 
are  admonished,  that  when  they  come  together 
10  celebrate  the  divine  sacrifices  with  the  priest 
•i  God,  they  should  not  indulge  in  noisy  and 
saaeemly  prayers  (Z>0  Orat,  Dotn.  c  4) ;  a  pas* 
a^  which  seems  to  imply  that  the  congrega- 
tioa  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  eueharistic 
aenrice. 

Or^en  has  more  than  one  passage  bearing 
■pott  the  hallowing  of  the  elements  in  the  Eu- 
charist We  read  (contra  Celsum,  lib.  8,  p.  399, 
cd.  Spencer,  1658X  *'  Let  Celsus,  as  one  who  knows 
set  God,  pay  his  thank-offerings  (xofurr^pta)  to 
dcnoBs;  but  we,  doing  that  which  is  well- 
pleasing  to  the  Maker  (9if/ifovp7^)  of  the  uni- 
verse, eat  the  loaves  offer«l  with  thanksgiving 
and  prayer  over  the  gifts  (rohs  fter*  ^hxopKrrlas 
c.  th^s  T^s  M  ro7s  Sotfeicri  irpoaayofidyovs 
ifrovs)^  loaves  which  are  made,  in  consequence 
•f  the  prayer,  a  certain  body,  holy  and  hallowing 
those  who  use  it  with  sound  purpose."  Again, 
ia  the  Comment  on  St.  Matthew  (c.  14),  Origen 
spesks  of  the  bread  being  hallowed  by  the  word 
oi  God  and  prayer.  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that 
ia  the  Alexandrian  Liturgy,  the  priest  in  ad- 
BiiaistCTiDg  the  bread  says,  aufta  Sytoy,  not 
Mfta  Tiptffrw  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit  iv.  168> 

rinnilian  (t269),  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cap- 
pMioda  (Cypriani  £^.  75,  c.  10,  p.  818,  Hartel) 
dcscribea  an  ecstatic  woman  who  performed  a 
BMck  eueharistic  act  and  sanctified  the  bread 
vith  an  invocation  of  considerable  power  ("  invo- 
oatkne  oon  eontemptibili"),  and  offered  the  sacri- 
fice to  the  Lord  without  *  the  mystic  words  of 
the  aoenstoroed  form  ("  sine  sacramento  solitae 
pnedicationis*").  In  this  passage  invocatio  pro- 
bahlj  corresponds  to  ivlxKrifftSy  and  praedicatio 
to  KhpoyfiA,  a  word  used  by  St  Biuil  {Epist. 
Ul)  for  a  liturgical  form.  It  seems  to  be  here 
implied  that  the  form  of  the  epiclesis  used  by 
the  eestatica  wss  her  own  effusion ;  while  the 
vaal  **•  prsedicationes "  of  the  sacred  act  were 


*  The  "Doo"  which  Is  here  inserted  In  some  texts  Is  a 
)  aoi  SDpported  by  soy  M& 


"  mysteries,"  and  either  unknown  to  her,  or  re- 
jected as  not  satisfying  her  aspirations. 

In  the  liturgical  directions  of  the  second  book 
of  the  Apostolical  CongtUvtions  (c.  57,  §§  13, 14) 
no  explicit  account  is  given  of  the  central  por- 
tion of  the  service.  After  describing  the  bidding- 
prayer,  or  PB06PU0NESI8  of  the  deacon,  and  the 
prayer,  with  benediction,  of  the  priest,  the  writer 
proceeds :  **  And  after  this  let  the  sacrifice  be 
made  (yivitrBw  ^  BwritC)y  all  the  people  standing 
and  praying  in  a  low  voice;  and  when  the 
ofi^ring  has  been  made  (firav  Ai'cvex^))  ^^^ 
each  order  partake  severally  of  the  Lord's  Body 
and  the  precious  Blood."  No  details  are  given 
of  the  sacrifice  or  anaphora,  perhaps  in  conse- 
quence of  the  silence  imposed  in  that  respect  by 
the  *'  Disciplina  Arcani."  The  eighth  book  con- 
tams  what  is  commonly  called  the  Clementine 
Liturgy,  which  is  considered  elsewhere. 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem  gives  us  a  description 
(fiatech.  My  stag,  V.)  of  the  liturgy  as  it  was 
actually  celebrated  at  Jerusalem  in  the  early 
part  of  the  4th  century.  After  describing  the 
Swrsum  Corda,  Preface,  and  Sanctus,  he  proceeds 
(§  7):  **  Then,  after  hallowing  ourselves  by  thes«* 
spiritual  hymns,  we  beseech  the  merciful  God  to 
send  forth  His  Holy  Spirit  upon  the  elements 
displayed  on  the  table  (rk  irpoKeifi€ya\  to  make 
the  bread  the  Body  of  Christ  and  the  wine  the 
Blood  of  Christ.  For  most  certainly,  what- 
soever the  Holy  Spirit  may  have  touched,  that 
is  hallowed  and  transformed  (^iatrrai  ical 
fi9Tafi40knTai).  Then,  after  that  the  spiritual 
sacrifice,  the  unbloody  service  (Xarpcfa)  is  com- 
pleted, over  that  sacrifice  of  propitiation  we  be- 
seech God  for  the  common  peace  of  the  churches, 
for  the  welfare  of  the  world,  for  kings,  for  sol- 
diers and  allies,  for  those  in  infirmity,  for 
those  in  special  trouble,  and,  generally,  we  all 
pray  for  all  who  need  help ;  and  this  sacrifice  we 
offer.  Then  we  make  mention  also  of  those  who 
have  gone  to  rest  before  us,  first  patriarchs, 
prophets,  apostles,  martyra ;  that  God  at  their 
prayers  and  intercessions  would  receive  our  sup- 
plication (fivMS  6  Qfhs  rtus  tifxcus  ahr&f  Kcd 
vpttrfitlais  irpoiT^^^rirai  r^y  rifiuv  S^ijtrty) ;  then 
also  on  behalf  of  the  holy  fathers  and  bishops 
who  have  gone  to  rest  before  us,  and  generally 
all  of  onr  body  who  have  gone  to  rest  before  us ; 
believing  that  the  greatest  benefit  will  accrae  to 
their  souls  for  whom  the  supplication  is  offered 
(^  Z4riiris  dya^eperai)  while  the  holy  and  most 
awful  sacrifice  is  displayed (npoKufiinis)"  Then 
follows  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  rh  &yia  rots  ayloiSj 
and  communion. 

St.  Basil,  in  a  remarkable  passage  {De  Spiritu 
SanctOf  c.  27  [al.  66],  p.  54)  speaks  of  some  of 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Eucharist  as  having  been 
derived  from  unwritten  tradition.  **The  words 
of  the  Invocation  [Epiclesis]  at  the  displaying 
or  dedicating  {M  rij  iLyaZtl^^i)  of  the  bread  of 
thanksgiving  and  the  cup  of  blessing,  which  of 
the  saints  left  behind  for  us  in  writing  ?  For, 
you  know,  we  are  not  content  with  the  things 
which  the  Apostle  or  the  Gospel  relate,  but  we 
prefix  and  suffix  other  expressions  (irpoXfyo/xcv 
iced  4'iri\4yo/i9y  Ircpa)  which  we  regard .  as 
highly  important  for  the  mystery,  having  them 
handed  down  to  us  from  unwritten  tradition 
(/k  r^s  iypdt^v  9i9a<rKaktai  irap€L\a$6yTfs)." 
This  clearly  indicates  that  the  general  form  of 
consecration  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil  corresponded 


270     CANON  OF  THB  UTUBGY 


CANON  OF  THE  LITUBGT 


to  that  in  the  existing  Greek  liturgies,  in  that 
the  portion  actually  taken  from  Scripture  was 
preceded  and  succeeded  bj  fbims  not  scriptural, 
reputed  to  be  taken  from  apostolic  tradition, 
and  that  an  Epiclesis  was  an  essential  part  of 
the  form. 

St.  Chrysostom  informs  us  (on  2  Cor.  Horn, 
18)  that  after  the  Kiss  of  Peace  there  followed 
the  blessing  of  the  priest,  to  which  the  people 
responded,  ^And  wit^  thy  spirit;''  then,  it  is 
implied,  came  the  "  Lift  up  jour  hearts,"  &c., 
with  the  response  *'  It  is  meet  and  right,"  and 
the  cherubic  hymn.  As  to  the  petitions  of  the 
great  intercession,  he  tells  us  (on  St.  Matt. 
Horn,  25  [al.  26])  t^at  the  priest  bids  us  make 
the  eucharistic  offering  (jthxop^V'^^'i^^  on  behalf 
of  the  world,  of  those  who  have  gone  before  and 
those  who  are  to  follow  after  us  ;  and  again  (on 
2  Cor.  Horn.  2)  for  bishops,  for  presbyters,  for 
kings  and  rulers,  for  land  and  sea,  for  wholesome 
air,  for  all  the  world.  It  appears  also  that 
founders  of  churches,  and  the  Tillage  for  which  a 
church  was  founded,  were  specially  named  in  the 
sacred  service  (/n  Acta,  Horn,  18,  c  5).  It  also 
appears  that  the  Agnua  Dei  was  repeated  in  con- 
nexion with  the  eucharistic  intercession :  {pw^p 
ubrStv  irp6<rtfity,  S96fifyoi  rod  i^ufov  rod  Kci/i4yov 
rod  XafiStTos  riiy  ofiaprlaif  rod  icocr/iov;  on  1  Cor. 
ffom.  41 ;  compare  on  St.  John,  Howl  24,  and 
on  Acts,  Horn.  21),  and  that  the  Lord's  Prayer 
formed  part  of  the  canonical  prayers  (/n  Genes, 
Horn,  27).  The  rh.  iyta  rois  aylois  [Sancta 
Sanctis]  formed  the  transition  to  Communion 
(Pseudo-^hrys.  on  Hebr.  Jfom.  17). 

St.  Augustine,  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
testifies  to  the  general  order  of  the  canon  in  his 
time  in  the  North-African  churches,  which  pro- 
bably differed  little  in  this  respect  from  the 
Italian.  Thus  we  find  (ad  Infant,  de  Sacra- 
mentisy  p.  227)  that  the  Sursum  Corda  formed 
the  introduction  to  the  more  solemn  part  of 
the  service,  which  is  called  *^  sanctificatio  sacri- 
fidr  Dei,"  and  that  this  was  followed  by  the 
Lonrs  Prayer.  Again,  that  the  intercessions  at 
the  altar  included  prayer  for  unbelievers,  that 
God  would  convert  them  to  the  fidth  ;  for  cate- 
chumens, that  He  would  inspire  them  with  a 
longing  for  regeneration ;  for  the  faithful,  that 
they  may  persevere  in  that  which  they  have 
begun  {Epist.  217,  Ad  VUal, ;  De  Bono  Per- 
severant.  c.  7);  and  for  the  dead  {De  (hira 
pro  Mortuie,  cc.  1  and  4).  That  the  North- 
African  Church  exercised  special  care  in  regard 
to  the  prayers  to  be  used  at  the  altar,  even  while 
strict  uniformity  was  not  insisted  upon,  is  indi- 
cated by  the  provision  (III.  Ccno.  CartK  c.  23, 
circ  A.D.  397)  that  the  altar-prayers  should 
always  be  addressed  to  the  Father  (**  cum  altari 
adsistitur  semper  ad  Patrem  dirigatur  oratio  "), 
and  that  the  celebrant  is  not  to  adopt  prayers 
from  extraneous  authorities,  *^  nisi  prius  eas  cum 
instructioribus  fratribus  contulerit."  A  nearer 
approach  to  uniformity  in  indicated  by  the  decree 
of  a  somewhat  later  council  (Rheinwald's  Arch&oL 
p.  355),  "  ut  preces  quae  probatae  fuerint  in  con- 
cilio,  sive  praefationes  sive  commendationes  seu 
manus  impositiones,  ab  omnibus  celebrentur." 

The  pseudo-Ambrosius  de  SacramentiSy  writing 
probably  in  the  4th  century,  discusses  (iv.  c  4) 
the  question  of  consecration  in  the  Eucharist. 
*^  By  what  words,"  he  says,  *'  and  whose  expres- 
sions (sermonibus)  is  consecration  effected  ?    By 


those  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  For  in  the  rest  of  tht 
service  praise  is  given  to  God,  prayer  is  made  for 
the  people,  for  kii^,  for  the  rest..  When  the 
point  of  completing  the  venerable  ^crament  is 
reached,  the  priest  no  longer  uses  his  ovn  ex- 
pressions, but  the  expressions  of  Christ." 

Summary, — ^We  find,  then,  that  from  the 
middle  of  the  2nd  century,  the  presentation  ot 
the  elements  was  regarded  as  a  thank-offeriag  or 
sacrifice  [Eucharist],  especially  for  the  frnits 
of  the  earth;  that  thanks  were  given  to  Q«d 
over  the  bread  and  mixed  wine,  with  prajer, 
which  probably  included  the  Lord's  Piajer; 
that  this  was  done  in  especial  commemoration  ot 
the  Lord's  death,  though  it  is  not  absolutely 
certain  that  the  words  of  Institution  were  in  all 
cases  recited  over  the  elements ;  and  that  there 
was  in  many  churches  an  Invocation  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Moreover,  it  is  clear  that  from  the  time 
of  TertuUian  at  least  intercession  was  made  io 
the  eucharistic  service  for  the  dead  as  well  as 
the  living.  In  the  2nd  century,  the  details  ot 
the  prayers  and  thanksgivings  seem  to  hare 
depended  upon  the  president  of  the  asembly, 
though  a  general  type  was  probably  in  all  cases 
followed ;  in  the  4th  century,  the  canon  of  the 
liturgy  was  evidently  fixed,  both  in  East  and 
West,  in  forms  not  materially  differing  from 
those  found  in  extant  litui^es.  From  this 
point  we  proceed  to  consider  these  latter.  For 
the  discussion  of  their  respective  dat«s  and  mn- 
tual  connexion,  see  LrrUBar. 

III.  ITie  Canon  in  existing  Litvrgies.  In  the 
extant  Liturgies  we  find  the  Canon  (which  cor- 
responds nearly  to  the  Anaphora  of  the  Eastern 
ritual)  consisting  in  all  cases  of  nearly  the  same 
elements,  varioudy  arranged.  We  have  in  nearly 
all  canons,  after  the  Sanstus,  commemoration  of 
the  Lord's  Life  and  of  the  Institution,  Oblation, 
prayer  for  living  and  dead,  leading  on  to  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  with  Embolismua.  In  the  Eastern 
liturgies  always,  sometimes  in  the  Gallican  and 
Mozarabic  masses,  but  not  in  the  Roman  or 
Ambrosian,  we  have  an  Epiclesis,  or  prayer  for 
the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  elements. 
The  annexed  analytical  table  shows  the  principal 
differences  of  arrangement.  The  Qmon  is 
generally  understood  to  exclude  the  SanettiSj 
while  the  Anaphora  includes  both  the  Sursum 
Corda  and  the  Sanctus, 

[See  Table  opposite.'] 

The  portion  between  the  Sursum  Corda  and 
the  Sanctus  will  be  described  under  Preface.  In 
the  Alexandrian  (St.  Mark's)  Liturgy  alone,  the 
prayers  for  the  living  and  the  dead,  aiui  for 
acceptance  of  the  sacrifice,  are  inserted  in  the 
midst  of  it  The  arrangement  of  St.  James's 
liturgy  is  typical  of  that  usual  in  the  orthodox 
Eastern  Church,  from  which  the  Nestoriaa 
arrangement  differs  mainly  in  having  the  inter- 
cession for  living  and  dead  before  the  Epiclesis. 
The  Gregorian  (which  is  nearly  identical  with 
the  modem  Roman)  and  the  Chilean  (the  sr- 
rangement  of  which  is  nearly  the  same  as  tbatot 
the  Mozarabic)  represent  the  principal  Western 
types. 

The  canon  of  the  Roman  or  Gregorian  litnrgy 
is  divided  into  ten  portions,  which  are  usually 
known  by  their  first  woitis.  These  are  as  fol' 
lows  :  1.  Te  tgitw-f  for  acceptance  of  the  sacn- 
fice  to  be  offered.  2.  Memmto^  oommemoratini^ 
the  living.     3.  CommunioasUeSf  commemorating 


CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY 


271 


5T.  JAMES 

ST.  MARK. 

NEferit)RIUS. 

AMBR06IAN  AND 
GREQOBIAN. 

GALUCAN. 

Oblation  of  Elements. 
Prayer  Ibr  Living  and 

Dead. 
OoUecUo  post  Nomina. 
Kiss  of  Peace. 
Oratto  ad  Paoem. 

AnonONtlft. 

Samnn  Oorda. 

SursuiD  Oorda  (pecQ- 
liiir  furm). 

Smrsnm  Conla. 

Saraam  Corda. 

rMho& 

Pre&o& 

Prayer  for  Living 
and  Dead;  and 
for  acceptance 
ofUieSaciifioe. 

Prpfikoe  reaumed. 

Preface. 

Pre&oe. 

PreCetce. 

SMCtMk 

Sanctiu. 

Sanctns. 

Sanotns. 

QnoMDontlon     of 

Cknninemoratlon  of 

Prayer  for  tbe  Liv- 

Oollectio post  Sanctus 

tfaeLonl'bUfe. 

the  Lord's  life. 

ing;  and  for  ac- 
ceptance of    the 
Sacrifice. 

(short). 

OwuuauuiaUuu     of 

ComineniofBtloo  of 

Gammemoration  of 

Oommemoration  of 

Gommerooration  of  In- 

iMiiliiCioii. 

losUtntkn. 

InsUtntion. 

institution. 

stitution. 

OkfatiDiL 

ObUtloD. 

Oblation. 

Prayer  Ibr  Liying 

and  Dead. 
Prayer  for  Deeooot 

Oblation. 

Prayer  fertile  Dead. 

rfcqerfcrDeaceofcof 

Prayer  for  Deaoent 

"  Poet  Sccreta"  (some. 

Holjapirit. 

or  Holy  Spirit 

of  Holy  Spirit 

times  containing  In- 
vocation   of    Holy 
Spirit). 

PrieMt, 

Choir. 

Fraction 

Oonrracto- 

andcom- 

rinm  (an 

mixtion. 

Antipbon.) 

Pmv   Ibr    LlTJng 

PiVer  for  Peace. 

*                          —                       w 

MMlDteL 

PMbee    to     LonTs 

Prefiioe    to     Lord's 

Prebce  to    Lord's 

Preface     to     Lord's 

frm. 

Prayer. 

Prayer. 

Prayer. 

liord'b  Pteyer. 

Lord's  Prayer. 

Fnkction. 

Lord's  Pn^yer. 

Lord's  Prayer. 

UbottaiH. 

EmboUBinus. 

Embolismus. 

Embolismus. 

tk  Yirgin  Mary  and  other  saints.  4.  Seme  igi- 
tm^tar  peace  and  salvation.  5.  Qvam  ablatio- 
MBi,  that  the  oblation  may  become  to  the  wor- 
ihippen  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord.  6. 
QiU  Pridk^  commemorating  the  Institution.  7. 
Vwk  et  memore*,  the  Oblation.  8.  Supra  qtuie 
pvpUio^  for  a  blessing  on  reception.  9.  Memefdo 
dia^  commemorating  the  dead.  10.  Nolns 
9«9W  peocatoribusy  for  the  priest  and  people 
pRient.  The  most  remarkable  pecnliarity  of 
tbe  Roman  rite  is,  that  the  oommemoration  of 
tbe  living  is  separated  from  that  of  the  dead,  and 
fnceia  consecration,  while  in  the  Eastern  litur- 
gies the  intercessions  for  living  and  dead  form 
■K  prayer,  and  follow  the  recitation  of  the 
verds  of  InBtitati<m.  It  seems  probable  that 
•figinally  the  Memento  etiam  followed  the  Me<- 
meaio  immediately,  just  as  in  Greek  liturgies 
tbe  fv^v^frc  is  followed  by  firfiffOrrri  koI  ;  and 
ia  £ict  in  Qerbert's  text  of  the  Gelasian  Sacra- 
mUry  a  Memento  etiam^  in  a  form  differing 
coBsideiably  from  the  Gregorian,  does  follow 
DBBMdiately  upon  the  MementOj  so  that  both 
pncede  the  Communicantes ;  while  a  Memento 
etiam  ia  the  Gregorian  form  follows  the  supra 
^*ie  propitio  (DanieFs  Codex  Lit.  i.  15,  19; 
^Wbert,  Vetus  Liturgia  Akmannicaj  i.  365). 
This  ammgonent  may  perhaps  represent  the 
stAte  of  transition  from  one  form  to  the  other, 
the  earlier  Memento  etiam  having  been  struck 
«Bt  wben  another  nearly  identical  was  intro- 
<isoed  in  another  place. 

The  Gallican  canon  has   peculiarities  which 
»!mw  that  it  belongs  to  a  wholly  different  family . 
from  the  Roman.    The  prayers  for  living  and 
<(ad,  with  the  kiss  of  peace,  precede  the  aarewn 
**^  and  Mjicf Its :  the  sancim  is  immediately 


followed  by  what  is  called  the  ''coUectio  post 
aanctua "  (sometimes  called  the  canon)^  which  is 
again  immediately  followed  by  the  recitation  ot 
the  words  of  Institution.  While  the  Roman  canon 
is  invariable,  the  Gallican,  which  is  very  short, 
changes  with  every  mass.  To  give  one  by  way  ot 
example,  the  canon  for  the  eve  of  the  Nativity  in 
the  Gallo-Gothic  missal  (Daniel,  Cod.  Lit.  i.  83)  is 

"  Yere  sanctus,  vere  benedictus  Dominus  Noster 
Jesus  Christus  Filius  tuus  manens  in  coelis  mani- 
festatus  in  terris.  Ipse  enim  pridie  quam  pate- 
retur,  etc** 

The  same  form,  Vere  8a$ictu8j  etc,  follows  the 
sanctus  also  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  This  is 
not,  however,  immediately  followed  by  the  words 
of  Institution,  but  by  a  prayer  commencing 
'*  Adesto,  adesto  Jesu  bone  pontifex,"  containing 
a  petition  for  the  sanctification  of  the  oblation, 
which  is  followed  by  '*  Dominus  Noster  Jesus 
Christus,  in  qua  nocte  tradebatur,  accepit  panem, 
etc,"  reciting  the  Institution. 

In  Mabillon's  Sacramentarium  Oallicanum  the 
Roman  canon  is  given  with  the  first  mass,  and 
perhaps  served,  as  Mabillon  remarks  (p.  453, 
Migne)  for  all ;  he  supposes,  however,  that  at  an 
earlier  period  the  Gallican  had  its  own  canon, 
and  that  the  introduction  of  the  Roman  canon 
was  the  beginning  of  the  supersession  of  the 
Gallican  rite  by  the  Roman,  which  was  after- 
wards completely  established  {Praefat.  §  iv.). 

Uie  Commemoration  of  the  Lord's  Life  begins 
in  most  cases,  with  taking  up  the  ascription  ot 
holiness  to  the  Almighty  already  set  forth  in  the 
sanctus.  For  instance,  in  the  Greek  St.  Jame^, 
the  iyios  of  tbe  preceding  hymn  is  repeated  in 
"Ayios  c7,  BeuriAcv  rwv  aXAvwv ....  ayiot  km 
6  /jLovoy^yfis  aov  Tibs  ....  ftyioy  8i  koI  t« 


272  CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY 


CANON  OF  THE  LITURGY 


Tlycvfid  aov  ro^ Ay lov  (Daniel,  Cod,  Lit.  iv.  109) 
which  commences  the  commemoration ;  and  the 
vanable  Post  Sanctua  of  the  Gallican  and  Moza- 
rabic  liturgies  begins  very  commonly  with  the 
words  **  Vere  sanctus,  vere  benedictus  Dominus 
Koster  Jesus  Christus."  The  '*  commemorations  " 
in  St.  James  and  St.  Basil  (Daniel  It.  427)  recite 
with  great  dignity  and  beauty  the  creation  of 
man,  his  state  in  Paradise,  his  fall,  and  redemp- 
tion by  God's  mercy ;  so  leading  on  to  the  com- 
memoration of  the  Lord's  death  and  the  Institu- 
tion of  the  supper.  That  of  St.  Chrysostom  is 
much  shorter.  St.  Marie  (Daniel  iv.  158)  has  in 
this  place  a  mere  allusion  to  the  manifestation  of 
the  Lord,  and  a  prayer  for  the  descent  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  to  bless  the  sacrifice.  The  Post 
Sanctus  of  the  Gallican  and  Mozarabic  canon 
contains,  at  least  on  the  Lord's  festivals,  a  com- 
memoration oi  some  portion  of  His  Life ;  a  fea- 
ture entirely  absent  from  the  Roman.  Some 
liturgies  contain  in  this  portion  allusions  to 
peculiar  opinions  with  regard  to  the  person  of 
Christ ;  the  Armenian,  for  instance,  after  reciting 
{Liturgy  of  the  Armenian  Ckurchj  tr.  by  Rev. 
S.  C.  Malan,  p.  39)  God's  mercy  in  the  prophets 
and  the  law,  speaks  of  the  Son  as  having  taken  a 
body  *'  by  union  without  confusion  from  the 
Mother  of  God  and  Holy  Virgin  Mary." 

The  Aethiopic  liturgy  agrees  with  the  Coptic 
St.  Basil  and  St.  Gregory  (Renaudot,  Lit,  Orient. 
i.  13,  29,  516)  in  breaking  this  portion  of  the 
office  with  responds.  That  of  St.  Gregorv,  for 
example,  thrice  inserts  the  **  Kyrie  Eleison. 

The  transition  from  the  preceding  prayer 
or  ascription  to  the  Cummemoration  of  Institution 
is  generally  made  in  the  Eastern  liturgies  by  the 
words  ^  ts  rfj  vvktI  ^  TopcSfSoro,"  or  some  equi- 
valent formula;  those  of  St.  James  and  St. 
Chrysostom  add  **  /jmWov  8i  iixvrhu  iraptiiJiov ; " 
but  this  addition  is  not  found  in  the  Syriac  St. 
James.  The  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot,  Lit. 
Orient,  i.  14)  has  a  wholly  different  form :  *^  He 
instituted  this  gi*eat  mystery  of  piety  and  worship, 
when  He  had  determined  to  deliver  Himself  to 
death  for  the  life  of  the  world."  The  usual 
Western  form  is  "  Qui  pridie  quam  pateretur ; " 
but  the  Mozarabic  has  here  "Dominus  Noster 
Jesus  Christus  in  qua  nocte  tradebatur,"  approach- 
mg  in  this,  as  in  other  respects,  more  nearly  to 
the  Eastern  type.  It  has  indeed  been  contended 
that  this  form  is  a  comparatively  recent  interpo- 
lation, inasmuch  as  the  prayer  which  follows  is 
called  the  "  Post  Pridie "  as  if  the  usual  for- 
mula had  preceded  (Krazer,  De  Liiurgiis,  615 ; 
Neale,  Eastern  Churchy  Int.  472).  But  in  fact 
the  title  "  Post  Pridie  "  is  probably  not  so  an- 
cient as  Isidore's  time,  who  calls  the  prayer 
which  follows  consecration  the  '*Confirmatio 
Sacramenti";  and  it  is  surely  very  much 
more  probable  that  the  heading  ^  Post  Pridie  " 
should  have  been  inserted  by  some  revisor  fami- 
liar with  Roman  liturgical  diction,  than  that  the 
form  *'Qui  pridie,"  common  to  the  whole  of 
Western  Christendom,  should  have  been  displaced 
by  one  entirely  unheard  of,  and  that  in  the  most 
solemn  part  of  the  Liturgy. 

In  no  liturgy,  in  the  narrative  of  institution,  is 
any  one  Gospel  followed,  and  the  form  adopted 
/s  such  as  to  suggest  rather  an  independent 
ti*adition  than  an  artificial  arrangement  from  the 
Gospels.  Many  of  the  forms  add  epithets  expres- 
sive of  veneration  for  the  Person  of  the  Lord. 


Very  many  liturgies  contain  a  reference  to  the 
Lord's  raising  his  eyes  to  Heaven  before  breaking 
the  bread.  This  is  the  case  in  those  of  St. 
James  and  St.  Mark,  but  not  in  that  of  St.  Chryso- 
stom or  in  the  kindred  Nestorian  forms;  it  is 
the  case  in  all  the  Western  forma,  except 
the  Mozarabic.  St.  Mark  and  St.  James  insert 
the  raising  of  the  eyes  to  Heaven  before  the 
blessing  of  the  cup  also.  St.  James  and  St 
Basil  mention  the  displaying  or  dedicating 
(JkvaBti^as)  of  the  bread  to  God  the  Father. 

The  mingling  of  the  wine  with  water  is  a  well- 
known  and  almost  universal  custom ;  but  ia 
none  of  the  Western  liturgies  is  any  meatioo  of 
it  made  in  the  canon,  while  in  the  East  it  ooa- 
st«ntl  V  appears.  The  Basilian  has  simply  ^  mia- 
gling  {xepdiras)  (Daniel,  iv.  429);  St.  James 
the  fuller  form,  *'  mingling  of  wine  and  water." 
So  also  Coptic  St.  Gregory  (Renaudot  L  30); 
and  many  of  the  Syro-Jacobite  liturgies,  as  for 
instance  that  of  St.  John  (lb.  iu  164).  St. 
Chrysostom  ha<t  no  reference  to  the  mixing ;  but 
it  is  nevertheless  found  in  the  liturgy  of  Nesto- 
rius,  which  is  in  a  great  measure  derived  from 
that  of  Constantinople. 

It  is  an  ancient  belief  that  the  Lord  Hiiuelf 
partook  of  the  bread  and  the  cup  in  the  last 
Supper.  This,  however,  appears  but  rarely  in 
the  Liturgies.  The  Coptic  forms  of  St.  Bssil 
and  St.  Gregory  refer  to  the  Lord's  tasting  the 
Cup  (Renaudot,  L  15,  31);  and  some  of  thf 
Syro-Jacobite  liturgies  refer  to  His  partaking  ot 
the  Bread :  for  instance,  St.  James  of  Edm 
(/6.  ii.  373).  That  of  Nestorius  (75.  iu  629) 
makes  the  Lord  partake  both  of  the  bread  and 
the  wine. 

Some  of  the  Sjro-Jaoobite  litux^es,  drawn  up 
at  a  time  when  the  controversy  was  rife  ss  to 
the  use  of  leavened  or  unleavene*!  bread  in  the 
Eucharist,  [Elements]  introduce  into  the  csdob 
such  expressions  as  ** common"  or  ** leanened " 
bread.  For  instanc«,  those  of  James  Baradai  aiul 
Matthew  the  Pastor  (Renaudot,  ii.  2^,  348); 
and  some,  as  that  of  Dioscorus  (/&.  495)  speak 
of  His  accomplishing  the  Mosaic  Passover;  as 
does  also  Nestorius  {lb.  ii.  629). 

With  regard  to  the  actual  words  said  over 
the  bread,  the  usual  Latin  form  is  simply,  "Hoc 
est  Corpus  Meum."  The  Ambrosian,  in  one  text 
adds  "quod  pro  multis  confringetur;"  in  Bi- 
melius's  text,  "quod  pro  vobis  confringetor" 
(Daniel's,  Codex  i.  86) ;  the  Mozarabic,  ^^qnod 
pro  vobis  tradetur." 

In  the  Greek,  St.  James  has,  <<This  is  my 
Body,  which  is  broken  and  given  for  you  for  the 
remission  of  sins,"  and  with  this  the  prindpal 
liturgies  agree,  except  that  few  give  both  tiie 
words  "  broken  "  and  "  given."  The  words  found 
in  St.  Luke  and  St.  Paul,  to  dr^  &fuiv  Si8^/icr«r, 
or  KXci/Acyov,  appear  indeed  in  all  Eastern  litnr' 
gies  with  the  exoeption  of  that  of  the  Stu'sa 
Eustathius  (Ren.  ii.  236).  Many  of  the  Syro- 
Jacobite  liturgies  amplify  the  solemn  wonb  of 
the  Lord  by  the  insertion  of  peculiar  expTessieDs. 

Of  the  words  said  over  the  wine,  the  Cle- 
mentine Liturgy  {Const.  Apost.  viii.  12,  §  U) 
has  the  simplest,  as  probably  the  most  ancient 
form— "This  is  My  Blood,  wh»ch  is  shed  for 
many  for  the  remission  of  sins."  St.  Oirysogt^m 
has  a  form  identical  with  that  in  the  Engll'^li 
Pniyer-Book;  St.  James  and  St.  Marie  hire 
"shed  and  distributed"  instead  of  the  simple 


CANON  OF  THE  LITUBGY 


CANON  OP  THE  LITUBGY  273 


"dMd.**  The  Roman,  which  in  the  case  of  the 
htetd  has  the  shortest  form,  m  the  case  of  the 
Wiae  has  the  longest — **  For  this  is  the  Cup  of 
my  Bl9)d,  of  the  new  and  eternal  Testament, 
the  mjitery  of  faith,  which  shall  be  shed  for 
joa  said  for  man j  for  the  remission  of  sins  " — 
where  the  words  ''eternal"  and  *' mystery  of 
Ciith*  are  peculiar  to  the  Roman  form.  The 
Heanbic  has,  **  For  this  is  the  Cup  of  the  New 
Testament  in  mj  Blood,  which  shall  be  shed  for 
JOB  sad  for  many  for  the  remission  of  sins.'* 

la  the  Intercession  for  the  world  and  the  Church 

«a  earth,  the  petitions  enumerated  by  St.  Cyril  are 

ilvays  found,  with  more  or  less  of  expansion  in 

iktail,  and  oflen  with  the  addition  of  interesting 

local  peculiarities.    Thus  in  the  Liturgy  of  St. 

James  (Le.  of  Jerusalem)  we  have  special  inter- 

ManoQon  behalf  of  the  Holy  City  and  other  sacred 

ylaceft  Tisited  by  the  Lord ;  St.  Mark  (Alexan- 

diian)  has  a  special  prayer  for  the  due  rise  of 

the  Kile ;  ao  also  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot, 

L  17);  SLDd  the  Alexandrian  St.  Gregory  (/6.  i. 

Ui9>    Both  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  have  inter- 

ceBiow  for  prisoners;  the  former  enumerating 

"those  in  bonids,  in  prisons,  in  captivities  (alxfM" 

XKelau\  and  banishments,  in  mines  and  tortures, 

sad  bitter  sUveries"  (Daniel's  Codex^  iv.  118), 

[ihraBes  which  originated  in  a  time  of  persecu- 

tioB.    In  the  Roman  liturgy  this  portion  of  the 

islereesBicHi  is  treated  mu(£  more  briefly  than  is 

Bsoal  in  the  Eastern  Church ;  the  intercessions 

sre  £br  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  for  the  pope 

sad  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  nomiiki^^j .  and 

fcr  all    faithful  worshippers ;  the  Ambrosian 

•Ms,   after  the    bishop,    the    king    by    name 

(Duiel,  L   82).    Most  of  the  liturgies  contain 

a  fpecial  intercession  for  those  who  have  made 

the  offerings  and  those  who  are  pi*esent  at  the 

Mrrioe ;  thus  in  St.  Basil  (Daniel,  iy.  433)  is  a 

prayer  for  the  people  here  present  {rov  ireptc- 

srvret  Aoov)  and  the  priest  who  presents  (irpocr- 

upi(orras)  the  holy  gifts ;  St.  Chrysostom  men- 

tiMB  the  priest  in  the  same  terms,  but  not  the 

people;  St.  James  (Dan.  ir.  119)  mentions  not 

<«ly  those  who  have  made  the  offerings  on  that 

dij}  bat   those    on   whose    behalf   they   mode 

than  (hr€p  £r  Zkootos  trpoff^iffyK^y);  St.  Mark 

(I^  ir.  156),  in  which  this  prayer  precedes 

ooosecntion,  prays  that  God  will   receive  the 

thaak-ofleiings    (ffvxaf»t<rr^pia)    of    those    who 

oAer,  as  He  received  the  gifts  of  Abel,  the  sacri- 

fieir  of  Abraham,  the  incense  of  Zacharias,  the 

ahns  of  Cornelius,  and  the   two  mites  of  the 

widow ;  the  Roman  (Dan.  L  14,  15)  has  a  pcti- 

ti«B  ibr  all  God's  servants,  and,  in  the  Gelasian 

fans,  "omnium    drcumstontium   quorum   tibi 

fides  oognita  est  et  nota  devotio,  qui  tibi  offerunt 

hoe  ncrifidum  landis  pro  se  suisque  omnibus, 

pn  redemptione   animarum    suarum,   pro  spe 

nlQtis  et  incolnmitatis  suae ; "  in  the  Gregorian 

Ana,  which  is  that  at  present  in  use,  after  the 

•wd  ** devotio,"  we  have  "pro  quibus  tibi  offe- 

riaos  vel  .  .  .  ,"  probably  an  addition  of  St. 

Gregory's  own  age. 

A  more  particular  account  of  the  remaining 
portions  of  the  canon  will  be  given  under  DiP- 
TTcea,  Lord's  Prayeb,  and  Embolismus. 

Ctnmonies  which  euxompanied  the  Anaphora  or 

Canon. 

1.  We  may  take  the  ritual  of  the  liturgy  of  St. 
(SuysoBtom  as  a  type  of  the  oriental  ceremonies 
CHBlfr.  ABT. 


of  the  anaphora  or  canon,  which  are  there  more 
fully  described  than  in  other  Eastern  liturgies. 
It  is  no  doubt  possible  that  some  of  the  cere- 
monies here  described  did  not  originate  within 
the  first  eight  centuries;  but  on  the  whole  it 
may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  enough  the 
highest  ritual  development  attained  in  the  East 
within  our  period. 

At  the  opening  of  the  anaphora,  the  elements 
have  already  been  brought  into  the  sanctuary, 
and  placed  on  the  holy  table,  covered  with  the 
aer,  or  veil.  The  deacon  cries,  "  The  doors  I  the 
doors  I " — a  phrase  intended  originally  to  exhort 
the  attendants  carefully  to  exclude  the  unini- 
tiated {Constt,  Apost.  viii.  10) — ^and  then  desires 
the  people  to  stand  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  356  ff.). 
The  priest  lifts  the  aer,  or  veil,  from  the  elements, 
and  the  deacon  approaching  guards  them  from  pol- 
lution with  his  feather-fan  [Flabellum].  Then 
follow  the  Sursum  Corda,  Preface  and  Sanctus. 
After  this  the  deacon  takes  the  Astebisctts  from 
off*  the  Paten,  and  again  uses  the  feather-fan. 
The  commemoration  of  Institution  then  proceeds, 
the  deacon  pointing  out  to  the  celebrant  the 
paten  and  chalice  at  the  pmper  nooment.  At 
the  Invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  deacon 
lays  aside  his  fan,  draws  nearer  to  the  priest, 
ami  both  make  three  reverences  or  prostrations 
(irposKtnrfio'fis)  before  the  Holy  Table,  praying 
silently;  then  the  deacon,  with  bowed  head, 
points  to  the  holy  bread,  and  the  priest  rising 
sitcns  it  thrice  with  the  cross;  the  chalice  is 
signed  in  like  manner,  and  then  both  elements 
together ;  after  which  the  deacon,  after  bowing 
his  head  to  the  priest,  resumes  his  place  and  his 
fan.  At  the  recitation  of  the  Diptychs  the 
deacon  censes  round  the  holy  table,  and  then 
recites,  standing  by  the  door  of  the  Sanctuary, 
those  portions  of  the  prayer  which  were  to  be 
heard  by  the  choir  without.  At  the  prayer  of 
Inclination  he  bids  the  people  to  bow  {xKiyew) 
their  heads.  After  the  prayer  the  priest  elevates 
the  holy  Bread,  saying  the  Sancta  Sanctis ;  the 
choir  then  sings  the  communion-anthem  (icoiyw 
viicii)  of  the  day,  and  the  Fraction,  Commixtion, 
and  Communion  follow. 

The  rubrical  directions  of  the  other  Greek 
liturgies  correspond  generally  with  these,  so  far 
as  they  go,  but  contain  very  much  less  detail. 

2.  In  the  Roman  rite,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  canon,  the  celebrant  stood  before  the  altar, 
probably  at  first  with  hands  expanded  shoulder- 
high  in  the  ancient  attitude  of  prayer  (Gerbert, 
La.  Aieman.  i.  342),  while  the  attendant  clergy 
stood  with  bowed  heads,  as  venerating  the  Divine 
Majesty  and  the  Incarnation  of  the  Lord  intix)- 
duced  in  the  Sanctus,  (Amalarius,  Be  Eocl.  Off. 
iii.  22 ;  compare  Ordo  Bom.  i.  c.  16 ;  and  //.  c. 
8).  At  the  words  Te  igitur^  with  which  the 
canon  strictly  commences,  the  priest  made  a  pro- 
found inclination  and  kissed  the  altar ;  frequently 
also  he  kissed  the  X  ^^  ^^^  commencement  of  the 
canon,  which  was  made  to  represent  a  cross,  or 
in  later  times  a  crucifix.  (Muratori,  Antiq,  ItaU 
iv.  p.  839 ;  Gerbert,  Lit.  Aieman.  i.  341). 

From  very  ancient  times  also  at  each  of  the 
words  dona^  munera,  sacrificia,  the  priest  made 
the  sign  of  the  cross,  blessing  the  oblation,  as 
gifts,  bounties,  sacrifices.  This  is  the  first  of  the 
six  groups  of  crosses  ,  mentioned  in  the  Ordo 
Romanus  IL  c.  10;  (compare  Amalarius,  u.s.y. 
The  due  use  of  the  crosses  in  the  canon  was  held 

T 


274     CANON  OF  THE  LITUEGT 

to  be  of  80  much  importance  that  St.  Boniface 
(aboat  750)  oonsulted  Pope  Zachariaa  on  the 
subject,  who  in  answer  sent  him  a  copy  of  the 
canon  with  the .  crosses  inserted  in  the  proper 
places.  This  copy  has  mifortunately  perished. 
Innocent  the  Thinl  (J)e  Myst,  Missae,  ▼.  c.  11) 
states  the  correct  nnmber  of  crosses  in  the  canon 
AS  twenty-five,  the  number  stili  used  in  the 
Roman  rite. 

The  prayer  Banc  igitw  has  long  been  recited 
by  the  priest  with  hands  extended  over  the  Host 
and  Chalice,  in  imitation  of  tlie  gesture  of  a 
sacrificing  priest  pnder  the  Mosaic  Law  (Lev. 
ir.  4,  &C.).  But  the  more  ancient  practice  was 
for  him  to  recite  this  prayer  profoundly  inclined 
to  the  altar,  as  is  clear  from  the  testimony  of 
Amalarius  {Eohgae,  c.  30,  p.  1331  A,  Migne) : 
and  this  practice  continued  as  late  as  the  end 
of  the  13th  century  (Durandus,  Hationaley  ir. 
c.  39). 

In  the  prayer  Qitcan  obhUonemf  at  the  words 
benecUetoMj  aacriptamy  ratam,  rattonabUemj  aocep- 
tabUemf  occurs  the  second  group  of  crosses  of  the 
Ordo  Bom,  //.,  which  howerer  defines  nothing 
as  to  the  number  of  crosses,  or  the  manner  of 
signing  the  oblation.  The  Ordo  published  by 
Hittorp  at  thb  point  directs  the  priest  to  stand 
upright,  blessing  («.«.  signing  with  the  cross) 
the  bread  only;  then,  at  the  words,  Ut  nobis 
Corpus  et  Sanguis  fiat,  to  bless  both  the  Host 
and  the  Chalice.  The  present  custom,  according 
to  which  the  priest  at  the  words  Benedictam,  Ac. 
makes  three  crosses  over  the  Host  and  Chalice 
together,  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  11th  century 
(Microl.  De  Eocl,  Ohsem,  c  14). 

At  the  words  Qui  Bridie^  ^c.  the  priest  takes 
the  Bread  into  his  hands.  In  this  prayer  is 
introduced  the  third  group  of  crosses  of  the  Ordo 
R,  ILt  at  the  words  accipiens  panem  ....  bene- 
dixit,  and  item  gratias  agens  bmedixit, 

Amalarius  {Eel.  31,  p.  1331)  expressly  states 
that  in  his  time  the  whole  of  the  Canon  was  said 
secret^"  (see  further  under  Secreta).  Of  the 
£leyation  of  the  Bread  and  Wine  immediately 
after  Consecration  no  mention  is  found  in  the  old 
Sacramentaries,  in  the  most  ancient  of  the  Roman 
Ordines,  or  in  the  early  commentators  on  the 
rite,  Amalarius,  Walafrid  Strabo,  Florus,  Remi- 
giuB  of  Auxerre,  Pseudo-Alcuin,  and  the  Micro- 
logus.  The  only  indication  of  elevation  in  those 
of  the  Ordines  Bomani  which  are  older  than  the 
12th  century,  is  that  at  the  words  Per  quern  kaeo 
onuua,  noticed  later. 

At  the  words  Hostiam  puram,  savs  the  Ordo 
Bom,  II,  (o,  10),  is  introduced  the  n)urth  group 
of  crosses.  AmaUrius  (Eclogae,  c  30,  p.  1331) 
says,  ''Here  the  priest  makes  the  sign  of  the 
Cross  four  times  over  the  Host,  and  a  fifth  over 
the  Chalice  only ;"  a  practice  somewhat  different 
from  that  of  modem  times. 

After  the  prayer  Supra  quae  propitiOf  the 
priest  inclines  himself  with  bowed  head  before 
the  altar,  and  recites  the  SuppKeiter  Te  rogamus, 
in  which  he  inserta  a  private  prayer  (Amalarius, 
u,  s.,  c.  31) ;  a  direction  for  which  is  also  found 
in  some  ancient  MSS.  of  Sacramentaries.  No 
crosses  are  noted  by  the  Ordo  Bom,  II,  at  the 
words  Saorosanetum  FUU  Tui  4^c,,  whence  we 
may  conclude  that  the  crosses  now  used  there 
are  of  later  introduction  than  the  9th  century. 
That  they  were  introduced  into  the  Roman  rite 
not  later  than  the  12th  century  is  clear  from  the 


CANON  (IN  IfUSIC) 

testimony  of  Innocent  IH.  (/>«  Myst,  Mbsas,  t. 
ell). 

The  beginning  of  the  prayer  Nobis  quogue 
pecoatoribus  was  anciently  said  with  the  voice 
somewhat  raised,  that  the  congregation  might 
be  able  to  join  in  it  (Ordo  Bom,  II.  c.  10>  Tlie 
priest  beats  his  breast,  as  bewailing  his  sinful- 
ness. 

At  the  words  aanctifioaSf  vivifcoA,  benedidt, 
4rc.  comes  the  fifth  group  of  crosses,  according  to 
Ordo  Bom.  II.  The  Ordo  Bom.  IV.  (p.  61)  is 
more  explicit,  desiring  the  priest  to  sign  Host 
and  Chalice  three  several  times,  making  three 
several  crosses.  Compare  Amaiariua,  EgL  p. 
1332.  It  is  thought  by  some  (as  Bona,  De  Beb. 
Lit.  ii.  14,  s.  5)  that  at  the  words  of  this  pnyer 
which  refer  to  God's  creating  and  vivifying 
power,  an  offering  of  the  fruits  of  the  earui,  if 
any  were  to  be  blessed,  was  placed  on  the  altar 
by  the  attendant  deacon.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  a  benediction  of  fruits  of  the  earth  is  in 
some  few  ancient  Sacramentaries  prescribed  ia 
this  place ;  but  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  this  is 
a  relic  of  what  was  once  an  universal  costom,  or 
a  peculiar  observance  of  a  few  diurches. 

At  the  words,  Ber  quern  haec  omnia,  ^.,  the 
archdeacon  roee,  the  other  deacons  still  standing 
with  bowed  heads,  drew  near  to  the  altar,  re- 
moved the  fold  of  the  corporal  whidi  covered 
the  chalice,  wrapped  the  offertorium  or  veil 
round  the  handles,  and  at  the  words  Per  ipssm^ 
^.  raised  the  chalice  by  the  handles.  The  cele- 
brant touched  the  chalice,  still  held  by  the 
archdeacon,  with  the  consecrated  wafers,  making 
two  crosses,  and  saying,  Per  ipsum  et  cum  ipao 
,  ,  ,  per  omnia  saecula  saeculorum.  He  then 
restond  the  wafers  to  their  place  on  the  altar, 
and  the  archdeacon  placed  the  chalice  by  them 
(Ordines  Bom.  i.  c.  16 ;  ii.  c.  10;  iii  c  15: 
compare  Amalarius,  Ed.  p.  1332>  These  di- 
rections respecting  the  crosses  were  changed  in 
later  times. 

For  the  manner  of  saying  the  Pater  Noster, 
see  Lobd's  Prater.  Here  it  may  suffice  to 
say  that,  while  in  the  Eastern,  Galilean,  and 
Spanish  Churches  this  prayer  was  said  by  the 
whole  people,  in  the  Roman,  from  the  time  oi 
Gregory  the  Great  at  least  (see  Epist.  vii.  64)  it 
was  said  by  the  priest  alone,  yet  in  an  audihle 
voice,  so  that  the  people  (or  the  choir)  might 
^  acclaim  "  at  the  last  petition.  The  Amen  is 
not  commonly  found  in  ancient  Sacramentaries ; 
nor  does  it  seem  in  place  here,  as  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  prolonged  in  the  Libera  nos  [Embols- 
inra]  whiA  follows. 

When  the  celebrant  Qn  a  papal  mass)  reached 
the  words  Ab  omm  perturbatione  securi,  the  sreh- 
deacon  (Ordo  Bom.  I,  c  18)  took  the  paten  ^ 
from  the  regionary  sub-deacon,  who  was  stand- 
ing behind  him,  kissed  it,  and  passed  it  to  the 
second  deacon.  So  Ordo  Bom.  IT.  11,  and  /// 
16.  The  fifth  Ordo  Bom.,  probably  of  consider 
ably  later  date,  desires  the  deacon  to  present 
the  patens  to  the  celebrating  bishop  to  kiss. 

For  the  remaining  portion  of  the  liturgy, «« 
Eiaa,  Fraction,  CoioinNiON.  [C] 

CANON  (IN  Music).  1.  The  peculiar  form 
of  musical  composition  called  by  this  name  was 

b  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Host  was  not  ets- 
secnried  on  the  paten,  but  was,  at  the  date  of  0»*  ««•■ '^ 
broken  upon  It;  a  caslom  sutaequenfly  dnnfie^ 


GAKON  (IN  MUSIC) 

tukoova  to  the  ancients,  the  earlioet  example 
atttt  being  of  the  13th  century,  we  believe. 

S.  The  accepted  ▼alnes  of  the  aeveral  notes 
esistitating  the  musical  scale  expressed  philo- 
nphicallj.  Hie  reader  is  referred  to  Smith's 
DidiMoTjf  fif  uinlifittiKet  [Musica]  for  a  |eneral 
dMcriptMMi  of  the  sounds  assumed  by  the  Greeks, 
Mfi  the  systems  in  which  they  were  arranged. 
TW  ttBvmptions  of  the  Greek  writers  were  of 
CDine  adopted  by  the  Latins,  and  appeared 
tknmfkont  the  whole  of  the  early  and  middle 
ages  as  the  basis  on  which  all  their  music  rested. 
ClBByderable  uncertainty  is  caused  m  this  subject 
kj  the  &et  that  there  were  two  somewhat  con- 
fictiBg  adioola,  the  Aristoxeneans  and  the  Py- 
tkagoreans.    Pythagoras  having  discovered  the 

niple  ratios  of  ^,  ^,  J,  \y  for  the  Octave,  the 

Rftk,  the  Fourth,  and  the  Tone  (major)^  which 
bit  is  the  difierence  between  the  Fourth  and 
fifth,  his  disciples  maintained  that  all  sounds 
thmld  be  defined  by  determinate  ratios,  while 
AristoxcBQs  discarded  this  idea  altogether,  and 
■siiitiined  that  the  Tetcachord  or  Fourth  should 
W  divided  into  intervals,  the  values  of  which 
voe  to  be  determined  by  the  ear  only.  This  is 
pnUbly  the  germ  of  the  dispute  which  has 
lasted  to  the  present  day  respecting  the  tempera- 
■ot  of  instruments  with  fixed  tones:  and  as 
the  trae  measure  of  an  interval  is  a  logarithm, 
a  was  of  coarse  impossible  to  reconcile  at  all 
ipletely  these  two  opinions.  Ptolemy  ex- 
the  matter  and  established  the  truth  of 
t^  Pythagorean  views:  Euclid  seems  to  have 
fi^aivonred  to  combine  them,  that  is,  if  the  two 
tnatisei  attributed  to  him,  the  Iwtrodwiia  Hat- 
^tMtca  and  the  /Ssetsb  Cbiumiis,  are  both  genuine. 
1W  latter  of  these  is  usually  considered  genuine, 
sad  it  is  purely  Pythagorean  and  rigidly  exact ; 
*Uk  the  former,  which  is  certainly  Aristoxenean, 
sad  periiaps  written  ad  popvlvm,  is  considered 
doubtfliL 


CANON  (IN  MUSIC) 


275 


The  canon  of  the  scale  then  is  the  system 
of  ratios  into  which  a  resonant  string  is  to  be 
divided  so  as  to  produce  all  the  notes  which  are 
assumed ;  or,  which  is  the  same  thing,  the  re- 
lative lengths  of  strings  for  these  notes  whidi 
are  to  be  fixed  in  an  instrument  and  stretched 
with  the  same  tension. 

The  description  of  the  intervals  given  in 
Smith's  Did,  of  Antiq,,  from  the  Introductio 
HarmOMOOf  is  of  course  Aristoxenean :  it  sup- 
poses a  tone  to  be  divided  into  twelve  equal 
parts,  and  the  tetrachord  therefore  into  thirty, 
and  the  intervals  in  the  tetrachord,  taken  in 
ascending  order,  to  be  as  follows : — 

In  the  Sjmtonous  or  ordinary  Dia^  Puis. 

tonic  system ..      ..      ..  6,12,12 

, ,    Soft  Diatonic  (jm^okSv)  ..  6,  9,  15 
,,    Tonal    or    ordinary    Chro- 
matic (rot^taiov)    ..      ..  6,6,18 

,,    Sesquialter  Chromatic  (17- 

fu6ktO¥)  ^J^y^l 

, ,    Soft  Chromatic  (jtaXxucSy)  4,  4,  22 

,,    Enharmonic       3,3,24 

This  makes  a  Fourth  equal  to  2}  tones,  a  Fifth 
3},  and  an  Octave  6  tones.  But  in  the  Sectio 
Canonis  Euclid  has  proved  that  the  Fourth, 
Fifth,  and  Octave  are  each  of  them  less  than 
these  magnitudes  (Theor.  11,  14) ;  and  also  that 
the  second  sound  in  the  Chromatic  and  Enhar- 
monic Tetrachords  is  not  equally  removed  from 
the  first  and  third  (Theor.  18) :  it  would  there- 
fore appear  most  reasonable  that  he  meant  that 
Aristoxenus's  hypothetical  division  of  the  tone  and 
tetrachord  gave  results  which  might  be  treateil 
as  equal  for  practical  purposes  or  by  unphiloso- 
phicfd  men,  but  that  this  was  not  rigidly  exact. 
In  Theorems  19  and  20  of  the  Sectio  Ccmonis, 
Euclid  gives  the  divisions  of  the  string  (which 
he  calls  also  the  canon,  and  assumes  for  the 
Proslambanomenos)  according  to  the  Diatonic 
system.    The  results  are  the  following : — 


Length  =s 

A.  Proslambanomenos 1 

B.  Hjpate  hypaton        ^ 

C  Psrhypate  hypaton §^ 

D.  Uehanos  hypaton      4 

LHypate  meson •       i 

F.  Pkihypate  meson      M^ 

GL  Lichanos  BMflon J^ 

— •  ^^^»  ••  -^ 

k  Parunese | 

c  Trite  dieseugmenon,  or  Paranete 

synemmenon         ..  2J 
1  Psnaete  dieseugmenon,  or  Kete 

synemmenon         «• 

•*  Mete  djezengmenon ^ 

£  IMte  hyperbolaeon ^^ 

&  Puaneta  hyperbolaeon  ••  ^ 

■■.  Nets  hyperbolaeon 4 


The  Trite  synemmenon  (bb)  does  not  appear ;  its 
length  will  be  §^.  It  is  worth  noticing  that 
this  differs  from  our  modem  canon  in  the  values 
of  C,  D,  F,  G,  bb,  c,  d,  f,  g ;  these  are  at  present 

assumed  to  be  |,  f?,  f,  f ,  ^,  ^,  J?, 
1^>  Vk  (^^^^S  A  to  be  1) :  all  these  notes 
then  are  flatter  by  a  comma  (ff )  than  ours. 

In  Theor.  17  Euclid  gives  a  method  of  deter- 
mining the  lichani  and  the  Paranetae  of  the 
enharmonic  system  ;  and  if  the  direction  in 
which  he  takes  his  Fifths  be  reversed,  the  Chro- 
matic Lichani  and  Paranetae  would  seem  to  be 
determined :  but  beyond  that  he  has  given  us  no 
information  further  than  the  rough  description 
of  Aristoxenus's  division. 

It  is  not  surprising  then  that  various  canons 
of  the  scale  have  been  assigned  by  different 
writers,  just  as  in  more  modem  times  various 
systems  of  temperament  have  been  advocated. 

Ptolemy  gives  the  following  canons  for  any 
tetrachord  :  say,  for  example,  that  from  the 
Hypate  hypaton  (B)  to  the  Hypate  meson  (E). 

T  2 


276 


CANON  (IN  MUSIC) 

Archytas's  Canons. 


CANON  (IN  MUSIC) 


bbb 


Diatonic :         1»  H»  M»  1 5  B,  C,  D,  £.• 

LL    U 

Chromatic :     1,  f  f ,    f ,   J  ;  b,  C,  C|,  E. 

Enharmonic :   1,  f  J,  ||,  f ;  B,  C,  C,  E. 

Eratosthekeb's  Canons. 
Diatonic:         1,  MiM»i;  B,  C,  D,  E. 
Chromatic :     1,  ^,  ^,  | ;  g^  ^^.^  g 

Enhannonic:   1,  fg,  M4  5  B,  |  C,  E. 

DiDYM  us's  Canons. 

Diatonic:         1,  H,  M.  I ;  B,  C,  D,  E. 
Chromatic :     1,  ^-f ,  T^,  f  ;  B,  C,  q|,  E. 

Enhai-monic :  1,  fj,  ^^|,  | ;  b,  f,  C,    E. 
Ptolemy's  own  Canons. 
Diatonic  intense:     1,  ^,    |,    | ;  B,  C,  D,  E. 

Diatonic  sjntonous :        Ratioa 
Diatonic  soft : 


bb 


DUtoDicditoDal:    1,  i|f,§i,2;  B^C,  D,  t 

II      I 

Diatonic  tonal:       1,  f  |,  H,  f  ;  B,  C,  D,  L 

b  \f^ 
Diatonic  soft:         1,  |^,   f ,   |  ;  B,  C,  D,  L 

Diatonic  equable :  1,  J^,  f ,  J  ;  B,  C|  D,  L 
Chromatic  intense:  1,  f^,  f ,  | ;  b,  C,  pi  L 
Chromatic  soft :      1,  fj,  ^fiy,  J ;  B,  C,  C{,  L 


Enharmonic: 


^»  lf>  H'  Ji  B,  B,C,E. 


The  canons  according  to  Euclid  or  Aristoimtu 
can  be  reproduced  with  pretty  considerable  ac- 
curacy by  means  of  logarithms  and  conrei^D^ 
fractions :  there  will  of  course  be  a  little  dis- 
crepancy according  as  the  30th  part  of  a  Fourtli 
or  the  12th  part  of  a  Tone  is  taken  for  the  ele- 
ment, these  not  being  exactly  equal :  the  former 
seems  preferable ;  and  it  gives  for  the  logariiiim 
of  the  element  '004165;  and  the  following  re- 
sults in  the  cases  not  as  yet  determined :— 


B,  C,  D,  E. 


Chromatic  tonal : 


Logarithms  0,  '02499,    '06247,-12494. 

Ratios  1,  ffl,  f    or  \l  I; 

Logarithms  0,  '02499,  '04998,  -12494. 

Ratios  1,  ^f   or  ||  or  |Jf,    |,       |; 

Chromatic  sesquialter:   Logarithms  0,      *01874,      '03758,    '12494. 

Ratios  1,  11  or  f|,     H»       f  5 

Logarithms  0,         '01666,        '08332,         '12494. 


B, 

b  bb 

C  D,  E. 

B, 

I'  1 

CPJI.B. 

B, 

C,qj|,K. 

Chromatic  soft : 


Enharmonic : 


bb  bb. 


K.t.0.         1,  If  or  If,  \^  or  jf  "  S?.  I J  B,  0,0^1. 
Logarithms  0^       '01249,  '02499,        -12494. 


The  ralues  of  the  Meson  tetrachord  (E,F,G,a) 
will  be  obtained  in  any  one  of  these  systems  by 
multiplying  the  corresponding  ratios  by  |^ ; 
those  of  the  Synemmenon  tetrachord  (a,  bb,  c,  d) 
by  multiplying  them  by  ^;  those  of  the 
Diezeugmenon  tetrachord  (b,  c,  d,  e)  are  half 
those  of  the  Hypaton  tetrachord ;  and  those  of 
the  Hyperbolaeon  (e,  f,  g,  aa)  are  half  those  of 


the  Meson,  or  i  of  those  of  the  Hypaton.    All 

these  will  be  expressed  in  terms  of  the  Prosluo- 
banomenos  (A)  by  multiplying  each  of  tbem 

The  Greek  Chromatic  Scale  then  will  be,  ex- 
pressed in  modem  musical  notation  as  nearly  as 
possible,  the  following ;  Didymus's  canon  being 
taken  for  the  sake  of  simplicity  of  notation : 


g 


ra   ^j 


-^   t^ 


.^ fte   Qo 


i 


gj 


T    1^^  — 


m 


And  the  Enharmonic  Scale  will  be,  according    to  Didymus's  canon,  this : 
i 1 — - — sf — «l  b<g    -^ g ^4- 


-e9 — ^ 


-jssi 


n     ry 


m 


T3  — 


lo: 


BBT 


•  The  notation  C  Is  adopted  to  mean  a  C  AighUy  flai- 

tened,  G  somewhat  flatter  still,  and  so  for  G :  the  actual 
amount  of  flattening  or  sharpening  is  detennined  by  the 


ratio  given.  At  present  we  have  no  notakkm  io  exp«M 
these  things ;  in  the  leth  century  the  symbol  X  *** 
used  to  indicate  the  oiharaioaic  diesia,  hot  ss  it  to  w* 
used  for  a  double  sharp,  it  has  been  thought  pniieiitto 
avoid  employing  it  here. 


CANON  OF  ODES 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  above  that,  while 
rnkagons  and  Euclid  allowed  only  the  Fourth, 
flhk,  and  Octave,  with  their  replicates,  to  be 
eoaaoiuuices,  the  later  writeia  had  discovered  the 

waiooaDces  of  the  Major  Third  (^)  and  Minor 

Tlird  (i\  also  the   Minor   Tone   {■^)y  &nd 

perhapc  abo  the   Harmonic  Flat  Seventh  (^) 

and  Sharp  Eleventh  Ofirjy  which  are  now  heard 

ia  iutnunento  of  the  Horn  kind. 

There  were  no  alterations  made  in  this  until 


CANON  OF  ODES 


277 


the  developments  of  Guido  Aretinus  in  the  11th 
century. 

S.  Ambrose  decreed  the  use  of  the  Diatonic 
genus  alone  in  church  music ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  the  chromatic  and  enharmonic  genera  soon 
fell  into  general  desuetude,  or  only  existed  as 
curiosities' for  the  learned. 

The  Jews  are  believed  to  have  used  a  canon 
proceeding  by  thirds  of  tones,  thus  giving  18 
notes  in  the  octave.  Approjcimating  to  these  in 
the  same  manner  as  for  Euclid's  chromatic  and 
enharmonic  canons,  we  obtain  the  following : — 


1.  It,  ih  h  ?.  H.  M.  H.  \h  VT  or  f ,  if,  li,  jf  H.  A.  ^,  M,  hi  h 


c,  c, 


D,  D, 


E, 


I 


^l 


G, 


ef,    GJL    ab,     a,     bb,    b, 


Mr.  A.  J.  Ellis,  in  a  memoir  read  before  the 
Koral  Society,  1864,  states  that  the  Pythagorean 
caooa  has  b^n  developed  into  an  Arabic  scale  of 
17  sounds.  "■  No  nation  using  it,"  he  adds,  '*  has 
shown  any  appreciation  of  hai*mony."  It  is  in 
fact  next  to  impossible  to  conceive  any  satis- 
UctoTj  harmony  existing  with  the  non-diatonic 
caooas,  a  consideration  which  has  scarcely  enough 
beeo  dwelt  on  in  discussing  whether  harmony 
was  known  to  the  ancients.  It  must  never  be 
for^tt«n  that  what  is  now  called  the  chromatic 
scale  is  do  representation  of  and  has  no  con- 
seiion  with  the  ancient  chromatic  canon  (a  fact 
Boticed  by  Morley,  annotations  to  his  Plaine  and 
Easie  Introdvction) ;  it  is  merely  a  combination 
of  rarious  diatonic  scales,  whose  canons  are,  if 
aeoessary,  accommodated  to  each  other :  the 
oily  case  then  in  practice  in  which  chromatic 
•r  ejiharmonic  harmonies  or  melodies  (in  the 
oid  lease)  can  now  be  heard  is  in  the  tuning  of 
IB  orchestra  before  a  performance,  unless  indeed 
peals  of  bells  may  have  sometimes  been  tuned 
in  those  ways,  which,  according  to  Dr.  Holder, 
there  seems  some  reason  to  believe.  It  may  not 
be  irrelevant  to  add  that  the  modern  canon,  to 
•hich  reference  has  several  times  been  made 
above,  is  in  some  respects  open  to  dispute,  as  it 
scarcely  explains  the  phenomena  which  are  ac- 
cepted as  musical  facts. 

The  writer  has  made  use  of  the  Introductio 
Harmonica  and  Sectio  Canonia  of  Euclid;  Mor- 
\tj\  Flame  and  Easie  Introduction  to  Practicall 
Muicke ;  Sir  John  Hawkins's  History  of  Music  ; 
Holder's  Treatise  on  the  Natural  Grounds  and 
tritudpks  of  Harmony  ;  and  the  Memoir  of  Mr. 
Dlis  mentioned  above.  Other  authorities  on  the 
ssbject  are  the  Antiquae  Musicae  Auctores  Sejh 
ietK,  ed.  Meibomins ;  Ptolemy,  ed.  Wallis  ;  Bo^- 
thina,  Dt  Jiusicd ;  Salinas;  2^rlino;  Kircher; 
Menennos;  Colonna.  [J.  R.  L.1 

CANON  OF  Odes  (Kdy«y>  This  word  is  ap- 
plied to  a  part  of  the  office  of  the  Greek  Church, 
rang  to  a  musical  tone,  for  the  most  part  at  Lauds, 
sad  which  corresponds  to  the  hymns  of  the  West- 
ers Church.  A  canon  is  usually  divided  into  nine 
Odetj  each  ode  consisting  of  a  variable  number 
of  stanxu  or  tropariaj  in  a  rhythmical  syllabic 
Beasore,  proaody  being  abandoned  except  in  three 
cues.  The  canon  is  headed  by  an  iambic,  or 
occasionally  an  hexameter  line  containing  an 
sliosioB  to  the  festival  or  the  contents  of  the 
tAQflo,  or  a  play  upon  the  saint's  name,  which 
fi>nns  an  AcBOmc  to  which  the  initial  Icttei-s 


of  each  troparion  correspond.  This  acrostical 
form  is  thought  with  probability  to  be  derived 
from  Jewish  practice.  The  nine  odes  have  gene- 
rally some  reference  to  the  corresponding  odes 
at  Lauds  [v.  Canticle],  especially  the  seventh, 
eighth,  and  ninth.  In  practice  the  second  ode 
of  a  canon  is  always  omitted,  except  in  Lent. 
The  reason  given  is,  that  the  second  of  the  odes 
at  Lauds  (the  song  of  Moses  from  Deut.),  which 
is  assigned  to  Tuesday,  is  more  a  denunciation 
against  Israel  than  a  direct  act  of  praise  to  God, 
and  is  on  that  account  omitted  except  in  Lent. 
Hence  the  second  ode  of  a  canon,  which  partakes 
of  the  same  character,  is  also  omitted  except  on 
week  days  in  Lent.  It  is  not  said  on  Saturday 
in  Lent.  (v.  Goar.  Bit.  Grae.;  in  San.  Olei.  Oflm. 
not.  14).  The  tone  to  which  the  canon  is  sung 
is  given  at  the  beginning,  and  each  ode  is  fol- 
lowed by  one  or  more  troparia  under  different 
names.  After  the  sixth  ode  the  Synaxarion,  or 
the  commemorations  which  belong  to  the  day, 
are  read. 

Among  the  principal  composers  of  canons  were 
John  of  Damascus,  Joseph  of  the  Studium, 
Cosmas,  Theophanes,  St.  Sophronius  of  Jerusalem, 
&c. ;  and  as  examples  of  canons,  may  be 
mentioned  *'  the  Great  Canon,"  the  composition 
of  St.  Andrew,  archbishop  of  Crete  (born  a.d. 
660),  which  begins  ir6d(v  Ap^wfuu  Bp/rivuv  x.r.A., 
and  is  said  on  Monday  of  the  first  week  in  Lent. 
This  canon  is  not  acrostical.  Also  that  for 
orthodoxy  Sunday,  u  e.  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent, 
of  which  the  acrostic  is  a4iii€pov  tbatfiiris  Bto- 
i^^Yfios  ^KvB^v  ctXyKri,  and  that  for  Christmas- 
day  by  Cosmas,  beginning  -xpiTrhs  ywvaraiy 
9o|(£<rarc,  with  the  acrostic  XP'*'^^^  ^poruBtU 
Ijy  5wep  $t6s  fx^ypy  and  another  for  the  same 
day  by  St.  John  Damascene,  in  trimeter  iambics, 
beginning  Kauo't  \aJ6y  Bavfiarovpywv  AtairSTris, 
the  acrostic  of  which  consists  of  four  elegiac 
lines.  This  is  one  of  the  three  canons  which 
retain  the  classical  prosody.  The  two  others  are 
by  the  same  author,  and  said  on  the  Epiphany 
and  on  Whitsunday.  The  construction  of  a 
c'^nou  much  resembles  that  of  a  choral  ode  of 
the  Greek  dramatists,  the  strophe,  antistrophe, 
&c.,  being  represented  by  the  odes  and  the 
various  kinds  of  troparia  by  which  they  are 
separated.  The  name  canon  is  probably  applied 
to  these  hymns  from  their  being  completed  Ji 
nine  odes,  nine  being  looked  upon  as  a  perfect 
number  (Zonaras  in  Hymn. :  Exp. :  quoted  by 
Goar).     Others,  however,  derive  the  name  from 


278 


GANONIOAL  BOOKS 


the  fixed  rhTthmical  system  on  which  they  are 
constructed ;  while  mystical  reasons  for  the  name 
have  been  assigned  by  some  writers. 

The  word  canon  is  applied  in  the  Armenian 
rite  to  a  section  of  the  psalter,  which  in  that  rite 
is  divided  into  eight  sections  called  canons, 

pa.  J.  H.] 

GANONIOAL  BOOKS  {Ltbri  Canonici,  Ec- 
cleaiastici;  BtfiXla  Ka»foyt(6ixtya,  kvofyvyvvvK^ 
fifpo).  The  question  of  the  determination  of  the 
Canon,  both  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament, 
has  been  already  fully  treated  in  the  Dictionart 
OF  THE  Bible  (pp.  250  ff.).  The  present  article 
relates  mainly  to  the  authoritative  promulgation 
of  lists  or  catalogues  of  books  to  be  read,  under 
the  name  of  Scripture,  in  the  services  of  the 
Church.  The  canon  of  books  to  be  publicly 
read  is  not  wholly  identical  with  the  canon  of 
books  from  which  the  faith  is  to  be  established 
(see  Westcott,  u.s.). 

1.  Athanasius  (^Ep.  Festal,  tom.  i.  pt.  ii. 
p.  962,  ed.  Ben.)  divided  all  the  books  which 
claimed  the  title  of  Holy  Scripture  into  three 
classes.  (1.)  Bt$Kla  Ka»ovii6iuva^  books  which 
belonged  in  the  fullest  sense  to  the  canon,,  and 
were  the  standard  of  the  faith.  (2.)  *Avayiyv<»- 
ffKSfjLtya,  books  which,  though  not  belon^ng  in 
the  strictest  sense  to  the  canon,  might  be  read 
in  time  of  divine  service,  and  recommended  to 
catechumens,  *'  for  example  of  life  and  instruc- 
tion of  manners."  (3.)  *Av6Kfiv^  spurious  books 
claiming  authority  under  venerable  names. 
This  distinction  between  the  books  truly  canoni- 
cal and  the  books  proper  to  be  read  has  been 
perpetuated  in  the  Greek  Church  to  this  day ; 
and  it  is  the  present  rule  of  the  English  Church, 
which,  in  the  sixth  Article,  after  enumerating 
the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  proceeds  to  say 
that  *'the  other  books  (as  Hierom  saith)  the 
Church  doth  read  for  example  of  life  and  instruc- 
tion of  manners ;  but  yet  doth  it  not  apply  them 
to  establish  any  doctrine." 

2.  In  the  Latin  Church  also  at  the  same  period 
a  distinction  was  drawn  by  some  between  the 
books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  later  addi- 
tions. Rufinus  {Expos,  in  Symb.  cc.  37,  38) 
divides  the  books  into  three  classes:  **Canonici 
.  .  .  quos  patres  intra  canonem  concluserant,  ex 
quibus  fidei  nostrae  assertiones  constare  volue- 
runt ;  .  .  .  eodesiastici  .  .  .  quos  legi  quidem 
in  ecclesiis  voluerunt,  non  tamen  proferri  ad 
auctoritatem  ex  his  fidei  confirmandam ;  .  .  . 
caeteras  vero  scriptures  apocrypJias  nominarunt, 
quas  in  ecclesiis  legi  voluerunt."  Here,  the 
ecclesiastici  are  exactly  equivalent  to  the  ivayi- 
yv»irK6fitya  of  Athanasius.  Jerome,  in  the  Pro- 
hgus  Oaleatus,  enumerates  the  twenty-two  books 
of  the  Hebrew  canon,  and  adds,  **  quidquid  extra 
hos  est  inter  apocrypha  ponendum,"  giving  the 
word  apocrypha  a  wider  meaning  than  that 
adopted  by  Rufinus,  so  as  to  include  all  books 
claiming  to  be  Scripture  not  found  in  the  He- 
brew canon.  This  use  of  the  Word  Apocrypha^ 
which  seems  in  ancient  times  to  have  been  pecu- 
liar to  Jerome,  was  adopted  by  the  English  and 
other  Reformers  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
so  has  become  familiar  to  us.  It  is  not,  however, 
used  in  the  sixth  Article,  where,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  books  read  by  the  Church  but  not 
reputed  strictly  canonical  are  called  simply  **  the 
other  books." 

3.  The  Apostolic  Conditutions  were  probably 


CANONICAL  BOOKS 

intended  to  give  an  SLppwnaice  of  apostolie 
authority  to  aictually  existing  practices,  and  the 
substance  of  the  first  six  books  may  be  ss  <rfd  ss 
the  3rd  century.  In  the  fifty-seventh  chaptei 
of  the  second  book  (p.  67,  ed.  UeltsenX  we  have 
an  approach  to  a  catalogue  of  the  books  to  be 
read  as  Scripture  in  public  worship.  The  pas- 
sage is  as  follows :  **  Let  the  reader,  standing  in 
the  midst  on  a  raised  space,  read  the  Books  of 
Moses,  and  of  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  those  ol 
Judges  and  of  Kingdoms  (/SoiriXetW),  those  of 
Chronicles  and  the  Return  from  Captivity  [%sn 
and  Nehemiah];  in  addition  to  these  those  of 
Job  and  of  Solomon  and  of  the  sixteen  Propheb 
.  .  .  After  this  let  our  Acts  [Acts  of  Apostles] 
be  read  and  the  Epistles  of  raul  our  feUow- 
worker,  which  he  enjoined  on  the  churches  ac- 
cording to  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  snd 
after  these  let  a  deacon  or  presbyter  read  the 
Gospels  which  we,  Matthew  and  John,  delivered 
to  you,  and  those  which  Luke  and  Mark,  Psol's 
fellow-workers,  received  and  left  to  you." 

In  this  catalogue  (unless  Esther  be  omitted) 
the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  is  exactly  that 
of  the  Jews.  The  Catholic  Epistles  are  possiUj 
included  under  Acts;  for  in  a  Syrian  versioii, 
which  places  the  Catholic  Epistles  immediately 
after  the  Acts,  at  the  close  of  the  Epistles  fol- 
lows the  colophon,  "The  end  of  the  Acts," 
(Wiseman,  fforae  Syriacae,  p.  217,  quoted  by 
Westcott,  Bible  in  Church,  p.  176)  as  if  the 
term  Acts  included  the  Epistles.  It  is  not  easy 
to  see  on  what  ground  A.  Ritschl  (AU-kathoL 
Kirche,  p.  329,  note  1)  affirms  the  sentenra  re- 
lating to  St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  be  ^  plainly  ioter- 
polated."  It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  asy 
variation  of  MSS.  in  this  place. 

The  list  contained  in  the  eighty-fifth  of  the 
Apostolical  Canons,  of  the  books  to  be  held  in 
veneration  by  all  clergy  and  laity,  is  no  doubt  of 
much  later  date ;  but  as  it  is  in  itself  remark- 
able, and  had  a  powerful  influence  on  some  of 
the  Eastern  Churches,  it  is  given  in  the  parallel 
arrangement  opposite..  ' 

After  the  foundation  of  Constantinople  (about 
A.D.  332),  Constantino  desired  Eusebius  to  pro- 
vide fifty  splendid  copies  of  the  Scriptures  for  the 
churches  of  his  new  city.  How  he  fulfilled  his 
charge  we  cannot  exactly  affirm,  as  he  gives  do 
catalogue  of  the  books  he  included  in  the  collec- 
tion, and  not  one  of  his  copies  is  known  to  exist ; 
probably  the  canon  of  these  books  difiered  little, 
if  at  all,  from  that  of  Cyril  and  Laodicea. 

A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  Scripture,  tke 
authority  of  which  is  strictly  ecclesiastical  and 
not  imperial,  is  found  in  the  works  of  Athsss- 
sius.  That  great  prelate  joined  to  his  "Festal 
Letter"*  of  the  year  365  a  list  of  the  boob 
which  were  canonized  and  traditional  and  con- 
fidently believed  to  be  divine  (rh  Kayori(6p*n 
Kal  irapaIio04vTa  rurrtvSiyra  T€  BtTa  (hat  fit- 
0\la).  In  the  New  Testament,  this  list  gives 
exactly  the  books  which  we  receive  in  the  order 
in  which  they  stand  in  the  oldest  Greek  USS. 
In  the  Old  Testament,  Baruch  and  the  Letter  are 
added  to  Jeremiah ;  Esther  is  placed  among  the 
Apocrypha;  and  the  books  of  Maccabees  an 
omitted  altogether. 

•  The  drcalars  in  which  the  biabop  of  AlenoA* 
aonoaUy  am:ioanoed  to  the  diflerent  chnrcbes  of  hk  px^ 
vinoe  the  date  of  Easter  were  called  "I'ssdal"  « 
"  Festal''  letters. 


O^NOKIGAL  BOOKS 


279 


Atfaaaasliis  (Ail  Attn  in 
vfp.  ed.  Beo.  L  IL  862.) 

Gone.  Laodioeaam,  esn.  60 

Gone.  Garthagin.  IIL  can.  41 

(Brons's  OamonOt  i.  19). 

(Bruus's  tanones,  i.  133.) 

GtBMb 

QeDeds 

I.  Genesis 

Genesis 

Esidss 

Ezodm 

2.  Exodus 

Exodus 

LrfKkoi 

Levttlcw 

S.  Leviticus 

Leviticus 

>MbnB 

Numbers 

4.  Numbers 

NumbeiB 

unttTOOomj 

DeuieroDomy 

6.  Deuteronomy 

Deuteronony 

Joilm 

JoehiiA 

6.  Joshua 

Joshua 

Judges 
Ratfi 

7.  Judges  and  Ruth 

8.  Ettther 

Judges 
Ruth 

Kiaenfoar 

I.  and  U.  Kinffs 

9.  1.  and  II.  KlngB 
la  IIL  and  IV.  Klngn 
11.  L  and  U.  Chroiiides 

Books  of  Rings,  four 

Gbraiicles,  t«o 

111.  and  IV.  Kings 

Books  of  Ghronlctos,  tw» 

Kdn^t«9 

L  and  IL  ChronlctoB 

Job 

biter 

I.  and  IL  EadfM 

12.  I.  and  IL  Eadras 

The  Psalter  of  David 

Maonbw,  tteae 

PBalma 

13.  The  150  Psalms 

Books  of  Solomon,  five 

Job 

Proverbs 

14.  Proverbs  of  Solomon 

Books  of  Prophets,  twelve : 

TtoPHlter 

F^scleriosteB 

16.  Eodeslastes 

Isaiah 

SrioBon's  Proverbi 

Song  of  Songs 

16.  Song  of  Songs 

Jeremiah 

KffiWMtfli 

Job 

11.  Job 

Eiekicl 

BuDgOfSCBgl 

Minor  Ptophets,  twelve 

18.  The  Twelve  Prophets 

Daniel 

Book  or  the  Twelve  Pn>- 

Icaiah 

19.  Isaiah 

Tobit 

pM^ow 

Jttemiah»  Borndi,  Lamen- 

30. Jeremiah,  Barooh,  La* 

Judith 

tauh 

tations,  and  the  Letter 

mentations,     and     the 

Esther 

Jereaoah 

Eaekiel 

Letter 

Books  of  Eadras,  two 

fittUri 

Daniel 

21.  Eaekiel 

Books  of  Maccabees,  two 

Ifeaid 

22.  Daniel 

for  iiMtnictiaD  of  joalh,  the 
WMomorarach 

(i«ipd«.ft]v: 

Gospels,  four : 
Ibttbew 

Gonels,  four: 
Matthew 

Gospels,  four  books 

Ihnbnr 

Acts  of  Apostles,  one 
EplsUes  of  Paul  the  Apostle 

Ibrk 

Mark 

Mark 

Lake 

Luke 

Luke 

thirteen 

JohB 

John 

John 

The  same  to  the  Hebrews. 

£|mUb  of  Fteil.  fourteen 

Acts  of  Apostles 
Catholic        fipisQes       of 

Actsof  AposUes 
Catholic  Epistles,  seven : 

one 

Prter,  two 

Peter  the  AposUe.  two 

i<iia.tLR« 

Aposiles,  seven : 
James,  one 

James,  one 

John  tbe  Apostle,  three 

i«».ooe 

Peter,  two 

Jude  the  Apostle,  one 

ieie.oiie 

Peter,  two 

John,  three 

James,  one 

aaMBt,iwo 

John,  three 

Jude,  one 

Apnrtfllfeil     CoD«atalioiu, 

Jade,  one 

Epistles  of  Paul,  fourteen : 

The  Apocalypse  of  John, 

(•WmyatXclSbt 

Epistles     of     Pan!     the 

Romans,  one 

one  book 

idiofttaeAiKMUes 

Apostle^  Coorteen: 
Kooians 

Corinthians,  two 
Galatians,  one 

' 

OorinthianSk  two 

Ephesiaus,  one 

Oabktlans 

Pbiltppians,  one 

Ephcelans 

PUUimlans 

Ooiossians 

CoIosbLuis,  one 

1 

Thessalonlans,  two 

Hebrews,  one 

Thessalanians,  two 

Timothy,  two 

Hebrews 

Titus,  one 

Timothy,  two 

Philemon,  one 

Titus,  one 

Philemon 

The  Apocalypse  of  John 

llkeesrliest  oonciliar  decision  on  the  subject 
of  Caiuttical  Books  is  that  of  the  proTincial 
ijnod  of  Laodioea,  about  the  year  363.  As  the 
eutoiis  of  this  council  now  btand  in  the  printed 
editioiis  and  in  most  MSS.,  the  fifty-ninth  canon 
ttaets  that  **  psalms  composed  by  private  per- 
Mos  shoold  not  be  used  in  churches,  nor  un- 
cuoniied  (&jrar^vurra)  books,  but  only  the  ca- 
Boaieal  books  of  the  New  and  Old  Testament " ; 
ud  the  sixtieth  gives  a  list  of  the  books  which 
sboold  be  read  [in  churches]  (1i<ra  8c7  $ifi\la 
i»xyrfp^Kwdat%  But  this  list  is  unques- 
lioflably  a  later  addition ;  it  is  not  found  in  the 
i«t  Greek  MSS.,  in  ancient  Syriac  versions,  in 
one  of  the  two  complete  Latin  versions,  nor  in 
the  oldest  digests  of  ecclesiastical  canons  (see 
W«U»tt,  Canon  of  N,  T.  pp.  500  ff.).  Yet  it  is 
probably  a  very  early  gloss,  being  in  fact  iden- 
tical (excepting  in  the  addition  to  Jeremiah  of 
fiuticb  and  the  Letter,  in  the  place  occupied  by 
£stber  and  Job,  and  in  the  omission  of  the  Apo- 
aljpie)  with  the  Ibt  given  by  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
m'co  about  A.i>.  350  (fiatech.  Myst,  iv.  33  [al. 


22] ),  a  list  which  he  distinctly  describes  as  the 
canon  of  ecclesiastical  books,  desiring  his  cate- 
chumens not  to  read  other  books  than  those 
which  were  read  in  the  churches. 

In  the  Latin  Church,  as  we  have  seen,  a  dis- 
tinction was  drawn  by  Rufinus  and  Jerome 
between  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the 
later  additions ;  but  the  distinction  drawn  by 
these  learned  and  able  doctors  was  not  generally 
received  in  the  Latin  Church.  The  old  Latin 
translation  was  made  from  the  LXX.  and  gave 
no  indication  that  the  different  books  were  not 
all  of  the  same  authority ;  and  when  this  had 
obtained  general  currency,  the  great  leaders  of 
the  Latin  Church  were  unwilling  to  draw  dis- 
tinctions which  would  shake  the  received  tra- 
dition. Hence  Ambrose  and  Augustine,  with 
the  great  mass  of  later  writers,  cite  all  the 
books  in  question  alike  as  Scripture,  and  Au- 
gustine (de  Doct.  Christ  ii.  8)  gives  a  Ibt  of 
the  books  of  which  **  the  whole  canon  of  the 
Scriptures "  consists,  without  making  any  clear 
distinction  between  the  apocryphal  and  the  other 


280 


CANONICAL  B00E8 


books>  The  ecclesiastical  canon  of  the  Latin 
Church  has  in  fact  from  the  date  of  the  first  Latin 
translation  included  what  we  call  the  Apocryphal 
Books,  though  we  not  unfreqnentlf  meet  with 
expressions  which  show  that  the  Latin  Fathers 
were  conscious  that  the  books  of  their  canon 
were  in  fact  of  rerj  different  degrees  of  autho- 
rity. Gregory  the  Great,  for  instance^  speaks  of 
the  books  of  Maccabees  as  not  belonging,  in  the 
proper  sense,  to  the  canon. 

At  the  third  Council  of  Carthage,  at  which 
St.  Augustine  was  present,  and  at  which  his  in- 
fluence no  doubt  predominated,  a  decree  was 
made  which  determined  the  list  of  canonical 
Scriptures.  The  forty-serenth  canon  (Bruns's 
Canones  i.  133)  begins  thus :  **  It  is  also  agreed, 
that  besides  Canonical  Scriptures  nothing  be  read 
in  the  Church  as  Holy  Scripture  (sub  nomine 
Divinarum  Scripturarum),"  and  a  list  of  cano- 
nical writings  follows,  in  which  the  Apocryphal 
books  are  mingled  with  those  of  the  Hebrew 
canon,  without  distinction.  Some  of  the  MSS. 
however  omit  the  two  books  of  Maccabees.  The 
canon  ends  with  saying,  in  one  text,  *'  Let  it  be 
made  known  to  our  brother  and  fellow-bishop 
Boniface  [of  Rome],  or  other  bishops  of  those 
parts,  for  confirming  that  canon,  that  we  hare 
received  from  our  fathers  these  books  to  be  read 
in  churches ;  "  in  another  text,  "  The  books  then 
amount  to  twenty-seven ;  let  the  churches 
across  the  sea  [i.  e.  Italian]  be  consulted  about 
that  canon."  In  both  texts,  permission  is  given 
to  read  the  Passions  of  Martyrs  on  their  anni- 
versaries. 

The  confirmation  of  Bome  was  probably  ob- 
tained, and  this  canon  of  Carthage,  though  of 
course  only  binding  in  its  proper  force  on  the 
churches  of  a  particular  province,  became  the 
general  ecclesiastical  rule  of  the  West.  **  Usage 
received  all  the  books  of  the  enlarged  canon 
more  and  more  generally  as  equal  in  all  respects ; 
learned  tradition  kept  alive  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  Apocrypha 
which  had  been  drawn  by  Jerome "  (Westcott, 
JSible  in  Church,  p.  190). 

The  Apostolical,  Laodicean,  and  Carthaginian 
canons  were  all  confirmed  by  the  second  canon 
of  the  Quinisextine  Council,  A.D.  692  (Bruns's 
Canones  i.  36),  no  regard  being  had  to  their  varia- 
tions. The  68th  canon  made  provision  for  the 
reverent  treatment  of  copies  of  the  sacred  books. 

In  these  lists,  the  first  and  second  books  of 
Kings  are  of  course  those  which  we  call  the  first 
and  second  books  of  Samuel,  and  the  third  and 
fourth  books  of  Kings  those  which  we  call  the 
first  and  second  books  of  Kings.  It  is  not  always 
easy  to  say  with  certainty  what  is  intended  by  the 
first  and  second  books  of  Esdras.  In  the  Vatican 
and  Alexandrian  MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  «  L  Esdras  "  is 
the  apocryphal  book  which  we  call  the  first  book 
of  Esdras,  while  **  II.  Esdras  "  is  composed  of  the 
books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (Westcott,  Bible  in 
Church,  pp.  303  ff.).  In  the  Vulgate,  "  I.  Esdras  " 
is  the  canonical  book  of  Ezra,  and  ^  II.  Esdras  " 
the  canonical  book  Nehemiah.  Jerome  in  the  Pro- 
logus  Oaleatua  mentions  only  one  Esdras,  which 
(he  says)  the  Greeks  and  Latins  divided  into  two 
books;  these  two  books  were,  as  appears  from 
the  Praef.  in  Esdram  and  the  Ep,  ad  Faulinum 

k  Canon  Westcott  has  however  pointed  out  [art.  Caxom, 
p.  2651  that  bte  language  is  inconsistent  on  this  point 


CANONICAL  BOOKS 

(g.  16)  the  canonical  books  of  Ezra  and  Keb*- 
miah.  A  letter  of  Pope  Innooent  L  to  Exsupe- 
rius,  bishop  of  Toulouse  (a  J>.  (05)  contains  a  list 
(given  by  Kirchhofer,  Quelknaanmiung,  p.  504) 
identical  in  contents  with  that  of  the  Council  oc 
Carthage,  but  differing  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
books.  There  is  also  a  papal  list  attribated  to 
Gelasius  (Pope  a.d.  492-496)  and  another  to  Bot- 
misdas  (514-523).  But  none  of  these  lists  are 
free  from  suspicion.  They  were  unknown  in  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century  to  Cassiodnms.  who 
collected  the  lists  of  canonical  books  current  ia 
his  time,  and  still  later  to  Isidore  of  Seville; 
and  different  copies  of  the  Gelasian  bst  vary  in 
such  a  way  as  to  suggest  that  they  were  not  all 
derived  from  the  same  original.  The  letter  of 
Innocent  is  found  in  the  collection  ci  Decretals 
attributed  to  Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  that  col- 
lection, as  is  well  known,  contains  matter  of  a 
much  later  date  than  that  of  its  supposed  com- 
pilation (about  500).  It  is  not,  in  fiwt,  until 
the  8th  century  that  we  have  distinct  evidence 
of  its  existence,  when  it  formed  part  of  the  Code 
sent  to  Charlemagne  in  the  year  774  by  Pope 
Hadrian  I.  The  list  of  canonical  books  in  the 
decree  of  Gelasius  does  not  distinctly  appear  till 
about  the  10th  century.  Both  lists  simply  re- 
peat the  Canon  of  Carthage  (Westcott,  BAk  «• 
Church,  194  ff.).  It  is  a  remarkable  instance  « 
the  rapid  victory  of  usage  over  Bcht>larship,  that 
in  the  Codex  Amiatinus  (written  about  541)  of 
Jerome's  Vulgate,  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha 
are  mixed  with  those  of  the  Hebrew  canon, 
against  the  express  judgment  of  Jerome  him8el£ 
But  indications  are  not  wanting,  that  the  ques- 
tion of  the  value  and  authority  of  certain  worb 
was  regarded  in  the  Latin  Church  as  distinct 
from  that  of  ecclesiastical  use. 

The  determination  of  the  canon  in  Spain  was 
a  matter  of  unusual  importance.  The  Pris- 
cillianists  during  the  5th  century  introduced  a 
multitude  of  apocryphal  writings,  which  it  wss 
one  of  the  chief  cares  of  the  orthodox  bishops 
to  destroy.  The  Arian  Goths  probably  rejected 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  Apocalypse, 
as  well  as  the  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament. 
On  their  conversion,  they  bound  themselves  to 
accept  the  Roman  canon,  as  well  as  other  de- 
crees of  the  see  of  Rome.  Isidore  of  Serille 
(t636)  follows  Augustine  expressly  in  desling 
with  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  and  reckons 
among  "  Canonical  Scriptures  "  books  which  the 
Hebrews  do  not  receive  (see  Oriffines,  vi.  2.)  In 
the  list  which  he  gives  (Kirchhofer*8  QveUe*- 
sammlung,  p.  505),  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment are  enumerated  exactly  as  in  the  English 
canon,  except  that  Job  and  Esther  are  plsced 
after  Solomon's  Song.  After  Malachi,  he  adds, 
without  any  mark  of  distinction,  "Judit  et 
Tobias  et  Machabaeorum  Libri  quibus  anc- 
toribus  scripti  sunt  minime  constat."  Ecde- 
siasticus.  Wisdom,  and  the  apocryphal  boob 
of  Esdras,  do  not  seem  to  be  mentioned  at  all* 
In  the  New  Testament,  aft«r  the  Gospels  and 
Acts,  he  proceeds,  "PauU  Epistol.  xiv,  noTem 
ecclesiis,  reliquae  discipulis  scriptae.  Ad  He- 
braeos  a  plerisque  Latinis  ejus  esse  dubitatnr, 
propter  dissonantiam  sermonis ;  eandem  alii  Bar- 
nabae,  alii  Clementi  adscribunt.  Jaoobi,  Petri  ii, 
Cath.  Judae  et  Johannis.  Johannis  Apocslypsis. 
!  Caetera  Apocrypha."  He  seems  therefore  to  hare 
I  acknowledged  only  one  epistle  of  St.  John. 


CAKONICAL  UOUB8 


CANONIC! 


281 


Tbt  code  which  Charlemagne  gave  at  Aix  for 
tk  fOTcnunent  of  the  Chnrdi  waa  foanded  upon 
that  which  he  receiTed  from  Pope  Hadrian  as 
3Ksttoaed  above.  In  this  it  was  enjoined  that 
'*thc  Cuooieal  Boolcs  only  be  read  in  the 
Cbarchf  bat  it  does  not  appear  that  anj  defi- 
mtc  hst  WIS  given,  though  in  the  printed  editions 
the  list  of  Laodicea  was  appended.  Alcnin,  the 
vdl-kaown  English  scholar  (t804),  Charle- 
Bsgre's  chief  literary  adviser,  was  commissioned 
t«nfds  the  dose  of  his  life  to  undertake  a  revi- 
■oo  of  the  latin  Bible  for  public  use.  He  re- 
itaitd  ia  a  great  measure  Jerome's  text  in  those 
hoeb  whidi  Jerome  had  translated,  but  did  not 
iCfsrate  the  Apocrypha.  Several  MSS.  remain 
vhich  claim  to  be  derived  from  Alcuin*s  revi- 
■oB.  One  of  the  finest  of  these,  known  as 
** Charlemagne's  Bible,"  is  in  the  British  Museum. 
k  peculiarity  of  this  copy  is,  that  it  contains  the 
apecTfphal  Letter  to  the  Laodiceans  as  a  fifteenth 
Epistle  of  St.  Paul.  [C] 

CANONICAL     HOURS.         [HouM    op 

CANONICI.  The  canonical  clergy  have 
sccnpied  an  intermediate  position  between  the 
iwftks  and  the  secular  clergy.  As  living  to- 
gether under  a  rule  of  their  o^vn  they  were 
uttes  regarded  popularly  as  a  species  of  monks ; 
while,  inasmuch  as  their  rule  was  less  strict, 
sad  their  seclusion  from  the  world  less  complete, 
thcj  were  sometimes,  from  a  monastic  point  of 
riev,  classed  even  with  the  laity,  as  distinguished 
fron  those  who  were  ^^i-eligious."  Thus  the 
ctUeges  of  the  ^  canonici "  were  sometimes  called 
'^nwnasteria"  (Hospin.  De  Monach,  iii.  vi.  p. 
?2  b.);  while  Dudo  (De  Act,  Norman,  iii.  v.) 
broadly  dividing  Christians  into  ** regular"  or 
*'ooBtemplative,"  and  "secular"  or  practical 
plaoef  ^canonici"  among  the  "secular"  (Du 
Ouge,  Qlo9$.  Latinit.  s.  voce).  The  canonici  did 
■at  fully  assume  this  quasi-monastic  character 
till  the  8th  century.  The  theory  which  would 
tnee  them  back  as  a  monastic  order  to  St. 
Aagastine,  and  which  ascribes  to  him  the 
Angastinian  Rule  scarcely  needs  refutation 
(Hospin.  De  Monach.  iii.  vi.  p.  71  b. ;  Bingh. 
Onqm.  Ecdee,  vii.  iL  §  9> 

The*' canonici"  were  at  first  the  clergy  and 
other  officials  attached  to  the  church,  and  were 
M  called  either  as  bound  by  canons  (v.  Du  Gauge, 
n  r.y,  or  more  probably  as  enrolled  on  the  list  of 
•edesiastical  officers,  Kavitv,  matricula,  albus, 
tabola  (Socr.  ff.  £,  i.  17 ;  Theod.  Lect.  E.  K  I 
^  553;  Cone,  Chaioed,  451  A.D.  c  2 ;  Vales,  ad 
Act.  H.  E,  t.  19;  Bingh.  i.  v.  §  10).  Du 
Guge  explains  the  word  by  the  "  canon  "  <nrop- 
tiaII  ;  a  certain  proportion  (one-fourth)  of  the 
ahns  of  the  fiuthfhl  set  apart  for  the  mainte- 
ttuM  of  the  clergy  and  other  officers  of  the 
church  (Gmioc.  Agath,  506  JlS>,  c.  36 ;  Awel  iii. 
538  A.D.  c  11 ;  NaH)on,  589  A  J),  cc.  10,  12). 
Another,  but  most  improbable  derivation  is 
froa  xMMmicoi  (Du  Gauge,  8,  v.).  A  passage 
ii  cited  by  Du  Cange  from  the  life  of  Antony 
attributed  to  Augustine — irifm  rhp  Kaw6va — ^to 
■how  that  the  word  was  equivalent  to  "  derus." 
Bat  **  canonici "  was  at  first  a  more  compre- 
hctrive  word  than  **  clems,"  embracing  all  who 
hdd  ecclesiastical  offices,  as  readers,  singers, 
Fortcrs,  ttc  (Thonuiss.  Vel.  et  Nov.  Discipl.  1.  ii. 
M;  Bingh.  L  V.  §  10). 


Some  bishops  even  before  the  5th  oentuiy,  for 
instance  Eusebius  of  Vercellae,  Ambrose  ot 
Milan,  the  great  Augustine,  and  Martin  of  Tears, 
set  an  example  of  monastic  austerity  to  the 
clei^y  domiciled  with  them,  which  became  widely 
popular  {Concc,  Tolet.  ii.  a.d.  531,  c.  1 ;  Turon. 
ii.  A.D.  567,  c  1 2).  Gelasius  I.  at  the  close  of  the 
5th  century  founded  an  establishment  of  "ca- 
nonici regulares"  at  Rome  in  the  Lateran 
(Hospin.  m.  vi.  p.  72  b.;  Bingh.  VII.  ii.  §  9). 
In  531  A.D.  the  2nd  Council  of  Toledo  speaks  of 
schools  conducted  by  the  '* canonici"  wherein 
the  scholars  lived  "  in  domo  ecclesiae  sub  £pi- 
scopi  praesenti&"  (cc.  1,  2);  and,  before  the  end 
of  the  same  century,  the  Srd  Gouncil  of  Toledo 
orders  the  Scriptures  to  be  read  aloud  in  the 
refectory  of  the  priests,  "  sacerdotal!  oonvivio  " 
(c.  7).  A  similar  phrase,  '*  mensa  canonica,"  is 
quoted  by  Du  Gauge  from  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Hist,  z.  ad  fin.)  in  reference  to  the  "canonici' 
established  by  Baudinus,  archbishop  of  Tours,  in 
the  6th  century,  and  from  a  charter  granted  by 
GhilpcHc  in  580  a.d.  (Miraei  Diplom.  Belg,  II. 
1310,  ap.  Du  Cange,  s.  v,).  In  the  Srd  Council  of 
Orleans,  a.d.  538,  the  "  canonici "  are  forbidden 
secular  business  (Cone,  AureL  III.  c.  11).  The 
college  in  which  the  canons  resided,  or  rather 
the  church  to  which  the  college  was  attached,  is 
styled  "  canonica  "  in  a  charter  724  A.D.  {Chart. 
Langob,  Brunett.  p.  470,  ap.  Du  Gauge,  8,  v.). 

Bishops,  especially  for  missions,  were  fre- 
quently chosen  out  of  the  monasteries ;  and  these 
naturally  surrounded  themselves  with  monks. 
In  the  words  of  Montalembert  many  a  bishopric 
was  "  cradled  "  in  a  monastery.  Thus  in  Armo- 
rica  "  the  principal  communities  formed  by  the 
monastic  missionaries  (from  Britain  in  the  5th 
century)  were  soon  transformed  into  bishoprics." 
{Monks  of  the  West^  II.  273.)  In  countries 
which  owed  their  Christianity  to  monks,  the 
monastery  and  the  cathedral  rose  side  by  side, 
or  under  one  roof.  But  cathedral-monas- 
teries are,  strictly  speaking,  almost  peculiar 
to  England  (Stubbs,  Introd,  to  Epp,  Cantuar, 
xxi.) ;  for,  while  elsewhere,  for  the  most  part, 
either  the  cathedral  or  the  monastery  ousted 
the  other,  in  England  many  of  the  cathedrals 
retained  their  monastic,  more  exactly  their 
quasi-monastic  character  till  the  Reformation. 
Usually  it  was  the  mother-church,  as  Canterbury 
or  Lindisfame,  which  thus  adhered  to  its  original 
institution,  while  the  new  cathedrals  iox  the 
sub-divided  diocese  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
non-monastic  clergy  (Stubbs,  v,  sup,  xxii.).  lu 
either  case,  as  at  Worcester,  the  cathedral  clergy 
were  the  parochial  clergy  of  the  city  (Stubbs,  The 
Cathedr,  of  Worcester  in  the  %ih  Century,  Gom- 
munic  to  the  Historic.  Sect,  of  the  Instit.  July, 
1862).  The  result  of  this  combination  on  the 
clergy  generally,  and  on  the  monks,  was  twofold. 
On  Uie  one  hand  the  clergy  became,  in  the  first 
instance,  more  monastic ;  on  the  other,  a  some- 
what more  secular  tone  was  given  for  a  time 
to  the  monasteries.  But,  as  these  cathedral- 
monasteries  came  to  lose  their  missionary  cha- 
racter, other  monasteries  arose,  by  a  reaction 
of  sentiment,  of  a  leas  secular  and  of  a  more 
ascetic  kind  ;  e.  g,  in  England,  Growland,  and 
Evesham,  in  contrast  to  Peterborough  and  Wor- 
cester (Stubbs,  0.  sup.y.  By  the  Gouncil  of 
Glovesho,  A.D.  747,  all  monasteries  proper  in 
England  were  placed  under  the  Benedictine  rule  \ 


^ 


282 


OANONICl 


and  thus  the  sererance  was  defined  of  the  chap- 
ters and  the  monasteries.  (^Conc,  Clooesh.  c.  24 ; 
cf.  Beg,  8,  Bmi&d.  c.  58 ;  cf.  Mahill.  AA.  0.  S.  B. 

I.  Praef.  Ivi.). 

But  Chrodegang,  or  Chrodogang,  cousin  of 
Pepin  and  archbishop  of  Metz,  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  8th  century,  was  rirtually  the  founder  of 
"canonid"  as  a  semi-monastic  order.  By 
enforcing  strict  obedience  to  the  Rule  and  the 
Superior  he  tightened  the  authority  of  the 
bishop  over  the  clergy  of  his  cathedral  {Beg. 
Chrodeg,  ap.  Labb.  Cone.  vii.  1445).  But, 
while  retaining  the  monastic  obligations  of 
"  obedience  "  and  of  ''chastity/'  he  relaxed  that 
of  poverty.  His  ''canonici"  were,  like  monks,  to 
have  a  common  dormitonr  and  a  common  refec- 
tory {Beg.  Chrod.  c.  8 ;  dmo.  Mogunt.  813  ▲  D. 
c.  9).  Like  monks  they  were  to  reside  within 
the  cloister ;  and  egress,  except  by  the  porter's 
gateway,  was  strictly  forbidden  (CSonc  Aquiegr, 
816  A.D.  cc  117,  144).  But  they  were  allowed 
a  life  interest  in  priyate  property;  *  though  after 
death  it  was  to  revert  to  the  church  to  which 
they  belonged ;  and,  which  is  especially  curious, 
they  were  not  to  forfeit  their  property,  even  for 
crimes  and  misdemeanours  entailing  otherwise 
severe  penance.  {Beg.  Chrod.  oc.  31,  32;  cf. 
Stubbs,  Epp.  Cantuar.  Introd.  xxiv.)  Thus  the 
discipline  of  the  cloister  was  rendered  more 
palatable  to  the  clergy;  while  a  broad  line  of 
demarcation  was  drawn  between  them  and  monks 
{Cone.  Mogunt.  cc.  9, 10 ;  Cone.  7\trm.  III.  c  25). 
They  were  not  to  wear  the  monk's  cowl  {Beg. 
Chrod.  c.  53,  interpolated  from  Cone  Aquisgr, 
c.  125).  The  essential  difference  between  a 
cathedral  with  its  ''canonici"  and  an  abbey- 
diurch  with  its  monks,  has  been  well  expressed 
thus :  the  '*  canonid  "  existed  for  the  services  of 
the  cathedral,  but  the  abbey-church  for  the 
spiritual  wants  of  the  recluses  happening  to 
settle  there  (Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  ii.  443). 

Chrodegang's  institution  was  eagerly  adopted 
by  the  far-seeing  Karl,  in  his  reformation  of 
ecclesiastical  abuses;  indeed  he  wished  to  force 
it  on  the  clergy  generally  (Robertson's  Ch,  Hist. 

II.  200).  He  ordered  the  ''canonici"  to  live 
**  canonice,"  and  to  obey  their  bishop  as  abbat ; 
a  similar  enactment  was  made  at  the  Coundls  of 
Aachen,  788  A.D.  and  of  Mentz,  813  a.d.  {Cone. 
Aquisgr.  cc.  27,  29 ;  Cone.  Mogunt.  c.  9 ;  cf.  Du 
Cange,  s.  v. ;  Hospin.  xxii.  154 ;  Robertson's  Ch. 
Hist.  n.  198).  It  was  evidently  the  great  legist 
lator's  intention  to  make  these  colleges  of  canons 
instrumental  for  education  (Cone.  CabUL  813 
▲.D.  c.  3 ;  Alteser.  Ascetioon.  II.  1).  Thus  one 
of  the  principal  canons  was  the  '*  Scholasticus  " 
(schoolmaster,  or  more  properly,  chancellor. 
Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  II.  443),  and  the 
buildings  were  arranged  mainly  to  be  used  as 
schools  (Hospin.  p.  153-6). 

Tlie  rule  of  Chrodegang  in  its  integrity  was 
shortlived.  By  the  middle  of  the  9th  century 
it  was  in  force  in  most  cathedrals  of  France, 
Germany,  Italy,  and,  more  partially,  in  England 
(Robertson's  Ch.  Hist.  U.  200).  But,  though 
milder  eveo  than  that  mildest  of  monastic  rules— 
the  Benedictine — ^it  was  too  severe  to  be  generally 
accepted  by  the  clergy,  especially  in  England. 
In  the  9th  century  (Robertson,  II.  209),  or, 
rather,  by  the  end  of  the  8th  (Stubbs,  Epp. 

•  Also,  the  diet  was  more  generoos.  (Ay.  Chrod. 
c  22 ;  Cone  Aquisgr.  816  Aj>.  c  122.)    . 


GANONia 

Cantmr.  Intr.  xvii.),  bodies  of  secular  dcrki, 
with  the  character  if  not  the  name  of  **  csaoiad^ 
had  supplanted  monks  in  many  parts  of  Englaod ; 
but  they  soon  lost  the  ground  which  they  had 
gained.  Partly,  perhaps,  from  the  popularity  ef 
monks  with  the  Uity  in  England,  as  the  harbinjien 
of  Christianity,  and  as  intimatdy  connected  witk 
the  history  of  the  nation,  partly  from  the  rqiog- 
nanoe  of  the  dergy  to  asceticism,  the  "■  Loths- 
ringian  "  rule  never  took  root  here  ^  (Freeman, 
V.  sup.,  II.  85).  According  to  William  of  Malme*- 
bury  (Stubbs,  J)e  Invent.  Cruc,  Intr.  ix.),  it 
never  was  accepted  here.  ''An  attempt  was 
made  to  introduce  it  in  the  Lq^tine  Ceimdl 
of  786,  which  probably  went  no  farther  in 
effect  than  to  change  the  name  of  secular  derb 
into  canons,  and  to  turn  secular  abbots  into 
deans  "  (Stubbs,  v.  sup.  x. ;  Cone.  Calcyik.  c  4) 
By  1050  A.D.  it  was  nearly  obsolete  in  England 
(Stubbs,  V.  S197.  ix.).  Cdibacy  seems  to  hsTe 
formed  no  integral  part  of  the  plan  in  tha 
foundation  of  Waltham.  (Freeman,  v.  sup.  IL 
443 ;  Stubbs,  De  Inv.  Cruc.  xii.) 

Even  where  it  had  been  at  first  in  vogue  the 
Rule  of  Chrodegang  was  soon  relaxed ;  nor  were 
the  efforts  of  Adalbero,  Willigis,  and  otben, 
effectual  to  restore  it  (Robertson's  Ch.  Hid. 
IL  477).  The  ''  canonid  "  became,  first,  a  coo- 
mnnity  dwelling  together  under  the  headship  of 
the  bishop,  but  not  of  necessity  under  the  same 
roof  with  him;  next,  an  ''acephalous"  com- 
munity,— a  laxity  which  had  been  specially  con- 
demned by  the  Council  of  Aachen,  already  men- 
tioned (c.  101)— and,  gradually,  instead  of  repre> 
senting  the  clergy  of  the  diocese  they  developed 
into  a  distinct,  and,  sometimes,  antagonistic  bodj 
(Robertson,  U.  476).  As  their  wealth  and  in- 
fluence increased  they  daimed  a  share  in  the 
government  of  the  diocese  (Robertson,  IL  401X 
Trithemius  speaks  of  the  ''Canonid  Trevireoscs" 
in  the  close  of  the  10th  century,  as  both  in  name 
and  in  reality  "seculares  non  regulares":  sad 
Hospinian  protests  against  the  very  expreasion 
"canonid  seculares,"'  as  a  oontndictioa  in 
terms,  like  "  regulares  irregulares."  (Hospinian, 
0.  sup.  p.  73.) 

The  "Canons  Regular  of  St  Augustine," 
founded  by  Ives  of  Chartres  and  others,  in  the 
11th  century,  may  be  regarded  as  resulting  from 
the  failura  of  the  attempU  to  force  the  canonical 
rule  on  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches  (Robertson's  Ch.  Hist.  IL  708).  These 
"  canonid  "  differed  but  slightly  from  the  monks; 
and,  unlike  the  "  canonid  "  of  older  date,  nsem- 
bled  the  monks  in  the  renunciation  of  private 
property.  This  order  was  introduced  into  Eng- 
land very  early  in  the  12th  century  by  Adelwdd, 
confessor  of  Henry  1st,  but  some  assign  an  etrlier 
date.  At  the  Reformation  there  were,  aocoiding 
to  Hospinian  (p.  73\  mora  than  8000  "coenohia 
canonicorum  "  in  Europe ;  the  number  declined 
greatly  afterwards.  The  various  mediaeval  snb- 
divisions  of  "  canonid,"  enumerated  by  Dn  >iige 
(».  V.)  do  not  fall  within  our  present  scope.  (See 
also  Thomassini,  Vetus  et  Nona  Diadplisa,  L  iiL 


b  Till  tbe  Uth  ceotniy  these  semi-rcgolar.aemi-eecahr 
foundations  seem  to  have  beenunoongenial  to  tbeBigHA. 
Harold,  the  foonder  of  Waltham,  is  an  ezoepcloo.  (Ft«» 
man.  Norm.  Conq.  II.  446). 

«  The  ezpresdon  **8ecalar  canoos"  somelfaBa  oewn 
prematurely  (&  g.  in  Freeman's  Xdrman  OMifWiO  vha« 
*  secular  dexks  "  would  be  more  exact. 


OANONIBTAE 

«.  7-12;  m.  iL  c  27 ;  BibUothique  SacrOs,  par 
Biebard  et  Giraidis,  «.  o.  Par.  1822 ;  Hartigny, 
LkUoimain  dts  AntiqiriUh    Chraiennes,   Par. 

Qmimioa&  in  the  primiiiye  church  were  deront 
w<om«n,  taking  chai^  of  funeralB  and  other 
werks  of  chanty  (Socr.  K  E,  i.  17 ;  Soz.  H,  E, 
Till  23,  cC  Justin.  Nowa,  cc  43,  59,  ap.  Menardi 
Omb.  ••  &  Benad,  Asnian.  Cone.  Eeg.  c.  68). 
Though  not  originally  bound  by  a  vow,  nor 
compriied  to  live  in  a  commanity  (Bingh.  Orig, 
£cd.  Va  ir.  §  1 :  but  cf.  PeUicda  Eoci,  Christ, 
fold.  I.  iiL  ^  I  1),  they  lived  apart  from  men, 
ad  bad  a  special  part  of  the  church  reserved  for 
tbem  in  the  public  servioee  (Du  Cange,  9.  v.).  In 
tae  8th  century  the  *^  canonicae,'*  "  canonissae," 
er  "canQnichissae,"  lived  together  afbef  the 
czaoipk  of  the  ^'canonidY*'  being  like  them 
attacked  to  particular  churches  (Pellic.  I.  iii.  4, 
{ 1).  Th^  are  distinguished  from  nuns  {Cone. 
Fmcof.  794  AJ).  cc  46,  47);  but,  like  nuns 
VCR  strictly  debarred  from  the  society  of  men 
{Cane.  Aqnigr.  816  AJ>.  c  20 ;  cf.  Cunc.  CabiU. 
813  AJk.  c  53).  They  were  to  occupy  them- 
aelres  specially,  like  the  "  canonici "  in  education 
{Come.  Fnmcof.  c  40;  Cone.  Aquisgr.  c  22> 
Sec  farther  Magdeb.  Cewtur.  viu.  6.  The  '<do- 
■iceUae  "  or  secular  canonesses  are  of  later  date 
(Du  Ouge^  s.  v.>  (See  also  Thomass.  Vet.  et 
Jk€.  Dkk^  L  iiL  cc.  43,  51,  63;  Alteserrae 
Axetieom.  ill.  3.)  [I.  G.  S.] 

CANONI8TAK    [Cahon  Law.] 

CANONIZATION  is  defined  by  Ferraris 
(sob  voe.  Veneratio  Sanctorum)  to  be  a  *'  public 
jadgment  and  express  definition  of  the  Apostolic 
See  respecting  the  sanctity  and  glory  of  one, 
who  is  thereupon  solemnly  added  to  the  roll  of 
the  saints,  and  set  forth  for  the  public  veneration 
of  the  whole  Church  militant,  and  the  honours 
iwt  to  saints  decreed  to  him."  And  it  is  distin- 
gsiahed  by  him  from  Beatification^  which  means, 
according  to  the  same  authority,  a  like  '*  lawful 
grant  hj  the  pope  to  a  particular  kingdom,  pro- 
visos, religious  body,  or  place,  to  venerate  and  in- 
^vkty  in  the  mass  and  by  exposition  of  relics,"  &c., 
Mae  particular  person,  deceased.  Both,  in  this 
sesse,  date  subsequently  to  the  period  of  which 
the  present  work  treats,  the  first  formal  canoni- 
zatioa  by  a  pope  being  said  to  be  either  that  of 
St  Soibert  by  Pope  Leo  III.  A.D,  804,  at  the  re- 
cast of  Charlemagne  (Ferraris,  as  above),  or 
(vhidi  however  depends  on  a  letter  said  to  be  a 
ftfgery)  that  of  Udialric,  bishop  of  Augsburg,  by 
diploma  of  Pope  John  XV.  A.D.  993  (Mabiil. 
Jctt.  83.  Ben.  Saee.  V.  Fref.  §  101 ;  Gibbingfs 
PraeUet.  on  the  Diptychs,  p.  33,  Dubl.  1864). 
Bat  GSD<Hiization  in  some  sense  ( = inserting  in  the 
Caaottof  the  Mass)  is  the  outgrowth  of  a  practice 
of  very  early  date  (being  alluded  to  by  Tertullian, 
De  Cor.  iii,  and,  earlier  still,  in  the  Martyr,  Poly- 
carp.  zviiL,  ap.  Enseb.  Jf.  E.  iv.  15^  viz.  that  of 
rschiBg  at  a  certain  part  of  the  £ucharistic  service 
the  names  (among  others)  of  deceased  saints  and 
■artyrs  [DiFrroHfl] ;  not  for  invocation  (*'  non 
iavocaatur,"  St.  Aug.  De  Civ.  Dei,  xxii.  10),  but 
"  IB  memory  of  those  who  have  finished  their 
coane,  and  for  the  exercising  and  preparation  of 
those  who  have  yet  to  walk  in  their  steps" 
{Mart,  S.  Poiyc.y  The  authority  by  which  a 
aaow  was  inserted  in  this  list — the  saint  being 
said  to  be  '^  vindicatus  "  (Optat.  Ve  Schitm. 


CANOPY 


283 


Donat,  i,  16)— was,  until  at  least  the  10th  cen- 
tury, that  of  the  bishop,  with  (no  doubt)  the  con- 
sent of  his  clergy  and  people,  and,  as  time  went  on^ 
of  the  synod  and  metropolitan,  and  according  to 
Mabillon  (Pratf.  in  Actt.  S8,  Bened.  p.  412),  of  the 
emperor  or  king.  But  the  consent  of  the  last 
named  could  only  have  been  asked  or  given  in 
cases  of  political  importance,  real  or  supposed. 
The  last  case  of  canonization  by  a  metropolitan  is 
said  to  have  been  that  of  St.  Gaultier,  or  Gaucher, 
abbat  of  Pontoise,  by  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen, 
A.D.  1153  (Gibbings,  as  above).  And  a  decree  of 
Pope  Alexander  III.  A.D.  1170,  gave  the  prero- 
gative to  the  pope  thenceforth,  so  far  as  the 
Western  Church  was  concerned  [Calendar; 
MABTYBOLoaT;  Menology]  ;  who  proceeded 
(ace  to  Ferraris)  in  two  ways,  either  by  formally 
sanctioning  locad  or  other  saints,  who  had  long 
before  been  canonized  in  effect  by  common  con- 
sent, or  by  initiating  the  process  himself  in  new 
cases.  *' Canonizare "  is  also  used  to  signify 
simply  to  "approve,"  or  to  "appoint  to  a  ca- 
nonry,"  or  to  enrol  in  the  "canon"  of  the  clergy, 
or  to  make  a  canon  in  a  Council.,  (Salig.  Ae 
Diptychis;  Du  Cange;  Suicer;  Ferraris,  Prompfa 
Biblioth.)  [A  W.  H.] 

GANOFT.  The  fixed  solid  canopy,  or  dbortum, 
over  the  altar,  has  already  been  described  under 
Altab,  p.  65.  It  has  been  supposed,  however, 
that  the  altar  was  sometimes  anciently  covered 
with  a  canopy  of  a  lighter  kind,  as  of  silk.  In 
the  will  of  Abbot  Aredius  (in  the  WorUf  of 
Gregory  of  Tours,  p.  1313,  ed.  Ruinart),  who 
died  A.D.  591,  we  find,  among  other  things 
declared  necessary  for  a  church,  "  cooperturios 
holosericos  tres ;  calices  ai'genteos  quatuor  .  .  . 
item  cooperturium  lineum  .  .  ."  These  silken 
coveiings  Binterim  (DenkwOrd,  vii.  3,  353) 
believes  to  be  not  altar-cloths,  but  canopies, 
while  the  "  cooperturius  linens  "  is  an  altar-cloth, 
distinct  from  the  corporal.  Gregory  of  Tours 
also,  a  contemporary  of  Aredius,  describmg  a 
dream  or  vision,  says,  "  cum  jam  altai'ium  cum 
oblationibus  j9a//u>  stfTMX)  coopei-tum  esset,"  Gunt- 
chramn  entered  (^Hist.  Frcmc.  vii.  22,  p.  347,  ed. 
Ruinart).  Here  again  Binterim  (u.  s.)  supposes 
that  a  canopy  is  intended,  insisting  on  the  words 
of  Optatus  (De  ScMam.  Donat.  vi.  1,  p.  92),  that 
it  was  a  matter  of  notoriety  that  the  boards 
of  the  altar  were  covered  with  linen.  The 
words  of  Optatus,  however,  written  of  the 
African  church  in  the  4th  century,  have  but 
little  application  to  Gallican  customs  at  the  end 
of  the  6th,  nor  are  they  in  fact  contradictory 
to  the  words  of  Gregory ;  for  the  altar  may  have 
been  first  covered  with  linen,  and  the  oblations 
upon  it  afterwards  covered  with  a  silken  veil. 
This  was  probably  the  case ;  for  a  word  derived 
from  '  cooperire '  would  naturally  refer  to  covering 
up  closely,  rather  than  to  shading  as  a  canopy 
does.  Compare  Altab-GLOTHS,  p.  69.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  Mabillon  and  Ruinart 
are  right  in  explaining  the  word  cooperturius  of 
an  altar-covering  or  Veil.  The  "  cooperturius 
Sarmaticus,"  which  Gregory  rejected  (De  Vitis 
Patrumy  p.  8, 1195)^  seems  to  have  been  intended 
for  a  similar  use. 

The  custom  of  carrying  a  canopy  over  the 
pope  in  certain  processions  does  not  seem  to  be 
mentioned  earlier  than  the  12th  century  (see 
Ordo  Bomanus  XI.  17,  126;  40,  136);  and  the 


284 


GANTABBABn 


OANTICI4E 


HBO  of  a  canopy  to  orershadov  the  Enchariflt  in 
Corpus  ChrisH  processions  is  later  still. 

For  the  canopy  surmounting  the  seat  of  a 
bishop,  see  Thbone.  [C] 

GANTABBABn.  Literally,  bearers  of  the 
eantabrumj  or  cruciform  standani  of  the  later 
Roman  emperors,  in  military  or  religious  pro- 
cessions. The  word  occurs  in  the  Cod.  Theodos, 
xi7.  7,  2,  as  applied  to  a  guild  of  such  persons, 
and  has  no  direct  connexion  with  ecclesiastical 
antiquity.  Binghsm,  however  (xvi.  5,  6),  cites 
the  passage  in  its  bearing  upon  the  mention  of 
centurions  by  the  C.  in  TnUlo  (c.  61)  as  con- 
nected with  dirination ;  and  hence  it  appears  in 
the  index  to  his  work  as  the  name  of  '*a  sort  of 
conjurors."  The  cantabrum  itself  is  mentioned 
by  Minucins  Felix  (flctav.  c.  27)  and  TertuUian 
(Apol.  c  16)  as  an  instance  of  the  unconscious 
honour  paid  by  the  heathens  to  the  Heure  of  the 
cross.  [E.  H.  P.] 

CANTATOBIUM.    [Antiphonarium.] 

OANTEBBUBY,  COUNCIL  OF,  two  in 
Labb.  &c :— K^)  ^'^'  ^^^y  fictitious,  resting  on 
a  forged  charter  of  Ethelbert  to  St.  Augustin's 
monastery  at  Canterbury  (see  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Counc,  iii.  56,  57).  (2)  A.D.  685,  founded  on  a 
mere  mistake.  [A.  W.  H.] 

CANTHABUS  (or  -UM),  also  PharoCan- 

THARU8,  also  CaNTHARUS  CER08TATUB  or   CERO- 

GTRATUS,  1.  a  chandelier  for  ecclesiastical  use,  de- 
scribed by  Ducange,  s.  v.  as  **  a  disc  of  metal, 
furnished  with  candles  fixed  upon  it."  The  word 
is  of  Tery  frequent  occurrence  in  Anastasius 
and  other  early  authorities:  e.g.  8.  SUv,  xxxiv. 
§  34,  "  canthara  cei'ostrata  xii  aerea  ;"•&.§  36, 
'*pharum  cantharum  argenteum  cum  delphinis 
cxx,  ubi  oleum  ardet  nardinum  pisticum  .  .  . 
canthara  cerostrata  in  gremio  basilicae  quinqua- 
ginta."  8,  Symmach.  liii.  §  80,  "  ad  beatum  Pe- 
trum  XX  canthara  argentea  fecit."  Among  the 
articles  of  church  property  confiscated  by  Pope 
Sergius  I.  A.D.  687,  to  raise  the  donative  de- 
manded by  the  exarch  of  Ravenna,  as  the  price  of 
his  support,  we  read  of  '*  cantharos  et  coronas 
quae  ante  sacrum  altare  et  confessionem  beati 
Petri  Apostoli  ex  antiquo  pendebant "  (Anast.  8, 
8ergiu8  Ixxxvi.  §  159).     2.  a  vessel  for  water 

[PHIALA.]  [E.  v.] 

CANTIANILLA,  with  Cantianus  and  Can- 
Tius,  martyrs  at  Aquileia,  commemorated  May  31 
(^MaH.  Bom,  Vet.,  Usuardi>  [C] 

CANTIANUM  CONCILIUM.    [Kent.] 

CANTICLE  (^Canticum),  A  species  of 
sacred  song.  St.  Paul  [Eph.  v.  19]  mentions 
**  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs," 
XaXovvrts  i<urro7s  ^a\fiois  koX  Cfiyois  tad  ^Sais 
irvfvfxariKals  ("canticis  spiritualibus,"  Vulg.). 
He  also  couples  the  three  terms  in  Col.  iii.  16. 
Some  of  the  psalms  are  called  in  the  LXX.  and 
Vulg. :  i^tiKfihs  tfhris  (Psalmus  Cantici),  0.  g. 
LXVII.,  XCI.  (LXVIII.,  XCII.),  or  oTko?  ^irjf 
(Laus  Cantici) ;  e,  g,  XCII.  (XCIII.).  On  the  dis- 
tinction between  a  psalm  and  a  canticle,  Augus- 
tine remarks  (on  Ps.  LXVII.)  that  some  before 
his  time  had  made  this  distinction  between  a 
canticle  and  a  psalm,  that  since  a  canticle  is 
sung  with  the  voice  alone,  but  a  psalm  with  the 
accompaniment  of  an  instrument ;  so  by  a  can- 
ticle, the  intelligence  of  the  mind  is  signified,  by 


a  psalm  the  operation  of  the  body.  He  goes  on 
to  give  as  a  reason  why  the  book  of  Psalm  is  so 
called  rather  than  the  book  of  CcnUideSj  that  a 
canticle  may  be  without  a  psalm,  but  nota  pnln 
without  a  canticle.  Jerome  distinguishes  te 
the  efiect  that  pealms  properly  belong  to  the 
region  of  ethics,  so  that  we  know  through  the 
bodily  organs  what  to  do  or  avoid — ^whilc  can- 
tides  deal  with  higher  matters,  the  harmony  of 
the  universe,  and  the  order  and  concord  of  crea- 
tion. Hymns  are  distinguished  from  both,  as 
being  directly  occupied  with  the  praises  of  God. 
Others  distinguish  differently,  while  Ghrysostom 
and  Basil  define  to  much  the  same  eSkd.  So 
also  Thomasius.  Bona  distinguishes  between 
four  sorts  of  sacred  song:  (1)  Canticle  (Can- 
ticum)  which  is  sung  by  the  voice  alone ;  (2) 
Psalm  (Psalmus),  which  is  sung  by  the  vMce, 
accompanied  by  a  musical  instrument ;  (3)  Cu- 
ticle of  a  psalm  (Canticum  PsalmiX  when  there 
is  an  instrumental  prelude  to  the  voice;  (4) 
Psalm  of  a  canticle  (Psalmus  Cantici),  when  tiie 
voice  begins  and  the  organ  or  other  instrumental 
acoompaniment  follows.  But  this  seems  to  be 
over  refining,  and  hence  some  have  considered 
the  three  words  [Psalm,  Canticle,  Hymn]  as 
virtually  synonyms,  on  the  ground  that  it  is 
easy  to  show  that  sacred  songs  were  called  bj 
these  three  names,  but  not  so  easy  to  show  that 
these  names  represent  different  kinds  of  song, 
since  they  are  used  promiscuously  in  the  titles 
of  the  psalms.  Hence  it  has  been  thooj^* 
by  some  that  St.  Paul  in  the  passages  refenvii 
to  is  simply  recommending  the  use  of  the  psalter 
On  the  whole  we  may  be  satisfied  with  St. 
Augustine's  conclusion,  who  after  discussing  the 
point  at  some  length,  says  he  will  leave  the 
question  to  those  who  are  able,  and  have  the 
leisure  to  make  the  distinction,  and  to  define  it 
accurately.  The  broad  distinction,  to  which  the 
derivation  of  the  Greek  words  would  lead,  seems 
to  be  that  a  psalm  was  sung  to  instrumental 
accompaniment,  a  canticle  with  the  voice  alone ; 
while  a  hymn  is  a  direct  praise  of,  or  thankt- 
giving  to  Uod. 

In  ecclesiastical  use  the  word  oantids  is 
applied  to  those  poetical  extracts  from  Holj 
Scripture,  which  are  incorporat«d  among  the 
psalms  in  the  divine  office.  For  the  most  part 
they  are  said  at  Lauds.  In  the  Gregorian  and 
its  derived  rites,  a  canticle  is  said  every  dsr 
among  the  psalms  at  Lauds,  immediately  before 
the  three  final  psalms ;  and  St.  Benedict  in  his 
rule  directs  that  on  each  day  at  Lauds  a  canticle 
from  the  Prophets  shall  be^  sung,  **  sicut  psnllit 
Ecdesia  Komana."  These  canticles,  still  retained 
in  the  Roman  and  cognate  breviaries,  are :  seven 
from  the  Old  Testament,  said  in  the  following 
order — 

At  Lauds : — 

On  Sundays  and  Festivals,  •■  Benedldte." 

On  M<n)day8,  The  Song  of  Isalab  (Is.  xii.). 

On  Tuesday.  The  Song  of  Henklah  (Is.  xxxrili.  10-3P) 

On  Wednesday,  The  Song  of  Hannah  (1  Sam.  iL  l-io), 

On  Thunday*  The  Song  of  Moobb  (Ex.  xv.  1-19). 

On  Friday,  The  Song  of  Habakkok  (Uab.  Ul.  3-ltV 

On  Saturday,  The  Song  of  Moeea  (DeuL  xxxlL  1-43). 

And  also  three  from  the  New  Testament. — 


BenedieUu, 
Magnifieat 
yumdimiUU   „ 


said  dally  at  Lands. 
„       „  Vespers. 


OompUi 


CANTICUM  EVANGELICUM 


CAPITULAKY 


285 


canticles  are  said  with  an  antiphon,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  pwalms. 

Other  Western  breviaries  nse  a  greater  variety 
«f  csntides:'  thus  the  Benedictine  and  other 
TBwiMtir  breviaries  of  the  same  type,  have  three 
oatides  instead  of  psalms,  in  the  third  noctum 
•D  Snadays  and  festivals. 

Ib  the  Office  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  follow- 
■g  nine  canticles,  called  ode8  (jf9dt%  ai'e  ap- 
p^ited  at  Lands : — 

(1)  The  Soi«  cf  Moon  In  Exodus  (Ex.  xv.  1-19> 

(1)  The  Soof  of  Moses  in  Dent  (Dent,  xxxli.  1-43). 

(3)  The  Pt^rer  of  Hsonah  (1  Sam.  IL  1-10). 

(I)  The  Ptajer  of  Habakknk  (Hab.  Ul.  3-19). 

(S)  The  PrsTer  of  Isaiah  (Is.  zxvL  9-30). 

(<)  The  Pkvcr  of  Jonah  (Jon.  iL  3-9> 

(T)  The  Pnjert  of  the  Three  Holy  Children  (Dan.  ill. 

3^>    [InApooy.] 
(I)  The  SoBgf  of  tbe  Tbiee  Holy  Childran.    [Bkxb- 

mora.] 
9)  Migntficat  and  Benedictna. 

lliese  are  assigned : — (1)  to  Sunday  and  Mon- 
Aiy;  (2)  to  Taead^;  (3)  to  Wednesday;  (4)  to 
Tannday ;  (5)  to  Friday ;  (6)  and  (7)  to  Satur- 
(bj;  (8)  and  (9)  are  said  at  a  different  time. 

Bttudktus  and  BeneeUcite  were  in  early  times 
raig  in  some  masses:  the  former  before  the 
pro^iecy  in  some  early  Ghillican  masses ;  the 
Isiter  is  prescribed  in  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo 
to  be  sung  before  the  epistle  on  Sxmdays  and 
fatitals  of  martyrs. 

**Te  Denm  "  is  the  only  composition  not  taken 
from  Holy  Scripture,  which  is  usually  considered 
s  csatide.  Some  ritualists,  however,  think  it 
Aoald  be  reckoned  among  hymns. 

For  a  fuller  collection  of  canticles  see  the 
Moanbie  breviary,  and  Thomasius,  vol.  ii. 

[H.  J.  H.] 

CANTICUM  EVANGEMOUM.  "  Bene- 
iictns"  was  sometimes  so  called,  probably  to 
iiftiagaiah  it  from  the  other  canticle  said  at 
Laada,  which  b  taken  from  the  Old  Testament. 
The  expression  occurs  in  a  MS.  Pontifical  of  the 
Charck  of  Poitiers  of  about  800  A.D.,  and  else- 
vhere.  [H.  J.  H.] 

CANTICUM  6RADUUM.  The  Gradual 
Pttbas  were  sometimes  so-called.  They  were 
Rdted  in  the  following  order:  the  first  five 
vith  Bequiem  aetemean,  ^c,  and  followed  bv  a 
£ew  Tcrsides,  were  said  **  pro  deftmctis."  The 
next  ten  each  with  **  Gloria;"  five  "pro  con- 
fRfatione,'' and  five  ''pro  familiaribus;''  each 
Snmp  being  followed  by  a  few  versicles  and  a 
collect.  [H.  J.  H.] 

CANTOR.     iPBotmUta,  r^rns,  ifaXr^6s, 

Among  the  clerici  of  the  ancient  Church  are 
to  be  reckoned,  as  a  dutinct  order,  the  Cantores 
or  Psalmistae,  whose  institution  dates,  it  would 
ieeai,  from  the  4th  century.  They  are  mentioned 
ia  the  Apottolioal  Consiiiutwns,  so  called  (ii.  25, 
{  12;  iii.  11 ;  viiL  10,  §  2,  etc.)  and  in  the  Apo- 
OuOcal  CanonM  (oc.  26, 43,  69).  In  the  fifteenth 
anon  of  the  council  of  Laodicaea,  A.D.  365,  they 
are  called  arayoriKol  ^d\rai,  i.e.  singers  enrolled 
a  the  canon  or  catalogue  of  clergy,  to  whom  the 
otBee  of  singing  in  the  church  was  then  restricted. 
The  reason  of  their  appointment  seems  to  have 
beea  to  regulate  and  encourage  the  ancient  psal- 
BMdr  of  the  Church.    There  can  be  no  question 

t  SodlsUi^lsliwi  In  the  MUcs. 


but  that  fVom  the  apostolical  age,  singing  formed 
a  part  of  the  public  worship,  the  whole  congi'e- 
gation  joining,  as  in  the  prayers ;  but  when  it 
was  found  by  experience  that  the  negligence  and 
unskilfulness  of  the  general  body  of  the  people 
rendered  them  unfit  to  perform  tnis  service  with- 
out instruction  and  guidance,  it  was  resolved  to 
set  apart  a  peculiar  order  of  men  for  the  singers' 
office,  not  with  a  view  to  abolish  the  ancient 
psalmody,  but  to  retrieve  and  Improve  it.  That 
the  restriction  imposed  by  the  council  of  Laodi- 
caea must  be  regarded  as  a  temporary  provision, 
designed  only  to  revive  and  develop  the  ancient 
psalmody,  then  falling  into  decay,  appears  from 
the  facts  collected  by  S.  Augustine,  Chrysostom, 
Basil,  and  others,  that  in  their  own  age  the 
custom  of  congregational  singing  was  again 
generally  observed  in  the  churches. 

As  to  the  form  of  ordination  by  which  the 
cantores  were  set  apart  for  their  ofiice,  this  was 
done,  as  in  the  case  of  the  other  inferior  orders, 
without  imposition  of  hands ;  but  in  one  thing 
it  differed  from  the  others,  that  whereas  the 
latter  were  usually  conferred  by  the  bishop  or  a 
chorepiscopus,  this  order  might  be  conferred  by 
a  presbyter,  using  the  form  of  words  following, 
as  given  in  the  4th  council  of  Carthi^e,  c.  10: 
*'  See  that  thou  believe  in  thy  heart  what  thou 
singest  with  thy  mouth,  and  approve  in  thy 
works  what  thou  beUevest  in  thy  heart."  [Com- 
pare Confessor,  §  4.]  Bingham,  iii.  7 ;  Martene 
de  Ant.  Eccl,  BUibus  I.  c.  viii.  ai*t.  8,  §  4.  [D.  &.] 

CANTUAEIENSE  CONCILIUM.    [Cak- 
TERBUBY.3 
CAPA  oa  OAPPA.    [Cope.] 

CAPITOLINL  A  name  of  reproach  applied 
by  the  Novatians  to  the  Catholics,  because  the 
latter  charitably  resolved,  in  their  synods,  to 
receive  into  communion  again,  upon  their  sincere 
repentance,  such  as  had  offered  sacrifice  in  the 
Capitol  (Bingham,  b.  i.  c.  3).  [D.  B.] 

CAPITULA.  The  name  of  a  prayer  in  the 
Mozarabic  breviary  immediately  preceding  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  which  in  this  rite  occurs  near 
the  end  of  the  office.  It  changes  with  the  day 
and  office,  and  also  varies  much  in  length,  but 
has  no  special  characteristics  to  distinguish  it 
from  other  Mozarabic  prayers.  The  con*e- 
sponding  prayer  in  the  Mass,  not  however  called 
by  this  name,  is  directed  to  be  said  "  ad  ora- 
tionera  dominicam.'*  Baronius,  referring  to  an 
epistle  of  Pope  Vigilius,  observes  that  formerly 
the  word  Capitulum  was  used  of  **  preces  quae- 
dam  prolixiores  in  honorem  Sanctorum  vel 
Solennitatum."  [H.  J.  H.] 

CAPITULABE.   [Antiphonarium,  p.  100.] 

CAPITULARY.  The  term  "Capitulary" 
means  a  set  or  collection  of  capitula  or  little 
chapters.  It  is  applied  to  the  laws  and  oinli- 
nances  of  the  early  Prankish  sovereigns,  because 
the  laws  enacted  at  one  time  and  place  were 
usually  collected  and  published  in  a  continuous 
series.  The  collective  series  was  called  a  **  Capi- 
tulary ; "  the  several  laws  which  were  the  mem- 
bers of  the  series  were  called  **  Capitula."  The 
term  has  not  in  itself  any  ecclesiastical  meaning, 
being  also  applicable  to  temporal  laws.  But,  as 
a  fact,  the  majority  (though  by  no  means  the 
whole)  of  the  Prankish  Capitula  were  of  an 
ecclesiastical  character. 


^ 


286 


CAPITULABY 


The  edition  of  Balnze*  begins  with  Childe- 
Ddrt's  CoiutUtttum  for  the  Abolition  cf  Idolatry^ 
554  A.D.  This  is  followed  by  various  other 
capitula  of  the  first  race  of  kings,  viz.  of  Lo- 
thaire  I.  and  IL,  Dagobert,  and  Sigebert.  Crime, 
flavery,  marriage,  contracts,  pledges,  judicial 
and  ecclesiastical  regulations,  all  find  place 
among  these  laws,  which  furnish  some  interest- 
ing evidence  of  the  religious,  political,  and  social 
condition  of  France.  They  show  strong  traces 
of  clerical  influence,  in  the  care  which  they  take 
of  ecclesiastical  interests.  The  Merovingian 
princes  were  rude  and  unlearned,  and  were  glad 
to  make  use  of  the  abilities  and  learning  of  the 
priesthood :  they  were  also  dissolute,  and  perhaps 
glad  to  compound  for  their  excesses  by  gratify- 
ing the  priesthood ;  and  both  these  causes 
conspired  to  throw  wealth  and  power  into  epi- 
scopal hands.  Nor  was  this  state  of  things 
wholly  without  its  advantages.  The  influence 
of  the  clergy  mitigated  the  ferocity  of  the 
nobles,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  the 
humane  tone  of  portions  of  the  Merovingian 
laws  is  probably  due  to  the  part  which  they 
took  in  the  formation  of  them. 

It  mav  be  briefly  mentioned  that  the  follow- 
ing subjects  appear  repeatedly  and  with  pro- 
minence : 

The  right  of  sanctuary  in  churches.  The 
crime  of  doing  violence  to  churches  or  monastic 
houses.  The  crime  of  violence  to  the  persons  or 
property  of  the  clergy  or  monks.^  The  right 
freely  conferred  on  all  men,  without  restraint, 
of  making  gifts  of  land  or  other  property  to  the 
Church.  "Die  duty  of  a  strict  observance  of  the 
Lord's  day.c 

It  is  impossible,  however,  here  to  discuss  these 
laws  in  detail.  Indeed,  in  the  judgment  of 
Guizot,  they  hardly  deserve  it.  Civilisation 
during  the  Merovingian  dynasty  persistently 
declined,  and  in  the  Church  the  bishops  came  by 
degrees  to  constitute  an  irresponsible  and  ill- 
organized  aristocracy, — ^the  power  of  the  Metro- 
politans and  of  the  State  having  gradually 
declined. 

We  come  next  to  a  few  Capitularies  in  the 
nominal  reign  of  Child^ric  III.,  but  in  reality 
the  work  of  Carloman  and  Pepin,  and  then  to  the 
Capitularies  of  Pepin  le  Bref  as  sovereign  of  the 
Franks  in  the  year  752. 

Of  these  latter  Baluze  gives  five  or  six,  but 
Hallam  notices  that  only  one  is  expressly  said  to 
be  made  "in  general!  populi  conventu."     The 

•  Qoisot  speaks  of  this  is»  when  be  wrote,  the  best 
edition,  but  still  only  to  be  regarded  as  the  materials  for  a 
really  correct  and  sattsiactoiy  edition  of  the  Capitularies. 
Since  that  time  the  volominoos  and  elaborate  work  of 
Ports  has  appeared,  in  which  the  Gapltolaries  have  been 
re-edited  ftom  MS.  authority,  and  several  onpabllshed  by 
Balue  added  to  the  number.  This  is  therefore  probably 
now  the  standard  editiixi ;  but  the  references  in  this  article 
have  been  kept  to  the  work  of  Baluse^  because  it  is  more 
portable^  and  probably  more  aooeseibleb  and  because 
Unisofs  references  are  always  made  to  it. 

b  ••  In  all  temporal  affairs  the  Theodosian  Code  was  the 
univereal  law  of  the  clergy.  Bat  the  barbaric  Jariq>ra- 
denoe  had  liberally  provided  for  their  personal  safety :  a 
sabdeaoon  was  equivalent  to  two  Franks;  the  antmstion 
and  priest  were  held  in  similar  estimation ;  and  the  life  of 
a  bishop  was  apineclated  Ikr  above  the  common  standard, 
at  the  price  of  900  pieces  of  gold"  (Oibbon,  voL  vi.  chap. 
zxzvtiL). 

•  This  snlflect  recurs  oontlnoaUy  in  the  Cspitnlaries. 


CAPITULABY 

rest  appear  to  be  due  to  synods ;  but  it  would, 
perhaps,  be  rash  to  conclude  positively  that  they 
may  not,  in  some  cases,  have  had  some  kind  it 
subsequent  assent  from  the  lay  Counts.' 

It  18,  perhaps,  hardly  quite  correct  to  say  that 
the  Capitularies  of  Pepin  ^  relate  without  ex- 
ception to  ecclesiastical  affairs"  (Hallam,  JfidL 
J^tfs,  vol.  i.  chap.  ii.  part  2).  Not  <mly  are  they 
concerned  with  questions  of  marriage  and  kin- 
dred matters,  which  perhaps  are  quasi-eede- 
siastical,  but  one  or  two  deal  with  tolls,  with 
the  regulation  of  money,  with  parricide,  and 
with  the  administration  of  justice  as  well 
secular  as  spiritual.  The  general  complexion, 
however,  is  eoclesiasticaL  Amongst  other  thioga 
two  synods  are  to  be  held  annually,  and  detailed 
regulations  are  made  as  to  the  rights  of  bishops, 
abbots,  monks,  and  clergy. 

The  continuance  in  the  laws  of  Pepin,  snd,  as 
we  shall  see,  in  those  of  Charlemagne,  of  the 
same  strong  ecclesiastical  type  which  is  found  in 
those  of  the  Merovingians,  is  perhaps  due, 
amongst  other  causes,  to  the  desire  to  attract 
the  Church  to  the  side  of  the  new  dynasty.  "  la 
order  to  encounter  and  subvert  the  reverence 
which  was  still  yielded  to  a  merely  titular 
monarch,  the  supposed  descendant  of  the  gods, 
it  was  necessary  to  enlist  on  their  own  side 
religious  feelings  of  a  far  deeper  nature,  and  of 
a  much  more  solemn  significance."  (Sir  J.  Ste- 
phen, Lect,  on  Hitt,  of  France^  vol.  t  p.  84.) 

From  the  time  of  Pepin,  however,  the  Sove- 
reign Power  set  itself  not  only  to  advance  the 
interests  of  the  Church,  but  to  correct  its  dis- 
orders. The  strengthening  of  the  Metropolitaa 
authority  and  that  of  the  Crown  were  smoi^ 
the  means  used  for  reorganizing  the  system. 

We  turn  next  to  the  important  and  oopious 
legislation  of  Charlemagne. 

The  public  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne  are 
reckoned  by  Guizot  at  sixty  in  number.  Yirt 
other  documents  of  a  more  private  character 
may  also  claim,  in  the  opinion  of  that  writo',  a 
right  to  the  name."  Nearly  idl  these  Capitu- 
laries contain  a  large  number  of  Capitula,  or 
distinct  articles  in  each  of  them.  These  amount 
in  all  to  1150,  and  are  upon  very  various  sub- 
jects, even  when  included  in  the  same  Capitu- 
lary.   Guizot  classifies — 

80  under  Moral  Legislation, 


273 

130 

110 

85 

309 

73 

12 


n 
n 
w 
n 


n 
n 


PoUtical 

Penal 

Civil 

Religious 

Canonical 

Domestic 

Occasional 


n 


» 


n 


Under  the  first  head  he  places  such  articles  ss: 
'*  Turpe  lucrum  exercent  qui  per  varias  dr- 

d  Oomp.  the  2nd  Gaplt  of  Gkrloman,  a j».  T43»  wUch 
begins :— "  Hodo  auton  in  hoc  wynodaU  ooovento,  qol 
Gongregatos  est  ad  Kaleodas  Martlas  in  loco  qui  didtar 
LIptenas,  omnes  venerabUes  saoerdotes  Dei  et  oooilM  st 
praefectf  prlorls  synod!  deoreta  oonaentientar  firmavcmt, 
seque  ea  Implere  veUe  et  obaenrare  pcomisenmt  *  (JBaiam, 
i.  149). 

•  Balnxe's  ooUectton  contains  many  errors  but  ttais  ii 
due  to  the  loose  use  of  the  word  ** capttolary."  Fertsol 
course  gives  more  still ;  and  eomeof  these  last  nig^t  (Ho* 
bably  be  fidrly  considered  as  of  a  public  character,  n4 
added  to  the  computation  of  GuiioL 


CAPrrULABY 


CAPITULARY 


287 


oniTeBtioBes  Incnndi  causa  inhoneste  res  qnas- 
libet  coBgrefire  decertant"  (Baluze  L  454). 
nii  ii  the  16th  capitulnm  of  a  Capitulary  made 
i.DL  806.  it  is  rather  a  maxim  of  ethics  than 
SB  edict  or  law. 

Eeligioas  legislation  in  the  above  classification 
i>  sBch  as  relates  not  to  ecclesiastics  alone,  but 
tp  all  the  futhfiil.  In  some  points  this  resembles 
tbe  Boral  in  its  tone.    Thus  we  find : 

^Ut  Bullus  credat  quod  nonnisi  in  tribus 
lisfab  (probably  Latin,  Greek,  and  German) 
Dieas  orsndas  sit:  quia  in  omni  linguft  Deus 
•iontar,  et  h«mo  exanditur,  si  juste  petierit  ** 
(Baliue  L  270)u  This  is  No.  50  of  a  set  put 
finth  AJ)i.794. 

Csnooical  legislation  is  the  term  for  what 
eoaoerns  the  relations  of  the  clergy  among 
thcmaelTes.  The  tendency  of  this  class  of 
Ckpitula  is  to  nj^old  the  power  of  the  bishops. 
Etcb  the  monastic  bodies  are  to  be  in  subordi- 
BstioB  to  them.'  In  fact,  Charlemagne  appears 
ts  hsTe  considered  that  by  reducing  all  the 
ckr^  under  the  episcopate,  and  then  exercising 
a  personal  influence  over  the  bishops  himself 
he  was  providing  the  best  remedy  for  the  con- 
iitioB  of  the  Church,  which  was  one  of  much 
disorganisation.  He  aimed  at  a  stronger  and 
■are  pervading  discipline,  not  by  reducing  the 
episcopal  powers,  but  by  taking  care  that  their 
vMt  powers  were  well  exercised. 

With  the  other  heads  of  the  classification  we 
liBffe  not  here  to  do,  except  in  so  far  as  under 
the  title' of '^Political  Legislation"  some  regu- 
latioH  are  found  as  to  the  relation  of  the  secular 
vd  ecclesiastical  powers.  These  tend  to  show 
tbi  Charlemagne,  while  giving  great  power  to 
the  bishops,  consulting  with  them  on  church 
■■tteis,  and  naing  their  learning  and  intelli- 
geaoe  fbr  the  general  purposes  of  his  govem- 
■ot,  was  careful  not  to  become  their  tool,  nor 
to  subject  hia  own  authority  to  theirs.  '*  The 
Uvs  which  fix  the  obligations,  the  revenues, 
9m  the  duties  of  the  clergy,  are  issued  in  the 
of  the  emperor ;  they  are  monarchical  and 
not  papal  or  synodical  canons"  (Mil- 
LaL  Christ,  book  v.  chap.  1).  In  return 
tor  his  having  confirmed  the  system  of  tithes  by 
a  law  of  the  empire,  Charlemagne  *' assumed  the 
psfrer  of  l^isiating  for  the  clergy  with  as  full 
for  the  laity,**  though  **in  both 
there  was  the  constitutional  control  of  the 
of  the  nobles  and  of  the  higher 
wrlfMMtics,  strong  against  a  feeble  monarch, 
&eble  against  a  sovereign  of  Charlemagne's  over- 
nliag  character.  His  institutes  are  in  the 
Isafttsge  of  command  to  both  branches  of  that 
9tat  ecclesiastical  militia,  which  he  treated  as 
ktt  vassals,  the  secular  and  the  monastic  clergy.** 
"Ibid, 

la  any  inquiry,  however,  on  the  subject  of 
dpstalsffiea,  it  b  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the 
cxtrenely  loose  use  of  the  word  which  prevails 
ia  Baluze  and  other  editors.  Guizot  has  pointed 
•St  that  they  apply  this  title  equally  to  no  less 
thaa  twelve  distinct  kinds  of  documents.  *<We 
iai  in  their  collections  of  so-called  Capitularies*' 
-he  lays— 

*'L  Ancient  laws  revived.  {Bal.  i.  281.) 

'  Sea  4th  OspKolare,  aj).  808,  cap.  IL  (BaL  L  450),  and 
lsiQi|iita1sj^  AJk.  803,  cap.  zv.  (BaL  L  366>  Pepin  bad 
Uldovatlie  asBB  prtodple  (Bal.  L 168). 


**  2.  Extracts  from  ancient  laws  put  together 
for  some  special  purpose.  {Ibid.  i.  395.) 

*^S,  Additions  to  ancient  laws  (amounting 
probably  to  now  laws.  {Ibid.  i.  387.) 

'*4.  Extracts  from  previous  Canons.  (Ibid. 
i.  209.) 

*'  5.  New  laws  properly  so  called. 

*^  6.  Instructions  given  by  Charlemagne  to  his 
.    Missi,   to  guide  them   in   their  duties. 
{Ibid.  i.  243.) 

"  7.  Answers  given  by  Charlemagne  to  ques- 
tions from  counts,  bishops,  &c.,  as  to 
practical  difiiculties  in  their  administra- 
tion. {Ibid,  1.  401.) 

"8.  Questions  drawn  up  in  order  to  be  pro- 
posed for  discussion  to  the  bishops  or 
counts  at  the  next  assembly,  e,  g,j  *  To 
ascertain  on  what  occasions  and  in  what 
places  the  ecclesiastics  and  the  laity  seek, 
in  the  manner  stated,  to  impede  each 
other  in  the  exercise  of  their  respective 
functions.  To  inquire  and  discuss  up  to 
what  point  a  bishop  or  an  abbot  is  justi- 
fied in  interfering  in  secular  affairs,  and 
a  count  or  other  layman  with  ecclesias- 
tical affairs.  To  interrogate  them  closely 
on  the  meaning  of  those  words  of  the 
Apostle :  ''  No  man  that  warreth  for  the 
law  entangleth  himself  with  the  affaira 
of  this  life.**  Inquire  to  whom  these 
words  apply.*  {Ibid,  i.  477.) 

^  9.  Sometimes  the  so-called  Capitula  seem  to 
be  little  more  than  memoranda.  {Ibid.  L 
395.)  (Perhaps,  however,  this  class  is 
identical  in  reality  with  Class  6.) 

"  10.  Judicial  decrees.  {Ibid.  i.  398.) 

'^  11.  Regulations  fbr  the  management  of  the 
royal  lands  and  possessions.  {Ibid.  i.  331.) 

^  12.  Matters  of  an  executive  and  adminis- 
trative rather  than  legislative  nature. 
{Ibid,  i.  26,  in  Art.  1,  6,  7,  8,  53,  54.)" 

It  is  obvious  that  a  very  different  kind  of 
sanction  might  be  required  for  some  of  them 
from  that  which  would  be  needed  for  others. 
No  general  rule  can  therefore  be  laid  down 
applicable  to  all.  Nor  even  in  respect  to  those 
which  are  in  the  strictest  sense  legislative  is  it 
easy  to  discern  an  uniform  constitutional  pro- 
cedure. 

As  regards  ecclesiastical  matters,  it  may  pro- 
bably be  considered  that  the  prelates  were 
always  consulted,  though  in  most  cases  the 
initiative,  and  in  all  cases  the  final,  authori- 
zation came  from  the  Sovereign.  Thus  a  Capi- 
tulary A.D.  813  of  Canonical  Rules  is  entitled — 

'*  Capitula  de  confirmatione  constitution  um 
quas  episcopi  in  synodis  auctoritate  regii  nupei 
habitis  constituerant.** 

If  it  could  be  safely  assumed  that  all  legis- 
lative Capitularia,  on  whatever  subject,  had  the 
collective  assent  of  one  of  the  General  Assemblies 
held  in  every  year,  it  would  follow  that  eccle- 
siastical laws  had  the  assent  of  the  laity .r    For 

9  See  Baluze,  Prefiwse,  ^  7-9.  He  suggests  that  some 
of  the  apparent  ezoeptionB  oonsiet  of  capitula  which  are 
mere  eairactt  from  oncimt  Church  OouneiUt  and  which 
therelbre  the  royal  authority  may  have  been  deemed  com- 
petent to  promulgate.    In  some  other  instanoea,  be  thinks 


: 


288 


CAPITULAUY 


OAPITULUM 


in  these  assemblies,  coants  and  great  men,  as 
well  as  prelates,  were  present.  Hincmar,  in  an 
important  document  at  the  close  of  the  ninth 
oentui'y  (Guizot,  Led.  20),  gives  some  account 
of  these  assemblies,  and  says  that  it  was  in  the 
option  of  the  lay  and  ecclesiastical  lords  to  sit 
together  or  separately,  according  to  the  affairs 
of  which  they  had  to  tr«at  —  ecclesiastical, 
secular,  or  both.  From  tlus  it  might  at  first 
appear  that  canonical  matters  were  considered 
by  the  clergy  alone,  but  perhaps  this  may  be 
rather  understood  of  the  previous  discussion 
and  preparation  of  the  law.  If  so,  it  is  con- 
sistent with  its  being  finally  submitted  for  the 
consent  and  approbation  of  the  whole  assembly. 

The  fui*ther  question,  as  to  which  much  con- 
troversy has  taken  place,  whether  the  lesser 
freeholders  had  a  share  in  legislation,  and  if  so, 
whether  their  voice  was  given  in  the  assembly, 
or  when  the  Capitulai'ies  passed  by  the  assembly 
were  subsequently  proclaimed  locally  in  the 
different  districts,  is  a  matter  rather  of  political 
inquiry,  and  hardly  belongs  to  the  subject  of  the 
present  work.  It  is  discussed  by  Hallam  (^Middle 
Ages,  chap.  ii.  part  II.),  where  references  will  be 
found  to  other  authorities. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  must  always  be  borne  in 
mind  that  in  that  early  state  of  society — a  state 
in  which  the  master-mind  of  Charlemagne  was 
reducing  to  something  like  order  very  chaotic 
elements — we  must  not  expect  to  find  any 
pedantic  exactness  of  constitutional  law.  The 
will  of  the  Sovereign  was  the  motive  power  of 
the  whole  system,  but  before  exercising  it  he 
availed  himself  of  the  advice  of  the  counsellors 
who  were  most  likely  to  be  of  service :  so  far  all 
is  clear.  The  extent  to  which  he  submitted 
every  legislative  regulation  to  the  whole  body  of 
the  assembly,  held,  with  certain  modifications, 
twice  in  the  year,  is  a  matter  on  which  it  is 
more  difficult  to  spenk  positively.  Perhaps  the 
practice  even  as  to  legislative  regulations  was 
not  uniform,  while  cei*tainly  the  boundary 
between  legislative  and  executive  regulations 
was  very  ill-defined. 

On  the  reception  accorded  to  the  Capitularies  by 
the  Church,  and  the  quasi-canonical  authority  at- 

capitularies  may  in  the  flnt  instance  have  been  put  forth 
by  the  sole  authority  of  the  sovereign,  but  subsequently 
submitted  to  the  general  assemblies  for  their  reoognltion 
and  consent,  where  such  a  step  seemed  to  be  expedient. 
Butler  says,  "  They  (the  Capitularies)  were  generally  pro- 
mulgated in  public  assemblies  composed  of  the  sovereign 
and  the  chldT  men  of  the  nation,  as  well  eodesifBticB  as 
secular"  {.Borae  Juridicae,  p.  129.  edit  1807). 

In  one  case,  In  the  reign  of  ChildericIII.,  In  a  capitulary 
due  to  Pepin,  we  read  that  synods  are  to  be  held  annually, 
*'  ut  haeresis  ampllus  In  populo  non  resurgat,  slcut  Inve- 
nlmiis  in  Adalberto  haeresim,  qnem  pnbliciter  unA  voce 
oondemnaverunt  zxlil.  epiacopi  et  alii  multi  saoerdotes 
cum  coneentu  Principls  et  pojndi,"  &c  (BaL  L  157).  Here 
the  laity  seem  to  have  had  a  consentient  voice  even  In  so 
purely  spiritual  a  nutter  as  heresy. 

Hallam  notices  the  more  firequoit  mention  of  "  general 
consent"  In  the  a4>ituUries  of  Charlemagne,  as  oompored 
with  thoee  of  his  predecessors  {Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  p.  215, 
216,  ed.  18K6).  On  the  other  hand,  the  author  of  the  article 
"C^pltularicae**  in  Hersog  thinks  that  Hlncmar's  words 
point  to  a  separation  made  by  Charlemagne  between  the 
clergy  and  lai^,  so  that  the  former  obtained  a  right  to 
make  **  leges  eccleslasticae,"  a»  dUtinguithed  from  capi» 
Udariet  (for  which  latter  general  assent  was  still  needftil) ; 
hot  soltfect  to  a  veto  on  the  part  of  the  sovereign. 


tributed  to  them,  much  information  will  be  fonnd  ■ 
in  the  Preface  of  Baluze,  §  18  et  seq.    See  also 
the  letter  of  Leo  IV.  in  Gratian,  Dist,  10,  c  9. 

Capitularies  subsequent  to  the  reign  of  Cbar- 
lemagne  do  not  fall  within  onr  b'mits.  The 
latest  are  those  of  Carloman  in  882,  after  which 
there  is  a  long  blank  in  French  legislation. 

It  does  not  seem  that  a  formal  collection  of  the 
Capitularies  was  made  till  they  were  edited  in 
four  books  by  Angesise,  Abbot  of  Fontenella, 
who  died  in  833.  These  four  books  contain  the 
laws  of  Charlemagne,  and  a  portion  of  those  of ' 
Louis  le  D^onnaire.  Charles  the  Bald  cites 
this  work  as  a  code  of  authority.  Subsequently 
Benedict,  a  deacon  of  Mayenoe,  about  the  year  ' 
842,  added  three  more  books.  These,  however, 
contain  fragments  of  Roman  and  canon  lav, 
besides  the  Capitularies  of  the  CarloringisB 
kings.  Four  supplements  again  have  been  added 
by  anonymous  compilers. 

Authoritiea. — CapiMaria  Begvm  Franeomm. 
Add&tae  mnt  Marculfi  monachi  et  tUiontm  for- 
mulae veterea  et  notae  doctissimarwn  virornm. 
Stephanus  Baiuzius  Tvtekmia  in  tcnum  coNcgit, 
ad  vetustiasimoa  codicea  manuscriptos  emendavitj, 
magnam  partem  nunc  primum  edidit,  notia  ilivf 
tracit.  Parisiu,  1677  (2  vols.>  Guizoi's  Lectares  ' 
on  the  History  of  dvilizcUion  in  I^hince,  trans- 
lated by  Hazlitt.  Bogue,  1846.  Hallam's 
Middle  Ages,  Herzog's  Seal-EncydopSdie,  Art. 
"  Capitularien."  Pertx,  Afonumenta  Germaniae 
Historical  tom.  i.  Legum.  Hanover,  1835.  [B.  S.] 

OAPITULUM,    CAPITULARE,  =  K*^ 

\aiov. — (1)  Properly,  a  summary  or  heading, 
under  which   many  particulars  are  arranged ; 
^*  brevis  multorum  complexio  "  {Papiaa  ap.  Da 
Cange).     Hence  (2),  in  the  plural,  (ides  of  law, 
ecclesiastical  or  civil,  digested  under  chapten  or 
capitula  (so  used  in  CwL  Thaodos.).    And  inas- 
much as  these  mostly  applied  to  special  emergent 
cases  not  adequately  met  by  existing  general 
laws,   Capitula  came  to  mean  Additamenta  d 
Appendices  legum.  So  the  Capitula  or  Capituhri^ 
of  Charlemagne  and  his*succes8or3,  mostly  passed 
in  mixed  assemblies  of  clergy  and  laity.    (3)  The 
word   came  also  to  mean   the  (usually  short) 
"  chapter  "  itself,  of  which  it  was  properly  the 
heading.     As,  e,g.  the  capitula  or  short  lessons 
(e.g.  from  the  Psalms)  for  particular  days,  men- 
tioned in  the  Council  of  Agde,  a.d.  506,  can.  21, 
and  by  Pope  Vigilius,  A.D.  538  X  555,  Epid.  2; 
called  also  CapiteUa  in  the  same  Council  of  Agde, 
can.  30.    And  Capitulare  Evangeliorum  in  cifinb 
Anni  was  a  list  of  the  beginnings  and  endings  of 
the  Gospels  for  the  Church  /bar.     So  also,  again 
(besides  our  modem  use  of  the  word  "  chapter  *7r 
the  Capitula  of  a  Monastic  Rule.     (4)  And  from 
this  last-mentioned  usage,  coupled  with  the  prac- 
tice of  reading  a  capitulum  or  chapter  of  the  Role, 
or  (as  was  St.  Augustine's  practice)  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, to  the  assembled  canons  or  monks,  the 
assembled  canons  or  monks  themselves  came  to 
be  called,  in  a  body,  the  capitulum  or  chapter 
[Chapter],  and  their  meeting-place  the  chapter- 
house.    And  in  process  of  time  the  term  in  this 
sense  became  limited  to  the  cathedral  chapter : 
"  CapittUum  dicitur   respecta    ecclesiae  cathe- 
dralis;   conventus  respectu  ecclesiae  regularis; 
collegium  respectu   ecclesiae    inferioris  nbi  e!>t 
collectio  viventium  in  commani"  (Lyndwood). 
CongregaJtio  was  the  earlier  term.        ^A.  W.  H.] 


OAPRASIUB 

Chrod^tnS,  Ushop  of  Metz  (f  766),  in  his 
faJSr  (e.  18)  denies  the  canons  of  his  order  to 
wwmM€  after  prime,  to  hear  a  reading  of  a 
Bsrtjidogy  or  some  similar  work  ;  on  Snn- 
Aiji,  Wednesdajrs,  and  Fridays,  and  on  saints' 
dsts,  trcatises  or  homilies  of  an  edifying  kind 
were  to  precede  this  reading ;  on  other  days,  the 
Male  itself;  or  a  portion  of  it  Similar  directions 
sre  frvqnent  in  later  statutes.  This  assembly 
WW  called  oapUuium.  (llartene,  De  Antig.  EccL 
RUAui,  lib.  ir.  c.  Tii.  §  4.)  See  also  the  Life  of 
Baedict  of  Aniane  by  Ardo,  c.  52  (in  Acta  SS, 
JBnsd  saec.  ir.  pt.  1),  In  the  Life  of  Germar, 
sUot  of  FlaTiacnm  (t658?),  the  third  honr  is 
BentioDed  as  the  time  for  holding  capitulam 
(c  15i,  in  Ada  8S,  Men,  saea  ii.) ;  so  in  Adre- 
TsUns,  De  Jtirae.  S.  Bened.  (c  28,  t&.).  Donstan 
(CbwordKa,  oc  1  and  5)  desires  oapitnlnm  to  be 
keU  after  prime  in  summer,  after  terce  in  winter. 
Tkis  seems  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  intentions 
if  St  Benedict :  for  one  object  of  the  capitulum 
wu  the  distribution  of  the  day's  labour  among 
tke  brethren ;  and  according  to  his  £ttle,  c  48, 
labour  was  to  b^;in  after  prime  in  summer, 
sftcr  terce  in  winter. 

The  place  of  holding  the  capitulum  seems 
sadeotly  (according  to  the  Ordo  Converaat, 
MmnL  c  3)  to  hnre  been  the  cloister ;  but  see 

CUPIVK-HOUBB.  [C.j 

(5)  The  *«IHtle  Chapter,"  said  at  all  the 
cnosical  hours  excepting  Matins,  after  the 
palms.  It  consists  of  one  or  two  verses  of 
Soiptnre,  usually  taken  from  the  £pistles, 
wkmee  tiie  corresponding  passage  in  the  Am- 
kranaa  breviary  is  cadled  EpietoleUa,  It  is 
cften  taken  from  the  Prophets,  and  occasion- 
sD J  from  other  parts  of  Scripture.  It  is  recited 
ky  the  officiating  priest,  stonding,  and  is  not 
pnoeded  by  a  Benediction,  At  the  end  ''Deo 
Giatiss  "  is  said.     See  (3)  above. 

(6)  An  anthem  in  the  Ambrosian  rite  said  at 
Isadi  after  the  psalms  and  before  the  antiphon, 
nd  vsrying  with  the  day.  That  for  ordinary 
Sradsyi  b  *^  Gantate  Domino  canticum  novum  : 
laadstio  ejus  in  ecdesii  sanctorum."  It  is  also 
■ni  at  the  leaser  hours,  and  at  Compline  fol- 
loving  the  Betpcntio  brevis,  after  the  Epi' 
Mdb.  [H.  J.  H.] 

[Da  Gauge ;  liayer.  Din.  in  his  Thes,  Nov,  Stat, 
K  Ecdea,  Quhedr,  et  CoUeg,  in  Germanid; 
Walcott,  Sacred  Archaeology.^ 

OAPRASIUB,  martyr  at  Agen,  is  comme- 
aerated  Oct  20  (Mart,  ljsuardi>  [C] 

CAF6A,  also  Cafsula,  Cafsella.  A  box  or 
esie.  The  name  is  applied  to  several  kinds  of 
cttkets  for  ecclesiastical  use. 

1.  The  casket  used  to  contain  the  unconse- 
cnted  elements.  According  to  the  direction  of 
tke  Ordo  Bcmanue  L  c.  8,  two  acoljrtes  bear  in 
tbe  prooenion  before  the  pope,  when  about  to 
MiebrBte,**capeas  cum  Sanctis  apertas."  On  this 
PMi^e  Binterim  iDenkwOrdigkeiUn,  vii.  1, 369) 
•^MTves  that  by  *sancta'  in  the  neuter  plural 
vc  are  to  understand,  not  the  consecrated  Body 
•f  tkc  Lord,  but  the  yet  unconsecrated  Elements, 
*kieh  the  acolytes  bore  before  the  mass,  just  as 
*ftcr  it  they  carried  off  the  remains  of  the 
A^lstkos  in  'sacculi'  This  procession  corre- 
^oftiis,  in  fiict,  to  the  'Greater  Entrance'  of 
the  Qneks,  in  which  the  elements  are  borne  in 

CHBvr.  Avr. 


CAPTATORES 


289 


solemn  proceesion  from  the  sacristy  to  the  Holy 
Table. 

2.  Capsa  sometimes  designates  the  vessel  in 
which  the  reserved  Eucharist  was  borne  from 
one  place  to  another.  The  seventeenth  canon  of 
the  council  of  Orange  enjoins,  "cum  capsa  et 
caliz  offerendus  est,  et  admistione  Eucharistiae 
consecrandus  "  [Consecration].  The  meaning 
of  this,  Mabillon  {Comm,  Praev,  in  Ord,  Ronu  p. 
czzzix)  considers  to  be  that,  together  with  the 
'  capsa '  containing  the  sacred  vessels  and  per- 
haps the  Eucharist,  the  chalice  was  also  to  be 
brought  to  the  altar.  The  word  Tubbis  is  ueea 
in  a  similar  sense.    Compare  Tabernacle. 

3.  A  repository  or  Shrine  (Fr.  chdsse)  for 
preserving  the  r^ics  of  saints.  The  legates  of 
the  Apostolic  See  in  their  letter  to  Hormisdas 
(in  Hormiedae  Epistolae,  p.  475,  Migne)  say  that 
they  suggested  the  making  of  shrines  (capsellas) 
for  the  relics  of  each  of  the  apostles  severally 
in  the  church  of  the  Apostles  at  Constantinople. 
In  the  description  of  the  altar  built  by  St. 
Benedict  at  Aniane,  we  read  that  an  opening 
was  made  in  the  back  of  it  for  inserting  the 
'  capsae '  which  contained  relics  of  saints  (^Acta 
SS,  Feb.  ii.  614).    Compare  Altar,  p.  64. 

4.  A  casket  to  contain  the  book  of  the  Gospels. 
Ado  of  Vienne  speaks  {Chronioonf  a.d.  519)  of 
twenty  "  capsae  evangeliorum  "  of  gold,  richly 
jewelled  [Liturgical  Books].  [C.] 

GAPSARIUH.  The  room  in  which  the 
capsae  containing  relics  were  placed.  Perpetuus 
of  Tours  (circa  A.D.  490),  in  his  will  (D'Achery's 
SpicHegium,  v.  105)  distinguishes  a  reliquary 
which  he  left  to  a  friend  from  another  gilded 
'  theca '  which  was  in  his  capsarivmj  and  which 
he  left  to  the  church  (Ducange's  Glosearyy  s.  v.). 

[C] 

OAPSUM.  The  nave  of  a  church.  Gregory 
of  Tours  (^Hist,  Franc,  ii.  14)  describes  a  certain 
church  as  having  thirty-two  windows  in  the 
sanctuary,  twenty  in  the  nave  (in  capso).  (Du- 
cange's uhsaaryf  s.  v.)  [C] 

CAPTATORES.  The  leaving  by  testament 
the  institution  of  an  heir  to  the  secret  will  of 
another  was  by  the  Roman  law  termed  a  cap^ 
tcUoria  institutiOy  and  forbidden  (see  Dig.  bk. 
xxviii.  t  V.  11.  70,  71,  81 ;  Code,  bk.  vii.  t.  xrii. 
1.  11).  In  a  less  technical  sense,  however,  the 
captator  answered  substantially  to  our  legacy- 
hunter,  and  the  scandal  is  one  which  seems  to 
have  been  rife  in  the  early  church — as  indeed 
the  satirists  shew  it  to  have  been  in  the  heathen 
world  of  the  day.  Perhaps  we  may  see  a  germ 
of  it  in  what  St.  Paul  says  (ii.  Tim.  iii.  1,  2)  of 
the  "  covetous  "  who  shall  be  "  in  the  last  days," 
adding,  "  for  of  this  sort  are  they  which  creep 
into  houses,  and  lead  captive  silly  women "  (v. 
6),  though  his  description  applies  mainly  to  dis- 
honest and  selfish  teachers.  By  the  end  of  the 
4th  century,  at  any  rate,  Christian  emperors  had 
to  legislate  against  it.  A  law  of  Valentinian, 
ValcDs,  and  Gratian  (a.d.  370)  in  the  Theodosian 
Code,  enacted  that  clerics  or  professors  of  con- 
tinence were  not  to  fr^uent  the  houses  of 
widows  and  female  wards,  but  should  be  banished 
by  public  judgment,  if  the  relatives  of  such 
females  should  deem  fit  to  prosecute  them ;  nor 
should  any  such  persons  receive  aught  from  the 
woman  with  whom  they  might  become  connected 

U 


290 


0APTATOKB8 


under  pretext  of  religion,  by  any  kind  of  libe- 
rality, or  by  her  last  will ;  bat  any  bequest  to 
them  from  such  females  should  be  void,  nor  could 
they  take  under  any  trust  either  by  donation  or 
testament.  Should  anything  be  so  given  or  left 
to  them  after  the  date  of  the  law,  the  public 
exchequer  was  to  receive  it.  Another  law  in 
the  same  Code  (1.  27),  of  Valentinian,  Theodosius, 
and  Arcadius  (a.d.  390),  contains  special  pro- 
visions as  to  liberalities  by  deaconesses,  who 
amongst  other  things  were  forbidden  to  nominate 
as  their  heirs  any  church,  cleric,  or  poor  man ; 
this  however  was  partly  revoked  a  few  months 
later  (1.  28  i6.)  by  the  same  emperors,  so  far  as 
allowing  the  enjoyment  of  certain  articles  of 
personal  use  by  clerics  or  servants,  under  the 
name  of  a  church  (Bingham  does  not  seem  quite 
to  have  understood  the  bearing  of  this  last 
enactment).  These  laws,  although  as  will  be 
seen,  they  did  not  hold  their  ground  in  the  state, 
are  remarkable  from  the  reference  to  them  in  one 
of  Jerome's  best  known  letters  {Ep,  2,  ad  Nepo- 
tianum) :  *'  Shameful  to  say,  the  priests  of  idols, 
actors,  charioteers,  harlots  receive  inheritances ; 
only  to  clerics  and  monks  is  this  forbidden  by 
law,  and  forbidden,  not  by  persecutors  but  by 
the  princes.  Nor  do  I  complain  of  this  law, 
but  lament  that  we  should  nave  deserved  it." 
And  he  proceeds  to  draw  one  of  his  scathing 
sketches  of  those  who  devote  a  shameful  service 
to  old  men  and  childless  old  women,  besieging 
their  bedsides,  performing  for  them  the  most 
menial  and  repulsive  offices,  in  dread  at  the 
doctor's  entrance,  asking  with  trembling  lips  if 
the  patient  be  better,  in  peril  if  he  become  a 
little  stronger,  feigning  joy  whilst  their  minds 
are  tortured  by  their  avarice,  sweating  for  an 
empty  inheritance. 

There  is  a  striking  analogy  between  Jerome's 
picture  and  one  traced  in  one  of  the  novels  of 
Leo  and  Majorian,  annexed  to  the  Theodosian  Code 
(bk.  viii.  N.  vi.  §  11 ;  A.D.  458).  It  professes  to 
restrain  the  avidity  of  these  captatoreSy  who  by 
attendance  by  the  bedside  of  pei*sons  they  scarcely 
know,  con-upt  by  simulated  afiection  minds 
wearied  with  bodily  illness  and  having  no  longer 
any  clear  judgment,  so  that  forgetting  the  ties 
of  blood  and  affinity,  they  may  name  strangers 
their  heirs.  Medical  men  are  suborned  to  per- 
suade their  patient  to  wrong,  and  neglecting  the 
care  of  healing  become  ministers  to  the  cove- 
tousness  of  others.  And  it  proceeds  to  enact  that 
persons  who  could  not  claim  in  case  of  intestacy 
m  any  degree  from  a  testator,  if  they  should 
receive  anything  by  way  of  bequest  or  trust, 
should  give  one-third  to  the  treasury,  until  by 
fear  of  this  the  injustice  of  testators  and  dis- 
honesty of  captators  should  come  to  an  end.  It 
will  be  obsei*ved  that  this  law,  instead  of  being 
confined  to  clerics  and  monks  like  the  previous 
one,  is  of  a  general  character.  Perhaps,  though 
it  did  not  hold  its  place,  it  has  not  been  without 
influence  on  the  dUTerential  duties  imposed  by 
most  modern  states  on  legacies  and  successions, 
which  are  generally  highest  as  against  strangers 
to  the  family  of  the  testator  or  predecessor. 

As  respects  the  clergy,  indeed,  we  find  by  a 
law  almost  contemporary  with  the  last,  inserted 
in  Justinian's  code,  that  of  Valentinian  and 
Marcian,  a.d.  455  (bk.  i.  t.  ii.  1. 13),  that  widows, 
deaconesses,  virgins  dedicated  to  God,  nuns,  and 
women  bearing  any   other    name  of  religious 


GAB 

honour  or  dignity,  received  full  liberty  to  kxve 
by  will  or  otherwise  all  or  any  part  of  their 
fortune.  In  short,  the  strongest  laws  agsiBBl 
clerical  captation  which  Jerome  applauded  seem 
to  have  been  tacitly  abrogated,  utterly  inooo- 
sistent  as  they  were  with  the  growth  of  Bomisk 
or  Oriental  pri^tcraft. 

The  term  haeredipetae  seems  only  to  differ  from 
that  of  captatoreSy  so  far  as  it  implies  only  the 
captation  of  inheritances,  not  of  gifts  from  tke 
living.  [J.  M.  L] 

CAPTIVES,   BEDEMPTION   OF.     Ut 

disasters  which  fell  upon  the  Roman  empire  in 
the  4th  and  5th  centuries  gave  a  special  promi- 
nence to  this  as  one  of  the  forms  of  Christiaa 
love,  and  it  connects  itself  accordingly  with  some 
of  the  noblest  acts  and  words  of  the  teachexs  ol 
the  Church.  Ambrose  was  charged  by  his  Ansa 
opponents  with  sacrilege  for  having  melted  dowa 
the  eucharistic  vessels  of  the  church  at  Milsa 
for  this  purpose,  and  defends  himself  against  tbe 
charge  on  the  grounds  that  this  was  the  higbest 
and  best  use  to  which  he  could  have  applied  them 
(2>0  Offic.  ii.  28).  Augustine  did  the  same  st 
Hippo  (Possidius,  Vitaf  c  24).  Acacins,  Bish<^ 
of  Amidas,  ransomed  as  many  as  7000,  who  ksd 
been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Persians  (Socr.  ff.  K 
vii.  21);  Deogratias,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  the 
Roman  soldiers  who  had  been  carried  off  by  Gen- 
seric  after  the  capture  of  Rome  (Victor  Utie.  dr 
peraecttt,  VandaL  i.,  Bibl.  Pair,  vii.  p.  591).  It 
is  worth  noting  that  this  was  not  only  aifanired 
in  individual  actions,  but  that  the  truth  that 
mercy  is  above  sacrifice  was  formally  embodied 
in  ecclesiastical  legislation.  The  Code  of  Jus- 
tinian (i.  tit.  2,  de  Sacros.  Ecdea.  21^  while  for- 
bidding the  alienation  of  church  vessels  or  vest- 
ments for  any  other  purpose,  distinctly  pennits 
them  to  be  pledged  or  even  sold  for  this  or  other 
like  works  of  mercy  or  necessity.      [£.  H.  P.] 

CAPUA,  COUNCIL  OP,  aj).  389,  proria- 
cial,  respecting  the  schism  at  Antioch  betwea 
Flavianus  and  Evagrius ;  also  respecting  tbe  de- 
nial by  Bonosus  of  the  perpetual  virginity  of  the 
B.  V.  Mary ;  passed  also  a  canon  against  rd»p- 
tizing,  re-ordination,  and  translation  of  bish<^ 
embodied  in  the  African  code  (5.  Ambros.  EpisL 
78,  79;  Cod,  Can.  Afric.  48;  Labb.  ii.  1039, 
1072>  [A  W.  H.] 

CAPUT  JEJUNn.    [Lest.] 

CAPUTIUM,  a  covering  for  the  head,  worn 
by  monks,  sometimes  sewn  on  to  the  tunic,  as  a 
hood  (Reg,  Comm.  S.  Bened.  c  55).      [I.  G.  S.] 

CAB,  CABT,  CHARIOT,  &c  Herzog 
{Beai-EncyclopadUe  fur  protestantixhs  TheoUfjk 
ti.  Kirche,  8vo.  Gotha,  1861,  s.  v.  "  Sinnbilder,^ 
mentions  a  sculpture  in  St.  Callixtos,  which  odb- 
tains  a  chariot  without  driver,  with  pole  turned 
backwards,  and  whips  left  resting  on  it  This, 
as  he  says,  appears  evidently  intended  as  a  symbol 
of  the  accomplished  course  of  a  life.  In  Bottari, 
tav.  clx.,  two  quadrigae  are  represented  at  the 
base  of  an  arch  (covered  with  paintings  of  andeat 
date)  in  the  second  cubiculum  of  the  catacomb 
of  St.  Priscilla  on  the  Salarian  Way.  The  cha- 
rioteers carry  palms  and  crowns  in  their  haadi, 
and  the  horses  are  decorated  with  palm-branches, 
or  perhaps  plumes ;  which  connects  the  image  of 
the  chariot  with  St.  Paul's  imagination  of  the 


CARAGALLA 

aiMtto  nee  (1  Cor.  U.  24;  2  Tim.  W,  7> 
(SeeMaitigBj,  B.T.  "CfaeTal/'  and  article  Horse 
iatlittbooiL) 

Oodiebaiilt  refers  to  a  sculpture  from  an 
ucwni  Gothic  or  Frank  tomb  at  Langres  (  Vhiv, 
Htomqiu  {Fraitce)^  pi.  xlv.),  and  to  a  cart  or 
vagna  on  one  of  the  capitida  in  the  crypts  in 
StDwis  (pi.  W.  vol.  iu  in  A.  Hago,  France 
Fittoretque  ct  Monumentaie),  In  Stratt  (Vtisw 
of  ike  Inkahitantt  o/  Ungkmd,  Lond.  1774,  4to. 
raL  I  p.  5,  fig.  6)  there  is  a  chariot  of  the  9th 
eeatiirf,  so  presumed.  See  also  D'Aginconrt, 
Ptvdure^  pi.  dxiy.  No.  14,  and  pi.  civil.  In  the 
calacomb  of  St.  Praeteztatus  (see  Perret,  Cofa- 
eeaici^  toI.  L  pi.  Izxii.)  there  is  a  somewhat 
poiverlol  and  striking  representation  of  the  Cha- 
liotof  Death,  who  is  taking  a  departed  woman 
isto  his  car.  [R.  St.  J.  T.3 

CARACALJjA  (in  late  Greek  writers  Kopa- 
K^\tor).    Originally  a  garment  peculiar  to  Gaul ; 
it  was  introduced  into  Roman  use  by  the  em- 
peror If.  Aurelius  Antoninus,  commonly  known 
A  consequence  as  Caracallus  or  Caracalla.     See 
Ferruius,  f2r  Be   Vesi,   pars    ii.    lib.   i.    c.  28. 
Ecclesiastical   writers  speak   of  it  as  worn  by 
tUna  (Yen.  Beda,  Bist.  EccL  lib.  i.  c.  7,  refer- 
ring to  the  year  305  a.d.  and  to  the  martyr- 
dom of  St.  Al'ban),  and  as  corresponding  in  shape 
to  the  Jewish  ephod.     So  says  St.  Eucherins  of 
Lyons,  writing  about  the  middle  of  the  5th  cen- 
tnrr,  and  referring  eTidently  to  the  genuine 
Gallic  caracalla,  which  was  a  kind  of  short  tunic 
with  sleeves  and  furnished  with  a  hood.     With 
kia  agrees   Dio  Cassius  (quoted  by  Rubenius, 
it  Be    VesL   lib.  i.  c.  6](   who   describes    the 
esncalla  as  a  sleeved  tunic  made  somewhat  in 
the  ftshton  of  a  corselet,  x'tp'^^'T^'  x"'^^  ^^ 
(Hpnmt  Tff6woi'    riya    ircTOti^/u^yof.      But    the 
earacalla  introduced   into  use  by  M.  Aurelius 
was  lengthened  so  as  to  reach  nearly  to  the  feet. 
So  we  most  infer  from  the  statement  of  Aurelius 
TieCor:  "Ciun  e  Gallia  vestem  plurimam  de- 
TexiMet,  talaresque  caracallas  fecisset,  coegisset- 
q«e  piebem  ad  se  salntandum  talibus  introire,  de 
Boanne  hujns  vestis  Caracalla  nominatus  est." 
Spartiaaos  speaks  still  more  distinctly  to  the 
OBM  effect :  ^  Ipse  Caracalla  nomen  a  vestimento 
qood  populo  dederat,  demiseo  usqtie  ad  talos,  quod 
taUea  non  fuerat^  nnde  hodieque  dicuntur  An- 
t<^iniana^  Caracallae  ejusmodi,  in  usu  mazime 
Rwnanse  plebis  frequentatae."    From   the  re- 
ference to  this  vestment  made  by  St.  Jerome 
{EpitUe  to  Fdbiala\  we  may  infer  that,  like  other 
garments  suited  for  out-door  use,  the  caracalla 
was  famished  with  a  hood.     **  Ephod  .  .  .  pal- 
liolnm  mirac  pnlchritudinis  praestringens  fiil- 
pre  oculoe  in  modnm  caracallarum  ied  abeqtie 
cMcuffts."     The  statement  to   the  same  effect 
made  by  St.  Eucherius  of  Lyons,  is  evidently  a 
nere  reproduction  of  St.  Jerome.    {Tnstit,  lib.  ii. 
eap.  10.    ^  Ephod,  Testis  sacerdotalis  ...    Est 
aolcm  velnt  in  caracallae  modum,  aed  sine  cur 
nOor)  [W.  B.  M.] 

CABATJNU8.    [CHA&iLX7irn8.] 

CABILEFU8,    presbyter,    of  Aninsula   in 
Gaal,  is  commemorated  July  1  (Mart,  (Jeuardi). 

[C] 

CABILIPPnS,  martyr,    is    commemorated 
April  28  {MarL  Usuardi>  [C] 

CABIBIU8,  with  Calustus,  martyr  at  Co- 


CARDINAL 


292 


rinth,  is  commemorated  April  16  {Mart,  Rom^ 
Vet,^  Usuardi).  [C] 

GABITAS.    [Chabitas.] 

OABPOPHORUS.  (1)  One  of  the  Cobonati 
QuATUOB,  commemorated  Nov.  8  {Mart,  Rom, 
Vet,f  Usuardi). 

(2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Spoleto,  comme- 
morated Dec  10  {Mart,  Eom.    Vet.,  Usuardi). 

[C] 

CARPUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Pergamus, 
commemorated  April  13  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  The  disciple  of  Paul,  martyr  at  Troas, 
commemorated  Oct.  13  {Mart*  Bom.  Vet,,  Usu- 
ardi); as  '* Apostle'*  and  one  of  the  Seventy, 
May  27  {Cal,  Byzant.), 

(8)  Bishop  of  Thyatina,  martyr,  Oct.  13  {Cal, 
Byzant.),  [C,"] 

CARDINAL.  As  the  Benedictine  Editors  of 
St.  Gregory  the  Great  {Ad  Ep.  i.  15)  truly  re- 
mark :  **  Nomen  vetus,  nova  est  dignitas,  pur- 
pura recentior."  Our  chronological  limits  eztend 
at  most  to  the  early  dawn  of  the  dignity,  which 
is  a  long  way  out  of  sight  of  the  purple.  Cardinal 
winds,  cardinal  numbers,  cardinal  virtues,  the 
cardinal  altar,  and  cardinal  mass,  are  ezpressions 
all  illustrative  of  the  gradual  adaptation  of  the 
term  to  tliat  which  was  chief  in  the  hierarchy. 
As  the  name  of**  ix)pe,'*  or  **  papa,"  was  originally 
common  to  all  bishops,  so  the  chief  presbyters 
and  deacons  of  any  church  to  which  a  cure  of 
souls  was  attached  were  apt  to  have  the  term 
'*  cardinal "  applied  to  them  by  way  of  distinc- 
tion long  before  it  was  applied  to  the  presbyters 
and  deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  particular. 
Parish  churches  had  oome  to  be  called  **  titles," 
as  conferring  a  title  upon  those  who  served  them ; 
and  a  title,  from  the  notion  of  fizity  that  was 
implied  in  it,  "  cardo,"  the  hinge  on  which,  when 
fixed  to  a  door,  the  door  turns.  Then,  as  there 
were  chapels  and  oratories  that  were  not  parish 
churches — in  other  words  gave  no  distinctive 
title — so  there  were  priests  and  deacons  attached 
to  parish  churches  temporarily,  that  were  not 
fiztures ;  or  who  went  by  their  titles^  yet  were 
not  therefore  called  cardinals.  In  the  writings 
of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  this  distinction  comes 
out  strongly,  being  applied  by  him  even  to 
bishops,  as  is  shewn  by  Thomassin  {De  Ben,  ii. 

girt  ii.  115).  Thus,  on  one  occasion,  he  bids  the 
ishop  of  Groeseto  visit  the  church  of  Porto  Bar- 
rato,  then  vacant,  and  ordain  **  one  cardinal 
presbyter  and  two  deacons  there"  {Ep,  i.  15). 
On  another  occasion  we  find  him  naming  Martin, 
a  Corsican  bishop,  whose  see  had  been  destroyed, 
**  cardinal  priest,"  or  **  pontiff,"  of  another  church 
in  the  island  that  had  long  been  deprived  of  its 
bishop  (i.  79).  Elsewhere,  he  forbids  Januarius, 
archbishop  of  Cagliari,  making  Liberatus  **  a  car> 
dinal-deacon,"  unless  furnished  with  letters  di- 
missory  fi'om  his  own  diocesan  (i.  83).  "  Car- 
dinales  violenter  in  parochiis  ordinatos  forensibus 
in  pristinum  cardinem  revocabat  Gregoriua,"  as 
is  said  of  him  by  his  own  biographer,  John  the 
Deacon  (iii.  11),  a  writer  of  the  9th  century ; 
instances  of  which  abound  in  his  epistles: 
**  cardinare  "  and  **  incardinatio  "  are  woixis  used 
by  him  in  describing  this  process.  The  bishop, 
priest,  or  deacon,  mtde  *'  cardinal "  of  a  church 
in  this  sense,  was  attached  to  it  permanently,  in 
contradistinction  to  bishops  administering  the 

U  2 


292 


CARDINAL 


CASK 


affairs  of  a  diocese  during  a  Tacancy,  and  priests 
or  deacons  holding  subordinate  or  temporaiT 
posts  in  a  parish  chnrch.  Of  titles,  or  parish 
chnrches  in  Rome,  the  number  seems  to  hare 
varied  in  different  ages.  According  to  Anastasius, 
or  whoever  wrote  the  lives  of  these  popes  (on 
which  see  Cave,  s.  v.),  St.  Euaristus,  A.D.  100-9, 
divided  tiie  city  amongst  his  presbyters,  and  ap- 
pointed seven  deacons.  St.  Fabian,  a.d.  236-50, 
divided  its  "  regions "  amongst  these  deacons. 
Cornelius,  the  next  pope,  tells  us  himself  of  as 
many  as  44  presbyters  there  then,  while  the 
number  of  deacons  remained  the  same  (Euseb. 
vi.  43).  From  St.  Dionysius,  a.d.  259-69,  being 
also  credited  by  his  biographer  with  having  di- 
vided the  churches  in  Rome  amongst  his  pres- 
byters, and  instituted  cemeteries  and  parishes  or 
dioceses,  we  must  infer  that  the  old  arrange- 
ments had  been  thrown  into  confusion,  and  the 
number  of  churches  diminished  considerably,  by 
the  persecutions  under  Decius  and  Valerian. 
And  this  would  explain  what  we  are  told  once 
more  by  Anastasius,  that  St.  Marcellus,  A.D. 
308-10,  appointed  25  titles,  as  parishes  (^iMst 
cUoeceaes)  in  the  city,  for  administering  baptism 
and  penance  to  the  multitudes  converted  from 
paganism,  and  for  burial  of  the  martyrs.  Long 
after  this,  the  number  of  titles  in  the  city  stood 
at  28.  Accordingly,  when  we  read  of  a  .pres- 
byter or  deacon  of  the  Roman  church  without 
any  further  distinction,  a  member  of  the  Roman 
clergy  is  meant  who  was  attached  to  some  chapel 
or  oratory  within  the  city.  When  we  read  of  a 
presbyter  or  deacon  of  some  particular  title  there, 
a  member  of  the  Roman  clergy  is  meant,  who 
was  either  temporarily  or  permanently  attached 
to  one  of  the  25  or  28  parish  churches,  or 
seven  regions  of  the  city ;  and  to  those  perma- 
nently attached  to  either  the  name  of  **  cardinal" 
was  given,  after  it  had  got  into  use  elsewhere. 
Anastasius  himself,  or  a  namesake  and  contem- 
porary of  his,  had  it  applied  to  him  (Cave,  s.  v.). 
The  fact  that  the  popes  in  those  days  were 
elected,  like  most  other  bishops,  by  the  clergy 
and  people  of  their  diocese,  is  amply  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  prodigious  importance  that 
attached  gradually  to  the  cardinal  presbyters  and 
deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  throwing  those 
of  all  other  churches  into  the  shade.  Cardinal 
bishops  were  not  known  there  for  some  time 
afterwards,  as  Thomassin  shews  («6.  c.  116).  On 
the  contrary,  the  rule  laid  down  under  anathema 
by  the  synod  under  Stephen  IV.  A.D.  769,  was,  in 
the  words  of  Anastasius,  that  "  nobody,  whether 
a  layman,  or  of  any  other  rank  soever,  should 
be  capable  of  being  advanced  to  the  pontifical 
dignity,  who  had  not  risen  regularly  step  by  step, 
and  been  made  cardinal  presbyter  or  deacon." 
But  when  Anastasius,  a  little  further  on,  speaks 
of  the  same  pope  appointing  the  seven  bisnops, 
whom  he  calls  "  hebdomadal  cardinals,"  to  func- 
tionate at  the  altar  of  St.  Peter  in  turn,  he  is 
probably  not  using  the  phrase  in  the  exact  sense 
which  it  has  since  borne :  as  in  the  Council  of 
Constantinople  that  restored  Photius,  A.D.  879, 
and  was  contemporary  with  Anastasius,  Paul, 
bishop  of  Ancona,  and  Eugenius,  bishop  of  Ostia, 
were  present  as  legates  of  John  VIII.,  and  were 
styled  and  subscribed  as  such ;  while  Peter,  the 
third  legate,  subscribed  as  '*  presbyter  and  car- 
dinal," and  was  so  styled  throughout  (Bever. 
Synod,  ii.  299).     Similarly,  in  the  list  of  sub- 


scriptions to  the  Roman  synod  that  preceded  it, 
all  the  bishops  write  themselves  bishops  onlj, 
while  the  presbyters  and  deacons  are  vritta 
^*  cardinals  "  in  addition.  The  seven  bislio]6  of 
Ostia,  Porto,  St.  Rufina,  Albano,  Sabma,  Tns- 
culum,  and  Praeneste,  began,  in  point  of  fiu:t,  to 
be  called  '*  cardinals  "  in  the  11th  century,  or 
the  age  of  St.  Peter  Damian,  himself  one  of  them, 
when  formed  into  a  college  with  the  cardinal  pres- 
byters and  deacons  by  the  decree  of  Nicholas  II. 
A.D.  1059,  for  electing  all  future  popes.  Aod  it 
was  a  much  later  development  by  which  bishops 
of  distant  sees  came  to  be  made  cardinal  deacons 
or  presbyters  of  some  church  in  Rome  as  well. 
For  a  description  of  the  Roman  churdi  in  the 
11th  century,  by  which  time  the  seven  cardinal 
bishops  had  been  appointed  to  the  church  of 
St.  John  Lateran  to  officiate  there  in  turn  for 
the  pope :  and  the  28  cardinal  presbyters  distri- 
buted between  the  four  churches  of  St  Marr 
Major,  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Laurenee, 
seven  at  each,  see  the  old  ritual  in  Baron. 
A.D.  1057,  n.  19 ;  Comp.  the  Liber  DiurmuPwdif. 
Earn.  iii.  11,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cv.  p.  77;  and 
more  in  Du  Cange,  Hoffinan,  Moreri,  Morone,  s.  t.  ; 
and  Muratori,  Antiq.  ItaL  v.  155-8.    [£.  S.  F.] 

CARENA  (  =  Quadragena).  A  fbrty-dayi' 
&st,  imposed  by  a  bishop  upon  clergy  or  laity, 
or  by  an  abbot  upon  monks  [Penitence],  k 
MS.  Penitential,  quoted  by  Ducange  (s.  c.), 
speaks  of  fasting  on  bread  and  water,  **  qood  in 
communi  sermone  carina  vocatur."  [C] 

CARNIPBIVIUM,orCARNisPRiviDiL  This 
name  is  said  by  Macer  {Hieroiexicon,  s.  v.)  to 
be  applied  to  Quinquagesima  Sunday,  as  being 
the  last  day  on  which  it  was  permitted  to  eat 
flesh,  the  Lent  &st  anciently  commencing  on  the 
following  day,  as,  he  says,  is  still  customary  with 
the  Orientals  and  with  some  religious  orders  in 
Europe.  In  the  calendar  of  the  Greek  Church, 
however,  the  Kupuueii  *Aw6icp€«0s  [ApOCBBOS]  is 
Sexagesima  Sunday.  Beleth  says  (J^aiKmo^,  e. 
65),  ^  Secunda  Dominica  Septuagesimae  didtar 
vulgo  camisprivium,"  where  by  the  "second 
Sunday  of  Septuagesima "  we  must  no  doubt 
understand  Quinquagesima ;  and  this  Sunday  b 
called  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  Domimca  imit 
camea  toUendas  (Ducange's  GiosBory,  s.  v.).  [C] 

CARNIVAL.  This  word,  variously  deriwd 
from  "  caro  vale,"  or  "  ubi  caro  valet,"  is  applied, 
in  the  narrowest  sense,  to  the  three  days  pre- 
ceding Ash- Wednesday ;  in  a  wider  sense  to  the 
whole  period  from  St.  Blaise'*  Day  (Feb.  3)  to 
Ash-Wednesday.  The  period  immediately  pre- 
ceding Lent  has  long  been  a  season  devoted  to 
somewhat  more  than  usual  gaiety,  in  anticipation 
of  the  austerities  of  Lent.  (Wetzer  and  Welte's 
Kirchenlexicon.)  [C*] 

OARPENTORACTENSE   CONCILIUM. 

[Cabpemtras.] 

CARPENTRAS,  COUNCIL  OF  (netr 
Narbonne,  CarpentoractenseJ  a.d.  527,  Nov. 
6,  respecting  the  feir  distribution  of  revenne 
between  the  bishop  and  the  parish-priest  (Ubh. 
Cone.  iv.  1663).  [A  W.  H.] 

CARTHAGE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Afbiob 

COUNCILB.] 

CASK,  as  symbol.    [DoiJUV.] 


OASSIAKUS 


CASULA 


293 


CASSIANUa  (1)  Martjr  at  Saragosss,  » 
fliBUHi— loimted  April  16  (i/iort.  Usnardi). 

(t)  Bishop  and  confessor  of  Anton,  is  comme- 
Montad  Ang.  5  (Mart.  Usoardi). 

(S)  Jfartjr  •  at  Roma  (Bade),  or  at  Imola 
(JBtak  VeLf  Usoardi,  is  commemorated  Ang.  13 
{Mart.  J?om.  ȣ.,  Bedae,  U8nardi> 

(4)  Jfartjr  at  Tangiers,  is  commemorated 
Dec  3  (Mart.  Usuardi> 

(9)  Of  Rome,  jld.  431,  is  commemorated  Feb. 
S9  {CaL  ByxanLy    Perhaps  IdenUcal  with  (S). 

[C] 

CASSIU8.  (1)  Martyr  at  Damascns,  is  oom- 
■enorated  Julj  20  (Mart.  Usnardi). 

(5)  Ifartyr,  is  commemorated  Oct.  10  (Mart. 
Usaaidi).  [C] 

GAS80CK.  (ftal.  Casacha,  Casachina;  Fr. 
CkHqne;  Flem.  Casacke.)  It  is  not  easy  to 
dctenniae  with  what  older  words,  or  with  what 
older  garment,  the  present  *  cassock,'  as  a  gar- 
ment and  as  a  word,  is  to  be  identified.  Some 
bare  thought  that  the  Italian  *  casacha '  and  the 
Fmdi  'casaqne'  are  to  be  traced  to  'cara- 
cdla '  (see  the  article  above),  *  casacha '  repre- 
senting an  older  *  caracha.'  Others  trace  the  word 
through  Kturas  or  Koavas  (Xenophon,  Cyrop.  viii. 
3)  6-«;  Jnl.  PoUnx,  yii.  68,  describing  it  as 

fanHf  x'^i')  ^  *^9  *^Q  01^  bi<^c-  III  con- 
■exioo  with  this  it  may  be  noticed  that  Agathar- 
cides  (a  Greek  grammarian,  at  Alexanc&ia,  of 
the  2nd  oentvry  B.aX  <ltioted  by  Lepslus  (Ep.  ad 
Bek/aa,  44X  states  that  the  EgjpiiBXin  had  oer- 
taia  garments  made  of  felt  which  they  called 
Kim.  "Apod  Aegyptios  aroXds  rivas  wtKririts, 
verba  sunt  Agatharcidae,  irpwreeyop^iovo'i  xduras 
.  .  .  Acne  in  nltima  habes  *  caaack,*  difficili 
ihas  originatione."  See  tMs  and  other  refer- 
cocci  in  Midiage,  Diet.  Etym.  under  'Casa- 
qne.'  [W.  B.  M.] 

GASTOLUB,  or  GASTULUS,  martyr  at 
Borne,  is  oommemorated  March  26  (Mart,  Rom. 
TsL,  Usiumli>  [C] 

CAfiTOB,  martyr  at  Tarsus,  is  commemorated 
April  27  (Mart,  Hieron.,  Usuardi) ;  also  March 
28  (4.).  [C] 

CASTOBIXTB.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  is  com- 
memerated  July  7  (Mart.  Horn.  Vet.,  Usuardi). 

(S)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian,  Nov.  8 
{Uari.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi).  [C] 

GASTU8.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  in  the  3rd 
entnry,  is  oommemorated  May  22  (Mart.  Bom. 
Vd^  Bedae,  Usnaidi> 

(S)  Martyr,  Sept.  4  (MaH.  Hieron.,  Usuatdi). 

(I)  Martyr  at  Oapna,  Oct.  6  (Mart.  Hieron., 
CwMdi).  [C] 

CASULA.  (See  also  AxFBiBALnM ,  Planeta, 
hirvLAj  Pashula.) 

^1.  The  trortf  and  its  derivation. — ^The  word 
Cnah  (whence  Fr.  and  Eng.  Chasuble),  a  dimi- 
Kstire  originally  of  ooeso,  *' a  cottage,"  comes 
ticfere  ns  in  patristic  literature  in  two  senses. 
It  ii  Qsad,  first,  in  its  literal  meaning  of  a  cottage 
or  hut;  as  by  St.  Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Mirac. 
8.Jnliani,cKp.  zliT.)^and  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville 
{D«  Of.  EccL  lib.  iL  *de  monachis.').  It  is  used 
*1ks  and  fiu*  more  commonly,  as  a  designation  for 
tt  ovtcr  garment ;  the  word  having  been  in  all 


probability  a  provincial  term,  of  popular  use,  for 
the  garment  which  in  the  older  Latin  was  known 
as  Apaenvia.  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  circ.  600  A.D., 
is  the  first  writer  who  gives  any  formal  deriva- 
tion of  the  word,  or  anything  approaching  to  a 
description  of  the  garment  itself.  "  The  casula," 
he  says  (De  Origin,  zix.  cap.  21),  "  is  a  garment 
Aimished  with  a  hood  (vestis  cucuUatd)  ;  and  is  a 
diminutive  of '  casa,'  a  cottage,  seeing  tliat,  like  a 
small  cottage  or  hut,  it  covers  the  entire  person." 
Philo  Judaeus,  some  600  years  earlier,  had  used  a 
similar  comparison,  when,  describing  a  garment 
made  of  goat-skins  (no  doubt  a  rough  paenuld) 
commonly  worn  in  his  time,  he  says  that  it 
fbrmed  a  '*  portable  house  "  (jpofnrr^  oUla)  for 
travellers,  soldiers,  and  others,  who  were  obliged 
to  be  much  in  the  open  air.  (De  Victimis,  Phi- 
lonis  0pp.  Fol.  Paris,  1640,  p.  836,  A.) 

§  2.  Form  and  material  of  the  Casula, — As  a 
description  of  the  form  or  appearance  of  the 
casula,  which  will  add  anything  to  that  of  St. 
Isidore  already  quoted,  the  earliest  notice  we 
have  is  in  a  Ms.  of  uncertain  date  (probably  9th 
century,  or  thereabout),  containing  fragmentary 
notices  of  the  old  Galilean  liturgy  (Martene, 
Thesaurtu  Anecdot.  tom.  v.  col.  99) :  *^  Casula, 
quam  amphibalum  vocant  quo  sacerdos  indu- 

itur,  tota  unita Ideo  sine  manicis,  quia 

sacerdos  potius  benedidt  quam  ministrat.  Ideo 
unita  extrinsecus,  non  scissa,  non  aperta,  quia 
multae  sunt  Scripturae  sacrae  secreta  mysteria, 
quae  quasi  sub  sigillo  sacerdos  doctus  debet 
abscondere,*'  etc  This  "  vestment,"  for  Church 
use,  for  such  it  here  is  (see  below,  §  5),  is 
here  described  as  "  made  in  one  piece  through- 
out," as  **  without  sleeves,"  and  "  without  slit 
or  opening  in  ft>ont."  This  description  is  exactly 
what  might  be  expected  on  the  supposition  that 
the  casula  was  virtually  a  paenula  under  another 
name.  And  it  exactly  corresponds  with  the 
earliest  representations  of  the  chasuble  preserved 
in  ecclesiastical  art.    (See  Planeta.) 

The  materials  of  the  casula  varied  according 
to  the  purposes  it  was  designed  to  serve.  In  the 
earlier  periods  of  its  history,  when  it  was  regarded 
as  a  garb  of  very  humble  pretensions,  it  was  made 
of  wool  (St.  Augustine,  Ae  Civit.,  quoted  below, 
§  3),  and  probably  also,  like  the  paentUa,  often  of 
skins,  dressed  with  the  wool  or  fur  upon  them. 
But,  from  the  sixth  century  downwards,  we  hear 
of  chasubles  of  brilliant  colour  (saperU  oolorisyy 
and  of  costly  materials,  such  as  silk.  Boniface  III. 
(A.D.  606)  sent  a  chasuble,  formed  partly  of  silk 
and  partly  of  fine  goats'-hair,  as  a  present  to 
king  Pepin.  (Bonifadi,  P.  P.  III.  Hpist.  III. 
apud  Oct.  Ferrarium,  De  Be  Vest.  p.  685.) 

§  3.  Various  uses  of  the  Casula. — ^The  earliest 
notices  of  the  casula  shew  that,  like  the  paenula,  it 
was  oriffinally  a  garment  of  very  humble  charac- 
ter, such  as  would  be  worn  by  peasants  and  arti- 
sans as  their  ordinary  out-door  dress,  for  protec- 
tion against  cold  and  wet.  Being  furnished  with 
a  hood,  it  was  both  hat  and  cloak  in  one.  St.  Au- 
gustine, writing  about  the  close  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury, but  speaking  of  a  story  dating  from  before 
his  own  time,  tells  a  tale  of  one  Florentius,  a 
working  tailor  at  Hippo,  who  lost  his  casula, 
and  had  no  money  to  buy  a  new  one  (De  Civit. 
Dei,  Ub.  xxii.  cap.  8,  §  9).  Fifty  "/o*»,"  as  we 
learn  from  the  course  of  the  story,  would  have 
been  thought  about  a  reasonable  sum  for  him  to 
pay.    But  he  himself  for  greater  economy  meant 


294 


GASULA 


to  bay  some  wool,  which  his  wife  might  make 
up  for  him  as  best  she  could.  In  another  passage 
(Sermo  cvii.  cap.  r.  opp.  tom.  ▼.  p.  530)  St.  Au- 
gustine speaks  of  the  casula  as  a  garment  which 
any  one  of  his  congregation  might  be  expected  to 
possess,  and  one  which  every  one  would  take  care 
to  have  good  of  its  kind.  A  notice  of  the  casula, 
preserved  to  us  in  Procopius  (De  BeUo  VandalioOy 
lib.  ii.  cap.  26),  shews  that  even  to  his  time 
(circ.  530)  the  tradition  had  surrired  of  the  very 
humble  character  attaching  to  this  dress.  He 
has  occasion  to  speak  of  the  abject  submission  by 
which  Areobindus,  when  defeated  by  Gontharis, 
sought  to  disarm  the  anger  of  the  victor.  And 
he  speaks  of  him  as  putting  upon  him  an  outer 
garment  unsuited  for  a  general,  or  for  any  war- 
like usage,  but  befitting  a  slave  or  a  man  of 
humble  station ;  this  being,  he  ^ds,  what  the 
Romans,  in  the  speech  of  Latium,  call  Kcuro6\a, 

§  4.  Worn  by  Monks,  and,  aa  an  oxtt-door  dress^ 
by  the  Clergy. — ^The  same  reasons  which  made  the 
easula  a  suitable  dress  for  peasants,  recommended 
it  also  as  a  habit  for  monks.  Ferrandus,  first 
the  deacon  and  afterwards  the  biographer  of 
Facundus,  bishop  of  Ruspa,  in  Africa,  tells  us 
that  the  bishop  retained  his  monastic  dress 
and  ascetic  habits  after  being  advanced  to  epi- 
scopal dignity  (circ  507  A.D.).  He  continued  to 
wear  a  monk's  leathern  girdle  {pelliceum  cin- 
gulum};  and  neither  used  himself,  nor  permitted 
his  monks  to  use,  a  casula  of  costly  quality  or  of 
brilliant  colour  ("  Casulam  pretiosam  vel  superbi 
coloris  nee  ipse  habuit,  nee  suos  monachos  habere 
permisit").  At  a  period  a  little  after  this  St. 
Caesarius,  archbishop  of  Aries  in  Gaul  (t  540), 
is  described  as  wearing  a  casula  in  his  ordinary 
walks  about  the  streets  (S.  Caesarii  Ftto,  apitd 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Augusti  d.  xxvii.  tom.  vi.).  And 
he  had  also  one  special  casula,  of  finer  material 
doubtless,  and  either  white  or  of  some  rich  colour, 
for  processioned  use.  (**  Casulam,  qua  in  pro- 
cessionibus  utebatur,  et  albam  paschalem,  profert, 
datque  egeno,  jubetque  ut  vendat  uni  ex  clero.**) 
The  same  bishop,  in  his  will,  when  disposing  of 
his  wardrobe,  distinguishes  between  the  indu- 
menta paschcUiay  or  vestments  for  church  use  on 
Sundays  and  high  festivals,  which  had  been  pre- 
sented to  him,  and  his  cosu/a  viUoea,  or  long- 
napped  cloak,  which  would  be  suitable  for  out- 
door wear  only : — ^  Sancto  et  domino  meo  archi- 
episoopo,  qui  mihi  indigno  digne  successerit . . . 
indumenta  paschalia,  quae  mihi  data  sunt,  omnia 
illi  serviant,  simul  cum  casula  villosa  et  tunica 
vel  galnape  quod  melius  dimisero.  Reliqua  vero 
vestimenta  mea,  exoepto  birro  amiculari,  mei 
tam  clerici  quam  laici  ....  dividant." 

At  or  just  after  the  close  of  the  sixth  century, 
a  further  notice  of  the  casula,  preserved  to  us  by 
John  the  Deacon  (ZH'm  Oregorii  Vita,  lib.  iv. 
cap.  63),  serves  to  indicate  that  the  casula,  worn 
at  Rome  as  an  out-door  habit  by  ecclesiastics, 
must  have  differed  in  some  respects  from  the  cus- 
tomary dress  then  worn  in  the  East  by  persons  of 
the  same  class.  One  abbot  John,  a  Pi'rsian,  came 
to  Rome  in  St.  Gregory's  days,  "  ad  adorandum 
loculos  sanctorum  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Paul!." 
<*  One  day,"  so  he  himself  tells  the  story,  "  I  was 
standing  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  when  who 
should  come  across  towards  me  but  Papa  Gre- 
gorius.  Just  as  I  was  thinking  of  making  my 
obeisance  to  him  ("mittere  me  ante  eum"),  the  I 
pope  came  close  up,  and  seeing .  my  intention,  | 


OATAOOMBS 

sicvt  coram  Deo  dioo,  fratres,  he  bowed  hhoself 
to  the  ground  before  me,  and  would  not  rise  till 
I  had  done  so  first.  Then  embracing  me  with 
much  humility,  he  slipped  three  pieces  of  monsf 
into  my  hand,  and  desired  that  a  casula  should  be 
given  me,  and  everything  else  that  I  reqniraL" 

This  use  of  the  costi^  as  the  characteristic  out- 
door garb  of  the  deigy,  and  in  many  places  abo 
of  monks,  was  maintained  in  the  'West  from  the 
5th  to  the  8th  century.  In  the  Council  of 
Ratisbon,  held  in  April,  a.d.  742,  under  the  pre- 
sidency of  St.  Boniface,  one  of  the  canons  deter- 
mined on  was  directed  against  those  of  the  dergj 
who  (in  out-door  life,  as  we  may  infer)  sdopted 
the  dress  of  laymen,  the  sagttmj  or  short  open 
cloak  then  commonly  worn.  **  We  have  decnsed 
that  presbyters  and  deacons  shall  wear,  not 
'  saga,'  as  do  laymen,  but '  casulae,'  as  beeomctk 
servants  of  God."  (**  Decrevimns  quoqne  ut 
presbyteri  vel  diaconi  non  sagis  laicomm  more, 
sed  casulis  utantur,  ritu  servorum  Dei.") 

$  5.  Use  of  the  Oasuia  as  a  Vestment  of  ffoif 
Ministry, — From  the  5th  to  the  8th  oentorj  the 
term  plaketa  (q.  v.)  appears  to  have  been  the 
term  ordinarily  employed  in  Italy  and  Spain,  if  not 
elsewhere,  for  the  supervestment  worn  in  offices 
of  holy  ministry.  The  earliest  undoubted  evi- 
dence of  the  word  casula  being  used  in  this  precise 
meaning  dates  from  the  9th  century,  or  possibly 
the  8th,  if  the  Sacramentary  of  St.  Gregory  be 
longs  in  its  present  form  to  that  time.  But  the 
usages  of  words  in  formal  documents  such  as  this 
last,  confirmed  as  this  is  by  the  nearly  contem- 
porary writings  (circ.  820)  of  Rabanus  Maonu. 
Amalarius,  and  Walafrid  Strabo,  indicate,  gener- 
ally, a  considerably  earlier  popular  usage.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  we  know  that  from  the  date  of 
these  last  writers  to  the  present  time,  the  word 
casula  has  been  used  as  the  exact  equivalent  id 
planeta  by  western  ritualists,  and  has  in  general 
usage  quite  superseded  all  other  terms,  such  as 
ampubaltun,  infula,  planeta,  by  which  at  varions 
times  it  has  been  designated. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  compass  of  this 
work  to  trace  the  various  modifications  of  the 
'chasuble,'  in  respect  of  form,  material,  and 
ornament,  from  the  9th  century  downwards,  or 
to  treat  of  the  various  symbolical  meanings 
attributed  to  it.  Full  information,  however, 
upon  these  points  will  be  found  in  the  following 
treatises.  Bock,  Oeschichte  dor  litttrgischen 
Oewdnder  dea  MittelSlters,  2  vols.  Svo.,  Bonn. 
1866;  Pugin,  Glossary  of  Eoolesiastical  Omo- 
ment,  fol.,  London,  1846 ;  Rock,  I'he  Chw^  of 
otw  Fathers,  London,  1849 ;  and  in  the  Vesliariim 
Christianum  (London,  1868)  of  the  writer  of  this 
article.  [W.  B.  M.] 

CATABASIA  (Karafiaala).  An  anthem  or 
short  hymn  in  the  Greek  oflSces,  so  called  becan5e 
the  two  sides  of  the  choir  come  down  (mro^oj- 
yovtri)  into  the  body  of  the  church  and  unite  in 
singing  it.  It  often  occurs  between  the  "odes" 
of  a  ** canon;"  and  its  construction  is  that  of 
any  other  "  troparion."  Sometimes  two  "  cate- 
basiai "  occur  together  between  each  ode,  as  on 
the  Sunday  after  Christmas-day,  where  each 
pair  consists  of  the  first  troparion  of  the  corre- 
sponding odes  of  the  two  canons  for  Christmas- 
day,  mentioned  in  a  preceding  article.  [H.  J.  H.] 

CATACOMBS.  Few  words  are  more  familiar, 
or  more  universally  intelligible  than  **  Catacomb^" 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


295 


H  t^aifjing  a  tabtemmean  ezcavatiou  con- 
ttmSei  for  the  interment  of  the  dead.  Yet  in 
:ti  original  meaning  the  word  had  no  connection 
wkatooevar  with  sepnltare,  or  eren  with  exca- 
yntioDtf  hnt  was  simply  used  as  the  name  of  a 
puticnlar  district  in  the  vicinit  j  of  Rome.* 

The  word  Catacmmhae,  the  earliest  form  in 
which  we  meet  with  it,  is  nnqaestionablj  de- 
rired  from  the  Greek  tcarit  and  K^fiBii,  '* ahol- 
lav,"  and  so  ''a  cup,"  "a  boat/'  be,  a  widely 
ipvead  root  which  we  trace  in  the  Greek  ic^/a- 
0iAar,  the  Latin  Cjfmboy  the  Celtic  CwtHj  the 
A.-&  Oombej  and  the  Piedmontese  ConUxi,  '*a 
nUejr,"  or  '^hollow."  It  is  allied  to  the  San- 
skrit KmMaaj  "•  a  pit."  In  Dncange  Gloss.  Med, 
it  I^,  GroKUaHa  we  find  ''  K^/i/9i),  Cymbch-- 
Tkma  wtptp€p^  'Vmfudois,  Suidas.**  ^  Kv/u^cior, 
ifttt  warjipimf  wmpttrk'fia'toif  r^  trxhfuvri  vKol(p  t 
MMkurm  Kiti0n*'  Auctor.  EtymU.  The  district 
acir  the  tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella  and  the  Circas 
•f  Bosnalns  on  the  Appian  Way  appears,  probably 
frvB  its  Batnral  configuration,  to  hare  borne  this 
ifamigmticn.  In  the  Imperia  Caesarum,  a  docu- 
■•■t  of  the  7th  century,  printed  by  £ccard  in 
ktt  Ccrpn  Biti,  Med.  Aeo.  vol.  i.  p.  31,  the 
txeetioB  of  the  Ciicns  of  Maxentius,  or  Romulus, 
ADL  311,  in  that  locality  is  spoken  of  in  these 
vwds,  VMaxentins  Termas  in  Palatio  fecit  et 
Circiim  m  Catecvtmpas.**  The  site  of  the  adjacent 
Boliea  of  SL  SebMtian  is  indicated  by  the  same 
iSBM  in  a  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great  to  Con- 
ilaataa  (the  daughter  of  the  £mperor  Tiberius 
CHstaatinua,  married  by  him  to  his  successor 
Ifsarioe)  towards  the  end  of  the  6th  century, 
cxoasing  himself  for  not  sending  her  the  head  of 
the  Apostle  Paul,  which  she  had  requested  as  a 
gift  to  the  Churdi  she  had  erected  in  his  honour 
(Greg.  Magn.  EpitL  ir.  Ind.  ziL  £p.  30>  Speak- 
ifis  <^the  bodies  of  the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul 
he  writes  **  quae  ducta  usque  ad  secundum  urbis 
anlliarimn  in  looo  qui  dicitur  [ad]  cataovmbas 
eeUoeata  sunt."  A  rarious  reading,  catatumbas, 
faod  in  some  M5S.,  and  adopted  by  Baronius, 
MvtyroL  ad  xiii.  Kal.  Feb,  has  led  some  writers 
ts  adopt  a  different  etymology,  ad  (jcar^)  tum^ 
ifli,  sad  to  consider  the  word  an  early  synonym 
fcr  **  coemeterium."  But  the  best  MSiS.  read 
cwHfut  not  tumbcu,  and  there  is  no  ground  for 
Mieviag  that  Christian  burial  places  generally 
«VR  known  by  any  such  name  till  a  considerably 
htcr  period.  The  view  of  Padre  Marchi  {Monum, 
PntnHt.  p.  209X  that  the  word  catacomb  is  a 
Magrel,  half  Greek  and  half  Latin,  and  that  the 
ieeoad  element  is  to  be  found  in  the  verb  cumboj 
»  based  on  folae  philological  principles,  and  may 
nfrly  be  rejected.  The  distance  of  the  Basilica 
•f  SL  Sebastian  irom  the  Tiber  is  a  sufficient 
naioa  for  discarding  the  etymology  of  the  ano- 
iTnoas  author  of  the  History  of  Sie  Translation 
<tf  8t,  SebatUaaiy  c.  vi.  '^  Milliario  tertio  ab  Urbe, 
km  qoi  ob  stationem  nayium  Catacumbas  dice- 
latnr." 

All  through  the  middle  ages  the  phrase  "  ad 
cstacnmbas "  was  used  to  distinguish  the  sub- 
tcnaaean  cemetery  (catacomb  in  the  modem 
■cbm)  sdjaoent  to  the  Basilica  of  St.  Sebastian 
(*^  ia  loeo  qui  appellatur  Catacumbas  ubi  corpus 
k«ti  Sebastiani  martyris  cum  aliis  quiescit." 

^Dsr  other  examples  of  a  local  name  becoming 
mole  c£  -ChpltoU''  "  Palace,  "  Academy,"  "Kewgate," 


Anast.  Hadrian,  i.  §  343;  ''coemeterio  Sancti 
Christi  martyris  Sebastiani  in  catacumfta."  lb. 
Nicolaus  i.  §  601)  while  the  term  itself  in  its  re- 
stricted sense  designated  a  subterranean  chapel 
conununicating  with  that  Basilica  in  which, 
according  to  tradition,  the  bodies  of  the  two 
great  Apostles  had  been  deposited  after  the  in- 
effectual attempt  of  the  Greeks,  referred  to  by 
S.  Gregory  ti.  s.  to  steal  them  away  (Bosio,  Horn. 
Sotteran.  cap.  xiii.).  In  documents  fi-om  the  6th 
to  the  13th  century  we  continually  meet  with 
the  expressions  '*  festum  ad  catacumbas,"  ^^  locus 
qui  dicitur  in  catacumbas,"  and  the  like.  The 
earliest  authority  is  a  list  of  the  Roman  ceme- 
teries of  the  6th  century,  where  we  find  *^  crm^- 
terium  catecwnbas  ad  St,  S^xistianum  Via  Appia.** 
In  the  De  Mirdbilibus  Romae  of  the  13th  century 
we  read  '*  Coemeteria  Calisti  juxta  Caiacwnbas. 
The  first  recorded  use  of  the  word  in  its  modern 
sense  out  of  Rome  is  at  Naples  in  the  9th  century 
(De  Rossi,  5.5.  L  87.) »» 

Bede,at  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century,  writes, 
de  8em  aetatibus  mundi  ad  ann.  4327.  *'  Damasus 
Romae  episcopus. fecit  basilicam  juxta  theatrum 
S.  Laurentio  eb  aliam  m  catacumbas  ubi  jacue- 
runt  corpora  sancta  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli." 
The  celebrity  acquired  by  this  cemetery  as  the 
temporary  resting-place  of  the  chief  of  the 
Apostles  led  to  a  general  familiarity  with  its 
name,  and  a  ^adual  identification  of  the  term 
*^  caiacwmbae  with  the  cemetery  itself.  When 
in  process  of  time  the  other  underground  places 
of  interment  of  the  Christians  fell  into  neglect 
and  oblivion,  and  the  very  entrances  to  them 
were  concealed,  and  their  existence  almost  for- 
gotten, this  one  beneath  the  Church  of  St. 
Sebastian  remained  always  open  as  the  object 
of  pilgrimage,  and  by  degrees  transferred  its 
name  to  all  similar  subterranean  cemeteries.  ^*  A 
visit  to  the  cemeteries  became  synonymous  with 
a  visit  ad  catacumbas,  and  the  term  catacomb  gra- 
dually came  to  be  regarded  as  the  specific  name 
for  all  subterranean  excavations  for  purposes  of 
burial,  not  only  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome, 
but  also  in  Naples,  Malta,  Paris,  Sicily,  and 
wherever  else  similar  excavations  have  been 
discovered  "  (Northcote,  E,  S.  109). 

Origin. — Until  a  comparatively  recent  period 
a  very  erroneous  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
subterranean  cemeteries  of  Rome  was  univer- 
sally entertained.  No  one  thought  of  calling 
in  question  the  assertion  that  they  were  ex- 
hausted sandpits,  and  had  been  origmally  exca- 
vated for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  volcanic 
stratum  known  as  arena  by  the  ancients,  and 
as  pozzolana  by  the  modems,  so  extensively 
used  by  them  in  the  composition  of  their  mortar ; 
and  that  the  Christians,  finding  in  the  laby- 
rinthine recesses  of  these  deserted  arenariae  suit- 
able places  for  the  concealment  of  the  bodies  of 
their  martyred  brethren,  had  taken  possession 
of  them  and  employed  them  as  cemeteries. 
There  was  great  plausibility  about  this  view. 
It  seemed  to  derive  support  from  the  *  Martyro- 
logies'  and  other  ancient  documents  in  which 
the  expressions  in  arenario,  or  jiucta  arenarium, 
or  in  cryptis  arenariis  are  of  not  unfrequent 


b  In  the  same  way  as  this  cemetery  of  St.  Sebastian 
was  known  by  the  desfgnatlon  "ad  catacumbas,"  others 
were  speoifled  as  **  ad  Nymphas."  "  ad  Ursom  pileatom,** 
**  Inter  duas  laoroa,"  "  ad  Sextom  PhlUppi,"  and  the  like. 


296 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


occurrence.    It  also  remoTed  the  seeming  di£B- 
calt7i  which  a  fuller  understanding  of  the  laws 
regulating  sepnlturo  among  the  Romans  has  dis- 
sipated, as  to  the  possibility  of  a  small  and  per- 
secuted body  excavating  galleries  of  such  enor- 
mous   extent,  and  disposing    of  the    material 
extracted  from  them  without    attracting  the 
notice  and  provoking  the  interftrence  of  the  sup- 
porters of  the  dominant  religion.     Once  started 
and  given  to  the  world  under  the  authority  of  the 
names  of  men  of  acknowledged  learning  it  found 
general  acceptance,  and  became  an  historical  tra- 
dition indolently  accepted  by  one  generation  of 
investigators  after  another.     Bosio,  the  pioneer 
of  all  subsequent  examinations  of  the  catacombs, 
maintained  a  discreet  silence  upon  the  origin  of 
the  subterranean  cemeteries;  but  their  Pagan 
origin  is  accepted  by  his  translator  and  editor, 
Aringhi,  as  well  as  by  Baronius,  Severano,  Bot- 
tari,  Boldetti,  and  other  writers  on  the  subject. 
Marchi,  with  a  touchof  quiet  sarcasm,  affirms  that 
it  causes  him  no  surprise  that  this  hypothesis 
should  have  been  maintained  by  Bottari,  who,  it 
is  abundantly  evident,  "studied  the  subterra- 
nean Rome  quite  at  his  ease  not  under  but  above 
ground."  (Marchi,  u.  s.  p.  15.)    But  he  confesses 
to  astonishment  that  "  the  excellent  Boldetti," 
with  all  the  opportunities  afforded  by  personal 
examination  for  perceiving  the  wide  difference 
between  the  arenariae  and  the  cemeteries  which 
lie  below  them,  should    have  never  seen  the 
untenableness  of  the  traditional  view.     In  more 
modern  times  the  same  origin  of  the  catacombs 
was  asserted  by  D'Agincourt,  Raoul-Rochette, 
and    indeed   by  every  one  who  wrote  on  the 
subject.     Padre  Marchi  has  the  merit  of  being 
the  first  to  promulgate  the  true  doctrine  that 
the  catacombs  were    the    work    of  Christians 
alone,  and  from   the  first  designed  for  places 
of  sepulture.    The  Padre  ingenuously  informs 
us  (p.  7)  that  he  commenced  his  investigations 
with  the  most  unquestioning  faith  in  the  uni- 
versally received  theory,  and  that  it  was  only 
by  degrees  that    his   studies    and   experience, 
not  among  books  and  papers,  but  in  quarries, 
cemetenes,  and  sand-pits,  led  him  to  an  opposite 
conclusion,  and  put  him  in  a  position  to  declare 
to  the  world  as  an  unquestionable  fact,  that  in 
the  Christian  cemeteries  no  Pagan  ever  gave  a 
single  blow  with  pickaxe  or  chisel.   The  brothers 
De  Rossi,  the  pupils  of  Padre  Marchi  in  the  work 
of  investigation,  have  continued  his  labours  in 
the  same  path  of  patient  examination  of  facts, 
and  that  with  such  success  that  it  may  now  be 
regarded  as  established  beyond  controversy  that 
the  origin  of  the  catacombs  was  Christian  and 
not  Pagan,  and  that  they  were  constructed  ex- 
pressly for  the  purpose  of  interment,  and  had  no 
connection  with  the  arenariae  beyond   that  of 
juxtaposition.     In  certain  cases,  as  at  St.  Callis- 
tus  and  St.  Agnes,  the  catacombs  lie  at  the  side 
of  or  beneath  those  excavations,  so  that  they  are 
entered   from    them,  the    arenariao  effectually 
masking  the  doors  of  access  to  the  Christian 
galleries,  while  they  afforded  them  an  easy  mode 
of  removing  the  excavated  earth. 

Padre  Mai*chi*s  confidence  in  the  old  theory  of 
the  Pagan  origin  of  the  catacombs  was  first  dis- 
turbed by  a  careful  examination  of  the  geological 
characteristics  of  the  strata  in  which  they  were, 
as  a  rule,  excavated.  The  surface  of  the  Cam- 
pagn^  surrounding  Rome,  especially  on  the  left 


hank  of  the  Tiber,  where  the  catacombs  an 
chiefly  situated,  is  almost  entirely  formed  of 
materials  of  volcanic  origin.      These   ignNos 
strata  are  of  different  composition  and  ant^uitj. 
We  will  only  specify  the  three  with  whidi  we 
are  concerned,  viz.,  the  so-called  tufa  UMde,  t^a 
granolare,  and  pozzohna  ptutu    The  fwtxoioKi 
pura  is  a  friable  sand  rock,  entirely  destitute  of 
any  cementing  substance  to  hind  tiie  molceales 
together  and  give  them   the  nature  of  stow. 
The  tufa  gran^re  is  in  appearance  almost  the 
same  rock  as  the  potxokma  pura,    Thedistia- 
guishing  mark  is  the  presence  of  a  slight  cement, 
which   gives  the  mass  some  degree  of  solidity,  i 
and  unites  the  sandy  particles  into  a  stone  wbidi 
is  cut  with  the  greatest  ease.  The  third  stratmn, 
the  tufa  HtoidSf  is  a  red  conglomerate  cemented 
into  a  substance  of  sufficient  hardness  to  fom  sa 
exceedingly  useful    building   stone.     Of  these 
three  strata,  it  was  the  first  and  the  last  alone 
which  were  worked  by  the  ancient  Ramans  for 
architectural  purposes,  while  it  is  exclusively  in 
the  second,  the  tufa  granolare,  that  the  csta- 
combs  were  excavated.     The  tufa  UMde  wis 
employed  from  the  earliest  ages,  as  it  still  is,  in 
the  buildings   of  Rome.      The  interior  of  tiie 
Cloaca  Maxima,  the  Tabularinun  of  the  Capitol, 
and  others  of  the  most  ancient  archite<^iiial 
works,  attest  its  durability,  as  well  as  the  eariy 
date  of  its  use,  and  it  is  still  extensively  quarried 
as  building  stone  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Verle, 
outside  the  Porta  Portese  (Murray's  HctnUmk 
for  Bomej  p.  324).    While  this  formation  fi- 
nished the  stone  for  building,  the  third  nsmed — 
the  pozzokma  pura,  found  in  insulated  deposits, 
rarely  of  any  considerable  extent — supplied  tlie 
sand  required  for  the  composition  of  the  mortar, 
and  as  such  is  commended  by  Vitruvius  (Jfci 
iii.  7)  as  preferable  to  every  other  kind.    The 
vicinity  of  Rome,  and  indeed  some  parts  of  the 
city  itself,  abounded  in  pozzolana  pits,  or  areih 
ariae,  forming  an  intricate  network  of  excsva^ 
tions,  not  running  in  straight  lines,  as  the  galleries 
of  the  catacombs  do  almost  universally,  but  pur- 
suing tortuous  paths,  following  the  direction  of 
the  sinuous  veins  of  the  earth  the  builders  were 
in    search   of.     References  to  these  sand-pits,    , 
whose  dark  recesses  afforded  secure  concealment 
as  well  to  the  perpetrators  of  deeds  of  blood  as 
to  their  intended  victims,  appear  in  some  of  the 
chief  classical  winters.     Cicero  mentions  thst 
the  young  patrician  Asinius  had  been  inveigled 
into  the  ganlens  of  the  Esquiline,  where  be  was 
murdered  and  precipitated  into  one  of  the  and- 
quarries:    '* Asinius  autem  .  .  .  quasi  in  hor- 
tulos  iret,  in  arenarias  quasdam  extra  Portsm 
Esquilinam    peixiuctus    occiditur"    {Orat.  pro 
Clueniio,  c   13).     Suetonius  also  relates  that 
when  the  trembling  Nero,  fearing  instant  a^as- 
sination,  took  refuge  in  the  villa  of  his  freed- 
man  Phaon,  between  the  Nomentan  and  Sala- 
rian  roads,  he  was  advised   to  conceal  himself 
in   an   adjacent   sand-pit,   ''th  specwn   ege^ai 
arenae**  but  he  vowed  that  he  would  not  go 
underground    alive,    **  negavit    se   vivum  sab 
terram  iturum  "  (Sueton.  m  Neron.  48). 

Exhausted  sand-pits  of  this  kind  also  afibrded 
burial  places  for  the  lowest  dregs  of  the  popu- 
lace, for  slaves,  and  others  who  on  ceremonial 
grounds  were  denied  the  honour  of  the  Ameral 
pile.  The  best  known  are  those  left  by  tbe 
sand-diggers  on  the  Esquiline,  which,  we  Icsn 


CATAOOUBS 

Am  Honei,  win  iubiI  u  common  raccptule 
far  thi  Tilnt  cnrpss,  lod  deGl«d  the  air  witb 
Otiz  pwtiltati*!    cifaalatioas,   until    Haecen 
mcMd  th<  diitrict   from  ita  dqradstion  and 
Buirtad  it  into  k  gudm  (Hont.  Smn.  1.  " 

;-i6> 

adntn  MlUa, 


0ATA00MB8 


297 


think  of  the  vast  nambar  of  dead  bodiea  which 
once  lined  the  walli  of  the  Bnbtemniun  cemit- 
t«ri«i"(/(omaSoa»rr.  p.321).  To  thew  adran- 
tagu  may  be  added  the  facility  with  which  the 
rock  wai  triturated  ao  aa  to  be  carried  onl  of 
the  eicsrationi  in  the  form  of  earth  inateid  of 
hewy  blocks  of  atone,  aa  would  have  been  th« 
nua  In  the  qnuritt  of  eompoct  tii&. 


[C(  tW  cvmaMDtarr  of  Aeron  the  Scholiast  on 
tke  fuagt:   "Hue  aliqnando  cadaTeni  porta- 
iMtot  pMidornm  ura  Hrrorum:  nam  aapalohra 
pablki  DUt  antea.")     Theae  loathaome  burial 
pin  wen  known  bj  the  nnmea  of  puticuli 
f^rtlm;  a  diminutEn  of  puteaa,  "a  waH," 
ardtag  lo  the  etymologj  ^Ten  by  Featua.    Tl 
win  alio  dcaignated  calimu,  from  their  ahape. 
(Faccieiat.  int.  voc  cnlioa ;  Fadre  Lapi,  Ditaerta- 
•»^L{cuiii.p.63> 

W«  BMd  not  panae  to  rttate  the  monitrons 
tkfery  •»  eaieteaal j  propotinded  by  Bainage,  Bor- 
■K.  Miann,  lic^  which  identified  ths  firat  begin- 
aaip  at  the   Chrittian   catacomba    with   the 
Wriblt  cbamel-hooacB,  which  were  the  oppi 
kiam  af  Paganiam,  and    aaaerted,  in   Burnel 
vgiik,  that  **  tboM  bnrjing-placea  that  are  graced 
■ilh  Ihe  pompona  tjtis  of  cstacombi  are  no  Other 
Iku  the  patiaoli  mentioned  bj  PeeCui  Pompeii 
■boe  the  meanest  aort  of  the  Roman  slaves  we 
laid,  and  ao  without  any  fHirther  care  about  the 
■nt  left  to  roL"    The  moat  auperficial  acquaint- 

•Imiditf  of  anefa  an  hypothesis,  and  proTe 
the  oKRCtMM  of  the  assertion  that  "  the  pufi- 
(■£  into  which  the  carrion  of  the  Roman  alsTcs 
■ight  be  flung  had  not  the  ilighteat  analogy 
■ilh  the  decorous,  careful,  and  eipensivo  prori' 
■oai  made  bj  the  early  Christians  for  the  con- 
Bration  of  their  dead"  (£i£n.  An>.  No.  221, 
Jan.  1B59). 

Bat,  if  Dthtrwise  probable,  this  presumed 
eMMction  between  the  arcnariiu  and  the  came- 
Kris  of  the  Chriatuns  would  be  at  once  dia- 
prned  by  Ihe  remarkable  fact  first  noticed  by 
P.  Hstchi,  and  confirmsd  b;  the  investigations 
rf  t^  brotbsn  De  Rossi,  to  which  we  hara 
slladed  above,  that  the  straU  which  furnished 
fUsefima  fwra  were  carefully  avoided  by  the 
euavalBrs  of  the  catacombs,  who  ran  their  rast 
•MtB  of  (allerkJ  almost  eicluBively  in  the 
(■la  graaoliirt.  While,  on  the  one  hand,  they 
snided  the  solid  strata  of  the  tufa  litoide, 
vhirb  coald  not  be  quarried  without  at  leaat 
Ihrtefuld  tbe  time  and  labonT  required  in  the 
tnaalar  tnfa,  and  the  eicavated  material  Atmi 
wkieh  conld  not  be  dlspoeed  of  without  great 
■nsvenience,  with  eqoal  care  these  subterranean 
eafiaMTs  avoided  the  layers  of  friable  poitoiana 
vhiefa  would  hare  rendered  their  work  insecure, 
ud  in  which  no  permanent  gallery  or  rock  tomb 
tniii  have  been  conatructed,  and  selected  that 
■tratnm  of  medium  haidneaa  vhich  waa  best 
■fapted  for  their  peculiar  pnrpoie.  The  auita- 
Uily  of  the  tufa  gnmolart  fbl  the  object  in  view 
caaaot  be  belter  atated  than  in  the  words  of  Dr. 
Sorthnle:  "  It  ia  eaaily  worked,  of  aufficlent  con- 
■rtency  to  admit  of  being  hollowed  out  into  galle- 
ries and  chambera  without  at  once  falling  in,  and 
Its  porona  aatore  caoaM  the  water  quickly  to  drain 
•f  from  it,  tboa  leaving  the  galleriea  dry  and 
~^  '  '  nportant  consideration  when  we 


The  aiclniively  Christian  origin  of  the  oata- 
combs,  and  their  destinntion  from  the  first  for 
pnrposea  of  interment  is  also  evident,  from  the 
coDtraat  furnished  by  tb,-ir  plan,  form,  snd  mode 
of  construction,  to  the  arttufodiaat,  or  sand-pita, 
and  lapidkiaai,  or  atone  quarriea,  of  ancient 
times.  This  contrast  is  made  evident  to  the  eye 
fay  Padre  Marchi,  &om  whom  the  annaied  wooii- 
CDta  are  borrowed  {Tav.  L  iii.  it.-til),  and  by 


Dr.  Northcote  and  Mr.  Brownlow  in  tbe  plan 
itlaa  appended  to  their  Eoma  Sotterranta. 
The  ground  plans  given  by  Uarchi  lay  before  us 
in  successive  plates  the  Ichnography  of  the 
itono  quarry  which  lies  above  ths  catacomb  of 
jt.  Pontianua,  and  of  ths  armaria  which  Kea 
ibovB  that  of  St.  Agnea,  and  the  portions  of  the 
xmetary  immediately  beneath  them.  Nothing 
could  more  forcibly  show  the  diflerence  between 
rast    cavcrnoQa  chambers  of  the  qu-irry. 


298 


CATACOMBS 


where  the  object  was  to  remore  u  much  of  the 
stone  as  was  consistent  with  safety,  and  the  long 
narrow  galleries  of  the  catacomb  in  which  the 
object  was  to  displace  as  little  of  the  stratum  as 
would  be  consistent  with  the  excarator's  purpose. 
The  plates  also  enable  us  to  contrast  the  tortuous 
passages  of  the  arenariae^  running  usually  in 
curved  lines,  with  a  careful  aroidimce  of  sharp 
angles,  and  wide  enough  to  admit  a  horse  and 
cart  for  the  removal  of  the  material,,  and  the 
straight  lines,  right  angles,  and  restricted  dimen- 
sions of  the  canbuiacra  of  the  catacombs.  An- 
other marked  difference  between  the  arenariae 
and  the  subterranean  cemeteries  of  the  Christians 
is,  that  the  walls  of  the  latter  always  rise  ver- 
tically from  the  floor  of  the  gallery,  while,  on 
account  of  the  frailness  of  the  material  in  which 
they  were  excavated,  the  walls  of  the  sand  quar- 
ries are  set  at  a  re-entering  angle,  giving  the 
gallery  almost  the  form  of  a  tunnel.  This  mode 
of  construction  renders  it  impossible  to  form 
sepulchral  recesses  with  exactly  closed  apertures, 
as  we  find  them  in  all  the  galleries  of  the  cata^ 
combs.  The  friability  of  the  material  also  forbids 
the  adaptation  of  a  plate  or  marble  or  tiles  to 
the  aperture  of  the  recess,  ^hich  was  essential 
to  confine  the  noxious  e£9uvia  of  the  decaying 
corpses. 

The  wide  distinction  between  the  mode  of 
construction  adopted  in  the  quarries  and  that 
rendered  necessary  by  the  requirements  of  the 
cemeteries,  and  the  practical  difficulties  which 
stood  in  the  way  of  transforming  one  into  the 
other  are  rendered  more  evident  by  the  few 
instances  in  which  this  transformation  has  been 
actually  effected.  The  examples  we  would  bring 
in  proof  of  our  statement  are  those  given  by  Mich. 
Stef.  De  Rossi  from  the  cemeteries  of  St.  Hermes 
and  St.  Priscilla  {Analia,  GeoL  ed  Arch,  vol.  i.  pp. 
31,  32,  sq. ;  Northoote,  -B.  S,  pp.  323,  329).  In 
the  first  piano  of  the  catacomb  of  St.  Hermes 
we  have  a  specimen  of  a  sepulchral  gallery  with 
three  rows  of  lateral  hculi,  constructed  in  brick 
and  masonry,  within  an  ancient  arenaria.  At 
first  sight  the  difference  between  the  form  and 
proportions  of  the  galleries  and  locvUi^  and  those 
of  the  usual  type,  is  scarcely  noticeable.  Closer 
inspection,  however,  shows  that  the  side  walls 
are  built  up  from  the  ground,  in  advance  of  the 
tufa  walls  of  the  gallery,  which  is  two  or  three 
times  the  ordinary  width,  leaving  space  enough 
for  the  depth  of  the  ioctUu  These  are  closed  in 
the  ordinary  manner,  with  the  exception  of  those 
of  the  uppermost  tier,  where  the  closing  slabs 
are  laid  at  an  angle,  sloping  up  to  the  barrel 
vault  of  the  gallery,  and  forming  a  triangular 
instead  of  a  rectangular  recess.  When  the 
galleries  cross  one  another  the  space  becomes 
wider  and  the  walls  more  curved,  and  the  vault 
is  sustained  in  the  centre  by  a  thick  wall  con- 
taining tombs,  which  divides  the  ambulacrum 
into  two  parallel  galleries.  This  example  indi- 
cates the  nature  of  the  alterations  required  to 
convert  an  arenaria  into  a  cemetery.  These  as 
a  rule  were  so  costly  and  laborious  that  the 
Christians  preferred  to  undertake  an  entirely 
fresh  excavation. 

The  second  example  is  that  from  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Priscilla,  on  the  Via  Salaria  Nova.  The 
annexed  plan  given  from  De  Rossi  enables  us, 
by  a  variation  in  the  shading,  to  distinguish 
between  the  original  excavation  and  the  form 


CATACOMBS 

mto  which  it  was  subsequently  oonverteJ  when 
it  became  a  Christian  burial-place,  and  helps 
us  to  appreciate  the  immense  labour  that 
was  expended  in  the  erection  of  ''numerou 
pillars  of  various  sizes,  long  walls  of  solid  ma- 
sonry, sometimes  straight,  sometimes  fankai 
into  angles,  partly  concealing  and  partly  sustain- 
ing the  tufa  and  the  sepulchres  of  the  galleries, 
frequent  niches  of  various  size  often  interrupted 
by  pillars  built  up  within  them,"  and  the  other 
OMdifications  necessary  to  convert  the  original 
excavation  into  its  present  form.  We  may  men- 
tion a  third  example  of  the  same  kind:  the 
arenaria  adjacent  to  St.  Saturninus,  on  the  amc 
road.  A  portion  of  this  cemetery  has  been  exca- 
vated in  good  pozzokma  earth,  and  has  the  cha- 
racteristics of  a  true  armtaria.  The  galleries  are 
wide,  and  are  curved  in  plan.  The  walls  and 
vault  are  arched,  and  it  has  not  been  thought 


Plan  atvni  of  Ibe  Oataoomlw  of  St  PriscOU  tnm  De  RMri.  ihowliif 
tbeadapUdoDuran  ArMiulfttoaChiiilianoHBflflBfy.  Tbcdttt 
iliadJj«  reproKinte  the  tnfik  rook ;  the  lighter  the  added 


consistent  with  securitv  to  construct  more  tliaa 
two  ranges  of  ioculi  near  the  pavement,  and  evea 
these  occur  at  wider  intervals  than  is  usual  where 
the  rock  is  harder.  In  all  respects  the  contrast 
this  division  of  the  cemetery  presents  to  the 
ordinary  type  is  most  marked.  *^  Here  we  have 
another  instance  of  the  Christians  having  made 
the  attempt  to  utilise  the  arenariOj  but  it  appears 
that  they  found  it  more  convenient  to  abandon 
the  attempt,  and  to  construct  entirely  new  gal- 
leries, even  at  the  coet  of  descending  to  a  greater 
depth  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth  "  (Northcote, 
B.  S.  p.  330). 

These  examples  when  candidly  examined  lead 
to  a  conclusion  directly  opposite  to  that  affirmed 
so  confidently  by  Raoul-Rochette  and  others. 
So  far  from  its  being  the  case  that  the  Christiani 
commenced  their  subterranean  cemeteries  by 
adoptins[  exhausted  arenariae^  which  they  ex- 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


299 


laded  ud  oikrged  to  sait  their  increasing 
R^aiieBicBta,  so  tiiat  *'an  arenaria  was  the 
AdiBBTT  matrix  of  a  catacomb,"  the  rarity  of 
wbA  instances  that  can  be  addnced,  and  the 
■uted  contrast  between  the  arencHa  and  the 
esliicuBift  both  in  plan  and  mode  of  oonstmction, 
ceefina  onr  assertion  that  the  subterranean  ceme- 
taim  of  the  Christians  had  a  distinct  origin,  and 
fr(B  the  first  were  intended  for  places  of  inters 
BMit  alone,  and  that  what,  previous  to  recent 
BTsrtigitiona,  was  regarded  as  the  normal  con- 
<fitkMi  of  things,  was  reallj  extremely  exceptional, 
lad  is  to  be  explained  in  each  case  on  exceptional 


Hm  traditional  hypothesis  to  which  we  hare 
idtrred,  by  which  the  oondnsions  of  all  inves- 
tigpton  before  tlie  memorable  epoch  of  Padre 
IbrdU  were  lettered,  had  its  foondation  in  cer- 
tsia  passages  in  ancient  docnments  of  rery  ques- 
tiMsUe  valae,  which  describe  the  burial-places 
tf  certain  martyrs  and  others  as  being  in  arena' 
rii,  jmsta  aremariwn,  ad  arenas^  or  m  cryptis 
arauriia.  These  passages  are  almost  excludyely 
derired  finom  the  docnments  known  as  ''Acta 
Xaitynmi,''  which,  from  the  extent  to  which 
their  text  has  been  tampered  with  at  different 
diOcs,  are  generally  almost  worthless  as  histo- 
rial  anthorities.  None  of  those  in  question  are 
caatained  in  Ruinart's  Acta  Martyrum  Sinoera, 
sad  thej  are  probably  of  little  real  weight.  And 
fiulher,  even  if  the  statements  contained  in  them 
dtserrcd  to  be  receired  with  more  confidence 
De  Bossi  has  rery  acutely  demonstrated  that 
tbey  eaanot  fiurly  be  considered  to  prove  the 
6ct  lor  which  they  are  adduced.  They  show 
ittle  more  than  that  the  terms  arenariwn,  &;c., 
voeosed  more  loosely  at  •the  time  these  ''Acts" 
were  compiled  than  strict  accuracy  warranted, 
sad  mn  applied  to  the  whole  "  hypogaeum  "  of 
vhidi  the  sand-pit  at  most  only  formed  port. 
Acovding  to  Mich.  Stef.  De  Rossi  {AneUis,  Gtloi,  ed 
Arch.  Tol.  L  pp.  1S-34X  if  we  confine  ourselves 
t«  s  range  of  five  or  six  miles  out  of  Rome,  there 
are  ao  more  than  nine  passages  of  these  "  Acts  " 
m  wbich  martyrs  are  recorded  to  have  been 
■terred  in  arenario  or  m  cryptis  arenariis; 
while  of  this  limited  number  of  authorities,  four 
ntu  to  cemeteries  in  which  an  arenaria  is 
sctnaUy  found  more  or  less  closely  connected 
with  the  cemetery,  and  in  which  therefore  the 
fact  may  be  at  once  ackoowledged  to  be  in  agree- 
■cat  with  the  record,  without  in  the  least 
iaipogning  our  conclusion  as  to  the  generally 
dbtiact  nature  of  the  two. 

It  deserves  notice  also,  as  showing  the  worth- 
kwMMs  of  these  records  as  statements  of  fact, 
tbst  two  of  the  passages  which  speak  of  inter- 
■cats  m  cryptis  arenarOSf  that  of  SS.  Kerens 
ttd  Alexander  in  the  cemetery  of  Domitilla,  and 
that  of  S.  Laurentius  in  that  of  Cyriaca,  refer  to 
Iscalities  where  pozzolana  is  not  to  be  found, 
^  where  the  stratum  in  which  the  cemetery  is 
CDBstracted  is  that  known  as  oapellaociOf  which 
h  qoite  worthless  for  building  purposes.  No 
^vaoman,  or  crypta  arenaria,  properly  so  called, 
ttnU  hsTe  existed  there. 

With  regard  to  the  passage  which  refers  to 
Ihc  place  of  sepulture  of  SS.  Marcus  and  Mar- 
seUiaas.  Padre  Marchi  justly  observes  that  it 
ii  aot  said  that  these  martyrs  were  buried  in 
vjptis jtrenanan,  but  "m  looo  qui  dicitur  ad 
therefore  merely  in  the  neighbour- 


hood of  the  pits  from  ^hich  the  walls  of  the  city 
were  built. 

But  although  the  exclusively  Christian  origin 
of  the  catacombs  has  to  be  distinctly  asserted, 
and  the  idea  that  they  had  their  origin  in  sand 

Quarries,  already  existing  in  the  first  ages  of  the 
Ihurch,  must  be  met  with  a  decided   contra- 
diction, we  must  be  careful  not  to  press  the 
distinction  so  for  as  to  deny  the  connection  which 
really  exists,  in  very  many  instances,  between 
the  cemetery  and  an  arenaria.    We  must  also 
allow  that  there  ai'e  examples  in  which  loculi  for 
Christian  interment  have  been  found  in  the  walls 
of  the  tortuous  roads  of  a  sand  quarry.     Mr. 
J.  H.  Parker,  who  by  his  accurate  investigations 
is  conferring  on  the  architecture  and  topography 
of  Rome  the  same  benefits  he  has  bestowed  on 
the  architecture  of  his  native  country  and  of 
France,  has  discovered  locttli  in  the  sides  of  a 
sand-pit  road,  near  the  church  of  S.  drbano  alia 
Caffarella.     This  road  evidently  communicated 
with  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus,  to  which  the 
main  entrance  was  from  the  church,  originally 
an  ancient  tomb.    A  modem  brick  wall,  built 
across  the  road,  prevents  any  further  examina- 
tion of  the  locality.    Such  communications  be- 
tween the  cemeteries  and  the  adjacent  arenariae 
were  frequently  opened  in  the  days  of  perse- 
cution, when,  as    Tertullian    informs   us,   the 
Christians  were  "daily  besieged,  and  betrayed, 
and  caught  unawares  in  their  very  assemblies 
and   congregations;   their   enemies  having   in- 
formed themselves  as  to  the  days  and  places  of 
their  meetings  "  (Tert.  Apol.  vii. ;  ad  Nat,  i.  7), 
and  when,  therefore,  it  became  necessary  as  far 
as  possible  to  conceal  the  entrances   to   their 
burial  places  from  the  public  gaze.     In  those 
times  of  trial  the  original  entrances  to  the  cata- 
combs were  blocked  up,  the  staircases  destroyed, 
and   new  and  difiicult  ways  of  access   opened 
through    the  recesses  of   a  deserted  sand-pit. 
These  afforded  the  Christians  the  means  of  ingress 
and  egress  without  attracting  public  notice,  and 
by  means  of  them  they  had  facilities  for  escape, 
even  when  they  had  been  tracked  to  the  cata- 
comb itself.    The  catacomb  of  S.  Callistus  affords 
examples  of    these  connections  with  arenaria. 
(Cf.  the  plans  given  by  De  Rossi,  Northcote,  and 
Marchi.) 

History. — ^The  practice  of  interring  the  entire 
corpse  unconsumed  by  fire  in  a  subterranean  ex- 
cavation has  been  so  completely  identified  with 
the  introduction  of  the  Christian  religion  into 
Rome  that  we  are  in  danger  of  losing  sight  of 
the  foct  that  this  mode  of  burial  did  not  in  any 
sense  originate  with  the  Christians.  However 
great  the  contrast  between  the  sepulture  after 
cremation  in  the  urns  of  cotunUxiria,  or  the  indis- 
criminate fiinging  of  the  dead  into  the  loathsome 
putiooiif  aod  the  reverent  and  orderly  interment 
of  the  bodies  of  the  departed  in  the  cells  of  a 
catacomb,  the  Christians,  in  adopting  this  mode, 
were  only  reverting  to  what  one  of  the  early 
apologists  terms  "  the  older  and  better  custom  of 
inhumation"  (Minuc  Fel.  Octav.  c  34).  It  is 
well  known  that  the  custom  of  burying  the  dead 
was  the  original  custom  both  with  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  and  was  only  superseded  by  bum* 
ing  in  later  times,  chiefly  on  sanitary  grounds. 
The  Etruscan  tombs  are  familiar  examples  be- 
longing to  a  very  early  period.  In  Rome,  cre- 
mation did  not  become  general  till  the  later  days 


300 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


of  the  republic.  The  anthoritj  of  Cicero  h  defi- 
nite on  this  point.  He  states  that  Marios  was 
bnried,  and  that  the  Gens  Cornelia  adopted  cre- 
mation for  their  dead  in  linng  memory,  Snila 
being  the  first  member  of  that  Gens  whose  body 
was  burnt  (Cic.  de  Leg.  IL  22).  Under  the 
Empire  cremation  became  the  almost  unirersal 
custom,  though  not  so  as  absolutely  to  exclude 
the  other,  which  gradually  regained  its  lost  hold 
on  the  public  mind,  and  was  re-established 
by  the  fourth  century.  Macrobius  asserts  posi- 
tively that  the  custom  of  burning  the  dead  had 
entirely  ceased  in  his  day.  ^  Urendi  corpora  de- 
functorum  usus  nostro  saeculo  nullus  **  (Macrob. 
Satumal.  lib.  Yii.  c.  7).  Of  the  practice  of  in- 
humation of  the  unbumt  body  we  have  not  un- 
frequent  exaiLples  in  Rome  itself.  The  tomb  of 
the  Scipios,  on  the  Appian  Way  (now  within  the 
Aurelian  walls),  is  a  familiar  instance.  The 
correspondence  between  the  arrangements  of  this 
tomb  and  those  of  the  earlier  Christian  catacombs, 
e.g.  that  of  Domitilla,  is  very  marked.  In  both 
we  have  passages  excavated  in  the  tu&,  giving 
access  to  sepulchral  chambers  arranged  in  stories ; 
burial  places  cut  in  the  native  rock  and  covered 
with  a  slab  of  stone;  sarcophagi  standing  in 
recesses,  partially  hollowed  out  to  receive  them. 
Visconti  was  of  opinion  that  this  tomb  was  a 
used-out  stone  quarry.  In  this  he  is  followed 
by  Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau  des  Catac.  p.  23. 
It  is  fiivoured  by  the  irregularity  of  the  plan. 
Another  like  example  is  the  tomb  of  the  Nasos,  on 
the  Flaminian  Way,  described  by  Bartoli,  in 
which  Uaoul-Rochette  has  traced  a  marked  re- 
semblance to  the  plan  and  general  disposition  to 
the  catacomb  of  St.  Hermes,  which,  as  we  have 
seen  already,  presents  many  marked  variations 
from  the  ordinary  plan  of  the  Christian  cata- 
combs. Other  examples  are  given  by  De  Rossi, 
JR.  8.  i.  88,  who  remarks  that  this  mode  of  inter- 
ment was  much  more  general  in  Rome  and  its 
vicinity  than  is  usually  credited.  He  quotes 
from  Fabretti,  Tnsc.  Dcm.  p.  55,  a  description  of 
a  tomb  found  by  him  at  the  fourth  mile  on  the 
Flaminian  Way.  **Necdum  cremutione  instituta 
in  topho  indigena  excavatum  sepulchrum  .... 
qualia  in  nostris  Christianorum  coemeteriis 
visuntur,"  and  mentions  a  numerous  series  of 
cells  of  a  similar  character  cut  in  the  living  rock 
examined  bv  him  in  different  localities  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  city. 

But  although  Pagan  subterranean  burial 
places  possess  a  fitmUy  likeness  to  the  ceme- 
teries of  the  Christians,  they  are  unmis- 
takably distinguished  from  them  by  certain 
unfailing  marks.  They  are  of  much  more  con- 
tracted dimensions,  being  intended  for  the  mem- 
bers and  dependants  of  a  single  family,  instead 
of  being  open  to  the  community  of  the  faithful 
generally.  As  being  destined  to  be  the  abodes 
of  the  dead  only,  their  entrances  were  firmly 
closed,  while  the  burial  niches  were  frequently 
left  open ;  while  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  Chris- 
tian cemeteries,  constantly  visited  for  the  pur- 
poses of  devotion  and  for  the  memorial  of  the 
departed,  the  loculi  were  hermetically  sealed,  to 
prevent  the  escape  of  noxious  gases,  while  the 
entrance  stood  always  open,  and  tiie  faithful 
could  approach  each  separate  grave  with  their 
prayers  and  their  offerings.  These  distinctions 
are  broadly  maintained  as  a  rule.  As  regards 
dimensions,  however,  there  are  exceptions  each 


way.  We  meet  with  some  isolatea  Chriitlaa 
burial  chambers  designed  to  receive  the  iodi- 
viduals  of  a  single  family;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  some  heathen  tombs  exceed  the  usnal 
limits  of  a  single  ^chamber.  De  Roaa  mentieu 
the  existence  of  many  hypogaeOj  opening  from 
the  tombs  and  columbaria  on  die  Appian  sad 
Latin  Ways,  which  contain  a  few  small  oMaJavai 
three  or  four  very  short  ambutacnu  Such  hyp9- 
gaea  were  assigned  by  Marchi,  without  suffidcBt 
evidence,  to  the  adherents  of  idolatrous  Qricntal 
sects  (De  Rossi,  E.  8.  i.  pp.  88-92). 

But  it  is  not  in  these  heathen  examples  tliat 
we  are  to  find  the  germ  of  the  Christian  cataoomU. 
We  are  to  look  for  them  in  the  burial  places  c/ 
another  people,  with  whom  the  Christians  of 
Rome  were  from  the  first  closely  connected,  and 
indeed  in  the  popular  mind  identified — ^the  Jews. 
The  first  converts  to  the  faith  in  Rome  were 
Jews ;  and,  as  Dean  Milman  has  remarked  {Lai. 
Cfiristtanitgy  i.  81),  no  Church  seems  to  have 
clung  more  obstinately  to  Judaising  tenets  and 
Jewish  customs  than  the  Roman.     In  their  man- 
ner of  sepulture,  therefore,  we  should  anticipate 
that  the   Roman  Christians  would  follow  the 
customs  of  the  land  which  was  the  cradle  of  their 
religion,  and  to  which  so  many  of  them  tracbd 
their  parentage— customs  which  were  faithfullj 
adhered  to  in  the  land  of  their  dispersion.    Hiey 
had  an  additional  reason  for  regarding  this  mode 
of  interment  with  affectionate  reverence,  as  one 
hallowed  to  them  by  the  example  of  their  croci- 
fied   Master,  and   in  Him  associated  with  the 
hopes  of  the  resurrection.  The  practice  of  borial 
in  sepulchres  hewn  out  of  the  living  rock  was 
always  familiar  to  the  Jews,  and  was  adopted  by 
them  in  every  part  of  the  world  wherever  they 
made   settlements  and  the  nature  of  the  soil 
permitted  it.   The  existence  of  Jewish  catacombs 
in  Rome,  of  a  date  anterior  to  Christianity,  is  no 
matter  of  conjecture.     One  was  discovered  by 
Boeio  at  the  opening  of  the  17th  century,  and 
described   by  him  (%.  8.  c  xzii.  p.  141  seq.), 
bearing  unmistakable  evidence  of  a  very  early 
date.    This  cemetery,  placed  by  him  on  Monte 
Verde,  outside  the  Porta  Portese,  has  escaped  all 
subsequent  researches  (Marchi,  p.  21  seq.).    Fran 
the  meanness  of  its  construction,  the  absence  of 
any  adornment  in  painting,  stucco,  or  marble, 
and  the  smallness  and  paucity  of  its  cMcfUa 
(only  two  were  found),  it  was  evidently  a  burial 
place  of  the  poorer  classes.     There  was  an  utter 
absence  of  all  Christian  symbols.     Almost  every 
locttttts  bore — either  painted  in  red  or  scratdied 
on  the  mortar — ^the  seven-branched  candlestick. 
In  one  inscription  was  read  the  word  CTNAFAr. 
cvpay(iyri. 

Another  Jewish  catacomb  is  still  accessible 
on  the  Via  Appia,  opposite  the  Basilica  of  St. 
Sebastian.  According  to  Mr.  Parker  (who  has 
included  photographs  of  this  catacomb  in  his  in- 
valuable series,  Nos.  1160,  1161),  part  of  it  is  of 
the  time  of  Augustus,  part  as  late  as  Constantine. 
It  contains  two  cubicula,  with  large  arcotoUOf 
ornamented  with  arabesque  paintings  of  flowers 
and  birds,  devoid  of  distinctive  symbols.  Some 
of  the  ioculi  pi-esent  their  ends  instead  of  their 
sides  to  the  galleries — an  arrangement  very  rarely 
found  in  Christian  cemeteries.  The  inscriptions 
are  mostly  in  Greek  characters,  though  the 
language  of  some  is  Latin.  Some  bear  Hebrew 
woi-ds.     Nearly  all  have   the  candlestick.    2a 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


801 


116$  iBother  eztmndy  poTerty-«tricken  Jewish 
ciUeoBib,  dug  in  a  day  soil,  was  ezcarated  in 
;tkt  Ttgaa  Cimarra,  on  tiie  Appian  Way. 

Tbe  idea  to  lonf  and  so  widely  preraleni,  that 
[.wirks  of  sach  immense  extent,  demanding  so 
•hrgc  an  amonnt  of  severe  mannal  labour,  could 
■hsTt  been  ezecnted  in  secret,  and  in  defiance  of 
)«xisdBg  laws,  is  jnstly  designated  by  Mommsen 
'si  ridicsloiis,  and  reflecting  a  discredit,  as  nn- 
faaded  ss  it  is  unjust,  on  the  imperial  police  of 
ti»  capital.  It  is  simply  impossible  that  such 
eusTskioos  should  haye  escaped  official  notice. 
Jior  was  there  any  reason  why  the  Christians 
ibooU  hare  desind  that  their  burial  places 
(ibsald  haye  been  concealed  from  the  state  autho- 
^lities.  No  eridenoe  can  be  alleged  which  affords 
icrea  a  hint  that  in  the  first  two  centuries  at 
bist  there  was  any  official  interference  with 
ChrisUsn  sepulture,  or  any  difficulties  attending 
it  to  render  secrecy  or  concealment  desirable. 
The  oniiBary  laws  relating  to  the  burial  of  .the 
itad  affinded  their  protection  to  the  Christians 
'10  km  than  to  their  fellow  citizens.  A  special 
ciactaieBt,  of  which  we  find  no  trace,  would 
.hsre  been  needed,  to  exempt  the  Christians  from 
the  operation  of  these  laws.  So  long  as  they  did 
:aot  Tiolate  any  of  the  laws  by  which  the  sepul- 
tarc  vt  the  dead  was  r^ulated  the  Roman  Chris- 
tisas  were  left  free  to  follow  their  taste  and 
,viihcs  in  this  matter.     Nor,  as  we  have  seen, 

as  there  anything  altogether  strange  or  repul- 
^■re  in  the  mode  of  burial  adopted  by  the  Chris- 

iBs.  They  were  but  following  an  old  fiuhion 
•^lich  had  not  entirely  died  out  in  Rome,  and 
vhifch  the  Jews   were  suffered  to   follow  un- 

nlested.  One  law  they  were  absolutely  bound 
li  obserre,  yia.,  that  which  prohibited  interment 
I'viUun  the  waUs  of  the  city.  And  a  suiyey  of 
thi  Christian  cemeteries  in  the  yidnity  of  Rome 
will  show  that  this  was  strictly  obeyed.  All 
K«f  them  are  contained  in  the  zone  at  once  pre- 
scribed by  law  and  dictated  by  convenience, 
vithia  a  radius  of  about  2|  miles  from  the 
Aareliaa  walls.  '^  Between  the  third  and  fifth 
Kile  from  the  walls  no  Christian  sepulchre  has 
heca  fimnd ;  at  the  sixth,  only  one,  that  of  St. 
Akzaader;  while  beyond  the  seventh  mile  tombs 
SR  again  met  with,  but  these  belong  rather  to 
the  towns  and  villsges  of  the  Campagna  than  to 
BosM  itself  (Northcote,  B.  S,  p.  334;  Mich. 
StcC  de  Rossi,  Analis.  Oeol.  ed  Arch,  i.  45). 

Legal  oiactments  and  considerations  of  practical 
eaareaience  having  roughly  determined  the  situ- 
ukn  of  the  Christian  cemeteries,  a  further  cause 
operated  to  fix  their  precise  locality.  Having 
Mfsid  to  the  double  purpose  these  excavations 
vers  to  serve — ^the  sepulture  of  the  dead,  and  the 
gathering  of  the  living  for  devotion — ^it  was 
wwntial  that  a  position  should  be  chosen  where 
the  Mil  waa  dry,  and  which  was  not  liable  to  be 
isoded  by  the  neighbouring  streams,  nor  subject 
to  the  ii^Uration  of  water.  If  these  rules  were 
Bot  observed,  not  only  would  the  putrefaction  of 
the  esfpsea  have  taken  place  with  dangerous 
zapidity,  and  the  air  become  poisoned,  but  the 
fiileries  themselves  would  have  been  choked 
vith  mud  and  been  rendered  inaccessible.  We 
find,  therefore,  that  the  planners  of  the  ceme- 
teries, as  a  rule,  avoided  the  valleys  and  low 
Isads,  and  restricted  their  operations  to  the 
higher  grounds  surroanding  the  citv,  particularly 
vhere  the  geological  conditions  of  the  soil  pro- 


mised them  strata  of  tiie  tufa  gmnohre^  in  which 
they  by  preference  worked,  and  where  springs  of 
water  were  absent.  As  an  example  of  the  d  sas- 
trous  consequences  of  not  attending  to  these  pre- 
cautions we  may  name  the  cemetery  of  Castulus, 
on  the  Via  Labicana,  re-discovered  by  De  Rossi 
in  1864  (fiulMino  de  Arch,  Crist,,  Fev.  1865). 
From  its  low  position,  the  galleries  are  filled 
with  clay  and  water,  which  have  reduced  them 
to  ruin  and  rendered  the  cemetery  quite  inac- 
cessible. 

As  a  rule,  each  catacomb  occupies  a  separate 
rising  ground  of  the  Campagna,  and  one  divided 
from  any  other  by  intervening  valleys.  The 
general  humidity  of  these  low  grounds,  and  the 
streams  which  flow  along  them,  effectually  pro- 
hibit the  construction  of  galleries  of  communica- 
tion between  the  various  cemeteries.  The  idea 
broached  by  Raoul-Rochette,  and  contended  for 
by  Marchi,  that  a  subterranean  communication 
at  a  low  level  exists  between  the  whole  of  the 
Christiah  cemeteries  of  Rome,  as  well  as  with 
the  chief  churches  within  the  city,  is,  in  Momm- 
sen's  words,  ''amere  fable" — ^in  fact,  a  complete 
impossibility.  Such  galleries  of  connection,  it 
formed,  would  have  been  constantly  inundated, 
if  they  had  not  at  once  become  mere  conduits  of 
running  water. 

Each  of  the  larger  cemeteries,  then,  may 
be  regarded  as  an  insulated  group,  embradng 
several  smaller  cemeteries,  corresponding  to  the 
original  funeral  areae  assigned  to  the  interment 
of  the  early  Christians,  but  never  crosstne  the 
intermediate  depressions  or  ravines,  and  seldom, 
if  ever,  having  any  communication  with  each 
other  (M.  Stef.  de' Rossi,  R.  S.  Analis,  Oeol.  ed 
ArcA.  i.  41,  seq.). 

The  notions  which  have  been  entertained 
as  to  the  horizontal  extent  of  the  catacombs 
are  very  greatly  exaggerated.  It  has  been  even 
gravely  asserted  that  they  reach  as  far  as  Tivoli 
in  one  direction  and  Ostia  in  the  other.  It  is 
probably  quite  impossible  to  form  a  correct  esti- 
mate of  the  area  actually  occupied  by  them,  from 
our  ignorance  of  their  real  extent.  Not  a  few 
which  were  known  to  the  older  investigators 
cannot  now  be  discovered,  and  it  can  hardly  be 
questioned  that  others  exist  which  have  never 
been  entered  since  the  period  when  they  were 
finally  given  over  to  neglect  and  decay.  M.  Stef. 
de  Rossi,  in  his  valuable  Analin  Oeologica  ed 
ArckUettonioa,  so  often  referred  to,  p.  60,  de- 
clares his  belief  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
available  space  within  the  above-named  ceme- 
terial  zone,  where  the  soil  was  suitable  for  the 
purpose,  was  occupied  by  burial  vaults.  But  he 
discreetly  abstains  from  any  attempt  to  define 
either  their  superficial  area  or  their  linear 
extension.  The  calculations  that  have  been 
hazarded  by  Marchi  and  others  are  founded  on 
too  vague  data  to  be  very  trustworthy.  Marchi 
calculated  that  the  united  length  of  the  galleries 
of  the  catacombs  would  amount  to  800  or  900 
miles,  and  the  number  of  graves  to  between  six 
and  seven  millions.  The  estimate  quoted  by  Mar- 
tigny  (JHctUm,  dee  Ani,  Chra,  p.  128)  does  not 
go  beyond  587  miles.  That  given  by  Northcote 
{B.  S.  p.  26)  is  more  modest  still, — **  on  the 
whole  there  are  certainly  not  less  than  350  miles 
of  them."  But  aU  such  estimates  are  at  present 
simply  conjectural. 

The  beginnings  of  these  vast  cemeteries  weie 


302 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


small  and  comparatively  insigiiificaiit.  There  is 
little  qnestion  that  almost  without  exception 
they  hail  their  origin  in  sepulchral  areas  of  limi- 
ted extent,  the  property  of  prirate  families  or 
individuals,  devoted  by  them  to  this  sacred  pur- 
pose. The  investigations  of  De  Rossi,  an  ex- 
plorer as  sagacious  as  he  is  conscientious,  have 
satisfactorily  proved  that  the  immense  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  with  its  innumerable  cubictUa  and 
stories  of  intricate  ramifications,  originally  con- 
sisted of  several  small  and  independent  burial 
grounds,  executed  with  great  regularity  within 
carefully  prescribed  limits.  The  manner  in 
which  a  subterranean  cemetery  was  constructed 
was  as  follows.  First  of  all  a  plot  of  ground 
suitable  for  the  purpose  was  obtained  by  gift  or 
by  purchase,  extending  so  many  feet,  infronte^  in 
length,  along  the  high  road,  so  many,  in  agro, 
in  depth,  at  right  angles  to  the  road.  That  which 
used  to  be  known  as  the  cemetery  of  Lucina,  the 
most  ancient  part  of  the  cemetery  of  Callistus, 
measured  100  Roman  feet  in  length  by  180  feet 
in  depth.  A  second  area  of  the  same  cemetery 
including  the  Papal  crypt  and  that  of  St.  Gaecilia 
measured  250  along  the  road,  and  reached  back 
100  feet  in  agro.  Such  a  plot  was  secured  by  its 
Christian  proprietor  as  a  burial-place  with  the 
usual  legal  formalities.  The  fact  of  the  indivi- 
dual being  a  Christian  threw  no  impediment  in 
the  way  of  the  purchase,  or  of  the  construction  of 
the  cemetery.  All  were  in  this  respect  equally  un- 
der the  protection  of  the  laws.  The  first  step  in  the 
construction  of  the  cemetery  was  the  excavation 
of  a  passage  all  the  way  round  the  area,  commu- 
nicating with  the  surface  by  one  or  more  stair- 
cases at  the  comers.  LocuU  were  cut  in  the 
walls  of  thebe  galleries  to  receive  the  dead. 
When  the  original  galleries  were  fully  occupied, 
cross  galleries  were  run  on  the  same  level,  gra- 
dually forming  a  network  of  passages,  all  filled 
with  tombs.  If  a  family  vault  was  required,  or 
a  martyr  or  other  Christian  of  distinction  had 
to  be  interred,  a  small  rectangular  chamber, 
cufncuhimf  was  excavated,  communicating  with 
the  gallery.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus  a  considerable  number  of  these  small 
burial  chambers  are  found,  succeeding  one  an- 
other as  we  proceed  along  the  ambulacrum  with 
as  much  regularity  as  bedrooms  opening  out  of  a 
passage  in  a  modem  house.  When  the  galleries 
in  the  original  piano  had  reached  their  furthest 
extension  consistent  with  stability,  the  excavators 
commenced  a  new  system  of  galleries  at  a  lower 
level,  reached  by  a  new  staircase.  These  were 
carried  out  on  the  same  principle  as  those  in  the 
story  above,  and  were  used  for  sepulture  as  long 
as  they  afforded  space  for  graves.  When  more 
room  was  wanted  the  foasores  formed  a  third 
story  of  galleries,  which  was  succeeded  by  a 
fourth,  and  even  by  a  fifth.  Instances  indeed 
are  met  with,  as  in  some  parts  of  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus,  where,  including  what  maybe  called 
a  mezzanifie  story,  the  number  of  piani  reaches 
seven.  Sometimes,  however,  according  to  Cav. 
Mich.  S.  de  Rossi  {Analia.  Oeol,  ed.  ArchUet,  del 
Cimitero  di  CaliistOf  vol  iL  p.  30),  the  upper 
piani  are  of  later  date  than  the  lower,  experience 
having  given  the  excavators  greater  confidence  in 
the  security  of  the  strata,  and  the  complete 
cessation  of  persecution  removing  the  temporary 
necessity  for  concealment.  Some  of  these  later 
galleries  are  not  more  than  from  three  to  four 


inches  below  the  surface.  The  extreme  narror- 
ness  of  the  galleries  is  one  of  the  most  marked 
characteristics  of  the  Christian  catacombs.  The 
object  of  the  excavators  being  to  eoonomixe 
apace  and  make  the  most  of  a  limited  area,  the 
^lery  was  not  formed  of  a  greater  width  than 
would  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  affi>rdiag 
two  tiers  of  sepulchral  recesses,  with  room 
enough  between  for  the  passage,  usually,  of  a 
single  person.  The  narrowest  galleriea,  which 
are  by  no  means  rare,  are  from  2  ft.  to  2J  ft 
wide.     The  normal  width   is  from   2}  ft.  to 

3  ft.  A  few  are  3)  ft.  wide.  A  stUl  smalkr 
number,  and  those  usually  very  short,  are  from 

4  ft.  to  5  ft.  in  width.  These  rules,  says 
M.  S.  de  Rossi,  are  unalterable,  whatever  be 
the  piano,  or  the  quality  of  the  rock.  The 
only  variation  is  that  where  the  rock  is  more 
friable  the  galleries  are  less  numerous,  aiul 
more  of  the  intervening  stratum  is  left  ua- 
touched ;  whUe  they  become  more  numerous  and 
intricate  the  greater  the  solidity  of  the  forma- 
tion. The  ceiling  is  usually  flat,  sometimes 
slightly  arched.  The  height  of  ihe  galleries 
depends  on  the  nature  of  the  soil  in  which  they 
are  dug.  The  earliest  were  originally  the  least 
elevated;  the  fossores  being  apprehensive  of 
making  them  too  high  for  security.  As  thej 
gained  confidence  in  the  strength  of  the  rock, 
space  required  for  more  gra'ves  was  obtained  by 
lowering  the  floor  of  the  galleries,  so  that  not 
unfrequently  the  most  ancient  are  now  the 
most  lofty.  Sometimes  the  construction  of 
galleries  at  a  lower  level  was  stopped  by  the 
cessation  of  the  strata  of  tufa  granoiare :  and  at 
others,  as  in  the  Vatitsan  cemetery,  by  the  oc- 
currence of  springs,  which  threatened  the  innn- 
dation  of  the  galleries  and  the  destruction  of 
the  graves.  When  further  pn^ress  dovn- 
wards  was  prevented,  another  funeral  area  wss 
opened  by  the  side  of  the  original  one,  ani  the 
same  process  was  repeated.  It  often  happened 
that  in  the  course  of  time  independent  ceme- 
teries which  had  been  formed  in  adjacent  plots  of 
ground  were  combined  together,  so  as  to  ferm 
one  large  necropolis.  Examples  of  this  are 
found  in  almost  all  the  great  cemeteries  of  Borne, 
and  the  combination  of  names  which  hat  thus 
arisen  has  given  rise  to  no  little  confusion.  Por- 
tions of  what  has  since  become  one  cemetery  bear 
different  appellations  in  the  ancient  documents^ 
and  it  is  not  easy  to  unravel  the  tangled  skdn: 
e.  g,  the  cemetery  ^  ad  Ursum  pileatum  "  on  the 
*♦  Via  Portuensis"  bears  the  titles  of  St,  Pontia- 
nus,  SS.  Abdon  and  Sennen,  and  St.  Pigmenias. 
That  on  the  **  Via  Appia,"  usually  known  as  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Praetextatus,  is  also  called  after 
St.  Urbanus,  SS.  Tiburtius  and  Valerianos,  St. 
Balbina  and  St.  Marcus. 

Tradition  and  documentary  evidence  have 
assigned  sevei'al  of  the  Roman  catacombs  to  tfce 
first  age  of  the  Church's  history.  For  some,  an 
apostolical  origin  is  claimed.  It  may  be  difficult 
to  prove  beyond  question  that  any  of  the  existing 
catacombs  belong  to  the  age  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  but  the  matter  has  been  very  care- 
fully and  dispassionately  examined  by  De 
Rossi,  R.  S.  i.  p.  184  seq.,  and  the  evidence  he 
collects  from  the  existing  remains  in  support  of 
the  traditional  view  is  of  a  nature  to  conriace  ns 
that  some  of  them  were  couAtructed  at  least  in  a 
very  early  period.     This  evidence  is  presented  br 


CATACOMBS 

]«iBtiig9  in  a  pure  classical  style,  with  a  yeiy 
nrt  admixture  of  distinctly  Christian  symbob; 
decmtioDs  in  fine  stucco,  displaying  a  chaste 
trehitectujral  spirit ;  crypts  of  considerable  size, 
net  bewn  out  of  the  liVing  tufa^  but  carefully, 
sad  eTen  elegantly,  built  with  pilasters  and 
cvreioes  of  bride  and  terra-cotta ;  wide  corridors 
vitb  painted  walls,  and  recesses  for  sarcophagi, 
isitead  of  the  narrow  ambulacra  with  their 
vftlis  thickly  pierced  with  shelf-like  funeral 
reretfcs ;  whole  &milies  of  inscriptions  to  persons 
bnriag  rtaiwiral  names,  and  without  any  dis- 
tiActirely  Christian  expressions;  and  lastly, 
though  rarely,  consular  dates  of  the  second,  and 
«K  or  more  eren  of  the  first  century.  The  cata- 
combs that  present  these  distinctire  marks  of 
Ttry  early  date  are  those  of  Priacilla  on  the  Via 
SaUria  NoTa,  that  of  HomitiUa  on  the  Via  Arden- 
tiis,  of  Priietextatus  on  the  Tia  Appia,  and  a 
partion  of  that  of  St.  Agnes,  identified  with  the 
flSBetery  of  Ostrianus  or  Fona  Petri. 

The  eridence  of  early  date  furnished  by  in- 
Kriptioiis  is  but  scanty.  It  must,  however,  be 
horae  in  mind  that  only  a  very  email  proportion 
hire  the  date  of  the  year,  as  given  by  the 
consols,  upon  them.  The  chief  object  was  to  fix 
the  annirenary  of  the  death,  and  for  this  the  day 
•f  the  month  was  sufficient.  The  most  ancient 
dated  Christian  inscription  is  of  the  third  year 
of  Vespasian,  a.d.  72,  but  its  original  locality  is 
nknown  (Northcote,  B,  3.  p.  65).  Rdstell 
(fans  Bc9chre%hung,  L  371),  quotes  from  Bol- 
dfttt,  p.  83,  one  of  the  consulate  of  Anicius  and 
Tirios  Gallna,  A.D.  98,  from  the  catacomb  of 
ffippolytus;  but  it  begins  with  the  letters 
D.M^  and  contains  no  distinctly  Christian  ex- 
prasions.  One  of  the  consulate  of  Sura  and. 
Senedo,  A.D.  107,  and  another  of  that  of  Piso 
■ad  Bolanus,  A.D.  110,  were  seen  by  Boldetti  in 
tU  catacomb  beneath  the  basilica  of  St.  Paul 
(Boldetti,  pp.  78,  79).  The  same  explorer  found 
boe  also  an  inscription,  which  the  name  of 
Giilicanus  fixes  either  to  A.D.  127  or  A.D.  150. 

The  beginning  of  the  third  century  finds  the 

Christtaas  of  Rome  in  possession  of  a  cemetery 

oommon  to  them  as  a  body,  and  doubtless  secured 

to  them  by  legal  tenure,  and  under  the  protection 

of  the  authorities  of  the  city.     We  learn  this 

instnictiTe   fact   from    the  Phiiosophumena   of 

Hippolytus  (ix.  11),  where  we  read  that  Pope 

Zephyrinus   ''set  Callistus  over  the  cemetery," 

nrUrnrw   M  rh  KoifitiHipioy.    As  we  have 

Men  reason  to  beliere  that  at  this  period  several 

Oiristiaa  cemeteries  were  already  in  existence, 

tiiere  must  have  been  something  distinctive  about 

this  OM  to  induce  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  intrust 

iu  care  to  one  of  his  chief  clergy,  who  in  a  few 

yews  ftucceeded  him  in  his  Episcopate.     We  can 

Wre  little  hesitation  in  accepting  De  Rossi's 

eondosion  (^Par  the  grounds  of  which  the  reader 

■ut  be  referred  to  his  great  work  Soma  Setter' 

riMa,or  to  Dr.  Northcote's  excellent  abridgement 

•f  it  under  the  same  title)  that  this  was  the 

icmctery  which  we  read  in  Anastasius,  §  17, 

CkUixtos  **  made  on  the  Appian  Way,  where  the 

bodies  of  many  priests  and  martyrs  repose,  and 

^ich  is  called  efven  to  the  present  day  coeme- 

tcrium  Gallixti."     In  a  crypt  of  this  cemetery 

Zephyrinus  himself  was  buried,  in  violation  of 

the  rule  which   had  prevailed  almmt  without 

eiceptioB  up  to  that  period,  that  the  bishops 

«f  Rome  should  be  laid  where  St.  Peter  was 


CATAOOMBB 


303 


believed  to  repose,  in  the  crypt  of  the  Vatican. 
Of  the  fifteen  bishops  who  are  reported  to  have 
preceded  Zephyrinus,  all  but  Clemens,  who  is 
recorded  to  have  been  buried  in  Greece,  and 
Alexander,  whose  sepulchre  was  made  near  the 
scene  of  his  martyrdom,  on  the  Via  Nomentanoy 
according  to  the  oldest  and  most  tnistworthy 
recensions  of  the  Xt&tfr  PontifioaliSy  were  sup- 
posed to  sleep  in  the  Vaticsn  cemetery.      Of 
the  eighteen  who  intervened  between  him  and 
Sylvester,  no  fewer  than  thirteen  repose  in  the 
cemetery  of  Callistus.     Slabs  bearing  the  names 
of  Anteros,  a.d.  236,  Fabianus,  A.D.  251,  (the 
first  bishop  of  whose  martyrdom   there  is  no 
questionX  Lucius,  a.d.  253,   and  Eutychianus, 
A.D.  275,  in  Greek  characters,  the  official  lan- 
guage of  the  Church,  with  the  words  Episcopus^ 
and,  in  the  case  of  Fabianus,  martyr^  added, 
have  been  discovered  by  Cav.  de  Roesi  in  this 
crypt.     An  adjoining  vault  has  revealed  the 
epitaph  of  £usebius,  A.D.  311,  set  up  by  Dama- 
sus,  and  engraved  by  his  artist  Furius  Dionysius 
Philocalus,  whose  name  it  bears.  In  another  crypt 
in  the  same  cemetery  De  Rossi's  labours  have 
been  rewarded  by  the  figments  of  an  epitaph 
which  is  reasonably  identified  with  that  of  Cor- 
nelius, A.D.  252,  whose  portrait,  together  with 
that    of   his  contemporary  and  correspondent 
Cyprian,    is    painted    on    its    wall.      Callistus 
himself  does  not  lie  in  the  catacomb  that  bears 
his  name.  He  met  his  end  by  being  hurled  from 
a  window  into  a  well  in  the  Trastevere,  and  his 
corpse  was  hastily  removed  to  the  nearest  cem- 
etery, that  of  (>ilepodius,  on  the  Via  Aurelia. 
It  cannot  be  reasonably  questioned  that  a  ceme- 
tery which  was  the  recognised  burial-place  of 
the  bishops  of  the  city  had   a  public,  official 
character  distinct  firom  the  private   cemeteries 
with  which  the  walls  of  Rome  were  surrounded. 
lo  the  period    of   peaceful    occupation  and 
undisturbed    use    of    the    cemeteries    by    the 
Christian  population  of  Rome  succeeded  that  of 
persecution.     We  cannot  place  this  earlier  than 
the  middle  of  the  third  century.    There  might 
be    occasional    outbreaks    of   popular   violence 
directed  against  the  Christians,  and  isolated  acts 
of  cruelty  and  severity  towards  the  professors  of 
an  unpopular  religion.      We    know  from    the 
famous  correspondence  between  Pliny  and  Mar- 
cus Aurekus,  that  even  under  the  merciful  survey 
of  so  wise  and  benevolent  a  ruler,  the  position  of 
a  Christian  was  far  from  one  of  security.     Ot 
this  we  have  a  proof,  if  it  be  really  authentic,  in 
the  touching  record  of  a  martyrdom  within  the 
precincts  of  the  catacombs,  given  by  the  cele- 
brated epitaph  of  Alexander  from  the  cemetery 
of  Callistus  (Boeio  lib.  iii.  c.  23,  p.  216). 

"Alexander  mortuus  non  est  sed  vivit  super 
astra  et  corpus  in  hoc  tnmulo  quiescit.  Vitam 
explevit  cum  Antonino  Imp.  qui  ubi  multum 
benefitii  antevenire  previderet  pro  gratia  odium 
reddidit.  Genua  enim  flectens  vero  Deo  sacri- 
ficaturus  ad  supplicia  ducitur.  O  tempera  in- 
fiiusta  quibus  inter  sacra  et  vota  ne  in  cavernis 
quidem  salvari  possimus.  Quid  miserius  vita, 
sed  quid  miserius  in  morte  cum  ab  amicis  et 
parentibus  sepeliri  nequeant.  Tandem  in  caelo 
coruscat.     Parum  vixit  qui  vixit  iv.  x.  Tem." 

Another  of  almost  equal  interest,  from  the 

same  cemetery,  is  also  found  in  Boeio,  p.  217, 

referring  to  a  martyrdom  in  the  days  of  Hadrian. 

"Tempore  Adriani  Imperatoris  Marina  ado- 


304 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


lescenfl  Daz  militnm  qui  satis  vixit  dam  ritam 
pro  CHO  oonsamsit.     In  pace  tandem  qnievit. 
Benemerentes  cum  lacrimis  et  metn  posnenint." 
There  was    no    general  persecation    of   the 
Christians  in  Rome  from  the  reign  of  Nero, 
A.D.   65,    to    that    of   Decios,    a.d.    249-251. 
**  During  that    period,"  writes    Dean  Mihnan 
{History  of  Christianity,  bk.  iv.  c.  ii.  p.  329,  note 
2),  *^  the  Christians  were  in  general  as  free  and 
secure  as  the  other  inhabitants  of  Rome.    Their 
assemblies  were  no  more  disturbed  than  the 
synagogues  of  the  Jews,   or  the  rites  of  other 
foreign  religions.     From  this  first  terrible  but 
brief  onslaught  under  Decius,  to  the  general  and 
more  merciless  persecution  under  Diocletian  and 
Galerius,   a.d.  803,   there    is   no  trustworthj 
record  of  anj  Roman  persecution."    These  epochs 
of  persecution  left  their  marks  on  the  construc- 
tion   of   the    catacombs.      The  martyrdom  of 
Xystus  II.   in  the   cemetery    of   Praetextatus, 
▲•D.  257  (**  Xystum  in  dmiterio  animadversum 
sciatis  .  .  .  et  cum  eo  diaconos  quatuor,"  Cy- 
prian, Ep,  80),  and  the  walling  up  alive  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  faithful,  men,  women, 
and  children,  near  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs 
Chrysanthus  and  Daria,  in  a  catacomb  on  the 
Via  Salaria,  recorded  by  St.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
De  Oloria  Martyr,  i.  c.  28 ;  and  other  traditions 
of  the  same  period,  even  though  we  are  com- 
pelled to  hesitate  as  to  some  of  them,  testify  to 
the  danger  that  attended  the  meetings  of  the 
faithful    in  the  cemeteries,  and  the  necessity 
which  had  arisen  for  secrecy  and  concealment  if 
they  would  preserve  the   inviolability  of  their 
graves,  and  continue  their  visits   undisturbed. 
To  these  fierce  times  of  trial  we  may  safely 
assign  the  alterations  which  we  find  made  in  the 
entrances  of  and  staircases  leading  down  to  the 
catacombs,  and  the    construction  of  concealed 
ways  of  ingress  and  egress  through  the  arenarias 
which  lay  adjacent  to  them.     We  may  instance 
the  blocking  up  and  partial  destruction  of  two 
chief  staircases  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus,  and 
the  formation  of  secret  passages  into  the  armux- 
ria.    One  of  these  is  approached  by  a  staircase 
that  stops  suddenly  short  some  distance  from  the 
floor   of  the  gallery,   and   was    thus    rendered 
utterly  useless  to  any  who  could  not  command  a 
ladder,  or  some  other  means  ot  connecting  the 
lowest  step  with  the  arenaria  (Northcote,  R.  S, 
pp.  331, 347 ;  De  Rossi,  R,  S.  ii.  47-49).  It  happens 
not  unfrequently  that  galleries  are  found  com- 
pletely filled  up  with  earth  from  the  floor  to  the 
vault.    It   has   been  considered   by  many  that 
this  was  the  work  of  the  Christians  themselves, 
with   the  view  of  preserving  their  sepulchres 
inviolate  by  rendering  the  galleries  inaccessible 
to  friend  or  foe.     This  view,  first  propounded  by 
Buonarruoti,   Osserv.  p.  xii.,  is  strongly  main- 
tained by  De  Rossi,  R,  S.  ii.  52-58,  who  assigns 
this  earthing-up  of  the  tombs  to  the  persecution 
of  Diocletian,  a.d.  302.     But  the  opinion  main- 
tained by  other  equally  competent  authorities  is 
more  probable,  that  this  proceeding  was  simply 
dictated  by  convenience,  as  a  means  for  disposing 
more  easily  of  the  earth  excavated  from  newly- 
formed   galleries.     It   must  always    have  been 
a  tedious  and  laborious  operation  to  convey  the 
freshly-dug  earth   from   the  catacomb    to  the 
surface,  through  the  long  tortuous  passages,  and 
by  the  air-tunnels.     The  galleries  already  piled 
with  tombs,  and  therefore  useless  for  future 


]  interments,  o0^red  a  ready  reception  lor  the 
material,  and  in  these  it  was  deposited.  Thk  k 
the  view  of  Harchi,  p.  94,  and  Raonl*Roefaett«, 
Tableau  des  Catac,  p.  35,  and  even  of  Bc^etti, 
pp.  607 ;  although  the  last-named  attfJior  is 
unable  altogether  to  reject  Buonarmoti's  ides 
that  the  galleries  were  thus  filled  up  to  save 
the  hallowed  remains  they  contained  from  tiie 
sacrilegious  hands  of  the  heathen. 

The  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  which  «v 
the  establishment  of  Christianity  as  the  religion 
of  the  Roman  states,  was  the  oommeneemeBt  of 
a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  catacombs.  Sub- 
terranean interment  gradually  fell  into  disoie, 
and  had  almost  entirely  ceased  by  the  dose  of 
that  century.  The  undeniable  evidence  of  the 
inscriptions  with  consular  dates  as  given  by 
De  Rossi,  Inscr.  Christ,  i.  p.  117,  &c,  shews  that 
between  a.d.  338  and  a.d.  360  two  out  of  three 
burials  took  place  in  the  subterranean  portioos 
of  the  cemeteries.  Between  a.d.  364  and  aj>. 
369  the  proportions  are  nearly  equal,  and  a 
new  era  in  the  history  of  the  cemeteries  begaa 
— the  era  of  religious  interest.  The  zeal  dis- 
played by  Pope  Damasus  A.D.  366-384  in  re- 
pairing and  decorating  the  catacombs ;  erecting 
new  staircases  for  the  convenience  of  pilgrims, 
searching  for  the  placea  of  the  martyrs'  interment, 
and  adorning  them  with  exquisitely  engimved 
epitaphs  in  large  fiiultlees  characters,  the  work 
of  an  artist  named  Furius  Dionysius  Philocalns, 
caused  a  short  sudden  outburst  of  desire  to  be 
buried  near  the  hallowed  remains,  resultiBg 
in  wholesale  destruction  of  many  hundreds  i^ 
early  paintings  with  which  the  walls  ti  tko 
cu6icttfo  and  arcoaoUa  were  covered.  But  tbe 
flame  soon  died  out.  Between  A.D.  373  aad 
A.D.  400  the  subterranean  interments  were  only 
one  in  three,  and  after  A.D.  410,  the  fiital  year 
of  the  taking  of  Rome  by  Alaric,  scarcely  a 
single  certain  example  is  found.  But  althovigii 
the  fashion  of  interment  came  to  an  end,  tbo 
reputed  sanctity  of  those  whose  remains  were 
enshrined  in  them  caused  them  to  be  the  object 
of  wide-spread  interest.  Pilgrims  flo<^ed  ts 
visit  the  places  hallowed  by  the  memories  ot 
so  many  confessors  and  martyrs,  for  whoso 
guidance  catalogues  of  the  chief  cemeteries  sad 
of  the  saints  buried  in  them  were  from  time  to 
time  drawn  up,  which  have  proved  of  consider- 
able service  in  their  identification.  Even  hermits 
came  from  a  distance  and  fixed  their  cells  in  their 
immediate  neighbourhood. 

It  appears  evident  from  Jerome's  well-knovB 
description  of  his  visits  to  the  catacombs  when  a 
schoolboy,  circa  a.ik  354,  Hieron.  in  Eeeck.  c.  xL 
that  even  in  the  latter  half  of  the  fburth  cen- 
tury interment  was  rare  in  them.  He  speab 
of  visiting  'Hhe  tombs  of  the  apostles  and 
martyrs,"  and  describes  the  walls  of  the  ciypU 
** lined  with  the  bodies  of  the  dead;"  but  hit 
language  is  that  of  one  describing  a  cemetery 
long  since  disused,  not  one  in  daily  activity.  So 
also,  Praef,  ad  Lib,  ii.  in  Galat^  **  Ubi  aUbi  tantc 
studio  et  frequentia  ad  martyrum  sepnlchrs 
curritur?"  The  words  of  the  poet  Prudeatiu, 
written  about  the  same  time,  describing  the 
tomb  of  Hippolytus,  lead  to  the  same  condosifflB' 
His  lengthened  and  minutely  detailed  descriptioB 
does  not  contain  a  word  that  indicates  that  the 
cemetery  which  contained  this  sacred  shrine  wn 
need  for  actual  interment. 


CATACOMBS 

Amidrt  all  the  ileTustation  committed  by  the 
terbtmn  omqneron  both  in  the  first  and  aeoond 
Mck  of  Rome,  A.D.  410,  457,  we  hare  no  record 
yf  damage  inflicted  on  the  cemeteries.     It  may 
be  simply  lack  of  evidence.     We  cannot  deem  it 
Ukdy  that  any  feeling  of  reverence  would  have 
led  tiie  Goths  to  refrain  from  the  rich  plunder 
the  piety  of  devotees  had  stored  up  in  the  burial 
rhspels.  Pmdentias  informs  us  that  the  aedicula 
vhich  enshrined  the  relics  of  St.  Hippolytus  was 
bri^t  with  solid  silver,  and  other  catacombs  were 
oolaicly  as  sumptaoosly  decorated.  But  whether 
the  cstaoombs  were  devastated  by  Alaric's  hordes 
or  BO,  it  is  certain  that  after  a.d.  410  **  the  use 
ef  the    subterranean    cemeteries    as   places  of 
korial  was  never  resumed,  and  that  imtcriptions 
lad  aotices  that  seem  to  refer  to  them  will  be 
fi>ttad  on  closer  examination  to  relate  to  basilicas 
ud  cemeteries  above  ground.     The  fossors*  occu- 
pstion  was  gone,  and  after  A.D.  426  their  name 
ceases  to  be  mentioned.     The  liturgical  books  of 
the  fiAh  century  refer  constantly,  in  the  prayers 
ftr  the  dead  and  the  benediction  of  graves,  to 
bvials  in  and  around  the  basilicas,  never  to  the 
nfatenanean  cemeteries,"  (Northcote  £,  S.  p. 
1<M).    But  though  disused  as  places  of  sepulture 
the  catac(»nfas  continued  to  be  visited  by  pilgrims, 
sad  were  regarded  with  special  devotion  by  the 
pofies,  who  £rom  time  to  time  repaired  and  beau- 
titied  them  (e.  g,   Symmachns,   a.d.  498-514 ; 
Aaast.  §  81).    The  fetal  zeal  displayed  by  succes- 
iive  poatifls  in  the  restoration  and  decoration  of 
these  (XHisecrated  shrines  is  the  cause  of  much  per- 
plexity to  the  investigator  who  desires  to  dis- 
eorer   their  original   form    and  arrangements. 
Kotiiing  but  long  experience  and  an  intimate  ac- 
quaintance with  the  character  of  the  construction 
Md  ornamentation  of  different  periods  can  enable 
V  to  distinguish    with  any  accuracy  between 
•h^  genuine  structure  of  the  catacombs  and  the 
psiatmgs    with    which    they    were    originally 
■domed,  and  the  work  of  later  times.     Many  of 
the  oooclttsions  drawn  by  Roman  Catholic  writers 

[.(rom  the  paintings  and  ritual  arrangements  of 
the  catacombs  as  we  now  find  them,  and  the 
eHlence  supposed  to  be  furnished  by  them  as  to 
the  primitive  character  of  their  dogmas  and  tra- 

c.ditions,  prove  little  worth  when  a  more  search- 
iag  investigation  shows  their  comparatively 
Roeit  date.  An  analogous  exaggeration  has 
■idely  prevailed  with  regard  to  the  custom  of 
resorting  to  these  gloomy  vaults  as  places  of 
(mcealment  in  times  of  persecution.  We  can- 
■Qt  ^Ir  doubt  tliat  they  occasionally  served  as 
places  of  refuge,  though  it  is  not  always  ea&y  to 
^ptemiae  whether  the  language  used  refers  to 
the  snhterranean  part  of  the  cemetery,  or  to  the 
Kdhe,  the  basilicas,  and  other  buildings  which 
had  gradoally  risen  in  the  area  that  lay  above 
then ;  but  that  which  was  at  most  exceptional 
has  been  spoken  of  almost  as  if  it  were  the  rule. 
We  have  direct  evidence  that  the  ravages  of  the 
Gotbs  under  Vitiges,  when  they  sacked  Rome,  A.D, 

'  iS37,  extended  to  the  catacombs,  *'  Ecclesiae  et  cor- 
|Qi-a  laactorum  martyrum  exterminatae  sunt  a 
^hthh"  (Anast.  §  99>  On  their  retirement  the 
havoc  they  had  committed  was  repaired  by  Pope 
Vigilinsy  who  replace  the  broken  and  mutilated 
epitaphs  of  Pope  Damasus  by  copies,  not  always 
'▼cry  correct.  These  good  deeds  stand  recorded  in 
sa  httcription  of  this  pope  now  in  the  Gallery  of 
the  Vatican  :— 
CBBin.  ANT. 


CATACOMBS 


SOiS 


'*  Dum  port  tura  Getae  posuissent  cutra  sub  orbem 

Movprunt  Sanctis  bella  nefiuida  prius, 
Totaqtie  sacrilego  verterunt  airde  sepolchra 

JtfartyribuB  quundam  rite  sacrata  plia 
Qans  monstrante  Deo  Damasus  slbi  Papa  probakoe 

AflBxo  monuit  carmine  Jure  ooll ; 
Sed  periit  titulns  conftacto  mannore  sanctos 

Nee  tamen  his  itemm  posse  latere  fnli. 
Diruta  Vigiliiis  nam  poethaec  Papa  gemiaoebs 

Hostlbns  expnUds  omne  novavit  opua" 

The  reverence  for  the  catacombs  was  now 
gradually  dying  out.  One  pope  after  another 
attempted  to  revive  it  by  their  decrees,  but 
without  any  permanent  effect.  John  III.,  circa 
A.D.  568,  restoi-ed  the  cemeteries  of  the  holy 
martyrs,  "and  ordered  that  oblations"  (the 
Eucharistic  elements),  "  cruets,  and  lights  [*  ob- 
lationes,  ampullae  *  (var.  lect.  *  amulae '),  vel*  lu- 
minaria  *],  should  be  supplied  from  the  Laterau 
every  Sunday"  (Anast.  §  110).  It  is  also  re- 
corded in  commendation  of  Sergius  I.,  a.o.  687  - 
701,  that  when  he  was  a  presbyter  it  was  his 
wont  to  **  celebrate  mass  diligently  through  the 
different  cemeteries"  (Anast.  §  158).  In  the 
next  century,  circa  735,  Gregory  III.,  a  zealous 
builder  and  repairer  of  churches,  arranged  a 
body  of  priests  to  celebrate  mass,  and  provided 
that  lights  and  oblations  should  be  furnished  from 
the  palace  for  all  the  cemeteries  round  Rome 
(Anast.  §  204).  In  neither  of  these  cases,  how- 
ever, can  we  affirm  that  the  reference  is  chiefly 
to  underground  cemeteries  or  catacombs. 

We  have  now  reached  the  period  of  the  reli- 
gious spoliation  of  the  catacombs,  from  which 
they  have  suffered  more  irreparably  than  from 
any    violence    offered    by    sacrilegious    hands. 
The  injuries  commenced  by  the  Goths  had  been 
repeated    by    the   Lombards    under  Astolphus, 
A.D.  956.      But  these  invaders  did  little  moi'e 
than  complete  the  devastation  which  was  being 
already  caused   by   the    carelessness    of    those 
by  whom   these  cemeteries  should   have  been 
religiously  tended.    The  slothfulness  and  neglect 
manifested  towards  these   hallowed   places  are 
feelingly  deplored  by  Paul  I.  in  a  Constitution 
dated  June  2,  a.d.  761.     Not  only  were  sheep 
and  oxen  allowed  to  have  access  to  them,  but 
folds  had  been  set  up  in  them  and  they  had 
been  defiled  with  all    manner  of   corruption. 
The  holy  father   therefore  resolved  to  trans- 
late  the   bodies    of  the   saints   and    enshrine 
them  in  a  church  he  had  built  on  the  site  of  his 
paternal  mansion  (Anast.  §  259,  260).     Paul's 
immediate  successors  reversed  his  policy,  and 
used  all  their  endeavours  to  restore  the  lost 
glories  of  the  catacombs.     But  it  was  too  late, 
the  spirit  of  the  age  had  changed.    As  the  only 
means  of  securing  the  sacred  relics  from  dese- 
cration,  Paschal,  a.d.   817-827,  was  forced  to 
follow  the  example  set  by  Paul,  July  20,  a.d. 
817.    He  translated  to  the  church  of  St.  Pras- 
sede,  as  recorded  in  an  inscription  still  to  be 
read  there,  no  less  than  2300  bodies.    The  work 
was  continued  by  succeeding  popes,  and  many 
cartloads  of  relics  are  recorded  to  have  been 
transferred  at  this  period  from  the  catacombs  to 
the  Pantheon.     The  sacred  treasures  which  had 
given  the  catacombs  their  value  in  the  eyes  of 
the  devout  having  been  removed,  all  interest  in 
them  ceased.     Henceforward  all  inducement  to 
visit  them  was  lost,  and  with  some  insignificant 
exceptions  the  catacombs  lapsed  into  complete 

X 


306 


CATACOMBS 


oblivion,  in  vhieh  thej  remiiiDed  wrapped  for 
more  than  >ii  centariet.  It  nu  cot  till  Haj 
31,  1S7S,  that  their  fortuitous  discOTery  re- 
TeaUd  to  the  astonished  iahabitants  of  Rome 
the  hiddcD  tnasurei  that  lay  be  Death  their  feat, 
and  awalce  la  iLtereit  which,  though  aometiinea 
flagging  and  not  alwaji  intelli (gently  eiecciiwd, 
has  never  >ince  expired,  and  which  the  combined 

Seoiua,  learning,  and  induttr;  of  Harchi,  asd 
is  pupils,  the  biDthera  De  Boaii,  together  with 
the  remarkable  discoTeries  which  have  rewarded 
their  reaearches,  and  the  skill  with  which  thev 
hare  known  how  to  intei^ret  and  employ  the 
resulta  of  their  ioTestigAtions,  hnve  of  late  raised 
to  a  pitch  that  hns  never  befare  been  equalled. 

It  ia  not  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to 
record  the  names  and  trace  the  labonn  of  the 

tbia  field  of  Tesenrch.  This  will  be  found  in  the 
chronological  sketch  preRied  to  Raoul-Rochetle's 
eicellent  and  unprejudiced  little  work,  '^J'a^- 
hau  del  Catacomlxs  de  Rome,"  Paris,  1853,  as 
well  aa  in  the  opening  pages  of  the  Soma 
SalUrranea  of  lie  Rossi,  and  the  English  abridge- 
nient  by  Dr.  Northcote  and  the  Rev.  W.  K 
BrownlDW,  London,  1869. 

Description. — The  catacomba  of  Rome,  to 
which  as  the  most  Interesting  and  mut  thoroughly 
iuvestigated  of  the  subterranean  cemeteries  our 

E resent  remarks  will  be  confined,  consist  of  a  vast 
ihyrlnth  of  narrow  subterranean  passages  or 
galleries  eica rated  iu  the  strata  of  volcanic  earth 
that  underlie  the  city  and  iti  neigh bonrhood, 
far  the  purpose  of  the  Interment  of  the  dead. 
These  galleries  are  eicavnted  at  different  level), 
formiDg  various  stories  or  f^nni,  one  beneath  the 
other,  communicating  by  narrow  flights  of  steep 
■tairs  cut  in  the  native  rock,  as  well  as  by  shafta 
and  well*  sunk  for  the  purpose  of  nflbrding  light 
and  nir.     These  stonei  of  galleries  lie  one  below 


iixiin*' 


of  the  piano  to  which  they  belong,  so  thi 
TCTv  rare  to  meet  with  galleries,  gradus 
acending  by  an  inclined  plane  to  4  lower 
The  only  coram un .cation,  as  a  rule,  belwi 
■(oricBtabyflightsofiteps.  Thelowestani 


the  latest;  the  additional  labour  of  remorlnj  Iht 
earth  from  the  greater  depth  not  being  under- 
taken until  the  want  of  burial  space  in  Ui»  •loiy 
above  forced  It  upon  its  posseasors.  lnsliD«i 
occur  where  a  stratum  of  considerable  Ihickiia 
having   been  left  by   the   original  cowtmcten 

diate  story  (a  meiMBiM  or  mfreioO,  h«  bng 
eicavflted  in  later  timee.  These  eorridoi*,  or 
ambalacm,  follow  no  definite  system.  They  mors 
usually  than  not  run  in  straight  line*,  foniiiif 
an  intricate  network  continually  ernstiij  ind 
recToasing  one  another  at  diflerent  angles,  ud 
aa  no  law  of  parallelism  Is  adopted  in  laying  oat 
the  plan,  it  is  not  easy  to  reduce  them  to  ur 
eyetem.  These  galleries  are  not  met^ly  pasDiei 
of  access  to  the  cemetery,  bnt  themKlvei  cod- 


tituls  the  cemetery.  They  do  not  conduct  U 
he  places  of  interment,  but  the  dead  are  iutemd 
n  them.     The  walls  are   vertical,  and   (is  rt- 

ach  side  with  long  low  horiiontal  recesses,  com- 
mencing a  few  inches  above  the  level  of  theSwr. 
tier  above  tier,  like  the  berths  insship'i 
he  number  of  live,  ail.  and  Kmetima 
re  ranges.  They  are  divided  from  oh 
r  an  intervening  shelf  of  tub  is  lliii 
rapatible  with  security.  The  len^lbrf 
these  niches  is  almost  invariably  In  the  directiio 
of  the  gallery.  This  form  was  much  eaiier  to 
and  ennbled  the  corpse  to  be  liid  in  t" 
'  greater  facility  a   '  "'^  " 


1  the 


o  the  m 


rightangles  to  thesxisof  the  corridor.  Ecmpln 
of  this  latter  form  do  eiist  in  the  Romas  ols- 
uoDibs,  but  very  rarely.  Padre  UarchU  JTom- 
meati  delh  AHi  Chrilt.  Prim.  pp.  J 10,  325,  tsv. 
liv.,  iliii.,  iliv.,  girei  a  description  and  en^- 
viugs  of  20  speciiQens  discovered  br  him  is  Ibt 
cemetery  of  St.  Cyrlaoa  (see  ground 'plan).  The 
tame  mode  of  construction  appears  in  t  he  fieathea 
catacombs  in  ^ypt,  aud  those  of  the  Santceos  it 
rnnrmina,  engraved  by  D'Agincourl,  pi.  ii.  Tie 
name  given  in  modern  times  to  these  sepolclinl 
cavities  is  loculas.  The  original  term,  apparroi 
tboDsandi  and  Ihonsandi  of  times  in  the  insciip- 


CATACOUBS 

tbH  af  tb«  {atMomlK.  wiu  Aww.  The  «oid 
k'vAu,  propwlj  tiEDilied  *  bier  or  t  coffin, 
'  ODJB  (Agip«U)  csrpu  Id  localo  plmnbto  tniw- 
Umn  Ml  (Constutioopoli)  osqne  in  builicam  B. 
ntri  ■poiuli''   (*-"■—   Iji.  j  95;  cf.  Ibid. 


CATACOMBS 


307 


liiii.  IIOX    uxi    i>    iucomctl;  applied   to  t 
fnn.     lu  mc  in  this  MDM  wu  introduced 
Laii  ia  tlM  earlj  [nrt  of  the  ISth  ceotnrj. 
nils  "AkoAbi  appcllo  tieuTitum  in  coen 
tirii  |i«rittlbiu  fgnotmn  parrun  iid  uanm  >] 
nmn  taianr  «xdpi«nduni "  (Lnpi,  Duatri.  ad 
Sn.UTtyr.  EpOapA.  IT34,  p.  2,  oota  3).     Ench 
nan  mullf  coDtAianl    a  liagla    bod^.      Bat 
Bilun*  an  bf  no   mearu  rare   when  hy  lu- 
cn&iag  Lta  depth   it  naa  madn  capible  of  re- 
iflTiai;  two,  three,  or  foar  corpHs.    Sttch  recesses 
wtn  deaignated  bitomi,  triaoini,  quadruftrni^  etc, 
•mrdiBg  to  Ihe  namber  of  bodies  for  whleh  thef 
win  datineid.     Eiamplea  of  tha  uae  of  all  these 
t«nm  appear  in   the  epitaphs.      Biaomi :    fi 
UU  of  St.  Callutoa,  "Donata  k  rir.  emit 
K  VaicDtiac   la<nini    huomitni."     (Botdetti, 
9S.)    "  Ser^iu  et  Juniiu  Foasoret  B.  N.  M.  in 
pwtnoin.''    (Botdetti,  p.  65.)   "  Hoctavie  coivgl 
•new  biumT.  marital  fecit"  (Bwio,  p.  5d7: 
THmrni:    ■■  Seberni,    Leontiiu   Bidorinus.    TrI 
■Man  "  (Boaio,  p.  2ie>     "  Se  biba  (viva)  emet 

(DkX  QtadritoTni:  "Cooiniata  KicomBci  FJsbiani 
keu  Msnnonri  qoadrisomnm "  (Maitlsnd, 
»;  «e  Harchi,  pp.  113-117.)  The  (oculi  wc 
la  later  time*  purchaied  af  the  leitoaa,  fonor 
ud  at  Knne  of  the  imcriptions  alreadj  giv 
dam.  Dot  nnfnqnentl;  in  a  pWMin't  lifttime. 
AaUkereiampleii  the  fotlowing nof raramatical 
ffilapli  frtrm  Boelo,  lib.  Hi.  c.  41.  "  LocDi  Bene- 
aiti  I  et  Oandiosae  comparet  ||  w  riri  campora- 
nrint  |  ab  AnaMasio  et  Antlocho  FS.  (fruo- 
rlhu),''  An  ioKription  from  theMoMum  of  the 
Ciplol  given  b;  Bnrgoo,  Leileri  from  Some, 
f.  IS1,  B4.  25,  acquaints  □■  with  the  price  paid, 
1»0  fidlec  (tbe  rallla  i*  said  at  that  time  to 
kiTf  bean  equivalent  ta  an  oluhu),  aod  that  the 
UrgaJD  «M  itracli  in  the  preseDce  of  Sevemii 
•ail  Lanrnic*  bii  brother  teiton.  "Emit  locnm 
■)>  Ar|ta«oiisiiitn  vitomniB  ||  hoc  e«t  et  prae- 
tiOB  I  datum  Foseor  Pbila|ro  yd  nt  Fol.  N.  tx 
S.  PraeiienUa  Severi  Fosi.  et  Unrent."  Some- 
tiDea  loenS  were  eicavated  b;  the  heirs  of  the 
dmvt  with  whom  the  bai^in  wu  made, 
•orii  diacendentibu*"  (De  Roasi,  S.  S.  i.  215). 
The  hcmli  are  found  of  all  aiiea,  from  thoee  suit 
■Ut  fer  an  in&st  of  a  few  daji  old  which  occu 
loae  adapted  to  the  body  of 


full  grown  man.  In  the  more  ancient  gallerie* 
aperturei  of  Tariooi  dimenaionii  ocnur  confiuedlj, 
having  been  formed  aa  occasion  required.  Tha 
earlv  hcaii  are  alio  of  much  larger  dimenaloni 
tnaa  was  aeedlHil  for  the  reception  of  the  bodjr, 
and  neither  In  the  rorm  of  tbe  nichea  themselves 
nor  in  their  arrangement  does  the  Idea  of  eco- 
nom  J  of  space  shew  itself.  But  experience  taaght 
the  eicttvatora  how  to  make  the  most  of  the  spaea 
at  command,  and  Marchi,  pp.  112,  113,  tar.  it., 
produces  an  example  from  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Cjriaca,  where  the  loouli  are  arranged  in  gTonpi 
according  to  their  dimensions,  eTerf  square  inch 
of  rock  being  utilised  as  far  aa  waa  consistent 
with  stability.  In  some  cases  tlia  back  well  of 
the  hmlta  instead  of  being  parallel  to  the  tioea 
of  the  opening  is  set  at  an  angle,  Ibrming  a 
trapeioidnl  recess  in  which  bodies  of  different 
stature  might  lie  side  by  aide  (see  annexed 
groand  plan  and  section)  (Unrcht,  tav.,  xr. 
iviii.).  In  later  times  space  was  also  economised 
bj  nuking  the  recess  wide  at  tha  head  and 
narrow  at  the  feet.  Examples  are  not  wanting 
of  graves  being  dug  like  those  of  onr  own  daj  in 
the  floor  of  the  corridors.  Msrchi  ^ives  luatnucca 
from  the  catacombs  of  Csiepodiua  and  Callistiia, 
tav.  iii.  iivi.  etc.  But  thej  an  very  uu- 
ftwjnont.  The  tocu/i,  after  the  introduction  of 
the  body  were  closed  with  great  care,  either  wltb 
slabs  of  marble  (fobuAu)  or   with   large  tile^ 


usnally  three,  rery  eiactly  cemented  (ogetlier, 
and  luted  rouod  with  lime  to  prevent  the  escn)« 
of  the  gases  of  the  putrefying  bodies.  The  liles 
cloeing  the  early  loculi  in  the  cemetery  of  Donii- 
tilla  are  of  vnat  sire.  (De  Kossi,  Dulhll.  de  Anl. 
Oirist.  Magg.,  1865.)  On  the  slabs  of  Ihe 
eariier  loculi,  ).g.  in  the  cemeteries  of  Priscills 
and  Domitilla,  the  name  is  only  painted  in 
red  end  blnck  pigment,  not  rut  or  scratched 
(Fsbretti  Inte.  Dom.  riii.  p.  579  ;  Arloghi,  S.  S. 
iv.  37,  p.  126;  Boldettl,  lib.  ii.  c  I).  The 
atriklng  fact  that.  In  the  words  of  Dean  Hllmi 


was  a  Greek  religioaa  colony ;"  that  lta  langoage, 
oipmiaation,  writers,  scriptures,  liturgy,  were 
Greek,  ia  evidenced  by  the  inscriptions  on  these 
primitive  burinl  places.  They  are  almost  eiclu- 
sively  in  Creek.     When  engruved  the  letters  nre 


oured  with  vi 


entirely  destltnte  of  any 


808 


OATACX)MBS 


CATACOMBS 


toscription  (Bosio,  lib.  iiL  c  41 ;  Boldetti,  lib.  ii. 
C.  1 ;  Lupi,  p.  38).  On  these  slabs  were  engraved 
the  funeral  inscription  or  epitaph,  often  accom- 
panied with  some  of  the  more  usnal  Christian 
emblems,  the  dove,  the  anchor,  or  the  monogram 
of  Christ.  The  word  tabula  appean  in  some  of 
the  epitaphs,  e.g^^  of  a  master  to  a  pnpil, 
**  Posvit  tabvla  magister  discenti  Pempino  bene- 
merenti"  (Marchi,  p.  119).  "Bicentivs  karo 
filio  karissimo  benemerenti  posvit  tabvla  qvi 
bixit  annos  iii  et  dies  zzii "  (/6.  p.  120).  Both 
from  the  catacomb  of  St.  Cyriaca. 

A  small  glass  vessel  containing  indications  of 
the  presence  of  a  red  fluid,  is  often  found  em- 
bedded  in  the  jnortar  at  one  extremity  of  the 
loctUus.  This  was  formerly  considered  to  be  a 
certain  mark  of  a  martyr's  tomb,  the  *'  Congre- 
gation of  Relics"  having  so  decided  (Apr.  10, 
1G68),  the  red  sediment  being  supposed  to  be 
blood.  But  this  opinion  has  long  ceased  to  be 
entertained  by  the  best  and  most  unprejudiced 
Christian  archaeologists  who  almost  unanimously 
agree  that  the  vessel  contained  Enchai-istic  wine, 
and  was  used  at  the  faneral  agape.  [Glass, 
Christian.]  Incised  on  the  slab,  or  scratched  on 
the  mortar,  the  palm  branch  is  one  of  the  symbols 
that  most  constantly  presents  itself  in  connection 
with  the  hculus.  This  also  has  been  authorita- 
tively declared  to  be  an  indisputable  evidence  of 
a  martyr's  tomb,  **  palmam  et  vas  sanguine 
tinctum  pro  signis  certissimis  martyrii  haberi," 
(^Decree  of  the  Cong,  of  Belies,  u.  s.),  and  has  been 
as  completely  set  aside  l&y  later  and  leas  enthu- 
siastic investigators.  Not  to  dwell  on  the  fact 
that  the  epitaphs  found  in  connection  with  the 
palm  branch,  have  as  a  rule,  no  reference  to  a 
martyr's  death,  this  sj'mbol  is  found  on  tombs 
prepared  by  individuals  in  their  lifetime  (e.  g,y 
"  Leopard  us  se  hi  v.  fecit "  between  two  palm 
brandies,  Boldetti,  p.  264),  and  decorates  those 
of  young  children  (/6.  p.  268);  dignifies  that  of 
Lucifer,  bishop  of  Cagliari,  who  died  in  schism, 
(/&.  p.  262) ;  and  even  appears  on  pagan  tomb- 
itones  (/&.  p.  281,  sq.).  Not  a  few  of  the  marble 
slabs  (tdbulae\  closing  the  loculi,  prove  on  exami- 
nation, like  some  of  our  mediaeval  sepulchral 
brasses,  to  have  been  used  before,  their  back 
bearing  a  second  inscription.  These  are  known 
as  opisthographs.  They  are  usually  heathen 
slabs,  but  not  always.  One  described  by  Marchi, 
p.  53,  bears  on  one  side  "  Hilara  in  Pace,"  and  on 
the  other  ** Irene  in  Pace" — both  Christian. 
Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c  10,  supplies  a  large  number  of 
examples  of  these  twice  used  slabs.  Mabillon 
(Jter.  ItcU.  p.  136),  writes  of  this  custom, "  Chris- 
tianis  mos  erat  ut  e  sepuJchris  gentilium  lapides 
revellerent  in  suos  usus,  et  relicta  ex  ea  parte 
quae  interiora  Christiani  tumuli  spectabat  pro- 
fana  inscriptione  aliam  in  exteriore  apponerent 
ritu  Christiano  "  (Cf.  Idem.  Euseh.  Roman,  p.  34 ; 
Marchi,  pp.  53,  123). 

Besides  the  opisthographs  where  a  heathen  slab 
has  been  applied  to  a  Christian  use  no  inconsider- 
able number  of  distinctly  pagan  epitaphs  has  been 
discovered,  in  which  no  such  transformation  has 
taken  place.  Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c  9,  givei  no  less 
than  57  heathen  inscriptions  without  any  Chris- 
tian admixture  from  the  various  catacombs,  and 
the  list  might  be  very  largely  increased.  One 
such  is  mentioned  by  Mabillon  in  his  Iter.  ItcUi- 
cum.  Mhs.  It,  vol.  i.  p.  47,  which  though  it  was 
destitute  of  Christian  tokens  was  sent  to  Tou- 


louse as  the  slab  of  a  supposed  marlyi,  Jiil<s 
Euodia,  when  it  was  really  that  of  Casta  her 
mother,  and  was  pagan.  In  Boldetti,  p.  447,  we 
have  a  curious  heathen  slab  from  St.  Agnes,  with 
the  inscription  *'  Domine  frater  ilarLs  semper 
ludere  tabula"  and  symbols  of  gaming.  De 
Rossi  found  pagan  sarcophagi  and  pagan  iascrip- 
tions  in  the  catacomb  of  Callistus  in  excarations 
made  under  his  own  eye  (A'om.  Sott,  ii.  pp.  169, 
281-290).  It  has  been  usually  held  that  the£«  were 
slabs  which  had  been  removed  from  the  heathen 
tombs  in  the  vicinity  of  the  catacombs  after  the 
Christian  religion  had  become  dominant,  and 
brought  down  to  be  re-engraved  and  fitted  for 
their  new  purpose.  "  Primos  Christianos  Pagi- 
norum  roemorias  titulosque  sufiuratos  ose  et 
suis  loculis  coemiterialibus  claudendis  propriis  no- 
minibus  insculptis  et  profanonim  abscondiUs  ant 
abrasis  . .  .  ostendere  possumus  "  (Fabretti  Insc 
Ant.  p.  307).  But  another  and  widely  different 
view  has  lately  been  propounded  by  Mr.  Parker 
and  others,  that  the  rigid  separation  usually  sup- 
posed to  exist  between  Christians  and  heathen 
in  the  places  of  sepulture  was  not  rlways  main- 
tained, and  that  when  in  the  fourth  century  the 
burning  of  the  dead  ceased  the  catacombs  became 
the  common  burial  places  of  Rome  for  heathen 
and  Christians  alike.  This  is  one  of  the  maaj 
questions  in  connection  with  the  catacombs  in 
which  fuller  light  may  show  that  the  traditional 
view  requires  some  modification,  but  which 
must  wait  the  result  of  further  investigations 
for  complete  resolution.  A  class  of  mixed  in- 
scriptions remains  to  be  noticed  in  which  the 
heathen  formula  D.  M.,  or  even  the  full  Dii 
Manibus  appears  in  connection  with  Christiaa 
phraseology  and  Christian  emblems.  ''Debita 
sacratis  manibus  officia  "  is  quoted  from  Gruter 
by  Fabretti  fn9cr.  Dom,  112  A.,  as  a  Christiaa 
inscription.  From  the  same  collection  (Gruter, 
MLXi.)  he  also  gives  one  in  which  occurs  the  line 
"Sanctique  Manes  nobis  petentibus  adsint,"  in 
connection  with  the  clause  "quievit  in  pace^" 
and  the  term  "depositio."  Other  inscriptions 
from  Fabretti's  collection  evidence  the  same 
lingering  retention  of  heathen  formula  and  phra- 
seology in  the  expressions  "Lachesis,"  "Taena- 
riae  fauces,"  **  fatis  ereptus  iniquis,"  and  the  like. 
The  strangely  unchristian  phrase  "Tartarea 
cnstodia  "  occurs  in  the  epitaph  of  a  presbyter 
(Fabr.  p.  329,  no.  484).  **  Domus  aetema  "  »  by 
no  means  infrequent :  e.g,  **  Florentia quae  rixit 
annis  xxvi  Crescens  fecit  Venemerenti  et  sibi  et 
suis  domu  aeterna  in  pace"  (i6.  p.  114,  no. 
289).  The  untenable  fallacy  contended  for  by 
Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c.  11,  Fabretti,  and  the  earlier 
school  of  antiquaries,  that  the  letters  D.  M. 
stood  for  Deo  Maximo  has  been  deservedly  ex- 
ploded. De  Rossi  allows  that  they  can  only 
stand  for  Dis  Manibus,  and  we  may  aafely  regard 
the  occurrence  of  these  letters  on  Christian 
tombstones  as  an  instructive  example  of  the 
slowness  with  which  an  entire  people  changes 
its  ancestral  faith,  and  of  the  obstinacy  with 
which  certain  usages  are  clung  to  long  after 
their  real  force  and  meaning  has  passed  away.* 


«  On  this  subject  and  ito  kindred  topics  the  diipM- 
sionate  verdict  of  Dean  Merivale  maj  te  read  with 
advantage.  *'  The  first  ChrlstlaDs  at  Rome  did  not  Kf^ 
rate  themselves  from  the  heathens,  nor  renoiiaoe  their 
ordinary  caUtaigs;  they  intennanied  with  unhdlman^ 


CATACOMBS 

luBp)*!  an  not  wuitlDg  when  the  work  ol 
uantiofl  bu  not  been  compLatcd,  and  the  furm 
•f  tkc  lOEMhu  ititill  u 


athei 


II  of  th 


hithfiil  were  Dot  buried 
BkW,  bat  with  the  nme  feeling  of  rSTCreDca 
ibu  pcmded  the  whole  rite,  vers,  lika  that  of 
tasr  Hntcr,  wnpt  in  linen  clothi  "  u  the  nma- 
H  of  the  Jewi  ii  to  buT."  SomFtimen  the 
Mt  wb  ennlDprd  in  a  ih«t ;  lonietiniei  awathed 
II  Buj  lengthi  of  banda,  in  the  arune  bshion 
II  Ubtib  ■■  repmented  In  the  early  Christian 
pam  and  bai  nliefi.  Boaio  aHQres  ui  that 
lahainTaligatioDs  he  fouad  ioaUncea  of  both 
His.  He  meationi  that,  in  (xcaTaling  the 
fiaditiou  for  St.  Peter'*,  bodies  vere  eihamed 
bgud  with  linen  biDdji,  and  that  ha  hiniMlf  had 

iiq  SMD^a,  which  &U  to  dust  at  a  touch  (Bosio, 
£.  \  op.  19 ;  Manhi,  p.  13).  The  etorf  of  the 
imUi  diKorer^  of  the  bodj  of  St.  Caecilia  lint 
kr  Popa  Paschal,  c  B^O,  and  then  by  OirdinBl 
^Wrali,  X-D.  15d».  in  the  robes  ol'  golden  tiasue 
ut  kid  worn  in  life  ii  familiar.  (It  raaj  be  read 
Ti  Swthcote,  it.  S.  pp.  154-157.)  That  the 
Mia  placed  in  the  lociUI  were  embalmed  Is  pro- 
Uk&na  the  known  custom  of  the  early  Chris- 


CATAC0HB8  309 

well  at  of  the  trtmsition  tn/in  the  lanxpA/yiu  t* 
the  localiii,  in  >ome  graves  which  "  tboogh  fmIIj 
mere  shelves  in  Che  wall  are  so  disgnlsad  by 
itncco  and  painting  on  the  ontside  at  lo  present 
to  pauera  by  the  complete  outward  appaaranc* 
of  a  sarcophagna  "  (De  Rossi,  Ji.  S.  i.  187,  ISS, 
S6T ;  Northcote,  S.  S.  p.  72,  73).  Another 
eiample  l>  the  so-called  Captlla  Snuca  of  the 
catacomb  of  St.  Priscllls.  This  crypt  is  of  a  Tory 
peculiar  churecter,  formed  in  the  galleries  of  an 
ancient  artnaria,  not  hollowed  out  of  the  tu^ 
bat  constmcted  uf  brick.  The  burlal-pUMt 
here  are  not  hcuH^  but  large  arched  Tecesaes 
destined  to  contain  sarcophagi  of  which  in 
BosId'b  lime  nnmeTaus  fragments' remained,  and 
some  still  exist  (Bosio,  ii.  3.  513,  533  \  De  Rossi, 
B.8.i.  ISSsq.).  The  cemetery  of  Domltilla  con- 
tains also  numerous  examples  of  atrcophagi  of 
terra  cotta  buried  in  the  floor  of  the  ambulacra. 
Another  (brm  of  interment  analonus  to  the 
saTCOpbagOB  whs  that  in  the  Table  Tomb  or  Se- 
polcro  a  mmta,  an  oblong  chest  either  hollowed 


c59,  a 


t  the 


i;  of  *  grare  in  the  catacombs  the  assem- 
Knpany  were  conscious  of  a  epicy  odour 
ig  itielf  from  the  tomb.     Of  this  custom 


Axither  and  ruder  mode  of  a' 


might  a 


a  the; 


tmg  tl 


e  frequent  resort 
li  th(  liring  was  to  bury  the  corpse  in  quick 
IJBe.  PMlre  Harchi  remarked  frequent  etam- 
plei  of  this  custom,  especially  in  tbe  cemetery 
01  St.  Agnes.  The  lime  appeared  to  have  been 
l^ued  between  two  winding  sheeta,  one  coarser 
»d  the  other  finer,  of  [he  [issue  of  which  it 
MiiDHl  the  impr^is  (Marchi,  p.  19^ 

latcmMBt  in  the  Jocs/iu  though  infinitely  the 
■at  mramon,  waa  not  the  onlv,  and  perhaps  not 
Ut  earliest  mode  adopted  by  the  Christians. 
CiT.  de  Eoai  has  been  led  by  his  investigations 
lolht  conclusion  that  the  earliest  formofChriitiaD 
barial  was  in  aareophagi  placed  in  detached 
tbmben,  and  that  burial  in  the  loeuiiu  was  of 
lilfrdate.     The  truth  may  however  he  that  the 

lucD  most  hare  always  been  costly,  while  the 
bieuii  of  the  poorer  contented  themselves  with 
s  simple  fccxiiu  in  the  wall.  The  Cemetery  of 
Si  Dvmiiilla  at  Tor  Marancio.  which  is  consi- 
leml  by  De  Kossi  to  be  the  monument  of  aChristian 
bnul;  of  distinction,  and  is  shown  by  the  clasei- 
eil  character  of  ita  architecture  and  decoration  to 
tin  belonged  to  the  tirat  age  of  the  church, 
tiaii  examples  of  interment  in  sarcophagi,  as 

tK  mn   in  tbeir  Dnkns   irilli   one   loother  did   Ibtj 


ic  llidtu  ^tpiriU, 


e,  and  closed  by  a  heavy 
marble  lying liorizontally  on  the  top,  form- 
able.  The  rock  wot  ercarated  above  the 
to  form  a  rectangular  receu.  When  the 
issumed  a  circular  form,  which  is  the  more 
at  though  not  the  ear1ier)hflpe,itis  known 
name  of  arcoioliam  [Arcosoudh.]    Both 


forms  of  tomb  are  met  with  in  the  galleriel 
among  the  locvli,  but  their  mora  usual  pcaition 
ia  Id  the  sepnlchral  chambers,  or  cubicula,  which 
opened  oat  of  the  galleries.  Ilia  tablt  ionA  some- 
times stands  in  front  of  the  wall,  projecting 
from  it,  like  thealtartombsof  our  own  churches. 
Examples   of  this   arrangement   appear   in    the 

in  the  papal  crypt  in  the  cemeUry  of  St.  Callis- 
toe  (De  Rossi,  vol.  ii.  p.  108,  tai.  1.  A.}.  More 
IVequeatly  ic  is  let  into  the  wall,  anci  standi  in  a 
recoaa,  as  we  see  in  the  tomb  assigned  by  Da 
Roeii  to  St.  ZephyrinuB,  which  formed  the  original 
altar  in  the  same  crypt  (,1b.  pp.  20,  21,  51X 
and  thatof  St.  Cornelius  in  the  same  catacomb 
(/6.  vol,  i,  p.  284,  Ub.  v.).  The  arched  form  sr 
arcosolium  proper  is  not  found  in  the  more  ancient 

This  is  an  indication  of  dale  of  great  imporlanc* 
in  determining  the  relative  antiquity  of  the 
catacombs.  De  Rossi  remarks  (col.  Ii.  p.  2-15) 
that  "the  arcoBolinm  is  the  dominant  form  in 


310 


CATACOMBS 


(1*17  pnrt  of  the  gecand  idiI  third  ana  of  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Callistus,  aad  appann  frequently 
in  some  of  the  crrpbi  added  to  the  original  rect- 
angular area  to  unite  il  to  the  aecond  grea,  bat 
u  entirelj  wanting  (with  one  eiception  whioli 
■errea  only  to  prove  the  rule)  in  all  the  cubicula 
of  the  primitive  area,  even  in  the  most  noble 
and  illuatrioua  of  iU  sBpultbrei"  (Cf.  Do  Roan, 
vol.  i.  pp.  284,  285  ;  toI.  ii.  p.  21). 

In  addition  to  the  ordinary  placei  of  interment 
in  the  atniidacra.  the  catacombs  contain  an  im- 
mense number  of  Mpulcbral  chambers  or  ew*i- 
aila,  each  anihriuiDg  a  lai^er  or  imalUr  number 
cf  dead,  as  well  ia  tabit  tombi  and  arcosolia  ai 
m  locMli  pierced  in  the  wall*.    These  were  origi- 


nally fhmily  burial  placet, 
lidied    at    the   eipenae   o: 


UTated  and  embel- 
he   friend)   of  the 

of  their  Bret  con- 

serred  for  the  celebration  of  the 
feant  and  agape,  on  the  occasion 
—I,  and  its  auccesBiTe  enniversariei 
s  of  persecution  they  may  hare  aapplied 
ts  of  religions  assembly  where  the  ftith- 
might  gather  in  seoority  fbr  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  holy  mysteries  at  tbe  graves  of  the 
departed  martyrs  and  othen  whoee  faith  they 
miKht  be  soon  called  to  foUotr  and  '  ■  " 
with  their  blood.     The  nai 

ely  Cbrlstiaa  use  as  applied  to 
placea  of  interment.  We  find  it  repeatedly  uied 
in  that  cense  in  the  Libtr  Pimtifiada  of  Am  ' 
■ius.  In  the  life  of  Sixtot  III.  a.i>.  432-HO, 
distinctly  used  for  a  family  vanlt "  Cujus  "  (Batsi) 
"corpuB  sepeliTil  ad  Beatum  Petiiiai  apoatolum 
in  cubicnlo  parentum  ejus  "  (Anast.  ilvi.  %  63). 
"archi,  p.  101,  gives  sereral  inscripti 


timony  with 
tisof  eiclusi 


a  the  catacoi 


>«.lTee,   il 


CATACOMBS 

liud  the  arch  of  an  amaolu-n  of  the  fini 
iury  cnt  through  and  used  as  a  door  or  es- 
trance  to  a  second  cvhicui'am  eicavated  in  its  mj, 
original  sarcophagus  being  removed  aad 
ied  to  the  back  of  the  chapel  that  otkr 
bodies  might  be  placed  near  it  {BiOtHH.  diAKk. 
Christ.  ieS7).  The  number  of  these  sepnlehral 
chambers  is  almost  beyond  compnta  Jon.  Harthi 
reckonamore  thaasiity  in  the  eighth  part  oftht 
caUcomb  of  St.  Agnes.  In  that  of  St.  Callistu 
they  amoniit  to  some  hundreds.  They  are 
equally  frequent  in  the  other  cemeteries.  Their 
form  is  very  varied.  In  the  catacomb  of  St,  C»J- 
listns,  with  veiT  few  eiceptions,  they  are  rect- 
angular, and  that  appears  to  have  been  the 
earlier  shape.  But  the  plates  of  Uarchi,  BoldMti, 
Ik.,  afford  eiamples  of  many  other  fomu,  tri- 
angular, pentagonal,  heiagonal,  octagonal,  drcti- 
lar,  and  semi-circular.  Among  the  eumplts 
given  by  Boldettl.  pp.  14,  lb,  and  Uarchi,  Car. 
Siiil.,  of  which  we  give  a  plan  and  section,  oh 


e.g.  CvBicvLVM 

boHITIAHi;      COBICCTLUa     FaL.    GiUDENTI    Ar- 

OEMTAM,  from  the  catacomb  of  St,  Callistus. 
An  inwriptjon  of  the  year  336  given  by  De  Rossi, 
NA.  45,  indicates  the  family  vault  of  Aurelia 
Martina  CcbICOLDM  Aueewab  MiETlKiB. 
■■  These  inscriptions  indicate,"  writes  Marchi,  p. 
101,  "that  in  the  iburth  century  the  persons 
named  caused  that  their  own  cabkula  should  be 
eicavsted  at  their  own  eipenae.  Each  cubicuium 
was  of  sufficient  dimensions  to  serve  for  several 
gencratione  of  their  respective  families.  If  it 
proved  insuffic 


the  Eater  restorations  the  walla  ai 


GATAOOMBS 

vitk  phtv  of  oostlr  marble  [PlatoniaI  In  a 
vtrj  largt  aamber  of  examples  the  Good  Shepherd 
occapies  the  centre  of  the  ceiling,  the  surrounding 
haettcs  containing  Adam  and  Eve  after  the  Fall, 
the  hietorf  of  Jonah,  the  Sacrifice  of  Abraham, 
Moms  itriking  the  Rock,  the  Three  Children  in 
the  Fnnaoe,  the  Visit  of  the  wise  men  to  Christ, 
the  Baising  of  Laxarua,  the  Healing  of  the 
Blind  man,  the  Paralytic  carrying  his  Bed,  the 
IGFacle  of  the  Loaves,  and  other  scenes  from  the 
limited  cycle  of  Scriptural  subjects  to  which  early 
<^ristian  art  confined  itself,  treated  with  a 
veariaome  uniformity ;  embellished  with  palm 
hruches,  vines  laden  with  grapes,  the  dove,  the 
peacock,  and  other  familiar  Christian  63rmbol3. 
Thtt  walls  of  the  chamber  were  also  similarly 
decorated  [FRE8OO63.  The  vault  is  in  some  cases 
sapported  by  oolnmna,  either  cut  out  of  the  tufa, 
er  formed  of  brick  coated  with  stucco  (Marchi, 
tav.  xix.  xxii.  xxx.  xxxiii.).  A  very  interesting 
oobicolum  from  the  Via  Latina  given  by  Marchi, 
tav.  xxii  p.  141,  sq.  from  a  plate  of  Bosio's,  p. 
^3,  has  a  domical  vault  and  pillars  covered  with 
ftieeo,  ornamented  with  vine  branches  and  arno' 
rmi  in  relie£  The  character  of  the  decoration 
dains  for  this  a  very  early  date.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  any  other  of  the  kind  has  been  dis- 
4S««red  in  the  catacombs.  Light  and  air  were 
mft  nnfrequently  admitted  by  means  of  a  shaft 
—HiMiiiii  sling  with  the  surface  of  the  ground, 
called  hunmare.  A  chamber  so  lighted  was 
known  as  a  cvbiculum  elarum  (Cf.  Anastas.  Bibl. 
Va,  MareeUm,  *'  Sepelivit  (corpora)  ...  in  coe- 
■cterio  Priaclllae  in  culninUo  claro ").  For  ex- 
amples see  Marchi,  tav.  viii.  xxix.  xxxii.  xlviii. 
Jcrone's  well  known  description  of  the  catacombs 
n  EteckieL  c  xL  contains  an  allusion  to  these 
haaMond.  His  words  are  '*  raro  desuper  lumen 
admistum  horrorem  temperat  .  .  .  .  ut  non  tam 
feaestram  quam  foramen  demissi  luminis  putes." 
And  again,  praefat.  m  Daniel,  '*Cum  et  quasi 
per  cryptam  ambulans  rarum  desuper  lumen 
aspioerem.'*  Prudentius  also  in  his  Pertste- 
wkmSmf  xL-v.  161-8  uses  similar  language : — 

^Ooenmrat  oiesis  fanmiasa  fonunina  teetis 
(joe  Jadnnt  daroe  antra  soper  radios. 

•       ••••• 

Attaam  cxdai  sabter  cava  vlsoera  montlst 
Gkebra  tenbnto  foniice  lax  penetiat^ 

Bk  dator  abaentls  per  subtenaiiea  soils 
Oenere  fnlgoram  Inminlbueqae  fhiL" 

The  Acta  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter  record 
that  the  martyr  Candida  was  put  to  death  by 
hvrling  her  down  an  ainhaft,  and  overwhelming 
lier  with  stones,  *'  per  luminare  cryptae  jactantes 
ispkUhos  obmerunt,"  ap.  Bolland.  ii.  Jun.  n.  10. 
From  an  epitaph  given  by  Marchi,  p.  165,  the 
laoiasria  appear  to  have  been  divided  into 
''larger "and  "smaller,"  "majora,"  "minora." 
H  ii  as  follows :  **  cumparavi  Satuminus  aJlSusto 
(Sixto)  locum  visomum  auri  solid  ||os  duo  in  lu- 
■ioare  majore.  Que  po||sita  est  ibi  que  fuit  cum 
Barito  an  xl."  Marchi  gives  an  interesting  ex- 
iBf^  of  a  htminare  majua  serving  for  two  cubi- 
nia  from  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and 
Peter  ^L  zxix.  pp.  165  sq.).  A  cylindrical  shaft 
mnediately  above  the  anUmlacrum  expands  into 
s  eone  u  it  descends,  so  as  to  supply  light  and 
sir  to  chambers  on  opposite  sides  of  the  passage. 
Paiated  on  the  wall  of  the  shaft  is  a  dove  with 
aa  olive  branch.  In  the  cemetery  of  Callistus 
ths  sane  luminare  sometimes  serves  for  three 


CATACOMBS 


811 


chambers  (Korthcote,  B.  S,  p.  128).  Examples 
of  the  smidler  luminaria  from  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Helena  may  be  found  in  Marchi,  tav.  vi.  vii. 
viii.  If  the  strata  through  which  the  shaft  was 
driven  were  not  suiBciently  solid  to  stand  with- 
out support,  it  was  lined  with  a  wall,  carried  up 
a  little  distance  above  the  level  of  the  ground, 
to  avoid  accidents.  Many  of  the  existing  Jumi' 
naria  belong  to  the  Damasine  period,  having  been 
opened  to  admit  light  and  air  to  the  tombs  of 
the  more  renowned  martyrs  when  they  became 
the  object  of  pious  visits.  We  may  instance  that 
of  the  crypt  of  St.  Cecilia.  If,  as  was  most 
usual,  there  was  no  /uminare,  the  chambers  were 
illuminated  by  lamps,  sometimes  suspended  by 
chains  from  the  vault,  sometimes  standing  in 
niches,  or  on  small  brackets  of  tile  cr  marble 
often  placed  at  the  angle  of  a  loculiu.  Bottari, 
vol.  i.  p.  17,  asserts  that  when  the  catacombs 
were  first  opened  some  of  these  lamps  were 
found  still  in  their  place,  and  we  are  informed  by 
Marchi,  p.  136,  that  the  upper  part  of  the 
niches,  and  the  walls  or  ceilings  above  the  lamps 
still  retained  the  blackness  caused  by  the  smoke. 

These  cvbicula  were  very  frequently  double, 
one  on  either  side  of  the  gallery,  and,  as  we  have 
just  noticed,  in  some  instances  a  luminare  was 
sunk  in  the  centre  so  as  to  give  light  to  both 
(Boldetti,  p.  16, 6.).  An  inscription  of  the  highest 
interest  given  by  De  Rossi,  vol.  i.  p.  208,  de- 
scribes a  double  cubiculum  of  this  kind  con- 
structed by  the  permission  of  Pope  Marcellinus, 
A.D.  296-308,  by  the  Deacon  Sevei-us  for  himself 
and  his  family,  '*  Cubiculum  duplex  cum  arcisoliis 
et  luminare  ||  jussu  P.  P.  sui  Marcellini  Diaconus 
iste  II  Severus  fecit  mansionem  in  pace  quietam 
II  sibi  suis  que."  De  Rossi  describes  a  luminare  of 
very  large  size  and  unusual  character  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Balbina  discovered  by  him.  It 
is  nearly  hexagonal,  and  opens  on  the  subterra- 
nean excavations  with  no  less  than  eight  rays  of 
light  illumining  as  many  distinct  chambers  and 
galleries  (£,  S.  i.  265). 

Each  side  of  the  cubiculum  usually  contains  a 
table  tomb  or  an  arcoaolium.  That  facing  the  en- 
trance, behind  which  the  rock  is  often  excavated 
so  as  to  form  an  apse,  was  the  chief  tomb  of  the 
chamber,  and  very  frequently  contained  the  re- 
mains of  a  martyr,  and  according  to  primitive 
usage,  based  on  Jiev,  vi.  9-11,  furnished  an  altar 
for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  The  altar 
was  sometimes  detached  frotn  the  wall.  But 
this  was  not  a  primitive  arrangement.  In  the 
papal  crypt  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  we  have 
traces  of  two  altars.  The  original  altar  remains 
hewn  out  in  the  rock,  the  front  of  brickwork, 
and  the  stone  slab  covering  it  forming  the  holy 
table.  In  front  of  this,  a  raised  marble  step 
or  podium,  with  four  shallow  holes  or  sockets 
is  an  evidence  of  a  second  later  altar  standing 
on  four  pillars.  We  have  noticed  above  an 
example  of  an  insulated  altar  irom  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Helena.  As  more  space  was  required  for 
the  interment  of  the  bodies  of  members  of  the 
same  fhmily  the  walls  above  and  around  the 
original  tombs  were  pierced  with  loculi,  some- 
times hmonnting  to  nearly  a  hundred.  The 
desire  of  reposing  in  the  same  locality  with 
the  blessed  dead,  and  in  close  proximity  to  a 
saint  or  martyr,  which  was  awakened  at  so  early 
a  period  and  exercised  so  much  power  (cf.  August. 
de  Curd  pro  Mortuis  gerendd ;  Retract,  lib.  v. 


812 


CATACOMBS 


CATACOMBS 


c.  64.  Mazimos  Taurinensis.  Iloin.  Iixxi.  Ambros. 
ad  pop,  de  SS.  Oervaa.  et  Protas.  Paulinus  Nol. 
m  Panogyr.  Celsi)  led  to  the  excavation  of  loculi 
in  the  walls  behind  the  earlier  tombd,  with  com- 
plete disregard  of  the  paintings  decorating  them, 
which  were  thns  mutilated  or  destroyed.  A 
yery  badly  spelt  and  angrammatical  inscription 
given  by  Marchi,  p.  102,  from  Boldetti,  who 
copied  it  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Cyriaca,  tells 
us  of  two  ladies  Valeria  and  Sabina,  who  in 
their  lifetime  had  purchased  from  fosaoret  named 
Apro  and  Viator  a  double  grave  (bisomum)  in 
the  rear  of  that  in  which  the  bodies  of  recognised 
saints  had  been  buried,  '*  retro  sanctos."  It  is 
as  follows:  In  Crypta  Noba  retro  sahctds 

KMERUM  (-runt)  BE  VITAS  BALER  |  RA  ET 
SaHINA  MkRUM   LOCU  I  BiSONI    AB  APRONE  ET 

A  I  BiATORE.  The  inscription  set  up  by  Damas- 
us  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus  in  honour  of  the 
companions  in  martyrdom  of  Pope  Xystus  bears 
witness  to  his  participation  in  this  feeling,  and 
his  relinquishment  of  the  fulfilment  of  his 
wishes  lest  he  should  disturb  the  ashes  of  the 
faithful. 

"  Hie  fatcor  Damosus  voluf  mea  oondere  membrSt 
6cd  dncres  Umui  sanctos  vexare  plorum." 

An  inscription  given  by  Gi'uter,  Insc,  Antiq, 
Christ,  p.  1167,  No.  4,  testifies  the  same  senti- 
ment. 

"  Sanctorum  exaviis  penitus  oonfloe  Si'pulcbrum, 
Promerult  socro  digna  Marina  solo." 

St.  Ambrose  also  states  that  he  had  resigned  the 
place  beneath  the  altar  in  which  he  had  intended 
his  own  body  should  lie,  **  dignum  est  enim  ut 
ibi  requiescat  sacerdos  ubi  offeri'e  consuevit  **  to 
the  relics  of  the  recently  discovered  martyrs 
GorvAsius  and  Protasius,  and  contrasts  the  posi- 
tion of  Christ  present  on  the  altar  with  the  saints 
beneath  it,  **  ille  super  altari  qui  pro  omnibus 
mortuus  est,  isti  sub  altari  qui  illius  redempti 
sunt  passione."  (Ambros.  Ep.  xxii.  15.)  See  also 
Jerome,  adt>.  Vigilant,  p.  359.  [Altar.]  For 
examples  of  this  ruthless  destruction  of  earlier 
decorations  (Of.  De  Rossi,  vol.  ii.  tav.  27, 28,  29 ; 
Northcote,  R,  8,  Plate  xvi.)  When  the  cubicu- 
lum  was  absolutely  too  full  to  receive  any  more 
bodies  lociUi  were  dug  in  its  vicinity,  their  con- 
nection with  the  family  vault  being  indicated 
by  an   inscription   to  that  effect,  e.g.  Marchi, 

p.    101,    LOCA    ADPEBTINENTES    AD    CUBICULUM 
OERMULANI. 

The  altar  was  sometimes  protected  from  any 
careless  approach  by  lattice  work  of  marble, 
transcntMj  the  prototype  of  the  cancelli  of  later 
Christian  churches.  Fragments  of  an  enclosure 
of  4. his  kind  were  found  by  De  Rossi  in  the 
papal  crypt,  and  supply  the  authority  for  the 
restoration  (/2.  -S*.  vol.  ii.  pp.  20-27,  tav.  i.  I.  A.). 
Other  examples  are  given  by  Buldetti  from  the 
cemeteries  of  Practextatus  and  Helena,  ami 
Priscilla  (pp.  34,  35,  Marchi,  p.  128).  A  very 
beautiful  example  of  the  transenna  is  seen  in  the 
cemetery  church  of  St.  Alexander,  A.D.  498. 

We  know  that  it  was  the  universal  custom 
of  the  early  church  to  celebrate  the  Euchari&t 
at  the  time  of  a  funeral,  provided  it  took  place 
in  the  morning  (for  authorities  see  Bingham  bk. 
xxiii.  t'h.  iii.  §  12).  By  degrees  a  corrupt  custom 
crept  in,  biised  on  a  superstitious  view  of  the 
magic.il  power  of  the  consecrated  elements,  of 
adniiuiatoring  the  Huly  Cummuuion  to  the  de- 


parted (Bingham  Orig.  bk.  xv.  c  iv.  §  20).  IV 
prohibition  of  this  protane  custom  in  the  caBcmi 
of  some  early  councils  (cjj.  Auxerre,  A.D.  578^ 
can.  12;  Carthage  iii.  a.d.  397.  can.  6;  Tndlo, 
A.D.  691,  can.  83)  is  evidence  for  its  existeaoe. 
The  consecrated  bread  was  iaid  as  a  charm  oo 
the  breast  of  the  corpse.  The  wine  enclosed  in 
small  glass  or  earthenware  bottles  was  placed  ii 
the  grave,  or  imbedded  in  the  mortar  at  tke 
mouth  of  the  loculus,  and  the  red  colour  left  by 
the  exsiccated  wine  mistaken  for  btood  ia  xht 
early  stages  of  catacomb  investigation  has  created 
thousands  of  false  martyrs.  Auother  analogom 
custom  was  that  of  pouring  libations  of  wine  oo 
the  graves  after  the  old  heathen  fiuhion,  sad 
supplying  the  dead  with  food  for  their  isst 
journey,  viaticum.  The  22nd  canon  of  the  Se- 
cond Council  of  Tours  a.d.  567  mentions  those 
^  qui  in  festivitate  cathedrae  domini  Petri  Apo- 
itoli  cibos  mortuis  otTerunt."  Paulinus  of  Nola 
Poem,  xxvii.  vv.  566-7  thus  alludes  to  the  liW 
tions — 

**  SimpIicitaB  pletate  cadit,  male  credala  sanctos 
Perfiudit  balante  mero  gaudere  s^ulchrla." 

Another  purpose  of  the  cubicula  was  for  the 
celebration  of  the  Funeral  Feast  on  the  annirer^ 
sary  of  the  day  of  death.  This  was  a  coston 
inherited  from  the  heathen  sepulchral  rites, 
which  too  often  degenerated  into  heathen  licenw 
St.  Augustine  deplores  that  "  many  drink  most 
luxuriously  over  the  dead,  and  when  they  make 
a  feast  for  the  departed,  bury  themselves  over 
the  buried,  and  place  their  gluttony  and  drunk- 
enness to  the  score  of  religion  "  (^I)e  Mor.  EocL 
Caih.  c.  xxxiv.),  and  condemns  those  who  "make 
themselves  drunk  in  the  memorials  of  the  mar- 
tyrs "  {Cont.  Faust,  lib.  xx.  c  21).  (Cf.  Ambros. 
de  Elia.  c.  xvii. ;  August.  Confess,  vi  c  2.)  la 
primitive  times  it  may  be  charitably  believed 
that  such  abases  were  the  exceptions,  and  tiiat 
the  anniversary  was  observed  in  a  seemly  manner, 
and  with  a  cheerfulness  tempered  by  religion. 
(On  this  custom  see  Neander,  Ch.  Hist,  i;  454^ 
Clark's  edition ;  Bingham,  OrigineSy  bk.  xx.  cL 
viii.  §§  1-10;  bk.  xxiii.  ch.  iii;  §§  S-17; 
Bosio,  lib.  iv.  c.  34.)  The  pictures  on  the  walls 
of  the  cvbUyula  in  some  of  the  catacombs  furnish 
representations  of  these  funeral  feasts,  of  which 
they  were  the  scene.  The  most  curious  is  from 
an  arcosoiium  in  the  catacomb  of  SS.  MarceUinus 
and  Peter  (Bosio,  p.  391).  Three  guests— a 
woman  between  two  men — are  seated  at  a  cres- 
cent-shaped, or  sigma  table,  at  the  two  ends  of 
which,  in  stately  curule  chairs,  two  mati-ons  are 
seated.  No  dishes  appear  on  the  table:  they 
are  placed  on  a  small  three-legged  stand  in  tba 
centre,  at  which  a  lad  is  stationed  preparing  to 
execute  the  orders  of  the  guests,  which  are 
written  above  their  heads — "  Irene  da  Calda," 
**  Agape  misce  mi  "  (cf.  Juven.  Sat.  v.  63 ;  Mar- 
tial, lib.  i.  Ep.  11 ;  lib.  viii.,  Ep.  63;  lib.  xiv., 
Ep.  95).  Another  painting  from  the  same  ceme- 
tery represents  six  persons,  three  of  each  sex, 
seated  at  an  empty  table.  Gne  is  drinking  from 
a  rhytion;  another  stretches  out  his  hand  to 
receive  a  cup  from  a  person  of  whom  no  more 
than  the  arm  is  left  (Bosio,  p.  355). 

The  cubicvia  generally  speakmg  are  of  small 
dimensions,  and  arc  incapable  of  containing  more 
than  a  very  limited  number  oi  worshippen. 
But  there  are  also  found  halls  and  chambers  of 


H  tlx  mbjcct  to  bill 

liipiB^ed  bj  Pudre  Harchi, 
KiHDctatnn  whirh  has  fulad 
ntocryftae,  for  tht  ainaller,  nn 
iitpT  cicavatioDa.       Of  tha 

«b  of  St.  Agnai  in  IHIS,  i 
t(aiTd  bj-   Harcbi  (pp.  IH2- 


'bich  hiTt  b«en  con- 
:  Catholic  RutboritiH 
I  coo^trnctad  for  the 


D|>rii(s  five  qmulraDguUT 


CATACOMBS 


313 


pilIDrBti,  three  o: 


cutting  tlie  gnUen  at  right  anglei 


bat  the  whole  rest*  on  too  cnujectural  a  bail*  to 
b«  accepted  aa  nuytblDg  more  than  a  posaible 
bvpothet^tn. 

'  Some  of  the  so-called  cryph  are  destitute  of 
artmsolia,  or  have  the  araaolia  placed  at  tm 
great  an  elevatioD  to  icrTe  aa  hoi;  Ubieg  for  the 
celebration  of  the  aacred  mTaterlea.  These  are 
■uDmed  hj  March!  to  bare  been  devoted  to  the 
instruction  of  oatechumimB.  Thej  usually  con- 
liit  of  two  chamben,  one  for  each  aei,  aud  are 
provided  nrltb  chairs  for  the  (presumed)  cate- 
cbiita,  and  benches  cut  in  the  tafit  ruck  for  the 
catechumen*  (cf.  March),  pp.  130-133;  tar. 
ivli.).  But  inch  an  identification  is  eiceedioglf 
doubtful. 

When  the  catacombs  became  places  of  refuge 
in  times  of  persecution  (as  it  la  Indisputable 
thuT  did,  thou;;h  not  to  the  extent  populnrly 
credited),  it  wnj>  e»seutinl  tbit  there  ehould  be 
the  means  of  obUiiniug  a  supply  of  water  without 
leariug  th»  liroiW  of  the  cemetery.  This  want 
waa  supplied  by  K«tfj  and  ipringt,  whether  dug 


s  purposp 


We 


of  whii 
still  holding  we 
he  Arm  prima  of  the  Citn- 
s  (P,  in  De  Rossi's  plan), 
lod  for  ita  original  purpose. 


■iio»n.snd  Iwo  of  the  three  to  the  left  of  the 
pllfry  for  men.  The  third  compartment,  di- 
viiifd  from  the  othen   by  an  arch  supported  on 

lauj.  In  the  centre  of  the  end  wall  stands  the 
wIMni,  or  bishop's  seat,  flanked  on  each  side 
br  i,itaiie  bench  rannlng  along  the  side  nails, 
wbiiii  formed  seats  for  the  clergy.  Hollowed 
est  10  as  to  ruraish  bi(.-ati  for  children,  an  <irc»- 
K^ioi  611s  the  spice  behind  the  episcopal  chuir, 
ud  McDpies  both  si<ies  of  cich  of  the  Goni|iart- 
onL.  The  walls  above  the  arcosoliaare  pierced 
"iih  tiers  of  Ivuti.  There  is  no  trace  of  an 
"lljr.  The  cnthnlr'i  entirely  prevents  the  arco- 
wlium  fronting  Ihe  entrance  being  so  used. 
Mircbi  therefore  comludes  th.it  the  alUr  must 
b.iie  been  portable.  The  whole  is  entirely  des- 
litott  of  painting,  or  decorations  of  any  kind, 
IcKind  a  rich  marble  pnndiog,  a  small  portion 
i>r'ahicb  remains.  The  result  of  the  learned 
rilhn'i  researches  was  to  satisfy  him  that  the 
in  Mies  reached  Ihe  church  by  distinct  stair- 
(■(p.  Vi)  and  by  seiArale  cor^iJD^^  and  that 
'  '1  Itself  must  have  been  con'^tructcd 
it  of  the  third  century: 


Tol.  ii.  p.  97).  Wells  are  also  mentioned  by 
Boldetti  (p.  40)  as  eiistiug  in  the  cemeteries  ol 
Praetei talus  nnd  St.  Helena,  and  n.itural  springs 
iu  those  of  St.  Poutinnus,  Ostrianus  or  Koua  l>etri 
and  the  Vatican. 

In  close  connection  with  the  wells  of  the 
catacombs  stand  the  so-called  Btijiisteries.  The 
most  remarkable  of  these  is  that  in  the  Cata- 
comb of  St.  Pontlanus,  the  purpose  of  which  is 
put  beyond  doubt  by  its  pictorial  decoration 
(Aringhi,  i.  381;  Bottari,  taT.  iliv.;  Boldetti, 
p.  40;  Marchi,  pp.  32,  220-22*;  taT.  ii.  ilii.). 
A  descent  of  ten  step  leads  to  a  cistern  iilled  by 
a  natural  stream  flowing  through  a  channel  in 
the  rock.  The  wall  aboie  the  cistern  retains  a 
fresco  of  the  Baptism  of  our  Lord,  aud  on  that 
at  the  back  of  it  is  a  magnilicent  jewelled  cross, 
the  stem  immersed  in  the  water,  blossoming  into 

support  lighted  candles,  the  characters  A.  A. 
suspended  by  chains.  Another  of  these  so..cHlled 
hnptisteriea  la  found  in  the  lowest  piano  of  gal- 
leries IntheCaUcombofSt.  Agnea.  It  is  a  well- 
preserved  chamber,  with  rude  columns  cut  In 
the  tufa  rock  iu  the  corner).     A  spring  of  watei 


314 


OATACOHBS 


TUDi  throu^  it.  The  paintiag*  luiTS  utinl^ 
peFiihed  fitim  damp- 
In  cauDtctioD  vitb  aome  cemtteria  ««  find 
prnTulan  for  muhing  the  corpH.  Thii  ii  Hen 
in  the  vtvj  remwksble  esrly  Ctmeterj  of  Domi- 
tilla  at  Tor  Marancit  The  entrance  it  •bove 
ground  OD  thfl  Hide  of  b  hill  cut  dovn  for  the 

restibult,  or  cDTered  porti.v».  To  the  left  it  ■ 
chAinbvr  vhere  tmj  be  traced  h  well  and  dBtero, 
with  the  plaEB  for  tha  pallej  of  the  bucket. 
This  chnmber  wai  probabljr  devoted  to  the  ciu- 
tomiry  wuhioK  of  the  dead  body  before  later- 
ment.  (See  Bosio,  A.  S.  cap.  IT.)  A  aimilar 
chamber  u  found  at  the  eutraDce  of  the  Jewiih 
Catacomb  on  the  Via  Appta.  It  hu  a  mosaic 
pavemeat,  and  draiui  to  parry  the  water  awaj. 


Some  of  theae  welli  probably  had  no  other 
object  than  that  of  drainiDg  the  catacombs. 
This  was  the  case  with  that  dug  by  Damaaus  in 
the  Vatican  Cemetery.  The  galleries  of  this 
catacomb  being  rendered  ualit  for  the  purpose 
of  sepulture  bj  the  iuGltntioD  of  water,  Da- 
maaus cut  away  the  rock  till  ha  found  the  ipring, 
and  diverted  its  waten  to  supply  a  baptistery. 
It  is  this  spring  which  now  suppliei  the  fountain 
la  Trout  of  the  Pontiijcal  Palace. 

Damaaus  recorded  his  good  work  in  the  fol- 
lewlDg  Inscription : — 

"  Clugebui  latkn  inoDtem  imeniqne  meato 


Hhc  cunvit  Hf  rmriis  Levlu  lldella.' 
The  singnlar  variety  of  objects  discovered 
within  the  locali  of  the  catacombs  is  an  evidence 
of  the  permanence  of  the  old  heathen  idea,  which 
regarded  the  life  after  death  as  a  continuation  of 
the  present  life  with  its  occupattom  and  amuse- 
ments, as  well  as  of  the  strength  of  the  universal 
human  instinct,  which  leads  the  bereaved  to 
depcsit  in  the  grave  of  their  loved  ones  the  tools 
and  ornameDts  and  playthings  which  had  loet 
their  use  by  the  death  of  their  possessor.  Bol- 
dettt,  lib.  ii.  cc,  14,  15,  fUrnishea  ua  with  very 
Interesting  details  of  the  results  of  his  Investiga- 
tions in  this  department,  together  with  engraved 
representations  of  some  of  the  more  curious  and 
typii^  objects  discovered  by  him,  some  of  which 
are  still  to  be  seen  in  the  Christian  Mnseum 


CATACOMBS 

of  the  Vatican.  Among  the  objects  eitmlcl 
from  children's  grave*  are  jointtd  doUi  of  ivoiy  or 
bone,  similar  to  those  which  we  learn  from  Caoal- 
Sscr.  Baril.  VaUcaa.  torn,  a  pp.  995-lOOCi 
the  bier  of  Haria,  the  daughter 
"         loa,  belongiog  tp 


y— little  eartheawMe 
very  great  ahnndsiKt 
tohavtb«a 


ware  found  ii 
of  Stilicho  and  w 
the  close  of  the  4th  a 
moaey-jart, — moiii,  ai 
of  snull  bronia  bells,  such  as 
in  use  in  claasioal  times  for  ttae  imusemenl  o! 
children,  frequently  mat  with  in  heathen  tombs, 
and  micii  in  metal  or  tcrra-cotta.  Female  tombs 
have  furnished  numerous  eiamplea  of  Mht  epip- 
a:ie  and  peramai  ornamenti;  mirrors,  ambi  ia 
ivory  or  hoiwood,  dodHnj,  pins  of  ivory  or  bote, 
vinaiyretter,  taatcri,  tiothpicU,  and  tarpida; 
braoeitta  and  annJetSj  earrinrjt  and  necklaat; 
buckla  and  brooches,  rinys  and  seaU ;  itvdi  sad 
butlona,  bailoe,  and  other  similar  objects,  tettlB; 
before  us  vividly  the  Roman  Christian  hidiei  et 
the  first  ages.  In  not  a  few  instances,  acnrdisg 
to  the  same  authority  (Boldetti,  Oaerc.  p  2»7X 
the  faiae  hair  worn  in  life  was  buried  with  the 
corpse.  Among  other  objecU  of  interest  dii- 
covered  In  the  focWi  we  may  mention  dice,  inrji 
htUfa-haruBes,  jaWitadi,  a  lock  and  iteji,  due  hilf  li 
an  iVory  tgg  with  portnila  of  a  husband  and  wire 
and  the  Christian  monogram  engraved  eg  (he 
Sat  section ;  tartoittiMI,  veighlt  of  ilcau,  sad 
small  glaai  fiA  engraved  irith  nunben,  the 
puipoie  of  which  haa  not  been  determined. 

Tiia  Dumbar  of  tompi  diacovered  in  and  sbool 
the  tombs  ts  countless.  The  majoritv  an  pI 
terrOyCotiaj  but  some  have  been  found  of  brsau, 
and  some  even  of  silver  and  amber.  One  in  this 
last  matatial  was  found  in  the  catacomb  i^ 
St.  Prisdlla  (Boldetti,  Osaem.  p.  298,  Uv.  L 
no.  7).  By  far  the  greater  part  of  these  lamps 
have  only  the  moni^ram  of  Christ  impressed  sa 
them.  But  there  are  a  very  large  nnniber 
which  present  other  familiar  symbols,  sacb  u 
the  palm-branch,  the  dove,  the  fish,  the  stup, 
snd  A  and  H.  The  Good  Shcpheni  is  of  freqnnl 
occurrence.  The  lamps  fbuod  in  the  Jeviib 
catacombs  almost  unltenally  bear  tha  Mven- 
branched  candlestick. 

The  ao.^led  inslrumsnfi  of  lortan  which  tht 
eager  imagination  of  pious  enthusiasts,  resoltld 
to  convert  every  buried  Christian  into  a  msityr, 
has  discovered  enshrined  in  the  lecidi,  ot  in- 
cised on  their  closing  slabs,  in  the  opinion  sf  tbe 
beet  loibrmed  and  most  calm  judging  wriltn, 
are  nothing  more  than  implrmsnta  of  handicnit 
One  singnlar  pronged  wiapon,  specimtni  d 
which  are  preserved  in  the  Vatican  and  Uw 
Collegia  Romano,  haa  been  identified  with  t 
heathen  sacrificial  inatmment,  and  its  pmeiu 
In  a  Christian  catacomb  boa  yet  to  be  eiplaiaed. 

ToFOOKAPHT  or  TBB  B011A8  CaTaoouo. 

The  following  catalogue  of  the  ancient  Chriiliu 
cemeteries  of  Borne,  the  names  of  which  slswl 
recorded  in  ancient  hi!itorical  doeumenls,  ar- 
ranged according  to  the  chief  Un«  of  rsad 
leading  from  the  city,  is  derived  from  De  Rmh'i 
great  work.  The  firat  column  gives  the  Dinx  of 
the  road.  The  second  that  which  De  Botti'i 
investigations  have  led  him  to  believe  to  hire 
been  the  primitive  names  of  the  larger  ometeriH 
in  the  first  age  of  the  Church.  In  the  Ibini 
column  appear  the  dectgnations  by  which  ibii 
were  known  in  the  fourth  century,  afl«i  tbi 


CATACOMBS 


315 


aridUisbacat  of  the  peace  of  the  Church.  The 
frarUi  ooliiiui  giTes  the  titles  of  certain  lesser 
ssBeteries  or  isolated  tombs  of  martyrs,  which 
are  eftea  oonftised  with  the  larger  cemeteries  to 


which  they  were  adjacent,  and  with  whidi  they 
were  sometimes  locally  connected.  The  later 
cemeteries  formed,  subsequent  to  the  peace  of  the 
Church,  occupy  the  last  column. 


Vckns   . 

BIOVB      . 


Orester  Oemeteries. 


PrimitiTe  Names. 


/'Ladnae  . 

(Hippolyti 

a.  PtaetexUtl   .    .    . 


3.  Ad  QitMumbis . 

4.  DomitUlae  .  . 
Su  Barilel  .... 
«.  Onminfuinias 


7.  Pontiani  ad  Ursnm 
FOeatma   .... 


8/ 


9.  Lodnae    .    .    . 
10.  GUepodil  .    .    . 


11. 


13.  Ad  Sepum  Oftlntnhss 
13.  BaslUae     .... 


14 

IS.  Mazimi    .    .    .    . 


U.  Thraaonis .... 


IT.  Jordanorum  .    .    . 


18.  Priadllae  .... 

19.  Ot^trianum  vel  Oh 
trlani         .    .    .    . 


20. 


Names  In  the  4th 

Century. 

Time  of  Peace. 


I 


\ 


S.  XysU 

'  CsieciUjie 

8S.  Xysti  ei  Coroelii 

8.  Jannarli. 

SS.  l7rbani,Felld88lml. 

AgutitU   Jannarli, 

Quliinl. 
SaTiburtl!,yalerlani. 

et  Maxlmi. 
&  Sebaattani  .    .    . 
S.  Petronlllae      .    .  ) 
SB.  Petrooillae.  Ne-  > 

rei,  et  Achllld     .  ) 
8S.  M ard  et  Maroel- 
Uant 
SS.  Fellds  et  Aududi 


Lesser  Cemeteries, 

or  isolated 
TiHnbs  of  Martyrs. 


37.  Soterldia. 


21.  PyriacBe    .    .    . 

22.  Ad  Dnas  Iaotob 


33. 


34. 


35. 
28 


ApmoJanl 


.    .    • 


!8S.  Abdon  etSemwn  ) 
&  Anastasii,  pp.  } 
S.  IniiooentU.  pp.  ) 
8.PancratU    .    .    . 

SS.  ProcoMl  et  Mart- 
ian!. 

&  Agathae  ad  Giru- 
lom. 

6.CaUlstivUAureUa 
JnUi  Tla  Anrella. 


t 


&  Valentlnt. 

Ad  capat  S.  Joamds. 

8.  Hermetia. 

SS.  Hermetia,  Baslllae, 

Proii,  et  HyadntU 
S.FamphyU. 
8.FeUdtatis    .   .    . 


&  Sataminl. 

&  AleicandrL 

SS.  Alexandri,  Ylta- 
Ua  «t  Martlalia  et 
Vn.  Virginum. 

S.  SilvestrL 

&  MarcelU. 

iCoemeterium  mijus. 
Ad  NympbaaS.  Petri. 
Fontb  S.  Petri. 


I 


8.  HippolyU. 

&LanrentU. 

8  Oorgonll.      .    .    . 

SS.  Petri  etMarcellinl. 

&  Ttbortil. 

6.  OaatoU. 

S.  Gordiani. 

SSw  Gordiani  et  Epi- 
macfal. 

SS.  SlmpUdl  et  Ser- 
▼illanl,  QnarU  et 
Quinti,  et  Sophtae. 

8.  TertuUini. 

S.  Eogenlac. 


38.  Sepulcmm  Panli 
Apt«toU  in  praedlo 
Lodnae. 

29.  CoemetertnmTl- 
mothe!  in  harto 
Theotiis. 

30.  KodeBiaS.Theclae. 

31.  Eodeila&Zenonis. 


i 


33.  Hcmoria  PMri 
ApostoU  et  aepnltu- 
rae  epiaooponun  in 
Vatlcana 


S3.  Eodesia  &  Hi- 

larlae  in  borto  ^Jus- 

dem. 
34.  Cryp(aSS.Ghz7- 

aantl  et  Darlae. 
38.  Goemeterimn  No- 

vellae. 


Oemeteries 

constructed  after 

the  Peace  of  the 

Church. 


38.  BalUnae  dve  & 
ICaid. 
38.  BamasL 


40.  Jnlli  via  Porto- 
eoal  mill  liL  8.  Fe- 
llds via  PortoensL 

41.  &FelidsviaAo- 
relia. 


88.  Coemeterimn  8. 

Agnetis  In  ^Jnadem 

agello. 
3T.  Ooem«teriam  8. 

Kloomedis. 


43.  InComitatii  tkf 
SS.  Qoatnor.  Ooro- 
natomm. 


S16 


OATAOOMBft 


CATACOMBS 


Catacombs  of  Naples,  &c. 

To  the  north  of  the  city  of  Naples,  four  sub- 
teiTanean  Christian  cemeteries  are  l^nown  to 
exist,  in  a  spnr  of  Capodimonte,  no  great  dis- 
tance from  one  another.  They  have  been  distin- 
guished by  the  names  of  S.  Vito,  8.  Severo, 
S.  Maria  delta  Santita,  and  S.  Qennaro  (Janua- 
rios)  dei  poceri.  There  is  also  a  fifth  at  some 
distance  under  the  monastic  Church  of  S.  Efremo. 
That  of  S.  Gennaro  is  the  only  one  now  acces- 
sible. It  has  been  fully  described  by  Pelliccia 
{de  Christianae  Eccles,  Pdit.  NeapoL  1781,  toI,  iv. 
Dissert.  V.),  and  more  recently  in  an  elaborate 
treatise  of  great  value,  embracing  the  whole 
subject  of  interment  in  the  catacombs,  by  Chr. 
Fr.  Bellermann,  Hamburg,  1839. 

With  many  points  of  resemblance  as  regards 
the  formation  of  the  graves,  and  the  actual  mode 
of  interment,  the  Neapolitan  Catacombs  differ 
very  widely  in  their  general  structure  from 
those  of  Home.  Instead  of  the  low  narrow 
galleries  of  the  Roman  Catacombs,  we  have  at 
Naples  wide  lofty  corridors,  and  extensive 
cavern-like  halls,  and  subterranean  churches. 
The  chief  cause  of  this  diversity  is  the  very 
different  character  of  the  material  in  which  they 
are  excavated.  Instead  of  the  friable  tufa  gra- 
nolare  of  Rome,  the  stratum  in  which  the 
Neapolitan  caUicombs  lie  is  a  hai-d  building 
stone  of  great  durability  and  strength,  in  which 
wide  vaults  might  be  constructed  without  any 
fear  of  instability.  To  quote  the  words  of 
Mabillon,  Iter  llalicum,  ''  altiores  habent  quam 
Romnua  Coemiteria  fornices  ob  duritiem  et 
Hrmit^item  rupis  secus  quam  Romae  ubi  arena 
seu  tophus  tan  turn  altitudinis  non  patitur."  It 
IS  probable  that  these  catacombs  were  originally 
stone  quarries,  and  that  the  Christians  availed 
themselves  of  excavations  already  existing  for 
the  interment  of  their  dead.  On  this  point 
Marchi  speaks  without  the  slightest  hesitation 
(^Monum.  Primitive,  p.  13). 

The  Catacomb  of  St.  Januarius  derives  its 
name  from  having  been  selected  as  the  resting- 
place  of  the  body  of  that  saint,  whose  death  at 
Pateoli  is  placed  a.d.  303,  when  transferred  to 
Naples  by  Bp.  John,  who  died  A.D.  432. 

Mabillon  speaks  of  three  stories:  "triplex 
oi-do  criptarum  alius  supra  alium."  Two  only 
are  mentioned  by  Pelliccia  and  Bellermann  as 
now  accessible.  The  galleries  which  form  the 
cemetery  proper,  are  reached  through  a  suite  of 
wide  and  lofty  halls,  with  vaulted  ceilings  cut 
out  of  the  rock,  and  decorated  with  a  succession 
of  paintings  of  different  dates,  in  some  instances 
lying  one  over  the  other.  The  earliest  frescos 
are  in  a  pure  classical  style,  and  evidently  belong 
to  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  aera.  There 
is  nothing  distinctly  Christian  about  these.  In 
many  places  these  have  been  plastered  over,  and 
on  the  new  surface  portraits  of  bishojjs,  and 
other  religious  paintings,  in  a  far  inferior  style 
and  of  a  much  later  date,  have  been  executed. 
[Frescx).] 

The  interments  are  either  in  loculi,  arcosolia, 
or  cubicula.  The  loculi  are  cut  without  order  or 
arrangement,  the  larger  and  smaller  apertures 
bring  all  mixed  together,  with  no  attempt  at 
economising  space.  The  arcosolia  have  barrel 
vnults.  Some  of  them  are  painted;  one  con- 
tains <t  fresco  of  the  peacock,  and  on  the  wal! 


above  portraits  of  a  mother  and  daughter  whose 
remains  are  interred  below,  with  a  rudely- 
written  inscription,  "  Vixit  Rufina  annos  Iv.  et 
filia  ejus  ....  xxxvii."  Another  also  presesta 
the  portraits  of  its  occupants,  all  in  prayer; 
a  bearded  father,  Micbelinus ;  a  girl,  Hiiarias 
aged  14,  and  a  child  Nonn<»a  aged  2  yean  10 
months,  with  spotted  frock,  pearl  he^-dress  and 
earrings,  necklace,  and  buckle  to  belt.  In  a 
third  is  the  bust  of  a  young  man  in  white  tune 
and  red  pallium,  with  the  inscription  **Hie 
requiescit  Proculus."  A  fourth  contains  full- 
length  figures  of  St.  Paul  and  St.  Lawrence. 
The  cvbictUa  average  7  palms  broad,  by  10  palms 
in  height  and  depth.  The  roof  is  horizontal  or 
slightly  coved.  Each  contains  from  3  to  8 
loaili.  The  graves  were  hermetically  sealed 
with  slabs  of  marble.  But  all  have  been  opened 
and  ransacked.  The  interments  in  the  lower 
piano  occur  in  two  long  parallel  galleries,  one 
much  wider  than  the  other,  communicating 
with  one  another  by  14  transverse  passages.  In 
the  upper  story  the  graves  are  cut  in  the  sides 
of  three  large,  broad,  low  vaulted  halls  exca- 
vated out  of  the  rock,  and  certainly  with  no 
original  view  of  sepulture. 

At  the  entrance  of  the  lower  piano  we  find  a 
so-called  martyrs'  church,  with  a  slightly  vaulted 
roof.  It  was  divided  into  a  nave  and  sanctoarj 
by  two  pillars,  the  bases  of  which  remain,  with 
cancelli  between.  In  the  sanctuaiy  stands  the 
altjir,  built  of  rough  stone,  and  a  rude  bishop's 
seat  in  an  apse  behind  it.  On  the  South  wall  axe 
the  arcosolia  of  John  1.  A.D.  432,  and  Paul  a.ix. 
764,  who,  according  to  Joanna  Diaconus,  de&ired 
to  be  buried  near  St.  Januarius.  In  other  rocuDs 
we  find  a  well  and  a  cistern,  recesses  for  lamps, 
and  the  remnants  of  a  Christian  mosaic  painting. 
In  a  niche  in  the  upper  piano,  which  was  tradi- 
tionally  the  place  of  the   font,  is  the  symbol 

IC  I  XC         Here,  according  to  Pelliccia,  iv.  162, 


Nl  I  KA 

a  marble  shell  was  discovered,  since  used  as  a 
holy  water-basin  in  the  church  of  St.  Gennaro. 
The  inscriptions  in  these  catacombs  go  down  to 
the  9th  or  10th  century. 

Among  other  Christian  catacombs  known  to 
exist  in  different  parts  of  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, of  which  we  are  still  in  want  of  fuller 
and  more  scientific  descriptions,  we  may  parti- 
cularize those  o£  Syracuse  known  as  **  the  grottos 
of  St.  John,"  and  described  by  D'Agincourt  ai 
^  of  immense  size,"  and  believed  by  him  to  hare 
passed  from  pagan  to  Christian  use :  the  Saracen 
catacomb  near  Taormina,  with  anAulaera  as 
much  as  12  feet  wide;  the  loculi  at  right  angles 
to,  not  parallel  with,  the  direction  of  the  gal- 
leries ;  each,  as  in  the  Roman  catacombs,  herme- 
tically sealed  with  a  slab  of  stone :  those  otMa&a, 
supposed  by  Denon  (  Voyage  m  Sidle,  Par.  1788), 
to  have  served  a  double  purpose,  both  for  the 
burial  of  the  dead,  and  as  places  of  refuge  for 
the  living ;  and  which,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  **  evidence  a  purpose,  leisure,  and  re- 
sources far  different  from  the  Roman  catacomU :" 
and  those  of  Egypt,  Of  these  last  D'Agincourt 
gives  the  ground-plans  of  several  of  pagan  origin. 
The  most  remarkable  is  one  bevond  the  cacal  (A 
Canopus,  in  the  quarter  called  by  Strabo,  xvu. 
p.  795,  "  the  Necropolis,"  The  plan  of  this 
hypogacum  is  drawn  with  great  regularity,  very 
unlike  the  intricate  maze  of  those  of  Rome.   The 


CATALOQUS  HIERATIGUS 

walls  an  pi«roed  with  three  ranges  of  loculiy 
rauuBgi  as  at  Taonnina,  at  right  angles  to  their 
iatgth.  Very  recently  a  small  Christian  catacomb 
lijs  bees  diacoTered  at  Alexandria,  described  by 
Ue  Kosai  {BttlUttino,  Kor.  1864,  Agost.  1865).  It 
k  atered  from  the  side  of  a  hill,  and  is  reached 
by  a  staircase,  which  conducts  to  a  yestibule  with 
a  itMie  bench  and  an  apse.  This  is  succeeded  by 
s  i-iiAMx/aM,  vith  an  arcoaolrwn  on  three  sides, 
•jxaiag  into  an  ambulacrttm  containing  28  loculi, 
a)]  set  endways  to  the  passage.  The  whole  is  full 
•f  paintings,  of  various  dates,  on  successive 
Uyen  of  stuooo.  One,  of  a  liturgical  character, 
it  aangocd  by  De  Rossi  to  the  4th  century.  But 
this  l»  probably  much  too  early. 

AvtiMiiiet, — ^Aringhi,  Boma  Svbterranea.  Bol- 
detti,  Osaervasioni  topra  i  dnUteri  Jie*  aanti  mar' 
bri  ed  taUicM  Christiani  di  MomoL.  Bosio,  Roma 
i^oUeramn»  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pitture  sagre 
atndte  dcd  cimUeri  di  Soma,  Fabretti,  Inscrip- 
UciKmk  anUqwirum  expliocUio.  Lupi,  Disseriatio. 
JIabillon,  Iter  ItaUcum,  Marchi,  /  monumenti 
(ieiU  arti  cristiane  primitive  nella  metropoli  del 
Crijfuiwswio.  Northoote  (J.  S.)  and  Brownlow 
(W.  K.X  Soma  Sotterranea,  Panvinius,  De  ritu 
aqutitndi  mortuot  apud  veteres  Christianos  et 
Mnm  coemgleriis,  Perret  (Louis),  Les  oata' 
cxmJm  de  Boms.  Raoul-Rochette,  Tableau  dee 
Cdaoombes,  Rossi  (J.  B.  de'),  Inscriptiones 
Oridiaue,  Rossi  (J.  B.  de'  and  Mich.  S.  de'), 
£oma  SctUnranea.  Seroux  D'Agiucourt,  Ilistoire 
4i  Cart  par  lee  monuments.  [£.  V.] 

CATALOGUS  HIERATIOUS,  the  name 
prea  in  the  Apostolic  Canons  (15  and  51,  or  14 
aad  50)  to  the  li^it  of  the  clergy  of  a  particular 
charch.  The  term  is  also  said  to  be  applied  to 
that  part  of  the  Diptychs  which  contained  the 
aaaes  of  those,  still  living,  who  were  named  in 
tiie  Euchari^tic  sen'ice ;  viz.  of  those  who  had 
nuile  offerings,  emperors,  patriarchs,  &c.,  and 
lastly  of  the  bishop  and  clergy  of  the  particular 
drnreh,  as  abore  said.  [A.  W.  H.] 

CATECHUMENS.  The  work  of  the  Church 
ii  admitting  converts  from  heathenism  or  Juda- 
Im  presented*  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  very 
4iftreBt  features,  according  to  the  varying  cir- 
cimstances  with  which  she  had  to  deal.  Disci- 
piiae  might  be  more  or  less  highly  organised, 
eonrerts  of  higher  or  lower  grades  of  knowledge 
•r  character.  If  we  attempt  to  form  a  complete 
picture  from  data  gathered  from  different 
efaarehes  and  centuries,  it  must  be  with  the 
reserve  that  all  such  pictures  are  more  or  less 
iiealiscd,  and  that  practically  there  were  every- 
what  departures  more  or  less  important  from 
it  It  will  be  convenient  to  arrange  what  has 
to  be  said  under  the  heads  (I.)  The  Catechumens. 
(IL)  The  C^techisU  or  Teachers.  (III.)  The 
PlsM  of  Instmctaon.  (I  V.)  The  Substance  of  the 
Tcadiing. 

L  Interaction  of  some  kind,  prior  to  the  ad- 
Busa<m  of  converts  by  baptism,  must  have  been 
prea  from  the  first,  and  the  word,  which  after- 
vards  became  technical,  meets  us  in  the  N.  T. 
ApoUos  was  **  instructed  "  {KanixyiH'^''os)  in  the 
vir  of  tlie  Lord  (Acts  xviii.  25).  Theophilus 
kid  been  **  instructed  "  in  the  main  facts  of  the 
Gospel  history  which  St.  Luke  inscribes  to  him 
(Lake  i.  4).  The  rfprtot  of  the  apostolic  epistles, 
tboigh  not  confined  to  the  stage  prior  to  baptism, 
VMld  natarally  include  those  who  were  passing 


CATECHUMENS 


317 


through  it ;  and  in  the  aroix^Ta  r^s  &px^'  '''^^ 
\oyiuv  rod  6eou  of  Heb.  v.  12,  we  have,  probably, 
a  summary  of  the  instruction  which  the  writer 
looked  on  as  adapted  for  such  persons.  In  prac- 
tice, however,  as  in  the  instances  of  the  £thiopian 
eunuch  (Acts  viii.  36*),  and  the  Philippian  gaoler 
(Acts  xvi.  33),  it  must  have  b<ien  of  the  briefest 
and  simplest  kind.  The  traces  of  the  process 
and  method  of  instruction  in  the  sub-apostolio 
age,  and  the  two  centuries  that  followed,  ai*e 
£nigmentary  tmd  vague.  It  's  not  till  we  get  to 
the  4th  century,  with  its  strivings  after  a  more 
elaborate  organisation,  that  we  meet  with  the 
developed  system  which  has  now  to  be  described. 
So  fitr  as  we  may  think  of  it  as  having  actually 
prevailed,  it  deserves  attention  as  presenting  the 
most  complete  plan  of  systematic  mission-work 
that  the  Church  has  ever  known. 

The  converts,  it  is  obvious,  might  be  of  any 
age — might  have  been  Jews,  or  heathens,  or  here- 
tics— might  be  ignorant  or  educated,  of  good 
or  bad  character.  They  might  have  been  led  to 
offer  themselves  by  the  influence  of  pci-sonal 
friends,  or  by  the  sermons  preached  in  Christian 
a.ssemblies  at  the  religious  services  to  which  even 
outsiders  were  admitted.  They  presented  them- 
selves to  the  bishop  or  priest,  and  were  admitted 
sometimes  after  inquiry  into  character,  sometimes 
without  any  delay,  by  the  sign  of  the  cross 
(August.  Conff,  i.  11,  De  peccat.  merit,  ii.  26)  and 
imposition  of  hands,  to  the  stiitus  of  catechumens 
(1  Cone.  Arelat.  c  6,  Cone.  EHb.  c.  3).  The 
Councils,  as  might  be  expected,  prescribe  condi- 
tions and  allow  immediate  admission  only  in  cases 
of  sickness  and  of  at  least  decent  conduct.  St. 
Martin,  however,  in  his  mission  work  in  Gaul, 
is  reported  to  have  admitted  his  hearers  to  be 
catechumens  as  they  rushed  to  him  catervatim 
on  the  spot  (Sulpicius,  Vita,  ii.  5,  p.  294). 
From  that  moment  they  were  recognised  as 
Christians,  though  not  as  *'fideles"  (1  Cone. 
Constant,  c.  7;  Cod.  TJteod.  xvi.  tit.  vii.  de 
Apostat.  leg.  ii.),  and  began  to  pass  under  in- 
struction. The  next  epoch  in  their  progress  was 
the  time  when  they  were  sufHciently  advanced 
to  give  in  their  names  as  candidates  for  baptism ; 
and  some  writers  (e.  g.  Suicer  and  Basnage) 
have  accordingly  recognised  only  two  great  divi- 
sions, the  AuDiENTES,  and  the  Competentes. 
Others,  like  Bona  and  Bingham,  have  made  three 
or  four  divisions,  though  differing  in  details;  and 
it  will  be  well  for  the  sake  of  completeness  to 
notice  these,  though  it  is  believed  that  the  classi- 
fication was  never  a  generally  i*eceived  one. 

(1.)  Bingham's  fii*st  class  are  the  4^<»6o6fityoty 
those,  t.  e.y  who  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the 
church,  and  received  whatever  instruction  was 
given  them  outside  its  walls.  The  existence  of 
such  a  body  is,  however,  very  doubtfuL  It  rests 
only  upon  an  inference  drawn  from  the  fifth 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea,  ordering 
that  a  catechumen  (one  of  the  Audientes)  who 
had  been  guilty  of  grievous  offences  should  be 
driven  out  (^(»9cf0-9a)),  and  there  is  no  mention 
of  such  a  close  either  in  the  canon  itself  or  else- 
where. What  is  described  is  the  punishment  of 
an  individual  offender ;  and  even  if  the  offenders 


•  The  interpolation  of  the  question  and  answer  of 
v.  31  in  the  MSS.  of  later  date  shows  an  uneasy  con- 
sciousness of  the  dilfercnoc  between  the  ecclesiastical  aial 
the  apostolic  practice. 


318 


CATECHUMENS 


were  numerous  enough  to  attract  notice,  there 
woild  be  no  ground  for  classing  them  as  in  a 
dutinct  stage  of  instruction. 

(2.)  The  next  division,  that  of  the  AtTDXEirrEg, 
or  iiKpoi&fA^yoi,  rests  on  better  evidence.  The  Greek 
term  is,  indeed,  not  found  as  the  designation  of 
a  class  till  the  4th  century,  but  the  Audientes 
or  Auditores  are  mentioned  both  by  Tertullian 
{de  Poenitent.  c.  6)  and  Cyprian  (^EpUt.  13  to  34). 
Over  and  above  the  instruction  they  received 
from  their  teachers,  they  were  allowed  to  attend 
in  churches  and  to  listen  (hence  their  name)  to 
the  scriptures  and  to  sermons,  sharing  this  privi- 
lege with  the  unbelievers,  but  probably  occupying 
a  distinct  place  in  the  congregation.^  They 
were  not  allowed,  however,  to  be  present  when 
the  strictly  liturgical  worship  of  the  church 
began,  and  when  the  sermon  was  over,  the  deacon, 
mounting  on  a  rostrum  of  some  kind,  proclaimed 
that  it  was  time  for  them  to  go  {Constt,  Apost. 
viii.  5).  As  applied  to  these,  or  to  the  whole 
body  of  those  who  were  under  catechetical  train- 
ing, the  mtssa  ccUechumenorum  became  the 
dividing  point  between  the  more  general  worship 
of  the  church  and  the  \etrovpyla,  properly  so 
called. 

The  feeling  which  showed  itself  in  this  disci- 
plina  aroani  kept  them  in  like  manner  from 
hearing  the  Creed  oi  the  Lord's  Prayer  till  they 
took  their  place  among  the  Jideles  (Chrysost. 
^0771.  xix.  in  Matt.).  Sozomen  (If.  E.  i.  20) 
even  hesitated  about  inserting  the  Nicene  Creed 
in  his  history  lest  it  should  fall  into  the  hands 
of  those  who  ^n^ere  still  in  the  earlier  stage  of 
their  Christian  training.  The  practice  of  repeat- 
ing the  Loi-d's  Prayer  secretby  which  still  prevails 
in  the  Western  Church,  probablv  originated  in  a 
like  precaution.  Assuming  the  Audientes  to 
represent  the  first  class  of  beginners  in  Christian 
training,  we  may  fairly  identify  them  with  the 
"  rudes "  of  Augustine's  treatise  (De  catechiz. 
rud&fus)  and  the  i,rf\4(rr€poi  of  the  Greek 
Canonists  (Balsamon  ad  Cone,  Neooaesar.  c.  5). 
The  time  of  their  probation  probably  varied 
according  to  the  rapidity  of  their  progress,  and 
the  two  years  specified  by  the  Council  of  £liberis 
(c.  42),  or  the  three  fixed  by  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  (viii.  32),  can  hardly  be  looked  on 
as  more  than  rough  estimates  of  what  was 
thought  advisable.  Any  lapse  into  idolatrous 
practices  or  other  open  sins  involved,  in  the 
natui*e  of  things,  a  corresponding  prolongation 
of  the  time  of  trial.  Where  the  offence  was  fla- 
grant, the  term,  in  which  penance  rather  than 
instruction  was  now  the  dominant  element,  might 
be  extended  to  the  hour  of  death,  or  to  some 
great  emergency  (Cone.  Elib.  c.  68). 

(3.)  Writers  who  maintain  a  threefold  or  four- 
fold division  of  the  body  of  catechumens  see  the 
third  class  in  the  prostrati  or  genuflectentes  (yovv 
KKivoyrts).  These  were  admitted,  not  only  to 
stand  and  listen,  but  to  kneel  and  pray.  As 
being  thus  more  prominent,  they  seem  to  have 
been  known  as  specially  the  catechumens,  as,  e.g., 
in  the  evxv  KaTHixovy-^vw  of  the  C.  of  Laodicea, 
c.  19.  The  name,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
applied  also  to  those  who  were  in  one  of  the 
stages  of  the  penitential  discipline  of  the  Church, 

k  The  place  assigned  for  the  Audienta  was  the  XdrtJux 
or  poTtLoo  of  the  chnrch.  (Zonarss  ed.  Cone  Nicaen. 
a.  11.) 


CATECHUMENS 

the  fdeUs  being  degraded  f^'om  their  rightfal 
position  and  placed  on  a  level  with  tho!«  wb« 
were  not  as  yet  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  mem* 
bership.    [Peniteht8.] 

(4.)  After  these  stages  had  leen  travened, 
each  with  its  appropriate  instruction,  the  cate- 
chumens gave  in  their  names  as  apji^cants  for 
baptism,  and  were  known  accordingly  as  CoiKpt' 
tentes  (avpturovyrrs).  This  was  done  oommoiilj 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Quadragesimal  ^t,  and 
the  instruction,  carried  on  through  the  whole  of 
that  period,  was  fuller  and  more  public  in  its 
nature  (Cyril  Hieros.  Ca^ch,  u  5 ;  Hieroo.  Ep. 
61,  ad  Pammach.  c.  4).  To  catechumens  in  this 
stage  the  great  articles  of  the  Creed,  the  natan 
of  the  Sacraments,  the  penitential  disdpline  of 
the  Church,  were  explained,  as  in  the  Catechetical 
Lectures  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  with  dogmatic 
precision.  Special  examinations  and  inqninei 
into  character  were  made  at  intervals  during  the 
forty  days.  It  was  a  time  for  fasting  and  watch- 
ing and  prayer  (Cons^f.  Apost.  viii.  5;  4  C.  Carth. 
c.  85 ;  TertnU.  De  Bapt.  c,  20 ;  Cyril.  /.  c),  and, 
in  the  case  of  those  who  were  married,  of  th« 
strictest  continence  (August,  de  fide  et  oper.  v.  8). 
Those  who  passed  through  the  ordeal  were  knovn 
as  the  perfediores  (rcXcu^epoi),  the  electij  or  in 
the  nomenclature  of  the  Eastern  Church  as  ^- 
ri(6fiwot  or  <l>crrt(6fi€vot,  the  present  participle 
being  used  of  course  with  a  future  or  geruiMUal 
sense.  Their  names  were  inscribed  as  such  ia 
the  oRntm  or  register  of  the  church.  They  were 
taught,  but  not  till  a  few  days  before  their  bap- 
tism, the  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  which 
they  were  to  use  after  it.  The  periods  for  this 
registration  varied,  naturally  enough,  in  differeat 
churches.  At  Jerusalem  it  was  done  on  the 
second  (Cyril.  Catech.  iii.),  in  Africa  on  the  fborth 
Sunday  in  Lent  (August.  Serm,  213),  and  this 
was  the  time  at  which  the  candidate,  if  so  dis- 
posed, might  lay  aside  his  old  heathen  or  Jewish 
name  and  take  one  more  specifically  Christian 
(Socrat.  ff.  E.  vii.  21).  The  ceremonies  connecteil 
with  their  actual  admission  will  be  found  nndn' 
Baptism.  It  is  only  necessary  to  notice  here 
that  the  Sacramentwn  Caiechummorum  of  which 
Augustine  speaks  (De  Peccat.  Merit,  ii.  26)  as 
given  apparently  at  or  about  the  time  of  their 
first  admission  by  imposition  of  hands,  was  pro- 
bably the  evAoy^ac  or  pamie  benedictuSf  and  not, 
as  Bingham  and  Augusti  maintain,  the  soA 
which  was  givenr  with  milk  and  honey  aflcr 
baptism.^ 

^  It  may  be  well  to  quote  tbe  passage  referted  to>- 
*'  Non  unius  est  modi  sonctificatlo;  nam  et  catedminnMe 
secundum  qneodam  modam  saum  per  slgnnm  CtaiA  et 
orationem  ct  manos  impositlonem  puto  sanctiflori:  et 
qnod  aodpinnt,  quamrig  non  tU  corpus  Christie  mxtani 
est  tamen,  et  sanctins  quam  dbl  qnibns  allmnr,  qooakai 
aacramentum  est"  Bingham  (x.  2, 16).  foUowiog  Boaa, 
infers  fW>m  a  canon  of  the  Srd  Omc  Garth,  c  B,  ftntiddiqg 
any  other  taeramentum  than  the  "soUtmn  sal"  to  be 
given  to  catechumens  during  the  £aster  fefeUval.  that  thb 
must  be  thai  of  which  Augustine  speaks ;  and  it  is  beyond 
question  that  this  was  given  during  the  period  of  prob»tioii, 
as  well  as  immediately  after  baptism.  It  would  seem,  bo*- 
eveTp  from  tbe  canon  itself,  that  some  other  saeraaunbm 
was  given  at  other  times ;  and  tbe  words  of  Angmine. 
**  qaamvia  non  dt  corpus  Cbrlsti,"  Imply,  ft  is  bellen^ 
eomething  presenting  a  greater  outward  Ukeness  to  tbs 
Eucharistic  bread  than  could  be  found  In  the  aalL  "nie 
proviso  would  hardly  have  been  needed,  on  tta^saft 
supposition. 


OATEGHX7MEN8 


CATHEDRA 


819 


It  ii  cletr  that  many  cases  would   present 
IImromItcs  in  which  the  normal  order  of  progress 
■mid  be  intermptcd.      (1.)  The  catechumen 
might  lapse  into  idolatry  or  other  grievous  sin. 
h  tlist  esse  he  was  thrown  back,  and  had  to  go 
tlmragh  a  penitential  discipline,  varying,  accord- 
iMf  to  the  natnre  of  the  offence,  £rom  a  few 
noDtbs  to  three  or  five  years,  or  even  to  a  life- 
leosexdodonCa  EHb.  c  4, 10, 11,  68;  C.  Nicaen. 
e.  14 ;  C.  Neo,  Ccusar.  c  5).     In  no  case,  how- 
«rer,  wis  the  sacrament,  which  was  thought  of 
» indispensable  to  salvation,  refused  to  the  peni- 
tent when  the  hour  of  death  approached.    Their 
OBS  were  looked  on  as  committed  in  their  unre- 
gcBerate  state,  and  therefore  less  heinous  than 
tlwT  would  have  been  in  those  who  had  been 
admitted  to  full  Chrbtian  fellowship.     (2.)  They 
nil^t,  however,  through  their  own  neglect,  die 
withovt  baptism.    In  that  case,  they  were  buried 
without  honour,   with   no  psalms  or  oblations 
(1  C.Brocar.  c  35),  and  were  not  mentioned  in  the 
pnyers  of  the  Church.    The  one  comfort  left  to 
their  surviving  friends  was  to  give  alms  to  the 
poor  in  the  hope  that  thus  they  might  obtain 
tome  alleviation  for  the  souls   that  had   passed 
beyottd  the  grave  without  the  new  birth  that 
sotted  men  to  the  Kingdom  (Chrysost.  Horn,  3 
m  Phitipp,'),    (3.)  Where  the  loss  of  baptism  was 
lot  iBcarred  by  their  own  de&ult,  the  will  was 
aecepted,  at  least  in  special  cases,  for  the  deed. 
Tbe  death  of  the  younger  Valentinian  led  Am- 
brose (de  ObU.  Valent*  p.  12)  to  the  wider  hope. 
What  was  true  of  catechumen-martyrs  and  the 
baptifln  of  blood,  as  supplying  the  lack  of  the 
baptism  of  water — and  this  was  received  almost 
aa  sa  axiom  by  all  Christian  writers  from  Ter- 
tollian  downwards  (see  Bingham,  x.  2,  20) — was 
tne  of  one  of  whom  it  might  be  said  "  hunc  sua 
^etas  abluit  et  voluntas."    Augustine,  following 
in  the  footsteps  of  hb  master,  appealed  to  the 
cmcsal  instance  of  the  penitent  thief  against  the 
rigorous  dogmatism  of  those  who  thought  that 
baptism  was  absolutely  indispensable  (ds  Bapt, 
ir.  22).    (4.)  Another  common  case  was  naturally 
that  of  those  who  were  stricken  down  by  some 
sadden  sickness  before  the  term  of  their  probation 
had  expired.     In  this  case  the  Church  did  not 
hesitate  to  anticipate  the  wished-for  goal,  dis- 
pensed with  all   but  the  simplest  elements  of 
iastroction,   and  administered  baptbm  on  the 
bed  of  death.    [Baptism,  p.  169.] 

n.  It  b  noticeable  that,  with  all  this  syste- 
matic discipline  as  to  the  persons  taught,  there 
was  no  order  of  teachers.  It  was  part  of  the 
pastoral  office  to  watch  over  the  souls  of  those 
who  were  seeking  admission  to  the  Church,  as 
wvll  as  of  those  who  were  in  it,  and  thus  bbhops, 
piests,  deacons,  or  readers  might  all  of  them  be 
feond,  when  occasion  required,  doing  the  work 
of  a  catechbt.  The  Doctor  Audientium,  of 
whom  Cyprian  speaks,  was  a  lector  in  the  church 
•f  Carthsige.  Augustine's  treatise,  dd  Catechi- 
vaidiB  Rudibua,  was  addressed  to  Deogratias  as  a 
deaooo,  the  CaUchetes  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  were 
detivend  by  him  partly  as  a  deacon,  partly  as  a 
presbyter.  The  word  Catechist  implied,  accord- 
ingly, a  functioii,  not  a  class.  Those  who  under- 
took that  function  were  known  sometimes  as 
mvriKttyot  {Constt,  AposL  ii.  37),  as  having  a 
work  like  that  of  those  to  whom  that  title  was 
applied  on  board  ship.  It  was  their  part  to 
^eak  to  those  who  were  entering  the  ark  or  ship 


of  Christ's  C>iurch,  to  tell  them  of  the  perils  ot 
the  voyage  which  they  were  about  to  undertake, 
and  tike  their  pledge  for  payment  of  the  fiire. 
The  word  was  part  of  the  metaphor  which  saw  in 
the  bishop  the  steersman,  and  in  the  presbyters 
the  sailors,  in  the  Church  itself  the  navis  or  ship. 

III.  The  places  in  which  catechetical  instruc- 
tion was  thus  carried  on  must  have  varied 
widely  at  different  times  and  in  different  places : 
sometimes  the  room  or  building  in  which  the 
fideles  met  to  worship,  before  or  after  service ; 
sometimes  a  room  in  the  presbyter's  or  deacon's 
house,  probably  at  Alexandria,  from  the  special 
nature  of  the  case,  a  lecture-room,  like  the 
^'  school "  of  Tyrannus  in  Acts  xix.  9.  It  is  not 
till  we  come  to  the  fully-developed  organisation 
of  the  Church  that  we  read  of  special  buildings  for 
the  purpose,  under  the  name  of  icari^xov/Acycia. 
They  are  mentioned  as  such  in  the  97th  canon  of 
the  TruUan  Council,  and  appear,  from  a  Novella 
of  the  Emperor  Leo's,  to  have  been  in  the  {hr4p^opy 
or  upper  chamber  of  the  church ;  probably,  t.  e, 
in  a  room  over  the  portico.  In  some  instances 
the  baptistery  seems  to  have  been  used  for  this 
purpose  (Ambros.  Ep,  33),  while  in  others,  again, 
perhaps  with  a  view  to  guarding  against  prema- 
ture presence  at  the  rite  of  baptism,  they  were 
not  allowed  to  enter  the  building  in  which  it 
was  administered  {Cone,  Araitnc.  c.  19). 

IV.  The  ideal  scheme  of  preparation  involved 
obviously  a  progress  from  lower  to  higher  truths. 
The  details  varied  probably  according  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  teacher  and  the  necessities  of  the 
taught;  but  two  great  representative  examples 
are  found  of  the  earlier  stage  in  Augustine's 
treatise  de  Catechizandis  rtidibus,  and  in  the 
Catecheses  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  The  range  of 
subjects  in  the  former  includes  the  sacred  history 
of  the  world  from  the  Creation  downwards,  and 
then  proceeds  to  the  truths  of  the  resurrection  and 
judgment  according  to  works.  Tbe  better  edu- 
cate may  be  led  to  the  allegorical  meaning  of 
Scripture,  and  the  types  of  the  law.  Then  came 
the  Gospel  narratives,  and  the  Law  of  Christ. 
The  teaching  of  Cyril,  as  intended  for  the  oom- 
petentes,  took  a  wider  and  higher  cycle  of  subjects, 
and  are  based  (Catech.  iv.)  upon  a  reguta  fidei, 
including  the  dogmas  (1)  of  God,  (2)  of  Christ, 
(3)  of  the  birth  from  the  Virgin's  womb,  (4)  of 
the  cross,  (5)  of  the  burial,  (6)  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ,  (7)  of  the  ascension,  (8)  of  judg- 
ment to  come,  (9)  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  (10)  of  the 
soul,  (11)  of  the  body,  (12)  of  meats,  (13)  of 
the  general  resurrection,  (14)  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures. [E.  H.  P.] 

CATHEDRA  (Kofl^o).— (1)  First  and  pro- 
perly, in  ecclesiastical  usage,  the  actual  throne 
or  seat  of  the  bishop  in  his  episcopal  church ; 
the  firjfJM  Kot  Bp6¥os  t^Xos  of  Eusebius  (iT.  E, 
vii.  30),  to  which  Paul  of  Samosata  arrogantly 
added  a  aiiKpTrroy, — distinguished  by  the  same 
Eusebius  from  the  Scvrcpoi  9p6voi  of  the  presby- 
ters (t6.  X.  5. 23) ; — who  also  speaks  of  the  kvoaro- 
XiKhs  Bp6vos  of  St.  James  at  Jerusalem,  meaning 
the  actual  seat  itself  still  preserved  there  (}6.  vii. 
19,  32);— called  cathedra  velata  by  St.  Augustiu 
{Epist.  ad  Maxim,  cciv.),  and  linteata  by  Pacian ; 
and  inveighed  against  by  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Camu  xi.) 
as  ffi|n)Aoi  Bp6voi\  and  so  Pi*udentius  speaks  of 
the  bishop's  seat,  '*  Fronte  sub  adversa  [t.  e,  as 
the  upper   end  of  the  apse]  gi*adibus  suUimc 


820 


CATHEDRA 


CATHOLIC 


tiibunal  ToUitur"  {Pertsteph,  H,  iv.  225).  St. 
Mark's  chair  is  said  to  have  existed  for  a  long 
time  at  Alexandria  (Vales,  ad  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  9). 
And  one  assigned  to  Pope  Stephen  is  said  to  have 
been  found  in  the  catacombs  by  Pope  Innocent  XII. 
The  wooden  chair,  with  its  heathen  ivories,  re- 
presenting the  labours  of  Hercules,  which  is  so 
carefully  honoured  in  St.  Peter's  at  Rome  as 
•St.  Peter's,  is  at  once  the  most  celebrated,  and 
the  most  unfortunately  chosen,  specimen  of  the 
class.  Episcopal  chairs  are  frequently  repre- 
sented in  ancient  Christian  mosaics  or  marbles, 
sometimes  adorned  with  two  lions'  heads,  some- 
times with  two  dogs'  heads,  sometimes  with  our 
Lord  Himself  represented  as  sitting  in  them, 
sometimes  with  the  B.  Virgin,  sometimes  with 
the  open  Gospels  laid  upon  them,  sometimes 
with  the  bishop  himself  (Ciampini,  Vet.  M<m,  I. 
tab.  2,  37,  47,  II.  tab.  41 ;  and  cf.  St.  Aug.  Epist. 
ad  Diosc.  Ivi.);  sometimes  raised  upon  steps 
(^gradatae,  St.  Aug.  Epist  ad  Maxim,  cciii.,  and 
see  Aringhi,  ii.  325) ;  sometimes  "  veiled  "  (ve- 
htae,  St.  Aug.  as  above,  see  Bosio,  Bom.  Setter, 
p.  327).  And  certain  chairs  or  seats,  cut  in  the 
tufa  stone  in  the  catacombs,  are  conjectured  to 
have  been  intended  for  the  bishop  at  the  time 
when  persecution  compelled  the  Christians  to 
hold  sei'vice  there.  A  Council  of  Carthage,  a.d. 
535,  forbids  Sr  bishop  '^  cathedram  collocare  in 
monasterio,"  t.  e,  to  ordain  there. 

But  hence  (2)  the  word  was  transferred  to 
the  see  itself  of  the  bishop,  as  in  Victor  Vit^ns. 
De  Persec,  Vandal,  iv.  So  Cone.  Milevit.  ii. 
cans.  21,  24;  and  *' Cathedrae  vidoatae"  in 
Collat.  Carthag.  i.  c.  185,  217 ;  "  Cathedrae  ma- 
trices," in  Cone,  Milev.  ii.  c,  25 ;  and  Cod,  Can. 
Afric.  123 ;  and  "  Cathedrae  principales,"  in  Cod, 
Can,  Afric.  38.  So  also  Greg.  Tur.  ff.  F.  iii.  1, 
and  Sidon.  Apollin.  repeatedly.  And  earlier  than 
all  these,  Tertullian  {De  Praescript,  xxxvi.) 
speaks  of  *'  Cathedrae  Apostolorum,"  as  still 
existing  in  the  '^  Ecclesiae  Apostolicae ;"  mean- 
ing, not  the  literal  chairs,  but  the  specially 
Apostolic  succession  of  the  bishops  of  those  sees. 

(3)  The  word  became  used  for  the  Episcopal 
Church  itself,  **  principalis  cathedra,"  in  Cone. 
Aquisgr,  a.d.  789,  can.  40,  meaning  the  cathedral 
as  opposed  to  the  other  churches  in  the  diocese  : 
"  Ecclesia  Cathedralis,"  Cone.  Tarraeon.  a.d.  516, 
c.  tUt. :  called  also  "  Ecclesia  mat«r,"  in  the  Cone. 
Horn,  sub  SyhestrOf  c.  17 ;  and  *'  Ecclesia  matrix," 
in  Cone,  Mogunt.  i.  c.  8 ;  and  '*  matrix,"  simply, 
by  Ferrand.  Bremar,  cc.  11,  17,  38.  But  "  ca- 
thedral," used  absolutely  for  the  *^  ecclesia  cathe- 
dralis," dates  from  the  10th  century,  and  belongs 
to  the  Western  Church  only.    [Cathedral.] 

[Du  Cange;  Bingham;  Martigny;  Walcott, 
Sacr.  Arch?\  [A.  W.  H.] 

CATHEDRA  PETRI.   [Peter,  Festivals 

OP.] 

CATHEDRAL,  also  in  later  times  DoM- 
KiRCHE,  Duouo :  the  chief  and  episcopal  church 
of  a  diocese ;  not  so  called  however  until  the 
10th  century,  when  the  epithet,  derived  from 
the  bishop's  cathedra  or  chair,  became  a  sub- 
stantive name;  called  previously  the  mother 
church,  or  the  ecclesia  matrxXy  in  distinction 
from  the  parish  churches,  which  were  called 
tituli  or  ecclesiae  dioecesanae.  [Cathedra.] 
It  was  also  sometimes  called  the  "Catholic" 
church.   [Catholic]    The  architectural  features 


of  A  cathedral  arc  treated  in  the  article  Chuboiu 
The  gradual  foi*mation  and  character  of  iiif 
cathedral  chapter  will  be  found  under  Chapter. 
And  for  the  immunities  belonging  to  it  simply 
as  a  church,  see  Church,  Sakctuart.  As  a 
cathedral  church,  it  was  held  to  be — what  at 
first  and  in  the  earliest  times  it  literally  wis— 
the  parbh  church  of  the  diocese,  to  which  the 
others  stood  as  it  were  in  the  relation  of  chapels. 
In  it  the  bishop  was  formally  enthroned:  so 
cathedrare  and  incathedrare,  to  enthrone.  And 
in  it  lie  was  to  be  consecrated,  aoMrding  to 
ordinary  rule.  [Bishop.]  Ordinations  also,  ai^ 
diocesan  synods,  were  commonly  held  there.  And 
manumissions  of  serfs,  in  Celtic  and  Saxon  England, 
took  place  at  the  altar  of  the  cathedral  in  the 
presence  of  the  bishop.  Schools  and  libraries 
were  attached  in  course  of  time  to  cathedrals. 
And  Charlemagne,  who  ordered  monastic  schools, 
and  founded  palatine  schools,  found  episcopal 
schools  ready  tio  his  hand.  [Schools;  CA3ro5ia, 
p.  281.]  [A  W.  H.] 

CATHEDRATICUM.— <1)  A  pension  paid 
annually  to  the  bishop  by  the  churches  of  his 
diocese,  "in  signum  subjectionis ;"  ace.  to  Cnnc, 
Braoar,  ii.  c  2,  **  pro  honore  cathedrae ;"  and 
to  Cone.  Bavenn.  a.d.  997,  c.  2,  "  pro  respectn 
Sedis ;"  both  councils  limiting  the  payments  m 
each  case  to  two  shillings  severally.  So  also  Coac. 
Braear.  iii.  a.d.  572,  and  Tolet.  vii.  c.  4.— (2)  Ti 
iy0povnrriKhyf  a  fee  paid  by  the  bishop  to  the 
bishops  who  had  consecrated  Kim,  and  to  the 
clerks  and  notai'ies  who  assisted  (Julian.  Ante- 
cessor, Constit.  115,  431  ;  Justiniar,  NocdL 
cxxiii.  c.  3;  quoted  by  Du  Cange).    [A.  W.  H.] 

CATHISMA  {Kddtapa),  A  section  of  th« 
psalter. 

(1)  The  psalter  in  the  Greek  Office  is  divided 
into  twenty  sections,  called  Cathismata.  Each 
Cathisma  is  sub-divided  into  three  Staseity  an-l 
"  Gloria  "  is  said  at  the  end  of  each  stasis  only. 
These  divisions  and  the  order  of  reciting  the 
psalter  will  be  explained  in  a  later  article.  The 
reason  for  the  name  assigned  is  that,  while 
the  choir  stand  two  and  two  by  turns  to  redte 
the  psalms,  the  rest  sit  down. 

(2)  A  short  hymn  which  occurs  at  intervals 
in  the  offices  of  the  Greek  Church.  It  consists 
of  one  stanza,  or  troparion  (rfMnrdpiow^  and  is 
followed  by  "  Gloria."  The  name  is  said  t» 
indicate  that  while  it  is  sung  the  choir  sit  down 
for  rest.  [H.  J.  H.l 

CATHOLIC,  Ka$o\iKhs,  Caiholicus,  used  io 
its  ordinary  sense  of  "  universal,"  not  only  hy 
heathen  writers  (as.  e.g.  Pliny),  but  also  not 
uncommonly  by  ecclesiastical  writers  also  (as, 
e,  g.  Justin  Martyr,  DiaL  cum  Tryph.  81,  Mo- 
XiK^  iivda-raa-iSf  and  Tertullian,  Adv.  Mardcm. 
ii.  17,  "Catholica  .  . .  bpnitas  Dei,"  &c  &c);  bnl 
commonly  employed  by  the  latter  as  an  epithet 
of  the  Christian  Church,  Faith,  Tradition,  People; 
first  in  St.  Ignatius  (Ad  Smym.  viii.),  in  the 
Martyrdom  of  St.  Polycarp  (in  Euseb.  £.  E.  iv. 
14,  &C.),  in  the  Passio  S.  PionU  under  Dedni 
(ap.  Baron,  in  an.  254,  n.  ix.),  in  St.  Clem.  Alex. 
(Strom,  vii.  p.  899,  Oxf.  1715),  and  thencefor- 
ward commonly,  being  embodied  in  the  Eastern 
(although  not  at  first  in  the  Western)  creed  :— 
indicating  (1)  the  Church  as  a  whole,  as  in  St. 
Ignatius  above  quoted;  and  so  in  Ariiis'  creed 
(Socrat.  i.  26),=ij  krh  irf parwv  cws  rtpdrm^l 


GATHOUO 

(S)  ijft  portion  of  the  univenal  Church  which 
H  n  MMj  particulAr  place,  ns  ii  4»  XfiOpyp  KoB<h- 
Atf^  iKKX-^cia,  as  in  the  Mart.  8.  Polycarp,:  (3) 
(vrhea  it  iiad  grown  into  an  epithet  ordinarily 
alladied  to  the  word  church),  used  as  eqniralent 
to  Christian,  **  CathoUca  fides  **  in  Prudent.  Peri- 
gtqJL  ir.  H  "Catholici  popuJi,"  ui  ib,  30:  or 
to  '^oithodoz,"  aa  opposed  to  *'  heretical ;"  as  in 
Paeian.  Eg>ui,  1,  ad  Sempron,  ^  Christianus  mihi 
MBtn  est,  Catholicus  cognomen;"  and  in  Cone 
JatiodL  AJ).  341,  mi  jcotfoXucal  ^icicXi|(r(itt,  as  op- 
foied  to  the  Samoaatenians ;  and  in  Cone,  Arimiiu 
ajk2&%  4  mtfoAur^  iKKKftaioy  in  like  opposition 
to  heretics ;  and  in  St.  Cyril.  Hieros.  Lect,  Catech, 
xmL  advisiAg,  in  a  town  where  there  are  heretics, 
to  enquire,  not,  tov  icrlr  iarX&s  ^  iKKKtida, 
kJOik^  vow  iarhf  ^  ica0oAijdf  ^icicAii<rla,  &c  &c. 
So  also  in  the  Athanasian  Creed,  "  the  Catholic 
icligioo,"  and  ^  the  Catholic  faith."     (4)  When 
ma  began  to  look  about  for  a  rationale  of  the 
epithet,  or  when  driven  to  do  so  as  in  the  Do- 
astist  controTersy  (the  Donatists  meeting  the 
arguneat  against  them,  drawn  from  the  word, 
bf  explaining  it,  "non  ex  totius  orbis  commu- 
i^oae,  sed  ex  obfaerratione  omnium  praeceptorum 
dtviMram  atqne  omnium  sacramentorum,"  St. 
lag.  EjM$L  93,  §  23X  taken  to  indicate  the  uni- 
Ttrsality  of  the  Church ;   so  in  St.  Aug.  Epist 
52,  {  1,  **  Ka^oXjutii  Graece  appelUtur,  quod  per 
totan  orbcm  terrarum  diffunditnr;"  and  simi- 
brlyUdor.£hi<0iU.  L16,&c.&c  And  St.  Cyril. 
Hieros.  {LecL  Otdech.  xriii.  §  23)  dilates  upon 
the  word  rhetorically  in  this  sense,  as  intimating 
thst  the  Church  subiugatea  all  men,  teaches  all 
truth,  heals  all  sin,  sc.     In  somewhat  like  way, 
the  Catholic  Epistles  are  so  called  (=*E7ic^ic\iot) 
as  early  as  the  3rd  century  (Easeb.  JI,  E,  vi.  25, 
TiL  25);  because  written,  oh  rrphs  Ik  i9¥0s  hXKk 
uJUkav  vphs  •M-drra  (Leont.  J)e  Sect.  Act.  2). 
lad  not  only  these,  but  such  epistles  also  as 
those  of  Dionysius  of  Coriuth  (Ka0oAiica7f  vpbs 
rka  immXiiaias  irurroKauSj  Euaeb.  ff,  E,  iv,  23). 
So  Tertulliaa,  again  (Z>tf  Monog.),  of  Catholic 
tniiitMMi.     And  similarly  the  well-known  defi- 
aitioB  of  **  Tere  Catholicum,"   in  St.   Vine  of 
Leriaa,  as  that  which  had  been  held  '*  semper, 
ahique,  et  ab  omnibus."     Optatus  (^Cont.  Donat. 
u.),  in  explaining  the  term  by   ''rationalis  et 
■teiae  diflfusa,**   was  possibly  in  the  first  half 
•f  his  definition  thinking  of  the  ^*  Rationalis," 
vho   was    also    called    KaBo\tKhsy    being    the 
fieacni  receiver  of  the  imperial  revenue  under 
the  Roman   empire ;   but   more   probably  was 
(«aibuading  the  real  derivation  ttat^  5Aov,  with 
a  sQpposed  one   from   Korit  xAyov.     (5)  Used 
abo  somewhat  later  of  the  Church  as  a  build- 
ing: viz.  as  the  distinctive  epithet  of  the  bishop's 
or  cathedral    church,   as    against    the    parish 
ckorches;  e.g.  in  Epiphanius,  Haer,  lix.  §  1  (i^ 
nB^kuAi  ^KKXifirla  4¥  *AAc(av8^Jf,  in  opposition 
to  the  sinaller  churches  there,  and  so  also  Niceph. 
zr.  22).     (6)  In  Cone  TruU.  can.  lix.  (Labb. 
n.  1170),  as  the  name  of  the  church,  as  op- 
posed to  an  oratory  (€hitrfipl^  oYxy)*  baptisms 
(and  by   inference    the   eucharist)  being  cele- 
brated in   the  KoBoKueif  iKKXtitrlOf  but  not  in 
the  entory.    (7)  In  Bvzantine  Oreek  times,  an 
•pithet  of  the  parish  cnurch,  which  was  open  to 
all  in  distinction  fix»m  the  monastic  churches 
(Codinus,  Balsamon,  &c).    (8)  Still  later,  the 
fttriarchs  or  Primates  of  Seleucia,  of  the  Arme- 
■iaas,  of  the  Ethiopians,  were  styled  Catkolid 
cBKwr.  Airr 


CATHOLICUS 


321 


(Du  Cange>  See  also  Thomassin,  I.  i.  24.  The 
Catholicus  of  the  Persian  Church  was  so  called  as 
early  as  Procopius  {De  Bell,  Pereico,  ii.) ;  and  the 
Catholicus  of  Seleucia  was  made  so  independently 
of  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  (^Arabic  Vers,  of  Nioene 
Canons).  The  term  means,  more  exactly,  a  pri- 
mate, having  under  him  metropolitans,  but 
himself  immediately  subject  to  a  patriarch. 
[Catholicub.]  KoiBoXucol  Bp^yoi,  in  Theophan. 
(in  V.  Constant,  Copronymi)^  were  the  sees  of 
Rome,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem.  (9) 
The  term  became  a  title  of  the  King  of  France, 
Pipin  being  so  called  A.D.  767 ;  and  very  much 
later,  of  the  King  of  Spain  also.  (Pearson,  On 
the  Creed,  art.  <  Holy  Catholic  Church;'  Du 
CSange ;  Suicer.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

CATHOLICJUS.     "  I  have  ordered  the  ca- 
tholictu  of  Africa  to  count  out  3000  purses  to 
yourlioliuess,"  said  the  Emperor  Constantino  to 
Caecilian,  bbhop  of  Carthage  (Euseb.  H,  E,  z.  6). 
A  similar  order  to  indemnify  Eusebius  the  his- 
torian for  the  costs  of  getting  50  copies  of  the 
Bible  transcribed  for  general  use  was  issued  by 
him  to  the  catholicus  of  the  diocese ;  that  is,  of 
the  civil  diocese  called  the  East  (ib.  Vit.  Const. 
iv.  36).    A  former  holder  of  this  office,  Eusebius 
elsewhere  tells  us,  named  Adauctus,  had  been 
martyred  under  Diocletian  {H.  E.  yiii.  11).    Ap- 
parently there  was  one  such  for  each  of  the  13 
civil  dioceses,  and  a  14th  attached  to  the  im-> 
perial  household — M  r&v  Ktt06\ov  \6ytt¥  Xryi^ 
fi^vos  elyoi  jBa<r(\c«f  (t6.  vii.  10) — ^who  was  in 
later  times,  according  to  the  Basilics,  or  code  of 
the  Emperor  Basil  I.,   called  the   ^  lorjotiiete  ** 
(lib.  vi.  tit.  23).     Various  ordinances  relating  to 
this  office  are  to  be  seen  -there.    The  two  promi- 
nent ideas  attaching  to  it  were  that  of  a  receiver- 
general,  and  of  a  deputy'Teceiver,  It  wAs  formerly 
discharged   in  England  by  the  sheriff  or  vice- 
comes  of  each  county,  who  forwarded  his  annual 
account  of  receipts  and  disbursements  to  the 
king's  exchequer.  The  ecclesiastical  officer  called 
^*  catholicus "  was  of  a   piece  with   the  civil. 
Procopius,   in  his  history  of  the  Persian  war 
(ii.  25)  under  Justinian,  says  that  the  chief  dig- 
nitary among  the  Christians  of  Dubis  was  called 
"  catholicus,"  as  presiding  over  the  whole  coun- 
try, namely,  Persia.    But  according  to  Dr.  Neale 
{Eastern  Ch,  i.  141),  this  title  had  been  assumed 
at  a  much  earlier  date  by  the  bishops  of  Seleucia, 
meaning  by  it  that  they  were  '*  procurators- 
general,"   in    the  regions  of  Parthia,   for  the 
Patriarch  of  Antioch,  to  whose  jurisdiction  they 
were  subject,  till  for  political  reasons  their  inde- 
pendence was  allowed.    The  **  catholicus  "  men- 
tioned by  Procopius  was  doubtless  head  of  the 
Nestorians  in  Persia,  whose  teaching  was  speedily 
carried  thither  from  Edessa,  as  the  well-known 
letter  of  Ibas,  bishop  of  the  latter  place,  to  the 
Persian  Maris,  alone  would  shew.     Having  on 
the  death  of  Acacius,  twenty-second  catholicus  ol 
Seleucia,  A.D.  496,  obtained  possession  of  that  see, 
they  established  their  head-quarters  there,  con- 
stituting its  archbishop  patriarch,  and  styling  him 
^  catholic  patriarch."    By  this  phrase  they  must 
have  meant  however  not  d!srpu^y-patriarch,  which 
he  was  no  longer,  but  oecumenical  patriarch,  which 
to  them  he  was  in  fact.     So  that  when  the  title 
got  into  sectarian  hands,  it  seems  to  have  shifted 
its  meaning  to  some  extent,  and  implied  uni- 
versal rather  than  vicarious  powers.     But  aa  it 

y 


822 


CATULINTT& 


CAUPONA 


was  a  dignity  confined  at  first  to  the  eastern 
portions  of  the  single  patriarchate  of  Antioeh, 
and  there  common  to  the  orthodox  and  heterodox 
alike,  we  most  not  expect  to  find  the  acooonts 
giren  of  it  clear  or  always  consistent.  As  a 
general  rule  the  ^  catholicns "  was  subordinate 
to  the  patriarchy  and  had  metropolitans  under 
him ;  but  the  officer  a!taswenng  to  this  descrip- 
tion among  the  Jacobites  was  more  commonly 
called  **  maphricaii^  or  *'  fruit-bearer ;"  the  Nes- 
torians  on  all  occasions  doing  their  best  to 
monopolize  the  other  title.  Still  we  read  of  a 
"  catholicus  "  for  Armenia  and  for  Georgia  among 
the  former,  as  well  as  for  Chaldaea  and  Persia 
among  the  latter;  and  Jacobite  patriarchs  also 
called  themselyes  **  catholic,"  in  imitation,  and 
to  the  annoyance,  of  the  Nestorian.  (Asseman. 
De  Monoph,  §  8,  and  De  Syria  Nestor,  c  xi ;  Du 
Cange,  Qloss,  Qraec,  s.  t.^  Later  writers,  again, 
speak  of  a  **  catholicus  of  Ethiopia,  of  Nubia, 
of  the  isles  and  elsewhere :  that  is  to  say,  this 
title  came  to  be  applied  in  time  to  any  grade 
between  metropolitans  and  patriarchs  (&Ter. 
Synod,  i.  709)^  and  to  be  no  longer  peculiar  to  a 
single  patriarchate.  [E.  S.  F.] 

G  ATTTLINTJS,  deacon,  martyr  at  Carthage,  is 
commemorated  July  15  (Mart.  Carthag..  Usuardi). 

tC] 

CAUPONA,  CAUPONES,  tavern,  tavern- 
keepers.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  enume- 
rate the  caupo  amongst  the  persons  whose 
oblations  are  not  to  be  accepted  (bk.  iv.  o.  6). 
If  such  oblations  were  forced  on  the  priest,  they 
were  te  be  spent  on  wood  and  charcoal,  as  being 
only  fit  for  the  fire  (jb.  c  10).  A  later  consti- 
tution still  numbers  the  caupo  amongst  those 
who  could  not  be  admitted  to  the  church  unless 
they  gave  up  their  mode  of  life  (bk.  viii.  c  32). 
Bingham,  indeed,  holds  the  caupo  of  the  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions  not  to  have  been  strictly  a 
tavern-keeper,  but  a  fraudulent  huckster,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  word  is  to  be  found 
used  in  a  more  extended  sense  in  many  instances. 
But  there  is  in  the  present  one  no  reason  for 
diverting  it  f^om  its  ordinary  use.  It  is  clear 
f^om  too  many  evidences  that  the  ancient  tavern 
— the  oaupona  of  the  Romans— differed  little 
from  a  brothel ;  see  for  instance  Dig.  bk.  xxiii. 
t.  ii.  1.  43 ;  Code,  bk.  iv.  t.  L  vi.  1.  3. .  A  Con- 
stitution of  Constantino  (a.d.  326),  whilst  de- 
claring that  the  mistress  of  a  tavern  (the  words 
oaupona  and  taberna  are  here  used  indifferently) 
was  within  the  laws  as  to  adultery,  yet  if  she 
herself  had  served  out  drink,  assimilated  her  to  a 
tavern-servant,  classing  such  persons  among  those 
whom  "  the  rileness  of  their  life  has  not  deemed 
worthy  to  observe  the  laws  "  (Code,  bk,  ix.  t.  ix. 
1.  29>  In  the  work  called  the  **  Lex  Romana," 
which  is  considered  to  represent  the  law  of  the 
Roman  population  in  Italy  during  Lombard  times, 
and  which  is  mainly  founded  on  the  Theodosian 
Code,  a  similar  provision  is  contained,  but  with 
the  use  of  the  word  tabema  alone  (bk.  ix.).  This 
evidently  implies  that  the  caupo  himself,  or  the 
cauponae  or  tabemae  donunoy  was  undistiDguish- 
able  from  the  brothel-keeper,  and  the  forbiddance 
to  receive  the  coupons  offering  resolves  itself  into 
that  contained  in  Deut.  xxiii.  18. 

This  view  is  confirmed  by  almost  all  later 
church  authorities.  Thus  a  cleric  found  eating 
m  a  cauponOf  unless  through  the  necessities  of 


travel,  was  by  the  46th  (otherwise  S3id)  ^  thk 
Apostolical  Canons — supposed  to  be  of  the  4th 
century — sentenced  to  excommunication,  the 
Canon  evidently  intending  a  tavern  and  not  a 
mere  huckster's  shop,  llie  24th  Canon  of  tks 
Council  of  Laodjoea  (Utter  half  of  the  4th  e»- 
tury,  but  the  alleged  dates  varying  from  367  to 
367)^  enacts  that  none  of  the  priestly  order 
(l€(wriKobs)y  from  the  presbyter  to  the  desooi, 
nor  outside  of  the  ecclesiastiGEd  order  to  the  wr- 
vants  and  readers,  nor  any  of  the  ascetic  dais 
shall  enter  a  tavern  {iuani\§tor ;  see  also  the  7tk 
Canon  of  the  so-called  African  Council,  which 
however  itself  only  designates  a  general  eolleo- 
tion  of  African  Canons).  The  book  of  Canons  <^ 
the  African  church,  ending  with  the  Council  of 
Carthage  of  419,  c  40,  repeats  substantially  the 
above-quoted  article  of  the  Apostolical  Canons. 

In  spite  of  these  enactments,  we  find  by  later 
ones  that  clerics,  who  were  forbidden  to  enter 
taverns,    actually   kept    theno.      Thus   certain 
'*  Sanctions  and  Decrees  *'  printed  by  Labb^  and 
Mansi,  after  the  various  versions  of  the  NictM 
Canons,  from  a  codex  at  the  Vatican,  but  evi- 
dently from  a  Greek  source,  require  (c  14)  that 
the  priest  be  neither  a  caupo  nor  a  icAemariiUy 
making  thus    a  distinction    between   the  two 
terms,  which  often  appear  in  later  days  to  be 
synonymous.     A  canon  ascribed  by  Ivo  to  the 
Synod  of  Tours,  ▲.D.  461,  states  that  ^  it  hath 
been  related  to  the  holy  synod   that  certain 
priests  in  the  churches  committed  to  them  (an 
abuse  not  to  be  told)  establish  taverns  and  there 
through  cauponea  sell  wine  or  allow  it  to  be 
sold ;"  so  that  where  services  and  the  word  of 
God  and  His  praise  should  alone  be  heard,  there 
feastings    and   drunkenness   are  found.      Such 
practices  are  strictly  forbidden,  the  offending 
priest  is  to  be  deposed,  the  laymen,  his  aooom- 
plioes,  to  be  excommunicated  and  expelled  (oc  2, 
3).    In  the  East,  indeed,  it  appears  certain  from 
the  43rd  Novel,  that  in  the  first  half  of  the  6th 
century,  and  presumably  since  the  days  of  Con- 
stantino, taverns  were  held  on  behalf  of  the 
church,  and  must  have  been  included  among  the 
1100  separate  trading  establishments  which  were 
the  property  of  the  cathedral  church  of  Con- 
stantinople.   But  apparently  this  tavern-keeping 
for  the  church  was  not  held  equival«it  to  tavern- 
keeping  by  clerics,  since  about  sixty  years  later, 
the  9th  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Osnstantinople 
in  TruUo,  A.D.  691,  bears  <Uhat  it  shall  not  be 
lawful  for  any  cleric  to  have  a  tavern.    For  if  it 
be  not  permitted  to  him  to  enter  one,  how  much 
less  can  he  serve  in  it,  and  do  there  that  which 
is  not  lawful  ?"    He  must  therefore  either  give  it 
up  or  be  deposed.    And  although  the  68thGHMm 
of  the  same  Council  uses  a  compound  of  the 
Greek  Synonym  for  caupOy  in  a  more  general 
sense  (rois  fitfiKioKonr^Xois,  translated  librorvm 
cauponatoribus,  m.  book-sellersX  yet  in  the  7Sth 
the  strict  idea  of  the  tavern  seems  to  recur, 
where  it  is  enacted  that  no  naxiiKuoif  is  to  be 
set  up  within  the  holy  precincts,  nor  food  or 
other  things  to  be  exhibited  for  sale.    And  by 
the  8th  century  the  original  sense  of  caupOy  on»- 
pona  is  palpable  through  the  more  modem  word 
(in   this  application)  tabemoy  which  oocats  in 
numerous  repetitions  more  or  less  literal  of  the 
above-quoted  Apostolical  Canon;  as  in  a  Capi- 
tulary of  Theodulf,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  to  hif 
clergy,  a.d.  797,  forbidding  them  to  go  trMi 


CAYEBNENSE  OONCILIUM 

liTCn  to  Urenif  drinking  or  eating  (c  13); 
ooe  of  tlie  iAJnnctions  of  Charlemagne,  from 
a  MSw  ^  the  Monastery  of  Angers,  forbidding 
pietts  to  enter  a  taTem  to  drink ;  the  19th 
Cknoa  of  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  and  the  em- 
pexw^s  Frankfort  Capitnlarj  (794)  to  the  same 
dfct,  bat  extending  also  to  monks ;  a  capitulary 
of  601  (general  ooll^  bk.  i.  c  14),  quoting  the 
Cooadl  of  Laodioea  and  the  African ;  the  325th 
chapter  of  the  5th  book;  the  Canons  of  the 
Cbuudls  or  Synods  of  Rheims  (e.  xxri.),  applying 
to  onnks  and  canons,  and  of  Tours  (c  xzi)^  both 
taiJ».813;  the  Edict  of  Charlemagne  in  814,  c.  18. 
I  It  will  thus  appear  that  whilst  the  seyerity  of 
tiie  Apostolical  Constitutions  against  the  indl- 
fidial  taTcm-keeper  is  not  followed  in  later 
tiaies,  yet  that  the  Western  Church,  at  least 
teing  the  period  with  which  this  work  is  oocu- 
■•d,  persistently  treated  the  use  of  the  tayem 
by  derics,  otherwise  than  in  cases  of  necessity, 
tfill  more  their  personal  connexion  with  it,  as 
jneanpatible  with  the  clerical  character.  The 
witaees  of  the  Eastern  Church  is  also  to  the  same 
elect,  but  its  weight  is  marred  by  the  trade, 
iadodjagthat  in  liquors,  which  for  two  centuries 
at  least  seems  to  haye  been  carried  on  at  Con- 
stantinople for  the  benefit,  not  indeed  of  indi- 
ridaal  derices,  but  of  churches  and  charitable 
tbondatioiia.    [See  also  DROiVKENNBaB.] 

[J.  M.  L.] 

CAVERNEN8E  OONCILIUM.  [African 
Gocscill] 

CEAIXJHTTHE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Cal- 
CHUTRKBSE.]  Exact  locality  unknown,  but  cer- 
tainly IB  Mercia,  and  probobly  Chelsea,  originally 
called  Chelcfaeth,  Chelchyth,  &c  (1)  A.D.  787, 
erptMsibly  788,  a  legatine  council,  George,  bishop 
•f  Ostia.  and  Theophylact,  bishop  of  Todi,  being 
the  legates  for  Pope  Adrian  L  Its  object  was  to 
lenew  the  ''auitiquam  amicitiam  "  between  Rome 
aw!  E^land,  and  to  affirm  "  the  Catholic  faith  " 
aal  the  six  Oecumenical  Councils.  But  it  also 
appears  to  haye  been  made  the  occasion  of  pre- 
pari^  the  way  for  the  erecting  of  Lichfield  into 
aa  uehbtabopric  independent  of  Canterbury, 
vkich  actually  took  place  in  788.  A  companion 
eoandl  was  held  in  Northnmbria  (Haddan  and 
Stabhs,  Cowe.  iii.  444,  6q.>  (2)  AJ>.  789,  called 
'"Pontificale  Concilium  ;"  grants  made  there 
warn  extant  (K.  C.  D.  155 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
il  465).  (S)  A.D.  793,  at  which  a  grant  was 
Bttde  to  St.  Alban's  (K.  C  D.  152 ;  Haddan  and 
Stabba,  ui.  478).  (4)  A.D.  799,  at  which  a 
laaae  was  adjudicated  between  King  Coenulf  and 
tile  Bishop  of  Selsey  (K.  C.  D.  116, 1034 ;  Haddan 
aad  Stubbs,  iii.  52d)i  There  were  seyeral  councils 
at  the  same  place  after  A.D.  800.       [A.  W.  H.] 

CELEDEL    [CoLiDEi.] 

CELEDONIU8,  martyr  at  Leon  in  Spain, 
if  eommemorated  March  3  {Mori.  Rom,  VeU, 
Uwaidi).  [C] 

CEI.ENEN8E  (X)N(HLn71i,  a.d.  447, 
bdd  in  a  small  place  close  to  Lugo  in  Gallicia, 
apiBst  the  Priscilliaaists ;  an  appendage  to  the 
lit  CouncQ  of  Toledo  (Labb.  Cbno.  iii.  1466> 

[A.  W.  H.] 

CELEBINA,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Dedus, 
il  oonmKmorated  with  Celerinus,  Feb.  3  {Mart, 
Hjcroi.,  Rem,  Vet,,  Usuardi).  [C] 


CELIBACY 


323 


CELIBACY.  The  history  of  Cfhristian 
thought  and  legislation  in  reference  to  this  sub- 
ject is  essentially  one  of  deyelopment.  From  the 
first  there  were  the  germs  of  two  different  sys- 
tems, at  first  in  due  proportion,  each  the  comple*  ^ 
ment  of  the  other.  Then,  under  influences  which 
it  will  be  our  work  to  trace,  one  passes  through 
rapid  stages  of  growth  till  it  threatens  to  oyor- 
power  or  crush  the  other.  Protests  are  uttered 
from  time  to  time,  with  more  or  less  clearness. 
The  idea  which  seemed  threatened  with  extinction 
finally  reyives  and  in  its  turn  dominates  unduly. 
It  remains  for  the  fnture  to  restore  the  balance 
which  we  recognise  in  the  primitive  records  of 
the  faith. 

1.  Any  preference  of  celibacy  oyer  marriage 
was,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  foreign  to  the  ethics 
of  the  Old  TesUment.  Wedlock  and  the  fruits 
of  wedlock  were  God's  best  gifts.  To  be  un- 
married or  childless  was  to  be  under  a  "  reproach," 
which  it  was  difficult  to  bear.  The  asceticism  of 
the  later  sects  of  Jews  made  in  this  respect  no 
difference.  Eyen  the  Essenes  lived  the  life  of 
a  communist  rather  than  a  monastic  society  and 
had  wives  and  children  with  them.  Ko  book  of 
the  Canonical  Scriptures  is  stronger  in  its  praises 
of  marriage,  or  its  condemnation  of  the  sins  that 
mar  its  perfection  than  that  which  represents 
the  ethical  teaching  of  the  Judaism  of  Alexandria 
(£cclus.  xxy.  xxri.^  Preference  for  the  celibate 
life  had,  it  must  be  confessed,  so  far  as  the  Chris- 
tian Church  was  concerned,  its  origin  in  the  Kew 
Testament.  The  birth  from  the  Virgin's  womb, 
the  virgin-lifb  of  the  Baptist  and  of  the  Son  of 
Man,  the  strange  words  of  implied  blessing  on 
those  who  ''made  themselves  eunuchs  for  the 
kingdom  of  heaven's  sake  "  (Matt.  xix.  12)  could 
not  fail  to  make  an  impression  on  the  minds  of 
many  disciples.  The  work  of  the  great  Apostle, 
whose  activity  threw  that  of  all  others  into  the 
shade,  tended  in  the  same  direction.  He  declared 
without  reserve  that  it  was  a  good  and  noble 
thing  for  a  man  not  to  ^  touch  a  woman  "  with 
the  touch  even  of  wedded  love  (1  Cor.  vii.  1). 
Himself  leading  a  celibate  lifis,*  he  wished  that 
all  men  could  follow  his  example  (1  Cor.  vii.  7), 
and  Uid  down  principles  which,  though  limited 
by  his  reference  to  a  **  present  necessity  "  (1  Cor. 
vii.  26),  led  on  almost  inevitably  to  a  wider 
generalisation.  If  the  man  or  woman  unmarried 
was  more  free  from  ^  care,"  more  able  to  render 
an  undivided  serrice  to  their  Lord,  it  would  be  a 
legitimate  inference  to  think  of  that  life  as  the 
more  excellent  of  the  two.  The  degree  of  its 
superiority  might  be  exaggerated  at  a  later  period, 
but  a  higher  excellence  of  some  kind  was  cer- 
tainly implied  in  the  language  of  St.  Paul.  The 
vision  of  the  144,000  in  the  Apocalypse  as  of 
those  who  were  ^  virgins,  who  were  not  defiled 
with  women  "  (Rev.  xiv.  4)  seemed  to  carry  the 
recognition  of  that  higher  excellence  into  the 
glorified  life  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem. 

2.  All  this  was,  however,  balanced  by  the 
f^iUest  recognition  of  the  sacredness  of  marriage, 
and  was  as  far  as  possible  removed  from  the 
Manichaean   tendencies  which  afterwards  oor« 

•  This  Is  not  the  place  to  dlacoss  tbe  question.  It  may 
be  enough  to  lay  that  tt  is  a  rash  exegesis  whldi  sees  a 
reference  to  a  wife  hi  the  "  true  yoke>fell«tw  "  of  Phil.  Iv.  S^ 
or  flnd^  not  oeUbacy,  but  married  oontlaenoo^  In  1  Orr 
vtLT.a. 

Y  2 


324 


OELIBAOT 


rapted  it.  The  presence  of  Christ  at  the  mar- 
riage-feast of  Cana  (John  iL  1),  his  yindication  of 
the  sacredness  of  marriage  against  the  casuistry 
of  the  scribes,  as  resting  on  God*s  primeval  or- 
dinance and  the  laws  of  human  life  (Matt.  zix.  4), 
'  his  choice  of  Apostles  who  had  wires  (Matt, 
yiii.  14),  and  probably  children  (Matt.  zix.  27, 
29),  guarded  against  any  tendency  to  treat  mar- 
riage as  among  the  things  common  and  unclean. 
Nor  was  the  teaching  of  St.  Paul  less  clear.  The 
great  casuistic  Epistle  recognises  it  as  a  divine 
institution,  makes  all  limitation  on  the  jtu  con- 
jugii  but  a  temporary  means  to  an  end  beyond 
itself  (1  Cor.  vii.  3-5);  allows  even,  though  not 
approving,  the  marriage  of  widowers  and  widows 
(1  Cor.  vii.  39).  The  duties  of  husbands  and 
wives  are  enforced  on  new  and  more  mystic 
grounds  than  in  the  ethics  of  Judaism  or  Heathen- 
ism (Eph.  V.  22-33).  Their  life,  in  all  its  manifold 
relations,  was  recognised  as  giving  scope  for  the 
development  of  a  high  and  noble  form  of  Christian 
holiness  (1  Pet.  v.  1-7).  With  what  might  seem 
an  almost  startling  contrast  to  his  own  example 
St.  Paul  required  the  bishop-presbyter  to  have 
had  the  experience  of  marriage  and  with  at  least 
a  preference  for  those  who  had  brought  up 
children  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  4),  and  extended  the  re- 
quirement even  to  the  deacons  of  the  Church 
(1  Tim.  iii.  11,  12).  The  writer  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews  at  least  implied,  perhaps  asserted, 
that  marriage  was,  or  might  be,  "  honourable  in 
all  things  and  the  bed  undefiled  "  (Heb.  xiii.  4). 
'^  Forbidding  to  marry  *'  is  classed  by  St.  Paul  as 
one  of  the  "  doctrines  of  devils  "  which  were  to 
be  the  signs  of  the  apostasy  of  the  latter  days 
(1  Tim.  iv.  1). 

3.  The  two  lines  of  thought  thus  traced,  ran 
on  through  the  Church's  history,  but  in  unequal 
measure.  Gradually  the  teaching  which  St.  Paul 
condemned  mingled  itself  with  his,  and  the  celi- 
bate life  was  exulted  above  that  of  marriage,  not 
only  because  it  brought  with  it  a  scope  of  more  un- 
interrupted labour  and  more  entire  consecration, 
but  on  the  ground  that  there  was  in  marriage 
and  its  relations  something  impure  and  deBling. 
In  the  language  of  some  Gnostic  sects,  it  be- 
longed to  the  kingdom  of  the  Demiurgus,  the 
creator  of  the  material  universe  and  of  the 
human  body  as  a  pai*t  of  it,  not  to  that  of  the 
higher  Chj'ist-Aeon,  who  was  Lord  of  the  king- 
dom (Tertull.  de  Praeacripi,  c.  33 ;  Irenaeus,  i. 
28 ;  Hippolytus,  Hefut  Omn.  Haer.  i.  16).  Fii-st, 
women  [VinoiNS],  and  then  men,  devoted  them- 
selves to  un wedded  life,  as  offering  a  higher  spi- 
riiuaiity.  At  first,  mdeed,  the  moi*e  prominent 
teachers  kept  within  the  limits  of  Apostolic 
thought.  Hermas  (ii.  4,  4)  almost  reproduced 
the  language  of  St.  Paul.  Ignatius  (Ep.  ad 
Polyc,  c.  5)  while  introducing  another  thought, 
that  the  life  of  celibacy  is  ^'  in  honour  of  Our 
Loixl's  flesh,"  warns  men  against  boasting  of  this, 
and  exalting  themselves  above  othera.  Even 
Tertullian,  reproducing  his  own  experience, 
while  declaiming  vehemently  against  second,  or 
against  mixed  marriages,  draws,  w^ith  great  power, 
a  picture  of  the  beauty  and  blessedness  of  a  mar- 
riage in  which  husband  and  wife  are  both  time 
worshippers  of  Christ  {Ad.  Uxor,  ii.  8).  Clement 
of  Alexandria  even  ventures  to  depict  the  true 
ideal  Gnostic  as  one  who  marries  and  has  children 
and  so  attains  to  a  higher  excellence,  because  he 
conquers    more  temptations  than  that  of  the 


OELIBACY 

celibate  life  (Strom,  vii.  12  p.  741).  There  wen 
not  wanting,  however,  signs  of  a  tendency  te 
a  more  one-sided  development.  Putting  aside 
the  treatise  de  Vtrginitate  ascribed,  to  Clement  of 
Rome,!*  as  probably  one  of  the  many  spnrioas 
writings  for  which  the  authority  of  his  name  was 
claimed,  and  belonging  to  the  3rd  century  rather 
than  the  1st,  there  remain  the  £M:ts  (1)  that, 
outside  the  Church,  Tatian  and  the  Esc&ATms 
developed  their  rigorous  asceticism  into  a  total 
abstinence  from,  and  condemnation  o£^  marriage; 
(2)  that  Athenagoras  {Leg<U.  c  33X  while  not 
condemning  it,  speaks  of  many  men  or  womea 
as  *' growing  old  unmarried,  in  the  hope  of  living 
in  closer  communion  with  God,"  and  passes 
sentence  upon  second  marriage  as  being  no  better 
than  a  ^  decent  adultery " ;  (3)  that  Justin  oia- 
firms  at  once  his  statement  and  his  opinion  {Apol.  L 
15);  (4)  that  Origen  claims  a  special  glory  in  tb^ 
world  to  come  for  those  that  have  chosen  the  life 
of  consecrated  celibacy  (Horn,  xix.  in  Jerem.  4\ 
and  gave  a  terrible  proof  in  his  own  self-mutila- 
tion of  the  excesses  to  which  a  literal  interpreu- 
tion  of  the  mysterious  words  of  Matt.  xix.  12 
might  lead.  Many  bye-currents  of  theological 
thought  and  feeling  tended  to  swell  the  stream. 
The  influence  of  Eastern  Dualism,  the  assimllatioB 
by  the  Church  of  the  feeling,  if  not  of  the  dogma, 
which  culminated  in  Manichaeism,  the  growing 
honour  for  the  mother  of  the  Lord  as  the  Ever- 
virgin,  the  deepening  sense  pf  the  awfulness  of 
the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  the  embarrassment 
caused  by  domestic  ties  in  times  of  persecntion, 
perhaps  also  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  the 
purity  of  married  life  in  the  midst  of  the  fathonn 
less  social  corruption  of  the  great  cities  of  the 
empire^ — all  these  led  men  to  take  what  seemed 
to  them  at  once  the  easier  and  the  shorter  road 
to  the  higher  blessedness  of  heaven.  As  the 
monastic  life  spi-ead,  those  who  embraced  it 
thought  of  themselves,  and  were  looked  upon  by 
others,  as  being  already  '*as  the  angels  in  heaven.'* 
The  praises  of  the  virgin-state  beotme  a  oomnMUD 
topic  for  the  rhetoric  of  sermons  and  treatises; 
and  the  dialogue  of  Methodius  of  Tyre(OMit»viMi 
decern  Virginum)  is  probably  far  from  being  a& 
exaggerated  specimen  of  its  class. 

Through  all  this,  however,  strong  as  mig^t 
oe  the  influence  of  dogma  or  of  feeling,  the  ques- 
tion, as  regards  the  lay-members  of  the  Church, 
was  left  as  St.  Paul  had  left  it,  as  a  matter  for  each 
man's  conscience.  The  common  sense  of  Christtan 
winters  led  them  to  see  the  absurdity  of  a  role 
of  life  which  would  have  led  rapidly  to  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  Christian  society :  their  reverence 
made  them  shrink  from  condemning  what  had 
been  from  the  first  a  divine  ordinance  and  had 
now  become  the  symbol  of  the  mystic  onioa 
between  Christ  and  his  Church.  There  was  no 
attempt  so  far  to  enforce  the  higher  life  by 
any  legislation.^^    Even  second  marriages,  though 

b  The  autbmtldty  of  the  treatise  baa  been  defended  If 
Romau  GathoUc  theologians.  An  English  transl^ioB  has 
been  published  in  Clark's  AnU-Niceite  Librwr^. 

•  Oomp.  the  picture  drawn  by  C3ement  of  Alexaadik 
(Paedagog.  IIL  2, 3),  aa  shewing  what  was  poaslble  even 
among  thoee  who  were  nominally  Qiristlaaa. 

*  A  solitary  exception  is  found  In  the  oorrespondoios 
between  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  and  FInytxBofGooans 
in  Kusebkus  ( fl.  E.  iv.  23).  The  latter,  K  would  seeoi.  iwi 
tried  to  enforce  celibacy  among  thooa  committed  to  bli 
care.    The  fbrmer  warns  him  against  nahly  pladng  « 


CEUBACT 


OELIBAOY 


826 


hf  th*  more  rigorons  moralists,  were 
Aot  ferbadden.  Bat  it  was  otherwise  with  the 
dcTfcj.  Hie  feclioc  that  they  were  hoand  to 
txkiUt  what  men  looked  on  as  the  higher  pat- 
Mm  of  holiness  gained  strength  in  proportion  as 
t^  pattern  was  more  and  more  removed  from 
their  common  life.  The  passage  already  referred 
to  IB  Ignatias  {Ep,  ad  Pciyc,  c  5)  shews  that 
cm  then  there  were  laymen  who,  because  they 
vera  eelibates,  looked  down  superciliously  on 
biikops  who  continued,  after  their  appointment, 
to  eohabit  with  their  wives. 

The  practice  of  the  Church  of  the  first  three 
cestvieb  has  hardly  been  &irly  dealt  with  by 
Prstostant  oontroversialists.  It  is  easy  to  point 
to  the  examples  of  married  apostles,  of  bishops 
nd  presbyters,  who  had  wives  and  to  whom 
ddldren  were  bom  long  after  their  ordination," 
lad  these  prove,  of  course,  that  marriage  was  not 
looked  on  as  incompatible  by  the  Church's  law 
with  ministerial  duties.  But  it  is  difficult,  per- 
haps impossible,  to  point  to  one  instance  in  which 
tfa  marriage  was  contracted  after  ordination^' 
ne  oflwritten  law  of  the  ancient  Church  was 
JMieed  like  that  of  the  Greek  Church  at  the  pre- 
iot  day.  Marriage  was  permitted  in  the  clergy, 
bet,  as  snch,  they  were  not  allowed  to  marry. 
There  were  obviously  many  reasons  for  a  rule 
vbidi,  at  first  sight,  appears  illogical  and  incon- 
astcDt.  It  carried  into  practice  the  principle  that 
a  man  should  abide  in  the  state  in  which  a  sacred 
foestion  had  found  him  (1  Cor.  vii.).  It  fulfilled 
the  condition  laid  down  by  St.  Paul,  that  the 
bishop-presbyter  was  to  be  the  husband  of  one 
wife,  and  yet  guarded  against  the  risk,  so  immi- 
sent  in  all  religions  sects,  of  priestly  influence 
heiag  exercised  to  secure  a  wealthy  marriage, 
hallowed  the  holiness  of  married  life,  yet  tacitly 
implied  the  higher  excellence  of  the  celibate. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  3rd  century  the  prin- 
dpte  was  formulated  into  a  law,  and  both  the 
MHralled  Apostolical  Canons  (c  25)  and  Consti- 
totiofts  (vi.  17)  rule  that  only  the  lower  orders 
sf  the  clergy,  sub-deacons,  refers,  singers,  door- 
keepen,  and  the  like,  might  marry  after  their 
sf^MNatment  to  their  office.  Those  who  disre- 
garded the  law,  and  the  offenders  were  numerous 
eaoagh  to  call  for  special  legislation,  were  to  be 
faaished  by  deposition  {Cone,  Neo-Caesar.  c  1). 
Another  council,  held  about  the  same  time  (a.d. 
3U)  at  Ancyra,  made  a  special  exception  (c.  10) 
m  &vour  of  deacons  who,  at  the  time  of  their 
ordination,  gave  notice  to  the  ordaining  bishop 
that  they  did  not  intend  to  remain  single.  If 
they  did  not  give  notice,  and  yet  married,  they 
were  to  lose  their  office. 

The  growing  feeling  that  celibacy  was  a  higher 
fUte  than  marriage  alfected  before  long  what  has 
been  just  deacribkl  as  the  law  of  the  Church  for 
the  first  three  centuries.  The  married  clergy 
nigfat  from  various  motives,  genuine  or  affected 

Mr  riiraldcfs  a  boiden  which  they  could  not  bear.  It 
h  «M«as  that  the  rale  woald  be  applleil  with  greater 
■littfom  to  the  tiagj,  who  were  more  immediately 


*  One  atriUoK  example  is  found  In  the  history  of 
Bofatn^  who^  being  a  priest,  is  charged  by  Cyprian 
(J^  4»)  whh  having  ao  ill-treated  bU  wife  that  she 


'  Hcfele;  a  aingnlarly  fair  and  accurate  writer,  aays 
M  there  la  abwlately  no  example  of  auch  a  marriage 
L|iul23). 


aspirations  after  greater  purity,  desire  to  be  fteo 
from  what  they  had  come  to  reghrd  as  an  impe- 
diment to  attaining  it.  The  penalty  of  deposition 
prononnced  by  the  Apostolic  Canons  (c  6)  on  any 
bishop,  presbyter,  or  deacon  who  separated  him- 
self from  his  wife  "under  the  pretence  of  piety," 
shows  that  so  far  the  Church  was  determined  to 
maintain  the  validity  of  the  contract  as  still 
binding. 

A  more  difficult  question,  however,  presented 
itself.  Admitting  that  the  contract  was  not  to 
be  dissolved,  on  what  footing  was  it  to  continue  ? 
The  rigorous  asceticism  of  the  time  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  answer  the  question  by  affirming  that 
the  husband  send  wife  were  to  live  together  as 
brother  and  sister,  that  any  other  intercourse 
was  incompatible  with  the  life  of  prayer,  and 
profaned  the  holiness  of  the  altar.  The  Council  of 
Elvira  (a.d.  305),  representing  the  more  excited 
feelings  that  had  been  roused  by  the  persecution 
of  Diocletian,  made  the  first  attempt  to  enforce 
on  the  clergy  by  law,  and  under  pain  of  deposition 
(c  33),  what  had  probably  been  often  admired 
as  a  voluntary  act  of  self-control.  The  Council 
of  Nicaea  was  only  saved  from  adopting  a  like 
decree  as  a  law  for  the  whole  Church  by  the 
protest  of  Paphnutius,  a  confessor-bishop  from 
the  Upper  Thebaid,  who,  though  himself  a  celibate 
all  his  life,  appeared  as  the  advocate  at  once  of 
the  older  law  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  married 
life  as  compatible  with  holiness  (Sozom.  If,  E,  i, 
23;  Socrat.  5: -K  i.  11).» 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  over  and  above 
the  ascetic  view  which  looked  (m  marriage  as 
impure,  there  was  also  a  strong  sense  of  some 
of  the  inconveniences  connected  with  a  married 
clergy.  The  wives  of  bishops  took  too  much  upon 
them,  spoke  and  wrote  as  in  their  husbands'  name 
even  without  their  authority,  and  interfered  with 
the  discipline  of  the  diocese.  It  is  significant 
that  the  same  council  which  took  the  lead  in 
condemning  the  cohabitation  of  bishops,  priests, 
or  deacons  with  their  wives,  should  have,  as  its 
last  canon,  one  directed  against  the  practice, 
apparently  common,  of  women  receiving  or 
giving  literae  pacificae  in  their  own  name 
(C.  Eiib,  c  81). 

The  contrast  between  the  decrees  of  the  Nicene 
Council  and  that  of  Elvira  on  this  matter  shows 
the  existence  of  opposite  tendencies  in  Eastern 
and  Western  Christendom,  and  from  this  point 
the  divergence,  first  in  feeling  and  afterwaixls  in 
legislation,  becomes  more  marked.  It  will  be 
convenient  to  trace  the  paths  taken  by  the  two 
great  divisions  of  Christendom  separately.  The 
Council  of  Gangra  was,  in  this  as  in  other  respects, 
the  repi*esentative  of  a  healthier  and  more  hum<in 
feeling.  Eustathlus,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  had  taught 
men  to  look  on  marriage  as  Inoompatible  with 
holiness,  on  the  ministrations  of  married  priests 
as  worthless,  and  his  followers  accordingly  held 
aloof  from  them.  The  Council  did  not  hesitate 
to  pass  a  solemn  anathema  on  those  who  thus 
acted.  ((7.  Qangr,  c.  4.)  The  more  ascetic  view, 
however,  gained  ground  in  Macedonia,  Thessaly, 
and  Achiua,  and  the  man  who  was  most  urgent 

ff  The  narrative  baa  been  called  In  question  by  Da- 
ronioa  and  other  Romish  writers  on  this  ground,  that 
Socrates  was  biassed  by  his  prepossession  in  favour  of  the 
Novatlans,  who  allowed  the  marriage  <if  the  clergy,  biil 
U  defended  by  Uefele  {Beitrage,  I.  ia9> 


326 


OELIBACT 


CELIBACY 


in  pressing  it  was  the  Heliodonu,  then  bishop 
of  Tricca,  who,  in  earlier  life,  had  written  the 
sensuous,  erotic  romance  of  the  Aethiopica  (Soar. 
/T.  E,  y.  22).  This  is  one  of  the  instances,  how- 
ever, in  which  the  exception  prores  the  rule,  and 
the  general  practice  of  the  Eastern  Church  was 
not  affected  by  the  rigorous  asceticism  of  its 
European  proTinoes.  Even  bishops  had  children 
born  to  them  after  their  consecration.  This, 
however,  was  in  its  turn  opposed  to  the  domi- 
nant practice,  and  the  &ct  that  Synesius  (a.d.  410) 
refused  to  accept  the  bishopric  of  Ptolemais  unless 
he  was  allowed  to  continue  to  cohabit  with  his 
wife,  shews  that  a  dispensation  was  necessary, 
and  that  he  too  was  an  exception  to  the  general 
practice.  It  came  accordingly  to  be  the  rule  of 
the  Eastern  Church  that  men  who  were  married 
before  their  ordination  might  continue,  without 
blame,  to  live  with  their  wives,  but  that  a  higher 
standard  of  self-devotion  was  demanded  of  bishops, 
Hrst  by  public  opinion  and  afterwards  by  eccle- 
siastical and  even  civil  legislation.  The  feeling 
found  a  formal  expression  in  the  Council  in  Trullo, 
which  sanctioned  cohabitation  in  the  case  of  sub- 
deacons,  deacons,  and  priests  (c.  13)  married  be- 
fore ordination,  but  ordered  the  wife  of  a  bishop 
to  retire  to  a  convent  or  to  become  a  deaconess 
(c.  48).^  Those  who  had  married  after  their 
ordination  were  however  to  be  suspended,  and  in 
future  absolutely  deposed  (c  36).  The  strong 
protest  in  c  33  against  the  growth  of  a  Levi- 
tical  hereditary  priesthood  in  Armenia  may 
indicate  one  of  the  elements  at  work  in  bring- 
ing about  the  more  stringent  enforcement  of 
celibacy.  Even  the  former  were  subject  to  re« 
strictions  analogous  to  those  which  governed  the 
ministrations  of  the  Jewish  priesthood,  and  were 
not  allowed  to  contract  marriage  after  their  ordi- 
nation, the  rule  being  based  on  the  canon  of  the 
Council  of  An<7Ta  already  referred  to,  but  ex- 
cluding the  power  which  that  conceded  of  giving 
notice  of  the  intention  to  marry,  at  the  time  of 
ordination.  The  Theodosian  Code  (/>«  Epiacop, 
14^  2)  enforoed  the  same  rule,  and  children  bom 
of  marri^es  so  contracted  were  to  be  treated  as 
illegitimate  (Cod.  Theod.  de  bonis  cleric,  Jus- 
tinian. NowU.  V.  c  8).  The  Emperor  Leo  the 
Wise  (A.D.  886-911)  confirmed  the  Tmllan  canon, 
with  a  modification  tending  towards  leniency. 
Clergy  who  so  manied  were  not  to  be  reduced  as 
before  to  lay  communion,  but  were  simply  de- 
gnided  to  a  lower  order  and  shut  out  from  strictly 
priestly  functions.  The  results  of  this  compro- 
mising legislation  were  probably  then,  as  they 
are  now,  (1)  that  nearly  all  candidates  for  the 
pnesthood  married  before  they  were  admitted  to 
the  diaoonate ,  (2)  that  they  continued  to  live 
with  their  wives,  but  did  not  marry  again,  if  they 
were  let^  widowers ;  and  (3)  that  the  great  mass 
of  the  secular  clergy  being  thus  ineligible  for 
the  episcopate,  the  bishops  were  mostly  chosen 
from  among  the  monks. 

[it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Kestorians 
till  the  middle  of  the  6th  century  relaxed  consi- 
derably the  rules  of  the  TruUan  Council,  and 
that  the  Monophysite  Abyssinians  allowed  their 
bishops  to  retain  their  wives  and  live  with  them. 

^  The  Ooiindl,  however,  recognised,  while  It  deplored, 
the  feci  tb«t  bishops  continued  to  live  with  their  wives  in 
Africa,  Libya,  and  elsewhere  (c.  12).  it  forbade  the  scandal 
<or  the  future,  and  poniahod  offenders  with  deposition. 


Zaoharias,    Nuaw  Qiudifiauione  del    CWOote 
Sacro,  pp.  129,  130.]  [L  G.  S.] 

It  remains  to  trace  the  progress  of  a  men 
stringent  and  ^  thorough  "  policy  in  the  Chnrchei 
of  the  West.     The  principle  asserted  at  Elvin 
extended  to  Western  Africa,  and  was  carried  Aur- 
ther  in  application.   Not  only  bishops,  presbyten, 
and  deacons,  but  thoee  of  a  lower  grade  who 
ministered  at  the  altar  were  to  lead  a  celibate 
life  (2  C.  Carth.  c  2).     It  was  assumed  as  aa 
axiom  that  the  intercourse  of  married  life  was 
incompatible  with  prayer  and  the  sacrifice  of  the 
altar,  and  as  the  priest  ought  always  to  pray,  and 
daily  to  offer  that  sacrifice,  he  must  of  necesnty 
abstain  altogether  (Hieron.  Ckmtr,  Jovinian.  L  34). 
The  bishops  of  Rome  used  their  authority  in  the 
same  direction.   Siricius,  in  the  first  authentic  De- 
cretal (a.d.  385),  addressed  to  Himerius,  bidiop 
of  Tarragona,  forbade  absolutely  the  marriage  of 
presbyters  and  deacons.   Innocent  I.  (ajx  405)  in 
two  Decretals  addressed  to  Yictridus,  bishop  of 
Rouen,  and  Exsuperius  of  Toulouse,  enforoed  the 
prohibition  under  pain  of  degradation  (CSofp.  Jvrii 
ain.a4,5,and6Dist31>   Leo  L(a.d.  443)  tried 
to  unite  the  obligation  of  the  marriage  vow  and 
the  purity  of  the  consecrated  life  by  allowiiig 
those  who  were  already  married  to  continue  te 
live  with  their  wives,  but  "  habere  quaai  non  ha- 
beant  .  .     .  quo  et  salva  sit  charitas  coonnbi- 
oram  et  cessent  opera  nuptiarum  "  (Epist,  167  ad 
Stutioum),    If  this  law  were  not  kept,  they  were 
to  be  subject  to  the  extreme  penalty  of  excommu- 
nication.    So  in  like  manner  the  1st  Council  ot 
Toledo  (c.  1)  forbade  the  promotion  of  deaconi  or 
presbyters  **  qui  incontinenter  cum  suis  uxoribns 
vixerlnt"  to  a  higher  grade.    So  also  the  1st 
Council  of  Orange  (can.  22,  23,  24)  forbade  the 
ordination  of  deacons  unless  they  make  a  vow  ot 
chastity,  and  punishes  subsequent  oohabitatioo 
with  deprivation.   The  1st  Council  of  Tours,  as  ii 
afraid  of  the  consequences  of  this  extreme  rigour, 
reduced  the  penalty  to  the  suspension  of  those 
who  were  already  priests  from  priestly  functions, 
and,  in  the  case  of  others,  excluded  them  from 
any  higher  grade  than  that  which  they  already 
occupi^  (1 C.  Turon.  c.  1,  2),  but  allowed  both  te 
partake  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  The  sab- 
deacons,  perhaps  as  finding  less  compensatioo  in 
the  respect  of  the  people  and  in  the  nature  oi 
their  work,  held  out  longer  than  thcee  of  higher 
grade.    The  yoke  was,  however,  pressed  on  Uiem 
too  by  Leo  {Epist.  34  to  Leo  of  Catania)  and 
Gregory  the  Qreat  (Corpus  Juris  ion,  c.  14,Dist. 
31),  and  Spain  atill  kept  its  old  pre-eminence  io 
ascetic  rigour.    The  8th  Council  of  Toledo  (c.  6X 
A.D.  653,  condemned  both  the  marriage  of  sub- 
deacons  after  their  ordination,  and  continued  co- 
habitation if  they  were  married  before.    Their 
work  as  bearing  the  vessels  of  the  altar  required 
that  they  should  keep  themselves  free  fr<«i  the 
pollution  which  was  inseparable  from  that  unios. 
Offenders  were  to  be  sentenced  to  something  like 
perpetual  impriBonment  in  a  monastery.     The 
9th  Council  (c.  10),  A.D.  659,  described  erery  sudi 
union,  from  bishops  to  subnieacons,  as  a  '*cod- 
nubium  detestandum,"  and  their  issue  were  not 
only  treated  as  illegitimate  and  excluded  from  all 
rights  of  inheritance,  but  treated  as  slaves  "  jnre 
perenni "   of  the  Churo&   against  which  their 
fathers  had  offended.     It  vs  melancholy,  hut  in- 
structive, to  find  another  Council  of  the  saatf 
Church,  seventy-two  years  later  (aJI.  731),  com- 


CELIBACY 


CELLA 


827 


pdled  to  pns  canons  on  the  ono  hand  against  the 
•imad  or  aanataral  crime  among  the  clergy/ 
iroDoaDdag  the  sentence  of  deposition  and  exile 
•0  the  bithops,  priests,  and  deacons  who  were 
piltv  of  it,  and,  on  the  other,  against  the 
aUenpts  at  suicide  which  were  becoming  f^e- 
qocftt  among  those  who  had  been  subjected  to 
the  dicdpllne  of  the  Church,  with  its  censures 
and  iu  penances  (16  C.  Talet  c  3  and  4). 
Stephen  IV.  (▲.D.769)  enforced  the  rule  of  the 
Wertcni  as  contrasted  with  that  of  the  Eastern 
aiith  {Oorjmt  Juris  Ckm.  c  14,  Dist.  31). 

[The  contrast  between  Eastern  and  Western 
fBMiBg  is  shown  sangnlarly  enough  in  their  esti- 
■ste  of  the  reUtive  guilt  of  clerical  marriage 
sad  femication.  The  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea 
(c  1)  panishes  the  latter  with  greater  sererity 
Ikaa  the  fonner.  That  of  Orleans  (c.  1)  calmly 
pats  the  two  on  the  same  level,  ^  si  qois  pelliei 
«( ason  se  jungat.*^  [I.  G.  S.] 

One  marked  exception  has  te  be  noted  to  the 
gseml  preTalenee  of  this  rigour.  The  Church 
•f  Milan,  in  this  aa  in  othet  things,  maintained 
its  independence  of  Rome,  and,  resting  on  the  au- 
thority of  Ambrose,  was  content  with  the  Eastern 
xiis  of  monogamy,  and  applied  it  even  to  ite 
•va  archbishops.  ^The  practice  of  marriage 
was  all  bnt  universal  among  the  Lombai^  clergy. 
They  were  publicly,  legally  married,  as  were  the 
laity  of  MiUn"  (Milman's  Latin  Christianity, 
b.  vi  c  3).*  The  practice  against  which  Peter 
Dkniaai  raved  in  the  1 1th  century  was  clearly 
«f  hittg  standing,  and  it  may  be  noted  that  it 
bsie  its  fruit  in  the  high  repute,  the  thorough 
eipaixation,  which  made  the  Milanese  clergy 
iuBoas  through  all  Italy. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  limite  of  this  work 
te  carry  on  the  history  further.  Enough  has 
bea  said  to  shew  that  when  HUdebrand  entered 
«a  his  crusade  against  the  marriage  of  the  clergy 
he  was  simply  acting  on  and  enforcing  what  had 
fer  shoat  seven  centuries  been  the  dominant  rule 
sf  the  church.  The  confusions  of  the  period  that 
neoaded  this  had  relaxed  the  discipline,  but  the 
law  of  the  Church  remained  unaltered.  The  ex- 
eeptioaal  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  Church  of  Milan 
vooU  but  make  one  who  strove  after  the  unity 
sf  a  theocracy  more  zealous  to  put  a  stop  to 
wbst  he  regarded  as  at  once  a  defilement  of 
the  sacred  office  and  a  rebellion  against  divine 
tnthority. 

[ObrioQsly  this  rapid  and  yet  gradual  deve- 
WpBMnt  which  has  been  traced  of  clerical  celi- 
Uey  was  very  largely,  if  not  mainly,  due  to  the 
iaflnence  of  monasticism.  Celibacy  becomes,  step 
by  step,  compulsory  on  all  the  clergy,  while  the 
itoBastic  obligation  is  rivetted  more  and  more 
tigbtly  by  an  irrevocable  vow.  In  the  monk 
eehbacy  was,  as  has  been  indicated,  an  aspiration 
after  superhuman  holiness,  intensified  by  that 
fteliag  of  despair  with  which  he  was  apt  to 
Rfard  the  world  around  him,  and  ite  apparently 
bopeless  stete  of  corruption ;  and  in  subtle  com- 
kiattion  with  motives  of  this  kind  was  the  han- 
kering after  wonder  and  veneration.    In  every 


I  The  passages  from  Ambrose  have  been  much  tsm- 
pifad  wtth,  and  the  text  Is  donbtftiL  "  Monogunla  aaoer- 
eaatlmooia''  preaent  themaelves  aa  various 
One  text  permtts^  soother  prohibits,  cobs* 
MudoQ  altar  manriaff).    Sea  the  dlscurioo  in  MUman's 


way  the  example  of  the  monks  told  powerfully 
on  the  clergy.  The  more  devout  longed  to  attain 
the  monk's  moral  impassibility;  lower  natures 
were  attracted  by  the  prospect  of  gaining  for 
themselves  the  monks'  commanding  position. 
Thus  the  rivalry,  which  never  ceased,  between 
the  regular  and  the  secular  clergy,  made  the 
dergy  generally  more  willing  to  accept  the  hard 
ooniUtions  exaoted  of  them  by  the  policy  of  their 
rulers.  So  at  least  it  was  in  Western  Christen- 
dom. In  the  East  there  was  a  more  complete 
severance  between  the  monks  and  the  secular 
clergy,  the  former  being  debarred  more  closely 
from  intercourse  with  the  world,  and  the  latter 
acquiescing  in  what  was  for  them  ecclesiastically 
a  lower  standing.]  [I.  G.  S.] 

It  is  obvious  that  just  in  proportion  to  the 
stringency  with  which  the  law  of  celibacy  was 
carried  into  effect  were  ite  evils  likely  to  shew 
themselves.  One — and  that  for  a  time  a  very 
formidable  one — ^will  form  the  subject  of  a  sepa- 
rate article.  If  men  had  not  wives,  while  the 
hnbite  of  society  made  them  dependent  on  the  do- 
mestic services  of  women,  they  must  have  house- 
keepers. The  very  idealism  of  purity  which  held 
that  husband  and  wife  might  live  together  as 
brother  and  sister,  seemed  to  imply  that  any  man 
and  any  woman  might  live  together  on  the  same 
footing  without  risk  or  scandal.  The  scandal 
came,  however,  hst  enough — and  the  Sdb-imtbo- 
DUCTAE  or  ^vvtia'cucTol  came  to  occupy  a  very 
prominent  position  in  the  legislation  of  the 
Church.  [E.  H.  P.] 

[See,  further,  Alteseme,  Aacetioon  vel  Origo 
Jtei  Monasticae,  Par.  1674;  S.  Bonaventurae, 
Sentent.  iv.  xxzvlL  0pp.  Yenet.  1751 ;  Hallier, 
Dd  Sacr.  Elect,  et  Ordinat.  v.  i.  10,  Paris,  1536; 
Gerson,  Dialogus  sitp,  CoMatu,  0pp.  ii.  p.  617, 
Antverp.  1606 ;  Ferraris,  Bibliotheca,  s.  w.  Cle- 
ricus,  Conjuges,  Yenet.  1778 ;  Launoy,  Impedi' 
ment,  Ordin,  0pp.  I.  ii.  p.  742,  Colon.  1731; 
Schramm,  Compind.  TAeohg,  iii.  p.  694^  Augs- 
burg, 1768 ;  Bingham,  Origines  JSocles.  YU.  iv. 
Lond.  1727 ;  Concina,  De  Coeltbatu,  Romae,  1755 ; 
Paleotimo,  Dd  Coelibatitf  Sutnma  Orig,  Eocles. 
Yenet.  1766;  Mich,  do  Medina,  De  Sacr,  Ham, 
Continmtid,  Yen.  1568;  Campegius,  De  CoelA, 
Sacerdotum,  Yen.  1554;  G.  Callixtus,  De  Oonjug, 
Cleric,  Helmstadt,  1631 ;  Osiander,  Exanu  Coelib, 
Cleric  Tabingen,  1664 ;  H.  C.  Lea,  History  of 
Christian  Celibacy,  Phikdelphia,  1867.]    [I.  G.  S.] 

CELLA  or  CELLA  MEMORIAE,  a  small 
memorial  chapel  erected  in  a  sepulchral  area 
over  the  tomb  of  the  deceased,  in  which  at  stete/ 
times,  especially  the  anniversary  of  his  decease 
his  friends  and  dependente  assembled  to  celebrate 
an  agape,  and  parteke  of  a  banquet  in  his  honour. 
These  were  often  built  over  the  tombs  of  martyrs, 
and  were  then  known  as  Martyria,  Memoriae 
Martyrum,  Concilia  Martyrvm,  and  Confessiones. 
Sepulchral  buildings  of  this  character  were  com- 
mon both  to  heathens  and  Christians.  Indee«f 
here,  as  in  so  much  else,  Christianity  simply  m- 
herited  existing  customs,  purged  them  of  licen- 
tious or  idolatrous  taint,  and  adopted  them  as 
their  own.  Thus  heathen  and  Christian  monu- 
mente  mutually  throw  light  on  one  another.  A 
Christian  inscription,  recording  the  formation  oi 
an  area  and  the  construction  of  a  cello,  is  given 
in  the  article  Cehetert. 

Directions  for  the  erection  of  a  boilding  bearing 


828 


OELLA 


GELUTAE 


the  same  title,  and  devoted  to  a  similar  purpose 
by  a  pagan,  are  given  in  a  very  curions  will, 
once  engraved  on  a  tomb  at  Langres,  a  copy  of 
a  portion  of  which  has  been  discovered  in  the 
binding  of  a  MS.  of  the  10th  century  in  the  Li- 
brary at  Basle.  The  will  is  printed  by  De  Seed 
in  the  BuUettino  cU  Arc.  Crist,,  Dec  1863.  In  it 
we  find  most  particular  directions  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  cella  memoriae,  which  the  testator 
had  already  begun,  in  exact  aooordanoe  with  the 
plan  he  left  behind  him.  This  cella  stood  in  the 
centre  of  an  area.  In  front  of  it  was  to  be  erected 
an  altar  of  the  finest  Carrara  marble  in  which  the 
testator's  ashes  were  to  be  depoeited.  The  cella 
itself  was  to  contain  two  statues  of  the  testator, 
one  in  bronze,  one  in  marble.  Provision  was  to 
be  made  for  the  easy  opening  and  shutting  of 
the  cella.  There  was  to  be  an  exedra,  which  was 
to  be  furnished  with  couches  and  benches  on  the 
days  on  which  the  cella  was  opened.  Coverlets 
(lodices)  and  pillows  (cenoioalid)  to  lay  upon  the 
seats  were  also  to  be  provided,  and  even  gar- 
ments (abollae  and  tunicae)  for  the  guests  who 
assembled  to  do  honour  to  the  departed.  Orchards 
and  tanks  {lacw)  formed  part  of  the  plan.  It 
was  also  ordered  that  all  the  testator's  freedmen 
were  to  make  a  yearly  contribution  out  of  which 
a  feast  was  to  be  provided  on  a  certain  day,  and 
partaken  of  on  the  spot.  Additional  light  is 
thrown  upon  the  last-named  provision  by  the 
terms  of  a  long  and  curious  inscription  relating 
to  a  colleffium  for  the  burial  of  the  dead,  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  slaves,  of  the  year  a.d.  133.  One 
of  the  regulations  was  that  the  members  of  the 
confraternity  were  to  dine  together  six  times  in 
the  year  (Northcote,  R.  S,  p.  61).  These  cellae 
were  memorial  halls  for  funeral  banquets.  The 
Christians  were  essentially  men  of  their  country 
and  their  age,  following  in  all  things  lawful  the 
customs  of  the  time  and  place  in  which  their  lot 
was  cast.  The  recent  investigations  of  De  Rossi 
do  much  to  dispel  the  idea  of  the  specific  and 
exclusive  character  of  the  Christianity  of  the 
primitive  Church.  Rejecting  the  abuses  arising 
from  the  license  of  pagan  morals,  there  was 
nothing  in  itself  to  take  exception  at  in  the 
funeral  feast.  Indeed  the  primitive  agapae  or 
love-feasts  were  often  nothing  more  than  funeral 
banquets  held  in  celhe  at  the  tombe  of  the  fiiith- 
ful,  the  expenses  of  which,  in  the  case  of  the 
poorer  members,  were  provided  out  of  the  area 
communis  or  church-chest.  We  are  fiimiliar  with 
pictorial  representations  of  banquets  of  this  na- 
ture derived  from  the  Catacombs.  Bottari  sup- 
plies us  with  two  such  of  remarkable  interest 
from  the  cemetery  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter 
(Bottari,  /"itture,  tom.  ii.  tov.  107,  109,  127), 
and  one  from  St.  Callistus  (ibid.  tom.  iii.  p.  1, 
110,118).  [Cataoombs.]  There  was  a  remarkable 
correspondence  between  the  arrangements  of  the 
Christians  and  heathens  in  these  matters.  In 
both  not  only  was  the  cost  of  the  funeral  banquet 
paid  out  of  the  general  fund,  but  suitable  cloth- 
ing was  also  provided  for  those  who  were  present 
at  these  banquets.  In  an  inventory  of  furniture 
confiscated  in  the  Diocletian  penecution  in  a  house 
where  Christians  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  at 
Cirta  in  Numidia,  in  addition  to  chalices  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  lamps,  &c.,  we  find  articles  of 
attire  and  shoes  (tunicae  muMres  IxxxO,  tunicae 
mriles  xti,  caligae  virilea  paria  xtYt,  caligae  mtdi- 
tbres  pftria  xlvii),  and  other  entries  of  a  similar 


nature.  These  cellae  were  not  onl j  used  for  tin 
funeral  feasts,  which  were  neceesarily  infieqneat, 
hut  also  formed  oratories  to  which  the  fiuthfnl 
resorted  at  all  times  to  ofier  up  their  devotiou 
over  the  remains  of  their  departed  brethren. 
The  name  cello,  as  applied  to  such  pUces  of 
reunion,  seems  to  have  been  restricted  to  aoi- 
sabterranean  buildings  erected  in  the  fonenl 
ar&i,  above  the  grave  of  the  individual  whom  it 
was  desired  to  commemorate.  Chamben  con- 
structed for  this  purpose  in  the  subterraneso 
cemeteries  were  known  as  cubicula  [Catacomb]. 
Another  appellation  by  which  they  were  known 
whether  above  ground  or  below,  was  memoriae 
martyrum  or  martyria  until  they  lost  their  pri- 
mitive name  of  cellae,  and  became  known  ss 
basilicae  (Hierom.  Ep.  ad  Vigilant.),  in  &ct,  the 
magnificent  ixisilicas  erected  above  the  tombs  of 
the  martyrs  in  the  age  of  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
by  Constant!  ne  and  other  Christian  emperors, 
were  nothing  more  than  amplifications  of  the 
humble  cellae  or  metnonae  built  in  the  area  of 
the  cemeteries. 

We  know  from  Anastasius  (§  21)  that  manj 
buildings  were  erected  in  the  cemeteries  by  the 
direction  of  Pope  Fabianus  (A.D.  238-^54),  *'ma)- 
tas  fabricas  per  coemeteria  fieri  praecepit* 
These  fabricae  we  may  safely  identify,  with 
Clampini,  Ansaldi,  De  Rossi,  &c.  with  the  odlae 
memoriae  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. 
*^  They  were  probably  little  oratories  oonstmcted 
either  for  purposes  of  worship,  or  the  celebrs- 
tion  of  the  agapae,  ~  or  of  mere  guardiaaship  of 
the  tombs  according  to  the  common  practice 
of  the  Romans  "  (Northcote,  £.  8.  p.  86>  The 
peace  which  the  Church  had  at  this  time  enjoyni 
for  nearly  50  years  would  have  encouraged  the 
erection  of  such  buildings,  and  rendered  the  use 
of  them  free  from  apprehension. 

Cella  and  cellula  were  employed  at  a  later  time 
for  sepalchral  chapels  built  along  the  side  walls 
of  a  church.  It  is  used  in  this  sense  by  FlRdi- 
nus  of  Nola,  in  whose  writings  such  chapels  are 
more  frequently  termed  cubictUa,    [Cdbiculux.] 

An  example  of  the  use  of  the  werd  in  the  sense 
of  a  monastic  cell  is  given  by  Combefis,  De 
Templo  S.  Sophiae  p.  260,  ^d^oreu  rf  ic^vpf  (o^ 
KcAAfa  CM  T^  w^i)i{  Kar^  rV  rdlof  edrrw. 

[LV.] 

GELLEBABIUS,  Cellariua,  jreXXt^ios.  nX- 
Xapimis,  One  of  the  highest  officials  in  a  monas- 
tery. As  the  prior  was  next  to  the  abbat  in 
spiritual  things,  so  the  Cellerarius,  under  the 
abbat,  had  the  management  and  control  of  all 
the  secular  affairs.  He  wa^  sometimes  cslled 
oeconomus  (olKov6ii.osy,  dispensator  or  procurator. 
Acooi'ding  to  most  commentators  on  the  Bene- 
dictine Rule  he  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  abbit 
with  consent  of  the  seniors,  and  was  to  hold 
ofiice  for  one  year  or  more  (Bog,  S.  Bened.  c.  SI, 
cf.  Conoord.  ReguL  c  40).  [L  G.  &] 

GELLITAE,  KcAXic^oi.  A  class  of  monks, 
midway  between  hermits  and  coenobites.  Strictly 
speaking,  they  were  the  anchorites,  iyax«^^kvt 
so  called  because  they  withdrew  or  retired  from 
the  coenobia,  wherein  the  monks  dwelt  together, 
to  small  celb  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  On 
festivals  they  repaired  to  the  church  of  the 
monastery,  and  thus,  being  still  semi-attached 
to  the  community,  they  differed  from  the  her- 
mits, ifnifdrai,  who  were  independent  of  ooDtrol 


CELLU'AE 


OEMETEBT 


329 


(8tk.  Tkea,  ■•  t.).  As  preferring  the  more 
eonplete  priTscj  and  qaiet  of  these  cells  to 
tivug  in  common,  they  were  sometimes  called 
kfjchastae,  ii^vxaffrai,  and  their  cells  ^oi/xa- 
wr^fi»  (Kngh.  Orig.  VIL  ii.  14. ;  Justin.  Novell, 
t.3)l* 

The  vord  **  cella,**  KtKkiop,  original!  j  meaning 
tbe  esTe,  den,  or  separate  cell  of  each  recluse 
(Sos.  E.  E.  Ti.  31;  Greg.  Dial,  ii.  34),i>  soon 
cime  to  be  applied  to  their  coUectiye  dwelling- 
place :  in  this  resembling  the  term  monasterium, 
viiidi  signified  at  first  a  hermit's  solitary  abode, 
sod  sabeeqnently  the  abode  of  seyeral  monks 
together.  '^Cella,''  in  its  later  use,  was  applied 
eien  to  larger  monasteries  (Mab.  Ann,  v.  7); 
bat  nsoally  to  the  offishoots  or  dependencies  of 
the  old  foundation  (Dn  Cange,  s.  t.)  ''Cellula" 
is  used  for  a  monastery  by  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Bid.  Ti.  8,  29,  &&>.  In  the  Rule  of  St.  Fruc- 
tuosos  ^'celU"  stands  for  the  '<  bhick-hole,"  the 
pbce  of  solitary  confinement  for  offenders  against 
tke  discipline  (Mab.  Ann,  xiii.  41).  The  Regula 
Igsonensis  forbad  separate  cells  for  the'  monks ; 
imt  it  is  not  clear  whether  this  prohibition  refei-s 
to  cells  within  the  walls  or  to  the  cells  outside 
ofthe'^cemue." 

Cusian,  in  his  account  of  the  different  kinds 
of  mouks  in  Egypt,  condemns  the  "•  Sarabaitae," 
wko  dwelt  together  in  small  groups  of  cells 
without  rule  or  superior  (Cass.  Coll,  xviii.  17). 
Tbe  same  distrust  of  what  inevitably  tended  to 
(fimderand  licence  is  shown  in  the  decrees  of 
Western  Councils  (e.g.  Conoc.  Aurel,  I.  c  22; 
Jgath,  c.  38>  But  the  cells  of  the  "Cellitae," 
properly  so  called,  resembled  rather  a  "  Laura  " 
ra  ^vpt  and  Palestine,  each  Laura  being  a 
qaaa  coenobitic  cluster  of  cells,  forming  a  com- 
Buiity  to  which,  in  the  earlier  days  of  monachism, 
tlie  sbbat's  will  was  in  place  of  a  written  rule. 
The  6rst  of  these  ^  Lauras  "  is  said  to  hare  been 
feoaded  by  St.  Chariton,  about  the  middle  of  the 
ith  century,  near  the  Dead  Sea  (Bulteau,  Hist, 
Mom.  (f  Orient,  \>82).  Other  famous  lauras  were 
those  of  St.  Euthymius,  near  Jerusalem,  in  the 
■eit  century,  and  of  St.  Sabas,  near  the  Jordan ; 
to  the  former  only  grown  men  were  admitted,  to 
tlie  Utter  only  boys  (Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordr, 
M<M.  Diswrt.  Prelim.  §  5). 

The  motire  for  withdrawing  from  a  monas- 
tery to  one  of  those  little  cells  clustering  round 
it  WIS,  apparently,  a  desire  in  some  cases  of  soli- 
tade,  in  others  of  a  less  austere  mode  of  life. 
Each  cell  had  a  small  garden  or  vineyard,  in 
vbich  the  monk  could  occupy  himself  at  pleasure 
(Du  Cange,  s.  t.).  But  sometimes  the  «  Cellito " 
Tss  a  monk  with  aspirations  after  more  than 
erdioary  self-denial.  Thus  it  was  a  custom  at 
Vieaoa,  in  the  6th  century,  for  some  monk,  se- 
lected as  pre-eminent  in  sanctity,  to  be  immured 
in  a  solitary  cell,  as  an  intercessor  for  the  people 
(Mab.  Ann.  ir.  44,  cf.  vii.  57). 

A  strict  rule  for  '*  Cellitae  "  was  drawn  up  in 
the  9th  century  by  Grimlac.  Their  cells  were 
to  be  near  the  monastery,  either  standing  apart 
€M  from  another  or  communicating  only  by  a 
viadow.    The  cellitae  were  to  be  supported  by 

*  K«AAi«ti^  also  meant  an  imperial  chamberlain  at 
the  eoQrt  of  Constantinople. 

^  "  Ad  prpprlam  cellam  reyertlsBet"  is  taken  bj;  some 
*iMsBfiitaiiofs  as  ivfcrring  to  a  convent  of  nuns  already 
feioied  bf  »^  Scfaolastka  (Greg.  IHtd.  U.  34). 


their  own  work  or  by  alms :  they  might  be  either 
clergy  or  laymen.  If  professed  monks,  they 
were  to  wear  the  dress  of  the  order;  if  not,  a 
cape  as  a  badge.  None  were  to  be  admitted  into 
the  ** Cellitae"  except  by  the  bishop  or  the 
abbat,  nor  without  a  noviciate.  They  were  to 
have  their  own  chapel  for  mass ;  and  a  window 
in  the  wall  of  the  church,  through  which  they 
might  ^  assist "  at  the  services,  and  receive  the 
confessions  of  penitents.  A  seal  was  to  be  set 
by  the  bishop  on  the  door  of  each  cell,  never  to 
be  broken,  except  in  urgent  sickness  for  the 
necessary  medical  and  spiritual  comfort  (Helyot, 
Diss,  Fret,  §  5 ;  Bulteau,  Bist.  deTOrdre  S,  B,  I, 
ii.  21). 

The  term  celluktnus  has  been  supposed  equiva- 
lent to  cellita.  It  is  used  by  Sidonius  Apolli- 
nans  for  the  Lerinensian  monks  (IX.  £p,  3,  ad 
Faust.).  According  to  Du  Cange  it  sometimes 
means  a  monk  sharing  the  same  cell  with 
another.  [L  G.  S.] 

CELSUS.  (1)  Child-martyr  at  Antioch  un- 
der Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Jan.  9  {Mart. 
Bom.*  Vet,,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  with  Kiizarius  at  Milan,  June  12 
(^Mart,  Usuardi). 

The  Mart,  JRom,  Vet.  places  the  invention  of 
the  relics  of  these  saints  on  this  day,  the  mar- 
tyrdom on  July  28.     The  Cal.  Byzant,  comme 
morates  them  on  Oct.  14.  [C] 

CEMETERY  (Koijuirr^ptov,  Coemeterium). 
In  the  familiar  term  cemetery  we  have  an  ex- 
amplfr-M>ne  among  many — of  &  new  and  nobler 
meaning  being  breathed  by  Christianity  into  a 
word  already  familiar  to  heathen  antiquity.  Al- 
ready employed  in  its  natural  sense  of  a  "  sleep- 
ing place  "  (Dosid.  apud  Athenaeum,  143,  C),  it 
became  limited  in  the  language  of  Christians  to 
the  places  where  their  brethren  who  had  fallen 
asleep  in  Christ  were  reposing  until  the  morning 
of  the  Resurrection.  I^ath,  through  the  Resur- 
rection of  Jesus  Christ,  had  changed  its  nature 
and  its  name.  '*  In  Christianis,"  writes  St.  Je- 
rome, Ep,  29,  **  mors  non  est  mors,  sed  dormitio 
et  somnus  appellatur."  '^Mortuos  consuevit 
dicere  dormientes  quia  evigilaturos,  id  est  resur- 
recturos  vnlt  intelligi"  (Aug.  Bs,  in  Ps,  Ixxxrii.). 
And  the  spot  where  the  bodies  of  the  departed 
were  deposited  also  changed  its  designation  and 
received  a  new  and  significant  title.  The  faithful 
looked  on  it  as  a  KOifiTir'fipioy,  **  a  sleeping-place ;  • 
the  name  being,  as  St.  Chrysostom  says,  a  per> 
petual  evidence  that  those  who  were  laid  there 
were  not  dead  but  sleeping :  8i&  rovro  airrhs 
i  r6vos  Koifi7ir4ipioy  &v6fuurrai  Yya  /id9iis  8ti 
ol  re\tvTriK6r€s  Koi  ^i^aS0a  K^ifitvoi  oh  rtBy^ 
Kaai  &AA^  Koi/i&vrat  ical  JcaOc^dowi.  (HomU. 
Ixxxi.) 

The  earliest  example  of  the  use  of  the  word 
is,  perhaps,  in  the  Phihsophumena  of  Hippolytus, 
c  222,  where  we  read  that  Zephyrinus,  bishop 
of  Rome,  "set"  Callistus,  afterwards  his  suc- 
cessor, " over  the  cemetery"  tls  rh  KoifiirHiptov  • 
Kar4(rni<r€P  (PhiU^ophum.  lib.  ix.  c.  7).  Here  the 
word  is  recognized  as  an  already  established  term. 
That  its  origin  was  exclusively  Christian,  and 
that  in  its  new  sense  it  was  a  term  unknown, 
and  hardly  intelligible  to  the  heathen  authorities, 
is  evidenced  by  the  form  of  the  edicts  which 
supply  the  next  examples  of  its'  use.  In  the  pei- 
secution  under  Valerian,  a.d.   257,  Aemilianua 


830 


CEMETERY 


the  prefect  prohibited  the  Christians  of  Alex- 
andria, us  r^  Ka\o6fifpa  KotfttiHipia  tUri- 
dyau  This  edict  was  revoked  by  Oallienas  on 
the  cessiition  of  the  persecation,  c.  259,  and  an 
imperial  rescript  again  permitted  the  bishops 
fa    T&v    Kakovfilywp   Koifitirripiuy   iiToKtifjtr 

fidyear  x^P^o*  ^^  ^^^  ^"^  ^&  ^^^  ^  familiar 
use  among  the  heathen  inhabitants,  it  would 
have  been  needless  to  have  thus  specified  them. 

A   distinction   between  the  burial   places  of 
Christians  and   those   of  another  faith  had  its 
origin  in  the  very  first  ages  of  the  Church.  This 
principle  of  jealous  separation  after  death  be- 
tween the  worshippers  of  the  True  God  and  the 
heathen  was  inherited  from  the  Jews.    The  Jews 
wherever  they  resided  had  their  own  places  of 
sepulchre,  &om  which  all  but  their  co-religionists 
were  rigidly  excluded.    In  Rome  they  very  early 
had  a  catacomb  of  their  own  in  the  Monte  Verde 
on  fche  Via  Portuensis,  outside  the  Trasteverine 
quarter  of  the  city,  which  was  their  chief  place 
of  residence.    Another  has  been  investigated  by 
De  Rossi  on  the  Via  Appia ;  the  construction  of 
which  he  considers  takes  us  back  as  far  as  the 
time  of  Augustus.     So  abo  the   Christians,  in 
death   as  well  as  in  life,  would  seek  to  carry 
out  the  apostolic  injunction  to  *^  come  out,  ^nd 
be  separate,  and  touch  not  the  unclean  thing." 
The   faithful   brethren  of  the  little  flock,  the 
**  peculiar  people,"  lay  apart,  still  united  by  the 
ties  of  a  common  brotherhood,  waiting  for  **the 
great  and  terrible  day  "   which  according  to  the 
universal  belief  of  the  primitive  church  was  so 
near  at  hand.     As  an  evidence  of  the  abhorrence 
felt  in  very  early,  though  not  the  earliest,  times 
of  uniting  Christians  and  pagans  in  one  common 
sepulchre,  we  may  refer  to  the  words  of  Cyprian, 
A.D.  254.    This  Father  upbraids  a  lapsed  Spanish 
bishop  named  Martialis,  among  other  crimes,  with 
having  associated  with  the  members  of  a  heathen 
funeral  college  and  joined  in  their  funeral  ban- 
quets, and  having  buried  his  sons  in  the  cemetery 
over  which  they  had  superintendence — ^  Praeter 
gentilium  turpia  et  lutulenta  convivia  et^collegia 
diu  frequentata,  filios  in  eodem  coUegio,  exter- 
arum   gentium   more,  apud  proiana    sepulchra 
depositos  et  alienigenis  consepultos"  (Cyprian. 
£fnst.  67).     Hilary  of  Poitiers,  c.  360,  also  com- 
menting on  the  text,  "  let  the  dead  bury  their 
dead,"  asserts   the    same   principle,   ''C^tendit 
Dominus  ....  inter  fidelem  filium  patremque  in- 
•   fidelem  jus  paterni  nominis  non  relinqui.     Non 
obsequium  humandi  patris  negavit,  sed  . .  .  ad- 
monuitHion  admisceri  memoriis  sanctorum  mor- 
tuos  infideles  "  (^Comm.  m  Matt.  cap.  vii.).    These 
Christian  cemeteries  were  in  their  first  origin 
private  and  individual.     The  wealthier  members 
of  the  Church  were  buried  each  in  a  plot  of 
ground  belonging  to  him,  while  the  tombs  of 
the  poorer  sort,  like  that  of  their  Lord,  were 
dug  in  the  villas  or  gardens  of  rich  citizens  or 
matrons  of  substance  who  had  embraced  the  faitly 
of  Christ,  and  devoted   their  property  to  His 
service.   The  titles  by  which  many  of  the  Roman 
cemeteries  are  still    designated,  though  often 
confused  with  the  names  of  conspicuous  saints 
and  martyrs  who  in  later  times  were  interred  in 
them,  are  derived  from  their  original  possessors, 
some  of  whom  may  with  great  probability  be 
i*eferred   to  very  early  if  not  apostolic  times. 
The  cemeteries  which  are  designated  as  those  of 
Ludna,  Domitilla,  Commodilla,  Cyriaco,  Priscilla, 


CEMETERY 

Praetextatus,  Pontianus,  &c.,  were  so  caUed,  lot 
as  being  the  burial  places  of  these  individosb, 
but  because  the  sepulchral  area  which  formed  tbe 
nucleus  of  their  ramifications  had  been  their  pr» 
perty.    Not  that  in  every  instance  the  origioA 
cemetery  received  this  large  extension.    Onder- 
ground  Christian  tombs  have  been  found  in  tlie 
vicinity  of  Rome  consisting  of  no  more  thao  a 
single  sepulchral  chamber,  so  that  some  of  tkese 
cemeteries  may  have  been  always  limited  to  the 
members  and  adherents  of  a  single  family.    The 
only  necessary  restriction  was  that  of  a  comiDon 
faith.     A  few  years  ago  a  gravestone  was  fonad 
in  the  catacomb  of  Nicomedes  outside  the  Ports 
Pia,  bearing  an  inscription  in  which  a  certain  W 
lerius  Mercurius,  according  to  the  Roman  custom, 
bequeathed  to  his  freedmen  and  freedwomen  and 
their  posterity  the  right  of  sepulture  in  the  same 
cemetery,  provided  that  they  belonged  to  his 
own  religion,  At  (ad)  RELiGiOf^EH  pebtiicentes 
MEAM.     We  have  another  example  of  the  same 
kind  in  an  inscription  which  may  still  be  sera  in 
the  most  ancient  part  of  the  cemetery  of  Kereos 
and  Achilleus.    In  this  it  is  recorded  that  M. 
Antonius  Restitutus  made  a  hypogaewn  for  him* 
self  and  his  family  trusting  in  the  Lord,  ^a\A 
et   suis  fidentibus  in    Domino."     We  have  oo 
example  of  language  of  this  kind  in  any  heathen 
epitaph.    The  strongest  tie  of  brotherhood  among 
Christians  was  a  common  faith.    This  bond  out- 
lasted death,  and  nowhere  was  its  power  more 
felt  than  in  their  bui'iaU.     Nor  was  there  anj- 
thing  in  the  aocial  or  religious  position  of  the 
first  Christians  in  Rome  and  elsewhere  t«  curtail 
their  liberty  in  the  mode  of  the  disposing  of 
their  dead.    They  lired  in,  and  with  Uieir  age, 
and  followed  its  customs  in  all  things  lawful.  Ko 
existing  laws  interfered  with  them.    On  the  con- 
trary, all  the  ordinances  of  the  Roman  l^isktion 
under  which,  as  citizens,  they  lived,  were  &Tonr- 
able  to  the  acquisition  and  maintenance  of  burial 
places  by  the  Christians.     In  Rome  land  used 
for  interment  became  ipso  facto  invested  with  a 
religious  character  which  extended  not  only  to  the 
area  in  which  the  sepulture  took  place,  but  to 
the  hypogaea  or  subterranean  chambers  beneath 
it,  and  perhaps  also  to  the  celhe  memoriae^  the 
gardens,  orchards,  and  other  appurtenances  be- 
longing to  them.     The  violation  of  a  tomb  Wis 
a  crime  under  the  Roman  law  visited  with  the 
severest  penalties.    According  to  Paulns  (IMgest. 
lib.  xlvii.  tit.  xii.  §  11)  those  convicted  of  remoT- 
ing  a  body  or  digging  up  the  bones  were,  if  per- 
sons of  the  lowest  rank,  to  suffer  capital  pnnuh- 
ment ;  if  of  higher  condition,  to  be  banished  to 
an  island,  or  condemned   to   the  mines.     Thii 
privilege  reached  even  to  those  who,  a^  martyrs, 
had  forfeited  their  lives  to  the  law.    The  D^ 
contains  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  most  eminent 
Roman  lawyers  that  the  bodies  of  crimijials  might 
legally  be  given  up  to  those  who  asked  for  tb^. 
''Corpora  animadversorum  quibuslibet  petenti- 
bus  ad  sepulturam  danda  sunt"  (Paulns  ap. 
Digest,  lib.  xlviii.  tit.  xxiv.).     Ulpian  (i^  §  1) 
adduces  the  authority  of  the  Emperor  Augustas 
for  the  restoration  of  the  bodies  of  criminals 
to  their  relations.     In  his  own  time,  he  re- 
marks, a  formal  petition  and  permissKn  was 
requisite,  and  the  request  was  sometimes  refused, 
chiefly  in  cases  of  high  treason.    This  exoeptioi 
may  have  sometimes  interfered  with  the  Chris- 
tians obtaining  possession  of  the  body  of  a  nuuijf 


CEMETERY 


CEMETERY 


331 


•ho  kad  reAised  to  swear  **  hj  the  fortune  of  ' 
Qmou-.'*  Bot  for  the  first  two  centuries  there 
M  no  erUenee  of  any  such  prohibition,  and 
aaks  the  **AcU  of  the  martyrs"  are  to  be 
sltogether  discredited,  the  nucleus  of  many  of 
the  ezistinf  catacombs  was  created  by  the  burial 
of  SQBe  fiimous  martyr  on  the  priyate  property 
if  a  wealthy  Christian.  The  facilities  for  burial 
wsold  be  also  further  enlarged  by  the  existence 
if  kfaiixed  funeral  guilds  or  confraternities 
{eeOegii},  associated  together  for  the  reverent 
fldebratioa  of  the  funeral  rites  of  their  members, 
ne  Christians  were  not  forbidden  by  any  rules 
«f  their  own  society,  or  laws  of  the  empire,  to 
cater  into  a  corporate  union  of  this  kind.  The 
jorist  Mardan,  at  the  beginning  of  the  third 
entuy,  as  quoted  in  the  Digests  (fie  CoUeg,  et 
Cwf$r.  lib.  zlriL  tit.  xzii.  1),  when  stating  the 
proLbitioQs  against  coiUgia  todaUciOj  soldiers' 
dak,  and  other  illicit  combinations,  expressly 
cieepts  meetings  the  object  of  which  was  re- 
li|;imu|  ^'religionis  causa  cojire  non  prohibentur," 
IHvndcd  they  were  not  forbidden  by  a  decree  of 
the  senate ;  as  well  as  associations  of  the  poorer 
eiaases  nMeting  once  a  month  to  make  a  small 
payaent  for  common  purposes,  one  of  which  was 
the  decent  burial  of  their  members,  **  permittitur 
tcDaioribus  stipem  menstruam  conferre,  dum  ta- 
■MB  semel  in  mense  ooeant "  (Digest,  ibid.).  That 
Hch  associations  existed  among  Christians  with 
the  ebJQct,  among  others,  of  defraying  the  f^eral 
cipeases  of  their  poorer  brethren,  is  clear  from 
the  Apology  of  TertulLiMU.  He  says,  speaking 
«f  the  area  pmbiiooj  or  public  chest :  ^  Every  one 
■ekes  a  soulU  contribution  on  a  certain  day  of 
the  aonth  (modicam  unusquisque  stipem  men- 
dmx  die. . . .  apponitX  or  when  he  chooses,  pro- 
Tided  only  he  is  willing  and  able,  for  none  is 
eonpelled. ....  The  amount  is,  as  it  were,  a 
oowBMHi  fund  of  piety.  Since  it  is  expended  not 
ia  feasting,  or  drinking,  or  indecent  excess,  but 
ia  feeding  and  burying  the  poor,  &c.  (egenis 
tleadis  AwnmMAs-que)."  Tertull.  Apohg.  c.  zxxix. 
The  first  historical  notice  we  have  of  any  in- 
tcrierenoe  with  the  Christian  cemeteries  is  found 
ia  Africa,  A.D.  203.  And  this  was  not  an  act  of 
tke  dvil  power,  but  was  simply  an  outbreak 
•f  pepolar  bigotry.  '^  Areae  non  sint,"  Tertull. 
ed  Scapml,  e.  iii.  [area].  We  do  not  find  any 
gcaeral  edict  aimed  at  the  Christian  cemeteries 
Wfeze  that  of  the  Emperor  Valerian,  A.D.  257 ; 
laieren  this  is  directed  not  against  the  ceme- 
teries themselves  but  against  religious  meetings 
io  tli«  sacred  precincts,  and  is  absolutely  silent 
as  to  any  prohibition  of  burial.  After  this,  the 
MBfteries  became  expressly  recognized  by  the 
riril  power. 

We  cannot  doubt  that  places  of  interment 
■est  have  been  provided  by  the  Church,  in 
its  corporate  capacity,  for  its  members  at  a 
very  early  period.  It  was  not  every  Christian 
vkoee  dead  body  would  be  sure  of  receiving 
the  pious  «*are  that  attended  the  more  distin- 
nir-hed  members  of  the  Church.  Their  ab- 
Wreaoe  of  cremation,  and  repugnance  against 
aiaixtnre  with  the  departed  heathen  forbad 
Ikcir  findjag  a  resting  place  in  the  heathen 
aUmbmna.  The  horrible  puticuii  where  the 
Miei  of  the  lowest  slaves  were  thrown  to  i*ot  in 
•a  udistingnished  mass,  could  not  be  permitted 
te  be  the  last  home  of  those  for  whom,  equally 
vith  the  most  distinguished  members  of  the 


Church,  Christ  died.  **  Apud  nos,"  writes  Lac- 
tautius,  '<  inter  piiuperes  et  divites,  servos  et  do- 
minos,  interetit  nihil "  (Lact.  Div.  Inst.  v.  14, 15). 
A  common  cemetery  would  be  one  of  the  first 
necessities  of  a  Christian  Church  in  any  city  as 
soon  as  it  acquired  a  corporate  existence  and 
stability.  Rome  could  not  have  long  dispensed 
with  it.  And  when  we  read  of  Callistus  being 
**  set  over  the  cemetery,"  by  Pope  Zephyrinus 
(c.  202),  we  cannot  reasonably  question  that  the 
cemetery  which  we  know  from  Anastasius  "  Cal- 
listus made  (fecit)  on  the  Appian  way,  and  which 
is  called  to  the  present  day  the  cemetery  of  Cal- 
listus "  (Anastas.  §  17),  was  one  common  to  the 
whole  Christiaji  community,  formed  by  Callistus 
on  a  plot  of  ground  given  to  him  for  this  purpose 
by  some  Roman  of  distinction.  It  is  a  plausible 
coi^ecture  of  De  Rossi  that  the  example  of  those 
who  had  bestowed  this  cemetery  on  the  Christian 
community  would  speedily  be  followed  by  other 
believers  of  wealth,  and  that  others  of  the  larger 
cemeteries  which  surround  Rome  owe  their  origin, 
or  fuller  development  to  this  epoch.  This  pro- 
bability is  strengthened  when  we  find  it  recoi*ded 
by  Pope  Fabian,  in  the  early  part  of  the  same 
century  (A.D.  238),  that  "after  he  had  divided 
the  regions  among  the  deacons  he  ordered  nu- 
merous buildings  to  be  constructed  in  the  ceme- 
teries" (multas  fabricas  per  coemeteria  fieri 
praeoepit),  Anast.  §  21.  It  was  in  one  of  these 
memorial  chapels  that  in  all  probability  Podc 
Xystus  II.  was  martyred,  A.D.  261,  "  in  coemeteno 
animadversum,"  Cyprian,  Ep.  80  (81).  Anas- 
tasius records  that  the  charge  under  which  he 
suffered  was  contempt  for  the  commands  of  Va- 
lerian (Anast.  §  25),  and,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of 
the  persecuting  edicts  of  that  emperor  forbad  the 
Christians  to  enter  their  cemeteries.  Among 
the  internal  arrangements  of  the  church  attri- 
buted in  the  Lil)er  Pontificalis  to  Dionysius  (a.d. 
261-272)  is  the  institution  of  cemeteries,  "  coe- 
meteria instituit"  (Anast.  §26).  From  this  pe- 
riod large  public  cemeteries  became  a  recognized 
part  of  the  organization  of  the  Christian  Church. 
It  was  considered  a  duty  incumbent  on  the  richer 
members  to  provide  for  the  reverent  interment  of 
the  poor,  and  where  other  means  were  wanting, 
St.  Ambrose  sanctioned  the  sale  of  the  sacred 
vessels  by  the  Christian  community  rather  than 
that  the  dead  should  want  burial  (Ambros.  de 
Offic.  lib.  ii.  c.  28). 

The  form,  position,  and  arrangements  of  the 
early  Christian  cemeteries  were  not  regulated 
by  any  uniform  system,  but  were  modified  ac- 
cording to  the  customs  of  the  country,  the  nature 
of  the  soil,  and  the  conditions  of  climate. 
Attention  having  been  for  a  long  time  chiefly 
drawn  to  the  subterranean  cemeteries  of  Rome, 
it  has  been  too  hastily  inferred  that  all  the  early 
Christian  burial  places  were  underground  vaults. 
But  as  Mommsen  says,  "  the  idea  that  the  dead 
were  usually  buried  in  such  vaults  in  early 
Christian  times  is  as  erroneous  as  it  is  prevalent 
{Contempor,  Rev.^  May  1871,  p.  166).  We  know 
that  at  Carthage  the  Christian  dead  were  buried, 
not  in  hypogaea^  but  in  open  plots  of  ground, 
"  areae  eepiUturarum  nostrarum,"  Against  these 
burial  places  the  populace  directed  their  mad 
attack  with  the  wild  cry,  "  Down  with  the  burial 
places "  (areae  non  sint),  and  with  the  fury  of 
Bacchanals  dug  up  the  graves,  dragged  forth  the 
decaying  corpses,  and  tore  them  mto  tragmonts 


832 


CEMETERY 


CKBiETERT 


(Tertull.  ad  Soap,  8,  Apolog.  c.  zzzrii.).  Half  a 
ceDtary  later  we  find  the  word  in  use  at  Car- 
thage. St.  Cypnan  was  buried  ''  ad  areas  Ma- 
crobii  Candidiani  procnratoris "  (Rolnart,  Acta 
Martyrum  Sinoera,  p.  263).  It  also  occurs  in  the 
Acts  of  Montanus  and  Lucius,  '*  in  medio  eorum 
in  area  solum  seryari  jnssit  (Montanus)  ut  nee 
sepulturae  consortio  privaretur  "  (t6. 279).  The 
same  term  is  found  in  connection  with  a  monu- 
mental cemetery  chapel,  ceUa  memoriae,  in  a  very 
remarkable  inscription  from  Caesarea  in  Maure- 
tania  (lol)  given  by  De  Rossi  {BtUlet.  cU  Arch. 
Crfe*.  April,  1864):— 

"  Aream  at  (ad)  sqralehra  cultor  Terbl  oontnlit, 
Et  celUm  struzli  sals  cunctis  sumpCibos. 
Kdealae  aanctae  hanc  rdiquit  memorlanL 
Salvete  fratres  paro  oorde  et  slmplid, 
Eaelpias  vos  satos  sancto  Splritu. 
Udeaia  Fratram  bnnc  rcstltult  Uialnm. 
£z  Ing.  Asleri/' 

"This  graveyard  was  given  by  the  servant  of 
the  Wonl,  who  has  also  built  the  chapel  entirely 
at  his  own  expense.  He  left  the  memoria  to  the 
Holy  Church.  Hail,  brethren!  Euelpias  with 
a  pure  and  simple  heart  greets  you,  born  of  the 
Holy  Spirit."  The  remainder  of  the  inscription 
records  the  restoration  of  the  titulus,  which  had 
been  damaged  in  one  of  the  former  pei*8ecutions, 
by  the  Ecdesia  Fratrum,  The  concluding  words, 
"  ex  ingenio  Asterii,"  give  the  name  of  the  poet. 
We  find  sufficient  evidence  of  this  custom  of 
burying  in  enclosed  graveyards,  according  to  the 
modern  usage,  prevailing  in  other  districts.  The 
language  of  St.  Chrysostom  with  respect  to  the 
immense  concourse  of  people  who  assembled  on 
Easter  Eve  and  other  special  anniversaries  for 
worship  and  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  in 
the  cemeteries  and  at  the  martyria,  with  which 
the  city  of  Antioch  was  surrounded,  can  only  be 
interpreted  of  cemeteries  above  ground.  There 
is  not  the  slightest  reference  to  subterranean 
vaults,  which  would  have  been  altogether  inade- 
quate to  receive  the  multitudes  who  thronged 
thither  (cf.  Chrysost.  Hom.  81,  tls  rh  tvofia  koi- 
fifirriplov;  Hom.  65,  de  Mariyribus;  Hom.  67, 
in  Drosidem).  The  same  inference  as  to  the 
position  of  the  cemeteries  may  be  legitimately 
drawn  from  other  passages  of  early  writers. 
This  is  the  only  satisfactory  interpretation  of 
the  passage  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
(lib.  vi.  c  30),  relating  to  assemblies  held  in 
the  cemeteries  "  for  reading  the  sacred  books, 
singing  in  behalf  of  the  martyrs  which  are 
fallen  asleep,  and  for  all  the  saints  from  the 
beginning  of  the  world  and  for  tlje  brethren  that 
are  asleep  in  the  Loixi,  and  ofiering  the  accept- 
able Eucharist.*'  We  learn  also  from  Athanasius 
(Apolog.  pro  Fuga,  p.  704)  that  during  the  week 
after  Pentecost  the  people  fasted  and  went  out 
to  pray  repl  rk  KoifAirriipta.  The  prohibitions  of 
the  Council  of  Elvira  (A.D.  305,  Canon,  34,  35) 
of  the  custom  of  females  passing  the  night  in 
the  cemeteries,  which  was  the  cause  of  many 
scandals  under  the  colour  of  religion  (cf.  Pe- 
tron.  Arbit.  Matrona  Ephes.\  and  of  the  light- 
ing of  candles  in  them  during  the  day-time, 
"  placuit  cereos  in  coemeteriis  non  accendi,  inqui- 
etandi  enim  Sanctorum  spiritus  non  sunt "  (cf. 
1  Sam.  xxviii.  15,  ^  Quare  inquietasti  me  ut  sus- 
citarer?"),  indicate  open-air  cemeteries  fur- 
nished with  nuirtyria,  monuments,. and  memorial  | 


chapels,  not  anbterranean  yanlta.  We  woqM  ez- 
plain  in  the  same  way  the  110th  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Laodicaea  (A.D.  36G)  forbidding  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  to  resort  to  the  cemeteries 
or  martyria  of  heretics  for  the  purpose  of  prayer 
and  divine  service,  c^x^f  4)  Btpatnlas  twin. 
Sidottius  Apollinaris,  bishop  of  Clermont,  d.  482, 
describes  the  burial  place  of  his  grand&ther  as 
a  grave  (scro6s)  in  a  field  (ccanpus)  (Sidon.  Apoll. 
lib.  iii.  ep.  12). 

Nor  even  in  Rome  itself,  though  the  actual 
place  of  interment  was  as  a  rule  in  a  subter- 
ranean excavation,   now  known  as  a  eatacomb, 
does  the  word  coemeterium  exclusively  denote 
these  underground  vaults.     De  Rossi,  following 
Settele  (Atti  delta  Pont,  Acad,  d*  Arch,  torn.  iL 
p.  51)  has  abundantly  shown  in  his  £oma  Sot' 
terranea  (cf.  vol.  i.  pp.  86,  93,  &c.\  that  coems" 
terium  when  it  occurs  in  the  Lives  cf  the  Popes 
and  other  early  documents  frequently  denotes 
the  monumental  chapels  and  oratories,  together 
with  the  huts  of  the  fossores  and  other  offidab, 
erected  in  the   funeral  enclosure.    '^The  long 
peace  from  the  reign  of  CaracaUa  to  that  of  De- 
cius  might  well  have  encoun^ed  the  Christians  to 
erect  such  buildings,  and  allowed  them  to  make 
frequent  use  of  them  notwithstanding  oocasioBttl 
disturbances  from  popular  violence  "  (Northoote, 
B,  3.  p.  86-87).     When  we  read  of  popes  and 
other  Christian  confessors  taking  refuge  in  the 
cemeteries  and  living  in  them  for  a  considerable 
period,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  they  actually 
passed  their  time  underground,  under  dream- 
stances  and  in  an  atmosphere  which  would  render 
life  hardly  possible,  but  in  one  of  the  bnildiags 
annexed  to  the  cemeteries,  either  for  religions 
purposes,  or  for  the  guardianship  of  the  sacred  en- 
closures.* Thus  when  we  read  in  Anastasius(§60) 
that  Boniface  I.  in  the  stormy  period  that  ao- 
companied  the  double  election  to  the  popedom, 
A.D.  419,  "  habitavit  in  ooemeterio  Sanctae  Fe- 
licitatis,"  we  find  Symmachus,  his  contemporary, 
writing  without  any  allusion  to  the  place  of  his 
retirement,  ^  extra  murum  deductus  non  longe 
ab  urbe  remoratur  "  (Symmach.  I^,  x.  73).   We 
have  a  distinct  example  belonging  to  the  same 
period,  of  residence  in  a  oella  of  a  cemetery.   TUs 
is  the  priest  Barbatianus,  who  having  come  from 
Antioch  to  Rome  retired  to  the  cemetery  of  Cal- 
listus,  '*  clam  latens  in  cellula  sua "  (Agnellas, 
Vitae  Pont.  Itavenn.},  Ptolemaeus  Silvius,  qnoted 
by  De  Rossi,  BuUeUino,  Giugno,  1863,  writing  A.a 
448,  speaks  of  the  innumerable  ceUulae  dedicated 
to  the  martyrs  with  which  the  areas  of  the 
cemeteries  were  studded.     All  these  buildings 
taken  collectively  were  often  comprised  under 
the   name   coemeterium.     Onuphrius  Panvinins 
(d.  1568),  one  of  the  earliest  writers  on  CSuistiaa 
interment,    De  Ritu  sepeliend,  Mort,  aptul  ret, 
Christ.,  p.  85,  expressly  states  that  **  iDSsmnch 
as  worshippers  were  wont  to  assemble  in  lai^ 
numbers   at  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs  on  the 
anniversaries  of  their  death,  the  name  of  oemetenf 
was  extended   to   capacious  places    adjacent  to 
the    cemeteries,    suitable    for   public    meetings 
for  prayer."     "We  read,"  he  continues,  "that 
the  early  Roman  pontiffs  were  in  the  habit  of 
keeping    these  stations,  that  is,  performing  all 
their  public  pontifical  acts  among  the  tombs  of 

*  Express  reference  Is  made  by  Ulplan  to  the  babit  a( 
dweUii^  In  sepulcbres  ilHgest,  Ubi  xlvlL  ttL  ziL  $  S> 


OEMETEBT 

tke  intrtjn.  And  thus  these  cemeteries  were 
fti  Um  Chrutiaiis  9b  it  were  temples,  and  places 
ofpiajer  in  which  bbhops  used  to  gather  their 
fTBods,  adminisur  the  sacraments,  and  preach 
tiw  word  of  God."  *    [Churchtakd.] 

That  the  term  ooemateritun  was  not  restricted 
to  the  sabterranean  places  of  interment  is  also 
dear  finm  the  fiict  that  though  interment  in  the 
Gsiaoombs  had  entirelr  ceased  in  the  5th  cen- 
vsrjy  we  read  of  one  pope  after  another  being 
biricd  M  coemfeterio  (cf.  Siricius,  A.D.  398,  Anast. 
§56;  Anastasins  A.D.  402,  »&.  §  56;  Boni&cius, 
jLa  422,  A.  § 61 ;  Coelestinua,  a.d.  432,  t6.  §62). 
Etcb  of  Vigilins,  who  died  A.D.  555,  long  after 
tht  catacombs  were  disused  for  burial  and  had  be- 
oooM  nothing  more  than  places  of  devotion  at  the 
tAoU  if  the  martyrs,  we  read  (ib.  §  108),  **  cor- 
pos .  .  .  sepultum  est ...  in  coemeterio  Priscil-> 
iae  "  (InasL  §  108).  Hadrian  L  in  his  celebrated 
letter  to  Charlemagne  on  images,  also  makes 
BWBtion  of  the  pictures  executed  by  Coelestinus 
**  in  coemeterio  suo"  (Cbncn/io,  Ed.  Mansi  xiii. 
pL801)b  (For  fuller  particulars,  see  De  Rossi, 
Bern,  Satt.  rol.  i.  p.  216,  217).  There  is  an  ap- 
pareftt  exception  in  the  case  of  Zosimus,  A.D.  418, 
Sotas  IIL  A.D.  440,  and  Hilariua,  A.D.  468,  all 
•f  whom  are  stated  to  have  been  buried  '*  ad 
SftBctmn  Lanrentium  in  crypta  **  (Anast.  §  59, 
65, 71)k  But  as  De  Rossi  remarks  the  exception 
(nUt  proTcs  the  rule.  For  this  crypt  did  not 
at  this  time  form  port  of  the  extensive  cemetery 
•f  St  Cyriaca,  but  was  the  substructure  of  the 
altsir  {otmfessio')  of  the  Basilica  erected  over  it 
bj  Coastaotine,  A.D.  330,  of  which  it  formed  the 
BSflens.  The  result  of  his  investigation  is  thus 
summed  up  by  De  Rossi,  tf .  s. :  **  It  is  manifest 
that  the  cemeteries  in  which  during  the  fifth  cen- 
tary  the  bodies  of  the  popes  were  interred  were 
aO  baUdings  under  the  open  sky,  and  thnt  history 
ii  ia  accord  with  the  monuments  in  presenting 
w  single  example  in  that  period  of  a  burial 
performed  according  to  the  ancient  rites  in  the 
primitiTe  subterranean  excavations." 

Although  the  words  KoifiijT^ptoPy  coemeteriwny 
wne  generally  applied  to  the  whole  sepulchral 
area,  and  the  buildings  included  within  it,  yet 
tutaaces  are  not  wanting  in  which  it  is  used  of 
a  angle  grave.  The  examples  adduced  by  De 
Rotii  {B.  S,  p.  85)  are  exclusively  Greek.  He 
refers  to  Curpus  Insor.  Graec,  n.  9298 ;  9304-6 ; 
9310-16;  943i^-40;  9450;  and  mentions  a  bi- 
iisgoal  inscription  from  Narbonne  of  the  year 
^27,  in  which  the  tomb  is  styled  KTMETEPION. 
It  Boldetti,  p.  633,  we  have  an  inscription  iVom 
MalUstating  that  the  KOIMHTHPION  had  been 
pvchased  and  restored  by  a  Christian  named 
2oamns.  Aringhi  also  {Som.  Subt,  tom.  i.  p.  5) 
ajdaoes  an  example  of  a  sarcophagus  bearing 
this  designation,  KOIMHTHPION  TOTTO  HK- 
TABIAAH  TH  lAIA  PTNAIKI  AATAAKIE. 
The  word  is  of  excessive  rarity  in  the  catacombs 
thtnselvea,  The  epiUph  of  Sabinus  (Perret  V. 
xzix.  67),  in  which  we  read  Cymstsrium  Bal- 
miAE,  is  perhaps  the  only  instance  known. 

The  Latin  equivalents  for  Kotfirir^pioy  most 
wiaDy  found  were  either  dormitorium  —  e.g., 
fwrt  nr  pace  Domikt  DoRMnoBiuic  (cf.  Reines, 
SjpUagm,  In$or,  Antiq,  356) ;  '*  Pompeiana  ma- 

^la  Ifae  aaci'iaannlartttm  Bed.  Roman,  the  Jftssa 
is  CfrndertU,  cap.  103,  oontalns  prayers  for  the  souls 
'—tarn  Bdehcm  in  baa  BariUea  quieacentlum.'' 


OHALCEDON 


333 


trona  corpus  ejus  de  judice  emit  et  iroposuit  in 
dormitorio  suo  "  {Acta  S.  MaximU.  apud  Ruinart, 
p.  264)— or  in  Africa,  accubUorium  (De  Rossi, 
M.S,  i.  p.  86).  A  long  list  of  other  names  by  which 
at  various  epochs  and  in  different  countries. 
Christian  places  of  interment  were  designated 
may  be  found  in  Boldetti  (Osservazioni,  pp. 
584-586). 

(Bingham,  Orig,  Eocl.  bk.  viii.  ch.  8-10,  bk. 
xxiii.  ch.  1-2;  Boldetti,  0s9ervazi(mi  sopra  % 
Cimeterii;  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pUiure  sagre; 
Bosio,  Boma  SoUerranea  ;  Aringhi,  Roma  Svbter- 
ranea;  Panvinius,  De  Situ  S^liendi;  Anasta- 
sius,  De  VUis  Rem,  Pontif. ;  Raoul-Rochette, 
Tableau  des  Catacombes ;  De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotter^ 
ranea ;  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Setter- 
ranea),  [E.  V.] 

GENSEB.    [Thurible.] 

GENSUBIUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Aux- 
erre  (about  a.d.  500,  is  commemorated  June  10 
(Mart,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CEREALIS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under 
Hadrian,  is  commemorated  June  10  (Mart,  Rom, 
Vet.j  Usuardi). 

(2)  Soldier,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Decius, 
Sept.  14  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] 

GEBEMONIALE.  A  book  containing  direc- 
tions or  rubrics  for  the  due  performance  of  cer- 
tain ceremonies.  The  more  ancient  term  for  such 
a  book  is  Ordo,  which  see.  [C] 

CEREUS.    [Taper.] 

OEREUS  PASCHALIS.  [Maundy 
Thursday.] 

GHAIR.    [Cathedra:  Throne.] 

GHALGEDON  (Councils  of).  (1)  a.d. 
403,  better  known  as  'Hhe  Synod  of  the  Oak"— a 
name  given  to  a  suburb  there — at  which  St. 
Chrysostom  was  deposed.  To  appreciate  its 
proceedings,  we  should  remember  that  St.  John 
Chrysostom  had  been  appointed  to  the  see  of 
Constantinople  five  years  before,  and  that  Theo- 
philus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  had  been  summoned 
thither  by  the  emperor  Arcadius  to  ordain  him. 
Theophilus  had  a  presbyter  of  his  own  whom  he 
would  have  preferred,  named  Isidore,  so  that  in 
one  sense  he  consecrated  St.  Chrysostom  under 
constraint.  It  was  against  the  2nd  of  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  canons  likewise  for  him  to  have 
consecrated  at  all  out  of  his  own  diocese :  but  in 
another  sense  he  was  probably  not  loth  to  make 
St.  Chrysostom  beholden  to  him,  and  be  possessed 
of  a  pretext  himself  for  interfering  in  a  see 
threatening  to  eclipse  his  own,  where  he  could 
do  so  with  effect.  Hence  the  part  played  by  him 
at  the  Synod  of  the  Oak,  over  which  he  presided, 
and  in  which  no  less  than  12  sessions  were  occu- 
pied on  charges  brought  against  St.  Chrysostom 
himself,  and  a  13th  on  charges  brought  against 
Heraclides,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  who  had  been  or* 
dained  by  him  (Mansi  iii.  1141-54).  The  num- 
ber of  charges  alleged  against  St.  Chrysostom 
was  29  at  one  time  and  18  at  another.  When 
cited  to  appear  and  reply  to  them,  his  answer 
was:  *' Remove  my  avowed  enemies  from  your 
list  of  judges,  and  I  am  ready  to  appear  and 
make  my  defence,  should  any  person  bring  aught 
against  me ;  otherwise  you  may  send  as  often  as 
you  will  for  me,  but  you  will  get  no  farther.** 
I  And  the  first  of  those  whom  he  reckoned  as  such 


334 


CHALCEDON 


CHALCETX)N 


was  Theophilns.  One  of  the  charges  against 
him  was  some  unworthy  language  that  he  had 
used  to  St.  Epiphanius,  lately  deceased,  who  had 
supported  Tiraotheus  In  condemning  the  origi- 
nists,  regarded  hy  St.  Cbrysostom  with  more 
favour.  The  others  refer  to  his  conduct  In  his 
own  church,  or  towards  his  own  clergy.  The 
synod  ended  by  deposing  St.  Chrysostom,  having 
cited  him  four  times  to  no  purpose;  when  he 
was  immediately  expelled  the  city  by  the  em- 
peror, and  withdrew  into  Bithynia,  to  be  rery 
shortly  recalled. 

(2)  The  4th  general— held  its  first  session, 
October  8,  A.D.  451,  in  the  church  of  St. 
Euphemia  —  for  the  architectural  arrangements 
of  which  see  Evagrius  (ii.  3) — baring  been  con- 
vened by  the  emperor  Marcian  shortly  after  his 
elevation.  In  his  circular  to  the  bishops  (Mansi, 
vi.  551-4),  he  bids  them  come  to  Nicaea — the 
place  chuoeri  oy  him  originally — to  settle  "  some 
questions  that  he  says  had  arisen  apparently 
respecting  the  orthodox  faith,  and  been  also  shown 
him  in  a  letter  from  the  archbishop  of  Rome." 
But  in  reality  St.  Leo  had  urged  a  very  different 
course.  In  his  last  epistle  to  the  late  emperor 
he  had  indeed  petitioned  that  a  council  might  be 
held  in  Italy,  should  a  council  be  required  at  all 
(ib,  83-5) :  and  when  Marcian  applied  to  him 
"  to  authorise  *'  the  council  about  to  be  held  (t6. 
93-4),  his  reply  was  that  he  would  rather  it 
were  postponed  till  the  times  were  more  favour- 
able (t6.  114-5).  It  was  only  when  he  found 
his  advice  unheeded  that  he  decided  on  sending 
representatives  thither  (t6.  126-9),  and  then  on 
the  solemn  understanding  that  there  should  be 
no  resettlement  attempted  of  the  Nicene  faith. 
Even  so,  he  reminds  the  empress  (t&.  138-9)  that 
his  demand  had  been  for  a  council  in  Italy ;  and 
tells  the  council  expressly  that  his  representa- 
tives are  to  preside  there,  custom  forbidding  his 
own  presence  (t&.  131-5).  His  representatives, 
on  their  part,  warn  the  emperor  that  unless  he 
Ls  present  in  person  they  cannot  attend  (t&.  557- 
8).  Hence,  to  facilitate  this  arrangement,  the 
council  is  transferred  to  Chalcedon.  Bishops  to 
the  number  of  360  attended,  in  some  cases  by 
deputy,  the  1st  action,  and  19  of  the  highest  lay 
dignitaries  represented  the  emperor.  Usually 
630  bishops  are  said  to  have  been  at  the  council 
sooner  or  later  (Bever.  ii.  107).  It  might  have 
been  supposed  this  total  had  been  gained  origi- 
nally by  placing  the  6  before,  instead  of  after, 
the  3 :  still  there  are  470  episcopal  subscriptions 
to  the  6th  action,  and  members  of  the  council 
themselves  spoke  of  it  as  one  of  600  bishops 
(Mansi,  vii.  57,  and  the  note). 

As  to  their  places  in  church,  the  lay  dignitaries 
occupied  the  centre,  in  front  of  the  altar-screen ; 
and  one  of  the  most  remarkable  traits  of  this 
council  is  their  control  of  its  proceedings  all 
through.  ■  On  their  left  were  the  legates  from 
Rome,  and  next  to  them  Anatolius  of  Constan- 
tinople, Maximus  of  Antioch,  Thalassius  of  Caesa- 
rea,  Stephen  of  Ephesus,  and  other  Easterns.  On 
their  right  were  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria,  Juven^ 
of  Jerusalem,  with  the  bishops  of  Egypt,  Illyria, 
and  Palestine  generally.  On  the  motion  of 
Paschasinns,  the  first  legate,  Dioscorus  was 
ordered  by  the  magistrates  to  quit  the  seat  occu- 
pied by  him  in  the  council,  and  to  take  his  place 
in  the  midst  where  the  accused  sat.  The  charges 
alleged  agamst  him  by  the  legates  were  that  he 


had  held  a  council  and  sat  as  judge,  without 
permission  of  the  apostolic  see.  Ensebins  of 
Dorylaeum,  sitting  in  the  midst  as  his  soeoier, 
complained  of  the  iniquitous  sentence  paaed 
upon  Flavian  and  himself  at  the  council  of 
Ephesus  (see  the  art.  on  this)  two  years  befen. 
Dioscorus  begged  its  acts  might  be  read.  T\a 
was  done :  but  meanwhile  Theodoret,  bishop  of 
Cyrus,  who  had  been  deposed  there,  hating  anoe 
been  restored  by  St.  Leo,  and  invited  to  this 
council  by  the  emperor,  entered  and  took  hk 
seat,  amidist  vehement  protests  from  the  bishops 
on  the  right.  After  the  acts  of  the  "Robben* 
Meeting "  had  been  read,  which  included  those 
of  the  two  synods  of  Constantinople  preceding  it, 
all  agreed  that  Dioecorus,  Juvenal,  Thalasdas, 
and  three  more,  who  had  been  most  forward  in 
deposing  Eusebius  and  Flavian,  deserved  to  be 
deposed  themselves.  The  rest  might  be  par- 
doned, as  having  acted  in  ignorance  or  under 
coercion. 

Action    or  session  2    followed,    October  10. 
The  judges  or  lay  dignitaries  proposing  that  the 
faith    should    be    set    forth    in    its    int^ritv, 
the  bishops  replied  that  they  were  limited  to  the 
creed  of  Nicaea,  confirmed  at  Ephesus,  and  in- 
terpreted  by  the  letters  of  SS.  Cyril  and  Leo 
more  particularly.    On  this  it  was  recited  by 
command  of  the  judges,  from  a  book  by  Enno- 
mius,   bishop  of  Kicomedia,  amidst  shoats  of 
adhesion.     And  immediately   after,  withont  a 
word  more,  by  order  of  the  same  judges,  Aetios 
or  Atticus,  deacon  or  archdeacon  of  the  chnrch 
of  Constantinople,   recited   from  a  book  what 
purported  to  be  the  creed  of  the  150  fathers, 
that  is,  of  the  2nd  general  council,  on  which 
some    remarks    have    been    made    elsewhere, 
[CoNa  Const,  and  Antioch.]    But  the  abrupt- 
ness of  its  introduction  here  merits  attention, 
especially  when  viewed  in  connection  with  a 
short  scene  in  the  1st  action  (Mansi,  vi.  631-2). 
Diogenes,  bishop  of  Cyzicus,  there  remarked  that 
Eutyches  had  dealt  fraudulently  in  professing 
his  faith  in  the  words  of  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  as 
it  stood  originally ;  for  it  had  received  additions 
from  the  holy  fathers  since  then,  owing  to  the 
false  teaching  of  Apollinarius,  Valentinus,  Mace- 
donius,  and  their   followers;    two  such  being 
"  from  heaven  "  after  ^  descended,"  and  *'  by  tiie 
Holy  Ghost  of  the  Virgin  Mary"  after  "in- 
carnate."   This  is  the  first  cliear  reference  to  the 
new  clauses  of  the  Constantinopolitan  creed  in 
this  or  any  other  council  extant.    And  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  even  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  quoted 
in  the  definition,  contains  them.     But  Diogenes 
had    hardly  finished    his   sentence,  when   the 
Egyptian  bishops  exclaimed,  **  nobody  will  hear 
of  any  additions  or  subtractions  either:  let  what 
passed  at  Micaea  stand  as  it  is."    Dioeooms  had 
urged    this    all    along.      Thus  advanti^  wa 
promptly  taken  of  his  condemnation  to  promul- 
gate this  creed  in  the  same  breath  with  that  of 
Nicaea,  while  the  account  given  of  the  additioos 
occurring  in  it  by  Diogenes  is  such  as  to  connect 
it  at  once  with   those  synods  of  Antioch  and 
Rome,  at  which  the  errors  of  Apollinarius  and 
Macedonius  were  condemned.      Ita  recital  wtf 
followed  by  the  same  shoats  of  adhesion  as  the 
older  form,  which  is  the  more  remarkable  as,  np 
to  that  time,  stress  had  been  laid  exclusirel^, 
both   here  and  at  the  synods  rehearsed  in  the 
first  action,  on  the  creed  of  Nicaea,  confirmed  at 


GHALCEDON 


CHALCEDON 


335 


vithoni  the  slightest  reference  to  any- 
tUi^  that  had  ever  paa»ed  at  Constantinople. 
Aftvr  this,  the  two  letters  of  St.  Cyril  were  read 
tint  had  heen  heard  already  from  the  acts  of  the 
emadl  under  Flarian,  and  then  the  letter  of  St. 
Leo  to  FlaTian — ^the  reading  of  which  had  been 
prerentcd  at  the  "« Robbers*  Meeting"— in  a 
Greek  translation.  Three  passages  in  it  were 
called  in  question  by  the  bishops  of  lUyria  and 
Piiestine;  bat  Aetins  and  Theodoret  producing 
nmilar  expressions  from  St.  Cyril,  they  were 
aoorptcd.  Five  days  were  allowed  for  further 
deliberation. 

At  the  3rd  action,  howeyer,  October  13, 
ivo  days  in  adrance  from  which  the  lay  dig- 
Bitaries  were  absent,  Eosebins  of  Dorylaeum 
hsTiag  brought  another  indictment  against  Dios- 
eoras,  fresh  charges  were  produced  against  him 
abo  by  two  deacons  and  one  la3rman  of  his  own 
dtorch,  and  he  not  appearing  to  meet  them, 
after  baring  been  twice  summoned,  was  formally 
deposed — the  Roman  legates,  by  general  consent, 
deiiTering  their  judgment  first,  and  the  rest  in 
•rder  anenting  to  It — but  the  sentence  of  his 
depontion  was  framed  on  the  model  of  that  of 
Kestohus.  Letters  were  written  to  the  emperor 
aad  empress  and  to  his  own  clergy,  acquainting 
them  with  it. 

Action  4  followed,  October  17,  or  rather  15 
(tee  Mansi,  riL  83),  when  the  judges  appeared 
trae  to  their  engagement.  By  their  oi-der 
niaates  of  the  1st  and  2nd  actions  were  read 
•at,  to  the  marked  exclusion  of  what  had  passed 
at  the  3rd.  Thev  then  called  upon  the  bishops 
to  declare  what  had  been  decided  by  them  re- 
ifieeting  the  faith.  The  legates  replied  by  pro- 
■eoncing  the  faith  of  Nicaea,  Constantinople,  and 
Ephesns  to  hare  been  embraced  by  the  council 
sad  expounded  faithfully  by  St.  Leo  in  his  epistle 
to  Flamn.  To  this,  all  present  assented ;  and 
Jorenal,  Thakuuius,  Eusebins,  Basil,  and  Eosta- 
tkios,  the  fire  bishops  who  had,  in  the  1st  action, 
been  classed  with  Dioscorus,  were  permitted  to 
sit  in  the  council  on  subscribing  to  it.  Con- 
oderatioa  of  a  petition  from  13  Egyptian  bishops 
who  objected  to  do  so  was  adjourned  till  they 
had  elected  a  new  archbishop.  Eighteen  priests 
aid  archimandrites  who  had  petitioned  the  em- 
peror were  next  heard.  Among  them  was  Bar- 
Mmas  the  Syrian,  accused  of  having  murdered 
FUviaiL  The  burden  of  their  petition  was  that 
DioMorus  should  be  restored.  The  4th  and  5th 
caaoos  of  Antioch  were  quoted  from  a  book — ^in 
it  Buabered  as  canons  83  and  4 — against  them, 
sad  they  were  allowed  30  days  for  consideration 
whether  to  submit  to  the  council  or  be  deposed. 
Uitly,  Photius  of  Tyre  was  heard  in  behalf  of 
the  rights  of  his  church  against  Eustathius  of 
Bcrytus,  whose  dty  had  been  created  a  metro- 
polis by  the  late  emperor.  The  council  ruled, 
and  the  judges  concurred,  that  the  question  be- 
tween them  should  be  settled  according  to  the 
caaona,  and  not  prejudiced  by  any  pragmatical 
eoostitDtioiis  of  the  empire. 

Ob  the  5th  action,  commencing  October  22, 
*i€  jodges  called  on  the  bishops  to  produce  what 
lad  been  defined  by  them  on  the  faith.  When 
read  it  gare  offence  to  the  legates  and  some  few 
Easterns,  as  not  including  the  letter  of  St.  Leo. 
The  former  threatened  to  leave,  and  were  told 
they  might;  but  on  reference  to  the  emperor, 
htsaid  a  sfood  should  be  held  in  the  West,  if 


they  could  not  agree.  A  committee  was  there- 
fore formed  of  the  principal  bi&hops,  and  at 
length  the  definition  appeared  with  the  creeds 
of  Nicaea  and  Constantinople  following  in  suc- 
cession, but  authorised  equally,  in  the  first  part 
of  it;  and  in  the  second,  the  sy nodical  letters  of 
St.  CynX  to  Nestorius  and  to  the  Easterns,  and 
the  letter  of  St.  Leo  to  Flavian,  as  their  received 
exponents  on  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation. 
On  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  those  creeds,  it 
was  particularly  said,  required  no  further  expla- 
naition ;  nor  was  any  other  fitith  to  be  taught,  or 
creed  proposed  for  acceptance,  to  converts  from 
what  heresy  soever,  under  pain  of  deposition  in 
the  case  of  the  clergy  and  excommunication  in 
that  of  the  laity. 

At  the  5th  action,  October  25,  all  subscribed 
to  this  definition — the  Roman  legates  attesting 
merely  that  they  subscribed,  the  rest  that  they 
defined  as  well.  This  was  done  in  the  presence 
of  the  emperor  Marcian,  the  empress  Pulcheria, 
and  a  splendid  suite ;  the  emperor  telling  them 
in  a  short  address  that  he  had  come  thither,  like 
Constantino,  to  confirm  what  they  had  done,  not 
to  display  his  power.  After  which,  he  approved 
of  their  definition,  and  announced  his  intention  of 
punishing  all  who  contravened  it,  according 
to  their  station.  At  his  instance  three  rules 
were  made ;  one  fi)r  making  monks  more  depen- 
dent upon  bishops,  and  two  more  forbidding  the 
clergy  to  undertake  secular  posts,  or  migrate 
from  the  church  to  which  they  belonged.  And 
here  the  council,  doctrinally  speaking,  ends. 

The  other  actions,  to  the  14th  inclusively,  re- 
lated to  matters  between  one  bishop  and  another, 
and  occupied  the  rest  of  October.  At  action  7 
sanction  was  given  to  a  territorial  arrangement 
between  the  bishops  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem, 
by  which  the  former  was  in  future  to  have 
jurisdiction  over  the  two  provinces  of  Phoenicia 
and  that  of  Arabia — the  latter  over  the  three 
called  Palestine.  At  the  8th  action  Theodoret,  who 
had  already  subscribed  to  the  definition  with  the 
rest,  was  called  upon  to  anathenuttise  Nestorius, 
which  he  did,  including  Eutyches,  and  three 
more  bishops  similarly  called  upon  did  the  same. 
The  9th  and  10th  actions  passed  in  enquiring  into 
what  had  been  decided  at  the  synods  of  Tyre  and 
Berytus  respecting  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  three 
years  before.  Their  acts  having  been  rehearsed, 
and  the  sentence  passed  upon  him  at  the  **  Rob- 
bers' Meeting"  summarily  cancelled,  he  was 
declared  orthodox  on  anathematising  Nestorius 
and  Eutyches,  and  restored  to  his  see.  Yet,  in- 
consistently enough,  in  another  case,  that  of 
Domnus  of  Antioch,  the  judgment  of  the  "  Rob- 
bers' Meeting "  was  allowed  to  stand,  his  suc- 
cessor, Maximus,  having  been  consecrated  by 
Anatolius  of  Constantinople,  recognised  by  St. 
Leo,  and  received  at  this  council.  Domnus, 
whose  piety  was  admitted  by  all,  was  adjudged 
a  pension  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  see  in  which 
he  had  been  uncanonically  superseded.  The 
Greek  account  of  this  proceeding  indeed  has 
been  lost,  but  two  of  the  Latin  versions  contain- 
ing it  purport  to  have  been  mode  from  the  Greek 
(Mansi,  vii.  177-8,  269-72,  and  771-4).  Actions 
11  and  12  were  taken  up  in  hearing  a  con- 
tention between  Bassianus  and  Stephen  for  the 
see  of  Ephesus,  as  bishop  of  which,  Stephen  had 
hitherto  sat  and  voted  at  this  council.  Neither 
had  been  caaonically  ordained  in  the  judgment 


386 


CHALCEDON 


CHALCEDON 


of  the  couQcil,  so  that  a  fresh  election  had  to  he 
made,  but  both  were  allowed  their  rank  and 
oi'dcred  a  pension  of  200  aurei  respectiyely  out 
of  the  revenues  of  that  see.  In  the  former  of 
these  actions,  the  16th  and  17th  canons  of 
Antioch  were  read  out  of  a  book  by  Leontius, 
bishop  of  Magnesia,  numbered  as  95th  and  96th, 
and  applied  to  their  case.  At  the  13th  action 
Eunomius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  complained  that 
the  privileges  of  his  church  had  been  infringed 
by  the  bishop  of  Nicaea.  Imperial  constitutions 
were  quoted  on  both  sid^,  which,  according  to 
the  judges  themselves,  had  nothing  at  all  to  do 
with  the  rights  of  bishops :  and  the  4th  Nicene 
canon  which  Eunomius  read  out  of  a  book  as  the 
6th,  settled  the  question  in  his  favour.  The  in* 
sertion  of  a  salvo  to  the  see  of  Constantinople, 
proposed  by  its  archdeacon,  was  negatived  by 
the  judges,  who  said  that  its  rights  of  ordaining 
in  the  provinces  would  be  declared  in  their 
proper  order.  At  the  14th  action,  Athanasius 
and  Sabinianus,  who  had  each  sat  and  subscribed 
as  bishop  of  Perrhe,  submitted  their  respective 
claims — the  former  adducing  two  letters  in  his 
favour  from  >SS.  Cyril  and  Proclus,  the  latter  the 
acts  of  the  synod  of  Antioch  under  Domnns,  de- 
posing his  rival,  and  the  fact  of  the  *^  Robbers' 
Meeting "  having  restored  him.  For  the 
judgment  of  the  council,  see  ConcU,  Hierap, 
A.D.  445. 

What  is  printed  as  the  15th  action,  without 
date  or  preface,  would  seem  to  be,  strictly 
speaking,  a  mere  continuation  of  the  10th  action 
by  the  hierarchy  for  framing  canons  after  the 
judges  had  i*etired.  This  would  follow  from  what 
is  said  to  have  passed  in  the  16th  action,  October 
28 — at  least,  if  this  date  is  correct.  Thera  the 
legates  complained  to  the  judges  of  what  had 
been  done  yesterday^  after  the  latter  had  retired, 
and  subsequently  to  their  own  withdrawal  also. 
Now,  October  27  had  been  the  day  of  the  10th 
action,  and  the  11th  action  was  not  till  October 
29.  Consequently  there  was  just  the  interval 
required  for  them  to  have  complained  on  October 
28,  and  had  the  canon  to  which  they  objected 
read  out  publicly.  Thus,  when  Ibas  had  been 
acquitted,  the  judges  withdrew,  and  the  bishops, 
probably  not  expecting  any  more  business,  re- 
mained to  make  canons.  Twenty-seven  in  all, 
including  those  previously  recommended  by  the 
emperor,  were  drawn  up,  and,  according  to  one 
of  the  oldest  Latin  vereions  extant,  were  sub- 
scribed to  by  all,  not  excepting  the  legates 
(Mansi,  vii.  400-8).  After  the  legates  had  re- 
tired, the  Eastern  bishops  again  remained,  and 
agreed  to  three  more,  making  a  total  of  30 ;  but 
to  the  last  three  the  legates  had  not  been  parties, 
and  equally  declined  sul^cribing  the  day  after 
(Mansi,  t6.  429-54).  As  Beveridge  remarks, 
they  are  omitted  as  well  by  John  Scholasticus 
as  by  Dionysius  Exiguus  (ii.  124),  nor  have  they 
ever  been  received  in  the  West. 

Only  the  28th,  however,  demands  any  notice. 
Those  who  were  most  interested  in  it  said  in  their 
defence  that  they  had  asked  the  legates  to  take 
part  in  framing  it,  and  they  had  replied  that 
they  were  without  instructions.  The  judges,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  bade  them  refer  it  to  the 
council.  And  doubtless  it  was  as  much  a  ques- 
tion for  the  council  as  those  which  had  been 
settled  in  the  7th  and  13th  actions.  In  one 
itnie  it  merely  renewed  the  3rd  canon  of  Con- 


stantinople, A.D.  381,  conferring  honorary  prr 
cedenoe  (irpf<r/3cta,  throughout— erroneoosl}  ren- 
dered by  the  Latins  in  each  case  <*primainm'') 
upon  the  bishop  of  that  city  next  after  Rani% 
and  for  the  same  reason  as  had  there  been  given. 
And  if,  in  addition,  it  gave  the  bishop  of  that 
city  the  right  of  ordaining  metropolitans  in  the 
dioceses  of  Asia,  Pontus,  and  Thrace,  still  this 
was  aftenoards  proved  to  have  been  done  with 
the  full  consent  of  the  bishops  of  those  dioceses. 
And  so  we  are  brought  to  what  really  passed  at 
the  16th  action,  opening  abruptly  with  a  speed)  of 
the  legate  Lucentius  (Mansi,  vii.  441),  as  reported 
in  the  Greek  version.  Here  both  sides  were 
called  upon  by  the  judges  to  produce  the  canoBs 
on  which  they  relied ;  and  the  legates,  in  quoting 
the  6th  of  Nicaea,  substituted  for  the  first  cUun 
of  it,  ''Quod  ecclesia  Romana  semper  haboit 
primatum."  No  protest  was  actually  made  to 
these  words,  but  it  was  cited  in  its  genuine  foim 
afterwards  by  the  Constantinopolitan  archdeacon. 
And  as  for  the  3rd  of  Constantinople,  Eusebios 
of  Dorylaeum  testified  to  having  read  it  hinotsdf 
at  Rome  to  the  Pope,  and  to  his  having  received 
it  (»&.  449).  The  judges  at  last  having  dehva^ 
their  opinion  that  the  primacy  before  all,  and 
chiefest  honour,  according  to  the  canons,  shonld 
be  preserved  to  the  archbishop  of  elder  Rome,  bnt 
that  the  archbishop  of  Constantinople  ought  to 
have  the  honour  and  power  assigned  him  in  ihU 
canon,  it  was  accepted  by  all  present,  in  spite  of 
the  legates,  who  had  previously  desired  to  hare 
their  protest  recorded  against  what  had  been 
passed  in  their  absence,  for  this  2nd  speech  of 
Lucentius  clearly  followed  the  reading  out  of  the 
canon,  October  28.  Afterwards  it  was  denoonoed 
in  a  series  of  epistles  by  St.  Leo,  who  neverthe- 
less, neither  by  his  legates,  nor  in  his  own  name, 
seems  ever  to  have  objected  to  the  9th  and  17th 
canons  of  this  council,  authorising  appeals  to  the 
see  of  Constantinople  far  more  fully  than  the 
Sardican  canons  ever  had  to  Rome  (Bever.  ii. 
115-6).  Yet  these  form  part  of  the  27  subscribed 
to  by  all,  including  the  legates,  and  received  in 
the  West.  No  others  among  them,  save  the  first, 
are  worth  noticing;  but  these,  perhaps,  have 
never  been  sufficiently  noticed.  By  the  first  it 
is  decreed  that  "  the  canons  of  the  Holy  Father^ 
made  in  every  synod  to  this  present  time,  be  in 
full  force" — in  other  words,  the  collection  of 
canons  published  by  Beveridge,  Justeilus,  and 
others,  as  the  ^  code  of  the  universal  Church,*'  is 
ordered  to  become  law  (Bever.  ii.  108;  Gire, 
Hist,  Lit  i.  486-7).  It  only  remains  to  observe 
that  Evagrius  attributes  no  more  than  14  actions 
to  this  council  (ii.  18),  and  seems  to  say  that 
most  of  the  canons  were  framed  at  the  7th. 
Other  accounts,  that  of  Liberatua,  for  instance 
(Brev.  i.  13),  vary  from  his.  Before  separating, 
the  bishops  addressed  the  emperor  in  vindication 
of  their  definition,  and  the  Pope  in  vindication 
of  their  28th  canon  (Mansi,  vii.  455-74  and  vi. 
147-61),  telling  St.  Leo  that  he  had  interpreted 
the  faith  of  Peter  to  them  in  his  e|^tle,  and 
presided  over  their  deliberations  in  the  person  of 
his  legates,  as  the  head  over  the  members.  The 
Pope  was  deaf  to  all  argument  on  the  subject  of 
the  canon,  while  setting  his  seal  to  their  definition. 
In  one  of  his  letters  to  Anatolius  (Mansi,  vi  ^3) 
he  goes  so  fiir  as  to  say  that  the  3rd  canon  of 
Constantinople  had  never  been  notified  to  the 
apostolic  see,  though  Eusebius  of  Dorylaeum  had 


CHALDAEI 


CHALICE 


337 


t  hiiiiicl£     In  the  i 


inTing  pibliclf 
ne  B^rit  it  is, 
t  meotlbna  th« 
inel  W  tht  150  fktbin ;  In  other  worda,  that  of 
CiBiUitiDOple,  by  name,  tbough  he  mint  hare 
naind  it  with  the  defiiiitioik  of  thii  cooncil : 
url  udMd  h>  Hid  of  it  Utterly,  "tim  pleoii 
il^H  perfectii  definiticmibiu  conctm  finoata  AUQti 
It  uhil  n  rtgtUai  qnae  ei  divitil  implTBtioDe 
pnlnU  eit,  lot  sddi  poHlt  ant  minni "  (_Ep,  ad 
Lim.  Imp^  Uorui,  vL  308>  Such,  hoireTer, 
m  hii  ml  ^kiut  the  ouioa  that  he  vai  at 
«c  time  thought  not  to  have  approved  of  the 

Edicti  ID  iDcmiian  iuned  &otu  the  emperor, 
•ideriiig  all  panoni  to  aabmit  to  the  eoancil, 
■ad  fbrbtddiDg  all  flirther  ducaaslan  of  the 
piiiiti  Kttled  bj  it.  The  law  of  the  late  em- 
Hnr.  eanfinnitig  the  act*  of  the  "Bobbera' 
HwIUg,''  wae  repealed ;  Entf  chea  depriTed  of 
<ka  title  of  priait ;  aod  Koacorna  exiled  to 
Gugra  in  l^phlagonia.  Great  opposition  wai 
KTBthilcH  maJe  to  ita  reception  bf  their  ad- 
mitn,  in  Egjpt  cipeciall;,  to  which  the  "Codex 
bercliaa,'  or  eoUectiau  of  letter*  in  ita  faronr, 
■Miond  for  the  most  part  to  the  emperor  Leo, 
■■  hii  mtadoo,  t.o.  458,  waa  intended  to  be  a 
(•aitciwJenmutratias  (Ifanal,  vii,  475-627  aod 
IS5-98>  [E.  S.  F.] 

CHALDABt    [AWBOLoaEBS.] 

CHALICE.  (Latin,  calix  ;  Greek,  wniifw, 
nnUtor;  French,  caikt;  Italian,  calict;  Ger- 
ana,  Eeick;  Anglo-Saioo,  ca^.)  The  cup  in 
■hich  the  (rine  a  conHcrated  at  the  celebration 
li  the  Holf  Commnnion,  and  from  which  the 
□amoaicantt  drink.  Chnlicea  have  been  diTided 
iits  KTetal  riniarn.  of  which  the  more  important 
arc — Dflrrtorial,  in  which  the  wine  broDght  by 
(be  commnnicaDta  waa  received;  comnuDical, 
b  >hich  the  wine  wa>  conaecrated;  sod  mini- 
rterial,  in  which  it  was  admiaiatered  to  the  com- 


Veaaek  of  thin  deacription  being  indispenaably 
nqirireJ  for  tba  celebratioo  of  the  moit  impor- 
laat  of  the  ritfa  of  the  Chrlatian  reliiion  it  ie 
fimovM  that  from  the  very 
Bch  nut  hare  been  in  i 
■KB  poanible  to  determine  how  soon  they  began 
ti  be  diatiognuhed  by  form,  material,  or  onia- 
wal  from  the  cope  need  in  ordinary  life.  Per- 
ift  the  tarlieat  notict  which  we  haTe  of  anjr 
■all  hf  which  a  cnp  naed  for  enchariatic  pur- 
paaawB  diitingniahcd  from  those  la  ordinary 
aic,  ii  the  puaage  in  Tertallian  (Z^  PtuUeil.  c 
10):  "Si  tort«  patrocinabitur  paaCor,  qnem  in 
(alice  depingia,  proatitnlorem  et  ipaum  Cbria- 
iBBi  laenmeDti,  merito  et  ebrietatls  Idol  am  at 
■Hchia  uylnm  poat  calicem  itibaecatarc." 

It  (eemi  iodeed  qnite  po«ibIe  that  at  that 
•riy  period  when  the  admjniatration  of  the 
Eaciariit  waa  coanected  both  aa  regards  time 
ud  locality  with  the  feasts  of  charity  (agapae) 
Ibt  diitinetioB  between  the  rtssels  used  for 
Bch  parpoae  was  less  stroi^ly  drawn  than 
■fterrarda  came  to  be  the  oue,  and  ''^~"  ~~ 
1^  earliest  nmtnrles  there  waa  little  or 
liaitioB  of  either  fonn  or  decoration 
the  auc^aristic  cup  and  that  of  the  i 
tiUe. 

Vtt  traitDally  eiclnaire  adoption  of  the  word 
'nlii'aa  si^ifyiog  (he  cacharistic  cup,  may 


perhapa  be  deemed  to  imply  that  Ihe  fhnn  of 
cnp  moat  generally  employed  tn  the  celebration 
of  the  Communion,  was  that  apecifioally  called 
"  calii."  This  word  is  held  naually  to  denote  a 
cnp  with  a  aomewbat  abalbw  bow),  two  handlaa 
and  a  foot  Vases  of  rarlona  forma  are  often 
depicted  on  the  walls  or  Tanlls  of  the  catacombs, 
but  it  is  generally  uocertain  how  far  these  are 
merely  oraamenta,  and  it  wonid  net  appear  that 


It  would  at  first  eight  appear  eitremely  probable 
that  among  these  nnmerona  representations  of 
Taaei,  some  at  leaat  should  be  intended  to  repre- 
sent that  which  was  above  all  precioDs  to  those 
for  whom  these  decorations  were  aiecuted,  bnl 
the  paintings  of  the  earlier  period  are  with  hardly 
an  exception  alleguncal  or  symbolical,  scarcely 
ever  in  a  primary  sense  historical,  and  nereV 
liturgical,  unlets  the  allusions  to  the  sacraments 
conveyed  by  lignrea  of  fishes,  baskets  of  bread, 
and  the  tike  deserve  t«  be  so  <^Ied. 


It  has  been  anppoaed  by  some,  Boldetti  (Oner' 
vationi  aopra  i  Cimitert  dei  SS.  Martiri)  among 
others,  that  the  glass  vessela  decorated  with 
gold  leaf,  the  bottoms  of  which  have  been  found 
in  considerable  numbers  in  the  catHComb*  at- 
tached to  the  plaater  by  which  the  tiles  closing 
the  locnli  were  fixed,  were.  If  not  actually  cha- 
lices, at  least  drinking-veasels  in  which  the  com- 


mnoicant*  laceived  the  coosecrated  wine,  and 
from  whidi  they  drank.  Padre  Garmcci  (F«(ri 
OmaU  i  Ort>,  Pref.  xi)  has  however  ahown  tha' 
thia  opinion  doea  not  reat  on  any  secsre  fbanda- 
tion.  It  has  also  been  thought  that  ths  lif;iiT«* 
of  vases  *o  ofl<u  fbnnd  incised  oa  early  ChriatiaB 


338  CHALICE 

memaritil  stones  were  intended  to  reprewnt  chil- 
li Tes,  BDd  thereby  to  indicate  that  the  doceued 
pcraon  wu  a  prieit.  Though  thia  maf  pouiblj 
hare  umetlmea  been  the  cue,  other  and  mora 
probabla  siplauations  of  the  oocurrence  of  thwe 
Ggnras  of  raieii  may  b«  euggetted;  but  tbcr«  u 
a  m&rliBd  similarity  between  the  type  of  rue 
nstully  employed  and  the  forma  of  the  uriiot 
chsljcei  of  which  we  have  any  poutirg  know- 
ledge. 

The  woodcut  repreeenta  one  of  th«a  tubs  ai 
ehowD  ia  low  relief  on  the  aarcophagui  in  the 
chapel  of  SL  Aqnilinoa  attached  to  tha  church 
of  5,  Lorauzo  at  Hilin,  which  ia  aappoaed  to  hare 
ooDtaioed  the  raDuiai  of  AUulphui  king  of  tbe 
Goths  (oh.  I.D.  415),  or  of  bw  wift  Plaoidia. 

Th«  earlieat  chalice  Bti)l  eiiating  li  probably 
that  found  with  ■  patan  at  Goardou  in  FrHiuw, 


in  the  poueuion  of  the  churdi  of  Mon 
the  yaur  600,  aod  may  indeed  with  gm 
'  ''ity  be  lupposad  to  ba  of  i 


r  tbe 


age,     A 


it  doorway  of  t1 


date  from  circa  a 
reprennti  leveral  cbalioH  of  rnrioa)  aizea,  aonn 
with  and  >ome  without  handlo. 

Chaiica  ofglasB  of  very  aimilar  form  are  met 
with,  and  may  with  much  probability  ba  attri- 
buted to  the  6th  or  7th  centuries ;  tuo  eiamplea 
are  in  the  Britiih  Uoseum  ;  theae  are  of  bine 
glaia  and  somewhat  roughly  made.  As,  howarer, 
these  bear  neither  inacriptiona  nor  any  Christian 
eymljol,  it  cannot  be  aiiinned  with  certainty  that 
thay  were  aacismental  chalices,  Uoroni  (Dii. 
di  Erudizvmt  Storico  -  Eccleiiatt,)  mentions  a 
chalice  of  blue  glass  as  being  preaervad  in  the 
church  of  the  Iiola  S.  Oiulio  in  the  lake  of  Orta 
in  Lombardy,  as  a  relic  of  the  saiat  who  lired  in 
the  Bth  centnry;  this,  he  aays,  was  without  n 
foot.     It  is  not  now  to  ba  found  there. 

Id  the  aacnaty  of  the  church  of  3ta.  Anaatasla 
at  Rome  a  chalice  ia  preaerred  as  a  relic,  as  It  ia 
said  to  bare  been  need  by  St.  Jerome  ;  the  bowl 
is  of  white  opaque  glass  with  soma  ornsment  In 
relief,  tbe  foot  is  of  metal. 

A  chslice  ia  preaerred  (?  at  Maestricht),  which 
is  beiiered  to  hare  belonged  to  St.  Lambert, 
biahop  of  that  city  (ob-TOH);  it  is  of  mrtnl 
(?silier)  gilt,  the  bowl  hemiapherical,  the  foot 
a  frustum  of  a  cone;  the  whole  without  omn- 
ment. 

A  chalice  of  einctly  the  aamc  form  is  to  be 


and  now  preserved  in  the  Biblioth^n*  Imp^rinli 
inParia.  Thia  la  represented  in  the  snneied  wand, 
cut,  and  ia  of  gold  oTnameotad  with  thin  alicei 
of  garoeU.  With  it  were  found  104  gold  coini 
of  Emperonof  theEast,  25  of  which  of  Justin  I. 
(518-527)  being  io  n  fresh  and  Doworn  eonditior 
and  tbe  latest  in  date  of  the  entire  hoard,  it  If 
reasonable  to  conclude  thst  tbe  deposit  was  madi 
ath 

-e  the  spleodid  chn- 
lices  beiooging  to  the  basilica  of  Munis,  no  longer 
in  eilstence,  but  of  which  representatiooe,  evi- 
dently tolerably  accurate,  have  been  preserved  in 
a  large  painting  probably  executed  In  t'  '  " 
half  of  the  l.'ith  century,  and  now  in  the  libmiy 


of  that  charch.  This  painting  represents  the 
restitotion  to  the  basilica  of  the  contenU  of  iti 
trrasury  which  took  plsce  in  1345.  These  chs' 
licCE  are  rcprasented  in  the  sccompanTing  wood 
cuts,  both  were  of  gold  set  with  jewels;  theli 
weight  is  variously  sUted  at  from  105  to  1T{ 
ounces.     Thtae  there  ia  ground  In  believe,  wer> 


CHALICE 

*nmpl«  of  a  gDldni  chalice  (aft  vno^cnt),  which 
■Bcieat  In^cntoriea  auertwl  to  have  faMD  tli« 
vork  of  Bt.  Eligiu  (or  Eiol),  and  thenfore  to 
dito  from  the  Gnt  half  of  tha  7th  century. 
FartuHtel7  itn  eDfCTHvlng  of  it  hu  been  pre- 
Hrredintht  i'oMf^ia  KH^rdofoAl  of  Du  Saluuf, 
and  the  character  of  tha  work  correipoDdi  with 
the  alleged  data.  It  ii  ohriouily  an  Initance  of 
Iraiuition  from  Hrliar  to  Uter  fornii,  though 
■Mnewhat  exceptioiuil  tnnn  the  great  depth  of 
lh«  bowl.  It  wai  nbout  a  ft>ot  high  and  nearly 
ten  iDches  in  diameter,  and  held  about  the  hnlf 
«f  a  French  litre. 

A.  aingatar  eiceptjon  in  point  of  form  wai 
chaltce  which  wai   found  with  the  body  o: 
Cnthbert  when  hii  relics  were  eiamined  in 
yearlKH;  thii  it  deecribed  an  of  Roall  siH 
in  It*  lower  part  of  gold  and  of  the  £gnre 
Ina,  the  bowl  which  waa  attached  to  the  back  of 
the  lion  being  eat   IVom   an  onyx  (Jet,  Sanii. 
Boll.  3  ifa/1.>    It  may  ha  annniaed  that  thU 
wu  not  really  mad*  for  a  chalice,  bat  had  been 
presented  to  him  and  conrertod  to  that  oie. 

Of  the  next  century,  the  8th,  a  irery  remark- 
ihl*  eiample  atill  eiiita  in  the  conrent  of  KrenU' 


It  haa  been  aiaerted  that  ii 


apoctotlc  age 

tioD  there  ii  no  early  authoritT ;  St.  Bonilnce  in- 
deed ii  reported  in  the  18th  caDon  of  the  Conncil 
of  Tribur  to  have  said  that  once  golden  priests 
used  wooden  chalices,  and  Platina(i)«  Vil.  Pont.) 
asserts  that  Pope  Zephyrinos  (a.d.  197-217) 
ordered  that  the  wine  thould  be  consecrated  not 
S3  heretofore  in  a  wooden  but  in  a  gins  tmhI. 
The  Liier  Pmtijicalit  in  the  life  of  Zepbyrinus. 
however,  merely  says  that  he  ordered  pstens  of 
glass  to  be  carried  before  the  priests  when  mass 
was  to  be  celebtBtai  by  the  bishop.  Glass  whs 
no  doubt  in  use  from  a  very  early  date;  St. 
Jerome  (ad  Austi'c.  Mon.  Ep.  4)  writes  of  £id- 
perins,  bishop  of  Toulouse,  as  bearing  the  Lord's 
blood  in  a  veisel  of  gloss,  and  St.  Gregory 
(Dialog.  lib.  i.  c  7)  says  that  St.  Donatus,  bishop 
of  Areuo,  repaired  byprayar  a  chalice  of  glass 
broken  by  the  heathens.  The  nse  of  wood  for 
chslices  waa  prohibited  by  several  provinciaV 
councils  in  the  Bth  and  9th  centuriei  (Cone, 
lyibw.  ean.  18),  of  bom  by  that  of  Ceal- 
chytha  (Cone.  Calcat.  can.  10),  and  Pope  Leo 
IV.  (8*7-855)  in  bis  homily,  Si  Cura  Pat- 
toraii,  laya  down  the  rule  that  no  one  ihoula 
celebrate  mass  in  a  chalice  of  wood,  lead,  or 
glass.  Glaes,  bowerer,  continued  to  be  occa- 
sionally used  to  a  much  later  date.  Marten*  (Dt 
Antiq.  Ecd.  Bit.  t.  It.  p.  78)  shows  from  the 
life  of  St.  Winocns  that  in  the  lOth  centnrr  the 
monks  of  the  convent  in  Flaodera  fonnd^  by 
him  still  nsed  chalices  of  glasa.  Pewter  waa 
also  in  ase,  and  It  would  seem  waa  coubidered  as 
a  material  superior  to  glass,  for  we  are  told  of 
St.  Benedict  of  Aninne  (ob.  S21)  that  the  veueU 
of  hit  chorch  were  at  lirat  of  wood,  then  of  gloss, 
and  that  at  lost  he  ascended  to  penter  (sec  bis 
Life,  by  Ardo,  c.  14,  in  Uabillon'i  Act.  SS.  ord. 
"   •>medicli,  Siac.  i.). 

chalice  of  glass  mounted  in  gold  is  men- 
Ed  in  the  will  of  Count  Everbard,  A.l>.  837 
(Miraeus,  Op.  Dip.  t.  i,  p.  1B>  A  chalice  of  ivory 
and  one  of  cocoa-nut(?)  (ife  nuoe)  «t  with  gold 
snd  silver  are  mentioned  in  the  snme  document! 
owcver  may  have  been  drink  ing-cups,  not 
ental  chalices. 


Thcui 


eicep- 


oijntter  in  Upper  Austria ;  this  chalice  it  (nib 
woodcut)  of  bronze  ornamented  with  niello  and 
incnutatians  of  silver.  As  the  inicriplion  showe 
that  it  waa  the  gift  of  Toisilo,  dnke  of  Bavaria, 
it  la  probably  earlier  than  a.d.  788,  the  year 
when  that  prince  was  deposed  by  Charles  the 
Great, 

One  of  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  alUr  of  S.  Am- 
br^o  nt  Milan  (Snished  in  835)  givei  a  good 
eianple  of  the  form  of  a  chalice  in  the  beginning 
of  the  9th  century.  It  haa  a  bowl,  toot,  and 
bandies. 

So  much  may  be  gathered  from  still  cii'ting 
eiamples,  or  representations  of  them ;  much  may 
also  be  collected,  especially  as  regards  the  eiu 
and  weight  of  chalices  and  the  materials  of  which 
thty  were    composed,    from    the   notices   to  b« 


tlonal  and  perhaps  peculiar  to  the  Irisl 
St.  Gall  (MabUloa'i  Act.  SS.  ord.  S.  Bm.  Saec.  2, 
p.  2il\  we  are  told,  refused  to  use  silver  vessels 
for  the  altar,  saying  that  St,  Columbaous  was 
HccuBlomed  to  offer  the  saciifico  in  vessels  of 
bronle -(serein),  alleging  as  a  reason  for  so  doing 
that  our  Saviour  was  aHiied  to  the  cro»s  by 
braisu  nails.  This  traditional  use  of  bronze  waa 
DO  doubt  continued  by  the  successors  of  the  Irish 
Diissionariea  in  the  South  of  Germany,  and  ei- 
plains  why  the  KrAnsmiinsler  chalice  is  of  that 
material,  a  circnmstance  which  has  caused  the 
question  to  be  raised  whether  that  vessel  was 
anything  but  a  mere  drinking  cup.  The  n»o  of 
oicllo  and  of  damascening  with  thin  silver  In 
the  decoration  of  this  veuel,  and  t)ie  peculiar 

with  the  Irish  school  of  artificers,  who  were  in 
Che  habit  of  employing  bronie  as  the  main  mate- 
rial of  their  works. 

The   precious  meUls  were   however   from  a 
very  early,  perhnpe  the  earliest,  period  iDoit  pro- 
Z  2 


840 


OHAUGE 


bably  the  usual  material  of  the  chalice.  The 
earliest  oonyerts  to  Christianity  were  not  hj  any 
means  ezclosiTely  of  humble  station,  and  it  was 
not  until  it  spread  from  cities  into  remote  vil- 
lages that  many  churches  would  hare  existed 
whose  members  could  not  afford  a  silrer  chalice : 
nor  do  we  until  a  later  age  find  traces  of  a  spirit  of 
asceticism  which  would  prefer  the  use  of  a  mean 
material.  We  hare  at  least  proof  of  the  use  of 
both  gold  and  silver  in  the  sacred  vessels  in  the 
beginning  of  the  4th  century,  for  we  are  told  by 
Optatus  of  Milevi  that  in  the  Diodetianian  perse- 
cution the  church  of  Carthage  possessed  many 
'^omamenta"  of  gold  and  silver  (Opt.  Mil. 
De  Schism,  Donat  i.  17).  The  church  of  Cirta 
in  Numidia  at  the  same  time  possessed  two  golden 
and  six  silver  chalices  {Qesta  Purged.  Caecilianiy 
in  the  Works  of  Optatus.).  That  it  was  believed 
that  the  churches  possessed  such  rich  ornaments 
at  an  earlier  period  is  shown  by  the  language 
which  Prudentius  puta  into  the  mouth  of  the 
Praefectus  (Jrbis  interrogating  St.  Lawrence — 

**  Argentefs  sqrpbls  ftnmt, 
Vunure  Becrum  saogulnem,''  && 

iPerittqtk,  Symm  iit  69). 

The  passages  in  the  Lib.  Pont,  which  relate 
the  gifbs  of  Constantine  to  various  churches  are 
with  reason  suspected  as  untrustwoi'thy,  hut 
are  at  least  of  value  as  recording  the  traditions 
existing  at  an  early  age.  They  make  mention 
of  many  chalices,  some  of  gold,  some  of  silver ; 
40  lesser  chalices  of  gold,  each  weighing  1  lb., 
and  50  lesser  ministerial  chalices  of  silver,  each 
weighing  2  lbs.,  are  said  to  have  been  given  to  the 
Constantinian  Basilica  (St.  John  LateranX  and 
in  lesser  numbers  and  of  very  various  weights 
to  many  other  churches.  Whatever,  however, 
may  be  the  historical  value  of  these  passages, 
that  churches  in  the  4th  and  5th  centuries  pos- 
sessed great  numbers  of  golden  or  silver  chalices, 
cannot  be  doubted.  Gregory  of  Tours  {Hist, 
Franc.  L  iii.  c.  z.)  tells  us  that  Childebert  in  the 
year  531  took  among  the  spoils  of  Amalaric 
sixty  chalices  of  gold.  Many  instances  of  gifts  ot 
chalices  of  the  precious  metals  to  the  churches 
of  Rome  by  successive  popes  are  to  be  found  in 
the  Lib,  Pont.  Of  these  the  following  may  de- 
serve special  mention :  a  great  chalice  (calix 
major)  with  handles  and  adorned  with  gems, 
weighing  58  lbs. ;  a  great  chalice  with  a  syphon 
(cum  scyphone)  or  tube,  weighing  36  lbs.;  a 
covered  (spanoclystus,  i.e.  hratfAKktiaros)  cha- 
lice of  gold,  weighing  32  lbs. ;  all  three  given 
by  Pope  Leo  III.  (795). 

Little  is  to  be  found  as  to  the  decoration  of 
chalices;  occasionally  they  bore  inscriptions,  as 
in  the  case  of  that  made  by  order  of  St.  Remigius 
(Remi,  ob.  533),  which  Frodoard  tells  us  bore 
the  following  verses : — 

"  Hauriat  hlno  popalns  vltsm  de  suigaiae  sscro^ 
Injecto  aeterous  qnem  ftullt  ▼ultiere  Chrlstai^ 
Remigius  reddit  Domino  sua  vofta  sscerdoa" 

The  golden  chalices  of  Monza,  it  will  be  seen 
by  the  woodcuts,  were  splendidly  adorned  with 
gems,  which  in  the  painting  from  which  these 
figures  have  been  drawn,  are  coloured  green  and 
r«l,  but  the  only  symbol  betokening  their  desti- 
nation is  the  cruciform  arrangement  of  the  larger 
gems  on  one  of  them.  The  chalice  found  at 
Gourdon  also  has  neither  inscription  nor  Chris- 
tian symbol,  and  if  it  had  not  been  found  in 


OHAUGE 

company  with  a  paten  bearing  a  cross  its  d«ttl- 
nation  might  have  been  a  matter  of  doubt. 

On  the  chalice  of  Eremsmttnster  are  on  tha 
bowl  half-length  figures  of  Christ  and  the  four 
Evangelists,  on  the  foot  like  figures  of  four 
prophets. 

The  division  of  chalices  into  various  classes 
evidently  belongs  to  a  period  when  primitive 
simplicity  of  ritual  underwent  a  change  to  a 
more  complex  and  elaborate  system.  The  earliet 
Ordo  Jiomanus  speaks  of  a  **  calix  quotidianus,** 
and  opposes  to  this  the  *' calix  major"  to  be 
used  on  feast-days  (^  dibbus  vero  festis  calicem 
et  patenam  majores "),  but  says  nothing  of  any 
distinction  between  the  **  calix'  santtus  "  and  the 
**caliz  ministerialis."  Reasons  of  convenience 
no  doubt  caused  the  use  of  chalices  of  very 
different  sizes.  The  great  number  of  chalices  of 
small  size  mentioned  in  the  Lib.  Poniif.  and 
elsewhere  may  lead  to  the  supposition  that  at 
one  period  the  communicanta  drank  not  from  one 
but  from  many  chalices ;  but  this  matter  is  in- 
volved in  doubt. 

A  practice  existed  of  communicating  the  clergy 
alone  by  means  of  the  chalice  in  which  the  wine 
was  consecrated,  and  of  pouring  a  few  drops  from 
this  into  the  larger  chalice  which  was  offered  to 
the  laitv.  When  this  practice  originated  or  how 
long  it  lasted  seems  obscure.  It  is  suggested  in 
the  article  **  Calix,"  in  Ducange's  Glossary^  that 
the  verses  engraved  by  order  of  St.  Remi  on  the 
chalice  which  he  caused  to  be  made  (e.  ante) 
allude  to  this  practice ;  but  this  does  not  seem 
certain.  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Ordo  Rom.  (c 
29),  but  the  vessel  in  which  the  drops  of  con- 
secrated wine  were  mixed  with  the  unconse- 
crated,  and  from  which  the  laity  drank  through 
a  '*  fistula  "  or  *'  pugillaris,"  is  called  scyphus, 
and  is  apparently  the  same  vessel  as  that  carried 
by  an  acolyte  at  the  time  when  the  oblations 
were  received  ttom  the  laity  and  into  which  the 
contents  of  the  calix  major  (c.  13)  were  poured 
when  the  latter  had  become  filled.  Pope  Gregory 
II.  (A.D.  731-735),  in  his  epistle  to  Boniface, 
disapproves  of  the  practice  of  placing  more  than 
one  chalice  on  the  altar  (**congruum  non  esse 
duos  vel  tres  calicos  in  altario  ponere  ").  When 
this  practice  was  in  use  we  may  conclude  that 
the  large  chalices  with  handles  were  those  used 
for  the  laity. 

The  large  chalices  wei-e  also  used  to  receive 
the  wine  which  the  intending  communicants 
brought  in  amulae ;  as  in  the  1st  Ordo  Rom.  c 
13  C  Archidiaconus  sumit  amulam  Pontificis  • .  . 
et  refundit  super  colum  in  calicem  ").  When 
used  in  this  manner  it  is  called  "•  offertorius  **  or 
^'offerendarius."  <« Calicos  baptism!"  or  *"  bap- 
tismales"  were  probably  those  used  when  the 
Eucharist  was  administered  after  baptism,  and 
possibly  for  the  milk  and  honey  which  it  was  the 
custom  in  some  churches  {Cone.  Carth.  iii.  c.  24) 
to  consecrate  at  the  altar  and  to  administer  to 
infants.  Pope  Innocent  I.  (A.D.  402-417)  is  said 
in  the  Lib.  Poniif.  to  have  eiven  **  ad  ornatum 
baptisterii "  (apparently  of  the  basilica  of  SS. 
Qervasius  and  Protasius  at  Rome)  three  silver 
**  calicos  baptismi,"  each  weighing  2  lbs.  Whe- 
ther the  baptismal  chalices  differed  from  other 
chalices  in  form  or  in  any  other  respect  is  not 
known. 

Besides  the  chalices  actually  used  in  the  rites 
of  the  church,  vessels  called  '*  calicos  "  were  sii»- 


CHALICE 

pfBded  from  the  arches  of  the  ciborium  and  even 
from  the  intercolammations  of  the  nave  and 
ether  parts  of  the  chnrch  as  ornaments.  In  the 
Lb.  Fontif,  we  find  mention  of  sixteen  *'  calices  " 
of  silver  placed  by  Pope  Leo  IV.  (847-6)  on  the 
enclosure  of  the  altar  (super  circuitu  altaris)  in 
the  Vatican  basilica,  of  sixty-four  suspended  be- 
tween the  columns  in  the  same  church,  and  of 
fbrtr  in  a  like  position  at  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  Many 
of  these  were,  however,  most  probably  cups  or 


CHAPSL 


841 


rases,  not  snch  as  would  have  been  used  for  the 
sdminutration  or  consecration  of  the  Eucharist. 
The  drawings  in  MSS.  show  suspended  vessels  of 
the  most  varied  forms ;  some  examples  taken  from 
the  great  Carlovingian  bible  formerly  in  the  Bibl. 
Imp.  Paris,  now  in  the  Museie  dee  Souverains  in 
the  Louvre,  are  shown  in  woodcuts        [A.  K.] 

CHALICE,   ABLUTION   OF.     [Puripi- 

CATION.] 

CH ALONS-STJK-8 a6nB,  COUNCILS  OF. 

[Cabillonknse],  provincial: — (1)  a.d.  470,  to 
elect  John  bishop  of  Chftlons  (Labb.  Cone,  iv. 
1820).  (S)  JL.D.  579,  to  depose  Salonius  and  Sa- 
gittarius, bishops  respectively  of  Embrnn  and 
Gap,  deposed  by  a  previous  council  (of  Lyons, 
A.D.  567X  restored  by  Pope  John  III.,  and  now 
again  deposed  (Greg.  Tur.  Ifist  Franc,  v.  21,  28 ; 
Labb.  Cone.  v.  963,  964).  (8)  A.a  594,  to  re- 
gulate the  psalmody  at  the  church  of  St.  Mar- 
cellns  after  the  model  of  Agnnne  (Labb.  Cone. 
V.  1853>  (4)  A.D.  603,  to  depose  Desiderius, 
bishop  of  Vienne,  at  the  instigation  of  Queen 
Bmnichilde  (Fiedegar.  24;  Labb.  Cone.  v.  1612). 
\5)  A.D.  650,  Nov.  I,  of  thirty-three  bishops, 
with  the  '*vicarii"  of  six  others,  enacted  20 
canons  respecting  discipline :  dated  by  Le  Comte 
A  D.  694  (Labb.  Cone.  vL  387).         [A.  W.  H.] 

CHANCEL  (rii  ip9or  r«y  KtyKkiBmy,  Theo- 
doret.  If.  E.  v.  18).  The  space  in  a  church  which 
contains  the  choir  and  sanctuary,  and  which  was 
generally  sepaisted  from  the  nave  by  a  rail  or 
grating  (cancelli),  from  which  it  derives  its  name. 
**  Cancellus,  cantorum  e^cellens  locus  "  (Paplas, 
in  Dacange,  s.  o. ;  compare  Cancelli).  It  is  a 
characteristic  difference  between  Eastern  and 
Western  churches  that  in  the  former  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  bema  (or  sanctuary)  and 
the  choir  is  much  more  strongly  marked  than 
that  between  the  choir  and  the  nave,  in  the 
latter  the  distinction  between  the  nave  and  the 
choir  is  much  more  strongly  marked  than  that 
between  the  choir  and  the  sanctuary.  Compare 
Choir,  Prgbuvtery.  [C] 

CHANT.    [Gregorian  Music] 

CHAPEL.  A  building  or  apartment  used  for 
the  performance  of  Christian  worship  in  cases  in 


which  the  services  are  of  an  occasional  character, 
or  in  which  the  congregation  is  limited  to  the 
members  of  a  family,  a  convent,  or  the  like. 
Greek,  irapcKicAf|o-fa ;  Latin,  oapella,  oratoHuuL 
In  the  languages  of  the  Latin  and  Teutonic  fa- 
milies a  mtxlification  of  the  word  *  capella '  is  in 
use,  as  also  in  Polish.     In  Russian  pridel. 

The  derivation  of  the  woi*d  '  capella '  is  a 
matter  of  doubt.  The  Monk  of  St.  Gall  ( Vita 
Car.  Mag.  L  4)  states  that  the  name  was  de- 
rived from  the  *  capa '  or  cloak  of  St,  Martin : 
**  Quo  nomine  (i.  e.  *•  capella ')  Francorum  reges 
propter  capam  St.  Martini  snncta  sua  appellare 
solebant.*'  The  word  '  cnpella '  is  said  to  be  found 
in  inscriptions  in  the  Roman  catacombs  in  the 
sense  of  a  sarcophagus,  a  grave,  or  place  of 
buriaL  It  occurs  at  a  later  time  as  used  for  a 
reliquary,  and  for  the  chamber  in  which  reliques 
were  preserved ;  as  in  a  charter  of  Childebert  of 
A.D.  710,  published  by  Mabillon  (2>0  Be  Dipl,}, 
in  which  the  passage  **  in  oratorio  suo  seu  capella 
S.  Morthini "  occurs.  The  canopy  over  an  altar 
was  also  called  *  capella'  (compare  Cupblla).  In 
the  sense  of  a  chamber  or  building  employed  for 
divine  worship,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  oeen  in 
use  in  early  times.  Among  early  instances  of  its 
employment  which  have  been  noticed,  are,  in 
the  capitularies  of  Charles  the  Great  {Capit.  .v. 
182),  where  it  is  applied  to  chapels  in  or  an- 
nexed to  palaces;  and  in  the  passage  in  the 
laws  of  the  Lombards  (ill.  3,  22),  "  ecdesiae 
et  capellae  quae  in  vestra  parochia  sunt,"  where 
detached  buildings  are  probably  referred  to.  In 
the  eai'lier  centuries  'Moratorium"  would  no 
doubt  have  been  used  in  either  sense,  as  in  the 
2l8t  cap.  of  the  Council  of  Agde,  ▲.D.  506.  **Si 
quia  etiam  extra  parochias  in  quibus  legitimus 
est  ordinariusqne  conventus  oratorium  in  agro 
habere  voluerit  reliquis  festivitatibus  ut  ibi 
missas  teneat  propter  fatigationem  &miliae  just* 
ordinatione  permittimus  ;*'  but  with  the  proviso 
that  the  greater  festivals  should  be  celebrated 
"  in  oivitatibus  aut  in  parochiis." 

Chapels  may  be  divided  into  several  classes : — 
1st,  as  regards  their  relation  to  other  churches ; 
being  (A)  dependent  on  the  church  of  the  parish, 
or  (B)  independent,  in  some  cases  even  exempt 
from  episcopal  visitation.  2dly,  as  regards  their 
material  structure;  being  (A)  apartments  in 
palaces  or  other  dwellings ;  (B)  buildings  form- 
ing part  of  or  attached  to  convents,  hermitages, 
or  the  like ;  (C)  buildings  forming  parts  of  or 
attached  to  larger  churdies ;  (D)  sepulchral  or 
other  wholly  detached  buildings.  No  strictly 
accurate  division  is,  however,  possible,  fbr  in  some 
cases  buildings  might  be  placed  in  either  of  two 
classes. 

It  is  here  proposed  to  speak  of  chapels  with 
regard  to  their  material  aspect  only ;  and  build- 
ings which  from  an  architectural  point  of  view 
do  not  differ  from  churches  will  be  mentioned 
under  the  head  Cmctrch.  As  however  it  is  im 
possible  to  draw  a  clear  line  between  churches 
and  chapels,  several  buildings  will  be  found 
treated  of  under  Church,  which  in  strictne«« 
should  perhaps  be  rather  deemed  chapels ;  some 
of  these,  as  Sta.  Costanza  at  Rome,  being  too 
important  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  or 
too  extensive  and  magnificent,  to  be  omitted 
from  any  attempt  to  trace  the  progress  of  church 
building  in  its  main  line. 

Gatticus  {De  Orat,  JDom.)  has  collected  many 


342 


CHAPEL 


prooli  of  the  wrlj  eilil«Qce  of  domotEa  or  I 
priTste  cliipeli ;  but  tbe  earliut  eiiitlng  I 
cismple  of  the  fint  claM  is  probably  tbe  nnill 
Cbrnpel  now  kuowQ  u  tbe  Sancta  Sanctonim 
(origioallj  St.  LawrsDce)  in  the  fregmeat  of 
tha  slident  psl>0«  of  tbg  Latfiran  which  itlll 
romaiiu.  It  vu  tha  printa  cbapel  of  the 
popea,  and  appeara  to  have  eilat«d  ai  eatif  a> 
A.D.  383;  for  Pope  Pelagiua  U.  then  placed 
tbert  cerUin  relIcs(llSS.  BM.  Fat.  ap.  Baronini}. 
It  la  a  amall  oblong  apartment  on  an  upper  floor. 
The  eiample  nait  id  date  baa  fortiuutelj  been 
■iagalarly  well  preserred.  It  eiiita  in  the  palace 
of  the  arcbbiihops  of  Ravenoa,  batng  tbeir  private 
chapel.  It  wai  conatructed,  or  at  an;  rate  deco- 
rated with  moaaic,  by  the  Archbiahop  Peter  Cbrj- 
aologna  (elected  in  jl.D.429).  It  is  anmple  obloag 
with  s  VHDlted  toof.  Of  the  ume  character  la 
the  chapel  at  andila  in  Frinli,  which,  although 
forming  port  of  a  Banedictiaa  conveBt,  u  It  n 
■uiB  oalj  30  feet  by  18  feet,  can  hardly  h 


ibe  8th  century.  It  i>  a  parallel  agram  without 
■n  apae,  nhont  two-liftha  being  parted  off  by  a 
low  will,  to  nerve  m  a  choir. 


Buildini{B  of  the  aecond  clau,  tk.,  conventnat 
chapels,  were  intended  for  the  private  and 
dail;  nae  of  the  commonity ;  the  larger  churchea 
for  celebration  on  great  featiTala,  when  large 
numbera  of  alringera  attended  the  Berricei.  In 
aoma  instance  even  more  than  two  chapela 
eiistod  in  a  monastery;  for  Adamnan  {Dt  n(u 
terrae  Sanctac,  a.  24)  aaya  that  at  Uoont 
Thabor,  within  the  wall  afenclosare  of  the  monas- 
tery, ware  three  churches,  ^^non  parri  aadificii." 
In  the  tower  or  keep  of  the  conrent  of  St,  Ma- 
cariua  in  the  Nitrian  Tslley  are  three  chapels, 
one  over  the  other  (Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson,  Band- 
boot  of  Egypt)  I  but  it  doea  not  appear  what  their 
date  ia.  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson  (Handbook  of 
Egypl,  p  305)  atates  that  a  tradition  among  the 
mocha  attributes  the  fonndation  of  the  convent 
to  the  Sth  centiTV. 

In  Ireland  still  exist  some  small  chapels  wiikh 
may  be  suiened  with  ptobiibility  to  Tory  early 
d^ites.  }ii.?vtnt(TliaEa:lc3iaitKalArchatciure 
of  Ireland,  p.  133)  thinks  that  auuh  ati'ucjturca 


for  Christian  Dies,  and  as  n 
more  ancient,  than  thi 
St.  Patrick.     Thia  eiampli 


feet   thick.     It   has  a   afngle  vindoii 
east  end.      On  each  of  the  gahlei  were 
amall  atone  cnwaea,  of  which  the  Sockets  only 


e  5th  01 

puUO 


1,  on  the  middle 
ndof  Arran,  In  thebayofGalwny.  This  mea- 
is  internally  1 3  faet  by  12,  and  la  built  of  very 
re  atones,  one  not  less  than  18  feet  in  length. 
!  charch  of  St.  UacDara,  un  the  iaiand  of 
lach  Hhic  Dara,  olf  the  coaat  ofConneman, 
isureaintema11yI5reetbyll.  Itanwfwaaof 
d  stone,  built  in  courses  until  tbey  met  at  the 

'ho   aboTe-mentioned    eiamplea    are    aimplc 
drangolar  bnildinga  without  distinction  be- 
en   nave   and    chancel,   hnt   others  are  met 
h,  apparently  of  eqnal  antiquity,   in  which 
j  a  amall  chancel  is  atUched  to  the  nave  and  en- 
tered by  an  archway.     In  no  case 
is  an  apse  found  in  Ireland, 

The  bnildings  of  this  das  an 
Bo  rude  and  simple  that  it  is 
not  easy  to  eBtabliaa  sstiaftdorily 
any  chronoli^cal  arrangement 
founded  on  their  architectural 
character;  it  n-ould  appear,  how- 
ever, that  bnildinga  of  aimiUr 
character  were  conatructed  antil 
in  the  11th  or  12th  centuriea  more 
ornate  strnctnres  were  erected. 

Many  of  thea*  small  chapelt 
were,  however,  constmcted  of 
wood,  and  the  whole  vlaaa  was 
known  (Petrie,  p.  343)  na  <  duir- 
Iheachs,'  or  '  dertheacha,'  the  pm- 
Uible  etymology  of  which  is  "  bonse 
of  oak.  It  appears  from  a  tng- 
mant  of  a  commentary  on  the 
Brehon  lawa  (Petrie,  p.  365)  that 
15  by  10  were  customary  dimen- 
aiona  for  auch  bnildiDgi,  and  the 
atone  chapels  are  usoallj  fonod 
not  to  differ  very  greatly  from  them. 

Bnildinga  of  very  aimilar  character  exist  in 
Cornwall,  and  their  ibnadation  ia  attrrbnted  to 
missionaries  from  Ireland  :  anch  was  the  chapel 
of  Perramabnloe,  or,  St.  Pirnn  in  the  sand,  laid 


to  have  been  founded  by  Si.  Piran  (or  at  he  ii 
called  in  Irelsnd  St.  Kieran)  in  the  5tli  cealu>y. 
Ithsd  been  completely  buried  in  the  shilling 
sand  of  the  coatt,  but  'in  1835  the  lianJ  was  re- 


CHAPEL 


CUAPEL 


843 


noved,  and  the  building  disoovered  in  an  almost 
perfect  sUte ;  it  ia  29  it.  long  externally  by  161 
broad ;  as  will  be  seen  fh>in  the  plan,  it  was  a 
simple  parallelc^ram,  but  divided  into  two  parts 
by  a  wall  or  screen.  The  tomb  of  the  saint 
ajiparently  served  as  an  altar. 

The  chapel  of  St.  Maddem  is  very  similar  in 
plan,  but  has  the  peculiarity  of  having  a  well 
in  one  angle ;  that  of  St.  Gwythian  has  both  nave 
and  chancel,  the  latter  entered  by  a  narrow  door- 
way. Mention  of  several  others  of  like  character 
will  be  found  in  a  paper  by  the  Rev.  W.  Haslam, 
in  vol.  iL  of  the  Architectural  Jowmai,  The  ma^ 
sonry  of  these  buildings  is  very  rude  and  irre- 
gular, but  the  huge  stones,  and  vooh  oonstruo- 
ted  of  stone,  which  are  found  in  Ireland  do 
not  seem  to  occur  in  Cornwall.  A  building  of 
like  character  was  disinterred  from  the  sands 
of  the  coast  of  Northumberland  in  1853,  near 
Ebb's  Nook,  not  &r  from  Bamborough;  it  closely 
rMembles  the  Cornish  oratories.  The  name  seems 
to  connect  it  with  St.  £bba  (ob.  683X  sister  of 
SL  Oswald,  king  of  Northumberland. 

Some  of  the  Cornish  chapels  were  perhaps 
rather  those  of  hermitages  than  of  convents,  and 
the  same  observation  may  be  applied  to  the  like 
buildings  in  Ireland. 

Chapels  of  the  thiixl  class,  those  attached  to 
churches,  may  be  divided  into  three  sections: 
A,  those  forming  part  of  the  main  building  above  { 
ground ;  B,  those  connected  with  the  main  build-  i 
Ing,  but  distinct  from  it ;  C,  those  under  ground,  i 
or  crypts.  { 

Although  very  many  churches  built  before 
A.D.  800,  exist  in  such  a  state  that  we  may  feel 
tolerably  certain  that  we  possess  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  their  original  ground-plans,  scarcely 
any  clear  examples  of  chapels  which  could  be 
placed  in  the  first  section  can  be  pointed  out.  We 
cannot  suppose  the  apartments  which  are  found 
in  very  many  of  the  churches  of  the  5th  and  6th 
centuries  in  central  Syria  on  either  side  of  the 
narthex  to  have  been  chapels  in  the  sense  of 
having  been  used  for  divine  worship ;  nor  were 
the  lateral  apses  originally  constructed  for  a  like 
use,  since  we  have  contemporary  testimony  (Pau- 
linus  of  Nola,  Ep.  xxxii.)  that  one  was  used  as 
a  sacristy,  anid  the  other  as  a  place  in  which 
the  devout  might  read  the  scriptures  and  offer 
prayers ;  if,  however,  we  define  the  word  chapel  so 
as  to  admit  apartments  destined  to  serve  as  places 
for  prayer,  but  not  fbr  the  celebration  of  the 
rites  of  the  church,  we  must  consider  the  lesser 
apse  on  the  left  of  the  great  apse  as  a  chapel. 
in  the  description  which  St.  Paulinus  has  given 
(^Ep,  xxxii.)  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix,  mention 
Is,  however,  made  of '  cubicula  *  in  the  following 
passage:  ''Totum  extra  concham  basilioae,  spa- 
tium  alto  et  lacunato  culmine  geminis  utrinque 
portidbns  dilatatur,  quibus  duplex  per  singulos 
arcus  columnarum  ordo  dirigitur.  Cubicula  intra 
porticus  quatema  longis  basilicae  lateribus  in- 
serta  secretis  orantium  vel  in  lege  Domini  medi- 
tantium  praeterea  memoriis  reSgiosorum  et  fib- 
miliarium  accommodatos  ad  pacis  aetemae  re- 
quiem locos  praebent."    [Cubiouluh.] 

This  passage  seems  to  show  clearly  that  in 
some  instances  apartments  were  placed  by  the 
sides  of  the  nave,  but  this  was  probably  very  ex- 
ceptional, for,  as  has  been  said  above,  no  example 
•f  such  a  plan  now  exists.  It  should,  however, 
be  noticed  that  in  two  churches  of  very  early 


date  openings  have  existed  in  the  side  walls  with 
which  chapels  may  have  been  connected ;  these 
are  the  churches  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme 
and  that  of  Sta.  Balbina,  both  at  Rome;  in  the 
first  were  five  openings  on  each  side  of  the  nave, 
in  the  second  six.  Tht  first  of  these  buildings 
is,  however,  held  to  have  been  the  hall  of  the 
palace  of  the  Sessorium,  and  not  originally  ccn- 
structed  to  serve  as  a  church;  the  second  is 
believed  to  date  from  the  5th  century,  but  to 
have  been  reconsecrated  by  St.  Gregory  about 
A.D.  600. 

At  a  very  much  later  date  we  find  in  the 
church  of  Sta.  Christina  at  Pola  de  Lena,  near 
Oviedo,  in  Spain,  apartments  attached  to  and 
entered  from  the  nave.  These  are  no  doubt  con- 
temporary with  the  church,  the  date  of  which  is 
probably  near  ▲.d.  809.  These  apai*tments  may 
have  been  chapels,  but  it  has  been  surmised  that 
they  were  really  built  to  serve  as  sacristies. 
The  like  arrangement  occurs  at  Sta.  Maria  de 
Naranco,  near  Oviedo,  which  dates  from  a.d.  848. 

One  almost  unique  example  exists  in  the  church 
of  Remain  Motier,  where  the  upper  story  of  the 
narthex  has  a  small  apse  on  the  east,  and  was 
therefore  probably  intended  to  serve  as  a  chapel ; 
it  is  nearly  square  in  plan,  and  divided  into 
three  aisles  by  two  ranges  of  columns  supporting 
groined  vaults.  As  the  church  of  which  this 
forms  a  part  was  a  large  conventual  one,  this 
was  probably  intended  to  serve  as  the  sinaller 
chapel  generally  found  in  convents.  The  church 
is  believed  to  date  from  758,  the  narthex  to  be 
somewhat  later. 

The  chapelif  which  belong  to  the  second  section, 
viz.  those  attached  to  churches,  but  distinct 
buildings,  are  not  very  numerous,  and  in  most 
cases  their  primary  object  was  sepulchral.  Such 
the  three  attached  to  the  church  of  St.  Lorenzo 
at  Milan  would  appear  to  have  been,  though  it 
has  been  suggested  that  that  on  the  south  was 
a  baptistery,  and  that  on  the  north  a  porch  or 
vestibule. 

That  on  the  south,  now  called  the  church  of 
St.  Aquilinus,  is  octagonal  externally,  while  in- 
ternally semicircular  and  rectangular  niches  al- 
ternate, one  in  each  face ;  in  it  are  two  massive 
sarcophagi,  one  of  which  is  believed  to  contain 
the  remains  of  Ataulphus,  king  of  the  Goths. 
The  conchs  of  two  of  the  niches  retain  some 
mosaics  of  a  very  early  period,  perhaps  the  5th 
century.  This  building  is  connected  vrith  the 
church  by  a  vestibule,  supposed  by  Hiibsch  {Alt' 
Chrittliche  Ktrchen,  p.  22)  to  be  of  later  date ; 
it  is  a  square  vaulted  chamber  with  apses  east 
and  west.  The  chapel  of  St.  Sixtus  on  the  north 
side  has  exactly  the  same  plan,  but  is  much 
smaller;  that  of  St.  Hippolytus  at  the  east  end 
of  the  church  is  also  octangular  externally,  but 
internally  forms  a  cross  with  four  equal  limbs. 
All  three  are  probably  not  remote  in  date  from 
the  church  itself,  which  would  seem  to  have  been 
built  about  the  end  of  the  4th  or  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century. 

In  like  manner  Pope  Hilarus  (461-467)  added 
to  the  baptistery  of  the  Lateran  chapels  dedi- 
cated in  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and 
St.  John  the  Evangelist. 

Of  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century  we  have 
a  most  interesting  example  in  the  chapel  of  St. 
Zeno  attached  to  the  church  of  St.  Praxedis  (Sta. 
Prassede)  at    Rome,   built  by  Pope  Paschal  I. 


S44 


CHAPEL 


sbont  819,  and  rortanately  pnserveJ  almoat  un- 
Bltertd.  It  is  in  plan  n  tquare  with  tliraa  rect- 
■Dgulat  T*c«u«s,  tha  walla  an  covered  with 
luarbU  and  tha  Iiinstt«i  and  vaulla  with  mosaic 

Tbia  chspal  ii  aatirad  from  the  un,  and  the 
doorwaf  It  very  remarksble,  baing  partlT  made 
up  of  KDciaat  materiali  and  partlj  griginu  work, 
Bi  the  iuiciiptloa  t«stili«B,  of  Pope  Paachal't 
time.  Over  this  doorway  ii  a  windDw,  and  the 
wall  arouod  it  ii  C0Ter«l  with  medallioD  poi- 
traiti  of  our  Lord,  tha  Apoetlaa,  and  soma  othar 
sainti  ID  moaaic.  Tha  eiacatioo  is  bat  mde. 
ThU  ohnpel  is  ooatamporoneoas  with  the  charch 
to  which  it  is  attaahsd,  mi  is  parhapathe  earliest 
undoabted  iiutaiice  of  each  an  arrangament ;  it 
IE,  hawsTar,  so  coastructed  as  l>oth  aitcmally 
and  intamailj  to  seam  an  iudepandant  bnildiag 
attached  to  the  church  and  not  a  portioa  of  it. 

The  praotica  of  corutructing  soch  appandagta 
to  a  churcrh  aeema,  howerer,  to  bare  oontiouad 
aicvptional  until  the  and  of  our  period.  None 
appearoD  tha  plan  for  tha  monastery  of  St.  Gall, 
no  doubt  prtpared  between  820  and  830 ;  nor  do 
any  aeem  to  have  fonusd  parts  of  the  minster  of 


In  tna  Imx,  aa  the  role  that  there  should  be 
ddIj  oua  altar  in  a  church  baa  always  eiisted, 
chapels  (in  tha  sense  of  apartments  in  which 

place)  have  rarely  farmed  parts  of  churchea,  but 
sometimes  are  found  attached  to  them.  One  in- 
atacce  of  a  chapel  attached  to  a  church  would 
appear  to  aiist  in  the  church  of  St.  Demetrius  at 
Thessalonica,  where  a  small  triapaal  boildiug  Is 
attached  <T.  Taiier  and  Fullan,  BytatOine  AreK. 
pi.  Jitiii.)  to  the  east  end  of  the  south  side  of  the 
church.  It  haa  been  auggeatad  that  this  was  a 
sacristy,  but  jta  form  seems  toshow  that  it  was 
really  a  chapal;  it  may  possibly  hare  belonged 
to  tha  adjacent  monaatery.  To  the  charch  of 
the  cooent  of  St.  Catheriua  on  Mount  Sinai 
eii  chapels  ai-e  attached  on  each  aide  of  tba 
nave,  but  theee  are  doubtless  not  of  the  original 


CHAPEL 

the  catacomba  in  which  the  remsina  of  nurtjra 
or  confeswra  bad  been  placed.  What  could  be 
mora  natural  than  that  when  a  church  or  an 
oratory  was  built  over  the  spot  whara  a  martyr 
had  baan  interred,  tha  chamber  should  be  pre- 
served and  made  accessible  i 

We  have  probably  an  inatance  of  ene  of  thu. 
diombers  preserred  in  the  remains  of  tha  basiliix 
of  St.  Ste&no,  in  Via  I^tina,  built  by  Pope  Leo  I., 
440-461.  Whara,  bowavar,  no  chamber  eiiel«d, 
a  crypt  was  not  constructad.  Hence,  in  the 
earlier  churches  of  the  city  of  Rome,  we  find  no 
crypt  forming  part  of  the  original  plan,  bnt 
■mall  eicavationa  under  the  altar,  to  receive 
tome  holy  conae  broaght  from  tha  eitramural 
cemeteriea.    [CoNPEnio.] 

St.    Gregory,   we  are  told,  "fadt   ut    snper 
corpus  baati    Petri  at  beati   Panli  Apoatolorom 
Missae  calabrarautDr."     He  probably  formed  ■ 
crypt   and  placed  the  'locolas'  in    it,  etecting 
an  altar  in  the  charch  above  over  the  bodies. 
After  thia  time   frequent  mention  ia  made  of 
the  confeasion  as  a  vault  with  stairs  leading  Into 
it.     In  those  chucches  of  tha  earlier  period  at 
Roma,  which  remain  in  a  tolerably  uualtersd 
aUte   as    Sta.    Sabina 
(LD.   425)    and    Sta. 
Maria    in    Trastevere, 
only  very  small  vaults 
are    found    as    confes- 
tiona,  but  in  S.  Apol- 
linare    hi    Claase,    at 
Ravenna,  a  crypt  ap- 
pears  as   part   of  the 
original  atrnctnre;  it 
ooneiste  of  a  pasaage 
running    within    tia 
wall  of  the  apee,  and 

French    antiquariea 
(Mortigny,    Diet,    dea 
Antiq.      CAr^.       art. 
<  Crypta  Ohaveclaimed 
a  very  high  antiquity 
for  crypta  under  seve- 
ral churchea  in  Prance, 
«.g.   that    under    the 
church  of  SL  Uellon 
<?St.      Gervais),      at 
Boueu,   is   allegttl    to 
show  tJu  conatruction  of  the  4tb  century.     It 
would  seem  probable  that  in  most  cases  where 
they  beloDi;  to  early  periods   they   are   ancient 
sepulchral    chapels   or   oratories,    or,    possibly, 
tombs  of  the  Roman  period,  and  not  atmctunl 
crypta.      Two     crypta,    however,    aiist,    which 
ware,  it  would  seem,  atmctural ;  these  an  those 
of  St.  Irenaaus  at  Lyons  snd  of  SL  Victor  at 
Marseilles.     The  first  of  these  has  a  central  and 
aide  aisles  divided  originally  by  columns  which 
carry  arches,  the  courses  of  which  are  of  bricl 
and  stone  altematelv,  above  there  is  a   string 
and  a  barrel  vault,     ^e  central  aisle  ends  in  an 
apse)  the  church  ia  said  to  have  been  (nundsd 
in  tha  4th  century.     The  crypt  of  St,  Victor  ia 

church  dated  from  the  5th  century.  Tha  crypt 
consists  of  a  series  of  vauitad  compartments 
divided  by  very  massive  rectangular  piers. 

Two  remarkable  crypta  exist  in  England,  thcue 
in  the  cathedral  of  Ripon  and  Id  tha  abbey  church 


CUAPEL 


CHAPEL 


345 


•r  Hexliun :  both  are  attributed  to  St.  Wilftid, 
who  foonded  monasteries  at  both  places ;  that  at 
Kipon  between  H70  and  678,  that  at  Hexham 
about  673.  It  appears  from  the  testimony  of 
Leland  (Itm,  i.  89,  2nd  ed.)  that  the  actual 
cathedral  of  Ripon  does  not  occupy  the  same 
place  as  the  church  of  the  abbey  built  by  Wilfrid, 
and  there  is  much  uncertainty  whether  the  like 
is  not  true  of  the  church  of  Hexham. 

The  similarity  of  the  plans  and  the  peculiarity 
of  the  structures  can  leaye  no  doubt  that  one 
person  planned  both,  and  this  can  hardly  have 
been  any  other  than  St.  Wilfrid.  The  model 
which  he  followed  was  evidently  not  the  con- 
fession of  a  church  but  the  cubiculum  and 
galleries  of  a  Roman  catacomb,  and  the  principal 
vault  in  each  does  in  fact  bear  considerable  re- 
semblance to  the  cubiculum  adjacent  to  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Gallixtus  (about  two  miles  from 
Rome  in  the  Via  Appia),  in  which  the  bodies  of 
S&  Peter  and  Paul  are  said  to  have  remained  for 
a  oonsidenible  time. 

The  vault  in  question  (Marchi,  Soma  Sott. 
pi.  xli. ;  Cataoombs,  p.  310)  has  an  arched  roof 
nearly  semicircular,  but  really  formed  by  five 
small  segments  of  circles,  and  has  the  same 
height,  about  9  feet,  and  the  same  width,  8  feet,  as 
the  two  crypts,  but  being  in  plan  nearly  square, 
while  the  crypts  are  oblong,  is  only  8  roet  long, 
while  they  are  11*3  and  13-4.  It  is  evidently 
by  no  means  unlikely  that  St.  Wilfrid  may 
hkve  intended  to  construct  models  of  a  place 
in  his  time  mosit  highly  venerated  and  much 
resorted  to,  just  as  mc^els  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
were  built  in  later  times.  Some  of  the  small 
niches  in  the  walls  were  probably  intended  to 
contain  relics  or  to  hold  lamps.  The  ante-cham- 
ber to  the  principal  vault  is  stated  to  be  covered 
by  a  demi-vaulted  roof,  as  Mr.  Walbran  sur- 
mises, in  order  that  the  steps  of  the  altar  might 
be  carried  on  it.  If  these  structures  were  not 
beneath  churches,  probably  small  '*  celiac  me- 
moriae," such  as  will  be  hereafter  noticed, 
covered  and  protected  the  access  to  them. 
Whether  they  were  originally  provided  with 
altars  is  uncertain. 

A  crypt  existed  in  the  Saxon  church  of  Canter- 
bury, and  was,  we  are  told  by  Edmer,  the  chanter 
(quoted  by  Gervase,  Da  Combud,  et  Sep,  Borob, 
I^cci,),  *'ad  instar  confessionis  S.  Petri  fiibricata," 
it  was  beneath  a  ndsed  choir,  and  appears  to  have 
had  several  passages  or  divisions.  Whether  this 
formed  part  of  the  early  church,  or  was  one  of 
the  additions  made  by  Archbishop  Odo  (dr.  950), 
is  unknown. 

A  ctypt  also  appears  in  the  plan  for  the  church 
of  St.  Gall  (made  dr.  A.D.  800).  It  consisted  of 
two  parts,  a  **  oonfessio,"  which  was  reached  by 
steps  descending  between  two  flights  ascending 
to  the  raised  presbytery,  and  a  '*  cr]rpta,''  which 
seems  to  have  consisted  of  two  passages  entered 
from  the  transepts  on  either  side,  but  ininning 
outside  the  walls ;  a  third,  connecting  the  former 
two,  and  running  in  front  of  the  apse,  and  another 
short  passage  running  from  the  last  mentioned 
to  a  spot  beneath  the  high  altar.  There  is  a 
dose  resemblance  between  this  arrangement  and 
that  in  the  Roman  churches  of  the  same  period 
(as  Sta.  Cecilia)  where  the  crypt  follows  the  line 
of  the  wall  of  the  apse.  Altars  were  placed  in 
brth  crypt  and  confet»ion. 

In  the  church  of  Brix worth,  in  Northampton- 


shire, which  there  is  evidence  for  believing  to 
date  from  dr.  A.D.  700,  is  a  crypt  running.round 
the  apse  externally,  originally  covered  with  a 
vault ;  and,  according  to  Mr.  Poole  {Seports  and 
Papers  of  Arch,  Soc.  of  SorthantSf  Yorkj  and  Lin- 
coin,  i.  122)  there  are  also  traces  of  a  shci-t 
passage  running  westwards  from  this  to  the  pro- 
bable position  of  a  **  confessio "  below  the  high 
altar.  Mr.  Watkins,  however  {Tit0  Basilica  &c. 
of  BrixwortK),  asserts  that  there  could  have  been 
no  crypt  under  the  apse,  as  the  original  floor  was 
on  a  level  with  the  rest  of  the  church.  [CnuBCH.] 

A  remarkable  crypt  or  ^* confessio"  exists 
under  the  raised  presbytery  of  the  church  of  St. 
Cecilia  at  Rome,  and  apparently  dates  from  the 
construction  of  the  building  by  Pope  Paschal  I. 
(817-824).  It  consists  of  a  vaulted  sjAoe  soitth 
of  the  altar  (the  church  stands  nearly  north  and 
south),  a  passage  running  round  the  interior  of 
the  apse,  and  another  passage  running  south 
from  the  north  end  of  the  former,  but  stopped 
by  a  mass  of  masonry  supporting  the  high  sitar. 
Within  this  mass  is  a  sarcophagus,  containing 
the  body  of  the  saint.  The  passages  are  lined 
with  slabs  of  marble  set  on  end :  many  of  these 
have  early  inscriptions,  and  were  probably 
brought  from  an  adjacent  cemetery.  The  same 
arrangement  exists  at  Sta.  Prassede,  and  nearly 
the  same  at  SS.  Quattro  Coronati  and  St.  Pan> 
crazio — all  at  Rome — and  it  seems  to  have  been 
the  normal  arrangement  about  this  period.  It 
will  be  observed  that  it  is  very  much  the  same 
as  that  at  Brixworth  and  St.  Gall.  At  Fulda, 
in  Hesse  Cassel,  is  a  crypt  which  is  usually  attri* 
buted  to  the  9th  century.  It  consists  of  a  drcu- 
lar  passage,  within  which  is  a  circular  space,  the 
vault  of  which  i*e8ts  on  a  short  clumsy  column, 
with  a  rude  imitation  of  an  Ionic  capital. 

Buildings  of  the  fourth  class,  ije.  sepulchral 
chapels,  were  constructed  at  a  very  early 
period.  The  practice  of  erecting  large  structures 
for  such  purposes  being  fiuniliar  to  several  nations 
of  antiquity  before  the  Christian  era  it  is  not 
surprising  that  when  they  became  converts  to 
Christianity  they  continued  a  practice  which 
thdr  new  faith  would  rather  encourage  than 
reprehend. 

The  greater  part  of  the  chambers  In  the  cata- 
combs near  Rome  may  be  considered  as  belonging 
to  the  dass  of  sepulchral  chapels.    [See  Cata- 

OOICBS.] 

At  what  time  the  practice  of  placing  an  altar 
and  of  celebrating  the  eucharistic  service  in  a 
sepulchral  chapel  was  first  introduced  cannot  be 
stated  with  precision.  We  are  indeed  told  in  the 
liber  FonUficalia  of  Pope  Felix  I.  (250-274), 
that  he  ''oonstituit  super  sepulcra  martyrum 
missas  oelebrari,"  but  altars  not  placed  over 
tombs  may  have  already  been  used.  As,  however, 
the  practice  of  praying  for  the  dead  existed  in 
the  4th  and  even  in  the  8rd  century,  it  seems 
not  unlikely  that  the  practice  of  placing  altars 
in  sepulchral  chapels  may  have  come  into  use  in 
the  former  of  those  periods.  Perhaps  the  ear- 
liest undoubted  instance  of  a  chapel  having  leen 
constructed  to  serve  at  once  as  a  place  of  sepulture 
and  of  divine  worship  is  that  of  the  *^  Templum 
Probi,"  a  small  basilica  attached  to  the  exterior 
of  the  apse  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  and  built  by 
Sixtus  Anicius  Petronius  Probus,  who  died  A.D. 
395.  He  and  his  wife  were  undoubtedly  buried 
I  in  it,  and  its  form  makes  it  highly  improbable 


34(( 


CHAPBL 


that  the  celebration  or  tha  cuchantt  wilhiD  it  wia 
not  GontompLatiHi  by  the  bailder. 

Car.  de  Rani,  howcnr,  nppeui  (BtUi-diArch. 
Out.  mSi,  p.  25)  to  thlDk  that  in  the  earlier 
cent  Uriel  the  chief  dh  of  luch  '■  allu  memoriae" 
wae  to  afford  ■  fit  placa  for  tha  baaqniti  held  iu 
honour  of  the  dead,  and  inch  bnlldinga  he  be- 
lierea  lo  have  been  erected  in  ABEAE,  or  eD- 
cloaurea  set  apart  for  aepultare  DUtaide  the  walla 
of  cities,  aa  earl;  aa  the  2nd  centuiy,  or  probablf 
eien  at  an  earlier  period.  That  nucli  huildin» 
were  alio  used  ai  orstorln  there  can  be  little 
doubt,  lince  Soiarnen  iEccl.  Hist.  Ii.  2}  itates 
that  the  martyr  St.  Eusebia  wai  placed  in  a 
tiieriipiia'  near  CouitaDtiaople,  on  tb>  apot 
where  the  church  of  St.  Thvmu  waa  aftarwvdi 
built.    [Cklla  MtmORiAE.] 

An  example  has  been  recently  diecovend  out- 
■ide  the  gatea  of  Rimini  of  Teiy  nmilni  plan, 
which  la  deKTlbed  u  that  of  a  Greek  ctoh, 
before  which  it  an  oblong  apartment.  Some 
remain!  of  baa-retieb,  and  a  aepnlchral  inacrip- 
tioa  dated  Haiimo  Connile  (l*.  a..d.  523},  gire 
ground  for  the  proumption  that  the  building  ia 
not  of  Uter  date  :han  the  6th  century.  The 
remaina  of  an  altar  were  dIacoTered ;  but  aa  thin 
contAiaed  a  "aepulcmm"  in  which  waa  a  leaden 
boi,  doubtleia  containing  relica,  it  could  hardly 
hare  been  cocTal  with  the  building. 

Of  about  the  aama  date  were  apparently  the 
chapeli  at  the  cemetery  of  St.  Alenaandro,  about 
ail  milei  from  Rome,  discovered  a  tew  years  tga : 
these  had  been  (brmed  trcm  chaml>en  ia  the  Unt 
level  of  a  catacomb,  and  are  partly  below  the 
ground.  There  were  two  chspela  with  i  apace 
between  them ;  one  o(  theee  endi  with  an  apae, 
on  the  chord  of  which  ia  what  appears  to  be  the 
lubstructure  of  an  altar;  the  other  ha*  a  rectan- 
gular termiaatiou :  at  the  end  of  thii  waa  fbnnd 
a  marble  cathedra  ralaed  upon  a  platform,  and 
below  thii  platform  an  altar,  under  which  la  a 
■hallow  grave  lined  with  itabe  of  marble,  tnra 
which  the  body  of  St.  Aleiander  is  beliered  to 
hate  been  removed.  Another  chapel  opened 
from  this,  and  is  of  an  irregular  square  form, 
with  a  amall  apie.  The  general  character  of 
the  pavementa  and  anch  ornamental  portioni  as 
remained  is  of  circa  A.O.  500,  and  a  monumental 
in>cri]itiDn  bore  the  namea  of  conauli  of  443 
and  527. 

or  lepulchral  chapels  or  manaoleums  of  mi- 
doubtad  date,  perhaps  the  earliest  ia  the  tomb  of 
the  Emprew  Helena,  outside  Rome  (cir.  A.D. 
328),  a  circular  building  atandiag  on  a  square 
baxement,  tu  which  Is  a  vault.  In  the  circular 
portion,  which  is  about  S6  feet  in  diameter  inter- 
nally, are  on  the  floor,  eight  large  niches,  and 
above  them  aa  many  windows;  the  whole  is 
It  may  be  said  that  this  is 


It  the  1 


t  of  the  t 


llie  lAbtr  Pontificalit  states  that  it  was  provided  by 
the  Emperor  (Constantino  with  an  altar  of  silver 
and  much  church  Aimiture  and  many  vessels, 
bat  the  truatwarthineas  of  this  part  of  the  book 
U  doubtful.  Of  nearly  the  same  date  Is  Su. 
CoslsoiB,  the  mausoleum  of  a  daughter  of  the 
Emperor  Constantine,  also  a  circular  building 
with  a  dome,  but  which  has  an  internal  peristyle 
and  bad  a'  ........ 


now  called    the 


CHAPEL 

Another  circular  mausolenm,  which  no  luanr 
aiitta,  was  that  built  by  the  Emperor  Hononnt 
in  connexion  with  the  Vatican  Basilica;  it  wit 
about  100  feet  in  duimeter  and  very  ainiiUr  to 
that  of  the  Empress  Helena,  in  the  mint  of  thi*, 
in  1543,  a  mar'ule  aarcophagni  containing  the 
remains  of  one  or  both  of  his  wives  w»a  dis- 

The  building  neit  to  be  mentioned  is  ont  of 
pecnliar  interest  having  come  down  to  our  time 
almost  nninjured,  and  containing  the  sarcophagi, 
which  it  waa  constructed  to  receive,  nnviolat«l: 
this  ia  the  chapel  at  Rave 
church  of  6S.  Sai- 
laro  e  Cello,  erected 
by  the  Empress  Oalla 
Placidia,asamau>o- 
lenm  for  herself  and 
family    before     the 

will  be  Ken  by  the  I 
plan,  the  form  of  j 
Latin  croas.  There 
was  originally  a  por- 
tico by  which  It  was 
connected  with  the 
atrium  of  the  adja- 
cent church  of  Sta. 
Croce.  Three  im- 
mense nrcofdiagi  are  placed  id  the  three  npper 
arms  of  the  cross,  and  contain  the  remaina  of 
the  Empress  Gal  la  Placidia,  and  of  the  Emperors 
Honoriua  II.  and  Couatantiua  III.  Uetweeu  these 
stands  the  altar,  but  this  Is  said  to  have  been 
brought  from  the  church  of  St.  ViUle.  The 
chapel  ia  paved  and  lined  with  rich  marblea  up 
to  the  springing  of  the  arches  which  carry  the 
dome ;  this  last,  the  lunettes  below  the  dome 
and  the  arches  and  the  soiGts  of  the  arches  are 
all  covered  with  mosaics  of  very  beautiful  cha- 

Of  the  highest  Interest,  both  architect urally 
and  hutorically,  is  the  tomb  of  Theodoric  (ob. 
526),  ontahie  Uia  walls  of  Ravenna;    this  ii> 


of  two  stories,  the  lower  uitemally  decagonal, 
but  enclosing  a  crucifbrm  crypt.  The  up(iar 
alory  ia  circular  and  was  surrounded  by  a  mnge 
of  small  pillars  carrying  arches  ;  opposite  tj  the 
entrance  ia  a  niche,  which  no  doubt  onoe  contained 
an  altar ;  this  story  is  covered  by  a  low  dome 
30  feet  in  diameter  internally,  hollowed  out 
from  a  single  slab  of  Istrisn  marble.  There  are 
many   |iccuiiaritics   of  detail   iu   thik   buUdiuj;, 


CHAFBL 

laHHMt  thnn  a  anwll  window  in  tht  rom  or  ■ 
aw  with  limti*  of  aqiial  Icogth.  nil  the  bound- 
il{  lilMS  of  which  an  codtsi.  Tbs  Hrcophigui 
CMtainin;  the  body  of  the  kiog  woi  probablj 
placed  in  the  centra  of  the  upper  chamber. 


In  0 


hable 


that  of  the  Hiuter  at  Aii-la-Chapelle,  the  great 
Emperor  tbaiided  aeither  an  epiicopal  nor  a 
caBTcBtoal  church,  bnt  coiutrncted  a  building  on 
a  magnificant  acal*  indeed,  but  enentiallT  on  the 
pUn  of  a  manulenm  of  the  earlier  Empire) 
wbetlnr  or  not  it  wu  the  intoation  of  Charle- 
i  Miniter  aud  ■ 


.pl.n 


looked  upon  . 


.mb.  It  i> 


n  that  it 


"memorLa"  of  that  great 
man.  An  account  of  thia  ver;  remarkable 
bnildiog  will  be  found  under  Church. 

Detached  chapel-like  buildings  not  attached  to 

conTeota,  and  not  Hpnlchral,  are  not  often  met 

^^^^^^^^  with,  though  pro- 

Ip^MHH  bablir  once  oom- 

■  /  >.  ■  mon.      In    moit 

■LJL 


have  perished 
either  from  time 
or   neglect.      In 


■ince 


le  6th  a 


■D<l  the  country  a  deeert,  man;  buildings  which 
Count    de   VogUe'  (Zu    S^ris    Cmitrale,   Avint- 


OEAPTGB 


347 


Fcr  chaplel 


nave,  a  aquare  central  portion,  and  three  largt 
■emi-ciTcnlar  nlchei  or  apsai,  the  )o-called  tran*- 
Tcne  triapaal  arrangement.  9nch  a  plan  wai 
often  adopted  in  order  to  afford  place  tor  three 
•arcopbagi,  and  hence  it  maybe  thought  thet  thii 
chapel  wu  real  I;  built  ag  a  "cella  memoriae;" 
hut  it  extiU  in  the  cburdi  of  Bethlehem,  where 
it  certainly  conld  not  hate  been  choeen  with  that 
intention. 

CHAPLET.  (1)  It  waa  andentlT  the  pnc- 
tilt  of  Kime  churches  to  crown  the  uewlj  baptized 
with  a  chaplet  or  gnrland  of  Sowere.  See  Bal^ 
Tiau,  p.  16i. 

chaplet  in  the  lenie  of  a  snceeauon  of 
irder,  r^ulated  by 
ueuiui  uc  hame  >uch  device,  tee  KosaRr.      [C] 

GtUFTEB  [Capttulun],  the  body  of  the 
clergy  of  a  cathedral,  nnltad  nndsr  the  biiihop 
(for  other  lenaea  of  the  Latin  term  see  Capi- 

1.  The  origin  of  chaptera  themielTet,  apart 
from  the  name,  begiui  from  a  very  early  date. 
The  prabyt«n,  and  aubordluately  the  deacons  dF 
each  diuoeee,  conatituWd  from  the  beginning  thi 
council  of  the  biahop  uf  that  diocaee  [Bisiior], 
joined  in  his  udmiaiat  ration  of  it,  and  in  the 
■pproval  of  candidates  for  ordination,  ^.,  and  in 
fact,  though  not  in  name,  were  hlachapter.  And 
thexe,  at  fint,  all  lired  in  the  cathedral  city; 
and  as  conutry  cures  came  graduHlly  to  eiist, 
aeried  them  from  that  city.    In  time,  however. 


propDA,  p.  8)  connder*  to  aire  been  orab 
or  chapels  still  eilat,  a  good  etample  of  I 
Kalybs  is  that  of  Omm-«»-Zeitoun,  which 
an  inscription  engraved  on  ita  front  showa  to 
kare  been  built  in  a.  D.  S82.  It  muat,  however, 
be  obeerved  that  there  aeema  to  be  in  them  no 
trace  of  any  altar  or  of  any  place  to  receive  it, 
■ad  that,  in  that  at  Chagga,  ia  a  vault  below  the 
kailding,  whicb  latter  circumitance  gives  rise  to  a 
doubt  whether  they  may  not  have  beeneepulchral. 
One  eiampie  ouy  be  mentioned  of  a  detached 
cbapel  of  an  early  dale,  which  was  not  certainly 
Bcpnlchral,  that,  namely,  built  by  I'ope  Damasui 
(3I17-3SO)  near  the  bupti>t«ry  of  the  Laturao  a: 
Kume,  but  not  now  in  Biistcnco.     It  hud  a  ihor 


country  pr«abytan  became  fiied  in  their  several 
localitiea.  And  a  distinction  grew  up  accord- 
ingly, by  the  period  of  the  great  Micene  Council, 
between  town  and  country  presbyters, — eivita- 
tgntn,  and  diacttaiti  at  rumju  prabyttri, — the 
latter  being  reckoned  aa  a  somewhat  lower  grade 
than  the  former.  In  accordance  with  thia  dis- 
tinction, nd  as  a  natural  reeult  of  their  disUnce 
from  the  bishop's  reiidence,  the  country  presbyters 
(and  deacona)  became  in  effect,  although  never 
formally,  eicluded  from  the  Episcopal  council  or 
(so  to  call  it  hy  anticipation)  diapter.  At  Rome 
thia  state  of  thinga  became  penoaneni,  so  that 
alt  the  i:ity  clergy,  and  they  ouly,  became  the 
ch:iptcr;  aDdheni«,i>ftvr  ulujiso  (rftenturiesaiHl 


348 


CHAPTER 


Bome  other  changes,  the  cardinal-bishops,  priests, 
aod  deacons.  In  general,  however,  time  brought 
about  two  further  but  equally  gradual  changes. 
1.  The  bishop  and  his  more  immediate  clergy 
took  to  living  a  life  in  common,  although  each 
still  retjiining  his  own  special  share  of  church 
goods  and  living  upon  it.  And  thus  the  town 
clergy  in  general  became  separated  from  those, 
who  specially  sensed  the  cathedral  but  had  no 
cure  in  the  city  itself.  And  the  chapter  (so  to 
call  it)  became  gradually  restricted  to  the  lat.ter, 
viz.,  the  cathcdrales  proper,  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  former,  or  general  body  of  the  town  clergy ; 
a  right  disused,  as  before,  ceasing  naturally  in 
time  to  be  recognised  as  a  right  at  all.  2.  The 
cathedrales  themselves  became  increased  in 
number  by  the  addition  of  various  diocesan 
otiicers :  us  e,  g.  the  archdeacon,  archpresbyter, 
prinuccrius  or  ctutos^  Khoiasticus;  or  again, 
through  the  musical  services  of  the  cathedral, 
the  archicantor ;  and  through  the  engrafting 
ii]X)n  the  bishop's  establishment  of  seminaries 
for  youths  and  clergy,  the  praepositus  or  provost, 
Lc.  And  thus  a  body  of  officen  grew  up,  who, 
through  their  position  and  special  attachment  to 
the  bishop  and  the  cathedral,  helped  yet  mora  to 
exclude  outsiden.  The  time  of  St.  Augustine 
and  of  Eusebius  of  Yercelli  may  be  taken  as  the 
period  whence  the  fint  of  these  changes  began ; 
the  latter  bishop  endeavouring  also  to  engraft 
the  monastic  life  upon  the  common  life  of  him- 
self and  his  clergy,  which  St.  Augustin  did  not; 
and  the  monastic  bishoprics  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church,  established  by  St.  Gregory  and  the  Can- 
terbury St.  Augustine,  and  copied  through  Anglo- 
Saxon  missions  in  Germany,  helping  on  the 
practice.  The  British  monastic  bishops  may  be 
also  referred  to,  who  wera  anterior  to  the  Canter- 
bury mission ;  but  the  Celtic  monasteries,  with 
their  dioceseless  and  often  subordinate  bishops, 
are  anomalous,  and  irrelevant  to  the  present 
question.  The  progi'ess  of  the  change  may  be 
marked,  1,  by  the  Councils  of  Tours,  ii.  A.D.  567, 
and  of  Toledo,  iv.  a.d.  633,  which  require  the 
presbyters,  deacons,  and  all  his  clerici,  manifestly 
the  town  clergy,  to  reside  with  the  bishop,  the 
latter  making  an  exception  for  those  only  of 
whom  health  or  old  age  rendered  it  desirable 
that  they  should  live  apart  in  their  own  houses ; 
and  by  Cone.  Emerit.  a.d.  666,  can.  12,  which 
empowen  a  bishop  to .  racal  a  country  presbyter 
and  make  him  a  cathed/alis; — 2,  by  the  gradual 
limitations  of  the  word  Canonici,  which  in  the 
Councils  of  Clermont,  A.D.  549,  can.  15,  and 
Toura  ii.  A.D.  567,  still  included  a//  the  clergy, 
even  the  minor  orden,  while  the  3rd  Council  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  538,  uses  it  for  all  on  the  roll,  and 
the  4th,  A.D.  549,  speaks  still  of  "matricula 
ecclesiae ;  *'  but  which  Gregory  of  Tours  (ZT.  F, 
X.  sub  fin.),  who  wrote  about  the  close  of  the  6th 
century,  speaking  of  "  mensa  canonicorum  "  and 
a  chai*ter  of  Chilperic,  a.d.  580  (quoted  by  Du 
Cange),  rastrict  to  the  cathedral  clergy  (the 
distinction  of  regular  and  secular  canons  and  the 
special  sense  of  the  term  belonging  to  the  later 
period  afler  Chrodcgang);  so  that  in  A.D.  813, 
Cone.  Mogunt.  and  Titron.  iii.,  there  had  grown 
accordingly  to  be  two  classes  of  *'  Canonioi," 
chapten  under  a  bishop,  and  colleges  under  an 
abbat  (see  also  Council  of  Calchythe,  a.d.  7S5, 
can.  4) ;  and  these  two,  under  the  name  of  Qipi' 
titiOf  arc  mentioned  in  Cone.  Vem,^  a.d.  755,  can. 


CIHAPTEB 

II,  the  monks  living  '<  secundum  regulam ;"  Le^ 
of  St.  Benedict,  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  ^sub 
ordine  canonico/'  Yet  even  in  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  <^canonicus"  still  had  a  double 
meaning,  being  either  in  general  any  clergyman 
on  the  roll  (and  **  canonical "  life  meaning 
"  clerical"  life),  or  in  particular  the  clergy  who 
lived  in  common  under  the  bishop  [Camonici]. 
The  second  change  above  noticed  was  also  of 
gradual  gi-owth.  The  offices  of  archpresbyter 
and  archdeacon  wera  no  doubt  ancient  [Arch- 
presbyter, Archd£ACX>n],  but  did  not  become 
attached  at  once  to  the  cathedral,  probably  not 
until  the  6th  or  7th  centuries.  The  Primicerius 
and  Archietmtor  wera  of  later  date  still  [Pre- 
centor, Primiceriub]  ;  and  so  also  the  Schoku- 
ticus  [SCHOLASTicusl.  Two  fiirther  changes 
however  wera  needed  in  order  to  complete  the 
establishment  of  the  modern  chapter, — 1,  The 
appointment  of  a  dean,  which  grew  out  of  the 
office  of  praepositus.  The  latter  came  intc 
existence  under  the  bishop,  in  analogy  with  the 
praepositus  under  the  abbat  among  Chrodegang's 
canons,  but  his  office  being  gradually  restricted 
to  external  administration,  a  decanus  was  ap- 
pointed to  conduct  the  internal  discipline,  afler 
the  analogy  apparently  of  monastic  decani;  the 
10th  century  being  the  period  of  the  firat  insti- 
tution of  the  office ;  and  the  dean  gradually  sup- 
planted the  provost  [Decanus].  2.  The  cou- 
venion  of  the  prabends  (in  fact  though  not  in 
name)  into  benefices,  t.  e.  of  customary  separate 
payments  to  individual  cathedral  memben  out 
of  the  church  stock  into  a  common  treasury  of 
the  body,  together  with  fixed  rights  of  individual 
members  to  definite  shares.  The  fint  "  commune 
aerarium  **  in  France  is  attributed  to  Rigobert, 
Archbishop  of  Rheims,  af1«r  A.D.  700;  so  that 
canofUci  qiuisi  Koiytorucol,  although  a  bad  deriva- 
tion, yet  represented  at  first  a  real  fact ;  as  does  also 
the  more  plausible  derivation  from  canon  =  a 
fixed  pension,  called  sportula  by  St.  Cyprian,  and 
"consuetum  clericorum  stipendium"  by  Cone 
Valentin.,  Hiapdl.f  and  Agath.,  quoted  by  IHi 
Cange.  Prebends  also  began  to  be  founded  by 
bishops  and  other  patrons  about  the  same  period. 

2.  For  the  history  of  the  word  chapter,  see 
Capxtxtlum.  It  was  used  as  early  as  a.d.  755, 
Cone.  Vem.f  and  so  at  Aix  in  789,  and  Mayenoe 
in  813,  &c,  for  the  episcopal  chaptei*,  as  well  as 
that  of  Chrodegang's  canons.  And  about  that 
time  it  was  that  bishops  began  to  make  the 
cathedral  clergy  their  special  council.  Its  n- 
striction  to  this  only,  followed  in  the  course  of 
another  two  centuries. 

3.  The  functions  of  the  cathedral  chapter  were 
simply  derived,  and  (so  to  say)  usurped,  from 
those  of  the  original  council  of  the  bishop,  viz. 
the  diocesan  clergy.  And  the  8th  century  may 
be  taken  as  the  period  when  the  ^  chapter  "  thus 
absorbed  into  itself  the  ^right  of  being  the  special 
council  of  the  bishop.  Adminbtration  of  the  dio- 
cese in  the  bishop's  absence  or  during  a  vacancy, 
naturally  fell  to  the  bishop's  "  senate ;"  and  ac- 
cordingly, even  in  early  times,  it  was  founa 
necessary  to  enact,  **  ut  presbyteri  sine  conscien- 
tia  episcopi  nihil  faciant  {Cone.  Arelat.  i.  c.  19 ; 
and  see  Can.  Apost.  38,  ^c).  Ordinations,  how- 
ever, wera  of  course  always  excluded ;  but  not  sv 
the  patronage,  under  the  like  circumstances,  ot 
the  bishop's  livings.  And  this  became  the  pri- 
vilege of  the  chapter  about  the  8th  century. 


CHAPTER  OF  BIBLE 

The  right  of  electing  the  bishop  was  not  so 
speedily  usurped.  It  did  not  become  costomary 
for  the  chapter  only  to  elect  until  the  11th  cen< 
tory.  And  the  final  decree,  absolutely  restrict- 
ing the  right  of  election  to  that  body  (to  the 
exclusion  of  the  comproYincial  bishops,  as  well 
as  of  the  other  diocesan  clei^))  only  dates  from 
Pope  Innocent  IIL  in  the  13Ui.  The  change  had 
run  parallel  with  that  which  restricted  the  elec- 
tion of  the  pope  to  the  cardinals.  The  charge 
of  the  cathednd  services  of  course  belonged  to 
the  chapter.  Other  privileges  enumerated  bv 
Mayer  (i.  73)  for  the  most  part  are  merely  such 
as  belong  to  any  corporate  body  as  such ;  ss^  e.g. 
the  possession  of  a  common  seal  (the  earliest, 
however,  known  to  MabiUon,  dating  only  A.D. 
1289))  the  right  of  maldng  bye-laws,  the  power 
of  punishing  the  excesses  or  misconduct  of  indi- 
vidual members.  For  the  schools  attached  to 
cathedrals,  see  Schools. 

4.  The  constituent  members  of  a  chapter  varied 
in  almost  every  cathedral.  The  dean,  as  has  been 
said,  was  a  comparatively  late  addition^  of  at 
earliest  the  10th  century ;  while  in  most  cathe- 
drals there  was  no  such  oflSce  until  late  in  the 
11th.  The  archpresbyter  appears  to  have  been 
at  first  the  principal,  under  the  bishop ;  until  he 
was  supplanted  by  the  archdeacon.  And  these 
two,  with  the  ctwtos,  or  primiceriw  (so  called  at 
Rome,  i.  tf.  as  the  first  entered  on  the  wax  tablet 
or  list),  were  styled  the  "  tria  culmina  ecclesiae." 
Chorepiscopi,  in  name  but  in  nothing  else,  lingered 
on  in  a  rerj  few,  mostly  French,  cathedrals.  A 
Bckokuticus,  a  Sacrista  or  cimeliarcha,  an  archi^ 
omdoTy  &C.,  also  occur :  for  whom  see  under  the 
several  titles.  And  there  were,  besides,  a  staff 
of  clergy  for  the  general  service  of  the  cathedral 
church,  together  with  kctores^  ostiaru,  exorouiae, 
aoolythi,  £c.  A  praepositus,  or  provost,  also 
occurs  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries.  But  the 
complete  organization  of  a  modern  or  a  medieval 
chapter — the  bishop,  the  quatuor  perwnae^  so. 
dean,  precentor,  dumcellor,  and  treasurer,  the 
archdeacons,  canons,  &c — belongs  to  Norman 
times  and  the  12th  century.  And  minor  canons, 
and  vicars  choral,  &c.,  are  an  abuse  of  like  date. 

5.  In  the  Eastern  Church,  the  body  of  clergy 
serving  a  cathedral  church  was  often  exceedingly 
numerous :  e.  g.  under  Justinian,  the  **  Great 
Church,"  out  of  the  four  at  Constantinople, 
is  said  to  have  been  served  by  60  pi*esbyters, 
100  deacons,  40  deaconesses,  90  subdeacons,  100 
readers,  25  can<or»9= in  all  415;  besides  100  o«- 
<Hint,  who  served  all  four  churches.  There  were 
also  special  officers  in  Eastern  cathedrals,  as  tf.  g. 
'rp€trivmFaSf  irpa»TO^c(\n}s,  xof^o^^^<>{»  trxtvo- 
^Aa|,  Ac. ;  for  whom  see  under  the  several  titles. 
But  no  such  development  of  the  chapter  took 
place  as  in  the  West,  so  as  to  restrict  to  it  the 
offices  of  electing  the  bishop,  acting  as  his  council 
or  representative,  &c  &c 

[Thomassin;  Du  Cange;  Mayer,  Thes.  Nov. 
Stat.,  #c.,  Socles.  Cathedr.  et  Coll.  in  Ger- 
manw  ;  Waloott,  CathedrcUia,  and  Sacr.  Archae' 
ohgy.-]  [A.  W.  H.] 

CHAFTEB  OF  BIBLE.    [Lbctionary.] 

CHAPTER -HOUSE,  a  place  of  assem- 
bly for  monks  or  canons,  forming  part  of  the 
conventual  buildings;  called  capittUum,  says 
Papias,  because  there  the  capituia,  or  chapters 
of  the  monastic  rule,  were  read  and  expounded. 


CHARISMATA 


340 


For  the  ancient  custom  was  that  after  prime, 
before  the  monks  went  forth  to  their  labour, 
a  chapter  of  the  rule  was  read  aloud  to  them. 
The  meeting  of  the  monks  for  the  purpose  of 
hearing  such  a  reading  was  itself  called  Capi- 
TULUM  (Ducange's  Gtossary,  s.  v.  Capittilum). 
The  ancient  plan  of  St.  Gall  contains  apparently 
no  chapter-house ;  and  perhaps  the  first  instance 
of  a  house  built  especially  for  the  general  meet- 
ings of  a  brotherhood  or  college  for  other  than 
devotional  purposes  is  that  mentioned  in  the  life 
of  Abbot  Ansegis  of  Fontanelle  (c.  9,  in  Acta  83. 
Ben,  saec.  iv.  pt.  1,  p.  635X  who  is  said  to  have 
built,  about  A.D.  807,  near  the  apse  of  the  church 
of  St.  Peter,  and  on  the  northern  side  of  it, 
a  house  which  he  called  conventua  or  curiae  in 
Greek  buletUenonj  because  in  it  the  biethren 
were  wont  to  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
counsel  on  anv  matter  (Martene,  I>s  Rit.  Monach. 
Hb.  i.  c  V.  §  3).  [C] 

CHAPTER,  THE  LITTLE.  [Capitulum.] 

CHARALAJdPES,  martyr,  A.D.  198,  com* 
memorated  Feb.  10  {CaL  Byzant.).  [C] 

CHARAUNUS,  martyr  at  Chartres,  is  com- 
memorated May  28  {Mart,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CHARIOTEERS.  Among  the  callings  which 
were  regarded  by  the  Church  of  the  first  three 
centuries,  that  of  the  charioteer  held  a  promi- 
nent place.  It  had  its  chief,  if  not  its  sole, 
sphere  of  action  in  games  which  were  inseparably 
connected  with  the  old  religion  of  the  empire. 
The  men  who  followed  it  were  commonly  more 
or  less  disreputable,  and  had  been  excluded,  even 
by  Roman  law,  from  most  of  the  privileges  of 
citizenship  (Tertull.  de  Spectao.  c.  22).  It  was, 
through  the  eager  excitement  which  attended  it, 
incompatible  with  meditation  and  prayer  (Tertull. 
/.  c).  We  find  accordingly  that  such  persons 
were  not  admitted  to  baptism,  unless  they  re- 
nounced their  occupation  (^Constt.  Apost,  viii. 
32).  If  they  returned  to  it  after  their  admis- 
sion to  Christian  fellowship  they  were  to  be  ex* 
communicated  (C  Elib.  c  62,*  1  0.  Arelat.  c.  5). 
When  the  games  of  the  circus  were  reproduced 
under  Christian  emperors,  the  rigour  of  the 
Church's  discipline  was  probably  relaxed. 

[E.  H.  P.] 

CHARITAS,  virgin,  martyr  under  Hadrian, 
commemorated  Aug.  1  {Mart.  Usuardi).  As 
AOAPE,  Sept.  17  (&/.  Byzant.).  Compare  Sa- 
piENTiA,  Sophia.  [C] 

CHARITINA,    martyr,  is  commemorated 
Oct.  5  (CW.  Byzant.).  [C] 

CHARITON,  holy  father  and  confessor,  a.d. 
276,  is  commemorated  Sept.  28  (Cb/.  Byzant.). 

[C] 

CHARISMATA:  literally  "graces"  which 
are  the  effect  of  grace ;  that  is,  of  the  outpouring 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  consequent  en  the  Ascension 
of  our  Lord  into  heaven,— -all,  properly  speaking, 
subjective :  yet  St.  Paul  calls  the  pardon  of  sin 
in  one  place  (Rom.  v.  15),  and  eternal  life  in 
another  (ib.  vi.  23),  a  ** charisma";  that  is,  a 
gracious  or  free  gift  on  the  part  of  God  through 
Christ.    Again,  subjective  graces  have  been  dis- 

•  A  various  reading  gives,  however,  "  angnr,"  ineteed 
of  **  anriga."  It  is  poeidble  that  this  may  be  a  sign  of  a 
diniinisbed  horror  of  the  charioteer's  calling. 


350 


OHABFTT  SCHOOLS 


tingnished  into  two  dasaes :  1.  those  oonferring 
mere  power  (gratiae  gratis  datae) ;  and  2.  those 
which  affect  the  character  (ffroHae  gratum  fa- 
denies).  The  locus  classicus  for  both  is  1  Cor.  xii. 
to  the  end  of  ch.  ziv.  (on  which  see  Bloomfield, 
Alford,  Cornelias  i  Lapide,  and  others),  where 
thej  are  thrown  together  without  mnch  system 
or  classification.  0{  the  former  class,  some  were 
neither  permanent  nor  unirersal,  as  the  gift  of  heal- 
ing :  others,  as  for  instance,  that  which  he  affirms 
elsewhere  to  be  in  Timothy  by  the  laying  on  of 
his  hands  (2  Tim.  i.  6 ;  comp.  1  Pet.  iv.  10) ;  in 
other  words,  the  gift  conferred  npon  all  ministers 
of  the  Gospel  at  their  ordination,  fitting  them 
for  their  respectiye  posts,  were  permanent,  but 
not  onirersaL  Both  were  bestowed  primarily  for 
the  edification  of  the  whole  body ;  not  bnt  that 
it  would  fare  better  or  worse  with  each  individual 
possessed  of  them  according  to  the  way  in  which 
they  were  used.  <*  The  manifestation  of  the  Spirit 
is  given  to  every  man,  to  profit  withal.**  Of  the 
latter  class  all  were  permanent  and  universal, 
being  designed  primarily  for  individual  sanctifi- 
cation :  all  had  them  therefore  without  exception ; 
and  any  body  might  double  or  quadruple  his  share 
of  them  by  his  own  exertions.  Where  they  lay 
dormant  in  any,  the  fault  was  his  own.  Wherever 
they  were  cultivated,  they  would  bring  forth, 
some  thirty,  some  siztv,  and  some  a  hundredfold. 
**  FoUow  after  charity,  says  the  Apoetle :  this  is 
a  gift  of  the  same  character  with  &ith  and  hope, 
permanent  (jiivti)  and  bestowed  on  al  1.  Therefore 
the  degree  to  which  you  may  become  poss^sed 
of  it  rests  with  yourselves.  As  you  follow  after 
it,  so  yon  will  obtain  it.  For  those  gifts  which 
are  not  given  to  all  you  can  only  pray :  Mill  I 
enjoin  you  to  pray ;  and  of  these  ^  pray  rather 
that  ye  may  prophecy ;"  in  other  words,  that  ye 
may  "  understand  the  Scriptures  "  (comp.  Luke 
xxiv.  45),  and  be  able  to  interpret  them  for  the 
benefit  of  others,  as  well  as  your  own ; — a  gift 
which  is  permanent,  and  for  the  good  of  all,  liice 
charity.  Of  ordinary  gifts,  I  have  devoted  a 
whole  chapter  to  shew  that  charity  should  occupy 
the  first  place :  of  extraordinaiy  gifts,  I  proceed 
to  shew  in  the  ensuing  chapter  my  reasons  for 
eonsidering  prophecy,  taken  in  its  widest  sense, 
to  be  first  also ;  one  is  for  practice,  the  other  for 
information:  to  understand  the  Scriptures,  and 
to  act  upon  them  aright,  for  general  as  well  as 
for  private  profit  and  edification,  is  to  fulfil  every 
purpose  for  which  grace  is  vouchsafed.  Prophecy, 
therefore,  will  mean  here  the  gift  of  expounding, 
rather  than  of  foretelling  (0>m.  i  Lap.  ad,  /.), 
and  to  the  nine  extraordinary  "  charismata  "  set 
down  hei*e,  correspond  the  nine  ordinary,  described 
as  <'  the  fruit  of  the  Spirit,"  in  the  Epistle  to 
the  Galatians  (v.  22),  To  these  last  three  more 
hare  been  added,  making  twelve  in  all ;  while 
faith,  hope,  and  charity  have  been  contrariwise 
classified  by  themselves  as  the  three  theological 
virtues.  [E.  S.  F.] 

CHARITY  SCHOOLS.    [Schools.] 

CHARMS.    [Amulets.] 

CHARTOPHYLAX.  One,  says  Beveridge 
(Synod,  ii.  167),  who  kept  the  archives  and  docu- 
ments or  charters  of  the  church.  This  in  the 
Chui*ch  of  Constantinople  was  a  high  oflice ;  so 
much  so,  that  under  Andronicus  Junior  he  was 
called  *' Magnus Chartophy lax"  whodischarged  it. 


CHERUBIC  HYMN 

His  duties  were  by  no  means  those  of  a  mere  libra- 
rian or  registrar,  but  included  with  them  those  of 
a  chancellor.  He  wore  suspended  round  his  neck 
the  ring  or  seal  of  the  patriarch ;  received  and 
examin^  all  letters  intended  for  him,  with  the 
exception  of  those  coming  from  other  patriarchs ; 
ftirnished  the  list  of  those  who  should  be  pro- 
moted to  vacant  benefices  of  all  sorts ;  and  was 
entrusted  with  the  authorisation  of  the  nuptial 
benediction.  When  the  6th  Council  opened,  it 
was  the  chartophylax,  or  keeper  of  the  archives 
of  the  great  church,  whom  the  emperor  ordered 
to  fetch  the  books  of  the  previous  oecumenical 
councils  from  the  patriarch's  library,  then  the 
depository  for  all  authentic  ecclesiastical  records. 
As  both  volumes  of  the  5th  Council  were  subse* 
quently  proved  to  have  been  tampered  with 
[CoNOiL.  CoNffTAirr.  34],  there  must  have  been 
one  dishonest  chartophylax  at  least  in  the  130 
years  intervening  between  the  5th  and  6th 
councils.  For  the  rest,  see  Gretser  and  Goar, 
c.  4  of  their  Commentaries  on  Codmus;  c.  1,  Du 
Fresno's  Gloss.  Oraec.  et  Lot, ;  Suioer's  TAesatir. 
«.  0.  [E.  S.  F.] 

CHARTULARIUS.  An  officer  entrusted 
with  the  keeping  of  charters  or  registers ;  and  in 
the  Eastern  Church  subordinate  to  the  charto- 
phylax. Such  was  his  position,  at  all  events,  in 
the  Church  of  Constantinople,  according  to  the 
ecclesiastical  list  of  Codinus  (c  1,  with  Gretser 
and  Gear's  CommentarieSj  o.  13) ;  but  from  his 
next  chapter  we  see  there  was  a  superior  officer 
called  **  the  great  chartularius  "  attached  to  th  s 
imperial  household  (c  2,  and  Gretser  and  Goar, 
c  3).  Elsewhere  we  read  of  "  chartularii " 
belonging  to  the  army,  navy,  and  several  other 
departments  of  state,  whose  records  were  vo- 
luminous; while  the  number  of  ecclesiastical 
"  chartularii "  for  the  difierent  dioceses  of  the 
East  is  regulated  by  Justinian  in  the  first  book 
of  his  Code  (tit.  ii.  c.  25).  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
calls  a  monk  named  Hilary,  whom  he  employed 
in  Africa  to  transact  business  for  him,  indif- 
ferently his  "  chartularius  "  or  "  notary  ";  shew- 
ing both  offices  to  have  been  synonymous  in  the 
Church  of  Rome  then  {Ep.  i.  77,  ed.  Migne,  and 
the  note).  And  Photins,  two  centuries  and  a  half 
later,  addresses  one  Gregory  several  times,  in 
coiTesponding  with  him,  as  *' deacon"  and  ^  char-  . 
tularius "  (Ep,  iii.  ed.  Yaletta).  Later,  a  very 
difi*erent  sense  sometimes  attached  to  this  word : 
*'  Qui  per  epistolam  liber  fiebat,"  says  Sirmondus 
(ad  torn.  ii.  Concil,  Gall,  p.  679),  **  chartularius 
dicebatur."  Again,  **  chartularium,"  in  the 
neuter  gender,  stands  for  the  place  where  char- 
ters and  such  like  documents  were  kept  literally ; 
but  in  the  West  it  has  long  served  to  denote 
those  volumes,  often  called  Red  or  Black  Books 
from  the  colour  of  their  binding  or  their  rubrics, 
and  written  on  parchment,  in  which  the  charters 
and  customs  and  properties  belonging  to  each 
monastery  were  transcribed  (Du  ]<resne.  Gloss. 
Lot.  et  Grace,  s.  v.>  [E.  S.  F.] 

CHASUBLE.    [Casula.] 

CHEESE,  IN  EUCHARIST.  [Elements.] 

CHERSONESUS,  the  martyrs  of,  a.d.  296, 
are  commemorated  March  7  (Cal,  Byzant,),  [C] 

CHERUBIC  HYMN.    [Hymn,  thb  Chb. 

RUBIC] 


GHE6T 

CHEST.    [Abca  :  Capsa.] 

OHILDBIRTK.    [Churchino  of  Women.] 

CUILDEBERT,  king,  depmition  at  Paris, 
Dec  23  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] 

GHILDBEN.  It  is  the  object  of  this  article 
to  bring  together  the  materials  for  a  picture  of 
the  home  life  of  Christians  of  the  first  eight 
centaries,  so  far  as  it  affected  the  treatment  of 
their  children  and  their  thoughts  about  them. 
It  is  obrions  that  erery  such  picture  must  be 
mora  or  leas  idealised,  that  in  practice  its  com- 
pletenesa  was  marred  by  Tariations  at  different 
periods  and  in  different  churches,  by  the  more 
or  leas  perfect  triumph  of  Christianity  oyer 
heathenism.  Making  allowance  for  this,  how- 
erer,  it  is  hoped  tluit  the  representation  here 
giren  will  enable  the  reader  to  estimate  the  in- 
fluence of  the  religion  of  Christ  in  this  phase  of 
■uman  life  with  some  distinctness.  It  is  obrions 
also  that  in  the  course  of  the  inquiry  we  must 
come  in  contact  with  many  questions  which, 
separately,  demand  a  more  dogmatic  and  more 
eihauative  discussion.  These  it  will  be  enough 
to  notice  briefly. 

(1.)  We  may  start  with  the  fact  that  the  new 
ISuth  taught  men  to  set  a  higher  value  upon  the 
sacredness  of  human  life.    The  corrupt  morals 
of  the  empire  had  all  bat  crushed  out  the  natural 
aT9fyii  which  binds  the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to 
the  children.     InfSuits  were  looked  upon  as  in- 
cumbrances to  be  got  rid  of.    The  mothers  of 
illegitimate  children,  sometimes  even  mothers 
who  were  married,  killed  or  deserted  their  child- 
ren without  scruple,   or  called  in  the  aid  of 
women  who  made  a  business  of  the  art  of  abor- 
tion.    Against  all  such  practices  Christian  parity 
raised  its  roice.    Barnabas  enumerates  the  sins 
in  question  among  the  things  incompatible  with 
the  "  way  of  light "  (c  19).    The  author  of  the 
Epistle  to  J>iognetu8  speaks  of  the  freedom  of  the 
Christian  society  from  these  practices  as  one  of 
the  marks  of  difference  between  them  and  the 
heathens  among  whom  they  lived  (c.  5).    Athe- 
nagoras  condemns  those  who  expose  children,  or 
procure  abortion,   as    alike    guilty  of  munler 
(LegaL  o.  35).    Justin  speaks  against  the  expo- 
sure as  a  common  offence,  and  dwells  on  the 
enormities  that  followed,  children,  so  deserted, 
male  and  female,  being  the  chief  supply  of  the 
market  for  prostitution  (^Apol,  i.  29).    The  prac- 
tice lingered,  however,  even  among  Christians, 
and  the  Council  of  Elvira  had  to  treat  them  as 
excluding  a  female  catechumen  from  all   but 
death-bed  baptism,  one  who  was  already  bap- 
tized even  from  death-bed  communion  (u  ElA, 
e.  63,  68).     The  Council  of  Ancvra,  about  the 
same  time,  acknowledging  that  the  severer  pen- 
alty had  been  the  rule  of  the  Church,  reduced  it 
to   ten  years'  penance  (c  20),  that  of  Lerida 
(c.  2)  to  seven,  subject  however  to  the  condition 
of  continuance  in  a  penitential  life ;  and  if  the 
offenders  were  in  orders,  to  exclusion  from  htur- 
gical  functions. 

(2.)  We  start,  then,  with  the  Christian  con- 
viction that  children  were  a  ^  heritage  and  gift 
that  Cometh  from  the  Lord,"  to  be  received  as  a 
trust  for  which  parents  would  have  to  render 
an  account.  It  might  have  seemed  that  that 
feeling  would  have  found  universal  expression  in 
the  dedication  of  infants,  as  soon  as  might  be 
after  their  birth,  by  the  sacred  rite  of  baptism. 


CHILDREN 


351 


Our  Lord's  command,  '*  Suffer  little  children  to 
come  unto  me,  and  forbid  them   not,"  might 
seem  to  sanction,  if  not  to  command,  the  practice. 
It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  traces 
of  infant  baptism  in  the  first  150  years  are  but 
scanty,  that  the  evidence  of  the  New  Testament 
is  far  f^m  decisive.    The  statement  of  Suicer 
(Theacatr.  ii.  1136)  that  fbr  the  first  two  centa- 
ries no  one  was  baptized  who  could  not  make  a 
conscious  profession  of  his  faith  is,  perhaps,  over- 
strained, but  it  is  true  that  the  evidence  on  the 
other  side  is  meagre.    Justin's  statement  that 
'*many  had  been  made  disciples  of  Christ,  4k 
walUmr "  {Apol,  il.  p.  62)  is  somewhat  strained 
when  these  words  are  translated,  as  Binghiun 
does,  **  from  their  infancy."    The  witness  of  Ire- 
naeus,  who  says  that  ^infantes"  (as  well  as 
^potrvuU  ")  "  renascuntnr  in  Deum  "  (ii.  22^  and 
identifies  regeneration  with  baptism  is,  however, 
more  distinct.    That  of  Origen,  however,  that 
the  Church's  practice  was  **  etiam  pai'vulis  bap- 
tismum  dari "  {Horn,  viii.  in  LevU.)  is  rendered 
less  so,  by  the  distinction  drawn  by  Irenaeus 
between  the  **parmUi  "  and  the  "  infantes"*  The 
treatise  in  which  Tertullian  urges  "cunctatio  bap- 
tismi "  as  the  safer  and  better  course  is  rather 
in  the  tone  of  one  who  is  contending  against  a 
growing  practice  than  of  one  who  rejects  a  tra- 
dition of  the  universal  Church  (de  Bapt.  c  18). 
Wall  on  Inf.mt  Baptism  is,  of  course,  the  great 
storehouse  of  arguments  in  favour  of  the  primi- 
tive and  universal  use  of  the  rite  for  infant 
children.    It  may  be  noted,  however,  (1.)  that 
the  command  in  Matt,  xxviii.  19,  seems  to  imply 
capacity  for  discipleship  as  a  condition  of  baptism ; 
(2.)  that  the  <'  holiness  "  of  Christian  children 
is  made  to  depend,  in  1  Cor.  viL  14,  not  on  bap- 
tism, but  on  the  faith  of  one,  at  least,  of  the 
parents ;  (3.)  that  the  mention  of  ^  households  * 
as  baptized  is,  at  best,  a  precarious  foundation  for 
a  wide  generalisation.    If  baptism  were  thought 
of  as  limited  to  those  who  could  make  a  confession 
of  fiuth,  it  would  not  be  deemed  necessary  to  men- 
tion infhnts  as  not  included  in  the  ^  household  " 
that  was  baptized,  any  more  than  it  would  be  ne- 
cessary to  except  them  if  one  were  speaking  of  a 
whole  household  going  forth  to  fight  against  the 
enemy.    It  may  fairly  be  conceded,  however,  that 
at  least  from  the  time  of  Irenaeus,  Origen,  Ter- 
tullian, the  practice  was  common.    The  further 
question  remained,  at  what  stage  in  their  infancy; 
and  here  the  answers  varied.    Some  pressed  tne 
analogy  of  circumcision  and  argued  for  the  eighth 
day,  but  this  was  rejected  by  Cyprian  (Epist.  ad 
Fitunif  lix.  al.  Ixiv.)  and  by  a  Council  of  Car- 
thage under  his  guidance.     Gregory  of  Nazian- 
zum,  on  the  other  hand,  ui^ed  a  delay  of  three 
years,  more  or  less,  that  the  child  might  be  able 
to  utter  its  profession  of  faith  with  its  own  lips 
{Orat.  zl.  de  Bapt),     The  Council  of  Elvira 
(c.  22)  sanctioned  the  earlier  age ;  but  this  was 
done  not  as  resting  on  an  immemorial  practice,  but 
on  a  special  dogmatic  ground,   "quia  non  suo 
vitio  peccarunt,"  as  though  it  needed  a  justifica- 
tion.    Generally,  except  in  cases  of  necessity, 
their  baptism,  like  that  of  adult  converts,  was 


•  We  have  in  both  these  passages  to  content  oarsdves 
withaLatintraDsUtioDofaGreekorigfaML  Apasss^ein 
the  Latin  verrion  of  Origen's  Utm.  M  Imc  ziv.  seems  to 
bring  even  children  who  are  Jaat  bom  within  the  rsnge  of 
the  ••jMroufi.'* 


352 


CHILDREN 


OHOIB 


postponed  till  the  Easter  following  thoir  birth 
(Socrates,  H.  E,  r.  22;  C.  AfdissiocL  c.  18; 
August.  Semu  de  Temp,  110;  Ambros.xii?  Myster, 
Peach,  c.  5.).^  The  case  of  Augustine  shows, 
howeyer,  that  eren  a  mother  like  Monica,  act- 
ing, it  may  be,  under  the  influence  of  the  feeling 
of  which  Tei^ullian  had  been  the  spokesman, 
could  postpone  her  child's  baptism  indefinitely, 
only  eager  to  hasten  it  if  there  were  any  immi- 
nent fear  of  death  (August.  Cnnff.  i.  11).« 
Even  where  baptism  was  p<»tponed,  however,  the 
child  was  claimed  for  Christ,  was  signed  with 
the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  made  to  taste  of  the  salt 
which  was  known  as  the  ^  mysterium  "  or  '*  sacra- 
ment "  of  catechumens  {Ibid.),  [Catechumen8.] 
After  an  interval,  varying  according  to  the  different 
views  just  stated,  the  child  was  brought  to  the  font, 
stripped  of  its  clothes,  and  baptized,  making  its 
acts  of  renunciation  and  adherence,  if  old  enough, 
with  its  own  lips ;  if  still  in  infancy,  through 
Its  sponsors.  [Sponsors.]  Where  children  were 
left  orphans,  or  were  deserted  by  their  parents, 
they  were  brought  by  benevolent  Christians, 
who  in  the  sight  of  the  Church  took  charge  of 
them.  The  priest  announced  the  fact  from  the 
altar,  and  the  child  became  the  **  alumnus  **  or 
foster-child  of  the  person  so  adopting  him' 
(1  C.  Vasens.  c  9). 

Baptism  in  such  cases  was  followed,  after  an 
interval  of  uncertain  duration,  by  confirmation, 
if  a  bishop  were  present  at  the  baptism,  the  rule 
was  that  both  rites  were  administered  in  imme- 
diate succession.  As  soon  as  the  child  was  taken 
from  the  water  he  received  the  sacred  unction 
and  the  imposition  of  hands.  (Tertull.  de  Bapt. 
c7fde  Eesurr,  Cam,  c.  8.)  In  the  absence  of 
the  bishop  there  was,  of  course,  a  delay ;  but 
the  modei-n  practice  of  Protestant  churches  of 
treating  confirmation  as  the  personal  acceptance 
by  the  adult  of  what  had  been  promised  by  the 
infant,  was  altogether  foreign  to  the  life  of  the 
ancient  Church,  as  it  is  now  from  that  of  the 
East.  In  both  cases,  indeed,  in  order  to  guard 
against  any  inconvenience  which  might  follow 
from  the  prolonged  absence  of  the  bishop,  the 
priest  was  allowed  to  administer  confirmation  as 
well  as  baptism. 

The  admission  of  the  infant  to  the  privileges 
of  Christian  fellowship  did  not,  however,  stop 
here.  There  is  almost,  if  not  altogether,  as 
weighty  evidence  for  infant  communion  as  there 
is  for  infant  baptism.  It  was  the  recognised 
practice  of  the  African  Church  in  the  time  of 
Cyprian  {De  laps,  c.  25).  The  Apostolical 
Constitutions  (viiL  12,  13)  show  that  it  was 
also  the  custom  of  the  East.  It  was  vehe- 
mently urged  by  Augustine  as  essential  to  the 
complete  salvation  even  of  the  baptized  {Epist, 
23  ad  Bonifac,  De  Peocat,  Merit,  i.  20)  and  was 
defended  against  the  scorn  of  unbelievers  by  the 
mystic  pseudo-Dionysius  {de  Hierarch,  Eccles, 
vii.  11).  The  Sacramentary  of  Gregory  and  the 
Council  of  M&con  (c.  6),  A.D.  588,  are  witnesses 
to  its  prevalence  in  the  churches  of  Rome  and 
Gaul.     The  first  intimation  of  any  wish  to  stop 


i>  The  Sanday  before  Easter  wm  known  In  cooaequenoe 
as  the  **  OcUvae  Inlantam." 

«  Augustine  blames  the  delay,  It  is  true,  but  it  Is  with 
reference  to  a  bapUsm  in  boyhood,  not  in  infimqy. 

d  The  word  occurs  in  this  sense  in  Christian  epitaohs. 
(De  Rossi,  L  46.) 


it  is  found  in  the  third  Council  of  Tours  (c  19), 
in  A.D.  813,  and  that  continued  inoperative  foi 
nearly  three  centuries.      In   this  respect    the 
Churches  of  the  East,  as  in  the  case  of  confirma 
tion,  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  antiquity. 

So  fSu*,  then,  the  child  of  Christian  parents 
was  met  at  its  birth  with  these  symbols,  and,  as 
it  was  believed,  assurances  of  salvation.  The 
work  of  moral  training  began  with  the  first  dawn 
of  consciousness.  He  would  be  taught  to  make 
the  sign  of  the  cross  upon  his  brow,  or  lips,  oi 
cheat,  on  rising  or  lying  down  to  sleep,  or  when 
he  bathed  or  put  on  his  clothes  (Tertull.  de  Cor, 
Mil,  c.  2).  Soon  a  pious  parent  would  tell  him 
the  story  of  the  Gospels,  as  Monica  did  to  Augus- 
tine, even  though  unbaptized  {Conff,  i.  17^  or 
give  him  daily  some  texts  of  Scripture  to  be 
learnt  by  heart,  as  Leonidas  did  to  Origen  (Euseb. 
ff.  E.  vi.  2).  He  would  learn  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  the  Creed  as  things  for  daily  use,  would  be 
taught  to  pray  at  midnight,  fit  sunrise,  and  at 
every  meal  (Tertull.  de  Oral.  c.  20).  The  stories 
of  martyrs  who  had  suffered,  sometimes  the 
actual  spectacle  of  those  sufferings,  would  kindle 
his  emotions.  The  range  of  instruction  would 
become  wider  as  he  would  be  led  first  to  the 
didactic,  or  sapiential,  books  of  Scripture,  the 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes ;  then  the  Gospels, 
the  Acts,  and  the  Epistles :  last  of  all  the  Penta- 
teuch, the  historical  books,  and  the  Prophets 
(Hieren.  Epiet.  57,  ad  Laetam).  For  his  general 
education,  however,  he  would  have  to  go  to  any 
school  that  might  be  opened,  and  these  were,  for 
four  centuries  or  more,  in  the  hands  of  heathens. 
For  those  who  went  to  such  schools  Homer  was 
still  the  groundwork  of  intellectual  culture 
(August,  (hnff,  i.  23).  Grammar,  dialectics,  rhe- 
toric, geometry,  completed  the  course  of  teaching 
(Euseb.  ff.  E.  vi.  2).  It  would  be  naturally  a 
time  of  anxious  watchfulness  for  Christian  pa- 
rents. When  this  was  over  the  child  would 
pass  to  the  responsibilities  of  adolescence.  Nega- 
tively we  may  be  sure  that  no  true  Christian 
would  allow  bis  child  to  be  a  spectator  of  the 
games  of  the  circus  or  the  mimes  of  the  theatre ; 
that  wherever  this  was  tolerated  it  would  be 
looked  on  as  a  sign  of  spiritual  decay.   [Agtorb.] 

fE.  H.  P.T 

CHILDREN,  COMMUNION  OF  [Inpant 
Communion:] 

CHIONIA,  martyr  at  Thessalonica,  under 
Diocletian,  April  1  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae); 
April  3  {MaH.  (Jsnardi) ;  April  6  {Mart,  Hieron.); 
April  16  {Col,  Byzant),  [C.J 

CHIBOTHEGAE.    [Gloves.] 

OHLODOALD,  presbyter  and  confessor,  is 
commemorated  Sept.  7  {Mart.  Bedae,  Usnardi). 

[C] 

GHOIB,  ARCHiTECTxntAL  {Chorus,  Suggestus; 
"A/ijSaiy).  Every  complete  church  consists  of  at 
least  three  parts ;  bema  (or  presbytery),  choir, 
and  nave.  The  bema,  entered  in  ancient  times 
by  none  but  the  clergy,  was  devoted  to  the  cele- 
bration of  the  holy  mysteries ;  the  choir  was  for 
the  **  clerks,''  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word ; 
the  nave  for  the  general  body  of  the  faithful. 
The  bema  corresponds  to  the  space  east  of  the 
altar-rails  (called  the  sanctuary  or  presbytery) 
in  an  ordinary  English  church,  and  the  choir  to 
I  the  remaining  portion  of  the  chanceL  In  mo- 
nastic churches  the  choir  is  the  place  where  the 


CHOIR 

brathmi  asBembl«  to  lay  the  ordinary  daily 
offices. 

It  is  extremely  difficalt  to  determine  the 
antiquity  of  the  division  between  sanctnary  and 
choir.  Most  of  the  passages  of  ancient  aathors 
bearing  upon  the  matter  give  the  impression  that 
the  rail  or  screen  [Camcelli]  separated  the 
whole  apace  devoted  to  the  clergy  from  that 
devoted  to  the  people,  and  that  there  was  no 
*  ehonu  *  distinct  from  the  sanctuary.  It  is,  in 
fact,  probable  that  Honorins  of  Antun  (Gemma 
Awimaey  i.  140)  is  right  in  saying  ^  olim  in  modnm 
ooronae  drca  aras  cantantes  stabant,"  though 
his  etymology  is  wrong.  The  canon  of  the  fourth 
ooandl  of  Toledo,  in  the  7th  century,  quoted 
below,  is  perhaps  the  earliest  instance  in  which 
the  threefold  division,  sanctuary,  choir,  and  nave, 
is  clearly  recognised.  The  remains  of  ancient 
churches  give  us  but  little  information  on  this 
point,  as  screens  are  the  most  destructible  and 
changeable  portions.  When  we  do  meet  with 
atnthentic  ttttimony  as  to  the  arrangements  of 
churches,  we  find  generally  that  the  whole  of  the 
•astern  apse  was  occupied  by  the  sanctuary, 
which  was  screened  off  from  the  rest  of  the 
efaurdi,  while  the  choir  was  a  raised  space  im- 
mediately west  of  the  screen  of  the  sanctuary 
rCuuBCH,  p.  375].  Whether  the  Greek  Soleas 
was  identical  with  this  raised  space  or  wggntuk 
is  doubtful. 

The  description  of  a  church  in  the  Apostoltoal 
C<mgUtHUon$  (ii.  57)  implies  that  bishop,  pres- 
byters, and  deacons  occupied  the  space  at  the 
east  end  of  the  church,  which  was  set  apart  for 
them,  but  does  not  mention  any  barrier  between 
clerks  and  people.  We  find  however  such  a 
barrier  existing  in  the  4th  century,  when  the 
laity  were  forbidden  to  enter  the  enclosure  set 
apart  for  the  altar  and  the  clergy.  This  appears 
from  the  fact  that  St.  Ambrose  deprived  the 
emperors  of  the  exceptional  riffht  which  they 
bad  enjoyed  of  passing  within  the  screen  [Can- 
CBLU}  See  Soxomen,  HitL  EocL  vii.  25 ;  Theo- 
doret,  H.  E.  v.  18.  To  this  the  emperors  sub- 
mitted ;  and  the  edict  of  Theodosius  tne  younger 
asd  Valentinian  lays  down  that  the  emperors  are 
to  approach  the  altar  only  for  the  purpose  of 
making  their  offering,  and  to  withdraw  imme- 
diately. In  accordance  with  this  the  TruUan 
council  (canon  69),  while  forbidding  the  laity 
gcnerally  to  enter  the  sanctuary  Qtphp  Bvcuurr^ 
fcarX  expreaslv  permits  the  emperors  to  enter  for 
the  purpose  of  offering  their  gifts,  "  according  to 
very  ancient  custom.^  This  privilege  Tarasius, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  (f  806),  threatened 
to  withdraw  from  Constantine  VI.  if  he  con- 
tracted the  marriage  which  he  was  meditating 
(£t/0  by  Ignatius,  in  Acta  SS.  Feb.  ui.  p.  584). 

Tlie  same  privilege  which  was  granted  to  empe- 
rors seems  in  ancient  times  to  have  been  conceded 
to  nnordained  monks  (Jerome,  Ad  ffeUodorum). 

The  4th  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Tours 
(▲.D.  567)  forbids  the  lay  people  to  stand  among 
the  clergy,  whether  at  vigils  or  at  mass,  and  re- 
serves all  that  portion  of  the  church  which  lb  on 
the  altar^de  of  the  screen  for  the  clerks  engaged 
in  the  service  (choris  psallentium  clericorum) ; 
yet  the  sanctuary  (sancta  sanctorum)  was  to  be 
open  for  the  purpose  of  praying  and  communi- 
cating both  to  laymen  and  to  women  [Com- 
mumior}*  The  same  canon  was  repeated  in 
effect  by  the  council  of  Autun  in  the  year  672. 

OfUUST.  ANX. 


CHOEEPISOOPUS 


853 


So  too  a  Ckpitulary  of  the  year  744  (art.  9,  ed. 
Baluz.)  forbids  the  laity  to  be  within  the  screen 
in  time  of  divine  service,  whether  mass  or  vigil. 
So  the  council  of  Rome  under  Eugenius  II., 
canon  33. 

The  liberty  which  in  Gaul  was  given  to  lay 
people,  of  entering  the  choir  to  communicate, 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  nven  in  Africa. 
St.  Augustine*  (^/m.  392)  speaks  of  the  screen 
(cancelli)  as  the  place  where  laymen  ordinarily 
communicated ;  neophytes,  however,  seem  to  have 
drawn  near  the  altar  for  their  first  communion 
{Serm.  224).  In  Spain  the  fourth  council  of  To- 
ledo (can.  18)  of  the  year  633  enjoins  the  [minis- 
tering] priest  and  deacon  to  communicate  before 
the  altar,  the  rest  of  clerks  in  the  choir,  tho 
people  outside  the  choir. 

Women  were  generally  not  permitted  to  enter 
the  choir  {Cone,  Laodic.  c.  44),  unless  for  the 
purpose  of  communicating.  And  although  nuns 
were  probably  excepted  in  ancient  times  (Augus- 
tine, Epist  iii.),  their  exclusion  seems  in  the  9th 
century  to  have  been  general,  at  least  in  Gaul 
(Theodulf  of  Orleans,  CapittUare,  c.  6).  Ahito, 
bishop  of  Basle  in  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century 
{CapktUare,  c.  16),  ordains  that  no  woman  should 
approach  the  altar;  and  that  when  the  altar- 
cloths  required  washing,  they  should  be  taken  off 
by  the  clerks,  and  handed  to  the  women  at  the 
door  of  the  screen.  The  presbyters  were  also  to 
receive  the  women's  offerines  outside  the  screen. 
(Dueange's  dfossary,  s.  v.  Chonu;  Martene,  De 
BUibua  Antiqmsy  i.  123  ff.)  [C] 

GHOm  OF  6INGEBS.  (Chorus  Cantor- 
urn.)  St.  Augustine  (on  Ps,  149)  says,  **  Chorus 
quid  signifioet,  multi  norunt  .  .  .  chorus  est  con- 
sessio  cantantium."  Isidore  of  Sevile  gives  the 
definition,  '*  chorus  est  inultitudo  in  sacris  col- 
lecta,  et  dictus  chorus  quod  initio  in  modum 
ooronae  circum  aras  starent  et  ita  psallerent." 
This  etymology  is  undoubtedly  false,  but  the 
statement  upon  which  it  is  founded  is  by  no 
means  improbable.  Whether  it  be  true  or  not, 
that  in  tne  earliest  ages  the  choir  was  grouped 
round  the  altar,  we  know  that  at  a  comparatively 
early  period  the  choir  had  a  space  assigned  to  it 
in  a  cnurch,  [Choir,  Abchiteci'UIIAl,]  distinct 
from  the  Sakctuart,  which  contained  the  altar. 

**  The  choirs  of  our  time,"  says  Amalarius  (d$ 
Div,  Off.  iii.  4),  early  in  the  9th  century,  **are 
clothed  in  linen  (linum),"  and  he  distinguishes 
between  this  and  the  finer  vestment  of  byssus 
which  the  singers  wore  under  the  Old  Dispensa- 
tion (2  Chron.  V.  12).  Compare  ScHOLA  Can-' 
TORUX.  [C] 

GHOREPISGOPUS  (X^ptwlvKwos)  = 
country  bishop,  vioarnu  epiacopi  (Come,  Ancyr,^ 
Neo-Caesar,^  Antioch,,  &c,  Isid.  Hispal.  De  Offh. 
EccL  ii.  6,  &c),  viUanua  epiaoopm  (CapH,  Car,  if* 
vii.  187),  vioanue  epiaoopua  (Hincmar),  as  opposed 
to  the  oathedralia  epiaoopm  (Du  Gauge); — ^to 
be  distinguished,  as  being  stationary,  from  the 
vcpioSf  vr^s  or  viaitaiWf  who  itinerated,  although 
the  two  became  often  confounded  together : — a 
class  of  ministers  between  bishops  proper  and 
presbyters,  defined  in  the  Arabic  venion  of  the 
Nicene  Canons  to  be  *'  loco  episcopi  super  villas 
et  monasteria  et  sacerdotes  .villarum ;"  called 
into  existence  in  the  latter  part  of  the  3rd  cen- 
tury, and  first  in  Asia  Minor,  in  order  to  m«et 
the  want  of  episcopal  superviiton  in  the  countxr 

2  A 


354 


0H0BEPIS00PU8 


parts  of  the  now  enlarged  dioceses  without  sub- 
division : — first  mentioned  in  the  Councils  of 
Ancyra  and  Neo-Caesarea,  A.D.  314,  and  again  in 
the  Coancil  of  Nice  (which  is  subscribed  by  fifteen, 
all  from  Asia  Minor  or  Sjria);  sufficiently  im- 
portant to  require  restriction  by  the  time  of  the 
Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341 ;  and  continuing 
to  exist  in  the  East  until  at  least  the  9th  cen- 
tury, when  they  were  supplanted  by  (^apx^^ 
[ExABCHi] :— fint  mentioned  in  the  West  in  the 
Council  of  Riez,  A.D.  439  (the  Epistlee  of  Pope 
Damasus  I.  and  of  Leo  M.  respecting  them  being 
forgeries),  and  continuing  there  (but  not  in 
Africa,  principally  in  France)  until  about  the 
10th  century,  after  which  the  name  occurs  (in  a 
decree  of  Pope  Damasus  U.  ap.  Sigeb.  m  atL  1048) 
as  equivalent  to  archdeacon,  an  office  from  which 
the  Arabic  Nicene  canons  expressly  distinguish  it. 
The  functions  of  chorepiaoopif  as  well  as  their 
name,  were  of  an  episcopal,  not  of  a  presbyterial 
kind,  although  limited  to  miaor  offices.  They 
overlooked  tiie  country  district  committed  to 
them,  ^  loco  episcopi,"  ordaining  readers,  exorcists, 
subdeacoQS,  but,  as  a  rule,  not  deacons  or  pres- 
byters (and  of  course  not  bishops),  unless  by 
express  permission  of  their  diocesan  bishop.  They 
confirmed  in  their  own  districts,  and  (in  Qaul)  are 
mentioned  as  consecnting  churches  (Du  Cange). 
They  granted  clpi|Mica2,  or  letters  dimiasory, 
which  country  presbyters  were  forbidden  to  do. 
They  had  also  the  honorary  privilege  (ti/m^- 
fAtPoi)  of  assisting  at  the  celebration  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  in  the  mother  citv  church,  which 
country  presbyters  had  not.  (Cono*  Ancyr.  can. 
xiii. ;  *  aeo-Caeaour,  can.  xiv. ;  Antioch.  can.  x. ; 
St.  Basil,  M.  EpisL  181 ;  Rab.  Maur.  De  Instit 
Cler.  i.  5 ;  &c.  &c)  They  were  held  therefore  to 
have  the  power  of  ordination,  but  to  lack  juris- 
diction, save  subordinately.  And  the  actual  ordi- 
nation of  a  presbyter  bv  Timotheus,  a  chorepi- 
aoopns,  is  recorded  (Pallad.  Hist,  Lausiao,  106). 
The  office  also  offered  an  opportunity  for  a  com- 
promise in  cases  of  schism,  of  which  the  Nicene 
Council  availed  itself,  by  authorising  a  Catholic 
bishop  (among  other  alternatives)  to  find  a  place 
as  chorepiscopua  for  any  reconciled  Novatian 
bishop  {Cone,  Nie,  can.  viii.).  And  the  same 
council  (Episi.  Syn.  in  Socrat.  i.  9)  places  recon- 
ciled Meletian  bishops  also  in  a  somewhat  similar 
position,  although  not  calling  it  by  the  name 
itself.  It  was  found  also  a  convenient  mode  of  dis- 
posing of  *^  vacant "  bishops,  when  such  occurred. 
The  office  continued  to  exist  among  the  later 
Eastern  sects  also:  sc  among  the  Jacobite 
Syrians,  where  the  chorepiaoopus  proper,  who 
presided  over  a  rural  district,  is  distinguished, 
both  from  a  titular  ohorepiaoopus^  more  properly 
archipre^Ur  or  proto-pope,  who  was  a  kind  of 
leading  presbyter  in  the  episcopal  city,  and  firom 
the  ircfMoSf vr j^s  or  viaitatory  who  went  circuit ; 
and  among  the  Nestorians,  where  also  both  chor- 
epiacopua  and  vcpteSfvr^t  existed,  as  distinct 
classes  (Denzinger,  Mit.  OriewL  Proleg,  116,  sq. ; 
and  see  also  the  Arabic  version  of  the  Nioene 
canons,  cans.  58  to  70).  In  both  these  bodies 
the  chorepiacopi  were  presbyters.  And  in  one 
ritual  they  are  appointed  without  imposition  of 
hands  (Denzing.  ft6.).  In  the  West,  ua,  chiefly 
in  Gaul,   the  order  appears  to  have  prevailed 

•  For  toe  meaning  of  this  canon  and  Its  various  read- 
ingit,  see  Boath,  MeUq.  Stac  iii.  430-439. 


CH0BEPI8C0PUS 

more  widely,  to  have  usurped  episcopal  functions 
without  due  subordination  to  the  diocesans,  and 
to  have  been  also  taken  advantage  of  by  idle  or 
worldly  diocesans.  In  consequence  it  seems  to 
have  arons«i  a  strong  feeling  of  hostiiity,  which 
shewed  itself,  first  in  a  series  of  papal  bulls, 
condemning  them;  headed,  it  is  true,  by  two 
forged  letters  respectively  of  Damasus  I.  and 
Leo  M.  (of  which  the  latter  is  merely  an  inter- 
polated version  of  Cone  JSiapaL  II.  aj>,  619, 
can.  7,  adding  chorepiaoopi  to  pratibyteri,  of  which 
latter  the  oouiGil  raslly  treats)^  but  continuing  in 
a  more  genuine  form,  firom  Leo  HI.  down  to  Pope 
Nicholas  I.  (to  Rodolph,  Archbishop  of  Bourges, 
A.D.  864);  the  last  of  whom,  however,  t^es 
the  more  moderate  line  of  afiirming  choripiaoopi 
to  be  really  bishops,  and  consequently  refusing 
to  annul  their  ordinations  of  presbyters  and 
deacons  (as  previous  popes  had  done),  but  orders 
them  to  keep  within  canonical  limits ;  and 
secondly,  in  a  series  of  condliar  decrees, — Cbne. 
RaUapon,  A.D.  800,  in  Capit.  tit.  iv.  c.  1,  Porta. 
A.D.  829,  lib.  i.  c  27,  Maid,  AJ),  845,  can.  44» 
Matana.  a.d.  888,  can.  8,  and  CapUtd.  v.  168, 
vi.  119,  viL  187,  810,  323,  824,-— annulling  aU 
episoopal  acts  of  okorapiaoopij  and  ordering  them 
to  be  repeated  by  **  true "  bishops ;  and  finally 
forbidding  all  further  appointments  of  chor^pi^ 
aoopi  at  all.  The  title  however  lingered  on  for 
some  centuries,  in  France  and  Germany,  as  applied 
to  various  cathedral  dignitaries  in  particular 
cathedrals,  but  in  senses  wholly  irrelevant  to  its 
original  and  proper  meaning  (see  instances  in 
Du  Cange). 

That  chor^Maoopi  as  such — i,a,  omitting  the 
cases  of  reconciled  or  vacant  bishops  above  men- 
tioned, of  whose  episcopate  of  course  no  question 
is  made — ^were  at  first  truly  bishops,  both  in 
East  and  West,  appears  almost  certain,  both  from 
their  name  and  Ainctions,  and  even  from  the 
arguments  of  their  strong  opponents  just  spoken 
ofl  If  nothing  more  could  be  urged  against  them, 
than  that  the  Council  of  Neo-Caesarea  compared 
them  to  the  70  disciples, — ^that  the  Council  of 
Antioch  authorises  their  consecration  by  a  single 
bishop,  and  that  they  actually  were  so  conse- 
crated (the  Antiochene  decree  m^ht  mean  merely 
nomination  by  the  word  yipaarBcu,  but  the  actuid 
history  seems  to  rule  the  term  to  intend  con- 
secration, and  the  [one]  exceptional  case  of  a 
chorapiaoopua  recorded  lAoU.  Epiao,  Gmomtm. 
ap.  Du  Cange]  in  late  times  to  have  been  or- 
diuned  by  three  bishops  [in  order  that  he  might 
be  a  full  bishop],  merely  proves  the  general  rule 
to  the  contrary), — and  that  they  were  conse- 
crated for  *'  villages,"  contrary  to  canon, — then 
they  certainly  were  bishops.  And  Pope  Nicholas 
expressly  says  that  they  were  so.  Undoubtedly 
they  ceued  to  be  so  in  the  East,  and  were  prac- 
tically merged  in  archdeacons  in  the  West.  And 
the  non-episcopal  nature  of  the  ftmetioBs  to 
which  they  came  to  be  limited  would  naturally 
lead  to  such  a  result.  The  language  of  the 
canons  and  of  the  Fathers  (e,g.  St.  BasiL  M. 
above  quoted,  or  again  St.  Athanasins  \Apol,  ii. 
Opp,  L  200],  who  distinguishes  them  both  from 
bishops  proper  and  from  presbyters,  and  again 
both  frcni  city  and  from  country  presbyters), 
naturally  implies  that  at  first  they  were  bishops 
in  the  common  sense  of  the  word.  The  special 
rites  in  the  East  for  their  appointment  probablj 
belong  to  a  time  when  they  had  undoubtedly 


OUORISTEB 

tlMre  timk  down  into  presbyten.  It  ought  io 
be  nidf  howeyer,  tbat  aathoritiM  are  divided 
upon  the  qacition :  English  writen  mainly  (Be- 
veridge,  Hammond,  Gaye,  Bingham,  Ronth,  to 
whom  may  be  added  the  weighty  authority  of 
Van  Espen)  asserting  their  episcopal  character, 
while  others  (see  a  list  in  Bing.  XL  xiy.  2,  8, 
to  which  may  be  added  Morinus  and  Dn  Cange) 
allege  them  to  haye  been  presbyters.  It  need 
hardly  be  said  that  they  are  not  identical  with 
either  ooadftsiors  or  mffragamj  properly  so  called : 
although  they  do  bear  a  olose  resemblance  to 
such  bishops  as,  e.g,  the  Bishop  of  Dover  in  pre- 
Reformation  times  in  England,  and  to  the  sundry 
Irish  and  foreign  and  other  stray  bishops,  who 
are  found  so  numerously  doing  the  work  of 
bigUsh  bishops  for  them  in  the  12th  to  the  16th 
centunea,  and  to  the  suffhigans  as  intonded  by 
Henry  VIII.,  and  now  actually  reyived  in  England. 
(Bellann.  J)6  ChrioiSj  a  17 ;  Cellot.  De  ffieraroh, 
iv.  U;  Morinus,  J)e  Sao.  Ord.  and  J)i$9ert,;  De 
Marca,  De  Cowxird,^  ^  ii.  13 }  Du  Cange ;  Suicer ; 
Bil^sham ;  Van  Espen.)  |X  W.  H.] 

CH0BI8TEB.    [Cawtob.] 

CHRESTIAMI.  A  heathen  yariation  of  the 
name  Christiani.  Instead  of  Xpurrhsy  the  more 
classical  word,  X^orks,  gracious  or  good,  was 
eommonly  supposed  to  have  been  the  name  or  title 
by  which  Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  distinguished, 
and  his  followers  therefore  were  called  Chrestiani. 
The  mistake  is  noticed  by  Justin  Martyr,  Ter- 
tnllian,  Lactantlus,  and  others,  but  the  name 
having  a  good  signification,  they  do  not  wholly 
reject  it.  TertuUian  however  remonstrates  with 
the  enemies  of  the  faith  for  prosecuting  Chris- 
tians merely  fbr  their  name,  a  name  which,  ac- 
cording to  either  derivation,  ought  to  command 
admiration  rather  than  hatred.  '*  Christianns, 
quantum  intorpretatio  est,  de  unctione  dedudtur. 
8ed  et  chm  perperam  Chrestianus  pronundatur 
a  vobis  (nam  nee  nominis  oerta  est  notitia  penes 
vos)  de  suavitato  vel  benignitato  cbmpositum  est. 
Oditnr  ergo  in  hominibus  innocuis  etiam  nomen 
ianocunm"  (TertuL  Apoi.  c.  3;  Bingham,  L 
«  11).  [D.  B.] 

CHBISM.  (M^poy,  Xpfcr/ut;  Chrwna.  The 
latter  word  is  sometimes  fmnMne:  '^misdtat 
ipsam  chrismam,"  Ordo  Mom,  L  c.  42.)  The 
sacred  oU  or  unguent  used  in  the  ceremony  of 
baptism.  The  term  is  also  used  so  as  to  include 
the  oU  blessed  for  the  unction  of  catechumens  and 
of  the  sick. 

St.  Basil  {De  Spiritu  S.  o.  66  [[al.  27])  mentions 
the  blessing  of  the  oil  of  anomting  for  use  in 
baptism  as  one  of  the  observances  derived  from 
the  earliest  times  by  unwritten  tradition.  The 
earliest  extant  testimonies  to  its  use,  whether  in 
baptism  or  in  other  ceremonies  of  the  church, 
are  the  following. 

TertuUian  {Jue  Bapiismo,  c  7)  says,  **next, 
coming  forth  from  the  baptismal  font,  we  are 
anointed  with  oil  blessed  according  to  the  pri- 
mitive ordinances,  in  accordance  with  which  men 
were  snointed  with  oil  from  the  horn  as  a  con- 
secration for  the  priesthood."  He  seems  to 
regard  the  anointing  with  oil  as  a  symbol  of  the 
aniversal  priesthood  of  Christians. 

St.  Cyprian  (Kpiet,  70,  c.  2,  p.  768,  ed.  Hftrtel) 
speaks  of  the  oil  sanctified  on  the  altar,  with 
whi-*b  the  baptized  are  anointed  [BAPTiaii];  and 


CHRI8K 


355 


this  oil,  he  says,  the  heretics  who  had  no  true 
altar  could  not  have. 

In  the  ApoetoKocd  ConeiUviiona  (vii.  43,  $  3, 
and  44,  §  1)  the  direction  is  given,  immediately 
after  baptism,  'Met  the  ministnut  anoint  the 
person  baptized  with  unguent  (m^^X  sayinpr 
over  it,  *  Lord  God  .  .  grant  that  this  unguent 
may  so  effectually  work  upon  him  that  is  bap- 
tized that  the  sweet  savour  of  Thy  Christ  may 
abide  in  him  fixed  and  firm."  In  this  case,  the 
unguent  was  evidently  perfumed.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  passage  to  suggest  that  it  had 
undergone  any  previous  consecration. 

Gregory  of  Nasianzus  (Orat  46,  m  Jnlian.) 
speaks  of  oil  sanctified  or  consecrated  on  the 
spiritual  and  divine  Table)  Optatus  of  Milevis 
(C  Donatiat  vii.  p.  102)  says  that  this  ointment 
b  compounded  (conditur)  in  the  name  of  Christ ; 
and  the  Pseudo-Dionyslus  {De  ffierarch,  Eccles, 
0.  4)  mentions  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in 
the  consecration  of  it. 

The  privilege  of  consecrating  chrism  was  in 
comparatively  early  times  strictly  confined  to 
the  episcopal  order.  The  twentieth  canon  of  the 
first  council  of  Toledo  (A.D.  398)  censures  those 
presbytors  who  ventured  to  prepare  chrism  for 
themselves,  and  desiree  them  to  send  a  deacon  or 
subdeacon  to  fetch  the  chrism  from  the  bishop, 
so  as  to  be  in  time  fbr  the  festivities  of  Easter 
Day.  To  the  same  effect  writes  Bishop  Montauus 
to  the  clergy  of  Palenda  and  to  Theoribius 
(Hardouin's  CoHcffia,  ii.  1143). 

The  greater  quantity  of  chrism  was  probably 
at  this  time  consecrated  immediately  before 
Easter,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  con- 
secration was  as  yet  limited  to  a  particular  day ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  canon  above  cited  expressly 
lays  it  down  that  the  bishop  might  consecrate 
chriam  at  any  time.  But  in  the  5th  century  it 
became  an  established  custom  to  consecrate  the 
chrism  and  oil  for  use  throughout  the  year  on 
Maundy  Thursday.  Pope  Leo  complains  in  a 
letter  to  his  namesake,  the  Emperor  of  the  East 
(Epiat.  156,  p.  1324),  that  in  consequence  of  the 
murder  of  Proterius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  the 
oblation  was  prevented  and  no  chrism  was  con- 
secrated. Eligius  of  Noyon  (f  658),  preaching 
on  Maundy  "niursday  (Hom.  10  in  Coena  Donu 
p.  245,  Bibiioth.  Pair,  Cohn,)  speaks  of  chrism 
being  consecrated  on  that  day  throughout  the 
Christian  world.  In  the  empire  the  consecration 
on  Maundy  Thui-sday  was  enjoined  by  a  capitulary 
of  Charles  the  Great  (Condi.  Germaniae,  i.  342)'; 
yet  at  a  somewhat  later  dato  the  custom  had 
probably  not  become  universal;  for  a  synod  of 
Meaux  of  the  year  845  forbade  (canon  46)  the 
preparation  of  chrism  on  any  other  day,  as  if  such 
preparation  was  even  then  not  quite  unknown. 

The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  has  a  Jfi's^a  Chria* 
malia  on  Maundy  Thursday,  referring  to  the 
consecration  both  of  chrism  and  of  oil  for  the 
unction  of  the  sick  (Migne's  Patrol,  Ixxiv. 
p.  1099).  The  Gregorian  Sacramentary  has  also 
on  the  same  day  full  directions  for  the  con- 
secration of  oil  and  chrism  in  the  mass  (pp.  66- 
69);  the  ceremony  consists  of  benediction,  and 
breathing  on  the  prepared  unguent  [Ampultji]. 
With  this  may  be  compared  the  directions  of  the 
Ordo  Bom,  I.  (App.  c.  7,  p.  34),  which  are  pro- 
bably of  about  the  same  age.  Some  of  the  later 
Ordines  (see  0,  R,  X,  pp.  97,  ff. ;  XV,  pp.  480  f.) 
also  give  directions  for  the  benediction  of  chrism 

2  A  2 


356 


CHBISHAL 


GHBISTBfAS 


hj  the  pope  on  Maundy  Thursday.  It  appears 
from  the  Ordo  last  referred  to  that  it  was  at  one 
time  CTxstomary  for  the  pope  to  bless  chrism  only 
in  the  year  of  his  coronation,  and  every  seventh 
year  afterwards. 

It  appears  from  the  EtuAologion  that  in  the 
Greek  Church  also  the  blessing  of  chrism  is  one 
of  the  ceremonies  of  Maundy  Thursday. 

The  chrism  is  not  simple  oil,  but  oil  mixed 
with  balsam.  Elig^us  of  Noyon  (ffonu  8,  In 
Coena  Dom.^  tells  us  that  the  mingling  of  balsam 
with  the  oil  typifies  the  union  of  r^gal  and 
sacerdotal  glory.  Compare  Tertnllian  (S0  Bapt, 
7),  cited  above.  And  Gregory  the  Great  (7h 
Cantic.  i.  13)  refers  the  balsam  of  Engaddi  to 
that  balsam  which,  mixed  with  oil  and  blessed 
by  the  bishop,  makes  chrism,  typifying  the  gifts 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  For  the  Eastern  Church, 
the  Pseudo-Dionysius  the  Areopc^te  testifies 
(Hierarch.  Eocl,  c  4)  that  the  sa^ed  unguent 
(jiipov)  or  chrism  is  composed  of  fingrant  sub- 
stances. The  modem  receipt  for  its  composition 
(as  given  in  the  Ewshologion)  prescribes,  in  fact, 
besides  oil  and  wine,  thirty-six  different  kinds  of 
aromatics. 

For  the  principal  uses  of  chrism,  see  Baftisx, 
Confirmation,  Obdinatiok.  [C] 

CHRISMAL  iCkrimdU).  (1)  The  vessel  or 
flask  in  which  the  consecrated  oil  or  Chrism 
was  contained  [Ampttlla]. 

(2)  A  vessel  for  the  reservation  of  the  conse- 
crated Host.  In  the  Rheims  MS.  of  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  (p.  432,  ed.  M^iard)  is  given  a 
'^  Praefatio  CSirismalis,"  while  the  Ordo  Romamu 
in  the  corresponding  place  has  the  rubric,  ^  Prae- 
fatio vasculi  in  quo  Eucharistia  reconditur."  It 
is  of  this  kind  of  chrismal  that  Egbert  {Penit. 
xii.  6 ;  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  CouncOs,  iii.  428) 
and  Halitgar  {Penit.  c  10,  p.  701,  Migne)  speak, 
as  of  a  vessel  which  the  priest  carrioi  with 
him  and  might  lose.  Some,  however,  take  this 
chrismal  for  the  Corporal. 

(8)  A  cloth  used  to  cover  relics.  In  the  Life 
ofEligius,  attributed  to  St.  Ouen  (ii.  71),  we 
read  of  a  miracle  wrought  upon  one  who  rubbed 
his  face  with  the  fringe  of  a  chrismal  which 
covered  the  relics  of  the  saint. 

(4)  Old-English  CAn'som.  The  white  cloth  laid 
over  the  head  of  one  newly  baptized,  after  the 
unction  with  chrism  [Baptism,  p.  163].  This 
cloth  is  called  in  Theodore's  FoenitentkU  (ii.  iv. 
7 ;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  193)  "  pannus  cris- 
matis;"  in  later  authors,  ^'vestis  chrismalis,' 
**  chrismalis  pannus,"  '*  mitra  baptizatorum, 
**  chrismale  capitum."     (Ducange,  «.  ©.)    [C] 

GHBISMARIUM.  The  vessel  in  which 
chrism  is  kept  (Council  of  Auxerre,  c.  6).  It  is 
sometimes  however  taken  for  a  reliquary  (Gre- 
gory of  Tours,  De  Mirac,  8.  Martini^  iv.  32 ; 
Kortunatus,  Vita  Germani  Paris,  c.  47).     [C] 

GHBISOM.    [Chrismal.] 

CHRIST,  PICJTURE8  OF.  [Jmtjs  Christ 
IN  Art.] 

CHRISTEMPOREIA,  Xpurrejuiroptfa— the 
selling  of  Christ — a  name  sometimes  employed 
m  the  5th  century  to  signify  simony.  During 
the  ages  of  persecution  there  was  no  place  for 
simoniacal  transactions:  but  when  the  higher 
offices  of  the  Church  brought  wealth  and  dignity 


>» 


n 


to  their  possessors,  there  were  not  wanting  am* 
bitious  and  worldly  men  who  sought  to  obtain 
such  offices  by  bribery  or  other  unworthy  means. 
To  check  and  prevent  such  discreditable  prac- 
tices, severe  laws  were  enacted  both  in  church  and 
state  an  early  as  the  5th  century.  The  Conncil 
of  Chalcedon  (c.  2)  decreed  that  if  any  bishop 
gave  ordination  or  an  ecclesiastical  office  or  pre- 
ferment of  any  kind  for  money,  he  himself  should 
lose  his  office  and  the  party  so  preferred  be  de- 
posed. Other  like  decrees  occur  in  the  so-called 
Apostolical  Canons  (c.  29),  the  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople under  Gennadius,  a.d.  459 ;  the  2nd 
Council  of  Orleans,  Bracara,  and  many  others. 
The  imperial  laws  also  were  no  less  stringent  in 
regard  to  this  abuse.  E.g.  it  was  enacted  by  one 
of  Justinian's  Novels  (123,  c.  IX  that  whenever  a 
bishop  was  to  be  chosen,  the  electors  should  take 
an  oath  and  insert  it  in  the  election  paper  that 
they  did  not  choose  him  for  any  gift  or  promise 
or  friendship,  or  any  other  cause,  but  only  be- 
cause they  knew  him  to  be  a  man  of  the  true 
Catholic  faith  and  of  unblamable  life  and  good 
learning.  And  in  another  law  (Novel  137,  c.  2) 
it  is  further  provided  that  the  party  elected 
shall  also  at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  take  an 
oath  upon  the  holy  Gospels  that  he  neither  gave 
nor  promised  by  himself  or  other,  nor  hereafter 
will  give  to  his  ordainer  or  to  his  electors,  or 
any  other  person,  anything  to  procure  him  an 
ordination.  And  for  any  bishop  to  ordain  another 
without  observing  the  rule  prescribed,  is  depo- 
sition, by  the  same  law,  both  for  himself  and  the 
person  so  ordained. 

These  were  some  of  the  securities  required  bv 
the  ancient  Church  against  the  practice  which 
they  stigmatized  by  the  designation  of  Christem- 
poreia  (Bingham,  iv.  3, 4).  [D.  B.] 

CHRISTENING.    [Baptism.] 

CHRISTIAOUM  CONCILIUM.  [Cresby.] 

CHRISTIANA,  or  CHRISTINA,  virgin, 
/AtyaXofidprvs,  martyr  at  Tyrus  in  Italy  (?) 
A.D.  200,  is  commemorated  July  24  {Mart.  Bedae, 
Bom,  Vet,,  Usuardi,  Col.  Byxawt.), 

CHRISTMAS  (Festival  op)  i^iiAjpa  y^ 
y4$\ioSf  ra  ytytBXia,  NataiiSy  Natalitia,  Na- 
tivitcu,  Domini,  &c.  From  the  latter  is  derived 
the  name  of  the  day  among  peoples  of  the  Latin 
race  [e.g.  the  French  Noe^  and  also  among  the 
Celtic  nations,  which  were  Christianized  by 
Latin-speaking  missionaries.  In  Germany  the 
day  is  called  the  Wei/inachtsfest  from  the  solemn 
vigils  which  preceded  the  festival  itself.  The 
English  Christmas  [so  the  Dutch  Kerstmisse, 
Keramis,  whence  Kerst-maend,  a  name  for  De- 
cember], analogous  to  such  forms  as  Candlemas, 
Lammas,  Michaelmas,  Childermas,  superseded 
the  older  name  Tule  [Anglo-Saxon,  ^^1  hy 
which  the  day  is  still  known  among  the  Scan- 
dinavian nations). 

L  Origin  of  Festival 

It  is  not  hard  to  understand  why  the  Christian 
Church  should  have  commemorated  by  an  annual 
festival  the  Saviour's  Incarnation.  How  far, 
however,  the  church  was  led  by  the  possession 
of  actual  historical  evidence  to  assign,  as  it  has 
done,  December  25  as  the  date  of  the  Nativity,  is 
a  matter  on  which  it   is  impossible   to  speak 


CHRISTMAS 

oihenrlM  than  moet  doubtfully.*  On  ih«  one 
bud,  due  weight  must  be  giyen  to  the  nna- 
nimonB  agreement  of  the  Western  Church  aa  far 
M  the  tradition  can  be  traced  back,  and  to  the 
almost  vniTeraal  acceptance  of  this  view  by  the 
Eastern  Chnrch  at  an  early  date.  It  is  certainly 
not  altogether  impossible  that  there  may  have 
been  some  tmstworthy  tradition,  some  fonnda- 
tion  for  Tertollian's  remark  as  to  the  archives  of 
the  Jews  stored  np  at  Rome,  some  slight  sub- 
stratum of  truth  underlying  the  legend  as  to  the 
mTeetigation  of  the  day  by  Julius  I.  (vide  iirfrd). 
Further,  sundry  independent  considerations, 
astronomical  and  otherwise,  tend  to  make  it 
probable  that  our  Lord's  birth  took  place  near 
the  end  of  the  year.  On  this  point  reference 
may  be  made  to  Seyfiarth's  Chronologia  SacrOj 
which  refers  the  Nativity  to  December  22  (p. 
239),  aee  also  Ideler,  Chrwiologie,  voL  ii.  pp.  385 
aqq.  On  the  other  hand,  some  have  argued  on 
various  grounds  in  fitvour  of  the  greater  pro- 
bability of  the  Nativity  having  been  in  the 
autumn.  Thus  Lightfoot  (JTorae  Hebraicae  et 
TabnuiUcae,  vol.  ii.  p.  32,  ed.  Gandell)  would 
make  it  coincide  with  the  Jewish  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, and  associate  it  with  that  Festival  in  the 
same  way  in  which  the  Passover  and  Easter, 
Pentecost  and  Whitsuntide  correspond.  His 
arguments  mainly  turn  on  the  interpretation  of 
Old  Testament  prophecies ;  e^.  our  Lord  died  in 
Nisan,  and  if  His  ministry  lasted  three  years  and 
a  halif  as  Lightfoot  infers  from  Daniel  iz.  27, 
then  since  our  Lord  at  the  beginning  of  His 
ministry  was  ir&¥  rpiAtcowra  kpx^f^*^^^  (Luke 
iii.  23X  we  have,  reckoning  back  fit>m  His  death, 
Tisri  or  September  for  the  season  of  His  birth. 
Again,  he  infers  from  a  comparison  of  Zechariah 
ziv.  16,  17,  that  it  would  be  most  improbable 
that  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  alone  of  the  three 
great  Jewish  festivals  should  foil  of  the  honour 
by  which  the  Passover  became  exalted  into  Easter, 
and  Pentecost  into  Whitsuntide.  To  decide  the 
matter  thus,  however,  in  the  absence  of  any  more 
tangible  historical  evidence,  is  obviously  unsafe. 
To  the  same  end  bat  on  different  grounds  argues 
Jablonsky  (JXttertationes  iu  de  origine  Fe$U 
NativOatis  Ckritti  m  Eoclena  Christiana  quo- 
iannit  stato  die  oelebrari  aoKtOy  in  his  Opuscuiciy 
voL  iii.  pp.  317  sqq.  Amsterdam  1809.  See  also 
Jftinter,j6sr  iStem  der  TTtnam,  p.  110,  Copenhagen 
1827X  maintaining  for  example  that  St.  Luke's 
statement  (ii.  S\  of  the  shepherds  keeping  watch 
over  their  flocks  by  night  would  hardly  have 
been  possible  on  the  assumption  of  the  December 
date,  seeing  that  it  would  then  have  been  the 
rainy  season,  and  the  flocks  would  therefore  have 
been  under  shelter.  A  further  discussion,  how- 
ever, on  this  point  rather  belongs  to  the  province 
«f  Biblical  Chronology. 

Jf  any  learned  men  have  seen  in  the  particular 
period  at  which  we  celebrate  Christmas,  evidence 
m  fovour  of  our  viewing  the  Christian  festival 
*t  an  adaptation  of  previously  existing  Jewish  or 
heathen  festivals ;  to  the  more  striking  views  of 
this  kind  we  shall  now  briefly  refer. 

»  Even  in  very  <>srl7  Umes  tbe  great  anoertalnty  of  the 
matter  was  clearly  felu  Thus  Jacob,  bishop  of  EdesM 
(ob.  ftTS  AJ>.).  ia  quoted  by  Diooyrius  Bar-SaliU  as  aaylng, 
*  No  one  knows  exactly  tbe  day  of  the  nativity  of  the 
lioid :  thla  only  ia  certain,  ftom  what  Lake  writes,  that 
He  waa  bom  in  the  night"  (AaKtaani,  BHiL  Or.  voL  iL 


GHBISTlfAS 


857 


(a)  Some,  88  Oldermann  (I>tf /dsfo  .S^ioamioruiii 
Judiico,  origitw  festi  NaiivUatie  ChrieU,  1715) 
have  viewed  Christmas  as  a  continuation  and 
development  of  the  Jewish  Feast  of  the  Dedica* 
tion,  a  festival  of  eight  days'  duration  beginning 
on  Clsleu  25  (=  December  17),  which  was  the 
anniversary  of  the  purification  of  the  temple  by 
Judas  Maocabaeus  after  the  outrages  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  (see  1  Mace  iv.  52-59;  2  Mace  x. 
1-8 ;  Joeephus,  Antiq.  xii.  7,  6).  Still  while 
there  seem  to  be  several  coincidences  between  the 
two  feasts,  such  a  transference  from  Judaism  to 
Christianity  of  which  no  hint  whatever  is  given 
in  early  times  is  exceedingly  unlikely. 

(3)  Others  have  derived  it  from  some  one  or 
other  of  the  Roman  festivals  held  in  the  latter 
part  of  December,  as  the  ScttwnaliOf  or  the  Sigil-' 
Uxria  which  followed  them,  or  the  Juvenalia 
established  by  Nero.  A  more  striking  parallel, 
however,  than  any  of  these  is  to  be  found  in  the 
BrvmaUOj  or  the  Natalie  Invicti  [Solis"],  when 
the  Sun,  then  at  the  winter  solstice,  was,  as  it 
were,  bom  anew,  even  as  Christ  the  Sun  of 
Righteousness  then  dawned  upon  the  world. 
This  is  the  view  of  Wemsdorf,  De  origine  SoUem- 
fUum  Natalie  Christi  exfettivitaU  Natalie  Invictu 
Wittenberg  1757  ;  of  Jablonsky  partly  rsuprci] ; 
also  of  Mr.  King  (Onoetice  and  their  Aemaine, 
p.  49),  who  derives  the  Roman  festival  from  the 
Mithras-worship  of  the  Sun.  Then  as  Mith- 
raidsm  gradually  blended  with  Christianitv, 
changing  its  name  but  not  altogether  its  sub- 
stance, many  of  its  ancient  notions  and  rites 
passed  over  too,  and  the  Birthday  of  the  Sun, 
the  visible  manifestation  of  Mithitu  himself,  was 
transferred  to  the  commemoration  of  the  Birth 
of  Christ.  Numerous  illustrations  of  the  above 
remarks  may  be  found  in  ancient  inscriptions, 
e.g.  SOLI  INVICTO  ET  LUNAE  AETERNAE 
C.  VETO  GERMANI  UB.  DUO  PARATUS  ET 
HERMES  DEDERUNT,  or  HAIA  MiePA  ANl- 
KHTA  (Gruter,  Inecriptiones  Antiquae^  p.  xxxiii.) 
In  the  legend  on  the  reverse  of  the  copper  coins 
of  Constantino,  SOLI  INVICFO  COMITI,  re- 
tained long  after  his  conversion,  there  is  at  once 
an  idea  of  the  ancient  Sun-God,  and  of  the  new 
Sun  of  Righteousness.  The  supporters  of  this 
theory  cite  various  passages  ftom  early  Christian 
writers  indicating  a  recognition  of  this  view. 
The  sermon  of  Ambrose,  quoted  by  Jablonsky,  is 
certainly  spurious,  and  is  so  marked  in  the  best 
editions  of  his  works ;  it  furnishes,  however,  an 
interesting  illustration  of  an  early  date.  *  The 
ge  runs  thus,  **  Bene  quodammodo  sanctum 


nunc 


tunc  diem  Natalie  Domini  Solem  novum  vulgus 
appellat,  et  tanta  sui  auctoritate  id  confirmat, 
ut  Juda^  etiam  atque  Gentiles  in  banc  vocem 
consentiant.  Quod  libenter  amplectandum  nobis 
est,  quia  oriente  Salvatore,  non  solum  humani 
generis  salus,  sed  etiam  soils  ipsius  claritas  in- 
novatur'*  (Serm,  6,  in  Appendioe  p.  897,  ed. 
Bened.).  In  the  Latin  editions  of  Chrysostom  is 
a  homily,  wrongly  ascribed  to  him,  but  probably 
written  not  long  after  his  time,  in  which  we  read, 
'*  Sed  et  Invioti  Natalem  appellant.  Quis  utique 
tarn  invictus  nisi  Dominus  noster,  qui  mortem 
snbactam  devidt?  Vel  quod  dicunt  ScKe  eeee 
Natalem^  ipee  eet  Sol  Justitiae^  de  quo  Malachias 
propheta  dixit,  OrieUir  vobb  timentibus  nomen 
ipsius  Sol  Justitiae  et  sanitas  est  in  pennis  ejus  " 
{Serma  de  Nativitate  S,  Joannie  JBaptietae: 
vol  iL  1113,  ed.  Paris,  1570>    Leo  the  Great 


358 


CHRISTMAS 


GHBISTMAS 


finds  fault  with  the  baneftil  persaasion  of  aome 
^  quibus  haec  dies  toleiniutatiB  nostrae,  non  tam 
de  Nativitata  Christi,  qnam  dt  wnti  vt  dicwnt 
90lU  oriUy  honorabiKa  ^ridetur"  (^Serm,  22,  §  6, 
Tol.  L  p.  72,  ed.  Ballarini).  Again,  the  same 
father  obserres,  **  Sed  hanc  adorandam  in  caelo 
et  in  terra  Natiyitatem  nuilns  nobis  dies  magis 
quam  hodiernns  insinoat,  et  noTa  etiam  in  ele- 
mentis  luce  radiante,  coram  {aL  totam)  sensibns 
nostris  mirabilis  sacramenti  ingerit  daiitatem  " 
{Serm,  26,  §  1,  p.  87> 

We  may  farther  dte  one  or  two  instances  from 
ancient  Christian  poets :  Pmdentios,  in  his  hymn 
Ad  Nataieni  Domini,  thns  speaks  (fiathemerinon 
zi.  init.,  p.  364,  ed.  Areyalvs)  >^ 

*'  Quid  est,  quod  arctnm  drcnhim 
Sol  Jam  Kcnrrens  dewrit  ? 
Christnsne  terrls  nasdtitf 
Qui  luds  aoeet  txamitan?" 

Paulinas  of  Nola  also  (Poema  ziv.  15-19,  p.  382, 
ed.  Maratori) : — 

"  Nam  post  soistittom,  quo  Qulstas  corpore  nstus 

Sole  noTo  gelldae  mutavit  tempoia  bromse^ 

Atque  BalutlfiBrum  praestans  mortalibus  criiUB, 

Prooedente  die,  secam  decreeoere  noctes 

Juflsit** 

* 

Reference  may  also  be  made  to  an  extract  in 
Assemani  (^Bibl.  Or,  ii.  163)  from  Dionysius  Bar- 
Salibi,  bishop  of  Amida,  which  shows  traces  of  a 
similar  feeling  in  the  East;  also  to  a  passage 
from  an  anon3rmou8  Syrian  writer,  who  distinctly 
refers  the  fixing  of  the  day  to  tiie  aboTe  cause ; 
we  are  not  disposed,  however,  to  attach  much 
weight  to  this  last  passage.  More  important  for 
our  purpose  is  the  injunction  of  a  council  of  Rome 
<743  A.D.)  '^Ut  nuUos  Kalendas  Januarias  et 
broma  (=:brumalia)  colore  pinesnmpserit "  (can. 
9,  Labbtf  ri.  1548),  which  shows  at  any  rate  that 
for  a  long  time  after  the  .fall  of  heathenism, 
many  traces  of  heathen  rites  still  remained.  A 
similar  mention  is  found  also  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Qttinisext  Council  (692  A.D.),  riis  odrv 
KeyofUtras  KaKdfUas  teal  r&  Kako^fMpa  Bpou/iA?ua 
(can.  66,  Ubbe'vi.  1170> 

(y)  Others  hare  e^en  derired  Christmas  from 
the  Northern  festival  {yule)  in  December,  in 
honour  of  Freya  (of.  Loccenius,  Antiq,  SHechGoth. 
lib.  i.  c.  5,  Holmiae,  1645;  Scfaefler,  Vptaiia 
Antiquay  p.  296,  Upsal,  1666> 

(9)  Jablonsky,  while  considering,  as  we  have 
said,  that  in  the  festival  of  the  Natalia  Invicti 
is  to  be  fbund  the  origin  of  the  celebration  of 
our  Lord'a  Nativity  by  the  Roman  Church,  main- 
tains (op.  cU*  ppw  361  sqq.)  that  the  Christians 
deriv«i  this  festival  primarily  from  the  fiasili- 
dians.  These^  as  we  learn  from  a  passage  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria  dted  at  length  )>elow, 
celebrated  Christ's  baptism  as  being  His  mani- 
festation to  the  world  on  Tubi  11  (= January  6X 
and  Jablonsky  argues  that  this  particular  day 
was  suggested  to  them  by  the  f^^tian  festivtd 
of  the  Inventio  OairicUa  or  Fettum  Otiridia  noti 
or  renati  (cC  Juvenal  viii.  29;  Athenagoras, 
LeffatiOf  c.  22,  p.  299,  ed.  llaranusX  itself  a  com- 
memoration of  the  renewed  life  of  the  sun  from 
year  to  year,  which  he  thinks  was  celebrated  on 
that  day.  (On  this  last  point,  however,  much 
doubt  exists.  Wyttenbach,  Animadversiones  in 
rivtarcki  Moralia  ;  De  laide  et  Oeiride,  p.  366  F, 
considers  that  if  Plutarch*s  text  is  correct,  the 
festival  took  place  in  Athyr  or  November,  and 


Kircher,  Oedipus  Aegyptiaova^  vol.  ii.  part  2,  pw 
262,  would  fix  it  in  Choeao  or  December.) 

(e)  Some  writers  have  argued  that  the  Chris- 
tian festival  was  not  so  much  a  transformation 
of  a  previously  existing  non-Christian  one,  as  an 
independent  festival  set  op  as  a  counter-cele- 
bration at  the  same  time  with  the  heathen  fes- 
tival; this  distinction,  however,  is  rather  ap- 
parent than  real.  Augusti,  for  example  {Deti-' 
Kiirdigkeiten,  voL  L  p.  226^  eees  in  it  a  standing 
protest  against  those  sects  which  denied  or  ol^ 
scured  the  great  truth  of  the  Incarnation,  such 
as  the  Manichaeans,  Gnostics,  Priscillianists,  and 
the  Uke. 

II.  Hitiory  of  Festival 

We  do  not  find  in  the  earliest  Christian  times 
uniformity  of  observance  as  to  the  day  on  which 
our  Lord  s  Nativity  was  commemorated.  The 
earliest  allusion  to  it  is  made  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  and  is  of  so  much  importance  that 
we  shall  give  it  at  length.  After  speaking  of 
the  year  of  our  Lord's  birth,  he  proceeds :  ''And 
there  are  some  who  over  curiously  (vc^ie/y- 
yiiT^pov)  assign  not  only  the  year  but  even  tha 
day  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour,  which  they  sav 
was  in  the  28th  year  of  Augustus,  on  the  25th 
day  of  Pachon.i>  And  the  followers  of  Basilides 
celebrate  also  the  day  of  His  baptism  (ol  84  kwh 
B.  mU  roD  /Sairrfo'/uaTSs  eArov  r^r  ^pipa9  kopr^ 
(btHTi),  spending  the  night  before  in  readings, 
and  they  say  that  it  was  in  Uie  15th  year  of 
Tiberius  Csesar,  on  the  15th  of  the  month  Tubi, 
but  some  say  that  it  was  on  the  11th  of  the 
same  month.  .  .  ,  Further,  some  of  them  say 
that  he  was  bom  on  the  24th  or  2«'>th  of  Phar- 
nuthi."  {Stramaiay  lib.  i.  c.  21,  vol  i.  p.  407,  ed. 
Potter).  The  two  days  here  spedfied  as  thoee 
on  which  the  Nativity  was  celebrated,  Fachon 
25,  and  Pharmuthi  24  or  25,  are  respectively 
May  20,  April  21  or  22  (see  Bede,  De  temporum 
reitione,  ell;  Patrol,  xc  345).  Jablonsky  (op. 
ctf.),  and  Le  Nourry  (/it  diem.  Alex,  opp,  Diw. 
ii.  art.  5)  infer  f^m  the  language  of  Clement 
that  Tul4  11  or  15  (January  6  or  10)  was  ob- 
served by  the  followers  of  Basilides  as  the  day 
of  the  baptism  aa  well  aa  of  the  Natioitif,  We 
should  venture  to  doubt  this  idea,  but  it  is  per- 
haps supported  by  the  passage  cited  below  from 
Epiphanius.  Gieseler  also  {KirditngeBchifMe^ 
vol.  L  p.  154,  ed.  3)  considers  the  inference  in- 
correct. 

We  may  probably  assume  the  above-quoted 
passage  to  be  decidve  against  any  general  cele- 
bration of  the  Nativity  in  Clement's  time.  Pos- 
sibly indeed,  though  as  we  have  already  said  the 
inference  seems  doubtfVd,  he  may  refer  to  a  cele- 
bration o(  the  day  by  some  of  the  sects  of  the 
time,  since  he  speaks  of  the  Basilidians  '*  observ- 
ing aho  the  day  of  the  baptism."  Further,  it 
would  seem  as  if  Clement  rather  censured  the 
attempt  to  fix  accurately  the  day  of  our  Lord's 
birth,  itself  conclusive  evidence  against  a  general 
recognition  of  the  festival  in  Clement's  time. 

It  was  the  general  custom  in  esrly  times,  in 
the  East,  to  fix  the  Nativity  on  January  6,  which 
thus  served  ss  the  anniversary  both  for  the  Birth 

b  Ideler  (op.  cU.  \i.  38?  n.)  suggests  a*  a  lesson  for  this 
fixing  of  the  day  on  the  part  of  the  UgypUaos^  that  hear. 
iiig  Christ  was  bom  in  the  9th  month,  they  referred  it  to 
the  9th  month  of  their  own  calendar. 


CHRISTMAS 


CHBISTMAS 


859 


and  th«  EpiphaDjt  An  illustratioii  of  this,  not 
howeT«r  «ppljing  to  ^n  Oriental  Church,  maj 
perhaps  be  derived  from  the  acoounU  of  the  visit 
of  Julian  the  Apostate,  when  at  Vienne  in  Gaul, 
to  a  church  with  the  view  of  seeming  in  accord 
with  the  religion  of  his  soldiery.  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  (lib.  zzi.  c  2)  speaks  of  this  visit 
as  taking  place  on  the  Epiphany  ('*  feriarum  die 
quern  celebrantes  mense  Januario  Christiani  £pi- 
phania  dictitant  **\  and  Zonaras  {Amwl.  lib.  ziii. 
c.  11)  on  the  Nativity  (rris  y9vt9>Jiov  <r»r^pos 
itfUpaa  k^9TtiKvtas)*  It  is  just  possible,  however, 
that  the  references  may  be  to  different  events. 

To  derive  illustrations  of  the  practice  from 
distinctly  Eastern  sources,  we  may  refer  in  the 
iirst  place  to  a  letter  attributed  to  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem, which  professes  to  be  addressed  by  him 
to  Julius,  bishop  of  Rome,  on  this  subject.  This 
letter,  though  a  palpable  forgery,  affords  inter- 
esting evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  practice 
of  combining  the  two  feasts  on  January  6.  We 
derive  our  knowledge  of  it  from  two  sources : 
(1)  a  summary  of  it  given  in  a  letter,  De  Nati» 
vUate  Domini,  of  John,  bishop  of  Nicaea  (end  of 
the  9th  or  beginning  of  the  10th  century)  to 
ZachariaSjCatholicos  of  Armenia  Major  (Combefis, 
HaeretU  MonotAelit.  pp.  298  sqq.) ;  and  (2)  an 
anonymous  'Apeeyitala  8i^7i}o-tf,  published  by 
Cotelier  from  a  MS.  in  the  Library  of  Paris  (^Pcb- 
ires  ApogtoUci,  L  316,  ed.  1724).  The  general 
substance  of  these  is  to  the  effect  that  the  bishop 
of  Jerusalem  complained  of  the  inconvenience  of 
celebrating  the  Nativity  and  the  Epiphany  on 
the  same  day,  seeing  that  as  he  went  in  person 
to  scenes  commemorated  by  these  events,  Beth- 
lehem and  the  Jordan,  it  was  difficult  to  perform 
both  journeys  in  one  day,  and  the  services  were 
necessarily  mutilated.  He  therefore  requests  in- 
formation as  to  the  proper  day  of  the  Nativity, 
adding  that  Titus  carried  away  to  Rome  the 
archives  of  the  Jews  from  which  the  fkct  might 
be  cleared  up.  (For  this  point,  cf.  TertuUian 
contra  Mareionmn,  lib.  iv.  c.  7.)  The  pope  in 
answer  declares  that  he  has  examined  the  records 
and  finds  that  December  2*5  is  the  day  on  which 
the  Nativity  should  be  held.  The  latter  of  the 
two  documents  we  have  referred  to  adds  that 
this  decision  caused  much  murmuring — ^^'Now 
at  that  time  Gregory  Theologus  [Naziansen] 
was  at  Constantinople,  and  there  arose  no  small 
murmuring  among  the  citizens,  as  though  he  had 
been  dividing  the  feast,  and  they  said,  Thou  hast 
divided  the  feast,  and  art  casting  us  into  idol- 
atry." According  to  this  document  the  name  of 
the  bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  question  was  Juvenal, 
a  successor  of  Cyril  (see  Cyril.  Hierosol.  p.  S70, 
ed.  Toutt^).e 

A  possible  allusion  to  this  affair  may  be  cited 

*  The  nnhtatorlcal  character  of  these  documents  is 
eqaally  obvloos  whether  we  take  Cjrril  or  Juvenal :  Ibr 
JttUos'was  dead  nearly  a  oenttny  before  the  time  of  the 
latter.  Agdn  as  for  Qyrll,  the  letter,  sooontiDg  to  Ooieller'tf 
obvtoos  oorrectlon,  claims  to  be  written  not  hj  the  well- 
known  QfTil  ("who  wrote  to  ConstantiDe"  {leg.  Oon- 
■tantios]  OQooeining  the  appearance  of  the  luminous  cross 
over  Jeniaalem)b  bat  a  later  one  In  the  tfane  of  Valerius, 
mentioned  by  I^phaniaB  (fliaer.  Izvl.  ao).  This  however 
Is  fanpoadble,  for  the  end  of  the  pontlflcMe  of  Julius  only 
Jost  overlaps  that  of  QjrrlL  Even  If,  in  spite  of  the  letter, 
wa  referred  It  to  Cyrll  I.,  wo  are  no  better  off,  fur  it  Is 
clear  that  the  practice  of  oelebmiing  the  Nativity  and  the 
Kplpbany  together  continued  lu  Jerusalem  after  his  time. 


from  the  Lavdaiio  8.  SiephatU  by  Basil  of  Se- 
leuda,  who  flourished  at  the  time  of  the  Council 
of  Ephesus  {PaJtroL  Or,  Ixxzv.  469),  who  says  of 
Juvenal  that  he  **  began  to  celebrate  the  glorious 
and  adorable  salvation-bringing  Nativity  of  the 
Lord,"  which  not  improbably  means  celebrated 
as  a  distinct  festival.  Possibly  the  explanation 
of  the  whole  thing  is  that  Juvenal  initiated  some 
change  in  accorduioe  with  the  Western  practice, 
which  was  then  explained  as  a  direct  action  of  the 
Roman  See,  and  was  finally  associated  with  the 
more  famous  name  of  CyriL 

To  show  that  the  change  was  not  at  once  made 
in  Palestine,  we  may  further  appeal  to  the  Latin 
homily  De  Nativitaie  Dommiy  found  in  Latin  edi- 
tions of  Chrysostom,  which  though  not  received 
as  a  genuine  writing  of  that  Father,  is  assigned 
by  Touttes  (op.  dt,  p.  369)  to  the  4th  century 
or  the  beginning  of  the  5th.  The  writer  is  con- 
tending that  the  Western  plan  of  dividing  tJie 
festivals  is  correct,  and  finds  fault  with  Orientals 
who  clung  to  their  old  method  on  the  ground 
that  they  must  know  best  in  whose  land  our 
Lord's  earthly  life  was  past  (Chrysostom,  vol.  i. 
p.  1116,  ed.  Paris,  ^570). 

Important  testimony  on  this  point  may  be  de- 
rived from  Cosmas  Indioopleustes  (^TopograpMa 
Christiana,  lib.  v.;  FairoL  Qr.  Ixxzviii.  197), 
who  after  referring  to  the  message  of  the  angel 
to  Zacharias  and  tho  visit  of  the  Virgin  to  Eliza- 
beth, says  that  Christians  concur  in  celebrating 
the  Nativity  in  the  ninth  month,  on  Choeac  28 
(= December  24),  ''but  the  people  of  Jerusalem, 
as  though  iVom  what  the  blessed  Luke  says 
that  Christ  was  baptized  when  *  beginning  to  be 
about  thirty  years  old,'  celebrate  the  Nativity 
on  the  Epiphany."  He  then  appears  to  say  that 
the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  right  in  supposing 
that  our  Lord's  baptism  fell  on  the  anniversary 
of  His  birth,  but  that  the  Church  had  wisely 
postponed  the  celebration  of  one  of  these  events 
for  twelve  days  lest  either  festival  should  meet 
with  insufficient  attention.  Thus  Jerusalem  was 
incorrect  in  taking  the  later  day  for  the  anni- 
versary of  the  Nativity.  ''But  the  people  of 
Jerusalem  alone  by  a  reasonable  conjecture,  yet 
not  accurately,  celebrate  [the  Nativity]  on  the 
Epiphany,  and  on  the  Nativity  they  celebrate 
the  memory  of  David  and  of  James  the  Apostle." 
We  f^irther  gather  from  the  letter  of  John  of 
Nicaea  already  referred  to  (op.  dt,  1141)  that  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem  appealed  to  the  authority 
of  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  for  their  practice 
of  celebrating  the  Nativity  on  January  6.  He 
adds  that  in  the  time  of  Honorius  the  patriarchs 
of  Constantinople  (Chrysostom),  Alexandria,  Je- 
rusalem, and  Antioch  formally  acquiesced  in  the 
Western  plan. 

We  shall  now  adduce  evidence  to  show  that  the 
practice  of  the  Alezandrian  Church  agreed  in  this 
matter  with  that  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem.  In 
his  notes  to  his  Latin  translation  of  the  Arabic  Pre- 
face, Canons  and  Constitutions  of  the  Nicene  Coun- 
cil, Abraham  Ecchelensis  cites  from  the  Constitu- 
tions of  the  Alezandrian  Church,  "  In  die  autem 
Nativitatie  et  Epiphaniae  eo  tempore  quo  conci- 
lium Nicaenum  coactum  fbit,  praeceperunt  ejus 
patres  ut  noctu  missa  oelebretnr  "  (Labbe  ii.  402). 

Cassian'  again  (CoOatio  z.  c.  2 ;  Patrol,  zliz. 


*  It  would  almost  seem  as  though  there  were  grounds 
for  believing  the  change  to  have  taken  place  hi  Egypt  by 


360 


CHKISTMA8 


CHRISTMAS 


820)  speaks  of  it  as  the  custom  in  Egypt  in  his 
day :  **  intra  Aegypti  regionem  mos  iste  antiqua 
traditione  servatur,  at  peracto  Epiplianiorum 
die  quern  provinciae  illins  sacerdotes  yel  Domi- 
nici  Baptismi,  vel  secundam  carnem  Nativitatis 
esse  definiunt,  et  idcirco  utriusqne  sacramenti 
solemnitatem  non  bi&rie  ut  in  oodduis  pro- 
vinciis,  sed  una  diei  hujus  festivitate  oonoele- 
brant  .  .  .  ."  (cf.  Isidore,  De  EccL  Off,  L  27); 
Genoadius  (Jh  Scriptorilnis  EccleskutieiSy  c.  58 ; 
Patrol.  IviiL  1092)  spealcs  of  a  certain  Bishop 
Timotheus  who  composed  a  book,  not  now  extant, 
on  the  Nativity  of  our  Lord  '*  quam  credit  in 
Epiphania  factam."  Taken  in  conjunction  with 
what  we  hare  already  said  of  the  Egyptian  prac- 
tice this  may  refer  to  Timotheus,  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria. 

We  next  pass  on  to  notice  the  evidence  for  the 
practice  of  the  Armenians  in  this  matter.  Euthy- 
mius  {Panoplia  Dogmatica,  tit.  23 ;  Patrol.  Or, 
cxzx.  1175)  says  of  them  :  '*  These  deny  the  birth 
of  Christ  acconling  to  the  flesh  and  the  mystery 
of  the  true  lacamation,  saying  that  they  took 
place  only  in  appearance ;  nor  do  they  celebrate 
the  Anaunciation  of  the  Mother  of  6od  on  the 
day  that  we  celebrate  it,  that  is  on  March  25, 
as  the  inspired  Fathers,  the  great  Athanasius* 
and  John  Chrysostom  and  those  of  their  time 
and  after  their  time  have  handed  it  down  to 
us,  but  on  January  5 ;  in  a  very  short  time  they 
fancifully  and  obscui-ely  pretend  that  they  cele- 
brate the  Annunciation  and  the  Nativity  and 
the  Baptism  of  Christ,  to  the  deceiving  of  the 
nncorrupt  and  not  according  to  truth."  Similar 
evidence  is  forthcoming  from  Nicephorus  (^Hist. 
Eodet.  X  viii.  53 ;  Patrol.  Or.  cxlviL  440) :  **  They 
deny  also  the  Nativity  of  Christ  according  to  the 
flesh,  and  say  that  He  was  bom  only  in  appear- 
ance ;  and  differing  from  us  who  observe  them 
separately,  they  extend  the  fast  to  the  15th 
[doubtless  for  ic'  here  we  should  read  c']  day  of 
the  month  January,  and  celebrate  together  the 
Annunciation  and  Nativity  and  Baptism."  The 
inquiry  of  the  Armenian  Catholicos  Zacharias  from 
John  of  Nicaea,  which  called  forth  the  letter  of 
the  latter,  is  also  evidence  throwing  a  light  upon 
the  matter  in  question. 

We  shall  next  cite  from  the  answers  of 
John,  bishop  of  Citrum,  to  Constantino  Cabasilas, 
archbishop  of  Dyrrachium  (quoted  by  Cotelier, 
Patres  Apostoliciy  i.  316,  ed.  1724,  from  MSS.  in 
the  Library  of  Paris,  though  not  given  in  the 
printed  editions,  as  Leunclavius,  Jus  Oraeoo-Po' 
manum,  p.  323) :  "  We  abolish  the  twelve  days' 
[fast]  for  the  overthrowing  of  the  fast  of  the  Arms* 
uians.  For  they  fast  for  these  twelve  days  before 
Epiphany,  and  so  celebrate  together  on  the  fifth 
of  January  the  three  feasts :  I  mean  the  Annun- 
ciation and  the  Nativity  and  Baptism  of  CSirist." 
He  proceeds  to  attribute  this  to  the  h^resiarch 
Ichanius,  who  held  Docetic  views. 

Cotelier  further  quotes  from  a  MS.  in  the  same 


Caflsian'8  Ume ;  for  In  the  hesdlng  of  a  homily  by  Paul, 
bishop  of  Emesa.  delivered  at  Alexandria  before  Cyril,  we 
find  3<itx9ti<ra  isSf  Xouue  (=  December  35)  . . .  cU  t)}v  liv 
mfiriv  Tov  Kvpuw  ^/ywr  'Ii^trov  Xpurrov.  (Cone.  JQp^. 
Fan  ill.  c.  31 ;  I^abbe.  liL  1095.) 

•  The  writer  here  doubtless  appeals  to  the  <^ttae<tioR«t 
od  ^nttbctom  Vueefi^  55  (Pacrof.  Or.  zzviii.  632X  onoe 
aliriboted  to  Atbanaeius,  but  univereaily  acknowledged 
aow  to  be  Bporious. 


Library  a  form  of  renunciation  to  be  gone  through 
by  Armenian  heretics  on  joining  the  Roman 
CSiurch.  Among  other  things  is,  "  If  any  one 
does  not  celebrate  on  March  25  the  Annunciation, 
and  on  December  25  the  Nativity  of  Christ, 
let  him  be  Anathema."  He  had  previously  {pp^ 
dt.  p.  238)  printed  from  the  same  MS.  an  attack 
on  the  ivca'€$^s  9fni<rKfia,  rmv  luudarmv  'Apfit^ 
rW,  where  we  find :  ^  And  on  January  5  in  the 
evening,  they  celebrate  the  feast  of  the  Annun- 
ciation. .  .  .  And  in  the  morning  they  celebrate 
the  Nativity  of  Christ,  and  in  the  liturgy  the 
Holy  Epiphany." 

Finally,  for  the  Armenian  practice  reference 
may  be  made  to  two  invectives  {\6yoi  <rn|A<- 
rcvrijcoO  of  Isaac,  Catholicos  of  Armenia,  in  the 
nth  or  12th  century  (i.  3,  ii.  10,  Combefis,  ffaere- 
sis  MonothOa.  pp.  333,  405>  The  modem  Arme- 
nian Church  still  retains  this  practice  (Neale, 
ffolff  Eastern  Churchy  Introd.  p.  741). 

The  Western  Church,  so  far  as  we  can  trace 
the  matter  back,  seems  to  have  kept  the  two 
festivals  of  the  Nativity  and  Epiphany  always 
distinct.'  Jerome  says  unhesitatingly  (Cbxnm.  in 
Ezech.  i.  1,  vol.  v.  6,  ed.  Bened.) :  ^  £t  dies 
Epiphaniorum  hucusqne  venerabilis  est,  wm  ut 
qwdam  putant  Natalis  in  oarnSy  tunc  enim  ab- 
sconditus  est,  et  non  apparuit." 

We  may  cite  the  very  ancient  Calendarinm 
Carthaginense  {Patroi.  xiii.  1227),  which  marks 
December  25  thus:  **  viiL  Kal.  Jan.  Domini 
Nostri  Jesu  Christi  Filii  Dei,"  with  a  note  of  the 
Epiphany  on  Jan.  6.  We  shall  only  cite  here 
from  two  other  ancient  calendars,  that  of  Buche- 
rius  and  the  Leonine,  which  Muratori  (J}e  Mms 
iMwrgiaiSy  c  4)  refers  approximately  to  the  dates 
355,  488  A.D.  respectively.  These  severally 
mark  the  day,  *'Natus  Christus  in  Bethlehem 
Judae,"  *'  NaUle  Domini  "  (/.  c).  Other  litur- 
gical monuments  will  be  treated  of  separately. 

Evidence,  however,  is  forthcoming  to  show  that 
in  the  Boman  Church  the  Epiphany  was  pro- 
bably the  older  of  the  two  festivals,  and  there- 
fore in  some  respects  the  more  important,  for 
the  ancient  Ordo  Bomantts  (In  vigilia  Tlieo- 
phaniae,  p.  21,  ed.  Hittorp,  Cologne,  1568) 
remarks:  ''Nee  hoc  praetereundum  est,  quod 
secunda  Nativitas  Christi  (i.e.  the  EpiphanyX  tot 
illustrata  mysteriis,  honoratior  sit  quam  prima 
(•.0.  Christmas)."  Still  this  is  after  all  only  a 
matter  of  relative  importance,  and  the  Nativity- 
is  evidently  accounted  a  festival  of  the  highest 
order  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  which  is  cer- 
tainly older  than  the  Ordo  which  Hittorp  refers 
to  the  time  of  Pepin  and  Charlemi^ne. 

We  shall  now  endeavour  to  show  that  the 
change  of  the  day  to  December  25,  in  accordance 
with  the  Western  plan)  began  to  take  place  in 
the  East  towai-ds  the  end  of  the  4th  century. 
The  old  way  was  that  believed  in  by  Ephrem 
Syrus  (ob.  378  A.D.),  who  is  dted  as  saying,  ''On 
the  10th  day  [of  March]  was  His  Conception, 
and  on  the  6th  day  [of  January]  was  His  Na- 
tivity" (Assemani,  Bibl.  Or.  u.  163).  The 
change,  however,  must  have  been  graduaL     For, 

*  It  will  be  notioed  that  the  Westira  Church  marks 
the  E^lpbaoy  by  a  Oreek  name,  and  the  Nativity  Iqr  a 
Latin  name.  It  is  a  reasonable  inference  thai  the  former 
took  its  rise  in  the  East,  and  was  thenoe  Introduced  Into 
the  We«t ;  while  tbo  latter  as  a  sepaFsto  festival  was  cf 
diatlncily  Western  growth. 


GHBISTUAS 


OHRISTMAS 


361 


to  wj  ii<yihiDg  of  Armenums,  we  find  Epiphanlns 
saying  (Haer,  li.  24,  toL  i.  p.  446,  ed.  Petaviiu) : 
**  For  since  He  was  bom  in  the  month  of  Janoary, 
that  is,  Tiii  Id.  Jan.  which  is  according  to  tho 
Romans  January  5,  according  to  the  Egyptians 
Tttbt  11,  according  to  the  Syrians  or  the  Greeks 
Andyneus  6,  acconiing  to  the  Cypnans  or  Sala- 
minians  the  5th  of  the  5th  month,  according  to 
the  Paphians  Joins  14,  according  to  the  Arabians 
Aleom  21,  according  to  the  Gappadocians  Atarta 
13,  according  to  the  Hebrews  Tibieth  (Tebeth) 
13,  according  to  the  Athenians  Maemacterion  6 
.  .  .  ."  It  does  not  appear  whether  Epiphanins 
means  that  all  these  nations  celebrated  the 
NatiTity  on  the  day  thus  indicated :  it  is  more 
probable  that  he  is  merely  giving  the  rarions 
equivalents  for  the  day  in  different  systems  of 
reckoning.  Indeed  his  mention  of  the  Bomans 
is  perhaps  conclosiTe. 

The  most  important  piece  of  evidence,  however, 
towards  fixing  the  date  of  the  change  in  the  East 
by  which  December  25  became  recognized  as  the 
day  of  the  Nativity  is  to  be  fonnd  in  a  Homily 
of  Ghrysostom  to  the  people  of  Antioch,  els  v^r 
ytw4$Xjuitf  ^fiipay  rod  X«er^pos  llfiSp  'Iiy<rov 
Xpurrw  (vol.  ii.  p.  354,  ed.  Montfencon),  which 
Mont&aoon  (p.  352)  f  gives  strong  reasons  for 
believing  to  have  been  delivered  on  December  25, 
386.  After  saying  how  earnestly  he  had  wished 
to  see  on  the  day  of  the  Nativity  a  congr^ation 
like  that  which  was  then  met  together,  Ghry- 
sostom proceeds :  *'  Nevertheless  it  is  not  yet  the 
tenth  year  since  this  day  has  been  made  manifest 
and  plain  to  ns,  still  as  though  it  had  been  handed 
down  to  ns  from  the  beginning  (JbfwB^y)  and 
many  years  ago,  iv  has  flourished  thus  through 
your  seal.  Ajid  so  a  man  would  not  err  who 
should  call  it  at  once  new  and  ancient, — ^new, 
in  that  it  has  recently  been  made  known  to  ns ; 
bat  old  and  ancient,  in  that  it  has  speedily  won 
an  equality  with  older  festivals.  .  .  •  ."  And  as 
plants  of  good  stock  speedily  grow  up  and  pro- 
duce fruit,  *'  so  this  day  too,  known  from  the 
beginning  to  those  who  inhabit  the  West,  but 
brought  to  us  not  many  years  ago.  .  .  .  .^  The 
change,  however,  at  first  meets  vnth  opposition. 
**  I  know  well,"  he  adds,  ^  that  many  even  yet 
dispute  with  one  another  about  it,  some  finding 
fisnlt  with  it  and  others  defending  it, ... .  since 
ii  is  old  and  ancient,  for  the  prophets  already 
foretold  His  birth,  and  from  the  b^^inning  it  has 
been  manifest  and  notable  to  the  dwellers  from 
Thrace  even  to  Gades."  Again  (§  2)  he  refers 
bis  hearers  to  the  archives  at  Rome  as  a  source 
vrhenoe  certain  evidence  on  the  point  could  be  ob- 
tained, and  adds  ''from  those  who  have  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  these  things  and  inhabit  that  city, 
have  we  received  this  day.  For  they  who  dwell 
there,  observing  it  from  the  beginning  and  by  old 
tradition,  themselves  sent  to  us  now  the  know- 
ledge of  it."  Again  (§  5)  after  fixing  April  as 
the  time  of  the  Ajinundation,  he  arrives  for  the 
Nativity  at  the  month  Apellaeus  (December), 


s  Montfiniooo  here  cites  Attaanaiiiis  (Frag,  Ccmm.  in 
MaUk.  voL  L  p.  102B.  ed.  Bened.  IfST)  as  qieaking  of 
December  2ft  as  the  Nativity.  Bnt  io  the  flrat  place  the 
Benedictine  editors  had  oonsldenible  donbi  of  the  gpnainO' 
neas  of  the  fragment  (*'  si  non  aperte  qmriom  admodom 
suspectam  videiur,  in  quo  sant  pleraqne  ftvAMJij  ")f  ^^ 
in  the  next,  ii  seems  rather  the  death  of  Herod  which  is 
lodicalcd  than  the  birth  of  oar  LonL 


^  this  present  month,  in  which  we  celebrate  the 
day." 

From  the  above-quoted  language  of  Ghry- 
sostom, we  may  notice  ;  (1)  that  about  the  year 
386  A.D.  the  festival  of  the  Nativity,  as  distinct 
from  and  independent  of  the  Epiphany,  was  a  no- 
velty of  a  few  years'  standing  in  the  Eaist ;  (2)  that 
Ghrysostom  believed  that  the  Western  Ghurch 
had  celebrated  an  independent  festival  ''from 
the  beginning  and  by  old  tradition ;"  (3)  that  the 
change  was  met  with  opposition,  and  therefom 
would  be  gradual. 

Gombining,  then,  Ghrysoetom's  definite  testi* 
mony  with  the  fact  that  Epiphanius  had,  perhaps 
a  little  before  this  time,  concurred  with  the  old 
Eastern  view,  and  that  at  the  time  of  the  Goancil 
of  Ephesus  the  change  was  tacitly  recognized  at 
Alexandria,  we  may  fairly  argue  that  except  in 
those  parts  of  the  Eastern  Ghurch  where  the  old 
plan  was  still  continued  (Jerusalem  possibly  and 
Armenia  certainly),  the  Western  plan  was  being 
gradually  adopted  in  the  period  which  we  may 
roughly  define  as  the  last  quarter  of  the  4th  and 
the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  century. 

Whether  before  the  time  of  Ghrysostom  any 
part  of  the  Eastern  Ghurch  observed  the  Nativity 
on  December  25,  it  is  difiScult  to  say.  The 
date  of  the  various  parts  of  the  Apostolic  Con- 
stUutiona  (see  the  Article)  being  so  doubtful, 
we  shall  merely  cite  from  them  a  passage 
bearing  on  this  point:  ''Observe  the  days  of 
the  festivals^  brethren,  and  first  the  Nativity, 
and  let  this  be  celebrated  by  you  on  the  25th 
day  of  the  ninth  month.  After  this  let  the  Epi- 
phany be  very  greatly  honoured  in  your  eyes, 
on  whioh  the  Lord  revealed  to  you  His  Own 
Godhead ;  and  let  this  be  held  on  the  6th  day 
of  the  tenth  month  "  (v.  13 ;  cf.  also  viii.  33, 
where  the  two  festivals  are  again  distinguished). 
Coteller  in  his  introduction  (op,  oit,  p.  197)  also 
cites  a  passage  fonnd  in  some  MSS.  of  Anastasius 
which  professes  to  be  quoted  from  the  Apottolio 
ConsHUitiona,  in  the  present  text  of  which,  how- 
ever, it  is  not  found :  "  For  our  Lord  Jesus  Ghrist 
was  born  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary  in  Bethlehem, 
ir  fiiyW  ic«r&  AiTvirrtovf  XoAk  kc'  [probably  a  mis- 
take for  icO',  which  =  December  25]  &p^  W6fi'p 
T^f  4iiUpas  h  ^0Tty  Tph  6Kri»  ica\a»9mf  ^Icufova- 

The  result  of  all  this  investigation  then 
is  roughly  this.  In  the  case  of  the  Eastiern 
Ghurch  there  is  no  certain  evidence  pointing  to  a 
general  celebration  of  the  Nativity  on  December 
25  before  the  time  of  Ghrysostom.  Till  then  it 
had  been  held  on  January  6  in  conjunction  with 
the  Epiphany,  and  even  after  this  date  some 
churches  of  the  East  retained  for  some  time 
their  old  plan. 

In  the  West  we  are  told  that  the  festival  had 
been  recognized,  and  celebrated  on  December  25 
*'  from  the  beginning."  We  are  not  able  to  produce 
any  very  ancient  witnesses  from  Western  Fathers, 
but  may  fairly  assume  that  it  had  existed  sufli- 
ciently  long  for  Ghrysostom  to  be  able  to  use 
reasonably  and  without  fear  of  contradiction 
such  a  word  as  Ibwtfer.  We  have  also  called 
attention  to  the  recognition  of  it  in  ancient 
calendars. 

Since  the  time  of  Ghrysostom,  the  Nativity  has 
been  received  by  all  Ghurches  of  Ghristendom  as 
one  of  their  most  important  festivals.  Thus,  in 
a  sermon  attributed  to  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  but 


362 


GHBI6TMA8 


OHBISTMAB 


of  donbtfUi  anthenticity,  it  is  said:  ''Now  is 
heard  accordant  throughout  the  whole  inhabited 
world  the  sound  of  them  that  celebrate  the 
feast "  {Patrol  Gr.  xWi.  1148).  Chrysostom  (/n 
B.  Phiiogonium  4,  rol.  i.  497)  speaks  of  it  as 
second  in  importance  to  no  festiyal,  ''which  a 
man  would  not  be  wrong  in  calling  the  chief 
{jktirpiroKis)  of  all  festivals." 

Several  sermons  are  extant  of  Pope  Leo  I.  on 
the  subject  of  the  Nativity,  further  exemplifying 
this  statement  (Serm,  21-^0,  vol.  i.  pp.  64  sqq. 
ed.  Ballerini). 

It  is  curious  that  in  one  of  his  epistles  Augustine 
does  not  seem  to  recognize  the  Nativity  as  a  fes- 
tival of  the  first  order,  where  after  referring  to 
the  Divine  institution  of  the  Sacraments,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  those  things  "  quae  non  scripta  sed  tra- 
dita  custodimus  "  on  the  authority  of  the  Apostles 
and  the  Church,  "  sicut  quod  Domini  Passio  et 
Resurrectio  et  Asoensio  in  caelum  et  Adventus 
de  caelo  Spiritus  Sancti  anniversaria  solemnitate 
celebrantur"  {Epist,  54$  1  [olim  118];  PahroL 
xxxiii.  200).  Yet  he  deemed  the  festival  of  such 
importance  that  he  has  written  not  a  few  sermons 
for  the  day,  showing  the  celebration  of  this  festiyal 
in  Africa  (see  Serm.  184-196,  369-372 ;  Patrol, 
xxxviii.  995  sqq.,  xxxix.  1655  sqq. ;  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  latter  group,  however,  is  doubtful). 

III.  lAturgical  Notices. 

The  Roman  Church  evidently  accounted  the 
Nativity  one  '*  the  most  important  feasts  from 
very  early  times.  Their  earliest  Sacramentary, 
that  of  Pope  Leo,  contains  nine  Masses  for  the 
day  (vol.  ii.  148  sqq.).  There  is,  however,  no 
notice  of  a  Vigil.  In  the  Preface  in  the  first  Mass 
it  is  said :  "  Quoniam  quidquid  Christianas  pro- 
fessionis  devotione  celebratur,  de  hoc  eumit  sdem- 
fUtate  principiumf  et  in  hujus  muneris  mysterio 
continetur.*'  See  again  the  Preface  in  the  seventh 
Mass :  "  Atque  ideo  sicut  primis  fidelibus  extitit 
in  sui  credulitate  pretiosum,  ita  nunc  excusa- 
bilem  conscientiam  non  relinquit,  quae  salutaris 
mysterii  veritatem,  toto  etiam  mundo  testifi- 
cante  non  sequitnr." 

In  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  four  Masses 
altogether  are  given :  (1)  For  the  Vigil  at  Nones ; 
(2)  For  the  Vigil  m  node;  (3)  For  the  Vigil 
Mane  prima;  (4)  For  the  Nativity  in  dw :  that 
is  to  say,  there  are  practically  three  Masses  on 
the  Nativity  itself.  After  this  again  are  several 
prayers  for  the  Nativity,  whether  at  Vespers  or 
Matins. 

The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  borrowed  a  good 
deal  from  the  Leonine  here.  The  Collect  and 
Secreta  for  the  services  of  the  Vigil  at  Nones 
and  Mane  prima^  and  a  Collect  and  the  PrefSetce 
for  the  Nativity  Itself  as  well  as  two  (the  2nd 
and  4th)  of  the  added  prayers  all  come  from  the 
large  number  of  Masses  for  the  day  in  the  older 
Sacramentarv  (^Patrol,  Ixxiv.  1055  sqq.).  We  now 
pass  on  to  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary.  Here, 
as  in  the  previous  case,  there  are  altogether  four 
services  with  a  large  number  of  alternative  forms. 
The  second  mass  is  connected  in  some  MSS.  with 
the  church  of  S.  Maria  Major;  thus,  Natalia 
Domini  ad  S.  Mariam  Majorem  (MS.  Rodradi), 
Nocte  ad  S.  Mariam  (MS.  Ratoldi) ;  and  the  third 
contains  also  the  commemoration  of  S.  Anastasia, 
and  one  MS.  mentioned  by  Menard  (in  he.)  gives 
two  prefaces  for  the  day,  one  for  the  Saint  and 


the  other  for  the  Nativity  (cfl  Greg.  Betar.  ooL 
5  sqq.  ed.  Menard).  See  also  the  Ant^thtmary, 
where,  as  before,  four  Masses  m  all  are  reoog- 
nixed  (t6.  col.  657  sqq.),  and  a  still  more  elabo- 
rate set  of  forms  is  given  in  the  lAber  Be^pimaaHe 
attributed  to  Gregory  (t6.  col.  741  sqq.). 

The  Ordo  Jtomanus  (ed,  oit.  p.  19)  prescribes 
three  Lections  from  Isaiah  for  the  Vigil  of  the 
Nativity :  (1)  Ix.  1-x.  4;  (2)  xl.  1-xlL  20;  (3) 
liL  1-15.  The  Ambrosian  Liturgy  of  the  Church 
of  Milan  (Pamelius,  Litargg,  Latt.  vol.  i.  pp. 
293  sqq.)  gives  one  Mass  for  the  dav. 

We  may  now  briefly  examine  the  Liturgical 
monuments  of  the  Galilean  Church.  In  the  an- 
cient Lectionary  of  that  Church,  there  were 
originally  twelve  Lections  for  the  Vigil  of  the 
Nativity.  Those  which  are  yet  extant,  five  in 
number,  are :  Isaiah  xliv.  23-xlvi.  13 ;  an  ex- 
tract from  a  sermon  of  Augustine  ^  De  Nativi- 
tate  Ihmini:  Isaiah  liv.  1-lxi.  7 ;  MaUchi  ii.  7- 
iv.  6  ;  St.  John  i.  1-15. 

The  Lections  for  the  Nativity  itself  are  Isaiah 
vii.  10-ix.  8  (with  some  omissions);  Danihel 
[Benedicite]  cum  benedictione  ;  Hebrews  i.  1-13 ; 
St.  Luke  ti.  1-19  (MabUlon,  de  Utwrgia  GaUioana, 
lib.  ii.  pp.  106  sqq.).  In  illustration  of  this  plan 
of  having  twelve  Lections  for  the  Vigil  of  the 
Nativity,  here  doubtless  equivalent  to  &t  Matins 
of  the  Nativity,  Mabillon  (/.  e.)  cites  from  the 
Regula  of  Aurelian,  bishop  of  Aries :  "  In  Natale 
Domini  et  in  Epiphania  tertia  hora  surgite :  di- 
cite  unum  noctumum  et  facite  sex  missas  [  =  lee- 
tiones]  de  laaia  propheta;  iterum  dicite  noc- 
tumum, et  legantur  aliae  sex  do  Evangelio" 
(J'atrol,  Ixviii.  396> 

It  will  be  seen  that  in  the  Galilean  Lectionary 
one  Mass  only  is  presupposed  for  the  day  of  the 
Nativity,  and  in  accordance  with  this  the  Gothioo- 
Gallic  Missal  (op.  cit.  pp.  188  sqq.)  gives  us  one 
Mass  for  the  Vigil  and  one  for  the  day.  In  the 
ancient  Galilean  Missal  are  found  forms  of  the  Pre- 
face "  ad  vesperum  Natalis  Domini  **  and  prayers 
"  ad  initium  noctis  Natalis  Domini,"  "  in  media 
nocte  Natalis  Domini." 

The  Mozarabic  Missal  gives  us  but  one  Mass 
for  the  day  and  ignores  the  Vigil.  The  Propheti- 
cal Lection,  the  Epistle,  and  the  Gospel  are  re- 
spectively Isaiah  ix.  1-7 ;  Hebrews  i.  1-12 ;  St. 
Luke  ii.  6-20  (ed.  Leslie,  pp.  37  sqq.).  The 
Breviary  gives  Matins  for  the  Vigil;  and  for 
the  day  of  the  Nativity,  (1)  Vespers— that  is  on 
the  evening  preceding  December  25 ;  (2)  Matins 
and  Lauds.  Into  the  Vesper  sei-vice  enters  the 
noble  hymn,  "  Veni  Redemptor  Gentium." 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  the  Roman 
Liturgies,  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian,  give  three 
Masses  for  the  Nativity,  while  those  for  the 
Churches  of  Milan,  Gaul,  and  Spain  give  but 
one.  In  the  esse  of  the  Gallican  Chim^  this 
may  be  illustrated  from  Gregory  of  Tours,  who 
in  the  life  of  Nicetius  of  Lyons  (FOoe  Patmrn^ 
viii.  11,  p.  1196,  ed.  Bened.),  says:  "Facta  quo- 
que  hora  tertia,  cum  populus  ad  missarum  so- 
lemnia  conveniret,  hie  mortuus  in  ecelesiam  est 
delatus."  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  men- 
tion that  in  a  writing  of  Eldefonsus,  a  Spanish 
bishop,  who  wrote  845  A.D.,  is  an  allusion  to  a 
triple  Mass  on  the  Nativity,  Easter,  Whitsunday, 
and  the  Transfiguration  (Patrol,  cvi.  888).     This 


>>  This  passage,  aiirtboted  to  Angostine,  docs  not 
to  be  bis,  nor  Is  it  luclnded  in  hto  worics. 


CHRISTMAS 


CHRISTMAS 


363 


w  prohablj  a  leaning  to  the  Roman  plan,  or  it 
may  be  a  custom  of  independent  origin* 

The  cause  of  the  triple  Mass  in  the  Gelasian 
and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries  is  thua  eiplained 
br  Mabillon  (/.  c.\  that  in  consequence  of  three 
being  the  number  of  ^  stations "  discharged  in 
ancient  times  in  Rome  by  a  Pope  on  that  day, 
three  Masses  were  instituted.^  We  shall  again 
quote  the  ancient  Ordo  Jiomantu  on  this  point 
(p.  19):  <*  Prima  die  Vigiliae  Natalia  Domini 
faora  nona  canunt  Missam  ad  8,  Mariam,  Qua 
expleta  canunt  Tespertinalem  synaxim,  dehinc 
▼adunt  ad  cibum.  In  crepusculo  noctis  intrat 
Apostolicus  ad  rigilias  in  praefatam  Ecclesiami 
tamen  non  cantant  ibi  invitatorium  ad  introitum, 
sed  expletis  Yigiliis  et  matutinis,  sicut  in  Anti- 
pfaonario  continetur,  ibidem  canunt  primam  Mis- 
sam in  nocte.  Qua  expleta,  vadunt  ad  8.  Anas' 
iaakan  canere  aliam  Missam  de  nocte.  Dehinc 
pergunt  ad  8.  Pgirum,  ut  ibi  yigilias  celebrent, 
ab  eo  loco  ubi  inrenerit  eos  psallere  qui  ibidem 
excnbant.  Ipsi  enim  intrant  ad  yigilias  debito 
tempore  in  prooessn  noctis  et  canunt  inritatorium 
et  proeequuntur  ordinem  Antiphonarii.  Unde 
etiam  dupla  offida  in  Romanorum  Antiphonariis 
hae  nocte  describuntur."  The  aboTe  will  account 
for  the  commemoration  of  S.  Anastasia  at  the 
Mass  Mane  prima.  The  Ordo  then  adds  the  ob- 
Tiously  groundless  statement  that  the  institution 
of  these  nocturnal  Masses  is  to  be  referred  to 
Pope  Telesphoms  (ob.  1S8  a.d.). 

Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  (act 
of  the  early  recognition  of  the  Vigil  of  the 
Natirity.  In  addition  to  the  examples  cited,  we 
may  further  appeal  to  a  still  older  vritness,  Au* 
gustine,  who  speaks  of  it  in  one  of  his  letters 
{Epist.  65  ad  Xantipptm  [olim  286];  Patrol, 
xxxiii.  234).  It  differed  in  this  respect  from 
the  ordinary  type  of  Vigil  in  that  it  continued 
through  the  night,  making  with  the  Natiirity 
itself  one  great  solemnity.  Thus  we  read  in  the 
letter  of  the  Bishops  Lupus  and  Euphronius  to 
Bishop  Talasius :  **  Vigilia  Natalis  Domini  longe 
alio  more  quam  Paschae  Vigilia  celebranda,  quia 
hie  lectionea  Natiritatis  legendae  sunt,  illic 
autem  Passionis.  Epiphaniae  quoque  solemnitas 
habet  sunm  spedalem  cultum.  Quae  Vigiliae 
Tel  maxima  aut  perpete  nocte  aut  certe  in  matu* 
tinum  rergente  cnrandae  sunt.  Paschatis  autem 
Vigiliae  a  Vespere  raro  in  Matutinum  usque  per- 
dadtnr  "  (Patrol.  Iriii  66).  In  the  CapUula  of 
Theodore  of  Tarsus,  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
(ob.  690  A.D.),  the  difference  of  the  practice  of 
the  Latin  and  Greek  Church  in  this  matter  is 
pomted  out,  in  that  the  former  began  the  Vigil 
at  Nones,  the  latter  late  in  the  evening  (Capit. 
66;  Patrol,  xdx.  957>    The  Gelasian,  Grego- 


1  TUs  seems  more  probable  thsn  the  view  adopted  by 
Qnemell  la  bis  notes  on  the  works  of  Leo  L  (EptiL  • 
:il  ed.  QnesDeU].  toL  0.  1399X  that  tbe  cnstom  aroee 
from  a  distinot  autiiorintion  in  tbe  Bomaa  CEhordi  to 
hoid  severai  maipea,  as  might  be  found  neceaary,  on 
fcstlTalfl  of  great  importance,  anoh  as  Christmaa  and  Easter, 
vtaen  there  would  be  a  great  conoourK  of  people^  more 
Ihan  a  dinrdi  coaU  contain  at  once.  He  qooies  an  lUns- 
tmtlon  of  this  ftom  oar  own  diurcb,  when  tbe  Oonndl  of 
Oxlbrd  (ins  A.D.),  under  filephen  Langton,  archUshop 
of  Oanterhnry,  enacted  **  ad  haec  duximus  statiiendnm 
diatrlctiuB  inbibentcs  ne  saoerdos  qnl4>iam  mtmarom 
aol«anla  oelebret  bis  in  die,  ezocpto  die  NativftaUs  et 
RaHuiecUonts  Dominlcae  tcI  In  exeqniis  defuuctorum." 
^Qin. «;  Lahbc,  vol.  xL  p.  374.) 


nan,  and  Pamelius'  Ambrosian  Sacramentaries 
give  also  Masses  for  the  Octave  of  the  Nativity, 
January  1.  which  would  also  of  necessity  be  the 
anniversary  of  the  day  of  the  Circumdsion,  by 
which  express  name  it  is  denoted  in  some  other 
Liturgies.  [CiBCUXCisiON.] 

The  exiatenoe  of  the  group  of  important  fes- 
tivals between  Christmas  and  the  Epiphany  seems 
to  point  to  a  wish  on  the  part  of  the  early 
Church  to  render  the  whole  season  one  great  fes* 
tival,  by  redeeming  as  much  as  possible  of  the 
time  from  ordinary  worldly  business,  in  com- 
memoration of  persons  more  or  less  indirectly 
connected  with  our  Lord's  Nativity.  Thus  a 
Council  of  Tours  declares:  "Inter  Natale  Do- 
mini et  Epiphania  omni  die  festivitates  sunt 
itemque  prandebunt"  (Concil.IStronen8e  ii.  can 
17 ;  Labbis,  vol.  v.  856).  From  the  great  import- 
ance of  the  festival,  the  Nativity,  if  happening 
to  ooindde  with  a  fast,  claimed  the  right  of 
overriding  the  fast.  Indeed  there  was  a  fast  pre- 
ceding the  Nativity  which  jnst  stopped  short 
of  it.  Thus  Aurelian,  already  quoted,  says  (/.  c), 
"  A  Calendis  Novembris  tuque  ad  Domini  Natale 
quotidie  Jejunandum  absque  Sabbato  et  Domi- 
nico."  Of.  also  the  canon  we  have  just  dted  of 
the  Second  Council  of  Tours,  '*  De  Decembri 
usque  ad  Natale  Domini  omni  die  jejunent." 
We  may  ftirther  cite  in  illustration  Epiphanius 
{Adverstu  ffaereses:  Expoaitio  Fidei  22,  vol.  i. 
p.  1105),  who,  after  saying  that  there  is  no  fast 
throughout  the  fifty  days  of  Pentecost,  adds, 
**Nor  on  the  day  of  the  Epiphany,  when  the 
Lord  was  bom  in  the  flesh,  is  it  lawful  to  fast, 
although  it  happen  to  fall  on  the  fourth  or  the 
sixth  day  of  the  week."  It  will  be  remembered 
from  a  previously  dted  passage  of  this  writer 
that  he  follows  the  Eastern  plan  in  this  matter, 
so  that  his  day  of  the  Epiphany  is  at  once 
Epiphany  and  Nativity. 

As  a  festival  of  so  great  importance,  Christmas 
was  one  of  the  seasons,  on  which  it  was  especially 
enjoined  on  all,  dei^y  and  laity  alike,  to  com- 
municate. Thus  the  Council  of  Agde  (506  A.D.) 
oinlers :  "  Ut  cives  qui  superiorum  solemnitatnm, 
id  est  Paschae  ac  Natalis  Domini  vel  Pentecostes 
festivitatibus  cum  episcopis  interesse  neglexerint, 
cum  in  civitatibus  oommunionis  vel  benedictionis 
accipiendae  causa  se  nosse  debeant,  triennio  a 
oommunione  priventur  eoclesiae."  Again :  "  Si 
quis  in  clero  constitutus  ab  ecclesia  sua  diebus 
solemnibus  defuerit,  id  est  Nativitate,  Epiphania, 
Pascha  vel  Penteooste,  dum  potius  saecuiaribus 
lucris  studet  quam  servitio  Dei  paret,  convenit 
ut  triennio  a  communione  suspendatur.  .  .  .*' 
{ConciL  Agathense,  can.  63,  64;  Labb^,  iv.  1393). 
Springing  from  the  same  tendency  is  the  injunc- 
tion of  the  First  Coundl  of  Orleans  (511  A.D.): 
'*  Ut  noUi  dvium  Paschae,  Natalis  Domini  vel 
quinqnagesimae  solennitatem  in  villa  liceat  cele- 
brare,  msi  quern  infirmitas  probabitur  renuisse  ** 
(ConcU.  Awelianente  i.  can.  25 ;  f6i(i.  1408>  It 
was  allowed  by  the  Coundl  of  Epao  (517  A.D.) 
for  people  of  rank  (idrw  superiorum  natalinm) 
to  invite  their  bishop  to  themselves  at  Christmas 
or  Easter  to  receive  his  blessing  (ConciL  Epaon- 
enae,  can.  35;  ibid.  1580). 

IV.  Chrietmas  Presents.  As  coming  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  ecclesiastical  year,  and  as  being 
in  itself  a  time  when  from  the  Great  Gift  then 
given  by  God  to  man,  all  memories  call  to  peace 
uid  friendship,  the  season  of  Christmatfi  has  from 


364 


GHBISTOPHOBI 


time  immemorial  been  associated  with  the  ma- 
tual  giving  of  presents  and  the  interchange  of 
cordial  wishes. 

A  similar  custom  prevailed  among  the  Romans, 
who  on  the  Calends  of  January  offered  to  the 
emperor  or  to  their  patrons  presents  called  strenae 
(hence  French  ^renng).  See,  for  instance,  Sue- 
tonius, Calig,  42;  cf.  Aug.  57,  Tib.  34;  also 
Dion  Cassius,  \iv,  35. 

That  the  Christian  custom  is  derired  from  the 
above  we  do  not  of  course  affirm,  although  we 
are  far  from  denying  the  possibility  of  such  an 
origin. 

Ti'aces  of  the  custom  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Greek  Church,  as  we  learn  from  Goar  (Notes  to 
Codinus,  Be  Officiia  ConstantinopolitaniSj  a  «; 
Patrol.  Or.  civil.  308),  who  speaks  of  boys  and 
youths  running  about  the  streets  at  this  season, 
and  **ad  amicorum  portas  modulis  sonis  ac 
musices  instrumentis  iro\uxp6ifia  [wishes  for  hng 
life  and  happiness ;  see  Ducange,  Glossarium  s.  v.] 
perstrepunt,  xenia  reportaturi,  cunctique  xp^ar- 
ovytwTiTiKoTs  pro  natalitiis  Christi  muneribus 
se  cumulant  cei*tatim." 

The  custom  of  the  strenae  as  an  offshoot  of 
heathenism,  did  not  find  much  fiivour  in  the  eyes 
of  the  early  Church.  Thus  in  a  sermon  De  Co- 
lendis  Jawmrii,  wrongly  attributed  to  Augustine, 
we  read,  *'Diabolicas  etiam  strenas  et  ab  aliis 
accipiunt  et  ipsi  aliis  tradunt "  (Pcrfro/.  xxxix. 
2002,  2004). 

V.  Literature.  We  must  express  our  obliga- 
tions here  especially  to  Jablonsky's  Disaertationes 
II. ;  Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecciesiae  SitHnUy  vol. 
ill.  pp.  31  sqq.  ed.  Venice,  1783;  Augusti, 
Chriatl.  ArchSohgiA,  vol.  i.  pp.  211  sqq.:  Bin- 
terim,  DenkwUrxUgkeiten,  vol.  v.  part  1,  pp. 
528  sqq.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  By- 
naeus,  DeNatdUJesu  Christi,  Amsterdam  1694; 
Kindler,  De  Natalitiis  Christi,  Rotterdam  1699  ; 
Kopken,  *lirropoifi9va,  Rostock  1706 ;  Ittig,  De 
RUu  festurn  Nat.  Chnsti  celebrandi,  Wernsdorf, 
De  OriginAus  Solemnium  Natalie  Christi,  Witten- 
berg, 1757.  [R.  s.] 

CHRISTOPHORI.  A  name  sometimes  ap- 
plied to  Christians  in  the  ancient  Church,  as 
expressing  the  Presence  of  Christ  within  them 
by  His  Spirit.  As  early  as  Ignatius  we  find  the 
appellation  Theophori  in  use,  to  signify  that 
Christians  are  the  Temple  of  God ;  and  Christo- 
phori  also  occurs  in  the  early  writers  in  a 
similar  sense:  e.g.  in  the  epistle  of  Phileas, 
bishop  of  Thmuis,  recorded  by  Eusebius,  1.  viii. 
c  10,  we  find  him  speaking  of  the  martyrs  of 
his  own  time  as  Xpivro^dpoi  ftAprvp^i,  because 
they  were  temples  of  Christ  and  acted  by  His 
Holy  Spirit  (Bingham,  i.  1,  4).  [D.  B.] 

CHBISTOPHORUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  the 
city  of  Saroos,  jld.  256,  is  commemorated 
July  25  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet,,  Usuardi);  April  28 
{Mart.  Bedae) ;  May  9  (Col.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Monk,  martyr  at  Cordova,  Aug.  20  (Mart. 
Usuardi).  [C.] 

CHRONITAE,  Xpoyirat.  A  name  of  re- 
proach given  to  the  Catholics  or  orthodox  Chris- 
tians by  Aetius  the  Arian  and  his  party :  inti- 
mating that  their  religion  was  but  for  a  time, 
that  its  day  was  being  fast  spent,  and  that  it 
must  soon  give  place  to  the  more  enlightened 
Kystem  of  Arianism :  a  conceit  which  has  been 


CHBYS0TELU8 

characteristic  of  heresy  in  all  ages  of  the  Ghurcb 
(Bingham,  I.  lit  16).  [D.  B.] 

CHRONOLOGY.  The  object  of  the  several 
articles  in  this  work  relating  to  chronology  is  to 
describe  the  methods  used  by  the  writers  of  our 
period  in  measuring  time,  and  the  reduction  of 
their  methods  to  that  at  present  in  use  in  this 
country.  This  evidently  involves  the  considera- 
tion of  the  various  non-ecclesiastical  calendars, 
or  modes  of  reckoning  time,  employed  by  writers 
of  the  first  eight  centuries,  and  of  the  modi- 
fications introduced  into  them  by  the  influence 
of  Christianity. 

To  place  an  event  in  time,  we  must  have  a 
fixed  epoch  or  era  from  which  to  measure,  and  a 
fixed,  or  at  least  a  determinable,  standard  by 
which  to  measure  the  interval  from  that  era. 
The  principal  epochs  from  which  intervals  of 
time  have  been  measured  are  given  under  I^^ra, 
The  great  natural  divisions  of  time  are  days, 
lunations,  and  solar  years;  and  almost  every 
nation  has  either  endeavoured  to  discover  the 
relation  which  lunations  bear  to  solar  years 
[Epact],  and  so  to  keep  the  lunar  months  in 
some  kind  of  correspondence  with  the  seasons  of 
the  solar  year ;  or  has  abandoned  the  observation 
of  the  moon  in  its  division  of  time,  and  divided 
the  solar  year  into  twelve  months,  somewhat 
longer  than  lunar  months.  See  Month,  Year. 
Further,  nearly  all  nations  have  adopted  for  the 
convenience  of  common  life  purely  conventional 
divisions  of  time,  not  corresponding  to  any 
natural  division,  such  as  the  Roman  Nundinae. 
The  conventional  division  with  which  we  are 
principally  concerned  is  the  Week. 

As  the  various  events  of  Christian  history 
received  annual  commemoration,  the  days  of 
such  recurring  commemorations  became  recog- 
nised as  elements  in  chronology  [Calendar]. 
The  principal  modification  which  the  calendar 
underwent  in  consequence  of  ecclesiastical  con- 
siderations is  that  which  arose  from  the  annual 
variation  in  the  observance  of  Easter,  and  the 
festivals  connected  with  it.  See  Easter,  Indio- 
noK.  [c.] 

CHRYSANTHUS,  martyr  at  Rome  under 
Numerianus  (a.d.  283),  is  commemorated  Dec.  1 
{Mart.  Usuardi) ;  March  19  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] 

CHRYSOGONUS,  martyr  at  Rome  under 
Diocletian,  is  commemorated  Nov.  24  {Mart. 
Hieron.,  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  U8uardi>  Some  MSS. 
of  the  Hieronymian  Martyrology  give  Aquileia  as 
the  place  of  martyrdom.  [C] 

CHRYSOSTOM,  LITURGY  OF.  [Li- 
turgy.] 

CHRYSOSTOM,  ST.  JOHN,  U  commemo- 
rated Nov.  18  {Cal.  Byxant.,  Ethiop.).  Translation 
of  hb  relics  to  Constantinople,  in  the  reign  of  the 
younger  Theodosius  (a.d.  435^  Jan.  27.  The 
Byzantine  had  also  in  more  recent  times  a  fes- 
tival of  SS.  Basil,  Gregory  Nazianzenus,  and 
Chrysostom,  on  Jan.  30.  The  Mart.  Bom.  TX., 
and  Mart.  Usuardi  place  the  Natalie  of  St  CJhry- 
sostom  on  Jan.  27,  and  do  not  mention  the 
Transiation,    '  [C] 

CHRYSOTELUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Cor- 
dova, is  commemorated  April  22  {Mart.  Bedae, 
Bom.  Vet.  Usuardi).  [C.] 


CHUBCH 

GHUBGH  (IX  in  respect  to  the  rererence 
and  the  privileges  attached  to  the  building. 

(1)  It  was  customary  to  wash  the  hands  and 
feet  before  entering  the  church,  for  which  purpose 
a  fountain  was  commonly  provided  in  the  middle 
of  the  atrium  or  court  before  the  church,  called 
cantharus  or  phiata;  so  Enseb.  H,  E,  x.  4; 
Tertull.  De  Orat.  c  xi. ;  Paulinus  of  Nola,  Episi, 
xii.  ad  Severvm ;  Socrates,  ii.  38 ;  St.  Chrys.,  re- 
peatedly ;  Synes.  Epiat.  cxxi. :  quoted  by  Bingham. 
Kings  and  emperors  also  left  their  arms,  and 
even  their  diadems,  and  their  guards,  outside 
when  entering  a  church  (Theodos.  Orat,  in  Act  i. 
Cone.  Ephes, ;  Bingham,  VIII.  x.  8>  And  the 
Egyptian  monks,  after  Eastern  custom,  put  off 
their  sandals  (Cassian.  Instit,  i.  2).  It  was 
customary,  also,  to  show  reverence  to  the  church 
bv  embracing,  saluting,  and  kissing,  its  doors, 
threshold,  and  pillars.  So  St.  Athanasius  {0pp. 
ii.  304,  ed.  1627),  St.  Chrysostom  (ffom.  xxix.  in 
2  Cor.X  Paulinus  {Natal,  vi.  Felicia),  Prudentius 
{Hymn  TI.  in  8.  Lcntrent.  519, 520),  &c.,  quoted  by 
Bingham,  ib.  9. — (2)  Upon  entering  the  church, 
**  the  Christians  in  the  Greek  and  Oriental 
churches  have,  time  out  of  mind,  used  to  bow  . . 
towards  the  altar  or  holy  table ;"  a  practice  for 
which  no  known  ancient  canon  exists,  and  which 
looks  therefore  like  a  primitive  practice,  and  one 
probably  borrowed  from  the  Jews  (Mede,  Diac. 
on  Ps.  132,  quoted  by  Bingham\  A  profound 
silence  was  also  to  be  observed  within  the  building 
(Cassian,  InstH,  ii.  2  ;  S.  Greg.  Nar.  Orat.  xix.). 
And  coughing,  spitting,  &c.,  were  forbidden, — 
**  A  gemitu,  screatu,  tussi,  risu,  abstinentes " 
(St.  Ambros.  De  Virg,  iii.  9).  And  Nonna  is 
eulogized  by  her  son,  St.  Greg.  Kaz.  (Ortxt.  xix.), 
as,  among  other  things,  never  spitting,  and  never 
turning  her  back  upon  the  altar. — (3)  Election  of 
bishops  and  of  clergy,  synods,  catechetical  schools, 
and  the  like,  were  allowed  to  be  held  within 
diurches.  But  eating  meals  there  was  strictly 
forbidden,  even  in  time  the  iydircu  :—Ob  8ci  ir 
TOiS  Kvpuacois  ^  4p  reus  iKK\ii<ri(us  rks  Xeyo' 
fUras  iydwas  votciy  xoi  ip  r^  oIk^  rod  Ocov 
4ff$Uiw  Ktd  iiKo6fitra  orptowitiv  {Cone,  Laodi" 
een,  c  28) :  — "  Ut  nuUi  episcopi  vel  clericl  in 
•oclesia  conviventur,  nisi  forte  transeuntes  hos- 
jMtiorum  necessitate  illic  refidantur ;  et  populi, 
quantum  fieri  potest,  ab  hujusmodi  conviviis 
prohibeantur"  {Cone,  Carth,  III.  can.  30;  Cod. 
Can.  Afric,  42).  St.  Augustin,  however,  is  com- 
pelled to  tolerate,  whilst  he  severely  condemns, 
the  custom  of  feasting  in  the  church  in  memory 
of  the  martyrs — '^  Qui  se  in  memoriis  martyrum 
inebriant,  quomodo  a  nobis  approbari  possunt, 
quum  eos,  etiam  si  in  domibus  suis  faciant,  sana 
doctrina  condemnet "  {Cont.  Faust,  xx.  21).  The 
Emperor  Leo  also  {Novel.  Ixxiii.),  and  Cone.  Trull, 
can.  97,  forbid  people  IVom  lodging  in  certain 
galleries  in  the  oiuroh,  called  oatechumenia.  And 
the  Cone,  EHberit.  can.  35,  prohibits  private  vigils 
of  women  in  the  church  precincts — "  ne  foeminae 
in  coemiterio  pervigilent ;"  although  the  practice 
of  spending  whole  nights  there  in  prayer  was 
permitted  to  men  (see  e,g,  Theodoret,  v.  24; 
S.  Athanaa.  Epiet,  ad  Serapion,  ;  Socrat.  i.  87  ; 
&c) ;  and  cubicula,  or  cells,  were  sometimes  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose  (Paulin.  Epiet,  xii.  ad 
Sever.). — (4)  Holding  assemblies  privately  out 
of  the  church  was  strictly  forbidden :  £f  ris 
iroftii  r^v  iKKKritrlav  lUla  iKK\riind{oi,  irol  Koror 
^popmr  r%s  itackrivtiu  rh  rijf  iKK\iifftas  i64\oi 


CHURCIH 


865 


trpdrrtiVf  fi^  mv6vros  rov  irp€a'fivr4pov  Kara 
yriifirir  roif  hrta^KSirou,  iudStfia  %arw  {Cone, 
Oangr.  can.  6);  and  can.  5  of  the  same  council 
condemns  those  who  despise  the  church  and  its 
assemblies. — (5)  The  church  was  a  place  of  safety, 
both  for  valuables  and  for  life  and  person.  Be- 
sides the  archives  and  treasure  of  the  church 
itself,  the  church  treasury  served  as  a  safe  re- 
ceptacle for  other  precious  things,  public  or 
private:  as,  e.g.  the  cubit  wherewith  the  in- 
crease of  the  Nile  was  measured,  which  had  been 
kept  in  the  temple  of  Serapis,  was  transferred 
by  order  of  Constantine  to  the  Christian  church, 
and  retransferred  to  the  idol  temple  by  Julian  the 
Apostate  (Ruffin.  ii.  30;  Sozom.  i.  8;  Socrat.  i.  18). 
—(6)  Immunitv  of  life  and  person  attached  also  to 
such  as  took  renige  in  a  church  :  for  the  details  of 
which  see  Sanctuary-.  (Bingham.)    [A.W.  H.] 

(2)  The  building  set  apart  for  the  perform- 
ance of  Christian  worship. 

This  article  is  arranged  as  follows : — 

I.  Names,  p.  365. 
IL  Early  History,  p.  368. 

III.  The  Period  tram  Oonstanttoe  to  JasCInfan,  p.  368. 

IV.  The  Period  tnm  the  death  of  Justinian  to  the  death 

of  Charles  the  Great. 
1.  The  western  part  of  the  territory  of  the  Eastern 

Empire,  p.  378. 
3  Armeiola  and  the  adjacent  provinoes,  p.  379. 
8.  Italy,  p.  370. 

4.  tYance,  Germany,  and  Switierland,  p.  380. 

5.  Spain,  p.  883. 

6.  Ireland,  p.  384. 

7.  Scotland,  p.  880. 

8.  flngland,  p.  886. 

I.  Names,  —  Greek,  'E.KK\'n<ria,  KvpioK^,  or 
rh  Kupioxbr ;  Latin,  Ecdesia,  DonwUea  {i.  e.  domus 
dominicaX  or  Basilica  ;  French,  ^glise ;  Italian, 
Ckiesa;  Spanish,  Igreja;  Roumanic,  Biserica; 
Anglo-Saxon,  C&e,  Cyric;  Old  German,  Chirichu; 
Modem  German,  KiroKe;  Dutch,  Kerk;  Ice- 
landic, Kyrkia ;  Swedish,  Kyrha  ;  Russian,  Tser- 
hojf;  Polish,  Ko9Gioi,  if  Greco-Russian,  Cerkiew; 
Irish,  Bomhliag  (i.  e,  stone  house),  TempuUy  EclaiSy 
Regies;  Welsh,  Eglwys;  Hungarian,  Egyhaz, 
Temphm, 

The  names  for  a  church  in  the  languages  «f 
the  Latin  family  are  evidently  derived  from  the 
Greek  'ExicXiy^ui ;  those  in  the  languages  of  the 
Teutonic  and  Scandinavian  families  apparently 
from  KuptoK^. 

Several  other  terms  have  been  used  by  Greek 
and  Latin  writers  of  the  earlier  centuries  when 
speaking  either  of  churches,  or  of  oratories  or 
places  of  assembly.  Such  are  yahs,  templum,  by 
Lactantius,  St.  Ambrose,  Eusebius,  St.  John 
Chrysostom.  Arnobius  and  Lcictantius  use  the 
word  conventiculum,  while  concilium  and  syno- 
dus  are  also  found  in  use  not  only  fbr  the  assem- 
bly but  for  the  edifice  (v.  Bingham  ii.  84). 
Isidore  of  Pelusium  (lib.  ii.  Ep.  245)  in  the  like 
case  distinguishes  between  'EicicXi7o-(a  the  assem- 
bly, and  *EKK\ri<ruurriipior  the  building. 

Descriptive  phrases  were  also  employed,  as 
npo(rcvicr4pia,  OIkoi  Ei/jcT^pioi  (by  Eusebius, 
Socrates,  Sozomen,  and  others)  Oratoria,  Domus 
Dei,  Domus  Eodesiae,  Domus  Divina,  by  various 
writers  from  the  third  century  downwards. 
Bingham,  however,  has  shewn  that  in  the  6th 
century  Domus  Ecclesiae  was  sometimes  used, 
not  to  signify  the  church,  but  the  Bishop's  house, 
and  that  in  the  5th  century  (and  probably  evea 
somewhat  later),  Domus  Diviia  was  the  official 
style  for  the  Imperial  palace. 


366 


CHURCH 


CHUBCH 


'Ayaueropop  [see  Anactoron]  as  equivalent  to 
basilica  is  used  by  Eusebius  {De  Laade  Constani. 
e.  9)t  but  is  only  rarely  employed. 

Churches  erected  specially  in  honour  of  mar- 
tyrs were  called  Mopr^pio,  Martyria,  Memoriae, 
Tp^rato,  Tropaea,  T/rXot,  Tituli. 

Those  who  wrote  in  Latin,  in  the  dark  ages, 
appear  to  employ  the  word  basilica  for  the  most 
part,  when  they  wrote  of  a  large  church,  ora- 
torium  when  of  a  chapel  or  oratory.  Those  who 
wrote  in  Gaul,  in  the  6th  and  7th  centuries,  are 
said  by  De  Valois(T.  Du  Cange,  Ohas,  art.  '  Basi- 
lica')  to  have  used  basilica  for  the  church  of  a 
convent,  and  ecdesia  for  a  cathedral  or  parish 
church.  Gildas  in  the  6th  century  employs 
ecclesii  and  basilica,  adding  to  the  latter  word 
*  martjUTtm.' 

II.  Eariy  History. — ^At  what  time  the  Chris- 
tians began  to  erect  buildings  for  the  purpose  of 
celebrating  divine  worship  is  unknown,  but  it  is 
obvious  that  inasmuch  as  they  held  frequent 
assemblies  for  religious  purposes,  suitable  places 
for  such  assemblies  would  be  required,  and  that 
when  the  congregations  became  large  rooms  in 
private  houses  would  oease  to  afford  the  requisite 
space. 

The  assertions  of  some  of  the  earlier  Christian 
writers,  as  Arnobius  (JDiapvtai.  adv.  Oent.  lib.  vi. 
c.  1),  Origen  (c.  Cels.  lib.  7,  c  8),  Minucius  Felix 
(Octav.  c.  8,  10,  82)  that  the  Christians  had 
neither  temples,  altars  nor  images,  that  God 
could  be  worshipped  in  every  place,  and  that  his 
best  temple  on  earth  is  the  heart  of  man,  should, 
it  would  appear,  be  understood,  not  literslly — for 
there  is  positive  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
churches  in  the  3rd  century — but  that  they 
had  no  temples  or  altars  in  the  Pagan  sense  of 
those  words,  and  that  their  religion  was  spiritual, 
and  not  dependent  upon  places  or  rituals. 

The  passage  from  Clemena  Alexandrinus  (5'^rom. 
vii.  5,  p.  846)  and  those  from  other  writers,  quoted 
by  Bingham  (^Antiq.  bk.  viii.  c.  1,  §  13),  prove 
that  a  certain  place  was  called  iKK\fi<rlaj  but,  in 
strictness,  not  that  it  was  a  separate  building, 
constructed  and  set  apart  for  that  purpose.  The 
documentary  evidence  of  the  next  century,  the 
3rd,  is,  however,  much  more  decisive.  The  chro- 
nicle of  Edessa  (in  Assemanni,  Bif>L  Orient,  xi, 
397)  mentions  the  destruction  of  temples  of 
Christian  assemblies  in  A.D.  292. 

Aelius  Lampridius  in  his  Ltfe  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander  Severue  (a.d.  222-235),  narrates  that 
the  Christians  having  occupied  a  certain  place,  it 
was  confirmed  to  them  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  better  that  God  should  be  worshipped  there 
after  any  manner,  than  that  it  should  be  given 
up  to  the  adverse  claimants,  the  '  popinarii,'  or 
tavern-keepers.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  in  his  life 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  bishop  of  Neo-Caesa- 
rea,  states  that  he  built  several  churches  there 
and  in  the  adjacent  j^rts  of  Pontus.  In  addition 
to  which,  many  other  testimonies  of  a  like  nature 
might  be  adduced. 

The  edict  of  Diocletian,  usually  attributed  to 
the  year  302,  ordering  the  destruction  of  the 
churches  and  the  confiscation  of  the  lands  belong- 
ing to  them,  confirms  these  statements,  and 
Lactantius'  account  (De  Mort.  Pereecutorum,  c 
12)  of  the  destruction  of  the  church  at  Nico- 
media  in  a.d.  303,  shows  that  some  of  them  at 
least  were  considerable  edifices. 

There  is  some  ground  for  believing  that  in  the 


3rd  century  thoee  plans  and  arrangements  of 
churches  which  we  find  to  prevail  in  the  4th 
and  following  centuries  were,  at  least  in  part, 
already  in  use ;  St.  Cyprian  (fp.  59,  p.  688,  Hartel) 
imagines  Pagan  altan  and  images  usurping  the 
place  of  the  altar  of  the  Lord,  and  entering  into 
the  **  sacrum  venerandum  consessum"  of  the 
clergy.  In  this  there  seems  to  be  an  evident  allu- 
sion to  the  arrangement  usual  in  later  times,  in 
which  the  altar  was  placed  in  the  apse,  and  the 
clergy  sat  on  a  bench  around  it. 

So  also  in  the  passage  in  Tert ullian  {De  Pudicit.  c. 
4),  when  that  writer  speaks  of  certain  sinners 
being  removed  not  only  from  the  *  limen '  but 
also  'omnl  ecclesiae  tecto,'  not  only  from  the 
threshold  of  the  church  itself,  but  even  from 
every  dependent  building,  such  as  the  narthex, 
the  atrium,  or  the  baptistery.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  any  now  existing  church  can  be  attri- 
buted, upon  good  evidence,  to  this  century.  One 
which  had  been  believed  so  to  date,  is  the  basilica 
of  Reparatus,  near  Orleansville,  in  Algeria,  the 
ancient  Castellum  Tingitanum.  It  is  about  80 
feet  long  by  52  wide,  and  is  on  the  **•  dromical " 
or  as  we  now  say  basilican  plan,  that  is,  in  the 
form  of  a  parallelogram,  longer  than  wide.  It 
was  divided  into  a  nave 
and  four  aisles  by  four 
ranges  of  columns,  it 
has  now  an  apse  at  each 
end,  both  internal  to 
the  line  of  walls.  Ac- 
cording to  an  inscrip- 
tion, still  remaining, 
the  earlier  part  of  the 
building  dates  from 
252,  but  the  era  is  roost 
probably  not  that  of 
Christ,  but  of  Mauri- 
tania, and  the  date 
corresponds  with  A.P. 
325;  the  other  apse 
was  added  about  A.D. 
403,  to  contain  tiie 
grave  of  the  saint. 
The  earlier  apse,  with 
the  ground  in  front  of  It,  is  raised  about  three 
feet;  and  below  it  was  a  vault,  in  which 
were  two  sarcophagi.  It  is  not,  however,  clear 
whether  this  arrangement  was  original.  An- 
other African  churdi,  that  of  D'jemila,  which 
is  believed  to  date  from  the  latter  part  of  this 
century,  presents  the  remarkable  peculiarity  of 
being  without  an  apse.  It  measures  92  feet  by 
52.  Near  the  end  furthest  from  the  entrance 
door  is  an  enclosure  entered  by  a  doorway  in 
front  and  one  on  each  side.  This,  no  doubt,  sur^ 
rounded  the  altar  and  the  seats  of  the  priests. 

Some  other  churches  which  have  been  supposed 
to  belong  to  this  century,  as  the  cathedral  of 
Treves  (v.  Hiibsch,  Die  aUchristl.  Kirchen,  pi. 
vi.),  and  the  small  church  at  Annona,  in  Algeria, 
though  on  the  basilican  plan,  are  much  wider  in 
proportion  to  their  length  than  is  usual  in  the 
later  examples.  In  the  case  of  Treves  the  build- 
ing is,  in  fact,  a  square  (or  very  nearly  so), 
measuring  about  120  feet  internally  with  an 
apse.  The  roof  was  supported  by  two  mono- 
lithic columns  of  granite,  about  40  feet  high, 
on  each  side.  If  the  church  were  not  square, 
but  oblong,  about  which  there  is  some  doubt, 
there  were  probably  three,  and   perhaps  even 


BmOIo*  of  RepuBtoa. 


CHDRCH 


36T 


In  of  tbiK  cslamiu  on  euh  lida.  Bj  ionic, 
bowvTcr,  u  bj  EagJflr,  Qexfu  der  BtrtJnnMt  i. 
404,  thii  bailding  is  sttribatad  to  mbout  the  jm 
&50,  bat  it  Kemt  Tsry  irapmhabli  that  to  bold  a 
plu,  iuTolTing  archu  of  gnat  ipaa,  gupporUd 
on  moaoLithic  oolamni  nearly  50  feet  high  (in- 
ctodiog  baaei  and  capitala)  wu  coDceirad  and 
tiKDled  at  that  tima.  The  diiiich  it  Taffkha, 
in  (xntral  Sftia,  aihlbitB  the  tuat  iqDart  form, 
with  a  Mmi-OToid  apae  prajcctisg  from  the  aid* 
oppOHt*  to  the  entranee.  This  building,  in  style 
and  CDoatraction,  meet  cloaelf  raMmhlea  a  baailica 
at  Chagga,  vhich  H.  de  Vogil^  aaoribti  to  the 
third  century,  and  It  moit  be  pnaiuned  that  h« 
OMudala  th*  ehnnli  to  ba  of  tht  Mms  data.    It 


depth  hj  a  Utile  lesa  in  wMth,  wd  ba.n;  about 
20  feet  high  iatamally. 

Some  of  the  chnrchei  in  Egfpt  and  Nnbia, 
as  at  Enntnc  in  Egypt  and  Jbrihm  in  Nnbia 
(T.  Kngler,  Gaoh.  dtr  ButUtuiul,  i.  376),  are, 
no  doubt,  of  a  Tarr  early  date,  perhapt  of  tha 
eod  of  tha  Sid  or  the  beginning  of  tha  fbllowing 
century,  but  no  certain  data  can  ba  affiled  to 
them.  In  both  thoaa  named  the  apae  la 
enclMcd  within  tha  walli.  tha  aoglee  of  vhich 
are  occupied  by  chamben.  Thi*  arrangement, 
indeed,  aeama  to  have  been  very  early  adopted 
and  Tery  generally  adhtr«d  to  in  the  Eait.  &]ma 
early  aiamplea  of  the  eame  plan  may  ba  fontid 
alao  in  the  WeM,  ai  in  the  Chnrch  of  St.  Croc* 


neoHtmetad  like  many  other  buildinga  in  ti 
•ama  part  of  Syria,  in  a  rery  pecoliar  mamit 
being  entirely  rooM  with  large  elaba  of  etoi 
whi^reat  on  archea  ipauaing  ue  naire  at  inte 
nil  of  aboDt  T  ft.  S  in.  Tha  flat  roofi  of  the 
aiiiea  formed  gallerle*. 

One  vary  remarkable  feature  in  thia  building 
ii  the  tower  which  rangai  with  the  b^ade  and 
ri>M  to  a  height  of  abont  43  feet.  If  thia 
chnrch  be  of  tha  date  to  which  it  would  eeam  to 
belong,  thii  mnit  be  conaidered  la  the  firet 
ippainuice  of  a  tower  in  ecdeaiaatiotl  archi- 


1  GernHJemma  at  Roma :  but  it  doei  Dot  laem 

1  haia  been  frequently  need.  a 

When,  in  the  year  A.D.  313,  the  Emperor  Con- 
jiutlne  had  publiihed  the  aiUct  talarating  the 
Lj_.j__    __i,_i__      __i    _|jj[    niorti   when,    i 

and  eplandonr  of  tha  edlficaa,  m 
rally  enined — the  emperor  himulf  tatting  the 
example  by  erecting  at  Jenualem  and  aliawhera 
chnrches  of  great  magniRcence. 

It  hat  been  ihewn  that  chnrches  of  tha  baal- 
lican  type  were  erected  before  the  period  of 
Conitantine,  and  it  ia  probable  that  itpulcbral 
or  mtmoriid  chnrchee  of  circular  or  polygonal 


368 


CHUBCH 


CHUBCH 


plan,  and  oratories  or  chapels  of  manj  yarions 
forms,  maj  have  been  also  built,  bat  it  is  not 
until  the  4th  century  that  we  have  examples  of 
all  three  of  these  classes,  the  date  and  character 
of  which  are  well  ascertained.  Typical  forms 
for  the  two  first  classes  were  established  in  the 
great  buildings  erected  during  the  reign  of  Con* 
stantine,  and  have  influenced  the  construction  of 
churches  down  to  the  present  day. 

The  basilican,  or,  as  the  Greeks  called  it,  the 
dromical  plan,  continued,  in  the  great  majority 
of  instances,  to  be  in  use  in  the  West  (though 
with  certain  modifications)  until  after  the  period 
embraced  by  this  work,  and  in  Rome  until  after 
the  year  1000. 

It  was  almost  equally  prevalent  in  the  East 
until  the  genius  of  the  architect  of  St.  Sophia  at 
Constantinople  had  evolved  from  the  other  ty- 
pical form,  viz.  that  of  the  memorial  church,  a 
now  combination  so  striking  and  impressive  as  to 
have  permanently  influenced  the  church  archi- 
tecture of  Asia  and  of  the  east  of  Europe  in 
fiivour  of  a  modification  of  the  memorial  type ; 
while  in  the  West,  churches  the  plans  of  which 
are  thence  derived,  continue  to  be,  as  they  had 
been  before,  exceptional ;  such  are  S.  Vitale  at 
Ravenna  and  S.  Lorenzo  at  Milan. 

In  the  earlier  period  the  choice  of  form  would 
seem  to  have  been  guided  by  the  intention  most 
strongly  present  to  the  founder.  Where  special 
intention  of  doing  honour  to  the  memoiy  of  a 
martyr  existed,  the  circular  form  was  chosen, 
but  where  this  was  not  the  leading  thought,  the 
basilican ;  the  latter  lending  itself  better  to  the 
celebration  of  divine  services  with  a  large  at- 
tendance of  worshippers.  In  several  instances 
a  basilican  and  a  memorial  church  were  placed 
in  close  pi*oximity,  as  at  Jerusalem  by  Constan- 
tino, Kalat  Sema'an  in  Central  Syria,  at  Nola  by 
Paulinns,  at  Constantinople  in  the  churches  of 
St.  Sergius  and  of  St.  Peter  and  Paul,  and 
several  others,  the  circular  or  polygonal  church 
being  in  almost  all  these  cases  dedicated  in 
honour  of  a  martyr. 

It  will  be  most  convenient  when  describing 
the  churches  erected  from  the  time  of  Constan- 
tino to  that  of  Justinian  to  divide  them  according 
to  the  threefold  division  mentioned  above,  viz., 
into:  ist,  basilican;  2nd,  memorial  or  sepul- 
chral churches;  and  3rd,  oratories  (which  are 
treated  of  under  the  head  chapel),  without 
paying  much  regard  to  the  country  in  which 
the  examples  are  found.  During  this  period,  in 
fact,  so  much  unity,  as  well  of  ritual  and  prac- 
tice in  religious  matters  as  of  style  and  feeling 
in  art,  prevailed  throughout  the  Roman  Empire, 
that  the  differences  between  the  ecclesiastical 
architecture  of  its  various  provinces  are  chiefly 
differences  of  detail. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  period  which  follows, 
viz.,  that  fi^m  Justinian  to  Charles  the  Great, 
the  great  development  of  the  Byzantine  style 
took  place,  and  the  architecture  of  the  East  is 
thenceforward  widely  different  from  that  of  the 
West.  Soon  afterwards  the  fragments  into  which 
the  empire  had  divided  were  formed  into  new 
nations,  most  of  whom  developed  something  of 
new  plan  or  new  style  in  their  ecclesiastical 
buildings,  and  it  will  therefore  be  necessary  to 
treat  of  the  architectural  history  of  most  of 
these  nations  separately.  This  part  of  the  sub- 
ject may  be   divided  into  the   following  sec- 


tions : — 1,  The  western  part  of  the  territory  of 
the  Eastern  Empire;  2,  Armenia  and  the  ad- 
jacent provinces ;  3,  Italy ;  4,  Prance,  Germany* 
and  Switzerland ;  5,  Spain ;  6,  Ireland ;  7,  Scot- 
land; 8,  England. 

III.  ihe  Period  from  Constantme  to  Justinian. 
— ^It  has  been  thought  by  some  writers  (v. 
Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq,  OhrA.  art.  Bssilique), 
that  the  crypts  or  chapels  of  the  catacombs 
near  Rome  have  served  as  models  for  the  pri- 
mitive Christian  churches,  by  which  it  would 
appear  that  churches  of  the  basilican  type  ar« 
meant.  This  opinion  would,  however,  appear  to 
rest  on  no  sufficient  foundation,  for  the  so-called 
chapels  are  in  general  either  a  series  of  two, 
three,  or  even  five,  chambers,  usually  not  more 
than  6  or  7  feet  square,  connected  by  doorways, 
as  in  the  instance  of  the  *'  chiesa  principale  *'  of 
the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes  (v.  Harchi,  tav.  xxxv. 
xxzvi  xxzvii.),  or  hexagonal,  polygonal,  or  ob- 
long excavations,  without  apse  or  any  of  the 
usual  features  of  a  church,  such  as  the  crypt 
discovered  by  Bosio  in  the  cemetery  of  the  Via 
Salaria  Nuova,but  not  now  accessible,  which  has 
been  held  to  have  been  a  church  (v.  Marchi,  tar. 
xxxii.).  In  this  an  octagon  of  about  23  feet  in 
diameter  is  connected  by  a  doorway  about  4  feet 
wide,  with  an  oblong  chamber  about  12  feet 
wide  by  32  long.    [Catacombs.] 

The  so-called  basilica  of  St.  Hermes,  in  a  ceme- 
tery near  the  Via  Salaria  Vecchia,  of  an  oblong 
form,  terminating  in  an  apse,  was,  no  doubt, 
reduced  into  its  present  form  by  Pope  Hadrian  I., 
as  the  Lib.  PonUf.  tells  us  of  that  pope  that  he 
^  basilicam  coemeterii  sanctorum  martyrum  Her- 
metis,  etc.,  mirae  magnitudinis  innovavit." 

No  church  of  the  period  of  Constantine  has 
come  down  to  modem  times  in  a  complete  state, 
but  fortunately  a  contemporary  writer  (Eusebius) 
has  left  us  such  detailed  accounts,  that,  with  the 
assistance  which  we  can  obtain  from  existing 
remains,  we  can  form  a  very  complete  picture  of 
a  church  of  that  period. 

The  earliest  church  of  the  building  of  which 
we  have  a  distinct  account  is  that  which  Pau- 
linus  built  in  Tyre  between  A.D.  313  and  A.D. 
322.  Eusebius  (Eocl.  Hiit.  bk.  x.  iv.  s.  37)  states 
that  the  bishop  surrounded  the  site  of  the 
church  with  a  wall  of  enclosure;  this  wall, 
according  to  Dr.  Thomson  {^The  Land  and  the 
Booky  p.  189,  c.  xiii.)  can  still  be  traced,  and 
measures  222  feet  in  length,  by  129  in  breadth. 
In  the  east  side  of  this  wiQl  of  inclosure  he  made 
a  large  and  lofty  portico  (irp^n/Xoy),  through 
which  a  quadrangular  atrium  (aSOpior)  was 
entered;  this  was  surrounded  by  ranges  of 
columns,  the  spaces  between  which  were  filled  by 
net-like  railings  of  wood.  In  the  centre  of  the 
open  space  was  a  fountain,  at  which  those  about 
to  enter  the  church  purified  themselves. 

The  church  itself  was  entered  through  interior 
porticoes  (rots  Mordrm  wpow6koisi),  perhaps  a 
narthex,  but  whether  or  not  distinct  from  the 
portico  which  bounded  the  atrium  on  that  side 
does  not  appear.  Three  doorways  led  into  the 
nave ;  the  central  of  these  was  by  far  the  largest, 
and  had  doon  covered  with  bronze  reliefs ;  other 
doorways  gave  entrance  to  the  side  aisles.  Above 
these  aisles  were  galleries  well  lighted  (doubtless 
by  external  windows),  and  looking  upon  the  nave ; 
these  were  adorned  with  beautiful  work  in  wood. 
The  passage  is  rather  obscure,  and  has  been 


CHURCH 

tmrloiuly  translated:  the  above  le  the  senee 
of  BaoMn'e  paraphrase  (BcitUiken  Sea  Christ. 
Monu,  B.  31>  Hilbsch  {Alt.  Oirist.  Kirchetiy  s. 
75)  thinks  that  the  woM  tlfffioTyds  (entrances) 
stands  for  windows,  and  that  the  woodwork  was 
u  them.  It  seems,  however,  more  probable  that 
the  curjSoAoi  were  the  openings  from  the  gal- 
leries into  the  nare,  and  the  woodwork  the 
railings  or  balostrades  which  protected  their 
fronts. 

The  nave  or  central  portion  {fiatrtXtios  ohcos) 
was  constmcted  of  still  richer  material  than  the 
rest,  ana  the  roof  of  cedar  of  Lebanon.  Dr. 
Thomson  states  that  the  ramains  of  five  granite 
columns  may  still  be  seen,  and  that  "  the  height 
to  the  dome  vras  80  feet,  as  appean  by  the 
remains  of  an  arch."  Nothing  which  Eusebius 
says  leads  to  the  supposition  that  it  was  covered 
by  a  dome,  and  the  arch  was  probably  the  so- 
called  triumphal  arch  throngh  which,  as  at 
St.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  at  Rome,  and  many  other 
basilican  churches,  a  space  in  front  of  the  apse 
somewhat  like  a  transept  was  entered.  Hiibsch 
has  made  a  conjectural  restoration  of  the  church 
thus  arranged. 

The  building,  having  been  m  such  manner 
completed,  Paulinus,  we  are  told,  provided  it 
with  thrones  (Bp6yois)  in  the  highest  places  for 
the  honour  of  the  presidents  (irpo^Spwr),  and 
with  benches,  or  seats  {fidSpois),  accordine  to 
fitness,  and,  placing  the  most  holy  altar  (fyiov 
ityittp  9wruiarr4iptor)  in  the  midst,  suiTOunded 
the  whole  with  wooden  net-like  railings  of  most 
skilful  work,  so  that  the  enclosed  space  might 
be  inaccessible  to  the  crowd.  The  pavement,  he 
adds,  was  adorned  with  marble  decoration  of 
•very  kind. 

Then  on  the  outside  he  constructed  very  large 
external  buildings  (^(c8pai)  and  halls  (oTicoi), 
which  were  attached  to  the  sides  of  the  church 
(rh  fioffi^ftoy},  and  connected  with  it  by  en- 
trances in  the  hall  lying  between  (reus  M  rhr 
liivov  oXkov  cio-ZSoXois).  These  halls,  we  are 
told,  wera  destined  for  those  who  still  required 
the  purification  and  sprinkling  of  water  and  of 
the  Holy  Ohost. 

In  A.D.  333  Constantino  caused  a  basilica  to 
be  erected  at  Jerusalem  near  the  site  of  the 
sepnlchn  of  our  Lord,  which  was  either  included 
in  this  building  or  in  a  circular  or  octagonal  ad- 
jacent structure,  the  basilica  being  called  iKKKif- 
aim  Scrr^pof— church  of  the  Saviour.  What 
the  pian  and  situation  of  these  buildings  were, 
and  whether  anvthing  now  existing  be  the 
remains  of  these  buildings,  are  questions  full  of 
difficulty  and  have  been  the  subject  of  much 
eontroveny  (v.  Fergusson,  De  Vogiie,  Eglises  da 
la  Terre-Saiaie). 

To  discuss  the  various  theories  and  the  argu- 
ments on  which  they  are  founded  would  occupy 
lar  too  much  space.  Eusebius  unfortunately  has 
written  of  the  subject  in  a  somewhat  rhetorical 
manner,  so  that  the  plan  of  the  structure  cannot 
be  clearly  made  out,  but  some  interesting  par- 
iicnlan  may  be  gathered  from  his  account  of 
the  basilica. 

It  had  (^Li/e  of  Constantme  ifte  Qreat^  lib.  iii.) 
double  porticoes  or,  as  we  should  sav,  aisles 
{hirrmv  ffroAw\  or  rows  of  pien  with  colon- 
aades  (wapAerriZts)  in  two  stories  above  and 
below  or  on  the  ground,  which  stretched  throug  h- 
oat  the   whole  extent  (/a^kci)   of  the  temple. 

CHRVr.   ANT. 


CHUBCH 


369 


By  Kwrary^iwy  we  should  perhaps  undentand  not 
subterranean  but  on  a  level  with  the  ground,  the 
'*  ity6yfiai "  corresponding  with  the  triforium  of 
a  mediaeval  church.  Recent  investigations  have 
shewn  that  extensive  subterranean  galleries 
exist  on  a  part  of  the  site  (according  to  Mr. 
Fergusson's  views)  of  this  church,  but  their 
character  and  date  has  as  yet  not  been  satis- 
factorily ascertained.  The  inner  rows  wera  of 
highly  decorated  pien,  the  exterior  of  enormous 
columns  (iii.  c.  37).  If  we  understand  as  Bunsen 
(Die  BasiliMen  Soma,  s.  83)  does,  that  the  rows 
stratched  acroas  the  f^ont  as  well  as  along  the 
sides,  we  may  perhaps  undentand  by  interior  (a/ 
8^  cf(r«  r&y  l/iirpoo'9cy)  those  which  ran 
lengthwise,  and  by  the  exterior  (al  M  wpoirAirov 
Tov  oIkov)  those  which  ran  across  the  front. 

The  thrae  doon  by  which  it  was  entered 
looked  to  the  east.  Opposite  to  these  doon  was 
the  hemispherical  head  ragion  (icc^^aior  rov 
ircun-hs  ^fita<paipior)  of  the  whole ;  i.  e.  the 
apse.  This  was  decorated  with  twelve  columns, 
on  which  wera  as  many  large  silver  vessels. 
The  walls  were  built  of  hewn  stone  in  regular 
counes,  and  coveraJ  internally  with  slabs  of 
variegated  marble.  The  roofs  were  of  wood 
richly  carved  and  gilt,  and  covered  externally 
with  lead  (c.  36> 

Before  the  entrances  was  an  atrium.  Then 
was  a  fint  court  with  porticoes,  befora  which 
were  the  entrances  of  the  court ;  then  on  the 
middle  of  the  market-place  the  propylaea  or 
outer  gateways,  whose  magnificence  astonished 
all  who  saw  them.  Mr.  Fergusson  thinks  that 
the  so-called  golden  gateway  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Haram  enclosura,  is  one  of  these  propylaea. 

Another  building  in  the  Holy  Land,  the  church 
at  Bethlehem,  has  strong  claims  to  be  considered 
as  the  work  of  this  period  (v.  De  Vogii^  Egliaea 
de  la  TeTre-SaifUe,  p.  46).  It  has  an  oblong 
atrium,  a  vestibule  dirided  into  three  portions, 
the  central  of  which  alone  opens  into  the  church, 
double  aisles  with  columns  of  the  Corinthian 
order,  and  at  the  end  opposite  to  the  atrium  the 
transvene-triapsal  arrangement — ue,  one  apse 
at  the  end  of  the  building,  and  two  othen,  one 
at  each  end  of  a  transept-like  space ;  beneath  the 
centre  of  this  space  is  the  crypt  of  the  Nativity. 

As  to  the  churches  built  in  Rome  during  the 
reign  of  Constantino  much  uncertainty  exists ; 
the  Liber  Pontificalia  attributes  to  him  the 
erection  (in  several  cases  at  the  request  ot 
Sylvester,  then  bishop  of  Rome)  of  seven  churches 
in  that  city,  and  describes  at  much  length  the 
ornaments  and  vessels  of  precious  metals  with 
which  they  wera  decorated.  As,  however,  these 
accounts  are  for  the  most  part  not  confirmed  by 
other  authorities,  and  contain  many  matten  of 
an  improbable  character,  they  ara  not  generally 
accepted  as  trustworthy.  That  the  churches  of 
St.  John  Lateran,  of  St  Peter,  Sta.  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme,  and  Sta.  Costanza,  were  erected  or 
converted  into  churches  at  this  time  is  however 
universally  admitted.  Of  the  fint  nothing  of 
the  period  of  Constantino  is  now  visible  and  no 
distinct  account  of  its  size  or  plan  has  come  down 
to  us.  Of  St.  Peter's,  though  it  no  longer 
exists,  we  have  a  full  account  and  caraful  draw- 
ings and  plans.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  accom- 
panying woodcut  that  it  was  of  the  same  type  as 
the  churches  which  Eusebius  describes,  a  five- 
aisled  basilica  ending  in  an  apse,  before  the  front 

2  B 


870 


CHVBCH 


of  whicb  WM  an  atrioiD.  It  ma  ■  oknrch  of ' 
ir«rj  Urge  «»,  being  3S0  feet  long  bj  S12  wide, 
tuid  covering  abore  80,000  Engliah  iqiiare  feet ; 
ti  mncb,  ai  Mr.  Pergauou  remarka,  u  an; 
mediasTal  ralhedral  except  thoae  of  Uilaa  ami 
Seville.  The  traiuept,  it  will  be  aeen,  eitendi 
beyond  the  width  of  the  nave.  The  interior 
range  of  oolumna  would  leem  to  have  been  of 
uoiiorm  dimenuona  and  to  have  nipportad  a 
hnriiontal  entablature,  the  siterior  range  carried 
arches.  Over  the  eatnbUtsre  waa  a  lofty  ipace 
ut  wall  in  later  timea  divided  into  two  layen  of 
pnnels,  each  containing  a  picture,  aod  above  these 
were  clerestory  windowi  of  great  aize,  one  over 
each  intercolnmniation.  It  ii  not  certain  that 
the  protongatiana  of  the  transept  beyond  the 
walli  of  the  nave  are  part  of  the  original  plana 
for  Pope  Symmachua  <A.D.  498-514)  i>  eaid  in 
the  Lib.  PonHf.  to  have  bailt  two  cabicnla,  or 
oratorla,  in  honour  of  St.  John  Uw  Baptiit  and 


CHCBCH 

five  arched  openings,  of  which  that  in  the  cmtr« 
ia  the  largest,  lliese  have  been  aappoml  by 
Eugler  (OescA.  drr  Ba<tk>m3t.  i.  376)  to  hav* 
been  originitlly  windowi ;  they  are  now  bailt  b|i, 
bat  it  may  be  aeen  that  the  musa  of  vill  which 
aeparaU  them  vrare  covered  with  thin  pbtea  of 
marble  of  two  or  more  colonrs  arranged  in 
puttema.  Above  these  openings  are  a  like  nnm- 
ber  of  immense  windows  nieasaring,  according  ia 
Ciampini  ( )X.  JIfon.  i.  7b\  about  38  feet  high 
by  14  feet  6  inches  wide. 

The  chorch  of  Sta-  Pudenziana  at  Rome  has 
also  been  assigned,  with  much  apparent  probft- 
bitity.  to  the  earlier  half  of  this  century;  it  haa 
been  greatly  modernized,  but  retains  in  the  apse 
the  Rnest  early  Christian  mosaic  in  Rome  (en- 
graved in  Gaily  Knight'a  Italim  Omrtiia.  vol.  1. 
pi.  23).  This  moaaie  ia  utigned  by  most  com- 
petent jadgea  to  the  4th  oentury. 

Tbe  otlier  church  at  Rome  which  hu  beep 


1 


St.  John  the  Evangeiiat.  The  "  Confea 
a  very  amnll  vault  under  the  altar,  an 
quite  clear  that  any  rault  at  all  was  [ 

The  basilica  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gei 
deserves  notice  as  an  instance  of  the 
of  a  hall  or  civil  baaiiica  into  a  cl 
formed  part  of  the  palace  known  a! 
aorium.     When     ■-'  '^ '^    - 


tbe 


every 


j  thi 


idded  at  the 
.'loaed  by  chapels,  of  which  that  on  the 
is  covered  by  a  cupola  and  is  believed 
nal,  that  on  tbe  north-east  is  of  a  later 
nn  hardly  be  doubted  that  a  chapel 
that  on  the  other  aide  originally 
the  only  inttAnce  in 


hich,  an  haa  been  said,  was  comiD< 
id  in  n.irts  of  the  but. 
The  lateiul  walla  of  Sta.  Croce  ai 


mentioned  ae  of  tbe  Constantinian  period,  St«. 
Costania,  will  be  described  when  circular  and 
polygonal  churches  are  spoken  of. 

Otber  churches  of  the  basilican  type  war* 
conatrocted  by  order  of  Constantino,  as  the 
original  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople, 
that  of  the  Apostles  and  other*  at  the  same  place, 
but  all  these  have  been  destroyed  or  rebuilt. 

Towards  the  end  of  this  century  (Jl,D.  386) 
of  St.  faul,  beyond  the  walla 


(fuor 


he  lire  of  1B22,  remained  far 
ny  other  building  of  the  peric 
tv.  It  resembled  St.  Peter's 
go,  with  the  eroeplions  that 


architraves.  It  was  lighted  b 
Ciampini)  130  windows,  each  '. 
14  feat  6  inches  wide. 


■d  arches  instead  of 


r 


The  chaTch  of  S.  Stsbno  In  VU  Utina,  bnilt 
b;  Pope  L«  I.  (a.d.  440-tSlX  hod  blleu  iaU> 
Taia  md  the  remniDs  become  covered  with  earth. 


mnarkable  «rr»ngem 
apparently  ariiiag  froi 
on  tor  J  already  eiistii 
Hill  more    IntereitiQi 


i  painlei 


9  this 


-k  ha*  quite  the  che- 
:he»e  are  probably  the 
ind  which  hara  been 


'.r  of  the  5th 
nrlieat  remain)  of  the'l 
Doticed,  if  we  except  those  on  the  basilica  a 
D'Jemilah  in  Algeria,  mentioned  abore.  Th 
pavemeat  of  Urge  alabi  of  marble  ia  alio  a 
ionbt  original. 

The  church  of  St.  John  Stndioa  at  CoDsMiiti 


CHUHCH 


S71 


Several  dmrchea  in  Central  Syria  are  deKri^ed 
bv  Count  de  Vo^«  a>  belonging  tothia  period. 
'The  other  principal  type  of  chorch  is,  as  hai 
hero  laid,  the  Bepulchrs!  or  memorial,  in  the 
earlier  eiamples  usually  circular  In  plan,  in 
later  not  uofreqaeatly  polygonal.  The  •nodeli 
from  which  luch  buildings  were  originally  deve- 
loped were  doubllcss  the  nepiilchres  of  a  circular 
form,  many  of  ivhich  were  erected  at  Rome  at 
the  doac  of  the  Republican  period  and  under  The 
emperors.  These  structures  were  originally 
nearly  solid,  contniuing  only  small  chambers; 
such  are  the  tomb  of  Cecilia  Metelln  and  the 
tomb  of  Hadrian  now  enclosed  in  the  cattle  of 
St.  Angelo.  Is  laler  eiamples,  at  In  that  of  tiie 
Toasian  family,  and  that  of  the  Emprese  Helena 
(now  commonly  called  Torre  Pignatsrra),  the 
npper  story  i)  occnpied  by  a  chamber,  taking  up 
aa  much  of  the  diamaler  as  the  necMBJly  of 
making  the  wall   strong   enough  tu   sustain   • 


Bople,  bnilt  x.a.  463,  now  a  mosque  known  u 
imrachor-Dschamiasi,  showi  that  as  regards  plan 
and  design  there  was  in  the  5th  century  little 
diSennce  between  a  baailican  church  in  Rome 
and  in  Constantinople.  This  bniiding  has  been 
well  illustrated  by  Salienberg  (Alt-CArMlielie 
BoMdmimalt  von  CimttaniiHopef),  and  it  will  be 
seen  Awjm  his  plates  thi  '  '         ' 


tarrying 


horiiontal  architrave,  and  on  this 
mnade  snpparttng  arches,  so  ns  to 
ipacions  galleries  over  the  aiiles,  and  an 
mi-circniar  within,  semi-heiagonal  wilh- 
The  proportion  of  width  to  length  is 
than  is  usual  in  the  bastlican  churches  of 
perhape  an  early  indication  of  that  pre- 


"■Pl'a  .. 
ine  architecture  afterwards  so  s( 
lU.  The  moat  chnracteristic  fent 
ir,  the  great  site  of  the  galler 
intended    to    be    used    M  a    eyne 


..gij 


«■  in  that  of  the  Torre  ngnataira,  was  well 
lighted  by  large  windows.  From  such  a  build- 
ing to  the  church  of  Sta.  Costania  the  progreM 
is  easy,  the  eitemal  peristyle,  as  in  Hadrian's 
tomb,  was  retained,  and  another  was  intl'o- 
duced  into  the  interior  on  which  the  dome 
was  supported.  Some  approach  to  a  crucifoiTQ 
plan  it  will  be  seen  was  produced  by  grouping 
the  twenty-four  coupled  colnmns  which  carry 
the  dome  in  groups  of  sii,  and  leaving  a  wider 
space  between  each  group  than  between  each 
pair  of  colnmns.  A  niche  in  the  aisle  wall 
corresponds  to  each  inter-columniation,  those 
corresponding  to  the  wider  intervals  being  of 
larger  size  than  the  others.  In  Ihcsa  larger 
niches  earccphagi  were  placed;  one  of  porphyrv 
now  in  the  Museum  at  the  Vatican,  waa  removed 
from  the  niche  opposite  to  the  door.  The 
eilernal  peristyle  has  been  entirely  destroyed. 
This  building  has  been  called  a  baptlslery,  but 
there  is  DO  trace  nor  record  of  the  eiietence  of 
2  It  2 


372 


CHURCH 


CHURCH 


a  piscina  or  font.  The  probability  would  appeal 
to  be  that  it  was  erected  as  a  mausoleum  for  the 
Constantinian  family.  This  building  is  about 
100  feet  in  diameter,  tho  dome  being  about  40. 

If  we  admit  Mr.  Fergusson's  theory  that  the 
'  Kubbet-es-Sakhra,'  or  *  Dome  of  the  Rock/  is  the 
building  erected  by  order  of  Constantine  over 
the  sepulchre  of  our  Saviour,  it  must  be  classed 
among  memorial  churches.  This  appropriation 
of  the  building  has  been  the  subject  of  much 
controTersy,  but  in  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  the  question  can  scarcely  be  satis- 
factorily decided.  Whoever  compares  the  en- 
gravings of  the  capitals  in  the  church  at  Beth- 
lehem, given  by  Count  de  Vogiie  (Eglises  de  la 
Terre  Sainte,  p.  52)  with  that  of  the  capitals  in 
the  'Dome  of  the  Rock'  (Ihe  Holy  Sepulchre, 
by  James  Fergusson,  p.  68),  must  see  that  both 
are  of  one  closely  similar  design  and  probably 
of  the  same  date,  which  there  can  be  little 
doubt  is  the  earlier  part  of  the  4th  century. 
The  '  Dome  of  the  Rock '  is  an  octagon  155  feet  in 
diameter,  with  two  aisles  and  a  central  dome, 
this  is  supported  by  four  great  piers,  between 
each  of  which  are  three  pillars  supporting  arches 
qvringing  direct  from  their  capitals ;  the  space 
between  these  and  the  external  wall  is  divided 
into  two  aisles  by  a  screen  of  eight  piers  and 


sixteen  pillars — two  pillars  intervening  between 
each  pier.  On  the  capitals  of  these  pillars  rest 
blocks  which  carry  a  frieze  and  cornice ;  these 
last  carry  arches  above  which  was  a  second  cor- 
nice. The  whole  building  has  undergone  much 
alteration,  and  these  capitals  and  friezes  appear 
to  be  the  best  preserved  portions  of  the  original 
design. 

It  seems  clear  that  one  of  two  hypotheses 
must  be  held ;  either  that  the  existing  remains 
are  those  of  a  building  of  the  period  of  Con- 
stantine, erected  on  the  spot  and  still  retaining 
their  original  architectural  arrangement,  or  that 
portions  of  such  a  building  have  been  removed 
from  another  site,  and  re-erected  where  we  now 
find  them. 

£usebius  {De  Vita  Constant,  iii.  50)  tells  ub 
of  another  octagonal  church  erected  by  order  of 
Constantine,  of  which  no  trace  now  remains. 
This  was  at  Antioch;  Euaebius  describes  it  as 
of  wonderfVil  height,  and  surrounded  by  many 
chambers  (oDeoif)  and  exedrae  (4^49pais)f  which 
it  would  appear  were  entered  from  the  galleries 
(xupiritiifrmv)  which  both  above  and  below  ground 
encircled  the  chuich. 

A  church  was  flTlao  built  by  Constantine  at 
Constantinople  (Eusobius,  Vita  Constant,  iv.  58, 
59)  as  a  memorial  church  of  the  Apostles  (jiap' 
rvpiov  iwl  fivhy^V  '''^^  iaroar6\mi'%  and  at  the 


same  time  as  a  place  for  his  own  bariaL  Thu 
building  was  destroyed  by  Justinian,  and  its 
precise  form  is  unknown;  but  that  it  was  in 
some  manner  cruciform  appears  from  the  dis- 
tich of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  in  the  poem  of 
the  dream  of  Anastasius : — 

Svy  TDif  Aol  tiefdXavxO¥  tSos  Xpcirvoib  iiaJhfrvw 
UAcvpouc  oToi^orviroiC  rcrpax«  rc^utoiMvor. 

It  would  seem  that  it  stood  in  the  centre  of  a 
large  atrium,  surrounded  by  porticoes.  Bunsea 
{Die  BasUiken  dee  ChrisU.  Boms,  s.  36)  thinks 
that  in  this  edifice  we  may  discern  the  germ  of 
the  Byzantine  type  of  church. 

It  is  a  matter  of  some  difficalty  to  distinguish 
between  a  sepulchral  chapel  or  tomb  and  a  me- 
morial church;  the  one  class  in  fact  runs  into 
the  other,  the  distinction  between  them  depend- 
ing upon  the  object  which  the  builder  had  in 
view ;  when  he  constructed  a  large  edifice  m 
which  services  were  to  be  frequently  held,  still 
more  if  this  building  was  intended  to  be  the 
cathedral  church  of  a  bishop  or  the  church  of  a 
district,  the  structure  must  be  considered  as  a 
church,  although  it  was  also  constructed  in  order 
to  honour  a  martyr  and  to  protect  his  tomb; 
when  on  the  other  hand  it  was  of  small  size,  and 
its  primary  object  was  to  contain  the  tomb  or 
tombs  either  of  the  builder  or  of  some  saint,  it 
must  be  considered  as  only  a  sepulchral  chapel 
although  containing  an  altar,  and  although  ser- 
vices were  occasionally  celebrated  within  it. 

Several  remarkable  buildings  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury belong  to  the  first  class.  One  of  these  is 
the  church  of  St.  George  at  rhessalonica,  which 
consists  of  a  circular 
nave  79  feet  in  dia- 
meter, covered  by  a 
dome,  a  chancel,  and 
an  apse ;  the  walls  of 
the  nave  are  20  feet 
thick,  and  in  them 
are  eight  great  re- 
cesses, two  of  which 
serve  as  entrances 
and  one  as  a  sort 
of  vestibule  to  the 
chancel,  the  roof  is 
covered  with  a  mag- 
nificent series  of  mo- 
saics.   The  cathedral 

at  Bosrah,  in  the  Haouran,  the  date  of  which 
is  ascertained  to  be  a.d.  512,  has  a  plan  with 
several  points  of  similarity  to  that  of  St.  George, 
particularly  as  regards  the  chancel. 

In  Italy  some  circular  churches  were  con- 
structed to  carry,  not  domes,  but  wooden  i*oofs ; 
of  these  tlie  most  remarkable  example  is  St. 
Stefano  Rotondo,  at  Rome,  built  between  A.n. 
467  and  a«D.  483.  This  church  had  originally 
two  aisles  and  is  of  very  large  size,  having  a 
diameter  of  about  210  feet. 

The  church  of  St.  Lorenzo  at  Milan,  once  the 
cathedral  of  the  city,  is  very  remarkable,  as 
shewing  an  attempt  to  combine  the  circular 
with  the  square  plan.  Its  real  date  has  not 
been  ascertained,  but  it  is  probably  of  the  earlier 
part  of  the  5th  century.  The  main  building  has 
lost  all  original  character  through  repairs,  but 
according  to  Hiibsch  the  original  walls  exist  to 
a  height  of  nearly  40  feet,  and  the  ground  plan 
may  therefore  be  accepted  as  original. 


GhUicdimlat 


CHURCH 


OHUBGH 


873     • 


It  will  be  observed  that  chapeU  are  annexed 
to  the  church  on  the  north,  south,  and  east; 
that  on  the  north  is  supposed  by  Uubsch  to  have 
been  a  restibule,  that  now  called  St.  Aquilino 
OQ  the  south  is  thought  to  have  been  constructed 
as  a  baptistery,  that  on  the  east  in  all  proba- 
bility was  constructed  to  serve  as  a  sepulchral 
chapel,  a  purpose  to  which,  whether  it  was 
originally  destined  or  not,  the  chapel  of  St.  Aqui- 
lino was  also  applied  as  early  as  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century,  if  the  sarcophagus  said  to 
have  contained  the  body  of  Ataulphus  (ob.  A.D. 
415)  really  did  so,  and  if  this  was  its  original 
place  of  deposit. 

Httbsch,  however,  gives  it  as  his  opinion, 
founded  diiefly  on  the  character  of  the  brick- 
work, that  the  chapels  are  later  in  date  than 
the  main  church. 

In  this  instance  we  have  the  two  classes,  the 
memorial  church  and  the  sepulchral  chapel,  in 
joxtaposition.  A  few  instances  of  the  latter 
class  remain  to  be  mentioned,  and  firstly  the 
two  large  circular  edifices  which  stood  on  the 
north  side  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  one  of  which 
was  afterwards  called  the  church  of  St.  Andrew, 


8t  MiOiio  Botoodob 


and  the  other  having  been  the  sepulchre  of 
Honorius,  or  at  least  of  his  two  wives  {Beach, 
der  Stadt  AoM.,  II.  i.  95),  was  afterwards  dedi- 
cated to  St.  Petronilla. 

The  building  of  the  church  of  St.  Andrew  is 
attributed  to  Pope  Symmachus  (▲.D.  498-514) 
on  the  authority  of  the  L9>,  PonHf.,  but  the 
position  and  connexion  of  the  buildings  was  such 
that  it  seems  probable  that  both  were  built  at 
the  same  time,  which  was  apparently  that  of 
the  Emperor  Honorius.  According  to  the  plans 
which  have  come  down  to  us  they  had  no  apses, 
but  seven  square-ended  recesses  in  the  thickness 
of  the  walls.  They  were  of  large  size,  about 
100  feet  in  diameter. 

A  still  existing  building  of  the  same  class  is 
the  chapel  at  Ravenna,  built  by  the  Empress 
Galla  Placidia  (ob.  450),  which,  though  more  pro- 
perly a  sepulchral  chapel  than  a  church,  cannot 
be  wholly  passed  over  here.  It  is  in  plan  a  Latin 
cross  without  an  apse :  from  the  intersection  of 
the  arms  rises  a  tower  enclosing  a  small  dome. 
This  example  is  of  peculiar  interest,  as  the  ear- 
liest known  instance  of  this  plan  which  after- 


wards came  to  be  so  extensively  used  m  Western 
Europe.  Recent  excavations  have  shown  that 
the  chapel  was  originally  entered  by  a  portico, 
which  was  in  connexion  with  the  atrium  or 
narthex  of  the  adjacent  chur(.h  of  Sta.  Crore. 
(I>e  Rossi,  BuU,  dU  ArcheoL  Crist,  1866,  p.  73.) 

A  further  account  of  sepulchral  chapels  will 
be  found  under  Chapel. 

Although  heathen  temples  were  in  consequence 
of  their  plans  little  suited  foi  adaptation  to 
Christian  worship,  they  were  occasionally  during 
the  earlier  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  as 
well  as  in  later  times,  converted  to  this  purpose. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  earlv  examples  of 
this  transformation  is  that  of  the  temple  of 
Venus  at  Aphrodisias,  in  Caria,  where  the  ori- 
ginal building  was  enclosed  by  a  wall  and  an 
apse  added  at  one  end,  the  cella  demolished,  the 
columns  of  the  posticum  removed  and  placed 
in  a  line  with  the  lateral  columns,  and  a  wall 
pierced  with  windows  was  raised  on  the  lateral 
colonnades  so  as  to  form  a  clerestory.  A  church 
was  thus  formed  of  large  size,  about  200  feet 
long  by  100  feet  wide.  Messrs.  Texier  and  Pullan 
(JByz,  Arch,  p.  89)  believe  this  transformation 
to  have  taken  place  between  the  periods  of  Con- 
stantine  and  of  Theodosius. 

The  period  of  Justinian  is  one  of  special  im- 
portance in  the  history  of  ecclesiastical  architec- 
ture. From  this  time  the  basilican  plan  went, 
in  the  East,  almost  or  entirely  out  of  use,  and  a 
modification  of  the  plan  of  St.  Sophia  was  almost 
exclusively  adopted,  the  modified  plan  being  a 
quadrangular  figure  approaching  a  square  with 
a  dome  covering  the  centre,  and  a  large  internal 
porch  or  narthex  at  the  entrance.  This  plan, 
however,  did  not  originate  with  the  architect  of 
St.  Sophia,  the  germ  of  it  is  perhaps  to  be  found 
in  the  domed  oratories  or  Kalybes  of  Syria; 
from  such  a  simple  dome — a  building  like  the 
cathedral  of  Ezra,  in  which  the  dome  is  sur- 
rounded by  an  aisle,  and  an  apse  added — is 
readily  derived,  this  example  dates  from  a.d. 
510 ;  and  if  to  such  a  plan  a  narthex  be  added, 
we  have  the  typical  Byzantine  plan,  as  in  the 
church  of  SS.  Sergius  and  Bacchus  at  Constanti- 
nople, built  under  Justinian,  but  somewhat  ear- 
lier than  St.  Sophia.  The  peculiar  feature  of 
the  latter  church  is  the  placing  of  the  dome  not 
upon  piers  and  arches  on  every  side,  but  upon 
semi-domes  east  and  west,  by  which  means  a 
vast  space,  more  than  200  feet  long  by  100  feet 
wide,  totally  upencnmbered  by  piers  or  columns, 
was  obtained.  This  construction  has,  however, 
never  been  copied  in  Christian  churches,  but  it 
has  served  as  a  model  for  the  mosques  of 
Constantinople. 

All  the  minuter  peculiarities  of  construction 
and  of  detail,  however,  henceforward  prevail  in 
the  East,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Roman  style, 
which  previously  was  in  use.  In  the  West, 
examples  of  Byzantine  character  continue  to  be 
very  rare.  St.  Vitale  at  Ravenna  is  perhaps  the 
only  prominent  example,  until  a  much  later 
period.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia  is,  however, 
in  itself  a  monument  of  such  importance  as  to 
require  to  be  noticed  in  some  detail. 

It  is  a  building  of  very  consideiable  dimen- 
sions, covering  about  70,000  square  feet,  exclusive 
of  the  portions  of  the  atrium  (or  exo-narthex\ 
the  baptistery,  and  other  annexed  buildings. 

From  the  exo-narthez,  the  principal  or  eso- 


374 


CHURCH 


CHUBCH 


narthex,  205  feet  m  length  internally,  by  26  feet 
in  breadth,  is  entered.  The  principal  mass  of 
the  building  forms  nearly  a  square  235  feet  north 
and  southf  by  250  feet  east  and  west,  with  an 
apse  projecting  on  the  east  side.  The  central 
dome  is  107  feet  in  diameter  by  46  feet  in  height, 
and  rises  180  feet  from  the  floor.  The  semi- 
domes  are  of  the  same  diameter.  The  aisles  are 
spacious,  but,  in  consequence  of  the  exigencies  of 
the  constructional  arrangement,  are  so  divided  as 


with  ornaments  in  relief;  but  those  now  exirtinf 
do  not  seem  to  be  of  the  period  of  Justinian. 

All  the  columns,  capitals,  &c.,  are  of  porphyry 
or  marble.  The  floors  and  all  other  flat  spaces 
ai*e  covered  with  marble  slabs  of  the  richest 
colours,  the  domes  and  curved  surfiices  with  gold 
grounded  mosaics. 

Little  is  Icnown  as  regards  the  precise  position 
of  the  various  fixed  appliances  by  which  the 
church  was  fitted  for  divine  worship.    The  altar 


N  =/M  lAi  i Ai  5.'K:  lAi  lAl  !/'•••  :A 


8t  Bophto,  OoMlMitiiiopkb 


to  form  rather  a  series  of  chambers  than  con- 
tinuous galleries.  There  is,  it  will  be  seen,  but 
OLS  apse,  in  front  of  which  is  a  shallow  chancel 
space,  covered  by  a  barrel-vault.  On  the  upper 
floor  are  chambers  corresponding  with  those 
below,  which  furnished  places  for  women. 

The  windows  are  filled  with  slabs  of  marble, 
pierced  with  square  openings  filled  with  thiclc 
pieces  of  cast  glass.  When  the  windows  are  large 
they  are  divided  into  three  or  six  parts  by  co- 
lumn? and  architraves.    Thp  doors  are  of  bronze, 


is  supposed  to  have  stood  in  the  chancel  space  or 
bema,  in  front  of  the  apse ',  the  iconostasis  appears, 
according  to  Salzenberg,  to  have  been  placed  at  the 
western  end  of  the  bema,  and  to  have  been  about 
14  feet  high.  From  the  poem  of  Paul  the  Silen- 
tiary,  we  learn  that  it  was  of  silver,  had  three 
doors,  the  central  the  largest,  and  12  columns 
raised  on  a  stylobate,  and  was  adorned  with  fi- 
gures  (probably  bust  figures)  of  our  Lord,  the 
Virgin  Mary,  Prophets  and  Apostles,  in  discs  or 
medallions.    Whether  these  figures  were  in  the 


OHTJBCH 


CHUKCH 


375 


tntu,  a*  Sslienberg  inppoMa,  or  betwecD  tba  |  wh*re  the;  were  Bltoatcd.  It  would  seem  pro- 
coltUDiu,  i>  not  certain ;  bnt,  u  th«  Silentlar;  bable  tbat  the  compartme[it  north  of  tbe  uemi 
n]r>  or  the  alUr,  that  it  wag  not  fit  tbat  the  e7es  was  the  ptothasii  and  that  Huth,  tho  diacomcoD. 
of  the  multitude  should  look  od  it,  it  would  |  The  Hitt  for  the  emperor  waa  od  the  louth 
ieem  probable  thftt  thaj  filled  the  apacei  between  '  tide,  and  neai 
Ihe  columna,  making  a  aolid  icouoitaeia,  ■*  in  I  preaa,  alto  on 
modern  Greek  churchei.  central  divieii 

The  altar  wa<  of  table  form,  anpported    t/         The   circul. 
ith  precioDB  I  lectangul 


I  of  the 


colnmna,  and  of  gold,  decorated 
lUisei ;  oTcr  it  waa  a  iplendid  cibo 
from  the  archei  of  which   hung 


!  sonth  aide,  but  In  oi 
ism  of  the  triforium. 
lar  bailding  woa   the  Mcriitj,  the 
the  baptlatery. 
emperor,   alao,    bnilt  a  church  at 
with  I  Conntantinople— that  of  St.  Sergiua,  now  called 


fi^rei  ot  our  Lord,  St.  John  the  Baptiat 
Panl,  and  oLhcra,  woveti  in  silk  aaJ  guH. 

The  circumference  of  the  apse  waa  occupied  by 


biihopa.     These  were  of  ail 

ahafta,  probably  carrying  cr 

Paul    the  Silentiar;  uj 

diorua  or  place  for  the  : 


r-gilt,  lepaisted  by 

nothing  as  to  the 
■    lingera,  e; 


ivided  the  portior 
apart  for  the  celebration  of  the  myeterica  1 
that  of  the  " Diany-tongued  multitude"  (a- 
fKimraw  tuD^mX  This  aeems  to  ihow  tha 
chorus  eitended  from  the  iconoatasia  to  the  ai 
which  the  aame  authority  atatea  to  bare  stood 
nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  church,  but  rather 
towards  the  eaat.  Thia  space  may,  hi 
hare  been  divided  into  two  parts ;  oi 
•oleaa,  to  the  east,  set  apart  fbr  the  , 
deacons,  and  tuh-deacom ;  the  other  for  the 
reader*  and  singers.  The  soleaa  is  said  by  Codi- 
noa  to  hare  been  originally  of  onyi,  but  made 
by  Justinian  of  Eold  (^v<ra).  In  the  same  pa^ 
uge  it  is  said  that  the  omiw  waa  made  of  gal> 
We  (hoDld  DO  doubt  underxtand  in  both  cast 
that  the  true  meaning  of  the  pasmge  is  thu 
much  gilding  waa  employed  ai  a  decoration.  1 
the  case  of  the  soleaa  the  gilding  may  probably 
hare   been   applied    to    the   aeats   o-    ■  "      ' 

It  would  appear  from  the  i 
by  Eragrins  {Hat.  Eccl.  lib.  it.  cap.  iiii.>  EQat 
Ihe  holy  conch  (J^io  Kiyxt)  commenced  at  the 
western  end  of  Ihe  eoatem  somi-dome,  pouibly 
therefore  the  line  of  division  between  the  en- 
cloeurta  for  the  luperior  and  inferior  clerics  ran 
at  thia  point,  the  chorus  for  the  readers  and 
lingeTs,  ei lending  thence  to  Ihe  amtio. 

Two  compartments,  known  aa  the  prothetis 
and  diaconicon,  are  mentioned  by  Dyiantlne 
writen,    but   it  has  been  a   matter  of  dispute 


Eutchuk  Agia  Sophia  (Little  St.  Sophia)— which 
eTidently  suggeated  tiie  plan  whidi  eventually 
became  the  normal  one  of  all  Byinn tine  churchei. 
la  thia  the  peculiar  form  of  capitnla  and  traat- 
ment  of  folijige,  which  are  characteriatic  of 
Byzantine  art,  are  fully  shown. 

The  chnrch  of  S.  Vitale  at    Ravenna,  bnilt 
between  52S  and  517,  is,  aa  Mr.  Fergusson  hai 


aaurement  giren 


S.  Vitale   bos   a 


u  the  arrangement  of  the  dome, 
nd  of  the  pillars  which  auppart 
h  St.  Sergius.      But 


of  clen 
1  about  ^0  feet  higher 


'  the 
ligher.  The 
irrangement  of  tha  aiilei,  cboii.  and  eiterior 
walla  differ,  it  will  be  seen,  veiy  much-,  and  it 
would  seem  that  the  architect  had  studied 
the  building  at  Rome  known  aa  the  Temple  o{ 
Minerva  Medina,      S.  Vitate  i*  thoroughly  Bj* 


376 


CHURCH 


xsntine  in  dauil ,  and,  in  spite  of  most  tutclsu 
Kpalr*  and  idditioiu,  atill  retniua  mach  that  is 
chancUrittic  and  intrreiling,  eip«ciallT  Id  the 
cboir,  ths  lower  pnrt  of  which  ia  lined  with  alabs 
of  precious  DurbleB,   and  the  upper  with  the 


upon  the  oHgioal 
purn. 

Another  buillcan  dinrch  of  the  penod  of 
Justinian  ia  that  at  Dana,  betweea  Antioch  and 
BIr.  Thii,  likewjae,  hu  a  aiogle  apse,  init  the 
end   of  the   church   U  a  straight   line,  oblons 


White,  however,  chnrches  with  domes  were 
coutrncted,  baailicim  chorchei  were  also  built. 
In  connection  with  that  of  St.  Sergioa  at  Cod- 
itantinople,  wai  a  basil ican  church  dedicated  to 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  which  hu  been  destroyed. 
The  church  of  the  moaaeterjr  of  St.  Catharine, 
on  Mount  Kuai,  which  etill  eiUta,  ia  basilican. 
IthiM  never  at  jet  been  well  iltuatmtfd;  but  the 


apsrCmeats — no  douK  lo  lerre  for  the  protbesb 
and  diaconicon — beiag  placed  one  on  each  side. 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  arch  of  the  apae  Is  of 
the  horseehoe  form,  and  those  of  the  nave  are 
Teiy  much  stilted.  The  capitals  are  Raman  in 
character. 

The  lineat  eituuple  of  a  basilican  cbnrcb  of 
this  period  is,  honerer,  that  of  S.  .\pol1in*n  in 


detail  of  the  ca^dtal)  appears  to  be  more  Roman 
than  Bfiantine.  It  ii  a  basilica  with  one  apse; 
but  in  order  to  form  a  chapel  for  the  supposed 
site  of  the  burning  bush,  an  interior  a|»e  has 
been  formed.  At  Uie  aides  are  four  cbapels,  but 
it  would  secDi  probable  that  the  chapela  and  the 


ClasM,  at  BaTcnna,  dedicated  in  MS.  Here  the 
eaaten  ends  of  the  aisles  are  parted  off,  and  ter- 
minate in  apasi,  of  which  arrangement  this  K. 
perhaps,  the  earliest  Instance  of  which  the  date 
is  well  ascertained.  It  is  a  chorch  of  very 
noble  proportions,  and  retains  the  decoratitu  h 


UHUBOH 


377 


Bomui  thui  Byunline  in  chnnctcr.  Upon  tb< 
apiUl  ToU  >  block  or  dDUeret,  oToatteattA 
with  ■  cross,  fis  ID  maoj,  other  churches  of  the 

Attached  to  the  we$t  front  is 


CotuUntJQDple,  or  one  of  the  l>^r  citiet  of  th* 
Romui  Empire,  naj  be  thu*  described. 

A  sUtelj  gatewBj  gave  admitlaace  to  a  lai^ 
court  (itrinm)  inrronnded  by  coTered  coloniudes, 
in  the  centre  vf  which  vbs  a  fonntain  OTKTue 
(csntharni)  amUioIng  water,  »  thnt  abiulioni 
might  be  performed  before  ths  chnrch  wni  en- 


•  Ull    c 


■tagei,  which  is  probably  of 
the  ume  age,  and  perhaps  the 
sarli»l  extant  example  of  a 
church  tower.  Though,  according 
U>  Hilbsch  {AH.  ChrMl.  KinAen, 
p.  S*),  the  lower  part  of  the 
tower  standing  oesr  the  cathedral 
of  RaTanna  may  probably  date 
from  the  pra*io(u  century,  and. 
parts  of  »me  other  towers,  both 
at  Rome  and  at  Rarenna,  may 
belong  to  the  beginning  of  the 
6th.  Attached  to  the  church  of 
S.  ViUle  St  RaveiuiB  are  two 
imall  round  towers,  which  iiave 
perhaps  never  l>een  carried  to 
their  rail  intended  height. 

The  cathedral  of  Parenio  in 
Iitria,  built  clrc  .i.D.  542,  ia  too 
interesting  to  be  passed  over, 
particularly  at  it  hu  undergone 
extremely  little  olteratioD,  and 
retaini  the  atrium  before  the 
front,  and  the  haptistery  opening 
from  the  atrium  on  the  ride  op- 
polite  to  the  chnrch — the  bapti*- 
terr,  unfortunately,  ia  t  aeml- 
ruinous  state.  Here,  it  will  be 
seen,  the  aisles  hare  apeidsl  enda 
internally,  bat  the  wall  is  flat 
eitemally.  The  spse  is  of  pecu- 
liar interest,  retaining  the  cathe- 
dra for  the  bishop  and  the  bench 
fbr  the  clergy,  in  apparently  an 
unaltered  state,  while  the  wall 
behind,  to  about  one  half  of  its 

height,  is  covered  with  an   ei-  a.  ipoUtaK.  lu  cta«.  E.™i.». 

tremely  rich  and  tasteful  decora- 

tioB  In  "opus  sectile,"  the  patlerns  being  com-  i  tared.  On  one  tide  of  this  atrium  and  entered 
posed  of  pieceaof  the  richest  maibles,  lapis  lazuli,  from  it  was  the  baptistery.  The  basilica  itself  waH 
and  mother-af-pearl.  Above  the  cathedra  is  a  usDally,  when  the  circumstances  of  the  site  per* 
cross  standing  on  a  globe,  and  figures  of  dolphins,  mitted,  placed  on  the  westei-n  side  of  the  i' 
Iridenta,  eomncopiaa,  and  barning  candles  are!  n  that  the  rising  sun  shone  on  il 
sparingly  introduced  an: —  "-- 
patterns  of  arcbitectui 
racter.     On  the  west  fr 


i  the 


L  the  east  end  above  the  apse,  ^^^^^^-^^^^ 

e   remains  of  (rtsco  paintings  ^^^^^XrA:Ka:^"A:a^v.' 
aaearlydat*.     In  this  church,  W^^^^    "    ^T 
UiiHigb  buillcan   in    plan,  the  IS  J     ■  ii      | 

pilali   are   Byuntine    in   cha- ki^|^^&:^:B:s;i^.:.^:x-.x; 

To  thla  aeconnf   of  individual  ^^^"^"^^TI!^ 


Jiurt^es  it  may  perhaps 
daiiable  to  add,  for  the  sake  of  giving  a  dearei 
Idea  of  what  a  church  of  the  period  which  has 
been  under  consideration  was,  an  attempt  to 
reconstruct  In  imagination  inch  a  building  in  a 
complete  staU  witi  its  fittings  and  decorations. 
Existing  remaina,  with  the  asaistance  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  writers  of  the  time,  allow  this  to 
ba  done  with  sufficient  assurance  of  accuraoy. 
A  bnNUcao  church  of  the  first  class  in  Rome, 


<t  Ave  doo 


the  colonnade  nf  tba 
atrium,  windows  of  immense  siie  admitted  light 
to  the  interior;  the  wall  between  and  atnve 
these  windows  waa  covered  ■ometimes,  in  part*, 
with  mosaic  of  glass  in  gold  and  colour,  but 
nsuslly  with  plates  of  richly  coloured  marbals 
and  porphyries  arranged  so  as  to  form  patterns; 


n 


378 


CHUBCH 


sometimes,  howerer,  stucco  painted  was  the 
cheaper  sahstitute.  When  the  building  was,  as 
was  always  the  case  at  Rome,  of  brick,  the  same 
decoration,  by  means  of  marble  slabs  or  of  stucco, 
was,  if  not  actually  carried  out,  in  all  probability 
almost  always  projected  for  the  whole  exterior 
of  the  building.  In  only  one  case  at  Rome — that 
of  the  transept  of  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli,  built  a.d. 
442 — is  the  finish  of  the  brickwork  such  as  to 
lead  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  intended  to 
remain  uncovered. 

The  doors  were  of  bronze  adorned  with  sculp- 
tures in  relief,  and  frequently  gilt,  or  of  wood, 
often  richly  inlaid  or  carved.  Curtains  of  the 
richest  stuffs,  often  of  purple  or  scarlet,  em- 
broidered with  gold,  hung  at  the  doors,  to  ex- 
clude the  heat  of  summer  or  the  cold  of  winter 
while  the  doors  stood  open. 

In  the  interior  the  whole  floor  was  covered 
either  with  tesselated  pavements  or  with  slabs 
of  many-coloured  marbles  arranged  in  beautiful 
patterns.  The  aisles  were  sepai'ated  from  the 
nave  by  ranges  of  marble  columns  whose  capitals 
supported  either  arches  or  horizontal  architraves. 
The  great  width  of  the  nave,  in  a  first-class  basi- 
lica frequently  more  than  80  feet,  and  the  forest 
of  columns  on  either  hand  (one  of  the  colonnades 
often  containing  24  or  more  columns)  when  there 
were  double  aisles,  produced  an  architectural 
effect  of  great  magnificence.  The  clerestory  wall 
was  pierced  by  numerous  immense  windows  with 
arched  heads,  one  of  which  was  over  each  inter- 
col  umniation.  These  windows  were  no  doubt 
divided  by  columns  or  pilasters  and  architraves, 
and  the  divisions  fitted  with  slabs  of  marble 
pierced  in  a  variety  of  patterns — ^these  perfora- 
tions were  in  many  or  most  cases  fitted  with  talc, 
alabaster,  or  other  transparent  or  semi-trans- 
parent stones,  or  with  glass  either  plain  or 
coloured. 

The  roof  was  flat  and  of  wood,  where  faagnifl- 
cence  was  sought  it  was  richly  adorned  with  carv- 
ing and  gilt.  The  semi-dome  which  covered  the 
apse  was  covered  with  mosaic  pictures,  the  subject 
being  usually  Christ,  either  seated  or  standing, 
with  his  apostles  ranged  on  each  hand.  The 
earliest  existing  example  of  this  arrangement  is 
in  the  church  of  Sta.  Pudenziana  at  Rome,  which 
although  it  has  been  much  injured  and  largely 
repaired,  still  shows  so  much  goodness  of  style  that 
it  can  hardly  be  attributed  to  a  later  date  than 
the  4th  century.  Where  a  transept  existed  it 
was  usually  divided  from  the  nave  by  an  arch, 
the  face  of  which  fronting  the  nave  was  often 
also  covered  with  mosaics;  a  colossal  bust  of  Christ 
was  often  the  central  object  of  the  picture,  being 
placed  over  the  crown  of  the  arch,  while  on  either 
side  and  below  are  represented  the  seven  candle- 
sticks, the  symbols  of  the  evangelists,  and  the 
twenty-four  elders. 

Details  as  to  the  arrangement  of  the  fittings 
of  churches  will  be  found  under  the  respective 
heads ;  it  may  be  sufficient  here  to  say  that  the 
apse  was  furnished  with  a  bench  following  its 
circumference  for  the  higher  clergy,  in  the  centre 
of  which  was  a  raised  seat  (cathedra)  for  the 
bishop;  that  the  altar  was  usually  placed  on 
the  chord  of  the  apse  at  the  top  of  a  flight  of 
steps,  and  parted  off  from  the  nave  by  railings 
(cancelli);  below  it  was  often  a  platform  or 
space  (soleas),  and  beyond  this  a  quadrangular, 
usually  oblong,  enclo&urc  (chorus,  presbyterium ; 


CHUBCH 

the  last  perhaps  improperly),  in  which  the  singen 
and  readers  were  stationed.  This  enclosure  was 
formed  by  railings  or  dwarf  walls,  and  connected 
with  these  was  the  ambo  or  reading  desk.  At 
Rome,  and  probably  elsewhere,  a  space  on  either 
side  of  the  chorus  was  also  railed  in,  that  on  the 
right  being  called  *  senatorium,'  and  appropriatetl 
to  senators  or  other  men  of  rank,  that  on  the 
left,  called  *  matroneum,'  to  women  of  the  same 
degrees.  Where  a  gallery,  or,  as  we  now  say,  a 
triforium  existed,  it  was  set  apart  for  women, 
but  this  arrangement  was  not  very  common  in 
the  West. 

Benches  or  other  seats  were  probably  provided 
in  the  chorus,  the  senatorium,  and  the  matro- 
neum, but  the  rest  of  the  church  was  left  alto- 
gether open  and  fVee.  These  seats  were  either 
of  marble  or  of  carved  wood,  in  many  instances 
gilded,  the  railings  of  the  same  materials  or  of 
bronze.  Over  the  altar  was  a  loftv  and  richly 
decorated  canopy  (ciborium),  from  the  arches  of 
which  hung  curtains  of  stuffs  of  the  richest 
colours  interwoven  with  gold.  Like  curtains 
often  depended  from  the  arches  of  the  nave,  and 
hung  at  the  doors.  Vases,  crowns,  and  lamps 
of  silver  or  of  gold  hung  from  the  arch«(,  or 
were  placed  upon  the  dwarf  walb  or  partitions 
which  sepai'ated  the  various  divisions  of  the 
edifice. 

According  to  the  proposed  plan,  the  history 
of  the  ecclesiastical  architecture  of  the  period 
which  follows,  viz.  from  the  death  of  Justinian 
to  that  of  Charlemagne,  will  be  treated  of  under 
separate  sections. 

IV.  Ue  Period  from  the  death  of  Justinian  to 
the  death  of  Charlemagne, — 1.  The  teestem  part 
of  the  territory  of  the  Eastern  Empire. — 
During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Justinian, 
churches  were  built  on  the  basilican  plan, 
as  well  as  on  one  derived  probably  in  part 
from  such  churches  as  that  at  Ezra,  in  central 
Syria,  in  part  fh>m  the  circular  or  polygonal 
churches  which  had  been  constructed  through- 
out Christendom.  Soon  after  the  time  of 
Justinian  the  basilican  type  was  no  longer 
followed,  but  a  peculiar  plan  was  adopted, 
that  in  which  the  building  assumes  a  form 
approaching  to  a  square,  the  central  port 
being  covered  by  a  dome  placed  on  a  drum 
pierced  with  windows.  The  period  which 
followed  the  death  of  Justinian  was  one  of 
political  trouble,  and  hence    examples  of  the 

f>rogress  of  Byzantine  architecture  during  the 
atter  part  of  the  6th  and  the  7th  centuries 
are  somewhat  deficient.  The  church  of  St.  Cle- 
ment at  Ancyra,  however,  probably  belongs  to 
this  period,  as  the  dome  is  raised  on  a  low  drum 
pierced  with  windows ;  in  plan  the  church  ap- 
proximates to  that  of  the  later  Greek  churches. 
The  church  of  St.  Irene  at  Constantinople,  which 
may  probably  date  from  the  earlier  half  of  the 
8th  century,  shows  a  further  advance,  as  the  dome 
is  there  raised  on  a  lofty  drum  pierced  with  win- 
dows; some  features  of  the  earlier  plan  are, 
however,  preserved,  as  there  is  only  one  apse, 
and  as  its  form  is  oblong.  The  church  of  St. 
Nicholas  at  Myra  b  perhaps  more  modem  than 
either;  it  has  a  double  narthex,  three  apses,  a 
lesser  on  each  side  of  the  larger,  and  a  dome 
raised  on  a  drum  in  which  are  windows.  If  the 
remains  of  the  iconostasis  and  ciborium  ahewn 
in  plate  IviiL  of  Texier  and  Pullan*s  Byzantine 


OHimCH 

ArcUlgclim  nt  lho»  of  the  oripniil  comtrnc- 
*20Q^  the  whoU  apAcc  fut  of  the  dome  vu  parted 
off  tnia  the  be  ma.  Thii  church  ii  of  conaidenble 
dimeuiiaai,  about  100  feet  in  extreme  length  by 
60  irido  in  the  eaatern  part,  the  nartheoM  ei- 
t«DdiDg  In  width  to  aboat  115  feet. 

Another  church  of  much    intereet,  and  pro- 
bablj  of  aboat  tho   same  date,  is  that  which 

Trabala  in  Ljda. 

2.  Artnaua  and  Ou  adjacent  provimxi.- 


a  then 


ai  Ttt  been  etudied  with 
kaowledga  to  allow  ver;  latitfnctory  conclosioni 
to  be  fonned  at  to  the  real  date*  of  thou  bow 
eiisting.  Tbe  Pettlan  in*srioiia  in  the  6th  and 
6th  centuriea,  uid  the  Uahomedan  conquest  in 
the  7th,  must  hare  caused  damage  and  deetruc- 
(ioD  to  a  great  portion  of  the  older  buildiugs  ;  a 
high  autiquitj  ii  neverthelen  claimed  for  eerenl 
cburchet,  but  how  much  of  the  eiiiting  building 
i«re»lly  of  early  ' 
One  c*    ■ 


D  the  Tth 
rt  an  aTideut  resemblance  in  style, 
uch  In  plan,  to  some  of  tbe  chnrches 
n  dating  from  the  preriona  centnrj. 


trifirinm  carried  over  the  aiilee  and  along  tbe 
wall  of  the  front.  At  S.  Lorenzo  tha  aiiie  i«0& 
hare  been  destroyed,  but  no  doubt  once  e>i(ted. 
In  otber  respects  they  do  not  differ  from  tha 
earlier  chnrohea. 

The  church  of  3S.  Vlncenio  ed  Anutasio  aJU 
tre  Fontane,  near  Rome,  founded  825^38  and 
ilt  772-795,  ia  however  very  remarkable  in 


:hitectur 


ucted  w 


coluD 


B  taken 


inga,  but  altogether 
Eonsiderable  originality. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  9th  century  three 
chnrchea  were  built  in  Rome  by  Pope  Paschal  I. 
(617-824),  Su.  Prusede,  Sta.  Cecilia,  and  Sta. 
Maria,  in  Domenica.  All  Btill  exist,  and  though 
badly  injured  by  repairs  and  alterations,  still 
present  Tery  much  that  ia  intereeting  and 
original.  The  fint  has  a  nsTe  and  aislea,  a 
transept,  and  a  single  apse.  The  columns 
dividing  tbe  nave  from  the  aisles  are  antique 
and  support  an  entnblaturr,  tbe  ranges  are 
broken  by  three  oblong  piers,  which  carry 
arches  spanning  the  nave,  but  these,  according 
to  Hilbsch,  are  not  original,  bnt  inserted  not 
very  long  after  the  construction  of  tbe  building. 
The  transflpt  Is  entered  from  the  nave  by  a 
triumphal  arch,  the  front  rod  soffit  of  which 


The  church  of  St.  Hripnme  near  Etchmiidzin 
is  believed  by  Dr.  Neale  (Holg  EaOen  Church, 
I.  2(H)  to  date  from  the  6tb  century,  nnd  be  cen- 
•idan  its  peculiar  plan  to  have  been  the  form 
followed  in  a  large  proportion  of  the  Armenian 
and  Georgian  churches.  The  germ  of  the  ar- 
rangement, however,  eitats  In  the  cathedral  of 
Bonmh  in  the  Haonran  of  a.d.  513. 

The  two  recewes  in  these  Armenian  churches 
which  Sank  the  apse  in  which  the  altar  at 
were  donhtlesa  used   for  the  prothesia  and 


,   but  t 


onjecl 


Tbe  primatial  church  of  Armenia,  that  of 
Etehmiadiin,  has  something  of  the  same  arrange- 
ment, but  waaU  the  western  chamber.  It  was 
probably  founded  in  524,  but  underwent  many 
alterations  and  reparations,  one  very  important 
Me  in  705. 

The  church  of  Dsonlar  Is  said  to  bave  been 
erected  between  718  and  726  ;  its  plan  it  rather 
Byzantine  than  diitinctively  Anueaian. 

3.  Italy, — In  Kome  bat  few  important  works 
wen  undertaken  during  the  6th,  7th,  or  8th 
centuries,  tbe  rahutlding  of  S.  Lorenio  fnor  le 
Mura  (578-500)  (the  present  chair),  and  of  S. 
Agnese  (625-638)  were  among  the  most  coosi- 
darable  ondertakinge.  These  buildiugs  are  alike 
in  one  reipcct,  via.  that  they  have  a  gallery  or 


are  covered  with  mosaics,  at  are  also  the  apse 
and  the  wall  on  each  aide  of  it.  All  these  were 
placed  there  by  Pope  Paaobal,  and  are  moat 
valuable  monuments  of  the  state  of  art  of  his 

Below  the  raised  tribune  is  a  "  confetaio  *' — a 
vault  under  the  high  alUr.  The  weat  end  of 
the  transept  (the  church  standing  nearly  north 
and  south)  waa  at  an  early  time  parted  off  by  a 
wall,  and  on  thia  a  low  tower  has  been  raised. 
The  part  thus  walled  off  it  of  peculiar  interest, 
at  perhaps  no  portion  of  a  church  of  so  early  a 
date  retnaiue  in  so  unaltered  a  sUte.  The  walla 
are  covered  with  remains  of  Irescoes  which  seem 
to  be  coeval  with  the  mosaica,  and  the  windows 
retain  the  pierced  slabs  of  marble,  the  apertures 
of  which  slill  contain  fragments  of  the  laminae 
of  talc  through  which  light  was  admitted. 

The  chapel  of  8.  Zeno,  attached  to  the  east 

The  doorway  leading  into  it  is  of  great  interest 
to  the  architectural  antiquary,  as  it  shows  that 
In  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  the  pre- 
valent style  of  ornament  waa  that  formed   by 

as  thoa/^in  use  in  England  and  elsewhere 
betwee^  A.n.  7U0  and  a.t>.  IOOO.  The  eiecution 
is  feeble,  scratchy,  and  irregular. 

Stii.   Cecilia    has    been    greatly  altered,  but 


380 


CHimCH 


retsiBi  very  intereeting  nicwBia,  dso  the  vork 
of  Pope  PuKhsl.  The  distribatioD  ud  BubjccU 
(re  much  the  ume  u  thoae  at  Sta.  Piauade. 

The  RoDuu  charcho  of  thii  dnte,  however 
mrerior  in  stjle  to  thoM  of  the  earlier  period, 
muit  hale  preseated  so  appearance  of  equal 
■plendour;  moiuc  ud  precious  marblee  were 
Dot  Bpxred,  ncr  danbtteu  ^Ided  roofs.  Doon 
were  of  bronie,  or  eren  of  more  coetly  niateri«!a, 
for  Honorioi  I.  ii  said  in  the  M.  Pontif.  to  have 
covored  the  doon  of  the  Vatican  basilica  with 
reighing  975  lbs. 


implos   of  c 


of  the 


iriod    ande 


LioD,  with  well- 
DOt  w  readily  to  bo  fonnd  in  other  pnrts  of  Italy 
as  in  Rom«  ;  but  a  few  bujidiugs  eiist  which 
can  be  assigned  on  historical  data  to  thia  period, 
th«  character  of  which  ia  quite  in  accordance 
with  that  of  those  of  other  countriei  whose  daU 
can  be  ascertained.  Such  are  theDaomaVecchio 
■ind  Sta.  GiDliB  at  Breacia,  and  8S.  Apoatoli  at 
Florence.  The  lirst  of  these  is  by  aome  assigned 
to  the  latter  part  of  the  Tth  century,  by  othera, 
with  greater  probability,  to  about  A.D.  771;  it 
i*  a  large  circular  church  abont  125  feet  in 
diameter,  covered  by  a  dome  of  65  feet  Intenul 
diameter;  it  is  extremely  plain,  having  no  ahafts 
or   coiDmna,   bnt    pien  earryiug  aqaare-edged 


SS.  Apostoli  at  Florencs  is  believed  on  respec- 
table authority  to  have  been  dedicated  in  the 
presence  of  cEiarles  the  Great-,  it  is  a  amalt 
bfiailican  church  with  antique  columns,  pro- 
bably brought  froia  Piesole. 

The  Duomo  of  Torcello,  near  Venice,  is  be- 
lieved lo  have  been  originally  built  ia  the 
7th  century,  but  largely  repaired  or  rebuilt  in 
X.D.  lOOO.  It  is  on  the  baailican  pUo,  with 
ranges  of  columns  dividing  the  nave  from  the 
aisles ;  it  is  particularly  interesting,  as  pre- 
serving in  a  more  perfect  state  than  elsewhere 
the  internal  arrangBmsntof  the  apse,  the  bishop's 
cathedra  being  placed  against  the  ceoti-al  point 
of  the  curve  at  the  top  of  a  flight  of  steps,  on 

Btipa  for  the  presbyters  ;  the  altar  is  placed  on 
a  platform  in  front,  and  a  screen  diviiiei  the 
preebftery  or  cboms  from  the  nave.  Under  the 
apse  ia  a  small  crypt,     in  front  of  the  oburuh 


CHUBCH 

are  the  tmcea  of  a  baptistery,  aqnan  MtOBallj', 
ocUgonal  within.  The  apse  rs  flanked  by  two 
minor  apses,  which  may  proU-bly  dale  Irom  the 
rebuilding.  This  chorch  has  much  resemblioc* 
In  the  cathedral  of  Pareaio  in  latria.  Close  U 
ita  west  front  stands  the  small  church  of  Sta. 
Fosca,  which  bv  some  is  believed  to  be  of  the 
same  date  as  tLe  Duomo,  by  others  is  referred 
to  the  9th  or  lOIh  century.  3.  Gioranui  in 
Fonte,  the  baptistery  of  the  Cathedral  of  Ve- 
rona, thongh  much  altered  and  repaired,  pro- 
bably dates  from  a  period  not  later  than  the 
9th  century ;  it  Is  a  small  building  with  navs, 
aisles,  and  apse. 

4.  Fntnct,  Qirmani/,  andSmtzerland.-^  Thongli 
many  and  large  churches  were  coustrncted  la 
the  opulent  cities  of  the  Roman  provinces  of 
Gallia  during  the  period  of  Roman  occupation, 
nothing  has  come  down  to  oar  time  eicept  a 
few.  fragments.  The  description  given  b»  Sido- 
niua  Apollinarii  (Eput.  lii.)  of  the  gildecl  roof, 
the  glass  mosaic  of  the  wails,  the  variously 
coloured  marbles,  and  the  stony  wood  of  columns 
seetns  to  shew  that  in  their  pristine  glory  tha 
churches  of  Lyons  or  of"  opulrnt  Vienna"  were 
little  inlerior  in  splendour  to  thosa  of  tha 
imperial  dty. 

Charchea  continued  to  be  constructed  under 
the  rule  of  the  Teutonic  conquerors,  although 

Gregory  of  Tonri  (//'ijl.  Fivnc.  ii.  14)  describes 
the  iiasillca  built  by  Perpetuus  at  Toura,  in 
honour  of  Eustochius,  in  the  following  words : 
"Uabet  in  longum  pedes  centum  seiaginta.  in 
latum  aeiaginta ;  habet  lu  altum  ssque  ad  came- 
ram  pedes  quadringenta  qnlnque,  fenestras  la 
altario  triginti  duas,  in  capso  viginti ;  oetia  octo, 
tria  in  altario,  quinqne  in  capso." 

Hubsch  (AU'Chritl.  Kitchen,  pi.  ilviii.  figs.  6 
and  7)  haa  made  a  conjectural  plan  and  section 
of  this  church,  believing  it  to  have  been  planned 
as  paral  lel-trin  peal. 

The  same  historian  (ii.  16)  describes  Ibe 
church  built  by  St.  Nsmatins  at  Clermont,  a* 
150  feet  long.  60  feet  broad,  and  50  feet  high, 
with  a  round  apse,  and  aisles  on  each  side.  It 
had,  he  anyi,  42  windows,  70  colnmna,  and  8 
doors.     The  walls  of  the  altarium  were  adorned 

At  Perigueui  are  said  (J.  H.  Parker,  ArcheO- 
hgia,  mm.  248)  to  be  remains  of  a  church  of 
this  period,  remarkable  as  having  barrel  vaalta 
carried  on  arches  transversely  across  the  aislca. 
AC  Beanvais,  attached  to  the  rathedral,  ia  a 
portion,  no  doubt  the  nave  and  aisles,  of  a  much 
earlier  church  known  as  the  BaaM  Oenvre ; 
it  closely  resembles  in  character  the  buildings 
in  Italy,  such  as  SS.  Vincenio  ed  Anaitaaio  near 
Rome,  which  are  believed  to  date  from  the  Tth 
or  8th  centuries  ;  bat  it  may  even  be  older,  as 
it  ia  simply  a  building  Roman  in  style,  and  so 

the  formation  of  an  opinion  as  to  the  date  which 
monldings  or  ornament  aSbrd.  The  great  siie 
of  the  windows  is,  however,  perhaps,  an  indica- 
tion of  eariy  date.  Several  other  smaller  ei- 
amplea  of  like  character  are  aaid  to  eiirt  within 
the  diocese  of  Beauvais. 

In  the  baptistery  at  Poitiers  we  have  an  ei 
ample  of  a  somewhat  more  ambitious  attempt 
at   clasiioal    architecture;   but   the  muner  U 


vbich   the 

tnl  riece.  are 

iaoH*  an 

utter  barbarism  .nd  w 

ant  of  archi. 

Ucturml  knowledge 

er  taste. 

t   akin 

to    tbi>    baild 

ag  ara  lome 

charcban 

thrlT. 

m  the  Loire,  u 

St.  Gc'n^em 

Ban   Poiti 

«,    S«r 

Eitre.  in  Anjp 

u,  &c.;   botb 

thnc  .hew 

KHDCe  of  Kom 

n  methods  of 

by  triaDgalar  pedimenU  and  a  aort  of  moulc  in 
brickwork,  probablf  a  variety  of  the  opoa  Mr- 
■urium  of  Gregorj  of  Touni.  The  buildinga  of 
this  clau  are  aicribed  by  the  French  aDtiqDariea 
>ith  much  probability  to  the  period  from  the 
6th  to  the  8th  ceaturr. 

In  the  nlley  of  the  Rhone  and  the  adjacent  ter- 
ritoriea,  where  are  abandance  of  remains  of  Roman 
architecture  and  plenty  of  eicellent  and  durible 
freesUiae,  the  clasaical  models  were  w  well  eiipied 
for  KTeral  centnriai  that  it  is  matter  of  great 
doubt  to  what  date  many  buildingt  ihotild  be 
luuifined.     One    rery   characteristic    eiample   ia 


CHUBCH  381 

rork,  but  (be  imposts  generally  are  of  the  rndeat 
ind,  though  one  or  two  shew  mouldings  of  a 
hat  complicated  character  and  apparently 
'  ■'  '  these  are  the  wort  of  a 
not  clear.  Beneath  the 
central  tower  ia  a  lort  of  cupola  reating  on  pen- 
dentirei,  and  pierced  in  the  centre  with  a  large 

When,  huwever,  the  inSuence  of  Charles  the 
Great,  vhose  regard  for  architecture  is  well 
known,  began  to  make  itaelf  felt,  we  find  a 
marked  improyement  in  architeotnre ;  besides  the 


properly  ci 


hnrcbei 


rectedei 


r  under 


nite  conoeption  of  the  style  of  the  period. 
Before  these  are  described  one  building  i 
anocaaloiu  character  should  however  bt 
tioned,  thii  is  the  gateway  at  Lonch,  i 
from  Worm*.     It  is  a  two-storied  parallel 


the  porch  of  thf  cathedral  of  Angnon.  which 
ku  all  the  character  of  a  loilding  of  the  lower 
empire,  but  in  Mr.  Ferguaaon's  opinion  ii  not 


aent*  are  found 

on  thii 

pori 

h  and  in  th 

or  of  the  churc 

.and 

nld  therefore 

that  the  whole 

bulldi 

g  is 

of  about  th 

In  the  Jura,  not  far  from  Orbe,  at  the  coQ- 
T»nt  of  Romain-motier,  a  chnrch  was  dedicated 
in  A.D.  753  by  Pope  Stephen  II.,  and  the  uave, 

to  be  thoH  of  the  original  structure.     The  tno- 

centuiy  or  two,  but  Blarignnc  (Ificl.  de  rArchi- 
Udum  SacriSi.  be.)  only  a  little  later.  The 
columns  of  the  nave  are  circular  maanei,  only 
three  diameters  in  height,  corbelled  out  square 
at  the  top,  the  bnaes  quadrangular  blocks.  The 
arches  hare  n  annk  face,  but  no  ornament  or 
moalding.  Some  shafla  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  chorch  have  capitals  rudely  imitating  Roman 


the  lower  storey  pierced  with  three  la^e  arch- 
ways, and  waa  no  doubt  the  gateway  leading 
into  the  atrium  of  the  chnrch  of  the  monastery, 
of  which  clasa  of  buildings  this  is  perhaps  (lie 
only  eiisting  example  (at  least  ia  tne  west),  of 

The  most  remnrkalile  and  moat  authentic  nork 
of  the  period  in  Germany  or  France  is  tba  minster 
of  Aii-la-Chapelle,  the  original  character  of 
which,  though  hidden  by  repairs  and  mistaken 
attempts  at  decoration,  cm  still  be  satisfactorily 
aacertained  :  it  «rta  commcQced  in  706,  and  dedi- 
cated in  804;  it  ia  eitemally  a  polygon  of  sii- 


side^ 


)  the 


tnchal  a 


anked  by  t 
rcsses.  What  the  original  arrange- 
e  east  end  was  is  nnfortniiBtely  un- 
in  the  14tb  century  it  was  replaced 
loir.  The  building  is  about  105  feet, 
diameter,  and  the 


I  about  100  fe 


eight   compound    piei 


882 


CHUBOH 


CHUBCH 


made  up  of  rectangular  figures  and  without 
shafts,  which  support  plain  round  arches;  the 
triibrium  is  very  lofty,  and  the  arches  opening 
from  this  into  the  central  space  have  screens  of 
columns  in  two  stories,  the  lower  carrying  arches 
while  the  upper  run  up  to  the  arch  which  spans 
the  openings.  Ahove  there  are  eight  round- 
headed  windows,  and  the  whole  is  covered  by 
an  octagonal  dome.  The  columns  of  the  trifo- 
rium  are  antique,  and  so  it  would  appear  were 
their  capitals;  the  bases  seem  to  have  been 
made  for  the  building,  and  according  to  Kugler 
{Gesch.  der  Baukunst,  i.  409)  are  very  shapeless. 
The  best  preserved  part  of  the  interior  is  the 
belfry  over  the  porch;  this  is  covered  with  a 
plain  waggon  vault,  and  shews  plain  rectangular 
piers  with  moulded  bases,  and  imposts  carrying 
equally  plain  arches.  The  severely  simple  cha- 
racter of  the  building  is  very  well  seen  in  this 
chamber,  which  is  on  a  level  with  and  originally 
opened  into  the  triforium.  The  dome  was  once 
covered  with  mosaic,  which  has  wholly  dis- 
appeared ;  but  Ciampini  ( Vet,  Men.  ii.  41)  has 
engraved  a  part  of  it,  three  of  the  eight  segments 
of  which  it  was  composed.  In  the  central  of 
these  is  a  colossal  figure  of  Christ  seated  on  a 
throne,  surrounded  by  concentric  rings  of  colour 
representing  the  rainbow,  the  ground  on  which 
this  figui*e  was  placed  was  golden  with  red  stars, 
below  are  seven  of  the  twenty-four  elders  of  the 
Apocalypse,  llie  simple  grandeur  of  this  picture 
must  have  harmonized  well  with  the  whole 
character  of  the  building.  The  triforium  would 
seem  to  have  been  paved  with  mosaic  and  other 
pavements  brought  from  Ravenna  or  Rome :  two 
fragments  still  remain,  one  of  black  and  white 
tesserae,  the  other  of  sectile  work,  in  marble 
slabs  of  various  coloui's.  The  fronts  of  the 
openings  from  the  triforium  to  the  central  space 
are  protected  by  cancelli  of  bronze,  doubtless 
also  brought  from  Ravenna  or  Rome ;  they  are 
of  several  patterns,  some  of  classical  Roman 
character,  others  Byzantine. 

A  vault  is  said  to  exist  beneath  the  centre  of 
the  church,  and  to  have  served  as  the  burial- 
place  of  the  great  emperor ;  but  it  is  not  acces- 
sible, and  nothing  seems  to  be  known  as  to  its 
character.    The  western  doors  are  of  bronze. 

The  exterior  is  very  plain,  the  only  ornament 
being  some  pilasters  at  the  angles  of  the  drum 
of  the  dome ;  these  have  capitals  of  classical 
character,  but  in  their  wasted  state  it  would  be 
difiicalt  to  decide  whether  they  are  really  antique 
or  copies  of  antique  work. 

A  document  of  the  utmost  value  as  affording 
information  as  to  the  ai*rangements  of  a  large 
conventual  church,  is  the  plan  preserved  in  the 
public  library  of  St.  Gall,  and  first  published 
by  Mabillon  {Ann,  Ben,  Ord.).  It  appears  to 
have  been  sent  to  Abbot  Gozpertus,  who  began 
to  rebuild  the  chui'ch  and  monastery  in  A.D.  829, 
and  very  probably  was  prepared  by  Eginhard, 
who  was  prefect  of  the  royal  buildings  under 
Charles  the  Great.  The  annexed  cut  represents 
that  pai*t  which  contains  the  church  and  its 
appendages. 

The  plan  is  without  scale,  and  little  or  no 
reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  proportional  size 
of  the  parts,  as  Professor  Willis  has  observed ; 
the  church  is  said,  in  legends  written  upon  it, 
to  be  200  feet  long  and  80  feet  broad ;  but  in 
the  plan,  if  we  assume  the  length  to  be  200  feet, 


the  breadth  would  be  only  56  feet.  The  draw- 
ing must  no  doubt  be  considered  rather  as  a 
scheme  for  a  gi*eat  monastery  than  as  a  plan  to 
be  carried  out  by  an  architect ;  its  peculiarities 
will  be  readily  seen ;  first  among  these  are  the 
apses  at  each  end,  an  arrangement  afterwards 
common  in  Gei-many,  but  of  which  we  have  no 
eai'lier  instance.  The  circular  towers  are  also 
remarkable.  At  the  east  end  the  drawing  is 
confused  by  the  attempt  to  shew  both  the  crypt 
and  the  choir ;  the  space  marked  by  slanting 
lines  bears  in  the  original  the  legend  "  involutio 
arcuum,'*  and  no  doubt  is  meant  to  represent  an 
arched  passage,  from  whence  proceeds  a  short 
passage  to  the  confession. 

The  church  of  Granson,  near  the  lake  of  Neu- 
chitel,  according  to  Mr.  Fergusson,  is  of  the 
Carlovingian  era,  though  others  are  disposed  to 
place  it  in  the  11th  century. 

In  France  the  most  important  example  of  the 
Carlovingian  period  seem  to  be  the  nave  of  the 
church  of  Mortier  en  Der,  near  Yassy,  which 
exhibits  a  style  very  nearly  akin  to  that  of  the 
Minster  of  Aix-la42lhapelle,  and  the  remains 
of  the  church  of  St.  Mai'tin  at  Angers.  This 
last  was  founded  some  years  before  819,  as  the 
Empress  Hermengarde,  who  died  in  that  year 
was  the  foundress,  and  was  interred  within 
it.  It  consisted  of  a  nave  and  aisles,  a  central 
tower,  and  a  rather  long  ti-ansept ;  the  eastern 
part  having  been  replaced  by  a  choir  of  the  12th 
century.  The  piers  separating  the  nave  from 
the  aisles  are  oblong,  but  chamfered  at  the 
angles,  and  carry  plain  unmoulded  arches  of 
rectangular  section ;  there  is  no  triforium,  but  a 
clerestory  of  windows  of  rather  long  proportion. 
The  tower  has  a  dome  which  originally  sprang 
from  the  capitals  of  four  massive  circular  pillars, 
which,  as  they  are  engaged  in  the  piers  which 
carry  the  tower,  shew  only  the  fourth  of  a 
circle.  The  capitals  have  some  shallow  carving, 
chiefly  patterns  of  plaited  work.  In  several 
parts  of  the  church  two  or  three  courses  of  flat 
bricks  are  introduced  between  the  courses  of 
stonework. 

The  church  of  Germigny-sur-Loire  is  a  build- 
ing of  very  remarkable  character,  and  in  it, 
incised  on  the  abaci  of  the  two  eastern  capitab 
of  the  tower  piers,  is  an  inscription  recording  its 
dedication  in  806.  The  plan,  it  will  be  seen, 
is  peculiar,  having  a  tower  in  the  middle  of  a 
square,  with  an  apse  projecting  from  three  of 
the  faces,  and  two  small  apses  flanking  the  eastern 
apse.  The  piers  are  square,  and  have  imposts  of 
blocks  and  some  knotwork  in  shallow  relief. 
Among  the  most  peculiar  features  are  the  small 
shafts  attached  to  the  piers  at  the  entrance  of 
the  eastern  apse.  These  recall  some  of  the 
det-ails  of  Romain-motier,  as  the  imposts  do 
those  of  St.  Martin  at  Angers. 

5.  Spain. — ^As  in  Gaul,  little  or  nothing  remains 
in  Spain  of  the  churches  built  before  the  in- 
vasion of  the  barbarians;  and  those  which  the 
latter  constioicted  were  destroyed  by  the  Arabs. 
Some  capitals  and  fragments,  probably  of  en- 
closures of  *  chori  cantorum,'  exist  at  Cordova 
(*  Monumentos  Arquitectdnicos  de  Espafia '),  and 
some  other  fragments  and  capitals  have  been 
found  at  Toledo  on  the  sites  of  the  basilicas  of 
St.  Leocadia,  built  a.d.  600,  and  of  St.  Gines, 
said  to  date  from  the  8th  century  (*  El  arte 
Latino— Bizantino  en  Espsifia,'  by  Don  Jose  Araa* 


*■  SlKS^'     ItaLc  "o^jmn  *■  '*SSlS7'  ""*  """"  *•'■'*"''         .    .,  ^""m"*  ""  "^  *™"  *" 


384 


CHUBCH 


dor  de  los  Rios).  At  Venta  de  Bafios,  near 
Palencia,  the  church  built  by  Reocesyinthos  in 
A.D.  661,  Lb  stated  to  remain  in  a  tolerably  com- 
plete state. 

The  only  other  churches  which  can  be  supposed 
to  date  fi*om  a  period  even  as  early  as  the  9th 
century  which  have  as  yet  been  noticed,  are  a 
few  in  the  Astnrias,  not  far  from  Oviedo. 

These,  however,  present  many  remarkable 
peculiarities  of  plan,  having  square  ended  chan- 
eels,  and  chapels  or  apartments  attached  to 
their  sides.  One  of  the  group,  Sta.  Maria  de 
Naranco  is  stated  to  have  been  built  cir.  848, 
and  as  the  others  are  somewhat  plainer  and 
ruder  in  style  they  are  more  probably  earlier 
than  later.  The  most  remarkable  is  that  of  the 
Ermita  de  Sta.  Christina,  near  la  Pola  de  Lena, 
which  retains  the  original  partition  separating 
the  choir  from  the  nave:  the  choir  is  raised 
above  the  nave,  and' the  altar  recess  above  the 
choir,  these  as  well  as  the  western  part  of  the 
church  are  vaulted  over,  so  that  there  are 
chambers  above  them.  The  central  space  is 
covered  by  a  waggon  vault.  The  circular  panels 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  choir  screen  are  pierced, 
the  central  panel  below  carved  with  ornament, 
having  much  affinity  with  that  to  be  seen  on  the 
crowns  of  the  7th  century  found  at  Fuente  de 
Guarrazeo,  near  Toledo. 

S.  Salvador  de  Valdedios,  near  Villaviciosa, 
has  aisles,  but  the  same  system  of  vaulting  over 
both  ends  of  the  church  exists,  and  as  in  the 
othera  there  are  small  chambers  right  and  left 
on  entering  by  the  western  door.  One  of  these 
probably  served  as  a  baptistry,  as  is  the  case  at 
Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco.  A  porch  and  other 
chambers  are  attached  to  the  south  side,  and 
may  have  served  as  dwellings  for  priests  or 
attendants  on  the  church.  This  has  been  at- 
tributed to  A.D.  892. 

Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco  is  nearly  on  the  same 
plan,  and  appears  to  have  always  been  a  parish 
church. 

The  upper  chambers  in  all  these  churches  are 
open  to  the  church,  not  closed  as  in  Ireland,  and 
capable  of  being  used  as  dwelling  places. 

These  buildings  are  all  small,  Sta.  Cristina 
being  about  50  feet  long,  Sta.  Maria  de  Naranco 
about  70,  but  have  a  good  deal  of  ornament,  and 
exhibit  a  peculiai'ity  of  style,  the  origin  of 
which  cannot  be  traced  to  any  other  country, 
and  which  was  probably  developed  from  the 
earlier  imitations  of  Roman  work.  A  clue  to 
the  reasons  for  the  peculiarity  of  plan  seems 
altogether  wanting.  The  square  end  of  the 
ohancel  may  perhaps  be  thought  to  indicate 
some  Irish  influence  as  that  country  is  the  only 
one  where  this  form  is  anything  but  the  i*arest 
exception. 

Although,  as  has  been  said,  the  churches  of 
the  earlier  period  have  disappeared,  Spain  has 
preserved  in  a  remarkable  manner  some  of  the 
traditions  of  the  ari'angement  of  churches  in 
the  earlier  periods;  thus  the  *coro,'  instead  of 
beginning  to  the  east  of  the  transepts,  is,  like 
the  "chorus  cantorum"  of  the  early  basi- 
licas, extended  into  the  nave,  and  the  central 
lantern  tower  is  called  the  *cimborio,'  in 
memory,  doubtless,  of  a  time  when  it  served  as 
the  *  ciboriuro '  of  the  high  altar,  now  placed 
in  the  elongated  choir,  or,  as  it  is  called  by  the 
Spaniards,   *  capilla    mayor.'       Probably   these 


CHURCH 

traditions  were  handed  down  through  a  chain  oi 
numerous  links,  the  earlier  of  which  have 
perished. 

6.  Ireland. — We  find  here  a  great  number  of 
very  small  churches  very  roughly  built,  with  very 
little  attempt  at  any  decoration,  frequently  lighted 
only  by  one  very  small  window,  but  constructed 
usually  with  extremely  large  stones,  and  not  un- 
frequently  built  with  that  material  exclusively, 
the  roof  being  formed  by  horizontal  courses, 
each  brought  forward  until  they  met  at  the 
top. 

Such  are  the  churches  or  chapels  of  Tempull 
Ceannanach,  on  the  middle  island  of  the  bay  of 
Gal  way  (Petrie,  Kccie,  Arch,  of  Ireland,  p.  189), 
of  St.  Mac  Dara  on  the  island  of  Cruadi  Mhic 
Dara,  off  the  coast  of  Connemara  (id.  p.  190), 
of  Ratass,  C«.  Kerry  (id.  p.  169),  of  For«,  O. 
Westmeath  (id.  p.  174),  and  many  others.  The 
two  first  of  these  churches  form  single  apart- 
ments without  any  division  into  nave  and  chan- 
cel, and  measure,  the  first  16  feet  6  inches,  by 
12  feet  G  inches  internally ;  the  second  15  feet 
by  1 1  inches ;  both  are  roofed  with  stone  in  the 
manner  described.  The  two  other  churches  are 
in  a  less  complete  state,  but  their  doorways 
are  remarkable  for  their  square  heads,  and  the 
immense  size  of  the  stones  of  which  they  are 
constructed  ;  in  that  of  Ratass  the  lintel  is  7  feet 
6  inches  long,  2  feet  high,  and  extends  through 
the  whole  thickness  of  the  wall.  There  appears 
in  this  doorway  an  evident  intention  of  imitating 
the  architecture  of  a  Greek  or  Roman  building. 
In  that  of  Fore  the  lintel  is  6  feet  long,  2  feet 
high,  and  3  feet  deep,  and  is  sculptured  with  a 
cross  within  a  circle,  on  a  projecting  tablet. 
Both  these  churches  are  attributed  by  Mr.  Petrie 
to  the  6th  or  7th  centuries.  It  is  a  quention 
of  much  interest  whence  the  builders  of  these 
churches  derived  their  ideas  of  aixhitectnre, 
these  buildings  resembling  in  no  respect  any 
contemporaneous  structures  in  England,  France, 
or  Italy.  Improbable  as  the  suggestion  may  at 
tint  sight  appear,  it  would  seem  that  it  was 
Central  Syria  which  furnished  the  models ;  that 
country  abounds  with  churches  and  monasteries 
constructed  between  the  3rd  and  7  th  centuries 
in  a  style  founded  upon  the  Roman  architecture 
of  the  time,  but  with  many  peculiarities  both  of 
construction  and  of  detail.  Among  the  former 
of  these  is  the  use  of  very  large  stones,  and  the 
pratice  of  roofing  small  buildings  by  advancing 
each  course  somewhat  nearer  the  centre  than 
that  below ;  examples  of  both  will  be  found  in 
plenty  in  Count  Melchior  de  Vogue's  Syrie  Cen^ 
trale.  Although  in  these  buildings  arched  door- 
ways are  the  most  common,  those  formed  pre- 
cisely in  the  same  manner  as  the  Irish  examples, 
with  one  large  block  for  a  lintel,  are  frequently 
found ;  and  one  of  these  (Syrie  Ceniralej  p.  99, 
fig.  4),  may  almost  pass  for  the  original  of  which 
the  lintel  at  Fore  is  the  rough  copy.  The  Irish 
buildings  have  far  more  the  appearance  of  such 
copies  of  the  products  of  a  cultivated  school  of 
architecture*  as  might  be  achieved  by  native 
workmen  under  the  direction  of  immigrants, 
bringing  with  them  recollections,  rather  than 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  edifices  they  had  left 
behind,  than  that  of  the  first  rude  essays  of  an 
uncivilised  race. 

The  Persians  plundered  Syria  in  A.D.  573,  the 
Saracens  invaded   it  in  613,  and  Central  Syria 


CUUBGH 

flMDis  to  haye  been  entirely  depopnlaied  about 
that  perioiL  It  at  that  time  contained  many 
monaateries  and  many  monks,  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  among  the  numerous  foreigners 
who  sought  an  asylum  in  Ireland  at  that  period 
may  have  been  Syrian  monks.  In  the  litany  of 
St.  Aengns,  written,  it  is  believed,  in  the  year 
799  (Pctrie,  p.  137),  among  the  scoi-es,  and  even 
hundreds,  of  strangers  of  various  nations,  men- 
tion  is  made  of  seven  Egyptian  monks  buried  in 
Disert  Ulidh.  The  greater  part  of  these  immi- 
granta  are  in  the  litany  simply  called  ^pere- 
iprini,"  without  indication  of  nationality.  Dr. 
Petrie  (p.  127),  however,  seems  to  think  the 
peculiarities  of  construction  of  these  early  build- 
ings are  due  to  the  colonisation  of  the  country 
by  *^  the  Firbolg  and  Tuatha  de  Danann  tribes, 
which  our  historians  brin^  hither  from  Greece 
at  a  very  remote  period :  xhich  tribes,"  he  says, 
^  were  accustom^  to  baild,  not  only  their  for- 
:reases,  but  even  their  dume-roofed  houses  and 
sepulchres,  of  stone  without  cement,  and  in  the 
style  now  usually  called  Cyclopean  and  Pe- 
lasgic" 

Besides  the  small  churches  which  have  been 
mentioned  above,  larger  structures  were  also 
erected  in  Ireland  at  an  early  date.  The  cathe- 
dral church  of  Armagh,  whether  that  erected  in 
the  time  of  St.  Patridc  or  of  a  later  date,  would 
appear  m  the  9th  century  to  have  been  140  feet 
in  length  (Petrie,  p.  157).  The  more  usual 
length  of  a  church  of  the  first  class  would, 
however,  appear  to  have  been  60  feet;  this 
dimension  having,  according  to  the  tripartite 
life  of  St.  Patrick,  been  prescribed  by  the  saint 
for  the  Domnach  Mor  (Great  Church),  near 
Teltown,  in  Meath,  appears  to  have  been  in- 
vested with  a  sort  of  sacred  character ;  and  it 
is  worth  notice  that  the  church  at  Glastonbury, 
fi.anded  according  to  tradition  by  a  St.  Patrick, 
but  undoubtedly  by  missionaries  from  Ireland, 
was  60  feet  long,  by  26  feet  broad ;  it  seems  to 
have  been  of  wood. 

These  larger  churches  had  usually  a  chancel — 
in  plan  a  parallelogram — attached  to  the  larger 
oblong  which  formed  the  nave. 

Two  peculiarities  mark  the  ecclesiastical  ar- 
chitecture of  Ireland,  one,  that  the  altar  end  is 
inrariably  rectangular,  the  other  that  the  towers 
found  near  the  early  churches  are  always  cir- 
cular. Perhaps  the  most  probable  explanation 
of  the  former  is  that  the  form  was  originally 
used  as  that  most  suitable  for  a  very  small 
oratory,  and  perpetuated  in  consequence  of  the 
extraordinary  veneration  which  the  Irish  have 
always  entertained  for  anything  connected  with 
their  early  saints.    [For  the  round  tower  see 

TOWKR.] 

7.  Scotland, — Irish  ecclesiastics  founded  the 
celebrated  monastery  of  lona,  and  spread  Christi- 
anity through  the  isles  and  mainland  of  Scotland, 
but  very  few  buildings  which  can  be  referi'ed  to 
the  period  under  consideration  have  been  ob- 
served. The  most  remarkable  would  seem  to  be 
the  church  at  Eglishay  in  Orkney,  which  bears 
a  close  resemblance  to  one  of  the  early  Irish 
churches,  and  is  specially  remarkable  as  having 
a  round  tower  attached  to  it.  The  nave  b  30  ft. 
by  16  ft.,  the  chancel  11  ft.  by  9  ft.  7  in.,  the 
latter  is  eorered  bv  a  plain  semi-circular  vault, 
over  which  was  a  chamber  constructed  between 
it  aad  the  externa'  covering  of  stone.    The  nave 

CHRIST.  AMT. 


CHUBOH 


885 


also  b  stated  to  have  had  a  stone  roof.  The 
tower  is  entered  by  a  door  in  the  west  wall 
of  the  nave ;  the  chancel  arch  is  described  as  of  a 
horse-shoe  form,  but  this  may  probably  be  occa* 
sioned  by  a  settlement  of  the  work.  The  windows 
are  few  and  small,  the  doorways  plain,  round- 
headed  arches.  As  in  the  Irish'  islands  there 
were  numerous  oratories  scattered  over  Orkney 
and  Shetland  ;  the  parish  of  Yell  in  the  latter  is 
said  (Hibbert's  Scotland,  p.  530)  to  hare  con- 
tained twenty  chapels.  The  churches  constructed 
by  the  Christian  Picts  were  probably  either  of 
wood  or  of  eai-th,  which  is  the  reason  of  the 
entire  absence  of  any  buildings  within  their 
territory  which  can  be  assigned  to  a  period  be- 
fore A.D.  800,  it  is  the  more  remarkable  as  the 
numerous  sculptured  monuments  show  that  the 
people  who  dwelt  within  the  limits  of  the 
Pictish  kingdom  could  canre  stone  with  extra- 
ordinary skill  for  the  period. 

8.  JSngland,— Though  the  Christians  of  Britain 
must  undoubtedly  have  possessed  churches  of 
considerable  size  before  the  occupation  of  the 
country  by  the  Saxons,  JutCb,  and  Angles,  no 
certain  remains  of  such  buildings  have  as  yet 
been  met  with. 

The  historians  of  Canterbury  assert  that 
£thelbert  gave  to  St.  Augustine  an  existing 
church  in  that  city  (Willis'  Arch.  Hist,  of  Christ 
Churchj  Canterbury,  pp.  20, 30)  which  became  the 
cathedral.  Bede  mentions  the  church  of  St. 
Martin  as  an  ancient  church  given  in  like  manner, 
some  portions  of  wall  in  the  latter  have  been 
thought  to  have  formed  part  of  the  ancient 
church.  Of  the  Saxon  cathedral  nothingjremains. 

Three  influences  it  will  be  seen  contributed 
in  unequal  degrees  according  to  circumstances 
and  locality,  to  form  or  to  modify  ecclesiastical 
architecture  in  England ;  viz.  1,  that  of  Roman 
architecture  either  as  derived  from  buildings 
still  existing  in  the  country,  or  from  designs 
imported  by  ecclesiastics  and  other  church 
builders ;  2,  that  of  the  Irish  missionaries ;  3, 
that  of  the  native  school  of  timber  architecture. 
The  first  of  these  we  may  trace  in  the  plans,  in 
the  style  of  some  churches,  and  in  the  frequent 
assertion  that  a  church  was  constructed  **  opere 
Romanorum;"  the  second,  perhaps,  in  the  pre- 
ference of  a  rectangular  east  end  over  an  ap«)idal, 
which  last,  as  we  find  it  all  but  universal  in 
Kngland  in  the  12th  century  and  common  in  the 
13th,  was  probably  the  prevalent  plan  in  earlier 
centuries;  the  third,  in  construction  evidently 
copied  from  wooden  buildings,  and  in  the  fact  that 
the  baluster  shafts,  which  more  than  any  other 
feature  characterize  the  ante-Norman  style,  were 
turned  in  a  lathe  as  if  they  had  been  wood.  It 
seems  probable  that  the  Roman  and  the  native 
style  were  concurrent,  for  we  find  the  two 
mixed  together,  as  in  the  carious  doorway  at 
Monkwearmottth  which  there  seems  to  be  ground 
to  believe  is  part  of  the  church  built  by  Benedict 
Biscop,  A.D.  671.  Here  we  have  an  arch  and 
impost  which  are  erident  imitations  of  Roman 
work,  supported  by  coupled  balusters,  and  sn 
excessively  exaggerated  base  carved  with  inter- 
lacing ornaments  or  snakes  by  a  hand  which  no 
doubt  was  accustomed  to  execute  similar  work 
in  wood. 

The  existing  remains  of  English  churches, 
aatmg  between  600  and  800,  are  unfortunately, 
with  very  rare  exceptions,  only  fragments.  These 

2  C 


386 


CHUBOH 


scanty  remains,  assisted  and  illattrated  hj  what 
contemporary  or  somewhat  later  writers  haye 
told  ns,  will  however  enable  ns  to  form  tolerably 
clear  ideas  as  to  the  character  of  the  churches 
which  were  bnilt  in  the  aboye>mentioned  period. 
Of  the  metropolitan  cathedral  of  Canterbury 
we  have  a  detailed  account,  written  by  Edmer 
the  Chanter,  in  which  he  describes  the  edifice  as 
it  existed  before  the  fire  of  1067.  The  annexed 
plan  is  copied  from  that  drawn  up  by  Professor 
WiJlis(-ffM*.  ofCh.  Ch,  Canterhary)  from  Edmer's 


■Apricrifcr 


QuitartMU7  OBlbcdnL 


description.  The  church,  Edmer  says,  was  built 
**Romanorum  opere  et  ex  quadam  parte  ad 
imitationem  ecclesiae  beati  apostolorum  principis 
Petri,"  meaning  of  course  the  great  Vatican 
basilica.  The  western  apse  was  probably  added 
by  Archbishop  Odo  about  A.D.  950. 

Of  another  church  of  the  larger  class  we  hare 
some  important  remains.  This  is  that  of  Stow,  in 
Lincolnshire,  where  a  bishopric  was  founded  in 
A.D.  678.  The  church  there  is  cruciform,  mea- 
suring 150  ft.  from  east  to  west,  with  a  breadth 
of  27  fl.  in  the  nave  and  24  fl.  in  the  chancel ; 
the  traasept  is  90  ft.  from  north  to  south  by 
23  fl.  wide ;  the  side  walls  are  about  35  fl.  high. 
It  has  been  shown  that  the  transept  is  evidently 
the  work  of  two  periods,  the  wall  up  to  a  certain 
height  having  all  the  appearance  of  having 
sufiered  from  fire,  while  that  above  shows  no 
trace  of  such  damage.  There  is  ground  for  be- 
lieving that  in  870  the  church  was  burnt  by  the 
Danes,  and  that  it  was  extensively  repaired 
between  1034  and  1050  (o.  Rev.  G.  Atkinson, 
On  the  Bestorationa  in  Progress  at  ^tow  Qiurchy 
in  Reports  and  Papers  of  the  Architectural  So- 
cieties of  Northants,  Tork^  and  Lincoln,  i.  315 ; 
and  the  same  writer  in  v.  23  of  the  same  pub- 
lication. On  Saxon  Architecture),  the  existing 
chancel  being  added  in  the  early  part  of  the 
next  century. 

Another  church,  that  of  Brixworth,  in  North- 
amptonshire, has  strong  claims  to  be  considered 


to  date  from  the  same  period,  for  Leland  tells  us, 
on  the  authority  of  Hugo,  a  monk  of  Peter- 
borough, that  Lanulphus,  abbot  of  Peterborou|(h, 


GHTJBCH 

about  69D,  founded  a  monastery  there,  and  the 
existing  edifice  may  be  reasonably' supposed  to 
be  the  original  church.  The  repairs  which  were 
finished  in  1865  enabled  the  ground  plan  of  th* 
church  to  be  correctly  ascertained,  and  it  will  be 
seen  to  be  somewhat  peculiar,  consisting  of  a 
square  tower,  the  lower  part  of  which  forms  a 
porch  at  the  west  end,  with  a  chamber  on  each 
side  opening  into  the  porch  and  also  into  the 
aisles,  a  nave  and  two  aisles  with  chambers  at 
their  east  ends,  a  short  chancel  without  aisles, 
and  an  apse  surrounded  by  a  corridor  or  crypt 
entered  by  steps  from  the  chancel.  The  piers 
are  oblong  masses ;  the  arches,  which  spring  from 
square  imposts,  are  of  Roman  bricks  in  two 
courses  and  wholly  without  ornament;  over 
each  pier  is  a  rather  small  clerestory  window 
with  arched  head,  also  turned  in  Roman  bricks. 
Attached  to  the  west  side  of  the  tower  is  a 
circular  stair  turret  of  different  and  less  careful 
work,  and  therefore  probably  a  later  addition. 
The  bases  of  piers  which  have  been  found  show 
that  at  the  west  end  of  the  chancel  were  probably 
three  arches,  through  which  it  was  entered  from 
the  nave. 

Another  church  still  exists  in  a  state  so  far 
complete  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  its 
original  plan,  but  there  is  no  historical  evidence 
as  to  its  date,  and  its  architectural  character  is 
such  as  scarcely  to  warrant  a  decisive  opinion. 
This  is  the  church  in  the  castle  of  Dover,  which, 
in  consequence  of  recent  repairs,  can  be  studied 
more  satisfactorily  than  was  previously  the  case. 
A  short  account  of  it  was  published  by  the  Rev. 
John  Puckle  in  1864,  from  which  the  ground 


CIninhatDofar. 

pUn  is  taken ;  from  thb  it  will  be  seen  that  it  is 
a  cruciform  church,  with  a  tower  between  the 
nave  and  chancel. 

The  churches  described  are  undoubtedly  ex- 
amples of  **  opus  Romanum."  Some  others  which 
have  been  destroyed  were,  doubtless,  of  like 
character,  and  as  the  contemporary  or  later  de- 
scriptions contain  points  of  interest,  it  will  be  well 
to  cite  them.  The  most  remarkable  is  that  of  the 
church  built  by  St.  Wilfrid,  at  Hexham,  about 
673,  written  by  his  disciple  Stephen  Eddius 
(  nta  S.  Wilfridi,  ap.  Mabillon,  AA,  SS.  0.  S.  Ben. 
saec.  iv.,  pt.  i.,  p.  646),  running  as  follows: 
'^cujus  profunditAtem  in  terra  cum  domibus 
mirifice  politis  lapidibus  fundatam,  et  super 
terram  multiplicem  domum  columnis  variis  et 
porticibus  mnltis  suffultam,  mirabilique  longi- 
tudine  et  altitudine,  murorum  omatam,  et  variis 
linearum  anfractibus  viarum,  aliqoando  sursum, 
aliqnando  deorsum,  per  oochleas  circamductam, 
non  est  meae  parvitatis  hoc  sermone  explicare." 
Richaid,  the  prior  of  Hexham,  in  the  12th  cen- 
tury, describes  it  (Tvrysden's  Saripiores  Ihcem^ 


CHUBOH 

p.  3tM)  a>  a  noblt  building  o{  hewn  atone,  ultk 
ciypta  btoeath, uid  walls  riling  toa  great  height. 

UnfortDutcly,  hmrcTcr,  the  chnrch  wai  not 
in  eiiitence  at  the  time  the  prior  wrote,  having 
b«ii  burnt  by  the  Danes,  m  B7S,  bnt  hi> 
lestiinoa;  ii  Dot  to  be  altogether  disregarded, 
psrticnliirly  a*  hi»  mention  of  crjpla  and  aubter- 
raneoue  oratorieB  and  vinding  paoflBgea  is 
coniirmed  by  the  atiLI  eiistiog  crjpt,  a  plan  of 
which  will  be  found  under  Chapel,  p.  344. 

If,  howerer,  the  church  had  three  ttoriea  and 
catumns,  some  nguarc,  eome  of  rarioui  fDnni, 
It  miut  hace  been  in  ndiauce  of  any  building 
now  eilsting  of  at  earlj  a,  date,  and  it  aeems 
probable  that  in  hit  leal  for  the  glorj  of  St. 
Wilfrid,  the  prior  somewhat  eiaggeraled  the 
architectural  aplendour  of  the  building. 

or  the  church  built  at  Ripon  by  the  same 
prelate,  Eddiua  tells  na  "la  Hrypls  baiilicam 
pnlito  lapide  a  fandameDtii  la  terra  luqne  ad 
snmniam  aediAcatam,  Tariia  columDij  <t  porti- 
ciboa  saSultam,  in  altum  ereiit"  (Uahillon, 
AA.  S3.  Be*.  »aec.  [v.  pL.  2,  p.  563). 

About  the  same  time  Benedict  Biscop  built 
(a.D.  671)  a  monastery  at  MoukwearmoQth,  the 
doorwarof  the  church  of  which  baa  been  already 
coDinieated  on,  and  fiede  (Hist.  Ab'vtum  Win- 
mutA.  c  5)  gives  Huie  very  intereitiog  Dotices 
of  his  proceedings.  He  went,  we  are  told,  into 
Gaul,  and  brought  from  thence  "  caementarioa  qui 


UHUECH 


3R7 


glM 


tat  to  the  I 

the  w. 


try  for 
of  his  church. 


and  after 


of  glass 
At  a  ■  ■ 


and  bumble  chapela  offered  no  models  which 
could  compete  with  those  supplied  by  the  archi- 
tects brought  from  Gaul  or  lUly  who  built  In 
the  manner  of  the  Romans ;  but  when  we  call  to 
ind  how  large  an  titent  of  oountry  they  oo- 


hat    great 


Bs  Chris 


o  beliei 


it  the 


held,    i 


I  of  theii 


A  architecture  were  wholly  without 
InSuence  upon  that  of  England.  But  for  the 
erentnal  triamph  of  the  Roman  lystem  over 
theirs,  more  tangible  proob  of  this  wonld  no 
doubt  have  eiisCed,  but  it  is  possible  that  the 
preference  of  a  square  OTer  an  apaidal  termina- 
tion, which  is  so  strongly  shown  In  English 
churches  from  the  12th  century  downwards,  is 
really  due  to  the  habit  of  imiUting  the  forms 
of  the  oratories  which  St.  Cuthbert,  St.  Aidao, 
or  their  disciples,  may  have  couatruoted.    That 


a  Rome,  and  brought  thence  pic- 
tures of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  twelve  apostles, 
"quibus  tnediam  ejusdem  ecclesiae  teitndiuem 
ducto  a  pariete  ad  parietem  tabulato  praecingeret, 
imaginee  eTangelicae  hlstoriae  qnibus  australem 
eccletiae  parietem  decnraret,  imagines  Tiaionum 
Apocalypsii  beati  Johannia  quibue  aeptentrio- 
nalem  aequo  parietem  omaret."  As  it  appears 
fromthis  passage  that  there  wasanarewith  aisle 
the  north  and  south  walls  were  probably  th 
ends  of  the  transept,  snd  the  church  was  then 
fore  perhaps  cmciform.  That  in  the  7th  centUT, 
the  (bonders  of  churches  in  England  strere  to 
emulate  the  splendour  of  the  Continental 
churches,  we  may  learn  from  the  Terses  of 
Aldhelm  (pp.  116,  117,  ed,  Giles)  an  the  church 
built  by  Bugge,  daughter  of  Kentwin  ; — 


Hie  inflDence  of  the  Irish  missionaries  npo: 
diureh  architecture  in  England  ia  perhaps  rathe 
to  be  inferred  than  proved  fn 

wnplet;  carrying,  a 

of  asceticism  even  in 


nBnence  of  the  Irish  school  upon  oraam 
was  very  great,  there  can  be  no  doul 
.-  ~  amply  proved  by  eiisting  manuscrip 
the  Goapela  of  Lindisfarne,  written  about 
710.  That  these  patterns  of  interlacing  ril 
and  animals  were  copied  in  stone  ma 
obaerred  in  the  doorway  of  Monkwearm 
and  on  many  crotaes  and  other  mocumen 
the  period. 

No  eiisting    eumple   shows   what   a 
church  would  have  been  if  constracled  wii 

a  c  a 


388 


CHUROH-BOOKS 


Evornan  inflaencey  bnt  the  little  oratories  of 
<Jornwall  and  that  at  Ebb's  Nook,  in  Northumber- 
land (o.  Chapel),. will  serve  to  show  what  was 
the  character  of  their  lesser  religious  buildings. 

The  third  influence,  that  of  an  existing  school 
of  timber  architecture,  made  itself  felt  more  in 
the  smaller  class  of  churches  than  in  the  larger, 
and  though  very  many  portions  of  churches 
which  exhibit  marks  of  it  exist,  no  entire  church 
of  any  early  date  which  manifests  it  has  remained. 
The  chief  peculiarity  is  the  use  of  narrow  stones 
placed  upright,  dividing  the  wall  into  sections, 
exactly  in  the  same  manner  as  timber  quarter- 
ing. No  better  example  of  this  can  be  found  than 
the  tower  of  the  church  of  Earls  Barton,  in 
Northamptonshire ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  find  any 
safe  ground  for  assigning  a  date  to  this  building, 
as  it  is  certain  that  the  style  was  continued 
into  the  11th  century.  Another  peculiarity  is 
the  use  of  the  baluster  as  a  shaft,  and  it  has 
been  supposed  that  this  was  copied  from  some 
Roman  example ;  but  the  &ctfl  that  these  balu- 
sters were  turned  in  a  lathe,  that  they  were  in 
use  at  a  very  early  date,  and  in  every  part  of 
England,  all  seem  to  point  to  their  having  ori- 
ginated in  an  indigenous  style  of  wooden  archi- 
tecture. 

Many  churches  were  constructed  entirely  of 
wood.  Bede  {ffiat.  EccL  iii.  25)  tells  us  that 
Finian,  who  came  from  lona,  built  at  Lindisfarne 
a  church  ^'episcopali  sede  congruam,  quam 
tamen  more  Scottorum  non  de  lapide  sed  de 
robore  secto  totam  composuit  atque  harundine 
texit ;  **  and  according  to  an  Irish  wnter  of  the 
llth  century.  Conch  ubean  (TtY.  8,  Moduennaey 
AA.  SS.  Soil.  6,  Jul.  11),  the  Scoti  were  accus- 
tomed to  build  with  boards  '*  tabulis  dedolatis," 
or,  as  we  may  perhaps  understand  the  passage, 
with  timbers  not  left  in  the  round,  but  smoothed 
with  the  adze.  In  this  way,  though  no  doubt  at  a 
much  later  date,  the  church  at  Greenstead,  in 
Essex,  was  constructed,  the  slabs  of  oak  left 
after  a  plank  had  been  sawn  out  of  the  middle 
having  been  smoothed  on  the  inside  with  the 
adze,  and  placed  upright  with  the  curved  portion 
outwaixls,  side  by  side,  so  as  to  form  a  wall. 
Very  many  such  structures,  no  doubt,  were 
erected  in  districts  where  wood  was  plentiful  and 
stone  scarce.  [A.  N.] 

CHURCH-BOOKS  (Xt6rtifccfe«arffc.).  Un- 
der this  name  the  following  classes  of  books  are 
understood  to  be  included : — 

1.  Such  works  as  were  necessary  for  the  per- 
formance of  the  sacred  offices,  whether  of  the 
altar,  the  baptistery,  or  the  choir  [LrruRaiCAL 
Books]. 

2.  Certain  pastoral  letters  of  venerable  bishops, 
canons  of  councils,  and  acts  of  martyrs,  which 
were  occasionally  read  in  public.  For  instance, 
we  have  the  testimony  of  Dionysius  of  Corinth 
in  Eusebius  (H,  E,  iv.  23,  §  11)  that  the  epistle 
of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians  was  preserved  and 
publicly  read  in  the  Corinthian  Church  [Ca- 
KONICAL  Books].  The  so-called  Canons  and  Con- 
stitutions of  the  Apojitles  were  probably  regarded 
as  libri  ecclesiastici  in  many  churches.  On  the 
use  of  acts  of  martyrs,  see  Ruinart,  Acta  Sinceroj 
pref.  §  5. 

3.  Not  unfrequently  in  ancient  times  the  term 
church-books  included  all  books  contained  in  the 
library  of  a  church  [Libbaby]. 


OHUBCH 

4.  In  some  cases  the  church-registers,  whether 
of  the  baptized  or  of  the  dead  [Diftychs],  seem  to 
be  included  under  the  term  libri  ecdesiaaticL  [C] 

CHURCHES,  MAINTENANCE  OP  (Fo- 

hrica  Eoclesiae).  The  funds  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  fabric  of  a  church  are,  and  have 
been  from  ancient  times,  derived  from  two 
sources,  —  estates  appropriated  to  that  purpose 
and  voluntary  offerings.  As  early  as  the  5th 
century  we  find  ordinances,  that  a  definite  pro- 
portion of  the  general  income  of  a  church  should 
be  set  apart  for  the  maintenance  and  repair  of 
the  fabric  According  to  decrees  of  Pope  Sim- 
plicius,  A.D.  475  (Ep.  ili.  in  Binius,  ConcHia^ 
iii.  582),  and  Pope  Gelasius,  A.D.  494  (Ep.  ix. 
Binius,  iii.  636),  this  proportion  was  to  be  a 
fourth  part ;  while  in  Spain  a  third  part  was  to 
be  appropriated  to  this  purpose.  See  the  Council 
of  Tarragona  (a.D.  516),  c.  8;  the  second  of 
Braga  (a.d.  572),  c.  2 ;  of  Merida  (a.d.  666), 
cc.  14, 16 ;  the  sixteenth  of  Toledo  (a.d.  693),  c  5. 
In  the  Frankish  kingdom  the  repair  of  the  fabric 
was  provided  for  by  setting  aside  for  that  pur- 
pose a  certain  part  of  the  endowment  of  the 
church  ;  a  provision  the  more  necessary,  as  the 
voluntary  contributions  diminished  in  proportion 
as  the  endowments  increased.  And  as  estates  of 
the  church  often  fell  into  the  hands  of  laics, 
a  Diet  of  the  Empire  held  at  Frankfort  in  794 
laid  down  the  principle,  that  the  maintenance  of 
the  fabric  of  the  church  was  a  chai^  upon 
church-lands,  in  whatever  hands  they  were 
(Pertz,  Monumenta  Germ,  iii.  74).  A  similar 
provision  was  made  by  some  of  the  ecclesiastical 
councils  held  in  the  year  813  by  command  of 
Charlemagne ;  as  in  that  of  Mentz  (c  42),  the 
fourth  of  Aries  (c.  25),  and  the  third  of  Tours 
(c  46).  At  a  somewhat  later  date,  the  obliga- 
tion of  forced  labour  for  the  benefit  of  the  fabric 
was  laid  upon  the  tenants  of  the  church. 
(Herzog,  Real-EncycL  i.  737).  There  are  special 
treatises  on  this  subject  by  Helfert  (^Von  der 
Erbauungy  ErKaltung  und  HersteUung  der  kirch' 
lichen  GebSude,  2nd  ed.  1834),  by  Von  Reinhardt 
(Ueber  kirchliche  Bavlast,  Stuttgart,  1836X  and 
by  Permaneder  (die  kirchliche  Baulast^  Mtinchen, 
1838).  [C] 

CHURCH    SCHOOLS.    [Schools.] 

CHURCH  (Symbols  of>  Early  representa- 
tions of  the  Church  of  Christ  are  very  numerous, 
and  may  be  divided  into  (A)  personifications  and 
(B)  symbolisms ;  both  of  the  highest  antiquity. 
Those  derived  from  Holy  Scripture  may  be  taken 
first. 

(A)  1.  The  Lord's  comparison  of  Himself  to  the 
Good  Shepherd,  constantly  represented  in  the 
Catacombs,  and  supposed  to  be  the  most  ancient 
of  purely  Christian  emblems  in  painting  or  sculp- 
ture, has  frequently  united  with  it  pictures  of 
two  or  more  sheep  at  His  feet,  besides  the  one 
carried  on  His  shoulders.  The  word  "  fold  "  repre- 
sents the  Church,  exactly  as  the  word  **  church  ** 
the  congregation  of  Christ's  people.  [Lamb, 
Good  Shephebd,  &c.]  The  fresco  w  the  Cal- 
lixtine  catacomb  (Bottari,  tav.  lz../iii.,  and 
Aringhi,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  ch.  xxii.  p.  327,  ed.  Par. 
1657),  of  the  Shepherd  sitting  under  trees,  and 
surrounded  by  sheep,  or  sheep  and  goats,  as  here, 
may  be  taken  as  one  example  out  of  many  See 
also  that  at  tav.  xxvi.     In  another  (Bott.  vox.  ii, 


CHURCH 

tiT.  cznii.)  the  sheep  are  iasuiDg  from  a  small 
building,  seeming  to  stand  for  a  town,  at  whose 
gate  the  ShepheA  stands,  or  leans  on  His  staff, 
the  sheep  of  the  Gentile  and  of  the  Jewish 
Churches  are  distinguished  in  the  painting  in 
Ciampini  {Vet,  Motu%  where  two  flocks  are  issu- 
ing from  separate  towns  or  folds,  Hierusalem 
and  Bethleem,  and  moving  towards  our  Lord. 
rSee  fiETHLEM£M.]  In  a  woodcut  given  bj 
Martigny,  He  stands  on  a  small  rock,  which, 
br  the  winding  lines  at  its  base,  and  the  word 
JORDAN £S  above,  would  seem  to  refer  to  His 
baptism,  and  our  baptism  into  His  death,  by 
which  the  sheep  reach  Him.  (See  Martigny, 
iWrt.  8.y.  "figlise.")* 

In  a  mosaic  mentioned  by  Martigny  at  Sta. 
Sabina's,  Rome,  the  two  churches  are  represented 
by  two  female  figures,  standing  each  with  an 
open  book  in  hand.  (See  also  Aringhi,  lib.  iii. 
c  xxii.  p.  327.)  Over  one  is  inscribed  fiCCLESIA 
EX  CIRCUMCISIONE,  and  St.  Peter  stands  above 
her;  the  other  is  named  CCCLCSIA  EX  GEN- 
TIBUS,  and  above  her  is  placed  St.  Paul. 
(See  GaL  ii.  7.)  The  same  subject  occurs  in  a 
compartment  of  the  ancient  gates  of  the  cathedral 
of  Verona,  treated  with  somewhat  of  the  quaint- 
ness  of  Lombard  fancy,  but  quite  intelligible  as 
to  meaning.  The  twofold  church  is  represented 
by  two  women,  shaded  by  trees ;  one  suckling 
two  children,  the  other  two  fishes.  [Fish.] 
Martigny  gives  a  woodcut  of  an  interesting  plate 
in  P.  Garrucci,  Hagioglypt.  p.  222.  It  represents 
two  lambs  looking  towards  a  pillar,  which  sym- 
bolizes the  Church,  and  is  surmounted  by  the 
Lamb  bearing  on  his  back  the  decussated  mono- 
gram of  Christ.  From  it  spring  (apparently) 
palm-branches;  and  two  birds,  just  above  the 
lambs,  may  be  taken  for  doves.  The  figures  of 
St  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  with  their  division  of  the 
Church  into  Jewish  and  Gentile,  seem  to  be 
represented  in  the  fresco  given  by  De  Rossi 
(vol.  ii.  Tav.  d'Aggiunto  A.);  but  are  almost 
destroyed  by  the  opening  of  a  tomb,  which  has 
been  broken  into  through  the  fresco,  as  so  fre- 
quently happens.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  Onntes,  or  praying  female  figures  in  the 
Catacombs,  are  for  the  most  part  personifications 
of  the  Church.  (See  Bottari,  tav.  xzxviii., 
Orante  with  doves  placed  next  to  Good  Shepherd.) 
In  the  comers  of  the  square  ceiling  of  the  well- 
known  crypt  of  Lucina,  in  the  Callixtine  cata- 
comb (De  Rossi,  R.  S,  tav.  x.),  the  Orante 
alternates  with  the  Good  Shepherd.  In  a  re- 
cently discovered  painting  in  St.  Callixtus  (De 
Rossi,  IXerC,  tav.  L  n.  2),  the  Orante  is  offer- 
mg  the  eucharistic  sacrifice  by  the  hands  of  a 
consecrating  priest. 

2.  A  few  representations  exist  within  our 
range,  of  Susanna  and  the  elders,  as  typical  of 
the  Church  and  its  persecutors,  Jewish  and 
Pagan.  Martigny  names  three  sarcophagi  as  the 
only  certain  examples  of  this  subject  in  old 
Italian  art.  For  one  he  refers  to  Buonarotti, 
Vetri,  p.  1.  Of  the  two  others  one  is  from  the 
Vatican,  the  other  from  St.  Callixtus.  They  are 
found  in  Bottari,  taw.  xxxi.,  and  Ixxxv.,  sarcoph. 
from  St.  Callixtus.  In  Southern  Gaul  they  are 
more  numerous  (Millin,  Midi  de  la  F,  pi.  Ixv.  5 ; 
Ixvi.   8;  Ixviii.  4).     All  these  are  bas-reliefs, 

*  These  suttJects  are  repeated  very  fyeqnently  in  the 
sndent  mosaics  of  Rome  and  Bavenua.  See  Mr.  J.  H. 
EtetBec's  Plwtographs. 


CHURCH 


^89 


containing  the  elders  as  well  as  Susanna;  and 
the  third  represents  them  as  eagerly  watching 
her  from  behind  trees.  An  allegory  is*  given 
below  in  woodcut,  drawn  from  voL  L  pi.  Ixxviii. 


SiNIO 


of  M.  Perret's  work,  of  a  sheep  between  two  wild 
beasts :  SUSANNA  and  SINIORIS  are  written 
above. 

3.  The  Woman  with  the  Issue  of  Blood  has 
been  considered  as  a  type  of  the  Gentile  Church, 
which  would  account  for  the  frequent  repre- 
sentations of  that  miracle  to  be  found  on  ancient 
sarcophagi.  (See  Bottari,  taw.  xix.  xxi.  xxxiv. 
zxxix.  xli.  Ixzziv.  Ixxxv.  Ixxxix.  cxxxv.)  So  St. 
Ambrose  (lib.  ii.  in  Luc.  c.  viii.). 

(B)  Symbolisma  of  the  Church  (it  is  not  generally 
observed  how  important  the  distinction  between 
symbolism  and  personification  is)  begin  with  the 
ark  of  Noah ;  passing  by  easy  transition  to  the 
ship  of  souls  and  the  ship  of  Jonah  in  the  stomu 
It  is  singular  that  our  Lord's  similitude  of  the 
net  is  very  rarely  found  illustrated  by  the 
graphic  art  of  early  Christendom.  The  idea  of 
the  Lord's  drawing  forth  the  sinner  from  the 
waters,  as  with  a  hook  and  line  (see  Baptism, 
p.  168),  seems  to  have  prevailed  over  that  of 
the  sweeping  net.  The  net  is  perhaps  assigned 
to  St.  Peter  in  the  Vatican  sarcophagous  there 
represented  (Bottari,  tav.  xlii.)*  A  small  net 
is  used  on  one  side  of  the  bas-relief.  [Fish, 
Ship.]     .    . 

The  ark  is  very  frequently  used  as  a  type  of 
the  Church  militant.  On  tombs  it  is  held  to 
imply  that  the  dead  expired  in  full  communion 
with  the  Church.  In  Bottari,  tav.  xlii.,  an 
olive-tree  stands  in  the  ark,  in  the  place  of  Noah. 
It  is  of  a  square  form,  a  chest  in  fact  (Bottari, 
taw.  xl.  cxx.  clxxii.  &c.);  and  in  tav.  cxviii. 
it.  is  placed  in  a  boat  or  ship.  The  dove  appears 
with  the  olive-branch  in  almost  all  these,  or  is 
represented  by  itself:  in  Bottari,  tav.  cxxxi.,  it  is 
placed  on  the  poop  of  the  ship  of  Jonah.  In  tav. 
xxxvii.  and  passim,  Noah  stands  in  a  square  chest 
on  the  shore,  receiving  the  dove  in  his  hands; 
Jonah  is  being  thrown  from  a  boat  into  the  sea 
next  him.  This  ship  represents  the  Church  mili- 
tant, and  is  one  of  the  most  frequent  of  all  sym- 
bolic works  in  the  Catacombs,  no  doubt  on  account 
of  the  Lord's  own  comparison  of  Himself  to  the 
prophet.  For  representations  in  the  catacomb  of 
Callixtus  and  elsewhere  see  De  Rossi  and  Bottari, 
The  ship  "covered  with  the  waves"  is  represented 
in  Martigny,  from  a  fresco  lately  discovered  in 
St.  Callixtus.  A  man  stands  in  the  waist  or 
near  the  stem  of  a  sharp-prowed  vessel  with  a 
square  sail,  such  as  are  used  in  the  Mediterranean 
to  this  day.  The  waters  are  dashing  over  her 
close  to  him,  and  he  is  in  an  attitude  of  prayer ; 
far  off  is  a  drowning  man  who  has  made  ship- 
wreck of  the  faith.  The  vessel  in  full  sail 
(Boldetti,  pp.  360,  362,  373)  is  also  common  as 
the  emblem  of  safe-conduct  through  the  waves 
of  this  troublesome  world ;  that  with  sails 
furled,  as  quietly  in  port  resting  after  her 
voyage  ras  in   Boldetti,  pp.  363,  366),  is  the 


alio       OHUBCHINO  OP  WOHKN 

■^bol  of  tha  lepoH  of  indiTidusI  Chrutuuu  En 
death. 

Ad  «rflD  mora  interesting  BymboliAm  ii  irhere 
Dot  00I7  the  ahip  ii  painted  u  anBlogona  to  the 
Church,  but  the  actual  fabtic  of  a  church  In  made 
liki  a  ship.  This  vu  the  case  with  mauf  of  the 
earl'  Romanesqns  chnrchet,  where  the  apse 
which  completed  Chs  hasilica  had  the  bithop'a 
throne  plaCA]  in  the  centre,  aa  tha  steersman'i 
place,  with  ermicircDlar  bnichn  b«lo«  for  the 


OHUBCHINO  OF  WOMEN 

clergy ;  eo  that  a  r 
followed.    Seethe  i 

Stones  of  Venict,  Tol.  ii.,  on  the  ancieDl  cnnrcna* 
of  Torcello,  the  mother  city  of  Venice,  and  an 
eitiact  in  Martigny  («.  t.  Naris)  of  a  long  paa- 
sage  ia  the  Apostolical  Conttihiliani  (ii.  57)  to 
the  aame  efTect, — the  bishop  being  likened  to  tha 
steeTaman,  the  deacons  to  Mamen,  the  faithful  U> 
paiaengers,  and  the  deacoaeuei,  stiaugely,  to  tba 
eoliector  ot  feres. 


Tlie  ship  placed  on  tha  back  of  a  liah  ii  bund 
in  a  aiguet  illustrated  by  Al&ndre  (JVao.  i'ccfcj. 
n/tretii.  Symb.  Romac,  1626 ;  see  also  a.  y.  FwH). 
Anothersach  gem  is  in  Ficoroni's  collection  (tfnin. 
Mt.  Litt.  Ub.  li,  8,  p.  105).  A  jasper  given 
by  Caniinal  Borgia  (ZJ«Cru«  VtliUm.  p.  213  and 
frontispiece)  places  the  Lord  in  a  galley  of  aii 
oars  on  a  side,  holding  the  large  steering  oar. 
This  rndder-oar— or  rather  two  of  them— are  in- 
aectad  ia  the  mdeat  abip-csniaga,  where  other 


by  M.  Leblant  i 

(rduie,  tdI.  i.  p.  le/,  as  eiisiing  OB  a  lamp  aaia  10 
bBTo  been  found  at  St.  Juct.  Another  had  on  it 
the  monogram  of  Cbiiit  on  a  column.  Reference 
ll  made  to  Bosio,  p.  167,  for  a  column  between 
two  dorei  tarniog  to  look  at  it;  but  ia  inclioed, 
aea  p.  167,  to  regard  it  as  a  symbol  of  Christ 
Hinuelf  rather  than  of  the  Church.   [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

CHURCHING  OP  WOMEN  ;  or,  Thanks- 

OIVIKO  OF  WOHEH   AFTER  ChILDIIIRTH.      (dfufj- 

tnmpost  Partum  Furificatio;  aometimes  called 
lathronhalio  post  partum ;  see  UeriDg'a  Jieal- 
EncifCl.  lix.  671.) 

The  Mosaic  law  laya  down  (Lev.  lii.)  precepts 
for  the  offerings  and  purification  of  women  after 
childbirth;  and  these  legal  precepts  were  oh- 
•erved  by  the  Huther  of  the  Lord  henelf  Pos- 
sibly in  Jewish-Christian  communities  this 
abaerrance  passed  over,  like  some  other  cere- 
monies, with  little  change  ialo  the  Chri:.tiaD 
congregation;  hut  of  thia  nothing  certain  Is 
known.  There  is  no  mention  of  any  purificatory 
ceremony  after  childbirth  in  the  works  of 
Clement  of  Aleiandria,  in  the  Apostolical  Con- 
ttitutioos,  or  In  the  works  of  the  Pse udo-Diony 
siua  the  Areopagite.  The  notion,  honerer,  tha 
childbirth  occasioned  »ine  kind  of  delilemen 
conttnaed  U>  prevail  among  the  Christians  c 
the  East,  hence  the  rilnahi  of  the  Orleate 
Churches  in  relation  to  thia  matter  refer  mor 
to  purilicatiDU  from  defilement  than  to  thauki 
giving  for  safety.  Dionvsias  of  Aleiandri 
(canon  2 ;  in  Beveridge's  PamUdat,  ii.  4}  Uy 
It  down  as  a  matter  admitting  of  no  quettioi 
th«t  a  woman  ought  not  to  be  present  in  churcl: 
nor  to  Piceive  the  Holy  Communion,  within  fort 
days  after  having  given  birth  to  a  child.    To  th 


same  effect,  the  ninth  of  the  Arabic  canoni  of 
Nicaea  enjoins  :  "  Women  onght  to  abstain  from 
entering  the  church  and  from  partaking  of  Holy 
Communion  for  forty  days  after  a  birth;  after 
which,  let  the  woman  careliilly  wash  her  gar- 
ments and  bathe  her  person  and  the  child  ;  then 
let  her,  together  with  her  husband,  present  him 
in  the  chnrch  at  the  steps  of  the  altar;  whom, 
with  their  accompanyiD);  friends,  let  the  priest 
receive,  and  aay  fur  her  the  prayer  of  puriHuation 
and  blesa  the  child  accordiog  to  the  prescribed 
ceremonies  of  the  Church,"  The  forty  days' 
period,  then,  was  clearly  regarded  as  the  neces- 
sary eitent  of  the  woman'a  purification.  Mean- 
time, however,  she  was  not  wholly  neglected  by 
the  Church.  Immediately  after  the  birth,  a 
prayer  was  eaiii  over  mother  and  child,  and  tha 
child  Bignei!  with  the  cross.  This  rite  ia  thoQght 
lo  be  alluded  to  hi  Chryjostom  (on  1  cSr^ 
Ifim.  12,  p.  IDB,  eJ.  Montfaucon).  The  office 
which  Boeumpanies  it  is  believed  by  Gear  to  be 
of  modern  origin.  On  the  eighth  day  the  mid- 
wife, or  some  other  matron,  hringi  the  child  to 
the  church.  Before  the  door  the  priest  again 
signs  it  with  the  cross,  and  carries  it  into  the 
church,  when  the  name  is  given  which  it  is  to 
bear  after  baptism.  Such  a  ceremoov  took  place, 
though  not  in  a  church,  at  the  birth  of  tha  . 
emperor  Theodosius  IL  (4.D.  401),  related  in  the 
following  manner  in  the  life  of  Porphyrins  of 
Gaia,  a  contempomry  witness:  "When  seven 
days  ware  accomplished  from  the  hirth  of  the 
child,  the  empress  budoiia  approached  and  met 
us  at  the  door  of  the  chamber,  bearing  the  infanl 
wnpped  in  purple.  She  bowed  her  head,  and 
said, '  Bless  me,  O  fathers,  and  the  child  which 
the  Lord  hath  granted  me  through  vonr'holr 
pmyers;'  and  gave  the  infiwt  into  their  arms, 
that  they  might  sign  it  with  the  cross.  Then 
the  holy  bishops  signed  both  her  and  the  Infant, 
and  after  praying  sat  down."  lAcla  Sunctorwn, 
Feb.  :ii.  6.53).  If  the  child  was  in  danger 
of  death  before  the  stated  period  (or  baptism,  it 
was  at  once  baptiied,  bnt  the  unclean  moiner 
was  no  longer  allowed  to  suckle  it,  or  even  to 
enter  the  room  where  it  was  (Mansl,  Supplemaii. 
Cone.  i.  Sib).  If  the  mother  died  within  the 
period  of  uncleanneis,  her  body  was  taken  into 
the  church,  and  the  prayers  of  purification  said 
over  it;  after  which  it  was  r^rded  as  cleat 


CHUBCHING  OF  WOMEN 

(Camm.  NioaenO'Arab,    c.   10;    in  Hardoain's 
OmcUia,  L  512). 

On  the  fortieth  day  after  the  birth,  the  mother 
and  the  child,  accompanied  by  the  godfather, 
went  solemnly  to  the  church.  Before  the 
church-door  the  priest  received  them,  signed 
the  mother  with  the  cross,  and  said  oyer  her 
sereral  prayers.  He  then  took  the  child,  made 
the  sign  of  the  cross  with  it,  and  carried  it  up  to 
the  altar;  the  god&ther  then  recelred  it  from 
the  priest  and  left  the  church.  In  the  Ethi- 
opic  Church,  mother  and  child  are  anointed 
on  the  brow  with  holy  oil,  and  reoeire  the 
Encharist. 

In  the  Latin  Church,  also,  we  find  traces  of 
the  same  feeling  that  exist  in  the  East  with 
regard  to  the  purification  after  childbirth. 
£Ten  St.  Augustine  lays  down  that  the  Leritical 
law  of  the  forty  days  was  still  binding  under  the 
new  dispensation  (Quoesi.  «h  Levitt,  lib.  iii. 
quaest.  64).  That  Theodore  of  Canterbury  held 
the  same  opinion  b  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  he 
brought  Oriental  opinions  from  his  early  home 
in  Tarsus.  He  (^PemtewtuOy  I.  ziy.  18,  in  Had- 
dan  and  Stubb's  DocumsntSy  iii.  189)  prescribes 
penance  for  a  woman  entering  a  church  within 
forty  days  after  childbirth.  Augustine  of 
Canterbury,  however,  had  previously  appealed 
to  Pope  Gregory  I.  for  his  opinion  on  this  point, 
who  answered,  with  characteristic  largeness 
of  mind,  that  the  Mosaic  law  was  not  binding 
on  Christians,  and  that  if  a  woman  went  to 
church  to  give  thanks  to  God  on  the  very  day 
oa  which  she  had  given  birth  to  a  child,  she 
sinned  not,  althougn  the  old  custom  of  keeping 
at  home  for  forty  days  was  not  to  be  blamed, 
when  it  was  observed  in  a  right  spirit  (Gregorii 
Ep,  zi.  64;  p.  1158).  Gregory's  decision  influ- 
enced subsequent  capitularies  of  the  Franks  and 
canons  of  councils  in  the  West.  Even  a  council 
of  the  Maronites  (Mansi,  Supplement,  Cone,  vi. 
1217)  rejected  the  '^  simplicity  or  superstition" 
of  repelling  women  from  church  for  the  space  of 
forty  days  after  the  birth  of  a  child. 

2.  It  will  readily  be  supposed  that  no  thanks- 
giving followed  the  birth  of  a  child  which  was 
the  fruit  of  adultery  or  fornication.  As  women 
who  sinned  in  such  sort  were  excluded  from  the 
congregation  until  due  penance  had  been  done, 
they  were  of  course  excluded  from  a  service 
which  included  thanksgiving  for  the  fruit  of 
the  womb.  Herard  of  Tours  (1871),  enjoin- 
ing women  to  return  thanks  in  church  as 
soon  aa  may  be  after  a  birth,  expressly  makes 
the  exception,  '*nisi  forte  sit  adultera"  (canon 
60,  quoted  by  Binterim,  DenktoHrd.  vi.  2,  196). 
To  the  same  effect  are  some  decrees  of  later 
councils. 

3.  The  service  to  be  used  in  the  churching  of 
women  was  probably  in  ancient  times  left  to 
the  discretion  of  the  priest,  for  no  formularies  for 
this  purpose  are  found  in  the  ancient  sacramen- 
taries.  Martene  (De  Bitibua  Eccl.  ii.  136,  137) 
gires  only  two  forms,  from  Galilean  oodioes  of 
probably  the  14th  century.  If  a  larger  number 
of  ancient  benedictionab  had  descended  to  our 
times,  we  might  possibly  have  found  forms  for 
the  benediction  of  women  after  childbirth ;  but 
these  are  rare.  Binterim  (penkwQrd.  vi.  2, 
199  ff.)  gives  a  church ing-service  of  the  Ethiopic 
Church,  that  contained  in  the  Ghreek  Evchobgion^ 
and  a  Latin  formula.    The  latter  is  from  a  MS. 


OHUBCHYABD 


391 


of  the  14th  century,  and  none  probably  are,  in 
their  present  form,  very  ancient.  [C] 

CHURCHWARDENS.  These  officers  would 
seem  to  be  the  representatives  in  the  later  Church 
of  the  eenioree  ecolesiasticif  of  whom  frequent 
mention  is  made  by  St.  Augustine  and  Optatus. 
We  gather  from  these  writers  that  the  aeniores 
eccl^kae  were  a  sort  of  elders  who  were  not  of 
the  clerry,  but  yet  had  some  concern  in  the  care 
of  the  Church.  Thus,  St.  Augustine  inscribes 
one  of  his  epistles  to  his  own  diurch  of  Hippo, 
"^  Clero,  aenioribus  et  unitwsae  plebL"  Some  of 
these  seniores  were  the  chief  men  or  magistrates 
of  the  place,  such  as  we  still  call  aldermen  ;  who 
also  formed  a  sort  of  lay  council  of  the  bishops, 
giving  advice  and  assistance  in  many  weighty 
matters  of  the  Church.  But  there  were  others 
known  more  properly  as  aenioree  ecolesiasticij  who 
were  entrusted  with  the  utensils,  treasure,  and 
outward  affairs  of  the  Church,  but  had  no  con- 
cern in  its  government  or  discipline ;  and  these 
may  be  regarded  as  the  predecessors  of  our 
churchwardens.  The  lay  elders,  so  cdlled,  of 
modem  times  are  ranked  above  the  deacons  in 
their  own  communities,  and  cannot  therefore 
be  identified  with  the  seniores  ecclesiastici  of 
the  ancient  Church,  who,  not  being  reckoned  of 
the  clergy,  were  ecclesiastically  inferior  to  the 
order  of  deacons  (Bingham,  ii.  18).  [D.  B.] 

CHURCHYARD.  The  subject  of  places  set 
apart  for  Christian  burial  has  sdready  been  con- 
sidered under  Area,  Catacomb,  and  Cemetery. 
The  present  article  relates  simply  to  burial  in 
the  precincts  of  churches. 

The  laws  of  the  empire  against  burying  in 
cities  of  course  prevented  the  use  of  churchyards 
within  the  walls  for  the  purpose  of  interment  so 
long  as  those  laws  continued  in  force.  The  first 
attempts  to  bury  in  or  near  churches  seem  to 
have  occurred  in  the  case  of  those  churches  or  me- 
morial cells  which  were  built  over  the  remains 
of  apostles  or  martyrs;  for  both  Theodosius 
(Oxfej,  lib.  ix.  tit.  17 ;  De  Sepuk,  Viol.  leg.  6) 
and  Justinian  {Codex,  lib.  i.  tit.  2 ;  De  Eccl.  leg.  2) 
expressly  provide  against  such  churches  being 
made  exceptions  to  the  general  law.  When  the 
church  had  kings  for  nursing-fathers,  the  pri- 
vilege of  being  buried  within  the  precincts  was 
sometimes  extended  to  Christian  emperors.  Thus 
Constantine  desired  (Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  71)  to 
be  buried  near  the  apostles  whom  he  had  en- 
shrined, and  his  son  Constantius  carried  out  his 
wish  by  causing  him  to  be  buried  in  the  Atrium 
of  the  church ;  a  fact  to  which  Chrysostom  more 
than  once  alludes  (On  2  Cor.,  ffom.  26,  p.  929, 
ed.  Paris,  1616 ;  Quod  Chrisius  sU  Deus,  c.  8,  p. 
839).  Theodosius  the  elder,  Arcadius,  and  Theo- 
dosius the  younger,  are  said  by  a  late  historian 
(Nicephorus,  If.  E,  ziv.  58)  to  have  been  simi- 
larly buried.  The  council  of  Braga  of  the  year 
563  (can.  18)  allows  corpses  to  be  buried,  if  need 
be,  around  the  church  (deforis  circa  murum 
basilicae),  but  utterly  forbids  any  to  be  buried 
within,  alleging  the  respect  due  to  the  relics  of 
saints. 

Archbishop  Theodore  of  Canterbury  laid  down 
{Penitential,  II.  i.  5  and  6,  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs' 
Councils,  iii.  190)  the  following  rule :  In  a  church 
in  which  bodies  of  unbelievers  are  buried  it  is 
not  lawful  to  consecrate  an  altar;  but  if  the 
chnrch  itself  .s  of  good  material,  let  it  be  pulled 


392 


CHURCH  YARD 


down  and  rebailt  after  the  logs  of  which  it  is 
composed  have  been  planed  or  washed.  If  the 
altai'  has  been  previpusly  consecrated,  mass  may 
be  said  upon  it  if  *  religious '  persons  are  buried 
there ;  but  If  a  pagan  be  buried  there,  it  is  better 
that  the  altar  should  be  purified  and  taken  out 
of  the  building.  It  is  clear  from  this  passage 
that  burials  frequently  took  place  in  the  rude 
wooden  churches  of  the  7th  century  in  England, 
and  that  only  the  bodies  of  pagans  were  held 
absolutely  to  desecrate  the  place,  though  the 
practice  of  burying  in  churches  does  not  seem  to 
be  looked  upon  with  favour.  The  council  of 
Nantes,  held  probably  towards  the  end  of  the  7th 
century,  in  the  6th  canon,  permits  burials  in  the 
atrium  or  fore-court,  in  the  cloister,  and  in  the 
outbuildings  (exedrae)  of  a  church,  but  utterly  for- 
bids them  in  the  church  itself  and  near  the  altar, 
where  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord  are.  The 
same  precept  is  repeated  in  the  canons  of  later 
councils,  as  in  the  52nd  of  that  at  Mentz  in  813, 
which  however  expressly  excepts  bishops,  abbots, 
worthy  presbyters,  and  faithful  laymen.  Similar 
to  this  is  the  injunction  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans 
{Capitul.  ad  Preshyt.  ix.).  The  council  of  Tribur 
(A.D.  895),  repeating  the  prohibition  with  regard 
to  laymen  (can.  17),  implies  that  the  prohibited 
burials  had  already  taken  place,  by  the  provision 
that  bodies  buried  in  churches  in  times  past  were 
not  to  be  exhumed ;  but  in  case  the  multitude  of 
tombs  was  such  that  the  ground  could  not  con- 
veniently be  levelled,  it  provides,  in  almost  the 
same  tenns  as  Theodulf,  that  the  altar  should  be 
removed,  and  the  church  made  a  mere  cemetery- 
chapel  qr  catacomb. 

In  the  East,  the  Emperor  Leo  VI.,  about  the 
year  900,  abrogated  {Novell.  53)  all  the  old  laws 
agninst  burying  in  cities,  and  left  men  at  liberty 
to  bury  either  within  or  without  the  walls ;  a 
permission  which  no  donbt  gave  occasion  to 
burving  in  the  precincts  of  city  churches. 

We  conclude,  then,  that  burying  in  the  pre- 
cincts of  churches  was  practised,  in  the  case  of 
very  distinguished  persons,  from  the  4th  cen- 
tury ;  more  generally,  from  the  7th  century ; 
but  that  the  increasing  practice  of  burying  in 
churches  was  constantly  resisted  by  ecclesiastical 
autiiorities  during  the  whole  period  with  which 
we  are  concerned,  and  was  held  to  be  almost  a 
desecration. 

Monastic  bodies  had  from  very  ancient  times 
burying-grounds  of  their  own,  that  they  who 
had  consorted  together  in  their  lives  might  rest 
together  in  death  (Isidore  of  Seville,  HeguUty 
c.  23);  these  were  however  originally  outside 
the  precincts  of  the  monastery,  as  we  see  from 
the  instances  of  Pachomius,  Benedict,  and  many 
others.  Bede,  in  the  Life  of  St,  Cathbert^ 
speaks  of  a  dead  monk  being  carried  to  his 
burial  itt  a  cart,  which  would  not  have  been 
necessary  if  the  interment  had  taken  place  within 
the  monastery.  It  appears  that  in  many  places 
a  chapel  or  oratory  was  built  on  the  spot  chosen 
for  the  intennent  of  the  brethren.  For  instance. 
Abbot  Bertinus  (a.d.  660)  enclosed  a  graveyard 
for  his  monastery  on  a  neighbouring  hill,  and 
built  in  the  midst  of  it  a  church  dedicated  to 
St.  Mary  {^Acta  SS,  Bened.  saec.  iii.  pt.  1,  p.  110). 
Afterwards,  graveyards  were  formed  within  the 
convent  walls,  but  not  within  the  cloister,  and 
were  provided  with  a  separate  church.  Of  this 
kind  is  believed  to  have  been  the  cemetery  formed 


CmGULLM 

by  Eigil  at  Fnlda,  the  church  of  which  was  dedi- 
cated in  the  year  822  {lAfe  of  Eigil  by  Caitdidus, 
c  20,  in  Acta  S8.  Bened,  saec.  iv.  pt.  1,  p.  238> 
Benedict  of  Aniane  also  caused  an  oratory  to  be 
constructed  in  the  cemetery  of  his  monttstery 
(Life,  c.  39,  in  Acta  SS,  Ben,  saec.  iv.  pt.  1). 
The  ancient  plan  of  St.  €rall  shows  only  a  cross 
in  the  midst  of  the  graveyard  within  the  convent 
walls.  And  in  process  of  time  burials  tonk  place 
in  the  cloister  itself.  Abbot  Walfrid,  when  dying 
(a.d.  765),  desired  to  be  buried  in  Ihe  midst  of 
the  cloister  (Xt/tf,  c.  8,  Acta  SS,  Ben,  saec.  iii. 
pt.  2) ;  and  it  appears  that  other  monks  of  that 
rule  were  buried  in  the  cloister  (u.  s.  c  14). 
Later  instances  are  frequent.  Monks  of  dis- 
tinguished sanctity  were  occasionally  buried  in 
the  church  itself^  as  St.  Vouel  of  Soissons  in  the 
8th  century  (Acta  SS,  Ben.  iv.  2,  p.  550).  Ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  very  saintly  persons,  burial 
was  not  permitted  within  the  ^t  eight  cen- 
turies in  monastic  more  than  in  secular  churches. 
(Bingham's  Antiquities,  bk.  zxiii.  c.  1 ;  Martene, 
De  Bitibus  Eccl,  Ant,  lib.  iii.  c  7,  §§  10-14; 
I)e  Bit.  Monack,  lib.  v.  c.  10,  §§  100-104;  Bin- 
terim,  DenkwUrdigkeiten,  vi.  3, 443  ff.)  [C] 

CIBOBIUM.  [Altar  :  Dove,  Euchakistio.] 

CILICLA.  (Council  of),  a.d.  423,  at  which 
Theodorus  of  Mopsuestia,  a  town  in  this  province, 
who  was  still  alive,  was  condemned  for  his  errors 
(Mansi,  iv.  473-4).  [E.  S.  F.] 

CINGULUM.    (Zmrhy  Zona,  Baltens,  Funis.) 
The  girdle,  in  ancient  times,  was  generally  as- 
sociated with  the  idea  of  {ictive  exertion,  inas- 
much as  it  served  to  confine  and  to  gird  up  the 
long  flowing  garments  which,  when  unconfined, 
interfered  with  all  activity.    But  as  a  richly- 
ornamented  girdle  commonly  formed  a  part  of 
the  robes  of  state  worn  by  Eastern  monarchs,  we 
find  the  girdle  occasionally  alluded  to  as  a  sym- 
bol of  royal  dignity.    So  Patriarch  Germanus  of 
Constantinople,  c.  715  A.D.,  Myst.  Theor,  p.  206, 
speaks    of  the    girdle,    then  worn  as  part  of 
a  priest's  dress,  as  signifying  the  beauty  where- 
with Christ  entering  upon  His  kingdom  did  gird 
Himself  withal,  even ,  the  beauteous  majesty  of 
Godhead.   See  VestiatHum  Chriatianwn,  pp.  84, 85. 
Lastly,  through   yet  other  associations,  which 
will  be  obvious  to  all  students  of  antiquity,  the 
girdle  connected  itself  with  the  idea  of  chastity ; 
and  it  is  in  this  connexion  that  it  is  commonly 
referred  to  by  the  later  ecclesiastical  writers. 
See,   for  example,  St.  Jerome  on  Ezek.  xliv. ; 
Celestine,  bishop  of  Rome,  t432,   apud  Labbc^ 
Concilia,  ii.  1618  ('Mn  lumbornm  praednctione 
castitas  .  .  .  indicatur");  Rabanus  Maurus,  de 
Instit.    Cleric,  lib.   i.   c.  17;   Pseudo-Alcninus, 
de  Div.  Off,  (Vest,  Christ,  p.  Ill);  Ivo  Camo- 
tensis  (ib,  p.  121).     Both  in  East  and  West  it 
formed  part  of  the  monastic  dress  from  the 
earliest  times.     Among  Western  writera  see  the 
Life  of  Fulgentius,  bishop  of  Ruspa,  by  Ferrandus 
Diaoouus  (^*  pelliceo  cingulo  tanquam  monachns 
utebatur");    Salvianus,   ad   Eod.   Cathol.  lib. 
iv.  (addressing  a  monk  of  unworthy  character-^ 
*'  Licet  religionem  vestibus  simules,  licet  fidem 
cingulo  afferas,  licet  sanctitatem  pallio  menti- 
aris,"  &c.) ;   Joannis  Cassiani,  de  Coenob,  Instit. 
lib.  i.  c.  11,  apud  Migne,  Batrd.  xlix.  60;  the 
Begtda  of  St.  Benedict,  Migne,  Ixvi.  490  ("  vestiti 
dormiant,    et    cincti    cingulis    aut    funibus"). 


GIBBA,  COUNCILS  OF 

Hildemar,  in  the  9th  century  (apud  Migne,  torn. 
c\  explains  the  distinction  between  *  cingulum ' 
end  *  funis.'  **  Funis  est  qui  do  cannaba  fit  vel 
lino  in  rotundum;  dngulns  (stc)  autem  cor- 
rigia  est  de  lana  rel  lino,  sed  non  in  rotundum 
sicut  funis,  sed  in  latum  cicut  tricia."  For 
Eastern  usage  see  St.  Jerome,  Praefai.  th 
Begnlam  8,  Pachomii,  opp.  ii.  49;  Palladius, 
ZatisicKO,  cap.  88  (Migne,  Ixxiii.  1157)  and 
St.  Germanus  of  Constantinople,  in  a  passage 
abore  referred  to.  He  there  says  of  the  monastic 
habit  that  it  was  like  that  of  John  the  Baptist, 
whose  raiment  was  of  camel's  hair,  and  who 
wore  a  leathern  girdle  about  his  loins.  Celestine, 
bishop  of  Rome,  in  his  letter  to  the  bishops 
of  Vienna  and  Narbonne,  already  referred  to, 
dating  about  430  A.D.,  marks  the  time  when  the 
wearing  of  a  girdle  as  part  of  the  episcopal  dress 
(probably  in  imitation  of  the  monastic  habit) 
was  first  introduced  into  Gaul.  He  reprores 
those  to  whom  he  writes  for  dressing  in  a  pal- 
unm  and  wearing  a  girdle  about  the  loins,  and 
so  seeking  to  observe  the  truth  of  Scripture  not 
m  the  spirit  but  in  the  letter.  '*  Amicti  pallio, 
et  lumbos  praecincti,  credunt  se  Scripturae  fidem 
non  per  spiritum  sed  per  literam  oompleturos." 
See  Ubb^,  Concilia,  ii.  1618;  Vest,  Christ,  p. 
45.  [W.  B.  M.] 

CIBBA,  COUNCILS  OF.  [African  Coun- 
cils.] 

CIBCUMCELLIONES.  (1)  A  name  given 
to  the  Donatist  fimatics  in  Africa  during' the 
4th  century,  from  their  habit  of  roving  from 
house  to  house,  plundering  (Aug.  c.  Gaudent,  i. 
32).  They  went  about  in  predatory  gangs,  con- 
sisting chiefly  of  rustics,  on  the  borders  of  the 
GaetuJian  desert,  ravaging  Numidia  and  Mauri- 
tania, provinces  at  that  time  neither  thoroughly 
Christianised  nor  thoroughly  subjected  to  Roman 
law.  According  to  Augustine  they  were  noto- 
rious for  their  lawless  violence  agninst  the 
Catholics  (Aug.  c.  Qaudent.  i.  28,  32 ;  Eaer,  69 ; 
c.  Parmen,  i.  11;  c.  Crescon,  iii.  42,  46,  47; 
^pp.  88,  105,  185),  as  well  as  against  property 
(Aug.  Epp.  15,  85,  185).  To  restrain  their  tur- 
bulence their  own  bishops  were  constrained  to 
invoke  the  aid  of  the  Roman  counts.  Augustine 
defends  Macarius  and  Taurinus  from  the  chaise 
of  having  been  unduly  severe  against  them,  and 
reproves  the  exultation  of  these  fanatics  over 
the  death  of  Ursacius  (Aug.  c,  Litt.  Petilian,  cc. 
22,  25).  At  the  Conference  of  Carthage  in  411 
A.D.  the  imperial  commissioner  decreed  a  fine  on 
those  districts  wherein  the  *' circumcelliones " 
were  not  kept  in  order  (Coleti  Cone,  t.  iii.)u 
At  Bagai  they  fought,  but  unsuccessfully,  against 
Roman  cavalry.  The  war-shout  of  these 
"avengers"  or  '^champions  of  God,"  as  they 
styled  themselves  (iLyntfiariKoi,  Optat.  Milevit. 
De  Schism,  Donat,  iii.  4),  "Deo  Laudes,"  in 
opposition  to  the  "  Deo  Gratias "  of  the  other 
party,  was  terrible  to  all  peaceful  people  as  the 
roar  of  a  lion  (Aug.  m  Ps,  cxxxii,  v.  6).  Instead 
of  swords,  which  for  some  time  they  felt  a  reli- 
gious scruple  against  using  (cf.  St.  Matt.  xxvi. 
52),  they  brandiBhed  clubs  at  first,  which  they 
called  *' Israels"  (Aug.  m  Ps.  x,  v.  5).  Like 
the  Syrian  "assassins,"  the  followera  of  the 
"Old  Man  of  the  Mountain  "  in  the  time  of  the 
Crusades,  the  "  Circumcelliones  "  courted  death, 
wantonly  insulting  the  Pagans  at  their  festivab 


CIBOUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OP    893 

(Aug.  c.  naudent  I,  82,  49;  Epp.  12,  16,  185)' 
and,  in  their  frantic  eagerness  for  martyrdom, 
challenging  all  whom  they  met  on  their  way  to 
kill  them  (Aug.  c,  Crescon,  iii.  46,  49 ;  c.  Litt. 
Petil,  ii.  114;  De  Unit.  Eccl  50;  Theodoret. 
Haer,  iv.  6).  Among  the  titles  which  they  as- 
sumed was  that  of  "  Agnostid,"  to  indicate  their 
contempt  for  learning  (Aug.  in  Ps,  cxxxiL  v.  6). 
Though  pledged  by  profession  to  celibacy,  they 
were  guilty  of  frequent  outrages  on  women,  if 
their  opponents  may  be  believed  (Aug.  c.  Litt. 
Petil.  i.  16,  ii.  195;  De  Unit.  Eccl.  50).  For 
these  and  similar  offences,  as  well  as  on  the 
charge  of  aiding  the  Vandals,  they  were  ordered 
by  Honorius,  412  A.D.,  to  be  fined  (Hefele  in 
Kirchenlex.^  iii.  261).  Gibbon  compares  these 
"  circumcelliones  "  to  the  "  camisards  "  of  Lan- 
guedoc  in  the  commencement  of  the  18th  century 
iDecline  and  FhU,  ii.  445,  Bohn,  1855). 

Ciroumcelliones  (2)  were  vagabond  monks, 
censui*ed  by  Cassian,  under  the  name  of  Sara- 
baitae,  for  roving  from  place  to  place  (Co//, 
xviii.  7).  Probably  the  name  was  transferred  to 
them  from  the  Donatist  fanatics.  St.  Augustine 
rebuts  this  comparison  as  unmerited,  at  least 
within  his  experience  (in  Ps.  cxxxii,  v.  6).  But 
elsewhere  (/>«  Oper,  Monach,  28)  he  inveighs 
with  characteristic  warmth  against  the  idle, 
vagrant  monks,  "  nusquam  missos,  nusquam  fixes, 
nusquam  stantes,  nusquam  sedentes,"  &c.,  who 
scoured  the  country  for  alms,  vending  fictitious 
relics.  Benedictus  Anianensis  quotes  Isidorus  de 
Offic,  Eccl.  (ii.  1 5)  against  these  "  circumcelliones  " 
or  "circilliones"  as  spurious  Anchorites  {Con^ 
cord,  Pegg.  c.  3,  cf.  Menard,  ad  loc).  These 
vagabond  monks  were  condemned  as  unstable 
and  scandalous  {Cone.  Tolet,  vii.  c.  5);  and 
as  mock-hermits  (jcvKXiptoi  y^tvBtpriiJurcu)  in 
the  Synodica  Epistol.  Orientalis  addressed  to  the 
£mp.  Theophilus  (Suicer.  Thesaur.  sub  voce). 
They  are  denounced  also  by  Nilus  (Epp.  iii.  19); 
and  are  probably  the  "gyrovagi"  censured  in 
the  Begula  St.  Benedicti  (c.  1).  The  name 
occurs  so  late  as  in  Monachus  Sangallensis,  who 
relates  how  a  monk,  one  of  the  ** circumcelliones," 
"  f^arus  disciplinae  imperatoris,"  intruded  into 
the  choir  in  the  presence  of  Carl  (^De  Oest.  Carol. 
M.  i.  8,  V.  Canisii  Aidvpt,  Lectiones).   [I.  G.  S.] 

CIBOUMCISION.  As  a  Jewish  rite,  or  as 
connected  with  the  controversies  of  the  Apostolic 
age,  this  ordinance  does  not  come  within  the 
limits  of  this  work.  It  claims  a  place,  how- 
ever, even  in  a  Dictionary  of  Christian  Anti- 
quities, as  having  been  adopted  from  a  i*emote 
period  in  the  Church  of  Abyssinia,  and  as  still  in 
use  there.  In  this,  as  in  many  other  practices, 
the  influence  of  a  large  Jewish  population  has 
made  that  community  the  representative  of  a 
type  of  Judaeo-Christianity  which  must  have 
been  common  in  the  first  two  centuries,  but 
which  has  since  been  lost.  It  has  to  be  noted 
that  circumcision  is  practised  there  (and  the 
present  usage  rests  upon  an  immemorial  tra- 
dition) before  baptism,  between  the  third  and 
the  eighth  day  after  birth,  and  that  an  ana- 
logous operation  is  applied  to  female  children. 

Stanley,  Eastern  Churchy  p.  12.       [£.  H.  P.] 

CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF. 

I.  Origin  of  Festival. — From  the  necessary 
connection  of  the  event  commemorated  on  this 
day  with  the  Nativity,  we  must  obviously  not 


394    CIRCUMCISION,  FESTIVAL  OF 

look  for  notices  of  its  celebration  at  a  dat« 
earlier  than  that  at  which  we  first  meet  with 
those  of  the  Nativity  itself. 

It  will  follow  from  the  prescribed  intenral 
between  the  birth  of  a  child  and  its  circum- 
cision that  the  festiral  of  the  Circumcision  will 
fall  on  the  octave  of  the  Nativity;  and  con- 
sequently we  continually  find  January  1  thus 
marked,  even  where  the  service  contains  re- 
ferences to  the  day  as  the  anniversary  of  the 
Circumcision.  It  is  not  until  later  that  we  find 
the  day  to  have  acquired  sufficient  independent 
rank  to  bear  the  title  of  the  Circumcision  rather 
than  of  the  octave  as  its  special  distinguishing 
mark. 

It  is  hard  to  say  when  the  earliest  traces  of 
an  observance  of  the  day  under  either  designa- 
tion are  to  be  found.  There  is  extant  a  long 
homily  by  Zeno,  bishop  of  Verona  in  the  4th 
century,  which  would  appear  to  have  been 
meant  for  delivery  on  this  day;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Kalenda- 
Hum  Carthaginensef  or  in  that  of  Bucherius, 
both  probably  documents  of  the  4th  century. 
Now  it  has  been  shown  elsewhere  [Christmas] 
that  the  fii*st  certain  allusions  to  an  observance 
}f  Christmas  as  a  distinct  and  independent  fes- 
tival occur  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  century, 
and  that  this  observance  of  it  was  later  in  the 
East  than  in  the  West.  This  agrees  with  what 
is  said  above,  and  with  the  instances  we  shall 
further  quote,  which  tend  to  disprove  the  exist- 
ence of  any  save  perhaps  a  more  or  less  local 
recognition  of  the  festival  before  the  end  of  the 
4th  century.  Here,  as  in  the  case  of  the  parent 
festival  of  the  Nativity,  our  eai'liest  illustrations 
come  from  the  West. 

Thus  we  find  the  day  noticed  in  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary,  the  Gregoiian  Sacramentary  and 
Antiphonary,  the  Galilean  Sacramentary  and 
Lectionary,  in  the  Calendar  of  Pronto,  the  Mo- 
zarablc  Liturgy  and  Breviary,  and  the  Martyro- 
logium  Hieronymi, 

Passing  on  to  the  Eastern  Church,  we  find 
that  in  the  calendar  of  the  Coptic  Church  given 
by  Selden  (de  Synedriis  Ebraeorumj  lib.  iii.'c. 
15),  the  Circumcision  is  reckoned  among  the 
minor  festivals,  and  that  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions, a  work  doubtless  of  Oriental  origin,  ignores 
it  altogether. 

In  process  of  time  the  day  became  more  and 
more  recognized,  and  at  last  the  observance 
became  universal. 

A  reason  for  the  Church's  apparent  slowness  in 
recognizing  and  commemorating  so  important  an 
incident  in  our  Lord's  earthly  life,  at  which  He 
received  the  name  Jesus — ^an  event,  one  would 
suppose,  itself  of  more  than  ordinary  interest — 
is  doubtless  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  on  the 
Kalends  of  January  was  held  a  great  heathen 
festival,  characterized  by  an  excessive  amount  of 
riot  and  licentiousness.  The  Christians,  anxious 
to  avoid  an  apparent  toleration  of  these  abomi- 
nations by  holding  a  festival  of  their  own,  even 
though  of  a  totally  different  character,  on  the 
same  day,  enjoined  a  solemn  fast,  as  a  whole- 
some protest  and  as  a  means  of  guarding  the 
unwary  from  being  led  astray.  See  Augustine, 
Sennon,  197,  198  {Patrol,  xxxviii.  1024  sqq.). 

There  is  also  an  allusion  to  this  in  a  canon  of 
the  2nd  Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  567  {Cone.  TtirO' 
nense  II.  can.  17  ;  Labb^  v.  857).     Further  we 


0IBCUMCI8I0N.  FESTIVAL  OF 

find  in  the  Martyrologittm  Momafimn  (Janu- 
ary 1),  that  a  certain  Almachius  suffered  martyr^ 
dom  for  saying,  "Hodie  octavae  Dominici  diei 
sunt,  cessate  a  superstitionibus  idolorum  et  a 
sacrLfidis  poUutis."  If^  as  is  asserted,  this 
Almachius  be  the  same  with  the  TelemachoB 
mentioned  by  Theodoret  {Hist.  HccL  v.  26> 
this  event  must  be  referred  to  the  time  of 
Honorius,  and  will  point  to  a  certain  recognition 
of  the  day  by  the  Roman  Church  at  the  end  of 
the  4th  century.  To  the  subject  of  this  fiuit  we 
shall  briefly  refer  again. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss  the  observance 
of  the  day  more  in  detail. 

II.  LiturgiocU  Notices.  —  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  the  character  of  the  evidence  borne  as 
to  this  day  by  the  Leonine  Sacramentary,  for  it 
is  mutilated  at  the  beginning,  and  commences 
with  the  month  of  April.  The  last  section  in  it, 
however,  is  "In  jejunio  mensis  dedmi,"  for 
which  five  Masses  are  given,  thus  furnishing 
evidence  for  the  observance  of  the  time,  though 
none  for  the  name  by  which  the  day  was  known 
(ii.  156,  ed.  Ballerini).  It  may  be  added,  how- 
ever, that  with  this  exception  there  is  no  allusion 
to  the  day  in  the  writings  of  Leo  I.,  although  he 
has  many  sermons  on  the  Nativity  itself.  The 
Gelasian  Sacramentary  gives  a  Maas  for  the  dsy. 
In  Octabas  Domini^  and  there  follows  one  PrM" 
bendum  db  idotis,  pointing  to  what  we  have  al- 
ready said  as  to  the  heathen  festival  on  this  dav 
{Patrol  Ixxiv.  1061).  In  the  former  Mass,'  the 
main  idea  is  evidently  of  the  octave  of  the  Na- 
tivity, and  not  of  any  special  commemoration  of 
the  day  itself,  there  being  merely  a  passing 
allusion  to  our  Lord's  CHrcnmcision,  as  contrasted 
with  such  expressions  as  *'  Cujus  hodie  octavas 
nati  celebrantes  ,  ,  .  **  and  the  like. 

In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  the  Mass  for 
the  day  is  headed  In  Octavis  Domini  (Greg. 
Sacr.  col.  13,  ed.  Menard),  but  the  Gospel  treats 
of  the  Circumcision,  Luke  ii.  21-32.  Of  two 
coUecta  given,  one  has  special  reference  to  the 
Virgin,  the  other  to  the  octave,  and  in  Fame- 
lius'  edition  of  the  Sacramentary,  and  in  the 
Cd.  Beg.  Suec.  is  read  Ad  S.  Mcuiam  ad  Martyres  ; 
in  the  Kalendarivm  Homanum  is  Natale  S.  Mariae^ 
and  thus  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  (op.  cH. 
660)  we  have  De  Sanota  Maria  in  Octava  Do^ 
mmi. 

All  this  points  to  a  twofold  commemoration  of 
the  day,  the  one  having  regard  to  the  octave  of 
the  Nativity  or  the  Circumdsion,  the  other  to  the 
Virgin,  and  hence  the  special  prominence  given 
to  the  mention  of  her  in  the  Mass  for  the  day  in 
the  modein  Romish  Missal.  The  Preface  and 
the  Benediction  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary 
do  indeed  refer  to  the  Circumcision  —  ''Cujus 
hodie  Grcumcisionis  diem  et  Nativitatis  octavum 
celebrantes — ";  but  there  is  a  certain  amount 
of  evidence  against  their  authenticity,  they  are 
omitted  by  Pamelius  and  are  wanting  in  the 
Cd.  Beg.  Suec.  Possibly,  therefore,  they  are  a 
later  addition. 

We  may  next  briefly  notice  the  ancient  litur- 
gical documents  of  the  Gallican  Church.  The 
ancient  Lectionary  published  by  Mabillon  {ds 
Litwgia  Gallicana,  p.  112),  gives  lections  In 
Circumcisione  Domini  for  matins  and  for  the 
Mass;  for  the  former,  Isaiah  xliv.  24 — xlv.  7, 
and  for  the  latter,  Isaiah  i.  10-20 ;  with  1  Cor. 
X.  14-31    and  Luke  u.  21-40  for  the  EpisUe 


CIBOUHCISION,  FE8TIVAL  OF 

ftnd  Qospelf  the  Gospel  being  the  same  as  in  the 
Gregorian  and  Mozarabic  liturgy;  the  pro- 
phetical lection  and  Epistle  in  this  last  being 
Isaiah  iWiii.  12-20  and  PhiUppians  iii.  1-8. 
It  will  be  obserred  that  the  £pistle  in  the  Galli- 
3an  liturgy  has  reference  to  the  idol  practices 
which  ch&racterixed  the  day.  The  Gotho-Gallic 
Ifissai  (ib.  200)  gires  an  Ordo  Missae  in  Cir^ 
cumcUUme  Domini  nostri  Jeau  Chritti,  and  the 
Mozarabic  Breviary  and  Missal  style  the  day 
Circttmcisio  Domini, 

It  is  thus  probable  that  we  most  look  to  Gaul 
and  Spain  for  early  examples  of  this  title  of  the 
day.  The  first  definite  instance  that  we  have 
obeerred  is  to  be  found  in  the  canon  of  the  2nd 
CoancU  of  Touts  (567  ▲.D.)  already  referred  to, 
which,  after  remariiing  that  every  day  was  a  fes- 
tival from  Christmas  to  Epiphany,  adds,  **ex- 
cipitor  triduum  iUud,  quo  aid  calcandam  Gen- 
tilium  consuetudinem  patres  nostri  statueruat 
privatas  in  Kalendis  Januarii  fieri  litanias,  et  in 
ecclesiis  peallatur,  et  hcnn  octava  in  ipsis  Ka^ 
ientUa  Circumoirionie  Mis9a  Deo  propitio  ceie- 
hretur"  (Labbd,  Lc.y.  There  is  also  some  evi- 
dence for  supposing  that  the  title  of  the  Circum- 
cision was  applied  to  the  day  in  Spain  before 
the  death  of  Isidore  (636  A.D.),  for  we  read  in 
one  place,  **  placuit  etiam  patribus  a  die  Natalis 
Domini  usque  ad  diem  Circumdsionis  solemne 
tempus  efficere  "  (RegvUa  Monachorum  12 ;  Patrol, 
Ixxiii.  880).  Arevalus  does  indeed  suggest  (not,  in 
iocj),  from  the  belief  that  the  title  Circumcision 
IS  probably  of  later  date,  that  the  original  words 
of  Isidore  here  may  have  been  Kalendas  Janu- 
ariaa ;  but  when  the  passage  is  taken  in  con- 
junction with  the  above  quoted  canon,  there  seems 
the  less  reason  for  having  recourse  to  this  hypo- 
thesis. Further,  remarks  in  the  laws  of  the  Visi- 
goths shew  that  by  the  middle  or  latter  part  of 
the  7th  century  the  day  ranked  in  Spain  of  so  liigh 
importance  that  on  it  the  law  courts  were  closed, 
and  that  it  then  bore  the  name  of  the  Circum- 
cision (Codex  Leg,  Wieigoth,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  lex  11 ; 
lib.  xii.  t.  3,  L  6;  in  Hispania  lUtutrata,  iii. 
863,  1004,  Frankfort  1606>  Still,  the  old 
name  survived,  for  we  find  it  at  the  end  of  the 
8th  century  in  the  Begula  of  Bishop  Chrodegang 
(^Patrol,  Ixxxix.  1090),  and  in  the  proceedings  of 
the  Council  of  Mainz,  813  a.d.  (Cone,  Mogun^ 
iinmn,  can.  36  ;  Labbe,  vii.  1250). 

Briefly  then  to  sum  up  the  results  so  far 
obtained:  we  have  seen  that  the  a  priori  ex- 
pectation, which  would  assign  the  end  of  the 
4th  century  as  the  earliest  possible  date  of 
the  recognition  of  the  day  under  either  title,  is 
borne  out  by  the  fact  of  the  absence  of  allusions 
to  it  before  that  date ;  and  further  that,  until 
at  the  earliest  the  middle  of  the  6th  century, 
it  was  solely  as  the  octave  of  the  Nativity,  and 
not  as  the  Circumcision  that  the  day  was  known. 
It  may  be  remarked  here  that  the  whole  of 
Christendom  agrees  in  celebrating  the  Circum- 
tision  on  January  1  except  the  Armenian  Church, 
which  still  adheres  to  the  old  Eastern  practice 
of  commemorating  the  Nativity  and  Epiphany 
together  on  January  6,  and  necessarily  therefore 
celebrates  the  Circumcision  on  January  13. 

The  primary  idea  of  the  day  as  a  fast  and  not 
a  festival  has  already  been  referred  to.  The 
canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours  which  we 
have  c  ted  shows  the  state  of  the  case  in  France ; 
that  the  same  custom  prevailed  in  Spain  is  shown 


CLAUDIUS 


395 


by  an  allusion  in  a  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Toledo,  A.D.  633  (Cone.  Tol,  iv.  can.  11 ;  Labb^, 
V.  1709) ;  cf.  Isidore,  de  Eccl,  Off,  lib.  i.  c.  46 ; 
although  it  must  be  added  that  a  heading  in  the 
Mozarabic  Breviary  points  to  the  three  days 
before  the  Epiphany  as  the  period  of  the  fast : 
'^Officium  jejuniorum  in  Kal.  Jan.  obsen'atui 
tribus  diebus  ante  festum  Epiphaniae."  Lastly, 
we  may  refer  to  the  Ordo  Homanus^  which,  after 
speaking  of  the  heathen  abominations  which  de- 
filed the  day,  adds,  ^*  Statuit  universalis  Ecclcsia 
jejunium  publicum  in  isto  die  fieri ''  (p.  20,  ed. 
Hittorp.*). 

It  will,  of  course,  be  inferred  from  what  has 
been  already  remarked  that  there  is  an  absence 
of  homilies  or  sermons  for  the  day  in  the  works 
of  early  patristic  writers.  We  may  here  again, 
however,  refer  to  the  discourse  of  Zeno  of  Verona, 
de  Circumcisione  (lib.  i.  tractat.  13,  p.  99,  ed. 
Ballerini,  where  see  note  1).  In  an  ancient  MS. 
of  this  of  the  9th  century  (the  Cd.  Remensis)  is 
added  a  note  in  the  margin  of  this  discourse. 
In  Octaba  Domini  pontijicia  nona  lectio.  The 
Ballerini  consider  these  notes  to  have  been  written 
at  the  time  when  Archbishop  Hincmar  (ob.  882 
A.D.)  gave  the  MS.  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Remigius  at 
Rheims,  and  while  the  MS.  belonged  to  the 
Church  of  Verona  (Praef,  §  5),  and  that  this 
discourse  was  there  spoken  on  the  octave  of  the 
Nativity.  They  infer  from  the  marginal  note 
the  relative  importance  of  the  day,  considering 
that  such  a  remark  about  the  ninth  lection  would 
be  made  only  in  the  case  of  the  more  important 
festivals.  Bede  has  written  a  homily  for  the  day 
on  Luke  ii.  21  (Horn,  x. ;  Patrol,  xciv.  53). 

When  the. fast  became  a  festival  it  is  impos- 
sible definitely  to  say.  Probably  the  process 
was  a  gradual  one,  and  the  period  varied  in 
different  countries.  The  statutes  of  St.  Boniface 
(ob.  755  A.D.)  include  it  among  the  special 
festivals  on  which  no  work  was  to  be  done 
(D'Achery,  S/ncilegium  ix.  66).  Still,  at  a 
period  subsequent  to  this,  traces  of  the  old  state 
of  things  survived,  the  latest  we  have  observed 
being  in  the  Capitula  of  Atto,  bishop  of  Vercelli 
in  the  10th  century,  who  dwells  on  the  ex- 
pediency of  maintaining  the  ancient  protest 
(Patrol,  cxxxiv.  43>  [R.  S.] 

CIBCU8.    [Charioteeb.] 

CIRINUS.    [CrRiNus.] 

CITHINUS,  one  of  the  "  martyres  Scllitani" 
at  Carthage,  July  17  (Col,  Carthag,,  Bedae,  Bom, 
Vet,,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CLARUS,  presbyter,  and  martyr  "  in  pago 
Vilcasino,"  Nov.  4  (Jfari.  Usuardi>  [C] 

CLAUDLAiNUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Egypt  under 
Numerian,  Feb.  25  (Mart,  Rom,  Vct,^  Usuai'di). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  Marcli  6  (Mart. 
Usuardi).  [C] 

CLAUDIUS.  (1)  Martvr  at  Ostia  under 
Diocletian,  Feb.  18  (Mart,  Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Pope  Marcellinus, 
April  26,  A.D.  304  (Mart.  Usuardi> 

•  The  alleg(>d  SUUuta  Ecdaiae  Rhemewii  (Labbtf,  v. 
1604),  sttributed  to  Bishop  Sonnatius,  In  which  (c.  20) 
reference  is  made  to  the  CircumdsloQ  as  one  of  the  dajl 
"absfiae  opere  foreosi  excoleoda^"  are  probably  fkbcka* 
tions  of  a  later  date. 


1 


396 


CLAVU8 


(8)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Nioostratns  and 
others,  July  7  (^Mart  Rom.  Vet^  (Jsaardi). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Aegea,  Aug.  23  (Jdart,  Hieron.,' 
Usaardi). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Nicostratns  and 
others,  Nov.  8  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Botn,  Vet,, 
Usuardi).     Compare  (3). 

(6)  The  tribune,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Nu- 
merian,  Dec.  3  (Mart,  Hotn.  Vet.,  Usuardi); 
Aug.  12  {Mart.  Hieron.).  [C] 

GLAYUS.  We  continually  find  in  ancient 
Christian  frescoes  and  mosaics  garments  deco- 
rated with  long  stripes  of  purple,  sometimes  en- 
riched with  embroidery  or  an  inwoven  pattern, 
called  clavi.  These  generally  run  from  the  top 
to  the  bottom  of  the  garment,  and  are  broader  or 
narrower  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  wearer. 
Thus,  the  Lord  is  often  distinguished  by  a  broader 
clavus  than  those  of  the  apostles,  as  in  a  fine 
fresco  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agues  (Perret, 
CatacombSy  ii.  pi.  zxir.).  (Jndistiuguished  per- 
sons also  wore  davi,  but  very  narrow.  In  nearly 
all  cases  these  clavi  are  two  in  number,  and  run 
from  each  shoulder  to  the  lower  border  of  the 
dress.  This  arrangement  of  the  clavi  is  alluded 
to  in  the  Acts  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  where 
the  Good  Shepherd  is  said  to  have  appeared  to 
the  former  ^  distinctam  habens  tunicam  inter 
duos  clavos  per  medium  pectus"  (Ruinart,  Acta 
Sincera,  p.  32,  ed.  Verona).  TertuUian  {De  Pallio, 
c.  4)  speaks  of  the  care  which  was  taken  in  the 
selection  of  shades  of  colour. 

There  are  a  few  examples  of  the  single  clavus, 
running  down  the  centre  of  the  breast,  which 
Kubenius  believes  to  have  been  the  ancient  fashion 
of  wearing  it.  These  occur  only  in  repre- 
sentations of  the  Three  Children  in  the  iiery 
furnace  (Bottari,  SctUture  e  Pitture,  tav.  czliz. 
dxxxi.).  Clavi  are  common  to  both  sexes; 
women  may  be  seen  represented  with  that  orna- 
ment, for  instance,  in  pictures  of  the  Wise  and 
Foolish  •Virgins  (Bottari,  tav.  clviii.) ;  and  female 
figures  are  sometimes  found  adorned  with  ttoo 
clavi  on  each  side.  Jerome  {Epiat.  22,  ad  Eu- 
stochium)  alludes  to  the  use  of  the  clavus  by 
women,  single  as  well  as  married.  It  is  also 
common  in  early  art  to  pei*sonage8  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  the  New ;  it  is  given  to  Moses, 
for  instance,  in  a  painting  engraved  by  Perret 
(i.  pi.  xxiv.),  and  to  the  apostles  in  nearly  all 
representations  of  them,  whether  in  fresco,  in 
mosaic,  or  in  glass.  Angels  also  wear  the  clavus 
in  early  mosaics,  as  may  be  seen  in  examples 
given  by  Ciampini  ( Vet.  Mon.  i.  tab.  xlvi. ;  ii. 
tab.  zv.),  in  the  Menologium  of  Basil  (see  parti- 
cularly Dec.  16  and  Dec.  29),  and  in  several 
ancient  miniatures. 

These  purple  stripes  were  worn  on  the  penula 
ns  well  as  the  tunic :  a  fresco  from  an  arcosolium 
in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla  (Bottari,  tav.  clzii.) 
furnishes  three  examples.  They  are  found  also 
in  the  pallium :  a  mosaic  of  St.  Agatha  Major  at 
Ravenna  represents  our  Lord  with  clavi  of  gold 
on  such  a  garment.  The  dalmatic  and  colobium 
were  similarly  decorated :  the  latter  seems  to 
have  had  only  one  broad  band  of  purple  (latus 
clavus)  descending  from  the  upper  part  of  the 
chest  to  the  feet.  See  the  Christian  sarcophagi 
engraved  by  Bottari  (tav.  xvii.  czzzvii.  and 
others). 

Priests,  af^  3r  the  example  of  th«  senators  of 


GLEBU8 

old  Rome,  are  said  to  have  worn  the  broad  daniiy 
while  deacons  contented  themselves  with  the 
narrow  one  on  their  tunics  or  dalmatics.  The 
clavus  is  sometimes  represented  as  descending 
only  to  the  middle  of  the  chest :  it  is  in  these 
cases  decorated  with  small  discs  or  spangles,  and 
terminates  in  small  globes  or  buUae,  This  is  said 
to  be  the  kind  of  decoration  which  is  sometimes 
called  paragaudis.  (Rubenius,  De  Be  Vestunia  et 
praecipue  de  Lato  Chvo,  Antwerp,  1665 ;  Mai^ 
tigny.  Diet,  dea  Antiq.  chr€t.  s.  v.  Ciavus.)    [C] 

CLEMENT.  (1)  Of  Ancyra,  martyr,  a.d. 
296  ;  is  commemorated  Jan.  23  (Col.  Byzant.}. 

(8)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Trajan,  Nov. 
23  {MaH.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi); 
Nov.  24  {Cai.  Byzant.). 

(3)  Of  Alexandria ;  is  commemorated  Dec.  4 
{Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] 

CLEMENTINE  LITURGY.    [Lttdroy.] 

GLEMENTINUS,  martyr  at  Heradea,  Nor. 
14  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [C] 

GLEONIGUS,  martyr,  a.d.  296 ;  is  comme- 
morated March  3  {Col.  Byzant.).  [C] 

GLEOPHAS,  martyr,  at  Emmatis,  Sept.  25 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C.] 

GLERESTORY,  or  CLKARsroBr.  An 
upper  story  or  row  of  windows  in  a  churcixy 
rising  clear  above  the  adjoining  parts  of  the 
building.  As  the  clerestory  was  a  common  fea- 
ture in  the  old  civil  basilica,  it  was  probably 
soon  adopted  in  buildings  of  the  same  type  used 
for  ecclesiastical  purposes.  See  for  instance,  the 
ancient  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome,  under 
CiiURCH,  p.  370 ;  also  p.  381.  [C] 

CLERGY.  [Clerub;  iMMUNinESOFCLERav.] 

CLERMONT,  COUNCILS   OF.    [Galli- 
CAN  Councils.] 

CLERUS,  deacon,  martyr  at  Antioch,  Jan.  7 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).   '  [C] 

CLERUS  (and  Clericus  =  one  of  the  Clerus\ 
at  first  equivalent  to  the  whole  body  of  the 
faithful,  as  being  the  lot  or  inheritance  of  the 
Lord  (1  Pet.  v.  3  =  KXripotfofiia,  v.  Theodoret,  ad 
he.,  and  so  still  used  by  e.  g.  Theophanes,  Ifonu 
xii.  70,  quoted  by  Suicer);  but  appropriated 
almost  immediately  to  all,  "qui  in  ecclesiastic! 
ministerii  gradibus  ordinati  sunt "  (Isid.  Hispal. 
De  EccL  Offic.  ii.  1) ;  the  distinction  of  clergy 
and  laity  being  found  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  16,  and  in" 
St.  Clement  of  Rome,  and  the  term  being  applied 
to  the  former  exclusively,  "  vel  quia  de  sorte 
sunt  Domini,  vel  quia  Ipse  Dominus  sors,  '*  est, 
pars  clericorum  est "  (St.  Jerome,  Ad  Nepotutn.^ 
followed  by  Isidore,  as  above,  and  by  Rab.  Maur. 
De  Iiistit.  Cleric,  i.  2).  The  more  modern  de- 
rivation, from  the  lots  cast  at  the  appointment 
of  St.  Matthias  (so  e.  g.  Suicer),  seems  set  aside 
by  the  fact,  that  clergy  were  not  chosen  by  lot. 
The  word  clericus  was  further  subdivided  when 
the  minor  ordei's  came  into  existence ;  all  being 
called  clerici  (vdyras  K\iiptKoys  KoAovftcv,  Justin. 
Novell,  cxxiii.  19),  but  the  name  being  also  some- 
times given  in  particular  to  the  ledores,  peaim* 
istae,  ostiariiy  &c.  who  "  clericorum  nomen  reti- 
netkV*  (Cone  Carthag.  iii.  a.d.  397,  c.  21);  and 
who  in  later  centuries  are  often  so  called  ezclu- 


0LETD8 

fiTelj,  while  the  three  proper  orders  became  die- 
tiaguishod  aa  ''primi  clerici "  (God.  Theodos.  lib. 
ziii.  De  Jttdaeia  et  Codicol,\  and  the  lower  orders 
•a «« inferioris  loci "  (•&.  leg.  41).   See  also  the  Can, 
Apost.  17,  al.  18,  24,  al.  25,  30,  al.  31,  84 ;  and 
Omc.  Laodicen.  cc  24,  27,  30,  the  latter  distin- 
guishing the    UpariKol  from   the  KKripiKolf  •>. 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  from  snbdeacons, 
readers,  &c.    The   terms  majores  and  minores 
ordines    are    of  much    later    date.     In    Cotic. 
Chahed.  a.d.  461,  can.  2,  icAiypucbs  appears  to  be 
vsed  as  coextensire  with  those  in  the  icayi^y  or 
roll,  and  to  include  expressly  even  the  oeconO' 
mu8  and  the  defensor,  &c.    In  c  3  of  the  same 
council  it  is  opposed  to  bishop  on  the  one  hand, 
Jind  to  layman  and  monk  on  the  other.    On  the 
other  hand,  the  term  is  sometimes  found  actually 
used  of  monks,  even  as  early  as  by  Sozomen  (viii. 
18) ;  and,  again,  by  St.  Germanua  of  Paris,  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Ghr.  Mart.  ii.  21,  and  fre- 
quently), and  by  many  later  writers  quoted  in 
Da  Cange.    The  use  of  the  term  as  meaning  a 
scholar  (ypafifidrup  ItrurHiiiopts  only  ought  to  be 
made  dericiy  according  to  Justinian,  Novell,  vi.  4, 
czxiii^  12)  dates  from  the  11th  century.    The 
introduction  of  monks  made  yet  a  third  class, 
besides  clergy  and  laity.     And  the  term  *  regu- 
Uuis '  coming  into  use  when  JRegtUae  began  to 
multiply,  and  when  monachism  was  becoming 
regarded  as  'religion,'  ue.  about  the  8th  cen- 
tury, the  term  *  saecularis '  also  lost  gradually 
its    general    sense    of   <  worldly,'   and   became 
flimply  the  antithesis  of  a  *  regular '  or  monk ; 
the  latter  term,  however,  including  canons  also 
at  their  first  institution  ("  Canonici,  id  est,  Regu- 
Upm  Clerici,"  in  the  so-called  Egbert's  Excerpts, 
m  Pref.,  and  so  also  Gone.  Aquiagran.  A.D.  789, 
c.  73).      ClericHM  regularit  would  thenceforth 
mean  a  clergyman  who  was  also  a  monk ;  and 
dericut  saectUarieftk  parish  clergyman,  or  one  who 
kept  a  school,  or  lived  in  any  way  not  under  a 
rale ;  the  class  being  called  *  clerici '  simply  in 
Capit  i.  c  23  of  a.d.  802  =  "  parochitnni  pres- 
byteri,"  in  Cone,  EmeHt.  a.d.  666,  c.  18.   Canons, 
however,  were   soon    classed  as    distinct  from 
Jf^gtUars;  as  e.g,  in  the  laws  of  Charles  the 
Great  (in  Murator.  torn.  I.  P.  ii.  p.  100. 6,  quoted 
by  Du  Cange), — "  Vigilanter  curent  [EpiscoplJ  ut 
Cianonici  secundum  canones  et  Regulai*es  secun- 
dum regulam  vivant."     In  Cono.   Vemens.  a.d. 
755,  c  3,  the  derus  are  distinguished  from  the 
re^ulares  (Labbe,  vi.  1665),   which   seems  the 
earliest  instance  of  the  use  of  the  latter  term. 
The  farther  distinction  of  Canonici  themselves 
into  Regulars  and  Seculars  (canons  who  had,  and 
caoons  who  had  not,  a  canon  or  rule)  dates  from 
A.D.  1059,  when  Pope  Nicolas  II.  substituted  a 
new  rule  for  the  original  rule  for  Canons  enacted 
at  Aix-la-Cbapelle,  followed  by  a  yet  stricter  rule 
enjoined  by  Ivo,  bishop  of  Cbartres ;  those  who 
adopted  the  rule  of  Nicolas  being  styled  Saccular, 
while   those  who  preferred  Ivo's   were   called 
Regular  or  Augustinian  Canons.     [A.  W.  H.] 

CLETU8,  or  ANACLETUS,  pope,  martyr 
at  Home  under  Domitian,  AprU  26  {Mart.  Rom. 
Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CLICHY,  CJOUNCJILS  OF  [ClippiaoenheJ 
near  Paris ;  provincial : — (1)  A.D.  628,  summoned 
by  Lothaire,  but  nothing  more  known  of  it  (Labb. 
Cone.  r.  1854,  from  Aimain).  (9)  A.D.  633,  in 
the  pretence  of  Dagobert,  respecting  the  sanctuary 


CLOVESHO,  COUNCILS  OF    897 

of  St.  Denis  (Labb.  •&.).  (8)  A.D.  659,  in  which 
Clovis  II.  confirmed  certain  privileges  to  St.  Denii 
(A.  vi.  489,  sq.).  [A  W.  H.] 

CLIMACUS,  JOHN,  Holy  Father,  6  ovy- 
ypa4>9hs  rrjs  KKifuucos,  A.D.  570;  is  comme- 
morated March  30  (Oa/.  Byzant.).  [C] 

CLINIC  BAPTISM.  [Sick,  Visitation  op.] 
CLIPPLACENSE  CONCILIUM.  [Clicht.] 

CLOISTER  iClaustnm,  Claustra,  fem.). 
The  word  claustrum  applies  strictly  to  the  wall 
or  enclosure  of  a  monastery ;  as  in  the  phrast 
**  claustra  monasteriorum,"  in  the  22nd  and  29th 
canons  of  the  third  council  of  Tours.  Thence  it 
became  a  name  for  a  monastery.  According  to 
the  definition  of  the  BrevUoquium,  '*  claustrum 
dicitur  inhabitatio  religiosorum,  vel  domus  m- 
cludens  monachos  et  moniales  sub  certa  regula 
viventes."  In  this  sense  it  is  frequently  used 
in  the  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne,  where  we 
read  of  ''claustra  monachorum,  canonicorum, 
clericorum."  Compare  French  cloUre,  German 
Khster.  A  Roman  synod  of  the  year  826  (c.  7) 
enjoins  that  a  cloister  should  be  formed  near  each 
church,  for  the  better  discipline  and  instruction 
of  the  clerks. 

But  claustrum  (like  our  word  doister)  is  ap- 
plied in  a  special  sense  to  the  quadrangle  of  a 
monastery,  or  college  of  canons,  one  side  of  which 
is  generally  formed  by  the  church,  and  the 
others  by  the  conventual  buildings,  and  which 
frequently  has  an  arcade  or  colonnade  running 
round  the  sides,  to  serve  as  an  ambulatory.  This 
was  assigned  in  some  ancient  statutes  as  the 
place  for  the  reading  of  the  monks  in  suitable 
weather.  The  ancient  Ordo  Conversat  Monast. 
c  9,  desires  that  the  monks  of  a  convent  should 
assemble  in  one  place  for  their  reading,  or  sit  in 
the  cloister.  Similarly  Hildemar  (MS.  Comment. 
on  Benedict's  BtUe,  c  48,  quoted  by  Martene) 
and  Dunstan  (Concordia,  c.  5)  desire  the  monks, 
after  teroe  and  mass ,  to  sit  in  the  cloister  to 
read. 

The  monks  of  St.  Gall  in  the  9th  century  ex- 
cluded from  their  cloister  all  secular  persons 
whatever,  unless  under  the  guidance  of  a  brother 
and  wearing  a  monk's  hood.  (Ducange's  Glo§» 
sary,  s.  v.  Claustrum;  Martene,  De  RUibus 
Monachorum,  lib.  i.  c.  vii.  §  4;  lib.  ii.  c.  iii. 
§  19.)  [C] 

CLOISTER  SCHOOLS.    [Schools.] 

CLOVESHO,  COUNCILS  OF,  provincial ; 
locality  unknown,  except  that  it  was  in  the 
kingdom  of  Mercia,  and  probably  near  London 
(Haddan  and  Stnbbs,  Counc.  iii.  122).  It  was 
selected  by  the  Council  of  Hertford,  A.D.  673,  as 
the  place  fbr  the  yearly  synod  of  the  English 
Church  (lb.  120),  yet  (singular  to  say)  the  first 
recorded  Councl.  cf  Clovesho  was  not  until 
(1)  A.D.  716,  when  tne  privilege  of  Wihtred  of 
Kent  to  the  churches  of  Kent  was  confirmed  by 
a  giineral  synod  of  the  English  bishops,  under 
Ethelbald,  king  of  Mercia  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
Couno.  iii.  300-302).  This  was  followed  by 
(9)  A.D.  742,  a  council,  also  under  Ethelbald, 
for  the  same  purpose  (ib.  340-342) ;  and  (8)  a.d. 
747,  September,  the  Great  Council  under  Cuth- 
bcrt  for  reformation  of  abuses,  communicated  to, 
but  apparently  not  suggested  by,  St.  Bonilace  of 
Mentz  (see  the  acts  and  letters,  &c.  ib.  360-385); 


COADJDTOB  BISHOP 


are  eitant  mnde  tnere  (Kemble'g  Codex  Diplo- 
tniitiat;  1G4-16T  ;  Bnildan  and  Stubba,  Cmaciit, 
483-485).  (B)  A.n.  798,  referred  wrongly  by 
SpelmBa  to  A.D.  800:  some  charters  w«re  paued 
t£ere  (Kemble's  Codez  fipimalKiu,  175,  1B6, 
1019;  Hnddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  512-518). 
There  »re  intimatigiiB  also  of  the  annual  synod 
hariLg  been  held,  bat  nithant  mcDtion  of  the 
place  (e.g.  n.D.  704,  and  738  or  737,  both 
Uercian  conucils,  and  again,  a.d.  755,  Hsddau 
■nd  Stubba,  *.  B67,  337,  390^  which  may 
easily  therefore  have  been  Cloreaho,  and  pro- 
bably waa  so.  [A.  W.  H.] 

COADJUTOH  BISHOP,  with  t.  right  of 
succession,  was  distinctly  against  canoa;  on  the 
principle  that  such  an  appointment  interfered 
with  the  right  of  election  In  dtrgy  and  people, 
'B1SEIOP.3    'Hie  inatitntion  of  chorepiaeopi 


o  have  I 


instances  moBt  1 
bishops  incapacilAled  by  s 


Qong 


the 


rgrow 


plan 


,rby 


.Idaf 


Aadni 


sdioce. 


either  of  body 


COOK 

lay  poBessor  of  bis  original  third  of  the  prodnoe 
ofiaonaitic  lands, brought  him  altoby  adiSerent 
line  to  a  oonditiou  closely  reeemhling  what  tbe 
Uy  coarbi  became  (as  t.g.  at  Ihinkeld);  la  that 
the  coarb  became  to  a  monastery  what  the 
herenach  waa  to  any  church,  monastic  or  not, 
A  female  eoarb  occurs  once  or  twice  (Reefea,  ail 
Adamn.  V.  S.  Coiwahae,  Add.  Holei,  p.  404). 
Coatbe  that  were  still  clergy,  became  atyled 
in  Ireland  in  later  times  fisAoRi—  rural  deana, 
or  nrchpresbyten,  or  chorepiscopi  (in  the  later 
sense  of  the  woH),  i.e.  the  bead  of  a  "  plebi 
ecclesiastics,"  Til.  of  clergy  who  served  chapeli 
under  him  aa  rector.  [Reevea,  CoHoi^t  Viti- 
iation,  pp.  4  note,  145,  209 ;  Spelman,  Olou. 
in  c.  Carta;  E.  W.  Robertaon,  Early  Seotl.  L 
330.]  [A.  W.  H.] 

COAT,  THE  HOLY.  Its  mincles  xn  com- 
memorsled  on  Oct,  t  in  the  Gtorgim  Calendar. 

OOCHLEAE.    [Spooh.]  [C. 

COCK.  Representations  of  this  bird  occur 
frequently  on  tomba  from  the  earliest  period. 
When  not  associated  with  the  figure  of  St.  Peter, 
as  Bottari,  tar.  Iiiiiv.,  or  pUced  on  ■  pillar,  as 
BotUri,  tavT.  iiiiv.  iiiii.,  be., 
symbol  of  the  Resurrection,  our 


-     „-  >.  although  grndgingly, 

permitted.  [Bishop.]  Nevertheless,  coadjutors 
also, — meaning  by  the  term  full  bishops,  bnt 
acting  simply  in  place  of  the  proper  occupant  of 
the  see  (still  remaining  so),  and  with  no  right 

almost  every  early  case  being  mixed  up  with  the 
aueceseion-^uestion.  St.Amhrose  certainly  spealis 
of  a  coadjutor  in  this  special  sense  being  given  to 
.  llishop  Bassus, "  in  consortium  regendae  eccleslae  " 
(F.pisl.  79).  And  the  5th  Coancil  of  Paris  (a.d. 
Sill),  considernbly  later,  contemplates  the  case 
ns  an  eiceptionally  legitimate  one.  "  KuUus 
episcoporum  se  vivente  alinm  in  loco  suo  eligat, 
. . .  nisi  certae  conditiones  eititerint  ut  ecc1e:^iam 
■nam  et  clerum  regere  nan  posset"  (can.  2). 
And  in  course  of  time  such  coadjutors  became  at 
length  common,  and  were  provided  for  by,  e.g. 
Boniface  Vlll.  (in  Sexto  c.  Pastoralie).  St.  Gre- 
gory the  Great  meet!  the  case  of  temporary 
sickDeaa  by  the  temporary  help  of  a  neighbour- 
ing bishop ;  but  In  mere  permsnent  cases  he 
distinctly  recommends  a  coadjutor,  hut  without 
right  of  succession,  as,  e.g.  in  the  case  of  John 
of  Justiniana  Prima  (St.  Gregory  M.  Epist. 
II.  41).  CA-  W.  H.] 

CO  ABB  (Coward,  Comharia,  Latinized  iut 
Corba,  ^  Contsrniiunu,  or  ^utdem  lerrae,  or  <tii 
tridui—ao  Colgan),  the  title  in  the  Celtic-Irish 
and  Scottish  churches,  of  the  afabatial  si 
of  the  original  founder  of  a  cnonastery. 
abut  of  Hy  wonid  be  called  the  Coarb  of 
Columba;  of  Armagh,  the  Coarh  of  Patrick; 
Raphoe,  the  C.  atb  of  Adamnan,  &c„  &c,      T 

its  common  use  dates  from  late  In  the  8th  centur 
when  such  abbacies  had  become  hereditary 
many  cases,  and  not  only  so,  but  bad  passed  into 
the  hands,  in  some  instances,  of  laymen,  white  a 
prior  disehaiged  the  spiritusJ  office.  The  trans- 
formation in  lapse  of  time  of  the  Herenach  or 
Airchmn^acJi,  who  was  originally  the  represen- 
tative of  the  lay  AdoKatus  of  the  monastery, 
bttt  gradually  usurped  the  position  of  hereditary 


Lord  b 


ingei 


.kenfroi 

always  to  have  attached  tt 
that  hour,  at  which  all  wandering  spirila  have 
through  the  Middle  Ages  been  sopposed  to  vanish 
from  Uie  earth.  Hamlet  and  the  ancient  ballad 
called  TU  Wife  of  Uehei't  WeU  occur  to  na  as 
salient  eiomplei  of  an  universal  anperstition. 
Prndentius'  hymn  Ad  Oalli  Cmtun  (Calhmi.  i. 
16)  adopts  the  idea  of  the  cock-crowing  as  a  call 
to  the  general  judgment  ("Nostri  hgura  est 
jndicis  ") ;  and  further  on  (45  seqq.)  he  says ; 


See  Aringhi,  vol.  U,  pp.  328-9  (in  a  complete  list 
of  animal  symbola),  Fighling-cocks  (see  the  pas- 
sage laat  quoted)  aeem  to  symbolise  the  combat 


CODEX  GANONUM 

witli  secular  or  sensual  temptations.  The  prac- 
tice of  training  them  for  combat  has  probably 
always  existed  in  the  East,  and  certainly  was  in 
&Toiir  at  Athens  (of.  Aristoph.  Av.,  oijpc  irA^ic- 
rpom^  cl  /uax«<9  &c).  For  a  symbol  drawn  from 
such  a  pastime,  compare  St.  Paul's  use  of  the 
word  ^mrii(i»  (1  Cor.  ix.  27).  See  Bottaii,  vol. 
iiL  t,  1S7. 

Two  cocks  accompany  the  Good  Shepherd  in 
Bottari,  tar.  clzxii.  (from  the  tympanum  of  an 
arch  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

CODEX  CANONUM  ECCLESIAE 

GBAECAE. 
„  „  „   ROMANAE. 

„  „  „   UNIVEESAE. 

To  treat  of  them  in  their  chronological  order, 
we  must  reverse  their  alphabetical,  and  proceed 
from  the  last  to  the  firet.  Dionysius  Exiguus, 
in  dedicating  his  own  collection  (Migne's  Patrol. 
ixrii.  139)  to  Stephen,  bishop  of  Salona,  speaks 
of  two  collections  anterior  to  it ;  one  in  Greek  of 
165  canons,  according  to  him,  terminating  with 
the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381;  and 
another  in  Latin,  long  ago  translated  from. the 
Greek,  which  he  had  in  fact  been  asked  to  im- 
prove upon.  The  Greek  collection  was  composed 
of  20  canons  passed  at  Nicaea ;  25  at  Ancyra 
(which  he  reckons  as  24) ;  14  at  Neocaesarea ; 
20atGangra;  25  at  Antioch;  59  at  Laodicea; 
and  tf  at  Constantinople  (which  he  gives  as  3). 
All  had  been  framed  in  the  4th  century ;  and  as 
they  begin  with  the  first  General  Council  and  end 
with  the  second,  the  probability  is  that  they  were 
put  together  so  as  to  form  a  collection  before 
the  date  of  the  4th  Council,  by  the  1st  canon  of 
which  they  were  confirmed,  and  in  the  acts 
of  which  they  are  more  than  once  cited  as  still 
numbered  in  this  collection.  [Concil.  Chalced.] 
To  it  we  may  suppose  to  have  been  appended 
meanwhile — Justellus  (PatroL  •&.  p.  29)  thinks 
by  Stephen,  bishop  of  £phesus,  who  attended  the 
4th  Council,  as  there  seems  to  be  a  collection  of 
his  still  extant  containing  them — the  8  canons 
of  Cphesus :  and  it  was  further  enlarged  by  the 
canons  of  Chalcedon  on  being  confirmed  there. 
In  this  shape  it  was  ordered  to  have  the  force  of 
law  by  the  Emperor  Justinian  in  his  13l8t  Novel. 
Whether  it  included  more  than  27  canons  of 
Chalcedon  is,  however,  open  to  question;  as 
Dionysius,  who  must  have  translated  it  rather 
b«fore  then,  ends  with  the  27th,  telling  Stephen 
expressly,  **  in  his  Graecorum  canonum  finem  esse 
declaramus."  And  so  far  is  he  from  standing 
alone  in  this,  that  even  John  Scholasticus,  a 
presbyter  of  Antioch,  who  became  patriarch  of 
Constantinople  in  the  last  year  of  Justinian, 
attributes  no  more  than  27  canons  to  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon  in  his  collection,  by  which  he  means 
of  course  the  first  27.  With  these,  therefore, 
this  code  terminated.  The  Ephesine  canons  in- 
deed are  not  translated  bv  Dionysius,  nor  in  the 
old  Latin  version  of  which  he  speaks ;  but  they 
are  particularly  named  by  Justinian  :  and  John 
Szholasticus,  though  he  reckons  them  at  seven, 
has  quoted  the  8th,  passing  over  the  7th  in  all 
probability  fbr  no  other  reason  than  its  irrele- 
vancy to  the  subiect-matter  of  his  collection. 
Still  this  code,  though  it  was  probably  oon- 
iirmed  at  Chalcedon,  and  became  law  mr  the 
empire  under  Justinian  in  this  shape,  seems 
Dover  to  hare  been  received  in  thii  shape  pro> 


CODEX  CANONUM 


899 


cisely  by  the  Roman  or  the  Greek  Church. 
John  Scholasticus,  whose  description  of  it, 
checked  by  the  number  of  canons  assigned  to  it 
by  Dionysius,  has  been  here  followed  in  pre- 
ference to  the  Greek  yersion  edited  by  Justellus, 
which  is  of  later  date  (y.  append,  ad  op.  S.  Leon, 
ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Ivi.  p.  18),  pi-efaces  it  by  85 
canons  of  the  Apostles,  as  he  calls  them ;  inter- 
polates it  with  21  canons  of  Sardica ;  and  tacks 
to  it  68  of  St.  BasiL  Similarly,  Dionysius  Exlguus, 
prefacing  it  with  50  canons  of  the  Apostles,  omits 
the  Ephesine,  but  appends,  over  and  above  the  21 
Sardican,  no  less  than  138  African  canons:  in 
other  words,  the  entire  code  of  the  African 
Church  elsewhere  described.  Out  of  these  two 
collections  were  formed  separately,  (1)  the  code 
of  the  Roman,  and  (2)  the  code  of  the  Greek 
Church. 

1.  Dionysius,  as  we  have  seen,  speaks  of  an 
old  Latin  version  anterior  to  his  own ;  and  all  he 
remarks  on  it  is  its  ^*  confVision.'*  It  was  first 
published  by  Voellus  and  Henry,  son  of  Chris- 
topher, Justellus,  A.D.  1661,  voL  i.  pp.  276-304 
of  their  Bibliothifca  Juris  Catumici  Veteria  ;  and 
afterwards  in  a  more  perfect  form  by  the  Bal- 
lerini,  in  their  learned  disquisitions  **De  anti- 
quis  collectionibus  et  collectoribus  canonum,'' 
appended  to  their  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Leo 
(Migne's  Patrol,  Ivi.  747-^16>  It  exhibits  24 
Ancyran  canons,  14  Neocaesarean,  21  Nicene 
(besides  the  creed),  21  Sardican,  20  Gangran,  25 
Antiochian,  27  Chalcedonian,  4  Constantinopo- 
litan;  and  then  unnumbered,  but  as  though 
belonging  to  the  last,  the  28th  canon  of  Chalce- 
don, '^De  primatu  ecclesiae  Constant!  nopolitanae." 
This  doubtless  was  its  *'  confusion "  in  the  eyes 
of  Dionysius ;  and  of  course  the  canons  of  Con- 
stantinople should  have  preceded  those  of  Chal- 
cedon. But  further,  at  the  head  of  the  bishopt 
subbcribing  to  the  28th  canon  of  Chalcedon, 
immediately  before  the  Roman  legates,  is  Nec- 
tarius,  who  had  been  previously  and  rightly 
mentioned  among  the  fiamers  of  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan  canons.  Dionysius  corrected  this  inac- 
curacy by  omitting  the  28th  canon  of  Chalcedon 
altogether.  The  fact  of  its  existence  there  proves, 
however,  that  this  old  yersion  could  not  have 
been  very  much  earlier  than  that  of  Dionysius 
himself,  and  also  that  it  could  never  have  been 
of  any  authority  in  the  Roman  Church. 

That  there  was  any  regularly  authorised  col- 
lection in  the  Roman  Church,  in  short,  before 
Dionysius  brought  out  his,  seems  improlwble  for 
the  very  reasons  which  the  Ballerini  bring  for- 
ward in  proof  of  one ;  namely,  that  till  then  the 
Sardican  and  Nicene  canons,  undistinguished  from 
each  other,  and  cited  under  the  latter  name, 
formed  its  exclusive  code  :  for  this  rather  shews 
— conformably  with  what  passed  between  Pope 
Zosimus  and  the  African  church — that  up  te 
that  time  Rome  was  not  conscious  of  having 
accepted  any  but  the  Nicene  canons.  At  all 
eyents,  no  ea]*lier  collection  of  a  public  cha- 
racter including  more  than  these,  and  used  there, 
has  been  brought  to  light  on  their  own  shewing 
(Jb,  p.  63-88),  as  with  the  collections  obtaining 
in  Africa,  Spain,  Britain,  and  France  we  are  not 
concerned.  That  the  want  of  a  similar  collection 
at  Rome  had  been  felt,  we  may  infer  from  the 
immediate  welcome  given  there  to  that  of  Dio- 
nysius. Cassiodorus,  his  contemporary,  and  a 
Roman  by  birth,  says  in  his  praise  that  *'  he  com* 


4C0 


CODEX  OANONTTM 


piled  lucidly,  and  with  great  flow  of  eloquence, 
from  Greek  sources,  those  canons  which  the 
Roman  church  was  then  embracing,  and  using 
so  largely  "  {Divin.  Lect,  c.  23) :  and  Dionysius 
made  them  doubly  acceptable  there  by  supple- 
menting them  with  a  collection  of  the  decrees  of 
the  Roman  pontiffs  from  Siricius  to  Anastasius  II., 
cr  from  a.d.  385  to  498 ;  which,  in  his  dedicatory 
preface  to  Julian,  '*  presbyter  of  the  title  of  St. 
A.na8ta8ia,"  he  says  he  had  arranged  on  the  same 
|)lan  as  his  translation  of  the  canons — a  work 
that  he  understood  had  given  his  friend  so  much 
pleasure.  Whether  Dionysius  omitted  the  canons 
if  Ephesus,  as  not  being  canons  in  the  ordinary 
<ense  of  the  word — which  they  are  not  [Concil. 
Eph.}— or  because  they  were  not  in  the  old 
Latin  version,  as  observed  before,  or  because 
they  were  not  in  the  particular  Greek  version 
nsed  by  him,  is  nol,  and  probably  will  never  be 
made  clear.  Again,  why  he  added  the  Sardican 
canons,  carefully  distinguished  from  the  Nicene, 
is  another  question  of  some  interest.  What  he 
says  is  that  he  gave  them  as  he  found  them 
published,  in  Latin.  Had  they  not,  then,  been 
published  in  Greek  likewise  ?  Certainly,  whether 
published  in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Latin  originally, 
or  translated  into  Greek  since,  we  know  from 
what  John  Srholasticus  says — of  which  presently 
— that  there  must  have  been  at  least  one  Greek 
collection  of  canons  extant,  at  once  containing 
and  citing  them  as  the  canons  pf  Sardica — not  of 
Kicaea — when  he  published  his,  so  that  it  would 
have  been  useless  for  any  Latin  to  have  tried 
keeping  up  the  delusion  of  their  being  Nicene 
canons  any  longer.  But  then  supposing  him  to 
have  been  willing  to  do  so,  had  it  been  possible, 
his  own  spontaneous  adoption  of  the  African 
canons  would  have  been  a  still  greater  puzzle. 
For  if  the  canons  of  Sardica  distinctly  coun- 
tenanoe,  by  making  provision  for,  appeals  to 
Rome,  the  African  canons  contain  the  most  po- 
sitive declaration  against  them  to  be  found  in 
history.  [African  Councilb.]  By  his  adoption 
of  the  African  canons,  therefore,  which  he  says 
existed  in  Latin,  and,  as  there  seems  every  reason 
to  think,  in  Latin  only  then,  from  their  not  being 
included  by  John  Scholasticus,  he  placed  his  own 
candour  beyond  dispute ;  thus  enhancing  the  in- 
trinsic merits  of  his  collection.  How  he  came 
by  his  materials  for  the  second  part,  or  appendix 
to  it,  consisting  of  the  decrees  of  the  Roman 
pontiffs  from  the  end  of  the  4th  to  the  end  of  the 
5th  century,  he  omits  to  explain.  He  merely 
says  that  he  had  inserted  all  he  could  find; 
which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  surely,  that  there 
was  no  collection  of  them  extant  to  his  know- 
ledge before  his  own.  That  there  was  one  some- 
where, notwithstanding,  the  Ballerini  think  highly 
probable  (i6.  p.  200-6).  However,  they  readily 
grant  that  in  each  case  the  excellence  of  his  col- 
lections was  so  generally  recognized  as  to  make 
thorn  adopted  everywhere.  One  speedily  became 
styled  **  Codex  Carumum  f*  the  other,  "  Lxher  De- 
cretorum:"  and  both  were  presented,  with  some 
Liter. additions  to  each,  as  some  think  of  his  own 
insertion  or  adoption,  by  Pope  Adrian  I.  to  Charle- 
magne, A.D.  787,  with  a  dedication  in  verse  at  all 
events  as  from  himself,  ending  in  these  words : 
'*  A  lege  nunquam  discede,  haec  observans  statuta." 
it  was  printed  at  Mayence  A.D.  1525,  and  after- 
wards at  Paris,  as  "  Codex  vehts  ecclesiae  Ho- 
manae*'  (Patrol.  Ixvii.  135-8,  and  Ivi.  206-11); 


OOPEX  OANONUM 

a  title  which  belonged  to  it  long  before  then,  as, 
together  with  all  other  authentic  collections  in 
the  West,  it  had  been  supplanted  gradually  by 
(he  fraudulent  collection  known  as  that  of  Isidore 
Mercator,  or  Peccator,  and  first  published  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  9th  century. 

2.  We  may  now  turn  to  the  code  of  the  Greek 
church,  founded,  as  has  been  said,  on  the  col 
lection  of  John  Scholasticus  ostensibly,  though 
his  was  not  the  earliest  work  of  the  kind  when 
it  came  out.  Like  Dionysius,  he  speaks  of  another, 
or  rather  of  others,  who  had  anticipated  him, 
even  in  his  plan  of  aiTanging  the  canons,  not  in 
their  chronological  order,  but  according  to  their 
subject-matter ;  the  only  difference  between  him 
and  them  being  that  they  had  made  their  col 
lection  consist  of  sixty  titles ;  he  of  fifty ;  they 
had  omitted  the  canons  of  St.  Basil ;  he  had  sup- 
plied them.  In  other  respects  his  collection  in- 
cluded no  more  than  theirs,  nor  theirs  than  his : 
though  he  considered  his  own  arrangement  more 
intelligible,  and  the  more  so  as  he  had  given  a 
list  at  starting  of  the  councils  from  which  he 
had  drawn,  and  of  the  number  of  canons  passed 
by  each.  In  his  Qwn  language,  for  instance, 
the  Apostles  had  published  85  canons  through 
St.  Clement;  and  there  had  been  ten  synodi 
since  their  time,  Nicaea,  Ancyra,  Neocaesarea, 
Sardica,  Gangra,  Antioch,  Laodicea,  Constan- 
tinople, Ephesus,  and  Ohalcedon,  whose  canons 
together  amounted  to  224  (their  respective  num- 
bers have  been  anticipated):  to  which  he  had 
ventured  to  append  68  of  St.  Basil.  His  posi- 
tion as  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  doubtless, 
stamped  his  collection  with  authority  from  the 
first.  But,  like  Dionysius,  he  rendered  it  still 
more  acceptable  for  another  reason,  namely,  that 
he  supplemented  it  by  a  second  work  called  his 
Nomooanoriy  from  containing  in  addition  the 
laws  of  the  emperors.  Thus  the  imperial  decrees 
became  mixed  up  with  the  code  of  the  East,  just 
as  the  papal  decrees  with  that  of  the  West. 

The  earlier  of  his  collections  received  autho- 
ritative confirmation,  as  well  as  enlargement,  in 
the  7th  century,  by  the  second  of  the  Trnllan 
canons,  given  in  a  former  article.  [Concil. 
Constant.]  And  this  code  was  further  aug- 
mented by  the  102  canons  then  passed,  authori- 
tatively received  in  the  1st  canon  of  the  2nd 
Nicene,  or  7th  Council.  This  Council  added  22 
canons  of  its  own ;  and  the  two  Councils  of 
Constantinople,  called  the  1st  and  2nd  under 
Photius,  17  and  3  more  respectively:  all  which 
were  incorporated  by  Photius  into  two  works  of 
his  own,  corresponding  to  those  of  his  predecessor 
John,  already  described ;  one  called  his  Syntagma 
Canonum^  and  the  other  his  Nomoccmon  (Migne's 
Patrol.  Gr.  civ.  441-1218).  But  there  is  also 
a  third  work,  distinct  from  both,  attributed  to 
him  by  Cardinal  Mai,  being  the  identical  text  of 
the  canons  of  each  of  the  councils  previously 
mentioned,  in  their  chronological  order  (exhi- 
bited by  Bevftridge,  Synod,  vol.  i.) ;  followed  by 
the  canons  of  the  different  fathers,  enumerated  in 
the  2nd  Trullan  canon  {Synod,  vol.  ii.),  and  by 
the  letter  of  St.  Tarasius  to  Pope  Adrian  I.  against 
simoniacal  ordinations ;  on  which  Balsamon,  Zo- 
naras,  and  Aristenus  afterwards  commented,  and 
called  his  Synagoge  Canonum  (^Patrol,  ib.  p.  431). 
Such  accordingly  was,  and,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is 
still  the  code  of  the  Greek  Church :  the  differences 
between  it  and  that  of  the  Roman  Church  may  be 


CODEX 

appraaatod  by  oomiMuing  their  respective  com- 
mnsnte.  [£.  S.  F.] 

CODEX.    fLiTUBaioAL  Books.] 

OOESAE.    [AoAPAX.] 

OOENA  DOMINI.    [Mauhdt  Thubboat.] 

OOENA  PURA.    [Good  Fbidat.] 

COENOBIUH  (ko(f^^iof>  The  word  <<  ooe- 
nobinm  "  is  eqniTident  to  *^  monuteriimi "  in 
the  later  seiue  of  that  word.  Cabsian  dis- 
tinguiahee  the  word  thus.  ^  Honasterinm,"  he 
aays,  may  be  the  dwelling  of  a  single  monk, 
**  ooe&obium "  must  be  of  several ;  the  former 
word,  he  adds,  expresses  only  the  place,  the 
Utter  the  manner  of  living  (^ColL  zviii.  10>  The 
Beglact  of  this  distinction  has  led  to  much  in- 
aoenracy  in  attempting  to  fix  the  date  of  the 
first  '^ooenobis"  or  communities  of  monks  under 
one  roof  and  under  one  government.  Thus  Helyot 
(^ffisi,  du  Ordr.  Man,  Diss.  Prelim.  §  5)  ascribes 
their  origin  to  Antony,  the  fiunous  an<^orite  of 
the  Thebaid  in  the  Srd  century.  But  the  counter- 
opinion,  which  ascribes  it  to  Pachomius  of  Tabenna 
a  century  later  is  more  probable  (cf.  Tillem. 
H.  E,  vii.  167,  176,  676);  for  it  seems  to  have 
been  the  want  of  some  fixed  rule  to  control  the 
irr^ularities  arising  from  the  vast  number  of 
cremitae,  with  their  cells  either  entirely  isolated 
from  one  another  or  merely  grouped  together 
casually,  which  gave  the  first  occasion  to  **  coe- 
nobia."  Martene  indeed  makes  the  community 
monastic  prior  in  time  to  the  solitary  life  (fiomm, 
m  Bag,  8,  ^.  c.  1) ;  but  in  this  he  appears  to 
be  misled  by  the  common  error  of  attaching  to 
«<  monasterium "  (jMvwrniplop)  in  the  oldest 
writers  the  meaning,  which  it  assumed  only  in 
ooune  of  time  (cf.  Tillem.  If,  E,  vii.  102>  Cassian 
himself  in  the  very  passage  cited  by  Martene  in 
•npport  of  this  theory,  distinctly  traces  back  the 
word  to  the  solitaries  {ol  fu>rd(otnr9s)y  the  earliest 
of  monks  {ColL  xviii  5).  In  allowing  that  the 
earliest  mention  of  Lauras  occurs  a  little  before 
the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  Helyot  supplies 
a  strong  argument  against  himself  (Diss.  Prel. 
§  5).  For  the  Lauras  were  an  attempt  at  com- 
bining the  detached  hermitages  into  a  sort  of 
community,  though  without  the  order  and  i*egu- 
larity  which  constituted  a  *^  coenobium ; "  and 
thus  appear  to  have  been*  a  stepping-stone  to- 
wards tiie  **  coenobium  "  of  Pachomius.  In  view 
of  other  considerations  to  the  contrary,  much 
importance  cannot  be  attached  to  the  passage 
which  Helyot  cites  from  the  Vita  Antoniij  called 
hj  St.  Athanasius,  as  it  may  probably  be  one  of 
the  many  interpolations  there ;  nor  to  the  pass- 
ago  from  Ruffinus(I^  Verb,  Sen,  81)  which  speak 
»f  Pior  being  dismissed  at  the  early  age  of  25 
bj  Antony,  as  already  fit  to  live  alone,  for  there 
is  nothing  here  about  a  community,  only  about 
Fior  being  himself  trained  by  the  great  eremite 
(cf.  Tillem.  ff.  E.  viL  109>  In  fa^  the  growth 
of  coenobitism  seems  to  have  been  very  gradual. 
Large  numbers  of  ascetics  were  collected  near 
the  Mons  Mitrius  (Ruff.  Hiet.  Mm,  30  [v.  Cel- 
lttae]),  and  doubtless  elsewhere  also,  even  before 
Pachomius  had  founded  his  coenobium.  But  the 
mterval  is  considerable  between  this  very  im- 
perftet  organisation  of  monks  thus  herding  law- 
lessly together  (Pallad.  Hid,  Lena,  c  7),  and 
the  symmetrical  arrangement  of  the  Benedictine 
system.     Tabenna  forms  the  connecting  link. 

CHRIgr.  ANT. 


COJjINOBIUK 


401 


Very  probably  the  earliest  coenobia  were  of 
women;  for,  though  the  word  TopfcyaSy,  in  the 
account  of  Antony  having  his  sister  in  the 
charge  of  devout  women  (Ath.  Vita  Afd,)  is  by 
no  means  conclusive  (but  cf.  Tillem.  H.  E,  vii. 
107),  the  female  eremites  would  naturally  be 
the  first  to  feel  the  need  of  combination  for 
mutual  help  and  security. 

The  origin  of  the  coenobitic  lift  is  traced  back 
to  the  time  before  the  Christian  era.  Something 
similar  is  seen  in  the  pages  of  Plato  {Legg» 
780,  1),  and  the 'Pythagoreans  are  described  by 
Aulus  Gellius,  as  living  together  and  having  a 
community  of  goods  (  Soctee  Atticae,  L  9). 

Opinions  have  been  divided  among  the  admirers 
of  asceticism  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of  the 
solitary  life  and  the  coenobitic  Cassian  looks 
up  to  the  life  of  perfect  solitude  as  the  pinnacle 
of  holiness,  for  ^ich  the  coenobitic  life  is  only 
a  preparatory  discipline  (e.  g.  CoU,  xix.  8).  Theo- 
phylact  interprets  '*  those  who  bear  fruit  an 
hundredfold"  in  the  parable  as  virgins  and 
eremites  (S,  Marc,  iv.  20).  Basil,  on  the 
contiary,  and  the  sagacious  Benedict,  prefer  the 
life  of  the  coenobite  as  safer,  more  edifying,  less 
alloyed  by  the  taint  of  selfishness.  (Bas.  Heg, 
c  7,  Bened.  Beg,  c.  1.)  So,  too,  Isidorus  His- 
palensis,  one  of  the  founders  of  monasticism  in 
Spain  (JDs  Off.  Ecc.  iL  15,  ap.  Cone  Beg.  iii.), 
and  Cuthbert  of  Lindisfarne  (Mab.  Ann,  xvi. 
72)k  Even  Jerome,  his  monastic  fervour  notwith- 
standing, prefers  life  in  the  commonity  to  life 
in  utter  solitude;  though  at  first  he  seems  to 
have  been  a  zealous  upholder  of  the  contrary 
opinion  (Hier.  Epp,  ad  Bitstic,  125 ;  cf.  od  He- 
liod,  14).  Doubtless  experience  had  impressed 
on  him  tlie  perils  of  solitude.  Legislators  found 
it  expedient  to  curb  the  rage  for  eremitism. 
Justinian  .ordered  monks  to  stay  within  the 
*'  coenobia  "  (Novell,  v.  ap.  Suic  Tkee,  s.  v.  cf. 
Cone  Carih,  c  47;  c£  Cone,  Agath,  c  38). 
Similarly  the  great  Karl  discouraged  hermits, 
while  protecting  coenobitic  monks  (e.  g.  Cone 
IVaaiocf.  794  A.D.  c.  12),  and  the  7th  Coun- 
cil of  Toledo  censured  roving  and  solitary 
monks  (Gmc.  jMet.  vii.  c.  5).  Even  in  tlie 
East  the  same  distrust  prevailed  of  persons 
undertaking  more  than  they  could  bear.  Thus 
the  Council  in  TruUo  enjoined  a  sojourn  of 
some  time  in  a  coenobium  as  the  preliminary 
to  life  in  the  desert  (Cone  DruU.  692  A.D.  c 
41).  Benedict  aptly  Ulustrates  the  difference 
frx)m  his  point  of  view  between  these  two  forms 
of  asceticism.  The  solitary,  be  says,  leaves  the 
line  of  battle  to  fight  in  a  single  combat  {Beg, 
c  1,  cf.  Cone,  Begg.  iii.  cf.  Snip.  Sev.  DiaL 
i.  17). 

'*  Coenobium  "  is  used  sometimes  in  mediaeval 
writers  for  the  ** basilica"  or  church  of  the 
monastery  (Mab.  Ann.  Q,  8.  B.  iv.  4).  A  Greek  ^ 
equivalent  for  '*  coenobitae "  is  awoVvrat,  de-  * 
rived  from  mr^s  (Bingh.  Orig,  Eocl.  vii.  ii. 
3,  Suicer.  l^es.  s.  v.).  Gennadius  mention* 
a  treatise  by  Evagrius  Monachus,  ^'De  coeno- 
bitis  et  synoditis'^  (De  Scr.  Ecc,  ap.  Fabric. 
BiN,  Ecc),  Jerome  gives  ^  Sauches,"  or 
**  Sausses,"  as  the  Egyptian  equivalent  (Rp» 
22,  ad  Etutoch,).  In  mediaeval  Latin  "  coeno- 
bita"  is  sometimes  ooenobitalis,  -ialis,  -iota,  or 
•ius.  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  s.  v.) ;  '*  claustrum  " 
(cloister)  *'conventtts"  are  frequently  used  fox 
**  coenobium." 

2  D 


1 


402 


OOINTA 


Besides  the  authorities  cited,  see  Hospiniani 
(2>0  Origins  et  Progressa  Momchati^^  Lib.  iii. 
Tiguri  1588).  See  also  Asobticxsh,  Bbnedio- 
TiifE  Rule,  and  MoNAffTERr.  [I.  G.  S.] 

COINTA,  martyr,  Feb.  8.    [Quinta.]  [C] 

COFFIN.    [Burial.] 

GOLID£I,=  CV/t-2V=  Servi  Dei  (explained 
also  by  snch  authorities  as  O'Beilly  and  Curry, 
as  equivalent  to  Sponsi  Deiy  but,  according  to 
O'Donoranand  Reeves,  with  less  probability):  in 
Scotch  records,  generally,  KeUdeiy  which  seems 
the  more  accurate  spelling :  in  Jocelyn  ( V.  S. 
KenJUg»\  GcUledei ;  in  Girald.  Camb.  and  in  the 
Armagh  Registers,  Colidei,  as  if  Deiookxe  or  Dei 
CuUoreSf  or  (so  Girald.  Camb.)  Caelioolae  ;  and  in 
Hector  Boece,  and  from  him  in  Buchanan,  and 
thence  in  modern  writers,  corrupted  into  CtUdei 
or  Culdees  *  ■=  at  first,  simply  an  Irish  rendering 
of  what  was  an  ordinary  Latin  name  for  monks, 
and  so  used  apparently  in  older  Irish  documents : 
but  appropriated  in  Ireland  about  the  latter  part 
of  (at  least)  the  8th  century  to  a  specially  ascetic 
order  of  monks,  established  by  Maelruain  (ob. 
A.D.  792)  at  Tamhlacht,   now  Tallaght,  near 

Dublin,  whose  Rule  still  ezisU  (R94549I  t)4 
CclCD-lfDC) »  '^^  0^  whom  it  is  also  possible 

that  some  of  their  peculiar  characteristics  were 
borrowed  from  those  of  the  canons  established 
by  Chrodegang  of  Metz  about  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury earlier,  inasmuch  as  the  later  Keledei  of 
both  Ireland  and  Scotland  did  in  many  points 
resemble  secular  canons.  The  name  reappears 
in  Ireland  (elsewhere  than  at  Tallaght)  in  the 
10th  and  11th  centuries.  But  by  this  time,  in 
some  instances,  as  at  Clonmacnois,  the  head  of 
the  Celi-D^  was  married,  and  his  office  heredi- 
tary ;  although  there  were  still  instances  to  the 
contrary,  as  in  the  island  in  Loch  Monaincha 
(CO.  Tipperary),  the  "Colidei"  of  which  are  dU- 
tinctlr  called  "  ooelibes  "  by  the  contemporary 
Giraldus  Cambr.  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century. 
At  Armagh,  also,  and  at  Devenish  in  Loch  Erne, 
the  original  "Colidei"  are  found,  after  Northmen 
rayages  and  at  later  periods,  displaced  by,  but 
coexisting  with,  a  regular  cathedral  chapter  and 
a  priory  of  regular  canons  respectively ;  while, 
in  other  places,  they  were  merged  altogether  into 
the  chapter.  At  Armagh,  indeed,  the  Culdee 
body  lasted  until  the  Reformation,  and  the  name 
until  at  ^east  A.D.  1628.  In  Scotland,  the  name 
had  a  pirallel  but  a  more  notable  history. 
The  order  seems  to  have  been  introduced  into 
that  country  shortly  after  a.d.  800.  "Cal- 
ledei,"  living  a  specially  ascetic  life,  but  as 
"  singulares  clerici,"  and  "  in  singulis  casulis," 
were  ti-aditi.-nuUy  the  clergy  of  St.  Kentegem's 
cathedral  of  Glasgow  (JoceL  in  V,  S.  Kenteg,) ; 
and  a  di^tmct  connection  is  traceable  between 
St.  Kentegern  and  the  Irish  Church.  But  the 
name  Keledei  occurs  historically,  as  a  name  for 
a  ciencal  body  of  monks,  used  in  Scotland  by 
writers,  contemporary  (or  nearly  so),  and  in 
charters,  from  the  9th  century ;  and  it  becomes 
thenceforward  the  name  simply  of  a  particular 
but  numerous  class  of  the  older  monastic  bodies 
of  the  Irish  type,  all  however  north  of  the 
Forth,  as  distinguished  1,  from  Columbite  Mo- 
nasteries, and  2,  from  the  special  Augustinian, 
l^nadictine,  and  other  orders  introduced  fh>m  the 


COLIDEI 

end  of  the  11th  century.  And  inasmuch  as  moat 
of  those  older  foundations  had  become  lax  in  dis- 
cipline, and  often  consisted  of  married  men  who 
handed  on  their  Culdeeships  to  their  children, — ^yet 
at  the  same  time  still  commonly  clerical,  although 
in  some  cases  (like  many  Scotch  monasteries  of 
that  date)  held  and  transmitted  by  lay  abbata, — 
the  name  came  to  signify,  not  (as  at  first)  special 
asceticism,  but  precisely  the  reverse.    Accord- 
ingly, A.D.  1124-1153,  King  David  oommenoed 
the  great  change,  which  finally  either  superseded 
the  Keledei  by  superadding  to  them  a  superior 
body  of  regular  canons,  as  at  St.  Andrews  and 
Dunkeld,  or  merged  the  Keledei  themselves  into 
the   chapter,    as    at   Brechin,   Ross,  Dunblane, 
Dornoch,   lismore  (Argyll),  and  the  bles,  or 
into  a  body  of  regular  canons  in  no  connection 
with  a  bishop's  see,  as  at  Abemethy,  &c    The 
middle  or  end  of  the  13th  century  appears  to 
have  completed  in  Scotland  the  suppression  of 
both  name  and  class.    The  name  Coiidei  occurs 
also  in  England  at  York  as  early  as  a.d.  936,  as 
applied  to  the   then   officiating  clergy  of  the 
Minster,  who  were  displaced  apparently  (like 
their  Scotch  brethren)  by  the  arrival  of  Norman 
archbishops,  but  continued  under  another  name 
(viz.  as  the  hospital  of  St.  Leonard's)  until  the 
dissolution  under  Henry  VIII. ;  the  name  Colidei 
being  still  employed  in  their  chartulary,  which 
was  engrossed  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  (Dugd. 
Mon.  VL  ii.  607).     Lastly,  the  same  name  is 
applied  by  Giraldus  Cambr.  to  certain  ascetics 
in  the  Isle  of  Bardsey  in  Wales  in  the  year  1188. 
Neither    in  Ireland   nor  in  Scotland   is   there 
the  slightest  trace  of  foundation,  in  any  really 
authoritative  document,  for  any  supposed  pecu- 
liarities of  doctrine  or  of  church  government, 
derived  by  Culdees  from  some  Eastern  or  other 
source,  and  handed  down  by  them ;  nor  for  any 
other  connection  between  them  and  the  Colum- 
bite monasteries  than  that  both  were  of  Irish 
type.     The  abbey  of  Hy  itself  was  distinctly 
not  Keledean,  although  at  a  very  late   period 
(A.D.    1164)  a    subordinate    body  of    Keledei 
are  found  in  the  island.     The  details  however 
of  the  great  revolution  in  the  organization  of 
the  Scotch  Church,  which  involved  as  part  of 
Itself  the  transformation  of  the  older  monastic 
arrangements  into  the  new,  and  (more  noticeable 
still)  the  transfer  of  jurisdiction  from  presbyter 
abbats  to  diocesan  bishops, — ^both  processes  im- 
plying in  the  majority  of  cases  the  suppression 
of  Keledean   foundations, — belong   to   a    period 
some  centuries  later  than  that  to  which  this 
article   refers.     As  does  also,  much  more,  the 
history  of  the  strange  perversions  of  the  facts 
of  the  case  by  combined  ignorance  and  partisan- 
ship, which  are  hardly,  it  seems,  all  exploded 
everywhere  even  now. 

[This  account  is  abridged  from  Dr.  Reeve&'s 
carefully  exact  monograph  On  the  CtUde>!f*^ 
Dublin,  1864;  to  which  is  subjoined  an  Appendix 
of  Evidences,  conclusively  establishing  the  writer's 
main  positions.  There  is  a  candid  account  of  the 
subject  also  in  Grub's  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Soot- 
land,  vol.  L,  written  however  before  the  pub- 
lication of  Dr.  Reeves's  exhaustive  essay ;  and  a 
brief,  and  on  the  whole  competent,  summary  of 
the  case  in  ch.  x.  of  E^  W.  Robertson's  Early 
Scotland^  written  also  under  the  like  disad- 
vantage. Earlier  writers,  as  a  rule,  are  not 
worth  mentioning.]  [A.  W.  H.] 


GOLLATION 


COLLECT 


408 


COLLATION  iCollatio).  The  reading  from 
the  Utw  or  CoUaiumes  of  the  Fathers,  which  St. 
Benedict  (Regula,  c.  42)  instituted  in  his  monas- 
teries before  compline.  Sach  compilations  as,  for 
instance,  the  CoUatkmes  of  John  Cassian  were 
read,  and  hence  probably  the  name.  Ckimpare 
Isidore,  Reguia,  c  8.  Aido  Smaragdos,  how^rer 
(on  the  jRu/tf,  c  42),  sajs  that  this  service  was 
called  collatio  ''qnasi  coUocntio  Tel  confabu- 
latio,'*  because  the  monks  questioned  each  other 
on  the  portions  read.  To  the  same  effect  Hono- 
rios  of  Antun,  Qemaw  Animae^  ii.  63.  Fmctu- 
oeus  {BegvUa^  c.  3)  desires  the  abbot  or  provost 
to  expound  the  book  read  to  the  more  simple 
brothers. 

The  Benedictine  practice  is  to  hold  this  serrice 
in  the  church,  and  this  is  probably  in  accordance 
with  the  founder's  intention;  for  he  evidently 
contemplated  the  collation  being  held  in  the 
same  place  as  compline.  (Martene,  De  Ant. 
Momach.  Mit  lib.  i.  c  11,  p.  35;  Ducange,  s.  v. 
Coilatio.)  [a] 

COLLECT  (jCoOeda^  CoUecta  oratiOj  oraiio, 
nmsa,  see  below).  The  Collects  of  the  Western 
Church,  for  they  difier  in  some  important  respects 
from  the  prayer-forms  of  the  Eastern  (Freeman's 
PrmcipUs,  &c.,  i.  372)  have  certain  well-marked 
characteristics  which  are  common  to  them  all. 
But  the  question  what  is  the  differentia  of  a 
collect,  what  it  is  that  makes  a  prayer  receive 
this  name,  must  probably  be  determined  by  the 
etymology  or  the  history  of  the  word. 

The  structure  of  collects  consists  of  (1)  an 
inTocation  of  God  the  Father  with  some  attri- 
bute, and  the  ascription  in  the  relative  form  of 
some  property  or  action;  (2)  next  follows  the 
object  desired  by  the  prayer,  often  with  the 
addition  of  ulterior  results  derived  from  it, 
(3)  either  an  ascription  of  glory  or  a  plead- 
ing of  the  merits  of  Christ.  Their  general 
character  is  to  **  combine  strength  with  sweet- 
ness,"* says  Canon  Bright,  '*to  say  much  in 
laying  little,  to  address  the  Most  High  in  adoring 
awe,  to  utter  man's  needs  with  profound  pathos 
and  with  calm  intensity,  to  insist  on  the  absolute 
necessity  of  grace,  the  Fatherly  tenderness  of 
God,  the  might  of  the  all-prevailing  name:" 
thoy  *'are  never  weak,  never  diluted,  never 
drawling,  never  ill^arranged,  never  a  provocation 
to  listlessness ;  they  exhibit  an  exquisite  skill  of 
antithesis  and  a  rhythmical  harmony  which  the 
ear  is  loth  to  lose.  Many  of  the  collects  now  in 
nee  are  undoubtedly  of  very  great  antiquity,  and 
are  founded  on  prayer-forms,  such  as  versicles 
or  responses,  still  older;  and  this  distinction 
between  merely  short  petitions  and  what  is  in- 
dnded  in  the  idea  of  collect  is  made  by  Bona  in 
determining  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the 
collects  **  now  in  use  "  into  the  Western  Church.^ 

Of  these  he  says  Leo  the  Great  (pope  from 
440  to  461)  and  Gelasius  (pope  from  492  to 
496)  were  the  first  composers,  in  the  form  that 
is  in  which  we  have  them  in  the  Western  Church. 
From  the  Sacramentaries  attributed  to  Leo, 
Gelasius,  and  Gregory,  are  derived  many  of  the 
collects  of  the  English  Prayer-Book.  And  the 
remote  source  of  Uiese  collects  is  more  ancient 
»UU.«    <«The  idea  of  the  Western  collect,  is  in 


•  Ancient  OoUeelt,  pp.  198-300. 

^  Booa,  De  /?«b.  UL  \i.  ft.  4.  quoted  by 

•  P,D.A,  1. 144-4. 


,  1.  144. 


all  respects  derived  from  the  consideration  of  the 
Eastern  system.  We  seem  to  see  compressed 
into  the  terse  collects  of  Leo,  Gelasius,  or  Gre- 
gory, the  more  difi\ise  spirit  of  the  Eastern 
hymns,  and  thus  they  would  be,  so  to  speak,  the 
very  quintessence  of  the  gospels  on  which  the 
latter  were  founded."  "The  only  innovation 
made  by  the  Western  composers,  and  that  a  very 
natural  one,  was  to  incorporate  the  collect,  not 
with  the  ordinary  service  only  but  with  the 
communion  office  itself."  Indeed,  in  the  ritual 
of  the  West  ^  the  chief  "  means  by  which  the 
ordinary  office  is  continually  linked  on  to  the 
eucharistic  is  the  weekly  collect.  In  the  East 
the  vespers  and  lauds  preceding  a  festival  are 
largely  coloured  by  a  variety  of  hynms,  many  of 
them  resembling  prayers,  and  all  referring  to  the 
gospel  of  the  coming  day.  In  the  West,  though 
originally  there  were  several,  we  have  now 
mostly  only  a  single  prayer,  composed  generally 
out  of  epistle  and  gospel  taken  together,  or  with 
some  reference  to  both.  And  this,  though  used 
at  the  vespers  of  the  eve,  and  characteristic  of 
that  office,  is  also  continued  throughout  the 
week."  Our  '*  first  collect,  then,  is  not  merely 
a  link  between  our  common  and  our  eucharistic 
offices,  but  reflecting  as  it  does  the  spirit  of  the 
epistle  and  gospel  it  presents  to  us  the  appointed 
variation  of  the  eucharistic  office  for  the  current 
week." 

It  remains  now  to  speak  of  the  etymology 
of  the  word,  and  it  is  a  question  more  easy  to 
state  than  to  settle.  The  word  may  be  derived  * 
either  (1)  from  the  circumstances  of  those  who 
use  the  prayer,  or  (2)  from  something  in  the 
character  of  the  praver  itself.  (I.)  In  the  former 
case  the  name  is  talcen  from  the  '*  Collecta,"  or 
people  assembled  for  worship ;  and  this  origin  of 
the  word  has  the  support  of  Krazer,'  who  says 
that  in  '*  early  times  the  only  praver  called 
collect  was  that  which  was  wont  to  be  said  for 
the  people  when  assembled  (coUectus)  in  one 
church  with  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  for 
the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  another."  The 
sacramentary  of  Gregory  makes  this  quite 
clear,  in  which  on  the  feast  of  the  Purification 
two  prayers  are  provided,  one  entitled  "Ad 
CoUectam  ad  S.  Adrianum,"  where  clergy  and 
people  were  assembled  to  go  from  thence  to  S. 
Maria  Maggiore ;  the  other  "  oratio  ad  missam  " 
(as  if  the  first  were  not  an  eucharistic  prayer) , 
"  but  as  time  went  on,"  he  says,  "  all  prayers 
said  'ad  Missam'  were  called  collects,  because 
the  priest  repeated  them  '  super  populum  collec- 
tum  sive  congregatum.' "  This  theory  is  perhaps 
not  so  attractive  as  the  two  others  which  remain 
to  be  mentioned,  but  it  has  probability  on  its 
side,  as  "collecta"  for  '* oratio  ad  collectam "  is 
just  such  an  abbreviation  as  usage  would  produce, 
while  the  more  recent  eucharistic  association  of 
the  word  would  account  for  prayei*s  alike  in 
other  respects  being  called,  some  of  them  prayers 
and  others  collects.  Those  who  reject  this 
origin  must  explain  the  phrase  "oratio  ad 
collectam  "  followed  immediately  by  "  oratio  ad 
missam  "  on  another  hypothesis. 

(II.)  If  the  prayer  derives  its  name  '  collect ' 
from  its  own  character,  it  may  be  so  called  either 
because  (1)  it  is  a  condensation  oi  Scripture- 


4  Freonsn.  Primdpltt  qf  Divine  Service,  I.  p.  86Y. 
•  Bright,  X  a  303,  sq.  '  De  Liturg,  A  338. 

2  D  2 


404 


CX)LLECT 


COLLECT 


teaching,  and  more  especially  in  the  case  of  the 
collects  for  Sundays  and  holydays,'  because  it  is, 
as  has  been  said,  in  many  cases  the  quintessence 
of  the  epistle  and  gospel  for  the  day.    Wheatl) 
adopts  this  view  (ch.  iii.  sect,  zix.)  with  regart 
to  the  communion  collect,  and  Archdeacon  Free 
man^  seems  decidedly  to  incline  to  it,  citing  Bon« 
(  R.  L.  II.  v.  §  3)  in  its  support,  and  saying  tha* 
at  all  events  it  renders  very  accurately  one  great 
characteristic  of  the  collect ;  or  because^  (2 . 
'*  coUigit  orationes "  it  sums  up  the  prayers  o:' 
the  assembly ;  but  **  the  communion  collect  doee> 
not  sum  up  any  previous  petitions,"  though  it 
might  be  said  to  gather  and  offer  up  in  one 
comprehensive  prayer  all  the  deyotional  aspira- 
tions of  the  people.    And  if  this  be  the  true  idea 
cf  the  prayer,  it  must  have  got  the  name  not 
from  summing  up  all   that   had  been  said  in 
prayer  before,  for  these  coUectae  were  sometimes 
said  before  the  concluding  part  of  the  service,'' 
but  for  the  reason  just  given,  that  it  collects  and 
presents  to  God  in  a  compendious  foi-m  all  the 
spoken  and  unspoken  petitions  of  the  congrega- 
tion to  Him.     It  is  a  recommendation  of  this 
derivation  that  it  applies  equally  to  all  prayers 
of  the   collect-form,   and  does   not  apply  only 
to  the  communion-collects  and  leave  the  etjrmo- 
logy  of  the  others  undecided,  an  objection  which 
may    be  urged    against    a    former    derivation 
(U.  1> 

It  may  be  said  that  both  these  latter  denva- 
tioua  have  an  ex  post  facto  air,  that  they  are 
wanting  in  historical  basis,  and  are  just  such  as 
would  occur  to  persons  who  finding  the  word 
set  themselves  to  discover  the  origin  of  its  use 
from  its  form;  while  the  first  rests  on  the 
fact  that  in  the  Vulgate,  >  and  by  the  ancient 
fathers,"*  the  word  collect  is  used  to  denote  the 
gathering  together  of  the  people  into  religions 
assemblies,  and  that  in  the  sacramentary 
of*  Gregory  a  collect  is  provided  to  be  said 
"  ad  collectam  ad  S.  Adrianum."  ■  Archdeacon 
Freeman*  infers  from  this  that  in  Gregory's 
time  the  ordinary  ofHce  as  distinguished  from 
the  communion  was  called  "  collecta,"  and  goes 
on  to  say,  "  it  is  very  conceivable  that  a 
prayer  which,  though  also  said  at  commu<- 
nion  has  this  as  its  characteristic  that  it  was 
designed  to  impart  to  the  ordinary  service  the 
spirit  of  the  eucharistic  gospel,  would  on  that 
account  be  called  coUecta,"  which  seems  to  be 
rather  going  out  of  the  way  to  account  for  a 
prayer  being  called  *  collecta  oratio '  which  was 
said  at  a  service  confessedly  called  <  collecta.' 

[COLtECTA.] 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  derivation  of  the 
word  Collecta,  it  is  applied  in  rituals  especially 
to  the  following. 

1.  The  prayers  which  immediately  precede 
the  Epistle  and  Gospel  in  the  Mass.  What  was 
the  number  of  these  in  ancient  times  is  not 
absolutely  certain.  In  the  Sacramentaries  of 
Gregory  and  Gelasius  one  is  given  in  each  mass ; 
but  St.  Columbanus  was  blamed  in  a  Council  of 
silicon    for  having  introduced  the   custom  of 

r  Brigbt  A.  a  203. 
i  l*><>eman,  P.  D,  H.  US. 
1  1^7.  xxifl.  36.    Heb.x.  3S. 
»  **  A  populi  cullectioae  oollecUe  appeUari  coepemnt." 
Akniij,  quoted  by  Wbeatly.  ch.  iii.  sect.  xix.  ^  2,  n. 

•  Kraaer,  !>€  Littay.  sect.  W.  art  i.  capi  Ul. 

•  f.  D.  S.  i.  146. 


^  P.  D,  S,  146-7. 

k  Bright.  X  a  pi  30S. 


using  several  collects,  contrary  to  the  general 
practice  of  the  church,  and  was  defended  by 
Eustasius,  his  successor  in  the  abbey  of  Luxeuil 
{Acta  SS.  Bened,  sec  ii.  p.  120).  John,  abbat 
of  St.  Alban's,  is  said  to  have  limited  the  num- 
ber to  seven  (Matthew  Paris  yi  his  Life)';  and 
the  same  rule  is  laid  down  by  the  anonymous 
author  of  the  Speculum  Eccleaiae,  by  Beleth  (c 
37X  and  by  Durandus  (Bationale,  iv.  14).  The 
Microhgua  (c.  4)  lays  down  that,  for  mystical 
reasons,  the  number  of  collects  should  be  either 
one,  three,  five,  or  seven.  (Martene,  De  AnUti^ 
Eccl  Bit.  i.  133.) 

2.  In  the  Hour-ofBces.  Only  one  collect  seems 
anciently  to  have  been  used  in  each  office ;  for 
Walafrid  Strabo  {De  BO),  Eod.  c.  22)  says  that  it 
was  usual,  not  only  at  Mass  but  at  other  assem- 
blies, for  the  highest  in  rank  of  the  clergy  present 
to  conclude  the  o^ce  with  a  short  prayer,  an  ex- 
pression which  seems  to  exclude  the  supposition 
that  more  than  one  of  this  kind  was  used.  The 
assigning  the  collect  to  the  person  of  highest 
rank  accords  with  the  injunction  of  the  fifth 
canon  of  the  first  Council  of  Barcelona  (A.D. 
540),  according  to  one  reading,  '*  episcopo  prae- 
sente  orationes  presbyteri  non  [aL  in  ordine] 
colligant."  But  the  monks  of  the  Thebaid  seem 
to  have  subjoined  a  collect  to  each  psalm,  or  in 
the  longer  psalms  to  have  inserted  two  or  three 
collects  at  intervals  (Cassian,  De  Noctum.  Orat. 
ii.  cc  8  and  9).  Fructuosus  of  Braga  {BegutOf 
e,  3)  also  testifies  to  the  same  practice  in  Spain. 
Caesarius  of  Aries  (Ad  Monachoa,  c.  20)  enjoined 
collects  to  be  intermingled  with  the  lections. 
The  Bule  of  St.  Benedict  enjoins  only  that  each 
office  be  concluded  with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and 
miaaae,  meaning  no  doubt  what  are  elsewhere 
called  orationes ;  but  the  practice  mentioned  by 
St.  Isidore  {BegulOy  c.  7)  of  mingling  collects 
with  the  recitation  of  the  psalms,  and  aUo  con- 
cluding the  office  with  them,  was  very  probably 
in  fact  the  custom  of  the .  Benedictine  order, 
though  it  does  not  appear  distinctly  in  the  Rule  ; 
for  St.  Benedict  would  scarcely  have  departed 
from  so  general  a  practice  as  that  of  inter- 
mingling collects  with  the  Malms,  especially  as 
he  was  much  ftifiuenced  by  Egyptian  precedent : 
and  this  supposition  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
in  many  ancient  MS.  Benedictine  psalters  a  col- 
lect follows  each  psalm. 

It  appears  from  Cassian's  testimony  {^De  Nod, 
Orat.  ii.  9)  that  in  the  fifth  century  there  was  a 
difference  of  practice  with  regard  to  the  manner 
of  saying  collects ;  for  some  monks  threw  them- 
selves on  their  knees  to  pray  immediately  after 
the  ending  of  each  psalm;  others  said  a  short 
prayer  before  kneelin^c,  and  knelt  for  a  short 
time  afterwards  in  silent  adoration.  During 
prayer  they  stood  upright,  with  expanded  hands. 
Similarly  Fructuosus  of  Braga  0ieguta^  c  3). 
The  Benedictine  practice  is,  that  all  kneel  from 
the  time  that  the  priest  says  the  Kyrie  Elcison 
to  the  end  of  the  last  collect.  The  collects  were 
said,  in  accordance  with  the  principle  mentioned 
above,  by  the  abbat,  or  the  brother  who  presided 
in  his  place  (Martene  De  Antiq.  Eccl,  BitibuSf 
iii.  15;  iv.  12,  ed.  Venet.  1773).       [E.  C.  H.] 

COLLECTA.  (1)  The  collecting  of  alms  or 
contributions  of  the  faithful.  From  St.  Leo  the 
Great  (Horn,  de  Cullectis)  we  leara  that  such  a 
collection  was  sometimes  made  on  a  Sunday, 


COLLECTIO 

i0BMtimM  on  Monday  or  Tnesdaj  (feria  aeconda, ' 
Urtia),  for  the  benefit  and  sustenance  of  the  poor. 
These  collections  seem  to  have  been  distinct  from 
Oblatonb. 

(9^  The  gathering  together  of  the  people  for 
divine  serrioe,  whether  of  mass  or  hours.  Je- 
rome (i^t.  27  [aL  108],  §  19,  p.  712)  sUtes  that 
the  tooiid  of  jJlehUa  called  monks  to  say  their 
offices  (ad  collectam).  Pachomins  (fiegtUof  c  17) 
speaks  of  the  coUecta  in  which  oblation  was 
made,  tlat  is,  the  mass ;  he  also  distinguishes 
(cc.  181, 186)  between  the  *<  collecU  domus,"  the 
service  held  in  the  several  houses  of  a  monastery, 
and  the  ^  collecta  major,"  at  which  the  whole 
body  of  monks  was  brought  together  to  say  their 
offices.  In  this  rule,  as  in  those  of  Isidore  and 
Kructuosus,  collecta  has  very  probably  the  same 
sense  as  Collatio. 

(S)  A  society  or  brotherhood.  The  15th  canon 
of  the  first  council  of  Kantes  is  "  De  collectis 
vel  oonfiratriis  quos  consortia  vocant."  See  also 
Hincmar,  CapiMa  ad  Preaftyt,  c  14.  (Ducange's 
aiouary,  s.  v.)  [C] 

OOLLEGTIO.  In  the  Gallican  missals  cer- 
tain forms  of  prayer  and  praise  are  called  CoUeC" 
tionea.  The  principal  of  these  are  the  OoUectio 
pott  Nomina,  which  follows  the  recitation  of  the 
names  on  the  diptychs ;  the  CoUecUo  ad  Pacem, 
which  accompanies  the  giving  of  the  Kiss  of 
Peace ;  the  CoUdctio  post  San^us,  which  imme- 
diately follows  the  *<Holy,  Holy,  Holy,"  and  the 
CoOecHo  pod  Evcharisticanj  after  communion. 
(Martene,  De  RHitm  Eod.  Aniiq,  L  c  iv.  art. 
13.)  [C] 

OOLLECnON.    [Almb:  Oollegta.] 

GOLLEGIUH.  Corporations  or  gilds,  called 
coilegia,  of  persons  nnited  in  pursuit  of  a  com- 
mon object,  were  numerous  in  the  empire  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Christian  church.  The  im- 
perial government  of  course  took  cognisance  of 
them,  uid  did  not  permit  sudh  combinations  for 
erery  purpose.  Associations  for  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  religious  rites  were  however  for  the 
most  part  not  interfered  with;  but  when  the 
presence  of  Christianity  in  all  parts  of  the  empire 
attracted  attention,  its  collegia^  as  the  several 
ehurches  seemed  to  be  from  tiie  jurist's  point  of 
view,  were  declared  illicit,  and  to  belong  to  them 
a  misdemeanour.  (Gieseler,  Eccl,  Hist.  i.  pp. 
20,  114;  Cunningham's  Trans.,  Philadelphia, 
1836.)  [Compare  Bbothebhood;  Canonici; 
Chapter.]  [C] 

OOLOBIUM  (jcoX^/3<oy>  A  tunic  with 
▼ery  short  sleeves  only,  and  fitted  closely  about 
the  arm.  A  few  words  of  the  Pseudo-Alcuin 
(cfe  Din,  Off.)  both  describe  the  dress  and  re- 
produoe,  with  a  characteristic  modification,  an 
old  Roman  tradition  concerning  it.  "  Pro  tunica 
hyacinthina  (i.e,  the  tunic  of  blue  worn  by  the 
Jewish  high-priest)  nostri  pontifices  primo  colo- 
biia  utebantur.  Est  autem  colobium  vestis  sine 
manicis."  The  older  tradition  was  that  Sylvester, 
trishop  of  Rome,  ordered  that  deacona  should 
wear  dalmatics  in  offices  of  holy  ministry,  in 
place  of  the  colobia,  which  had  previously  been 
in  use.  From  this  circumstance  of  the  colobium 
being  regarded  as  the  special  vestment  of  a 
deacon  it  is  sometimes  called  lebiton  («.e.  leviton) 
or  lebitonarium,  a  word  which  reappears  in  ec- 
eleeiastical  Greek  of  the  5th  and  later  centuries. 


COLOUB 


405 


It  is  so  used  by  1  .lUadius  of  Hellenopolis,  in  the 
Hiatoria  Lauiiaoa  so-called,  cap.  38,  describing 
the  dress  worn  by  the  monks  under  Pachomius 
at  Tabennesis  in'  the  Thebaid  (Migne,  Patrol, 
Izzziii.  1157),  a  dress  prescribed,  according  to 
the  author,  by  an  angel  in  vision: — '^Noctu 
gestent  lebitones  lineos.  succincti."  And  again, 
cap.  47 :  rh  di  Mu/m  i»  ain^  6  Xtfin^i^,  onr^p 
Tir«s  KoXAfiiop  wpwrayop^iovci.  The  monastic 
colobium  in  Palestine,  if  not  elsewhere,  had  upon 
it  a  purple  ''sign,"  probably  a  cross.  So  St. 
Dorotheas,  archimandrite  (Migne,  Patrol.  Series 
Graeooy  Ixzzviii.  1631),  describing  the  monastic 
dress  of  his  day  in  Palestine,  late  in  the  6th 
century,  says : — rh  ax^P^  ^  iopovfuw  KaX6fii6if 
ivrt,  fjiil  $x^v  xcip/Sm,  icol  (itni  Ztpiuerirn,  ttoX 
iiydKokfioSf  ital  KovKo^Aioy  •  .  .  "Exci  91  th 
KoK6fiiop  ffiifuio¥  n  wop^^ow  (as  a  mark  of 
service,  he  explains,  under  Christ  our  King). 
£zamples  of  the  Greek  colobium  may  be  seen  in 
the  ancient  mosaics,  reputed  to  be  of  the  4th 
century,  in  the  church  of  St.  George  at  Thes- 
salonica.  See  Tezier  and  PuUan,  Byzantine 
AroMiecture,  111.  zu.-zzxiii. ;  Marriott,  Vest, 
Christ,  m.  xviu.-xx.  [W.  B.  M.] 

COLOGNE,  COUNCIL  OP  (AgHppinense, 
or  Coloniense  Concilium),  (1)  Said  to  have  been 
held  A.D.  346,  to  condemn  Euphratas,  Bishop  of 
Cologne  (for  denying  our  Lord's  divinity) ;  who 
was  however  at  Sa^ca  as  an  orthodox  bishop 
the  year  ai*er  (Pagi  ad  an.  346,  n.  6 ;  Mansi, 
ii.  1371-1378>  Baronius  and  Cave  think  the 
council  spurious.  Sirmond  supposes  Euphratas 
to  have  recanted ;  others  that  he  was  acquitted ; 
others  that  there  were  two  successive  bishops  of 
Cologne  so  named. 

(3)  Another  council  is  reported  to  have  been 
held  A.D.  782,  under  Charlemagne;  but  this 
was  apparently  a  political  council:  nothing  is 
known  of  it  ecclesiastically  (Labbi^  and  Cossart, 
Concilia,  vi.  1827,  from  Eginhard>     [A.  W.  H.] 

COLOUR.  The  assigning  of  special  colours 
in  the  vestments  of  ministers,  &c  to  certain 
seasons  does  not  belong  to  the  first  eight 
centuries  of  Christianity  (Hefele,  Beitrdge  zur 
Archaologie  etc.  ii.  158X  ^^'^  i>  probably  first 
found  in  the  work  of  Innocent  III.  (tl216), 
De  Sacro  Altaris  Mysterio,  lib.  L  c  65.  There 
are,  however,  certain  peculiarities  in  the  use  of 
colour  in  ancient  art  which  may  be  mentioned 
here. 

(1)  White  was  held  to  symbolize  the  pure  bright 
light  of  truth  (Clemens  Alex.  Paedagog.  ii.  10, 
p.  235).  Hence  the  Lord  is  represented  with  a 
white  robe  as  *^  the  Truth,"  whether  sitting  in 
the  midst  of  the  Doctors,  or  teaching  His  dis- 
ciples. See  for  instance  the  ancient  mosaics  of 
the  church  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  xvi.),  and  of  S.  Agatha  alia  Sub- 
urra  at  Rome  (ib.  L  tab.  Ixxvii.).  It  is  because  of 
its  whiteness  that  Origen  (/n  Exodum,  Hom.  vii.) 
finds  the  manna  to  represent  the  word  of  truth. 
Angels  are  generally  represented  on  ancient  mo- 
numents in  white  robes,  which  typify,  says  Dio- 
nysius  the  Areopagite  (De  Hierarch,  CoelesL  c 
15),  their  resemblance  to  God.  Saints  too  are 
clothed  in  white ;  foi  instance,  on  the  triumphal 
arch  of  the  basilica  of  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  are  repre* 
seated  saints  clothed  in  white  robes  laying  their 
crowns  at  the  foot  of  the  Divine  Throne  (Ciam* 


406 


COLUM 


pfaii,  Vet.  Men.  L  231).  The  8am«  drcmnstaiioe 
may  be  noted  in  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of 
St.  Vitalis  at  Rarenna,  and  elsewhere. 

White,  sometimes  striped  with  purple  [Cla- 
▼us],  was  the  almost  invariable  colour  of  minis- 
terial vestments  for  all  ranks  of  the  ministry  in 
the  early  ages  of  Christianity  (Marriott,  Veati' 
aritun  Christ,  p.  xzii.),  as  it  is  still  tor  the  alb, 
the  amice,  and  the  surplice. 

White,  the  symbol  of  purity,  was  worn  by  the 
newly  baptized  during  the  eight  days  which  fol- 
lowed their  baptism. 

It  appears  also  from  the  evidence  both  of  lite- 
rature and  art  that  the  dead  were  shrouded  in 
white  linen.  In  a  fragment  of  ancient  glass 
figured  by  Buonarotti  (Ve^n,  tav.  vii.  fig.  1) 
the  grave-clothes  of  Lazarus  are  of  silver,  while 
the  rest  of  the  figures  are  in  gold ;  and  in  the 
Menologium  of  Basil  the  bodies  of  Adauctus 
(Oct.  4)  and  Philaret  (Dec.  2)  are  repi-eseuted  as 
wrapped  in  white.  Prudentius  {(kithemerinon, 
z.  57)  and  Sulpicius  Severus  ( Vita  S,  Martini, 
c.  12)  also  allude  to  the  white  colour  of  grave- 
clothes. 

(2)  Bed  is  the  colour  of  ardent  love.  Hence 
the  Lord  in  performing  works  of  mercy  is  some- 
times represented  clad  in  a  red  tunic  or  pallinm, 
and  also  in  ^  sending  fire  upon  earth  by  the 
mission  of  the  apostles  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon,  i. 
tabb.  Izviii.  Izzzvi.  Izzvii.).  Arculf  (in  Bede, 
Hist.  Angl.  v.  16)  describes  the  **  monument  and 
sepulchre  "  of  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  as  being 
white  and  reddish  (rubicundo). 

Angels  are  sometimes  found  on  ancient  monu- 
ments represented  with  red  wings,  whether  as 
the  symbol  of  love  or  of  flame,  according  to  one 
of  the  derivations  of  the  word  seraph.  This  is 
the  case  for  instance  in  the  vaults  of  St.  Vitalis 
at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  65). 

(8)  Greeny  the  colour  of  living  vegetation,  seems 
to  have  been  adopted  as  a  symbol  of  life,  and 
hence  is  employed  to  denote  the  full  abound- 
ing life  of  the  angels.  See  Dionysius  the  Areo- 
pagite,  De  Hienuvh.  Coelest.  zv.  %  7.  Hence, 
angels  and  saints  are  not  unfrequently  clothed 
in  green,  especially  St.  John  the  Evangelist.  The 
Virgin  Mary  is  also  sometimes  clothed  in  this 
colour.  And  the  Lord  Himself  is  occasionally 
represented  in  a  green  robe  as  symbolizing  the 
life  which  is  in  Him. 

(4)  Videtj  the  mizture  of  red  and  black,  has  been 
thought  to  symbolize  the  union  of  love  and  pain 
in  repentance.  It  symbolizes,  at  all  events,  some- 
thing of  sorrow ;  hence  some  monuments,  as  the 
mosaic  of  St.  Michael  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vel. 
Mon.  ii.  p.  63,  tav.  zvii.)  and  that  of  St.  Am- 
brose at  Milan  (Ferrari,  8.  Ambrogio,  p.  156)  re- 
present the  Man  of  Sorrows  in  a  violet  robe.  The 
sorrowing  mother  of  the  Lord  is  also  sometimes 
represented  in  violet,  and  St.  John  Baptist  the 
preacher  of  repentance.  Angels  also  wear  violet 
when  they  call  men  to  repentance,  or  share  in 
the  sorrows  of  the  Lord. 

Abbots  of  the  order  of  St.  Benedict  wore  violet 
up  to  modem  times,  when  they  adopted  black. 
In  ancient  times  virgins  of  recluse  life  wore 
violet  veils  (Jerome,  Epist.  22,  ad  Eustochium). 

Literature. — Portal,  Des  Cimieura  aymboHquee 
dans  PAntiquit^y  Paris,  1837 ;  Martigny^  Diet, 
des  Antiq.  ckr/l.  s.  v.  Couieurs.  [C] 

COLUM.    [Stbamier.] 


COMMEMOBATION 

COLUMBA.  (1)  Presbyter  and  oonftiior 
abbat  of  Zona  (f  598);  is  commemorated  June  9 
{Mart.  Usuardi). 

(3)  Virgin,  martyr  under  Aurelian,  Dec.  31 
(Mart.  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Eom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  F^.] 

0OLXJMBANU8,  abbat,  founder  of  many 
monasteries,  deposition  at  Bobbio,  Nov.  2  (Mart. 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [C] 

OOLXJMB  ABIUlf.  This  word  can  only  find 
its  place  in  a  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities, 
in  order  that  opportunity  may  be  given  to  pro- 
nounce a  decided  opinion  on  the  untenableness 
of  the  view  propounded  by  Keyssier,  and  since 
revived  by  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker  and  others,  that 
this  distinctively  pagan  arrangement,  essentially 
belonging  to  the  practice  of  burning  the  dead, 
which  was  held  by  the  Christians  in  such  abhor- 
rence ("  ezecrantur  rogos  et  damnant  ignium  se- 
pulturas,"  Minuc  Fel.),  is  ever  found  within  the 
limits  of,  or  in  dose  connection  with  a  Christian 
catacomb.  The  misconception  has  arisen  from 
the  fact  that  the  Christian  ezcavators  in  canr- 
ing  forward  their  subterranean  galleries  not  un- 
frequently came  into  contact  with  the  walls  of 
a  heathen  columbarium.  As  soon  as  this  unin- 
tentional interference  with  the  sanctity  of  the 
tomb  was  discovered,  the  fossores  proceeded  to 
repair  their  error.  The  gallery  was  abruptly 
closed,  and  a  wall  was  built  at  its  end  to  shut 
it  off  from  the  columbarium.  Padre  Marchi  de- 
scribes his  discovery  of  a  gallery  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Agnese  closed  in  this  way  with  a  ruined 
wall,  on  the  other  side  of  which  was  a  plundered 
columbarium  {Monum.  PrimU.  p.  61).  This  is 
probably  the  true  ezplanation  oi  the  fact  that 
a  passage  has  been  found  connecting  a  large 
heathen  tomb  full  of  columbaria  on  the  Via 
Appia,  near  the  Porta  San  Sebastiano,  with  a 
catacomb.  (Marchi,  ifonum.  Prim.  pp.  61  s?.; 
Roestell,  Beachreib.  der  Stadt  Bom,  pp.  389- 
390;  Raoul-Rochette,  TcMeau  des  CatacombeSj 
p.  283).  [E.  v.] 


A  vessel  used 


OOLYMBION  iKoK6fi$uH^). 
for  containing  HoLT 
Water  at  the  entrance 
of  a  church.  A  re- 
presentation of  such  a 
vessel  is  found  in  one 
of  the  mosaics  of  the 
church  of  S.  Vitale  at 
Ravenna,  and  is  here 
engraved.  The  repre- 
sentation of  this  foun- 
tain given  by  Dr.  Meale 
{Holy  Eastern  Ckmnhf 
Introduction,  p.  21&)  is 
very  incorrect.        [U.] 

COMES.    [LEonoN- 

ABT.] 


GOMMEMOBA- 
TION  {Commemoratio). 
The  word  commemora- 
tion in  its  liturgical  use 
designates — 

(1)  The  recitotion  of  the  names  of  those  for 
whom  intercession  is  made  in  the  mass  [Dii^ 

TYCHS]. 


GOHMENDATIO 

(t)  The  introdttction  of  the  luunes  of  certaiD 
ninU  or  eveaU  in  the  Dinne  Office,  called  also 
memoria  aattctorum  or  suffragia  sanctorum.  Such 
commemoratiooa  are  generally  of  the  Cross,  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and 
for  Pea&  (Macri  Bierolexioon), 

(8)  According  to  the  rubrics  of  the  Romau 
Breviary  (EuhrSxie  OenerahSj  iz.),  when  a  greatei 
festival  ialls  on  the  day  of  a  *  simple '  festival,  tht 
latter  is  *  commemorated  *  by  the  introduction  o1 
certain  portions  of  its  proper  service  into  that  oi 
the  greater  festival  (/?.  G.  ix.  §§  8-11).      [C] 

COMMENDA.    [Diocese:  Monasteby.] 

COKMENDATIO  (wapdBwts).  1.  In  the 
third  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  29)  it  is  pro- 
vided, that  if  a  commendatio  of  the  dead  takes 
place  in  the  afternoon,  it  must  consist  of  prayers 
only,  without  the  celebration  of  mass.  In  the 
Codex  CmonMm  Ecd.  Afrio.  (c.  103)  the  set 
forms  to  be  ordinarily  used  in  churches  seem  to 
be  summed  up  under  the  heads,  preces,  prae- 
Citiones,  oommendatione8f  manus  impositiones. 
Similarly  the  second  Council  of  Milevis  (c  12), 
and  the  fourth  of  Toledo  (c.  13).  In  the  Greek 
version  of  the  41st  canon  of  the  Codex  EocL  Afric, 
which  is  identical  with  the  29th  of  the  third 
Council  of  Carthage,  quoted  above,  the  word  wapdr 
tfco-if  is  used  as  equivalent  to  **  commendatio ;" 
which  in  this  case  is  no  doubt  to  be  interpreted 
**  of  the  commendation  of  the  dead  to  the  mercy  of 
God."  See  Zonaras  on  this  canon  (p.  429),  and 
Balsamon  (p.  655). 

2.  But  the  word  wapiB^cis  is  also  used  to 
designate  the  prayers  made  in  the  congregation 
on  behalf  of  the  catechumens.  Alexius  Aristenus 
(quoted  by  Suicer,  s.  v.)  explains  the  word  irap«U 
••(Tif,  designating  a  part  of  divine  service,  as 
**  the  prayers  over  the  catechumens,  whereby  we 
commend  them  (irapari$4fi€$d)  to  the  Lord." 
(Ducange's  Glossary^  s.  v.  '  Commendationes ;' 
Saioer*s  Theeaurae^  s.  v.  ■wapiBwis,')  [C] 


GOMMENDATOBT  LETTEB&  The 
liest  trace  of  the  practice  connected  with  these 
words  is  to  be  found  in  2  Cor.  iii.  1.  St.  Paul, 
it  would  seem,  had  been  taunted  by  rivals  who 
came  with  letters  of  coomiendation  (^irurroAol 
tfvrrarucal)  from  the  Church  of  Jerusalem,  with 
the  absence  of  such  credentials  in  his  own  case, 
with  his  attempts  to  make  up  for.  the  omission 
bj  reiterated  self-commendation.  The  passage 
ahows  that  the  practice  was  already  coomion. 
It  was,  indeed,  the  natural  protection  of  a  society 
yet  in  its  infancy  against  the  dangers  to  which 
It  was  exposed,  against  the  tricks  of  impostors, 
the  false  teaching  of  heretics,  the  vices  of  evil- 
doers. It  is  probable  enough  that  letters  of 
this  kind  had  been  in  previous  use  among  the 
Jews,  and  that  they  thus  maintained  their  unity 
aa  a  people  through  all  the  lands  of  the  dis- 
persion. Other  instances  of  it  in  the  Apostolic 
ages  are  to  be  found  in  the  letter  given  to 
Apolloe  by  the  disciples  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xviii. 
27X  in  the  mention  of  Zones  and  Apollos  in  the 
Epistle  to  Titus  (iii.  13).  The  letter  to  Phi- 
lemon, though  more  distinctly  personal,  has 
somewhat  of  the  same  character.  The  practice 
was  in  itself  so  wise  and  salutary  that  it  be- 
came universal,  and  was  applied  under  many 
names,  and  for  many  different  purposes.  As  a 
whole,  it  may  be  said,  without  exaggeration, 
tkat  no  single  practice  of  the  early  Christian 


(X)MM£NDATOBT  LETTERS      407 

Church  tended  so  much  as  this  to  impress  on  it 
the  stamp  of  unity  and  organisation. 

The  bishop  of  any  congregation,  in  any  part 
of  the  empire,  might  commend  a  traveller,  lay- 
man or  cleric,  to  the  good  offices  of  any  other. 
The  precautions  against  imposture  might  some- 
times, as  in  the  well-known  instance  of  Pere- 
grinns  (Lucian,  de  Morie  Peregrin.^  perhapa 
also  in  that  of  the  waptlaoKroi  ^cv8cl8cX^i  of 
Gal.  ii.  4,  be  insufficient,  but  as  a  rule  it' did 
its  work,  and  served  as  a  bond  of  union  between 
all  Christian  Churches.  Wherever  the  Christian 
traveller  went,  if  he  were  provided  with  these 
letters,  he  found  the  **  communicatio  pacis,'* 
the  **  contesseratio  hospitalitatis "  (Tertull.  de 
Praescript  Haereiic.  c  20).  Those  outside 
the  Church's  pale,  however  arrogant  might 
be  their  claims,  could  boast  of  no  such  proof 
of  their  oneness.  They  were  cut  off  from  what 
was  in  the  most  literal  sense  of  the  term  the 
"communion  of  saints"  {Ibid,  c  32).  It  was 
the  crowning  argument  of  Augustine  (^Kpist, 
xliv.  3)  and  Optatus  (/>«  Schism,  Donat,  it  3) 
against  the  Donatists  that  their  letters  would 
not  be  received  in  any  churches  but  their  own ; 
that  they  were  therefore  a  sect  with  no  claim  to 
catholicity,  no  element  of  permanence.  It  was, 
in  like  manner,  but  a  necessary  sequel  to  the 
deposition  of  Paul  of  Samosata  by  the  so-called 
Second  Council  of  Antioch,  when  the  bishops 
who  passed  sentence  on  him  wrote  to  Dionysius 
of  Rome  and  Maximus  of  Alexandria  (Euseb. 
H.  E.  vii.  30),  requestingthem  not  to  address  their 
letters  to  him,  but  to  Domnus,  whom  they  had 
appointed  in  his  place.  The  letters  of  Oyprian 
on  the  election  of  Cornelius  (Epist,  xlv.)  and  to 
Stephen  {Episi,  Ixvil.)  are  examples  of  the  same 
kind.  The  most  remarkable  testimony,  how- 
ever, to  the  extent  and  the  usefulness  of  thf 
practice  is  found  in  the  wish  of  Julian  to  re> 
organise  heathen  society  on  the  same  plan,  and 
to  provide,  in  this  way,  shelter  and  food  for  any 
nouyChristian  traveller  who  might  be  journeying 
to  a  strange  city  (Sozomen.  If,  E,  v.  16). 

It  was  natural,  as  the  Church  became  wealthier 
and  more  worldly,  that  the  restrictive  side  of 
the  practice  should  become  the  more  promi- 
nent; that  it  should  be,  what  the  passport 
system  has  been  in  the  intercourse  of  modem 
Europe,  a  check  on  the  free  movement  of  clergy, 
or  monks,  or  laymen.  Thus  it  was  made  penal 
(and  the  penalty  was  excommunication)  for  any 
one  to  receive  either  cleric  or  layman  who  came 
to  a  city  not  his  own  without  these  letters  (Can. 
Apost,  c.  12).  Those  who  brought  them  were 
even  then  subject  to  a  scrutiny,  with  the  altera 
native  of  being  received  into  full  fellowship  if  it 
were  satisfactory,  or,  if  it  were  otherwise,  of 
having  to  be  content  with  some  immediate 
relief  {Ibid,  c.  33)."  So  the  Council  of  Elvira 
(c  25)  seeks  to  maintain  the  episcopal  prero- 
gative in  this  matter,  and  will  not  allow  lUterae 
confeseoriae  (letters  certifying  that  the  bearer 
was  one  who  had  suffered  in  persecution^)  to 

»  The  canon  ends  with  a  warning,  slgnificsnt  enoo^ 
(rf  the  nature  or  frequenqr  of  the  abases  to  which  the 
practice  had  given  rise.  (Eic  icoiMtW .  »*  avTov«  lai  irpo«- 
M{i}(r9«,  iraAAicL  yoip  ttork  9vrapir«y^r  ftvtrai.) 

b  A  more  received  rendering  of  the  word  is  that  the 
letten  were  given  as  a  "  Ubellum  pads"  to  the  "laps! ** or 
others,  tqr  a  "conflBSBor,"  who  Uios  ncoiiped  the  preio> 
gstive  of  the  bishop. 


408     COMBIENDATOBY  LETTEBS 


COMMERCE 


take  the  place  of  the  regular  UHerae  commurd' 
catoriae.  It  would  appear,  from  one  clause  in 
the  canon,  that  the  abuse  had  spread  so  fiu*  that 
the  *'  confessor's  "  passport  was  handed  from  one 
to  another  without  even  the  insertion  of  the 
name,  as  a  cheque  payable  to  bearer.  The  same 
practice  is  condemned  by  the  first  Council  of 
Aries  (c.  9).  That  of  Elvira  denounces  also  the 
writing  of  such  letters  (the  '*  pacificae  ")  by  the 
wires  of  presbyters  or  bishops.  The  prevalence 
of  this  abuse  may  perhaps  explain  tiie  zeal  of 
that  synod  against  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. 
The  Council  of  Chaloedon  (c.  13)  renewed  the 
prohibition  of  the  Apostolic  canon  against  allow- 
ing any  strange  cleric,  even  as  reader,  to  officiate 
in  another  city  without  the  oiMrraTijci  ypdftr 
ftara  from  his  own  bishop.  That  of  Antioch 
(a.D.  341)  forbids  any  strangers  to  be  received 
without  4ir.  ctf^iyiical,  forbids  presbyters  to  give 
the  iw.  Kovoyucaif  does  not  allow  even  Chorepi- 
soopi  to  give  more  than  the  rlpijyiica^.  That  of 
Aries  (c  7)  places  those  who  have  received  the 
litterae  commumcatoriae  under  the  surveillance 
of  the  bishop  of  the  city  to  which  they  go,  with 
the  provision  that  they  are  to  be  excommuni- 
cated if  they  begin  **  agere  contra  disciplinam," 
and  adds,  extending  the  precaution  to  political 
offences,  or  to  the  introduction  of  a  democratic 
element  into  the  government  of  the  Church, 
"  similiter  de  his  qui  rempublicam  agere  volunt." 
The  system  spread  its  ramifications  over  all 
provinces  (1  C,  Carth.  c.  7;  (7.  Agath.  c  52). 
It  was  impossible  for  the  presbyter  who  haid 
incurred  the  displeasure  of  his  bishop  to  find 
employment  in  any  other  diocese.  Without  any 
formal  denunciation  the  absence  of  the  commen- 
datory letter  made  him  a  marked  man.  The 
unity  of  the  Church  became  a  terrible  reality  to 
him. 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  other  terms 
besides  the  original  w<rrariKalL  (commendatitiaef 
or  commendatoriae)  appear  as  applied  to  these 
letters,  and  it  may  be  well  to  register  the  use 
and  signiBcance  of  each. 

1.  The  old  term  was  still  retained,  as  in  the 
C.  of  Chalcedon,  where  the  prominent  purpose 
was  to  commend  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  whe- 
ther cleric  or  layman,  to  the  favour  and  good 
offices  of  another  bishop. 

2.  The  same  letters  were  also  known  as  jcoi^o- 
yiKcdj  ^Mn  accoi*dance  with  the  rule  of  the 
Church."  This  is  the  word  used  in  the  letter 
from  the  Synod  of  Antioch,  already  quoted,  by 
the  Councils  of  Antioch  (c.  8)  and  Laodicea 
(e.  41).  The  Latin  equivalent  seems  to  have 
been  the  literae  formatae,^  i.e.  drawn  up  after  a 
known  and  prescribed  form,  so  as  to  be  a  safe- 
guai'd  against  imposture.  It  was  stated  at  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon  by  Atticus,  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, that  it  was  agreed  by  the  bishops  at 
the  Councils  of  Nicaea  that  every  such  letter 
should  be  marked  with  the  lettera  n.  T.  A.  n., 
in  honour  of  the  three  Persons  of  the  Trinity.* 
In  the  West  the  signature  or  seal  (r^os)  of  the 
bishop  was  proUnbly  the  guarantee  of  genuine- 


■  The  word  **  formata"  oocum  in  the  Acts  of  the  Synod 
jf  Hllevis  (c.  20). 

*  The  statement  rests  on  tbe 'somewhat  qnestfonable 
authority  of  the  Pseu Jo- Isidore;  but  the  form  Is  found  in 
Gennsn  documents  of  the  9th  century.  (Hersog.  s.  v. 
LUiraeformatae.) 


ness.  The  first  mention  of  the  use  of  a  aeal- 
nng  occurs,  it  is  believed,  in  Augustine  (J^nc^ 
59;  a/.  217*). 

3.  From  the  use  of  the  letters  as  admitting 
clergy  or  laymen  to  communion  they  we^  known 
as  jcoivtfvural,  and  are  so  described  by  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  {Act,  Ephes.  p.  282).  Ihe  corre- 
sponding Latin,  (xmimunicatonae^  appears  in  the 
Council  of  Elvira  (c  25^  Augustine  (EpisL  43  ; 
a/.  162). 

4.  The  ^iriirroXal  •tpi}v<ical  appear  to  be  die* 
tinguished  from  the  crvsnrariical  as  commending 
the  bearer  for  eleemosynary  aid.  They  are  to  be 
given  to  the  poor  and  those  who  need  help^ 
clerics  or  laymen  (C.  Choked,  c  11),  especially, 
according  to  the  Greek  canonists  (Zonaras  id, 
Can.  ii.  C.  Chahed.},  to  those  who  had  suffered 
oppression  at  the  hands  of  dvil  magistrate& 
The  word  is  used  also  by  the  Council  of  Antioch 
(c  7,  8),  already  quoted  as  applied  to  letters 
which  might  be  given  by  presbyters  as  well  as 
bishops. 

5.  There  were  the  Ivktv.  AroAvroccd,  the 
"letters  dimissory"  of  modem  times.  The 
word  is  of  later  use  than  the  others,  and  occurs 
first  in  the  .Council  in  Tmllo  (c.  17),  in  a  con- 
text which  justifies  the  distinction  drawn  by 
Suicer  (s.  v.  AtoXwiic^),  that  it  was  used  in 
reference  to  a  permanent  settlement  of  the 
bearer,  the  oiwrarijc^,  when  the  sojourn  in 
another  diocese  was  only  temporary.  [£.  H.  P.] 

COMMERCE.  It  would  be  difficult  t4>  find  in 
either  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament  any  passage 
in  disparagement  of  trade,  whether  combined  or 
not  with  a  handicraft.  In  the  Old  Testament,  if 
the  calling  of  Bezal  eel  and  Aholiabputs  the  highest 
honour  on  the  skill  of  the  artisan,  the  ordinary  pro- 
cesses of  trade  are  no  less  sanctified  by  connecting 
them  with  God  Himself  and  His  law  in  such  pas- 
sages as  those  of  Lev.  xix.  35-6 ;  Deut.  xxv.  13-15 ; 
Prov.  xl.  1,  xvL  10,  23,  xxxi.  24;  Micah  vi.  11. 
Nor  is  it  amiss  to  observe  that  the  Jewish  cus- 
tom which  prevails  to  this  day,  of  bringing  up 
every  boy  without  exception  to  a  business,  trade 
or  handicraft,  appears  to  be  an  immemorial  one, 
and  may  serve  to  explain  both  the  calling  by 
our  Lord  of  fishermen-apostles.  His  own  training 
as  a  handicraftsman  (Mark  vi.  3),  and  the  tent- 
making  of  Paul,  Aquila,  and  Priscilla  (Acts  xviiu 
3).  No  incompatibility,  therefore,  between  the 
exercise  of  a  trade  and  the  Christian  calling, 
whether  as  a  layman  or  as  a  member  of  the 
clergy,  can  be  coeval  with  the  Church,  and 
all  legislation  to  this  effect  must  belong  to 
what  may  be  termed  the  secondary,  not  the 
primary,  era  of  its  development.  It  must,  more- 
over, be  observed  that  the  places  in  which  the 
Grospel  seems  to  have  preferably  taken  root  were 
busy  commercial  cities,  such  as  Antioch,  Corinth, 
Ephesus;  and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the 
age  in  which  Christianity  first  forced  itself  on 
the  notice  of  the  Pagan  world,  and  was  honoured 
with  imperial  persecution,  the  time  of  Nero,  was 
also  one  of  great  commercial  activity,  as  may  be 
seen  from  the  account,  chiefly  derived  from  Pliny, 
of  the  new  trades  and  invention  introduced  under 
Nero,  contained  in  the  "Anecdota  de  Nerone" 
annexed  to  Naudet's  TodSfus,  vol.  v.  p.  181  and 
foil.  (Paris,  1820). 

•  See  the  different  meanings  in  Ducange,  s.  v.  /*r* 


OOMMEBCB 

Tliftt  trade  uider  the  later  emperors  was  looked 
ipon  as  an  occupation  of  inferior  dignity  is  risible 
from  the  £»ct  that  a  constitution  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinian  (a.d.  436)  required  all  bankers, 
jewellers,  dealers  in  silver  or  clothing,  apothe- 
caries, and  other  traffickers  to  be  removed  from 
provincial  offices,  **  in  order  that  every  place  of 
honour  and  official  service  (militia)  should  be 
cleared  of  the  like  contagion"  (a  contagione 
hujusmodi  segregetur;  Code,  bk.  zii.  t.  Iviii. 
1.  12)^  Traders  generally  (except  the  metro- 
politan bankers)  were  again  excluded  from  the 
militia  by  a  constitution  of  Justin  {Code,  bk.  xii. 
t.  XXXV.).  This  word  indeed  must  no  longer,  as 
under  the  Republic,  be  deemed  to  imply  neces- 
sarily military  service,  since  the  constitution  last 
referred  to  expressly  distinguishes  the  armed 
militia  (armata  miiitia).  admission  to  which  is 
forbidden  to  all  traders  alike,  whibt  the  metro- 
politan bankers  (argmti  distractores)  are  by  pri- 
vilege permitted  to  enter  any  other.  Soldiers 
conversely  were  by  a  constitution  of  Z<eo  (a.d. 
458)  forbidden  to  trade  (bk.  xii.  t.  xxxvi.  1.  15) ; 
and  a  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius 
forbad  men  of  noble  birth,  conspicuous  dignity, 
or  hereditary  wealth,  to  exercise  a  trade  **  per- 
nicious to  towns,  in  order  to  fiicilitate  mercantile 
transactions  in  the  way  of  buying  and  selling, 
between  plebeians  and  tradesmen"  (bk.  iv.  t. 
Ixiii  1.  3). 

As  respects  the  smaller  trades  and  handi- 
crafts (it  is  always  difficult  to  distinguish  the 
two  in  the  lower  social  strata)  the  exercise  of 
them  diflered  often  little  from  slavery.  A  con- 
stitution of  the  Emperor  Constantino  (bk.  vi.  t.  i. 
I.  5 ;  A.D.  329)  speaks  of  freedmen-artificers 
belonging  to  the  state,  and  desires  them  to  be 
brought  back,  if  enticed  out  of  the  citv  where 
they  reside.  Artificers  were  exempted  U'om  all 
official  fltnctions,  which,  considering  the  miser- 
able condition  of  the  curiales,  must  rather 
have  been  a  boon  to  them  (bk.  x.  t.  Ixiv.  and 
paarim),  Thev  formed  ooUegia  (see  Collegia), 
from  which  they  could  not  withdraw  without 
presenting  fit  substitutes  ready  to  accept  all 
their  obligations  (1.  15).  The  bakers — ^if  indeed 
the  constitution  of  Leo  which  refers  to  them 
has  not  been  stretched  by  its  present  title 
beyond  its  original  intent---seem  to  have  been 
in  an  almost  lower  condition  still,  since  their 
status  is  expressly  treated  as  servile.  Curiously 
enough,  the  swineherds  of  the  capitals,  as  carry- 
ing on  a  restless  labour  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Koman  people,  were  specially  exempted  from  all 
sordid  offices  (t.  xvL  1.  1).  A  special  title  (ix.)  is 
devoted  to  iron-workers  (fabricenses),  who  were 
to  be  marked  in  the  arm,  and  who  formed  also 
an  hereditary  caste,  mutually  responsible  for  the 
offences  of  every  member  (1.  5),  and  forbidden  to 
engage  in  agriculture  or  any  other  occupation 
CI*  7).  Yet  being  exempted  from  all  civil  and  curial 
obligations  (1.6),  and  from  giviug  quarters  to 
troops  (bk.  xii.  t.  Ixi.  1. 4),  their  condition  (which 
is  termed  a  mUitid)  seems  to  have  been  a  coveted 
one,  since  the  admission  to  it  is  regulated  with, 
especial  care  (bk.  xi.  t.  ix.  1.  4).  It  was  to  be 
by  deed,  before  the  moderator  of  the  province  or 
other  high  officer.  The  candidate  had  to  show 
that  he  was  neither  the  son  nor  grandson  of 
a  curial,  that  he  owed  no  dues  to  the  city, 
and  had  no  obligations  towards  a  citizen.  The 
manufhcture  of  arm)  was  also  by  the  85th  novel 


OOMMEBCE 


409 


limited  to  the  official  ^*  armifaetores,"  or  "  to 
those  who  are  called  fabricienaii'*  (quaere, /a&rt- 
censes). 

Whole  branches  of  trade,  as  we  now  under- 
stand the  term,  did  not  exist.  Instead  of  a  trade 
in  com,  the  transport  of  com  to  the  capitals 
was  a  service  attached  to  land  (munus  rei  navi' 
Gulariae),  Thus  when  Augustine  was  offered  the 
estate  of  one  Bonifacius,  he  declined  it,  because 
he  would  not  have  the  Church  of  Christ  a  *'  na- 
vicularia,"  and  so  incur  the  risk,  in  the  event  of 
a  ship  being  lost,  of  having  to  consent  to  the 
torture  of  the  men  on  board,  as  part  of  the  in- 
vestigation (Aug.  Serm,  355). 

In  the  interior  of  the  empire,  trade  was  not 
only  restricted  by  monopolies  which  under  Jus- 
tinian were  carried  to  a  cruel  height  (see  Gibbon, 
c.  xl.),  and  of  which  Dean  Milman  observes  that 
the  state  monopoly  "even  of  com,  wine,  and 
oil  was  in  force  at  the  time  of  the  first  cru- 
sade," but  by  the  reservation  of  various  article 
for  imperial  use.  Thus  the  wearing  of  gold  and 
silver  tissue  or  embroidery  was  forbidden  to  pri- 
vate persons,  nor  could  such  tissue  or  embroidery 
be  woven  or  worked  except  in  the  imperial 
gynecaea  (bk.  xl.  t.  viii.  U.  1,  2,  4).  The  use  of 
the  dye  of  the  *'  holy  murex,"  or  any  imitation 
of  itspurple,  was  equally  forbidden  (/&.  11.  3,  4, 
5).  Tue  employment  of  gems  (among  which 
pearls,  emeralds,  and  jacinths  were  forbidden  to 
be  used  in  horse-trappings)  was  also  regulated, 
as  savouring  of  the  imperial  dignity  (76.  t.  xi.). 
The  85th  novel  forbad  even  all  sale  of  arms  to 
private  persons. 

Buying  and  selling  seems  to  have  been  in  great 
measure  carried  on  at  fairs  and  in  markets,  the 
holding  of  which  was  by  imperial  grant  forfeit- 
able by  ten  years'  non-user  (/%.  bk.  1. 1.  xi.  Dv 
NundiniSf  1.  1),  and  the  dealing  at  which  was 
invested  with  certain  privileges  (Cbdtf,  bk.  iv. 
t.  Ix.).  Fairs,  it  may  be  observed,  were  often 
held  on  saints'  days,  though  St.  Basil  in  his 
Liber  RegtUarum  condemns  the  practice;  thus 
there  was  a  fair  in  Lucania  on  the  birth-day  of 
St.  Cyprian,  a  30-davs'  fair  free  of  toll  in  Edessa 
at  the  feast  of  St.  Thomas  the  Apostle,  &c.  (Mu- 
ratori,  AntiqwtoAee  Medii  Aevi,  vol.  ii.  Diss.  30). 

Notwithstanding  the  low  estimation  in  which 
trade  was  held,  it  seems  clear  that  until  Justi- 
nian's time  at  least  it  was  not  held  civilly  in- 
compatible with  the  clerical  office.  The  I*hilo- 
eophwnena  of  Hippolytus  (beginning  of  the  8rd 
century)  show  us  the  future  pope  Callistus  set 
up  by  Carpophorus  as  a  banker,  holding  his  bank 
in  the  **  Piscina  Publica,"  and  receiving  deposits 
from  widows  and  brethren  (ix.  12).  A  law  of 
Constantino  and  Julian  indeed,  A.D.  357  (Cocfe, 
bk.  i.  t.  ii.  1.  2,  which  exempted  the  clergy  from 
**  prestations  "  levied  from  merchants),  sought  to 
compel  trader-clerics  (amongst  others)  to  devote 
their  gains  to  charitable  uses :  "  If  by  saving,  or 
forethought,  or  honourable  trading  they  have 
got  money  together,  it  should  be  ministered  for 
the  use  of  the  poor  and  needy."  The  next  pas- 
sage indicates  a  custom  still  more  strange  to  us 
— that  of  workshops  and  even  taverns  being  kept 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Church  :  <'  Or  that  which 
may  have  been  acquired  and  collected  from  their 
workshops  or  taverns,  let  them  deem  it  when 
collected  the  gain  of  religion :"  and  the  privileges 
of  the  clergy  are  mostly  extended  to  their  men 
who  are  occupied  in  trade  (76.)    Axother  law  ot 


410 


COMMEBCE 


GOICMEBOE 


ihe  same  emperor,  a.d.  361,  which  however  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  retained  in  his  Code  by 
Jastinian  {Cod.  Theod.  bk.  zvi.  t.  ii.  I.  15),  ex- 
empted clerics  from  **  sordid  offices  "  as  well  as 
from  the  imposition  of  the  collatiOy  "  if  by  very 
small  trade  they  acquire  to  themselves  poor  food 
and  clothing  ;'*  but  others,  whoee  names  are  on 
the  register  of  merchants,  at  the  time  when 
the  coHatio  takes  place,  **  must  acknowledge  the 
duties  and  payments  of  merchants."  We  see 
thus  that  trader-clerics  were  of  all  degrees,  from 
the  humblest  traffickers  to  considerable  mer- 
chants. 

The  43rd  Novel  '*De  officinls  sive  tabemls 
Constantinopolitanae  urbis,"  &c.,  and  the  59th, 
**  De  debiti  impensi  in  exequiis  defunctorum,''  in- 
dicate to  us  the  extent  of  the  trade  which  was 
carried  on  in  the  Eastern  capital  on  behalf  of  the 
Church,  and  the  singular  character  of  a  portion 
of  it.  In  consideration  of  the  cathedral  church 
undertaking  what  in  modern  French  parlance 
would  be  termed  the  "  Pompes  Fun^bres  "  of  the 
city,  Constantine  granted  to  it  980  ergasteria  or 
workshops,  of  the  various  trades  ("ex  diversis 
corporibus")  of  the  city,  to  be  held  free  of  all  tax ; 
Anastasius  added  150  more  (Preface  to  Nov.  59). 
The  total  number  of  these  cathedral  ergastet-ia  or 
officinae,  as  the  43rd  novel  terms  them,  seems 
from  the  preface  to  ihe  latter  to  have  practically 
sunk  to  1100  (perhaps  by  failure  of  trade,  see 
nov.  59,  c.  ii.,  which  says  that  even  of  the 
reduced  number  "  plurima  ceciderunt"),  at  which 
figure  it  is  fixed  by  both  novels,  the  earlier  one 
being  grounded  on  the  complamts  of  the  colle- 
giati — say  the  guilds  of  the  city — that  the  number 
of  tax-free  establishments  was  ruining  them.  But 
all  other  officinae  of  the  14  wards  ("  regiones  **) 
of  the  city,  whether  belonging  to  any  church, 
hospital,  monastery,  orphan-home,  poor-house,  or 
to  any  other  person,  were  required  to  bear  ail 
public  impositions.  And  in  speaking  of  these 
officinae  the  word  tavern  occurs,  not  only  as 
above-shown  in  the  title,  but  in  the  body  of 
the  law  (c.  i.  §  3).  Strange  therefore  as  may 
seem  to  us  the  idea  of  a  church  or  cathedral 
bakery  or  pothouse,  it  is  clear  that  in  the  6th 
century  a  very  considerable  amount  of  trade, 
including  the  liquor-traffic,  was  carried  on  on 
behalf  of  the  Church  and  its  charitable  establish- 
ments in  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  empire. 

If  we  turn  from  the  Roman  to  the  barbarian 
world,  the  barbarian  codes  till  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  scarcely  contain  an  allusion  to 
trade,  except,  perhaps,  in  reference  to  loans, 
pledges,  or  debts — see  for  instance  the  Wisi- 
gothic  laws,  bk.  v.  tt.  5,  6.  Under  the  rule  of  the 
Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  the  Formulary  of  Cassio- 
dorus  indicates  that  the  armourers  were  still 
considered  as  a  militia  ("militibus  te  et  fabris 
armorum  ....  praefecimus,"  pt.  ii.  c.  18,  *'de 
armorum  factoribus ").  Under  the  Lombards, 
a  law  of  Notharis  (A.D.  638  or  643)  refers  to  the 
building  trade  in  dealing  with  accidents  among 
masons,  and  uses  a  term  (mngistri  Comacini) 
which  shows  that  this  class  of  workmen  were 
then  drawn  mainly  from  the  same  locality  (the 
neighbourhood  of  Como).  which  mainly  furnishes 
them  still  to  Northern  Italy  (c  144,  and  foil. ;  and 
see  c.  152,  as  to  accidents  among  other  workmen). 
Somewhat  later  again,  the  growth  of  trade  and 
industry  under  the  Lombards  is  indicated  by  a 
singular  law  of  Luitprand  (bk.  iii.  c.  4,  a.d.  717), 


enacting  that  if  any  man  leave  his  wife  fi>r 
trade  or  for  the  exercise  of  an  art,  and  do  not 
return  after  three  years,  his  wife  may  apply  to 
the  king  for  leave  to  re-marry.  Foreign  trade  u 
referred  to  by  the  Wisigothic  code  (bk.  xL  t.  3) 
in  a  law  *'on  traders  from  beyond  the  sea,'* 
which  enacts  that  if  such  traders  have  a  matter 
between  themselves,  none  of  the  king's  household 
shall  presume  to  hear  them,  but  let  them  be 
heard  according  to  their  own  laws  only  by  their 
toll-takers  ("  apud  telonarios  suos  "). 

The  legislation  of  the  Church  bears  much  more 
on  commercial  matters  than  that  of  the  bar- 
barian kingdoms,  and  we  have  now  to  consider 
its  history. 

One  form  of  trade,  it  may  be  observed,  was 
always  forbidden  by  the  church,  that  of  earning 
a  livelihood  by  usury.  [See  UsuEY.]  In  other 
respects  it  was  long  before  trade  was  deemed  hy 
the  Church  itself  incompatible  with  clerical 
functions ;  though  the  fathers  might  inveigh 
against  it  as  a  form  of  worldline^;  as  when 
Cyprian  in  his  work  De  LapsiSy  written  about 
A.D.  251,  speaks  of  those  who  ^  watch  like  fowlers 
for  gainful  markets."  (Comp.  Up,  15.)  The 
growth  of  some  general  feeling  on  the  subject 
is,  however,  to  be  traced  in  the  18th  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Eliberis,  a.d.  305,  by  which 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  are  forbidden  to 
depart  from  their  places  for  the  sake  of  trade,  or 
to  go  round  the  provinces  seeking  lucrative 
markets.  To  obtain  their  livelihood  they  may 
indeed  send  a  son,  a  freedman,  an  agent  (met-cu- 
rarium)y  a  friend,  or  anyone  else ;  and  if  they 
wish  to  trade,  let  them  trade  within  the  pro- 
vince— the  main  object  of  the  canon  being  clearly 
to  preserve  to  their  flocks  the  benefits  of  their 
ministrations,  not  to  put  dishonour  on  trading 
itself. 

A  collection  of  decrees  of  very  doubtful  au- 
thority, attributed  to  the  Nicene  Council,  which 
will  be  found  in  Labbe  and  Mansi's  Councils,  vol. 
ii.  p.  1029,  and  foil,  under  the  title  :  "  Sanctionea 
et  decreta  alia  ex  quatuor  regularimi  ad  Con- 
stantinum  libris  decerpta,"  contains  amongst 
its  "statutes  for  priests"  (c.  14)  a  provision 
that  the  priest  shall  not  be  a  barber,  a  surgeon, 
or  a  worker  in  iron  (ferramentarius),  the  two 
former  prohibitions  turning  probably  on  blood- 
letting in  its  most  literal  form,  the  latter  on  the 
providing  instruments  for  bloodshed.  The  4th 
Council  of  Carthage,  397,  forbids  clerics  to  go  to 
markets,  except  to  buy,  under  pain  of  degra- 
dation (c.  48),  but  at  the  same  time  enacts  that 
"  a  cleric,  however  learned  in  the  word  of  God, 
shall  seek  his  livelihood  by  means  of  a  handi- 
craft, artificio**  (c.  51^  that  "a  cleric  shall 
provide  for  himself  food  and  clothing  by  a 
handicraft  or  by  agriculture,  without  detri- 
ment to  his  office  "  (c.  52),  and  that  "  all  clerics 
who  have  strength  to  work  should  learn  both 
handicrafts  (artificiola)  and  letters  *'  (c  53) ; 
provisions  all  nearly  equivalent  and  which  con- 
firm the  opinion  that  the  canons  of  this  and 
other  Carthaginian  Councils  represent  rather 
the  whole  collection  of  rules  by  which  the 
African  church  was  governed  at  their  respective 
dates  than  specific  enactments  of  those  dates. 
They  appear,  indeed,  to  indicate  that,  at  all 
events  In  this  quarter  of  the  church,  a  distinc- 
tion was  being  taken  between  trade  and  handi- 
crafts, and  that  the  exercise  of  the  former  bv 


COMMERCE 

cleria  was  restrained,  whilst  the   latter  was 
rajoined. 

By  the  time  of  the  Cotmcil  of  Chalcedon  (a.d. 
451)  the  line  between  ** secular"  and  ''reli- 
gions* employments  appears  to  hare  hecome 
much  more  sharply  marked.  The  Srd  canon 
speaks  of  clerics  who  for  filthy  lucre  carry  on 
secular  business,  and  forbids  them  to  do  so, — a 
prohibition  which  would  seem  to  include  every 
shape  of  trade,  but  which  cannot  have  been  so 
considered,  since  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  is 
expressly  named  as  one  of  the  four  to  whose 
canons  n>rce  of  law  is  given  by  Justinian's  Code, 
JLD.  533  (bk.  i.  1.  i.  c.  7,  §  4),  which  yet,  as 
has  been  seen  above,  expressly  recognises  both 
clerical  trading  and  trading  on  behalf  of  the 
church. 

In  the  west,  however,  it  seems  dear  that  the 
feeling  against  clerical  trading  became  always 
sinm^er ;  a  letter  (ix.)  of  Pope  Gelasius  I.  (a.d. 
492-6)  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania  speaks  (c.  15) 
of  his  huving  heard  from  Pioenum  that  very 
many  clerics  there  are  occupied  with  dishonour- 
able business  and  filthy  lucre,  and  enjoins  them 
to  abstain  from  unworthy  gain,  and  from  every 
device  or  desire  of  business  of  any  kind,  or  else 
from  the  fulfilment  of  clerical  functions— expres- 
dons  which,  in  the  light  of  altered  feeling  on 
the  subject,  we  may  also  take  to  apply  to  trade 
generally.  The  Council  of  Tarragona  (a.d.  516) 
enacts  that  "  whosoever  will  be  in  the  clergy,  let 
him  not  be  careful  to  buy  too  cheap  or  sell  too 
d6ar,or  let  him  be  removed  from  the  clergy"  (c  2). 
If  a  cleric  lends  a  aolidus  in  time  of  need,  in  order 
to  receive  it  back  in  wine  or  wheat  which  it  is 
intended  to  sell  at  a  fixed  time  for  the  sake  of 
trafiic,  if  the  actual  thing  be  not  needed  by  him, 
let  him  receive  what  he  gave  without  any  in- 
crease (c.  3)— a  prohibition  both  of  trade  and 
of  usury.  The  3nl  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  538, 
in  like  manner,  forbids  clerics  from  the  rank  of 
deacons  upwards  to  carry  on  business  like  public 
traders,  or  to  carry  on  a  forbidden  business  under 
another's  name  (c.  27).  In  spite  of  these  enact- 
ments, we  find  in  the  letters  of  Gregory  the 
Great  (a.d.  590-^03)  mention  made  of  a  ship- 
building bishop  in  Campania  (see  Labb^  and 
Mansi's  CouncUs^  vol.  x.  p.  559). 

That  the  enactments  of  the  African  Councils  no 
longer  satisfied  the  temper  even  of  the  English 
church  may  be  judged  from  the  Excerpta  of 
Ecgbert,  archbishop  of  Tork  (latter  half  of  8th 
century),  the  3rd  book  of  which  (2nd  series) 
contains  a  prohibition  to  priests  and  deacons  to 
be  occupied  ''in  any  worldly  afiairs,"  except 
those  for  which  they  are  assigned  {intUuhtiy  c  8). 
A  canon  of  the  Council  of  Calchyth  (that  is,  Chel- 
seaX  ^'^'  787,  in  favour  of  honesty  in  weights 
and  measures,  may  also  be  quoted  (c  17). 

The  capitularies  of  Charlemagne  (mostly,  if 
not  always,  invested  with  the  sanction  of  the 
church),  deal  repeatedly  with  the  subject  of 
trade.  The  ecclesiastical  capitulary  of  789 
enacts  that  measures  and  weights  be  equal  and 
just,  "  whether  in  cities  or  whether  in  monas- 
teries, whether  for  giving  or  whether  for  re- 
ceiving "  (c.  73,  and  see  the  "  Capitula  minora  " 
added  to  the  Salic  law,  a.d.  803,  c  vlii. ;  Canon 
15  of  the  6th  Council  of  Aries ;  and  c.  45  of  the 
Srd  Council  of  Tours,  same  year).  The  Frankfort 
Oipitulary  of  794  is  one  of  several  which  attempt 
to  fix  the  prices  of  victuals  (c.  4 ;  Capitulary  of 


COMMERCE 


411 


Noyon,  a.d.  808,  c.  5).  The  pitch  of  actual  cruelty 
is  reached  in  the  "  Capitula  de  Judaeis,"  where 
every  Jew  is  forbidden  to  have  money  in  his 
house,  to  sell  wine,  victuals,  or  any  other  thing, 
under  pain  of  confiscation  of  all  his  goods  and 
imprisonment  till  he  come  into  the  imperial 
presence  (c  3).  The  utter  absence  of  all  notion 
of  a  possible  right  to  freedom  in  trading  is  well 
expressed  in  one  of  the  Capitula  published  by 
the  imperial  misst,  a.d.  803 :  "  That  no  man 
presume  to  sell  or  buy  or  measure  otherwise 
than  as  the  lord  emperor  has  commanded  "  (c. 
10). 

Markets  are  not  to  be  held  on  the  Lord's  Day 
(Excerpta  from  the  Canons,  added  to  the  Ca- 
pitulary of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  A.D.  813,  c.  15; 
and  see  General  CoUedion^  bk.  i.  c  139;  6th 
Council  of  Aries,  A.D.  813,  c.  16 ;  3rd  Council  of 
Tours,  A.D.  813,  c  40),  except  where  they  have 
been  held  of  old  and  lawfully  (Capitulaij  of 
Aix-la-^hapelle  of  809,  c.  9);  a  Lombard  Capi- 
tulary of  779  seems  however  to  enact  generally 
that  "markets  are  nowhere  to  be  held  except 
where  they  have  been  held  of  old  lawfully*' 
(c  52,  taking  no  notice  of  the  Sunday).  Ford- 
stalling  for  cjvctousoess'  sake  is  forbidden 
(Capitulary  of  Aix-ia-Chapelle  of  809,  c.  Vi\ 
The  Council  of  Friuli,  a.d.  791,  even  tbrbud 
generally  the  carrying  on  of  secular  business  to 
an  immoderate  extent. 

Presbyters  were  by  one  capitulary  forbidden 
to  trade,  or  gather  riches  in  anywise  by  filthy 
lucre  (Capitula  presbyterorum,  A.D.  806).  On 
the  other  hand  the  Council  of  Mayence,  a.d.  813, 
more  guardedly  forbids  clerics  and  monks  to  have 
unjust  weights  or  measures,  or  to  carry  on  an 
unjust  trade ;  "  nevertheless  a  just  trade  is  not 
to  be  forbidden,  on  account  of  divers  necessities  ■ 
for  we  read  that  the  holy  apostles  traded  "  (ne- 
gotiates esse), —  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  being 
referred  to  as  a  further  authority  (c  14,  see  Ad^ 
cUtio  4ia,  c  46).  Trade  was,  however,  forbidden 
to  penitents,  '*  because  it  is  difficult  that  between 
the  dealing  of  seller  and  buyer  sin  should  not 
intervene"  (^General  CollectUm^  bk.  vii.  c.  62; 
perhaps  of  later  date). 

The  exact  meaning  of  some  of  the  later  texts 
above  referred  to  is  rendered  somewhat  doubtful 
through  the  gradual  narrowing  of  the  term 
negotium  and  its  derivatives,  from  the  sense  of 
business  in  its  widest  meaning  to  the  specific  one 
of  trade,  as  in  its  modem  French  oflspring  le  n^gocej 
n^godant.  They  sufficiently  show,  however,  that 
whilst  the  avocations  of  the  early  apostles  were 
still  remembered,  and  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict 
had  raised  the  dignity  of  labour  itself,  the 
growing  Judaistic  distinction  between  "  secular  *' 
and  "  religious  "  acts  and  matters,  so  foreign  to 
the  spirit  of  a  faith  which  is  founded  on  the 
abrogation  of  all  distinctions  except  those 
between  good  and  evil,  light  and  darkness,  life 
and  death,  in  which  the  recognition  that  in 
meats  "  there  is  nothing  unclean  of  itself,"  but 
"  all  things  indeed  are  pure  "  (Rom.  xiv.  14,  20), 
that  '*  every  creature  of  God  is  good,  and  nothing 
to  be  refused,  if  it  be  received  with  thanks- 
giving "  (1  Tim.  iv.  4),  was  only  the  type  of  the 
breaking  down  of  "  the  middle  wall  of  partition  " 
between  Jews  and  Gentiles  (Eph.  ii.  14 ;  Acts  x. 
10-15,  28),  had  by  the  9th  century  begun  to 
render  the  very  idea  of  trade  incompatible  with 
the  clerical  calling,  not  so  much  as  in  early 


412 


OOMMINATION 


times,  by  reason  of  its  distracting  the  minister 
from  his  sacred  fonctions,  as  on  account  of  a 
supposed  inherent  dishonoar  attached  to  it. 
That  the  distinction  is  in  itself  a  result  of  the 
oecularizing  of  the  church  may  be  inferred  from 
a  comparison  with  civil  legislation.  The  ultra- 
refined  officialism  of  the  later  Roman  empire, 
which  made  the  sovereign  the  only  source  of 
honour,  and  excluded  the  independent  trader  (one 
specially  rich  class  excepted),  even  from  the 
merely  civil  mUiiia,  let  alone  the  military 
service  itself,  on  the  one  hand — ^the  rude  savagery 
of  the  barbarian  on  the  other,  which  looked  upon 
war  and  warlike  sports  as  the  only  employments 
worthy  of  a  man,  and  almost  utterly  ignored  in 
legislation  the  very  existence  of  the  trader — 
must  both,  whatever  phenomena  to  the  con- 
trary may  present  themselves  in  Justinian's 
Code,  have  reacted  profoundly  upon  the  spirit 
of  the  church.  The  service  of  God,  which  soon 
claimed  the  title  of  a  militia^  must  have  the 
exclusiveness  of  one,  whether  the  term  were 
used  in  the  Roman  official  sense  or  in  the 
warlike  barbarian  one;  whatever  was  incom- 
patible with  the  dignity  of  the  functionary  of 
an  earthly  sovereign,  of  the  soldier  of  an  earthly 
chief,  must  be  incompatible  also  with  that  of  a 
minister  of  God,  a  soldier  in  His  host.  At  the 
same  time,  the  influence  of  this  distinction  had 
not  gone  so  far  as  to  exclude  the  whole  realm 
of  trade  from  church  solicitude,  and  it  is  remark- 
able to  observe  in  the  canons  of  French  Councils 
of  the  beginning  o£  the  9th  century  similar 
enactments  against  dishonesty  in  trade  to  those 
of  t^e  Pentateuch.  [See  Debtor,  Covetodb- 
NE8S,  Usury.]  [J.  M.  JL] 


GOMMIKATION.  The  **  denunciation  of 
God*s  anger  and  judgments  against  sinners" 
used  in  the  Anglican  church  on  Ash- Wednesday. 

The  ejection  of  penitents  from  the  church  on 
the  first  day  of  Lent,  with  prayer  that  they  may 
bring  forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance,  seems  to 
be  a  practice  of  considerable  antiquity  (Martene, 
De  Hit  JScd,  Ant,  lib.  iv.  c.  17),  although  the 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Agde  which  is  sometimes 
cited  in  proof  of  it  rests  on  no  earlier  authority 
than  that  of  Gratian  (Bingham,  Antig.  bk.  zviii. 
c.  2,  §  2).  But  the  particular  practice  of  the 
English  church,  of  reciting  "  God's  cursing 
against  impenitent  sinners  "  on  Ash- Wednesday 
seems  to  be  a  continuation  of  the  use  of  the 
**  articles  of  the  sentence  of  cursing "  which 
were  read  in  parish  churches  three  or  four  times 
a  year  in  the  Middle  Ages.  (Wheatley,  On  the 
Common  Prayer,  p.  605,  ed.  Corrie.)  [See  Peni- 
tence.] [C] 

G0MMX7NIGALES.  A  term  used  to  desig- 
nate the  vessels  used  in  Holy  Communion,  which 
on  certain  days  were  carried  in  procession  at 
Rome.  The  LAer  Ponttficalta  (p.  122,  ed.  Mnra- 
tori)  tells  us  that  Leo  UL  (fSlB)  made  commu- 
nion-vessels (communicales)  in  the  several  regions 
of  Rome,  which  were  to  be  carried  in  procession 
by  acolytes  on  stationary  days;  these  were 
twenty-four  in  number.  [C] 

COMMUNICATIVE  LIFR      [MoNAarn- 

CISM.] 

COMMUNIO.  (1)  An  anthem  in  the  Roman 
and  cognate  misiials,  said  by  the  celebrant  after 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

he  has  taken  the  ablutions.  It  is  so  called,  be- 
cause it  was  originally  appointed  to  be  sung 
during  the  communion  of  the  people,  and  waa 
sung  antiphonally  after  eadi  verse  of  a  psalm^ 
which  was  continued  till  the  priest  gave  the 
signal  for  the  Oloria,  when  the  communion  ot 
the  people  was  ended  {Ordo  Bom,  iii.  18).  **  De- 
bent  omnes  communicare  interim  cum  AjitiphooA 
cantatur,  quae  de  Commnnione  nomen  mntuavit, 
cui  et  Psalmus  snbjungendus  est  cum  Gloria 
Patri,  si  necesse  fuerit "  {Mioroi,  de  Eccl,  Oheerv. 
cap.  18).  Afterwards  the  Communio  was  looked 
upon  more  as  an  act  of  thanksgiving,  to  be  said 
after  the  communion.  It  varies  with  the  day. 
That  for  the  Missa  in  nocte  Nat.  Dom.  is :  "In 
splendoribus  sanctorum  ex  utero  ante  ludferum 
genui  te." 

(3)  An  anthem  in  the  Mozarabic  missal  sung 
by  the  cAotr  after  the  communion  has  taken 
place.  There  are  only  two  forms :  one  nsed  in 
Lent,  the  other  during  the  rest  of  the  year. 
This  latter  is :  '*  Refecti  corpore  et  sanguine  t« 
Laudamus  Domine.  All :  All :  All : "    [H.  J.  H.] 

COMMUNION,  HOLY.  The  present  article 
does  not  treat  of  the  whole  of  what  in  England 
is  generally  called  the  Communiion  Office  or  Ser^ 
vice  [see  LrruROY],  Imt  of  that  portion  of  it 
which  immediately  relates  to  the  distribution 
and  reception  of  the  consecrated  elements  in  the 
Eucharist. 

Names. — Koiywrto,  rSv  fAwrr7ipi«»¥  Koumtfia 
(Chrysostom) ;  /ivtrHiptor  erw^tws  or  coiri*- 
plas,  09apxuiil  ttoofttvia  (Dionysins  Areop.); 
limKif^is  &yia<r/M(r«»y,  c^x^^^^^^t  fUNrrii- 
pi«tv\  ieyia  or  ^iMrrxir^  iJuerdKru^iS.  The  verb 
leaamv^iv  is  used  absolutely  to  describe  partici- 
pation of  the  Eucharist  (Basil,  Chrysostom), 
and  also  with  a  substantive  descriptive  of 
the  sacred  feast,  as  /utNrriicqf  Koiv«ycijr  9wrias 
(Philostorgius).  So  fi€r4xfu^  €vxcipt<rrlas  (Cone. 
Nic  I.  c.  13);  and  /ivraXufiMiftiy,  absolutely 
(Theophylact),  or  with  a  substantive,  as  &XP^~ 
rov  difueros  /AcraAo^civ  (Philostorg.),  rov  Actf- 
woTiKov  adfunos  ikoI  tS[fiaros  luraXs^ifiAp^tM 
(Theodoret). 

CommumiOy  communioatio ;  they  who  partake 
of  the  consecrated  elements  are  said  cormmiitv- 
care,  absolutely  («.^.  IV.  Cone.  Tolet.  c  18)l 
The  leading  notion  implied  in  the  use  of  these 
words  is  expressed  by  Isidore  of  Pelusium  {Ep, 
228)  thus :  ^  quia  nobis  conjunctionem  cum  Deo 
conciliat,  nosque  regni  ipsius  consortes  ac  perti- 
cipes  reddit;"  by  Papias  (in  Ducange,  s.  ▼ 
Communio),  thus :  '*  Communio  dicitur  spirituaiis 
esca,  quia  in  commune  ad  viviiicandas  animas  a 
cunctis  percipitur  dignis."  Other  terms  are 
perceptio  Corporis  et  Sangvinia,  participation 
The  word  accipere  is  used  to  designate  the  act 
of  taking  the  bread  or  the  chalice  into  the 
hands ;  sumere  or  consumere,  the  act  of  eating  or 
drinking  the  particle  or  the  wine. 

The  word  communicare  is  also  used  actively,  to 
denote  the  act  of  presenting  the  consecrated 
Bread ;  the  deacons  following  with  the  cup  are 
said  oonfirmare  Sangtdne  DonUnico,  or  confirmare 
simply :  '*  Episcopi  communicant  popnlnm ;  post 
eos  diaconi  confirmant;"  ^subdiaconus  regio* 
narius  .  .  .  confirmat  populum"  (Ordlo  Rom,  I. 
c.  20).  The  word  is  used  no  doubt  to  signify 
the  completing  or  perfecting  of  the  act  of  om- 
munion  (^Micrologut,  c  19). 


OOUMUKION,  HOLT 

General  Aooouitt  of  Holt  CoimuKioir. 

The  earliest  extant  description  of  Holy  Com- 
mimion  is  the  well-known  passage  of  Justin 
Martyr  {Apoi.  I.  c.  65),  already  quoted  under 
Camon  ^  267).  No  description  is  here  given  of 
posture  or  gesture,  whether  of  ministrants  or 
recipients,  or  of  any  words  aooompanjring  admi- 
nistration; Justin  telU  us  only  that  after  the 
cvx<VM<rr(cu  ^  those  whom  we  call  deacons  give 
to  each  of  those  present  to  partake  of  the  bread 
and  of  the  wine  and  water  over  which  thanks 
Kave  been  given*  (rod  9hxnpiffni04yTos  ikprov 
icol  ofWov  Kol  frSorof),  and  carry  away  to  those 
who  are  not  present."  He  repeats  substan- 
tially the  same  account  in  c.  67,  using  the  words 
ZidZoais  and  nrrdxigf^is  for  distribution  and 
reception. 

From  Tertullian  we  learn  that  in  the  African 
Church  of  the  2nd  century  the  Eucharist  was 
administered  to  a//  who  were  present;  for  he 
recommends  {I)e  Oratione^  c  14)  those  who 
hesitated  to  be  present  at  the  celebration  on 
stationary  days  [Statio]  for  fear  of  breaking 
their  tast,  to  be  present  indeed,  but  to  reserve 
the  portion  which  they  received.  This  applies 
to  the  Bread  only;  it  was  consecrated  bread, 
which  some  were  in  the  habit  of  putting  to 
their  lips  before  an  ordinary  meal  {Ad  (Ixorem, 
ii.  5).  The  Eucharist  was  received,  not  at  the 
usual  meal-time,  as  the  Lord's  command  seemed 
to  require  (et  in  tempore  victus  et  omnibus 
mandatum  a  Domino),  but  in  assemblies  before 
dawn  and  from  no  other  hands  than  those  of  the 
presidents  (praesideutium) ;  it  was  given  into 
the  hands;  for  Tertullian  laments  the  impiety 
of  those  idol-makers  who — ^whether  as  clerics  or 
laics— touched  the  Lord's  Body  with  hands  so 
contaminated  {De  Idd  c.  7);  and  Christians 
felt  an  anxious  dread  lest  anv  portion  of  the 
bread  or  the  wine  should  fall  to  the  ground 
{De  Corona,  c.  3^  for  the  Holy  Communion 
was  administered,  ordinarily  at  least,  under 
both  kinds.  Tertullian  has  also  a  probable 
allusion  to  the  Amen  of  the  recipient  in  response 
to  the  words  of  administration  (Z)e  Spectac. 
c25); 

From  Cyprian  we  learn  (besides  much  as  to 
the  worthiness  of  communicants)  that  the  deacon 
presented  the  cup  after  consecration  to  those  who 
were  present,  probably  in  a  certain  order  (De 
iMpeie,  c  25);  the  bread  was  received  into  the 
right  hand  (Ep.  .58,  c.  9,  Hartel),  and  was  not 
unfrequently  carried  home  in  a  casket  (De  Lapsia^ 
c  26).    Compare  Arca. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  i.  c.  1,  p.  318 
PotterX  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  men  trying 
and  examining  themselves,  illustrates  his  posi- 
tion by  a  reference  to  the  Eucharist,  '*  in  distri- 
buting which  according  to  custom  some  permit 
each  several  person  in  the  congregation  to  take 
his  portion."  There  is  no  reason  for  supposing 
(Probst,  Lit.  der  Drei  Ersien  Jahrhdte.)  that 
thene  riifts  were  schismatics ;  and  the  passage 
seems  to  imply  that  there  were  churches  where 
the  ministers,  in  distnbuting  the  elements,  per- 
mitted all  who  were  present  to  partake  if  they 


•  This  is  the  translation  usually  given  of  cvxap«m|- 
BhrT09  (see  A  {log's  PatroJoffie,  p.  TH:  bot  it  may  per- 
haps be  liitrrpreted  **  the  bread  prciented  os  a  thsnk- 
;.*'    (See  Kitcmaruit.) 


COMMUNION,  HOLY       413 

would ;  and  other  churches  where  they  judged 
who  among  the  congregation  were  or  were  nut 
worthy. 

The  directions  of  the  second  book  of  the  Apo- 
atolical  Constitutiona  are  as  follows  (c.  57,  §  14-): 
**  After  the  sacrifice  has  been  made,  let  each 
rank  (rd^ti)  severally  partake  of  the  Lord's 
Body  and  of  the  precious  Blood,  approaching  in 
rank  with  reverence  and  godly  fear  as  to  the 
body  of  a  king ;  and  let  the  women  draw  near 
with  veiled  heads,  as  beBts  the  rank  of  women. 
And  let  the  doors  be  watched,  lest  any  unbe- 
lieving or  uninitiated  person  enter."  By 
"ranks"  we  are  no  doubt  to  understand  the 
several  ordei*s  of  the  clergy  and  ascetics,  ac- 
cording to  dignity,  then  laymen,  then  women. 

The  testimony  of  Origen  (in  Exodum,  Hom.  xi. 
c  7,  p.  172 ;  xiii.  3,  176)  shews  that,  after  the 
seimon  the  people  drew  nigh  to  the  marriage- 
supper  of  the  Lamb ;  that  not  the  priest  alone, 
but  the  faithful  also  who  were  present,  re- 
ceived the  Sacrament ;  and  that  they  were  care- 
ful that  no  pai'tlcle  of  the  consecrated  elements 
should  fall  to  the  ground,  receiving  the  Bread 
no  doubt  into  their  hands.  His  comment  on 
Psalm  xxxiii.  [xxxiv.]  9,  perhaps  alludes  to  the 
use  of  TtifeaffB^  iral  Y8erc  as  an  antiphon  during 
communion. 

Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria  from  248- 
266  (in  Euseb.  H.  E.  vii.  9),  mentions  the  prin- 
cipal ceremonies  of  communion,  when  he  speaks 
of  one  who  had  long  attended  the  Eucharistic 
Service,  joined  in  responding  Amen,  stood  by  the 
Table,  stretched  forth  his  hand  to  receive  the 
Holy  Food  and  received  it,  had  pai-taken  of 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord  Jesas  Christ. 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem  describes  the  manner  of 
receiving  in  his  time  (c.  A.D.  350)  and  country, 
thus  (Catech.  Myetag,  v.  20-22) : 

After  the  Sakota  Sanctis,  ''ye  hear  the 
voice  of  the  chanter  (roG  y^ixXovroi)  with  divine 
melody  inviting  you  to  partake  of  the  holy 
mysteries,  and  saying,  '0  taste  and  see  how 
gi-acious  the  Lord  is.'  Permit  not  the  bodily 
palate  -  no,  but  faith  unfeigned,  to  judge  of 
these  things ;  for  they  who  taste  are  bidden  to 
taste  not  of  bi'ead  and  wine,  but  of  the  copy 
(kvririnrov)  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ. 
When  you  approach,  then,  draif  near  not  with 
the  wnsts  straight  out  nor  with  the  fingers 
spread,  but  making  the  left  hand  a  throne  for 
the  right,  as  for  that  which  is  to  receive  a  king ; 
and  hollowing  the  pnlm,  receive  the  Body  of 
Christ,  saying  after  reception  the  Amen,  Then 
after  carefully  hallowing  thine  eyes  by  the 
touch  of  the  Holy  Body,  partake  of  it  (McroXci/A- 
jSo^f),  giving  heed  lest  any  portion  of  it  f^U 
aside  and  be  lost ;  for  whatsoever  thou  hast  lost, 
by  so  much  hast  thou  8uffci*ed  damage  of  thine 
own  members  .  .  .  Then,  after  communicating 
(Koivonntvai)  of  the  Body,  draw  near  also  to  the 
Cup  (iroTJipitf)  of  the  Blood;  not  stretching 
foi*th  thy  hands,  but  bending,  and  with  an  air 
of  adoi'ation  and  reverence,  s«iying  the  Amen^ 
sanctify  thyself  partaking  also  ot  the  Blood  of 
Christ.  Further,  touching  with  thy  hands  the 
moisture  remaining  on  thy  lips,  sanctify  both 
thine  eyes  and  thy  forehead  and  the  other 
organs  of  tito  senses  (aloihrr^pta).  Then,  while 
awaitiuj;  the  prayer,  give  thanks  unto  God, 
who  hath  thought  thee  worthy  of  so  great 
mysteries." 


414 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 


In  the  later  Apost  Constitutions  (yiu,  14,  §  3), 
after  the  Sancta  Sanctis,  the  directions  proceed : 
"  And  after  this  let  the  bishop  partake,  then  the 
presbyters  and  the  deacons,  and  subdeaoons,  and 
tohe  readers,  and  the  chanters,  and  the  ascetics ; 
and  of  the  women's  side,  the  deaconesses  and  the 
virgins  and  the  widows ;  then  the  children,  then 
all  the  people,  with  reverence  and  godly  fear, 
without  disturbance.  And  let  the  bishop  minis- 
ter the  oblation  (wpotr4>opitVf  %.e.  the  Bread) 
saying,  *  The  Body  of  Christ,'  and  let  him  that 
receiveth  say  Amen ;  and  let  the  deacon  hold  the 
cup,  and  say  as  he  administers,  *The  Blood  of 
Christ,  the  Cup  of  Life,'  and  let  him  that 
drinketh  say  Amen,  And  let  the  33rd  Psalm 
[34th  E.V.]  be  said  while  the  rest  are  partaking 
\4y  r^  iA€ra\afifidy€ty)  I  and  when  all  the  men 
and  women  have  partaken,  let  the  deacons  take 
what  remains  over  and  bear  it  into  the  sacristy 
(r&  wcurT0(f>6pta)."  Then  followed  thanksgiving, 
prayer,  benediction,  and  dismissal. 

In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  the  Sancta  Sanctis 
is  followed  by  Fraction  and  Commixtion ;  then  the 
priest,  after  saying  the  prayer  before  reception, 
administers  to  the  clergy;  the  antiphon  *'0 
taste  and  see "  is  siing ;  when  the  deacons  take 
up  the  patens  and  the  cups  to  administer  to  the 
people,  the  priest  utters  an  ascription  of  glory 
to  God :  special  forms  of  ^  Gloria  "  are  also  given 
to  accompany  the  placing  of  the  sacred  vessels 
on  the  side-table  or  credence  (waparpdweCotf), 
for  taking  them  up  again,  and  for  placing  them 
on  the  Holy  Table  ;  but  no  formula  of  adminis- 
tration is  given  either  in  the  Greek  or  Syriac 
form  of  the  liturgy. 

In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Mark,  aft^r  the  Sancta 
Sanctis  and  Fraction,  the  priest  communicates, 
saying  the  prayer  "  According  to  Thy  mercy," 
or  "  Like  as  the  hart  desireth  the  water-brooks." 
And  when  he  administers  the  Bread  to  the 
clergy,  he  says,  **  The  Holy  Body ; "  on  adminis- 
tering the  cup,  '*  The  precious  Blood  of  our  Lord 
and  God  and  Saviour."  Then  follow  thanks- 
giving, prayer,  and  dismissal.  The  form  for  the 
communion  of  the  people  was  in  all  probability 
the  same  as  that  for  the  clergy. 

In  that  of  St.  Basil,  after  the  Sancta  Sanctis 
stands  the  rubric,  "  Then  the  communion  (jitror 
X^r^ttos)  being  completed,  and  the  Holy  Mys- 
teries lifted  from  the  Holy  Table,  the  priest 
prays ; "  then  follow  thanksgiving,  prayer,  and 
dismissal. 

In  the  much  more  fully  developed  Byzantine 
Lituigy  (St.  Chrysostom's),  the  priest  elevating 
the  Breiul  says  the  Sancta  Sanctis^  to  which  the 
usual  response  is  given,  and  the  choir  chants 
the  communiou-antiphon  of  the  day  or  the  saint. 
Then  follow  Fraction  and  Commixtion,  and  the 
peculiar  rite  of  pouring  a  few  drops  of  boiling 
water  into  the  chalice ;  then  "  the  Priest,  taking 
the  Holy  Bread,  gives  it  to  the  deacon ;  and  the 
deacon,  saluting  the  hand  that  imparts  it  to 
him,  takes  the  Holy  Bread,  saying,  *  Impart 
(juriUios)  to  me,  sir,  the  precious  and  holy 
Body  of  our  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ.'  And  the  Pi'iest  says,  *To  N.,  sacred 
deacon  {hpoHtoKSutfi),  is  imparted  the  precious 
and  holy  and  undefiled  Body  of  our  Lord  and 
God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  for  forgiveness  of 
sins  and  life  eternal.'  And  he  passes  behind 
the  Holy  Table,  bowing  his  head,  and  prays  as 
the  priest  does.      In   like   manner  the    priest. 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

taking  one  particle  of  the  Holy  Breads  says, 
*The  precious  and  all-holy  Body  of  our  Lord 
and  (3od  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  imparted  to 
me,  N.,  priest,  foi  forgiveness  of  sins  and  Hie 
eternal.'  Then,  bowing  his  head  low,  he  prays." 
Then  follow  directions  for  replacing  the  vessells 
on  the  Holy  Table.  Then  the  door  of  the  sanc- 
tuary (fiiifia)y  within  which  the  actions  pre- 
viously described  have  taken  place,  is  opened, 
and  the  deacon  standing  in  the  doorway  elevates 
the  cup.  This  rubric  follows:  "Be  it  known 
that  if  there  are  any  who  desire  to  partake,  th« 
priest  takes  the  Holy  Cup'*  from  the  hands  of 
the  deacon  and  imparts  to  them,  saying :  *  Th« 
servant  of  God  N.  partakes  of  the  precious  and 
holy  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ  for  forgiveness  of  his  sins  and  life 
eternal.' "  Then,  af^er  a  blessing,  the  priest  and 
deacon  return  to  the  Holy  Table,  and  rubrics 
follow  prescribing  the  various  observances  with 
which  the  sacred  vessels  are  carried  to  th« 
sacristy. 

Of  the  Western  rites,  we  will  speak  first  of 
the  Roman. 

After  the  Libera  nos  of  the  Canon  follow  ths 
Kiss  of  Peace  and  the  breaking  or  Fraction 
of  the  Host,  during  which  the  AONUS  Dei  wa& 
said. 

Then,  in  the  ancient  form  of  Papal  Mass,  a 
deacon  (or,  according  to  the  Ordines  V,  and  VI^ 
an  acolyth)  bore  the  paten  to  the  Pope's  seat, 
west  of  the  altar;  the  Pontiff  awaited  his 
coming,  standing  up  with  folded  hands ;  he  bit 
a  portion  from  the  oblate  qp  the  paten,  and 
placed  the  oblate  in  the  chalice  held  by  the 
archdeacon ;  from  this  chalice  he  partook  of 
the  Wine  by  means  of  a  gold  or  silver  pipe 
[Fistula]. 

When  the  Pontiff  has  communicated,  the  arch- 
deacon draws  near  the  horn  of  the  altar  (Ordo 
Rom,  I.  c.  20 ;  //*.  c  14),  and  pours  a  little  of 
the  wine  from  the  chalice  which  had  been  used 
in  consecration  into  the  cup  (scyphum)  held  by 
an  acolyth ;  then  the  bishops  approaich  to  re- 
ceive the  communion  from  the  hands  of  the 
Pontiff;  then  the  presbyters  in  like  manner 
(0.  R.  L  u.  s.) ;  accoi*ding  to  the  Ordo  R,  fl. 
the  presbyters  drew  near  not  to  the  Papal  seat 
but  to  the  altar  to  communicate.  The  Ordo  Vm 
describes  the  manner  of  communicating  with 
more  detail :  "  let  the  presbyters  also  drawing 
near  communicate,  to  whom  the  bishop  gives  the 
Holy  Body  into  their  hands,  and  let  them  go  to 
the  left-hand  horn  ^  of  the  altar  and  kiss  it,  and 
communicate.  In  like  manner  after  them  let 
the  deacons  communicate."  The  Ordo  K/1 
mak^  the  distinction  that  subdeacons  are  to 
receive  the  Body  into  their  mouths,  while  the 
higher  orders  receive  it  into  their  hands. 

After  the  Pontiff  had  ministered  the  Bread, 
the  archdeacon  ministered  the  Wine  to  the 
clergy ;  after  which  he  poured  the  remainder  of 

b  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  cnp  oontains  a 
portion  of  the  consecrated  bread  as  wdl  as  the  wine ;  and 
that  in  nearly  all  the  Eastern  cfaarcfaes  the  sacred  elements 
have  from  ancient  times  been  admlnlsteied  to  the  laitj 
with  a  ^pocn  (Xafiis). 

«  le.  the  north  side.  *•  Right"  and  ••  left"  In  Utorgical 
language  at  present  refer  to  the  right  and  left  hand  of  the 
cracifix  over  the  altar :  but  anciently  they  referred  to  the 
right  and  left  of  a  person  standing  with  his  liaoe  towards 
the  altar.    [Ai.TAR,  p.  6I.J 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

the  wine  from  the  chalice  into  the  cup  (scy- 
phom),  from  which  the  laity  were  to  commu- 
nicate by  means  of  a  tube,  or  pugillaris  [Fibtula]. 
The  wine  in  this  cup  was  regarded  as  completely 
consecrated  by  the  infusion  of  the  consecrated 
Wine  from  the  chalice  (see  Mabillon,  Co/nm, 
Praevius  in  Ordines  RR,  p.  zciii.)<  The  Pope 
delivered  the  bread  to  the  principal  persons  pre- 
sent, the  archdeacon  following  with  the  cup; 
meantime  the  choir  sang  the  antiphon  Ad  Com- 
munionem.  When  the  principal  persons  in  the 
Senatokium  had  communicated,  the  bishops 
ministered  the  bread  to  the  rest  of  the  laity,  and 
the  deacons  the  cup;  or  sometimes,  at  the  bid- 
ding of  the  Pontiff,  presbyters  administered  both 
the  bread  and  the  cup  {Ordo  R,  L  c  20,  and  //. 
0.  14).  As  to  the  form  of  words  accompanying 
administration;  Gregory  the  Great  used  the 
following :  ^  Corpus  Dom.  N.  J.  Christi  con- 
serret  animam  tuam  "  (Joann.  Diac.  Vita  Greg, 
ii.  41>  The  Miaaa  lUyrici  (in  Bona,  De  Reb, 
Lit.  p.  554,  ed.  1672)  gives  the  following.  For 
the  priest  himself  when  he  receives:  ** Corpus 
Domini  Nostri  Jesu  Christi  sit  mihi  remedium 
sempitemum  in  vitam  aetemam,"  and  **  Sanguis 
D.  N.  J.  Christi  custodiat  me  in  vitam  aeter- 
nam."  On  delivering  the  Body  into  the  hands 
of  priest  or  deacons,  the  form  is  **Pax  tecum. 
R.  £t  cum  spiritu  tuo;"'  or  "Yerbnm  caro 
hctxu  est,  et  habitavit  in  nobis :  "  on  delivering 
the  cup,  in  which  a  portion  of  the  consecrated 
bread  is  immersed  [Cx)MinzTiON],  ^  Haec  sacro- 
sancta  commixtio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N. 
J.  G.  prosit  tibi  ad  vitam  aetemam."  For  the 
snbdeacons  and  inferior  orders  the  form  is : 
**Peroeptio  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C. 
sanctificet  corpus  et  animam  tuam  in  vitam 
aet«rnam.  Amen."  For  the  laity :  ^  Corpus  et 
sanguis  D.  N.  J.  C.  prosit  tibi  in  remissionem 
omnium  peccatorum  et  ad  vitam  aetemam." 
About  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  the  follow- 
ing was  a  common  formula :  "  Corpus  D.  N.  J.  C. 
costodiat  te  in  vitam  aetei2.UQ  (K razor,  de 
LiturgiiSj  p.  561).* 

In  the  Gallican  Church,  after  the  benediction 
and  the  communion  of  the  priest,  the  faithful, 
men  and  women  alike,  drew  near  the  altar  and 
received  the  Eucharist  into  their  hands. 

During  the  time  of  communicating,  a  psalm 
or  canticle  was  chanted.  On  this  point  Aurelian, 
bishop  of  Orleans,  gives  the  simple  rule,  "  Psal- 
lendo  omnes  communicant "  {RegiUd),  Germanus 
of  Paris,  his  contemporary,  calls  the  canticle  or 
antiphon  which  was  sung  during  communion 
Trecanum,  and  says  that  it  signiHed  faith  in  the 
Holy  Trinity ;  it  was  probably  either  the  Ghna 
Patri,  or  something  equivalent  to  the  Unua 
Pater^  Unus  Filiusy  Unua  Spiritus  Sanctus,  of 
the  Eastern  Church  [Sancta  Sanctis].  In  the 
Mozarabic  liturgy,  after  the  priestly  benediction 
and  salutation,  the  choir  chants  the  antiphon  Ad 
Accedentss,  during  which  the  people  were  to 
draw  near.  After  the  antiphon,  the  priest  takes 
from  the  paten  the  particle  Gloria  [see  Frac- 
tion], saying  inaudibly  **Panem  ooelftstem  de 

*  Tbrae  words  were  no  doubt  used  as  appropriate  to 
the  KlM  of  Peace  given  by  the  mlnlstrant  to  the  recipient, 
m  was  ooossioDally  done  even  as  late  as  the  I2ih  century. 
(Innoonit  111,  jDe  Mjftt,  Miuae,  vl.  9.) 

*  A  good  collecilnii  of  such  formulae  may  be  found 
Id  the    work   of   Dooiloic  Georgl,  de  Liturgia   Horn, 


COMMUNION.  HOLY        415 

mensa  Domini  accipiam  et  nomen  Domini  invo- 
cabo,"'  and,  holding  it  over  the  chalice,  says 
prayers  for  worthy  reception;  then  consumes 
the  particle  which  he  holds  in  his  hand,  and 
then  the  remaining  particles  on  the  paten.  Im- 
mediately after  he  communicates  the  people. 
He  then  uncovers  the  chalice  and,  after  the 
prayer  **Ave  in  aevum  coelestis  potus,"  and 
**  Corpus  et  Sanguis  D.  N.  J.  Christi  custodiat 
corpus  et  animam  meam  in  vitam  aetemam, 
Amen,"  drinks  thereof,  and  says  prayer  for  bene- 
fit from  reception.  The  choir  chants  the  Com- 
M1TNI0,  or  antiphon  for  communicating.  No 
direction  is  given  for  the  communion  of  the 
people  further  than  that  contained  in  the  words 
"et  statim  populo  communionem  impertit." 
After  the  ablution  of  the  chalice.  Alleluia  is 
chanted,  post-communion  follows,  salutation  and 
dismissal. 

In  the  Ambrosian  rite,  after  the  Fraction  and 
the  Kiss  of  Peace,  the  priest  thrice  strikes  his 
breast,  saying,  Domine  non  sum  dignue;  on 
taking  the  bread  into  his  hand,  he  says.  Quid 
retrHnuan  Domino  f  and  immediately  before  com- 
municating, **  Corpus  D.  N.  J.  C.  custodiat  ani- 
mam meam  in  vitam  aetemam.  Amen"  On 
taking  the  cup  into  his  hand,  he  again  says  the 
Quid  retribuamy  and  before  communicating, 
"  Praesta,  quaesumus,  Domine,  nt  perceptio  Cor- 
poris et  Sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C.  ad  vitam  nos  per- 
ducat  aeternam ;"  then  if  any  are  to  commu- 
nicate he  administers  to  them  before  Purifica- 
tion. The  ancient  form  of  administration  we 
learn  from  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  de  Sacramentia 
(iv.  5) ;  "  dicit  tibi  sacerdos,  Corpus  Christi,  et 
tu  dicis.  Amen,  id  est,  verum,"  which  is  identical 
with  the  <r&fjLa  Xptarov  of  Eastern  ritual.  The 
form  for  the  cup  was  probably  similar. 

The  prayen^  which  accompany  communion 
vary  much  in  different  copies  of  the  Ambrosian 
missal,  and  are  probably  all  of  comparatively 
modern  date. 

All  who  were  present  communicated, — ^This  is 
contemplated  in  all  the  early  accounts  of  Holy 
Communion;  hence  the  care  taken  to  exclude 
from  the  mysteries  all  who  were  not  fit  to  par- 
ticipate. The  second  canon  of  the  Council  of 
Antioch  (a.d.  344 ;  compare  Canon,  Apost.  c.  9 
[10])  orders  that  those  who  came  into  the  church 
and  heard  the  service,  so  far  as  the  lections  of 
Scripture,  but  declined  to  partake  in  the  prayers 
of  the  people  or  to  communicate,  should  be  cast 
out  of  the  church  until  they  should  have  con- 
fessed and  repented  of  their  fault.  This  would 
seem  to  imply  that  the  practice  of  some  of  the 
worshippers  leaving  the  church  before  the  more 
solemn  part  of  the  liturgy  (eux^)  was  com- 
menced, was  already  known  (though  censured) 
in  the  4th  century ;  for  if  they  had  remained 
in  the  church,  they  could  hardly  have  been  de- 
scribed as  fj^i  Koiwvovvras  e^x^'  ^/^  '''^  Xa^, 
Martin  of  Braga  (a.d.  560)  inserted  this  in  his 
Collectio  Canonum  (c.  83)  for  the  use  of  the 
Spanish  Church.  Gratian  {De  Consecrat.  Dist. 
ii.  c.  10)  quotes  a  decree  of  Pope  Anacletus,  which 


f  In  the  printed  missals,  which  are  mnch  Interpolated, 
the  direction  foUows  in  the  mbric,  "et  dicat  sacerdos 
memento  pro  mortuis  f  as  to  which  Kraser  (d«  IM.  p. 
621)  notee,  "qui  rltos,  ut  Jam  IminuaTimna,  Qotho>His- 
panus  non  est ;  hinc  et  nulla  in  mlaall  ilUus  ocnrrtt 
formula." 


410 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 


distinctly  orders  all  to  communicate  when  con- 
secration was  completed,  if  they  would  not  be 
cast  out  of  the  church.  The  decree  is  of  course 
spurious ;  but  it  is  interesting  as  indicating  what 
was  the  law  of  the  Roman  Church  at  the  time 
of  the  Isidorian  forgeries  (about  830),  and  also 
probably  that  the  practice  of  non-communicating 
attendance  had  then  begun  ;  for  the  decree  would 
sot  have  been  put  forth  without  a  purpose. 
One  class  of  persons  only  seems  to  have  been 
permitted  in  ancient  times  to  be  present  at  Holy 
Communion  without  communicating — the  con- 
sistentes  (jirvvUrrntMvot)  or  fourth  class  of  peni- 
tents, who  were  permitted  to  be  present  at  the 
whole  service,  but  not  to  make  oblation  or  to 
communicate.  See  Conn,  Nicae.  c.  11;  Ancyra, 
c  8 ;  Basil,  Ep,  Canon,  c.  56. 

On  the  question  of  private  and  solitary  masses, 
see  MiBS. 

Communion  under  both  kinds, — That  in  the 
solemn  public  administration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  the  laity  received  under  both  kinds  from 
the  foundation  of  the  Church  of  Christ  to  the 
12th  century  is  admitted  on  all  hands.  (See  Ma- 
billon,  Acta  88,  Bened,  Saec.  III.  praef.  c  75.) 
The  danger  of  spilling  the  consecrated  wine  led 
to  the  adoption  of  a  tube,  or  Fistula,  through 
which  it  might  be  drawn. 

When  this  practice  too  was  found  to  have  its 
peculiar  disadvantages,  the  custom  sprang  up  in 
some  churches,  and  continues  in  the  £ast  to  this 
day,  of  administering  to  the  people  the  Eucha- 
ristic  Bread  dipped  in  the  consecrated  wine,  in 
which  case  the  particle  was  admii^stered  by 
means  of  a  spoon,  made  for  that  purpose.  This 
practice  seems  to  be  alluded  to  in  the  first  canon 
of  the  3rd  Council  of  Braga  (a.d.  675),  which 
condemns  those  who  were  accustomed  'Mntinc- 
tam  eucharistiam  populis  pro  complemento  com- 
munionis  porrigere."  In  this  case,  we  are  not 
to  understand  that  the  administration  of  the 
immersed  particle  was  over  and  above  com- 
munion proper,  for  the  later  portion  of  the 
canon  distinctly  implies  that  this  ^Mntincta 
euchai'istia  "  was  substituted  for  the  evangelical 
practice  of  administering  separately  the  bread 
and  the  cup.  How  this  practice,  which  was 
condemned  in  the  West  as  schismatical  and 
against  apostolic  tradition,  came  to  be  so  widely 
spread  in  the  East  is  difficult  to  say.  That  in 
the  time  of  Chrysostom  the  deacon  still  minis- 
tered the  cup  to  the  people  may  be  shown  by 
various  passages  in  his  works,  which  proves  that 
the  administration  of  **  eucharistia  intincta" 
had  not  then  begun  in  the  Byzantine  Chtirch. 
Nor  is  it  easy  to  say  when  it  was  introduced. 
This  manner  of  communicating  was  widely  pre- 
valent in  ancient  times  in  the  case  of  sick  per- 
sons [Sick,  Comkunion  of]. 

Posture  of  Reception, — ^All  the  testimonies  of 
ancient  writers  adduced  in  this  article,  so  far  as 
they  determine  anything  on  the  point,  descnbe 
the  communicanta  as  receiving  standing.  As 
this  was  the  usual  posture  of  prayer  and  praise 
on  every  Lord's  Day  and  during  the  Easter  solem- 
nities, the  faithful  would  naturally  communicate 
standing  on  such  days.  Nor  are  testimonies 
wanting  that  the  same  was  true  of  other  days 
also,  though  these  concern  rather  the  Eastern 
than  the  Western  Church  (Bona,  De  Heb,  Lit, 
ii.  o  17,  £  8;  Valesius  on  Euseb.  If.  E.  vii.  9). 
In  fc  Pontifical  Mass  at  Rome,  the  deacon  still 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

communicates  standing,  a  relic  no  doubt  of  ike 
ancient  practice.  On  other  occasions,  the  oel^ 
brant  alone  communicates  standing,  the  rest, 
whether  clergy  or  laity,  kneeling.  Dr.  Neale 
{Eastern  Ch,  in  trod.  p.  524)  mentions  a  capital 
at  Rheims,  probably  of  the  12th  oentui-y,  which 
represents  a  standing  communion. 

Delivery  of  the  Bread  into  the  Hand, — ^Thera 
is  abundant  proof,  besides  that  already  adduced, 
that  the  Eucharistic  bread  was  in  ancient  times 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  communicants.  Thus, 
Ambrose  (in  Theodoret,  Hid,  EccL  v.  17)  aska 
Theodosius,  after  the  massacre  of  Thessalonica, 
how  he  could  venture  to  receive  the  Lord'a 
Body  with  hands  still  dripping  from  the  slaughter 
of  the  innocent ;  and  Augustine  (e,  Litt,  Bet^iani^ 
ii.  23)  speaks  of  a  bishop  in  whose  hands  his 
correspondent  used  to  place  the  Eucharist,  and 
receive  it  into  his  own  nands  from  him  in  turn ; 
and  Basil  (Ep,  289)  says  that  in  the  church 
the  priest  delivers  a  portion  of  the  Eucharist 
into  the  hand,  and  the  communicant  carries  ii 
to  his  mouth  with  his  own  hand.  Chrysoatom 
(Hom.  20,  ad  Pop,  Antioch,  c.  7)  speaks  of  the 
need  of  havmg  clean  hands,  considering  what  they 
may  bear.  The  narrative  in  Sozomen  {H,  E. 
viii.  5)  of  a  transaction  of  Chrysostom*s  describes 
a  woman  after  receiving  the  bread  into  her 
hand  bowing  her  head  as  if  to  pray  (&s  di- 
^ofUtni  &irfiru^ff),  and  passing  on  the  particle 
she  haid  received  to  her  maid-servant. 

The  101st  canon  of  the  Trullan  Council  (an. 
692)  reprehends  a  practice  which  had  sprung  up 
of  providing  receptacles  of  gold  or  other  precious 
material  for  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist. 
After  insisting  on  the  truth,  that  man  is  more 
precious  than  fine  gold,  the  canon  proceeds :  **  if 
any  man  desires  to  partake  of  the  immaculate 
Body  ...  let  him  draw  near,  disposing  hta 
hands  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  so  receive  the 
communion  of  the  divine  grace;"  and  priests 
who  gave  the  Eucharist  into  such  receptacles 
(8ox<ta)  were  to  be  excommunicated.  John  of 
Damascus  also  (de  Fid,  Orthod,  iv.  14)  desires 
Christians  to  dispose  their  hands  in  the  form  of 
a  cross  to  receive  the  body  of  the  Crucified.  His 
contemporary  Bede  {Hist,  Eccl,  iv.  24)  describes 
Caedmon  on  his  deathbed  (about  680)  aa  re- 
ceiving the  Eucharist  into  his  hand.  As  he 
mentions  this  without  comment,  it  was  no  doubt 
the  practice  of  his  own  time  also. 

Before  the  end  of  the  6th  century  womei 
were  forbidden  to  receive  the  Eucharist  on  the 
naked  hand,  and  were  compelled  to  receive  it  on 
a  napkin  called  Dominioale.  See  Cone,  Antis- 
siod.  [Auxerre],  canons  36  and  42.  Caesarius 
of  Aries,  in  a  sermon  printed  as  St.  Augus- 
tine's (Serm,  252,  de  Tempore')^  exhorts  the 
women  to  have  their  hearts  as  clean  as  the 
napkin  which  they  brought  to  receive  the  Body 
of  Christ.  The  Greek  Fathers  however  say  no- 
thing of  any  such  practice,  and  the  censure  of 
the  Trullan  Council  would  evidently  apply  as 
well  to  linen  as  to  other  materials. 

How  long  the  custom  of  giving  the  Eucharist 
into  the  hands  of  lay  persons  continued  in  the 
Roman  Church  cannot  be  precisely  determined. 
Gregory  the  Great  (iHalofftu,  iii.  c  3)  asserts 
indeed  that  Pope  Aga^Mtus  (535-536)  placed  the 
Eucharist  in  the  mouth  of  a  certain  dumb  and 
lame  pei*son ;  but  from  a  case  so  peculiar  nothing 
can  be  concluded,  except  that  the  express  men 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

iioo  of  the  Mcrament  being  placed  in  the  mowth 
of  ihU  person  probably  indicates  that  the  general 
practice  was  otherwise.  At  the  time  when  the 
Onh  it  F/.  was  drawn  up  (9th  century  ?), 
Ihe  andent  costom  had  ceased  at  Rome,  for 
the  form  of  reception  which  was  not  per- 
mitted to  subdeacons  was  certainly  not  permitted 
to  the  laity.  A  council  held  at  Ronen  (probably 
in  the  year  880)  strictly  prohibited  presbyters 
from  placing  the  Encharist  in  the  hand  of  any 
lay  person,  male  or  female,  commanding  them 
to  pUoe  it  in  their  mouths.  This  practice,  which 
probably  originated  in  a  desire  to  protect  that 
which  is  holy  from  pro&ne  or  superstitious  uses, 
pmdually  became  the  almost  universal  rule  of 
the  Church.  So  in  1549,  because  the  people 
'^diTCTScly  abused"  the  Sacrament  '*to  super- 
stition and  wickedness,"  it  was  thought  con- 
Tenient  that  the  people  commonly  receiTe  the 
sacrament  of  Christ's  Body  in  their  mouths 
ftt  the  priest's  hand.  (See  the  first  Prayer- 
Book  of  Edward  VI.  in  Heeling's  Mt  Britt, 
p.  235.) 

He^ponding  Amen  on  deception. — Besides  the 
instances  already  given  of  this  practice,  the 
following  may  be  cited:  Jerome  (Ep,  62,  ad 
Theoph.  Alex.)  wonders  how  one  could  come  to 
the  Eucharist,  and  answer  Amen^  when  he 
doubted  of  the  charity  of.  the  ministrant.  Au- 
gustine (c.  Faustum  MaiUch.  xii.  10)  speaks  of 
the  responding  Aman  on  reception  of  the  Blood 
of  Christ  as  a  universal  custom. 

Phoe  of  Communicating, — ^llie  second  synod  of 
Tours  (A.D.  567),  in  the  fourth  canon  (Bruns's 
GsnoiMS,  ii.  226),  prohibited  lay  persons  from 
standing  in  the  space  within  the  rails  (canceili) 
Teserred  for  the  choir  during  the  celebration  of 
the  mysteries;  but  expressly  allowed  lay  men 
and  women  to  enter  the  sanctuary  (sanctn 
sanctorum)  for  the  purpose  of  praying  and  com- 
municating, as  had  been  the  custom  in  times 
past.  The  existeuce  of  this  custom  is  further 
proved  by  the  story  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours 
(d$  Mirac.  S.  Martini,  ii.  c  14)  of  the  paralytic 
girl,  who,  being  miraculously  healed,  approached 
the  altar  to  communicate  without  help. 

Tet  at  nearly  the  same  time  the  1st  Council 
of  Braga  (a.d.  563)  in  Spain,  in  the  canon  (13) 
headed  ''  [Jbi  omnes  communicant,"  ordered  that 
BO  lay  person  shoald  approach  within  the  sanc- 
tuary of  the  altar  to  communicate,  but  only 
clerics,  as  is  provided  in  the  ancient  canons. 

We  have  already  seen,  that  in  the  liturgy 
of  St.  Chrysostom  the  priests  and  deacons  com- 
municated within  the  sanctuary,  the  lay  people 
outside ;  and  some  distinction  of  this  kind  pro- 
bably became  general  from  about  the  6th  oentnry. 
The  distinction  between  the  communion  of  the 
clergy  and  that  of  the  laity  always  tended  in 
fact  to  become  broader,  and  as  differences  in- 
creased not  only  in  respect  of  precedence,  but  in 
respect  of  the  manner  and  place  of  communi- 
cating, the  degradation  of  a  clerk  to  lay  com- 
munion became  a  more  marked  punishment 
[Deoradation]. 

Conditions  of  Admision  to  Holy 
Communion. 

1.  Communicants  must  be  baptized  persons,  not 
under  censure. — None  could  be  admitted  to  Holy 
Comm  anion  but  baptize<l  persons  (o^Sflf  itfidw' 
TtffTos  fura\afi$dif9i,  Theophylact  on  Matt.  14)^ 

CHR1IT.  ANT. 


COMMUNION.  HOLY 


417 


lying  under  no  censure  [Exoommunioation], 
The  competency '  of  ordinary  members*  of  any 
church  would  be  known  as  a  matter  of  course  te 
the  clergy  administering  the  sacrament.  Persons 
from  a  distance  were  required  to  produce  cer- 
tificates from  their  own  bishops  {ypdfifiara 
icoiy»yiKd,  literae  communicatoriae,  fonnatae; 
see  Commendatory  Lettebs)  that  they  were 
in  the  peace  of  the  Church,  before  they  could 
be  admitted  to  Holy  Communion  (Cone,  Car- 
thag.  i.  c.  5;  EliberU  oc  25,  58;  Aries,  i,  c 
9 ;  Agde,  c.  52).  Some  have  thought  that  the 
expression  oommunio  peregrina  designates  the 
state  of  those  strangers  who,  being  unprovided 
with  such  letters,  were  admitted  to  be  present 
at  divine  service,  but  not  to  communicate  (see 
Bona,  De  Reb.  Lit,  ii.  c  19,  §§  5,  6  ;  Bingham, 
Antiq.  XVII.  iii.  7). 

2.  It  seems  also  that,  in  some  cases  at  least| 
within  the  first  eight  centuries.  Private  Con- 
fession was  enjoined  before  communicating.  In 
the  Penitential  of  Archbishop  Theodore  (about 
A.D.  700)  in  the  chapter  De  Communione  Eucha- 
ristiae  (I.  xii.  7)  is  the  provision,  "Confessio 
autem  Deo  soli  agatur  licebit,  si  necesse  est;" 
to  which  is  added  in  some  MSS.  the  note  of  a 
transcriber  of  perhaps  a  century  later,  **  et  hoc 
necessarium.**  The  same  provision  is  repeated  in 
the  Penitential  of  Cumineus,  the  work  almost 
certainly  of  the  later  Cumineus.  an  Irish  monk 
who  lived  and  wrote  near  Bobbio,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  8th  century.  The  purport  of  the 
rule  seems  to  be,  that  confession  to  a  priest  was 
the  ordinary  practice,  but  that  it  might  be  dis- 
pensed with  in  case  of  necessity. 

That  confession  to  a  priest  was  a  usual,  though 
not  a  necessary,  preliminary  to  Holy  Commu- 
nion is  perhaps  implied  in  the  narrative  of 
Adamnan  (Vita  S,  Columbae,  i.  17,  20,  30,  41, 
50)  and  of  Bede  (Nisi.  Eccl,  iv.  25,  27).  The 
whole  subject  is  discussed  in  Ussher's  Religion 
of  the  Ancietit  Irish,  c  5;  and  in  Lanigsn's 
ffistory  of  the  Irish  Church,  iv.  67.  Compare 
Penitence. 

In  the  case  of  reconciliation  of  penitents  after 
excommunication  and  penance,  the  intervention  of 
the  bishop— or  of  a  priest  in  his  absence — was  of 
course  necessary  (Theodore's  PenU.  I.  xiii.  2,  3) ; 
and  clergy  ordained  by  Scotch  or  British  bishops 
were  not  admitted  to  communion  in  the  Anglican 
church  until  they  had  **  confessed  "  their  desire 
to  be  restored  to  unity  (lb.  I.  ix.  3). 

On  the  Communion  of  Children  see  Infant 
Communion. 

3.  Fasting  Reception  of  Holy  Communion, — So 
long  as  Holy  Communion  accompanied  or  followed 
an  AOAPE,  or  common  meal,  it  is  evident  that 
it  was  not  received  fasting.  But  as,  in  course  of 
time,  the  tone  of  thought  in  the  Church  was 
altered,  and  the  rite  itself  received  a  different 
colouring  and  different  accessories,  it  came  to  be 
regarded  as  essential  that  both  the  celebrant  and 
the  recipients  should  be  fasting  at  the  time  of 
communion.  Somethmg  of  this  feeling  probably 
underlies  Tertullian's  words,  when  he  contraato^ 
the  Lord's  own  practice  ivith  that  of  his  own 
time  in  the  passage  (Ife  Corona,  c.  3)  quoted 
above,  and  on  stationary  days  (De  Orat,  o.  14), 
he  clearly  contemplates  the  fast  being  continued 
until  reception.  Cyprian  too  (Ep,  63,  cc.  15 
nnd  16,  quoted  above)  insists  on  the  greater 
worthiness  of  the  morning  compared  with  the 

2  £ 


418       COMHUNION,  HOLY 

ereniog  oommanion.  Bat  the  necessity  of  com- 
municating^ fMting  does  not  appear  to  be  dis- 
tinctly reoogpised  before  the  4th  ceotary.  Then 
we  find  Basil  (Horn,  ii.  De  Jejtmio,  p.  13)  laying 
it  down  that  no  one  would  renture  to  celebrate 
the  mysteries  otherwise  than  fasting;  and 
Chrysostom  (in  1  Cor.  ffom.  27,  p.  231)  insisting 
on  fasting  as  a  necessary  preliminary  to  worthy 
communion ;  and  again  {Ad  pop.  A.ntio(A.  Serm, 
9,  p.  103)  exhoi*ting  even  those  who  were  not 
fasting  to  come  to  church,  not  indeed  to  commu- 
nicate but  to  hear  the  sermon ;  and  again  {Up, 
125,  p.  683)  complaining  that  his  calumniators 
accused  him  of  having  admitted  to  communion 
persons  who  were  not  fasting,  a  charge  which  he 
denies  with  the  strongest  asseverations.  We 
have  already  seen  that  Ambrose  recommended 
the  faithful  to  fast  even  until  evening,  when  the 
communion  was  late.  A  remarkable  passage  of 
Augustiue  {Ep.  118,  c.  6 ;  p.  191,  ed.  Cologne, 
1616)  is  conclusive  as  to  the  practice  of  his  own 
time.  **It  is  beyond  dispute,"  he  says,  "that 
when  the  disciples  first  received  the  Body  and 
Blood  of  the  Lord,  they  did  not  receive  fasting. 
Are  we  therefore  to  blame  the  whole  Church 
because  every  one  does  receive  fasting?  No; 
for  it  pleased  the  Holy  Spirit  that,  in  honour  of 
so  mighty  a  sacrament,  the  Body  of  the  Lord 
should  pass  the  Christian's  lips  before  other 
food ;  for  it  is  on  that  account  that  that  custom 
is  observed  throughout  the  whole  world  .  .  . 
The  Lord  did  not  prescribe  in  what  order  it 
should  be  received,  that  He  might  reserve  this 
privilege  for  the  Apostles,  through  whom  He 
was  to  regulate  the  churches;  for  if  He  had 
recommended  that  it  should  always  be  received 
after  other  food,  I  suppose  that  no  one  would 
have  deviated  from  that  practice."  With  re- 
spect to  his  correspondent's  question,  as  to  the 
custom  to  be  followed  on  the  Thursday  in  Holy 
Week  with  regard  to  morning  or  evening  com- 
munion, or  both,  he  admits  that  the  practice  of 
the  Church  did  not  condemn  communion  on  that 
day  after  the  evening  meal. 

This  rule,  however,  was  not  quite  invariable. 
In  Augustine's  lifetime -as  appears  from  the 
epistle  just  quoted — ^the  custom  prevailed  that 
on  the  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  the  anniversary 
of  the  institution,  the  faithful  received  Holy 
Communion  in  the  evening  and  after  eating.  So 
the  Codex  Canonum  Eccl,  Afric,  (canon  41 ;  = 
III.  Cono,  Carth,  c.  29)  provides,  "  ut  sacramenta 
altaris  nonnisi  a  jejunis  hominibus  celebrentur, 
excepto  uno  die  anniversario  quo  Coena  Domini 
celebretur."  A  canon  of  Laodicea  (c.  50)  which 
is  sometimes  quoted  as  directed  against  this 
custom,  simply  refers  to  the  habit  into  which 
some  had  fallen  of  breaking  their  Lent-fast  on 
the  Thursday  in  the  last  week,  not  specially  to 
non-fasting  communion;  but  the  Council  in 
TruUo  (can.  29),  in  the  year  680,  did  expressly 
forbid  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries  even  on 
this  Thursday  by  any  but  fasting  men. 

Socrates  (ffisL  Eccl.  v.  22,  p.  295)  expressly 
states  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Egypt 
which  borders  on  Alexandria  and  of  the  Thebaid 
had  a  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  on  Saturday, 
as  othero  had  ;  but  that,  contrary  to  the  general 
custom,  they  communicated  after  taking  their 
evening  meal  without  stint. 

Regulations  intended  to  check  the  practice  of 
BOB-iasting  communion  were  made  in  Gaul  in  the 


COMMUNION,  HOLT 

6th  centnry.  The  council  of  Auxerre  (can.  10  ; 
Bruns's  Can,  ii.  239)  enjoined  that  no  presbyter^ 
deacon,  or  subdeaoon  should  venture  to  taks 
part  in  the  office  of  the  mass,  or  to  stand  in  the 
church  while  mass  was  said,  after  taking  food  or 
wine.  The  reason  for  the  latter  clause  was  do 
doubt  that  clerics  who  were  present  at  mass  alwmys 
in  those  days  communicated.  The  2nd  Council 
of  Mdcon  in  the  year  585  (Cone  Matimxmenae  ii. 
can.  9;  in  Bruns's  Canong$,  ii.  251)  expreosly 
forbade  any  presbyter  full  of  food  or  under  the 
influence  of  wine  (crapulatus  vino)  to  handle  the 
sacrifice  or  celebrate  mass;  referring  to  the 
African  canon  already  quoted.  In  Spain  decrees 
on  this  subject  were  made  by  the  1st  Council 
of  Braga  (can.  16),  and  the  second  (can.  10)  in 
the  years  563  and  572  respectively  (Bruns,  iL 
32  and  42).  The  first  of  these  anathematizes 
those  who,  instead  of  celebrating  mass  &sting  in 
the  church  at  three  in  the  afternoon  of  Maundy 
Thursday,  celebrated  on  that  day  masses  for  the 
dead  at  nine  in  the  morning  without  fasting, 
after  the  Priscillianist  fashion.  The  second,  by 
occasion  of  those  who  consecrated  masses  for  the 
dead  after  having  taken  wine,  condemns  those 
who  ventured  to  consecrate  after  having  talces 
any  food  whatever.  Walafrid  Strabo  (de  Off,, 
JMmniSy  c.  19),  referring  to  the  first  of  these, 
rightly  infers  that  if  non-fasting  communion  wss 
not  permitted  on  a  day  when  the  practice  of  the 
law  and  a  certain  degree  of  precedent  might  be 
pleaded,  it  was  not  permitted  on  other  daya. 
The  abuse  censured  by  the  second  council  pro- 
bably arose  from  the  late  hour  at  which  meeaea 
for  the  dead  were  held  and  the  presence  of  the 
priest  at  the  funeral-feast.  The  Ood^  Bod, 
Afric.  (can.  41=///.  Carth,  c  29)  had  alrewly 
provided  that  services  for  the  dead  held  in  the 
afternoon  should  consist  of  prayers  only,  without 
sacrifice,  if  the  clerics  who  performed  the  service 
were  found  to  have  taken  food.  Gratian  (under 
Premier,  dist.  91,  quoted  by  Bona,  JS.  jL.  i.  c 
21,  §  2)  refers  to  a  council  of  Nantes  or  Agde, 
which  enjoined  priests  to  remain  fasting  until 
the  hour  fixed,  in  order  that  they  might  be  able 
to  take  part  in  the  funeral-mass. 

In  two  cases  only  non-fiisting  communion  is 
expressly  permitted.  The  first  is,  when  the  neces- 
sity suddenly  arises  of  administering  the  Viati- 
cum to  one  in  the  article  of  death;  in  which 
case  it  is  sanctioned,  says  Cardinal  Bona  (£.  L,  i. 
21,  2),  by  the  practice  of  the  whole  Church.  The 
second  is,  when  the  celebrating  priest,  from 
sudden  sickness,  is  unable  to  finish  the  office ;  in 
which  case,  if  the  elements  have  been  consecrated, 
another  priest,  even  though  he  be  not  fiuting, 
may  complete  it.  See  the  second  canon  of  the 
7th  Council  of  Toledo  (Bruns's  Can.  i.  262) 
of  the  year  646,  which  at  the  same  time  enjoins 
most  earnestly  that  neither  shall  a  priest  resign 
the  unfinished  service  nor  a  non-fasting  priest 
take  it  up  without  the  most  absolute  necessity. 
And  to  prevent  such  cases,  the  11th  Council 
of  Toledo  (A.D.  675)  ordered  (can.  2,  p.  315) 
that  wherever  it  was  possible  the  priest  saying 
mass  should  be  attended  by  another,  fasting,  who 
might  take  up  the  service  in  case  of  need. 

Time  of  Comkunxok. 

1.  Days. — ^The  well-known  passage  in  the  Acts 

of  the  Apostles  (ii.  46)  is  commonly  held  to 

I  prove  that  the  "  breaking  of  bread "  for  Holy 


OOMMUNION,  HOLY 

Gommuiioii  took  place  daily  in  the  primitive 
Cborclk.  In  the  only  case  in  which  a  particular 
4ay  is  mentioned  in  the  A.ct8  on  wliich  bread  was 
broken  solemnly  (xx.  7),  the  day  is  the  Lord's 
Bay,  the  first  day  of  the  week;  and  it  seems 

Erobable  that  St.  Paul,  when  he  prescribed  the 
tying  by  for  the  poor  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
designed  to  associate  almsgiving  with  the  £acha- 
rist.  The  Bithvnian  Christians  (Pliny,  Ep.  z. 
97)  met  on  a  fixed  day  for  worship  and  com- 
manion;  the  expression  **stato  die,  which  de- 
termines nothing  as  to  the  particular  day  of  the 
week,  shows  plainly  that  communion  was  not 
daily  (see  Mosheim,  Institutiones  Majores,  p. 
378  {.%  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.  I.  c.  67)  dis- 
tinctly mentions  Sunday  (^  \tyofi4pfi  iikiov 
ii§^4pa)  as  the  day  of  Christian  Communion ;  the 
day  on  which  God  made  the  light  and  on  which 
Christ  rose  from  the  dead.  There  is,  in  fiict,  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  from  the  6rst  ** Lord's  Day" 
to  the  present  time  Christians  have  met  on  the 
fint  day  of  the  week  to  '*  break  bread "  as  the 
J^ord  commanded. 

The  days  which  next  appear  as  dedicated  to 
Holy  Communion  are  the  fourth  and  sixth  days 
of  the  week,  the  Dies  Stationum  [Statio].  These 
days  appear  as  days  of  special  observance  and 
admiustration  of  Holy  Communion  in  the  time 
of  Tertullian  (De  OtxUvme,  c  14).  Basil  {Up. 
289)  adds  to  these  days  the  Sabbath,  or  seventh 
day  of  the  week,  which  has  always  been  a  day  of 
special  observance  in  the  Eastern  Church.  '*  We 
oommunicate,"  he  savs,  *'  four  times  in  the  week, 
on  the  Lord's  Day,  the  fourth  day,  the  Prepara^ 
tion  Day  [t.«.  Friday],  and  the  Sabbath."  But 
this  was  not  a  universal  custom ;  for  Epiphanius 
(jBrpost<u)  Fideit  c.  22,  p.  1104)  speaks  as  if  the 
celebrations  (trvyd^tis)  of  the  Wednesday,  Friday, 
and  Sunday  were  alone  usual  in  his  time  and 
within  his  knowledge,  which  included  a  large 
part  of  the  East  during  the  latter  portion  of  the 
4th  centuiT.  The  Synod  of  Laodicea,  about 
A.U.  320  [al.  372],  eigoins  that  bread  should  not 
be  offered  in  Lent,  except  on  the  Sabbath  and  on 
the  Lord's  Day ;  the  Sabbath  being  in  the  East  a 
fbatival  approaching  in  joyfulness  to  the  Lord's 
Day.  In  the  West,  where  the  Sabbath  was 
generally  a  day  of  humiliation,  there  is  no  trace 
of  its  being  preferred  for  the  celebration  of  Holy 
Communion. 

When  Christianity  became  the  recognised  reli- 

fion  of  the  empire,  daily  celebration  of  the 
ncharist  soon  became  usual.  For  the  Church 
of  Constantinople  this  is  proved  by  the  testimony 
of  Chrysostom,  who  (in  Ephes,  Hom.  iii.  p.  23) 
complains  of  the  rarity  of  communicants  at  the 
daily  offering.  St.  Augustine  testifies  (JSp, 
98,  c.  9)  that  in  Africa,  in  his  time,  Christ  was 
sacrificed  (immolari)  every  day  for  the  people; 
yet  he  also  proves  (Ep,  118  ad  Januartum^ 
that  this  was  by  no  means  a  universal  custom, 
saying,  **in  some  places  no  day  passes  without 
an  offering;  in  others  offering  is  made  on  the 
Sabbath  only  and  the  Lord's  Day ;  in  others  on 
the  Lord's  Day  only."  That  the  daily  sacrifice 
was  observed  in  tiie  Spanish  Church  at  the  end 
of  the  4th  century  we  have  the  testimony  of  the 
1st  Council  ot  Toledo  (circ  398),  which  enjoins 
(canon  5)  all  clerics  to  be  present  in  church  at 
the  time  of  the  daily  sacrifice.  With  regard  to 
the  Roman  Church,  Jerome,  writing  to  Ludnius 
{Ep,  71)  refers  to  a  question  which  his  oorrespon- 


(X)MMUNION,  HOLY 


419 


dent  had  asked,  whether  the  Eucharist  were  to 
be  received  daily,  ''according  to  the  custom 
which  the  Churches  of  Rome  and  Spain  are  said 
to  observe."  Although  the  expression  used 
is  not  absolutely  decisive,  Jerome  seems  to 
write  as  if  the  custom  of  Rome  was  in  fact 
the  same  as  that  of  Spain,  where,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  daily  sacrifice  was  customary  at  the 
time  when  he  wrote.  Tet  Socrates  (nist,  Eocl. 
V.  22,  p.  295)  assures  us  that,  at  Alexandria  and 
Rome,  ancient  tradition  still  forbade  to  celebrate 
the  joyful  feast  of  the  Eucharist  on  the  Sabbath, 
as  was  the  universal  custom  elsewhere.  Atha- 
nasius,  it  is  true,  if  the  treatise  in  question 
be  his  (On  ^Af  ParMe  of  the  Soicer,  0pp.  iv. 
45),  says  that  Christians  met  together  on  the 
Sabbath  to  adore  Jesus,  the  Lord  of  the  Sabbath ; 
but  this  proves  nothing  as  to  the  celebration  of 
the  Eucharist,  and  consequently  does  not  invali- 
date Socrates'  testimony.  Socrates  also  (/.  c) 
mentions  as  a  peculiar  custom,  that  at  Alex- 
andria, on  Wednesday  and  Friday,  the  Scriptures 
are  read  and  the  teachers  interpret  them,  and 
all  is  done  that  pertains  to  a  meeting  of  the 
congregation,  short  of  the  celebration  of  the  mys- 
teries (ircCrra  rk  <rvy<f{c»s  yiyrtrai  Hix"^  '''V^  f^^ 
fiwrnipl^r  TcA.cTqf).  The  words  of  Innocent  I 
(ad  Deoentium,  c.  4),  that  on  the  Friday  and  the 
Sabbath  in  the  Holy  Week  no  sacraments  were 
to  be  celebrated,  because  those  two  days  of  the 
first  Holy  Week  were  spent  by  the  Apostles  in 
grief  and  terror,  probably  imply  that  in  ordinary 
weeks  the  sacraments  were  celebrated  on  the 
Sabbath  as  on  other  days;  and  in  the  so-called 
Comes  Hieronymi  Epistles  and  Gospels  are  given 
for  Sabbaths  as  well  as  other  days  (see  Quesnel, 
De  Jt)junio  SabbatM  Romae  c^Arato),  On  the 
want  of  proper  offices  in  the  ancient  Sacramen- 
taries  for  the  Sundays  following  the  Ember-days, 
for  the  Thursdays  in  Lent,  and  for  the  Saturday 
before  Palm  Sunday,  see  Krazer,  de  LitvurgHs^ 
pp.  646  ff.    Cf.  Static. 

2.  Hours, — ^There  can  be  little  doubt  that  in  the 
apostolic  age  Holy  Communion  was  at  the  time  of 
the  evening  meal(8c(ryoi',  coena),  as  even  Baronius 
admits  (ad  ann.  34,  c.  61).  Indeed,  it  is  almost 
certain  from  the  nature  of  the  case  that  in  davs 
when  Christianity  was  an  illicit  religion,  the 
peculiar  rite  of  Christian  communion  must  have 
been  celebrated  in  such  a  way  as  to  attract  the 
least  possible  attention.  St.  Paul's  ^  breaking  of 
bread "  in  the  Troad  (Acts  xx.  7,  8)  was  after 
nightfall,  and  the  service  was  not  over  at  mid- 
night. Pliny  (Ep,  x.  97)  says  that  the  Chris- 
tians were  accustomed  to  meet  before  dawn. 
The  heathen  calumnies  mentioned  by  Justin 
Martyr  (DicU.  c,  TryphonSy  c.  10)  diow  that  the 
meeting  of  Christians  took  place  after  nightfall ; 
and  the  same  custom  earned  them  the  epithets 
of  "latebrosa  et  lucifuga  natio,"  which  Minu- 
cius  Felix  (Ottavius,  c.  8)  tells  us  were  bestowed 
upon  them.  Origen  too  (c.  CMsum,  i .  3,  p.  5, 
Spencer)  tells  his  opponent  that  it  was  to  avoid 
the  death  with  which  they  were  threatened  that 
Christians  commonly  held  their  meetings  in 
secrecy  and  darkness.  And  still  in  the  3rd 
century  we  find  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  and  others 
speaking  of  "  ooetus  antelucani,  **  convocationes 
noctumae,"  of  ^  sacrificinm  matutinum  et  ves- 
per tinum."  See,  for  instance,  Tertullian  ad  Uxo* 
remy  ii.  4 ;  cfo  Corona  Mil,  c  3,  in  the  latter  of 
which  passages  it  seems  to  be  implied,  that  Chris* 

2  £  2 


420 


COMMUNION.  HOLT 


tians  communicated  at  the  evening  meal,  as  well 
as  in  assemblies  before  dawn.  Cyprian  (ad  Caeci' 
Hum,  Ep.  63,  cc.  15,  16)  refers  to  some  who 
in  the  morning  sacrifice  used  water  only  in  the 
chalice,  lest  the  odonr  of  wine  should  betray 
them  to  their  heathen  neighbours ;  and  warns 
SQch  not  to  salre  their  conscience  with  the  reflec- 
tion that  they  complied  with  Christ's  command 
in  offering  the  mixed  chalice  when  they  came 
together  for  the  evening  meal  (ad  coenandum) 
at  which  the  rite  had  been  originally  instituted. 
This  no  doubt  implies  some  kind  of  communion 
both  morning  and  evening ;  but  that  in  the  even- 
ing seems  to  have  been  rather  a  domestic  than  a 
public  rite ;  for  Cyprian  expressly  says  that  at 
this  the  whole  congregation  (plebs)  could  not  be 
ctilled  together,  so  as  to  make  the  rite — what  it 
ought  to  be — a  visible  token  to  all  of  their 
brotherhood  in  Christ.  And  he  goes  on  to  say, 
that  though  it  was  no  doubt  fitting  that  Christ 
should  offer  at  eventide,  as  foreshadowing  the 
evening  of  the  world  and  being  the  antitype  of 
the  evening  passover-sacrifice  (Ixod.  xii.  6) ;  yet 
that  Christians  celebi*ated  in  the  morning  the 
resurrection  of  the  Lord.  In  short,  he  clearly 
regai*ds  the  morning  as  the  proper  time  for 
public  and  solemn  communion. 

When  the  Church  received  its  freedom,  set 
hours  began  to  be  appointed  for  Holy  Communion. 
The  third  hour  of  the  day  (about  nine  o'clock), 
the  hour  when  the  Holy  Spirit  descended  on  the 
apostles,  was  fixed  at  an  early  date  as  the  hour 
of  morning  sacrifice  on  Sundays  and  festivals. 
The  Liber  Pontijicalis  attributes  to  Pope  Teles- 
phorus  (127-138)  the  decree,  ^  ut  nullus  ante 
horam  tertiam  sacrificium  offerre  praesumeret ; " 
and  this  statement  is  repeated  by  Amalarius  (ds 
Eccl.  Off,  iii.  42)  and  others.  It  is  almost  need- 
less to  say  the  decree  is  one  of  the  well-known 
forgeries.  The  same  regulation  is  attributed  by 
the  spurious  Oesta  Damasi  (see  Bona,  de  lUib.  Lit, 
i.  21,  §5)  to  Pope  Damasus  (366-384);  but  here 
too  no  weight  can  be  attached  to  the  authority. 
More  satisfactory  testimonies  are  the  following. 
Sidonius  ApoUinnris,  who  died  A.D.  489,  says 
(Ep.  V.  17)  that  priests  held  divine  service  at 
the  third  hour ;  and  Gregory  of  Tours  in  the 
6  th  (tentury  speaks  ( Vita  Nicetii)  of  the  third 
as  the  hour  when  the  people  came  together  to 
mass ;  Gregory  the  Great  (in  Evang.  Hum,  37) 
speaks  of  one  who  came  to  offer  the  sacrifice  at 
the  third  hour ;  and  Theodulph  of  Orleans  (ob. 
821)  orden  (Capitnl'ire,  c.  45)  that  private  masses 
should  not  be  said  on  the  Lord's  Day  with  so 
much  publicity  as  to  attract  the  people  from  the 
high  or  public  mass,  which  was  canonically  cele- 
brated at  the  third  hour.  That  on  ordinary  or 
ferial  days  mass  was  said  at  the  sixth  hour 
(twelve  o'clock)  as  late  as  the  12th  century 
we  have  the  testimony  of  Honorius  of  Autun 
(Oemma  Animtttj  i.  c.  113);  but  this  practice 
seems  to  have  been  matter  of  custom  rather  than 
of  canonical  prescription.  On  fast-days  the 
liturgical  hour  was  the  ninth,  probably  because 
the  ancient  Church  was  unwilling  to  introduce 
the  joyful  eucharistic  feast  into  the  early  hours 
of  a  fast-day,  and  because  on  such  a  day  it  was 
not  thought  too  onerous  to  continue  fasting  until 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  (Martene,  de  Rit. 
Anti'i.  1.  p.  108).  Epiphanius  (Expoaitio  Fidei,  c. 
22)  testifies  to  the  fact  that  throughout  the 
jmt  on  Wednesday  and  Friday  the  liturgy  was 


COMMUNION,  HOLY 

said  at  the  ninth  hour;  excepting  in  the  £fty 
days  between  Easter  and  Pentecost,  and  on  the 
Epiphany  when  it  fell  on  Wednesday  or  Friday ; 
on  these  days,  as  on  the  Lord's  Day,  there  was 
no  fasting,  and  the  liturgy  was  said  at  an  early 
hour  in  the  morning  (&^*  evBtv). 

The  Council  of  Mentz,  quoted  by  Ivo  of  Chartres 
(pt.  4,  c  35),  desires  all  men  on  the  £mber-days 
to  come  to  church  at  the  ninth  hour  to  mass. 
The  same  reasons  which  caused  the  mass  to  be 
deferred  at  other  fiuting-seasons  applied  also  to 
Lent;  hence  Ambrose,  preaching  in  Lent,  begs 
the  fkithful  to  defer  eating  until  after  the  time 
of  the  heavenly  banquet ;  if  they  had  to  wait 
until  evening,  the  time  was  not  so  very  long ; 
on  most  days  the  oblation  was  at  noon  (on  Psalm 
1 18  [119],  Serm,  8,  0pp.  iv.  656,  ed.  Basle,  1567) ; 
and  Theodulph  (Capitulare,  c.  39)  says  that  those 
broke  the  Lenten  fast  who  ventured  to  eat  as 
soon  as  they  heard  the  bell  at  the  ninth  hour, 
an  hour  at  which  he  seems  to  imply  that  the 
"missarum  solemnia,"  as  well  as  **vespertina 
ofiicia,"  were  celebrated. 

These  prescriptions  as  to  the  hours  of  mass,  as 
well  as  of  the  ordinary  offices,  have  long  ceased 
to  be  observed :  in  the  Roman  Church  at  least 
mass  may  be  said  at  any  hour  from  dawn 
(aurora)  to  noon.  But  a  trace  of  the  ancient 
practice  is  found  in  the  following  rubric  (xv.  §  2) 
of  the  Roman  missal : — **  Missa  autem  Conven- 
tnalis  et  Solemnis  sequent  ordine  dici  debet. 
In  Festis  duplicibus  et  semiduplicibus,  in  Domi- 
nicis,  et  infra  Oct.,  dicta  in  Choro  hora  tertia. 
In  Festis  simplicibus  et  in  Feriis  per  annum 
dicta  sexta.  In  Adventu,  Quadragesima,  Quatuor 
Teraporibus,  etiam  infra  Octavam  Pentecostea, 
et  Vigiliis  quae  jejunantur,  quamvis  sint  dies 
solemnes,  Missa  de  Tempore  debet  cantari  post 
nonam." 

The  celebration  of  Holy  Communion  in  the 
night-time,  once — as  we  have  seen — common  in 
the  Church,  ceased  at  an  early  date,  except  on 
certain  days  of  special  observance.  Of  these  the 
principal  is  that  on  the  night  of  the  Lord's 
Nativity.  A  Coptic  tradition  (mentioned  by 
Bona,  I{.  L.  i.  21,  4)  ascribes  the  institution  of  a 
nocturnal  communion  at  Christmas  and  Epiphany 
to  th^  Nicene  Council :  the  fact  may  perhapi 
have  been,  that  when  the  celebration  of  the 
Lord's  Nativity  was  transferred  from  the  sixth  of 
January  to  the  twenty -fifth  of  December 
[Christmas],  the  nightly  communion  was  con- 
tinued on  both  days.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (p.  5)  besides  the  mass  for  the  Vigil  of 
the  Nativity,  said  at  the  ninth  hour,  is  one  In 
Vigiiia  Domini  in  nocte,  that  is,  to  be  said  in  the 
night  between  Christmas  Eve  and  Chi-istmas 
Day. 

A  nightly  communion  was  usual  in  ancient 
times  on  the  night  of  the  "  Sabbatum  Sanctum  " 
or  Easter  Eve.  It  is  probably  to  this  custom 
that  Tertullian  alludes  when  {ad  Uxorem,  ii.  4) 
he  says  that  a  heathen  husband  would  not  per- 
mit a  Christian  wife  to  pass  the  night  from  home 
on  the  Paschal  solemnities;  Jerome  (on  St. 
Matt.  XXV.)  mentions  that  it  was  an  apostolic 
tradition  on  Easter  Eve  not  to  dismiss  the  cod- 
gregation  before  midnight;  and  Theodore  Bal- 
samon  (on  the  Council  in  TruUo,  can.  90)  writes 
that  persons  of  especial  piety  were  accustomed 
to  remain  in  the  churches  the  whole  of  that 
Saturday,  to  communicate  at  midnight,  and  at 


COMMONION,  HOLY 

cine  e'ckck  in  the  morning  to  begin  Matins. 
The  Ordo  Jiomanw  Vulgatus  also  orders  that  the 
people  should  not  be  dismissed  before  midnight, 
and  that  at  dawn  of  day  they  should  return  to 
the  churches ;  in  monasteries  it  ei^oins  the  bells 
to  be  runi;  as  soon  as  a  star  was  seen  in  the  sky, 
A  litany  to  be  chanted,  and  then  the  mass  to 
follow.  The  same  custom  is  mentioned  by  Ama- 
larius  (de  Divin,  Off.  iv.  c  20;  cf.  c.  40),  who 
aaya  that  all  continue  fasting  until  night,  when 
the  mass  of  the  Lord's  Resurrection  is  celebrated. 
Dnrandus  {Sationale^  vi.  c  76)  says  that  the 
mncient  rite  was  obsenred  in  some  churches  at 
the  time  when  he  wrote,  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
13th  century.  In  modem  times  the  mass  of 
Easter  Eve  is  said  at  midday,  but  the  unchanged 
collecU  still  testify  to  the  fact  that  it  was  for- 
merly said  at  night. 

A  nocturnal  celebration  aociently  took  place 
also  in  the  night  between  the  Vigil  and  the  day 
of  Pentecost;  hence  in  the  prayer  Communp- 
eantes  on  that  day  we  have  the  words,  **  diem 
aacratissimam  Pentecostes  praevenientes "  (Gre- 
gorii  Sacram.  p.  97 ;  see  Menard,  note  398). 
The  Ordo  Momanus  provides  that  at  the  eighth 
hour  of  the  eve  the  vigil  service  or  mass  should 
begin,  and  should  be  finished  before  the  end  of; 
the  ninth  hour. 

Four  times  in  the  year,  on  the  Saturdays  of 
the  Embeb  weeks,  was  a  nightly  mass,  or  rather 
one  on  the  morning  of  the  succeeding  day,  which 
was  reckoned  to  belong  to  the  Saturday ;  hence, 
as  the  Microloffus  (c.  29)  observes,  the  Sundays 
which  follow  the  Ember-days  have  no  proper 
offices  in  the  ancient  sacramentaries,  but  are 
called  Dommioae  vouxmtea;  for  the  mass  which 
ivas  celebrated  late  on  the  Saturday  served  for 
the  Sunday  also.  So  the  Council  of  Clermont 
(A.D.  1095)  ordered  (can.  24)  that  the  fast,  if 
possible,  should  be  prolonged  through  the  Satur- 
day night,  that  the  mass  might  be  brought  as 
near  as  possible  to  the  Sunday  nlomiug. 

In  some  cases,  when  we  read  of  misaae  vesper^ 
iinae  (e.  g.  Qmc.  Agatfu  c  30 ;  ///.  Aurel,  c  29), 
we  must  ba&r  in  mind  that  tiie  word  missa  does 
not  in  all  cases  imply  the  celebration  of  the 
mysteries  of  the  altar,  but  was  applied  also  to 
the  hour-offices.  Cf.  Mass:  MAUKDr  Thubs- 
DAT :  and  p.  416. 

FBEQUEirCT  OF  COMMUNION. 

An  ancient  rule  of  the  Church  is  expressed  in 
the  21st  canon  of  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (about 
A.D.  305),  that  if  any  one  dwelling  in  a  town 
should  absent  himself  on  three  Sundays  from 
church,  he  should  be  for  a  time  suspended  from 
communion.  As  at  that  time  in  a  city  having 
a  bishop  Holy  Communion  was  administered  at 
least  every  Sunday,  and  non-communicating  at- 
tendance was  unknown,  we  infer  that  weekly 
communion  was  the  rule  of  the  Church,  to  fail 
in  which  was  to  be  unworthy  of  its  privileges, 
rheodore  of  Tarsus,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
testifies  (about  a.d.  688)  that  in  his  time  this 
was  still  the  rule  of  the  East.  In  the  West, 
signs  of  a  relaxation  of  this  rule  appear  at  a 
comparatively  early  period.  Thus  the  Council 
of  Agde  [Agathense]  in  the  year  506  laid  down 
the  nile  (can.  18)  that  if  a  layman  did  not  com- 
municate at  least  at  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Whit- 
suntide, he  should  no  longer  be  reputed  a  Catho- 
lic.   To  the  same  effect  are  the  14th  canon  of 


COMPENDIENSE  CONCILIUM      421 

the  Council  of  Autun  (a.d.  670),  and  the  38th 
of  the  Excerpta  attributed  to  Egbert  of  York 
(A.D.  740).  Bede  (jE?/>.  ad  EaberL  p.  311,  ed.  1722) 
desires  his  correspondent  to  insist  btrongly  on  the 
wholesome  practice  of  daily  communion,  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  the  churches  of  Italy,  Gaul, 
AfVica,  Greece,  and  the  whole  East.  But  this,  he 
says,  in  consequence  of  defective  teaching,  is  so 
far  from  being  the  custom  of  English  laymen, 
that  even  the  more  religious  among  them  do  not 
presume  to  communicate  except  at  Christmas, 
Epiphany,  and  Easter ;  though  countless  innocent 
boys  and  girls,  young  men  and  maidens,  old  men 
and  old  women,  do  not  scruple  to  communicate 
every  Lord's  Day,  and  perhaps  on  the  days  of 
Apostles  and  Martyrs  besides,  as  Egbert  himself 
had  witnessed,  in  the  Roman  and  Apostolic 
Church. 

The  3rd  Council  of  Tours,  in  the  year  813,  laid 
down  (can.  50)  a  rule  nearly  identical  with  that 
of  Agde ;  that  all  laymen,  not  disqualified  by 
heinous  sin,  should  communicate  at  least  three 
times  in  the  year.  The  Council  of  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle  had  previously  (a.d.  788)  re-enacted  (c.  70) 
tne  decree  of  the  Council  of  Antioch  (c  2)  which 
ordered  all  who  came  to  church  at  the  time  of 
service  but  declined  reception  to  be  suspended 
from  communion  until  they  should  amend  ;  and 
it  was  probably  the  failure  of  this  attempt  to 
revive  the  primitive  practice  which  led  to  the 
much  looser  rule  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

If  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  (de  Sacram,  r.  25) 
is  to  be  trusted,  some  Christians  at  least  of  the 
East  in  the  4th  century  communicated  only  once 
a  year,  and  he  complains  that  this  practice  had 
extended  to  his  own  community,  recommending 
himself  the  practice  of  daily  communion.     [C] 

COMMUNION  BOOKS.  [LiruBaiCAL 
Books.] 

COMlfUNION  OP  CHILDREN.  [Infant 
Communion.] 

COMMUNION  OF  THE  SICK  [Sick, 
Visitation  of.] 

COMMUNITY  OF  GOODS.      [MoNAsn- 

CIBM.] 

COMMISTIO  or  COMMIXTIO.  In  tHe 
Roman  missal,  after  the  breaking  of  the  Host 
[Fraction],  the  priest  places  a  particle  in  the 
chalice,  saying  secreto :  **  Haee  commistio  et  con- 
secratio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C.  fiat 
accipientibus  nobis  in  vitam  aeternam."  And 
this  practice  of  placing  a  particle  of  the  Host  in 
the  cup  appears  to  be  an  ancient  one,  and  to  be 
considered  as  a  kind  of  consecration  [Consecra- 
tion]. It  is  found  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Jama 
(Neale's  TetralogiOj  p.  177),  where  the  priest, 
after  breaking  the  bread,  places  the  portion 
which  he  holds  in  his  right  hand  in  the  chalice, 
saying,  "The  union  (cy»<ris)  of  the  all-holy 
Body  and  precious  Blood  of  our  Lord  and  God 
and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ." 

The  4th  Council  of  Toledo  (A.D.  633), 
canon  18,  orders  the  commiztion  (conjunctionem 
panis  et  calicls)  to  take  place  between  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  Benediction.  [C] 

COMPATBES      AND      COMMATRES. 

[Sponsors.] 

COMPENDIENSE  CONCTLIUM.    [Co  *- 

t'lEGNE.] 


422 


GOMPETENTES 


OOMPETENTES.    [Gatbchuiceii8.] 

COMPlfiGNE,  COUNCILS  OF.  [Com- 
PENDIEN8E.3  (1)  A.D.  756,  held  in  Pipin's  palace, 
passed  oanons  respecting  marriage,  degrees  of 
consanguinity,  &c  (Labb.  Cone  vi.  1694).  (3) 
▲.D.  757  (EginhardX  or  758  (Ado),  an  aisembly 
or  ''placitum"  in  the  same  place,  but  rather 
civil  than  ecclesiastical,  its  purpose  being  to  re- 
ceive the  homage  of  Tassilo,  dnke  of  the  Ba- 
rarians,  and  of  hb  subjects  (t&.  1884).  [A.  W.  H.] 

COMPLETOBIUM.  (1)  The  last  of  the 
Canonical  hours  of  prayer  [HouBS  OF  Prater]. 

(8)  An  anthem  in  the  Ambrosian  rite,  said 
at  Laud  and  Vespers.  Sundays  have  two  at 
Lauda,  and  four  at  Vespers ;  and  week  days  one, 
varying  with  the  day,  at  Lauds,  and  one,  un- 
changing, at  Vespers.  The  first  at  Lauds  on 
Sunday  is  **  Dominus  in  caelo,  paravit  sedem 
suam :  et  regnum  ejus  omnium  dommabitur. 
Kyr.  Eyr.  Kyr."  They  are  all  of  the  same 
type.  On  Festivals  the  number  varies  with  the 
office.  [H.  J.  H.] 

COliPLINE.    [Hours  of  Prater.] 
COMPUTUS.    [Calendar.] 

CONCORDIA,  nurse  of  St.  Hippolytus, 
martyr  at  Rome,  Aug.  13  (Mart,  Bedae,  (Jsu- 
ardi).  [C] 

CONCORDIUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Spo- 
leto  under  Antoninus,  Jan.  1  (Mart.  Som.  Vet., 
Usuardi).  [C] 

CONCUBINAGE.--The  elation  between 
the  sexes  which  was  denoted  by  this  word  had, 
under  the  legal  system  with  which  the  early 
Church  was  brought  into  contact,  a  twofold  cha- 
racter. There  was  (1)  the  connexion,  temporary, 
depending  on  caprice  only,  involving  no  obliga- 
tions, concubinage  in  the  modem  sense,  not  £s- 
tinguishable  ethically  from  fornication.  But 
there  was  also  (2)  a  concubmattu  recognised  by 
■Roman  law,  as  in  the  Le^  Julia  et  Papia  Pop- 
paea,  which  had  a  very  different  character. 
Here  the  cohabitation  was  permanent,  and  in- 
volved therefore  reciprocal  obligations,  and, 
although  it  did  not  stand  on  the  same  level  as 
a  conmibiumj  and  did  not  entitle  the  issue  of  the 
union  to  inherit  as  legitimate,  it  was  yet  re- 
garded, somewhat  as  a  morganatic  marrii^e  is 
in  Germany,  as  involving  no  moral  degrada- 
tion. In  dealing  with  this  last  form.  Christian 
feeling  was  divided  between  the  fear  of  recog- 
nising what  might  seem  a  half-marriage  only 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  desire  to  sanction  any 
union  which  fulfilled  the  primary  condition  of 
marriage  on  the  other.  The  question  was  com- 
plicated by  the  fact  that,  for  the  most  part, 
these  unions  were  contracted  with  women  who 
were  slaves  or  foreigners,  and  therefore  not 
ingenaae,  and  that  consequently  to  have  placed 
them  on  a  level  with  connubioj  would  have  been 
to  introduce  a  mesalliance  into  the  succession  of 
respectable  or  noble  £Eimilies.  Cases  where  the 
man  who  kept  the  ooncubina  had  a  wife  living, 
though  sanctioned  bv  the  lax  morality  of  Roman 
society,  admitted,  of  coarse,  of  no  question,  and 
were  denounced  as  adultery  (August.  Serm.  224). 
Where  the  man  was  unmarried  the  case  was  dif- 
ferent.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  on  the  one 
hand  (viii.  32),  authorised  the  admission  to  bap- 


Ham  of  euch  a  alave-concnbine  belonging  to  aa 
unbeliever,  if  she  were  faithful  to  the  one  nun 
with  whom  she  lived.  If  Marda,  the  concubine, 
first  of  Quadratus,  and  afterwards  of  Commodua, 
who  is  known  to  have  fiivoured  the  Christiana, 
had  ever  been  one  of  them,  it  must  have  been  by 
virtue  of  some  such  rule.  The  case  of  a  Chria- 
tian  who  had  a  concubine  was  somewhat  more 
difficult,  and  the  equity  of  the  Church's  judg- 
ment was  disturbed  by  considerations  of  social 
expediency.  If  she  was  a  slave  he  was  to  get 
rid  of  her,  apparently  without  being  bound  to 
make  anv  provision  for  her  maintenance.  If  she 
were  a  free  woman,  he  was  either  to  marry  or 
dismiss  her  (Apoat.  Constt.  viii.  32).  So,  too,  at 
a  later  date,  we  find  Leo  the  Great  treating  this 
dismissal  of  a  mistress  followed  by  a  legal  mar- 
riage, not  as  a  **  duplicatio  oonjugii,"  but  a  "  pro- 
fectus  houMtatis"  (Epitt.  92 ;  ad  Jiustic^  c  5^ 
In  other  instances,  however,  we  trace  the  influence 
of  the  wish  to  look  upon  every  permanent  union 
of  man  or  woman  as  possessing  the  character  01 
a  marriage  in  the  eyes  of  God,  and  therefore  in 
the  judgment  of  the  Church.  Thus  Augustine, 
speaking  of  a  concubine  who  promises  a  Ufo-long 
fidelity,  even  should  he  cast  her  off,  to  the  man 
with  whom  she  lived,  says  that  ^^meritodtdfUaim' 
tUrum  ad  percipiendum  baptitmum  non  debeat 
adnuUi"  (De  Fide  et  Oper.  c.  19).^  The  first 
Council  of  Toledo  went  even  farther,  and  while 
it  excluded  from  communion  a  married  man  who 
kept  a  concubine,  admitted  one  who,  being  un- 
married, continued  fiiithful  to  the  one  woman 
with  whom  he  thus  lived  (1  C.  Iblet.  c.  17> 
The  special  law  forbidding  a  Jew  to  hare  a 
Christian  wife  or  concubine  (3  C.  Tblet.  c  14X 
implying,  as  it  does,  the  legitimacy  of  the  latter 
relation,  where  both  parties  were  Christians, 
shows,  in  like  manner,  that  it  was  thought  of  as 
ethically,  though  not  legally,  on  the  same  level 
as  a  conntAium. 

The  use  of  the  word  ooncubina  as  a  term  ot 
reproach  for  the  wives  of  the  clergy  who  were 
married,  was,  of  course,  a  logical  deduction  from 
the  laws  which  forbade  that  marriage,  but  the 
unsparing  use  made  of  it,  as  by  Peter  I>uniani  and 
Hildebrand,  belongs  to  a  somewhat  later  dat« 
than  that  which  comes  within  the  limits  of  this 
book.  [E.  H.  P.] 

CONFESSIO.  Originally  the  place  where  a 
saint  or  martyr  who  had  **  witnessed  a  good  con- 
fession "  for  Christ  was  buried,  and  thence  the 
altar  raised  over  his  grave,  and  subsequently 
the  chuiel  or  basilica  erected  on  the  hallowed 
spot.  From  its  subterranean  position  such  an 
altar  was  known  as  Kardfituris  (Theophan.  p. 
362)  or  descensus.  Of  these  subterranean  con- 
fessiones  we  have  examples  in  Rome  in  the 
churches  of  St.  Prisca,  St.  Martino  ai  Monti,  SL 

■  It  may  be  qnestioned,  bowever,  which  ctaas  of  cooca- 
blnes,  the  illicit  or  the  kgallKd.  are  here  ooolemplated. 

k  It  ifl  interesting  to  note,  In  this  lenttj  of  JodgmenC. 
the  Infloence  of  a  tender  lecoUectlaD  of  one  with  whom 
i^ugustine,  belbre  his  caatmioD,  had  lived  in  this  reh^ 
tion,  and  who  on  parting  from  him  made  a  dedaratloD 
that  she  woold  live  with  no  one  else.  (Oomf.  vi  It.) 
She  was  apparently  a  Gbrtatlan  (*■  vovens  tibl,"  so.  Dm) 
and  Monica,  though  die  wished  her  son  to  many  and  settia 
respectably,  doea  not  seem  to  have  ooodomned  the  nntoii 
as  flnfhl,  and  adopted  AdecxUtns,  the  iasoe  of  the 
nezion,  into  her  warmest  affections. 


CONFESBIO 

LorenM  fuori  le  Mora,  &c.,  and  abore  all  in 
cue  l»aalica  of  Si.  Peter's.  Not  nnfrequently 
they  were  merely  imitative,  and  not  oonf^ssionei 
in  the  original  sense,  as  at  St.  Maria  Maegiore, 
and  in  the  crypts  of  our  early  churches  in 
England.  Confessio  was  also  used  for  the  altar 
in  the  upper  church,  placed  immediately  above 
that  built  over  the  martyr's  grave,  sometimes 
covered  with  silver  plates  (Anastas.  §§  65-69, 
79,  80,  198X  ^<^  ^^  dborium^  or  canopy  («6. 
§65> 

Other  synonymous  terms  were  ooncUia  mav' 
tjfrum^  memoriae  martyrumy  and  martyria. 

OomoUia  martyrum  b  applied  to  the  burial 
places  of  the  martyrs  in  the  cataoombs,  0,g^ 
**  Hie  (Damasus)  martvrum  .  .  .  concilia  yer- 
•abas  omavit"  (Anast.  §  54;  cfl  Baron,  ad  ann, 
259,  no.  24).  Jerome  speaks  of  the  graves  the 
young  Nepotian  had  been  in  the  hiS>it  of  de- 
corating with  flowers  as  mtuiyrum  condUabula 
(^Ep,  ad  Beivet,  iii. ;  cf.  Aug.  de  Oh.  Deiy  22,  8). 
The  analogous  Greek  term  was  wrd^tts  rwv 
iimpT6ptȴ  (ConciL  Gangr.  Can,  20). 

Memoriae  mariyrvm  is  a  term  of  constant 
occurrence  in  early  Christian  writings  for  the 
memorial  chapel  of  a  saint  or  martyr,  also  called 
ceUa  (August,  de  Cvo.  Dei,  xzii.  7,  10;  oont, 
FoMstin,  XX.  c.  21 ;  Serm,  de  Diversis,  101 ;  Op- 
tatus  ami,  Farmen,  iL  32).  The  correspond- 
ing  Greek  term  was  martyriumy  /Aopripiov 
(Euseh.  de  VU.  Const,  ui.  48;  Soc  iv.  18  [the 
martyrium  of  St.  Thomas  at  £dessa];  ib.  23 
rthe  martyria  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  at 
Kome]).  The  church  of  St.  Euphemia,  where 
ahe  lay  buried,  in  which  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon  was  held,  is  styled  in  the  acts  of  that 
council  fMpr^pioi^  Ei^ju/a5  (cf.  Soc  vi.  6) ;  and 
that  erected  by  Constantlne  over  our  Lord's 
aepnlchre  on  Calvary,  fta^pioM  ^wrripos,  htfor 
rra^ffwt,  &C.  (Euseb.  iv.  de  Vit.  Const.  40-49, 
&C.  C£  ConcU.  Laod.  canon  8.)  The  word 
iropaea,  rk  rp6irata  rw  hiroffr6\uv^  is  used  by 
Caius,  apud  Euseb.  H.  E.  ii.  25,  for  the  tombs 
of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  in  the  Roman  cemeteries. 
[Cella  Msmoriae.] 

TheCod.  Theod.  (fie  Sepukhro  viotatOyUsf  vit) 
eontaiofl  an  express  sanction  for  the  erection 
of  a  '^martyrium"  in  memory  of  a  saint,  and 
the  addition  of  such  buildings  as  might  be 
desired.  [£.  Y.] 

OONFESSION,  UTURGIGAL  (On/eMto, 
Apologia,  6fioKoy(a% 

The  acknowledgment  of  sin  made  publicly  in 
certain  services  of  the  Church. 

L  7%e  Confession  preceding  the  ceUbraium  of 
the  Eucharist. — It  is  so  natural  to  confess  sin 
and  unworthiness  before  engaging  in  so  solemn 
an  act  as  the  consecration  of  the  Eucliarist,  that 
we  scarcely  need  to  search  for  precedent ;  yet  it 
has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  Christian 
presbyters  borrowed  the  custom  of  confessing  sin 
before  the  Eucharistic  celebration  from  the 
Jewish  priests,  who  before  sacrificing  confessed 
their  sin  in  such  terms  as  these :  "  Verily,  0 
Lord,  I  have  sinned,  1  have  done  amiss  and  dealt 
wickedly;  I  repent  and  am  ashamed  of  my 
ioings,  nor  will  I  ever  return  unto  them."  See 
Morinus  de  Poenitent.  lib.  ix.  ii.  c.  21, }  4 ;  Bux- 
torf  de  Synag,  Judaica^  c.  20. 

Whether  the  precedent  of  the  Jewish  sacri- 
ficing priest  were  followed  or  not,  no  doubt 


CONFESSION,  LITUBGICAL     423 

the  same  feeling  which  prompted  the  use  of 
the  Psalm  Judioa  [26th]  in  the  early  part  of  the 
liturgy  caused  also  the  use  of  a  public  general 
confession  by  the  priest  and  ministers  before  the 
altar. 

In  many  Greek  liturgies  some  acknowledg- 
ment of  sin  and  unworthiness  forms  part  of  the 
office  of  the  prothesis,  said  in  the  sacristy  before 
entering  the  sanctuary:  in  the  liturgy  of  St. 
James,  for  instance,  the  priest  adopts  the  words 
of  the  publican,  **  God  be  merciful  to  me  a  sin- 
ner," and  of  the  prodigal,  '*  I  have  sinned  against 
Heaven  and  in  Thy  sight."  The  words  of  the 
prodigal  are  alio  adopted  at  greater  length  in 
the  opening  of  the  Mozarabic  liturgy. 

For  the  West,  many  forms  of  the  liturgical 
confession,  or  apologia,  of  the  priest  about  to 
celebrate  are  given  by  Mc&uird  (on  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentan/f  p.  242);  and  by  Bona  (de  JReb, 
Lit.  ii.  c.  1,  §  1).  Menard  states  that  these  were 
formerly  used  before  the  offertory,  with  which 
the  Missa  Fidelium  began;  but  in  the  iftssa 
lUyrid  and  some  others,  these  apologias  are 
directed  to  be  said  immediately  before  the  Introit, 
while  the  Ohria  in  Excelsis  and  the  Gradual 
are  chanted  by  the  choir.  But  the  ancient  for- 
mularies of  the  Roman  Church  contain  no  trace 
of  a  confession  in  a  set  form  to  be  made  publicly 
at  the  beginning  of  mass.  The  ancient  Ordines 
Homani  only  testify  that  the  celebrant  after  pay- 
ing his  devotions  before  the  altar  in  a  low  voice, 
with  bowed  head  besought  God's  pardon  for  his 
own  sins.  It  is  an  error,  therefore,  to  attribute 
the  introduction  of  this  rite  to  Pope  Pontianus  or 
Pope  Damasus.  The  very  diversity  of  the  form 
and  manner  in  saying  the  confession  in  different 
churches  shows  that  no  form  was  prescribed  by 
any  central  authority,  but  that  the  ^severiu 
churches  followed  independent  usages. 

The  usual  place  for  the  liturgical  confession 
before  mass  is  the  lowest  step  of  the  altar ;  but 
there  was  anciently  considerable  diversity  of 
practice ;  for  the  confession  was  sometimes  made 
(as  in  the  East)  in  the  sacristy,  sometimes  by 
the  side  of  the  altar,  sometimes  in  the  middle  of 
the  presbytery.  A  peculiar  custom,  probably 
derived  from  ancient  times,  was  long  maintained 
in  the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours,  that  the 
celebrant  should  make  his  confession  at  the 
tomb  of  St.  Martin  (Martene  de  Hitibus  EocU 
lib.  i.  c.  4,  art.  2). 

Ih  In  the  Matin  office. — Something  of  the 
nature  of  confession  of  sin  appears  to  have  formed 
part  of  the  matin  office  from  very  early  times. 
This  custom  is  thought  by  some  to  have  been 
inherited  from  the  synagogue,  which  hus,  in  the 
ancient  '*  Eighteen  Prayers,"  the  form,  *'Have 
mercy  upon  us,  0  our  Father,  for  we  have  trans- 
gressed ;  pardon  us,  for  we  have  sinned.  Look, 
we  beseech  Thee,  on  our  afflictions;  heal,  0 
Lord,  our  infirmities."  Very  similarly,  the 
Greek  matin  office  has,  "  0  mo&t  Holy  Irinity, 
have  mercy  on  us;  purify  us  from  our  ini- 
quities, and  uardon  our  sins.  Look  down  upon 
us,  0  Holy  One ;  heal  our  infirmities."  (Free- 
man, Principles  of  Divine  Service,  i,  64  £). 

It  is  at  least  certain  that  in  the  4th  century 
the  early  matin  office  of  many  Eastern  churches 
began  with  a  confession ;  for  St.  Basil  (Ep.  63, 
p.  843,  ed.  Paris  1618)  describes  the  early 
matins  of  the  church  of  Neo-Caesarea  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner.    The  people,  he  says,  at  early 


424 


OONTESSOB 


dawn  seek  the  hoase  of  prayer,  and,  after  con- 
fession made  with  sighing  and  tears  to  God, 
rising  at  length  from  their  prayer  pass  to 
the  chanting  of  the  Psalms.  It  appears  then 
that  a  public  liturgical  confession  commenced 
the  matin  office  in  the  days  of  St.  Basil,  and  he 
expressly  states  that  this  practice  was  consonant 
with  that  of  other  churches  known  to  him. 

In  the  Western  matin  office  the  confession  is 
made  in  the  form  called  Ck>NFiTEOB  (q.  v.)  from 
its  first  word. 

IIL  Confession  of  past  sins  formed  also  one  of 
the  preliminaries  of  baptism,  as  we  learn  from 
Tertullian,  de  Baptitmo^  c  20.    See  Baptism. 

IV.  An  instance  of  a  profession  of  faith,  com- 
monly called  a  confession,  is  the  following : — 

In  all  liturgies  of  the  Alexandrine  family,  and 
in  many  other  Oriental  liturgies  there  is  found, 
immediately  before  communion,  a  confession,  or 
declaration  of  faith  by  the  recipient,  that  the 
bread  and  ■  wine  are  now  really  and  truly  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ.  For  instance,  in 
the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (Renaudot,  Litt,  Orient.  L 
23),  the  priest,  holding  the  elements,  says,  *'  The 
Holy  Body  and  precious,  pure,  true  Blood  of 
Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  our  God.  Amen,  This 
18  in  very  truth  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Emmanuel 
our  God.  Amen,**  Compare  the  Coptic  St. 
Gregory  (Ren.  i.  36) ;  the  Greek  St  BasU  (i.  83) ; 
St.  Gregory  (i.  122),  and  other  passages.      [C] 

GONFESSOB.     [PBNITKNTlABrO 

CONFESSOR.    CO/AoXo77rr^j.) 

1.  One  who  has  confessed  Christ  by  suffering 
death  for  Him.  [MABTrR.]  Thus,  St.  Ambrose 
(ad  Oratianum,  ii.  p.  63,  ed.  Basil,  1567)  speaks 
of  the  deaths  of  confessoi's. 

2.  One  who  has  borne  for  Christ  suffering 
short  of  death.  Pseudo-Cyprian  (de  Duplici  Mar- 
tyrioj  c  31)  says  that  the  Church  '^  martyrea 
appellat  eos  qui  violenta  morte  decesserunt,  conr 
fessorea  qui  constanter  in  cruciatibus  ac  minis 
mortis  professi  sunt  nomen  Domini  Jesu."  In 
this  sense  Celerinus  (Cypriani  Epist.  21,  c.  4,  ed. 
Hartel)  speaks  of  Severianus  and  all  the  confessors 
who  had  passed  from  Carthage  to  Rome;  and 
Sozomen  (If,  E.  i.  10)  speaks  of  the  number  of 
confessors  (6fjio\oyrir&y)  who,  after  the  cessation 
of  persecution,  adorned  the  churches,  as  Hosius 
of  Cordova  and  Paphnutius  of  Egypt. 

3.  The  word  confessor  is  used  in  a  more  general 
sense  for  one  who  shews  the  spirit  of  Christ  in 
his  ordinary  life,  ''qui  pacifica  et  bona  et  justa 
secundum  praeceptum  Christi  loquitur,  Christum 
cottidie  confitetur"  (Cyprian,  Epist,  13,  c.  5). 
So  Theodore  Balsamon  (on  Can,  Apostol,  62,  p. 
265)  says  that  the  Church  desires  all  its  ortho- 
dox members  to  be  confessors  (J&itjo\orft\rds)  of 
the  faith.  Hence,  in  later  times  it  came  to  desig- 
nate persons  of  distinguished  holiness,  who  had 
TOssed  to  their  rest  without  violence  or  torture. 
Pseudo-Egbert  (  Excerptiones^  c  28 ;  a  work  not 
earlier  than  the  9th  century)  speaks  of  *'  dancti 
Patres,  quos  Confessores  nuncupavimus,  id  est, 
episcopi,  presbyteri  qui  in  castitate  servierunt 
Deo"  (Ducange  s.  v.  Confessor;  Suicer  s.  y. 
6po\oyrir^s). 

4.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  Feria  iv. 
post  Palmas  (p.  63,  ed.  Menard),  we  have  the 
following:  "Oremus  et  pro  omnibus  episcopis, 
presbyteris,  diaconibus,  subdiaconibus,  acolythis, 
exorcistis,  lectoribus,  ostiariis,  confessoribus,  vir- 


(X)NFIEMATION 

ginibus,  viduis,  et  pro  omni  popnlo  sancto  Dei.** 
The  order  of  words  shews  that  the  confessor* 
here  are  persons  of  inferior  dignity,  and  Menard 
(ad  locum)  supposes  chanters  to  be  intended  who 
confess  God  by  singing  His  praise.  See  the  first 
council  of  Toledo,  cc.  6  and  9,  where  the  word 
'confessor'  seems  to  be  used  in  a  similar  sense, 
the  latter  canon  forbidding  a  professed  religious 
woman  to  sing  antiphons  in  her  house  with  a 
confessor  or  servant  in  the  absence  of  bishop  or 
presbyter.  (Menard  u.  s.)  [C] 


GONFIBMATION.  The  rite  now  known 
by  this  name  presents  a  singular  instance  of  the 
continued  use  of  a  symbolic  act  in  the  midst  of 
almost  every  possible  diversity  of  practice,  be- 
lief, and  even  terminology.  The  one  common 
element  throughout  has  been  the  imposition  of 
hands,  as  the  sign  of  the  bestowal  of  some  spiri- 
tual gift.  In  fdl  other  respects  it  will  be  seen 
there  have  been  indefinite  variations. 

The  history  of  the  Apostolic  Church  brings 
before  us  two  special  instances  of  the  M$€irit 
rap  x*^P^^  (Acts  viii.  12-17,  xix.  5,  6).  In 
both  it  follows  upon  baptism,  is  administered  by 
apostles,  as  distinguished  from  presbyters  or 
deacons,  and  is  followed  by  special  supernatural 
manifestations  of  spiritual  gifts,  perhaps  by  their 
permanent  possession.  It  was  not  directly  con* 
nected  with  any  appointment  to  any  office  in  the 
Church,  though  office  might  follow  upon  the 
exercise  of  the  gift  bestowed.  It  was  therefore 
distinct  from  the  laying  on  of  hands  by  which 
such  offices  were  conveyed  (Acts  vi.  6,  xiii.  3), 
as  it  was  from  that  which  was  the  medium  of  a 
miraculous  healing  power  applied  to  the  diseases 
of  the  body  (Mark  xvi.  18,  Acts  ix.  12,  17). 
The  act  referred  to  in  1  Tim.  iv.  14,  and  2  Tim. 
i.  6,  seems  to  hover  between  the  bestowal  of  a 
charisma  and  the  appointment  to  an  office.  The 
position  in  which  the  "  laying  on  of  hands**  meets 
us  in  Heb.  vi.  2,  leaves  it  open  to  take  it  in  its 
most  generic,  or  in  either  of  its  specific  senses, 
with,  perhaps,  a  slight  balance  in  favour  of  con- 
necting it  with  the  act  which  always,  or  in  some 
cases,  supervened  on  baptism,  llie  absence  oi 
any  mention  of  it  in  the  baptisms  recorded  m 
Acts  ii.  41,  xvi.  15,  33,  and  elsewhere  receives  a 
natural  explanation  in  the  fact  that  there  the 
haptizer  was  an  apostle,  and  that  it  was  acooni- 
ingly  taken  for  granted. 

Beyond  this  the  N.  T.  gives  us  no  information. 
The  "  unction "  (xpf<r/uo)  of  1  John  ii.  27,  the 
"anointinfij"  of  2  Cor.  i.  21,  the  "sealing"  of  2 
Cor.  i.  22,  Eph.  i.  13,  iv.  30,  can  hardly  be  thought 
of  as  referring  to  a  ritual  act,  though  such  an 
act  may  at  a  very  early  period  have  been  brought 
into  use  as  a  symbol  of  the  thought  which  the 
words  themselves  expressed.  Even  then  it  re- 
mains doubtful  whether  the  "  seal "  means  bap- 
tism itself  or  some  rite  that  followed  it.  A  like 
uncertainty  hangs  over  the  use  of  the  word 
"  seal  *'  in  the  story  quoted  by  Eusebius  (H.  E, 
iii.  23),  from  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii.  c.  14). 

When  we  pass  to  the  age  of  Tertullian  the  case 
is  different.  A  distinct  mention  is  made  (1)  of 
anointing,  (2)  of  the  laying  on  oi  hands,  as  fol- 
lowing so  close  upon  baptism  as  to  seem  almost 
part  of  the  same  rite  rather  than  a  distinct  one, 
the  latter  act  being  accompanied  by  a  special 
prayer  for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Tertnll. 


CONFIRMATION 

d$  Bapi,  c  7 ;  <fe  Semrr,  Cam.  c.  8).    Cyprian, 
in  like  manner,  recognises  the  practice,  contend- 
ing that  it  follows  rightly  upon  a  valid  baptism, 
but   is  not  enough,   in  the  case  of  heretical, 
and  therefore  invalid,  baptism,  to  admit  those 
who  received  it  to   foil  communion   with  the 
chnrch.    He  applies  to  it,  as  to  baptism,  the  word 
"sactamentnm,"  bat  obviously  not  in  the  tech- 
nical sense  of  a  later  theology  {Epist.   72,  ad 
StephanJ).    In  these  passages,  it  will  be  observed, 
no  distinction  is  drawn  between  the  baptizer  and 
fhe  layer-on  of  hands     Both  acts  are  spoken  of 
as  if  they  were  performed  at  the  same  time  and 
by  the  same  person.     In  practice,  of  course,  the 
usage  of  the  3rd,  possibly  of  the  2nd,  century, 
which  fixed  on  Easter  as  the  great  baptismal 
season,  allowing  it  at  other  times  only  in  cases 
of  urgent  n«ed,  would  make  this  combination 
ordinarily  a  very  practicable  one.    It  was  neces- 
sary, however,  to  provide  for  the  exceptions,  and 
this  was  done  accordingly  by  the  Council  of  Elvira 
(c.  77),  which  ordered  that,  in  the  case  of  those 
who  had  been  baptized  by  a  deacon,  "  sine  epi- 
scopo  vel  presbytero,"  the  bishop  **  per  benedic- 
tionem  perficere  debet."  *     Jerome,  in  like  man- 
ner, but  with  a  more  rigid  limitation  of  the  act 
of  imposition  to  the  higher  order,  recognised  it 
as  a  long-«tanding  usage  of  the  church.    Bishops 
used  to  travel  round  their  dioceses  in  order  to  lav 
their  hands,  **ad  invocationem  Sancti  Spiritus,'* 
on  those  who  had  been  baptized  only  by  a  pres- 
byter or  deacon  (e.  Lucifer,  c.  4).    One  or  two 
fiicts  may  be  noted  at  this  stage  of  expansion, 
(1)  that  immediate  supernatural  results  are  no 
longer  looked  upon  as  the  ordinary  sequel  to  the 
act  of  imposition,  but  that  it  is  still  connected, 
as  in  the  apostolic  age,  with  the  thought  of  spi- 
ritual gifts  of  some  kind ;  (2)  that  while  it  is 
still  in  theory  a  rite  which  may  be  administered 
immediately  after  even  infant  baptism,  its  limi- 
tation to  the  episcopal  order  tended  to  interpose 
an  interval  of  uncertain  length  between  the  two. 
A  Spanish  council  in  a.d.  569  (C  Lncens,^  recog- 
nises  the  fact  that  there  were  some  churches 
which  the  bishop  could  not  possibly  visit  every 
year.     Gradually,  especially  in  Western  Europe, 
the  negligence  or  the  secular  engagements  of  the 
bishop  prolonged  this  interval.     The  East,  how- 
ever, with  its  characteristic  reverence  for  anti- 
quity, refused   to  separate  what  the  primitive 
Church  had  joined,  and  infant  baptism,  infant 
confirmation,   infant  communion,  follow,  in  its 
practice,  in  immediate  sequence.     Even  in  the 
Roman  Church  the  sacramentaries  of  Gelasius 
and  Gregory  unite  the  first  two  ordinances.     It 
was  not,  even  in  the  judgment  of  eminent  ritual- 
ists of  that  Church,  till  the  13th  century,  that 
the  two  ordinances  were  permanently  separated, 
and  a  period  of  from  seven  to  twelve  years  al- 
lowed to  intervene.     Of  what  mav  be  called  the 
modem,  Protestant  idea  of  confirmation,  as  the 
ratification  by  the  baptized  child,  when  he  haa 
attained  an  age  capable  of  deliberate  choice,  of 
the  promises  made  for  him  by  his  sponsors,  there 
is  not  the  slightest  trace  in  Christian  antiquity.** 

•  It  Is  siDgular  that  the  canon,  strictly  interpreCad, 
seems  to  aanctioa  the  performanoe  of  the  act  Implied  in 
the  "perficere"  bj  a  presbyter  as  well  as  by  a  bishop. 
Bat  the  decrees  of  couudls  will  seldom  bear  interpretation 
with  the  mlnuteiieas  of  a  special  pleader. 

b  The  Apotflolie  Constitutions,  it  is  true,  speak  of  the 
Mcred  chrfan  as  Ptpmirnvts  rijv  Qf&oAoycac  (UL  17) ;  but  it 


OONPIEMATION 


425 


A  special  aspect  of  confirmation  presents  itself 
in  connection  with  the  reception  into  the  Church 
of  those  who  had  been  baptized  by  heretics. 
With  the  exception,  and  that  only  for  a  time,  of 
the  African,  that  baptism,  if  formally  complete, 
was  recognised  as  valid.   But  the  case  was  other- 
wise with  the  laying  on  of  hands.    Only  in  the 
Catholic  Church  could  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  be 
thus  imparted  (August,  de  Bapt  c.  Ikmat    ii. 
16),  and  so,  even  if  the  heretical  sect  had  its 
bishops,  and  they  administered  the  rite,  it  was 
treated  aa  null  and  void.    When  those  who  had 
been  members  of  such  a  community  returned  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  Church,   confirmation, 
including  the  anointing  as  well  as  the  laying  on 
of  hands,  was  at  once  theoretically  indispensable, 
in  its  sacramental  aspect,  and  became  practically 
conspicuous  as    the    formal    act  of   admission 
(2  C.  Constant,  c.  7 ;  1  C.  Arau$,  c  8 ;   Siricius, 
Epist.  i.  1 ;  Leo,  Epist.  37,  c  2).    It  follows, 
from  all  that  has  been  said,  that,  according  to 
the  general  practice,  and  yet  more,  the  ideal,  of 
the  Church  of  the  first  six  centuries,  the  office 
of  confirming  ¥ra8  pre-eminently  an  episcopal 
one.  But  it  deserves  to  be  noticed  that  it  was  not 
80  exclusively.    It  did  not  depend  for  its  validity 
upon  episcopal  administration.    As  baptism  was 
valid,  though  administered  by  a  layman,  so  the 
laying  on  of  hands,   in    case  of  urgency,  was 
valid,  though  administered  by  a  priest.     In  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions  (vii.  22),  at  least  one  part 
of  the  rite,  the  anointing,  is  assigned  to  either 
priest  or  bishop,  and  the  practice  was  retained 
by  the  whole  Eastern  Church.     In  the  West,  the 
exception  was  recognised  as  legitimate  in  cases  of 
necessity,  as  e.  g.  in  that  of  a  possessed  or  dying 
person  (1  C.  Araus.  c.  2 ;  Innocent,  Epist.  1  ad 
Decent. ;  C.  Epaon.  c.  86).     In  these  instances, 
however,  for  the  most  part,  a  special  delegation 
of  authority   was  either  required  or  implied. 
The  letters  of  Leo  {Ep.  88  ad  Gali.)  and  Gelasius 
{Epist.  9  ad  Episc.  Lucan.)y  forbidding  the  prac- 
tice, ''per  impositiones  manuum  fidelibus  bap- 
tizandis,  vel   conversis  ex   haeresi  Paracletum 
Sanctum  Spiritum  tradere "  (Leo  /.  c.)  may  be 
received  as  evidence  that  the  practice  was  be- 
coming more  or  less  common,  even  without  that 
authoritv,  and  that  it  was  necessary,  in  the  inte- 
rest of  the  episcopal  order,  to  restrain  it. 

Lastly,  it  may  be  noticed,  that  a  trace  of  tha 
old  combination  at  one  time  and  place  of  the  two 
ceremonies,  baptism  and  the  imposition  of  hands, 
which  were  afterwards  separated,  may  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  the  anointing,  which  was  origi- 
nally the  connecting  link  between  the  two,  was, 
at  a  later  period,  attached  to  each.  Innocent, 
in  the  letter  already  quoted  (ad  Decent,  c.  3), 
marks  out  the  limits  within  which  the  priest 
might  act.  In  the  absence,  or  even  in  the  presence 
of  the  bishop,  he  might  anoint  the  baptized  child 
with  the  holy  chrism,  provided  always  that  the 
chrism  itself  had  been  consecrated  by  a  bishop, 
but  he  was  not  to  sign  him  on  the  forehead. 
That  was  reserved  for  the  bishops,  when,  by  im- 
position of  hands,  they  bestowed  the  gift  of  the 
Spirit.  [E.  H.  P.] 


Is  questionable  whether  this  means,  as  Bingham  asserta 
(xlL  3),  a  confirmation  on  man's  part  of  the  compacts  made 
with  Oiod  in  baptism.  The  analogous  use  of  the  word 
<r^yt$  ({ToRCtt.  Apoit.  vlL  22)  would  seem  to  imply  that 
It  was  the  aea],  the  oonflnnation  of  God's  promisea. 


126 


GONFITEOB 


OONBEGBATION  OF  OHUBCHEB 


CONFITEOR.  The  form  of  general  con- 
fession  of  siiu  made  in  the  offices  of  the  Church, 
fio  called  from  it«  first  word.  This  U  prescribed : 

(1)  At  the  beginning  of  the  mass  when  the 
priest  says  it  standing  at  the  steps  of  the  altar, 
"profunde  inclinattts." 

(2)  At  the  administration  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion at  other  times. 

(3)  At  the  administration  of  Extreme  Unction. 

(4)  Previous  to  the  absolution  *Mn  articulo 
mortis." 

(5)  In  the  daily  office  at  Compline ;  and  at 
Prime  when  the  office  is  not  double. 

Sacramental  confession  is  also  directed  to  begin 
with  the  opening  words  of  the  "  Confiteor." 

It  is  prefaced  by  the  yersicle  '*  Deus  in  adju- 
torium,  &c.,  and  is  said  alternately  by  the  priest 
and  congregation,  who  each  respond  with  a 
prayer  for  the  forgiveness  of  the  other,  called 
**  Misereatur,"  from  its  first  word ;  in  addition 
to  which  the  priest  pronounces  a  short  formula 
of  absolution,  similarly  called  *' Indulgentiam," 
over  the  people.  This  act  Ib  sometimes  called  in 
rubrics  '*  giving  the  absolution." 

Clear  traces  of  it  appear  in  the  Penitential  of 
Egbert  of  York,  A.D.  730,  who  prescribes  a  form 
of  words  closely  resembling  the  '*Confiteor," 
as  introductory  to  sacramental  confession ;  and 
the  **  Benedictio  super  poenitentem  "  is  only  a 
slightly  different  version  of  the  '*  Misereatur." 
A  similar  form  is  given  by  Chrodegang,  bishop 
of  Metz  A.D.  742,  who  describes  the  order  in 
which  Prime  was  to  be  said,  to  the  following 
effect.  When  the  clerks  come  together  to  sing 
Prime  in  the  church,  the  office  itself  being  com- 
pleted, let  them  give  their  confessions  before  the 
50th  [51st]  Psalm,  saying  in  turn,  ''Confiteor 
Domino  et  tibi,  frater,  quod  peccavi  in  cogita^ 
tione  et  in  locutione  et  in  opere :  propterea  precor 
te,  ora  pro  me."  To  which  the  response  is  given, 
**Misereatur  tibi  omnipotens  Deus,  indulgeat 
tibi  peccata  tua,  liberet  te  ab  omni  malo,  con- 
servet  te  in  omni  bono,  et  perducat  te  ad  vitam 
aetemam ; "  to  which  the  other  answers.  Amen, 
In  Micrologus  de  Ecd.  Observ,  [probably  about 
1080]  a  form  still  more  closely  resembling  the 
present  is  given,  and  the  Srd  Council  of  Ravenna, 
A.D.  1314,  orders  that  throughout  the  province 
of  Ravenna  the  **  Confiteor  "  shall  be  said  in  the 
form  used  at  the  present  time.  Since  the  pub- 
lication of  the  missal  of  Pius  Y.  there  has  been 
complete  uniformity  in  this  respect  throughout 
the  Roman  obedience.  For  examples  of  early 
forms  of  confession  see  Bona,  de  R^,  Lit, ;  Mar- 
tene,  de  Ant.  Eoci.  Bit,  lib.  L  &c.  Compare 
CoNyEssiON.  [H.  J.  H.] 

GONFBAGTORIUM.  An  anthem  in  the 
Ambrosian  missal  at  the  breaking  of  the  Host. 
It  usually  has  some  reference  to  the  Gospel  of 
the  day.  [H.  J.  H.] 

GONON,  martyr  at  Iconium  under  Aure- 
lian.  May  29  (Mart  Usuardi);  March  5  (Col. 
Bi/zant.\  [C] 

CONSECRATION  OF  CHUBCHES  (Cm- 
secratioy  Dedioatio;  Gt.  iufnipwris,  £useb.  Vit, 
Const,  iv.  60 ;  kyKcdvtOy  t&.  iv.  43 ;  cf.  ittf40riK€Vf 
Procop.  de  Aedif,  Juetimanif  i.  8). 

The  essential  idea  of  consecration  is  expressed 
n  the  following  paragraphs  :  —  '*  Consecratio 
Ecclesiae  est  dedicatio  ejusdem  ad  cultum  divi- 
lum  speciali  ritu  facta  &  legitime  ministro,  ad 


hoc  nt  populus  fidelis  opera  religionfs  in  eft  Tit« 
exercere  possit"  (Ferraris'  Promta  Bibliotheoaf 
iii.  157),  "When  we  sanctify  or  hallow 
churches,  that  which  we  do  is  to  testify  that  w* 
make  them  places  of  public  resort,  that  we 
invest  God  Himself  with  them,  that  we  sever 
them  from  common  uses"  (Hooker,  Eoo.  J*, 
V.  16).  "  By  the  conaecration  of  a  church;  the 
ancients  always  mean  the  devoting  or  setting 
it  apart  for  Vivine  service"  (Bingham^  Aniiq, 
viii.  9).    Compare  Benbdiction. 

It  seems  almost  a  necessity  to  men  to  have 
their  places  of  common  worship  recognized  and 
accustomed.  That  those  places  should  not  onljr 
acquire  sacredness  of  association  by  use,  but 
should  previously  have  imparted  to  them  in 
some  sort  a  sacredness  of  object,  seems  also 
consonant  with  natural  religion.  The  former 
more  clearly,  and  yet  the  latter  also,  impUciti j, 
is  found  in  all  tig^  a  feature  of  idl  religions, 
rude  and  civilized,  the  same  with  all  classes,  of 
diverse  nations,  however  widely  separated;  as 
exemplified  in  groves,  sacred  stones,  piilara, 
altars,  temples,  pagodas.  It  seems  the  dictate 
of  natural  piety  that  we  should  express  thanks 
to  God  on  the  first  use  of  anything.  Greeks, 
Romans,  Jews,  had  their  consecrations  of  hoosea, 
cities,  and  walls,  not  by  words  only,  but  with 
symbolical  actions  and  sacred  rites.  (See  Devi. 
XX.  5;  Psalm  xxx.  Title,  A  Peahn  and  Song 
at  the  Dedication  of  the  Home  of  David;  Neh. 
xii.  27;  Du  Cange,  Conttantinopolie  Christiana, 
i.  3,  "  Urbis  Encaenia;"  Lewis,  Historical  Essay 
upon  the  Consecration  of  Qiurdtes,  London  1719, 
c  iii.) 

From  the  expressions  "  before  the  Lord,"  "  the 
presence  of  the  Lord  "  (Gen.  iv.),  it  has  been 
reasonably  inferred  that  "the  patriarchs  had 
places  set  apart  for  the  worship  of  God,  con- 
secrated, as  it  were,  to  His  service."  (Blunt's 
Script,  Cdnc,  p.  8.)  Something  like  a  form 
of  consecration  is  indicated  in  Gen.^  xzi.  33, 
xxviii.  16,  17,  18,  where  the  Vulgate  rendering 
"titulum"  has  given  rise  to  the  use  of  the 
term,  as  equivalent  to  *  church,'  common  in  early 
Christian  writers.  The  oonsecration  of  the 
tabernacle  is  narrated,  Exod.  xL,  and  given  with 
further  details  in  Josephns  iii.  9.  T^e  dedica- 
tion of  the  Temple  of  Solomon  is  contained  in 
1  Kings  viii.;  which  furnishes  Hooker  (EccL 
Pol,  V.  12-16)  with  several  of  his  arguments  for 
the  consecration  of  Christian  churdies.  The 
dedication  of  the  second  temple  by  Zerubbabei  is 
told  in  Ezra  vi.  16;  the  purification  and  re- 
dedication  of  the  same  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  in 
1  Mace.  iv.  41-44,  54,  56,  57,  59.  The  dedica- 
tion of  Herod's  beautiful  temple  is  narrated  by 
Josephus  zv.  14.  Less  mi^ifioent  than  these, 
but  still  recognized  and  flowed  to  possess  a 
sacred  character,  were  certain  "  high  places  "  in 
the  ante-Babylonish  history  of  the  Jews,  known 
in  later  times  as  irpoo'mxaij  and  the  numerous 
synagogues  in  Palestine  and  elsewhere. 

C^istianity  rose  out  of  Judaism,  supplanting 
only  what  was  peculiar  to  that  system,  and 
inheriting  all  that  was  of  natural  piety.  The 
Divine  Founder  of  Christianity  set  the  example 
to  all  His  followers  in  His  constant  attendance 
at  the  acknowledged  places  of  worship,  and  es- 
pecially in  His  going  up  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
feast  of  the  Dedication.  The  apostles  used  the 
consecrated  temple  as  long  as  it  was  permitted 


nONBEGRATIOK  OF  CHUBOHES 

them  to  do  to,  and  BYeTjwhun  ehe  they  found 
the  sjnagognea  or  churches  made  ready  to  their 
hands,  needing  no  new  consecration.  Traces  in 
the  N.  T.  of  a  Juasd  place  of  worship  as  a  feature 
of  an  organized  church  are  presented  hj  Prof. 
Blunt  (^Pariah  Priest,  sect.  ix.  p.  281X  who 
quotes  Acts  i.  13 ;  St.  Luke  xzii.  12 ;  St.  John 
zx.  19,  26;  Acts  iL  2;  Rom.  xyi.  S;  1  Cor.  xi. 
22,  xTi.  19. 

That  the  primitive  Christians,  %,9.  before  the 
time  of  Constantine,  not  only  had  churches  to 
worship  in,  but  regarded  them  as  distinct  in 
character  from  other  buildings,  has  indeed  been 
doubted  or  denied,  but  is  allowed  by  even  Hoe- 
pinian  (cfo  Origine  et  Frogresau  Conaecraliowum 
et  Dedioationum  Temphrum,  Tiguri,  1603,  fol.) 
mnd  August!  (BenkwdrdigkeUen  aw  der  Christ' 
lichen  Archaologiej  xi.  317,  &c.),  and  has  been 
sufficiently  settled  in  the  affirmative  by  Petrus 
Cluniacensis,  A.D.  1147  (quoted  in  Hooker,  E.  P, 
T.  12,  5),  Bona,  TiUemont,  Mede,  Lewis,  Chan- 
cellor Harington  {The  Object,  Importance^  and 
Antiquity  of  the  Rite  of  Consecration  of  Churches, 
Rivingtons,  1847),  and  Professor  Blunt  We 
dismiss  spurious  testimonies  and  dubious  allega- 
tions ;  e,y.  the  affirmation  of  Radulphus  adduced 
by  Gavanti  (  Thesaur,  tom.  i.  p.  iv.  tit.  xvi),  that 
**•  dedication  is  of  apostolic  authority ;"  the  Cle- 
mentines (ijp.  ad  Jaoobum)  "Build  churches 
in  suitable  places,  which  you  ought  to  consecrate 
by  divine  prayers ;"  the  Decretals,  quoted  from 
Linus,  Cletus,  Evaristus,  Hyginas,  &c.  by  Gratian 
and  Goar  {Euchol,  p.  807);  the  assumption  in 
Duranti  and  Cardinu  Bona,  as  quot«d  in  Bingham 
(^Antiq.  viiL  9,  2);  and  others  given  by  Martens 
C^it»  JSocL  Ant.  ii.  13).  Yet  we  may  collect 
n'om  the  very  earliest  times  a  succession  of 
allusions  and  statements  which  warrant  us  in 
the  conclusion  that  places  and  buildings,  of 
whatever  humble  sort  they  might  be,  were 
alwavs  recognized  and  set  apart  for  common 
worship,  the  fact  of  their  consecration  appearing 
drst,  and  then  the  accompaniments  and  rites 
of  it. 

The  very  titles  by  which  these  buildings  were 
known  indicated  this;  e,g.  ncvpicdci},  i.e.  outia, 
Dominica,  &c.,  discussed  in  August!  (^Denho,  xi. 
320,  &c%  St.  Ambrose,  in  his  letter  to  his 
sister  Marcellina  (£'p.  22),  calls  the  rite  of 
dedication  of  churches  a  most  ancient  and  uni- 
versal custom.  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  in  an 
oration  (43)  on  the  consecration  of  a  new  church, 
says,  ^  that  it  was  an  old  law,  and  very  excel- 
lently constituted,  to  do  honour  to  churches  by 
the  feasts  of  their  dedication."  And  Daniel 
{Cod,  Liturg.  i.  355)  confirms  the  conclusion  of 
Binterim  (fienkwOrd,  iv.  L  27)  that  this  cere- 
mony is  deeply  rooted  in  the  earliest  age  of  the 
Church.  Mede,  and  others  after  him,  argue 
thii  existence  of  churches  from  passages  in 
Clemens  Romanus  (ad  Cor.  i.  41 ;  see  Blunt's 
Parish  Priest,  lect.  Ix.);  Ignatius  (Ep.  ad 
Magnes.  7) ;  Justin  Martyr  (ipol.  i.  67) ;  Ter- 
tttilian  (De  Idolol.  7) ;  Cyprian  {de  Op.  et  Eleem. 
12);  Lucian  (PAtA>/>.  p.  1126);  and  many  others. 
The  Coenaculum  at  Jerusalem,  to  which,  as  to  a 
known  place,  the  disciples,  after  the  ascension  of 
the  Lord,  returned  for  common  prayer,  is  said  to 
have  been  adapted  and  dedicated  to  Christian 
service  long  before  the  time  of  Constantine. 
^The  upper  room,**  says  Bede  (tom.  ix.  de 
Locis  Sanctis),  *'  was  enclosed  afterwards  with  a 


00NSE(3EATION  OF  CHURCHES    427 

beautiful  church,  founded  by  the  holy  apostles, 
because  in  that  place  they  had  received  the 
Holy  Ghost."  To  this,  as  being  already  an 
acknowledged  use,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  refers 
{Cat.  lect.  xvi.  4) :  "  Here,  in  Jerusalem,  in  the 
upper  church  of  the  apostles  .  .  .  the  Holy 
Ghost  came  down  from  heaven.  And,  in  truth, 
it  is  most  fitting  that  ...  we  should  speak 
oonoeming  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  upper  church  ** 
(cf.  Nioeph.  ii.  3). 

''There  exist,"  says  Eusebius  {Hist.  Ecd. 
viii  1),  ''the  imperial  edicts  by  which  the 
churches  were  to  be  pulled  down  to  the  ground." 
These  must  have  been  actual  edifices.  [Chttboh.] 
Then  came  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  when 
"  the  houses  of  prayer  were  pulled  down  from 
the  top  to  the  bottom,  and  their  foundations 
overturned  "  (i6.  viiL  2).  "  After  these  things 
a  spectacle  earnestly  prayed  for  and  much  de- 
sired by  us  all  appeared,  viz.  the  solemnization 
of  the  festival  of  the  dedication  of  churches 
throughout  every  city,  and  the  consecration  of 
the  newly-buUt  oratories.  .  .  .  Indeed,  the  cere- 
monies of  the  bishops  were  most  entire,  the 
presbyters'  performance  of  service  most  exact, 
the  rites  of  the  Church  decent  and  majestic 
On  the  one  hand  was  a  place  for  the  singers  of 
psalms,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  auditors  of  the 
expressions  sent  from  God ;  on  the  other  was  a 
place  for  those  who  performed  the  divine  and 
mystical  services.  Tliere  were  also  delivered 
the  mystical  symbols  of  our  Saviour's  passion. 
And  now  people  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  men  and 
women,  with  the  utmost  vigour  of  their  minds, 
with  joyful  hearts  and  souls,  by  prayer  and 
thanksgiving,  worshipped  God,  the  Author  of 
all  good.  AH  the  prelates  then  present  made 
public  orations,  every  one  as  well  as  he  was  able, 
endeavouring  to  set  forward  the  praises  of  those 
assembled"  {tb.  x.  3).  In  x.  5  Eusebius  gives 
the  decrees  of  Licinius  and  Constantius  for  re- 
storing the  churches  to  the  Christians,  as  build- 
ings not  private,  to  which  there  had  been  an 
established  title.  Even  the  Magdeburg  Cen- 
turlators,  who  are  wont  to  disparage  the  im- 
portance of  the  ceremony  of  consecration,  writing 
on  the  .4th  century,  admit  that  it  had  been  in 
existence  earlier :  "  tlsitatae  omnino  magis  quam 
superioribus  saeculis  templorum  fuerunt  dedica- 
tiones,  sen  consecrationes,  et  quidem  festivae." 
The  church  of  Tyre  was  one  of  those  destroyed 
in  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  and  rebuilt  at 
the  revival  described  above.    From  the  pane- 

fyric  spoken  by  Eusebius  on  the  occasion  to 
aulinus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  we  gather  that  the 
earlier  church,  a  very  noble  one,  had  been  con- 
secrated before  at  its  first  erection,  and  that 
churches  built  on  old  foundations  were  conse- 
crated again. 

We  owe  to  the  courtly  pages  of  Eusebius  full 
accounts  of  the  consecration  of  the  churches 
built  by  Constantine  at  Jerusalem,  Constantinople, 
and  Antioch.  He  undertook  to  build  a  church 
over  the  Holv  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem  {ViL 
Const,  ill.  25),  called  the  "Martyrinm,  of 
which  the  beauty  and  several  parts  are  de- 
scribed {&>.  iii.  29).  When  all  was  ready,  a.d.  335, 
he  wrote  a  letter  of  invitation  to  the  numerous 
bishops  then  assembled  in  council  at  Tyre,  urging 
them  that  they  should  first  compose  their  in- 
ternal differences,  because  concord  of  priests 
befitted  such  a  ceremony  {Vit.  Const,  iv.  43; 


428    CONSECRATION  OF  OHUBCHES         CONSECRATION  OF  CEfURCHES 


Sozom.  Eod,  Eiat,  i.  26).  From  all  parts  of  the 
£n5t,  accordingly,  eminent  bishops  as&embled, 
followed  by  an  innumerable  company  of  people 
out  of  all  the  provinces.  "  But  the  ministers  of 
God,**  proceeds  Eusebius,  '*  adorned  the  festival 
partly  with  their  prayers,  and  partly  with  their 
discourses.  For  some  of  them  with  praises 
celebrated  the  benignity  of  the  religious  em- 
peror towards  the  universal  Saviour,  and  in 
their  orations  set  forth  the  msgnificence  of  the 
Martyrium;  others  entertained  their  hearers 
with  theological  discounes  upon  the  divine  dog" 
xnata^  fitted  to  the  present  solemnity;  others 
fflterpreted  the  lessons  of  the  divine  volumes, 
and  disclosed  the  mystic  meanings.  But  such 
as  were  unable  to  arrive  at  these  things  ap- 
peased the  Deity  with  unbloody  sacrifices  and 
mystic  immolations,  humbly  offering  up  their 
prayers  to  God.  ...  At  which  place  we  our- 
selves also  honoured  the  solemnity  with  various 
discourses  uttered  in  public ;  sometimes  making 
descriptions  in  writing  of  the  stateliness  and 
magnificence  of  the  royal  fabric;  at  others, 
explaining  the  meaning  of  the  prophetic  visions 
in  a  manner  befitting  the  present  symbols 
and  figures.  There  was  the  feast  of  dedication 
celebrated  with  the  greatest  joy  imaginable." 
One  discourse  by  Eusebius  {de  Lavdibus  Con- 
stantini)  is  given  in  full  (iv.  45),  where  it  is 
observed  that  Constantine's  churches  were  much 
larger  and  handsomer  than  those  before.  The 
consecration  took  place  on  Sept.  13th,  a  Satur- 
day. 

Theodoret  (^EccL  Hist  1.  31)  says  that  many 
churches  of  Constantino  were  dedicated  by  the 
assembled  bishops  at  the  same  time. 

To  the  dedication  of  the  magnificent  basilica 
at  Antioch,  called  Dominicum  Aureum,  a.d.  341, 
begun  by  Constantine  and  finished  by  his  son 
Constantius,  there  came  ninety-seven  bishops, 
on  the  invitation  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  who 
had  usurped  the  see  of  Constantinople  (Socr.  ii. 
8  ;  Sozom.  iii.  5). 

A  synod  of  bishops  (Socr.  ii.  39)  assembled  at 
the  dedication  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople, 
A.D.  360,  thirty-four  years  after  the  foundation 
of  the  church  by  Constantine.  Eudozius  had 
lately  been  inaugurated  as  archbishop.  He 
"made  sacred  prayers"  (Du  Cange,  Constantt- 
nop.  Christ,  iii.  2).  "It  was  consecrated  with 
prayere  and  votive  offerings"  (Niceph.  viii. 
26).  Ciampini  (de  Aedif,  Constantini,  pp.  165 
sqq.)  gives  a  summary  of  the  dedication  of 
this  celebrated  church  from  the  Alexandrian 
Chronicle.  It  is  also  referred  t«  by  the  author  of 
the  Life  of  St.  Athanasius  in  Photius  (Du  Cange, 
u,s.).  As  Constantine's  church  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  earthquake,  so  was  this  of  his  son's 
burnt  with  fire,  a.d.  404,  and  wholly  destroyed 
in  the  sedition  of  a.d.  532. 

Further  light  is  thrown  on  the  rite  of  con- 
secration by  a  story  of  Athanasius.  In  his 
Apology  to  the  emperor  Constantine,  A.D.  335, 
he  defends  himself  fi'om  the  serious  charge  of 
using  an  undedicated  church.  He  allows  the 
truth  of  the  fact.  He  said  they  had  certainly 
kept  no  day  of  dedication,  which  would  hare 
been  unlawful  to  keep  without  orders  from  the 
emperor.  The  building  was  not  yet  complete. 
He  grounds  his  apology  on  the  great  concourse 
of  (leople  in  Lent,  the  grievous  want  of  church 
room  elsewhere,  the   pi'essure    of  all   to  hear 


Athanasius,  the  increased  mass  of  the  crowd  on 
Easter  Day  (when  the  undedicated  church  was 
used),  the  precedents  of  the  Jews  alter  the 
captivity,  and  of  buildings  so  used  in  Alexandria, 
Treves,  Aquileia,  the  reasonableness  of  worship- 
ping in  a  building  already  called  "the  Lord's 
house  "  from  the  very  time  of  laying  the  founda- 
tions {Apol,  ad  Const.  17-21).  "There  was 
no  dedication,  but  only  an  assembly  for  the  sake 
of  prayer.  Yon,  at  least,  I  am  sure,  as  a  lover 
of  God,  will  approve  of  the  people's  zeal,  and 
will  pardon  me  for  being  unwilling  to  hinder 
the  prayers  of  so  great  a  multitude."  "Maj 
you,"  he  adds,  "most  religious  Augustus,  lire 
through  the  course  of  many  yean  to  come,  and 
celebrate  the  dedication  of  the  church.  The 
place  is  ready,  having  been  already  sanctified  bj 
the  prayers  which  have  been  offered  in  it,  and 
requires  only  the  presence  of  your  piety."  (76. 
24,  25.) 

The  fint  dedication  of  a  new  church  by  Jus- 
tinian is  briefly  described  by  Du  Cange  (Con-' 
stant,  Chr.  iii.  5),  who  says,  "The  pro<»ssion 
started  from  St.  Anastasia,  the  patriarch  Hennas 
sitting  in  the  chariot  of  the  emperor,  and  the 
emperor  himself  going  among  the  common 
people."  The  "  dedicationis  apparatus  et  cele- 
britas"  is  given  in  Codinus  (prig.  Constant.\ 
who  says  that  Justinian  went  in  solemn  pro- 
cession from  the  palace  to  the  Augustaeum  (n 
sort  of  large  foram,  or  irpoa6\ioy,  before  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia),  together  with  the  patri- 
arch, to  the  church  built  by  himself,  and  broke 
out  into  these  words :  "  Glory  to  God,  who  has 
counted  me  worthy  to  fulfil  so  great  a  work. 
1  have  surpassed  thee,  0  Solomon.'  A  series  of 
earthquakes  destroyed  the  dome,  altar,  ambo, 
&c.,  and  the  same  emperor,  whose  passion  for 
building  was  the  ruling  feature  of  his  life,  cele- 
brated the  second  consecration  twenty-four 
yeara  later,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Du 
Cange  (»&.  iii.  6)  after  Theophanes.  "Nightly 
vigils  preceded  in  the  church  of  St.  Plato; 
thence  the  procession  advanced  with  prayers,  the 
emperor  himself  being  present;  the  patriarch 
Eutychius,  borne  in  a  cnariot,  and  dressed  in 
apostolical  habit,  holding  the  holy  gospeb  in  his 
hands ;  all  the  people  chanting  '  Lift  up  your 
heads,' "  &c  Then  came  the  dvpavot^la  and  the 
<f>wToJip6fioSy  i.e.  that  part  of  the  ceremony  of 
the  Encaenia,  where  in  the  circuit  of  the  build- 
ing the  lights  are  lighted  on  the  walk,  and 
twelve  Crosses  are  anointed  with  chrism  by  the 
bishop.  Paul  the  Silentiary,  in  his  poem  on  the 
occasion,  adds,  "After  thou  hadst  celebrated 
the  festival,  as  was  proper,  forthwith  the  whole 
people,  the  senate,  and  the  middle  and  better 
classes,  demanded  an  extension  of  the  days  of 
celebration.  Thou  grantedst  it:  they  flocked 
in :  again  they  demanded  :  again  thou  grantedst 
it,  which  things  being  often  repeated,  thou 
celebratedst  the  festivity  magnificently."  Pro- 
bably for  seven  days. 

Of  other  churches  in  Constantinople,  Du 
Cange  (ib,  iv.  5)  relates  the  dedication  of  the 
Church  of  the  Apostles.  This  church,  after  its 
demolition,  was  rebuilt  by  Justinian.  The  dedi- 
cation is  described  as  celebrated  by  the  deposi- 
tion in  it  of  the  relics  of  Andrew,  Luke,  and 
Timothy,  which  had  been  in  the  earlier  church. 
Theophanes  says,  that  the  bishop  Mennas,  with  the 
holy  relics,  sitting  in  the  royal  chariot,  gilt  and 


CONSECRATION  OF  CHURCHES    CONSECRATION  OP  CHURCHES  429 


studded  with  gems,  carrying  upon  his  knees  the  I 
three  shrines  of  the  holy  apostles,  in  sQch  wise  j 
celebrated  the  dedication.     Procopius  speaks  of 
the  same  particulars. 

The  last-named  writer  (de  Aedif.  Justin,  i.  t.) 
mentions  the  'sacred  buildings  at  Ephesos,  Con- 
stantinople, Jerusalem,  which  Justinian  dedi- 
cated (iofiBriKt), 

We  gather  from  Bede  (EocL  Hist  i.  6)  that 
while  Diocletian  was  persecuting  in  the  East, 
Maximian  was  doing  the  same  io  the  West, 
Ibr  ten  years,  by  burning  the  churches,  &c., 
and  that  after  the  cessation  of  the  persecution 
the  Britons  renewed  the  churches  which  had 
been  raxed  to  the  ground,  and  founded  and 
finished  basilicas  to  the  holy  martyrs  (ib.  i.  8). 
Later  on,  we  read  that  Gregory  instructed 
Augustine  and  his  companions  not  to  destroy 
the  idol  temples,  but  to  destroy  the  idols  in 
them,  and  then  to  prepare  holy  water,  and 
sprinkle  it,  to  build  altars  and  deposit  relics,  and 
to  make  suitable  provision  for  rendering  the  day 
of  dedication  attractive  (t6.  i.  SIO) ;  that  Augus- 
tine **  consecrated  a  church  in  the  name  of  the 
Saviour,  our  God  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;"  and 
Laurentius  *' consecrated  the  church  of  the 
blessed  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  **  (ib,  i.  33) ;  that 
the  body  of  Augustine  (after  a  very  early  cus- 
tom) was  laid  near  this  church,  as  it  was  not 
jet  dedicated,  but  as  soon  as  it  was  dedicated  it 
was  brought  in  and  laid  in  the  north  porch  (t6. 
iL  3);  that,  on  Chad's  visit  to  Northnmbria, 
after  being  in  East  Anglia,  the  son  of  the  king 
gave  him  land  to  build  a  monastery  or  church ; 
to  purify  the  spot  he  craved  leave  to  spend  the 
forty  days  of  Lent  (except  the  Lord's  day)  in 
prayer  and  fasting,  as  he  said  it  was  always 
the  custom  he  had  learned,  first  to  consecrate 
the  locality  by  prayer  and  fasting  to  the  Lord. 
Then  he  built  a  monastery,  and  set  it  on  foot 
according  to  the  rites  of  the  Lindisfarnians, 
with  whom  he  was  educated  (ib,  iii.  23);  that 
the  Abbot  Ceolfrid  sent  to  the  king  of  the  Picts, 
A.D.  710,  architects  to  build  for  him  a  stone 
church  after  the  manner  of  the  Romans,  he 
having  promised  to  dedicate  it  in  honour  of  the 
blessed  chief  of  the  apostles  (ih,  v.  21).  Bede 
tells  a  story  of  Bishop  John  of  Beverley,  how, 
after  having  dedicated  a  church  for  the  Earl 
Puch,  he  sent  to  his  countess,  who  was  bed- 
ridden, some  of  the  holy  water  which  he  had 
consecrated  for  the  dedication  of  the  church  by 
one  of  the  brethren,  charging  him  to  give  her 
some  to  taste,  and  that  he  should  wash  her  with 
the  same  water  wherever  he  learnt  her  pain 
was  the  greatest.  The  woman  recovered  (ib,  v. 
4).  A  detailed  account  is  given  of  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  church  of  Ripon  by  St.  Wilfred 
(A.O.  665)  in  his  life.  The  47th  chapter  of 
the  Penitential  of  Archbishop  Theodore,  speaking 
of  a  building  in  which  heathens  had  been  buried, 
but  now  proposed  for  a  church,  adds:  *Mf  it 
seems  fit  for  consecration,  let  the  bodies  be 
removed,  and  it  shall  be  sanctified,  if  not  con- 
secrated before."  In  the  same  chapter  mention 
is  made  of  that  part  of  the  office  of  consecra- 
tion in  which  it  is  said,  ''Locus  a  Deo  iste 
factns  est." 

2.  (Janons  and  decrees  which  relate  to  the  con' 
tecration  of  churches, — The  4th  canon  of  the 
General  Council  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451  (Bruns's 
CammcSf  i.  26),  provides  that  ^  no  one  shall  any- 


where build  or  establish  a  monastery,  or  house  of 
prayer,  without  the  consent  of  the  local  bishop.'' 
The  canons  of  Felix  IV.  and  Gregory  I.  (de  Consecr, 
distinct,  i.  c.  17)  are  referred  to  by  Gavanti 
(T/iesaurus  Sacr.  Mit,  torn.  i.  p.  iv.  tit.  xvi.  p. 
529).  The  23rd  canon  of  an  Irish  Council  under 
Patrick,  A.d.  450  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  303),  directs 
"that  a  presbyter,  though  he  build  a  church, 
shall  not  offer  the  oblation  in  it  before  he  brings 
his  bishop  to  consecrate  it,  because  this  was 
regular  and  decent."  Of  Columbanus,  however, 
though  not  a  bishop,  Walafrid  Strabo  writes 
(Mart.  ii.  13,  6),  *'He  ordered  water  to  be 
brought,  blessed  it,  sprinkled  the  temple  with  it, 
and  while  they  went  round  singing,  dedicated 
the  church.  Then  he  called  on  the  Name  of  the 
Lord,  anointed  the  altar,  placed  in  it  the  relics 
of  St.  Aurelia,  vested  it,  and  said  mass."  The 
1st  Council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  can.  10  (Bruns's 
CanoneSf  ii.  123),  forbids  a  bishop  to  consecrate  a 
church  out  of  his  own  diocese,  even  if  it  has  been 
built  by  himself.  So  the  2nd  Council  of  Aries 
(about  451),  can.  37.  The  3rd  Council  of  Or- 
leans, A.D.  538,  can.  15  (Bruns's  Can,  ii.  196), 
makes  the  same  provision  about  altars.  The 
3rd  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Saragossa.  A.D. 
592  (Bruns's  Can,  ii.  65),  enacts  that  "  if  Arian 
bishops,  who  are  converted,  shall  consecrate 
churches  before  they  have  received  the  bene- 
diction, such  shall  be  consecrated  anew  by  a 
Catholic  bishop."  The  Theodosian  Code  pre- 
scribes how  existing  buildings  should  be  claimed 
and  dedicated  for  the  service  of  the  Christian 
religion:  "  conlocatione  venerandi  religionis 
Christiana^  signi  expiari  praecipimus"  (lib.  xvi. 
tit.  10).  The  same  rite  was  prescribed  by  Justi- 
nian at  the  beginning  of  any  erection  of  a  church 
(Novell,  cxxxi.,  quoted  by  Bingham,  Antiq.  viii. 
9,  5).  See  more  instances  in  August!  (Denkw. 
xi.  355).  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne  in  the  6th 
century,  promises  his  brother  Apolliuaris  to  be 
present  at  the  consecration  of  a  church,  and 
commands  the  gifts  that  were  designed  for  the 
poor  at  the  dedication  feast.  The  2nd  Council 
of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  can.  7,  orders  that  no  bishop 
should  consecrate  any  church  or  altar,  on  pain 
of  deposition,  unless  relics  were  placed  under  it, 
''ut  qui  eccleslasticas  traditiones  transgressus 
est."  The  famous  Council  of  Cealchvthe  (i.  e. 
Chelsea),  presided  over  by  Archbishop  Wil- 
fred, A.D.  816,  can.  2,  deci'ees,  "when  a  church 
is  built,  let  it  be  consecrated  by  a  bishop  of  its 
own  diocese :  let  the  water  be  blessed,  and 
sprinkled  by  himself,  and  all  things  fulfilled 
in  order,  according  to  the  service  book.  Then  let 
the  Eucharist,  which  is  consecrated  by  the  bishop 
after  the  same  form,  be  deposited  with  the  other 
relics  in  a  chest,  and  kept  in  the  same  church. 
And  if  he  cannot  bring  other  relics,  at  least  he 
can  do  this  chief  thing,  because  it  is  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  And  we 
charge  every  bishop  that  he  have  it  painted  on 
the  wall  of  the  oratory,  or  on  a  table,  as  also 
on  the  altars,  to  what  saints  both  of  them  are 
dedicated."  The  141st  of  the  Ex6erpts  of  Arch- 
bishop Egbert,  circ.  a.d.  750,  provides  when  a 
church  will  need  reconsecration.  The  Council  of 
Woinns,  A.D.  868,  forbids  bishops  to  exact  any  fee 
or  present  for  the  consecration  of  a  church,  and 
also  forbids  them  to  consecrate  any  church 
except  there  be  a  writing  under  the  hand  of  the 
founder  ronfirmitigthe  foundation,  and  signifying 


430  GONSBCBATION  OF  CHUBOHES    CONSECRATION  OF  CHUBCHK8 


what  endowment  he  has  given  for  the  ministers 
and  for  the  lights. 

A  decree  is  quoted  from  Gelasins,  a.d.  492  (cf. 
Socr.  EgcI,  Hist.  ii.  8),  to  the  effect  that  no 
bishop  consecrate  a  church  without  the  leave  of 
the  Apostolical  see.  Gregory  the  Great  wrote 
official  letters,  whence  we  may  gather  the  form 
in  which,  as  bishop  of  Rome,  he  was  accustomed 
to  issue  his  license  to  his  suffragans  for  dedication 
of  a  church  or  chapel,  e.g.,  that  **  they  take  good 
heed  that  no  dead  body  were  buried  in  the  place  " 
{Einst.  i.  52;  t.  22;  xii.  10);  "if  a  bishop  con- 
secrated an  oratory  in  another  diocese,  what  he 
had  done  was  null  and  void  "  {Epist.  xi.  2).  He 
would  not  have  a  new  church  consecrated  unless 
it  were  endowed  with  sufficient  revenue  for  main- 
taining divine  service  and  the  clergy  (see  Corp, 
Jur.  Coil  i.  457-461).  Marteue  allows  that 
Gelasius  and  Gregory  were  both  intending  to 
prescribe  for  Italy  alone. 

3.  Biiual  of  Consecration, — It  was  customary, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  deliver  eermons  at  the  time 
of  consecration.  There  is  one  extant  by  St. 
Ambrose,  preached  at  the  dedication  of  a  church 
built  by  Vitalianus  and  Majanus,  a.d.  380 ;  the 
sermon  is  entitled  *^£>e  Dedicatione  Basilicae,'* 
from  the  text  in  St.  Luke,  *'He  loveth  our 
nation,  and  he  hath  built  us  a  synagogue." 
Gaudentius,  bishop  of  Bresse  in  Italy,  early  in 
the  5th  century,  has  left  sermons  '*  Die  dedica- 
tionis  basilicae  sanctorum  quadraginta  marty- 
rum "  {Max,  Bibl,  Patrum,  tom.  v. ;  Migne's 
Patrol,  XX.).  St.  Augustine's  works  (tom.  v.) 
contain  sermons  of  the  same  class,  Senn.  256, 
de  temporey  al.  336-338,  and  in  App.  Serm,  229- 
231,  considei'ed  to  be  those  of  Caesarius. 

Of  other  rites  and  ceremonies  we  find  occasional 
notices.  Thus  of  the  vigil  kept  the  night  pre- 
ceding the  dedication,  St.  Ambrose  writes  {Ep, 
22)  to  his  sister  Marcellina  and  Gregory  of 
Tours,  de  Gloria  Confesaorum ;  of  the  translation 
and  deposition  of  relics,  we  read  in  the  same 
epistle  of  St.  Ambrose,  "When  I  wished  to 
dedicate  the  basilica,  they  began  to  interrupt  me 
as  it  were  with  one  mouth,  saying.  You  should 
dedicate  the  basilica,  as  in  the  case  of  a  Roman 
one.  I  answered,  I  will  do  so,  if  I  find  relics  of 
martyrs."  The  same  custom  is  mentioned  by 
St.  Basil,  Epist.  49  (iii.  142),  by  St.  Paulinus, 
Epist.adSeverum  {Max.  Bibl,  Pair,  tom.  vi.  193, 
&c.),  by  St.  Greg.  M.  lib.  i.  c.  10.  See  in 
Martene.  The  relics  were  often  not  the  bodies 
themselves,  but  what  had  been  simply  in  contact 
with  them  [Brandeum].  The  custom  was  at 
first  peculiar  to  Rome,  and  was  then  extended 
and  made  obligatory  by  the  2nd  Nicene  Council. 
Ancient  forms,  given  by  Martene,  prescribe  that 
"the  Body  of  the  Loixl  be  deposited."  On 
dedication,  Hooker  (E,  P.  v.  13)  and  Bingham 
{Antiq.  viii.  9,  8)  both  quote  St.  Augustine  (de 
Civii,  Deiy  viii.  27 ;  xxii.  10 ;  contra  Faust,  xx. 
21 ;  contra  Maxim,  i. ;  de  Vera  Eelig.  c  55)  as 
showing  how,  and  with  what  interest  and  limi- 
tation, the  original  custom  of  dedicating  churches 
to  the  Lord  only  was  afterwards  extended  to 
their  dedication  under  the  name,  or  as  me- 
morials of  saints  and  martyrs,  or  by  the  title  of 
virtues,  especially  of  iotsd!om,  as  was  the  case  in 
the  chief  cities  of  the  empire.  Augustine  in 
writing  against  Maximinus  grounds  an  argument 
for  the  deitv  of  the  Holy  Ghost  upon  this  dis- 
tinction :     "  that    He    must   be    God,    because 


temples  were  built  and  dedicated  to  Him,  whi^ 
it  would  be  sacrilege  to  do  to  any  other  creature." 
The  custom  of  lighting  twelve  candles  is  alluded 
to  in  the  Pseudo-Augastine,  Serm.  338  (al.  3^ 
in  Dedic,  Ecdesiae,  *'  This  lesson  occurs  suitably, 
when  the  candelabra  are  blessed,*  that  he  who 
works  is  as  a  light  placed  on  a  candlestick."  The 
very  ancient  rite  of  inscribing  either  the  whole 
alphabets  both  Greek  and  Latin,  or  some  letters 
of  them,  or  one  alphabet,  is  spoken  of  by  Gr^ory 
in  his  Liber  Sacramentorum :  "Then  let  the 
bishop  begin  from  the  left-hand  comer  at  the 
east,  writing  on  the  pavement  with  his  pastoral 
staff  A.  B.  C.,  to  the  right  comer  of  the  west ; 
again  beginning  from  the  comer  at  the  east  he 
writes  A.  B.  C.  and  so  on  to  the  left  comer  of  the 
church."  Gregory  says  that  some  bishops  added 
the  Hebrew  alphabet.  The  inscription  was 
called  the  A.  B.  C.  darium.  See  more  on  the 
custom  in  Martene  (ii.  13,  who  gives  A.D.  980  as 
the  inferior  date  for  it),  and  in  Maskell,  Mowjonm 
Pit.  i.  173  n. 

It  is  difficult,  however,  from  the  few  and 
scattered  notices  in  primitive  writers,  to  con- 
struct the  probable  course  of  the  ritual  of  conse- 
cration in  early  times.  We  may  say  with 
Bingham,  "  that  the  manner  and  ceremony  ot 
doing  this  was  not  always  exactly  one  and  the 
same,  therefore  we  are  chiefly  to  regard  the 
substance  of  the  thing,  which  was  the  separation 
of  any  building  from  common  use  to  a  religious 
service.  Whatever  ceremony  this  was  performed 
with,  the  first  act  of  initiating  and  appropriating 
it  to  a  divine  use  was  its  consecration;  and 
therefore,  in  allusion  to  this,  the  first  beginning 
of  anything  is  many  times  called  its  dedication. 
Whether  churches  had  any  other  ceremony 
besides  this  in  their  dedication  for  the  first  three 
ages  is  not  certain,  though  it  is  highly  probable 
they  might  have  a  solemn  thanksgiving  and 
prayer  for  a  sanctified  use  of  them  also,  over  and 
besides  the  usual  liturgy  of  the  Church,  because 
this  was  in  use  among  the  Jews  "  {Antiq,  viii. 
9,  1).  So  also  Lewis  (Historical  Essay)  remarks 
upon  the  difficulty  of  discovering  the  use  of  this 
rite  in  its  particular  parts,  because  the  custom 
of  those  early  times  was  obscure,  yet  "  he  hopes 
to  shew  some  remains  of  the  footsteps  of  this 
ceremony "  (p.  29),  and  gathers  them  together 
(p.  105),  as  traced  in  the  several  instances  above 
given. 

Of  the  various  forms  printed  from  MSS.,  the 
Ordo  Jtomanus  for  the  building  end  consecration 
of  a  church,  &c.,  said  to  be  of  the  8th  century,  is 
given  in  the  Max.  BAl.  Pair.  (tom.  xiii.  p.  715, 
&c).  Goar  (Euch.  Qraeconim)  gives  the  custo- 
mary order  in  laying  the  foundation  of  a  church, 
and  the  prayer  to  be  said  on  the  occasion,  which 
some  call  the  cross-fixing;  and  the  order  for 
fixing  the  cross  after  the  church  is  finished,  by 
the  patriarch,  under  which  head  there  are  certain 
prayers  attributed  to  Callixtus  on  the  dedication 
of  a  temple,  and  a  very  prolix  rd^ts  icol  ^o- 
\ovOla  M  Ka$up6trti  vaov  (p.  606,  &C.,  and  p. 
846).  Martene  {Eccl.  Rit,  ii.  13,  p.  244  &c.)  has 
printed  eleven  forms,  of  which  the  oldest  are  (1) 
from  the  Book  of  Gellone  in  Italy  about  A.D.  800, 
(2)  ftom  the  pontifical  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of 
York,  A.D.  750,  (3)  from  the  Anglican  pontifical 
in  the  monastery  of  Jurai^es,  A.D.  800,  (4)  from 
the  pontifical  of  St.  Dunstan  of  Canterbury,  (5) 
from  a  codex  of  St.  Mary's,  Rheims,  a.d.  900,(6) 


C0N8ECBATI0N  OF  CHUBGH£S     CONSECRATION  OF  GHUBCHES  431 


?rom  &  pontifical  of  the  Church  of  Nojon,  A.D. 
900.  Maskell  prints  from  the  Sai-nm  Poittifical 
the  Ordo  ^  De  Ecclesiae  dedicatione,  sea  conse- 
eratione"  {Monumen,  Bit.  i.  162-203),  and 
has  some  remarks  on  the  subject  in  his  pre- 
liminarv  dissertation,  pp.  ccUr.-cclxxv.  Daniel 
{Cod,  Liiurg,  i.  355-384,)  prints  the  rite  ''Ex 
Pontificali  Romano,"  with  notes  of  collation 
from  other  rituals.  He  holds  that  in  the  most 
ancient  times  it  was  not  the  mass  only  that  was 
sufficient  at  the  consecration  of  new  churches 
(which  Binterim  had  argued),  but  that  it  was  the 
mass  proper  for  dedication,  together  with  addi- 
tions of  certain  forms  of  benediction.  Both 
these  writers  allow  that  the  ritual  of  present  use 
•carcely  reaches  the  8th  century. 

4.  Annivertariea  of  consecrations  of  churches 
bare  their  natural  origin  in  the  feast  of  dedica- 
tion of  the  temple,  attended  by  our  Lord  (St. 
John  X.  22,  23)  in  conformity  with  1  Mace.  !▼. 
56-59 ;  St.  Gregory  Nazian.  {Orat,  43,  tts  r^ip 
Kvputi^tf  init.)  speaks  of  it  as  an  ancient  custom 
**  to  honour  churches  by  the  feasts  of  their 
dedication ;  and  that  not  for  once  only,  but  upon 
the  annual  return  of  the  day  of  their  consecra- 
tions, that  good  things  become  not  forgotten 
through  lapse  of  time."  It  is  doubtful  who 
initiated  the  custom.  Some  make  it  date  from 
the  consecration  of  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  on  Sept.  13  [Ana- 
flTTASisl.  (See  Sozom.  Jf,  E.  i.  26 ;  Niceph.  viii. 
50.)  Felix  IV.,  ▲.D.  526,  put  out  a  decree  **  that 
the  solemnities  of  the  dedications  of  churches  are 
to  be  celebrated  every  year."  Gregory  the 
Great  confirmed  the  practice,  and  it  was  adopted 
by  Augustine  in  Britain,  together  with  the 
custom  of  building  booths  round  the  church,  and 
holding  common  festirities  (Bede,  EccL  Hist,  i. 
30).  The  memory  of  the  dedication  of  St. 
Sophia  at  Constantinople  was  kept  up  every 
Dec  22  (Du  Cange,  Con9t.  Chr,  iii.  6).  Gavanti 
(ii.  250,  &&),  dt  Commxmi  Dedioationis  Ec- 
cietiaej  has  rules  and  remarks  on  this  class  of 
festival  and  its  concurrence  with  others. 

The  StfmMism  of  the  rite  of  consecration  may 
be  said  to  appear  in  the  earliest  titles  given  to 
churches  (see  above),  and  in  the  essential  idea  of 
consecration  as  expressed  by  Hooker,  E.  P,  v.  12, 
13 ;  Bingham,  ArUiq.  viii.  9,  8 ;  Lewis,  p.  98. 
Atctiin,  de  Coena  Domini^  says,  **  Churches  are 
consecrated  that  the  coming  of  angels  into  them 
may  be  invited,  and  that  men  entering  into  them 
may  be  restrained  from  mean  thoughts."  St. 
Thomas  Aquin.  (Summa^  part  iii.  Quaest.  85, 
art.  3)  says,  **A  church  is  consecrated  because 
the  Church  is  the  spouse  of  Christ ;  and  when  the 
octave  is  celebrated  for  denoting  the  glorious 
resurrection  of  the  Church  which  is  to  come." 
Remigius  of  Auxerre,  in  the  10th  century,  has  a 
Treatise  on  the  mystical  signification  of  the  whole 
rite.  Cf.  the  reference  to  this  and  other  writers 
in  Maskell  {Monvm.  EiL  i.  162,  3>  The  same 
subject  is  elaborately  drawn  out  by  Durandus, 
Rationale  Din.  Off, ;  St.  Bruno  Astensis,  Kpisc. 
Signionsium  {Max.  BihL  Pair.  xx.  1725),  of  the 
12th  century,  &c. 

5.  Consecration  of  Attars,  —  Bingham  {Ant, 
viii.  9,  10)  says  that  the  consecration  of  altars 
9eems  to  have  begun  first  of  all  in  the  6th 
eentnry ;  he  quotes  the  Council  of  Agde,  a.d. 
506,  can.  14  (Bruns's  Can.  ii.  145),  as  enacting 
that  "  altars  are  to  be  consecrated  not  only  by 


the  chrism,  but  with  the  sacerdotal  benediction,** 
and  the  Council  of  £pone,  A.D.  517,  can.  26  {ib. 
ii.  170),  that  "none  but  stone  altars  are  to  be 
consecrated  with  the  unction  of  the  chrism." 
Gregory  of  Tours,  in  the  6th  century,  in  his 
De  Gloria  Confeasorvtn,  c.  xx.  (Migne,  Patrol.  71, 
p.  842),  describes  the  dedication  of  an  oratory  at 
Tours,  a  very  beautiful  cell,  heretofore  used  as  a 
salt  cellar :  **  The  altar  was  placed  in  its  future 
position;  the  night  was  spent  in  vigil  at  the 
basilica ;  in  the  morning  they  went  to  the  cell 
and  consecrated  the  altar,  then  returned  to  the 
bosilica,  and  thence  took  the  relics.  There  were 
present  a  very  large  choir  of  priests  lad  leacons, 
and  a  distingui^ed  body  of  honourable  citizens, 
with  a  large  assembly  of  people.  On  arrival  at 
the  door  a  miracle  of  splendour  took  place," 
which  Gregory  describes. 

Literature. — Besides  the  several  works  and 
special  treatises  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this 
article,  reference  may  be  made  to  Cardinal  Bona, 
de  Peb.  Liturg.  i.  19,  20  (Antwerp  1677,  4to); 
Fabricius  (John),  de  Templis  Vhristtanorum 
(Helmstadii  1704,  fol.);  Augusti's  List  of  the 
Literature  of  Holy  Places  (xi.  817),  Schmid, 
Liturgik,  Kultus  der  Ckrisi-Katholiache  KircAe 
(vol.  iii.).  Liber  diurntu  Pontif.  Pom.  (Migne's 
Patrol,  vol.  105),  cap.  v.  p.  89,  &c.,  <*  Index 
Generalis  Materiarum"  in  Max.  BiU.  Patrtan 
(tom.  i.)  under  the  head  ''Ecclesia,  16,  De 
Materiali  Ecclesia,  sen  Templo,  ejnsque  dedi- 
catione,"  where  some  dedication  sermons  and 
mystical  expositions  and  vindications  of  the  rite 
of  consecration  may  be  found  of  the  12th  and 
13th  centuries.  [H.  B ^y.] 

6.  Summary. — It  will  be  seen  in  the  instances 
given  above  that  there  are  two  distinct 
periods  in  the  history  of  the  consecration  of 
churches.  In  the  early  ages,  certainly  as  late  as 
the  time  of  Constantine,  a  church  was  inaugu- 
rated by  solemn  ceremonial,  and  dedicated  to  the 
service  of  God  with  prayer.  Then,  as  churches 
built  over  the  tombs  of  martyrs  came  to  be 
regarded  as  endowed  with  peculiar  sanctity,  the 
possession  of  the  relics  of  some  saint  came  to  be 
looked  upon  as  absolotelv  essential  to  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  building,  and  the  deposition  of  such 
relicn  in  or  below  the  altar  henceforward  formed 
the  central  portion  of  the  consecration-rite.  All 
the  essentials  of  such  a  rite  are  found  in  the 
description  of  the  consecration  of  an  oratory, 
quoted  above  from  Gregory  of  Tours.  [Compare 
Altar.] 

To  the  second  phase  belong  all  the  ancient 
rituals  of  consecration  now  extant,  whether  in 
East  or  West.  We  may  take,  as  a  summary  of 
the  ntes  above  referred  to,  the  service  for  the 
consecration  of  churches  given  in  Egbert's 
Pontifical  (pp.  26-58,  ed.  Surtees  Soc),  which 
differs  in  no  essential  point  from  that  of  the 
Gregorian  sacramentary. 

The  relics  were  to  be  watched  the  night  before 
in  some  church  already  consecrated.  In  the 
morning  the  bishop  and  clergy  came  in  procession 
to  the  church  to  be  consecrated;  candles  are 
lighted,  the  clerks  in  procession  pass  round  the 
church  outside.  The  door  of  the  church  is 
opened  with  appropriate  chants  and  ceremony. 
Prayer  is  said  in  the  midst  of  the  church,  and 
the  procession,  with  litany,  solemnly  approaches 
the  altar  with  prostration.  Then  follows  the 
A.  B.  C.  dnrium  (see  above).      Holy  water  is 


432  OONSBORATION  OF  CHUROHKS 


CONSECRATION  OP  CHURCHES 


blessed  and  sprinkled  aboat  the  church  and  the 
altar;  the  altar  is  censed  and  anointed  with  oil 
and  chrism ;  the  slab  is  to  be  laid  on  the  altar, 
the  linen  coverings,  the  fittings  (ornamenta)  of 
the  church,  and  the  vessels  to  be  used  in  divine 
service  are  blessed.  Then  the  relics  are  brought 
in  solemn  procession  from  the  place  where  they 
had  been  deposited.  When  they  come  before  the 
altar  a  curtain  is  drawn  between  the  clerks  and 
the  people;  the  bishop  makes  the  sign  of  the 
cross  with  chrism  inside  the  cx>nfe8SI0  or  cavity 
where  the  relicc  are  to  be  placed,  and  at  the  four 
comers  of  the  altar.  After  the  relics  have  been 
placed  in  the  confessio,  the  slab  is  laid  on  the 
top  and  fixed  with  mortar.  The  bishop  says  a 
prayer.  The  altar  is  then  covered  and  decked, 
and  the  paten  and  chalice  are  blessed. 

The  clerks  then  enter  the  vestry  and  put  on 
other  vestments.  Meantime  the  church  is  made 
ready,  and  the  bishop  and  clergy  on  their  return 
say  the  mass  In  Dedicatione  Ecclesiae, 

Forms  are  also  given  in  the  Pontifical  (p.  57) 
for  the  *'  Reconciliation  "  of  an  altar  or  holy 
place  where  blood  has  been  shed  or  homicide 
perpetrated. 

For  other  ceremonies  of  dedication  see  Font, 

C£METERr. 

7.  fnscriptiona. — ^Bianchim  on  the  Liber  PonUf. 
(s.  35,  i.  p.  74,  ed.  Migne)  quotes  the  following- 
inscription  as  proving  the  consecration  of  a 
church  at  Rome  in  the  4th  century  by  Damasus 
or  Damasius : — 

T  .  I  .  X  .  N  .  EGO  DAMASI 

VS  VRB  ROME  EPS  AN 

C  DOMV  COSECRAVI 

.  .  .  N.R.Q.S.M.S.S.PA.S.PE. 

i.e.  TihUus  in  Chritti  nomine.  Ego  Damasius 
urbis  Bomae  Episcopus  hanc  domum  consecravi. 
The  interpretation  of  the  remaining  portion  of 
the  inscription  is  doubtful,  but  S .  PA  .  S .  PE . 
seem  to  designate  Sancitu  PatUus,  Sancius 
Petnts.    On  the  reverse  of  the  stone  is  engraved, 

IHic  r»JQVIESCIT  CAPVT 
SCI  CRESCENTINI  M . 
ET  RELIQIE  S .  SVPANT . 

The  Abb^  Martignv  (Dictionnaire,  p.  227)  has 
acutely  remarked,  that  the  epithet  sanctus  is 
not  known  to  be  used  in  this  way  so  early  as 
the  4th  century,  and  that  the  inscription  is 
probably  of  a  later  date  than  the  time  of  Pope 
Damasus.  There  is,  in  fact,  probably  no  inscrip- 
tion testifying  to  the  conseci-ation  of  a  church 
of  so  early  a  date  as  the  time  of  St.  Ambrose, 
when  we  know  that  a  dedication-rite  similar 
in  essentials  to  that  of  later  times  was  coming 
into  use.  [C] 

S.  Effect  of  Consecration. — Cliurches  and  their 
sites,  once  consecrated,  were  to  be  reserved 
exclusively  for  the  offices  of  religion.  Eating 
and  drinking  in  them  was  forbidden  after  the 
love-feasts  had  been  abolished :  and  wearing 
arms  in  them  was  never  allowed.  In  virtue 
of  the  2nd  of  these  rules  they  speedily  became 
asylums  or  pbces  of  refuge  for  all  threatened 
with  violence :  still  they  could  only  be  used  as 
such  for  a  limited  duration  in  virtue  of  the  first. 
'*  PateAut  summi  Dei  templa  timentibus,"  said 
one  law  in  the  Theodosian  code,  not  merely  con- 


firming this  privilege,  but  extending  it  to  the 
various  surroundings  of  a  church  inhere  meals 
might  be  taken  and  sleeping  quarters  esta- 
billed  for  any  length  of  time ;  by  another  law, 
however,  it  was  modified,  by  excluding  public 
debtors,  slaves,  and  Jews,  from  benefiting  by  it 
in  future  (lib.  ix.  tit.  49) ;  and  Justinian  after- 
wards excluded  malefactors  {Novel.  17).  Some 
interesting  remarks  on  these  constitutions  may 
be  read  in  a  letter  of  Alcuin  {Ep.  clviL  ed. 
Migne)  to  his  two  disciples,  Candidus  and  Na- 
thanael :  modified  indeed  by  the  important  let- 
ter of  Charlemagne  which  follows  it;  and  in 
accoi-dance  with  which  the  righta  of  sanctuary 
are  upheld  in  the  Frank  capitularies  of  the  8th 
century. 

'Property  given  to  the  Church  might  never  be 
alienated  from  it,  except  under  special  circum- 
stances defined  by  the  canons :  much  more  there- 
fore buildings  that  had  been  solemnly  conse- 
crated. The  canons  forbidding  alienation  are 
numerous  from  the  15th  Ancyran,  Aa>.  315 
downwards;  and  the  31st  and  three  following, 
with  the  65th  Apostolical,  may  be  still  earlier. 
Justinian  has  numerous  regulations  to  the  same 
effect  in  his  Code  (lib.  ii.  tit.  2)  and  7th  Novel. 
In  all  these  church  property  seems  to  be  consi- 
dered inalienable,  rather  as  being  in  trust  for 
others  than  upon  higher  grounds :  at  all  events, 
none  of  them  actually  discuss  consecrated  sites 
and  buildings  as  such.  Charlemagne  was  more 
explicit  in  one  of  his  capitularies  (jl.d.  802,  c  34, 
ed.  Migne) :  "  Ut  loca  quae  semu  Deo  dedlcata 
sunt  ut  monasteria  sint,  maneant  perpetuo  mo- 
nasteria,  nee  possint  ultra  fieri  saecularia  habi- 
taenia."  This  was  generalized  subsequently,  till 
it  appeared  as  a  maxim  in  the  "  Regulae  Juris,** 
appended  to  the  6th  book  of  the  Decretals,  in 
these  words:  '*  Semel  Deo  dicatum  non  est  ad 
usus  humanos  ulterius  transferendum  "  (No.  51^ 
Even  the  wood  and  stones  used  in  building  a 
church  were  considered  to  have  shared  its  con- 
secration, and  could  not  afterwards  be  removed 
to  subserve  structures  purely  secular,  though 
they  might  be  burnt.  Events  in  this  res])ect 
have  long  since  proved  stronger  than  the  De- 
cretals :  and  there  are  some  reinarkable  words  on 
record  of  Jehovah  Himself  in  taking  possession 
of  the  first  building  ever  dedicated  to  His  service, 
shewing  that  His  acceptance  of  it  was  condi- 
tional, and  might  not,  under  circumstances  which 
actually  took  place,  be  permanent :  **  Now  have 
I  chosen  and  sanctified  this  house,  that  my  name 
may  be  there  for  ever. .  .  .  But  if  ye  turn  away 
and  forsake  my  statutes  and  my  commandments 
which  I  have  set  before  you  . . .  this  house  which 
I  have  sanctified  for  my  name  will  I  cast  out  of 
my  sight,  and  will  make  it  to  be  a  proverb  and 
a  by-word  among  all  nations  "  (2  Chron.  vii.  19, 
20).  Canonists  have  foi*gotten  these  words  alto- 
gether in  estimating  the  "tfjftfc^s  of  consecration." 
Comp.  particulai'ly  Lequeux's  Manual,  Tract  de 
£ebns  SacriSf  1.  xci.  and  cxxvi.-xxxix.  A  larger 
work  is  Gibert's  Cktrp.  Jur.  Canon,  vol.  ii.  Tract, 
de  Eccl.  tit.  xv.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

CONSECRATION  rEucHARranc).  {Conse* 
cratioy  SanctifioatiOt  a^itpwa-iSj  ayt9urfjk6i.^  For 
the  distinction  between  consecration  and  bene- 
diction, see  Benediction.  The  general  con- 
sidemtion  of  the  doctrine  of  Eucharistic  consecra^ 
tion  belongs  to   theology,  and  the  questitm    is 


OONSEOBATION 

oonsideKd  here  only   m   its    relation    to   the 
tttnrgy. 

1.  The  principal  formulae  of  consecration  are 
giren  under  Canon  of  the  Litubot.  It  will 
be  seen  in  that  article  that  the  most  noteworthy 
difference  between  the  forms  of  consecration  nsed 
in  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  churches  respec- 
tiTely  consists  in  this,  that  in  the  Eastern  Church 
the  Holy  Spirit  is  iuToked,  after  the  recitation 
of  the  words  of  institution,  to  descend  upon  the 
elements,  and  make  them  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ  [Epiclesis];  and  this  invocation  is 
commonly  thought  to  imply,  that  consecration 
would  be  imperfect  without  it.  This  seems  also 
to  be  distinctly  implied  in  the  well-known  pass- 
age of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  {CaUch.  Mystag.  v. 
c  7),  which  speaks  of  the  hallowing  and  changing 
influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  [Canon  op  the 
LiTiXBOT,  p.  269].  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
Western  conrches,  the  inrocation  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  at  this  part  of  the  liturgy  is  generally 
wanting,  and  tne  whole  consecrating  virtue  is 
attributed  by  Western  ritualists  to  the  recitation 
of  the  words  of  institution,  accompanied  by  the 
fitting  gestures.  In  the  Mozarabic  liturgy,  how- 
erer,  the  variable  prayer  which  follows  the 
Secreta  frequently  contains  an  invocation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  upon  the  elements;  and  such  an 
inrocation  is  almost  certainly  an  ancient  rite 
which  the  Latin  Church  has  lost,  not  an  innova- 
tion of  the  Orientals.  Ample  information  on  the 
points  of  difference  in  this  respect  between  East 
and  West  may  be  found  in  Bona  (de  Reh,  Lit, 
ii.  e.  13,  §§  4,  5),  Renaudot  (Lit,  Orient  i.  196), 
Toutt^  (note  on  Cyril,  Cat  Mytt.  v.  7),  Le 
Brun  (C^rhtL  de  la  ifesse,  tom.  iii.),  and  Neale 
(^EaOem  Ch.  Introd.  pp.  492  ff.). 

2.  In  the  Ordo  Eomanus  III.  c.  16,  the  fol- 
lowing rubrical  directions  are  given.  *' After 
the  Pope  has  communicated  of  the  cup,  which 
is  held  by  the  archdeacon,  the  latter  pours  a 
portion  of  the  remaining  wine  into  the  larger 
chalice  from  which  the  people  isito  communicate ; 
for  wine  not  consecrated  but  mingled  with  the 
Lord's  Blood  is  completely  sanctified  (sancti- 
ficatur  per  omnem  modum)."  The  reason  of 
this  custom  probably  was  that  in  a  very  large 
congregation  it  was  difficult  to  consecrate  exactly 
the  quantity  of  wine  required.  A  small  quantity 
was  therefore  consecrated  in  the  first  instance, 
and  amplified  according  to  the  number  of  com- 
municants by  pouring  in  fresh  wine.  The  whole 
of  the  wine  in  the  cup  was  held  to  be  completely 
consecrated  by  mingling  with  that  which  had 
been  originally  consecrated.  The  same  practice 
is  enjoined  in  the  Cerenumiale  of  St.  Benignus 
at  iHjon,  in  the  Cistercian  Statutes,  in  the 
SUtutes  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris, 
and  in  Lyndwood's  CcnstUut  Provinc.  See  Ma- 
billon  {Vomm,  Fraeviua  m  Ord,  Bom,  pp.  Ixii. 

••V 

XCtl.). 

X  The  placing  a  particle  of  the  consecrated 
bread  in  the  chalice  is  sometimes  called  ^  con- 
secration." In  the  ifitsa  lUyrioi  (Bona,  de  Reb, 
La,  p.  553)  the  petition  occurs,  **  Fiat  comraistio 
et  consecratio  corporis  et  sanguinis  D.  N.  I.  C. 
omnibus  accipientibus  nobis  in  vitam  aetemam ; " 
and  the  17th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Orange 
directs,  *'Cum  capsa  et  calix  offerendus  est,  et 
admixtione  euchuistiae  oonsecrandus.*'  Com- 
pare Comfiffno. 

4.  On  certain  days  it  is  an  ancient  custom  not 

OHBIBT.   ANT. 


CONSENT  TO  MABKIA6E       438 

to  consecrate  the  sacred  elements.    See  Prae- 

SANCTIFIED,  LlTUBair  OF.  [C] 

(X)NSEGBATION  OF  BISHOPS  [Bishop  : 
Ordination.] 

CONSENT  TO  MAEBIAGB.  The  mar- 
riage-law of  all  countries  turns  upon  one  or 
other  of  two  principles.  Either  marriage  is 
viewed  as  a  union  between  persons,  or  as  the 
disposal  of  a  property.  In  the  former  case, 
the  consent  of  the  parties  themselves  is  the  main 
element  in  it ;  in  the  latter,  that  of  some  other 
person  or  persons.  Still,  in  legislations  founded 
upon  the  former  principle,  the  element  of  consent 
by  others  comes  in  as  a  salutary  check  upon  rash 
self-disposal  by  the  young ;  in  those  founded 
upon  the  latter,  the  recognition  of  a  right  of 
self-sale  in  the  adult  may  equally  check  the  too 
authoritative  interference  of  others. 

The  Jewish  law  is  in  its  inception  essentially 
personal.  Christ  needed  but  to  refer  to  the  first 
chapter  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures  in  order  to 
bring  out  the  full  spirituality  of  the  marriage 
relation  (Matt.  xix.  4 ;  Mark  x.  6).  In  Genesis, 
the  woman  b  at  once  brought  before  us  as  the 
one  **  helpmeet "  for  the  man.  At  the  outset  of 
the  Adamic  history,  there  is  no  question  of 
selling  or  buying,  no  exercise  of  any  third  will 
between  the  two.  God  simply  6rifi^s  the  woman 
to  the  man,  who  at  once  recognises  her  as  bone 
of  his  bones,  and  flesh  of  his  flesh  (c.  ii.  vv.  20, 
22,  23).  As  the  history  proceeds,  however, 
other  elements  develope  themselves.  Slavery 
makes  its  appearance,  and  the  slave-ownpr  is 
exhibited  as  giving  the  slave  in  marriage  (Gen. 
xvi.  3 ;  XXX.  4). 

Throughout  the  patriarchal  history  TGen.  xxiv., 
xxix.,  xxxiv.;  Ex.  ii.  21),  under  the  Law  (Fx. 
xxi.  4,  7,  8;  xxii.  17;  Deut.  xxii.  16),  in  the 
time  of  the  Judges  (Josh.  xv.  16,  17;  Judg.  i. 
12;  XV.  1,  2;  xxi.  1,  7,  8 ;  Ruth  iv.  10),  under 
the  Monarchy  (1  Sam.  xvii.  25 ;  xviii.  19,  21, 27 ; 
2  Sam.  xiii.  13;  1  Kings  ii.  17),  after  the  Cap- 
tivity (Nehem.  xiii.  25),  in  our  Lord's  time  (Matt, 
xxiv.  38 ;  Luke  xvii.  27),  in  the  Apostolic  Church 
(1  Cor.  vii.  38),  the  right  of  the  father  to  give 
his  daughter  in  marriage,  of  the  king  to  give  one 
who  was  under  his  control,  is  either  assumed  or 
asserted. 

It  is  nevertheless  certain,  as  may  be  seen  in 
Selden's  treatise  de  Vxore  JSbraicd,  and  as  has 
been  stated  above  under  the  head  Betrothal, 
that  among  the  Jews  the  power  of  self-disposal 
in  marriage  was  singularly  wide  for  either  sex, 
the  man  being  held  of  full  age,  and  capable  of 
marrying  at  his  will  in  the  last  day  of  his  15th 
year,  the  woman  in  the  second  half  of  her  12th, 
whilst  if  betrothed  under  that  age  by  their 
fathers,  girls  could  repudiate  the  engagement 
at  ten.  Yet,  strange  to  say,  the  forms  used  in 
Jewish  practice  belong  to  the  material,  and  not 
to  the  spiritual  view  of  marriage.  The  pro- 
minence given  to  the  Arrha  or  earnest  [see 
Arrha],  and  the  necessity  for  its  being  given  to 
the  woman  herself  either  in  money  or  money's 
worth,  shew  clearly  that  the  g^and  spirituality 
of  marriage,  as  exhibited  in  the  second  chapter  of 
Genesis,  had  been  lost  sight  of,  that  it  had  come 
to  be  viewed  essentially  as  an  act  of  wife-buying ; 
and  yet  the  fact  that  the  woman,  from  earliest 
puberty,  was  reckoned  as  having  the  sole  right 
of  self-sale,  preserved  an  amount  of  freedom  in 

2  F 


484       CONSENT  TO  MABBIAGE 


CONSENT  TO  MABBIAOE 


the  contract  which  would  otherwise  seem  to 
belong  only  to  that  yiew  of  it  which  the  prac- 
tice contradicts. 

The  Roman  law  exhibits  to  us  a  precisely 
opposite  development ;  it  starts  from  the  ma- 
terial view  to  grow  more  and  more  into  the 
spiritual  one.  Originally  the  father's  poUstas, 
scarcely  to  be  distinguished  from  absolute  owner- 
ship, overshadows  all  the  domestic  relations, 
extending  equally  to  the  wife  and  to  the  children 
of  both  sexes.  Eventually,  so  far  as  marriage  is 
concerned,  the  potestas  resolves  itself  simply 
into  a  right  of  consent.  And  consent  is  made 
the  very  essence  of  marriage.  **Nuptias  non 
concubitus,  sed  consensus  f&cit,''  are  the  words 
of  Ulpian  {Dig,  bk.  1. 1.  xvii.  1.  30).  The  vali- 
dity of  marriages  contracted  by  mere  consent 
was  admitted  in  a  constitution  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinian,  JLD,  449,  (Codej  bk.  v.  t.  xvii. 

This  consent,  moreover,  must  be  at  once  that 
of  the  parties  themselves,  and  of  those  in  whose 

rtesktB  they  are  (Paulus,  Dig,  bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii. 
2).  As  to  slaves,  indeed,  unlike  the  Jewish 
law,  the  Roman  law  never  recognised  such 
a  thing  as  their  marriage,  and  the  unions  be- 
tween men  and  women  slaves,  which  might  be 
permitted  and  even  respected  by  their  masters, 
were  of  no  more  legal  value  than  the  coupling 
of  domestic  animals,  although,  as  may  be  seen 
hereafter,  they  might  be  recognised  by  the  supe- 
rior morality  of  the  church.  Where,  indeed,  a 
master  gave  away,  or  allowed  another  to  give 
away,  his  slave  girl  in  marriage  to  a  freeman, 
or  constituted  a  doa  upon  her,  Justinian  ruled 
(as  will  be  further  shewn  hereafter  under  the 
head  Contract)  that  this  should  amount  to 
an  enfranchisement  {Code,  bk.  vii.  t.  vi.  1.  9; 
22nd  Nov.  c.  11).  But  this  of  itself  shows 
that  marriage  and  slaveiy  were  held  to  be 
incompatible. 

The  principle  of  the  freedom  of  marriage,  and 
of  its  resting  mainly  on  the  consent  of  the 
parties,  stands  generally  recognised  in  Justi- 
nian's Code,  and  is  indeed  further  carried  out 
in  it.  **  None,"  says  a  constitution  of  Diocle- 
tian and  Maximin,  *'  can  be  compelled  either  to 
marry,  or  to  be  reconciled  after  divorce  "  {Code, 
bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  14;  and  see  1.  12,  as  to  the  filiua 
familias). 

On  the  other  hand,  several  enactments  of 
Justinian's  Code  shew  that  the  law  looked  rather 
upon  marriage,  from  the  woman's  point  of  view, 
as  the  choice  of  a  husband  for  her,  and  there- 
fore held  that  in  the  determination  of  that 
choice,  the  counsel  or  even  the  judgment  of 
third  persons  might  be  called  in  {Codey  bk.  v. 
t.  iv.  1.  1,  20). 

The  influx  of  the  barbarian  nations  into  the 
empire  may  be  said  to  have  in  great  measure 
restored,  under  other  names,  those  stricter  views 
of  paternal  authority  which  had  belonged  to 
Rome's  earlier  ages,  at  least  as  respects  women. 
In  the  Edict  of  Theodoric  we  find  a  provision 
that  "a  father  shall  not  be  compelled  against 
his  will  to  give  his  family  in  marriage  to  any  ** 
(c.  93).  In  the  Lombard  laws  the  mundium 
recalls  the  Roman  potestas,  but  under  a  purely 
pecuniary  form,  and  instead  of  being  confined 
to  the  ascending  line,  seems  to  have  belonged  to 
the  nearest  male  relation.  Thus  by  a  law  of 
Rotharis  (638  or  643),  if  after  two  years'  be- 


trothal the  man  does  not  claim  his  bride,  ^tlM 
father  or  brother  or  he  who  has  her  mundium  ** 
may  prosecute  the  surety  till  he  pays  her  meta 
or  jointure,  afler  which  "  they  may  give  her  to 
another  husband,  being  a  freeman  (c.  178% 
A  widow  indeed  has  power,  if  she  choose,  to  go 
to  another  husband,  being  a  freeman  (c.  182). 
And  the  woman's  consent,  whether  girl  or 
widow,  has  always  great  weight  in  the  eyes  of 
the  law.  Thus  it  takes  account  of  the  cases  of  a 
man  marrying  a  girl  or  widow  betrothed  to 
another,  **  yet  with  her  consent "  (c.  190),  and 
in  like  manner  of  his  ravishing  either  with  her 
consent — the  term  apparently  meaning  here, 
carrying  away  without  marriage  (c.  191). 
Where  indeed  a  slave  married  a  freewoman 
with  her  consent,  her  parents  might  kill  her, 
or  sell  her  out  of  the  province  (c.  222).  The 
laws  of  Luitprand,  a.d.  717,  enact  penalties 
against  those  who  betroth  to  themselves,  or 
marry,  girls  under  twelve,  but  a  &ther  or 
brother  may  give  or  betroth  his  daughter  or 
sister  at  any  age  (bk.  ii.  c.  6).  And  it  seems 
to  be  admitted  that  a  girl  of  twelve  may  **  go 
to  a  husband  "  without  the  will  of  her  parents 
(bk.  vL  c.  61,  and  see  c  66;  ▲.D.  724).  The 
munditim,  it  may  be  observed,  appears  also  in 
the  law  of  the  AUamans,  latter  half  of  8th 
century. 

Under  the  law  of  the  Saxons,  a  man  who 
wished  to  marry  had  to  give  300  solidi  to  the 
girl's  parents  (t.  iv.  1),  but  if  he  did  so  against 
the  parent's  will,  she  consenting,  twice  that 
amount  (1.  2).  If  he  wished  to  marry  a  widow, 
he  must  offer  the  price  of  her  purchase  to  her 
guardian  (apparently  a  Latinized  expr^sion  for 
the  mundoald,  or  mundimld,  holder  of  the  mtin- 
diwn),  her  relatives  consenting  thereto  (t.  vii. 
1.  3).  If  her  guardian  refused  the  money,  he 
must  turn  to  her  next  of  kin,  and  by  their 
consent  he  might  have  her,  but  he  must  have 
300  soUdi  ready  to  give  to  the  guardian  (1.  4). 
Here  a  power  of  consent  in  the  kinsmen 
generally,  over  and  above  the  specific  powers  of 
the  holder  of  the  mundliufn,  is  clearly  admitted. 

The  Burgundian  law  (originally  of  the  begin- 
ning of  the  6th  century)  recognizes  also  some 
freedom  of  choice  in  the  woman,  especially  if  a 
widow.  Where  a  girl  of  her  own  accord  has 
sought  a  man,  he  has  to  pay  only  three  times 
the  '* price  of  marriage"  (nuptiale  pretium) 
instead  of  six  times,  which  he  would  have  to 
pay  if  he  had  carried  her  off  against  her  will 
(t.  xii.  oc.  1,  3;  see  also  t.  cxo.).  A  widow 
wishing  to  remarry  within  the  year  of  her 
husband's  death,  is  said  to  have  **free  power" 
to  do  so  (t.  xlii.  c.  2  ;  law  of  A.D.  517).  But  in 
a  later  law,  a  power  of  consent  in  parents  seems 
to  be  indicated  (t.  lii.). 

The  Visigothic  law,  which  has  always  been 
held  to  bear  peculiar  marks  of  clerical  inspiration, 
is  especially  restrictive  of  the  woman's  self  dis- 
posal. A  law  of  Receswind,  allowing  for  the 
first  time  intermarriage  between  Goths  and 
Romans,  enacts  that  a  freeman  may  marry  a 
freewoman  with  the  solemn  consent  of  the 
ascendants  (*'  prosapiae  "),  and  the  permission  of 
the  court  (bk.  iX.  t.  i.  c.  1).  If  a  man  has 
betrothed  to  himself  a  girl  "with  the  will  of 
her  father  or  the  other  near  relatives  to  whom 
by  law  this  power  is  given,"  the  girl  may  not 
maiTy  another   against   the   will   of  her  rela- 


CONSENT  TO  MARRIAGE 

lire*,  but  both  she  and  her  husband  shall  be 
banded  orer  to  the  power  of  the  man  who  had 
betrothed  her  ^  with  the  will  of  her  relatives." 
The  same  course  is  to  be  followed  if  the  father 
has  settled  for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  and 
agreed  upon  the  price ;  and  if  the  father  dies 
before  the  marriage,  the  girl  is  to  be  given  to 
him  to  whom  she  has  been  promised  by  her 
fiither  '*  or  her  mother "  (t.  2%  the  last  words 
implying  seemingly  a  power  of  consent  through- 
out in  the  mother. 

The  consent  of  the  parties  is  not,  howeyer, 
altogether  overiouked,  especially  after  betrothal, 
when  neither  can  chsinge  his  or  her  will  if  the 
other  will  not  consent  (c.  3 ;  law  of  Chlndas- 
winth).  Where  girls  of  full  age  are  betrothed 
to  male  in&nts,  if  either  party  appears  to  object, 
the  betxx>thal  cannot  stand  good.  Two  years  (as 
in  the  Roman  law)  is  the  period  beyond  which 
the  fulfilment  of  the  betrothal  contract  cannot 
be  enforced,  unless  by  the  honest  and  proper 
consent  of  parents  or  relatives,  or  of  the  be- 
trothed if  of  full  age  (c.  4).  And  a  girl's 
actual  marriage  without  her  parents'  consent 
holds  good,  though  she  forfeits  her  share  in  their 
■accession  (t.  ii.  c.  8 ;  and  see  also  t.  iv.  c.  7). 
And  the  law  admits  that  a  woman  may  be  in  a 
poeition  to  dispose  of  herself — in  too  arbitrio 
(t.  iv.  c  2> 

The  Salic  law  hardly  shows  with  sufHcient- 
deamess  the  early  Prankish  view  as  to  consent' 
to  marriage.  Towards  the  latter  half  of  the 
6th  century,  however,  a  general  constitution  of 
King  Clothar.  recorded  by  Labb^  and  Mansi^ 
apparently  as  possessing  ecclesiastical  authority 
(CbttnciZs,  vol.  ix.  p.  761)  enacts  that  **  none  by 
our  authority  shall  presume  to  seek  in  marriage 
a  widow  or  a  girl  without  their  own  will." 
Two  centuries  later  the  Capitulary  of  Compifegne 
(A.O.  757)  enacts  in  a  particular  case  that  **  if  any 
man  have  given  his  step-daughter,  being  a  Frank, 
against  her  will  and  that  of  her  mother  and 
relatives  mi  a  freeman,  slave,  or  cleric,  and  she 
will  not  have  him  and  leaves  him,  her  relatives 
hare  power  to  give  her  another  husband  "  (c.  4). 
The  implication  contained  in  the  above  text,  that 
marriage  of  a  freewoman  with  a  slave  might  by 
the  woman's  own  consent  hold  good,  will  be 
r^fnarked. 

Substantially,  with  an  exception  to  be  pre- 
sently noticed,  the  Church  did  little  else  than 
Ibllow  the  municipal  law  on  the  subject  of  con- 
cent, eventually  adopting  the  Roman  civil  law  as 
the  basis  of  her  own«  If  we  except  a  canon  of 
donbtfiil  authority,  to  be  found  in  Qratian  (12th 
century),  attributed  either  to  the  4th  or  5th 
Council  of  Aries  (▲.D.  524  or  554),  and  enacting 
that  widows,  before  professing  continence,  may 
marry  whom  they  will, — ^that  virgins  may  do  the 
same, — and  that  none  should  be  forced  to  accept 
a  husband  without  the  will  of  their  parents, — 
the  earliest  Church  enactments  seem  to  belong 
to  our  own  British  Isles.  An  Irish  synod  of  un- 
certain date,  presided  ov«r  by  St.  Patrick,  speaks 
thus :  **  What  the  father  wills,  that  let  the  girl 
do,  for  the  head  of  the  woman  is  the  man.  But 
the  will  of  the  girl  is  to  be  inquired  of  the 
lather"  (c  27).  In  the  so-called  Excerpta  of 
Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  in  the  8th  century, 
it  is  written :  ^  Parents  ought  to  give  women  to 
be  united  to  men  in  marriage,  unless  the  woman 
abaolutely  refuse,  in  which  case  she  may  eater  a 


CONSENT  TO  MARRIAGE       436 

convent "  (bk.  ii.  c.  20) ;  not  a  very  wide  stretch 
of  female  freedom.  Further  on,  a  singular  provi- 
sion allows  the  husband  whose  wife  has  deserted 
him,  and  refused  for  five  years  to  make  peace 
with  him,  to  marry  another  woman,  ^  with  the 
bishop's  consent "  (c  26). 

The  Council  of  Friuli  (a.d.  791)  forbad  the 
marriage  of  infants,  requiring  parity  of  age  and 
mutual  consent.  The  Carlovingian  capitularies, 
which  have  a  sort  of  mixed  clerical  and  civil 
authority,  enact  amongst  other  things  that  none 
shall  marry  a  widow  '*  without  the  consent  of 
her  priest "  (bk.  vi.  1.  408) ;  a  provision  which 
recalls  one  already  noticed  from  the  Visigothio 
law,  that  marriage  shall  not  be  lawful  unless 
the  wife  be  sought  for  at  the  hands  of  those  who 
appear  to  have  power  over  the  woman,  and  under 
whose  protection  she  is  (bk.  vii.  1. 463) ;  an  enact- 
ment which  is  either  the  original  or  a  slightly 
varied  replica  of  a  supposed  letter  by  Pope  £va- 
ristus  (a.d.  112-21),  the  spuriousness  of  which 
has  been  shown  under  the  head  Benediction. 
It  is  however  also  enacted  that  women  are  not 
to  be  compelled  to  marry,  under  penalty  of  treble 
ban,  and  public  penance ;  or,  in  default  of  means, 
of  prison  or  banishment  (1.  470).  Lastly,  it  may 
be  mentioned  that  the  edict  of  Charlemagne  in 
814  required  inquiry  to  be  made,  amongst  other 
things,  as  to  men  who  had  wives  **  against  the 
will  of  their  parents." 

On  one  point,  indeed,  we  may  trace  from  an 
early  period  a  marked  divergence  between  the 
practice  of  the  Church  and  the  Roman  law.  On 
the  subject  of;  slave-marriages,  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  breathe  the  spirit  of  the  Jewish 
law,  not  of  the  Roman.  Not  only  are  slave- 
marriages  recognized,  but  it  is  treated  as  an 
offence  in  a  Christian  master  if  he  does  not 
^  give  "  a  wife  to  his  man-slave  (bk.  viii.  c.  32 ; 
compare  £xod.  xxi.  4).  Again,  in  a  work  which 
perhaps  does  not  greatly  differ  in  date  from  the 
later  portions  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions!, 
St.  Basil's  first  Canonical  Epistle,  addressed  to 
Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  the  writer, 
treating  evidently  of  slave-marriages,  says :  "  A 
woman  who  has  given  herself  to  a  man  against 
her  master's  will  has  committed  adultery  "  (c.  40). 
And  again  more  generally :  **  Marriages  without 
the  will  of  those  who  have  authority  Qkvw  r&w 
Kpvro^vTwv)  are  adulteries ;  and  therefore  during 
the  life  of  the  father  or  master  (Sco'r^ov)  they 
cannot  be  firee  &om  impeachment  until  the  assent 
of  such "  [termed  here  ic6ptoi,  lords]  '*  be  ob- 
tained ;  for  then  does  the  marriage  acquire  firm- 
ness "  (c.  42).  Harsh  as  is  the  tone  of  these 
passages  towards  the  victims  of  slavery,  it  is 
clear  that  for  Basil  the  relation  of  the  slave  to 
the  master  is  not  the  heathen  one  of  the  thing 
to  it^  owner,  but  one  exactly  analogous  to  that 
of  the  child  to  its  father.  Father  and  master 
have  indeed  alike  the  quasi-sovereign  power  of  a 
ic6pios\  the  marriage  of  those  under  their 
authority  is  void  without  their  assent,  but  it  is 
firm  (/3«/3<uos)  with  it. 

Somewhat  less  than  two  centuries  later  (A.D. 
541),  the  24th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Orleans 
requires  slaves  who  flee  for  sanctuary  to  churches 
in  order  to  marry  to  be  returned  to  their  masters 
and  separated,  unless  their  parents  and  masters 
will  let  them  marry.  This  is  again  a  harsh- 
toned  enactment,  but  one  which  really  indicatec 
a  rise  in  the  slave's  condition.     Hitherto  the 

3  F  2 


436 


CONSIGNATORIUM 


master's  consent  has  been  the  sole  condition  of 
validity  for  the  slave's  marriage ;  Basil  himself 
assimilated  his  authority  over  the  slave  to  that 
of  a  father.  Now  the  existence  of  a  parental 
authority  is  recognized  in  the  slave  himself  to- 
wards his  own  offspring,  and  the  slave-parent's 
cunsent  is  placed  on  a  level  with  that  of  the 
master. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  6th  centnry,  again 
(A.D.  581),  a  canon  (10)  of  the  Ist  Council  of 
Micon  expressly  enacts  that  if  two  slaves  inter- 
marry with  their  master's  consent,  after  the 
enfranchisement  of  either  the  marriage  is  not 
dissolved,  though  the  other  be  not  redeemable ; 
a  step  in  advance  of  anything  to  be  found  in  the 
records  of  American  slavery  in  modei*n  times. 
And  in  the  Carlovingian  era,  the  marriage  of 
slaves  with  the  master's  consent  obtains  civil 
as  well  as  ecclesiastical  validity.  A  capitulary 
annexed  to  the  Lombard  laws  enacts  "  That  the 
marriages  of  slaves  be  not  dissolved,  if  they  have 
had  different  masters,  ....  but  so  nevertheless 
that  the  marriage  itself  be  legal,  and  by  the  will 
of  their  masters"  (c.  129).  The  30th  canon  of 
the  2nd  Council  of  Chillons,  a.d.  813,  is  pre- 
cisely to  the  same  effect. 

On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that,  except  so 
far  as  relates  to  the  marriage  of  slaves,  the  rule 
of  the  Church  in  respect  of  the  consents  necessary 
to  the  validity  of  marriage  became  hardly  settled 
during  the  period  which  occupies  us.  The 
necessity  for  the  free  consent  of  the  parties 
themselves  was  never  entirely  lost  sight  of;  but 
in  outlying  regions,  and  under  the  pressure  of 
barbarian  feelings  in  certain  races,  the  authority 
of  the  father  over  a  daughter  was  almost  acknow- 
ledged as  absolute ;  whilst  elsewhere  a  claim  of 
the  family  at  large  to  interfere  was  at  least 
tacitly  admitted.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
period,  indeed,  in  two  instances  the  priest  or 
bishop  himself  was  made  a  consenting  party.  In 
no  instance  however  is  marriage  when  actually 
contracted  (except  as  between  slaves)  treated 
as  void  or  voidable  for  want  of  the  consent  of 
a  third  person.  As  to  consents  to  Betrothal, 
see  that  word.  See  also  generally  Contract  op 
Marriage.  [J.  M.  L.] 

CJONSIGNATORIUM.  To  bless  by  the  use 
of  the  sign  of  the  cross,  as  in  confirmation,  is 
termed  consignare ;  hence  the  word  oonsigna- 
torium  is  occasionally  used  to  designate  the  place 
set  apart  for  that  rite.  John  the  IMacon  of  Naples 
{Chronicon  Episc.  Neap.)  says  that  Bishop  John 
(about  616)  erected  a  beautiful  building,  called 
consignatorium  ablutortany  so  arranged  that  the 
newly  baptized  should  pass  in  on  one  side,  be 
presented  to  the  bishop  who  sat  in  the  midst, 
and  then  pas*  out  by  the  other  side.  This 
arrangement  was  probably  somewhat  peculiar ; 
the  Pseudo-Alcuin  at  least  (^De  Div.  Off,  c,  19), 
describing  the  ceremonies  of  £aster-£ve,  says 
that  the  newly  baptized  were  confii'med  in  the 
sacrarium.  (i3ucange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  *  Consig- 
natorium.')  [C] 

CONSISTENTES.    [Penitence.] 

CONSTANTIA,  martyr  at  Nnceria  under 
Nero,  Sept.  19  {MaH.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).      [C] 

CONST ANTINE.  bishop,  deposition  at  Gap  ift 
France,  April  12  {MaH,  Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT,  Emperor. 


CONSTANTINOPLBi  COUNCILS  OF 

Constantino  and  his  mother  Helena,  ureerSaro' 
Xo<,  are  commemorated  May  21  {Col.  Byzant,) ; 
June  18  {Col.  Armen.) ;  Magabit  28  =  March 
24  {Cai,  Mhiop.).  Constantine  is  sep  irately 
commemorated  on  Nov.  16  in  the  Georgian 
Calendar.  [C] 

CONSTANTINOPLE,    COUNCILS    OF. 

(1)  A.D.  336  (Mansi,  ii.  1167-70)  held  by  the 
Eusebians  under  Cusebius  of  Nicomedia,  at  which 
St.  Athnnasius  was  exiled  to  Treves,  Marcellus 
of  Ancyra,  with  several  other  bishops  deposed, 
and  Arius  ordered  to  be  received  into  commuoion 
by  the  Alexandrine  Church.  According  to  Ruf^ 
finus  {ffist.  i.  12),  it  was  convened  by  order  of 
the  emperor,  viz.,  Constantine  the  Great,  and 
according  to  Eusebius  the  historian  (cont.  Market. 
i.  4),  it  was  exclusively  gathered  together  from 
the  upper  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  from  Thrace, 
and  the  parts  beyond  it;  in  other  w^ords,  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  capital.  It  seems  to  have 
met  in  February,  and  not  separated  till  the  end 
of  July,  ^  that  its  proceedings  spread  over  nearly 
six  months. 

(2)  A.D.  339,  or  according  to  Pagi,  340,  by 
order  of  the  Emperor  Constanlius,  to  depose 
Paul,  the  newly  elected  bishop  there,  whose 
orthodoxy  displeased  him,  and  translate  Eusebius, 
his  favourite,  from  Nicomedia  to  the  imperial 
see  (Mansi,  ii.  1275). 

(8)  A.D.  360  (Mansi,  iii.  325-36),  composed  of 
deputies  from  the  council  of  Seleucia,  just  over, 
with  some  bishops  summoned  from  Bithynia,  to 
meet  them,  about  fifty  in  all  (Soc.  ii.  41  and  seq.). 
Most  of  the  former  were  partisans  of  the  metro- 
politan of  Caesarea,  whose  name  was  Acacius, 
and  Semi-Arians.  A  creed  was  published  by 
them,  being  the  9th,  says  Socrates,  that  had 
come  out  since  that  of  Nicaea.  It  was,  in  fact, 
what  had  been  rehearsed  at  Rimini,  with  the 
further  declaration  that  neither  substance  nor 
hypostasis  were  permissible  terms  in  speaking  of 
God.  The  Son  was  pronounced  to  be  like  the 
Father  according  to  the  Scriptures,  and  Aetius^ 
who  maintained  the  contrary  opinion,  was  con- 
demned. A  synodical  epistle  to  George,  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  whose  presbyter  he  was,  conveyed 
the  sentence  passed  upon  him  and  his  followers. 
Several  bishops  were  deposed  at  the  same  time ; 
among  whom  were  Macedonius,  bishop  of  Constan- 
tinople, Eleusius  of  Cyzicum,  Basilius  of  Ancyra, 
and  last,  but  not  least,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem — 
all  for  various  causes.  Ten  bishops, who  declined 
subscribing  to  these  depositions,  were  to  consider 
themselves  deposed  till  they  subscribed.  Ulphilas, 
bishop  of  the  Goths,  who  had  hitherto  professed 
the  Nicene  faith,  was  one  of  those  present,  and 
joined  in  their  creed.  £udoxius  managed  to  slip 
from  Antioch  into  the  vacancy  created  by  the 
deposition  of  Macedonius.  On  the  other  hand, 
Eustathius  of  Sebaste  was  not  allowed  even  a 
hearing,  as  having  been  previously  deposed  at 
the  synod  of  Caesarea,  in  Asia  Minor,  under  his 
own  father,  Eulalius. 

(4)  The  2nd  general,  met  in  May,  A.D.  381, 
to  re-assemble  the  following  year,  for  reasons 
explained  by  the  bishops  in  their  synodical  letter 
of  that  date  (Mansi,  iii.  583,  note).  Owing  to 
this  circumstance,  and  to  the  fiict  that  its  acts 
have  been  lost,  its  proceedings  are  not  easy  to 
unravel.  Socrates  begins  his  account  of  it  by 
saying  that  the  Emperor  Theodosius  convened  a 


CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  437 


council  of  bishopfi  of  the  same  faith  as  himself, 
in  order  that  the  faith  settled  at  Nicaea  might 
prevail,  and  a  bishop  be  appointed  to  the  see  of 
Constantinople  (▼.  8).    That  the  bishops  met  at 
his  bidding  is  testified  by  themselves  in  their 
shoi-t  address  to  him  subsequently,  to  confirm 
what  they  had  decreed  (Mansi,  t6.  557),  to  say 
nothing  of  other  proofs,  for  which  see  Beveridge 
QSynwL  ii.  89).     Whether  they  re-assembled  at 
his  bidding  we  are  not  told.     Of  their  number 
there  has  never  been  any  dispute,  this  council 
having  in  fact  gone  by  the  name  of  that  of  "  the 
150  (py)  fathers"  ever  since.     There  were  86 
bishops  of  the  Macedoniau  party  likewise  invited, 
but  they  quitted  Constantinople  in  a  body  when 
they  found  that  it  waa  the  faith  of  the  Nicene 
fathera  to  which  they  would  be  called  upon  to 
subscribe.     Of  those  present,  Timothy,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  St.  Meletius  of  Antioch,  who  pi*esided 
at  first,  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Ascholius,  bishop 
of  Th^salonica,  St.  Amphilochins  of  Iconium, 
with  the  twoGregories  of  Nazianzum  and  Nyssa, 
were  the  most  considerable,  Nectarius  and  Fla- 
vian being  added  to  their  number  before  they 
separated.     Diouysius  Kxiguus  (Mansi,  iii.  568- 
72)  has  preserved  the  names  of  all  who  sub- 
scribed.    Seven  canons  and  a  creed  would  appear 
at  fii-st  sight  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  em- 
peror by  the  assembled  fathers  for  confirmation 
at  the  close  of  their  labours.     John  Scholasticus, 
however,  the  Greek  collector  of  canons  in  the 
6th  century,  contemporary  with  Dionysius  Exi- 
^us,  reckons  bnly  six  (ap.  Justell.  Bibl,  Jur. 
Canon,  ii.  502).     Dionysius  himself  only  three; 
but  then  he  has  appended  the  4th  to  the  2Dd. 
The  creed  follows  in  his  version  as  in  the  Greek. 
Isidore  Mercator  makes  six  canons  out  of  his 
three,    and     numbers     the     creed     as    a    7th. 
Another  Latin  version  given  in  Mansi  makes  five 
canons  out  of  his  three,  and  omits  the  creed. 
The  Arabic  paraphrase  (t6.)  makes  four  in  all, 
without  the  creed ;  but,  in  addition  to  his  three, 
setting  down  as  a  fourth  canon  6  of  the  Greek 
version.     Whether  any  canons  have  been  lost 
seems  to  admit  of  some  doubt.     Socrates,  as  is 
well    known,    speaks  of   the  establishment  of 
patriarchs  as  one  of  the  things  done  by  this 
council :   and  the  Arabic  paraphrase,   under  a 
separate  heading,  **  concerning  the  order  of  the 
prelates,  and  their  rank  and  place,"  explains  this 
as  follows:  ^* Honour  besides,  and  the  primacy, 
w^as  granted  in  this  council  to  the  bishop  of  Rome, 
and  he  was  made  first,  the  bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople second,  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  thiixl,  the 
bishop  of  Antioch   fourth,   and   the  bishop  of 
Jerusalem  fifth" — which  is  the  more  remarkable 
ms  neither  it  nor  Socrates  omit  the  canon  ordain- 
ing special   prerogatives    for   new   Rome.      As 
Beveridge  well  remarks,  it  is  one  difficulty  con- 
nected with  these  canons  {Stfnod.  ii.  98),  that  in 
all  probability  they  were  not  all  passed  at  the 
same  council.     Thb,  and  a  good  deal  more  bear- 
ing upon  the  history  of  the  council,  will  come 
out  as  we  examine  them.     Canon  1  confirms  the 
doctrine  of  the  318  Nicene  Fathers,  condemning 
in   particular  the  errors  of  the  Eunomians  or 
Anomaeans — in  other  words,  the  extreme  Arians 
— the  Eudoxians  or  Arians  pure,  and  the  Semi- 
Arians  or  Pneumatomachi — fighters  against  the 
Holy  Spirit — with   the  followers  of  Sabellins, 
Maroellns,  Photinus,  and  ApoUinaris.     Of  these 
the   Scmi-Arlana   engaged    most    attention    by 


far  here,  from  the  further  error  mto  which  they 
had  fallen  of  late  respecting  the  Divinity  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  All,  in  short,  that  was  ruled  b> 
this  council  on  doctrine  was  directed  against 
them  exclusively.  But,  as  such,  they  were  more 
properly  termed  Macedonians  than  Semi-Aiians, 
from  Macedonius,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  de- 
posed at  the  Synod  held  there  ▲.D.  360,  for 
various  crimes,  and  afterwards  founder  of  the 
sect  called  **  Pneumatomachi."  For  ob.vious 
reasons  they  are  not  designated  here  fVom  the 
name  of  their  founder.  What  their  errors  were  we 
shall  see  presently.  Canon  2  confines  each  bishop 
to  his  own  diocese,  in  particular  the  bishop  of 
Alexandria  is  restricted  to  Egypt,  the  bishops  of 
the  East  to  the  East  alone,  the  privileges  of  the 
Church  of  Antioch,  in  conformity  with  the 
Nicene  canons,  being  maintained :  the  bishops  of 
Asia,  that  is,  Asia  Minor,  to  the  South-West, 
Pontus  and  Thrace,  similarly  to  their  respective 
limits.  By  the  word  *' diocese"  is  meant,  as 
Beveridge  shows  (p.  93),  a  tract  embracing  seve- 
ral provinces.  The  events  which  had  led  to  this 
enactment  require  some  notice.  Immediately  on 
the  death  of  V'alens  (Qinton's  Fasti  £,  ▲.&.  379, 
col.  4),  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  appeared  at  Con- 
stantinople, whither  he  was  invited  by  the  ortho- 
dox party  refusing  obedience  to  Demophilus,  the 
Arian  bishop  in  possession.  He  was  consecrated 
by  St.  Meletius  of  Antioch,  who  thus  went  out 
of  his  diocese  to  ordain  him.  Peter,  bishop  of 
Alexandria — then  reckoned  the  second  see  in  the 
world  after  Rome — not  to  be  outdone,  nominated 
Maxim  us  the  cynic,  as  he  was  called  from  his 
philosophical  antecedents,  to  the  post,  and  de- 
puted three  bishops  from  Egypt  to  carry  out  his 
consecration  on  the  spot.  Mazimns  had  pre- 
viously seemed  to  take  part  with  Gregory,  and 
Theodosius  rejected  him,  when  he  appeared  as 
his  rival  (Clinton,  t6.  and  Vales,  ad  Soz.  vii.  9). 
This  conflict  of  the  two  sees,  however,  terminated 
in  the  resignation  of  Gregory,  soon  afler  the 
meeting  of  the  council,  though  he  was  declared 
bishop  there,  and  all  that  related  to  Maximus 
annulled  in  a  special  canon — the  4th. 

Most  probably,  the  3rd  canon,  ordaining  that 
in  future  the  see  of  Constantinople  should  take 
honorary  precedence  (t^  vpctrfiua  rris  rifi^s) 
next  after  Rome,  was  intended  to  prevent  the 
bishops  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria  from  ever 
attempting  to  take  such  liberties  with  it  again. 

Another  event  had  occuri'ed  meanwhile  (Clin- 
ton, i6.  col.  4),  which  may  be  supposed  to  ac- 
count for  the  salvo  to  the  privileges  of  the 
Church  of  Antioch,  expressed  in  the  2nd  canon. 
St.  Meletius  of  Antioch  had  died  "during  the 
session  between  May  and  July."  The  funeral 
oration  pronounced  over  him  by  St.  Gregory  ot 
Nyssa  is  still  extant,  but  it  contains  no  historical 
allusions.  There  had  been  a  compact  entered 
into  between  his  party  and  that  of  St.  Paulinus 
at  Antioch  two  years  before — where  they  were 
rival  bishops — that  both  parties,  whenever  either 
of  the  bishops  died,  should  unite  under  the  sur- 
vivor of  them.  In  spite  of  this  understanding, 
Flavian,  who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  promoters 
of  it  among  the  supporters  of  St.  Meletius,  was 
unanimously  appointed  bishop  in  his  stead  by 
the  council  (Cave,  Hist,  Lit.  i.  277  and  364). 
This  act  not  merely  re-opened  the  schism  at 
Antioch,  but  produced  heai*t-bumings  elsewhere, 
the  Western  and  Egyptian  bishops  pronouncing 


*38  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF 


more  strongly  than  ever  in  fitronr  of  St.  Panlinns, 
and  the  disapprobation  shown  for  Flavian  by  St. 
Gregory,  tending  to  alienate  numbers  of  his  own 
friends  from  him  amongst  the  Easterns.  It  was, 
in  fact,  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  retire- 
ment. The  appointment  of  his  successor,  Kec- 
tarius,  at  the  instance  of  the  emperor,  was  pro- 
bably the  last  act  of  the  council  of  this  year — 
and  a  strong  act  it  was,  as  Nectarius  had  to  be 
baptised  before  he  could  be  consecrated  (Soz.  yii. 
8).  Dionysius  Exiguus,  as  has  been  said,  ends 
his  canons  of  this  council  with  the  4th.  As 
Beveridge,  too,  remarks  (i6.  p.  98),  traces  of  a 
new  series  commence  with  the  5th.  It  runs  as 
follows : — *'  Concerning  the  tome  of  the  Westerns, 
we,  too,  have  received  those  who  professed 
their  belief,  at  Antioch,  in  one  Godhead  of  the 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost."  What  was  this 
tome  of  the  Westerns  ?  Beveridge  considers  it 
to  have  been  the  synodical  epistle  I'eceived  from 
Pope  Damasus  by  the  Easterns  at  their  second 
meeting,  A.D.  382,  to  which  they  wrote  their 
own  in  reply.  De  Marca,  Cave,  and  others  pre- 
fer to  consider  it  a  synodical  letter  of  Pope  Da- 
masus, addressed  to  the  synod  of  Antioch  A.D. 
378  or  9.  Baronius,  another  of  his  to  St.  Pauli- 
nus  of  Antioch  some  years  before.  May  it  not 
be  that  the  first  tome  of  the  kind  was  the 
letter  sent  by  St.  Athanasius  in  the  name  of  his 
synod  at  Alexandria,  a.d.  362,  to  the  Church  of 
Antioch,  which  he  calls  '*  a  tome "  himself,  to 
which  St.  Paulinus  is  expressly  said  to  have  sub- 
scribed, and  in  which  the  indivisibility  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  from  the  substance  both  of  the 
Father  and  the  Son  is  as  distinctly  set  forth  as 
it  ever  was  afterwards  (Mansi,  iii.  353-4). 
Through  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  to  whom  it  was 
addressed,  and  by  whom  it  was  in  due  time  sub- 
scribed, it  would  find  its  way  into  the  West  and 
to  Rome,  as  the  rallying  point  of  the  orthodox,  and 
a  bond  of  union,  under  existing  circumstances, 
between  the  sees  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Rome,  whose  acceptance  of  its  doctrine  can  scarce 
have  become  known  to  each  other  before  Mace- 
donius,  the  ex-patriarch  of  Constantinople,  com- 
menced assailing  the  Divinity  of  the  third  person 
in  the  Godhead.  On  this,  it  would  immediately 
give  rise  to,  and  be  the  foundation  of,  a  series  of 
**  tomes "  or  epistles  of  the  same  kind  between 
them,  in  which  Constantinople,  being  in  Arian 
hands,  would  take  no  part,  nor  Alexandria  much, 
owing  to  the  banishment  of  its  orthodox  prelate, 
Peter,  from  a.d.  373  to  378,  under  Valens.  St. 
Meletius  had  also  been  driven  from  Antioch  a 
year  earlier ;  but  then  we  are  told  expressly  by 
Sozomen  (vi.  7),  his  orthodox  rival,  St.  Pauliuus 
was  allowed  to  remain ;  and  this  would  account 
for  the  correspondence  that  went  on  between 
him  and  Pope  Damasus  uninterruptedly  while 
St  Meletius  was  away,  and  of  which  the  promi- 
nent topic  was  the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Now,  as  Mansi  points  out  (iii.  463-8),  the  synods 
of  Antioch  and  Rome  are  confusedly  given  about 
this  time.  There  are  traces  of  a  synod  of  An- 
tioch, as  well  as  of  another  at  Rome,  a.d.  372 ; 
but  the  acts  of  both  have  not  hitherto  been  dis- 
tinguished from  those  of  two  later  synods  at 
Rome,  A.D.  377,  and  at  Antioch,  the  year  or  two 
years  following,  under  St.  Meletius,  on  the  re- 
turn of  the  exiles.  And  one  thing  may  well  be 
thought  to  have  been  agreed  upon  at  the  first  of 
these  synods  of  Antioch,  and  possibly  Rome  too, 


which  was  afterwards  confirmed  in  the  2Dd,  and 
is  evidently  referred  to  by  the  Constantinopolitan 
fitthers  in  their  synodical  letter,  namely,  th« 
creed  in  its  enlarged  form.  And  for  this  reason 
— St.  Epiphanius,  bishop  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus, 
was  another  of  the  orthodox  b»hops  who  was 
not  disturbed  in  his  see;  and  his  see,  whether 
subject  to  Antioch  or  not,  then,  must  hav« 
brought  him  into  frequent  communication  with 
it,  even  if  he  had  not  been  a  personal  friend  of 
St.  Paulinus,  or  was  not  present  at  the  synod 
held  there  A.D.  372.  Now,  in  c.  119  of  his  work 
called  AncoratuSf  of  which  he  fixes  the  date  him- 
self in  the  next  c,  viz.,  A.D.  373,  what  was 
rehearsed  afterwards  at  the  council  of  Chalcedon 
as  the  creed  of  the  150  fathers,  that  is,  of  this 
council  of  Constantinople,  is  set  down  word  for 
word,  so  far  as  its  new  clauses  are  concerned,  and 
called  that  of  Nicaea  by  him.  Admit  this  form 
to  have  been  agreed  upon  at  the  synod  of  Antioch, 
in  conjunction,  or  not,  with  that  of  Rome,  A.IX 
372,  and  his  own  use  of  it  the  year  following,  as 
the  authorised  creed  of  the  Church,  is  explained 
at  once,  nor  is  there  any  reason  why  St.  Gregory 
Nyssen,  if  he  composed  it  at  all — as  stated  by 
Nicephorus  alone  (zii.  13) — should  not  have 
composed  it  there.  But  Valens  coming  to 
Antioch  in  April  (ainton,  A.D.  372,  col.  2^  to 
persecute  the  orthodox,  the  probability  would 
be  that  this  synod  was  hastily  broken  up,  and 
remained  in  abeyance  till  A.D.  378  or  9,  when 
its  proceedings  were  resumed  under  St.  Meletius, 
and  confirm^  by  163  bishops,  and  with  its  pro- 
ceedings this  creed.  All  at  the  same  time  then 
and  there  subscribed  to  the  Western  tome  or 
letter  of  Pope  Damasus.  Hence,  both  the  lan- 
guage of  the  5th  Copstantinopolitan  canon  abov« 
mentioned,  and  of  the  fathera  who  framed  it,  in 
their  synodical  letter,  where  they  say  thai 
*'this,  their  faith,  which  they  had  professed 
there  summarily,  might  be  learnt  more  fully 
by  their  Western  brethren,  on  their  being  so 
good  as  to  refer  to  *the  tome'  that  emanatod 
from  the  synod  of  Antioch,  and  that  set  forth  bj- 
the  oecumenical  council  of  Constantinople  the 
year  before,  in  which  documents  they  had  pro- 
fessed their  faith  at  greater  length."  Now, 
what  they  had  set  forth  themselves  was  their 
adherence  to  the  Nicene  faith  and  reprobation 
of  the  heresies  enumerated  in  their  first  canon  ; 
what  they  had  received  from  Antioch  and  ac- 
cepted must  have  been  the  creed  which  has  since 
gone  by  their  name,  but  was  certainly  not  their 
composition;  and  whatever  else  was  confirmed 
there,  A.D.  378,  including  the  Western  tome. 
Which  of  the  letters  of  Pope  Damasus  is  here 
specified  comes  out  as  plainly.  His  letter  to  Si. 
Paulinus  was  written  A.D.  372,  when  there  was 
nobody  left  at  Antioch  but  St.  Paulinus  to  write 
to.  The  letter  addressed  in  his  own  name  and 
that  of  the  93  bishops  with  him,  *<to  the 
Catholic  bishops  of  the  East,"  was  **  the  tome " 
received  by  the  synod  at  Antioch  A.D.  378-9 
(Mansi,  »6.  p.  459-62);  to  which  they  replied 
the  same  year  (»&.  p.  511-15).  Both  letters 
being  on  the  same  subject — as  were  the  synods 
of  372  and  378-9 — it  was  easy  to  confuse  them. 
Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  held  a  synod 
and  wrote  on  the  same  subject  about  the  same 
time  (t6.  p.  503-8). 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  deal  with  the 
synodical    letter    of    the    reassembled    ooundl 


CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  439 


of  Constantinople  ▲.D.  382,  and  their  pro- 
c^^^iiiSs  generally.  Finding  there  were  still 
ecclesiastical  matters  of  urgent  importance  to  be 
settled,  most  of  the  bishops  who  had  met  at 
Constantinople  A.D.  881,  returned  thither,  as 
Theodoret  relates,  the  following  summer  (Mansi 
ad  Baron.  A.D.  882,  n.  3).  One  of  their  number, 
indeed,  Ascholius,  bishop  of  Thessalonica,  and 
SS.  Epiphanius  and  Jerome  with  him,  had  gone 
meanwhile  to  Rome.  Being  at  Constantinople, 
they  received  a  synodical  letter  from  the  West, 
ioTiting  them  to  Rome,  where  a  large  gathering 
was  in  contemplation.  This  letter  having  been 
lost,  we  can  only  guess  at  its  contents  from  what 
they  say  in  reply  to  it,  coupled  with  their  5th 
canon,  which  was  evidently  framed  in  conse- 
quence. The  affairs  of  the  £ast  being  in  immi- 
nent peril  and  confusion,  they  beg  to  be  excused 
going  away  so  far  from  their  sees.  They  had 
oome  to  Constantinople  on  account  of  what  had 
been  written  by  the  West  after  the  synod  of 
Aquileia  the  year  before  to  the  Emperor  Tbeo- 
doeius — evidently  the  letter  in  which  the  conse- 
crations of  Flavian  and  Nectarius  are  mentioned 
disapprovingly  (Mansi,  i6.  p.  631-2) — but  had 
made  no  preparations  for  going  further  from 
home.  The  most  they  could  do  would  be  to  send 
deputies  into  the  West.  Cyriacus,  Eusebius, 
and  Priscian  are  named,  to  explain  their  pro- 
ceedings, which  they  then  epitomise,  commencing 
with  what  has  been  anticipated  above  about  their 
f&ith,  add  ending  with  the  statement  that  Nec- 
tarius and  Flavian  had  been  appointed  canonically 
to  their  respective  sees,  while  St.  Cyril  was 
recognised  by  them  as  bishop  of  Jerusalem  for 
the  same  reason.  Thus  this  letter  explains  the 
framing  of  their  5th  canon,  and  attests  its  date. 
The  same  date  is  assigned  by  Beveridge  to 
canon  6,  restricting  tho  manner  of  instituting 
proceedings  against  bishops,  and  reprobating 
appeals  to  the  secular  power.  But  canon  7, 
prescribing  the  distinctions  to  be  observed  in 
admitting  heretics  into  communion,  is  shown  by 
him  not  to  belong  to  this  council  at  all.  It  is 
almost  identical  with  the  95th  Trullan  canon 
(Bev.  ad  1.).  Of  the  creed,  little  more  need  be 
added  to  what  has  been  said.  It  was  in  existence 
A.]>.  373,  having  been  probably  framed  at 
Antioch,  in  conformity  with  the  synodical  letter 
of  St.  Athanasius,  A.D.  372,  where  it  was  doubt- 
less confirmed  ▲.D.  378-9,  and  received  more 
probably  by  the  5th  canon  of  this  council  A.D. 
382,  than  promulgated  separately  by  the  council 
of  the  year  preceding.  Possibly  this  may  have 
been  the  creed  called  by  Cassian  (^De  Inoam.  vi. 
3  and  6)  as  late  as  a.d.  430,  '*  peculiarly  the 
creed  of  the  city  and  Church  of  Antioch."  From 
the  portion  of  it  given  by  him  it  is  as  lilcely  to  have 
been  this,  as  that  of  A-D.  363  (for  which  see 
Soc.  iii.  25),  or  any  other  between  them.  That 
there  is  a  JFamily  likeness  between  it  and  the 
creed  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  commented  on 
by  St.  Cyril  will  be  seen  on  comparing  them 
(Ueurtley's  J)e  Fide  et  8,  p.  9-13>  On  this 
hypothesis  alone  we  can  understand  why  no 
notice  should  have  been  taken  of  it  at  the 
council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431,  and  in  the  African 
code,  namely,  because  it  had  originated  with  a 
provincial,  and  only  been  as  yet  received  by  a 
general  council.  It  was  promulgated  as  identical 
with  that  of  Nicaea  for  the  first  time  by  the 
Others  of  the  4th  oonnoiL 


No  more  remains  but  to  observe  that  the  dog- 
matic professions  of  the  council  of  381  were  con- 
firmed by  Theodosius  in  a  constitution  dated 
July  30  of  the  same  year,  and  addressed  to 
Antonius,  proconsul  of  Asia,  by  which  the 
churches  are  ordered  to  be  handed  over  to  the 
bishops  in  communion  with  Nectarius  and  others 
who  composed  it,  the  Eunomlans,  Arians,  and 
Antians  having  been  deprived  of  their  churches 
by  a  constitution  issued  ten  days  earlier  {Cod. 
Theod.  xvi.  tit.  1, 1.  3,  and  tit.  5, 1.  8).  And  it 
was  received  by  Pope  Damasus,  and  has  been 
regarded  in  the  West  ever  since,  so  far,  as  oecu- 
menical. Its  first  four  canons,  in  the  same  way, 
have  been  always  admitted  into  Western  collec- 
tions. But  what  passed  at  the  supplemeLtal 
council  of  382  never  seems  to  have  been  con- 
firmed or  received  equally.  It  was  in  declining 
to  come  to  this  last  council  that  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen  said,  in  his  epistle  to  Procopius  (cxxx. 
ed.  Migne),  '*  that  he  had  come  to  the  resolution 
of  avoiding  every  meeting  of  bishops,  for  that  he 
had  never  seen  any  synod  end  well,  or  assuage 
rather  than  aggravate  disorders."  His  cele- 
brated oration (t6.  xlii.),  known  as  his  ** farewell" 
to  the  council  of  381,  is  inspired  by  a  very 
different  spirit. 

Lastly,  there  was  a  third  meeting  of  bishops 
held  at  Constantinople,  by  command  of  Theo- 
dosius, A.D.  383,  under  Nectarius,  to  devise 
remedies  for  the  confusion  created  by  so  many 
sees  passing  out  of  the  hands  of  the  heterodox 
into  those  of  the  orthodox  party  (Soc  v.  10). 
The  Arian,  Eunomian,  and  Macedonian  bishops 
were  required  to  attend  there  with  confessions 
of  their  faith,  which  the  emperor,  after  examin- 
ing carefully,  rejected  in  favour  of  Nicaea.  The 
Novatians  alone,  receiving  this,  were  placed  by 
him  upon  equal  terms  with  the  orthodox.  Of 
the  heterodox  professions,  that  of  Eunomius  is 
extant,  and  not  without  interest.  It  may  be 
seen  in  Cave  {ffist.  Lit  i.  210).  It  is  said  U^ 
have  been  on  this  occasion  that  Amphilochius. 
bishop  of  Iconium,  on  entering  the  palace,  made 
the  usual  obeisance  to  Theodosius,  but  took  no 
notice  of  Arcadius,  his  son,  standing  at  his  side. 
When  the  emperor  reproved  him  for  this,  *'  You 
see,  sire,"  said  the  bishop,  "  how  impatient  you 
are  that  your  own  son  should  be  slighted ;  much 
more  will  God  punish  those  who  ref\ise  due 
honour  to  his  only  begotten  Son"  (Theod.  v.  16). 

(6)  ▲.!>.  394 — reckoning  that  of  383  as  the 
5th.  Among  those  present  were  Nectarius  of 
Constantinople,  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  Flavian 
of  Antioch,  &c.  What  called  them  together,  in 
all  probability,  was  the  dedication  of  a  new 
church  in  honour  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul :  which 
done,  they  sat  in  judgment  on  a  controversy 
between  two  rival  bishops  of  Bostra,  Bagadius, 
and  Agapins ;  against  the  former  of  whom  it 
was  pleaded  that  he  had  been  deposed  by  two 
bishops,  since  dead.  The  council  decreed  that, 
in  fdture,  not  even  three,  much  less  two,  bishops 
should  have  the  power  of  deposing  another,  but 
that,  in  conformity  with  the  apostolic  canons 
(and  this  express  reference  to  them  in  such  an 
assemblage  is  most  noteworthy),  it  should  be 
held  to  belong  to  a  larger  synod,  and  the  bishops 
of  the  province  (Mansi,  iii.  851-4). 

(7)  A.D.  399,  of  22  bishops  under  St.  Chry- 
sostoro,  to  enquire  into  seven  capital  charges 
brought  against  Antoninvs,  bishop  of  Ephesus. 


440  CONSTANTINOPLE;  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF 


As  he  died  before  the  witnesses  could  be  exa- 
mined, St.  Chrysoetom,  at  the  request  of  the 
£phesine  clergy,  went  over  thither,  and,  at  the 
bead  of  70  bishops,  appointed  Heraclides  a  deacon 
in  his  place,  and  deposed  6  bishops  that  had  been 
simoniacally  ordained  by  him.  Their  proceedings 
are  of  some  interest,  and  contain  a  reference  to 
the  canons  of  the  African  Church  (Mansi,  iii. 
991-6).  Strictly  speaking,  this  last  was  a  synod 
of  £phesus. 

(8)  A.D.  404,  to  sit  in  judgment  on  St.  Chry- 
sostom,  who  had  been  recalled  from  exile  by  the 
emperor  and  retaken  possession  of  his  see,  from 
which  he  had  been  deposed  by  "the  Synod  of  the 
Oak."  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  was  not  present 
on  this  occasion,  having  had  to  fly  Constan- 
tinople on  the  return  of  his  rival.  Still  he  was 
not  unrepresented ;  and  St.  Cbrysostom  had  by 
this  time  provoked  another  enemy  (Clinton,  A.D. 
404,  col.  4)  in  the  Empress  Eudoxia,  whose  statue 
he  had  denounced  from  the  games  and  revels 
permitted  to  be  held  round  it  in  offensive  prox- 
imity to  his  church.  At  this  synod  he  seems  to 
have  given  attendance  (vi.  18)  when  the  question 
of  his  former  deposition  was  argued.  ThiHy-six 
bishops  had  condemned  him:  but  sixty-five 
bishops,  he  rejoined,  had,  by  communicating 
with  him,  voted  in  his  favour  (Vales,  ad  L).  It 
is  not  implied  in  these  words,  as  some  seem  to 
have  supposed,  that  a  synod  was  actually  sitting 
in  his  favour  now,  any  more  than  during  the 
Synod  of  the  Oak,  the  deputies  from  which 
found  him  surrounded,  but  not  synodically,  by 
forty  bishops,  in  his  own  palace.  The  4th  or 
]'2th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Antioch  was 
allegtMl  by  his  opponents :  his  defence  was  that 
it  was  framed  by  the  Arians  (Reading,  i&.). 
As  quoted  by  his  opponents,  indeed,  it  was 
differently  worded  from  what  either  the  4th 
or  12th  are  now ;  so  that  possibly  there  may 
have  been  an  Arian  version  of  these  canons, 
against  which  his  objection  held  good.  The 
synod,  however,  decided  against  him,  and  his 
banishment  to  Comana,  on  the  Black  Sea,  says 
Socrates — to  Cucusus,  in  Armenia,  say  others 
— followed,  where  he  died. 

(9)  A.D.  426,  on  the  last  day  of  Febraary, 
when  Sisinnius  was  consecrated  bishop  there,  in 
the  room  of  Atticus.  Afterwards,  the  errors  of 
the  Massalians,  or  Euchites,  were  condemned,  at 
the  instance  of  the  Bishops  of  Iconium  and  Sida, 
as  we  learn  from  the  7th  action  of  the  Council 
of  Ephesus.  A  severe  sentence  was  passed-  on 
any  charged  with  holding  them  afler  this  denun- 
ciation (Mansi,  iv.  541-2). 

(10)  A.D.  428,  on  the  death  of  Sisinnius,  when 
the  well-known  Nestorius  was  consecrated 
(Mansi,  iv.  543-4). 

(11)  A.D.  431,  October  25,  four  months  after 
Nestorius  had  been  deposed,  to  consecrate  Max- 
imian  in  his  place  (Mansi,  v.  1045).  This  done, 
Maximian  presided,  and  joined  in  a  synodical 
letter,  enclosing  that  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus, 
with  its  first  six  canons,  as  they  are  called,  to 
the  bishops  of  ancient  Epirus,  whom  attempts 
had  been  made  to  detach  from  orthodoxy  (t&. 
257).  Letters  were  written  likewise  by  him 
and  by  the  emperor  to  Pope  Celestine,  St.  Cyril, 
and  other  bishops,  to  acquaint  them  with  his 
elevation,  at  which  all  expressed  themselves  well 
[ileascd  (»6.  257-92).  Another  synod  apjiears  to 
have  been  held  by  him  the  yeai*  following,  for 


restoring  peace  between  his  own  Church  and  that 
of  Antioch  (ib.  1049-50). 

(12)  ^.D.  443,  probably  (Mansi,  vi.  463-6, 
comp.  Cave,  i.  479)  to  consider  the  case  of 
Athanasius,  bishop  of  Perrhe,  on  the  Euphrates, 
afterwards  deposed  at  Antioch  under  Domnos. 
Here  he  seems  to  have  got  letten  in  his  fiivour 
from  Produs  (comp.  Cotic.  Hierap,  a-D.  445). 

(13)  A.D.  448,  November  8,  under  Flavian,  to 
enquire  into  a  dispute  between  Florentius, 
metropolitan  of  Sardis,  and  two  of  his  suffragans: 
but  while  sitting,  it  was  called  upon  by  Eusebius, 
bishop  of  Dorylaeum,  one  of  its  members,  and 
who  had,  as  a  layman,  denounced  Nestorius,  to 
summon  Eutyches,  archimandrite  of  a  convent 
of  three  hundred  monks,  and  as  resolute  an  op- 
ponent of  Nestorius  as  himself,  on  a  charge  thai 
he  felt  obliged  to  press  against  him.  The  charge 
was  that  he  recognised  but  one  nature  in  Christ. 
Messengera  were  despatched  to  invite  Eutyches 
to  peruse  what  Eusebius  had  alleged  against  him. 
Meanwhile,  two  letters  of  St.  Cyril — ^his  second 
to  Nestorius,  recited  and  approved  at  the  Council 
of  Ephesus,  and  his  letter  to  John  of  Antioch, 
on  their  reconciliation — were  read  out,  and  pro- 
nounced orthodox  by  all.  A  reply  was  brought 
subsequently  from  Eutyches,  that  he  refused  to 
quit  his  monastery.  A  2nd  and  3rd  citation 
followed  in  succession.  Then  he  promised  at- 
tendance within  a  week.  While  waiting  for 
him,  the  council  listened  to  some  minutes  of  a 
conversation  between  him  and  the  two  presbyien 
charged  with  his  2nd  citation,  when  they  said 
he  expressly  denied  two  natures  in  Christ.  At 
last  he  appeared,  made  profession  of  his  faith, 
and  was  condemned  —  thirty-two  bishops  and 
twenty-three  archimandrites  subscribing  to  his 
deposition  from  the  priesthood  and  monastic 
dignity.  Proceedings  occupied  altogether  seven 
sessions — the  last  of  which  was  held  November  22. 
Its  acts  were  recited  in  a  subsequent  council  of 
the  year  following  at  Constantinople ;  at  Ephesus, 
also,  the  year  following,  under  Dioscorus;  and 
again,  in  the  1st  session  of  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon,  where  they  may  be  read  still  (Mansi,  vi. 
495-6,  and  then  649-754). 

(14)  A.D.  449,  April  8,  of  thirty  bishops  under 
Thalassius,  archbishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappedocia, 
held  by  order  of  the  epaperor,  to  re-consider  the 
sentence  passed  on  Eutyches  by  the  council  under 
Flavian,  on  a  representation  from  the  former 
that  its  acts  had  been  falsified.  This,  however, 
was  proved  untrue.  Another  se^ion  was  held 
April  27,  on  a  second  petition  from  Eutyches,  to 
have  the  statement  of  Magnus — ^the  official  or 
silentiary,  who  had  accompanied  him  to  the 
council  under  Flavian — taken  down,  which  was 
done.  This  officer  declared  to  having  seen  the 
instrument  containing  his  deposition,  before  the 
session  was  held  at  which  it  was  resolved  on. 
The  acts  of  this  council  are  likewise  preserved  in 
the  first  session  of  that  of  Chalcedon  (Mansi,  vu 
503-4,  and  then  753-828). 

(10)  A.D.  450,  at  which  Anatolins  was  ordained 
bishop^  and  then,  some  months  afterwards,  at 
the  head  of  his  suffragans  and  clergy,  made  pro- 
fession of  his  faith  and  subscribed  to  the  cele- 
brated letter  of  St.  Leo  to  his  predecessor 
Flavian,  in  the  presence  of  four  legates  from 
Rome,  charged  to  obtain  proofs  of  his  orthodoxy 
(Mansi,  vi.  509-14,  with  ep.  Ixix.  of  St.  Leo, 
•6.  83-5). 


CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OP  441 


(16)  A.D.  457,  under  Anatolius  by  order  of 
the  £mperor  Leo,  whom  he  had  just  crowned,  to 
take  cognisanpe  of  the  petitions  that  had  arrived 
from  Alexandria  for  and  against  Timothy  Aelurus, 
who,  on  the  murder  of  St.  Proterius,  haid  been  in- 
stalled bishop  there  by  the  opponents  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Chalcedon,  and  to  consider  what  could  be 
done  to  restore  peace.  The  council  anathema- 
tised Aelurus  and  his  party  (Mansi,  vii.  521-2 
&  869-70> 

(17)  A.D.  459,  under  Gennadius.  Eighty-one 
bishops  subscribed  to  its  synodical  letter  still 
extant,  in  which  the  2nd  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Chalcedon  is  cited  with  approval  against  some 
simoniacal  ordinations  recently  brought  to  light 
m  Galatia  (Mansi,  vii.  911-20). 

(18)  A.D.  478,  under  Acacius,  in  which  Peter, 
Bishop  of  Antioch,  surnamed  the  Fuller,  Paul  of 
Ephesus,  and  John  of  Apamea,  were  condemned : 
and  a  letter  addressed  to  Simplicius,  bishop  of 
Rome,  to  acquaint  him  with,  and  request  him  to 
concur  in,  their  condemnation  (Mansi,  vii.  1017- 
22,  comp.  Vales.  Obsen,  in  Evag,  i.  2).  A  letter 
was  addressed  at  the  same  time  by  Acacius  to 
Peter  the  Fuller  himself,  rebuking  him  for  having 
introduced  the  clause  **  Who  was  crucified  for 
us  "  into  the  Trisagion  or  hymn  to  the  Trinity. 
Hitherto  this  letter  has  been  printed  as  if  it  had 
issued  from  a  synod  five  years  later,  when  in 
fact  there  was  no  such  synod  (^Mansi,  ib.  1119- 
24). 

(19)  A.D.  492,  under  Euphemius :  in  favour  of 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon ;  but  as  he  declined 
removing  the  name  of  his  predecessor  Acacius 
from  the  sacred  diptychs,  he  was  not  recognised 
as  bishop  by  popes  Felix  and  Gelasius,  to  whom 
he  transmitted  its  acts,  though  his  orthodoxy 
was  allowed  (Mansi,  vii.  1175-80). 

(20)  A.D.  496,  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Ana- 
stasius  I.,  in  which  the  Henoticon  of  Zeno  was 
confirmed,  Euphemius,  bishop  of  Constantinople 
deposed ;  and  Macedonins,  the  second  of  that  name 
who  had  presided  there,  substituted  for  him 
(Mansi,  viii.  186-7). 

(21)  A.D.  498,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Ana- 
stasius  I.,  in  which  Flavian,  the  second  bishop  of 
Autioch  of  that  name,  and  Philoxenus  of  Hiera- 
polis,  took  the  lead  :  condemning  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  and  all  who  opposed  the  Monophysite 
doctrine,  or  would  not  accept  the  interpolated 
claujse  "  Who  was  crucified  for  us  "  in  the  Tris- 
iigion.  But  it  seems  probable  that  this  council 
took  place  a  year  later;  and  that  another  had 
met  a  year  earlier,  under  Macedonius,  less  hostile 
to  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  than  this,  and  of 
which  this  was  the  reaction  (Mansi,  viii.  197- 
200). 

(22)  A.D.  518,  July  20,  by  order  of  the  em- 
peror Justin,  at  which  the  names  of  the  Councils 
of  Nicaea,  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalce- 
don :  of  St.  Leo  of  Rome,  with  Euphemius  and 
Macedonius  of  Constantinople,  were  restored  in 
the  sacred  diptychs :  and  Severus  and  all  other 
opponents  of  the  4th  council  anathematised. 
Its  synodical  letter  signed  by  forty  bishops  and 
addressed  to  the  Constantinopolitan  bishop,  John 
II.,  praying  his  assent  to  its  acts,  is  preserved  in 
the  5th  action  of  the  council  under  Mennas,  A.D. 
536,  as  are  his   letters  informing  the  Eastern 

■bishops  of  what  had  been  done  there.  Count 
Oratus  was  despatched  to  Rome  by  the  emperor 
with  letters  from  himself  and  the  patriarch  to  pope 


Hormisdas,  hoping  that  peace  might  under  these 
circumstances  be -restored  between  them.  The 
answers  of  Hormisdas,  his  instructions  to  the 
legates  despatched  by  him  to  Constantinople, 
their  accounts  of  their  reception  there,  the  pro- 
fession signed  by  the  patriarcli,  and  subsequent 
correspondence  between  him  and  the  pope,  may 
all  be  read  amongst  the  epistles  of  the  latter 
(Mansi,  viii.  435-65).  The  Easterns  had  to  ana- 
thematise Acacius  of  Constantinople  by  name, 
and  to  erase  his,  and  the  names  of  all  others, 
Euphemius  and  Macedonius  included,  who  had 
not  erased  his  previously,  from  the  sacred 
diptychs,  before  the  pope  would  readmit  them  to 
his  communion  (76.  573-8). 

(23)  A.D.  531,  under  Epiphanius,  who  was 
then  patriarch,  to  enquire  into  the  consecration 
of  Stephen,  Metropolitan  of  Larissa,  within  the 
diocese  of  Thrace,  which,  contrary  to  the  28th 
canon  of  Chalcedon,  had  been  made  without 
consulting  him.  Stephen,  having  been  deposed 
by  him  on  th^e  grounds,  appealed  to  Rome ;  but 
the  acts  of  the  synod  held  there  to  consider  his 
appeal  are  defective,  so  that  it  is  not  known  with 
what  success  (Mansi,  viii.  739-40). 

(24)  A.D.  536.  According  to  some,  three 
synods  were  held  there  this  year :  1.  in  which 
pope  Agapetus  presided  and  deposed  Anthimus, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople :  but  this,  as  Mansi 
shews  (viii.  871-2),  the  emperor  Justinian  had 
already  done,  besides  confirming  the  election  of 
Mennas  in  his  stead,  at  the  instance  of  the  clergy 
and  people  of  the  city.  Agapetus,  who  had 
come  thither  on  a  mission  from  Theoidatus,  king 
of  the  Goths,  having  previously  refused  his 
communion,  had  unquestionably  procured  his 
ejection:  and  he  afterwards  consecrated  Mennas, 
as  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  had  St.  John  Chiy- 
sostom,  at  the  request  of  the  emperor.  2.  in 
which  a  number  of  Eastern  bishops  met  to  draw 
up  a  petition  to  the  pope  requesting  him  to  call 
upon  Anthimus,  subsequently  to  his  deposition 
but  previously  to  his  going  back  to  Trebizond 
from  which  he  had  been  translated,  for  a  retrac- 
tation of  his  denial  of  two  natures  in  Christ : 
but  this  can  hardly  be  called  a  council ;  and  the 
death  of  the  pope  stopped  any  definitive  action 
on  his  part  (/6.).  3.  under  Mennas,  after  the 
death  of  the  pope,  consisting  of  five  actions,  the 
first  of  which  took  place.  May  2,  in  a  church 
dedicated  to  St.  Mary  near  the  great  church, 
Mennas  presiding,  and  having  on  his  right, 
among  others,  five  Italian  bishops,  who  had  come 
to  Constantinople  from  the  late  pope,  and  re- 
mained there  with  him  on  his  arrival.  The 
first  thing  brought  before  the  council  was  a 
petition  from  various  monastic  bodies  in  Con- 
stantinople, Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Mount 
Sinai  to  the  emperor,  begging  that  the  sentence, 
stayed  only  by  the  death  of  the  pope,  against  An- 
thimus, might  be  carried  out ;  a  general  account 
of  what  had  passed  between  them  and  the  pope 
followed,  their  petition  to  him  was  produced  by 
the  Italian  bishops  present  and  recited ;  after  it 
another  petition  to  him  from  some  Eastern 
bishops  on  the  same  subject ;  and  his  own  letter 
to  Peter,  bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  reply.  Desirous 
of  following  out  his  decision,  the  council  sent  de- 
puties to  acquaint  Anthimus  with  its  proceedings, 
and  bid  him  appear  there  within  three  days. 
The  second  and  third  actions  passed  in  eending 
him  similar  summonses,  but  all  his  hiding-placet 


442  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF 


hayiug  been  searched  repeatedly  without  finding 
him,  his  condemnation  and  deposition  was  at 
length  decreed  in  the  fourth  action  hj  the  coun- 
cil and  its  president,  and  signed  by  seyenty-two 
bishops  or  their  representatives,  and  two  deacons 
of  the  Roman  Church.  At  the  fifth  and  last 
action  a  number  of  documents  were  recited.  1. 
A  petition  of  the  bishop  of  Apamea  and  other 
Syrian  bishops  to  the  emperor  against  Anthimus, 
Severus,  and  others  of  the  Monophysite  party. 
2.  Another  petition  to  him  from  some  monks  of 
Palestine  and  Syria  to  the  same  effect.  3.  A 
similar  petition  from  the  same  monks  to  this 
council.  4.  Two  letters  of  pope  Hormisdas, 
one  dated  a.d.  518,  and  relating  to  the  Oonstan- 
tinopolitan  synod  of  that  year;  the  other  ad- 
dressed to  Epiphanius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople three  years  later,  requesting  him  to  act, 
and  directing  him  how  to  act,  in  his  stead  in  re- 
ceiying  oonyerts  from  the  Monophysites.  5. 
A  petition  from  the  clergy  and  monks  of  Antioch 
to  the  patriarch  John  and  synod  of  Constantino- 
ple, A.D.  518,  against  Severus.  6.  An  address  of 
the  same  synod  to  the  patriarch  John.  7.  A 
petition  of  the  monastic  bodies  in  Constantinople 
to  the  same  synod,  with  a  narrative  of  the 
acclamations  amidst  which  its  decisions  had  been 
carried  out  by  John.  8.  His  letters  to  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and  bishop  of  IVre 
thereon,  and  their  replies  to  him,  with  another 
narrative  showing  how  rapturously  the  church 
of  Tyre  had  received  them.  9.  A  similar  letter 
from  the  bishops  of  Syria  secunda  to  the  same 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  with  a  narrative  of 
proceedings  against  Peter,  bishop  of  Apamea,  for 
his  Monophysite  sayings :  and  a  petition  presented 
to  them  by  the  monks  of  his  diocese  against  him 
and  Severus.  All  which  having  been  read,  an 
anathema  was  passed  upon  him,  Severus  and 
Zoaras,*  one  of  their  followers,  by  the  council 
now  sitting — ^this  is  inexcusably  left  by  Mansi 
(viii.  1137-8)  with  its  corrupt  heading  uncor- 
rected, ascribing  it  to  a  former  synod — and  then 
by  Mennas,  its  president ;  according  to  the  order 
observed  in  the  4th  action  in  passing  sentence 
upon  Anthimus.  Eighty-eight  bishops  or  their 
representatives,  and  two  deacons  of  the  Roman 
church  as  before,  subscribed  on  this  occasion. 
A  constitution  of  the  emperor  addressed  to 
Mennas  confirmed  their  sentence  (Mansi,  viii. 
869-1162). 

(20)  A.D.  538,  says  Valesius,  541  Cave,  543 
Mansi,  under  Mennas  by  order  of  the  emperor 
Justinian,  in  support  of  his  edict  against  the 
errors  of  Origen,  denounced  to  him  in  a  petition 
from  four  monks  of  Jerusalem,  placed  in  his 
hands,  says  Liberatus  {Brev.  23)  by  Pelagius,  a 
Roman  envoy,  whom  he  had  sent  thither  on  a 
different  errand,  with  the  express  object  of 
injuring  Theodore,  bishop  of  Caesarea,  in  Cappa- 
docia,  Burnamed  Ascidas,  who  defended  Origen. 
His  edict,  which  is  in  the  form  of  a  book  against 
Origen  and  addressed  to  Mennas,  is  given  at 
length  by  Mansi  (ix.  487-588).  It  was  commu- 
nicated to  the  other  patriarchs  and  to  pope  Vigi- 
lins.  The  council  backed  it  by  15  anathemas 
against  Origen  and  his  errors,  usually  placed  at 
the  end  of  the  acts  of  the  5th  general  council 
(Mansi,  ib.  395-400)  with  which  this  council 
came  to  be  subsequently  confused,  in  consequence, 
says  Cave,  of  their  respective  acts  having  formed 
pne  volume  (Mansi,  ib,  121-4;  and  also  703-8). 


(26)  A.D.  546,  according  to  Gamier  (^Din,  ad 
L&erat,  c.  iv.)  under  Mennas  to  assent  to  the 
1st  edict,  now  lost,  of  the  emperor  Justiniao 
against  the  three  chapters  the  year  before.  Both 
Cave  and  Mansi  pass  over  this  council,  and  sub- 
stitute for  it  another,  supposed  to  have  been 
held  by  pope  Vigil ius  the  year  following,  after 
his  arrival  in  February  (Clinton,  A.D.  547,  col. 
4),  at  which  it  was  decid«i  to  refer  passing  sen- 
tence upon  the  three  chapters  to  the  meeting  of 
the  general  council  about  to  take  place  (Mansi, 
ix.  125-8). 

(27)  A.D.  553,  the  5th  general,  held  by  order 
of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  and  composed  of  165 
bishops,  with  Eutychius,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople, for  their  president :  Pope  Vigilius  being 
on  the  spot  all  the  time,  but  declining  to  attend ; 
indeed,  he  was  not  even  represented  there.  As 
far  back  as  his  election,  a.d.  537,  according  to 
Victor  of  Tunis,  he  had  been  secretly  pledged 
to  the  Empress  Theodora,  who  favoured  the 
Monophysite  paily,  to  assent  to  the  condemnb- 
tion  of  the  three  chapters  (Gam.  ad  Lib.  Breviar, 
c.  22) ;  and  this  step,  according  to  liberatus  (ib. 
c.  24),  had  been  pressed  upon  the  emperor  all  the 
more  warmly  since  then,  in  consequence  of  the 
condemnation  of  the  Origenists  in  a  council  under 
Mennas  the  year  following.  Theodore,  bishop  of 
Caesarea,  a  devoted  Origenist  and  friend  of  thr 
empress,  pointed  it  out  in  fact  as  a  means  of  bring- 
ing back  a  large  section  of  the  Monophysites 
to  the  church.  Their  opposition  to  the  4th  gene- 
ral conncil,  he  averred,  lay  in  the  countenance 
supposed  to  be  given  by  it  to  these  writings — I. 
The  works  of  Theodore,  bishop  of  Mopsuestia; 
2.  The  letter  of  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  to  Maris  ; 
and  3,  what  Theodoret,  bishop  of  Cyrus,  had 
published  against  St.  Cyril :  the  third,  however, 
he  forbore  to  name ;  all  held  to  be  tainted  with 
Nestorianism.  By  condemning  them,  he  seems 
to  have  calculated  the  authority  of  the  council 
that  had  treated  their  authors  at  least  so  favour- 
ably, would  be  undermined.  Justinian,  acting 
on  his  advice,  had  already  condemned  them  twice, 
A.D.  545  and  551  (Gieseler,  i.  325 ;  Cunningham's 
Tr.,  no  date  is  assigned  to  the  two  pieces  given 
in  Mansi,  ix.  537-82,  and  589-646);  and  the 
first  time  had  been  followed  by  Vigilius,  whose 
'*  Judicatum,"  published  at  Constantinople,  a.i>. 
548,  is  quoted  in  part  by  the  emperor  in  his 
address  to  this  council  (Mansi,  ix.  178-86,  and 
again,  582-8)  on  its  assembling.  But  Vigilius 
had,  A.D.  547,  declared  against  coming  to  any 
decision  on  the  subject  till  it  had  been  discussed 
in  a  general  council ;  and  to  this  he  went  back 
on  ascertaining  what  indignation  his  ''Judi- 
catum  "  had  caused  in  Africa  and  in  the  West, 
and  excommunicated  Mennas  and  Theodore  for 
having  gone  further  (Mansi,  i&.  58-61).  Accord- 
ingly, the  emperor  decided  on  summoning  this 
council  to  examine  and  pronounce  upon  them; 
and  Eutychius,  the  Constantinopolitan  patriarch, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Vigilius,  which  was  read 
out  at  its  fint  ses^tion,  May  5,  requesting  him 
to  come  and  preside  over  its  deliberations.  Vigi- 
lius assented  to  thler  joint  examination  by  him- 
self and  the  council,  but  was  silent  about  hie 
attendance.  Three  patriarchs  and  a  nnmber  of 
bishops  accosted  him  personally  with  no  bettor 
success.  At  the  2nd  session,  or  collation,  a  second 
interview  with  him  was  reported,  in  which  he 
definitively  declined  attending;  and  even  on  a 


CONBTANTINOPLB,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLB,  COUNCILS  OP  443 

Russia;  5,  to  the  bishop  of  Aries;  and  6,  a 
deposition  signed  by  Theodore,  bishop  of  Caesarea, 
and  a  lay  dignitary,  to  the  effect  that  Vigiliiu 
had  sworn  to  the  emperor  in  their  presence  to 
do  all  he  conld  for  the  condemnation  of  the  three 
chapters,  and  never  say  a  word  in  their  favour. 
Next,  an  enquiry,  by  order  of  the  emperor,  re> 
specting  a  picture  or  statue  of  Theodoret  said  to 
have  been  carried  about  at  Cyrus  in  procession, 
was  reported.  And,  lastly,  the  imperial  man- 
date, which  ordained  that  the  name  of  Vigilius 
should  be  removed  from  the  sacred  diptychs  for  his 
tergiversations  on  the  subject  of  the  .«hree  chap- 
ters, "  Non  enim  patiebamur,  nee  ab  eo,  nee  ab 
alio  quocunque,"  says  the  emperor,  "  inviolatam 
communionem  suscipere,  qui  non  istam  impie- 
tate'ro  condemnat  .  .  .  .  ne  eo  modo  inveniamnr 
Nestohi  et  Theodori  impietati  oommunicantes  " 
(Mansi,  ib,  366-7>  Unity  with  the  apostolic 
see  would  not,  he  adds;  be  thereby  dissolved, 
inasmuch  as  neither  Vigilius  nor  any  other  indi- 
vidual could,  by  his  own  change  for  the  worse, 
mar  the  peace  of 'the  Church.  To  all  which  the 
council  agreed.  Finally,  reviewing  at  its  8th 
collation,  June  2,  in  a  singularly  well-written 
compendium  all  that  it  had  done  previously, 
and  vindicating  the  course  about  to  be  pursued, 
it  formally  condemned  the  three  chapters,  and 
with  them  the  author  of  the  first  of  them — 
Theodore — promulgating  its  definitive  sentence 
in  14  anathemas,  almost  identical  with  those 
of  the  emperor  (Mansi,  i&.  557-64),  and  in 
which  the  heresies  and  heresiarchs  thus  con- 
demned are  specified :  Origen  among  the  number 
in  the  eleventh,  though  not  in  the  corresponding 
one  of  the  emperor.  He  had  been  previously 
condemned  in  the  council  under  Mennas,  ▲.D. 
538,  as  we  have  seen.  Of  these  anathemas  the 
Greek  version  is  still  extant :  of  almost  every 
other  record  of  its  proceedings  the  Latin  version 
alone  remains.  Vigilius,  afler  taking  some  time 
to  consider,  announced  his  assent  to  them  in  two 
formal  documents :  the  first  a  decretal  epistle, 
dated  Dec  8  of  the  same  year,  and  addressed  tc 
the  Constantinopolitan  patriarch  (Mansi,  ib.  41S-> 
32,  with  the  notes  of  De  Marca),  in  which,  as 
he  says,  after  the  manner  of  St.  Augustine,  he 
retracts  all  that  he  had  ever  written  differently ; 
and  the  second,  another  Constiiwtum  of  great 
length,  dated  Feb.  23  of  the  year  following 
(Clinton,  A.i>.  554,  c.  4),  but  without  any  head- 
ing or  subscription  in  its  present  form  (Mansi, 
t6.  457-88).  He  died  on  his  way  home,  and 
Pelagius,  the  Roman  envoy  who  had  been  instru- 
mental in  condemning  Origen,  had  thus,  on  be- 
coming pope,  to  vindicate  the  condemnation  of 
the  three  chapters  by  this  council  in  the  West, 
where  they  had  been  defended  all  but  unani- 
mously, and  were  upheld  obstinately  by  more 
than  three  parts  of  Italy  still,  llie  2nd  Pela- 
gius, twenty-five  years  later,  in  his  third  letter 
to  the  bishops  of  Istria,  said  to  have  been  written 
by  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  then  his  deacon 
(Mansi,  ib,  433-54,  and  see  Migne's  ed.),  apolo- 
gised as  follows  for  the  conduct  of  his  prede- 
cessors and  his  own  therein.  Referring  to  the 
occasion  on  which  St.  Peter  was  reproved  by 
St.  Paul  (Gal.  ii.  11),  he  asks,  <*Kunquid  Petro 
apostolorum  principi  sibi  dissimilia  docenti,  de- 
buit  ad  haec  verba  responderi?"  **Haec  quae 
dicis,  audire  non  possumus,  quia  aliud  ante 
praedicasti?    Si  igitnr  in  trinm   eapit\ilomB 


from  the  emperor  he  would  not  under- 
take to  do  more  than  examine  the  chapters 
by  himself,  and  tiansmit  his  opinion  on  them, 
not  to  the  council,  but  to  him.  This  pro- 
bably was  contained  in  his  Corutitutum  (Mansi, 
ik,  p.  61  and  seq.);  the  date  assigned  to  which 
indicates  that  it  came  out  between  the  5th 
and  6th  collations.  Some  bishops  of  Africa 
and  Illyria  excused  themselves  equally  to  the 
deputation  sent  to  invite  their  attendance.  At 
the  3rd  collation  the  &thers  commenced  the 
real  business  for  which  they  had  been  convened 
with  a  preface  well  worth  remembering  for  its 
soundness  and  moderation.  They  pledged  them- 
selves to  the  exact  doctrine  and  dbcipline  laid 
down  in  the  four  general  councils,  each  and  all, 
preceding  their  own ;  one  and  the  same  confes- 
sion of  &ith  had  sufficed  for  them  in  spite  of  all 
the  heresies  they  had  met  to  condemn,  and  should 
suffice  now.  AH  things  in  Harmony  with  it 
should  be  received;  and  all  things  at  variance 
with  it  rejected.  Having  thus  pledged  them- 
selves to  the  4th  council  among  the  rest,  the 
fathers  proceeded  to  the  examination  of  the  three 
chapters  in  their  4th  collation.  This  was  on 
May  12 :  extracts  having  accordingly  been  read 
out  from  various  works  of  Theodore,  both  he 
and  they  were  judged  worthy  of  condemnation. 
The  next  day,  or  the  5th  collation,  passages  for 
or  against  Theodore,  for  St.  Cyril  and  others, 
were  produced  and  weighed;  and  authorities, 
particularly  St.  Augustine,  cited  in  favour  of 
condemning  heretics  although  dead.  Enquiry 
having  been  made  when  the  name  of  Theodore 
ceased  to  be  commemorated  in  the  sacred  dip- 
tychs of  his  church,  it  was  discovered  that  the 
name  of  St.  Cyril  had  long  been  substituted 
there  for  his.  At  the  close  of  the  sitting, 
extracts  from  the  writings  of  Theodoret  against 
St.  Cyril  were  recited;  on  which  the  fathers 
remarked  that  the  4th  council  had  acted  wisely 
in  not  receiving  him  till  he  had  anathematised 
Ijestorius.  Six  days  intervened  before  the  6th 
collation  took  place.  May  19.  During  this  in- 
terval Vigilius  issued  his  **  Constitutum,"  dated 
May  14,  in  the  form  of  a  synodical  letter  addressed 
to  the  emperor  (Mansi,  ix.  61-106),  answering 
and  condemning  a  number  of  the  positions  of 
Theodore,  but  pleading  for  Theodoret  and  Ibas, 
as  having  been  acquitted  by  the  4th  council. 
However,  the  council  at  its  6th  collation  found 
the  letter  of  Ibas  in  question  contrary  to  the 
Chalcedonian  definition,  and  anathematised  it 
accordingly,  the  principal  speaker  against  it  being 
Theodore,  bishop  of  Cappadocia ;  but  its  author 
escaped.  At  the  7th  collation,  May  26  or  30, 
for  the  reading  is  doubtful,  a  communication 
was  read  from  the  emperor  in  deprecation  of 
the  **  Constitutum "  addressed  to  tiim  by  the 
Pope,  May  14,  and  on  which  there  had  been  a 

food  many  messages  between  them  in  vain  since, 
irst,  no  less  than  six  documents  were  recited 
proving  Vigilius  to  have  expressly  condemned 
the  three  chapters  as  many  times:  1,  a  letter 
from  him  to  the  emperor ;  2,  to  the  empress,  in 
both  which  the  words  **  unam  operationem " 
were  declared  at  the  6th  council  by  the  legates 
«f  Agatho  to  have  been  a  lat«r  insertion  of  ihe 
Monothelite  party  (Baluz.  ap.  Mansi,  ix.  163-72); 
3,  to  his  deacons,  Rusticus  and  Sebastian,  con- 
demning them  for  the  folse  stories  they  had 
spfiad  about  him ;  4,  to  the  bishop  of  Eiew,  in 


444  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF       CONSTANTINOPLE.  COUNCILS  OF 


negotio,  aliud  cum  Veritas  quaereretur,  aliud 
autein  invenU  yeritate,  dictum  est :  cur  mutatio 
sententiae  huic  sedi  in  crimine  objicitur,  quae 
a  cuncti  ecclesii  hurailiter  in  ejus  auctore  yene- 
ratur  ?  Non  euim  mutatio  sententiae,  sed  incon- 
stantia  senses  in  culpi  est.'*  St.  Gregory,  when 
pope,  settled  the  matter  by  affirming  that  he 
venerated  the  5th  council  equally  with  the  four 
preceding  (Mansi,  »&.  454).  No  canons  seem  to 
nave  been  passed  in  it;  but  though  two  elabo- 
rate dissertations  have  been  written  on  it  (Gam. 
ad  Libeixit.  and  H.  de  Noris,  Op.  P.  ii.),  many 
points  connected  with  it  are  still  doubtful ;  and 
the  documents  published  by  Mansi  (ix.  Idl^-Sdl) 
as  belonging  to  it,  greatly  need  re-arranging. 

(28)  A.D.  565,  at  which  the  emperor  Justinian 
endeavoured  to  get  the  errors  of  Julian  of  Hali- 
camassus,  a  well-known  Monophysite,  who  main- 
tained the  incorruptibility  of  the  Body  of  Christ 
antecedently  to  his  resurrection,  approved,  by 
banishing  those  who  opposed  them  (Mansi,  ix. 
765-8). 

(29)  A.D.  587,  at  which  a  foul  charge  brought 
against  Gregoiy,  patnarch  of  Antioch,  by  a  banker 
of  his  diocese,  was  examined.  He  was  honourably 
acquitted  and  his  accuser  punished  (Evag.  vi.  7). 
Mansi  thinks  this  must  have  been  the  synod 
summoned  as  a  general  one  by  the  Constantino- 
politan  patriarch  John,  in  virtue  of  his  assumed 
title  of  oecumenical  patriarch,  and  for  which  he 
was  so  severely  taken  to  task  by  pope  Pelagius  II. 
— but  for  this  no  direct  proof  is  adduced  either 
by  him  or  Pagi  (ix.  971-4).  It  is  supplied, 
however,  in  a  letter  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great  to 
that  patriarch  (t6.  1217-18),  and  a  further 
letter  of  Kis  some  time  later,  when  Cyriacus 
was  patriarch,  whose  plan  of  holding  another 
synod  for  the  same  purpose  he  would  seem  to 
have  anticipated  (ib.  x.  159).  Mansi  (t6.  p. 
481-2)  conceives  this  synod  to  have  been  held 
A.D.  598. 

(80)  A.D.  626,  under  Sergius,  to  consider  the 
jqnestion  raised  by  Paul,  a  Monophysite  of  Phasis, 
in  Lazica,  and  Cyrus,  its  metropolitan — after- 
wards translated  to  Alexandria — before  the  em- 
peror Heracllus,  whether  one  or  two  wills  and 
operations  were  to  be  ascribed  to  Christ.  Ser- 
gius, on  the  authority  of  a  discourse  ascribed  by 
him  to  his  well-known  predecessor  Mennas,  and 
other  testimonies  which  he  abstains  from  naming, 
pronounced  in  favour  of  one  operation  and  one 
will ;  thereby  founding  the  heresy  called  Mono- 
thelism  (Mansi,  x.  585-8).  Clinton  (ii.  171) 
doubts  whether  the  question  did  not  originate 
with  Athanasius,  patriarch  of  the  Jacobites  in 
Syria,  on  his  promotion  to  the  see  of  Antioch  by 
Heraclius  four  years  later.  The  discourse  which 
Sergius  ascribed  to  Mennas  was  proved  a  forgery 
to  the  6th  council  at  its  third  session. 

(31)  A.D.  639,  under  Sergius,  and  continued — 
unless  there  were  two  distinct  councils  this  year 
— under  Pyii'hus,  his  successor,  at  which  the 
"  Kcthesis "  or  exposition  of  faith  by  the  em- 
pei'or  Heraclius,  favourable  to  Monothelism,  was 
contirmed  (Mansi,  x.  673-4).  Parts  of  its  acts, 
with  the  ecthesis  in  full,  were  recited  in  the 
third  sitting  of  the  Ljitei*an  under  Martin  I. 
A.D.  649  (ib.  991-1004). 

(32)  A.D.  665,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stans  II.,  at  which  St.  Maximus,  the  great  oppo- 
neut  of  the  Monothelites,  was  condemned  (Mansi, 
xi.  73-4), 


(38)  A.D.  6x>6,  under  Peter,  patnmrch  of 
Constantinople,  and  attended  by  Macedonius  of 
Antioch  and  the  vfcar  of  the  patriarch  of  Alex- 
andria, at  which  St.  Maximus  was  condemned 
a  second  time  with  his  disciples  (Mansi,  xi. 
73-6). 

(84)  The  6th  general,  held  in  the  banqueting 
hall  of  the  palace,  called  TruUus  from  its  domed 
roof  (Du  Fresne,  Constant.  Christ,  ii.  4,  §  19-20), 
and  lasting  from  November  7,  A.D.  680,  to  Sep- 
tember 16  of  the  ensuing  year. 

It  was  convened  by  the  emperor  Constantine 
Pogonatus,  as  stated  in  his  epistle  to  Pope  Donus, 
in  consequence  of  a  request  made  to  him  by  the 
patriarchs  of  Constantinople  to  permit  their 
removing  from  the  sacred  diptychs  the  name  of 
Pope  Vitalian,  lately  deceased,  while  they  were  for 
retaining  that  of  Honorius  (Mansi,  xi.  199-200). 
In  short,  they  wished  to  commemorate  none  of 
the  popes  after  Honorius  till  some  disputes  that 
had  arisen  between  their  own  sees  and  his  had 
been  settled,  and  some  newly-coined  words  ex- 
plained. The  allusion  is  probably  to  the  *'fjSa 
BtavZpiH^  iy4fry€td '  attributed  to  Christ  by  the 
Monothelite  patriarch  and  synod  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  633  {&>.  565),  when  Honorius  was  popei* 
Donus  dying  before  this  letter  could  reach  Romej 
it  was  complied  with  at  once  by  his  successor 
Agatho,  who  sent  three  bishops,  on  behalf  of  his 
synod,  and  two  presbyters,  and  one  deacon  named 
John — who  subsequently  became  pope  as  John  V., 
in  his  own  name — to  Constantinople,  *'  to  bring 
about  the  union  of  the  holy  Churches  of  God," 
as  it  is  said  in  his  life  (t6.  165).  On  hearing 
from  the  "  oecumenical  pope,"  as  he  styles  him,  to 
that  effect,  the  Emperor  issued  his  summons  to 
George,  patriai'ch  of  Constantinople — whom  he 
styles  oecumenical  patriarch— «nd  through  him 
to  the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  to  get  ready  to  oome 
to  the  council  with  their  respective  bishops  and 
metropolitans  (ib.  201).  Mansuetus,  metro- 
politan of  Milan,  who  had  formed  part  of  the 
Roman  synod  under  Agatho,  sent  a  synodical 
letter  and  profession  of  faith  on  behalf  of  his 
own  synod  (ib.  203-8),  and  Theodore,  bishop  or 
archbishop  of  Ravenna,  who  had  formed  part  of 
the  same  synod,  a  presbyter,  to  represent  him 
personally.  The  number  of  bishops  actually 
present,  according  to  Cave,  was  289,  though  the 
extant  subscriptions  are  under  180.  Thirteen 
officers  of  the  court  were  there  likewise  by  com- 
mand of  the  emperor,  who  attended  in  person, 
and  were  ranged  round  him — on  his  left  were 
the  representatives  of  the  pope  and  his  synod,  of 
the  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  and  of  the  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem,  then  Basil,  bishop  of  Gortyna,  in 
Crete,  and  the  remaining  bishops  ^subject  to 
Rome" — his  right  being  occupied  by  the  patri- 
archs of  Constantinople  and  Antioch,  a  presbyter 
representing  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the 
bishop  of  Ephesus,  and  **the  remaining  bishops 
subject  to  Constantinople."  The  business  of  the 
council  was  concluded  in  18  actions  or  sessions, 
as  follows : — 

1.  The  legates  of  Agatho  having  complained 
of  the  novel  teaching  of  four  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople— Sergius,  Paul,  Pyrrhus,  and  Peter 
— of  Cyrus,  of  Alexandria,  and  Theodore,  bishop 
of  Pharan,  that  had  for  46  years  or  more 
troubled  the  whole  Church,  in  attributing  one 
will  and  operation  to  the  Incarnate  Word. 
Macarius,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and  twosufln^ans 


CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF    CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OP  445 


of  the  see  of  Constantinople  favourable  to  this 
dogma,  briefly  I'eplied  that  they  had  pat  oat  no 
new  terms  but  only  believed  and  taaght  what 
they  had  received  from  general  councils  and  from 
the  holy  fathers  on  the  point  in  question,  par- 
ticularly the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and 
Alexandria,  named  by  their  opponents,  and 
Uonorius,  formerly  pope  of  elder  Rome.  Where- 
upon the  chartophylax,  or  keeper  of  the  archives 
of  the  great  Church,  was  ordered  by  the  emperor 
to  fetch  the  books  of  the  oecumenical  councils 
from  the  library  of  the  patriarch.  As  nothing 
was  said  of  the  acts  of  the  1st  and  2nd  councils 
on  this  occasion,  we  must  infer  they  had  been 
lost  previously.  The  chartophylax  was  told 
to  produce  what  he  had  got;  and  immediately 
two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  3rd  council  were 
recited  by  Stephen,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch  in 
waiting  oh  Macarius,  who  forthwith  contended 
that  some  of  St.  Cyril's  expressions  made  for 
him. 

2.  Two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  4th  council 
were  read,  when  the  legates  of  Agatho  pointed 
out  that  two  operations  were  attributed  to 
Christ  by  St.  Leo. 

3.  Two  volumes  of  the  acts  of  the  5th  council 
were  read,  when  the  legates  protested  that  two 
letters  of  Pope  Yigilius,  contained  in  the  second 
volume,  had  been  interpolated,  and  that  a  dis- 
course attributed  in  the  first  to  Mennas,  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  was  spurious.  This  last 
having  been  proved  on  the  spot  from  internal 
evidence,  its  recital  was  stopped,  the  emperor 
directing  further  enquiry  to  be  made  respecting 
the  letters  ef  the  pope. 

4.  Two  letters  from  Agatho  were  recited — 
one  to  the  emperor,  in  his  own  name,  the  other 
to  the  council,  in  his  own  name  and  that  of  a 
synod  of  125  bishops,  with  Wilfrid,  bishop  of 
York,  among  them,  for  Britain,  assembled  under 
him  at  Rome,  previously  to  the  departure  of  his 
legates.  The  burden  of  both  is  the  same,  namely, 
that  what  had  been  defined  as  of  faith  by  the 
five  general  councils  preceding,  it  was  the  sum- 
mit of  his  ambition  to  keep  inviolate — without 
change,  diminution,  or  addition,  either  in  woi*d 
or  thought  (Mansi,  »6.  235).  Mr.  Renouf, 
indeed,  in  his  second  pamphlet  on  "  Pope 
Honorius"  (p.  46-7),  has  pointed  ouj  several 
passages  in  the  Latin  version  of  these  letters 
on  the  prerogatives  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
which  are  not  found  in  the  Greek.  Either, 
therefore,  they  have  been  interpolated  in  the 
one,  or  suppressed  in  the  other.  The  decree  of 
the  Council  of  Florence  supplies  a  parallel  of  the 
same  kind.  But  that  Agatho  wrote  these  letters 
in  Greek,  and  that  the  Latin  version  of  the 
entii-e  acts  of  this  council  that  we  have  cannot 
possibly  be  the  one  made  by  order  of  the  next 
pope,  soon  after  the  council  dispersed,  are  two 
|K>ints  which  Mr.  R.  seems  to  have  assumed 
without  proving. 

5.  Two  papers  were  exhibited  by  Macarius, 
and  recited :  of  which  the  first  was  headed  "  Tes- 
timonies from  the  holy  Fathers  confirmatory  of 
there  being  one  will  in  Christ,  which  is  also  that 
of  the  Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost." 

6.  A  third  paper  from  Macarius,  to  the  same 
eflTect  as  the  other  two,  having  been  read,  the 
aealing  of  all  three  was  commanded  by  the  em- 
peror, and  entrusted  to  his  own  officials  and 
those  belonging  to  the  sees  of  Rome  and  Con- 


stantinople. On  the  legates  affirming  that  the 
quotations  contained  in  them  had  not  been  fairly 
made,  authentic  copies  of  the  works  cited  weic 
ordered  to  be  brought  from  the  patriarchal 
library  to  compare  with  tl^em. 

7.  A  paper  headed  **  Testimonies  from  the 
holy  Fathers  demonstrating  two  wills  and  opera- 
tions in  Christ,"  was  produced  by  the  legates, 
and  read.  Appended  to  it  were  passages  from 
the  writings  of  heretics,  in  which  but  one  will 
and  operation  was  taught.  This  paper  was 
ordered  to  be  sealed,  like  those  of  Macai-ius,  by 
the  emperor. 

8.  The  passages  adduced  by  Agatho  from  the 
Fathers,  and  by  his  synod,  in  favour  of  two  wills 
and  operations,  having  been  examined  and  con- 
firmed, were  pronounced  conclusive  by  all 
present  except  Macarius;  and  the  petition  to 
have  the  name  of  Vitalian  erased  from  the  dip- 
tychs  was  withdrawn  by  George,  the  existing 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  amid  great  applause. 
Macarius  being  then  called  upon  to  make  his 
profession,  proved  himself  a  Monothelite;  and 
was  convicted  of  having  quoted  unfairly  from 
the  Fathers  in  hb  papers  to  support  his  views. 

9.  Examination  of  the  papers  of  Macarius 
having  been  completed,  he  and  his  presbyter 
Stephen  were  formally  deposed  as  heretics  by 
the  council. 

10.  The  paper  exhibited  by  the  legates  was 
taken  in  hand:  and  after  a  most  interesting 
comparison,  passage  by  passage,  between  it  and 
the  authentic  works  in  the  patriarchal  library, 
was  declared  thoroughly  correct  in  its  citations : 
a  profession  of  faith  was  received  from  the  bishop 
of  Nicomedia  and  some  others,  in  which  Mono- 
thelism  was  abjured. 

11.  A  long  and  remarkable  profession  of  faith, 
contained  in  a  sy nodical  letter  of  Sophronius, 
late  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  first  to 
oppose  Monothelism,  was  recited  :  and  after  it, 
at  the  request  of  the  legates,  some  more  writings 
of  Macarius,  since  come  to  hand,  that  proved  full 
of  heresy. 

12.  Several  more  documents  belonging  to 
Macarius  having  been  received  fix>m  the  emperor 
through  one  of  his  officers,  which  he  professed 
not  to  have  read  himself,  some  were  looked 
through  and  pronounced  irrelevant,  but  three 
lettei*s  were  recited  at  length  :  one  from  Sergius 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  Cyrus,  then  bishop 
of  Phasis  ;  another  from  him  to  Pope  Honorius , 
the  third  being  the  answer  of  Honorius  to  him. 
Again  the  patriarchal  archives  were  searched, 
and  the  two  first  of  these  letters  compared  witn 
the  authentic  copies  of  them  found  there ;  while 
the  original  letter  of  HoAorius  in  Latin  having 
been  brought  from  thence  was  compared  by  John 
bishop  of  Porto,  the  only  delegate  from  the 
Roman  synod  then  present,  with  the  copy  just 
read,  and  the  genuineness  of  all  three  placed 
beyond  doubt.  A  suggestion  brought  from  the 
emperor  that  Macarius  should  be  restored  in  the 
event  of  his  recanting,  was  peremptorily  declined 
by  the  council. 

13.  Both  the  letters  of  Sergius  before  men- 
tioned and  that  of  Honorius  to  him  were  de- 
clared heterodox;  and  he  and  his  successors, 
Pyrrhus,  Peter,  and  Paul,  Cyrus  of  Alexandria, 
and  Theodore,  bishop  of  Pharan — on  all  of  whom 
Agatho  had  passed  sentence  previously — with 
Honorius,  whom  Agatho  had  passed  over,  were 


446  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COtJNOILB  OF     CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCn^S  OP 


definitively  cast  out  of  tlie  Church — ^the  only 
sentence  of  the  kind  ever  decreed  against  any 
pope.  The  letter  of  Sophronius,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  pronounced  orthodox.  Finally,  search 
having  been  made  for  all  other  works  of  the 
same  kind  in  the  archives,  all  that  could  be 
found  were  brought  out  and  recited.  The  list 
included  two  letters  from  Cyrus  to  Sergius,  the 
latest  of  them  having  been  written  from  Alex- 
andria, with  a  copy  of  the  terms  of  agreement 
come  to  between  him  and  the  Theodosians,  a 
Monophysite  sect,  enclosed  in  it;  works  by 
Theodore,  bishop  of  Pharan,  Pyrrhus,  Paul,  and 
Peter,  patriarchs  of  Constantinople ;  a  second 
letter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius ;  and  a  dogmatic 
letter  of  Pyrrhus  to  Pope  John  IV.,  discovered 
in  a  volume  of  dogmatic  letters  by  the  Charto- 
phylax,  George.  All  these  were  pronounced 
heretical,  and  burnt  as  such.  Letters  of  Thomas, 
John,  and  Constantine,  patriai'chs  of  Constan- 
tinople, were  read  likewise,  but  their  orthodoxy 
was  allowed. 

14.  Returning  to  the  letters  of  Pope  Vigilius 
that  had  been  called  in  question,  it  was  ascer- 
tained by  curious  enquiry  that  each  of  the 
volumes  of  the  5th  council  had  been  tampered 
with  :  in  one  case  by  inseHing  the  paper  attri- 
buted to  Mennas,  in  the  other  by  intei'polating 
the  letters  of  Vigilius,  in  support  of  heresy. 
The  council  ordered  both  falsifications  to  be  can- 
celled, besides  anathematising  them  and  their 
authors.  A  sermon  of  St.  Athanasius  was  pro- 
duced by  the  bishops  of  Cyprus,  in  which  the 
doctrine  of  two  wills  in  Christ  was  clearly  laid 
down.  At  this  sitting  Theophanes,  the  new 
patriarch  of  Antioch,  is  first  named  among  those 
present. 

15.  Polychronius,  a  presbyter,  undertaking  to 
raise  a  dead  man  to  life  in  support  of  his  here- 
tical views,  and  failing,  was  condemned  as  an 
impostor,  and  deposed. 

16.  Constantme,  another  presbyter,  affecting 
to  have  devised  some  formula  calculated  to 
reconcile    Monothelism     with    orthodoxy,    was 

{>roved  in  agreement  with  Macarius,  and  simi- 
arly  condemned.  In  conclusion,  all  who  had 
been  condemned  were  anathematised,  one  after 
the  other  by  name,  amidst  cheers  for  the 
orthodox. 

17.  The  previous  acts  of  the  council  were  read 
over;  and  its  definition  of  faith  published  for 
the  first  time. 

1%.  The  definition  having  been  once  more  pub- 
lished, was  signed  by  all  present ;  and  received 
the  assent  of  the  emperor  on  the  spot  amid  the 
usual  acclamations  and  reprobations.  It  con- 
sisted of  three  parts : — I.  An  introduction  pro- 
claiming entire  agreement  on  the  part  of  the 
^uncil  with  the  five  previous  councils,  and 
acceptance  of  the  two  creeds  promulgated  by 
them  as  one.  II.  Recital  of  the  two  creeds  of 
Nicaea  and  Constantinople  in  their  pristine  forms. 
III.  Its  own  definition,  enumerating  all  pre- 
viously condemned  for  Monothelism  once  more 
by  name ;  and  mentioning  with  approbation  the 
declaration  of  pope  Agatho  and  his  synod  against 
them,  and  in  favour  of  the  true  doctrine,  which 
it  proceeded  to  unfold  in  course :  then  reiterating 
the  decree  passed  by  previous  councils  agiinst 
the  framers  and  upholders  of  a  faith  or  creed 
other  than  the  two  forms  already  specified :  and 
including  finally  in  the  same  condemnation  the  | 


inventors  and  disseminators  of  any  novel  terma 
subversive  of  its  own  rulings. 

Proceedings  terminated  in  a  remarkable  ad- 
dress to  the  emperor  on  behalf  of  all  present, 
which  was  read  out,  showing  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  had  been  defined  by  the  two  first 
councils ;  and  that  of  the  Incarnation  in  the  four 
next,  of  which  this  was  the  last:  and  a  still 
more  remarkable  request  was  appended  to  it, 
-r-that  he  would  forward  the  definition  signed 
by  himself  to  the  five  patriarchal  sees  of  Rome, 
Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- 
salem; which  we  are  told  expressly  was  done 
(Mansi,  i&.  681-4).  In  conclusion,  a  letter  was 
despatched  to  the  pope  in  the  name  of  the  coun- 
cil, informing  him  that  he  would  receive  a  copy 
of  its  acts  through  his  legates,  and  begging  tluit 
he  would  confirm  them  in  his  reply.  The  em- 
peror on  his  part  exhorted  all  to  receive  them  in 
a  special  edict;  and  as  he  had  promised,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  in  his  own  name  to  the  Roman 
synod,  dated  Dec.  23,  A.i>.  681 — Agatho  dying, 
according  to  Cave,  Dec.  1—and  another  to 
Leo  II.,  soon  after  his  accession,  the  year  follow- 
ing, bespeaking  their  acceptance.  This  the  new 
pope  granted  without  hesitation  in  the  fullest 
manner,  even  to  the  condemnation  of  Honorius 
as  having  betrayed  the  faith ;  all  which  he 
repeated  to  the  bishops  of  Spain  in  sending  them 
a  Latin  translation  of  the  acts  of  this  council 
(Mansi,  ib,  1049-53).  Solely  from  hence  the 
genuineness  of  both  epistles  has  been  denied 
(comp.  Mr.  Renours  Pope  Honorius ;  Professor 
Botalla's  reply  to  it;  and  Mr.  R.'s  rejoinder), 
and  even  the  integrity  of  the  acts  of  the  council 
themselves  in  their  present  state  was  once 
questioned  (Pagi  ad  Baron.,  a.d.  681,  n.  9-12). 
Two  versions  of  them  are  given  by  Mansi  (xi« 
189-922) ;  in  both  the  arrangement  of  the  con- 
cluding documents  is  chronologically  defective. 
It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that  no  canons  were 
passed.  Several  anecdotes  of  this  council  found 
their  way  into  the  West.  Bede  tells  us,  for 
instance  (^De  Temp.  Bat.  a.d.  688),  that  such 
was  the  honour  accorded  there  to  the  legates  or 
Agatho  that  one  of  them,  the  bishop  of  Porto, 
celebrated  the  Eucharist  in  Latin  on  Low-Sunday, 
in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  before  the  emperor 
and  patriarch.  Cardinal  Humbert  asserts  it  was 
then  ex{flained  to  the  emperor  that  unleavened 
bread  was  enjoined  by  the  Latin  rite  (ap.  Canis. 
Thes.  p.  318).  But  the  two  striking  incident! 
of  this  council  were :  1.  The  arrangement  of  the 
*'  bishops  subject  to  Rome,"  and  those  <*  subject 
to  Constantinople"  on  opposite  sides;  and,  2 
The  anathemas  passed  on  pope  and  patriarch 
alike.  Coming  events  are  said  to  cast  theii 
shadows  before  them. 

(85)  A.D.  691,  as  Pagi  shows  (ad  Baron.  A.D 
692  n.  3-7)  from  the  emended  reading  of  the 
date  given  in  its  3rd  canon  and  rightly  inter- 
preted, in  or  not  earlier  than  September.  The 
fifithers  composing  it,  in  their  address  to  the  em- 
peror Justinian  II.  or  Rhinotmetus,  as  he  was 
afterwards  sumamed  from  what  befel  him,  say 
that  they  had  met  at  his  bidding  to  pass  some 
canons  that  had  long  been  needed,  owing  to  the 
omission  of  the  5th  and  6th  councils,  contrary 
to  the  pr3cedent  of  the  four  first  to  pass  any, 
whence  this  council  has  been  commonly  stvled 
the  quini-sext,  or  a  supplement  to  both.  It  i« 
indeed  best  known  as  the  TruUan,  from  the  hall 


CONBTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF      CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  447 


of  the  paUoe  in  which  it  was  held,  although  the 
6th  council  had  met  there  no  less.    The  number 
•{  bishops  subscribing  to  its  canons  was  213,  of 
whom  43  had  been  present  at  the  6th  council 
(Mansi  xi.  927) ;  and  at  their  head,  instead  of 
after  them  as  at  the  6th  council,  the  emperor, 
who  signs  however  differently  from  the  re^t,  as 
accepting  and  assenting  to  merely  what  had  been 
defined  by  them.    A  blank  is  left  immediately 
after  his  name  for  that  of  the  pope,  showing 
clearly  that  the  pope  was  not  represented  there  ; 
and  blanks  are  subsequently  left  for  the  bishops 
of  Thessalonica,  Heraclea,   Sardinia,    Ravenna, 
and  Corinth,  who  might,  had  they  been  present, 
hare  been  supposed  acting  for  him :  Basil,  indeed, 
bishop  of  Gortyna  in  Crete,  is  set  down  as  sub- 
scribing on  behalf  of  the  whole  synod  of  the 
Roman  church ;  but  then  he  is  similarly  set  down 
among  the  subscriptions  to  the  6th  council,  not 
having  been  one  of  the   three  deputies    sent 
thither  from  Rome  (tb,  pp.  642  and  70%  and 
afterwards  in  the  letter  addressed  to  AgaUio  by 
the  council,  only  signing  for  himself  and  his  own 
synod  (ib.  p.  690).      Hence  there  seems  little 
ground  for  supposing  him  to  have  represented 
Rome  there  in  any  sense,  though  Pagi  and  others 
are  willing  to  believe  he  may  have  been  acting 
as  apocrisarius  at  the  time  of  the  council  (ad 
Baron.  t&.  n.  9-13).     Certainly,  Anastasius,  in 
his  life  of  Sergins  I.,  who  was  then  Pope,  says 
that  the  legates  of  the  apostolic  see  were  present, 
and  deluded  into  subscribing ;  but  there  is  no- 
thing else  in  the  subscriptions  to  confirm  this ; 
and  of  the  acts  nothing  further  has  been  pre- 
served.    Great  controversy  prevails  as  to  the 
extent  to  which  this  council  has  been  received 
in  the  West:   Oecumenical  it  has  never  been 
accounted  there,  in  spite  of  its  own  claim  to  be 
60 :  and  when  its  102  canons  were  sent  in  six 
tomes  to  Sei^ius,  himself  a  native  of  Antioch, 
for  subscription,  he  said  he  would  die  sooner 
than  assent  to  the  erroneous  innovations  which 
they  contained.    John  VII.,  the  next  pope  but 
one,  was  requested  by  the  emperor  to  confirm  all 
that  he  could,  and  reject  the  rest ;  but  he  sent 
back  the  tomes  untouched — Lupus  {Diss,  de  Syn, 
Tn*//.,  op.  Tom,  iii.  168-73),  whom  Pagi  (a.d. 
710,  n.  2)  follows  is  of  opinion  that  Constantine 
was  the  first  pope  to  connrm  any  of  them  :  but 
this  is  inferred  solely  from  the  honourable  re- 
ception given  to  him  at  Constantinople  by  Justi- 
nian, which  may  have  been  dictated  by  other 
motives.     What  Adrian  I.  says  in  his  epistle  to 
St.  Tarasius,  read  out  at  the  7th  council,  is  ex- 
plicit enough  :  **  I  too  receive  the  same  six  holy 
councils  with  all  the  rules  constitutionally  and 
divinely  promulgated  by  them  ;  among  which  is 
contained  "  what  turns  out  to  be  the  82Qd  of 
these  canons,   for  he  quotes  it  at  full  length. 
And  the  first  canon  of  the  7th  council  confirmed 
by  him  is  substantially  to  the  same  effect. 

But  the  exact  truth  is  probably  told  by  Ana- 
stasius, the  librarian,  in  the  preface  to  his  transla- 
tion of  the  acts  of  the  7th  council  dedicated  to 
John  VIII.,  whom  he  credits  with  having  ac- 
cepted all  the  apostolical  canons  under  the  same 
reserve.  *'  At  the  7th  council,"  he  says,  ^  the 
principal  see  so  far  admits  the  rules  said  by  the 
Greeks  to  have  been  framed  at  the  6th  council, 
as  to  reject  in  the  same  breath  whichever  of 
them  should  prove  to  be  opposed  to  former 
canons,  or  the  decrees  of  its  own  holy  pontiffs. 


or  to  good  manners."  All  of  them,  indeed,  he 
contends  had  been  unknown  to  the  Latins  entirely 
till  then,  never  having  been  translated :  neither 
were  they  to  be  found  even  in  the  archives  of  the 
other  patriarchal  sees,  where  Greek  was  spoken, 
none  of  whose  occupants  had  been  present  to 
concur  or  assist  in  their  promulgation,  although 
the  Greeks  attributed  their  promulgation  to 
those  fathers  who  formed  the  6th  council,  a 
statement  for  which  he  avers  they  were  unable 
to  bring  any  decisive  proof.  This  shows  how 
little  he  liked  these  canons  himself:  nor  can  it 
be  denied  that  some  of  them  were  dictated  by  a 
spirit  hostile  to  the  West.  The  3rd  and  13th, 
for  instance,  deliberately  propose  to  alter  what 
had  been  the  law  and  practice  of  the  Roman 
church  for  upwards  of  300  years  respecting  those 
who  became  presbyters,  deacons,  or  sub-deacons, 
as  married  men  :  and  make  the  rule  substituted 
for  it  in  each  case  binding  upon  all.  The  55th 
on  the  authority  of  one  of  the  apostolical  canona 
not  received  by  Rome,  interdicts  the  custom  of 
fiisting  on  Saturdays  which  had  prevailed  in  the 
Roman  church  from  time  immemorial.  And  the 
56th  lays  down  a  rule  to  be  kept  by  all  churches 
in  observing  the  Lenten  fast.  Canons  32,  33, 
and  99  are  specially  levelled  against  the  Arme- 
nians. Of  the  rest,  canon  1  confirms  the  doc- 
trine of  the  6th  general  council  preceding,  and 
insists  in  the  strongest  terms  upon  its  unalter- 
ableness.  Canon  2  renews  all  the  canons  con- 
firmed by  them,  with  the  Sardican  and  African 
in  addition,  besides  the  canons  of  SS.  Dionysius 
and  Peter  of  Alexandria ;  of  St.  Gregory  Thauma- 
tnrgus,  St.  Athanasius,  St.  Basil,  and  St.  Gregory 
Nyssen ;  the  canonical  answers  of  Timothy  with 
the  canons  of  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria 
and  two  canonical  letters  of  St.  Cyril :  the 
canon  of  Scripture  by  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  and 
another  by  St.  Amphilochius,  bishop  -^f  Iconium 
in  Lycaonia,  with  a  circular  of  Gennadius,  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople,  against  simoniacal 
ordinations.  In  conclusion,  it  receives  all  th) 
apostolical  canons,  eighty-five  in  number,  thougk 
at  that  time  but  fifty  were  received  in  the  Roman 
church,  as  we  learn  from  Anastasius,  but  rejects 
the  apostolical  constitutions  as  having  been  in- 
terpolated, and  containing  many  spurious  things. 
By  this  canon  accordingly  the  code  of  the 
Eastern  church  was  authoratively  settled,  apart 
of  course  from  the  102  canons  now  added  to  it, 
which  weYe  formally  received  themselves,  as  we 
have  seen,  by  the  2nd  Council  of  Nicaea,  and 
reckoned  ever  afterwards  as  the  canons  of  the 
6th  council.  As  such  they  are  quoted  by  Pho- 
tius  in  his  Siftdagma  oanonum,  and  his  NomO' 
canon  (Migne's  Pat.  Gr.  dv.  431-1218),  and 
continue  to  be  quoted  still  {Orthod >x  and  Non- 
Jurors,  by  Rev.  G.  Williams,  p.  74>  Their 
general  character  is  thoroughly  Oriental,  but 
without  disparagement  to  their  practical  value 
(Mansi,  xi.  921-1024,  and  xii.  47-56;  Bever.  U. 
126-64> 

(86)  A.D.  712,  in  the  short-lived  reign  of 
Philippicus  or  Bardanes,  and  under  the  Mono- 
thelite  patriarch  of  his  appointment,  John  VI. ; 
at  which  the  6th  council  was  repudiated  and 
condemned.  The  copy  of  its  acts  belonging  to 
the  palace  was  likewise  burnt  by  his  order,  as 
we  learn  from  the  deacon  who  transcribed  them ; 
and  the  picture  of  it  that  hung  there,  removed. 
On  the  death  of  the  tyrant  indeed  John  addressed 


448  CONSTANTINOPLE,  COUNCILS  OF  CONTRACT  OF  BfABBIAGE 


a  letter  to  Pope  Constantine  to  ajtologise  for 
what  had  been  done ;  but  its  tone  is  not  assoring. 
He  testifies,  however,  to  the  authentic  tomes  of 
the  6th  council  being  safe  still  in  his  archives 
(Mansi,  xii.  187-208);  and  Pagi  can  see  some 
excuse  for  his  conduct  (ad  Baron.  a.d.  712, 
n.  2-6). 

(87)  A.D.  715,  Aug.  11,  at  which  the  transla- 
tion ot*  St.  Germanus  from  the  see  of  Cyricus  to 
that  of  Constantinople  was  authorised.  He  had 
been  a  party  to  the  Monothelite  synod  under 
John  three  years  before ;  but  immediately  after 
his  translation  he  held  a  synod — most  probably 
this  one  continued — in  which  he  condemned 
Monothelism  (Mansi,  xii.  255-8). 

(88)  A.D.  730,  or  rather  a  meeting  in  the 
imperial  palace,  at  which  the  Emperor  Leo  HI., 
better  known  as  the  Isaurian,  called  upon  St. 
Germanus  the  aged  patriarch  to  declare  for  the 
demolition  of  images,  which  he  had  just  ordered 
himself  in  a  second  edict  against  them.  The 
patriarch  replied  by  resigning  his  pall  (Mansi, 
xii.  269-70,  and  Pagi,  ad  Baron.,  A.D.  730,  n. 
1-4). 

(89)  A.D.  754,  from  Feb.  10  to  Aug.  8,  held 
by  order  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  Coprony- 
mus,  and  styling  itself  Oecumenical,  or  the  7th 
council,  though  its  claim  to  both  titles  has  since 

'been  set  aside  in  favour  of  the  second  council  of 
Nicaea,  in  which  its  decrees  were  reversed. 
Unfortunately,  there  is  no  record  of  its  acts 
extant,  but  what  is  to  be  found  in  the  6th 
session  of  that  council,  where  they  were  cited 
only  to  be  condemned.  As  many  as  338  bishops 
attended  it,  but  the  chief  see  represented  there 
was  that  of  Ephesus.  Their  proceedings  are 
given  in  six  tomes,  as  follows :  1.  They  deduce 
the  origin  of  all  creature-worship  from,  the  devil, 
to  abolish  which  God  sent  His  Son  in  the  flesh ; 
2.  Christianity  being  established,  the  devil,  they 
say,  was  undone  to  bring  about  a  combination 
between  it  and  idolatry ;  but  the  emperors,  had 
opposed  themselves  to  his  designs.  Already  six 
councils  had  met,  and  the  present  one  following 
in  their  steps  declared  all  pictorial  representa- 
tions unlawful  and  subversive  of  the  faith  which 
they  professed  ;  3.  Two  natures  being  united  in 
Christ,  no  one  picture  or  statue  could  represent 
Christ  as  He  is,  besides  His  only  proper  repre- 
sentation is  in  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice  of  His  own 
institution ;  4.  There  was  no  prayer  in  use  for 
consecrating  images,  nor  were  representations  of 
the  saints  to  be  tolerated  any  more  than  of 
Christ,  for  Holy  Scripture  was  distinctly  against 
both ;  5.  The  fathers,  beginning  with  St.  Epi- 
phanius,  having  been  cited  at  some  length  to  the 
same  purpose,  the  council  decreed  unanimously 
that  all  likenesses  of  whatsoever  colour  and 
material  were  to  be  taken  away,  and  utterly  dis- 
used in  Christian  churches  ;  6.  AH  clergy  setting 
up  or  exhibiting  reverence  to  images  in  church 
or  at  home  were  to  be  deposed ;  monks  and  lay- 
men anathematised.  Vessels  and  vestments  be- 
longing to  the  sanctuary  were  never  to  be  turned 
to  any  purpose  in  connexion  with  them.  A  series 
of  anathemas  was  directed  against  all  who  upheld 
them  in  any  sense,  or  contravened  the  decrees  of 
this  council.  St.  Geimanus,  the  late  patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  George  of  Cyprus,  and  St. 
John  of  Damascus,  or  Mansur,  as  he  was  called 
by  the  Saracens,  were  specially  denounced  as 
image-worshippers.    The  usual  acclamations  to 


the  emperor  followed.  Before  the  council 
rated,  Constantine  the  new  patriarch  was  pre- 
sented to  it  and  approved.  It  was  then  sitting 
in  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  ad  Blachemas,  within 
the  city ;  its  earlier  sittings  had  been  held  in  a 
palace  of  the  emperor,  called  Hieraeon,  on  the 
opposite  shore  (Mansi,  xii.  575-8,  and  xiii.  20S- 
356  ;  Cave,  i.  646-7^  [E.  S.  F.] 

CONSTANTINOPLE.  (1)  The  birth  (yc- 
yiOkta)  of  Constantinople  is  placed  by  the  Col. 
Byzant.  on  May  11.  The  dedication  {iynalvia) 
is  said  to  have  been  performed  by  the  Holy  Fathers 
of  the  1st  Council  of  Nicaea  in  the  year  325. 

(8)  The  Council  of  Constantinople  Is  commemo- 
rated in  the  Armenian  Calendar  on  Feb.  16.  [C.3 

CX)NTAKION  (KopTiUiov).  A  short  ode 
or  hymn  which  occurs  in  the  Greek  offices.  "Die 
name  has  been  variously  derived.  The  expla- 
nation most  generally  received  is  that  it  signifies 
a  short  hymn,  from  the  word  Komhs,  little; 
because  it  contains  in  a  short  space  the  praises 
of  some  saint  or  festival  (Goar,  not.  31  in  off. 
Laud.).  It  has  also  been  derived  from  Koyrhs* 
a  dart  or  javelin ;  so  that  Contakion  would  mean 
an  ejaculatory  prayer,  or  a  short  pointed  hymn 
after  the  model  of  an  antiphon.  Some,  again, 
have  considered  the  word  to  be  a  corruption  of 
Canticum,  Romaninus,  a  deacon  of  Emesa,  who 
flourished  about  500  A.D.,  is  said  to  be  the 
author  of  Contakia.  They  frequently  occur  in 
the  canons  and  other  parts  of  the  office,  and 
vary  with  the  day.  [Canon  op  Odes.]  In  the 
list  of  the  officials  of  the  church  of  Constanti- 
nople we  have  6  Apxoov  r£v  KovraKinv^  named 
among  the  offices  appropriate  to  priests  {rk 
6<p^iKLa  roU  leptvai  irpo<HfK(»na), 

The  word  "Contakion"  is  also  used  of  the 
volume  containing  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil,  St. 
Chrysostom,  and  of  the  praesanctified  alone,  in 
distinction  to  the  complete  missal.  In  this  sense 
the  word  is  usually  deriv^  from  Kotnhsj  a  dart, 
ue.  the  wooden  roll  round  which  the  MS.  was 
rolled,  ^  Kovrk^  est  parvus  contus  ....  Inde  et 
Ko^rdjuoy,  Scapus  chartarum,  vel  volumen  ad 
instar  baculi"  (Salmas.  Exerc,  Plin.}.  Goar,  how- 
ever, prefers  the  derivation  from  fcoSucioir, 
"quasi  brevis  codex."  In  the  ordination  of  a 
priest,  after  the  ceremonies  of  ordination  are 
completed,  the  newly-ordained  priest  is  directed 
to  take  his  place  among  the  other  priests,  dca 
ytyvwffKwv  rh  Kovrdxiov  (ue.  his  book  of  the 
liturgy).  [H.  J.  H.] 

CONTBA  VOTUM.  A  formula  frequent  in 
epitaphs,  expressing  the  regret  of  survivors  at  a 
loss  suffered  against  their  wishes  and  prayers. 
It  is  of  pagan  origin,  and  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  adopted  by  Christians  before  the  5th 
century.  The  earliest  example  of  the  formula 
given  by  De  Rossi  is  of  the  commencement  of 
that  century,  and  runs  as  follows :  "  Parentis 

P08VERDNT  TETVLVM   CONTRA    VOTVM   ET   DOU> 

svo."  It  is  not  confined,  as  has  sometimes  been 
supposed,  to  epitaphs  placed  by  parents  for  their 
children ;  husbands  use  it  of  wives  and  wives  of 
husbands,  brothers  and  sisters  of  each  other; 
and  in  fact  it  is  very  generally  used  to  express 
the  longing  felt  by  the  survivor  for  the  depturted. 
It  is  most  common  in  Northern  Italy.  (Martigny, 
Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chr€t.  175.)  [C] 

CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE.    This  ex- 


GONTBAGT  OF  MARRIAGE 


CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE      449 


praflsion  maj  be  considered  in  two  different 
•eases,  according  as  it  refers  to  the  agreement  for 
marriage  in  the  abstract,  or,  accoMing  to  later 
continental  usage,  to  its  written  evidence  answer- 
ing to  our  marriage  settlement.  We  shall  consider 
it  separately  under  these  two  heads. 

I.  The  law  of  the  church  on  the  subject  of 
the  contract  of  marriage  is,  as  on  many  other 
points,  compounded  of  the  Jewish  and  Roman 
laws,  under  the  influence  of  New  Testament 
teaching.  It  is  derived  mainly,  in  its  general 
features,  from  the  latter  system  of  legislation, 
specially  in  regard  to  the  marriage  of  the  laity ; 
^om  the  former  mainly  in  regud  to  that  of 
the  clergy. 

The  validity  of  the  marriage  contract  generally 
depends,  it  may  be  said,  on  two  points,  (1)  the 
inherent  capacity  of  the  parties  to  enter  into  the 
contract ;  (2)  the  limitations  which  may  be 
placed  upon  the  exercise  of  that  capacity. 

1.  Strictly  speaJcing,  the  inherent  capacity  of 
the  parties  for  marriage  turns  only  upon  three 
points,  (a)  sufficient  age;  (6)  sufficient  reason; 
(c)  sufficient  freedom  of  will.  On  the  first  point, 
it  nuy  be  observed  that  the  old  Roman,  like  the 
old  Jewish  law,  attached  the  capacity  for  mar- 
riage by  age  to  the  physical  &ct  of  puberty 
(/nst.  bk.  i.  t.  z.  §  1) ;  and  the  same  principle  is 
practically  followed  in  all  systems  of  legislation 
which  take  notice  of  age  at  all  in  this  matter, 
although  it  is  generally  found  convenient  in  the 
long  run  to  fix  an  age  of  legal  puberty,  without 
reference  to  the  specific  fact.  Thus  already  in 
the  Digest  it  is  provided  that  the  marriage  con- 
tract is  only  valid  on  the  part  of  the  wife  when 
she  has  completed  her  12th  year,  even  though  she 
be  already  married  and  living  with  her  husband 
(bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  4).  And  Justinian  himself  in 
his  Irutitutea  professes  to  have  fixed,  on  erounds 
of  decency,  the  age  of  puberty  for  the  male  at  14 
(bk.  i.  t.  xxii.);  both  which  periods  have  very 
generally  been  adopted  in  modem  legislation. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  earlier  Roman 
l^slation  seems  to  have  even  fixed  an  age  be- 
yond which  a  woman  could  not  marry,  since  we 
find  Justinian  in  the  Code  abolishing  all  pro- 
hibitions of  the  Lex  Julia  vel  Papia  against 
marriages  between  men  and  women  above  or  below 
60  and  50  (Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  L  27 ;  and  see  bk. 
▼i.  t.  Iviii.  1.  12).  Nothing  of  this  kind  is  to  be 
feund  in  later  systems  of  legislation,  although 
disparity  of  age  in  marriage,  as  we  shall  pre- 
sently see,  has  sometimes  been  sought  to  be  sup- 
pressed. 

It  may  h^re  be  observed  that  physical  in- 
capacity in  persons  of  full  age  has  never  been 
held  to  produce  actual  inability  to  enter  into  the 
marriage  contract,  but  simply  to  render  the 
marriage  voidable  when  the  fact  is  ascertained 
(see  Code,  bk.  v.  t.  xviL  1.  10 ;  Nov.  22,  c.  6 ; 
Nov.  117,  e.  12).  Nor  is  the  fact  one  of  im- 
portance in  reference  to  the  marriage  relation, 
except  where  divorce  is  put  under  restrictions 
(see  Dig.  bk.  xxiv.  t.  i.  11.  60,  61,  62> 

(6.)  As  respects  the  second  point :  Defect  of 
reason,  it  may  be  said,  in  reference  to  the  mar- 
riage contract,  acts  inversely  to  defect  of  age. 
Thus,  under  the  Roman  law,  followed  generally 
by  modem  legislation,  madness  was  fiitid  to  the 
Talidity  of  the  contract,  but  did  not  dissolve  it 
when  afterward*  supervening  (Z>^.  bk.  xxxiL  t.  iL 
L  16,  f  2;   and  «ee  Jul.  PauL  Mecept,  Sent,  bk. 

0IIRT8T.  Airr. 


ii.  t.  xix.  §  4).  (c.)  The  freedom  of  will  of  the 
parties,  on  the  other  hand,  can  only  be  testified 
by  their  consent  to  the  marriage  [as  to  which 
see  Consent];  but  it  may  also  be  indirectly 
secured  by  limitations  of  a  protective  character 
placed  on  the  exercise  of  the  capacity  to  contract 
marriage,  which  will  be  considered  presently. 
It  may  be  sufficient  here  to  observe  that  accord- 
ing to  the  jurists  of  the  Digest  a  man  might 
marry  a  woman  by  lettera  or  by  proxy  if  she 
were  brought  to  his  house,  but  this  privilege  did 
not  belong  to  the  woman  (bk.  xxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  5 ; 
and  see  JuL  Paul.  Secept.  Sent.  Ik.  ii.  t.  xix. 

§5). 

There  was,  moreover,  one  large  class  of  persons 

in  whom  there  was  held  to  be  no  freedom  of  will, 
and,  consequently,  no  capacity  to  contract  mar- 
riage. It  is  important  to  insist  on  this  point, 
since  Gibbon  in  the  second  chapter  of  his  great 
work  speaks  of  the  Romans  as  having  **  in  their ' 
numerous  families,  and  particularly  in  their 
country  estates  .  .  .  encouraged  the  marriage  of 
their  slaves."  A  falser  statement  was  probably 
never  put  forth  by  a  historian,  unless  for  mar- 
riage we  read,  in  plain  English,  breeding.  Mar- 
riage is  simply  impossible  where  the  persons  of 
slaves  of  both  sexes  are  subject,  absolutely  with- 
out limit,  to  the  lusts,  natural  or  unnatural,  of  a 
master  (see,  for  instance,  Horace,  Sat  i.  2,  116). 
The  slave,  his  master's  thing,  can  have  no  will 
but  his  master's ;  in  respect  of  the  civil  law  pro- 
perly so-called,  i.  e.  the  law  made  for  citizens^ 
he  does  not  exist;  (Ulpian,  Dig.  bk.  1.  t.  xviL 
1.  32),  or  as  the  same  jurist  in  his  grand  lan- 
guage elsewhere  expresses  it,  his  condition  is 
almost  equivalent  to  death  itself  (jSdd.  1.  209). 
Thus,  according  to  the  logic  of  the  Roman  law, 
connections  between  slaves  obtain  not  so  much 
as  a  mention  by  either  the  jurists  of  the  Digest^ 
or  the  Emperors  in  the  constitutions  of  the  Code. 
Connections  between  slaves  and  ser&,  t.  e.  the 
so-called  adscriptUii  glebae,  are  indeed  mentioned 
(Code,  bk.  xi.  t.  xlvii.  c.  21),  but  without  the 
name  of  marriage,  and  only  to  determine  the  con- 
dition of  the  offspring,  which  is  fixed  by  that  of 
the  mother.  Jiustici,  a  class  of  peasants  who 
seem  to  have  been  of  higher  status  than  the 
adscriptitiif  could  contract  marriage  inter  se,  and 
the  157th  Novel  is  directed  against  the  land- 
owners of  Mesopotamia  and  Osrhoene,  who  sought 
to  forbid  their  peasants  to  marry  out  of  their  own 
estates,  and  if  they  did  so,  were  in  the  habit  of 
breaking  up  their  marriages  and  fiuntlies. 

Wherever,  therefore,  we  find  slaves'  marriages 
mentioned,  we  must  seek  another  origin  for  the 
recognition  of  them  than  in  the  Roman  law. 
That  origin  seems  nnqnestionablv  to  be  in  the 
Jewish  law.  Although  only  **  Hebrew  "  servants 
are  mentioned  in  the  passage  of  Exodus  on  thie 
subject  (c.  xxL  w.  3,  4,  5,  6),  H  is  dear  that 
the  Pentateuch  recognized  the  marriage  of  per- 
sons in  a  servile  condition.  And  with  the 
sweeping  away  by  the  Christian  dispensation  of 
all  distinction  between  Jew  and  Gentile  it  is 
but  natural  to  suppose  that  the  right  of  marriage 
would  be  extended  from  the  Hebrew  slave  to 
the  whole  slave  class.  Such  right,  indeed,  was 
not  absolute,  as  will  have  been  observed,  but 
flowed  from  the  master's  will,  and  was  subject  to 
his  rights.  The  master  gave  a  wife  to  his  slave ; 
the  wife  and  her  children  remained  his,  evev 
when  the  slave  himself  obtainec  his  freedom. 

2  O 


450       GONTBAGT  OF  MABBIAGB 


CONTRACT  OF  MASBIAGB 


The  Barbarian  Codes  do  not  materially  varj 
from  the  Roman  u  respects  the  marriage  con- 
tract, so  far  as  respects  the  conditions  of  age 
and  reason.  It  is  dear,  howeyer,  that,  in  Italy, 
especially  under  the  Lombards,  and  under  the 
Visigoths  of  Spain,    habits  of  early  marriage 

{veTftiled  which  had  to  be  checked  by  law.  A 
aw  of  King  Luitprand,  A.D.  724,  enacts  that 
girls  shall  only  be  marriageable  at  the  expiration 
of  their  12th  year  (bk.  vi.  c  59).  An  earlier 
law  of  the  same  king,  A.D.  717,  has  been  already 
referred  to  under  the  head  Betbothal  (bk.  iL 
c.  6).  Although  18  was  fixed  as  the  age  of  ma- 
jority for  male  infants,  yet  they  might  before 
this  age  contract  either  betrothal  or  marriage, 
and  h^  full  power  of  settling  property  (bk.  yi. 
c.  64 ;  A.D.  724).  A  Lombard  capitulary  of  Charle- 
magne's (A.D.  779)  prohibits  generally  the  marry- 
ing of  a  boy  or  girl  under  the  age  of  puberty, 
where  there  is  disparity  of  age,  but  allows  them  to 
marry  when  of  equal  age  and  consenting  (c  145). 
The  same  prohibition  is  contained  in  the  Capi- 
tulary of  Tessino  (PertzX  A.D.  801,  also  added 
to  the  Lombard  law. 

The  Yisigothic  law  seems  less  equal  towards 
the  sexea.  A  law  of  King  Chindaswinth  (bk.  iii. 
t.  4)  forbids  on  the  one  hand  women  of  full  age 
flrom  marrying  males  under  age,  but  on  the  other 
enacts  that  girls  under  age  are  only  to  marry 
husbands  of  full  age.  It  is  not  howeyer  clear 
whether  the  age  renrred  to  is  that  of  puberty  or 
general  majority. 

As  respects  the  marriage  of  slayes,  we  find  a 
formula  on  the  subject  among  those  collected  by 
Habillon  (No.  44).  They  appear  clearly  to  haye 
been  recognized  both  by  the  state  and  the 
church  in  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  as  will  be 
presently  shewn. 

2.  If  we  turn  now  to  what  we  may  term  the 
extrinsic  conditions  of  the  capacity  for  marriage, 
in  other  words  to  the  limitations  placed  upon  the 
exercise  of  that  capacity,  we  find  these  to  haye 
been  yei^  yarious.  Some  are  purely  or  mainly 
moral  ones ;  the  leading  one  of  this  class,  that  of 
the  amount  of  consanguinity  which  the  law  of 
different  nations  has  held  to  be  a  bar  to  the 
yalidity  of  the  nuptial  contract,  will  be  found 
treated  of  under  the  heads  of  CocTSiNS-QEiufAN, 
Marriage.  Another — singular,  because  exactly 
opposite  feelings  on  the  subject  haye  preyailed 
in  different  countries— is  to  be  found  in  the  pro- 
hibition by  the  later  Roman  law  of  marriages 
between  rayishers  and  their  yictims,  under  seyere 
penalties,  both  for  the  parties  themselyes,  and 
the  parents  who  omsented  to  it  (Justinian,  Cod, 
b.  ix.  t.  xiii.  §  1,  Nov.  143,  150). 

A  directly  contrary  rule  prevailed  under  Theo- 
doric  in  the  Ostrogothic  kingdom.  The  59th  chap- 
ter of  his  Edict  compels  the  rayisher  of  a  free- 
bom  woman,  if  of  suitable  fortune  and  noble 
birth,  as  well  as  single,  to  marry  her,  and  to 
endow  her  with  l-5th  of  his  property.  The 
Lombard  law  does  not  seem  to  proyide  expressly 
for  the  case ;  but  the  **  Lex  Romana "  of  the 
Roman  population  in  Italy  must  haye  fbUowed 
It  in  its  departure  fVom  the  legislation  of  the 
emperors,  where,  after  enacting  death  as  the 
penalty  of  rape,  it  proyides  that  if  no  accusation 
be  brought'  for  fiye  years,  **  the  marriage  will 
afterwards  be  yalid  and  its  issue  legitimate" 
(bk.  ix.  t.  xviii.).  Death  was  also  the  punish- 
ment of  rape  among  the  Franks ;  but  Marculf 's 


formnucu  show  that  marriages  between  ravicfaer 
and  ranshed  were  allowed  (bk.  ii.  £  16).  A 
Lombard  capitulary  of  Charlemagne's,  howeyer, 
A.D.  779,  forbids  a  rayished  brii'e  to  marry  her 
rayisher,  eyen  if  her  betrothed  refuses  to  take 
her  back  (c.  124).  The  lawof  the  Alamans(t.  Hi.) 
is  to  the  same  effect.  The  Saxon  law  on  the  con- 
trary (t.  X.)  requires  the  rayisher  to  '*  buy  "  the 
woman  for  300  solidi. 

It  seems  doubtftil  whether  a  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Iliberis  in  305,  bearing  that  ^  yirgins 
who  haye  not  kept  their  virginity,  if  they  haye 
married  and  kept  as  husbands  their  yiolatora,"  are 
to  be  admitted  to  communion  after  a  year  without 
penance,  applies  really  to  what  we  should  term 
violation,  or  to  seduction  only.  But  at  any  rate 
the  Yisigothic  law  is  severest  of  all  the  barbaric 
codes  against  marriages  between  ravishers  and 
ravished.  Whilst  enacting  that  the  ravbher  with 
all  his  property  is  to  be  handed  over  as  a  slave  to 
the  woman  to  whom  he  has  done  violence,  and  to 
receive  200  lashes  publicly,  it  imposes  the  pe- 
nalty of  death  on  boih  if  they  intermarry,  unless 
they  should  flee  to  the  altar,  when  they  are  to 
be  separated  and  given  to  the  parents  of  the 
woman  (bk.  iii  t.  uL  11.  1,  2).  Closely  allied  to 
these  enactments  ia  one  of  the  Burgundian  law, 
forbidding  marriages  between  widows  and  their 
paramours  (t.  xliv.).  It  may  perhaps  be  inferred 
from  the  above  that  the  tendency  of  the  bar- 
barian races  had  originally  been  to  favour  such 
marriages,  but  that  the  influence  of  the  opposite 
Roman  feeling,  kept  up  no  doubt  traditionally  by 
the  clergy,  generaUy  prevailed  in  the  long  run  in 
the  barbarian  codes. 

There  were  indeed  certain  moral  enormities 
which  in  some  legislations  were  made  a  bar  to 
all  subsequent  marriage.  By  the  Yisigothic  law, 
a  freeman  guilty  of  rape  on  a  married  woman, 
after  receiving  a  hundred  lashes,  was  to  become 
slaye  to  his  victim,  and  never  to  marry  again 
(bk.  ii.  t.  iv.  1.  14).  But  it  is  the  Carloyingian 
capitularies  which  apply  most  largely  this  kind 
of  prohibition.  By  a  capitulary  of  King  Pepin  at 
Yermerie,  A.D.  753,  if  a  man  committed  adult«ry 
with  his  step-daughter,  with  his  step-mother,  or 
with  his  wife's  sister  or  cousin,  neither  could  ever 
marry  again  (cc.  2,  10,  11,  12);  nor  a  wife  who 
had  been  dismissed  by  her  husband  for  conspiring 
against  his  life  (c.  5).  The  Capitulary  of  Com- 
pi^gne,  A.D.  757,  extends  the  prohibition  to  a 
brother  committing  adultery  with  his  sister-in- 
law,  a  fiither  seducing  his  son's  betrothed,  and 
to  their  respective  paramours  (oc.  11,  13);  to  a 
man  living  in  adultery  with  a  mother  and 
daughter,  or  with  two  sisters,  but  to  the  women, 
in  such  case,  only  if  they  were  aware  of  the  in- 
cestuous connexion  (cc.  17,  IB).  A  capitulary 
of  the  7th  book  of  the  general  collection  forbids 
also  a  woman  who  has  had  connexion  with  two 
brothers  ever  to  marry  again  (c.  381;  and  see 
bk.  y.  c  168). 

Another  limitation  on  the  marriage  contract, 
which  must  be  considered  rather  of  a  political 
nature,  and  which  prevails  more  or  less  still  in 
the  military  code  of  almost  eyery  modem  nation, 
was  that  on  the  marriage  of  soldiers.  Under  the 
early  Roman  polity,  marriage  was  absolutely  for- 
bidden to  soldiers ;  but  the  Emperor  Claudius 
allowed  them  theytis  conmUnij  and  it  seems  oer^ 
tain  that  there  were  married  soldiers  under  Galba 
and  Domitian  (Mur.  Thes,  Inscr.  i.  p.  306 ;  Gori 


OONTRAGT  OF  MABBIA6E 

Inaer,  Antiq,  iii.  p.  144).  SeFertu  seems  how- 
ever to  hare  been  the  first  to  allow  soldiers  to 
liye  with  their  wives  (Herod.  iU.  229).  The 
Philipe,  on  the  other  hand,  seem  to  have  re- 
stricted the  jua  connubU  for  soldiers  to  a  first 
marriage  (Mur.  The»,  Inter,  i.  362).  Under  Jos- 
tinian's  Code,  the  marria^  of  soldiers  and  other 
persons  in  the  mtlitia^  horn  the  caUgatus  miles  to 
the  protectory  was  made  free  without  solemnities 
of  anj  sort,  so  long  as  the  wife  was  free-born 
(^ConatituUon  cf  Th/^tdosiua  and  VcUentinian,  Code^ 
bk.  V.  t.  iv.  1.  21).  There  having  been  no  re- 
gular armies  among  the  barbarian  races,  nothing 
answering  to  the  prohibition  is  to  be  found  in 
their  codes. 

We  pass  now  to  those  restrictions  on  marriage 
which  must  be  considered  to  be  mainlj  of  a  pro- 
tective character,  and  intended  to  secure  the  real 
freedom,  as  well  as  the  wisdom  of  choice.  To 
these,  in  the  highest  view  of  the  subject,  belong 
those  which  turn  upon  the  consent  of  parents 
[see  Oonbent];  although  indeed  this  restriction 
seems  generally  to  have  had  its  historic  origin  in 
a  much  lower  sphere  of  feeling, — that  <^  the 
social  dependence  and  slavery  or  quasi-slavery 
of  childnn  to  their  parents.  Next  come  the 
interdictions  placed  by  the  Roman  law  on  the 
marriage  of  guardians  or  curators,  or  their  issue, 
with  their  female  wards.  This  occupies  a  large 
space  in  the  Qrrpus  Juris ;  see  Dig.  bk.  zziii. 
t.  ii  11.  59,  60, 62,  64,  66,  67 ;  Oodey  bk.  v.  t.  vi. 

Lastly  come  the  interdictions  on  the  marriage 
of  officials  withm  their  jurisdictions,  which,  as 
Papinian  remarks,  are  analogous  in  principle  to 
those  on  the  marriage  of  guardians  with  their 
wards  (Dig.  bk.  zxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  6d>  No  official 
could  marry  (though  he  might  betroth  to  him- 
self) a  wift  bom  or  domiciled  within  the  province 
in  which  he  held  office,  unless  he  had  been  be- 
trothed to  her  before;  and  if  he  betrothed  a 
woman,  she  could,  after  his  giving  up  office,  ter- 
minate the  engagement,  on  retumfaiff  the  earnest- 
money  ;  but  he  could  give  his  daughters  in  mar- 
riage within  the  province  (1.  38).  The  marriage 
of  an  official  contracted  against  this  interdiction 
seems  to  have  been  considered  by  Papinian  abso- 
lutely void  (1.  6d> 

Under  the  Code,  a  well-known  constitution  o( 
Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  A.D.  380, 
known  by  its  title  as  '^  Si  rector  Provindae " 
(referred  to  supra  under  ArrrabY,  whilst  de- 
priving of  all  binding  force  betrothals  between 
persons  holding  authority  in  any  province,  their 
kinsmen  and  dependents,  and  women  of  the  pro- 
viDce,  allows  the  marriage  nevertheless  to  be 
afterwards  carried  out  with  the  consent  of  the 
betrothed  women  (bk.  v.  t.  ii.).  And  a  previous 
eonstitution  of  Gordian  had  provided  that  if  the 
marriage  were  contracted  against  the  law  with 
the  woman's  consent,  and  after  her  husband  laid 
down  his  office  she  remained  of  the  same  mind, 
the  marriage  became  legal,  and  the  issue  legi- 
timate (t.  iv.  1.  6).  By  another  constitution, 
known  as  '^  Si  quacumque  praeditus  potestate," 
a  fine  of  10  lbs.  of  gold  was  enacted  against  offi- 
cials who  should  seek  to  coerce  women  into 
marriages,  even  though  these  should  not  be 
carried  out  (law  of  Gratian,  Valentinian,  and 
Theodosius,  A.D.  380;  lb.  t.  vii.> 

We  do  not  find  anything  answering  to  these 
provisions  in  the  Barbarian  Codes,  but  only  in 
the  work  called  the  Lex  Momana   supposed  ta 


OOKTBACT  OF  MABBIAGE      451 

have  represented  the  personal  law  of  the  Romans 
under  the  Lombard  kings.  Here,  in  barbarous 
Latin,  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  Code  are 
reproduced,  whilst  others  are  widely  departed 
from.  For  instance,  in  place  of  the  protective 
provisions  against  the  marriage  of  guardians  with 
their  wards,  we  have  coarser  ones  providing 
i  against  the  seduction  of  wards  by  their  guar- 
dians, under  penalty  of  exile  an  I  confiscation 
(bk.  ix.  t.  v.). 

Another  class  of  restrictions  on  marriage  may 
be  termed  social  ones,  as  depending  chiefly  on 
disparity  of  social  condition.  The  most  promi- 
nent disparity  of  condition  in  the  whole  ancient 
world,  as  It  remains  still  in  much  of  the  modem 
world,  was  that  between  f^man  and  slave. 
According  to  the  Roman  law,  there  oould  be  abso- 
lutely no  marriage  between  the  two,  but  only  what 
was  termed  a  oontubemium  (Jul.  Paul.  Reoept. 
Sent,  bk.  ii.  t.  19,  {  8).  Tet  the  sense  of  human 
equality  was  so  strong,  that  a  senatus-consultum 
had  to  be  issued  under  the  Emperor  Claudius 
against  the  marriage  of  freewomen  with  slaves ; 
reducing  the  former  to  slavery  itself^  if  the  act 
were  done  without  the  knowledge  of  the  master, 
— ^to  the  condition  of  fVeed  women  if  with  his  con- 
sent (Tacitus,  Ann.  bk.  zii  c.  53;  A.D.  53> 
Although  this  law  does  not  appear  in  the  Corpus 
Juris — ^perhaps  because  it  might  seem  indirectly 
to  recognise  slaves'  marriages — it  is  clear  that 
neither  under  the  Digest  nor  under  the  Code  could 
there  be  any  marriage  between  free  and  slave. 
"With  slave-girls  there  can  be  no  eonrntbtumf" 
says  a  constitution  of  Constantino  (bk.  y.  t.  v. 
1.  3);  ^^for  from  this  oontubemium  slaves  are 
bom."  It  affords  indeed  a  strange  picture  of  the 
more  than  servile  condition  of  the  Roman  muni- 
cipal fbnetionaries,  even  at  this  period  of  the 
Empire,  that  the  avowed  object  of  the  constitu- 
tion which  opens  with  this  enunciation  of  a 
principle,  is  to  prevent  decurions,  through  the 
passions  of  slave  girls,  finding  a  reftige  in  the 
iMMom  of  the  most  powerful  fiunilies.  Tlie  secret 
marriage  of  a  decnrion  with  a  slave  was  to  be 
punishwl  by  sending  the  woman  to  the  mines, 
the  decnrion  himself  to  exile  on  some  island, 
whUst  his  property  passed,  as  if  he  were  dead, 
to  his  fSunily,  or  in  de&ult  of  such  to  the  city  of 
which  he  was  a  curial ;  local  officials  who  were 
privy  to  the  offence,  or  left  it  unpunished,  were 
in  like  manner  to  be  sent  to  the  mines.  If  it 
took  place  in  the  country,  by  permission  of  the 
girl's  master,  the  estate'  where  it  occurred,  with 
all  slaves  and  live  and  dead  stock,  was  to  be  con- 
fiscated; if  in  a  city  the  master  forfeited  the 
half  of  all  his  goods,  lliat  decurions,  however, 
were  not  the  only  persons  likely  to  marry  slaves 
is  evident  from  a  constitution  of  Valentinian  and 
Harcian,  A.D.  428  (ib.  1.  7),  which  enumerates 
''  the  slave-girl,  the  daughter  of  a  slave-girl," 
first  amongst  those  persons  whom  senators  may 
not  marry. 

If  any  man  married  a  slave,  believing  her  to 
be  firee,  the  msiriage  was  void  ab  initio  (22nd 
Nov.  c  10).  But  if  a  master  married  his  slave- 
girl  to  a  flreeman,  or  constituted  a  dos  upon  her, 
which  was  considered  to  be  the  privilege  of  the 
free,  a  constitution  of  Justinian  s  enai^  that 
this  should  not  only  enfranchise  her,  but  confer 
on  her  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  (Oxfe, 
hk.  vii.  t.  vi.  1.  9>  In  the  22nd  Novel  (c  11) 
tne  same  emperor  went  further  still  and  enacted, 

2  G  2 


452     OONTBACT  OF  MABBIAGB 


OONTBACT  OF  MABRIAGB 


that  when  a  master  either  himaelf  gave  away  hia 
slaTO-girl  in  marriage,  whether  with  or  without 
dotal  instruments,  or  knowingly  allowed  another 
to  give  her  away,  as  a  freewoman,  to  a  man  ignor- 
ant of  her  condition,  this  should  amount  to  a 
tadt  enfranchisement,  and  the  marriage  should 
he  ralid ;  and  again  (c  12),  a  fartion,  that  if  a 
master  had  long  deserted  either  a  male  or  female 
slave  in  a  state  of  hodily  weakness  ^kinguewte8)y 
or  shown  no  care  to  preserve  his  rights  over 
them,  they,  as  derelicts,  resuming  possession  of 
themselyes,  were  no  longer  to  be  troubled  by  him, 
80  that  the  marriages  of  such  as  free  men  or 
women  would  be  lawful.  Finally,  the  78th  Novel 

Erovided  that  where  a  man  had  had  children  by 
is  slave-girl,  and  constituted  a  doa  upon  her 
(which  had  the  effect  of  marriage),  this  of  itself 
had  the  effect  of  manumitting  the  issue  bom  in 
slavery,  and  rendering  them  liberif  and  no  longer 
merely  /f/n,  to  the  father  (c.  4). 

Closely  analogous  to  the  condition  of  the  slave 
was  that  of  the  adsoriptitius  glebae.  The  mar- 
riage of  a  fVeeman  with  an  adaoriptUia  does  not 
however  seem  to  have  been  void,  but  the  children 
retained  their  mother's  condition.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  marriage  of  a  freewoman  with  an 
€ui9cnptUiu8  was  declared  to  be  absolutely  void ; 
they  were  to  be  separated,  and  the  man  punished 
{Code,  bk.  xi.  t.  xlvii.  L  24;  22nd  Nov.  c  17; 
but  see  54th  Nov.  preface).  Nor  do  we  find  the 
same  mitigations  of  the  law  in  favour  of  an  ad- 
9criptiHu  as  of  a  slave  (supra).  As  respects  the 
next  higher  class,  that  of  the  nuticij  we  find  that 
whilst  marriages  between  them  and  free  persons 
seem  to  have  been  recognized,  the  issue  of  such 
marriages  was  divided  in  point  of  condition,  the 
first,  third,  fifth  child,  &c,  following  that  of  the 
mother  (**  quod  impar  est,  habebit  venter," 
156th  Novel). 

The  Barbarian  Codes  deal  more  frequently  with 
the  subject  of  these  nuuriages,  and  in  some  of 
them  we  trace  distinctly  the  threefold  condition 
of  freeman,  sei*f  or  villain,  and  slave,  the  second 
becoming  more  and  more  superior  to  the  third. 
The  intermarriage  of  man  or  woman  belonging 
to  either  of  the  first  two  classes  involves,  under 
the  Lombard  laws  (A.D.  638)  of  Rotharis  (c.  218), 
and  Luitprand  (a.d.  721)  (bk.  iv.  c  6),  penalties 
of  greater  or  less  severity.  In  the  Lex  Romana, 
supposed  to  represent  the  personal  law  of  the 
Roman  population  in  Italy  in  Lombard  times,  we 
find  a  provision,  that  if  a  freewoman  marries  her 
own  slave,  she  shall  be  put  to  death  and  the  slave 
burnt  alive  (bk.  ix.  t.  vi.). 

Similar  provisions  are  found  in  the  Alamannic 
law  (circ.  A.D.  750)  (c.  2,  and  foil.),  in  the  Bava- 
rian (Append,  de  popul.  leg.  c.  9)  and  the  Frisian 
(t.  xviii.),  while  the  Visigothic  b  yet  more  cruelly 
severe,  condemning  all  such  unions,  according  to 
their  varying  circumstances,  to  the  penalties  of 
loss  of  freedom,  scourging,  death  by  burning 
(bk.  ui.  t.  ii.  c.  2). 

Finally,  a  law  of  King  Gaba  is  addressed  to 
what  seems  to  have  been  a  peculiar  form  of  semi- 
slavery  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  Its  title  is, 
**  That  those  who  are  enfranchised,  retaining  ser- 
vice to  the  Church,  should  not  dare  approadi  the 
marriage  of  free  persons."  It  enacts  that  a  church- 
slave  absolutely  freed  may  marry  a  freewoman ; 
but  if  still  bound  to  the  cbsequium,  he  is  to  re- 
ceive three  stripes  and  be  separated  fh>m  his 
wife ;  otherwise  both  are  to  be  in  slavery  with 


their  issue,  the  property  of  the  freewoman  goisg 
to  her  heirs.  And  the  same  rule  is  enacted  as  to 
such  women  marrying  freemen  (bk.  iv.  c  7). 

Notwithstanding  the  hariihness  of  many  of  thr 
above  enactments,  it  must  be  inferred  from  them 
that  marriages  between  £ree  and  slaves  were  in- 
creasing in  frequency.  Indirectly,  moreover, 
those  which  provide  that  a  freewoman  choosing 
to  remain  with  her  slave-husband  becomes  a  slave 
herself,  seem  to  imply,  like  the  senatus-ooneult 
under  Claudius  before  quoted,  which  was  not 
admitted  mto  the  Code,  a  recognition  of  marriages 
between  slaves,  since  the  mere  living  with  a  slave 
would  not  (except  under  the  Visigothic  law) 
affect  the  condition  of  the  freewoman.  There  is 
moreover  evidence  that,  even  in  the  latter  class 
of  cases,  custom  was  often  milder  than  the  law. 
Marculf's  FormtUarieSf  which  are  considered  to 
have  been  put  together  about  A.D.  660,  contain  a 
"  charta  de  agnatione,  si  servus  ingenuam  trahit,*' 
by  which  a  mistress  grants  the  fi^eedom  of  a  five- 
woman's  children  by  her  slave  (f.  29 ;  and  see 
Appendix,  f.  18).  The  ultimate  relaxations  of  the 
law  itself  under  the  Carlovingians  will  be  best 
treated  of  in  connexion  with  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  the  subject. 

Vast  as  was  the  gap  between  free  and  slave  in 
the  ancient  world,  tnat  between  the  free  bom 
and  the  freed  was  still  considerable,— especially 
as  between  male  slaves  enfranchised  and  their 
former  mistresses,  or  the  female  relatives  of  a 
former  master.  According  to  the  jurist  Paul, 
a  freedman  aspiring  to  marriage  with  hiapatrcna^ 
or  the  wift  or  daughter  of  his  patronus,  was^ 
according  to  the  dignity  of  the  person,  to  be 
punished  either  by  being  sent  to  the  mines,  or 
put  upon  public  works  (Jul  Paul.  JRecepi,  Sentend, 
bk.  ii.  t.  xix.  $  6) ;  unless  indeed  the  condition 
of  the  pcArcna  was  so  low  as  to  make  such  a 
marriage  suitable  for  her  (fiig,  bk.  xxiiL  t.  iL 
1.  13).  On  the  other  hand,  the  Lex  Papia 
allowed  all  freebom  males,  except  senators  and 
their  children  (in  which  case  the  marriage  was 
void),  to  marry  freedwomen  (t5.  L  23),  from 
which  class  seem  however  to  have  been  excepted 
those  of  brothel-keepers,  probably  as  presumably 
being  prostitutes  themselves  (Ulpian's  Fragments^ 
U  xiii.  $  27).  The  marriage  of  a  master  with 
his  freedwoman  was  by  no  means  looked  upon  in 
the  same  light  as  that  of  a  mistress  with  her 
freedman ;  and  the  patronua  was  restrained  from 
marrying  his  fr^woman  without  her  will 
(•&.  1.  28). 

The  social  restrictions  on  marriage  were,  in 
this  as  in  other  respects,  relaxed  by  the  later 
emperors.  The  marriage  to  a  freedwoman  of  a 
man  who  afterwards  became  a  senator  was  de- 
clared by  Justinian  to  remain  valid,  aa  well  as 
that  of  a  private  person's  daughter  to  a  freed- 
man, when  her  fiither  was  raised  to  the  ifenate 
(Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  28).  He  removed  the  die- 
ability  to  marriage  which  seems  to  have  been 
considered  to  exist  between  a  man  and  a  girl 
whom  he  had  brought  up  (o/umoa)  and  en- 
franchised (L  26).  And  by  the  78th  Novel  he 
allowed  persons  **  of  whatever  dignity"  to  many 
freedwomen,  provided  **  nuptial  documents"  were 
drawn  up  (c.  3). 

There  were  moreover  certain  conditions  of  life 
which  were  assimilated  by  their  ignominy  to  the 
servile  one.  A  free-bom  man  could  not  marry  a 
procuress,  a  woman  taken  in  adultery,  one  con- 


OONTBAGT  OF  MABBIAGB 


CONTRACT  OF  MABBIAQE      453 


donned  by  public  judgment,  or  a  stage-player ; 
nor,  according  to  Manricianna,  one  condemned 
by  the  senate  (tJlpian's  Fragments,  t,  ziii.).  A 
senator  was  snbject  to  the  same  restrictions 
{Dig*  bk.  zxiii.  t.  ii.  1.  44,  §  8 ;  and  see  1.  43, 
§{  10,  12);  the  Lex  Juiia  et  Papia  imposing, 
moreoTer,  a  special  prohibition  on  the  marriage 
of  either  senators  or  their  issue  with  stage-players 
or  the  children  of  such  (1.  44).  Under  Valenti- 
nian  and  Mardan,  A.D.  454,  the  **  low  and  abject" 
women  who  were  forbidden  to  marry  senators 
were  declared  to  be  slaves  and  their  daughters, 
freedwomen  and  their  daughters,  players  and 
their  daughters,  tayern-keepers  and  their  daugh- 
ters, the  daughters  of  lenones  and  gladiators,  and 
women  who  had  publicly  kept  shops  {Cocky  bk.  ▼. 
t.  y.  1.  7).  If  indeed  a  senator's  daughter  should 
prostitute  herself,  go  on  the  stage,  or  be  con- 
demned by  public  judgment,  her  dignity  being 
lost,  she  might  marry  a  freedman  with  impunity 
iDig,  bk.  xxiii  t.  ii.  1.  47). 

Thanks,  no  doubt,  to  Theodora's  influence, 
much  greater  indulgence  was  shewn  under  Jus- 
tinian to  actresses.  Such  women,  if  they  had 
left  their  calling  and  led  a  respectable  life,  were 
enabled  to  intermarry  with  persons  of  any  rank, 
and  their  children  were  relieyed  from  disabi- 
lities (bk.  y.  t.  iy.  1.  27,  §  1).  By  another 
constitution  (1.  29),  women  who  had  been  forced 
to  mount  the  stage,  or  who  wished  to  abandon 
it,  were  rendered  capable  of  marrying  persons 
of  the  highest  rank,  without  the  imperial  per- 
mission. 

The  jurists  of  the  Digest  had  howeyer  gone 
beyond  all  specific  restrictions  on  marriage. 
Modestinus  had  laid  down  that  'Mn  marriages 
one  should  not  only  consider  what  is  lawful,  but 
what  is  honourable."  And  generally  there  seems 
to  haye  grown  up  a  feeling  against  unequal  mar- 
riages, such  as  is  indicated  in  a  before-quoted 
constitution  of  Yalentinian  and  Marcian  {Code, 
bk.  y.  t.  y.  1.  7 ;  A.D.  454),  which  provides  that 
'*a  woman  is  not  to  be  deemed  vile  or  abject 
who,  although  poor,  is  of  free  descent;"  and 
declares  lawful  the  marriage  of  such  persons, 
however  poor,  with  senators  or  persons  of  the 
highest  rank.  And  as  it  seemed  to  have  been 
in&rred,  from  a  constitution  of  Theodosius  and 
Yalentinian,  A.D.  418,  which  abolished  the  neces- 
sity for  all  formalities  between  persons  of  equal 
condition  (C^xfe,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  22),  that  without 
dotal  instruments  such  marriages  between  per- 
sons of  unequal  condition  were  not  valid,  Jus- 
tinian abolished  all  restrictions  on  unequal  mar- 
riages, provided  the  wife  were  free  and  of  free 
descent,  and  there  was  no  suspicion  of  incest  or 
aught  nefarious  (1.  23,  $  7> 

We  do  not  find  much  in  the  barbarian  codes 
on  this  branch  of  the  subject.  The  Roman  law 
against  the  intermarriage  of  freedmen  or  their 
Issue  with  the  posterity  of  their  patrons  re- 
appears in  the  Wisigothic  code  (bk.  v.  t.  vii.  c.  17), 
the  penalty  being  reinslavement.  Among  the 
Wisigoths  there  seems  to  have  been  an  old 
law  forbidding  the  intermarriage  of  Qoiha  and 
Romans,  vrhkh  was  repealed  by  Rueswinth 
{Lex  Wisig,  bk.  iii.  t.  i.%  who  allowed  any  free- 
man to  marry  any  freewoman,"  with  the  solemn 
consent  of  her  family,  and  the  permission  of  the 
court."  The  same  law  must  have  prevailed  in 
Italy  under  the  Lombards,  though  we  miss  it 
fVom  the  Lombard  code,  since  the  Lex  Romana 


forbids  intermarriage  between  Romans  and  Bar- 
barians under  pain  of  death  (bk.  iii.  t.  xiv.). 
This  restriction  is  however  one  rather  of  a  poli- 
tical nature. 

Lastly,  certain  restrictions  on  the  marriage 
contract  are  of  f  religious  character,  and  will  be 
best  referred  to  when  we  consider  the  rules  of 
the  Church  itself  upon  the  subject,  which  we 
shall  now  proceed  to  do. 

That  marriage  generally  was  a  civil  contract, 
subject  to  the  laws  of  the  state,  seems  to  have 
been  the  received  doctrine  of  the  early  Church ; 
whilst  at  the  same  time  it  claimed  also  power 
to  regulate  it  in  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel,  as  is 
shewn,  for  instance,  in  the  strictness  of  our  Lord 
and  His  apostles  against  divorce,  although  freely 
allowed  both  by  the  Jewish  and  the  Roman  law. 
Hence  Pagan  betrothals  and  marriages  were,  as 
Selden  observes,  held  valid  by  the  Christians 
(Uxor  Hfn-aica,  bk.  ii.  c.  24).  The  validity  of 
non-Christian  marriages  seems  to  be  implied  in 
such  passages  as  1  C^r.  vii.  12-16,  referring  to 
the  cases  of  a  convert  husband  and  an  uncon- 
verted wife,  a  convert  wife  and  an  unconverted 
husband ;  in  the  latter  of  which  cases  at  least 
the  form  of  marriage  must  be  supposed  to  have 
been  one  unsanctifi^  by  the  Church ;  whilst  both 
would  seem  to  include  the  hypothesis  of  a  con- 
version of  either  party  after  such  a  marriage. 
It  must  moreover  be  observed  that,  with  one 
exception,  the  forms  of  marriage  in  use  in  the 
Roman  world  were  purely  civil  ones.  The  only 
religious  marriage  was  that  by  confarreatio, 
which  remarkably  enough  was  indissoluble, 
except  perhaps  by  disfarreatiOy  a  practice  of 
whidi  the  r^ity  is  doubted.  But  it  b  clear 
from  Tacitus  (Arm.  bk.  iv.  c.  16)  that  by  the 
time  of  Tiberius,  t*.  e.  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- 
tian era,  the  use  of  the  ceremony  had  become 
very  rare.  When  therefore  the  author  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  wrote  that  *'  marriage  is 
honourable  in  all "  (c.  xiii.  4),  and  his  Epistle  was 
admitted  as  authoritative  in  the  Gentile  as  well 
as  the  Jewish  churches,  the  inference  is  that 
the  honour  he  speaks  of  was  felt  to  rest  as 
well  on  the  ordinary  civil  contract  of  the  Gentile 
as  on  any  form  in  use  among  the  Jews.  Again, 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (with  an  exception 
as  to  the  clergy  to  be  hereafter  noticed)  speak 
simply  of  ^  lawnil "  and  ^  unlawftil"  marriage. 
Thus,  in  a  sort  of  summary  of  the  faith  oon« 
tained  in  the  6th  book  (c.  11),  it  is  said: 
^  Every  union  which  is  against  the  law  we  abhor 
as  iniquitous  and  unholy."  Again:  "Marriage 
should  be  lawfhl ;  for  such  a  marriage  is  blame- 
less "  (t5.  c  14) ;  the  eipression  **  lawful  con- 
nexion "  (p6fUfiot  Au|f f)  occurring  repeatedly  in 
later  constitutions  (bk.  vi.  cc  27,  29).  The 
only  consideration  which  may  oast  a  doubt 
upon  the  application  of  the  idea  of  "  law "  in 
such  passages  as  the  above,  as  referring  to  the 
municipal  law,  arises  from  the  circumstance, 
to  be  presently  adverted  to,  that  the  same 
expressions  are  used  in  reference  to  unions 
which  were  not  recognized  by  the  Roman  law. 
But  the  most  valuable  testimony  to  the  feeling 
of  the  early  Church  on  this  subject  as  late 
as  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries,  is  supplied  by 
Tertullian  (a.d.  150-226),  a  writer  whose  Chris- 
tian zeal  ran  always  in  the  direction  of  ultra- 
strictness.  In  his  treatise  on  Idolatry,  distin- 
guishing  between    those    solemnities  which   a 


454     OONTBAGT  OF  MABBUGE 


GOKTBACT  OF  MABBIAGE 


Christian  roan  may  lawfully  attend  and  those 
which  he  may  not,  he  enumerates  maniage 
among  such  as  are  free  from  **  any  breath  of 
idolatry,"  "  pure  by  themselres.''  "  The  con- 
jugal union,"  he  says,  does  not  flow  '*  from  the 
worship  of  any  idol."  **Qod  no  more  forbids 
the  solemnizing  of  nDUirriages  than  the  giving  of 
a  name  "  (c.  16). 

As  a  rule,  then,  the  Church  has  followed  the 
municipal  law  in  reference  to  the  ralidity  of  the 
contract  of  marriage,  and  has  thus  not  had  occa^ 
sion  to  dwell  much  in  its  legislation  on  the  legal 
incidents  of  the  contract.  The  validity  of  heathen 
marriage  is  implied  in  the  judgments  and  deci- 
sions of  various  popes  and  councils  (some  perhape 
antedated)  as  to  pre-baptismal  marriages,  which, 
in  spite  of  one  or  two  weighty  authorities  to  the 
contrary,  were  held  binding,  and  on  the  express 
ground  that  the  issue  of  such  marriages  were 
lawful  (Ubeny  See  the  2nd  letter  of  Pope  In- 
nocent L,  A.D.  402-17,  to  Victricius,  c.  6 ;  his 
22nd  letter,  to  the  Macedonian  bishops,  c.  2 ;  the 
3rd  Council  of  Rome,  A.D.  531 ;  and  the  letters 
of  Leo  to  Anastaslus  and  to  the  bishops  of  II  ly- 
ricum.  The  alleged  decree  of  Pope  Fabian,  A.D. 
238-52,  in  Gratian,  embodying  the  Roman  law 
on  the  effect  of  madness  on  marriage,  is  a  purely 
superfluous  forgery.  Ecgbert,  archbishop  of 
York,  indeed,  in  the  Excerptkna  attributed  to 
him,  seems  to  place  the  age  of  puberty  some- 
what later  than  the  Roman  law,  since  he  says 
that  a  girl  of -14  has  power  over  her  own  body, 
a  boy  of  15  over  his  (bk.  ii.  c.  27).  A  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791  (c.  9),  con- 
tains the  like  prohibition  as  a  previous  capitu- 
lary before  referred  to  against  marriages  with 
children. 

It  has  already  been  observed,  under  the  head 
<*  Consent,"  that  on  one  point  indeed  a  marked 
divergence  is  to  be  traced  betiveen  the  practice 
of  the  Chui'ch  and  the  Roman  law.  Slave-mar- 
riages are  recognized,  at  least  in  the  later  por- 
tions of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions.  And 
masters  who  refused  to  sanction  them  were  to 
be  excommunicated  (viii.  23).  A  free  man,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  to  dismiss,  not  to  marry,  a 
slave-concubine  with  whom  he  may  have  lived. 
{Ibid.) 

Consistent  with  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
the  first  canonical  epistle  of  St.  Basil  (a.d.  326- 
379),  to  Amphilochius,  bishop  of  loonium,  treats 
slave-marriages  as  adulterous  when  contracted 
without  the  master's  will,  but  as  *'  firm  "  when 
contracted  with  his  consent ;  assimilating  them 
to  the  marriages  of  minors,  and  using  the  same 
word  («^piot)  to  express  the  authority  both  of 
the  father  and  of  the  master.  A  work  of  doubt- 
ful character,  which  claims  authorship  from  the 
Nicene  fathers,  the  SancHonet  et  decreta  aUoj 
which  in  the  collection  of  councils  by  Labb^  and 
Mansi  will  be  found  appended  to  the  canons  of 
the  Council  of  Nicaea  (vol.  ii.  p.  1029,  and  foil.), 
but  which  are  evidently  of  much  later  date, 
declares  that  ^marriage  with  slaves,  male  or 
female,  is  not  allowed  to  Christians,  unless  after 
emancipation ;  which  being  done,  let  them  con- 
tract by  the  law  of  marriage  and  fi-eely,  a  doa 
being  assigned,  according  to  the  constitution  of 
the  country  which  they  inhabit "  (bk.  i.  c.  4). 
One  of  the  alleged  canons  of  the  Nicene  council 
from  the  Arabic,  on  the  other  hand,  implies  the 
practice    of    intermarriage    with    slaves    even 


amongst  the  clergy,  in  oordanning  as  bigamous 
those  priests  or  deacons  who  having  dinnissed 
their  wives,  or  even  without  dismiasing  them, 
marry  others,  whether  free  or  slave  (can.  66,  or 
71  of  the  EuluUensian  version).  But  these 
canons  are  also  evidently  of  much  later  date 
than  that  ascribed  to  them,  though  very  likely 
representing  the  practice  of  the  Arabian  church. 
If  we  mention  here  two  alleged  decrees  of  Pope 
Julius  I.  A.D.  336-52,  the  one  against  separating 
slaves  once  married,  the  other  allowing  a  master 
to  marry  his  enfhmchised  slave-eirl  (Gratian, 
cc.  4, 10),  it  is  only  on  account  of  their  professed 
date. 

There  are  indeed  not  wanting  indications  of  a 
narrower  spirit  among  the  leaders  of  the  Church. 
A  letter  of  Pope  Leo  the  Great  (167),  A.D.  458 
or  9,  addressed  to  Rusticus,  bishop  of  Narbonne, 
seems  to  imply  the  nullity  of  slaves'  marriageay 
and  reproduces,  on  Old-Testament  grounds,  tlic 
strictest  views  of  the  Roman  law  against  nneqnal 
marriage.  '*  Every  woman  united  to  a  man  is 
not  a  wife,  since  neither  is  every  son  his  fitther's 
heir.  The  bonds  of  marriage  are  lawful  be#w*eB 
the  free  and  between  equals ;  the  Lord  establish- 
ing this  long  before  the  commencement .  of  the 
Roman  law  existed.  Therefore  a  wife  is  one 
thing,  a  concubine  another ;  as  also  a  bondmaid 
is  one  thing,  a  freewoman  another"  (quoting 
Gen.  zxi.  10).  [Concubinbb.]  Suspicion  is 
indeed  cast  upon  this  text  by  its  use  of  the 
word  ingenuuSf  free-bom,  as  simply  synony- 
mous with  libery  free,  a  mistake  which  never 
occurs  in  the  CSxfe  or  Novels,  though  nearly  a 
century  later  in  date,  and  (though  it  may  be  said 
that  a  pope  was  not  bound  to  be  strictly  accurate 
in  his  law-language)  it  is  not  impossible  that  it 
may  be  a  forgery  of  the  Carlovii\gian  era,  in- 
vented to  support  a  capitulary  to  the  same 
effect,  to  be  presently  noticed. 

The  24th  canon  .of  the  4th  Council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  enacts  that  slaves  fleeing  to  the  pre- 
cincts (^  septa ")  of  churches  in  onler  to  marry 
are  not  to  be  allowed,  nor  are  clerics  to  defend 
such  unions,  but  they  are  to  be  returned  to  theii 
masters  and  separated,  unless  their  parents  and 
masters  will  let  them  marry; — a  remarkable 
enactment,  as  shewing  a  recognition  of  parental 
authority  in  a  slave. 

Another  canon  of  the  same  Council,  forbidding 
marriages  between  Jews  and  Christian  slave-girl^ 
seems  to  imply  the  intrinsic  validity  of  marriages 
between  free  and  slave  (c.  31).  Another  is  re- 
markable as  repeating,  with  the  ceverer  penalty 
of  excommunication,  the  enactments  of  the  Roman 
law  against  the  marriage  of  offidab  within  their 
provinces  (c  22). 

A  case  in  which  a  slave-marriage  is  recognised 
occurs  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Pelagius  (a.d.  555-66) 
to  the  sub-deacon  Melleus.  (Labbtf  and  Maasi's 
CouncUa,  vol.  ix.  p.  737.) 

On  the  other  hand,  Gregory  the  Great  implies 
the  invalidity  of  a  marriage  between  slave  and 
free  in  a  letter  to  Fortunatus,  bishop  of  Naples 
(bk.  vi.  ep.  1),  in  &vour  of  a  woman  whom  her 
husband  had  dismissed  as  being  of  servile  condi- 
tion ;  but  who,  being  now  proved  free,  was 
without  delay  to  be  received  back  by  him.  The 
SHOie  pope  however  in  another  letter — ^to  Mol- 
tana  and  Thomas,  slaves  whom  he  enfiranchised 
with  the  privileges  of  Roman  citizenship— implies 
the  practice  of  slave-marriages,  since  he  speaks 


CONTRACT  OF  llABBIAGE 

»r  the  "betrothal  gifts " (spoiiflaliA)  which  the 
prieet  Oaudiusiu  had  giren  in  writing  (oon* 
scripserat)  to  "  ihj  mother  "  (bk.  v.  ep.  12)u 

liie  Ist  Council  of  Mioon,  ▲.D.  581,  declares 
indissoluble  the  intermarriage  of  two  sbiyes  with 
their  master's  consent,  after  the  enfranchisement 
of  either  (c.  10).  The  30th  canon  of  the  English 
council  held  under  Archbishop  Theodore  of  Can- 
terburr,  towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century, 
bears  that  "  the  free  (or  free-born)  must  marry 
with  the  free."  Pope  Stephen  (a.d.  754)  in  his 
replies  to  various  consultations  at  Bienz,  follows 
Lfeo  as  to  the  dismissal  of  the  ancillas  and  marry- 
ing a  free  woman.  It  seems  difficult  to  ascribe  a 
specific  origin  to  a  prescription  found  among 
some  "  exoerpta  de  Ubris  fiomanorum  et  Fran- 
corum,"  appended  to  a  collection  of  fresh  canons, 
probably  of  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century, 
which  bears  that  ^*  if  any  one  chooses  to  have 
his  slare-girl  in  marriage,  and  has  power  over 
his  property,  if  afterwards  he  would  sell  her,  he 
cannot  do  so ;  he  is  himself  to  be  condemned,  and 
the  woman  handed  orer  to  the  priest "  (c  60). 
Perhaps  howerer  we  haye  only  here  a  fitr-off  echo 
of  EzmL  zzi.  8,  or  Deut.  xzi.  14. 

The  subject  indeed  both  of  slare-marriages 
and  of  intermarriage  between  slare  and  free 
seems  to  hare  been  greatly  considered  under  the 
Carloringiaus ;  and  both  the  dyil  and  ecdesias- 
tical  law  (which  indeed  at  this  period  blend 
almost  un(tistinguishably  together)  settle  down 
into  the  recognition  of  such  marriages  and  inter- 
marriages as  binding  under  certain  conditions. 
As  respects  the  former,  King  Pepin's  capitulary 
of  Vermerie,  A.i>.  753,  enacts  that  if  a  slaye  hus- 
band and  wife  hare  been  separated  by  sale, ''  they 
are  to  be  exhorted  so  to  remain,  if  we  cannot 
reunite  them "  (c.  19) ;  a  text  at  least  strongly 
tending  to  the  indissolubility  of  such  unions. 
A  more  singular  oao  provides  tuat  if  a  slave  have 
his  slave-girl  for  ooncubine,  he  may  dismiss  her 
and  accept  '*  his  compeer,  his  master's  slave-girl 
(comparem  suam  ancillam  domini  sui  accipere) ; 
but  it  is  better  that  he  keep  his  own  slave-girl " 
(c  7).  In  both  texts  we  see  already  visibly  the  hand 
of  the  Church  endeavouring  to  restrain  the  abuses 
of  slavery.  It  is  moreover  enacted  that  if  a  oar^ 
teUariua — apparently  a  slave  fr^ed  by  charter— on 
receiving  his  freedom  dismisses  his  slave  partner 
to  take  another  woman,  he  must  leave  the  latter 
(c.  20).  Fifty  years  later,  the  validity  of  slave 
marriages  is  asain  implied  in  some  ''Gaiiitula 
misso  cttidam  <Uta  "  of  the  year  803,  published 
by  Ports,  and  to  be  presently  referred  to.  And 
ten  years  later  still,  a  capitulary  added  in  some 
Codic08  to  the  Lombard  law  (c.  5),  as  well  as  the 
30th  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  ChAlons  (both 
of  A.D.  813),  enact  the  indiuolubleness  of  slaves' 
marriages,  even  when  belonging  to  different 
masters,  provided  their  marriage  be  legal,  and 
by  the  will  of  their  masters.  Lastly,  to  the 
Carlovingian  period  should  also  perhaps  be  re- 
ferred the  two  alleged  decrees  in  Qratian  of 
Pope  Julius  I.  (tupra%  It  is  almost  needless  to 
dwell  on  the  momentous  influence  of  the  change 
of  view  indicated  by  the  above  enactments  on 
the  condition  of  the  slave.  Evidently,  from  the 
moment  a  slave  could  lawftiUy  marry,  he  was 
no  longer  a  thing,  but  a  person.  It  might  almost 
be  said  that  from  this  period  slavery  properly  so 
called  exists  no  longer  within  the  Carlovingian 
world*  serfilom,  or  a  condition  of  dependence, 


CONTRACT  OF  MABBLAQE     455 

it  might  be  absolute,  of  one  man  on  another, 
has  replaced  it. 

As  respects  inter-marriages  between  slave  and 
free.  King  Pepin's  capitulary  of  Vermerie,  of  A.D. 
753,  enacts  that  where  a  free-man  knowingly 
marries  a  slave-girl,  he  shall  always  after  live 
with  her  (o.  13).  The  king  does  not  even  treat 
such  marriages  as  absolutely  void,  when  con- 
tracted in  ignorance,  allowing  the  free  person  to 
leave  his  or  her  slave-partner  and  marry  another 
only  if  such  slave  cannot  be  redeemed  (c.  6).  The 
oontemporary  Council  of  Vermerie  recognised  the 
validity  of  marriage  between  a  freewoman  and  a 
slave,  when  contracted  knowingly  on  her  part,  on 
the  ground  that  there  should  be  one  law  to  the 
man  and  to  the  woman,  and  that  ^  we  have  all 
one  Father  in  the  heavens."  The  capitulary  of 
Compile,  757,  enacts  that  if  a  freewoman 
marries  a  slave,  knowing  him  to  be  such,  he 
shall  have  her  whilst  he  lives  (c.  8).  On  the 
other  hand,  ^if  a  Frankirii  man  has  taken  a 
woman  and  hopes  that  she  is  free,"  and  after- 
wards finds  that  she  is  not,  he  may  dismiss  her 
and  take  another;  and  so  of  a  woman  (c  5, 
otherwise  7), 

The  validity  of  such  unions  is  also  implied 
in  an  enactment,  placing  marriage  with  a  free- 
man, a  slave,  or  a  cleric,  on  exactly  the  same 
footing  (c  4).  Similarly,  a  Bavarian  council  at 
Dilgemnd,  772,  enacted  that  where  a  slave  mar- 
ried a  woman  of  noble  birth  who  was  ignorant 
of  his  condition,  she  should  leave  him  and  be 
free  (c.  10).  The  same  rule  was  enacted  in  the 
case  of  a  freebom  Bavarian  woman  marrying  a 
serf  of  the  Church  C'de  popularibus  legibus," 
c9). 

Ajnong  the  specially  religious  restrictions 
which  were  sought  to  be  plao^  on  the  marriage 
contract  in  the  earlv  ages  of  the  Church,  the  one 
which  would  first  claim  our  attention  is  that  on 
the  marriage  of  Christians  with  Gentiles,  or  even-* 
tually  also  with  Jews  and  heretics.  This  how- 
ever will  not  be  specially  treated  of  here.  The 
next  is  that  connected  with  the  monkish  profes- 
sion, which  must  be  distinguished  from  the  early 
vow  of  virginity  in  the  female  sex,  and  from  the 
institution  of  the  Church-virgins.  The  vow  of 
virginity,  which  fbr  many  centuries  now  has  been 
considend  an  essential  prerequisite  of  the  mo- 
nastic profession,  was  not  so  by  any  means  in  the 
early  heroic  days  of  monachism.  St.  Basil  in 
the  4th  century,  after  dwelling  upon  the  pro- 
fession of  virginity  by  women,  says  expressly : 
«  As  to  profewions  of  men,  we  know  nothing  of 
them,  except  that  if  any  have  joined  themselves 
to  the  monastic  order,  they  appear,  without 
word  spoken,  to  have  thereby  adopted  celibacy  " 
(2nd  Can.  Ep,  c  19).  In  the  5th  century 
however,  Pope  Leo  the  Great  treats  the  marriage 
of  monks  as  a  punishable  ofience,  but  not  appa- 
rently as  void  in  itself!  Writing  to  Busticus, 
bishop  of  Narbonne,  about  A.D.  458  or  459,  he 
places  on  the  same  footing  the  entering  by  monks 
into  the  militia  (a  term  probably  equivalent  at 
this  time  to  the  service  of  the  state,  whether 
military  or  civil)  and  their  marriage.  Those 
who,  leaving  the  monastic  profession,  turn  to  the 
miUtia  or  to  marriage,  are  to  purge  themselves 
by  the  satis&ction  of  public  penance ;  for  al- 
though the  mUitia  may  be  innocent  and  marriage 
honourable,  to  have  abandoned  the  better  choice 
is  a  transgression  (Ep,  167,  c  14).     The  con- 


! 


456     OONTBAGT  OF  MABRIAGB 

temporary  Council  of  Chaloedon,  ▲.D.  451,  in  like 
manner  excommunicated  alike  the  monk  and  the 
Tirgin  devoted-  to  Qod  who  enter  into  marriage, 
but  allows  the  local  bishop  to  shew  indulgence 
(c.  16).  And  the  ecclesiastical  validity  of  a 
monk's  marriage  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century  is  implied  in  the  21st  canon  of  the 
2nd  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  511,  which  enacts 
that  a  monk  who  marries  shall  be  incapable  of 
holding  any  ecclesiastical  office.  Later  still  in 
the  East  (▲.D.  535),  the  6th  Novel  only  forbids 
marriage  to  monks  who  have  received  the  cle- 
rical ordination,  reducing  them  to  the  rank  of 
private  persons  (c.  8).  In  the  West,  however, 
the  2nd  Council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  not  only  dis- 
tinctly prohibited  the  marriage  of  monks  under 
penalty  of  excommunication,  but  invoked  the  aid 
of  "  the  judge "  to  separate  them  from  their 
wives,  under  penalty  of  excommunication  for 
himself  if  he  refused  it  (c.  15);  an  evident 
attempt  to  enforce  by  spiritual  terrors  what  the 
state  still  refused  to  erect  into  law. 

This  is  indeed  the  period  when  monks,  at  first 
mere  laymen,  were  beginning  to  be  viewed,  in 
the  West  at  least,  as  partaking  of  the  clerical 
character.  The  Council  of  Aries  in  554  had  de- 
creed that  monasteries  both  of  men  and  women 
should  be  subjected  to  episcopal  jurisdiction.  So 
fiir  as  this  view  prevailed  (for  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  monks  themselves  long  struggled  against 
it),  the  prohibition  of  the  marriage  of  monks  will 
have  been  considered  as  implied  in  that  of  the 
marriage  of  clerics  generally,  though  such  mar- 
riages are  sometimes  specificallv  referred  to. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  century,  the  6th  General 
Council,  the  3rd  of  Constantinople,  m  TrullOj 
A.D.  692,  enacted  that  a  monk  who  should  marry 
was  to  be  punished  as  a  fornicator  (c.  44).  In 
the  West,  in  the  first  part  of  the  8th  century, 
Gregory  the  2nd,  A.D.  714-750,  in  his  letter  to 
Bishop  Bonifiux),  going  further  than  any  of  his 
predecessors,  would  not  allow  those  who  as  chil- 
dren have  been  shut  up  by  their  parents  in 
monasteries  after  puberty  to  leave  such  monas- 
teries and  marry  {Sp,  13,  c.  7).  The  marriage 
of  monks  was  again  condemned  bv  Pope  Zacharias, 
A.D.  741-51,  in  his  7th  letter,  addressed  to  Pepin 
as  mayor  of  the  palace  (c  26).  About  the  same 
period  the  canons  '*  de  remediis  pecoatorum  "  of 
Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  plaae  the  monk  on 
the  same  footing  as  to  marriage  with  the  priest 
or  deacon ;  requiring  one  of  such  who  takes  a 
wife  to  be  *' deposed"  in  oonscientid populij"  i.e. 
apparently,  with  the  full  knowledge  of  the  people 
(c  7).  It  may  be  added  that  the  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople in  814  in  like  manner  excommuni- 
cated a  moi^k  who  should  marry,  and  required 
him  against  his  will  to  be  clothed  in  the  monastic 
robe  and  shut  up  in  the  monastery  (c  35).  All 
such  prohibitions  indeed  bear  fitness  to  the 
existence  of  the  practices  which  they  denounce ; 
and  indeed  a  letter  of  Pope  Hadrian  II.  (a.d. 
772-95)  to  Charlemagne  contains  a  complaint 
against  the  marriage  of  monks — apparently  in 
Lombardy— and  asks  the  emperor  to  punish 
them. 

It  is  somewhat  difficult  for  a  long  time  to 
distinguish  in  reference  to  this  subject,  so  fiu*  as 
women  are  concerned,  the  woman  under  vow  of 
virginity  or  celibacy  (as  to  whom  see  Devota), 
and  the  nun  (see  heading  Nun).  In  France,  a 
general  constitution  uf  King  Clothar  I.  a.d.  560, 


OONTBAOT  OF  MARRIAGE 

forbids  (c  8)  all  persons  to  marry  **  sanctim*- 
niales."  Another  of  King  Clothar  II.,  a.i>.  614, 
forbids  any  even  ''by  our  precept"  to  marry 
religious  girls  and  widows,  or  nuns  who  have 
vowed  themselves  to  God,  as  well  those  who 
dwell  in  their  own  houses  as  those  who  are 
placed  in  monasteries.  That  such  marriages 
however  occurred  in  Italy  still,  is  apparent 
from  a  letter  of  Pope  Gregory  I.  the  Gre«t 
(A.D.  590-603)  to  Bishop  Jannarius  (bk.  iii.  ep. 
24).  Distinguishing  between  *'  veiled  virgins  " 
and  nuns,  he  says  that  as  respects  women  who 
have  gone  from  monasteries  to  lay  life  and  mar- 
ried, ''Those  who  have  exceeded  against  such 
women "  (u «.  their  husbands),  "  and  are  now 
suspended  from  communion,  if  penitent,  may  b« 
readmitted."  It  is  difficult  in  many  instances  to 
define  how  &r  the  meaning  of  the  terms  "  sacrae  " 
or  "sacratae  virgines"  is  to  be  extended  or 
restricted.  By  the  8th  century,  indeed,  the 
church-virgin  and  the  private  devota  seem  for 
all  practical  purposes  to  have  merged  in  the  nun. 
Indeed  the  Excerpta  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of 
York,  treat  a  private  vow  of  celibacy  by  man  or 
woman  as  "  foolish  and  impossible,"  and  its  breach 
by  marriage  as  only  to  be  punished  by  three 
winters'  fasting  (bk.  ii.  c.  19).  The  1st  Council 
of  Rome  in  721,  "  against  illicit  marriages," 
expressly  anathematises  one  who  marries  "  mo- 
nacham  quam  Dei  ancillam  appellamus  **  (c.  3). 
The  before-quoted  Excerpta  of  Egbert  con- 
tain the  like  anathema,  using  the  expression 
"  monialem,  quae  Dei  sponsa  vocatur "  (bk.  ii. 
c.  18);  the  parties  are  to  be  separated,  and 
condemned  to  perpetual  penance.  Among  the 
"  answers "  of  Pope  Stephen  II.  from  Bierzy  to 
"  various  consultations '  (A.D.  754)  is  one,  that 
it  is  "not  lawful  for  a  virgin  who  has  conse- 
crated herself  to  God,  likewise  for  a  monk,  to 
marry : "  either  is  to  be  excommunicated ;  but  the 
bishop  "  may  shew  humanity  and  mercy  "  (c  7). 
The  Synod  of  Metz,  in  753,  includes  marriages 
with  a  woman  consecrated  to  God  among  incests 
(o.  1);  as  does  also  the  Council  of  C^chuyth 
(t.0.  Chelsea),  A.D.  787^  using  the  term  "sancti- 
monialis"  (c.  15).  See  also  similar  prohibitions 
against  the  marriage  of  nuns  by  the  Bavarian 
Council  of  Dingelfind,  A.D.  772  (c  4);  and  by 
the  Council  of  Friuli,  A.D.  791  (c.  11^  whi<& 
requires  girls  and  widows  who  have  vowed  vir- 
ginity or  continence,  and  have  been  "emanci- 
pated to  God,"  if  afterwards  they  marry,  to  be 
subjected  ''bv  secular  judgment  to  fit  bodily 
chastisement "  before  undergoing  their  spiritual 
punishment. 

The  prohibition  against  the  marriage  of  monks 
and  religious  women  by  degrees  found  its  way 
into  the  civil  law  of  several  of  the  barbarian 
kingdoms  besides  France.  Among  the  laws  oi 
King  Luitprand  of  Lombardy,  A.D.  721,  or  later, 
we  find  one  of  this  kind  as  to  women,  in  which 
their  position  when  they  have  assumed  the  reli- 
gious habit  is  assimilated  to  that  of  girls  be- 
trothed under  the  civil  law,  whose  marriage 
entails  a  penalty  of  500  aoUdi  (bk.  v.  c.  1>  In 
the  Wisigothic  code,  a  law  of  Recarede  inflicts 
"  on  incestuous  marriages  and  adulteries,  or  on 
sacred  virgins  and  widows  and  penitents,  defiled 
with  lay  vesture  or  marriage "  the  penalties  of 
exile,  separation,  and  forfeiture  of  property  (bk. 
iii.  t.  V.  c.  2). 

By  the  time  of  the  Carlovingians,  the  civil  and 


CONTRACT  OP  MABRIAGB 


CONTRACT  OF  MARRIAGE      457 


•cdcsiastical  law  almost  wholly  coalesce.  King 
Pepin's  capitulary  of  Soissons  in  744  fbrbids  mar- 
riage with  holy  women  together  with  incestuous  ^ 
marriages  and  bigamy  (c  9).  In  the  6th  book 
of  the  Capitularies  we  find  one  (c.  411)  almost  in 
the  same  terms  with  the  law  of  Recarede  aboye 
quoted,  declaring  that  marriage  with  a  virgin  de- 
voted to  God,  a  person  under  the  religious  habit, 
or  professing  the  continence  of  widowhood,  is  not 
a  true  marriage,  and  requiring  the  parties  to 
be  separated  by  either  the  priest  or  Uie  judge, 
without  even  any  accusation  being  lodged  with 
him,  the  penalty  being  still  perpetual  exile. 
(Oomp.  also  Capit.  414,  424,  bk.  vii.  c.  338.) 
In  the  East,  on  the  contrary,  about  the  end  of 
the  8th  century,  it  is  noted  as  one  of  the  features 
of  Constantino  Copronymus'  tyranny,  that  he 
compelled  monks  to  marry. 

We  shall  now  deal,  though  we  do  not  propose 
to  do  so  at  full  length  in  this  place,  with  the 
contract  of  marriage  as  respects  the  clergy  pro- 
perly so  called.  It  need  hardly  be  obserred  that, 
so  &r  as  such  contract  might  be  recognized  as 
Talid,  all  the  restraints  upon  it  in  the  case  of 
laymen  would  apply  also  to  clerics.  Sometimes 
indeed  these  had  to  be  specifically  enacted.  Thus 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451,  provided  that 
BO  cleric  should  take  a  heretic,  Jew,  or  pagan,  to 
wife,  unless  he  should  promise  to  convert  her, 
under  pain  of  canonical  punishment  (c.  14).  But 
the  Church  had  also  restraints  of  its  own  in  the 
latter  instance.  We  have  said  that,  as  respects 
the  clergy,  the  practice  of  the  Church  in  respect 
to  marriage  was  mainly  founded  on  the  Jewish 
law.  The  marriage  of  priests  was  by  the  Penta- 
teuch surrounded  with  peculiar  restrictions.  The 
priest  was  not  to  marry  a  harlot  or  **  profane  " 
woman,  or  one  divorced,  or  a  widow,  but  a  virgin 
only  (Lev.  xxi.  7, 13, 14).  [According  to  Selden, 
indeed,  the  prohibition  to  iSke  a  widow  or  person 
who  had  lost  her  virginity  only  applied  to  the 
high-priest ;  but  he  was  also  held  debarred  from 
marriage  with  proselytes  or  freed  women ;  Uxor 
ff^raiooj  bk.  i.  c  7.]  The  Pastoral  Epistles,  in 
requiring  bishops  or  deacons  to  be  **  husbands  of 
one  wife"  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12;  Tit.  i.  6),  instead 
of  being  considered  as  substituting  a  new  rule 
for  existing  Jewish  prescriptions,  seem  only  to 
have  been  viewed  as  adding  to  these  a  further 
one  against  Dioamt.  What  will  have  to  be  said 
on  this  latter  head  need  not  here  be  anticipated. 
As  a  rule,  however,  we  may  say  that  wherever  it 
is  laid  down  that  the  bishop  or  deacon  shall  be 
the  husband  of  one  wife,  it  is  also  provided  that 
such  wife  shall  answer  to  the  Levitical  prescrip- 
tions. K  g.  The  ApodoHcal  ConsHtutions,  bk.  ii. 
c  2,  require  the  bishop  not  only  to  be  the  hus- 
band of  one  woman  once  married,  but  to  have, 
or  to  have  had,  a  '*  respectable  (fft/uf^y)  and 
faithful  wife;"  in  the  6th  bk.  c.  17  (a  later 
constitution),  both  requires  all  the  clergy  to  be 
monogamists,  and  forbids  them  all  to  marry 
either  a  harlot  (the  term  seems  rather  too  strong 
as  a  translation  of  the  Qrwk  iralpa,  albeit  ren- 
dered meretrix  in  the  Latin  versions),  a  slave,  a 
widow,  or  a  divorced  woman,  '*  as  the  law  also 
saith  f*  although  the  Pentateuch  does  not  forbid 
the  priest's  marriage  with  a  slave,  and  the  re- 
striction is  one  evidently  borrowed  from  the 
Roman  law.  Lastly,  the  Apostolical  Canons  ex- 
clude from  admission  to  the  clergy  those  who 
have  married  ^  a  widow,  or  divorced  person,  or 


M 


harlot,  or  slave,  or  one  of  those  on  the  stage 
(c  14,  otherwise  reckoned  17  or  18);  this  last 
restriction  being  also  adopted  from  the  Roman 
law,  as  has  been  shewn  already. 

In  respect  of  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  indeed, 
the  restraint  which  occupies  most  space  in  the 
church  legislation  of  the  period  which  occupies 
us  is  that  on  digamous  or  quasi-digamous  mar- 
riages, which  will  be  considered  under  the  head  of 
DiOAMT.  Meanwhile  however  there  was  grow- 
ing up  a  feeling  against  all  marriage  of  the  clergy 
whilst  in  orders,  tending  to  their  absolute  celi- 
bacy, the  history  of  which  has  been  treated  of 
under  that  head.  [See  Celibacy.]  The  notices 
which  occur  of  other  restraints  upon  clerical  mar- 
riages are  comparatively  few  and  unimportant. 

The  **  Sanctions  and  Decrees "  attributed  to 
the  Nicene  fathers — which,  though  extant  in 
Latin,  seem  evidently  to  embody  Greek  practice, 
though  no  doubt  of  a  much  later  date  than  the 
one  ascribed  to  them — require,  with  something 
of  a  plethora  of  words,  the  priest  not  to  be 
one  who  has  married  a  slave-girl,  an  adulteress 
or  immodest  woman  (c  14).  The  Council  of 
Tarragona,  a.d.  516,  requires  readers  and  ostiarii 
who  wish  to  marry  or  live  with  adulterous  women 
either  to  withdraw  or  to  be  held  excluded  from 
the  clergy  (c.  9).  A  letter  of  Gregory  the  Great 
(a.d.  590-603)  to  John,  bishop  of  Palermo,  implies 
the  invalidity  of  a  deacon's  marriage  with  a  woman 
who  did  not  come  to  him  a  virgin  fbk.  xi.  ep.  62). 
An  alleged  canon  of  the  same  Pope  forbids  the  or- 
dination, amongst  others,  of  one  who  had  married 
a  harlot  (c.  4).  Yet  the  4th  Council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  633,  seems  to  imply  that  such  marriages 
might  be  legalized  by  episcopal  permission,  since 
it  exconmiunicates  those  clerks  who,  **  without 
consulting  their  bishop,  have  married  a  widow, 
a  divorc^  woman,  or  a  harlot "  (c.  44).  And 
an  '*  allocution  of  the  priests  to  the  people  on 
unlawful  marriages,"  appended  to  the  records  of 
the  Council  of  Leptines  in  743,  provides  that  a 
future  priest  is  not  to  marry  a  divorced  woman, 
harlot,  or  widow. 

To  pass  now  from  the  ecclesiastical  to  the 
civil  law,  it  must  be  observed  that  by  the  time 
of  Justinian  the  Roman  law  professes  only  to 
follow  the  "  sacred  canons  "  as  respects  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy,  and  gives  force  of  law  to  the 
prohibitions  contained  in  them.  The  children  of 
clerics  by  women  ^*to  whom  they  cannot  be 
united  according  to  sacerdotal  censures  '*  are  de- 
clared incapable  of  inheriting  or  receiving  dona- 
tions from  their  fathers  (fiode,  bk.  i.  7,  iii.  1.  45 ; 
A.D.  530).  The  6th  novel  requires  the  bishop  to 
be  either  a  chaste  unmarried  man,  or  the  hus- 
band of  a  woman  who  came  to  him  a  virgin, 
**  not  a  widow,  nor  divorced,  nor  a  concubine  " 
(the  last  term  apparently  corresponding  to  the 
Iraipa  of  the  Apost.  Constitutions,  and  indi- 
cating a  milder  interpretation  than  that  of  the 
Latin  translators) ;  but  requires  the  bishop  not  to 
live  with  his  wife,  and  without  inquiring  into  the 
position  of  those  who  have  been  already  long 
married,  forbids  in  future  the  episcopal  ordi- 
nation of  married  men.  Taken  in  conjunction 
with  this  enactment,  the  123rd  novel  may  be 
considered  as  finally  establishing  as  a  rule  of 
civil  law  that  principle  of  episcopal  celibacy, 
which  rtill  obtains  in  the  Greek  cnurch.  The 
same  rules  are  substantially  applied  to  the  rest 
of  the  clergy  (c.  v.).    The  123rd  Novel  forbids 


458      GOKTRAOT  OF  MABBIAGB 


OOPK 


the  ordaining  of  a  biahop  who  either  does  not 
live  chastely,  or  has  not  had  a  '*  wife,  hia  only 
and  first,  neither  a  widow,  nor  diroroed  from  her 
husband,  nor  otherwise  forbidden  by  the  laws  or 
the  sacred  canons  '*  (c  i.).  Other  derics  may  be 
ordained  having  a  legitimate  wife  of  the  same 
description  (c.  xiii.).  And  the  reader  contracting 
a  second  marriage,  or  marrying  any  other  than 
such  a  wife  as  above  described,  was  not  to  rise  to 
any  higher  office  (c.  xiv.).  It  hardly  appears, 
however,  that  up  to  this  period  the  contract  of 
marriage  itself  was  made  void  if  entered  into 
against  the  prohibitions  of  the  law  ;  unless  the 
declaring  their  children  bastards  (apurit)  may  be 
talcen  to  imply  this  (Code,  bk.  i.  7 ;  iii.  1.  45). 
Among  the  barbarian  codes,  the  only  one  which 
appeal's  to  prohibit  clerical  marriage  is  that  of 
the  Wisigoths,  drawn  up  under  clerical  influence, 
A  law  of  Recarede  forbids  the  marriage  or  adul- 
tery of  a  priest,  deacon,  or  sub-deacon,  with  a 
*'  widow  vowed  to  Ood,  a  penitent,  or  any  secular 
virgin  or  woman,"  under  pain  of  separation  and 
punishment  according  to  the  canon,  the  woman 
to  receive  100  lashes  (blc  ii.  7 ;  iv.  c  18).  Nor 
is  it  amiss  to  remark  that  in  spite  of  various 
attempts  by  councils  to  enforce  the  absolute 
celibacy  of  the  clergy,  the  validity  of  clerical 
marriage  is  recognized  by  the  civil  law  under 
Charlemagne  himself.  In  a  capitulary,  **De 
regulis  clerioorum"  (bk.  vii.  c  652),  it  is 
enacted  that  clerics  **  should  also  endeavour  to 
preserve  perpetually  the  chastity  of  an  unpolluted 
body,  or  certainly  to  be  united  in  the  bond  of  a 
single  marriage." 

IL  We  have  now  to  say  a  few  words  on  the 
subject  of  the  contract  of  marriage  in  the  sense 
in  which  the  expression  is  still  used  in  France 
(**  contrat  de  mariage  "  =  marriage  settlement)^ 
of  the  written  evidence  of  the  contract  itself  as 
between  the  parties. 

The  marriage  contract  among  the  Romans  was 
habitually  certified  in  writing  on  waxen  tablets, 
termed  nuptiales  tabulaey  which,  however,  might 
also  be  used  after  marriage ;  e.  g,,  on  the  birth 
of  a  child.  The  tabulue  were  signed  both  by  the 
parties  and  by  witnesses  (Tac.  Ann,  bk.  xi.  c.  27 ; 
Juv.  S<d.  ii.  V.  119;  ix.  w.  75,  76)^  '^'^  ^^^ 
breaking  of  them  was  held  to  be  at  least  a 
symbol  of  the  dissolution  of  marriage,  if  it  had 
not  the  actual  efiect  of  dissolving  it ;  see  Tacitus 
as  to  the  bigamous  marriage  between  Messalina 
and  Silius  \Ann,  bk.  xi.  c  30 ;  and  Juv.  u.  «.). 
Under  the  Code  however,  by  a  constitution  of 
the  Emperor  Probus,  the  drawing  up  of  such 
tabulae  was  enacted  not  to  be  necessary  to  estab- 
lish the  validitv  of  the  marriage,  or  the  father's 
potestas  over  his  offspring  (bk.  v.  t.  iv.  L  9). 
They  were  perhaps  not  necessarily,  though 
usually,  identical  with  the  **  dotal  tablets " 
(taf/tUae  dotales)y  "dotal  instruments"  (instru^ 
menta  dotalid)^  or  ** dotal  documents"  (doctt' 
menta  dotalia\  specifically  so-called  (the  expres- 
sions nuptitlia  instrumenta,  dotalia  instrumental 
seem  to  be  used  quite  synonymously  in  the  70th 
Novel),  but  must  have  been  comprised  with  them 
at  least  under  the  general  terms  inttrumenta  or 
docwnenta;  as  to  which  it  is  provided,  by  a 
constitution  of  Diocletian  and  Mazimin  (Cocb, 
bk.  V.  7 ;  iv.  7,  iv.  L  13),  that  where  there  is  no 
marriage,  "instruments"  made  to  prove  mar- 
riage are  invalid,  but  that  where  there  are  none, 
a  marriage  lawfiiUy  contracted  is  not  void ;  nor 


eould  the  want  of  signature  to  such  by  tlM 
father  invalidate  his  consent  (ib.  1.  2;  law  of 
Sevenu  and  Antonine).  Nuptial  instnunenta 
were  by  Justinian  made  necessary  in  the  case  of 
the  marriage  of  scenioae  or  stage-players  (1.  29). 
Under  the  74th  novel,  indeed,  all  persons  exer- 
cising honourable  offices,  businesses  and  pro- 
fessions, short  of  the  highest  functions  in  the 
state,  were  required,  if  Uiey  wished  to  marry 
without  nuptial  instruments,  to  appear  in  some 
"house  of  prayer  and  declare  their  intentiou 
before  the  dtfentor  EcGleekte^**  who  in  the  pre- 
sence of  three  or  four  of  the  clerks  of  the  church 
was  to  draw  up  an  attestation  of  the  marriage, 
with  names  and  dates,  and  this  was  then  to  be 
subscribed  by  the  parties,  the  defeMor  EceMae 
and  the  three  others,  or  as  many  more  as  the 
parties  wished,  and  if  not  required  by  them,  to 
be  laid  up,  so  signed,  by  the  defenwr  in  the 
archives  of  the  church,  t. «.  where  the  holy 
vases  were  kept;  and  without  this  the  parties 
were  not  held  to  have  come  together  nuptiaU 
affectu.  But  this  was  only  necessary  where 
^ere  was  no  document  fixing  a  doe  or  ante- 
nuptial donation ;  nor  was  it  required  as  to  agri- 
culturists, persons  of  mean  condition,  or  common 
soldiers.  It  will  be  obvious  that  we  have  in  the 
above  the  original  of  our  marriage  certificates. 
(See  further  Arrhab,  Ma&riaos.)    [J.  H.  L.] 

GONYERSI.  One  of  the  many  designations 
of  monks.  Just  as,  through  a  popular  feeling  of 
reverence  for  asceticism,  the  word  "religio" 
came  in  the  Srd  and  4th  centuries  to  mean  not 
Christianity  but  the  life  monastic,  so  **  oonversi,' 
though  applied  also  to  those  who  embraced 
Christianity,  or  who  took  upon  themselves  any 
especial  obligations,  as  of  celibacy  or  of  ordination 
(Du  Gauge,  s.  v.),  was  ordinarily  restricted  to 
monks  (Bened.  JReg,  c.  1 ;  Fructuosi  Meg.  c.  13 , 
Greg.  M.  Dial,  ii.  18;  Salv.  SccL  Cathd,  iv.; 
Isidore  De  Conversis,  cf.  Bened.  Anian.  Cone.  Reg, 
iii.).  But  the  "conversi"  were  properly  those 
who  became  monks  as  adults,  not  those  who  were 
trained  in  a  monastery  from  their  tender  years 
{Cone,  Awrel.  i.  c.  2).  About  the  11th  century, 
according  to  Mabillon,  "  oonversi "  came  to  mean 
the  lay  brothers,  the  "  oblati "  or  "  donati,"  the 
"fr^res  convers,"  who  f^om  piety  or  for  gain, 
or,  probably,  most  often  from  mixed  motives, 
attached  themselves  to  monasteries,  as  "associ- 
ates" (to  use  a  modem  phrase)  and  attended  to 
the  business  of  the  monastery  outside  its  wail. 
(Mab.  Ann.  iii.  8 ;  Martene  ad  S.  Bened.  Reg.  c. 
3 ;  Mab.  Act,  88,  6L  8,  B,  Saec.  III.  i.  21>  The 
"Conversi  Barbati"  are  classed  with  monks 
rather  than  with  the  laity  (Petr.  Yen.  Staiut, 
24).  p.  G.  S.] 

GOPE.  {Cappa  or  Capa ;  Fr.  Chape,)  From 
being  used  as  an  out-door  dress  for  defence 
against  rain,  the  cope  was  also  called  Phtviaiet 
whence  It.  Piviale ;  and  from  the  cowl  or  hood 
with  which  it  was  ftimished  it  was  known  as 
Cuculla,  Such,  probably,  was  the  "  cucuUa  vU- 
losa "  spoken  of  by  St.  Benedict  in  hb  Regula 
(Migne,  Patrol,  Ixvi.  777).  "  Vestimente  fratri- 
bus  secundum  locorum  qualitatem  .  .  .  dentur. 
Mediocribus  locis  sufficere  credimus  monachis 
per  singulos  cucullam  et  tunicam ;  cucullam  in 
hieme  villosam,  in  aestate  puram  aut  vetustam, 
et  scapulare  propter  opera  .  .  .  Sufficit  monache 
duas  tunicas  et  duas  cucuilas  habere,  propter 


COPIATAE 

ooctc*  ot  propter  lamre  IpcaiT  res.**  So  Smangdas  | 
(t820)  saTB  expressly  in  his  CommenUury  on  the 
Begula  or  St.  Ben^ict,  apnd  Migne,  Patrol, 
cii.  **Caealhim  dicit  ille  qnod  nos  modo  di- 
cimns  cappam."  And  to  the  same  efTect  Theo- 
demams,  writing  from  Italy  to  Charlemi^e, 
and  speaking  of  the  dress  worn  hy  the  monks  of 
Monte  Cassino  (Ducange,  in  voc.  Capa):  ^lUnd 
indamentum,  qnod  a  Gallis  monachis  cncnlla 
dicitnr,  nos  capam  vocamns."  Like  other  gar- 
ments originally  designed  for  practical  use  rather 
than  for  ornament,  the  copes  worn  on  occasions 
of  state  or  by  the  higher  clergy  received  greater 
enrichments  firom  time  to  time,  whether  in  re- 
gard of  the  materials  or  of  accessory  ornaments, 
particularly  the  *'  morse,"  or  clasp  hy  which  they 
were  fastened  in  front.  From  what  we  know  to 
hare  been  the  shape  of  the  cope  in  all  later  times 
we  may  infer  that  in  the  earlier  period,  np  to 
800  A.D.,  with  which  we  are  here  primarily 
concerned,  the  cappa  was  shaped  like  a  modern 
cloak,  open  in  front,  and  attached  only  at  the 
neck.  For  fnll  details  concerning  the  later  copes 
of  ecclesiastical  use,  see  Bock,  Lit.  Oew,  \L  287  ; 
Rock,  Church  of  cur  Fathers,  ii.  23;  Marriott, 
Vestiarium  Christian'tm,  p.  224;  Pugln,  Glossary^ 
in  Toc  [W.  B.  M.] 

GOPIATAE.  The  name  given  by  Constantino 
in  the  Theodosian  Code,  to  certain  Church  officers 
whose  business  it  was  to  take  care  of  funerals 
and  provide  for  the  decent  interment  of  the 
dead.  The  etymology  of  the  name  is  doubtful 
— Gothofred  derives  it  from  KowSiieiv  to  rest — 
others  from  icoirrrbr,  mourning:  more  gene- 
rally, it  is  referred  to  iri^os,  labour:  whence 
they  have  sometimes  been  called  hborantea. 
Another  name  for  them  is  fo8BARII,  or  grave- 
diggers —  and  in  Justinian's  novels,  they  are 
mentioned  as  kcticarii — as  carrying  the  corpse 
or  bier  at  funerals.  They  are  reckoned  in  the 
Theodosian  Code  among  the  inferior  clerical 
orders,  e^,  lib.  13.  tit.  1.  de  Lustrali  CoUat. 
Leg.  I,  *' Clericos  excipi  tantum,  qui  Copiatae 
appellantur,"  &c. 

The  foundation  of  this  Order  is  attributed  to 
Constantinc,  before  whose  time  the  care  of  in- 
terring the  dead  was  only  a  charitable  office,  for 
which  every  Christian  made  himself  responsible 
as  occasion  required.  The  order  of  Copiatae,  as 
first  constituted  by  the  emperor  for  this  service 
in  the  city  of  Constantinople  amounted  to  1100 
men.  and  from  thb  example  they  probably  took 
their  rise  in  other  populous  cities.  In  Constan- 
tinople, however,  they  formed  a  collegium,  with 
certain  privileges  and  exemptions,  which  may 
not  have  been  extended  to  the  order  in  the  less 
important  Churches. 

The  office  of  the  Copiatae  was  to  take  the 
whole  care  of  funerals  upon  themselves,  and  to 
see  that  all  persons  had  a  decent  and  honourable 
interment.  Especially  they  were  obliged  to  per- 
form this  last  office  to  the  poorer  sort,  without 
charge  to  their  relations.  At  Constantinople 
certain  lands  were  &et  apart  for  their  mainte- 
nance ;  but  in  other  Churches  it  is  more  probable 
that  they  were  supported  partly  out  of  the  com- 
mon funds  of  the  Church,  and  partly  by  their 
own  labour  and  traffic,  which  for  their  encou- 
ragement were  generally  exempted  from  paying 
custom  or  tribute  (Bingham,  B.  iii.  c.  8 ;  Kiddle ; 
^lartigny).  [a  B.] 


OOHONA 


459 


OOQUTTB,  in  the  monastery.     [HsiiDoaia' 

DARIUS.] 

GOBBONA  EOGLESDIE.    [Aucs.] 

OOBDOVA,  COUNCIL  OF,  a.d.  348,  under 
Hosius,  to  accept  the  determinations  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sordica  (Labb.  Cone,  ii.  98).      [A.  W.  H.] 

COBN,  ALLOWANCE  OF.  This  particu- 
lar provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy 
deserves  a  special  notice,  from  its  connection 
with  the  early  stages  of  the  recognition  of  Chris- 
tianity by  the  empire.  ConslRmtine,  in  his  zeal 
for  his  new  creed,  ordered  the  magistrates  of  each 
province  to  supply  an  annual  allowance  of  corn 
(fr4<ria  ainipiaiaX  not  only  to  the  clergy,  but 
to  the  widows  and  virgins  of  the  Church  (Theo- 
doret,  i.  11).  When  Julian  succeeded,  he  trans- 
ferred the  grant  to  the  ministers  of  the  heathen 
cultus  which  he  revived  (Sozom.  v.  5 ;  Philostorg. 
vii.  4).  Jovian  restored  it,  but  on  the  lower 
scale  of  one-third  of  the  amount  fixed  under 
Constantino.  The  payment  continued,  and  was 
declared  permanent  by  Justinian  (Cod,  i.  tit.  ii. 
de  SS,  Ecdes,).  [E.  H.  P.] 

COBN,  EABS  OF.  Com  is  not  so  often 
used  in  early  Christian  art  as  might  be  sup- 
posed. [LOAVBB.]  The  thoughts  of  early  ico- 
nographers  seem  to  have  gone  always  to  the 
Bnad  of  Life  with  sacramental  allusion,  as 
Bottari,  tav.  clxiii.  vol.  iii.  et  alibi.  In  Bottari, 
vol.  i.  tar.  xlviii.,  the  com  and  reaper  are  re- 
presented in  a  compartment  of  a  vault  in  the 
cemetery  of  Pontian us.  Again,  in  vol.  ii.  tav.  Iv., 
the  harvest  com  is  opposed  to  the  vine  and 
cornucopia  of  fruit  (Callixtine  catacomb). 

The  more  evidently  religions  use  of  the  ears 
of  com  is  in  various  representations  of  the  Fall 
of  Man.  On  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus 
(supp.  A.D.  358),  Bottari,  vol.  i.  tav.  xv.  9,  Adam 
and  Eve  are  carved ;  the  former  bearing  the 
com,  in  token  of  his  labour  on  the  esrth,  and  the 
latter  a  lamb,  indicating  woman*s  work,  spinning. 
The  connection  of  this  with  Jack  Cade's  proverbial 
line,  **  When  Adam  delved  and  Eve  span,"  seems 
probable.  See  again  vol.  ii.  tav.  Ixxxix.  Mar- 
tigny  gives  a  copy  (s.  v.  **  Dieu,")  of  a  bas-relief 
in  Bottari,  voL  iii.  tav.  xxxrii.,  from  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Agnes,  where  two  human  forms,  apparently 
both  male,  are  standing  before  a  sitting  figure, 
whom  Martigny  supposes  to  represent  the  First 
Person  of  the  Trinity.  It  may  represent  the 
offering  of  Cain  and  Abel;  at  all  events  the 
corn-ears  and  lamb  are  either  being  received  or 
presented  by  the  standing  figures.  See  also 
Bottari,  taw.  Ixxxiv.  Ixxxvii.  Ixxxix.  As  these 
figures  are  of  no  more  than  mature  (sometimes 
of  youthful)  appearance,  the  Second  Person  may 
be  supposed  to  be  intended  by  them. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

COBNELIUS.  (1)  The  centurion,  bishop  of 
Caesarea,  is  commemorated  Feb.  2  {Mart.  Menu 
Vet.,  Usuardi) ;  Dec.  10  (Col,  ArmenJ), 

(2)  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Decius,  Sept. 
14  (Mart.  Bedae,  Rom.  Vet.^  Usuaidi).         [C] 

COBNU.    [Altar.] 

COBONA,  martyr  in  Syria,  with  Victor, 
under  Antoninus,  May  14  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Bedac, 
Eonu  Vet,,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CORONA.    [TossuRB.] 


460 


CORONA  LUCIS 


OOBONA  LUCIS 


COBONA  LUCIS.  A  lamp  or  chandelier. 
In  the  early  ages  of  Christianity  it  was  bj  no 
means  unusaal  for  sovereigns  and  other  royal 
personages,  following  an  instinct  of  natural  piety 
of  which  we  have  examples  in  prae  Christian 
times  (cf.  Pliny,  Hist,  Nat,  xri.  c.  4)  to  dedicate 
their  crowns  to  the  use  of  the  Church.  The 
gifts  thus  devoted  were  known  as  Donarioy  and 
were  suspended  by  chains  attached  to  their 
upper  rim,  above  an  altar  or  shrine,  or  in  some 
conspicuous  part  of  the  church.  Other  chains 
were  attached  to  the  lower  rim,  supporting  a 
lamp,  from  which'  usually  depended  a  jewelled 
cross.  The  crowned  cross  thus  suspended  above 
the  altar  was  felt  to  be  an  appropriate  symbol  of 
the  triumphs  of  Christianity,  and  its  use  became 
almost  universal.  We  have  several  allusions  to 
it  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paulinns  of  Nola  in  the 
fifth  century,  e.^. 

**  Gmoem  corona  luddo  dngit  globo." 

JE*p.  83  od  AMnim. 
**  Parva  corona  sabeet  varlis  drcamdata  gemmls, 
Haec  qaoque  crux  Dooiini  tanqnam  diademate  dncta 
Emicat"  Nat.  zi.  v.  679  sq. 

•*  Id  cruoe  oonsertam  soda  oompage  coronam." 

lb,  v.  692. 

Beda  {de  Locis  Sanctis,  cap.  2)  in  his  description  of 
Calvary,  specifies  a  large  silver  cross  hanging 
nbove  the  Holy  Grave,  with  a  brass  circlet  and 
lamps  **  aenea  rota  cum  lampadibus"  attached  to 
it.  In  this  manner  the  crowns  of  Theodelinda, 
qaeen  of  the  Lombards,  and  of  her  second  hus- 
band Agilalf,  at  the  beginning  of  the  7th 
century,  were  dedicated  to  St.  John  the  Baptist 
in  the  cathedral  of  Monza,  as  stated  in  the  in- 
scription borne  by  the  latter  before  its  destruc- 
tion, and  there  is  little  reasonable  doubt  that  the 
celebrated  iron  crown  of  Lombardy,  preserved  in 
the  same  cathedral,  was  at  one  time  employed 
for  the  same  purpose  (Frisi,  3/einor,  delta  Chiesa 
Montese,  Dissert,  ii.  p.  67 ;  Pacciaudi,  de  Cult, 
Joatm,  Bapt,  Dissert,  vi.  cap.  10,  p.  266).  At  a 
much  earlier  period,  according  to  Constantino 
Porphyrogenitus  and  Nicetas,  Constantine  the 
Great  had  dedicated  his  crown  to  the  service  of 
the  Church.  In  the  time  of  these  writers,  a 
crown  of  remarkable  beauty  ^*  prae  caeteris  et 
operis  elegantii,  et  lapillorum  pretio  conspicua  " 
(Dacange,  Constantinop,  Christ,  iii.  §  43),  hang- 
ing with  others  above  the  Holy  Table,  was  pointed 
out  as  having  been  offered  to  God  by  the  first 
Christian  emperor.*  With  one  of  these  votive 
crowns,  the  lamp  and  chains  being  removed,  in 
the  time  of  Const.  Porphyr.,  the  new  emperor  of 
the  East  received  his  inauguration  (Ducange, 
ConstarU.  Christ,  u,  s.).  According  to  the  not 
very  trustworthy  catalogue  preserved  in  Anasta- 
sius  (6*.  Silvest.  xxxiv.  §  36)  the  Lateran  basilica 
and  that  of  St.  Peter's  were  also  enriched  by 
Constantine  with  large  chandeliers  of  pure  gold. 
Clovis  also,  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Remigius 
early  in  the  6th  century,  sent  to  St.  Peter's 
**coronam  auream  cum  gemmis,  quae  Regnum 
appellari  solet"  (Hincmar,  Vit,  S,  Jtemig,; 
Anastas.  S.  Bormiad,  liv.  §  85).  The  very  re- 
markable series  of  crowns  discovered  near  Toledo 
(see  below.  Crowns)  were,  as  the  inscriptions 
borne  by  some  of  them  testify,  a  solemn  offering 


•  Tradition  venttuvd  to  assert  tliat  he  had  received  it 
by  the  hands  of  an  angel  ss  a  preseut  from  Heaven. 


to  some  Spanish  church,  at  the  hands  of  the  king 
and  queen  and  royal  family.  No  lamps  were 
attached  to  them  when  they  were  discovered, 
but  these  appendages,  as  encumbrances  of  sm&il 
value,  may  have  been  removed  when  the  regalia 
were  buried  to  conceal  them  from  the  Saracen 
spoiler. 

This  custom  for  sovereigns  to  dedicate  their 
actual  crowns  to  the  Church's  use  led  to  the  con- 
struction   of    imitative 
crowns,  formed  for  vo- 
tive purposes  alone.    Of 
this  usage  we  find  re- 
peated   notices    in   the 
Liber  Pontificalis,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Ana- 
tftasius   Bibliothecarius ; 
as  well    as   in   ancient 
chronicles     and     docu- 
ments. They  are  usually    o^^ 
described  as  having  been    B 
suspended  over  the  altar,  dMf^ 
and      very     frequently    "^ 

mention  is  made  of  PtawOa  oiown  twm  Om  *  vai- 
jewelled  crosses  append-    uouo,"  at  Ambroffa^  niUn. 

ed  to  them.  Small  votive 

crowns  of  this  nature  are  seen  suspended  over 
the  altar  in  several  ancient  representations. 
One  compartment  of  the  celebrated  palliotto  of 
the  church  of  Sant'  Ambrogio  of  Milan,  which 
depicts  the  trance  of  St.  Ambrose  in  which  he 
celebrated  mass  at  Tours,  represents  one  such 
jewelled  crown  hanging  over  the  altar  at  whidi 


4    V 


FttHOa  Orowu  from  BM-reliat  OMbadiml  of 

the  saint  is  officiating  (Ferrario,  Memorie  di 
Sanf  AnArog,).  A  bas-relief,  now  in  the  S.  tran- 
sept of  Monza  cathedral,  representing  a  corona- 
tion, exhibits  several  crowns  suspended  over  the 
altar.  Another  bas-relief  in  the  tvmpanum  of 
the  west  portal  of  the  same  cathedral,  on  which 


COBONA  LUOIS 

mn  eairti  ths  Tuiooa  gifts  of  TbMidsliniU  to 
tha  clrnrch,  ihtw  na  fonr  ctowu*,  thrM  iiu- 
peoded,  uid  the  fourth  balog  the  c«kbrat«d  lian 
eromi.  Muar  in  hii  Riirolexicon  reftn  to  > 
■Imilu'  repraicntiitioa  in  tha  church  of  Sod  Cle- 
ment* at  kouie,  to  the  left  of  tha  antnnca. 

Among  the  mowiic  decorationa  of  Suit'  Apolli- 
nare  Nuovo  at  BATenon,  ve  find  ahove  the 
upper  tier  of  windosi  ■  euccaHioD  of  picturca 
of  tha  conchi  of  apaee,  in  aoch  of  which  a  crown 
appears  hasging  hy  chaini  over  the  altar.  Theea 
■Qcpended  crovni  are  exactly  limilar  to  those 
bald  bf  the  female  eainta  u  Totlra  offerinp 
tb*  inoaala  IVieie  below. 


OOBONATI  QUATUOR 


"he  coDvenience  of  the  form  of  theae  donative 
mi  for  the  BDepeoiion  of  lamps  doahtiau  gave 
I  to  the  custom  of  constructing  large  chande- 
1  after  the  same  model.      In  these   pensile 


t   frequently  i: 


Irciea  of  this  nature 
P*atad!j  in  Anutasioe  aad  other  ancient  autho- 
rities. Bealdea  the  more  ordinary  name  ol 
oonmo,  the  primary  royal  origin  of  these  lami- 
naries  wa*  itidicat«l  by  the  deiignati-  "'■ 


which   i 


o  (c£    J 


ieo //"/■.  icTiiL  5  393, 
gemmiapretlDsiBs<mla;"i>D/F'.cv.g  540, "fecit 
. . .  regnum  ei  aura  purissimo  nnnm  pendens 
snper  attara  majns,  com  cateDulie  similiter 
Bureis,  sculptilem  habeas  in  in«U( 
ream  habentem  gemmae  qaatoordecim,  ei  qulbos 
^uiuqae  in  eadem  cmce  fiios,  et  alias  qua  ibidem 
pendent  no  rem  "). 

Many  of  theae  cDronu  mantioned  by  Anaslaiiu 
are    deacribed    as    having    been    adorned   with 
dolphiui  (Anaetas.  3.  Satater  xxxiv.  3  36,  " 
ronas  qaatuoc  cam  delphlnii  ;">&.§  ^S,  " 
ninam  auream  mm  delphinii  qQinqnaginta,"  ) 
43 ;  St.  Zachar.  xciii.  %  219 ;  St.  JiMoa,  icrli. 
{ 348 ;  &.  Lto,  ir.  cr.  S  531>    Others  were 
decorated  with  diminative  towors,  and  (as  we 
>ae  in  the  relief  in  the  transept  of  Uoau)  with 
fleuri-de-lu  (Oreg,  M.  Ep.  lib.  i.  ep.  66    "" 
ronas  cum  delpUnis   dao,    et   de  aliit 
lilios;"  Anaataa.  8t  Bilar.   iMii.  S  TO, 
rem  argenleam  mm  delphinis.'^    Leo,  cardinal 
ofOstUgln  hit  CAnmtcon  CoMwiuf  thus  di 
a  corona  executed  fbr  that  Iotw  of  art  the  abbot 
Desiderios :  "  He  had  a  pharus  made,  that  is 
illTer  crown  weighing  100  lbs.  and  20  spau  i 
droumferenc*.     On  It  were   12  towen.  and  S 
Umpa  hng  from  it."   Bells  wei 
suspended  from  the  lower  rim. 

Other  names  bj  which  liine  ehandeliera  were 
known  in  early  writers  are  Phartu,  Plianeaatka- 


461 

rut,   Spanoelvtbm  =  iwarmn^^irrir,    OaUatta 
and  Beta. 

le  name  Pharut,  though  sometimes,  as  •• 
seen,  oted  for  a  eororu,  waa  more  properly 
aoding  caadelabrum  supportiag  Umpa  or 
candlea,  which  from  their  number  of  spreading 
Ducange,  sometlmca 
called  nrfem.'trees.  Plrny,  Hist.  Sat.Vib.  iiiir. 
c  3,  speaks  of  "  lychnuchi-— arborum  modo  mala 
fereatium  Ineentea,"  and  Panlos  SilenUarioa 
'J>miripl.  S,  SopA,  part  2)  thus  deecribea  cas- 
lelabra  in  that  basilica — 

alr»  rip  H  mnunr  Vps^wu-  Vm> 


The  meet  magnilicent  example  of  an  ancient 
oonmi,  though  long  after  onr  date,  is  that  still 
to  be  seen  saspended  In  the  cathedral  at  Aii-la- 
Chapellfl,  over  the  crypt  in  which  the  body  of 
CharieMiagne  was  deposited.  This  corona  wat 
the  ofleri^  of  the  emperor  Frederick  Barbarcasa, 


iuAacA<n,  Leipzig,  Weigel,  1864).  Ihe  M^hngea 
<rArchfJogit  of  Cahiir  and  Mwtin,  Far.  ISS3, 
vol.  iiL  may  be  referred  to,  article  Cotu-ontitdt 
[taniirt,  for  repreMatatioDS  of  suspensory  crowns 
&om  US3.  and  painted  glass.  See  also  Ciampiui, 
Tol.  il.  c  ili.  p.  Sa  sq.  Uigne,  Encyalop^u  ThM. 
Dtctiomuan d Orf^TrtriijT.  Coiu-onnei.  Jasti  Fon- 
taaini  Dittertatio  dt  Cunaa  Fcma  (Rom.  1719, 
pp.  91-97).  Uacer,  SitroltxKon. 
COEONATI  DIES.  [FamvAL.] 
COaOHATl  QUATUOB(LBOESDiNi> 
Festival  or).  The  above  title  is  given  to  four 
maltyia,  Seleras,  Severianus,  Carpophorua,  and 
Tlctorinos,  who  suSered  martyrdom  at  Rome  in 
the  reign  of  Diocletian.  The  tndition  respecting 
them  is  to  the  effect  that  they  refuted  to  ucrllice 
to  idoU,  and  were  then  at  the  command  of  the 
emperor  beaten  to  death  before  the  statue  of 
Aesculapius  with  scourges  loaded  with  lead 
(ictibus  plnmbotarum).  The  bodiee  having  lain 
where  they  died  for  fice  days,  were  then  depo- 
sited by  pious  Christians  in  a  saadpit  on  the 
Via  Lavicana,  three  miles  from  the  city,  near 
the  bodies  of  five  who  had  suffered  mArtrrdom 
on  the  same  day  two  years  before,  Claudiua, 
Niooatratui,  Symphonianns,*  Castorius,  and  Sim- 
plicius.  See,  t.g.  the  Martyrology  of  Ado,  K»- 
vembar  8  C^olrot  ciiiii.  392),  who  givea  the 
legend  more  fully  than  others. 

It  la  stated  by  Anastaaius  Bibliolhecnrioa 
(  7ttas  /'iiiif>)Ecum,HonoriuB :  Patrol.  ciiviiL  6»9> 
that  Pope  Honorins  1.^  (oh.  638  .L.D.)  built  a 
church  in  Rome  in  their  honour  ("  eodem  tem- 


BTmpnoLv,  M 


ter,  tbe  OaaMl  Qustoer  bad 
flTn  Ihefr  name  to  coe  of  Uk  Kudt  of  the  dlr  o(  Scat  I 
POt  in  tba  tabaslplkiis  to  simdT7  decrees  oTGrtfotT  lin 
Gnat  tbe  IMS  elpMUin  la  -  EWtimatoa  [inabjin-  UnU 
SB.  Iv.  Ok,*  (Qntortl  Dter^a:  FatnL  Invll.  ii3t| 
fOTmerlT4¥.llb.lv..Iiidlgtl3,o.44.]   See  alto  Ditcaiiaa, 


462 


GOBONATI  QUATUOR 


pore  fecit  ecclesiam  beatorom  martymm  it.  Cor., 
quam  et  dedicavit  et  donum  obtulit ").  To  this 
church  the  remains  of  the  martyrs  were  snhse- 
quently  transferred  by  Pope  Leo  IV.  (ob.  855 
A.D.),  who  had  been  its  officiating  priest  {op,  cit, 
Leo  IV.,  ib,  1305),  and  who,  finding  it  in  a  very 
ruinous  condition  on  his  accession  to  the  ponti- 
ficate, restored  it  with  much  splendour,  and 
bestowed  upon  it  many  gifts  (ib.  1315).  This 
church  was  situated  on  the  ridge  of  the  Coelian 
hill,  between  the  Coliseum  and  the  Lateran ;  and 
on  its  site  the  present  church  of  the  Santi  Quattro 
Incoranati  was  built  by  Pope  Paschal  IL 

As  to  the  appointment  of  the  festival  of  these 
martyrs  on  Norember  8,  which  is  said  to  be  due 
to  Pope  Melchiades  (ob.  314  A.D.),  a  curious  dif- 
ficulty has  arisen.  Thus  in  the  notice  of  the 
festival  in  the  editions  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (for  the  words  would  appear  to  be 
wanting  in  MS.  authority),  the  jemark  is  made 
that  it  being  found  impossible  to  ascertain  the 
natal  day  of  the  four  martyrs  Q*  quorum  dies 
natalis  per  incuriam  neglectus  minime  reperiri 
poterat  ),  it  was  appointed  that  in  their  church 
the  natal  day  of  the  five  other  saints,  near  to 
whose  bodies  theirs  had  been  buried,  should  be 
celebrated,  that  both  might  have  their  memory 
recorded  together  {Patrol.  Ixzviii.  147). 

Others,  however,  make  this  forgetfulness  to 
be  of  the  names  of  the  martyrs.  Thus  the  Mar- 
tyrologium  Eomanumy  after  speaking  of  Claudius, 
&C.,  proceeds:  ''Et  ipso  die  iv.  Coronatorum 
Severi,  Severiani,  Carpophori,  Victorini,  quorum 
festivitatem  statuit  Melchiades  papa  sub  nomi- 
nibus  quinque  martyrum  celebrari,  quia  nomina 
eorum  non  reperiebantur,  sed  intercurrentibus  | 
annis  cuidamsancto  viro  revelata  sunt'*  {Patrol. 
cxxiii.  173).  See  also  the  Martyrology  of 
(Jsuardus  {ib.  czxiv.  669). 

If  however  the  institution  of  the  festival  be 
rightly  assigned  to  Melchiades,  who  was  pontiff 
during  the  reign  of  Diocletian,  it  is  strange  how 
this  ignorance  could  have  existed,  seeing  that 
many  Christians  must  have  been  living  who  had 
known  them  personally.  In  Alcuin  {De  Div.  Off. 
31 ;  Patrol,  d.  2230)  this  strange  idea  assumes 
still  another  form,  in  that  the  forgetfulness  now 
includes  both  the  day  and  the  names :  (''  quorum 
nomina  et  dies  natalis  per  incuriam  neglectus." 
The  look  of  the  Latin  however  points  strongly 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  words  nomina  et  are 
a  later  addition). 

No  trace  however  of  this  forgetfulness  is  to 
be  found  in  the  Martyrohgium  aieronymi^whtre 
the  notice  is  merely  "  vi.  Id.  Nov.  Romae  natalis 
Sanctorum  Slmplicii  .  .  .  et  Sanctorum  Quatuor 
Coronatorum  Severi . . . .  "  {Patrol,  xxz.  481). 

A  difficulty  of  another  sort  is  that  Anastasins 
Bibliothecarius  (/.  c.)  seems  to  distinguish  the 
Coronati  Quatuor  from  Severus,  &c ;  for  after 
describing  how  Leo  IV.  restored  their  church  at 
Rome,  he  adds  '^  et  ad  laudem  Dei  eorum  sacra- 
tissima  corpora  cum  Claudio . . . . ,  necnon  Severo 
....  quaimr  fratrSnu  collocavit."  Doubtless 
however  the  last  words  are  spurious.  It  will 
be  observed  also  that  Anastasius  speaks  of  the 
Coronati  as  brothers,  the  only  ancient  authority, 
so  far  as  we  have  observed,  who  does  so. 

Another  curious  point  is  that,  in  the  Martyr- 
ology of  Notker  for  July  7,  the  five  saints,  whom 
we  i^ave  seen  associated  with  the  Coronati 
Quatuor*  seem  to  be  commemorated  on  that  day : 


CORONATI  QUATUOR 

**  Romae,  passio  beatorum  martyrum  Nloostratl 
primiscrinii,  Claudii  commentariensis,  Cftstoril 
sive  Castuli,  Victorini,  Symphoriani  vel  slcut  in 
libro  Sacramentorum  continetur  Sempioniani ; 
quorum  natalem  sexta  die  Iduum  Novembris 
aatenus  noe  celebrari  credidimns,  dcnec  venem- 
biUs  pater  Ado  alios  et  alios  pro  eis  nobis 
honorandos  insinuaret:  de  quibns  in  suo  looo 
vita  comite  commodius  disseretur"  {Patrol. 
czzxi.  1115).  We  cannot  tell  however  how  thU 
last  promise  was  redeemed,  for  the  Martyrologjr 
of  Notker  is  wanting  after  Oct.  26.  The  Mar- 
tyrology of  Dsuardus  also  connects  with  July  7 
the  names  of  the  five  above-mentioned  saint* 
{Patrol,  cxxiv.  233,  where  see  the  note). 

In  the  Martyrology  of  Rabanus  Maurus  all 
notice  for  Nov.  7  and  8  is  wanting.  In  that  of 
Wandelbert  {PatroL  czxi.  617),  Nov.  8  is  thus 
marked : — 

"Senas  omsntes  Idus  merlto  atqne  croore, 
CUndiOMtorl  Simplld  Synphorisne. 
£t  Nkostrate  psil  ftilgeUs  luoe  coronae ;" 

{al.  Semproniane),  where  it  will  be  seen  that 
there  is  no  allusion  to  the  Coronati  themselves, 
unless  indeed  there  be  an  implied  reference  In 
the  last  word  of  the  third  line. 

In  the  Martyrology  of  Bede  the  Coronati  are 
mentioned,  but  under  the  names  of  the  five  saints ; 
thus, "  vi.  Id.  Nov.  natale  iv.  Coronatorum,  CI.,  N., 
Symphoriani,  Castoris,  Simplicii"  {PatroL  xciv. 
1097> 

We  find  the  festival  marked  in  the  Leonine 
Calendar,  "  v.  (vel  vi.)  Id.  Nov.  natale  SS.  iv.  Co- 
ronatorum "  (t6.  Ixxiv.  880) ;  and  the  former  day 
(Nov.  7)  in  the  calendar  of  Bucherius  {ib.  879) 
as  "  Clementis,  Semproniani,  Claudii,  Nicostrati, 
in  oomitatum."  We  find  the  names  again  varied 
in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  {ib.  1179),  which 
cites  four  of  the  names  of  the  five  saints :  "  In 
natal.  SS.  iv.  Coronatorum,  Costiani,  Claudii, 
Castori,  Semproniani.** 

We  have  alreadv  referred  to  the  presence  of 
this  festival  in  the  Oregorian  Sacramentary; 
see  also  the  Antiphonary  {Patrol.  Ixxviii.  707). 
The  collect  in  the  Sacramentary  runs  thus : 
"  Praesta  quaesumus  omnipotens  Deus  ut  qui 
glorlosos  martyres  Clandium,  Nicostratum  ...» 
fortes  in  sua  oonfessione  cognovimus,  pios  apud 
te  in  nostra  intercessione  sentiamus;"  where  it 
will  be  noticed  that  only  the  names  of  the  five 
saints,  and  not  of  the  Coronati,  are  given. 

The  Mozarabic  Missal  mentions  the  festival 
{Patrol.  Ixxxv.  898);  but  has  no  special  office 
for  it,  employing  for  this  day  as  well  as  for  others 
a  miaaa  plurimorwn  martynnn.  This  would 
appear  to  point  to  the  fact  of  the  festival  being  a 
late  addition  to  the  Missal. 

It  may  be  added  that  several  ancient  calendars 
mark  Nov.  8  as  the  festival  of  the  four  Coronati ; 
but  except  the  first,  which  is  English,  they  are 
all  Italian  {Patrol.  Ixxii.  624,  Ixxx.  420,  ci.  826, 
cxxxviii.  1188,  1192,  1202,  1208,  kc).  Doubt- 
less therefore  the  festival  is  to  be  viewed  as 
essentially  one  of  the  Italian  church,  and  as  one 
which  never  gained  any  ^fecial  notoriety  beyond 
the  bounds  of  that  church.  There  are  Acta  of  the 
Coronati  Qvatuor,  not  apparently  of  any  special 
value,  which  were  published  in  Mombritius* 
Sanctuariumf  vol.  i.  ff.  162,  sqq. 

In  addition  to  authorities  cited  in  this 
article,  aglkial    reference   should   be  made  ta 


CORONATION 

Hoard's  notes  to  the  Gregorian  Sacramentarj 
(in  toe.).  [R.  S.] 

CORONATION.  The  Coronation  of  kings 
and  emperors,  the  most  angust  ceremony  of 
Ciiristian  national  life,  affords  a  striking  example 
of  the  manner  in  which  Christianity  breathed  a 
new  spirit  into  already  existing  ceremonies,  and 
elevated  them  to  a  higher  and  purer  atmosphere. 
Under  her  inspiration  a  new  life  animated  the 
old  form :  heathen  accessories  gradually  dropt 
off;  fresh  and  appropriate  observances  were  de- 
veloped; and  the  whole  ceremonial  assumed  a 
character  in  harmony  with  the  changed  faith  of 
those  who  were  its  subjects. 

It  has  been  remarked  by  Dean  Stanley  (Me- 
morials of  Wes^.  Abbey,  p.  42)  that  the  rite  of 
coronation,  as  it  appears  in  the  later  part  of 
the  period  to  which  our  investigation  is  limited, 
represents  two  opposite  aspects  of  European 
monarchy.  It  was  (1)  a  symbol  of  the  ancient 
usage  of  the  choice  of  the  leaders  by  popular 
election,  and  of  the  emperor  by  the  Imperial 
Guard,  derived  from  the  practice  of  the  Gaulish 
and  Teutonic  nations,  and  (2)  a  solemn  consecra- 
tion of  the  new  sovereign  to  his  office  by  unction 
with  holy  oil,  and  the  placing  of  a  crown  or 
diadem  on  his  head  by  one  of  the  chief  ministers 
of  religion,  after  the  example  of  the  ancient 
Jewish  Church. 

These  two  parts  of  the  ceremonial,  though 
united  in  the  same  ritual,  have  a  different  origin, 
and  it  will  be  convenient  to  treat  them  sepa- 
rately. 

(1)  Among  the  Teutonic  and  Gothic  tribes  the 
custom  prevailed  of  elevating  the  chief  or  king 
on  whom  the  popular  election  had  fallen  on  a 
hu^e  shield  or  buckler,  borne  by  the  leading 
men  of  the  tribe.  Standing  on  this  he  was  ex- 
posed to  the  view  of  the  soldiers  and  people, 
who  by  their  acclamations  testified  their  joy  at 
his  accession,  and  accepted  him  as  their  sove- 
reign and  head.  The  **  chairing,"  or  carrying 
round  through  the  assembled  crowd,  "  gyratio," 
osually  three  times  repeated,  followed.  Tacitus 
describes  this  ceremonial  in  the  case  of  Brinno, 
chief  of  the  Batavian  tribe  of  Canninefates 
**  impositus  scnto,  more  gentis,  et  sustinentium 
humeris  vibratus,  dux  deligitur  "  {Hut.  iv.  15). 
The  German  soldiers  of  the  Imperial  Guard  intro- 
duced this  custom  to  the  Romans,  and  we  find 
the  later  emperors  inaugurated  in  this  manner. 
Thus  Gordian  the  younger  A.D.  238  was  **  lifted 
up"  as  emperor  by  the  Praetorian  Guards: 
**  retractans,  elevatus  est  et  imperatorem  se  ap- 
pellari  permisit"  (CapitoUnus  in  Oordian;  Hero- 
diaii,  lib.  viii.  c.  21).  Julian,  when  before  the 
death  of  Constantius  the  enthusiasm  of  his  troops 
forced  him  at  Paris  unwillingly  to  assume  the 
imperial  dignity  (April  a.d.  360),  submitted  to 
the  same  ceremonial,  "  impositus  scuto  pedestri 
et  sublatius  eminens  Augustus  renuntiatnr" 
(Amm.  Marcell.  lib.  xx.  c  4) ;  M  nvos  iunrtBos 
fierimpow  ipamts  ArrciTtfy  re  SejScurr^i'  Ai^o- 
itpdropa  (Zoeimus,  lib.  iii.  9.  4).  Yalentinian 
was  desiiied  to  name  a  colleague  A.D.  364,  icar* 
abriir  r^v  ityay6pwtnw  M  Tfjs  iunri9os  (Philo- 
storg.  viii.  8),  to  which  Nicephorus  significantly 
adds,  &s  (Bos.  The  poet  Claudian,  writing  of  the 
bangnration  of  the  young  Honorius  as  Augustus 
A.D.  393,  refers  to  the  same  custom^- 

"  fled  mex  enin  sollta  miles  te  voee  tnrfjbrf." 


CORONATION 


463 


So  completely  was  this  custom  identified  with 
the  inauguration  of  a  sovereign  that  the  verb 
iiecdf>9i¥  came  into  use  as  the  regular  term  for 
the  recognition  of  a  new  emperor.  Thus  we  find 
Euseb.  EpOome  temp,  of  Mercian  A..D.  450,  ain-^ 
r^  fT9t  iir^pdri  MapKicarhs  AJGyowrroSj  and  of 
Mnximns  a.d.  455  (cf.  Suidas  Sfi6  voee  iraifniv). 
Zonaras,  writing  of  Hypatius  set  up  bva  sedition 
as  a  rival  to  Justinian,  says  M  iunrl^os  fierdp- 
trtojf  &patfr€S  hwyopt^ovtri  fiturtXda  (Zonar.  ziv. 
6).  It  took  its  place  as  a  recognised  portion  of 
the  ritual  of  a  coronation  in  the  Eastern  Empire ; 
e.(j.  the  coronation  of  Justin  the  younger  in  St. 
Sophia's  as  described  by  Corippus.  de  Laudibva 
Justifd  AwtusH  Minoris  (lib.  ii.  i37>178).  A 
shield  wds  held  up  by  four  young  men.  On  this 
the  emperor  stood  erect,  like  the  letter  I,  with 
which  his  name  and  that  of  his  two  immediate 
predecessors  commenced. 

«  Qnatnor  ingentem  clypei  sabllmitu  orbem 
Attoliont  lecU  Jnvenes,  manlbosqne  levatos. 
Ipse  minlstromm  sapra  steilt,  ut  $ua  recdis 
LiUera,  quae  signo  stabfU  non  flectitor  onquam 
Nomlnibos  sacnta  tribaa," 

We  also  find  it  in  the  elaborate  rftunls  drawn 
up  by  Joannes  Cantacuzenus  (e.  1330 ;  ffist.  i. 
c.  41,  printed  by  Martene  ii.  204 ;  and  Habertus 
PonHfic.  Graec  p.  604  sq.)  and  Georgius  Codinus, 
Curopaletes  (d.  1460;  de  Officio  et  Officiaiibtta 
Auiae  Constant,  c.  17).  The  only  change  is  that 
the  emperor  no  longer  stands  on  the  slippenr 
surface  of  the  buckler,  but  adopts  the  much 
securer  position  of  sitting,  **  sessitans."  The  risk 
of  a  dangerous  and  indecorous  fiill  during  the 
ceremony  of  *'  gyratio,"  is  proved  by  the  example 
of  Gunbald,  king  of  Bnrgundy  (a.d.  500),  who 
on  his  third  circuit  ^  cum  tertio  gvrarent "  fell, 
and  wiis  with  difficulty  held  up  by  the  people 
(Grego.  Turonens.  Bttt.  lib.  vii.  c.  10).  Accord- 
ing to  George  Codinus,  who  may  be  taken  as  a 
probable  evidence  of  the  ritual  prevailing  several 
centuries  before  his  time  in  the  unchanging  East, 
this  **  levatio "  took  place  outside  the  Church 
of  St.  Sophia,  into  which  the  new  emperor  was 
borne  to  receive  the  sacred  rites  of  unction  and 
crowning  at  the  hands  of  the  patriarch.  It  was 
the  rule  that  the  shield  should  be  supported  in 
front  by  the  emperor  (when  the  choice  of  a 
successor  was  made  in  his  lifetime),  the  father  of 
the  newly  created  monarch  if  alive,  and  the 
patriarch,  the  other  highest  dignitaries  of  the 
State  supporting  it  behind. 

The  origin  of  this  custom  being  Teutonic,  it 
was  naturally  continued  by  the  sovereigns  of  the 
Franki»h  race.  The  long-haired  Pharamond  wss 
thus  inaugurated  A.D.  420 :  **  levavemnt  supei 
se  regem  crinitum"  {Oesta  Segum  Francorum 
apud  Dom.  Bouquet,  ii.  543).  Clovis  received  his 
recognition  as  king  by  the  same  token,  **  clipeo 
imposiinm  super  se  Regem  constitunnt"  A.D. 
509  (Gregor.  Turon.  lib.  ii.  c.  40).  Sigebert,  son 
of  Clotaire  I.  a.i>.  575,  when  *'more  gentis,  im- 
positus clipeo  rex  constitutus "  (Adonis  Ckro^ 
nicon ;  Gregor.  Tur.  Hist.  Firan.  iv.  c.  52^  was 
stabbed  by  the  assassins  of  Queen  Fredegonde. 
A  century  later,  A.D.  744,  we  read  of  Hilde- 
brand,  grandson  of  Luitprand  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards, "  in  regem  levavemnt "  (Paulus  DIaconus, 
vi.  55X  of  l^ppin  (a.d.  751  "  rex  elevatus  est  ** 
Ann'd.  OuelfeH}.).  And  to  cloce  the  series,  Otho 
<*  sublimatus  est "  at  Milan  A.D.  961.  [Cf.  Grimm, 
KechtsdierthUmery  p.  2:^.] 


464 


CORONATION 


The  oenmonial  is  depicted  in  an  iHaminatioii 
of  the  10th  century   eng^ved  by   Montfauoon 
{MonummSf  torn.  i.  p.  xrLy  representing  the  pro 
clamation  of  David  as  king.     He  stands  on  a 
round  shield,  borne  aloft  by  four  yoong  men. 

From  a  passage  in  Constant.  Porphyr.  (de  Ad^ 
minist  Imper,  c.  38)  this  custom  appears  to 
have  prevailed  among  the  Turks.  It  is  not  found 
in  the  early  Spanish  annals,  but  it  was  certainly 
in  use  in  the  kingdom  of  Arragon  at  a  later 
period  (Ambros.  Morales,  lib.  xiii.  c.  11),  and 
traces  of  it  are  found  in  that  of  Castile,  in  Legir 
bus  Pcirtitarum,  leg.  iii.  tit.  zxii.  part.  iii.  There 
is  no  evidence  of  its  ever  having  been  adopted  in 
£ngland. 

Among  the  Prankish  and  Lombard  nations  an 
additional  ceremony  was  the  delivery  of  a  spear 
to  the  newly-made  monarch.  We  find  this  in 
the  case  of  Hildebrand  ▲.D.  744  (Paul.  Diac.  vi 
55) ;  Childeric  a.d.  456  (Chifletius  in  Anastas. 
cvii.  p.  96) ;  Chiidebert  II.  A.D.  585  (Greg.  Turon. 
vii.  is ;  Aimionus,  ii.  69).  Martene  (de  Bit  ii. 
212)  writes  of  the  Prankish  kings  **  tradito  in 
manum  hasta  pro  sceptro,  excelso  in  solio  hono- 
rifioe  imponunt." 

(2)  The  second  aspect  in  which  a  corona- 
tion was  viewed  was  the  religious  one.  As 
soon  as  the  Bible  became  known,  the  practice 
of  the  Jewish  nation  to  consecrate  their  kings 
to  their  high  office  by  the  hands  of  the  chief 
minister  of  religion  became  an  authority  from 
which  there  was  no  appeal.  Of  the  two  cere- 
monies specially  characterizing  the  Jewish  rite, 
unction  and  the  imposition  of  a  crown,  the 
former  alone  was  strange  to  the  Western  nations. 
From  a  very  early  period,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
croun  or  diadem  was  known  as  the  symbol  of 
royalty.  The  only  change  was  that  of  the  person 
by  whose  hands  it  was  placed  on  the  monarch's 
head.  Unction  appears  to  have  been  entirely 
unknown  as  a  part  of  the  ritual,  and  to  have 
come  into  use  with  the  conversion  of  the  em- 
perors to  the  Christian  faith. 

(a)  To  speak  first  of  the  imposition  of  the 


Diadflm,  fhm  GtaaipliiL 

crown  or  diadem.  For  the  sake  of  clearness,  while 
referring  to  dictionaries  of  classical  antiquities 
for  fuller  details,  it  may  be  desirable  to  remind 
our  readers  that  the  crown,  corotM,  ffr4^awos, 
was  a  head  circlet,  wreath,  or  garland  of  leaves, 
fiowers,  twigs,  grass,  &c.,  and,  as  luxury  increased, 
of  the  precious  metals,  chiefly  gold ;  while  the  dia- 
<few,  HtdSiifjM,  "  taenia"  or  "  fascia "  (Q.  Curtius, 
iii.  3),  as  its  name  implies,  was  originally  nothing 
more  than  a  linen  band  or  silken  ribbon,  tied 
round  the  temples,  with  the  loose  ends  hanging 
down  behind.  This  ribbon  Eastern  magnificence 
afterwards  adorned  with  pearls  and  precious 
stones.    The  nature  of  the  diadem  may  be  illus- 

•  "  DIscooTs  prtlimtnalre,  de  i'inaugarattoo  des  pre- 
miers rois  de  Frsnce." 


CORONATION 

Iratad  from  some  historical  iacts.  Thus  Alex- 
ander took  off  his  diadem  to  bind  up  the  wound 
of  Lysimachus  (Justin,  lib.  xv.  c  3%  Pompey's 
enemies  made  it  a  charge  against  him  that  he 
had  bound  up  an  ulcer  on  his  leg  with  a  white 
cloth  like  a  diadem,  it  mattering  not  on  what 
part  of  the  body  the  royal  insic^nia  was  placed 


XMadam,  fitom  GbmpliiL 

(Amm.  Maroell.  xvii.).  Monima,  the  wife  of  Mi- 
thridates,  attempted  to  hang  herself  with  her 
diadem  (Plutarch,  LttcuUtu.  c.  18). 

Though  the  words  corona  and  diadema  liave  not 
nnfrequently  been  used  interchangeably,  the  dis- 
tinction between  them  is  very  precis^ ^  "How- 
ever" (writes  Selden,  Titles  of  Honour,  c  8,  §2), 
"  these  names  have  been  from  antient  times  con- 
founded, yet  the  diadem  strictly  was  a  very  diffe- 
rent thing  from  what  a  crown  now  is  or  was ;  and 
it  was  no  other  then  than  only  a  fillet  of  silk,  linen, 
or  some  such  thing.  Nor  appears  it  that  any 
other  kind  of  crown  was  used  for  a  royal  ensign, 
except  only  in  some  kingdoms  of  Asia,  but  this 
kind  of  fillet,  until  the  l^ginning  of  Christianity 
in  the  Roman  empire."  The  "  diadema,"  not  the 
"  corona  "  was  the  emblem  and  sign  of  royalty. 
It  is  styled  by  Lucian  PaaiXtlas  yydipurfta  (Pise. 
35 ;  cf.  Xenoph.  Cyrop.  viii.  3.  13) ;  and  tc^iti- 
$4vai  9idhifM  is  of  frequent  use  to  indicate  the 
assumption  of  royal  dignity  (Polyb.  v.  57.  4 ;  Jo- 
sephus.  Ant.  xii.  10.  1) ;  as  in  Latin  ^  diadema  " 
u  identified  by  Tacitus  with  the  **  insigne  resiam  " 
(AnncU.  xv.  29).  The  diadem  was  of  ustern 
origin,  and  was  introduced  to  the  Romans  through 
their  Oriental  campaigns  and  intercourse  with 
Asiatic  nations.  When  first  seen  at  Rome  it 
caused  great  offence.  Though  they  submitted  to 
the  reality  of  sovereign  power,  their  susceptible 
minds  could  not  endure  its  outward  symbols.  The 
golden  *'  corona  "  had  raised  no  alarm.  Caligula 
and  Domitian  wore  it  at  the  public  games  without 
objection,  and  it  appears  on  their  coins.  Aa- 
gustus,  Claudius,  Trajan,  and  many  others  are 
represented  with  rayed  or  ** stellate"  crowns, 
imitating  the  majesty  of  the  sun.  Julius  Caesar, 
rightly  interpreting  public  opinion,  refused  the 
tempting  offer  of  a  diadem  at  Antony's  hands, 
though  half-veiled  in  a  laurel  wreath  (8ul5i)/tui 
OTc^ib'y  8<i^Ki)s  TfpiTtirX.€yfUvor)  and  had  it 
laid  up  in  the  Capitol  (Plutarch,  J.  Com.  61 ; 
Sueton.  i.  §  79).  OeJigula  when  about  to  assume 
the  diadem  was  warned  by  friendly  counsellors 
of  the  danger  of  thus  exceeding  ^  prindpum  et 
regum  fastigium  "  (Sueton.  iv.  c.  22).  Titus  pro- 
voked suspicion  of  affecting  the  Uirone  of  the 
East  by  wearing  the  diadem,  though  according 
to  the  established  ritual,  when  consecrating  the 
Apis  ox  at  Memphis  (Sueton.  xL  c.  5).    The  efie- 

b  "Allud  est  oorona,  allud  diadema.  Oorona  simplejc  est 
drcaius  aureus  quo  utuntor  reges  in  mlnoribus  lokmnl- 
tatlbos.  Diadema  est  quasi  duplex  corona  qumn  ipal 
coronae  quasi  alius  drenlus  gemmis  supeiposlms  si^er 
•ddltor."— Peter  cf  Blols»  Armo.  six.  voL  UL  p.  11. 


CX>BONATION 


CORONATION 


405 


minate  Elagabilus  advanced  a  step  farther  and 
wore   it  in  private,  "diademate  gemniato  nsns 
mt  domi"  (Lampridius) ;    and  Anrelian,  who 
had  been  fatniliar  with  its  use  in  his  Elastern 
campaign,  and  the  attire  of  his  captive  Zenobia 
(TrDoell.  Poll,  c  zzix.),  first  ventured  to  present 
himself  to  the   public  gaze   with   his  temples 
adorned  with  this  badge  of  sovereignty,  and  his 
person    glittering  with   magnificent    attire  a.d. 
270:  *<lste  primus  apod  Romanos  diadema  capiti 
innexnit,  gemmisque  et  anrata  omni  veste,  quod 
adhuc   fere  incognitum  Romanis  moribus  vise- 
batur,  usus  est "  (Anrel.  Vict.  EpUom,  c.  xzzv.). 
The  diadem  once  introduced  was  never  dropped, 
and  became  a  recognized  mark  of  imperial  dig- 
nity ;  bat  it  seems  to  have  been  chieflj  worn  on 
state  occasions.  Constantine  was  the  first  to  adopt 
it  as  a  portion  of  his  ordinary  attire — ^^  caput  ex- 
ornans  perpetno  diademate     (Aurel.  Vict.  Epit, 
cxli.),  and  his  successors  continued  the  usi^e. 
As  soon  as  the  emperors  had  become  Christian, 
it  naturally  followed  that  their  inauguration  to 
sovereignty  should  be  accompanied  by  sacred  rites, 
and  receive  the  blessing  of  the  chief  minister  ol 
religion,  who  speedily  became  also  the  recognized 
mgent  in  setting  apart  the  sovereign  to  his  regal 
office  by  the  ceremonies  of  the  imposition  of  the 
crown,  and  at  a  later  period,  of  unction,  borrowed 
firom  the  rites  of  the  Jewish  Church.    Originally 
the  crown  was  put  on  by  those  who  had  the 
power  of  giving  it.    The  Imperial  Guard  who 
chose  the  emperor  crowned  him.     When  Julian 
bad  been  suddenly  chosen  by  his  troops  as  their 
emperor  at  Paris  (April  A.D.  360),  and  had  been 
raised  on  the  shield  by  the  soldiers,  it  was  they 
who  forcibly  put  the  token  of  power  on  his  un- 
willing head:  iw4$9ffay  chv  fiuf  rh  Btd^rifui  rf 
icc^aXp   (Zorim.  Eist.  iii.   9.  4).    The  circum- 
stances of  this  coronation  deserve  mention  from 
their  picturesqueness.    There  beiuff  no  real  dia- 
dem at  hand,  the  troops  demanded  that  he  should 
use  his  wife's  head-ribbon.  Julian  refused,  deem- 
ing a  woman's  ornament  unworthy  of  the  imperial 
dignity.    Still  more  peremptorily  did  he  reject 
the  horse's  headband  they  then  proposed.    At 
last  one  of  his  standard-bearers  took  off  the 
gold  torque  from  his  neck,  and  with  that  Julian 
was  crowned  (Amm.  Marcell.  xx.  4).    This  mean 
crown  '*  vilis  corona  "  was  laid  aside  at  Vienne  for 
a  more  ambitious  diadem,  glittering  with  jewels — 
'*  ambitioso  diademate  utebatur  lapidum  fulgore 
distincto  "  (Amm.  Marcell.  xxi.  1 ;   Zonaras,  xiii. 
10).     His  successor  Jovian  was  also  proclaimed 
king,  crowned  and  vested  in  the  royal  robe  by 
the  army  who  chose  him  A.D.  363,  riiv  hXw(>' 
yiia  iMs  ical  rh  8i48i|/ua  wtpiBdfitvos  (Zoeim. 
iii.  30 ;  Theodoret,  iv.  1 ;  Theophan.  p.  36) ;  and 
Valeutiuian   A.D.  364,  ''principali   habitu  cir- 
cumdatus  et  ooront,  Augustusqne  nnncupatus" 
(Amm.  Marc  xxvi.  2).     When  Valentinian  as- 
sociated his  son  Gratian  with  him  in  the  em- 
pire, he  invested  him  with  the  purple  and  crown 
(Amm.  Marcell.  xxviL  7).    In  none  of  these  cases 
is  there  any  reference  to  a  bi&hop  or  minister  of 
religion  as  performing  the  ceremony  of  corona- 
tion ;  nor  can  we  say  with  any  certainty  when 
this  custom  arose.    The  first  hint  at  such  a  cus- 
tom that  we  meet  with  is  in  the  dream  of  Theo- 
dosius  before   his  admission   to  a  share  of  the 
imperial  dignity,   c.   379  (?X  in  which  he  saw 
Meletius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  putting  on  him  a 
crown  and  the  royal  robe  (Theodoret,  B,  JS,  v.  6). 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


It  has  been  erroneously  asserted  by  Martens  (de 
Bitibus,  ii.  201-237,  ed.  Bassano  1788)  and  M^ 
nard  {NoUs  to  the  Sacramentary  of  St,  Gregory^ 
p.  397  sq.),  and  repeated  by  Catalani  and  many 
subsequent  writers,  including  Maskell,  that  Theo* 
dosius  II.  (A.D.  439)  is  the  first  whom  we  know  to 
have  been  crowned  by  a  bishop.    Theophanes  (p. 
59)  informs  us  that  Theodosius  the  younger  sent 
crowns,  ar^^itovs  fiaffi\ucobs,  to  Valentinian  II. 
at  Rome,  c  383,  but  nothing  is  anywhere  said 
of  his  own  coronation.    The  passage  quoted  by 
Martene  from  Theodoras  Lector,  (lib.  ii.  c.  6o,) 
speaks  of  the  coronation,  not  of  Theodosius  II. 
but  of  Leo  I.,  ▲.D.  457,  by  Anatolius  the  patri- 
arch: <rre^cls  Owh  roS  abrov  irvrptdpxov^    In 
this  case  the  new  emperor,  a  rude  Thracian  sol- 
dier,   had  been  a  military  tribune  and  chief 
steward  of  the  household  of  Aspar,  the  Arian 
patrician,  by  whose  influence  he  was  nused  to 
the  throne.    It  is  not  improbable  that  episcopal 
benediction  might  be  regarded  as  a  valuable 
support  to  a  feeble  title,  and  that  Leo  felt  a 
special  satisfaction  in  having  the  imperial  crown 
imposed  on  his  brows  by  the  head  of  the  Byzan- 
tine hienirchy.     But  previous  allusions  to  coro- 
nation at  the  hands  o{  a  bishop  would  lead  us 
to  question  the  accuracy  of  Gibbon's  assertion 
(chap,  xxxvi.)  that  **  thii  ap|>carB  to  be  the  first 
origin  of  a  ceremony  which  idl  the  Christian 
princes  of  the  world  have  since  adopted,"  and  it 
would  certainly  be  very  unsafe  to  assert  that  it 
was  the  first  time  that  this  ceremony  was  per- 
formed by  episcopal  hands.    The  next  recorded: 
instance  of  episcopal  coronation  is  that  of  Jus- 
tin I.    Thu  emperor  was  crowned  twice :  first 
by  John  II.,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  518 
(Theophan.  Chronograph,  p.  162 ;  ci.  the  patri- 
arch's letter  to  Pope  Hormisdas,  apud  Baronii 
Armed,  anno  519,  no.  Ix. :  "  Ideo  coronam  (cJiter 
eomu)  gratiae  super  eum  ooelitus  declinavit,  ut 
affluenter    in    sacrum  ejus  caput  miserioordia 
Amderetur:  omnique  annuntiationis  ejus  tem- 
pore cum  magna  voce  Denm  omnium  principem 
glorificaverunt  quoniam    talem  verticem   meis 
manibus  tali  corona  decoravit ") ;  and  secondly, 
**  pietatis  ergo,"  by  Pope  John  II.  on  his  visit  to 
Constantinople,  a.d.  525  (Anastas.  Bibliothec.  p. 
95,  ed.  Blancfaini,  Rom.  1718;  Aimionus,  lib.  ii. 
c  1).     His  successor  Justinian  received  the  dia- 
dem primarily  from  his  uncle's  hands  (Zonaras  lib. 
xiv.  c  5),  in  compliance  with  a  practice  subse- 
quently prevailing  in  the  Eastern  empire,  by  which 
the  symbol  of  royalty  was  originally  bestowed  by 
the  emperor  himself  on  those  whom  he  wished  to 
succeed  him;   the  ceremony  being  probably  re« 
peated  by  the  bishop  or  patriarch.    Thus  Verina 
crowned  her  brother  Basiliscus,  a.d.  474.    Tibe« 
rius  II.  his  wife  Anastasia,  A.D.  578  (Theophanes, 
Chron,),    But  the  sanction  of  religion  had  be- 
come essential  to  the  recognition  of  a  new  sove- 
reign by  his  subjects,  and  Justinian  was  inaugu- 
rated by  the  imposition  of   the  hands  of  the 
patriardi  Epiphanius  (Cyril.  Scythopol.  Vita  S, 
Sabae  Archimandritae).    From  this  time  corona- 
tion at  the  hands  of  the  patriarch  was  an  esta- 
blished rule.    Justin  II.,  a.d.  565,  was  crowned 
by  John  ScJiolasticus;  Tiberius  II.  by  Eutychius, 
Sept.  26,  578,  ten  days  before  Justin's  death  and 
by  his  order.    His  successor  Maurice  and   his 
wife  were  crowned  by  John  the  Faster,  A.D.  582, 
on  the  day  of  their  marriage  (Tlieophyl.  Simo- 
catta,  lib.  i.  c  10),  and  their  son  Theodosins, 

2  H 


466 


OOBONATION 


when  four  veAn  old  (Theophan.  p.  179).  He- 
raclioB,  with  hit  wife  Eudocia,  was  crowned  bj 
Sergios,  Oct.  7,  610,  and  in  the  third  year  of 
his  reign  his  son  Heraclins  and  his  daughter  Epi- 
phania  were  also  crowned.  It  is  nnnecessarj  to 
give  later  examples.  In  the  time  of  Justinian's 
successor  Justin  II.  the  ceremonial  of-  coronation 
seems  to  hare  received  the  form  and  religious 
sanction  it  maintained,  on  the  whole,  till  the  fall 
of  the  empire.  The  ritual  is  elaborately  de- 
scribed by  Corippus.  The  ceremony  took  place 
at  brealE  of  day.  After  his  elevation  on  the 
shield  (see  above),  the  emperor  was  carried  into 
St.  Sophia's,  where  he  received  the  patriarch's 
benediction,  and  the  imperial  diadem  was  imposed 
by  his  hands.  He  was  then  recognized  as  emperor 
by  acclamation  first  of  the  **  patres  "  and  then 
of  the  ^dientes."  Wearing  his  diadem  he  took 
his  seat  on  the  throne,  and  after  making  the 
sign  of  the  cross  he  niade  an  harangue  to  his 
assembled  subjects : — 

**  Postqnam  eoncta  videt  rlta  psftcta  prtoram, 
Fonttficum  snmmus  ptouque  setate  vennstus, 
Adstantem  benedlzlt  enm,  csrlliiue  potentm 
Exorans  DomiDnm  aacro  dUdemate  Jnislt 
Angustom  sancire  caput,  sammoqae  coronam 
Imponeitt  apid '  FeUdter  aodpe '  dlztt." 

Coripput  de  Laud.  JuMtki.  ii.  •,  v.  119  sq. 

With  the  addition  of  the  important  ceremony 
of  unctionj  and  a  considerable  elaboration  of 
ritual,  the  coronation  office,  as  given  by  Joannes 
Cantacuzenus,  afterwards  emperor  (c.  1330),  and 
a  century  later,  by  Oeorgius  Codinus  (d.  1453), 
corresponds  with  that  described  by  Corippus  in 
all  essential  particulars. 

Of  the  Occidental  use  we  know  little  or 
nothing.  We  may  reasonably  suppose  that  there 
was  no  essential  difference  beween  it  and  the 
Eastern  ritual.  But  the  Western  empire  had 
ceased  before  the  earliest  record  of  any  religious 
ceremony  accompanying  the  rite  in  the  East, 
and  when  it  revived  in  the  person  of  the  em- 
peror  Charles  the  Great,  coronation  at  the  hands 
of  a  bishop  had  long  been  a  recognized  custom 
among  the  Prankish  nations.  Martene  (ii.  212) 
acknowledges  that  the  coronation  of  Pippin,  the 
father  of  Cliarles,  is  the  earliest  example  he  can 
discover.  Pippin  was  crowned  twice — first  by 
St.  Boniface,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  papal  legate, 
at  Soissons,  a.d.  752;  secondly,  together  with 
his  sons  Charles  and  Carlomann  and  his  wife 
Bertha,  by  Pope  Stephen  at  St.  Denis,  Sunday, 
July  28,  754  (Pagius,  Brev,  Oesta  Rom.  Font.). 
Charles  the  Great  was  also  crowned  episoopally 
more  than  once.  In  addition  to  his  boyish  coro- 
nation he  was  solemnly  crowned  in  St.  Peter's  at 
Rome  by  Pope  Leo.  This  coronation  took  place 
on  Christmas  Dav,  ^.D.  800.  It  forms  one  of  the 
great  epochs  in  history,  as  by  this  the  Prankish 
king  was  recc^ized  by  the  Vicar  of  Christ  as 
the  representative  of  the  emperors  of  Rome  and 
mheritor  of  their  rights  and  privileges. 

The  ceremony  is  thus  described  by  Const.  Ma- 
nasses  in  Chron.  Synops, : — 

irrtv$w  i^iAifiiiMwot  K^lpovAAor  &  Aiwr 
oyoyopcvct  xparopa  «%  wAotor^pac  'P««^i|« 

It  has  been  repeatedly  asserted  that,  previous 
to  his  coronation  at  Rome,  Charles  had  been 
crowned  with  the  so-called  iron  crown  at  Monza : 
but  the  fact  is  not  recorded  in  any  early  antho- 
niies,  and  it  is  probably  a  story  of  later  growth. 


GOBONATION 

His  infant  son  Pippin  was  crownel  king  of  Italy 
by  Adrian  I.  on  Easter  Day,  801,  the  day  after 
his  birth.« 

One  of  the  very  earliest  instances  on  record  of 
a  royal  coronation  by  an  ecclesiastic  in  Western 
Europe  is  that  of  Aidan,  king  of  Scotland,  by 
St.  Columba  in  lona,  AD.  574.'  It  may  perhaps 
be  reasonably  questioned  whether  this  picturesque 
narrative  is  to  be  received  as  historical.  But  it 
is  accepted  by  some  of  the  latest  and  best  au- 
thorities (e.g.  Montalembert  and  Burton);  and 
the  kernel  of  the  story  is  probably  authentic 
According  to  the  tale,  an  angel  was  sent  to 
command  Columba  to  consecrate  Aidan.  He 
reminded  the  saint  that  ''he  had  in  his  hands 
the  crystal-covered  book  of  the  Ordination  of 
Kings;"  which,  be  it  remarked,  presupposes  the 
existence  of  such  a  ceremony.  St.  Columba  hesi- 
tated, preferring  for  sovereign  Aidan's  brother 
logen.  The  angelic  messenger  appeared  again 
and  again,  becoming  more  and  more  peremp- 
tory, until  on  the  third  visit  he  struck  the  re- 
fhictory  saint  with  a  scourge,  leaving  a  weal 
which  remained  on  his  side  all  the  rest  of  his 
lif<B.  On  this  Columba  consented,  and  Aidan 
was  made  king  by  him  on  the  celebrated  Stone 
of  Destiny,  taken  afterwards  from  lona  to  Dnn- 
staffnage,  and  thence  to  Scone,  whence  it  wsa 
transferred  by  Edward  I.,  as  a  symbol  of  con- 
quest, to  Westminster.  The  words  of  Adamnan 
are  simply,  *'  in  regem  ordinavit  imponensque 
manum  super  caput  ejus  ordinans  benedixit." 
No  mention  is  made  either  of  the  crown  or 
unction  (Adamnanus,  de  S.  Columb.  Sooto  Confea^ 
aorey  t.  iii.  c.  5 ;  Montalembert,  Monks  of  the 
West;  T.  Hill  Burton,  Hist,  of  Scotland,  i.  319). 
Almost  contemporaneous  with  this  are  the  records 
of  the  same  rite  in  Spain.  Leovigild,  king  of 
the  Visigoths,  A.D.  572,  according  to  Isidore, 
Jfist.  ODthorum,  vii.  124,  was  the  first  of  those 
sovereigns  to  assume  the  crown,  sceptre,  and 
royal  robe :  ^  Nam  ante  eum  et  habitus  et  oon- 
sessus  communis  ut  genti  ita  et  regibus  erat." 
Of  Recared  also,  Leovigild's  successor,  A.D.  586, 
we  read,  *'  regno  est  coronatus  "  (ibJ). 

(hi)  Another  essential  portion  of  the  coronation  of 
a  Christian  monarch  was  unction  at  the  hands  of  a 
bishop  or  other  chief  minister.  This  rite  clothed 
the  person  of  the  king  with  inviolable  sanctity. 
It  was  considered  to  partake  of  the  nature  of  a 
sacrament  (August,  adv.  PetUiwn,  lib.  ii.  c  112), 
and  to  be  indelible ;  to  convey  spiritual  jurisdic- 
tion, as  the  delivery  of  the  crown  conferred  tem- 
poral power ;  and  it  gave  the  chief  significance  to 
the  formula  **  Rex  Dei  gratii,"  which  according 
to  Selden  (Titles  of  Honour,  p.  92)  could  not  from 

•  The  notion,  ooos  so  widely  reoelved.  tbat  the  Western 
emperors  were  crowned  In  three  different  pisoes.  with 
crowns  of  three  different  materials— ^eM  at  VLame  deootfnc 
exoellenoe,  tilver  at  Alx-Ia-Chapdle  denoting  purity,  and 
iron  at  Monxa  or  Mllsn  denoting  stiength^ls  a  mere  nytb 
of  sn  editor  of  the  PmiHfieale  Bomamtm,  deservedly  ridi- 
culed by  Aeneas  Sylvias  (FOpe  JuUns  II.X  BisL  AusL 
lib.  Iv.,  and  reftited  by  Mnratorl,  de  Cor.  Fierr.p.  9. 

<  It  Is  stated  in  the  IntrodacUon  to  the  Roztaigh  Glnb 
edition  of  the  "Liter  RegaUs."  18tl,  tbat  "the  earlieat 
coronation  of  a  Christian  prince  within  the'  limits  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  is  generally  supposed  to  be  thai 
of  Dermot  or  Diannid,  sapreme  monarch  of  Ireland,  by 
his  relative.  Oolnmba.''  drca  560:  bat  this  is  merely  an 
inference  lh>m  the  chise  relation  between  the  two  pardca 
not  an  asoertaioed  historloal  Abct. 


CORONATION 


CORONATION 


467 


Hm  mend  character,  be  q)plied  to  anj  other  lay 
penon.  Thiu  Gregory  the  Great  writes,  '*  qaia 
ipsa  nnctio  sacrameDtum  est,  is  qui  promovetur 
ibriii  ungitnr  si  intus  yirtute  sacramenti  i-obo- 
retur  "  (Expoa.  Kb.  •'.  Regum^  c.  x.).  ^  Rex  ttnctus 
non  mera  persona  laica  sed  mixta"  (Lyndwood,  lib. 
iii.  tit.  2).  Anointing,  it  is  well  known,  was  the 
chief  and  divinely  appointed  ceremony  by  which 
the  kings  among  the  chosen  people  of  God  were 
inaugurated  to  their  office.  As  early  as  the  time 
of  the  Jndges  the  idea  was  familiar;  for  in 
Jotham's  parable  the  trees  propose  to  anoint  a 
king  over  theoL  This  shews  that  it  must  hare 
been  in  use  among  other  nations  with  whom 
the  Jewish  people  had  intercourse,  and  that 
St.  Augustine  goes  too  far  in. asserting  that  it 
was  a  rite  peculiar  to  the  people  of  God,  and  was 
never  adopted  by  heathen  nations.  "  Nee  in  aliquo 
alibi  ungebantur  reges  et  sacerdotes  nisi  in  illo 
regno  ubi  Christus  prophetabatur  et  ungebatur 
et  unde  Tenturus  erat  Christ!  nomen.  Nusqnam 
alibi  omnino  in  nulla  gente,  in  nuUo  regno" 
(^Enarrat  in  Ps.  xHv,  §  10). 

The  earliest  authentic  instances  of  the  cere- 
mony of  unction  forming  r.n  essential  element 
in  Cbristian  coronations  appear  in  the  annals 
of  the  Spanish  kingdoms.  The  rite  is  mentioned 
in  the  Acts  of  the  6th  Council  of  Toledo,  A.d.  636. 
Wamba  on  his  coronation  (a.d.  673)  was  anointed 
by  Quirigo,  archbishop  of  Toledo :  ''  Deinde  cur- 
▼atis  genibus  oleum  benedictionis  per  sacri  Qui- 
rid  pontificis  manus  vertid  ejus  inftinditur" 
^Julius  Toletanus,  §  4 ;  cf.  Rodericus  Santius, 
quoted  by  Selden,  Tttle9  of  Honour,  p.  155). 
But  the  rite  was  cTidently  anterior  to  this.  The 
language  used  evidences  that  the  unction  was  an 
established  custom,  and  that  it  took  place  at 
Toledo.  Wamba's  is  simply  the  first  unction  on 
record.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  Acts  of  the 
12th  Coundi  of  Toledo,  which  state  of  Hervigius, 
Wamba's  successor,  A.D.  680,  that  he  **  regnandi 
per  sacrosanctam  anctionem  suoceperit  potesta- 
tem  "  (Labb^  Cone.  vi.  1225,  canon  i.). 

Passing  by  the  language  of  Gildas  (de  Exoid. 
BrU.  I  21),  **^  ungebantur  reges  et  non  per  Deum, 
&c,"  as  more  oratorical  than  historical,  and  the 
uncertain  reference  to  unction  in  Ina's  designation 
of  himself,  "by  God's  grace,  king  of  the  West 
Saxons,"  in  the  opening  sentence  of  his  laws 
▲.D.  690,  we  oome  down  to  the  form  of  coro- 
nation contained  in  the  Pontificale  of  Egbert, 
archbishop  of  Tork  A.D.  732-767,  of  which  Mr. 
Maskell  says,  *<  it  is  probably  not  only  the  most 
andent  English  use,  but  the  most  andent  extant 
m  the  world''  {Monvm.  Bit  iU.  74-81).  The 
ritual,  together  with  other  ceremonies,  expressly 
indndes  the  anointing  of  the  king's  head  with 
oil.  **  Benedictio  super  regem  noviter  electum. 
Hie  verget  oleum  cum  oomu  super  caput  ipsius 
cum  antiphone  *  unxerunt  Salomonem '  et  PsaJmo 
*  Domine  in  nrtute  tua.'  Unus  ex  poutifidbus 
dicat  orationem  et  alii  unguant." 

The  12th  canon  of  the  Coundi  of  Cealcyth 
&.D.  787,  '*de  ordinatione  et  honore  regum," 
sontains  a  valuable  inddental  mention  of  unction 
as  an  essential  element  of  the  kingly  office,  in 
the  words,  **  Nee  (^ristui  Domini  esse  valet  nee 
rex  totius  regni  qui  ex  legitime  non  fherit  con- 
nubio  generatus."  Of  Egferth,  son  of  Ofia,  who 
was  crowned  at  this  coundi  as  his  fttther's  col- 
league, the  language  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle, 
in  which   this   is  the  earliest   coronation   inen- 


tioned,  '*  hallowed  to  king  "  (to  cywbige  gchalgod) 
can  only  be  interpreted  of  unction,  and  so  Wil- 
liam or  Malmesbury  has  understood  it,  ^  in 
regem  inunctum."  Eardwulf,  king  of  North- 
umberland, is  recorded  to  have  been  consecrated 
(gcbietaod)  and  elevated  to  his  throne  (to  Ms  cine' 
stole  akofeh)  by  Archbishop  Eanbald  and  three 
bishops  (Anglo^Sax.  Chron,  A.D.  795).  And  finally 
of  Alfred,  the  same  chronicle  says,  a.D.  854,  that 
when  Pope  Leo  IV.  heard  of  the  death  of  Ethel- 
wulf  he  consecrated  him  king  (bietsode  Alurod 
to  ctnfje).  The  rhyming  Chronicle  of  Robert  oi 
Gloucester,  quoted  by  Selden  (Titles  of  Honour, 
p.  150),  in  describing  this  coronation  uses  the 
remarkable  phrase  *<he  oiled  (tfi^)  him  to  be 
king:"— 

"  Erst  be  sdde  at  Rome  ybe,  sod  tot  )a  gret  wlsdome 
The  pope  Leon  him  blenede,  tbo  be  ihuder  oom^ 
And  the  king  is  croone  of  this  lood,  yt  in  tfiig  lomi 

ymtts: 
And  elede  him  to  be  klnct  ere  he  were  king  ywls. 
And  he  wss  king  of  Eogelond,  of  all  thst  there  oomt 
That  vent  thus  yeled  was  of  the  Pope  of  Rome. 
And  sntthe  other  after  him  of  the  ercheUasop  ecbon. 
So  that  biQore  blm  thar  king  was  tber  non." 

From  England  the  custom  of  unction  seems  to 
have  passed  into  France,  where  Pippin's  anoint- 
ing by  Boniface,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  at  Soissons 
A.D.  752,  is  acknowledged  by  Martene  {de  Bit, 
EocL  ii.  212;  cf.  Selden,  u,s,  p.  118)  to  have 
been  the  first  regal  unction  the  testimony  for 
which  is  worthy  of  credit.*  According  to  Chif- 
letius,  p.  30  (apnd  Maskell  u.  s*\  the  rite  was 
more  than  once  repeated:  ''Pipinus  omnium 
Frandae  regum  primus,  imitatus  Judaeorum 
reges,  ut  se  sacra  unctione  venerabiliorem  an* 
gustioremque  faceret,  semel  atque  iterum  ungi 
voluit."  This  second  unction  is  probably  that 
mentioned  by  Baronius,  July  28,  a.d.  754,  when 
Pippin  received  anointing  from  Stephen  II.  to^ 
gather  with  his  sons  Charles  and  Carlomann. 

The  custom  of  unction  was  firmly  established 
in  the  West  by  the  close  of  the  8th  century. 
When  Charles  the  Great  was  crowned  in  Rome 
by  Leo  I.  he  was  anointed  with  oil  firom  head 
to  foot : — 

ical  fti^r  iMA  xpfiltritupot  koL  pifUMt  'IovtaM*r, 
Ik  M^^oA^f  t»4x^  irMp  iX^i^  rovror  XP^t* 

OMaU  Maasas.  In  Cknm»  Sjfnapt, 

The  East  followed  the  West  in  the  adoption  of 
unction.  It  has  been  carried  back  to  the  time 
of  Justin  and  Justinian,  i,e.  to  the  middle  of 
the  6th  century  (Onuphrius,  de  ConUt.  Tmperator^ 
c.  2) ;  but  Gear  (Eucholog,  p.  928)  affirms  that 
'Hhe  emperors  oi  the  East  were  not  anointed 
before  that  Charles  the  Great  was  crowned  in 
the  West "  (cf.  Selden,  v. ».  p.  146). 

In  the  earliest  ritual  anointing  on  the  head 
alone  sufficed.  That  of  the  whole  person,  adopted 
in  the  case  of  Charles  the  Great,  was  quite  ex- 
ceptional. The  unction  is  thus  limited  In  the 
Pontificale  of  Egbert  In  the  Greek  ritual,  given 
by  Codinus,  tlie  head  was  anointed  in  the  shape  of 
the  cross  (o^avpoeiSAt).  The  mediaeval  English 
rite  is  peculiar  in  anointing  the  head,  breast,  and 

*  The  ridlcnloui  fable  of  the  samda  aimpuMa,  conveyed 
fh>m  heaven  by  an  angd  with  oil  for  the  coronation  rites 
of  Clevis*  ▲.».  481,  was  not  heard  of  till  four  hondred  yeani 
after  the  date  of  the  snppond  event,  aod  then  In  coonraclon 
with  his  bapAJam  and  oonflraiatkML  (tOncmar,  VUa  S.  Bum. 
«p  Sarioni,  Jan.  13.) 

2  H  2 


466 


OOBONATION 


OOBONATIOK 


tanoBy  denoting  glorj,  sanctity,  and  strength. 
The  kings  of  France  were  anointed  in  nine  places 
— ^the  head,  breast,  between  the  shoulders,  the 
shoulders  themselves,  the  arms,  and  the  hands. 
But  this  was  a  later  development  of  the  rite. 
The  head  alone  was  anointed  in  three  places,  the 
right  ear,  the  forehead  round  to  the  left  ear, 
and  the  crown  of  the  head,  when  Charles  the 
Hald  was  crowned  bj  Hincmar,  a.d.'809  (Hinc- 
mar,  Opera^  i.  745). 

(c)  The  delivery  of  the  sceptre  and  staff,  which 
appears  in  the  English  ritual  of  the  Fontificale 
of  Egbert,  is  evidently  derived  from  the  custom 
prevailing  among  the  Lombards,  Franks,  and 
other  early  nations,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred,  of  delivering  a  spear  to  the  newly 
elected  sovereign. 

(d)  The  prolession  of  faith,  which  in  later  times 
formed  part  of  the  ritual  of  an  imperial  coro- 
nation, preceding  the  episcopal  benediction,  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  more  ancient  authorities. 
The  instances  given  by  Martene  (de  MitHnis)  in 

Sruof  of  its  early  date  are  quite  inconclusive, 
ovian's  declaration  of  Christian  faith  on  his 
election  as  emperor  by  the  soldiers  of  his  army, 
was  evidently  entirely  voluntary  (Theodoret, 
H,  E,  iv.  1).  The  demand  made  of  Anastasius 
(a.d.  491)  by  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
Euphemius,  that  as  the  price  of  the  episcopal 
sanction  to  his  election  to  the  imperial  dignity, 
he  would  sign  a  document  declaring  his  adhesion 
to  the  orthodoi  faith,  was  quite  exceptional 
(Evagr.  H,  K  iii.  32 ;  Theod.  Led.  iii.),  while 
the  profession  of  orthodoxy  required  by  Cyriac 
of  Phocas  A.D.  602,  and  unhesitatingly  given  by 
that  base  and  sanguinary  usurper  to  purchase 
the  patriarch's  recognition,  can  scarcelv  be 
pressed  into  a  precedent.  In  the  Gothic  King- 
dom of  Spain  an  oath  that  be  would  defend 
the  Catholic  fiiith,  and  preserve  the  realm  from 
the  contamination  of  Jewish  unbelievers,  was  very 
earlv  exacted  of  the  sovereign.  Sudi  a  pledge 
is  declared  essential  in  the  Acts  of  the  6th 
Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  636  (act  iii.  Labb^ 
Condi.  V.  p.  1743),  and  in  the  later  councils  held 
at  the  same  place.  It  is  expressly  declared  of 
Wamba  A.D.  673  that  before  the  ceremony  of 
unction  and  after  the  assumption  of  the  royal 
attire,  '*  regie  jam  cultu  conspicuus  ante  altare 
divinum  consistens  ex  more  fidem  populis  red- 
didit" (Jul.  Tolet.  §  4).  The  oath  of  King 
Egica  is  given  in  the  Acts  of  the  15th  Council 
of  Toledo  A.D.  688.  No  such  oath  or  profession 
of  faith  appears  in  the  form  of  coronation  in 
the  Pontijioaie  of  Egbert.  We  are  unable  to 
state  when  it  was  introduced  into  the  ritual  of 
the  Eastern  empire.  But  according  to  Georgius 
Codinus  (cap.  xvii.  §§  1-7),  the  newly  recognized 
em])eror  had  to  give  a  written  profession  of 
faith  before  his  coronation,  to  be  publicly  read 
in  St.  Sophia's. 

(e)  Leontius  {Vita  Sancti  Joan,  Alex,  Episc,  c 
1 7)  mentions  a  remarkable  custom  prevailing  in  the 
coronations  of  the  Eastern  empire  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury as  an  admonition  of  the  transitoriness  of  all 
earthly  greatness.  After  his  coronation  the  archi- 
tects of  the  imperial  monuments  approached  the 
emperor  and  presented  specimens  of  four  or  five 
marbles  of  different  colours,  with  the  inquiry 
which  he  would  choose  for  the  construction  of 
his  own  monument.  The  analogous  ceremony  de- 
scribed  by  Peter   l>aniianus  (Xi«.  lib.  i.  17), 


though  belonging  to  a  later  period,  may  be  men* 
tioned  here.  The  emperor  having  taken  his  seat 
on  his  throne,  with  his  diadem  on  his  head  and 
his  sceptre  in  his  hand,  and  his  nobles  standing 
around,  was  approaclied  by  a  man  carrying 
a  box  full  of  dead  men's  bones  and  dust  in  one 
hand,  and  in  the  other  a  wisp  of  flax  which — as 
in  the  papal  enthronization — ^was  lighted  and 
burnt  before  his  eyes. 

(/)  This  article  may  be  fittingly  closed  by  an 
epitome  of  the  ritual  prescribed  in  the  Poidificale 
of  Egbert,  A.D.  732-767,  already  repeatedly 
referral  to  as  the  earliest  extant  form  ot  corona- 
tion. 

The  title  of  this  coronation  service  is  ''  Missa 
pro  regibus  in  die  Benedictionls  ejus."  It  com- 
mences with  the  Antiphon  ^Justus  es  Domine, 
&c."  (Ps.  cxix.  137),  and  the  Psalm  ''Beati  im- 
maculati  (Ps.  cxix.  1).  Then  succeeds  a  Lesson 
from  Leviticus,  *<Haec  dicit  Dominus"  (Lev. 
xxvi.  6-9) ;  the  gradual,  "•  Salvum  fac,  &c.,"  and 
the  verse,  ^Auribus  percipe"  and  **  Alleluia,** 
the  Psalm  ^Magnus  Dominus"  (Ps.  xlviii.),  or 
'*  Domine  in  virtute  "  (Ps.  xxi.),  and  a  sequence 
from  St.  Matthew,  **In  illo  tem^ytre"  (Matt.  xxii. 
15).  Then  follows  the  **  Benedic  io  super  regem 
noviter  electum,"  and  three  collects,  **  Te  invo- 
camus  Domine  sancte,"  *^  Deus  qui  populis  tnis  ** 
(both  of  which  are  found  in  the  lAber  Jiegalis% 
and  *'  In  diebus  ejus  oriatur  omnibus  aequitaa." 
The  unction  follows,  according  to  the  form  al- 
ready given.  After  the  collect,  ^  Deus  electorum 
fortitude,"  succeeds  the  delivery  of  the  sceptre. 
The  rubric  is,  '*  Hie  omnes  pontifices  cum  princi- 
pibus  dant  ei  sceptrum  in  manu."  Fifteen  Preces 
follow.  After  this  there  is  the  delivery  of  the  staff 
('*Hic  datur  ei  baculum  in  manu  sua"),  with  the 
prayer,  **Omnipotens  det  tibi  Deus  de  rore  coeli,** 
esc,  and  imposition  of  the  crown  (the  rubric  is, 
**  Hie  omnes  pontifices  sumant  galerum  et  ponani 
super  caput  ipsius  "),  with  the  prayer,  **  Benedlc 
Domine  fortitudinem  regis  principis,  &c"  This 
is  succeeded  by  the  recognition  of  the  people, 
and  the  kiss.  The  rubric  runs,  ^  Et  dicat  omnia 
populus  tribus  vicibus  cum  episcopis  et  presby- 
teris  Vivat  rex  N,  in  eempHemum,  Tunc  con- 
firmabitur  cum  benedictione  omnia  populus  "  (Leo- 
fric  Missal,  ^  omni  populo  in  solio  regni ")  **  et 
osculandum  principem  in  sempitemum  didt. 
Ameiif  Amen,  Amen,**  The  seventh  *'  oratio  "  is 
said  over  the  king,  and  the  mass  follows,  with 
appropriate  Offertory,  Preface,  &c.  The  whole 
terminates  with  the  three  royal  precepts,  to 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  Church,  to  restrain 
all  rapacity  and  injustice,  and  to  maintain  justice 
and  mercy  in  all  judicial  proceedings. 

Aidhorities,  —  Maskell,  Momimenta  Sitvaiia 
Eoclesias  Anglioanae,  iii.  1-142.  Martene,  J>e 
Antiquia  Eccleaiae  JUtibne,  iL  201-237.  Seldei, 
Titles  of  Honour,  part  i.  ch.  vii.  Habertns, 
Pontific.  Qraec,  pp.  627  sq.  Catalani,  Comment, 
in  Pontific,  Rotnan,  i.  369-418.  Menin,  Traiti 
du  Sacre  et  Oowonnement  dee  Jtois  et  Peine$  de 
France,  Goar,  Enchologimn,  pp.  924-930.  M^ 
nard,  Kotea  to  Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  p.  397. 
Arthur  Taylor,  Qlory  of  RegaUiy,  Monttaucon, 
Monwnene  de  VHistoire  de  France,  tom.  L  p.  xvi.  sq. 
Diaoows  priliminaire  de  Vinaugwration  des  prv* 
misre  Bois  de  France,  Codinus  Curopalata,  De 
OfficHs  et  Officialibus  Curiae  et  Ecdesiae  Constanii* 
napolitanae,  c.  xvii.  Grimm,  Pecktsalterthiimer, 
p.  234  sq. 


OOBPOBAIi 


CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT     469 


CORPORAL  {Corporole,  PaUa  OorporalU, 
Palla  J/ominica),  The  cloth  on  which  the  ele- 
ments are  consecnited  in  the  Encharist. 

It  is  probable  from  the  nature  of  the  case  that 
from  the  most  ancient  times  the  table  on  which 
the  Lord's  Supper  was  celebrated  was  covered 
with  a  cloth.  [See  Altar-cloths.]  In  process 
of  time,  the  cloth  which  ordinarily  covered  the 
table  was  itself  covered,  when  the  sacred  ele- 
ments were  to  be  consecrated,  by  another  cloth 
called  a  CorporaL  The  Liber  Pontificalia  (p. 
105,  ed.  Muratori)  asserts  that  Pope  Sylvester 
(t  335)  decreed  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  altar 
should  be  consecrated  not  on  sills  or  on  any  kind 
of  dyed  cloth,  but  only  on  pure  white  linen,  as 
the  liOrd's  Body  was  buried  in  linen.  The  de- 
crees of  popes  of  that  age  lie,  as  is  well  known, 
under  a  good  deal  of  suspicion ;  but  at  a  some- 
what later  date  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (Fpist,  i. 
123)  lays  down  precisely  the  same  rule  as  that 
attributed  to  Sylvester.  Germanus  of  Paris 
(Expositio  Brevity  p.  93,  Migne)  also  lavs  down 
that  the  corporal  must  be  of  linen,  for  the  same 
reason  as  that  alleged  by  the  preceding  authori- 
ties, and  adds  that  it  should  be  woven  through- 
out, like  the  seamless  coat  of  the  Lord.  Redno 
(De  Diacip,  EccL  c  118)  quotes  a  oounoil  of 
Rheims  to  the  following  effect.  The  corporal  on 
which  the  immolation  is  made  must  be  of  the 
finest  and  purest  linen,  without  admixture  of 
any  other  material  whatever.  It  must  not  re- 
main on  the  altar  except  in  time  of  mass,  but 
must  either  be  placed  in  the  saeramentary  or 
shut  up  with  the  chalice  and  paten  in  a  plaoe 
kept  delicately  clean.  When  it  is  washed,  it 
must  first  be  rinsed  in  the  church  itself,  and  in 
a  vessel  kept  for  the  purpose  by  a  priest,  deacon, 
or  subdeacon. 

The  corporal  appears  anciently  to  have  co- 
vered the  whole  surface  of  the  altar.  Henoe, 
according  to  the  Ordo  Momantu  II,  o.  9,  it  re- 
quired the  services  of  two  deacons  to  spread  and 
refold  it.  So  the  Ordo  ^om.  I,  c  11.  It  was 
necessary,  in  fact,  that  it  should  be  sufficiently 
large  to  admit  of  the  bread  for  a  great  number 
of  communicants  being  placed  upon  it,  and  to 
allow  a  portion  to  be  turned  up  so  as  to  cover 
the  elements.  But  when,  about  the  11th  century, 
it  ceased  to  be  usual  for  the  people  to  communi- 
cate, and  the  bread  came  to  be  made  in  the  wafer 
form,  the  corporal  was  made  smaller,  and  a 
separate  oloth  or  covering  was  plaoed  over  the 
chalice  (Innocent  III.  De  Myet,  Mitaae,  ii.  56). 
This  was  often  stiffened  with  rich  material. 
Manv  churches,  however,  especially  those  of  the 
Carthusians,  retained  the  more  ancient  use  of 
the  corporal  even  in  modem  times,  as  we  are 
mformed  by  De  Mauleon  in  his  Iter  LUurg,  pp. 
57,  60,  200,  268.  (Krazer,  De  Liturgiis,  pp. 
175  ff.) 

For  the  corporals  of  the  Eastern  Church,  see 
Antihbnsium.  [C] 

CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT.  Corporal 
punishment  in  almost  every  form  was  evidently 
allowed  by  the  lex  talionie  of  the  Pentateuch : 
"  Eye  for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth,  hand  for  hand, 
foot  for  foot,  burning  for  burning,  wound  for 
wound,  stripe  for  stripe  "  (Exod.  xxi.  24,  25).  It 
was  also  allowed  to  be  used  by  the  master  upon 
his  slave  to  an  almost  unlimited  extent ;  if  in- 
deed he  smote  his  servant  or  his  maid  with  n 


rod,  and  they  died  under  his  hand,  he  was  to  be 
punished,  but  not  if  they  **  continued  a  day  or 
two  "  (ibf  20,  21)  I  the  slave,  however,  obtaining 
his  freedom  if  his  master  blinded  him  of  an  eye, 
or  knocked  a  tooth  out  (vv.  26,  27).  The  judicial 
bastinado  (i.  e,  for  a  freeman)  was  not  to  exceed 
40  stripes,  lest  **  thy  brother  should  seem  vile 
unto  thee  "  (Dent.  xxv.  3).  That  the  use  of  per- 
sonal chastisement  remained  prevalent,  is  evident 
from  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  espe- 
cially from  the  Book  of  Proverbs ;  though  it  is 
somewhat  difficult  to  see  by  whose  hand  the 
^  rod  "  or  ''  stripes  **  which  Solomon  so  zealously 
eulogises  as  the  due  reward  of  fools  could  well 
be  applied.  Not  less  zealously,  it  is  well  known, 
does  he  inculcate  the  use  of  them  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  children. 

It  seems  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  how 
much  milder  is  the  tone  of  the  New  Testament 
in  these  respects.  Fathers  were  not  to  ^  provoke 
their  children  to  wrath  "  (Eph.  vi.  4,  and  see  Col. 
iii.  21);  masters  were  to  ^  forbear  threatening" 
with  their  slaves  (Eph.  vi.  9).  At  the  same  time 
the  judicial  use  of  corporal  punishment  is  fre- 
quently mentioned,  and  only  indirectly  censured 
when  in  violation  of  an  established  privilege. 
By  the  old  Roman  law  indeed  a  citizen  could 
only  be  beaten  with  a  vine-branch,  not  with  rods 
(ftutee)  or  with  the  scourge  (Jlagellum\  which 

Erivilege  was  extended  by  Cains  Gracchus  to  the 
Atins ;  hence  St.  Paul's  twice-recorded  protest 
(Acts  xvi.  37 ;  xxii.  25)  aeainst  being  '*  beaten  " 
or  **  soourged,**  being  ^a  Roman."  It  is  certain 
however  tiiat  in  the  Roman  army  a  terrible  pu- 
nishment existed,  called  fwiuarium^  beginning 
with  a  stroke  of  the  centurion's  vine-branch  (the 
symbol  of  his  authoritv),  and  seldom  ending  but 
with  death.  And  as  the  status  of  the  freeman 
became  gradually  lowered,  it  is  clear  that  the 
use  of  the  rod  became  more  prevalent,  till  we 
find  the  jurists  of  the  period  extending  from  Se- 
verus  to  the  Gordians,  such  as  Callistratus  and 
Macer  (end  of  the  2nd  to  nearly  middle  of  the  3rd 
century),  speaking  of  the  fwdee  as  the  punish- 
ment of  the  free,  in  cases  where  the  slave  would 
be  flogged  with  the  flagellum,  or  terming  the 
application  of  the  former  a  mere  *'  admonition,** 
but  that  of  the  latter  a  castigation  (Dig,  bk.  xlviii. 
t.  xiz.  11.  10,  7). 

A  constitution  of  Severus  and  Antonine  forbade 
the  chastising  with  the  fustee  either  decemvirs 
or  their  sons  (Code,  bk.  ii.  tit.  xii.  1.  5.  a,d.  199) ; 
The  ignominy,  however,  arose  from  the  sentence, 
if  for  an  offence  deserving  by  law  such  punish- 
ment, not  from  the  mere  act;  «.</.  if  inflicted 
by  way  of  torture,  before  sentence.  It  did  not 
dishonour  {Dig,  bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  1.  22;  Code,  bk 
ii.  t.  xU.  L  14;  law  of  Gordian,  a.d.  239); 
though  the  torturing  of  decemvirs  under  any 
drcnmstanoes  was  eventually  forbidden  (bk.  x. 
t.  xxxi.  1.  33 ;  Const,  of  Giatian,  Valentinian, 
and  Theodosius,  A.D.  381).  But  a  man  was  in- 
fiunons  after  being  whipped  and  told  by  the 
praeoo^  ^Thou  hast  calumniated"  (bk.  ii.  1.  16, 
AD.  241).  An  extract  from  the  jurist  Callis- 
tratus in  the  Digest  (bk.  1. 1.  ii.  L  12)  brings  out 
in  a  striking  way  the  oonflkt  between  the  old 
dvio  pride  of  Rome  and  the  debasement  of  muni- 
cipal government  during  her  decay.  Traders,  he 
says,  though  liable  to  be  flogged  ^Jtl^^  aediles, 
are  not  to  be  set  aside  as  'rile.  They  are  not 
forbidden  to  solicit  the  decurionnte  or  other 


470     OOltPOBAL  PUNISHMENT 

honoun  in  the  city  of  their  blrthpUoe.  But  it 
does  not  seem  to  him  honourable  to  admit  to  the 
decnrioD  order  persona  who  have  been  subject 
(o  such  chaatisonent,  eapedallv  in  those  cities 
which  haTS  an  abundance  of  honourable  men, 
for  it  IS  the  paucitj  of  those  who  should  fulfil 
municipal  offices  which  necessarily  invitea  such 
persons,  if  wealthy,  to  municipal  honours.  And 
the  45th  Novel,  whilst  subjecting  Jews,  Sama- 
ritans, and  heretics,  to  all  the  charges  of  the 
decnrionate,  deprived  them  of  its  privileges,  ^aa 
that  of  not  being  scourged/' 

It  will  thua  he  seen  that  during  the  five  cen- 
turies which  separate  Justinian  from  St.  Paul, 
the  idea  of  corporal  punishment  under  its  moat 
usual  forms  as  a  social  degradation  subsisted, 
yet  the  liability  to  it  had  been  greatly  extended. 
The  equality  before  the  law  which  might  have 
been  reached  through  the  extension  of  Roman 
citixenship  itself  had  been  by  no  means  attained, 
but  the  character  of  that  citiienship  itself  had  be- 
come debased,  and  the  exemption  from  corporal 
punishment  which  still  fluttered,  like  a  last  rag 
of  the  toga^  on  the  sho*'4lders  of  the  civic  officers, 
had  been  alreadv  blown  off  for  some.  There  were 
decurions  who  had  been  flogged,  and  decurions 
who  could  be  flogged.  Such  exemption  was 
indeed  growing  to  be  a  privilege  attached  to  the 
mere  poasession  of  wealth.  Thua  delation  if 
proved  fiilse,  or  where  the  delator  did  not  perse- 
vere, should  he  be  of  mean  fortune,  which  he  did 
not  care  to  lose,  was  to  be  punished  with  the 
sharpest  flogging  (graviasimia  verberibus,  Oode^ 
bk.  X.  t.  xi.  1.  7 ;  law  of  Gratian,  Yalentinian 
and  Theodoaius,  end  of  4th  century). 

Among  the  offences  which  entailed  corporal 
pUDishmeut,  besides  the  one  last  mentioned,  may 
be  named  false  witness  (Codf,  bk.  iv.  t.  xx.  1.  li, 
constitution  of  Zeno,  end  of  5th  century).  The 
use  of  it  multiplied  indeed  as  the  character  of 
the  people  be<»me  lowered,  and  the  Novels 
are  comparatively  full  of  it.  The  8th  enacta 
flogging  and  torture  against  the  taking  of 
money  by  judges  (c  8);  the  123rd  puaiahea 
with  ^  bodily  torments"  those  persona,  especially 
stage-players  and  harlots,  who  should  assume 
the  monastic  di-ess,  or  imitate  or  make  a  mock 
of  Church  usages  (c  44) ;  the  lS4th  enacts  cor- 
poral punishment  against  those  who  detained 
debtors'  children  as  responsible  for  their  father's 
debt  (c  7),  or  who  abetted  illegal  divorces  (c.  11), 
and  requires  the  adulterous  wife  to  be  scourged 
to  the  quick — so  we  must  probably  understand 
the  words  ^  oompetentibus  vulneribus  subactam" 
(c.  10 ;  and  see  c  12).  On  the  other  hand,  a 
husband  chastising  his  wife  with  either  the 
ftutca  or  flagettum,  otherwise  than  for  conduct 
for  which  he  might  lawfully  divorce  her,  was  by 
the  1 17th  Novel  made  liable  to  pay  to  her,  during 
coverture,  the  amount  of  l-3rd  of  the  ante-nup- 
tial gifl  (c.  14).  The  last  chapter  of  the  lS4th 
Novel  indeed  (Depomiurum  cnrnium  moderatume^ 
c.  13)  professes  to  inculcate  moderation  in  pu- 
nishment, and  enacts  that  from  henceforth  there 
shall  be  no  other  penal  mutilation  than  the  cnt^ 
ting  off  of  one  hajul,  and  that  thieves  shall  only 
be  flogged.  Already  under  Gonstantine  it  had 
been  enacted  (Cods,  bk.  ix.  t.  xlvii.  1. 17,  a.d. 
315)  that  branding  should  not  be  in  the  fiioe,  as 
figuring  "  the  heavenly  beauty," — a  law  in  which 
the  influence  of  Christian  feeling  upon  the  first 
Christian  emperor  is  strikingly  displayed. 


CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT 

Passing  from  the  legislation  of  the  East  to  that 
of  the  West,  we  find  on  the  whole  a  very  similar 
course  of  things.  Among  the  ancient  Germans, 
according  to  the  account  of  Tacitus,  corporal 
punishment  was  rare.  He  notes  as  a  singularity 
that  in  war  none  but  the  priest  was  allowed  to 
punish,  bind,  or  even  strike  (ne  verberare  quidem) 
a  soldier  (I>€  Mor,  Osmu  c.  vii.).  A  husband 
might  indeed  flog  his  adulterous  wife  naked 
through  the  streets  (c  xix.);  but  otherwise  even 
slaves  were  rarely  beaten  (c  xxv.). 

In  the  barbaric  codes,  corporal  punishment  is 
in  like  manner  primarily  a  social  degradation. 
We  find  it  inflicted  on  a  slave,  as  an  alternative 
for  compensation.    Under  the  Salic  law,  a  slave 
stealing  to  the  value  of  2  denaru  was  to  receive 
120  blows  (ictus)  or  to  pay  three  solidi  (Factua 
vulgod,  aniiq.  t.  xiiL),  the  solidut  being  equiva- 
lent to  40  denariu    The  same  punishment  was 
inflicted  on  a  slave  committing  adultery  with  a 
slave-girl  (rape  indeed  seems  meant)  where  she 
did  not  die  of  it  (t.  xxix.).    Where  a  slave  was 
accused  of  theft,  corporal  punishment  was  applied 
by  way  of  torture.    Stretched  on  a  bench  (super 
scamnum  tensus)  w  the  really  older  but  so- 
called  recetUior  text  has  it,  he  received   120 
blows  (ictw,  or  as  the  other  text  has  it,  121  oo- 
laphaa).    If  he  confessed  under  torture,  aa  alrcidy 
mentioned  under  the  head  ^Mutilation  of  the 
Body,"  the  penalty  was  castration  if  a  male, 
but  for  a  woman  240  strokes  with  a  scourge,  or 
6  9olidi.    A   Constitution  of  King  Childebert 
(middle  of  6th   oentury),  contained  in  Labbe 
and  Mansi's  CouncOSf  enacta  in  certain  cases  of 
sacrilege  that  a  "servile  person"  shall  i*eceive 
100  lashes.    Under  the  Burgundian  law  (in  force 
horn  the  beginning  of  the  6th  until  at  leaat  813, 
when  it  was  still  recognised)  bodily  punlshmeni 
without  the  option  of  composition  was  enacteil 
for  the  slave,  where  the  nreeman  might  com- 
pound.   Thus  for  the  theft  of  a  hog,  sheep,  goat, 
or  of  bees,  the  slave  received  300  atrokes  with 
the  rod,  and  fustigation  ia  in  the  like  manner 
enacted  for  other  offences  by  slaves  (t.  v.  &c.)l 
A  Lombard  law  of  a.d.  724  (bk.  vi.  c.  88)  haa  a 
siagular  enactment,  punishing  with  shaving  and 
whipping  those  women  whom  their  husbanda 
send  out  upon  men  of  small  courage  (super  ho- 
minea  qui  minorem  habebant  virtutemXa  text 
which  gives  a  high  idea  of  the  vigour  of  Lombard 
women. 

The  Wisigothic  laws  exhibit  to  ua  before  any 
others  the  breaking  down  of  the  previous  free- 
man's privilege  (analogous  to  that  of  the  Roman 
dtixen)  of  exemption  from  corporal  punishment. 
The  corrupt  or  unjust  judge,  if  unable  to  make 
due  restitution  and  amends  was  to  receive  jO 
strokes  with  the  scourge  publicly  (publico  ex- 
tensus,  Bk.  ii.  c.  20).  The  use  (or  abuse)  of  cor- 
poral punishment  is  indeed  most  conspicuous  in 
this  code.  If  a  free  woman  married  or  com- 
mitted adultery  with  her  own  slave  or  freedman, 
the  punishment  was  death,  after  the  public  flagel- 
Ution  of  both  (bk.  iii.  t.  u.  L  2).  If  she  com- 
mitted adultery  with  another's  slave,  each  waa 
to  receive  100  lashes  (1.  3).  A  ravisher  being  a 
fr'eeman,  besides  being  handed  over  aa  a  alave  to 
the  ravished,  waa  to  receive  200  laahes  in  the 
sight  of  all  (bk.  iii.  t.  iii.  1. 1).  The  brother 
who  forced  a  sister  to  marry  against  her  will 
was  to  receive  50  lashes  (i&idL  1.  4).  The  slavt 
r«ivishing   a    freewoman    received   300   laj4iea| 


OOBPOBAL  P 


with  decaiTatioOf  £. «.  according  to  the  meaning 
of  the  word  at  this  period,  Malping;  200  and 
decalration  for  raviahing  a  slave-woman.  Acces- 
saries to  rape,  if  ft-ee,  50  lashes,  if  slaves,  100 
(U.  8-12).     So  again  for  the  various  grades  of 
adultery.    A  freeman  committing  adnlterj  with 
a  goodly  (idonea)  slave-girl  in  her  master's  house 
was  to  receive  100  strokes  without  infamy  (ap- 
parency inflicted  in  private,  and  with  a  stick 
onlyX — ^if  with  an  inferior  one,  50  only ;  a  slave 
receiving  for  the  like  offence  150  lashes,  and  the 
punishment  increasing  if  violence  were  used  (t. 
iv.  U.  14-16).    By  a  law  of  Recared  {ib.  17X 
public  flogging  was  also  made  the  punishment 
for  prostitution,  with  some  remarkable  provi- 
sions ;  thus  when  practised  by  a  freewoman  with 
the  knowledge  or  for  the  benefit  of  her  parents, 
each  was  to  receire  100  lashes ;  and  when  by  a 
slave  for  her  master's  benefit,  ho  was  to  receive 
the  same  number  of  lashes  as  were  to  be  given 
to  her,  and  50  in  any  case  where  after  being 
flogged  and  ''decalvated"  she  returned  to  the 
streets.     And  100  lashes  awaited  the  woman, 
religious  or  secular,  who  either  married  or  com- 
mitted adultery  with  a  priest  (1.  18,  also  of 
Recared).    By  a  law  of  Chindasuinth  (t.  vi.  1.  2) 
a  husband  remarrving  after  divorce  was  to  receive 
200  lashes  publicly,  with  decalvation.    Another 
law  of  tiie  same  king  (bk.  iv.  t.  v.)  enacted  50 
bishes  against  a  child  striking  a  parent  or  in  va- 
rious other  ways  misbehaving  against  him.  Flog- 
ging, with  or  without  decalvation  is  again  the 
pniUshment  for  consulting  a  soothsayer  on  the 
health  of  a  man  (bk.  vi  t.  U.  1.  IX — that  of  sor- 
cerers, storm-raisers,  invokers  of  and  sacrificers 
to  demons  and  those  who  consult  them  (1.  3) ; 
of  judges  or  others  who  consult  diviners  or  apply 
themselves  to  auguries  (l«  5) ;  of  slave-women 
and  slaves  causing  abortion  (t.  iiL  11. 1,  5,  6) ; 
generally  for  wounds  and  personal  ijDJuries  by 
Saves,  and  to  some  extent  by  freemen  (t.  iv.); 
for  thefts,  either  of  goods  or  slaves  (bk.  vii.  t.  ii. 
t.  iiL),  with  again  the  remarkable  provisions  that 
if  a  master  stole  with  his  slave,  or  the  'slave  by 
his  master's  order,  the  master  was  to  receive 
100  lashes  (besides  compounding),  the  slave  to 
be  exempt  from  punishment  (t.  iL  L  5,  t.  iii.  1. 
5) ;  for  certain  forgeries  (t.  v.  1. 2) ;  for  gathering 
a  crowd  to  commit  murder  (bk.  viii.  t.  i.  1.  S) ; 
lor  violently  shutting  up  a  person  within  his  house 
(1.  4) ;  for  soliciting  others  to  rob  or  robbing  on 
the  line  of  march,  the  offence  in  the  two  latter 
being  however  for  freemen  alternative  with 


composition  HI.  6,  9,  10,  11);  for  setting  fire  to 
woods  (t.  ii.  1.  2) ;  in  the  case  of  persons  of  infe- 
rior condition,  for  de8tro3ing  crops  (t.  iii.  L  6), 
sending  animals  into  crops  or  vines  (I.  10);  also 
for  bnaking  mills  or  dams  and  leaving  them 
unrepaired  for  30  days  (L  30),  lie  lie  Nowhere 
however  is  the  abuse  of  corporal  punishment 
more  terrible  than  in  the  case  of  offences  against 
religion.  Blasphemers  of  the  Trinity,  Jews  with- 
drawing themselves,  their  children  or  servants 
from  baptism,  celebrating  the  Passover,  observ- 
tag  the  Sabbath  or  other  festivals  of  their  creed, 
working  on  the  Lord's  day  and  on  Christian 
feast  days,  making  distinctions  o£  meats,  marrv- 
ing  within  the  6th  degree,  reading  Jewish  books 
against  the  faith,  lie.,  were  to  receive  100  lashes 
with  decalvation,  and  with  or  without  exile  and 
slavery  (bk.  xii.  t.  iii.  11.  2,  8, 11).  For  marry- 
icg  without  priestly  benediction,  or  in  anywiiH> 


(X)BPOBAL  PUNISHMENT     471 

exceeding  the  law  as  to  dowry,  the  Jewish  bus* 
band,  his  wife  and  her  parents,  were  to  receive 
100  lashes,  or  compound  with  100  ao/ttfi.  A  law 
of  Recared  confirming  the  Council  of  Toledo 
punished  with  50  blows  (without  infamy)  any 
person  who  disobeyed  the  enactments  of  the 
Council  and  had  no  money  to  lose  (t.  i.  1.  S). 

In  the  ferocitv  of  punishment  under  this  Code, 
we  must  not  however  lose  sight  of  the  fact 
already  pointed  out  elsewhere  in  these  pi^^ 
[BODT,  MUTILATIOK  OF  thk],  that  the  enactment 
of  any  fixed  punishment  constitutes  an  enormous 
step  in  advance  on  the  mere  composition  of  the 
earlier  barbaric  Codes,  whilst  in  various  of  the 
enactments,  such  as  those  exempting  slaves  from 
punishment  where  they  only  act  as  the  tools  of 
their  masters,  we  find  a  striving  towards  a  higher 
and  more  discriminating  standard  of  justice  than 
that  which  measures  other  contemporary  legis- 
lation, which  equally  bears  testimony  to  the 
influence  of  the  clergy  on  Wisigothic  legislation — 
an  influence,  indeed,  of  which  we  see  the  darker 
side  in  the  atrociour.  laws  against  the  Jews. 

Amongst  our  Anglo-Saxon  forefathers,  corporal 
punishment  seems  in  general  to  have  been  con- 
fined to  slaves,  as  an  alternative  for  compensation, 
wherewith  the  slave  ^*  redeemed  "  or  **  paid  the 
price  of  his  skin,"  as  it  is  expressed ;  e.g.  for 
sacrificing  to  devils  (laws  of  Wihtrsed,  Kent,  ▲.d. 
691-725X  for  working  on  Sundays  (laws  of  Ina, 
A.D.  688-728,  iii.).  In  certain  cases  of  theft  the 
accuser  himself  was  allowed  to  flog  the  culprit 
(xxviii.).  A  foreigner  or  stranger  wandering  out 
of  the  way  through  the  woods,  who  neither 
shouted  nor  blew  the  horn,  was  to  be  deemed 
a  thief^  and  to  be  flogged  or  redeem  himself 
(xviiL). 

Capital  punishment  is  again  prominent  in  the 
Capitularies.  The  first  Capitularv  of  Carloman, 
A.D.  742  (c  6),  imposes  two  years'  imprisonment 
on  a  fornicating  priest,  afier  he  has  beoi  soourged 
to  the  quick  (flagellatus  ei  scorticatus).  The  Capi- 
tulary of  Metz,  755,  following  a  synod  held  at  tiie 
same  place,  enacts  that  for  incest  a  slave  or  f^ed- 
man  uiall  be  beaten  with  many  stripes,  as  also  any 
*^  minor  "  cleric  guilty  of  the  like  offence.  The 
same  enactment,  confined  to  the  case  of  marrying 
a  cousin,  and  in  slightly  different  language,  occurs 
elsewhere  in  the  general  collection.  A  savage  one 
on  ocuppiracies  (a.d.  805,  c.  10)  is  added  to  the 
Salic  law,  enacting  that  where  conspiradas  have 
been  made  with  an  oath — ^the  principals  suffering 
death — ^the  accessaries  are  to  flog  each  other  and 
cut  each  other's  noses  off;  even  if  no  mischief 
shall  have  been  done,  to  shave  and  flog  each 
other.  For  conspiracies,  without  an  oath,  the 
slave  only  was  to  be  flogged,  the  freeman  clearing 
himself  by  oath  or  compounding.  The  same  law 
occurs  in  the  General  Capitnhuries  (bk.  iii.  9). 
Another  law  of  the  7th  book  (c  123)  enacts 
public  flagellation  and  decalvation  for  the  slave 
marrying  within  the  7th  degree  of  consanguinity, 
and  the  4th  Addition  embodies  much  of  the 
rigorous  Wisigothic  Code  as  towards  the  Jews, 
who  are  to  be  decalvated  and  receive  100  lashes 
publicly  if  they  marry  within  the  prohibited 
degrees  (c  2).  And  the  Wisigothic  provision 
against  marrying  without  priesUy  benedictions, 
or  exceeding  in  anywute  the  laws  as  to  dowry,  ii 
by  this  extended  to  Jews  as  well  as  Christians. 

There  remains  only  to  shew  corporal  punish- 
ment as  either  the  subject  or  as  forming  part  oi 


472   CORPOBAL  PUNISHMENT 


COBPOEAL  PUNISHMENT 


the  discipline  of  the  church  itself.  Here,  indeed, 
we  find  at  first  a  much  higher  standard  than  that 
of  the  civil  law.  Among  the  persons  whose  offer' 
ings  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  require  to  be  re- 
jeeted  are  such  as  '^  use  their  slaves  wickedly,  with 
stripes,  or  hunger,  or  hard  service  "  (bk.  iv.  c.  6). 
Soon  however  a  harsher  law  must  have  prevailed. 
The  Council  of  Eliberis,  A.D.  305,  enacted  (c.  5) 
that  if  a  mistress,  inflamed  by  jealousy,  should 
so  flog  her  handmaid  that  she  should  die  within 
three  days,  she  is  only  to  be  admitted  to  com- 
munion after  seven  years'  penance  (unless  in  case 
of  dangerous  illness)  if  the  act  were  done  wilfully, 
or  after  fine  if  death  were  not  intended — a  pro- 
vision which  speaks  volumes  indeed  of  the  bitter- 
nesb  of  Spanish  slavery  at  this  period,  but  which 
nevertheless  shews  the  church  taking  cognizance 
of  the  slave-owner's  excesses,  and  endeavouring 
to  moderate  them  by  its  discipline,  at  least  in  the 
case  of  wdmen.  On  the  other  hand,  the  right  of 
personal  chastisement  was  often  arrogated  by  the 
clergy  themselves,  since  the  Apostolic  Canons 
enact  that  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon,  striking 
the  fiuthfnl  who  have  sinned,  or  the  unfaithful 
who  have  done  wrong,  seeking  thereby  to  make 
himself  feared,  is  to  ^  deposed  (c  19,  otherwise 
26  or  28),  and  Augustine  clearly  testifies  to  the 
Gust  of  corporal  punishment  being  judicially 
iafllcted  by  buhops,  in  that  painful  letter  of  his 
to  the  Prefect  Maroellus,  in  which,  whilst  ex- 
horting him  not  to  be  too  severe  in  punishing 
the  Donatists,  he  praises  him  at  the  same  time 
for  having  drawn  out  the  confession  of  crimes  so 
great  by  whipping  with  rods  (virgarum  verberi- 
bus),  inasmuch  as  this  **  mode  of  coercion  is  wont 
to  be  applied  by  the  masters  of  liberal  arts,  by 
parents  themselves,  and  often  even  by  bishops  in 
their  judgmenU'*  (Sp,  133,  otherwise  I59> 

Corporal  punishment  seems  moreover  to  have 
formed  ftom  an  early  period,  if  not  from  the 
first,  a  part  of  the  monastic  discipline.  The  rule 
of  St.  Pachomius,  translated  into  I^tin  by  Je- 
rome (art.  87X  imposes  the  penalty  of  thirty-nine 
lashes,  to  be  inflicted  before  the  gates  of  the 
monastery  (besides  fiisting),  after  three  warnings, 
on  a  monk  who  persists  in  the  "  most  evil  custom  " 
of  talking,  as  well  as  for  theft  (art.  121).  The 
same  punishment  may  also  be  implied  in  the 
term  "  oorripere  "  used  in  other  articles,  as  *'  qor- 
ripientur  juxta  ordinem,*'  *' corripietur  ordine 
monasterii,"  &c.  But  the  word  might  also  apply 
to  mere  verbal  correction,  since  by  art.  97  chil- 
dren who  coald  not  be  brought  to  think  of  God's 
judgment  >'  et  correpti  verbo  non  emendaverint," 
are  to  be  flogged  till  they  receive  instruction  and 
fear.  *  In  the  4th  book  of  Cassian's  work,  *  De 
coenobiorum  institutis'  (end  of  4th  or  begin- 
ning of  5th  century),  flogging  is  placed  on  the 
same  line  with  expulsion  as  a  punishment  for  the 
graver  offences  against  monastic  discipline  (some 
of  which  indeed  may  appear  to  us  very  slight), 
as  *'  open  reproaches,  manifest  acts  of  contempt, 
swelling  words  of  oontradiction,  a  free  and  un- 
restrained gait,  familiarity  with  women,  anger, 
fightings,  rivalries,  quarrels,  the  presumption  to 
do  some  special  work,  the  oontagion  of  money 
loving,  the  affecting  and  possessing  of  things 
superfluous,  which  other  brethren  have  pot, 
extraordinary  and  furtive  refections,  and  the 
like  "  (c.  Itf).  In  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (a.d. 
528)  corporal  punishment  seems  implied  in  the 
*'  major  cmendatio."    And  *^  if  a  brother  for  any 


the  slightest  cause  is  corrected  (corripitur)  ib 
any  way  by  the  abbot  or  any  prior,  or  if  he 
lightly  feel  that  the  mind  of  any  prior  is  wroth 
or  moved  against  him,  however  moderately,  with- 
out delay  let  him  lie  prostrate  on  the  earth  at 
his  feet,  doing  batisfaction  until  that  emotion  be 
healed.  But  if  any  scorn  to  do  this,  let  him  be 
either  subjected  to  corporal  punishment,  or  if 
contumacious,  expelled  from  the  monastery" 
(c.  71).  Here,  it  will  be  seen,  corporal  punuh- 
ment  is  viewed  as  a  lighter  penalty  than  ex- 
pulsion. 

We  need  not  dwell  on  a  supposed  Canon  of  the 
above-referred  to  Council  of  Eliberis,  to  be  found 
in  Gratian  and  others  (ex  cap.  ix.),  allowing 
bishops  and  their  ministers  to  scourge  coloni 
with  rods  for  their  crimes.  But  in  the  letters  ot 
Gregory  I.  the  Great,  590-603,  the  right  of 
inflicting,  or  at  least  ordering  personal  chastise- 
ment is  evidently  assumed  to  belong  to  the 
clergy.  In  a  letter  to  Pantaleo  the  Notary  (bk. 
ii.  Pt.  li.  Ep.  40),  on  the  subject  of  a  deacon's 
daughter  who  had  been  seduced  by  a  bishop's 
nephew,  he  required  either  that  the  offender 
should  marry  her,  executing  the  due  nuptial 
instruments,  or  be  '*  corporally  chastised  "  and 
put  to  penance  in  a  monastery,  and  the  Pope 
renews  this  injunction  in  a  letter  (42)  to  the 
uncle,  Bishop  Felix,  himself.  Bishop  Andreas  of 
Tarentum,  who  had  had  a  woman  on  the  roll 
of  the  church  (de  matriculis)  cruelly  whipped 
with  rods,  against  the  order  of  the  priesthood, 
so  that  she  died  after  eight  months,  was  never- 
theless only  punished  by  this  really  great  Pope 
with  two  months'  suspension  from  saying  mass 
(epp.  44, 45).  Sometimes,  indeed,  corporal  punish- 
ment was  inflicted  actually  in  the  church,  as  we 
see  in  another  letter  of  the  same  Pope  to  the 
Bishop  of  Constantinople,  complaining  that  an 
Isaurian  monk  and  priest  had  been  thus  beaten 
with  rods,  *<  a  new  and  unheard  of  mode  of 
preaching"  (ep,  52).  But  the  same  Gregory 
deemed  it  fitting  that  slaves,  guilty  of  idolatzr 
or  following  sorcerers,  should  be  chastised  with 
stripes  and  tortures  for  their  amendment  (bk.  vii. 
pt.  ii.  ep,  67,  to  Januarius,  Bishop  of  Calaris). 
Elsewhere  the  flogging  of  penitent  thieves  seems 
to  be  implied  (bk.  xii.  ep,  31,  c  iv.). 

Towanls  the  end  of  the  same  century,  the 
16th  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  693,  enacted  that 
100  lashes  and  shameful  deooUvatio  should  be  the 
punishment  of  unnatural  offences.  With  this 
and  a  few  6ther  exceptions,  however,  the  enact- 
ments of  the  church  as  to  corporal  punishment 
chiefly  refer  to  clerics  or  monks.  The  Council  of 
Vannes  fn  465  had  indeed  already  enacted  that 
a  cleric  proved  to  have  been  drunk  should 
either  be  kept  thirty  days  out  of  communicm, 
or  subjected  to  corporal  punishment  (c.  13). 
The  1st  Council  of  (Cleans  in  511  had  enacted 
that  if  the  relict  of  a  priest  or  deacon  were  to 
marry  again,  she  and  ner  husband  were  after 
"  castigation "  to  be  separated,  or  excommu- 
nicated if  they  persisted  in  living  together  (c  3). 
Towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century,  the  Council 
of  A'atnn  (about  670),  enacted  that  any  monk  who 
went  against  its  decrees  should  either  be  beaten 
with  rods,  or  suspended  for  three  years  from  com- 
munion (c.  15).  In  the  next  century,  Gregory  III. 
(731-41),  in  his  Excerpt  from  the  Fathers  and 
the  Canons,  assigns  stripes  as  the  punishment  for 
thefts  of  hofy  things,  and  inserts  the  Canon  of 


COBSIOUS 

the  Conndl  of  Eliberia  as  to  the  penance  of  a 
mutress  flogging  her  slave  girl  to  death  (cc  2, 
3>  The  Synod  of  MeU,  753,  in  a  canon  already 
qaoted  in  part  above  as  a  capitulary,  enacted 
that  a  slare  or  freedman  without  money,  com- 
mitting incest  with  a  consecrated  woman,  a 
gossip,  a  oonsin,  was  to  be  beaten  with  many 
stripes,  and  that  clerics  committing  the  like 
offence,  if  minor  ones,  were  to  be  beaten  or  im- 
prisoned (c.  i.).  We  might,  indeed,  refer  the 
reader  under  this  head  to  all  that  is  said  above 
as  to  the  Capitalaries,  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
legislation  of  this  period  being  almost  absolntely 
ODMlistingnishable. 

The  practice  of  the  church  on  this  subject  was 
therefore  in  the  main  accordant  with  civil  legis- 
lation, which  it  seems  nevertheless  to  have 
humanised  to  some  degree  in  favour  of  the  slave. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  mischiefs  of  clerical  influ- 
ence show  fearfully  in  the  enactments  of  the 
Wisigothic  law  against  the  Jews  and  others,  and 
in  the  Carlovingian  legislation  on  the  subject  of 
marriage  within  the  pi*ohibited  degrees. 

[N.B. — Bingham's  references  on  this  head  are 
more  than  once  misleading.]  [J.  M.  L.] 

CORSICUB,  presbyter,  martyr  in  Africa, 
June  30  (Mart  Usuardi).  [C] 

G06MAB.  (1)  Martyr  at  Aegea,  with  Da- 
M lAM,  under  Diocletian,  Sept.  27  (Mart.  Hieron., 
Bedae,  Hmn.  Vet^  Usuanii) ;  as  ^  wonder-workers 
and  unmercenary,''  Nov.  1  (OaL  Byzant,}, 

(S)  iyiovoXtrjis  Ktd  woi^nff,  Oct.  14  (CcU, 
ByzatU,).  [C] 

C0TTIDU8,  or  QUOTTtDIUS,  deacon, 
martyr  in  Cappadocia,  Sept.  6  (Mart.  Hieron., 
UsuardiX  [C] 

COUNCIL  [Obfie*7iiim,  as  early  as  Tertull. 
2)0  Jejun,  xiiL,  De  Fudic,  x.,  and  2^ro8os  (= 
**  assembly,"  in  LXX.,  and  in  the  translation  of 
Symmachus),  in  Apott.  CanomSf  xxxvi.  al.  xzxviL 
(and  again  in  Euseb.  ff.  K  r.  23,  lie),  but  the 
latter  term  still  used  also  at  the  same  period  for 
any  Christian  assembly,  e.  g.  Apod.  Constii.  v.  20 : 
in  late  medieval  times,  Lyndwood  (Promnc  II. 
tit.  viL  p.  115)  appropriates  ** council"  to  pro- 
vincial, and  ^^ synod"  to  diocesan  assemblies — 
**  episoopi  in  suis  dioeoesibus  fiiciunt  synodoSy 
metropoUtani  vero  oondtta^ — (JoncSiabulum  ap- 
propriated to  the  "  conventicula  haereticorum," 
as  early  as  (Jono.  Carth,  IV.  c.  70,  A.D.  398,  and 
so  also  Yffu8o-<r^ro8of,  and  Yt v8o-0r^AXoyof,  in 
the  Theodos.  Code :]  =  an  assembly  of  either  a 
part  or  (as  £ur  as  posaible)  the  whole  of  the 
Christian  Church,  for  either  elective,  judicial,  or 
legislative  purposes,  or  else  to  elicit  the  testimony 
of  the  collective  Church  upon  emergent  doctrinal 
questions, — suggested  by  ApostoUc  precedent, 
and  by  obvious  reason,  and  grounding  itself  also 
(as  time  went  on)  upon  the  promise  of  our  Lord 
to  be  present  where  any  are  gathered  together  in 
His  name  (e.  g.  Cbnc.  ChaloedL,  EpiaL  ad  Leon.^ 
A.DI.  451 ;  Ckmc  Ccnriamiin.  Act.  xvii.  a.i>.  681 ; 
C<mc.  Tolet.  III.  a.d.  527 ;  Facund.  Herm.,  Def. 
JHrnii  Capitul.  c.  vii. ;  kc.\  and  upon  His  in- 
junction to  ^  tell  the  Church." 

Such  councils  are  usuallv  classified  somewhat 
as  follows — in  an  order  w^ich  also  tallies  with 
the  chronological  order  in  which  each  class  came 
to  exist : — 

1.  A  council  of  a  single  ^  parochia,"  or  (m  the 


CJOUNCIL 


478 


modem  sense)  diocese,  consisting  of  the  bishop 
and  presbjrters,  but  with  the  deacons  and  people 
assisting;  which  will  be  here  called  Diooesan 
(called  also  Episoopal^  and  in  later  [Frank]  times. 
Civile  =  of  one  city  or  see).  Of  such  synods  there 
is  no  distinct  mention  until  the  3nl  centurv. 
but  it  is  obvious  that,  either  in  a  formal  or  an 
unformal  way,  they  must  have  been  part  of  the 
ordinary  organization  of  the  Church,  at  a  time 
when  each  diocese  consisted  of  the  Christians  of 
a  single  city  in  which  bishop  and  clergy  dwelt, 
with  a  few  country  congregations  only,  gradually 
growing  up, — i.  e.  from  the  very  beginning ;  and 
that  they  would  be  recognized  in  canons,  only 
when  the  extent  of  dioceses,  and  other  like  causes, 
rendered  canons  on  the  subject  necessary. 

2.  A  council  of  the  bishops  of  several  dioceses, 
i. «.  a  Provincial  Council^  held  (when  metro- 
politan organization  came  to  exist)  under  the 
metropolitan  of  the  province,  viz.  from  abont 
the  latter  half  of  the  2nd  century,  and  from  that 
time  considered  a  ''perfect"  (rtXtla)  synod  of 
the  kind,  only  if  the  metropolitan  were  present 
(^  trvfirdpttrri  icol  6  r^f  fiiiTpow6\tws,  Ccnc. 
AnHoch.  A.D.  341,  can.  16,  and,  much  later. 
Cone,  Bracar.  II.  A.D.  572,  can.  9).  And  such 
councils  were  (with  the  diocesan  synods)  the 
essential  framework,  as  it  were,  and  bond  of  union 
and  of  good  government  in  the  Church ;  and  be- 
came part  of  its  ordinary  machinery  early  in  the 
2nd  century,  and  probably  from  the  very  begin- 
ning, but  are  first  mentioned,  of  the  £ast,  by 
Firmilianus  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  (Epist.  75 
ad  Cyprian,  earlier  half  of  3rd  century),  when 
they  regularly  and  of  necessity  (*'  necessario ") 
recurred  in  Asia  once  a  year,  for  purposes  of  dis- 
cipline, and  of  the  West,  by  St.  Cyprian,  at  the 
same  period.  The  **  Councils  of  the  Churches," 
however,  are  mentioned  bv  Tertullian  (De  Fudio. 
X.)  as  if  in  his  time  an  ordinary  church  tribunal, 
which  determined  among  other  things  against  the 
canonicity  of  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas. 

3.  A  council  of  tiie  bishops  of  a  patriarchate, 
or  primacy,  or  exarchate,  i  «.  of  a  diooeee  in  the 
ancient  sense  of  the  term ,  as,  «.^.  a  council  r^s 
'AiwToXiir^f  5ioiir4<r««»f  ordained  Flavian  of  An- 
tioch,  Come.  Constant.,  ap.  Theodor.  H.  E.  v.  9; 
called  (as  by  St.  Augustin,  De  Bapt.  c,  Donat. 
i.  7,  ii.  3)  "  Rbqionis,"  or  national,  or  again 
Plenabium,  and  Umiybbsalb  (e.g.  Cone. 
Tolet.  III.  A.D.  527,  c  18),  and  in  Africa 
in  the  4th  century  Univebsalb  Anniver- 
8ABIUM  (e.g.  in  Cone.  Ouih.  III.  c.  7);  and 
hj  Pope  Symmachus,  speaking  of  a  Roman 
douncil  of  the  kind,  Gbmerale.  And  under 
this  head  may  be  reckoned  also:  — i.  The 
early  councils,  assembled  incidentally  and  upon 
emergencies,  and  consisting  of  as  many  bishops 
of  neighbouring  provinces  gathered  together 
as  circumstances  allowed,  such  as  those  which 
Tertullian  mentions:  ''Aguntur  praeoepta  per 
Oraedas  illas  oertis  in  lods  concilia  ex  universis 
ecclesiis,"  &c.,  De  Jejun,  xiil.  (implying  that 
hitherto  there  had  been  no  councils  of  the  kind 
in  the  West) ;  or  again,  the  councils  in  Asia  Minor 
and  at  Anchialus,  against  the  Montanists,  in  the 
middle  of  the  2nd  century  (HefeleX  mentioned 
by  Eusebius,  H,  E.  v.  16 ;  or  the  various  coun- 
cils respecting  Easter  in  both  East  and  West  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  same  century  (Euseb. 
H.  ti.  V.  24) ;  which  are  the  earliest  councils 
upon  recoiU.     ii.  The  cooncils  of  the  Eastern 


474 


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Charch  by  itself,  or  of  the  Western  Church  by 
itself^  as  in  the  4th  centary.  And  both  these 
classes  were  extraordinaryi  and  for  particular 
emergencies,  iii.  The  regular  annual  primatial 
councils  (see  Cone.  Conttantm,  ▲.d.  381,  can.  3), 
as,  e.g.  of  Antioch,  or  more  remarkably,  of 
Africa:  the  latter  of  which,  aca  to  Cone 
Carthag,  IIL  A.D.  398,  cans.  2,  7,  41,  43,  was 
to  consist  of  three  bishops  as  legates  from  each 
African  province,  except  that  of  Tripoli,  which 
was  to  send  only  one,  as  having  few  bishops, 
thus  admitting  the  principle  of  representation 
under  pressure  of  circumstances ;  while  subse- 
quent councils  permitted  a  ''vicar"  instead  of 
the  bishop  in  person  in  case  of  absolute  necessity 
(jConc  Carthag,  IV,  can.  21),  and  enacted  a  divi- 
sion of  the  bishops  into  "  duo  vel  tres  turmae," 
each  "  tuima"  to  attend  in  turn  {Cone  Carthag.  V. 
can.  10);  and,  Ustly,  altered  the  "yearly" 
meeting  into  one  only  "quoties  exegerit  causa 
communis "  (Cone,  Miiewt.  II.  A.D.  416,  can.  9, 
Cod.  Can.  Afric.  xcv.).  Like  councils  were  (less 
regularly)  held  at  Rome  in  the  5th  century,  as 
e,g.  when  three  delegates  from  the  Sicilian  bishops 
were  directed  by  Pope  Leo  the  Great  (Epist.  iv. 
c.  71)  to  attend  the  autumnal  synod  of  the  two 
to  be  annually  held  at  Rome.  And  occasionally 
elsewhere  also,  as  in  Spain  and  in  Gaul.  National 
councils,  in  later  times  (6th  century  onwards), 
e.g.  in  France,  in  Saxon  England,  and  above  all 
in  Spain,  belong,  where  they  were  purely  eccle- 
siastical, to  the  same  class. 

4.  A  council  of  (as  far  as  possible)  the  bishops 
of  the  whole  Church,  Ogcukenical  (first  so 
called  in  Euseb.  V,  Cotutant  iii.  6,  and  again  in 
Cone  Constantin,  A.D.  381),  not  intentionally 
limited  to  specially  the  Roman  world,  but  in- 
cluding all  Christians  everywhere,  although  at 
that  period  the  Christian  Church  was  nearly  in- 
cluded in  the  narrower  meaning ; — "  Mius  or6»  " 
(St.  Aug.  De  Bapi.  c.  Donat.  L  7^  "  ex  Mo  orbe  " 
(Snip.  Sev.  ii.),  ^^plenarium  universae  eodeaiae** 
(St.  Aug.  Epist.  162),  ^plenariwn  ex  wiiverso  orbe 
Chriatiano"  as  distinguished  from  (not  only 
"  provindarum,"  but)  "  regionum  concilia  "  (Id. 
De  Bapt.  c.  Donat,  ii.  3>  So  Tertullian  (as  above 
cited)  speaks  of  **  representatio  totius  Christiani 
nominis."  And  Augustin  (De  Bapt.  e.  Donat, 
vii.  53)  distinguishes  **  regionale "  from  "  ple- 
narium  concilium,"  and  rests  the  certainty  of  the 
latter  on  the  "  univei'salis  ecclesiae  consensio." 
And  this  was  regarded  as  an  extraoixlinary  re- 
medy for  an  extraordinary  emergency,  to  be 
resorted  to  as  seldom  as  possible ;  and  even  when 
necessary,  yet  an  evil  for  the  time,  as  throwing 
everything  into  disturbance, — as  bad  as  a  tempest 
("procella,"  St.  Hilar.  De  Synodis),  And  as  it 
was  first  possible,  so  does  it  appear  to  have  been 
first  thought  of,  in  the  time  of  Constantino  the 
Great. 

To  these  must  be  added,  as  matter  of  history, 
although  all  more  or  less  abnormal : — 

5.  The  S^roSoi  ^Zviiifutwrai,  at  Constantmople, 
from  the  4th  century,  and  again  at  the  various 
cities  whei*e  the  Roman  emperors  dwelt,  as  at 
Rome,  and  in  one  case  (under  Maximus)  at  Treves, 
and  agam  the  Concilia  Paiaiina  nnder  the  Carlo- 
vingian  emperors,  held  "  in  regum  palatiis ;" 
consisting  in  each  case  of  the  bishops  who  hap- 
pened to  be  at  court. 

6.  The  mixed  national  councils  of  the  Euro- 
pean kingdoms,    after    the  convci'sion  of   the 


Franks,  Saxons,  Spaniards,  lie ;  P&ictto,  Witena- 
gemots,  &e. 

The  so-called  Council  of  the  Apostles  (in  Acu 
XV.)  is  a  distinct  precedent,  in  principle,  for 
Church  councils ;  as  sanctioning  the  decision  of 
emergent  controversies  and  matters  of  discipline 
by  common  consultation  of  the  whole  Church 
under  the  guidance  and  leadership  of  the 
"apostles  and  elders,"  =  the  bishops  and  pres- 
byters. It  is  "  the  apostles  and  elders "  who 
conie  together  to  consider  the  matter(Acts  xv.  6> 
Tet  Toy  rd  wKridos  are  present  (t&.  12)^  but  as 
listening.  It  is  "the  apostles  and  elders,  with 
the  whole  Church,"  who  make  the  decree  (i&.  22). 
And  the  best  MSS.  make  that  decree  run  in  the 
name  of  "  the  apostles  and  elders"  only,  although 
the  reading  is  no  doubt  uncertain  (t6.  23,  red- 
ing ol  iirofrrokoi  koL  ol  w^c<r/i^cpoi  iScX^Q. 
The  formal  deliberation  and  the  decree,  then, 
emanate  from  the  apostles  and  the  elders,  but  the 
whole  Church,  i,e,  the  laity  also,  are  consulted. 
In  the  same  way,  in  other  cases,  we  find,  e.g» 
the  "  prophets  and  teachers  "  at  Antioch  sending 
St.  Paul  and  Barnabas  on  their  mission  ;  yet  St. 
Paul  and  Barnabas  report  (^u^ryciXor)  to  an 
"  assembly  of  the  Church "  of  Antioch  what 
"  God  had  done  with  them  "  (Acts  xlu.  1,  xiv.  27) ; 
St.  Paul  however  at  a  later  time  reporting  pri- 
vately, for  obvious  reasons,  to  James  and  the 
elders  (•&.  xxi.  18).  And  the  same  two  were 
formally  sent  to  the  council  at  Jerusalem  by 
the  Church  of  Antioch  (rpowtfi^Bitrr^s  irh  r^f 
iKKKricias^  which  plainly  had  also  appointed 
them  (Irolay,  Acts  xv.  2,  3).  In  1  Cor.  v.  4, 
the  Church  of  Corinth  is  represented  as  "  gathered 
together  "  to  exercise  discipline.  That  SL  James 
presided  at  Jerusalem  naturally  followed  from  his 
office  of  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  Strictly  speaking, 
the  assembly  over  which  he  presided  was  an 
assembly  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  only,  to 
receive  a  deputation  from  the  Church  of  Antioch. 
And  it  differed  from  the  Church  councils  also  in 
the  actual  presence  in  it  of  apostles.  But  this 
difference  only  strengthens  the  case  as  a  pre- 
cedent for  mutual  deliberation  on  the  part  of  the 
Church  collectively :  iSo^cr  ^fiaf  yei^o^crois 
6fMOvfAalli6r  (Acts  xv.  25).  Other  assemblies  in 
apostolical  times,  mentioned  in  the  Acts — ^viz. 
Acts  i.  15,  to  appoint  an  apostle  in  the  place  of 
Judas ;  vi.  2,  to  establish  the  diaconate ;  ix.  27, 
to  receive  St.  Paul — have  been  miscalled  Apo- 
stolic Councils,  by  an  obvious  straining  of  the 
term. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  speak,  successively, 
of— 

A.  The  ORDER  of  holding  Ecclesiastical  Coun- 
cils; 

B.  The  ooNsriTUENT  members  of  Ecclesias- 
tical Councils ; 

C.  The  authorttt  assigned  to  such  Councils. 
And,  lastly,  to  add  a  few  words  respecting 

D.  Irreqular  and  abnormal  assemUies  akin 
to  Councils. 

A.  Under  the  head  of  the  Order  of  holding 
a  council,  we  have  to  consider , — 
I.  By  whcm  ccuncSs  were  mtmmoned. 
Diocesan  and  Provincial  Councils  were  sum- 
moned respectively  bv  the  bishop  of  the  diocese 
and  by  the  metropolitan  of  the  province  (see 
authorities  in  Bingham),  and  this  after  the  time 
of  Constantine,  as  well  as  before  it.  A  council 
of  two  or  more  provmces  together  won  id  natu* 


UOUNCIIi 

n\\j  be  ■nmmonad  by  the  Mnior  metropolitan ; 
the  earlier  conncilB  of  neighbouring   bishops, 
prior  to  the  organization  of  the  metropolitan 
•jstem,  by  the  Itfiding  biahope  of  the  locality,  as, 
€>g.  that  at  Antioch,  whieh  condemned  Paul  of 
Samosata ;  those  of  a  patriarchate  or  primacy, 
as  0.^.  of  Africa,  by  the  patriarch  or  primate. 
The  ffiwoioi  4»lhifwvff€u  of  Constantinople  were 
summoned  by  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ; 
the  Concilia  Palatina  by  the  Frank  kings  and 
emperors ;  the  national  councils  of  the  European 
kingdoms,  which  were  as  much  civil  as  ecclesi- 
astical, by  the  respectire  kings.    And  in  these 
last-named  cases  the  royal  permission  or  com- 
mand to  hold  them  is  frequently  mentioned. 
Oecumenical  Councils,  consisting  in  the  first  in* 
atance  almost  wholly  of  bishops  of  the  Roman 
empire,  were  summoned  by  the  Roman  emperors 
until  the  9th  century  (see  Socrates,  lib.  ▼.  Prooeni), 
although,  naturally,  upon  consultation  with  the 
chief  bishops  of  the  Church  herself.     After  that 
period,  those  that  have  been  so  called  have  been 
summoned  by  the  popes  in  the  Western  Church. 
The  great  Council  of  Nice  was  summoned  by 
Constantine  (by  rifAirriKk  ypdfiiACfra  [Euseb.,  V, 
Constant,  iii.  6,  and  cf.  Socrat.  i.  9,  Theodoret,  i. 
9],  which  purport  to  be  given  in  a  Syriac  version 
in  B.  H.  Cowper's  Anaiecta  Nicaena,  pp.  21-29), 
but  *'ex  sententia  sacerdotum"  (Rufin,  ff,  E,  i. 
1) ;  and  chiefly,  as  is  plain,  by  the  acoounta  of 
Eusebius,  Socrates,  and  Sozomen,  upon  the  advice 
of  Hosius,  bishop  of  Cordova.     Later  documents, 
of  no  value  in  such  a  point,  viz.  the  Liber  Dor 
man  and  the  Cono,  C&nstantin.  A.D.  680,  put 
forward  Pope  Sylvester  as  the  adviser.     The 
Council  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  381,  was  sum- 
moned by  the  Emperor  Theodosius  (Labb.  iv. 
1123,   1124);  that  of  Ephesus,  a.d.  431,  Kark 
rh  yoijifjum  or  ^jc  Bttntifffioros,  of  Theodosius  II. 
and  Valentinian  111.  (Act,  in  Mansi,  iv,  1111); 
Pope  Damasus  concurring  in  the  former,  but 
Eastern  patriarchs  (Meletius  of  Antioch,  Gr^ory, 
and  his  successor  Nectarius,  of  Constantinople) 
really  ''assembling"  it  (even  according  to  the  Cone, 
Constant,  of  a.d.  680,  and  see  Vales,  ad  Theodoret. 
ff.  E.  V.  9) ;  while  Pope  Celestine  similarly  con- 
curred in  tiie  latter,  but  (as  is  evident  oy  his 
own  letters)  did  not  summon  it  {Acts  of  the 
Council  and  Letters  in  Mansi,  iv.  1226,  1283, 
1291>    The  case  of  the  Council  of  Chaloedon, 
A.D.  451,  so  far  differs  from  its  predecessors,  that 
the  pope,  Leo  the  Great,  suggested  and  requested 
it  (desiring,  however,  to  have  it  in  Italy),  yet 
subsequently,  and  when  too  late,  desired   its 
postponement  (Leo  H.  Epist.  44,  54-58,  69,  73, 
76,   89-95).     The   application  was   originally 
made  to  Tlieodosius  II.  and  Valentinian  III.,  but 
the  council  was  actually  summoned  by  Marcia% 
*'ex  decreto  piissimorum   Imperatorum  Valen- 
tiniani  et  Marciani,"  in  the  words  of  the  council 
itself  (lAbb.  iv.  77X  or  in  those  of   Leo,  ''ez 
praecepto  Chriatianorum  principum  et  consensu 
Apostolicae  Sedis"  (Leon.  M.  Epist.   114),  and 
again,  in  Marcian's  words  to  Leo  (inter  Leon. 
Epist.  73),  ^  te  auctore."    The  2nd  Council  of 
Constantinople,    jlh.    553,    was    convoked    by 
Justinian  (Labb.  v.  4)  after  consultation  with 
Pope  Vigiliua  and   with  Mennas  patriarch  of 
Cooatantinople.    But  Vigilius  aftar  a  time  put 
himself  in  direct  antagonism  with  the  council, 
and  upon  May  26,  553  was  actually  struck  out 
of  the  diptychs  by  it ;  although,  after  its  termi- 


COUNCIL 


475 


nation,  he  retracted,  and  in  the  end  of  a.ix  553, 
and  by  a  ConHitutvm  of  February  23,  A.D.  554, 
accepted  its  decrees.  The  Srd  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  680,  was  convoked  by  the 
''piissima  jassio"  of  the  Emperor  Constantine 
Pogonatus  (Labb.  vL  608,  631^  Pope  Agatho  only 
sending  legates  when  requested,  and  with  them  his 
owD  exposition  of  the  faith,  and  a  profession  of 
his  readiness  to  pay  *'  promptam  obedientiam  "  to 
the  emperor.  The  5th  of  Constantinople,  a.d. 
754  (in  Cave's  reckoning,  the  8th  oecumenical), 
which  condemned  images,  was  summoned  by 
Constantine  Copronymus  and  Leo  (Labb.  vii. 
397).  The  2nd  of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  was  convoked 
by  the  Empress  Irene  and  her  son  Constantine 
(Labb.  vii.  661),  at  the  request  of  Tarasins, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  with  the  acquiescence 
of  Pope  Adrian  I. ;  the  latter,  however,  speaking 
afterwards  of  the  council  (in  his  letter  to  Charle- 
magne) as  summoned  "  secundum  nostram  onli- 
nationem."  And,  lastly,  the  Emperor  Basil,  the 
Macedonian,  called  together  the  4th  of  Constan- 
tinople, A.D.  869  (not  acknowledged,  however, 
by  the  Eastern  Church,  which  puts  in  its  plar^ 
that  of  A.D.  879X  after  an  embassy,  sent  to  Pope 
Nicholas  I.,  but  received  and  answered  by  his 
successor  Adrian  II.  (Labb.  viii.  1313).  The 
Council  of  Sardica,  intended  to  be  oecumenical, 
was  summoned  by  the  Emperors  Constantins  and 
Constans  (Socr.  ii.  20;  Sozom.  iii.  2;  St.Athanaa. 
JSist,  Arian,  §  36).  And  the  numberless  smaller 
councils  about  Arianism  were  likewise  sum- 
moned by  the  emperors.  See  the  summary  of 
the  whole  case  in  Andrewes  (Sight  and  Power 
of  calUng  Assemblies,  Sermons^  v.  160-165,  and 
Tortura  Torti,  pp.  193,  422,  sq.).  The  case  of 
the  Ist  Council  of  Aries,  A«D.  314,  is  a  pecu- 
liar one.  It  was  not  a  regular  council  of  any 
portion  of  the  Church,  but  rather  a  selected 
ecclesiastical  tribunal,  of  which  the  members 
were  specially  chosen  and  summoned  by  the 
Emperor  Constantine,  and  mainly  from  Gaul 
(Euseb.  ff.  E.Z.5;  Optat.  ffist.  Donat.  p.  181, 
Dupin),  intended  to  be  oecumenical  (the  Emperor 
''assembling  there  a  large  number  of  bishops  from 
different  and  almost  innumerable  parts  of  the 
empire,"  Euseb.  t&.),  and  actually  called 
"  plenarium,"  and  "  universae  eoclesiae,"  by 
St.  Augustine,  but  not  so  really,  as  neither 
including  all  bishops  nor  any  Eastern  bishops. 
And  its  object  was  to  revise  the  decision  of  a 
tribunal  of  fewer  bishops  held  at  Rome  under 
the  Pope  Melchiades  in  the  previous  year, 
with  which  the  Donatists  were  not  content. 
It  was  simply  an  instance,  therefore,  of  that 
which  afb^nvards  became  a  rule^  viz.  of  the 
Emperor's  assigning  episcopal  judgea  to  decide 
an  ecclesiastical  case.  Much  like  it  is  the 
summoning  of  the  Roman  councils  about  Pope 
Symmachus,  two  ooituries  later,  by  King  Theo- 
doric. 

The  regular  title  for  the  bishop's  or  metro- 
politan's letters  of  summons  was  Synodicae  or 
Tractoriae  (St.  Aug.  Epist.  217  ad  Victorin.) ; 
for  the  Emperor's  like  letters,  Saerae. 
From  the  summons,  we  go  on  to-^ 
II.  The  time  when,  and  the  ocoasions  upon 
which,  councils  were  summoned.  Speaking  first 
of  those  councils  which  recurred,  or  were  meant 
to  recur,  regularly,  we  find  the  chief  stress  of 
the  canons  to  be  <Urected  to  provincial  councils, 
as  being  no  doubt  more  difficult  to  enforce,  and 


476 


COUNCIL 


ftlso  in  the  interest  of  justice,  such  oouncils  being 
the  coon  of  appeal  from  the  decisions  of  indi- 
vidual bishops.  In  the  time  of  Firmilian  and  of 
Cjprian,  as  said  above,  these  were  habitually 
held  once  a  year ;  Fii'milian's  words  being  appa- 
rently determined  to  mean  provincial,  not  dio- 
cesan, councils,  by  the  mention  of  **seniores  et 
praepositi,"  *' presbyters  and  bishops "  (in  the 
plural).  The  great  Council  of  Nice  (can.  5) 
increased  them  to  twice  in  the  year,  once  before 
Lent,  once  in  autumn.  And  so  also  the  Apostolic 
Caiion  37,  specifying,  however,  the  4th  week 
after  Easter  and  the  12th  of  *Tircp3«pcra«bv,  t.e. 
October.  And  twice  a  year,  accordinglv,  beo&me 
thenceforward  the  rule  of  what  ought  to  be, 
although  in  actual  feet,  and  by  repeated  con- 
cessions of  councils,  finally  relaxed  into  once. 
So  Cone,  AfOwch,  a.d.  341,  can.  20  (slightly 
varying  the  days),  Cone,  Chaioed.  A.D.  451,  can. 
19 ;  and  for  Africa,  Cone,  Carthag,  III,  a.d.  397, 
can.  2,  and  V.  can.  7  (fixing  October  21),  and  Cod, 
Can,  Afnc,  c.  18 ;  for  Spain,  Cone,  Toiet  III,  A.D. 
589,  can.  18,  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  3  (fixing  May  20), 
XI,  A.D.  675,  can.  15,  XVIL  A.D.  742,  can.  1 ; 
Hmerit,  A.D.  666,  can.  7;  for  France,  Cone, 
£egien8.  A.D.  439,  can.  8  (twice  a  year),  Arcnuie,  L 
A.n.  441,  can.  89,  AwreL  II.  A.i>.  533,  can.  2, 
AUisfiod.  A.D.  578,  can.  7;  and  for  England, 
Cone.  Cakhyth,  A.D.  787,  can.  3  (the  title  of 
which,  however,  seems  to  refer  it  to  diocesan 
oouncils),  and  before  it,  Cone,  Herubf,  A.D.  673, 
can.  7,  ordering  a  synod  twice  in  the  year,  but 
in  the  next  sentence  limiting  the  number  to  once, 
viz.  upon  August  1,  at  Clovesho,  on  the  ground 
of  unavoidable  hindrances.  Once  a  year  became, 
indeed,  the  recognised  practice  (but  as  an  un- 
canonical  concession  to  necessity),  and  is  admitted 
by  GratUn  {Diit,  xviii.  c.  16,  189,  2  c),  and  in 
England  by  Lyndwood  (Proomc.  Ub,  i.  Ht,  14) ; 
as  it  had  been  allowed  much  earlier  by  the 
council  m  TruUo,  can.  8,  and  by  Cone,  Nioaen,  II, 
can.  6.  And  similarly,  Gregory  the  Great, 
enjoining  once  a  year  in  Sicily  {Epitt,  i.  1),  and 
in  Gaul  (ib.  ix.  106),  adds  in  the  ktter  case  that 
it  ought  to  be  twice ;  and  enjoins  twice  in  Sar- 
dinia (ib.  iv.  9),  possibly  as  being  an  island  of  no 
great  extent;  while  in  yet  another  case  (ib,  v. 
54)  he  orders  such  synods  whenever  needed. 
Leo  the  Great,  likewise,  A.D.  446,  commands 
synods  twice  a  year  at  Thessalonica  (Epiai,  xiv.), 
but  A.D.  447,  only  once  a  year  at  Rome,  yet  with 
the  addition  that  it  ought  to  be  twice  (ib,  xvi.). 
See  also  Avitus  Yienn.  (Epist,  80 — *'  It  ought  to 
be  twice  in  a  year,  would  that  it  were  once  in  two 
years  I  **^  and  Pope  Uormisdas  (Epist.  25— <<  If  not 
two,  at  least  one  ").  Finally,  Pipin,  A.D.  755  (in 
Cone,  Vem,  pref.  cans.  2,  4),  renewed  the  in- 
junction of  two  a  year,  naming  for  them  March  1 
nnd  October  1,  but  the  second  of  them  to  be 
attended  only  by  the  metropolitans  and  certain 
selected  clergy.  Yet,  a  century  after,  the  Cone, 
TulL  A.D.  859,  can.  7,  is  again  compelled  to  sup- 
plicate that  they  might  be  held  once  in  the  year. 
Diocesan  synods  are  assumed,  in  the  11th 
century  (Modus  tenendi  SynodoSy  in  Wilk.  Cone. 
iv.  784),  to  be  also  held  twice  a  year.  And 
Heraixlus  of  Tours  (Capit.  c  91)  similarly  com- 
mands them  to  be  held  twice,  and  each  time  not 
to  l:t2»t  more  than  15  days.  But  here,  also, 
earlier  rules  speak  of  once.  Cone.  Liptin.  a.d.  743, 
c.  1  (attributed  also  to  Cone.  Toiet.  XV I  I.  can.  1), 
SmsMion.  A.o.  744,  c.  2,  St.  Ik>nifiice  (Epist.  105), 


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CapU.  Car.  M.  VII.  108;  of  which  authorxtiM» 
however,  the  last  is  busied  not  so  much  with  a 
synod  as  with  ordering  the  clei^y  to  give  acoouol 
of  their  acts  and  receive  instru<^iotts,  and  bids 
them  go  ''per  turmas  et  per  hebdomadas"  to 
the  bishop  (ib.  vi.  163).  It  was  the  office  of  such 
synods,  among  other  things,  to  promulgate  to  the 
diocese  the  decrees  of  the  provincial  synods;  and 
accordingly  we  find  a  provision,  in  Cone.  TokL 
XVI,  A.D.  693,  can.  7  (and  cf.  also  Coune.  of  OoW' 
shOy  A.D.  747  can.  25,  and  the  nearly  contemporary 
German  Council  under  St.  Boniiaoe,  can.  6,  in  Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  37 1, 377),  that  a  diocesan  synod 
should  be  held  within  six  months  after  the  pro- 
vincial one.  We  find  also  abbats  and  presbyters 
summoned  to  an  annual  synod,  sometimes  to- 
gether, sometimes  separately  (Cone.  Oscens.  jld, 
598,  c.  1,  for  Spain ;  AUissiod.  A.D.  578,  can.  7,  for 
Gaul).  Diocesan  synods  were  at  that  time 
commonly  summoned  about  Lent.  In  ear- 
lier times  still,  e,g.  that  of  St.  Cyprian,  sadi 
councils  would  seem  to  have  been  held  whenever 
needed. 

The  primatial  or  patriarchal  synods  were  in- 
tended to  be  annual,  and  that  of  Africa  was  com- 
monly called  Universale  Anniversarium.  Bat 
the  usual  difficulty  of  procuring  attendance  was 
at  once  testified,  and  in  attempt  remedied,  by 
the  provisions  for  representation  mentioned 
already.  Pope  Hilary  (Epist.  3)  also  orders 
such  synods  once  a  year  in  Gaul.  And  Leo  the 
Great  summons  the  Sicilian  bishops  to  attend  bj 
representation  at  one  of  two  such  synods  annual!/ 
in  Rome  (Epist.  iv.).  But  circumstanoes  must 
have  speedily  rendered  such  regular  synods  im- 
possible. The  Council  of  Agde,  a.i>.  506,  can.  71, 
seems  to  renew  the  annual  rule.  But  the  2nd 
of  Mtcon,  A.D.  585,  can.  20,  made  it  triennial 
("  post  trietericum  tempus  omnes  conveniant "} 
for  Gaul.  And  this  is  the  Tridentine  rule  in 
later  times.  The  Concilia  Pakstma  were  at  first 
occasional,  as  the  kings  or  emperors  summoned 
them.  Pipin,  as  above  said,  A.D.  755,  called 
some  council  of  the  kind  twice  in  the  year ;  but 
the  actual  practice  remained  irregular.  And 
Cone.  TulL  a.d.  859,  can.  7,  asking  for  a  pro- 
vincial council  once  a  year,  asked  also  for  a  pala- 
tine council  once  in  every  two  years.  Hincmar, 
however,  speaks  of  twice  a  year  as  customary 
('*  oonsnetudo  tunc  temporis  erat,"  speaking  of 
"Phuata,"  0pp.  II.  211,  sq.). 

All  these  kinds  of  oouncils  were  parts  of  the 
ordinary  constitution  of  the  Church,  even  the 
Palatine  councils  bemg  mixed  up  with  ecclesias- 
tical matters.  And  those  of  them  that  were 
proper  Church  councils  were  needed  at  r^^lar 
times ;  as  required  (according  to  Cenc.  Carik.  III. 
can.  2),  "propter  causas  eoclesiasticas,  quae  ad 
pemiciem  plebium  saepe  veterascnnt,"  although 
their  fiinctions  were  not  restricted  to  cases  of 
discipline  only.  Other  kinds  of  councils  were 
only  occasional  remedies  for  special  emergencies, 
and  were  held  therefore  when  needed.  Of  the 
six  gi-ounds  usually  enumerated  (e.g.  by  Hefele) 
for  holding  oecumenical  councils,  setting  aside 
all  those  that  belong  to  medieval  time^  as,  e^. 
the  deciding  between  rival  popes,  &c.,  there  re- 
mains, for  earlier  times,  only  one,  which  is  both 
historically  the  ground  upon  which  the  great 
oecumenical  councils  were  actually  summoned, 
and  that  assigned  by  the  Apostolical  canon  (37) 
for  councils  at  all — *K»9tu>i94irmvuM  &A\^Acis 


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477 


TJbf    ififrnrrowrta    iKHhri^uurrtKiis    irriKoylas 

III.  The  pbu!6  in  which  ooandla  were  held) 
when  purely  chnrch  councils,  was  commonly  the 
church  or  some  building  attached  to  the  church ; 
e,  g,  the  Secrekaium  or  ^loKoviKhv  attached  often 
to  large  churches  (Liberat.  Bretiar.  xiii.),  in 
which  kind  of  building  the  3rd  to  the  6th  Coun- 
cils of  Carthage  were  held,  and  others  also  (Du 
Cange  in  ▼.  Secreiarium) ;  or  the  baptistery  or 
^mrirr^ptinft  wherein  the  Council  of  Chaloedon, 
for  instance,  ▲.D.  451,  met  (Labb.  Cone,  iv.  285, 
and  see  Suicer  in  v.  ^vriariipiow) ;  or  the  church 
itself;  as  in  the  Council  of  Toledo  IV.  A.D.  633 ; 
or  again  in  much  later  times  (as  A.D.  879  and 
1165,  at  Constantinople),  the  galleries  or  Kony- 
Xo^MMv  of  ^^^  church  (Bingh.  VIII.  r.  7).  The 
great  Council  of  Nice  met,  according  to  Euse- 
bius  ( V,  Constant,  iiL  7)  in  an  otKot  thicHipiiot, 
or  as  he  words  it  elsewhere  (t6. 10),  iv  rf  ^e<rou- 
rdr^  ofky  rAv  fituriK^twr.  Theodoret  (i.  7)  and 
Sozomen  (i.  19)  determine  this  to  mean  a  royal 
palace.  Valesius,  on  the  contrary  (ad  loc,  Euaeb.% 
argues  that  it  must  mean  a  church.  The  words 
of  e.g.  Sosomen  appear  really  to  show,  that  the 
bishops  met  during  their  first  sessions  in  a 
church,  but  that  when  the  day  of  decision  arrived, 
and  Constantino  in  person  intended  to  be  present, 
then  they  removed  to  his  palace;  which  was 
oTjcof  fiiyurroSf  and  where  the  bishops  sat  on 
seats  along  the  wall,  and  the  emperor  on  a 
throne  in  the  middle.  The  neit  four  Oecume- 
nical Councils  were  certainly  held  in  a  church  or 
in  a  building  attached  to  a  church,  respectively 
at  Constantinople,  Ephesus,  Chalcedon,  and 
again  Constantinople  (Jo.  Damasc  De  Sac.  Imag. 
traet.  iii.,  St.  Cyril.  Alex,  ad  Thdodot,  in  Actt. 
Cone.  Ephea.,  Evagr.  H.  £.  iL  8,  &c).  The 
Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  680,  and  the 
siii>plemental  Trullan  Council  of  ajk  692,  were 
held  in  the  mcretarium  of  the  Imperial  palace, 
called  Tr%Uiu.  The  Council  of  Constantinople 
against  images,  A.D.  754,  was  held,  first  in  the 
imperial  palace  of  Hiera  on  the  shore  opposite 
Bysantium,  and  then  in  a  church  in  Constanti- 
nople it8el£  Palatine  councils  and  mixed  national 
councils  were  commonly  and  naturally  held  in 
royal  palaces.  In  Ciampini  (Yet.  Man.  L  tab, 
zxxrii.)  is  figured  a  mosaic  of  the  5th  oentury, 
indicating  a  council,  and  with  a  auagestua  and 
the  open  Gospels  thereon  in  the  middle,  from  the 
Baptistery  at  Ravenna. 

Diocesan  and  provincial  councils  were  held 
naturally  and  ordinarily  in  the  cathedral  and 
metropolitan  cities  respectively.  Why  Clovesho 
was  selected  for  the  provincial  councils  of  Saxon 
England,  it  is  impossible  to  mv,  in  the  absence  of 
any  certainty  as  to  where  Clovesho  was.  Pos- 
sibly it  was  a  central  spot,  which  Canterbury 
was  not.  The  outgoing  council  sometimes  named 
the  place  for  that  which  was  to  come  next ;  as 
€,g.  Cone,  Tokt,  IV.  a.d.  633,  can.  4,  enacts  that 
it  shall  do.  So  also  the  place  for  the  first  of 
Pipin's  two  annual  councils  was  fixed  by  him- 
self, but  that  first  council  determined  the  loca- 
lity of  the  second.  Cone,  Annuio.  I,  A.D.  441, 
can.  29,  forbids  any  council  to  be  dissolved  "  sine 
alterius  conventus  denuntiatione."  Cone,  Emerit. 
A.D.  666,  c  7,  and  Cone,  Tolet,  iv.  A.D.  633, 
can.  3,  leave  it  to  the  metropolitan  to  deter- 
mine the  place,  which  was  the  usual  rule.    The 


palace  where  king  or  emperor  happened  to  be, 
commonly  decided  the  locality  of  the  Concilia 
PalaHnOj  as  9jg,  Clichy,  Braine,  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
&C.  The  localities  of  the  Oecumenical  Councils 
were  determined  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  and  the  convenience  of  the  emperors. 
Nicaea,  ejg.  was  close  to  the  emperor's  palace  at 
Nicomedia.  Ephesus  was  a  convenient  seaport, 
with  great  facilities  of  access  on  account  of  its 
trading  importance,  and  accessible  by  land 
through  the  great  road  by  Iconium^  to  the  Eu- 
phrates (see  Howson  and  Conybeare's  St.  Paul^ 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  80,  sq.  8vo.  edit.).  Chalcedon  was 
close  to  Constantinople,  yet  apart  from  it.  And 
Sardica  again  was  chosen,  in  a.d.  347,  as  a  place 
most  convenient  for  East  and  West  to  meet  in. 

IV.  ProvisioH  at  the  public  expense^  was  also 
made,  both  for  the  conveyance  of  the  bishops  to 
the  place  of  meeting,  and  for  their  entertainment 
during  the  sessions,  at  anv  rate  during  the  period 
of  the  councils  against  the  Arians.  The  former 
was  ordered  by  Constantino  in  the  cases  of  the 
Councils  of  Aries  I.  and  Nice  (Euseb.  ff,  E,  x. 
5,  and  V.  Constant,  iv.  6-9,  &c.) ;  and  is  bitterly 
complained  o^  somewhat  later,  by  Ammianus 
Maroellinus  (Hist.  xxi.  fin.^  as  interfering  with 
the  public  system  of  conveyance  to  the  detriment 
of  public  business  and  convenience;  while  pope 
Liberius  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  council  from  the 
emperor  by  (among  other  motives)  ofiering  that 
the  bishops  would  waive  the  privilege  and  travel 
at  their  own  expense  (Sozom.  iv.  11).  Of  the  latter 
we  read  at  the  Council  of  Ariminum,  A.D.  359, 
where  only  three  of  the  British  bishops  accepted 
it,  the  others,  with  the  bishops  of  Gaul  and 
Aquitaine,  declining  it  as  interfering  with  their 
independence  (Sulp.  Sev.  ii  55). 

V.  The  ceremonial  of  a  council  is  described  in 
respect  to  a  provincial  council,  by  an  order  Oi 
Cone.  Toiet.  IV.  A.D.  633,  can.  4,  quoted  and 
abridged,  but  not  quite  accurately,  by  Hefele  (L 
65,  Engl.  Tr.%  thus: — ^^ Before  sunset  on  the 
day  appointed,  all  those  who  are  in  the  chnrch 
must  come  out ;  and  all  the  doors  must  be  shut, 
except  the  one  by  which  the  bishops  enter ;  and 
at  this  door  all  the  ostiarii  will  station  them- 
selves. The  bishops  will  then  come,  and  take 
their  places  according  to  the  times  of  their  ordi- 
nation. When  they  have  taken  their  places,  the 
elected  priests,  and  after  them  the  deacons, 
[' probabUes,  quos  ordo  poposcerit  interesse,*] 
will  come  in  their  turn  to  take  their  places.  The 
priests  sit  behind  the  bishops,  the  deacons  [stand] 
in  front,  and  all  are  arranged  in  the  form  of  a 
circle.  Last  of  all,  those  laity  are  introduced, 
whom  the  Council  by  their  election  have  judged 
worthy  of  the  favour.  The  notaries,  who  are 
necessary,  are  also  introduced.  [And  the  doors 
are  barred.]  All  keep  silence.  When  the  arch- 
deacon says.  Orate,  all  prostrate  themselves  upon 
the  ground.  After  several  moments,  one  of  the 
oldest  bishops  rises  and  recites  a  prayer  in  a  loud 
voice,  during  which  all  the  rest  remain  npoli 
their  knees.  The  prayer  having  been  recited, 
all  answer,  Amen ;  and  they  rise  when  the  arch- 
deacon says,  Erigite  vos.  While  all  keep  silent, 
a  deacon,  dad  in  a  white  alb,  brings  into  the 
midst  the  book  of  the  canons,  and  reads  the  rules 
for  the  holding  of  councils.  When  this  is  ended, 
the  metropolitan  gives  an  address,  and  calls  on 
those  present  to  bring  forward  their  complaints. 
If  a  priest,  a  deacon,  or  a  layman,  has  any  com* 


478 


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plaint  to  make,  he  makes  it  known  to  the  arch- 
deacon of  the  metropolitan  church;  and  the 
latter,  in  his  turn,  will  bring  it  to  the  knowledge 
of  tlte  council.  No  bishop  is  to  withdraw  with- 
out the  rest;  and  no  one  is  to  pronounce  the 
council  dissolved,  before  all  the  business  is  ended." 
The  synod  concluded  with  a  ceremony  similar  to 
that  of  the  opening ;  the  metropolitan  then  pro- 
claimed the  time  of  celebrating  Easter  (t6.  can. 
5),  and  that  of  the  meeting  of  the  next  synod, 
such  synods  being  annual  by  csn.  8. 

Probably  councils  elsewhere  followed  a  like 
practice  to  those  of  Spain.  The  deacons,  how- 
ever, at  all  times,  did  not  sit  but  stood  {Cone, 
IlUbeHt,  in  proo&m,^  Cone,  Tolet  /.,  Braoar,  II,, 
several  early  Roman  Councils  in  Btngh.  ii.  xix. 
12,  and  St.  Cyprian's  African  ConncilsX  unless 
they  appeared  as  representing  their  respective 
bishops. 

A  "^Mcdua  ienendi  Synodot  m  AngUa"  (11th 
cent.  Cott,  MSS,  Cleop,C.  vUi.  fol.  35,  printed  in 
Wilkins'  OmcUia  iv.  784-786),  supplies  a  like 
although  later  account  of  a  diocesan  synod. 
After  commanding  such  synods  twice  annually, 
and  suspending  contumadous  absentees  for  a 
year,  it  proceed  to  order  the  church  to  be  cleared 
of  all  people,  and  the  doors  dosed,  except  one  at 
which  the  otUani  are  to  be  stationed.  Then,  at 
an  hour  to  be  fixed  by  the  bishop  or  his  vicar, 
and  in  solemn  procession  with  crosses  and  litany, 
a  seat  having  been  placed  in  the  middle  of  the 
church  mith  relics  lying  upon  it,  and  a  '^plena- 
rium,"  ».d.  either  a  complete  missal  or  a  com- 

f>lete  copy  of  the  gospels,  and  a  stole,  being 
ikewise  placed  thereon,  the  presbyters  are  to 
take  their  seats  according  to  the  times  of  their 
ordination  :  then  the  deacons  are  to  be  admitted, 
but  only  those  who  are  **  probabiles,"  or  ''quos 
ordo  poposcerit  interesse;"  then  chosen  laity; 
lastly  the  bishop,  or  at  least  his  vicar.  Forms 
of  prayer  are  then  given,  with  benedictions  and 
lessons,  for  three  days,  which  is  assumed  to  be 
the  right  limit  of  the  duration  of  the  synod. 

From  at  least  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D. 
431  (St.  Cyril  Alex,  ad  Theodos,  in  AcH.  Cone, 
ICphes.\  an  open  copy  of  the  Gospels  was  cus- 
tomarily placed  in  the  midst  on  a  throne  covered 
with  rich  stuffs ;  a  precedent  followed  by  other 
Councils,  e.g.  by  that  of  Hatfield  under  Abp. 
Theodore,  a.d.  680  (^prepositis  sacrosanctis 
evangeliis  "),  down  even  to  that  of  Basle  (see  also 
the  mosaic  in  Ciampini  already  referred  to, 
and  Sutcer  in  v.  EhayytXiov),  St.  Cyprian 
describes  a  council  as  *' considentlbus  Dei  sa- 
cerdotibus  et  altari  poaito"  {Kpist,  xlv.).  In 
'  the  8th  century,  an  image  of  Our  Lord  is  men- 
tioned as  placed  in  the  midst,  by  Theodoras 
Studita;  and  about  the  same  time  images  of 
saints  likewise,  by  Gregory  II.  (a.d.  715-731, 
Episi.  IL  ad  Leon,  Tsaur.),  And  in  similar 
times,  or  later,  we  find  also  relics  so  placed, 
as  in  the  Modus  tenendi  8f/nodoSj  above  quoted. 
Compare  also  the  language  of  Gregory  the  Great 
(Opp.  If.  1288)  in  the  6th  century,  speak- 
ing of  a  Roman  provincial  synod  as  assembled 
"  coram  sanctissimo  beati  Petri  corpore,'*  Cone. 
Toiet,  xi.  A.D.  675,  can.  1,  prohibited  talking  or 
laughing  or  disorder  of  any  kind  in  a  council. 
The  order  of  the  Palatine  Councils  is  given  by 
Adelhard,  the  Abbat  of  Corbey,  and  will  be  re- 
fierred  to  below  (under  D). 
VL  The  Preeident  of  an  ecclesiastical  council 


oovmoih 

was  of  course,  in  provincial  councils,  the  metro- 
politan (such  a  council,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not 
**  perfect  **  without  him,  and  his  presence  became 
onlinarily  necessary  to  the  due  consecration  of  a 
bishop  [BuHOP]);  in  diocesan  councils,  tk 
bishop  or  (in  later  times)  at  least  his  vicar ;  in 
primatial  or  patriarchal,  the  primate  or  patri- 
arch ;  the  chief  bishop  present,  at  those  councils 
which  were  made  up  from  neighbouring  pro- 
vinces {e.g.  Vitalis  or  Antioch,  at  Ancyra) ;  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  in  his  o^peSsv 
tv9iifiovaekt\  kings  or  emperors  in  the  mixed 
national  synods  of  later  date.  At  Aries,  in 
A.D.  314,  Marinus  Bishop  of  Aries  signs  the 
synodieal  letter  first,  and  therefore  probably 
presided  in  the  synod  itself;  and  this  probably 
by  appointment  of  the  emperor,  just  as  Mef- 
chiades  had  presided  in  the  previous  yearover 
the  abortive  tribunal  assembled  at  Rome,  in 
the  Oecumenical  synods,  down  to  A.D.  869,  the 
emperor,  either  in  person  or  by  a  representative, 
exercised  a  kind  of  external  presidency — itfAs 
thKoofileof  is  all  that  Leo  the  Great  allows,  in 
his  synodieal  letter  to  the  Council  of  Chalcedon, 
A.D.  451 — ^in  occupying  the  seat  of  honour  when 
present,  and  in  regulating  and  enforcing  external 
order  and  the  Uke.  But  the  presidents  or 
wp6tipoLf  who  are  distinguished  from  the  emperor 
and  from  his  representative,  and  who  conducted 
the  real  ecclesiastical  business  of  the  connci], 
were  either  the  principal  bishops  or  patriarchs, 
or  the  legates  of  the  patriarchs.  At  Nice,  after 
opening  the  pi'oceedings  in  person,  seated  in  the 
place  of  honour,  Constantine,  who  expressly  dis- 
claimed for  himself  the  interfering  with  doctrine, 
and  called  himself  bishop  only  rw  ixrhs  r^s 
4KK\iiolaSf  but  the  bishops  themselves,  rmw  cStm, 
iraf>«8f8ov  rhr  \6yow  rois  r^s  ^w69ov  itp»4- 
Zpois  (Euseb.  V.  Constant,  v.  13).  And  tnesc 
wp6tlipoij  although  not  expressly  named,  may  be 
gathered  from  the  list  of  chief  members  of  the 
council  (Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii.  7,  Socr.  u  IS, 
Sozom.  i.  17,  Theodoret,  If.  E.  ii.  15),  to  have 
been,  first  and  above  all,  Hosius  of  Corduba, — 
(employed  by  the  emperor  to  manage  the  pre- 
vious abortive  council  at  Alexandria  [Sosom.  L 
16],  present  also  at  Elvira  previously,  and  sub- 
sequently president  at  Sardica ;  see  St.  Athanas. 
Apol.  de  Fvga;  and  that  Hosius  gave  advice 
to  the  emperor  in  the  Donatist  question  also, 
c.  A.  o.  316,  St.  Aug.  c.  Parmmion.  i.  8,  ix. 
43),  Alexander  of  Alexandria  (styled  ic^oi  in 
the  council,  by  the  Cone.  Nkaen.  itself),  Eusta- 
thius  of  Antioch  (alleged  by  Theodoret  to  hare 
addressed  the  opening  speech  to  the  emperor, 
which  however  Sozomen,  and  the  title  of  c  11 
of  Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii.,  attribute  to  Ensebins 
himself,  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  to  Alex- 
ander), Macarius  of  Jerusalem,  and  Vitus  and 
Vincentius  the  presbyter-legates  of  the  absent 
Bishop  of  Rome.  Such  authorities  also  as  John 
of  Antioch  and  Nicephoras  (v.  IMllemont,  Mem. 
Eodes.  vi.  272),  speak  of  Eustathius  as  presiding. 
That  Hosius  presided  as  legate  of  the  pope  (ko 
Gelas.  Cyzic,  ab.  a.d.  476,  is  commonly  said  to 
affii'm,  but  he  really  says  that  Hosius  *'  occupied  the 
place  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  at  the  ooundl,  with 
Vitus  and  Vincentius "  {iit^x^^  ^^^  riwot  rsv 
r^s  fA€ylffrri$  *Ptiprif  'Erto'ir^ov  1t\$4arpmf  ehf 
wpta-fivripois  *Piifiiis  Btrmyi  iral  Burs rrfy  (I^bhu 
ii.  156)],  which  is  not  quite  the  same  thingX  ^  ^^ 
I  tinctly  contradicted  by  the  language  of&usebiM, 


€OONCIL 


COUNCIL 


479 


Socrates,  &nd  Soxomen.  At  Constantlnopley  A.D. 
381,  the  successive  presidents  were  Meletius  of 
Antioch  (no  higher  patriarch  being  at  first  pre- 
sentX  and  on  his  death,  Gregory  of  Nazianzum 
until  his  resignation,  and  then  Nectarius,  patri- 
archs of  Constantinople.  At  Ephesus,  A.D.  431, 
Candidianus,  "comes  sacrorum  domesticorum," 
was  the  commissioner  of  the  Emperor  Theodosins ; 
but  every  one,  '*  unless  he  was  a  bishop,"  was 
strictly  forbidden  by  the  emperor  to  intermeddle 
rois  4KK\iivittffrueois  VKi/tftMrir:  and  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  at  first  alone,  afterwards  with  the 
Pope's  legates,  presided  ecclesiastically,  Candidian 
indeed  favouring  the  Nestorians.  In  A.D.  451, 
at  Chalcedon,  the  limits  of  imperatorial  intei^- 
ferenoe  were  less  exactly  kept.  Paschasinus, 
bishop  of  Libyboeum,  the  pope's  legate,  is  re- 
peatedly said  to  have  presided,  and  signs  first, 
and  as  *'synodo  praesidens."  But  Marcian,  in 
person,  presided  over  the  sixth  session,  proposed 
the  questions,  and  conducted  the  business.  And 
his  commissioners,  generally,  **  had  the  place  of 
honour  in  the  midst  before  the  altar-rails,  are 
first  named  in  the  minutes,  took  the  votes, 
arranged  the  order  of  the  budness,  and  closed 
the  sessions  "  (Hefele,  from  the  Acts),  At  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  553,  neither  Justinian  nor  Pope 
Vigilius  took  a  personal  part,  the  latter  expressly 
renising  to  join  in  it ;  and  the  actual  president 
was  Eutychius  of  Constantinople.  In  A.D.  680, 
Constantine  Pogonatus  interfered  even  more  than 
Marcian  in  451 ;  and  he  is  moreover  expressly 
called  the  president.  But  the  papal  legates  sign 
first,  and  Constantine  only  at  the  emi  of  the 
episcopal  signatures,  and  ^th  the  phrase,  "  Le- 
gimus  et  consentimus."  At  Nice,  in  ▲.!>.  787, 
Tarasius  of  Constantinople  really  conducted  the 
business  of  the  council,  but  the  papal  legates 
sign  before  him ;  and  the  Empress  Irene  and  her 
son  were  present  as  honorary  presidents  in  the 
eighth  and  last  session,  but  signed  finally  after 
the  signatures  of  the  bishops.  Lastly,  in  A.D. 
869,  the  papal  legates  with  the  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople  and  the  representatives  of  the 
other  patriarchs,  were  practically  the  presidents, 
but  the  legates  alone  are  expressly  so  called; 
while  in  the  sixth  and  following  sessions  the 
Emperor  Basil  and  his  two  sons  acted  as  presi- 
dents and  are  so  called,  although  refusing  to 
•ign  except  afler  the  legates  and  patriarchs 
above  mentioned.  Of  other  sjmods,  Hosius  pre- 
sided at  Sardica,  A.D.  347  (St.  Athanas.  fftst. 
Arian.,  Sozom.,  ii.  12,  Theodoret,  ff.  E.  ii.  15, 
and  the  Acts  themselves),  the  two  presbyter- 
legates  of  Pope  Julius  signing  after  him,  and 
then  the  Bishop  of  Sardica  itself.  At  the 
Ijatrocinium  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  449,  the  Emperor 
Theodosins  gave  the  presidency  to  Diosoorus  of 
Alexandria,  after  ref^ing  it  to  the  papal  legates. 
It  should  be  added,  that  objection  was  taken  to 
the  emperor's  even  sending  a  commissioner  to  the 
Council  of  Tyre,  A.D.  335  (St.  Athanas.  Apolog. 
c.  Arian.  n.  viii.) ;  and  that  the  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  869,  ruled  that  the  emperor 
not  only  need  not  but  ought  not  to  intervene  in 
provincial  synods,  &c,  but  only  in  such  as  were 
oecumenical.  But  kings  were  present  continu- 
ally even  in  provincial  synods  in  the  West ;  as 
e.g.  at  Toledo  IV.  and  Y.,  a.d.  633  and  636,  at 
the  legatine  councils  in  England,  A.D.  787,  in 
Gaul  continually,  and  at  Frankfort  A.D.  794. 
And  the  king's  commissaries  were  at  the  councils 


of  Toledo  VIII.  and  IX..  A.D.  653,  655.  The 
remonstrance  of  Pope  Julius  to  the  Eastern 
bishops  respecting  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d. 
341  —  that  fi^  8c<  wapk  ypAfiriv  rod  'En* 
vkSwov  'P^fii^s  KUfoylfuy  r^f  iKKKriiriaf  (Socr. 
ii.  13,  Sozom.  iii.  9)  —  might  obviously  have 
been  made  by  any  of  the  patriarchs,  the 
church  not  being  truly  represented  if  any  chief 
bishop  were  pnssed  over ;  and  reads  rather  like 
a  claim,  which  its  maker  folt  it  necessary  to 
press,  there  being  no  doubt  about  the  like  right 
of  the  older  and  Eastern  patriarchs.  The  second 
Council  of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  requires  all  the  patri- 
archs (or  their  legates)  for  a  really  oecumenical 
council  (Labb.  vii.  396). 

VII.  The  order  of  Precedence,  and  of  Signa- 
tures, in  a  council,  which  commonly  went  to- 
gether, followed  ordinarily,  in  respect  to  Bishops, 
the  rule  of  priority  of  consecration  (as  e.g»  in 
Africa,  Cod,  Can.  Afric,  86,  Cone.  MHev,  cans. 
13,  14;  in  Italy  and  Gaul,  Greg.  M.  Epist, 
vii.  112. [to  Syagrius,  Bishop  of  Autun],  and  so 
also  in  Spain,  Cone,  Bracar.  I.  A.D.  563,  can.  6, 
and  Cone  Toilet.  IV.  a.d.  633,  c.  4,  and  [as 
may  be  seen  in  the  signatures  to  charters] 
in  England — see  Counc.  of  Hertford,  a.d.  673, 
can.  8 ;  and  Cone  Londin.  a.d.  1075,  in  Wilk. 
i.  363).  Here  and  there,  however,  custom 
gave  precedence  to  a  particular  see,  as  in  England 
latterly  to  London,  Durham,  Winchester.  And 
in  an  oecumenical  council,  or  indeed  wherever 
present,  the  bishops  of  the  chief  sees,  who  in 
due  time  became  patriarchs,  took  precedence  of 
all  others ;  the  on^er  oeing  fixed  by  the  council 
m  Trullo,  A.D.  692,  as  1.  Rome,  2.  Constanti- 
nople, 3.  Alexandria,  4.  Antioch,  5.  Jerusalem ; 
the  preceding  general  councils  of  Constantinople 
(can.  3)  and  Chalcedon  (can.  28),  having  raised 
Constantinople  from  a  subordinate  place  to  have 
**  equal  honours  "  with  Rome,  but  to  count  as 
second  (so  also  Justinian,  Nbv^.  cxxxi.  c.  2). 
Ephesus  and  Caesarea,  as  patriarchates  in  a 
secondary  sense,  followed  the  chief  patriarchs; 
as  e,  g.  in  the  4th  and  6th  oecumenical  councils. 
Chorepisoopi,  so  long  as  that  office  existed  as  an 
episcopal  office,  either  in  east  or  west— «nd  again 
the  titular  and  monastic  bishops  of  the  6th  and 
following  centuries  (mainly  in  north-western 
Europe)^-oounted  in  a  council  as  bishops.  If 
prietis  or  daaoona  were  present  as  vicars  or 
legates  of  their  respective  bishops,  they  signed, 
in  the  East,  in  the  order  in  which  their  own 
bishop  would  have  signed,  had  he  been  present ; 
in  the  West,  usually  after  all  the  bishops  pre- 
sent. In  the  1st  council  of  Aries,  however,  the 
priests  and  deacons,  whom  each  bishop  had  been 
desired  to  bring  with  him,  signed  immediately 
after  their  own  bishop ;  and  the  Pope's  legates 
signed  after  several  of  the  bishops.  In  France 
and  England,  and  in  the  case  of  the  archimand- 
rites in  Eastern  councils,  the  Mats,  although  lay- 
men, signed  between  the  bishops  and  priests  (if 
any  signatures  occur  of  the  last  named).  In  Spaiui 
as  laymen,  they  signed  at  first  after  the  priests,  but 
afterwards  (becoming  probably  in  many  instances 
priests  themselves)  they  signed,  as  elsewhere, 
after  the  bishops  and  before  the  priests.  Of  lay 
signatures,  the  emperor  in  the  great  oecumenical 
councils  signed  after  all  the  bishops,  except  in 
A.D.  869,  when  the  emperor  and  his  sons  signed 
after  the  great  patriarchs  but  before  all  the 
other  bishops.     Imperial  commissioners  also  took 


480 


COUNCIL 


COUNCIL 


precedence,  m  the  council  itself,  immettiately 
after  the  patriarchs  or  their  representatiyes,  but 
did  not  sign  the  acts  at  all.  In  the  mixed 
European  synods,  lay  signatures  also  occur. 
In  England  we  have  in  order — king,  archbishop, 
bishops,  dukes,  abbats,  nobles,  presbyters,  minis' 
tri ;  sometimes  abbesses  also ;  but,  of  course,  in 
mixed  synods  or  rather  witenagemots  only ;  and 
all  this,  not  in  the  same  order  always,  for  some- 
times not  only  presbyters  but  deacons  sign  before 
the  nobles,  and  abbats  follow  the  presbyters.  At 
Clovesho,  ▲.D.  803,  the  bishop,  abbats,  and  pres- 
oyters  of  each  diocese,  sign  together,  and  in  one 
case  (that  of  Canterbury)  an  archdeacon  also, 
'fhe  list  of  those  present  at  the  IstOouncil  of  Aries, 
A.D.  314,  as  has  been  said,  follows  a  like  order. 
At  Nice  the  signatures,  so  far  as  they  are  pre- 
serred,  are  of  name  and  see  simply.  At  the 
Council  of  Ephesus,  a.d.  431,  and  thenceforward, 
the  custom  began  of  adding  "  gratia  Christi,'*  or 
*'  Dei  miseratione,*'  or  **  in  Christi  nomine,"  and 
also  of  adding  to  the  name  such  epithets  as 
mmt'mtM,  peooabor^  indigwus^  humUiSy  &c.  The 
sees  are  omitted  commonly,  but  not  always,  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  in  Frank,  and  in  Spanish  coun- 
cils. The  chief  exceptions  in  England  are 
the  Councils  of  Calchyth,  a.d.  787,  and  Clo- 
▼esho,  A.D.  803,  where  the  sees  are  certainly 
given.  They  occur,  however,  more  often  in 
France.  But  as  the  lists  are  commonly  copies, 
the  scribes  are  as  likely  as  not  to  have  added 
the  sees  in  some  instances,  although  this  is 
clearly  not  the  case  in  many.  The  addition 
of  '*definiens  (Zpitras)  subscripsi,"  belonged  to 
bishops  as  sudi,  and  very  often  occurs,  as  e.g. 
Cone.  Chaloed.  A.D. 451,  from  the  5th  century ; 
<<  consentiens  subscripsi,"  or  ''consensi  et  sub- 
scripsi,"  or  **  subscripsi "  simply,  being  the  form 
for  othen  as  well  as  bishops.  The  Saxon  **  pom- 
posltas"  varied  the  form  in  endless  ways,  as 
may  be  seen  in  Eemble's  Codex  Diphmaticns. 
**  ProDuntians  cum  sancta  synodo,"  also  occurs 
in  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431. 

VIII.  The  votes  were  taken  no  doubt  by  heads, 
from  the  beginning.  The  plan  of  voting  by  nations, 
the  vote  of  each  nation  being  determined  by  the 
majority  of  individual  votes  within  the  nation 
itself,  was  a  device  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance, intended  to  prevent  the  swamping  of  the 
council  by  Italian  bishops,  and  was  abandoned 
again  after  the  Council  of  Basle.  The  distinction 
between  vota  decisiva  and  fxda  constUtativay  the 
former  alone  counting  in  the  formal  decisions  of 
the  council,  is  of  modem  date  also,  so  far  as 
the  terms  are  concerned;  but  the  presence  at 
councils  of  individuals,  and  of  classes  of  (>ersons, 
for  consultation  but  without  a  vote,  is  of  very 
early  origin  (see  below  under  B),  and  indeed 
may  be  most  probably  said  to  date  from  Apo- 
stolic times. 

IX.  Lastly,  councils  were  confirmed,  in  the  case 
of  the  Oecumenical  Councils,  and  so  as  to  give 
their  decrees  the  force  of  law,  by  the  emperors ; 
although,  in  foro  conscientiae,  St.  Athanasius's 
dictum  holds  good, — r^c  yi^>  4k  rov  eduvos 
ilKo6<r$fi  roiavra;  ir^c  Kpiffts  iKKKticlas  xapk 
0aari\4»s  tffX*  '''^  Kvpos;  {ffist.  Arian.  ad 
Monach.  §  52,  0pp.  i.  376).  The  decrees  of  the 
Nioene  Council  were  enforced  as  laws  of  the  em- 
pire by  Constantine  (Euseb.  V.  Constant,  iii. 
17-19;  Socr.  i.  9;  Gelas.  Cyzic.  ii.  36,  in 
Mansi,  ii.  919).    Subscription  to  its  creed  was 


enforced  on  pain  of  exile  (Socr.  L  9 ;  Rufin,  ff.  B 
i.  5).  That  of  Constantinople,  in  A.D.  381,  re 
quested  and  obtained  the  legal  confirmation  of 
Theodosius  the  Great  (July  30,  A.D.  381,  Cod 
Thaod.  xvi.  1.  3).  Theodosius  II.,  after  much 
hesitation,  confirmed  the  principal  decision  of 
the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431  (Hefele),  by 
exiling  Nestorius  and  ordermg  Nestorian  writings 
to  be  burnt  (Mansi,  v.  255,  413,  920).  Mar- 
cian's  edicts  are  extant  of  February  7,  March  13, 
July  6  and  28,  a.d.  452,  which  confirm  the 
decrees  .of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  of  A.D.  451. 
The  next  four  councils  (in  the  Latin  reckoning) 
of  A.D.  553,  680,  787,  869,  were  either  signed,  or 
(as  in  the  6th  and  8th)  also  enforced  by  an  edict, 
by  the  emperors  who  respectively  summoned 
them.  Councils  also  were  commonly  held  in 
the  various  provinces  to  accept  the  decrees  of  a 
General  Council.  And  in  this  way  the  sanction 
of  the  bishops  of  Rome  was  given  after  some 
delay  to  the  second  council  of  Constantinople,  AJX 
381.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  pope  in  relation  to  the 
great  Council  of  Nice,  except  by  documents  of  a 
date  and  nature  such  as  to  make  them  worthleas 
(Hefele  makes  the  best  of  them,  but  his  own 
statements  are  the  best  refutation  of  his  conclu- 
sion). Leo  the  Great  refused  to  assent  to  the 
decree  of  Chalcedon  respecting  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  while  accepting  the  rest.  And 
both  that  council  (ap.  Leon.  M.  Epist.  Ixxxix.) 
and  Marcian  (ib.  Epik,  ex.)  recognize  in  temss 
the  necessity  of  obtaining  the  pope's  confirma- 
tion; although  with  special  reference  to  the 
canon  affecting  the  dignity  of  the  see  of  Rome. 
Yet,  in  a.d.  553,  Justinian  compelled  the  sub- 
mission of  pope  Vigilius  to  the  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople. And  the  canons  of  the  Trullan 
Council,  in  A.D.  692,  were  in  like  manner  forced 
by  the  emperor  upon  pope  Sergius.  The  General 
Councils,  so  called,  of  a.d.  680,  787,  and  869, 
sought  and  received  the  papal  confirmation. 
For  the  legal  authority  attached  at  various 
periods  to  the  canons  of  either  oecumenical  or 
provincial  councils,  see  Canon  Law.  The 
'*  Canones  Patrum,"  t.0.,  probably  the  collection 
of  Dionysius  Exiguus,  were  brought  forward  by 
Theodore,  and  certain  canons  selected  from  them 
accepted  as  specially  needed  for  the  English 
Church,  at  the  Council  of  Hertford,  a.d.  673 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  119).  Charlemagne, 
in  his  Capitularies,  dealt  with  eoclesiastica] 
laws  as  well  as  civil,  but  consulted  pope  Adrian, 
and  obtained  a  sort  of  enlarged  Codex  Coawmun 
from  him,  A.D.  774;  as  Pipin  had  done  before 
him,  A.D.  747,  with  pope  Zacharias.  But  th« 
royal  authority  gave  legal  force  to  these  laws — 
"a  vestra  auctoritate  firmentur"  {Cone  ifb- 
^un^.  A.D.  813,  in  Praef.]  and  so  repeatedly); 
as  indeed  had  been  the  case  with  Frank  and 
Burgundian  kings,  &c,  before  Pipin  also. 

The  Council  of  Calchyth,  A.D.  816,  can.  9, 
enacts  that  a  copy  of  decrees  of  councils  should 
be  taken  by  each  bishop,  with  date  and  names  of 
archbishop  and  bishops  present;  and  that 
another  copy  should  be  given  to  any  one  affected 
by  the  decree. 

B.  Such  being  (so  to  say)  the  externals  of  a 
council,  the  next  question  relates  to  its  CoKsn- 
TUENT  Members. 

I.  To  speak  first  of  provincial  councils,  there 
can  be  no  question  that  bishops  were  essentially 
their  members.    The  ApostoKo  Canon  (37)  apeaia 


COUNCIL 

•f  ff^i'ofioi  rdir  *EwurKiirm¥;  the  5th  canon  oi 
Nice,  of  wdyrwf  rwr  *E«'i<rie<fir«y  ri|s  iwapxittf, 
Lc. ;   and  similarly   Cone,   Antioch.    A.D.  341, 
oan.  20,  and  the  29th  canon  of  Chalcedon,  which 
describes  also  such  <r^vo8oi  r£y  *E«'<o'ic^rwv  as 
K9Ktttto¥t9iiiv(u ;  and  the  earliest  knovm  synods 
of  the  kind  (the  earliest  indeed  of  any  kind), 
those  of  Hierapolis  and  Anchialus  against  Monta- 
nism,  and  those  held  by  Polycrates  about  Easter, 
respectively  in  the  middle  and  towards  the  end 
of  the  2nd  century,  consisted  of  bishops,  without 
mentioning  (yet  certainly  without  in  terms  ex- 
cluding) any  one  else  {Libeliut  SynodictUt  and 
Euseb.  T.  16,  24).    See  also  St.  Cyprian  (Epist, 
73X  St.  Hilary  (/>«  Syn,  Prooem,\  St.  Ambrose 
(^Epui,  32,  **  audiant  [presbyteri]  cum  populo"), 
St.  Jerome  {Apol,  o.  Buffht.  lib.  II.),  sc  &c. 
Moreover,   fVom  early  times    bishops  but    no 
others  were  compelled  to  attend  such  synods, 
under   penalties  (suspension  for    a  year)  for 
absence,  or  even  for  coming  late ;  and  the  being 
present  in  them  was  a  recognized  and  allowed 
cause  of  non-residence  in  their  dioceses:  e,</. 
Cone,  Laodic,  c.  A.D.  365,  can.  40 ;  Choked.  A.b. 
451,  can.  19 ;  Agaih,  ▲.D.  506,  can.  35 ;   Vatetu* 
ii.  A-D.  529,  Pref. ;  Tarracon,  A.D.  516,  can.  6 ; 
AMrel.    ii.   A.D.   533,   can.   1 ;   Arvem,  i.  a.d. 
535,  can.  1 ;  2\iron.  ii.  A.D.  567,  can.  1 ;  Eme^ 
rit.  A.D.  666,  can.  7 ;  Tolet  zi.  A.D.  675,  can. 
15:   see  also  Leo  M.  Episi,  ri.  A.D.  444;  and 
Greg.  M.  Epiat,  V,  54  (allowing  presbyters  or 
deacons  as  representatives,  if  unavoidable).    In 
the  3rd  century,  however,  as  in  Apostolic  times 
(Acts  XT.),  it  becomes  evident  that  predtyterM 
also  took  part  in  such  councils  ('*seniores  et 
praepositi,"  Firmilian,  as  before  quoted,  speaking 
for  Asia;    St.  Cyprian   repeatedly  for  Africa; 
Euaeb.  H.E,  yii.  28,  of  the  Council  of  Antioch 
that  condemned  Paul  of  Samoeata  in  A.D.  264  or 
265,  for  Syria ;  and  th«  case  of  Origen,  again,  at 
the  Arabian  synods  respecting  Beryllus;  &c.). 
In  the  Council   of  Elvira   (a.d.  305,   Hefele) 
twenty-six  or  twenty-four  presbyters  **  sat  with" 
the  bishops.    In  that  of  Aries  I.,  A.D.  314,  each 
bishop  was  directed  to  bring  two  presbyters  with 
him,  and  some  brought  deacons  also.    A  series 
of  Roman  councils  (a.d.  461,  487,  499,  502, 715, 
721)  contained  also  presbyters,  **  sitting  with  " 
the  bishops,  and  in  two  cases  **  subscribing  "  with 
them  (fiingh.  ii.  xix.  12);  and  others  might  be 
added,  as  «.  g.  under  Gregory  the  Great  {_Opp.  //. 
1288)1  ''Gregorius  Papa  coram  sanctissimo  beati 
Petri  oorpore,  cum  episcopis  omnibus  ac  Romanae 
Ecclesiae   presbyteris  residens,  adstantibus  dia- 
conis  et  cuncto  clero.'*    So  again  at  Carthage, 
A.D.  387,  389,  401 ;  at  Toledo,  A.D.  400 ;  at  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  443 ;  at  Braga,  II.  A.D.  572 ;  and 
the  order  of  holding  a  council  given  above  from 
Cone.   Tolet.  iv.  a.d.  633,  as  well  as  the  later 
English  *'  ordo,**  also  aboTe  mentioned,  expressly 
provide  for  the  presence  of  presbyters.    They 
are  present  also  at  Calchvth,  A.D.   787,   and 
Clovesho,  A.D.  803.    And  later  still,  presbyters 
subscribe  at  Lyons,  A.D.  830.    At  the  oecume- 
nical councils  of  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon   they 
were  present,  but  did  not   subscribe.    Three, 
however,  subscribe  in  their  own  names  at  Con- 
stantinople, A.D.  381  (Labb.  ii.  957).    But  then 
it  must  be  added,  1.  Tliat  individual  presbyters 
(and  deacons)  were  sometimes  specially  invited 
to  speak  at  such  councils  on  account  of  their 
personal  eminence  and  talents :  as, «.  ^.  Malchion, 

CHRIffr   ANT. 


(X)UNCIL 


481 


the  priest  of  Antioch,  in  the  council  that  con« 
demned  Paul  of  Samosata  (Euseb.  H.  E,  vii.  29) ; 
and  Origen  at  the  Arabian  synods  that  con- 
demned Beryllus ;  and  Barsumas  U&e  Archiman- 
drite at  the  Latrocinium  of  Ephesus,  invited  by 
the  emperor  Theodosius  II. ;  and  St.  Athanasius 
the  deacon  at  Nice ;  and  Wilfrid,  still  a  presby  ter, 
at  Whitby.     2w  That  priests  as  well  as  deacons, 
Kol  vdtrraf  robt  iiHiK^cBai  rofil(ovras,  uff.,  lay- 
men also,  are  bid  to  be  present  at  such  synods 
in  order  to  bring  forward  complaints  and  obtain 
justice  {Cone,  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  can.  20,  and  so 
also  in  the  "ordo"  above  quoted  from  Cone, 
Tolet.  of  A.D.  633).     3.  That  St.  Cyprian,  for 
instance,  speaks  of  bishops  only  as  the  members 
of  the  synod,  and   this   where   presbyters  had 
been    present  (Hefele),  and  of   presbyters    as 
<*  compresbyteri  qui  nobis   assidebant ; "   while 
bishops  only  voted   in  the  African  council  of 
A.D.  256.    4.  That  in   Cone.  Constantin,,  A.D. 
448,  while  the  bishops  signed  with  the  formula 
6pl<ras  (nriypc^aj  the  archimandrites  omit  the 
bpi(ras  in   their  signatures.      5.   That,  having 
regard  to  the  judicial  functions  of  such  councils, 
it  seems  impossible  to  suppose  that  any  beside 
bishops  could   have  been  appointed  judges  of 
bishops.    On  the  whole,  then — setting  aside  the 
well  known  practice  whereby  priests  (or  deacons) 
signed  and  voted  with  the  bishops  as  representa- 
tives or  vicars  of  their  own  (absent)  bishops,  and 
reserving  also    the  case  of  abbats — ^it  would 
seem  that  bishops  were  the  proper,  ordinary,  and 
essential  members  of  a  provincial  council ;  but 
that  the  presbyters  as  a  body  were  consulted,  as 
of  right,  down  to  certainly  the  3rd  century,  and 
not  only  continued  to  be  present,  but  were  ad- 
mitted to  subscribe  in  several  instances  in  later 
centuries;   but  that  it  must  remain  doubtful 
whether  they  ever  actually  voted  in  a  division, 
and  that  the  apparent  inference  f^m  the  evi- 
dence is  rather  against  than  fbr  their  having  done 
so.     The  presence  of  the  metropolitan  in  a  pro- 
vincial synod,  as  above  said,  was  necessary  to 
render  it  a  ^  perfect "  synod.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  metropolitan  could  not  act,  except  of  course 
in  the  exercise  of  his  ordinary  functions,  apart 
from  his  proyincial  synod.     Chorepiacopif  during 
the  4th  century  in  the  east,  and  during  the  9th 
in  the.  west,  in  France,  and  the  monastic  and 
titular  bishops  of  north-western  Europe  from  the 
6th  century  onwards,  were  treated  as  bishops. 
But  besides  presbyters,  deacons  and  laymen  like- 
wise took    part  in    such   synods.     The  usual 
phrase,  both  in  St.  Cyprian  and  in  the  Roman 
councils  under  Synmiachus  &c  just  mentioned, 
is,  '*  adstantibus  diaconis,  cum  stantium  plebe  *^ 
(=with  the  laity  who  had  not  lapsed,  but  were 
in  full  communion) ;  and  in  those  Roman  ooun- 
cils  deacons  subscribe,  and  in  the  same  form  with 
the  bishops  and   presbyters;  and  St.  Cyprian 
repeatedly  states  that  he  did  nothing  as  bishop 
without  consulting  all  his  clergy  and  laity  too ; 
and  the  order  of  a  council,  drawn  up  at  Toledo^ 
A.D.   633,    sped^rinff    ^invited  deacons"  and 
*^choaen  laymen,    shows  that  these  were  not 
supposed  to  come  merely  to  bring  forward  oom- 
plaints,  but  to  join  in  consultation.    **  Consi- 
dentibus  presbyteris,  adstantibus  diaoonis  cum 
universe   clero,"  is   the    common   phrase    re- 
specting councils  of  5th  century  onwards,  hut 
without  mention  of  laity  as  a  rule.    There  were 
laymen,  howeyer,  at  Toledo,  A.l>.  653,  as  thefv 

2  I 


482 


COUNCIL 


had  been  at  Tarragona,  a.d.  51  G,  and  at  the  2nd 
eonncil  of  Orange,  a.d.  529 ;  and  at  thia  last 
named  eonncil  the  laj  members  also  signed,  al- 
though using  the  vagner  form,  which,  howerer, 
the  bishops  also  nsMl  at  the  same  council,  of 
<*  consentiens  suhscripsi."  And  lay  signatures 
occur  in  other  instances  also,  as  at  the  council 
of  Calchyth,  A-D.  787.  The  "seniores  plebis" 
also,  who  occur  in  Africa  in  the  time  of  9,g* 
Optatus  (see  Bingh.  ii.  xix.  19),  may  be  men- 
tioned in  the  same  connection.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  archbishop  of  Lyons  ((2mu;.  Epaon,  A.D. 
817),  ^  permits  "  the  presence  of  laity,  but  it  is, 
**  at  quae  a  solis  pontificibns  ordinanda  sunt,  et 
populus  possit  agnoscere."  At  Lyons  itself, 
howeyer,  A.D.  830,  we  find  not  only  presbyters, 
but  deacons,  laymen,  and  a  chorepiscopns.  The 
signatures  of  emperors  indeed,  or  of  their  com- 
missioners, to  oecumenical  synods ;  the  presence 
of  notaries  at  synods,  who  howeyer  had  doubtless 
no  yotes;  the  part  taken  by  kings  in  mixed 
national  synods;  the  attendance  of  inyited  ex- 
perts (bo  to  say)  as  assessors,  but  without  votes, 
as  of  doctors  of  theology  and  of  canon  law  in 
later  times,  or  of  such  indiyiduals  as  Origen  and 
the  others  abore  mentioned,  or,  again,  of  the 
''magistri  ecdesiae,  qui  canonica  patrum  sta^ 
tuta  et  diligerent  et  nossent,"  at  the  council  of 
Hertford,  A.D.  670  (Baed.  H.E.  iy.  5,  and  cf.  also 
Cone,  TarracotL  A.D.  516,  c.  13,  &c.), — are  ob- 
yionsly  exceptional  eases,  which  need  no  explana- 
tion. But  the  language  in  which  the  subject  in 
general  is  mention^  coupled  with  Apostolic  pre- 
cedent, establishes  two  things, — one,  that  deacons 
and  laity  had  a  right  from  the  beginning  to  a 
certain  statut  in  councils ;  the  other,  that  they 
occupied  a  distinctly  lower  status  there  than  the 
bishops  and  presbyters  did ; — and  that  while  there 
is  distinct  proof  of  both  classes  haying  been  con- 
sulted and  their  opinions  taken  (so  to  say)  en 
masse^  no  proof  at  all  exists  that  the  laity,  and 
no  sufficient  proof  that  the  deacons,  eyer  voted 
individually  in  actual  divisions.  The  fair  infer- 
ence fh>m  the  evidence,  as  regards  the  general 
question,  seems  to  be,  that,  as  in  the  election  of 
bishops,  and  in  synods  held  for  that  purpose,  so 
in  provincial  synods  likewise,  the  consent  of  cM 
orders  in  the  Church — bishops,  priests,  deacons, 
and  laity — was  at  the  firat  held  needful,  although 
the  bishops  alone  as  a  rule  discussed  and  voted ; 
that,  as  the  Church  increased  in  numbers,  the 
presence  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  became  impossible 
as  well  as  mischievous ;  while  no  scheme  of  repre- 
sentation was  devised  to  meet  the  difficulty,  except 
partially  in  Africa  (as  already  mentioned)  in  the 
case  of  bishops ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  pr»< 
sence  of  classes  of  members  who  did  not  take  an 
active  part  in  the  actual  council  naturally  and 
graduaUy  ceased,  and  the  bishops  (or  their  vicars) 
came  to  constitute  provincial  councils  alone,  even 
presbyters  no  longer  appearing  there.  It  is  to 
be  added,  that  bishops  were  then  in  some  fiurly 
real  sense  the  representatives  of  the  diocese, 
which  had  indeed  elected  them  bishops ;  and  that 
(again  in  accordance  with  Apostolic  precedent) 
they  are  found  sometimes  giving  account  to  their 
dioceses  of  what  they  had  done  in  councils,  as, 
«.^.,  Eusebius  after  the  council  of  Nice  at 
Caesarea  (cf.  Schaff 's  Hist,  of  Christ.  Ch.  I  339). 
Late  medieval  English  provincial  oouncila,  «. «., 
ovBvocatioas,  which,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  in- 
dade  presbyters,  are  the  result  of  an  abortive 


COUNCIL 

political  scheme,  dating  from  Edward  I.,  for  tax* 
ing  the  clergy;  the  proper  episcopal  synoa 
gnidually  merging  into  the  convention  of  clergy 
then  devised  (see  a  good  account  of  this  in 
Blunt's  Theoi.  Dictionary^  art.  Convooationsy, 
But  in  Anglo-Saxon  England,  as  in  France  and 
Spain,  the  purely  episcopal  synod  was  (at  any 
rate  at  first)  kept  distinct  from  the  Witenage- 
mot  or  the  Placitum,  even  when  held  at  the  same 
place  and  time  (see  Thomassin,  ii.  iii.  c.  47,  $  1 ; 
and  below,  under  D).  The  councils  of  Hertford 
and  of  Hatfield  under  Theodore  were  of  bishops 
only,  as  actual  members  with  votes.  It  is  not 
until  A.D.  787,  that  we  find  laity  also  in  purely 
ecclesiastical  councils  in  England. 

The  case  of  dkbats  still  remains.  And  here  we 
find,  in  the  East,  archimandrites,  being  pres- 
byters, present  and  signing  at  the  council  of 
Constantinople,  A.D.  448.  In  the  West,  it  is 
mentioned  as  a  singular  honour,  that  St.  Benedict, 
being  a  layman,  was  invited  by  St.  Gregory  the 
Great  to  a  seat  in  a  Roman  council.  But  from 
the  6th  century  onwards  in  Spain,  and  a  little 
later  in  France,  abbats  formed  a  regular  portion 
of  the  councils,  signing  in  the  former  country  at 
first  after,  and  at  a  later  time  before,  the  prieste. 
They  sign,  also,  in  France.  In  England  thej 
occur  repeatedly,  and  sometimes  abbesses  also 
(although  Hilda  at  Whitby  is  a  merely  excep- 
tional case,  proving  nothing),  but  it  is  either  m 
diocesan  or  in  mixed  synods  [Abbat,  AbbessX 
until  A.D.  787,  at  the  legatine  councils  of  Caf- 
chyth  and  in  Northumbria,  which  are  signed  by 
abbats  and  lay  nobles  as  well  as  bishops.  So 
also  at  Clovesho  A.D.  803,  bishops,  abbats,  pres- 
byters, deacons,  sign  in  that  order,  but  by  dio- 
ceses (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  546,  547).  A.D. 
1075,  Laniranc  (called  by  a  blunder  Dunstan  in 
Hefele,  i.  23,  Eng.  tr.)  puts  them  on  an  equality 
with  bishops  in  the  privilege  of  addressing  synods; 
as  was  done  also  at  the  same  time  and  place  with 
the  archdeacons.  In  later  times  they  sat  and 
voted,  just  as  the  bishops  did,  and  are  ruled  to 
have  this  right  by  e,g.  the  councils  of  Basle  and 
Trent. 

IL  The  constituent  members  of  a  diocesan 
council,  were  the  Bishop  and  Presbyters,  the 
latter  being  bound  by  canon  to  attend  such 
councils,  just  as  the  bishops  were  bound  to 
attend  the  Provincial  Synod;  but  deacons  and 
laity  originally  had  the  right  to  be  present  and 
to  be  consulted,  all  hough  their  actual  right  to  a 
formal  and  individual  vote  is  questionable  at  all 
times,  and,  if  it  ever  existed,  was  certainly  lost 
very  early.  In  later  centuries,  in  Europe, 
abbats  also  were  summoned  with  the  presbyters. 
The  assembly  of  the  presbyters  was  indeed 
the  bishop's  standing  council  [Bishop,  Priebt) 
from  the  beginning :  see  e.g.  Pius  I.  Epist.  II. ; 
Constit,  Apostol.  II.  28 ;  S.  Ignatius  passim ;  S. 
Cyprian  repeatedly  (**Placuit  contrahi  presby- 
terium,  ut  .  .  .  consensu  omnium  statneretur," 
I^nst,  46  a/.  49:  *<Cum  statuerem  .  .  nihil 
sine  consilio  vestro  [viz.  of  the  clergy3,  et  sine 
consensu  plebis,  mea  privata  sententia  gerere,** 
Epist.  6,  al,  14,  &c,  &c.) ;  and  so  at  Ephesna,  at 
Alexandria  in  the  condemnation  of  Origen  and  of 
Arius,  at  Rome  in  that  of  Novatian  (Bingh.  II. 
xix.  8) ;  and  Pope  Siricius  in  condemning  Jovinian 
(Id.  tfr.  11):  and  for  later  times,  Cone.  Osoens. 
A.D.  598,  can.  1;  L^in.  A.x>.  743  (Labh.  vi. 
1544),  Suess.  A.D.  744,  can.  4 ;   Vem.  A.D.  755^ 


OOUNOIL 

CAD.  8;  ArehL  yi.  A.D.  813,  can.  4;  CapU. 
Theodulph,  c  4 ;  Lawi  of  Nortkwnbrian  Prieits, 
44;  Ecutgar'i  CcmonSf  9-6.  Abbat8  were  also 
summon^  and  a  journey  to  the  tjnod  was  an 
allowable  canon  of  absence  from  their  monas- 
teries  [Abbat].  Theodore  enact«  that  no 
bishop  shall  compel  them  to  come  (PerUteni.  II, 
ii.  8).  In  the  Llandaff  synods  (Lib.  Landav.,  and 
extracts  in  Haddun  and  Stubbs,  rol.  i.),  the 
bishop,  the  three  great  abbats  of  the  diocese,  and 
the  presbyters  (in  one  case,  '*  elect! "),  the  deacons, 
and  all  the  clerici,  form  the  synod.  Bat  Spanish 
and  Frank  councils,  above  quoted,  require  the  at- 
tendance of  abbats.  Laity  and  deacons  were  ob- 
viously present  and  were  consulted  as  a  body  both 
in  St.  Cyprian's  time  and  later.  Bishop  Sage,  who 
argues  most  strongly  for  the  negative,  is  plainly 
urguing  against  facts.  But  there  is  always  a 
distinction  drawn,  even  by  St.  Cyprian,  between 
the  consilium  of  the  clergy  and  the  coruensua  of 
the  plebs  (see  Moberly's  Jiampton  Lectures^  pp. 
119,  805).  The  gradual  changes,  no  doubt, 
which  are  found  in  respect  to  the  people's 
interest  in  the  election  of  Bishops  [Bishops]^ 
affected  also  their  position  in  councils  called 
for  other  than  elective  purposes. 

III.  Of  Oecumenical  Councils,  as  of  provincial 
ones,  bishops  were  clearly  the  proper  and  essen- 
tia] members ;  yet  here  too  presbyters  and  even 
deacons  were  sometimes  present.  At  Nice,  in 
▲.D.  325,  presbyters  and  deacons  were  present, 
and  in  great  numbers;  and  one  deacon  cer- 
tainly, St.  Athanasius,  spoke:  but  there  is  no 
trace  or  probability  of  their  having  voted.  At 
Constantinople,  A.O.  381,  three  presbyters  occur 
among  the  signatures,  signing  to  all  appearance 
in  their  own  names,  and  intermixed  with  the 
bishops  of  the  province  from  which  they  came. 
But  there  are  many  other  signatures  in  the  list 
of  presbyters  signing  as  representatives  of  bi- 
shops. And  since  the  list  as  it  stands  is  the  work 
of  a  copyist,  it  is  quite  as  likely  as  not  that  these 
three  also  represented  bishops,  but  that  the  few 
words  at  the  end  of  each  name  indicating  the 
hid  have  been  accidentally  omitted.  At  Con- 
stantinople, in  A.D.  448,  presbyter-archimandritas 
sign  exactly  as  if  they  had  also  voted ;  and  this 
council,  although  itself  not  oecumenical,  is 
embodied  in  that  of  Chalcedon,  a.d.  451.  At 
Chalcedon  itself  one  presbyter  is  noted  to  have 
spoken;  and  at  the  2nd  of  Nice,  A.D.  787,  one 
presbyter  signs,  apparently  in  his  own  name 
(Bingh.  II.  xix.  13,  from  Habert).  But  ex- 
eeptions  of  this  kind  seem  rather  to  prove  the 
rule,  viz.  that  bishops,  and  bishops  only,  each 
as  representing  his  own  church,  were  the  mem- 
bers of  Oecumenical  Councils. 

C  The  AUTHORITT  assigned  to  Oecumenical 
Councils  was  hardly  made'  the  subiect  of  formal 
*and  systematic  treatment,  until  the  end  of  the 
great  period  of  conncils,  viz.  of  the  4th  century. 
It  was  then  limited  in  three  ways.  i.  Their  de- 
crees were  not  unalterable,  in  matters  of  discipline, 
by  a  farther  council ;  and  required  external  obe- 
dience but  nothing  more,  as  being  those  of  the 
highest  chui'ch  tribunal,  ii.  Their  office,  doetri- 
nally,  was  not  to  enlarge  the  faith,  but  simply 
to  testify  in  express  and  distinct  terms  to  that 
which  had  been  held  implicitly  before.  ^  Quid 
iinquam  aliud  oonciliorum  decretis  enisa  est 
fEcclesia],  nisi  ut  quod  antea  simpliciter  crede- 
Mtur,  hoc  idem  postea  diligentius  crederetur ; " 


COUNCIL 


483 


and  again,  "  nisi  ut  quod  prius  a  majoribus  sola 
traditione  susceperat,  hoc  delude  posteris  etiam 
per  scripturae  chirographum  oonsiguaret .... 
tton  novum  fidei  sensum  novae  appellationis  pro- 
prietate  signando  "  (Vincent.  Lirin.  Commonit.  c. 
zxiii.);  and  this,  so  as  to  be  a  ^'sedula  et  cauta 
depositorum  apud  se  dogmatum  costos,"  without 
any  the  least  change  in  them,  of  any  kind  what- 
soever, whether  of  diminution  or  addition  (Id. 
ib.y.  iii.  They  were  not  held  to  be  formally  in- 
feUible,  but  to  possess  an  authority  proportioned 
to  their  universality,  to  be  capable  of  being 
amended  by  subsequent  councils  upon  better  in- 
formation, and  to  be  subordinate  to  Scripture. 
Of  that  which  is  certainly  written  in  the  Bible, 
says  St.  Augnstin,  speaking  of  a  doctrinal  ques- 
tion, **  omnino  dubitari  et  disceptari  non  possit 
utrum  verum  vel  utrum  rectum  sit,"  but  coun- 
cils mav  set  aside  Episcopal  dicta  [St.  Cyprian  is 
the  bishop  specially  intended],  and  national  or 
provincial  councils  must  **  plenariorum  concilio- 
rum  auctoritati,  quae  fiunt  ex  universe  orbe 
Christiano,  sine  uUis  ambagibus  cedere :  ipsaque 
plenaria  saepe  priora  posterioribus  emendari, 
cum  aliquo  ezperimento  rerum  aperitur  quod 
clausum  erat,  et  oognoscitur  quod  latebat" 
(St.  Aug.  De  Bapt  c.  Ihnat.  IL  3,  §  4).  And 
again,  in  Epitt,  54,  the  same  St.  Angustin,  set- 
ting canonical  Scripture  first,  places  next  in 
order  universal  customs,  '*non  scripta  sed  tra- 
dita,"  which  must  be  assumed  to  have  been 
enacted  "  vel  ab  ipsis  Apostolis,  vel  plenariis  con- 
ciliis,  quorum  est  in  Ecclraia  saluberrima' aucto- 
ritas,"  instancing  the  observance  of  Good  Friday, 
Easter  Day,  Ascension  Day,  Pentecost ;  and  then, 
below  these,  mere  national  and  local  easterns. 
Again,  in  arguing  against  Maximin  the  Arian, 
St.  Angustin  oonnnes  the  decision  to  Scripture 
testimonies,  bidding  his  opponent  waive  the 
Council  of  Ariminum,  as  he  himself  waives  the 
*'  prejudication  **  of  that  of  Nice.  So  again,  St. 
Gregory  the  Great,  saying  repeatedly  that  he 
''quatuor  Concilia  susdpere  et  venerari  sicut 
sancti  Evangelii  quatuor  libros,"  and  that 
*'  quintum  quoque  Concilium  "  rthe  last  held  up 
to  his  time)  **  pariter  veneror  (Epist,  i.  25 ; 
and  see  also,  iii.  10,  iv.  38,  v.  51,  54),  proceeds 
to  allege  as  his  ground  for  doing  so,  that  they 
were  **universali  constituta  consensu."  St. 
Angustin  indeed  seems  to  consider  the  decision  of 
a  **  plenary  council "  to  be  final,  in  a  matter  of 
discipline,  because  it  is  the  highest  attainable — 
**  ultimum  judicium  Ecclesiae  "  {Epitt,  43,  Ad 
Olor,  et  Eleus,) ;  and  refers  the  Donatists  to  such 
a  council,  as  the  remedy  which  '*  adhuc  resta- 
bat,"  to  revise,  and  if  needful  reverse,  the  sen- 
tence already  delivered  by  the  bishops  at  Rome 
under  the  pope.  The  well-known  passage  in 
St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Epiat,  ad  Frooop.  Iv.),  denouncing 
svnods  of  bishops  as  doing  more  harm  than  good, 
through  ambition  and  lust  of  contention,  is 
simply  an  argument  from  the  abuse  of  a  thing 
against  its  use;  yet  proves  certainly,  that  a  council 
per  $e  and  a  priori  was  not  held  to  be  infidlible. 
On  the  other  hand,  besides  the  general  phrase 
oonunonly  prefixed  to  councils,  **  Sancto  Spiritn 
suggerente,"  and  the  like,  we  find  Socmtaa  (L  9) 
declaring  Uiat  the  Nicene  fiithers  o68afM»i  &4rro- 
X^w  Tfis  &Xi}6«(as  Mifomo,  because  they  were 
enlightened  6ir^  rov  8«ov  itai  rijs  x^""^*  "^"^^ 
'Aylov  nrc^ftoTOf ;  and  St.  Cyril  {De  Trin.  /.) 
caUine  their  decrees  a  Divine  orade  (and  so 

2  I  2 


484 


COUNCIL 


COUNCIL 


others,  as  e,g.  Isid.  Pelus.  «y.  99,  9^69^9  i/Awpcv^ 
tr$«7(ra);  and  St.  Ambrose,  declaring  that  **  neither 
death  nor  the  sword  could  separate  him  from 
the  Nicene  Conncil "  {Epist.  zxi.) ;  and  Leo  the 
Great  declaring  repeatedly,  that  the  faith  of 
Nice  and  Chalcedon  is  a  first  principle,  from 
which  neither  himself  nor  any  one  else  may 
swerve  {Epist,  cr.  cziy.  &o.  A.D.  452,  453). 
While  Justinian,  who  ordered  all  bishops  to 
subscribe  to  the  faith  of  the  first  four  councils, 
lays  down  in  his  Novels  (cxzzi.X  that  rw 
wpo^^nffA^p^p  ayitfp  vvv6^9  (viz.  the  four)  rk 
^^fwra  KoBdwtp  r&t  Btlas  Tpa^s  Scx^M^^o, 
icol  robs  Ka»6vas  its  p6fMws  ^vKarro/AW,  The 
Council  of  Chalcedon  again  speaks  of  the  Nicene 
decrees  as  unalterable.  And  Leo  the  Great 
speaks  of  the  faith  of  Chalcedon  itself  as  an 
^  irretractabilis  consensus."  And  St.  Ambrose, 
of  the  deci'ees  of  general  cooncils  as  *' hereditary 
teals  which  no  rashness  may  break  "  (De  Fide 

III,  15).  In  short,  while  no  one  asserts  that 
such  councils  were  formally  incapable  of  erring, 
the  entire  current  of  church  teaching  assumed 
that  they  had  not  erred ;  and  that  it  would  be  the 
height  of  presumption .  and  of  folly  in  any  part 
of  the  church  or  any  individual  Christian  to 
contravene  them ;  while  both  Vincent  of  Lerins, 
and  possibly  Augustin,  would  allow  to  a  succeed- 
ing council  power  only  to  build  doctrinally  upon 
the  foundation  already  laid  by  its  accepted  pre- 
decessors. The  Provincial  Councils  '*  began,  by 
ventilating  the  question;  the  General  Council 
*^  terminated  "  the  discussion,  by  sealing  as  it  were 
and  formally  expressing  the  decision  which  had 
ripened  to  its  proper  and  natural  close ;  and  this, 
on  the  assumption  that  such  decision  was  ac- 
cepted **  universal!  Ecclesiae  oonsensione  "  ("  In 
Catholioo  regionali  concilio  ooepta,  plenario  ter- 
minata,"  and  so  ^'universali  £cclesiae  oonsen- 
sione roborata,"  St.  Aug.  De  Bapt,  c,  Donat,  vii. 
53).  And  St.  Vincent  of  Lerins,  in  requiring  to 
anything  ''vere  proprieque  Catholicnm,"  that 
*<ubique,  semper,  ab  omnibus,  creditum  est" 
(jCkmmonii.  c.  2),  obviously  rests  the  certainty  of 
conciliar  decisions  upon  the  acceptance,  implicitly 
or  explicitly,  of  the  whole  church  of  all  times 
(see  Hammond  on  Heresy,  sect.  vi.  §  9,  sq.) ;  but 
refuses  to  allow  that  any  question  so  decided 
can  be  re-opened. 

The  relative  authority  of  the  pope  and  of  a 
general  council,  did  not  emerge  into  a  formal 
question  until  long  after  our  period ;  although 
St.  Angustin's  language  about  Pope  Melchiades, 
and  about  the  dida  of  St.  Cyprian,  sufficiently 
shows  what  at  any  rate  his  decision  would  have 
been,  had  it  been  possible  that  the  question  could 
have  been  raised  at  that  time. 

Whether  Provincial  Councils  could  entertain 
questions  of  doctrine,  is  also  a  question  not  for- 
mally put  until  very  late  times  indeed.  That  they 
did  so  in  point  of  fact  in  earlier  times,  may  be  seen 
in  a  list  of  instances  in  Palmer,  On  the  Churohj 

IV.  xiii.  1  §  2.  And  upon  St.  Augustin's  view 
above  quoted,  it  was  their  proper  oHice  to  venti- 
late such  questions,  and  as  it  were  ripen  them 
for  the  final  determination  of  the  Oecumenical 
(youncil.  Their  authority,  of  course,  like  that 
of  diocesan  synods,  was  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers  and  character,  and  to  their  subsequent 
acceptance  by  the  Church  at  large. 

The  Chuixh,  speaking  generally,  has  accepted 
absolutely  the  first  six  Oecumenical  Councils, — of 


Nice,  A.D.  321 ;  Constantinople,  A.D.  38 1 ;  Ephesos, 
A.D.  431 ;  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451 ;  Constantinople, 
A.D.  553 ;  Constantinople  again,  A.D.  680.  Where 
the  first  four  are  spoken  of  especially,  it  is,  com- 
monly, either  in  onler  to  parallel  them  with  the 
four  Gospels  (as  e,g,  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  who 
adds  that  he  equally  venerates  the  5th,  the  last 
then  held),  or  because  the  Fathers  or  others  who 
speak  of  them  lived  before  the  5th  was  held 
{e,g.  Theodosius  Coenobiarcha,  in  Baron,  m  an, 
511,  no.  33,  from  St.  Cyril  and  Suidas,— **Si 
quis  quatuor  sanctas  synodos  non  tanti  esse  exis- 
timat  quanti  quatuor  evangelia,  sit  anathema  "), 
or,  lastly,  because  the  5th  and  Cth  are  taken  to  be 
as  it  were  supplementary  to  the  3rd  and  4th. 
So  Cone  Lateran.  A.D.  649,  cans.  18,  19,  accepts 
the  five  councils  already  then  held,  as  being  all 
there  were.  The  Greek  and  Roman  CSiurche. 
accept  a  7th,  viz.  the  Council  of  Nice  in  favour 
of  images,  A.D.  787  (rejected  by  the  Western 
Council  at  Frankfort,  A.D.  794,  and  by  the 
English  Church  of  the  same  date; — see  Uaddaii 
and  Stubbs,  III.  468,  481) ;  the  Greek  Churcb, 
however,  fluctuating  considerably  in  the  pointy 
accepting  it  A.D.  842,  when  the  Kvpioie^ 
rris  *0^oBo^ias  was  appointed  to  celebrate 
the  seven  Oecumenical  Councils,  yet  still  hesi- 
tating in  A.D.  863,  but  finally  recognizing  it  in 
A.D.  879  (see  Palmer,  On  the  CkutfZh,  P.  IV.  c. 
z.  §  4).  Pope  Adrian  accepted  it.  The  previous 
Iconoclast  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.IX,  754, 
is  called  the  8th  Oecumenical  by  Cave,  who 
counts  the  Trullan  or  Quinisext  Council  of  a.d. 
692  as  the  7th.  An  8th  Oecumenical,  viz.  of 
A.D.  869,  at  Constantinople,  which  deposed  Fho- 
tius,  is  accepted  as  the  next  by  Roman  Theolo- 
gians. That  of  A.D.  879,  which  restored  him, 
is  called  the  8th  by  most  of  those  of  the  East 
(Cave).  The  suBsequent  Western  (so  called) 
Oecumenical  Councils  do  not  fall  within  the 
scope  of  the  present  work.  It  is  to  be  observed, 
however,  that  even  in  the  9th  century,  popes 
still  spoke  of  the  six  General  Council^  as  e^, 
Nicholas  L,  A.D.  859,  and  A.D.  863  or  866; 
Adrian  I.,  a.d.  871  (see  Palmer  as  above).  The 
English  Church  accepted  the  first  five,  and  also  the 
canons  of  the  Lateran  Council  of  A.D.  649,  re- 
specting the  Monothelites,  which  likewise  accepted 
tne  five ;  and  declared  her  own  orthodoxy  about 
Monothelitism  with  a  view  to  the  6th  General 
Council  of  A.D.  680,  then  impending,  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Hatfield,  A.D.  680  (Haddan  and  Stubbs  IIL 
141,  sq.).  And  Wilfrid  had  similarly  professed 
orthodoxy  in  reference  to  Monothelite  views  at 
Rome  itself  in  the  same  year,  on  behalf  of  Eng- 
lish, Scots,  and  Picts  (ib,  140).  The  legatine 
Councils  of  Calchyth  and  in  Northumbria,  a.Dl 
787,  accepted  the  six  General  Councils  (can.  i. 
t&.  448).  The  canons  of  Aelfric,  a.d.  957,  ac- 
cept the  fint  four,  as  *Hhe  four  books  of  Christ,'* 
and  as  having  extinguished  heresy,  but  add  that 
**many  synods  had  been  held  since,  but  these 
were  the  chief"  (can.  33,  Wilk.  L  254).  The 
seventh  General  Council  so  called,  of  a.d.  787, 
was,  as  above  said,  not  accepted  by  the  English 
Church. 

As  a  judicial  body,  the  Provincial  Council  was 
at  first  the  ultimate  tribunal.  An  appeal  frcwa 
it  to  a  larger  council  gradually  became  recog- 
nized ;  as  at  Cone  Antioch,  a.d.  341.  The  appeal 
to  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  or  to  the 
Patriarch    of  Romey  was    of   later  date   stiU 


CX>CNCIL 

[Appbal].  C<me,  Arvem.  L  ▲.o.  535,  can.  1, 
enacts,  that  in  such  councils  no  bishop  shall  pre- 
some  to  intivdnce  any  business,  until  all  causes 
are  determined  which  pertain  '^ad  emendationem 
vitae,  ad  sereritatem  regulae,  ad  animae  remedia." 

For  the  office  of  diocesan  and  provincial  synods 
in  the  election  of  bishops,  see  Bishops. 

D.  Of  IBBEGULAB  councils,  a  tew  words  must 
be  said.     And  first  of — 

I.  The  a^yo9oi  iv^fifiovveu,  as  e.g,  that  of 
Gonstantinople  ▲.D.  536  under  Hennas,  which  is 
expressly  so  called,  and  at  which  also  a  letter  was 
read  from  a  similar  meeting — wapii  rmv  4p^ 
fui6piw9  'Eirio'ic^rMv^-BC  from  the  bishops  of 
the  Patriarchates  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem,  who 
happened  at  the  time  to  be  at  Constantinople. 
Justinian,  although  passing  a  law  against 
bbhops  coming  to  Constantinople  without  the 
emperor^s  command  or  leave  {De  Epiac,  ei  Cleric, 
Ub.  i.  leg.  42),*y«t  frequently  consulted  and  em- 
ployed such  synods.  Bishops,  only,  however, 
constituted  them,  and  the  Constantinopolitan 
patriarchs  summoned  them.  IL  The  Frank 
Cuncilia  PalatinOj  on  the  contrary,  consisted  of 
both  bishops  and  nobles,  under  the  presidency 
of  king  or  emperor ;  as  did  also  the  Witenage- 
mots  on  the  English  side  of  the  channel.  Yet 
the  '*  synod  "  of  bishops  is  distinguished,  as  a  se- 
parate assembly  for  purely  ecclesiastical  matters, 
from  the  "placitum"  or  "oonventus,"  as  e,g, 
at  Cone  Liptm.  A.D.  743,  the  latter  of  the  two 
consisting  of  bishops,  nobles,  presbyters,  and  ab- 
bats.  So  also  in  Spain :  where  e,g.  Cone,  Tolet.  iv. 
A.D.  633  can.  75,  which  was  a  national  Spanish 
Council,  especially  characterizes  its  decree,  even 
About  the  succession  to  the  throne,  as  ''ponti- 
ficale  decretum."  In  England,  while  bishops 
and  nobles  constituted  the  Witenagemotj  Pro- 
vincial Councils,  as  at  Hertford  and  Hatfield, 
consisted  of  the  clergy  only.  The  king  came  in 
time  to  be  usually  present ;  and  larger  excep- 
tions occur  in  later  times,  as  e.g,  at  the  Council 
of  Calchyth,  ▲.D.  787,  at  which  lay  nobles  were 
present  as  well  as  the  king.  In  Carlovingian 
France,  the  rule  is  laid  down  in  terms  in  Abbot 
Adelhaid's  Ordo  Falatii  (ap.  Hincmar.  0pp.  ii. 
214) : — ^  Utraque  autem  seniorum  susceptacula 
[reception  rooms  for  the  various  divisions  of  the 
Palatine  Councils]  sic  in  duobus  divisa  erant,  ut 
primo  omnes  Episcopi,  Abbates,  vel  hujusmodi 
honorificentiores  clerid,  absque  ulla  laicorum 
Gommixtione  congregarentur :  similiter  comites 
vel  hujusmodi  principes  sibimet  honorificabiliter  a 
cetera  multitudine  primo  mane  segregarentur, 
quousque  tempos  sive  praeseute  sive  absente 
Kege  occurrerent:  et  tunc  praedicti  seniores 
more  solito,  Clerici  ad  suam,  Laici  vero  ad  suam 
oonstitutam  curiam,  subselliis  similiter  honorifi- 
cabiliter praeparatis,  convocarentur :  qui  cum 
aeparati  a  ceteris  essent,  in  eorum  manebat  potes- 
tate,  quando  simnl  vel  quando  separati  residerent, 
prout  eos  tnictandae  causae  qualitas  docebat, 
sive  de  spiritalibus  sive  de  saecularibus  sen 
etiam  commixtis:  similiter  si  propter  quamlibet 
reiicendi  vel  investigandi  causam  quemcuuque 
convocare  voluissent,  et  re  comperta  discederet, 
in  eorum  voluntate  manebot.  Haec  interim  de 
his  que  eis  a  Rege  ad  tractandum  proponebantur." 
III.  There  occur,  besides  these,  a  few  exceptional 
eases,  as  e.g,  the  Conference  at  Whitby,  A.D.  664, 
which  can  hardly  be  called  a  council  in  the  propel 
But  these  need  not  be  here  dwelt  upon. 


GOUSmS-GEBMAN 


485 


[Thomassin;  Van  Espen;  Richerius,  Hitt. 
Cone,  General, ;  the  older  collections,  as  Crabbe's ; 
Labb^  and  Cossart,  Harduin,  Jlansi;  and  in 
each  country,  special  writers  upon  their  own  na- 
tional councils,  as  for  England,  Spelman,  Wilkins, 
Landon,  Haddan  and  Stubbs ;  for  Spain,  Loaisa, 
Catalani;  for  France,  Sirmond;  for  Germany, 
Harzheim;  Salmon,  Mtudee  sw  lee  ConcUee; 
Hefele,  ConcUien^Qeechichte ;  Pusey,  On  the 
Counciia;  Cave,  Biet,  Litt,;  Bingham;  Mar- 
tigny.]  A.  W.  H. 

COUBIEB.    [CUBSOB.] 

COUSINS,  MABBIAGE  OF.  [Cousins- 
German:  Marriage.] 

C0U8INS-6EBMAN.  No  prohibition 
against  the  intermarriage  of  cousins-german  is 
contained  or  implied  in  Leviticus  xviii.  or  Deu- 
teronomy xxvii.,  nor  can  any  such  be  inferred 
from  any  other  passajge  of  the  Old  Testament ;  a 
direct  sanction  is,  on  the  contrary,  given  to  the 
practice  in  the  instance  of  the  five  daughters  of 
Zelophehad,  who  **  were  married  to  their  father's 
brother's  sons  "  (Numb,  xxxvi.  11).  Nor  does 
any  such  prohibition  occur  in  the  monuments  of 
early  Christianity.  If  we  take  the  so-called 
Apostolical  canons  to  represent  the  customs  of 
the  Church  prior  to  the  Nicene  Council,  325, 
neither  in  the  text,  nor  in  the  ancient  version  of 
Dionysius  Exiguus,  as  given  in  Cotelerius' 
**  Patres  Apostolici,"  is  sudi  a  connection  men- 
tioned in  the  canon  (c.  15,  otherwise  10),  which 
forbids  clerical  orders  to  one  who  has  married 
two  sisters,  or  a  niece  (&8<A^t8^y,  rendered  in 
the  Latin  filiam  fratris).  But  it  must  be  ob- 
served that  in  the  version  by  Haloander,  which 
is  usually  included  in  the  Corpus  Juris,  the  same 
canon  (numbered  18)  contains  instead  the  larger 
term  coneobrinam,  usually  rendered  ^  cousin  "—a 
palpable  tampering  with  the  text  to  meet  later 
ecclesiastical  usage.  At  any  rate  Martene 
(De  ant  Eccles,  Bii,  bk.  i.  c.  ix.)  admits  that, 
till  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  marriages  be- 
tween cousins-german  were  allowed  by  the 
Church.  It  is  therefore  to  be  inferred  that  the 
disfavour  with  which  the  Church,  especially  the 
Western  one,  came  to  look  upon  cousins'  marri- 
ages was  rather  borrowed  from  Roman  feeling 
than  from  Jewish.  It  is  certain  that  marriage 
between  cousins-german  was  not  practised  in 
early  times  by  the  Romans,  although,  indeed,  it 
had  become  prevalent  in  the  1st  century  of  the 
empire,  since  we  find  Vitellius  adducing  the 
fact  of  the  change  in  public  opinion  in  this 
respect  in  order  to  justify  the  proposed  mar- 
riage between  the  emperor  Claudius  and  his 
niece,  the  younger  Agrippina  (Tac.  Ann,  bk.  xii. 
c  6).  The  juri:  ts  of  the  Dufest  do  not,  however, 
look  upon  first  cousins'  marriages  with  disfavour, 
as  appears  by  Paulus  quoting,  with  approval,  an 
opinion  of  Pomponius,  that  if  a  man  have  a 
grandson  by  one  son  and  a  granddaughter  by 
another,  they  may  intermarry  by  his  sole  autho- 
rity (Dig.  xxiii.  }  ii.  1.  3).  In  the  latter  pai*t  of 
the  4th  century,  indeed,  Theodosius,  by  a  law  of 
which  the  text  is  lost,  forbad  these  unions,  except 
under  special  permission ;  and  a  letter  of  Am- 
brose (who  indeed  is  suspected  to  have  advised 
the  prohibition)  to  Patcrnus,  refers  both  to  the 
law  and  to  its  relaxations  in  special  cases  (Ep,  66). 
Augustine  also,  in  his  CUy  of  God  (bk.  15,  c  16> 


486 


CX)U8INS^BBMAK 


CX>U8INB^EBMAN 


sajt  that  saeh  in«]Tii^;cC|  though  not  prohibited 
oy  the  Divine  Uw,  were  rue  by  cnstom,  eren 
when  not  yet  prohibited  by  the  homan  law; 
**  but  who  can  doabt  that  in  onr  time  the  mar- 
riages eren  of  oonsina  were  more  fitly  (honestias) 
prohibited?"  And  the  law  is  likewise  allnded 
to  by  Libamns,  in  his  oration  on  Purveyanoes 
(wtpi,  r&v  &77a^t»ir)b  A  constitntion  of  Area- 
dios  and  Honorins,  A.D.  396  {Cod,  Theod.  bk.  iii. 
t.  xii.  1.  3),  confirms  the  law,  assimilating  the 
marriage  with  a  oonsin  to  that  with  a  niece,  and 
declaring  that,  though  the  man  may  retain  his 
fortune  during  his  life,  he  is  not  to  be  considered 
to  have  either  wife  or  children,  and  can  neither 
give  nor  leave  anything  to  them  even  through  a 
third  person.  If  there  be  a  dbs,  it  must  go  to 
the  imperial  exchequer ;  it  cannot  be  bequeathed 
to  strangers,  bat  must  go  to  the  next  of  kin, 
except  such  as  may  have  taken  part  in  or 
advised  the  marriage.  Another  law,  of  the  same 
emperor,  indeed  (t1^.  t.  x.),  maintains  the  right 
of  praying  for  a  dispensation  (this  is  a  text 
Bingham  has  strangely  misnnderstoodX  and  a 
third  one  (▲.d.  405),  which  took  its  place  per- 
manently in  Justinian's  Code,  swept  the  prohi- 
bition away.  Professing  to  '*  revoke  the  autho- 
rity of  the  old  law,"  it  declares  the  marriage  of 
oousins-german,  whether  bom  of  two  brothers 
or  two  sisters,  or  of  a  brother  and  sister,  to  be 
lawful,  and  their  issue  to  be  capable  of  inherit- 
ing {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  iv.  1.  19). 

Narrower  views,  however,  prevailed  in  the 
West,  and  in  Italy  particularly,  to  that  extent 
that  we  might  almost  suppose  the  Theodosian 
legislation  to  have  remained  unrevoked.  In  the 
Formularium  of  Cassiodore,  under  the  Ostro- 
gothic  King  Theodoric  (end  of  5th  centuryX  we 
find  a  text  implying  its  subsistence,  since  it  is 
that  of  a  state  privil^e  legalizing  such  umons — 
the  46th  Formula  of  th«.  2nd  part  being  one  **  by 
which  a  cousin  may  become  a  lawful  wife."  And 
the  "Lex  Romana,*'  supposed  to  represent  the 
laws  of  the  Roman  population  under  the  Lom- 
bard rule,  expressly  reckons  marriage  with  a 
eousin  as  incestuous  (bk.  iii.  t.  12).  Finally,  a 
capitulary  of  Arubis,  Prince  of  Benevento,  who 
usurped  the  fief  after  the  death  of  Desiderius,  the 
last  Lombard  king  (A  J).  374),  seems  to  prohibit 
•^^A  in  the  earliest  constitution  of  Arcadius  and 
Honorius  on  the  subject — all  donations  by  a 
father  to  his  children  by  such  a  marriage  (c  8). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Lombard  laws  themselves 
exhibit  no  restraint  on  oousins'  marriages;  and 
it  appears  clear  that,  whether  the  Theodosian 
legislation  in  the  matter  were  inspired  or  not  by 
the  clergy,  it  was  by  the  clergy  that  its  spirit 
was  preserved. 

We  need  not  indeed  rely  as  an  authority  on  an 
alleged  decree  on  consanguinity  by  Pope  Fabian 
(238-52),  to  be  found  ia  Gratian,  allowing  mar- 
riages within  the  5th  degree,  and  leaving  those 
in  the  4th  undisturbed;  nor  on  one  of  Pope 
Julius  I.  (a.d.  336-52),  in  the  same  collection* 
forbidding  marriages  within  the  7th  degree  of 
consanguinity;  nor  on  an  alleged  canon  to  the 
same  ciTect  of  the  1st  Council  of  Lyons,  a.d.  517, 
to  be  found  in  Bouchard  (c.  10).  But  the  Coun- 
cil of  Agde,  in  506,  declared  incestuous  the  mar- 
riage with  an  uncle's  daughter  or  any  other 
kinswoman,  the  parties  to  remain  among  the 
catechumens  till  they  had  made  amends,  al- 
though existing  marriages  wen)  nut  to  be  dis- 


solved (c.  61);  an  injnnction  repeated  by  the 
Council  of  Epaofie,  517  (c.  30),  and  snhatantiallv 
by  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans,  {  38,  and  by  tht 
Coandl  of  Auxerre,  578,  which  forbad  even  the 
marriage  of  second  cousins  (c  31);  see  also  the 
3rd  Council  of  Paris,  about  557,  c.  4,  and  the 
2nd  Council  of  Tours,  567,  c.  51.  We  need, 
again,  lay  no  stress  on  an  alleged  canon  without 
a  distinctive  number,  quoted  by  Ivo  as  from  the 
canons  of  the  Council  of  Orleans,  511,  imposing 
for  penance,  in  respect  of  audi  marriages,  a 
twelvemonth's  exclusion  from  church  (during 
which  the  parties  are  to  feed  only  on  bread, 
water,  and  salt,  except  on  Sundays  and  holidaysX 
abstinence  during  life,  and  a  prohibition  to  marry 
— a  regulation  savouring  altogether  of  the  later 
Carlovingian  period. 

Pope  Gregory  the  Great  (590-603X  whilst 
recognizing  that  the  law  of  the  Church  was 
upon  this  point  in  opposition  with  the  civil  law, 
sought  to  base  the  prohibition,  in  part  at  least, 
on  a  physiological  reason.  In  an  '^  expodtioa  i 
diverse  things,"  in  answer  to  Augustine  of  Can- 
terbury, which  forms  the  31st  in  the  12th  book 
of  his  collected  letters — a  meet  valuable  repertory 
of  facts  as  well  for  the  social  as  for  the  Chur^ 
history  of  the  period — ^he  says  (c  5)  that  **■  some 
earthly  law  in  the  Roman  empire  "  (he  is  eri- 
dently  alluding  to  the  Constitution  of  Arcadius 
and  Honorius,  before  referred  to)  allows  marriage 
between  the  son  and  daughter  of  a  brother  and 
sister  or  of  two  sisters  [or  brothers] ;  but  "•  we 
have  learnt  by  experience  that  from  such  a 
marriage  no  issue  can  proceed;"  besides  that, 
the  "holy  law"  forbids  the  uncovering  of  a 
kinswoman's  nakedness.  (See  also  Bede,  Hiat. 
JSccles.  i.  27.)  A  wide  experience  shows  how  rash 
is  the  former  assertion ;  whilst  it  is  dear  that  so 
far  from  the  *'  holy  Ian  "  of  the  Old  Testament 
forbidding  generally  intennarriage  amongst  kins- 
men, the  whole  fabric  of  Jewid^  society,  in  its 
separation  from  the  heathen,  in  its  distinction 
between  the  tribes  themselves,  is  based  upon  it. 
Cousins'  marriages  were,  however,  forbidden  some 
years  after  Gregory's  death,  by  the  5th  Council 
of  Paris,  A.D.  615  (c.  14). 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  7th  century  we  find 
marriage  with  an  nude's  daughter  condemned 
by  the  Eastern  Church  itself  at  the  Coundl  of 
Constantinople  in  TruUo,  691,  and  separation 
of  the  parties  ordered  (c.  54).     It  is  remarkable, 
however,  that  in  the  canons  of  a  coundl  held  in 
Britain  under  Theodore,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury (end  of  7th   century),   it  is  stated  that, 
'*  according  to  the  Greeks,  it  is  lawful  to  marry 
in  the  3rd  degree,  as  it  is  written  in  the  law — 
in  the  5th,  according  to  the  Romans — ^yet  they 
do  not  dissolve  the  marriage  when  it  has  taken 
place  "  (c.  24,  and  see  aUo  139),  and  the  Roman 
rule  is  enacted  in  a  later  canon  (108),  which 
would  seem  to  cast  a  doubt  on  the  genuineness 
of  the  Trullan  canon,  about  the  middle  of  the 
8th  century.   The  Exoerpta,  attributed  to  Egbert 
of  York,  make  it  the  rule  that  marriages  are 
permitted  in  the  5th  degree,  the  parties  not  to 
be  separated  in  the  4th,  but  to  be  separated 
in  the  3rd  (bk.  ii.  c  28).     Substantially,  first 
cousins'  marriages  seem  for  some  considerable 
time,    when    once    solemnized,    to    have    been 
tolerated.    Thus  Gregoir  II.  (714-30X  in  a  long 
letter  {Ep,  13)  to  Bonimce,  replying  tq  various 
questions,  whilst  stating  that  he  allows  marriages 


OOUSINS-GEBMAN 


OOYETOUeNESS 


487 


after  the  4th  degree  (c  L),  does  not  pzpreiBlj 
condemn  thoae  in  the  4th.  This,  howerer,  is 
now  repeatedly  done  by  councils  and  by  popes; 
in  the  1st  Conndl  of  Borne  against  unlawful 
marriages,  721  (c  4)  ;  by  Gregory  III.  731-41, 
in  his  excerpts  from  the  fathers  and  the  canons 
(c.  11);  in  the  Synod  of  Metz,  753  (c  IX  which, 
for  the  first  time  enacts  corporal  punishment — 
the  guiltT  party,  if  without  money,  being  a 
slave  or  fireedman,  to  be  well  beaten,  and  if  an 
ecclesiastical  person  of  mean  condition,  to  be 
beaten  or  sent  to  jail:  in  the  6th  Council  of 
Aries,  813  (c.  11);  and  that  of  Mayenoe  in  the 
same  year  (c  54). 

We  hare  now  to  see  the  influence  of  the  cleri- 
cal view  on  civil  legislation  in  respect  of  first 
oousins'  marriages  after  the  barbaric  invasions. 
With  the  exception  of  Italy,  the  peculiarities  of 
whose  legislation  on  this  head  have  been  pre- 
viously noticed,  the  only  barbaric  oode  in  which 
we  find  a  prohibition  before  the  Carlovingian  era 
is  the  Wisigothic  one,  strongly  clerical  in  spirit, 
as  must  always  be  recollected.  Here  a  law  of 
Recarede  forbids  generally  all  marriages  with  the 
kindred  of  a  father  or  mother,  grandfather  or 
grandmother,  to  the  sixth  generation,  unless  con- 
tracted by  permission  of  the  prince  before  the 
passing  of  the  law,  the  parties  to  be  separated 
and  sent  to  monasteries  (bk.  iii.  t.  v.  c  1)^  In 
the  case  of  Jews  indeed  there  was  superadded  to 
separation  the  treble  punishment  of  decalvation 
(scalping),  100  lashes,  and  banishment  (bk.  xii. 
7,  iii.  c.  8).  With  Uiese  exceptions,  all  other 
enactments  adverse  to  such  marriages  belong  to 
the  Carlovingian  rule  or  period.  A  capitulary  of 
king  Pepin  at  Yermerie,  a.d.  753,  only  absolutely 
requires  the  dissolution  of  marriage  in  the  3rd  de- 
gree, allowing  those  in  the  4th,  once  contracted, 
to  stand  good  under  penance,  but  forbidding  them 
for  the  ^ture  (c.  ly,  I1ie  capitulary  of  Com- 
pile A.D.  757  (see  Pertz's  text)  is  to  the  same 
effect  (cc  1, 2)b  On  the  other  hand,  the  law  of 
the  AUamans  (t.  39)  renewed  under  Duke  Laut- 
frid,  supposed  the  2nd  (died  751X  end  the  some- 
what later  law  of  the  Bavarians  (t.  6)-— both 
indeed  thought  to  have  been  touched  up  under 
Charlemagne — reckon  all  marriages  between  the 
sons  of  brothers  and  sisters  unlawful,  and  re- 
quire them  to  be  dissolved ;  all  property  of  the 
guilty  parties  to  go  to  the  public  treasury,  and 
if  they  be  "mean  persons"  (minorespersonae) 
themselves  to  become  slaves  to  it.  The  Carlo- 
vingian capitularies  proper,  almost  all  of  them 
confirmed  by  Church  synods,  are  scarcely  to  bo 
distinguished  from  ecclesiastical  enactments.  The 
text  of  some  of  the  earlier  ones  must  have  been 
tampered  with,  since  even  King  Pepin's  Compi- 
%gne  capitulary  above  referred  to  is  brought  into 
accordance  with  the  far  stricter  rules  of  the 
Synod  of  Metz.  As  the  law  stands  in  the  general 
collection  of  the  capitularies,  if  a  man  marries 
his  cousin,  he  is  not  only  to  lose  all  settled 
moneys,  but  if  he  will  not  amend  his  ways  none 
is  to  receive  him  or  give  him  food;  he  is  to 
compound  in  60  toUdi,  or  be  sent  to  gaol  till  he 
pays.  If  he  be  slave  or  freedman,  he  is  to  be 
well  beaten,  and  his  master  to  compound  in  60 
aolidi.  It  he  be  an  ecclesiastical  person,  he  is  to 
lose  any  dignity  he  has,  or  if  not  honourable, 
to  be  beaten  or  sent  to  gaol  (a.d.  756-7,  bk.  vii. 
«c  9,  10).  A  capitulary  of  the  6th  book  (130) 
^orbids  marriage  to  the  7th  degree.    So  does  one 


of  the  Additio  iertioj  c.  123,  under  pain  of  the 
ban  (at  60  so/tdt)  and  penanoe  for  a  freeman ;  but 
for  a  slave,  of  public  flagellation  and  decalvation, 
and  penanoe.  If  the  offenders  be  disobedient, 
they  are  to  be  kept  in  jail  ^  in  much  wretchad* 
ness "  (sub  magni  aerumni),  nor  touch  any  of 
their  fortune  till  they  do  penance ;  and  whilst 
living  in  crime  (c  124)  are  to  be  trotted  as  gen- 
tiles, catechumens  or  energumens.  Jews  mar- 
rying within  the  prohibited  degrees  are  to  re- 
ceive 100  lashes  alter  having  been  publicly  de- 
calvated,  to  be  exiled  and  do  penance,  with  for- 
feiture of  their  property  either  to  their  children 
by  anv  former  marriage,  not  being  Jews,  or  in 
default  of  such  to  the  prince  (^Addiiio  qvarta^ 
c.  2),  a  provision  borrowed  mainly  from  one  of 
the  Wisigothic  codes  above  referred  to.  See  also 
oc  74,  75  of  the  Fourth  Addition,  anathematizing 
the  man  who  marries  a  cousin,  and  repeating  the 
prohibition  against  marriages  within  the  7th 
generation.  The  various  enactments  requiring 
inquiry  to  be  made  as  to  consanguinity  before  mar- 
riage, bear  also  on  this  subject ;  as  for  instance 
the  Council  of  Fr^us  in  791,  c.  6 ;  Charlemagne's 
first  capitulary  or  802,  c  35 ;  an  inquirv  which 
by  his  Edict  of  814  is  even  required  to  be  made 
after  marriage,  the  4th  degree  being  expressly 
specified  as  one  of  prohibited  consanguinity. 

On  the  whole,  the  course  of  Church  practice 
on  the  subject  appears  to  have  been  this :  the 
traditional  Roman  prejudice  against  cousins'  mar- 
riages, although  quite  unoountenanoed  by  the 
Jewish  law  or  practice,  commended  itself  in- 
stinctively to  the  ascetic  tendencies  of  the  West- 
em  fathers,  and  through  them  took  root  among 
the  Western  clergy  generally,  embodying  itselt 
indeed  temporarily,  towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  in  a  general  civil  law  for  the  Ronuui 
empire.  But  whilst  this  law  was  abrogated  in 
the  beginning  of  the  5th  century,  and  in  the 
East  such  unions  remained  perfectly  lawful  both 
in  the  Church  and  in  the  State  throughout 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  period  which  occupies 
us,  never  being  condemned  by  any  Oecumenie 
Council  till  that  of  Constantinople  towards  the 
end  of  the  7th  century,  in  the  West  the  clergy  ad- 
hered to  the  harsher  view ;  Popes  and  local  synods 
sought  to  enforce  it ;  wherever  clerical  influenoe 
could  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  barbaric  legis- 
lators it  became  apparent ;  till  at  last  under  the 
Carlovingian  princes  it  established  itself  as  a 
law  alike  of  the  State  and  of  the  Church.  But 
the  history  of  this  restraint  upon  marriage  is 
that  of  all  others  not  dlerived  from  Scripture 
itself.  Originating  probably  all  of  them  in  a 
sincere  though  mistaken  asceticism,  they  were 
soon  discovered  to  supply  an  almost  inexhaustible 
mine  for  the  supply  of  the  Church's  cofibrs, 
through  the  grant  of  dispensations,  prosecutions 
in  the  Church  Courts,  compromises.  The  baleful 
alliance  between  Carlovingian  usurpation  and 
Romish  priestcraft,  in  exchange  for  the  subser- 
viency of  the  clergy  to  the  ambition  and  the 
vices  of  the  earlier  despots,  delivered  over  the 
social  morality  of  the  people  to  them,  it  may  be 
said,  as  a  prey,  and  the  savageness  of  Carlo- 
vingian dvil  legislation  was  placed  at  the  service 
of  the  new-fangled  Churui  discipline  of  the 
West.  [J.  M.  L.] 

OOVETOUBNESa  The  works  of  the 
earliest  Christian  authorities  are  full  of  warnings 


488 


COYETOUSNESS 


COVETOUSNSSS 


against  the  different  forms  of  ooretonsness,  e^g, 
Clem,  ad  Corinth,  bk.  11.  oc.  5,  6 ;  Hennas,  bk.  i. 
ris.  ly  and  bk.  ii.  mund.  12 ;  Const,  Apost.,  bk.  i. 
e.  1;  ii.  c  46;  ir.  c.  4;  vii.  ec  8,  4.  The 
Apoetolicai  Constltntions  follow  St.  Paul  in  treat- 
ing ooretonsness  as  a  disqualification  for  a  bishop ; 
bk.  11.  c  6  ;  and  in  a  later  constitution  also  for  a 
priest  or  deacon  ;  bk.  rii.  c  31.  The  ooretons- 
ness of  some  of  the  Chnrch-widows  Is  especially 
denounced;  *'who  deem  gain  their  only  work, 
and  by  asking  without  shame  and  taking  without 
stint  hare  already  rendered  most  persons  more 
remiss  in  giring," — who  ''running  about  to 
knock  at  the  doors  of  their  neighbours,  heap  up 
to  themselves  an  abundance  of  goods,  and  lend  at 
bitter  usury,  and  have  mammon  for  their  sole 
oare;  whose  Qod  is  their  purse,"  &c:  (bk.  iii. 
c  7).  The  oblations  of  the  ooyetous  were  not  to 
be  received  (bk.  iv.  c.  6\.  With  this  may  be 
connected  the  canonical  epistle  of  Gregory 
Thaumaturgus,  archbishop  of  Neocaesarea  (about 
▲J>.  262)  which  declares  that  it  is  impossible  to 
set  forth  in  a  single  letter  all  the  sacred  writings 
which  proclaim  not  robbery  alone  to  be  a  fearful 
erime,  but  all  oovetousness,  all  grasping  at  others' 
goods  for  filthy  lucre ;  the  particular  object  of 
his  denunciation  being  apparently  those  persons 
who  had  thought  a  late  barbaric  inrasion  to  be 
their  opportunity  for  gain  (can.  7  and  foil.). 
Others  of  the  Fathers  in  like  manner  vigorously 
denounced  the  existence  of  the  vice  among  the 
clergy.  The  covetousness  of  Pope  Zephyrinus 
(beginning  of  3rd  century)  is  denounced  by 
Hippolytus  in  his  Philotophtanena  (bk.  ix.  c  7, 
§.  11).  About  the  middle  of  the  century, 
Cyprian,  in  his  book  De  lapsiSf  speaks  of  those 
Oiristians  who  *'with  an  insatiable  ardour 
of  covetousness  pursued  the  increase  of  their 
wealth."  Ambrose,  in  his  7th  sermon,  describes 
a  cleric  who,  **  not  satisfied  with  the  maintenance 
he  derives,  by  the  Lord's  command,  from  the  altar, 
.  .  .  sells  his  intercessions,  grasps  willingly  the 
gifls  of  widows,"  and  yet  flatters  himself  by  say- 
ing, *no  one  charges  me  with  robbery,  no  one 
accuses  me  of  violence'— as  if  sometimes  flattery 
did  not  draw  a  larger  booty  from  widows  than 
torture."  Jerome  with  bitter  sarcasm  speaks 
of  some,  ''who  are  richer  as  monks  than  they 
were  as  seculars,"  and  of  ''  clerics  who  possess 
wealth  under  Christ  the  poor,  which  they  had 
not  under  the  devil,  rich  and  deceitful,  so  that 
the  Church  sighs  over  those  as  wealthy,  whom 
the  world  before  held  for  beggars."  And  he 
beseeches  his  correspondent  to  flee  from  the  cleric 
who  from  poor  has  become  rich  as  from  some 
pestilence  {Ep,  2,  ad  Nepotianum ;  and  see  also  JEp, 
3,  ad  Heliodorum).  In  his  long  letter  or  treatise 
addressed  to  Eustochius  again  {Ep.  22),  he  draws 
a  sharply  satiric  picture  of  an  old  deric  who 
wants  to  force  his  way  almost  into  the  very  bed- 
chamber of  a  sleeper,  and  praise  some  piece  of 
furniture  or  other  article  till  he  at  last  rather 
extorted  than  obtained  it ;  contrasting  with  the 
prevalent  covetousness  of  Roman  society  the 
story  of  the  monk  at  Nitria,  who  at  his  death 
was  found  to  have  saved  100  solidi  which  he  had 
earned  by  weaving  linen.  The  monks  consulted 
wha*^  to  do ;  some  were  for  giving  it  to  the  poor, 
some  to  the  Church,  some  for  handing  it  over  to 
the  fiunily  of  the  deceased  ;  but  Macarins,  Pambo, 
Uidore  and  the  other  fathers  of  the  community 
decided  that  it  should  hs  buried  with  him. 


Gregory  of  Nyssa,  indeed,  in  his  letter  to 
Letorius,  observes  that  the  Others  have  affixed 
no  punishment  to  this  sin,  which  he  assimilates 
to  adultery ;  though  it  be  very  common  in  the 
Church,  none  inquires  of  those  who  are  brought 
to  be  ordained  if  they  be  polluted  with  it.  Theft, 
violation  of  graves,  and  sacrilege  are,  he  says,  the 
only  vices  taken  account  of^  although  usury  be 
also  prohibited  by  divine  scripture,  and  the  ac- 
quiring by  force  the  goods  of  others,  even  under 
colour  of  business.  Against  this  statement  should 
indeed  be  set  if  not  a  decree  (1)  from  Gratian 
ascribed  to  Pope  Julius  I.  a.d.  336-52,  which 
denounces  as  mthy  lucre  the  buying  in  time  of 
harvest  or  of  vintage,  not  of  necessity  but  of 
greed,  victuals  or  wine,  in  order  by  buying  to 
sell  at  a  higher  price,  at  least  the  17th  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325),  directed  against 
the  love  of  filthy  lucre  and  usury,  and  enacting 
deposition  as  the  punishment  for  the  cleric  But 
here,  as  in  a  parallel  canon  (6)  of  the  Synod  of 
Seleucia,  ▲.D.  410,  it  is  perhaps  to  be  inferred 
that  the  vice  was  chiefly  if  not  solely  aimed  at 
under  the  concrete  foi-m  of  usury  (as  to  which 
see  Usury)  ;  as  also  when  St.  Basil^  in  his  ca- 
nonical  epistle  to  Bishop  Amphilochius  of  Iconfum, 
writes  that  the  usurer  who  spends  his  unjust 
gains  on  the  poor  and  frees  himself  from  avarice 
may  be  admitted  to  orders  (c.  14).  That  covet- 
ousness was  as  rife  in  the  monastery  as  in  the 
world  may  be  inferred  from  the  fiict  that 
Cassian's  work,  JM  Coenoibiorwn  insHtuUs  (end 
of  4th  or  beginning  of  5th  century)  contains 
a  whole  book  (the  7th)  De  Spiritu  phiiargyriaa. 

The  very  doubtful  "  Sanctions  and  Decrees  of 
the  Nicene  fathers,"  of  Greek  oridn  apparently 
(2nd  volume  of  Labb^  and  Mansi  s  CownctU^  pp. 
1029  and  foU.X  require  priests  not  to  be  given 
to  heaping  up  riches,  lest  they  should  prefer  them 
to  the  ministry,  and  if  they  do  accumulate 
wealth  to  do  so  moderately  (c.  14).  The  3rd 
Council  of  Oi'l^uis,  A.D.  538,  forbids  clerics,  from 
the  diaconate  upwards,  to  carry  on  business  as 
public  traders  for  the  greed  of  filthy  lucre,  or  to 
do  so  in  another's  name.  As  the  times  wear  on 
indeed,  covetousness  seems  often  to  be  confounded 
vrith  avaiice,  and  to  be  legislated  against  under 
that  name.  The  Code  of  Canons  of  the  African 
Church,  ending  with  the  Council  of  Carthage  of 
A.D. '419,  has  thus  a  canon  "on  avarice,"  which 
it  says  is  to  be  reprehended  in  a  layman,  but  much 
more  in  a  priest  (c.  5).  So  with  the  Carlovingian 
Councils  imd  Capitularies.  That  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  in  789  forbids  avaritia;  no  one  is  to 
encroach  on  the  boundaries  of  others  nor  pass  his 
father's  landmark  (c.  32,  and  see  also  c  64, 
''de  avaritia  vel  concupiscentia").  The  Council 
of  Frankfort,  A.D.  794,  has  a  canon  (34),  and  the 
contemporary  capitulary  of  Frankfort  a  section 
(32  or  34),  "de  avaritia  et  cupiditate."  The 
capitulary  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  of  801,  according  to 
one  codex,  enjoins  priests  to  abstain  from  filthy 
lucre  and  usury,  and  so  to  teach  the  people 
(c.  25,  and  see  also  the  Admonitio  generalis" 
of  the  same  year,  in  Pertz).  The  first  capitulary 
of  802  requires  monks  and  nuns  not  to  be  given 
to  covetousness  (cc  17,  18),  nor  canons  to^lthr 
lucre  (&  11).  Some  Additions  to  a  Nimeguen 
Capitulary  in  806  (Pertz)  treat  at  some  length  of 
"  cupiditas  " — which  is  said  to  be  taken  either  in 
good  or  bad  part,  "  in  bad  part  of  him  who  beyond 
measure  will  desire  any  kind  of  thing,"  (c.  3)-- 


COWL 


GBEED 


489 


ftf  •^aTaritia,"  which  is  "to  desire  the  things  of 
others^  sad  liaring  acquired  them  to  impart  them 
to  none"  (c  4),  and  of  "  filthy  lucre  "  (c.  5),  of 
which  an  instance  is  given  in  the  buying  at 
hairest  or  yintage  time,  not  of  necessity,  but  for 
ooTetousness,  in  order  to  sell  at  a  higher  price ; 
"  but  if  a  man  buy  for  necessity,  that  he  may 
hare  for  himself  and  distribute  to  others,  we  call 
it  trade  "  (c.  7).  The  Ecclesiastical  Capitubiry 
of  Aix-la-<9iapelle  in  809  again  enjoins  priests  to 
avoid  all  avarice  and  covetonsness  (c.  2).  The 
second  Council  of  Kheims,  813,  also  enacted  that 
none  (apparently  of  the  clergy)  were  to  follow 
the  evil  of  oovetousness  and  avarice  (c.  28).  The 
second  Council  of  Chdions,  in  the  same  year,  that 
if  clerics  gather  together  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
or  certain  revenues  of  the  soil,  they  should  not 
do  so  to  sell  the  dearer  and  gather  treasures 
together,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  poor  (c.  8). 

One  form  of  covetonsness — the  rapacity  of 
judges  and  other  functionaries  in  exacting  fees, — 
would  seem  to  fiJl  better  under  the  head  of 
Sportulae,  by  which  name  such  fees  were  Icnown 
in  the  Roman  world,  and  are  designated  in  the 
legislation  of  Justinian  (Code,  bk.  iii.  T.  ii.  Kovs. 
17,  82,  123).  We  may  however  quote  a  chapter 
of  the  Wuizothic  law  (bk.  ii.  c.  25,  amended  by 
Chindasuinth),  which  says:  **We  have  known 
many  judges  who  by  occasion  of  covetonsness 
overpassing  the  order  of  law,  presume  to  take 
to  themselves  one-third  of  the  causes"  {u8. 
amounts  in  dispute) ;  and  which  limits  the  judge's 
fee  to  5  per  cent.,  requiring  him  to  restore  any 
surplus  beyond  tills  proportion  which  he  may 
have  taken,  with  an  equu  amount  besides. 

[See  also  Bribery,  Commerce,  Usury.] 

[J.  M.  L.] 

COWL.     [CUCULLA.] 

ORATON,  martyr  at  Rome,  Feb.  15  (Jfar*. 
Jhm.  Vet^  Usuardi>  [C] 

(?BEDENCE  (Lat.  credenHoj  Ital.  credenza, 
Gr.  wap»rpd/w(ow).  The  table  or  slab  on  which 
the  vessels  and  elements  for  the  Eucharist  are 

{»laced  before  consecration.  *'  Credentiam  appel- 
ant mensam  ....  supra  quam  ad  sacrificandum 
neccssaria  oontinentur"  {Ceremoniale  Romanwn, 
L  3,  quoted  by  Ducange,  a,  o.).  It  Is  doubtful 
whether  such  a  table  or  slab  existed  in  the  sanc- 
tuary within  our  period,  as  it  rather  seems  pro- 
bable that  the  elements  were  brought  from  the 
sacristy  and  placed  at  once  on  the  altar,  when 
they  ceased  to  be  taken  from  the  ofierings  of  the 
fiuthful.    See  Pbotuesis.  [C] 

CBEED,  from  the  Latin  credo.  Hence  the 
title  should  be  confined  to  such  confessions  of 
oar  Christian  Faith  a^  commence  with  the  words 
I  BEUEVE,  or  We  believe,  or,  again,  to  any 
Interrogatories  as  may  be  addressed  at  baptism 
or  other  occasions,  l>oer  thou  believe  ?  but,  in 
practice,  it  has  been  used  in  a  more  general 
sense,  and  any  document  which  has  contained  a 
summary  of  the  chief  tenets  of  the  Christian 
Faith  as  held  by  any  local  or  national  Church, 
has  been  called  the  Creed  of  that  Church. 
Thus  the  KtUes  of  Faithj  of  which  we  find  traces 
in  the  earliest  Christian  writers,  and  which 
were  intended  to  guide  teachers  in  the  instruc- 
tion which  they  conveyed,  have  been  called 
Creedt,  So,  also,  have  been  designated  the  in- 
structions wl  ich  were  prepared  for  candidates 
for  baptism. 


Names.— (2.)  For  «  Creeds,"  in  thi&  wider 
sense,  we  find  the  following  words  used  by  early 
Greek  writers :  6  wlort^s  ipx^ticit  Ktufrnw,  b  maymv 
ri|f  &XY)0fkv,  T^  itfifnryfM  rh  iirotrroKiKSr^  ^ 
t(t€Kyyt\tKii  fcol  imwrroKucii  vapdBoiris,  So  Ter- 
tullian  very  frequently  appeals  to  the  regula  fidei. 
The  creed  of  the  Church,  properly  so  called,  was 
designated  first  as  ^  wlms  or  ii  wapaHdua-a 
ilfuw  kyia  icol  kro(rro\uc^  irlaris  among  the 
Greeks,  and  as  Jides^  fidea  apoatdioa  among  the 
Latins  We  find  the  word  aymbolum  for  the  first 
time  in  Cyprian,  and  after  the  title  became  pre- 
valent among  Latin  writers  it  found  its  wav 
among  the  Greek  authors.  But  even  in  the 
fifth  century  the  Nicene  Creed  was  commonly 
known  as  ^  wi<ms.  The  words  rh  a^fifioXov  rov 
inroictKdpBat,  found  in  Origen,  denote,  not  the 
Creed,  but  Baptism  itself,  or  (possiblv)  «the 
outward  and  visible  sign  in  Baptism.^  And, 
simiUrly,  we  must  interpret  a  passage  in  Ter- 
tullian :  "  Testatio  fidei  et  signaculum  symboli." 
In  a  canon  of  the  Laodicene  council,  however, 
the  word  occurs  once.  In  later  years  the  words 
a-6fifio\oy,  and  aymbolum  or  aymboltUj  became  the 
favorite  designation  of  the  baptismal  Creed.  Its 
meaning  will  be  discussed  elsewhere. 

8.  The  words  of  our  Lord  in  the  institution 
of  Baptism  undoubtedly  gave  the  first  form  to 
the  Baptismal  Creeds  which  we  find  prevailing 
in  the  3rd  century.  His  injunction  that  His 
apostles  should  **  make  disciples  of  all  nations, 
baptizing  them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and 
of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  seemed 
almost  of  necessity  to  call  foHh  on  the  part  of 
the  recipient  of  ^ptism  some  avowal  of  belief 
in  God  as  thus  revealed.  The  words  which  we 
read  in  our  English  version  of  Acts  viii.  37,  con- 
taining the  appeal  of  Philip  to  the  Eunuch  and  the 
reply  of  the  Lnnuch,  are  not  found  in  the  best 
extant  MSS.  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles ;  but 
the  incident  thus  recorded  may  be  regarded  as 
not  improbable ;  and  we  find  indications  in  the 
pages  of  Irenaeus  that  it  was  b<>lieved  by  him  to 
have  occurred.  St.  Paul  reminds  Timothy  of 
the  good  confession  which  he  had  made  "  before 
many  witnesses."  This  is  generally  believed  to 
have  taken  place  at  his  Iwptism.  Passing  by 
for  the  present,  as  scarcely  applicable  to  our 
immediate  purpose,  the  passage  of  Justin  Martyr 
where  he  relates  how  *'  they  who  are  persuaded 
and  believe  that  the  things  are  true  which  are 
taught  by  us,  are  taken  to  some  place  where 
there  is  water,  and  are  there  baptized,"  and  the 
expression  of  Irenaeus  regarding  **  the  canon  of 
the  truth  which  every  one  received  at  his  bap- 
tism," we  come  to  words  of  Tertullian,  in  which 
he  speaks  of  the  Holy  Spirit  ''sanctifying  the 
faith  of  those  who  believe  in  the  Father  and  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost."    [Baptism,  p.  100.] 

4.  Thus  are  we  led  to  infer  that  the  primary 
baptismal  confession  corresponded  to  the  bap- 
tismal formula;  that  as  the  convert  was 
'*  baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Father  and  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit,"  so  was  he  called  upon 
to  state  that  '*  he  believed  in  the  Father  and  in 
the  Son  and  in  the  Holy  Spirit."  And  that  our 
inference  is  correct  seems  clear  from  fragments 
of  liturgies  which  have  come  down  to  us  from 
various  ages  and  different  Churches.  The 
Aethiopic  manuscript  of  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions describes  the  catechumen  as  declaring  st 
the  time  of  his  baptism  :  **  I  believe  in  the  onl} 


i90 


GREED 


CBEED 


tme  God,  the  FatheTi  the  Almighty,  and  in  His 
onlj-begotten  Son  Jesnv  Christ,  oar  Lord  and 
Saviour,  and  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Life-girer." 
Other  words  follow.  So  the  pseudo-Ambrose, 
in  his  treatise  on  the  Sacraments  (book  ii.  c  7  ; 
Migne,  zvi.  429),  ^  Thou  wast  asked,  *  Dost  thoa 
believe  in  God  the  Father  Almighty?'  Thou 
saidst,  *I  believe,'  and  thou  wast  immersed. 
Again  thou  wast  asked, '  Dost  thou  believe  also 
in  onr  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  in  His  cross?' 
Thou  saidst  again,  *  I  believe,'  and  wast  immersed. 
For  a  third  time  thou  wast  asked,  'And  dost 
thou  believe  in  the  Holy  Spirit  ? '  Thou  didst 
reply,  *  I  believe,'  and  for  a  third  time  thou  wast 
immersed."  So,  again,  in  the  formula  for  bap- 
tism found  in  an  old  Galilean  missal  and  printed 
by  Martene  (i.  p.  51);  in  the  old  Roman  Ritual 
as  given  by  Daniel  (i.  p.  173);  and  in  the  for- 
mula adopted  by  Boniface,  for  use  among  his 
German  converts  (Migne,  vol.  Izzxiz.  p.  810). 

5.  But  although  this  Baptismal  Formula 
furnished  the  type  of  the  Baptismal  Confession, 
we  find  that,  even  in  Tertullian's  time,  the  Con- 
fession embraced  something  not  mentioned  in  the 
words  of  Institution.  '*  The  Catechumen,"  says 
the  great  African  writer  (de  Corona  militis,  §  3), 
''was  thrice  immersed,  answering  something 
more  than  the  Lord  commanded  in  His  Gospel." 
From  his  treatise  (de  BaptismOy  §  11)  we  may 
infer  what  that  ''something"  was.  "Some 
(Tertullian  writes)  would  depreciate  baptism, 
because  our  Lord  did  not  Himself  baptize.     But 

His  disciples  baptized  at  His  command 

And  whereunto  should  He  baptize  ?  To  repent- 
ance?— ^wherefore,  then.  His  forerunner?  ^\> 
remissum  of  sine  f — ^whi<^  He  gave  by  a  word  I 
Into  Himaelfi — whom  in  His  humility  He 
was  concealing  t  Into  the  Holy  Spirit  i — who 
had  not  as  yet  descended  from  the  Father  I 
Into  the  Church  f — which  was  not  yet  founded." 
From  this  passage  Bishop  Bull  (Judicium  Eccl. 
Catholicae,  Works,  voL  vi.  p.  139)  infers  (and,  we 
think,  is  entitled  to  do  bo)  that  in  Tertullian's 
neighbourhood  and  epoch,  at  the  time  of  baptism, 
express  mention  was  niade,  not  only  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  of  the  Son  of 
God,  but  also  of  repentance^  of  remission  of  «ms, 
and  of  the  Church,  Thus  we  are  induced  to  say 
that  at  least  these  two  articles  may  have  been 
mentioned  in  TertuUian's  Creed,  viz.  "  Repent- 
ance unto  the  remission  of  sins "  and  "  the 
Churcli."  But  in  regard  to  "the  Church  "  all 
doubt  is  removed  by  referring  to  a  later  section 
(§  6)  of  the  same  treatise,  where  our  author 
explains  the  origin  of  its  introduction  thus: 
"  Where  the  Three  are,  there  is  the  Church,  the 
Body  of  the  Three :  there  the  testatio  fidei ; " 
this  on  the  part  of  the  baptized :  '*  there  the 
aponsio  salutis ; "  this  on  the  part  of  God. 

6.  We  purposely  abstain  from  adducing  pas- 
sages bearing  on  the  Rule  of  Faith  to  which 
Tertullian  continually  appeals,  because  in  our 
judgment  such  Rule  of  Faith  was  so  called  as 
being  the  guide  of  the  believer  and  of  the  teacher, 
and  was  of  wider  extent  than  the  Baptismal 
Creed.  So  we  will  proceed  to  ask  what  light  do 
the  works  of  Cyprian  which  have  come  down 
to  us  throw  on  the  baptismal  customs  of  his  day  ? 
He  followed  Tertullian  by  a  generation,  being 
bishop  of  Carthage  from  248  to  258,  and  bis 
correspondence  is  in  our  present  investigation 
very  important,  as   it   contains  several  letters 


on  the  subject  of  re-baptizing  those  who  had 
been  baptized  by  heretiod  teachers ;  and  these 
letters  ^  course  contain  allusions  (though  ther 
may  be  little  more  than  allusions)  to  the  cere- 
mony of  Baptism. 

7.  We  will  translate   the  meet   interesting. 
"  If  any  object  that  Novatianus  holds  the  sam* 
law  of  faith  which  the  Catholic  Church  holds, 
that  he  baptizes  with  the  same  symbol"  (the 
first  time  the  name  occurs  in  Latin),  "  knows 
the  same  God  the  Father,  the  same  Son  Christ, 
and  may  therefore  avail  himself  of  the  power  to 
baptize,  because  in  the  baptismal  interrogations 
he  seems  not  to  differ  from  us :   let  such  men 
know  that  we  and  the  schismatics  have  not  the 
same  law  oi  symbol,  nor  the  same  interrogations; 
for  when  they  say, '  Dost  thou  believe  remission 
of  sins  and  eternal  life  through  the  Church  ? ' 
in  the  question  itself  they  speak  ftilsely,  because 
they  have  not  the  Church."    This  is  found  in 
his  letter  to  Magnus  (Ep,  69,  §  vii.).     A  passage 
somewhat  similar  is  found  in  another  letter  (70, 
§  ii.),  and  in  his  epistle  to  Firmilianus  (75,  §  x.), 
he  speaks  of  the  "  usitata  et  legitima  verba  in- 
terrogationis "  at  baptism.     From  all  this  we 
may  safely  conclude  that  this  "  fixed  and  legal- 
ised form  of  interrogation  "  did  not  then  contain 
any  reference   to   those  points   of  doctrine   on 
which  No^atian  went  wrong :  probably  it  called 
forth  little  more  than  the  expression  of  belief 
in  the  Father,  the  Son,  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  in 
remission  of  sins  and  eternal  life,  of  which  the 
assurance  was  conveyed  when  one  was  rightly 
admitted  into  the  Church  at  Baptism. 

8.  We  must  pass  now  to  consider  the  usage  in 
regard  to  Creeds  in  the  Churches  of  the  East. 

From  the  earliest  years  of  the  Christian  era, 
the  Oriental  Churches  were  more  harassed  by 
strange  teachings  than  were  those  of  the  Latin 
race.  It  was  the  boast  of  Ruffinus  that  no 
heresy  took  its  rise  within  the  Church  of  Rome ; 
and  of  Ambrose  that  the  Church  of  Rome  had 
preserved  undefiled  the  symbol  of  the  Apostles. 
Thus  the  difference  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  symbols  may  be  learnt  from  the  opening 
clauses  of  their  respective  Creeds.  In  the  former 
(and  among  these  we  of  course  include  the 
"  canon  "  of  the  Greek-speaking  community  of 
Lyons)  men  professed  their  belief  m  one  Qod; 
in  the  latter,  their  belief  m  €fod.  The  growth  of 
the  latter  creeds  we  will  consider  hereafter; 
for  the  present  we  confine  ourselves  to  the 
former. 

9.  The  seventh  book  of  the  Apostolic  Con- 
stitutions is  regarded  by  most  critics  as  older 
than  the  Nicene  Council,  and  by  many  as  repre- 
senting the  customs  of  Antioch,  about  the  end  of 
the  third  century.  Dr.  Caspari  assigns  it  to  the 
same  period,  though  he  considers  it  to  have 
belonged  to  the  Syrian  Churches.  Herein  we 
have  a  full  account  of  the  ceremonies  which  were 
performed  at  baptism,  and  of  the  confession 
which  the  catechumen  made.  He  said :  "  I  re- 
nounce Satan  and  his  works,"  •  .  .  "  and  after 
his  renunciation  (proceeds  the  text)  let  him  say, 
*  I  enrol  myself  under  Christ,  and  I  believe  and 
am  baptized  into  one,  unbegotten,  only,  true 
God,  Almighty,  the  Father  of  Christ,  the  Creator 
and  Maker  of  dl  things,  of  whom  are  all  things ; 
and  in  the  Lord  Jesus  the  Christ,  His  only- 
begotten  Son,  begotten  before  all  creation,  who 
by  the  pleasure  of  the  Father  was  before  all 


CBEED 

worlds;    begotten,  not  made;  through   wnom 
All  things  were  made  which  are  in  heaven  and 
on  earth,  both  yisible  and  invisible ;  who  in  the 
last  days  came  down  from  heaven  and  assumed 
flesh,  of  the  H0I7  Virgin  Mary  being  born,  and 
lived  holily  after  the  laws  of  His  God  and  Father, 
and  was  crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate,  and  died 
for  us,  and  rose  again  from  the  dead,  after  his 
suffering,  on  the   third  day,  and  ascended  into 
the  heavens  and  sat  down  on  the  right  hand  of 
the  Father,  and  is  coming  again  at  the  end  of 
the  world  with  glory  to  judge  quick  and  dead, 
of  whose  kingdom  there  shall  be  no  end.    I  am 
baptised,  too,  into  the  Holy  Spirit ;  that  is,  the 
Paradete,  which  wrought  in  ail  the  saints  since 
the  beginning  of  the  world,  and  was  afterwards 
sent  from  the  Father,  according  to  the  promise 
of  our  Saviour  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  and,  after 
the  Apostles,  to  all  who  believe  in  {iv)  the  holy 
Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church,  in  {tls)  the  resur- 
rection of  the  flesh,  and  the  remission  of  sins, 
and  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  the  life  of  the 
world  to  come.' "    Such  is  the  Creed  which  con- 
nects the  rule  of  faith  which  may  be  found  in 
Irenaeus  with  the  Creed  which  has  received  the 
name  of  the  Nicene. 

10.  It  is  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present 
article  to  examine  and  enumerate  the  errors  and 
the  heresies  to  which  reference  is  made  in  this 
long  baptismal  confession  (SftaXayla  fiearrlff' 
/ucrof).  The  Confession  of  belief  issued  by  the 
Synod  of  Antioch  against  Paul  of  Samosata,  and 
those  of  Gregory  of  Neo-Caesarea  and  Lucian 
the  Martyr,  and  others,  were  not  used  in  any 
office  of  the  Church;  and  they  thus  have  the 
character  of  an  exposition  of  the  Faith,  rather 
than  that  of  a  Creed  proper.  Only,  we  must 
note  in  passing,  that  in  the  letter  of  Alexander 
of  Alexandria  to  his  namesake  at  Constantinople, 
we  meet  with  the  phrase,  %p  wvvfM  Brytov 
6fw\oyovfi«y, — we  confess  one  Holy  Spirit^  and 
doubtless  the  conception  of  confession  we  must 
extend  to  other  points  named  in  the  letter ;  and 
thus  we  have  further  intimation  that  a  custom 
of  confeswng  God  prevailed,  not  only  at  baptism, 
with  the  compeUnUSf  but  amongst  matured 
members  of  the  Churches.  This  doubtless  was 
made  during  some  part  of  their  common  wor- 
ship; and  in  the  same  sense  we  may  perhaps 
understand  his  words,  ravra  9i9dffKOfify,  ravra 
KfipvrrofiMy  (Migne,  xviii.  p.  549). 

11.  Still  the  passages  in  which  the  Creed  is 
referred  to  speak  almost  exclusively  of  its  use  at 
baptism.  When  Eusebius  wrote  to  his  flock  his 
interesting  account  of  what  had  passed  at  the 
Council  of  Nicaea,  and  transcrlM  for  it  the 
Creed  which  he  had  recited  as  that  used  **  when 
he  had  been  a  catechumen,  and  again  when  he  was 
baptized,"  he  makes  no  mention  of  its  use  at  the 
Eucharist.  ^  During  his  whole  ministerial  life, 
both  when  he  was  a  presbyter,  and  since  he 
became  a  biBhop,  he  had  believed  it  and  had 
taught  it."  So,  again,  when  the  Nicene  Creed 
proper  was  referred  to  in  the  &moas  decree  of 
the  Council  of  Ephesus,  the  great  danger  against 
which  the  fathers  were  anxious  to  provide  was 
thb :  '*  that  no  one  should  offer  or  exhibit  any 
but  the  accepted  faith  to  such  as  were  willing  to 
turn  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  from  Hel- 
lenism or  Judaism."  No  mention  is  made  of  the 
Introduction  of  the  Creed  into  the  other  oflices 
of  th*  Church.     Eutyches   recited  the  Nicene 


CfiEED 


491 


symbol  at  the  Robber  Synod  of  Eihesus,  and 
sUted  that  ^  in  this  faith  he  had  been  baptized 
and  sealed,  and  in  it  he  had  lived,  and  in  it  he 
hoped  to  be  perfected;"  but  no  reference  is 
made  to  any  other  public  use :  and  once  more, 
when  at  the  second  session  of  the  Council  of 
Chalcedou,  the  deacon  Aetius  read  out  the  Creed 
of  the  holy  Synod  of  Nicaea  and  the  holy  feith 
which  the  150  holy  fathers  put  out  at  Constan- 
tinople agreeing  with  it,  whilst  both  creeds 
met  with  the  cry,  <*This  is  the  faith  of  the  Catho- 
lics :  this  is  the  faith  of  all.  We  all  believe 
like  this : "  in  regard  to  the  Nicene  symbol  alone 
they  added,  *'  In  this  we  have  been  baptized : 
in  this  we  baptize ;"  but  not  a  word  was  said  as 
to  the  recitation  of  either  at  any  other  service 
(Mansi,  vi.  957).  Only  the  same  limited  use 
is  mentioned  by  Epiphanius  in  the  latter  pages 
of  his  Ancoratus ;  and  in  the  Catedieiical  Lectures 
of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem. 

12.  We  must  not,  however,  omit  to  mention 
that  it  was  the  custom  for  the  bishops  present 
to  subscribe  to  the  Creed  before  they  broke  up 
from  the  great  councils :  thus,  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  Council  of  Chalcedou,  *'  all  the  most  reli- 
gious bishops  cried  -out,  *  This  is  our  faith,  let 
our  Metropolitans  subscribe ;  let  them  subscribe 
at  onoe  in  the  presence  of  the  magistrates: 
things  well  defined  admit  of  no  delay :  this  is  the 
faith  of  the  Apostles :  by  this  we  all  walk :  we 
all  thus  think.'" 

13.  Let  us  now  briefly  trace  the  subsequent 
history  of  the  use  of  the  symbols.  TimoUieus, 
bishop  of  Constantinople  A.D.  511,  is  stated  b) 
Theodoras  Lector  (Hist,  Eocl  p.  563)  to  have 
ordered  *^  that  the  creed  should  be  recited  noXt 
kiuwT^v  v^a^iv,  at  every  congregation ;  whereas 
previously  it  had  been  used  only  on  the  Thurs- 
day before  Easter,  when  the  bishops  catechized 
the  candidates  for  baptism."  As  the  avowed 
object  of  Timotheus  was  to  express  the  continued 
abhorrence  which  the  Church  felt  for  the  teach- 
ing of  Macedonius,  it  is  dear  that  the  exposition 
of  Constantinople  was  intended  in  the  order, 
even  though  it  speaks  of  *<  the  Creed  of  the  318."* 
A  similar  direction  had  been  given  by  Peter 
the  Fuller,  Patriarch  of  Antioch  (450  to  488). 
Then  it  seems  to  have  spread  through  the  East, 
and  thus  the  Creeds  seem  to  have  found  their 
way  into  the  liturgies  which  bear  the  names  of 
Chrysostom,  Basil,  and  others.  From  the  East 
the  custom  came  into  the  West.  The  3rd  Council 
of  Toledo,  c  ii.  (a.d.  589)  directed  that  *'  before 
the  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  liturgy,  the  creed  of  the 
150  should  be  recited  by  the  people  through  all 
the  churches  of  Spain  and  Gallicia,  according  to 
the  form  of  the  Oriental  Churches." 

14.  The  words  of  Reccared's  confirming  order 
are  so  interesting,  that  we  may  be  pardoned  if 
we  redte  them  at  length :  *'  Ut  propter  robor- 
andam  gentis  nostras  novellam    conversionem, 

•  By  the  Creed  of  the  318  is  meant  the  Nlcrae  CY«ed. 
By  the  creed  of  tbe  160  the  docmnent  as  it  is  allf>gHl  to 
have  been  expended  in  the  Gonncil  of  GonsUmtlnople, 
and  as  It  was  recited  at  the  Goundl  of  C!ba1cedoD.  The 
chief  differeDce  between  them  Is  that  the  fimner  after 
the  words  **  and  in  the  Holy  Ghost,"  proceeded  to  declare 
the  ooodemnat]on  by  the  Church  of  all  who  matntalnrd 
Arlan  views  of  the  Savioar :  tn  the  latter  the  sahsequeot 
olauies  were  added  as  we  now  read  them,  save  that  the 
words  were,  "who  proceedeth  ih»n  the  Father,  who 
wUV'te. 


492 


CREUD 


OBEED 


omnes  Hupanianim  et  Galliae  (Galliciae)  accle- 
^iae  hanc  regulam  servent,  ut,  omni  sacrificii 
tempore,  ante  oommanioationem  corporis  Christi 
▼el  (or  et)  sanguiDU,  juxta  orientalium  patram 
niorem,  unanimiter  dara  Toce  sanctisumam  fidei 
reoenaeant  symbolum,  at  primuin  populi  quam 
credulitatcm  teneant  fateactur,  et  sic  oorda  fide 
purificata  ad  Christi  corpus  et  saDgainem  capien- 
dam  exhibeant*'  (Mansi,  ix.  983).  The  priest 
recited  the  creed  whilst  he  held  the  consecrated 
host  in  his  hand  (MabiUon,  Liiurg,  OaU,  lt>85, 
pp.  2,  12,  450).  [We  should  note  that  the  po- 
sition of  the  Ci'eed  in  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy 
answers  to  the  directions  of  Reccared.] 

15.  But  the  disputes  regarding  the  interpolated 
FUioque  afford  us  additional  evidence  of  the  use 
of  the  Creed  at  Mass.  Some  monks  of  a  Frank 
convent  on  Mount  Olivet  complained  to  Leo  III. 
(about  A.D.  806)  that  they  had  been  **  accused 
of  heresy,  and  partially  eicluded  from  the 
Church  of  the  Nativity  on  Christmas  Day,  be-, 
cause  they  held  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceedeth 
from  the  Father  and  the  Son.  Yea,  they  were 
charged  toith  reeling  more  than  was  held  in  the 
Roman  Church.  Yet  one  of  their  number  had 
heard  it  so  sung  in  the  West,  in  the  chapel  of 
the  Emperor.  What  were  thev  to  do  ?  "  Other 
complications  followed :  Charlemagne  was 
anxious  to  retain  the  clause ;  Leo  to  continue  to 
exclude  it.  An  account  of  the  interview  between 
the  Pope  and  the  emissaries  of  the  Emperor  may 
be  seen  in  Dr.  Neale's  ffisiori/  of  the  Holy 
Eastern  Church  (pp.  1 164-1 16i6>  The  Pope 
recommended  that  the  "clatLse  should  be 
omitted :  if  difficulty  arose,  let  them  give  up 
the  custom  of  singing  the  creed  in  the  palace  of 
the  Emperor :  it  wag  not  tung  in  the  Holy  Church 
in  Roma :  thus  the  cause  of  contention  would  be 
removed,  and  peace  would  be  restored."  (The 
express  mention  of  the  singing  indicates  that  the 
laity  would  miss  the  words  if  they  were 
omitted.)  And  he  begged  again  that  the 
Churches  of  Germany  *'  would  say  the  symbolum 
in  the  mysteries  in  accordance  with  the  Roman 
Ritual"  (see  Martene,  De  Jiitaws,  p.  138 ;  Bin- 
terim,  DenkwHrd.  p.  357).  Charlemagne  refused 
to  give  way. 

16.  Thus  it  appears  that  in  the  time  of  Leo  III. 
some  symbolum  was  said  at  Rome  at  the  time  of 
the  Sacrifice;  whether  the  Roman  Creed,  as 
appears  from  the  Sacramentary  of  Gelasius,  or 
the  original  Nicene  formula,  or  the  uninter- 
polated  taith  of  the  150,  is  uncertain.  But  a  few 
years  later,  ue,  between  847  and  858,  as  we 
learn  from  Photius  (de  Spiritus  Myttagogia, 
Migne,  vol.  cii.  p.  395),  Leo  IV.  and  his  successor 
Benedict  ill.  directed  that  the  Creed  should  be 
recited  in  Greek,  Ira  ii^  rh  crwhv  rqf  8ia\^«rov 
BhMff^liias  woMurxV  vpt^acriy.  The  words 
are  ambiguous,  but  tney  seem  to  mean : — **  lest 
the  narrow  character  of  the  Latin  language 
should  afford  any  pretext  for  evil  speaking," 
on  the  part  of  the  Greek  Church.  But  the 
Churches  of  the  West  continued  to  assert 
their  independence  of  Rome.  Aeneas,  bishop 
of  Paris,  informs  us  (about  868)  that  **the 
whole  Gallican  Church  chanted  the  Creed  at 
the  Mass  every  Sunday "  (apud  Dacher.  Spici' 
legium^  tom.  i.  p.  113,  cxciii.):  Walafrid  Strabo 
(Migne,  cxiv.  p.  947)  notes  that  nfter  the  depo- 
sition of  the  heretic  Felix,  the  Creed  (as  inter- 
polated) began  to  be  more  frequently  used  in  the 


office  of  the  Mass,  in  the  churches  of  Germany  : 
and  Walter,  bishop  of  Orleans,  about  the  middla 
of  the  9th  century,  found  it  necessary  to  enact 
that  m  his  diocese  the  *<  Gloria  Patri  et  Filio  et 
Spiritui  Sancto"  and  the  symbol  ^  Credo  in  unum 
Deum  "  should  be  sung  by  all  at  the  same  service 
(Martene,  lib.  i.  c  iv.  art.  vi.  |§  x.  and  xi.; 
Migne,  cxix.  p.  727).  At  length  the  popes  gave 
way,  and  under  the  pressure  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  (A.D.  1014)  Benedict  VIII.  consented  to 
sing  the  Creed  and  after  the  form  which  was 
now  universally  received  amongst  the  other 
Churches  of  the  West. 

17.  One  point  connected  with  the  Creed  of 
Constantinople  remains  to  be  noticed — its  use 
in  the  baptismal  service  of  the  so-called  Gelasian 
Sacramentary.  Dr.  Caspari  (  Ungedi'Qckte  Qus/len, 
part  i.  p.  236)  considers  that  in  the  Church  oi 
Rome  and  some  Churches  of  Gaul  and  Germany 
this  Creed  appeared  first  in  the  baptismal  rite. 
The  original  Sacramentary  is  dated  about  494, 
but  we  conceive  that  the  rite  which  we  are  now 
about  to  describe  cannot  be  regarded  as  older  than 
the  times  of  Leo  IV.  and  BenecUct  III.,  the  Popes  of 
Rome  who  directed  that  the  Creed  should  be  recited 
in  Greek,  or  as  more  modem  than  1014,  the  date 
of  the  Emperor  Henry's  triumph  over  B^edict 
Vni.  The  Sacramentary  directs  that  at  the  time 
of  a  baptism  the  priest  shall  address  the  elect  on 
the  importance  of  the  faith,  and  bid  them  to 
receive  the  **  sacramentum  of  the  evangelical 
eytnbol  inspired  by  the  apostles,  whose  words 
indeed  are  few,  but  whose  mysteries  are  great." 
The  acolyth  takes  one  of  the  children,  a  boy,  and 
holding  his  left  arm  places  his  own  right  hand 
on  the  child's  head,  and  the  presbyter  enquires, 
*'  In  what  tongue  do  they  confess  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ?"  The  acolyth  answers,  <Mn  Greek." 
The  presbyter  says,  **  State  the  faith  as  they  be- 
lieve it,"  and  the  acolyth  chants  the  Creed  of 
Constantinople  in  Greek :  but,  according  to  the 
MSS.  of  the  Sacramentary,  without  the  clause 
**  God  of  God  "  and  without  the  words  "  and  the 
Son"  (Assemanni  without  any  MS.  authority 
printed  the  words  koI  tov  vloO  in  his  Codex 
Liturg.  tom.  i.  p.  12;  see  Dr.  Heurtley,  Harm. 
Symbol,  p.  158).  The  acolyth  then  takes  a  girl, 
and  the  question  being  repeated  as  to  the  lan- 
guage of  the  response,  he  answers  **  in  Latin." 
In  the  first  instance  the  Creed  is  written  in 
Greek  and  Latin  interli nearly,  the  Greek  in  Latin 
charactei-s,  thus — 

Credo  in  unnm  Deam  Pstmn  omnlpotectem. 
Pisteao  is  hena  ibeon  patiiera  psntocraiorem  ; 

in  the  latter  in  Latin  only.  Possibly  it  is  to  this 
curious  custom,  possibly  to  a  direct  following  out 
of  the  rule  of  Benedict  III.,  that  we  owe  three 
interesting  relics  of  the  10th  or  11th  centuries,  of 
which  Dr.  Caspari  has^given  descriptions.  The  one 
is  a  MS.  in  the  library  of  St.  (Sail  which  contains 
the  interpolated  Greek  Creed  in  Latin  letters, 
but  with  musical  notes :  the  other  two  are  MSS. 
in  the  library  at  DUsseldorf  and  Vienna  respect 
tirely,  which  contain  the  uninterpolated  Greek 
Creed,  written  in  similar  Latin  characters.  The 
earlier  named  MS.  doubtless  represents  the  Creed 
as  it  was  chanted  at  great  festivals  ;  for  Binterim 
(DenkKOrd,  p.  363)  assui-es  us  that  in  the  9to 
century  the  Germans  sang  the  Creed  both  in 
Greek  and  Latin. 

18.  Turning  now  to  the  symbol  which  fiit 


OBEKD 


GRESCENS 


493 


many  years  hw  been  called  in  the  Western 
Churches  the  Apostles'  Creed,  our  first  remark 
must  be  that  the  Eastern  Churches  denied  all 
knowledge  of  it  at  the  Council  of  Florence. 
Ephesius,  one  of  the  legates  of  the  Oriental 
Churches,  is  said  to  have  there  stated,  iifJuHs  o0re 

\wy  (Waterland,  iii.  p.  196,  note  r  ;  Nicolas,  Le 
Sytnbole  des  Apdtres,  p.  270).  Thus  we  must 
look  to  the  Western  Churches  alone  for  evidence 
of  the  growth  and  usage  of  this  Creed. 

19.  In  his  interesting  volume  on  the  Apostles' 
Creed,  Dr.  Heurtley  traces  its  growth  through 
Irenaeus  and  Tertullian  and  Cyprian :  then  we 
must  take  a  leap  from  Novatian,  ▲.d.  260,  to 
Ruffinus,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  a.d.  390,  the  inter- 
mediate space  of  ISO  years  affording  only  one 
stepping-stone,  furnished  by  the  notes  of  the 
Belief  of  Marcellus  of  Anoyra,  which  he  left  be- 
hind him  on  his  departure  from  Rome :  he  says 
"  1  learnt  it  and  was  taught  it  out  of  the  holy 
Scriptures."  This  Belief  resembles  in  great  mea- 
sure the  Creed  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  as  we 
learn  that  Creed  from  the  pages  of  RufRnus ;  but 
Marcellus  does  not  speak  of  its  being  used  in 
any  liturgic  office,  except  so  far  as  his  words 
above  quoted  may  show  that  he  had  received  it 
before  he  was  baptised. 

20.  This  surmise  is  upheld  by  the  account  of 
Ruffinus.  He  describes  the  Creed  of  the  Church 
of  Aquileia  as  resembling  very  nearly  that  of 
Rome;  he  says  that  at  neither  Church  had  it 
ever  been  put  into  writing  in  a  continuous  form, 
but  adds  that  he  regards  the  type  as  preserved 
in  the  Church  of  Rome  as  probably  of  the 
purest  character,  because  there  the  ancient  prao- 
tice  txKU  preserved  of  the  catechumen  reciting  the 
Creed  in  the  hearing  of  the  faithftU,  He  speaks  of 
this  as  an  ancient  custom.  At  Aquileia  it  would 
appear  that  the  baptism  was  a  private  service. 
About  the  same  time  we  find  Ambrose  describ- 
ing to  MarcelHna  (Migne,  xvi.  995)  the  riot  at 
Milan  :  from  his  account  it  would  seem  that  at 
that  time  the  custom  was  to  deliver  the  Creed 
to  the  oompetentea  on  any  Lord's  Day  after  the 
lessons  and  the  sermon  and  the  dismissal  of  the 
catechumens:  his  words  are,  ^'Sequente  die, 
erat  autem  Dominica,  post  lectiones  atque  trac- 
tatum  demissisC^techumeniSySymbolum  aliquibus 
oompetentibus  in  baptisteriis  tradebam  basilicae," 
when  he  was  called  out  to  rescue  an  Arian. 

21.  The  custom  of  preserving  this  symbolum 
unwritten  is  referred  to  again  and  again  by  Je- 
rome and  Augustine.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  Faith  of  the  Churches  of  the  East  was 
treated  with  less  reserve,  although  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  desired  that  his  lectures  should  be 
regarded  as  confidential  documents.  We  are  in- 
clined to  believe  that  the  Creed  must  have  been 
committed  to  writing  when  it  became  customary 
to  recite  it  at  the  Mass.  Tlie  Gelasian  Sacra- 
mentary  (which,  even  if  interpolated,  must  de> 
scribe  the  ritual  of  the  Roman  Church  at  some 
epoch  or  other)  contains  it.  Since  the  time  of 
Benedict  YtlL  as  we  have  seen,  the  Nicene  Creed 
BO  called,  i,e.  the  interpolated  faith  of  the  150, 
has  been  used  at  Rome  in  the  Eucharistic  service. 

22.  We  have  referred  from  time  to  time  to 
the  custom  of  repeating  the  creeds  of  the  earlier 
councils  at  an  early  session  of  each  succeeding 
assembly  of  a  similar  character.  We  have  one 
..Dteresting  proof  that  the  Apostles'  Creed  was 


deemed  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  so  used 
in  a  council  of  the  West.  Etherius,  bishop  of 
Osma,  and  Beatus,  presbyter  of  Astorga,  recited 
it  in  785  as  against  the  errors  of  Elipandus, 
archbishop  of  Toledo.  The  account  is  note- 
worthy :  "  Surgamus  igitur,"  they  cried,  **  cum 
ipsis  apostolis  et  fidei  nostrae  symbolum,  quern 
(sic)  tradidernnt  nobis  brevi  compendio,  recite- 
mus,  quicunque  unum  Dominnm,  unam  fidem, 
unum  baptisma  habemus;  et  fidem  in  qua  bap- 
tizati  sumus  ^  in  hac  perversitate  et  duplicitate 
haereticorum  non  negemus  :  sed  sicut  corde  cre- 
demus  ore  proprio  proferamus  publice  et  dicamus 
Credo  in  Deum,  &c."  The  Creed  recited,  Ethe- 
rius added,  ^^Ecce  fidem  apostolicam  in  qua 
baptizati  sumus,  quam  credemus  et  tenemus." 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Creed  was  here  put 
forth  publicly, 

23.  Nor  should  the  fact  that  there  were  creeds 
thrown  into  an  inten'ogatory  form  be  entirely 
passed  over.  Of  these  some  were  used  from 
an  early  period  at  baptism ;  and  others  in  later 
years  at  the  visitation  of  the  sick.  Dr.  Heurtley 
Las  collected  several  instances  of  the  former 
series;  and  the  pages  of  Martene  contain  many 
extracts  from  old  MSS.  giving  the  order  for  the 
latter.  The  earliest  instance  of  such  a  use  at 
confession  that  we  have  found  is  in  the  rule  of 
Chrodegang  (a.d.  750).     [Migne,  89,  p.  1070.] 

24.  The  (so  called)  Athanasian  Creed  appears 
to  have  been  originally  composed  as  an  exposition 
of  the  fiuth  for  the  instruction  of  believers 
[Crebsy,  Council  of],  and  then  it  came  to  be 
sung  at  the  Church  service  as  a  Canticle. 
Gieseler  and  others  consider  that  it  was  this 
Creed  that  was  ordered  to  be  learnt  by  heart 
by  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  794,  when  it 
decreed,'  *'  Ut  fides  catholica  sanctae  Trinitatis 
et  oratio  Dominica  atque  Symbolum  Fidei  omni- 
bus praedicatur  et  tradatur ; "  but  it  is  more  pro- 
bable that  the  term  fidee  catholica  here  is  generic : 
at  all  events  we  would  refer  to  the  creed  con- 
tained in  Charlemagne's  letter  to  Elipandus 
[Migne,  xcviii.  899],  which  is  assigned  to  the 
same  date  (794)  as  being  more  probably  the  fides 
catholica  of  the  Canon.  It  seems  to  have  been 
recited  at  Prime  on  the  Lord's  Dav  at  Basle  in 
the  9th  century:  we  hear  that  in  997  it  was 
sung  in  alternate  choirs  in  France  and  in  the 
Church  of  England:  in  1133  it  was  used  daily 
at  Prune  in  the  Church  of  Autun ;  from  1200  it 
assumed  the  titles  '*  Symbolum  S.  Athanasii" 
and  *'  Psalmus  QiticuTtque  vuli"  which  mark  the 
character  it  occupies  in  our  services.  It  was 
daily  used  at  Prime  in  those  English  churches 
which  adopted  the  use  of  Sarum,  but  was  always 
followed  by  the  recitation  of  the  Apostles'  Creed : 
as  if  the  declaration  of  the  Faith  of  the  wor- 
shipper always  followed  on  the  instruction  of  the 
Church  as  to  what  it  was  necessary  to  believe. 

{Books,  —  Great  use  has  been  made  of  Dr. 
August  Hahn's  Collection  of  Formulae :  and  Dr. 
Caspari's  Programme,  Dr.  Heurtley's  ffarmoma 
SymJbolioa  has  of  course  furnished  important 
assistance.  To  other  works  reference  has  been 
made  as  required.)  C  A.  S. 

(}BESCENS.  (1)  Disciple  of  St.  Paul,  bishop 
in  Galatia,  is  commemorated  June  27  {Mart,  Horn, 
Vetj  Usuardi) ;  April  15  {Col,  Byzant,'), 

b  Thus  the  AposHes*  Creed  wss  the  baptismal  errad  of 
Spain. 


494 


CRESCENTIA 


GROSS 


■  (fi)  One  of  the  seven  sons  of  St.  SymphoitMa, 
martyr  at  Tivoli  ander  Hadrian,  July  21  (^Mart. 
Bedae) ;  June  27  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Or  CRESCBimns,  martyr  at  Tomi,  Oct.  1 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Rom,  Vet,^  Utnardi).  [C] 

CRESCENTIA,  martyr  in  Sicily  under  IMo- 
jletian,  June  15  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Horn,  Vet., 
Usuardi).  [C] 

CRESCENTIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Sar- 
dinia, May  31  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(S)  Martyr  in  Africa,  June  13  {MaH,  Bedae). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Campania,  July  2  {Mart, 
Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Augustana,  Aug.  12  {Mart, 
Usuiurdi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Mazimian,  Nov.  24 
{Mart.  Bedae,  Usuardi);  March  16  {Mart  Bom, 

Vet,).  [C] 

CRESOENTIO,  or  CRESCENTIUS,  mar- 
tyr at  Rome,  Sept.  17  {Mart.  Rem.  Vet,,  Usuardi). 

[C] 

CRES8Y,  COUNCIL  OF.  [Chwstiacum.] 
In  Ponthieu,  ▲.D.  676 ;  but  according  to  Labb. 
(▼i.  535),  at  Autun,  a.d.  670,  the  canons  being 
headed  with  the  name  of  Leodegarius,  bishop  of 
Autun :  passed  several  canons,  but  among  others, 
one  exacting,  on  pain  of  episcopal  condemnation, 
from  every  priest,  deacon,  subdeacon,  or  **  cle- 
ricus,"  assent  to  the  ''Fides  Sancti  Athanasii 
praesulis."  [A.  W.  H.] 

CRI8PINA,  martyr  in  Africa  under  Diocle- 
tian, Dec.  5  {Cat,  Carthag.,  Rom,  Vet.,  Usuardi) ; 
Dec.  3  {MaH,  Hieron.,  in  some  MSS.).  [C.J 

CRISPINUS.  (1)  Martyr  with  Crispiwtanus 
at  Soissons  under  Diocletian,  Oct.  25  {Mart. 
Hieron.,  Bedae,  Usuardi,  Cal,  Angl^ianJ), 

(2)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Astyagis,  Nov.  19 
{Mart,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CRI8POLU8,  or  CRISPULUS,  martyr  in 
Sardinia,  May  30  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Rom.  Vet,, 
Usuardi).  [C] 

CRISPUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome 
under  Diocletian,  Aug.  18  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet,, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  The  '*  chief  ruler  of  the  synagogue," 
martyr  at  Corinth,  Oct.  4  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet,, 
Usuardi).  [C] 

CRISTETA,  martyr  in  Spain,  Oct.  27  {Mart, 
Rom.  Vet.,  Usuardi).  [C] 

CROSIER.    [Pastoral  Staff.] 

CROSS.  The  official  or  public  use  of  the 
cross  as  a  symbol  of  our  redemption  begins  with 
Constantine,  though  it  had  doubtless  been  em- 
ployed in  private  by  all  Christians  at  a  much 
earlier  date.  (See  Guericke's  Antiquitiea  of  the 
Christian  Church,  Morison's  tr.,  1857,  and  Bin- 
terim's  DenkwHrdigkeiten,  &c,  with  Molanus, 
quoted  below.)  In  the  Catacombs,  and  all  the 
•arliest  records,  it  is  constantly  used  in  con- 
nexion with  the  monogram  of  Christ ;  and  this 
may  point  to  the  probable  fact  of  a  double  mean- 
ing in  the  use  of  the  symbol  from  the  earliest 
times.  As  derived  from,  or  joined  with,  the 
monogram,  especially  with  the  mono- 
gram in  its  earliest  or  decussated  form, 
the  cross  is  a  general  or  short-hand 
svmbol  for  the  name  and  person 
dhrist.     As  used  with  the  somewhat  later  or 


ueii,  1^  ^ 

sacrifice  [ 

it  were  i 

inner  of  ' 


m,     •^T>- 

■Iff  ^ 


transverse  monogram,  or  when  separated  from 
the  monogram  and  used  by  itself,  it 
directs  special  attention  to  the 
and  death  of  the  Lord,  and  as 
avows  and  glories  in  the  manner 
His  death.  **  Le  triomphe  de  la  Christianisme 
s'affichait  bien  plus  ouvertement  sur  oet  in- 
eigne  [the  Labarum]  au  moyen  du  monogramme, 
comme  exprimant  le  nom  du  Christ,  que  par 
I'id^  de  la  croix."  Its  use  as  a  symbol  of 
His  person  is  of  high  antiquity;  see  Ciampini, 
Vet,  Mon,  t.  iL  pp.  81  and  82,  tav.  xxiv.,  and 
c.  viii.  tav.  xvii.  D ;  although  some  discredit  may 
have  fallen  on  it  from  the  actual  personification 
of  the  symbol  in  later  days,  after  the  publicatioB 
of  the  Legend  of  the  Cross,  when  churches  were 
dedicated  to  it,  as  St.  Cross,  or  Holy  Rood, 
and  it  became  an  object  of  prayer.*  [SiON  OF 
THE  Cross.]  For  the  purely  symbolic  use  of 
the  great  Christian  and  in  part  human  emblem, 
Ciampini's  plate,  a  copy  of  the  great  '*  Trans- 
figuration" in  mosaic  in  St.  ApoUinaris  at  Ra- 
venna, A.D.  545,  may  be  here  described  aa  a 
typical  example.  It  covers  the  vault  of  an 
arch.  The  presence  of  the  Father  is  represented 
by  the  ancient  symbol  of  a  Haitd  [see  s.  v.] 
issuing  from  a  cloud  above  alL  Below  it  is  a 
cross  of  the  Western  form,  slightly  widened  at 
the  extremities,  or  tending  to  the  Maltese,  in- 
scribed in  a  double  circle  or  nimbus.  At  the 
intersection  is  the  Face  of  our  Lord,  scarcely  dis- 
tinguishable in  Ciampini's  snudl  engraving,  but 
visible  in  the  now  accessible  photograph ;  and 

•  OMron,  JcomograsMt  /?.,  voL  L  p.  967;  Bofan: 
*•  Christ  is  embodied  in  the  Orosa^  as  He  is  to  the  \jubSb» 
or  as  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  Dove. .  .  .  In  Christian  Iooni>- 
graphy,  Christ  is  actnaliy  present  under  the  fonn  and 
samblaaoe  of  the  Croia.  The  Cton  is  our  crndflcd  Lord 
to  perBon,"  &a  In  the  9ih  oenttoy  the  praises  of  ths 
Gross  were  song,  as  men  slog  those  of  a  god  or  a  herou 
Rhaban  Maur,  who  was  Archblahop  of  Hayeooe  in  847, 
wrote  a  poem  to  honour  of  the  Cross,  De  Lamdtbwg 
Satnetae  Vrvteit,  See  his  oomplKe  works,  foU,  Gbkoiae 
Agripplnae.  1626,  voL  i.  pp.  273-387.  He  farther  qnotea 
St.  Jerome's  oompariaoos  of  **  spedes  crods  linnna  qo^ 
drata  mnodi ;"  **aves  qnando  vohmt,  ad  aethers  foimam 
craels  aasomant . . .  homo  nataos,  vel  orans . . .  navis  per 
maria  antenna  crads  similatiL  Tan  llttera  rignnm  aalutis 
et  cnids  descriUtor.*' — (kmtmad.  m  Meuramu 

The  Pontifical,  or  Ushop's  offioe-boolc,  of  Ecbert  or 
ESgbcrti  brother  of  Eadbert,  ktog  of  Northnmbria,  and 
consecrated  archbishop  of  York  to  732,  oontalns  an  olBoe 
for  the  dedication  of  a  cross,  which  certainly  makes  no 
mention  of  any  human  form  thereon  (▼.  Surtea  Sodetf, 
1663,  pp.  1]1-118>  **....  Qoaesumna  uk  ooosecresTiU 


hoc  slgnnm  cm 


^ 


diV  quod  iota  mentis  devotions 


famuli  toi  religloaa  fides  oonstmxlt  trophaeum  sdlioet 
rictoriae  tnae  et  redemptionia  nostrae.  .  .  .  Radiei  hie 
Unlgenlti  Fllil  tni  splendor  divtoitatis  to  anro^  emloek 
gloria  paasionis  to  llgno,  to  cmore  mtilet  noetrae  mortis 
redemptio.  to  eplendore  cristalU  nostrae  murtts  redemptio: 
sit  snomm  protection  spd  oerta  fldnda,  eoe  simul  com 
genie  et  plebe  fide  conflrmet^  ape  soUdetk  pace  oonsoclet: 
angeat  IriamphiB,  ampUiioet  ascoDdls,  proflidai  ela  ad  per* 
petultatem  temportiL  et  ad  Titam  aetemitaUa,"  kc  te. 
A  earionaly  mingled  stale  of  thoo^t  or  feelioc  is  indi- 
cated by  thia  paasage:  the  croas  ia  a  symbol  of  Chrtst 
and  a  token  of  His  victory ;  It  ia  of  material  wood,  giM, 
Jewels,  Ac ;  but  a  sacramental  power  seeme  to  be  oood- 
dered  aa  adherent  to  the  symbol ;  its  ooosecratioo  i^ves  It 
pivaonality;  and  ik  ia  to  be  addreased  to  prayer  aa  I 
posaeased  of  aefenal  powers. 


CROSS 


GROSS 


495 


Tvrllied  on  the  tpot,  as  we  undemtand,  by  M.  i 
Grimoald  de  St.  Laurent.  (Didron's  Armalea 
Arck^blogiquea^  toI.  zzyi.  p.  5.)  ThiB  Face  of  the 
Lord  seems  in  a  work  of  the  5th  century  to  im- 
port no  more  than  the  name  or  monogram :  but 
it  is  found  again  on  the  oil-vessels  of  Monza. 
(See  Martigny,  s.  y.  Crucifix^  and  Didron,  Annates 
Arek,  vol.  zzyL)  The  A  and  «  are  at  its  right 
and  left,  and  the  ground  of  the  inner  circle  is  sown 
with  stars ;  that  of  the  outer  with  small  oblong 
spots  in  pairs,  which  probably  indicate  only  va- 
riations of  colour  in  the  mosaic.  Further  to 
right  and  left  are  Moses  and  £lias  adoring  the 
eroesi  with  St.  ApoUinaris  below.  The  ascent  of 
the  mountain  is  indicated  by  trees  and  birds, 
among  which  are  the  universally  present  sheep. 
The  Holy  Dove  is  not  represented,  the  mosaic 
having  reference  to  the  Transfiguration  only. 
Above  the  cross  are  the  letters  IMDVC,  which 
Ciampini  interprets  as  '*  Immolatio  Domini  Jesus 
ChrUti :"  below  it  the  words  *<  Sfflus  MundL" 
Didron,  however  (Ckrittian  Iconography^  p.  396, 
vol.  i.),  asserts  on  the  authority  of  M.  Lacroiz, 
who  has  given  particular  attention  to  the  church 
of  S.  ApoUinare  in  Classe,  that  these  letters  are 
really  1X9TC.  The  accession  of  Constanfine 
seems  to  have  been  an  occasion  of  publicly 
avowing  to  the  Pagans,  and  therefore  of  more 
vigorously  enforcing  on  the  Christian  mind,  the 
sacrificial  death  of  the  Lord  for  man.  The  oflSce 
of  Christ  was  distinguished  from  the  person  of 
Christ:  the  cross  was,  so  to  speak,  extricated 
from  the  monogram;  and  its  full  import,  long 
understood  and  felt  by  all  Christians,  was  now 
made  explicit.  However  long  the  change  from 
the  symbolic  cross  to  the  realist  or  portrait 
crud£x  may  have  taken — with  whatever  long- 
enduring  awe  and  careful  reverence  the  corporeal 
suffering  of  the  Lord  may  have  been  veiled  in 
symbol — the  progress  of  a  large  part  of  the 
Church  to  actual  representation  of  the  Lord  in 
the  act  of  death  seems  to  have  been  logically 
certain  from  the  time  when  His  death  as  a  male- 
fi^tor  for  all  men  was  avowed  and  proclaimed  to 
the  heathen.  The  gradual  progress  or  transi- 
tion from  the  symbol  to  the  representation  is 
partly  traced  out  s.  ▼.  Crucifix  ;  and  as  the  words 
'^  cross "  and  **  crucifix  "  are  to  a  great  extent 
confounded  in  their  popular  use  in  most  European 
languages,  particularly  in  Roman  Catholic  coun- 
tries, the  following  tentative  distinction  may 
perhaps  hold  good, — ^that  a  cross  with  any  symbol 
or  other  representation  of  a  victim  attached  to  it, 
or  anyhow  placed  on  it,  passes  into  the  cruci- 
ncial  category. 

The  usual  threefold  division  of  the  form  of  the 
cross  into  the  Crux  Decussata  or  St.  Andrew's 
cross;  the  Crux  Commissa,  Tau,  or  Egyptian; 
and  the  Immissa  or  upright  four-armed  cross, 
seems  most  convenient.  It  would  appear  from 
Oiampini's  plate  above  quoted,  and  is  historically 
probable,  that  the  distinction  between  the  Greek 
and  Latin  crosses,  by  reason  of  the  equal  or 
unequal  length  of  the  arms,  is  scarcely  within 
•ar  province.  Its  earliest  origin  dates  perhaps 
from  the  time  succeeding  the  Iconoclastic  con- 
troversy (see  Crucifix),  when  the  Latin  mind 
eontinued  to  insist  specially  on  the  cross  as  the 
instrument  of  the  Lord's  death,  and  carefully 
selected  the  most  probable  shape  of  the  cross  on 
which  He  suffered.  The  symbol  of  the  inter- 
foeting  bars  was  enough  for  the  Greek.    As  a 


Christian  emblem,  the  decussated  cross  may  be 
considered  the  most  ancient :  but  all  are  of  the 
earliest  age  of  Christian  work ;  as  are  many 
curious  varieties  of  the  cruciform  figure.  The 
forms  in  the  woodcuts  are  Christian  adoptions  of 
pre-Christian  crosses.  They  are  supposed  by 
Martigny  and  others  to  be  what  he  calls /ormss 
distimuUfea ;  or  ancient  mubols  adopted  by 
Christians  as  sufficiently  like  the  cross  or  tree 
of  punishment  to  convey  to  their  minds  the 
associations  of  the  Lord's  suffering,  without  pro- 
claiming it  in  a  manner  which  would  shock 
heathen  prejudice  unnecessarily.  Constantino 
appears  to  have  feltr  that  a  time  was  come  when 
his  authority  oonld  enforce  a  different  feeling 
with  regard  to  the  death  of  the  Lord  for  men. 
He  used  the  cross  or  monogram  privately  and 
publicly ;  impressed  it  on  the  arms  of  his  soldiers ; 
and  erected  large  crosses  on  the  Hippodrome  and 
elsewhere  in  Constantinople.  His  use  of  it  on 
his  standards  is  well  known.  (Cf.  Labarxtm, 
Draoonarius.)  Euseb.,  Vii.  Const,  iit  3,  refers 
to  the  Triumphal  Cross  made  and  set  above  the 
Dragon  by  Constantine.  For  his  vision  and  the 
making  of  the  Labarnm,  see  ibid,  pp.  28-39; 
Bingham,  Aniiq.  s.  v.  Crucifix,  Of  its  use  on 
coins,  which  appears  to  begin  with  Yalentinian  I., 
A.D.    364-375,   see  coin   of  Valens  in   Angelo 


foLLp-soe.) 


Rocca,  infra.  It  seems  as  if  Constantine  really 
hoped  to  use  the  Christian  symbol  as  a  token 
of  union  for  his  vast  empire,  with  that  mix- 
ture of  sincere  faith,  superstition,  and  ability 
which  characterized  most  of  his  actions.  The 
frequent  recurrence  of  the  rovr^  yUa  on 
ancient  crosses  shows  the  importance  which 
he  and  others  attached  to  his  vision.  Ter- 
tuUian's  words  may  suffice  to  express  the 
general  use  of  the  cross  in  private  in  his  time 
{De  Cor.  Mil,  c.  iii.) :  ^  Ad  omnem  progressum 
atque  promotum ;  ad  omnem  aditum  atque 
exitum:  ad  calceatum,  ad  lavacra,  ad  mensas, 
ad  lumina,  ad  cubilia,  ad  sedilia : — quaecunque 
nos  conversatio  exeroet,  frontem  crucis  signnculo 
terimus."  This  is  paralleled  by  St.  Chryso- 
stom's  worraxov  9^4nc«a$ai  (r.  oravp^y^— ^apa 

it^patrt,  ,  .  ,  .  4w  SrXoM  k.  itf  wcurrdiruf,  iv 
cK^^ffiv  ipyvpois,  iv  rolx^^  ypa^eus.  Julian 
had  derided  the  Christians  as  ^Uitfos  irravpov 
CKicrypa/povrrts  iv  r^  firr^^y,  &c.  Thev  were 
accused  of  worshipping  it  as  a  divinity  or  fetiche. 
See  the  words  of  the  pagan  C^Mcilius,  in  Minacius 
Felix  Octav,  cc  ix.  and  xxix. :  ^^  fit  qui  hommem 


196 


CROBS 


Munioo  inpjilicic  pro  fiiciaort  pnnltum,  et  cruel* 
.Igoit  fcTAlin  «oruni  coiremoiiija  ftbnUntar,  cou- 
groantia  parditii  KclerBtiaqne,  ....  at  id  coUot 
qnod  menntar."  H«  uuuwend  aimpl^,  "Cnicv 
nee  eolimnB  nee  optuDiu."  This  ii  dio  rafurad 
to  by  UoUDaH,  Uc  Picturii,  c  v.,  with  muij 
other  pBH^cs.     [Sec  SiOK  or  tue  CBOesJ 

Ths  croH  of  coane  cwavejcd  to  earlier  Oirii- 
tinaa,  u  te  oanelTei,  the  lesson  of  our  awn  per- 
tonal  •acrlfica  or  dsdication  to  Chribt,  tnd  the 
thought  of  Hia  eommuid  to  take  np  the  crocs. 
Heace  donbtleu  ila  conetuit  nae  In  timea  of 
actual  or  remembered  persecution.  But  this  use 
of  it  would  neceasaril7  lead  on  from  the  '.bought 
of  His  person  to  that  of  His  sacrifice.  Sae  the 
inscri)ition  bj  Pnulinus  of  Nola,  who  made  anefa 
nm^le  use  of  pictorial  aod  other  decoiations, 
placed   Doder   a   cross   at   the  entrance   of  his 


The  pnrate  nsa  of  eroeua,  or  repieaentation* 
of  the  cross,  is  highly  Dncertain  beforo  Constan- 
tine,  though  Martignf  refer*  to  Ferret  (Cata- 
caiAa  dt  Some,  h.  pi.  iTi.  74)  for  certain  stones, 
nppnreDtly  belonging  to  rings,  on  which  the  cross 
U  engraved,  and  which  appear  to  be  of  dalo  prior 
to  Constantlne.  It  seenu  probable  that  the  use 
of  the  moDogriun  prevailed  before  and  during  his 
.yy  time,  with  sacrificial  meaning  tttach- 
"^jy      ing  more  and  more  to  the  cruciform 

^<  in  theChriitinD  mind.  (See  Binterim, 
'  '  ^      vol.  iv.  part  ii.) 

The  moat  interesting  croia  in  eiistence  of  this 
kind  seems  to  be  the  pectoral  cross  or  iyKi^wmr 
In  gold  and  niello,  described  Inst  bj  H.  St.  Laurent 
in  Uidron's  Annalet  ArcliAlogiqva.  It  is  said  to 
contain  a  fragment  of  the  wood  of  the  cross,  and 
iKiirs  on  lU  Croat  F.HANOVha  KOBISCVM 
DtV3  on  tha  back,  "Crui  est  vita  mihi)  mors, 
inimice,  tibi,"  in  same  character*.  It  must  date 
f^om  near  the  time  of  the  Empress  Helena,  when 
many  like  crosses  began  to  be  worn.  Compan 
drswiog  of  serpent  below  the  monogram. 

One  eiample  is  given  by  Boldetti  of  a  tan- 
rross,  dating  a.d.  370  according  to  the  consuls  : 
neither  the  Crui  Immissa  nor  the  Greek  cross 

Spear  by  actual  eiamplea  till  the  Sch  century, 
is  question  of  date  can  hardly  be  decided  in 
the  Catacomba,  from  the  nnmber  of  crosses  in- 
scribed there  by  pilgrii 


Ing  the  cross;  ana  it  is  poaslble  that  in  dbtaat 
provinces  the  associations  of  shameful  death  may 
got  havo  clung  to  It  so  ciofelv.  H.  Laurent 
make*  the  obvious  remark  that  the  use  of  the 
:ross  spread  with  a  rapidity  proportioned  to  ths 
tdvance  of  Christianity,  and  apeiks  of  iU  earlier 
ind  freer  use  in  Africa,  quoting  De  Roui,  D.  T.  C. 
I^or  Conataatiue'i  golden  cmea  on  the  tomb  of 
St.  Peter,  see  Anastasins,  Lib.  Fontif.,  In  Syl. 
MUfro,  p.  B,  Scr.  Byi.  (Fabroti)j  also  EuHblus, 
C'/nii.  Vil.  iii.  49.  Two  crosses  from  the  Cata- 
rombof  St.  Pontiaons  given  by  Bottari,  tav.  xliv.- 
ilvj.,  richly  adorned  with  jewels  and  metal-work, 
>ne  of  which  has  the  A  v  attached  to  it  by 
chains,  may  also  date  from  the  years  immt- 
liately  preceding  Conatantlue.  if  not  works  of 
lit  time.  The  great  Cmea  of  the  Lateran,  » 
called,  ia  referred  to  his  time,  and  apparently 
accepted  aa  of  that  dato  by  Binterim,  vol.  iv. 
part  i.  frontttpiece.  It  ia  in  mosaic,  and  though 
restored  by  Nicoloa  IV.,  can  hardly  have  been 
altered.  It  ia  a  plain  cross,  having  a  medallion 
e  Lord's  baptism  at  its  intersection.  The 
Holy  Spirit,  in  form  of  a  dove,  with  nimbai 
hoven  above;  and  from  Him  seems  to  proceed 
the  baptiamal  fountain,  which  at  the  croo-ibot 
becomes  the  source  of  the  four  riven,  Gihon, 
Piaon,  Tigris,  Euphrates.     Between  the  rivers  it. 


There 


a    froi 


Endelchius  or  Entelechlus,  a  Cfaristian  poet,  pro- 
bably ofAquitaioe,  in  the  Utter  part  of  the  4th 
ceotury,  where  a  Christian  shepherd  has  secured 
hie  fiock  from  disease  by  planting  or  marking 
between  their  horni  ("tignum  mediis  frontibna 
additum  "}  the  crou  of  "  the  God  men  worship  in 
great  dtiej"; — 

■  Slgnnm.  qiHd  fcrbtbent  <me  milt  IM 


the  Holy  City  of  Ood,  guarded  by  the  archangd 
Michael,  behind  whom  spriDga  up  a  palm-trea, 
on  which  sits  the  Phenii  aa  a  aymbol  of  Christ. 
[PhikNiX.]  Two  stags  below  near  the  waters 
represent  the  heathen,  seeking  baptism ;  and 
three  sheep  on  each  side  stand,  as  osual,  for  the 
Hebrew  and  Gentile  Churches.  This  relic  ahon Id 
be  compared  with  a  similar  one  given  by  be  Rossi 
(Dt  Tifu/ii  Cii-Otaginienai'iia),  where  the  cross 
stands  on  a  hill,  and  the  four  rivers  spring  from 
its  foot,  with  BUgt,&c,  as  both  have  decided 
reforence  to  baptism,  and  illustrate  the  earliest 

Christ,  with  ipecial  reference  not  to  Hi<  death 
"is  baptism.     "■'  '      '  --  


t   made   with    t 


n  of  lUs  suldect,  see    i 


e  of  the  Tan,  patibuhry,  or  Egrptisi 


bow,*    la  ^ncrsl    from   perhaps  the   sarllart 

Tptriod.  Some  Epecial  difficnltiea  sppeat 
to  be  coaneclM  with  it,  u  it  is  be- 
yond doubt  a  pn-Chriitiio  emblem, 
and  w  BDch  cODaeclcd  in  the  miiidi 
of  thoM  who  used  it  vith  special,  at  least 
pre-ChriitisD,  meaniagB.  These  meSDlngs  irill 
of  conns  b«  of  two  clnssea ;  —  Istlj,  the 
intenretatiuDi  of  apeculative  mipde  Id  all  agea 
which  coDDect  the  tau-crosi  vith  Egfptiao 
Balare-HTDrahip  through  the  Cru<  Annta,  and 
"  ■ ■       and    Gi 


mbol. 


with 


the   aerpeot,    a>  a   >iga    of    atrength,    wiidoi 
&c;  2iidly,   thou  of  Hebrew  origin,  connected 
M  typei  with  the  Old  Testament,  and  thr 
Ihnt  with  theChriatJan  faith,— (he  wood  hon 
laaac,  and  the  tan  or  crosa  on  which  the  hi 
Hrpent  waa  anpportHt     Didroa'i  remark  a 
appropriate  here,  that  the  tau  is  the  aoticipatorj 
croaa  of  the  Old  Testament.     We  an  not  con- 
cerned with  it  as  inch,  and  maj  reibr  for  much 
intereatiig  and  eradite  specalation  OD  the 
Chriatian  croas,  or  decussated  figure,  to  the 
BDd  nfereoces  of  an  article  in  the  Edinburgh 
£n»w  of  April,  18T0. 

The  tan  appean  in  the  Calliitine  Catacomh,  in 
a  Mpalchral  inscription,  referred  to  the  3rd 


:   IRE 


HE.    This  IVequentlT 


re  (De  Beasi,  Bullet.  1863,  p.  35) 
and  some  of  the  crucifies  on  the  reasela  of  thi 
treaanr;  of  Monia  are  of  the  same  ahape.  (Sai 
Didron's  Anaahi  ArtA^ogiqiua,  rv.  iiTt.-Tii. 
Still  in  aome  of  the  earliest  eiamplea  it  maj 
jnasiblj  have  been  naed,  erea  by  Christians,  ii 
the  pre-Cbrislian  sense,  as  a  type  of  life  in  thi 
world  to  come- 
In  Boldetti,  lib.  ii.  c  iii.  p.  353,  an  Egyptian 
creaa  of  black  marble  mosaic  ia  giTeo,  which  may 
probably  he  of  later  dal«  than  the  catacomb  ' 
which  it  waa  found ;  but  the  next  p^e  coatai 
u  early  inscription  of  the  tan  between  A  and 


thaa: 


'T- 


He  qaot«a  the  follow! 


who  refers 


e  Ezekiel  thns 


m.  Ipsa  enim  litera  Grae- 
comm  Tan,  nostra  autem  T,  speciea  crucii." — 
Adv.  Xaraan.  lib.  iii.  23.  Thia  form  of  cross  is 
specially  appropriated  to  the  thieves  rather  than 
the  Redeemer,  in  some  crucifiiions  of  early  medi- 
aaral  type.    (;CbDCifiz.] 


bar    T 


h  Qreek  and  Roman  crosses,  and  in  p«rti> 
crniiform  churchti,'  sometimes  possess  one 
in  two  additional  croes  limbs,  shorter  than 
r  central  one.     The  upper  additional 


is  sn^^used  by  Didro 


dfor 


the  head  of  the  CruciGed  One.  Il 
inis  oe  so,  me  lower  mav  be  taken  to  represent 
the  suppedaneam,  a  support  for  His  foet.  In  casea 
where  both  the  shorter  limbs  are  placed  above 
the  main  prnss-bar,  as  in  the  cross  represonted  in 
Boldetti,  lib.  i.  c.  ii.  p.  271,  they  certainly  re- 
present the  croBses  of  the  malefactors.  FCho- 
CiFlK.]  See  two  coins  of  Valenaand  Aathemius, 
Angelo  Rocca,  Sibl.  Vaticana,  vol.  ii.  p.  353  . 
one,  a  nununus  oerens,  has  the  three  crosses,  the 
other  with  two  smaller  aoes-beams  under  the 


le  term  "atation-croas" 


I  derireJ  ft 


FUiman  military  term  itaiio,  and  applied  to  a 
large  cross  on  the  chief  altar,  or  in  some  pric- 
cipal  place  ofa  church,  but  occasionally  removed 
or  carried  in  procession  to  another  place,  lod 
then  constituting  a  special  place  of  prayer.  fSn 
Bottari,  tav.  il*.,  and  illnstrntion  of  Laleran 
Cross.)  Processional  crosses  may  be  traced  to  the 
use  of  the  Laharum  in  Conttantine's  army,  and 
also  of  his  substitution  of  the  Cross  foi-  b':e 
Dragon,  or  placing  it  abovu  the  Dragon  "n 
standards  of  cohorts,  &c  (See  the  Cbnrch  nse 
of  the  word  Draconarius,  ifandard-iearer.y 

The  distinction  between  the  Cross  of  the  Re- 
surrection, or  Triumphal  (!rass,  and  the  Cross 
of  the  Passion,  is  traceable  to  early  times.  Id 
Ciampini,  V.  U.  tav.  ivii.  D  <ch.  Tiil.),  our  Lord 
in  glery  stands  by  and  supporta  a  large  croBB, 
having  the  angels  Michael  and  Qabriel  on  either 
'---'  The  Lamb  is  also  frequently  r^prescnle-l 
iriog  the  lighter  and  longer  triuuphat  crosa. 

Ee  CRUaF  1  s,  and  referencestotheVatican  Crosa, 
)     It  is  also  twrae  by  our  Lord  in  represents- 
•'-'-  of  the  Descent  into  Hades.     It  is  symbolic 


dells  Unra,  and  fits.  Usrla  MlRglon  were 
la  His  rom  of  a  crcea    Tbal  of  S.  raolo  Is  a 


498  CB08B 

»f  tlw  victory  gained  b;  the  lafferinp  to  which 
th«  Pmion-crou  calli  oni  tpecial  atuntioa. 

The  dniwinK  of  the  eugreTgd  stone  or  ligLet' 
aou  at  p.  tSS,  with  the  motto  "  Soliu,"  repre- 
tentg  a  JeTiL-e  with  th«  trinmphil  citut.  The 
tnoaograni  of  the  Lord  ii  pliicwi  over  the  eer* 
pent,  which  vainly  tempts  the  doves,  who  look 
■>   the    symbol    of  their  Lord.      But  Me  j.  v. 


Sbepent. 


Bede  (Bmtcrim,  vol.  W.  i.  p. 
onr  lEindsgf  wood  ofwhich  the 
I  upright  of  cyprm,  the  Croat- 


^^ 


pleoa  of  cedar,  the  head-piece  of  fir,  and  thenip]j#- 
datmm  of  box — departa  froin  the  fiutern  tndi- 
tisn,  which  inbatitntea  otive  and  palm  for  the  two 
latter  varietiea  of  wood.  Thig  fonna  part  of  the 
le^udary  history  of  the  crosa,  with  which  we  are 
not  concerned.  The  only  remarks  »o  be  made  by 
way  of  cobcitaion  or  BUmmary  appt^r  to  be  these 


that   I 


doable,   and    indeed  n 


nifold,   I 


aning 


attached  to  the 
DeriTed  as  a  Christian  aga  from  the  monogram, 
and  omnected  with  traditions  of  ancient  learning 
by  its  Egyptian  fbrm,  it  may  be  anid  to  have 
flood  fiir  nil  things  to  all  men.    To  the  «arliwt 


CBUBS,  ADOBATION  OF 

Mrs   of    the   Chnrch    it    rapreeented  tbair 
Master,  who  was  all  in  all  to  them ;  and  thai  Id 
view,  a  eomewbat  wider  and  happier  oa* 

in  later  dayi,  it  represented  all  the  fidtk — 
,  erwD  of  Christ,  His  death  tbr  man,  and  tb* 
life  and  death  of  man  in  Christ.     The  Latena 

itber  crosses  point  to  baptism  and  all   it* 
of  Christian  thought,  without  immediate 

•Qce  to  the  Lord's  sacrifice.  [LuiB.]  Con- 
stantine  indeed  (see  Anastat.  Vil.  Ponhf.  in 
Sylautro)  seems  to  have  attacbed  the  sjmliolie 
Lamb  to  the  Baptist  and  the  sacrament  he  ad 
ministered,  as  well  aa  to  the  Lord's  Supper  and 
the  showing  forth  of  His  death.  The  tendency 
of  Christian  feeling  towards  special  or  eicludT* 
contemplation  of  the  Lord's  sufPerings  and  death 
is  matter  of  ecclesiastical  history  ;  ud  it«  eSiset 
on  ChrMUa  amotion,  and  therefore  on  Christian 
art,  is  the  transition  from  th«  crosa  into  th* 
cmcifir.     (S«s.v.) 

An  evidence  ef  the  feellngi  of  subdued  triumpk 
with  which  the  cross  wie  regarded  In  the  eailieat 
times,  as  a  symbol  first  of  the  Lord's  life  and 
death,  theu  of  the  life  and  death  of  man,  is 
that  it  ia  so  trequently  wreathed,  embosnd,  or 
otherwise  omameoted  with  Sawen.  Even  as  lata 
as  the  Monza  vessels,  it  is  represented  as  a  living 
ud  budding  stem ;  hut  the  cross  &om  St.  Ponti- 
anna,  given  by  Bottari,  xliv.  is  made  to  put  forth 
golden  or  sliver  flowers  half-way  up  ita  stem. 

Count  Melchior  de  Voga^iBmuArcli^alogi/ae, 
vol.  vii.  p.  2U1)  gives  a  highly  interesting  ac- 
count of  the  miiia,  or  rather  the  scarcely-injured 
remslna,  of  ibar  andent  Christian  towns,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Orontea,  between  Antioch  and 
Aleppo.  Thej  contain  many  ancient  croaeest  and 
were  probably  desertnd  at  the  same  time,  on  the 
first  MusBulmsn  invasion.  "On  est  transport^" 
be  says,  "  an  miliea  de  la  locid^  chr^ienne  . . . 
non  plus  la  vie  caches  des  calacombea,  nl  I'ei- 
Istence  humilldc,  timide,  sonffraute,  mail  une  vie 

large,  opuleote,  artistiqae Des  croii,  dee 

moDogrammes  du  Christ  sont  sculplA  en  relief 
■or  la  plupart  des  partes:  le  ton  de  cts  inscrifK 
tions  indjqoe  une  ^>oqne  Tolslne  du  triomphe  de 
I'Eglise.  . . .  Le  gragito  d'un  peintre  obscur,  qui, 
dtcorant  un  tombaau,  n,  ponr  easayer  ton  pincean, 
trac^  SOT  le  parol  du  rocber  des  monogrammea 
du  Christ,  et  dans  son  enthonaiasme  de  Chrelien 
^nancipe'ecrit,eu  paraphrasaiitlelabarTim,T*DTa 
vuf,  Ceoi  triomphe."  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

CBOSS,  AnoRiTjON  or,  {Adoratio  Crydt, 
tl  wpwrK^rqirii  rev  vroppw.) 

L  Adoratiim  of  Iht  Croa  front  the  heaOun 
fstnl  oftitw, — Christianity  l>eing  a  "  religion  of 
the  cross,"  the  cross  being  iu  every  Christian 
teacher's  mouth  as  the  watchword  of  the  new 
&ith,  the  actinn  of  signing  ivich  the  cross  [SiON 
OF  TBE  Cr08B]  being  believed  In  by  the  Chris- 
tians as  a  preservatiie  against  all  daneen  bodily 
and  spiritual,  what  wonder  is  it  that  the  heathen 
ibonkl  have  seen  in  early  Christianity  but  a 
vnarpoKoTfitla,  and  in  the  cross  but  a  Christian 

Thus  we  find  Tartullian  feeling  It  necessary 
carefully  to  combat  (his  among  dlven  fiilse 
views  of  Christian  worship  prevalent  among  the 
heathen.  His  words,  with  the  logic  of  which 
we  have  nothing  to  do,  are  "  Sed  et  qui  Crnda 
noi  religlosos  putat,  consecranens  erit  nosier :" — 
Even  if  we  did  worship  the  cross,  we  shonld  ht 
no  worse  than  yon,  (or  tho  croa  tntera  diraet)| 


OB088,  ADORATION  OF 

•r  indirectly  into  yonr  own  objects  of  worship ; 
for  example,  as  being  the  strnctore  around 
which  the  makers  of  images  of  the  gods  would 
first  erect  the  clay  model,  or  as  being  the  frame^ 
work  of  trophies  reared  in  honour  of  victory 
whom  you  adore  as  a  deity  {Apol,  c.  16  ;  and  in 
similar  sti'ain,  Ad  Nationea  i.  c.  12). 

We  find  references  to  the  same  heathen  tannt 
in  the  Octatius  of  Minucius  Felix,  as  e,  g,  in  c.  9, 
where  the  heathen  objector  winds  up  his  re- 
marks *'ut  id  colant  quod  merentur;"  and 
again  (c  12),  ^  et  jam  non  adorandae,  sed  sub- 
eundae  Cruces."  The  writer  in  meeting  this 
attack  speaks  as  TertuUian  had  done  of  the  way 
in  which  the  cross  entered  into  heathenism,  and 
adds  (c  29),  '^Cruces  etiam  nee  colimus,  nee 
optamus,"  by  which  he  seems  to  mean.  We 
Christians  do  not  worship  the  cross  so  as  to  give 
SQch  adoration  and  honour  to  it  as  you  heathen 
to  your  idols.  That  this  misconception  on  the 
part  of  the  heathen  was  not  speedily  overcome 
may  be  seen  from  the  case  of  so  intelligent  a 
man  as  the  Emperor  Julian,  who,  a  century 
afl«r  Minucius  had  written,  taunts  the  Chris- 
tians, as  the  Caecilius  of  that  writer  had  done, 
with  inconsistency,  in  that  while  they  refused  to 
reverence  (irpo<rirvyc«K)  the  sacred  Ancile  which 
fell  down  from  Jupiter  and  was  preserved  among 
them  as  a  pledge  of  the  protection  ever  to  fa« 
shown  to  the  city,  they  still  reverenced  the 
wood  of  the  cross,  continually  made  the  sign  of 
it  on  their  foreheads,  and  engraved  it  before 
their  houses  (Cyril  Alex.  Contra  JuUanum,  lib. 
vi  Patrol.  Gr,  Ixxvi.  795).  The  gist  of  Cyril's 
answer  is  worthy  of  notice : — Since  Christ  the 
Lord  and  Saviour  of  all  divested  Himself  of  His 
Divine  Majesty,  and  leaving  His  Father's  Throne 
was  willing  to  take  upon  Him  the  form  of  a 
servant,  and  to  be  made  in  the  likeness  of  man, 
and  to  die  the  cruel  and  ignominious  death  of 
the  cross,  therefore  we  being  reminded  of  these 
things  by  the  sight  of  the  cross,  and  taught  that 
One  died  thereon  that  we  all  might  have  life, 
value  the  symbol  as  productive  of  thankful 
remembrance  of  Him. 

II.  Point  of  view  of  early  Christian  writers, — 
Having  thus  alluded  to  the  adoration  of  the 
cross  as  seen  from  the  heathen  point  of  view,  we 
shall  next  endeavour  to  trace  the  existence  of 
the  idea  among  Christians  of  a  modified  form 
of  reverence  to  be  paid  to  the  cross.  That  idea 
may  be  expressed  roughly  thus:  No  reverence 
is  paid  to  the  material  cross  as  such ;  it  is  the 
idea  of  the  cross  for  which  reverence  is  felt ;  but 
it  is  the  reverence  or  woi*ship  due  to  a  most 
holy  or  cherished  thing,  not  that  which  is  due 
to  God,  wpoffKvvriatSf  not  Xorpc/o.  Certain  it  is 
that  in  this  modified  sense  of  worship  the  early 
Christians  maintained  the  duty  of  reverence  to 
the  sacred  symbol  of  redemption  (see  especially 
Le  Nourry's  Dissertatio  in  Minttc,  Fel.  c  xii. 
Art.  4  in  Patrol,  iii.  531).  Thus  Eusebius  says 
of  Constantine,  rhv  viKcrwoihv  irlfxa  <rravp6v 
IVita  Const,  i.  31;  cf.  ih,  ii.  16;  iv.  21;  and 
Oratio  de  laudffms  Const,  c.  9;  also  Sozomen 
i.  4,  Oft  rod  fiacnXiws  iiytitrBai  koX  irpoffKvirfi- 
<rce*f  P9p6fnffTO  irapii  r&v  arparicor&tf),  Cyril 
of  Jerusalem  {Ep.  ad  Const,  p.  247)  speaks 
of  rh  vtfriipior  rod  eravpou  ^6\or.  The 
above-mentioned  instances  taken  by  themselves 
might  be  viewed  as  due  to  a  somewhat  rhe- 
torical way  of  speaking,  but  the  real  nature  of 


OBOSS,  ADORATION  OF 


499 


the   feeling  is  shown   by  the  following  more 
definite  instances. 

Ambrose  (In  ob.  Theodosii,  §  46)  tells  of  the 
Empress  Helena's  adoration  of  the  cross  after  her 
discovery  of  Pilate's  superscription,  and  addsi 
**Jiegem  adoravit,  non  lignum  utique,  quia  hie 
Gentilis  est  error  et  vanitas  impiorum ;  sed 
adoravit  ilium  qui  pependit  in  ligno,  scriptus 
in  Cruce."  Shortly  afterwards  he  describes  how 
the  cross  was  placed  upon  kings  by  Helena,  **  ut 
in  regibus  adoretur." 

Jerome,  again,,  in  the  Fpitapftium  Paulae 
Matris  (Ep.  108  ad  Eustochium,  §  9,  PatroL 
xxii.  883),  says  that  **  Paula  prostrata  ante 
Crucem  quasi  pendentem  Dominum  cerneret, 
adorabat.' 

In  the  above  instances  Ambrose  and  Jerome 
are  referring  to  the  cross  said  to  be  found  by 
Helena,  biit  in  the  case  of  Minucius  and  others 
anterior  to  the  time  of  Constantine  the  allusion 
is  necessarily  to  crosses,  viewed  as  signs  and 
images  of  the  true  cixms;  and  the  view  which 
is  controverted  is  the  belief  of  the  heathen 
world  in'  the  veneration  paid  by  Christians  to 
the  cross  absolutely  (see  further,  Oi'igen,  in 
Celsum  ii.  47).  Cf.  further  the  distinction  as 
drawn  by  Augustine  (^Tract.  i.  in  Johannem^ 
§  16):  "Dicimus  quidem  lignum  vitam,  sed 
secundum  intellectum  lignum  Crucis  undo  acce- 
pimns  vitam."  The  same  line  is  taken  in  the 
Qwustiones  adAntUxAum  duoem  (xxxix. :  Patrol. 
Gr,  xxviii.  622),  falsely  attributed  to  Athanasius, 
in  answer  to  the  question.  Why,  when  God  has 
forbidden  through  His  prophets  the  worship  of 
created  things,  do  we  offer  adoration  to  images 
and  the  cross  ?  Rusticus  Diaconus,  A  writer  of 
the  time  of  Pope  Vigilins,  carefully  defines  the 
matter  in  the  same  way,  for  after  maintaining 
the  adoration  of  the  cross  as  leading  on  to  that 
of  the  Cioicified,  he  adds,  **  non  tamen  Crucem 
coadoiHre  dicimur  Chiisto  "  {Contra  Acephahs : 
Patrol.  Ixvii.  1218). 

John  Damascenus  (ob.  circa  756  A.D.)  is  careftil 
exactly  to  define,  as  the  above-mentioned  writers 
have  done,  the  nature  of  the  reverence  paiti  by 
Christians  to  the  cross.  He  savs  (de  fide  ortho' 
doxa  iv.  11):  irpoffKvvoviAtp  dc  koI  rhv  rxnrov 
Tov  ri/uov  Koi  (»orouiv  OTavpov  •  .  .  ,  ob  rnp 
fi\riv  Tifi&pr€s  (fx^  yivoiro\  khXh  rhv  r-intop 
its  Xpurrov  <r^fifio\oy.  And  hereon,  he  adds, 
may  our  adoration  of  the  cross  rest,  Ma  yao 
hy  f  rh  cjifiuoy,  iieti  koI  eUnhs  Herat, 

Further  illustrations  of  the  wide  spread  of  the 
feeling  are  to  be  found  in  numerous  narratives  of 
the  Fathers,  of  a  more  or  less  legendary  cha- 
racter, referring  to  the  miraculous  power  in- 
herent in  the  sacred  symbol.  Thus  Sozomen 
(ffist.  Eccl.  ii.  3)  gives  us  an  account  of  a  certain 
physician  named  Probianus  who  had  been  con- 
verted to  Christianity,  but  who  would  not  ac- 
cord honour  to  the  cross  as  the  sign  of  salva- 
tion, until  when  suffering  from  a  painful  disease 
of  the  feet  he  was  taught  by  a  vision  [cf.  Altar, 
p.  66"]  to  find  in  reverence  of  the  cross  a  means 
of  relief,  and  thns  was  cured.  [We  again  find 
this  story,  cited  from  Sozomen,  in  the  HistoHa 
Tripartita  (ii.  19),  compiled  by  Cassiodorus.] 

A  parallel  incident  is  that  related  by  Evagrius 
(Eccl  Hist,  iv.  26),  to  the  effect  that  on  the 
burning  of  Antioch  by  Chosroes,  the  bishop  of 
Apamea  consented  to  display  the  wood  of  the 
cross  to  the  adoration  of  the  people,  that  their 

2  K  2 


500        0R06H,  ADOBATION  OF 

tut  kii8  of  the  sacred  relic  might  be  m  it  were 
their  riaticum  to  the  other  world.  The  his- 
torlAD  mentions  that  he  was  present  with  his 
parents,  and  describes  the  scene  at  some  length, 
and  tells  how,  while  the  bishop  made  the  circuit 
of  the  chnrch  carrying  the  cross  Atrrtp  iv  rats 
Kuptais  rSnf  wpoaievrfiatatp  ^fiipeus  ttBurro^  he 
was  followed  by  a  large  mass  of  flame,  blajEing 
but  not  consaming :  a  token  of  the  safety  yonch- 
safed  to  the  city. 

Again,  Bede  (ffist,  Eod,  UL  2)  tells  us  of 
Oswald,  a  Saxon  king  (635  A.D.),  who,  being  in 
imminent  danger  in  war,  erected  and  offered 
adoration  to  a  cross,  by  which  victory  was 
secured. 

One  more  illustration  may  suffice.  In  the 
Trullan  Synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  691  A.D., 
it  was  ordained  that  since  the  cross  shows  to  us 
the  way  of  salvation,  and  therefore  we  offer  to 
it  in  words  and  in  thought  our  adoration,  it 
should  be  distinctly  prohibited  to  engrare  crosses 
on  the  jtarement,  where  they  would  be  trodden 
under  foot,  and  that  where  these  already  existed 
they  should  be  erased  (can.  73;  Labb^  Con- 
ciiioy  Ti.  1175). 

The  above  examples  clearly  prove  the  ex- 
istence amongst  the  early  Christians  of  a  venera- 
tion for  the  cross,  oombimed  with  the  feeling 
of  the  necessity  of  excluding  from  this  the  idea 
of  abeolute  worship.  The  constant  use  of  the 
sign  of  the  cross  [Sign  of  the  Cb08B]  is  a 
further  exemplification  of  this. 

The  special  character  of  hymns  is  obviously 
such  as  to  admit  of  a  less  exact  style  of  lan- 
guage, but  the  tone  of  the  early  Christian  poejts 
shows  clearly  the  nature  of  their  views  as  to  the 
veneration  of  the  cross.  In  a  poem  (/>«  Passkme 
Lomim)  attributed  by  some  to  Lactantius,  it  Is 
iaidb(vv.  50  sqq.) : — 

**  nede  gnra  llgnumque  Cnids  veneraUle  sdora 
FIeUll«,  Innocno  ternmqae  cnxtn  madputem 
Orapeteoshumill."* 

Much  again  can  be  gathered  from  Prudentins 
(405  A.D.)  on  this  point    Thus  we  find  {Apo- 

<A«osts446>— 

<•  Jam  porpora  rapplez 
Stemitur  Aeoeedae  reetorls  ad  aftrla  Chri«U. 
YezlUnmque  (^ds  sammns  domlnator  adoni" 

Again  in  the  description  of  Oonstantine's  victory 
over  Maxentius  {Contra  Symmachwn  i.  494),  he 
says — 

*  Taac  iUe  senatns 
MiliUae  ultrlds  Utnlnin,  Gbrisiiqiie  verendum 
Noonen  adoravit  quod  oollacebat  in  armli." 

The  allusion  here  is  to  the  cross  and  the  mono- 
gram on  the  labarum  (cf.  also  Cath,  vi.  129,  and 
Paulinos  Nol.  Poem.  xxx.  97  sqq.). 

Finally,  we  may  cite  the  words  of  Sedulius 
{Carmen  Paechale,  lib.  v.  188;  PatnA.  xix. 
724>— 

**  Neve  quia  ignoret  apedem  Crada  eiae  oolendam/' 


•  ta  the  proleeomena  to  tlra  Roman  edition  of  Pra- 
dentloa  (PoCroL  liz.  669>  the  accnaatlon  ia  braoght 
against  George  Fabrldoa  of  tampering  wltb  the  above^  by 
omitting,  tbroogb  doctrinal  proclivlUea,  the  words  '*  llg- 
nnuKiae. . . .  fleUlia  i*  a  proceeding  justly  reprehended 
by  John  Albert  Fabrtdus :  "  Sane  praeatitlaaet  O.  Fa- 
briclnm  ....  passim,  tnm  bic  turn  allU,  non  ita  fViisBe  In 
aUeols  ofMrribua  quae  edebat  ingfukMum  *  {BOA.  VU.  LaL 
f.  TM,  ed.  nil). 


CROSS,  ADOBATION  OV 

III.  Adoration  of  the  Cross  in  ancient 
aies. — In  the  Western  Church  such  a  rite  has 
long  been  observed  on  Good  Friday.  The  custom 
is  probably  very  ancient,  and  has  possibly  flowed 
hither  from  the  East,  for  the  wonis  of  Pkulinns 
{Ep,  31,  Patrol.  Ixi.  329)  with  reference  to  the 
observance  of  the  like  practice  at  Jerusalem, 
will  carry  back  the  date  to  the  4th  century  • : — 
**Quam  episcopus  urbis  ejus  quotannis,  cum 
Pascha  Domini  agitur,  adorandam  populo  prin- 
ceps  ipse  venerantinm  promit."  According  to 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  {Patrol.  IxxviiL  86X 
at  Vespers  on  Good  Friday  a  cross  is  set  up 
in  front  of  the  altar ;  then — **  Venit  Pontifex, 
adoratam  deosculatur  Cruoem.  Delude  episcopi, 
presbyteri,  diaconi  et  caeteri  per  ordinem,  deinde 
populus:  Pontifex  vero  redit  in  sedem  usque 
dum  omnes  salutent."  Whenever  a  salutation 
is  made  (salutante  pontifice  vel  populo)  the 
Antiphon  Ecce  lignum  Cruda  is  sung ;  and  then 
when  all  have  saluted,  the  pope  descends  to  the 
front  of  the  altar  and  the  service  proceeds. 
Sundry  differences,  but  of  no  great  moment, 
occur  in  the  form  given  in  the  Gelasian  Sacra- 
mentary {Patrol,  Ixxiv.  1103).  A  more  elabo- 
rate ritual,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Mozarabic  Liturgy  {Patrol,  Ixxxv.  430 ;  Ixxxvi. 
609),  in  which  before  Nones  on  Good  Friday, 
after  the  Lord's  Prayer,  came  the  hymn  Ad 
Salutationem  Ligni  Domini^ 

-  Pange  lingna  glorioal 
Proellam  oertaminla.*'  Ac. 

This  was  followed  by  the  prayer,  '*  0  sancta  Crux, 
in  qua  salus  nostra  pependit,  per  te  introeamus 
ad  Patrem,  per  te  veniam  mereamur,  per  te 
apud  Christum  habeamus  indulgentiam  et 
veniam  ;**  and  this  again  by  three  antiphons  de 
ligno  VominL  Nothing  further  is  added  here  in 
the  Breviary  as  to  the  adoration  of  the  cross,  pos- 
sibly because  the  rest  is  to  be  found  in  the  Missal. 

From  this  we  learn  the  nature  of  the  cere- 
mony of  adoration  as  performed  at  the  Nones, 
and  this,  a^  in  the  preceding  instance,  we  shall 
briefly  describe. 

Two  priests  hold  before  the  altar  a  cross 
draped  in  black,  standing  first  at  the  left,  then 
at  the  right,  and  lastly  at  the  middle  of  the  altar. 
As  each  position  is  occupied,  the  antiphons  are 
respectively  chanted — Papule  mens  quid  feci  iibi 
....  Quia  eduxi  te  ,  .  , ,  Quid  ultra  debui .  .  . ., 
with  its  own  response  after  each.  At  the  end 
of  the  third  station  the  officiating  priest  receives 
the  cross  from  the  hands  of  the  two  who  are 
holding  it,  and  standing  successively  at  the 
right  end,  the  left  end,  and  the  middle  of  the 
altar,  he  uncovers  at  each  station  respectively 
the  right  arm,  the  left  arm,  and  the  whole  ot 
the  cross,  saying  on  each  occasion,  with  voice 
growing  louder  each  time,  the  antiphon  Ecce 
lignum  Cruets,  to  which  is  responded,  In  qua 
salus  nostra  pependit,  it  being  ordered  that  as 
each  limb  of  the  cross  Is  unveiled,  the  people 
should  bend  the  knee.  The  priest  having  rev» 
rently  placed  the  cross  in  trout  of  the  altar 
"  statim  pi'esbyteri  cum  suis  ministris  adorent 
Crucem   flectendo  genua  ter,   cum  summa  re- 

k  Paulinas,  it  will  be  observed,  apeaks  of  thia  rtte  as 
taking  place  on  the  "  Paadu ;"  but  there  aeenm  fair 
ground  from  the  contest  for  explaining  thIa,  with  Mfaard, 
of  the  anniversary  of  our  Lord's  cmcifimien.  (Notes  to 
Greg.  aacr.  in  PatnA,  Ixxvlii.  332.) 


0B088,  ADORATION  OF 

Terantia  et  hamilitate  oscolando  ierram,  et 
offerant  oblatiooem  Crtici,  ut  aliis  praebeant 
ezemplum ; "  the  rite  is  then  conclnded  by  an 
araiio  ad  Crucem,  in  which,  however,  our  Lord 
is  addressed  distinctly,  and  by  the  antiphon 
Crucem  tuam  adoram*i8  Domine. 

Alexander  Leslie,  the  Jesuit  editor,  argues  in 
bis  note  on  the  above  passage  for  the  identity 
of  the  terms  adoratio  and  aalutatio  as  applied 
to  the  cross,  the  former  word  being  that  em- 
ployed in  the  Gelasian  and  Gregorian  Sacramen- 
taries  and  the  Mozarabic  Missal,  the  latter  m 
the  Mozarabic  Breviary;  and  Amalarius  {De 
JEccL  Off.  i.  14)  cites  the  Ordines  Rwnani^  '« Prae- 
paratur  crtix  ante  altare,  quam  salutant  et  osca- 
tantar  omnes." 

As  illustrating  our  present  subject,  we  may 
quote  from  the  collect  for  the  Festival  of  the 
Exaltation  of  the  Cross  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  :  **  Concede  propitins  nt  qui  ad  adoran- 
dam  vivificam  ejus  Crucem  adveniunt .  .  .  ." 
At  the  end  of  Mass  on  that  day  a  cross  was  held 
up  by  the  pontiff  for  the  adoration  of  the  people 
(cf.  Alcuin,  Adv.  Elipaniumj  lib.  ii.  9,  who  fur- 
nishes us  with  a  collect,  Ad  ElevaUonem  Sanctae 
Cruois) ;  and  a  parallel  instance  is  to  be  derived 
from  the  Greek  Menology  for  September  13, 
X«^pofs,  6  (ttn^pos  rris  watfi^iast  rh  Mrmtrw 
rp^moVy  ii  9^pa  rjis  'mpaZtia'ovt  6  rSv  wurr&¥ 
«rrnpefi»/is  .   .  .    [See   also    Exaltation  and 

PiNDINO  OF  THE  CBOSB.] 

The  season  which  in  the  Eastern  Church  has 
been  specially  associated  with  the  adoration  of 
the  cross  is  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent,  with  the 
ensuing  week.  Numerous  sermons  are  extant  in 
the  writings  of  the  Greek  Fathers  having  re- 
ference to  this.  Thus  in  one  wrongly  assigned 
to  Chrysostom,  but  apuarently  not  long  subse- 
quent to  his  time,  cis  Ti)y  irpoatcivfivw  roS 
ri/doo  ica2  (aowoiov  ffravpou  rv  luivjf  i^6fial5i 
rww  ri|<rrcM»y,  the  writer  speaks  of  the  day  as 
yearly  appointed  for  adoration,  and  as  though  he 
would  imply  the  custom  to  be  a  well  established 
one : — ^"fifupoy  rovyctpovy  irpoincuvi/iirifios  Vfi^pa 
rov  riftiou  ffrctvpov  Ka04<miie9,  Again,  in  the 
works  of  Sophronius,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  is  a 
sermon  with  the  same  title  and  occasion  {OrcUio  v. 
Patroi,  Gr,  Ixxxvii.  3309>  Again  {Oratio  iv.  in 
Exaltatwnetn  S.  Cruets),  in  describing  the  change 
of  the  season  of  the  Exaltation  to  a  time  subse- 
quent to  our  Lord's  resurrection,  he  speaks  of 
ffrewpov  ZqSovxos  irpo<rie{nnja'it.  Seimons  of  the 
same  character  are  also  extant  by  Theodorns 
Studite  (Patrol.  Or.  xcix.  691),  and  by  Theo- 
phylact  (tb.  cxxxi.  113).  For  rubrical  directions 
concerning  this  fast,  see  Constantine  Porphyro- 
genitus,  De  Caerimoniis  Aulas  Byzantinaef  L  5, 
24;  and  especially  ii.  11  {pp.  dt.  cxii.  137, 
19(5,  1017);  and  cf.  also  Suicer's  Themurus,  and 
Ducange's  Qlossaryj  s.  v.  ffravpowpoffK^nrriiriSf  by 
which  name  and  by  m/piaid)  ttjs  irpoa'Kvtrfiir€«ts 
the  Greek  Church  knows  the  day.  The  Epistle  and 
Gospel  for  this  day  in  that  Church  are  Heb.  iv. 
14 — ^v.  6,  and  Mark  viii.  34 — ix.  1.  There  is 
.ilso  in  the  Greek  Church  a  bringing  about  of 
the  cross  for  adoration  on  August  1  and  there- 
abouts, for  which  see  Const.  Porph.  ii.  9  {Patrol. 
Or.  cxii.  1009).  This  latter  day  is  marked  in 
the  Menology  thus:  mIs  rV  irp^rTfv  ^  irp6oSos 
r£p  rtiileov  \6\ctp  rod  rt/xlov  (taowoiov  aravpoO ; 
and  its  importance  is  testified  to  by  the  fact 
of  its  having  its  •wpo^6pria  or  vigii. 


GB08S,  ADOBATION  OF        501 

IV.  DtapmUs  among  Christians  as  to  ths  Adftra- 
tion  of  the  Cross. — At  the  Second  Nioene  General 
Council  (787  A.D.),  in  their  foni'th  ac^io,  among 
the  various  testimonies  read  from  the  fathers  W 
support  of  the  use  of  images  in  worship,  wa*  a 
long  extract  from  the  fifth  of  the  \6yoi  6w^p  r^i 
XpiffTua^Snr  kwoXoyias  Kark  'lov9a/«i'  iral  ircpi 
9hc6¥mv  rw  kyl»v  of  Leontius,  bishop  of  Neapolis 
in  Cyprus  (ob.  620  or  630,  A.D.).  The  general 
tenour  of  his  remarks  (for  which  see  Labbc^  vii. 
236)  is  as  follows : — Christians  are  justified  in 
offering  adoration  to  the  cross,  by  way  of  remem- 
brance of  Him  who  died  thereon,  not  with  any 
feeling  of  reverence  for  the  mere  material.  Thus, 
a  decree  sanctioned  by  the  seal  of  the  emperor 
is  reverentially  treated,  not  on  account  of  the 
decree  or  the  lead  of  the  seal,  but  of  him  whom 
the  seal  indicates ;  and  so  we  Christians,  in  our 
adoration  of  the  cross,  honour  not  its  material, 
but  see  in  it  a  seal  and  signet  of  Christ  Who  was 
crucified  thereon,  and  Whom  we  salute  and  adore. 
The  further  illustration  may  be  taken  of  children 
who  cherish  some  memento  of  an  absent  father, 
even  as  all  things  associated  with  our  Lord  are 
for  His  sake  to  be  loved  and  reverenced.  Sroy 
odi^,  he  concludes,  fZ/ps  Xpurriaifohs  wpotneuvwmas 
rhw  oToi/pby,  yvwBi  &ri  rf  vravpmOiwri  Xpurr^ 
•niv  vpocKitvriffw  wpotrdyowri  koI  ol  r^  {^^. 

A  counterblast  to  the  views  of  the  Nioene 
Council  is  to  be  found  in  a  capitulary  of  Charle- 
magne, De  Imaginibus  (i.  13,  PatroL  xcviiL 
1034),  where  we  find  an  attack  on  the  argument 
brought  forward  by  the  other  party  based  on  the 
expression,  **  Jacob  .  .  .  adoravit  fastiginm  virgae 
ejus"  (Heb.  xi.  21).  The  writer  there  insists  on 
the  *'  differentia  crucis  Christi  et  imaginum  pic- 
torum  arte  pictarum,'*  and  promises  to  enter 
upon  the  subject  '*  quanto  mysterio  Crux  ima- 
ginibus emineat,  sive  quomodo  humanum  genus 
non  per  imagines,  sed  per  Crucem  Christi  re- 
demptum  sit,  quae  duo  illi  vel  paria  vel  aequalia 
putant"  This  promise  is  fulfilled  subsequently 
(ii.  28;  op.  cit.  1096),  where  the  language^ 
though  probably  referring  to  adoration  of  Uie 
cross,  is  to  a  certain  extent  vague :  ^  Non  sunt 
imagines  Cruci  aequiparandae,  non  adorandae, 
non  oolendae,  .  . .  etTu  solus  adorandus,  Tu  solus 
sequendus,  Tu  solus  colendus  es." 

The  cause  of  the  adoration  of  the  cross  and 
of  images  found  a  zealous  champion  in  Theo- 
dorns Studita,  who  expounds  his  views  in  his 
Antirrhetici  iii.  ad  IconomachoSj  in  the  form  of 
a  dialogue  (see  esp.  Antirrh,  i.  15 ;  iii.  3 ;  PatroL 
Or,  xcix.  345,  419).  After  an  elaborate  dis- 
cussion, and  after  dwelling  on  the  distinction 
between  ^hmv  and  c{8«Aoy,  in  which  he  care- 
fully repudiates  any  association  of  the  adoration 
of  the  cross  or  image  with  the  latter  term, 
he  sums  up  in  a  number  of  theses  which  main- 
tain the  importance  of  the  adoration,  but 
again  insists  on  the  distinction  referred  to 
above.  Thus  (i&.  349):  *Mf  any  one  boldly 
calls  the  relative  (^rxeTiJc^y)  worship  of  Christ 
in  the  image,  worship  of  the  image  and  not 
of  Christ  Himself  ....  he  is  a  heretic."  For 
further  illustrations  of  the  subject  from  the 
writings  of  Theodoras,  see  op.  dt.  691,  1757 ;  cf. 
also  Nicephorus  (Patriarch  of  Constantinople), 
Antirrhet.  iii.  7.  Later  notices  of  the  subject 
may  be  found  in  Photius,  Epist.  i.  i,  Ad  Nioo* 
laum  Papain;  i.  8,  20^  Ad  Michael,  Bulgar^ 
Principem, 


602         0B0S8,  ADOBATION  OF 

A  brief  reference  may  here  be  made  in  passing 
to  the  views  on  this  subject  of  the  Panlician 
heretics,  who  first  appeared  towards  the  end 
of  the  7th  century.  They,  generally  speaking, 
were  strongly  opposed  to  any  adoration  of  the 
cross  or  images.  In  regard  to  the  cross,  they 
maintained  that  the  real  cross  was  Christ  Him- 
self, not  the  wood  on  which  He  hnng: — 
\4yoyT€S,  in  crauphs  6  Xpi(rr6s  ivriv^  ob  xph 
9h  irpoffKvvu(rBai  rh  ^vKov  As  KtKcerripafA4vor 
ApyoMoy  (Georgius  Hamartolns,  Chronicon  iv. 
238,  in  Patrol.  Or.  ex.  889).  In  accordance 
with  this  is  what  we  ai*e  told  by  Petnis  Sicnlus 
(^Hist.  Mankhaeorwn  29;  ih,  civ.  1284;  and  cf. 
Photius,  Contra  Manich.  i.  7 ;  ih.  cii.  25),  to  the 
effect  that  a  certain  Timotheus  of  this  sect  was 
sent  by  the  Emperor  Leo  the  Isaurian  to  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  be  reasoned  with ; 
and  on  being  asked,  '*  Why  dost  thou  not  believe 
and  worship  the  honoured  cross?"  answered, 
'*  Anathema  to  him  who  does  not  do  so."  But 
by  the  cross  he  understood  rhp  Xpt(rrhy  rf 
iterdtrtt  r£v  x^^P^^  aravphy  kworeXovyra.  The 
above  quoted  Georgius  Hamartolus  tells  us 
(Patrol,  Or.  ex.  892),  with  what  truth  is  per- 
haps doubtful,  that  in  cases  of  sickness  they  laid 
a  cross  on  the  patient,  which  cross  on  his 
recovery  they  dared  even  to  break  or  burn  (see 
also  Euthvmius,  Panoplta  Dogmat  Tit.  24;  op. 
eit.  cxxx.  il96  ;  and  cf  Photius,  miiotheca  279 ; 
t&.  ciii.  524). 

Much  about  this  time  there  arose  a  contention 
of  like  character  in  the  West.  The  actual  lite- 
rary warfare  in  this  case  belongs  to  the  early 
part  of  the  9th  century,  but  from  its  connection 
with  the  earlier  struggle  in  the  Eastern  Church, 
and  as  throwing  light  on  the  tone  of  thought  on 
this  subject  in  the  Western  Church  during  the 
preceding  period,  it  is  of  too  much  importance 
to  be  passed  over  here. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  outbreak  was  the 
publication  by  Claudius,  bishop  of  Turin  (820 
▲.D.),  of  a  fierce  attack  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
adoration  of  the  cross  and  of  images.  Further 
he  ordered  the  removal  of  crosses  from  all  the 
churches  of  his  diocese.  When  urged  by  a  letter 
from  a  certain  Abbot  Theodemir  to  reconsider 
his  views,  he  retorted,  in  a  long  treatise,  that 
the  Gauls  and  Germans  were  held  in  the  nets 
of  superstition.  This  work  Jonas,  bishop  of 
Orleans,  answers  in  detail  in  his  treatise  De 
Cultu  imagimim  (Patroi.  cvi.  305),  in  which  he 
appeals  largely  to  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  earlier  centuries,  and  discusses  the  ob- 
jections of  Claudius  seriatim.  See  especially 
op.  cit.  331,  where  he  meets  Claudius's  remarks 
as  to  the  superstition  of  the  votaries  of  the 
cross:  '*Nos  ob  recordationem  Salvatoris  nostri 

crucem   pictam veneramur  atque 

adoramus." 

Other  writers  of  the  time  joined  in  the  fray, 
as  Theodemir  above  mentioned;  Eginhard,  the 
biofi^rapher  of  Charlemagne,  in  a  work  De  Ado- 
randa  Crtice  not  now  extant ;  Wistremir,  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  (cf.  Pseudo-Lintprand,  Chroni- 
con;  Patrol,  cxxxvi.  1103);  and  a  priest 
named  Dungalus,  who  (about  the  year  828  a.d.) 
wrot«  a  treatise  dedicated  to  Louis  the  Pious  and 
his  son  Lothaii'e :  ^  Pre  cultu  sacrarum  imagi- 
num  adversus  msanas  blasphemasque  naenias 
Claudii  Taurinensis  Episcopi "  {Pairol.  cv.  457 
sqq.).  [R.  S.] 


CJK0S8,  EXALTATION  OF 

CBOSS,  EzALTATiov  OF  (Exaltf/Uo  Cntdi^ 
^  fi^wris  TOP  <rravoov).  This  festival,  held  on 
September  14,  most  probably  celebrat«i  primarily 
the  consecration  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Se- 
pulchre at  Jerusalem  by  Bishop  Macarins  at  the 
command  of  Constantino  (335  A.D.),  although 
some  would  see  in  it  a  commemoration  of  the 
Vision  of  the  Cross  seen  by  the  Emperor. 

It  is,  however,  to  the  victory  of  Heradius 
over  the  Persians  and  hi*  subsequent  restoratita 
of  the  Cross  to  its  shrine  at  Jerusalem  that  the 
renown  of  the  festival  is  mainly  due. 

Still  there  are  not  wanting  indications  of  its 
observance  before  that  event,  in  both  the  Eastern 
and  Western  Churches.  Thus  in  the  Acta  of  the 
Egyptian  penitent  Mary,  whose  death  is  referred 
to  421  A.D.,  it  is  apparently  rM»gnized  as  a 
thoroughly  established   festival  at   Jerusalem : 

thus,  e.g rris  d^c(<r«Air  cfcjccv  tov  ri/tiov 

(Trovpov,  ffrif  /icr'  6\tyas  ^fiipas  f  fv^c  yUf^9^ai 
(Acta  8.  Mcariae  Aegypt.  c  1 9,  in  Acta  Sanctorwtn 
for  April  2;  also  in  Patrol.  Or,  Ixxxvii.  3711). 

In  the  life  (c.  70)  of  the  Patriarch  Eutychios 
(ob.  582  A.D.)  by  his  chaplain  Eustathius,  this 
festival  is  spoken  of  as  celebrated  in  Constanti- 
nople on  September  14  (Acta  Sanctorum  for  April 
6):  and  in  the  7th  century  the  Patriarch  So- 
phronius  of  Jerusalem  refers  to  it  as  a  feast  then 
widely  known.  He  adds  that  the  Festival  of  the 
Exaltation  had  formerly  (vdUcu)  preceded  that 
of  the  kydffraffts  (that  is,  the  annual  comme- 
moration on  September  13  of  the  dedication  o( 
the  church  at  Jerusalem),  but  now  the  order 
had  been  reversed  (OrMi  m  ExaUatiomm 
S,  Crttcis  in  Gretser,  De  Cruoe,  vol.  ii.  p.  90, 
ed.  1608). 

Again,  an  observance  of  the  festival  in  the 
Western  Church  prior  to  Heraclius's  victory  may 
be  inferred  from  our  finding  it  in  the  Gelasian 
and  Gregorian  Sacramentaries,  and  fVom  its  de- 
signation Aimply  as  Exaltatio  8.  CttKie^  without 
any  allusion  to  Heradius,  in  the  earlier  Latin 
Martyrologies,  as  in  that  attributed  to  Jerome 
(Patrol.  XXX.  475):  it  may  be  added  that  this 
is  also  the  case  with  those  of  Bede  and  Rabanns 
Maurus  (ib.  xciv.  1044,  ex.  1168). 

The  circumstances  attending  the  victory  of 
Heradius  are  briefly  these.  In  the  year  614 
Jerusalem  was  taken  by  the  Persian  king  Cho&- 
roes  II.,  and  after  the  slaughter  of  many  thou- 
sands of  Christians,  and  the  destruction,  partially 
at  any  rate,  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
by  fire,  a  long  train  of  captives  was  led  away, 
among  whom  was  the  Patriarch  Zacharias,*  and 
with  him  the  cross  said  to  have  been  discovered 
by  Helena  [Cboss,  finding  of],  which  was 
sealed  up  in  a  case  by  the  patriarch  himself. 
After  some  years  of  uninterrupted  success  on 
the  part  of  the  Persian  king,  during  which  the 
empire  was  reduced  to  the  very  verge  of  disso- 
lution, Heradius  at  last  declared  war  (622  A.D.X 
and  after  three  expeditions  the  boldness  of  whicJi 
was  justified  by  their  success,  the  tide  was 
turned  and  the  Persian  king  worsted,  until  at 

•  Nicephorns  (vide  irtfra)  rtyles  the  patriarch  Modeskos, 
though  the  oth;r  historians  unite  in  calling  him  Zachariia. 
The  error,  for  such  It  probably  is,  has  been  cxpiaxaeA  bf 
supposing  Modestus  to  have  acted  as  deputy  for  Zacharlaa 
during  bis  captivity  (see  Clinton,  Fasti  Komatfi,  voL  tt. 
p.  170) ;  or  ihat  the  latter  died  shortly  after  bis  return  to 
Jerusalem,  and  was  soooeeded  by  the  fonner  (Petavta 
tft  Uk.). 


CB068,  EXALTATION  OF 

iMt  ho  was  deposed  and  mnrdered  bj  his  son 
Siroes  (628  A.D.). 

The  new  sovereign  speedily  concluded  a  peace 
with  the  emperor,  one  of  the  conditions  specially 
insisted  on  by  the  latter  being  the  restoration 
of  the  cross,  with  which  borne  before  him,  as  he 
rode  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  four  elephants,  He- 
nclios  entered  Constantinople.  In  the  following 
spring  he  made  a  pilgrimage  with  the  reoorered 
eross  to  Jemsalem,  where  the  patriarch  recog- 
nized his  own  unbroken  seals  on  the  case  con- 
taining the  precious  relic  (rk  rifua  kuL  (momuk 
I^Xo,  as  Theophanes  [vide  infra]  constantly  styles 
it),  thus  preserred  it  is  said  by  Sira  the  wife  of 
Chosroes.  Heraclius  wished  himself  to  carry  the 
cross  to  its  shrine,  bat  before  treading  on  the 
sacred  ground  he  was  bidden  to  divest  himself  of 
his  splendid  array,  that  so  barefoot  and  clad  in 
a  common  cloalc  he^  might  more  resemble  the 
bumble  guise  of  the  Saviour.  Some  of  the  Mar- 
tyrologies  referred  to  below  remark  that  the 
emperor  was  held  by  some  invisible  power  from 
entering  upon  the  sacred  precincts  till  he  had 
so  divested  himself**  (cf.  Theophanes,  Chrono- 
graphitif  vul.  i.  pp.  503,  504,  ed.  Classen ;  Nice- 
phorus,  BreviaritMK  pp.  11  A,  15 A;  (^ronicon 
PaachaUy  vol.  i.  p.  704^  ed.  Dindorf ;  and  more 
generally  for  the  histoij  of  the  period,  Cedrenus, 
vol.  i.  pp.  717  sqq.  ed.  Bekker ;  also  Qibbon,  De* 
dine  omd  FaU,  ch.40). 

Thus  was  the  cross  once  more  **  exalted"  into 
its  resting-place,  and  the  festival  of  the  *' Ex- 
altation of  the  Cross '^  obtained  fresh  renown. 
Before  long,  possibly  under  Pope  Honorius  I. 
(ob.  638  A.D.),  September  14  came  to  be  observed 
as  a  festival  with  special  memory  of  the  restora- 
tion of  the  cross  by  Heraclius:  the  £astem 
Church,  which  has  not  strictly  speaking  a  sepa- 
rate festival  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross,  com- 
memorates also  on  that  day  the  original  discovery 
by  the  Empress  Helena. 

This*  festival  \h  referred  to  more  or  less  ftilly 
by  all  Martyrologies  under  September  14.  Of 
those  of  Jerome,  Bede,  and  Rabanus  Maurus  we 
nave  already  spoken.  We  may  further  specify 
that  of  Wandelbert  [deacon  of  monastery  at 
Tr^es  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Lotfaiaire] 
where  we  find  {Patrol,  cxxi.  611) 

«■  ExalUU  Crads  talgent  vextlla  rdatae, 
Perside  sb  tndigna  victor  quam  vexit  Heraclloi.'* 

In  the  Martyrologies  of  Ado  and  of  Usuardus 
we  find  a  farther  addition :  '*  Sed  et  procurrenti- 
bus  annis,  papa  Sergios  mirae  magnitudinis  por- 
tionem  ejnsdem  ligni  in  sacrario  Beat!  Petri 
Domino  revelante  repperit,  quae  annis  omnibus 
["in  Basilica  Salvatoris  quae  appellatur  Con- 
stantiniana."  Ado]  ipso  die  Exaltationis  ejus  ab 
omni  osculatur  et  adoratar  populo"  (PatroL 
cxxiii.  170,  356 ;  cxxi  v.  467>  See  also  the  Mar- 
tyrology  of  Notker  (•&.  cxxi.  1151),  and  for 
various  forms  of  ancient  Western  Calendars  con- 
taining a  mention  of  this  festival,  see  Patrol, 
cxxxviii.  1188,  1191,  &c.  Besides  this,  we  may 
again  refer  to  the  presence  of  this  festival  in 
the  Qelasian  and  Qregorian  Saci'amentaries.   The 

h  It  msj  be  remarked  ttaafc  the  historlaiis  of  the  reign 
of  Henudlus  ruj  somewhat  \n  the  dates  they  asrign  to 
the  above  events.  We  have  followed  those  given  by 
CUntoD,  nuH  Homani,  vol.  IL  pp.  163, 170.  The  taking 
of  Jenuilem  Is  rdened  to  a  later  esmpaign  by  Theo- 


OBOBS,  FINDIKO  OF 


608 


ooHeot  for  the  day  in  the  latter  of  these  haf 
been  cited  in  the  article  on  the  Adoration  of  the 
Cross,  that  in  the  former  runs  as  tbllows:— 
*'  Deus  qui  nos  hodiema  die  Exaltatione  Sanctae  • 
Crucis  annua  solemnitate  laetificas,  praesta  ut 
cujus  mysterium  in  terra  cognovimus,  ejus  re- 
demptionis  praemia  consequamur." 

The  Eastern  Church,  as  we  have  already  said, 
includes  in  the  festival  of  September  14  the  two 
festivals  of  the  Finding  and  of  the  Exaltation  of 
the  Cross.  As  in  the  Calendars  of  the  Western 
Church,  so  also  in  those  of  the  Eastern  Church 
is  it  invariably  found.  Thus  in  the  Greek  me- 
trical calendar  given  by  Papebroch  in  the  Ada 
Sanctortan  (vol.  i.  of  MayX  we  find  under  Sep- 
tember 13,  /ufiifAfi  T«y  fyKoufluif  rrjs  kylas  rod 
XpiaroS  Kol  Stov  iifiAif  i^atrrda^ms  ical  npo^dfnia 
rris  d^e^ewr  rov  rifilou  md  ^woiroiev  oravpot; ; 
that  is,  as  has  been  already  explained,  they  cele- 
brated the  dedication  of  the  Church  built  by  the 
Emperor  Constantino  to  commemorate  our  Lord's 
resurrection.  We  farther  gather  that  the  fes- 
tival of  the  Exaltation  had  its  irpo96ffTia  or  vigil. 
The  notice  for  September  14  is  6i\^60ii  SeicaT^ 
ffravpoO  ^ikow  ^8i  rrrdprv ;  and  the  fact  is  also 
recognised  in  the  pictorial  Moscow  Calendar  ac- 
companying the  preceding.  The  Octave  also  of 
the  festival  (September  21)  is  given  in  the  Meno- 
logy  under  that  day,  4¥  raifvp  if  rifi4p^  Airodf- 
Sorai  ^  koprii  rov  rifdov  aravpov.  See  also  the 
Calendar  of  the  Arabian  Church  given  by  Selden 
{De  8ynedrii8  Eltraeorvm,  iii.  376,  ed.  1655), 
where  September  14  is  marked  **  Festum  Crucis 
gloriosae ;"  as  also  in  those  of  the  Ethiopic  or 
Abyssinian  and  of  the  Coptic  Church  given  by 
Ludolf  (p.  S).  We  also  learn  from  him  that  in 
the  case  of  the  latter  of  these  churches,  the 
festival  extends  over  three  days,  September 
13-15,  marked  respectively  *' Festum  C.  gl. 
(primum,  &c)." 

Further,  the  Ethiopic  Church,  as  well  as  seve- 
ral other  branches  of  the  Eastern  Church,  re- 
cognises in  addition  a  festival  of  the  Cross  in 
Hay,  possibly  having  more  or  less  reference  to 
the  **  Inventio  Crucis  "  of  the  Latin  Church  (op. 
cU.  p.  17 ;  Gretser,  vol.  1.  232 ;  see  also  several 
Eastern  Calendars  in  Neale,  ffoli/  Eastern  Churchy 
Introd.  pp.775,  799,  813).  The  proper  lessons  for 
this  festival  in  the  Syrian  Church,  as  marked  in 
the  Peshito,  are,  for  Vespers,  Matt.  xxiv. 
(possibly  on  account  of  verse  30);  for  Liturgy, 
Luke  xxi.  5  sqq.;  and  for  Matins,  Mark  xii. 
41  sqq.  (Gretser,  /.  c). 

In  addition  to  the  works  named  in  this  article, 
reference  should  be  made  to  Binterim,  Denk- 
tcilrdigkeiten  der  Christ- Kathol,  Kirche,  vol.  v. 
part  1,  pp.  455  sqq.  See  alsoDucange's  Olosaar^, 
s.  V.  H^wrts.  [R.  S.] 

OROSS,  Finding  of.  {Inventio  Crucis,) 
1.  Introduction, — By  this  name  is  to  be  un- 
derstood the  discovery  which  tradition  asserts 
that  the  Empress  Helena,  the  mother  of  Con- 
stantino, made  of  the  cross  on  which  our  Lord 
suffered.  The  earliest  account  we  have  of  the 
exploration  for  the  Holy  Sepulchi*e  is  that  given 
by  Eusebius  (  Vita  Const,  iii.  26  sqq.),  who  relates 
Constantino's  determination  to  remove  the  abomi- 
nations that  defiled  the  holy  place  and  build 
there  a  Christian  shrine,  ss  detailed  in  the  em 
peror's  letter  to  Macarius,  bishop  of  Jerusidero 
(op.  cit,  30;  Socrates,  Hist,  Eccl,  i.  17;  Theo- 


504  GROSS,  FINDING  OF 

doret  i.  18),  but  no  allusion  whatever  is  made 
to  a  disooTerj  of  the  cross.  Some  have  indeed 
argued  that  an  expression  in  Constantine's  letter 
to  Macarius  is  better  suited  to  the  discovery  of  the 
cross  than  of  the  grave — r^  yitp  yv^pttrfui  rov 
ayierrdTOu  iKtiuov  irdSous  inrh  r^  7p  irdAai  Kpv' 
irr6atvov , . . ;  bat  a  comparison  with  c.  26  would 
sufficiently  account  for  the  above  quoted  lan- 
jtuage,  and  it  is  hard  to  understand  that  Eusebius 
should  have  lost  so  good  an  opportunity  of  glori- 
fying CJonstantine,  had  a  real  or  supposed  dis- 
covery of  our  Lord's  cross  taken  place  under  his 
auspices.*  The  date  of  Helena's  visit  to  Palestine, 
and  consequently  that  of  the  alleged  discovery, 
is  326  A.D. ;  yet  in  the  Itinerarium  Burdegalense, 
the  record  of  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  in  333  ▲.d., 
only  seven  years  after  this  date,  there  is  no  re- 
ference to  the  finding  of  the  cross,  even  in  a 
context  where  we  might  certainly  have  looked 
for  it :  *'■  Crypta  ubi  corpus  ejus  positum  fuit 
et  tertia  die  resurrexit;  ibidemmodo jussu  Con- 
stantini  Inperatona  basiiica  facta  est**  (^Patrol. 
viii.  791). 

The  earliest  mention  we  have  of  the  Finding 
of  the  Cross  is  in  the  Catecheses  of  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  delivered  rather  more  than  twenty 
years  after  Helena's  alleged  discovery;  in  which, 
though  he  does  not  allude  to  the  narrative 
in  the  form  given  by  subsequent  writers,  he 
Xct  says  that  fragments  cut  off  from  the  cross 
\irere  spread  over  the  whole  world  (Co^^icA.  iv.  10 ; 
z.  19;  xiii.  4  ;  Patrol,  Gr.  xxxiii.  468,  685, 
776),  and  he  also  alludes  to  the  Finding  of  the 
Cross  in  a  letter  written  some  years  later  to 
v'Sonstantius,  the  son  of  Coustantine,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a  luminous  cross  appearing  in  the  sky 
over  Jerusalem  (^Ep,  ad  Const,  c.  3,  op.  dt. 
1168).  From  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century 
onwa^*ds  all  ecclesiastical  writers  take  the  truth 
of  the  narrative  in  its  main  form  for  granted, 
though  sundry  variations  of  detail  occur. 

II.  Legend.  —  The  general  tenour  of  the  tra- 
dition is  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  (by 
Hadrian,  or  at  any  rate,  in  his  time,  according 
to  Jerome,  Epist.  58,  Patrol,  xx.  321)  to  destroy 
eveiy  trace  of  the  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
that  the  ground  had  there  been  raised  to  a 
considerable  height,  and  temples  and  statues 
to  Jupiter  and  Venus  erected  thereon.  On  the 
death  of  Licinius,  whom  Constantine  charges 
with  the  continuance  of  the  evil,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  purify  the  sacred  places,  and  this  reso- 
lution of  the  Emperor  was  carried  out  by  his 
mother  Helena,  who  went  in  person  to  Jerusalem, 
and  by  the  Bishop  Macarius.  By  the  Divine 
guidance  (and  by  the  aid  of  a  Jew,  one  Judas, 
afterwards  baptized  ns  Quiriacus,  according  to 
Gregory  of  Tours  and  others,  infra)  the  spot  was 
discovered,  and  the  superimposed  earth  having 
been  r?raoved,  the  sepulchre  was  seen  with  three 
crosses  iji  :g  near,  and  separate  from  these  the 
supei*scription  which  Pilate  had  attached  to  that 

•  MnntfiincoD  {ColUdio  Nora  I'atrum,  voL  1.  p.  vliL 
od.  17G6)  does  indeed  dte  a  passage  of  Eusebius  as  cer- 
ttlnly  referring  to  the  cross :  et  fie  m  vovv  jirumiaetc 
roSc  Koff  yitia.9  an4)l  th  iiviifia  koX  rh  luxfrrvpiov  rov 
^itu^poi  riiiMV  eirircAccrtfeio'i  davfi.oo'ibif,  dAiitfwf  ciovrou 
oiruf  irrirAi7p«>Ta(  ipyoi^  rd  TeOtOTrnriitva.  (Comm.  in 
PsaX.  IxxxviiL  11).  When,  however,  we  find  Eusebius 
silent  where,  if  anywhere,  he  nii^t  be  expected  to  speak, 
we  cannot  attach  much  weight  to  a  passage  of,  at  bo«t^ 
■Borit  doubtful  reference. 


CROSS,  FINDING  OF 

of  our  Lord.  Not  knowing  which  of  the  thiM 
ci*osses  was  the  one  they  sought,  Macarius  caused 
them  to  be  successively  presented  to  the  touch 
of  a  noble  lady  of  Jerusalem  then  lying  at  the 
point  of  death.  The  first  two  crosses  produced 
no  effect,  but  at  the  touch  of  the  third  the  sick 
woman  rose  up  before  them  perfectly  healed, 
thus  showing  that  it  was  upon  this  that  the 
Saviour  had  suffered.  One  part  of  the  cross  aet 
in  silver  was  entrusted  to  Macarius  to  be  care- 
fully guarded  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  remainder, 
together  with  the  nails  was  forwarded  to  Con- 
stantine. One  of  the  nails  was  attached  to  his 
helmet,  and  another  to  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  in 
fulfilment,  according  to  sundry  fathers,  of  the  pro- 
phecy of  Zechariah  xiv.  20  ^ 

For  the  above  tradition,  see  Socrates  (/.  c), 
Theodoret  (J,  c),  Sozomen  (ii.  1),  Ambroee 
(de  obitu  Theodosii,  c  46 ;  Patrol  xvi.  1399^ 
Sulpicius  Severus  {Hist.  Sacra^  iL  34;  Patrol. 
XX.  148),  Rufinus  (Hist,  i.  7,  8;  Patrol,  xxi 
1475),  Paulinus  of  Nola  (Ep.  ad  Severvm  31 ; 
Patrol.  Ixi.  325),  Gregory  of  Tours  {Liber 
Miracuiorum,  i.  5  sqq. ;  Patril,  Ixxi.  709).  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  also  {ConurL  in  Zech.  in  loc; 
Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxii.  271)  refers  to  it  as  the 
current  history  in  his  day.  Chrysostom  evi- 
dently believed  m  the  discovery  of  the  -crosB,* 
and  speaks  of  the  practice  of  conveying  small 
portions  of  it  about  as  amulets  {Quod  Qkristua 
sit  Deus,  c.  10 ;  Patrol,  Gr.  xlviii.  826). 

One  or  two  further  details  may  be  added. 
Socrates  states  that  the  portion  of  the  cross  sent 
to  Constantine  was  by  him  inclosed  in  his  own 
statue,  which  was  placed  on  a  column  of  por- 
phyry in  the  so-called  forum  of  Ck>nstantine  in 
Constantinople,  that  thus  the  dty  might  be 
rendered  impregnable  by  the  possession  of  so 
glorious  a  relic  According  to  Soxomen,  besides 
the  miracle  wrought  on  the  sick  lady,  a  dead 
man  was  instantly  restored  to  life  by  the  touch 
of  the  cross;  but  Paulinus,  while  mentioning 
this  says  nothing  of  the  other  miracle.  In  Am- 
brose, spite  of  a  protest  to  the  contrary,  we  see 
traces  of  the  feeling  in  which  respect  for  the 
cross,  as  a  token  of  Him  who  hung  thereon, 
drifted  into  an  adoration  of  the  cross  itself. 
Thus  Helena  is  represented  as  saying,  *'£cGe 
locus  pugnae,  ubi  est  victoria  ?  .  .  .  .  quomodo 
me  redemptam  arbitror,  si  redemptio  ipsa  non 
cemitur  ?  It  may  be  added  that  according  to 
Ambrose's  version  of  the  history,  the  inscription 
is  found  adhering  to  the  cross  it  originally  be- 
longed to.  The  occasion  of  the  notice  in  Pau- 
linus is  the  sending  of  a  piece  of  the  cross  to 
Severus  for  a  church  about  to  be  consecrated, 
which  affords  him  a  natural  opportunity  for 
relating  the  story :  he  adds,  that  however  much 
might  thus  be  cut  away  from  the  cross,  the 
bulk  of  the  wood  miraculously  remained  undi- 
minished. 

III.  Festival, — ^With  the  belief  in  the  discovery 
of  the  cross  thus  widely  spread  and  thus  che- 
rished, it  is  only  natural  to  expect  that  an 
annual  festival  to  commemorate  it  would  soon 
be  established ;  though  it  is  impossible  from  the 
want  of  satisfactory  evidence  to  speak  with  any 
certainty  as  to  the  actual  origin  of  such  festivaL 


>>  Jerome,  however  (C%m».  in  Zech.  In  locX  speaks  f4 
it  as  one  might  have  expected,  **  nam  aeasa  quidem  pio 
dictam  eed  ridteulam." 


CB068,  FINDING  OF 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  aaslgn  its  first 
appointment  to  Pope  Eusebias  (ob.  SIO  A.D.)y  who, 
in  a  letter  **  Episcopis  Tnsciae  et  Campaniae/'  is 
made  to  saj  '*Cracis  ergo  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi,  quae  nuper  nobis  gubemacnla  Sanctae 
Romanae  i^clesiae  tenentibus  quinto  Nonas  Maii 
inrenta  est,  in  praedicta  Kalendarum  die  Inren- 
tionis  festum  robis  solemniter  celebrare  man- 
damns"  {Fatroi,  vii.  1114). 

Of  course  tlie  utter  spuriousness  of  this  letter 
is  shown,  if  by  nothing  else,  by  the  fact  that  Pope 
Eusebius  died  before  Constantine  had  embraced 
Christianity,  and  many  years  before  the  work  of 
restoration  began  at  Jerusalem  at  his  command. 

Nicephorus  {Hat  Ecdes,  viii.  29)  asserts  that 
a  festiral  to  commemorate  the  Finding  of  the- 
Cross  was  held  at  Jerusalem  in  Constantine's 
time,  hot  appeals  to  no  earlier  authority  in  sup- 
port of  his  statement :«  and  in  the  Chronuxm  of 
Flavins  Lucius  Dexter,  if  the  passage  be  genuine. 
Pope  Silvester  I.  (ob.  335  A.D.)  is  claimed  as  the 
originator  of  the  festival :  **  Festum  Inventionis 
S.  Cmcis  a  Silvestro  institutura  celebre  multis 
est "  {Patrol,  xxxi.  563).  It  is  not  impossible 
that  there  may  have  been  a  festival  peculiar  to 
the  Roman  Church,  before  its  observance  had 
become  general. 

Most  Western  Martyrologies  and  Calendars 
mark  May  3  as  *'  Inventio  S.  Crucis,"  including 
the  ancient  Martyrologium  Hieronymi  {Patrol, 
XXX.  435) ;  but  there  are  grounds  for  doubting 
the  geDuineness  of  the  words  here,  more  espe- 
cially from  the  fact  that  they  are  absent  from 
the  very  ancient  Cod.  Eptemacensis,  a&  is  pointed 
out  by  Papebroch  {Acta  Sanctorum ;  May,  vol.  i. 
p.  369).  It  is  found  in  the  Martyrologium  Bi- 
anntinum  {Patrol.  Ixxx.  415),  the  Mart.  Romanum 
Vetos  {Vi.  cxxiii.  158),  and  those  of  Rabanus,  Ado, 
Usuardus,  and  Notker  {ib.  ex.  1142;  cxxiii.  256; 
cxxiv.  15 ;  cxxxi.  1075) ;  altio  in  a  Gallican  and 
an  English  Martyrology  {ib.  Ixxii.  614,  620),  the 
Mozarabic  and  the  Gothic  Calendar  {ib.  Ixxxv. 
98,  Ixxxvi.  39),  the  Cal.  Mutinense  (i&.  cvi.  821), 
Floriacense  {ib,  cxxxviii.  1187). 

There  is  a  special  office  for  this  day  in  the 
Gothogallic  Missal  (i&.  Ixxii.  285),  in  the  Moza- 
rabic  Breviary  and  Missal  {ib.  Ixxxv.  739,  Ixxxvi. 
1119),  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  {ib.  Ixxiv. 
1162),  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  and  Anti- 
phonary  {ib.  Ixxviii.  101,  687).  To  this  last  we 
shall  again  refer. 

Some,  however,  omit  the  festival  altogether, 
and  some  give  it  a  secondary  place  after  the 
names  of  the  Martyrs  who  are  commemorated  on 
this  day.  Thus  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the 
Calendar  of  Leo  {ib,  Ixxiv.  878),  in  the  metrical 
Martyrology  of  Bede  {ib.  xciv.  604),  in  the  Sacra- 
mentarium  Suaviciense  (t&.  cli.  823),  and  some 
others  (see  in  Leslie's  note  to  the  Mozarabic 
Missal  in  loc.).  Again  in  the  Martyrology  of 
Bede  given  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (March,  vol. 
ii.  p.  xviii.).  a  long  narrative  of  the  Martyrs 
eommemorated  on  this  day  is  followed  by  "  Ipso 
die  Inventio  Sanctae  Crucis."  .  So  too  runs  the 
metrical  Martyrology  of  Wandelbert  {Patrol. 
czzi.  598) :~ 

*  Praesnl  Alexander  qafoas  et  Eventlas  oroant, 
~  l*beodoliMqQe  Del  pariter  pro  nomine  caesi, 
Uis  quoqoe  oelsa  enids  radiant  vezllla  repertae." 

•  This,  however,  is  doubtless  to  be  conneoted  wilh  the 
iutlval  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  &o»  (v^wo^ic). 


CB0S8,  FINDING  OF 


506 


The  same  is  the  case  with  an  old  English  Calen- 
dar, which  reads  "  Natale  SS.  Alexandri,  Eventi 
et  Theodoll  presbyteri,  Inventio  Crucis"  (i6 
xciv.  1151).  See  also  the  Cal.  Stabulense  and 
the  Cal.  Brixianum  (•&.  oxxx-iii.  1196, 6270). 

In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  also  the  men 
tion  of  the  Inventio  Cruds  follows  that  of  the 
Saints  commemorated  on  this  day  (as  also  the 
Antiphonary  in  the  MSS.),  and  M^ard  (note  in 
loc.)  states  that  in  the  most  ancient  MSS.  this 
festival  is  altogether  wanting. 

In  the  list  of  feasts  to  be  observed  given  in  the 
Capitulare  of  Ahyto  or  Hatto  (appointed  Bishop 
of  Basle  in  806  a.d.)  there  is  no  mention  of  the 
Inventio  Crude  {Patrol,  czv.  12),  and  in  the  Ca- 
pilula  of  Walter,  bishop  of  Orleans  (857  A.D.), 
the  festivals  of  the  Inventio  Crude  and  £xaltatio 
Crude  are  appended  to  the  end  of  cap.  xviK. 
'*De  Sanctorum  festivit«ttibus  indicendis  et  ob- 
servandis  "  (t6.  cxix.  742),  as  though  they  had 
been  introduced  at  a  later  date  than  the  others 
mentioned. 

All  this  evidence  seems,  as  far  as  it  goes,  to 
point  either  to  the  fact  that  the  festival  wa« 
established  at  a  comparatively  late  date,  or  that 
it  was  for  some  time  of  local  rather  than  general 
observance.  Papebroch  {Acta  Sancto/vm  in  loc. 
c.  iii.)  suggests  720  a.d.  as  approximately  the 
date  of  the  general  recognition  of  the  festival, 
bat  the  reference  above  to  its  absence  in  docu* 
ments  of  even  later  date  will  incline  us  to  look 
upon  the  end  of  the  8th  century  or  the  beginning 
of  the  9th  as  the  earliest  period  we  can  safely 
fix  on. 

Attention  may  be  called  here  to  the  fact  that 
several  of  the  above  mentioned  authorities  make 
an  error  of  at  least  half  a  century  in  the  date  of 
Helena's  alleged  discovery.  Thus  the  Martyro- 
logium Hieronymi  speaks  of  it  as  '*  post  Passio- 
ncm  Domini  anno  ducentesimo  trigesimo  tertio," 
in  which  it  is  followed  by  Florus  in  the  additions 
to  Bede's  Martyrology,  by  Rabanus  and  others.' 

The  Greek  Church  has  not,  properly  speaking, 
a  separate  festival  for  the  Finding  of  the  Cross, 
but  celebrates  this  event  on  the  day  of  the 
Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  September  14.  Some 
branches,  however,  of  the  Eastern  Church  do 
observe  a  festival  of  the  Finding  of  the  Croes 
also.  Thus  in  the  Calendars  of  the  Ethiopia 
and  Coptic  Churches  given  by  Ludolf  {Faeti 
Sacri  Eccleeiae  Alexandrinae}f  March  6  is  marked 
**  Inventio  S.  Cmcis "  (p.  22),  and,  in  the  case 
of  the  former  Church,  May  4,  ^  Helena  reperit 
Crucem  "  (p.  27). 

Mention  may  be  made  here  of  writings  on  the 
subject  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross  referred  to 
in  the  decrees  of  a  council  held  at  Rome  under 
the  presidency  of  Gelasius :  while  allowed  to  lie 
read,  their  statements  are  to  be  received  with 
caution.  "  Item  [recipienda]  scripta  de  Inven- 
tione  Crucis  Dominicae,  ....  novellae  quaedam 
relationes  sunt,  et  nonnulli  eas  Catholici  legunt. 
Sed  cum  haec  ad  Catholicorum  manus  pervenerint, 
beat!  Pauli  Apostoli  praecedat  sententia,  omnia 
probatej  quod  bonum  est  tenete  "  {Patrol,  lix.  161 ). 
Further,  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  voL  i. 
p.  362),  Papebroch  adduces  grounds  for  believing 
the  nnhistorical  character  of  much  of  this  writ* 
ing, — among  other  things,  the  same  error  in  the 


'  Tbeopbanea  (Chronogn^Md)  makes  a  utmilar  m^ 
take,  and  refers  the  discovery  to  the  year  aiT  a.ix 


606    CKOSS,  APPABITION  OP  THE 

date  of  (lis  FindiDg,  mnouiiiiiig  M  mora  than  hslf 
t  MQtury,  into  which  we  hnve  alreBd;  mentioned 
that  eevernl  of  the  )ate  QiBrtjTologiM  buve  fallen. 
These  writiags  seem  to  hare  fband  their  way  bi 
the  Catt  aad  to  hare  been  traiulafed  iato  Sjriac 
(aee  Aaeemaoi,  BOUioOieoa  Orientata,  vol.  i.  p. 
497). 

la  nddition  to  the  booki  alread;  cited  in   thii 
article,    reference   may  be    made   to   Binterlm^ 


aatioat  H-istory,  pp.  cili&i.  eqq.,  where  the  tmth 
of  the  legend  ia  atron^lj  ar^ed  for,  u  also  io 
QteUer,  2^  Cmce  Omiti,  Tol.  i.  lib.  1,  cc.  62-64. 
[R.S.] 
0B0S8,  THE  AppAaiTTOii  OP  THE,  at  Jeru- 
■alem,  about  the  third  bonr  of  the  iij,  io  the 
time  of  Oonatantiss,  in  the  year  346,  ia  comme- 
morated May  T  in  the  Byttmtint  and  Ethiopio 
Calmdart.  [C] 

CB068,  SIGN  OF.    [Sion  eir  the  Cboob.] 

CBOWN.    Refertiag  to  the  article  CoBona- 

noH  for  the  disliactioD  between  the  own  or 

Ssrland,  "eoroDa."  ni^ocei,  and  the  diadem  or 
llet,  "taenia,"  "Biscis,"  SMitiiX,  and  for  fuller 
detail)  on  both  to  the  Didioaary  '/  Clasticat 
Aniitpiitt^tt  it  is  proposed  in  this  nrticle  (o  fur- 
nish some  description  of  imperisl  and  regal 
crowne  belonging  to  our  period,  the  fonu  and 


the  crowns  themseli 

Prom  the  portrait*  on  their  coina  it  appeara 

that  the  early  emperora  adopt«d  the  diadem, 
worn  either  ^mply  or  encircling  the  helniet 


(gataa  diademnto),  cidaru  or  tiara,  with  which 
their  head  was  covered.  The  coina  of  Comtjm- 
tine  the  Great  depict  him  wearing  diadem*  or 
iiileU  of  varioua  kiode;  some  ornamented  with 
gem*;  aome  enriched  with  a  doable  row  of 
pearls,  with  the  loose  end*  of  the  fillet  hanging 
down  over  hi*  shouldert.  Sometimes  he  weam 
■  helmet  aurroiinded  by  a  diadem,  with  a  crosa 
in  front  (Ferrario,  Cuatuml,  ICaropa,  rol.  1.  part 
2  —  Appendice  »ulla  Girona   di   Ferro}.      This 


I  also 


B  then 


s  of  Gra 


Valentinian  II.,  Theodosiua,  Leo  the  Great,  and 
Basil.  In  a  drawing  given  by  Ferrario  (u.  a. 
No.  -A),  Heracliaa,  A.D.  610-641,  wear*  a  helmet 
«icircled  by  a  gemmed  diadem  with  pendent 
ends,  and  a  cross  atwve  the  forehead.  The  com- 
binatioB  of  the  dindem  with  the  cidarit  or  liara 
was  borrowed  from  the  Orientals,  among  whom 
it  bad  been  in  use  from  indent  times  (Xenopb. 
Cyrop-  viii.  3—13 :  K^fUF  ipSij"  'x*"^  '^^''  Ti^^n*' 
Hol  iidZjjua  wtpi  T^  Tiip^\  Anab^  ii.  5;  Herod. 
*1l  ei  i  AeKh.  Ptrt.  f.  668).     It  was  worn  by 


Zeuobia  (Trebell.  Poll.  iiii. :  "  ad  ooDdonea  gal*- 
ata  proceeeit  ctim  limbo  purpnreo  gemmis  depfOH 
dentiboB  per  nltimam  Smbnam "),  and  was 
adopted  by  her  conqueror,  Aarelian.  It  ia  ■««■ 
in  medal*  under  the  form  of  s  peaked  cup  oma- 
mented  with  gema,  rising  from  a  jewelled  dindoa 
or  lillet,  tied  behind.  The  cap  in  later  tima 
aaaumed  the  popniar  name  of  tvp^an,  rov^a, 
the  origin  of  the  modem  fu/^n.     Zouarai  de- 


;ribes  the  Emperor  Basilins,  in  the  9th  centary, 
s  Tiipf  TBiviioBilt  ipe'nf  fir  ToDfar  luiAti  i 
TlliitTIi  «1  TraKit  iripoTtat.  Its  Origin,  and 
lie  history  of  ita  adoption,  is  thai  given  by 
zeties,  Chiliadei,  viii.  1S4  :— 


Another  form  of  the  Imperial  headgear  was  ■  low- 
crowned  cap,  nppareo  tly  deetitnte  of  diadem  or  any 
special  dietinction  of  royalty.  This  was  knoim  a* 
CahelaDciDM  (which  ace).  Conetuntine  appears 
In  this  garb  OD  his  triumphal  arch  in  Rome  (Fer- 
rario, u.  I.  pi.  30,  No.  2),  and  in  an  illumination 
from  a  MS.  of  the  9th  eentnry,  representing 
the  Council  of  Nicnea,  given  by  Aglnoourt  (^Peit- 
tures,  pi.  32).  Joatinian,  m  the  mosaics  of  tbe 
sanctuary  of  San  Titale  at  Ravenna,  has  his  bead 
covered  with  a  jewelled  cap,  while  the  Emprea 
Theodora  woar*  a  tiara  earrooDded  with  three 
circlets  of  gems.  Strlnge  of  pearl*  and  other 
gems  hang  down  &om  each.  These  jewelled 
tassels  were  known  a*  KoTavtiirrd.  (Cout, 
PorjAyr.  Dt  Caenmoa.  I.  582;  ii.  688.) 


The  diadem  in  its  original  form  of  a  linen  or 
eilken  riband  or  fillet  gradually  went  oat  of  nsa 
from  Justinian's  time  (La  Barte,  Arli  indast, 
du  Moj/ea  Ag<,  ii.  3tf),  and  was  replaced  by  a  flei- 
ible  bnnd  of  gold,  irTffi)ta,  irri^arBi,  sometime) 
adorned  with  a  bnnd  of  pearls  and  preciooi 
stones,  representing  the  old  SiiSriiia.  The  nsnn 
iTTfipiwoi  WAS  in  u^  for  the  imperial  symbol  01 
early  as  the  time  of  Conatantine.  L>ril,  Sp, 
ad  Omit.  II.  1  Itsh..  .  .  .ia.'  Sr  rx»*<ri  v« 


OEOWN 

■nouciX/iiivui  Tpoo-ni^^arnt.  This  circlet 
WW  eloMd  bf  ■  op  of  nch  (taf  dacoratad  with 
genu.  From  being  sbni  m  at  the  top  ic  took  tha 
OUDC  of  JnriEicAfiOTBI,  which  uppain  in  Ana- 
(tuiiu  Bibl.  mh)  other  authors  in  tha  perplsiin^ 


CROWN 


fi07 


(bra  of  ipaiacliita  (Anaat.  Bibl.  PanAala,  i3i, 
kc).  Eumplea  of  tbii  fonn  of  crown  an  given 
Id  the  aniwied  woodcuts  of  the  H^inperor  Phocai, 
A.I>.  602-6 10,  and  the  £tnpross  Irene,  wife  of  Leo 
IV,4,D.  797-80-2,  In  the  time  of  Const.  PorphjT. 
the  roval  treasury  contained  circlata  or  attmmata 
of  various  colours,  white,  green,  and  blue,  accord- 
ing to  the  enamel  with  which  they  were  coated- 
These  circleln  decorated  with  gems  are  msationed 


WmmilciLa, 


bj  Clsadiui  in  coniiectioa  with  the 
Theodosini,  Arcadiu^  and  HoDorius,  towards  the 
end  of  the  4th  century.    "  Et  tbHo  lapidum  dis- 
tinctoi  igne  coronas  "  {lapr.  Coat.  Stilidi.  li.  92.] 
The  most  ancient  eiwnplei  of  crowns  are  thoM 
long  prewrved  In  the  treasiiry  of  the  cathedral 
of  Monza,  in  Lombard;,  belonging  to  the  early 
p«rl  of  the  7th  oentury.     These  crowns  \ 
three  in  nnniber:  (1)  the  so-called  Irvn  C.i 
"Corona  Kerrea;"  (2)  the  crown  of  AgiJulf, 
(3)  that  of  Theodeliuda.     Agiiulfs  crown 
taken  to  Paris  as  a  priie  of  war  bj  Napoleol 
ID   lti04,   by  mistake   for  the  Iron  CrowEi, 
^s  Meliiilles, 


liuh  itw 


naked  d 


oelebratedoftiie: 

(I)   r** /ronCrO'no/iomftarrfj/,  thei 
gift  of  QneeD  Theodellnda,  who  died  A.. 


panels,  divided  by  spiral  thread: 

equarish,  the  other  tall  an<l  narrow.  The  pla- 
fond is  covered  with  einemld-gteen  temitraDi- 
parent  enamel.  The  long  paneji  contain  a  large 
gem  in  the  centre,  sDrrounded  by  four  gold  roeet, 
or  floral  knobs,  from  which  ramify  imall  stalks 
and  Howers,  in  red,  blue,  and  opaque- white  ena- 
mels. Tht,  tal'  narrow  plaques  contain  three 
gems  set  vertically.  One  plaque  has  only  one 
ftm,  and  two  roses.  The  two  centre  plafonds 
■iMt  without  an  intervening  plaque.   The 


ms  is  22 ;  of  gold  rosei%  2S ;  and  of  eDimelst 
Within  the  goldsD  circlet  thus  formed  ia 
ron  ring,  from  which  is  derived  the  deeig- 
nation  of  the  "Iron  Crown'  (which,  however, 
rio  asurta,  is  comparatively  modeni,  never 
being  found  in  the  rituals  of  the  churches  of 
UiUn  and  Uodm  before  the  time  of  Otho  IV., 
1175,  Before  this  epoch  even  its  sdrocate 
Lai  allows  it  appears  in  the  inventories  as 
Corona  Auna).  This  Is  a  Darmw  tmn  band 
-04  inch  thick  and  '1  inch  broad,  united  at 
the  eitremities  bj  a  smnll  nail,  and  cannect«d 
with  the  articulated  plates  of  the  crown  bj  little 
pint.  Bellani  asserts  that  It  was  hammered  Into 
shape,  and  Iwars  no  marks  of  the  file.  Burgee, 
"  ~"M  trustworthy  snthoritv,  states  that  the 
B  of  the  file  are  eleai-ly  visible.  (ArA. 
Journal,  vol,  liv.  p.  14.)  This  iron  ring,  as 
is  weil-kiawn,  is  regarded  as  a  relic  of  the 
greatest  snnctity,  being  reputed  to  have  been 
fnxhioned  ojt  of  one  of  the  nails  of  the  true  cross. 
This  belief  cannot  be  traced  further  back  than 
the  latter  part  of  the  ISth  century.  The  eiist- 
enoe  of  the  baud  of  iron  is  mentioned  by  Aeneas 
Sylvins  (Pope  Julius  II,  d.  1464)  in  his  Ifist. 
Aast.  lib.  iv.,  but  simply  as  lamina  qtuKdam^ 
without  a  hint  at  its  supposed  sanctity,  and  with 
an  eipre'ssion  of  contempt  for  tha  allegorical 
meaning  assigned  to  its  employment  in  the  coro- 
nation of  the  emperors,  as  denoting  atrength — . 
"stultae  iuterprotntloni  elicit  locum."  Accord- 
ing to  Horatori  {De  Coron.  Ftrr.  Commtnt.  A,D. 
1668),  Bugatui  i*  the  first  anthor  who  mentionl 


-A(,Addit.adSia.  Univ.  1587}.  He  was  followed 
by  Zucchiu.  (,Hitt.  Cor.  Ferr.  1G13),  whose  vio- 
lations of  tratb  Muratori  holds  it  charitable  to 
attribute  to  gross  carelessnass.  Two  years 
before  the  publication  of  Bngntos'  book.  a.d. 
ISSD,  a  letter,  sent  Item  the  srchpriest  of  Monza 
to  Pops  Siitus  v.,  qaoted  by  Mnratori,  speaks 
of  the  Iron  Crown  as  a  moat  precious  possession 
of  his  chnrch,  as  having  been  niwd  from  early 
times  for  the  coronation  of  the  Roman  emperor* 
(even  this  &ct  is  doubtliil),  but  distinguishes  it 
from  the  relic*  properly  so  called,  and  makes  no 

the  Itlth  century  on- 


of  the  cruciliiion. 

wards  the  belief  gi  „ 

discredited  by  the  searohing  historical   inveiti- 

gatious  of  Uuratori  in  the  treatise  referred  to 

above,  the  worship  of  the  crown  as  n  sacred  rclio 

was  slternately  suspeaded    and    re-enforoed    by 

decrees  and  counter-decrees  of  the  ecclesiastical 


befor( 


e  Congregati 
en  a  diplomati 


8  the 


608  OBOWH 

bclikf  aipoud  to  the  utoratfon  of  tb*  hithftil,Mid 
carried  In  procmioog, 

Thr  chain  of  eTideou  coiuiectiiig  tha  Iron 
Crown  with  the  crociliiion  oail  ii  nry  pre- 
carious, mid  >how>  lome  tluiniug;  Kips.  Ac- 
oordiag  t«  the  tUlement  of  Jnitua  FoDtBuiniu 
(Archbiifaop  of  Ancjrra,  De  Coron.  Ferr.  1719), 
who  wrote  in  defEDce  of  it*  genaiDeDess,  the 
inner  ring  wu  belisred  to  biTo  been  fanned  oat 
of  one  of  the  two  naili  giren  by  the  EmpreM 
Helena,  after  her  dttcorery  of  the  trne  croaa  on 
CalTU7,  to  her  »n  ConiUntine.  One  of  these 
waa  made  into  a  bit  for  the  emperor'i  biidl?  (in 
allDslan  to  Zecb.  lit.  20);  the  other  wai  lued 
is  a  head-coieting — a  diadem,  according  to  eome 
aotboritiet  (Ambroa.  Dt  Obitu  Thtod.  Magn.)  ;  ■ 
helmet,  according  to  otbara,  and  thoae  the  moat 
credible,    Conatantine'a  idea  aeenia  indeed  to  have 

would  be  a  protection  to  him  in  battle,  "galea 
Mli  usibui  aptam"  (Rofiniu,  HM.  Eccl.  i.  8; 
Socr.  i.  IT;  Soz.  ii.  1;  Theod.  i.  IB;  Cusiod.  i. 
18).  The  orthodoi  theory  identifies  the  Uonu 
crown  with  the  diadeni  inppoaed  to  h«™  been  pre- 
sented hy  Helena  to  Coaatantine,  which  passed, 

from  ConiUntinople  to  Rome,  and  ii  aflirmed— 
a  fact  of  which  there  ia  abioluKly  do  evidence- 
to  have  been  sent  u  a  preaent  by  Gregory  the 
Great  to  Qaeen  Theodelinda  ;  although  it  ia  in  the 
higheit  degree  improbable  that  Qregory,  who  ia 
known  to  naTC  Ijeen  "tenai  reliquiarum,"  aboald 
fiave  parted  with  a  relic  of  aach  supreme  sanctity, 
while,  if  BDcfa  a  pracioas  gift  had  been  miide,  it 
Gonld  not  fail  to  have  been  mentioned  by  Gregory 
when  describing  hii  donations  (Greg.  Mag.  £p. 
lii.  [rii.]  lib.  xiT.  rxii.>  The  view  of  BelUni 
(cnooo  of  Monia,  who  wrote  an  elaborate  treatise 
(Mllano,  1819)  in  anawer  to  Ferrario'a  A/jiendice 
MuHa  Corona  di  Faro,  Cottumi,  Europa,  vol.  iii.) 
is  that  the  iron  ring  and  the  gold  circlet  were 
originally  dlatinct ;  that  the  former  Is  the  sacred 
relic  affiled  to  the  helmet  of  ConiUatine,  while 
the  latter  was  primarily  a  diadem,  open  behind, 
and  faateoed  to  the  head  by  claspa,  the  eitremi- 
tiea  of  which  were  united  in  the  present  shape 
when  It  was  adapted  Id  the  iron  ring.  The  view 
of  Muratori,  which  nppeara  the  most  probable, 
diialpatea  all  notion  of  sacred  interest  attach- 
ing to  the  iron  ring,  which  he  ccosiders  to  have 
been  inserted  withio  the  gold  circle,  as  in  the 
crowD  of  Charlemagne  (lee  poti),  simply  for  the 
purpose   of  giving   lirmoeaa   to  the  articulated 


ached  Italy,  the  cha- 
>  of  the  Iron  Crows 
;in.      La  Darte,  who 


bolda  this  I 


it  may  b: 
'By""i"n 


hing  in  enamel  had  not  pene- 
traled  into  Italy  in  the  time  of  Theodelinda  {Les 
Arts  ind-utrKh  d:  itoi/c  Aye,  ii.  56  aq.). 

The    small    aiu   of  the    crown,  barely    large 

the  internal  diameter  being  6  iuchea  (its  height 

never  intended  for  ordinary  wearing,  bat  was  a 
suspensory  or  votive  crown,  with  a  crou  and 
lamp  usually  depending  from  it,  hung  over  the 
altar,  and  employed  temporarily,  on  the  occanion 


r   placmg  c 
twad  aa  a  symbol  of  i-oyalty,  and  then 


CBOWN 

■gain  t«  it*  place.  Such  crown*  are  teen  hug- 
ing  over  the  altar  In  a  bas-relief  of  a  coronation, 
now  in  the  S.  transept  of  Honia  cathedral  {ue 

the  woodcnt  p.  460),  exactly  resembling  tU-it 
which  fa  being  placed  on  the  aovereign'a  head. 
In  the  charcb  of  St.  Sophia,  at  Constantinople, 
alio,  according  to  Codinas,  the  royal  ffrJ^ifun-a 
were  suspended  over  the  holy  table,  and  wen 
only  worn  on  high  futivala.  Docnnge  (CoBdiuit. 
C/iritiiana)  also  informa  us  that  the  Greek  ei 


of  the 


bearing  crowns  ordinarily  hanging  over  the  altar 
[CoEuiNA  Lncia]. 

(For  the  history  of  the  Iron  Crown,  aee 
Hnratori,  Dt  Coron,  Ftrr.  Comment.  Uediolm.  et 
Lip*.  1719;  also  Aatodot.  Latin,  ii.  267  *q.; 
Fontacini  Da  Corona  Ftrrfo.  1617;  Frisi,  Mr- 
morie  Storicif  di  Jtfimto,  ii.  ;  Znrchins.  ffoL 
Coron.  FsTT.  1617  ;  De  Murr,  0/j»er(.  da  Coron. 
Beg.  Hat.  vulgo  Ferrea  dicta,  1810;  Bellani, 
La  Corona  Ferrea  iW  l.fgw  if  Italia,  1819; 
Ferrario,  Cottumi,  Europa,  iii.  Appendice  ntUa 
Cortna  di  Ferro ;  La  Barte,  Lti  Arti  ittdu^ritli 
du  Moyen  Age,  ii.  56  sq.). 

loal 


suspensory  crown.  Thia  ia  also  proved  by  Ibe 
inscription  it  bore;  "  t  Agiltdf.  Oral.  Ui.  vir. 
■jlor.  rex.  laliui.  [tal.  oftret.i'eoJoAanni.  Baptitt. 
in.  Eccl.  Mudicia."  A  gold  cross  depended  from  it, 
with  a  large  Bmsthyet  in  the  middle,  two  gems 
in  eacb  arm  and  four  large  pearls.  Seven  little 
chains  with  peudent  acorna  hung  from  the  crow. 
The  crown  itself  was  a  circle  of  gold,  decorated 
with  15  arrbed  niches  of  laurel  boughs  contain- 
ing figures  of  our  Lord  seated  between  two 
ancels,  and  IbeTwelveapostlea  standing.  It  bora 
aciicle  of  emeralds,  cirliunclea, and  pearls  above. 


CBOWK 

Th*  iDKHption  wu  in  cnnmal.  Th«  ctumalneu 
of  aiMntioD  leadi  La  BarU  u.  t.  to  tha  concluaioD 
tliBt  this  Mid  the  following  crown  were  of  Lom- 
bard,  not  Byiantine  workmatuhip. 

(3)  TKl  Croon  of  TAmnfe/irnto.— Thia  \s  a  plain 
drdet,  enriched  with  a  vait  quantitj  of  genia  of 
more  or  \m  valaa,  chiefly  emeralda  and  p«arl>, 
■nd  a  great  manj  piecea  of  mother-of-pearl. 
From  it  depends  a  croea,  alw  let  with  emeraldt 
and  paarli.  (For  theie  crowne  conaalt  Maratori, 
Ant.  It.  i.  460;   F«rr»rio,  u.  s.   iii.  70;   Fri>i 


OEOWN 


60fl 


md  eight  large  pearla,  with  jewelled  penilnnts 
Lttached  to  iti  foot  end  limU.  To  the  nvper 
nargina  are  attached  four  golden  chains  of 
Hnutifol  d«igu.  by  which  it  might  b«  snapeadtnl, 
uniting  in  a  foliated  ornament,  and  larmonnltd 
liy  a  knop  of  rock  crjatal,  with  aapphires  hang- 


een  assigned  with  much  probabilitj  to  the 
I  of  RerceaTinthue,  In  form  and  irrange- 
it  corresponds  to  that  of  the  king,  bat  the 
hmeDts  ara  less  gnrgeous.  Like  that,  it  ia 
id  in  two  fieoes  with  a  hinge,  to  adapt  it 
to  the  head  of  the  weiirerl  The  hoop  ii  aet  with 
"*    lour  geme,  rnbiea,  aapphirea,  emeralda,  aiul 


Mtmarit  di  ifoaca,  i.  pi.  vi.  p.  i2 ;  voL  ii.  76 ; 
AgincouTt,  Scilplat,  pi.  S6;  La  Barte,  ii.  5S, 
Burgas  ArrA.  Joum.  toI.  iit.) 

(4)  Crovmt  of  Recixsr'inihus^  ^>'n^  o/  lAa 
Spanitf^  Tisigotha,  and  Au  Queen  and  Famiiif^ — 
Theae  eigiit  gold  crowns  belonging  to  the  Ttl 
century,  now  in  tlie  mu^eam  of  the  Hotel  d< 
Cluny,  were  diacovered  buried  in  the  earth  a 
Fuente  de  aaarrauT  in  1858,  having  probnbly 
bean  Interred  early  in  the  6th  century  e 
inTaaiun  of  the  Saracena.  The  whole  of  the  c: 
fonnd  were  evidently,  from  their  form  andd 
■iopa,  Totive  crowns,  pi'obably  dedicated  by  the 
king  and  queen  and  chief  officers  of  " 
The  crown  of  Recccsvinthu^  who  re. 
653-675,  ia  one  of  the  most  gorgeous  ai 
able  relioi  of  Its  age,  comixnied  of  a  Rl 
and  formed  of  a  douUe  plate  of  puresi 
measures  about  9  inches  in  diameter,  or  27  inches 
in  circumference.  The  hoop  ia  about  4  inchta 
broad,  and  more  than  half  an  inch  io  thicknei 
The  rim'  of  the  hoop  are  formed  of  bnndiofinti 
■    '     in  ctotjonne  wi   '  ' 


with  ii 


ing  with  BB  many  very  la 
ming   three   rows,      the 


represent  foliage  and  flowers.  To  the  lov 
edge  of  this  hoop  is  suspended  by  small  chain 
irery  remarkable  fringe  of  gold  letters  abi 
3  inchea  long,  intrusted  with  gema,  with  a  p 
dnnt  pearl  and  sapphire  attached  to  each,  form: 
the  inscription — 

t  RECCESVINTHVS  REX  OFFERET, 


'  "1^'''  opals.  From  the  lower  rim  hang  eight  aapphire.. 
There  Is  no  inscription.  The  pendant  cross  Is 
covered  with  jewels,  but  less  costly  than  thoaa 

The  ail  smaller  crowns  are  reasonahly  sup- 
posed to  have  belonged  to  the  younger  membera 
of  this  royal  family.  Three  of  these  are  gold 
hoopa  without  pendant  croeaes,  jewelled,  enriched 
with  rtpotuii  work  and  mother-of-pearl.  One 
is  decorated  with  an  arcade  of  little  round-headed 
arches,  and  haa  a  fringe  of  rock  crystal.  The 
other  three  are  of  a  very  singular  construction. 
They  consist  of  a  kind  of  open  ftamework  or 
''      ""        ■'■'j  horizontal 


t  the  points  or  intemctii 
crawp  it  rudelf  decorated  with  aa  maoy  u  Aftj' 
fijur  preciotu  iloDoi  sod  pearls,  ud  u  termiiutcd 
with  the  fringe  of  Mpphirw  aDii  th«  pendsDt 
CTOH.    One  of  the  croe«>  prewntu  the  dedicntory 

t  IN  DEI  NOMINE  OFFBRET  SONNICA 

SANCTE  MARIE  IN  S0RBACE9. 

"  Few  reiioi  of  the  period,"  wntn  Mr.  Albert 

Wnjr,  JrnhiMl.  Journal,  itL  358, "  deserve  tam- 


CUon  with  thig  piecioni  regalia,  both  In  bu- 
ic  miigiiificenoe  of  enrichment,  and  in  the 
tmpreuive  effect  of  lo  somptuona  a  display  of 
•atuial  genu  remarkable  for   ihsir  dimentiona 


CBOTN 

and  ItutroDs  Innlltancy."  (I-uteyrio.,  Dncrlptiau 
<A>  T'-^nr  di  Ovarraiar,  ParJi,  1B60.  La  BarK 
Aril  taduit.,  i.  499  sq.) 

(5)  TA^  Croon  of  Srintila.—  STiBtaa-wnstius 
-■■■'--  Visigothe,  i.D.  621-631.     His  crown,  pre- 


■«  gold  ei 


rojai  a 
iriched  with  » 


t  Madrid 


Joat 


open  letters  of  gold,  set  with  red  glsas,  t' 
pended  by  chains  of  double  links,  with  pendi 
pear-shaped  sapphires.  The  Utters  form  1 
inscription, 

8VINT1LANVS  REX  OFFERT. 
(Procttdingi  ef  t/u  Sot.  of  Aviiq.  iL  1' 
Amador  de  lot  Rios,  El  ArU  Latino-lxamtako, 
Madrid,  1861.) 

These  Spanish  crowns  are  considered  by 
La  Barte  to  be  of  Spanish  workinaiiihip.  L«^ 
teyrie,  OD  the  other  hand,  assign)  to  them  a 
Gothic  origin,  and,  with  less  probiibility,  thinks 
that  they  were  brought  into  Spain  by  North- 
German  barbarians. 

The  snspen&ory  form  of  these  crowns  and  the 

they  were  of  a  Totire  character,  and  were  dedi- 
cnted  to  God  by  the  king  and  his  family  on 
some  memorable  occasion,  to  be  hnng  np  OTsr 
the  altar.  But  this  does  not  preclude  their 
precious  use  as  crowDv  for  wearing.  That  aneh 
was  their  primary  destination  is  rendered  alrooat 
certain  by  the  vurialion  ia  diameter  of  the  dif- 
ferent circlets,  and  by  the  hinges  and  fasteniaga 
which  facilitated  their  being  fitted  to  the  wearer's 
head.  The  queen's  crown  also  has  little  loops, 
aboie  and  below,  for  attaching  a  lining  or  cap 
within  the  gold  circlet,  to  prevent  it  from 
galling  the  wearer's  brows. 

(6>  Ihe  Crown  cf  CharUmagnf.^-Tb'n  crown, 
preserved  in  the  trensury  at  Vienna,  is  evidently 
made  up  of  portions  belonging  to  diflerent  epochs. 
It  is  composed  oi  eight  round-headed  plaquaa  of 
gold;  four  larger,  enriched  with  emeralds  and 
sapphires  en  caborJion,  and  fonr  smaller,  pre- 
seoitng  enamelled  Rgnres  of  David,  Solomon, 
Heiekiah,  and  Christ.     Strength  and  unity  ara 


liltle 


nelled 


relied  c 
it  plaque,  (rota  which 
r  the  '      '    ■- 


of  the  Emperor 
mes  of  the  Sgnree 
Byzantine.     ( Hangard- 
tuairei,  Parii,  1B5B,  pi.  31, 


ig    the 
Conrad,  A.D.  1138.     The 
in    the   ennmela   i 
Mang(<;  Lt>  Arts  ao, 
vol.  ii.  p.  31.) 

Authorities. — In  additiun  to  the  treatises  of 
Muratori,  Fontaninus,  and  Bellani,  named  above, 
we  may  refer  the  student  to  the  following:— 
Bayer,  De  daob.  Diadem,  in  Jfus.  Imp.  ComnuTd. 
Acad.  Scienl.  Imp.  Petropol.  viii.  1736,  Aginconrt, 
Seroui  d".  Art  par  la  MonumrrUt,  Sculpltire,  Fein- 
tvn.  W.  Burges,  "  On  the  Trensures  at  Monia," 
Archatol.  Journ.  »iv.  Ciampini,  Vet.  Monan. 
ciiv.  L  p.  107.  Guenebault,  Diciion.  ioonogr. 
da  MomraatU,  Paris.  18J3,  and  OUamire  litw 
giqne  In  Anitaki  de  Philotophie  chretimnt,  li. 
Ferrerio,  Cbjttma  antico  t  modemo  d'Europa,  vol, 
1.  pt.  1,  vol.  iiu  pt.  I,  Af^iendice  mile  Corona 
Ferrea.  vol.  i,  pt.  2,  Hangard-ManR^  Z<f  Arit 
sompluairt),  Paris,  1638.  La  Sarte,  Let  Aril 
iniluHrieli.     Migno,  Kncycl.   TlieoL  ixvii.    Die- 


0B0WN8  FOU  BBIDES  OBUO: 

ttoMntire  (tOrfitTtrie,  fc   Hoatfiiucon,  MAnoim  I  Jfiu^  (b  Clmg,  PB^i^ 
dtia  MoKardiit frmi^ii»,\.   fuchalia,  Dn  Com-    Crowu  orOiunMar,"  Arch. 


Jsunu^i* 


CB0WN8  K)B  BttlDES.  »Th««  two  us«i 
CBOWNS  FOB  BtlRIALS.f  a!  crowni  or 
wreaths,  u  coiiD«cted  with  Chriitiui  •ocial  lire, 
wein  to  call  for  ■  icpinte  notice.  In  e»cb  cue 
there  wu  ■  cattom  belonging  to  ■  noD-Chriatiu 
period.  The  bridal  crown,  of  Greek  origin,  bad 
been  adopted  bj  the  Romona,  and  wae  in  uni- 

Bometlma  by  the  bridegroom  al».  The  rigoroui- 
■uea  of  earl;  CliriitiaD  feellog  reJKted  the  tu«  of 
cortmu  neaenll)',  ai  connected  either  with  the 
cice«ti  of  heathen  feaits,  or  Che  idolatrj  of 
heathrn  wonhip.  Chriatiana  were  to  avoid  ninr- 
riagei  with  heathen  women  leat  they  ahoold  be 
tempted  to  put  the  eril  thing  npon  their  browi 
—    -■■■'■         ■        13).     Fh  ■  ■  ■    ■ 


ouqoet, 


hand, b 


upon  the  head.  It  waa  not  long,  b 
the  nataral  beanty  of  the  practice  freed  itself 
Trom  the  old  aatociatioiu  and  reaaierted  ita  claim. 
It  i*  probable  that  the  objectiooi  to  it  were  nerer 
TtTj  widely  entertained.  In  the  time  of  Cfirf- 
MHtom  it  wasagainacopinioa  naage.  Bridegroom 
and  bride  were  crowned  m  victori,  BHuming  their 
pnrit;,  over  the  temptationi  of  the  fleah.  It 
wu  a  ahock  to  Christian  feeling  when  the  wreathi 
were  wora  by  the  impure  (Horn.  ii.  in  I  Tim.). 
The  bridegroom's  wreath  was  tor  the  moat  part 
of  mrrtle  (Sidon.  Apollin.  Carm.  II.  ad  Anftem.), 
the  bride's  of  rerbena.  The  prominence  of  the 
rite  in  the  Euleni  chorch  has  led  the  whole 
marriue  Mrnce  to  be  described  in  the  Oreek 
mlix'^'iy-i'    —  tbi   'AnoAwfla  rti  irruparA- 


nony  itself,   as    probablj 


Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghoet.  Then  the  bride  in  like 
manner  crowna  the  bridegroom.  Laatly,  the 
prieat  bleues  them  with  the  thrice-repeated 
word*,  "  0  Lord  onr  Ood,  crown  them  with 
glory  and  honour." 

The    tue    of    wnatha    for    bqrials,    common 
long  both  Greeka  and  Romans,  on  the  head  of 


the  < 


>rpse, 


1  the  bier,  i 


the 


teachera.  The  disciples  of  Chriat  ware  to  seek 
an  Incorrnptible  crown,  the  amaranth  which 
grows  on  no  earthly  soil  (Clem.  AUx.  Piitdag. 
ii.  8).  To  those  who  had  been  acotuComed  to 
•hew  their  bononr  to  the  dead  by  this  ontwsrd 
lign,  this  refusal  seemed  crnel  and  unfeeling) 
and  Christians  had  to  defend  themselres  against 
the  charge,  "Coronas  etiam  sepulcris  denegatia" 
(Minuc,  Pel.  c  12),  with  the  answer,  "  Nee  ad- 

floribus  Tiridem  suitinemus  " '(iUii.  c  37).  Hers 
alHi,  atler  a  time,  ihongfa  less  formally  in  the 
case  of  the  napttal  crown,  the  old  practice  was 
reriTod  with  a  higher  significance.  The  crown 
appears  on  tombs  and  paiDtings  as  the  symbol 
of  martyrdom  i  and  modern  Christendom  repro- 
daces,  witbont  misgiring,  the  practice  which 
the  ancient  Church  rejected.  [E,  H.  P.) 

CRUCIFIX    and    BFJ>BESENTATIONB 
or  TUG  CBUCIFIXION.    It  u  d< 


612 


CBUCIFIX 


dtttingntsh  betweta  the  use  of  tlia  cmcifii  at  ag 
objuot  or  iDitrameat  of  dcrotioD^  and  that  of 
pictorial  or  otlier  npresenUtioDs  of  the  Cruci- 
fiiioD  u  s  scene.  Erery  rerietf  ind  combina- 
tion of  the  arts  of  sculptare,  moulc,  paiDtiog, 
and  eDgiBviug  hu  beea  applied  to  thii  gmX 
(abject  from  early  timet,  and  to  all  parti  of 
it :  and  thii  distinction  is  one  of  principle  aa 
vrell  a>  cooTcnienee.  The  modem  cmcifix  and 
iti  ate  of  conrae  ftmn  no  part  of  the  aubject, 
Within  the  limita  of  our  period,  all  represenU- 
lion)  of  the  crucified  Form  of  onr  Uid  alone,  aa 
well  ni  pictnrei,  relieft,  and  moiaica,  in  which 
that  Form  ia  the  central  object  of  a  ecene,  ma; 
ba  coDiidered  alike  ijmbolieal,  wlthoDt  hiatorical 
realiam  or  artiatic  appeal  to  emotion.  There  ia 
doubtleaa  a  dirergencein  the  direction  of  realism, 
and  appeal  U>  feeling  by  actual  representation  ia 
begun,  whenever  the  human  figure  is  added  to 
the  ijmbolic  cross.'  The  ase  of  the  sculptured, 
moulded,  or  enamelted  craciiii  or  crucitiiion  iu 
early  times,  is  a  development  of  that  of  the  cross, 
and  the  ttaniitiDQ  between  them  may  hare  been 
a  certainty  from  the  first;  but  the  rude  efforts 
of  earlier  days,  with  which  alone  we  have  to  do, 
can  neither  mil  on  the  imagination  by  TJvid  pro- 
aentation  of  the  actual  event,  nor  awaken  filling 
by  appeal  to  the  aenaa  of  beauty,  nor  distress  by 
painful  details  of  bodily  sufleriug.  While  the 
primitive  rules  of  representation  were  adhered 
to,  ai  they  are  to  this  day  in  the  Greek  Church, 
the  picture  or  icon  dwells  on  the  meaning  of  the 
event  rather  than  its  resemblance,  and  shiidowa 
forth,  rather  than  represente,  the  Ood-Uan  in 
the  act  of  death  for  man.  These  rnlea  were  first 
infringed  by,  or  naturally  collapsed  in  the  pre- 
sence of,  increased  artiatic  power.  The  paintings 
ofCimnhue  and  Oiotta,  and  the  relieri  ofN.  FIsbdo, 
brought  the  personality  of  the  artist  into  every 
■  introduced  numin  ... 


1  the  a 


of  the 


those  whose  minds  are  drawn  to  ascetic  thought 
and  practice,  it  baa  always  been  nataral  to 
meditate,  and  to  communicate  their  thoughts 
upon,  the  bod  liy  sufferings  of  the  Saviour  of  man- 
kind. Ultt  waa  done  by  Angelico  and  others 
DStnrslly  and  freely  before  the  Reformation ; 
•ince  that  period  a  somewhat  polemical  and  arti- 
ficial use  ha*  been  made  of  this  line  of  thought; 
■ud  painting  and  sculpture  have  been  applied  to 
embody  it  accordingly  in  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  It  may  be  remarked,  before  retiring 
within  our  proper  limits  of  time,  that  the  use 
at  blood,  by  Giotto  and  hit  followers  down  to 
Angelico,   has    doctrinal 


Comi 


n,  and  to  Scri| 


ing  by  the  blood  of  Christ.» 


Giotti 


t  lets 


nsiul  pKluresof  tbtGoodShephetd.  A 
ILtW:  -Croi,  cam  Chftalo  C"  " 
olim  mlebtt."   TbeCruciniki 


cmUes  tbe  numk 
IT  be  of  very  earlr 
drlan.  tbonl  880. 


Hi  flEcraUsqoe  modts ; 


n  tlie  Catumnhe:  vUcb  so 
TTicini  of  John  VIL  Ihit  It 
Lte.  It  1i  gcoenJly  saalgTiBd 


OBUcmx 

lOined  to  dwell  for  (error's  sak*  on  the  bodily 
cBfferings  of  the  Paasion,  than  to  dwell  with  awe 
on  its  mystery  aa  a  aacriiice  for  man.    Bnt  the 

rise  of  mediaeval  atceticiam,  and  ita  attribution 
of  ■aenmental  efficacy  to  bodily  pain,  bon 
painters  with  it  at  veil  as  other  men.     And  in 


!a  Chri, 


subject 


iinal  scene  of  the  Redemption  of  Man  chiefly  aa  a 
good  opportunity  of  diaplaying  newly-acquired 
powers  of  facial  eipresaion    and    knowledge   of 

If  Hallam's  division   of  periods  be   accepted, 

which  makes   the  end  of  the  btii  eectury  the 

beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  public  repre- 

■        --  —  '.--.  .         -J  ^t,, 

Furtber, 

.  ,     .  -  .  p.  190. 

-.)  claims  for  Franc*  the  honour  of  haviu 

poaseased  the  firat  puhlic  crucilii-paintiBg  whi^ 

ever  eiitted ;  for  which  he  refers  to  Gregory  of 

Tourt  {Ik  Olor.  Mariyr.  I  23),  and  which  he  aayt 

■  ■  ■        the  middle  of 


if  the  Cruciliili 


e  6th  0 


itury. 


But  he  says  above,  probably 
ness,  that  all  the  most  eminent 


were  objecta  of  pr. 

vat* 

Syriac  US.  of  the 

dedic 

Library  at  Vlorence,  both  bereafler  to  be  de- 
scribed. The  ofiicial  or  public  use  of  the  cross 
as  a  symbol  of  Redemption  Iwgtus  with  Cotuttn- 
tine,  though  of  course  it  had  t-een  variously 
employed  by  all  Chrittiane  at  an  earlier  data. 
[Crok] 

Crnciliies.  according  to  Ouericke.  did  nM 
appear  in  charches  till  atler  the  Ttb  centnrr. 
Such  images,  probnbly,  in  the  early  days  of  tht 
Church,  would  produce  too  crude  and  pamful  an 


in  the  Chris 
more  hopeful  Pagan  they  would  ba  In- 
.1e  ;  not  only  because  his  feelings  vouU 
from  the  thought  of  the  punishment  of 
nis,  but  from  superstitious  terror  of  oh- 


CBnCIFIX 

■crtmc  tlic  Inftlii  Arbor  with  ■  Ditina  Bemg. 
nr  Gnffito  Blaaftmo  of  th«  Palatina  illuatnUi 
this  (hi  woodcut):  but  Chriitian  tnchen  msf 
luiT*  refWioad  IVom  naj  additloo  to  tbs  croei, 
M  a  irmbol  of  diTJnc  humilintioD,  and  tufler- 
iog,  from  purely  charitablfl  mativcB,  Tha  crus 
itwdf  may  hara  bean  felt  to  be  tempomrily 
UDwelcoma  to  perroDB  in  «rtain  itagee  of  con- 

If  wa  sat  luda  the  varlDoi  nionogianu  of  H<s 
Bam*,  aod  the  emblematic  fiah,  which  i)  an  aua- 
gnta  of  it,  there  are  but  two  cla<w*  of  repre- 
aeotatioDA  of  our  Lord, — those  which  point  to  Hla 
diTinity  and  lordship  orer  all  men,  and  thoaa 
which  commemorate  His  humanity  and  anflar- 
iDgi  for  all  men.  The  eiirlicit  of  the  fornier 
dan  ii  the  Good  Shepherd  ;  the  enrlieet  of  the 
Utter  the  Lamb:  and  both  are  combined  fa  the 
painting  given  by  Do  Roaai,  toI.  ii.  tav,  t.  The 
ayutboUc  l^mb,  aa  will  be  aeeu  (Gan.  If.  4, 
iiii.  S  ;  Eiod.  lii.  3,  nil!  3S  ;  Ii.  i>i.  1 ;  1  Fat. 
I.  18;  R(T.  liiL  B),  conuecti  the  Old  Testament 
with  the  New,  and  unite*  in  itself  all  types  and 
shadowing*  of  Chriat'e  sacriiice,  ftom  the  death 
of  Alwl  to  St.  John's  vision  of  the  elain  victim. 
It  is  well  said  by  Uartigny  to  bs  the  cmdfii  of 


the  e 


a  of  p. 


le  by  the  Lamb  oD 
it*  head.  In  the  mODogrammatic  form  (fiottarl, 
Scu/turt  t  FUturt  mgrt  tttnatt  dai  Cimittri  di 
Soma,  Ac,  Rom.  3  foL  1737-54,  ta*.  xii.  v.  1), 
abont  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century.  The 
simple  cross  occurs  thus  in  the  5th  century  (Bot- 
tari,  tav.  iiii.).  In  the  6th  century  the  Lamb 
bean  the  cross  (Aiinghi,  IL  lib.  iv.  p.  559, 
SoTna  SabUmaita),  and  rests  sometimes  on  a 
book,  ■ometimes  at  the  foot  of  an  altar  (Cism- 
|>inl,  Vtltra  JfrnwD^nto,  vol.  1.  tab.  it.  p.  36 ; 
vol.  IL  tab.  IT.  p.  58),  above  which  i*  the  cross ; 
and  then  it  is  represented  "at  it  were  slain," 
with  evident  reference  to  the  Paschal  feast 
(Ciampini,  V.  M.  t-  ii.  Uhb.  it.  ilvL).  Towards 
the  end  of  the  eth  centary  the  Wound*  of  the 
Cross  are  represented  on  the  sidea  and  feet  of  the 
Lamb.  In  Ciampini  (i>>  Baerii  AMfida,  tab. 
Jiiii.)  the  Lamb  it  raised  on  a  throne  at  the  foot 
of  an  onuunented  croaa,  the  throne  itself  baariag 
memblance  to  an  a!tar-Uble. 

The  famous  Vatican  Cross  (for  which,  and  for 
the  Cross  of  Valletri,"  see  Cardinal  Borfia'i 
monognphs,  Rome,  4to.  1779  and  1780)  la  the 
6th  century  type  of  symbolic  representation.  A 
medallion  of  the  Lamb  bearing  the  croas,  and 
wHh  a  nimbn*,  it  placed  at  its  centnl  point  of 
intersection,  and  it  i*  accompanied  by  two  balf- 
IcDgth  Gguras  of  our  Lord,  with  the  cmC'fbnn 
nimbn*  at  the  top  and  foot  of  the  vertical  Umb. 
Tiro  other*  at  the  horiuntal  ends  are  'i^iposad 
to  Tcpreaeut  Jtittin  IL  and  his  Empress  Sophia. 
Toe  upper  half-length  of  the  Lord  holds  a  hook 
Id  the  left  hand,  and  bleeaea  with  the  rigti ;  the 
lower  one  holds  a  roll  and  a  small  croet.  The 
•mbossed  Ulyniniaroenti  are  of  great  beaaty. 


•  TbeCnsBofVaUeuinliJcb  Borilt  MMInles  to  I 
ttb  or  lUb  esDluTT,  sntslns  the  ijmhals  of  lbs  ro 
ETsagelli^.  Tbs  Vatican  Cms  [s  pboic^infilied  in  : 
St.  laarent't  piper  Id  DlilroD'i  Rnw  AnMttcet^iit  [s 
luftii).  The  nsBll  nflacts  (rcat  oedil  on  the  iccnra 
a(  Borgia^  niistralMo ;  and  M.  St.  Unrent  VHta  falglilj 
of  OMltM  "Id  olhen 


A*  It  is  impOBilble  to  determine  which  it  the 
earliett  reprcMnlatlon  of  the  CruclEiion  or 
crucUii  now  in  eiiiteuce  or  on  tnutwoithy 
record,  a  hw  of  the  oldest  known  may  be  briefly 


deecribed  here.  They  will  be  found  In  woodcut  - 
in  Angelo  Rocca,  T/-aaunu  P,mtifieianm  Bervm, 
vol.  L  p.  153,  though  the  copies  have  been  made 
by  a  dranghteman  skilled  in  anatomy,  who  ha* 
qnite  deprlred  them  of  the  stamp  of  antiqnity, 
which  their  originals  undoubtedly  possessed.  The 
first  and  second  are  said  by  Rocca  to  be  the 
workmanship  of  Hicodamo*  and  St.  Lake.     The 

a  L 


5U 


OBUOIFIX 


CRUCIFIX 


first  is  evidently  of  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 
The  Cracified  u  clothed  in  a  long  tunic,  and  hears 
a  crown  of  radiatory  bars,  closed  at  top,  rising 
from  the  circlet.  A  chalice  is  at  its  feet,  and 
A  «  on  the  title  overhead. 

The  head  of  the  second,  attributed  to  St.  Luke, 
is  crowned,  and  surrounded  by  a  nimbus.  It  is 
almost  entirely  naked, — ^the  waistcloth,  at  least, 
seems  to  have  been  purposely  contracted :  this  of 
itself  would  place  it  at  a  late  date. 

The  third  example  is  historical.  It  is  called 
the  Crucifix  of  John  VIL,  and  represents  a  mosaic 
in  the  old  Basilica  of  St.  Peter's.  Rocca  dates  it 
706.  It  bean  the  cruciform  nimbus  with  the 
title  INRI.  It  is  .clothed  in  a  long  tunic,  the 
form  and  folds  of  which  are  most  graceful, 
and  bear  a  great  resemblance  to  the  painted 
crucifix  found  in  the  Catacombs,  assigned  to 
Pope  Adrian  III.  884. 

The  fourth  is  the  celebrated  Crucifix  of  Charle- 
magne, given  to  Leo  III.  and  the  BasUica  of  St. 
Peter's,  and  dated  815.  It  is  clothed  in  an  ample 
waistcloth,  the  wound  in  the  side  is  represented, 
and  the  head  surrounded  by  a  cruciform  nimbus. 
Four  nails  are  used  in  all  these  crucifixes. 

A  crucifix  is  described  by  the  Rev.  F.  H. 
Tozer,  which,  as  he  considers,  has  a  decided 
claim  to  be  considered  the  most  ancient  in  exist- 
ence, and  which  he  saw  in  the  monastery  of 
Xeropotama  at  Mount  Athos.  It  is  a  reputed 
gift  of  the  Empress  Pulcheria  (414-453^  and 
has  been  spared  no  doubt  for  that  reason.  It  is 
a  supposed  fragment  of  the  true  cross,  and  con- 
suts  of  one  long  piece  of  dark  wood  and  two 
cross-pieoes,  one  above  the  other,  the  smaller 
intended  for  the  superscription.  The  small 
figure  of  our  Lord  is  of  ivory  or  bone.  Near 
the  foot  is  a  representation  of  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  in  gold  plate,  and  set  with  dia- 
monds and  sapphires  of  extraordinary  size  and 
beauty.  Below  that,  the  inscription  KayoTay^ 
rlyov  "Ebippotr^yris  Koi  r&y  rdKvwy.  Another 
exists  at  Ochrida  in  Western  Macedonia,  dis- 
used, and  of  unknown  hbtory.  Mr.  Tozer  con- 
siders that  it  belonged  to  a  disciple  of  Cyril  and 
Methodius,  and  may  probably  be  connected  with 
the  latter.  He  mentions  a  third,  also  probably 
connected  with  the  Apostle  of  Bohemia,  in  the 
Museum  at  Prague  (see  Murray's  Handbook  of 
Sovth  Germany),  and  another  as  existing  in 
Crete  (see  Pashley's  IVavels).  These  are  the 
only  cmcifixes  he  knows  of  as  existing  in  the 
Greek  Church.  The  Iconoclastic  controversy, 
he  observes,  took  the  same  course  with  the  cru- 
cifix as  with  other  representations,  painted  or 
carved:  and  when  it  died  away  into  compro- 
mise on  the  distinction  between  icons  and 
images,  the  crudfiz  was  treated  as  an  image. 
This  does  not  necessarily  apply  to  pictures  in 
MSS. ;  but  the  carved  form  may  have  been  the 
more  easily  dislodged  in  the  Iconoclastic  contro- 
versy of  720,  because  it  had  not  been  long 
introduced,  since  it  did  not  exist  till  the  7th 
century.     *'To  the   keener  perception   of  the 

S-eeks"  (says  Milman,  Latin  Cluristianity,  vi. 
3)  ^  there  may  have  arisen  a  feeling,  that 
in  its  more  rigid  and  solid  form  the  Image  was 
nearer  to  the  Idol.  There  was  a  tacit  compro^ 
mise"  (after  the  period  of  Iconoclasm);  '^  nothing 
appeared  but  painting,  mosaics,  engravings  on 
4;up  and  chalice"  (this  of  course  accounts  for 
works  like  the  Cross  of  Velletri,  the  Diptych  of 


Rambona,  and  others),  ''and  embroidery  on 
ments.  The  renunciation  of  sculpture  grew  to 
a  rigid  passionate  aversion  ....  as  of  a  Jew  or 
Mohammedan."  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
first  step  in  a  progress  which  has  frequently  ended 
in  idolatry  was  made  in  the  Quinisext  Couiual, 
or  that  in  Trullo,  at  Constantinople  in  691.  It 
is  the  challenge  to  Iconoclasm.  It  decrees  (can. 
82)  that,  as  the  antitype  is  better  than  type  or 
symbol  in  all  representation,  the  literal  repre- 
sentation of  the  Lord  shall  take  the  place  of  the 
symbolic  Lamb  on  all  emblems  of  ffis  sacrifice, 
and  ordains  thus :  Thw  rw  e^poirros  riiv  if'Sp- 
riaa^  K6erfiov  'AfivoG  Xpurrov  rod  Ocov  ^/tAtf, 

€iK6traf  iarh  rov  vvv  dirri  tov  waXai09  tifa^ 
kvoffTjiXovaOcu  6pl(ofuy.*  [Compare  Aoxus 
Dei.] 

A  very  early  crucifix  of  the  6th  century  seems 
to  be  mentioned  in  the  following  passage,  which 
is  produced  by  Binterim  (DenkicSr^gk,  iv.  part  L 
48)  without  reference,  but  which  he  may  have 
seen  in  some  unpublished  record.  He  is  speak- 
mg  of  the  churdi  of  Hoye  in  the  bishopric  of 
Liege,  destroyed  by  the  Huns  in  the  4th  century, 
and  restored  A.D.  512,  at  the  time  of  the  first 
synod  of  Orleans.  This  church  ^  a  suis  civibns 
reedificatur,  et  in  longum  vei*sus  Orientem  ex- 
tenditur  usque  ad  gradns  Chori  sub  cntdfso, 
altari  tamen  antique  semper  remanente,"  &c. 
Further,  he  quotes  Aegidius  as  stating  that 
Robert,  Provost  of  Liege,  '*sub  crucifixo  sepul- 
turam  accepit."  This  only  proves  the  existence 
of  crucifixes  at  the  time  of  the  writers,  e^te- 
cially  as  the  original  altar  is  spoken  of  as  re- 
maining, without  mention  of  cross  or  crucifix, 
at  the  end  of  the  choir  which  contained  it.  Had 
the  name  or  date  of  the  author  of  the  passage 
quoted  been  known,  it  would  have  been  of  great 
importance ;  but  it  may  be,  and  its  Latin  might 
indicate  that  it  is,  from  some  late  chronicler, 
familiar  with  the  appearance  of  the  church,  and 
using  the  words  as  meaning  no  more  than  "  under 
the  present  crucifix,  or  rood  above  the  altar- 
screen."  Dr.  Binterim  founds  no  argument  on  it 
as  to  the  date  of  the  German  change  from  cross 
to  crucifix,  and  the  passage  may  be  let  pass. 
The  "Santo  Volto,"  "Vultus  de  Luca,"  or 
Crucifix  of  Lucca  (corrupted  by  William  Rufus, 
for  imprecatory  purposes,  into  the  **  Face  of  St. 
Luke"),  is  carved  in  cedar-wood,  and  is  attri- 
buted to  Nicodemus,  and  supposed  to  have  been 
conveyed  miraculously  to  Lucca  in  782.  It  is 
said  to  be  of  the  6th  century,  and  is  certainly 
one  of  the  earliest  crucifixes  in  existence.  It 
bears  the  Lord  crowned  as  king,  and  vested  in  a 
long  pontifical  robe  as  priest,  and  thus  combines 
symbolic  treatment  with  realism,  perhaps  in  the 
way  afterwards  intended  by  the  Council  in 
Trullo.  The  idea  is  that  of  the  Crucified  King 
of  Men,  and  the  work  is  an  assertion  of  the  com- 
bined deity  and  humanity,  and  of  the  sulmis- 
sion  to  death  of  the  Lord  of  humanity.  A  cru- 
cifix greatly  resembling  this  was  found  during 
some  operations  at  Christchurch,  Oxford,  and  is 
now  preserved  in  the  Bodleian :  it  was  probably 
an  outer  ornament  of  some  Evangeliarium.  We 
understand  M.  St.  Laurent  to  consider  these 


s  The  author  of  tUs  paper  can  remember  oo  n|n«- 
sentatioD  of  the  Gradfixioii  as  existlog  eStlier  at  tto  Gob* 
vent  of  Motittt  Sinai  or  that  of  Mar  Safaa. 


CRUCIFIX 

taamjtm  to  dttc  from  the  13tli  nntorr  (I-x 
grt^lUt  dt  la    Ctvix  et   du   CrMdfx ;    Didr 
Aiataln  ArcMohgiqun,  t.  iiii.  pp.  S,  1ST,  'i 
Ml,  and  t.  iiiiL  pp.  5,  1T4,  a  moat  tmlaiibls 
ind  tihRuitiT*  lammtrj  of  onr  vhola  subject, 
•dminbl;  illnitratod). 

Tli<  *t«p«  of  tht  progma  ftnin  lymbolic 
litanU  raprcHntation  will  be  noticed  imme- 
dutelf ;  but  two  more  CradRiioiu  of  great  and 
undoubted  nDtiqiiitj  (the  Rnt  harlig  n  cUim  to 
he  coDiidered  the  moat  anciant  in  eilstencc)  re- 
main to  he  brieA;  noticed.  Both  confiim  to  i 
certain  eitent  the  remark  iniiited  on  or  lug- 
ge^ted  by  man  j  Roman  Catholic  writers,  that  the 
prirate  oae  of  the  cmclfii  in  derolion  datea 
[torn  Ttry  eailj  timet.  The  firat  ia  the  famous 
SrnaG  Erangeliariam  In  the  Uedlcean  Library  at 
PlereDce,  widely  known  for  the  probably  unique 
detail  of  the  Hldiera,  not  caating  dice,  bat  play- 
ing at  the  world-old  game  of  "Mora"  oa  their 
fingen,  for  the  garment  without  eeam.  It  la 
re]>re>eut«d  in  Aaaemannl'i  Cataiogtu  Sibi,  Medic. 
rHorence,  nfi,  tar.  iiili.  The  whole  MS.  ia 
one  of  the  moat  intereiting  docnmenta  in  the 
world ;  with  man]'  IllDminationa,  performed  with 
-hat  iodncribable  grimneaa  of  eamentneu  « 
wan  the  root  of  Eaitern  ajccticinn.  and  which  ttill 
iDgen  in  the  haadywork  of  the  ttera  Arcagn 


'  of  the  eompoeitloD,  at 
roup  of  aoldian,  OTer- 


■.n,  i*  formed  by  a  group  oi 
-n  by  the  stroke  of  Tiaible  aabatantial  raya 
.,. ,.>._..  .^ j„  ,i„  „„  j^, 

re  thought  much 


thr 

aepnlchre 
left.     Thedeaignera 

of  the  (act  of  ita  bemg  roiiea  away,  ana  tie  nu 
accordingly  drawn  it  ai  a  diik  like  a  grinditona. 
tiroteeqoe  and  archaic  ai  it  K  thia  work  in  com- 
poaed  exactly  like  Orgagna'e  or  Michael  Angelo'i 
"Laat  Judgment,"  Titian'a  "  Aiaumption,"  oi 
Raffaelle's  "Tranafiguratfon"— i.e.,  of  two  great 
upper  and  lower  groupa,  tied  together  and  aup- 
ported  on  both  aidea  ;  nor  could  any  work  better 
illuetrata  the  lingering  of  B/iantin*  tradition  in 
aacred  aabjects.  A  full  deacription  ia  given  by 
Profeasor  Wettwood  in  hia  J'aiatOfp^phia  Saera, 
alto  by  Dam  Qudanger,  /nat.  Lilwyiquet,  toI. 
iii.  app. 

Orthe  four  Cnidfiriou  giran  by  Qori  in  toU 


or  the  hrothera  Orgagna.  AaaaiDaiuii  calli  it 
"  Tetoatiaaimui  codei  qnl  la  eadem  bibliotheca 
■lUt,"  and  it  ia  deacribed  by  Prof.  Weatwood  lo 
hia  Fala»egmfAia  Sacra,  end  dated  5SS  by  its 
irrltar,  the  monk  Babula.  It  la  compoaad  with 
iDatinctire  skill  in  two  groupa,  upper  and  lower. 
At  the  top  are  the  aun  and  moon ;  uae  a  face,  the 
other  a  creacent.  The  upper  group,  which  is  aemi- 
circnlar  or  rather  cycioidal  in  ita  ahape,  tonaist* 
of  the  three  croaaoa,  supported  on  their  right  by 
tha  Virgin  Uother  and  another  female  figure,  on 
the  left  by  three  more  women.  The  aoldiera 
with  the  spear  and  the  sponge  stand  on  each  aide 
next  to  the  central  and  largeat  croea.  Over  the 
Dead  of  the  former  ia  the  name  AOnNOa  The 
Lord  wean  the  long  robe,  the  thierethare  waiat- 
''lotha,  and  larga  dropa  of  blood,  in  conTentionnl 
lonu,  are  &lliog  from  their  handi.  Four  naila 
are  need  in  each.  At  the  foot  of  the  crcsa  the 
dpper  and  lower  group  are  joined  by  the  soUiars 
jlaying  for  the  co«t.  In  the  centre,  below  the 
rasa,  it  a  Holy  Sepulchre  (represented  in  all 
^jrly  Bynntine  and  Italo-  cr  Oothic-BTiantine 
work  aa  an  upright  itmcture  of  much  the  tame 
ahape  aa  a  aentry'a  boi).  It  it  aapported  on  the 
left  by  a  woman,  tha  Bieaawl  Virgin,  and  an 
auKel ;  on  tha  other  by  St.  John,  another  apoa- 
toUc  fignra  ia  tha  act  of  blesaing,  and  otker 


ill.  of  hii  Thttaunu  IHptyrJiorvm  (pp.  tIS,  128, 
203,  216),  that  at  p.  203,  called  the  "  Diptych  of 
Kambona  in  Picennm,"  is  the  most  ancient  and 
eitraordlnary.  It  contains  a  medallion  of  the 
Firat  Penon  of  the  Trinity  above,  with  the  tan 
and  moon  below  on  the  right  and  left  of  thecroaa, 
penoniGed  atfignrea  hearing torchaa.  There  ar« 
two  tUltt,  EGO  sun  IHS  NAZARENU3  in  mdt 
Roman  leturt,  with  a  tmaUer  label,  KEX  J0> 
3  L  S 


516 


C5BUCIFIX 


CRUCIFIX 


DEORUM,  oyer  the  cross.  The  nimbus  is  ernei- 
fonn,  the  waistcloth  reaches  almost  to  the  knees, 
the  navel  is  strangely  formed  into  an  eje.  The 
Virgin  and  St.  John  stand  nnder  the  arms  of 
the  cross.  But  the  distinguishing  detail  is  the 
addition  of  the  Roman  wolf  and  twins  below  the 
cross,  with  the  words  ROMVLVS  £T  REMVLVS 
A  LVPA  NUTRITI.  This  wonderful  ivory  is  now 
ju  the  Vatican  Museum  (see  Murray's  Handbook), 
and  is  in  the  most  ancient  style  of  what  may  be 
called  dark-age  Byzantine  art,  when  all  instruc- 
tion and  sense  of  beauty  are  departed,  but  so 
vigorous  a  sense  of  the  reality  of  the  fact  re- 
mains, as  to  render  the  work  highly  impressive 
—OS  also  in  the  Medici  MS. 

Professor  Westwood  (Pal,  8ae.  pi.  18)  enables 
ns  to  refer  to  a  CrudSxion  found  in  an  Irish  MS. 
written  about  800.  It  is  in  the  Library  of  St. 
John's  College,  Cambridge,  and  is  partly  copied 
from  the  Paheographia  bv  Mr.  Buskin  (in  The 
Two  Paths,  p.  27),  who  selects  one  of  the  angels 
above  the  cross  as  a  specimen  of  absolutely  dead 
and  degraded  art.  This  is  perfectly  correct,  and 
the  work  is  a  painful  object  of  contemplation,  as 
it  displays  the  idiocy  of  a  contemptible  person 
instructed  in  a  decaying  style,  rather  than  the 
roughness  of  a  barbarian  workman  like  the  carver 
of  the  diptych.  The  absurd  interlacings  and  use 
of  dots,  the  sharpening  of  fingers  into  points,  and 
the  treatment  of  the  subject  entirely  as  a  matter 
of  penmanship,  without  either  devotional  sense  of 
its  importance  or  artistic  effort  to  realize  it,  make 
the  MS.  most  disagreeably  interesting  as  far  as 
this  miniature  is  concerned. 

Tlie  plea  or  hypothesis  of  Roman  Catholic 
writers,  that  actual  images  of  the  crucified  body 


^\1^N  o  r 


(D 


Onfflto. 


N 


of  the  Lord  may  have  been  used  in  the  very 
earliest  times  for  private  devotion,  is  open  to  the 
obvious  remark  that  none  of  them  can  be  pro- 
duced, whereas  symbolical  memorials  of  the 
Crucifixion  are  found  in  regular  succession,  both 
mural  and  in  portable  forms.  Father  Martigny 
argues  that  the  notorious  Graffito  of  the  Palace 
of  the  Caesars  may  be  a  caricatured  copy  of  some 
undiscovered  crucifix  used  for  Christian  worship. 
Father  Garrucci's  description  of  it,  '*  n  Crocifisso 
Graffito  in  casa  dei  Cesari,"  is  given  by  Canon 
Liddon  in  his  7th  Bampton  Lecture  (p.  397);  and 
the  remarks  which  accompany  it  are  most  im- 
portant, as  they  show  **the  more  intelligent  and 


bitter  hostility  of  Paganism  to  the  Chnrdi  sii 
the  apostolic  martyrdoms  a  century  and  a  hal« 
before,  when  converts  had  also  been  made  in 
Caesar's  household."  He  shows  also,  incidentally, 
that  it  can  hardly  have  been  derived  from  any 
Christian  emblem,  as  the  ass's  head  connects  it 
evidently  with  the  Gnostic  invective,  which  at- 
tributed to  the  Jews  the  worship  of  an  ass.  This 
Tacitus  mentions  (Hist.  v.  c  4) ;  and  TertulUan 
{Apolog,  16^  notices  Tacitus'  confusion  between 
Jews  and  dhristians,  and  appeals  to  his  own  ac- 
count of  the  examination  of  the  Jewish  temple 
by  Pompey,  who  found  *'no  image"  in  the  temple. 
For  proof  of  the  confusion  of  the  early  Christiass 
with  the  Jews  by  the  pagan  world.  Dr.  Liddon 
refers  to  Dr.  Pusey's  note  on  the  above  passage 
in  Tertullian,  in  the  Oxford  Library  of  the 
Fathers. 

The  relics  of  the  treasury  of  the  Cathedral  of 
Monza,  closely  described  and  partly  represented 
in  woodcut  by  M.  Martigny,  are  valuable  exam- 
ples of  the  transition  between  symbolic  and  actnal 
representation  of  the   Crucifixion.     One  of  the 
ampullae  for  sacred  oil  is  said  to  have  been  pre- 
sented by  Gregory  the  Great  to  Theodelinda,  wife 
of  Antharis  king  of  Lombardy,  probably  some 
time  soon  after  590,  about  a  hundred  years  be- 
fore the  Council  in  TruUo.    It  is  circular,  and 
the  head  of  the  Lord,  with  a  cruciform  nimbos, 
is  placed  at  the  top.    Below,  to  right  and  left, 
are  the  two  thieves,  with  extended  arms,  but 
without  crosses ;  and  below  them  two  figures  are 
kneeling  by  a  cross  which  seems  to  be  budding 
into  leaves.     Two  saints  or  angels  are  on  the 
extreme  right  and  left,  and  the  usual  Holy  Se- 
pulchre below,  with  an  angel  watching  it  on  the 
right  in  the  act  of  benediction,  while  St.  John  and 
St.  Mary  Magdalene  are  (apparently)  approach- 
ing it  on  the  other  side.    Another  vessel  bears  a 
figure  of  the  Lord,  clothed  with  a  long  robe,  with 
the  nimbus  and  extended  arms,  but  without  the 
cross.    Finally,  the  reliquary  of  Theodelinda,  so 
called,  has  the  crucified  Form,  with  the  nimbus 
and  inscription  IC  XC,  clothed  in  the  long  tunic, 
with  the  soldiers,  two  figures  apparently  mock- 
ing Him,  and  the  Virgin  and  St.  John  on  the  right 
and  lefl.  The  clothed  figure  indicates  symbolical 
treatment,  since  it  must  have  been  well  known 
that  the  Roman  custom  was  to  crucify  naked ; 
and  Martigny  argues  that  the  Graffito,  which  is 
clothed,  must  therefore  have  been  copied  from 
some  Christian  picture.     But  from  this  time,  or 
from  that  of  the  Council  of  691,  the  artistic  or 
ornamental  treatment  begins.  The  earliest  Cruci- 
fixions are  narrative,  not  dramatic ;  the  Besar- 
rection  being  so  frequently  introduced  into  the 
same  composition,  as  if  without  it  the  subject 
would  be  altogether  too   painful  for  Christian 
eyes.    And,  indeed,  till  the  first  efforts  of  Pisan 
sculpture  and  Florentine  painting,  the  import- 
ance of  the  event  represented  withdrew  all  atten- 
tion to  the  personality  of  the  artist.    In  works 
of  after  days  the  painter's  power  is  all.    Tlieir 
range  of  excellence  is  as  wide  as  the  difference 
between  the  tender  asceticism  of  Fra  Angelioo, 
and  the  mighty  sorrow  of  Michael  Angelo,  and 
the  intense  power,  knowledge,  and  passion  of  the 
great  canvass  of  Tintoret  in  the  Scuola  di  San 
Roooo  at  Venice.    The  treatment  of  this  picture 
resembles  that  of  the  most  ancient  works.    All 
its  consummate  science  is  directed  to  bringing 
every  detail  of  the  scene  into  a  great  unity,  whSk 


OBUOIFIX 


CBUOIFIX 


517 


attention  is  ezprosslj  withdrawn  from  the  face 
of  the  liord,  which   is  cast  into  deep  shadow. 
(See    Ruskin,    Modern   Painters^  toI.   U.)     In  ! 
all  ancient  work  the  liord's  &oe  is  abstracted  | 
and  expressionless :    anj  attempt  to   represent  j 
bodily  pain   belongs  to  modern  work    of  the 
baser  sort,  whiqh  forms  no  part  of  our  present 
snbiect. 

For  the  detaib  and  accessories  of  the  Cruci- 
fixion, whether  things  ot  persons,  they  have  been 
for  the  most  part  enumerated  and  described.  The 
nails  are  always  four  in  number  in  ancient  works, 
two  for  the  feet  and  two  for  the  hands.  The 
crossed  legs  and  single  large  nail  or  spike  belong 
to  the  artistic  period.  _Martigny  refers  to  St. 
Cyprian  (^De  Passion.  Dni,  inter  Opusc  p.  83, 
ed.  Oxon.)  as  speaking  of  the  nails  which  pierced 
our  Lord's  feet  in  the  plural  number.  St.  Cyprian, 
he  says,  had  seen  the  punishment  of  the  cross. 
The  supp&danetun  or  rest  for  the  feet  occurs  in 
the  crosses  of  Leo  III.  and  of  Velletri,  not  in  the 
Diptych  of  Rambona.  The  Graffito  indicates  its 
presence.  It  seems  to  hare  been  occasionally 
left  out,  in  deference  to  those  passages  in  Holy 
Scripture  which  allude  to  the  disgrace  or  curse 
attaching  to  one  '*  hanging  "  on  the  tree.  The 
title  of  the  cross,  which  is  given  with  slight  dif- 
ferences in  St.  Matt,  xxvii.  37,  Mark  xy.  26,  Luke 
xxiiL  38,  John  xix.  9,  varies  greatly  in  different 
representations.  It  is  omitteid  in  the  crosses  of 
Lucca  and  Velletri.  Early  Greek  painters  re- 
duce it  to  the  name  of  Christ,  Ic  XC,  or  substitute 
the  A  and  ».  The  sign  «C  (^s)  occurs,  as  well 
as  LVX  MVNDI,  frequently  accompanied  by  the 
symbols  of  the  sun  and  the  moon,  as  a  red  star 
or  fiice  and  crescent,  or  in  the  Rambona  ivory 
[see  page  515]  as  mourning  figures  bearing 
torches.  They  are  introduced  as  emblematic  of 
the  homage  of  all  nature,  or  in  remembrance  of 
the  eclipse  of  the  Crucifixion. 

The  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  John  appear  in  the 
Ifedioean  MS.,  and  very  frequently  in  ancient 
works;  the  soldiers  rather  less  so,  though  they 
occur  in  the  above  MS.  and  the  reliquary  of 
Honxa.  The  typical  figure  of  the  first  Adam 
rising  from  the  earth  as  a  symbol  of  the  resur- 
rection of  the  body,  with  the  Hand  of  Blessing 
above  indicating  the  presence  of  God,  is  given  in 
Ciampini  {De  8acr,  Aedif,  tab.  xxiii.  p.  75). 
The  skull,  whether  human  or  that  of  a  lamb, 
placed  at  the  foot  of  the  cross,  either  as  an 
emblem  of  sacrifice  or  in  reference  to  the  place 
Golgotha,  is  of  late  use,  and  is  almost  the  only 
late  addition  of  symbolic  detail. 

The  rare  addition  of  the  soldiers  casting  lots  is 
said  to  be  found  in  an  ivory  of  the  8th  century 
i^m  Cividule  in  Friuli  (Mozxoni,  Tavoh  crono' 


iogiche  deUa  Oiieta  universale,  Vehezia,  1856- 
63).  The  only  other  representation  of  it  is  in 
the  Medici  MS.  The  wolf  and  twins  are  in  the 
Rambona  diptych  alone.  The  tvpes  of  the  four 
Evangelists  are  on  the  back  of  the  Cross  of  VeU 
letri,  in  the  Gospel  of  Egbert,  of  Trier,  tn/ra, 
and  on  numerous  crosses  of  later  date.  Soma 
additional  inscriptions  have  been  mentioned,  as 
well  as  the  addition  (in  the  Vatican  Cross)  of 
medallion  portraits.  Considerable  liberty  in  this 
matter  seems  to  have  been  allowed  in  the  earliest 
times,  as  is  indicated  by  Constantino's  introduc- 
tion of  the  words  of  his  Vision ;  and  still  more 
strongly  in  an  instance  referred  to  by  Borgia,  in 
Anastasius  (tom.  i.  n.  2,  ed.  Vignolii),  of  a  cross 
given  by  Belisarius  to  St.  Peter — ''per  manus 
Vigilii  Papae"— of  gold  and  jewels,  weighing 
100  lbs., ''  in  qua  scripsit  victorias  suas." 

But  even  the  Vatican  Cross  yields  in  interest 
to  two  German  relics  of  the  same  character, 
lately  described  and  well  illustrated  in  Ko.  45  of 
the  Jdhrbuchsr  des  Vereins  von  AUerthumS' 
freunden  im  BMnkmde,  p.  195,  Bonn,  1868.  The 
first  of  these  is  the  Station-Chx>ss  of  Mains.  It 
is  of  gilded  bronxe,  of  the  Western  form  (Com- 
missaX  and  rather  more  than  one  foot  in  height. 
Herr  Heinrich  Otte  refers  it  to  the  end  of  the  12th 
century,  a  date  far  beyond  our  period.  But  its 
interest  is  paramount,  more  particularly  from 
the  evident  intention  of  the  designer  to  make  it 
embody  a  whole  svstem  of  typical  instruction, 
and  to  leave  it  behind  him  as  a  kind  of  sculp- 
tured document,  or  commentary,  connecting  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  Thus,  at  the  middle 
or  intersection  of  the  arms  of  the  cross,  the 
Lamb  is  represented  in  a  medallion,  his  head 
surrounded  with  a  plain  nimbus.  On  the  back 
of  the  cross  in  the  same  place  there  is  a  square 
plate,  with  an  engraved  representation  of  Abra- 
ham ofierins  up  Isaac,  the  angel,  and  the  ram. 
Round  the  latter  is  the  beginning  of  a  hexameter 
line — fCui  patriarcha  suum — which  is  com- 
pleted round  the  medallion  of  the  Lamb  in  f^nt, 
thus:  t Pater  offert  in  cruce  natum.  In  like 
manner,  four  engravings  on  each  side  at  the 
extremities  of  the  cross  refer  to  each  other, 
and  are  described  by  corresponding  halves  of 
hexameters,  llie  New  Testament  subjects  are 
all  in  front,  with  the  Lamb  in  the  centre,  as 
antitypes :  the  Old  Testament  or  typical  events 
or  persons  are  at  the  back.  Thus  on  the  spec- 
tator's left  at  the  back  of  the  cross  is  an  engrav- 
ing of  Moses  receiving  the  Tables  of  the  Law  on 
Mount  Sinai,  with  the  words  Qui  Moyai  legem. 
Corresponding  to  it  on  the  right  front  is  the 
Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  with  dat  ahmmis 
Pneumatis  ignem.    The  remainder  as  under — 


Bead. 

.    EUJsh  carried  np  to  heaven. 

Vhmt The  Asceosioo. 

Back  (right  band  of  q^ecUtor)  .    Samson  sod  gates  of  Qasa. 
Flroat  (left  ditto) The  descent  into  Badea. 

IboL 
Beck     ........    Jonah  and  the  whale. 

Front Besurrection. 


Motto. 
t  Qal  levat  Eliam 

f  propriam  aubltanat  nsism  (o4r£>y). 
f  Qne  poitas  Oaae 
f  vis  aoHart  danstra  JdMnnSi 

f  Qoa  redlt  abanrnptas 
f  soi^git  vlrtute  ■epoltaai 


The  decorative  scrollwork  is  rather  sparingly 
disposed  with  great  judgment,  and  on  the  spike, 
ferule,  or  metal  strap  probably  intended  for 
fixing  the  cross  on  a  staff  for  processional  or 
other  purposes  [see  CB08B,  DraooitaiuubJ  is  an 
tngraving  of  the  probable  designer  and  donor, 


THEODERIC  ABBAS.  The  graphic  power  and 
exceeding  quaintness  of  the  Scriptural  engra- 
vings is  that  of  the  finest  miniatui-es  of  the  r2th 
or  13th  century. 

The  second  of  these  most  iiteresting  works, 
inferior  as  a  work  of  art  from  its  barbi^c  wild- 


518 


CRUCIFIX 


CEYPTA 


and   the  preference  for  nglinesi  lo  often 
observed    in  Northern-Gothic  grotesque,  is  of 
even  greater  interest  as  a  transitional  cross, 
especially  when  viewed  in  relation  to  the  changes 
enforced  by  the  decree  of  the  Council  in  Trullo, 
▲.D.  691.    This  is  the  Station-Cross  of  Planig, 
near  Ereuznach ;    of  the  same  size  and  form 
as  that  of  Mainz,  but  referred  by  Otte  to  tiie 
10th  century.    The  ancient  symbol  of  the  Lamb 
lb  preserved  on  the  beck  of  this  crucifix,  which 
displays  the  human  form  in  front,  as  in  many 
other  Bomanesque  crosses  of  bronzed  copper. 
On  this  combination — perhaps   a  compromise 
between  the  feeling  of  the  older  times  and  the 
more  modem  spirit  of  the  Quinisextine  Council 
— Otte  quotes  Durandus,  BatumaUf  lib.  i.  c.  3, 
n.  6 :    **  Non  enim  agnus  Dei  in  cruce  prin- 
cipaliter  depingi  debet ;  sed  homine  depicto,  non 
obest  agnum  in  parte  inferiori  vel  posteriori 
depingere."     He  also  gives  the  express  words  of 
Adrian  I.,  in  his  letter  to  Tarasius,  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  in  785 :  "  Verum  igitur  agnum 
Dominum  nostrum  J.  C.  secundum  imaginem 
humanam    a    modo    etiam    in  imaginibus  pro 
vcteri    agno  depingi  jubemus."     (De  Conaecr. 
Dist,  iii.  c.  29 ;  see  Labbe,  vi.  1177.)    He  refers 
also  to  the  splendid  work  on  Rhenish  antiqui- 
ties called  Kurutdenkm&ler  des  christlkhen  MUtel- 
cUtera^  by  Ernst  aus'm  Werth,  Leipzig  CWeigel), 
1857,  taf.  xxiv.-vi.,  for  the  Essen  ana  other 
roods,  which  much  resemble  those  of  Ereuznach 
and  Mainz,  combining  the  Lamb  with  the  human 
form,  and  adding  personifications  of  the  sun  and 
moon  which  remind  us  of  the  Diptych  of  Ram- 
bona,  and  the  symbols  of  the  four  Evangelists,  as 
in  the  Crucifix  of  Velletri.    Space  forbids  us  to 
give  accounts  of  these  most  interesting  relics, 
but  the  subject  appears  to  be    treated  with 
exhaustive  fulness  and  illustrated  to  perfection 
in  the  two  German  works  referred   to.     The 
Planig-on-Nahe  rood,  however,  is  entitled  to  a 
briefly-detailed    description.     In    front    is   the 
crucified  form,  severely  archaic  in  treatment ; 
the  long  hair  is  carefully  parted  and  carried 
back ;   the  head  is  without   nimbus ;   and  the 
limbs  are  long,  stiff,  and  wasted,  the  ribs  being 
displayed,  as  is  so  commonly  done  in  mediaeval 
crucifixes,  to  complete  the  illustration  of  the 
text,  ** They  pierced  my  hands  and  my  feet: 
I  may  tell  all  my  bones."    A  triple  serpentine 
stream  of  blood  runs  from  each  hand,  and  also 
from  the  feet,  being  there  received  in  a  cup 
or  chalice,  the  foot  of  which  is  a  grotesque 
lion's  head.     The  back  of  the  cross  bears  on  its 
centre  the  Lamb  with  cruciform  nimbus ;  below 
it  a  medallion  of  the  donor,  **  Ruthardus  Cus- 
toe;"  and  four  other  bas-reliefs,  now  wanting, 
occupied  the  four  extremities  of  the  arms,  and 
almost  certainly  represented  the  four  Evange- 
lists.    As  in  the  Diptych  of  Rambona,  the  navel 
resembles  an  eye.    Scarcely  inferior  to  these  is 
the  10th  century  miniature  of  a  single  crucifix 
with     the    title    IHS    NAZAREN    REX    lU- 
DEORUM,  and  the  sun  and  moon  above  the 
cross-beam,  within  circles,  and  represented  with 
expressions  of  horror, — seated  iii  chariots,  one 
drawn  by  horses,  the  other  by  oxen.    And  it  is 
impossible  to  omit  the  Crucifixion  picture  from 
the  Gospel  of  Bishop  Egbert  of  Trier,  975-993 
(in  Mooyer's  Onomastioon  Chroriographicon,  Hte- 
rarchia  OBrmanicOy  8vo.  Minden,  54),  now  in  the 
Stadtbibliothek  there.    Here  the  Lord  is  clad  in 


a  long  robe  to  the  ankles ;  the  robbers  are  alsc 
clad  in  tunics  so  dose  to  the  form  as  to  gire  tlie 
appearance  of  shirts  and  trowsers.  Above  are 
the  sun  and  moon,  hiding  their  faces.  Tlie 
cross  has  a  second  cross-piece  at  top,  forming  a 
tau  above  the  Western  cross.  Hie  robbers  are 
on  tau-crosses;  suspended,  '.ot  with  unpieroed 
hands;  the  passage  in  the  22nd  Psalm  being 
referred  to  tne  JE^eemer  alone.  Their  names^ 
Desmas  the  penitent,  and  Cesmas  the  obdurmte, 
are  above  their  heads.  The  Virgin-Mother  and 
another  woman  stand  on  the  right  of  the  croea. 
St.  John  on  the  left.  The  soldier  ''Stephaton" 
is  presenting  the  sponge  of  vineg^  :*  two  othera 
are  casting  lots  below.  This  detail  reminds  ns 
of  the  great  Florentine  miniature  of  the  monk 
Rabula,  excepting  that  the  game  of  Mora  is 
there  substituted  for  dice. 

These  works  are  somewhat  beyond  our  period  ; 
yet  as  a  paper  on  Crucifixes  must  contain  socne 
account  of  the  things  whose  name  it  bears,  and 
the  first  eight  centuries  supply  us  with  so  few 
examples  of  what  are  popularly  called  cruci- 
fixes, a  short  inroad  into  early  mediaevalism 
may  be  allowed.  The  Iconodulist  transition 
formally  made  at  the  Council  in  Trullo  waa  well 
suited  to  the  Northern  mind,  and  to  the  sacra- 
mental theory  of  pain ;  but  it  fell  in  also  with 
that  tendency  to  personification  advancing  <» 
symbolism,   which  the  Western   races  inherit, 

gsrhaps,  from  ancient  Greece,  and  which  Mr. 
uskin,  in  his  late  Oxford  LedureSj  points  out 
as  the  idolatrous  tendency  of  Greek  art.  With 
Cimabue  and  Giotto,  and  from  their  days,  artis- 
tic skill  and  power  over  beauty  are  brought  to 
bear  on  the  crucifix,  as  on  other  Christian  re- 
presentations, for  good  and  for  evil.  Of  the 
cautious  and  gradual  compromise  of  the  Greek 
Church  we  have  already  spoken.    [R.  St.  J.  TJ] 

CRUET.    [Aha:  Ampulla.] 

OBYPTA.  In  the  well-known  passage  of 
St.  Jerome  in  which  he  describes  the  Sunday 
visits  he  and  his  schoolfellows  at  Rome  paid  to 
the  graves  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs,  he  uses 
the  term  cryptae  to  designate  what  we  now  call 
the  oataoombs,  ^  Dum  essem  Romae  puer  .  .  • 
solebam  ....  diebus  Dominicis  sepulchre  apo- 
stolorum  et  martyrum  circumire,  crebroque 
cryptas  ingredi  quae  in  terre  profunda  defossae 
ex  utraque  parte  ingredientium  per  parietes 
habent  corpore  sepultorum.*'  Hieron.  in  EzecK. 
c  xl.  We  find  the  word  again  used  meta- 
phorically in  Jerome's  pre&ce  to  Daniel,  **  Cam 
et  quasi  per  cryptam  ambuiana  rarum  desuper 
lumen  aspicerem."  The  word  is  employed  in 
the  same  specific  sense  by  Prudentius,  PerisUph, 
Hymn.  ii. : — 

**  Hsud  proeul  eztremo  cults  ad  pcxneria  valla 
Mens  latebroals  crypta  latet  fovela. 
Hujas  in  oocoltam  gndlbos  via  prona  reflezia 
ire  per  aoftactus  lace  latante  docefc." 

The  classical  use  of  cryffia  for  an  underground 
passage  or  chamber,  whether  the  drain  of  a  doaooj 
or  a  subterranean  arcade,  or  a  storehouse  for  fruit 
or  com,  or  a  tunnel,  snch  as  that  of  Pausilipo 
at  Naples,  shews  the  appropriateness  of  the  term. 
(See  for  examples  Facciolati,  Lexicon.)    Crypta 

•  "  Lofngfnas"  is  always  the  laiioe4»arer.  See  MdHd 
(Lanrentian)  Oradflx,  a^pm. 


CTE8IPH0N  ON  THE  TIGBI8 


GUBIOULXJM 


51d 


Mcms  to  haye  b«en  sometimes  used  in  Christian 
times  as  synonymous  with  ooemeterium.  Thus 
we  have  in  the  church  of  St.  Prassede  an  in« 
scription  commemorating  the  translation  thither 
from  the  catacombs  of  the  relics  of  more  than 
two  thousand  saints,  in  which  occur  the  words 
^in  coemeteriis  seu  ci'yptis."  We  may,  how- 
•Ter,  mark  this  distinction  between  the  two 
words  that  coemettfrium  is  a  word  of  wider  signi- 
fication, including  open-air  burial-grounds,  while 
crypta  is  strictly  limited  to  those  excavated  be- 
neath the  surfiice  of  the  ground.  Padre  Marchi, 
after  an  elaborate  investigation  of  the  inscrip- 
ions  in  which  the  word  crypta  occurs,  endea- 
Tours  to  demonstrate  that  it  was  employed  to 
indicate  a  limited  portion  of  a  subterranean 
cemetery,  including  several  burial  chapels  or 
ciAicuia^  so  that  the  reUtion  of  the  cubiculvm  to 
the  crypto,  and  again  of  the  crypta  to  the  coeme- 
terium,  was  that  of  a  part  to  the  whole.  (Jfonu- 
menti  primitiv,  pp.  156  sq.,  168  sq.)  His  chief 
authority  for  this  conclusion  is  a  passage  of 
Anastasius,  Tita  8.  MaroeUini,  §  30,  which 
appears  to  draw  this  distinction  between  the 
cMoidum  in  which  the  body  of  Pope  Marcellinus 
was  buried,  and  the  crypta  of  which  it  formed 
part.  There  are  also  inscriptions  which  support 
Marchi's  view  that  a  crypta  was  a  smaller  divi- 
sion of  a  coemeterium.  One  from  that  of  Pris- 
cilla  records  that  Gregory  lies  **•  in  the  eleventh 
crypt,"  *^  in  undecima  crypta  Gregorius."  Others 
speak  of  '*  new  crypts  "  constructed  in  a  ceme- 
tery; e.g,  an  inscription  now  in  the  Vatican 
''in  cimiterium  Balbinae  in  cripta  ndba;"  one 
from  St.  Cyriaca  given  by  Boldetti,  **  in  crypta 
noba  retro  sanctus."  But  Mich.  Stef.  de  Roesi 
has  shown  satisfactorily,  £om.  Sott,  i.  23  sq. 
that  Marchi  presses  the  supposed  distinction  too 
far,  and  that  it  is  very  far  from  holding  good 
generally.  The  truth  is  that  crypta  was  a 
word  of  general  meaning,  and  embraced  every 
kind  of  subterranean  excavation,  whether  smaller 
or  more  extensive. 

We  sometimes  meet  with  the  expressions 
cryptae  arfnorum,  or  cryptae  arenariae,  in  con- 
nection with  the  interment  of  Chrbtian  martyrs. 
Boaio,  Bom,  Sott  pp.  192,  186,  481,  300,  &c. 
These  would  seem  to  indicate  the  galleries  of  a 
deserted  pozzolana  pit,  as  places  of  sepulture.  But 
it  has  been  shevm  in  the  article  Catacombs  that, 
though  the  subterranean  cemeteries  very  fre- 
quently had  a  close  connection  with  these  quar- 
ries, and  were  approached  through  their  adits, 
the  sand-pits  themselves  were  seldom  or  never 
used  for  interment,  for  which  indeed  they  were 
unfit  without  very  extensive  alteration  and  adap- 
tation. The  passages  referred  to,  which  are 
chiefly  found  in  the  not  very  trustworthy  **  Acts 
of  the  Martyrs,"  have  probably  originated  in  a 
confusion  between  the  catacombs  themselves  and 
the  quArries  with  which  they  were  often  so 
closely  connected.  [£.  V.] 

CTESIPHON  ON  THE  TIGRIS  (Council 
of),  a.i>.  420,  under  Taballaha,  abp.  of  Seleucia, 
on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  where  the 
Nicene  fiuth  was  received,  and  with  it  the  canons 
to  which  the  consent  of  the  rest  of  the  church 
westwards  had  been  given  (Mansi  iv.  441-2). 

[E.  S.  F.] 

CUBIOULUM.  In  addition  to  the  use  of  this 
word  to  designate  the  family  grave  chambers  in 


the  subterranean  cemeteries  at  Rome  (for  which 
see  Catacombs,  p.  810),  we  find  it  employed  to 
denote  what  ,we  should  now  call  the  side  chapels 
of  the  nave  of  a  church.  The  first  instance  of  its 
use  in  this  sense  is  in  the  writings  of  Paulinus 
of  Nola.  Writing  to  his  friend  Severus,  Ep,  zxxii. 
§  1^,  he  describ^  the  church  recently  erected  at 
Nola,  and  particularizes  these  side  chapels,  which 
were  evidently  novel  features  in  church  arrange- 
ment. There  were  four  on  each  side  of  the  nave^ 
beyond  the  side  aisles  ^rticus),  with  two  verses 
inscribed  over  the  entrance.  Their  object  was  to 
furnish  places  of  retirement  for  those  who  desired 
to  pray  or  meditate  on  the  word  of  God,  and  for 
the  sepulchral  memorials  of  the  departed.  The 
passage  is :  ^  Cubicula  intra  portions  quatema 
longis  basilicae  lateribus  inserta,  secretis  oran- 
tium,  vel  in  lege  Domini  meditantium,  praeterea 
memoriis  religioeorum  ac  familiarium  acoommo- 
datoe  ad  pads  aetemae  requiem  locos  praebent, 
omne  cubiculum  binis  per  liminum  frontes  ver- 
sibus  praenotatur."  They  differed  from  the  side 
chapels  of  later  ages  in  containing  no  altars,  as 
originally  thwe  was  but  one  altar  in  a  church. 
(Remondiui,  tom.  i.  p.  412.)  Paulinus  also  speaks 
of  these  cliapels  under  the  name  of  celhe  or 
ceUulae,  e.a.  when  speaking  of  a  thief  who  had 
concealed  himself  in  one  of  them  all  night, 
he  says : 

"  Odlula  de  moIUs,  qoae  per  latera  nndlque  magnis^ 
Apposttae  tecUs  praebent  aecum  aepnlchrls 
HoBpitla."— PMMa»  xlx.  v.  478  sq. 

Cubicula  is  also  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Liber  Fontifloaiis  of  Anastasius  Bibliothecarius, 
as  synonymous  with  oratoria.  In  the  description 
of  various  oratotia  erected  by  Symmachus  a.d. 
498-514,  we  find,  §  79,  *<  quae  cubicula  omnia  a 
fundamento  perfecta  construxit."  Of  Sergius, 
A.D.  687-701,  we  read,  §  163,  that  he  repaired 
the  decayed  chapels  around  St.  Peter's.  '*  Hie 
tectum  et  cubicula  quae  circumquaque  ejusdem 
basilicae  quae  per  longa  temporum  stillicidiis  et 
ruderibus  fuerant  disrupta  studiosius  innovavit 
et  reparavit."  And  it  is  recorded  of  Leo  III. 
A.D.  795,  that  he  also  rebuilt  the  ruinous  cti6i- 
cula  attached  to  the  same  basilica  (§  412). 
Perliaps  the  earliest  existing  example  in  Rome 
of  such  a  chapel  attached  to  the  body  of  a  church 
is  that  of  St.  Zeno  in  the  church  of  St.  Prassede, 
built  by  Pope  Paschal  I.  about  A.D.  817.  In  an 
early  descnption  of  the  basilica  of  San  Lorenxo 
fuon  le  Mura,  given  by  De  Rossi,  Bullett,  di  Arch, 
Crist,  Giugno,  1864,  p.  42,  from  a  MS.  in  the 
Vienna  Library,  we  find  the  word  used  in  a 
similar  sense :  **  Est  parvum  cubiculum  in  por* 
ticuod  occidentem  ubi  pausat  Herennius  martyr." 
Paulinus  also  describes  cubicula  or  cellae  of  this 
nature  in  the  porticos  of  the  atrium  of  the 
church  of  St.  Felix.  They  were  intended  for 
private  prayer.  The  altar  of  the  basilica  could 
be  seen  from  them  by  means  of  windows.  They 
were  ornamented  with  scriptural  paintings : 

"  Metanda  bonis  babltacnla  dtgne 
Qaos  huo  ad  saocU  Juatum  FeUds  hoDorem* 
Duxerai  orandl  stodlom  non  cura  bibendL" 

Poem,  xxri.  t.  3M  sq. 

The  last  words  quoted  have  reference  to  the 
custom,  the  abuse  of  which,  degenerating  into 
mss  license,  is  severely  inveighed  against  by 
Paulinus,  of  holding  feasts  in  the  cubicula.  •  CL 
PSaulin.  Poema  xxvi.  De  Felicia  Natal,  ix.  v.  541. 


1 


520 


0UCUFA8 


The  word  oUtffKos  was  used  in  Greek  in  the 
•ame  sense.  We  hare  an  example  in  a  letter  of 
Nilus  to  Oljmpiodoms  the  prefect,  relating  to 
the  church  he  had  bailt,  4r  5i  r^  jroir^  oXxi^ 
roWois    Koi    9uup6f>ois   oIkUtkois    9i9tXktifi4¥^ 

From  the  nse  of  cubiculum  as  a  chapel,  cvbi' 
culctrii  came  to  be  employed  in  the  sense  of 
chapUnna,  ''  Hie  [Leo  I.]  constituit  et  addidit 
supra  sepalchra  apostolorom  ex  clero  Romano 
cnstodes  qui  dicuntur  cubicuiarii  quos  modo 
dicimos  capellanos.  Cubiculum  enim  idem  erat 
apad  antiques  quod  hodie  apnd  nos  capella." 
Ciacconius,  Vit,  et  Oeat,  Pont.  Roman,  i.  p.  807. 

[E.V.] 

OUCUFAS,  martyr  at  Barcelona,  Julj  25 
(J£aH.  Usuardi).  [C] 

OUCULLA,  cucuilus^  cucvUUo,  is  one  of  the 
few  articles  of  the  monastic  dress  specified  by 
the  founder  of  the  Benedictines  {Reg.  c.  55); 
and  has  commonly  been  considered  the  badge  of 
monks,  e.g.  in  the  old  proverb,  *'  cuculla  non  £&cit 
monachnm."  Benedict  ordered  the  ''cuculla," 
or  hood,  to  be  shaggy  for  winter,  and  for  summer 
of  lighter  texture  (cf.  Cone,  Reg.  c.  62);  and  a 
**•  scapulare  "  to  be  worn  instead  out  of  doors,  as 
more  suitable  for  field-work,  being  open  at  the 
sides.  The  ''cuculla"  protected  the  head  and 
shoulders,  and,  as  being  worn  by  infiints  and 
peasants,  was  said  to  symbolise  humility;  or, 
b7  another  account,  it  was  to  keep  the  eyes  from 
glancing  right  or  left  (Cass.  Inst.  i.  5 ;  Sozom. 
Hist.  Rx.  iii.  13,  14).  It  was  part  of  the  dress 
of  nuns,  as  well  as  of  monks  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus. 
41),  and  was  worn  by  the  monks  of  Tabenna  at 
the  mass  (Pall.  H.  L.  38).  If,  as  the  words 
seem  to  say,  it  was  their  only  clothing  on  that 
occasion,  it  must  of  course  have  been  longer  than 
a  hood  or  cape.  Indeed,  "cuculla"  is  often 
taken  as  equivalent  to  "  casula  "  (from  "  casa  "), 
a  covering  of  the  whole  person ;  in  later  writers 
it  means,  not  the  hood  only  ("  cucullus "),  but 
the  monastic  robe,  hood  and  all  ("  vestis  cncnl- 
lata,"  Reg.  Comm.  S.  Bened.  c  55,  cf.  Mab.  Ann. 
V.  17).  These  same  monks  of  Tabenna  or  Pacho- 
miani,  like  the  Carthusians,  drew  their  hoods 
forwards  at  meal  times,  so  as  to  hide  their  faces 
from  one  another  (Pall.  48 ;  Ruff.  Vit.  Mm.  3). 
The  "  cappa  "  (prol»bly  akin  to  our  "  cape  "),  in 
Italy  seems  to  correspond  with  the  Gallic 
"  cuculla,"  and  both  were  nearly  identical,  it  is 
thought,  with  the  "melotes"  or  sheepskin  of 
the  earliest  ascetics  (Cass.  Instit.  i.  8;  Pall. 
Hist.  Laus.  28);  and  so  with  the  "pera"  (or 
^penula,"  according  to  Al.  Gazaeus,  ad  he. 
citat.),  the  "  pellis  caprina  dependens  ab  humeris 
ad  lumbos"  (Isidor.  Orig.  xix.  21,  ap.  Reg.  Comm. 
S.  Bened.).  Of  course  it  is  difficult  to  identify 
precisely  the  technical  names  for  dress  in  various 
countries,  and  in  a  remote  period.         [I.  G.  S.] 

GUGUlfELLUM.  A  vessel  mentioned  among 
those  which  Paul,  bishop  of  Cirta,  delivered  up 
to  Felix  (Baronius,  Annales,  an.  303,  c.  12). 
This  cucumellum  was  of  silver,  and  was  probably 
a  cruet  or  flagon  for  use  on  the  altar.  Compare 
Aha.    (Ducange's  Glossary^  s.  v.)  [C] 

OULDEES.    [COLiDEi.] 

GUNIBEBT,  bishop,  deposition  at  Cologne 
(about  A.o.  663%  Nov.  12  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

[C] 


GUBSUALES  EQUI 
GUP.       [Chaugb:    Communioh  :    GiJki^ 

CHBIffriAll.] 

GUPELLA,  a  small  locultu  or  sepulchral 
recess.  At  present  we  have  only  one  instance  of 
its  use  to  adduce,  which  is  ^ven  by  Marchi 
{Monumenti  Primit.  p.  114).  The  inscription  in 
which  it  is  found  records  the  burial  of  her  two 
children,  Secundina  and  Laurentius,  by  their 
mother  Secunda.  The  solecisms  in  grammar 
and  orthography  with  which  it  is  fiill  show  that 
Secunda  was  a  person  of  humble  rank.  The 
stone  is  preserved  in  the  Museum  Kircherianum. 
The  inscription  is  as  follows : — **  Ego  Secunda 
fed  cupella  bone  |  mimorie  filiem  meem  Secun  | 
dinem  que  recessit  in  fidem  |  cum  fratrem  snum 
Lauren  |  tium  in  pace  recesserund."  CupeOa  is 
evidently  the  diminutive  of  cttpo,  explained  by 
Du  Cange  to  mean  uma,  area  septUchralis,  This 
sense  is  a  derivative  one  from  its  classical  mean- 
ing of  a  large  cask,  butt,  or  vat  (Caes.  BeiL  Cis, 
c  11;  Lucan.  lib.  iv.  v.  420;  Varro  apnd  Non. 
c.  11.  No.  113).  It  appears  in  pagan  inscriptions 
but  rarely :  e.g.,  "  D.  Apuleius  lonicus  fecit  £u- 
tychiae  sorori  suae  et  Eutycheti  filio  ejus.  In 
hac  cupa  mater  et  filius  positi  sunt "  (Grilter, 
Tnscr.  p.  845,  No.  Id);  " D.  M.  Olus  Pnblidvs 
Polrtitmus  Tutor  Titi  Flavi  A|gathangeli 
pupilli  sui  Matri  |  Sexctae  Fortunatae  defu| 
nctae  locum  emit,  massam  |  calcavit  cupam  aedi- 
ficavit  de  bonjis  ejus  omnibus  consumat."  (Doni 
class.  11,  No.  6).  The  use  of  the  word  survived 
till  later  times,  and  Du  Cange  quotes  fhmi  a 
monkish  writer  "in  alia  cuba  jnxta  orientem 
sepulchrum  SS.  Victoris,  &c."  The  idea  has 
been  propounded  by  the  Rev.  J.  W.  Bnrgon 
(Letters  from  Rome,  p.  206),  that  we  may  find 
in  cupella,  as  a  place  of  Christian  burial,  the 
etymology  of  the  word  capella,  chapel,  which  has 
so  long  perplexed  philologists,  and  of  which  no 
satisfiictory  derivation  has  ever  yet  been  dis- 
covered. The  architectural  term  cupoia  is  another 
form  of  the  same  root.  [E.  V.] 

GUBGODEMUS,  deacon,  martyr  at  Anxerre, 
May  4  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [C] 

GUBIA  KOMANA.    [Appeal:  Coukcil.] 

GUBSE.    [Anathema:  Exoomiiukication.] 

GUBSUALES  EQUI,  post-horses,  i^e.  horses 
belonging  to  the  cursus  publicus,  called  also  for 
shortness  cursus,  Gr.  9p6/Mos.  The  Roman  posting 
or  postal  system — the  distinction  between  the 
two  belongs  to  a  late  stage  of  civilization — was 
established  by  Augustus.  According  to  the 
"Secret  History"  of  Procopius  (c.  30),  the 
day's  journey  consisted  of  eight  posts,  some- 
times fewer,  but  never  less  than  five.  Each 
stable  had  40  horses,  and  as  many  stablemen  or 
stabularii  (who  seem  elsewhere  to-  be  called  hip- 
pocomi.  Code,  bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1.  13).  Bingham 
gives  a  quite  incorrect  idea  of  the  system  in 
describing  the  cursuales  equi  as  being  simply  im- 
pressed for  the  ai-my  and  exchequer.  A  constitu- 
tion of  the  Emperor  Constantino,  A.D.  326,  ex- 
pressly enacts  that  no  one  but  the  Prefect  has 
the  right  to  go  by  any  other  road  than  that 
which  has  a  "  cursus,"  shewing  that  no  mere 
occasional  impressment  is  meant  (sed  nee  per 
aliam  viam  eundi  quisquam  habeat  faculUtem, 
nisi  per  quam  cursus  publicus  stare  dignoscitur ; 
Code.  bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1.  2).  But  Bingham,  with 
his  almost  habitual  inaccuracy,  seems  to  haft  c«a« 


OUBSUALES  EQUI 

founded  the  cursus  publicus  with  the  evectio  or 
rifrht  of  gratnitouslj  using  it,  which  was  connned 
to  officials,  to  eoToys,  SAd  under  certain  circnm- 
stances  to  senators  (Code,  uj,,  1.  6,  and  see  also 
11.  11,  16X  and  which  did  in  such  case  resemble 
a  right  of  impressment,  though  the  true  equiva- 
lent for  impressment  seems  to  be  found  in  the 
angariae  or  parangariae.  The  cost  of  providing 
both  the  horses  and  fodder  for  them  was  supplied 
by  the  State,  i^.  as  it  appears,  hj  the  provinces 
(the  duty  being  deemed  one  which  belonged  to 
the  land  and  not  to  the  person,  Code,  bk.  x.  1.  4, 
law  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus),  but  it  would 
seem  that  they  were  not  bound  to  maintain  post- 
carriages  (paravereda)  or  horses  for  them,  since  a 
law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  A.D.  403,  enjoins 
the  rectors  of  the  provinces  to  see  that  the  curials 
or  provincials  were  not  compelled  to  provide 
animals  which  they  did  not  owe  to  the  post 
(t&.  1.  19).  Through  the  roguery  of  the  officers 
employed  the  cost  of  fodder  was,  it  seems,  often 
exaggerated,  whilst  the  animals  were  starved. 
(Code,  tLs.  1. 18 ;  constitution  of  Arcadios  and  Ho- 
norius, A.D.  400,  and  see  also  11.  2, 7, 19.)  By  way 
of  compensation,  the  stable  manure  was  left  to  the 
provinces  (1.  7,  of  Valentinian,  Valens,  and  Gra- 
tian).  The  sale  of  the  public  horses  was  forbidden 
(1. 10);  those  who  used  more  horses  than  they  were 
entitled  to  had  to  pay,  according  to  circumstances, 
four  times  the  price  of  the  horses,  or  a  pound  of 
gold  for  each  (11. 15, 20).  A  curious  constitution 
of  the  £mperor  Constantine,  A.D.  316,  which  is  to 
be  found  at  length  in  the  Theodosian  Code,  bk. 
yiii.  T.  v.  L  66,  but  of  which  only  a  brief  extract 
remains  in  that  of  Justinian  (bk.  xii.  T.  li.  1. 1) — 
anticipating  the  labours  of  '*  the  SocieW  for  the 
Prevention  of  Cruelty  towards  Animals  -—enacts 
that  ^Forasmuch  as  many  with  knotted  and 
Tery  thick  sticks  (nodosis  et  validissimis  fustibus) 
at  the  very  outset  of  a  stage  compel  the  public 
animals  to  exhaust  whatever  strength  they  have, 
placet  that  none  in  driving  should  use  a  stick  but 
either  a  rod  or  a  whip,  with  a  short  goad  (aculeus) 
infixed  to  the  point,  which  may  admonish  their 
idle  limbs  with  a  harmless  tickle  (innocuo 
titillo),  without  exacting  what  their  strength 
cannot  compass  " — the  punishment  varying  from 
loss  of  rank  to  exile  according  to  the  original 
Constitution ;  bat  the  extract  in  Justinian's  Code 
simply  threatens  punishment  generally  (poena 
Bon  defutura). 

It  seems  to  be  considered  that  the  clergy  were 
exempt  from  the  obligation  to  pay  tax  for  the 
horses  of  the  curstM,  under  their  general  exemp- 
tion from  Bordida  munera^  extraordinary  charges, 
the  '*  parangarian  prestation,"  or  the  transiaiio, 
or  obligation  to  carry  goods  (see  Code,  bk.  iv. 
T.  iii.  1. 2,  of  Constantine,  A.D.  357 ;  T.  ii.  1.  5,  of 
Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  ▲.D.  412 ; 
Nov.  131,  c.  5).  It  seems,  however,  difficult  to 
identify  the  oi'dinary  contribution  for  the  curtm 
fiuhlicus  with  one  of  these.  The  opinion  has  pro- 
bably arisen  from  confounding  it  with  the  lia- 
bility to  the  **  parangaria  pmestatio,"  which,  as 
above  intimated,  seems  rather  to  relate  to  oc- 
casional impressment.  Certain  it  is  that  as  one 
of  the  duties  belonging  to  the  land,  which  were 
to  be  borne  by  all  (muneni,  quae  patrimoniis 
pnblicae  utilitatis  gratia  indicuntur,  ab  omnibus 
subennda  sunt,  Code,  bk.  x.  t.  xli.  1.  1,  of  Anto- 
4iine)  it  does  not  seem  by  its  nature  to  have  been 
me  from  which  the  clergy  would  be  exempt,  and 


CURTAIN 


521 


we  have  proof  from  the  story  of  St.  Augustine 
having  declined  to  accept  for  the  Church  an 
estate  charged  with  the  patrimonial  muntu  termed 
the  **  navicularian,"  i.e.  that  relating  to  the  trans- 
port of  corn  from  Africa,  lest  the  Church  should 
have  to  undertake  such  a  duty,  that  no  ecclesias- 
tical immunity  obtained  in  a  precisely  similar 
case  (the  Digest  classes  together  as  patrimonial 
munera  those  '*  rei  vehicularis,  item  navicularis ;" 
bk.  1.  T.  iv.  1.  1).  [J.  M.  L.] 

CURftOfi.  (1)  In  the  days  when  it  was 
dangerous  fbr  Christians  to  make  known  publicly 
the  times  and  places  of  their  assemblies,  the 
faithful  were  frequently  summoned  by  a  mes- 
senger going  from  house  to  house,  who  was 
called  cursor  orpraeco.  To  this  custom  Tertullian 
seems  to  allude  when  {De  Fuga  in  FeraectUtonej 
c  14)  he  says,  speaking  of  the  difficulty  of  holding 
assemblies,  ^  Non  potes  discurrere  per  singulos  ?" 
An  epitaph  published  by  Brower,  Ubsacius  Cur- 
sor D0MINICU8  (AntuU,  TVwirens.  i.  53)^  is  gener- 
ally referred  to  an  official  of  this  kind ;  but  this 
Ursacius  mav  have  been  an  ordinary  letter-carrier 
of  the  church.  (See  Ducange,  s.  v.  Curtor,')  As- 
semblies seem  to  have  been,  at  least  in  some  in- 
stances, announced  in  this  way  in  the  4th  century ; 
for  Jerome,  writing  to  Eustochium  {Kpist,  22), 
speaks  of  a  praeoo  giving  notice  of  the  Agape ; 
and  Eusebius  of  Alexandria  (quoted  by  Binterim, 
jDenkwHrd.  iv.  1,  281)  speaks  of  the  unreadiness 
of  many  to  go  to  church  when  the  herald  called. 

(2)  An  official  to  whom  was  specially  com- 
mitted the  task  of  circulating  letters  of  popes 
or  other  bishops ;  see  Baronius,  Annales^  an. 
58,  §  102.  '*  Romae  adhuc  durant  Papae  cur- 
sores,  qui  deferunt  ejus  ordines  ac  pontificias 
bullas  publicant."  (Maori  Hisroiexioon,  s.  v. 
Cursor,)  [C] 

OUBSUS.  The  divine  office,  or  series  of 
prayers,  psalms,  hymns,  and  versicles  said  daily 
by  the  clergy  in  churches.  For  instance,  the 
seventh  canon  of  the  council  of  Chelsea  [Calchut.] 
is,  '^  Ut  omnes  ecclesiae  publico  canonids  horis 
cursum  suum  cum  reverentia  habeant  "  (Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Councils^  iii.  451).  See  Hours  of 
Prater;  Office,  THE  Divine.  [C] 

CUBTAIN  (cortma,  avlaeum^  oe/tim,  3^Aoy, 
srofMnr^cuTfia,  Karmrireurfia,  iifA^lBvpow),  Cur- 
tains were  used  in  ancient  churches  for  the  fol- 
lowing purposes.  1.  To  hang  over  the  outer 
doorway  of  the  church.  2.  To  close  the  doorway 
between  the  nave  of  the  church  and  the  sanc- 
tuary, or  perhaps  rather  to  fill  the  open  panels 
or  Cancelu  of  the  door,  during  the  time  of  the 
consecration  of  the  Eucharist.  3.  To  fill  the 
space  between  the  pillars  of  the  ciborium,  or 
canopy  of  the  altar.  4.  Curtains  were  also  used 
in  baptisteries. 

1.  The  Paschal  Chronicle  (p.  294)  mentions 
curtains  embroidered  with  gold,  for  the  doors, 
in  enumerating  the  gifts  of  Constantine  to  the 
church  at  Constantinople.  St.  Jerome  (Epitaph, 
Nepal,  Epiat,  ad  Ilcliod.)  praises  the  priest  Ne- 
potianus  for  the  care  with  which  he  provided 
curtains  for  the  doors  of  his  church :  "  Erat  sol- 
licitus ....  si  vela  semper  in  ostiis."  We  find 
again  indications  of  this  custom  in  Epiphanius ; 
and  Paulinus  of  Nola  tells  us  (Poem,  xviii.  30) 
that  those  surpassed  him  in  magnificence  who 
offered  rich  curtains  (vela  foribus)  for  the  doors, 
brilliant  in  the  purity  of  linen,  or  ornamented 


522 


CUKTAIN 


with  coloured  patterns  woven  into  their  sub- 
stance. He  is  yet  more  precise  in  speaking  of 
his  own  church  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola  {Poem,  xiy. 
98),  where  he  sajs,  ^  the  golden  doorways  are 
ornamented  with  curtains  white  as  snow." 
Such  curtnins  were  suspended  hj  iron  or  bronze 
rings,  the  remains  of  which  are  still  to  be  dis- 
ooTered  in  some  ancient  Romnn  basilicas,  for 
example  in  those  of  St.  Clement,  St.  Mary  in 
Cosmedin,  St.  Laurence,  St.  George  in  Velabro, 
&c.  The  office  of  raising  these  curtains  before 
the  priests  and  other  dignified  persons  was  as- 
signed to  the  inferior  clerks  (Concil.  Narbon, 
oan.  ziii.  ▲.D.  589);  the  subdeaoon  as  well  as 
the  ostiarius  is  to  raise  the  door-curtains  (vela 
ad  ostia)  before  the  elden  (senioribus).  They 
were  sometimes  adorned  with  figures  of  saints  or 
with  crosses,  or  flowers,  arranged  in  patterns,  and 
with  various  purple  ornaments. 

2.  It  is  probable  that  from  the  time  of  Con- 
stantine  curtains  were  used  to  enclose  the  sanc- 
tuary, or  to  fill  the  apertures  in  the  rails  or 
grating  fCANOfiiiii]  which  surrounded  it.  Atha- 
nasius  (IJpist.  ad  Solitf  opp.  i.  847,  ed.  Paris, 
1627X  speaking  of  an  outrage  committed  by  the 
Arians,  says  that  they  carried  out  and  burned 
the  benches,  the  throne,  the  table,  and  the  cur- 
tains  (r^  ^^Axi)  of  the  church,  where  the  context 
certainly  suggests  that  these  were  the  curtains 
of  the  sanctuary.  Theodoret  (Hist.  Eccl.)  tells 
us  that  St.  Basil  invited  the  Emperor  Valens  to 
enter  into  the  enclosure  of  the  sacred  cui*tains 
where  he  was  himself  seated ;  that  is,  into  the 
sanctuary  of  his  church,  which  was  enclosed  by 
these  curtains.  And  St.  Chrysostom,  in  a  pas- 
sage containing  much  information  as  to  the 
manner  of  celebrating  the  eucharist  in  his  time, 
says,  **  when  the  sacrifice  is  borne  forth  .  .  . 
when  thou  seest  the  curtains  (r&  ii^i0vpa) 
drawn  back,  then  think  that  the  sky  above  us 
opens,  and  angels  descend"  {In  Ephes.  Horn,  3,  §  5, 
p.  23).  Hei*e  the  curtains  are  clearly  those 
which  closed  the  doorway  of  the  sanctuary,  which 
were  drawn  back  after  consecration,  when  the 
people  communicated.  Evagrius  (^Hist.  Ecol,  vi. 
21)  says  that  Chosroes,  after  his  victory  over 
fiahram  (a.d.  590)  sent  to  Gregory  bishop  of 
Antioch,  among  other  presents,  **  kfjijplBvpov  ohy- 
wixhy  KtKO<riJL'rifi4yov  xp^^W  * "  ^^^^  ^»  according 
to  the  most  probable  interpretation,  a  curtain 
of  rich  Hunnish  work  for  the  door  of  the  sanc- 
tuary. See  Ducange  (s.  v.  Hunni8cus\  who  cites 
the  woi*d  ffunnisctu  from  a  letter  of  Charles  the 
Great  to  Offa  king  of  Mercia  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
iii.  498),  and  believes  it  to  be  equivalent  to  the 
**Sai-maticum"  of  Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Vit, 
Pair,  c.  8).  Cyril  of  Alexandria  {Catena  in 
Joann,  on  c.  ii.  v.  24)  bids  the  guardians  of  the 
divine  mvsteries  not  to  admit  the  uninitiated 
within  the  sacred  curtains  (rAy  Up&y  icarairc- 
ratTfidrwy),  nor  to  permit  neophytes  to  draw 
near  the  Holy  Table.  In  this  case  the  curtain 
or  "  veil "  of  the  sanctuary  is  clearly  intended ; 
the  term  itself  is  adopted  from  the  Jewish 
Temple.  Germanus  of  Constantinople  {JJist. 
Eod.  p.  153,  ed.  Paris,  1560)  says  that  the  cur- 
tain symbolized  the  stone  which  was  rolled  to 
the  door  of  the  sepulchre. 

3.  Curtains  were  also  fixed  to  the  ciborium  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  surround  the  Altar  [Altar, 
p.  65]  upon  certain  occasions.  The  tetravekij  or 
sets  of  four  curtains,  which  are  frequently  men- 


0YPBIANU8 

tioned  in  the  Lil>er  Pontificalia  among  the  gifts 
of  the  popes  to  certain  Roman  churches  were  da 
doubt  intended  for  this  use.  See,  for  instance, 
the  life  of  Sergius  I.  (p.  150  B,  ed.  MuratoriX  who 
is  said  to  have  given  to  surround  the  altar  oi 
a  church  eight  ^raoe^o,  four  white,  four  scarlet. 
Similar  presents  are  attributed  by  the  same  au- 
thority to  Leo  III.  Some  have  thought  that  the 
RUOAE  presented  by  various  popes  to  Roman 
churches  were  curtains,  but  this  does  not  seem 
probable. 

4.  They  were  also  used  in  baptisteries,  as  may 
be  seen  in  a  very  ancient  mosaic  at  Ravenna 
(Ciampini,  Vet,  Man,  U.  plate  xxiiL);  and  see 
Baptism,  p.  161. 

(Ducange's  Ohssaries  and  Deaeriptio  3.  &>- 
phiae ;  Suicer's  Theaaurua  ;  Martigny's  Did,  dea 
Antiq,  ChrA.)  [C] 

CU8TODES  EOCLESLAE.  Either  door- 
keepers, otherwise  called  Ostiarii^  one  of  the  in- 
ferior orders  in  the  ancient  Church,  or,  more 
probably  perhaps,  the  same  officers  who  are 
sometimes  distinguished  as  Seniorea  Ecdesiae^ 
and  whose  duties  corresponded  in  certain  points 
with  those  of  the  modem  churchwarden.  [See 
Chubchwabden.]  Bingham,  iii.  13,  2.    [D.  &.] 

OUSTODES  LOCOBUM  SANCTORUM. 
The  keepers  of  the  holy  places  of  Palestine,  sc 
called  because  of  their  relation  to  our  Lord's 
earthly  history:  e^,  Bethlehem,  Mount  Gol- 
gotha, the  Holy  Sepulchre,  Mount  Olivet.  Such 
an  office  was  probably  occasioned  by  the  custom 
which  arose  among  Christians  in  early  times  of 
visiting  these  places  for  purposes  of  piety  and 
devotion;  and  that  the  function  of  these  ci»(odin 
was  accounted  a  religious  service  appears  from 
their  having  been  exempted,  by  a  statute  of 
Theodosius,  in  the  same  manner  as  ecclesiastics 
generally,  from  personal  tribute,  in  regard  to 
this  their  special  Mnployment  (Bingham,  iii. 
13,  2).  [D.  B.] 

GUSTOS  ABGAR  A  name  given  to  the 
archdeacon,  as  having  charge  of  the  treasury  of 
the  Church,  and  the  care  of  dispensing  the  obla- 
tions of  the  people.  In  this  capacity  Caecilian 
was  accused  by  the  Donatists  of  having  prohi- 
bited the  deacons  from  carrying  any  provision 
to  the  martyrs  in  prison.  And  the  4th  Council 
of  Carthage  (c.  17)  directs  the  bishop  not  to  con- 
cei*n  himself  personally  in  the  care  and  govern- 
ment of  widows,  orphans,  and  strangers,  but  to 
commit  the  duty  to  his  archpresbyter  or  arch- 
deacon (Bingham,  ii.  c.  21).  [D.  B.] 

OUTHBEBT,  presbyter,  abbat  of  Lindis- 
farne,  March  20  (ifar^.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi); 
translation  to  Durham,  Sept.  4  (some  MSS.  of 
Mart,  Usuardi).  [C.] 

OYCLUS  ANNI.    [Calendae.] 

CYOLUS  PASCHALIS.    [Eastbr.] 

CYMBAL.  The  word  cywbalwn  seems  occa- 
sionally to  be  used  for  a  bell,  or  some  sonorous 
instrument  used  instead  of  a  belL  Thus  Gregory 
the  Great  (Dialogua  i.  9)  speaks  of  a  cymbalum 
being  struck  by  way  of  passing-bell ;  and  Dursn- 
dus  {Bationalef  i.  4,  §  2)  of  monks  being  called 
to  the  refectory  by  the  sound  of  a  cymbalum 
which  hung  in  the  cloister.  [C] 

CYPBIAKU8.  (1)  The  famous  bishop  of 
Carthage,    martyr    under  Valerian,    A.D.   258 


CYPBUS 

lopt  14  (Oa,  Carth^  Mart,  Bom.  Vet,,  Hienm^ 
BedM,  Usuudi);  Oct  2  (Col,  ByMontj. 

(S)  Bishop,  martyr  with  Jnstina,  Sept.  26 
(Mart,  Mom,  F«t,  Bedae,  U8iiArdi> 

(8)  Martyr  in  Africa  under  Honneric,  Oct.  12 
(Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Usnardi). 

(4)  Abbat  of  Perigord,  commemorated  Dec.  9 
(Mart,  Adonis,  U8uardi>  [C] 

CTPBUS  (Council  of),  iuD.  401,  as  Pagi 
shews  (ad  Baron.  t6.  n.  20)  under  St.  Epipha- 
nius,  at  the  instigation  of  Theophilus  of  Alex- 
andria, prohibiting  the  reading  of  the  works  of 
Origen.  [E.  S.  F.] 

CTTBIAGA,  martyr,  a.d.  282,  is  comme- 
morated July  7  (Col,  Byxant.),  [C] 

CnrBIACUS.  (l)  Martyr  in  Achaia,  Jan.  12 
(MarL  Bedae). 

(2)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Maximin, 
March  16  (Mart,  JRom,  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi); 
again  on  Aug.  8  (Mart  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae, 
l^uardiX  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  day  of  his 
translation  by  Pope  Marcellus  (see  SoUier's  note 
on  Usuard,  Aug.  8);  July  15  (Col,  ByxanL), 
Sometimes  written  Cyricus  or  Cerycue, 

(8)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  June  20  (Mart,  Hieron., 
Bedae). 

(4)  The  Anchoret  (jld,  448-557),  Sept.  29 
(Cai,  Byxant),  [C] 

OYBIGUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  the  Hellespont, 
Jan.  3  (Mart,  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  June  16  (Mart.  Hieron., 
Bom,  Vet,  Usuardi).  [C] 

OYBIL.  (1)  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  is  com- 
memorated Jan.  28  (Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi); 
June  9  (Cal,  Byzant,) ;  with  Athanasius,  Jan.  18 
(Cal,  Byzant), 

(2)  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  March  18  (Cat  By- 
xant,,  Ethiop.), 

(8)  Martyr  in  Syria,  March  20  (Mart,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Bishop  and  martyr  in  Egypt  (?),  July  9 
(Mart,  Hieron.,  Bom,  Vet,,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Philadelphia,  Aug.  1  (Mart, 
Bom,  Vet,  Usuardi).  [a] 

CTBILLA,  daughter  of  Decins,  martyr  under 
Claudius,  Oct.  28  (Mart,  Bom,  Vet,  Bedae, 
UsQardi>  [C] 

OTBINUS,  or  QUIBINU8.  (1)  Martyr  at 
Rome  under  Claudius,  is  commemorated  March  25 
(Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  under  Diocletian,  April  26 
(Mart,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Milan  under  Kero,  June  12 
(Mart,  Bedae,  Usuaidi>  [C] 

CYBINUS.    [CYBicua] 

CYRION,  presbyter,  martyr,  Feb.  14  (MaH. 
Hieron.,  Usuardi).  [C] 

GYBI7S,  martyr,  ▲.d.  292,  wonder-worker 
and  unmercenary,  is  commemorated  Jan.  31 
(Cal,  Byxant.) ;  translation,  June  28  (ib,),   [C] 

(7f  ZIOUS  (CouNOiL  OF),  A.D.  376,  according 
to  Mansi  (iii.  469),  being  the  meeting  of  semi- 
Arians  mentioned  b?  St.  Basil  in  his  letter  to 
Patrophilus,  and  spoken  of  as  a  recent  occurrence 
(Ep.  ccxcir.  al.  Ixxxi.).  **What  else  they  did 
there,  I  know  not,"  says  he  ;  *'  but  thus  much 
I  hear,  that  having  been  reticent  of  the  term 
Momootuion,  they  now  giro  utterance  to  the  term 


DALMATIO 


623 


Bomoiomiion,  and  join  Eunomius  in  publishing 
blasphemies  against  the  Holy  Ghost."    [£.  S.  F.] 

CTZI0U8,  THE  Mabttbs  of,  are  commemo- 
rated April  29  [aL  28]  (Cat  Byxant,).        [C] 


D 


DAD  AS,  martyr  with  Maximus  and  Quintili 
unus ;  commemorated  April  28  (Cal,  Byzant,), 

[W.  F.  G.] 
DAEMON.     [Demon.] 

DAFHOSA,  wife  of  Fabian  the  martyr, 
martyr  at  Rome  under  Julian ;  commemorated, 
Jan.  4  (Mart  Bom,  Vet,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

DALMATIO.  (AoX/iortdi  [AcA.];  Dalma- 
tica,  sc.  tunioa  or  vestia  ;  the  suDstantive,  as  in 
the  similar  case  of  alba,  is  seldom  expressed.) 

The  dalmatic,  which  deriyed  its  name  from  the 
province  where  it  was  first  manufactured,  waa  a 
species  of  long-sleeved  white  tunic,  with  a  longi- 
tudinal stripe  (chvua)  from  either  side  of  the 
neck  downwards.  C^Dalmatica  Testis  primum 
in  Dalmatia  pronnda  Graeciae  texta  est,  tunica 
saoerdotalis  Candida  cum  davis  ex  purpura.*' 
Isidore,  Etymol.  xix.  22.) 

There  are  fair  grounds,  however,  for  believing 
that  in  its  original  form  the  dalmatic,  as  worn 
by  men,  was  a  short-sleeved  or  sleeveless  tunic, 
equivalent  to  the  colobion  (x^t^k  Ax^'P*'**^^'* 
Sozomen,  iii.  14).*  This  is  shown  by  the  way  in 
which  the  two  words  are  used  synonymously,  as 
in  Epiphanius  (Haer.  xv.  vol.  i.  p.  32,  ed.  Petavius), 
AaXfUKTifccks,  cfrovK  fcoAoiS/wros,  4k  wkarwHifjMV 
Sia  vop^ipas  hXevfyef^ut  KaT§<rK€vaa'fi4yas,  (So 
too  Joannes  Damascenus,  in  Cotelier,  Ecol.  Graec, 
Man,  Ined,  L  284.)  Again,  in  a  most  important 
early  document,  to  which  we  shall  subsequently 
refer,  the  edict  of  Diocletian  fixing  the  maximum 
price  of  articles  throughout  the  Roman  empire, 
the  two  words  are  used  as  equivalents  (Wad- 
dington,  VSdit  de  Diocl^ien,  p.  38).  Nor  need 
any  difficulty  be  felt  from  the  occurrence  of 
passages  which  speak  of  the  substitution  of  the 
dalmatic  for  the  colobion.  If  the  above  theory 
be  correct,  such  passages  will  merely  refer  to 
the  adding  of  long  sleeves  to  the  previously 
sleeveless  tunic;  and  the  change  having  been 
once  made,  it  would  be  natural  to  employ  the 
word  colobion  to  denote  that  form  of  the  gar- 
ment implied  by  the  name,  and  to  retain  the 
neutral  word  dalmatic  to  indicate  the  modified 
form;  and  indeed  a  passage  from  the  lAfe  of 
Silvester  I.  to  which  it  will  be  necessary  to 
allude  subsequently,  seems  to  support  the  above 
view,  ....  &AA'  irtiHii  rh  r&v  ^paxi^vwv  yvfx* 
vhv  4^4y%TO,  ActKfAOTiK^  fiaifiK\§ta  /mAAov 
0vy^j8i|  wofuurO^vat  ^it9p  (leg.  ^cp)  ito\6fiia 
(  Vit  Silveztri,  p.  266,  ed.  Combefis).  It  is  of  course 
also  just  poasMe  that  this  term  may  have  been 
susceptible  of  slightly  different  meanings  in  dif- 
ferent countries. 

We  first  meet  with  the  dalmatic  as  /i  secular 
dress,  of  a  stately  or  luxurious  character,  worn 

•  Such  wsB  slso  tbe  Levito  [sL  UbUon]  or  levito. 
narium  (wwds  having  no  connectkn  with  Levite)  of  the 
Egyptian  monks.    (See  BInterim,  Iv.  1. 314.) 


£24 


DALMATIC 


by  penons  in  high  posiiioii.  Thiu  there  would 
neceasarily  be  someuiing  exceptional  in  the  nse 
of  it,  and  then  like  other  articles  of  Roman 
secolar  dress  it  became  adopted  by  the  Church 
as  a  dress  for  ecclesiastics.  We  shall  dte  first 
sundry  allusions  to  the  dalmatic  in  the  Higtoriae 
Augiistae  Scrtptorea,  Lampridius  charges  Corn- 
modus  [ob.  192  A..D.]  with  unseemly  behaviour^ 
in  that  he  appeared  in  the  streets  in  a  dalmatic 
( Vita  Comm.  c  8 ;  see  also  Capitolinus,  Vita 
Pertin.  c  8).  Heliogabalus  fob.  222  iuD.]  also 
was  fond  of  appearing  abroad  thus  clad  (Lam- 
pridius, Vita  Neliog<tb,  c.  26>  See  alto  Trebellius 
Pollio,  Vita  ClaudUy  c.  17. 

The  edict  of  Diocletian  already  cited  furnishes 
us  with  much  interesting  information  as  to  the 
different  varieties  of  this  garment  in  use  in  the 
Roman  empire  at  the  end  of  the  3rd  century  A.D. 
It  was  made  of  yarious  materials,  wool,  silk, 
linen  (xAtnos^  6\04nipiK6s,  i66niy,  sometimes 
the  ornamental  davus  was  present  (A.  %x^^^^ 
'wop<l>ipeu)f  sometimes  absent  (^turri/ios).  Dalma- 
tics both  for  men's  and  women's  use  are  men- 
tioned ;  those  for  the  former,  as  we  have  already 
s(ated,  bearing  the  title  AoXfueriK&v  iaf9p*ltv 
ffroi  KoKofiivy.  Three  different  qualities  are  giren 
for  each  sex,  the  price  varying  both  according  to 
the  quality  and  the  place  of  manufacture,  of 
which  Scythopolis,  Tarsus,  Byblos,  Laodicea,  &c. 
are  mentioned. 

It  may  be  not  uninteresting  to  add  that  the 
price  of  these  various  sorts  varied  from  10,000 
to  1500  denarii;  the  denarius,  it  should  be  re- 
membered, being  of  the  debased  currency  of  the 
earlier  part  of  Diocletian's  reign,  and  in  value 
about  l|(f.  (op,  cit  pp.  30,  37,  &c.). 

Three  centuries  later  we  find  the  dalmatic 
worn  as  part  of  a  senator's  dress  in  the  case  of 
Gordianus  the  father  of  Gregory  the  Great,  who 
was  of  that  order  (Joannis  Diaooni  Vita  8.  Ore- 
gorily  iv.  83) ;  and  the  father  and  the  son  are 
both  spoken  of  as  wearing  the  planeta  and  dal- 
matic (cf.  c  84,  Patrol.  Ixxv.  229). 

In  later  times  the  dalmatic  has  been  a  dress 
worn  by  sovereigns  at  their  coronation  and  on 
other  great  occasions.  [See  Coronation.] 

The  ideas,  then,  of  dignity  and  stateliness  were 
associated  with  the  dalmatic  as  a  secular  dress. 
The  earliest  notice  of  its  ecclesiastical  use  is,  if 
the  document  be  genuine,  in  the  Acta  Martyrii 
of  St.  Cyprian,  of  whom  it  is  said  (c  5)  that 
when  1^  out  to  martyrdom  ^  se  lacema  byrro 
expoliavit .  .  .  .,  et  cum  se  dalmatica  exspoliasset 
et  diaconibus  tradidisset  in  linea  stetit.  Here 
then,  where  the  dress  is  evidently  that  ordinarily 
used  by  the  bishop  (if  indeed  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  everyday  dress  of  the  Christian  minis- 
try and  that  used  by  them  in  divine  service  had 
yet  arisen),  we  find  first  the  under  linen  garment 
(Jinca\  over  this  the  dalmatic,  and  fiiuiUy  the 
BiRRUS  or  cloak. 

k  It  is  not  quite  dear  In  what  the  impropriety  con- 
sisted. If  we  are  right  In  suiqposlng  that  Uie  dalmatic  of 
this  time  had  short  sleeves;  there  would  be  an  obvious 
unseemliness  in  a  person  of  nmk  being  seen  abroad  with- 
out an  npper  garment  Othen  who  bold  that  even  then 
the  dalmaUc  was  a  kmg-sleeved  dress,  refer  the  cause  of 
the  oensnre  to  the  implied  eCTeminacy  of  the  wearer  (cf. 
Anlus  Oelllus,  viL  13,  "  Tonids  nti  virum  proUxis  ultra 
brachta,  et  usque  in  primores  manus,  ac  prope  in  dlgltoe 
Romae  utque  omni  in  Latio  tndeoorum  Ailt  '^ ;  and  othen 
to  the  fbreign  natore  of  the  garbb 


DAI4BIATIG 

About  fifty  years  later  we  come  to  somethisg 
more  definite  in  the  already  cited  older  of  Pope 
Silvester  I.  [ob.  335  A.D.]  that  deacons  should 
for  the  future  wear  dalmatics  instead  of  oolobia. 
It  is  a  matter  of  small  moment  whether  this 
means  the  substitution  of  one  vestment  for 
another,  or,  as  we  have  tried  to  show,  a  modi- 
fication in  the  shape  of  the  existing  vestment : 
in  either  case  the  result  is  the  same,  the  intro- 
duction of  a  long-sleeved  in  place  of  a  short- 
sleeved  tunic'  Walairid  Strabo  [ob.  849  ▲.£.] 
tells  us  that  *'  Silvester  appointed  that  deacons 
should  use  dalmatics  in  the  church,  and  that 
their  left  hand  should  be  covered  with  a  cloth  of 
linen  warp  (pallium  linottimum).  Now  at  first, 
priests  (aaoerdotes,  that  is  doubtlessly  bishops 
and  priests  both)  wore  dalmatics  before  chasubles 
were  introduced,  but  afterwards  when  they  began 
to  use  chasubles,  they  permitted  dalmatics  to 
deacons.  That  even  pontifis,  however,  ought 
to  use  them  is  obvious  from  the  fact  that  Gre- 
gory or  other  heads  of  the  Roman  see  allowed 
the  use  of  them  to  some  bishops  and  forbad  it  to 
others.  Hence  it  follows  that  at  that  time  the 
permission  was  not  given  to  all  to  do  what  now 
almost  all  bishops  and  some  priests  think  they 
may  do;  namely,  wear  a  dalmatic  under  the 
chasuble."  (De  Rebus  EcdesiastuM,  c.  24 ;  cf.  Ra- 
banus  Maurus,  De  Clerioorum  fnstituiionef  L  7, 
20;  Amalarius,  De  EccL  Off.  ii.  21;  Pfeendo- 
Alcuin,  De  Div.  Off,  c  39 ;  Anastasius,  Vitae  Pim- 
tificuniy  Silvester  I.  p.  35.) 

It  will  be  seen  here  that  the  ordinance  has 
special  reference  to  deacons,  whether  from  the 
higher  orders  of  the  ministry  already  wearing 
the  long-sleeved  tunic,  or,  as  Marriott  (VesH- 
arium  C^m^uinum,  p.  Iviii.)  suggests,  with  the 
view  of  compensating  for  the  absence  of  a  super- 
vestment  among  deacons. 

Noticeable  in  the  next  place  is  the  reference 
to  permission  granted  or  withheld  by  the  bishop 
of  Rome  as  to  the  wearing  of  the  dalmatic  by 
other  bishops,  so  that  as  Tate  as  the  middle  of 
the  9th  century  this  dress  was  in  some  special 
way  associated  with  the  local  Roman  Church, 
and  considered  the  peculiar  privilege  of  ecclesi- 
astics of  that  Church,  others  being  only  allowed 
to  use  it  by  special  permission.  Of  this  state  of 
things,  doubtless  originally  due  to  the  use  of  the 
vestment  at  Rome  by  persons  of  high  secular  po- 
sition, numerous  illustrations  can  be  given.  Thus 
in  the  life  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  [ob.  542 
A.D.],  it  is  mentioned  that  on  his  visit  to  Rome,  the 
then  Pope  Symmachus  granted  him  as  a  special 
distinction  the  privilege  of  wearing  the  pallium 
[Pallium],  and  to  his  deacons  that  of  dalmatics 
after  the  Roman  fashion  ( Vit.  Caes.  Ar^  c  4^ 
Patrol.  Ixvii.  1016). 

Another  instance  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Gr^ry 
the  Great  to  Aregius,  bbhop  of  Vapincum  (the 
modem  Gap),  in  which  he  accords  to  him  and 
his  archdeacon  the  sought-for  privilege  of  wear^ 
ing  dalmatics  (Epist.  ix.  107).  An  allusion  to 
the  same  thing  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Zacha- 
rias  [ob.  752  A.D.]  to  Austrobert,  archbishop  of 
Vienne  (Patrol.  Ixxzix.  956).  The  genuineness, 
however,  of  this  letter  is  doubtful.    One  or  two 

"  Reference  may  perhaps  be  made  to  Aromlanns  Mar* 
oelUnus  (ziv.  9),  who,  wriUng  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
4th  oentniy,  still  speaks  of  the  short-sleeved  tunic  In  eon* 
nectlon  with  deacons,  ahowlng  that  as  yet  the  diange  had 
iwt  become  wide-spnad. 


DALMATIC 

Hilwnm  mon,  in  which  tha  dalmatic  u  usod- 
■tad  with  th>  Roman  Church,  naj  nilfict.  En- 
tf  chiuui,  bishop  gf  Rome  [ob.  283  A.D.],  ordersd 
Its  oM  when  •  murtyr  wu  buried  (Anutuins, 
VitiuF<mtifimni,EutYcbuui-aM,p.26).  IntheGn- 

Erian  Sunmantary  (p.  65),  in  the  rubric  for 
mad]-  Thundaj,  ws  find  "IngTBui  eacTRriDm 
induDDt  daloiatiiau,  tarn  poDtifei  qmun  omoea 
diaconi,"  where  pcrntifex  u  doabtleai  tha  pops. 
Oreiforf  alio  refera  Id  hii  dinloguea  to  ths  dul- 
roUie  of  Puchuiiu,  a  deacoa  of  Rome,  ai  laid 
DD  hii  blar  (DwJ.  W.  40),  and  (Vom  >  decne  of 
tha  aame  poatlS',  lald  to  have  been  giren  at  a 
■jnod  of  Rome  la  595  A.D.,  we  God  the  lame 
eostom  prevailed  In  tha  cue  of  popea,  which 
cuitom  bi  here  forbidden  (flpp.  p.  13;t(9  Uigne). 

Indirect  avidanca  pointing  to  tha  aame  result 
may  ba  gathered  from  the  fact  of  the  absence  of 
any  mention  of  the  dalimitic  in  the  Acta  of  tha 
Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  [633  A-dH  among  the 
regulation!  as  to  the  dress  of  the  Chriitinn 
miniitry  {OkkH.  ToI.  W.  can.  28,  40,  41 ;  Labbe, 
T.  1TH>  1716),  thowing  that  thii  veatment  was 
not  one  then  in  nie  in  Spain,  as  Indeed  might  be 
farther  inferred  from  the  st7]e  of  the  one  aolitary 
meation  of  it  in  the  writings  of  liidore,  under 
whose  preaidency  the  counoil  was  held. 

It  does  not  fall  witbin  the  province  of  the 
pn«nt  article  to  discuaa  at  length  the  regU' 
Intlona  of  a  later  date  aa  to  the  use  of  the  dal- 
matic by  bishopa  and  dpacona,  for  the  latter  of 
whom  it  wu  the  distinctive  restment  at  the 
Holy  Communion  (>ee  a.  g,  the  pontifical  of  Eg- 
bert, archbithap  of  Fork  [ob.  766  a.d.I,  where  we 
find  "diaconi  dalmaticis  veatiti  "  in  the  form  for 
tha  celebration  of  a  mau  on  Haundy  Tbundaj  ; 
p.  120.  ed.  Surteet  Society).  It  still  continued, 
howaTer,  to  be  used  by  them  on  other  occasions. 
Thos  Amalarins  (i)s  fed.  Off.  il.  26)  speaks  of 
the  "dalmatlca  diaconi  et  ani  minlstri  [{.«.  the 
BDb-deacon]  qnae  est  iiineri  hnbiliif"  as  ambient- 
■tic  of  the  activity  to  be  shown  by  them  in  good 
deeds  to  others. 

Tha  dalmatic  thtu  being  a  restment  which 
even  in  the  Weat  had  primarilfi  only  a  local 
acceptance,  we  are  prepared  to  find  that  in  the 
East  there  Is  nothin)^  which  strictly  tpeaklng 
answers  to  it.  The  irrixtEpio*  or  oroix^ior,  how- 
ever, is  the  representative  of  tha  general  type 
of  white  tnnic,  which  under  whatever  name  we 
know  it,  alb,  dalmatic,  or  tnniclt,  is  essentially 
the  aame  droa  (Ooar,  Eucliolagiim,  p.  lit). 


DANCING 


fi2fi 


One  or  two  further  remarks  may  be  mad*  In 
eonclnaioo  as  to  the  ornamental  stripes  or  davt 
[Clavub]  of  the  dalmatic.  A*  to  the  colonr  of 
these  it  is  sUted  by  Uarriott  that  he  had  mat 
with  exclneively  black  chui  in  all  ancient  {do- 
turaa  of  eccleaiaitical  dalmatica  prior  to  the 
year  600,  aa  in  tha  well-known  Ravenna  mosaic 
[see  woodcut),  the  earlieat  exception  being  ■ 
mosaic  of  the  data  640  (a  coloured  drawing  of 
which  is  in  the  Windsor  collection)  in  which 
the  Apostlos  have  red  dacl  on  their  tnnics  (ib. 
p.  III.  n.).  The  red  or  purple  ctaoi  afterwards 
*  ame  common  (aea  tbe  passage  already  cited 
11  laidora,  if  indeed  the  reference  there  b«  to 
leaiaatlcal  dalmatics;  also  Ribanos  Uanma 
,  AmalBrlui  I,  c,  etc.),  and  the  later  writers 
we  have  referred  to  (ji.ij.  Rabanns  Manma, 
Amalarlus,  etc.)  apeak  of  these  aa  worn  back 
and  front,  "ante  et  retro  descendentes,"  but 
her  this  was  the  case  with  tha  original  type 
of  the  dress  may  perhaps  be  doubted.  Further, 
base  onuunental  stripea  are  found  on  the  borders 
if  ths  sleeves;  and  on  the  left  ^e  In  later 
days  was  a  border  of  fringe,  for  which  various 
writers  have  fbund  approprlute symbol loal  reasons, 
into  which  however   there  la  no  need  to  enter 

For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing  article  I  am 
mainly  indebled  to  Uarriotfa  l'«fiartuin  C/tritti- 
aataa,  to  Hefele'a  valuable  essay,  Dii  LitHrgi' 
Kim  Gtaander  in  hla  BtitrSga  iw-  Kirdimgi- 
tchlchte,  ArtASologit  vnd  Liturgii,  ii.  203  sqq., 
to  the  articles  Dalmatica  and  Colobiwa  in  Dn- 
cange'g  Qlotiary.  The  following  books  have  also 
been  consulted  with  advantage;  Ferrariusi)!  E* 
vettiaria,  Padna,  1642;  Blnterim,  DmhBSrdin- 
ktUen  der  ChrM-EathettKhtn  XinA*,  vol.  iv. 
pt.  L  pp.  213  sqq.  [B.  S.] 

DALUATIUS.  (1)  Martyr  In  Italy  onder 
Haiimian ;  eommemomted  Dec  5  (JWirf.  Bom, 
Vtl.,  Adonis,  UsuardI). 

(8)  Holy  Father,  a.d.  368;  commemorated 
Aug.  3  (Oil.  Bytani.).  [W.  F.  Q.] 

DAMASUS,  tha  pope;  martyr  at  Rome 
Duder  Uaiiminus:  Natale,  Dec.  II  (Jfarf.  Som. 
Vet.,  Bedaa,  Adonis,  DsDardi) ;  deposition,  Dec 
10  (Jfurf.  Biervn.).  [W.  F.  O.] 

DAMIANU8.  (X)  Martyr  in  Aogoa  with 
Cosmaa  under  Diocletian,  A.D.  284;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  27  (ifort.  ffierai.,  Bedae);  with 
Cosmaa,  Authimns,  Leontlua,  and  Euprepius, 
Sept.  27  (JforC.  Smn.  Vil.,  Adonia,  Usnardl); 
with  Cosmas,  "  Saviianvpyal  kbI  itapyupal," 
July  1  (Co/.  Biitani.);  with  Cosmaa,  and  Theo- 
dote  their  mother,  Nov.  I.  {Oil.  BytaiU.). 

(S)  In  Africa,  "  Pasalo  sancti  Damiani  mllitis" 
(Mart.  AdoniB>  [W.  F.  0.] 

DANCINO.     Many  passages  in  the  fhtbera 


and  las< 


ncile  c< 


:ing.     St. 


Ambrose  thus  describee  the  dancing  of  dmnken 
women  In  his  time  (De  Klia  tt  JejmiU,  c.  18), 
"They  le&l  up  dances  in  the  streets  unbecoming 
men,  in  the  sight  of  intemperate  youths,  tossing 
their  hair,  dr^ging  their  unfastened  gaimenti, 
with  their  arms  uncovered,  clapping  tbeir  hands, 


'Tbe  r. 


)r  Ibe  di 


526 


DANIEL 


dancing  with  their  feet,  loud  ajad  GUmooring  m 
their  voices,  imitating  and  provoking  yonthful 
lusts  by  their  theatrical  motions,  their  wanton 
eyes  and  unseemly  antics."  And  again,  com- 
menting on  the  words,  ^  We  have  piped  unto 
you  and  ye  have  not  danced  *'  (Matt.  zi.  17),  he 
cautions  his  readers  that  they  must  not  suppose 
that  the  ** dance"  of  Christians  implies  any 
immodest  movement  of  the  body ;  rather,  it  is 
like  the  solemn  movement  of  I^vid  before  the 
ark  (^De  Foenit,  ii.  6). 

St.  Augustine  declares  (contra  PartMntantim, 
iii.  c.  ult.)  that  frivolous  and  lascivious  dancing 
was  put  down  by  the  bishops  of  the  church ;  and 
the  author  of  Sermo  215  Dtf  Tempore  (in  Augus- 
tine's Works)  speaks  sorrowfully  of  the  revels 
(balationes)  and  dancM  before  the  very  doors  of 
the  churches,  which  were  relics  of  paganism.  To 
the  same  practice  the  60th  canon  of  the  Codex 
EocL  Afric.  refers,  which  prohibits  the  lascivious 
dances  which  took  place  in  the  streets  on  fes- 
tival days,  to  the  great  scandal  of  religion,  and 
annoyance  of  those  who  wished  to  worship. 

St.  Chrysostom  also  repeatedly  and  vehemently 
protests  against  it.  He  declares  it  to  be  one  of 
the  pomps  of  Satan  renounced  in  baptism ;  he 
says,  "the  devil  is  present  at  dances,  being  called 
thither  by  the  songs  of  hai'lots,  and  obscene  words 
and  diabolical  pomps  used  on  such  occasions." 
And  in  another  passage,  speaking  of  the  dancing 
of  Herodias'  daughter,  he  says,  **  Christians  do  not 
now  deliver  up  half  a  kingdom  nor  another  man's 
head  but  their  own  souls  to  inevitable  destruc- 
tion "  (Hom.  47  m  JuUan,  Mart,  p.  613,  Hom. 
23  de  NovUun,  p.  264,  ed.  Paris,  1616). 

The  council  of  Laodicea,  A.D.  366,  forbids 
wanton  dancing  (i3aXX((c(i'  4^  opx*^^^^)  ^^  ^^' 
riage  feasts  (can.  53). 

The  third  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  589)  pro- 
hibits dances  with  lascivious  songs  on  solemn 
festivals,  the  use  of  which  they  complain  of  as 
an  irreligious  custom  prevailing  in  Spain  among 
the  common  people,  and  order  to  be  corrected 
both  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  judges 
(can.  23).  The  Decree  of  Reccared  (Bruns's 
Gtnonee,  i.  394)  confirming  these  canons,  speaks 
of  these  same  dances  as  **  ballematiae  "  or  "  bal- 
lemachiae"';  words  which  recal  the  "jBiiAXf- 
(tiv "  of  the  Laodicean  canon,  and  the  **  bala- 
tiones "  of  the  Pseudo-Augustine,  and  are  per- 
haps akin  to  the  modern  Ball  and  Ballet 

The  council  of  Agde  (A..D.  506)  forbids  the 
clergy  to  be  present  at  marriages  where  obscene 
love  songs  were  sung,  and  ol^cene  motions  of 
the  body  used  in  dancing  (^Conc.  Agathen.  can. 
39).  '  [C] 

DANIEL.  (1)  The  prophet ;  commemorated 
Magabit  23  =  March  19  (Cb/.  Ethiop,):  July  21, 
Natale,  {Mart.  Bedae):  with  Ananias,  Azarias, 
and  Misael,  Dec.  17  (Cb/.  Bygani.). 

(2)  Stylites,  Holy  Father,  A..D.  467 ;  comme- 
morated Dec  11  (Col.  Byzant.).        [W.  F.  G.] 

DABIA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Nu- 
merian;  commemorated  with  Chrysantus  and 
''qui  cum  eis  passi  sunt,"  Aug.  12  {Mart. 
HierotL);  with  Chrysantus  and  o&ers,  Nov.  29 
{Mart.  Bieron,) ;  with  Chrysantus,  Dec.  1  {Mart, 
Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  with  Chrysantus,  Marinianus. 
"cum  infinita  multitudine  martyrum,"  Dec.  1 
{Mart.  Bom,  Vet.y  [W.  F.  G.] 

•  There  are  several  various  readings. 


DEACON 

DABIUS,  martyr  at  Nicaea ;  oommemorated 
Dec.  19  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DASIUS,  martyr  at  Nicomedia,  with  Zotlcii% 
Gains,  and  12  soldiers ;  commemorated  Oct.  21 
{Mart.  Bom,  Vet,,  Hieron,,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.J 

DATIYA,  confessor  In  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Dec.  6,  with  seven  others  {Mart.  Rom, 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DATIYUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with 
Satuminus,  Felix,  Apelius,  and  his  eompamons ; 
oommemorated  Feb.  12  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  under  Deicius  and  Valerian  with 
five  others ;  commemorated  Sept.  10  {Mori.  Bom. 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DAVID,  (1)  ''et  tres  pueri;"  commemorated 
June  25  (C<i/.  Armen.). 

(2)  of  Thessalonica ;  oommemorated  June  26 
{Cat,  Byzant.). 

(8)  King  of  Ethiopia ;  commemorated  Maa- 
karram  10= Sept.  7  {Cal.  Etkbp.), 

(4)  King  of  the  Jews ;  commemorated  Sept.  30 
{Cal.  Armsn.) ;  Taksas  23  =  Dec.  19  {Cal,  Ethicp.); 
Dec.  29  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  and  Constantino;  commemorated  Oct.  2 
{Cal.  Georgiae). 

(6)  oommemorated  Dec  23  {Cal.  ArmeiC^ 

[W.  F.  6.] 

DAVID.  Among  the  Egyptians,  an  archi- 
mandrite, or  any  h^  of  a  monastery  of  what- 
ever rank,  was  called  David;  so  that  when  a 
monastic  head  gave  letters  of  commendation  to 
any  one,  he  subscribed  himself  as  "  David  illius 
loci "  (Gratian  De  Formatis,  quoted  by  Ducange, 
8.V.)  [a] 

DAYS.  NAMES  OP.    [Week.] 

DEACON.  Aidnovos,  diaoonus  ;  lidmw  (Da- 
cange.  Ghee,  quoting  Malaxus,  Hist,  Patriardi.); 
diacones  (Cyprian,  Ep,  ad  Successum,  and  repeat- 
edly in  the  decrees  of  councils,  e.  g.  Cone,  ElA, 
c.  18  and  76,    l  Arelat.  c  15,  /  Tblet,  I). 

I.  Names, — The  first  idea  contained  in  the 
word  appears  to  be  that  of  service  rendered  in 
an  inferior  capacity.  It  seems  too  as  if  some- 
thing of  a  sacred  charact^  attached  to  the  word 
even  before  its  use  in  the  Scriptures.  Thus  we 
find  Huucov^iy  ydfioi^,  "metaphora  sumpta  ab 
iis  qui  pocula  aut  victum  ministrant  egentibus 
et  petentibus  "  (Steph.  Thes.  in  verb,  ^uuco^iw ; 
comp.  Buttmann'b  Lexilogm,  and  Stanley,  Apo- 
stolic  Age,  p.  69). 

In  the  New  Testament  9tdKoyos  is  used :  1.  In 
the  general  sense  of  an  agent  or  instrument. 
Thus  the  sovereign  power  is  called  BcoC  SuIko- 
yos  (Rom.  xiii.  4),  and  Timothy  Huiitoyos  'Iiyotiv 
Xptorov  (1  Tim.  iv.  5).  Sometimes  *'  bishops  and 
deacons  "  express  all  the  offices  of  the  Christian 
ministry  {trvy  iiri<rK6irois  <cal  iuuc6yois,  PhiL 
i.  1).  2.  But  the  word  appears  to  have  assumed 
its  distinctive  ecclesiastical  meaning  at  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  Seven  to  superintend  the  distri- 
bution of  the  alms  to  the  Hellenist  widows,  4y  rf 
9iaicoyitf  rp  KoBrnupaff  (Acts  vi.  1-6),  when  the 
Zicxoyia  r&y  rpairtC&y  became  distinct  from  the 
Zuucovia  rod  \iyov.  These  seven  are  never  called 
deacons  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  In  the  only 
.passage  in  which  mention  is  made  of  them  as  a 
t>ody,  Philip  is  described  as  one  of  "  the  Seven  " 
(Acts  xzi.  8).  It  has  therefore  been  contended 
that  the  institution  of  the  diaconate  was  not 


DEACON 


DEACON 


527 


reallj  ooimected  with  the  appointment  of  the 
Seren.  One  theory  would  identify  the  deacons 
with  the  Kc«^cpoi  or  ytaylffKoi  elsewhere  men- 
tioned in  the  New  Testament  (Acts  y.  6  and  10) 
as  performing  certain  subordinate  offices  in  the 
church.  But  this  theory  appears  to  be  at  vari- 
ance with  the  account  given  in  the  Acts,  where 
it  is  distinctly  said  that,  at  the  time  of  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  Seven,  the  distribution  of  the 
alms,  1^  ZioKovla  ii  itaBrititpiv^j  was  performed  by 
the  apostles  themselves. 

A  theory  something  like  this  has  been  adopted 
by  later  writers.  In  this  case  it  is  alleged  that 
the  appointment  of  the  Seven  was  merely  to 
meet  a  particular  emergcDcy,  and  **  had  probably 
no  connection  with  the  deacons  in  the  later 
period  of  the  apostolic  age,"  though  it  is  admitted 
**  that  they  may  possibly  have  borne  the  name," 
and  that  '*  thei'e  was  in  some  respects  a  likeness 
between  their  respective  duties  "  (Stanley,  EssayB 
on  AposMic  Age^  p.  62 ;  comp.  Vitringa,  ill.  2,  5 ; 
Lightfoot,  Essay  on  Christian  Ministry,  in  Comm. 
on  FkUippiana,  p.  186,  note).  A  passage  from 
St.  Chryscstom  is  brought  forward  in  support  of 
this  theory,  in  which  he  distinctly  asserts  that 
the  ordination  (x^tporovieC)  of  the  Seven  was 
neither  that  of  deacons,  nor  that  of  presbyters, 
nor  that  of  bishops  {Horn,  on  Acts  vi.).  This 
passage  is  incorporated  into  a  decree  of  the 
Council  in  Trullo  (c  16)  which,  referring  to  the 
institution  of  the  Seven  ^*  deacons  "  (ji  r&v  wpdr 
^€m»  filfiXas  iwrh  9uuc6yous  irh  rwv  i.wo<rr6\uy 
xaratrrriyai  vapaiUiwiriyy,  expressly  distinguishes 
these  ministers  from  the  deacons  proper  who  took 
part  in  the  sacred  ministry  of  the  altar  {6  \6yos 
avro7s  o6  Ttpl  r&y  rois  iiwmiflois  9tcucoyovfi4ywy 
i|r  &v8fM»»,  aXA&  Ttpl  r^r  iy  rats  JO^^lcus  r£y 
TpaMf(Sy  6vovpylas).  Compare  Thomassin,  Vet. 
et  Nov.  Ecdes,  IHadpHna,  Part  L  L.  1,  o.  51, 
S  11,  12. 

On  the  other  hand  there  is  abandant  testi- 
mony that  the  early  church  in  general  consi- 
dered the  order  of  deacons  to  have  originated  in 
the  institution  of  the  Seven.  Irenaeus  speaks  of 
**  Nicolaum  unum  ex  septem  qui  primi  ad  diaco- 
ninm  ab  aposiolis  ordinati  sunt "  {Haeres.  i.  27). 
Sozomen  asserts  that  the  church  of  Rome  retain«l 
the  custom  of  only  having  seven  deacons,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  number  of  those  ordained  by 
the  apostles,  of  whom  Stephen  was  first  (Hk  K 
vii.  19),  so  Constiiut,  ApMt,  viii.  46  ;  Hilary, 
Comm.  •»  1  TVm.  iii.  11,  apud  Ambrosii  Opera ; 
Cyprian,  Ep,  65,  ad  Rogation. ;  Id.  Ep.  68,  ad 
Pleb.  Leg.;  Cone.  Neooaes,  c  15;  Epiphan. 
Baeres.  L  De  Inoam.  4). 

The  name  of  deacon  (*'.  e,  servant  or  subordi- 
nate) was  given  to  the  third  order  of  the  ministry 
on  account  of  the  duties  which  they  had  to 
perform,  4^vwiifMr€ur6ai  r^  itturKiwtf  ncol  roXs 
vpeo^mipoKy  rovriort  tuucoytiy  (^Constitut, 
ApMt.  iii.  20);  rov  iirunc&irov  6inip4reu  tlfft 
{Gone.  Nio,  c.  18).  *'  Diaconus  ita  se  presbyteri 
ot  episcopi  ministrum  noverit "  (iv.  Cone  Carih. 
e.  37 ;  comp.  L  Cone.  7Uron.'c  1 ;  Cono.  Elib,  title 
of  c  18,  and  c  33).  In  the  last  named  canonL 
however,  the  heading  '*  De  Episcopis  et  Muistris  * 
includes  the  presbyters  and  all  other  orders  of 
the  clergy. 

They  are  also  continually  called  Levites,  from 
the  analogy  of  the  Moeaio  Dispensation*  ol 
Acvtrm  bitmy  ol  yvy  Ztdtcoyoi  (^Constitui.  Apost, 
iL  25);  XeviTcuf  IS/oi  Zuucoyiat  iirucHyrtu  (Clem. 


ad  Cor,  i.  40).  Jerome  (JEpist.  ad  Ewmgehan) 
compares  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  with 
Aaron,  his  sons,  and  the  Levites  respectively. 
(Comp.  I.  Cone.  Turon.  c  1,  2.  Salvian,  ad 
Eocles.  Cathol.  ii.  394.) 

II.  Position  of  Deacons,  —  They  are  always 
spoken  of  in  conjunction  with  the  bishops  and 
priests  in  the  service  of  the  church.  The 
canons  of  the  councils  are  almost  invariably 
addressed  to  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  as 
to  the  three  orders  of  whom  the  clergy  was 
composed,  and  the  same  rule  is  observed  in  the 
writings  of  the  apostolic  fathers  (See  Ign.  Troll, 
c  3,  Philadelph.  c  7 ;  Polycarp.  Philipp,  5 ;  Mar^ 
tyr.  fgnatiif  3).  In  the  Constitvtiones  Apoeto- 
licae  (viii.  46)  they  are  said  to  be  ordained  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  priests  and  bishops; 
and  in  another  place  (iL  26,  28)  a  type  of  the 
threefold  operations  of  the  Holy  Trinity  is  found 
in  the  distinctive  offices  of  bishops,  deacons, 
and  deaconesses.  In  many  respects,  indeed, 
their  position  was  put  on  a  level  with  that  of 
the  priests.  The  same  rules  apply  to  the  mar* 
ried  deacons  as  to  the  married  priests  (i.  Cone, 
Toiet.  1,  L  Cone.  Tvron.  2).  In  later  days  the 
oath  of  purgation  to  be  taken  by  a  deacon  was 
the  same  as  that  of  a  priest,  and  differed  from 
that  of  the  inferior  orders  of  clergy  (Cone.  Ber^ 
ghim.  c  18,  19).  Their  share  of  the  first-fruits 
(&ira^X<^)  offered  at  the  agape  was  the  same  as 
that  of  the  presbyters,  and  was  double  that 
allotted  to  the  Tpeofi^iHts  (^Constitut.  Apost. 
ii.  28).  Of  the  Eulooiae  which  remained  after 
the  administration  of  the  Eucharist,  the  bishop 
was  to  receive  four  portions,  the  presbyter  three, 
and  the  deacon  two  (^fbid.  viii.  30, 31).  In  some 
ohurches  it  would  seem  as  if  the  emoluments  of 
the  deacons  were  even  greater  than  those  of  the 
priests,  since  Jerome  warns  them  against  esti- 
mating the  dignity  of  their  ecclesiastical  positiob 
by  its  pecuniary  results :  "  Presbyter  noverit  se 
lucris  minorem,  sacerdotio  esse  majorem" 
(Hieronym.  EtJ.  85,  ad  Evang,  comp.  Comm,  in 
Ezek.  c.  xlviii.). 

There  are  places  also  in  which  their  office  is 
spoken  of  as  sacerdotal  in  the  general  sense. 
Thus  Optatus  speaks  of  it  as  the  third  grade : 
''Quid  commemorem  diaconos  in  tertio?  quid 
presbyteroB  in  secundo  sacerdotio  institutes?" 
(c.  Donatisi.  lib.  i.  35).  Jerome  speaks  of  their 
ordination  to  a  priesthood  (sacerdotium)  in  com- 
mon with  the  bishops  and  priests  (Hieron.  Apohg, 
Joctm),  and  St.  Augustine  (^Ep,  16)  addresses 
one  Praesiduus  as  a  fellow  priest  (consaoerdos),  of 
whom  Jerome,  in  the  epistle  that  follows,  speaks 
as  a  deacon. 

But  notwithstanding  such  expressions  as  these 
their  right  to  be  considered  as  in  any  way  par- 
takers in  the  office  of  the  presbyter,  or  priest  in 
the  narrower  sense,  is  in  many  places  emphatic- 
ally denied.  In  the  Quaestiones  it  is  held  impos- 
sible that  a  deacon  can  in  any  case  discharge  the 
duties  of  a  priest  (sacerdotis),  since  he  is  in  no 
degree  a  partaker  of  the  priestly  office  {Quaest, 
Vet.  et  Nov.  Test,  inter  Augustini  Opera,  N.  7*., 
46);  deacons  are  inferior  to  priests  (irpeo'iS^- 
rcpoi,  i.  Cone.  Nic.  c.  18);  a  deacon  might  be 
ordained  by  one  bishop  only,  because  the  ordina- 
tion was  only  to  a  ministerial,  not  a  priestly 
office  (non  ad  sacerdotinm  sed  ad  ministerinm 
consecratur,  iv.  Cone,  Carth.  4);  and  deacons 
distributed  the    consecrated    elements,    not   as 


528 


DEACON 


DEACON 


prlents,  bat  as  the  attendants  upon  pnests 
{Uptvffif  Corutitut,  Apost,  viii.  28) ;  so  Ambrosi- 
aster,  "quamvU  non  sunt  saoerdotes"  (jComm, 
Ep,  Ephss,  ir.  11). 

And  this  inferiority  of  office  was  marked  hj 
the  position  g^ven  them  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties.  While  the  bishops  and  the  presbyters 
were  seated  on  their  thrones  in  the  church,  the 
deacons  were  to  stand  near  them  {CofutituL  Apost, 
ii.  57).  The  first  council  of  Nice  (c.  18)  strictly 
forbade  a  deacon  to  sit  among  the  priests  as  con- 
trary to  all  rule  and  order.  So  it  was  ordered 
that  a  deacon  might  only  be  seated  by  express 
permission  in  presence  of  a  priest  (irptcfi^tpof, 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  20 ;  comp.  Cone.  Agath.  c.  65,  it. 
Cono.  Garth,  c  39) ;  but  the  same  respect  was  to 
be  paid  to  the  deacons  by  the  subdeaoons  and  in- 
ferior clergy  (^Ibid.),  So  it  is  said  that  even  the 
deacons  of  the  churches  at  Rome,  though  in- 
clined to  presume  on  their  position,  did  not 
renture  to  seat  themselves  during  the  services 
{Quoestionea,  Q.  i.  10);  and  the  testimony  of  Je- 
rome confirms  this :  **  In  ecclesi&  Romae  presby- 
teri  sedent,  et  stant  diaconi  **  {Epis.  85,  adEvang.}. 
So  I.  Cone.  Barcinon.  c.  4.  In  councils  their 
proper  position  was  standing,  as  is  apparent  in 
several  records  of  their  proceedings  ^  e.g.  *^  con- 
sidentibus  presbyteris,  adstantibus  diaconis*' 
(i.  Cone.  Tolet.  Prooem.) ;  '*  adstantibus  ministris 
vel  universe  clero  "  (i.  Cone,  Bracar.  Prooem.^ ; 
and  this  was  strictly  enforced  by  canons;  the 
priests  should  sit  at  the  back  of  the  bishops, 
and  the  deacons  stand  in  front  (iv.  Cone.  Ibiet.  4). 
Deacons,  however,  who  held  ecclesiastical  offices 
{i^lKta  iKKKitifuurTiKh^  were  allowed  to  be 
seated,  but  on  no  account  before  any  presbyter, 
unless  they  represented  their  own  patriarch  or 
metropolitan  in  another  city,  in  which  case  they 
were  to  take  the  place  allotted  to  the  person 
whom  they  represented  (^Cone.  Qwnisext,  c.  7). 
Another  canon  provides  that  they  should  not 
speak  at  councils  unless  especially  bidden  (iv. 
Cone.  Carih,  c.  40).    [CouNCiUB,  p.  481.] 

Thus  in  eveiy  way  their  position  appears  to 
have  been  associated  with  the  discharge  of  duties 
which  were  recognised  as  honourable  in  them- 
selves, and  conferring  honour  on  those  to  whom 
they  were  entrusted,  yet  distinctly  marked  out 
as  ministerial  rather  than  sacerdotal,  and  care- 
fully kept  apart  from  those  which  specially  be- 
longed to  the  priests. 

III.  Duties. — ^These  were  of  a  varied  nature, 
but  appear  to  have  been  in  every  case  suggested 
by  those  which  were  originally  allotted  to  them, 
and  to  be  comprehend^  in  Suticovfa  tmk  r^- 
ire^wy,  as  distinguished  from  the  liioKOvla  rov 
k6yov. 

1.  They  were  stewards  of  the  property  of  the 
church  and  of  the  funds  belonging  to  the  widows 
and  orphans.  Thus  Cyprian  speaks  of  Nicoetra- 
tus  as  having  not  only  robbed  the  church  but 
defrauded  the  widows  and  wards  (Gyp.  Ep.  49 
[al.  52],  ad  Comelium).  So  Jerome  calls  the 
deacon  '*  mensarum  et  viduarnm  minister " 
(Hieron.  Ep.  85,  ad  Evang.).  They  were  also 
to  disttibute  the  oblations  {<th\aiyia5)  which  re- 
mained after  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist 
among  the  different  orders  of  the  clergy,  in 
the  regular  proportions  {ConatUut.  Apost,  viiL 
C.31). 

2.  They  were  almoners  of  the  charities  dis- 
pensed by  the  church.    It  was  part  of  their  duty 


to  seek  out  and  visit  the  sick  and  afflicted,  and 
report  to  the  bishop  respecting  such  as  were  n 
affliction  (ConstUut.  Apost,  iiL  19).  But  all 
alms  were  to  be  distributed  strictly  under  the 
direction  of  the  bishop  (Ibid.  ii.  oc.  31,  32,  34). 
They  were  also  to  select  the  aged  women  (irpcv- 
fiir^pas}  invited  on  the  ground  of  poverty  to 
more  frequent  participation  in  the  itymu  (Ibid, 
iL28). 

«3.  The  discipline  of  the  church  was  in  a  great 
measure  intrusted  to  their  hands  as  the  imme- 
diate ministers  of  the  bishop.  In  times  of  per- 
secution it  was  their  duty  to  minister  to  the 
confessors  in  their  prisons,  and  to  bury  the 
bodies  of  the  martyrs  (Euseb.  ff,E.  vii.  11). 
They  were  also  to  strengthen  the  fainthearted 
and  exhort  the  waverers.  Thus  it  was  one  of 
the  complaints  against  Novatian  that  he  per- 
sisted in  remaining  in  his  hiding-place  when 
exhorted  by  the  deacons  to  come  forth  (Euseb. 
H.  E.  vi.  43).  If  any  for  misconduct  were  cast 
out  from  the  congregation,  the  deacons  were  to 
intercede  for  the  offender,  since,  it  is  added,  Christ 
intercedes  for  sinners  with  the  Father  (^OonstUut, 
Apost.  ii.  c  16).  They  were  also  associated  with 
the  bishop  in  the  work  of  seeking  out  and  re- 
proving offenders  (/6u/.  ii.  c  17).  As  deputies 
of  the  bishop  they  were  to  relieve  him  of  the 
lighter  cases  brought  for  adjudication,  leaving 
the  weightier  for  his  own  decision  {Ibid.  ii.  44^ 
and  might  even,  in  his  absence,  take  charge  of 
the  diooese  (Bede,  H,  E.  ii.  20).  They  also  appear 
to  have  been  entrusted,  in  the  absence  of  a  pres- 
byter, with  some  jurisdiction  over  the  inferior 
clergy  {Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  28).  When  any  of 
the  iaithful  brought  letters  commendatory  from 
another  diocese,  they  were  to  examine  into  the 
circumstances  of  the  case  {JRM,  ii.  58).  They 
were  also  frequently  sent  on  embassies  from 
one  church  to  another  (Ignat.  Philadelph,  c  10)l 
They  also  sometimes  represented  their  bishops 
in  councils  (^Conc.  Qumisex,  A.D.  691,  c.  7X 
though  this  was  forbidden  in  the  Wes^  on  the 
ground  that  a  deacon  being  inferior  to  the 
priests  (presbyteris  junior),  could  not  be  allowed 
to  sit  with  bishops  in  the  council  (^Cono,  Emeriti 
A.D.  666,  c  5).  Thomassin  however  asserts  that 
this  provincial  decree  was  never  acted  upon 
(Nova  et  Vet.  Eccl.  Discip.  i.  2,  c.  23,  §  19>  At 
all  councils  a  deacon  was  to  read  the  decrees 
by  which  the  proceedings  were  regulated  (cajdtola 
de  conciliis  agendis)  before  the  business  cran- 
menced  (iv.  Cono.  Iblet.  4).  It  appears  also  to 
have  been  the  duty  of  the  deacons  on  these  occa- 
sions to  keep  the  doors,  and  call  for  those  whose 
presence  was  required  before  the  council  (Codex 
Eccl.  Afrteanae,  c  100). 

4.  In  other  respects  they  were  to  be  channels  of 
communication  between  the  bishop  and  the  huty 
(Constitvt.  Apost.  ii.  28).  All  the  offerings  of 
the  people  (rhs  dvaias  ffroi  Tpoai^pas,  tia 
hirapx^'  if"^  '''^^  8cK((ras  koI  rk  liro^ia),  when 
not  made  directly  to  the  bishop,  were  to  be  pre- 
sented to  him  through  their  hands  (IbuL  ii.  27). 
So  various  were  their  duties  in  relation  to  the 
bishop  that  they  are  called  in  one  place  his  ears 
and  eyes  and  mouth  and  heart  (IlAd.  iL  44) ;  in 
another  his  soul  and  perception  (^x^  iroi  eXtF' 
d7i<rts,  Ibid.  iiL  19). 

5.  These  duties  were  connected  with  the  Sio- 
Koyia  r&y  rpairtCwp,  as  relating  to  the  mate- 
rial needs  of  the  community.    Another  class  of 


DEACON 


DEACON 


529 


dutiea  arose  from  the  **  ministry  of  the  Table/' 
coDsidered  in  relation  to  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist.  Thomaasin  says  that,  although  the 
oocasion  for  instituting  the  order  of  deacons  arose 
from  the  necessities  of  the  common  table,  yet 
that  it  also  had  reference  to  the  celebration  of 
the  Eucharist,  '*  ad  sacram  mensam,  quae  tunc  a 
drill  non  direllebant "  {Vet,  et  If  ova  Diacip. 
Eccl.  i.  1,  c  51,  {4 ;  comp.  Wordsworth,  Cbmtn. 
in  Acts  yi.  2,  and,  there  quoted,  Bishop  Pearson, 
'*ln  communi  Tictu  sacramentum  Eucharistiae 
celebrabant "). 

a.  They  were  to  provide  for  the  maintenance 
of  order  in  the  congregations  during  the  per- 
formance of  the  various  services.  They  were  to 
see  that  all  the  congregation  took  the  places 
allotted  to  them,  that  no  one  lingered  in  the  en- 
trance, or  whispered,  or  slept,  or  in  any  way 
misbehaved  during  the  service  {CcMiitut,  Apost, 
ii.  57,  via.  11).  So  Chrysostom  says,  "if  any 
misbehave,  call  the  deacon  "  (^Hom*  24  in  Acta) ; 
and  they  were  to  be  particularly  careful  in  as- 
signing honourable  places  and  giving  a  cordial 
welcome  to  the  poor  and  aged  and  to  strangers 
{OonstittU.  Apost.  iL  58).  They  were  to  stand 
at  the  men's  gate  lest  any  should  go  in  or  out 
during  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  (Ibid. 
viii.  11).  They  also  discharged  the  lesser  offices 
belonging  to  the  Lord's  Table ;  they  arranged 
the  altar,  placed  on  it  the  sacred  vessels,  and 
brought  water  for  the  hands  of  the  officiating 
priest.  Their  duty  was  to  minister  both  to  bishops 
and  priests  in  things  pertaining  to  their  several 
offices,  that  all  things  relating  to  the  worship  of 
God  might  be  rightly  celebrated  (Ibid.  viii.  46). 
These  duties,  however,  In  large  churches  where 
there  were  many  clergy,  devolved  on  those  be- 
longing to  the  inferior  orders :  "  ut  autem  non 
omnia  obseqniorum  per  ordinem  agant  multitude 
facit  clericorum.  Nam  utique  et  altare  porta- 
rent,  et  vasa  ejus  et  aquam  in  manus  funderent 
sacerdotis,  sicut  videmus  per  omnes  ecclesias" 
(Quaeationgs,  Q.  101) ;  and  in  another  place  it  is 
ordered  that  the  subdeacon  should  pour  the 
water  on  the  hands  of  the  officiating  priest,  iiir6- 
pn^iw  X^ip^  TO(S  Up*vai  (Constiittt,  Apost. 
viii.  11).  But  there  are  decrees  of  councils 
strictly  forbidding  the  inferior  orders  of  clergy 
(^wjipiras)  to  enter  the  Diaconicum  or  touch 
the  sacred  vessels  (Cono.  Laodic.  c.  21,  Agttth. 
c  66).  In  the  decree  of  the  latter  council 
^wtipSras  is  rendered  "insacratos  ministros." 
The  second  canon  of  the  first  council  of  Toledo 
orders  that  a  deacon  who  had  been  subjected  to 
public  penance  should  only  be  received  among 
the  subdeaoons,  so  that  he  might  not  handle  the 
sacred  vessels ;  and  it  was  expressly  ordered  that 
the  deacons  should  take  the  remains  of  the  con- 
secrated elements  into  the  Pastophoria  or  Sacristy 
iConstUut.  Apost.  viii.  13> 

It  was  their  duty  also  to  present  the  offerings 
of  the  people  at  the  altar,  proclaiming  at  the 
same  time  the  nam?s  of  those  who  had  made 
them;  ol  iidteopoi  upwrv/krwroaf  r^  H&pa  r^ 
htt<rK6T^  Tphs  rh  BwriaffHipioy  (fionstitut.  Apost. 
viii.  12).  "Public^  diaconus  in  ecclesii  recitet 
offerentium  nomina,  tantnm  oifert  ille,  tantum 
ille  poUicitus  est"  (Hieron.  Comm,  in  Ezekiel. 
xriii.).    [DiPTYCHS.] 

They  had  also  an  important  part  to  fill  in  the 
service  itself.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
Communion  Office  the  deacon  who  ministered 

CHBUrr.  AMT. 


was  to  stand  near  the  bishop  and  proclaim  with 
a  loud  voice :  ii-fttis  Kvrh  rofht^  n^iris  4y  6iro- 
Kplirtiy  "let  none  come  who  has  ought  against 
any  one,  none  in  hypocrisy  "  (Oonstitut,  Apost, 
ii.  54,  57,  §  12).  The  reading  of  the  Gospel  was 
allotted  either  to  a  deacon  or  to  a  presbyter 
(Ibid.  ii.  57,  §  5) ;  though  in  some  churches  it 
appears  to  have  been  the  special  office  of  the 
deacon,  "  Evangel  ium  Christi  quasi  diaconus 
lectitabas  "  (Hieron.  Epiat,  ad  Sabin.),  Sozomen 
says  of  the  church  at  Alexandria,  that  the 
archdeacon  only  read  the  Gospel,  but  in  other 
churches  the  duty  was  discharged  by  the  dea- 
cons, and  in  many  only  by  the  priests  (Soz.  JT. 
E.  vii.  19).  The  second  council  of  Vaison  ad- 
mitted that  a  deacon,  in  the  absence  of  a  priest, 
might  be  permitted  to  read  a  homily  of  the 
Fathers  in  the  church,  on  the  ground  that  they 
who  were  worthy  to  read  the  Gospel  of  Christ 
were  not  unworthy  to  recite  expositions  of  the 
Fathers  (ii.  Cone,  VasensSf  c  2),  and  for  this 
reason  it  was  forbidden  that  a  deacon  should  be 
appointed  who  could  not  read  (Cone,  Narbon, 
c  11 ;  comp.  Cyprian,  Ep.  34^  al.  39).  It  was 
perhaps  in  allusion  to  this  part  of  their  office 
that  the  duty  was  assigned  to  them  of  holding 
the  Gospels  over  the  head  of  a  bishop  at  the 
time  of  his  ordination  (Constiiut,  Apost,  viii.  4). 

The  deacon  appointed  for  the  purpose  was  also 
to  give  the  signal  for  the  departure  of  the  unbe- 
lievers (Ibid,  cc  5, 12),  to  recite  the  appointed 
prayers  for  the  catechumens,  the  energnmens, 
those  preparing  for  baptism,  and  the  penitents, 
and  to  dismiss  each  class  in  its  proper  order 
(Ibid.  viii.  cc.  6,  7,  8).  He  was  to  make  the 
proclamation  which  was  the  signal  for  the  kiss 
of  peace  (Ibid.  ii.  c.  57),  and  to  recite  the  prayer 
for  the  universal  church  (Ibid,  ii.  57,  viii.  9,  10, 
11,  13,  35).  Thus  Chrysostom  (ffom.  14  m 
Rom,)  speaks  of  the  deacon  offering  the  prayers 
on  behalf  of  the  people  (rov  94ifiov).  In  the 
Liturgy  given  in  the  0>ruiittttiones  under  the 
name  of  St.  James,  it  is  ordered  that  two  deacons 
should  stand  by  the  altar  bearing  fans  [Fla- 
BELLUSf]  made  of  fine  membrane,  or  peacock's 
feathers,  or  linen,  to  drive  away  flies  or  insects 
from  the  sacred  elements  (Constitut,  Apott.  viii. 
c  12). 

At  the  administration  of  the  Holy  Communion 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  deacons  to  receive  the 
conseci'ated  elements  from  the  officiating  minister 
in  order  to  distribute  them  among  those  who 
were  present,  and  to  convey  them  to  the  absent 
(Justin  Martyr,  Apolog.  viii.  c  2);  "Diaconi 
ordo  est  accipere  a  sacerdote  et  sic  dare  plebi " 
(Qttaesiiones,  101).  But  their  peculiar  office  was 
the  administration  of  the  cup;  6  iidmwos  mrrc- 
X^T«  rh  woT^iptoy  (Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  c.  13); 
"  solennibus  adimpletis  diaconus  offerre  prae- 
sentibus  coepit "  (Cyprian,  De  Lapsit,  c  25). 
They  were  strictly  forbidden  to  distribute  the 
bread  if  a  priest  was  present  (ii.  Cone.  Ardai, 
c  15X  unless  some  necessity  arose  for  doing  so, 
and  they  were  bidden  to  do  so  by  the  priest 
(iv.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  38).  But  it  was  careftilly 
noted  that  the  deacon  only  acted  as  the  subordi- 
nate of  the  priest  (Constitut.  Apost  viii.  28X 
and  had  no  right  whatever  to  offer  the  sacrifice 
(Ibid,  viii.  46).  Priests  under  censure  are  de- 
prived of  the  privilege  of  consecrating,  deacons 
of  ministering  (Cone.  Agath.  c.  1);  and  it  was 
forbidden  that  they  should  give  the  consecrated 

2  11 


530 


DEACON 


DEACON 


bread  to  the  priests,  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
unseemly  that  those  who  had  no  power  to  conse- 
crate should  administer  to  those  who  had  (i.  Cone. 
Nic.  c.  18).  So  Jerome  says  of  Hilarins,  the 
deacon,  that  he  had  no  power  without  priests  or 
bishops  to  celebrate  the  Euchanst,  **  Eucharistiam 
conficere  "  (Hieron.  contra  Lucifer.),  And  though 
the  right  of  consecration  appears  to  have  been 
assumed  in  some  places,  it  was  strictly  forbidden 
(i.  Cone,  Arelat,  c.  15). 

There  are,  however,  two  passages  which  may 
seem  to  favour  the  idea  that  deacons  had  some- 
times power  to  consecrate.  One  of  these  is  the 
decree  of  the  council  of  Ancyra,  whicli  forbids 
deacons  who  have  offered  sacrifice  to  idols  to 
ofier  either  the  bread  or  the  wine,  tiprov  ^ 
woT'fipiov  kifd^pfw  {Cone.  Ancyr,  c.  2).  But 
this  undoubtedly  refers  either  to  the  offering  the 
oblations  which  preceded  the  prayer  of  consecra- 
tion (Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip.  i.  2, 
c.  29,  §  14),  or  to  the  distribution  of  the  ele- 
ments after  consecration  (Bingham,  AntiqttitieSf 
ii.  c.  20,  §  7 ;  comp.  Suicer,  Ihesaurusy  t.  1, 
p.  871).  The  other  is  the  speech  put  by 
St.  Ambrose  into  the  mouth  of  Lauren tius,  the 
deacon,  when  meeting  his  bishop,  Siztus,  on 
the  way  to  his  martyrdom:  "Cui  commisisti 
Dominici  sanguinis  consecrationem,  cui  con- 
summandorum  consortium  sacramentorum  " 
(Ambros.  De  Offic,  i.  41).  But  this  doubtful 
expression  seems  interpreted  by  the  words  im- 
mediately preceding,  **nunquam  sacrificium 
sine  ministro  offerre  consueveras,"  the  '^offerre 
consueveras"  clearly  referring  to  Sixtus  him- 
self The  **  sanguinis  consecrationem"  probably 
merely  means  ''sanguinem  consecratum,"  and 
the  duty  attributed  to  the  deacons  was  the  ser- 
vice they  always  performed  after  consecration 
—^vriprro^fupot  r^  rod  Kvpiou  ir<&fiaTi  fxtrh 
p6fiov  {Conttitut,  Apost,  ii.  57;  see  Bingham, 
Antiquities,  il  26,  %Bi), 

After  the  administration  the  deacons  were  to 
take  away  what  remained  of  the  SjEicred  elements 
into  the  sacristy,  to  recite  (jcuplrrrtiv)  the  Post- 
Communion  Prayer,  and  dismiss  the  people  (Cvn- 
stitut.  Apost.  viii.  cc.  13,  35, 40).  Thus  it  is  said 
that  Athanasitts  commanded  his  deacon  itupv^ai 
•^X^»'  (Soc  H.  E,  ii.  IIX  and  mipvTTtiv  is 
mentioned  among  the  sacred  offices  from  the 
performance  of  which  the  deacons  who  had  wor- 
shipped idols  wei*e  to  be  suspended  (Cone.  Anci/r, 
c.  2).  It  was  ordered  by  the  fourth  council  of 
Toledo  (c.40),  that  the  deacon  (Levita)  should 
wear  a  stole  over  the  left  shoulder,  **  propter 
quod  orat,  id  est,  praedicat."  Chrysostom  too 
calls  the  deacons  K^pvxts  (Horn.  17  m  H^,  ix.). 
Thomassin  says  that  the  word  Kinp(imi»,  used 
by  the  council  of  Ancyra,  expressed  the  recital  of 
the  prayers  and  exhortations  and  the  reading  of 
the  Gospels,  which  were  done  with  raised  voice 
(Thomassin,  Vet,  et  Nov.  Eccl.  Discip.  i,  2,  c  29, 
§  14 ;  comp.  Suicer,  Thes.  in  voc.  Ktipdrrtty), 

fi.  It  appears  that  the  daily  services  in  district 
churches  were  sometimes  entrusted  to  the  dea- 
cons and  priests  in  alternate  weeks.  In  this  case 
both  presbyters  and  deacons  were  to  assemble  on 
the  Saturday  evening,  that  the  Sunday  services 
might  be  celebrated  with  due  honour  (Cone. 
Tarracon.  c.  7).  The  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  77) 
also  speaks  of  a  deacon  in  charge  of  a  parish, 
without  either  priest  or  bishop,  **  regens  plebem 
sine  episcopo  vel  presbytero/ 


ft 


y.  It  does  not  appear  that  preaching  was  aoKng 
the  duties  which  were  usually  entrnrted  to  dea* 
cons,  though  Philip  and  Stephen  undoubtedly  did 
preach.  Hilary,  the  commentator,  holds  tiiat  in 
the  earliest  days  of  the  church,  all  the  laithfbl 
both  preached  and  baptised,  but  that  afterwards  a 
different  course  was  adopted,  and  separate  offices 
assigned  to  different  members,  so  that  in  hit 
dap  the  deacons  did  not  preach,  though  he  says 
that  at  first  all  deacons  were  evangelists,  and 
had  commission  given  them  to  preach,  though 
without  any  settled  charge  (sine  cathedift) 
(^Comm.  in  Ephes,  iv.  11,  in  Ambrose's  Works). 
Yet  that  some  faculty  of  preaching  was  inherent 
in  the  office,  at  least  at  the  command  of  the 
bishop,  appears  from  the  language  of  Philostor- 
gius  {H.  E,  iii.  17),  where  he  says  that  Leontius 
ordained  Aetius  as  a  deacon,  in  order  that  he 
might  teach  in  the  church,  but  that  he  declined 
to  undertake  the  other  duties  of  a  deacon,  only 
accepting  that  of  preaching  (8i8(£irinFiy  kyM- 
^arai) ;  and  though  Leontius  was  a  heretic,  the 
words  seem  to  indicate  that  this  was  reckoned 
among  the  ordinai*y  functions  of  a  deacon.  Ob 
the  other  hand,  the  duty  of  preaching  could  not 
have  belonged  to  them  in  the  Western  church 
in  ordinary  cases,  since  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries, 
in  giving  permission  to  the  priests  and  deaoou 
in  his  diocese  to  read  certain  homilies  to  the 
people,'  when  he  himself  could  no  longer  preach 
to  them  through  the  infirmities  of  age,  gives  as 
the  ground  of  his  permission  that,  since  they 
were  allowed  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the 
church,  it  could  not  be  wrong  for  them  to  retd 
homilies  composed  by  himself  or  by  other  fathers 
of  the  church  (Thomass.  Vet.  et  Noc.  EccL  Discip. 
ii.  I,  c.  89,  §  8,  9),  words  adopted  by  the  second 
council  of  Vaison,  already  quoted.  And  so  Vigi- 
lius  in  his  letter  to  two  deacons,  Rusticus  and 
Sebastian,  speaks  of  their  execrable  pride  in 
venturing  to  preach  without  permission  of  the 
bishop,  as  contrary  to  all  precedent  and  canon  law, 
**  contra  omnem  consuetudinem  vel  canones" 
(Liibbe,  Cone.  v.  p.  554). 

8.  They  had  also  certain  duties  to  perform  at  the 
administration  of  baptism.  It  was  to  be  admi- 
nistered by  bishops  and  priests  only,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  deacons  (i^uwTiptTovfiivur  o^rroTr 
rSy  ZiaK6yw  (Constitut.  Apost.  iii.  ell).  They 
had  to  undertake  the  preliminary  enquiries  into 
the  circumstances  of  the  candidates  {Tfnd.  viiL 
c.  32).  They  were  to  apply  the  unction  which 
preceded  the  administration  of  the  sacrament  to 
the  foreheads  of  the  women  (T&id  iii.  c.  1S%  and 
to  undertake  all  the  necessary  arrangements  for 
the  male  candidates  (Ibid.  iii.  16>  [Baftom.] 
It  was  theii  duty,  or  that  of  the  snbdeacons, 
to  fetch  the  Chrism  from  the  bishop  before 
Easter  (ii.  Ounc.  Brae.  c.  51,  i.  Tolet.  20). 

But  they  were  strictly  forbidden  to  assume 
that  the  administration  of  baptism  was  one  of 
the  ftinctions  of  their  office.  In  the  Apostoiic 
Canons  and  Constitutions,  the  decrees  concerning 
baptism  are  directed  only  to  bishops  and  priests, 
though  the  other  general  canons  are  addressed 
to  all  three  orders  of  the  ministry  (Canones, 
c.  39, 41, 42 ;  Constitut.  viii.  c.  22).  The  Consti- 
tutions, too,  distinctly  assert  that  it  is  not  lawful 
for  a  deacon  to  baptize  (viii.  c.  28,  iii.  c  II, 
vii.  c.  46).  In  the  latter  passage  it  is  added, 
that  if  any  argument  is  drawn  fttnn  the  fset 
of  baptism  being  administered  by  Philip  ud 


DEACON 

Aikftiiias,  it  b  for  want  of  peroeiring  that  these 
men  were  spedally  appointed  for  these  duties  by 
the  Lord,  the  High-Priest.  Epiphanins  asserts 
that  no  deacon  was  ever  entmsted  with  the 
administration  of  a  sacrament  (j/xvar^ptoy  iwi- 
^'cAciy ;  Haem,  79,  cap.  4).  So  Hilarjr,  while 
asserting  that  all  the  faithfal  were  once  ac- 
customed to  baptize,  adds,  **  nnnc  neqne  clerici 
rel  laici  baptizant"  {Com,  m  Ej^  ir.  11,  in 
Ambrose's  Works), 

Yet  it  appears  that  they  were  permitted  to 
baptize  by  command  of  a  bishop,  or  when  in 
charge  of  a  parish  without  a  presbyter.  The 
right  of  baptizing  resides  generally  in  the  bishop 
[Baptism,  p.  166],  but  from  him  may  be  com- 
municated both  to  priests  and  deacons  (Tertul- 
lian,  De  Baptiamo,  c.  17).  So  a  decree  of  the 
5th  century,  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  a  holy 
life  even  for  the  laity,  adds,  how  much  more  is 
this  necessary  for  priests  and  deacons,  since 
they  may  be  called  at  any  moment  to  offer 
the  sacrifice  or  baptize  ?  (i.  Cone  Taron,  1).  In 
another  decree  it  is  ordered  that  if  a  deacon 
baring  charge  of  a  parish  (regens  plebem)  with- 
out a  bishop  or  presbyter  should  have  baptized 
any,  the  bishop  uionld  confirm  it  by  his  blessing, 
'^  per  benedictionem  pei*ficere  debebit "  {Cono, 
Eiib,  77) ;  and  again,  in  another,  it  is  provided 
that  while  priests,  in  cases  of  urgent  sickness, 
may  baptize  at  any  season  of  the  year,  deacons 
may  only  do  so  at  Easter  (Synod,  Rom,  A.D. 
384?  c  7,  in  Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  278);  and 
Jerome,  speaking  of  those  who  in  remote  places 
were  baptized  by  priests  and  deacons,  places  the 
right  of  both  to  baptize  on  exactly  the  same 
footing,  as  derived  from  the  license  of  the  bishop 
and  the  possession  of  the  chrism,  **  sine  chrismate 
et  episcopi  jussione  neque  presbyteri  neque 
diaconl  jus  habeant  baptizandi "  {Dial,  contra 
JAiciferum,  c  4).  It  seems  then  that,  at  least  in 
the  Western  Church,  the  deacons  were  permitted 
to  baptize  when  the  bishop  gave  them  authority 
and  sent  them  the  chrism.  Thomassin  however 
(i.  2,  c  29,  §  14),  thinks  they  had  less  liberty 
in  this  respect  in  the  Eastern  Church. 

c.  The  power  of  receiving  penitents  appears 
generally  to  have  been  confined  to  bishops  and 
wresbyters;  yet  this  rule  was  not  invariable. 
Thus  Cyprian  allows  deacons  to  receive  confession 
(ezomologesin)  and  bestow  the  parting  blessing 
in  the  case  of  those  penitents  who  had  obtained 
'*  libelli "  and  were  prevented  by  the  near  ap- 

E roach  of  death  from  receiving  absolution  at  the 
ands  of  a  priest  (Ep.  13,  al.  ISy  ad  Cler,),  A 
decree  of  the  first  council  of  Toledo  (c  2)  pro- 
vides that  those  deacons  who  had  performed 
public  penance  should  be  reduced  to  the  order  of 
subdeacons  lest  they  should  lay  hands  on  any. 
But  it  is  probable  that  this  was  not  the  act 
wnich  conferred  absolution,  but  only  a  ceremony 
which  went  before  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist 
and  prepared  the  penitent  for  its  administration 
(Thomass.  Vet.et  Aoo.  EocL  Disc.  i.  2,  c.  29,  §8). 
A.  decree  of  the  council  of  EUberis  (c.  32)  pro- 
vides that  in  certain  cases  of  ureent  necessity, 
and  at  the  command  of  a  bishop,  the  deacon  may 
receive  a  penitent  to  communion.  But  this  pro- 
bably only  meant  that  the  deacons  might  convey 
the  consecrated  elements,  which,  as  in  the  case 
o^  Se.apion  recorded  by  Ensebius  {ff.  E,  vi.  44), 
might  oe  sent  even  by  a  child  (Thomassin,  i.  2. 


DEAOON 


531 


In  these  cases  their  duties  were  evidently  only 
ministerial  and  strictly  limited  to  the  subor 
dinate  functions  belonging  to  their  office.  Theii 
right  to  bestow  any  blessing  on  their  own 
authority  is  plainly  denied  (Consiititt,  Apost  viii. 
28,46).   [Benediction;  Dominub  Yobiscuh.] 

(.  From  their  bearing  the  chairs  of  priests 
and  bishops  (iv.  Cone.  Brag,  Proem,  c.  5),  it 
would  appear  that  in  some  churches  they  were 
expected  to  perform  duties  scarcely  consistent 
with  the  dignity  of  their  office.  But  their 
general  tendency  appears  to  have  been  either 
to  claim  functions  which  did  not  belong  to 
them  (i.  Cone  Areht.  c  15 ;  Cone,  Quinisext,  c 
16),  or  to  assume  a  precedence  which  may  in- 
dicate that  they  were  in  some  cases  superior  to 
the  priests  in  wealth  or  social  position.  Thus 
they  are  rebuked  for  administering  in  some 
churches  the  Eucharist  to  priests  and  partaking 
of  it  even  before  bishops  and  presuming  to  sit 
among  the  priests  (i.  Cone,  Nic,  c  18);  for  their 
pride  in  sitting  in  the  first  choir  and  compelling 
priests  to  take  their  places  in  the  second  (iv.  Cone. 
Toiet,  c.  39) ;  for  claiming  precedence  at  coun- 
cils of  presbyters  when  they  held  any  ecclesiasti- 
cal office  (Cone,  Quinisext,  c  7);  for  exciting 
seditions  against  the  bishop  (Constitut,  Apost, 
ii.  32) ;  for  bestowing  the  benediction  at  private 
banquets  in  presence  of  priests  (Hieron.  Ep,  85 
adEvang.);  and  for  esteeming  themselves,  on 
account  of  their  superior  wealth,  as  of  higher 
dignity  than  the  priests  (Idem  Comm,  in  Ezek, 
xlviii.). 

1}.  Deacons  were  strictly  limited  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  office  to  the  parishes  for  which  they 
were  appointed,  and  there  are  many  decrees  oif 
councils  forbidding  them  to  wander  el8ewhei*e 
without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  (Canones 
Apost,  c.  12 ;  i.  Cone,  Nic,  c  15 ;  Cone,  Quini- 
sext, c  17 ;  i.  Arelat,  c,  21 ;  ii.  Braoar,  o.  34; 
Agaih,  c.  52). 

IV.  Promotion  to  a  higher  order,  —  It  has 
been  doubted  whether  in  the  earliest  ages  ad- 
mission to  the  diaconate  implied,  or  was  a 
necessary  preliminary  to,  advancement  to  the 
priesthood.  That  this  was  the  case  has  been  in- 
ferred from  the  words  of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy — 
ol  KoX&s  Zuutorhoamts  fiaOfxiw  ^mnois  Kokhv 
Ttpivoiowrrai  (1  Tim.  iii.  13).  See  Dictionabt 
OF  THE  Bible,  L  417.  It  is  undoubtedly  true : — 
1.  That  in  later  times  fiaOfihs  was  used  as  a  tech- 
nical term  denoting  degrees  of  ecclesiastical  office. 
So  it  was  said  of  Athanasius,  iraoaif  r^y  rSw 
fiae^i&f  ixoXoveiay  8ic|cX9(6y  (Greg.  Naz.  Grot, 
21),  and  in  that  sense  it  repeatedly  occurs  in 
the  decrees  of  councils  (Cone,  JSph.  c.  6; 
Chalcedon.  c.  29 ;  Quinisext.  c.  13).  2.  That  the 
elevation  of  deacons  to  the  priesthood  was  part  of 
the  system  of  the  church  in  after  years.  Thus  it 
was  ordered  that  deacons  who  maintained  com- 
munication with  their  wives  should  not  be  ele- 
vated to  the  priesthood  (i.  Cone,  Iblet.  c  1), 
**  ad  ulteriorem  gi-adum  non  ascendat  '*  (i.  Cone. 
2\Aron,  2).  So,  in  the  QuaesOoneSj  the  priest  is 
spoken  of  as  being  ordained  from  among  the  dea- 
cons, **ex  diaconis  presbyterus  ordinatnr  "  (Quaest, 
Q.  101).  And  so  Jerome  argues  the  higher 
office  of  the  priesthood  from  the  fiict  that 
the  diaconate  was  a  step  to  the  priesthood,  *<  ex 
diacono  ordinatur  presbyter"  (Hieron.  Epist, 
ad  Evang.),  But  many  deacons  appear  to  have 
grown  old  and  died  without  promotion  to  the 

2  M  2 


532 


DEACON 


DEACON 


priesthood  (Thomassin,  Vd,  et  Nov.  Eocl,  Diacip, 
i.  2,  c.  33,  §  9). 

V.  Vestments.  —  Concerning  the  dress  of  a 
deacon,  it  was  ordained  that  when  engaged  in 
the  services  of  the  altar  their  apparel  should 
not  he  too  flowing,  with  a  view  to  the  ready 
performance  of  their  duties,  for  they  are  like 

sailors  and  boatswains  (toix((px<><0  *^  ^  ^^^P 
(ConsHtut,  Apost  ii.  57).  Thej  were  to  wear 
a  plain  stole,  **  orarium,'*  unadorned  with  gold 
or  colours,  on  the  left  shoulder,  the  right  being 
left  free,  to  typify  the  expedition  with  which 
they  were  to  discharge  their  sacred  functions  (iv. 
Cone.  Tolet.  c.  40).  The  manner  of  wearing  the 
stole  distinguished  them  from  the  priests;  the 
ctole  itself  was  the  mark  of  their  office,  since  the 
inferior  clergy  were  expressly  forbidden  to  wear 
it  (^Conc.  Laod.  c.  22,  23).  Due  care  was  to 
be  taken  that  this  distinctive  portion  of  the 
dress  was  clearly  seen,  "  non  licet  diacono  velo 
vel  palli  scapulas  suas  inTolvi  **  (jCono.  Aittiss. 
c.  13).  In  another  decree  notice  is  taken  of  cer- 
tain deacons  who  were  accustomed  to  wear  their 
stoles  hidden  beneath  their  albs,  so  as  to  re- 
semble a  subdeacon's,  and  they  are  ordered  to 
display  it  openly  for  the  future  on  the  shoulder 
(i.  Cone.  Brae.  c.  9).  Those  who  had  been  tem- 
porarily deposed  for  any  offence  were  presented 
on  their  reconciliation  with  an  alb  and  a  stole,  as 
symbols  of  their  restoration  to  their  office 
(iy.  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  28).  It  was  to  the  stole  that 
St.  Chrysostom  alluded  when  he  saw  a  vision  of 
the  wings  of  ministering  angels  in  the  fine  linen 
that  floated  over  the  left  shoulders  of  those  en- 
gaged in  the  service  of  the  altar  (rais  ktwrats 
66ovais  raTs  iir\  rSav  kpiartpw  Afiuv  Kfifi4yais ; 
Chrysost.  If  on.  in  Fit.  Prodig.).  [Stole.]  The 
alb  was  to  be  worn  only  at  the  time  of  ministering 
at  the  altar,  or  reading  the  Gospels — "  Diaconus 
tempore  oblationis  tantum  vel  lectionis  albft 
utatur  **  (iv.  Cone.  Carthag.  41 ;  Cone.  Narbon. 
c.  12),  or  when  performing  the  duty  of  the  dea- 
con at  the  opening  of  councils  (iv.  Cone.  Tolet. 
c.  4).  And  this  renders  more  emphatic  a  robuke 
administered  to  certain  priests  and  bishops  who 
were  accustomed  on  great  festivals  to  be  borne 
on  chairs  or  litters  by  deacons  in  albs — *'  albatis 
diaconibus  **  (iv.  Cone.  Brae.  Proem.  &c.  c.  5). 
They  also  wore  a  Dalmatic  (which  see). 

VI.  Number  of  Deacons.  —  The  number  of 
deacons  allotted  to  each  church  appears  to  have 
varied.  The  council  of  Neocaesarea  (c.  15)  or- 
dained that  there  should  be  seven  deacons  and 
no  more  in  every  city,  however  large,  since  that 
number  had  been  ordained  by  the  apostles  (comp. 
Cone.  Quinisext.  c.  16),  and  this  appears  to  have 
been  the  normal  number  in  many  churches 
{Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  cc.  4,  46;  Euseb.  ff.  E. 
vi.  43;  Hilary,  Comm.in  1  TVm.  iii.  8).  But 
the  later  practice  appears  to  have  been  as  stated 
by  Sozomen,  that  the  church  of  Rome  retained 
the  number  of  seven  deacons,  as  instituted  by 
the  apostles,  but  that  other  churches  acted 
according  to  their  own  convenience  (Soz.  H.  E. 
vii.  19).  The  number  of  deacons  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  generally  small;  for  St. 
Jerome  states  that  deacons  derived  a  dignity  not 
belonging  to  their  office  from  their  paucity  in 
number — '*  Diaconos  paucitas  honorabiles,  pres- 
bvteros  turba  facit  contemtibiles  *'  (Epist.  ad 
l&oang.y, 

VII.  Age. — The  age  at  which  deacons  were 


allowed  to  be  ordained  was  nnivenally  fiztd  at 
twenty-five  (iiL  Cone.  Carth.  c.  4 ;  Oonc.  Agaik, 
c.  16;  Cone.  Quinisext.  c  14;  iv.  Cone.  IhleL 
c  20;  iii.  Cmc.  Aurel,  c  6);  bat  Thomassin 
relates  that  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries,  would 
not  permit  any  deacon  to  be  ordained  in  his 
diocese  who  was  undei  the  age  of  thiity,  and 
who  had  not  read  four  times  all  the  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament  (Vet.  et  Nov.  EocL 
Discip.  iL  1,  c  89,  §  8). 

VIII.  Jurisdiction  over. — ^A  deacon  oould  onlf 
be  judged  by  three  bishops  (i.  Cone.  Carth.  dl ; 
ii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  10,  but  Bruns  gives  a  different 
reading  of  this  canon)  of  whom  one  was  to  be 
his  own  diocesan  (iii.  Cone  Carth.  c.  8>.  Sec 
Degradation,  p.  542. 

IX.  Diaconus  in  Monasteries.  In  monasteries 
the  name  of  deacon  was  sometimes  given  to  those 
who  discharged  the  office  of  steward  and  almoner 
—  **  oeoonomi  et  dispensatoris  "  [OsoOFOurB] 
(Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eocl.  Diadp.  iii.  2,  c.  s| 
§4;3,  c.  29,  §23.)  [P.O.] 

X.  Cardinal  Deacon. — A  cardinal  deacon  (dKo- 
oonus  oardinalis)  was  in -ancient  times  a  deacon 
who  was  permanently  attached  (incardinatar) 
to  a  particular  church  (Gregory  the  Great,  EpisL 
V.  2 ;  see  Cardinal,  p.  289). 

The  name  cardinal  seems  also  to  hav«  beei 
given  to  the  deacon  to  whom  seniority  or  pre- 
eminence among  his  fellows  had  been  assigned  l^ 
competent  authority.  So  Gregory  the  Great, 
writing  to  Liberatus,  a  deacon  at  tiigliari  QEpisL 
i.  81),  warns  him  not  to  set  himself  above  the 
other  deacons,  unless  he  had  been  made  cardinal 
by  the  bishop.  Under  Charlemagne  a  cardinal 
deacon  of  the  city  of  Rome  (diaconos  in  cardine 
consti  tutus  in  urbe  Romi)  is  mentioned  with 
special  distinction  (Capituit,  anni  806,  c.  S3» 
p.  458^  Baluze;  and  Capitulariwn,  i.  c  133, 
p.  728). 

XI.  A  deacon  was  assigned  to  each  of  the  seven 
Regions  into  which  the  dty  of  Rome  was  eccle- 
siastically divided ;  these  were  called  Begionarji 
Deacons  (diaconi  regionarii).  The  acolytes  of  each 
region  were  under  the  authority  of  the  regionarj 
deacon  (Mabillon,  Com.  Praev.  in  Ord.  Mom.  p. 
xix.). 

XII.  Stationary  Deacons  were  those  who  mini- 
stered to  the  pope  on  his  going  to  any  Statiox 
where  an  office  was  to  be  said. 

XIII.  Diaconi  Testimoniales  were  those  deaoont 
who  always  lived  with  and  accompanied  a  bishof)^ 
for  the  avoiding  of  scandal  (ii.  Cone  JWm. 
c  12).    See  Svncellus.  [C] 

DEACONESS  (i^  9uUovos,  ZtaxSptaira^  Dia- 
conissa,  Diaama.)  I.  An  order  of  women  in  the 
Primitive  Church  who  appear  to  have  ondertakca 
duties  in  reference  to  their  own  sex  analogous  to 
those  performed  by  the  deacons  among  men.  Their 
office  was  probably  rendered  more  necessary  by 
the  strict  seclusion  which  was  observed  by  this 
female  sex  in  Greece,  and  in  many  Oriental 
countries.  The  word  itself  is  only  once  used  in 
the  New  Testament,  in  the  place  in  which  St. 
Paul  speaks  of  Phoebe  as  Btditovos  r^s  ^kicAv 
<rias  (Rom.  xvL  1) ;  but  it  was  usually  supposed 
by  ancient  commentators  that  the  *< women* 
mentioned  by  St.  Paul  in  the  passage  in  which 
he  enumerates  the  qualifications  of  a  deacon 
(1  Tim.  iii.  11)  wer«  really  deaconesses,  whether, 
as  the  A.V.  assumes,  ^  .res  of  deacons  (Chrysasi, 


DEACONESS 


DEACONESS 


533 


Theophjkct,  Theodoiet,  Oecumen.,  quoted  by 
Wordsworth,  Comm,  in  loco),  or  women-deacons 
(Lightfoot,  Eaaay  on  Christian  Ministry  in  Comtn. 
an  PA«2t/>p»aiu,  p.  189). 

II.  Quaiifioations  for  the  Diaconate. —  It  has 
been  thought  that  these  deaconesses  were  widows 
in  the  earlier  days  of  the  Church,  on  the  ground 
of  the  injunction  of  St.  Paul  that  no  widow 
should  be  taken  into  the  number  under  sixty 
yean  of  age  (1  Tim.  r.  9,  cf.  Thomass.  Vet.  et 
A'ot).  Eod.  Diacip.  i.  1.  8,  c.  50,  n.  10 ;  Hooker, 
EccL  Pol.  V.  c.  78,  §  11).  But  it  does  not  appear 
certain  that  St.  Paul  is  in  this  place  speaking  of 
deaconesses  (cf.  Wordsworth,  Comm.  in  loco). 
And  it  appears  certain  that  virgins  were  admitted 
to  the  office.  Thus  Pliny  speaks,  in  his  epistle 
to  Trajan,  of  two  handmaidens  (ancillae)  whom 
the  Christians  called  '*  ministrae."  The  Apostolic 
Ckmstit%ttions  (vi.  17)  say  that  the  deaconess  should 
be  a  chaste  virgin  (irap64yos  ayvii)  or  else  a 
widow  (cf.  Just.  Novell  vL  6).  The  4th  council 
of  Carthage  (c  12)  speaks  of  widows  and  conse- 
crated virgins  (sanctimoniales)  who  are  selected 
to  discharge  the  duties  of  deaconesses.  Epipha- 
nius  gives  three  classes  from  whom  they  are  to 
be  chosen,  the  virgins,  the  widows  of  one  husband, 
and  those  who  lived  in  continence  with  one  hus- 
band {Expositio  Fidei,  n.  21).  The  council  in 
Trullo  also  provides  that  the  wife  of  a  bishop 
who  has  retired  into  a  convent  on  the  consecra- 
tion of  her  husband  may,  if  found  fit  for  the 
office,  be  admitted  to  the  diaoonate  (^Cono.  Qutnt- 
sext.  c.  48).  Gregory  Nyssen  (^Vita  Macrinae) 
speaks  of  his  sister  Macrina,  and  of  one  Lampadia, 
•B  being  virgins  and  deaconesses.  Sozomen  (if.  K 
▼iii.  28)  sp^s  of  a  noble  virgin  named  Nicarete 
whom  Chrysostom  urged  without  effect  to  become 
a  deaconess ;  and  of  one  Olympias,  a  young  widow, 
who  was  ordained  to  the  rame  office  (Id.  viii.  9). 
Thus  it  seems  evident  that  the  deaconesses 
cannot  be  absolutely  identified  either  with  the 
widows  or  the  virgins  of  the  earlv  church,  but 
were  probably  chosen  from  these  orders  as  occasion 
served.  It  would  even  appear  that,  under  some 
circumstances,  married  women  were  admitted. 

The  age  at  which  they  were  to  be  admitted  to 
their  office  was  strictly  defined.  Tertullian  (^De 
Vti.  Virg,  c.  9)  lays  it  down  that  they  should 
be  60  years  of  age,  widows  of  one  husband,  and 
mothers,  that  their  own  experience  may  enable 
them  to  give  sympathetic  help  to  others  (com- 
pare Basil,  Epist  Canon,  c.  24  and  Jerome,  Ep. 
ad  Salvian»y  The  council  of  Chalcedon  (c.  15) 
Sxes  it  at  40,  and  says  they  are  to  be  chosen 
after  strict  enquiry,  giving  as  a  reason  the  dis- 
honour done  to  the  grace  of  God,  if  any,  after 
>aving  undertaken  this  service,  should  marry. 
The  council  in  Trullo  (cc.  14,  40)  also  assigned 
the  age  of  40  for  the  admission  of  a  deaconess, 
and  60  for  that  of  a  widow,  grounding  the  latter 
rule  on  the  words  of  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  v.  9),  thus 
proving  conclusively  that,  in  their  opinion,  he 
was  not  speaking  in  this  place  of  deaconesses. 
Theodosius  issued  a  decree  that  no  woman  should 
be  admitted  to  the  diaconate  till  she  had  attained 
the  age  of  60,  and  borne  children  (Soz.  If.  E,  vii. 
1^.  Justinian's  legislation  fixed  the  age  of 
admission  at  40  (Jfowll.  123  c  18)  or  50  {Id.  vi. 
6).  Thomassin  thinks  that  only  the  canons 
which  relate  to  women  of  60  years  of  age  refer 
to  deaconesses,  and  the  others  apply  to  widows 
who  have  merely  taken  the  vow  of  continence. 


But  he  is  obliged  to  own  that  he  is  maintaining 
this  opinion  in  the  face  of  the  decree  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon  ( Thomass.  Vet.  et  Nov, 
Eocl.  Discip.  i.  1.  8,  c.  52,  §  3,  4).  Yet  much 
appears  to  have  been  left  to  the  bishops.  Olym- 
pias is  described  as  a  young  widow,  and  Tertul- 
lian {De  Vel.  Virg.  c  9)  expresses  great  indigna- 
tion at  a  case,  with  which  he  says  he  was  him- 
self acquainted,  in  which  a  virgin  under  20  was 
admitted  to  the  order  of  widows  **  in  viduatu/' 
under  which  term  the  context  proves  that  he  is 
speaking  of  the  diaconate. 

From  the  |sassages  already  quoted  it  will  be 
seen  that  it  was  always  required  that.  \f  widows, 
deaconesses  should  only  have  been  ono«  married. 
This  was  probably  in  obedience  to  the  injunction 
of  St.  Paul,  **  the  wife  of  one  man  "  (1  Tim.  v. 
9).  Other  names  of  female  servants  of  the 
Church  are,  irpcA'/S^iScf ,  women-elders,  and  irpc- 
frfivTtpcu,  aged  women.  In  the  N.  T.  the  words 
appear  identical  in  meaning  (cf.  1  Tim.  v.  2,  and 
Titus  ii.  3).  But  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions 
(ii.  28),  the  irpffffivrdpcUf  the  poorer  of  whom 
were  to  be  invited  more  frequently  to  the  Agapae, 
are  clearly  different  from  the  «-pc<r/3^t8cs  who, 
as  ministers  of  the  church,  are  allotted  a  definite 
share  of  the  first-fruits  then  offered,  while  the 
same  proportion  of  the  **eulogiae"  is  allotted 
in  another  place  to  those  who  are  there  called 
deaconesses  (SfojcoWcrirais,  Ibid.  viii.  c.  31).  Epi- 
phanius  appears  to  make  a  distinction  between 
the  two,  when  he  says  that  the  deaconesses  were 
called  widows  (x^^'X  ^^^  ^^^  elder  of  them 
(ras  thi  yfHf4n4pas)  were  called  vp^tr^^riZasy 
and  notes  carefully  that  the  word  is  quite  difierent 
from  that  which  designates  women  -  presbyters 
(irpco'iSvrcp/Sas)  (Epiph.  Haer.  79,  cap.  4,  cf. 
Cone.  Laod.  c.  11). 

Probably  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  virgins 
qualified  for  the  office,  it  would  appear  that  the 
deaconesses  were  in  a  great  measure  chosen 
from  among  the  widows.  And  thus  they  were 
often  called  x^/mu,  although  distinct  from  the 
general  body  of  widows  belonging  to  the  Church. 
Thus  Epiphanius,  in  the  passage  already  quoted, 
speaks  of  the  order  of  deaconesses  (puucotfura'&y 
rdyfut)  who  are  called  widows.  So  there  is  a 
canon  speaking  of  the  ordination  of  widows 
whom  they  oul  deaconesses,  **  Viduarum  conse- 
cratio  quas  diaconas  vocitant "  (Cbnc.  Epaon.  o. 
21) ;  and  Basil  speaks  of  a  widow  who  has  been 
taken  into  the  number  of  widows,  that  is,  re- 
ceived by  the  Church  into  the  diaconate  (Basil, 
Ep.  Can.  c.  3).  Under  this  term  were  included 
all  deaconesses,  whether  they  were  widows  or 
not.  So  Ignatius  speaks  of  the  virgins  who 
were  called  widows,  r&s  Tap04vous  rhs  \€yofi4yas 
X^p^s  (Ad  Smym.  c.  13).  So  that  it  is  probable 
that  the  word  may  have  meant  those  living  with- 
out a  husband,  whether  in  widowhood,  or  under 
a  vow  of  continence  (see  Jacobson  in  loco). 

III.  Duties  of  Deaconesses. — ^The  duties  of  the 
deaconesses  were  various.  The  most  impoitant 
related  to  the  administration  of  baptism  to 
women  [Baptism,  p.  160].  Thus  the  4th  coun- 
cil of  Carthage  (c.  12)  speaks  of  them  as  widows 
or  virgins  selected  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  in 
the  baptism  of  women,  and  who  therefore  mast 
be  qualified  to  assist  the  unlearned  candidates 
how  to  answer  the  interrogatories  in  the  baptis- 
mal office,  and  how  to  live  after  baptism.  Epi* 
phanius  says  that  the  order  was  instituted  to 


534 


DEACONESS 


DEAGOMiSS 


ist  at  the  baptum  of  women,  that  all  things 
might  be  done  with  proper  deoencf  (Hder.  79, 
cap.  S).  In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (ilL 
15,  16)  it  ia  said  that  the  deaconess  {^r^v  Ji<(- 
Kovop)  was  to  be  chosen  for  ministering  to 
women,  because  it  was  impossible  to  send  a 
deacon  into  many  houses  on  account  of  the  un- 
believers. At  the  baptism  of  women  the  dea- 
conesses were  to  administer  the  chrism  before 
baptism,  and  to  undertake  all  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  the  women,  as  the  deacon  did 
for  the  men.  No  woman  was  to  hare  anj  inters 
course  with  the  bishop  or  deacon  except  through 
the  deaconess  (^Ihid,  ii.  c.  26).  They  were  also 
to  receive  women  who  were  strangers,  and  allot 
them  their  places  in  the  church  {Urid,  ii.  c.  58), 
and  to  stand  at  the  door  of  that  part  of  the 
church  which  was  allotted  to  women  {Ibid,  ii. 
c.  57).  Thus  the  Pseudo-Ignatius  {Ad  Antioch. 
c  12)  speaks  of  the  deaconesses  who  kept  the 
doors  of  the  church.  They  were  to  attend  to 
the  women  who  were  sick  or  in  affliction  as  the 
deacon  did  to  the  men  {Gonttitut,  Apost.  iii.  19X 
and  in  time  of  persecution  to  minister  to  the 
confessors  in  prison  (Cotel.  Annot.  in  Gunsiit. 
Apost.  iii.  1 5,  quoting  firom  Lucian  and  Libanius). 
They  were  to  exercise  some  supervision  over 
the  general  body  of  widows,  who  were  to  be 
obedient  to  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  and 
ftirther  to  the  deaconesses  {Constitut.  Apost.  iii. 
c.  7).  They  also  probably  had  authority  over 
the  yirgins.  Thus  Gregory  Nyssen,  in  the  life 
of  Macrina,  says  that  Lampadia  was  set  oyer  the 
body  of  yirgius  in  the  diaconate.  But  the  latter 
office  appears  to  have  been  separable  from  the 
diaconate.  Sozomen  says  that  Nicarete  refused 
either  to  be<»>me  a  deaconess,  or  to  preside  over 
the  yirgins  of  the  Church,  as  if  she  miffht  have 
accepted  the  one  position  without  the  other 
(Soz.  H.  E.  viii.  c.  23). 

IV.  Bank  and  Priviiegss, — ^There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  deaconesses  were  considered  to  be  an 
order  in  the  Church.  Nectarius  is  said  to  have 
ordained  Olympias  to  the  diaconate,  SicLcovoy 
4x*ipoT6irrfff9  (Soz.  ff.  JS.  viii.  9),  and  the  same 
word  is  used  in  the  decrees  of  the  councils  in 
Trullo  (oc.  14,  40),  and  Chalcedon  (c.  15).  Epi- 
phanius  speaks  of  them  as  an  order,  rdyftOy  in 
the  Church  {Haer,  79,  cap.  3);  and  they 
were  to  receive  the  consecrated  elements  imme- 
diately after  the  male  clergy,  takmg  precedence 
of  the  widows  and  virgins,  and  the  lay  people 
{Constitut.  Apost.  viii.  c  13).  Their  ministry  is 
said  to  be  dependent  upon  that  of  the  deacons 
{Ibid,  ii.  c.  26).  A  form  of  ordination  by  the 
bishop  is  also  given  in  which  the  words  iiFiBi{frtis 
rks  x^^P^'^y  which  express  the  act  of  ordination, 
are  the  same  as  those  employed  in  the  offlce  for 
the  ordination  of  deacons,  which  the  whole  form 
greatly  resembles  (/oid.  viii.  19,  20). 

Thomassin  understands  deaconesses  to  be  meaut 
in  a  decree  of  the  2nd  council  of  Carthage  (c 
3),  which  forbids  a  virgin  to  be  consecrated  by 
a  presbyter,  **  puellarum  oonsecratio  a  presbytero 
non  fiat "  (ii.  Cone.  Carth.  c.  3),  or,  as  modified 
by  the  3rd  council  (c.  36),  without  the  consent 
of  the  bishop  ( Vst,  st  Nov,  Ecd,  Discip^  i.  1.  3, 
c  50,  §  11,  12). 

There  is  however  a  somewhat  remarkable  pas- 
sage in  a  decree  of  the  council  of  Nice,  which, 
afV«r  speaking  of  the  Paulianist  clergy  who 
were  to  be  reordained  on  their  admission  to  the 


Catholic  Church,  goes  on  to  say  that  the 
conesses  who  had  assumed  that  office,  or  habit, 
since  they  had  no  imposition  of  hands,  could  odIj 
be  reckoned  among  the  laity  (1  Chnc  NiCm  c 
19).  But  this  appears  simply  to  refer  to  cer- 
tain women  among  the  Paulianists  who  had 
assumed  the  habit  or  office  of  deaconess  without 
imposition  of  hands,  and  who  therefore  could 
not  be  reordained  but  simply  reckoned  among 
the  laity  (cf.  Thomassin  Vet,  et  Not.  Bod,  Diacip,. 
i.  1.  3,  c  50,  §  12).  Indeed  the  same  canon 
speaks  of  deaconesses  as  among  the  clergy  (J^w 
T^  jcov^vi)  and  to  be  received  in  the  same  man- 
ner. Thus  clearly  making  a  distinction  between 
those  among  the  raulianists  who  had  been  regu- 
larly ordained,  and  those  who  had  assumed  the 
office  without  ordination.  But  the  readii^  is 
doubtful  (see  Bruns,  Cawmss^  i-  l^X  though 
Thomassin,  in  the  place  above  quoted,  aooepts  it 
without  question  as  authentic. 

The  ordination,  however,  was  expressly  uadei^ 
stood  to  confer  no  sacerdotal  functions  of  any 
kind.  The  4th  council  of  Carthage  (c  100) 
expressly  orders  that  no  woman  should  venture 
to  baptize.  It  appears  that  certain  sects  of  the 
Montanists  ordained  women  as  priests  and  even 
as  bishops.  In  opposition  to  these  Epiphanius, 
while  speaking  of  them  as  an  order  in  the  Church, 
asserts  that  they  were  women-elders,  but  not 
priestesses  in  any  sense  (irpc<ri9vrcpfSas  ^/epTo-ircu), 
and  that  their  mission  was  not  to  interfere  in 
any  way  with  the  functions  allotted  to  the  priests 
(/cpoTc^iy),  but  simply  to  perform  certain  offices 
in  the  care  of  women  (Epiph.  Haer,  79,  cap. 
3).  Tertullian  also  says  that  it  is  not  permitted 
to  a  woman  to  speak  in  the  church,  nor  to  baptise, 
nor  to  make  the  oblation  (ofierre),  nor  disdiarge 
any  of  the  offices  allotted  to  men  (virile  manas) 
CTert.  de  Vei.  Virg.  c  9),  and  is  indignant  at 
the  forwardness  of  women  who  take  upon  them- 
selves to 'teach  and  to  baptize  contrary  to  the 
express  command  of  the  Apostle  (Id.  Ds  Baptis, 
c  17).  The  Contentions  (iii.  9)  emphatically 
deny  the  right  of  women  to  baptize,  asserting 
that  priestesses  are  ordained  for  female  deities, 
and  are  a  heathen,  not  a  Christian  institution ; 
and  that  if  Our  Lord  had  wished  them  to  baptize, 
he  would  himself  have  been  baptized  by  his  own 
mother  rather  than  by  John  the  Baptist.  The 
latter  argument  is  also  used  by  Epiphanius,  who 
says  that  if  Our  Lord  had  ordered  women  to 
exercise  any  priestly  or  ecclesiastical  ministry, 
he  would  first  have  given  that  office  to  the 
Virgin  Mary  {Haer.  79,  cap.  3). 

y.  Celibacy. — It  is  evident  that  the  ordinatien 
of  deaconesses  included  a  yow  of  celibacy.  The 
council  of  Chalcedon  (c  15)  pronounoss  aa 
anathema  against  those  who  should  marry  after 
haying  been  ordained  to  the  diaconate.  And  Jus- 
tinian's legislation  ordered  that  those  who  married 
should  be  sentenced  to  forfeiture  of  property  and 
capital  punishment  {Koveli,  vi.  6). 

VI.  hiscontinuance. — It  is  probable  that  this 
occasioned  the  discontinuance  of  the  order.  Ccr^ 
tainly  it  did  not  last  long.  The  council  of  Laodicea, 
A.D.  320,  forbade  the  appointment  of  any  of 
those  who  were  called  wp^ofi^A^s  {Come,  Laod. 
c.  11>  The  1st  council  of  Orange  (c  26X  ^J^^ 
441,  simply  forbids  the  ordination  of  any  dea^ 
coness  whatever ;  and  again,  ^  Viduarum  consc- 
crationem  quas  diaconas  vocitant  ab  omni  regioea 
nostra  penitus  abrogamus"  {Conc^Epaon,  c  21). 


DEAD 


DEAD 


sas 


The  2iid  oonndl  of  Orleans  (cc.  17,  18)  decrees 
that  deaconesses  who  had  married  were  to  be 
excommunicated  unless  they  renounced  their 
husbands,  but  none  in  future  were  to  be  ordained 
on  account  of  the  weakness  of  the  sex.  It  would 
appear  that,  in  the  time  of  the  writer  of  certain 
commentaries  which  appear  under  the  name  of  Je- 
rome,  the  order  was  quite  extinct  in  the  Western 
Church,  and  only  known  by  report  as  existing  in 
the  £a8t.  Thus  he  speaks  of  ^*  those  whom  in 
the  East  they  call  deaconesses  "  (Hieron.  Comm, 
in  1  Thn,  iii.  11),  and  **ln  the  East  women 
deaconesses  (diaconissae  mulieres)  appear  to 
minister  to  their  own  sex  in  baptism  and  the 
ministrj  of  the  word  "  (Id.  Conim,  Mom.  xvi.  1). 
Thomassin  thinks  that  the  order  was  extinct  in 
the  Western  Church  in  the  10th  or  12th  century 
(^Vet.  et  Ifuv,  Eccl,  Diadp.  i.  1.  3,  c.  49,  §  8),  but 
that  it  lingered  on  a  little  longer  in  the  Church 
of  Constantinople,  though  only  in  convents  (Jd. 
i.  1.  3,  c  47,  §  10). 

The  title  of  deaconesses  was  also  given  some- 
times to  the  wives  of  deacons  (ii.  Cone,  Taron,  c 
19),  and  to  abbesses  of  convents  (Thomass.  Vet. 
et  Nov.  Ecd.  Biacip.  L  1.  3,  c.  47,  §  10).  [P.  0.] 

DEAD,  Baptisu  of  aivd  fob  the. 

DEAD,  Communion  of  the. 

The  three  practices  thus  grouped  together  had 
a  common  origin  in  the  feeling  that  baptism  was 
an  indispensable  condition  of  salvation ;  that  for 
those  who  had  been  baptized  the  other  great 
sacrament  of  the  Chnrch  was  almost  as  essential ; 
that  it,  at  least,  brought  with  it  priceless  advan- 
tages to  the  receiver  when  he  entered  on  the 
unseen  world ;  that  it  was  the  viaticum  for  that 
last  journey.  The  earliest  trace  of  the  feeling 
and  its  results  is  seen  in  the  strange,  passing 
allusion  by  St.  Paul  in  1  Cor.  xv.  29,  to  the 
fiam(6fityoi  Inrhp  vtKpHv,  It  is  not  within  the 
■cope  of  the  present  paper  to  enter  fully  into 
the  exegesis  of  that  perplexing  passage.  The 
strange  contrast  which  its  apparent  meaning 
presented  to  the  received  doctrine  and  practice 
of  the  Church  made  the  interpreters  of  a  later 
period  anxious  to  find  a  way  of  escape,  and  from 
Chrysostom  and  Theophylact  downward  there 
have  been  those  who  have  seen  in  it  a  reference 
to  the  profession  of  faith  in  the  resurrection  of 
the  body  made  at  baptism.  It  is  believed,  how- 
ever, that  this  is  simply  a  non-natural  and  unte- 
nable interpretation.  It  is  better  to  take  the 
words  in  their  obvious  sense,  and  to  remember 
that  St.  Paul  simply  draws  from  the  practice  of 
which  they  speak  an  argumentum  ad  homineni, 
and  does  not,  in  the  slightest  degree,  sanction  the 
practice  itselC  However  8tai*tling  it  may  seem 
that  a  feeling  so  gross  in  its  superstition  should 
spring  up  so  soon,  we  have  to  remember  that  it 
was  more  or  less  analogous  to  the  ''  sorrow  with- 
out hope "  of  which  St.  Paul  speaks  in  writing 
to  the  Thessalonians  (1  Thess.  iv.  13),  and  which 
sprang  out  of  the  belief  that  those  who  died 
before  the  coming  of  the  Lord  were  shut  out 
from  all  pai*ticipation  in  the  glory  of  the  king- 
dom. So  it  was  at  Corinth  and,  it  may  be,  else- 
where. Men  were  told  that  by  baptism  they  were 
admitted  to  the  kingdom  of  God;  that  it  was  the 
pledge  not  only  of  immortality  for  the  soul,  but 
of  resurrection  for  the  body.  But  what  would 
become  of  those  who,  though  they  had  believed, 
were  cut  cSi  by  death  before  receiving  baptism  ? 


His  answer  led  to  the  expedient  of  a  "  vi(»riura 
baptisma  "  (Tertull.  De  Reaurr,  Cam.  c  48,  Adv. 
Mardon,  v.  10),  to  which  the  usages  of  later 
Judaism  offered,  at  least,  some  remote  analogies 
(Lightfoot,  Bor.  Hcbr.  in  1  Cor.  xv.).  The 
practice  assumed  among  the  Ebionites  (£piphan. 
Ifaerea.  30)  and  the  Marcionites  (Chrysost. 
Ifom.  40  th  1  Cor.)  a  somewhat  dramatic  fviTa. 
The  corpse  was  laid  upon  the  bed,  and  beneath 
there  was  concealed  a  living  man.  The  question 
''Wilt  thou  be  baptised?"  was  formally  put 
and  answered,  and  then  the  rite  was  performed 
on  the  living  as  the  proxy  for  the  dead.  There 
is  no  reason  for  thinking  that  the  practice  ever 
became  common  in  the  Church.  Its  adoption 
by  heretical  sects  probably  secured  its  con- 
denmation.  But  the  feeling  had  showed  itself 
in  another  form  more  widely.  The  stronger 
the  feeling  that  baptism  oonferred  what  could 
be  conferred  in  no  other  way,  the  more  men 
lamented  over  the  non-Ailfilment  of  the  con- 
dition by  those  they  loved.  The  Church  allowed 
baptism  in  articulo  mortis,  it  is  true,  even  where 
the  ordinary  conditions  were  not  fulfilled.  It 
might,  in  case  of  necessity,  be  administered  by  a 
layman  or  even  by  a  woman.  But  still  detith 
might  come  beforehand.  What  was  to  be  done 
then  ?  What  was  to  be  done  in  the  parallel  case 
of  the  baptized  man  dying  without  communion  ? 
In  all  parts  of  the  Church,  and  for  some  centuries, 
we  find  traces  of  the  prevalence  of  the  practice 
of  administering  baptism  to  the  corpse.  It  is  for- 
bidden, it  is  true,  by  Councils,  but  the  locality 
and  date  of  the  Synods  that  prohibit  it,  are  sig- 
nificant as  showing  how  widely  spread  it  was. 
We  have  canons  against  it  and  against  the  ana- 
logous practice  of  placing  the  Eucharist  within 
the  lips  of  the  dead,  in  the  third  Council  of  Car- 
thage (A.D.  397  c  6) ;  in  the  Council  in  Trullo 
at  Constantinople  (a.d.  692,  c.  83) ;  in  that  of 
Auxerre  (a.d.  578,  c.  12)  ;  in  the  Canons  of  Boni- 
face, Bishop  of  Maintz  (Can.  20).  Gregory  of 
Nazianzum  (Orat.  40)  utters  a  serious  warning 
against  it.  Even  when  the  better  sense  of  the 
Church  rejected  the  more  revolting  usage,  there 
was,  as  has  been  said  under  Burial,  both  in  the 
East  and  West,  the  corresponding  usage,  hardly 
less  superstitious,  of  placing  a  portion  of  the  con- 
secrated bread  upon  the  breast  of  the  corpse  to 
be  interred  with  him,  as  a  charm  against  the 
attacks  of  malignant  spirits.  The  practice  of 
the  baptism  of  the  dead  prevailed  most,  according 
to  one  writer,  among  the  Phrygian  followers  of 
Montanus  (Philastr.  De  ffaeres.  p.  2).    [£.  H.  P.] 

DEAD,    FESTIVAL    OP    THE.      [All 
SouM  Day.] 

DEAD,  PBAYER  FOR  THE.     [Cakon 

OF  THE  LiTDROY:  MA88.] 

DEAD,  TREATMENT  OP.     [Burial  of 

THE   DkAD.] 

DEAMBULATORIA,  DEAMBULACRA, 

covered  porticos  for  walking  in,  more  particu- 
larly those  surrounding  the  body  of  a  church, 
d'jamhuUitona  ecciesiarum.  These  were  some- 
times of  two  stories.  This  was  the  case  in  the 
church  built  by  Constantine  over  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre, which  is  described  by  Eusebius  (  Vit.  Cun^ 
lib.  iii.  c.  37)  as  having  two  porticos,  Strral  erodif 
on  each  side  of  the  church,  corresponding  to  the 
length  of  the  building,  with  upper  and  lower 
ranges  of  pillara.   Gregory  Nazianzen  also  {Orat. 


536 


DEAN 


DEBTORS 


1€)  describes  the  church  erected  hj  his  father  m 
having  oTooX  9i6poipoi.  The  chnrch  of  St.  Sophia 
was  similarly  surrounded  with  porticos,  except 
towards  the  east,  on  which  side  they  were  usually 
wanting  (Procop.  de  Aedif,  lib.  i.  c.  8,  lib.  r.  c  6), 
and  which  were  of  two  stories  towards  the  west 
(Ducange,  Constaivtinopolia  Christiana,  lib.  iii.  cc. 
16,  17).  The  *' deambulatoria  "  sometimes  con- 
tained  altars  (Dacange  sub  roc.).  The  term  is 
also  used  for  the  wallcs  of  a  cloister,  "  deambu- 
latoria  claustrorum."    [Cloisteb.]         [£.  V.] 

DEAN.    [Djecanus.] 

DEATH,  REPBESENTATIONS    OF.— 

Though  symbolic  images  invoMng  the  thought  of 
death  are  by  no  means  rare  in  early  Christian  art, 
they  haye  reference  almost  entirely  to  the  state 
of  death,  rather  than  the  process,  so  to  speak. 
They  point  to  the  condition  of  the  restored  soul, 
rather  than  to  the  painful  separation  of  body 
and  soul.  Thus  the  thought  and  representa- 
tions of  death  are  generally  without  terror. 
The  Raising  of  Lazarus  [Lazabdb]  is  repeated 
(Bottari,  px-uim)  as  an  earnest  of  the  Lord's 
]M>wer:  tae  Resurrection  accompanies  the  Cru- 
cifixion in  early  art,  as  in  the  Laurentine  MS. 
Flowers  are  freely  used  to  decorate  tombs,  with 
little  change  from  their  Pagan  employment; 
and  the  bird  set  at  liberty,  the  palm-branch,  the 
car  or  chariot  at  rest,  and  the  ship  at  anchor 
(see  s.  TT.),  occur  the  two  first  passUn,  the 
others  occasionally.  Herzog  (^Beal-Eiicyc^  s.  v. 
^  Sinnbilder  ")  states  that  the  skeleton  figure  of 
death,  in  its  retrospective  view,  pointing  to  the 
change  from  the  life  and  pleasure  of  this  world 
is  traceable  to  remains  of  Gnostic  symbols.  The 
writer  of  this  article  can  remember  no  earlier 
instance  of  it,  than  Giotto's  crowned  skeleton  at 
Assisi.  (See  Crowe  and  Cavalcaselle's  ItaUan 
Painters^  life  of  Giotto.)  Orgagna  and,  lastly, 
Holbein  bring  down  this  Gothic  grotesque  sym- 
bol of  the  visible  change,  and  outer  side  of  the 
subject,  to  modern  days. 

For  the  apparently  Pagan  Chariot  of  Death  in 
the  Catacomb  of  St.  Praetextatus  see  Perret,  QUa- 
combea,  &c.,  vol.  i.  pi.  72 ;  also  Bottari,  vol.  iii. 
219.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DEBTORS.  The  Jewish  law  in  reference  to 
debts  and  debtors,  and  to  the  redemption  of 
pledges,  is  very  peculiar.  That  of  the  Christian 
Church  has  been  mainly  founded  on  the  Roman, 
which,  originally  very  harsh  towards  debtors 
(see  Gibbon,  c.  xliv.,  &c.),  under  the  empire 
was  greatly  mitigated  in  their  favour.  Thus 
by  a  constitution  of  Diocletian  and  Maximin 
(A.D.  294),  it  was  expressly  enacted  that  the 
laws  do  not  suffer  freemen  to  be  compelled  to 
become  slaves  to  their  creditors  by  reason  of 
their  debts  (CWc,  bk.  iv.  Tit.  ix.  1.  12).  Under 
the  older  law  there  had  already  been  introduced 
in  favour  of  the  debtor  the  expedient  of  the 
bonorum  cessiOj  something  between  our  bank- 
ruptcy, and  what  a  few  years  back  was  distin- 
guished from  it  as  insolvency  (see  Dig.  bk.  xlii. 
Tit.  iii.).  It  was  a  question  among  the  jurists 
whether,  if  a  man  had  once  given  up  all  his 
goods  to  his  creditors,  any  after  acquired  pro- 
perty of  his  was  subject  to  their  claims.  Sabinus 
and  Cassius  would  have  him  free  {f^id.  1.  4), 
thus  assimilating  him  to  the  bankrupt.  Ulpiau 
took  a  middle,  and  it  must  be  said,  an  unwise 
course,  holding  that  the   liability  depended  on 


the  quantum  of  the  subsequent  eanuKgi,  aal 
that  he  was  not  to  be  distui-bed  m  the  posseasion 
of  anything  left  or  given  to  him  by  way  ol 
charity  for  his  maintenance  {Ibid.  1.  6).  Modes- 
tinus  also  held  the  liability  to  attach,  if  the  pro- 
perty were  sufficient  to  justify  the  action  of  the 
praetor  (Ibid.  1.  7).  Under  the  Code,  by  a  oou- 
stitution  of  Alexander  Severus  (a.d.  224),  the 
debtor  was  not  held  free  from  his  debt  till  the 
creditor  was  paid  in  full,  but  the  cessio  6ofionMi 
exempted  him  from  imprisonment  and  from  tor- 
ture (bk.  vii.  tit.  IxxL  11.  1,  8).  It  was  in  the 
option  of  the  creditors  to  allow  the  debtors  five 
years*  delay  instead  of  accepting  the  c»sm>,  such 
option  to  be  exercised,  in  case  of  difference  of 
opinion,  according  to  the  figure  of  the  debt,  so 
that  a  single  creditor  whose  daim  should  amount 
to  more  than  the  sum  total  of  all  the  others  had 
the  fate  of  the  debtor  in  his  hands  (1.  8 ;  ConsL 
of  Justinian).  An  attempt  having  moreover 
been  made  to  make  the  cestio  compidsory  on  the 
debtor,  the  135th  Novel  forbade  this. 

Debtors  were  under  the  Christian  emperors 
admitted  to  the  right  of  sanctuary  in  chur-hes 
and  their  precincts,  Jews  only  excepted,  who  pre- 
tended a  wish  to  become  converted  in  order  to 
frustrate  their  creditors,  and  who  were  &ot  to 
be  admitted  until  they  had  paid  all  their  debts 
(Cocfa,  bk.  i.  t.  xii.  1.  1  ff.X  although  the  public 
imposts  might  be  levied  within  the  churches 
themselves,  and  if  the  collectors  were  subjected 
to  violence  or  seditious  opposition,  the  defentora 
and  oeoonomi  of  the  Church  were  made  respon- 
sible for  the  fiscal  dues  not  collected  {Nocd  17, 
c.  7) ;  but  otherwise  it  was  expressly  enart^ed  by 
a  constitution  of  the  Emperor  Leo,  A.D.  466  (bk. 
i.  t.  xii.  1.  6),  that  the  bishops  and  oeoouomii 
were  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  debts  of 
persons  claiming  sanctuary. 

We  may  moreover  observe  in  the  60th  Naced  a 
law  forbidding  creditors  to  torment  their  dying 
debtors  or  their  families,  place  their  seals  upon 
the  property,  or  interfere  with  the  funeral,  uii^er 
severe  penalties  (c.  i.);  and  in  the  115th  another 
which  forbade  the  pressing  by  creditors  of  the 
heirs,  parents,  children,  wives,  husbands,  agnates^ 
cognates,  connexions  or  sureties  of  a  deceased 
debtor  within  nine  days  of  his  death,  the  delay 
not  to  be  reckoned  as  time  running  for  prescrip- 
tion  nor  otherwise  to  prejudice  the  creditoi 
(c.  v.).  The  lS4th  Novel  forbids  a  custom  which 
it  speaks  of  as  prevalent  in  various  places,  that 
of  detaining  a  debtor's  children  as  pledges,  or  as 
slaves  or  servants  for  hire,  under  penalty  of  for- 
feiture of  the  debt,  damages  to  an  equal  amount, 
and  corporal  punishment  (c.  vii.).  As  to  debts 
due  to  bankers,  see  the  136th  Nocel,  and  7th 
£dict  of  Justinian. 

Under  the  Ostrogothic  rule  in  Italy,  the 
Edict  of  Theodoric  required  debtors  condemned 
by  judicial  sentence  to  pay  within  two  months, 
under  pain  of  the  sale  of  their  pledges  (c  124). 
Where,  however,  a  creditor  seised  the  goods  of 
one  who  was  not  under  obligation  to  him,  he  wa6 
to  pay  fourfold  the  value,  if  sued  within  the 
year,  otherwise  simply  to  restore  the  amount 
seized;  and  so  of  the  fruits  of  land  (c  131). 
Under  the  Lombard  law,  on  the  contrary,  by 
practice  of  seizing  the  person  of  the  debtor  tbt 
way  of  pledge  seems  to  reappear,  although  the 
liability  is  confined  to  himself  and  his  ^<zp^Ns, 
or  neaiest  future  heir  {Laws  of  Sotharis,  c.  149; 


DECALVATIO 


DBCANUS 


637 


▲.D.  638  or  643).  Little,  however,  is  found 
generally  in  the  b^baric  Codes  on  the  sabject. 

It  is  not  surprising  tolfind  the  Church  occasion- 
allj  interfering  either  by  spiritual  penalties,  or 
oooTersely  by  kindly  assistance  to  the  unfor- 
tunate, where  the  municipal  law  failed  to  take 
effect  for  their  relief.  A  signal  instance  of  ec- 
clesiastical assistance  to  a  debtor  is  that  which 
forms  the  subject  of  Augustine's  215th  or  268th 
letter,  addressed  to  his  congregation,  to  which  he 
appealed  to  repay  Maoedonius,  who  had  suffered 
by  his  kindness  to  one  Fasciua,  a  debtor  who  had 
taken  sanctuary. 

An  Irish  Synod  of  the  middle  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury (450  or  456)  enacted  the  excommunication 
of  fraudulent  debtors,  as  if  they  were  heathens, 
till  they  paid  their  debts  (c.  20).  In  the  collec- 
tion of  Irish  canons,  supposed  to  belong  to  the 
end  of  the  7th  century,  there  is  a  whole  book 
(xzxii.)  **  of  debts  and  pledges,  and  usury,"  and 
another  (xzziii.)  ^  of  sureties  and  rates."  There 
U  however  no  reason  for  supposing  that  enact- 
ments like  this  ever  took  effect  beyond  the  limits 
of  Ireland. 

From  the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great,  (A.D. 
590-<;03)  we  obtain  some  glimpses  of  the  con- 
dition of  debtors  at  the  heart  of  Christendom, 
towards  the  end  of  the  6th  and  beginning  of  the 
7th  century,  and  of  the  behaviour  of  the  Church 
towards  them.  Two  of  his  letters  {Epistt,  ii.  56 
and  iii.  43)  are  occupied  with  the  case  of  a  Syrian 
named  Cosmas,  a  poor  debtor,  whose  sons,  accord- 
ing to  his  account,  were  detained  by  his  creditors 
as  pledges  for  his  debts,  and  whom  he  was  anx- 
iooa  to  benefit. 

Several  other  instances  to  the  same  effect  occur 
in  the  same  collection.  A  letter  {Epist.  v.  35) 
to  SecundinuB,  bishop  of  Taormina,  is  written  in 
favour  of  one  Sincerus,  whose  wife  was  pressed 
to  pay  the  debts  of  her  late  fSetther.  See  also 
Efiat,  vii.  pt.  2,  37  and  60.  Compare  Sano- 
TUARY ;  Usury.  [J.  M.  L.] 

DECALVATIO.  [Cobporal  Punishments, 
p.  472.] 

DEGANATUS  =  1.  the  office  of  dean ;  2.  the 
district  of  a  rural  dean ;  3.  sometimes  a  farm  or 
monastic  grange,  in  late  charters.    [A  W.  H.] 

DEOAKIA,  the  district  under  a  Decanus 
[p.  539],  temp.  Car.  Calvi.  The  word  was  used 
iu  later  times  also  for  a  monastic  farm  or  grange 
(Du  Cauge>  [A.  W.  H.] 

DECANIGIUM  (Aeicayfictov).  The  Pas- 
toral Stapf  borne  before  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople on  solemn  occasions :  delivered  to 
him  in  the  first  instance  by  the  emperor  (Suicer's 
ThedcmrtiSj  s.v.).  Pancirolus  however  (  Thesaurus 
i.  85)  states  that  the  decanicium  (or  dicanitiurn) 
was  a  silver  mace.  [C] 

DECAKIOUM,  Decania,  or  Dbganica  (Ar- 
komikSp),  an  ecclesiastical  prison,  career  canoni' 
caUs  or  demeritorum  dtjmus,  a  place  of  confine- 
ment in  which  criminous  clerks  were  incarcerated 
by  their  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastical  supe- 
riors. The  word  is  derived  from  the  decani^  the 
subordinate  officials — the  ^affbo^txoi  or  lictors 
of  the  church — who  were  the  jailers.  By  a 
&lse  etymology  it  is  sometimes  written  liucapiK6y. 
Another  form,  BuucoviKdvj  also  found,  may  be 
justified  by  the  fact  that  the  sacristy  and  other 
annexed  ecclesiastical  buildings  sometimes  served 


the  purpose  of  a  prison.  Cf.  the  letter  of  Pope 
Gregory  II.,  a.d.  731-741,  to  the  £mperor  Leo 
Isaurus,  in  which,  comparing  the  mercy  of  the 
ecclesiastical  with  the  severity  of  temporal 
rulers,  he  says  that  when  one  of  the  clergy  was 
proved  to  be  worthy  of  punishment,  instead  of 
hanging  or  beheading  him,  the  bishop  hung 
round  his  neck  the  gospels  and  the  cross,  and 
imprisoned  him  in  one  of  the  treasuries  or  dia- 
conica,  or  catechumena  of  the  church  (Labbe, 
Condi,  viii.  p.  25).  The  word  decanicum  is  not 
unfrequently  met  with  in  early  times:  e.g,  in 
the  petition  of  Basil  the  deacon  to  the  Emperor 
Theodosius,  complaining  of  the  cruel  indignities 
he  and  his  friends  had  been  subjected  to  at  the 
hands  of  Nestorius  (Acta  ConciL  Ephes,  pars  i. 
c.  30,  §  Set  passim  s  Labbe,  Ooncil.  iii.  425-431). 
'*Thev  had  been  stripped  and  beaten,  and  led 
off  half-naked  to  the  (feoantctiin,  where  they  were 
detained  without  food,  and  again  beaten  by  the 
decani." 

The  Deoanica  are  named  among  the  buildings 
of  which  heretics  were  to  be  deprived,  in  a 
decree  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius  {Justin.  Cod, 
lib.  i.  tit.  V.  c.  8) ;  and  in  the  I^ovells  of  Justi- 
nian (Ixxix.  c  3,  p.  211)  we  find  a  decree  ad- 
dressed to  Mennas,  Archbishop  of  Constantinople, 
ordering  that  officera  venturing  to  execute  a 
sentence  of  secular  courts  on  clerics  should  be 
imprisoned  in  the  so-called  decanica  (jcatfctpy^- 
ffdwffoy  4v  rots  KaJs.ou/i4yoii  Scicay/icois).  [£•  V.] 

DEO  ANUS  (in  tin  ecclesiastical  sense) = 

I.  A  member  of  a  guild,  whose  occupation  was 
that  of  interring  the  dead  [Copiatae]  :  reckoned 
among  derici  by  St.  Jerome,  Epiphanius,  the  Cod. 
Theodos.,  &c. ;  called  also  Koirlarris  (Epiphanius), 

fossarius  (Pseudo-Jerom.,  De  VII.  Ord.  JEocl.), 
lecticarius  (Justinian,  NoveL  xliii.  Praef.),  col- 
legiaius  (in  the  laws  of  Honorius,  &c.,  Justinian, 
Theodosius  the  Great),  decanus  (same  laws ;  and 
Collect.  Constit.  Eccl.  in  Biblioth.  Jur.  Canon. 
p.  1243).  The  office  was  apparently  instituted 
by  Constantine  at  Constantinople,  where  it  num- 
bered in  his  time  1100  members,  but  was 
aflerwards  reduced  to  950;  but  then  again 
increased  by  the  Emperor  Anastasius,  who  also 
endowed  it  (Justinian,  Novel,  xliii.  lix. ;  Cod.  lib. 
iv.  De  Sacrosanct.  Eccl.),  From  thence  it  spread 
to  **  other  populous  churches."  The  poor  were  to 
be  buried  by  its  members  gratuitously,  at  least 
where  it  was  endowed  (id.  Novel,  lix.).  The 
Scicavol  mentioned  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Rom. 
xiii.)  were  a  different,  and  a  civil,  body  of 
officials,  attached  to  the  emperor's  palace. 
(Bingham,  Du  Cange,  Meursius,  Suicer.) 

II.  A  presbyter  appointed  to  preside  as  the 
bishop's  deputy  over  a  division  of  his  diocese : 
called  at  first  archipresbyter  (Thomassin,  I.  iii.  66, 
§  14 ;  Dansey,  p.  1.  §  2),  with  the  epithet  of  vica- 
nus  (Cone  Turon.  II.  c.  19,  A.D.  567 ;  Bruns's 
CanoneSf  ii.  229),  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
urban  archipresbyter  or  protopope,  and  succeed- 
ing under  that  name  to  some  of  the  functions  of 
the  older  chorepiscopus :  originally  in  the  Church 
of  France  : — first  called  DecantiSf  and  his  district 
Decania, — (setting  aside  a  canon,  wrongly  at- 
tributed to  the  Council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506,  but 
really  of  the  d^te  of  Charles  the  Great,  ace.  to 
Danjey,  and  two  questionable  canons  respectively 
of  Cone.  Tolet.  V.  a.d.  636,  and  VII.  A.D.  646)-- 
later  than  about  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great 


688 


DECANUS 


DECAKUB 


(see  Capit.  Car,  CaM,  tit.  t.  §  3;  Cone,  Tbfos. 
▲.D.  843,  c  3 ;  Hincmar,  0pp.  i.  738,  c.  ▲.D.  878) ; 
called  also  decanut  ruraiia  (e.g.  in  Cone.  Trever. 
L.D,  948,  c.  3X  magister  (by  Hincmar,  t.  Cone, 
OaUic,  III.  623),  deoanuB  epuoopi  (when  intro- 
daoed  into  England,  a  step  perhaps  fiMulitated  by 
the  existence  of  the  civil  division  into  tithings, 
about  A.D.  1052,  in  Legg.  Edw.  Confess,  xxxi^ 
and  see  Da  Cange,  and  Carpentier's  Supplem,  to 
Da  CangeX  deoamus  Christianontm  (in  a  charter 
of  A.D.  1092,  ap.  Da  Cange),  and  commonly  after- 
wards deoanus  ChrisHanitaUSj  probably  as  having 
to  do  with  conrtfi  Christian,  t.  e,  with  the  bishop's 
oonrta.  The  developed  functions  of  the  office 
belong  to  a  period  later  than  that  to  which  the 
present  work  relates.  In  Ireland,  the  peculiar 
institution  of  the  court  became  mixed  up  with 
that  of  pUbanuSf  or  rural  dean.  Beyond  the 
British  isles  and  France,  the  office  does  not  seem  to 
have  existed.  (Dansey,  ffonu  Deoanioae  BuraleSj 
2nd  edit.  1844;  Du  Cange;  Spelman.) 

IlL  The  chief  officer  of  a  cathednl,  deoanus  eode- 
siaecathedraliSf  as  distinguished  from  the  deoanus 
urbanus  and  ruralis,  or  city  and  country  archpres- 
byters,  after  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  had  be- 
come a  separate  and  corporate  body  [Canoiiici]. 
The  office  so  entitled  dates  in  its  full  deTelopment 
only  from  the  10th  or  11th  centuries,  Normandy 
and  Norman  England  being  the  countries  where 
it  first  occurs,  I^uen  having  a  dean  in  the  10th 
century,  and  the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  ▲.D.  1086, 
being  the  first  English  dean.  But  as  a  cathedral 
officer,  the  deoanus  dates  from  the  8th  century, 
when  he  is  found,  after  the  monastic  pattern, 
as  subordinate  to  the  praeposiius  or  provost,  who 
was  the  bishop's  vicegerent  as  head  of  the  chapter. 
The  arringement  still  survives,  after  a  fiuhion, 
in  the  relative  positions  of  the  provost  or  head, 
and  of  the  dean,  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge  colleges. 
The  Council  of  Mayence,  a.d.  813,  substituted 
deans  for  provosts.  And  that  of  Aix  la  Chapelle, 
▲.D.  817,  subordinated  the  provost  to  the  dean. 
A  series  of  provosts,  afterwards  mostly  con- 
verted into  deans — at  Canterbury  until  the  time 
of  Lanfranc,  at  Worcester  a.d.  872-972,  at  Ely 
▲.D.  878,  at  Lichfield  a.d.  818-822,  at  Wells 
before  a.d.  1088,  at  Beverley  a.d.  1070,  at  se- 
veral foreign  cathedrals,  and  in  some  English  col- 
legiate churches — is  given  by  Walcot  {Cathedralia, 
p.  38).  The  change  probablv  arose  from  the 
abandonment  on  the  part  of  the  provosts  of  the 
spiritual  and  internal  direction  of  the  chapter, 
through  their  attention  to  its  temporal  and  ex- 
ternal concerns.  The  functions  of  the  dean  are 
laid  down,  for  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  a.d.  1212, 
as  sanctioned  by  Pope  Alexander  III.  (Wilk. 
Cone,  I.  535,  536),  and  for  that  of  Lichfield 
A.D.  1194,  by  Bishop  Nonant  (ib.  497),  and  for 
that  of  Sarum,  as  adopted  by  Glasgow  (ib,  741)^ 
But  the  office,  in  this  full  sense  of  the  title, 
belongs  to  a  period  long  subsequent  to  the  date 
of  Charles  the  Great. 

IV.  Deans  of  Peculiars,  and  other  special  appli- 
cations of  the  title  of  dean,  belong  also  to  a  like 
later  period.  As  does  likewise  the  deanery  of  the 
province  of  Canterbury,  attached  to  the  bishopric 
of  London.  (Thomassin ;  Du  Cange ;  Waloot's 
ArcSaeohgy  and  Cathedralia.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

V.  Deoanus  Monasticus. — ^Among  monks  the 
office  seems  to  have  existed  in  Asia  and  Egypt, 
at  least  in  a  rudimentary  form,  from  almost 
the   very   commencement    of  coenobitism ;    in 


subordination  to  the  'pater,'  'abbas,'  'heg«- 
menos'  or  '  archimandrita '  (Bmgh.  Sb,),  The 
'decanns'  was  deputed  by  him  to  superintend 
the  younger  brethren,  drilling  them  in  eelf- 
denisi  and  encouraging  them  to  confess  to  him 
even  their  secret  thoughts  (Cassian,  Insti.  v. 
8,  9).  Especially  he  was  to  watch  over  the 
novices  just  emerging,  their  first  year  of  pro- 
bation being  past,  from  the  'xenodochinm  or 
strangers'  room  (ib.  7\  setting  them  an  example 
of  obedience  by  himself  obeying  the  *  praepositus ' 
even  in  things  impossible  (&.  10).  Augustine 
speaks  of  the  '  decanns '  as  having  chaise  over 
ten  monks  (De  Mor,  Eod.  31);  Jerome,  over 
nine ;  (Ep,  22  ad  Eustoch,\  The  *  decanus '  was 
to  provide  for  the  temporal  necessities  of  his 
monks,  for  instance,  by  sending  out  to  them  the 
linen  under-garments ;  (cf.  Can.  IntHt.  iv.  10)  to 
watch  by  night  over  their  cells ;  to  lead  them 
to  and  from  refection;  to  assign  to  each  the 
allotted  task ;  and,  at  the  close  of  the  day,  to 
hand  over  the  work  done  to  the  *  oeconomus '  or 
steward,  who  was  to  make  a  monthly  report  of 
it  to  the  abbat  (Jerome,  t^.  cf.  Bingh.  «.«.). 

The  great  monastic  legislator  of  M.  Casino 
adopted  cordially  this  important  feature  in  coe- 
nobitism, prescribing  more  precisely  the  duties 
of  the  *  decanus,'  and  placing  him  next  in  rank 
to  the  '  prior '  or  *praepositus.'  Indeed,  Benedict 
preferred  deans  to  priors  as  less  likely  to  collide 
with  the  supreme  authority  of  the  abbat  (Reg, 
c.  65 ;  cf.  Cone.  Mogunt,  1, 816, 11).  All  monas- 
teries, except  the  very  smallest,  for  the  words 
*■  major  congregatio '  are  taken  to  mean  any  number 
over  twenty  (Mart,  m  Reg,  S.  Bened,  17),  were 
to  have  deans,  one  for  ten  brethren.  He  was  to 
have  charge  of  his  '  decania '  in  all  things,  with 
this  proviso,  '*  according  to  the  precepts  of  the 
abbat"  (Reg.  21).  He  was  to  be  appointed  not 
bv  seniority,  *  per  ordinem,'  but  by  merit,  at  the 
cnoice  of  the  abbat,  or,  according  to  some  com- 
mentators, of  the  abbat  and  seniors  (A,),  He 
was  to  hold  office  for  an  undefined  period,  one 
year  or  more  (Mart,  in  Reg.  31-2),  in  fact, 
"  quamdiu  se  bene  gesserit,"  but  after  three  ad- 
monitions was  to  be  deprived  (Reg.  21).  He  was 
to  guard  the  morals  and  conduct  of  the  monks 
under  his  care,  especially  the  dormitory  (R-y.  22 ; 
cf  Reg.  Magist.  11);  and  to  hear  their  coniB^ona 
(Reg.  46). 

In  subsequent  adaptations  of  the  Benedictine 
Rule  the  office  of  Dean  is  defined  still  more  pre- 
cisely. By  the  rule  entitled  *Magistri,'  his 
badge  of  office  was  to  be  a  wand  *  vii^a,'  or 
rather  a  crook,  symbolic  of  pastoxml  duties  (Reg, 
Mag,  11,  cf.  Menard,  in  Cone  Reg,  28,  2>  The 
same  rule  orders  two  deans  for  each  decade  of 
monks,  to  relieve  one  another,  so  that  one  or  the 
other  may  be  alwavs  with  them  (•&.).  They  were 
to  preside  at  table  in  the  refectory  (•&.).  By 
the  rule  of  Fructuoeus,  the  dean  is  to  keep  wat<^ 
over  the  younger  monks,  even  in  minute  points  of 
deportment,  to  receive  their  most  secret  confes- 
sions, and  to  delate  impenitent  offenders  to  the 
abbat  or  prior  (Rfg*  Fmct.  12).  By  the  council 
of  Aachen,  in  817,  the  eldest  in  rank  of  the 
deans  is  to  superintend  the  other  deans  (Cone 
Aquisgr,  55). 

According  to  Menard  (m  Reg,  S.  Bened,  21  x 
the  practice  of  the  Reformed  Benedictines  as  to 
the  office  of  dean  has  varied  considerably.  With 
the  Cistercians  it  has  been  unknown  (»b.).    With 


DECIMAE 

tbe  monks  of  Clugni,  the  deans  administered  the 
tempoxalities  of  the  monastery,  being  the  ^  Til- 
^tfum  provisores'  or  *sufiVaganei  Prioris*  (ib, 
a.  Du  Cange,  Glosaar,  s.t.).  With  the  monks 
»f  M.  Casino,  the  dean  at  one  time  ranked  next 
to  the  abbat  (of.  Alteser.  Aacetio,  ii.  9) ;  bnt  after- 
wards, the  original  institution  of  deans  was 
reriYeid  (Menard.  t&.).  In  some  monasteries, 
according  to  Dn  Cange  (d/braar.  s.t.),  there  was 
a  *•  foris  decanos '  to  look  after  the  interests  of 
the  monastery,  outside  its  walls ;  in  some  a  <  de- 
canos operis '  or  *■  operariomm '  oyer  the  work- 
people ;  in  some,  the  tenants  under  the  monastery, 
'  Tillici  or  *  ooloni '  were  called  *  decani.'  Hence 
the  'decania  or  'decanatus'  came  to  mean 
sometimes  a  grange  belonging  to  a  monastery 
(t6.).  In  nunneries  there  were  officials, '  decanae,' 
corresponding  to  the  'decani  *  in  the  older  sense 
of  the  word,  to  maintain  order  and  discipline 

(*.). 

See,  also,  Haefteni  Diaqtusiiwnes  Monaaticae 
III.  tract  Ti.  disquis.  4,  Antverpiae,  1644.  Dic- 
Honnaire  dtt  Droit  Canonique,  par  Durand  de 
Maillane,  Lyon,  1776,  1786. 

For  the  growth  and  development  of  the  office 
of  *  decanus '  in  cathedral-monasteries  see  under 
Canonici.  [1.  G.  S.] 

DEGIMAE.    (Tithes.] 

DEGBEE.    [Dbcbetuil] 

DECBETAL.  As  has  been  observed  in  a 
previous  article  [Canon  LawI  a  decretal  in  its 
strict  canonical  sense  is  an  authoritative  rescript 
of  a  pope,  in  reply  to  some  question  propounded 
to  him,  just  as  a  decree  is  an  oi'dinance  enacted 
by  him,  with  the  advice  of  his  cardinals,  but  not 
drawn  from  him  by  previous  inquiry.*  The 
very  word  therefore  implies  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion. Hence,  though  from  the  4th  century 
downwards  epistles  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome  are 
extant,**  the  earlier  specimens  do  not  come  up  to 
the  full  canonical  idea  of  decretals,  inasmuch  as 
they  possessed,  when  issued,  a  moral  weight 
rather  than  a  legislative  force.  They  are  thus 
spoken  of  by  Gieseler : — "  Another  source  of  in- 
fluence to  the  Roman  bishops  was  the  custom  of 
referring  to  them  particularly,  as  the  head  of  the 
only  apostolic  Church  of  the  West,  all  questions 
concerning  the  apostolic  customs  and  doctrines, 
which  in  the  East  were  addressed  indiscrimi- 
nately to  the  bishops  of  any  church  founded  by 
an  apostle.  This  gave  them  occasion  to  issue  a 
vast  number  of  didactic  letters  (epistolae  decre- 
tales),  which  soon  assumed  a  tone  of  apostolic 
authority,  and  were  held  in  high  estimation  in 
the  West,  as  flowing  from  apostolh:  tradition." 
(Gieseler,  Ch,  Bist,,  Second  Period,  chap,  iii.) 

As  the  papal  power  became  firmly  established, 
such  epistles  acquired  more  and  more  force,  until 
at  length  they  occupied  the  position  tersely  ex- 
pressed by  the  canonist  Lancellottus  in  later 

•  Decretalis  epistola  est^  quando  Papa  sd  consulta- 
tlonem  aUcqjos  respondet:  sive  solus,  sive  de  ooosilio 
fratnun. . . .  Decretum  est,  quod  Fapade  oonsiUo  fratrum, 
nnllA  coDsoltatioiie  factft»  super  aliquA  re  ststnlt  et  in  re- 
Bcriptis  redegit . . .  OonsUtuUo  est  quod  Papa  proprio  inotn 
statuiw  et  in  lescriptiB  redegit,  sine  consiUo  liatrum  et 
nulU  oonsulutione  fiurtft.— Uostiensls,  Aurta  nimuna, 

PTO0€IHm  14. 

k  As  regards  the  Srd  century,  see  PhilUpB,  p.  6,  and 
BickeU,  i.  3ft,  note.  Comelios  is  the  only  Pope  of  whom 
iiqr  letten  of  that  date  remain. 


DECBETAL 


539 


days—*'  Decreta  Pontificum  Romsnorum  canoni- 
bus  conciliorum  pari  potestate  exaequantur" 
(lib.  i.  tit.  3).  Conversely,  also,  the  papal  power 
itself  was  mainly  indebted  for  its  development 
to  the  canonical  doctrine  of  decretals.  For  it 
was  the  collection  of  forged  decretals  put  forth 
by  the  Pseudo-Isidore  which  chiefly  persuaded 
the  world  that  the  popes  had  from  the  moot 
primitive  times  been  in  the  habit  of  issuing 
authoritative  rescripts ;  and  this  being  once  ad- 
mitted, it  followed  that  they  must  still  have 
power  to  act  in  a  like  manner.'  Moreover,  the 
pretended  decretals  were  so  full  of  assertions  of 
the  papal  prerogatives,  that  when  they  were 
once  accepted  as  genuine  and  valid,  they  were  a 
sufficient  justification  for  the  issue  of  any  sub- 
sequent document  of  the  same  sort,  however  ex- 
travagant. As  the  collection  of  the  Pseudo- 
Isidore  did  not  appear  until  the  middle  of  the 
9th  century,  it  lies  beyond  the  period  to  which 
the  present  work  is  confined.  Bnt  some  notice 
of  it  is  required  on  many  gi'onnds.  It  contains 
numerous  alleged  decretals  of  very  early  popes, 
the  spuriousness  of  which  must  be  pointed  out. 
It  gave  the  chief  support  to  the  canonical  idea 
of  a  "Decretal,"  and  therefore  enables  us  to 
show  that  that  idea  in  its  full  development  is 

Srobably  later  than  800  a.d.  It  contains  several 
ecretals  taken  from  the  older  collections  of  Dio- 
nysius  and  of  the  Spanish  Church,  and  therefore 
gives  us  occasion  to  notice  that  the  idea  in 
question,  though  not  fully  matured,  was  not  un- 
known at  an  earlier  period.  It  may  be  con- 
venient therefore  briefly  to  indicate  the  character 
and  contents  of  tiie  work. 

It  commences  with  nearly  sixty  letters  of 
various  Bishope  of  Rome,  from  Clement  to  Mel- 
chiades.  These  are  all  fictitious,  and  ai'e  all 
(according  to  Heinschius,  cxxxLX  with  the  ex- 
ception of  two  letters  of  Clement  (which  are  in 
whole  or  in  part  more  ancient  forgeries),  the 
work  of  the  Pseudo-Isidore. 

Then  follow  vai'ious  conciliar  decrees,  with 
which  we  are  not  here  concerned,  but  many  of 
which  are  unauthentic  In  a  third  part  we  have 
again  decretals  of  popes  down  to  Gregory  II.  In 
this  series  the  first  that  is  genuine  is  that  of 
Siricius  to  Himerius  or  £uroerius.  Bishop  of  Tar- 
ragona.' Among  those  that  follow,  some  are  to 
a  certain  extent  genuine,  or,  at  all  events,  have 
been  taken,  with  more  or  less  exactness,  from 
existing  records.  Othen,  on  the  contrary,  are 
either  the  invention  of  the  compiler,  or  have 
been  compounded  by  him  out  of  some  existing 
materials,  or,  lastly,  were  forgeries  found  ready 
to  his  hand.*  Everywhere,  however,  unwar- 
ranted alterations  and  additions  are  to  be  found, 

•  The  work  is  considered  by  Hef  Dscbius  to  have  appeared 
between  847  and  863,  a.d.  It  has  been  usual  to  trace  Its 
origin  to  the  proviuce  of  Mayence^  but  Heinschius  attri- 
butes it  to  that  of  Rheims.  The  author  is  not  certainly 
known  (see  Heinschius,  ccvtil.  and  cczxix.  et  ieq.).  By 
some  be  has  been  Identified  with  Benedictos  Levita;  but, 
aoooFdiug  to  Hemschius,  he  only  availed  himself  of  mate- 
rials found  m  the  collection  of  Benedktus.  (Heins.  cxliii.) 

^  With  this  the  original  ooUection  of  Pionysius  began. 

•  Milman  makes  39,  Phillips  36,  false  decrees  in  this 
part  of  the  work.  It  is  hard  to  say  with  predsion  how 
many  of  the  forgeries  were  previously  in  existence.  On 
this  point  the  careful  analysis  in  the  preface  of  Heinschius 
should  be  consulted.  See  ahw  HhilUps,  pi  63,  Bickell,  L 
36,  note.    It  is  Impossible  to  condense  the  results. 


540 


DECBETAL 


DECRETUM 


wholly  spurious  letters  being  apparently  mixed 
with  those  that  have  some  title  to  be  deemed 
authentic'  It  thus  appears  that  the  work  is  not 
a  pure,  unmixed  forgery,  it  rests  in  part  on 
older  collections.  These  are  the  Hispana  col- 
lectio,  the  so-called  Hadriano-Dionysian  collection 
(or  (i)dex  Hadr%amu\  and  some  other  works  of 
lees  importance.  Of  these  some  account  has  been 
already  given  under  a  previous  head  [Caiton 
Law],  and  it  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  repeat 
it  here.  As  there  mentioned,  the  work  of  Dio- 
nysius  (subsequently  sanctioned  by  Pope  Hadrian) 
was  the  first  which  placed  the  papal  epistles  side 
by  side  with  the  decrees  of  Councils.  This  seems 
to  hare  been  the  important  step.  From  this  time 
an  opening  was  given  to  contend  that  they  were 
on  a  par,  and  the  wide  circulation  which  the  work 
obtained  very  materially  assisted  the  pretensions 
founded  on  it.  Then  came  the  Spanish  collec- 
tion, which  yet  further  contributed  to  invest  the 
papal  epistles  with  a  legislative,  as  distinguished 
from  a  moral,  authority  in  the  Church.  It  car- 
ried on  the  series  further  than  Dionysius  had 
done;f  and  at  length,  in  the  9th  century,  the 
appearance  of  the  work  of  the  Pseudo-Isidore  (so 
called  to  distinguish  him  from  the  Isidore  to 
whom  the  Spanish  collection  is  attributed),  with 
its  crowd  of  fictitious  epistles  which  an  uncritical 
age  received  in  implicit  faith,  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  popes  the  greatest  weapon  which  they 
have  ever  wielded.  The  result  therefore  is  that 
previously  to  the  vear  800  ▲.d.  the  foundations 
were  really  laid  for  the  superstructure  after- 
wards raised ;  but  it  was  chiefly  due  to  the  sub- 
sequent work  that  that  superstructure  attained 
its  vast  proportions  and  peculiar  character.  For 
the  forgeries  invented  by,  or  enshrined  in,  that 
work,  not  only  vastly  increased  the  number  of 
papal  epistles,  and  carried  them  back  to  pri- 
mitive times,  but  were  directly  framed  with  a 
view  of  supporting  the  highest  claims  of  the 
Roman  see.  There  is  little  or  nothing  in  the 
genuine  epistles  which  could  be  made  the  foun- 
dation of  many  of  the  later  papal  claims,  whereas 
the  fictitious  decretals  furnish  a  basis  for  the 
largest  pretensions.     It  was  for  this  reason  that 

'  As  an  iadication  that  the  learned  of  all  communiona 
are  sabfltantially  agreed  at  tbe  present  day  as  to  the  cba- 
ncter  of  the  woit  as  a  whole,  it  may  not  be  uninteresting 
to  cite  the  following  smnmary  of  the  work  firom  the  Bene- 
dictine notes  to  the  BibKatheea  Otyionioa  of  Ferraris,  edit. 
1846:  (stated  to  be  published  **  Superlomm  permissu  et 
prlvileglo.'O  Under  the  title  "  Canones  **  the  collection 
of  Pseudo-Isidore  la  thus  spoken  of :— ''Continet  oollectio 
praeter  qninquaglnta  Ganones  Apostolonun  ez  HadrianA 
oollectlone,  epiatolas  Ronumorum  Pontlflcum  a  dements 
usque  ad  JWvestmm,  qnarum  omnium  ipse  Jsldorua  auctor 
fUt,  ezceptb  duabus  Clonentis  ad  Jaoobom  Uteris;  turn 
oanonea  plurium  conclUorom,  In  qulbna  lUsa  habetur  Con- 
•titallo  CoDstantinl  ad  Silvestrum;  poetremo  Pontlflcum 
literas  ab  ipso  Sllvestro  ad  Gregonum  M.  alils  cum  epl- 
stolls  ac  monumentls,  quorum  pan  ex  allis  coUectlontbus 
snmpia  vera  est  atque  germana,  praeter  eplstolas  omnes 
Pontlflcum  Slrido  antiquiorum  ab  Isldoro  oonOctas,  ex- 
oeptls  S.  Damasi  ad  Panllnnm  Uteris,  pars  altera  com 
actis  ooncHli  Roman!  sub  Julio  et  CkmelUi  I.  V.  et  VL  sub 
Symmacho,  excagitata  et  inventa  est,**  See  another  ac- 
count, also  from  a  Roman  CathoUc  point  of  view,  in 
PhllUps*  Du  DnU  BodttioMtique,  chap.  L  ^  8. 

t  Phillips  (p.  29)  seems  to  think  that  some  decretals 
purporting  to  proceed  firom  the  earliest  popes  bad  been 
added  to  the  collection  of  Dionysius  at  the  end  of  the  7th 
oentury,  thus  carrying  the  series  backward  also,  and 
raving  tbe  way  for  Pseudo-Isidore; 


they  were  brought  at  once  into  prominenoe,  md 
that  from  the  time  of  their  appearance  decretals, 
as  distinguished  from  other  sources  of  ecclesi- 
astical law,  play  so  large  a  part  in  the  works  of 
the  canonists. 

'*The  false  decretals,"  says  Milman  {Lai, 
Christ,  book  v.  chap.  4),  do  not  merely  assert 
the  supremacy  of  the  popes — ^the  dignity  and  pri- 
vileges of  the  Bishop  of  Rome — ^they  comprehend 
the  whole  dogmatic  system  and  discipline  of  the 
Church,  the  whole  hierarchy  from  the  highest  to 
the  lowest  degree,  their  sanctity  and  immunities, 
their  persecutions,  their  disputes,  their  right  of 
appeal  to  Rome.^  They  are  full  and  minute  on 
church  property ;  on  its  usurpation  and  spolia- 
tion ;  on  ordinations ;  on  the  sacraments,  on  bap- 
tism, confirmation,  marriage,  the  Eucharist ;  on 
fasts  and  festivals ;  the  discovery  of  the  cross, 
the  discovery  of  the  reliques  of  the  apostles  ;  on 
the  chrism,  holy  water,  consecration  of  churches, 
blessing  of  the  fruits  of  the  field ;  on  the  sacred 
vessels  and  habiliments.  Personal  incidents  are 
not  wanting  to  give  life  and  reality  to  the  fic- 
tion. The  whole  is  composed  with  an  air  of 
piety  and  reverence :  a  specious  purity,  and  oc- 
casionally beauty,  in  the  moral  and  religions 
tone.  There  are  many  axioms  of  seemingly  sin- 
cere and  vital  religion.  But  for  the  too  manifold 
design,  the  aggrandisement  of  the  see  of  Rome 
and  the  aggrandisement  of  the  whole  clergy  in 
subordination  to  the  see  of  Rome;  but  for  tbe 
monstrous  ignorance  of  history,  which  betrays 
itself  in  glaring  anachronisms,  and  in  the  utter 
confusion  of  the  order  of  events  and  in  the  lives 
of  distinguished  men  —  the  former  awakening 
keen  and  jealous  suspicion,  the  latter  making 
the  detection  of  the  spuriousness  of  the  whole 
easy,  clear,  irrefragable  —  the  False  Decretals 
might  still  have  maintained  their  place  in  eccle- 
siastical history.' 

Authoritiea.—GieaeleTy  Text  Book  of  Ecdes, 
Hiatory ;  Heinschius,  Decretalea  Ptevdo-TsidO' 
rianae  et  Capituia  Angilrami,  Lipsiae,  1863, 
which  is  now  probably  the  standard  work  on  the 
subject;  Bickell,  GeKhiohte  des  KirchenrechtSj 
Giessen,  1843 ;  Milman,  Latin  Chrigtiimity ; 
Phillips,  Du  Droit  eccl^sicutique  dans  aes  Sourcra  ; 
Walther,  Kirchenrecht,  [B.  S.] 

DECRETUM,  DBCBETALR  The  letter 
of  the  clergy  and  people  of  a  city,  sent  to  the 
metropolitan  and  the  comprovincial  bishops, 
signifying  the  election  of  a  bishop  of  their  city 
[Bishop,  p.  220],  whom  they  require  to  be  con- 
secrated; equivalent  to  riis  x*^'''^^*'^  '^^ 
!H^«r/*a  (Palladius,  Vita  Chryaoa.  p.  39>  Gre- 
gory of  Tofllrs  {Vita  Maurit.  c  13,  in  Du- 
cange)  says  that  in  the  choice  of  Mauritius  the 
electors  could  not  **  in  unum  venire  decrettun.*' 
A  form  for  such  a  letter  is  given  in  the  Ordo 
Romanua  VtUg.^  under  the  title,  "Decretum  quod 
clerus  et  populus  firmare  debet  de  electo  epi- 
Bcopo."  The  proper  form  of  one  addressed  to  the 
pope  himself  is  given  in  the  Liber  Diumua  Pon- 

^  It  has  been  thought  by  GfrOrer  that  one  motive  of  the 
tnoA  waa  to  beat  down  the  power  of  the  metropoUums 
over  tbe  bishops,  by  making  that  of  the  pope  gmtn-  and 
more  immediate  tn  its  natore  over  all  the  clergy.  See 
Milman's  note,  ibidem, 

i  It  should  perhaps  be  added  that  In  this  article  the 
strict  canonical  sense  of  **  Decretal "  has  been  taken.  Tbe 
word,  Uke  uther  ecclesiastical  terms,  is  sometimes  used  Is 
a  looser  and  more  general  sense. 


DEDICATION 

fijjf.  Sonm.  c  3,  p.  54.  In  the  same  place  there 
follows  (p.  56)  a  "  Decretaky  quod  legit  diaconus 
dnignato  episoopo."  The  difference  between  this 
and  the  foregoing  Decretum  appears  to  be,  that 
the  one  was  sent  by  the  hands  of  some  official  of 
the  vacant  see  immediatel  j  on  tho  election  of  the 
bishop;  if  thereupon  the  pope  give  his  assent, 
the  bishop  became  technically  dtsignate^  and  a 
deacon  of  his  church  read  the  DecretdU  or  peti- 
tion for  consecration  (Garnier,  m  loco),  Sereral 
forms  of  Decreta  on  the  election  of  bishops  may 
be  found  in  Sirmond's  CoticU.  Gall.  ii.  647  ff. 
and  in  Ussher's  Vet.  EviBt,  ffibem,,  £pp.  25,  33, 
40.  [C] 

DEDICATION.  fCONSBCRATlON     OF 

Chubcues:  Patron  Saint.] 

DEDICATION,  FESTIVAL  OF  CEyKoi- 
rm).  The  obseryance  of  the  anniversary  of 
dedication  arose  contemporaneously  with  the 
custom  of  the  solemn  dedication  of  churches. 
It  was  natural  that  an  epoch  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  religious  life  of  the  congrega- 
tion should  not  be  allowed  to  drop  into  oblivion. 
By  a  very  intelligible  metaphor  the  day  of  con- 
secration was  considered  the  birthday  of  the 
church,  or  congregation  meeting  for  worship 
within  its  walls.  St.  Leo  {Sermo  Ixxxii.  in 
Natal,  Machab.)  calls  it  the  *'  dies  natalis  "  of  the 
church.  By  another  metaphor  it  was  regarded 
as  the  day  of  the  church's  espousals  to  her 
heavenly  Bridegroom.  Most  naturally  therefore 
these  anniversaries  were  celebrated  with  the 
same  joyous  feelings  and  outward  festivities  as 
birthdays  and  wedding-days.  These  celebrations 
having  their  first  origin  in  the  time  when  the 
Christians  were  a  poor  and  barely  tolerated  sect, 
exposed  continually  to  persecution,  and  when 
any  outward  pomp  attracting  the  notice  of  the 
heathen  population  around  would  be  fraught 
with  peril,  assumed  a  character  of  magnificence 
in  their  period  of  security  and  opulence.  The 
earliest  instance  on  record  of  the  observance  of 
such  anniversaries  is  in  the  case  of  the  church  of 
^  the  Great  Martyry  "  erected  by  Constantine  on 
Calvary,  and  consecrated  A.D.  335.  In  memory 
of  this  solemn  dedication,  the  most  magnificent 
the  Christian  world  had  yet  witnessed,  a  yearly 
festival  was  held  for  eight  days  at  Jerusalem, 
attended  by  immense  crowds  not  of  the  citizens 
only  but  of  strangers  from  all  parts  (Soz.  JI,  E, 
lib.  ii.  c  26).  But  the  custom  was  certainly 
anterior  to  this,  for  not  many  years  later,  to- 
wards the  middle  of  the  4th  century,  the  obser- 
vance of  these  anniversaries  is  spoken  of  by 
Gregory  Nazianzen  as  ^  an  ancient  usage,"  iyical- 
vta  rtfuurBai  woKaths  v6fAos  icol  koXms  tx^^  '^'^^ 
ToSro  o^x  Sva{  &AX&  ical  iroXXdicif,  kKJurnii  rov 
ivm&rov  wtptrpoinis  r^r  ahr^tf  iifidpaif  ^irery- 
o^mis  (Greg.  Naz.  In  Novam  Dominicam,  Orat, 
xliii.).  Two  centuries  later  it  was  laid  down  by 
Felix  IV.  c.  A.i>.  530,  as  a  law  of  the  Church  that 
such  anniversaries  should  be  solemnly  kept  for 
eight  days,  '*  solemnitates  vero  dedicationum 
ecdesiarum  per  singulos  annos  sunt  celebrandae  ** 
(^EpUtola  ad  EpiacopoSy  Labbe,  Condi,  iv.  1655). 
The  example  of  Christ  attending  the  Feast  of 
Dedication  (John  x.  22),  and  of  Solomon  feasting 
the  people  ibr  eight  days  at  the  Dedication  of 
the  Temple,  1  Kin.  viii.  65,  66,  were  adduced  as 
aathorities  for  this  observance.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  next  century  we  fiid  the  first 


DEDICATION,  FESTIVAL  OF     641 

indication  of  the  revelry  with  which  the^  festi* 
vals  were  subsequently  disgraced,  and  which 
made  them  a  by-word  for  scandalous  licence. 
Gregory  the  Great  writing  to  Mellitus  when  pro- 
ceeding to  join  AuguAtine  in  England,  a.d.  601, 
after  retracting  the  advice  previously  given  that 
the  heathen  temples  should  be  destroyed,  and  re- 
commending their  purification  and  conversion 
into  Christian  Churches,  proceeds  in  a  similar 
spirit  to  advise  that  the  popular  festivals  for- 
merly held  on  these  consecrated  sites  should  not 
be  wholly  discontinued,  but  that  **as  some  so- 
lemnity must  be  conceded  as  a  compensation," 
they  should  be  transferred  to  the  anniversaries 
of  the  day  of  dedication,  or  the  nativities  of  the 
martyrs  by  whose  relics  the  churches  were 
hallowed.  On  these  days  he  recommends  that 
huts  or  arbours  should  be  erected,  about  the 
transformed  temples,  in  which  after  ''killing 
cattle  to  the  praise  of  God  in  their  eating,  they 
should  celebrate  the  solemnity  with  religious 
feasting"  (Greg.  Mag.  Epiat,  ad  Mell^umyEad- 
dan  and  Stubbs,  vol.  iii.  p.  37 ;  Bede,  lib.  i.  c. 
30).  In  other  places  Gregory  alludes  to  the 
eagerness  with  which  the  country  folk  flocked 
together  to  these  festive  celebrations,  and  the 
mixed  crowds  that  were  attracted  by  the  good 
c^eer  (Greg.  Mag.  Jlomil.  in  Eviing,  xiv. ;  Epist. 
lib.  i.  52,  54;  Vita,  c.  37.  See  also  Sidonius 
Apollinaris,  Epiat.  lib.  iv.ep.  15).  Such  gather- 
ings of  half-leavened  pagans  inevitably  assumed 
a  character  of  gross  license  entirely  at  variance 
with  their  sacred  intention.  Dramatic  repre- 
sentations were  performed,  drinking  was  pro- 
longed to  intoxication,  and  singing  and  dancing 
were  continued  far  into  the  night.  In  fact  they 
were  characterized  by  all  the  revelry  and  licen- 
tiousness of  a  village  fair,  which  in  so  many 
cases  is  the  lineal  successor  of  the  dedication 
festival,  changed  only  in  its  externals.  These 
gross  scandals  were  not  allowed  to  pass  un- 
reproved.  The  serious  attention  of  bishops  and 
councils  was  directed  to  them,  and  earnest 
attempts  were  made  for  their  suppression.  The 
19th  canon  of  the  council  of  Chilons,  a.d.  650, 
is  directed  against  the  custom  (the  prohibition 
indicates  the  practice)  of  bands  of  women  sing- 
ing foul  and  obscene  songs,  "  turpia  et  obsooena 
cantilena,"  at  the  porches  or  churchyard  walls 
on  the  dedication  festivals  (Labbe,  Concil.  vi. 
391  [compare  Dancing]).  But  so  thoroughly 
had  these  licentious  festivals  established  them- 
selves, that  their  authoritative  condemnation 
proved  idle,  and  they  lived  on  in  defiance  of  pre* 
lates  and  councils. 

Gavanti  lays  down  {Thea.  8acr,  Bit.  §  8,  c.  5) 
that  the  Feast  of  Dedication  is  a  festival  of  the 
first-class,  of  greater  dignity  than  that  of  the 
Patron  Saint  or  the  Titulary  of  the  Church. 
The  reason  for  this  superiority  is  assigned  by  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas  (lect.  5  in  Joann,  c.  x.)  because 
the  dedication  festival  is  a  commemoration  of  the 
benefits  conferred  on  the  whole  church,  which 
exceed  those  given  to  any  individual  saint.  The 
Feast  of  Dedication  is  a  **  duplex  majus "  and 
has  an  octave.  If  it  happens  to  coincide  with 
any  greater  festival  the  consecrator,  or  after- 
wards the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  may  transfer 
the  anniversary  to  some  Sunday,  or  any  other 
day  convenient  for  the  large  attendance  of  the 
country  people  (Gavanti  ii.  a. ;  Bellarmin.  de  cultu 
fanctontm,  lib.  iii.  c.  5,  de  dedicatione  et  conaecro' 


542 


DEDUGTOBIUM 


Uona  ecclesiarum  ;  Dacange  $ub  voc, ;  Bingham, 
Orig.  bk.  viii.  c.  iz.  §  14 ;  Isid.  Hispal.  J)e  Eod, 
Off,  lib.  i.  c  36 ;  Gratian  JMcret.  De  ConKor, 
IHst.  i.  c  17 ;  Iyo  Gamot.  Decret,  pan  iii.  c.  24). 
After  the  establishment  of  Christianity  newly 
fonnded  cities  were  solemnly  dedicated  to  Christ 
and  the  Saints,  and  the  anniyersary  of  the  dedi- 
cation was  celebrated.  This  was  notably  the 
case  with  Constantinople,  the  anniVersary  called 
ywiBXios  T^f  irdXffctfs  ^ft^P*  CP'  ^8]  being  kept 
on  the  11th  of  May .  (Dncange,  Constantinop. 
Christiana,  lib.  i.  c.  3>  [E.  V.] 

DEDUGTOBIUM.  A  name  sometimes  given 
to  the  pipe  or  channel  by  which  the  baptismal 
water  escaped  from  the  font  (Paschasins,  Epist, 
od  Lecnem  Papam),    [Foirr.]  [C] 

DEEB.    [Stag.] 

DEFEK80B  EOCLESIAE.  [See  Adyo- 
GATUB  SOCLEBIAE.]  The  Division  into  Defenaorea 
EocUstae,  Pauperum,  Matrimonii,  &c.,  is  one  of 
duties,  not  of  persons.  In  addition  to  their  proper 
work,  already  described  under  Adyocatub,  a  law 
of  Justinian  (i^Too^//.  Izziy.  4)  imposed  upon  them 
also  in  certain  cases  the  incidental  duty  of  wit- 
nessing and  registering  espousals.  Setting  aside 
on  the  one  hand  the  case  of  senators  and  persons 
of  the  highest  rank,  who  were  bouud  to  hare  a 
regular  settlement  of  dowry  and  antenuptial 
gift,  &c.,  &c.,  and  on  the  other  that  of  persons 
of  the  lowest  rank,  who  needed  no  written  docu- 
ment at  all,  Justinian  ordained  that  officers, 
merchants,  professional  men,  and  the  like,  if 
they  desired  their  marriage  to  be  lawful,  must 
present  themselves  in  church  in  the  presence  of 
the  Defensor  Ecclesiae  [Contract  of  Mar- 
RIAQE,  p.  488] ;  and  that  officer,  with  three  or 
four  of  the  superior  clergy  of  the  church,  is  to 
draw  up  and  sign,  with  at  least  three  of  the  said 
clergy,  a  dated  and  formal  attestation  of  the 
marrii^e  contract,  one  copy  to  be  deposited  in 
the  archives  of  the  church,  others  to  be  given  if 
required  to  the  parties  themselves  (^Bingh,  XXII. 
iii.  10>  [A.  W.  H.] 

DEGBADATION,  DEPOSITION,  DE- 
ORDINATION,  DEPRIVATION,  were  terms 
at  first  used  indiscriminately  to  signify  the  total 
and  absolute  withdrawal  from  a  clergyman,  by 
ecclesiastical  sentence,  of  his  clerical  office,  and 
the  reducing  of  him  to  simple  lay  communion : 
degradare,  ab  officio  removere,  deorcUnare,  ab  or- 
diM  cleri  amoverif  KaBatp€7ffBaL,  iar*  olKtiov  fia9- 
uov  hwoviirruv,  whrawrBai  rov  K\'ffpou,  being 
all  used  of  the  same  thing;  which  is  also  ex- 
pressed by  '*  deponi  ab  officio  communione  con- 
oessa."  As  a  punishment  of  clergymen,  it  stood 
midway  between  a  temporary  withdrawal  of  the 
clerical  office,  viz.  suspension,  and  an  exclusion 
from  the  Church  altogether  by  excommunication. 
There  were  also  various  degrees  of  degradation 
itself:  as  e.g,  the  degradation  simply  from  a 
higher  order  to  a  lower ;  or  again,  degradation 
from  the  office,  but  with  permission  to  retain  its 
title  and  dignity :  for  which,  and  for  some  minor 
variations,  see  Bingham,  XVII.  iv. 

1.  The  proper  jvdge  to  inflict  such  a  sentence, 
in  the  case  of  an  inferior  clerk,  was  the  Bishop 
[p.  228],  acting  with  his  presbyters  and  with  his 
church  in  the  earliest  times,  but  from  the  4th 
ceutury  the  bishop  practical]}  was  the  judge.  An 
appeal,  however,  was  allowed  from  the  beginning 
io  the  provincial  synod ;  see  e.  g..  Cone.  Nicaen, 


DEGBADATION 

and  Cone.  Sardio,,  and  also  under  Appeal.  Aai 
the  provincial  Council  of  Seville  {Eispal,  IL  ajk 
619,  c.  6)  endeavoured  to  restore  the  older  prac- 
tice also,  and  insist  on  the  bishop  acting  ab  vUth 
with  his  council — "  Solus  honorem  dare  potest, 
auferre  solus  non  potest."  The  rule  however 
gradually  came  to  be,  that  three  bishops  werft 
required  to  degrade  or  try  a  deacon,  six  in  the 
case  of  a  priest,  and  twelve  in  that  of  a  Inshop. 
[See  Appeal.]  The  synod  of  the  province  indeed 
was  alone  the  tribiuial  which  could  depose  a 
bishop,  and  subsequently  a  priest  also* 

2.  As  to  the  crvnea  for  which  clergy  were  to 
be  degraded,  it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that 
they  were  liable  to  the  penalty  for  all  such  im- 
moral acts  as  would  involve  excommunication  in 
the  case  of  a  layman.  But  in  addition  to  these, 
there  are  special  offences  against  clerical  disci- 
pline to  which  various  canons  attached  the  like 
penalty,  such  as  digamy,  usury,  having  recourse 
to  a  secular  tribunal,  keeping  hawks  or  hounds, 
meddling  with  secular  business,  frequenting  ta- 
verns needlessly ;  besides  such  matters  as  more 
immediately  related  to  their  duties,  as,  e.  g.  alter- 
ing the  form  of  baptism,  despising  fasts  and  festi- 
vals, not  rightly  Iceeping  Easter,  &c  The  58th 
Apostolic  Canon  (al,  57)  deposes  for  negligence 
in  pastoral  care,  PaBvfUa,  See  Bishop,  Pribbt, 
Deaooh. 

3.  There  must  always  have  been  some  cene- 
monial  in  the  infliction  of  such  a  sentence, 
although  the  elaborate  details  of  later  customs 
are  not  traceable  in  early  times,  and  date  in 
their  formal  fulness  fh>m  the  Roman  Pontifical 
and  from  a  Bull  of  Boniface  VIIl.  Martene 
(De  JRit.  Ant  Eccl.  lib.  iii.  c  2)  has  collected 
what  can  be  gathered  of  earlier  practice.  libe* 
ratus*  Breviarium  supplies  his  earliest  instance. 
The  principle  on  which  the  later  practice  wis 
formed  was  so  natural  in  itself,  that  something 
of  the  kind  no  doubt  was  the  rule  from  the  first. 
Since  the  clerical  office  was  conferred  with  the 
accompaniment  of  delivering  to  each  order  cer- 
tain appropriate  instruments,  and  with  the 
adoption  also  of  certain  vestments,  there  could 
be  no  more  effectual  or  natural  symbol  of  the 
taking  away  of  its  office  than  the  taking  away 
of  these  appropriate  instruments  and  vestments. 
In  the  case  mentioned  by  Liberatus,  accordingly, 
an  archbishop  is  deprived  by  taking  away  his  palL 
The  more  elaborate  and  later  ceremonial  in  the 
Pontifical  and  in  Boniface's  bull  gives  each 
separate  article  and  then  solemnly  takes  it  away, 
with  a  form  of  words  for  each,  and  this  either 
privately,  **  before  the  secular  judge,"  or  on  some 
public  and  elevated  stage ;  ending  by  scraping  the 
thumb  and  hand  of  the  degraded  clerk,  to  signify 
the  removal  from  him  of  unction  and  blessing. 
The  Donatists  it  appears  proceeded  tc  shave  hii 
head  bald  also.  That  some  words  as  well  as  acts 
were  used  from  the  beginning  may  likewise  be 
taken  for  granted  (see  e.  g.  Socrates,  ff.  E,  i.  24^ 
speaking  of  the  deposition  of  Eustathius).  Regular 
and  minute  ritual  forms  are  of  a  late  date.  They 
may  be  found  in  Martene  aiid  in  Bohmer,  as 
quoted  below. 

4.  After  degradation,  there  still  followed  in 
stricter  times,  and  for  bad  cases,  confinement  to 
a  monastery  and  penance,  as  may  be  seen  in  e.a. 
Gregory  the  Great's  letters ;  the  clerk  being  still 
quasi  subject  to  ecclesiastical  law,  although  now 
a  layman  only. 


DEIOOLA^E 

(Bingham,  xrii. ;  Hartene,  Jh  Asni,  Sit  Eod, 
lib.  iii.  c  2 ;  Bohmer,  Jna  Ecdea.  Protest,  lib.  t. 
tit.  xxKTii.  §  974,  torn.  Y.  pp.  715-766.) 

DEIGOLAE  (compare  Coudei).  A  nam« 
sometimes  applied  to  monks,  as  in  the  Epistle 
of  Martin  of  Braga  to  King  Miro,  in  D'Achery's 
SpiciUffnim,  lii.  312  (Dncange,  s.  o.>  [C] 

DEI  GRATIA.  The  bishqM  of  the  Chnrch, 
regarding  themselves  as  called  to  their  office  by 
the  will  of  God,  have  from  ancient  times  been 
in  the  habit  of  nsing  formulae  implying  a  divine 
call.  Thus  Pope  Felix  II.  (a.d.  356)  calls  him- 
self "per  gratiam  Dei  episcopus"  (Hardouin, 
Concilia,  i.  757).  Anrelius  says  that  he  holds 
his  office  «  dignatione  Dei "  (C.  CaHh,  iii.  c  45 ; 
A.D.  397).  Other  bishops  used  equivalent  ex- 
pressions, as  **  Dei "  or  **  Christi  nomine,  mise- 
ratione,  misericordia."  The  German  bishope 
have  used,  from  the  7th  century  onward,  the 
form  **  Dei  gratia,"  to  which  in  later  times  some 
such  phrase  as  '* apostolicae  sedis  gratia"  or 
"  providentia  **  was  added.  Zallwein  (Prmctpid 
Juris  Eccl.  iv.  278)  believee  this  addition  not 
to  be  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  Thomassin  (^Vetus  et  Nova  JSccL 
Discip.  pt.  i.  bk.  i.  c  60,  §  10),  will  not  allow 
that  it  was  used  in  Germany  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifteenth ;  but  the  germ  of  it  is 
certainly  found  in  the  writings  of  Boniface, 
the  apostle  of  Germany,  who  styled  himself 
'*  servus  apostolicae  sedis  "  (Hartzheim,  Concilia 
Oennctniae,  i.  43). 

A  similar  style  was  adopted  by  secular  per- 
sons of  exalted  rank  ;  thus  Agilulf  on  his  crown 
[Crown,  p.  508]  is  described  as  "  Gratia  Domini 
...  Rex  totius  lUliae  "  (▲.D.  591);  and  Rothar 
(A.D.  643),  in  his  Edict  for  the  Lombards  (Walter, 
Corpus  Juris  Germanici,  i.  683),  speaks  of  him- 
^If  as  "in  Dei  nomine  rex,  anno,  Deo  propi- 
tiante,  regni  mei  octavo."  In  England,  Ethelbert 
of  Kent,  in  a  charter  of  the  year  605,  styles 
himself,  "  Aethilbertus  Dei  gratia  Rex  Anglorum" 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  55),  Ethelbald  (A.D.  716) 
styles  himself  ^  divina  dispensatione  rex  Merci- 
orum  "  {Codex  Dipl.}.  From  the  days  of  Pepin 
the  form  "  Dei  gratia  **  seems  commonly  to  have 
been  adopted  by  the  Frankish  kings.  Charles 
the  Great  (a.d.  769)  adopted  the  following  style 
and  title:  "Cfu*olus  gratia  Dei  rex  regnique 
Francorum  rector  et  devotus  sanctae  ecclesiae 
defensor  atque  adjutor  in  omnibus  apostolicae 
sedis  '*  (Pertz,  Monum,  Germaniae^  iii.  33).  Sel- 
den.  Titles  of  Honour^  in  Works,  iii.  214 ;  Allen, 
Boyai  Prerogative,  p.  22,  ed.  1849;  Herzog, 
Real-EncyclojpSdie,  iii.  312.  [C] 

DEITIES,  PAGAN.    [Paganism  in  Art.] 

DELATORES.    [Informers.] 

DELEGATED  JUBISDICTION.  [JuRis- 
mcnoN.] 

DELEGATUS.    [Legate.] 

DELPHINI.    [Corona  Lucis,  p.  461.] 

DEMERITOBUM  DOMUS.    [Decania,] 

DEMETBIA,  daughter  of  Faustus,  martyr 
at  Rome  under  Julian ;  commemorated  June  21 
( Jfori.  Rom,  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

DEMETRIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica, 
a.d.  296;  commemorated  Oct.  8  (Mart.  Rom. 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Oct.  26  (Cal.  Byzant.y 


DEMONIACS 


543 


(8)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Antioch  with  Ani- 
anus,  Eustosius,  and  twenty  others ;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  10  {Mart,  ffieron,,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Saint ;  commemorated  Dec.  22,  with  Ho- 
noratus  and  Florus  {Mart,  Usoazdi,  Adonb  in 
Appendice), 

(4)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  A..i.  231 ;  com- 
memorated Magabit  12  =  March  8  and  Telsemt 
12=0ct.  9  {Oal.  EtMop,), 

(6)  '*  Demetrius  et  Basilius,"  commemorated 
Nov.  12  {Cal.  Armen,).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DEMOCBITUS,  Saint,  at  Sinnada  In  Africa; 
commemorated  July  31,  -  with  Secundus  and 
Dionisius  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

DEMON  (in  Art>  The  evil  spirit  is  al- 
ways represented  in  early  Christian  art  as  tlie 
enemy  and  tempter  of  mankind  under  the 
form  of  the  serpent,  excepting  in  the  Laurentian 
MS.  [Demoniac]  and  in  the  singular  diptych 
(in  Gori,  Thesaurus,  t.  iii.  tab.  viii.)  which  re- 
presents the  cure  of  a  demoniac.  As  Martigny 
observes,  these  cases  are  in  all  respects  excep- 
tional; but  they  are  probably  the  earliest 
works  of  art  in  which  the  devil  or  any  inferior 
evil  spirit  is  represented  in  the  human  form. 
[But  see  Devil.]  It  might  be  expected  that 
as  the  form  of  Job  occurs  frequently  in  early 
carvings  and  paintings  (Bottari,  taw.  xv.  cv. ; 
Perret,  1.  xzv.  &c.)  some  representation  of  the  evil 
one  as  an  agent  of  torment  might  be  found  with 
him ;  but  this  seems  not  to  be  the  case.  The  figure 
of  the  Serpent  (see  s.  v.)  accompanies  most  re- 
presentations of  Adam  and  Eve  in  Bottari  and 
elsewhere :  his  head  is  generally  turned  towards 
Eve.  The  first  known  instance  of  the  human- 
headed  serpent  as  tempter  is  found  in  the 
Catacomb  of  St.  Agnes  (Perret,  ii.  pi.  xli.),  if  the 
painting  be  of  the  same  date  as  the  catacomb. 
This  point  involves  great  difficulties,  which  time 
and  inquiry  seem  rather  likely  to  aggravate  than 
to  diminish.  For  the  Serpent  threatening  the 
Doves  see  Draoon  ;  and  Gori,  Thesaurus  Diptych, 
iii.  p.  160.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DEMONIACS.  The  Church  inherited  from 
both  Jews  and  heathens  the  belief  that  demons, 
i,e,  *^ unclean"  or  ''evil"  spirits,  could  take 
possession  of  the  bodies  and  the  souls  of  men, 
women,  children,  and  subject  them  to  a  cruel 
bondage.  The  history  of  our  Lord's  miracles 
naturally  tended  to  confirm  and  deepen  the  be- 
lief. Abnormal  physical  ot  mental  states,  which 
could  not  be  otherwise  explained,  were  referred 
to  demoniacal  possession  as  a  suflScient  cause. 
From  one  point  of  view,  indeed,  it  was  held  as  a 
dogma  that  every  child  bom  into  the  world  was 
thus  under  the  power  of  an  evil  spirit,  of  the 
chief  of  evil  spirits,  and  from  an  early  period  a 
formula  of  exorcism  was  employed  as  a  preli- 
minary rite  to  baptism,  and  the  work  of  cate- 
chist  and  exorcist  was  thus  brought  into  close 
connection  [Baptism;  Exorcism].  In  the  pre- 
sent article,  however,  it  is  proposed  to  deal  only 
with  those  in  whom  the  condition  was  more  or 
less  chronic,  and  who  were  brought  therefore 
under  a  continuous  course  of  treatment. 

It  is  clear  from  the  narratives  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  from  the  records  of  the  Church, 
that  the  class  consisted  chiefly  though  not  ex- 
clusively of  those  who  in  our  own  time  would  be 
classified  as  insane.  They  were  known  as  the 
ZaiiAoviC6iiwoi,  the  N.  T.  name  more  frequently 


544 


DEM0KIAC6 


SB  the  iv€pyo6fi€Poi  (energumeni),  men  operated 
on,  exercised  by,  unclean  spirits,  less  frequently 
as  x^'-y^i^l*'^^^*^  (hyemantes)*  or  K\v?iwyii6fx^yoij 
those  who  are  tossed  to  and  fro  by  the  storms 
and   billows  of  uncontrollable    impube.      The 
boundary-line  between  mental  and  moral  dis- 
order is  at  all  times  difficult  to  trace,  and  the 
name  is  at  times  extended,  as  by  the  Pseudo-Dio- 
nysius  (de  Eccles,  Hierareh,  iv.  3),  to  those  who 
were  the  slares  of  lust  or  other  master-passions, 
probably  to  those  in  whom  the  moral  evil  as- 
sumed the  character  of  a  possession,  overpower- 
ing the  ordinary  restraints  of  prudence  and  self- 
control.    For  the  most  part,  however,  the  ener- 
gumeni,  as  demoniacs,  may  be  identified  with 
those  who  suffered  from  some  form  of  insadity. 
The  symptoms  described  by  Cyprian,  sleepless 
nights,  panic   fears,  r^tless  agitation  (de  Idol, 
Vanit,  p.  239) ;  the  outward  appearance  of  the 
demoniacs  as  pourtrayed  by  Chiysostom  {ffom, 
IV,  De  incomprehens.  Nut,  Dei),  squalid,  foul, 
with  hair  dishevelled,  and  in  rags,  all  point  to 
the  same  conclusion.   It  is  not  within  the  scope  of 
this  article  to  discuss  the  theory  which  referred 
nil   these   phenomena  to   an  actual   possession 
•f  the  human  nature  by  a  malignant  spiritual 
power.     It  is  enough  to  say  that  it  was  postu- 
lated in  the  whole  treatment  of  such  cases  by 
the  Church.    The  suggestion  of  a  more  scientific 
view  that  the  symptoms  originated  in  exceiss  of 
bile,  or  the  inflammation  of  a  tissue,  or  other 
physical  cause,  was  rejected  as  the  whisper  of 
unbelief,  itself  the  suggestion  of  the  demons, 
who  wished  thus  to  deprive  men  of  the  prayers 
and  incantations  which  were  the  only  effectual 
weapons  against  them  (^Ifom.  Clem.  ix.  12).     Men 
dwelt  with  exultation  on  the  power  which  their 
prayers,  and  the  utterance  of  the  Divine  Name, 
and  the  laying  on  of  hands,  had  to  drive  the 
demon  howling  and  blaspheming  from  his  usurped 
abode  (Cyprian,  de  Idol,  Vanit,  1.  c. ;  ad  Demetr. 
c.  15).     It  might  have  seemed,  looking  at  the 
matter  from  the  modem,  scientific  stand-point, 
as  if  the  Christian  Church  had  itself  got  into 
a  hopelessly  wrong  groove,  from  which  no  good 
results  were  to  be  expected,  which  tended  to 
stereotype  the  delusions  that  fed  the  madness, 
and  were  utterly  at  variance  with  any  rational 
treatment.     It  will  be   found,  however,  it  is 
believed,  that  partly  in  spite  of  the  theory,  partly 
in  consequence  of  it,  the  treatment  of  the  insane 
in  the  early  ages  of  the  Church  assumed  before 
long  a  true  therapeutic  character,  and  brought 
them   under    influences  which   tended,  in  the 
natural  course  of  things,  to  bring  them  to  a 
sound  mind.    Cases  of  instantaneous  expulsion 
of  the  demon,  like  those  described  by  Cyprian, 
became  less  frequent;  and,  where  the  mastery 
of  a  strong  will  had  for  a  time  calmed  a  paroxysm 
of  frenzy,  were  followed  by  a  relapse.     Putting 
aside  the  case  of  the  symbolic  or  hypothetical 
exorcism  which  preceded  baptism,  we  have  to 
think  of  the  energwneni  as  brought,  by  virtue 
of  the  theory,  within  the  range  of  sympathy  and 
care.     Instead  of  being  left,  as  in  most  eastern 
countries,  to  go  wild^  like  the  Gadarene  and 

*  The  word  xci/^o^^iuMvoi  and  its  LaUn  equivalent  are 
sometimes  explained  as  pointing  to  the  position  which  the 
demoniacs  occupied  in  the  onter  porch  of  the  chnrch, 
expcaed  to  the  inclemency  of  cold  or  rain.  The  meaning 
given  in  the  text  rests,  however,  on  better  authority. 
Comp.  Suioer,  s.  v.  ;(cijua^ofA«ifot. 


DEMONIAC,  HEALINO  OF 

other  demoniacs  of  the  K.  T.,  when  the  insaaity 
was  not  dangerous,  or  to  be  brutally  chained  and 
fettered  if  it  was,  they  were  marked  out  as  ob- 
jects of  pity  and   of  special    prayer  (jCoMtL 
Apost,  viii.  7).    They  occupied  a  fixed  place  in 
the  porch  of  the  church,  and  so  were  brought 
within  the    soothing   influence  of  psalms  and 
hymns  and  words  of  comfort  (Dionys.  de  Eodeu 
Hierareh,  iv.  3).    With  them,  as  fellow-sufferer% 
might  sometimes  be  found  the  lepers  of  the 
neighbourhood;  sometimes  also  those  whose  loath- 
some depravity  had  made  them  defiled  like  the 
leper,  and  incapable  of  human  society  like  the 
demoniacs  (C.  Ancyr.  c  17).    When  the  prayer 
was  over  they  were  brought  to  receive  the  bcaie- 
diction   of  the  bishop  {Conttt,  Apost,  viiL  Vy, 
The  church  itself  became  a  kind  of  home  for 
those  who  otherwise  would  have  been  homeless. 
There  the  exorcists  paid  them  a  daily  visit,  and 
gave  them  food,  and  laid  their  hands  upon  them 
(4  C,  Carth.  c.  90,  92).    There,  if  the  nature 
of  the  case  required  it,  they  were  brought  under 
a  discipline  of  abstinence  that  might  subdue  the 
impulses  of  passion  (^Hom.  Clement,  ix.  10).  There 
they  were  employed  in  industrial  tasks  that  were 
suited  to  their  condition,  such  as  sweeping  the 
pavement  of  the  church  (4  C,  Carth,  c.  91)  or 
lighting  its  lamps  ((7.  Elib,  c  37).^    If  they 
were  in  the  status  of  catechumens  they  might 
be  admitted  to  baptism  at  the  hour  of  death, 
even  though  there  had  been  no  complete  cure 
{Constt.  Apost,  viii.  32;  Cyprian,  Epist.  76;  1 
C,  Arausic,  c  15 ;  C.  Eiib,  c  37).     If  they  were 
already  among  the  &ithful  they  might  even,  if 
the  insanity  did  not  take  a  violent  form,  be  ad- 
mitted to  communion  (Cassian,  Collatt.  viL  30 ; 
Timoth.  Alex.  Eespons,  c.  3),  and  that  dailv.    It 
is  almost  needless  to  say  that  they  were  excluded, 
even  after  recovery,  from  ordination.    The  ex- 
orcists were  instructed  to  repeat  their  prayers 
and  other  forms  of  adjuration  memoriter  (Isidor. 
Hispal.  Epist.  ad  Landefred.).    They  were  often 
identical  with  the  catediists,  and  were  therefore 
more  or  less  experienced  in  the  work  of  teaching 
(Balsamon  on  C,  Laod.  u  26).    The  influences 
thus  brought  to  bear  upon  the  real  or  supposed 
demoniacs  were,  it  is  submitted,  calculated  to 
soothe  and  encourage,  to  bring  them  undei  the 
influence  of  sympathy.     Even  the  ceremcniai 
imposition  of  hands,  over  and  above  the  sacia- 
mental  associations  connected  with  it,  and  their 
power  to  soothe  the  parox3r5m8  of  suicidal  re- 
morse, may  have  had  what  we  have  learnt  to  caU 
a  mesmeric  effect,  calming  the  over-excited  brain, 
through  the  tones  of  pity,  into  something  like 
tranquillity.     It  is  not  too  much  to  dahn  fbr 
the  Christian  Church,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  its  theory  of  madness,  the  credit  of  having 
taken  some  practical  steps,  and  those  steps  the 
first,  towards  a  rational  treatment  of  the  in- 
sane.   Here,  also,  as  in  the  institution  of  hos- 
pitals, love  and   pity  werp  not  without  other 
fruits  than  those  they  sought  for,  and  minis- 
tered to  the  attainment  of  a  truth  at  which  they 
did  not  aim.  [E>  H.  P.] 

DEMONIAC,  HEALING  OF  (nr  AKr> 
One  instance  only  is  known  to  Fatiier  Martlgny 

<>  The  canons  of  the  Council  of  Elvira  died  in  Uw  \aX 
forbid  ihc  practice,  probably  on  account  of  some  tBCoo- 
venient  resnlts;  but  the  prohibition  shows  tiiat  it  was 
common. 


DEN18,  COUNCIL  OP  ST. 

•f  ■  rcprocdtatlon  of  tbti  mincli;  tt  li  on*  of 
xh»  Inatanng  of  ilngU  aaO^ren,  perhnpa  that  of 
th<  jaath  ifUr  th«  TmufiguntioD.  Thi  erU 
■pirit  UAQM  Id  huDun  form  from  tbfl  hsad  of 
Uie  poHwucd  (Qori,  lUl.  l^jOyiA.  t.  ui.  tab.  viiL). 


DEPUTAIUB 


545 


Onr  Lord  holdn  >  erou  on  Hia  (hoatilen  mid 

Hii  hand  ii  (itend«d  axing  the  Greek  beaedic- 

tiau.     Aootber  enmpl*  i>  io  the  LnnreotiaD 

HS. ;  ie«  woodcut.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DENIS,  OOnWCIL  OP  ST.  ladS.  Diony- 

(I'am,  near  Parts),  a.d.  TS8,  wu  rather  s  national 

conncil  of  biahopa  and  nobles,  at  which   Pipin 

■hortlj  before   hia   death   dirided  hIa    kingdon 

between  hia  lona  Carl  and  Csiloinan  (Labb.  ti 

1720,  1721.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

DBNABIUS.    [Peter's  Pknoe.] 

DENUNTIATIO  MATBIMONn.    [Mab- 

DEO  DICATUS.  One  of  the  tenna  bj 
which  persona  who  derated  ihemselvea  to  leligioc 
were  deaignated.  Tboi  Hatto  or  Ahito,  biibo) 
of  Bade  (CapittUart,  e.  16)  fnrbade  eren  D*t 
dicalae  to  meddle  with  the  aerrica  of  the  altar 
[compue  DETora  FbmikaI  ;  and  Lodfer  of 
Ckgllari,  dncribine  the  conduct  of  hia  enemiea, 
aajt  (in  the  tract  Mmmdum  eaK,  etc.)  that  thej 
tartnred  and  slew  eren  dedicated  perions  CDeo 
dicato>>  [C] 

DEO  ORATIA8.  T^  Stf  xif">  "Ttainka 
be  to  QodI"  A  response  of  the  people,  Ire- 
quentlf  occurring  in  dirine  WTFice  fmni  ytty 
ancient  timea,  derived  no  deubt  from  the  apos- 
tolic ua«  of  the  phraie  (1  Cor.  it.  51 ;  2  Cor.  ii. 
14).  The  best-known  inalaace  of  its  uh  ia  pro- 
babtf  that  in  which  it  forms  the  response  of  the 
people  to  the  lU,  niaa  est  of  the  priest  at  the 
end  of  the  litnrg  j. 

Accoiding  to  the  Moiarabic  rite  the  people 
uid  Dao  gralias,  "Thanks  be  to  God,"  at  the 
naming  of  the  paasage  to  be  read  aa  the  "  Pro- 
phecf  in  the  Liturgj.  Bona  mentiona  thia 
phraae  ai  l>eing  also  occuionallr  nsed  inatead 
of  Amen,  or  Zotu  UU  Chriite  when  the  Gospel 


ended  {Dt  Rtb.  IMurg.  u.  viL  4>  St.  An- 
gnstlna  notices  it  aa  a  common  mode  of  greeting 
among  the  monka  in  hi)  time,  far  which  tbej 
were  ridicaled  and  insalted  bf  the  Agoniatici, 
lej  called  themaelres,  amoi^  tha  Dtnaiiati 
(Ang.  tn  Paalm.  ciiiiL  p.  630).  The  eiprea- 
sion  appears  to  have  been  fVequentlj  used  on 
other  accaiions  by  way  of  acclamatian.  When 
Erediua  waa  nominated  as  Augoatine'a  mccesaor 
the  people  called  out  for  a  long  time — "  Deo 
gratias,  Christo  laodea  "  (Ang.  Lj!.  1 10,  <fe  Aclii 
rvodi!).  [C] 

DEPORTATIO.  One  of  tha  itsagee  of  tha 
Galilean  Chnrch  waa  that  a  bishop  an  bis  way 
to  be  enthroned  waa  borne  in  ■  chair  br  the 
handi  of  hia  tellow-biahops.  Thus  Wilfrid  of 
York,  who  waa  consecrated  in  Qanl,  li  said  {Life 
by  Eddias,  c  12)  to  have  been  borne  to  his  throne 
by  the  handa  of  the  bishops  who  were  present, 
"mare  eamm,"  i.a.  after  the  Galilean  cnstom 
[BiBaop,  p.  225}  Gregory  of  Toura  perhaps 
alludes  to  thia  custom  whan  he  says  {Hiii.  Jhrnc, 
iii.  2)  that  the  assembled  biahopa  and  people 
placed  (locarerant)  Quiutianus  in  the  episcopal 
throne  of  Clermont.  A  "  chairing  "of  the  bishop 
an  the  shoulders  of  certain  persons  of  rank,  the 
first  time  be  entered  hia  cathedral,  was  customary 
in  aeveral  sf  the  French  churches  in  the  middle 
agea  (Martene,  Dt  Ant.  fiwt  Rilibiu,  I.  Tiii.  10, 
§  ")■  [C] 

DEPOSITION.    [Deqradatidn.] 

DEPOSITION,  Di  UaoiobOOT  {Depimtid). 
The  word  dtpotiiio  is  eiplained  in  the  aermon 
of  Maiimus,  De  Dtpotitione  S.  EuaMi  (in  the 
Worlit  of  Ambrose,  ii.  pt.  2,  p.  460)  to  mean, 
not  the  day  of  burial,  but  that  on  which  the 
aonl  lays  down  the  burden  of  the  fleah ;  and  It 
is  probably  with  thia  idea  that  it  ia  used  in 
calendan  and  msrtyrol ogles.  For  instance,  in 
the  Mart.  Hietvn.  we  bate  on  March  21  "  Pe- 
paritia  Benedict!  Abbatis;"  in  the  Mart.  Btdat 
CD  the  tame  day,  "  Natak  Benedicti  Abbatis," 
as  if  Depoiilie  were  eiactly  aynonymous  with 
Nalale,  which  CDnfessedly  meana  the  death-day 
of  a  aaint. 

Yet  on  July  1 1,  the  day  on  which  the  Trans- 
lation of  St.  Benedict  it  placed  by  Bede  and  Ado, 
the  Jfm-I.  Hienn.  has  again  Depotiio.  We  may 
infer  that  tha  word  waa  at  least  occaaionally 
used  to  deaignate  the  day  on  which  tha  relica 
were  entombed. 

Papebroch,  in  hia  Conatia  C/trcnologico-ffitlar, 
ad  Culal.  Pontiff.  Romim.  {Acta  Saaetorwm,  Hay, 
Tol.  ir.),  contends  strongly  that  Aiposslto  is  used 
for  the  day  of  death ;  Elevilio,  Cuitu,  or  Trant- 
latio  let  that  of  burial. 

In  early  calendara  tha  word  Depomtio  ia  said 
to  be  contined  to  bishops  [Calkndax,  p.  2bS]. 
(Binte rim's  DenheurdigAeiienf  ri.  pt.  3^  p. 
370  £f.).  [C] 

DEFBECATOBIAK  In  an  ancient  codei 
quoted  by  Ducange  (s.  v.),  literae  deprecatoriar 
are  explained  to  be  simple  "  letters  of  request  " 
given  by  presbyters,  who  were  unable  to  grant 
the  formal  "dimistory  letters"  (fbrmataa)  nl 
biahopa.  rCOMHBNDATOitT  Lettebs:  DuinOBT 
Leiters.]  [C] 

DEFBITATION.    [Droudahdh.] 

DEPUTATirS  (AnroirrilToi).  The  Greek 
Church  dietinguiahat  between  persons  properlj 


546 


DESCENSUS 


DE8EBTI0K 


m  orders,  set  apart  for  a  certain  work  by  the 
imposition  of  the  bishop's  hands,  and  those 
merely  nominated  to  certain  offices  without  im- 
position of  hands.  Deacons,  snbdeacons,  and 
readers  belong  to  the  former  class ;  to  the  latter, 
those  who  discharge  purely  subordinate  offices 
under  the  direction  of  the  clergy;  as  the  Theori,^ 
who  have  the  charge  of  the  sacred  vessels  and 
Testments ;  the  Camiaati  [Caxisia^I  who  attend 
to  the  thuribles  and  water-vessels  in  the  service 
of  the  altar ;  and  the  Deputati,  The  office  of  the 
latter  is,  in  pro<»ssions  to  precede  the  deacon 
who  bears  the  Book  of  the  Gospels,  or  the  obla- 
tions, carrying  lighted  tapers  and,  also,  if  neces- 
sary, to  clear  the  way  for  the  bishop  through  the 
crowded  church.  (Permaneder  in  Wetzer  and 
Welte's  Kircheniexicon,  iii.  107,  who  quotes 
Morinus,  De  8,  EccL  Ordinationibtis,  pt.  ii.  p. 
66,  ed.  Antwerp,  1695). 

These  Deputati  thus  corresponded  with  the 
Ceroferarii  or  Cereostatarii  of  the  Latin  Church  ; 
and  in  the  form  of  their  appointment  (Gear's 
Kuchohgion,  p.  237)  their  office  is  said  to  be  that 
of  bearing  the  lights  in  the  holy  mysteries.  See 
Acolyte.  [C] 

DESCENSUS.  A  word  sometimes  used  to 
signify  the  vault  [Confessio]  beneath  the  altar 
containing  relics  of  saints.  Anastasius,  for  in- 
stance {Hist.  EccLy  an.  5  Leonis  l8aur.\  uses  it 
as  equivalent  to  the  Kordficuris  of  Theophtines, 
from  whom  he  is  compiling.  [C] 

DESECRATION  op  Chuiicheb  and  Altars 
{Exsecratio),  So  indelible  a  character  of  holi- 
ness was  thought  to  be  stamped  upon  a  church 
or  an  altar  by  the  act  of  consecration,  that 
nothing  short  of  destruction,  or  such  dilapida- 
tion as  to  render  them  unfit  to  serve  their 
proper  ends,  could  nullify  it  (Barbosa,  I>e  Off. 
et  Potest.  Episcop.  pt.  ii.).  A  church  might, 
however,  be  so  polluted  as  to  need  Recon- 
ciliation (7.!?.)  by  the  perpetration  in  it  of 
homicide  or  other  revolting  crime ;  aud  if  the 
relics  which  had  been  deposited  at  consecration 
were  removed,  the  church  and  altar  lost  this 
sacred  character  until  these  were  restored ;  with 
the  relics  and  the  renewal  of  masses,  the  whole 
effect  of  consecration  returned  (Vigil  i  as,  Vo\^ 
538-555,  Ad  Euthenvm^  Epist.  ii.  c.  4).  Gre- 
gory of  Tours  {Hist.  Franc,  ix.  6)  mentions  an 
instance  in  which  a  church,  in  consequence  of  a 
homicide  having  been  perpetrated  in  it,  lost  the 
privilege  of  Divine  Service  (officium  perdidit). 
Compare  Churchyard,  Sacrilege.  (Martcne, 
De  Hit.  Ant.  ii.  284 ;  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov. 
Eccl.  Discip.  i.  458).  [C] 

DESERTION  OF  THE  CLERICAL 
LIB'E.  Several  centuries  elapse  before  we  find 
desertion  of  the  clerical  life  recognized  as  an 
offence.  The  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  enacts 
(c.  7)  that  those  who  have  once  been  received 
into  the  clems  are  not  to  desert  it  fbr  any 
military  service  or  worldly  dignity.  The  Council 
of  Angers  in  453  declared  (c.  7)  that  clerics  who 
leaving  their  order  have  turned  away  to  secular 
w{irfare  and  to  a  lay  life  are  not  unjustly  removed 
from  the  church  which  they  have  left.*  The  1st 
Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  461,  has  an  equivalent 
provision  expressed  in  somewhat  clearer  lan- 
guage (c.  5),  specifically  enactinjr  pxcoinmunica- 


tion  for  the  offence.  We  have  an  instanoe  of  tilt 
practice  by  a  Breton  Coxmdl  of  uncertain  date 
(supposed  about  555),  recorded  by  Gregory  of 
Tours  {Hist,  Franc,  ix.  15),  in  which  a  bishoft, 
who  let  his  hair  grow  and  took  back  his  wife, 
was  excommunicated.  Under  Justinian's  Code, 
by  a  constitution  of  that  Emperor  himself^  A.D. 
532,  renewing  and  extending  a  previous  one  of 
Arcadius  and  Honorius,  if  a  person  deserted  the 
clerical  or  monastic  life  for  a  military  one  (the 
term  militia  with  its  congeners,  did  not  at  this 
period  imply  necessarily  the  use  of  arms)  he  was 
punished  by  being  made  a  curiatis  of  the  dty 
of  his  birth,  i.e.  charged  with  all  the  burthens 
of  the  state.  If  there  were  already  very  many 
curiales  in  the  city  he  was  to  be  placed  in  any 
neighbouring  or  remote  one,  or  even  in  any  one 
of  a  different  province  which  should  happen  to 
be  in  special  want  of  these  political  beasts  of 
burthen.  If  he  hid  himself,  the  cwiales  could 
at  once  enter  upon  his  property  and  detain  it  to 
answer  legal  demands  (bk.  i.  tit.  iii.  1.  53  §  1). 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  clerk  or  monk  embraced 
an  ordinary  secular  life,  all  his  property  pa^ed 
to  the  church  or  monastery  which  he  had  de- 
serted {Ibid.  1.  56,  §  2) — a  provision  confirmed 
as  to  monks  by  the  5th  Novel,  c.  4.  The  6tk 
Novel,  which  extends  the  prohibition  to  sub- 
deacons  and  readers,  transfers  the  benefit  of  the 
forfeiture,  as  respects  clerics,— if  indeed  there  be 
anything  to  forfeit, — to  the  curia,  providing 
moreover  that  if  the  clerk  in  question  be  poor, 
he  shall  be  reduced  to  an  official  condition,  Ce. 
probably  to  that  of  a  mere  servant  to  the  public 
offices  (c  7);  and  this  forfeitui*e  to  the  curia  b 
confirmed  by  the  r23rd  Novel,  c.  15.  But  as 
respects  monks,  the  same  Novel  (c.  42)  requires 
a  monk  who  betakes  himself  to  a  secular  lifi? — 
being  first  deprived  of  any  office  or  dignity  he 
may  acquire — to  be  sent  to  a  monastery,  to 
which  nfoi'eover  it  assigns  all  property  acquired 
by  him  after  his  leaving  his  former  one.  If  he 
absconds  from  this,  the  judge  of  the  province  is 
to  hold  and  admonish  him. 

In  a  letter  of  Pope  2^nchari8s  (a.D.  741-51)  to 
king  Pepin,  the  Pope  decrees  that  those  who  have 
once  been  admitted  into  the  clergy,  or  have  de- 
sired mouiistic  life,  are  not  to  betake  themselves 
to  milit^iry  service,  or  to  any  worldly  dignity 
{Ep.  7,  c.  9),  under  pain  of  anathema  if  they  do 
not  repent  and  i*eturn  to  their  former  life — a 
provision  substantially  identical  with  that  of  the 
Councils  of  Angers  and  Toui*s.  In  Charlemagne*s 
Capitularies  also  is  a  provision  "  that  a  priest 
ought  to  continue  in  the  religious  habit"  {Ad- 
ditio  Terti'a,  c.  110).  See  also  the  31st  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Frankfort  in  794,  "  that  clerics 
and  monks  should  continue  stedfast  in  their  de- 
termination." 

Desertion  of  the  clerical  life  must  of  course 
be  distinguished  from  desertion  of  the  clerical 
functions  in  a  particular  diocese  or  parish.  See, 
amongst  other  authorities,  as  to  bishops  leaving 
their  districts  {irapotKias},  the  so-called  ApostO' 
lical  Canons^  c.  11  (otherwise  13  or  14),  and  the 
r23rd  Novel;  and  as  to  presbyters,  deacons,  and 
other  clerics  so  acting,  Apost.  Can.  c.  12  (other- 
wise 14  or  15);  also  the  16th  Canon  of  the 
Council  of  Nicaea.  One  of  the  temptations  to 
the  breach  of  discipline  in  question  ap{)ears  to 
have  been  the  serving  in  private  oratories,  as 
to  w  hich  see  Novels  57.  58,  and  131.    [J.  M.  L] 


DSBIDEBATA.  A  nam*  mnatimM  aud 
for  the  ncnmcou,  m  being  dsircd  ofdl  Chria- 
tku.  Zcno  of  VeroD*  (/nn't.  8  od  Fonttm, 
qnotad  \>j  Docasga)  uku  whf  hlj  Ii«*r«ii  dalaj 
"  ad  deaidtnu  fesliDire."  [C] 

DESroEBIUS.  (I)  Biihop  of  Vimm,  mti- 
tjT  It  Lyona ;  Natale,  Feb.  11  {Mart.  Bedie, 
Adonia  tn  Appatdiee,  Uiuardi).  AcoordiDg  to  Ado 
he  loffend  tnartfrdom  on  Hoy  23,  sod  vu 
tniuUted  Feb.  11. 

(S)  Biihop  of  Cerrara;  "Pusio"  Maj  23 
(Jfai^.  Adoui,  Danardi). 

(8)  The  reader,  martyr  at  Naplea  under 
Diodetfan,  vitb  Januarioa  the  biibop  Bud  otfaen ; 
€»in  mem  orated  Sept.  19  (J/art.  Rom.  Vtt.,  Bcdae, 
Adonia,  (Jsnardi).  [W.  F,  Q,] 

DESP0N8ATI0.     [Abshae:  BctbothaI:: 

Uabhiaoe.] 

DE8F0TICAE  (AairTiH-.ical  itfraf).  The 
grealar  festiTala  of  the  Charch  aie  ao  called  by 
the  Greeka;  they  are  geoenillj  Teckaned  to 
nmoDDt  to  twelve,  but  anthoritiea  vary  on  thia 
point.  [FEmviii]  (Daniel'a  Codex  Liturgiaai, 
iT.  235.)  [C] 

DETRACTION  i>  deliDed  to  be  the  concealed 
■nd  unjuat  attack  in  irorda  upon  the  repntation  ol 
another  penon.  It  difTers  from  Cabmatia  in  that 
tb<  Utter  ia  a  false  acenantioD  made  in  tbe  conne 
of  legal  proceedings,  and  from  Contumtliit  in  its 
being  concealed  from  the  penon  nfftcted, 

Tbia  ain  baa  been  coDdemned  both  \ij  fatben, 
115  I?  St.  Anguatine  (in  hooi.  41  Ha  Sanctis),  Si. 
Jerome  {Ep.  3,  aL  52,  ad  Jiepetian.  c  14),  and 
St.  Chryaoatom  (De  Sacerd.  5,  C),  and  by  vaiioua 
•conncils  (e.g.  Gone.  Cnrth.  ir.  cc.  55-60) 


under 


which  ii 


other 


t  the  9tb  romtnandment  (Binghi 
Ant.  e,  2,  10,  and  16,  13,  3 ;  Femirii  mi  toe.  ; 
Thorn.  Aq.  ^inuno,  -2.  2.  qoaest.  73 ;  goto  Tie 
Jtut  tt  Jure,  5,  10).  [I.  B.] 

DEU8  IN  ADJUTOBIUM.  The  raoooical 
Houra,  according  to  Weatem  niage,  geoenilly  be- 
gin with  the  woHa  of  the  TOth  [69th  Vulg.jPaalm. 

V,  Deoa  in  adjutoriam  meum  intende. 

R.  Doniine  ad  adjUTandDDi  me  featina. 

Ca»ian  (Coilatio,  i.  c.  10)  tella  Da  tbat  thia 
TeJTH  noa  frequently  uted  by  monks  in  their  de- 
l  appear 
:^  Hour 
St.  Wneditt,  who  preicribed 
that  nae  in  bi>  Rule  (c.  9> 

The  Roman  um  at  Hatina  preliiei  the  vene 
and  retponae, 

V.  Domine,  labia  mea  aperiea. 

B.  Et  oa  meum  annuntlablt  landam  tnam, 
rram    the   blat  [50th    Vnlg.]  Psalm  ;    in   the 
monaitic    breviaries,   on   the    other   lund,   the 
ZtomiM,  fdfrid  followa  the  i)nu  in  w/jHtorriini. 

In  Compline,  Dem  m  adjutoriam  it  preceded  by 

V.  ConTerta  noa,  Deua  adntarts  uoater. 

B.  Et  aTert<  inm  team  a  nobii, 
from  the  SStfa  [84tb  Vnlg.]  Paalm. 

The  lerae,  "  0  Lord,  open  thou  oQr  lipa,"  it., 
alao  occon  in  the  early  part  of  the  Greek  morn- 
log  office. 

(Bona,  Dt  Diana  Psa/modia,  ch.  ivi-  4; 
Martene,  De  Ant.  Monach.  Bit.  pp.  5, 23 ;  Wetier 
tod  Welte,  KirtlMlexicrm,  iti.  122.)  [C] 


DEVOTA  FEUUTA  647 

DEVIL  (IN  Art).    The  Early  CSidrdi  Mama 
to  bare  contemplated  the  apirltaal  enemy  of  Goa 
and  man  principally  ai  to  hie  tbnctioiu  of  tampU 
ation  and  poaaaaaion  in  thll 
world.    Repreaentationa  of 
him   aa  the   final   aceuaer 
and  claimant  of  the  aoola 
of  the  loat,  or  aa  their  tor- 
mentor in  the  place  of  hia 
own  condemnation,  belong 
to  mediaeval  ratber  than 
to  primitive  art.   The  pre- 
aent  writer  ia  not  aware  of 
the  eiiilence  of  any  bell 

TorceUo,  ai  that  painted 
by  Metbodina,  eren  if  Ita 
atory  be  true,  baa  alto- 
gether vaniahed.  On  the 
aarcophagi,  and  later  In 
Anj;lo-Saion  and  Iriah 
USS.  more  particnUrlir, 
the  tempter  ia  ■ymbollied, 
aa  io  often  in  Holy  Scri»- 


Holy  Scrip- 


the   Serf 

One  instance  there  ia,  hi 
ever,  given  by  DIdrou  in 
the  IcoRographie    du  Ser- 
pent (^nn.  Archfiiiogvpiet, 
T.  2)  of  a  Qnoatic  combi- 
nation of  hnman  and  aevpentine  form,  with  leo- 
nine head  and  face  (aee  woodcut).     It  it  taken 
fVom  a  bronze  in  the  Vatican  collection,  and  ia 
derived,  he  uys  with  certainty,  from  the  andent 
Egyptian  symbol  of  a  lion-headed  aorpent.     Bnt 
the  auman  form  and  expresaion  are  ao  predorai- 


of  the  pentonitied  serpent  of  tbe  Middle 
represented  in  the  Book  of  Kella  an' 
northern  USS,  The  Uothic  or  mediw 
presentations  aeem  to  begin  in  Italy  « 
"      ■    ■      the   Chase    of  Theodoric,    whi 


icipalio. 


lately  destroyed  by  gradn 
ehie^  adorned  the  front  of 


In  the  Lflur 
then 


St.  2 


n  TA&.  ol  RabuU  (a.: 


587) 


lary  repreienlation  of  the 


demoniacs  ofOadira,jus 

tormenting  apirita,  who  are  fluttering  away  in 
the  form  of  little  black  homaaitiea  of  mia- 
chievooa  eipreasion.     [See  DEXOSIiCB.] 

[R.  St.  J.  T.l 
DBVOTA  FEMINA,  or  aimply  DEVOTA. 
It  need  hardly  be  aaid  that  the  practice  of  vowa 
made  to  God  i»  reoogniied  in  the  Pentateuch, 
and  throughout  tbe  Old  TeaUmcnt  (Levit,  vii. 
16,  iivii.  1  and  foil.,  Namb.  vL  2  and  foil.,  iv. 
3,  8,  III.  2  and  foil.  Ik.).  Such  vow!  might  ba 
of  perwna  aa  well  aa  things,  aa  in  the  instance 
of  the  "  aingalar  vow  "  mentioned  in  Lev.  iivii., 
and  ef  tbe  Naiarites  mentioned  in  Kurab.  vi.  ; 
with  which  compare  the  applicationa  in  the  case 
of  Jephthah,  (Judg.  il.  30)  SaQaon  (Judg.  liii.  b) 
and  Samuel  (1  Sam.  i.  It).  Certain  checks  are 
at  the  same  time  imposed  on  the  vows  of  women, 
which  are  required  to  have  at  least  tbe  tacit  aasent 
of  a  father,  if  the  woman  be  "  in  her  Other's  house 
in  her  youth  "  (Numb.  iii.  3-5),  or  of  a  husband, 
if  she  "bad  at  all  a  husband"  (A.  6-8,  10-15); 
"but  eveiy  vow  of  a  widow,  and  of  her  that  ia 
divorced,  wherewith  they  have  bound  their  aouls, 
ahall  stand  against  her '''v.  9>, 

2  N  2 


548 


DEVOTA  PEMINA 


DEVOTA  FEMINA 


Th«  ezamplee  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  zviii.  23,  24), 
and  the  four  disciples  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xxL 
23)  show  that  like  practices  were  adopted  by 
the  Apostolic  Church.  But  oyer  and  abore 
these  temporary  tows,  it  is  clear  that  the 
class  of  church>widow8  were  considered  as  per- 
sonally devoted  to  God.  Moreover,  in  his 
mode  of  speaking  of  yirgins,  St.  Paul  clearly 
shews  that  he  considers  thoee  who  have  autho- 
rity over  them  to  have  power  to  *'  keep "  them 
for  the  Lord  (see  1  Cor.  vii.  34,  37,  38).  The 
ApostoUcal  OorutitationSf  besides  their  abundant 
notices  of  the  church-widows,  shew  us  also 
the  rise  of  a  distinct  class  of  church-virgins 
devoted  to  God  in  like  manner.  The  term  deoota, 
however,  as  applied  both  to  widows  and  virgins, 
survived  both  organizations  and  spread  beyond 
them,  and  tteevcu  to  serve  as  a  transition  link  be- 
tween them  and  female  monachism.  From  the 
4th  century  downwards  there  are  many  texts 
which  can  hardly  be  applied,  at  all  events  ex- 
clusively, to  either  institute  as  such,  and  antici- 
pate any  organized  female  monachism,  but  which 
clearly  imply  a  practice  of  self-consecration  to 
God  on  the  part  both  of  widows  aud  unmarried 
women,  and  which  serve  as  the  foundation  of  the 
practice  of  the  Church  in  later  times  in  respect 
to  nuns. 

Thus  the  first  Council  of  Valence,  A.D.  374, 
treating  ^  of  girls  who  have  devoted  themselves 
to  God,  exacts  that  if  they  voluntarily  contract 
*'  earthly  '*  marriage,  they  shall  not  even  be  al- 
lowed immediate  penance,  and  shall  not  be  admit- 
ted to  communion  till  they  have  given  full 
satisfaction.  Now  it  was  only  in  the  5th  century 
that  monachism,  under  the  Basilian  rule,  penetra- 
ted into  Southern  Gaul,  so  that  the  pueWie  in 
question  cannot  have  been  nuns  properly  so  called. 
The  same  applies  to  the  canous  of  the  1st  Council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  400,  which  enact  that  a  "  devota  " 
who  takes  a  husband  is  not  to  be  admitted  to 
penance  during  his  life,  unless  she  preserves  con- 
tinence (c.  16),  or,  with  still  greater  severity, 
that  if  a  bishop's,  or  priest's,  or  deacon's  daughter, 
having  been  devoted  to  God,  sins  and  marries, 
should  her  father  or  mother  restore  their  aflec- 
tion  to  her,  they  are  to  be  excluded  from  com- 
munion. The  father  may  indeed  shew  cause  in 
council  against  the  sentence,  but  the  woman  her- 
self is  only  to  receive  the  communion  afler  her 
husband's  death  and  penance,  unless  at  her  last 
hour  (c.  19) — a  text  which  indeed  admits  the 
validity  of  the  mainriage. 

l*he  stamp  was  set  on  the  woman's  devotio 
by  her  taking,  or  rather  receiving  from  the 
priest's  hands,  the  veil,  symbol  of  her  being 
espoused  to  Christ.  Hence  the  distiuction 
which  we  find  made  between  the  gravity  of  mar- 
riage in  the  case  of  the  veiled  and  unveiled ;  a& 
to  which  see  Pope  Innocent  I.'s  2nd  letters,  to 
Victricius  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  cc.  12,  13,  and 
certain  canons  of  doubtful  authority,  supposed 
to  be  contemporaneous  '*of  the  Roman  to  the 
Gaulish  bishops,'*  cc.  1, 2.  The  devotional  or  vir- 
ginal habit  might  indeed  be  assumed,  at  all  events 
in  the  5th  century,  without  actual  consecration ; 
see  Leo  the  Gi'est's  167th  letter,  ▲.D.  458  or 
459,  to  Rnsticus  Bishop  of  Narbonne,  c.  15. 

The  ** virgin  devoteid  to  God"  is  assimilated 
to  the  monk  in  a  canon  of  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon,  A.D.  451,  forbidding  both  to  marry  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  but  subject  to  the  in- 


dulgence of  the  local  bishop  (c.  15).  Tie  2nd 
Council  of  Aries.  a.d.  452,  seems  to  confine  ex- 
communication in  sudi  cases  to  marriage  afler 
25,  and  provides  that  a  penance  is  not  to  be 
refused  if  asked  for,  but  communion  only  to  be 
granted  after  long  delay  (c  52).  An  exagge- 
rated strictness  on  the  other  hand  pervades  a 
letter  of  Pope  Symmachus  (a.d.  498-^13)  to 
Bishop  Caesarius,  of  Aries.  Not  only  does  he 
require  the  excommunication  of  those  who  have 
sought  to  marry  virgins  consecrated  to  God, 
whether  with  their  own  will  or  against  it,  and 
declare  that  *'we  do  not  suffer  widows  to 
marry  who  have  long  persevered  in  the  religious 
purpose ;  but  he  forbids  those  virgins  to  marry 
**  to  whom  it  may  have  happened  to  pass  their 
age  during  many  years  in  monasteries  "—a- 
forcing,  in  short,  virginity  without  even  a  pro- 
fession. 

The  practice  of  the  religions  profession,  both 
in  convents  and  outside  of  them,  is  shewn  in  the 
Canons  of  the  5th  Council  of  Orleans,  A.D  529, 
which  excommunicates  alike,  together  with  their 
husbands,  both  girls  who  in  convents  have  pat 
on  the  religious  garment,  and  those  who,  whether 
girls  or  widows,  have  assumed  the  habit  in  their 
houses  (c  19).  On  the  other  hand,  the  1st 
Council  of  Macon  in  581  pronounced  excommuni- 
cation for  life  against  both  parties,  in  case  of 
such  marriages. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  6th  or  beginning  of 
the  7  th  century,  in  the  letters  of  Pope  Gregory 
the  Great  (a.d.  59(^-603),  we  seem  to  perceive 
a  distinction  between  the  **  religious  "  and  ^  mo- 
nastic "  habit,  which  may  have  indicated  that 
between  the  simple  devota  and  the  nun.  Writing 
to  the  Roman  exarch  (bk.  iv.  «p.  18),  he  speaks 
of  women  till  now  "  in  the  religious  and  mo- 
nastic habit "  who  have  thrown  off  the  sacred  gar- 
ment and  veil,  and  married,  and  who  are  said  to 
be  under  the  exarch's  patronage,  and  warns  him 
against  the  iniquity  of  such  protection.  It  will 
not  have  escaped  attention  that  the  **  veil "  in 
this  passage  seems  to  correspond,  as  in  later  and 
present  Romish  practice,  with  the  specially  mo- 
ntistic  profession.  On  the  other  hand,  an  earlier 
letter  of  the  same  pope  (bk.  iii.  ep.  24,  ad  Cm- 
narfum)y  distinguishes  between  veiled  virgins  and 
women  in  convents.  The  mcompatibility  be- 
tween marriage  and  the  religious  "habit**  is 
indicated  in  another  letter  of  the  same  pope  to 
bishops  Virgilius  and  Syagrius,  (bk.  vii.  pt.  ii  c 
119). 

That  in  spite  of  all  prohibitions,  marriages 
with  "  religious  "  women  continued  to  take  place, 
and  to  be  celebrated  even  in  church,  is  evident 
from  an  edict  of  King  Clothair  II.,  issued  at  the 
5th  Council  of  Paris,  a.d.  614  or  615.  No  one 
was  to  carry  off  religious  girls  or  widows,  who 
have  devoted  themselves  to  God,  as  well  those 
who  reside  in  their  own  houses  as  those  who  are 
placed  in  monasteries  (thus  clearly  distinguishing 
between  the  two  classes) ;  and  if  any,  either  br 
violence  or  by  any  kind  of  authority  should 
presume  to  unite  such  to  himself  in  marria^ 
he  was  subject  to  capital  punishment,  or,  under 
special  circumstances  to  exile,  and  forfeiture  of 
goods. 

The  7th  letter  of  Pope  Zacharias  (a.d.  741> 
51),  addressed  to  Pepin  as  mayor  of  the  palace, 
and  to  the  bishops,  abbots,  and  nobles  of  tbc 
Franks,  refers  to  Pope  Innocent's  letter  befbn 


DEXAMENE 


DIADEMA 


549 


meiitioiied,  as  to  the  dutinction  between  the 
marriage  of  veiled  and  unveiled  virgins,  the 
former  of  whom  are  to  be  separated,  the  latter 
only  to  do  **8ome"  penance  (cc.  20,  21).  On 
the  other  hand,  a  capitnlary  of  the  6th  book 
(c  411)  treats  as  absolutely  null  a  marriage 
with  ^*  a  virgin  devoted  to  God,  a  woman  under 
the  religious  habit  or  professing  the  continuance 
of  widowhood,"  re-enacting  the  punishment  of 
separation  and  exile  for  the  offenders.  One  of 
the  7th  book  (c  338)  is  addressed  to  the  case  of 
thoee  widows  and  girls  who  have  put  on  the 
religious  habit  in  their  own  houses,  either  re- 
ceiving it  from  their  parents  or  of  themselves, 
but  afterwards  marry;  they  are  to  be  excom- 
municated till  they  separate  from  their  husbands, 
and  if  they  will  not,  to  be  kept  perpetually  ex- 
cluded from  communion.  A  Lombard  capitulary 
of  783,  contains  a  like  enactment  (Pertz,  Leg. 
t.  1>  [J.  M.  L.] 

DEXAMENE,  A€^<Kti4vn,  a  cistern  or  tank 
for  the  water  needed  for  the  replenishing  of  the 
font  and  the  various  ecclesiastical  offices  (Procop. 
ffittot'.  Arcan.  c  iii.).  Erroneously  interpreted  by 
Suidas,  attb  roc.  of  the  altar ;  and  by  Bingham, 
Orig.  bk.  viii.  c.  vii.  §  4,  of  the  font.       [E.  V.] 

DIAGONIA.  (1).  The  name  given  to  the 
localities  in  which  food  and  alms  were  distributed 
to  the  poor  by  the  deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 
£ach  was  under  the  administration  of  one  of  the 
seven  deacons,  one  for  each  region,  the  whole 
being  under  the  superintendence  of  an  archdeacon. 
Each  diaamia  had  a  hall  for  the  distribution  of 
charity,  and  an  oratory  or  chapel  annexed.  These 
last  remained  when  the  originid  purpose  of  the  (/t'o- 
oonia  had  passed  away,  and  have  risen  to  the  dig- 
nity of  churches,  of  which  there  are  now  fourteen, 
each  assigned  to  one  of  the  cardinal  deacons. 

The  original  purpose  of  the  diaconia  is  illus- 
trated by  the  following  passages  from  Anasta- 
sins : — Stephan,  IL  §  229 :  "  foris  muros  .  . .  duo 
fecit  Xenodochia . . .  quae  et  sociavit  venerabili- 
bas  Diaconis  illic  foris  existentibus ....  id  est 
Diaconiae  S.  Dei  genetricis,  et  B.  Silvestri  duae." 
Hadrian,  L  §  337 :  *'  constituit  Diaconias  tres 
foris  portam  B.  Apost.  Prindpis  . . .  et  ibidem 
diapensatione  per  oridinem  pauperibus  consolari, 
atque  eleemosynam  fieri  [constituit]."  Infra, 
§  345:  'Mdem  eg^egius  Praesul  Diaconia  con- 
stituit . . .  concedens  eis  agros  vineas  etc.  ut  de 
eorum  reditu  . . .  Diaconiae  proficientes  pauperes 
Christi  reficerentur." 

(2).  The  word  diaconia  was  also  used  for  that 
port  of  the  deacon's  office  which  consisted  in  dis- 
pensing food  and  money  to  the  poor.  It  is  thus 
employed  by  Gregory  the  Great  in  a  letter  to 
John,  in  which  he  says,  **  te  mensis  pauperum 
et  exhibendae  diaconiae  eligimus  praeponendum;" 
and  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  money  received  **  dia- 
coniae exhibitione  erogandum"  (Greg.  Magn. 
Up,  ad  Joann,  24).  S^  Suicer,  Ducange,  Hos- 
pinian.  de  Templia,  p.  18.  [E.  V.] 

(3).  In  the  earlier  days  of  monachism  this  term 
was  used  for  monastic  alms-giving  (Cass.  Collat. 
zviii.  7 ;  Gregor.  M.  Ep.  22).  I^e  oldest  monk 
was  entrusted  with  it  in  Egypt  (Cass.  Collat.  xxi. 
1);  in  the  East  the  ^oeconomus"  or  bursar 
(Martene  in  Cass.  ib.  xxi.  8,  9>  [I.  G.  S.] 

DIAGONIOA  (Auuco^iica).  Certain  short 
prayers  or  *' suffrages'*  in  the  Liturgy  are  called 
Diaioonica,  as  being  recited   by  t^  attendant 


deacon.  They  are  also  called  E^^i^iircC,  as  being 
mainly  prayers  for  peace.  In  the  consecration 
of  a  bishop  tlie  Diaconica  are  said  by  bishopsi. 
(Menard  on  the  Gregorian  Sucramentaryf  p.  523  ; 
Neale*s  Tetralogia  Liiurgica,  p.  217.)  [C] 

DIAOONIOUM.  (1)  The  vestry  o.  sacristy 
of  a  church,  so  called  from  being  the  place  whera 
the  deacons  performed  their  duties  in  getting 
ready  the  vestments  and  holv  vessels,  heating 
the  water,  preparing  and  lighting  the  incense, 
and  other  essentials  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist,,  and  other  divine  offices.  No  minister 
of  a  lower  grade  was  permitted  to  enter  the 
Diauonicum  {ConcU.  Laod.  can.  21 ;  Condi,  Agu' 
thens.  can.  66).  The  diaconicum  was,  as  a  rule, 
placed  on  the  right  or  south  side  of  the  bema  or 
sanctuary,  answering  to  the  protkesis  on  the 
north,  and  communicating  with  the  bema  by  a 
door  in  the  parabetna  or  side-wall.  It  also  usu- 
ally had  an  independent  entrance  through  an 
external  door.  The  diaconicum  generally  ter- 
minated apsidally,  and  was  always  provided  with 
an  altar  (BwrtaariipioVf  Apophthegmata  Pairum 
apud  Gelas.  No.  3;  ityia  rpair4(a,  EucMig, 
Goar,  p.  245),  on  which  the  bread  and  wiue 
were  placed  prior  to  their  removal  to  the  pro- 
thesis.  Its  wall  was  otlten  adorned  with  pic- 
tures of  saintly  deacons,  Stephen,  Benjamin,  &c. 
Within  it  was  the  treasury,  KuimKiapx^^ov, 
or  criccvo^vX<£ic(oy,  where  the  sacred  vessels 
and  other  treasures  of  the  church  were  kept 
(Cyril  Scyth.  in  Vita  8,  Sab,  apud  Ducimge).  It 
was  also  used  by  the  priests  as  a  vestry,  in 
which  they  changed  their  vestments  and  put  on 
their  eucharistic  dress  (citrcAOifvTCf  iAAdcrcroi/irc 
T^y  UpariK^y  ffroXiiv  iv  r^  Siaxovifr^,  Tt/picum 
Sabae,  cap.  ii.  ap.  Suicer).  Relics  were  pi'eserved  in 
it  {Catalog.  Patriarch,  Constantinopol.  ap.  Suicer). 
Worshippers  who  for  disciplinary  i*eiisons  were 
excluded  from  the  actual  church  were  permitted 
to  offer  their  devotions  here,  6,g.  the  Emperor  Leo 
VI.  when  excommunicated  for  his  fourth  marriage 
(Cedrenus,  Compend,  Hist,'),  The  diaconicum 
was  sometimes  a  spacious  chamber  annexed  to 
the  church  (diaconicum  majwi)^  large  enough  for 
the  reception  of  a  provincial  or  general  synod 
[Council,  p.  477].  In  the  diaconicum  of  the 
church  at  Paneas,  the  statue,  supposed  to  be  that 
of  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood,  removed 
for  safety  from  the  market-place,  was  erected 
(Philostorg.  lib.  vii.  c.  3). 

Other  names  by  which  the  diacomcvan  was 
known  were,  ktnraariKSv  (as  being  the  hall  of 
reception),  trKcvo^uA.diriof',  furar^piop  or  /uto- 
rApiov  (a  word  of  various  orthography  and  very 
uncertain  etjrmology,  perhaps  representing  "mu- 
tatorium,"  as  the  place  where  the  clergy  changed 
their  vestments),  irxurro^ipiov,  secretarium,  on 
which  see  Bingham,  Orig.  Eocl,  bk.  viii.  c  vii. 
§  7 ;  Leo  Allat.  l)e  Tempi.  Oraec,  Bee,,  ep.  i. 
§  13--15 ;  Suicer,  tub  voc, ;  Ducange,  Ohsaar,  Id. 
J)eacript,  S,  Sophiae,  ad  Paul.  Silentiar. ;  Neale, 
Hist.  East,  Ch.f  General  Introd.  p.  191,  §9. 

(2)  Diaconicum  also  signifies  the  volume  con- 
taining the  directions  for  the  due  performance  of 
the  deacon's  office,  fii$\iov  r^s  AioKovlas,  Cf. 
Leo  Allatius,  Dissert,  i.  de  Libr.  Eccl,  Oraecor. 

(3)  The  word  is  also  used  for  certain  prayers 
said  at  intervals  in  the  service  by  the  deacon 
evxol  9uik6povj  known  also  as  ^IpviPiKd.    [DiA- 
OONIOA.]  [E.  v.] 

I     DIADEMA.    [Crown:  Coronation.] 


559 


DIAPASON 


DICE 


DIAPASON,  DIAPENTE,  DIATESSA- 
BON.  These  ai*e  the  three  intervals,  of  the 
octave,  the  perfect  fifth,  and  the  perfect  fonrth  : 
the  ratios  which  determine  them  are  J,  |,  and  ]. 
They  were  the  only  intervals  that  were  consi- 
dered consonances,  and  were  always  of  the  same 
magnitude  in  every  scale  whether  diatonic,  chro- 
matic, or  enharmonic,  while  the  others  were 
variable  (see  Canon  in  Music,  p.  274).  Although 
the  system  of  reckoning  by  tetrachorda  continued 
till  the  time  of  Guido  Aretinus,  yet  the  name 
Diapason  shows  that  the  ancients  attributed  to 
the  octave  a  greater  degree  of  perfection  in 
respect  of  consonance,  which  is  also  shown  by 
the  notation  preserved  by  Alypius,  where  in  the 
modes  above  the  Dorian  in  pitch,  for  most  of  the 
higher  notes  (which  would  be  the  latest  exten- 
sion of  the  respective  scales)  the  symbols  repre- 
senting the  notes  an  octave  below  were  adopted 
with  the  addition  of  a  acute  accent.  It  is  sti-ange 
that  this  plan  was  not  extended  over  the  whole 
*^  diagram "  of  the  modes,  which  would  have 
been  a  very  material  simplification,  and  is  indeed 
a  considerable  approximation  to  our  present 
system  of  calling  all  notes  differing  by  an  octave 
by  the  same  name.  This  however  appears  to  have 
escaped  the  notice  of  the  early  Latin  authoi's, 
although  they  did  make  great  simplifications. 
St.  Gregory  completed  the  recognition  of  the 
octave  by  reducing  the  names  of  notes  to  7, 
which  have  remained  to  this  day. 

The  fifth  and  fourth  together  make  an  octave 
(|x]  =  )),  and  according  as  the  former  or  the 
latter  was  the  lower  in  pitch,  the  octave  was  said 
to  be  harmonically  or  arithmetically  divided ; 
these  divisions  were  also  called  authentic  and 
plagal  (q.  v.),  thus : 

Av  "^     "^    I       Here  the 

Authentic :    ^^'     i^  -f  value  of  G 

p        ^  (!)     is    the 

\y       M       0  Harmonic 

mean  between  those  of  C  and  c  (1  and  jf). 

,— ^: — ^^ — r-      Here  the 

M 


Plagal: 


js: 


:  yalue   of  F 

(f)    is    the 

Arithmetic 


C        F       c 
mean  between  those  of  C  and  c  (1  and  ^). 

But  it  is  worth  noticing  that  if  two  harmonic 
means  be  inserted  between  C  and  c,  F  is  one  of 
them,  which  would  point  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  ancients  were  wrong  in  taking  an  arithme- 
tical division  at  all,  though  it  is  most  natural 
that  that  error  should  have  been  made  by  them. 
This  division  can  be  made  in  any  octave,  ex- 
cepting that  that  from  F  to  f  can  only  be  divided 
authentically  at  c,  and  that  from  B  to  b  can 
only  be  divided  plagally  at  £.  [J.  R.  L.] 

DIAPENTE.    [Diapason.] 

DIAP6ALMA.  This  is  the  word  used  in 
the  Septuagint  and  recognized  by  other  writers 
iis  the  e4uivalent  to  ^^Selah,"  which  occurs  in 
the  Psalms  and  in  the  Canticle  of  Habakkuk. 
See  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible^  sub  voc,  Selah, 
where  the  obscurity  of  the  subject  is  fully 
stated.  As  the  early  Christians  used  the  psalms 
in  public  worship  so  it  is  natural  they  would 
copy  the  Hebrew  method  of  singing  the  psalms. 
The  Liturgy  of  St.  James  prescribes  Pss.  23,  34, 
145,  117  at  the  Fraction,  and  in  Ps.  34  6id^a\- 
ua  occurs  in  the  LXX.  whei*e  Selah  is  not  found. 


St.  Jerome  enters  into  the  question  at 
length  in  his  letter  to  Marcella,  but  leaves  the 
matter  in  doubt ;  he  mentions  it  also  in  his  com- 
mentary on  Ps.  4  and  Habak.  3. 

It  appears  to  the  writer  that  an  interpretatka 
suggested  by  the  primary  meaning  of  ^^^XAhm 
will  nearly,  if  not  quite,  reconcile  the  oonflictisg 
opinions  and  perhaps  account  for  them ;  viz., 
that  it  was  a  direction  for  the  instruments  to 
play,  while  the  chorus  was  silent  or  perhaps 
producing  a  series  of  notes  without  words,  C&, 
a  "division,"*  or  "Pneuma."  It  haa  been 
said  that  the  Jews  used  Pneumata;  if  so,  the 
adoption  of  them  by  Christians  is  obvious ;  but 
in  any  case  it  would  seem  that  they  were  com- 
monly in  use  at  an  early  period.  In  consequence 
of  the  common  use  of  various  musical  instil- 
ments at  feasts  and  entertainments  at  whidi 
Christian  morality  was  likely  to  be  outraged  in 
the  period  of  the  empire,  the  Christians  wtn 
chary  of  their  use  in  religious  serrices,  fear- 
ful doubtless  of  the  association  of  ideas.  Sir 
John  Hawkins  (^ffist.  of  Music,  p.  xxTiL)  gives 
a  list  of  fathers  who  have  denounced  musical 
instruments,  but  he  gives  no  references;  and 
the  writer  has  succeeded  in  verifying  Epiphanins 
only,  who  speaks  of  the  flute  as  a  diabolical 
instrument.  In  the  Eastern  Church  to  this 
day  instrumental  music  is,  we  believe,  unknown. 
Thus  the  Pneuma  may  have  been  invented  by 
the  early  Christians  as  the  nearest  approxima- 
tion to  the  Diapsalma.  [J.  R.  L.] 

DIABETOR.  The  Codex  Eccl.  Afric.  (c  78) 
runs  thus  (Bruns's  CanoneSf  i.  175):  **  Bursas 
placuit,  ut  quoniam  Hipponensium  (Uamtorum 
ecclesiae  destitutio  non  est  diutius  negligenda 
.  .  .  eis  episcopus  ordinetur."  The  equivalent 
in  the  Greek  version  is  ^^  ^potrrurral  ri^s  is- 
Kkrifflas"  "  cai'etakers  of  the  church  "  [Ister- 
yentor],  as  if  during  a  vacancy  of  the  see, 
which  is  implied  in  the  concluding  words  of  the 
canon.  Dacange  (s.  v.)  conjectures  "  direc- 
torum,"  Hardouin  "  diarrhytorum,"  The  word 
does  not  seem  to  occur  elsewhere.  [C] 

DIASTYLA,  AidurrvKa,  the  Cancelu  hj 
which  the  bema  was  separated  from  the  naot 
(Sym.  Thessalon.  apud  Ducange ;  Bti,  r»v  KtyxKi- 
h»y  ffroi  r£y  Huurrikuy^,  Goar*s  EuchoL  p. 
708.  [E.  v.] 

DIATESSABON.    [Diapason.] 

DICE  {AleOy  Kifioi ;  Low-Latin,  Decius ;  whence 
Fr.  D^.  The  playing  at  dice,  or  games  of  chance 
generally,  never  looked  upon  favourably  by 
moralists  or  laws  (see  Diet,  of  Greek  and  Bern. 
Antiq.,  s.  V.  Alea),  early  attracted  the  notice 
of  the  censors  of  Christian  manners.  The  Paeda- 
gogue  of  Clement  (iii.  11,  p.  497)  forbids  dice- 
playing,  whether  with  cub^  or  with  the  four- 
faced  dies  called  ^urrpd^aXoi  (see  Rust  u.  Palm, 
s.  0.),  out  of  desire  for  gain.  Apollonius  (in 
Euseb.  //.  E.  V.  18,  11),  denoancing  the  Mon- 
tanists,  asks  whether  prophets  play  at  tablet 
(rd$\ais)  and  dice.  And  gaming  is  one  of  the 
forms  of  vice  which  we  find  denounced  by  the 
Church  in  the  earliest  canons  which  remain  to  u5. 
The  Apostolical  Canons  (cc.  41,  42  [al.  42,  43]) 
forbade  either  clergy  or  laity  to  play  with  dice 

•  •*  The  lark  makes  sweet  division.**^ /?osi«o  axdJidid 
Ul  6. 


DIOEBIUM 

•B  pain  of  d^radation  or  excommunication.  The 
Council  of  Eliberia  (a-D.  305)  aXao  denounced  the 
penalty  of  excommunication  against  any  of  the 
fiuthfid  who  played  at  dice,  **  that  is,  tables,"  for 
money  (can.  79).  And  at  the  ^  end  of  the  7th 
century  the  TruUan  Council  (can.  50)  repeated 
the  same  penalties  of  degradation  and  excom- 
munication. Nor  was  the  civil  power  indifferent. 
Justinian  {Code,  lib.  i.,  De  Episc,  et  CUr,  1.  17 ; 
Jfon,  123,  c  10)  forbade  the  clergy  of  every  rank 
from  playing  at  games  of  chance  (ad  tabulas 
iudere),  or  even  being  present  at  them,  on  pain 
of  suspension  with  seclusion  in  a  monastery  for 
three  years.  Another  enactment  {Code,  lib.  i., 
De  Epiac.  Audien,  I.  25)  commits  the  investiga- 
tion of  such  offences  to  the  bishops,  and  em- 
powers them  to  call  in  the  secular  arm,  if  neces- 
sary, for  the  reformation  of  scandalous  offenders ; 
and  yet  another  {lb.  1.  35),  complaining  bitterly 
that  even  bishops  did  not  abstain  from  these 
stolen  pleasures,  denounces  such  laxity  in  the 
severest  terms.  These  imperial  laws  are  all  in- 
serted in  the  Nomooanon  of  Photius  and  John  of 
Antioch. 

The  laws  themselves  indicate  that  Christians 
and  even  clergy  were  by  no  means  exempt  from 
the  almost  universal  passion  for  games  of  chance. 
One  or  two  instances  may  serve  to  confirm  this. 
Jerome  relates  {Be  Script,  EccL  in  ApoL  Ep, 
105)  that  Synesius  alleged  his  own  irresistible 
propensity  for  gambling  as  a  reason  why  he 
should  not  be  made  a  bishop.  Gregory  of  Tours 
{Hiat.  Franc,  x.  16)  tells  us  that  certain  nuns 
of  the  convent  of  St.  Radegund  at  Poictiers 
accused  their  abbess,  among  other  matters,  of 
dicing ;  whereupon  the  abb^  declared  that  she 
had  done  the  same  thing  in  the  lifetime  of  St. 
Radegund  (f  587)  herself,  and  that  it  was  not 
forbidden  either  by  the  common  law  of  canonical 
life  or  by  their  own  Rule;  nevertheless,  she 
would  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  bishops. 
(Thomassinus,  Noca  et  Vet,  Eocl.  Discip,  pt.  iii. 
lib.  ui.  c.  43.)  [C] 

DIOEBIUM.  Atir^pioy,  cerew  hisulcusy  a 
two-forked  wax  taper  used  by  bishops  of  the 
Greek  Church  in  the  Benediction  of  the  people. 
Jt  was  also  employed  in  the  benediction  of  the 
Book  of  the  Gospels  lying  on  the  Holy  Table; 
The  bishop  was  said  Uttcnpi^  ff<ppayiC€w,  The 
double  taper  was  considered  to  symbolize  the 
two  natures  of  Christ. 

Trioerium,  Tpiiefipunf,  cereui  tristUcuSf  was  simi- 
larly used,  and  held  to  symbolize  the  Trinity. 

Symeon  Thessalon,  De  Temph,  p.  222,  apud  Du- 
canges.i;.jn|f>bs.   Gear's  £ucAo/m/.  p.  125.   [E.V.] 

DIGTEBIUM.    [Pglpit.] 

DIDTMU8,  martyr  at  Alexandria;  comme- 
morated April  28  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis, 
Dsuardi).  (W.  F.  Q.) 

DIES.  The  word  dies  is  used,  like  the  Eng- 
lish ^  day,"  to  designate  a  festival :  as  {e,  g.)  the 
AnnaUs  Franc,  ▲.d.  802,  *'  Ipse  rex  celebravit 
diem  S.  Joannis  BaptiBtae."  The  principal  special 
uses  of  the  word  are  the  following : — 

1.  Dies  adoratus.  Good  Friday. 

2.  Dies  Aegyptiaci.  Certain  **  unlucky  days  ** 
onoe  marked  in  calendars  (see  the  ancient  cal- 
endars published  by  Bucher),  supposed  to  have 
been  discovered  bv  the  ancient  Egyptians  from 
astrological    calculations.    Decrees   were    made 


DIGAMY 


551 


against  the  superstitious  observance  of  these 
days  {Decret.  pt.  2,  cans.  26,  qu.  7,  c.  16),  and  an- 
cient Penitentials  (see  Ducange,  s.  v.)  forbid  men 
to  avoid  these  days  especially  for  blood-letting 
or  commencing  a  work  ;  indeed  the  superstitious 
preference  for,  or  avoidance  of,  a  day  {Decret,  u.  s.  • 
c  17)  was  forbidden  generally.  A  memorial  verse 
for  showing  when  the  Egyptian  days  fall  is  given 
by  Durandus  {Rationale,  viii.  4,  §  20). 

3.  Dies  boni,  "  les  bons  jours,"  used  for  fes- 
tivals (Sidonius,  Epist.  v.  17). 

4.  Dies  Cinerum,  the  first  day  of  Lent,  or 
Ash-Wednesday. 

5.  Dies  Coenae  Domini,  Maundy  Thubsday. 

6.  Dies  Consecrati.  The  Capituhrimn  Car,  M., 
(ii.  c.  35),  enjoins  that  four  days  at  Christmas 
should  be  observed  as  festivals ;  these  days  are 
referred  to  in  the  council  of  Soissons,  A.D.  853, 
c  7,  and  in  the  Capit.  Car.  Calvi  at  Compi^ne, 
A.D.  868,  c.  8,  as  dies  consecrati,  on  which  no 
courts  were  to  be  held. 

7.  Dies  Dominica,    [Easter  ;  Lord's  Day.] 

8.  Dies  Magxvus,  Felicissimus,  EIaster-Dat 
{Capitularium  Car,  M,  v.  c.  136);  **dies  mag- 
nus  Coenae,"  Maundy  Thursday  {Capit,  Herardi, 
c.  14).  So  ^  fuydKti  4ifi4pa  {Cone,  Ancyr,  c.  6) 
u  used  for  Easter-Day.  **  Dies  magnus  "  is  also 
used  for  the  Last  Day  {Capit.  Car,  if.  vi  c  378). 

9.  Dies  Natalis,    [Natalis.] 

10.  Dies  Neophytorum,  the  eight  days,  from 
Easter-Day  to  its  octave,  during  which  the 
newly  baptised  wore  their  white  garments 
Augustine  {Epist,  119,  c  17)  speaks  of  thi 
*'octo  dies  neophytorum"  as  days  of  specia* 
observance. 

11.  Dies  Palmarwn,  or  m  Ramis  Palmarum, 
.Palm-Sunday. 

12.  Dies  Sancti,  the  forty  dap  of  Lent. 
See  the  THeodosian  Code,  lib.  ii.  De  FerOs,  and 
Barouius,  ad  an.  519,  §  42. 

13.  Dies  Scrutinii,  the  days  on  which  can- 
didates for  baptism  were  examined,  especially 
Wednesday  in  the  fourth  week  of  Lent. 

14.  Dies  Solis,  Dies  Lunae,  and  the  other  days 
of  the  week ;  see  Week. 

15.  Dies  tinearum  or  murium;  certain  days 
on  which  cexemonies  were  performed  to  avert 
the  ravages  of  moths  or  mice  (AudoCnns,  Vita 
Eligii,  ii.  15).  See  Delrio,  Disqnis.  Magic,  lib. 
iii.  pt.  2,  qu.  4,  §  6. 

16.  Dies  Viridium,  in  some  ancient  German 
calendars,  Thursday  in  Holy  Week,  ^'GrUndon- 
nerstag."    [Maundy  Thursday.] 

17.  Dies  votorum,  a  wedding-day ;  Leges 
Longobard,  lib.  ii.  tit  4,  §  3.  [C] 

DIETA.  The  ecclesiastical  Cubsub  or  daily 
office.  Victor  of  Paris  (MS.  Liber  Ordmis,  c.  27, 
quoted  by  Ducange)  orders  his  book  to  be  carried 
round  whenever  office  is  said  (quando  dieta  can- 
tatur).  See  Beleth,  De  Div.  Off.  c  21;  Dur- 
andus, Rationale,  v.  3,  29.  [C] 

DIGAMY.  It  has  been  stated  under  the  head 
Bigamy  that  we  propose  to  consider  under  the 
present  head  whatever  concerns  the  entering  into 
marriage  relations  with  two  persons  successively. 
The  subject  is  one  m  respect  to  which  a  different 
morality  has  been  applied  to  the  clergy  and  laity« 
As  respects  each  class  moreover,  it  divides  itselt 
under  two  branches  —  which,  however,  it  will 
not  always  be  necessary  to  consider  separately 
— that  of  successive  marriages  after  divorce  or 


552 


DIGAMY 


DIGA1C7 


■ep&ration,  and  after  the  death  of  a  hoshand  or 
wife. 

I.  In  respect  of  the  clez^,  it  has  been  already 
observed  under  the  head  Bigaxt  that  the  pre- 
scriptiona  as  to  bishops  and  deacons  in  1  Tim.  iii. 
2, 12,  and  Tit.  i.  6,  requiring  them  to  be  husbands 
"  of  one  wife,"  apply  more  probably  to  successire 
than  to  simultaneous  marriages.  The  explana- 
tion  of  them  seems  to  lie  in  those  enactments 
of  the  Pentateuch  (Lerit.  xxi.  7,  13,  14),  which 
forbid  the  priest  to  marry  a  widow  or  diyorced 
woman.  The  oldest  authorities  support  this  riew. 
The  Apostolical  ConsttitUiona  (ii.  2)  require  the 
bishop  to  be  the  husband  of  a  single  woman  once 
married ;  a  prescription  extended  by  a  constitu- 
tion, evidently  indeed  of  later  date  (vi.  17)  to 
presbyters,  deacons,  and  even  singers,  readers, 
and  porters ;  the  deaconesses  also  were  to  be  pure 
virgins,  or  at  least  widows  of  one  husband  (as  to 
whom,  see  also  viiL  25,  no  doubt  later  still). 
The  so-called  Apostolical  Canons  in  like  manner 
provide  that  if  any  one  after  baptism  shall  twice 
enter  into  marriage,  or  marry  a  widow  or  divorced 
woman,  he  cannot  be  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon, 
or  in  anywise  on  the  list  of  the  sacred  ministry 
(cc.  13,  14,  otherwise  16,  17,  or  17,  18).  It  is 
clear  from  the  Philosophumena  of  Hippolytus 
(ix.  12)  that  by  the  beginning  of  the  3rd  centur}' 
the  rule  of  monogamy  for  the  clergy  was  well 
established,  since  he  complains  that  in  the  days 
of  Callistus  **  digamist  and  trigamist  bishops,  and 
priests,  and  deacons,  began  to  be  admitt«l  into 
the  clergy."  Tertullian  recognixes  the  rule  as 
to  the  clergy.  Thus  in  his  De  Exhortatume  Casti- 
tatis  (c.  7),  he  asks  scornfully :  ^*  Being  a  diga- 
mist, dost  thou  baptize?  being  a  digamist, 'dost 
thou  make  the  offering?"  And  he  points  {lb. 
c.  13)  to  certain  honours  paid  among  the  heathens 
themselves  to  monogamy. 

The  rule  of  the  Church,  it  will  be  observed, 
forbade  alike  to  the  clergy  both  personal  digamy, 
and  marriage  with  a  digamous  woman.  St.  Am- 
brose, in  the  first  book  of  his  Offices  (c.  50),  further 
considers  the  case  of  prebaptismal  marriage, — 
many  persons,  it  seems,  being  surprised  that 
digamy  before  marriage  should  be  an  impediment 
to  orders. 

We  pass  from  the  testimony  of  the  fathers  to 
that  of  councils  and  popeb.  The  so-called  canons 
of  the  Niceue  Council  from  the  Arabic — which 
probably  indeed  only  represent  the  state  of  the 
Church  of  Arabia  at  a  much  later  period — enact 
the  penalty  of  deposition  against  a  priest  or 
deacon  dismissing  his  wife  in  order  to  change  her 
for  another  fairer  or  better  or  richer,  or  '*on 
account  of  his  concupiscence "  (c.  66,  or  71  of 
the  Ecchellensian  version).  The  still  more  pro- 
blematical '  Sanctions  and  Decrees '  attributed  to 
the  Niceue  fathers  require,  in  accoi*dance  with 
the  previously  existing  laws  of  the  Church,  the 
priest  to  be  **the  husband  of  one  wife,  not  a 
bigamist  or  trigamist,"  and  forbid  him  to  mai-ry 
a  widow  or  dismissed  woman,  &c.  (c  14). 

The  first  Council  of  Valence  (a.d.  374)  enacts 
that  *^  none  after  this  synod  ....  be  ordained  to 
the  clergy  from  among  digamists,  or  the  hus- 
bands of  previously  married  women  (internup- 
tarum),"  but  decrees  that  nothing  should  be  in- 
quired into  as  to  the  status  of  those  who  are 
already  ordained  (c.  1).  Compare  the  4th  Coun- 
cil of  Carthage  (a.d.  397),  c.  69,  and  the  Ist 
Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  400),  cc  3  and  4. 


The  letters  of  pope  InAooent  I.  (A.D.  40^17) 
deal  frequently  with  the  subject,  and  more  ihaa 
once  on  the  point  already  treated  by  St.  AmbroM 
of  the  effect  of  prebaptismal  marriage.  In  his 
2nd  to  Victricius  bishop  of  Bouen,  besides  laying 
it  down  that  clerics  should  only  marry  virgins 
(c.  4),  he  dwells  on  the  absurdity  of  not  reckon- 
ing a  wife  married  before  baptism  (c  6)l  The 
23rd  letter  of  the  same  pope,  addrw-fed  to  the 
Synod  of  Toledo,  reverts  a  third  time  to  the  error 
of  not  reckoning  in  cases  of  digamy  a  prebaptismal 
marrii^e. 

The  letters  of  Leo  the  Great  (a.d.  440-61)  re- 
peatedly recur  to  the  subject.  See  the  4th,  5th, 
and  6th. 

Second  marriages  were,  however,  still  allowed 
to  the  inferior  clergy.  Thus  the  25th  canon  of 
the  1st  Council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  ordained 
respecting  ^  those  fit  and  approved  persons  whom 
the  grace  itself  of  their  life  counsehi  to  be  joined 
to  the  cleigy,  if  by  chance  they  have  fallen  into 
second  marriage,  that  they  snould  not  receive 
ecclesiastical  dignities  beyond  the  subdiaconate  " 
The  same  enactment  is  repeated  almost  in  ths 
same  words  in  the  45th  canon  of  the  2nd  Counci. 
of  Aries,  A.D.  452.  In  some  dioceses,  however, 
the  I'ule  was  still  stricter,  if  full  &ith  is  to  be 
given  to  a  letter  of  bishops  Loup  of  Troyes  and 
Euphronius  of  Autun  to  bishop  Talasius  of  Angers 
(a.d.  453),  which  lays  it  down  that  the  Church 
allows  digamy  as  far  as  the  rank  of  porters,  bat 
excludes  altogether  exorcists  and  subdeacons  from 
second  marriage,  whilst  in  the  diocese  of  Autun 
the  porter  himself,  the  lowest  of  the  inferior 
clergy,  if  he  took  a  second  wife  lost  his  office, 
and,  as  well  as  a  subdeacon  or  exorcist  falling 
into  the  same  '^madness,"  was  excluded  from 
communion  (see  Labbe'  and  Mansi's  Councils,  vol. 
vii.  p.  942).  As  respects  marriages  to  widows, 
we  must  not  overlook  a  Coancil  of  uncertain 
place,  of  the  year  442-4,  by  which  a  bishop 
named  Chelidonius  was  deposed,  amongst  other 
reasons,  for  having  contracted  such  a  marriage ; 
though  he  was  afterwards  absolved  by  Pope  Leo. 
See  further,  against  the  2nd  marriages  of  tlie 
clergy  or  other  marriages  to  widows  or  divorced 
women,  the  4th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Angers, 
A.D.  453 ;  the  4th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of 
Tours,  A.D.  461 ;  the  2nd  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Rome,  A.D.  465 ;  letter  9  of  pope  Gelasius  i. 
(A.D.  492-6)  to  the  bishops  of  Lucania,  cc.  3, 22 ; 
and  two  fragments  of  letters  by  him  to  the 
clergy  and  people  of  Brindisi. 

Among  the  Nestorians  of  the  East  indeed, 
towai*ds  the  end  of  the  5th  century,  the  re- 
marriage of  the  clergy  was  held  valid.  One  of 
their  synods  held  in  Persia,  under  Barsumas 
archbishop  of  Kisibis  [BigamyI  expressly  lays 
it  down  that  a  priest  whose  wiK  is  dead  is  not 
to  be  forbidden  by  his  bishop  to  marry  again, 
whether  before  or  after  his  orders.*  And  even  in 
the  West  it  is  evident  that  instances  of  digamy  or 
quasi-digamy  must  at  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century  have  been  so  frequent  in  France  at  least 
as  to  require  toleration.    Thus  the  Council  oi 

'*  A  somewhat  later  Nestorian  synod  under  the  pe- 
trlarch  Babaeua,  however,  seems  to  allow  but  one  wife  to 
the  "  CaihoUcus,"  all  inferior  priests,  and  moDka  It  Is 
diflQcolt,  however,  to  oollect  the  exact  porport  of  the 
enactment  from  the  short  notice  in  labb£  uid  Maufi 
CsmciUt  voL  8,  p.  239. 


DIGAMY 


DIGAMY 


553 


Agde,  A.D.  S06,  after  the  canons  and  statutes  of 
the  fathers  had  been  read,  determined,  *'  as 
touching  digamists  or  husbands  of  women  before 
married  (intemuptarum) — although  the  statutes 
of  the  fathers  had  otherwise  decreed — that  those 
who  till  uow  have  been  ordained,  compassion 
being  had,  do  retain  the  name  only  of  the  priest- 
hood or  diaconate,  but  that  such  persons  do  not 
presume,  the  priests  to  consecrate,  the  deacons  to 
minister  "  (c  1).  So  the  Council  of  Epaone,  a.d. 
517,  c.  2;  the  4th  [3rd]  Council  of  Aries,  a.d. 
524,  c.  3;  and  the  4th  Council  of  Orleans, 
A.D.  541,  c.  10.  It  seems  superfluous  to  multiply 
authorities  as  respects  the  Western  Church,  ex- 
cept to  notice  the  introduction  of  the  same  legis- 
lation among  new  communities.  Thus  for  Eng- 
land, a  Council  held  under  archbishop  Theodore  of 
Canterbury,  towards  the  end  of  the  7th  century, 
forbids  the  priesthood  (c  116)  to  the  husband  of 
a  widow,  whether  married  to  her  before  or  after 
baptism.  The  Collection  of  Irish  Canons,  sup- 
posed to  be  of  about  the  same  date,  in  its  first 
book  '  On  the  Bishop,'  requires  him  to  be  a  man 
'*  who  having  taken  only  one  wife,  a  virgin,  is 
content "  (c.  9).  And  pope  Gregory  II.  (714-30) 
in  a  capitulary  to  his  ablegates  in  Bavaria,  forbids 
a  digamist,  or  one  who  has  not  received  his  wife 
a  virgin  to  be  ordained  (c.  5).  On  the  other 
h£j)d,  a  Spanish  canon  seems  to  imply  that  quasi- 
digamous  marriages  might  in  that  province  be 
contracted  with  the  advice  of  the  bishop,  since 
the  4th  Council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633,  enacted 
(c  44)  that  clerics  who  without  such  advice 
(sine  consultu  episcopi  sui)  had  married  widows, 
divorced  women,  or  prostitutes,  were  to  be  ex- 
cluded from  communion. 

The  last  authority  we  shall  quote,  as  embracing 
the  East  as  well  as  the  West,  is  that  of  the  [5th] 
6th  General  Council,  that  of  Constantinople  in 
TruUo,  A.D.  691,  which  treats  of  the  subject  in  a 
manner  proving  that  the  canonical  injunctions 
against  digamous  or  quasi-digamous  marriages 
among  the  clergy  were  yet  in  many  instances 
transgressed.  Those  who  had  become  involved 
in  second  marriages,  and  down  to  'a  given  past 
date  had  '^  served  sin,"  were  to  be  deposed, 
but  those  who,  having  become  involved  in  the 
disgrace  of  such  digamy  before  the  decree, 
had  forsaken  their  evil  ways,  or  those  whose 
second  wivea  were  dead  already,  whether  priests 
or  deacons,  were  ordered  for  a  definite  time  to 
cease  from  all  priestly  ministrations,  but  to  re- 
tain the  honour  of  their  seat  and  rank,  whilst 
praying  the  Lord  with  tears  to  forgive  them  the 
sin  of  their  ignorance.  On  the  other  hand  those 
who  had  married  widows,  whether  priests,  deacons, 
or  subdeaoons,  after  a  short  perioid  of  suspension 
from  ministerial  functions,  were  to  be  restored 
to  their  rank,  but  without  power  of  further 
promotion.  For  all  those  committing  the  like 
offence  after  the  date  assigned,  the  canon  was 
renewed  *' which  says  that  he  who  shall  have 
become  involved  in  two  marrii^es  after  baptism, 
or  shall  have  had  a  concubine,  cannot  be  bishop, 
or  priest,  or  deacon,  or  in  anywise  a  member  of 
the  sacerdotal  order ;  and  so  with  him  who  has 
taken  to  wife  a  widow  or  divorced  woman, 
or  a  harlot,  or  a  slave,  or  a  stage-player  **  (c.  3). 
It  would  probably  be  difficult  to  assign  the 
•riginal  canon  thus  referred  to.  The  text  is 
moreover  remarkable  as  confining  the  disability 
of  second  marriage  to  post-btiptismal  uniou.s-  in 


direct  opposition  to  the  authority  of  St.  Ambrose 
and  others  before  referred  to. 

It  is  sufficient  to  state  here  that  so  long  as  we 
retain  the  female  diaconate  in  sight,  the  same 
obligation  of  monogamy  attaches  to  the  deacon- 
esses as  to  the  male  clergy ;  e.g.f  not  to  speak 
of  Epiphanius  for  the  East,  when  the  female 
diaconate  reappears  in  Gaul  during  the  6th  cen- 
tury, we  find  the  2nd  Council  of  Orleans,  a.d. 
533,  enacting  that  **  women  who  have  hitherto 
received  against  canonical  prohibition  the  diaconal 
benediction,  if  they  can  be  proved  to  have  again 
lapsed  into  marriage,  are  to  be  expelled  from 
communion ;"  but  if  they  give  up  their  husbands, 
they  may  be  readmitted  after  penance  (c.  17). 

It  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  civil  law 
of  the  Roman  empire  since  the  days  of  Justinian 
followed  the  canon  law  on  the  subject  of  clerical 
marriages.  This  is  perhaps  only  implied  in  the 
Code  (see  bk.  i.  t.  iii.  1. 42,  §  1,  and  1.  48),  but 
distinctly  enacted  in  the  Noveb,  Under  one  or 
other  of  these,  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  sub- 
deacons  were  alike  forbidden  to  receive  ordination 
if  they  had  been  twice  married,  or  had  married 
widows  or  divorced  women  (6th  Nov,  cc.  i.  v. ; 
22nd  Nov.  c.  xlii. ;  123rd  Nov,  cc.  i.  xii. ;  137th 
Nov.  c.  ii.).  Readers  who  remarried  or  con- 
tracted the  like  marriages,  could  rise  to  no  higher 
clerical  rank  (an  indulgence  which  did  not,  how- 
ever, extend  to  a  third  marriage),  or  if  they  oh* 
tained  such  irregularly,  forfeit^  altogether  their 
clerical  position  (6th  Nov,  c  v, :  22nd  Nov.  c. 
xlii. ;  123nl  Nf/v.  c.  xiv.).  Deaconesses  must  in 
like  manner,  if  not  virgins,  have  been  only  once 
married  (6th  Nov,  c.  vi.)."* 

II.  As  respects  the  laity,  the  distinction  be* 
tween  second  marriages  after  divorce  or  separa- 
tion, and  after  death,  which  is  unimportant  as 
respects  the  clergy,  becomes  an  essential  one.  In 
both  respects  the  practice  of  the  Church,  instead 
of  being  founded,  as  it  was  with  reference  to  the 
clergy,  on  the  prescriptions  of  the  Old  Testament, 
depends  upon  a  more  or  less  narrow  interpreta- 
tion of  the  New,  or  on  more  or  less  bold  deductions 
from  its  teachings,  combined  with  the  surround- 
ing influences  of  civil  society.  In  conformity  with 
St.  Paul's  views  as  to  remarriage  after  death,  we 


i>  A  cnrloaH  offshoot  tnm  the  satject  of  the  prohibition 
of  clerical  bigamy  Is  the  extenslou  of  that  prohibition  to 
the  widows  of  clerics.  Thus,  the  first  Oouncil  of  Toledo, 
Aj>.  400,  enacted  that  if  the  widow  ofa  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon  took  a  husband,  no  cleric  or  religious  woman 
ought  so  much  as  to  eat  with  her,  nor  should  she  be 
admitted  to  communion  except  m  articido  mmtia  (c.  18). 
The  4th  Ouaiidl  of  Orlteos,  a.d.  611.  required  the  widow 
of  a  priest  or  deacon  married  again  to  be  separated  fhim 
her  husband,  or  if  she  remained  with  him,  both  to  be 
excluded  from  communion  (c  13).  The  Oouncil  of  EpaOno 
(▲.o.  517),  somewhat  more  sharply  decreed  immediate 
exclusion  of  both,  till  they  should  separate  (c.  32).  The 
Council  of  Lerida  (a j>.  634)  aooordiug  to  Surius,  forbade 
the  communion  to  the  remarried  widow  of  a  bishop,  priest, 
or  deaooo,  even  in  articulo  mortSt.  The  Oouncil  of 
Auxerre  (a.d.  678)4igain  forbade  such  marriages  as  respects 
the  widows  of  the  superior  clergy;  the OoudcII  of  M£con, 
AJ>.  685,  extended  the  prohibition  to  those  of  snbdeaoonH, 
•xoralsts.  and  acolytes,  under  pain  of  confinement  for  life 
In  a  convent  of  women  (c  16).  Yet  Pope  Gregory  the 
Great  (a.ix  699-603)  did  not  go  so  Ur,  for  we  find  him  la 
a  letter  to  Leo,  bishop  of  Catania,  (bk.  IL  letter  34)  order- 
ing a  certain  Uonorata,  widow  of  a  subdeaoon,  who  oi 
her  marrying  again  had  been  shut  up  in  a  mnoastviy 
to  be  restored  to  her  husbund. 


554 


BIGAMY 


DIGAMT 


find  Hennas  writing  that  '*  whoso  marries  " — 
i.e.  as  shown  in  the  context,  after  the  death  of 
cither  wife  or  liusband — "  does  not  sin,  but  if  he 
dwells  by  himself,  he  acquires  great  honour  to 
himself  with  the  Lord"  (bk.  ii.  M.  iv.  §  4);  but 
adopting  the  stricter  view  as  to  remarriage  after 
divorce,  declaring  it  to  be  adultery  in  the  man 
even  when  he  has  put  away  his  wife  for  that 
offence  itself,  and  the  same  to  be  the  case  with 
the  wife  (ibiiL  §  1).  Negatively,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  epistle  of 
Barnabas,  in  enumerating  the  works  of  the  *'  way 
of  light,"  does  not  specify  monogamy  (see  c.  19). 

The  Apostolical  ConstiitUions  (iii.  1)  speak  o( 
the  marr'nge  of  a  church-widow  as  bringing  dis- 
grace to  the  class,  **  not  because  she  contracted 
a  second  marriage,  but  because  she  did  not  keep 
her  promise  (^iro77«\foi')  " — a  passage  clearly 
implying  even  in  this  case  the  full  lawfulness  of 
second  marriage.  See  also  cc.  2  and  3,  and 
Apost.  Can,  40,  al.  47  or  48. 

Although  amongst  the  earlier  Romans  there' 
was  one  form  of  marriage  which  was  indisso- 
luble, viz.,  that  by  confarreatiOy  still  generally 
a  second  marriage  either  after  death  or  divorce, 
was  by  no  means  viewed  with  disfavour.  There 
«re,  however,  certain  clear  indications  that 
already  in  the  first  century  of  our  era  con- 
stancy to  a  single  partner  was  in  the  Roman 
world  beginning  to  be  looked  upon  with  favour. 
Thus  Tacitus  speaks  of  Germanicus's  being  a  man 
"  of  one  marriage  "  as  one  of  the  causes  of  his 
influence  (Ann.  ii.  73),  and  mentions  a  little 
further  on  (c.  76)  that  the  daughter  of  Pollio 
was  chosen  to  be  chief  vestal  **  for  no  other 
reason  than  that  her  mother  remained  mar- 
ried to  the  same  man."  The  same  Tacitus  ob- 
serves of  the  Germans  that  the  best  of  their 
communities  (civitates)  were  those  where  the 
women  only  married  as  virgins,  so  that  they 
never  had  but  one  husband  (De  Mor,  Germ.  c. 
xix.).  And  it  is  perhaps  worthy  of  notice  that 
the  jus  connubiij  when  given  to  soldiers,  was 
restricted  under  Philip  (247-9)  to  the  case  of  a 
first  marriage,  though  this  was  probably  not 
attributable  to  any  moral  considerations  (see 
Muratori,  Tlies.  Inscr.  i.  362). 

Meanwhile  an  intensifying  spirit  of  asceticism 
was  leading  many  in  the  church  to  a  condemna- 
tion of  second  marriage  in  all  cases.  Minucius 
Felix  (OctaviiiSf  c  31,  §  5)  only  professes  on 
lehalf  of  the  Christians  a  preference  for  mono- 
gamy. Clement  of  Alexandria  (a.d.  150-220) 
seems  to  confine  the  term  marriage  to  the  first 
lawful  union  (Stromatay  bk.  ii.— quoted,  as  well 
as  several  of  the  following  references,  in  Co- 
telerius,  Patres  ApostoL  vol.  i.  p.  90,  n.  16). 
Athenagoras  terms  second  marriage  "  fair  seem- 
ing adultery."  Tertullian  (a.d.  150-226)  in- 
veighs against  it  with  unwearied  urgency,  in 
his  two  books  Ad  Uxoretn,  in  his  De  Exhortatione 
Castitatis,  in  his  De  Monogamia,  and  in  his  De 
Pudicitid — the  last  but  one,  however,  written 
when  he  was  altogether  a  Montaniat.  In  tlie 
first  of  them,  indeed,  he  admits  that  his  wife 
will  not  actually  sin  if  she  marry  after  his  death 
(i.  7),  but  argues  from  clerical  to  lay  mono- 
gamy, in  the  Exhortation  to  Chastity  (which 
is  addressed  to  a  man)  he  uses  the  same  argument, 
but  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  second  marriage  is 
a  form  of  adultery  (c.  9).  Origen  (184-253)  so 
far  as  the   Latin   text  of  his   17th   homily  on 


I  Luke  can  be  trusted,  is  not  much  leas  i 
Recommending  perseverance  in  widowhood,  he 
says :  **  But  now  both  second  and  third  and  fourth 
marriages,  not  to  speak  of  more,  are  to  be  found, 
and  we  are  not  ignorant  that  such  a  marriage 
shall  cast  us  out  from  the  kingdom  of  God." 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  when  these 
views  were  carried  to  the  extent  of  absolute 
prohibition  of  second  marriages  generally  by 
several  heretical  sects,  the  Montanists  (see  Au- 
gustin,  de  HaeresibuSf  c  26),  the  Cathari  (A. 
c.  38),  and  a  portion  at  least  of  the  Novatianists 
(see  Cotel.  Patr.  Ap.  vol.  i.  p.  91,  n.  16),  the 
Church  saw  the  neceuity  of  not  fixing  such  a 
yoke  on  the  necks  of  the  laity.  The  forbiddanoe 
of  second  marriage,  or  its  assimilation  to  forni- 
cation, was  treated  as  one  of  the  marks  of  heresv 
(Augustin,  u.  s. ;  and  see  also  his  De  bono  vtdul- 
tatiSf  c.  6).  The  sentiment  of  Augustin  (in  the 
last  referred  to  passage)  may  be  taken  to  express 
the  Church  judgment  at  the  close  of  the  4th 
century :  '^  Second  marriages  are  not  to  be  ccxn- 
demned,  but  had  in  less  honour;"  and  see  also 
Epiphanius,  in  hie  Exposition  of  the  Cathoiic  Fuiiky 
c.  21. 

What  the  ''less  honour"  consisted  in  may 
partly  be  inferred  as  respects  the  Greek  Church, 
from  the  *  Sanctions  and  Decrees '  attributed  to 
the  Nicene  Fathers  (Labbe*  and  Mansi,  CouncUt, 
vol.  ii.  p.  1029  and  foil.),  which  distinctly  au- 
thorize widowers'  and  widows'  marriages  (i.  7)^ 
Yet  the  blessing  of  the  crowns  is  not  to  be  imparted 
to  them,  for  this  is  only  once  given,  on  first  mar- 
riages, and  not  to  hfi  repeated.  .  .  But  if  one 
of  them  be  not  a  widower  or  widow,  let  such  <me 
alone  receive  the  benediction  with  the  para- 
nymphs,  those  whom  he  will. 

The  7  th  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Keocaesarea, 
in  A.D.  314  or  315,  bears  that  the  presbyter 
ought  not  to  be  present  at  the  marriage  fes- 
tivities of  digamists,  as  the  act  would  be  incom- 
patible with  his  assigning  a  penance  to  such  per- 
sons. The  canon  implies,  it  will  be  seen,  that 
the  act  of  second  marriage  entailed  the  infliction 
of  a  penance.  This  appears  more  clearly  from 
the  1st  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  (be- 
tween A.D.  357  and  367),  which  rules,  as  re- 
spects those  who  have  "  freely  and  lawfully  ** 
contracted  a  second  marriage,  without  any 
secresy,  that  after  a  short  time,  and  some  chastise- 
ment in  prayers  and  fastings,  they  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  Communion.  And  Basil  (a.d.  326- 
379)  in  his  Canonical  epistle  to  bishop  Amphi- 
lochius  of  Iconium  fixes  one  year  as  the  period 
of  tlie  suspension  of  digamists  from  communion. 

We  must  thus  consider  that  two  views  on  the 
subject  of  simple  remarriage  after  the  death  oi 
husband  or  wife  were  abroad  in  the  Church ;  one 
which,  with  Augustin,  looked  upon  it  as  merely 
less  honourable  than  monogamy,  and  deemed  its 
actual  condemnation  a  mark  of  heresy;  the 
other,  which  looked  upon  it  as  in  itself  an  offence 
deserving  penance,  however  slight  this  might  be. 

The  latter  view  found  most  colour  as  respects 
second  marriages  after  what  was  deemed  a  re- 
ligious profession,  as  that  of  the  penitent,  and  of 
the  widow.  See  IV,  Cone.  Carth.  c  104; 
//.  Aries,  c.  21 ;  Pope  Symmachus,  EpisL  5, 
§  5  ;  F.  Paris,  c.  13,  and  many  others. 

A  more  extraordinary  instance  of  the  enforce- 
ment of  monogamy  on  a  particular  class  of 
women  is  confined  to  Spain.    The  13th  Council 


DIGAMY 


DIGAMY 


555 


«f  Toledo,  in  683,  declared  it  to  be  <*  an  execrable 
crime,  and  a  work  of  most  inveterate  iniquity, 
after  the  death  of  kings,  to  affect  the  royal  conch 
of  their  surviTing  consorts  **  (c.  5).  This  was 
confirmed  some  years  later  by  the  3rd  Council 
of  Saragossa,  a.d.  691,  which  required  the 
widows  of  the  kings  to  enter  a  convent  for  the 
ramainder  of  their  lives  (c.  5). 

The  penance  for  ordinary  digamy  recurs  in  our 
own  country,  in  the  canons  of  a  Council  held 
under  Archbishop  Theodore,  of  Canterbury,  which 
fixes  it  at  two  days  fasting  from  wine  and  flesh- 
meat  every  week  during  the  first  year,  and  fasting 
for  three  consecutive  Lents,  '*  but  without  dis- 
missing the  wife"  (c.  26).  But  subject  how- 
ever to  some  such  qualifications,  second  mar- 
riage after  the  death  of  husband  or  wife  remained 
fully  recognised  as  the  right  of  the  laity.  In 
later  times,  indeed,  so  slight  a  feeling  subsisted 
in  the  Romish  Church  against  re-marriage  among 
the  laity  after  the  death  of  a  husband  or  wife, 
that  Muratori  {Antiquitates  Medii  Aem^  ii. 
Diss.  20),  says  that  the  Latin  Church  never 
forbade  second,  third,  or  even  more  marriages 
after  the  death  of  one  of  the  parties,  although 
the  ancient  church,  especially  during  the  3rd  and 
4th  centuries,  bore  such  unions  Impatiently,  and 
subjected  them  to  penance. 

It  must  now  be  observed  that  the  feeling 
against  second  marriage  traceable  in  early  times 
in  the  recoids  of  the  Church  gradually  extended 
to  the  Civil  Law,  especially  as  regards  widows. 
The  earliest  laws  which  indicate  this  feeling 
appear  to  belong  to  the  time  of  Theodosius  the 
Great  (a.d.  380-2),  and  are  to  be  found 'in  Justi- 
nian's Code,  bk.  y.  tit.  ix.,  De  aecundia  nuptHSf 
and  bk.  vi.  tit.  Ivi. 

Substantially  the  Roman  civil  law,  like  that 
of  the  Church,  fully  recognised  the  right  of 
second  marriage  of  a  surviving  husband  or  wife, 
latterly  confining  itself  to  securing  with  especial 
care  the  rights  of  the  issue  of  the  first  marriage. 
The  barbaric  codes  do  not  vary  materially  from 
this  point  of  view.  See  the  Edict  of  Theodoric, 
c  37;  the  Laws  of  Motharis  (a.d.  638  or  643^ 
cc.  182,  183;  Lavoa  of  Liutprand  (a.d.  724), 
t1.  c.  74.  The  laws  of  the  Wisigoths  recognised 
fully  the  right  of  remarriage  after  the  death  of 
a  partner  among  the  laity.  See  the  Laws  of 
Chindaswinth,  bk.  ili.  tit.  1, 1.  4. 

Among  the  Carlovingian  Capilularica  is  one 
forbidding  marriage  with  widows  without  their 
priests'  (suorum  sacerdotum)  consent  and  the 
knowledge  of  the  people  (bk.  v.  c.  40).  Mar- 
riages with  professed  widows  were  declared  to 
be  no  true  marriages,  and  the  parties  were  to  be 
separated,  without  any  accusation  being  brought 
against  them,  by  the  pricbt  or  the  judge,  and 
were  to  be  sent  into  perpetual  exile  (ib,  c.  411) ; 
though  another  enactment  (bk.  vii.  c.  338)  seems 
to  limit  the  penalty  to  suspension  from  commun- 
ion till  amendment  of  life,  or  in  default  of  such 
amendment,  to  perpetual  exclusion.  If,  indeed, 
a  widow  wiio  was  also  a  penitent  remarried,  she 
and  her  husband  were  not  to  be  sufiered  to  enter 
the  church  (ib.  31 7,  and  see  aXsoAdd.  Quarto  c.  88). 
A  woman  who  had  connexion  with  two  brothers 
was  never  to  marry  again  (t6.  381).  A  limit 
was  even  sought  to  be  imposed  -on  the  number 
of  marriages  which  might  be  contracted :  "  Let 
none  talcr  more  than  two  wives,  sinc^  the  third 
M  already  su|ierfluou8  "  (bk.  vii.  c.  406). 


III.  We  come  now  to  a  branch  of  the  subject  on 
which  the  law  of  tlie  Church  has  seldom  rni 
precisely  in  the  same  groove  as  that  of  the  state, 
viz.,  remarriage  not  after  death  of  one  of  the 
parties,  but  after  divorce  or  separation.  Several 
classes  of  cases  have  here  to  be  distinguished. 
The  first  is  that  in  which  physical  separation 
involves  the  presumption  or  at  least  the  possi- 
bility of  death.  The  22nd  Novel  fixed  a  period  of 
five  years,  after  which  the  wife  of  a  captive 
husband,  who  could  hear  no  tidings  of  him, 
might  lawfully  marry  again  (c.  7).  The  Wisi- 
gothic  Code  was  less  indulgent.  One  of  its  older 
laws  enacted  that  no  woman  might  marry  in 
her  husband's  absence,  till  he  was  known  to  be 
dead ;  otherwise,  on  his  return,  both  she  and  her 
second  husband  were  to  be  given  over  to  him, 
so  that  he  might  do  with  them  what  he  chose, 
whether  by  selling  them  or  in  any  other  way 
(bk.  ii.  t.  ii.  1.  6).  As  respects  the  church,  a 
letter  of  Pope  Innocent  I.  (402-17)  to  Probus 
simply  lays  do¥m  that  where  a  wife  had  been 
carried  into  captivity  and  her  husband  married 
again  in  her  absence,  on  the  return  of  the  for- 
mer the  first  marriage  alone  held  good  {Ep,  9). 
Leo  the  Great  ruled  to  the  same  effect  in  his 
letter  (a.D.  458)  to  Micetas,  Bishop  of  Aquileia. 
Wives  whose  husbands  had  been  taken  ii^  war 
were  bound  to  return  to  their  former  husbands 
under  pain  of  excommunication ;  but  the  second 
husbands  were  not  to  be  held  guilty  for  the  act 
of  marrying  {Ep,  159).  The  (>)uncil  in  TruUo 
(a.d.  692),  more  severe,  decreed  that  the  wife  of 
an  absent  husband  marrying  before  she  was 
certain  of  his  death  was  guilty  of  adultery 
(c  93). 

The  next  group  of  cases  are  those  of  simple 
prolonged  physical  separation.  The  Roman  law 
took  especial  account  of  the  case  of  soldiers. 
The  22nd  Novel  allowed  the  wife  of  a  soldier 
after  ten  years'  absence,  during  which  she  must 
have  repeatedly  pressed  her  husband  by  letters 
or  messages,  whilst  he  either  repelled  her  im- 
portunities, or  wholly  neglected  them,  to  marry 
again,  altering  in  this  respect  a  constitution  of 
Constantine's  {Code,  bk.  v.  t.  xvii.  1.  7),  which 
seemed  to  fix  four  years  as  a  sufficient  period  of 
separation.  But  the  wife  was  required  to  pre- 
sent a  protest,  appai'ently  a  written  one,  to  the 
soldier's  superior  officers  (c.  14);  and  the  117th 
Nooel  surrounded  this  proceeding  with  certain 
formalities,  requiring  moreover  the  wife  to  wait 
a  year  further  after  taking  the  step  in  question 
before  she  could  lawfully  marry  again  (1.  11). 
St.  Basil  on  the  other  hand  notices  the  case  in 
his  first  canonical  epistle  to  Aniphilochius,  and 
decrees  that  where  the  soldier^s  wife  remarries, 
the  circumstances  should  be  examined  into,  and 
some  indulgence  siiewn  (c.  36).  The  Council 
in  Trullo  adopted  this  view,  and  authorized  a 
soldier,  who  might  return  after  a  long  absence 
and  find  his  wife  married  to  another,  to  take  her 
back,  indulgence  being  shewn  both  to  the  woman 
and  to  her  second  husband  (c.  93). 

Physical  separation  through  captivity  con- 
stitutes the  next  group.  A  council  held  under 
Theodore,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  towards 
the  end  of  the  7th  century,  allows  a  layman,  if 
his  wife  were  by  force  carried  away  into  capti- 
vity, and  he  could  not  recover  her,  to  take  an- 
other, as  being  better  than  to  commit  fornication 
(c.  31).     After  such  a  second  marriage  (which 


656 


DIGAHT 


DIGAMY 


eonld  be  oontnctcd  after  a  tweWemonth,  e.  140), 
he  was  not  at  liberty  to  take  back  his  former 
wife  if  married  to  another,  but  she  might  her- 
self also  marry  another  husband  (c.  31).  One 
of  the  later  Lombard  laws  (a.d.  721)  enacts  that 
if  any  one  go  away  for  a  matter  of  business  or 
of  trade,  whether  within  a  proTince  or  ont  of  it, 
and  do  not  return  within  three  years,  his  wife 
may  apply  to  the  king,  who  may  allow  her  to 
marry  again  (Law  of  Liutprand,  bk.  iii.  c  4). 

If  we  now  consider  the  case  of  yolnntary  de- 
sertion or  diyoroe,  we  shall  find  considerable 
fluctoation  in  the  mles  and  practice  of  the 
Church  as  to  a  second  marriage  following  there- 
on. St.  Paul  had,  indeed,  admitted  that  desertion 
for  the  faith's  sake  dissolved  the  social  obliga- 
tions of  marriage :  **  If  the  unbelieving  depart, 
let  him  depart ;  a  brother  or  a  sister  is  not 
under  bondage  in  such  cases "  (1  Cor.  vii.  15). 
Did  the  not  l&ing  *'  under  bondage  "  imply  free- 
dom to  marry  again?  An  alleged  cauon  of 
Gregory  the  Great  is  reported  to  have  ruled  that 
it  was  no  sin  to  do  so  (c.  17).  The  same  conclu- 
sion may,  perhaps,  be  drawn,  as  respects  heresy 
at  least,  from  a  canon  (72)  of  the  Council  in 
TruUo,  which  not  only  forbids  marriage  between 
an  orthodoi  person  and  a  heretic,  but  declares 
it  void  and  dissolved ;  and  seems  only  by  way 
of  permission  to  allow  that  where  two  infidels 
have  married,  and  one  comes  to  the  light  of  the 
truthf  he  or  she  may  remain  in  union  with  the 
other.  And  under  the  canons  of  the  English 
Council  under  Theodore,  the  case  would  be  in- 
cluded in  that  of  desertion  generally,  m  which 
it  was  laid  down  that  a  la3rman  deserted  by  his 
wife  might  after  two  yean  take  another  with 
the  bishop's  consent  (c.  140).  Indeed  St.  Basil 
in  the  4th  century  had  ruled  in  his  first  canon- 
ical epistle  to  Amphilochius  that  a  woman  who 
married  a  man  deserted  by  his  wife,  if  dismissed 
on  the  latter's  return,  had  only  fornicated  in 
ignorance,  and  was  not  forbidden  to  marry  again  ; 
though  he  thought  it  better  that  she  should 
remain  single  (c.  46)^  The  93rd  canon  of  the 
Council  in  Trullo  confirmed  this  view, 

There  was  indeed  one  case  of  separation,  the 
very  converse  of  that  of  a  Christian  husband  or 
wife  deserted  by  an  infidel  partner,  which  Jus- 
tinian's code  specially  dealt  with,  that  of  the 
husband  or  wife  embracing  the  monastic  pro- 
fession. This  was  held  to  give  freedom  to  the 
other  party  to  marry  again,  although  as  respects 
a  woman,  by  analogy  with  the  law  in  case  of 
remarriage  after  death,  only  after  the  expiration 
of  a  twelvemonth.  She  was,  however,  at  once 
to  send  a  divorce  bond  gratia  to  her  husband 
(Code,  bk.  i.  t.  iii.  L  53,  §  3 ;  and  see  I  56; 
5th  iVbo.  c.  5 ;  22nd  Nov.  c.  5).  The  avoidance 
of  marriage  by  the  religious  profession  was  how- 
ever maintained,  after  the  divorce  bond  gratia 
had  been  forbidden;  see  the  117th  Soo.  cc  10, 
12,  and  the  123rd,  c.  40. 

The  great  struggle  was,  however,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  marriage  after  divorce.  Our  Lord's  teach- 
ing on  the'  subject,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
not  only  in  professed  opposition  to  the  Jewish 
law,  but  in  no  less  signal  opposition  to  the 
Roman,  in  which  the  facilities  for  divorce  were 
simply  scandalous.  The  right  of  divorce  in  spe- 
cified cases,  and  of  subsequent  remarriage  for 
the  innocent  party,  was  maintained  by  the  state 
for  a  long  time  under  the  emperon  (see  CSoOtf, 


bk«  V.  t.  xvii.).  No  limitation  of  time  for 
marriage  was  fixed  for  the  man  (lib.  1.  ^t  §  ^ 
ComtituUon  of  2%eodotiug  and  Valentiwiany  ajk 
449);  bat  by  analogy  with  the  casp  «f  re- 
marriage after  death,  the  woman's  right  te 
remarry  after  divorce  for  her  husband's  wrong, 
or  after  a  divorce  by  mutnal  consent,  was 
limited  to  arise  after  the  expiration  of  a  twelve- 
month (§  4  and  L  9,  Constitution  of  Jnosfemitti 
A.D.  497).  But  if  she  divorced  herself  from  her 
husband  otherwise  than  in  the  cases  specified, 
she  could  not  remarry  within  five  years,  and 
if  she  did,  became  inmmons,  and  the  marriage 
void  (1.  8,  §  4).  The  right  of  remarriage  by  a 
wife  after  the  year  was  by  the  22nd  i\ror«f 
extended  to  all  cases  of  "  reasonable  "  divorce 
obtained  by  her ;  the  husband  in  the  like  case 
being  always  free  to  remarry  at  once  (cc  16, 18). 
The  divorce  by  mutual  consent,  except  for  the 
sake  of  observing  chastity,  was  however  for^ 
bidden  bv  the  117th  A'bre^  c  10. 

In  Italy  the  right  of  divorce  and  remarriage 
was  maintained  by  the  edict  of  Theodoric  accord- 
ing to  the  old  constitutions  (c.  54),  and  though 
it  cannot  be  traced  through  the  Lombard  laws, 
probably  subsisted  till  the  Carlovingian  conquest, 
when  by  a  capitulary  of  the  year  789,  enacted 
for  Lombardy,  marriage  after  divorce  was  for- 
bidden (bk.  i.  c.  42). 

The  Wisigothic  law  seems  fint  to  have  ad- 
mitted divorce,  then  sought  to  forbid  it  alto- 
gether. An  **  ancient "  law  prohibited  a  divorced 
woman  from  remarrying,  and  if  she  did,  ordered 
both  her  and  her  second  husband  to  be  given 
over  to  the  former  one  (bk.  iii.  t.  ii.  1.  1). 

If  we  turn  now  to  the  law  of  the  Church,  we 
find  the  Council  of  Eliberis  in  305  forbidding 
communion  even  tn  extremis  to  women  leaving 
their  husbands  without  cause  and  marrying 
another  (c.  8).    See  al^  c.  9  and  c.  10. 

Basil  in  his  canonical  epistle  to  Amphilochius 
dwells  at  length  on  the  subject  of  divorces  (c  9)l 
He  doubts,  indeed,  whether  a  woman  living  with 
a  divorced  man  is  to  be  treated  as  an  adulteress ; 
but  she  is  one  certainly  who  leaves  her  husband 
and  marries  again.  But  the  deserted  husband  may 
receive  absolution  (ovyyrwirr^s  ^tfrc),  and  the 
woman  who  lives  with  him  is  not  condemned; 
though  it  is  otherwise  if  the  man  himself  leaves 
his  wife  (t^.).  Such  a  man  marrying  again  is 
an  adulterer,  and  only  in  the  7th  year  is  to  be 
readmitted  among  the  faithful  (c.  77).  To  Basil's 
mind,  a  dismissed  wife  should  remain  unmarried 
(c48> 

The  African  Council  of  Milevis,  a.d.  416,  the 
17th  canon  of  which  forbids  generally  dismissed 
women  to  marry  other  husbands,  hardly  agrees 
with  an  Irish  Council  of  uncertain  date  held  under 
St.  Patrick,  which  lays  it  down  that  first  mar- 
riages are  not  made  void  by  second  ones,  ^  unless 
they  have  been  polluted  by  adultery "  (c  28); 
nor  with  the  Council  of  Vannes  (  VenisticMtiC)  in 
465,  which  enacts  excommunication  against  those 
who  having  wives,  except  by  reason  of  fornication, 
without  proof  of  adultery  marry  other  women 
(c.  2).  The  Council  of  Hertford  in  673  aeems 
to  revert  to  the  stricter  view,  enacting  that  a 
man  is  not  to  leave  his  wife  except  for  fornica- 
tion, nor,  if  dismissing  her,  to  marry  another 
(c.  10>  The  Council  in  Trullo  deckres  that 
both  the  woman  leaving  her  husband  and  mar^ 
i-yins  another,  and  the  man  leaving  his  wife  and 


DIGAMY 


DI6NITAB 


567 


niArryinjs;  another,  commit  adultery,  aud  enacts 
a  gmduated  scale  of  penance  for  seven  years 
(c.  88).  On  the  other  hand,  the  English  Council 
onder  Theodore  enacts  that  where  a  wife  is  un- 
faithful a  man  might  dismiss  her  and  nuury 
another,  the  woman  however  not  to  be  allowed 
to  marry  her  lover  (c.  143).  And  yet  by  a  seem- 
ingly strange  contradiction  it  is  enacted  that  a 
harlot's  husband  may  not  marry  any  other  woman 
during  her  lifetime  (c.  166),  the  case  aimed  at 
being  probably  that  of  a  marriage  with  a  full 
knowledge  that  the  woman  did  not  mean  to 
leave  her  course  of  life.  Among  the  ExcerpU 
from  the  chapters, "  de  remediis  peccatorum,"  by 
the  same  archbishop,  published  in  the  Anecdata 
of  Martene,  we  find  that  the  penance  assigned 
to  a  man  dismissing  his  wife  and  marrvmg 
another  is  seven  years  "  with  tribulation,  be- 
sides five  years  of  lighter  penance.  If  the  wife 
departed,  and  the  husband  married  again,  his 
penance  was  for  one  year  only. 

A  letter  (7)  of  Pope  Zacharias  (a.d.  741^1)  to 
Pepin  as  mayor  of  the  palace,  enjoins  again  the 
excommunication  of  laymen  dismissing  their 
wives  and  taking  others  in  their  place  (c.  7), 
and  reiterates  the  prohibition  against  marriage 
after  divorce  (c  12),  which  we  find  also  repeated 
in  the  replies  made  by  Pope  Stephen  II.  in  754 
to  certain  queries  put  to  him  when  he  was  at 
Quierry  in  Fi-anoe  (c.  5). 

Under  Charlemagne  a  different  spirit  be- 
comes obvious.  The  law  is  made  stricter,  but 
the  rulers  are  above  it.  All  injunctions  to 
morality  on  the  part  of  the  popes  were  power- 
less against  the  passions  of  their  Carloving^an 
patrons.  See  the  curious  letter  addressed  by 
Stephen  III.  (a.d.  768-70)  to  Charlemagne  and 
Carloman  hb  son,  then  associated  with  him  on 
the  throne. 

The  Council  of  Aiz  in  789  (c.  42)  and  the 
Council  of  Frinli  in  791  (c.  10),  endorsing  the 
stricter  construction  of  our  Lord's  words  as  to 
divorce,  enacted  that  after  a  divorce  for  adultery 
neither  party  should  marry  again.  The  latter, 
however,  "  by  indulgence,"  allowed  those  who 
were  separated  for  consanguinity's  sake  on 
discovery  to  marry  again,  if  they  could  not  re- 
main unmarried,  which  it  recommended  them  to 
do;  but  if  they  wilfully  contracted  such  a  mar- 
riage they  were  after  separation  to  do  penance 
all  their  lives  and  never  marry  again,  nor  could 
their  children  inherit  from  them  (c.  8).  The 
prohibitions  against  a  second  marriage  after 
divorce  are  repeated  in  the  Capitularies,  bk. 
vii.  cc  73,  382  (the  latter  expressly  includ- 
ing the  case  of  adultery) ;  bk.  v.  c.  300,  Add, 
quat'ta  cc  118-161, — the  prohibition  being  here 
extended  to  marrying  again  after  "  killing  a  wife 
without  cause."  And  the  e^lict  of  Charlemagne 
(A.D.  814)  directs  inquiry  whether  all  men  noble 
or  ignoble,  have  lawful  wives,  *'not  the  dis- 
missed wives  of  others." 

Strange  to  say,  the  Eastern  empire  presented 
at  this  same  period  a  similar  scandal  to  that  of 
the  imperial  court  of  the  west.  The  Emperor 
C>>nstantine  had  sent  his  wife  to  a  convent  and 
married  another,  the  Archbishop  Joseph  per- 
torming  the  ceremony.  For  so  doing  he  was 
ejected  by  the  patriarch  Tarasius,  but  received  to 
communion  by  a  Constantinopolitan  synod  in  806 
m  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Theodorus  Stndita  and 
*f  the   monks,  and   another  assembly  in   809, 


declared  the  emperor's  marriage  to  be  lawf\il,  on 
the  shameful  ground  that  **  the  divine  laws  can 
do  nothing  against  kings." — It  is  somewhat  curi- 
ous to  add  that  a  Nestorian  synod  held  in  Persia 
in  804,  following  the  stricter  view,  had  laid  it 
down  that  after  a  divorce  for  fornication  neither 
husband  nor  wife  could  marry  again. 

To  sum  up  the  conclusions  of  this  inquiry,  we 
find — 1st,  that  as  respects  the  clergy,  a  rule 
borrowed  from  Leviticus  or  derived  from  its  pre- 
scriptions was  held  by  the  church  to  forbid  to  the 
clergy  all  marriages  which  should  on  either  side 
be  of  a  digamoos  character ;  and  that  although 
this  rule  was  evidently  constantly  infringed  in 
practice,  and  its  infringements,  oftentimes  con- 
doned in  the  past,  it  was  nevertheless  steadily 
upheld  as  binding  throughout  the  whole  period 
to  which  this  work  refei-s,  and  latterly  extended 
or  sought  to  be  extended  to  the  inferior  clergy ; 
the  one  open  protest  against  its  application  being 
that  of  a  Nestorian  synod  in  Persia,  towards  the 
end  of  the  5th  century.  2nd,  that  as  respects 
the  laity,  notwithstanding  the  stricter  views 
taken  by  several  writers  of  the  earlier  church, 
the  right  of  remarriage  after  the  death  of  a 
husband  or  wife  became  firmly  established, 
though  in  the  Eastern  church  such  marriages 
were  subjected  to  some  ceremonial  disparage- 
ment, and  were  generally  sought  to  be  dis- 
couraged by  penances  more  or  less  severe.  3rd, 
that  considerable  fluctuation  in  the  views  and 
practice  of  the  Church  seems  to  have  prevailed 
on  the  subject  of  remarriage  after  separation  or 
divorce,  and  that  whilst  second  marriages  in  such 
cases  were  generally  condemned  by  the  letter  of 
the  canon  law  towards  the  end  of  the  8th  and 
beginning  of  the  9th  centuries,  the  sovereigns 
both  of  the  East  and  West  set  such  prohibitions 
at  nought  for  themselves,  and  parted  with  their 
wives  to  marry  others  almost  at  their  will. 

(See  also  Biqamy).  [J.  M.  L.] 

DIGNITAS.  A  well-known  classical  word== 
id,  quo  quis  re  aliqud  dignus  est,  as  Facciolati 
defines  it.  By  degrees  it  was  used  as  a  generic 
term  for  ranks  or  offices,  "Dignitas  equestris, 
senatoria^  consularisy**  and  so  forth.  From  Pliny 
downwards,  by  **  dignitates "  were  frequently 
meant  **  magistracies."  The  well-known  twtitiaf 
or  "  Table  of  dignities  of  the  Roman  Empire  in 
the  east  and  west,"  which  Paucirolus  thinks 
may  have  been  published  about  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Theodosius  the  younger  in  its  pi'esent 
shape,  was  prolmbly  commenced  under  Augustus 
(Bocking's  Not  it.  p.  liii.-v.).  They  form  the 
snbject  of  the  6th  book  in  the  Theodosian  Code, 
and  of  the  1st  and  last  books  in  that  of  Justinian 
(Gothofred  Op,  Jurid.  Min,  pp.  1263,  1374,  and 
1415-18).  All,  of  course,  were  purely  secular; 
but,  in  process  of  time,  when  ecclesiastics  were 
promoted  to  secular  offices,  and  ecclesiastical 
offices  themselves  began  to  confer  as  much  social 
distinction  as  secular,  people  talketl  of  **  digni- 
ties '*  in  the  Church  as  freely  as  in  the  St^te. 
Hence,  retrospectively,  this  term  might  be  ex- 
tended to  the  offices  of  bishop,  metropolitan, 
archbishop,  patriarch,  pope,  cardinal,  bishop- 
suffragan,  archpricst,  archdeacon,  chancellor,  &c., 
though,  as  matter  of  fact,  it  was  never  applied 
to  them  till  it  had  been  used  to  denote  later  and 
more  subordinate  posts  first.  In  ecclesiastical 
parlance,  says  Ducange,  *'  when  a  benefice  in- 
cluded the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  affain 


558 


DIMIS80BY  LETTERS 


with  jnriidictioii,  it  was  called  a  dignitj."  And 
rhonuusin,  to  the  same  purpose,  speaks  of  "  pn>- 
Tosts,  deans,  stewards,  chamberlains,  treasurers, 
oellaf en,  and  sacristans,  as  amon{^  the  '  dignities ' 
inseparable  from  cathedrals  and  sbbejs  "  (£h  Ben. 
i  it  70).  Trae,  we  meet  with  none  of  these 
words  in  their  receired  ecclesiastical  meaning 
before  the  9th  centnrj;  nor  was  it  till  then, 
probably,  that  ecclesiastical  oflSces  of  anj  kind 
t»«>gan  to  be  styled  *^  dignities :"  still,  practically, 
they  had  been  this  long  before,  [C.  S.  Ff.] 

DIMI880BT  LETTEB8.  {LiUrtu  dimt*- 
oriaeyformatae  ;  iwurroXjd  kwokvriKoL)  Letters 
giren  by  a  bishop  to  one  of  his  clerks  remoTing 
into  another  diocese ;  or  to  a  layman  of  his  dio- 
cese desiring  to  be  ordained  elsewhere.  [See 
Bishop,  p.  232 :  Commexdatort  Letters.] 

1.  In  ancient  times  a  bishop  was  forbidden  to 
receive  a  clerk  from  another  diocese,  or  to  ad- 
mit to  higher  orders  a  clerk  already  ordained  to 
some  inferior  rank,  or  to  ordain  a  layman  domi- 
ciled in  another  diocese  (alterios  plebis  hominem), 
without  the  express  and  formal  consent  of  the 
bishop  of  that  diooese  (Conc»  Nicaen,  i.  c.  16; 
a  Sardic  cc.  16,  19,  a.d.  347;  C.  Carthc^.  i. 
c  5,  A.D.  348 ;  C.  Taurin.  c  7 ;  C  Arauaic.  L 
c  8,  9 ;  Cm  T,^lo,  c.  17 ;  Ordo  Bom.  MIL 
p.  87).  Readers,  psalmists,  and  doorkeepers, 
were  included  under  the  designation  of  clerks 
(C  Carth,  iii.  c.  21 ;  compare  Augustine,  Epistt, 
235,  240,  242).  A  bishop  was  not  to  hinder 
a  presbyter  of  his  diocese  from  being  ordained 
bishop  of  a  church  to  which  he  was  elected, 
nor  was  one  who  had  a  superfluity  of  clerks 
to  refuse  them  to  a  diocese  where  there  were 
too  few  (C.  Carth,  iii.  c.  45).  The  decision  in 
cases  of  this  kind  seems  to  have  rested  with  the 
metropolitan.  In  a  case  in  which  a  bishop,  Ju- 
Uanus,  wished  to  reclaim  a  lector  who  belonged 
to  hid  diocese  by  birth,  though  he  belonged  by 
baptism  to  the  bishop  who  bad  ordained  him, 
Epigonius,  it  was  ruled  that  the  lector  belonged 
to  the  diocese  of  his  bsptism,  to  which  he  had 
come  as  a  catechumen  with  commendatory  let- 
ters (C  Carth.  iii.  c.  44). 

The  rules,  howeyer,  with  regard  to  the  ordi- 
nation of  extraneous  laymen  were  probably  never 
enforced  with  the  same  strictness  as  those  which 
related  to  clerics.  Origen,  an  Alexandrian,  was 
ordained  presbyter  by  the  bishops  of  Caesarea 
and  Jerusalem,  much  to  the  indignation  of  his 
own  bishop,  Demetrius ;  there  was,  however,  in 
Origen's  case  a  special  reason — his  mutilation — 
why  he  should  not  be  ordained  (Euseb.  H,  E. 
vi.  8,  26,  27).  Jerome  was  ordained  priest  at 
Antioch,  neither  the  church  of  his  birth  nor  of 
his  baptism.  And  there  are  other  instances  of 
the  like  kind. 

The  theory  on  which  all  this  rests  is  that  a 
bishop  by  the  act  of  ordination  acquired  a  per- 
petual right  to  the  services  of  the  clerks  whom 
he  ordained  (**Quisquis  semel  in  hie  ecclesii  ordi- 
nem  sacrum  accepsrit,  egrediendi  ex  e&  ulterius 
lirentiam  non  habet.''  Greg.  Magn.  Epist.  v.  38), 
and  even — in  a  less  degree — to  the  services  of 
those  whom  he  baptised.  Hence  letters  dimissory 
were  not  merely  letters  testimonial  or  commen- 
datory, but  properly  &«-oXuTiira(;  instruments, 
that  is,  setting  the  clerk  tr^  from  his  allegiance 
to  his  first  bishop,  and  transferring  the  same 
powers  over  him  to  the  bishop  of  his  adopted 


DIOCEBS 

diocese  (Tbomaaain,  Nova  d  Vetma  Ecdetiae  IH§- 
cipiina,  ii,  L  1  ffl). 

2.  It  was  probably  firom  the  same  notion,  of 
the  clerka  being  bound  by  a  pecnliar  allegiance 
to  their  bishc^  that  the  practice  arose  of  re- 
quiring the  clei^,  and  **  religious  **  persons 
generally,  to  have  the  sanction  of  the  bishop 
before  they  approached  their  king  or  lord  (dam- 
nuffl)  for  the  purpose  of  asking  benefices  (Gone 
Aureiian.  i.  c  7,  A.D.  511.  This  canon  is,  how- 
ever, wanting  in  several  MSS.).  [CJ] 

DINGOLVINGA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Dingcf- 
vingense\  at  Dingolflng,  on  the  river  Isar,  in 
Bavaria,  A.D.  772,  under  Tassilo,  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
passed  13  canons  upon  discipline  and  reformaticM 
of  manners.  Labb.  Cone.  vL  1794,  1795;  Le 
Cointe,  Annal.  v.  m  an.  770 ;  Harzheim,  Come 
German,  i.  130.  [A.  W.  H.] 

DIOCESE.  The  word  tioumns,  dgnifying 
in  its  general  sense  any  kind  of  administration, 
came  to  be  specifically  applied  by  the  Romans  to 
a  Procinda,  but  to  one  of  the  lesser  sort,  lor 
Cicero  speaks  of  his  Provincia  Cilidensis  *'cni 
scis  tres  Sioijc^ect  Asiaticas  attribntas  fniase  " 
{Epitt.  ad  Fam.  lib.  xiii.  ep.  67). 

At  a  later  period,  however,  when  Constantine 
remodelled  the  civil  divisions  of  the  empire,  a 
diooesis,  instead  of  being  a  minor  province,  con- 
tained within  it  several  provinces.    Thus,  for  in- 
stance, there  were  ten  provinces  in  the  Ejgyptian 
diocese.     About  the  same  time  the  word  passed 
from  the  terminology  of  the  civil  government 
into  that  of  the  church.    It  was  employed  in  a 
sense  analogous  to  its  secular  application,  and 
signified  an  aggregate  not  merely  of  several  dis- 
tricts governed  each  by  its  own  bishop,  but  ni 
several  provinces  (^apx<'0  ^^"^  presided  over 
by  a  metropoliun.  The  diocese  itself  was  under  an 
Exarch  or  Patriarch  [Exarch].    It  is  in  thu  sense 
that  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (can.  2)  speaks 
of  the  Asian  and  Pontic  dioceses,  and  the  Coondi 
of  Ephesus  of  the  Egyptian  diocese.     Atcitc^ins 
itrruf  ^  woXA&r  /iropx^o'  Ixoiwo  hf  Icnrr^,  says 
h9\aamoxkyadCan.lX.Conca.Chaiced.  That  canon 
gives  an  appeal  from  the  head  of  the  province, 
the  metropolitan,  to  the  head  of  the  ii^tntvis  in 
these  words :  s2  8i  wphf  rhw  rris  aMis  Hapx^ 
Htrpcvoklrrtv  Maxowos  ^  K\iipiKhs  i^ft^tafiif 
rotiV,  jraraXa^t^averM  ^  r^r  l{apx<>''  "^^  Ztousif 
atws  1^  rhp  riis  fiaaiktvo^aiis  Kotforarranvwi- 
Ks»s  Bp6¥0¥f  icfld  la-*  avv^  hxaCMw,    About  the 
same  period  the  word  diooeae  began  also  to  as- 
sume the  sense  which  has  finally  prevailed  to 
the  exclusion  of  that  just  mention^  and  to  be 
used  to  signify  the  district  governed  by  a  single 
bishop.     For  the  three  first  centuries  this  wss 
commonly  denoted  by  vopoucfa,  but  it  now  began 
also  to  be  called  dioeoesiSj  as  in  the  Council  of 
Carthage  (see  Bing.  Aniiq,  bk.  iz.  ii.  §  2)  we 
have  '^Placuit   ut   nemini  sit  facultas,   relicti 
prineipali  cathedri,  ad  aliquam  ecclesiam  in  dice* 
cesi  oonstitutam  se  conferre.**    In  point  of  ftct, 
however,  the  word,  which  perhaps  retained  to  a 
certain  degree  its  general  rather  than  it6  tech- 
nical sense,  is  found  applied  in  turn  to  ev»«-i 
kind  of  ecclesiastical  territorial  division.     For» 
while  Hincmnr  {Epist.  ad  Nicolaum)  uses  it  o 
the  province  of  a  metropolitan  ("non  solum  dioe* 
cesis,    verum    etiam    parochia  mea   inter   das 
regna  sub    duobus  regibus    habetur    divisa")^ 
Suicer  alleges  other  authorities  to  show  that  tht 


DIOCESE 


DIOCESE 


559 


word  ifl  sometimes  employed  in  a  sense  closely 
resembling  our  word  pariah,  viz.  the  district  of 
a  single  church  in  a  diocese.  It  has  been  ob- 
•erred  that  this  was  a  Latin,  and  especially  an 
African  use  of  the  term  (Thomass.  1.  I.  &  A). 

Considered  in  the  acceptation  of  th«  word, 
which  has  prevailed  in  later  times  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  others,  a  bishop's  diocese  and  his 
power  over  it  are  thus  spoken  of  in  the  4th 
century — 

"Ejcairror  htiffKoirov  i^oveleof  ^x*^^  "^^^  lovrov 
wnpoiKiaSf  iiaoKuy  re  icctr^  r^y  ixdirr^  iirifidX' 
Xovaay  ivkdfitiauf,  jra2  irp6voiav  iroiti&dai  irdmis 
r^s  x^P^^  ''^^  ^^  "^^  lavrov  v6\iir  &f  Koi 
XC(poTovc7r  irpt(rfiuT4povs  Ktd  9icuc6youSf  Ka\ 
furii  icp{<rt»s  CKooTa  tiaXafifidftiv.  W9pair4fm  52 
uriH^y  irpdrruv  lwix*^p^'tv  9ix^  '^^*^  '"^^  firirpo' 
irSktws  iwurKSwov,  /ai)82  ainhtf  &rcv  rrjs  r«r 
hofwwr  yy^firis,     {Chncil.  Antioch.  can.  9.) 

It  has  been  thought  that,  from  erery  bishop 
having  a  right  to  erect  new  churches  in  his  own 
dioces^  and  to  set  up  a  cross  on  the  spot  where 
they  were  to  be  placed,  bis  diocese  has  sometimes 
been  called  trrauporfiyioy  (Bing.  viii.  9,  5). 

The  canonical  rule  was  not  only  that  a  diocese 
should  have  but  one  bishop,  but  that  a  bishop 
should  have  but  one  diocese.  In  subsequent  times, 
however,  the  latter  part  of  this  rule  was  much 
broken  down  by  the  practice  of  "commenda." 
This  practice  came  into  use  on  various  grounds. 
One  of  these  is  thus  indicated  by  Thomassin :— • 
'*  incursationes  barbarorum  juges  et  cruentis- 
simae  Fundantl  civitate  episcopum  plebemque 
propemodum  omnem  eflfugarant.  Cum  viduata 
tunc  postore  suo  fuisset  Terracina,  Fundanum 
sibi  postulavit  episcopum.  Confirmata  est  a 
Gregorio  Magno  ea  electio,  a  quo  jussus  est  Ag- 
nellus  titulum  et  administrntionem  gerere  eccle- 
siae  Terracinensis,  et  nihil  secius  veluti  com- 
roendatam  sibi  curare  ecclesiam  Fundanam.  *  Sic 
te  Terracinensis  ecclesiae  cardinalem  constitui- 
mus  esse  sacerdotem,  ut  et  Fundensis  ecclesiae 
pontifex  esse  non  desinas'"  (Thomassin,  pt.  ii. 
lib.  3,  cap.  10). 

In  other  cases  a  vacant  diocese  was  simply 
committed  to  the  care  of  a  neighbouring  bishop 
till  a  successor  could  be  appointed.  This  was  in 
the  earlier  times  the  most  common  species  of 
commenda,  and  was  of  course  temporary  only. 

Sometimes  there  was  a  kind  of  double  com- 
menda, the  pope  commending  to  the  care  of  a 
neighbouring  bishop  a  diocese  whose  own  dio- 
cesan was  occupied  in  administering  the  affairs 
of  another  church  previously  commended  to  him. 

In  other  instances,  again,  where  a  bishop  was 
under  sentence  of  penance,  the  affairs  of  his 
church  were  entrusted  to  another,  or  to  the 
metropolitan,  until  he  was  restored.  ^'Emeri- 
tense  Concilium  Metropolitano  commendavit 
ecclesias  eorum  episooporum,qui  ad  poenitentiam 
secedere  jnssi  fuerant,  quod  aConcilio  Provinciali 
abfuissent"  (Thomassin,  pt.  ii.  lib.  3,  c.  11). 

In  one  instance  Childeric  appears  to  have  com- 
mended a  diocese  to  the  care  of  an  abbot  (ibid.). 

At  first  the  bishop  to  whom  a  diocese  was 
commended  appears  only  '-.o  have  received  his 
actual  expenses.  Gregory  the  Great,  however, 
when  Paulus  had  charge  of  Naples  during  a  va- 
cancy, directed  as  follows  : — "  Praedicto  Paulo 
c<*ntum  solidos  et  unum  puerulum  orphanum 
qnem  ipse  elegerit  pro  labore  suo  de  eldem  ec- 
ciesiil  facias  dari  '*  (Mtf.  c.  10). 


By  degrees  large  profits  were  derived  from  a 
commenda,  and  it  thus  became  an  object  of  am- 
bition, and  was  bestowed  by  popes  and  sovereigns 
without  reason  and  to  the  prejudice  of  t)i« 
Church.  In  later  times  it  became  a  flagrant 
abuse,  but  its  worst  forms  belong  perhaps  mainly 
to  a  period  beyond  our  present  limits.  It  came 
to  be  held  in  perpetuity,  instead  of  for  a  limited 
period,  and  the  revenues  of  two  or  more  sees 
were  accumulated  upon  one  person  as  a  provi- 
sion for  life. 

One  peculiar  kind  of  commenda  must  not  be 
omitted,  viz.  where  a  part  of  the  revenues  of  a 
church  was  assigned  to  a  great  lay  noble,  in 
return  for  his  taking  on  himself  its  defence 
against  its  heathen  or  other  enemies.  Such  pro- 
tectorates were  common  in  the  more  disturbed 
periods.  They  are  styled  *  commendae  militares.' 
In  the  same  manner  and  on  like  grounds  the 
sovereigns  retained  to  themselves  portions  of 
church  property.  But  the  subject  o(  Commendae 
is  too  large  to  be  discussed  at  length  here.  The 
learning  of  the  whole  subject  will  be  found  in 
Thomassin. 

The  limits  of  dioceses  were  probably  fixed  in 
the  first  instance  by  local  or  accidental  circum- 
stances. *  They  difiered  widely  in  size  and  popu- 
lation. Details  on  these  points  will  be  found 
under  NonriA.  It  is  more  important  to  ob- 
serve that  when  too  large  they  were,  not  un- 
frequently,  divided,  as  in  the  following  instance : 
— **  In  the  Council  of  Lucus  Augusti,  or  Lugo, 
under  King  Theodemir,  anno  569,  a  complaint 
was  made  that  the  dioceses  in  Gallaecia  [in 
Spain]  were  so  large  that  the  bishops  could 
scarce  visit  them  in  a  year:  upon  which  an 
order  was  made,  that  several  new  bishoprics  and 
one  new  metropolis  should  be  erected,  which  was 
accordingly  done  by  the  bishops  then  in  council, 
wlio  made  Lugo  to  be  the  new  metropolis,  and 
raised  several  other  episcopal  sees  out  of  the  old 
ones,  as  declared  in  the  acts  of  that  council " 
(Bing.  ii.  vi.  §  16> 

As  his  own  diocese  was  the  proper  sphere  of 
the  action  of  a  bishop,  in  acting  in  the  diocese  of 
another  he  was  under  certain  restrictions.  These 
prevailed  at  all  times  to  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
but  seem  eventually  to  have  been  laid  down  in 

•  "  The  Diocese/*  says  Mllnuin,  **  grew  up  in  two  ways— 
1.  In  the  larger  cities  the  rapid  iDcrease  of  the  Christians 
led  neoessarily  to  the  formation  of  separste  congregations, 
which  to  a  certain  extent*  required  each  Its  proper  orga- 
nization, yet  invariably  remained  subordinate  to  the 
single  bishop.  In  Kome,  towards  the  beginning  of  the 
4th  century,  there  were  above  forty  churches,  rendering 
allegiance  to  the  prelate  of  the  metropolis.  2.  Oiris- 
tianity  was  first  established  In  the  towns  and  cities,  and 
from  each  centre  diffused  Itself  with  more  or  less  snooess 
into  the  accent  country.  In  some  of  these  country 
congregations,  bishops  appear  to  have  been  established, 
yet  their  chorcplscopi,  or  rural  l>l8hop8,  maintained  some 
subordination  to  the  head  of  the  Mother  Chnreh;  or 
where  the  converts  were  fewer,  the  rural  Christians  re- 
mained members  of  the  Mother  Church  In  the  City.  In 
AMca,  from  the  Immense  number  of  bishops,  each  oom- 
munliy  seems  to  have  had  its  own  superior;  but  thl« 
was  peculiar  to  this  province.  In  general,  the  churches 
adjacent  to  the  towns  or  cities  either  originally  were,  or 
became,  the  dlocGsc  of  the  City  Bishop :  for  as  soon  as 
Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the  State,  the  powors 
of  the  rural  bishops  were  restricted,  and  the  ofRc^  ta 
length  WOK  either  abolished,  or  fi^ll  into  disose."  — i/ij(orjr 
qf  Chrittianity,  Book  iv.  ch.  I. 


560 


DIOOLES 


the  later  canon  law  as  follows,  viz.  that  a  bishop 
may  perform  divine  offices  and  use  his  episcopal 
habit  in  the  diocese  of  another,  without  leave, 
but  not  perform  any  act  of  jurisdiction;  and  it 
has  even  been  said,  that  jurisdiction  cannot  be 
exercised  by  a  bishop  of  another  place,  though 
with  the  consent  of  the  diocesan,  except  over 
such  as  willingly  submit  themselves  to  his 
authority.  And  where  the  holder  of  a  benefice 
in  one  diocese  resides  in  another,  the  bishop  in 
whose  diocese  he  resides  may  proceed  against 
him  for  an  offence,  bat  the  punishment,  so  far  as 
it  affects  his  benefice,  is  to  be  carried  out  by  the 
bishop  where  the  benefice  is  (Gibson's  Codex^ 
pp.  133,  134). 

See  also  Bishop  :  Exarch  :  Parish. 

Authorities :  Thomassinus,  Vetua  et  Nova 
Eccletiae  discipHna,  Bingham.  Ayliffe,  Parergon 
Juris  Carumici,  Snicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v,  Aiol- 
Kii<ns  and  aravpoiHiyioif.  [B.  S.] 

DIOGLES,  martyr  at  Histrias  (?  Istria), 
commemorated  May  24  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet.^  Adonis ; 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DIODOBUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome 
with  Marianus  the  deacon  and  many  others; 
commemorated  Dec  1  (^Mart.  Usuardi). 

(2)  of  Perga,  Upofidprvs;  commemorated 
April  21  (Ca/.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DI0D0TU8,  Saint,  of  Africa;  commemo- 
rated, with  Anesius,  March  31  (Mart.  CJsaardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

DIOGENES,  Saint,  in  Macedonia;  comme- 
morated April  6  {Mart.  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.] 

DIOMEDES,  martyr  at  Nicaea,  a.d.  288; 
commemorated  June  9  {Mart.  Usuardi) ;  Aug. 
1 6  {Cat.  Byzant).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DI0NY8IA.  (1)  Martyr  at  Lamosacum  with 
Peter,  Andrew,  and  Paul ;  commemorated  May 
15  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  seven  others ;  com- 
memorated Dec  6  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DIONYSIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Lower  Armenia 
with  Emiliunus  and  Sebastian;  commemorated 
Feb.  8  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.^  Bieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr;  commemorated  with  Ammonius, 
Feb.  14  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Aquileia  with  Hilarius  the 
bishop,  Tatian  the  deacon,  Felix  and  Largus; 
commemorated  March  16  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Corinth ;  commemorated  April  8 
{Mart.  Usuardi). 

(6)  Saint,  uncle  of  Pancratius;  commemorated 
May  12  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Bishop  and  confessor  under  Constantius ; 
deposition  at  Milan,  May  25  {Mart.  Bieron., 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(7)  MartjTT  at  Sinnada  with  Democritus  and 
Secundus;  commemorated  July  31  {Mart.  Usu- 
ardi). 

(8)  Saict,   of  Phrygia;  commemorated  Sept. 

20  (fb.). 

(9)  The  Areopagite,  bishop  of  Athens  and 
martyr  under  Adrian;  commemorated  Oct.  3 
{Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cai.  By- 
zant.)]  Oct.  17  {Cal.  Armen.). 

(10)  Bishop  of  Paris,  and  martyr  wkh  Ri  s- 
ticus  thy  presbyter  and  Eleutherius  the  deacon : 


DIPTYCHB 

commemorated  Oct.  9  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hiertm^ 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(11)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  tJid  martyr 
under  Valerian  and  Gallienns,  AJ>.  265;  oom- 
memorated  Nov.  17  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet.,  Adoma, 
Usuardi)  -  Maskarram  17  =  Sept  14  {CaL 
EtMop.). 

(12)  The  Pope,  under  Claudius  II. ;  depositioB 
at  Rome  Dec.  26  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi) ;  Dec 
27  {Cat.  Bucher.). 

(18)  Martyr  with  Petrus  Lampsacenoa  and 
his  companions;  commemorated  May  18  (^CaL 
Byzant.). 

(14)  One  of  the  Seren  Sleepers  of  Ephesuv; 
commemorated  Oct.  22  {CaL  Byzant.}.   [W.  F.  G.] 

DIOS,  Asceta,  Holy  Father,  under  Theodo- 
sius  the  Great;  commemorated  July  19  {CaL 
Byzant).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DIOSOORtJS.  (1)  Martyr  under  Nnmerian; 
commemorated  Feb.  25  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.,  Bieron^ 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  The  reader,  martyr  in  Egypt;  comme- 
morated May  18  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  with  Heron,  Arte- 
nius,  and  Isidorus,  under  Decius;  commemoratel 
Dec.  14  (/6.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DI08CUBUS,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  ▲.]>. 
454 :  commemorated  Maskarram  7  =Sept.  4,  and 
Tekemt  17  =Oct.  14  (Col.  Ethiop.).    [W.  P.  G.] 

DIOSPOLIS,  or  Ltdda,  probably  Ramah 
(Council  of),  a.d.  415,  of  14  bishops  under 
their  metropolitan,  Eulogius  of  (^aesarea ;  where 
Pelagius,  haying  been  examined,  by  anathema- 
tising 12  propositions  that  had  been  imputed  to 
him,  and  making  profession  of  12  orthodox  pro- 
positions in  their  stead,  was  acquitted,  and  de- 
clared to  be  in  the  communion  of  the  Catholic 
Church  (Mansi,  iT.  311-20).  [E.  S.  Ft] 

DIPPING.    [Baptioi.] 

DIPTYCHS.  {Mirrvxa,  U(mX  l^Krei,  tamt- 
\oyos',  diptycha,  matriculae,  nomina,  teindaeS) 
1.  The  name  of  -diptych  is  given  to  a  tablet,  pri- 
marily two-leaved,  as  the  word  implies,  in  which 
^ere  contained  the  names  of  Christiana,  living 
a^d  dead,  to  be  recited  during  the  celebration  of 
the  Eucharist.  It  would  seem  that  the  origin  of 
the  custom  is  to  be  referred  to  the  primitive 
practice  by  which  the  members  of  a  churdi 
brought  offerings  of  bread  and  wine  from  whidi 
were  taken  the  sacred  elements.  Then,  before 
the  consecration,  the  names  of  those  who  had 
so  contributed  were  read'  aloud,  as  well  as  those 
of  deceased  members  oi  the  church  whom  it  was 
wished  specially  to  commemorate. 

This  primary  use  was  subsequently  extended 
so  as  to  include  the  names,  on  the  one  hand,  of 
sovereigns,  patriarchs,  bishops,  and  the  like,  as 
well  as  of  those  who  had  deserved  well  in  any 
way  of  the  church  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
conjunction  with  departed  saints  and  oonfesson, 
a  special  mention  was  thought  desirable  in  each 
church  of  those  who  had  previously  been  its 
bishops.  The  great  length  to  which  these  lists 
necessarily  grew  caused  the  habit  of  reciting 
them  fully  to  be  subsequently  abandoned,  but  in 
some  foi-m  or  other  the  practice  has  been  retained 
in  both  the  Eastern  and  the  Roman  Church. 

This  custom  was  doubtless  primarily  suggested 
as  to  its  form  by  the  practice  which  pravaiM 


DEPTYCHS 


DIPTYCHS 


561 


imder  the  Roman  Empire,  by  which  consuls, 
praetors,  aediles,  and  other  magistrates  were 
wont  to  distribute  to  their  friends  and  the 
people,  on  the  day  on  which  they  entered  office, 
tiihlets  inscribed  with  their  names,  and  con* 
taining  their  portraits,  in  token  of  the  commence- 
ment of  their  magistracy.  (See  e.  g.  Cod.  Theodos, 
de  expensis  ludorum,  15,  tit.  9,  §  1 ;  Symmachus, 
Spist  ii.  81,  y.  56,  x.  119;  Claudianns,  De  Sec, 
Contuhtu  Stilichonia^  347.)  For  another  pos- 
sible, but  certainly  not  probable,  connection  of 
the  use  of  Christian  diptychs  with  an  earlier 
heathen  custom,  see  Uasaubon's  Animad.  in 
Athenaeunif  yi.  14. 

2.  Diptycha  epiKoporum{K9rrAKoyos  rmv  #iri- 
^m6wc»p;  oomp.  Catalooub  Hisraticcts,  p.  317). 
We  shall  now,  however,  confine  onrseWes  to  the 
subject  of  diptychs  as  used  in  the  Christian 
Church,  and  shall  refer  first  to  that  class  of  them 
in  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of  deceased 
prelates.  Each  church  would  of  course  specially 
commemorate  its  own  past  bishops,  or  at  any 
rate  the  more  renowned  among  them,  and  thus 
in  these  local  fasti  we  may  see  Uie  germs  of  later 
calendars  and  martyrologies.  An  interesting 
lUustrstion  of  the  employment  of  these  tabeliae 
episcopaies  is  furnished  by  the  well  known  case 
of  St.  Chrysostom,  whom  the  persecution  of  his 
•  inyeterate  foes  droye  into  exile  [Chalcbdon, 
p.  333];  and  even  after  his  death  would  have 
refused  his  name  a  place  on  the  diptychs  as  a 
denial  of  his  orthodoxy :  the  insertion  of  his  name 
in  the  prayers  of  the  church,  when  his  friends 
were  strong  enough  to  obtain  it,  is  spoken  of  as 
the  usual  privilege  of  departed  bishops  (Socrates, 
JlisL  EccL  vii.  25 ;  comp.  Theodoret,  Hitt,  EgcL 
▼.  35). 

Another  illustration  may  be  taken  from  Venan- 
tius  Fortunatus  (Poem.  viL  35,  de  3.  Martiwi ; 
PatroL  Ixxxviii.  332). 

«•  Nomina  vestra  legat  patriarchls  atqne  propbetis 
Cui  bodle  in  tempio  Dfptychas  edit  ebur." 

The  names  thus  engraved  on  the  tablets  wera 
recited,  as  has  been  said,  during  the  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist.  See,  for  example,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  conference  at  Carthage  between 
the  Catholics  and  Donatists  (411  A.D.),  whera  we 
find  the  remark:  **ln  ecclesii  sumns,  in  qui 
Caecilianus  episcopatum  gessit  et  diem  obiit. 
Ejus  nomen  ad  altan  recitamus,  ejus  memoriae 
communicamus,  tanquam  memoriae  fVatris " 
(Co//,  iii.  c  230;  Labb^  ii.  1490).  See  also 
CvnciL  Congtcmi,  ii.  ColL  v.;  Labb^,  v.  478,  496. 

It  will  be  understood  that  such  a  mention  has 
no  connection  with  the  practice  of  prayers  for 
the  dead,  for  the  names  thus  enrolled  wera  held 
to  be  of  those  included  among  the  blest,  and  in 
fact  the  word  *  canonization  primarily  meant 
a  mention  of  this  kind  in  the  Canon  of  the 
Mass  (see  p.  267).  Conversely,  a  place  would  be 
denied  in  the  diptychs  to  those  who  were  sus- 
pected, rightly  or  wrongly,  of  heretical  or  he- 
terodox views ;  and  further,  names  wrongly  in- 
serted, whether  inadvertently  or  through  set  evil 
design,  might  be  subsequently  ramoved.  Thus  we 
find  Anastasius  chronicling,  **  delude  abstulerunt 
de  diptychis  eoclesiarum  nomina  Patriarcharum 
....  Cyri,  Sergii,  Pauli,  Pyrrhi,  Petri  per  quos 
error  orthodoxae  fidei  puilulavit  '*  (  Vitae  Ponii' 
fioum,  *  Agatho,'  p.  145). 

This  power  of  refusing  to  a  name  a  place  in 

CRBI8T.  ANT. 


the  diptychs,  or  of  removing  a  name  onoe  en- 
tered, would  doubtless  degenerate  at  times  into 
the  venting  of  personal  spite,  as  we  have  seen  in 
the  case  of  the  disgraceful  attempt  to  rob  Chry- 
sostom of  his  well  deserved  honour.  For  a  still 
stronger  case  Peter  the  Fuller  is  responsible,  in 
that,  on  his  usurpation  of  the  see  of  Antioch,  he 
ramoved  from  the  diptychs  the  names  of  Pro- 
terius  and  Timotheus  Salafatiarius,  and  put  in 
their  stead  those  of  IMoscurus  and  Ifellurus  who 
had  murdered  the  former  (Victor  Tunnunensis, 
Ckronioon^  480  a.d.  in  Gallandi  Bibl.  Vet.  Pair. 
xii.  225). 

3.  Diptycha  vivonan, — ^We  shall  briefly  con- 
sider, in  the  next  place,  the  case  of  the  mention 
of  living  persons,  the  origin  of  which,  as  has 
been  already  said,  would  appear  to  be  found  in 
the  recital  of  the  names  of  those  memben  of  a 
church  who  had  furnished  the  elements  for  the 
holy  communion.  -  As  time  went  on,  it  would  be 
natural  to  add  the  names  of  those  who  held  civil 
and  spiritual  authority,  of  special  benefactors  to 
a  church,  and  generally  to  embrace  all  faithful 
believen ;  the  presence  of  a  name  on  the  list  be- 
ing viewed  as  a  recognition  of  Christian  brother- 
hood, and  thus,  by  implication,  of  the  full  church 
membenhip  and  orthodoxy  of  the  person  named ; 
while,  conversely,  its  absence  implied  heresy  in 
belief  or  laxity  in  life  or  discipline  (see  Cypnan, 
Epist.  1,  §  2). 

This  original  association  of  the  practice  wit  h 
the  names  of  the  offeren  was  maintained  in  latei 
times.  Thus  we  find  Innocent  I.  (ob.  417  a.d.) 
ordering  that  the  names  of  those  who  offered 
should  not  be  racited  before  the  oblations  were 
made  (Epist.  25,  ad  DecerUiumf  c.  5) ;  Jerome 
also  {Comm.  tn  Ezeoh.  xviii.  vol.  v.  209)  refers 
to  it,  "Publiceque  diaconus  in  ecclesiis  recitet 
offerantium  nomina."  For  further  injunctions 
to  the  same  effect,  see  Capit.  Aquisgranense,  53 
[789  A.D.],  Capit.  Francoford.  49  [794  A.D.], 
in  Baluze  s  CnpittUaria  Reffwn  F^anoorum,  i. 
231,  270.  In  this  way  too  it  is  most  natural  to 
understand  the  original  raferance  of  the  words 
in  the  corresponding  place  of  the  Roman  canon, 
**  qui  tibi  offerunt  hoc  sacrificium  laudis  et  gra- 
tiarura  actionis." 

The  commemoration  of  the  faithful  living, 
other  than  the  offerers,  includes  names  of  holders, 
first  of  ecclesiastical  and  then  of  civil  office,  in 
due  order.  We  may  rafer,  for  example,  to  Maxi- 
mus  Confessor,  who  remarks  (Coilatio  cum  Prin* 
cipibus  m  Secretario,  c  5,  vol.  i.  p.  xxxiv.  ed. 
C^mbefis),  "at  the  holy  oblation  on  the  holy 
table,  after  prelates,  priests,  and  deacons,  and 
all  priestly  ranks  (UpariKhf  rdyfAa\  when  the 
deacon  says,  *And  those  laics  who  have  died 
in  faith,  Constantino,  Constans,  and  the  rest,' " 
and  then  proceeds,  o0t»  8^  mU  t6k  i&mafv 
fufilfiopt^ti  ^Qurikimv  iiwrk  re^s  UpttfUvovs  wdi^ 
ras."  We  find  a  similar  regulation  in  the  Arabic 
canons  of  the  Nicene  Council,  to  the  effect  that, 
"  on  the  Sabbath  and  festivals,  when  the  holy 
elements  are  placed  upon  the  altar,  the  deacon 
shall  make  mention,  fint,  of  the  patriarch  by 
name,  then  of  the  chief  bishop,  the  suffragan 
bishop,  the  arch-prasbyter,  the  archdeacon,  be- 
cause these  ara  the  rulers  of  the  church  "  (can. 
64;  Labb<  ii.  312). 

In  documents  of  the  Western  Church,  we  meet 
with  injunctions  to  insert  on  all  such  occasieos 
the  name  of  the  pope.    See,  e.  g.y  the  order  of 

2  O 


562 


DIPTYCH8 


DIPTYCH8 


the  Second  Coonca  of  Yasio  (529  A.D.),  *<  at 
nomen  Domini  Papae,  quicumque  sedi  apostolicae 
praefuerit,  in  nostris  ecclesiia  recitetur.  (can.  4, 
Ltbb^  iv.  1680 :  cf.  Sugg.  ii.  Germani  et  alio- 
rvm  post  Epist,  40  Hormiadae  Papae,  ibid.  1484 ; 
where  allnsion  is  made  to  the  omission  of  all 
names,  save  of  the  pope  only,  in  the  celebration 
of  the  Mass  at  Scampae,  a  usage  of  which  Mar- 
tene,  p.  145  B,  gives  some  later  examples.) 

Atler  the  mention  of  the  names  of  ecclesiastics 
of  various  grades  came  that  of  the  sovereign,  as 
mentioned  in  the  above  quoted  passage  of  Maxi- 
mus ;  and  among  those  who  had  deserved  well 
of  the  church  in  various  ways  we  find  special 
mention  enjoined  by  the  Council  of  Merida 
(666  A.D.)  of  the  names  of  those  who  had  re- 
built a  church  {Ccfiusil,  Emeritenaej  c  19 ;  Labb^ 
vi.  507). 

From  these  diptych  vioorum  also,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  previous  case  of  the  tabeUae  epiaco- 
paleSf  a  name  might  be  removed,  justly  or  un- 
justly, as,  e.g.,  in  the  case  of  Vigilius  (Baluzius, 
CoUectioNovaConciliorfmi,lb4e2),  Thus  too  we  find 
Augustine  threatening,  in  case  of  certain  conduct 
unbecoming  to  the  clerical  office,  **delebo  eum 
de  tabuli  clericorum  "  (Serm.  356,  vol.  v.  2059, 
ed.  Gaume) ;  and  in  another  ponage  of  the  same 
father,  we  find  him  protesting  against  an  unjust 
exercise  of  this  punishment  (J^tM.  78,  vol.  ii. 
276).  Again,  we  find  the  name  of  Pope  Felix  III. 
erased  from  the  diptychs  by  Acacius,  and  after 
his  death  restored  by  Euthymius,  who  erased  at 
the  same  time  that  of  Peter  Mongus  (Theophanes, 
480-81  A.D.  pp.  205,  206,  ed.  Classen).  Felix, 
however,  ungraciously  returned  this  by  revising 
to  recognise  Euthymius,  from  his  having  retained 
the  names  of  Acacius  and  Phravites  (op.  cit. 
483  A.D.  p.  209). 

4.  Diptyoha  mortuorwn.^YfQ  shall  now  refer 
briefly  to  the  diptychs  containing  the  names  of 
the  faithful  dead.  And  here  it  will  be  obviously 
seen  that  the  essence  of  the  practice  of  a  recital 
of  names  at  all  was  the  wish  to  maintain  and 
keep  alive  the  spirit  of  Christian  brotherhood ; 
and  when  Christianity  had  taught  men  that, 
whether  living  or  dead  in  the  flesh,  all  faithful 
were  alike  living  members  of  Christ's  Church,  it 
would  be  natural  to  add  the  names  of  those  who 
had  gone  before  in  the  faith  and  fear  of  God. 
How  soon  this  became  complicated  with  the 
idea  of  prayers  for  the  dead  this  is  not  the  place 
to  discuss. 

As  to  the  manner  in  which  the  diptychs  of 
the  dead  are  introduced  in  Greek  liturgies,  we 
find  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  6  tidicovos  t&  Slirrvxa 
r»r  K9Kotfirifi4y»p  (i.  e.  readsX  and,  similarly,  in 
that  of  St.  Chrvsostom,  6  itoKoyos  r»y  tc  kcjcoc- 
ujpfjAvww  Kol  {<&yTmy,  &s  fio^Kerai,  fwrifu>ytiti. 
The  prayer  of  the  priest,  which  follows,  runs  in 
the  former  case  thus,  koI  to^«v  inirrvr  rhs 
^X^'  Ayd^TaiKTOK,  8^<nrora  K^pic  6  Bths  lifi&Vy  iv 
rtus  Twv  ayimv  cov  vicuva'is  ....  This  might  be 
illustrated  by  the  passage  of  Cyprian  already  re- 
ferred to  {Epist.  i.  2) :  **Non  est  quod  pro  dor- 
mitione  ejus  apud  vos  fiat  oblatio,  aut  deprecatio 
aliqua  nomine  ejus  in  ecclesii  frequentetur." 

This  commemoration  of  and  prayer  for  the 
faithful  dead  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  after  the  consecration,  and  thereupon 
follows  a  prayer,  entitled  in  the  Sacramentary 
Super  JHptycha  (the  CoUectio  post  Nomina  of  the 
Mozarabic  Missal),  which  we  dte:  "Memento 


etiam,  Domme,  famulorum  ftmulammque  ti 
///.,  qui  nos  praecesserunt  cum  signo  fidei  ei  dor- 
miunt  in  somno  pacis.  Ipsis,  Domine,  et  omni- 
bus in  Christo  quiescentibus,  locum  refrigerii  et 
lucis  et  pacis  at  indulgeas  deprecamur." 

Among  others,  the  names  of  deceased  emperors 
of  undoubted  orthodoxy  were  mentioned.  Thus 
Pope  Nicholas  I.  (ob.  867  A.D.),  in  a  letter  to  the 
£mperor  Michael  III.,  refers  to  the  mention  of 
the  names  of  Constantino,  Constana,  Theodosius 
the  Great,  Yalentinian,  and  other  emperors, 
^  inter  sacra  mysteria  "  {Epist.  86,  PatroL  cxiz. 
959). 

The  regulation  of  the  Council  of  Merida,  al- 
ready referred  to,  ordains  the  mention  of  the 
names  of  special  benefactors,  after  they  have 
departed  this  life. 

Thua  &r  we  have  spoken  merely  of  names  of  in- 
dividuals inserted  in  the  diptychs,  but,  besides 
these,  a  commemoration  was  made  of  the  Four 
Oecumenical  Councils,  to  which  practice  numerous 
references  are  made  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
Council  held  at  Constantinople  in  536  A.D.  under 
Mennas  (See,  e.  g.y  Labb^  v.  85,  165,  185 ;  the 
last  of  which  passages  furnishes  us  with  a  very 
interesting  illustration  of  the  practice,  describing 
how,  at  the  reading  of  the  diptychs,  the  whole 
multitude  flocked  round  the  sanctuary  to  listen ; 
and  when  only  the  titles  of  the  Four  Holy  Synods 
were  recited  by  the  deacon,  and  the  names  of 
the  archbishops  Euphemius  and  Macedonius  and 
Leo,  of  blessed  memory,  all  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  "  Glory  be  to  Thee,  O  Lord)  ;*'  and  in  those 
of  the  second  OecumenioeJ  Council  of  Constanti- 
nople {e.g.  Collatio  2,  Labb^  v.432>  There  is 
also  a  reference  to  this  in  the  Code  of  Justinian, 
in  a  letter  of  the  emperor  to  Epiphanius,  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  in  which  he  expresses 
his  intention  of  resisting  any  attempts  to  abolish 
this  practice  (lib.  i.  tit.  1,  §  7 ;  torn.  ii.  pi.  1,  p^ 
16,  .ed.  Beck.).  Theophanes  records  an  instance 
of  a  daring  attempt  to  break  through  this  cus- 
tom, when  Euphrasius,  patriarch  of  Aatiocfa, 
omitted  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  from  his  dip- 
tychs, and  also  the  name  of  Pope  Hormisdas 
(Theophanes,  A.D.  513,  p.  258). 

5.  A  brief  remark  may  be  made  here  as  to 
sundry  variations  in  the  time  when  the  diptychs 
were  recited  according  to  various  uses.  The 
primary  custom  would  seem  to  be,  that  they 
were  read  after  the  oblation  of  the  bread  and 
wine,  and  before  the  consecration.  This  may  be 
seen,  for  example,  from  numerous  references  in 
the  acts  of  the  council  under  Mennas,  spoken  of 
above,  which  prove  this  to  have  been  the  custom 
of  the  Church  of  Constantinople  (see  esp.  Labbd^ 
V.  185,  already  quoted).  It  would  appear  also 
that  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal  and  in  the  ancient 
Galilean  fbrm,  the  diptychs  originally  held  this 
place.  The  same  also  holds  true  for  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  diptychs  in  our  own  Liturgy,  the 
prayer  for  the  Church  Militant.  In  the  liturgy 
of  Chrysostom,  however,  the  Mozarabic  Misnl, 
and  not  a  few  others,  as  we  now  have  them,  the 
diptychs  follow  consecration. 

In  the  various  forms  of  the  Roman  Liturgy, 
and  in  the  Ambrosian,  the  commemoration  of 
the  living  and  dead  enters  into  the  canon  of  the 
Mass,  that  of  the  living  before,  and  that  of  the 
dead  after,  consecration.  It  has  been  suggested, 
however,  that  this  too  is  a  modification  of  an 
earliefgtjiie  of  thmgs,  ftom  a  consideration  of  the 


DIPTYCH8 

warding  in  th*  OelMimn  SMntnuntur.  [CaNOH 
or  TH8  LrnjKOV,  p.  271.] 

Snndrjr  ditferencn  iil«o  eiiit  u  to  tbs  nuDncr 
of  ncitingthenunu  OD  thi  diptjchi.  (1)  Soma- 
timei  tfafj  wore  rwd  bf  tha  dMcaa,  uia  ciam- 
pllfiBd  bj  tha  dtatiou  wt  hay*  alrudj  gtraii 
fnui  the  litargiei  of  St.  Mark  and  St.  Chr?H>- 
Mom,  to  which  others  might  h>Ta  been  added. 
Sm  alto  Jarome  (in  JiitcA.  I.  c.)  lod  Maiimna 
<;.  c.>  (2)  Id  loni^  chnrchei  it  would  appMT 
thit  the  lobdeacoii  recited  th*  nomet  on  the  dip- 
tTchi  behind  the  altar.  Thna,  in  an  ancient 
Itau  ICaiex  Ratoldi)  pabliihad  bj  Menard  in  hii 
edition  of  tfae  Gregorian  Sacramentarj,  we  iind 
<p.  246),  "Snbdiaconi  a  retro  altari,  ubi  memo- 
riam  Tal  n<»niiia  riTonun  et  mortaomm  uomi- 
UTernnt . .  . ."  (3)  Frequentif  the  pHeat  himulf 
rapeatad  tha  namei.  (4)  A  cariooi  plan  ' 
mentioned  by  Fnlcuin  (Dt  Oeitit  i»atiim . 
fl'iun,  c  TiL  in  D'Ach^y'i  5piaf<^'iun,  vi.  &S1), 
where  tha  lahdaacon  whitpered  the  aamei  t  "- 
priaat.  <S)  We  find  even  that  in  loma  caai 
tabiats  were  merely  laid  opon  tha  altar, 
tha  Damw  of  the  offeran  and  benefactors,  of 
whoiD  the  print  made  general  mention.  Thos 
wa  find  a  form  cited  by  Pamelitu  {IMtrgg.  Loll. 
ii.  180),  "Hamanto  ....  quorom  nomina  ad  me- 
moraadom  coucHpsimiu,  ac  ttptr  tavctuin  a&ar* 
timn  oonKT-ipta  o^im  vidmt'ir"  The  two  lait 
Tiaws,  at  any  rate,  howerer,  are  clearly  qnlte  lata. 

For  same  remarks  on  a  plan  whereby,  in  the 
dinrch  of  Ravenna,  a  chainble  was  made  to  sarre 
the  parpoae  of  diptychi,  Ha  Dncange  (i.  n.). 

Tb*  name  of  diptych  wag  also  glTsn  to  regiv 
tera  in  which  war«  antered,  as  ocouion  required, 
the  namei  of  newl«  baptited  perioni,  aa  then 
first  becoming  memben  of  the  Chriitian  family 
(Dion.  Areap.  Bier.  Eocl.  c  1 1).     [REauTEB.] 

6.  £i(«Tt(iir«.— For  the  matter  of  the  for 
caing  article  wo  art  mainly  indebted  to  UaTtane, 
Dt  Antiq^  Eaclniai  UUibiH,  i.  145,  iqq.  ad.  Ve- 
nice, 1783 ;  Dncinge'a  Olomria,  t.  ve.  Diptydta, 
AirruXa;  Bingham'i  Jnlt^vtliiM,  ir.  3;  and  the 
Omoma^icm  (t.  i.)  appended  to  Roaweyd's  VOat 
Patrva.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Salig, 
Ih  Diptydut  Vetmon,  ticm  profmui,  ftkon  toerts, 
Ilalae  Uagd,  1731 ;  Donati,  Lm  dittici  dtgti  an- 
tichi  piofani  t  mcri,  Lacca,  1753 ;  Oibbings, 
PrtltctiM  on  tin  Dipti/c!u,  Dublin,  1864.  [B.  S.] 

DIPTYCHS,  EXTERIOR  ORNAMEN- 
TATION OF— As  the  most  ancien' 
diptych  now  known  is  referred  to  Stilii 
(see  Bifm,  and  Oori,  ToL  1.  p.  12H,  ad.  fol.  Flor. 
1779),  and  only  one  pnrely  eccleiiaetical  one  i* 
mentioned  even  as  conjecturally  earlier  than  the 
Sth  cCTitnry,  it  will  be  inferred  that  the  intareit 
of  tbeae  rtlia  ii  historical  rather  than  artistic. 
Hnrtigny  gires  a  highly  reduced  copy  of  one 
from  Donati's  Datiea  digit  Antic,  p.  149,  sttri- 
bated  to  a  certain  Areoijindos  the  Younger, 
coDinl,  A.D.  506,  in  the  aastarn  parts  of  the 
empire,  16th  year  of  Anastaaius  (Baroniua,  ad 
An.  508).  It  is  beanlifnlly  sngrarad  in  tblio 
aiae  in  Ocri,  *.  I.  Its  omamanti  consist  of  two 
eomncopiai,  with  the  titles  of  tha  consul  above 
them  and  baskets  of  fruit  and  flowers  below ; 
they  are  carved  with  leaves  and  connected  by 
wreathed  foliage  in  which  tha  stiff  CO 
■ymmetry  of  Komon-Byitntine  art 
^ow  itself.  Gori  calls  it  tha  Diptych  of  Lnccn. 
The  osa  of  foUinC  tabiats  in  the  services  of  the 


hurchsc 


enience,  I 
y  of  thesi 


a  matter  of  conmon 
anywhers  else.  But 
lain,  which  have  evi- 


biy  been  altered  fr 
aiastical,  and  still  retain  the  original  baa-r«lteft 
with  changes  and  adaptations.      Others,  again, 
'"     that  of  Rarabona,  are  entirely  Chriitian  in 
r  origin.    The  most  ancient  of  the  latter 
I  is  considered  by  Martigny  to  lie  the  pro- 
perty  of  the  Cnthtdral  of  Hilaa  (Bugati,  ifo- 
irie  di  S.  alio  in  fin.),  and  is  referred  to  the 
h  century  ftom  the  character  of  Its  sculpture*. 


othen 


1   lost 


separated  from  them,  whether  they  were  of 
wood,  ivory,  or  metal.  That  of  AreobiodDs  bear* 
the  cross,  os  also  the  Oreek  diptych  of  Flarins 
Taums  Cleraentinns  (Oori,  tab.  ii.  and  i.,  p.  SSO, 
vol.  ].).  The  RambDoa  ivory,  though  only  of  the 
Sth  eentnry,  is  br  the  most  interesting  in  eiis- 
tence.  (See  art.  Crucifix  for  a  foil  description 
and  woodcut ;  and  Qori,  Tiei.  Vet.  Bgitychonini, 
vol.  iiL)  It  is  sUted  by  HS.  Lanrent.  fainc- 
graphie  dt  la  CroiM  at  da  Crucifix,  in  Didron'a 
.iiuufe*  AnAMogiqitn,  vr.  iiri.-vii.,  to  ban 
bean  presented  to  the  monaataiy  of  Rambona 
(Uar^  of  Anoona)  by  Agiltnide,  wiik  of  Ouy, 


d.  of  Spotetfl ;  and  it  of  type  more  barbaric  than 
the  Lombard  work  of  Verona,  bearing  great  re- 
semblance, in  the  large  unmeaning  faces  and  ere* 
of  its  figures,  to  many  Irish  and  Saion  MS3. 
Many  andanl  diptychs  hava  been  nsail  for  bind- 
ings of  more  recent  service-books;  as  a  tablet 
which  now  covers  a  copy  of  the  Qoapels  of  St. 
Lake  and  St.  John  in  the  Vatican.  Our  Loni 
betareon  two  angels  and  the  Magi  before  Herod 
can  be  traced  in  it.  At  the  Cathedral  of  Vercelli, 
at  St.  Mailmua  in  Trives,  and  at  Besanton,  there 
are  rellm  of  this  kind.  Gori's  Thaaunu,  and 
PicUudi's  Dt  Culin  S.  JamniM  BaptitUu,  contain 
3  0  2 


564 


DIREGTANEUS 


DI6CIPLINA  ABCANI 


many  and  most  interesting  records  and  illnstra- 
itons,  diiefly  of  Middle«Age  works. 

Tiie  Rambona  iyoxy,  witii  two  others  of  greater 
antiquity,  are  described  and  represented  in  Buo- 
narotti's  Vetriy  p.  231.  One  of  them  is  that  of 
the  Consul  Basilius,  m  541 ;  the  other,  which 
Buonai'otti  supposes  to  be  more  ancient,  is 
called  the  Diptych  of  Romulus,  and  represents 
his  apotheosis. 

The  Florentine  edition  of  Gori's  Thesaurut  Ve- 
terum  Diptychorum,  1755,  contains  a  fine  en- 
graving of  the  half  of  the  Diptych  of  Stilicho 
which  remains  in  existence  (see  woodcut.)  The 
consul  is  seated  at  the  top,  with  the  usual  bai*- 
baric  stolidity  of  expression,  in  toga  picta,  and 
curule  chair :  the  amphitheatre  and  combats  of 
wild  beasts  are  represented  below.  That  of 
Boethius,  which  succeeds,  has  standing  figures 
of  the  consul,  with  a  head  of  disproportioned 
size,  but  a  countenance  evidently  studied  with 
great  care :  he  bears  a  sceptre,  surmounted  by 
an  eagle,  dravm  with  much  spirit.  Stilicho  to 
all  appearance,  and  Boethius  undoubtedly,  hold 
the  mappa,  the  signal  of  beginning  the  games,  in 
the  right  hand,  as  also  the  elder  or  prior  Areo- 
bindiis.  Gori,  i.  tab.  vii.,  where  the  bestiarii 
and  their  opponents  are  of  considerable  merit. 
The  curule  chairs  are  evidently  the  originals  of 
those  represented  in  Saxon  and  early  Norman 
MSS. 

The  Christian  Diptychs  of  Milan,  in  use  in  the 
12th  centuiy,  and  conjectured  to  belong  to  the 
7th  or  8th,  are  represented  in  Gori,  vol.  iii.  p. 
264,  sqq.  They  represent  the  history  of  the 
New  Testament ;  and  in  particular,  the  Nativity, 
the  Transfiguration,  and  the  Passion  of  our  Lord. 
They  must  certainly  be  well  within  our  allotted 
period  of  the  first  eight  centuries.  Those  of 
Monsa  (Murray,  Handbook  N.  Ualt/f  p.  164)  are 
referred  to  either  Claudian,  Ausonius,  or  Boethius. 
Another,  bearing  two  consuls,  sumamed  David 
and  Pope  Gregory  by  later  possessors  of  the 
diptych,  is  highly  interesting.         [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DIBECTANEUS.  Any  psalm,  hymn,  or 
canticle,  said  in  the  service  of  the  Church  in 
monotone,  without  inflection,  was  called  direc- 
tanetis.  It  is  probably  to  this  monotone  that 
Isidore  refers  when  he  says  (De  Ecd.  Off,  v.  5) 
that  the  primitive  Church  used  a  very  simple 
kind  of  chant,  more  like  mere  recitation  than 
singing.  Aurelian  {Regula,  ad  VirgineSy  c.  40) 
gives  the  following  direction :  "  Ad  Lucernarium, 
J)irectane%u  parvulus^  id  est,  *  Regina  terrae,* 
*Cantate  Deo,'  &c. ;"  and  ho  further  directs 
that  at  Nocturns  the  direcianeua  **  Miserere  mei 
Deus"  should  be  said.  Compare  the  BtUe  of 
Benedict,  c.  17 ;  and  that  of  Caesarius  of  Aries, 
c.  31.  [C] 

DIS  MANIBUS.    [.Catacombs,  p.  308.] 

DISCIPLINA  AEGANI,  a  term  of  post- 
Beformation  controversy  (it  is  used  by  Tentzel 
and  Schelstrate  in  special  dissertations  a.d. 
1683-5),  is  applied  to  designate  a  number  of 
mndes  of  procedure  in  teadiing  the  Christian 
faith,  akin  to  one  another  in  kind,  although 
difiering  considerably  in  character;  which  pre- 
vailed from  about  the  middle  of  the  2nd  century 
until  the  natural  course  of  circumstances  ren- 
dered any  system  which  involved  secrecy  or 
reserve  impossible.     So  far  as  these  were  de- 


fensible, they  arose  out  of  the  principles,  1.  «l 
imparting  knowledge  of  the  truth  by  d^rees, 
and  in  methods  adapted  to  the  capacity  of  the 
recipients,  and  2.  of  cutting  off  occasion  of  pro- 
faneness  or  of  more  hardened  unbelief  bv  Dot 
proclaiming  the  truths  and  mysteries  of  the 
faith  indiscriminately,  or  in  plain  words,  or  at 
once,  to  unbelievers.  And  these  principles  find 
their  origin,  and  their  defence,  respectively  in  the 
apostle's  distinction  between  **  milk  for  babes'^ 
and  *^ strong  meat"  for  those  ''of  full  age** 
(Heb.  V.  12-14),  and  again,  between  speaking  to 
''  carnal "  and  to  *'  spiritual "  hearers  (1  Cor. 
ilL  1);  and  in  our  Lord's  prohibition  against 
*'  casting  that  which  is  holy  to  dogs,"  or 
^  throwing  pearls  before  swine,"  together  with 
the  habitual  tone  of  His  teaching,  and  in  parti- 
cular its  parabolic  character.  Persecution  also 
at  first  compelled  to  secrecy.  Upon  such  grounds 
there  arose,  as  the  Church  became  systematized 
and  settled,  first,  a  distinction  between  oaied^ 
mens  and  fideles,  and  between  different  classes  of 
catechumens,  with  respect  to  the  kinds  and 
amounts  of  knowledge  to  be  imparted  to  eadi 
successively ;  and,  secondly,  a  spirit,  rather  than 
a  formal  system,  of  habitual  reticence  upon  the 
higher  and  more  mysterious  doctrines  of  the 
faith,  in  Christian  writings  or  sermons  likely  to 
be  read  or  heard  by  the  heathen.  But  beyond 
these  natural  and  reverent  practices,  the  desire 
to  meet  the  ancient  philosophers  on  their  own 
ground,  and  on  the  one  hand  to  rationalize 
Christian  doctrines,  on  the  other  to  transcenden- 
ttilize  the  theories  of  reason  into  anticipations 
and  foreshadowings  of  the  mysteries  of  the  &ithy 
assisted  by  the  excess  of  the  allegorizing  prin- 
ciple of  interpretation  current  in  the  Alexandrian 
Church,  produced  a  special  di&ciplina  arocmi, 
almost  wholly  at  Alexandria,  yet  prevailing  in 
a  less  degree  elsewhere  also,  Irom  the  time  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen ;  in  which  tlie 
doctrines  and  facts  of  Scripture  were  expounded 
esoterically  to  the  initiated,  who  had  the  key  to 
them  in  the  true  ywwriSy  while  their  real  and 
deeper  meaning  was  disguised  and  withheld  by 
an  ''  oeoonomy,'*  or  ^  accommodation,"  from 
others. 

I.  First,  as  regards  cateckamens^  the  earliest 
intimation  of  any  system  of  secrecy  is  in  Ter- 
tullian :  *'  Omnibus  mysteriis  silentii  fides  ad- 
hibetur "  {Apol.  vii.) ;  and  again,  speaking  of 
heretics,  '*Quis  catechumenns,  quis  fidelis,  in^ 
certum  est;  pariter  audinnt,  pariter  orant: 
etiam  ethnici  si  supervenerint,  sanctum  canibus 
et  porcis  margaritas,  licet  non  veras,  jactabnnt" 
{Praetor,  adv.  Haeret.  zli.).  And  the  latter  com- 
plaint, respecting  catechumens,  is  repeated  two 
centuries  afterwards  by  Epiphanins  (Haer,  xliL 
n.  3),  and  by  St.  Jerome  (CommenL  in  Gaiat  vi.X 
with  reference  to  the  Marcionites.  Later  writers 
than  Tertullian  specify  particulars,  e,g,  baptism, 
the  eucharist,  and  the  oil  of  chrism,  &  oMi 
^iroirrc^ciK  ^|corri  To7f  kfivfyrois  (St.  BasiL  M., 
De  Spir,  S,  xxvii.) ;  and  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Orat.  xL 
De  BapUy,  "Excts  tov  fivorriplov  ri.  Hx^opa  cat 
reus  r&p  iroXA«y  iucoalis  ovk  kwi^^nfrot  rk  tk 
iXXtk  ^<rw  fiaO^a^ :  and  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
{Catedu  vL  c.  30),  Ov5^  r&p  fivcntpimw  M 
Kttrnixovfidyup  \€vkws  XoXov/tci',  4XA^  iroXAi 
iroXAdlicis  \4yofi€P  iituc€ica\vtxfi4tw5,  &a  ol  -^$6^*1 
viffTol  roi^<r«<ri,  Ktd  ol  fi^  etSorcs  fi^  fihufimn. 
And  the  Apoat  Canons  (Ixxxv.)  speak  of  ai  Sio- 


DISdPLINA  ABCANI 

▼070! .  .  .  &s  o&  XP^  9iifM<rif^€ty  M  irivrmv  Zik 
rk  iv  Q/brait  fivffriKd.  Similarly  the  proclama- 
tion in  the  Apost.  Constit.  (viii.  12)  and  in  the 
Liturgies,  M^  ns  icamixovfiipvy,  /lii  ris  iucpow 
liivteVf  fkii  Tts  rw¥  inriffrmy.  And  the  phrase, 
**  missa  catechnmenomiD,"  used  in  St.  Aug. 
Serm,  xlix.  a.d.  396,  Cone,  Carthag.  IV.  c.  84, 
A.D.  398,  and  Cone.  Iferd.  A.D.  523,  c.  4,  and  Jo. 
Cassian,  Coenob.  fnstitut,  xi.  15,  and  Cone,  VcUeni. 
A.D.  524,  c  1.  So  Cone,  Araum.  I.  a.d.  441, 
c.  19,  **  Ad  baptisterium  catechumen!  numquam 
ndmittendi."  And  while  Cone.  Laodic,  a.d.  365, 
c.  5,  fiii  8fiy  t4*  x^^P^^^^^  ^^  vapovalti 
aitpo»fiiv»v  y4rtv0M  may  possibly  refer  to  the 
consecration,  as  probably  as  to  the  election,  of  a 
bishop :  St.  Chrysostom  certainly  speaks  of  ordi- 
nation {Horn.  XYiii.  in  2  Cor.),  when  he  refrains 
from  detailing  what  takes  place  at  a  x^^P^ovlUf 
"  which  the  initiated  know ;  for  all  may  not  be 
revealed  to  the  uninitiated."  The  encharist  again 
was  celebrated  with  closed  doors  (St.  Chi7s. 
Bom,  in  Matt,  zxiii.),  not  to  be  opened  to  any- 
body, even  one  of  the  faithful,  at  the  time  of 
the  Ajui^hon  (Apo8t.  Conatit.  viii.  11),  and  to  be 
guxirded  by  the  deacons,  lest  any  unbeliever  or 
uninitiated  person  enter  (i&.  ii.  57).  So  again 
Pseudo-Augustin  {Senn,  ad  Neophyt.  i.),  "Di- 
missis  jam  catechumenis,  .  .  .  quia  specialiter  de 
ooelestibus  mysteriis  loqnuturi  sumus."  And  to 
the  same  effect,  St.  Ambrose  (Z>0  Hia  Qui  mysteriis 
Initiantur,  c.  1),  Theodoret  {Quaest.  xv.  in  Num.), 
Gaodentius  {i<erm,  II,  ad  Neophyt),  and  above 
mil  the  catechetical  lectures  of  St  CSyril  of 
Jerusalem,  which  are  framed  expressly  upon 
this  principle,  and  the  preface  to  which  forbids 
the  communication  of  their  more  advanced  con- 
tents to  those  who  are  without,  if  any  such 
should  ask  what  St.  Cyril  had  said.  See  also  the 
directions  to  widows  in  Apost.ConsUt,  iii.  5.  Lastly, 
and  further  still,  besides  this  general  and  perpe- 
tually recurring  distinction  between  initiated 
(jitfivfi/i4¥ot)  and  uninitiated  (&/iiWrroi),  distinc- 
tions were  made  between  the  more  and  the 
less  advanced  of  the  latter  themselves:  the 
Lord's  Prayer;  CoTistit,  Apostol.  vii.  44;  St. 
Aug.  Enehirid.  c.  71;  Theodoret,  Baeret.  Fab, 
T.  28,  and  Epit,  Div,  Decret.  c.  xviii. ;  St. 
Chrys.  Bom,  xx.  al.  xiz.  in  Matt. ;  the  (>eed ; 
St.  Ambrose,  Ad  Maroell.  Epist.  33  (20  ed. 
Bened.) ;  St.  Jerome,  Epist.  xxxviii.  Ad  Pam- 
mach.  (ed.  Ben.) ;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  (St.  Cyril  Hieros.  Catech,  vi.  30), 
being  taught  only  to  the  competenteSj  the  first, 
in  St.  Augustine's  time,  only  eight  days  before 
baptism  (St  Aug.  Bom,  xlii.,  Cone.  Agath,  c.  13), 
the  second  at  some  like  period,  and  the  last  men- 
tioned during  the  last  forty  days.  Catechumens 
also  were  allowed  to  hear  the  sermon,  but  no 
further,  in  the  African  Church  {Cone,  Carthag, 
as  above),  in  that  of  Gaul  (from  Cone,  Arausic,  i« 
A.D.  441,  c.  18),and  in  that  of  Spain  (from  Cone. 
Valentin,  a.d.  524,  c.  1). 

U.  Apart  from  the  special  discipline  of  cate- 
chumens, the  Christian  fnthers,  from  the  2nd  to 
at  least  the  5th  century,  habitually  refrain  from 
speaking  plainly  of  the  deeper  mysteries  of  the 
^ith,  in  writings  or  sermons  accessible  to  the 
heathen.  Origen,  e.g,  {Cont.  Cels,  i,  7,  0pp.  i. 
325%  enumerating  the  doctrines  that  were  not 
hidden,  mentions  the  birth,  crucifixion,  and  re- 
mnrection  of  our  Lord,  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  and  the  last  judgment,  but  omits  the  doc- 


DI80IPLIKA  ABCANI 


565 


trines  of  tne  Holy  Trinity  and  of  the  Atonement 
(compare  St  Paul's  account  of  the  elements  of 
the  faith  in  Heb.  vi.).  St  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
(Leet,  Catech,  vi.  30;  Op.  i.  106,  ed.  1720)  tells 
us,  that  it  is  not  permitted  to  speak  to  a  heathen 
of  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  Sozomen 
omits  the  Nicene  creed  from  his  history  (i.  20), 
expressly  because  that  work  would  probably  be 
read  by  heathen  readers.  St.  Chrjrsostom  will 
not  speak  fully  of  baptism  in  a  homily,  because 
of  the  **  uninitiated "  among  his  hearers  {Bom,. 
xL  in  1  Cor.).  St.  Augustine  reckons  both  sacra- 
ments among  the  '*  occulta  '*  {in  Ps,  ciii. ;  see 
also  Bom,  xcvi.  in  Joann.y  and  «n  Ps.  cix.). 
Pope  Innocent  I.  {Ad  Decentium,  c  3)  will  not 
recite  the  words  even  of  Confirmation,  '*ne 
magis  prodere  videar,  quam  ad  consul  tationem 
respondere."  The  last  words  ef  the  Apostolic 
Constitutions  forbid  the  making  these  books 
public  (bk.  viiL  in  fin.) :  **  preach  of  the  mys- 
teries contained  in  them."  So  St.  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  {Cent,  Julian,  vii.),  and  many  others ; 
while  the  words  of  Theodoret  {Quaest.  xv.  in 
Num.)  may  be  taken  as  a  summary :  ^  We  speak 
obscurely  of  th<>  Divine  mysteries  on  account  of 
the  uninitiated ;  but  when  these  have  with- 
drawn, we  teach  the  initiated  plainly."  Such 
topics  are  to  be  mentioned  to  penons  in  general 
<*  in  enigmas  and  shadows,  mystically,  not 
clearly."  And  any  statement  about  them  is 
repeatedly  broken  off  with  "  the  faithful,"  or 
"the  initiated,  know."  Compare  also  the  dis- 
tinction drawn  by  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  between 
"wepirixtto^ai  and  itfrixu<r$(u.  The  reasons  as- 
signed for  the  practice  are : — 1.  To  avoid  offence 
to  the  weak  or  to  the  heathen,  o^k  iirti'j^ 
koBivutUf  Kanr4yycfffup  r&v  nXovfihttv,  &AA* 
^ei8^  iiT€\4er€pov  ol  iroXAol  vpits  avrii  ^ir- 
SioftciiTou  (St.  Chrys.  Bom,  in  Matt,  xxiii. 
al.  xxiv.),  or  again,  more  forcibly,  06  xph 
T&  fjivffriipia  kfivfrrois  rpoy^^Scir,  tya  ft^  *£X- 
\il¥*s  fA^y  kyvoowTMs  yt\&ffi,  xarrixo^fi^pog 
8i  irtpUpyoi  yw6fitvoi  tricayiaKlCnfyrcu  {Cone, 
Akxandr,  ap.  St.  Athan.  Apd,  ii.).  To  which 
may  be  added  the  still  more  forcible  words  of 
St  Clem.  Alex.  {Strom,  i.  pp.  323,  324),  who 
says  that  he  suppressed  some  portions  of  the 
truth,  not  as  grudging  it,  but  fearing  lest  he 
should  put  a  sword  into  the  hand  of  a  child. 
2.  Out  of  reverence :  **  Adhibuimus  tam  Sanctis 
rebus  atque  Divinis  honorem  6ilentii"(St.  Aug. 
Serm,  i.  inter,  xl.).  To  which,  3.  St.  Augustine 
adds  another  of  a  more  superficial  kind,  viz.  the 
excitement  of  curiosity ;  saying  to  catechumens, 
**  Si  non  excitat  te  festivitas  (Paschae),  ducat  ipsa 
curiositas,"  and  therefore,  "  da  nomen  ad  baptis- 
mum"  {De  Verb.  Dom,  Bom,  xlvi.). 

It  must  be  added,  in  order  to  complete  the 
case,  first,  that  such  a  principle  of  reticence  is 
not  to  be  looked  for,  for  obvious  reasons,  in  the 
earlier  Apologists  in  persecuting  times;  e.g,  there 
is  no  trace  of  it  in  Justin  Martyr,  Tatian,  Athena- 
goras,  Theophilus  (Bingh.  X.  v.  2).  In  such  cases, 
the  desire  to  avoid  scandal  to  the  weak,  and  the 
feeling  of  reverence  for  the  truth  itself,  must 
needs,  and  rightly,  give  way  to  the  clear  necessity 
of  a  plain  statement  of  the  whole  truth.  Next, 
that  the  reserve  in  question  was  simply  (so  to 
say)  a  temporary  educational  expediunt )  and  was 
never  practised  towards  the  '*  faithful"  them- 
selves, to  whom  the  whole  truth  was  declared 
in  plain  words ;  and  that  there  are  no  grounds 


666 


DISGIPLIKA  ABCANI 


whatertr  for  BuppMing  the  existence  of  an  eso- 
teric system  of  doctrine,  not  appearing  at  all  in 
any  of  the  writings  or  documents  of  the  earlier 
church,  but  brought  to  light  in  subsequent  cen- 
turies, although  secretly  held  all  along. 

III.  So  far,  there  can  be  no  question  made  of 
the  defensibleness  of  the  principle  of  reserve, 
thus  applied ;  howerer  plain  it  may  be,  that  it 
must  speedily  ^re  become  impossible  to  main- 
tain the  practice.    It  is  obviously  a  perfectly  fair 
proceeding,  to  withhold  truths  avowedly  from 
those  to  whom  it  will  do  harm  to  declare  them. 
The  Alexandrian  schools,  however,  seem  to  have 
stretched  the  casuistry,  of  truthfulness  to  a  point 
beyond  this.    Controversially,  it  is  no  doubt  both 
allowable,  and  wise,  to  state  the  truth  in  terms 
as  acceptable  to  the  views  and  prejudices  of  an 
opponent  as  sincerity  will  permit,  but  certainly 
no  further.    To  help  a  Platonist,  0.  g,  to  believe 
in  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  by  pointing 
out  how  far  Platonism  itself  advances  towards 
snch  a  doctrine,   is  plainly  as  consistent  with 
honesty  as  it  is  with  good  sense ;  but  so  to  speak 
as  to  imply  the  identity  of  the  two  doctrines  has 
both  actually  proved  to  be  a  fruitful  parent  of 
heresy,  and  is  distinctly  not  honest.     So  again 
ft  is  obviously  fair  to  neutralize  an  opponent's 
objection  by  pointing  out  that  it  includes  in  its 
range  that  opponent's  own  erroneous  or  incom- 
plete view  as  well  as  the  orthodox  faith ;  but 
only  if  the  latter  is  not  confounded  with  the 
former  as  though  it  were  the  same  thing.     An 
curgutnentum  ad  hominem,  used  as  such  avowedly, 
is  of  course  justifiable,  so  that  it  be  not  put  for- 
ward as  the  arguer's  own  bond  fde  belief.    The 
Alexandrian    school,    however,    seem    to    have 
^  oeconomized,"  in  managing  controversies,  both 
in  fact  and  avowedly,  in  the  extremer  sense  of 
the  lines  of  argument  thus  suggested.    St.  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria,  for  instance,  lays  down  as  a 
principle  {Strum,  vii.  9),  that  the  true  Gnostic, 
indeed,  '*  bears  on  his  tongue  whatever  he  has  in 
his  mind,"  but  it  is  **  to  those  who  are  worthy  to 
hear :"  adding,  that  ^  he  both  thinks  and  speaks 
the  truth,  unieaa  at  any  time,  medicinally,  as 
a  physician  for  the  safety  of  the  sick,  he  may 
lie  or  tell  an  untruth,  as  the  Sophists  say.^' 
(Othrorc  ^c^ctm,  khv  ^ev8of  A^,  is  the  Pla^ 
tonic  way  of  putting  it.)    So  also  {Strom,  vi.  15), 
If^virrtu  r^   61m  ohx  ol  in/fi'W9p^tp6fi9Poi  81* 
olKovo/Aiaty  cmrnplast  AAA'  ol  tls  t&  Kvpi^ara 
Topoirfirrorrfr,  jrol  itBtrovvrts  /i^y  rbr  K^piOM 
rh  Bffoy  h^  ainotSt  inroffrtpovyrts  9k  rod  Kvplov 
r^K  &Ai|9^  8(8a0-jraAfaj^.     And  Origen,  as  quoted 
by  St.  Jerome  {Adv,  Sufin,  Apol.  i.  c.  18),  in  like 
manner    lavs    down    a    caution,    implying    a 
like  principle,  that  '*homo  cui  incumbit  neces- 
sitas  mentiendi,  diligenter  attendat,  ut  sic  utatur 
interdum  mendacio,  quomodo  condimento  atque 
medicamine,  ut  servet  mensnram  ejus  :  ex  quo," 
he  adds,  ^  perspicuum  est,  quod  nisi  ita  mentiti 
fuerimus,  ut  magnum  nobis  ex  hoc  aliquod  quae- 
ratur  bonum,  judicandi  simus  quasi  inimici  Ejus 
Qui  ait.  Ego  sum  Veritas."    Further,  St.  Clement 
also  appears  to  hold  an  esoteric  traditional  teach- 
ing to  have  been  delivered  to  St.  Peter,  St.  James, 
St  John,  and  St.  Paul  {Strom,  i.  1,  vi.  7 ;  and  v. 
Euseb.  ff.  E.  ii.  1)  ;  and  Origen  likewise  ( Cont. 
Cels.  u  7)  speaks  of  an  esoteric  Christian  teach- 
ing, but  obviously  means  no  more  by  the  terms, 
at  least  in  this  passage,  than  to  affirm  the  dis- 
tinction between  elementary  teaching  and  the 


DISCIPLINE 

deeper  doctnnes  of  the  faith  as  taught  suoees 
dvely  to  catechumens.  On  the  other  hand  {Comt 
Cels.  vi.)  he  speaks  of  an  oral  traditional  know- 
ledge, ot  ypmrria  wphs  rods  woAAo^,  oM  pf^rd. 
But  St.  Clement's  yvwns  was  not  a  distinct  inner 
system  of  doctrine  differing  from  that  which  was 
to  be  taught  to  the  iroAAol,  but  rather  a  different 
mode  of  apprehending  the  same  truths,  yvL,  from 
a  more  intellectual  and  spiritual  stand-point. 
In  actual  fact,  we  find,  by  way  of  instance, 
St.  Gregory  of  Neo-Caesarea,  Origen's  pupil, 
using  language  respecting  the  Holy  Trinity  that 
is  confessedly  erroneous,  and  defended  by  St.  Basil 
{Epist.  ccx.  §  5)  on  Uie  ground  that  he  was 
**  not  teaching  doctrine  but  arguing  with  an 
unbeliever,"  and  that  in  such  a  case  **  he  would 
rightly  in  some  things  concede  to  the  feelings 
of  the  unbeliever,  in  order  to  gain  him  over  to 
the  cardinal  points."  The  whole  subject  will  be 
found  ably  and  profoundly  discussed  in  Newman's 
Arians,  c  i.  §  iii.  pp.  40-102  (drd  edition).  How 
far  the  practice  was  borrowed  from,  or  uncon- 
sciously furthered  by,  the  undisguised  principles 
and  practice  of  Philo-Judaeus  on  the  subject, 
may  be  doubted.  That  writer  certainly,  both  in 
actual  exposition  of  Scnpture  and  in  avowed 
principle,  assumes  that  duller  souls  must  bi 
taught  "  falsehoods  by  which  they  may  be  bene- 
fited, if  they  cannot  be  brought  to  a  sound  mind 
through  the  truth  "  {Quid  Deu$  sU  Immuiabili$y 
0pp.  i.  282,  ed.  Mangey).  But  there  is  no  need 
for  looking  beyond  Scripture  itself  for  the  germ 
and  principle  of  a  true  and  legitimate  ''oeoono- 
my."  The  Alexandrian  divines  themselves  are 
only  responsible  for  pushing  that  principle  to  a 
degree  which  made  it  at  least  extremely  danger- 
ous, and  sometimes  barely  honest.  The  applica- 
tion of  esoteric  meanings  to  Scripture  £u;ts  by 
the  same  school  is  a  parallel  case  of  exagger- 
ating a  principle  of  the  analc^ous  sort,  poases- 
sing  a  foundation  of  truth,  into  extremes  that 
are  utterly  unjustifiable, 

[Newman,  Ariana{nB  above  quoted);  Martigny ; 
Bingham;  Schelstrate,  De  IHacipl.  Arocmi;  Mo- 
sheim,  De  Beb,  Christ  ante  Constanim.  §  zxxiv. 
pp.  302^10;  and  a  special  dissertation,  Ik 
Aooommodatione  Christo  imprimis  et  Apo^olis 
tributa,  by  F.  A.  Gams  (Lips.  1793,  4^  is  refer- 
red to.]  [A.  W.  H.] 

DISGIPLINR  (1.)  From  the  earliest  time 
the  Church  has  endeavoured,  in  accordance  with 
the  Lord's  commands,  to  maintain  its  own  purity 
both  in  life  and  doctrine.  In  the  earliest  ages, 
the  penalties  for  transgressing  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  in  whatever  respect,  were  of  coune  «f 
a  purely  spiritual  nature,  and  enforced  by  the 
authority  of  the  Church  itself,  which  had  no 
jurisdiction  m  invitos.  The  means  which  the 
Church  employed  for  the  correction  of  offenders 
within  her  pale  were  admonition,  withdrawal  of 
privileges,  the  enjoining  of  acts  of  mortification, 
and,  in  the  last  resort,  exclusion  from  the  Church 
altogether  [  ExooMMUKiCATiON  ].  From  this 
constant  effort  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  to 
correct  offences,  and  to  purify  the  Church  from 
scandals  by  its  own  power  arose  the  system  of 
Penitential  Discipline  [Pbnitenoe],  which  u 
common  to  all  members  of  the  Church,  lay  and 
clerical,  secular  and  regular. 

But  besides  the  general  duty  of  maintaining 
holy  life  and  true  doctrine,  which  is  incambeiit 


DISCIPLINE 


DISCIPLINE 


667 


on  all  Christians,  the  clergy  and  the  members  of 
monastic  oi^ders  voluntarily  take  npon  them- 
selves peculiar  obligations,  and  the  enforcing  of 
these  by  the  proper  authorities  constitutes  a 
special  subdivision  of  discipline.  On  the  subject 
of  Monastic  and  Canonical  Discipline,  see  below. 

What  has  been  said  applies  to  the  Church  in 
all  ages,  whether  before  or  after  its  connection 
with  the  State.  But  from  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine,  when  the  existence  of  Christianity  in  the 
empire  was  formally  recognised,  and  the  Church 
adopted  as  an  institution  guai*ded  and  respected 
by  the  State,  we  no  longer  find  its  disciplinary 
laws  solely  in  its  own  canons  and  decrees,  nor 
its  punishments  solely  spiritual  and  over  persons 
who  give  a  voluntary  submission.  The  several 
codes  of  the  empire  not  only  recognise  gene- 
rally the  fkct  that  its  subjects  are  Christian,  but 
frequently  adopt  and  sanction  laws  enacted  ori- 
ginally by  purely  ecclesiastical  authority ;  and 
this  in  two  ways.  In  some  cases  ecclesiastical 
laws  and  principles  are  simply  adopted  into  the 
civil  code,  and  enforced  by  civil  tribunals  and  civil 
sanctions :  in  others  the  ecclesiastical  authority 
[see  Appeal]— generally  the  Bishop  (p.  231) — is 
empowered  to  call  in  the  secular  arm  to  enforce  its 
decisions;  see,  for  instance,  Justinian's  Code,  lib.l, 
I.  25.,  De  Episc.  Audien.  It  is  evident  that  this 
change  in  the  relations  of  Church  and  State  con- 
verted many  acts,  which  had  previously  been  dis- 
regarded by  the  civil  power,  into  crimeSf  or  offences 
against  the  sovereign  authority,  and  gave  a  dif- 
ferent aspect  to  many  delicts  which  still  remained 
in  the  cognizance  of  the  Church.  Discipline  was 
henceforward  enforced  partly  by  the  spiritual, 
partly  by  the  secular  arm ;  the  State  reinforced 
the  (^urch  with  more  or  less  vigour  according 
to  the  disposition  of  the  rulers  for  the  time 
being;  and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  made 
constant  efforts  to  withdraw  the  clergy  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  civil  courts  altogether  [Immu- 
NiTiEB  OF  THE  Clerot;  Jdbibdiction  ;  and 
the  articles  on  the  several  offences  which  have 
been  subject  to  censure  or  punishment  in  the 
Church].  [C] 

(2.)  Afonastio  Diacipline.  —  Monastic  punish- 
ments were  of  two  kinds,  corporal  and  spiritual, 
and,  in  each  kind,  more  or  less  severe,  according 
to  the  nature  of  the  offence  or  the  founder's 
ideas  of  discipline.  Instances  of  both  kinds 
occur  very  early  in  the  history  of  monasticism. 
Thus  Basil  of  Caesarea  speaks  of  various  de- 
grees of  excommunication  —  from  joining  in 
the  chanting,  from  choir,  and  from  meals 
(^Serm,  de  Mon,  Ituttt.'),  while  about  the  same 
date  Jerome  and  Kuffinus  make  mention  of 
fiistings  as  a  punishment  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Nepo- 
iian, ;  Ruffin.  De  Verb,  Sen.  29).  Augustine 
speaks  of  offending  monks  (fratres)  being  anathe- 
matised, if  incorrigible  after  reproofs,  and  of 
their  excommunication  by  their  superiors  (prae- 
positi)  of  higher  or  lower  rank,  the  excommuni- 
cation bv  the  bishop  being  the  severest  punish- 
ment or  all  {De  Corrupt,  et  Oral,  ad  ValetU, 
c  15).  A  passage  in  one  of  his  letters  implies 
his  approval  of  flogging  as  a  chastisement  {Ep. 
ad  Maroellin,,  159).  In  the  writings  of  Cassian, 
utny  m  the  5th  century,  monastic  discipline 
becomes  more  closely  defined.  For  slighter 
offences,  such  as  coming  late  to  prayers  or  work, 
making  a  mistake  in  chanting,  breaking  any- 
thing, or  speaking  to  any  other  monk  than  the 


one  who  shares  the  cell,  the  offender  is  to  pros- 
trate himself  in  the  chapel  during  divine  service 
or  to  make  genuflexions  till  allowed  by  the 
abbot  to  cease  (Cassian,  Inst.  iv.  c.  16).  Cassian 
tells  a  story  of  an  Egyptian  monk  doing  public 
penance  for  having  dropped  three  peas,  while 
acting  as  cook  for  the  week  (Inst,  iv.  20).  For 
graver  offences,  as  bad  language  or  greediness, 
the  punishment  is  flogging  or  expubion(/?u(.  iv. 
c.  16).  For  lingering  after  noctums  instead  of 
going  at  once  to  the  cell,  a  monk  is  to  be  ex- 
communicated (ii.  15) ;  no  one  being  allowed  to 
pray  with  him  till  he  has  been  publicly  absolved 
(ii.  16).  Cassian  speaks  of  a  slap  or  buffet, 
^alapa,"  as  a  punishment  among  monks  (Co//, 
xix.  1,  cf.  Greg.  M.  Diaiog.  i.  2,  ii.  4).'  Palladius, 
about  the  same  date,  in  describing  the  monks  of 
Nitria,  relates  that  three  whips  or  scourges 
hung  from  a  pillar  in  a  part  of  the  church 
apparentlv  corresponding  to  a  chapter-house, 
one  for  the  correction  of  robbei*8,  one  for  un- 
ruly guests,  one  for  the  monks  {Hist  Laus.  2). 
He  speaks  also  of  confinement  in  a  cell  {i, 
cc.  32,  33).  About  half  a  century  later  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon  pronounces  anathema  on 
a  monk  returning  to  the  secular  life  {Omc 
Chaiced,,  c.  7).  ^ing,  as  a  rule,  at  that  date 
still  laics,  monks  thus  offending  were  anathema^ 
tised,  not  degraded.  Dorotheas,  an  Archiman- 
drite in  Palestine,  very  early  in  the  7th  century, 
speaks  of  fasting  as  a  punishment  for  monks 
{Dpctrmoj  c.  14,  ap.  Ducean.  Auctuar,  i.  743). 
One  of  the  strongest  instances  of  monastic 
severity  in  the  East  is  in  the  Scala  of  Joannes 
Climacus,  sometimes  called  SchuLasticus,*  of 
Mount  Sinai,  in  the  preceding  century,  who 
speaks  of  offenders  being  dragged  by  a  rope 
through  ashes,  their  hands  bound  behind  their 
backs,  and  flogged  till  those  who  witnessed  the 
punishment  **  howled ;"  afterwards  they  were 
to  lie  prostrate  at  the  church-door  till  absolved 
after  public  confession  {Scala,  c.  4). 

In  the  West,  too,  prior  to  the  Benedictine  rule, 
monastic  discipline  was  very  rigorous.  Each 
monastery  had  its  own  code ;  but,  probably,  in 
Southern  Europe  Cassi.in's  influence  was  felt 
largely.  In  the  BegtUa  Tamatensie,  the  rule  (c. 
550  A.D.)  of  a  monastery  in  south-eastern  France, 
which  Mabillon  identifies  with  that  of  Tarnay, 
near  Vienne  {Annal,,  tom.  i.  App.  ii.  Disquis.  5), 
a  monk  who  jests  is  to  be  chidden  (c  13  ;  cf.  Bas. 
Constit,  Monaat,  c.  13,  on  scurrility).  In  the 
rule  of  Ferreolns,  bishop  of  Uzes,  in  Languedoc, 
about  the  same  date,  a  fast  of  three  days  is 
imposed  for  jesting  during  lections  (c.  24),  and 
thirty  days'  silence  for  railing  (c.  22).  But  the 
Hegtda  (hijuedam  Patrie,  supposed  by  Menard  to 
be  the  rule  of  Columba  (c,  561  A.D.),  is  stricter 
still,  especially  i^inst  the  murmuring  or  re- 
fractory: even  a  thoughtless  word  is  visited 
with  imprisonment  (c.  8).  Columbanus,  of 
Luxeuil  and  Bobbio  (c.  590  A.D.X  trod  in  the 
steps  of  his  ascetic  predecessor.  Six  blows  were 
to  be  the  penalty  for  such  offences  as  speaking 
at  refection,  not  responding  to  the  grace,  not 
being  careful  to  avoid  coughing  in  chanting,  &c. 
For  other  similar  transgressions  the  punishment 
was  the  **  impositio  "  of  Psalms  to  be  learned  by 
heart,  or  the  **  superpositio,"  complete  silence  for 


■  Not  Joannes  ScbolosUcuis  of  the  same  date,  of  Antlocfa 
and  OoDiitanilnople  (Cave,  Hist,  LUt.  s.  v.). 


568 


DISCOFEBAE 


a  time  (Reg,  Columban,  c.  10).  Darker  offences 
were  visited  with  proportionate  severity.  Thus, 
for  a  perjury  the  penalty  was  solitary  confine' 
ment  on  bread  and  water  for  three  years  (Colum- 
ban.  De  Penitent.  Meruw.  c  32 ;  cf.  pass.). 

The  milder  discipline  of  Benedict  gradually 
extended  itself,  in  the  6th  and  7th  centuries, 
from  Italy  even  into  parts  of  Europe  already 
occupied  by  other  rules,  as  was  France  by  that 
of  Columbanus.  He  prescribed  two  reproofs  in 
private,  followed  by  one  in  public,  before  pro- 
ceeding to  severer  remedies.  If  these  were  in- 
effectual,  then  ensued  excommunication,  or  for 
those  too  young  or  otherwise  disqualified  for 
spiritual  censures,  corporal  punishment  (Beg. 
Ben.  c  23).  The  incorrigible  were  to  be  flogged 
and  prayed  for ;  and,  as  a  last  resource,  expelled 
(c  28) :  if  re-admitted,  they  were  to  be  placed 
in  the  lowest  grade  (c.  29) ;  cf.  Greg.  M.  Lib.  x. 
Ind.  iv.  Ep,  39 ;  Lib.  l.  Ind.  ix.  Ep.  19.  A 
breakage  or  waste  was  lightly  regarded,  unless 
unconfessed  (c.  46) ;  and  the  confession  of  secret 
faults  was  to  be  made,  not  in  public,  but  to 
the  dean  [Decanus,  §  v.]  (seniori  suo,  c.  46). 
Only  the  contumacious,  after  four  admonitions, 
were  to  be  subject  to  the  ''disciplina  regularis," 
flogging,  with,  probably,  solitary  confinement  on 
bread  and  water  (cc  3,  65). 

Where  not  adopted  as  a  whole,  the  Benedictine 
rule  was  frequently  incorporated  with  other 
rules.  Thus  the  rule  of  Isidore  of  Seville,  in 
the  first  part  of  the  7th  century,  though  more 
minute  in  its  distinctions,  resembles  the  Bene- 
dictine code  of  punishments  (Isid.  Reg.  c  17  ;  cf. 
Mab.  Ann.  iii.  37,  xii.  42).  Donatus  of  Besan- 
9on,  about  the  middle  of  this  century,  himself 
a  pupil  of  Columbanus,  blended  the  two  rules  in 
one  :  **  disciplina "  with  him  seems  to  mean 
flogging  or  solitary  confinement  .(Doi^  R^»  o<i 
Virg.  c.  2) ;  silence  or  fifty  stripes  is  the  penalty 
for  idle  words  (c  28).  Later  in  the  century, 
Fructuosus  of  Braga  in  Portugal,  founder  of  the 
great  monastery  of  Alcala  (Complutum)  near 
Madrid,  borrowed  largely  from  Benedict  (Fruct. 
Reg.  c.  17 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann.  iii.  37).  The  Council 
at  Vers,  near  Paris,  755  A.D.,  speaks  of  a  prison- 
cell  or  flogging-room  —  "  locns  custodiae "  or 
**  pulsatorium  "  (Cone.  Vei-n.  c.  6).  The  Har- 
mony of  Monastic  Rules,  compiled  in  the  9th 
century  by  the  namesake  of  the  founder  of  the 
Benedictines,  contains  a  gradation  of  punish- 
ments, which  is  on  the  whole  equitable,  but  too 
minute  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Regui.)  In  the 
12th  century  the  influence  of  Petrus  Damiani 
introduced  a  rigour  hitherto  unknown  within 
the  walls  of  Monte  Casino :  each  monk,  after  his 
confession  every  Friday,  was  to  be  whipped,  by 
himself  or  by  others,  in  cell,  chapter,  or  oratory 
(Altes.  Ascet.  vi.  4).  In  the  famous  monastery 
of  St.  Gall,  in  Switzerland,  the  whip  for  simiUr 
purposes  was  suspended  from  a  pillar  in  the 
chapter-house  (•&.). 

Voluntary  flagellations,  or  self-scourgings,  as 
a  recognised  part  of  monastic  discipline,  began 
about  the  middle  of  the  1 1th  century,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Petrus  Damiani  (Richard  et  Giraud, 
BMioth.  Sacr.  s.  v.),  or  according  to  Mabiilon 
(Acta  SS.  Ben.  Proef.,  Saec.  vi.,  i.  s.  6),  rather 
earlier  (cf.  Boileau,  I'abb^  Hist.  Fktgell.,  1700 
A.D.).  [I.  G.  S.] 

(3.)  Canomcal  Discipline. — Though  the  rule  of 
the  Canonici  was  easier  than  that  of  the  Monachi, 


DISC0MMUNICANTE8 

their  code  of  punishments  was  severe.  By 
Chrodegang's  rule,  any  canon  fiiiling  to  make 
a  full  confession  at  stated  times  twice  a  year, 
was  to  be  flogged  or  incarcerated  (Chron.  Reg. 
c  14).  Any  canon  guilty  of  theft,  murder,  or 
any  grave  offence  was  liable  to  both  these  penal- 
ties ;  he  was,  besides,  to  do  public  penanee  by 
standing  outside  the  chapel  during  the  **  faoiiTSy*' 
and  by  lying  prostrate  at  the  door  as  the  others 
were  going  in  and  out,  and  to  practise  extza- 
ordinary  abstinence,  until  absolved  by  the 
bishop  (c.  15).  Any  canon  speaking  to  o&e  ex* 
communicated  incurred  excommunication  him- 
self (c  16).  The  refractory  or  contumacious 
were,  after  two  reproofs,  to  do  open  penance  by 
standing  beside  the  cross ;  they  were  to  be  puh- 
licly  excommunicated,  or,  if  insensible  to  such  a 
punishment,  flogged  (c.  17).  Lesser  offences,  if 
confessed,  were  to  be  treated  lightly ;  if  de- 
tected, severely  (c.  18).  The  measurement  and 
apportionment  of  penalties  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  bishop  (c.  19).  But  certain  rules  to  guide 
the  bishop's  subordinates,  "•  praelati  inferiores  ** 
(perhaps = deans),  in  the  exercise  of  this  dis- 
cretionary power  were  laid  down  by  the  Cotukdl 
at  Aachen,  816  A.D.  Boys  were  to  be  beaten. 
Older  members  of  the  community  were,  for  more 
venial  faults,  as  neglecting  the  *'  hours,"  being 
careless  at  work  or  in  chapel,  late  at  meals,  oat 
without  leave  or  beyond  the  proper  time,  after 
three  private  admonitions,  to  be  admonished 
publicly,  to  stand  apart  in  the  choir,  and  to  bt 
kept  on  bread  and  water.  For  a  graver  fault, 
<*  culpa  criminalis,"  unless  atoned  for  by  spon- 
taneous penance,  they  were  to  be  publicly  ex- 
communicated, "  damnentur,**  by  the  bishop, 
and  to  be  imprisoned,  lest  they  should  "  taint 
the  rest  of  the  flock  "  (Cone.  Aquiagr.  c  134)^ 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  it  seems  customary  then 
to  have  a  prison  within  the  precincts  of  the 
monastery  or  canonry  ("  ut  fit  multis  in  monas- 
teriis"),  and  that  disobedience,  rudeness,  or 
quarrelling  ai*e  not,  as  with  monks,  classed 
among  things  oi  a  darker  die  (i&.)  The  same 
council,  in  a  subsequent  session,  enacted  a  similar 
scale  of  punishment  for  nuns,  *' sanctimoniales," 
with  the  same  climax  of  solitary  confinement 
for  the  incorrigible  (Cone.  Aquiagr.  lib.  ii.  c  8). 
The  rule  was  to  be  recited  in  chapter  very  fre- 
quently (cc  69,  70). 

For  monastic  and  canonical  discipline  gener- 
ally,  see  Benediciine  Rule,  Canonici,  Mox- 
ACHISM.  [L  G.  S.] 

(4).  From  the  constant  use  of  the  rod  or 
scourge  in  monastic  discipline  (see  above,  §  2) 
the  word  disciplina  came  itself  to  mean  flogging. 
In  the  Liber  Ordinis  8.  Victoria  Paria.j  c.  33 
(quoted  by  Ducange)  is  a  full  description  of  the 
manner  in  which  a  monk  ought  to  take  punish- 
ment (disciplinam  accipere).  Sometimes  ditfci- 
plina  is  used  with  a  qualifying  word,  as  **  discip. 
flagelli "  (Reg.  S.  Aurel.  c  41 ) ;  "  discip.  corpo- 
ralis"  (Reg.  Chrodegang.  cc.  3,  4,  14;  CapdvL 

A.D.  803,  V.  1).  [CORFOBAL  PlTNISHMENT.]   [C] 

DISCOFERAR  In  convents  of  nuns  the 
sisters  who  bring  the  dishes  to  table  are  some- 
times called  discoferae.  Caesarius  of  Aries  (Ad 
Oratoriam  Ahbatisaam)  gives  the  direction,  **  ae- 
qualia  cibaria  potionesque  communes  exhibeaat 
discoferae  vel  pincernae  "  (Ducange,  t.  v.).  [CL] 

DISCOMMUNICANTES.    Thesecond 


DISCV8 

council  .f  Aries  (r.  10^  referring  to  the  eleventh 
canon  of  the  fint  oouncil  of  Micaea,  condemns 
those  who  hare  fallen  away  under  persecution  to 
6ve  rears  among  the  catechumens,  and  two  "  in- 
ter disccmmuni&mtes,  ita  ut  commnnionem  inter 
poenitentes  non  praesumant."  The  canon  of 
Nicaea  referred  to  has   **  8^  *ti|  X"P^»  ^^', 

When  all  who  offered  communicated,  this  was 
equivalent  to  a  sentence  of  exclusion  for  two  jears 
from  the  mysteries,  though  not  from  the  prelimi- 
nary prayers.    [See  CtoMMUNiON,  p.  415.]     [C] 

DISCUS.    [Patkn.] 

DISPENSATION.    [Indulgence.] 

DISPUTATIO.  In  some  monastic  Rules  a 
discussion  on  Scripture,  called  IHsputaiio,  is  one 
of  the  exercises  prescribed  to  the  monks.  For 
instance  the  Bute  of  Pachomius  (c  21)  directs: 
**  Disputatio  autem  Praepositis  domorum  tertio 
fiet."    [Compare  Collation.]  [C] 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  ELEMENTS. 

[Communion,  Holy.] 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  CHURCH  PRO- 
PERTY. [Alms;  Churches,  Maintenance 
op  ;  Corn,  Allowance  op  ;  Divisio  Mensurna; 
Property  op  tub  Church.] 

DIUS.  (1)  Saint,  in  Caesarea;  commemo- 
rated July  12  (Mori.  ffieron,j  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  with  Peter,  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  Faustus  the  presbyter,  and  Am- 
monius,  under  Maximinus ;  commemorated  Not. 
26  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DIVINATION.  It  was  all  but  inevitable 
in  the  nature  of  things  that  the  ineradicable 
desire  to  penetrate  the  secrets  of  the  ftiture 
should  show  itself  sooner  or  later  in  some  form 
of  superstition  withitk  the  Christian  Church. 
Jews  and  heathens  had  alike  been  accustomed 
to  practices  of  which  that  desire  had  been  the 
origiu.  The  decay  and  disrepute  of  tho  older 
oracles,  of  which  the  legend  that  they  ceased  at 
the  time  of  the  Nativity  of  Christ  was  the  re- 
presentation, forced  men  back  upon  the  more 
mysterious  and  recondite  arts  by  which  the 
secrets  of  the  future  were  to  be  unveiled.  The 
mind  of  the  Church  was,  of  course,  from  the 
first  opposed  to  such  attempts,  and  taught  men 
to  leave  the  future  in  the  hands  of  Cod.  But  the 
laws  and  canons  which  meet  us  alike  in  £ast  and 
West  testify  to  the  strength  of  the  superstition 
against  which  the  warfiire  was  thus  waged.  It 
can  hardly  be  said,  looking  at  Christendom  as  a 
whole,  to  have  succeeded  in  repressing  it. 

The  revival  within  the  Church  of  the  arts  of 
the  old  Chaldaean  soothsayers  has  been  noticed 
under  Astrologers  and  Calculatores.  But 
the  elaborate  system  of  divination  which  was 
officially  recognised  in  the  auguries  of  the  Roman 
republic  and  empire,  and  which  had  a  thousand 
ramifications  in  private  and  local  superstitions, 
was  even  more  difficult  to  cope  with.  As  early 
as  the  Council  of  Elvira  (c.  62)  we  find  the  augur 
named  among  those  who  were  not  to  be  admitted 
to  Christian  commuuion  unless  they  renounced 
their  calling.*  The  Fourth  Council  of  Carthage 
(c  59)  excommunicated  any  who  addicted  them- 
•elvea   to   practices    that   were   so   essentially 


DIVINATION 


569 


Tbcra  i%  however,  the  various  reading  of  "  auriga." 


heathen.     That  of  Ancyra  (c.  24)  condemned 
the   KaTUfiam€v6fuwoi  to  five   years'  penance. 
See  also  the  *  Penitential '  printed  in  M^ard's 
Sacram,  Oreg,  p.  467.     The  legislation  of  the 
emperors  was  even  more  stern  in  its  severity ; 
but  the  sharpness  of  the  law  was  in  this  case 
due,  like  the  old  edicts  of  banishment  against 
the  Chaldaei  under  Tiberius,  to  the  inliuence  of 
suspicious  fear.     Diviners,  who  were  consulted  as 
to  the  length  of  the  emperor's  life  might  help 
to  work  out  the  fulfilment  of  their  own  predic- 
tions.     So  we   find   Constantius  inflicting   the 
penalty  of  death  on  all  who  were  known  to  con- 
sult soothsayers  or  observe  omens.     Even  the 
credulous  peasants,  to  whom  the  cry  of  a  weasel 
or  a  rat  was  a  presage  of  evil,  were  hunted  down 
and  condemned  (^C<xl.  Theod,  ix.  tit.  16,  leg.  4 ; 
Ammian.  Marcell.  zvi.  p.  72).     Valens,  in  like 
manner,  half  believing  in  what  h^  sought  to  re- 
press, having  heard  that  it  had  been  declared  as 
the  result  of  such  divining  arts  (in  this  case 
ydcvoftoyrc/a  is  named),  that  the  name  of  his 
successor  should  begin  with  6  E  O  ^,  not  only 
enforced  the  law  in  its  fullest  severity  against 
the  diviner,  but  sought  out  and  put  to  death  all 
whom  he  could  find  whose  names  brought  them 
within  the  range  of  his  suspicion  (Socrates,  //.  E. 
iv.  19).     It  is  probable  enough  that  the  wide- 
spread belief  thus  engendered  really  helped  to 
prepare  the  way  for  Theodoeius. 

It  was  comparatively  easy  to  condemn  arts 
that  were  manifestly  heathen  in  their  nature. 
It  was  more  difficult  when  the  practice  came 
with  (Christian  associations  and  appealed  to  men's 
reverence  for  the  Sacred  Books.    The  principle 
of  casting  lots  was  recognised  in  Scripture  as  au 
appeal  from  the  ignorance  of  man  to  the  Provi- 
dence of  God  (Acts  i.  26 ;  Prov.  xvi.  33  ;  xviii. 
18  et  a/.).     What  form  of  bortes  could  be  more 
certain  to  direct  men  in  the  right  path  than  an 
appeal  to  the  Written  Word  ?     Here,  too,  both 
Jewish  and  heathen  influences  may  have  helped 
to  foster  the  new  form  of  superstition.    The  Jew 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  so  dealing  with  tho  Law, 
opening  it  at  random,  taking  the  verse  on  which 
he  lighted  as  an  oracle  from  God.     It  was  his 
substitute  for  the   Urim  and  Thummim,  and 
the    utterance    of  a    prophet's  voice  (Uemar, 
Hieros,  Schabb,  f.  8).     The  Roman,  anticipating 
the  mediaeval  belief  as  to  the  poet's  character, 
had  looked  to  the  Aeneid  of  Virgil  as  filling  up 
the  gap  left  by  the  dumbness  of  the  oracles.  The 
sortea  Virgilianae  were  in  repute  as  having  pre- 
dicted the  power  and  character  of  Hadrian  (Spar- 
tian.   Vii.  HadL  p.  5),  and  Alexander  Severus 
(Lamprid.  Vit,  Alex.  p.  341).     So  in  like  man- 
ner the  Bible,  as  a  whole,  or  certain  portions 
of  it,  came  to  be  treated  in  the  4th  century, 
if  not  earlier.     It  appears  to  have  prevailed 
in  the  West  rather  than   the   East,   but  was 
never  during  the  period  with  which  we  are  con- 
cerned in  any  degree  sanctioned  by  the  Church 
or  its  leaders.     Augustine,  who  had  been  con- 
sulted by  Januarius  as  to  its  legitimacy,  thought 
it  a  less  evil  than  seeking  knowledge  from  de- 
mons, but  condemned  it,  as  bringing  down  the 
Divine  Word  to  base  and  trivial  uses  (^Epist.  ad 
Januarium,  cxix.  (aliter  lv.)c.  37).     The   pro- 
vincial Councils  of  Gaul  in  the  5th  century  con- 
demned the  **  sortes  divinationis,"  **  sortes  sanc- 
torum," and  threatened  clergy  or  monks  whd 
practised  them  with  severe  penalties  (C.  Venctic 


670  DITIKE  SERTICE 

e.   IS;   Ag<ithmi.    42;   Aurtl.  I.  c.  30>    Th« 

E-a^ticc  grew,  howcTcr,  id  ipit*  of  th«  prohi- 
tioD,  with  the  increuing  power  of  the  Franki, 
sod  Gregorj  of  Toura  {Iliit.  It.  16)  deicnbu  ■ 
•e<De  in  which,  with  great  »1emaity«  ja  the 
presenee  of  hishopi  and  prieiti  in  the  celebration 
M'  Man  at  Dijon,  Ibe  Tolame*  of  the  Epiitlei  and 
Ooipeli  were  thai  opened  in  order  to  ueertain 
the  fortunes  of  the  M>D  of  Clothaire.  [£.  H.  P.] 
DIVINE  8EEVICR  [Commdmion,  Holt  : 
Uusj  UocBS  OF  Pbavis:  Opfick,  Tllli   Di- 

Y.NE.] 

DIVISIO   APOSTOLOBUM.      [Apostlea' 
FESiivau,  p.  87.] 

DIVISIO  MEN8UENA.  The  dirinoo  of 
the  revenues  of  a  chuith  among  the  ciergy  neeras 
commonly  to  hare  heea  monthly  ;  thla  monthly 
pajment  is  culled  by  Cyprian '■dlviBlomeniDraa, 
and  a  nuipenilon  fivm  this  was  equivalent  to 
what  Id  later  time*  waa  called  eDipention  "a 
beneGcio,"  which  did  not  Decesaarily  imply  > 
peuaion  from  miDiiteriat  fonctloni  (Cypr.  . 


34). 


[C] 


DIVOBCE.    [MiBBJiaK.] 

DOCTOB.  Betides  the  general  senHi  of 
"taacher,"  thii  word  early  acquired  certain 
apedal  lignificationa : — 

1.  Doctor  AwHenUam,  the  otficer  of  the  church 
to  whom  waa  committed  the  instruction  of  C*te- 
CHUKENS  (p.  319).  When  we  read  in  the  Paaiio 
3S.Firpttuat  it  Ftlic.  (c.  13;  Rninart,  p.  99) 
that  Aipaailu,  "  presbyter  doctor,"  stood  before 
the  door,  we  ought  probably  to  nnderstand  that 
he  waa  a  presbyter  who  bore  the  office  of  J?octor 
audientium.  Cyprian,  too,  speaks  ^Jipitt.  29)  of 
"preshyteri  doctopea,"  as  well  as  of  s  reader 
who   held  the  office  of  teacher  of  the  catecha- 

2.  Persons  whose  teaching  was  of  special 
weight  m  the  church  were  called  Doctom.  The 
Dacreta  (c  1)  of  Celestinns  (i.D.  43S-i32)  con- 
demn those  who  set  themselTes  up  against  the 
Doctors,  meaning  apparently  in  this  case  more 
particularly  St.  Augusline  (c.  2}  and  the  bishops 
of  Rome  (c.  3).  The  same  prohibition  it  repeated 
in  the  Capitutarium  Car.  M.  yii.  c  44. 

3.  The  term  J9^  ifKrtorseemstohaTeacqnired 
a  technical  force  at  a  comparatively  early  date. 
Adraraldus  (Jfe  Move.  8.  Bmtd.  L  25)  spe.iks 
of  a  certain  "  legia  doctor  "—clearly  a  judge— 
who  deferred  judgment  in  consequence  of  having 
received  a  bribe ;  and  a  charter  of  Pipin,  mi^or  of 
the  palace  (quoted  by  Dncange,  s.  T.  DaM>r  Legitf, 
speaka  of  things  decided  by  "  proceres  noatrl,  sen 
Comites  palatii  noetii  vel  reliqni  legis  doctores," 
where  the  doctors  an  clearly  persons  who  hava 
u  official  right  to  eipound  the  law.  [C] 

DOCTORS,  CHBKT  IN  CONFEBKNGB 
WITH.  This  subject  it  represented  in  a  fresco 
of  the  first  cnhiculum  of  the  Calliitine  Cata- 
comb. See  in  Bottari,  Uvr.  it.  and  liv.,  also  tav. 
IxxiT.  Both  are  conventionall  j  airanged.our  Lord 
being  on  a  lofty  seat  in  the  midst,  with  hand 
upraised  in  the  act  of  speaking ;  the  doctors  on 
Ills  right  and  left,  .rith  some  eiprestion  of 
wouder  on  their  countenances.  The  only  bafco- 
phagoa  besides  that  of  Junius  Bassui  (Bottori, 
XT.),  which  imdufiiitably  contains  this  subject, 
k  sUUd  by  Hartigny  to  be  that  in  S.  Ambrogto 


DOLIUII 

at  Milan.  (AUegTania,  Sacra  Monhii.  Aid.  it 
itilauo.  Uv.  ir.)  See,  however,  Bottari,  voL  L 
tav.  33.  All  the  suTTonnding  iigum  are  s«tH 
I  einmple,  but  our  Lord  is  placed  above 
in  a  kind  of  stall  or  ^icvle.  with  two 
palm-treei  at  its  aides.  He  holds  a  book  or  roll 
'  1  His  hand,  which  is  partly  unrolled,  while 
ie  doctors  have  closed  theirs.  SoalsoinAlle- 
renu,  Uv.  i.,  a  mosaic  from  St.  Aqnilinns  of 
lilsn.  The  Lord's  elevated  seat  is  placed  on  a 
>ck,  vrith  the  Divine  Lamb  below,  probably  in 
iference  to  Rev.  v.  as  "  able  to  open  the  Book.~ 
On  the  right  and  left,  at  His  feet,  are  Joeepli 
and  Hary  in  tbe  attitude  of  adoration. 

Ferret  (i.  pt.  I.)  gives  a  copy  of  ■  very  akillsl 
painting  from  the  catacombs,  which  pUcea  tw* 
doctor*  on  the  Lord's  right  baud,  who  are  ei- 
presaing  attention  and  wonder,  and  Joseph  and 

on  Him.  The  figure  on  the  left  is  ao  evidently 
feminine,  as  to  repel  the  idea  that  the  fonr 
STangelists  ai     ' 


with  the  doctors  standing  before  Him.  These  re- 
present Him  of  more  mature  appearance  axl 
stature  than  the  account  in  the  Gospels  qnil* 
warrants.  Tbe  figure  below  our  Lord's  IM  is 
supposed  to  reproent  Uranos  or  the  FirmamcBt 
of  Hearan  (Ps.  ivin.  9).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DOLIUM.     This  seems  to  be  the  moet  ce«- 

veulent  generic  term  for  the  vnrions  representa- 
tions of  casks  and  large  vessels  which  occur  bt- 
qnently  in  early  Christian  art,  and  have  svm- 
bolic  meaning  very  eenerally  attributed  to  tlien. 
(Boldetti.  pp.  164-^68;  Perrel,  iii.  3  ;  BotUri, 
tav.  155.)  As  Ihey  trt  generally  found  on  tombs 
they  are  taken  as  empty,  representing  the  1 


If  the  ] 


rri^ 


s  s.  T.  CaHA]  can  be  supposed  to  be  so 
used  on  aarcophagi  as  a  symbol  of  the 
n,  the  cask  may  be  supposed  to  repn- 
T-Tessel,  and  be  a  short-band  simbot 
Lcle.     This  seems  altogether  unlikely, 

ire  strictly  **  wnterpots  of  stone  "at 
hydriae.     The  close  juncture  of  the  staves  of  a 
ik  has  been  taken  to  indicate  Christian  wuty 


DOLPHIN 

Martigny  conjectures  (quoting  St.  Cyprian,  Ep, 
Tw'u  Ad  Confess,  Bom,  **yini  vice  sanguinem 
funditifi ")  that  the  form  of  a  cask  has  been  given 
to  certain  small  vessels  for  preserving  the  blood 
of  martyrs  (e,g,  Boldetti,  pp.  16S-4),  with  allu- 
sion to  tne  power  of  their  self-sacrifice  in  hold- 
ing the  Church  together.  He  concludes,  how- 
ever, on  the  whole,  that  the  picture  of  the 
Dolium  was  verj  possibly  only  a  play  on  words, 
firom  its  resemblance  in  sound  to  doleo,  and  its 
inflections.  This  seems  to  be  proved  by  his  ex- 
ample from  Mamachi  (see  woodcut)— two  dolia, 
with  the  inscription  IVLIO  FILIO  PATER 
DOLIENS.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 


DOaiESTIOUS 


671 


IV  HO  FIU0PAT€B.l>O*-i^'^'f 


DOLPHIN  [see  s.  v.  FishI    As  m  tne  case 
of  other  Christian  symbols,  the  dolpnm  is  used 


from  a  very  early  date  in  two  or  more  senses, 
representing  either  the  Lord  Himself,  the  indi- 
vidual Christian,  or  abstract  qualities  such  as 
those  of  swiftness,  brilliancy,"  conjugal  afiection, 
&c.  In  a  painting  given  by  De  Rossi  (vol.  i.  tav. 
viii.),  two  dolphins  bear  (apparently)  vessels  with 
the  Sacramental  loaves.  It  has  been  suggested, 
and  is  not  improbable,  that  the  Dolphin  embra 
cing  the  Anchor,  so  often  found  on  gems,  rings,  &c 
(Mamachi,  Antiq,  Christ,  iii.  23  ;  Lupi,  Epitaph. 
Sever,  M,  64,  note  1),  is  an  emblem  of  the  Cruci- 
fied Saviour,  or,  indeed,  of  the  faithful  follower. 
For  its  use  as  an  emblem  of  swiftness,  see  Bol- 
detti, p.  332,  where  is  figured  the  handle  of  a  pen 
found  in  a  Christian  sepulchre,  £ftshioned  into  the 
dolphin-shape,  which  may  indicate,  as  Martigny 
supposes,  that  the  occupant  was  in  life  a  scribe 
or  short-hand  writer. — Ps.  xlv.  2.  The  fish  with 
extended  fins,  or  back  bent,  as  if  in  the  act  of 
plunging  forward,  seems  to  be  used  to  express 
speed  in  pressing  forward  for  the  prize  of  the 
Christian  race.  See  Lupi,  Epitaph,  Sev,  pp.  53 
and  185.  In  the  latter  he  is  accompanied  by  a 
dove,  and  both  are  approaching  a  vase,  which  may 
signify  the  Living  Waters  of  Baptism  or  of  Truth. 
See  Martigny,  s.  v.  Dauphin,  The  dolphins  (see 
woodcut),  placed  two  close  together  on  each  side 
of  the  inscription  over  Baleria  or  Valeria  La- 
tobia,  are  thought  to  symbolize  conjugal  affec- 
I  tion.  .  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 


DOLUS  MALUS.    [Foboeby.] 

DOME.  (Commonly  derived  from  Domub 
Dei,  domes  being  at  one  time  so  invariable  a 
part  of  churches  as  to  usurp  their  name.  Per- 
naps  from  9»fui,)  A  concave  ceiling  or  cupola, 
either  hemispherical  or  of  any  other  curve, 
covering  a  circular  or  polygonal  area;  also  a 
roof  the  exterior  of  which  is  of  either  of  these 
forms  (Parker's  Gloss,  s.  v.  Cupola). 

The  dome  is  not  usual  in  churches  of  the 
basilica  type,  though  it  is  sometimes  found ;  in 
the  church  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  (for 
instance),  we  find  a  dome  covering  one  of  the 
chapels  (the  south-eastern)  by  which  the  apse  is 
enclosed.    [Chubch,  p.  370.] 

In  sepulchral  or  memorial  churches,  usually 
eircnlar,  sometimes  polygonal  in  form,  the  dome, 
aa  might  be  expected,  is  of  frequent  occurrence. 
The  church  of  Sta.  Costanza  is  of  this  class,  and 
there  we  find  the  dome  supported  on  an  interior 
peristyle.  [CuuRCH,  p.  371.]  The  **Dome  of 
the  Rock  "  at  Jerusalem,  classed  by  some  autho- 
rities among  memorial  churches,  has  a  dome  sup- 
ported by  four  great  piers.  Other  examples  may 
be  found  in  the  church  of  St.  George  in  Thes- 
salonica,  5th  cent.,  and  the  cathedral  at  Boerah 
in  the  Hauran,  of  the  date  a.d.  512.  [Church, 
p.  372.] 

The  sepulchral  chapel  built  by  the  empress 
Galla  Placidia  at  Ravenna  has  a  tower  enclosing 
a  small  dome.  [Church,  p.  372.]  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  domes  in  the  world  is  that  of 
St.  Sophia,  both  from  its  size  and  from  the  pecu- 
liar manner  in  which  it  is  supported,  not  by 
piers  or  arches  on  every  side  but  upon  two  semi- 
Jomes,  east  and  west,  by  which  means  a  vast  unen- 


cumbered space — 200  ft.  by  100  fl. — is  obtained. 
[Church,  p.  373.]  After  the  time  of  Justinian 
churches  in  the  £ast  were  almost  exclusively 
built  after  some  modification  of  the  plan  of  St. 
Sophia,  in  which  the  dome  forms  so  important 
a  featura.  The  germ  of  the  nearly  square  ground- 
plan,  with  a  dome  covering  the  centre,  is  perhaps 
to  be  found  in  domed  oratories  or  Kalybes  of 
Syria.  See  woodcut,  p.  347. 

In  the  church  of  St.  Vitalis  at  Ravenna,  built 
between  A.D.  526  and  547,  there  is  a  sort  of 
clerestory,  20  ft.  high,  below  the  dome.  And 
after  the  death  of  Justinian  we  find  this  con- 
struction, in  which  the  dome  itself  is  placed  on 
a  drum  pierced  with  windows,  frequent  in  the 
empire.  The  church  of  St.  Clement,  for  in- 
stance, at  Ancyra,  belonging  probably  to  the 
latter  part  of  the  6th  and  beginning  of  the  7th 
century,  had  such  a  dome  placed  on  a  low  di-um. 
The  church  of  St.  Irene,  at  Constantinople  (earlier 
part  of  the  8th  century),  has  the  dome  on  a  drum 
of  great  height ;  and  a  similar  dome  is  found  in 
the  church  of  St.  Nicholas  of  Myra,  which  is 
perhaps  of  more  modem  date.  [Church,  p.  378.] 
The  Duomo  Vecchio  at  Florence,  by  some  assigned 
to  the  7th  century,  by  others  to  a.d.  774,  is 
covered  by  a  dome  65  ft.  in  internal  diameter. 
[Church,  p.  380.]  [C] 

DOMESTICUS,  ''belonging  to  the  house  or 
household,"  has  several  ecclesiastical  senses : — 

1 .  Domestici  are  all  who  belong  to  the  **  house- 
hold of  faith  ; "  *'  omnibus  congruus  honor  exhi- 
beatur,  maxime  tamen  domesticis  fidei "  (RegvUa 
St,  Bened.  c.  53). 

2.  In  the  East,  the  principal  dignitary  in  a 
church  choir  after  the  Protopsaltes.    There  wtis 


572 


DOMINIGA 


DOMIO 


one  on  each  side  ot  the  choir,  to  lead  the  singen  in 
antiphonal  chanting  (Codinoa,  De  0^,  c  vi.  §  8 ; 
Goar'a  Euchohg.  pp.  272,  278 ;  Dncange,  a.  t.). 

3.  Ihmestictu  Ostiorunif  6  AofUfrriKos  r£v 
Bvpww,  the  chief  door-keeper  at  Constantinople 
(Codinus,  J>e  Off,  c  i.  §  43).  [C] 

DOMINICA.    [Lord's  Day.] 

DOMINICA,  Sartofi'^Tiip,  oonunemorated  Jan. 
8  {Cal,  Byzant,).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOMINE  LABIA.  [Deus  in  adjutorium.] 

DOMINICALIS  or  -LE.  A  fair  linen  cloth 
used  by  females  at  the  time  of  the  reception  of 
the  Eucharist.  So  far  all  anthorities  are  agreed, 
but  it  is  a  controverted  point  whether  it  was  a 
white  veil  worn  over  the  head,  or  a  napkin  in 
which  females  received  the  Eucharist,  which 
they  were  forbidden  to  touch  with  the  naked 
hand.    [Communion,  Holy,  p.  416.] 

The  latter  view  is  that  which  has  the  greatest 
currency,  and  can  reckon  among  its  supporters 
such  weighty  liturgical  authorities  as  Cardinal 
Bona  (i?tfr.  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  17);  Habert  {Archie' 
raty  part.  x.  obs.  viii.) ;  Mabillon  (de  Liturg.  Oali. 
lib.  i.  c.  V.  r.  zxv.) ;  Macer  (Hien^x,,  sub  voc); 
Voss.  (Thes,  Iheol.  de  Si/nthol,  Coen,  Dom,\  and 
others.  It  is  chiefly  based  on  two  canons  of 
the  Council  of  Auxerre,  a.d.  578,  one  (can.  36) 
forbidding  women  to  receive  the  Eucharist 
with  the  bare  hand ;  the  other  (can.  42)  enact- 
ing that  every  woman  when  she  communicates 
should  have  her  dominicalis  or  else  postpone 
her  communion.  These  two  canons  are  inter- 
preted to  refer  to  the  same  subject,  and  the 
dominicalis  has  been  thus  -identified  with  the 
fair  linen  cloth  with  which  the  hand  wu  to  be 
covered  at  the  time  of  communion.  This  custom 
is  expressly  mentioned  in  a  sermon  printed 
among  Augustine's,  but  erroneously  ascribed  to 
him,  in  which  we  read,  "  omnes  quaudo  com- 
municare  desiderant  lavent  manus,  et  omnes 
mulieres  nitida  exhibeant  linteamenta  ut  Corpus 
Christi  acCipiant."  It  will  be  observed  that 
nowhere  is  this  napkin  expressly  called  dominictde. 

The  other  view — that  the  dominicale  was  a 
head-covering,  a  veil(cf.  1  Cor.  xi.  13)  is  strongly 
supported  by  Ducange  (sub  voce) ;  Labb^  (ad  CoH' 
cU.  Autissiad.) 'j  and  Baluzius  (Not.  in  Qratian. 
cans,  xxxiii.  quaest.  iii.  c.  19X  And  is  accepted  by 
our  own  Bingham  (bk.  xv.  ch.  v.  §  7).  The  pas- 
sage from  an  ancient  MS.  Penitential  given  by 
Ducange,  forbidding  a  woman  to  communicate 
if  she  has  not  her  '*  dominicale "  en  her  head, 
**  si  mulier  communicans  dominicale  suum  super 
caput  suum  non  habuerit,  &c.,"  is  express  for 
this  view  if  it  be  correctly  quoted.  The  canons 
cited  by  Baluzius  (apud  Bingham,  /.  r.)  from  the 
Council  of  M&con,  "  in  which  the  domimoaie  is 
expressly  styled  the  veil  which  the  women  wore 
upon  their  heads  at  the  communion,'*  do  not 
appear  in  the  acts  of  either  the  first  or  second 
Council  of  that  name.  This,  however  appears 
the  more  probable  view.  [E.  V.] 

DOMINICUM.  1.  One  of  the  names  of  a 
Church  (q.  v.),  Greek  KvptaK6v, 

2.  Equivalent  to  Kvpi€uchy  Sciirroi^.  Cyprian, 
JSpi^,  63 ;  "  Numquid  ergo  Dominician  post 
coenam  celebrare  debemus?"  And  the  martyrs 
in  Africa,  somewhat  later,  were  accused  of  cele- 
brating "  collectam  et  Dominicum,"  the  oi-dinary 


aaaenjbly  and  the  Lord's  Supper  (Acta  ProeemM, 
Satu^minif  etc.,  c  5 ;  compare  cc  7  and  8).    [C] 

DOMINUS  or  DOMNU&  1.  Equivalent  to 
<<  Saint "  as  a  tiUc;  as  *«  Dominns  Joannes  **  for 
St.  John,  in  Cyprian's  Life  of  Caesarius  of  Aries. 
Sometimes  in  the  form  Ihnmus ;  St.  Martin,  for 
instance,  is  called  **I>omnus  Martinua"  in  the 

?refiice  and  in  can.  13  of  the  first  council  oi 
ours.  St.  Peter  is  called  "Domnua  Petros 
Apostolus"  (Cone.  Turon.  If.  c.  23);  St,  Paul, 
**  Domnus  Paulus  Apostolus  "  (Gregory  of  Tour^ 
Hist.  Fratic.  ix.  41).  The  Mar  of  the  Chaldaean 
Christians  (as  in  "  Mar  Markoa ")  is  equivalent 
to  Dominue. 

2.  Bishops  are  called  Domini,  without  any 
further  designation  of  their  episcopal  dignity. 
For  instance,  a  bishop  is  described  by  Gregory 
the  Great  (Ejyist.  iv.  27)  as  ^  Dominus  Uizenatis 
ecclesiae."  Dominus  in  this  usage  also  is  fre- 
quently shortened  into  Domwis,  as,  for  instance, 
bv  Gregory  of  Tours  and  Gregory  the  Grent 
(bucange,  s.  v.).  [CJ 

3.  Domnus  was  at  first  a  title  of  the  abbat 
(JReg.  Benedict.  63),  afterwards  of  his  sub-officiala, 
and,  in  the  middle  ages,  of  monks  generally  (Mar- 
tene  ad  loc.  citat}.  The  word  was  applied  to  saints 
(Sulpic.  Sever.,  Epp,  2,  3 ;  Mabill.  Ann.  O.  S.  B. 
xviii.  9),  to  bishops  (Cone  AureL  iii.  Subscr.)^ 
and  to  the  pope  (Ducange,  Qlosaar.  Lat,  %,  r.). 
Hence  the  titles,  "Dan,"  "Don,"  "Donna,"  &e. 
in  the  Romance,  and,  in  modem  French,  "  Dotn," 
for  monks  (Ducange,  Gloss.  Lat.  u.  s.  Aiard.  Gaa. 
Praef.  Cassiani  0pp.). 

"  Domna  "  was  used  similarly  of  nans. 

[I.  G.  S.] 

DOMINUS  V0BI8CUM.    1.  The  versicU 

Dominus  Vobiscum^  with  the  response,  ei  cum 
si>iritu  tuOy  is  found  in  the  Gregorian  Sacra" 
mentart/  immediately  before  the  Surswn  Corda, 
which  introduces  the  Canon. 

In  the  third  of  the  ancient  canons  read  and 
approved  at  the  First  Council  of  Braga,  a.d.  563, 
(Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  35),  it  is  provided  that 
bishops  and  priests  should  not  greet  the  people 
in  different  ways,  but  that  both  should  use  the 
form  Dominus  sit  vobiscum  (Ruth  ii.  4),  and 
the  people  respond  Et  cum  spirilu  tuo,  the  form 
handed  down  from  the  very  Apostles,  and  re- 
tained by  the  whole  Eastern  Church.  The  latter 
assertion  does  not  appear  to  be  founded  on  £ict, 
for  the  Eastern  Church  has  constantly  used  the 
form  ^  Peace  be  with  you  all."  [Pax  Vobis- 
cum.] The  distinction  which  the  canon  notes 
and  forbids  between  the  priest's  salutation  and 
the  bishop's,  was  probably  that  the  former  used 
the  form  Dom  nis  vob'scum^  the  latter*  as  re- 
presenting more  completely  the  Lord  Himself^ 
the  form  Par  vobiscum.  But  see  Krawr,  De 
LiturgiiSy  p.  399  f. 

2.  At  Prime,  in  the  Daily  Office,  Dominiu 
vobiscum^  with  the  usual  response,  is  said  before 
the  Collect. 

3.  When  the  Breviarium  ffipponense  (can.  t. 
cU.  6)  orders  "  ut  lectores  populum  non  salntent," 
the  meaning  probably  is,  that  they  were  wA 
permitted  to  use  the  form  commonly  appro- 
priated to  the  higher  orders,  whether  Dominut 
or  Pax  vobiscum,  fC] 

DOMIO,  bishop  of  Salona  in  Dalmatia,  mar- 
tyr, with  eight  soldiers;  commemorated  April 
11  (Mart.  Usuardi>  [W.  F.  «i.l 


DOMITIANUS 

DOMITIANXJS.  (1)  Abbot  of  Lyons;  de- 
position July  1  {Mart  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Philadelphia  in  Arabia,  with 
fire  others :  commemorated  Aug.  1  (^Mart,  Bom. 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Deacon,  and  martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Qalatia, 
with  Eutycus  the  presbyter;  commemorated 
Dec.  28  {^Mati.  Hieroiu,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Melitene,  circa  a.d.  5.70;  com- 
memorated Jan.  10  {Cal.  Byxant.).     [W.  F.  G.] 

DOMITILLA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Terracina 
in  Campania,  under  Domitian  and  Trajun ;  com- 
memorated May  7  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi) ;  May  12  (Mart.  Eieron.).    [W.  F.  G.] 

D0MITIU8.  (1)  Martyr  in  Syria;  comme- 
morated July  5  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  In  Phrygia,  6<nofjidfrrvij  under  Julian ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  7  (Cal.  Byzant.)       [W.  F.  G,] 

DOMNINA  or  DOMNA,  virgin,  martyr 
with  her  virgin  companions ;  commemorated 
April  14  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] 

DOMNINUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica 
with  Victor;  commemorated  March  30  (Mart. 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Julia,  under  Mazimian;  com- 
memorated Oct.  9  (lb.)  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOMUS  DEL  (1)  Literally,  the  church 
as  a  material  building  (Optatus,  c.  Donat.  iii.  17). 
Hence  Ital.  DuomOy  and  Germ.  JDom. 

(2)  The  Church,  as  the  whole  body  of  Chris- 
tian people  (Lucifer  of  Cagliari,  Pro  Athanasio, 
1.  22 ;  Ducange,  s.  v.)  [C] 

DONA,  DONABLA.  These  words  are  not 
unfreqnently  used  by  Christian  writers  in  the 
special  sense  of  offerings  placed  in  churches,  parti- 
cularly costly  presents  given  as  memorials  of 
some  great  mercy  received  by  the  offerers  (Jerome, 
Eptst.  27,  ad  Eustoch. ;  Epist.  13,  ad  Pauiin. ; 
Sidonius  ApoU.  lib.  iv.  Ep.  18 ;  Paulinus  of  Nola, 
Natal.  S,  FeliciSf  6).  The  corresponding  Greek 
word  is  ayd&nfta  (Luke  zzi.  5 ;  2  Maccab.  ix.  16), 
which  Suidas  defines  as  tray  rh  i(f>ttpwfi4vov 
0c^.  See,  for  instance,  the  account  of  the  offer- 
ings of  Constantine  to  the  Anastasis  at  Jerusa- 
lem (Euseb.  Vita  Corutant.  iii.  25).  [CORONA 
Lucis ;  Vonv  E  Ofj-erinos.]  [C] 

DON  ATA,  of  Scilltta,  martyr  at  Carthage 
with  eleven  others;  commemorated  July  17  (Mart. 
Horn.  F«e.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi)    [W.  F.  G.] 

DONATL    [Oblati.] 

DONATLANUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Nantes 
with  Rogatianus,  his  brother;  commemorated 
May  24  (Mart,  ffteron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

0t)  Bishop  and  confessor  in  Africa,  with  Pre- 
sidins,  Mansuetns,  Germanus,  and  Fuscolus, 
under  Hunnericus ;  commemorated  Sept.  6  (Mart. 
Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DONATILLA,  virgin,   martyr    in    Africa, 
with   Maxima  and   Secunda,   under  Gallienus; 
commemorated  July  30  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Bom. 
Vet.,  Usuardi,  Cal.  CartK}.  [W.  F.  G.] 

DONATUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  with 
Aqnilinus  and  three  others ;  commemorated 
Feb.  4  (Mart.  Eieron.,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martjrr  at  Concordia  with  Secundianus, 
Romulus,  and  eighty-six  others ;  commemorated 
Feb.  17  (lb.) ; 


DOOBS  OF  CHURCHES 


573 


(8)  Martyr  at  Carthage ;  commemorated  Mar. 
1  (lb.) ; 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with  Epiphanius  the 
bishop,  and  others ;  commemorated  April  7 
(Mart.  Usuardi),  AprU  6  (Mart,  ffieron.). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  with 
Polyeuctus  and  Victorius;  commemorated  May 
21  (Jifari.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Aretium  in  Tuscany 
under  Julian ;  commemorated  Aug.  7  (Mart, 
Bom.  Vet.,  Eieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(7)  The  presbyter  and  anchorite  in  a  district 
on  Mount  Jura,  in  Belgic  Gaul ;  commemorated 
Aug.  19  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Antioch,  with  Restitutus,  Vale- 
rianus,  Fructuosa,  and  twelve  others;  comme- 
morated Aug.  23  (/6.> 

(9)  Martyr  at  Capua,  with  Quintus  and  Aroon- 
tins ;  commemorated  Sept.  5  (Mart.  Eieron,^ 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(10)  Martyr  with  Hermogenes  and  twenty- 
two  others ;  commemorated  Dec  12  (Mart. 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOOB  (as  Symbol).  See  St.  John  x.  9.  It 
seems  most  probable  that  in  the  various  repre- 
sentations of  sheep  leaving  or  entering  their  fold 
or  house,  and  so  representing  the  Jewish  or  Gen- 
tile Church  [Bethlehem;  Chubch],  the  door 
may  be  intended  to  recall  the  words  '*  I  am  the 
door,"  to  the  spectator's  mind.  In  Allegranza, 
Mon.  di  MUano,  4'c.,  tav.  ii.,  the  door  is  seen 
five  times  repeated,  evidently  with  this  sym- 
bolic reference,  and  on  the  porch  or  tympanum 
of  the  old  basilica  of  St.  Aquilinus  in  the  same 
city  the  following  verses  occur  :— 

**  Janua  sum  vitae ;  precor  omnes  intro  venlie ; 
Per  me  translbont  qui  coeli  gaudia  qaaerant : 
Vii^ine  qui  ostus,  nallo  de  paire  creatus, 
Intrantes  salvet,  redeuntes  ipse  gnberaef* 

Lupi,  Diss,  e  Lett.  i.  p.  262  gives  a  bas-relief 
in  gilded  bronze,  which  contains  a  gate  or  door, 
with  the  Lamb  under  it  beai'ing  the  Cross,  and 
the  words  ''Ego  sum  ostium,  et  ovile  ovi- 
um."  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DOORS  OF  CHURCHES.  (Januae, 
portae,  vcUvae ;  OvodH,  ir6\cu.) 

1.  The  principal  outer  doors  of  a  church  seem 
t9  have  been  in  ancient  times  at  the  west,  if  the 
church  was  so  built  that  the  altar  was  at  the 
east  end,  or  at  any  rate  in  the  end  facing  the 
altar.  In  a  basilican  church  of  three  aisles  there 
were  for  the  most  part  three  western  doors : 

**  Alma  domus  triplid  patet  {ngndt^nttbus  area.*' 
^ulinns  of  Nola,  £p.  32,  ad  Set. 

In  Constantine*s  great  ''Church  of  the  Sa- 
viour "  at  Jerusalem,  the  three  doors  faced  the 
east  [Church,  p.  369].  At  these  doors  stood 
during  service  the  "  weepera "  (irpotncAafoKres). 
If  there  was  a  Narthex,  the  western  doors 
gave  entrance  into  this,  and  other  doors  again 
from  the  narthex  into  the  nave.  The  nave  was 
sometimes  again  itself  divided  into  chorus  and 
trapeza — the  portions  for  the  clerics  and  the 
people  respectively — by  a  screen  or  partition 
having  doors;  but  more  frequently  those  who 
enter^  by  the  western  doors  saw  before  them  at 
once  the  Ioonostasis,  or  screen  enclosing  the 
sanctuary,  with  its  three  dooi's. 

2.  The  dooi's  in  the  Iconostasis  were  known 
generally  as  KaryK(>J<.o0vQl^€i,  Wprou  rod  ayiou 


574 


DOOBKEEPEBS 


filiifJMTos ;  the  side  doors  distinctirely  as  irkdyuu 
or  irapair6fnuL  The  central  doors  were  called  the 
'*  Holy  Doors  "  {iytat  Bvpat)  and  sometimes  the 
*♦  Royal  Doors  "  (^curiXiicai  9vpaC). 

3.  Tlie  great  western  doors  of  the  nave  were 
called  the  "Royal  Gates"  (fieuriKiKoi  ir^Aai); 
and  this  term  was  also  adopted  by  Latin  writers, 
so  that  "  regiae  "  came  to  be  used  substantively 
for  these  doors.  Anastasius,  for  instance,  says 
{Vitae  Pontiff,  c  119)  that  pope  Honorios  (a.d. 
626-638)  covered  with  silver  plates  the  great 
royal — the  so-KuiUed  "  Median  "—doors  at  the 
entrance  of  a  church  (regias  in  ingressu  ecclesiae 
majores,  quae  appellantur  medianae).  When  the 
church  had  a  nai'thex,  the  western  doors  of  this 
were  also  sometimes  called  the  ^  royal "  gates. 

4.  The  gi-eat  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constan- 
tinople had  nine  doors  between  the  narthex  and 
the  nave.  As  these  were  covered  with  silver, 
not  only  were  they  called  the  "  Silver  Doors," 
but  the  same  term  came  to  designate  the  doors 
of  other  churches  which  occupied  the  same 
position. 

5.  Another  term,  the  application  of  which 
cannot  be  absolutely  determined,  is  the  "  Beauti- 
ful Gates"  {&paiai  ir^Xai).  These  have  been 
supposed  to  be  the  gates  which  separate  chorus 
and  trapeza  (Goar) ;  those  which  separate  nave 
from  narthex  (Ducange) ;  or  the  outer  gate  of 
the  narthex  (Neale).  The  latter  application  is 
supported  by  the  &ct  that  the  term  is  taken 
from  the  **  Beautiful  Gate  "  of  the  temple,  un- 
doubtedly an  outer  gate. 

6.  The  «  Angelic  Gate  "  (irytXiicJ)  w6Xn)  was 
one  which  allowed  a  person  to  enter  the  trapeza, 
so  as  to  draw  near  the  choir.  Nothing  farther 
is  known  of  it.  It  is  not  improbable  that  it  was 
a  local  term. 

7.  The  word  Bvpd  is  consistently  used  to  de- 
signate a  door  within  the  building,  and  the  word 
TvKri  to  designate  the  much  larger  "gates" 
which  admitted  the  mass  of  the  congregation 
from  without  into  the  narthex  or  the  nave. 
Epithete  like  "royal "  "and  beautiful"  arc  per- 
haps not  used  invariablv  with  a  special  meaning, 
but  the  "  Holy  Doors ''  are  always  the  central 
doors  of  the  Bema,  and  no  other. 

8.  The  Holy  Dooi-s  were  opened  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Great  Vespers,  at  all  "en- 
trances," whether  at  Vespers  or  in  the  Liturgy  ; 
and  at  the  end  of  the  Liturgy,  when  the  people 
are  invited  to  approach  for  Uie  purpose  of  com- 
municating (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  pp. 
194-200). 

9.  The  doors  of  churches  were  frequently  of 
rich  material  and  workmanship.  The  outer 
doors  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  were  of 
bronze,  with  ornaments  in  relief  [Church,  p. 
374];  and  those  of  the  Iconostaais,  as  well  as 
those  between  the  narthex  and  the  nave,  of 
silver.  And  elsewhere,  as  not  unfrequently  in 
the  Liber  Pontifcaiis,  we  read  of  doors  of  metal 
gilt,  or  of  wood  richly  inlaid  or  carved.        [C] 

DOOBKEEPEBS  (ruXvpol,  eup»po\,Ostiarity 
an  inferior  order  of  clergy  mentioned  by  the 
Pseudo-Ignatius  {Epist.  Antioch.),  by  Eusebius 
(iff.  E.  vi.  43),  and  by  Justinian  (Novell,  iii.  1). 
There  is  no  mention  of  them  in  Tertullian  or 
Cyprian,  from  which  Thomassin  (Vet  et  Nov. 
Eccl.  Disdp,  i.  1.  2,  c.  SO,  §  8)  infers  that  in 
the  early  African    church    their   duties  wore 


DOBMITOBY 

discharg2d  by  the  laity.  The  connal  of  Lao- 
dicea  (c.  24),  speaks  of  them  among  the  inierior 
orders  of  clergy.  At  the  ordination  cf  a  door- 
keeper, after  previous  instruction  by  the  uch- 
deacon  he  was  presented  to  the  bishop  who  de- 
livered to  him  the  keys  of  the  church,  with  the 
injunction  to  act  as  one  who  must  render  to 
God  an  account  of  the  things  which  are  opened 
by  those  keys  (iv.  Cone.  Carth.  c  9>  TTie  4th 
council  of  Toledo  (c.  4)  provides  that  a  door- 
keeper should  keep  the  door  of  the  churdi  at 
the  opening  of  councils.  In  the  2nd  canon  of 
another  council  of  Toledo,  held  a.d.  597,  it  is 
ordered  that  a  doorkeeper  should  be  appointed 
by  the  priest  to  provide  for  the  cleansing  and 
lighting  of  the  church  and  sanctuary  (Bruns's 
Ccmones,  i.  220).  In  the  Apostolic  ConstUvtwm 
(ii.  25)  they  are  spoken  of  as  belonging  to  that 
portion  of  the  clergy  which  represents  the  Le- 
vites,  but  in  the  lowest  grade.  Their  share  of 
the  Agapae  was  the  same  as  that  of  a  Lector  or 
Cantor  (Ibid.  ii.  28);  there  is  no  mention  of 
their  ordination,  and  they  are  named  among  tiie 
clergy  who  were  not  permitted  to  baptize  (Ibii, 
iii.  11).  They  were  to  stand  during  the  time  of 
service  at  the  door  of  the  part  of  the  church 
allotted  to  the  men  (Ibid,  it  57).  Thej  were 
allowed  to  marry  (Ibid.  vi.  17).  |T.  a] 

DOBL/L,  martyr  with  Chrysanthus,  under 
Numerian ;  commemorated  March  19  (GmL  B^ 
xant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOBMITIO  (Ko(fiii<ns),  the  "fidling  asleep," 
used  to  describe  the  state  of  those  who  "  depart 
hence  in  the  Lord"  (Cyprian,  Epist.  i  c.  2). 
More  especially  it  is  used  to  designate  the  day 
of  the  departure  or  "  Assumption  "  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  [Mart,  Festivaib  of]  ;  Xanthopulns,  for 
instance  (quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  v.  l>ormitio\ 
uses  the  expression,  Kolfitiaiy  Synis,  ri^w  /ien£- 
arao'tv  \4yu.  See  Daniel's  Codex LUvrg.j  iv.  239 ; 
and  M^ard's  Sacram.  Oreg.,  pp.  411,  707.    [C] 

DOBMITOBIUM.  A  garment  forsleepi^ 
in;  the  "lebiton  linens"  of  Pachomins  (Vtta, 
c.  22).  The  gloss  on  the  Hide  of  St.  Benedict 
explains  Dormitoria  by  the  Greek  word  kpnl' 
fiiiBpa  (Ducange,  s.v.).  [C.] 

DOBMITOBY  (Dormitorium).    It  was  the 
primitive  custom  for  monks  to  sleep  all  together 
in  one  large  dormitory  (Alteser.  Aacetioony  ix.  9). 
Not  till  the  14th  century  (Ducange,  Ohssetr.  Lot 
s.  V.)  was  the  custom  inbroduced  of  using  aeparafec 
sleeping  cells.     By  the  rule  of  Benedict  all  wen 
to  sleep  in  one  room,  if  possible  (Boned.  Btg.  c 
22)  with  the  abbat  in  their  midst  (e£  Magirti 
Heg,  c.  29 ;  Bened.  Reg.  c.  22)  or  in  larger  mo 
nasteries  ten  or  twenty  together  with  a  dea^ 
(Bened.  "Reg,  ib. ;  cf.  Caesar.  Arelat.  JReg.  ad  Mo- 
nach.  c.  3 ;  Reg.  ad  Virg.  c  7 ;  AureoL  Rtg.  e.  6 ; 
Ferreol.  Reg.  cc.  16,  33).    Only  the  aged,  the  in- 
firm, the  excommunicated  were  excepted  from 
this  aiTangement  (Cujusd.  Reg.  c.  13).  Each  monk 
was  to  have  a  separate  bed  (Bened.  iSff^.  r.  s.; 
Caesar.  Arelat.  Reg.  v.  s. :  Fructuos.  Reg.  c.  17). 
They  were  to  sleep  clothed  and  girded  (Bened. 
Reg.  V.  s. ;  Mag.  Reg.  ell;  Cujusd.  Reg.  v.  t.% 
tiie  founder  probably  intending  that  the  monk 
should  sleep  in  one  of  the  two  suits  ordered  br 
his  rule  (Bened.  Reg.  c  55) ;  but  in  course  or 
time    the    words    were   loosely   interpreted  as 
meaning  only  the  woollen  tunic  (Marten,  ad  he. 


DOBONA 


DOVE 


575 


oifai.)  It  was  pArticnlarly  enjoined,  puerile  as 
the  caution  sounds,  by  Benedict  and  others,  that 
the  monks  were  not  to  wear  their  knives  in  bed 
(Bened.  Reg, c  22 :  Magist.  Reg,  ell).  A  light 
was  to  be  kept  burning  in  the  dormitory  all 
night  (Bened.  Reg,  ▼.  s. ;  Mag.  Reg,  c.  29 ; 
Cujusd.  Reg.  ▼.  s.).  All  the  monks  were  to  rise 
at  a  given  signal  (Regg.  Monaet,  passim).  The 
dormitory  was  to  be  kept  under  lock  and  key 
till  morning  (Mart,  ad  Bened,  Reg.  c  48).  The 
sleeping-room  for  stranger  monks  was  usually 
close  to  the  great  dormitory,  and  not  far  from  the 
chapel  (Mart,  ad  Bened.  Reg,  c.  53 :  cf.  CapUul. 
Aquiegr,  68). 

In  the  first  fervor  of  monastic  zeal  it  was  a 
common  practice  to  sleep  on  the  bare  ground 
(x«/Mvr(a ;  cf.  Altes.  Ascet.  ix.  8 ;  Vit.  St.  Anton, 
c  6 ;  Theodoret,  PhihtfL  1,  &c.).  Othen  slept 
on  mats  (r^utBioy  mattae,  etramewta;  Cassian. 
Collat,  I  23;  zviii.  11;  Ruffin.  Verb.  Senior,  ii. 
29,  125);  frequently  these  were  made  by  them- 
selves (  Vit,  Pachom,  43^  and  Augustine  speaks 
of  some  strict  Manicheans  as  "mattarii "  (Cont. 
Faustin.  v.  5).  The  rule  of  Benedict  allows 
mattress  (aagum),  coverlet  (hena  or  lina\  and 
pillow  (capitaley  v.  s.);  but  in  Egypt  the  mat- 
tress was  considered  a  luxury  in  the  4th  century, 
not  permissible  except  for  guests  (Cass.  Coil. 
zix.  6).  Some  of  the  monks  of  Tabenna  slept 
in  their  tunics,  half  sitting,  half  lying  (^Vita 
PachomO,  c.  14,  in  Rosweyd's  Vit.  Pair.). 

The  time  allowed  for  sleep  was  for  Egyptian 
monkr  in  the  commencement  of  monachism  very 
short  indeed  (Cass.  Instit,  v.  20;  Coll,  xii.  15, 
ziii.  6).  Arsenius  is  said  to  have  contented  him- 
self with  one  hour  only.  Rufiinus  speaks  of 
others  who  allowed  themselves  four  hours  in  the 
night  for  sleep,  assigning  four  for  prayer,  four 
for  work  {Verb,  Sen,  c  199).  Even  Benedict, 
though  fiir  more  tolerant,  forbad  his  disciples  to 
retire  to  rest  again  afler  noctums  {Reg.  c.  8 ;  cf. 
Cass.  Indit.  ii.  12).  But  the  rule  was  not  adhered 
to  strictly  (Marten,  ad  Bened,  Reg,  1.  c.). 

The  rules  of  the  canonici  in  the  8th  and  9th 
century  wera  very  similar  to  those  of  the  monks. 
Chrodegang  ordered  all  to  sleep  in  one  chamber, 
unless  with  the  bishop's  licence  (^Reg.  c  3). 
This  was  enforced  on  the  canonici  in  their 
monasteries  and  on  those  dwelling  under  the 
bishop's  roo^  by  the  council  of  Tours,  813  ▲.D. 
iConc.  Turon.  iii  oc.  23,  24).  The  council  at 
Aachen,  three  years  later,  ordered  bishops  to  see 
that  the  canonici  slept  in  one  dormitory  {Cone 
Aquisjr.  cc.  11,  123);  and  in  its  second  session 
repeated  the  decree  of  the  council  at  Chtlons 
81S  A.  D.,  that  all  nuns,  except  the  sick  and  in- 
finn,  should  sleep  in  one  dormitory  on  sepcuute 
beds  (Cbnc  CabUl.  c.  59,  cf.  Cone.  Mogtint  813 
AJ>.j  c.  9,  cf.  Cone.  Tuvn.  ii.  567  ▲.D.,  c  14). 
Grimlaic,  in  his  rule  for  solitaries,  orders  that 
no  fimcy  work  is  to  be  allowed  on  the  coverlets. 

[I.  G.  S.] 

DOBOKA,  ''Indus  et  Dorona,"  commemo- 
rated Dec  19  {Col.  Armen.)  .   [W.  F.  G.] 

DOBOTHEA,  virgin,  martyr  with  Theophi- 
los  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia;  commemorated 
Feb.  6  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

DOBOTHEUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tarsus  in 
CUicta,  with  Castor;  commemorated  Mar.  28 
{Mart.  Usnaidt> 


(8)  Bishop  of  Tyre,  martyr   nnder  Julian 
commemorated  June  5  {Cal.  Byxant.). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  with  Gorgonius, 
under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  Sept.  9  {Mart. 
Rom.  Vet.^  Adonis,  Usuardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOBYMEDON,  martyr  with  Trophimus 
and  Sabbatius,  A.D.  278 ;  commemorated  Sept.  19 
{Col,  Byzant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

DOSSAL  {Doreale,  doreUe  pallium),  A  cur- 
tain hung  on  the  walls  of  the  choir  of  a  church, 
or  other  place  of  dignity,  behind  the  stalls  of  the 
clerks,  ''a  dorso  clericorum"  (Durandus,  Ra^' 
tionalej  i.  iii.  23).  **  Cortina  quae  pendet  ad 
dorsum  "  (The  Monk  of  St.  Gall,  Vita  Car.  Mag. 
i.  4).  Ekkehard  the  younger  {De  Casibus  8.  Galli, 
c.  1),  speaks  of  a  place  decked  **  tapeto  et  dor- 
8ili"(Ducange,s.v.).  [C] 

DOTALIA  INSTBUMENTA.  [Contract 
OF  Marriage,  p.  458.] 

DOVE  (A8  SmBOL).  Like  the  mystic  fish 
and  lamb,  the  dove  has  more  than  one  meaning 
or  train  of  meaning :  it  is  used  symbolically  for 
the  Divine  Being  and  for  the  Christian  wor- 
shipper; and  is  also  represented  simply  in  its 
own  form  on  graves  and  the  walls  of  cata- 
combs. It  is  used  very  frequently  (see  wood- 
cut) with  Noah  in  the  ark,  in  the  literal  sense ; 
and  in  all  representations  of  the  Lord's  biiptisra 


Noab'i  DoTtt.    Frocn  tlM  OUacomba. 


Dovci  oa  a  THmb.    Ftum  ArlDgld. 


Franu  la  tlM  CMMomb  at  Domltllki,  probMj 


MBtmy. 


and  elsewhere,  the  dove  Indicates  the  presence 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  In  one  instance,  an  Orante 
suiTounded  by  several  doves  is  opposed  on  one 
medallion  of  the  front  of  a  sarcophagus  to  the 
Good  Shepherd  with   His    sheep   on    another. 


576 


DOVE 


DOVK 


Thin  use  of  the  dove  is  very  frequent  in  the 
monuments  of  Southern  Gaul;  where,  as  in 
the  catacomhs,  the  birds  which  stand  on  each 
fride  of  the  monoerams  or  crosses  are  often  clearly 
intended  for  doves.  See  Leblant,  Truer,  Chr^tiennes 
de  la  OatUe  atderiewes  cm  kuitihne  siicle^  Paris, 
1856. 

As  an  emblem  of  the  Third  Pei'son  of  the 
Trinity,  the  carved  or  painted  figure  of  the  dove 
appeared  from  a  very  early  period  in  all  bap- 
tisteries (see  Luke  iii.  24).  One  of  the  earliest 
examples  of  this  is  the  baptistery  in  the  ceme- 
tery of  St.  Pontianus  (Aringhi,  ii.  275).  The 
painting,  though  considered  by  Martigny  as  of 
later  date  than  the  building,  is  referred  by  him 
to  the  6th  century,  and  repr&tents  the  Lord's 


Baptiamid  I>ore.  Gktecomb  of  Pdntlaans :  BBrtnth  oratnry. 

baptism  in  Jordan.  The  rude  and  grim  figures 
in  this  painting  remind  us  of  those  of  the  Lau- 
rentine  and  other  veiy  early  MSS.  The  sym- 
metrical arrangement  is  also  like  early  Byzantine 
work,  so  called ;  and  the  river  is  a  winding  trench, 
with  a  curious  typical  resemblance  to  the  actual 
course  of  Jordan,  which  induces  us  to  think  the 
painter  had  visited  it.  So  also  in  both  bap- 
tisteries at  Ravenna.  The  mosaic  of  St.  Mark's 
preserves  this  likeness,  with  the  addition  of  three 
adoring  angels,  a  star  above  the  dove,  fish  in  the 
river,  and  the  double  axe  laid  to  the  root  of  a 
tree.  This  imagery  is  strictly  followed  in  the 
wild  and  powerful  painting  of  Tintoret,  in  the 
Scuola  di  S.  Rocco,  now  scarcely  intelligible 
(Ruskin,  Modem  Painters,  vol.  ii.).  The  Turin 
miniature  is  remarkable  for  its  topographical 
accuracy  as  to  two  of  the  sources  of  Jordan, 

labelled    respectively    "f^O  Y)S   \f  ^K    an<i 

"TO  T|  S   D -A  p ,      Martigny  also  mentions 

figures  of  doves  on  a  font  or  laver  of  very  early 
date  belonging  to  tne  church  of  Gondrecourt 
(Bevue  Arch^hgique,  v.  i.  p.  129X  where  how- 
ever only  birds  are  said  to  be  drinking  from 
vases,  and  pecking  at  grapes.  See  also  Pa- 
ciaudi,  De  Cultu  S.  Joannis  Baptistae,  pp.  58, 
69,  where  copies  of  a  miniature  from  a  MS.  in 
the  Royal  Library  at  Turin,  and  of  a  mosaic  in 
St.  Mark's  in  Venice,  are  given,  botli  containing 
the  dove.  A  golden  or  silver  dove  was  often 
suspended  above  the  font  in  early  times.  [Dove, 
THE  Edcharictic]  These  sometimes  con- 
tained the  anointing  oil  used  in  baptism  and 
extreme  unction  (Martigny,  s.  v. ;  and  Aringhi, 
Tol.  ii.  p.  326,  c.  5).  On  lamps  in  form  of  doves, 
see  Aringhi,  ii.  325,  1. 

As  a  symbol  of  the  believer,  the  dove  of 
course  has  chief  reference  to  two  texts  of  H.  S., 
belonging  to  different  yet  harmonious  trains  of 


thought.  One  is  Matt.  z.  16,  ''Be  ye 
serpents  and  harmless  as  doves;"  the  oth^, 
Ps.  Iv.  6,  **  0  that  I  had  wings  like  a  dove,  then 
would  I  flee  away  and  be  at  rest."  The  passages 
in  Cant.  i.  15,  ii.  14,  v.  2,  vi.  9,  refer  to  the 
Church,  and  therefore  may  be  taken  as  referring 
simply  to  all  £stithful  souls.  Martigny  givee  a 
drawing  of  a  seal  with  a  dove  m  the  centre, 
surrounded  by  the  words  ^'Veni  si  amasy"  la 
obvious  reference  to  Cant.  ii.  10.  The  dovt; 
with  the  olive  or  palm-branch,  which  w 
often  accompanies  it,  is  held  equivalent  to 
the  form  "In  Pace."  As  with  other  birds,  the 
flying  or  caged  dove  has  reference  to  tbe  de- 
liverance of  the  soul  from  the  flesh  in  death, 
or  to  its  imprisoned  state  in  life.  [See  Bisix] 
Aringhi  quotes  St.  Ambrose's  sermon  on  St.  Euse- 
bius,  "  Altiora  facilius  penetrantur  aimplicitate 
mentis,  quam  levitate  pennarum  ;**  and  St,  Au- 
gustine on  St.  Matt.  x.  to  the  same  purpose. 
In  Aringhi,  ii.  p.  145,  the  dove  is  associated  with 
the  peacock ;  also,  p.  139,  in  a  vault  of  the 
Catacomb  of  St.  Priscilla.  In  Bottari,  tar.  181, 
it  hovers  with  the  olive-branch  above  the  three 
holy  children  in  the  flames. 

Twelve  doves,  representing  the  Twelve  Apostles, 
occur  in  Bottari,  i.  p.  118,  on  a  mosaic  crucifix. 
See  also  Paulinus  of  Kola  (^/>.  ad  Setermn,  zxiii. 
c.  10).  He  thus  describes  a  mosaic  (mnsivuB 
opns)  in  his  church.    [Cross.] 

"  Pleno  coniscat  Trinitas  mysterio : 
Stat  Christus  agno :  vux  Ptttris  ooclo  (onat : 
Et  per  colnmbam  ^iritas  Saoctns  fluit. 
Cnioera  corona  luddo  dngit  globu  .* 
Cui  coronae  sunt  corona  apostoU, 
Qnonim  figura  est  in  oolombamm  cfaoro. 
Pla  Trtnltatb  unitas  Chrtoto  oolt, 
Habente  et  ipsa.Trinitate  Indgnia ; 
Dum  revclat  vox  pstenu,  et  ^iriins : 
Sanctam  fatentar  cmx  et  sgnns  viciimam. 
Begnnm  et  triomphnm  purpura  et  paluia  indkaot 
Petram  superstat  ipsa  petra  eodedae, 
De  qua  sooorl  quatuor  footes  meant^ 
£vangeUstae,  viva  Cbrteil  flnmloa.*    [R.  St  J.  T.] 

DOVE,  THE  EuCHARiSTiC.  Pyxes  or  recep- 
tacles for  the  reserved  host  were  not  nnfre- 
quently  made  of  gold  or  silver  in  the  shape  of  a 
dove,  and  suspended  over  the  altar.  Doves  ot 
the  precious  metals,  emblematic  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  were  also  suspended  above  the  font  in 
early  churches.  In  the  life  of  St.  Basil  by  the 
Pseudo-Amphilochius,  it  is  narrated  that  that 
father,  afler  a  vision  that  appeared  to  him  while 
celebrating  the  Eucharist,  divided  the  wafer  into 
three  parts,  one  of  which  he  partook  of  with  great 
awe,  the  second  he  preserved  to  be  buried  with 
him,  and  placed  the  third  in  a  golden  dove  hang- 
ing over  the  altar.  He  afterwards  sent  for  a 
goldsmith,  and  had  a  new  golden  dove  made  to 
contain  the  sacrod  morsel  (Amphiloch.  Vit.  BaaiL 
c.  6).  ^^ 

One  of  the  charges  brought  against  the  Ace- 
phalian  heretic  Severus  by  the  clergy  of  Antioch 
at  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.p.  536,  was 
that  he  removed  and  appropriated  to  his  own 
use  the  gold  and  silver  doves  hanging  over  the 
sacred  fonts  and  altars,  xp^*^^^  *al  ifyvpSt 
•irfpirrfphs  Kp*(xafx4vas  6ir€pdvw  rmv  Btlvw  m^ 
\vfifiri6p&v  KM  Bwrieumiplwy ....  ^tf-^erco/trsre 
(Ubbe,  Conca.  v.  159). 

Such  doves  are  mentioned  by  Anastasius  in  th« 
Liber  Pontijicalis,  e.  g.,  St.  Hilar.  70,  '*  colnmhas 


DOWRY 

aurwm  pensan.  libras  21 ;"  Cf.  Dacunge,  suh  voo. : 
DurantuB,  Ds  EUAna,  lib.  i.  c.  zri.  §5;  Puulia. 
Holan.  Ep.  sxxii.  Not.  154,  p.  910.  [E.  V.J 

DOWRY.    [Abrhae:  Marriage.] 

DOXOLOGY  (Ao^oKoyltt).  The  term  dozo- 
logy  is  asually  confined  (1)  to  the  '*  Gloria  in 
£xoeIsi8,"  which  is  called  the  greater  doiologr, 
and  also  the  Angelical  Hymn,  from  its  opening 
clause  recorded  by  St.  Luke  as  having  been  sung 
by  the  angels  who  announced  the  birth  of  Christ 
to  the  shepherds ;  and  (2)  to  the  "*  Gloria  Patri," 
which  is  called  the  lesser  doxology.  The  term 
is,  however,  sometimes  given  to  the  '*  Trisagion  " 
(Holy,  holy,  holy,  Lord  God  of  Hosts,  heaven 
and  earth  are  full  of  Thy  glory),  called  also 
the  Seraphic  hymn,  in  reference  to  the  vision  of 
the  Seraphim  described  by  Isaiah  (c.  vi.);  and 
also  to  the  word  Alleluia  (q.  v.),  when  repeated 
again  and  again  as  a  hymn  of  praise. 

The  exact  periods  of  the  origin  of  these  dox- 
ologies  are  unknown,  owing  to  the  extreme 
scantiness  of  early  Christian  literature.  But  it 
may  be  safely  conjectured  that,  in  their  earliest 
forms,  they  came  into  use  soon  after  that  circu- 
lation of  the  Gospel  narratives  which  must  have 
quickly  become  general  among  Christians  in  pro- 
portion to  the  cultivation  of  each  local  church, 
and  its  means  for  communicating  with  the  gene- 
ral body  of  believers.  The  extent  and  rapidity 
of  this  circulation  being  involved  in  extreme 
obscurity,  so  far  as  contemporary  history  informs 
US,  the  positiveness  with  which  later  writers 
have  spoken  of  the  almost  Apostolic  origin  ot 
these  hymns  must  be  set  down  amongst  those 
numerous  assumptions  which  have  clouded  our 
real  knowledge  of  primitive  Christian  life  and 
devotions,  l^e  **  Trisagion  "  in  all  probability 
is  the  most  ancient  of  all,  as  it  would  be  the 
natural  expression  of  the  adoration  of  the  Jewish 
Christians,  who  were  already  in  possession  of 
the  Old  Testament,  and  who  would  have  been 
familiar  with  the  book  of  Isaiah  before  their 
conversion  to  Christianity.  The  use  of  the 
''  Gloria  in  Excelsis,*'  which  originally  consisted 
only  of  its  opening  sentence,  would  be  equally 
natural,  wherever  the  narrative  of  St.  Luke  was 
known;  and  the  "Gloria  Patri,"  which  origi- 
nally consisted  only  of  its  first  clause,  would  be 
the  result  of  a  familiarity  with  the  last  verses 
of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel. 

The  "Gloria  in  £xcelsis"  is  unquestionably 
of  Eastern  origin.  Liturgical  speculators,  in- 
deed, have  ineeniously  discovered  a  reference  to 
its  existence  iu  very  early  writers.  It  has  been 
frequently  assumed  that  it  was  in  fact  "  the 
hymn,"  which  Christians  sang  on  all  solemn 
occasions,  including  such  as  are  referred  to  in 
Acts  xvi.  25 ;  1  Cor.  xlv.  26 ;  and  Col.  iii.  16. 
When  the  author  of  the  dialogue  attributed  to 
Lucian  speaks  of  the  Christians  as  watching 
all  night  for  the  purpose  of  singing  hymns, 
it  is  supposed  that  their  chief  song  was  the 
"Gloria  in  Excelsis."  It  is  also  held  to  have 
been  specially  referred  to  in  the  famous  passage 
IV  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan :  "  Affirmabant  banc 
fulsse  summam  vel  culpae  suae,  vel  erroris,  quod 
essent  soliti  stato  die  ante  lucem  convenire,  car- 
in^aque  Christo  quasi  Deo  dicere  secum  invicem." 
In  reality,  however,  we  first  meet  with  this 
doxology,  and  in  something  very  like  its  final 
form,  in  the  book  known  as  The  AposMical 
CHXI0T.  AST. 


DOXOLOGY 


577 


Contiituiions  (vii.  47).  It  is  there  described  aa 
the  "morning  prayer,"  and  stands  as  follows: 
"  Glory  be  to  God  on  high,  and  on  earth  peace, 
good  will  towards  men  (^y  hvBpJntois  tbioKia). 
We  praise  Thee,  we  sing  to  Thee  (^6fufoufi4y  crc), 
we  ble*.s  Thee,  we  glorify  Thee,  we  worship  Thee, 
through  the  great  High  Priest;  Thee  the  true 
God,  the  only  unbegotten,  whom  no  one  can 
approach  for  the  great  glory.  0  Lord,  heavenly 
king,  God  the  Father  Almighty,  Lord  God,  the 
Father  of  Christ,  the  Lamb  without  spot,  wha 
taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,  receive  our 
prayer,  thou  that  sittest  upon  the  Cherubim  I 
For  thou  only  art  holy,  thou  only,  Lord  Jesus, 
the  Christ  of  God,  the  God  of  every  created 
being,  and  our  king;  by  whom  unto  Thee  be 
glory,  honour,  and  adoration."  Unfortunately, 
the  writer  of  the  Constitutions  was  not  exempt 
from  the  spirit  of  falsification,  which  was  by  no 
means  rare  among  early  religious  writers.  As 
it  is  impossible  to  believe  him  when  he  attributes 
a  liturgy  of  palpably  Oriental  character  to  St. 
Clement,  we  cannot  be  sure  that  in  this  record 
of  the  great  doxology  he  has  not  made  alterations 
or  interpolations  of  his  own.  In  the  mention  of 
the  doxolozy  in  the  treatise  De  Virginitate  (in 
Athanasius  s  Works)  only  the  beginning  is  quoted, 
and  even  here  it  is  not  identical  with  that  given 
by  the  author  of  the  Constitutions.  Giving  direc- 
tions to  the  virgins  for  their  morning  devotions, 
Athanasius  says,  "  Early  in  the  morning  say  this 
Psalm,  *0  God,  my  God,  early  will  I  wake  to 
Thee.'  When  it  is  light,  say,  *  Bless  ye  the 
Lord,  all  ye  works  of  the  Loxd,'  and  *  Glory  to 
God  in  the  highest,  and  peace  on  earth,  goodwill 
towards  men.  We  sing  to  Thee,  we  bless  Thee, 
we  worship  Thee,'  and  the  rest  (of  the  hymn)  " 
(c.  20 ;  tom.  2,  p.  120,  ed.  Benedict.). 

St.  Chrysostom,  on  the  other  hand,  in  de- 
scribing the  morning  devotions  of  those  who  led 
an  austere  life,  says  that  they  sang,  as  the  angels 
did  "  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth 
peace,  goodwill  towards  men  " ;  making  no  men- 
tion of  the  subsequent  additions  {Horn,  69  in 
Matth.),  How  soon  the  use  of  the  complete  hymn 
became  general  in  the  Western  Church  it  is  im- 
possible to  say.  The  4th  council  of  Toledo,  a.d. 
633,  treats  of  it  in  its  completeness,  defends  it,  as 
such,  against  certain  rigorists  who  objected  to 
its  repetition  on  the  ground  that  only  its  first 
sentence  was  of  divine  origin.  "  For  the  same 
reason,"  said  the  fathers  of  the  council  (can.  13), 
"  they  might  have  rejected  the  lesser  doxology, 
*  Glory  and  honour  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the 
Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,'  which  was  com- 
posed by  men ;  and  also  this  greater  doxology, 
part  of  which  was  sung  by  the  anf^els  at  our 
Saviour's  birth  ;  '  Glory  be  to  God  on  high,  and 
on  earth  peace  to  men  of  goodwill ;'  but  the 
rest  that  follows  was  composed  and  added  to  it 
by  the  doctors  of  the  Church." 

The  period  at  which  this  doxology  was  gene- 
rally introduced  into  the  eucharistic  office  in  the 
West  is  entirely  a  matter  of  conjecture.  There 
is  no  foundation  for  the  common  idea  that  it 
formed  a  portion  of  the  early  liturgies.  Justin 
Martyr  {Apol,  i.  c.  65)  in  describing  the  eucha- 
ristic wonhip  of  his  contemporaries,  makes  no 
mention  of  this  hymn.  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
in  his  5th  catechesis  on  St.  Peter's  1st  Epistle, 
tfHile  fixing  certain  details  in  the  eucharistic 
service,  such  as  the  "  Sursum  corda,"  ftc,  givei 

a  p 


578 


DOXOLOGY 


DOXOLOGY 


no  hint  of  its  use.  Nor  is  it  found  in  any  ot 
the  earliest  litnrgies,  whether  Western  or 
liAstem,  which  are  in  existence.  In  the  East,  it 
is  still  used  in  the  non-eachai*istic  morning  ser- 
yices  of  the  Church,  being  sung  on  Sundays  and 
the  greater  festivals,  and  recited  on  ordinary  days. 
It  was  fint  appointed  (according  to  the  Liber 
Pojiiif,)  to  be  said  in  the  Roman  Liturgy  by  Pope 
Symmachus,  who  was  raised  to  the  Pontificate  in 
498,  but  only  on  Sundays  and  the  festivals  of 
martyrs,  and  apparently  its  recital  was  held  to 
be  a  special  privilege ;  for  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (p.  1)  gives  the  following  directions  con- 
cerning it :  ^  Item  dicitur  Qloria  in  ExcMs  Deo, 
si  episcopus  fuerit,  tantummodo  die  Dominico, 
sive  diebus  festis.  A  presbyteris  antem  minime 
dicitur,  nisi  in  solo  paschi.  Quando  vero  letania 
agitur,  neque  Qloria  in  Excelsis  Deo,  neque  Alle- 
luia  canitur.'*  Pope  Stephen  the  3rd  directed 
that  on  the  highest  festivals  it  should  be  sung 
only  by  bishops,  at  least  in  the  Lateran  Church. 
Pope  Calixtus  2nd  granted,  as  a  privilege  to  the 
monks  of  Tournus*  that  they  should  use  it  on 
the  Feast  of  the  Annunciation ;  *'pro  reverentii 
B.  Mariae  semper  Virginis,  cujus  nomine  locus 
vester  insignis  est,  in  Annunciatione  Domini  Sal- 
vatoris  nostri  hymnnm  Angelicum  inter  missa- 
rum  solemnia  abbati  et  fratribus  pronunciare 
concedimus "  (Calixti  epist  ad  Franconem  Abba- 
tern  monasterii  Trenorchiensia).  From  the  Mo- 
zarabic  ritual  it  seems  to  have  been  about  this 
time  recited  in  Spain  on  Sundays  and  certain 
festivals,  in  the  euchaiistic  office;  but  in  the 
Gallican  Church  it  appears  even  when  introduced 
to  have  been  for  a  long  time  only  sung  on  public 
days  of  thanksgiving.  Its  ultimate  gradual 
adoption  throughout  the  Western  Church  was 
no  doubt  due  to  the  increasing  influence  of  the 
example  of  Rome.  At  the  same  time  our  modem 
desire  for  uniformity  in  religious  woi*ship  was 
unknown  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity,  not 
merely  because  our  ideas  on  disciplinary  organi- 
zation were  as  yet  undeveloped,  but  because  the 
facilities  for  communication,  both  personally  and 
by  letter,  were  comparativelv  slight,  and  local 
customs  were  preserved,  as  almost  sacred  in  the 
eyes  of  those  who  had  received  them  from  their 
fathers.    [Gloria  in  Excelbis.] 

2.  The  origin  and  history  of  the  "Gloria  Patri," 
or  lesser  doxology,  is  even  more  obscure  than 
that  of  the  ^Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  and  in  its 
present  shape  it  is  the  result  of  the  Arian 
controversies  concerning  the  nature  of  Christ. 
It  is  quite  impossible  to  trace  its  use  to  the 
three  first  centuries  ;  if  it  was  really  known 
to  the  primitive  Christians,  it  probably  arose, 
as  has  been  already  suggested,  from  the  juxta- 
position of  the  three  persons  of  the  Trinity, 
in  the  command  given  by  the  Lord  to  his 
Apostles  to  teach  and  baptize  all  nations.  For 
several  centuries,  the  clause  "  As  it  was  in  the 
beginning,  &c,"  was  certainly  unknown  in 
many  parts  of  Christendom.  The  4th  council 
of  Toleido,  A.D.  633,  makes  no  mention  of  this 
clause,  and  at  the  same  time  gives  a  version 
of  the    first    portion    which    is    not   identical 

•  Tonrans  was  an  abbey  in  Burgundy,  on  the  SaOne, 
between  Mftoon  andCb&loDs;  and  the  privilege  granted 
by  Stq>hen  Is  remarkable  as  one  of  the  earliest  instances 
in  which  the  bishop  of  Rome  claimed  a  right  over  the 
public  fi>rms  of  prayer  in  local  churches. 


with  that  which  subsequently  becaflie  univemlf 
reading  it  thus :  "  Glory  and  honour  be  to  the 
Father,  and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost, 
world  without  end.  Amen."  In  the  old  Spanish 
liturgy,  known  as  the  Mozarabic,  supposed  to  be 
of  a  little  later  date,  it  occurs  in  the  same  form 
as  in  the  decree  of  Toledo.  In  the  treatise  of 
Walafridus  Strabo  De  r^yus  eccleeiasticia  (c  2b% 
the  different  usages  of  difierent  countries  are 
particularly  specified.  "Dioendum,"  he  says, 
"  de  hymno,  qui  ob  honorem  sanctae  et  nnicae 
Trinitatis  officiis  omnibus  interseritnr,  exaa  a 
Sanctis  patribus  alitor  atque  aliter  ordinatum. 
Nam  Hispani  sicut  superius  commemoraTimm, 
ita  eum  dici  omnimodis  voluerunt.  Graed 
autem,  *  Gloria  Patri,  et  Filio,  et  Spiritui  Sancto, 
et  nunc,  et  semper,  et  in  saecula  saeculomm. 
Amen.'  Latini  vero  eodem  ordine  et  eisdem 
verbis  hunc  hymnum  decantant,  addentes  tantnra 
in  medio,  *  Sicut  erat  in  principio.'  **  The  writer 
of  the  treatise  De  Vtrginitatc  which  is  oft«& 
placed  among  the  works  of  Athanasius,  gives 
the  "Gloria  Patri,"  as  "Glory  be  to  the  Father, 
and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  world 
without  end.  Amen." 

The  addition  of  the  second  clause  is  enjoined 
in  the  year  529,  by  the  2nd  council  of  Vaiseo, 
which  at  the  same  time  asserts  that  it  was 
already  universal  among  the  Greeks.  "Quia 
non  solum,"  says  the  council,  "  in  Sede  Apo6t«> 
lid,  sed  etiam  per  totum  Orientem  et  totam 
Africam  vel  Italiam,  propter  haereticorum  astu- 
tiam,  qui  Dei  Filium  non  semper  cum  Patre 
fuisse,  sed  a  tempore  fnisse  bUsphemant,  in  omni- 
bus clausulis  post  Gloria,  sicut  erat  in  principio 
dicitur,  etiam  et  nos  in  universis  ecclesiis  nostns 
hoc  ita  esse  dicendum  decrevimus."  From  which 
decree  it  appears  certain  that  the  use  of  the 
additional  clause  was  at  the  least  not  general  in 
Gaul  at  that  time,  though  it  is  likely  that  it 
had  gradually  been  introduced  from  Italy.  It  is 
remarkable,  indeed,  as  the  new  addition  was 
adopted  with  the  direct  object  of  repndiatin* 
the  Arian  doctrine,  that  it  should  not  have 
spread  more  rapidly  eastward,  after  the  decisive 
action  of  the  council  of  Nice  in  asserting  the 
orthodox  faith. 

From  the  writers  of  the  Arian  period,  again, 
it  would  seem  that  there  were  important  varia- 
tions in  the  traditional  foi-ms  of  the  first  clause, 
to  which  great  significance  was  attached  by  the 
adherents  of  the  opposing  doctrines.  One  of  these 
forms  stood  thus:  "Glory  be  to  the  Father,  and 
to  the  Son,  with  the  Holy  Ghost ; "  and  another, 
"  Glory  be  to  the  Father,  in  or  by  the  Sod,  and 
by  the  Holy  Ghost."  Sozomen  asserts  (fT.  E. 
iii.  20)  that  the  form  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father 
through  the  Son  "  was  adopted  by  the  Ariass  as 
distinctly  implying  the  subordination  of  iha  Son 
to  the  Father;  and  Valesins  believes  that  the 
iiKportKtiria  which  the  Arians  used  in  their 
chanting  (76.  vlii.  8),  composed  to  support  their 
own  views  (xpbs  rifv  aJbrSfv  8<((ay),  were  doxo- 
logies.  On  the  other  hand,  Philostorgins,  him- 
self an  Arian,  alleges  that  the  ancient  form  was 
really  that  which  the  Arians  preferred,  and  that 
Flavian  of  Antioch  was  the  first  person  who 
introduced  the  form  now  used,  every  one  before 
him  having  said  either  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father 
by  the  Son,"  or  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father  in  the 
Son."  It  is  to  be  noted,  also,  that  St.  Basil 
was  accused  of  having  introduced  a  noTcliy, 


DBACONAEIU8 

when  h«  >nid,  "Glory  be  to  tlie  Father,  and  to 
th«  Sod  ;"  and  that  in  his  vludicatloD  of  himself 
(ft  SpiHtu  Sancta,  c  29  [nl.  70  ff.])  he  decla™ 
Ihat  «11  the  three  fonni  were  ancient  and  to  be 
My.,  loo, 


DBAnON 


£79 


Kt^y'"n™ 


warn  that  of  Irenaeiu,  CleoieDt  of  Home, 
if  Rome,  Eiuebiua  of  Caeaana,  Diony- 


Thaamaturgua,  Firmiliati,  anil  Ueleti 
larm  indeed,  waa  prabably  nied  indifferently, 
during  the  long  period  irhan  the  &ith  of  the 
Church  waa  left  undefined,  that  ia,  nntil  the 
conndl  of  Nine  in  the  early  part  of  the  4th  cen- 
tary.  How  loon,  in  ita  preient  coulpiete  form,  it 
was  generally  nsed  in  connectloQ  vith  the  recita- 
tion of  the  Pialma,  It  ie  Imposlibla  to  aay.  It  ia 
directed  to  be  thui  redted  by  St.  Beaedict  (^(yiub, 
c  18)  where  he  writes,  "In  primis  dicantur  veraoi; 
'  I>eiu  in  adjntorinm,'  ftc.,  '  Domina  ad  adjonui- 
dum,'  JWt  at  'Gloria.'"  But  whether  he  w«» 
introducing  a  novelty,  or  merely  sanctioning  a 
practice  already  Introduced,  ia  a  matter  of  mere 
conjecture.    [See  PuLmODt.]  [J.  U.  C] 

DRACONABtUS.  Strictly  speaking  this 
word  denotes  the  bearer  of  the  military  standard, 
on  which  a  dragon  waa  represented,  "  vexiUif^r, 
qui  lert  Tetllluin  nbi  est  draco  deplctua  "  (Dn- 

When  Conatantine  after  his  coDversion  placed 
the  Christian  aymlKil  on  the  military  ensigns 
instead  of  the  dragon,  the  name  outlived  the 
change,  and  the  standard-bearer  was  atiii  called 
dranmaritu.  Sometimes  we  6nd  the  aBcient 
symbol  joined  to  the  new,  the  dragou  being 
placed  beneath  the  cross. 

In  the  Christiaoiied  empire  this  name  came 
to  signify  the  official  who  carried  a  standard  or 
banner  in  ecclesiastical  processions  j  a  transfer- 
ence which  was  facilitated  by  the  feet  that  the 
official  in  qneition  often  carried,  as  the  soldiers 
alio  did,  the  labarura  with  the  cross,  Constan- 
tine's  chosen  symbol. 

Pellicia  states  iPolUia,  li.  113,  ed.  17S0)  that 
ID  his  time  an  object  resembling  almost  exactly 
the  ancient  labarum,  as  depicted  on  coins,  was 
atlll  carried  in  supplications,  and  called  "  gon- 
falon" by  the  Italians. 

""  "  ' « to  hare  heer 


(s-bearei 


[C] 


DRAGON  (Afl  Stmbol).  [See  Sebpekt.] 
Though  the  serpent  from  the  earliest  flgca  has 
been  a  symbol  of  both  good  and  evil,  the  dragon, 
wherever  he  occurs  in  early  Christian  art,  seems 
to  represent  the  enemy  of  mankind,  all  bis  temp- 
tations, and  the  evil  desires  of  mankind  which 
oombine  with  them.     Tha  images  of  the  Apo- 

and  the  dragon  appeara  in  USS.  of  that  book,  aa 

The  dngcn-standarda  of  cohorts,  on  the  con- 
version of  Constantine,  had  the  Cross  or  mono- 
gnim  of  Chriat  placed  above  the  serpentine 
image;  the  name  of  the  standard-bearer  [Deia- 

of  baui>*ra  In  Church  processions.  The  labarum 
ia  represented  as  planted  an  the  twdy  of'a  aer- 
peut,  in  a  medal  given  by  Aringhi  after  Baro- 
DiuH  (ToL  ii.  p.  705). 

The  iieh  or  whale  of  Jonah  ia  often  repre- 
■anted  in  the  catacomba  as  a  «rt  of  draconic 
■andeaoript  (ae*    Bottari   Ivj.   and   poMiim,   D* 


Ross],  &C.),  perhaps  with  an  idea  of  carrying 
out  the  symbolism  of  our  Lord's  pauing  nnder 
and  out  of  the  power  of  hell  and  of  death.  But 
the  idea  of  a  aea-monater  seems  always  intended 
to  be  conveyed.  The  Idea  of  the  dragon  aa  a 
winged  crocodile  or  liurd  may  have  been  derived 
IVom  remains  of  the  Sauri:  a  skeleton  of  sonis 
animal  of  that  femlly  is  mentioned  by  Mrs. 
Jameson  as  hiving  been  exhibited  at  Ail  in  a 
fossil  state,  aa  the  frame  of  a  dragon  which  had 
long  devastated  the  neighbourhood.  Prof.  Kings- 
ley  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  pterodac- 
tyies  of  the  lias  were  literally  flying  drigona  to 
all  iutenls  and  purposes.  The  Griffin,  aa  a  mi- 
nister of  God's  service,  is  quite  distinct  from  the 
dragon  (see  e.  T.)*  For  Daniel  and  the  Apocry- 
phal Dragon  or  Sei'pent  sea  Bottari,  v.  1,  tav. 
lii.  and  woodcut. 


The  Gothic  imagination,  in  later  days,  revelled 
in  dragons ;  the  seven-headed  beast,  with  crowns 
and  nimbuses  on  ail  hia  heada  except  that 
"wounded  to  death"  (Rev.  lii.),  is  a  type  of 
such  art ;  see  Didron'a  Oultint,  &C.,  vol.  i.  p.  162, 
"  from  a  12th  century  Psalterimn  com  figurig," 
in  the  BHIiathitpit  Roy(de.  In  Constantioe'a 
Mosaic,  (Euseb.  dt  Vit&  Const,  lit.  iii.  c.  3;  sen 
also  Didron,  lamogT.  ChrAittme,  vol.  i.,  art. 
■ :),    the    serpent   (      ' 


vith  t) 


serpent 


onqueri 


innoJei  Arcltiohgiqiui,  vol.  i 
Serpent.)  dragons  are  mentioned  as  occupying 
alternate  panels  of  bu-relief  with  doresidrinking 
or  pecking  at  grapes,  on  a  font  frota  the  ancient 
chorch  of  Oodrecourt,  Beau  AnhO^ogique,  vol, 
i.  p.  129. 

Gori'a  representation  (^Theyrurui  DijAychorvm 
T,  ii.)  of  the  ivory  binding  of  tha  Codei  Laores- 
tanna  couaists  in  part  of  our  Lord  trampling  on 


680 


DEAMAS 


DBEBS 


the  lion  and  dragon,  while  the  serpent  is  cftrred 
also  near  Him.  [See  Serpent.]  For  the  doves 
^nd  tempting  serpent  on  the  Barberini  gem  see 
same  article,  and  Gori,  Th,  Diptych,  vol.  iii. 
p.  160.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DBAMAS,  CHBiffTiAN.  As  works  of  lite- 
rature, dramas  such  as  the  Xpurrhs  irdax^'^ 
ascribed  to  Gregory  of  Nazianzos,  do  not  come 
within  the  scope  of  this  Dictionary.  Nor  have  we 
any  snfEcient  evidence  that  sacred  dramas  were 
ever  acted  till  after  the  time  of  Charlemagne, 
which  forms  the  chronological  limit  of  its  archae- 
ology. All  that  can  be  said,  therefore,  is  to 
note  the  fact  that  there  is  no  proof  of  the  prac- 
tice of  dramatic  representations  of  sacred  history 
prior  to  that  period,  but  that  probably  thoee 
which  soon  afterwards  became  yhtj  popular 
were  not  entirely  novelties,  and,  as  the  present 
writer  has  noticed  elsewhere  {Diet,  of  the  Bible, 
S.V.  Magf)f  that  names  and  descriptions  like 
those  which  Bede  gives  of  Gaspar,  Melchior,  and 
Belthasar  (de  CoUectan,),  appear  to  imply  a  dra- 
matic as  well  as  pictorial  representation  of  the 
facU  of  the  Nativity.  [£.  H.  P.] 

DBELAMS.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  at- 
tempt to  foretel  the  future  b^  the  interpretation 
of  ordinary  dreams  was  condemned  by  the  early 
Church ;  rather  it  was  acknowledged  that  dreams 
might  be  made  the  vehicle  of  divine  revelation. 
But  some  of  the  old  heathen  practices  by  which 
men  sought  to  acquire  supernatural  knowledge 
in  dreams,  such  as  sleeping  in  an  idol's  temple 
wrapped  in  the  skin  of  a  sacrifice  (Virgil,  Aeneid 
vii.  88),  or  under  the  boughs  of  a  sacred  tree, 
were  distinctly  condemned.  Jerome  (in  loco) 
takes  Isaiah  Ixv.  4  to  refer  to  such  practices. 
There  was  no  impiety  (he  says)  which  Israel  in 
those  days  did  not  perpetrat«9,  "  sitting  or  dwell- 
ing in  sepulchres,  and  sleeping  in  the  shrines  of 
idols ;  where  they  used  to  pass  the  night  (incu- 
bare)  on  skins  of  victims  laid  on  the  ground  that 
they  might  learn  the  future  by  dreams,  as  the 
heathen  do  in  certain  temples  even  unto  this  day  *' 
(Wetzer  and  Welte,  KvchetUex.  xi.  172).      [C] 

DRESS.  This  article  relates  to  the  ordinary 
dress  of  Christians,  and  the  dress  of  the  clergy 
in  civil  life.  For  the  ministerial  dress,  see  Vest- 
ments. 

1.  Dress  of  Christiana  generally. — ^In  the  ear- 
liest days  of  the  Church  Christians  probably  took 
little  thought  for  raiment ;  yet  even  in  the  fii-st 
century  **  gay  clothing  "  was  found  in  Christian 
assemblies  (St.  James  ii.  2)  as  well  as  in  kings' 
palaces.  For  Christians  wore  the  ordinary  dress 
of  their  station  and  country  ;  neither  in  speech 
nor  in  manners  did  they  differ  from  other  men ; 
whether  in  cities  of  the  Greeks  or  cities  of  the 
barbarians  they  followed  the  customs  of  the  place 
in  dress  and  manner  of  life  (Epist.  ad  Diognetum, 
c.  5  ;  TertuUian,  Apohget.  c.  42).  Here  and  there 
A  convert  adopted  or  retained — as  Justin  did — ^the 
napless  cloak  (rpf/3o»v)  which  was  characteristic 
of  the  philosopher,  and  especially  of  the  Cynic ; 
but  this  did  not  distinguish  him  from  the  hea- 
then, but  from  those  who  made  no  profession  of 
philosophy  or  asceticism.  There  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  those  converts  who  had  a  professional 
dress — as  civil  and  military  officials—continued 
to  wear  it  whenever  duty  required. 

But  if  the  Christian  was  not  ^n  early  times 


distinguished  from  the  heathen  hj  his  paK 
there  was  always  in  the  Church — as  there  oooM 
not  fail  to  be  a  strong  feeling  against  luxury, 
display,  and  immodesty  in  apparel.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  who  represents  a  somewhat  asoetk 
tendency,  condemns  (Stromata,  iL  10,  p.  232  ff.) 
all  kinds  of  dye  for  that  which  is  but  the  cover- 
ing of  man's  shame,  all  gold  and  jewelry,  all 
over-nice  plaiting  of  the  hair  or  decoration  of 
the  face ;  he  seems  even  to  imply  that  there  U 
no  reason  why  men's  dress  should  differ  Itiub 
that  of  women,  as  in  both  cases  it  serves  but  the 
same  purpose  of  covering  and  protecting  from 
the  cold.  He  will  none  of  cloth  of  gold  or  Indian 
silk,  the  product  of  a  poor  worm  turned  to  pur- 
poses of  pride;  still  less  of  those  fine  materials 
which  display  what  they  seem  to  cover.  Let 
the  stuffs  which  Christians  wear  be  of  thdr 
natural  colour,  not  dyed  with  hues  dt  only  for  a 
Bacchic  procession.  It  is  permissible  to  weave 
stuffs  soft  and  pleasant  to  wear,  not  gaady  so  as 
to  attract  the  gaze.  The  long  train  which 
sweeps  the  ground  and  impedes  the  st«p  is  an 
abomination  to  him,  as  also  the  short  immodest 
tunic  of  the  Laconian  damsel.  In  a  word,  he 
urges  simplicity  and  modesty  in  all  points. 

Clement's  invective  probably  implies  that 
luxury  in  dress  was  not  unknown  among  the 
faithful  in  his  time;  this  is' certainly  thb  ease 
with  that  of  TertuUian,  whose  denunciations  are 
expressly  addressed  to  Christians.  In  his  treatise 
on  women's  dress,  he  charges  on  the  **  sons  of 
God,"  who  lusted  after  the  daughters  of  men, 
the  invention  of  the  adventitious  aids  of  femi- 
nine beauty — the  gold  and  jewels,  the  brilliant 
dyes,  the  black  powder  with  which  the  eyelids 
were  tinged,  the  unguent  which  gave  colour  to 
the  cheek,  the  wash  which  changed  the  hair  to 
the  fashionable  yellow,  the  towers  of  &lse  ti 
piled  upon  the  head  and  neck  (fie  CtUtn  Fc 
anm,  i.  2,  6,  8;  ii.  5,  6,  7).  Why,  he  asks, 
should  Christian  women  clothe  themselves  in 
gold  and  jewels  and  gorgeous  dyes,  when  they 
never  displayed  their  charms  in  processions,  as 
the  heathen  did,  and  needed  not  to  pass  through 
the  streets  except  when  they  went  to  cfanreh 
or  to  visit  a  sick  brother — not  occasions  for 
gorgeous  apparel  (A.  ii.  11)?  Why  should 
they  imitate  the  Apocalyptic  woman  that 
was  '*  arrayed  in  purple  and  scarlet  colour, 
and  decked  with  gold  and  precious  stones  ani 
pearls?"  (t&.  ii.  12).  He  does  not  object  to 
seemly  and  becoming  dress  (cultus),  and  approves 
attention  to  the  hair  and  skin,  but  he  inveighs 
against  such  decoration  (omatus)  as  seems  in- 
tended to  attract  notice  (t6.  i.  4;  ii.  2).  The 
wrist  accustomed  to  a  bracelet  would  hardly 
bear  a  chain,  the  leg  adorned  with  an  anklet 
would  scarcely  bear  the  fetter ;  some  necks  were 
so  loaded  with  pearls  and  emeralds  as  hardly  to 
afford  room  for  the  headsman's  sword  (tV  iL  13). 
Virgins  ought  always  to  cover  their  faces  when 
they  had  occasion  to  go  abroad  (^De  VirgiiL 
Veland.  passim). 

Nor  does  the  vehement  AfHcan  spare  the  men; 
ha  speaks  with  contempt  of  their  foolish  efitnts 
to  please  the  other  sex  by  artistic  clipping  oi 
the  beard,  by  dressing  the  hair,  by  dyeing  whits 
locks,  by  singeing  the  down  from  the  skin,  even 
by  using  the  feminine  aids  of  paint  and  powder 
on  the  face  (De  CuUu  Htm,  ii.  8)l  To  the  sun 
effect  Cyprian  speaks  (De  ffabitu  Virgmm,  e. 


DRESS 


DRESS 


681 


12  ff.),  and  so  speaks  the  treatise  De  Bono  Ptidi- 
citiae  (c  12)  attributed  to  him. 

From  such  passages  it  is  evident  that  Chris- 
tians in  the  latter  part  of  the  second  and  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century,  both  men  and 
women,  followed  the  fashion  of  the  world,  though 
not  withoat  strong  remonstrance  from  those  who 
took  a  more  serious  yiew  of  their  Christian  call- 
ing. The  onlj  exception  probably  was  in  the 
case  of  some  decoration  which  implied,  or  was 
thought  to  imply,  participation  in  idolatry  (Ter- 
tuUian,  De  Idotolatrid,  c.  18).  It  was  indeed  u 
part  of  the  torture  applied  to  Christians  to  com- 
pel them  to  put  on  garments  distinctly  indica- 
tive of  such  participation  {Acts  of  Ferpeiua  and 
Felicitas,  c.  18,  in  Ruinart,  p.  100,  ed.  2).  A 
series  of  passages  in  denunciation  of  luxury  in 
dress  might  be  produced  from  the  early  fathers ; 
see,  for  instance,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Gqtech.  IV, 
p.  94,  ed.  1641 ;  Basil,  Reg.fusiia  Tract,  Interrog. 
22 ;  ii.  366,  ed.  Bened. 

Some  canonical  decrees  on  the  subject  relate 
to  the  assumption  by  one  sex  of  the  dress  of  the 
other;  since  for  women  to  wear  the  dress  ot 
nuen  was  sometimes  represented  as  meritorious 
asceticism.  Eustathius,  for  instance  (quoted  by 
Bingham,  xvi.  xi.  16)  taught  his  female  disciples 
to  cut  off  their  hair  and  to  assume  the  habit  of 
men.  But  the  council  of  Gangra  (a.d.  370),  in 
canons  13  and  17,  condemns  both  these  practices 
in  the  following  teinns : — **  If  any  woman,  under 
pretence  of  leading  an  ascetic  life,  change  her 
apparel,  and  instead  of  the  accustomed  habit  of 
women  take  that  of  men,  let  her  be  anathema.*' 
And,  **  If  any  woman,  on  account  of  an  ascetic 
life,  cut  off  her  hair,  which  God  has  given  her  as 
a  memorial  of  subjection,  let  her  be  anathema, 
as  one  that  annuls  the  decree  of  subjection." 
These  decrees  are  manifestly  founded  upon  Deut. 
zxii.  5  and  1  Cor.  xi.  6  respectively.  Cyprian 
(^Ep.  2,  c.  1,  ad  Eucratium)  and  TertuUian  (dg 
Spectac,  c  23),  with  other  writers  (see  Prynne's 
jiistriomistix\  apply  the  Mosaic  prohibition  to 
the  interchange  of  clothing  by  men  and  women 
in  stage  plays,  which  they  condemn  for  this  rea- 
son among  many  others. 

Under  the  Prankish  emperors  the  Mosaic  pro- 
hibition (Deut.  xxii.  1 1)  of  wearing  a  garment  of 
woollen  and  linen  was  re-enacted  (jCapitularium^ 
▼i.  c  46). 

The  civil  code  under  the  empire  attempted  to 
repress  luxury  by  specific  enactments  {Codex 
Justiniani,  lib.  xi.  tit.  8),  which  seem  however 
to  contemplate,  at  least  in  part,  the  preservation 
of  an  imperial  monopoly  and  of  the  sanctity  of  the 
imperial  insignia.  [Commerce,  p.  409.1  It  was 
utterly  forbidden  to  manufacture  cloth  of  gold 
or  edgings  (paragaudas)  of  silk  and  gold  thread 
for  male  attire,  except  in  the  imperial  factories 
(gynaeciariis) ;  nor  was  any  male  to  wear  such 
decorations,  except  imperial  officials.  No  woollen 
garments  were  to  be  dyed  so  as  to  imitate  the 
imperial  purple,  the  blood  of  the  sacred  murex. 
Mo  one  was  to  wear  imperial  insignia,  nor  to 
mannfiicture  privately  any  silk  tunics  or  pallia. 
There  was  probably  a  demand  for  silk  and  cloth 
of  gold  for  male  attire,  when  so  strict  laws  were 
made  against  their  use. 

2.  Civil  Dress  of  the  Clergy, — It  is  certain  that 
daring  the  first  five  Christian  centuries  the 
cUrgy  in  general  were  distinguished  from  the 
laitjy  in  ordinary  life,  neither  by  the  form  nor 


the  colour  of  their  garments,  but  only  by  their 
sober  and  unobtrusive  style  (Thomassin.  i.  ii.  43). 
The  lacema,  byrrus,  and  dalmatic  whlui  Cyprian 
took  off  before  his  martyrdom  {Acta  Procons, 
c.  5)  seem  to  be  the  ordinary  dress  of  a  citizen 
of  that  period.  So  far  were  the  clergy  commonly 
from  adopting  a  peculiar  dress  that  pope  Celes- 
tinus  (a.d.  428)  sharply  blamed  certain  Galilean 
bishops  who  hid  chosen  to  make  themselves  con 
spicuous  by  a  dress  different  from  that  of  the 
laity  about  them  {Epist,  2,  in  Binius'  ConoiliOy 
i.  901).  These  bishops,  it  appears,  had  been 
monks  before  they  were  promoted  to  the  epi- 
scopate, and  retained  as  bishops  the  pallium  and 
girdle  of  the  monk,  instead  of  taking  the  tunic 
and  toga  of  the  superior  layman.  Yet  Con- 
stantinus  (  Vita  Germanif  in  Surius,  iv.  360)  says 
that  bishop  Amator,  when  he  ordained  German  us 
(t448),  afterwards  bishop  of  Auxerre,  put  upon 
him  '*habitum  religionis,"  an  expression  which 
in  all  probability  designates  the  monastic  dress ; 
and  other  ecclesiastics  of  special  austerity  no 
doubt  wore  the  rough  dress  of  the  monk,  as  St. 
Martin  did  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Vita  B,  Martini^ 
c.  10 ;  Dialogue  II.  c  1),  but  the  very  fact  that 
this  costume  was  specially  noticed  shows  that  it 
was  not  the  common  attire  of  the  clergy. 

Nor  do  the  clergy  of  the  East,  more  than  those 
of  the  West,  seem  to  have  adopted  a  distinctive 
dress  in  early  times,  unless  they  were  membera 
of  monastic  bodies,  or  remarkably  austere  in  life. 
If  Heraclas  (Euseb.  H,  E.  vi.  19)  wore  the  gown 
of  the  philosopher,  this  distinguished  him  not 
from  the  laity  but  fi*om  the  unphilosophical, 
whether  lay  or  clerical.  The  dress  of  the  bishops 
whom  Constantine  assembled  round  his  table 
(Euseb.  Vita  Constant,  i.  42)  seems  to  have  had 
no  distinctive  character  except  simplicity.  Sis- 
innius,  a  Novatian  bishop  (Socrates,  H,  E,  vi.  22), 
incurred  the  reproach  of  ostentation  by  wearing 
a  white  robe,  which  contrasted  with  the  more 
usual  sober  colour  of  episcopal  garments.  But 
there  are  indications  at  a  later  date  among  the 
orthodox,  that  a  somewhat  splendid  vesture  was 
thought  to  become  high  station  in  the  hierai'chy. 
John  Chrysostom,  for  instance,  a  short  time  before 
his  death,  adopted  the  more  splendid  attire  suited 
to  his  position ;  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  declai'es 
that  his  own  simple  life  and  mean  dress  was  one 
of  the  reasons  for  his  expulsion  from  Constan- 
tinople— implying  that  something  more  distin- 
guished was  looked  for. 

St.  Augustine  too  {Sermo  50,  De  Diversis), 
apparently  still  a  priest,  says  that  a  valuable 
byrrus  might  befit  a  bishop,  which  would  by  no 
means  suit  a  poor  man  like  Augustine.  That 
the  byrrus  was  the  common,  as  opposed  to  the 
ascetic,  dress  of  Christians,  is  shown  by  the  12th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Gangra  (A.D.  358),  in 
which  those  who  wore  the  ascetic  gown  {trtpi- 
fi6\(uov)  are  warned  not  to  despise  the  wearera 
of  the  byrrus.  Augustine  objects  only  to  wear- 
ing one  more  valuable  than  became  his  station. 

The  account  also  of  Euthymias  {Life,  by  Cyril, 
in  Surius,  Jan.  20)  saluting  Anastasius  as  Patri- 
arch, shows  that  a  dignitary  of  that  eminence 
was  generally  distinguished  by  the  splendour  of 
his  attire. 

We  conclude  then  generally  that  no  especial 
stylo  of  dress  was  prescribed  for  the  clergy 
within  the  first  five  centuries,  but  that  during 
the  latter  part  of  that  period  it  was  usual  fc< 


582 


PRESS 


DRESS 


monks  who  became  bishops  to  retain  their  mon- 
astic garb,  and  for  the  higher  dignitaries — especi- 
ally the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  connected 
as  he  was  with  a  splendid  court — to  wear  snch 
garments  as  befitted  a  person  of  rank. 

The  same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the 
fact  that  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  {Ilierarch.  EccL 
c.  5),  in  describing  the  ordination  of  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons,  probably  in  the  5th  century, 
says  not  a  word  of  any  change  of  dress,  though 
he  is  careful  to  mention  it  in  the  case  of  monks. 

In  the  6th  century  the  civil  dress  of  the  clergy 
came  to  differ  from  that  of  the  laity,  mainly  be- 
cause the  latter  departed  from  the  ancient  type 
to  which  the  former  adhered  ;  for  the  clergy,  in 
the  empire  of  the  West,  retained  the  long  tunic 
and  toga  (or  pallium)  of  the  Romans,  while  the 
laity  adopted  for  the  most  part  the  short  tunic, 
trowsers,  and  cloak  of  the  "gens  bracata,"  the 
Teutonic  invaders.  It  was  probably  in  conse- 
quence of  this  change  of  dress  that  the  compila- 
tion of  canons  sanctioned  by  the  second  council 
of  Braga,  A.D.  672  (c.  66;  Bruns's  Canones,  ii.  56), 
especially  desired  the  clergy  to  wear  the  long 
dignified  tunic  (talarem  vestem).  Gregory  the 
Great  constantly  assumes  the  existence  of  a  dis- 
tinctive clerical  habit.  He  speaks,  for  instance 
{Epist  It.  22),  of  men  assuming  the  ecclesiastical 
habit  and  living  a  worldly  life.  And  John  the 
Deacon  (^Vita  Gregorii^  ii.  13)  directs  especial 
attention  to  the  fact,  that  the  great  Pontiff  him- 
self tolerated  no  one  about  him  who  wore  the 
barbarian  dress ;  every  one  in  his  household  wore 
the  garb  of  old  Rome  (trabeata  Latinitas),  then 
almost  synonymous  with  the  clerical  habit. 

And  from  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century 
we  find  canons  forbidding  clerics  to  wear  the 
secular  dress.  They  are  not  to  wear  long  hair, 
nor  clothes  other  than  such  as  befit  *'  religion  " 
(^Conc.  Agathen.  c.  20) ;  nor  a  military  cloak,  nor 
arms  (jC.  Matiscon.  c.  5);  nor  purple,  which 
rather  befits  the  great  ones  of  the  world  (C  NaT' 
hon.  c  1).  And  again,  in  the  8th  century,  priests 
and  deacons  are  desired  not  to  wear  the  laic 
aagvmf  or  short  cloak,  but  the  Casula,  as  be- 
comes servants  of  God  (C.  German,  i.  A.D.  742, 
c.  7), —  where  the  expression  "ritu  servorum 
Dei"  probably  does  not  mean  'Mike  monks" 
(Marriott,  Vest,  Christ.  201,  n.  416)— and  gener- 
ally not  to  weal*  ostentatious  clothes  (pompatico 
habitu)  or  arms  (Boniface,  Epist.  105).  Yet 
about  the  same  time  pope  Zachary,  writing  to 
Pi  pin,  mayor  of  the  palace  {Cone.  GcUUae,  i.  563), 
desires  bishops  to  dress  according  to  their  dignity, 
and  parish  priests  (presbyteri  cardinal  es)  to  wear 
in  preaching  a  better  style  of  dress  than  that  of 
the  people  committed  to  them;  warning  them 
at  the  same  time  that  not  the  dress  of  the  body 
but  the  state  of  the  soul  is  the  important  thing. 

Tet  even  in  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  century 
Bede  tells  ns^Vita  Cudherti,  c.  16) that  St.  Cuth- 
bert  wore  ordinary  clothes  (vestimentis  com- 
munibus),*  neither  splendid  nor  dirty,  and  that 
after  his  example  the  monks  of  his  monastery 
continued  to  wear  gaionents  of  undyed  wool. 

The  course  of  events  in  the  East,  in  respect  of 
clerical  dress,  was  not  very  different  from  that 
in  the  West,  except  that  as  the  settlements  of 
the  barbarians  were  less  numerous,  the  distinc- 

•  This  may  mean,  however,  that  Cuthhert  as  abbot  did 
C9t  aisnme  a  drew  different  from  that  of  his  monks. 


tion  between  layman  and  cleric  was  less-  o^tioOi 
both  wearing  the  long  tunic.  A  law  of  Jus- 
tinian (lYov.  123,  c.  44)  protected  monastic  dress 
from  profane  uses,  but  says  nothing  of  any  other 
dress  peculiar  to  clerics.  The  council  in  Tmllo, 
however,  a.d.  691,  expressly  enacted  (c.  27)  that 
no  one  on  the  roll  of  the  clergy  sliould  wear  ao 
unprofessional  (JkyoiK^utv)  dress,  whether  in  the 
city  or  on  a  journey,  but  should  uj^e  the  robes 
{trroXtus)  prescribed  for  those  who  were  enrolled 
among  the  clergy,  under  pain  of  excommuni- 
cation for  a  week.  From  this  point  the  differ- 
ence between  clerical  and  lay  dress  may  be  con- 
sidered established,  though  a  series  of  enactments 
throughout  the  middle  ages  shows  that  the 
clergy  were  constantly  in  the  habit  of  assimilat- 
ing their  dress  to  that  of  the  laity. 

Pope  Zacharias  decreed  (a.D.  743)  that  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons  should  not  use  secular  drea, 
but  only  the  sacerdotal  tunic ;  and  that  when 
they  walked  out,  whether  in  city  or  country — 
unless  on  a  long  journey — they  should  wear 
some  kind  of  upper  garment  or  wrapper  (operi- 
mentum).!* 

The  second  council  of  Nice,  in  the  year  787, 
condemns  (c.  15)  bishops  and  clerics  who  distin- 
guish themselves  by  the  richness  and  brilliant 
colours  of  their  dress.  So  Tarasius,  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  (t806),  bade  his  clergy  ab- 
stain from  golden  girdles,  and  from  garments 
bright  with  silk  and  purple,  prescribing  girdles 
of  goats'  hair,  and  tunics  decent  but  not  gor> 
geous  {Life,  c.  14,  in  Surius,  Feb.  25). 

The  council  of  Aix,  in  the  year  816  (c  124), 
inveighs  against  personal  ornament  and  splendour 
of  dress  in  the  clergy,  and  exhorts  them  to  be 
neither  splendid  nor  slovenly.  It  seems  to  be 
presumed  that  the  proper /orm  of  the  dericU 
dress  was  well  known,  for  nothing  is  said  on  this 
point.  It  further  (c  25)  forbids  secular  or 
canonical  clerks  to  wear  hoods  [Cuculla],  tbe 
peculiar  distinction  of  monks.  A  somewhat 
later  council  (C.  Metens.  A-D.  888,  c.  6)  forbids 
the  clergy  to  wear  the  short  coats  (cottos)  and 
mantles  (mantellos)  of  the  laity,  and  the  laity  to 
wear  the  copes  (cappas)  of  the  clergy.  Early  m 
the  9th  century  also,  presbyters  were  enjoined 
to  wear  their  stoles  always,  as  an  indication  of 
their  priesthood  {Cone.  MogurU.  A.D.  813,  c.  28; 
Capituiarium,  lib.  v.  c.  146). 

We  may  conclude  then,  generally,  that  the 
clergy  wore  in  civil  life,  during  the  first  eight 
centuries  of  the  church,  the  long  tunic  wluicfa 
was  the  dress  of  decent  citizens  at  the  time  of 
the  first  preaching  of  Christianity.  This  was  at 
first  generally  white  FAlb],  afterwards  of  sober 
colours,  though  not  seldom — in  spite  of  canons — 
of  more  brilliant  hue.  To  this  was  added  in 
early  times  the  dignified  toga;  afterwards  the 
cappa  [Cope  ;  Casula,  p.  294],  or  pluviale,  aot 
then  appropriated  as  a  vesture  of  ministration 
only.  The  long  tunic,  under  whatever  name,  has 
continued  to  be  the  ordinary  di'ess  of  the  deigy 
to  this  day,  wherever  they  have  worn  a  peculiar 
dress. 

Literature,  —  Bingham's  Antiquities,  Vi.  iv. 

b  The  word  rather  suggests  a  covering  for  the  head; 
hot  it  Is  difficult  to  understand  why  a  man  taking  a  long 
Journey  should  be  excused  from  wearing  a  head-coroiojb 
while  it  is  easy  to  iuiagioe  that  h«  nn^t  not  wfah  tr 
wear  a  cumbrous  cagpa  or  ctttula  in  the  dlmate  of  Iti^ 


DB0CT0VEU8 


DKUNEENNESS 


583 


15  ff. ;  Mamacbi,  Costwni  dei  Primitice  Cristiani 
(Rome,  1753,  54),  and  Origines,  lib.  iii.  c.  7; 
Thomassin,  Vet,  et  Nova  Eccl  Di&dp,  i.  ii.  43  ff. ; 
J.  Boileau,  ZHsqvis.  Hominis  Sacri  m'tom  oommii- 
nem  more  civUi  traducenUs ;  Heinecciiu,  De  Ha- 
bitu  Sjcerdot  [C] 

DBOGTOYEUS,  abbot,  disciple  of  Germanus 
the  bishop;  deposition  at  Paris,  March  10  (Jfor^ 
Usuardi).  [W.  K.  G.] 

DBOMIO.  In  the  Oriental  Church  churches 
of  the  basilican  form,  t.  e.  parallelograms,  with 
the  length  considerably  exceeding  the  breadth, 
and  terminating  in  a  semicircular  apse,  were 
called  *Mromic  "  (UpofUKid),  from  the  similarity  of 
their  plan  to  that  of  a  Jip6fjMs  or  *'  stadium."  The 
notion  of  Leo  Allatius  (de  Templis  Graec.  Becent. 
Ep.  ii.  §  3),  and  Suicer  («u6  roc.  va6sy  adopted 
bj  Bingham ;  Originea,  bk.  viii.  ch.  iii.  §  1)  that 
they  were  so  styled  from  having  ''void  spaces 
for  deambulatoria"  within  their  roofs  on  the 
upper  side  of  the  flat  ceilings,  is  quite  unfounded. 
Theod.  Zygomalas  apud  Suicer  correctly  derives 
the  name  '*  dromic  *'  from  the  form,  the  length 
much  greater  than  the  breadth,  like  a  "  narthex  " 
or  wand :  ipofwthy  iudiy  vdpBiiKos'  trav  dpofiiKhv 
rdpBri^  Xdyerau  Of  this  plan  was  the  original 
church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople:  iv  r^ 
fic^oAp  fKKkriaUf  rris  aylas  ^o^ias  dpofUK^  rh 
irpir^por  oStrp  (Codin.  Orig,  ConstofUinopol,  72), 
and  that  of  St.  Anastasia  in  the  same  city :  6  8i 
pobbs  TTis  ayias  *AvcuFT<urias  i<m  tpofiiK6s  (Con- 
stant, de  Admin.  Imp.  29).  Existing  examples  of 
dromic  churches  in  the  Blast  are  those  of  St.  De- 
metrius at  Thessalonica  (Texier,  ArchU.  Byzant 
137),  St.  Philip,  and  the  Virgin  of  the  Grand 
Monastery  at  Athens  (Couchaud,  pi.  2,  4),  and 
St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  built  by  Justi- 
nian. [£.  v.] 

DBUNEENNESS.  Of  the  prevalence  of 
this  vice  in  the  Roman  world  in  the  early  ages 
of  Christianity  it  would  be  needless  to  speak. 
That  it  became  peculiarly  shameless  about  the 
very  opening  of  the  Christian  era,  we  infer  from 
Pliny's  observation  that  under  Tiberius  men  first 
began  to  drink  &sting,  jejuni  (bk.  xiv.  c.  xxviii.). 
The  neighbouring  races  to  the  Roman  empira 
were  not  more  temperate  than  the  Romans  them- 
selves. To  the  east,  the  same  Pliny  records  that 
the  Parthians  were  great  drunkards.  Of  the 
Germans,  Tacitus  says  that  to  drink  through  a 
whole  day  and  night  was  considered  no  disgrace 
(^De  Mor.  Oerm,  c  xxii.). 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  here  into  the  denun- 
ciations of  drunkenness  contained  both  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testament.  It  will  be  enough  to 
jay  that  St.  Paul  expressly  includes  *Mrunk- 
anls  "  among  those  who  shall  not  "  inherit  the 
kingdom  of  God  "  (1  Cor.  d.  10).  Early  Church 
writers  follow  the  same  line,  see  Clement  ad  Cor. 
Ep.  i.  c  30;  Apoat,  Const.  IL  c.  25;  v.  c  10 ; 
vii.  c.  6 ;  and  particularly  viii.  c  44.  The  ApO' 
stolicai  CcnaiiluUonB  there  warn  against  giving 
relief  to  gluttons,  drunkards,  or  idlers,  as  not 
being  fit  for  the  Church  (bk.  ii.  c  4).  Drunken 
habits  were  to  afford  a  presumption  against  a 
person  accused  before  the  Church  Courts  (i&. 
"*  49).  The  oblations  of  drunkards  were  not  to 
be  received  (bk.  iv.  c.  6).  The  true  rule  of  Chris- 
tian temperance  is  given  in  one  of  the  later 
oonstitutions  (bk.  viii.  c.  44) :  "  Not  that  they 
vlMold  not  drink,  for  this  is  to  condemn  tnai 


which  is  made  of  God  for  cheerfulness,  but  that 
they  should  not  drink  to  excess."  The  ApostO" 
lical  Canons  in  like  manner  make  drunkenness  a 
ground  of  exclusion  from  communion  for  bishops, 
priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  readers  or  singers, 
and  also  for  laymen  (c  35,  otherwise  numbered 
41,  42,  or  42,  43). 

Still  the  vice  flourished,  as  may  be  seen  for 
instance  from  the  injunctions  of  Jerome  to  Nepo- 
tianus  "  never  to  smell  of  wine,"  since  '*  wine- 
bibbing  priests  are  both  condemned  by  the 
apostle  and  forbidden  by  the  old  law  "  (Ep.  2) ; 
or  to  Eustochium,  that  *'  the  spouse  of  Christ 
should  flee  wine  as  poison."  In  some  countries 
drunkenness  was  even  made  an  accompaniment 
of  the  most  solemn  services  of  the  Church. 
Augustine  complains  (ad  Aur.  Ep.  22,  otherwise 
64)  that  in  Africa  ^  revellings  and  drunkenness 
are  deemed  so  allowable  and  lawful  that  they 
take  place  even  in  honour  of  the  most  blessed 
martyrs,"  even  in  the  cemeteries  [Cella  mb- 
moriae],  as  appears  from  the  sequel  to  the  pas- 
sage. And  so  rooted  does  he  consider  drunken 
habits  to  be  in  his  flock  that  he  advises  them 
to  be  dealt  with  gently,  rather  by  teaching 
than  by  command,  rather  by  warning  than  by 
menace. 

For  a  long  time,  however,  clerical  discipline 
m  respect  of  this  vice  seems  rather  to  have  been 
enforced,  or  attempted  to  be  enforced,  through 
the  well-known  prohibition  to  clerics  to  enter 
taverns.  [Caufona.]  Except  in  the  Apotto- 
lical  Canons,  the  first  distinct  Church  enact- 
ment against  drunkenness  appears  to  be  that 
of  the  1st  Council  of  Tours,  461.  ''  If  any  one 
serving  God  in  whatever  clerical  office  shall 
not  al»tain  from  drunkenness  according  to  the 
order  of  his  estate,  let  a  fitting  punishment  be 
awarded  to  him  "  (c.  2).  In  Ivo  the  same  canon 
appears  in  an  altered  form  as  directed  especially 
against  clerical  tavern-keepers,  who  sold  wine  in 
their  churches,  so  that  where  nought  should  be 
heard  but  orisons  and  the  word  of  God  and  his 
praise,  there  revellings  and  drunkenness  are 
found.  Such  excesses  are  forbidden,  and  the 
offending  presbyter  is  ordered  to  be  deposed, 
offending  laymen  to  be  excommunicated  and 
expelled  (see  also  c.  3,  of  same).  No  doubt 
the  vice  was  highly  prevalent  in  France,  for 
a  few  years  later  we  find  the  Council  of 
Vannes  also  enacting  that  ''above  all  things 
should  drunkenness  be  avoided  by  clerics  .... 
therefore  we  decree  that  he  who  shall  be  ascer- 
tained to  have  been  drunk,  as  the  order  suffers, 
shall  be  either  excluded  for  thirty  days  from 
communion  or  given  over  to  corporal  punishment" 
(c.  13).  The  same  canon  was  re-enacted  by  the 
Council  of  Agde  in  506  (c  41).  Somewhat  later  in 
the  centui*y,  the  Conetitutions  of  king  Childebert, 
after  ordering  the  abolishing  of  certain  remains 
of  idolatry,  lament  the  sacrileges  committed, 
when  for  instance  all  night  long  men  spend  the 
time  in  drunkenness,  scurrility,  and  singing, 
even  in  the  sacred  days  of  Easter,  Christmas,  and 
the  other  feasts;  and  enacts  for  penalty  100 
lashes  for  a  servile  person,  but  for  a  freebom 
one  strict  imprisonment  (districta  inclusio)  and 
penance,  that  at  least  by  bodily  torments  they 
may  be  reduced  to  sanity  of  mind.  In  the  East 
even,  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in  536, 
we  find  mention  of  a  letter  of  the  clergy  of 
Apamea  against  one  bishop  Peter  (depoiM  for 


584 


DBUNEENNESS 


DRUNKENNESS 


hereby)  who  used  to  make  drank  persons  coming 
to  b  iptism  (see  Labbe'  and  Mansi's  Councils,  toI. 
yii.  p.  1104). 

The  West,  however,  seems  to  hare  been  the 
chief  home  of  glattony  and  drunkenness.  A 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Autan  (▲.D.  670  or  there- 
abouts) enacted  that  no  priest  stuffed  with  food 
or  crapulous  with  wine  should  touch  the  sacrifice, 
or  presume  to  say  mass,  under  pain  of  losing  his 
dignity.  In  a  work  of  Theodore,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  De  Bemediis  Peccatorum  (end  of  7th 
century),  it  is  laid  down  that  a  bishop  or  other 
ordained  person  who  has  the  vice  of  habitual 
drunkenness  must  either  amend  himself  or  be 
deposed.  The  Council  of  Berkhampbtead,  in  the 
5th  year  of  Withraed  king  of  Kent  (A.D.  697), 
enacts  that  if  a  priest  be  so  drunk  that  he 
cannot  fulfil  his  oflSce,  his  ministry  shall  cease 
at  the  will  of  the  bishop  (c.  7).  Gildas  {De 
Poenitmtidj  c.  7),  lays  down  that  if  any  one 
through  drunkenness  cannot  sing  the  psalms,  he 
is  to  be  excluded  from  communion.  Some  ex- 
tracts from  a  certain  **  Book  of  David,"  supposed, 
like  that  of  Gildas,  to  have  been  received  by  the 
Irish  Church,  make  some  curious  distinctions.  A 
priest  drunk  through  ignorance  is  to  be  subject  to 
13  days'  penance;  if  through  negligence,  to  40 
days;  if  through  contempt  [of  discipline?],  to 
thrice  forty.  He  who  for  civility's  sake  (humani- 
tatis  causi)  compeb  another  to  get  drunk  is  to 
do  penance  as  for  drunkenness.  But  he  who 
through  the  effect  of  hatred  or  luxuriousness,  that 
he  may  shamefully  confound  or  mock  others,  com- 
pels them  to  get  drunk,  if  he  has  not  sufficiently 
repented,  is  to  do  penance  as  a  killer  of  souls 
(cl). 

Gregory  III.  (731-41)  in  his  Excerpts  from 
the  Fathers  and  the  Canons,  mentions  the  habi- 
tual drunkenness  of  a  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon 
as  being  a  ground  of  deposition,  if  he  do  not 
amend  himself  (c  8).  An  epistle  of  Boni&ce  him- 
self to  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  read 
at  the  Council  of  Cloveshoe,  iuD.  747,  bears  fur- 
ther testimony  to  the  prevalence  of  drunkenness 
in  Britain  :  "  It  is  said  also  that  in  your  parishes 
drunkenness  is  a  too  common  evil,  so  that  not 
only  do  the  bishops  not  forbid  it,  but  themselves, 
drinking  too  much,  become  intoxicated,  and  com- 
pel others  to  become  so,  offering  them  larger 
beakers."  And  the  Canons  of  the  Council  bear 
'*  that  monks  and  clerics  should  not  follow  or 
desire  the  evil  of  drunkenness,"  but  should  avoid 
it ;  '*  nor  should  they  compel  others  to  drink 
immoderately."  If  they  have  no  infirmity,  they 
should  not  before  the  third  hour  of  the  day  in- 
dulge in  potations  after  the  manner  of  drunkards 
(c  21).  So  again  the  Penitential  of  archbishop 
£gbert  repeats,  with  slight  variation  of  lan- 
guage, the  canon  of  the  Council  of  Vannes  as  to 
the  inflicting  of  30  days'  excommunication  or 
corporal  punishment  on  the  cleric  proved  to 
have  been  drunk  (bk.  ii.  c  9) ;  increasing  the 
punishment  to  three  months  on  bread  and  water 
to  the  cleric  or  monk  who  is  given  to  drunken- 
ness (c.  10).  And  the  canons  of  the  same 
on  *Hhe  remedies  for  sin,"  reckon  among 
capital  crimes  habitual  drunkenness  (c.  5),  and 
impose  three  years'  penance  for  it  (c  7), — such 
penance  being  apparei&tly  in  addition  to  the  three 
months'  bread  and  water  above  referred  to.  A 
"  fiiithful "  layman  making  another  drunk  must 
■io  forty  days   penance  (c.  11).    A  definition  is 


given  of  drunkenness,  which  is  also  found 
where :  ^  when  the  state  of  the  mind  is  changed, 
aud  the  tongue  falters,  and  the  eyes  are  troubled, 
and  there  is  dizzinesss  and  distension  of  the  belly 
followed  by  pains."  Clerics  guilty  of  snd&  ex- 
cess must  do  40  days'  penance ;  a  rule  followed 
unintelligibly  by  the  enjoining  for  the  aunt 
offence  of  4  weeks'  penance  for  a  deacon  or  priest, 
5  for  a  bishop,  3  for  a  '^  prelate ;"  the  peoanoe 
to  be  without  wine  or  flesh-meat  (c  12). 

Drunkenness  must  have  been  widely  spread  orer 
the  Continent  also  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries. 
The  same  Boniface  in  a  letter  to  Pope  Zadiarias 
(a.D.  741-51),  complains^  among  other  scandaU 
of  the  contemporary  Romish  Church,  of  its 
drunkard  deacons ;  and  the  pope  in  reply  only  say^ 
that  he  does  not  allow  such  deacons  tx>  fulfil  sacred 
offices  or  touch  the  sacred  mysteries.  The  3nl 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Friuli  (A.D.  791)  is  severe 
against  drunkenness,  referring  to  the  passages  oa 
the  subject  in  Titus  i.,  Rom.  xiiL,  Eph.  v.,  Luke  xxL 
The  Capitularies  of  Theodulf,  archbishop  of  Or- 
leans, to  his  clergy  (797)  enjoin  on  these  both 
to  abstain  themselves  from  drunkenness  and  to 
preach  to  their  flocks  that  they  should  likewise 
abstain  (i.  c  13);  but  reckons  among  minoi 
sins  the  intoxicating  others  for  the  sake  o 
mirth  (ii.).  The  26th  of  Charlemagne's  Chnrc9 
Capitularies  (810)  directs  in  like  manner  th» 
elder  clergy  to  forbear  the  vice  themselves  an** 
offer  to  the  younger  an  example  of  good  sobriety  - 
the  first  capitulary  of  802  contains  repeated 
injunctions  against  drunkenness  among  monks 
(c.  17),  nuns  (c.  18),  and  canons  (c.  22);  the 
Council  of  Mayence  (812),  speaking  of  drunken- 
ness as  **  a  great  evil,  whence  all  vices  are  bred," 
directs  all  to  be  excommunicated  who  do  not 
avoid  it,  until  they  amend  their  ways  (c46): 
the  2nd  Council  of  Rheims  (same  year)  declares 
that  the  bishops  and  ministers  of  God  should  not 
be  too  much  given  to  feastings  (vinolentiis;  c  18) ; 
the  Edict  of  Charlemagne  in  814  forbids  clerics 
*'  nourishing "  drunkenness  and  ordering  others 
to  become  intoxicated  (c.  14).  See  also  the  first 
capitulary  of  Aix-la-^apelle  of  802,  c  35 ;  a 
capitulai7  of  803  (bk.  vii.  c.  218,  and  again  at 
greater  length,  c.  270)  repeating  at  the  close  the 
15th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Vannes,  but  extend- 
ing the  period  of  suspension  from  communion  to 
40  days ;  the  Additio  Quaria  to  the  capitularies, 
c.  46;  the  3rd  Council  of  Tours,  a.i>.  813, 
c  48 ;  and  the  2nd  Council  of  Chartres  (same 
year),  c.  10. 

The  above  canons  and  rules  relate  chiefly, 
though  not  exclusively,  to  the  clergy,  or  if  to 
the  feithful  generally,  only  in  respect  to  Church 
discipline.  In  the  Carlovingian  era,  however, 
civil  penalties  or  disabilities  began  to  be  inflicted 
for  drunkenness.  In  a  capitulary  of  803,  added 
to  the  Salic  law,  it  is  enacted  that  no  one  while 
drunk  may  obtain  his  suit  in  the  mall  nor  girt 
witness ;  nor  shall  the  count  hold  a  plea  unless 
before  breaking  his  fast ;  nor  may  any  one  com- 
pel another  to  drink  (cc  15,  16 ;  and  see  also 
General  Collection,  bk.  iii.  c.  38,  and  bk.  vi. 
232-3).  The  latter  injunction  is  thus  developed 
in  a  capitulary  of  8 13:  **That  in  the  host  none 
do  pray  his  peer  or  any  other  man  to  drink.  Aad 
whoever  in  the  army  shall  have  been  found 
drunk,  shall  be  so  excommunicated  that  in  drink- 
ing he  use  only  water  till  he  know  himself  to 
have  acted  evilly"  (bk.  iii.  c  72>    Anotbv 


DBUSU& 


£A(}I^ 


585 


ctipHabiry,  relating  however  to  *he  cler^rj*,  enacts 
that  priests  who  against  the  canons  enter  taverns 
and  are  not  ashamed  to  minister  to  feastingn  and 
drunkenness,  are  to  be  severely  coerced  (blc.  v. 
c  325 ;  see  also  c,  162,  which  however  only  pro- 
nounces excommunication). 

The  data  for  the  above  statements  are  taken, 
except  in  the  first  few  centuries,  exclusively  from 
the  legal  records  of  the  Church,  or  those  of  a 
period  when  it  was  almost  identified  with  the 
state.  They  might  be  abundantly  illustrated 
from  contemporary  writers,  century  by  century. 
But  they  suffice  to  shew  that  the  vice  in  ques- 
tion was  never  absent  from  the  Church  nor  from 
its  clergy,  and  that  it  attained  enormous  pro- 
portions among  the  latter  in  our  own  islands, 
and  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries  on  the  Con- 
tinent also.    (See  also  Cadpo.)  [J.  M.  L.] 

DBUSUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  with  Zosimus 
and  Theodorus;  commemorated  Dec.  14  (^Mart. 
Hvm.  Vet.^  Jfieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DUCKS.  It  is  quite  uncertain  why  this  bird 
is  represented  in  early  art,  but  it  occurs  repeat- 
edly in  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  Duomo  at  Ravenna, 
on  the  great  piers  at  the  east  end,  and  in  the 
church  of  St.  Giovanni  Evangelista  in  the  same 
place.  It  is  also  drawn  with  great  spirit  and 
eyident  enjoyment  by  the  monk  Rabula,  who 
twice  indulges  in  an  archivolt  pattern  of  ducks 
and  eggs  (Assemani,  Catalog,  Bibl,  Med,  Taw. 
zviii.,  xix.);  besides  single  representations  of 
various  species.  The  bird  may  have  been  do- 
mesticated in  monasteries,  &c.,  and  have  been  a 
favourite  subject  of  illumination  from  its  pretty 
colours.  It  occura  in  the  Lombard  bas-reliefs 
at  Vei-ona.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

DUEL  (IhteUum).  The  notion  of  deciding  a 
matter  in  dispute,  after  ordinary  means  had 
failed,  by  a  single  combat  between  the  parties  or 
their  cham])iond,  came  into  the  empire  with  the 
Teutonic  tribes,  who  were  accustomed  to  settle 
by  arms  their  private  as  well  as  public  disputes. 

The  earliest  formal  recognition  of  the  judicial 
combat  as  an  institution  seems  to  be  in  the  laws  of 
the  Burgundians  (Canciani,  Leg,  Harbar,  iv.  25 ; 
A.D.  502X  which  provide  (tit.  45)  that  a  man 
who  declines  to  clear  himself  by  oath  is  not  to  be 
denied  his  right  of  challenge  to  combat.  After- 
wards the  duel  b  referred  to  in  many  barbarian 
codes,  OB  Leges  Alemann.  tit.  44,  §  1 ;  Baiuar. 
tit.  2,  c.  2;  Longohard,  lib.  i.  tit.  9,  §39,  &c. 

It  was  only  under  the  formal  sanction  of  a 
court,  and  as  a  kind  of  appeal  to  a  higher  tri- 
bunal, that  such  combats  were  held  to  be  legal. 

The  further  development  of  the  system,  and 
the  canonical  prescript  relating  te  ilH^Llong  to 
the  Middle  Ages  (Selden,  Tne  Duello  or  Single 
Combatj  »  WorkSj  toI.  3 ;  Ducange,  s.  v.  Duel' 
/urn).  [C] 

DUI.A,  martyr  at  Kicomedia ;  commemo- 
rated March  25  (Sfart.  Horn,  Vet.,  I/ieron,^  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

DUMB.  The  49th  (otherwise  56th)  of  the 
Apostolical  Canons  enacts  excommunication 
against  any  cleric  who  should  make  a  mock 
of  the  deaf,  dumb,  or  blind.  By  the  69th  (other- 
wise 77th),  the  deaf,  the  dumb,  and  the  blind 
were  excluded  from  the  episcopate,  not  as  defiled, 
but  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Church  chould 
wvi  be  hindered. 


Tae  capacity  of  the  dumb  to  receive  the  sacra* 
meats  or  accept  a  penance  was  the  subject  ol 
some  controversy.  A  whole  work  of  Fulgentius 
{De  Baptiamo  Aethiopis)  is  devoted  to  the  ques- 
tion of  the  validity  of  the  baptism  of  an  Ethiop 
catechumen  after  the  loss  of  his  voice,  and  he 
concluded  that  it  was  entitled  to  the  same  va- 
lidity as  that  of  an  infant.  This  view  prevailed 
in  the  Church.  Amongst  other  canonical  autho^ 
rities,  the  1st  Council  of  Orange,  a.d.  441,  en- 
acted that  a  person  suddenly  losing  his  voice 
might  be  baptized  or  accept  a  penunce,  if  his 
previous  will  thereto  could  be  proved  by  the 
witness  of  othei*s,  or  his  actual  will  by  his  nod 
(c.  12).  The  38th  canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of 
Aries  (452)  is  to  the  same  effect  as  regards 
baptism. 

According  to  one  of  Ulpian's  Fragments  (t.  xx.) 
Ihe  dumb  could  not  be  a  witness,  nor  make  a 
testament,  the  reason  assigned  in  the  latter  case 
being  that  he  could  not  pronounce  the  **  words  of 
nuncupation  "  technically  required  for  the  pur- 
pose. And  by  a  constitution  of  Justinian,  jld, 
531  (CodCy  bk.  vi.  tit.  xxii.  1. 10)  deaf-mutes  were 
declared  incapable  of  making  a  will  or  codicil, 
constituting  a  donation  mortis  causa,  or  confer- 
ring a  freedom,  unless  the  infirmity  should  not  be 
congenital,  and  they  should  have  learned  to  write 
before  it  occurred,  in  which  case  they  could  exer- 
cise all  these  rights  by  writing  under  their  own 
hand.  The  dumb  were  in  all  cases  allowed  to  do 
so  by  such  writing.  It  was,  however,  held  by  the 
old  law  that  the  dumb,  as  well  as  the  deaf  and 
blind,  could  lawfully  contract  marriage,  and  be- 
come subject  to  dotal  obligations  (^Dig,  bk.  xxiii. 
tit.  iii.  1.  73).  Deaf-mutes  were  held  excused 
fi'om  civil  honours,  but  not  from  civic  charges 
{ibid,  bk.  1.  tit.  ii.  1.  7).  But  the  dumb  might 
lawfully  decline  a  gunrdiun-  or  curatoi-ship 
(Cotfe,  bk.  v.  t.  Ixvii, ;  Const,  of  Philip^  A.D. 
247).  [J.  M.  L.] 

DUODECIMA,  the  twelfth  hour,  or  ves- 
pers [Hours  of  Prayer].  **  Duodecima,  quae 
dicitur  Vespera  "  (^Regula  S.  Bened,  c.  34 ;  Mar- 
tene,  De  Bit,  Monach,  i.  x.  6).  [C] 

DffREN,  COUNCILS  OF  {Duriense),  at 
Dliren,  near  Aix-la-Chapelle;  (i.)  a.d.  748,  under 
Pipin,  a  "  placitum,"  which  commanded  a  synod 
to  be  held,  for  restoi-ation  of  churches,  and  for 
the  causes  of  the  poor,  the  widow,  and  the 
orphan  (Labb.  vi.  1880);  (ii.)  A.D.  761,  a 
national  council  under  Pipin,  in  the  tenth  ycur 
of  his  reign,  called  by  Kegino  a  "synod"  {ib. 
1700);  (iii.)  A.D.  775,  under  Charlemagne  {ib, 
1821);  nothing  more  is  known  of  these  two 
assemblies :  (iv.)  A.D.  779,  under  Charlemagne, 
of  bishops,  nobles,  and  abbats,  passed  24  Capitnh 
upon  discipline,  one  of  which  enforces  payment 
of  tithes  (*6.  1824-1826).  [A.  W.  H.] 

DUBIENSE  CONCILIUM.  [DtJREN, 
Councils  of.] 

E 

EAGLE.  It  is  probably  an  instance  of  care* 
ful  exclusion  of  all  Pagan  emblems  or  forma 
tohich  had  been  actual  objects  of  idolatrous  vorship^ 
while  merely  Gentile  or  human  tokens  and 
myths  were  freely  admitted,  that  the  torm  of 
the  eagle  appears  so  rarely  in  Christian  oma* 


586 


EBEULPUS 


EASTER 


mentation^  at  least  before  the  time  of  its  adop- 
tion as  the  symbol  of  an  evangelist.  [Evan- 
OELISTS.]  Aringhi  (vol.  ii.  p.  228,  c.  2)  speaks 
of  the  eagle  as  representing  the  Lord  Himself; 
and  this  is  paralleled  by  a  quotation  of  Mar- 
tigny's  fi*om  a  sermon  of  St.  Ambrose,  where  he 
refers  to  Ps.  ciii.  (**  Thy  youth  is  renewed  like 
the  eagle's  ")  as  foreshadowing  the  resurrection. 
Leblant  (/nscr.  Chr^iennes  de  la  Oaule^  i.  147, 45), 
in  illustration  gives  a  palm  between  two  eagles, 
and  Bottari  a  plate  of  a  domed  ceiling  in  the 
sepulchre  of  St.  Priscilla,  where  two  eagles 
standing  on  globes  form  part  of  the  ornamenta- 
tion. It  refers  evidently  to  some  buried  general 
or  legionary  officer  (vol.  iii.  tav.  160).  Tri- 
umphal chariots  fill  two  of  the  side  spaces,  but 
they  and  the  eagles  can  hai*dly  be  considered 
Christian  emblems,  though  used  by  Christians. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

EBBULFXJS,  abbot  and  confessor;  comme- 
morated Dec.  29  {Mart,  Usuardi).      [W.  F.  G.] 

EARS,  TOUCHING  OP.  1.  Tn  Baptism. 
As  by  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  men's 
hearts  are  opened  to  receive  the  wondrous  things 
of  God's  law,  so  there  was  a  symbolic  opening  of 
the  ears  in  the  baptismal  ceremony  (Ambrose, 
De  MysteriUj  c.  1 ;  Pssudo-Arabrosius,  De  Sacra" 
mentis^  i.  1 ;  Petrus  Chrysologus,  Sermo  52 ;  see 
also  the  ancient  Expositio  Etxingeliorum  in 
aurium  aperiione  in  Martene,  De  Hit.  Ant.f 
I.  i.  12).  Thus  in  Magnus's  directions  for  the 
preliminaries  of  baptism  (Martene,  u.s.  art.  17), 
drawn  up  by  command  of  Charles  the  Great,  we 
read,  after  the  instiniction  in  the  Creed :  "  tan- 
guntur  anres  et  nares  de  sputo,  et  dicitur 
Effata  [Ephphatha],  id  est,  aperire,"  in  order 
that  the  ears  may  listen  to  the  wholesome  teach- 
ing of  the  Christian  faith  and  reject  the  sophistic 
pleadings  of  the  devil.  Similarly  in  the  ancient 
baptismal  Ordines  of  Gembloui-s  and  of  Rheims 
(»6.  art.  18). 

2.  In  Holy  Communion^  it  seems  to  have  been 
the  custom  to  touch  the  organs  of  sense  (altrOri- 
riipia)  with  the  moisture  left  on  the  lips  after 
receiving  the  cup  (Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech. 
Myst  V.  22 ;  see  Communion,  Holy,  p.  413). 

[C] 

EARTHQUAKE.  The  great  earthquake 
which  befel  Constantinople  in  the  year  758  is 
commemorated  Oct.  26  (Co/.  Byzant.)         [C] 

EAST,  Prater  Towards.  Praying  towards 
the  East,  as  the  quarter  of  the  rising  sun,  the 
source  of  light,  a  natural  symbolism  common  to 
nearly  all  religions,  was  adopted  by  the  Christian 
church  fi'om  its  commencement,  in  accordance 
with  the  very  wise  rule  which  accepted  all  that 
was  good  and  pure  in  the  religions  systems  it 
came  to  supplant,  breathing  into  the  old  cere- 
monies a  new  and  higher  life.  One  of  the  ear- 
iiest  testimonies  to  the  prevalence  of  this  custom 
among  Christians  is  that  of  TertuUian,  c.  205 
(^Apdog.  c.  xvi. ;  cont.  Vcdentin.  c.  iii.),  who  refers 
to  the  suspicions  entertained  by  the  heathen  that 
Christians  were  sun  worshippers  "  because  they 
were  well  known  to  turn  to  the  East  in  prayer,^* 
being  "lovei's  of  the  radiant  East,  that  figure 
of  Christ."  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  also 
direct  that  the  whole  congregation  *'  rise  up  with 
one  consent,  and  looking  to  the  east,  pray  to  God 


eastward  "  (lib.  ii.  §  vii.  c  57).  The  same  rule 
is  mentioned  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus  (JStrontata^ 
vii.  7),  who  says  that  **  prayers  are  made  looking 
towards  the  sunrise  in  the  east."  Basil,  c  374, 
testifies  to  the  universality  of  the  custom 
(/>0.  8p,  Sand.  c.  27),  and  Augustine  speaka 
of  it  as  a  general  usage  (^De  Serm.  in  Monte^  Kb. 
ii.  c.  5).  To  take  one  later  instance  oat  oi 
many,  Joannes  Moschus,  c  600,  records  an  anec- 
dote of  a  certain  abbot  Zacchaeus  of  Jerusaie^^ 
who,  when  praying,  ''turned  to  the  east  and 
remained  about  two  horn's,  without  speaking 
his  arms  stretched  out  to  heaven  "  (Prat.  Spirit. 
§  102).  The  chapter  of  JoanneFs  Damasoenus  {De 
Orthodox.  Fid.  iv.  13)  **  concerning  worshipping 
to  the  east,"  proves  the  prevalence  of  the 
custom. 

The  true  reason  for  this  custom  is  donbtlesa 
that  already  alluded  to,  that,  to  adopt  the  Lan- 
guage of  Clemens  Alex.,  '*  the  east  is  the  image 
of  the  day  of  birth.  For  as  the  light  whi<^ 
there  first  shone  out  of  darkness  waxes  brighter, 
so,  like  the  sun,  the  day  of  the  knowledge  of 
truth  has  dawned  on  those  immened  in  dark- 
ness "  (Clem.  Alex,  u.s.}  In  close  connection 
with  this  is  the  reference  to  Christ  as  the  '^  I^j- 
spring  from  on  high,"  the  ayaroX^,  the  "  Light  of 
the  World,"  which  the  early  writers  delight  to 
recognise  (Chrys.  HomiL  in  Zach,  vi.  12).  Other 
reasons  for,  or  more  properly  speaking,  deduc- 
tions from  the  practice,  are  given  by  other 
writers,  one  of  the  most  frequent  and  beantlfal 
of  which  is  that  in  praying  to  the  east  the  aoul 
is  seeking  and  sighing  for  its  old  home  in 
Paradise,  to  which  it  hopes  to  be  restored  in 
Christ,  the  second  Adam  (Basil  De  Sp.  Sanct.  ujs.. 
Const.  Apost.,  U.S. ;  Greg.  Nyss.  Homil.  V.  de 
Orat.  Domin. ;  Chrys.  ad  Daniel,  vi.  10 ;  Gregen- 
tius  Disputat.  cum  Herb.  Jud,  p.  217).  Another 
cause  assigned  is  that  Christ  when  on  the  cross 
looked  towards  the  west,  so  that  in  prajing  to 
the  east  we  are  looking  towards  Him  (Joan. 
Damasc.  u.  s.,  Cassiod.  ad  Ps.  Ixvii.),  and  that  as 
He  appeared  in  the  east,  and  thence  ascended 
into  heaven,  sd  He  will  there  appear  again  i^  the 
last  day,  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  Man  being 
like  "  the  lightning  that  cometh  oat  of  the  east 
and  shineth  even  unto  the  west "  (Matt.  xxiv.  27), 
80  that  in  prayer  Christians  are  looking  for  their 
Lord's  return  (Hilar,  in  Ps.  Ixvii.).  We  learn 
from  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  and  others  that  the 
Catechumen  at  Baptism  turned  from  the  west, 
the  place  of  darkness,  to  the  east,  the  home 
of  light,  and  to  the  site  of  Paradise  which  by  thai 
sacrament  was  reopened  to  him  (Cyril  Catech. 
xix.  9 ;  Hieron.  in  Amos.  vi.  14 ;  Ambros.  De 
Initiat,  c  2;  Lactant.  lib.  ii.  c.  10;  Psendo 
Justin.  Quest,  ad  Orthodox.  118).  (Bona  De  Diein, 
Psalmod.  c.  vi.  §  2;  Bingham  Orig.  xi.  7.  4; 
xiii.  8.  16.)  [E.  v.] 

EABTER-EVE.   [Eajetteb,  Ceremokies  of.] 

EASTER  The  Teutonic  name  of  the  church 
feast  of  our  Lord's  resurrection  (A.-S.  eastre. 
Germ,  ostem).  Bede  (De  Temp,  Sat.  c.  xv.  De 
mensibus  Anglorum),  gives  as  the  name  of  the 
fourth  month,  answering  nearly  to  April,  Eostur- 
monath,  and  adds :  **  Eostur-monath,  qui  nunc 
Paschalis  mensis  interpretatur,  quondam  a  Dea 
illorum  quae  Eostre  vocabatur,  et  cui  in  illo 
festa  celebrabant,  nomen  habuit :  a  cnjus  nomine 
nunc   Paschale   tempus   cognominant,  coasnet* 


EASTEE 


EASTER 


587 


antiquae  obscrrationis  vocabulo   gaudia    novae 
solennitatis  vocantes." 

The  name  of  the  festival  in  the  Romance  lan- 

fuagcs  (Ital.  PasqwL,  Fr.  Pdques),  like  the  Latin 
*€uc/iaf  takes  us  back  at  once  to  the  historic 
origin  of  the  festival  in  the  passorei*.  In  N.  T. 
T^  irdaxti,  though  in  A.  V.  once  (Acts  xii.  4) 
translateid  **Juister,"  refers  either  to  the  Jews* 
passover,  or  (1  Cor.  v.  7)  to  our  Lord  as  its  anti- 
type. The  word  irdtrxa  represents  the  Hebrew 
nOd,     See  Ex.  xii.    Thus  the  historj  o{  Easter 

of  necessity  starts  from  the  passover. 

The  passover  was  kept  on  the  14th  day  of  the 
month  originally  called  Abib  (Ex.  xiii.  4),  after- 
wards Nisan  (Neh.  ii.  1 ;  Esth.  iii.  7),  which 
month  was  to  be  the  first  month  of  the  year. 
On  the  16th  Nisan,  a  sheaf  (or  rather  handful) 
of  the  new  barley  was  presented  before  the  Lord, 
as  the  firstfruits  of  the  -harvest  (Lev.  xxiii.  10 ; 
Jo«eph.  Ant,  iii.  x.  v.). 

The  above  observance  led,  as  a  most  important 
consequence,  to  the  fixity  of  the  seasons  (con- 
sidered in  the  average)  in  the  Jewish  year.  It 
may  be  taken  as  established  that  the  Jewish 
year  was  luni-solar,  of  twelve  lunar  months, 
which  we  may  say,  in  general  terms,  consisted 
by  turns  of  twenty-nine  days  and  of  thiily,  with 
an  occasional  13th  intercalary  month,  by  which 
a  correspondence  was  kept  up  with  the  length  of 
the  solar  year:  and  for  the  proper  time  of  inter- 
calating this  month,  it  was  only  necessary  to 
consider,  at  the  time  of  the  commencement  of 
the  month  Nisan,  whether  the  barley  would  be 
sufBciently  ripe  in  sixteen  days  for  the  observance 
of  the  rite  of  the  firstfruits,  and  if  not,  to  inter- 
calate a  month,  and  thus  postpone  the  ceremony. 
In  this  way,  the  seasons  would  continually  be 
brought  back  to  the  same  point. 

Having  regard  to  the  astronomical  element  in 
later  controversies,  we  now  offer  some  fui'ther 
account  of  the  astronomical  data  affecting  the 
passover. 

1.  The  relation  of  the  passover  to  the  moon. 
The  night  following  the  14th  Nisan  was  no 
doubt  intended  to  be  and  usually  was  that  of 
the  full  moon.  We  hear  indeed  in  the  institu- 
tion of  the  passover,  not  of  the  full  moon,  but 
of  the  14th  day  of  the  moon,  And  in  the  early 
church  controversies  as  well  as  in  the  modern 
rule  settled  by  Clavins,  everything  still  depends 
technically  upon  the  ^  14th  day  of  the  moon." 
But  Philo  tells  us  (Vit,  MosiSy  iii.  686)  that  the 
passover  is  celebrated,  iiiWovros  rov  a-fXriyicucov 
ic6k\w  ylvtadoi  xXjitnfaovSf  and  again  (de  Sept, 
et  Fest,  1191),  that  it  was  so  fixed  that  there 
might  be  no  darkness  on  that  day;  and  again, 
'*  That  not  only  by  day  but  also  by  night,  the 
world  may  be  full  of  all-beanteous  light,  inas- 
much as  sun  and  moon  on  that  day  succeed  each 
other  with  no  interval  of  darkness  between." 
This  last  statement  is  extremely  significant,  and 
together  with  the  lunar  date,  the  14th,  very 
clearly  marks  the  point  of  time.  The  first  day 
of  the  moon  means,  in  pre-astronomical  times. 
Dot  the  day  of  the  conjunction  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  but  the  day  on  the  evening  of  which  the 
new  moon  first  becomes  visible  as  a  thin  streak 
of  light  to  the  left  of  the  sun,  just  afler  sunset. 
This  is  possible  in  a  fine  climate,  some  eighteen 
houni  after  conjunction:  if  less  time  had  elapsed, 
the  first  visible  phase  would  be  on  the  next  day. 
Now  aa  average  synodic  period  of  the  moon,  or 


lunation,  is  29  d.  12  h.  44  m.,  and  therefore  the 
average  interval  between  conj  auction  and  full 
moon  is  14  d.  18  h.  22  m.  Taking  the  average 
length  of  phase  and  of  interval,  we  should  be 
brought  for  full  moon  to  sunrise  on  the  15th 
day  of  the  moon  (inclusive),  which  would  make 
the  night  succeeding  the  14th  day  (inclusive) 
the  night  of  full  moon.  Since  the  half-lunation 
may  be  prolonged  or  shortened  in  rare  cases 
about  twenty  hours,  and  the  length  of  phase  U 
also  variable,  some  exceptions  must  be  allowed 
for,  but  the  general  correctness  of  the  rule  is 
appai*ent,  and  also  that  the  night  of  the  14th 
will  more  frequently  precede  the  full  moon  than 
follow  it ;  in  other  words,  the  moon  would  rise 
a  little  before  sunset,  instead  of  rising,  as  it 
might  do  in  the  contrary  case  (a  day  later),  nearly 
an  hour  afler  sunset.  Thus  Philo's  statement 
that  there  was  no  interval  of  darkness,  a  fact  of 
a  nature  to  catch  the  attention,  and  about  which 
there  could  be  no  mistake,  leads  us  to  believe 
that  by  calculating  the  time  of  full  moon  from 
the  astronomical  tables,  we  may  assign  the  15th 
Nisan  with  certainty  in  many  cases,  and  with  a 
high  degree  of  probability  in  others.  In  some 
cases  where  it  appears  difficult  to  decide  between 
two  successive  days,  an  examination  of  the  time 
of  the  preceding  new  moon  will  help,  though  it 
will  not  always  suffice,  to  remove  the  doubt. 

2.  We  have  next  to  notice  the  relation  of  the 
passover  to  the  sun.  This  relation  is  apparent 
from  the  regulations  as  to  the  firstfruits  on 
16th  Nisan.  The  season  of  the  year  depends  on 
the  equinox,  and  the  general  statement  is  that 
barley  ears  can  be  procured  in  a  fitting  state  at 
or  soon  after  the  vernal  equinox.  But  this 
relation  is  not  a  mere  matter  of  inference.  Jose- 
ph us  writes  {Ant,  iii.  x.  5) :  '*  In  the  month  of 
Xanthicus,  which  is  by  us  called  Nisan,  and  is 
;  the  beginning  of  our  year,  on  the  14th  day  of 
the  lunar  month,  when  the  sun  is  in  Anes  .... 
the  law  ordained  that  we  should  in  every  year 
slay  that  sacrifice ....  called  the  passover." 
And  Philo  (Vita  Mm.  iii.):  "T^)y  ipxV  rrjs 
ic^tpris  lanffitpias  wpwrov  iivaypd^ti  ftrjva 
Mfatcris  w  rtus  r&y  iviavrvv  wtpi^Bois,** 

The  first  month  of  the  Jewish  year  was  then 
(as  the  best  authorities  hold),  that  month  which 
contained  the  vernal  equinox,  although  the 
beginning  of  the  month  might  precede  it.  The 
Jews  apparently  had  no  rule  about  not  keeping 
the  passover  before  the  equinox ;  at  least  if  we 
may  believe  Epiphanius  {Haeres,  Ixx.  11),  and  a 
definite  instance  given  by  St.  Ambrose,  a.d.  387, 
of  the  Jewish  passover  on  Mar.  20  (Ad  Aemil, 
Episc.  83).  Moreover  it  is  stated  that  the  ante- 
rior limit  of  the  Latins  for  the  14th  of  the  moon, 
viz.  Mar.  18,  was  derived  from  the  Jews. 

In  after  times,  probably  from  the  time  of 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  247-264,  it  be- 
came one  of  the  sharpest  points  of  controversy : 
8ti  fi^  HXKor^  ^  fk^rh  t^v  iapip^v  l(njfi(play 
rpoa^Kti  IlcUrxa  iopr^y  imrtKuy  (Eus.  B.  IS, 
vii.  15). 

Although,  however,  the  time  of  the  equinox 
became  a  point  of  critical  discussion  in  after 
times,  there  was  so  little  general  knowledge  of 
its  true  position,  that  very  strange  mistakes 
were  made  respecting  it.  The  correct  knowledge 
of  the  equinox  was  in  fact  nearly  confined  to  the 
Alexandrian  astronomers,  and  there  are  several 
misapprehensions    which    still  prevail,  as,   for 


588 


EASTER 


iDBtance,  that  it  was  originally  on  the  25th 
March,  which  was  true  indeed  of  the  mean 
Ternal  equinox,  but  never  of  the  true  vernal 
equinox.  This  misconception  is  probably  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  25th  of  March  was  marked  as 
the  vernal  equinox  in  the  calendar  of  Julius 
Caesar,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Varro, 
Pliny,  and  Columella.  We  have  thought  it 
worth  while  to  calculate,  for  the  purpose  of  this 
article,  and  now  to  st-ate,  the  principal  posi- 
tions of  the  Ternal  equinox  (true)  since  the 
Julian  era. 

Dates  of  {true)  Vernal  Equinox  for  the  Meridian 

of  Alexandria, 

B.C.  46.    Mar.  23  (dvll)  4>  34"  A.M. 

Range  from  Leap-year  to  lieap-year. 
EarUer  LimU.  B.C.  45.  Mar.  23  (dvil)  A^  S4-  am. 
Later  LimU.      B.a  42.  Mar.  23.  li)^  1"  r.u. 

A.D.  29.     Mar.  22.  9^  IS*  KM. 

Range  from  Leap-year  to  Leap-year. 
Earlier  Limit.  A.I).  28.  Mar.  22.  3i*  29"  P.M. 
Later  LimU.     A.D.  31.  Mar.  23  (dvU)  8^  65"  a.m. 

A.D.  325.  Mar.  20.  2i>  17"  P.M. 

Range  tnm  Leap-ypar  to  Leap-year. 
Earlier  Umit  A.D.  324.  Mar.  20  (dvil)  S^  28"  a.m. 
jAiter  LimU,     A.D.  327.  Mar.  21  (dvil)  1^  64"  ajc. 

Clavios,  misled  by  the  tables  which  he  used 
{Tabulae  Nicolai  Copemici,  sice  PrtUenicae)  placed 
the  Vernal  Equinox  at  the  Nicene  Council,  A.D. 
325,  or  March  21st,  6^  p.m.  nearly  28  hours 
too  late  (Op.  tom.  v.  p.  72).  The  20th  and  21st 
are  the  very  days  to  which  the  equinox  was 
brought  back  at  the  Gregorian  correction  of  1582, 
when  it  stood  at  Mar.  11th  (civil)  2>»  10«  A.M., 
the  earlier  limit  being  Mar.  10th,  2^  32"  p.m., 
and  the  later  Mar.  11th  (civil)  S^  A.M. 

The  connection  of  the  passover  with  Easter  is 
through  that  particular  passover  at  which  our 
Lord  suffered,  but  so  few  are  the  chronological 
details  in  the  gospels,  that  it  is  impossible  to  fix 
with  absolute  cei*tainty  either  the  year  or  the 
day  of  the  year,  or  perhaps  even  of  the  month 
on  which  our  Lord  suffered.  The  full  investiga- 
tion of  the  subject  would  be  beyond  the  scope  of 
this  article. 

The  points  which  are  beyond  doubt  are  these : 

I.  Our  Lord's  death  took  place  under  the  pro- 
cnratorship  of  Pontius  Pilate :  that  is  to  say, 
between  the  limits  A.D.  28  and  A.D.  33  inclusive. 

II.  It  took  place  at  the  passover. 

III.  All  the  gospels  agree  that  it  took  place 
on  the  wo^KurKfvitj  that  is,  on  a  Friday.  In  St. 
John  (xix.  14),  the  irapcurKev^  tow  irdffxa  pro- 
bably means  (like  irpofroifuurla  in  the  Chronicon 
Paschale  i.  15)  the  day  before  the  15th  Nisan, 
which  was  in  a  double  sense  that  year  a  Sabbath 
(John  xix.  31),  but  the  word  was  in  common  use 
to  designate  the  eve  before  the  Sabbath,  and 
c^me  afterwards  to  mean  simply  **  Friday." 

Astronomy,  while  furnishing  valuable  sugges- 
tions on  this  important  subject,  is  not  competent 
to  decide  absolutely,  either  for  the  particular 
year,  or  between  the  advocates  of  the  14th  and 
of  the  15th  Nisan. 

The  history  of  the  paschal  observance  in  the 
ap<Mtolic  and  early  post-apostolic  times  is  ex- 
tremely obscure,  and  has  been  very  variously 
represented.  There  is  no  evidence  in  the  New 
Testament  that  it  existed  at  first  as  an  institu- 
tion.   Tb«  ecclesias*  ical  historian  Socrates  is  no 


EASTEB 

doubt  right  when  he  says  (v.  22):  "  Tlie  Saviso: 
and  His  apostles  have  enjoined  us  by  no  law  ta 
keep  this  feast ....  The  apostles  had  no  thought 
of  appointing  festival  days,  but  of  promotiiig  a 
life  of  blamelessness  and  piety.     And  it  seems  to 
me  that  the  feast  of  Easter  has  been  introdnced 
into  the  Church  from  some  old  usage,  jast  as 
many  other  customs  have  been  established."     It 
appears  (from  Acts  xviii.  21 ;  xx.  6, 16)  that  the 
Jewish  Christians  and  even  St.  Paul  still  ob- 
served the  Jewish  feasts,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt   that   the  memoiy   of  the   Lord's  death 
would  be  with  them  the  main  thought  of  the 
passover-night,  and  would  gradually  supersede 
for  them  all  other  associations.     On  the  other 
hand,  the  passover  meal  had  no  place  amongst  the 
habits  of  the  Christians  of  Gentile  descent,  aad 
their  anniversary  naturally   attached  itself  to 
the  first  day  of  the  week,  which  was  observed 
both  by  Jewish  and  Gentile  (Jhristians  as  the 
weekly  festival  of  the  Lord's  resarrection.    When 
the  time  of  the  passover  came  round,  the  finst 
day  of  the  week  seemed  to  be  the  actual  day  of 
the  resurrection,  and  this  day,  taken  together 
with  the  preceding  Friday,  as  the  day  of  the 
crucifixion,  seemed  the  proper  representations  of 
the  great  act  of  our  redemption.     Amongst  the 
Gentile  Christians  the.<ie  institutions,  with  their 
accompanying  rules  of  fasting,  &&,  were  appa- 
rently very  gradually  developed,  and  the  conflict 
between  the  two  usages  was  slow  in  coming. 
When  it  came,  we  find  the  cardinal  point  to  be 
the  Ttipfi'iv  (with  the  Asiatic  Christians),  or  the 
/i^  rripuy  (with   the   Westerns),    the  14th   of 
the  moon  (Nisan),  and  aftei'wards  along  with 
this,  and  connected  with  it,  the  correct  deter- 
mination of  the  14th  of  the  moon.    The  point 
insisted  on  most  emphatically  by   the  Alexan- 
drians (whom  the  Westei*ns  followed),  was,  that 
it  must  not  precede  the  equinox. 

When  the  Western  view  ultimately  prevailed 
in  the  church,  those  who  obstinately  persevered 
in  the  Asiatic  custom,  and  were  condemned  as 
heretics,  were  called  Quartodecimans,  and  it  is 
usual  and  convenient  to  give  the  same  name  by 
anticipation  to  those  who  observed  the  14th  day 
of  the  moon  in  the  earlier  controversy. 

The  chief  information  we  have  is  derived  from 
Eusebius,  from  several  passages  of  Eptphanins, 
treating  in  his  work  on  all  heresies  of  certain 
Quartodeciman  sects,  and  from  several  fragments 
preserved  in  the  Chronicon  Paschak^  a  work  of 
about  630  A.D. 

The  following  conclusions  of  Bucherius  from  a 
passage  in  Epiphanius  {Haer.  Ixx.),  will  express 
the  probable  course  of  events.  "  From  this  I 
gather  three  things :  First,  that  so  long  at  least 
as  the  first  fifteen  bishops  of  Jerusalem  (those  of 
Jewish  descent)  continued,  the  pascha  was  cele- 
brated everywhere  by  all  Christians,  or  by  a 
great  majority  of  them,  according  to  the  lunar 
computation  and  method  of  the  Jews.  But  they 
continued  until  the  year  136  a.d.,  or  to  the  end 
of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Hadrian,  when  Mark 
was  first  taken  ftom  the  (lentiles  to  be  bishop. 
(Euseb.  V.  xii.)  Secondly,  that  then  began  s 
time  of  dissension,  as  Epiphanius  a  little  before 
more  plainly  testifies  (see  below).  Thirdlv,  that 
a  more  general  method  then  came  in,  whether 
the  eighty-four  years  cycle,  or  the  octaCteris 
(amended),  otherwise  that  reproach  was  un- 
meaning which  the  Audiani  launched  •jaiast  the 


EASTEB 


EASTEB 


689 


orthodox — that  they  had  departed  from  the 
ancient  custom/'  &c.  We  subjoin  the  earlier  part 
of  the  chapter  which  is  here  alluded  to. 

**For  even  from  the  earliest  times  various 
controversies  and  dissensions  Were  in  the  church 
concerning  this  solemnity,  which  used  yearly  to 
bring  laughter  and   mockery.     For  some,  in  a 
certain  ardour  of  contention,  began  it  before  the 
week,  some  after  the  week,  some  at  the  begin- 
ning, some  in  the  middle,  some  at  the  end.     To 
say  in  a  word,  there  was  a  wonderful  and  la- 
borious   confusion.      Nor    is    it    unknown    to 
learned   men,  how  often,  at  the  various  times 
of  this  feast,  there  have  arisen  from  the  ob- 
servance of  a  dillerent  ecclesiasticiil  discipline, 
tumults  and  contentions,  especially  in  the  time 
of  Polycarp  and  Victor,  when  the  Easterns  and 
Westerns  would  receive  no  mutual   letters  of 
peace.     Which  also  happened  in  other  times,  as 
in  that  of  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  and 
Crescpntius,  how  they  wrote  against  each  other 
and  bitterly  fought.     Which  disputes  began  to 
be  agitated  from  the  very  times  of  the  bishops  who 
had  been  converted  to  Christ  from  the  circumci- 
sion and  from  the  sect  of  the  Jews,  even  to  our  own 
times,  on  which  account  those  who  had  gathered 
from  all  sides  to  the  Nicene  council,  the  matter 
having   been  accurately  known,  with   common 
agreement  from  all,  and  with  fitting  computation 
and  calculation  of  times,  order  it  to  be  kept." 

£usebius  (AT.  E,  v.  24)  gives  in  a  letter  of 
Irenaeus  the  following  account,  relating  to  the 
events  about  a.d.  160 : 

**•  When  the  blessed  Polycarp  was  at  Rome  in 
the  time  of  Anicetus,  and  they  had  also  some 
little  difference  of  opinion  with  regard  to  other 
points,  they  immediately  came  to  a  peaceable 
understanding  respecting  this  one,  for  they  had 
no  love  for  mutual  disputes.  For  neither  could 
Anicetus  persuade  Polycarp  not  to  observe  (/u^ 
Ttipuv,  i.e.  the  14th  Nisan)  inasmuch  as  he  had 
always  observed  it  with  John  the  disciple  of  our 
Lord,  and  the  other  apostles  with  whom  he  had 
associated ;  nor  could  Polycarp  persuade  Anicetus 
to  observe  (nypciv)  for  he  said  that  he  ought  to 
follow  the  custom  of  the  presbyters  before  him." 
Polycarp  was  bishop  of  Smyrna  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  expressed  in 
these  words  the  custom  of  the  Asiatic  churches, 
which  was  rripup^  whilst  that  of  the  Western 
was  fA^i  rriptTv,  That  we  ought  to  supply  after 
rripuv,  the  14th  Nisan,  we  learn  from  c  23 
(referring  to  about  A.D.  190). 

**  There  was  a  considerable  discussion  raised 
about  this  time,  in  consequence  of  a  difference  of 
opinion  respecting  the  observance  of  the  paschal 
season.  The  churches  of  all  Asia,  guided  by 
ancient  tradition,  thought  that  they  were  bound 
to  keep  the  14th  day  of  the  moon,  on  the  oc- 
casion of  the  feast  of  the  Saviour's  passover, 
that  day  on  which  the  Jews  had  been  commanded 
to  kill  the  paschal  lamb,  it  being  necessary  for 
them  by  all  means  to  regulate  the  close  of  the 
lost  by  that  day,  on  whatever  day  of  the  week 
it  might  happen  to  fall ;  while  it  was  the  custom 
of  all  the  churches  of  all  the  rest  of  the  world, 
which  observed  in  this  respect  an  apostolic  tra- 
dition that  has  prevailed  down  to  our  own  time, 
not  to  celebrate  it.  in  this  manner,  it  being 
proper  to  close  the  fast  on  no  other  day  than 
that  of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord." 
**  The  bishops,  however,  of  Asia  "  (he  continues 


m  the  24th  chap.)  "  persevering  in  observing  the 
custom  handed  down  to  them  from  their  fathers, 
were  headed  by  Polycrates.  He,  indeed,  had 
also  set  forth  the  tradition  handed  down  to 
them,  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Victor 
and  the  church  of  Rome.  *  We,'  said  he,  *  there- 
fore observe  the  genuine  day :  neither  adding 
thereto,  nor  taking  therefrom.  For  in  Asia 
great  lights  have  fallen  asleep,  which  shall  rise 
again  in  the  day  of  the  Lord's  appearing  .... 
All  these  observed  the  14th  day  of  the  passover 
according  to  the  gospel,  deviating  in  no  respect, 
but  following  the  rule  of  faith ;  so  also  do  1, 
Polycrates,  who  am  the  least  of  all  of  you,  ac- 
cording to  the  tradition  of  my  relatives,  some  of 
whom  1  have  followed.  For  there  were  seven  of 
my  relatives  bishops,  and  I  am  the  eighth ;  and 
my  relatives  always  observed  the  diiy  when  the 
people  (t.  e,  the  Jews)  threw  away  the  leaven.' " 

"  Upon  this,  Victor,  the  bishop  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  forthwith  endeavoured  to  cut  off  the 
churches  of  all  Asia,  together  with  the  neigh- 
bouring churches,  as  heterodox,  from  the  com- 
mon unity.  And  he  publishes  abroad  by  letters, 
and  proclaims  that  all  the  brethren  there  are 
wholly  excommunicated." 

Many  bishops,  however,  remonstrated,  amongst 
othera  Irenaeus,  who  wrote  an  epistle,  in  which 
he  maintains  the  duty  of  celebrating  the  mys- 
tery of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord,  only  on  the 
day  of  the  Lord ;  but  admonishes  Victor  not  to 
cut  off  whole  churches  of  God,  who  observed  the. 
tradition  of  an  ancient  custom. 

In  chap.  XXV.  Eusebius  explains  that  the  bishops 
of  Palestine  agreed  with  the  decree,  and  stated 
that  they  observed  the  same  day  with  the  church 
of  Alexandria,  an  important  point,  for  Alexandria 
is  to  be  looked  on,  along  with  the  churches  of 
Rome  and  Asia  Minor,  as  the  third,  and  ulti- 
mately the  most  important,  influence  in  regu- 
lating Easter. 

Considering  how  much  has  been  written  re- 
specting the  Asia  Minor  controversies  in  modem 
times,  it  is  material  to  observe  that  the  state- 
ments of  Eusebius  and  the  whole  course  of  the 
controversy,  leave  no  doubt  of  the  observance  of 
the  14th  day  of  the  moon.  No  other  day  comes 
into  consideration.  Thus  the  facts  are  settled ; 
to  judge  of  the  motives  from  which  the  day 
was  kept  is,  however,  more  difficult.  Various 
reasons  might  easily  be  alleged  for  the  observ- 
ance of  this  day:  those  who  thought  that  our 
Lord  died  on  the  14th  Nisan,  might  keep  it  (as 
we  believe)  as  the  anniversary  of  our  Lord's 
death,  or  even  if  they  desired  to  keep  the  anni- 
versary of  the  last  supper,  knowing  that  that 
supper,  which  was  by  intention  a  passover,  was 
only  anticipated  in  point  of  time  by  necessity, 
might  revert  to  its  legal  time  of  celebration, 
whilst  those  who  thought  that  our  Lord  died  on 
the  15th  Nisan,  might  yet  keep  the  14th  (as  Baur 
and  Hilgenfeld  allege)  in  memory  of  the  supper. 

That  St.  John  found  at  Ephesus  a  festival  on 
the  14th  and  joined  in  it,  and  gave  it  the  weight 
of  his  authority,  in  no  way  militates,  then, 
against  his  authorship  of  the  gospel,  that  fixes 
the  14th  Nisan  for  the  crucifixion,  even  though 
it  were  true  that  the  other  chronology  had 
originally  prevailed  there. 

The  argument  of  Baur,  and  all  the  members 
of  the  Ttlbingen  school,  is  as  follows: — ^The 
Asiatics  celebrated  the  14th  Nisan  by  an  ad- 


590 


EASTER 


EASTEB 


mmistration  of  the  Lord's  sapper,  in  comme- 
moration of  the  passover  which  Jesus  had  on 
that  same  day,  immediately  before  his  death, 
eaten  with  his  disciples.  The  Asiatic  church, 
therefore,  believed  that  Jesus  ate  on  the  evening 
of  the  14th,  and  that  he  died  on  the  15th,  and 
it  believed  this,  according  to  nnimpeachable 
testimony,  on  the  authority  of  the  apostle  John. 
But  now,  what  says  the  4th  gospel  ?  According 
to  it,  the  celebration  of  the  last  supper  by  our 
Lord  took  place,  not  upon  the  14th  Nisan,  but 
upon  the  evening  of  the  day  previous,  the  13th, 
while  Jesus  dies  upon  the  cross  upon  the  14th, 
and  therefore  before  the  passover  of  the  law 
could  have  been  partaken  of.  The  conclusion 
is  obvious.  The  apostle  who  is  the  great  au- 
thority for  the  Asiatic,  cannot  possibly  be  the 
author  of  the  gospel,  which  speaks  unmistakeably 
for  the  western  practice. 

There  is  a  simplicity  and  coherence  in  the 
Tiibingen  theory,  as  expanded  at  length  in  Hil- 
genfelJ's  Paschastreit  der  aiten  Kirche,  which 
gives  it  a  very  strong  hold  upon  the  mind.  But 
it  rests  upon  more  than  one  untenable  assump- 
tion. Thus  it  assumes  that  the  Asiatic  Christians 
kept  the  14th  evening  as  the  anniversary  of  the 
last  supper.  There  is  not,  however,  any  hint  of 
this  in  the  most  important  narratives  of  the 
controversy,  and  the  plain  natural  view  is  that 
the  14th  Nisan  was  observed  in  Asia  by  fasting 
in  memory  of  the  death  of  Jesus ;  while  a  com- 
munion feast  in  the  evening  commemorated  a 
completed  redemption.  The  fact  of  the  fasting, 
*o  which  both  Irenaeus  and  Eusebius  bear  wit- 
ness, is  of  itself  a  testimony  that  it  was  the 
solemn  memory  of  the  death  of  our  Lord  that 
was  observed.  Fasting  in  anticipation  of  the 
eucharist,  belongs  altogether  to  a  later  period, 
*is  is  truly  observed  in  Steitz*s  article  in  Herzog's 
Eeal-EncyclopadUe.  [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417.] 

Between  these  controversies,  that  of  Anicetus 
and  Poly  carp  (about  160  A.D.),  and  that  of 
Victor  and  Polycrates  (190  A.D.),  there  occurred 
another  in  Laodicea  (between  170  a.d.  and  177 
A.D.),  which  has  become  of  late  the  very  turning- 

Eoint  of  the  whole  discussion,  but  about  which 
usebius  affords  us  no  further  information  than 
what  follows  (//.  E.  iv.  26).  "Of  Melito,  there 
are  the  two  works  on  the  passover  ....  In  the 
works  on  the  passover  he  shews  the  time  in 
which  he  wrote  it,  beginning  with  these  words : 
— *  When  Servilius  Paulus  was  proconsul  of 
Asia,  at  which  time  Sagaris  suffered  martyr- 
dom, there  was  much  discussion  in  Laodicea 
respectmg  the  passover,  which  occurred  at  that 
time  in  its  proper  season,  and  in  which  also 
these  works  were  written.*  This  work  is  also 
mentioned  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  his  own 
work  on  the  passover,  which,  he  says,  he  wrote 
on  occasion  of  Melito's  work  (Jl  curias  Trjs  rod 
MtXlrtouos  ypdupTis)." 

But  with  this  dispute  are  connected,  probably 
rightly,  the  two  following  fragments  of  Apol- 
linaris,  bishop  of  Hierapolis,  given  in  the  Chro- 
nicon  Paschale: 

1.  "There  are  some  who  now,  through  igno- 
rance, love  to  raise  controversy  about  these 
things,  being  guilty  in  this  of  a  pardonable 
offence,  for  ignorance  does  not  so  much  deserve 
blame  as  need  instruction.  And  they  say  that 
on  the  14th  the  Lord  ate  the  lamb  with  his 
disciples,  but  that  He  himself  sufiei-ed  on  the 


great  day  of  unleavened  biead;  and  toey  ffi- 
terpret  Matthew  as  favouring  their  view,  frmn 
which  it  appears  that  their  sentimenta  are  not 
in  harmony  with  the  law,  and  that  the  gospels 
seem,  according  to  them,  to  be  at  variance." 

Again,  "  The  14th  is  the  true  passover  of  the 
Lord,  the  great  sacrifice,  instead  of  the  iamb  the 
Son  of  God, ....  who  was  lifted  up  upon  the 
horns  of  the  unicorn,  and  was  pierced  in  his  sacred 
side,  who  shed  out  of  his  side  the  two  cleansing 
elements,  water  and  blood,  word  and  spirit,  and 
who  was  buried  on  the  day  of  the  passover,  the 
stone  having  been  placed  upon  his  tomb." 

We  know  very  little  of  ApoUinaris.  Easebius 
tells  us  that  he  was  the  author  of  an  Apohgtjfor 
the  ChristiaTis,  addressed  to  the  emperor,  and 
that  he  was  an  eloquent  writer  against  the 
Phrygian,  Cataphrygian,  and  other  Montanists, 
and  wrote  two  works  against  the  Jews :  but  we 
are  left  to  conjecture  who  those  opponents  were 
against  whom  he  was  arguing  in  the  work  from 
which  these  fragments  are  taken. 

With  these  fragments  are  associated  quotatioBS 
from  Hippolytus  and  Clement  of  Alexandria : — 

"Hippolytus,  the  witness  of  religion,  who  was 
bishop  of  the  so-called  Portus,  near  Rome,  has 
written  literally  thus  in  his  TV-eatise  against 
all  the  Heresies :  *  1  therefore  see  that  there  is 
a  contentiousness  in  this  affair.  For  he  (Le, 
the  adversary,  the  Quarto-deciman)  says  thus: 
Christ  celebrated  the  passover  on  that  very  day, 
and  suffered:  I  therefore  must  also  do  as  the 
Lord  did.'  But  he  is  wrong  from  not  knowing 
that,  when  Christ  suffered,  he  did  not  eat  the 
passover  according  to  the  law.  For  He  was  the 
passover  that  had  been  foretold,  and  which  was 
accomplished  on  the  day  appointed." 

And  again  the  same  (Hippolytus)  says  in  the 
Treatise  on  the  Passover :  ^  He  did  not  eat  the 
passover,  but  he  suffered  (i.e,  as  the  passover) 
oIk  fipayevy  &XX'  IhraBfv" 

Another  passage  from  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
in  his  work  concerning  the  passover :  "  In  the  pre- 
ceding years  then  the  Lord  keeping  the  passover 
ate  that  which  was  slain  by  the  Jews:  but 
when  he  proclaimed  himself  to  be  the  passover, 
the  Lamb  of  God,  led  as  a  sheep  to  the  slaughter, 
immediately  he  taught  his  disciples  the  mystery 
of  the  type  on  the  13th,  on  which  also  they  ask  of 
him,  wtere  wilt  thou  that  we  make  ready  to 
eat  the  passover,  ....  but  the  Saviour  suf- 
fered on  the  next  day,  being  himself  the  passover 
.  .  .  ."    See  also  PhilosophumenOy  274-5. 

These  fragments  are  given  because  they  offer 
almost  the  entire  evidence  on  which  we  have  to 
fix  the  place  of  the  Laodicean  interlude.   Hilgen- 
feld  views  ApoUinaris  as  a  representative  of  the 
West,    through   whom   Western  influence   has 
gained  a  footing  in  the  heart  of  Asia.     His  oppo- 
nent is  directly  Melito,  but  Melito  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  whole  body  of  Asiatic  Christians. 
Now  that  ApoUinaris  is  in  the  greatest  hai^ 
mony  with  the  Roman  and  Alexandrian  writers 
whose  fi'agments  are  associated  with  him  in  the 
Chronicon  Paschale,  is  manifest :  there  is  great 
probability  also  in  the  conjecture  that  he,  like 
Clement,  wrote  on  the  occasion  of  Melito's  work, 
and  the  absence  of  his  name  from  the  list  of 
Polycrates  suggests  some  discordance  between 
his  views  and    those  of   Polycrates.    But  be 
writes  against  certain  persons  who  are  creating 
a  disturlMUice,  not  against  the  quietly  existing 


EASTEB 


EASTER 


591 


mneieni  custom,  nearly  uniTersal  around  him: 
he  seems  to  observe  the  14th  himself,  and  when 
we  notice  the  characteristics  of  his  writings  as 
directed  against  the  Phrygians,  Oataphrygians, 
and  other  Montanists,  and  against  the  Jews 
(Euseb.  H,  E.  ir.  27),  we  may  see  ground  for 
inspecting  that  his  real  antagonist  was  such  a 
man  aa  Bhutus  (perhaps  the  very  man)  who, 
about  180,  cai'ried  Montanism  from  Asia  Minor 
to  Rome  and  there  provoked  the  opposition  of 
the  church,  which  is  extremely  likely  to  have 
stirred  up  Victor's  crusade  against  the  customs 
of  Asia  Minor.  We  know  that  Hippolytus,  as 
well  as  Irenaeus,  wrote  against  Blaatus,  and 
although  Melito's  work  may  have  occasioned 
that  of  Apollinaris,  Eusebius  would  hardly  have 
noticed  them  together,  as  he  does,  as  fellow- 
helpers  in  the  church,  if  they  occupied  so  marked 
au  antagonistic  position  as  has  been  supposed. 

We  have  already  seen  from  Epiphanius  that  a 
diversity  of  usages  continued  to  prevail  until 
the  Nicene  oounciL  At  that  council  the  Western 
usage  may  be  said  to  have  established  its  victory, 
and  those  who  still  persisted  in  the  Asiatic 
practice  fell  into  the  position  of  heretics.  We 
find  in  the  letter  of  the  emperor  Constantine 
to  the  churches  after  that  council  (Socr.  ff.  E, 
i.  9) :  '*  There  also  the  question  having  been  con- 
sidered relative  to  the  most  holy  day  of  Easter, 
it  was  determined  by  common  consent  that  it 
would  be  proper  that  all  should  celebrate  it  on 
one  and  the  same  day  everywhere."  Also  that 
*^  it  seemed  very  unsuitable  in  the  celebration  of 
this  sacred  feast,  that  we  should  follow  the 
custom  of  the  Jews,"  ....  who,  labouring  under 
A  judicial  blindness,  *'even  in  this  particular 
do  not  perceive  the  truth,  so  that  they,  con- 
stantly erring  in  the  utmost  degree,  celebrate 
the  feast  of  passover  a  second  time  in  the  same 
year."  This  of  course  refers  to  the  error  of 
celebrating  before  the  equinox.  ^  Consider  how 
grievous  and  indecorous  it  is,  that  on  the  same 
days  some  should  be  observant  of  fasts,  while 
others  are  celebrating  feasts ;  and  especially  that 
this  should  be  the  case  on  the  days  immediately 
after  Easter.  On  this  account,  therefore.  Divine 
Providence  directed  that  an  appropriate  cor- 
rection should  be  effected,  and  unifoi-roity  of 
practice  established,  as  I  suppose  you  are  all 
aware."  (This  refers  to  the  determination  of 
the  equinox,  which  was  settled  to  be  on  the  21st 
March,  although,  as  we  have  shown  above,  the 
20th  was  the  proper  day,  as  it  only  happened  once 
in  four  years  on  the  21st,  and  then  at  2  a.m.) 
^  And  since  the  order  is  a  becoming  one,  which 
is  observed  by  all  the  churches  of  the  western, 
southern,  and  northern  parts,  and  by  some  also 
io  the  eastern :  from  these  considerations  all  have 
on  the  present  occasion  thought  it  to  be  expe- 
dient, and  1  pledged  myself  that  it  would  be 
■atisfiictory  to  your  prudent  penetration,  that 
what  is  observed  with  such  general  unanimity 
of  sentiment  in  the  city  of  Rome,  throughout 
Italy,  Africa,  all  Egypt,  Spain,  France,  Britain, 
Libya,  the  whole  of  Greece,  and  the  dioceses  of 
Asia,  Pontus  and  Cilicia,  your  intelligence  would 
also  concur  in."  The  epistle  of  the  synod  to 
the  church  of  Alexandria  speaks  in  the  like 
terms  (see  Socr.  i.  9):  ^  We  have  also  gratifying 
intelligence  to  communicate  to  you  relative  to 
unity  of  judgment  on  the  subject  of  the  most 
holy  £ea*t  of  Easter:  for  this  point  also  has  been 


happily  settled  through  your  prayers;  so  that 
all  the  brethren  in  the  East  who  have  heretofore 
kept  this  festival  when  the  Jews  did,  will  hence- 
forth conform  to  the  Romans  and  to  us,  and  to 
all  who  from  the  earliest  time  have  observed  our 
period  of  celebrating  Easter."  (See  also  Eustb. 
Life  of  Constantine.^ 

It  is  to  be  notea  that  no  rule  is  here  givei 
for  determining  Easter;  the  churches  are  re- 
ferred to  the  ancient  rule  of  the  West. 

It  has  been  often  stated  that  the  council  esta- 
blished a  particular  cycle,  that  of  nineteen  years, 
but. this  is  a  mistake. 

Epiphanius  mentions  three  different  sets  of 
so-called  heretics,  who  persisted  in  the  Quarto- 
deciman  usage,  viz.  the  Audiani  {Haeres.  Ixx.), 
the  Alogi  (li.X  and  the  Quarto-decimans  (1.),  the 
last  being  oilhodox  in  all  respects  except  this. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  out  further  the 
history  of  the  decline  of  the  Quarto-decimans. 

We  must  now  give  some  brief  account  of  what 
is  known  respecting  the  various  astronomical 
cycles  employed  for  the  determination  of  Easter. 

The  use  of  cycles  was  very  familiar  to  the  an- 
cient astronomers.  It  arose  out  of  the  neces- 
sity, when  lunar  months  were  in  use  (as  at 
Athens)  of  linking  together  in  some  manner  the 
changes  of  the  moon  and  the  sun.  They  all 
rested  upon  the  mean  motions  of  the  moon, 
which  was  not  only  all  that  could  be  exactly 
calculated  in  the  state  of  their  astronomical 
knowledge,  but  which  is  in  fact  all  that  can  be 
used  with  advantage  for  the  arrangement  of 
ceremonies  and  festival-days.  The  object  was 
to  find  a  period  which  should  contain  an  exact 
number  of  lunations  and  also  of  tropical  years — 
the  former  consisting  of  29  d.  '5305887  or  29  d. 
12  h.  44  m.  2s.  -865. 

1.  The  roost  ancient  cycle  was  the  Octaeteris, 
or  cycle  of  8  years.  It  depends  on  the  fact,  that 
8  tropical  yeara  are  nearly  equal  to  99  lunations. 
The  99  months  contained  2922  days,  three  of  the 
8  years  having  embolisms  or  intercalary  months, 
as  follows.  The  first  year  of  the  period  seems 
to  have  been  variously  taken:  I.  being  the  ar- 
rangement given  by  Geminus ;  II.  by  Epiphanius; 
whilst  III.  is  that  adopted  in  Scaliger's  account 
of  this  cycle,  the  letter  E  denoting  the  embo- 
lism. 


I. 

1 

2 

3  4  5  6 
E        E 

7 

8 

E 

II. 

1 

2 

3  4  5 

6 

7 

8 

E 

E 

E 

m. 

1 

2 

3  4  5 

6 

7 

8 

E 

B 

E 

The  months  were  full  (30  days)  and  hcllow  (29) 
by  turns,  except  the  intercalary,  which  were 
always  MX,  This  is  exactly  8  years  of  365^ 
days.  But  neither  the  lunation  nor  the  year  is 
here  taken  at  its  true  value,  and  the  8  years 
really  fall  short  of  99  lunations  by  1  d.  14  h. 
10  m. — an  error  which  would  soon  accumulate 
and  make  the  cycle  useless. 

Cleostratus,  Eratosthenes,  and  others  made 
various  changes,  for  the  correction  of  this  cycle, 
which  still  however  remained  imperfect. 

2.  A  great  improvement  upon  this  was  the 


592 


£AST£B 


EASTEB 


cycle  of  19  years  ascribed  by  Geminus  to  Eucte- 
mon,  but  generally  to  Meton,  about  432  B.C. 
This  rests  on  the  extremely  close  relation  be- 
tween the  length  of  19  years  and  235  lunations, 
i^ince 

19  years   =  6939  •  60256  days, 
235  lunat.  =  6939-688348  days, 

a  difference  of  about  2  h.  3  m.  The  actual  ar- 
rangement was  that  out  of  235  months  110  were 
nollow,  making  6940  days,  being  in  excess  of  235 
lunations  by  7^  houi's.  In  the  course  of  4  Me- 
tonic  periods  the  accumulation  of  errors  would 
be  30  hours,  and  accordingly  Calippus  proposed 
then  to  leaye  out  1  more  day.  There  was  then 
an  excess  of  6  h.  only  in  76  years  or  of  1  day  in 
310  years.  This  period  of  76  years  is  called  the 
Calippic  period. 

The  first  Paschal  cycle  in  use  seems  to  have 
been  the  Octa^teris.  P^piphanius  refers  to  it(^a^. 
IxY.),  and  appeals  to  it  in  his  argument  with 
the  Audiani  in  such  a  manner  as  to  imply  that 
they  were  right  in  holding  this  to  be  the  ancient 
church  cycle :  on  which  account  he  would  rather 
rest  his  argument  upon  it  than  upon  the  superior 
cycle  of  19  years,  which  must  have  been  familiar 
to  him.  Eusebius  also  mentions  (vii.  20)  that 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  in  one  of  his 
Paschal  letters  gives  a  eanon  for  8  years,  seem- 
ing to  imply  the  use  of  the  Octa^teris  (about 
250  A.D.). 

The  Paschal  cycle  of  112  years  of  St.  Hip- 
poly  tus  attained  some  celebrity  and  was  inscribed 
on  the  chair  of  his  statue,  discovered  at  Rome  in 
1551,  and  now  in  the  Vatican.  It  was  based  on  a 
double  OctaSteris  of  16  years,  repeated  7  times: 
St.  Hippolytns  having  observed  that  by  using  16 
years,  instead  of  8,  the  weeic-days  recurred  in 
succession,  though  in  their  natural  order  re- 
versed. It  extends  from  a.d.  222  to  a.d.  333, 
and  was  evidently  constructed  about  222  a.d. 
and  was  based  upon  the  period  of  years  215  to 
222  A.D.  for  which  period  it  is  correct.  Beyond 
this  its  defective  nature  soon  apjpeai*s,  and  after 
another  .period  it  would  be  found  to  be  worthless. 
It  may  be  seen  in  Fnbricius's  Ifippolf/tus.  See 
also  Ideler,  ii.  222,  and  Ordo  Saeclorum,  p.  477. 

The  Paschal  canon  of  St.  Cyprian,  called  the 
Computus  Pi tschaiiSy  which  is  extant,  but  without 
the  table,  was  a  repeat  of  St.  Hippolytus,  with  a 
new  start  from  a.d.  242,  based  on  the  16  years 
from  228  to  243. 

3.  When  the  Western  church  discovered  the 
defective  nature  of  the  Octaeteris,  they  took  up 
or  perhaps  returned  to  a  cycle  of  84  years, 
which  was  employed  by,  according  to  Epiphanius 
andCyriFs  Prologue  in  Bucherius,  the  Jews  (per- 
haps after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem),  then  probablyby 
some  Quarto-decimans,  and  also  by  some  Latins, 
for  Cyril  in  his  Prologue  implies  that  the  84 
years  cycle  was  forsaken  for  that  of  Hippolytus, 
saying,  "  pejus  aliquid  addiderunt." 

The  84  years  cycle  may  be  regarded  as  con- 
sisting of  a  Calippic  period  of  76  years  (with  the 
correction  of  1  day)  and  a  single  Octaeteris :  and 
as  their  errors  are  in  opposite  directions,  it  has  a 
less  error  in  84  years  than  the  Octaeteris  had  in 
8.  Both  Epiphanius  and  Cyril  ascribe  it  to  the 
Jews,  and  the  fact  that,  84  being  a  multiple 
of  7,  the  Calendar  moons  would  recur  on  the 
same  days  of  the  week  in  each  period,  would 
doobtless  give  it  a  value  in  their  eyes.     However 


this  may  be,  it  became  undoubteJly  the 
cycle  of  the  Latin  church,  for  more  than  twe 
centuries,  till  it  w^as  superseded  by  the  cycle  ef 
Victorina  of  532  years,  published  in  the  year 
457.  An  84-year  Easter-table  of  the  Latin 
church  may  be  seen  in  Ideler,  ii.  249,  con- 
structed from  a  <*  Fasti  Consulares,"  di8«>TeTcd 
by  Cardinal  Noris,  and  beginning  with  the  year 
298.  Muratori  published  another  in  his  Jbtec- 
dota  ex  Ambrosianae  B^iotheoae  OocUdhns^  In 
both  these  it  appears  that  the  Epacts  and  week- 
days of  the  1st  January  were  employed  for  the 
determination  of  Easter.  Bucherius  also  gives 
*  The  Latin  or  Prosper's  cycle  of  84  Years,'  be- 
ginning at  382.  Since  84  Julian  years  contain 
30681  days,  and  1039  lunations  30682  d.  6  h. 
48  m.,  the  84-year  cycle  gives  at  its  oonclosioa 
the  new  moon  30  hours  too  earl  v. 

It  may  be  right  here  to  mention  the  fact  thai 
Epiphanius,  believing  that  the  Jews  had  this 
84  years  cycle  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  cmci- 
fixion  (for  which  there  is  no  evidence  in  Jewish 
writers),  argues  at  length  (^Haer.  Ii.)  that,  this 
cycle  being  shorter  than  the  moon's  true  cycle 
(he  means  probably  the  Alexandrian)  the  Jews 
anticipated  the  proper  time  of  the  passover  by 
two  days  in  the  year  of  the  Passion,  and  Ho- 
cherius  believes  that  he  is  in  the  main  right, 
and  reasons  quite  correctly  from  his  premises 
that,  if  the  Alexandrian  cycle  and  84-year  cycle 
started  together  B.C.  161,  the  latter  was  3  days 
in  advance  of  the  moon  and  the  former  1  dar. 
And  Bucherius  holds,  in  agreement  with  Peta- 
vitts,  that  there  was  a  division  amongst  the  Jews 
as  to  these  two  calculations,  the  Pharisees  and 
priests  keeping  the  passover  one  day  later  than 
our  Lord  and  his  disciples  and  a  great  part  of 
the  nation. 

There  is,  however,  a  great  fallacy  in   thtse 
calculations.     The  cycles  give,  of  necessity,  not 
the  true  moon  of  the  heavens,  but  the  mean  moon, 
and  it  does  not  at  all  follow  that,  because  on  the 
whole  they  give  a  good  representation  of  the  mean 
moon,  that  therefore  they  give  the  tme  mean 
moon  in  any  particular  year.     On  the  contrary, 
they  all  go  by  fits  and  starts,  according  as  the  em- 
bolism has  just  taken  place  or  not ;  and  it  requires 
not  a  general  calculation,  but  an  exact  knowledge 
of  the  state  of  the  cycle,  starting  from  some  ab- 
solutely certain  date,  before  we  can  argue  with 
any  certainty  from  such  cycles.     We  have  above 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  Jews,  having  been 
for  many  centuries  accustomed  to  the  feasts  of 
the  New  Moon,  did  not  allow  any  cycle  to  carry 
them  away  from  a  close  adherence  to  the  actual 
phase  of  the  moon.   And  we  may  add  that  having 
examined  the  three  best  attested  dates — that  of 
the  taking  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  B.G.  64,  on  the 
day  of  the  Fast  (10  Tisri)  according  to  Josephns, 
and  according  to  Dion  Cassius,  on  a  Sabbath; 
the  setting  of  the  Temple  on  fire,  the  9th  Ab  or 
Lous  A.D.  70,  a  Sabbath ;  and  the  taking  of  Jeru- 
salem by  Titus  on  the  8th  Gorpiaeus,  or  EIol, 
according  to  Josephns — ^ain  a  Sabbath,  aooord- 
ing  to  Dion  Cassius,  we  find  that  the  phase  ot 
the  moon  gives  in  each  case,  without  any  ambi- 
guity and  without  any  doubt,  these  very  days, 
viz.  B.C.  64,  Oct.  4,  Saturday ;  Aug.  4,  a.d.  70, 
Saturday,  and  September  1,  A.D.  70,  Saturday. 
The  investigation  of  a  few  such   cases  creata 
a  vivid  impression  that  wc  are  on  firm  gronnd. 
A. number  of  other  cases,  of  a  more  conjectural 


EABTEB 

diaraeter,  may  be  aeen  in  Browne's  Ordo  Saeokh 
TWBii^  p.  538. 

The  following  reenlU  are  taken  from  the  84- 
7€ar  cycle  in  Ideler,  IL  249,  already  referred  to. 


£A8T£B 


593 


1 

3 

8 

4 

ft 

▲Jk. 

Easter 
Day. 

Tabular 
Age  of  Moon. 

Aj>. 

BealAgeofMoon 
(t7  Phase) 
on  Friday. 

448 

4  Apr. 

XVI 

38 

XIX 

449 

37  Mar. 

XIX 

39 

XXI 

4ft0 

18  Apr. 

XX 

80 

XXII 

4ftl 

1  Apr. 

XVI 

31 

XVIII 

4ft3 

33  Mar. 

xvin 

33 

XX 

4S3 

13  Apr. 

XIX 

8? 

XXII 

Thus  whilst  the  8rd  column  is  correct  for  the 
>  umi  A.D.  448-453,  it  is  erroneous  by  4  or  5 
days  for  A.D.  28-33.  It  is  remarkable  that  it 
gires  Mar.  25  for  Good  Friday  A.D.  29,  like 
Uippolytus's  cycle. 

We  have  now  to  trace  the  history  of  the  19- 
years  or  Metonic  cycle  in  the  church,  and  its 
final  triumph. 

The  Metonic  cycle  and  the  Calippic  period  had 
long  been  known  to  the  Alexandrians,  and  had 
been  in  use  in  Syria  and  adjacent  countries,  so 
that  it  is  remarkable  that  we  hear  of  the  Octa^ 
eteris  rather  than  this  cycle  as  haying  been  first 
in  use,  eren  at  Alexandria. 

Anatolius,  bishop  of  Laodicea  about  284,  by 
birth  an  Alexandrian,  enjoys  the  credit,  on  the 
authority  of  Eusebius  (tIL  32)  of  having  been  the 
first  to  arrange  the  19-yeaTB  cycle  for  ecclesi- 
astical purposes.  But  the  passage  has  greatly 
perplexed  the  commentators,  and  has  called  forth 
elaborate  attempts  at  explanation  or  emendation 
from  Petavius  and  others.  For  Anatolius  declares 
that  the  sun  *'is  not  entering  the  first  segment 
(of  the  zodiac)  on  the  22nd  March,  where  he 
places  the  New  Moon  of  the  1st  year  of  the 
CTcle,  but  is  already  on  the  fourth  day  passing 
through  it.  But  this  segment  they  generally  call 
the  first  dodecatemorium,  and  the  equinox,  and 
the  beginning  of  the  months,  &c.'*  Unless  we 
are  to  reject  all  that  is  said  about  Anatolius*s 
knowledge  and  ability,  we  must  take  him  to 
mean  that  the  equinox  fell  on  the  22nd,  but  that 
the  sun  was  not  then  at  the  beginning  of  the 
zodiacal  sign,  but  four  days  adyanoed  in  it.  This 
is  quite  in  consonance  with  the  statements  of 
Pliny  (xviiL  c.  25)  and  Columella  (ix.  13),  who 
after  Eudoxus  place  the  equinoxes  and  solstices 
at  the  8th  part  of  the  signs.  But  the  account 
respecting  Anatolius  is  further  complicated  by 
the  existence  of  a  CSanon  Paschalis  attributed 
to  him,  which  exercised  great  influence  in  the 
British  church,  but  which,  if  it  is  identical  with 
that  given  in  Bucherius,  was  certainly  forged.  It 
is  strange,  too,  that  so  little  is  heard  of  the  cycle 
for  some  time  afterwards.  But  the  19-year  cycle 
probably  gradually  made  its  way  at  Alexandria, 
only  it  was  found  that  something  more  than  a 
cycle  was  wanted  to  insure  uniformity.  An  actual 
catalogue  of  results  waa  necessary.  So  Theo- 
philus,  bishop  of  Alexandria  (385-412)  framed 
at  the  command  of  Theodosius  a  cycle  (or  actual 
calendar)  of  418  years  (19  x  22),  which  St  Cyril, 
who  succeeded  him  in  that  see  in  412,  shortened 
into  m  cycle  of  95  years  (19  x  5)  for  conyenienoe' 
sake.  Part  only  of  St.  Cyril's  CbrnpuhctPosG^is 
remains,  but  his  Prologue  survives  in  a  Latin 
translation  (in  Bucherius).    llieophilus  had  laid 

CIIEin.  AHT. 


down  di£  inctly  the  rule  that  when  the  xiv  of 
the  moon  falU  on  Sunday,  £aster-day  is  the  Sun- 
day after;  and  Cyril  states  distinctly  that  Easter 
may  &11  on  any  of  the  85  days  from  March  22  to 
April  25,  onr  modem  mode.  In  fact,  the  two 
chief  sources  of  discrepancy  after  the  Diccne 
council  were  these :  the  Latins  often  celebrated 
on  the  Sunday  on  which  the  xiv  fell,  while  the 
Alexandrians  waited  a  week;  and  the  Latins 
made  the  18th  March  the  first  day  on  which  the 
xiv  could  fall,  whilst  the  Alexandrians  made 
their  limit  the  21st  March.  They  both  agreed 
that  as  the  passover  was  to  be  kept  in  the  first 
month,  Easter  was  to  follow  the  same  rule ;  but 
the  Latins  made  (as  Bucherius,  &c.  think  the 
Jews  did)  the  5th  March  the  earliest  possible 
day  of  the  Ist  month,  whilst  the  Alexandrians, 
holding  firmly  the  doctrine  that  the  xiv  must  not 
fall  before  the  equinox,  that  is,  according  to  their 
rules,  the  2 Ist  March,  made  the  8th  March  the 
Ist  possible  day  of  the  month.  The  Alexandrian 
rules,  as  we  shall  see,  ultimately  prevailed. 

It  seems  to  be  now  the  time  to  explain  the 
actual  method  employed  by  the  Alexandrians. 

The  years  of  the  cycle  of  19  years  being  num- 
bered in  order,  the  number  of  any  given  year 
was  called  the  Golden  Number.  So  also  the 
letters  A  B  C  D  £  F  G  being  written  against  all 
the  days  of  the  year  in  succession,  the  letter  A 
being  placed  against  the  first  of  January,  the 
same  letter  will  stand  against  any  given  week- 
day throughout  the  year,  except  in  Leap-year, 
when  a  change  will  take  place  after  the  inter- 
calary day.  The  letter  which  stands  against  all 
the  Sundays  is  called  the  Sunday  Letter. 

Again,  the  day  on  which  the  14th  of  the  equi- 
nox moon  falls  is  called  the  Easter  Term.  As  the 
Easter  Terms  recur  every  19  years,  the  knowledge 
of  the  Golden  Number  gives  the  Easter  Term, 
and  if  we  know  the  Sunday  Letter  we  can  pass 
on  from  the  Easter  Term,  its  letter  being  known, 
to  the  next  Sunday,  whidi  will  be  Easter  Day. 

Rule  1.  To  find  the  Golden  Number.  Add  1 
to  the  numeral  of  the  year,  and  divide  by  19. 
The  remainder  is  the  Golden  Number;  when  there 
is  no  remainder,  19  is  the  Golden  Number. 

Rule  2.  To  find  the  Sunday  Letter.  To  the 
numeral  of  the  year,  add  its  quotient  on  dividing 
by  4,  and  also  the  number  4;  divide  the  sum  by 
7,  and  subtract  the  remainder  from  7.  This  will 
designate  the  pUce  of  the  Sunday  Letter  in  the 
alphabet.  Ex. :  325  +  81  +  4  =  410 ;  410  -h  7 
leaves  remainder  4 ;  the  3rd  letter  C  is  the  Sun- 
day Letter.  In  Leap-year  the  earlier  two  months 
of  the  year  have  the  letter  next  succeeding. 

The  following  Table  will  now  suffice  to  find 
the  Alexandrian  Easter  (old  style). 


Golden 
Nos. 

Easter  Tenns. 

Golden 
Noa. 

Eaaker  Terms. 

10 

ft  Apr.    D 
3ft  Mar.    Q 
18  Apr.     K 

3  Apr.    A 
33  Mar.    D      i 
10  Apr.    B 
30  Mar.    E 
18  Apr.    G 

T  Apr.     F 
3t  Mar.    B 

30 

ift  Apr.    a 

4  Apr.  G 
34  Mar.  F 
13  Apr.    D 

1  Anr.  O 
31  Har.    C 

9  Apr.  A 
38  Mar.  D 
IT  Apr.    B 

A  Apr.    O 

JBv.->A.D.  38.  Goldn  numbersll.  Svaday  Lettar  & 
Easier  Tenn,  IftCh  April.    Easier  DamMltOi  April. 

2Q 


594 


K  A  pXJSlt 


It  miist  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the 
subject  was  always  regarded  from  this  simple 
point  of  view.  It  was  approached  with  old  tra- 
ditionary notions,  so  that  the  19  years  was  spoken 
of  as  made  np  of  8  and  11 — and  the  years  were 
thought  of  as  lunar  years  with  embolisms — and 
as  it  happened  that  the  Latins  began  their  cycles 
3  years  later  than  the  Alexandrians,  and  so  in- 
serted embolisms  in  different  years,  this  again 
was  a  cause  of  discrepancy. 

Alexandrian  cycle : 

I  2  3  i  6  6  f  8  9  10  11  13  13  14  15  U  n  18  19 

B  S       B  a  B  B  B 

Western  cycle : 

n  18  19  1  2  3  4  5  6  f  8  9  10  11  13  13  U  15  18 
R  B  B  B       K  B  B 

We  give  at  the  same  time  the  order  of  the 
cycle  of  Victorius : 

II  12  13  14  15  18  17  18  19  1  2  3  4  6  6  T  8  9  10 
B  B  B  B  B  B       B 

During  the  popedom  of  Leo  the  Great  doubts 
occuri*ed,  in  the  year  444  A.D.,  and  455  A.D.,  as 
to  the  proper  day  of  celebrating  Easter.  Leo  wrote 
to  St.  Cyril  to  enquire  respecting  444,  who 
answered  that  the  day  was  April  23,  propter 
rationem  embolismi  anni  (not  26  March,  as  the 
Latins  made  it).  It  was  8  of  the  lunar  cycle  of 
the  Alexandrians,  18  of  Victorius'  cycle.  Leo 
acquiesced. 

In  455  the  contention  was  greater.  Here  it 
was  not  a  qu^tion  of  a  month,  but  of  a  week. 
The  Latins  by  the  84-year  cycle  made  it  April 
17 ;  the  Alexandrians  April  24. 

Leo  then  wrote  to  Martian,  emperor  of  the 
East,  and  to  Eudocia  Augusta,  m  which  he  asks 
them  to  interfere  that  the  Alexandrians  may  not 
name  April  24,  alleging  that  the  viii.  kal.  Mail 
is  beyond  the  ancient  limits.  The  emperor  made 
enquiry  of  certain  eastern  bishops  and  of  the 
Alexandrians,  and  Leo  finally  yielded  for  the  sake 
of  peace.  In  the  matter  of  these  limits  the  Alex- 
andrians were  always  firm,  allowing  the  14th  of 
the  moon  to  range  from  March  21  to  April  18, 
Easter-day  from  March  22  to  April  25 ;  while 
the  Westerns  had  shown  much  vacillation.  TLeir 
old  14iJ&  day  limits  were  March  18  and  April  21, 
then  the  council  of  Caesarea  (iuD.  105)  laid  down 
as  the  limits  of  Easter^lay  March  22  and  April 
21,  alleging  that  the  crucifixion  was  on  March  22. 
This  authority,  together  with  that  of  the  Nicene 
council,  ordering  that  Easter  should  not  be  kept 
before  the  equinox,  led  the  Latins  to  yield  the 
first  limit ;  then  Leo  extended  the  2nd  limit  two 
days,  by  understanding  April  21  of  the  cruci- 
fixion, thus  getting  March  22  to  April  23,  33 
days.  Finally  the  Latins  had  to  yield  2  days 
more.  But  the  Latins  would  only  keep  Easter 
from  the  16th  to  the  22nd  of  the  moon,  so  that 
the  passion  might  be  on  the  14th,  whereas  the 
Alexandrians  often  kept  Easter  on  the  15th.  In 
the  year  463  Victorius  (or  Victorinus)  of  Aqui- 
talnc,  an  abbot  at  Rome,  was  employed  by  pope 
Hilary  to  correct  the  calendar,  and  he  was  the  real 
author  of  the  cycle  of  532  years,  found  by  mul- 
tiplying together  19,  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  and 
28,  the  cycle  of  the  sun.  Thus,  on  the  suppo- 
sition of  the  perfect  accuracy  of  the  19-years 
cycle,  all  full  moons,  days  of  the  week,  &c., 
would  recur  in  the  same  order  from  cycle  to 
cycle,  for  ever.  The  cycle  is  given  in  Bucherius : 
it  begins  at  a.d.  239  and  ends  770.    Some  days 


EASTER 

are  marked,  as  differently  taken  hj  the  Alir 
andrians  and  Latins,   for  Victorius  oommcBCid 
the  cycle  at  the  11th  year  of  the  AlexaadziaB 
cycle,  and  also  still  adhered  to  the  aboTe-BBCB- 
tioned  Latin  rules. 

There  were  many  errors  in  his  tables,  and  the 
revision  of  it  by  Dionysius  Exignns  obtained  ibr 
it  the  name  of  the  Dionysian  cycle,  transferring 
to  Dionysius  most  of  the  merit  which  belonged 
to  Victorius. 

But  what  Dionysius  really  did  was  to  eontiBiie 
the  95-year  cycle  of  St.  Cyril,  and  he  also  indneed 
the  Italians  to  accept  fully  the  Alexandrian  roles. 
He  also  abandoned  the  era  of  Diocletian,  and  was 
the  first  to  introduce  the  modem  Christiaa  era, 
reckoning  from  the  supposed  date  of  the  birth 
of  Christ.  Victorius  had  made  his  cycle  be^ 
from  the  baptism,  a.d.  28. 

But  the  Easter  table  of  Victorias  long  held  its 
ground  in  Gaul.  In  the  council  of  Orleans  (Ml) 
it  was  ordered  that  all  should  observe  Easter 
according  to  the  latercnlus  Victorii,  and  Gregory 
of  Tours  says  of  a.d.  577 :  "  In  that  year  &ere 
was  a  doubt  about  Easter.  In  Gaol  we,  with 
many  other  cities,  celebrated  Easter  on  the  14th 
Calends  of  May:  others  with  the  Spaniards  on 
the  12th  Calends  of  April.  The  former  was  Vio- 
torius's  date:  the  Alexandrians  kept  Easter  a 
week  later,  the  Spaniards  four  weeks  earlier." 
It  is  onlv  at  the  end  of  the  8th  oentnry  that 
traces  of  such  differences  disappear  in  GaaL 
(Ideler,  iii.  294.) 

The  84-years  cycle  lasted  longer  in  Britaia 
than  elsewhere:  and  the  bitter  controversies 
which  were  carried  on  for  a  long  time  between 
the  new  English  church,  founded  by  the  misaMn 
of  Augustine,  and  the  ancient  British  church 
were  entirely  due  to  the  persistence  of  the  British 
clergy  in  clinging  to  the  old  cycle  of  84  jean 
(see  the  letter  of  Althelmus  Anglus  Episcopos, 
about  700  A.D.  in  Bucherius)  and  old  traditioii- 
ai*y  maxims  respecting  the  paschal  limits. 

They  kept  the  festival  from  the  14th  of  the 
moon  to  the  20th :  they  placed  the  equinox  on 
the  25th  March,  and  would  keep  no  festival 
before  it,  and  they  used  as  the  later  limit  of 
the  festival  the  old  limit  of  the  LaUns,  the  21st 
April. 

For  these  rules  thev  appealed  to  tradition  and 
the  example  of  St.  John,  and  also  repeatedly  to 
the  authority  of  Anatolius.  The  discussion  almost 
always  turns  in  Bede's  narrative,  and  in  the  letters 
preserved,  on  this  point : — >Is  the  festival  to  be 
kept  from  the  14th  to  the  20th  of  the  moon  (with 
the  British  church),  or  from  the  15th  to  the  81st 
(with  the  Roman)  ?    And  as  the  battle  turned 
so  largely  on  the  14th  of  the  moon,  the  partisans 
of  the  Roman  use  tried  to  fix  on   the  British 
clergy  the  name  of  Quartodecimans,  and  so  the 
stigma  of  heresy.     But  they  were  in   no  real 
sense  Quartodecimans.    They  observed  the  Easter 
festival  on  a  Sunday  and  kept  the  Friday  before 
it,  not  keeping,  as  did  the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor, 
the   14th    of  the  moon,   fall   when  it  might: 
nor  is  there  any  ground  for  connecting  them,  on 
the  supposition  of  their  being  Qnartodedmana, 
with  Asia  Minor.     As  we  have  mentioned  before, 
the  spurious  canon  of  Anatolius,  given  in  Bu- 
cherius, was  perhaps  designed  to  support  the 
cause  of  the  British  Christians.     And  there  is 
some  ground  for  supposing  that  the  latercoioi 
of  100  years,  given  in  Bucherius,  may  have  te- 


EASTER,  0EBEMOKIE8  OF 

longed  to  the  British  church,  as  it  falli  in  with 
their  principles. 

Frequently  as  the  differences  respecting  Easter 
ai-e  mentioned  in  Bede  {EocL  ff*i')f  there  are 
unfortunately  no  dates  giren  which  can  throw 
further  light  on  these  discrepancies;  but  the 
statement  respecting  Queen  B'-ftnfli¥<ft  and  her  fol- 
lowers as  still  fasting  and  keeping  Palm  Sunday, 
when  King  Oswy  had  done  fasting  and  was  Iceeping 
his  Easter,  must  refer  to  some  year  not  far  from 
651 ;  and  the  xiv  of  the  moon  fell  on  Sunday  in 
645,  6i7,  648,  and  651. 

The  Roman  use  finally  prerailed  in  England. 
Archbishop  Theodore,  AJ>.  669,  is  believed  to 
haye  arranged  everything  according  to  Roman 
customs,  and  from  that  time  general  uniformity 
existed.  Nothing  further  of  importance  occurred 
respecting  Easter  until  the  Gregorian  reformation 
of  the  calendar,  by  which  time  the  accumulated 
errors  arising  from  the  1|  hrs.  excess  of  the 
19-year8  cycle  made  the  odendar  moon  about 
four  days  later  than  the  real  moon.         [L.  H.] 

EASTER,  CEREMOmES  of.  The  season  of 
Easter,  as  the  epoch  of  the  great  redemptive  acts 
by  which  the  salvation  of  mankind  was  consum- 
mated, was  from  a  very  early  period  observed 
with  special  solemnity  by  the  Christian  church. 
The  Paschal  season  originally  extended  over  fif- 
teen days,  of  which  Easter  Day  was  the  central 
point,  commencing  with  Palm  Sunday  and  ter- 
minating with  Low  Sunday.  The  first  week 
was  known  as  ir^x'  <rravp«$<ri/Aoy,  the  second 
week  as  wdcxti  kmriffiftov  (Suicer,  sub  W)c,y 
Leaving  to  other  articles  the  solemnities  of  the 
former  period  [Palm  Sundat:  Good  Fbidat] 
we  propose  to  speak  of  those  of  the  period  or 
Easter,  properly  so  called. 

Easter  Eve, — ^This  day  was  known  by  a  variety 
of  titles  in  the  early  church — rh  fiiya  a-dfifiarw, 
rh  tyiw  ffdfifiofroif,  vh^  iyytKiK^  (Pallad.),  Sabba' 
turn  Magnum,*  Dies  VigHiarum  Paschae.  (Hieron.), 
JlljUpa  T^5  herrJmnsrovirdffxa  wfunnrxitios  (^"OMth, 
vi.  34).  It  had  a  double  character,  penitential 
and  jubilant;  as  the  conclusion  of  the  great 
Lenten  Fast,  and  as  the  prelude  of  the  Festival 
of  the  Resurrection.  This  was  the  only  Sab- 
bath in  the  whole  year  on  which  fasting  was 
permitted  (Apostol.  Constit.  vii.  23).  The  fast  of 
Easter  Eve  was  of  the  strictest  character,  and 
was  prolonsed  at  least  till  midnight.  Good  Friday 
and  master  Eve  bemg  a  continuous  fast,  in  sup- 
posed obedience  to  our  Lord's  words  (Matt.  ix.  15). 
The  Apostolical  OonstiiiUions  enjoin  fasting  till 
eoekerow  (Ap,  Const  v.  18).  The  synod  of 
Auzerre,  A.D.  578  (^Can.  xi.)  forbids  the  breaking 
of  the  fast  till  the  second  hour  of  the  night. 
The  89th  Trullan  canon  (Condi.  Quinisext.  labbe, 
vi.  1180)  limits  the  fasting  at  midnight.  Jerome 
assigns  as  a  reason  for  the  congregation  not  being 
dismissed  on  Easter  Eve  till  after  midnight,  that 
even  as  the  Paschal  deliverance  of  Israel  took 
place  at  midnight  (Exod.  xii.  29)  it  was  the 
expectation  of  the  church,  according  to  upo- 
stolical  tradition,  that  Christ  would  return  to 

•  The  earliest  ineUnce  of  the  nse  of  this  designation  for 
Easter  Eve  is  In  the  letter  of  the  church  of  Smyrna  de- 
tailing the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  (Eoseb.  iv.  16. 13). 
The  day  on  which  Polyearp  was  apprehended  is  described 
as  **  the  Great  Sabbath  *'—^rTw<^a^^a1novMcyaAov.  The 
lenn  is  evUeotly  boirowed  firam  John  zix.  31.    ^¥  ydip 


EASTER,  GEBEMONIES  OF     595 

accomplish  the  redemption  oi  His  church  and 
triumph  over  her  enemies  at  the  same  hour. 
That  hour  being  passed,  the  awe  with  which  the 
Lord's  coming  was  anticipated  being  relieved,  the 
Easter  Feast  was  celebrated  with  universal  joy 
(Hieron.  In  Matt.  xxv.  6).  The  same  belief  is 
mentioned  bv  Lactantius  (Div.  Inst,  vii.  19),  when 
he  speaks  of  the  night  being  passed  in  watchful- 
ness on  account  of  the  coming  of  our  King  and 
Qod.  We  have  evidence  that  in  Tertullian's  time 
it  was  spent  in  public  worship^  when  he  speaks 
of  the  difficulty  which  would  be  caused  by  the 
absence  of  a  Christian  wife  from  her  heathen 
husband  during  the  whole  night  at  the  time  of 
the  paschal  solemnities  (Tert.  ad  Uxor,  ii.  4).  As 
the  night  advanced  and  Easter  drew  nearer  all 
sign  of  mourning  was  laid  aside  for  the  highest 
festal  jubilee.  One  special  solemnity  indicating 
the  festival  character  of  this  night  was  the  light- 
ing of  lamps  and  candles,  a  custom  which  is 
repeatedly  referred  to  by  writers  from  the  4th 
century  downwards.  Cvril  of  Jerusalem,  in  his  in- 
troductory Catechetical  lecture  (|  15),  speaks  of 
^  that  night,  that  darkness  that  shows  like  day," 
and  Eusebius  records  CDe  VU,  Const,  iv.  22)  that 
Constantine  observed  Easter  Eve  with  such  pomp 
that  ^  he  turned  the  sacred  or  mystical  vigil  into 
the  light  of  day  "  by  means  of  lamps  suspended 
in  every  part,  and  setting  up  huge  waxen  tapers 
as  big  as  columns  (icfipov  xlowas  6^Aordrovr), 
through  the  whole  city.  We  find  a  reference  to 
the  same  custom  in  Gregory  Naxianxen  {Orat. 
xlii.  De  Pasch.)y  who  s|Maks  of  persons  of  all 
ranks,  even  magistrates  and  men  and  ladies  of 
rank,  carrying  lamps,  and  setting  up  tapers, 
both  at  home  and  in  the  churches,  thus  turning 
night  into  day ;  and  again  {Orat,  xliii.)  describes 
this  I4pa  y^l,  as  a  '*  torch-bearing  "  (5^ovx^a), 
being  as  it  were  a  vp^pofios  or  forerunner  of 
the  risine  of  the  great  light,  Christ.  Gregory 
Nyssen  ako  describes  the  brilliancy  of  the  illu- 
mination as  a  cloud  of  fire  mingling  with  the 
dawning  rays  of  the  sun,  and  making  the  eve  and 
the  festival  one  continuous  day  without  any  inter- 
val of  darknebs  (In  Christ,  Resurr,  Orat,  v.)  From 
the  poem  of  Prudentius  (Hymn,  v.  ad  Inoensum 
oerei  Paschalis,  141-148)  we  learn  that  the  church 
was  illuminated  with  lamps  depending  from  the 
roof,  reminding  the  spectator  of  the  starry  firma- 
ment. In  later  times  one  special  wax  taper  of 
large  size  was  solemnly  blessed,  as  a  type  of 
Christ's  rising  from  the  dead  to  give  light  to  the 
world.  The  institution  of  this  custom  was  attri- 
buted to  pope  Zosimus  A.D.  417  [Pabchal  Taper}. 

The  latter  hours  of  the  evening  and  the  night 
were  spent  by  the  assembled  congregations  in 
united  prayer  and  supplication,  the  singing  of 
psalms  and  hymns,  reading  the  Scriptures,  and 
in  hearkening  to  the  exhortations  of  the  bishop 
and  presbyters  (Apost.  Constit,  v.  19 ;  Greg.  Njrs^. 
Orat,  iv.  tn  Christ,  Resurrect.). 

Easter  Eve  was  the  chief  time  for  the  baptism  of 
catechumens.  The  first  seventeen  catechetical  lec- 
tures of  St.  Cyril  were  delivered  during  the  weeks 
before  Easter  to  those  who  were  preparing  for 
baptism  at  the  ensuing  Easter  Eve,  on  which  day 
the  eighteenth  was  pronounced  (Catech,  xvii.  20, 
xviii.  32, 33).  The  nineteenth,  on  Easter  Monday, 
explains  *'  the  deep  meaning  of  what  was  done 
on  the  evening  of  their  baptism  "  (xix.  1).  On  the 
Easter  Eve  which  succeeded  Chrysostom's  deposi- 
tion, no  fewer  than  three  thousand  catechumeni 

2  Q  2 


596      EASTEB,  CEREMONIES  OF 

awaited  baptism  at  Constantinople,  who  were 
dispersed  hj  a  body  of  soldiers  bursting  into  the 
baptistery,  many  of  the  female  catechumens  being 
driven  out  only  half  dressed,  having  laid  aside 
their  outer  garments  in  preparation  for  the  sacred 
rite.  The  sacrament,  thus  brutally  interrupted, 
was  resumed  in  the  Baths  of  Constantine,  where 
the  scattered  congregation  reassembled  (Chrysost. 
Ep.  ad  rrmoc,  \, ;  Pallad.  Vit.  Chrys.,  c.  9).  The 
rite  of  baptism  was  preceded  by  the  solemn  bene- 
diction of  the  water  (^Apost,  Ccnstit,  vii.  43; 
TertuU.  De  Bapt.  c  4 ;  Cyprian,  EpisL  70  (69)  ). 
[Bapttsm.] 

We  find  in  Rabanus  Maurus,  c.  847  (J>e 
Clericor.  Irutit,  ii.  28)  a  detailed  account  of  tlie 
mode  of  observing  Easter  Eve  which  would  not 
differ  much  from  that  of  the  preceding  centuries. 
All  the  congregation  remained  in  perfect  silence 
and  tranquillity  awaiting  the  hour  of  the  Resur- 
rection, uniting  from  time  to  time  in  prayer  and 
psalmody.  Towards  nightfall  the  ceremonies  of 
the  Nox  Dominica  began  with  the  benediction  by 
the  archdeacon  of  the  paschal  taper.  This  cere- 
mony was  followed  by  lections  from  the  Old 
Testament  and  prayers,  succeeded  by  the  litanies 
of  the  saints.  Then  followed  the  administration 
of  baptism.  The  white-robed  neophytes  ascended 
from  the  font — *'ascendit  grex  dealbatorum  de 
lavacro  " — and  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist 
commenced,  of  which  all  were  bound  to  partake 
but  the  excommunicate. 

Complaints  of  disorders  consequent  on  these 
nocturnal  assemblies  are  found  as  early  as  the  6th 
century.  These  scandals  led  first  to  the  limitation 
of  the  hours  of  the  vigil,  and  ultimately  to  the 
transference  of  the  observance  to  the  daytime. 

Ecuter-Day, — Although  nothing  could  exceed 
the  honour  paid  to  the  Feast  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion by  the  early  church,  by  which  it  was 
justly  regarded  as  the  chief  festival  of  the 
whole  year,  there  is  very  little  to  say  respect- 
ing the  mode  in  which  was  observed.  The 
high-sounding  titles  with  which  the  early 
fathers  delighted  to  decorate  it — **the  queen  of 
days,'*  **the  feast  of  feasts,  and  assembly  of 
assemblies"  (Greg.  Kyss.  Orat.  xix. ;  Ibid,  xliii.), 
<*  the  desirable  festival  of  our  salvation " 
(Chrysost.  ffomU,  Ixxxv.  de  Pasch,\  "  the  crown 
and  head  of  all  festivals,"  and  the  like — are  mere 
rhetorical  flourishes  which  never  obtained  general 
currency,  and  need  not  therefore  be  ^rther 
dwelt  upon.  It  was  commonly  known  as  ^ 
fi9yd\ri  Kvpiaic^,  *'  Dominica  gaudii  "  seems  also 
to  have  been  a  familiar  appellation  (Bingham, 
Orig,  XX.  5.  5).  As  a  religious  observance  Easter 
Day  was  not  distinguished  from  other  Sundays 
except  by  the  vastness  of  its  congregations, 
and  the  general  splendour  and  dignity  of  its 
services.  Indeed  it  was  ordained  by  pope  Vigi- 
lius  in  the  6th  century  (537-555)  that  the  mass 
on  Easter  Day  should  be  the  same  as  that  on 
other  days,  *<  ordine  consueto,"  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  addition  of  ^  singula  capitula  diebus 
apta  **  {Epist.  ad  Euther.  |  5 ;  Labbe,  v.  313). 
By  one  of  the  so-called  Trullan  canons,  a.d.  692 
(Can.  90;  Labbe,  vi.  1180)  it  was  forbidden  to 
kneel  in  prayer  from  the  entrance  of  the  priests 
to  the  altar  on  the  evening  of  Easter  Eve  till  the 
evening  of  Easter  Day,  the  two  days  being  com- 
bined in  one  continuous  celebration  of  the 
Resurrection,  &s  dwSXoKk'^p^  iyrtvdtv  pvxBiffifpoy 
iravfiyvpi(fty  iffias  t^v  iiydtrrao'iy.  Gregory  Nysaen 


EASTER,  CJEREMONIES  OF 

draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the  joyons  crowds  wBo,  Ky 
their  dress  and  their  devout  attendance  at  church, 
sought  to  do  honour  to  the  festivaL    All  laboor 
ceased,  all  trades  were  suspended,  the  husband- 
man threw  down  his  spade  and  plough  and  pat 
on  his  holiday  attire,  the  very  tavern-keepers 
left    their    gains.     The   roads  were    empty  of 
travellers,  the  sea  of  sailors.    The  mother  came 
to  church  with  the  whole  band  of  her  children 
and  domestics,  her  husband  and  the  whole  fitmily 
rejoicing  with  her.    All   Christians   assembled 
everywhere    as  members  of  one   Bsuaaily.     The 
poor  man  dressed  like  the  rich,  and  the  ri<^  wore 
his  gayest  attire ;  those  who  had  none  of  thdr 
own  borrowed  of  their  neighbours;   the   very 
children  were  made  to  share  in  the  joy  of  the 
feast  by  putting  on  new  clothes  (Greg.  Njsses, 
Orat.  iii.  m    Christ,   Resurrect.).      Evangelical 
lections  were  read  to  the  assembled  congrega- 
tions, so  arranged  that  the  whole  history  of  the 
Resurrection   was   gone  through   on   snooewve 
days  (Aug.  Serm,  de  Temp.  137,  140),  and  sei^ 
mons  preached  instructing  the  people   how  to 
keep  the  feast  duly,  ^^6vrtos  iofnaC^tr  (Athanas. 
Epist.  ad  Draoont.  ad  fin.).     When  the  empire 
became  Christian,  the  emperors,  beginning  with 
Valentinian,  A.D.  367,  testified  to  the  nniversa] 
joy  by  throwing  open  the  prisons,  and  granting  a 
general  pardon  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  3S,  leg.  3, 
6,  7, 8 ;  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  3  ;  Gaasiod. 
xi.  Epist.  ult. ;  Ambrose  Ep.  33  (14)  X  debton 
were  forgiven,  slaves  manumitted,  all  actions  at 
law  were  suspended  except  in  some  special  cases 
(Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  12,  leg.  8;  Cod.  Theod. 
lib.  ii.  tit.  8,  leg.  2 ;  lib.  ix.  tit.  35,  leg.  7),  and 
liberal  alms  given  to  the  poor.    In  the  words 
of    Gregory    Nyssen    (tt.s.)    "every    kind     of 
sorrow  is  put  to  rest  to-<iay,  nor  is  there  any  one 
so  overwhelmed  with  grief  as  not  to  find  relief 
from  the  magnificence  of  this  feast.     Now  the 
prisoner  is  loosed,  the  debtor  is   foi^ven,  the 
slave  is  set  free,  and  he   who  continues  a  slave 
derives  benefit."    All  games  or  public  spectacles 
were  prohibited  as  being  inconsistent  with  the 
sanctity  of  the  season  (Can.  TVti//.  86;  Labbe, 
vi.    1171;  Cod.  Thfiod.  lib.  xv.  tit.  5,  leg.  S\. 
What   has  been  said    of    Easter   Day  may   be 
extended  to  the  week  following,  which,  together 
with  that  which  went  before,  was  considered  to 
partake  in  the  sacredness  of  the  festival.     The 
ApostoliocU     Constitutions    ordain     that     slavey 
should  be  allowed  to  rest  from  their  work  **  all 
the  great  week  "  (Holy  Week),  **  and  that  which 
follows  it "  (Ap.   Const,  viii.  33).     The  parpooe 
of   this    rest    was    religious    edification.      St. 
Chrysostom    states    (ffomil.    34  De  Besurreei. 
Christ.)  that  for  seven  days  sacred   assemblies 
weire  held  and  sermons  preached.     The  council  of 
Macon  a.d.  585  (Can,  ii. ;  Labbe,  v.  981)  also 
forbids  all  servile  work  for  six  days,  during  which 
all  are  to  assemble  three  times  a  day  for  worship^ 
singing  paschal  hymns,  and  offering  their  daily 
sacrifices.     The  Trullan  canons  (Can.  86 ;  Labbe, 
vi.  1171)  also  lay  down  that  the  faithful  ought 
to  spend  their  time  through  the  whole  week  in 
church,  devoting  themselves  to  psalmody,  read- 
ing the  Scriptures,  and  the  celebration  of  the 
holy  mysteries. 

The  Easter  season — Octo  dies  neopkytonan 
(August.  Epist.  XIX.  ad  Januar.  c  17)— closed 
with  the  following  Sunday  (Low  Smday  with 
us),  known  by  the  titles  of  &vriir4oxa»  i  nuH 


ECDIGI 

Kppiai^f  &yeucau^o-^405,  DomMoa  in  Odavis 
PoMohatf  Paacha  Clauawn ;  also  with  reference  to 
th«  white  drewes  of  the  newly  baptised,  i^  irvpiaic^ 
4y  XcvKoif ,  Din  Neophytorvm,  Dominica  in  AUna. 
The  appellation  Quasi  modo  geniUy  derived  from 
the  introit  (1  Pet.  ii.  2^  is  of  later  origin.  In  the 
Greek  charch  it  has  been  known  as  the  KvptoKij 
BwfjA,  and  ^/idfKi  kxo(rT6\ttVj  with  reference  to 
the  gospel  for  the  day  (John  xz.  19-23),  and  the 
appearance  of  Christ  to  Thomas  on  this  day 
(Jb,  26-29).  The  special  solemnity  of  this  Sunday 
was  the  laying  aside  by  the  newly  baptised  of 
their  white  baptismal  robes,  to  be  deposited  in 
the  sacristy  of  the  church.  St.  Augustine  refers 
to  the  appearance  of  the  neophytes  in  church  in 
their  white  robes  {Serm^  de  Temp,  162 ;  Dominic. 
in  Octay.  Paachae) :  *'  Hodie  vitali  laracro  resur- 
gena  Dei  popnius  ad  instar  Resurrectionis  eccle- 
aiam  nostram  splendore  nivei  candoris  illuminat." 
The  white  bands  that  were  wrapped  round  the 
heads  of  the  newly  baptised  infants  were  also 
remoTed  on  this  day,  which  from  this  custom 
sometimes  bore  the  name  of  octavae  infantium : 
''infimtes  rocantur    et    habent    octavas    hodie 

recludenda  enim  sunt  capita  eorum" 

(Aug.  Serm,  de  Temp,  160).  We  learn  from 
Rabanus  Maurus  {De  Cleric,  Inst.  ii.  38)  that 
in  his  time  the  seven  days  after  Easter  Day  were 
known  as  Diee  Albae,  because  those  who  had  been 
baptised  on  the  holy  night  wore  their  albs  and 
assisted  at  the  holy  mysteries  in  that  dress, 
till  the  following  Sunday,  when  the  bishop's 
hand  was  laid  upon  them  in  confirmation. 
Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  processions — roga- 
<ioru*«— being  made  every  year  at  Easter  tide 
(Greg.  Turon.  Vit,  Pair,  c.  vi.  p.  1175).  [E.  V.] 

ECDIGI  CEk^koi  or  <KicXi7<rt/ic8(ico<),  certain 
officers  appointed,  in  consequence  of  the  legal 
disabilities  of  clergy  and  monks,  to  represent  the 
church  in  civil  affairs ;  see  Advocate  of  the 
Church,  Defensor.  The  place  where  they  met 
officially  was  called  MuctTop,  [C] 

ECONOMUS.    [Oeoonoxus.] 

EGPHONESIS  C^Kf^trntrts)  denotes  that 
portion  of  an  office  which  is  said  audibly,  in  con- 
trast with  that  said  tecrete  (jivcrucAs) ;  especi- 
ally the  dozology,  with  which  the  secret  prayers 
generally  conclude.  [C.] 

ECTENE  or  ECTENIA  ('Errei^*  or  ^«c- 
TcWa).  Omitting  from  consideration  certain 
preparatory  prayers,  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil 
and  St.  Chrysostom  begin  with  a  litany,  known 
as  Ectene,  SynaptCy  Diaconicae,  or  Eirenicae,  The 
name  Ectene  may  refer  to  the  length  or  (more 
probably)  to  the  earnestness  of  the  supplication. 
Litanies  of  a  similar  form  are  also  found  in  the 
Hour-offices.     See  further  under  LiTANr.    [C] 

ECTUESIS  CEK^ciTif),  a  doctrinal  formula, 
or  "  setting  forth  "  of  a  Creed.  Thus  Theodoret 
{Hist,  Eocl,  ii.  17)  speaks  of  the  statement  of 
doctrine  put  forth  by  the  ^  conciliabulum "  of 
Rimini  as  an  Mtiris,  The  same  word  is  again 
used  by  the  same  historian  m  speaking  of  the 
creed  of  Eunomius  (ff,  E,  ii.  23).  [C] 

ECTYPOMATA.    [Dona  :  VonvE  Offer- 

INOS.] 

ECUMENICAL  COUNCILS.    [Councils.] 

ECCLESIA  C^KKXfiffla).  The  principal 
senses  of  the  wo/d  Ecclesia  with  which  we  are 
eoBoemed  are  the  following : — 


ECCLESIA8TICAE  BES 


597 


I.  The  congregation  or  gathering  together  of 
the  faithfViL  "  Ecclesia  est  oonvocatus  populus 
per  ministroB  ecclesiae  ab  eo  qui  facit  nnanimes 
habitare  in  domo.  Ipsa  domus  vocatur  Ecclesia, 
quia  Ecclesiam  oontinet"  (Amalarius,  De  EccL 
Off,  iii.  2). 

II.  As  indicated  in  the  extract  above  from  Ama- 
larius, the  word  came  to  designate  the  build- 
ing used  for  the  Christian  assembly  [Church]  ; 
as  in  1  Cor.  xi.  18:  "Appellamus  Eoclesiam 
basilicam  qui  oontinetur  populus"  (Augustine, 
Epist,  157).  The  principal  designations  of 
churches  of  different  kinds  are  the  following: — 

1.  *H  iKtcXtivia  is  used  absolutely  to  desig- 
nate the  principal  church  or  ''cathedral"  of 
a  city ;  as  oy  Procopius  {De  Bella  Persico,  ii.  9), 
to  designate  the  cathedral  of  Antioch. 

2.  Ecclesia  Baptismalis,  a  parish  church — ^to 
use  the  modem  term — in  which  baptisms  are 
celebrated.  Walafrid  Strabo  {De  £eb.  Eod.  c 
30)  speaks  of  ''presbyteri  plebium  qui  baptis- 
males  ecclesias  tenent  et  minoribus  presbyteris 
praesunt"    [Compare  Parish.] 

3.  Ecclesia  Cardinalis.  This  was  also  a  de- 
signation of  parish  churches.    [Cardinal.] 

4.  Ecclesia  CathedraliSj  a  church  in  which  a 
bishop  set  up  his  throne.  [Cathedra  :  Cathe- 
dral.] 

5.  Eoclesia  CathoUca,    [Cathouc.] 

6.  E,  Diocesana  {Leges  Wisigoth,,  lib.  iv.,  tit. 
5,  c.  6)  is  equivalent  to  parochialis,  [Diocese  : 
Parish.] 

7.  E,  Mater,  Matrioialis,  Matrix,  Mairioula, 
may  designate  either  a  cathedral,  as  distinguished 
from  its  subordinate  churches;  or  a  parish 
church,  as  distinguished  from  mere  oratories. 

8.  Ecclesia  PlebaUs  or  Plebeicma,  the  church 
of  a  Plebs,  or  community;  that  is,  a  parish 
church.  See  the  quotation  above  (II.  2),  and 
Ducange's  Glossary,  s.  v.  Plebs, 

9.  Ecclesia  Principalis,  a  cathedral  {Leg,  Wisi- 
goth,  iv.  5,  c.  6). 

10.  Eodesiae  PatriarchaUs,  in  the  Roman 
church,  are  those  subject  to  the  immediate 
authority  of  the  pope. 

11.  Ecclesia  per  se,  a  church  having  its  own 
priest,  and  not  dependent  (as  an  oratoij  would 
have  been)  upon  another  church  (Hincmar^ 
Epiai,  ed.  Labbe,  quoted  by  Ducange).  [C] 

ECCLESIAE  MATEICULA.  [Matricula.] 

ECCLESIABCH  (^ZKKXnai^pxns),  in  the 
Eastern  church,  was  the  sacrist,  who  had  general 
charge  of  the  church  and  its  contents,  and  sum- 
moned the  people  to  service  by  the  bells  or  other 
means  of  gvnng  notice.  The  minor  officials  of 
the  church  were  under  his  authority.  The 
Typicum  of  Sabas  (c  1)  represents  the  Ecclesi- 
arch  as  giving  a  rubriod  direction  in  the  same 
way  that  the  deacon  commonly  does:  tlra  ifh- 
XCTOi  6  iKK\ii<ridpxilh  AcOrc,  irpoirKvrt\(rw 
fiw  (Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.' v. ;  Daniel's  Codeji 
Lit,  iv.  700).  [C] 

ECCLESIASTIOAE  LITERAE.  [Com- 
mendatorv  Letters  :  Dim issort  Letters.] 

ECCLESIASTIOAE  BES.  1.  The  term 
res  ecclesiasticae  is  used,  in  a  wide  sense,  to  de- 
note all  matters  belonging  to  the  church,  as 
opposed  to  res  seculares,  terrenae,  matters  be- 
longing to  the  world.  Things  ecclesiastical 
are  again  divided  into  res  spirituales,  func- 
tions or  objects   which    belong    solely  to  the 


598     EOGLESIASTICAL  COUBTR 

priesthood,  as  the  sacraments  and  the  altars; 
and  res  temporaies,  which  contribute  to  the  wel- 
fare rather  of  the  body  than  the  soul  (Ambrose, 
I^t  83,  ad  MameUmam). 

Again,  of  res  spirUuales  some  are  immaterial 
(incorporales),  some  material  (oorporales).  To 
the  former  belong  the  inrisible  gifts  and  graces 
bestowed  on  the  soal  by  God ;  to  the  latter,  the 
outward  acts  or  objects  connected  with  such 
gifts  or  graces,  that  is,  the  sacraments ;  certain 
*'  res  sanctae,  sacrae,  sacrosanctae,"  as  dinrches, 
the  vessels  used  in  the  eucharistic  or  other  rites 
of  the  church,  and  the  Testments  of  its  ministers ; 
and  certain  **  res  religiosae,"  such  as  foundations 
or  institutions  for  purposes  of  piety  and  benefi- 
cence over  which  the  church  claims  jurisdiction. 
The  molestation  or  injury  of  ecclesiastical  things 
is  Sacrxlegb. 

2.  In  a  narrower  sense,  the  term  res  eoc^ 
tiatticae  designates  the  Pbopebtt  of  the 
Church.  (Lancelotti  Instit.  Juris  Canon,  ii.  1 ; 
Jacobson  in  Herzog's  Seal-Encychp,  s.  ▼.  Kir- 
chensachen).  [C.] 

ECCLESIASTICAL  COUBTS.  [Bmhop  : 
DisciPUNE:  Jurisdiction.] 

ECCLESIASTICAL  LANGUAGE.  [Li- 
turgical Language.] 

ECCLESIASTICAL  LAW.  [Canon  Law.] 

ECCLESIASTICUS.  1.  A  member  of  the 
Ciatholic  church,  as  opposed  to  a  heretic  or  schis- 
matic (Jerome,  Epist,  62,  c.  1 ;  m  Buffinwn,  ii.  4). 

2.  Any  person  in  orders,  whether  major  or 
minor.  Thus  the  first  council  of  Vasa  (c.  3) 
desires  presbyters  not  to  send  for  the  chrism  by 
the  hands  of  any  servant  of  the  church  (per 
quemcunque  ecclesiasticum),  but  by  the  hands  of 
a  subdeacon  at  least.  The  word  is  similarly  used 
in  thp  Theodosian  code. 

3.  Isidore  of  Seville  (De  EocH,  Off.  ii.  3)  speaks 
of  a  clerk  occupying  his  due  position  in  the  hier- 
archy as  ^  clericus  ecclesiasticus,"  in  contradis- 
tinction from  acephali,  or  irregular  clerks. 

4.  Those  who  were  in  any  way  the  **  men  "  of 
a  cJiurch,  so  as  to  be  unable  to  leave  its  terri- 
tories or  its  service,  were  called  in  a  special 
sense  **  homines"  or  "viri  ecclesiastici "  (Car. 
Magni  CapUul,  iv.  3).  "  Homines  ecclesiastici 
sen  fiscalini "  are  mentioned,  and  their  duties  to 
their  lord  prescribed,  in  Car.  Mag.  Capitui,  v. 
303.  They  are  distinguished  from  servi  (Cone, 
Suession.  ii.  c  12).  [C] 

EDESSA.  The  translation  of  the  Holy  Icon 
(or  picture)  of  Christ  from  Edessa  is  comme- 
morated Aug.  16  (Cal,  Byzani,).  A  great  festi- 
val (Daniel's  Codex,  iv.  244).  [C] 

EDILTBUDIS.    [Etheldreda.] 

EDUCATION.    [ScHooLEL] 

EGARA,  COUNCIL  OF  (Egarense  con- 
dlium),  held  a.d.  615  at  Egara,  now  Terassa,  in 
Catalonia :  to  confirm  what  had  been  enacted  at 
Osca  or  Huesca  seventeen  years  before.  Twelve 
bishops,  whose  sees  are  not  given,  and  a  presbyter 
and  deacon  repi-esenting  two  more,  subscribed  to 
it  (Mansi,  x.  531).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EGDUNUS,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Nicomedia 
with  seven  others;  commemorated  March  12 
(Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EGESIPPU8.    [Hbgesippus.] 


ELDERS 

EGYPT.  The  entrano*  of  Chnst  into  EgypI 
is  commemorated  Ginbot  24  =  May  19  (CaL 
Ethiop,)]  the  flight  of  CLrist  from  Melisa  to 
Roskuama  in  Egypt,  Hedar  6  =  Nor.  2  (CaL 
Ethiop.).  [C] 

EGYPT,  PLIGHT  INTO.  It  is  difficoh, 
if  not  impossible,  to  name  any  earlier  zepre^ 
sentation  of  this  event  than  the  bronze  casUag 
on  the  doors  of  St.  Zenone  at  Verona,  which  is 
at  all  events  one  of  the  earliest  known  of  Chr»- 
tian  works  in  metal,  and  may  date  from  the 
original  fabric  of  the  9th  century.    [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

EGG.  There  seems  some  diversity  of  opini» 
as  to  the  use  of  the  egg  as  a  Christian  syml»L 
Boldetti  (p.  519)  speaks  of  marble  eggs  found  ia 
the  tombs  of  St.  Theodora,  St.  Balbina,  and 
others;  these  were  of  the  size  of  hen's  eggs.  Egg- 
shells are  occasionally  found  in  the  locnli  of 
martyrs,  and  Raoul  Rochette  refers  them  to  the 
agapae  so  frequently  celebrated  there.  [See 
EUCHABIST.]  But  Martigny,  with  the  Abbe 
Cavedori  (RagguagUo  crit.  dei  Montmu  dOk 
Arii  Crist.)  is  inclined  to  think  that  the  egg 
signified  the  immature  hope  of  the  resurrectioB. 
''Restat  spes,  quae  quantum  mihi  videtur,  ore 
oomparatur;  spes  enim  nondum  perrenit  sd 
rem"  (Augustine,  Sertn.  cv.  8,  0pp.  t.  r.  379). 
The  use  of  eggs  at  Easter  has  no  doubt  lefcrenos 
to  this  idea;  but  whether  the  idea  was  really 
attached  to  the  object  or  not,  in  a  generally 
symbolic  sense,  seems  still  a  dubious  matter.  For 
Eggs  and  Ducks  see  the  Medici  MSS.  in  Asae- 
mann.  Catalog,  Bibl,  Med,  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

EILETON  (ElXip-^y).  After  the  ecphoneas 
of  the  prayer  of  the  catediumens,  and  imme- 
diately before  the  deacon  warns  the  catechomens 
to  depart  (Lit.  Chrysos.,  Daniel  iv.  S49)  the 
priest  unfolds  the  eileton,  or  Ck>RPORAL,on  which 
the  chalice  and  paten  are  afterwards  placed. 
What  this  signifies  is  explained  by  Germaais 
of  Constantinople  (ITieoria  Myst.  p.  153,  ed. 
Paris,  1560)  thus:  *<The  eileton  represents  the 
linen  cloth  in  which  the  body  of  Christ  was 
wrapped  when  it  was  taken  down  from  the 
cross  and  laid  in  the  tomb  "  (Suicer's  Tkestmna, 
».▼.)•  [CL] 

EIBENIGA  (Zl^ytK£).  (1)  The  earlier 
clauses  of  the  great  litany  in  the  Greek  liturgies 
are  frequently  called  e^ptyyifcd,  as  being  for  the 
most  part  prayers  for  peace.  Thus  &e  great 
litany  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c  14^ 
p.  340,  Daniel)  begins  with  *'  Let  us  beseech  the 
Lord  in  peace;  for  the  peace  which  is  froa 
above ;. ...  for  the  peace  of  the  whole  worid. . ." 

(2)  See  Pacificab.  [C] 

EISODOS.    [Entrance.] 

ELASIPPUS,  martyr  at  Ferrara,  with 
Speusippus  and  Melasippus,  under  AareliaB; 
commemorated  Jan.  17  (Mart  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 


ELDEBS  (Seniores),  There  are  some  traces 
of  elders  recognised  m  the  church,  yet  distinct 
from  the  clergy.  Augustine  addresses  his  epistle 
to  the  church  at  Hippo  (Epist.  137)  to  the 
clergy,  the  elders,  (senioribus),  and  all  the 
people.  In  another  place  (Contra  Cresoon.  iiu 
c.  29),  he  mentions  bishops,  presbyters,  deaoonsi 
and  elders,  (seniores).  Optatus  (i.  c.  41)  says, 
that  when  Mensurius,  bishop  of  Carthage^ 


ELEAZAR 


ELECTION  OF  GLEBGY    599 


Ibroed  to  letTe  hk  diocese  in  the  persecution 
■nder  Diocletian,  he  committed  the  ornaments 
and  utensils  belonging  to  the  church  to  the 
Ikithftil  elders  (fidelibus  senioribus).  These 
appear  in  some  cases  to  have  been  merely  the 
logins  men  of  the  congregation.  Thus  the 
•onndi  of  Carthage,  A.D.  419,  committed  the 
•ffice  of  meeting  the  leaders  of  the  Donatists  to 
the  magistrates  and  elders  of  the  several  dis- 
tricU  (CodL  Eod,  Afric,  c.  91).  But  there  also 
appear  to  haye  been  others  who  had  a  special 
position,  and  probably  special  duties,  in  the 
church.  Thus,  in  the  Qegta  Purgat  CaeciL  et 
FeUc  (p.  263,  in  Optatus,  ed.  Paris,  1676)  it  is 
said,  that  in  the  business  of  enquiring  into  cer- 
tain disputes  there  were  associated  with  the 
bishop  and  clergy  certain  elders  of  the  people, 
who  were  aloo  officers  of  the  church  (seniores 
plebis,  eodesiasticos  viros).  Compare  Eocle- 
8IA8TICUS.  In  the  same  tract  mention  is  made 
in  one  place  of  the  clergy  and  elders,  and  in 
another  of  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  elders. 
In  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Carthage,  a.d. 
419,  mention  is  made  of  certain  elders,  who 
appear  to  haye  been  sent  as  delegates  to  the 
council  (Cod.  Ecd,  Afric.  cc  85,  100).  Compare 
Chubchwabdbnb  :  Electoral  Collbqes. 

[P.O.] 

TeT>TCA7All^  teacher  of  the  Haocabees,  com- 
memorated Aug.  1  {OaL  ByMant.)\  July  29  (CaL 

[W.  F.  G.] 


ELBAZABIU8,  martyr  at  Lyons,  with  his 
eight  children  and  Mineryius;  commemorated 
Aug.  23  (Mart  Adonis,  Usuardi).      [W.  F.  G.] 

ELEEMOSTNABIXJS.  1.  See  Alms,  p.  52. 
2.  The  word  is  occasionally  used  to  designate 
the  distributor  for  pious  uses  of  the  effects  of  a 
person  deceased,  •>.  the  '*  executor  "  of  his  will. 
Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  {De  VitiM  Patrum,  c.  8) 
speaks  of  one  from  whose  executors  (eleemosy- 
nariis)  no  small  sums  were  leoeiyed  in  honour  of 
a  saint  (Dncange,  s.v.).  [C] 

ELEGTL  Some  writers  (as  Bona,  Jk  Seb. 
Lit.  L  xyL  4)  consider  the  Catbchumehb  [p.  317] 
to  be  diyided  into  the  four  classes  of  Audientes, 
Substrati  or  Genuflectentes,  Competentes,  and 
Electi ;  the  latter  being  those  whose  names  were 
actually  inscribed  in  the  church-list  with  a  yiew 
to  baptism.  Bingham  {Antiq.  X.  iL  1)  considers 
the  Electi  to  be  identiod  with  the  Competentes, 
though  he  also  makes  four  classes  by  adding  one 
of  4im$9{ffMvou  But  both  these  classifications 
are  of  doubtful  authority.  (See  Martene,  De  Bit. 
AtU.  1.  L  6.)  [C] 

ELECmON  OF  GLEBGT.  The  first  re- 
corded election  of  clergy  is  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  where  Hatthias  was  chosen  by  casting 
lots.  But  this  example  does  not  appear  to  haye 
been  followed. 

Clemens  Romanus  (Epitt.  Cor.  L  c  42)  says 
that  in  the  early  days  of  the  church  the  apostles 
appointed  their  first-fruits,  preying  them  by  the 
Spirit,  bishops  and  deacons  of  those  who  should 
join  the  faith ;  and  that  afterwards  the  ministers 
were  appointed  by  other  men  of  consideration 
(jMpmv  4XKoytfjmtr)  with  the  consent  of  the 
whole  church  (c  44).  Compare  Pseudo-Clemens 
(Epitt,  ad  Jacob.  L  c.  3).  Clemens  Alexandrinus 
(Koseb.  ff.  E,  Ui.  c  23,  {  6)  says  that  St.  John 


ordained  such  clergy  as  were  pointed  out  by  the 
Spirit. 

It  appears  to  haye  been  sometimes  held  that 
the  bishop  had  the  right  of  selecting  the  inferior 
clergy.  Cyprian  {Ep.  29,  ed.  HarteH  say  that 
he  niad  appointed  Saturus  as  a  lector  and 
Optatus  as  a  subdeacon,  insisting  that  he  has  not 
acted  arbitrarily,  but  carried  out  the  wishes  of 
the  church  in  general.  Ambrose  (Epist.  82  ad 
VercelL)  speaks  of  bishops  as  admitting  other 
clergy  to  orders  and  benefices,  and  {Offic.  i. 
c  18)  of  a  certain  person  who  was  refused  ad- 
mission into  the  clerical  order  (in  clerum),  by 
himself.  Jerome  {Comm.  in  Tit,  i.  5)  speaks  of 
bishops  as  haying  power  to  appoint  (oonstitu- 
endi)  priests  in  eyery  city,  and  again  {Epiat.  ad 
Nepot.")  of  their  selecting  (eligendi)  priests, 
and  (tMi.)  of  their  being  entrusted  with  the 
power  of  placing  In  office  whom  they  would. 
Philostorgias  (if.  E.  iii.  17)  speaks  of  Leontius 
bishop  of  Alexandria  appointing  Aetius  as  a 
deacon.  In  the  life  of  John  Damascene,  it  is 
said  that  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  acting  by 
diyine  inspiration,  sent  for  him  and  ord^ned 
him  to  the  priesthood  (FiXa  Joann.  Jhmatoen, 
per  loann.  Episcop.  Hierosolym.  inter  opp.  Joan. 
Damas.).  Gregory  the  Great,  while  strenuously 
asserting  the  right  of  the  clergy  and  people  to 
the  free  election  of  bishops,  was  equally  fbrm  in 
reserying  to  the  bishops  the  power  of  selecting 
parish  priests  and  deacons,  on  the  ground  that 
in  choosing  a  bishop,  the  clergy  and  people 
transferred  to  him  all  rights  of  election  to  the 
inferior  offices  (Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nov.  EccL 
Diacip.  ii.  7,  c  34,  §  10).  The  council  of  Lao- 
dicea  (c.  13)  forbids  the  election  to  the  priest- 
hood (clf  Upofruop)  to  be  entrusted  to  the 
multitude  (roXs  l^x^^'')*  ^^^  ^^  ^  some- 
times referred  to  the  election  of  bishops.  The 
4th  council  of  Carthage  (c.  22)  proyides  that  a 
bishop  shall  not  ordain  any  without  the  adyice 
of  his  clergy,  and  sliall  also  seek  not  only  the 
testimony,  but  the  assent  ( conniyentiamX  of 
the  people.  A  decree  of  the  council  of  Merida 
(Cbnc  Emerit.  c  19)  speaks  of  a  parish  priest  as 
haying  been  put  in  charge  of  his  church,  by  the 
appointment  (per  ordinationem)  of  his  bishop. 
Another  decree  of  the  same  council  (c  18) 
ordains  that  ail  parish  priests  shall  proyide  a 
supply  of  inftrior  clergy  from  the  household 
(fiunilia)  of  the  church.  The  6th  canon  of  Theo- 
philus  of  Alexandria  associates  the  clergy  with 
the  bishop^  proyiding  that  at  eyery  ordination  all 
the  clergy  ^all  exercise  the  power  not  only  of 
assent,  but  of  choice  (consentiat  et  eligat),  and 
that  Uie  candidate  selected  by  the  clergy  shall 
be  ordained  in  presence  of  the  people,  and  that 
the  bishop  shall  enquire  of  them  whether  they 
also  can  bear  testimony  to  his  fitness. 

In  these  instances  it  appears  that  the  right  of 
election  rested  with  the  bishop,  or  with  the 
bishop  and  clergy,  and  that  the  people  only 
consented.  There  is  eyidence,  howeyer,  that  in 
many  cases  the  people  not  only  bore  witness  to 
the  fitness  of  the  candidates,  but  had  themselyes 
a  share  in  the  election.  C3rprian  {Ep.  67,  cc  3 
and  4)  speaks  of  the  people  as  haying  the 
greatest  power  of  choosing  worthy  bishops,  since 
by  their  presence  the  merits  of  the  candidates 
will  be  known,  and  the  election  be  just  and 
legitimate  as  confirmed  by  the  general  suflhige 
I  and  assent.    He  adds  that  this  was  the  apo» 


600        ELEOTOBAL  COLLEGES 

■tolic  rale  not  only  in  the  election  of  bishops 
and  priests,  bat  also  in  that  of  deacons.  Je- 
rome {Epist  ad  Biuticmn)  appears  to  assert 
that  either  the  bishop  or  the  people  had 
power  to  elect  the  candidates  for  ordination, 
^Tel  popolas  Tel  pontifex  elegerit."  And,  in 
another  place  (Comm,  in  Exek,  c  83,  ▼.  6)  speaks 
of  either  a  bishop  or  a  priest  being  a  watchman, 
*' specalator,"  oi  the  charch,  becaose  of  his 
election  by  the  people,  ''qaia  a  popolo  electos 
est/'  Siricios  (^EpU.  L  ad  ffimerum  Taraoon, 
c.  10)  speaks  of  eleration  to  the  office  of  priest 
or  bishop  as  depending  on  the  choice  (electio) 
of  the  clergy  and  people.  Chrysostom  (rtpl 
*Ufmi,  iv,  c.  2,  §  376,  379)  speaks  of  the  electors 
to  the  office  of  the  priesthtxxi  (robs  iXofUifovs) 
as  qaite  distinct  from  the  bishop  who  or- 
dains. Of  these  electors  he  speaks  as  being  the 
elders  (r&v  irarr4puv,  ibid,  i.  c  3  }  29)  or 
the  leading  (jkeyakovs)  members  of  the  con- 
gregation (ibid,  i.  c.  14  §  39).  He  also  speaks 
of  the  election  as  being  decided  by  a  ma- 
jority of  votes  (ibO,  iii.  c.  4  §  171).  Some- 
times indeed  the  people  appear  to  have  brought 
a  candidate  to  the  bishop  and  insisted  on  his 
immediate  ordination,  as  is  said  to  have  been 
the  case  with  St.  Aagostine  (Possid.  Vita 
Augustini,  c.  4). 

The  1st  council  of  Orange  (e.  lOX  provides 
that  when  a  bishop  Is  the  founder  of  a  charch 
in  another  diocese,  he  may  select  the  clergy  to 
officiate  in  it.  Jostinian  (Novell.  123  c.  18) 
allows  the  founders  of  private  oratories  to  select 
their  clergy,  but  if  any  unworthy  were  chosen, 
the  bishop  was  to  have  the  power  of  selecting 
those  whom  he  thought  fit.  [P.  0.] 

ELECTORAL  COLLEGES.  The  evils  of 
a  popular  election  of  bishops  and  other  clergy  in 
a  great  city,  such  as  Constantinople,  were  so 
manifest  (Chrysostom  de  Sacerdotio,  iii.  15),  that 
attempts  were  sometimes  made  to  commit  the 
choice  of  ministers  to  a  select  body  or  committee. 
We  find  perhaps  a  trace  of  this  in  the  earliest 
times,  when  Clement  of  Rome  (ad  Cor,i.  44) 
speaks  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles  being 
chosen  by  men  of  consideration  (6ir^  ^XAoyfftwy 
i^Bp&y)  with  the  assent  of  the  church.  The 
council  of  Laodioea  (c.  13)  clearly  desires  that 
the  clergy  should  be  chosen  by  some  definitely 
organized  body,  and  not  by  a  mere  mass-meeting 
(tois  ^x^ots)  [Electiok  of  Clebot].  In 
spite  of  this  ordinance,  however,  there  are  only 
too  many  instances  in  later  times  of  the  choice  of 
clergy  by  meetings  which  can  only  be  called 
mobs.  (See  Augustine,  Epist,  155;  Synesius, 
Epiat.  67 ;  Baronius,  an.  303,  §  22  ff. ;  Baluze, 
MiaceU,  ii.  102  ff.)  Yet,  generally,  the  influence 
of  the  principal  men  in  a  city  could  not  be 
ignored,  and  when  Justinian  (Novel,  cxziii.  c.  1 ; 
see  Bishop,  p.  216)  definitely  enjoined  that  the 
clergy  and  chief  men  of  a  eity  (trpirot  rijt 
ir6\€ws)  should  nominate  three  for  a  vacant 
see,  he  probably  did  but  confirm  an  existing 
practice.  From  the  three  thus  nominated,  one 
was  to  be  chosen  by  the  consecrator  (rod  x<'po- 
TovovpTos),  generally  the  metropolitan. 

If  the  ** chief  men"  had  been  defined,  we 
should  have  had  here  an  **  Electoral  College  "  of 
clergy  and  notables;  as  they  were  not,  this 
system  generally  led  to  a  struggle  between  the 
clergy  and  the  dvil  government.  [C] 


ELEMENTS 

KTiKUl  WW'IIS.  The  two  pans  of  the  outwari 
and  visible  sign  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper. 

I.  Name$, — ^The  Latin  word  eiemeiUa  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  uaed  m  this  technical  wnse 
in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  though  it  is 
a  very  natural  word  to  express  the  component 
parts  of  any  thing.  Possibly  the  use  arose  irom 
the  analogy  of  baptism,  where  the  outward  sign 
would  naturally  be  spoken  of  as  the  "  element  * 
of  water,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  following  paa- 
sage  from  St.  Augustin,  where,  in  speaking  of 
baptism,  he  says,  **Take  away  the  word,  and 
what  is  the  water  but  water?  The  word  is 
added  to  the  dement,  and  it  becomes  a  sacrament, 
itself  as  it  were  a  visible  word  "  (aocedit  verbmn 
ad  elementum  et  fit  sacramentum.  Angustin  m 
Joan,  XV,  1-^,  Tract,  Ixxx.  3>  Gregory  of 
Tours  (De  Vitis  Patrum^  a  15)  uses  the  word  of 
both  bread  and  water,  ''Nam  esns  illi  pnnis 
tantum  hordeaceus  erat  et  aqua,  de  utrisque  «b» 
mentis  libras  singulas  per  dies  singulos  aamena." 
Words  denoting  sacrifice  or  offering  were  oqih 
stantly  used  of  the  Elements ;  r&  Sym  S«/ia,  as 
in  the  Liturgy  of  St.  James,  6  Uptbs  ^Urdrfmr  vjb 
ftyia  9Apa ;  or  simply  rh,  ftyio,  as  in  the  liturgy 
of  St.  Chrysostom  and  elsewhere ;  so  the  Latin 
Sancta,*  as  in  Ordo  Bom,  II.  c  8  (see  Mabillon, 
Comment,  Ptvev,  p.  xxxvi.) ;  or  again,  simply  rk 
AApa.  HfHMT^pi  was  also  generally  used  tat 
the  Elements  placed  on  the  altar.  So  the 
Latin  oblatio  and  oblata  as  in  the  Ordo  So- 
mantu  If,  (c  9),  **  Archidiaconus  susdpit 
oblatas  duas  de  oblationario  . . .  et  ponit  [cali- 
cem]  super  altare  juxta  oblationes  pontifi< 
The  word  Hoetia,  "the  Victim,"  expressi 
somewhat  different  aspect  of  the  sacrificial 
ception.^ 

The  unconsecrated  Elements  on  the  altar  are 
called  in  Eastern  liturgies  ''  the  Mysteries  ;**  the 
bread  alone  the  **  Seal "  (c^payls),  from  its  being 
divided  by  lines  in  the  form  of  a  cross  (see  below^ 

In  certain  Arabic  rubrics  (Renaudot,  Z«tt. 
Orientt,  ii.  62)  the  Elements  are  called  Bartdnn^ 
a  corruption  of  the  Greek  iiwapxh''' 

In  Syriac  they  bear  the  name  of  JTotfrftono,  cor- 
responding nearly  to  the  Greek  impow  and  vpov 
^pit  and  the  Latin  oblata ;  the  bread  is  simply 
'*  Bread  of  the  Sacraments,"  or  ^  of  the  ]ly»> 
teries." 

When  the  Elements  have  been  placed  on  the 
altar,  they  acquire  other  names  having  more 
distinct  reference  to  sacrifice,  as  "  the  Lamb,"  or 
'*  the  First-bom."  The  Syrians  too  call  the  por- 
tion impressed  with  a  cross  **  the  Seal."  Other 
names  are  given  to  the  various  particles  after 
division  (Ben.  ti.  s.  i.  189 ;  ii.  62)  fFBAcriON.j 

Again,  the  Elements  were  called  <r^/ci3aAs^ 
r^voi,  formae  aepectabileej  as  outward  repre- 
sentations of  inward  and  spiritual  grace.  The 
word  spedeBj  often  supposed  to  have  the  same 
force,  probably  in  its  origin  meant  no  more  than 
"  fruits  of  the  earth  " — a  sense  which  it  is  well 
known  to  bear  in  later  latinity,  especially  with 
the  jurists  (Ducange,  s.  o.). 

•  Bj  the  Amola,  however,  we  ou^  probably  here  lo 
UDderstand  the  coosecntted  Host  reserved  Aram  a 
vious  celebration. 

k  See  on  these  names  the  eanjon  nKTiflcli 
I  Jfanoridb  qf  the  Bee,  Whmtom  B  Jtoristt  (Loadon» 
1 1«73). 


ELEMENTS 


ELEMENTS 


601 


II.  What  vere  the  ElemenUi 

Throughout  the  aniveraal  church  bread  and 
wine  have  always  been  the  recognised  elements 
in  the  eucharist,  with  but  few  and  slight  excep- 
tions which  may  be  described  in  a  few  words. 
Thera  was  an  oli«care  sect  called  the  Artotyritae 
who  added  cheese  to  the  bread.  St.  Augustin 
(de  Haeres,  c.  zlTiii.)  says  ^  the  Artotyrites  are 
so  called  from  their  oblation,  for  they  offer  bread 
and  cheese,  saying  that  the  fint  oblations  which 
were  offered  by  men,  in  the  infancy  of  the  world, 
were  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  of  sheep." 
There  were  also  sects  which  used  no  wine  but 
water  alone,  and  some  who  did  not  use  wine  in 
their  morning  services,  though  they  did  in  the 
evening  (see  below,  §  VI.) 

III.  Compositicn  of  the  Bread, 

With  regard  to  the  element  of  bread,  whateyer 
may  have  been  the  practice  of  certain  sects, 
there  is  entire  agreement  in  the  church  that  it 
should  be  made  of  wheat-flour.  The  mystical 
allusions  to  the  superiority  of  wheat  in  Clement 
of  Alexandria  (Strom,  yi.  11,  p.  787)  and  Origen 
{Bom.  in  Gen.  xii.  c.  5,  p.  247,  Wirceburg,  1780) 
strongly  indicate,  what  indeed  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt,  that  wheaten  bread  and  (ordinarily)  no 
other,  was  used  in  the  mysteries.  Alcuin  (^Epist. 
90)  speaks  specially  of  the  **  grana  tritici,"  from 
the  flour  of  which  the  bread  is  to  be  made.  The 
great  controyersy  in  the  matter  has  been :  Should 
the  bread  be  leayened  or  unleavened  ? 

A.  The  principal  evidences  bearing  on  this 
question  are  the  following : 

1.  It  has  generally  been  assumed  in  the  West 
that  the  Last  Supper  was  eaten  at  the  feast  of  the 
Passover,  and  that  therefore  the  bread  used  was 
the  unleavened  bread  which  the  Jews  were  alone 
allowed  to  eat  at  that  time.  But  it  is  contended 
by  some  writers  of  the  Greek  church  that  the 
Last  Sapper  was  held  on  the  13th  Kisan,  when 
leavened  bread  was  still  used ;  and  there  is  no 
direct  statement  either  in  the  New  Testament  or 
in  the  writings  of  the  Early  Fathers  to  indicate 
that  azymSy  or  unleavened  bread,  was  used  ;  on 
the  contrary,  the  fact  that  only  ^  bread  "  was  men- 
tioned would  lead  to  the  inference  that  only  com- 
mon bread  was  meant.  The  Acta  of  the  Apostles 
simply  speaks  of  ^  breaking  bread  "  as  a  solemn 
rite,  or  meeting  together  to  ^  break  bread." 
Justin  Martyr  simply  speaks  of  bread,  and  as 
he  is  giving  a  pai*ticular  description  of  the 
Christian  rites,  it  seems  most  probable  that  he 
would  have  mentioned  the  fact  had  any  parti- 
cular kind  of  bread  been  used. 

2.  It  is  said  that  as  the  element  of  bread  was 
taken  in  the  early  ages  from  the  offerings  of  the 
people  [Oblation],  which  served  also  for  the 
rapport  of  the  ministers  and  dependents  of  the 
church,  it  roust  have  been  ordinary,  that  is, 
leavened*  bread.  But  this  argument  is  by  no 
means  so  conclusive  as  at  first  sight  it  appears ; 
it  is  good  for  the  age  of  Justin  Martyr ;  but  in 
later  times  there  are  evident  traces  of  a  double 
offering ;  one  of  ordinary  food,  for  the  use  of  the 
dependents  of  the  church,  and  one  of  bread  and 
wine  for  the  altar.  The  council  of  Nantes  (c.  9, 
quoted  by  Martene)  clearly  distinguished  between 
the  oblationes  which  were  intended  for  consecra- 
tion, and  the  panes,  or  loaves,  offered  for  the  use 
of  the  church  [EuLOaiAE].  So  Hincmar  (CapUul. 


1.  16).  And  when  such  a  separation  was  xradc 
between  the  offerings  for  the  ministers  and  the 
offerings  for  the  altar,  the  latter  were  probably 
specially  prepared,  whether  leavened  or  not. 
The  woman  who  smiled  when  Gregory  the  Great 
(Joannes  Diac.  Vita  Oreg.  ii.  41)  offered  her  in 
the  encharist  that  which  she  had  herself  pre- 
pared, need  not  be  supposed  of  coui*se  to  have 
taken  the  oblation  from  her  household  loaf. 

3.  Epiphanius  (^Haeres.  ZO,  c  16)  says  that 
the  Ebionites,  in  imitation  of  the  saints  in  the 
church,  celebrate  mysteries  yearly  in  the  church 
with  unleavened  cakes  (8f*  &(i6/ifl»r),  using  water 
for  the  other  element  in  the  sacrament.  Here 
the  azymes  seem  to  be  mentioned,  like  the  water, 
as  a  departure  from  Catholic  practice ;  but  Epi- 
phanius does  not  in  terms  reckon  the  use  ot 
azymes  among  the  heretical  practices  of  the 
Ebionites,  so  that  it  is  possible  that  their  depar- 
ture from  orthodoxy  may  haye  consisted  in  their 
annual,  instead  of  more  frequent,  celebration, 
and  in  their  use.  of  water  for  wine. 

4.  The  words  of  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  (De 
Sacram.  iv.  4),  "  tu  forte  dicis,  mens  panis  est 
usitatus;  sed  pania  iste  panis  est  ante  verba 
sacramentorum ;  ubi  accesserit  consecratio,  de 
pane  fit  caro  Christi,"  are  generally  thought  to 
imply  that  the  bread  used  for  consecration  was 
leavened.  But  the  opposition  in  the  writer's 
mind  is  between  '^ common  bread"  and  ^*the 
Body  of  Christ,"  not  between  ** common"  and 
^  leavened  "  bi*ead,  nor  is  such  an  expression  as 
^  panis  usitatus"  absolutely  conclusive,  though 
it  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  it  desig- 
nates leavened  bread,  such  as  was  everywhere 
most  commonly  used. 

5.  A  custom  of  the  Roman  church,  mentioned 
by  the  Liber  Pontificalis  (cc.  33,  55)  in  the  lives 
ofMelchiades  and  Siricins,  is  thus  refeiTed  to 
by  Innocent  I.  (Epist.  ad  Becentium,  c  5). 
Writing  to  the  bishop  of  Gubbio,  he  says  that  his 
correspondent  had  no  need  to  consult  him  about 
the  **fermentum"  which  on  Sundays  he  (Inno- 
cent) sent  to  the  parish  churches  (titulos), 
because 'that  was  a  custom  confined  to  the  city 
of  Rome,  intended  to  prevent  the  parish  priests 
[see  Cardinal],  who  were  detained  in  their 
own  churches  by  their  proper  duties,  from 
feeling  themselves  cut  off  from  communion  with 
the  mother  church  [Eulooiae].  Even  in  Rome 
it  was  only  sent  to  the  ^*tituli"  proper,  not 
to  the  presbyters  of  other  churches.  It  has 
been  supposed  (e.  g.  by  Bona)  that  the  euchar- 
istic  bread  which  was  sent  by  the  pope  was 
called  *'  fermentum  "  as  being  made  of  leavened 
bread;  but,  unless  the  bread  commonly  con- 
secrated in  the  churches  was  unleavened,  this 
supposition  does  not  furnish  a  reason  why  these 
particular  oblates  should  be  called  **  fermentum  " 
by  way  of  distinction,  as  they  certainly  ap- 
pear to  be  ;  and  the  conjecture  of  Sirmond 
(adopted  by  Mabillon)  seems  by  no  means  im- 
probable, that  this  **  fermentum  "  was  so  called 
as  being  intended  to  leaven  the  whole  mass  of  the 
Roman  church.  Certainly  the  expressions  used 
in  the  Lives  of  Melchiades  and  Siricius,  "  quod 
declaraiur,  quod  nominatur,  fermentum,"  seem 
to  imply  that  the  term  is  used  in  an  improper, 
not  a  strict,  sense. 

6.  The  sixth  canon  of  the  16th  council  of 
Toledo  (A.D.  693)  is  to  this  effect.  It  having 
been  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  council  that  in 


602 


ELEMENTS 


RTiKMKNTS 


■ome  parts  of  Spain  priests  do  not  offer  on  the 
Table  of  tiie  Lord  clean  loares,  specially  preparwl 
(panes  mnndos  et  studio  praeparatos),  but  take 
off  a  piece  to  form  a  round  disc  (crustulam  in 
rotnnditatem)  from  loaves  prepared  for  tlieir 
own  use,  and  offer  it  npon  the  altar  with  the 
wine  and  water ;  a  thing  contrary  to  all  prece- 
dent ; . . . .  the  council  decides  unanimously,  that 
no  other  kind  of  bread  be  placed  on  the  altar  of 
the  Lord,  to  be  hallowed  by  priestly  benediction, 
but  such  as  is  whole  and  clean  and  specially  pre- 
pared (panis  integer  et  nitidus  qui  ez  studio 
fuerit  praeparatus) ;  nor  is  anything  of  large 
size  to  be  offered,  but  only  cakes  of  moderate 
size,  according  to  ecclesiastical  custom  (neque 
grande  aliqui(^  sed  modica  tantum  oblata,  secun- 
dum quod  ecdesiastica  consuetude  retentat). 

Thli  canon  has  been  claimed  by  the  advocates 
both  of  the  leaven  and  of  the  azymes ;  but  in 
fact  it  is  not  conclusive  for  either.  It  is  decisive 
as  to  the  fact  that  in  the  Western  church  in  the 
7th  century  oblates  were  specially  prepared,  and 
were  not  portions  of  a  loaf,  but  ^  Integra ;"  but  it 
is  not  proved  that  the  words  '* nitidus"  and 
<<mundus"  necessarily  imply  the  absence  of 
leaven. 

7.  The  tenth  canon  of  the  council  of  Chelsea 
{Ckmo.  Cakhut.  a.d.  787;  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
iii.  452)  enjoins  that  the  oblations  be  cakes  or 
loaves,  not  pieces  of  bread  (panis,  non  crusta). 
Probably  the  same  distinction  is  intended  as  that 
laid  down  by  the  16th  council  of  Toledo,  between 
a  whole  cake  prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  a 
piece  taken  from  a  loaf.  The  passage  determines 
nothing  as  to  the  use  of  leaven,  for  ^  panis  "  may 
be  used  either  of  leavened  or  unleavened  bread, 
as  in  **  panes  azymi  et  crustula  absque  fermento  " 
(£zod.  zxiz.  2). 

8.  Another  point  of  which  much  has  been 
made  in  the  discussion  is  this :  that  Photius  of 
Constantinople  (A.D.  867)  never  mentioned  the 
use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  eucharist  as  one 
of  the  Latin  errors,  while  Michael  Caerularius, 
also  patriarch  of  Constantinople  (a.d.  1054), 
gave  it  a  prominent  place ;  it  has  thence  been 
inferred  that  the  use  of  uiieavened  eucharistic 
bread  was  introduced  between  the  years  867  and 
1054.  This  is  however  by  no  means  a  certain 
inference ;  Photius  may  have  omitted  to  mention 
azymes  among  the  points  of  difference  between 
the  Greek  and  the  Latin  churches,  because  he  was 
content  to  leave  the  question  of  leaven  or  no 
leaven  undetermined,  like  the  Greeks  of  a  later 
age  at  the  council  of  Florence.  All  that  can  be 
certainly  inferred  from  the  silence  of  Photius  is, 
that  either  the  use  of  unleavened  bread  was  un- 
known to  him,  or  he  regarded  it  as  a  thing  in- 
different. It  is  eztremely  difficult  to  suppose 
that  Leo  IX.  would  have  written  so  strongly  as 
he  did  to  Michael  Caerularius  {Epist  ii.  24 ;  vi.) 
as  to  the  immemorial  use  of  azymes  among  the 
Latins,  if  that  use  had  arisen  since  the  time  of 
Photius ;  «'.  e,  not  more  than  a  century  before  his 
own  birth. 

There  is  in  fact  positive  evidence — ^if  the  docu- 
ments be  genuine — as  to  the  use  of  unleavened 
bread  in  the  eucharist  in  the  Western  church 
before  that  date. 

9.  Cyprian  (^Epist,  63,  c.  13)  says,  that,  as  the 
chalice  is  composed,  not  of  wine  alone,  ner  of 
water  alone,  but  of  the  union  of  the  two :  so  the 
Body  cannot  be  meal  alone,  nor  water  alone,  but 


the  umon  of  the  two  into  one  loaf.  This  u  re- 
peated in  almost  the  same  words  by  Isidore  oi 
Seville  (Z>0  Dw.  Off.^  i.  18>  It  ia  difficult  to 
imagine  that  Cyprian,  and  Isidore  after  him, 
omitted  all  mention  of  so  significant  an  ingre- 
dient as  leaven,  if  it  was  used  in  the  endbaristie 
loaf.  Moreover,  Alcnin  {Epist.  90  [al.  69]  mi 
Fratres  Lugdunenaes^  p.  107)  writing  aboiit  AJk, 
790,  uses  the  very  same  expression  as  to  the 
composition  of  the  bread,  *'ez  aqu*  et  farina 
panis  fit  qui  consecratur  in  corpus  Christi,"  and 
adds,  that  it  should  be  perfectly  pure  from 
leaven  or  '' ferment"  of  whatever  kind  (absque 
fermento  ullius  alterius  infectionis  debet  esse 
mundissimum).  Somewhat  later,  a.d.  819,  Ba- 
banus  Maunis  (De  Cleric.  Insiit.  i.  31,'  p.  319» 
Migne)  lays  it  down  that  the  eucharistic  bread 
should  be  unleavened,  after  the  manner  of  the 
Hebrew  offerings  (Lev.  viii.  2),  and  holds  that 
the  bread  which  the  Lord  bleued  in  the  Last 
Supper  was  undoubtedly  unleavened. 

10.  John  Maro  (quoted  by  Martene),  writii^ 
at  any  rate  before  the  Trullan  council,  says  that 
those  who  made  the  eucharistic  offering  in  lea- 
vened bread  reproached  the  Western  churdtes, 
the  Armenians,  and  the  Maronites,  with  offering 
azymes,  which  were  not  bread  at  all ;  a  clear 
proof  that  the  Western  churches  genmlly,  in 
the  7th  century,  were  thought  to  agree  with  the 
Maronites  and  the  Armenians  in  this  respect. 

11.  Again,  allusions  to  ^common"  or  ^lea- 
vened" bread  would  scarcely  have  been  intra> 
duoed  into  the  Cakon  of  the  LrnTBGT  [p.  272^ 
as  is  done,  for  instance,  in  the  liturgies  of  James 
Baradai  and  Mathew  the  Pastor,  if  Uie  oompilen 
had  not  known  of  some  who  used  tmleavencd 
bread. 

12.  On  the  whole,  then,  there  is  distinct  evi- 
dence that  unleavened  bread  was  used  in  the 
eucharist  by  the  Latins,  and  by  some  Eastern 
sects,  in  the  7th  and  8th  centuries ;  and  there  is 
probable  evidence  that  it  was  used  in  the  3rd. 
In  the  orthodoz  Eastern  church,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  leavened  bread  has  been  used  from  a 
very  early  period  indeed ;  if  not  from  the  veiy 
first,  at  any  rate  from  the  time  when  Jndaizing 
sects  insisted  on  using  unleavened  cakes,  like 
those  of  the  Passover,  in  the  Lord's  Supper. 

B.  Mixture  of  Oil  and  ScUt.— The  Syrian 
Christians,  besides  the  leaven  which  is  common 
to  almost  all  oriental  conununions,  mix  with  the 
bread  a  little  oil  and  salt—a  practice  which  they 
defend  by  many  mystical  reasons  (Renaadot,  Zitt. 
Orient,  i.  191).  The  mixture  of  oil — ^perhaps 
taken  from  Lev.  ii.  4,  etc;  compare  Justin 
Martyr,  Dial,  v,  TryphOy  c  41 — was  probably 
always  a  singularity  of  a  small  sect;  that  of 
salt  was  more  general  and  more  hotly  defended. 
Thus  Alcuin  (Epiat.  90  [al.  69]  ad  Fratm  Lug- 
dunenses)  reprehends  certain  persons  in  Spain 
for  insisting,  against  the  custom  of  Rome  and  the 
church  in  general,  that  salt  should  be  put  into 
the  eucharistic  bread ;  and  adds  mystical  reasons 
why  three  things  only,  flour,  water,  and  wine 
should  be  offered  in  the  Mass.  The  modem 
Greeks  eagerly  defend  the  mixture  of  salt,  which 
(they  say)  represents  the  life,  so  that  a  sacrifice 


•  The  genuinenas  of  this  treatise  is  doubled  by  Biro* 
nlus.    See  Osve.  HSiC  Xd.  a  V.  Udore. 

'  There  seems  oo  reason  to  doubt  (with  BoMk  ^  BA. 
Lit.  L  zzliL  f )  tbe  fenulneneaB  of  this 


vltliont  nit  ii  but  ■  dead  lacrliica ;  ud  oat  of 
til*  npraaclw  comiDDalf  directed  ngiiiiut  th* 
AiTMniuu  wu,  that  tfatj  and  obUtca  contaiaing 
BciUwr  —It  nor  luTUi  (Uuieoa,  A.S.l.iiL  7, 
|1> 

IV.  Preparation  of  Ot  Bread, 

Thi  mors  miantc  dir»ct<oDi  for  the  prepantioQ 
of  the  eachsristic  bread  belong  to  ■  Utet  age 
than  tbU  with  which  ira  are  coDoemed.  Thiwe 
which  bll  within  oat  period  in  prlDcipall; 
tbaab 

The  canon  already  qaoted  of  the  16th  councQ 
of  Toledo  make!  it  certain  that  apecial  piepKra- 
tion  of  the  encharletic  bread  waa  enjoined  in  the 
7tb  centary.  So  long  ai  people  actually  offered, 
tbey  probably  tbeniKlTei  prepared  the  oblatea 
ffcr  the  altar,  Thui  the  emperor  Valena  it  said 
to  have  prepared  with  hia  ova  hands  the  gift^* 
which  he  offered  for  the  altar  (Gregory  Naiianz. 
Funeral  Oratim  on  St.  Baai,  c.  52,  p.  809) ;  and 
the  Roman  matron  mentioned  by  Joannei  Dia- 
conu*  (h.  I.) — probably  a  perton  of  rank,  or  >tte 
wonld  not  bsie  recsivod  the  bread  from  the 
pope — had  heraelf  prepared  that  which  ebe  re- 
calTod.  And  It  leemi  that  not  mtfreqaently 
noble  ladle*  nndertook  the  preparation  of  the 
oblalea  u  a  meritoilDiu  work  ;  Candida,  wife  of 
Trajan,  a  prefect,  prepared  bread  for  oblatioD 
from  floar  which  >he  bad  ground  with  her  own 
handa  (Hartene,  A.  R.  I.  iii.  Tii.  24} ;  »  did  St. 
Rad^and  (1587),  diatrlbnting  the  oblatei  to 
different  dmrcfaea  {Life  by  Fortuoattu,  in 
Ada  SB.  Beiud.  i.  320).  And  thii  task  wai  not 
nnfrequently  undertaken  by  ddsb.  Theodulph 
of  Orleans,  however  (c  A^v.  79TX  deiired  that 
duty  to  be  diecbarged  by  the  presbytere  tbem- 
aelTCB  or  their  "boyi"'  in  their  presence, 
in  the  IbllowiDg  temu:  "panai  qaoa  Deo  in 
■acrificio  offertia  aut  Tobia  ipaij  ant  a  veitrie 
pneria  coram  Tohii  nitide  et  itndioee  fiant" 
iCapitul.  .■>).  And  ibca  that  time  the  oblatea 
baTB  generally  been  prepared  by  prieata  or 
"  religion! "  penona.  See  BeTBLBUEK,  For 
Airtber  [srttctilaiB  of  the  preparation  of  the 
•acramental  bread  in  ruioni  placet,  aee  Martene, 

f.'ed.  ITIS. 
V.  Fbrm  of  tAt  Bread. 
The  loaf  used  by  the  Jewa  of  Palestine  seeDis 
commonly  to  hare  been  round,  aomewhat  less 
than  an  inch  thick,  and  aii  or  eight  incbea  in 
diameter.  In  order  that  it  might  be  more  re&dily 
broken,  It  was  scored  with  lines,  frequently  two 
lines  at  right  angles  to  each  other,  so  as  to  Ibrm 
a  crass,  dividing  the  loaf  ioto  four  portions 
(AringM,  Boma  SiOttrr.  II.  t.  S,  p.  378,  qaoted 
by  Probst,  SaitrammU,  f.  201\  And  such  waa 
probably  the  form  of  the  enchirlitle  loaf  in  the 
early  Christian  church  (tee  woadcnt>  Thei^r 
Pontifiaala  (p.  9BA,  ad.  MnratoH)  attributes  to 
Zephyrinns  (pope  tBT-217)  the  order,  that  pres- 
brters  should  distribute  round  cakes  (coronas) 
blessed  by  the  bishap_a  statement  probably  of 
no  great  authority.     In  the  4th  century  £|iipha- 

•  Ttie  word  Upa  onmuinilj  rdtei  to  lbs  Elements ;  In 

lUs  place.  boweTcr,  KkcUa  (skat  Die  -glfti' for  golden 

■       ■  ■  ■   -  ■        ■    ■       it{i,  ™™v,*,  \r\ 

'lutfaYkeoftbe 


nliu  (Jncorohu,  e.  57)  and  Caaaarios,  brother  of 
Gregory  Naiiannn  {Dial.  iii.  fuosst.  189),  speak 
of  the  bread  as  round.  Gregory  the  Groat  (^Dia- 
bigiu,   IT.  55)    speaks    of  a    certain    presbyter 


bringing  "duaa  oblationum  coronas,"  then  the 
usual  form  of  obUtioD.  These  are  eiplained  by 
Joannes  Diaconu»(in  Martene,  J. «.  L  iii.  Til.  26) 
to  be  cakes  nude  of  a  handful  of  £ne  6onr,  and 
in  fbrm  like  a  crown  (ei  pugillo  similae  et  ad 
epedem  coronae);  that  ii,  round,  whatever  elu 
may  be  intended  by  the  compaj-iion.  And  the 
emence  of  pictorial  repretentations  agrees  with 
this  to  far  aa  it  goes.  Whenever  in  aodent  re- 
presentations the  form  of  the  bread  ii  dietln- 
eahle,  it  is  round.     See  Cahistbb,  p.  2S4 ; 

A  pasBsge  quoted  by  Uartene  (u.  s.)  frtim  a 
treatise  of  Ildephonso,  a  Spanish  bishop,  describes 
the  form  and  composition  of  the  encharistlc  bread 
in  tbe  beginning  of  the  E>th  century  thus :  "  meu- 
sura  trium  digitorum  anguti  in  rotuudnm  pants 
azymi  >Ic  compoBlta  est;"  i.  a.  the  aiymes  for 
the  aacbarist  were  made  In  the  form  of  a  circle 
of  three  "Gngen"  radios.!  The  sams  authority 
mentions  that  the  oblate  from  which  the  priest 
was  to  communicate  was  larger  than  those  in- 
tended for  the  people. 

That  it  is  an  ancient  ci 
oblates  with  a 

of  Chrysostom  (Quoi  CArutiu  sti  Dmu,  571  A,  ed. 
Ben.),  where  he  says,  "  on  the  Table  li  the  Cross 

in  tbe  mystic  Supper  the  Cross  of  Christ 

tbines  forth  with    the  Bodf  of  Christ."      The 
woodcula  represent  the  fbims  of  the  Greek  and 


custom  to  impress  the 
rohable  from  the  words 


Coptic  oblates,  which  may  probably  he  of  consi- 
derable antiquity.  The  former  bears  the  in- 
scription "10  IC  ["InffOBi  XfMffTit]  rata;"  the 
latter,  "  ^wj,  irHii,  «7ioj,  Kip-at  iaBaM." 

It  is  evident  tram  what  has  been  said  above, 
that   from  a  comparatively  early  age  a  strong 


60^ 


ELEMENTS 


objection  was  felt  to  the  practice  of  consecrating 
a  portion  of  a  loaf  in  the  encharist ;  a  whole  loaf 
or  cake  was  always  to  be  employed. 


Coiitlo(Nilal«. 

YI.  Compositionofthe  Cup. 

With  regard  to  the  element  of  Wine  there  has 
been  less  controversy,  though  it  is  an  interesting- 
and  QnMttled  question  v/hether  the  cup  was  mixed 
at  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  by  our  Blessed 
Lord  himself.  Pfaff  (after  R.  Ob.  de  Bartenora 
and  Maimonides,  in  Mishnam  de  Benedict,  c  7, 
§  5)  asserts  that  the  Jews  as  a  rule  mixed  water 
with  the  wine  in  their  Cup  of  Blessing.  Light- 
foot  {Temple Servicey  i.  691)  says  that  he  that 
dranlc  pure  wine  performed  his  duty ;  so  that, 
although  it  seems  probable  that  our  Lord  used 
the  mixed  cup,  yet  it  is  not  certain  that  he  did 
so.  Buxtorf  (be  primae  Coenae  JUtHnu  et  Forma, 
§20)  says  that  it  was  indifferent  whether  the 
cup  was  mixed  or  not;  and  in  his  Synagoga 
JtldaicOj  where  he  gives  full  details  of  the  Pass- 
oyer,  does  not  mention  a  cup  of  wine  diluted 
with  water.  Again,  the  Babylonish  Talmud  calls 
water  mixed  with  wine  **  the  fruit  of  the  vine ;" 
but  it  would  appear  that  the  same  term  is  used 
for  pure  wine  in  Isa.  zxxii.  12;  Hab.  iii.  17; 
so  that  nothing  positiye  can  be  ascertained  from 
the  use  of  that  term.  On  the  whole  it  seems 
probable  that  our  Lord  used  a  mixed  cup^  but 
there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  on  the  point. 

It  is  acknowledged  on  all  hands  that,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  heretics,  the  church  used  for 
many  centuries  wine  mixed  with  water.  Justin 
Martyr,  the  first  after  the  apostles  who  gives  any 
account  of  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist,  says, 
"  There  is  then  brought  to  the  brother  who  pre- 
sides a  cup  of  water  and  mixed  wine"  {Kpdfueros). 
And  afterwards  he  tells  us  that  *Hhe  deacons 
distribute  to  each  one  present  that  he  may  par- 
take of  that  bread  and  wine  and  water  which  has 
been  blessed  by  thanksgiving ;"  and  this  food,  he 
says,  is  called  Encharistia  (Apol.  i.  ch.  65). 
Irenaeus  also  (adv,  Haer,  lib.  v.  c.  2,  p.  294) 
speaks  of  the  mixed  cup  {KtKpafi4yoy  wor'fipiov). 
And  again  (lib.  v.  c.  36)  of  the  Lord's  promise  to 
his  disciples,  **  that  he  would  drink  the  mixture 
of  the  cup  (mistionem  calicis)  new  with  them  in 
the  kingdom,''  which  shows  that  he  thought  the 
fruit  of  the  vine  and  the  mixed  cup  the  same  thing. 
Cyprian  {Epid.  63,  ad  Caecilium)  has  several 
passages  bearing  on  this  question.  He  says : 
(c.  2)  that  to  mix  wine  with  water  is  to  follow 
the  Lord's  example ;  and  again  (c.  13) :  **  Thus 
in  sanctifying  the  cup  of  the  Lord,  water  cannot 
be  offered  alone,  as  neither  can  wine  be  offered 
alone;  for  if  the  wine  be  offered  by  itself  the 
blood  of  Christ  begins  to  be  without  ns,  and 


ELEMENTS 

if  the  water  be  alone  the  people  begins  to  W 
with,>nt  Christ." 

The  third  council  of  Carthage  (c  24)  oHen^ 
« that  in  the  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood 
of  our  Lord,  nothing  else  be  offered  but  what  the 
Lord  himself  commanded,  that  is  breads  and  wine 
mixed  with  water."  The  African  oode,  botk 
Greek  and  Latin,  has  this  same  canon,  with 
further  directions  added  {Cod,  Can.  A/ricatL 
c.  87).  All  the  ancient  liturgies  either  contain 
a  direction  for  mixing  water  with  the  wine,  cs 
else  in  the  canon  the  mixing  is  alluded  to.  Thus 
in  the  Clementine  Liturgy  {Coiutt.  ApotL  riiL 
12,  }  16),  in  reciting  the  words  of  Inatitatioa 
the  priest  says:  ''likewise  also  mixing  the 
cup  of  wine  and  water  (^|  oUov  tuiX  HSftror) 
and  blessing  it,  He  gave  it  to  them."  The 
Liturgies  of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark  contain 
like  words,  while  the  Liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and 
St.  Chrysostom  order  the  deacon  to  put 
and  water  into  the  cup  before  the  priest  pli 
it  on  the  altar.  In  like  manner,  in  some  form  or 
another,  the  mixing  is  mentioned  in  the  Liturgies 
of  Ethiopia,  Nestorius,  Severus,  of  the  Roman 
and  the  Galilean  churches.  In  most  liturgies^ 
when  the  water  is  mixed  with  the  wine,  some 
reference  is  made  to  the  blood  and  water  which 
flowed  from  the  Lord's  side ;  as  (0.^.)  in  the  Am- 
brosian  rite :  '^  De  latere  ChnsU  exivit  sanguis 
et  aqua  pariter."  Similarly  the  Mozarabic  and 
the  Roman. 

A  peculiar  rite  of  the  Byzantine  church  is  the 
mingling  of  hot  water  with  the  wine.  In  the 
Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c  34^  after  the  frac- 
tion of  the  oblate,  the  deacon,  taking  up  the 
vessel  of  boiling  water  (rh  (iov),  says  to  the 
priest :  "  Sir,  bless  the  boiling  water ;"  the  priest 
then  says :  '*  Blessed  be  the  fervency  {(ivts^  of 
thy  saints  for  ever,  now  and  always,  and  for  ages 
of  ages ;"  then  the  deacon  pours  a  small  quantity 
of  the  boiling  water  into  the  chalice,  saying,  **  The 
fervency  of  faith,  ftill  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Amen." 

Various  mystical  reasons  have  been  given  for 
the  mixture  of  water  with  the  wine.  That  of 
Cyprian  has  been  already  quoted.  Gennadins 
{De  EccL  Dogmat.  c  75),  besides  the  fact  that 
our  Lord  used  the  mixed  cup  at  the  first  institu- 
tion, alleges  as  a  further  reason  that  blood  and 
water  flowed  fi'om  His  pierced  side.  The  same 
reason  is  given  by  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  {De 
Sacram.  v.  IX  and  generally  by  the  liturgies. 
In  the  comment  on  St.  Mark,  ascribed  to  Jerome, 
another  is  given;  that  by  one  we  might  be 
purged  from  sin,  by  the  other  redeemed  ftxm 
punishment  {On  Mark  XIV.).  Alcnin  {EpisL 
90)  finds  in  the  three  things,  water,  flour,  and 
wine,  which  may  be  placed  on  the  altar,  a  mrs- 
tical  resemblance  to  the  Three  Heavenly  Wit- 
nesses. 

The  principal  deviations  from  the  received 
practice  of  the  church  in  this  matter  have  bcea 
the  opposite  usages  of  the  Aquarians,  who  used 
no  wine  at  all  in  the  eucharist,  and  of  the  Anne- 
nians,  who  mixed  no  water  with  the  wine, 
claiming  the  authority  of  John  Chrysostom. 
Both  these  are  censured  by  the  council  in  Tmllo 
(c.  32).  These  Aquarians  or  Hydroporastatsc 
probably  abstained  from  wine  as  a  bad  thing  in 
itself,  like  the  Ebionites  and  the  Tstianiats  or 
Encratites  described  by  Epiphanius  {Saerea.  30^ 

k  See  Ads  zvtiL  25;  Bom.  siL  11 


ELESBAAN 

16;  46,  2;  47,  1);  but  others  in  early  times, 
though  they  partook  of  the  mixed  cap  in  the 
evening,  used  water  only  in  the  morning,  lest  the 
smell  of  wine  should  bring  scandal  upon  them, 
and  betray  their  celebration  of  the  mysteries  to 
heathen  perMcutors.  This  practice  is  noticed 
and  reprehended  by  Cyprian  (JEpiai.  63,  c.  16). 

Some  in  the  7th  century  offered  milk  for  wine 
in  the  eucharist;  others  communicated  the 
people  not  with  wine  pressed  from  grapes,  but 
with  the  grapes  themselves  (oblatis  uvis)  {Oonc, 
Braoar.  iii.  c.  1);  errors  severbly  censured  by 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  who  constantly 
insisted  on  the  offering  of  wine,  water,  and  bread 
only. 

A  peculiar  instance  of  an  addition  to  the  cup 
18  the  dropping  of  milk  and  honey  into  it,  ac- 
cording to  the  Roman  rite,  on  Easter-Eve  (Mar- 
iene,  A.  B,  IV.  xxiv.  32),  the  great  day  of  bap- 
tiauL    [BAFTisif,  p.  164.] 

The  Colour  of  the  Wine, 

The  wine  in  use  in  the  church  has  in  general 
been  red,  apparently  from  a  desire  to  symbolise 
aa  much  as  possible  the  blood  of  our  Lord.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Talmud  red  wine  was  offered  at 
the  Passover.  Irenaeus  indeed  {Haeree,  bk.  i. 
c.  13,  §  2)  says  that  Marcus  (a  heretic)  claimed 
to  perform  the  eucharistic  ceremony  over  certain 
mixed  chalices,  and  to  make  them  appear  red 
and  purple,  which  would  lead  to  the  supposition 
that  the  wine  had  been  originally  white.  But 
Cyprian  {Ep.  63,  c.  7)  speaks  as  if  the  Eucha- 
ristic wine  was  blood-red ;  and  Chrysostom 
(Horn.  82  in  Matt  zxvi.  34,  35)  speaks  of  the 
tongue  being  empurpled  with  the  blood  of  Christ 
in  the  eucharist.  Later  in  the  history  of  the 
church  many  of  the  synods  have  ordered  red 
wine  to  be  used ;  and  although  there  is  no 
necessity  in  the  matter,  it  certainly  seems  the 
most  appropriate. 

Literature, — Bona,  Rerum  Liturgioarum  L3ni 
li. ;  Martene,  De  Antiquia  Ecdesiae  JUtHnu ; 
Krazer,  De  Antiquis  Eccleaiae  OccidentcUie  lAr 
turgiis ;  Bingham's  Antiquities;  Vossius,  Theses 
Theol,;  Brett  on  the  Liturgies  •,  Neale*s  Eastern 
Church ;  Vogan's  True  Doctrine  </  the  Eucharist, 
On  the  special  question  of  Azymes,  see,  against 
the  antiquity  of  unleavened  cakes  in  the  eucharist, 
Sirmond's  treatise  De  Azymo  (1651);  on  the 
other  side,  Mabillon,  in  the  preface  to  Saec.  iii. 
of  the  Acta  8S,  Bened,,  and  in  a  special  treatise 
Ue  Axymo  et  Fermentato,  [G.W.P.  and  C] 

ELESBAAN,  king,  monk  in  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Justin;  commemorated  Ginbot  20  = 
May  15  (Cb/.  Ethiop.),  [W.  F,  G.] 

ELEUTHERIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr 
at  Messina,  with  his  mother  Anthia  or  Evanthia ; 
commemorated  April  18  {Mart,  Hieron,,  Bom, 
Vet,^  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Bishop,  at  Autesiodorum  (Auzerre) ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  26  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(S)  Martyr  at  Micomedia  under  Diocletian, 
'*cum  aliis  innumeris;"  commemorated  Oct.  2 
{Mart,  I/ieron,,  Rom.  Vet,,  Adonis,  (Jsuardi). 

(4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Paris,  with  Dionysius 
the  bishop  and  Rnsticus  the  presbyter ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  9  {Mart,  Hieron,,  Bedae,  Rom,  Vet,, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Bishop  of  lUvncum,  martyr  ad.  290; 
eoBBmemorated  Dec.  15  (CW.  Byzant.),  [W.F.G.] 


ELEVATIO 


605 


ELEVATIO  (in  a  Liturgical  sense). 

(1).  Eastern  Church, — In  all  early  Oriental 
liturgies  an  elevation  of  the  bread  by  the  cele- 
brating priest  is  prescribed  contemporaneously 
with  the  proclamation  Syia  hrfiois,  and  before 
the  Fraction.  Thus,  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chryso- 
stom *Hhe  priest,  elevating  the  holy  bread, 
exclaims  '  Holy  things  for  holy  persons ;  of  St. 
James :  ^  then  he  elevates  the  gifts,  and  saith 
*  Holy  things,'  &c ;"  of  St.  Basil,  <<  the  priest, 
elevating  the  holy  bread,  exclaims  *  Holy  things,' 
&c.";  the  Armenian,  ''the  priest  lifts  up  the 
sacrifice  before  his  eyes,  and  saith  '  the  Holy  of 
holies.' "  The  original  intention  of  this  rite  was 
clearly  not  that  the  host  might  be  adored  by  ihe 
people,  for  it  took  place  within  the  Bema,  the 
doors  of  which  being  closed  and  the  curtains 
drawn,  it  could  be  only  seen  by  the  attendant 
ministen.  This  is  acknowledged  by  Goar ;  "  Non 
ita  tamen  ut  a  populo  conspiciatur  Dominicum 
corpus  elevat  Graecus  sacerdoe  "  {Euoholog,  p.  145, 
note  158,  cf.  pp.  84,  151) ;  he  adds  that  there  is 
no  allusion  to  eucharistic  adoration  in  the 
earlier  ritualists  :  '*  De  majoris  hostiae,  a  populo, 
completa  consecratione,  per  elevationem  conspi- 
ciendae,  nihil  apud  antiques  ritnum  expositores." 
The  authority  of  St.  Basil,  rit,  r^i  iwtKK'fiatut 
p^fAora  M  riis  iiyaitlitus  rou  Aprov  r^s 
thYopurrias  ris  r&v  hyimv  ^yypJi^s  iiiuv  Kartb- 
K&ioartp ;  {De  Sp,  Sand,  c.  27),  is  erroneously 
urged  by  Bellarmin  {De  Eucftarist.  ii.  15),  Schel- 
strate  {De  Condi.  Antioch.  p.  219X  and  Bona 
{Rer,  Liturg.  lib.  ii.  c.  13,  §  2),  in  support  of  the 
later  practice  of  elevating  the  eucharist  to  show 
it  to  the  people.  For  the  word  iuf^ti^ts  has 
been  abundantly  proved  by  Albertinus,  quoted 
by  Bingham  {Orig.  Eccl.  lib.  xv.  c.  5,  §  4), 
and  is  acknowledged  by  Renaudot  (i.  270)^  to 
be  used  here  in  its  classical  sense  of  '*  dedication," 
**  consecration,"  not  that  of  '*  displaying."  The 
authorities  alleged  in  support  of  the  early  intro- 
duction of  the  practice  of  displaying  the  eucharist 
to  the  people  prove  very  weak  on  examination. 
The  Pseudo-Dionysius,  whose  writings  cannot  be 
placed  earlier  than  the  5th  or  6th  century, 
when  speaking  of  the  priest  ^  showing  the  gifts," 
{rks  9up4as  r&v  $tovpyi&y  iiro^fl^as),  before 
proceeding  to  communion  {De  Eccl.  Hierarch. 
c  iii.  f  11)  does  not  in  any  way  assert  that  it 
was  to  the  people  that  he  showed  them.  The 
example  of  ot.  Euthymius,  adduced  by  Martene 
(p.  423),  is  little  more  to  the  point.  All  that 
is  said  is,  that  after  the  anaphora,  "  stretching 
forth  his  hands  to  heaven,  and  as  it  were 
displaying  to  them  the  mystery  administered 
for  the  sake  of  our  salvation,"  («al  &<ne9p 
airrois  &iro99tKvbs  rh  olKO¥Oft,ri$ip  rris  aomjpieu 
XcCpM'  T^s  V/i^rfyas  /ivar'tipiov),  *'he  cried 
with  a  loud  voice,  t&  iyia  to7s  ar^iots" 
(Cyril  Scythopol.  Vita  S,  Euthym.  apud  Coteler. 
Eccl,  Graec,  Monum.  vol.  ii.  p.  268,  §81).  The 
rassa^  quoted  from  Germanus,  and  accepted  by 
Bingham  as  coming  from  the  patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople of  that  name,  a.d.  715,  is  from  a  work. 
Theoria  Rerum  Divmarttm,  correctly  assigned 
by  Cave  to  his  namesake  and  successor  five  cen- 
turies later,  ▲.D.  1222.  The  most  apposite 
passage  is  that  given  by  Renaudot  (i.  267)  from 
James  bishop  of  Edessa,  c  651,  which,  if  cor- 
rectly quoted,  prescribes  that  the  priest,  after 
uttering  the  &yia  aylois,  '*  shall  lift  the  sacra- 
ments and  show  them  to  the  whole  people  as  for 


606    ELIBEBITANUM  OON(TTLIUM 


EMB^HIXG 


a  witness,"  **  turn  elevat  et  osteDdit  sacramenta 
uniTeno  populo  tanquam  in  testimonium." 

(2)  Western  Church, — Obscni'e  and  vagne  as  is 
the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the  elevation  of 
the  eucharist  in  the  Oriental  church,  there  is 
still  greater  uncertainty  when  it  became  the 
practice  of  the  West.  Goar  humbly  confesses 
his  ignorance  {Eucholcg,  p.  146,  §  158),  and  Bona 
acknowledges  the  same  {Rer,  Liiurg,  lib.  ii.  c.  13, 
§  2),  and  professes  his  inability  to  discover  any 
trace  of  the  practice  in  the  ancient  sacramen- 
taries  or  the  codices  of  the  Ordo  BomotnuSf  or  in 
any  of  the  ancient  ritual  writers,  Alcuin,  Ama- 
larius,  WalaiVid,  &c  Indeed  there  is  little  doubt, 
as  is  acknowledged  by  all  learned  and  candid 
Romanists,  that  the  elevation  owes  its  introduc- 
tion to  the  spread  of  the  tenets  of  Berengarius, 
c.  1050,  against  which  it  was  regarded  as  a  public 
protest  (Muratori,  lAturg.  Reman,  Vehtt^  1.  227). 
This  practice  was  the  natural  consequence  of  the 
mediaeval  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  though 
it  had  little  or  no  authoritative  sanction  before 
the  13th  century.  Although  from  its  late  date 
the  Latin  practice  does  not  belong  to  the  period 
embraced  in  this  Dictionaiy,  we  may  mention 
that  the  position  of  the  elevation  in  the  Roman 
canon  differs  essentially  from  that  of  the  Greek 
church,  not  taking  place  until  after  the  fraction 
and  consecration  instead  of  before  it. 

(Binterim,  DenkvoHrduf,  vol.  iv.  p.  3 ;  pp.  432, 
sq. ;  Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  xv.  c  5,  §  4 ;  Neale, 
Eastern  Gh.  vol.  i.  p.  1,  p.  516 ;  Bona,  Rer,  Liturg* 
lib.  ii.  c.  13,  §  2 ;  Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  145  sq. ; 
Martene,  De  Eocl,  Rii.  vol.  i.  p.  423 ;  Renaudot, 
Liiurg,  Orienial,  Collect,  i.  265-271,  ii.  82,  572, 
608 ;  Scudamore,  Notitia  Eucharist,  ch.  vi.  §  10, 
p.  646  sq. ;  ch.  viii.  §  7,  p.  594  sq.)         [E,  V.] 

BLIBERITANUM  CONCILIUM.  [El- 
vira, Council  of.] 

ELIGIUS,  bishop  and  confessor,  ''gloriosus 
in  miraculis,''  at  Noyon ;  commemorated  Dec  1 
(^Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

ELLTAH,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  July 
4  (Cal,  Armen,\  July  20  {CaL  Byzani.),  Taksas  1 
=  Nov.  27  (Col.  Emop,),  [W.  F.  G.] 

ELISHA,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Senne 
20  =  June  14  {Cal,  EtMop,^  CaL  Byzant.),  Oct.  12 
(Ob/.  Armen,);  also  Tekemt  19=  Oct.  16  {Cal. 
Ethiop,),  [W.  F.  G.] 

ELIZABETH.  (1)  Mother  of  John  the 
Baptist;  commemorated  Jakatit  16  =  Feb.  10 
(CaL  Ethiop.). 

(2)  OaufjLarovpySs,  commemorated  April  24 
{Cal.  Byzant).  [W.  F.  G.] 

ELODIA,  virgin,  and  martyr  with  Nunilo  at 
Osca;  commemorated  Oct.  22  (Jfarf.  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  6.] 

ELPIDIPHORUS,  and  companions,  martyrs 
m  Persia,  A.D.  320 ;  commemorated  Nov.  2  {Col. 
Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

ELPIS  (Hope),  daughter  of  Sophia  (Wis- 
iom),  is  commemorated  with  her  sisters,  Faith 
and  Love,  Sept.  17  (Ca/.  Byzant.)  [C] 

ELVIRA,  COUNCIL  OP  (Eia>entanwn  or 
Illiiieritanum  concilium),  held  at  Elvira  in  Gra- 
nada. There  was  another  Elvira  in  Catalonia. 
The  date  assigned  to  it  in  its  own  acts  is  Era 
OOCLXii  =  A.D.  324.  But  it  has  been  referred  to 
A.D.  305,  313,  and  even  335  hv  modems.     As 


Hosius  of  Corduba  is  placed  second  of  the  nine- 
teen bishops  attending  it,  its  date  cannot  well 
have  been  earlier  than  313,  nor  later  than  324. 
And,  in  either  case,  its  canons  about  the  lapsed 
would  find  their  counterpirt  in  those  of  Ancyra 
or  Nicaea.  Perhaps  the  later  date,  besides  being 
that  of  its  own  acte,  would  accord  best  with  the 
reference  to  it  by  Hosius  himself  in  the  11th 
Sardican  canon,  which  Baluse  points  oat.  lu 
own  canons,  all  on  discipline,  seem  to  have 
amounted  to  fourscore  and  one;  but  Gratiaa 
and  others  cite  several  more  not  now  found  in 
its  acts.  Among  the  former,  absence  from 
church  for  three  consecutive  Sundays  is  pvn- 
ished  by  the  21st.  Superpository  fasts — on  which 
see  Bingham  xxi.  i.  25-— to  be  observed  in  all 
other  months,  are  relaxed  in  July  and  Angnst 
by  the  23rd.  Bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  co- 
habiting with  their  wives  are  threatened  with 
deprivation  in  the  33rd,  lights  in  cemeteries  are 
forbidden  during  the  day  by  the  d4th,  and 
pictures  in  churches  by  the  36th.  A  huge 
dissertation  on  this  council,  in  three  books,  sd- 
dressed  to  Clement  VIII.  by  Mendoza,  may  be 
read  in  Mansi,  ii.  58  and  seq.  [£.  S.  FC] 

EMANCIPATIO,  in  a  special  sense,  is  the 
setting  free  of  a  monk,  chosen  to  an  ecclesiastical 
dignity,  from  the  obedience  which  he  owes  to  his 
superior.  This  was  done  by  letters  under  the 
hand  of  the  abbat,  called  emancipatorias  Uterae. 
A  form  of  such  letters  is  given  by  Petit  in  his 
edition  of  Theodore's  Penitential,  p.  143.  (Du- 
cange,  s,  v.).  [C] 

EMBALMING.  There  are  many  testimonies 
to  the  observance  of  this  custom  among  the 
Christians  of  the  early  centuries.  That  it  was 
practised  in  the  case  of  martyrs  appean  fr«n 
the  instance  of  Tharacus  (JLdta  Thartsdy  ap. 
Baron,  an.  290,  n.  21),  to  whom  it  was  denied 
by  his  persecutor  Maximus,  and  his  body  sen- 
tenced to  burning,  in  contempt  of  the  doctrine 
of  the  resurrection.  But  embalming  was  not 
confined  to  martyrs ;  it  was  a  reproach  cast 
upon  Christians  generally  by  the  heathen  inter- 
locutor in  Minucius  Felix  (^Octav.  e.  12,  &  6),  that 
"  using  no  perfumes  for  their  bodies  in  life,  they 
required  all  costly  ointments  for  their  fnnmls." 
Tertullian  also  (JipoL  c  42)  is  a  witness  to  the 
general  observance  of  the  custom :  *'  Let  the 
Sabaeans  know  that  more  of  their  costly  wares  is 
spent  in  the  burial  of  Christians  than  in  oflRering 
incense  (fumigandis)  to  their  gods.** 

The  practice  was  doubtless  derived  from  the 
Jews.  In  the  Old  Testament  the  only  recorded 
examples  are  those  of  Jacob  and  Joseph  (Gen.  L 
2,  26)  in  conformity  with  Egyptian  usage ;  but  it 
would  seem  to  have  been  observed  more  or  lees 
generally  during  their  later  history ;  and  in  St 
John's  description  of  our  Lord's  burial,  we  read 
that  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  and  Nioodemns  **  took 
the  body  of  Jesus  and  wound  it  in  linen  dothei 
with  the  spices,  as  the  manner  of  the  Jews  tt  to 
bury."  Our  Lord's  interpretation  of  the  pious 
offering  of  Mary  to  His  person  (Mark  xiv.  8> 
"  She  hath  anointed  my  body  to  the  burial " 
(iyra/piofffUy)  implies  the  use  of  unction  as  a 
recognized  practice.  Various  spices  were  em- 
ployed for  the  embalming,  especially  myrrh ;  se 
PrudentiuB  {Cathemerin,  hym.  4) — 

*  Asperasqne  myntui  Sabaeo 
CSorpos  medicamine  SfTvai.'' 


EMBEB  DAYS 


EMBEB  DAYS 


607 


Although  the  custom  of  embalming  was  oom- 
mon  to  Christians  and  heathens,  there  was  an 
Msential  difference  in  the  purpose  for  which  it 
was  practised.  As  a  pagan  ceremony  it  was 
intended  to  facilitate  cremation ;  with  the  Chris- 
tians, on  the  contrary,  to  whom  '*the  old  irre- 
Terence  of  burning  "  was  always  abhorrent,  its 
object  was  to  preserve  the  body  from  corruption. 
It  was  doubtless  the  expression  of  that  reverential 
feeling  for  the  body,  as  having  been  the  temple 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  as  destined  for  restora- 
tion to  an  imperishable  existence,  by  which  the 
Christian  faith  was  exclusively  characterised 
Among  all  the  religions  of  the  world.       [D.  B.] 

EMBER  DATS  (jejunia  qmtuor  temporum). 
From  the  Latin  title  has  been  derived  the  name 
of  these  seasons  in  most  European  languages, 
whether  by  translation  [e,  g.  the  French  les 
QuatroTemps,  or  the  Swedish  de  fyra  fcute- 
iider\  or  by  a  corruption  of  the  original  \e.  g. 
the  Uerman  Qttatember,  Dutch  Quat<^temper,  or 
Danish  Ktkitember}.  Hence  too,  if  we  consider 
the  wide-spread  use  of  the  expression  is  a 
probable  derivation  of  the  English  Ember; 
though  two  others  have  been  proposed,  one 
connecting  it  with  embers  in  the  sense  of  ashes, 
for  which  little  can  be  said,  and  the  other 
identifying  it  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  Tmbrenj  a 
revolution  or  circuit,  to  which  it  has  been 
objected  that  all  church  seasons  are  necessarily 
recurrent.  [In  favour  of  this  last  view,  how- 
ever, may  be  cited  the  phrases  ymbren  dagas,  etc^ 
and  such  notices  as  the  canon  of  the  English 
council  of  Aenham,  given  below.]  On  the  sup- 
position that  the  derivation  from  the  Latin  is 
the  true  one,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  Danish 
form  Tainperdag,  as  marking  an  intermediate 
stage  between  that  of  the  German  and  of  the 
English.  An  exception  to  the  above  rule  is  the 
Welsh  name,  Wytknos  y  Ctfdgoriau,  week  of  the 
nnited  choirs  or  processions. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  Origin  of  the 
solemnity  of  the  Ember  Fasts,  we  find  them  at 
an  early  period  associated  with  the  invoking  of 
God's  blessing  on  each  of  the  four  seasons  as 
it  came  round  in  its  turn,  and  the  special 
striving  by  prayers  and  fasting  to  merit  such 
blessings.  Still,  on  the  earliest  occasion  on 
which  we  meet  with  a  mention  of  these  fasts, 
this  idea  does  not  seem  to  have  been  present  to 
the  mind  of  the  writer.  The  passage  in  question 
oconrs  in  the  treatise  ds  Haeres^us  of  Philas- 
trius,  bishop  of  Brixia,  in  the  middle  of  the  4th 
eentnry.  As  the  passage  u  of  some  importance, 
we  think  it  well  to  quote  it  at  length.  After 
citing  Zeeh.  viii.  19,  as  referring  to  the 
subject,  he  proceeds  '*....  nt  mysteria  Chris- 
tianitatis  ipsis  quatuor  jejuniis  nuntiata  cognos- 
ceremus.  Nam  per  annum  quatuor  jejunia  in 
ecclesia  celebrantur;  in  Natali  primum,  deinde 
in  Pascha,  tertium  in  Epiphnnia,  quartum  in 
Fentecoste.  Nam  in  Natali  Salvatoris  Domini 
j<>junandum  est,  deinde  in  Paschae  Quadmgesima, 
atque  in  Ascensions  itidem  in  caelum  post 
Paecha  die  quadragesimo,  inde  usque  ad  Pente- 
oosten  diebus  decem:  id  quod  postea  fecerunt 
beati  Apostoli  post  Ascensionem  jejuniis  et 
orationibus  insistentes."  (Haeres.  tl9,  in  Patrol. 
zii.  1286.)  It  seems  certain  here,  whatever  the 
explanation  may  be,  whether  of  a  false  reading 
in  the  text,  or  c'  an  unusual  meaning  of  the 


word,  that,  as  Fabncius  (not,  m  Ibe.)  suggests, 
the  fkst  in  Epiphamia  refbrs  to  the  season  of  the 
Ascension,  both  from  the  position  assigned  to  it 
between  Easter  and  Pentecost,  and  fh)m  the 
subsequent  reference  to  the  Ascension. 

We  now  pass  on  to  the  first  definite  mention  of 
these  fasts  as  associated  with  the  beginnings  of 
the  four  seasons.  Among  the  works  of  Leo  L, 
are  found  numerous  sermons  for  each  of  the 
fasts,  which  are  spoken  of  as  the  fast  decimi 
mensis  (Serm,  12-20),  the  fast  in  Quadragesima 
(Serm,  39-50),  the  fast  in  Fentecoste  (Serm, 
78-80),  and  the  fast  septimi  mensis  (Serm, 
86-94)  respectively:  and  in  one  passage  (Serm, 
19,  c.  2;  vol.  i.  p.  59,  ed.  Ballerini),  he  thus 
associates  the  fasts  with  the  seasons  they 
introduce,  '*  jejunium  vernum  in  Quadragesima, 
aestivum  in  Pentecoste,  autumnale  in  mense 
septimo,  hiemale  autem  in  hoc  qui  est  decimus 
celebramus."  Further,  he  appears  to  speak  of 
this  practice  as  resting  on  apostolical  authority 
(Serm,  80,  c.  1 ;  p.  316),  meaning,  probably,  that 
resting  on  the  authority  of  his  church,  they 
claimed  the  respect  due  to  apostolic  ordinances. 
The  autumnal  fast  does  not  seem  to  t>e  mentioned 
before  the  time  of  Leo  I.,  for  it  will  have  been 
-observed  that  the  arrangement  in  Philastrlus 
is  different.  Perhaps,  however,  Leo  or  some  of 
his  predecessors  may  have  added  to  three  existing 
anaent  fasts  this  fourth  one,  and  then  associated 
the  foar  seasons  of  the  year  with  these  four  re- 
gularly recurring  lists. 

The  particular  days  on  which  it  was  incumbent 
to  fast  at  the  Ember  seasons  according  to  the 
Roman  rule  were  Wednesday,  Friday,  and 
Saturday;  thus  Leo  (Serm.  80,  c.  4,  p.  320) 
enjoins  '*Quarta  et  sexta  feria  jejunemus, 
Sabbato  autem  apud  beatissimum  Petrum  Apo- 
stolum  vigilias  oelebremus."  Augustine  (Epist. 
36,  ad  CcmUanumf  c.  8 ;  vol.  ii.  105,  ed.  Gaume) 
seems  to  speak  simply  of  the  particular  days  of 
the  week  on  which  the  local  Roman  church  fasted 
in  its  ordinary  practice. 

It  has  been  said  that  Leo  (Serm.  18,  c.  2 ;  p.  57), 
asserts  that  the  fasts  of  the  four  seasons  were 
celebrated  *'  in  universa  ecclesia ;"  but  an 
examination  of  the  passage  will  show  that  he  is 
referring  to  the  institution  of  fasts  generally. 
Indeed,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  fasts  of 
the  four  seasons  were  at  first  only  observed  in 
that  pai't  of  the  church  in  immediate  dependence 
on  Rome.  The  language  of  Augustine  will  not 
allow  us  to  suppose  that  the  same  state  of 
things  prevailed  in  Africa ;  the  church  in  north 
Italy  differed,  at  any  rate  in  not  making  Satur- 
day a  fast.  (Ambrose  apud  August.,  Epist.  86  ad 
Oasulanum  c.  32  ;  ed.  dt.  120).* 

In  the  eastern  church  there  is  no  trace  what- 
ever of  an  observance  of  the  Ember  seasons.  The 
passage  of  Athanasius,  which  some  have  quoted 
in  support  of  a  different  conclusion  (ApoL  de  ftiga^ 
c.  6 ;  vol.  i.  p.  323,  ed.  Bened.),  merely  proves 
the  existence  of  a  fast  at  Pentecost.  With  this 
may  be  compared  an  allusion  in  the  Apostolic 
Constitutions  (lib.  v.  c.  20). 

Not  only  is  there  thus  a  lack  of  evidence 
to  establish  the  existence  of  the  usage  in  earl; 
times  as  aught  but  a  local  Roman  custom,  but 
we  find  Jerome  protesting  against  the  multiply- 


»  Sec  on  this  point  QoesDeirs  sixth  Dfasortstioii  Ap- 
pended tu  his  edition  of  Leo  1. 


608 


ElfBEB  DAYS 


EMBEB  DAYB 


ing  of  obligatory  fasts,  and  clearly  recognizing 
DO  fast  but  Lent  as  of  anivenal  obligation  (^Epist, 
41  ad  MarceUam  c.  2 ;  vol.  L  189,  ed.  Vallarsi ; 
cf.  Ti.  750). 

Nor  if  we  take  illustrations  from  a  somewhat 
later  period  shall  we  find  the  practice  uniformly 
established.  Thus  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (ob. 
circa  542  A.D.),  carefully  specifies  the  fasts  which 
the  order  was  to  observe,  but  ignores  the  Ember 
seasons  altogether,  and  indeed,  his  rule  is 
hardly  compatible  with  the  existence  of  the 
latter  {SegtUa  8.  Bened,  c.  41 ;  p.  88,  ed.  Venice, 
1723). 

Later  still  Isidore  of  Seville  (ob.  636,  A.D.), 
speaks  of  the  four  fasts  which  are  to  be  observed 
in  the  church,  *' secundum  Scripturas  sacras,*' 
mentioning  those  in  Lent,  Pentecost,  the  seventh 
month,  and  [on  the  authority  of  Jeremiah 
xxxvi.  9],  the  Calends  of  November  (cfc  off.  Ecch 
i.  cc.  36  sqq.).  He  afterwards  mentions  in 
addition  to  these  four,  that  on  the  Calends  of 
January  and  others. 

As  regards  the  Gallican  church,  the  Ember 
seasons  do  not  seem  to  have  been  established 
much  before  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  The 
second  council  of  Tours  (567  a.d.)  in  prescribing 
the  fasts  to  be  observed  by  monks,  makes  no 
mention  whatever  of  the  fasts  of  the  four 
seasons — ^the  various  Gallican  Liturgies  published 
by  Mabillon  equally  ignore  them;  and  the 
language  of  the  council  of  Maintz  [813  A.D.],  in 
ordering  their  observance,  seems  to  imply  a 
recently  established  institution, "  Constituimus  ut 
quatuor  tempora  anni  ab  omnibus  cum  jejunio 
observentur,  hoc  est  in  mense  Martio  hebdomada 
prima,  et  feria  quarta,  et  sexta,  et  Sabbato.  .  .  . 
similiter  in  mense  Junio  hebdomada  secunda,  in 
mense  Septembris  hebdomada  tertia,  in  mense 
Decembris  hebdomada  prima,  quae  fuerit  plena 
ante  vigiliam  Nativitatis  Domini  sicut  est  in 
Romana  Ecclesia  traditum."  (fionoxL  Mogunt. 
can.  34;  Labbe  vii.  1249).  We  also  meet 
with  capitularies  of  the  Carlovingian  kings 
to  the  same  effect  (see  e.  g,  lib.  v.  151 ;  vol.  i.  p. 
854,  ed.  Baluzius.  See  also  one  of  769  a.d., 
%}),  p.  192). 

To  return  now  to  the  Roman  church  properly 
so  called,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  is  reason  to 
doubt  whether  even  there  the  spring  fast  was 
not  at  first  really  Lent  itself,  and  not  the  three 
special  days.  It  is  pointed  out  by  Muratori  (see 
below)  c.  3,  that  while  Leo  in  his  sermons  on 
the  summer,  autumn,  and  winter  fasts,  alludes  to 
the  three  days  Wednesday,  Friday,  and  Saturday ; 
he  yet  in  his  sermons  on  the  spring  fast  in  no 
way  refers  to  them,  and  indeed  it  is  difficult  in 
any  case  to  see  the  meaning  of  a  fast  within  the 
limits  of  another  fast,  except  it  were  meant  to  be 
of  a  more  rigorous  kind,  of  which  in  the  present 
case  we  have  no  evidence. 

Some  would  attempt  to  solve  this  difficulty  by 
supposing  that  the  Ember  seasons  were  originaily 
instituted  as  times  for  ordination,  but  it  certainly 
appears  that  this  theory  cannot  be  borne  out  by 
facts  (see  «•  g.  Amalarius  Fortunatus,  de  Eccl. 
Off,  ii.  2,  and  cf.  Muratori  c.  3).  Everything 
points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  solemnity 
attaching  to  the  seasons  led  to  their  being 
chosen  as  fitting  times  for  the  rite.  The  theory 
of  Muratori  seems  very  probable,  that  the  spring 
fast  is  really  Lent  itself,  and  that  the  fixing  of ' 
the  three  days  is  due  to  a  later  development. 


Among  other  evidence  referred  to  by  him  Is  tke 
fact  that  in  some  ancient  Roman  sacramentaria^ 
when  notice  is  appointed  to  be  given  of  the  fiists 
of  the  fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  moatha,  bo 
mention  is  made  of  the  spring  fast.  Lent  being 
assumed  to  be  known  from  other  sources.  (For 
Instances  of  this  see  Cardinal  Bona,  Baum 
Liturgg.^  lib.  iL  c.  16;  vol.  ii.  p.  343,  ed.  Aug. 
Taur.  1753 ;  and  Thomasius,  Codices  Sacramem- 
torum,  lib.  i.  c.82;  p.  113.)  We  may  farther 
refer  to  the  rule  of  the  English  council  of 
Cloveshoe  (747  A.D.),  which  orders  that  no  one 
should  neglect  <*jejuniorum  tempera,  id  est^ 
quarti,  septimi  et  decimi  mensis,"  and  that  due 
notice  should  always  be  given  of  each  ^CamciL 
Chvea,  can.  18 ;  Labbe  vi.  1578).  It  is  inter- 
esting to  add  here  that  the  introdnction  of  the 
fasts  of  the  four  seasons  is  referred  bj  a  later 
English  council  (that  of  Aenham  [10O9  A.D.],  the 
locality  of  which  appears  to  be  unknown,)  to 
Gregoiy  the  Great,  *'et  jejunia  qaataor  t«m- 
porum,  quae  Jmbren  vocant  et  caetera  omnia 
prout  sanctus  Gregorius  imposuit  genti  Anglonua, 
conservantor  "  (jConcU.  Ainham,  can.  16  ;  Labbe 
ix.  792). 

Among  other  evidence  in  favour  of  this  theory 
may  be  mentioned  an  epistle  in  the  False  Decre- 
tals bearing  the  name  of  pope  Callistaa  (oh. 
223  A.D.),  which  orders  that  to  the  three  already 
existing  fasts,  a  fourth  should  be  added.  Kow 
it  may  be  reasonably  argued  that  the  author, 
Isidore,  put  the  matter  in  accordance  with  what 
he  himself  believed  to  be  the  state  of  the  case, 
and  that  thus  we  obtain  an  insight  into  the 
tradition  existing  in  his  time  (circa  800  ajx). 
A  similar  remark  as  to  Callistns,  oocnrs  in  a 
MS.  of  Anastasius  Bibliothecariua,  in  the  Am- 
brosian  library.  Although  the  statement  is  of 
course  false,  still  the  origin  of  the  forgery  may 
have  been  that  the  writer  wished  to  embody 
what  he  himself  believed  to  be  the  fact,  namely, 
that  the  fourth  (spring)  fast  was  added  on  later 
A  capitulary  also  of  Ahyto  or  Atto,  bishop  of 
Yercellae  about  945  A.D.,  mentions  the  three 
fasts  in  a  similar  way  {PatroL  cxxxiv.  43). 

Not  only  does  this  doubt  exist  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  spring  fast,  but  there  seems  much  reason 
for  supposing  that  at  one  time  it  did  not  neces- 
sarily fall  in  Lent  at  all,  but  was  fixed  in  the 
first  week  in  March,  though  afterwards  as  a 
matter  of  convenience  it  was  fixed  within  Lent 
always ;  also  the  summer  fast  was  at  one  tine 
placed  in  the  second  week  of  June,  and  there- 
fore did  not  necessarily  fall  at  Pentecost.  The 
council  of  Maintz,  it  will  have  been  observed, 
speaks  of  the  fast  as  occurring  in  the  first  week  </ 
March,  Lent  not  being  mentioned  at  all ;  simi- 
larly also  for  the  summer  fast.  So  too  the  Ordt 
JiomanuSy  "in  prime  mense  (t.e,  March)  quaru 
et  sexta  feria  et  Sabbato  in  prima  hebdomads 
ipsius  mensis  primum  jejunium  oelebratur. 
Secundum  in  quarto  mense  (Le.  June)  in  secunds 
hebdomada  ipsius  mensis.  Tertium  jejnnioa 
septimi  mensis,  id  est  Septembris,  tertia  hebdo- 
mada ipsius  mensis.  Quartum  decimi  mensis, 
id  est  Decembris,  quarta  hebdomada  ante  Katalem 
Domini"  (i.  33,  ed.  Hittorp;  cf.  also  Rabaaw 
Maurus  de  Inst.  Cler.  iL  24;  and  Amalariw 
de  Eccl,  off,  iL  1).  Again  in  many  andeat 
sacramentaries  we  have  manv  things  pdntlag  to 
the  same  result;  e,g.  in  tLo  Gelasiam  Sacra" 
mentaryy  we  find  a  notice  "  lataa  orationes  anm 


ElfBEB  DAYS 

■equnntiir  primo  Sabbato  in  menae  primo  sunt 
dioendM"  (Patrol.  Izxiv.  1069,  and  cf.  others 
cited  bj  lloratori,  p.  261).  One  more  example 
may  suffice:  the  council  of  Aiz  la  Chapelle 
(817  A.D.X  ordei-9  that  no  fast  should  be  in  the 
week  of  Pentecost,  ^'msi  statuti  fuerint  dies 
jejunii "  (Cone,  Aquiagran,  can.  51 ;  Labbe  vii. 
1511>  Consequentlj',  while  the  summer  fast 
might  fiill  in  the  week  of  Pentecost,  it  did  not 
iMoassarilj  do  so.  It  seems  therefore  not  un- 
reasonable to  infer  that  at  one  time  the  church 
celebrated  the  fasts  of  the  four  seasons  according 
to  this  rule,  a  change  being  subsequently  made 
to  the  present  plan. 

We  must  now  refer  to  the  Ember  seasons  as 
times  specially  fixed  for  the  ordinations  of  the 
clergy.  We  haye  before  said  that  they  were  in 
all  probability  fixed  at  these  times  rrom  the 
solemnity  attaching  to  them,  and  it  is  noticeable 
that  we  find  no  trace  of  such  a  connexion  earlier 
than  the  time  of  Gelasius,  who  enjoins  *'  ordi- 
nationes  etiam  presbyterorum  et  diaconoram  nisi 
certis  temporibus  et  diebus  exercere  non  debent, 
id  est  quarti  mensis  jejunio,  septimi  et  decimi, 
sed  et  etiam  Quadragesimalis  initii  ac  mediana 
Quadragesimae  die  sabbati Jejunio  circa  yesperam 
noverint  celebrandas"  (Japiat.  9  ad  Episoopos 
Lucaniag  et  Bruttiorum,  ell;  Patrol,  fix.  52). 
It  will  be  obserTed  that  two  periods  in  Lent  are 
specified  here,  a  piece  of  eyidence  in  fayour  of 
lAuratori's  yiew  that  the  spring  fast  is  Lent  itself. 

The  Oelaaian  Sacramentary  also  furnishes  a 
form  for  this  ordinance,  which  is  headed,  "  Ordo 
qualiter  in  Bomana  sedis  apostolicae  ecclesia 
presbyteri,  diaconi  yel  subdiaconi  eligendi  smt, 
mensis  i.  iv.  yii.  et  x.  Sabbatorum  die  in  xii. 
lectionibus  .  .  .  ."  (Patrol,  Ixxiy.  1069).  Again, 
the  Chregonan  Sacramentary  enjoins  that  the 
greater  orders  are  to  be  conferred  only  *Mn 
Sabbatis  duodecim  lectionum  per  quatuor  tem- 
pera" (Greg,  Sac,  219,  and  cf.  Menard's  note). 
The  same  oider  is  laid  down  in  the  Pontifical  oi 
Egbert,  archbishop  of  York  from  732-766  A.D. 
(p.  8,  ed.  Surtees  Society). 

The  irregularity  as  to  the  time  of  the  Ember 
seasons  eyidently  continued  down  to  a  late  period. 
Thus  the  plan  laid  down  by  the  council  of  Maintz 
is  repeated  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  after 
(1072  A.D.X  by  a  council  of  Rouen  (ConcU,  Ro- 
thorn,  can.  9 ;  Labbe  ix.  1227) ;  and  the  fre- 
quency with  which  coaciliar  rules  occur  on  the 
subject  proye  how  unsettled  the  matter  was. 
(See  e,g.  the  regulations  of  the  council  of  Seli- 
genstadt  [1022  A.D.,  can.  2;  Labbe  ix.  845],  of 
those  of  Pfaoentia  [1095  A.D.,  can.  14 ;  ib.  x.  504], 
and  Clermont  [can.  27 ;  ib.  508],  and  eyen  of 
Oxford  [1222  A.D.,  can.  8;  *.  xi.  274],  in  the 
yery  last  of  which  we  still  meet  with  the 
mention  of  Martii  prima  ?tebdomada.)  The 
system  followed  in  later  centuries  is  ordinarily 
referred  to  the  rule  as  laid  down  in  the  councils 
of  Placentia  and  Clermont. 

It  may  be  well  yery  briefly  to  sum  up  our 
results.  The  observance  of  the  Ember  seasons 
is  purely  a  western  institution,  there  being 
no  certain  trace  of  it  wiuitever  in  the  eastern 
church.  It  was  doubtless  at  first  a  rite  merely 
of  the  local  Roman  church,  whence  it  gradually 
spread  throaghout  the  west,  and  established 
itself  in  Gaul  and  Spain  by  the  eighth  century, 
and  in  England  possibly  earlier,  through  its 
special  connection  with  Gregory. 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


EBIBOLISMUS 


609 


It  18  perhaps  not  impossible  that  tae  deyelof  - 
ment  of  the  practice  in  the  Roman  church  may 
haye  been  something  to  this  effect.  Fasts  at  the 
times  of  Lent,  Pentecost,  and  the  Natiyity,  ai*e 
certainly  yery  ancient;  the  periods  of  these 
would  roughly  correspond  with  three  of  the 
four  seasons,  and  thus  some  bishop  of  Rome,  Leo 
or  one  of  his  predecessoi'Sy  may  haye  conceiyed 
the  idea  of  making  them  symbolize  the  return  of 
the  seasons,  and  so  added  the  one  necessary  to 
complete  the  four.  It  would  soon  come  to  pass 
then  that  they  would  be  spoken  of  as  originally 
ordained  with  that  view.  The  length  of  each 
fast  having  been  more  or  less  settled,  and  the  fasts 
being  now  more  specially  associated  with  the 
seasons,  the  spring  and  summer  fasts  would 
come  more  and  more  to  be  viewed  independently 
of  Lent  and  Pentecost,  and  hence  they  would  fall 
occasionally  outside  these  seasons.  Finally,  the 
inconveniences  arising  from  such  irregularities 
may  have  caused  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the 
matter  in  its  present  form. 

For  the  matter  of  the  foregoing  article,  I  am 
especially  indebted  to  Huratori's  De  iv,  Ten^porum 
jejuniis  aiaquititio  (in  his  Aneodota^  vol.  i.  246-266 ; 
Mediolani  1697);  also  to  Bingham's  Antiquities 
of  the  Church,  book  xxi.  ch.  2,  and  Binterim's 
benkwurdigkeiten  der  ChrisUKatholischen  Kirohe, 
vol.  v.  part  2,  133  sqq.  Reference  may  also  be 
made  to  Valfredus,  ^  usu  et  institutione  jejtmU 
quatuor  temporum,  Bononiae,  1771.  [R.  S.] 

EMBLEM.    [Symbol.] 

EMBOLISMUS,  also  EMBOLIS,  EMBO- 
LUM,  (1)  an  inserted  or  intercalated  prayer; 
the  name  given  to  the  prayer  which  in  almost 
all  ancient  liturgies  follows  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
founded  on  one  or  both  of  the  two  last  petitions. 
It  is  so  called  because  it  is  interposed  here,  and 
what  had  been  already  asked  in  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  expanded,  and  it  is  more  clearly  ex- 
pressed what  evils  we  seek  to  be  delivered  from, 
viz.  past,  present,  and  future,  together  with  the 
saints  by  whose  intercession  we  strengthen  our 
prayer,  viz.  the  B.  V.  Mary,  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul, 
and  St«  Andrew  (Bona,  Per.  JAturg,  ii.  c  15  §  2). 
Amalarius  (A.D.  810)  says  of  it,  ^  in  consumma- 
tione  orationis  venit  clausula  universas  petitiones 
et  preces  nostras  collecta  brevitate  concludens  " 
(Amalar.  De  Eccl.  Offic,  iii.  29).  The  Emfjolie- 
mu9  was  usually  repeated  by  the  priest  in  a  low 
voice,  symbolizing  the  silence  during  the  period 
that  our  Lord  lay  in  the  grave ;  but  in  the  Am- 
brosian  rite  it  was  alwajrs  pronounced  aloud 
(Macri,  Ilicrolex,  s.  v.).  This  practice,  which 
has  left  very  faint  traces  in  the  Western  church, 
being  reduced  in  the  Roman  and  Ambrosian 
rites  to  **  Libera  nos  quaesumus  Domine  ab 
omni  malo,"  holds  a  more  important  place  in 
Oriental  liturgies.  The  JSmbolisnius  is  not,  how- 
ever, found  in  the  liturgies  of  St.  Chrysostom 
and  St.  Basil,  but  appears  in  those  of  St.  James, 
St.  Mark,  and  Theodore  the  Interpreter,  as  well 
as  in  the  Armenian,  Mozarabic,  and  Coptic  St. 
Basil.  As  examples  of  the  shorter  Embolismus 
we  give  that  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  *^  And 
lead  us  not  into  temptation,  0  Lord,  the  Loid  of 
Hosts,  who  knowest  our  infirmity ;  but  deliver 
us  from  the  Evil  One,  and  his  works,  and  every 
assault  avi  will  of  his,  for  the  sake  of  Thy  Holy 
name  which  is  called  upon  our  lowliness  "  (As- 
seman.  vol.  y.  p.  51),  and  the  Syriac  St.  James, 

2  R 


610 


EHBOLOS 


ENGHEmiON 


**  0  Lord  oar  God,  lead  ns  not  into  temptation 
which  we  deroid  of  strength  are  not  able  to 
bear,  bnt  also  with  the  temptation  make  a  way 
of  escape,  that  we  maj  be  able  to  bear  it,  and 
delirer  us  from  eril  through  Jesus  Christ,**  &c 
(Renaud.  vol.  ii.  p.  40). 

(Neale,  Eastern  Chvarch^  part  i.  1,  p.  513; 
2,  pp.   627-629;    Scudamore,    NotU.    Euchar. 

£572  ;  Binterim,   DenkwSrd.  It.  3,  p.   465 ; 
acri,  Hkrolex. ;  Ducange,  Qlossar,  a.  t.)  [E.y.] 

(2)  Emboliimtu  also  designates  the  excess  of 
the  solar  year  over  twelve  lunar  months,  com- 
monlr  called  the  Epact.  See  Durandus,  Ba-- 
Honcue,  viii.  10.    (Ducange,  s.  d.).  [C] 

EMBOLOS.  A  ooTered  portico  or  cloister ; 
in  ecclesiastical  language  a  cloister  surrounding 
the  external  walls  of  a  church,  serving  as  an 
ambulatory  in  hot,  rainy,  and  dirty  weather,  and 
also  affording  a  convenient  passage  for  the  priests 
and  ministers  of  the  church  from  the  bema  and 
diaconicum  to  the  narihex,  used  at  Constantinople 
by  the  patriarch  when  he  proceeded  to  wash  feet 
in  the  narthex,  Codinus  speaks  of  these  cloisters 
being  vaulted,  and  Goar  of  their  walls  being  orna- 
mented with  mosaic  pictures.  Such  porticos  ran 
along  the  N.  and  S.  sides  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia 
at  Constantinople  (Ducange,  Conatan,  Christian. 
lib.  iii.  G.  16),  and  surrounded  the  churches  of  St. 
Michael  at  Anaplus,  and  the  Deipara  at  Jerusalem, 
on  all  sides  but  the  east  (Prooop.  de  Aedific.  lib.  i. 
c.  8,  lib.  V.  c.  6).  It  was  in  "the  right  embolos*' 
of  St.  Sophia — that  the  summary  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  so-called  eighth  general  council,  that 
of  Constantinople  in  870,  were  drawn  up  (Labbe, 
CancU.  viii.  1421).  In  Moschus  ^Prat  Spiritual, 
}  66  apud  Coteler.  Ecd.  Grace.  Monum,  ii.  390) 
we  read  of  an  archimandrite  named  G^rge,  who 
buried  in  **  the  right  «mbolo8 "  of  a  church  he 
was  erecting,  the  body  of  an  ascetic  who  had 
appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  warned  him 
where  he  would  find  his  corpse. 

(Goar,  Eucholog,  p.  627 ;  AlUtius,  dt  TempiiSy 
Epist.  ii.  §  4;  Ducange,  Ghss.  Qraec,).    [E.  V.] 

EMERENTIANA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Rome ; 
commemorated  Jan.  23  (^Mart,  Bom,  Vet.,  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EMEBITENBE  (X)NOILIUM.  [Merida, 
Council  op.] 

EMILLANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Lower  Ar- 
menia with  Dionysius  and  Sebastian ;  commemo- 
rated Feb.  8  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hienm.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Numidia,  with  Agapius  and 
Secundinus,  bishops;  commemorated  April  29 
{Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Dorostorum;  commemorated 
July  18  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Cordova  with  Hiere- 
mias ;  commemorated  Sept.  17  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

(5)  Presbyter  and  confessor  in  Tarragona; 
commemorated  Nov.  12  (/&.) 

(6)  Confessor  in  Africa ;  commemorated  Dec. 
6  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

EMILIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with 
Castus;  commemorated  May  22  {Mart.  Bom. 
Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  (kU.  Carth.). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Sardinia ;  commemorated  May 
28  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet,^  Adonis,  Usuardi). 


(8)  Martyr  at  Capua ;  oommemonted  OeL  € 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usnardi).       [W.  F.  6.] 

EMTTHEBIUS,  martyr  with  Celedonins  at 
Calagurris ;  commemorated  March  3  {Mart.  J2on. 
Vet.^  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EMPHOnON  ('EAi4M(rioy)  is  one  of  the 
names  for  the  white  robe  (dra/B^Aior)  with  whidi 
persons  were  invested  at  baptism.  The  name  is 
no  doubt  derived  flrom  the  '*  enlightening  "  attri- 
buted to  the  baptismal  ceremony.  See  BAPnar, 
pp.  156,  163.  [C] 

EMPHTTEUSIS  Q%iu^€wrii\  a  manner 
of  letting  real  property,  at  first  confined  to  waste 
lands  requiring  much  outlay  to  bring  them  under 
cultivation,  but  afterwards  applied  to  any  real 
property. 

Emphyteusis  is  a  contract  by  which  the  bene- 
ficial ownership  of  real  property  (res  immobilis) 
is  transferred  by  the  proprietor  to  another, 
either  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  ten  years,  or 
for  a  life  or  lives,  or  in  perpetuity,  in  oonsiders- 
tion  of  an  annual  payment.  It  differs  from  mere 
letting  (locatio),  in  that  by  emphyteusis  bene- 
ficial ownership  is  transferred  for  the  term, 
while  by  letting  only  the  use  and  enjoyment  of 
produce  is  transferred ;  in  that  its  use  is  confined 
to  real  property ;  and  in  that  it  cannot  be  for  a 
less  term  than  ten  years.  It  differs  from  feudal 
tenure  (feodum),  in  that  it  requires  periodical 
payments,  not  personal  service,  to  be  given  to 
the  lord  or  proprietor. 

Emphyteusis  is  either  ecclesiastical  or  lay. 
Ecclesiastical  emphyteusis  is  a  contract  by  whici 
property  belonging  to  a  church,  monastery,  oi 
other  religious  foundation,  is  granted,  litis 
differs  from  lay  emphyteusis  [See  Smith's  Dict. 
OF  Greek  and  Roman  Antiq.  s,  o.]  principally 
in  that  it  requires  the  assent  of  the  bishop,  and 
must  clearly  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  church  or 
foundation  which  grants  it;  aprovision  no  doubt 
intended  to  check  the  alienation  of  chun^  pro- 
perty by  ecclesiastical  persons.  [Alienation 
OF  Crubch  Property:  Property  of  thk 
Church.] 

(Ferraris,  Prompta  Bibliotheca,  s.  v.  "  Emphv- 
teusis.")  [C.] 

EMPRESHUS  C^fivfmtrftSsy,  the  great  con- 
flagration ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  {Od. 
Byzant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

EMUNITA8.      [IMMUNTTIBB.] 

ENAFOTA,  ENAFODIA  CE'^f'^f^Tn). 
In  the  Liber  Pontifioalis,  we  read  that  pope 
Paschal  gave  to  a  church  ''canistra  enafota  ex 
argento  duo,  pens.  lib.  x.'*  two  coronae  of  nine 
lights,  weighing  ten  pounds.  And  Valentine  11. 
gave  **canistra  enmuodia  duo  pens.  lib.  xt.** 
Compare  Canister,  Corona,  Ezafota.  (Do- 
cange,  a.  v.)  [C] 

ENCAENIA.    [Dedication-Febtiyal.] 

ENCHANTMENT.    [Magic] 

ENCHEmiON  CEyX'^P'O")*  tl>e  na[*in 
with  which  the  priest  wipes  his  hands,  worn  at 
the  girdle.  Tofrards  the  end  of  the  letter  of 
Nicephorus  of  Constantinople  to  pope  Leo  (in  the 
Acta  Cone.  Ephes.  p.  313,  ed.  Commelin,  1591). 
we  read  of  a  stole  and  an  encheirion  em- 
broidered with  gold.  It  is  described  by  Gcr^ 
manus  of  Constantinople  {7%eoria  Myst.  p.  150^ 


KNOOLMON 

rd.  Parii,  1560)  thn*:  "The  euchMnon,  wUih 
liun  to  tha  girdle,  is  the  ompkln  which  wipe* 
hli  hutdt ;  mkI  to  lure  ■  niipkiu  itt  ths  girdl*  1> 
tTpiol  of  him  vho  waihed  hia  tauidi  ud  Hid, 
*1  im  innocant'  (Uatt.  uvU.  24)."  (Saicer*! 
Thttomu,  ■.  T.)  [C] 

ENCOLPION  CET«if».»n>»,  tlist  "Wch  i> 

■woTB  on  the  tareut),  tha  Dune  aadeiitl;  given 
to  Bnull  <auk«t«  worn  round  the  neck*  of  the 
fkithfol,  containiofr  mull;  either  ralioa  or  m 
copf  of  tha  Goipela. 

The  HH  of  thcH  portable  reliqaarlea  is  of 
thehigbeatutiqnitj;  Chryeoatoat  (  Quxl  CAnttiu 
ta  Dmi,  p.  571  £,  ed.  Ben.)  apekke  of  psTtlclea 
of  tha  true  Cron  iMlug  BUipeaded  from  tha 
necks  both  of  mea  aud  women,  endesed  in  gold. 


Id  1571  two  snch  reliquanss,  made  of  gold, 
v«re  foDOd  in  tomba  belonging  to  the  sncient 
cetnetetT  of  the  Vatican ;  ther  sre  iqunre  in 
form,  and  are  famished  with  riugs  which  indi- 

goja  of  Christ,  batwKn  the  A  ud  Q  (eea 
waodcnt>  These  probably  data  from  the  4th 
century. 

The  pectoral  crcas  worn  bj  biihopi  was  also 
called    encAlpion.     The   oldeat   specimen    now 


aiisting  t>  one  which  was  roniid  not  long  nnce 
upon  ue  breut  ofa  coipse  in  the  basilica  of  St. 
Laoreoca,  ontaida  the  widls.  It  came  to  light  in 
clearing  the  iDterior  of  thai  church,  and  we  are 
iudabtad  to  Da  Rossi  for  a  caraAil  drawiag  of  it 
IBtUIetino,  Apr.  I86S>  On  one  nde  it  bean 
"  '"  -\  So. 


BNOTCLIOAL  LBTTEEB       «!! 

voids,  iddrcMad  apparentlj  to  Satu !    Cbvx 

ctoeed  by  a  aerew  appeara  to  have  tiean  intended 
for  relics.  Reliqnuias  in  the  form  of  a  doai 
are  first  mentioned  by  Gregoiy  the  Great.  He 
■ent  one  of  them  to  queen  Theodelinda  with  a 
figment  of  the  true  crass ;  this  still  eilits  at 
Uouia,  and  la  used  by  the  prOToat  of  the 
ancient  chorch  in  that  dty  when  ha  oSeiaUs 
pontilically.  An  engraving  of  it  may  be  fonnd 
in  Friai'a  Utmorit  ibUa  Chiete  Monttit  (p.  52). 
Two  amulets  given  to  tbia  prinoets  by  the 
same  pontiff  for  the  ose  of  her  childraa  are  still 
preserved  among  the  celebrated  treasures  of 
Monia,  one  of  which  oontains  a  piec*  of  tha  tme 
cross,  the  other  a  fragment  of  the  Qoapele(Qreg. 
Magn.  Epi^.  iIt.  12).  Engravings  of  these  ob- 
jects are  given  by  Mouonl  (Taoolt  cron.  itUa 
dor.  aoti.  vol.  vil.  p.  79).  The  same  volume  of 
the  same  work  also  eontaina  (pp.  77  and  84) 
drawings  of  other  lellqnariea  of  Uie  higheat 
interest — namely,  some  of  the  vases  in  which 
oil  from  the  sacred  lamps  of  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs  had  been  sent  by  Qregoiy  to  Theodelinda. 

[AMFULI.A.] 

From  the  same  pope  we  alao  learn  (Epiit.  L 

36 ;  vii.  26)  that  filings  from  St.  Peter's  chains 
were  aometimee  endcoed  In  email  golden  keys. 
He  himself  had  sent  one  of  these  consecralod 
keys    to   Cbildelwrt,   king   of  the   Franks,  to 
wear  hung   ^m    hia  neck   "as   a  wotection 
from   all   evils"  —  "Clavos   enncti    Petri,   in 
quibna  de    vincniia    catenarum    ejus    incluanm 
eat,   eicellentiae   vestrae   direiimus   quae  coUo 
vestro  anepeuae  a  malis  vos  omnibijs  tneantur" 
(Spirt.  vL  6).     An  illoatrioua  Gaul  named  Dina- 
mina   also   received,    from   the   same   pontiff,  a 
small  croea  of  gold,  containing  a  aimilar  relic 
{Epiil.  iii.  a3>— "Transmisimus  autom  B.  Petri 
Apofltoli  l^nedictionem  crucem  parvulam,  cni  de 
catenis  ejus  benegcia  aunt  inserta."  [EouMUAE.] 
Nicephoroi,  patriarch  of  Constaiitinople(f82S}, 
speaks  of  an  eucolpion  set  in  gold,  one  side  of 
which  wag  formed  of  crystal,  ths  other 
of  enamel  ((ucsKir/Uni  Si'  J7«^»t); 
containing  another  enoolpion,  in  which 
fragments  of  the  true   cross  were  ar- 
ranged  in   a   pattern  (jtrrrrvntiiimi) 
(Ada  Cone  /^i*m.,  pp.  312,  313,  ed. 
Commelio,  15S1). 

The  whole  anbject  of  these  reliqoariea 
might  receive  abnudant  illustration 
&cm  the  records  and  the  remains  of 
mediaeval  antiquity,  were  that  period 
within  the  scope  of  the  preaent  work. 
I   [See  Akdlet.] 

(Menraina'a  Qhaarium  and  Suicer's 
Thetmma,   a.    v.    tyiciKwior;    De    la 
Cerda,   Advtnaria  Sacra,  c  SS  S  7; 
Martigny,  Diet,  dm  Antiq.  Chrft.)  [C] 
ENCYCLICAL    LETTERS 
('EnrraXal       IjxiiAmt,       ypin/iara 
fyKiiiiXia).     Letters  of  a  circnlai  na- 
ture,   not    addressed    to    a    particnlar  , 
person  or  community;  as,  the  Catholic  Epistln 
(Oecumenios  on  St.  James  i.).      The  letters  in 
which  the  members  of  a  couucll  signified  their 
concloslons  to  all  the  chnrches  were  called  en- 
cyclical ;  and  Nicephoros  Callisti  (HuJ.  ivi.  3) 
spealiB    of    the    encyclical     letters     {irfniKXia 
ypdniucTa)  which  the  emperor  Bisiliacni  wrote 
agBjuEt   the    fbnrth    council   (Chalcedon,   A.l>. 

3  R  a 


612 


JiiNBOin^MENT 


ENTRANCE 


451),  addressed  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  church. 
The  same  writer  (c.  4)  speaks  of  dirine  and 
apostolic  encyclics  {iyKOxXjo),  The  circulars  of 
BasilisciiB  just  referred  to  are  styled  by  Evagrius 
{ff,E,  iii.  4)  iyK^KKtot  <rvAAa/3a/ ;  an  encyclical 
letter  of  Photios  is  mentioned  (t6.  r.  2). 

It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  phrase  fyK^KXia 
ypAfi/ixvra  sometimes  (as  Euseb.  ff.E,  vi.  18)  de- 
notes those  subjects  which  the  Greeks  included 
in  the  **  circle  of  the  sciences,"  or  cyclopaedia. 
(Suicer's  TheaauruSf  s.  v.  *ZyKiK\ios.)  [C] 

ENDOWMENT.  The  property  given  by  the 
founder  of  a  church  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
edifice  and  of  the  clerks  who  served  it  was 
called  chs  ecclesiae  or  endowment.  Justinian 
{Novel  67),  compelled  those  who  built  churches 
also  to  endow  them ;  and  without  a  competent 
provision  for  their  maintenance,  no  clerks  were 
to  be  ordained  to  any  church  (Cone,  Epaon,,  a.d. 
517,  c  25) ;  whoever  desired  to  have  a  parish 
church  (dioecesim)  on  his  estate  was  to  set  apart 
a  sufficient  landed  endowment  for  its  clerks 
(Cone.  Aurel.  iv.,  A.D.  541,  c.  33) ;  a  bishop  was 
not  to  consecrate  a  church  until  the  endowment 
of  it  had  been  regularly  secured  by  a  deed  or 
ciiarter  (jConvc.  Bragar,  ii.  [iii.],  A.D.  572,  c.  5) ; 
founders  of  churches  were  to  understand,  that 
they  had  no  further  authority  over  property 
which  they  had  given  to  the  church,  but  that  both 
the  church  and  its  endowment  were  at  the  dis- 
position of  the  bishop,  to  be  employed  according 
to  the  canons  (Cone,  Tolet,  iv.,  a.d.  633,  c.  33). 

In  the  ninth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  655,  a 
special  provision  was  made  (c.  5),  that  a  bishop 
was  not  to  confer  on  any  monastic  church  which 
he  might  found  within  his  diocese  more  than  a 
fiftieth  part  of  the  fiinds  at  his  disposal ;  nor  on 
any  non-monastic  church,  or  church  destined  for 
his  own  burial-place,  more  than  one  hundredth 
part  of  the  revenues  of  the  diocese. 

If  one  who  held  a  **  fiscus,"  or  fief,  from  the 
king,  built  and  endowed  churches,  the  bishop 
was  desired  to  procure  the  royal  confirmation  of 
the  gift  (Cone.  Tolet,  iii.,  A.D.  589,  c.  15). 

See  Alms;  Benefice;  Churches,  Mainten- 
ance OF,  p.  388;  Property  of  the  Church. 

Dunng  the  period  with  which  we  are  con- 
cerned, the  Bishop  [p.  233],  with  the  advice 
and  assistance  of  his  presbytery,  took  charge  of 
church  endowments. 

(Wetzer  and  Welte's  Klrchen  -  /t'xtcott,  s.  v. 
Dotalgut ;  Ducange,  s.  v.  Dos  Ecclesiae.)      [C] 

ENERGUMENI.    [Demoniacs.] 

ENOCH,  the  patriarch,  translation  of;  com- 
memorated Ter  27  =  Jan.  22  (Cil.  Ethiop.) ; 
July  19  (Cal,  CopQ,  [W.  F.  G.] 

ENTALMA  ("Ein-oAfto,  irraKr'fipta  ypdfi- 
IWTa)y  the  document  by  which  a  bishop  confers 
on  a  monk  the  privilege  of  hearing  confessions 
(Daniel,  Codex,  Iv.  588).  The  form  of  such  a 
letter  is  given  by  Goar,  Eucholog.  p.  300.     [C] 

ENTHRONIZATION.  1.  The  solemn 
placing  of  a  bishop  on  his  throne.  See  Bishop, 
p.  224. 

2.  The  word  4vOpovid(tip  is  also  used  to  desig- 
nate the  placing  or  **  enthroning  **  of  relics  of  the 
saints  in  the  altar  of  a  church  on  consecration 
[Consecration  op  Churches].  Hence  vahs  iv- 
Bfioyiofffievos  designates  a  regularly  consecrated 
church  and  not  a  mere  oratory.    .Thus  Germa- 


nus  (in  Daniel's  Codex,  iv.  701)  speaks  of  a 
church  as  dedicated  in  the  name  of  martvrt  and 
consecrated  over  (or  by  virtue  of)  their  holy 
relics  (iv  rois  hytoit  oAray  Aetifriroii  ^y^p^ri- 
mrOeidra). 

3.  The  word  Mpowurii6s  is  perhaps  sometimet 
used  to  designate  the  installation  of  a  presbyter 
in  his  church  (Reiske  on  Constant.  Porphyrog. 
De  Caeriin.  617).  [a] 

ENTHUSIASTAE  (iyBowruurrai).  Those 
who  pretended  to  prophesy  by  the  motion  of  an 
indwelling  daemon  which  they  thought  to  be 
the  Holy  Spirit  (see  Theodoret,  Hiat,  JSccl,  iv. 
11 ;  Suidas,  sub  voce  iwOovs;  Bingham,  Ani.  16, 
5,4> 

In  A.D.  428  Theodosius  and  Valentinian  or- 
dained that  these  heretics  (with  many  others) 
^*nusquam  in  Romano  solo  conveniendi  oran- 
dique  habeant  facultatem."  This  constitution 
was  inserted  in  the  Theodosian  Code  (16,  5,  25), 
and  in  that  of  Justinian  (1,  5,  5),  but  with  the 
reading  (if  it  be  the  correct  one)  "nusquam 
in  Romanum  locum  conveniendi  niorandiqDe 
habeant  facultatem."  The  same  exclusion  i» 
decreed  in  general  terms  by  Justinian  in  his 
37th  Nowll,  ^  nulla  omnino  haeresis  domum  aut 
locum  orationis  habeto."  [L  B.] 

ENTRANCE  (iXtro^s).  Two  of  the  most 
remarkable  ceremonies  of  Eastern  liturgies  are 
the  Lesser  and  the  Greater  Entrance— -^that  of 
the  Word  and  that  of  the  Sacrament. 

1.  The  Lesser  Entrance  is  the  bearing  in  of 
the  book  of  the  gospels  in  solemn  procession. 
In  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  (c.  17,  p.  'Mli, 
Daniel)  after  the  prayer  of  the  third  antiphon 
(our  *  Prayer  of  St.  Chrysostom ')  the  rubric 
runs :  **  Then  the  priest  and  the  deacon,  standing 
before  the  Holy  Table,  make  three  genuflections 
(irpoa-Kwiiftara):  Then  the  priest,  taking  the 
Holy  Book  of  the  Gospels  gives  it  to  the  deaotn ; 
and  so,  going  out  by  the  north  side,  with  lights 
going  before  them,  they  make  the  Lesser  En- 
trance." That  is,  the  deacon  and  priest  pass 
from  the  sanctuary  into  the  chapel  of  the  pro- 
thesis,  which  is  to  the  north  of  it,  and  so  oat 
into  the  body  of  the  church,  where,  by  a  devious 
path,  they  return  to  the  Holy  Doors,  which  are 
open;  the  volume,  often  decorated  with  great 
magnificence,  is  laid  on  the  Holy  Table,  whence 
it  is  again  taken  to  the  ambo  when  the  gospel  is 

^O    DA   1*6  *lU 

The  rubric  in  St.  Mark's  liturgy  (Dan.  iv.  142) 
is  simply,  "xal  yiyvtrau  ^  etroS^s  to5  eiay- 
7«Afow." 

This  <*  Entrance  "  corresponds  to  the  carrying 
of  the  gospel  by  the  deacon  to  the  ambo  or  rood- 
loft  in  the  Western  church,  once  a  rite  of  great 
importance ;  for  the  book  was  preceded  not  only 
by  tapers  but  by  a  crucifiz  (Durandus,i?a<KMi-i^ 
iv.  24.  16).    Compare  Alleluia,  Graddau 

In  the  Coptic  St.  Basil,  the  Greater  Entrance 
precedes  the  Lesser.     See  below. 

2.  2he  Greater  Entrance. — ^This  ceremony  hat 
probably,  like  others,  been  developed  from  simple 
beginnings  into  very  great  prominence  and  mag- 
nitioenoe. 

The  liturgy  of  St.  James  (c.  17,  Daniel  iv.  9S> 
simply  alludes  in  passing  to  the  bringing  ia  of 
the  elements :  *'  the  priest  bringing  in  the  Holy 
Gifts  says  the  following  prayer."  St.  Mark 
(c.  10,  l4n.  iv.  148)  is  even  more  vague:   ^ti* 


ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM 

Holf  Thing!  (t&  tfim)  an  brought  into  the 
UDCtiufy,  sod  ths  priat  prifa  ai  followi." 
KmiUrl<r  tht  Uoianbic  (D*ii.  i.  67),  "nhile 
th<  choir  cbtatt  Alkluia,  tba  priut  oBen  [i. «. 
pUos  on  the  alUr]  tbs  Hoat  ud  Chalice,  with 

Ik.     nr.,.._     r,.ll,.«.'^.T  "         [n      th.    i.-....T.^...     rU. 


EPACT 


CIS 


tht 


■  fallow 


la  thsi 


(Dan.  iv.  4GD)  the  celebrant  liei  proitnte  before 
the  altar  vhile  the  Creat  Entrance  ia  made ;  in 
tbi*  rit«  (anomalooilf)  the  element*  are  apoktn 
of  as  the  bnilj  HDd  blood  of  ChHit  bt/ore  tnnie- 
crition  (Neale,  Latt.  CA.  Int.  42B). 

Inthemnch  more  developed  rile  of  Conatan- 
tinople  (Lit.  Chryuitt  Neale,  u.a.  373),  after  the 
chanting  of  the  Cbernblc  Hymn,  the  ceremony 
proceeda  aa  folloira.     Daring  the  prerioaa  part 

nuuned  on  the  table  tn  the  chapel  of  tbe  protbtiii. 
At  the  proper  point,  the  deacon  cenaei  the  altar 
and  the  aanctuarj,  and  then  goes  before  tbe 
prieat  into  the  prothuia.  The  prieit  then  lifla 
the  "aer,"  or  cuTeriag,  from  the  chalice  and 
pnteo,  aod  laja  It  on  the  deacon*a  ahoulder,  and 
then  placca  npon  it  the  paten,  covered  with  the 
AffTEBIBK  and  veil.  The  deacon  takea  hold  of 
tbcK  with  hia  left  hand,  bearing  the  cenier  in 
hii  right;  the  priest  takea  ths  chalice  and  fol- 
low! the  deacon,  and  so,  preceded  by  tapera,  they 
mar*  round  to  the  Holy  Doors,  u  in  tne  Lvaser 
Cntnnco.  In  great  ciinrcfaea,  where  there  are 
dignified  clergy  and  many  attendants,  thia  pro- 
cesaian  ia  on*  of  great  rangniiicence.  Where 
there  ia  hnt  a  aingle  prieit  and  no  deacon,  he 
bears  the  paten  on  his  shonlder,  anpporting  it  bj 


In  t: 


directioui 


for 


and  n 


very  cnrioi 

le  Takaddemet  [Protbeaia] 
from  which  he  shall  take  the  Inmb  [Eleuektb, 
p.  600],  looking  attentively  that  there  be  no  flnw 

ia  it When  he  hath  all   that  he  needs,  the 

lamb,  tbe  nine,  and  the  incense,  . .  .ha  takes 
the  lamb  in  his  hand  and  wipes  it  lightly,  as 
Christ  the  Lord  was  firat  washed  with  water 
before  He  waa  prcaented  to  Simeon*  the  prieit[ 
then  he  shall  bear  it  round  to  tbe  altar  in  his 
hands,  as  iiimeon  bare  Him  ronod  the  Temple. 
At  last  the  prieat  shall  lay  it  down  on  the  alUr 
and  shall  place  it  on  the  paten,  which  signiGes 
the  crwile ;  and  shall  cover  it  with  a  linen  cloth, 
SI  the  Virgin  did  at  Hia  Nativity"  (Renaudot, 
Lat.  Onattt.  I.  186).  A  deacon  seems  to  hare 
borne  tbe  cruet. 

Compare  Ihtroit.  [C] 

ENTRY  INTO  JEBDBALEM.  This  event 
in  our  liord's  life  is  very  frequently  repreaented 
in  the  earlier  art  of  tbe  Christian  Church,  occur- 
ring on  some  of  the  first  sarcophagi,  though  not, 
ns  lar  as  the  present  writer  knows,  in  fresco  or 
moiaic  in  the  catacombs  or  elsewhere,  excepting 

Detnimstr.  hia.  Sac.  Saea.  i.  tav.  2,  No.  IT),  and 
one  fhim  the  basilica  at  Bethlehem,  reproduced 
hv  Hartigny  (p.  331)  tcom  Count  de  Voguij 
{La£giiMadetaTaTeStt.-s\.  v.).  Theearlieat 
"  "  's  probably  that  '       ' 


Kobnla 


:  Lanrentian  Evangeliary.     The 


s  the  I 


9   Lord  i 


mounted  on  the  ass,  aonietimei  aeeompuied  by 
her  foal,  and  the  multitude  with  their  palm* 
branchea  follow,  or  lay  their  garments  before 
Him  (Aringhi  t.  i.  pp.  277-328;  ii.  p.  159  and 

fOMim;  Bottari,  Ut.  ui.).  Hia  right  hand  ia 
generally  raiawi  in  the  act  of  hltasing.    The 


mnltitnde  frequently  raise  their  hands  in  thanks- 
giviog.  In  ons  of  the  oldest  U8S.  of  the  New 
Testament  in  eiiatenee,  the  Gregorian  Evangeliary 
of  St.  Cuthbert  (Pahngraphia  Sacra)  the  Lord  is 
represented  munnted  on  an  ass,  and  bearing  a 
large  whip — evidently  with  reference  to  tbe 
ECDUi^  of  small  cords  used  in  the  einulaion  oi 
buvers  and  sellers  from  the  temple.  There  is  a 
certain  variety  in  the  eiamplea  taken  from  dif- 
ferent carvings.  In  Bottari  (i.  taw.  ivi.  iiii. 
mix.)  Zacchens  la  represented  in  the  "fig  or 
sjcomore  tree"  behind  the  Lord,  ai  if  to  Call 
attention  to  the  beginning  of  His  last  journey  at 
Jericho.  In  the  last  ciample  the  srcomore  and 
palm  branchea  are  carefully  and  well  eat.  In  L 
tav.  40,  garments  are  being  strewn  before  the 
Lord(asin  theother«>  Seealsovol.li.UvT.ee, 
89  ;  iii.  Uv.  1»3.  In  one  instance,  without 
Zacrhena,  tba  colt  accompanies  the  aa*  (iii.  134). 
The  small  lUtnre  of  Zaccheua  is  often  dwelt  on. 
Or  the  figure  may  represent  a  person  in  the  act 
of  cutting  down  branchea.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

ENVY— HOW    CENSURED.      Enry  woa 
always  reckoned  a  diabolical  ain,  and  one  of  the 

naicnitude   (Chrya.   Hum ■ 

Cypris 


nnder  public  discipline,  it  required  to  he  dis- 
played ID  aome  outward  and  viciona  action,  whirh 
received  its  appropriate  puniahment  (Bingham, 
Ant.  16,  14,  1 ;  Thom.  Aq.  Summa  2,  3,  qo.  .3G). 
[I.  B.] 
EPACT,  hwrrof,  so.  4,^fu ;  Lat.  tpadae ; 
in  UedisenJ  writers,  adjtciioiut  Limat;  the 
number  of  days  required  to  make  up  the  lunar 
year  to  the  aolar; — and  so  the  DumenU  of  the 
moon'a  age  on  the  lat  January.  Or  we  may 
say,  with  Scnliger,  on   tbe    1st    March,   which 


614 


EPAGATUS 


oomes  to  the  aame  things  and  has  the  adyantage 
of  escapiog  the  ambiguity  of  Leap  year.  In  the 
JCaater  canon  of  Dionysins  Eziguus,  the  epact 
meant  the  nnmeral  of  the  moon'i  age  on  the 
22nd  March. 

The  old  Latin  cycles  of  M  years,  of  which 
we  have  an  example  in  Ideler,  ii.  249,  indicated 
Easter  by  means  of  the  epacts  of  the  Ist  Janoary, 
and  the  day  of  the  week  on  which  the  1st 
January  fell. 

The  method  of  determining  the  months  (lunar), 
was  as  follows.  For  the  first  month  of  the  year 
that  month  was  taken,  whose  age  was  expressed 
by  the  epact.  The  day  of  December  on  which  it 
commenced  is  found  by  subtracting  the  epact 
(when  more  than  one.)  from  thirty-three.  The 
first  month  was  always  counted  full,  then  hollow 
and  full  succeeded  by  turns,  so  that  the  last 
month  in  the  year  in  a  common  lunar  year  was 
hollow,  in  an  intercalary  year  full.  From  the 
last  begins  the  new  moon  of  the  following  year. 

The  £aster  new  moon  being  found,  £aster-day 
was,  according  to  the  Latin  rules,  that  Sunday 
which  fell  on  or  next  after  the  16th  of  the 
moon,  not  therefore  later  than  the  22nd  of  the 
moon.  The  choice  of  the  month  was  determined 
thus.  New  moon  must  not  be  earlier  than  the 
5th  March,  and  full  moon  not  later  than  the 
21st ;  the  first  of  these  rules  sometimes  having 
to  give  way,  to  save  the  violation  of  the  latter. 

The  following  rule  is  given  for  the  1st 
January  epact,  viz.,  multiply  the  Golden  Num- 
ber by  eleven,  and  divide  the  product  by  thirty, 
the  remainder  is  the  epact.  But  this  rule  will 
not  give  the  epacts  mentioned  above,  which 
were  constructed  as  we  have  just  described — 
with  a  saltus  lunae,  or  addition  of  twelve  after 
the  19th  year  of  the  cycle,  &c. 

For  the  determination  of  Easter  according  to 
the  Alexandrian  rules,  with  which  the  later 
Roman  rules  agreed,  see  under  Eaoteb. 

The  elaborate  system  of  epacts  afterwards 
devised  by  Lilius,  and  Clavius,  belongs  to  the 
system  of  the  Gregorian  calendar.  [L.  H.] 

EPAGATUS,  martyr  at  Lyons,  under  Marcus 
Aurelius,  with  Photinus  bishop,  Zacharias  pres- 
byter, and  others ;  commemorated  June  2  (^Mart, 
Huron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EPAPHBAS,  bishop  of  Colossae,  and  mar- 
tyr; commemorated  July  19  {Mart,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EPAON,  OOUNCIL  OP  {Epaonerue  cwi- 
ciliitm),  held  A.D.  517  at  a  town  in  Burgundy, 
whose  name  is  thought  to  have  been  preserved 
in  the  modern  village  of  lene  on  the  Rhone.  It 
was  attended  by  twenty-five  bishops  at  the  joint 
summons  of  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne,  and  Viven- 
tiolus,  bishop  of  Lyons,  who  presided.  Forty 
canons  on  discipline  are  given  to  it  in  its  acts ; 
but  two  more,  called  canons  of  Epaon  by 
Egbert  of  York,  and  by  Gratian,  are  not  among 
these.  By  the  4th  of  them,  bishops  priests 
and  deacons  are  forbidden  to  keep  hawks  or 
dogs  for  hunting.  By  the  9th,  no  abbot  may 
preside  over  two  monasteries.  By  the  26th  no 
altar,  not  of  stone,  may  be  consecrated  with 
chrism.  By  the  39th  slaves,  taking  sanctuary, 
that  have  committed  heinous  crimes,  are  only  to 
be  let  off  corporal  punishment.  Most  of  these 
regulations  had  previously  become  law  else- 
where (Mansi,  viii.  555  and  seq.>       [E.  S.  Ff.] 


EPHE8US  ((X)TJN0IL8  OF) 

EPABGHIA.    [Pboyibgb.] 

EPABOHUS,  monk,  confessor  at  Angoolteie ; 
commemorated  July  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EPABECHinS,  commemorated  with  Seve- 
rianus  Oct.  29  (CW.  Armsm.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EPENDTTE8  (Iv-cyS^s).  The  ependytes, 
the  « fisher's  coat"  of  St.  Peter  (John  zxL  7\ 
was  a  kind  of  cloak  used  espedally  by  mooksi 
and,  as  the  etymology  would  seem  to  indicate, 
worn  over  another  garment.  Thus  e.^^.  in  the 
Graeco-Latin  Glossary  cited  by  Dncange  (a.  v. 
epiddGenyj  the  Greek  word  is  rendered  Ingtala 
Qeg,  Instrata  or  Institd)  haao  miperaria.  Alas 
Augustine  naturally  enough  speaks  of  iwd^wpm, 
as  equivalent  to  superindmneHtmn  (QiicKst,  m 
Jud.  41 ;  iii  938,  ed.  Gaume).  Suidas  aUo  ob- 
serves this  distinction  (IhroS^nrr  rh  4v4mpt9 
tfidrtow,  iw9p9^rjip  B4  rh  Mbm).  It  is  thns 
surprising  that  some  should  have  taken  it  te 
mean  an  nnder-garment,  as  e,  g.  the  Lezioon  «f 
Zonaras  (col.  788,  ed.  Tittmann),  which  defines 
it  as  T^  iffArtpop  l/idrtowy  ts  ical  ^worndfuatm 
\4ytrat,  Athanasius  mentions  this  dress  as 
worn  by  St.  Antony  (Vita  S.  AntofUy  c  46;  L 
831,  ed.  Bened.),  and  Jerome  refers  to  it  in  the 
case  of  Hilarion  (  Vita  8.  Hilar,  c  4 ;  iL  15,  ed. 
Vallarsi).  It  appears,  at  any  rate  in  the  east,  to 
have  been  made  of  skins ;  thus  the  ftaiXmrtis  of 
St.  Antony  is  frequently  mentioned,  and  Jerome 
describes  that  of  Hilarion  as  peiUceua,  For  other 
references  to  the  dress,  see  Psendo-Athaaas.  dt 
Virginitate,  c  11  (iL  116),  and  Basil  of  Seleuda, 
De  wta  S.  ThacUtBy  L  62  {PciroL  Or.  hare. 
516). 

"Die  ependytes  would  appear  to  be  the  dress 
worn  by  the  two  figures  (Abdoit  and  Semitbk, 
victims  of  the  Decian  persecution)  who  are  bein^ 
crowned  by  the  Saviour  in  a  fresco  in  the 
cemetery  of  Pontianus,  on  the  Via  PortMtemti*, 
near  Rome.    [See  p.  8.]  [TC  S.] 

EPHEKEBIS.    [Calbndab,  p.  258.] 

EPHESUS  (OouNCiu  of).— (1)  ajx  197, 
under  Polyorates  its  bishop,  on  the  Easter  ques- 
tion. His  letter  to  Victor  and  the  BomsB 
church  is  in  part  preserved  by  Eusebius  (t.  24X 
shewing  that  it  had  been  customary  there,  dowa 
from  the  days  of  St.  John  the  Apostle,  to  ke^ 
Easter  day  on  the  14th  of  the  moon  (Mansi,  L 
719-24).  The  interest  of  this  fragment  is 
enhanced  from  its  having  been  translated  by 
Rufinus  and  St.  Jerome. 

(8)  A.D.  245,  otherwise  called  Asiatic,  against 
the  errors  of  NoStus  (Mansi,  L  789-90). 

(8)  A.D.  431,  the  third  general,  hdd  in  the 
church  there  dedicated  to  St.  Mary,  soon  after 
the  feast  of  Pentecost  in  the  month  of  June,  to 
sit  in  judgment  on  Nestorius  patriarch  of  Coa- 
stantinople,  who  contended  that  while  the  blessed 
Virgin  might  with  propriety  be  styled  the 
mother  of  Christ,  she  could  not  and  ought  not  to 
be  styled  the  mother  of  God  (Theotocus).  In 
other  words  he  looked  upon  Christ  as  a  com- 
pound of  two  persons,  as  well  as  two  natures, 
instead  of  two  natures,  the  Divine  and  Human, 
hypostatically  joined  together  in  the  single  Pa- 
son  of  the  Son  of  God.  The  controversy  on  thn 
point  culminated  in  the  celebrated  letter  ad- 
dressed by  St.  Cyril  in  synod  to  Nestorius,  ending  I 
with  twelve  anathemas,  to  which  he  is  called 


EPHESUS  (00UNGIL8  OF) 

upon  to  subscribe  (MaoBi,  ir.  1067-84),  and  the 
twelve  counter  anathemas  which  formed  his  only 
reply  to  it  (t6.  p.  1099> 

To  end  the  dispute,  the  emperors  Theodoeius 
the  Younger  and  Valentinian  issued  orders  for 
the  meeting  of  a  general  council,  to  which  the 
letter  summoning  St.  Cyril  himself  is  still  ex- 
tant. It  is  dated  Not.  19,  a.d.  430,  and  directs 
him  to  repair  to  Ephesus  by  the  Feast  of  Pente- 
cost ensuing.  It  forbids  the  introduction  of  any 
innovation  privately  till  then,  and  directa  that 
all  the  disputes  that  have  produced  so  much 
strife  shall  be  there  settled  canonically.  Copies 
of  this  letter  had  been  sent  to  all  metropolitans. 
The  council  met  accordingly  for  its  first  session 
June  22,  as  is  stated  in  its  sentence  deposing 
Ifestorius  (comp.  Be  v.  ii.  103)  which  was  the 
first  thing  done:  St.  Cyril  heading  the  list  of 
the  bishops  present,  as  bishop  of  Alexandria  first, 
and  then  as  vice-gerent  of  the  archbishop  of 
Borne,  Celestine:  Juvenal  bishop  of  Jerusalem 
came  next :  Memnon  of  Ephesus  followed.  About 
160  were  there  when  they  conmienced :  198  sub- 
scribed. 

It  met  for  its  sixth  session,  July  22,  to  publish 
what  it  had  defined  on  doctrine.  First  it  recited 
the  Nicene  Creed ;  secondly,  those  passages  from 
the  fathers  which  had  been  quoted  in  its  first 
session;  and  lastly,  its  own  definitive  sentence, 
that  no  other  profession  of  £uth  but  that  of 
Nicaea  should  be  framed  or  propounded  to  any 
desirous  of  coming  over  to  the  communion  of 
the  church  from  Paganism,  Judaism,  or  any 
heresy  whatsoever.  Bishops  and  clergy  framing 
or  propounding  any  other  were  deposed,  and  lay- 
men anathematised.  What  induced  the  council 
**to  define"  this,  was  a  case  just  then  brought 
under  its  consideration  by  Charisius,  steward 
and  priest  of  the  church  of  Philadelphia,  shewing 
that  two  priests  who  had  come  thither  frrom 
Constantinople  had  been  procuring  subscriptions 
to  a  formula  purporting  to  be  the  doctrine  of 
the  church,  but  in  manv  respects  heterodox. 
The  council  condemned  all  who  approved  of  it. 
At  the  seventh  and  last  session,  held  August 
3l8t,  on  the  petition  of  Rheginus,  bishop  of 
Constantia  in  Cyprus,  and  two  of  his  suffragans, 
complaining  of  attempts  made  by  the  bishop  of 
Antioch  to  ordain  in  their  island,  contrary  to  the 
canons  and  established  custom,  a  no  less  stringent 
rule  was  laid  down  on  discipline;  *'that  no 
bishop  may  act  in  any  province  which  has  not 
always  been  subject  to  him.  .  ."  [Bishop, 
p.  234:  Diocese.]  In  most  of  the  Greek  col- 
lections eight  canons  are  attributed  to  this 
council;  but  only  seven  by  Photius  and  John 
Scholasticus,  and  none  at  all  in  the  Latin  col- 
lections. Beveridge  shews  conclusively  (ii.  104) 
that  they  were  not  in  fact  published  as  separate 
canons.  The  first  six,  as  ne  points  out,  form 
part  of  a  synodical  letter  addressed  by  the  council 
to  all  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and  laymen, 
on  the  defection  of  John  of  Antioch,  and  were 
caused  by  it ;  being  directed  against  all  deiierters 
or  despisers  of  the  council,  whether  favourers  of 
Nestorius,  or  Celestius  the  Pelagian,  and  uphold- 
ing all  who  had  been  deposed  by  them.  Where 
this  letter  should  come  in  the  acts  he  omits  to 
explain.  It  is  placed  by  Mansi  without  com- 
ment at  the  end  of  them  (iv.  1469-74).  Its 
proper  place  doubtless  is  at  the  end  of  the  fifth 
session,  to  the  final  proceedings  of  which  (t&. 


EPHESUS  (COUNCILS  OP)     615 

1323)  it  is  in  effect  a  corollary.  Then  the 
business  of  the  sixth  session  led  to  the  '*  defini- 
tion," since  termed  improperly  the  seventh 
canon;  and  that  of  the  seventh  session  to  the 
decree  since  termed  with  less  impropriety  the 
eighth  canon.  Most  of  the  principal  documents 
relating  to  this  council  are  to  be  found  in  Mansi, 
iv.  577  to  the  end,  and  v.  to  p.  1046,  too  nu- 
merous to  be  specified.  Some  few  more  are 
supplied  by  Marine  Mercator  0pp.  P.  ii.  (Patrol, 
xlviii.  p.  699  and  seq.  ed.  Migne)  Cassian  de 
InoartL  (A,  1.  p.  10  and  seq.)  Soc.  vii.  29-34. 
Evag.  i  2-7,  with  Gamier's  five  Diss,  on  Theo- 
doret  (Patrol.  Ixxxiv.  89-864). 

(4)  A.D.  440,  under  Basil:  reversing  the 
appointment  of  Bassianus  to  a  distant  see  by 
Memnon  his  own  predecessor,  and  giving  him 
episcopal  honour  and  rank  at  home  (Mansi,  v. 
1199-1204). 

(5)  A.D.  447  under  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria, 
when  Bassianus  its  bishop  was  deposed  and 
Stephen  appointed  in  his  room.  The  council  of 
Chalcedon,  however,  on  considering  their  case, 
decided  that  neither  had  been  canonically  con- 
secrated, Oct.  30,  A.D.  451  (Mansi,  vi.  493-4, 
and  then  vii.  271-94). 

(6)  A.D.  449,  Aug.  10,  under  Dioscorus  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  convened  by  the  Emperor  Theo- 
doeius like  the  last  general  council,  and  held  in 
the  same  church  of  St.  Mary  where  the  last  had 
been ;  but  its  acts  having  been  reversed  in  the 
first  session  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon,  where 
they  are  recited  at  length,  it  was  designated  the 
**  robbers'  meetine"  (^Latrodnalis,  see  the  title 
to  c.  9,  B.  i.  of  Evagrius)  and  abandoned.  It 
was  inspired  throughout  by  the  eunuch  Chry- 
saphius,  who  patronised  Eutyches  and  was  hostile 
to  Flavian.  There  are  three  letters  from  the 
emperor  to  Dioscorus  in  reference  to  its  com- 
position. First  he  was  to  bring  with  him  ten 
of  his  own  metropolitans,  and  ten  other  bishops 
distinguished  for  their  learning  and  orthodoxy, 
but  not  more;  others  having  received  their 
summons  from  the  emperor  himself  similarly. 
Next  he  was  told  that  Theodoret  had  received 
orders  not  to  appear  there,  unless  invited  unan- 
imously by  the  council  when  assembled.  An- 
other letter  bade  him  admit  the  archimandrite 
Barsumas  to  sit  in  it  as  representing  all  the 
eastern  archimandrites.  A  third  letter  assigned 
him  the  first  place  in  it,  with  the  archbishops 
of  Jerusalem  and  Caesarea  to  support  him.  St. 
Leo  was  likewise  summoned  from  Rome,  and  sent 
three  representatives,  one  of  whom  Julius,  bishop 
of  Puteoli,  seems  to  have  sat  next  after  Dioscorus. 
Altogether  128  bishops  were  present,  but  several 
confessed  to  subscribing  through  others  as  being 
unable  to  write.  Eutyches  having  been  intro- 
duced, made  profession  of  his  faith,  and  com« 
plained  of  the  treatment  he  had  received  from 
Flavian  in  the  council  of  Constantinople  con- 
demning him.  The  acts  of  this  council,  as  well 
as  of  the  council  held  five  months  afterwards  to 
reconsider  its  sentence,  were  read  out  next ;  his 
acquittal  and  restoration  followed.  Afterwards 
a  petition  was  received  from  some  monks  of  hiv 
begging  that  his  deposer  might  be  deposed.  On 
this  the  acts  of  the  sixth  session  of  the  third 
general  council  were  recited,  and  both  Eusebius 
of  Dorylaeum  and  Flavian  of  Constantinople 
deposed,  as  having  contravened  the  definition 
respecting  the  creed  that  was  laid  down  there 


616  EPHESUS,  HOLY  OHILDBEN  OF 

Flavian  who  was  present  said  at  once  that  he 
appealed  from  their  sentence.  Hilary,  the 
deacon  irom  Rome,  ''contradicted"  it;  others 
accepted  it  only  through  misapprehension,  as 
they  affirmed  at  Chalcedon  on  recanting.  Ibas  of 
Edessa,  Theodoret  of  Cyras,  Domnns  of  Antioch, 
and  several  more,  were  similarly  deprived  of 
their  sees,  as  vre  learn  from  Evagrins.  Liberatns 
adds  (Brev.  12)  that  great  intimidation  was 
practised  by  the  soldiers  and  monks  present, 
that  Ensebins  and  Flavian  were  both  given  into 
custody,  and  that  the  latter  died  of  the  injuries 
which  he  there  received  (Mansi,  yi.  503-8,  and 
then  587-936).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

EPHE8US,  the  Seven  Holy  Children  of,  or 
Seven  Sleepebs,  are  commemorated  Aug.  4 
{Cal,  Byzant,).  [C] 

EPHORL    [Bishop,  p.  210.] 

EPHPHATHA.    [Ears,  Opening  op.] 

EPHBAEM,    EPHBAIM,  or  EPHBEM. 

(1)  Syrus,  deacon  of  Edessa,  Holy  Father; 
commemorated  Ter  7=Jan.  2  {CcU.  Ethiop.)^  Jan. 
28  (Co/.  Byzant.\  Hamle  15  =  July  9  (Co/. 
Ethiop,)j  Feb.  1  (^Mari,  Adonis,  Usnardi) ;  depo- 
sition, July  9  {Mart,  Bedae). 

(2)  Bishop  and  martyr,  A.D.  296 ;  commemo- 
rated March  7  {Cal.  Byzant,) ;  one  of  the  martyrs 
of  the  Chebsonbbub.  [W.  F.  Q.] 

EPIOLESIS  ( 'EwUXfiffts  )  =  "  invocation," 
generally ;  but  specially  the  invocation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  to  sanctify  the  elements  displayed 
on  the  Holy  Table,  occurring  in  Eastern  litur- 
gies after  the  recitation  of  the  Words  of  Insti- 
tution. 

The  evidence  of  Irenaeus  in  the  second,  Fir- 
milian  in  the  third,  and  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
and  Basil  in  the  fourth  century,  as  to  the  prac- 
tice of  the  church  with  regard  to  the  Epiclesis, 
has  been  already  quoted  [Canon  of  the  Liturgy, 
p.  2691  To  this  may  be  added  Chrysostom, 
Horn,  in  Coemeterio  (Opp,  ii.  401,  ed.  Ben.), 
where  is  described  the  priest  standing  before  the 
table,  invoking  (icaXwy)  the  Holy  Spirit  to  de- 
scend and  touch  the  elements. 

Of  the  liturgical  forms,  we  may  take  the  Cle- 
mentine (Constt,  Apostt,  viii.  12,  §  17)  as  an 
early  example,  llie  priest  beseeches  God  to  send 
down  His  Holy  Spirit  upon  the  sacrifice,  "  that 
He  may  declare  [or  make]  *  (&to^^i^)  this  bread 
the  Body  of  Thy  Christ,  and  this  cup  the  Blood 
of  Thy  Christ,  in  order  that  they  who  partake  of 
it  may  be  coniirmed  in  piety,  obt<ain  remission  of 
their  sins,  be  delivered  from  the  devil  and  his 
deceits^  be  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  be  made 
worthy  of  Thy  Christ,  obtain  eternal  life,  Thou 
being  reconciled  unto  them,  0  Lord  Almighty." 
Compare  the  liturgy  of  St.  James,  c.  32. 

The  Epiclesis  in  the  Byzantine  liturgy  (Chrys. 
c  30;  Daniel,  Codex  Lit,  iv,  359,  360),  after 
praying  God  to  send  down  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the 
gifts  and  the  worshippers,  proceeds,  "  and  make 
(volficoy)  this  Bread  the  precious  Body  of  Thy 
Christ,  and  that  which  is  in  this  cup  the  precious 
Blood  of  Thy  Christ,  changing  them  (jjLtra$a\^v) 
by  Thy  Holy  Spirit." 

•  Neale  {Tetralogia,  p.  xv.)  compares,  for  this  seDse  of 
the  word.  Plato's  Protag.  349  A.  See  also  von  Drey, 
Ueber  die  C<mstit.  ApotUA.  p.  110;  and  Hefclo,  BtUrage 
flttr  Archaol,  iL  66. 


EPIGONATION 

St.  Mark  (c  17 ;  Dan.  it.  162)  baa :  ' 
forth  ....  Thy  Holy  Spirit  upon  na,  and  upon 
these  loaves,  and  upon  these  cups,  that  He  may 
sacctify  and  consecrate  (rcXei^^)  them,  as  God 
Almighty;  and  may  make  (sroi%<r|r)  the  bnad 
the  Body  and  the  cup  the  Blood  of  ike  New 
Covenant,  of  the  very  Lord  and  God  and  Savkmr, 
our  Almighty  King,  Jesus  Christ." 

Several  of  the  Mozarabic  Pott  Secret*  oontaiD 
smiilar  invocations  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  for  in- 
stance, that  for  the  second  Sunday  after  £pipfaany 
(Neale,  Eastern  Ch,j  Introd.  499)  has  the  follow- 
ing :  **  We  thy  servants  beseech  Thee,  that  thoa 
wouldest  sanctify  this  oblation  by  the  permixtore 
of  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  and  wouldest  conform  it, 
with  full  transformation,  to  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  we  may  merit  to 
be  cleansed  from  the  pollution  of  oar  sins  by 
this  sacrifice,  whereby  we  know  Uiat  we  wen 
redeemed." 

**  The  Syrian  churches  postponed  the  oblatloB 
until  after  the  Invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit ; 
while  in  the  Jerusalem,  Alexandrian,  and  Gon- 
stantinopolitan  offices  it  precedes  that  prayer." 
(Neale,  tus,  500.) 

The  question,  whether  the  oonsecrati<m  is 
complete  without  the  Epiclesis,  has  been  muck 
debated  in  modem  times ;  but  for  our  purpoae  it 
is  sufficient  to  observe  that  an  Epiclesis  is  uni- 
versal in  Oriental  liturgies,  and  common  in  litur- 
gies influenced  by  the  East,  as  the  MosarabM ; 
while  in  liturgies  of  the  Roman  type  it  is  alto- 
gether wanting.  [C] 

EPIGTETUS,  and  companions,  martyrs  at 
Rome,  A.D.  296  ;  commemorated  Aug.  22  (JMori. 
Eom,  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EPIGONATION  (^iri^oi^Tioir ;  also   ^or^ 
Tioy,  ^voyoviriov).    This  omamenc,  peculiar  to 
the  Eastern  church,  consists  of  a  lozenge-shaped 
piece  of  some  stiff  material,  hanging  from  the 
girdle  on  the  right  side  as  low  as  tiie  knee, 
whence  its  name.   It  seems  to  have  been  at  first, 
like  the  maniple  in  the  West,  merely  a  handker> 
chief,  and  it  apparently  continued  in  this  fonn 
in   the  patrialxhate  of  Antioch,  as  late  as  the 
11th  century  (Ducange,  Olossarium,  8.  v,  ^ay^ 
ydrioy),  and  in  the  Armenian  church  it  has 
remained  thus  to  the  present  day  (Neale,  Eastern 
Churchy  Introd.  p.  311).     Writers  who  delight 
in   finding   symbolical   reasons  for  the   use  of 
vestments,  have  connected  it  either  with  the 
towel  with  which  our  Lord  girded  Himself  or 
more  generally  with   the  sword  and  CSirist's 
victory  over  death;   in  connection  with  whiek 
latter  idea.   Psalm  zlv.   3,    4,   b  repeated  on 
assuming   this  ornament  (^Litnrgia  S,    Chrysh 
stomi;  Goar,  Euchologion,  pp.   59,   60).      The 
epigonation  is  properly  part  of  the   episcopsl 
dress,  but  is  allowed  by  the  rubric  in  this  plsoe 
to  be  worn  by  other  ecclesiastics  of  a  certain 
rank  .  .  . .  «i  f oti  irporroa^yKtJiXos  rijs  /MT^X^f 
4KK\ri<rtea   f^    iXKos    rit   ^x*'^    hfy6rnri,  rua 
(Goar,  I.  c,  and  see  his  note,  p.  112 ;  cf.  also  the 
rule  as  laid  down  at  a  much  later  period  by 
Symeon  Thessalonicensis  in  the   15th  century, 
where  the  wearing  of  the  epigonation  by  prints 
is  spoken  of  as  granted  mtr^  tmp^kv  ipx^^P^ 
Tixiiy ;  Marriott,  Vestiarium  Christianum,  p.  171)l 
In  one  form  given  by  Goar  of  the  consecratiea 
of  a   bishop  in  the   Greek   church,  we  find  a 
mention  of  this  ornament  aa  given  to  him  iaun^ 


EPILEPTICS 

dUtely  after  a  declaration  of  hia  faith  and  the 
aubsequent  benediction  by  the  presiding  bishop 
(Goar,  p.  310>  [R.  S.] 

EPILEPTICS.  The  11th  conncil  of  Toledo 
(▲.D.  675),  after  mentioning  the  case  of  those 
possessed  with  demons  [Demomiacb],  who  are 
excluded  altogether  from  the  service  of  the  altar, 
speaks  separately  (c  13)  of  the  case  of  those  who 
sometimes  fall  to  the  earth  from  bodily  disease, 
who  are  excluded  from  ministering  until  they  can 
show  that  they  have  passed  a  whole  year  with- 
out such  attacks ;  and  desires  (c.  14)  that  per- 
sons liable  to  such  attacks  should  (if  possible) 
not  be  left  alone  in  the  performance  of  divine 
offices.  These  provisions  clearly  refer  to  the 
<:ase  of  those  who  are  afflicted  with  epilepsy  or 
(to  use  the  old  English  name)  **  falling  sick- 
ness." [C] 

EPIMACHIUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria,  with 
Alexander ;  commemorated  Dec.  12  (^Mart,  Rom. 
Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EFIMACHUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with 
Gordianus,  under  Julian ;  commemorated  May  10 
(^Jfari.  £otn.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi). 

(8)  Martyr  A.D.  255 ;  commemorated  Oct.  31 
iCcU.  Byxant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

EPIMANIKION.    [Maniple.] 

EPINIKION.    [Sanctos.] 

EPIPHAKIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr  in 
Africa,  with  Donatus  and  thirteen  others ;  com- 
memorated April  6  {Mart.  BieronJ),  April  7 
(Mart  Usuardi). 

(8)  Bishop  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus,  A.D.  402 ; 
conunemorated  May  12  (Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis, 
Usuardi,  CaL  Bygant.^  June  17  (Col.  Armen.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF  (^  iwi- 
^d^ttOj  rii  iwi^dria,  ^  $to^daf€ia,  7&  $€0<pdyM ; 
T^  i^Ara,  ilfi^pa  r&v  ^dnmv,  rh  Siyia  <l>»Ta  r&y 
ivi^oMtwy ;  ra  ^ayupdina  : — EpiphaniOy  Theo- 
phamay  ApparitiOj  Manifestation  Acoeptio,  festum 
trhtm  regum  [putgorum,  sopim/tim],  festum  stei- 
he;  dies  luminum;  festum  lavacri;  Beihphaniaf 
dies  fkxtalis  virtutum  Domini.  The  names  of  this 
festival  in  European  languages  are  mainly  either 
(1)  as  in  the  case  of  those  of  Latin  derivation 
and  others,  mere  reproductions  of  the  Latin 
name  or  renderings  of  it ;  or  (2)  refer  to  the 
manifestation  to  the  Magi  as  the  three  kings,  as 
the  Dutch  Drie-Jhningen-dig,  the  Danish  ffellig" 
ire^kongeradag^  and  an  equivalent  form  in  Bre- 
ton ;  also  the  Welsh  Tstwyll^  if,  as  is  not  impro- 
bable, it  is  a  corruption  of  the  Latin  stella  ;  or 
(3)  indicate  it  as  the  final  day  of  the  Christmas 
festivity,  as  in  the  familiar  English  Tvoelfth-day, 
the  old  German  der  Zvoelfte,  Ihreizehn^,  or  the 
Swedish  TretUmde-dagen). 

1.  History  of  Festival, — It  has  already  been 
shown  in  a  previous  article ,  [Chbiotmas]  that 
the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  was  originally 
viewed  in  the  Eastern  church  as  a  commemora- 
tion of  our  Saviour's  manifestation  to  the  world 
in  a  wide  sense ;  including,  that  is.  His  Nativity, 
or  His  manifestation  in  the  flesh,  together  with 
the  manifestation  of  the  Trinity  at  His  baptism. 
xn  the  Western  church,  on  the  other  hand,  so 
tar  as  the  matter  can  be  traced  back,  the  Nati- 
vity appears  to  have  been  always  celebrated  as 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF       617 

a  separate  festival,  and  in  their  commemoration 
of  the  Epiphany  it  is  the  manifestation  to  the 
Magi  that  u  mostly  dwelt  on :  and  fiirther, 
Christ's  manifestation  in  yet  another  sense  is 
associated  with  these.  His  Divine  power  and 
goodness,  as  shown  in  His  miracles;  primarily 
the  turning  of  water  into  wine  at  Cana  of 
Galilee,  and  sometimes  the  feeding  of  the  five 
thousand.  Thus  there  are,  besides  the  Nativity 
itself^  three  manifestations  comm«morabed,  vari- 
ously dwelt  on  and  variously  combined  in  differ- 
ent branches  of  the  church. 

In  the  Eastern  church  till  nearly  the  end  of 
the  4th  century,  we  find,  as  has  been  said,  a 
combined  celebration  of  Christ's  Nativity  and 
Baptism  on  January  6.*  The  date  of  the  sever- 
ance of  the  two  can  be  approximately  fixed,  for 
Chrysostom  refers  to  it  as  a  matter  of  merely  a 
few  years'  standing,  ^n  a  sermon  probably  de- 
livered on  the  Christmas  day  of  386  a.d.  How 
far  back  we  are  to  refer  the  origin  of  this  two- 
fold festival  it  is  not  easy  to  determine,  the 
earliest  mention  of  any  kind  being  the  allusion 
by  Clement  of  Alexandria  to  the  annual  com- 
memoration of  Christ's  baptism  by  the  Basili- 
dians  (Stromataf  lib.  i.  c.  21).i*  At  any  rate  by 
the  latter  part  of  the  4th  century  the  Epiphany 
had  become  one  of  the  most  important  and  ven- 
erable festivals  in  the  Eastern  church. 

It  may  not  unreasonably  be  assumed  that  the 
festival  of  the  Epiphany  first  took  its  rise  in  the 
east  and  then  passed  intb  the  west.  This  may 
be  argued  (1)  from  the  comparatively  very  early 
date  at  which  we  find  a  trace  of  it  in  the  east ; 

(2)  from  the  Greek  name  by  which  the  Western 
ehurch  as  well  as  the  Eastern  knows  it,  while 
Christmas  is  designated  there  by  a  Latin  name ; 

(3)  from  the  nature  of  the  earliest  allusions  to 
the  existence  of  a  festival  of  the  Epiphany  in  the 
west.  These  it  may  be  well  to  state  somewhat 
fully.« 

llie  earliest  instance  of  all  is  the  reference  by 
Ammianus  Marcellinns  to  the  emperor  Julian's 
visit  when  at  Vienne  in  Gaul  to  a  church,  "  feri- 
arum  die  quem  celebrantes  mense  Januario 
Christiani  Epiphania  dictitant "  (lib.  xxi.  c.  2) ; 
and  we  find  Zonaras,  apparently  alluding  to  the 
same  event,  speak  of  it  as  happening  rijs  ytyt' 
BXtov  2fl»T^pos  fifiipas  ip^ffrriKvias  (Annal.  xiii. 
11).  Now  if  it  u  remembered  that  this  took 
place  in  Gaul,  where  the  church  had  close  affinities 
with  the  east,  we  are  perhaps  not  claiming  too 
much  in  assuming  that  the  Galilean  churdi  at 
this  time  celebrated  Epiphany  and  Nativity  to- 
gether on  January  6 ;  and  we  shall  subsequently 
find  a  confirmation  of  this  view   from   an  ex- 


*  In  a  passage  In  one  of  the  sparlons  sermons  onoe 
wrongly  ascribed  to  Chrysostom  is  a  mentiun  of  ihc  Epi- 
phany as  celebrated  on  the  13th  day  of  the  4th  month, 
xareL  'Acrioyoi^  (fJpP'  voL  vU.  A  pp.  p.  275).  Ji  fs  not 
stated  who  these  Asiatics  were,  bat  the  explanation  of 
the  reckoning  may  probably  be  foond  in  a  comparison 
with  that  given  by  Epiphanios  (J7aer.  IL  S4). 

b  Neaoder  (C^rck  Siatary,  t.  348,  trans.  Rose)  oon- 
slden  it  probable  that  this  Gnostic  sect  derived  the  pra^ 
tloe  from  the  Jodaeo^Jhristtan  churches  in  Palestine. 

"  Besides  the  instances  given  above,  an  early  alludon  Co 
the  Epiphany  is  found  in  the  Acta  of  Philip,  bishop  of 
Heraclea  (in  Ralnart's  Acta  Primmrum  MaHjprtm),  who 
suffered  early  in  the  4th  century.  It  would  be  unsafe^ 
however,  to  argnc  Arom  a  passage  in  a  docuncnt  itself  of 
doubtful  dale. 


618      EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF 

amination  of  the  Gallican  litargy,  where  it  is 
rather  the  manifestation  at  the  Baptism  than 
that  to  the  Magi  that  is  dwelt  on.  Again  we 
find  a  mention  of  the  emperor  Valens,  in  the 
course  of  his  futile  attempt  to  OTorawe  Basil  of 
Caesarea,  entering  the  church  in  that  place  with 
a  great  train  on  the  festival  of  the  £piphanj 
(Oreg.  Naz.  Orat,  xliii.  52).  Another  earlj 
allusion  may  he  mentioned :  Augustine  (Serm.  ccii. 
§  2;  vol.  y.  1328,  ed.  Gaume)  speaJcs  of  the 
Donatists  as  refusing  to  join  in  the  celebration 
of  the  Epiphany,  '*quia  nee  nnitatem  amant, 
nee  orientali  ecclcsiae  .  .  cotmnunicant"  obyiously 
pointing  to  an  eastern  origin  of  the  festiyaL 
We  may  take  this  opportunity  of  remarking  that 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  Epiphany  in  the 
Calendar  of  Bucherius,  but  in  the  Gd.  Cartha- 
ginense  we  find  vm,  Id»  Jctn,  Sanctum  Epiphania 
IPatrol.  xiii.  1227). 

On  these  grounds  we  think  it  probable  that 
while  on  the  one  hand  the  Eastern  church,  at 
first  commemorating  Nativity  and  Epiphany  as 
one  festtyal,  afterwards  in  compliance  with 
western,  or  perhaps,  more  strictly  speaking, 
Roman,  usage,  fixed  the  former  on  a  separate 
day ;  so  too,  the  Western  church,  at  first  cele- 
brating the  Nativity  alone,  afterwards  brought 
in  from  the  east  the  further  commemoration  of 
the  Epiphany,  but  with  the  special  reference 
somewhat  altered.  For  the  early  history  of  the 
Epiphany  in  the  Eastern  church,  and  the  gradual 
severance  from  it  of  the  Nativity,  we  must  again 
refer  to  the  discussion  already  given  [Christ- 
mas], and  it  may  now  be  desirable  briefly  to 
review  further  historical  notices,  arranging  them 
according  to  the  special  manifestation  of  Christ 
to  which  they  mainly  refer. 

a.  Manifestation  at  the  Baptism, — ^This  mani- 
festation of  our  Saviour  as  Messiah  and  as  God  is 
the  prevailing  idea  dwelt  upon  throughout  the 
Eastern  church,  though  in  the  Western  church 
as  a  rule  this  commemoration  has  been  quite 
secondary  to  the  manifestation  to  the  Magi. 
References  are  continually  met  with  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Chrysostom  and  others  of  and  after  his 
time  to  this  idea  of  the  festival.  Thus  Chry- 
sostom, in  a  homily  apparently  delivered  on 
December  20,  386  A.D.,  and  therefore  after  the 
western  plan  of  celebrating  Christmas  separately 
had  been  introduced,  speaks  of  the  Nativity  as 
in  a  certain  sense  the  parent  of  all  the  other 
great  festivals,  for,  to  taice  the  case  of  the  Epi- 
phany, had  He  not  been  bom — o6«c  tuf  ifiarrtvBri, 
iirtp  itrrl  rit  e*<Hpdyia  (Horn,  6  in  B,  PhUo- 
gonium,  c.  3 ;  i.  497,  ed.  Montfaucon).  So  also 
in  a  homily  probably  delivered  on  the  following 
Epiphany,  387  ▲.D.  {ffom.  de  Baptismo  CTiristi, 
c.  2 ;  ii.  369).  In  another  place  {Horn,  de  Sancta 
Fenteooste,  c.  1;  ii.  458)  he  says,  rolwy  %ap* 
iltuv  iofn^  wp^rri  (t.  e.  in  the  order  of  the  year) 
Ta  *l&wi<t>dtfia,  where  Montfaucon  (Monitum  in 
Horn.')  gives  the  probable  explanation  that  Chry- 
sostom is  speaking  according  to  the  old  fashioned 
way.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  an  oration 
of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  spoken  apparently  on 
the  Epiphany  of  381  a.d.  {Oratio  39  in  Sancta 
Luminal  c.  1 ;  i.  677,  ed.  Bened.),  and  to  one  of 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Orat.  in  Bapt,  Giristi,  ili.  677 ; 
ed.  Migne). 

From  this  view  of  the  Epiphany  it  naturally 
became  one  of  the  three  great  seasons  for  bap- 
tism, and  on  this  day  was  the  solemn  consecra- 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIYAL  OF 

tion  of  water  for  the  rite  (tn/Va).  HcBoe  tiv 
origin  of  the  names  for  the  day,  Tcb  ^An,  ^/Upa 
T&y  ^AroaVf  referring  to  the  spiritual  illumiaa- 
tion  of  baptism.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  to 
explain  the  name  by  a  reference  to  the  free  em- 
ployment of  lighted  candles  in  xm%  solemnities  ol 
the  day  in  the  Greek  churdi,  is  a  simple  invei^ 
sion  of  cause  and  effect.  For  the  strange  mis- 
take of  some  writers  who  have  supposed  that 
<Hhe  day  of  lights'*  is  to  be  interpi«ted  af 
Candlemas  day,  see  Suicer's  7%«saMrMS  (s.  c 
^«f,  §  12)  and  Bingham's  AnUquities  (xx.  4,  7> 

In  the  west  also,  this  manifestation  of  Clirist, 
though  not  the  one  most  dwelt  on,  is  still  oo> 
casionally  referred  to,  as  by  Mazimus  Taiirineuis 
{Ham.  22,  23,  29,  32,  33,  &c.,  where  see  the  pn- 
iBitory  remarlu  in  the  Roman  edition),  and  Jerome, 
^'quintam  autem  diem  mensis  adjangit,  at  sig^ 
nificet  baptisma,  in  quo  aperti  sunt  Chiisto  caeS, 
et  Epiphaniorum  dies  hucusque  venerabilis  est, 
non  ut  quidam  putant,  Natalia  in  came,  tunc 
enim  absoonditus  est  et  non  appamit"  {Horn. 
m  Ezeck.^  lib.  i.  c.  1,  v.  3 ;  v.  6,  ed.  Yallarsa): 
To  the  allusions  in  the  Gallican  litni^  already 
mentioned  we  shall  again  refer,  and  it  will  Ic 
remembered  that  our  own  church  makes  the 
Baptism  of  our  Lord  the  subject  for  the  second 
le&son  on  the  evening  of  the  Epiphany. 

Further,  the  association  of  this  day  with  tlie 
administration  of  baptism  occurred  also  in  the 
west,  for  we  find  Himerius,  a  bishop  of  Tarraeo, 
in  Spain,  complaining  to  pope  Damasns  (ob.  384 
A.D.)  of  the  practice  of  baptizing  on  Uie  Epi- 
phany ;  and  the  latter  having  died,  his  snocessor, 
Siricius  (ob.  389  A.D.),  enters  his  prohibitaoa 
against  it  and  restricts  baptism  as  a  rule  ta 
Easter  and  Pentecost  {Epist.  L  ad  Munsiiaim 
Tarraconensem  JEpiscopum,  o.  2;  PairvL  xiiL 
1134);  and  somewhat  later,  Leo  I.  speaks  of  it 
as  ^  irrationabilis  novitas  "  {Epist,  16,  ad  Sidiiae 
episoopos,  c  1 ;  i.  715,  ed.  Ballerini>.  The  same 
prohibition  was  laid  down  at  a  still  later  period 
(517  A-D.)  by  the  Spanish  council  of  Gerunds 
(can.  4;  Labbe  iv.  1568).  See  abo  Codes 
veterttm  can.  Eccl  Hispanae,  lib.  iv.,  tit.  26  in 
Cajetan  Cenni's  De  antiqua  EocL  /Tisp.  L,  xcviii, 
where  reference  is  made  to  Leo's  injunctions. 
Further,  Victor  Vitensis  alludes  to  this  as  the 
practice  in  the  African  church  (de  p&rsecutiam 
Vandalica,  lib.  ii.  c.  17  ;  Patrol.  IviiL  216>.  Sea 
also  Pamelius's  note  to  Tertullian  de  Baptismo^ 
c.  19. 

fi.  Manifestation  to  the  Magi. — ^It  has  be^i  on 
this  idea  that  the  Western  church  has  specially 
dwelt,  with  the  exceptions  mentioned  above ;  bat 
even  in  these,  save  perhaps  in  the  Gallicaa 
liturgy,  the  manifestations  at  the  Baptism  and 
at  Cana  of  Galilee  are  brought  in  as  subsidiaiy 
to  the  main  topic.  Hence  has  arisen  one  com- 
mon western  name  for  the  day,  festum  trim 
regvm,  in  accordance  with  tho  legend  by  which 
the  wise  Magi  of  the  east  became  exalted  into 
kings  and  their  number  restricted  to  three.  We 
shall  speak  briefly  hereafter  of  the  origin  and 
growth  of  this  wide-spread  legend  (below,  §  3). 
We  have  numei'ous  homilies  of  the  Latin  iathen^ 
dwelling  mainly,  or  exclusively  (as  e.  g.  eight  by 
Leo  I.),  on  this  aspect  of  the  day. 

7.  Manifestatiim  at  the  Marriage  in  Cana  tf 
Galilee. — ^The  manifestation  of  Christ's  Divina 
power  by  His  first  miracle  of  turning  the  watei 
into  wine  is  not  unfreqnently  dwelt  on  in  doon- 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OK. 

ments  of  the  Western  church.  Thus  Hazimus 
Taurinensu,  to  whom  we  have  already  referred, 
aaaodates  this  with  the  two  previous  manifesta- 
tions.  See  0.  g,  Horn.  29,  ^  ferunt  enim  hodie 
Chr&stum  Dominum  noetnim  rel  stella  duce  a 
gentibofl  adoratain,  vel  inritatum  ad  nuptias 
aquas  in  vino  rertisse,  yel  snscepto  a  Joanne 
baptismate  oonsecrasse  fluenta  Jordanis."  Hence 
he  speaks  of  the  day  as  virtutum  (Jkmiin{)  natalis. 
From  this  cause  oomes  the  later  name  Belhphama 
(see  Ducange,  s.  v.).  Cf.  also  Gregory  of  Tours 
(d^  miraciUis  8,  Martini,  ii.  26). 

We  find  in  the  Eastern  charch  too  traces  of 
an  association  of  the  miracle  at  Gana  with  this 
season,  for  Epiphanius  (Batresia  li.  c  30;  i. 
451,  ed.  PetaTlus)  speaks  of  it  as  happening 
about  Tybi  11  (=  Jan.  6),  and  adds,  doubtlessly 
in  perfect  good  faith,  that  sundry  fountains  and 
rivers  (e.g.  the  Nile)  were  changed  into  wine  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  miracle. 

S.  Manifestatiim  at  the  Feeding  of  the  Five 
Thousand, — ^Less  frequently  met  with  than  any  of 
the  preceding  is  the  commemoration  of  the  above 
act  of  miraculous  feeding,  which  may  be  speci- 
ally associated  with  the  one  preceding.  Under 
this  point  of  view  the  day  was  known  as  <t>ayi- 
^d^ta.  We  have  mentioned  below  a  reference 
to  this  in  the  Galilean  use. 

The  first  three  of  these  manifestations  are  all 
referred  to  by  Isidore  of  Seville  (de  off.  eccL  ii. 
26),  and  the  Vrdo  Bomanits  also  adds  the  fourth. 
We  may  also  mention  here  a  passage  in  a  sermon 
onoe  attributed  to  Augustine,  but  palpably  not 
his,  in  which  all  the  four  manifestations  are 
alluded  to  {Serm,  136  in  Append. ;  v.  2702,  ed. 
Gaume). 

For  the  special  association  of  the  festival  of 
the  Innocents  with  that  of  the  Epiphany  refer- 
ence may  be  made  to  the  article  on  the  former. 

Before  we  proceed  to  speak  briefly  of  the 
▼arious  liturgical  forms  for  this  day,  we  may  re- 
mark that  it  was  usual  to  give  notice  on  the 
Epiphany  of  the  day  on  which  the  Easter  of  the 
ensuing  year  would  fall.  Letters  were  sent  about 
this  time  by  metropolitans  to  their  provincial 
bishops  (epistolae  Paschales,  heorUuticcu),  in 
which  at  the  end  of  a  discourse  of  a  more  general 
kind  was  given  the  requisite  information.  An 
allusion  to  the  ezistenoe  of  this  practice  in  Egypt 
is  found  in  Cassian,  **  Intra  Aegypti  regionem 
mos  iste  antiqua  traditione  servatur,  ut  peracto 
Epiphaniorum  die  . . .  epistolae  pontificis  Alex- 
andrini  per  universas  dirigantur  ecclesias,  qui- 
bus  initium  Quairagesimae  et  dies  Paschae  .  . . 
rignifioentur "  (CoU.  z.  2;  Patrol,  zliz.  820). 
Instances  of  such  letters  are  those  by  Dionysius 
of  Alezandiia  (referred  to  by  Eiuebius,  Hist. 
Eccles.  vii.  20),  Athanasius  (fragments  of  whose 
once  numerous  series  were  first  brought  to  light 
in  a  Syriac  version  by  Mai,  Nova  Bibliotiufca 
Fatrum,  vi.  1-168),  Theophilus  of  Alezandria 
(three  of  which  were  translated  into  Latin  by 
Jerome,  and  are  included  among  his'works,  £pp. 
96,  98,  100,  ed.  Migne),  and  Cyril,  no  less  than 
thirty  of  whose  are  still  eztant  (voL  v.  part  2, 
ed.Aubert);  and  besides  these  purely  Egyptian 
examples  may  be  ftirther  dted  those  of  Innocent  I. 
(£p.  14  de  ratione  PaechaU;  Patrol,  zx.  517), 
and  Leo  L  (Ep.  138  ad  episcopos  OalL  et  Bispan. 
L  1283,  ed.  Ballerini).  We  find  traces  of  the 
custom  as  ezisting  in  Spain,  but  there  the  notice 
was  to  be  given  on  Chnstmas  day,  according  to 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF     619 

the  third  council  of  Braga,  578  A.D.  (ConcBraoar, 
ilL  can.  9 ;  Labbe  v.  898). 

This  duty  is  insisted  on  by  several  early  coun- 
cils (e.  g.  Cbnc.  Arelat.  i.  can.  1 ;  Cone.  Carih. 
iii.  cann.  1,  41 ;  Cono.  Carth.  v.  can.  7 ;  Labbe, 
i.  1427  ;  ii.  1167,  1173,  1216),  and  we  cite  espe- 
cially the  fourth  council  of  Orleans  (541  A.D.), 
whidi  after  eigoining  that  Easter  is  to  be  kept 
uniformly  according  to  the  Paschal  table  of  Vie* 
torius,  adds  *<quae  festivitas  annis  singulis  ab 
episcopo  Epiphaniorum  die  in  ecclesia  populis 
denuntietur  (Cono.  AureL  iv.  can.  1;  Labbe, 
V.  381.  See  also  Cono.  Antiseiod.  [578  A.D.], 
can.  2,  op.  dt.  957).  The  form  of  the  announce* 
ment  as  given  in  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  under 
the  Epiphany,  runs  thus:  "Koverit  charitas 
vestra,  fratres  charissimi,  quod  annuente  Dei  et 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  miserioordia,  die  tali 
mensis  talis  Pascha  Domini  celebrabimus  "  (Pam- 
elius,  Litwrgg.  Latt.  ii.  314). 

2.  Liturgi>al  Notiocs. — It  need  hardly  be  said 
that  the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  is  recognised  in 
some  form  or  other  in  all  liturgies  both  of  the 
west  and  the  east.  The  earliest  form  of  the 
Roman  liturgy,  the  Leonine,  is  defective  for  this 
part  of  the  year,  but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
a  service  for  the  Epiphany  entered  into  it ;  the 
more  so  that  no  less  than  eight  homilies  for  this 
festival  are  found  in  the  works  of  Leo.  In  the 
nezt  form,  the  Gelasian,  we  find  a  mass  both  for 
the  festival  of  the  Epiphany  itself,  and  for  the 
vigil.  Throughout  the  service  for  both  days 
the  only  Manifestation  of  our  Lord  referred  to  is 
that  to  the  Magi  (Patrol.  Ixxiv.  1062). 

In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  we  find  the 
further  addition  of  a  form  for  the  Octave,  though 
it  should  be  added  that  both  this  and  that  for 
the  vigil  are  wanting  in  some  MSS.,  as  the  Codex 
Bodradi  (Greg.  Sac.  15),  and  the  same  remark 
is  true  for  the  Liber  Antiphonarivs  (ib.  660). 
In  this  last-named  book  the  seventy-second  psalm 
is  largely  used,  and  very  probably  the  poetic 
imagery  of  this  psalm  suggested  the  special  form 
of  the  legend  of  the  festum  trium  region  (Ps. 
Izzii.  10).  In  this  Sacramentaiy  also,  from 
which,  it  may  be  remarked,  the  collect  for  the 
day  in  our  own  prayer-book  is  derived,  the  re- 
ference is  solely  to  the  manifestation  to  the  Magi ; 
except  in  the  solemn  eucharistic  benediction, 
where  a  mention  of  the  manifestation  both  at 
the  baptism  and  at  the  marriage  in  Cana  of 
Galilee  is  added,  *'....  qui  super  Unigenitum 
suum  Spiritum  Sanctum  demonstrare  voluit  per 
columbam,  eaque  virtute  mentes  vestrae  exer- 
ceantur  ad  intelligenda  divinae  Legis  arcana, 
qua  in  Cana  Galilaeae  lympha  est  id  vinum  con- 
versa  "  (t6.  16),  and  see  also  the  Liber  Respond 
salts  (ib.  751).  The  Ordo  Bomanus  prescribes 
three  lections  for  the  vigil  from  the  prophet 
Isaiah  (Iv.,  Ix.,  IzL  10-lxiv.  4),  as  well  as  some 
homilies. 

The  Ambrosian  liturgy  contains  forms  for  the 
vigil  and  the  festival ;  the  manifestation  to  the 
Magi  is  the  only  one  dwelt  00,  ezoept  in  the 
prefaces  for  the  two  days,  in  the  former  of  which 
the  three  manifestations  are  alluded  to,  and  the 
latter  of  which  refers  solely  to  the  baptism, 
mentioning  also  the  solemn  consecration  of  the 
water ;  **  susceperunt  hodie  fontes  benedictionem 
tuam  et  abstulerunt  maledictionem  nostram" 
(Missa  Ambros,  in  Pamelius'  Liturgg.  Latt.  u 
315). 


620      EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF 

We  may  refer  next  to  the  liturgies  of  the  old 
Galilean  charch,  and  here  as  before  we  find  a 
recognition  of  the  festival  and  its  vigil.  In  the 
ancient  lectionary  published  bj  Mabillon  {de 
JMurgia  QallicanOy  lib.  ii.  pp.  116,  117),  the 
lection  for  the  vigil  introduces  the  reference  to 
the  Magi,  while  on  the  day  itself  the  prophetical 
lection,  the  epistle,  and  the  gosjiel,  are  respec- 
tively Isaiah  Ix.  1-16;  Titus  i.  11-ii.  7;  Matt, 
iii.  13-17;  Luke  iii.  23;  John  ii.  1-11,  where  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  gospel  is  compounded  of 
passages  from  three  of  the  evangelists  (as  on 
Good  Friday  it  is  compounded  of  all  the  four), 
dwelling  on  the  baptism  and  the  miracle  at 
Cava  of  Galilee.  In  the  so-called  Gothico-Gallic 
Missal,  we  first  meet  with  a  number  of  different 
prefaces  and  collects  for  the  vigil  in  which  all 
the  three  manifestations  are  referred  to,  but  that 
to  the  Magi  most  frequently,  and  also  the  mani- 
festation of  the  Divine  power  in  the  miraculous 
feeding  of  the  five  thousand  (lib.  iii.  pp.  207  sqq.). 
In  the  actual  masses  given  for  the  vigil  and  the 
festival,  we  find  that  in  the  case  of  the  former 
the  baptism  is  referred  to  in  the  preface  and  the 
collect,  the  miracle  of  Cana  in  the  preface,  and 
the  manifestation  to  the  Magi  in  the  coUectio  ad 
pacemf  while  the  benediction,  as  in  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary,  embraces  all  three.  In  the  latter, 
the  baptism  foi'ms  the  special  subject  of  the 
eollecUo  ad  paoem  and  the  contestation  the  miracle 
of  Cana  that  of  the  collectio  post  nomina^  and  the 
manifestation  to  the  Magi  that  of  two  other 
prayers;  while  in  the  benediction,  besides  the 
manifestation  at  the  baptism  and  at  Cana,  that 
at  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand  is  also  re- 
ferred to.  The  same  blending  of  references 
characterizes  also  the  Gallican  Sacramentary 
edited  by  Muratori  {Patrol.  Ixxii.  471). 

We  pass  on  next  to  the  Mozarabic  or  Spanish 
Missal.  Here,  as  well  as  in  the  Breviary,  we 
find  a  mention  first  of  a  Sunday  before  Epiphany, 
and  next  comes  a  mass  '^  in  jejunio  Epiphaniae," 
that  is  a  fast  for  January  3-5,  a  relic  doubtless 
of  the  earlier  state  of  things  when  the  subse- 
quent festival  of  the  Circumcision  was  observed 
as  a  fast.'    [CiRGUMOisiON.] 

For  the  Sunday  referred  to,  the  prophetical 
lection,  epistle,  and  gospel  are  respectively  Isaiah 
xlix.  1-7,  Heb.  vi.  13-vii.3,  John  i.  1-18;  and 
for  the  following  fast  are  Ecclesiasticus  iv.  23-34, 
Numbers  xxiv.-xxvi.  with  omissions,  1  Cor.  xv. 
33-50,  John  i.  18-34  (p.  58,  ed.  Leslie). 

The  mass  for  the  festival  itself  is  headed  In 
Apparitione  seu  Epiphania  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
CMstif  the  title  in  the  Breviary  being  In  fesio 
Apparitionis  Domini,  The  prophetical  lection, 
epistle,  and  gospel  are  Isaiah  Ix.  1-20  (with 
omissions),  Galatians  iii.  27-iv.  7,  Matt.  ii.  In 
the  prayers,  &c.,  there  are  passing  allusions  to 
the  baptism  (as  in  the  Officium,  Rom.  vi.  3)  and 
the  miracle  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  but,  as  in  the 
various  Roman  liturgies,  it  is  the  manifestation 
to  the  Magi  that  is  mainly  referred  to.  In  one 
passage  of  the  mass  (p.  63).  as  well  as  in  the 
Breviary,  is  an  allusion  to  a  name  of  the  festival 
evidently  in  use  among  the  Visigoths  in  Spain, 

<i  For  an  earlier  allnston  to  th<>  festival  of  Eplphanj  in 
the  Spanish  church  reference  may  be  made  to  a  canon  of 
a  council  of  Saragosss  (381  a.d.)  evidently  aimed  at  the 
Priscillianist  practice  of  fasting  at  the  Lord's  Nativity 
{OonciL  Ocut.  Aim.  can.  4,  Labbe  IL  1010). 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF 

€KcepHOj  an  obvious  reference  to  Christ's 
ance  of  the  first  fruits  of  the  Gentiles.  We 
take  this  opportunity  of  remarking  that  in 
the  Visigoth  law  enjoined  a  total  cfiaitioB  of 
legal  business  on  this  festival  (^Codex  leg.  fltt»- 
goth,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  lex  11 ;  lib.  xii.  tit.  3,  lex  6: 
in  Bispania  lUustrata,  iii.  863,  1004 ;  ed.  Frank- 
fort, 1606.  See  also  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iiL  tit.  Ii, 
lex  7),  and  the  Code  of  Theodosius  forbade  the 
public  games  on  this  day  (jOod,  Theudos.  lib.  xv 
tit.  5,  lex  5  [where  there  is  an  allusion  to  ChriitV 
baptism],  v.  353,  ed.  Gothofredus,  whose  note  wet 
in  loc.}.  It  may  be  added  that  the  Apo^<dic 
Constitutions  (viii.  33)  enjoins  upon  masters  the 
duty  of  giving  their  servants  rest  on  the  Epi- 
phany, in  memory  of  the  great  events  comme- 
morated. For  additional  remarks  as  to  the  v^ 
of  the  Epiphany,  reference  may  be  made  to  those 
on  the  vigil  of  the  Nativity.    [Chkistxas.] 

The  practice  of  the  Greek  church  of  makiBg 
the  Epiphany  one  of  the  solemn  seasons  for  bap- 
tism and  of  the  holding  a  special  consecFation  of 
the  water  has  been  already  referred  to.  The 
prophetical  lection,  epistle,  and  goq>el  for  this 
latter  rite  are  respectively  Isaiah  xxxv^.,  Iv.,  xiL 
3-6 ;  1  Cor.  x.  1-4,  Mark  i.  9-11  (Goar,  Ji:'ick> 
hgiofif  pp.  453  sqq.,  and  see  his  remark&,  p.  467) ; 
the  epistle  and  gospel  at  the  liturgy  are  respec- 
tively Titu^  ii.  11-14,  iii.  4-7,  and  Matt,  iiL 
13-17. 

We  find  this  practice  of  consecrating  the  water, 
which  was  done  at  night,  alluded  to  hy  Chxj- 
sostom  {supra^  ii.  369),  who  speaks  of  people 
taking  home  with  them  some  of  the  consecrated 
water,  and  of  their  finding  it  to  keep  good  for  a 
year,  or  even  three  years.  This  nocturnal  cere- 
mony of  consecrating  the  water  is  referred  by 
Theoidorus  Lector  to  Peter  Gnapheus,  who  ap- 
pointed riip  M  r&w  iHdroty  iy  ro7s  0^o^arint 
4v  Tp  i(nr4p^  ylv€irBcu  (lib.  ii.  p.  566 ;  ed,  Va- 
lesius ;  and  see  also  Cedrenus,  Hist.  Comp,  L  5^ 
ed.  Bekker ;  and  Nicephorus  Callist.,  Eist.  Ecdes. 
XV.  28;  ii.  634,  ed.  Ducaeus).  It  is  however 
justly  remarked  by  Valesius  (mt.  in  loc  pw  169) 
and  Goar  {Euchologionj  p.  467),  that  since  we 
find  Chrysostom  at  an  earlier  period  alluding  to 
this  practice  as  a  familiar  one,  all  that  Peter 
Gnapheus  can  have  done  must  have  been  to 
transfer  the  consecration  from  midnight  to  even- 
ing. (For  remarks  on  the  ceremony  at  a  later 
period,  see  Georgius  Codinus,  de  off,  c  viiL  [cf. 
c.  vi.],  and  refer  to  GretserV  and  Goar's  observar 
tions,  pp.  303  sqq.  ed.  Bekker.  See  also  Keale, 
Eastern  Churdi^  Introd.  p.  754,  for  remarks  as  to 
the  superstitious  ideas  connected  with  this  water 
in  Russia  at  the  present  day.) 

Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  that  on  this  day 
those  who  lived  near  the  Jordan  bathed  in  the 
river  in  memory  of  Christ's  baptism  and  of  their 
cleansing  through  him  (J)e  glorta  martyrHmj  L 
88). 

Two  miscellaneous  notices  may  be  added  here 
as  illustrative  of  the  ideas  with  which  the  fes- 
tival was  viewed.  Chrysostom  censures  those 
who  communicating  on  the  Epiphany  did  so  be- 
cause it  was  the  custom  rather  than  after  due 
reflection  (Horn.  iii.  m  Ep/u ;  xi.  25,  ed.  Gaume); 
and  we  learn  from  a  decree  of  Gelasius  that  the 
dedication  of  virgins  took  place  especially  on  this 
day  (Kpist.  9  ad  episc.  Luoaniac^  c  12 ;  Fainl 
lix.  52). 

3.  Legend  of  the  Three  Aj&ys,— We  have  al 


EPIPHANY,  FESTIVAL  OF 


EPISTLE 


621 


ready  alluded  in  pass? ^-^  to  the  title  of  festum  tri- 
um  regum  given  in  the  Western  church  to  the  fes- 
tival of  the  Epiphany,  viewed  as  a  commemora- 
tion of  the  visit  of  the  three  Magi  to  the  infant 
Saviour.  Whence  then  has  tradition  invested 
them  with  royalty,  and  why  has  their  number 
been  fixed  as  three?  The  idea  that  the  Magi 
were  kings,  probably  first  suggested  by  an  arbi- 
trary interpretation  of  Psalm  Ixxii.  10  and  simi- 
lar passages,  was  early  believed  in.  Thus  Ter- 
tnllian,  after  alluding  to  the  above-mentioned 
psalm,  adds :  '*  Nam  et  Magos  reges  fere  habuit 
Oriens"  (adv.  JudaeoSf  c.  9),  though  curiously 
enough  the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  the  Infancy, 
which  gives  a  somewhat  lengthy  account  of 
the  visit  of  the  Magi,  is  silent  as  to  this  point. 
The  number  three  is  not  improbably  due  to  the 
number  of  the  recorded  gifts,  though  early  pa- 
tristic writers  have  thought  it  to  symbolise 
other  special  reasons.  Thus  some  believed  that 
under  this  number  was  implied  the  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity,  and  others  saw  in  it  an  allusion  to 
the  threefold  division  of  the  human  race,  an  idea 
which  is  also  referred  to  in  sundry  early  repre- 
sentations of  the  Magi.  See  6.g.  Bede's  CoHec- 
tanrOy  if  indeed  the  work  is  really  his,  where 
this  point  seems  referred  to  (Patrol,  zciv.  541). 
Not  only  did  eai'ly  tradition  fix  the  number  of 
the  Magi,  but  it  also  asKigned  them  names. 
These  are  variously  given,  but  the  generally  re- 
ceived forms  are  Caspar,  Melchior,  Baltazar, 
which  are  apparently  first  met  with  in  the  pas- 
sage of  Bede  referred  to  above.  These  names 
point,  Mr.  King  thinks,  to  a  Mithraic  origin,  from 
the  apparent  reference  in  their  etymology  to  the 
sun  {Qw)$i%C8  and  their  Remains^  pp.  50,  133). 

Merely  to  fix  the  names,  however,  was  not 
sufficient,  and  accordingly  we  find  that  bodies, 
firmly  believed  at  the  time  to  be  those  of  the 
Magi,  were  brought  by  the  empress  Helena  to 
Constantinople,  where  they  were  received  with 
great  honours.  These  remains  were  subsequently 
transferred  to  Milan  through  the  influence  of 
Kustorgius,  bishop  of  that  see;  and  in  1162  A.D. 
they  were  again  removed  by  the  emperor  Fre- 
derick Barbarossa  to  Cologne,  where  they  still 
remain,  and  hence  has  arisen  the  appellation  by 
which  they  are  so  commonly  known,  the  Three 
Kings  of  Cologne.  A  further  discussion  of  this 
legend  is  beyond  our  present  scope,  and  reference 
may  be  made  to  the  *  Bible  Dictionary,'  s.v. 
Maqi,  and  besides  the  authorities  there  men- 
tioned, a  vast  mass  of  information  on  the  whole 
subject  may  be  found  in  Crombach's  Priinitiae 
Genfiuin  aeu  Hidoria  SS.  trium  regum  magortan. 
Colon.  Agr.  1654. 

4.  Literature, — Reference  has  been  made  to 
Martene,  de  Antvjuis  Kccleswe  Bittbus^  iii.  42  sqq., 
ed.  Venice,  1783;  Bingham's  Antiquities  of  the 
Christian  Church,  bk.  xx.  ch.  4 ;  Binterim,  Denk- 
tcUrdigkeiten  der  Christ- KathoHschen  Kirche,  v. 
pt.  1,  pp.  310  sqq.;  Guericke's  Antiquities  of 
the  Churchy  pp.  163  sqq.  (£ng.  Trans.);  Suicer^ 
Thesaurusy  s.  v.  *E'triipdiffta,  &c. ;  Ducange's  Gio8» 
aaria ;  besides  other  authorities  cited  in  the 
article.  The  following  may  also  be  consulted : 
Kindler,  De  EpiphiniiSj  Vitebergae,  1684; 
Hebenstreit,  De  Epipfianii  et  Epiphaniis  apud 
Gentiles  et  ChristianoSy  Jenae,  1693;  Blamen- 
bachf  Antiquitates  Epiphanioruniy  Lipsiae,  1737 
(also  in  Volbeding,  Thesaurus,  i.  1,  Lipsiae, 
1846,  unm.  10);  Wernsdorf,  T^  'Eiri^xbria  Ve- 


tenuny  ad  ilhiitandum  ffymnttm:  Was  furchst 
du  Feind  Herodes  aehr,    Vitebergaf,  1759. 

[R.S.] 

EPIPODIUS,  martyr  at  Lyons  under  Anto- 
ninus   and    Verus;    commemorated    April    22 
'  (Mart.  Bieron,y  Adonis,  Usuardi).      [W.  F.  G.] 

EPISGOPA,  the  wife  of  a  bishop.  The 
second  council  of  Tours  (c.  13)  expressly  forbids 
a  bishop  who  has  no  wife  (episcopam)  to  sur- 
round himself  with  a  set  of  women.  [C] 

EPISOOPALIA,  the  ring  and  pastoral  staff, 
the  distinctive  marks  of  the  authority  of  a 
bishop.  Thus  Gerbod  is  said  (Capitul.  Franoo- 
furt.  A.D.  794,  c.  8)  to  have  received  his  Episco- 
P'jlia  from  Magnard  his  metropolitan  (Ducange, 
«.  «.>  [C] 

EPISCOPATR    [Bishop.] 

EPISCOPI  CAKDINALES.    [Cardinal.] 

EPISCOPI  SUFFRAGANEI,  VACAN- 
TES.    [Bishop,  p.  240.] 

EPISCOPUS  EPISCOPORUM.  [Bishop, 
p.  210.] 

EPISTEHE,  martyr,  with  Galaction,  a.d. 
285 ;  commemorated  Nov.  5  (Co/.  Bi/zant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EPISTLE.  Lections  fiH>m  Holy  Scripture 
form  part  of  every  known  liturgy.  These  lec- 
tions, as  we  learn  from  Justin  Martyr,  were 
originally  taken  from  the  Old  as  well  as  from 
the  New  Testament.  The  Apostolical  Constitu" 
tions  speak  of  '*  the  reading  of  the  Law  and  the 
Prophets,  and  of  the  Epistles,  and  Acts  and 
Gospels  "  (4p.  Const,  viii.  5 ;  ii.  57).  Tertullian 
mentions  that  the  African  church  united  the 
reading  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  with  that 
of  the  writings  of  the  evangelists  and  apostles 
(De  Praescript.  36).  St.  Augustine  repeatedly 
refers  to  the  first  of  the  lections  being  taken 
from  the  Prophets:  ^'primam  lectionem  Isaiae 
prophetae"  (Serm.  45,  ed.  Bened.  vol.  v.  p.  218), 
"  lectio  prima  prophetica  "  (8erm.  47,  v.  268), 
though,  as  we  shall  see,  this  was  not  universally 
the  case.  In  comparatively  early  times  the  Old 
Testament  lection  in  many  places  dropt  out  of 
u^e  on  ordinary  occasions,  and  the  first  Scripture 
lection  in  the  liturgy  was  that  generally  known 
as  the  Epistle.  The  most  ancient  designation 
was  the  Apostle,  the  lections  being  almost  uni- 
versally taken  from  the  writings  of  St.  Paul. 
Thus  we  find,  '*  Apostolum  audivimus,  Psalmum 
audivimus,  Evangelium  audivimus  "  (Aug.  Serm. 
de  Verb.  Apost.  176,  vol.  v.  p.  796),  "  sequitur 
apostolus"  (Sacram.  Gregor.  Menard,  p.  2); 
ivaytv^ffKerat  iat6(rroKos  (Liturg.  Chrys.)  ;  "  in 
quibusdam  Hispaniarum  ecclesiis  laudes  post 
apostolum  decantantur"  (Conct/.  Tolet.  iv.,  a.d. 
633,  can.  xii.;  Labbe  v.  1700);  ''Statim  post 
Apostolum  id  est  post  Epistolam "  (Hincmar, 
Opuac.  vii.  vol.  ii.  p.  149) ;  tatriirtiyty  .... 
^a\r-fifuoy  Bi8c({at  /i«  ical  rhr  iiir6a'ro\oy 
(Cyrill.  Scythop.  Vit.  S.  Sabas). 

In  all  ancient  Sacramentaries  of  the  Western 
church  the  Epistle  succeeds  the  Collect.  This 
is  not  the  case  in  the  Eastern  liturgies.  In  the 
liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  we  find  a  Prokimb- 
NON  (trp^Ktlfityop)  or  short  anthem  preceding  the 
Epistle  as  its  epitome,  consisting  of  a  verse  and 
response,  generally,  but  not  always,  taken  from 


622 


EPISTLE 


ERA 


the  Psalnu.  Before  the  epistle  the  deacon  im- 
poBed  silence  (irp^ax^'Mc*'*  <ittendamu8)j  <'not/' 
obserres  St.  Chrysostom,  ^as  doing  honour  to 
the  reader  bnt  to  Him  who  speaks  to  all  through 
Him/'  Eomil.  III.,  i.  2  Thesa.  After  the  Epistle  is 
read,  the  priest  says,  **  Peace  be  to  thee,"  which  is 
technically  called  cifnjyc^ty  r^r  iwurroX'fiP.  In- 
stead of  this  <* Thanks  be  to  God"  follows  in 
the  Mozarabic  liturgy.  In  the  Western  church 
the  anthem  epitomizing  the  Epistle,  taken 
from  the  Psalms,  followed  instead  of  preceding 
It.  From  being  sung  on  the  steps  of  the 
ambo,  it  was  cidled  the  Gradual  [Alleluia  : 
Gradual].  St.  Augustine  frequently  alludes 
to  its  position  between  the  Epistle  and  Gospel, 
e.g,  **  Primam  lectionem  audirimus  apostoli. . . . 
delude  cantavimus  psalmum  ....  posthaec  evan- 
gelica  lectio  **  (Aug.  Semu  de  Verb,  Apott.  176 ; 
Ser/n.  45,  ib.  49,  ».«.).  Neither  in  the  Eastern 
nor  the  Western  church  was  the  Epistle  always 
selected  from  the  writings  of  the  apostles.  We 
find  it  sometimes  taken  from  the  Acts  and  the 
Kevelation,  and  in  the  Western,  but  nerer  in  the 
Eastern  church,  even  from  the  Old  Testament. 
Several  of  the  Oriental  liturgies  present  more 
than  one  lection  in  the  place  of  the  Epistle.  In 
the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Basil  there  is  first  a 
lection  from  an  epistle  of  St.  Paul,  then  the 
Cathoticon^*  i.  e.  a  lection  from  one  of  the  Catholic 
epistles,  then  a  lection  from  the  Acts,  each  fol- 
lowed by  an  appropriate  prayer;  a  psalm  is 
then  sung,  and  the  Gospel  is  read  (Renaudot, 
1.  pp.  5-8).  The  Liiwrgia  Commmmit  Aethiopum 
gires  the  same  fire  lections  in  the  same  order 
(/6.  pp.  507-510),  in  which  they  also  stand 
in  the  Syriac  liturgies  (lb.  ii.  p.  68).  Canons 
of  the  Coptic  church  ordaining  these  five  lections 
— the  psalm  being  counted  as  one — are  given  by 
Renaudot  (76.  i.  p.  203>  The  last  lection  is 
always  the  Gospel. 

The  origin  and  date  of  the  arrangement  of 
these  Scripture  lections  will  be  more  properly 
discussed  when  the  early  lectionaries  are  treated 
of  [Lectionabt].  Binterim  carries  them  back 
as  early  as  the  3rd  century  {DenkumrdUgkeit. 
iv.  1.  228-230;  2.  323).  If  the  ancient  Lee- 
tionariitm  of  the  Roman  church,  known  by  the 
title  of  Comes  [Comes],  in  which  we  find  the 
epistles  and  gospels  very  much  as  they  stand  in 
the  English  liturgy  at  the  present  day,  were 
reallv  drawn  up,  as  is  asserted,  bv  Jerome,  we 
should  have  certain  evidence  of  their  arrange- 
ment at  least  as  early  as  the  5th  oenturv. 
But  the  authorship  of  the  Comes  rests  only 
on  the  authority  of  writers  of  the  11th  and  12th 
centuries,  and  though  accepted  by  Bona  {Ser, 
Littirg,  lib.  iii.  c  6,  p.  624)  and  Binterim  (u.  s.), 
must  be  regarded  as  exceedingly  questionable. 
The  fact,  however,  that  the  same  lections  were 
employed  by  the  fathers  of  the  4th  and  5th 
centuries  as  the  subjects  of  their  homilies  proves 
the  very  early  date  of  their  assignment  to  par- 
ticular days  (cf.  the  examples  given  by  Augusti, 
ffancUmch  d.  Christ.  Arch,  bk.  vi.  c.  8,  vol.  ii.  p. 
239). 

•  **  Cfttholloon.  Ita  vocantar  apnd  orientales  Epistolae 
Jaoobi,  Petri,  Joannis  et  Jndae,  quae  Ckkholicae  appel- 
Untur,  quia  ad  omnes  scriptae  sank,  ex  qaibos  unum 
voloxnen  oonficitiir  quod  OathoUoon  dldtur.  Iteqne 
onm  Theologi  laudant  aliquam  ex  istJs  I^tefeoUs  Benten- 
tfam  dloont  Jacobus  in  CkUkolieo,  Pstnu,  kc"  Renan- 
dofe,  1.310.    [Gaiiiouo.] 


Aooordmg  to  the  Eastern  ritual  the  l^iistlc 
was  read  by  the  Reader,  standing  at  tlie  Royal 
Doors.  In  the  Western  church  it  was  read  ia 
the  8th  century  from  the  ambo  by  the  subdeaoo* 
standing  on  the  second  step,  the  Gospel  oeiag 
subsequently  read  by  the  deacon  frx>m  the  third 
step.  Amalarius  (6e  Offic,  JBooL  lib.  ii.  c.  11) 
expresses  his  surprise  that  this  oflioe  is  •«rgiH 
to  the  subdeaoon,  since  it  is  not  mentioned  ia 
the  commission  at  his  ordination ;  bat  the  4tk 
canon  of  the  council  of  Rheims,  ▲.!>.  813,  after 
directing  that  ^the  Apostle  "  should  be  read  by 
the  subdeacon,  all  sitting,  adds  "qualiter  sub* 
diaconi  ministerium  est  apostolam  legere* 
(Augusti,  JSdbch, ;  Binterim,  Denkidirdigk. ;  Kog- 
ham,  Orig. ;  Bona,  Ber,  Liturg, ;  Martene,  de 
Eod,  Rii^  [K.  V.] 

EPISTOLAE  CANONIOAE,  GOMMEN- 
DATOBIAE,  COHMUNIOATORIAE,  BO- 
CLESIASTIGAE,  FOBB£ATAE,  PAGI- 
FICAE,    6Y6TATICAK     [Coicmeri>aiort 

Lettebs:  Fobma.] 

EPISTOLAE  DIMISSOBLAE.  |l>af]S- 
SOBT  Lettebs.] 

EPISTOLAE  ENTHBONISTICAE.  [Bi- 
shop, p.  224.] 

EPISTOLAE  6TK0DIGAE.   [SmoDxcai. 

Lettebs.] 

EPISTOLAE    TBACTOBIAK      (Tbao- 

tobia.] 

EPISTOLIUM.  A  term  used  (//.  Com. 
Turon.  c.  6)  for  the  literae  formatae  the  grantisg 
of  which  is  expressly  limited  to  bishops.  See 
CoMM endatobt    Lettebs  :    Ddubbobt    Let- 

TEB&  [C] 

EPITAPH.    [Catacombs,  p.  308:  Irkbif- 

TIONS.] 

EPITBACHELIOK.    [Stole.] 

EPOCH.    [Eba.] 

EPOLONIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  with 
Babylas  the  bishop,  under  Decius;  commemo- 
rated Jan.  24  (Mart,  Bedae,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  6.] 

EPOMADIOK  QZiemixiJ^tow),  the  ooid  or 
ribbon  by  which  a  pectoral  cross  or  EnoOLPiov 
is  suspended  from  the  neck.  (Suidas;  Daniel's 
Codex,  iv.  702.)  [C] 

EQUI  OUBSUALES.    [Cubsdaleb  £qdl] 

ERA.  A  succession  of  years,  reckoned  on 
some  common  principle  from  a  specified  erent,  or 
date,  called  its  epoch.  The  terms  era  and  epoch 
are  frequently  used  as  synonymous. 

The  Julian  Period. — 1.  To  compare  dates 
belonging  to  different  eras,  there  is  no  method 
more  useful  than  to  refer  them  all  to  the  Julian 
period,  a  period  introduced  or  revived  by 
Scaliger.  It  consists  of  7980  years,  that 
number  being  formed  by  multiplying  together 
28  X  19  X  15,  the  respective  periods  of  the 
cycle  of  the  sun,  of  the  cycle  of  the  mooin,  and  of 
the  indictions,  the  last  being  a  period  used  in 
the  administration  of  the  Roman  empire.  It  is 
the  great  cycle  in  which  the  solar,  lunar,  and 
indictional  cycles  synchronize,  after  the  com- 
pletion of  285  cycles  of  the  sun,  420  of  the 
moon,  and  532  of  the  indictions.  The  great 
cycle  then  recurs  as  before.  No  two  years  in  the 
same  period  agree  in  all  the  three  numerals  of 


EBA 


ERA 


623 


the  rabordinate  cycles,  bo  that  by  naming  th«m 
»n,  the  yeai'  is  completely  designated. 

2.  The  first  year  of  the  current  Julian  period, 
m  which  each  of  the  subordinate  cycles  had  the 


one. 


was  the  year  4713  B.a,  and  the 
January  of  that  year,  for  the 
Alexandria,  is    its    chronological 


numeral 
noon  of  1st 
meridian  of 
epoch. 

The  years  are  Julian  years,  i.^.,  of  365  days  in 
common  years,  366  in  leap  year,  which  is  every 
fourth  year,  that  year  in  fact  whose  date- 
numeral  being  diyided  by  four,  leaves  the 
remainder  one. 

3.  To  find  the  place  of  any  specified  year  of  the 
Julian  period, — Divide  its  numeral  by  the 
respective  divisors  28,  19,  15.  The  respective 
remainders  give  the  years  in  the  several  cycles. 
The  remainder  0  is  to  be  construed  28,  10,  15. 

4.  To  determine  the  year  of  the  Julian  period 
from  the  numerala  of  the  three  cycles,—  Multiply 
the  numeral  of  the  solar  cycle  by  4845,  that  of 
the  lunar  by  4200,  and  that  of  the  indictions  by 
6916,  and  divide  the  sum  of  these  products 
by  7980.    The  remainder  is  the  year  sought. 

5.  To  firjd  the  day  current  of  the  Julian  period 
of  any  date  in  the  JiUian  period. — Subtract  one 
from  the  numeral  of  the  year-day,  and  divide  the 
remafmier  by  four,  calling  Q  the  integer 
quotient,  R  the  remainder.  Then  will  Q  be  the 
number  of  entire  quadriennia  of  1461  days  each, 
and  R  the  residual  years,  the  first  of  which  is 
always  a  leap  year.  Convert  Q  into  days  by 
taking  the  right  multiple  of  1461,  and  R  by 
using  the  annexed  table ;  then  add  the  days  for 
the  current  day  of  the  given  year,  remembering 
February  29th  in  leap  year. 


ReslduAl  Tear 

0 

1 

2 

3 

Day    .    .    . 

0 

SOtf 

Wl 

1U96 

6.  To  convert  a  year  of  the  Julian  period  into 
the  year  B.C.,  or  A.D. — If  the  numeral  be  less 
than  4714,  subtract  it  from  that  number,  the 
difference  will  be  the  year  B.C.  If  the  numeral 
be  greater  than  4713,  take  that  number  from 
the  numeral,  and  the  difierence  will  be  the 
year  A.D. 

The  Olympiads, — 1.  The  era  used  in  Greece, 
instituted  in  776  B.O.  (3938  J.  P.)  consisting  of 
lour    years.      July   Ist  A.D.,  is  considered  to 
correspond  with  the  commencement  of  the  first 
year  of  the  195th  Olympiad. 

2.  To  reduce  any  given  year  of  an  Olympiad 
to  the  Christian  era,  multiply  the  Olympiad 
immediately  preceding  the  one  in  question  by 
four,  and  add  to  the  product  the  number  of 
years  of  the  given  Olympiad.  If  before  Christ, 
subtract  the  amount  from  777  ;  if  after  Christ, 
subtract  776  from  the  amount,  and  the  re- 
mainder will  be  the  beginning  of  the  year 
required,  commencing  from  July. 

3.  For  an  exact  calculation  of  days  tables  are 
required,  showing  the  order  of  the  months  in  the 
diiterent  years  of  the  Metonic  cycle.  These  may 
De  found  in  Ideler  i.  386. 

4.  The  fathers  of  the  Greek  church  and  the 
ecclesiastical  historians,  as  Eusebius  and  Socrates, 
use  the  era  of  the  Olympiads  in  a  peculiar 
manner.  It  would  have  been  natural  to  begin 
them   with  the  commencement  of  their  civil 


vear,  September  1st,  or  ten  months  too  early, 
but  they  really  commence  them  a  year  earlier 
still,  or  nearly  two  years  too  early.  The  same 
reckoning  is  used  in  the  Chronicon  Paschale.  It 
is  necessary  to  add  one  year  and  ten  months  to 
their  date  to  make  them  accord  with  the 
common  era  of  the  Olympiads. 

Era  of  the  Building  of  Borne, — ^Amongst  the 
variety  of  dates  assigned  to  this  event,  the 
Yarronian  epoch  is  adopted,  being  April  22nd,  B.C. 

753,  or  3961,  J.  P.  The  consular  year  began  on 
the  1st  January. 

To  reduce  the  year  of  Bome^  to  the  year  before 
or  after  Christ, — If  the  year  of  Rome  be  less  than 

754,  deduct  its  numeral  from  754 ;  the  difference 
is  the  year  before  Chmt.  If  the  year  of  Rome 
be  not  less  than  754,  deduct' 753  from  it,  and  the 
remainder  will  be  the  year  after  Christ. 

Era  of  the  8eleucidae,'r-The  era  of  the  Seleu- 
ddae,  also  called  the  era  of  the  Greeks,  was 
widely  used  in  Syria,  and  by  the  Jews  from  the 
time  of  the  Maccabees.  It  is  used  in  the 
book  of  the  Maccabees.  It  is  still  used  by 
the  Arabs.  Its  epoch  is  October  Ist,  B.a  312,  or 
4402  J.  P. 

Julian  Beformation  of  the  Calendar. — This 
took  place  707  U.C,  or  January  1st  B.a  45. 
4669  J.  P. 

The  Christian  Era.— The  Christian  era  was 
first  introduced  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Scythian 
abbot  in  Rome,  in  the  6th  century,  and  gradually 
superseded  the  era  of  Diocletian,  which  had  been 
used  till  then.  It  was  first  used  in  France  in 
the  7th  century,  but  was  not  universally  es- 
tablished there  till  the  8th  century,  after  which 
time  it  became  general.  Great  diversity,  how- 
ever, long  subsisted  as  to  the  day  on  which  the 
year  should  be  considered  to  commence. 

It  commenced  on  the  Ist  day  of  January,  in 
the  middle  of  the  4th  year  of  the  194th  Olym- 
piad, the  753rd  n.C.,  and  the  4714th  of  the 
Julian  period.  It  is  now  generally  acknowledged 
not  to  be  the  true  year  of  the  Saviour's  birth, 
but  its  use  as  a  chronological  epoch  does  not 
allow  of  its  being  altered. 

The  era  of  Diocletian, — ^This  era  was  prevalent 
till  the  adoption  of  the  Christian  era ;  its  epoch 
was  29th  August,  a.d.  284.  It  was  introduced 
in  Egypt  by  Diocletian,  after  the  siege  of 
Alexandria,  and  gave  the  Egyptians,  for  the  first 
time,  the  advantage  of  a  fixed  year.  The  first 
Thoth,  the  beginning  of  the  Egyptian  year,  was 
August  31st,  and  it  is  supposed  that  a  change 
was  made  from  a  moveable  to  a  fixed  year,  after 
the  lapse  of  five  years.  This  era  is  still  used  by 
the  Copts.  To  reduce  this  era  to  the  Christian 
era  add  283  years  and  240  days,  and  as  the 
intercalation  was  made  at  the  end  of  the  year,  in 
the  Diocletian  year  next  after  leap  year,  add  one 
day,  from  the  29th  August  to  the  end  of  the 
ensuing  February. 

The  era  of  Constantinople, — The  era  of  Con- 
stantinople, or  the  Byzantine  era,  first  appears 
in  the  Chronicon  Paschale.  It  fixed  the  creation 
of  the  world  in  the  5508th  year  before  Christ,  so 
that  A.D.  1,  fell  in  the  5509th  year  of  this  era. 
The  Russians  followed  this  calculation  till  the 
time  of  Peter  the  Great,  having  received  it  from 
the  Greek  church,  by  whom  it  is  still  used. 
The  year  began  on  the  equinox,  March  21st. 
It  was  afterwards  made  to  begin,  for  civil 
purposes,  on  September  1st. 


624 


EBAGLEAS 


EUGHABIST 


The  Alexandrians  had  used  jin  era  of  the 
creation,  fixed  at  5502  years  before  Christ ;  but 
in  A.D.  285,  they  reduced  the  date  by  ten  years. 

To  pass  from  the  year  of  our  Lord  to  the  era 
of  Constantinople,  or  oonversely,  add  or  subtract 
5508  from  January  to  August,  and  5509  for  the 
rest  of  the  year. 

The  Jevaiah  era, — ^The  Jews  now  reckon  by  the 
year  of  the  world,  and  they  place  the  creation 
8761  B.a 


By  adding  952  to  the  numeral  of  the 
year  we  get  its  date  in  the  Julian  period  ;  aad 
by  subtracting  952  from  the  year  of  the  Juliai 
period  we  get  the  Jewish  date. 

For  the  Christian  era  we  must  subtract  3761, 
and  add  the  same  for  the  conyerse  process.  The 
Jewish  year  begins  in  the  autumn. 

The  following  results  are  selected  from  a  Table 
in  Sir  J.  Herschers  '  Outlines  of  Astronomy.' 


iKTKByALS  In  Days  betwete  the  Oommencemeiit  of  the  Jdliam  Pauoo  and  that  of  some  priiidpal 

Chronological  £ra«. 


Names  l^  which  the  Era  Is  nsnally  dted. 


Julian  Period 

Olympiads  (mean  epochs  In  Keneni]  us^  .  .  . 
Hulldlng  of  Rome  (Varrontan  epoch,  U.C.)  .  .  • 
Era  of  ue  Seleuddae  (or  Era  ox  the  Greess)     .     . 

Julian  reformation  of  the  Oaleodar 

Spanish  Era 

Actlan  Era  in  Rome 

Actian  Era  of  Alexandria 

Dionyslan  or  •Christian  Era,  **  of  our  Lord  "... 
Ehi  of  Diocletian 


First  Day 

cnrrpnt 

of  the  Era. 

JaUan  Dates 
Jan.  1 
July  1 
Apr.  22 
Oct  1 
Jan.  1 
Jan.  1 
Jan.  1 
Aug.  29 
Jan.  1 
Aug.  29 


Chronolo- 
gical 
Dedgnatkm 
of  the  Tear. 


Cnrrent 

Tear  of  the 

Julian 

Period. 


B.a  4713 

776 

753 

312 

i5 

88 

80 

30 

1 

384 


A.D. 


1 
3938 
3961 
4402 
4669 
4676 
4684 
4684 
4714 
4997 


Interval 


0 
1,438.171 
1,446,602 
1,607,739 
1,704,M7 
1,707,544 
1,710,466 
1;710,706 
1,721,4M 


EBAGLEAS.    [Heracleas.] 

ERAGLIUS.    [Hebaclius.] 

ERASMUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr  in 
Campania,  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated 
June  3  {jkart  Eom,  Vet.^  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Antioch ;  commemorated  Noy. 
25  (^Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

ERASTDS  and  Olympos  and  companions, 
''Apostle;"  commemorated  Noy.  10  {Vcd.  By^ 
zant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EREMITES.    [Hermits.] 

ERENAEUS.    [Irenaeus.] 

ERENACH,  or  HERENACH,  a  term  ap- 
plied to  a  class  of  officials  who  appear  promi- 
nently in  the  annals  of  the  Insh  church  prior  to 
its  reconstitution  in  the  12th  century,  after 
which  time  the  word  was  used  to  denote  an 
ecclesiastic  haying  a  position  akin  to  that  of 
archdeacon. 

In  its  eai'liest  use  the  Erenach,  or  AirchinneacK, 
appears  to  have  been  hereditaiy  steward  and 
tenant  of  the  lands  granted  by  temporal  chiefs 
to  the  church-founding  abbots  of  Ireland ;  his 
duties  being  to  superintend  the  faimers  or 
tenants  of  the  church  or  monastery — raccording 
to  Colgan, ''  Omnium  colonorum  certi  districtus 
praepositus  sen  praefectus."  [J.  S — T.] 

ESICHIUS  or  ESICIUS.    [Hesychius.] 

ESPOUSALS.  [Arrhae  :  Benediction, 
Nuptial:  Betrothal:  Marriaoe.] 

ETHELDRBDA  or  EDILTRUDIS,  yirgin- 
qaeen,  martyr  in  Britain ;  commemorated  June 
23  {Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

ETHERIUS,  bishop;  deposition  at  Auxerre 
July  27  {Mart,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.j 

ETHIOPIAN  MONKS.  Monasticism  spread 
rapidly  from  Egypt  into  Ethiopia,  and  gained  as 
strong  a  hold  there  as  in  Egypt  or  Syria,  if  not  a 


[UR] 

stronger.  Helyot  (Btdotrc  des  Ordres  Mamas' 
tiques,  I.  xi.)  speaks  of  all  the  monasteries  in 
Ethiopia  as  professing  to  obey  the  so-called  **  Rule 
of  Antony,"  but  with  difierent  obsenranoes.  An 
attempt  at  reformation,  such  as  inyariably  recurs 
in  the  life  of  a  monastic  order,  was  made  in  the 
7th  century ;  Tecla-Haimanot,  as  Helyot  writes 
it,  being  the  second  founder  or  Benedict  of 
Ethiopian  monasticism.  He  endeayoured  to  ow- 
solidate  the  system  under  a  Superior-General, 
second  in  ecclesiastical  rank  only  to  the  Pktriarch 
of  Ethiopia,  who  was  to  yisit  and  insp»;t  the 
monasteries  peraonally  or  by  proxy.  Seyeral  of 
them,  howeyer,  preferred  to  retain  their  inde- 
pendence, like  congregationalists.  .Monks  swarmed 
in  Ethiopia,  according  to  Helyot,  long  after  the 
first  fei'your  of  asceticism ;  and  the  oonstitnti<m 
of  the  Ethiopian  church  was  monastic  (Robert- 
son, Church  Hist  i.  300).  The  story  of  a  mili- 
tary order  of  monks,  like  the  knight-templars, 
originating  in  the  4th  century  is  purely  fiiboloos 
(Helyot,  a.  «.  i.  xiii.).  [L  G.  Sw] 

EUCHARIST  (Evxapiorra).  This  article 
treats  of  the  use  of  the  word  EucHarisHaL.  For 
the  nature  of  the  offices  accompanying  the  sacra- 
ment, see  LiTUROT,  and  the  seyeral  articles  oa 
its  component  parts,  especially  Cabon  of  the 
LiTTRGY  and  Communion,  Holt. 

I.  The  primary  meaning  of  the  word  c^X'y*' 
o'Tia  seems  to  be  a  feeling  of  thankfulness  or 
gratitude  (2  Mace.  ii.  27;  Sirac  xxxtIL  11; 
Acts  xxiy.  3). 

II.  The  expression  of  the  feeling  of  gratitude : 
1.  In  words  =  thanksgiying ;  2.  In  act  =  thaak- 
ofiering. 

1.  'E.hxo4ii<f^io^  in  the  sense  of  thanksgiying 
occurs  frequently  in  the  New  Testament ;  it  is 
used  for  the  thanksgiying  in  public  worship 
(1  Cor.  xly.  16 ;  2  Cor.  iy.  15,  etc),  and  for  the 
expression  of  thankfulness  generally. 

2.  Philo  uses  cvx<ifN<rrTa  in  a  wider  sease. 


EUCHABI8T 

He  spesksy  for  instance  {De  VkHmis,  c.  9),  of 
ciXA^M^^a  as  iDcluding  hymns,  prayers,  and 
sacrifices;  of  rks  Zih  Bvtriwy  €^x^>tffrlas  {lb, 
c  4) ;  and  of  giving  thanks  (or  thank-offering, 

creation  of  the  world — a  phrase  noteworthy  as 
suggesting  one  of  the  aspects  of  the  Christian 
encharist  (Irenaeus,  Haares.  iv.  18,  4).  The 
word  does  not  occur  in  the  LXX.  though  it  is 
used  by  Aquila. 

IIL  We  have  to  consider  the  application  of 
the  word  whxBtpurria  to  the  Supper  of  the  Lord, 
or  the  elements  used  in  it. 

1.  The  verb  c^x^'^'^*'*'*  ^^^  ^^^  correspond- 
ing substantive,  means  both  to  feel  thankfulness 
and  to  express  it.  The  use  of  the  word  c6xa- 
pumfi^,  in  2  Cor.  i.  11,  implies  further  that 
tix^M^*^^*^'^  might  be  used  with  an  accusative  of 
the  object  for  which  thanks  are  given. 

The  Lord  in  the  Last  Supper  gave  thanks 
after  taking  the  Cup  (JKtlifuvos  iror^piov  ttfxor 
pio-T^ows  cnrcv,  Luke  xxii.  17 ;  \a$ity  iroriipioy 
Kol  titxo^^^^h^^i  Matt.  xxvi.  27) ;  and  before 
breaking  the  Bread  (thx^^^*^^^^*  ikKwr%Vy 
1  Cor.  xi.  24;  Luke  xxii.  19).  Compare  Matt. 
XT.  36;  Mark  viii.  6;  John  vi.  11,  23.'  So  the 
disciples  of  the  2nd  century  gave  thanks  over 
the  Bread  and  the  Cup  in  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  as  we  see  from  the  description  of 
it  in  Justin  Martyr. 

2.  From  this  uttering  of  thanksgiving  over 
the  elements  of  Bread  and  Wine  in  the  Sacra- 
ment, the  word  tvx^ftaruy  came  to  mean,  to 
bless,  hallow,  or  consecrate  by  the  utterance  of 
the  proper  form  of  thanksgiving  (Grimm,  Lexicon 
Jiovi  Teat  s.  v.).  Thus  Justin  Martyr  {Apol. 
i.  65)  speaks  of  the  Bread  and  Wine  and  Water 
which  had  been  made  eucharistic  (e^x^'^''^ 
Bivret  iprov  icol  oXyov  Koi  fiSaros),  immediately 
after  mentioning  the  thanksgiving  (wxtv^(^^o>0 
of  the  president  for  God's  mercy  in  granting  us 
the  blessings  of  creation  and  redemption.  Ana 
again  (c.  66),  he  speaks  of  r^y  5t*  ci^x^f  K6yov 
rov  xap*  aibrov  c^x^'^'^^^'*''''*^  rpo^y  [Canon 
OF  THE  LiTUBor,  p.  2681  Compare  ^  panem  in 
quo  gratiae  actae  slnt  (Irenaeus,  ffaeres,  iv. 
18,  4> 

By  an  easy  transition  the  cdxopio'TTrdeio'a 
rpo^  or  consecrated  elements  came  to  be  called 
Kimply  tvxtLptffrla  {lb.  c.  66).  Similarly  in  the 
Ignatian  letter  ad  Smym.  7.  Irenaeus  {ffaeres. 
IV.  18,  5)  says  that  the  Bread  after  the  Epiclesis 
lA  no  longer  common  bread,  but  eucharistia,  con- 
sisting of  two  parts,  an  earthly  and  a  heavenly. 

3.  But  the  conception  of  th&nk-offering  is  also 
found  in  the  word  eucharistia  and  its  correspond- 
ing verb,  when  applied  to  the  Sacrament  of  the 
B<Kly  and  Blood  of  Christ.  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria {Strom,  iv.  §  132,  p.  623)  speaks  of  the 
martyr's  blood  poured  out  as  a  thauk-ofTering 
{tifxapiarriB tyros  aXfiaros  [Dindorf's  text :  vulg. 
e&X^t^'^^i^c']) ;  ^^^  ^®  might  interpret  Jus- 
tin's thxap^tf^Btitra  rpo^  in  the  same  way 
were  it  not  for  its  close  connexion  with  c^xa- 
pterricL,  where  the  latter  evidently  means  thanks- 
giving. In  the  Dialogue  with  Trypho  {c.  117X 
when  Justin  speaks  of  the  Christian  sacrifice 
which  takes  place  (he  says)  ^irl  r^  thxapitrrlif 
Tov  iprou  Kol  rov  worripiov,  it  is  evident  that  he 
regards  the  Bread  and  the  Cup  as  being  them- 
Mlves  made  a  thank-offering  or  eucharistia.  And 
agam,  when  (c.  41)  he  refers  to  the  leper's  ofier- 

CHH18T.  ANT. 


EUCHABIST  (HI  CmtmiAxr  Abt)    625 

ing  of  fine  flour  as  a  type  of  the  eucharistio 
bread  {rov  iprov  rijs  f»iixoipt(f^i^^  which  the 
Lord  commanded  us  to  offer  (irotciv)  in  thanks- 
giving (fya  wxapi<rr&fji.ky)  for  the  blessings  of 
creation  and  redemption,  he  regards  the  elements 
as  themselves  an  expression  of  thankfulness ; 
i.  «.  as  a  thank-offering.  When  Celsus  objected 
to  the  Christians  that  they  were  ungrateful  in 
not  paying  due  thank-offerings  (x<i^<o"Hip<a)  to 
the  local  deities,  Origen  replied  {c.  Cehum,  viii. 
57 ;  pp.  415,  416,  Spencer)  that  the  bread  allied 
eucharistia  {Ikpros  thxapitrrla  KoXoiiityos)  was 
the  symbol  or  outward  token  of  thankfulness 
towards  God  {r^s  %pbs  rhy  0«^r  cJ'x^M'^^ttO; 
that  is,  he  regards  the  bread  itself  as  of  the 
nature  of  a  thank-offering. 

4.  Whether  the  original  meaning  was,  '*  that 
over  which  thanks  have  been  given,"  or  **  that 
which  has  been  made  a  thank-offering,"  the  word 
eucharistia  came  to  be  simply  equivalent  to  '*  the 
consecrated  elements  of  bread  and  wine,"  or 
sometimes  of  bread  alone.  Thus  Clement  of 
Alexandria  {Strom.  L  §5,  p.  318)  speaks  of  the 
ministers  distributing  the  encharist  {r^y  e^x^"* 
purrlay  Bioi^cf/iarrcs),  u  e.  the  elements,  to  the 
communicants ;  and  the  epistle  to  Victor  (£useb. 
ff.  E.  V.  24,  §  15)  of  sending  the  encharist  to 
neighbouring  churches.  [Compare  Eulogiae.! 
Cyprian  {Epist.  jcv.  c.  1)  explains  eucharistia  by 
the  words,  '*  id  est,  Sanctum  Domini  Corpus." 

5.  The  eucharist  {i.  e.  the  consecrated  bread^ 
was  emploved  in  the  following  ways,  besides 
that  of  ordinary  administration.  It  was  taken 
home  and  preserved  in  a  casket  [Arca]  ;  it  was 
sent  by  bishops  to  other  churches  as  a  token  of 
Christian  brotherhood  [Eulogiae]  ;  it  was  borne 
before  the  pope  at  a  pontifical  mass  {Ordo  Horn. 
i.  c.  8 ;  see  Martene,  J2.  A.  L  iv.  2,  §  2) ;  it  was 
reserved  in  churches  [Dove:  Reservation]; 
it  was  enclosed  in  altars  at  consecration  [Conse- 
cration OF  Churches];  it  was  carried  on  a 
journey  (Ambrose  DeObituSatyriyiii.  19);  Gregory 
the  Great  De  Off.  iii.  36 ;  Dial,  c  37);  it  was  some- 
times worn  suspended  from  the  neck  in  an  £n- 
OOLPION  (Giraldus  Cambren.  Topograph.  Ilibem. 
Dist.  ii.  c  19) ;  it  was  used  in  the  cure  of  dis- 
ease (Augustine,  c.  Julian,  iii.  162);  it  was 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  dead  [Burial  of  thk 
Dead]  ;  and  the  administration  of  the  eucharist 
was  one  of  the  forms  of  ordeal  (Martene,  De  Eii. 
Antiq.  I.  v.  4). 

IV.  The  Greeks  interpret  the  ti^x^^^^  of 
1  Tim.  ii.  1  to  be  hymns  or  canticles  sung  to  the 
honour  and  glory  of  God  (Daniel,  Codex  Liturg. 
iv.  406).  [C.«] 

EUCHABIST  (IN  CHRiffiiAN  Art).  The 
earliest  eucharistic  representations,  as  may  be 
expected,  seem  to  refer  principally  to  the  agapae, 
or  suppers  which  preceded  the  actual  eucha- 
ristic breaking  of  the  bread  in  the  earliest  times 
(1  Cor.  xi.  20.)  It  is  to  be  presumed  at  least 
that  the  order  of  the  Lord's  Supper  itself  was 
followed,  and  that  the  celebration,  or  symbolic 
breaking  of  the  bread,  took  place  atler,  or 
towards  the  end  of,  the  meal.  (St.  John  xiii. 
2-4.)  In  the  earliest  days  of  persecution  they 
naturally  began  to  be  celebrated  in  the  catacombs 

•  The  writer  wishes  to  acknowledge  his  obligsUon  to 
the  Rev.  F.  J.  A.  Hor^  Fellow  of  Enmiaaoel  Gollege* 
GUnbrldge.  for  seveiml  snggestloos  on  the  matter  Heated 
in  this  article. 

2  S 


EUCHARIHT  (:n  Chbistun  Art) 


)  the  c 

■rruigem<iita  for  public  ceUbntion  ot  th> 
encbariit  aad  Cbristian  litti  in  geosral  with 
Uu  ucltiit  uiagea  of  funenl  rites.  But  thow 
uugei  w«r«  go  funiliu'  to  th«  nrlj  church,  that 
it  ia  not  to  b«  woDdeiKl  at  that  the  tig&pe  it 
i«iut  i>  la  fiFquently  reproeal^d  asd  the  enchi' 
riit  lo  distiactlj  implied  in  the  variona  catacomb 
paintingL  Dr.  Hommeen  (Cmtsmp.  fisnsv, 
Ua7  18TI,  164  and  171)  mentiou  bd  agape 
with  bread  and  fi«b  in  that  -reij  ancient  crjpt 
of  Domitilla  an  th«  Ardeatine  War,  whieh  De 
Kdaai  refen  to  FlaTis  the  fnnddaughter  of 
Vetpuian.'  The  bread  and  fiih  occur  again 
repeat«]lj  ia  the  Calliitlne  catacomb,  with  ■ 
maa  Id  the  act  of  bleuing  the  bread;  ecveo, 
ugbt,  or  more  baskets  of  bread  are  placed  near 
a  table  at  which  sereu  perton)  are  sitting.  The 
table  is  round,  and  fishes  are  also  placed  on  it. 
The  nse  of  the  Tine  is  frequent  in  the  oldest 
work,  as  in  the  Domitilla  Tanlt,  where  boj*  are 
gathering  the  grapei,  and  the  art  ie  quite  of 
the  Augustan  age,  and  probably  eiecnl«d  by 
Pagan  handa.  A  parallel  work  in  mcule,  of 
later  though  still  rerj  early  date,  eiisU  ia  the 
church  of  SU.  Constantia  at  Kome  [Vinb]. 
(Parker,  Ancient  Mosaict  at  Jtome  and  Savenna.) 
A  ooDDwion  must  always  haye  eiiiled  in  the 
Christian  mind  between  the  Ust  supper  at  Jeru- 
salem, the  bread  and  wine,  and  the  last  repssl 
of  the  Lord  with  His  disciples,  tbe  bread  and 
fish  by  the  saa  of  Galilee  (John  txi.).  And  His 
words  on  the  former  occasion  cannot  have  been 
nncannected  with  this  discourse  of  Himself  the 
bread  of  life  in  St.  John  Ti.  58  iqq.  But  the 
earlier  representations  of  a  memorial  banquet 
seem  to  point  rather  to  the  agape  or  com- 
nemoratire  repast,  than  to  the  breaking  of  the 
bread  and  pouring  forth  of  the  wine  in  com- 
memorative sacrifice.     A  sense  of  myBtary  and 


EDCHAMST  (n 


A»r) 


treated  by  U.  Raoul  Rochette  (ifm.  de  r/ntai. 
det Iato:itJltllaLettrtt,t.xiu.'n5,lic.').  Tbey 
may,  he  thinks,  acconnt  for  the  relics  of  ca|a 
and  platters,  knife-handles,  and  egg-shells  [nt 
Eao]  found  in  the  Christian  scpalchna  (Boldttti, 
lib.  ii.  xIt.  tar.  5,  59  and  60,  and/osffln),  thangk 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  he  implies,  that  old  Etrus- 
can (or  indeed  human)  custom  or  iuttioct,  made 

nrvivon  bury  many  objects  used  in  life  aloa| 

rith  their  dead. 
One  of  the  earliest  known  represFutatioai  U 


sented  as  sUnding  with  hands  isised  in  pnytr, 
clad  in  cloak  and  short  tonic,  and  jutt  issud 
from  a  house;  it  is  possible  that  this,  with  tbe 
streaked   aky   of  the    mosaic,  may   indicate   s 

presence  of  Abel  conuecta  the  other  figure  of  U« 
priest  and  king  Uekhisedech,  with  the  ides  of 
the  sacrifice  of  the  Umb,  and  therein  of  the  death 
of  the  Lord,  «elchis*dech  is  eUnding  befon  u 
oblong  altar-tnble,  o 


of  bread ;  his  hands  a 

not  in  the  act  of  blessing,  an 
penula  or  cloak  over  a  lonf 


clad  ii 


awe,  a  pious  reticence,  which  appears  for  tbe  I  This  mosaic  ia  an  important  illustration  of  the 
present  almost  emeed  from  the  Christisn  con-  fundamental  principle  of  Chrittiau  symbolic 
sciouness,  seems  to  have  prevented  represen- 1  ornament,  which  appears  to  have  been  ftvn 
tation  of  the  Lord's  act  of  typical  sncrifice  of;  the  earliest  times  devoted,  as  a  centnl  ob>«i. 
Himself;  as  repreientation  of  His  actual  death  I  to  displaying  the  fulfilment  of  the  Old  Tnti- 
bycmciliiion  was  also  long  delayed.  [CbI-Ofii.]  '  mcnt  by  the  New.  In  the  Laurenti»n  HS., 
The  subject  of  the  agapae,  and  the  disorders  to    a.d.  556,  oor  Lord  Is  reprewnted  ■ 


which  they  sometimes  gave 


n,  is  admirably 


id  Nercos.  lb*  reLIci 


ill  rounded  object,  eridenlly  bml. 
ren  standing  figures.  'See  woodcnL) 
ent  introduction  of  the  fish  in  Iht 
representations  of  eucharislic  repwts. 
found  particularly  in  the  Cilliiti« 
'    '       '   course    with   IM 


ECCHARIST  (IN  C«awniN  Art) 

tuiii);  af  the  word  l)(9it,  *» 
1  with  the  mirkcles  or  the  bread  and 
fuh,  or  the  Lard'*  wordi  in  John  li.  The 
cDnneiioo  of  the  lut  rapaaC  bf  the  u>  of 
Galilee  with  the  Itut  lupper  ia  eipreued  in 
the  word*  of  Bede,  In  Joana.  iiL  "  PiwU  USIU, 


Chriitoi  puaus."  It  Is  no  part  of  out  dot;  to 
pDjnie  it  here,  except  in  ita  frequent  iUtutntioiis 
on  the  walls  of  St.  Calliitni.  These  will  ba 
foond  in  De  Roaai'a  Roma  SotisrangOj  aod  the 
author   refera  them,  from  the   beaat;  of  their 

It  cannot  be  denied,  howerer,  that  a  certain 
ODcertaiotj  and  Auspicion  of  repaiotiog  attachea 
more  particnlarlT  to  thia  catacomb  in  the  minds 
of  manj  aotiqnarians.  Nevertheless,  If,  as  Mr. 
Parker  thinks,  the  most  eiteuslTe  painting  and 
jepaiutingi  took  place  in  the  time  of  St. 
Paolinns  of  Kola,  a  highlj  respectable  uiti- 
quitj  itill  belongs  to  these  subjects.  We  have 
giren  a  woodcnt  [CjUinrEB,  p,  264],  of  the 
most  important  of  these  paintings.  Its  aabject 
li  the  mjatic  Gah  bearing  loavea  on  hia  back ; 
thej-  an  not  decnauted  or  crossed,  as  is  most 
freqaently  the  case  where  they  are  represented 
[Klemeitts,  p.  6033,  bat  bear  a  central  mark, 
which,  as  Martigny  thinks,  connects  them  with 
Eastem  and  Jewish  otTeriugs  of  cakea  made  from 
first-fruits  of  com  (called  mamphnla  or  Syrian 
br«ad}.  The  (Uh  bears  them  in  a  basket,  which 
has  in  it  Ijeaidea  another   object. 


original,  and  the  lithi^r 
what  of  a  rratoration. 
utnal    fresco  must   be 


il  of  w 


What 


n  De  Rossi  ia 
s  !ik< 


bat,  as  he 

a  the 


11  the 


icult  to  deter- 
reference  to  St.  Jerome  {Ep.  ad 
,  "  Nihil  lllo  ditias  qui  corpoa 
]  vimineo,  sanguinem  portat  in 
onda  with  great  eiactneas  and 
1I7  with  thia  painting.  In  any 
case  cnere  can  be  no  donbt  whatever  that  it 
reprnenta  the  Lord  offering  the  bread  of  life 
to  mankiod.  These  paintinga  are  in  the  crypt 
named  from  St.  Comeiia ;  another  represanta 
aaven  person*  at  a  table  with  bread  aod  fish, 
with  seven  basket*  of  decussated  loaves  at 
hand,  referring,  of  coarse,  to  the  Lord's  miia- 
colon*  reproduction  of  them.  Without  diiputing 
that  the  anagramnutic  fish  i*  a  symbol  of  tha 


EnOHABIST  (iM  CumsnAK  Abt)    627 

greatest  antiqnity  for  onr  Lord,  and  that  it 
associalos  itself  natnraUy  in  the  mind  with  the 

two  miracles,  the  repast  of  Tiberias,  &c,  it 
should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  anagram  is  not  a 
aoriptural  emblem.  Oui  Lord  never  likened  Uiin 
*elf  to  fish  a*  to  bread,  and  Hia  own  use  of  tha 
G*h  in  parable  makes  them  represent  mankind 
and  not  Himself.  Nevarthele**,  Hi*  act  of  bless- 
ing  and    breaking    the    iiih    on    three    distinct 

with  the  euchsristic  banquet.i>     (See  woodcut.) 


Representation*  of  other  events  or  object* 
ajmbclic  of  tha  body  of  the  Lord,  or  anyhow  to 
b«  connected  with  Him  a*  the  bread  of  life,  have 
of  course  a  relation  to  the  enchanat.  The  decus- 
sated loaves  are  offered  to  Daniel  by  Habbacac, 
on  a  sarcophagus  found  near  the  altar  of  St.  Pan] 
without  the  walls  of  Rome  (Martigny,  Art.  Sir- 
caphaget,  with  woodcntX  anil  the  author  refers 
to  the  custom  of  sending  a  portion  of  the  eucha- 
ri*t  round  to  Imprisoned  confessors  in  time  of 
peraecntioiL  The  manna  and  the  rock  cloven 
for  the  life  of  the  people  are  naturally  connected 
with  John  vi,  59,  [Roci.]  The  latter  is 
frequently  in  bas-relief;  the  former  appear*  to 
occur  only  in  one  unmiatakable  example,  though 
those  in  Bottari,  tav.  lei,  from  the  cemetery  of 
SL  PriBcilla,  and  tav.  RT  from  the  Calliitlne,  are 
probably  connected  with  it. 

The  miracle  of  Cana  has  been  held  in  art  to 
possess  an  eucharistic  signification,  at  all  events 
since  Giotto's  fresco  in  the  Arena  chapel  at  Padua. 
Ruskin,  in  Arundel  Society't  account  of  that 
building.  Bnt  in  the  earliest  eiomplas,  very 
frequent  a*  they  are  on  the  ba*-relief5,  the  f     ' 


theai 


nthe  I 
might  be  expected  U 


uigned 


:t  the  ' 


Bcle  with  the 


supper. 


licted    I 


the 


•f  the  Duomo  at  Ravenna  (Bandini  In  tab. 
tbunuam.  Ftorenoi,  1746),  nor  on  the  beautiful 
silver  urceolu*  *appoaed  by  Blanchinl  (Not.  in 
Anaata*.  in  Vit.  St.  Urbani)  to  be  of  the  4th 
century.     [Caha,  UUUCLB  OF.] 

In  treating  of  representations  of  the  aucharist 
in  Chriatian   art,    it  ia   --    '-    — 


Uie  CslUxUne  cstsoomb,  where  lbs  bread  and  flat 
sit  sppsrentlr  ondtr  tha  act  of  eonstmUga  bj  a  msn  k 
I  paUlun  wblch  leaves  Us  right  ann  sod  sMs  bare,  wbllt 
a  woman  prar*  witb  nplHtad  handa  Blie  maj  be  tlH 
tenant  of  ooe  of  tbe  tombs  near  which  the  fresco  la  plaoF^ 
or  ma;  npnseDl  lbs  sbareli.    The  data  of  lUa  wort 


sftlisC«1llillnBC 


re  pariJcularlj  Iboss 

3  s  a 


628 


EUGHABISTIA 


pnrpoM  to  consider  anything  beyond  their  ex- 
pressed meaning — ^that  is  to  say,  beyond  the 
meaning  which  the  artist  or  inspirer  of  the  work 
distinctly  meant  to  oonyey.  The  farther  ideas 
he  may  have  suggested  to  fervent  imaginations, 
or  to  minds  predetermined  to  read  meanings 
of  their  own  into  his  work,  are  not  his  or  oar 
affair,  though  they  may  often  be  ingenious  and 
beautiful,  and  even  right  and  trae  as  matter  of 
spiritual  thought.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

EUGHABISTIA.    [Maundt  Thubsdat.] 

EUCHELAION  (Ebx^kuop)  is  the  Sprayer- 
oil,"  blessed  by  seven  priests,  used  in  the  Greek 
church  for  the  unction  of  the  sick ;  see  Sick, 
Visitation  op:  UNcmoN  (Suicer's  Thesaurus, 
S.V. ;  Daniel's  Codex  LUurg.,  iv.  503,  606).  [C] 

EUGHEBIUS,  bishop  of  Lyons,  and  confes- 
sor; commemorated  Nov.  16  {Mart,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUGHOLOGION.  The  most  comprehensive 
and  important  Service-Book  of  the  Eastern 
church  corresponding  to  the  Western  Sacramen- 
tariuSf  and  L^>er  officiorum  of  the  Latins.  In 
its  simplest  state  the  Euchologion  includes  the 
liturgies  of  Chrysostom  and  Basil,  and  that  of 
the  Presanctified,  which  for  no  Yerv  certain 
reason  bears  the  name  of  Gregory  the  Gi'eat. 
To  these  are  usually  added  the  offices  of  adminis- 
tration of  the  other  sacraments  and  other  forms 
of  prayer,  and  benedictions.  It  cannot  be  affirmed 
with  any  certainty  that  the  present  Euchoiogion 
existed  previous  to  A.D.  800,  though  the  Eastern 
church  cannot  fail  to  have  had  an  office  book,  or 
books  more  or  less  corresponding  to  it.  The 
edition  of  the  Euchologion  with  learned  notes  by 
James  Goar,  Paris,  1645,  frequently  reprinted, 
is  the  standard  authority  on  the  subject.  (Bin- 
terim,  Denkwurdig,  iv.  1,  274;  Neale,  Eastern 
Chw-ch,  i.  2,  828).  [E.  V.] 

EUDOGIA,  6<riofjLdpTvSy  a.d.  160;  comme- 
morated March  1,  Aug.  4  (Co/.  Byxant.y, 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUDOGIMUS,  Martyr  under  Theophilus 
the  Iconoclast;  commemorated  July  31  {Cal 
Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

^  EUGENDUS,  abbot  at  the  monastery  of  the 
Jurenses  in  Celtic  Gaul ;  commemorated  Jan.  1 
{Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUGENIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome 
under  Gallienus ;  commemorated  Dec.  25  (^Mart. 
Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi); 
iKTionApTvs^  commemorated  Dec  24  (Co/.  By- 
zant,), 

(2)  and  Bagan,  virgins;  commemorated  Jan. 
22  (Co/.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUGENIANUS,  martyr ;  commemorated 
Jan.  8  {M(trt.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUGENIUS.  (1)  martyr  with  six  others  in 
Africa;  commemorated  Jan.  4  (^Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

2)  Martyr  at  Neocaesarea  with  three  others ; 
commemorated  Jan.  24  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Syria,  with  Paulus,  Cyrillus, 
and  four  others;  commemorated  March  20 
(Mart.  Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Tibur  in  Italy,  with  Sympho- 


EULOGIAE 

rosa,  his  mother,  and  her  six  other  children  ; 
memorated  June  27  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet^  Adonis, 
Usuardi);  July  21  {MaH.  Bedae). 

(6)  Bishop  of  Carthage,  and  martyr  with  hii 
500  companions,  or  more  ("  nniversi  cleri  ecde- 
siae  ejusdem*^;  commemorated  July  13  (A.)l 

(6)  Bishop  of  Toledo,  and  confessor;  oomme- 
morated  Nov.  13  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(7)  Martyr  at  Paris ;  commemorated  Nor.  15 

(8)  Martyr  with  Candidus,  Valerianns,  Acybs, 
A.D.  292;  commemorated  Jan.  21  (Co/.  ByzanL). 

(9)  Bishop,  and  martyr  A.D.  296 ;  oomznemo- 
rated  March  7  (/6.). 

(10)  Martyr,  with  four  others,  A.D.  290 ;  oan- 
memorated  Dec.  13  {lb,). 

(11)  and  Macarius;  commemorated  An?.  5 
{Col.  Armen.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

(12)  Invention  of  the  relics  of  those  who  were 
martyred  with  Eugenius  {ip  rots  EvycWov); 
Feb.  22  {Cal.  Byzant.},  [C] 

EUGRAPfflUS  or  EUGRAPHUS,  martyr 
with  Mennas  (or  Menas)  and  Hermogenes,  AJk 
304;  commemorated  Dec  10  {CaL  ByzauL)] 
Dec.  3  {Cal,  Armen.}. 

EULALIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Barcelona 
in  Spain,  under  Diocletian;  commemorated  Feb. 
12  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Dec  10 
{Mart.  Bedae). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Merida  in  Spain ;  com- 
memorated Dec.  10  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi,  Cal.  Carthag.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

EULAMPIA,  martyr  with  EULAMPIUa 
her  brother,  A.O.  296;  commemorated  Oct.  10 
{Cal.  Byzant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

EULOGETARIA  {Ed?ioy7rriipia)  are  cer- 
tain  antiphons  occurring  in  the  Greek  Morning 
Office,  BO  called  from  the  frequent  repetition  in 
them  of  the  words  thKiyirros  c7,  Kipit,  (Daniel, 
Codex  Lit,  304,  703;  Neale,  Eastern  Churdk, 
Introd.  919.)  [C] 

EULOGIAE  in  an  eucharistic  sense. 

(1)  Eulogia  was  used  down  to  the  middle  of 
the  5th  century  as  synonymous  with  thx^p'^^rim. 
for  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper.     Hiis 
signification  was  naturally  derived  from  St.  Paul's 
words,  rh  iror^ptoy  r^s  ^vKoylas  %  tifXjrfQVfur 
(1  Cor.  X.  16).     In  commenting  on  this  pa»ag« 
Chrysostom's  language  shows  that  the  word  was 
beginning  to  be  used  in  this   restricted  sense^ 
•  hKoyiav  trwf  cfir«  leiarra  hnarrOirvm  r^ 
r^i  9b€py€a(as  rov  6coS  Ornrauph»f  k,t,K.  (Chrjs. 
Ilomil,  xxiv.  tn  1  Cor,  x.  16X  in  which  it  ia  of  con- 
stant occurrence  in  the  writings  of  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria, sometimes  by  itself  {LA.  iv.  c.  2  m  Joann. 
vi.  p.  260;  t&.  364;  Catena  ad  Jooim.  iii.    27, 
p.  343,  &c.) ;  sometimes  with  a  qualifying  epi- 
thet, fivaruc)!   tbKoyla  {lib,  Olaphyr,  m  Letit. 
pp.  351,  367  ;  in  Deut.  p.  414 ;  de  AdoraL  lib.  il 
p.  80) ;    €vA.  irvwfJMriK^  (f6.  lib.   vi.  p.  177); 
^hK  C»oitoihi  {ib,  lib.  vii.  p.  231).     To  this  we 
may  add  ^'tuuc  eulogia,  non  alogia  celebntnr'* 
(Aug.  Ep,  86  Casul.  preab.). 

(2)  Eulogia  then  came  to  be  used  spedfically 
for  that  portion  of  the  eucharist,  i}  cir;^ af»i04c<ira 
rpo^  (Just.  Mart.  Apolog,  §  67),  which  was 
conveyed  in  the  primitive  church  by  the  handi 


EULOGIAE 


EULOGIAE 


629 


of  the  deaooDs  to  those  who  were  abseDt  as 
well  as  fur  that  sent  by  the  bishops,  notably 
those  of  Rome,  to  their  daughter  churches, 
and  to  foreign  bishops  and  churches,  as  a 
symbol  of  Christian  love  and  brotherhood.  Ire- 
naeus  is  the  enrliest  anthority  for  this  practice, 
which  he  speaks  of  as  long  established.  In  his 
letter  to  Victor  bishop  of  Rome,  at  the  end  of 
the  2nd  century,  in  which  he  entreats  him  not 
to  make  a  difference  as  to  the  time  of  the  cele- 
bration of  Easter  a  ground  for  breach  of  com- 
munion, he  refers  to  the  example  of  his  pre- 
decessors, who,  notwithstanding  this  difference, 
were  in  the  habit  of  sending  the  eucharist  to  the 
presbyters  of  other  dioceses  who  obserred  the  Ori- 
ental rule  (Iren.  apud  Euseb.  H,  E.  t.  24). 
With  the  increased  reverence  for  the  material 
eucharist  this  practice  dropt  into  disfavour,  and 
was  distinctly  forbidden  by  the  14th  canon  of 
the  council  of  Laodicaea,  A..D.  365.  This  canon 
prohibits  **  the  sending  of  the  holy  things  into 
other  dioceses,  at  the  feast  of  Easter,  by  way  of 
eulogiae  "  (cis  \iyov  «b\oyivv).  Easter  seems 
to  be  specially  mentioned  as  the  chief  period 
for  this  interchange  of  pledges  of  communion, 
the  prohibition  itself  being  general.  The  32nd 
canon  of  the  same  council,  which  forbids  the 
reception  of  the  eulogiae  of  heretics,  which  is 
also  prohibited  by  the  second  council  of  Braga, 
A.D.  572,  probably  refers  to  the  eulogiae  of  un- 
consecrated,  but  blessed  bread  (see  below). 

Forbidden  in  the  East,  the  practice  lingered 
considerably  longer  in  the  West.  Sirmond,  in- 
deed, the  learned  Jesuit,  affirms  that  the  custom 
of  sending  the  eucharist  round  to  other  churches 
and  congregations  arose  subsequently  to  the 
times  of  Cyprian  and  Tertullian,  since  in  their 
writings  there  is  no  allusion  to  it,  and  all 
Christians  who  were  present  at  divine  service 
had  the  opportunity  of  communicating,  and  were 
bound  to  avail  themselves  of  it,  and  that  the 
eulogiae  distributed  consisted  of  bread  blessed 
but  not  consecrated  {de  Azr/mOf  iv.  527  sq.). 
Bnt  the  passages  adduced  cannot  be  satisfactorily 
interpreted  on  any  other  hypothesis.  Suicer  un- 
doubtedly states  the  case  correctly  when  he  says, 
"  €it\6yuu  istae  quae  mittebantur  per  paroecias 
ipsissimae  erant  Eucharistiae  sive  panis  ^bxap^' 
aBivToi,  ex  quo  commnnio  data  fuerat  praesenti- 
bus,  particulae,  quae  abeentibus  Presbyteris  per 
paroecias  Dioecesis  mittebantur.  Sic  enim  per- 
fecta  ex  eodem  pane  sanctificato  oommunio  inter 
omnes  illas  paroecias  unius  dioecesis  institui  vide- 
batur"  {Thee,  sub  yoc  ^hXarfla),  After  the 
church  had  been  invaded  by  heresy,  the  eucha- 
rist was  distributed  to  the  orthodox  presbyters 
by  the  bishop  as  a  pledge  of  their  adhesion  to 
the  true  faith,  as  is  shewn  by  the  ordinances 
relating  to  the  fermentum  of  Melchiades,  A.D. 
311,  and  Siricius,  A.D.  385.  The  letter  of  Inno- 
cent I.  to  Decentius,  c.  410,  informing  him  of 
the  custom  of  sending  the  "  fermentum  "  to  the 
presbyters  of  the  '*  tituli,"  on  Sundays  as  a  token 
of  communion,  and  expressing  his  disapprobation 
of  caiTying  the  leaven  through  a  whole  diocese, 
''quia  nee  longe  portanda  sunt  sacramenta,*' 
illustrates  the  same  practice  [Febmentum].  A 
practice  very  nearly  allied  to  this  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking,  was  that  which  prevailed  among  the 
faithful  in  the  first  ages  of  the  church,  of  carry- 
iog  home  themselves  and  transmitting  to  others 
a  portion  of  the  consecrated  bread  to  be  con- 


sumed hereafter.  Thus  Tertullian  speaks  of  Chri»- 
tian  women  being  accustom«d  "secretly  before 
all  other  food"  to  partake  of  the  eucharist 
(Tert.  ad  Uxor,  ii.  5),  and  answers  the  objection 
of  some  against  receiving  the  eucharist  on  a  day 
of  abstinence  lest  they  should  break  their  fast, 
by  the  suggestion  that  they  could  ''  take  the  body 
of  the  Lord  and  reserve  it  till  the  fast  was  over 
(id.  de  Orat.  19).  Cyprian  tells  of  a  woman 
who  had  lapsed  being  terrified  by  the  sudden 
outburst  of  flame  when  she  opened  her  chest 
[Arca]  m  which  "  the  holy  thing  of  the  Lord  " 
(Domini  sanctum)  was  kept  (Cypr.  de  Lapsis^ 
p.  132).  Satyrua,  the  brother  of  Ambrose,  when 
fearing  to  be  lost  by  shipwreck  obtained  **  that 
divine  sacrament  of  the  ^ithful "  from  some  of 
his  fellow-passengers  (Ambros.  de  Obit,  FratriSy 
iii.  19).  Gregory  Nazianzen  speaks  of  his  sister 
Qorgonia  ''treasuring  up  with  her  hand  the 
antitypes  of  the  precious  Body  and  Blood  "  (Greg. 
Naz.  Orat,  xi.  p.  187).  We  learn  from  Basil  that 
it  was  the  almost  univei'sal  custom  at  Alex- 
andria and  in  Egypt  for  the  laity  to  have  "  the 
communion  "  in  their  houses ;  that  solitaries  did 
the  same,  where  there  was  no  priest  near ;  and 
that  it  was  generally  customary  in  times  of  per- 
secution (Basil,  £pist,  93).  Jerome  speaks  of 
some  who  scrupled  to  receive  the  eucharist  at 
church,  but  were  not  afraid  to  take  it  at  home 
(Hieron.  Epist,  ad  Pammach.),  and  of  those  who 
*'  carried  the  Lord's  Body  in  a  wicker  basket  and 
His  Blood  in  a  glass  vessel "  (id.  Epist,  ad  Btie- 
ticum,  95).  But  universal  as  this  practice  seems 
to  have  been,  its  natural  tendency  to  degenerate 
into  irreverence  and  superstition  gave  rise  to 
evils  which  led  the  church  to  discountenance 
and  ultimately  to  suppress  it.  There  is  no  trace 
of  its  general  observance  after  the  4th  century 
(Scudamore,  NotiHa  Eucharistica,  p.  793). 

(3)  With  the  cessation  of  the  practice  of 
sending  the  consecrated  eucharist  to  persons  who 
were  not  present  grew  up  as  a  substitute  that 
of  distributing  the  unconsecrated  remains  of  the 
oblations  among  those  who  had  not  received  under 
the  name  of  etUogia,  or  in  still  later  times  of 
antidoron  or  substitute  for  the  Bwpovy  or  eucha- 
rist proper.  According  to  the  rule  laid  down 
in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  viii.  c  31) 
these  remains  (riis  ir€ptar<r€vo6ffeu  ip  rois  fivirri- 
Ko7s  €u\oylas\  were  distributed  by  the  deacons, 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  bishops  or  presbyters,  to 
the  clergy  in  proportion  to  their  rank.  The  rule 
prescribed  by  Theophilus  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  385,  permits  "  the  £iithful  brethren  **  to 
share  them  with  the  clergy,  but  prohibits  a 
catechumen  to  partake  of  them.  That  the  cate- 
chumens, however,  in  the  time  of  Augustine  par- 
took of  some  kind  of  sacrament  is  plain  from  his 
words  (de  Peccator,  Meritis,  ii.  26^  **  quod  acce- 
perunt  (catechumeni)  quamvis  non  sit  corpus 
Christi,  sanctum  tamen  est  et  simctius  quam  cibi 
quibus  alimur,  quoniam  sacramentum  est."  As 
the  first  love  of  the  church  grew  cold  and  non- 
communicating  attendance  became  common,  the 
unconsecrated  remains  began  to  be  regularly 
distributed  among  those  who  had  not  received, 
that  they  might  not  depart  without  a  semblance 
of  a  blessing.  The  Greek  names  for  this  prac- 
tice, ^vKoyloy  imiHttpoVy  sufficiently  indicate 
where  it  originated,  The  word  occurs  in  So- 
crates' account  of  Chrysanthus,  the  bishop  of 
the  Novatians  at  Constantinople  in  the  5th  cen- 


630 


EULOGIAE 


EULOGIAE 


tury,  who  declined  to  receiye  anything  from  his 
churches  but  '*  two  loaves  of  the  mtlogiae  eyery 
Lord's  Day,"  ^uh  iprovs  thXoymv  (Socr.  H,  E,  vii. 
12).  In  the  liturgies  of  Chrysostom  and  Basil 
the  distribution  of  the  antidoron  by  the  priest 
is  prescribed — fierik  riiw  c^xV  H^PX^^  ^  Upehs 
KflU  ffrks  4v  r^  avrfi$u  riir^  ZQin^i  rh  kinl- 
Zapov  (Goar,  Eucholog.  85,  §  190).  But  this  is 
evidently  an  addition  of  late  though  uncertain 
date.  Balsamon  deduces  it  from  a  desire  to 
evade  the  force  of  the  threat  of  the  second  canon 
of  Antioch  against  non-communicating  attend- 
ance, so  that  even  those  who  were  not  able  to 
receive  the  undefiled  mysteries  might  take  the 
eulogia  of  the  hallowed  fragment  from  the  hand 
of  the  celebrant.  But  if  its  original  be  Greek, 
the  earliest  certain  notice  of  it  is  found  in  Latin 
writers,  and  not  earlier  than  the  9th  century. 
The  decree  of  Pins  I.  A.D.  156  (Labbe,  i.  578), 
which  prescribes  it,  is  an  undoubted  forgery,  as  is 
acknowledged  by  Card.  Bona  {Ber,  Liturg.  lib.  i. 
cap.  23).  This  decree  appears  nearly  verbatim 
both  in  the  Capituh  of  Hincmar,  A.D.  353,  c.  7 
and  c.  16  (Labbe,  viii.  570),  and  in  the  canons  of 
Nantes,  c.  A.D.  896  (Labbe,  ix.  470,  canon  ix.). 
It  runs  :  *'  ut  de  oblatiouibus  quae  offeruntnr  a 
populo  et  consecrationi  8upei*fluunt,  vel  de  pa- 
nibus  quos  deferunt  fideles  ad  Dcclesiam,  vel 
oerte  de  suis.  Presbyter  convenientes  partes  in- 
cisas  habeat  in  vase  nitido  et  convenienti,  et  post 
missarum  solemnia  qui  communicare  non  fuerint 
parati  Euhgias  omni  die  Domiuioo,  et  in  omnibus 
festis  exinde  accipiant,  quae  cum  benedictione 
prius  faciat."  This  canon  prescribes  a  form  of 
prayer  to  be  used  in  the  benediction  (c.  7). 
Leo  lY.  (847-855)  also  commanded  that  **  the 
etUogiae  be  distributed  to  the  people  after  the 
Masses  on  Feastdays  "  (Labbe,  viii.  37).  We 
should  be  transgressing  our  assigned  limits  still 
further  if  we  traced  the  custom  any  later.* 

(4)  When  the  custom  of  sending  the  eocharist 
to  one  another  as  a  symbol  of  Christian  com- 
munion had  ceased  among  Christians,  the  prac- 
tice arose  of  distributing  cakes  of  bread,  which 
had  received  a  special  benediction,  as  a  token  of 
mutual  love.  We  have  a  reference  to  this  prac- 
tice in  the  writings  of  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen 
{Orat,  xix.  p.  306)  when  relating  a  dream  of  his 
sister  Gorgonia  when  sick.  '^  She  thought  that 
1 .  .  .  .  suddenly  stood  by  her  in  the  night  with 
a  basket  and  loaves  of  the  purest  flour,  and 
having  prayed  over  them  and  signed  them  as 
our  wont  is,  fed  her."  During  the  disputes  which 
succeeded  the  council  of  Ephesus,  the  bishops  and 
presbyters  of  Cilicia  and  Isauria  sent  EiUogiae  to 
John  of  Antioch,  in  token  of  communion  (Balnz., 
Nov.  Coll.  Condi.  867).  The  writings  of  Pau- 
linus,  bishop  of  Nola,  contain  many  notices  of  these 
euloijiaey  sometimes  under  the  name  of  henedtc- 
tiones,  which  were  interchanged  between  him  and 
Augustine  and  others.  The  latter  writes  to  Pau- 
linus,  "  the  bread  we  have  sent  will  become  a 
richer  blessing,  for  the  love  of  your  benignity  in 
accepting  it"  (Aug.  Epist.  xxxiv.).  The  compli- 
ment is  returned  by  Paulinus.  '*  The  single  loaf 
which  we  have  sent  to  your  charity,  as  a  token  of 
unanimity,  we  beg  that  you  will  bless  (i.e.  make 
a  true  eulogia)  by  accepting  it "  (Paulin.  Epist. 

*  Those  who  wish  to  fbUow  up  this  practice  to  more 
modem  times  wlU  find  the  mstorisla  in  Scodamore's 
NatUia  EudiaHetiea,  ch.  xrl.  $  a,  n>.  T74-78A 


iv.  p.  16).  Paulinus  also  sends  a  trifid  loaf  to 
Alypius,  '*  panem  unum  .  .  in  quo  Trini- 
tatis  soliditas  continetur,"  which  he  will  ton 
into  a  eulogia  by  his  kindness  in  receiving  it, 
(ib.  iii.  p.  12).  He  sends  five  loaves  to  Boma- 
nianus  and  Licinius  {ib.  vii.  p.  27).  To  SerenB 
he  sends  ^  a  Campanian  loaf  from  his  cell,  ai 
a  eulogia,*'  together  with  a  boxwood  casket, 
and  begs  him,  as  before,  by  accepting  the  loaf  ii 
the  name  of  tiie  Lord  to  convert  it  into  a  eul<^ 
(ib.  V.  §  21,  p.  30).  The  large  number  of  atoriei 
in  Gregory  of  Tours  in  which  the  expr»sioiis 
eulogias  accipere,  dare^  fiagitare,  mmistrare^  pe- 
tere,  porrigere,  postulare,  &c.  occur,  prove  iom 
common  the  practice  was  as  a  token  of  Christitt 
communion  and  a  symbol  of  episcopal  benodictioa 
in  the  6th  century  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  ir.  16; 
V.  14,  20 ;  X.  16 ;  de  Glor.  Confess.  31).  Fran 
some  of  these  passages  we  learn  that  to  drink  a 
cup  of  wine,  and  to  partake  of  a  morsel  of  bread 
blessed  by  him  in  a  bishop's  house  was  considered 
equivalent  to  receiving  his  benedictioii,  (euiogitt) 
(id.  ffist.  vi.  51;  viii.  2).  Ducange  (#«&  voce) 
affords  a  very  large  number  of  later  references 
Forms  of  literae  salutaioriae  to  accompany  enlo- 
giae  sent  by  a  bishop  to  a  king  or  to  another 
bishop,  and  of  acknowledgment,  are  contained  in 
the  Exemplaria  of  Maixndfus,  lib.  iL  42,  44,  45, 
46. 

(5)  This  was  not  the  only  form  which  eulogim 
assumed.     We  have    seen  Paulinus    sending  a 
wooden  box  as  a  eulogia.     The  presents  atat 
by  Cyril  of  Alexandria  to  Pulcheiia  and  the 
ladies  of  the  court  to  induce  them  to  forward 
his  interests  in  his  disputes  with  John  of  Anttoch 
and   the  Oriental  bishops  were   delicately  de- 
scribed as  *'  blessings,"  "  eulogiae."    This  use  of 
the  word  is  borrowed  from  Holy  Scriptare,  where 
a  gift  is  not  unfrequently  styled  a  blessing,  in 
the  LXX.  €b\oyia ;  see  Jud.  i.  15 ;  1  Sam.  xxv. 
27;    XXX.   26;   2   Kin.  v.   15;    2    Cor.    ix.  5; 
Rom.  XV.  29.     We  find  Gregory  the  Great  asiiig 
this  term  of  some  relics  of  saints  (^  enlogias 
S.  Marci ")  sent  him  by  Eulogins,  patriarch  of 
Alexandria ;  and  **  benedictio "  of  a  small  croas 
[Enoolpion]^  containing   some    filings    of  the 
apostles'  chains  (Greg.  Mag.  Epist.  lib.  xiii.  ep.42)L 
Some  of  Augustine's  opuscula  were  brought  to  the 
abbot  Valentinus  under  this  title  (August,  Ep. 
256).    Even  sweetmeats,  nuts,  and  dry  figs  were 
included  under  this  title,  when  blened  by  the 
sender.     Some  curious  stories  illustrative  of  this 
custom  are  recorded  in  the  Vitae  Fatnan.    Thm 
some  bellaria  (sweetmeats)  brought  to  the  monas- 
tery where  Valens  was  a  monk  by  some  guests 
and  distributed  by  the  abbot  Macarius  to  each 
cell,  were  indignantly  rejected  by  Valei^  who 
beat  the  bearer  and  sent  him   back  with  the 
message,  ^Go  and  tell  Macarius  that  I  am  as 
good  as  he.  What  right  then  has  he  to  send  rae 
a  benediction^*'  (Pallad.  Bist.  Laus.  c.  31>  They 
were  withheld  from  those  who  were  under  ex- 
communication,   and    excommunicated    bi^o|is 
were  forbidden  to  send  them  to  others  (Greg. 
Turon.  Bist.  viii.  c.  20).    Thus  the  abbot  Arseniu 
took  umbrage  at  some  dry  figs  not  being  sent 
him,  and  regarding  himself  as  excommunicated 
refused  to  attend  divine  service  with  his  brethrea 
until  the  ban  was  taken  off  (de  Vit.  Patr.  lib.  v. 
Migne,  Ixxiii.  p.  953).    The  eulogia  was  refused 
to  the  king  Merwig,  who  had  apostatized  (Greg. 
Turvn.  Bist.  v.  14).    (Bingham,  Grig.  BocL  xv. 


EUL0GITJ8 


EUPBOBUS 


631 


4,  3,  and  8;  Bona,  Bertan  Liiurg.;  Ducange*s 
Olouaries;  Suicer,  Thesaurus  f  BiDterim,  I>enk' 
te4A%. ;  Augiuti,  Christ  Arch.  ii.  533).  [£.  V.] 

(6)  Euhgiae  in  monasteries.  In  the  Bene- 
dictine rule  monks  are  forbidden  to  receive 
'*  litteras,  eulogias,  vel  quaelibet  monnscula  ** 
withoat  the  abbat's  leave  {Reg.  Bened.  c  54,  cf. 
Req.  Donat.  c.  53).  Here  probably  the  word  is 
used  in  its  widest  sense,  for  any  offering  or 
token  of  esteem  (Martene  ad  loc.  citing  Reg. 
Comment.),  or,  more  pailicalarly,  for  bread  sent 
with  a  blessing.    See  (4)  and  (5)  above. 

In  some  monasteries,  e.  g.  that  of  Fnlda 
(Mabill.  Ann.  0J3.B.  Praef.  Saec  III.  vii.X 
eulogiae  were  distributed  daily  to  the  monks, 
who  had  not  already  received,  in  the  refectory 
before  their  meal ;  in  others  this  was  done  only 
on  Sundays  and  holy-days  (cf.  Reg.  Bened.  Com' 
ment.  c.  54).  In  the  life  of  Eligius,  in  the  7th 
century,  it  is  related  that  he  used  to  beg  these 
'*  eulogiae "  or  pieces  of  blessed  bread  from  the 
monks  of  Solignac  (Mabill.  Ann.  0.8. B.  XII. 
xxii.).  ¥nien  the  abbess  who  succeeded  Rade- 
gande  in  the  convent  of  Ste.  Croix  at  Poitiers 
waa  accused  of  feasting  she  replied  that  the 
alleged  feasting  was  only  the  partaking  of  the 
*« eulogiae "(/6.  VIL  llii.  589  a.d.>  "Eulogiae," 
in  this  sense,  were  sometimes  given  by  a  bishop 
to  an  excommunicated  person  in  token  of  recon- 
ciliation (76.  III.  I.)  "Hie  other  spelling,  "  eulo- 
gium,*'  is  oondenmed  by  Menaini  {^Conc.  RegtU. 
Bened.  Anion,  c.  61).  [I.  O.  S.] 

EULOOIUS.  (1)  Deacon,  and  martyr  at 
Tarragona,  with  Fructuosus  the  bishop,  under 
Gallieuus ;  commemorated  Jan.  21  (Mart.  Hleron., 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Constantinople  ;  commemorated 
July  3  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(3)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at  Cordova ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  20  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  6.] 

EUMENIA,  martyr  at  Augusta,  with  Hilaria 
and  others;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart. 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUMENIUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Gortyna,  BaMS 
wariip  KoX  Bavfiarovpy6s ;  commemorated  Sept. 
18  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(8)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  143;  com- 
memorated Tekemt  10  =  Oct.  7  {Cal.  Mhiop.). 

[W.  ¥.  G.] 

EUNUCHS,  not  to  be  ordained.  The  feeling 
that  one  devoted  to  the  sacred  ministry  should 
be  unmutilated  was  strong  in  the  ancient  church. 
Hence,  the  council  of  Nicaea  (c.  1)  enacted  that 
if  any  one,  being  in  health  {Oyudi^wy)  dismem- 
bered himself,  after  ordination,  he  should  be 
deposed  from  the  ministry,  or,  being  a  layman, 
he  should  not  be  admitted  to  Holy  Orders; 
and  in  the  Apostolical  Canons  (c.  21)  the  reason 
for  such  exclusion  is  added,  viz.,  that  the  offender 
is  a  self-murderer  (o^o^orcvr^f  iavrov)  and  an 
enemy  of  the  workmanship  of  God.  These 
canons,  and  a  later  one  in  the  2nd  council  of 
Aries  (c.  7),  were  aimed  against  that  perverted 
notion  of  piety,  originating  in  the  misinterpre- 
tation of  our  Lord's  saying  (Matt.  xix.  12),  by 
which  Origen,  among  others,  was  misled,  and 
their  observance  was  so  carefully  enforced  in 
later  times,  that  not  more  than  one  or  two 
instances  of  the  practice  which  they  condemn 


are  noticed  by  the  historian.  The  case  was 
different  if  a  man  was  born  a  eunuch,  or  had 
suffered  mutilation  at  the  hands  of  persecutors : 
an  instance  of  the  tbrmer,  Dorotheus,  pres- 
byter of  Antioch,  is  mentioned  by  £usebius 
{ff.  E.  vii.  c  32) ;  of  the  latter,  Tigris,  pres- 
byter of  Constantinople,  is  referred  to  both  by 
Socrates  {H.  E.  vi.  15)  and  Sozomen  {H.  E.  vi. 
24)  as  the  victim  of  a  barbarian  master  (Bing- 
ham, Andiq.  iv.  iii.  9).  [D.  B.J 

EUKUS,  martyr,  with  Julian,  at  Alexandria; 
commemorated  Feb.  27  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUODUS,  martyr  with  Calliste  and  Hermo 
genes ;  commemorated  Sept.  1  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUOTUS,  martyr  at  Caesaraugusta  with 
seventeen  others ;  commemorated  April  16 
{Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHEMIA.  (1)  Martyr  at  Chalcedon, 
under  Diocletian,  A..D.  288 ;  commemorated 
Sept.  16  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi) ;  Sept.  16  {Cal.  Byzant.) ;  commemoration 
of  the  miracle  which  she  is  said  to  have  wrought 
in  the  church  of  Chalcedon,  July  11  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  Lucia ;  commemo- 
rated Sept.  16  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Cal.  AllatH  et 
Frontonis).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHRASIA  or  EUPRAXIA.  (1) Virgin; 
deposition  at  Alexandria,  Feb.  11  {Mart.  Rom. 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Virgin ;  deposition  in  the  Thebals,  March 

13  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHBASIUS.  (1)  Bishop,  and  martyr; 
hatale  Jan.  14  {Mart.  Usuardi) ;  deposition  Jan. 

14  {Mart.  Hieron.). 

(8)  Confessor  at  Eliturgis  in  Spain;  comme- 
morated May  15  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet.,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHROSIUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated March  14  {Mart.  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHROSYNE    or   EUFROSINA.     (1) 

Virgin,   of  Alexandria;    commemorated  Jan.  1 
{Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Virgin,  martyr,  with  Domitilla  and  Theo- 
dora, under  Trajan ;  commemorated  May  7  {lb.) 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUPHROSYNE,  6ff(a  fxiirjip,  a.d.  410 ;  o3m- 
memorated  Sept.  25  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPLUS,  deacon,  and  martyr  at  Catana  in 
Sicily,  under  Diocletian  and  Maximian,  a.d.  296 ; 
commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Aug.  11  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUPRAXIA,  and  Olympias ;  commemorated 
July  25  {Cal.  Byzant,).    See  Euphrasia. 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUPREPIA,  martyr  at  Augusta,  with  Hila- 
ria and  others;  commemorated  Aug.  12  {Mart. 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUPREPIUS,  one  of  the  three  brothers  of 
Cosmas  and  Damianus,  martyrs  under  Diocletian ; 
commemorated  Sept.  27  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet,,  Adonis, 
Usuardi>  [W.  F.  G.l 

EUPROBUS,  bishop  and  martyr,  at  Saintea 
in  Gaul ;  commemorated  April  30  (Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 


632 


EUPSYCHIUS 


EUPSYGHIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea,  nnder 
Julian ;  commemorated  April  9  {Col.  Byzant.), 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUSEBIUS.  (1)  Palatikus,  martyr  with 
nine  (jRom.  Vet.  eight)  others ;  commemorated 
March  5  (^Mart.  Rom,  Vet,^  Adonis,  Usnardi). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Aphrodisins,  Carilippas,  and 
Agapias ;  commemorated  April  28  {Moart.  Adonis, 
(Tsnardi). 

(8)  The  historian,  bishop,  and  confessor,  of 
Caesarea  in  Palestine;  commemorated  June  21 
{Mart,  Hieron.,  Flori^  Usuardi). 

(4)  Bishop  and  martyr  at  Vercelli  under  Con- 
stantius;  commemorated  Aug.  1  {Mart,  Rom. 
Vetf  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Presbyter,  and  confessor  at  Rome,  under 
Constantius  Augustus;  commemorated  Aug.  14 
{Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Col. 
Frontonis). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Rome,  with  three  others,  under 
Commodus ;  commemorated  Aug.  25  {Mart.  Mom. 
Vet.j  Adonia,  Usuardi). 

(7)  Martyr  at  Adrianopolis  in  Thrace,  with 
Philip  the  bishop  and  Hermes ;  commemorated 
Oct.  22  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Monk,  and  martyr  at  Tarracina  in  Cam- 
pania, with  Felix  the  presbyter,  under  Claudius ; 
commemorated  Nov.  5  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Bishop  of  Samosata,  and  martyr  under 
Valens ;  commemorated  June  22  {Col.  Byzant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUSIGNIUS,  martyr  at  Antioch,  A.d.  361 ; 
commemorated  Aug.  5  {Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUSTACHIUS.  (1)  Bishop  and  confessor 
at  Antioch  in  Syria,  under  Constantine  (Constan- 
tius, Ado) ;  commemorated  July  16  {Mart.  Rom. 
Vet.j  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Presbyter  and  martyr  in  Syria;  comme- 
morated Oct.  12  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Placidus,  martyr  at  Rome,  with  his 
wife  and  two  children,  under  Adrian;  comme- 
morated Nor.  2  {Mart.  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] 

EU8TATHIU8  or  EUSTA8IUS.  (1)  With 
Dis  companions,  fitya\otidprvft  A.D.  100;  com- 
memorated Sept.  20  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

(8)  ab  Msketha  or  Mzcheta;  commemorated 
July  29  {Cal.  Oeorg.). 

(8)  and  Theodotus;  commemorated  Oct.  1 
{Cal.  Armen.). 

(4)  Abbot  of  Luxeuil;  deposition  March  29 
{Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUSTOBGIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at 
Nicomedia;  commemorated  April  11  {Mart. 
Hieron.,  UBuardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

EU8TOSIU8,  martyr  at  Antioch  with  De- 
metrius the  bishop,  Anianus  the  deacon,  and 
twenty  others ;  commemorated  Noy.  10  {lb.) 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EnSTRATIU8,  martyr  with  Eugenius  and 
three  others,  A.D.  290;  commemorated  Dec.  13 
{Cal.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUTHYMIUS.  (1)  Magnus,  Ztrios  Ktd  dco- 
^poSj  A.D.  465;  commemorated  Jan.  20  {Cal. 
Byzant.). 

(2)  Deacon  of  Alexandria;  commemorated  May 
5  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 


EVANGELIST 

(3)  of  Athos;  commemorated  May  13  (Oai 
Oeorg.). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Sardis,  and  martyr,  aj>.  820: 
commemorated  Dec  26  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUTBOPIA,  sister  of  Nicasins  the  biahop. 
martyr  with  him  at  Rheima;  commemorated 
Dec  14  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  GJ 

EUTBOPIUS  (1)  and  companions,  martyr 
A.D.   296;  commemorated   March  3  {Cal.  By 
zant.). 

(2)  Bishop,  and  martyr  at  Aran&io  in  Gaul; 
commemorated  May  27  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome  vrith  sisters  Zoaima  and 
Bonosa;  commemorated  July  15  {Mart.  Rom. 
Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  ^W.  F.  G.] 

EUTYGHIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Campania, 
with  Symphorosa  and  eight  others ;  «>mmemo« 
rated  July  2  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet^  Adonis,  Usuardi)L 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Arcadius  and  tw« 
others ;  commemorated  Noy.  13  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Pope,  and  martyr  under  Aurelian;  oom- 
memorated  Dec.  8  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron., 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EUTYCHIU8  (1>  Deacon  and  martyr  in 
Mauretania  Caesariensis,  with  two  others ;  com- 
memorated May  21  {Mori.  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Sicily  with  Placidus  and  thirty 
others;  commemorated  Oct.  5  (ifori.  Ad<mis, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Spain ;  commemorated  Dec  11 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at  Ancyra  in  Gala- 
tia  with  Domitianus  the  deacon ;  commemorated 
Dec  28  {Mart.  Bieron.^  Usuudi). ' 

(6)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  551-582 ; 
commemorated  April  6  {Cal.  Byzant.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EUTY0HU8  or  EUTYCHE8.  (1)  Martyr 
in  Thrace  with  Plautus  and  Heracleas ;  oomme  • 
morated  Sept.  29  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Naples  with  Januarius,  bishop 
of  Beneyentum,  and  others,  under  Diocletian; 
commemorated  Sept.  19  {Mcurt.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae^ 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Italy,  with  Maro  and  Victorinns^ 
under  Nerya;  commemorated  April  15  {Miui. 
Rom.  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Disciple  of  St.  John,  and  martyr ;  comme- 
morated Aug.  24  {Cal.  Byzant.).        [W.  F.  G.] 

EVAGRIXJ8.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tomi  in 
Scythia,  with  Benignus ;  commemorated  April  3 
{Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Tomi,  with  Prisons  and  Cre- 
scens;  commemorated  Oct.  1  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., 
Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

EVANGELIARIUM,  EVANGBUSTA- 
BIUM  {EbayytXiariipioy),  the  book  contain- 
ing the  passages  of  the  gospels  to  be  read  in  the 
liturgy.  [Gospel:  LEcnoNART:  LrruBOiCAL 
Books.]  [C] 

EVANGELIABY.   [Litusoigal  Books.] 

EVANGELIST.  The  deacon  b  called  •"Etsb* 
gelist "  in  his  capacity  of  reader  of  the  gospel. 
In  the  liturgy  of  Chrysostom  (c  19,  p.  347| 


ETANOELTSTS 

D«ii*])  tha  deacon  pnp  the  prieat,  "Bleu,  lir, 
the  exangeliit  {lioyyt^iffT))*)  of  the  holj 
■p«tle  uid  gupel."  [C] 

EVANGELISTS.  The  Pour  ET«ig.li.t.  >« 
commemonted  Oct.  19  (Otj.  Arnm.).  [C] 

EVANGELISTS,  .jmbolic  npreHntstioui 
of.     Ve  find   from   Ariughi  (ii.  285)   that  thi 


EVANGEI,IST8 


633 


.  (a. 


night  b 
>  of  tl 


pected)  not  the  original 
eritngeliiti.  Tha  roUB  BIVEBB  of  puiuliH  tm 
perhaps  intended  to  repiewnt  the  gupel,  and 
the  distinct  cbumeli  of  it>  diffniion  throngh- 
ont  the  world  (Oen.  li.).  Thesa  are  found  in 
aome  of  the  earliest  specimeni  of  nnqueitionablj 
authealic  Christian  decoration,  as  in  the  Lateran 
cross  [CROaa.  p.  49G],  where  the  lamb  and  stag 
ace  introduced.  The  four  books  or  rolls  are 
al<a  found  tn  early  work,  Ciami^nl  (  F.  M.  i.  67 
tab. ;  Buonarotti,  liT.  2).  la  aome  inttaDcet, 
as  in  the  baptiam  of  oar  Lord  in  the  cemeter; 
of  St.  PoDtiBDUi  (Aringhi,  275,  S,  also  at  end 
of  Bottari),  the  aoinuLi  are  introduced  drjnk- 
iDg  in  the  Jordan.  In  this  casa,  either  the 
mystic  rirer  is  identified  with  the  four  riren  of 
paradise,  and  made  to  accompaiif  the  omamented 
cress  belov,  repreeenting  the  gospel,  as  in  the 
Lsteran  cross  (see  a.     '  ■     «.    r. 


s,  belon 


le  baptiiT 


Lord's  death  and  haplism  thereinta  Mr,  Parker 
glTaa  an  admirably  clear  photograph  of  the  pre- 
seot  condition  of  this  important  work,  which  he 
dates  from  I.D.  772.  The  Latena  relic  b  (up- 
poHd  to  be  similai  to  the  croesee  of  the  time  of 
Conitantina. 

The  adoption  of  tbe  four  cnaturei  of  the 
Apocalypse  (iv.  6)  a*  images  of  tbe  erangeliita, 
does  not  seem  to  hare  taken  place  generall)',  or 
la  not  recorded  on  Christian  monamcBU,  before 


the  5th  osntary.  It  iDvolrei,  of  eonne,  ■ 
peculiarly  impreaaJTe  coDoeiion  between  the 
beginning  of  the  risioDS  of  Etekiel,  and  the 
unreiling  of  hearen  to  the  eyes  of  St.  John. 
This  is  unmistakable ;  although  in  the  pro- 
phet's vision  the  living  creaturea  were  not 
only  foor  in  number,  but  each  was  fburibld  in 
■hape.  "They  four  had  the  face  of  a  man,  and 
the  face  of  a  lion,  on  the  right  side ;  and  they 
four  had  the  ftce  of  an  oi  on  the  left  aide;  thej 
four  also  had  the  face  of  an  eagle."  While  in 
the  Apocalypse,  "  The  lint  beast  was  like  a  lion, 
the  second  like  a  calf,  the  third  had  the  &ce  ofa 
man,  and  the  fourth  beast  waa  like  a  flying 
eagle."  This  conneiion  is  said  by  Mrs.  Jameson, 
(Sacrtd  and  Ltgtndary  Art,  79)  to  have  been 
noticed  as  early  ai  the  2nd  century,  though  no 
representations  are  found  till  the  5th,  Nor  was 
it  till  long  after  the  foar  crenturei  had  been 
tttkn  as  prefiguring  the  four  evaageliEts,  that  a 


special  application  was  made  of  each  symlol  to 
each  writer.  This  may  be  referred  to  St.  Jerome 
on  Eiekiel  i.  St.  Matthew  has  the  man,  ni 
beginning  his  gospel  with  Che  Lard's  human 
genealogy  :  St.  Mark  the  lion,  as  teatlfying  the 
Lord's  royal  dignity,  or  aa  ooataioing  the  ter- 


rible coikdemnation  of  unbeliever*  at  tbe  end  of 
his  gospel:  St.  Luke  the  oi,  as  be  dwells  on 
the  priesthood  and  sacriRce  of  Christ :  St.  John 
the    eagle,  as   contemplating  the  Lord's  divine 

utmost  on  this  subject  for  centuries  with  little 
result.     An  ivory  diptych  of  the  5th  century. 


given  by  Bngati  (Jfnaont  cK  S.  Cilto  in  /n.)  is 
the  earliest  known  representation  of  this  emblem, 
which  doe*  not  occur  in  the  glass  devices  recorded 
by  Oarrucci  or  Buonarotti.  The  well-known 
representation  of  the  four  creature^ymbola  in 
the  great  mosaic  of  the  church  of  St.  Pndentiana 
at  Rome,  must  we  think  be  left  out  of  reckoning 
altogether  aa  an  historic  document.  (See  Hr. 
J.  E.  Parker's  photographs,  and  the  articles 
thereon  in  his  Antipiitia  of  Brnae,  by  the  author 
of  the  present  paper;  alto  Ueasrs.  Crowe  and 
Cavalcaselle's  Eatiy  llnlian  Art,  voL  i.  chap,  i.) 
The  aymbol*  are  placed  above  a  Tth  century 


■a,  and  on  close  ioipection  of  the  photographs, 
lear  to  have  been  repaired  in  fresco,  or  by 
sting  of  some  kind.     The  appearance  of  the 

die  mosaic  in  fact  is  that  of  a  quantity  of 
tcrial  of  diScrent  ages,  some  donbtlesa  very 
lient  and  of  great  merit,  combined  as  a  whole 


6S4 


EVANGELISTS 


bj  »  painter  aad  .mouiciit  of  the  greatest  ikEll 
and  power  in  the  Ifith  centaiy.  Hovertr,  tbe 
nse  of  the  quadruple  ajnibols  li  utilpenal,  in 
naat  and  west,  and  throaghont  the  CfariBtian 
world,  in  evecy  kind  of  eittuition,  and  bjuteof  all 
vehicle!  and  methods.  They  are  very  frequently 
placed  on  crosses  of  the  7th  centory,  iboat  the 
BhOie  time  as  that  in  which  the  change  took  place 
IVoDI  the  lamb  at  the  intersection  of  the  limbs 
t.(  the  cros  to  the  human  form  crudfied.  Tbey 
occnr  on  the  crosa  of  Telitrae,  and  on  some  ancient 
German  cnwHs  mentioned  under  CRUCins,  aa  the 
itatioo  cross  of  Planig,  &c  fint  the  most  inter- 
eating;  6th  century  representation  of  them  known 
to  OS  ia  the  qnaintlT  hnt  moat  grand  Ij-conceived 
tetramorph  of  the  Rahula  US.,  which  represents 
the  Lord  at  the  ascension,  mounting  a  chariot  of 
many  wings  ajid  cherubic  form.  It  shows  that 
the  Syrian  miniaturist  had  a  most  Tlvid  ima- 
gination, and  the  highest  power  of  realiting  his 
conceptions,  as  appears  in  so  many  psrts  of  that 
eitraordinary  work.  The  wheels  of  the  chariot, 
as  well  as  the  cherabic  forms,  connect  the  Tision 
of  Ewkie!  with  the  griffins  of  Lombard  Church- 
art  as  at  Verona.  Mrs.  Jameson  giiea  a  very 
interesting  tetramorph  or  cherubic  form  bearing 
the  eTangcUc  symbols,  from  a  Qreek  mosaic 
This  symbol  is  certainly  not  of  the  age  of  the 
earlier  catacomb  paintings,  and  occors  first  with 
frequency  in  the  tesaellaled  apses  and  tribunes 
of  Byaantine  chnrche*,  and  Is  of  course  specially 
worthy  of  note  as  eiplalning  the  conneiion  b*- 
tween  the  Tision  of  Eiekiel  and  that  of  SI.  John. 
The  four  animala  separately  represented  occur 
paMnt,  both  in  Eastern  and  Western  Church- 
work.  (SeeGampini,  r*i.ifon.l.tab.48.)  There 
are  grand  eiamples  in  the  spandrils  of  the  dome 
of  Oslla  PlacidU's  chapel  In  Ravenna,  as  in  St. 
Apollinarls  in  Clssse,  and  particnlarly  in  the 
chapel  of  St.  Satyrus  at  Milan.  [For  a  singular 
apecimen  of  Carlorlnglan  grotesques  of  them 
see  MiNliTCEB.]  (The  woodcnts,  p.  B33,  are 
tram  the  Utter.)  The  e^le  given  below  is 
taken  from  the  Evangeliaiy  of  Louis  le  De- 
honnaire ;  but  the  Hoars  of  thst  emperor  and 
the  MS.  of  St.  Nedacd  of  Soisaons,  also  contain 
whole  page  emblems  of  the  four  eTsngeliste. 

in  SL  Vltale  at  Ravenna  the  symbol)  of  the 
evnngelists  accompany  their  sitting  figures.  St. 
Matthew  has  the  man,  St.  Mark  the  (wingless) 
lion  ;  the  calf,  also  wingless,  belongs  to  St.  Luke, 
and  the  eagle  to  St.  John.  The  nimhua  is  some- 
times added,  and  sometimes  the  creatures  bear 
the  rolls  or  books  of  the  gospel  (Ciampini,  V.  M. 
II.  IV.;  inSt.Cosmasand  Damian.  See  also  iM. 
11,  iiiv.  for  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe,  temp.  Feliz 
IV.  about  530). 

There  is  a  very  strange  missal  painting  referred 
to  by  Hartigny,  where  the  human  forms  of  the 
evangelists  in  apostolic  robes  are  snmionnted  by 
the  heads  of  the  creatnres.  This  occurs  slso,  he 
says,  m  an  ancient  church  of  Aquileia  (Bartoli, 
le  AnticAitti  di  Aquileia,  404).  Two  eiamples 
are  given  in  woodcut  by  Mrs.  Jameson,  Sacred 
und  Legendary  Art,  83.  One  is  by  Fra  Ange- 
licp,  and  the  hands,  feet,  and  drapery  of  the  other, 
which  is  not  dated,  seem  too  skilfully  done  to  be 


BVENINO  HTHN 

and  the  eagle  on  one  side,  the  lion  and  ol. 

lie   other,    lettered    nspectivaly   NASEOC 

{)ic\  iOHANNIS,    NAPC,   LVCAS.      Kotbiug   is 

'  lown  of  the  history  of  this  relic     It  Buy  be 

.ppoaed  that  where  the  Lord  is  snrr<ioi>ded  \rj 

into  and    apostles   the    bearera   of  boolca    an 

tended  for  the  evangelists,  eapecially  if  they 

'e  fonr  in  number,  though  on  the  sarcophagus 

Bottari  ciiiL  t.  only  three  a ' 


Bnt  the  four 


eaturei 


r  alike  : 


.  bas-reliefe 


S.  Joait.  Baft.  p.  Id3,  for 


tbiy  St  Matthew  and  St.  John,  with  St. 
:  as  companion  and  interpreter  of  St.  Peter. 
,„-.  iigures  in  the  baptisten  «*  Ravenna  hold- 
ing books,  and  placed  in  niches  of  mosaic  ara- 
besques, are  considered  of  doubtful  meaning  by 
Ciampini  (K.  M.  i.  tob.  72);  but  HartigDy  ii 
perfectly  satisfied  that  the  evangelists  an  in- 
tended by  them  (Martignj,  Dictioimairv  ».  v. 
Etangeliita).  [R.  ST.  J.  T.] 

EVE.    [Tion.] 

EVENING  HYMN,  In  the  nspers  of  the 
Eastern  church,  after  certain  filed  psalms,  con. 
eluding  with  Ps.  ciiiii.,  eipreaaive  of  intense 
eipectalion,  followed  by  the  "EntiMice,"  w 
called,  of  the  Qoepels  considered  as  enshrining 
Christ  Himself,  with  an  exhortation  to  the  ae- 
knowiedgment  and  hearing  of  Him  as  there 
preaent  ("Wisdom,  stand  up") — the  Evaimi 
H-imn  is  appropriately  snag;  the  triomphant 
"Hymn  of  the  Evening  Light,"  at  once  giving 
thanks  for  the  gift  of  artificial  light,  and  piaiang 
the  true  "Light  that  ahinelh  in  darkness,  ia 
Whom  is  Life,  and  the  Life  is  the  Light  of  nwi " 
—hence  called  by  St.  Basil  twt\6xnet  rixtff 
tnla.  "  Joyful  Ught  of  the  holy  glory  of  the 
imraorUl  Father,  the  heayenlv,  the  holy,  Ik* 
blessed  Jesn  Christ,  we  having  come  to  the 
Setting  of  the  Sno  and  beholding  the  Evenisg 
light,  praise  God,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghwt. 
It  is  meet  at  all  times  that  Thoa  abouldst  br 
hymned  with  auspicious  voicei.  Son  of  Go4 
Giver  of  Life:  wherefore  the  world  glorifietk 
thee." 

There  is  reftrence  to  the  "Evening  Psala' 


BVBNTITJS 


EVOVAB 


635 


(rhy  ^iX^xytor  ifwX^y;  i.e.  Ps.  cxli.)  in  the 
Apostolical  CorutiuHons,  which  may  be  ooosi- 
dered  to  represent  the  fiiwterB  system  of  the  3rd 
or  4th  century  (lib.  viii.  c.  35). 

So  in  the  West,  Hilary  (in  Ps.  Ixir.)  writes— 
^  The  day  is  begun  with  prayers,  and  the  day  is 
closed  with  hymns  to  God.^ 

Bingham;  Palmer,  Orig,  Lit,;  Freeman,  Prin- 
ciples of  Divine  Sertioe.  [D.  B.] 

jfiVJBNTIUS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at  Rome 
with  Alexander  the  pope  and  Theodnlns  the 
presbyter,  under  Trajan ;  commemorated  May  3 
(Mart.  Bedae,  Mart  Ram,  VeLy  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi,  CaL  F^vtUonis).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EVIGILATOR  QA^t^vrriffr^s),  an  officer  in 
Greek  monasteries  whose  duty  it  was  to  waken 
the  monks  for  nocturnal  and  matutinal  services. 
Another  officer  of  the  kind  was  the  **  excitator," 
who  had  to  waken  a  monk  asleep  in  church  (Dn« 
cange,  Oloss.  Lot,  et  Or,  s.  tt.).  [I.  G.  S.] 

BVILA8IU8,  martyr  at  Cyzicus  with  Fausta 
the  Virgin,  under  Maximian ;  commemorated 
Sept.  20  CMart,  Rom,  Vet.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EVIL  SPIRITS.     [Demon:   Bexoniacs: 

EXOBCISM.] 

EV0DIU8.  (1)  Martyr  at  Syracuse,  with 
Hermogenes;  commemorated  April  25  (Mart, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  Bishop,  and  martyr  at  Antioch ;  comme- 
morated May  6  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Nicaea,  with  Theodota  his  mo- 
ther and  her  two  other  children,  under  Diocle- 
tian :  oonmiemorated  Aug.  2  (/6.,  Mart,  Bedae). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EVOVAE  is  an  artificial  word  made  out  of 
the  Towels  in  the  words  "seculorum  Amen," 
which  occur  at  the  end  of  the  Gloria  Patri.  Its 
object  was  to  serre  as  a  kind  of  memoria  tech- 
nica  to  enable  singers  to  render  the  several  Gre- 
gorian chants  properly;  each  letter  in  Evovae 
standing  for  the  syllable  from  which  it  is  ex- 
tracted. It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  psalms, 
&c.,  were  sung  under  antiphons,  and  that  the 
music  of  the  antiphon,  being  constructed  in  a 
particular  'mode*  or  *  scale,'  such  as  Dorian, 
Phrygian,  and  the  like,  the  chant  or  Hone' 
(i.  q.  '  tune ')  to  the  psalm,  being  not  intended 
to  represent  a  full  stop  or  close,  might  (and 
nsoally  did)  not  end  on  the  final  belonging  to 
the  mode,  leaving  that  for  the  concluding  anti- 
phon :  thus  different  forms  of  the  same  mode  or 
tone  would  arise,  and  these  were  called  Evovae 
and  sometimes  differentiae,  finttionetf  conolusionea, 
and  tpeciea  eecuhrum.  This  only  applies  to  the 
latter  half  (cadence)  of  the  chant,  as  in  the  '  me- 
diation '  (at  the  middle  of  the  verse  of  a  psalm) 
scarcely  any  variety  was  admitted,  except  such 
as  arose  from  local  use.  Thus  in  the  various 
works  on  the  subject,  and  in  service  books, 
varieties  of  endings  are  to  be  found  of  greater  or 
less  antiquity.  Gerbert  mentions  the  fact  that 
in  some  cases  the  peculiar  distinctive  marks  of 
the  tones  had  become  oonAised,  notably  in  the 
Ist  and  6th ;  and  the  only  possible  distinction 
would  seem  to  be  in  the  assignment  of  ac- 
cents. It  does  not  appear  however  that  accent, 
in  the  modern  murioii  sense  of  the  word,  was 


recognised  to  any  extent  by  the  ancients,  Ao 
CENTU8  being  equivalent  to  what  we  should  now 
call  inflection.  [Aocentub  EooLESiAffncus.]  For 
the  first  few  centuries  of  the  Christian  era 
rhythm  was  regulated  by  quantity,  which  gra- 
dually gave  place  to  accent ;  and  it  seems  to  the 
writer  that  musical  accentuation  remained  in  a 
very  uncertain  state  until  the  17th  century. 
Still  the  Evovae  must  be  regarded  as  containing 
the  germ  of  the  present  accepted  views  respecting 
accent,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  the  follow- 
ing forms. 

(1)  Full  form  of  the  1st  tone,  which  is  in  the 
Dorian  mode ;  the  dominant  or  reciting  note  being 
a,  and  the  final  note  D. 


W 


-^ 


is: 


Jst 


Sic  •  ut  erat  in  prindpio,  et  nQnc»    et    aeax  -  per: 


itt 


-^ 


et  in  secala  seen  -  lo  -  mm.    A    -    mea  •    •    • 
This  ending  would  be  written  thus : 


i 


The  accents  are  supplied  by  the  writer.  Before 
the  invention  of  notes  the  same  would  be  ex- 
pressed thus : 

aaGFGaGFED 
E  V  o  V  A       E 

(2)  A  shortened  form  of  the  Ist  tone,  whicn 
does  not  end  on  the  proper  final  D,  leaving  that 
correct  cadence  to  be  supplied  by  the  antiphon. 


m 


jO: 


^lt=: 


At— g. 


Sic  -  ut  erat  in  prindpH  et  nunc,    et    sem  •  per : 


W 


Jst 


es~% 


I 


et  In  secula  secu  -  lu  -  nun.       A     -     men. 
The  accents  are  as  before,  and  the  Evovae  thus 


^ 


jff         wjT 


i 


(3)  Sixth  tone,  in  the  Hypolydian  mode ;  domi- 
nant a,  final  F. 


^B 


M 


^    ^-    «p- 


-t^^ 


81c  -  ut  erat  la  princlplo,  et  nunc;  et  sem  -  per : 


-eg—  ^      a. 


-t^- 


n 


et  la  secnla  secu  -  lo    -    rum. 


A  -  men. 


The  Evovae  would  be  expressed  thus  (accents 
being  supplied) : 


m^ 


636 


EVUBTIU8 


EXAMINATION  FOB  ORDERS 


Any  one  acquainted  with  mnsic  can  see  how 
nearly  identic&l,  so  far  as  notes  are  concerned, 
these  two  last  forms  are,  and  that  the  only  differ- 
ence of  character  they  can  assume  is  by  reason 
of  different  accentuation. 

From  the  uncertainty  of  accent  already  men- 
tioned, it  will  easily  be  seen  that  in  different 
cases  the  same  tone,  and  the  same  ending  of  it, 
would  receive  different  accentuations  according 
to  the  feeling  of  the  compiler  of  the  Psalter  of 
the  church  in  question ;  and  this  gives  authority 
for  the  different  versions  that  will  be  found  in 
the  modern  books  of  Gregorian  tones  which  are 
very  accessible,  and  to  which  the  reader  is  re- 
ferred, as  for  example  the  following  ending  of 
the  sixth  tone  (the  one  most  commonly  heard) 
compared  with  the  one  given  above : 


w 


i^h: 


^ 


js: 


-^ 


I 


BV 


and  these,  which  ai*e  both  alleged  to  be  the  cor- 
rect ending  of  the  second  tone : 


g 


@ 


-so. 


:sxL 


-^ 


^    and 


BVOV 


m-. 


s 


-^a 


I 


EVO  y  A  B. 

It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  modern  notation 
is  here  adopted  for  the  sake  of  greater  simplicity 
and  definiteness. 

The  chief  authority  made  use  of  here  is  the 
supplemental  essay  in  Dyce*s  edition  of  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer^  with  plain  tune  (now  rare) 
which  gives  ancient  authorities,  Elias  Salomonis, 
Adam  de  Fulda,  and  the  Tonale  of  St.  Bernard, 
all  referred  to  by  Crerbert.  Although  these  are 
of  later  date  than  the  8th  century,  the  number 
of  variations  which  they  recognise,  and  the  man- 
ner in  which  their  recognition  is  made,  seem  to 
make  it  tolerably  clear  that  these  difi'erences  or 
Evovae  are  of  much  prior  date  to  them.  The 
view  here  taken  by  the  wiiter  receives  some 
confirmation  from  the  fact  that  a  modem  imita- 
tion of  the  word  £vovae  proposed  by  Mr.  Dyce 
has  never  got  into  use,  and  is  a  mere  curiosity, 
inasmuch  as  our  means  of  expressing  accent  are 
more  obvious.  [J.  R.  L.] 

EVURTIU8,  or  EVORTIUS,  bishop  of  Or- 
leans, and  confessor ;  deposition  at  Orleans,  Sept. 
7  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EW ALDUS,  or  EGUALDUS,  name  of  two 
English  presbytei*s,  martyrs  among  the  ancient 
continental  Saxons;  commemorated  Oct.  3  i^Mart. 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EXAGTIONES  are  extraordinary  revenues, 
whether  drawn  from  a  new  form  of  impost 
(census  de  novo  impositus),  or  from  raising  the 
rate  of  an  old  source  of  revenue  (augmentatio 
census).  Such  exactions  were  in  early  times 
condemned  by  the  church  ;.  thus  the  33rd  canon 
of  the  third  council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  589)  and 
the  fifth  of  the  sixteenth  (A.D.  693)  forbade 
bishope  to  levy  exactions  upon  their  dioceses; 


pope  Leo  IV.  (a.d.  853)  also  stigmatized  as 
^  exactiones  illicitae  "  any  demands  for  supplies 
made  by  bishops  **  ultra  statuta  patrum."  ^mi- 
lar  decrees  were  also  made  by  later  authorities. 
It  is  laid  down  by  canonists  that  an  "^  exaction  " 
must  have  manifest  justification  (manifesta  el 
rationabilis  causa)  and  be  limited  to  the  sura 
absolutely  necessary  to  be  raised  (moderatnm 
auxilium).  {Corpus  Juris  Canon,,  DecreL  P.  iL 
causa  X.  qu.  3,  c  6 ;  and  Deer.  Greg.,  lib.  ilL  .  it. 
39 ;  Herzog,  Real-Encycl  iv.  280.)  [a] 

EXAPOTI.  The  Li)er  Pontif.  tella  us  (p. 
250,  D.  ed.  Muratori),  that  Benedict  III.  ^  obtulit 
canistra  exafoci  ex  argento  purissimo,*'  where  the 
true  reading  no  doubt  is  exafota  (i.  e.  i|dC^arra) 
coronae  of  six  lights.  Compare  Enafotia.  The 
same  authority  speaks  of  a  corona  of  sixteen 
lights,  **canistrum  excaedecafotii "  {l^KtuB^tcm- 
^wriov)  (Ducange,  s.  c).  [C] 

EXAPOSTEILABIA  CE|airo(rr€iX(ipca)an 
Troparia,  which  probably  received  their  name 
from  the  &ct  that  the  woi'd  ^|ain(<rTctAor  fre- 
quently occurred  in  them,  as  they  were  mainly 
supplications  to  God  to  send  forth  His  Holy  Spirit 
upon  the  worshippers.'  When  other  subjects 
were  introduced  into  them  another  etymology 
was  imagined,  that  the  word  ^  exaposteilarion  * 
referred  to  the  *'  sending  forth "  of  God's  ser- 
vants into  the  world  to  preach  the  gospeL 

(Keale's  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  845 ;  Daniel's 
Codex  Liturg.  iv.  701.)  [C] 

EXAGUSTODIANUS  CE|ajcotf<rr«Siar»r), 
one  of  the  seven  sleepers  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  4<^ ; 
commemorated  Oct.  22  (Co/.  ByzanL). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EXALTATION      OP      THE     GBOSSw 

[Cross,  Exaltation  of  the.] 

EXAMINATION  OP  COMMUNI- 
CANTS.   [Ck)MMDNioN,  Holy,  p.  417.] 

EXAMINATION  FOB  ORDERS,    It  ap- 
pears always  to  have  been  the  intention  of  the 
church  that  there  should  be  a  careful  examination 
into  the  fitness  of  candidates  for  orders.     As  re- 
garded their  moral  character,  this  was  in  some 
degree  provided  for  by  the  public  testimony  of 
the  people  at  the  time  of  ordination  [Election  OF 
Clerot].    So  it  is  said  that  when  Alexander  Seve- 
rus  was  about  to  appoint  any  governors  of  pro- 
vinces or  other  officials,  he  ordered  that  public 
enquiry  should  be  made  into  their  character,  add- 
ing that  this  was  the  custom  both  of  Jews  and 
Christians  in  the  selection  of  their  priests  (Ael. 
Lamprid.  VUa  Alex.  Sever,  c  45).   In  some  cases, 
as  in  that  of  Augustine  (Possid.  Vita  August,  c  4X 
it  appears  that  this  may  have  supplied  the  place 
of  any  further  examination.     The  third  council 
of  Carthage  (c.  22),  decreed  that  a   candidate 
for  ordination  must  be  approved  either  by  the 
testimony  of  the  people  or  the  examinati<Hi  of 
the  bishop.     But  in  general  the  duty  of  exami- 
nation appears  to  have  rested  with  the  bishop. 
Chrysostom  (ircpl  hpwriviis  iv.  2,  §  376),  speaks 
of  the  duty  of  the  ordaining   bishop   to  make 
diligent   enquiry  into  the   characters   of  those 
presented  to  him   by    the  electors.      The  6th 
canon  of  Theophilus,  archdeacon  of  Alexandria 
(Balsamon,    ii.   170),  provides    that    when  the 
candidates    have   been  selected   by   t^e  clergy, 
the  bishop  shall    examine    them.     Basil  how- 


EXABGH 


BX0LU8IVA 


63' 


•Fer  {Ep.  181),  speaks  of  an  examination  oon- 
i  acted  by  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  then 
referred  to  the  chorepiscopi.  The  canon  too  of 
Theophilns,  already  quoted,  mentions  the 
orthodox  clergy  of  the  district  as  having  the 
right  of  examination  in  certain  cases.  Thomas- 
sin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  EccL  Diacip,  ii.  1,  c.  32,  §  1 1-12X 
thinks  it  probable  thftt  the  task  of  examining 
candidates  was  delegated  in  the  first  place  to  the 
cathedral  clergy,  and  afterwards,  in  the  provinces, 
to  the  priests  and  deacons. 

The  examination  in  these  cases  appears  to  have 
been  chiefly  an  enquiry  into  the  moral  charac- 
ter and  general  fitness  of  the  candidates.  The 
fourth  council  of  Carthage  (c  1),  directs  that 
every  bishop  should  be  examined  before  ordi- 
nation, as  to  his  personal  qualities,  such  as 
prudence,  morality,  and  learning,  both  profane 
and  sacred,  and  also  as  to  his  holding  the  right 
&ith  as  contained  in  the  creeds.  It  is  not  said 
by  whom  the  examination  was  to  be  conducted. 
The  council  of  Nar bonne  (c.  11),  forbids  any 
bishop  to  ordain  either  a  priest  or  deacon  who  is 
utterly  unlearned.  This  appears  to  imply  a 
previous  examination  into  literary  as  well  as 
moral  qualifications.  [P,  0.] 

EXARCH.  Generically  the  word  "E^apxos 
is  applied  to  any  one  who  takes  the  lead.  Hence 
it  is  used  of  one  who  is  chief  in  any  department 
or  undertaking.  So  Plutarch  in  his  life  of  Numa 
has  "E^apxos  ruy  Up»p  in  the  sense  of  sacromm 
princcpSj  or  wmmtu  pontifex.^  In  its  specific 
ecclesiastical  application  it  has  more  than  one 
sense. 

1.  It  is  perhaps  most  commonly  and  most 
strictly  applied  to  the  great  prelates  who  pre- 
sided over  the  *  dioceses'  (Atoifc^trcir,  see  Dio- 
CfFSG),  as  they  were  called,  which  were  formed 
in  imitation  of  the  civil  dioceses  of  Constantine. 
Each  of  these  *  dioceses'  comprehended  several 
'  provinces '  (^irapx^ai),  and  the  metropolitans  of 
these  latter  were  subordinated  to  the  exarchs  of 
the  former.  The  9th  and  17th  canons  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon  recognise,  or  give,^  a  right 
of  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  metropolitan 
to  the  exarch.  The  word  therefore  became  nearly 
synonymous  with  patriarch.  Accordingly,  in 
the  Novels  of  Justinian,  when  imperial  sanction 
is  given  to  the  principle  expressed  in  the  canons 
of  Chalcedon,  the  word  exarch  is  turned  into 
patriarch.'  Yet  though  every  patriarch  had 
the  power  of  an  exarch,  every  exarch  was  not, 
properly  speaking,  a  patriarch,  the  latter  name 
being  given  only  to  the  heads  of  the  more  eminent 
dioceses.  Thus  in  the  '  Notitia '  given  in  Bing- 
ham, book  ix.  ch.  1,  §  6,  which  seems  to  repre- 
sent the  state  of  things  at  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  we  find  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and 
Alexandria,  but  the  exarchs  of  Asia,  Pontus, 
Thrace,  Macedonia,  Dacia,  and  others.'  [NOTlTiA.] 

•  A  well-known  application  of  the  term  in  secular 
government  Is  the  title  of  the  exarch  of  Ravenna. 

k  "  Dtrum  omnet  exarchi  banc  potestatem  ante  hoc 
ooncUium  ezercuerint  necne,  inonrtum  est:  Hoc  tamen 
crrtom,  earn  ab  hoc  ooncilio  lUls  prlmb  oonflnnatam  esse." 
Beveridge,  PandecL  AnnoL  in  Ccman.  iUmciL  tjhale, 
p.  115. 

c  SI  vero  contra  metropoHtam  tails  aditio  flat  ab 
•frifloopo,  aut  clero,  ant  allA  qolcnaiqne  person^,  dio- 
oeseos  lllins  beatissimus  patriarcha  simlU  modo  cansam 
JudlcK."— JVoed  123,  C.  32. 

4  Bf^Teridge  thinks  that  Balaamon  and  Morinns  are  in 


Subsequently  Constantinople  absorbed  Pontus, 
Asia,  and  Thrace,  becoming  a  patriarchate.  (See 
Neale,  Holy  East.  Churchy  General  Introduction.) 

2.  The  word  is  also  sometimes  used  in  refer- 
ence to  metropolitans.  For  we  find  the  phrase 
exarch  of  the  province  (i^apxos  r^s  iwapxias) 
as  well  as  exarcti  of  the  diocese  (f^apxos  r^t  Bioi- 
icfiatws).  It  is  used,  for  instance,  in  the  6th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Sardica,  where  the  sense 
seems  beyond  doubt.'  But  the  word  is  her« 
probably  used  in  its  general  sense  of  chief,  rathei 
than  in  any  technical  signification. 

3.  In  later  times  the  name  exarch  was  also 
applied  to  certain  legates  of  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  who  appear  to  have  been  charged 
by  him  with  the  general  maintenance  of  his 
rights  and  authority,  and  also  entrusted  with 
the  visitation  of  monasteries  subject  to  him. 
The  name  is  also  given  to  ecclesiastics  deputed 
by  him  to  collect  the  tribute  payable  by  him  to 
the  Turkish  government.  These  legates  ap- 
pear to  have  had  large  powers,  and  might  even 
excommunicate,  depose,  or  absolve  in  the  name 
of  the  patriarch.  (See  Beveridge,  Pandectae  Ca- 
tumuniy  Annotations  on  the  Canons  o/  Chahedon^ 
pp.  120,  121.) 

Avthorities. — Snicer,  Thesaurus,  s.y.  "E^apxos ; 
Beveridge,  Pandectae  Canonum,  Oxon.  1672; 
Bingham,  ^n^t^ut^s, bk.  ii.  ch.  17,  and  bk.  ix.; 
Thomassinus,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eocles.  Discip.  part  i. 
lib.  1,  cap.  17.  [B.  S.] 

EXGAEGATIO.  To  deprive  of  sight  was 
not  a  mode  of  punishment  sanctioned  by  the 
Benedictine  rules.  But  in  the  8th  century  some 
abbats  had  recourse  to  this  barbarity  in  the  case 
of  contumacious  monks.  It  was  forbidden  by 
Charles  the  Great  (Capitul,  A.D.  789,  c  16)  and 
by  the  council  of  Frankfort  (a.d.  794,  c,  18) ; 
and  abbats  were  strictly  ordered  to  confine  them- 
selves to  the  infliction  of  punishments  prescribed 
in  their  rule  (cf.  Peg.  Bened.  Comment,  c.  25 ; 
Mabillon,  Ann.  Ord.  Bened.  Saec.  IV.  Praef.  i. 
139).  [I.  G.  S.] 

EXCEPTOR.  (1)  The  word  excipere  was 
used  in  later  Latinity  to  express  the  ^*  faking- 
down"  of  a  person's  words.  Thus  Augustine 
(^Epist.  110),  **a  notariis  ecclesiae  excipiuntur 
quae  dicimus."  Hence  a  reporter  of  judicial 
acts  and  sentences — as  in  the  case  of  Christian 
martyrs — was  called  exceptor.  A  gloss  on  Pru- 
dentius  (apud  Ducange)  speaks  of  '*  exceptores  " 
who  took  down  the  dicta  of  the  judge  and  the 
answers  of  the  martyr.  Compare  Notary". 
(Ducange's  Oioas.  s.  v.;  Bingham's  Antiq.  III. 
xiii.  5). 

(2)  The  word  is  occasionally  used  as  equiva- 
lent to  iiydJBoxos  [SPONSOR],  for  which  "  suscep- 
tor  "  is  more  commonly  employed.  [C] 

EXCLUSION  FBOM  COMMUNION. 
[Communion,  Holy  :  Excommunication.] 

EXCLU8IYA  designates,  m  modem  times, 
the  right  claimed  by  certain   Roman  Catholic 

error  in  qmildng  of  a  kind  of  metropolitans  set  over 
whole  dlooesea  and  yet  not  patriarchs.  May  they  not 
have  meant  such  as  the  exarchs  of  Asia  and  Pontus  ?  (See 
Bev.  Pandect.  Can.  Annot.  in  Gone.  Ckal.  p.  121.)  Vale- 
sins  (Obff.  on  Soeratet^  Biet.  Eoda.  lib.  3,  cap.  9)  caKa 
these  exarchs  "minores  patrlarchas,"  and  says  '*Pairi- 
archae  nomen  Interdnm  usnrpArant" 

*  'ilie  words  are  3mL  ypofifUirwi'  rov  i^ipx^v  ivapxCcuf, 
kTjfn  <•  rov  iwuTK&ww  r^  lufrpexi^amt. 


638 


EXCOMMUNICATION 


EXCOMMUNICATION 


powers  of  exclading  a  particular  cardinal  from 
being  elected  pK>pe. 

The  present  form  of  this  right  is  of  course 
modem,  and  arises  ftrom  the  political  circum- 
stances of  the  age  in  £urope ;  but  traces  of  the 
very  decided  influence  Exerted  by  princes  in  re- 
straining the  liberty  of  papal  elections  are  found 
at  a  comparatively  early  date.  The  emperor 
Honorius,  for  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  double 
election  and  consecration  of  Eulalius  and  Boni- 
face, decided  (a.d.  418)  in  favour  of  Eulalius, 
afterwards  drove  him  from  the  city,  and  (a.d. 
419)  ordered  the  installation  of  Boniface  (Atlcit^• 
arium  Symmachianum,  Epistt,  19-31 ;  Baronius, 
an.  419,  §§  2  and  11,  etc.).  The  same  emperor, 
at  the  request  of  Boniface,  made  an  ordinance 
that  for  the  future,  in  case  two  candidates  dis- 
puted the  papal  chair,  neither  should  be  pope 
but  a  fresh  election  should  be  held  {Corpus  Juris 
Camcm,  Dist.  zcvii.,  cc.  1  and  2  ;  Hardouin,  Condi. 
1.  1237).  Nor  was  the  influence  of  the  temporal 
power  diminished  when  Germans  ruled  in  Italy. 
Odoacer  (A.D.  483)  desired  that  no  papal  election 
should  take  place  without  his  concurrence  (sine 
nostri  consultatione),  and  little  heed  was  paid 
by  subsequent  princes  to  the  canon  of  a  Roman 
synod  under  pope  Symmachns  (a.d.  &02)  con- 
demning such  interiereuce  of  the  secular  arm 
(Hardouin,  ii.  977 ;  C.J.C  Dist.  xcvi.  c  1,  §  7). 
Theodoric  repeated  the  enactment  of  Odoacer.  On 
the  reconquest  of  Italy  under  Justinian  the  con- 
flrmation  of  the  papal  election  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  emperora,  who  exacted  considerable  sums 
in  consideration  of  it,  until  the  fee  was  given  up 
by  Constantino  Pogonatus  in  the  year  678  {Liber 
Potttif.,  in  Agatho;  C,  J.  C.  Dist.  Ixiu.  c.  21). 
Somewhat  later,  in  the  case  of  Benedict  II. 
(A.D.  684)  the  claim  to  confirm  the  pope  was 
also  resigned  by  the  same  emperor.  This,  how- 
ever, led  to  so  much  disorder,  that  it  was  found 
necessary  again  to  invoke  the  co-operation  of  the 
civil  power ;  and  the  fact  of  the  necessity  of  the 
emperor's  concurrence  is  recognised  in  the  Liber 
Diumus  Pontiff.  Rom.  (c.  ii.  lib.  3;  see  also 
Oarnier's  Dissertation  in  his  edition  of  the  Lib. 
Dium.)t  probably  of  the  end  of  the  seventh  or 
the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century.  The  neces- 
sity for  the  confirmation  of  the  emperor  con- 
tinued when  the  Prankish  chiefs  acquired  the 
imperial  dignity.  Compare  Pope.  (Jacobson  in 
Herzog's  Seal-Encychp.  iv.  280.)  [C] 

EXCOMMUNICATION  {Abstentio,  Anathr 
ema,  ExcommunioatiOf  hfdBtfic^  iupopurfji6s).  The 
partial  or  total,  temporary  or  perpetual,  exclu- 
sion of  a  member  from  the  privileges  of  the 
church. 

I.  ORDtKART  Excommunication. 

Excommunication  belongs  to  the  class  of 
corrective  or  medicinal  penalties  (poenae  medi- 
cinales  or  censurae),  not  to  the  vindictive 
(poenae  vindicativae).  Augustine  {Serm.  351, 
c.  12),  distinguishes  between  ^  prohibitio  medi- 
cinalis,"  and  *^  prohibitio  mortalis,"  meaning 
(apparently)  by  the  one,  exclusion  from  the 
mysteries,  by  the  other,  exclusion  from  the 
church  and  Christian  fellowship  altogether. 
The  canon  law  {Corpus  J.,  c.  37,  can.  xxiv. 
qu.  iii.),  lays  down  generally  that  excommunica- 
tion is  "  disciplina,  uon  eradicatio ;"  the  excom- 
municated person  is  capable  of  being  restored  to 
his  privileges,  upon  I'epentonce  [Penitence]. 


The  exclusion  of  peccant  members  from  aoeuH 
privileges  is  a  right  inherent  in  all  societies ;  it 
was  in  practice  among  the  Jews  at  the  Christiaii 
era,  and  was  incorporated  by  our  Lord  into  the 
constitution  of  His  church.  It  is  no  part  of  ooi 
purpose  to  discuss  the  theological  bearing  of  the 
language  in  which  our  Saviour  conveyed  this 
power  (St.  Matt,  xviii.  15-18,  xvi.  19%  nor  to 
investigate  the  traces  which  the  2iew  Testament 
contains  of  the  use  to  which  the  apostles  pat  it 
(Rom.  xvi.  17;  2  Cor.  vi.  14,  17;  GaL  i.  8,  9; 
2  Thess.  ui.  6,  14;  Tit.  iii.  10;  2  John  10,  11) 
(See  Art.  Exconununioation  in  iHot.  of  the  BAky. 
It  is  sufScient  to  note  that  a  power  of  catting 
off  offenders  was  conferred  on  the  apoetles  as 
rulers  of  the  church,  and  was  by  them  made  a 
systematic  part  of  church  government.  There 
are  however  two  instances  of  direct  ex- 
communication by  St.  Paul,  which  must  be 
noticed  in  more  detail,  because  they  supplied  at 
once  the  language  and  the  model  after  which 
the  church  framed  in  subsequent  ages  her 
censures.  The  apostle  by  a  formal  judgment 
delivered  the  incestuous  Corinthian  *^to  Sataa, 
for  the  destruction  of  the  flesh  "  (1  Cor.  v.  5) ;  a 
sentence  which  cannot  signify  less  than  this — 
that  the  man  was  thrust  outside  the  Christian 
fold.  When  St.  Paul  wrote  his  second  epistle, 
some  six  or  nine  months  later,  the  man  on  hb 
repentance  was  readmitted  into  the  church.  A 
similar  sentence,  but  producing  no  similar  peni- 
tence, was  delivered  against  Hymenaens  and  Alex- 
ander (1  Tim.  i.  20).  Hymenaeus  is  mentioned  in 
2  Tim.  ii.  17,  18,  as  a  teacher  of  heresy.  His 
case  therefore  formed  a  precedent  for  excom- 
munication for  heretical  opinion,  as  that  of  the 
Corinthian  for  immorality.  The  authority  for 
the  use  of  the  formula,  Anathema,  (&y<i9c^ia)^ 
so  common  afterwards  m  the  Penitential  CancHis, 
is  to  be  found  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  22 ;  Gal.  L  8,  9. 

The  prooft  that  the  church  has  always 
claimed  and  exercised  the  power  of  excommuni- 
cation, are  everywhere  patent.  Fathers  {ejg,^ 
Irenaeus,  ffaeres.  iii.  3 ;  Cyprian,  De  Orat,  Dan. 
c  18 ;  Epist.  41,  c  2 ;  59  cc.  1, 9,  10,  11 ;  Bad], 
Epist.  61,  ad  Athanas.;  Leo  the  Great,  EpisL 
32,  ad  Fausium  ;  Ambrose,  Epist.  40,  ad  Thtodos.), 
and  councils  {e.g^  Cann,  Apostt.  c  8,  &c.; 
iv.  Carth.  c  73 ;  ii.  ArleSf  c  8 ;  Venet.  c.  3 ; 
Toledo,  cc  15,  16,  18),  all  claim  the  power  m 
excommunication,  of  greater  or  lees  severity  and 
duration,  in  the  case  of  ofienders,  whetho- 
against  morality  or  against  orthodoxy.  The 
Penitential  Books  mention  numberless  csms 
in  which  excommunication  is  the  penalty.  Sea 
for  instance  the  Penitential  of  archbishop  Theo- 
dore (Haddan  and  Stubba,  Councils  and  jDoch- 
ments,  iii.  173). 

Persons  subject  to  Exoommunication. — The 
power  of  excommunicating  was  held  to  be  in 
some  measure  correlative  to  that  of  baptising; 
those  who  could  admit  into  the  church  could  aUo 
exclude.  The  unbaptised  were  never  excomma- 
nicated,  though  catechumens  might  be,  and  were, 
put  back  into  a  lower  grade,  and  their  hapten 
postponed.  Children  were  not  excommunicated, 
nor  (commonly)  reigning  princes  or  lai^  sec- 
tions of  the  church.  With  these  exoepti<»is  ail 
Christian  people,  men  or  women,  might  be  cat 
off  from  communion  with  the  faithfoL  But 
the  sentence  was  invariably  a  personal  one  fa 
l>erBonal  offences ;  the  innocent  were  not  punished 


EXCOMMUNICATION 

with  the  guilty.  Such  a  process  as  laying  a 
whole  nation  under  an  interdict  for  some  sup- 
posed offence  of  the  people  or  their  rulers  was 
not  known  in  the  early  ages,  nor  before  the  12th 
century. 

According  to  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (ii. 
oe.  37,  38, 39)  the  course  of  discipline  was  that  if 
any  offender  did  not  voluntarily  come  forward  and 
acknowledge  his  guilt  he  was  to  be  summoned  by 
the  bishop,  first  in  privacy,  then  in  the  presence 
of  two  or  three  witnesses ;  then  if  he  would  not 
yield,  the  ease  was  to  be  told  to  the  church, 
and  if  he  was  still  obdurate,  sentence  would 
proceed  against  him.  No  one  was  to  be  excom- 
municated before  he  had  been  several  times 
admonished,  according  to  the  apostolic  injunc- 
tion, '*  him  that  is  an  heretic,  after  the  first  or 
second  admonition,  reject.*'  Nor  could  any 
offender  be  excommunicated  in  his  absence,  nor 
without  legal  conviction  either  by  his  own 
admission  or  by  credible  witnesses.  On  this 
safeguard  against  abuse  of  power.  Van  Espen 
quotes  a  passage  from  St.  Augustine,  *'  We  can- 
not reject  any  from  our  communion  unless  they 
have  either  voluntarily  confessed  or  been  charged 
mnd  convicted  before  some  secular  or  ecclesiastical 
tribunar*  (St.  Aug.  Serm.  351  de  Poenitent.). 
One  witness  was  not  received  as  sufficient  evi- 
dence of  gailt,  even  though  the  one  was  a 
bishop.  No  one  could  incur  excommunication 
for  anything  temporal ;  such  matters  were  left 
to  the  civil  courts,  and  excommunication  in  the 
early  ages  was  a  spiritual  weapon,  cutting  off 
from  spiritual  privileges.  Gregory  the  Great, 
writing  to  some  bishop  whose  name  has  been 
lost,  severely  rebukes  him  for  using  for  his  own 
private  ends,  power  conferred  upon  him  for  the 
good  of  the  souls  of  his  flock  {Epist  ii.  34).  It 
was  forbidden  also  to  excommunicate  for  sins  of 
infirmity  and  frailty.  <'  There  are  some  sins,'* 
says  St.  Ambrose  (m  exhort,  ad  Poenit,)^  ^  which 
may  be  daily  pardoned  by  mere  supplication  to 
God,  in  that  petition  *  forgive  us  our  trespasses, 
as  we  forgive  them  that  trespass  against  us.* " 
And  it  was  necessary  that  the  offence  should  be 
public ;  for  it  was  always  a  maxim  *'  De  occultis 
non  judicat  Ecclesia."  So  St.  Cyprian,  **  We  so 
far  as  it  is  committed  to  us  to  see  and  judge, 
look  only  at  the  face  (the  conduct)  of  each  one, 
his  heart  and  his  conscience  we  cannot  investi- 
gate (Cypr.  Epist,  55). 

It  would  be  impossible  within  reasonable  limits 
to  enumerate  the  graver  crimes  for  which  the 
church  cut  off  her  unworthy  members.  They  may 
in  general  be  reduced  under  one  of  the  three  heads 
of  uncleanneas,  idolatry,  bloodshed.  Upon  the 
treatment  which  men  guilty  of  these  crimes 
should  receive,  many  of  the  early  controversies  on 
discipline  hinged.  There  were,  moreover,  many 
breaches  of  each  of  the  commandments  which  ren- 
dered the  offender  subject  to  the  highest  censure 
of  the  church,  which  cannot  be  brought  under  this 
classification.  Of  these  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
point  out  a  few  which  were  peculiar  to  the 
times,  or  which  the  opinion  of  the  present  day 
would  deal  with  more  leniently.  The  principle 
underlying  the  whole  system  of  ecclesiastical 
censures,  was  the  preservation  of  sound  members 
of  the  Christian  body  from  the  evil  example  and 
contagion  of  the  unsound.  Hence,  heresy  was 
ever  reckoned  among  the  gravest  sins.  Hardly 
less  dangerous,  and  hardly  less  rigorously  pun- 


EXCOMMUNICATION 


639 


ished  in  times  ef  persecution,  or  during  the 
barbarian  invasions,  was  apostasy  either  to 
heathenism  or  to  Judaism.  Any  tampering  with 
idolatry  was  rigidly  prohibited.  A  Christian 
was  forbidden  to  be  a  public  actor,  or  to  be 
present  at  any  theatrical  representation,  which 
commonly  in  that  age  ministered  to  lasci- 
viottsness;  or  to  frequent  the  circus,  for  it 
was  regarded  as  an  appendage  of  false  worship, 
and  detnmental  to  the  majesty  of  God ;  or  to 
use  divination  or  astrology,  for  that  was  to  put 
destiny  in  the  place  of  divine  providence ;  or  to 
follow  any  trade,  such  for  example  as  the  train- 
ing of  gladiators,  which  in  its  nature  was  scan- 
dalous; or  to  be  a  talebearer,  a  gambler,  or 
a  vagrant.  See  Gregory  Nyssen's  canonical  epistle 
to  Letoius  bishop  of  Melitina,  which  contains  an 
elaborate  classification  of  sins,  and  the  penalties 
to  be  allotted  to  them. 

Degrees  of  Excommunication, — Morinus  dis- 
tinguishes three  degrees  of  excommunication : 
1st.  All  those  who  were  guilty  of  lighter  sins 
were  punished  by  exclusion  from  the  offering  of 
the  oblations  and  partaking  of  the  communion ; 
2nd.  Those  who  sinned  more  grievously  were  not 
only  altogether  shut  out  from  partaking  of  the 
communion,  but  also  from  being  present  at  that 
service,  and  were  moreover  '*  delivered  unto  Sa- 
tan," i,e.  to  certain  bodily  austerities  and  mortifi- 
cations ;  3rd.  Those  who  persisted  in  offending,  or 
fell  into  deadly  sin,  were  expelled  alike  from  all 
share  in  the  sacred  mysteries,  and  from  the  very 
building  of  the  church.  (Morin.  de  Poenitent., 
lib.  4,  c  11.)  Van  Espen  considers  that  there 
were  two  degrees  only,  one  of  which  was  called 
^  medicinalis,"  the  other  '*  mortalis,"  (Aug.  Horn, 
lib.  1.),  or  more  commonly,  *' Anathema"  (Van 
Espen  Jus  EccL  Pars  iii.  Tit.  xi.  c.  iv.) ;  Bing- 
ham also  discovers  two  degrees,  lesser  and 
greater  excommunication  (iupopur/ihsy  iupopurfiis 
irovWAiff).  The  former,  which  corresponds  with 
the  first  two  classes  of  Morinus,  excluded  offen- 
ders from  the  eucharist,  and  the  prayers  of  the 
faithftil,  but  did  not  exclude  them  from  the 
church,  for  still  they  might  stay  to  hear  psalms 
and  the  reading  of  the  scripture,  and  sermon  and 
prayer  of  catediumens  and  penitents,  and  depart 
when  the  service  of  catechumens  ended.  Greater 
excommunication  was  a  rejection  not  only  from 
the  eucharist  but  from  any  presence  in  church 
whatever,  and  any  association  with  Christian 
men  (Bingham,  Antiq,  lib.  xvi.  c.  11).  There 
remains  a  still  more  terrible  form  of  censure, 
which  undoubtedly  was  sometimes  imposed,  and 
which  was  an  absolute  and  final  excision  from 
the  church.  St.  Cyprian  {Epist.  55  ad  Anton,) 
speaks  of  some  of  his  predecessors  who  closed 
the  door  for  ever  against  adulterers,  but  adds, 
that  other  bishops  admitted  similar  offenders 
after  a  period  of  penitence  to  the  grace  of  the 
church.  There  are  various  canons  in  the 
council  of  Elvira  (circa  305  A..D.),  which  utterly 
debar  offenders  from  communion  with  the  faith- 
ful for  the  remainder  of  their  lives,  "  nee  in  fine 
communionem  accipere"  {Con.  Eliber,  cc.  1,  12, 
13, 71, 73).  Can.  46  declares  that  if  any  persist 
in  sin  after  having  been  already  punished,  he 
should  be  totally  cast  out,  *'penitus  ab  ecclesil  ab- 
jiciatur."  The  council  of  Ancyra(cc.  9, 16 ;  circa 
315  A.D.)  fixes  a  limit  to  the  penalty  attached  to 
those  very  crimes  for  which  that  at  Eliberis  had 
decieed  final  excision.     It  would  appear  there- 


340 


EXOOMMUNICATION 


EXOOMMUNIGATION 


fore  that  total  and  irremediable  exclusion  wm  at 
ao  time  a  universal  practice,  bat  nevertheless,  at 
certain  periods,  and  in  certain  localities,  where 
possibly  the  magnitude  of  offences  requii-ed  to 
be  dealt  with  by  a  penalty  of  equal  magnitude,  it 
was  unhesitatingly  employed.  The  practice  of 
excommunicating  the  dead  had  no  existence  in 
the  early  centuries,  or  if  here  and  there  it  existed, 
was  supported  by  no  canonical  authority.  The 
second  council  of  Constantinople  (553  A.D.),  first 
introduced  it  into  the  Eastern  church,  and  about 
100  years  later  it  crept  into  the  Western  (Morin. 
de  Poenitent,  lib.  x.  c.  9). 

Effect  of  Sentence. — The  punishment  inflicted 
by  a  sentence  of  excommunication  varied  not  only 
with  the  gravity  of  the  offence,  but  with  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishop,  the  customs  of  the  diocese 
or  province,  and  still  more  with  the  age  of  the 
church  in  which  the  offender  lived.  In  the  early 
centuries  the  church  was  ruled  with  a  gentler 
discipline  than  was  possible  when  her  ranks  were 
filled  up  promiscuously  from  the  multitude.  The 
incestuous  man,  whom  St.  Paul  expelled  from 
among  his  Corinthian  converts  with  such  solemn 
denunciation,  was  received  again  on  his  repen- 
tance, probably  within  a  few  months,  certainly 
within  the  year.  And  up  to  the  time  of  Mon- 
tanus,  punishments  even  for  grave  breaches  of 
the  law  of  the  gospel  were  equally  lenient. 
The  term  of  the  penalty  was  left  to  the  discre- 
tion of  the  bbhop.  Through  the  whole  of 
Tertullian's  Treatise  de  FoeniteJitid^  and  in  the 
Apostoiio  Canons,  with  one  exception,  there  is 
no  mention  of  any  time  for  the  duration  of  the 
censure.  And  even  in  the  increasing  severity 
which  prevailed  for  the  next  hundred  years, 
punishments  scarcely  ever  exceeded  one  or  two 
years  (Morin.  de  Poenitent,  lib.  iv.  c.  9). 
Thenceforward,  years  would  not  suffice  where 
weeks  or  months  had  been  deemed  sufficient 
before.  Ten,  fifteen,  twenty  years,  were  no 
uncommon  penalties.  St.  Basil  excludes  a 
murderer  from  the  church  for  twenty  years 
(can.  56).  The  council  of  Ancyra  decrees  that 
a  murderer  should  be  a  penitent  for  the  rest 
of  his  life,  and  be  received  back  into  com- 
munion only  at  the  hour  of  death  (can.  22). 
For  murder  combined  with  other  great  crimes 
the  council  of  Elvira  (can.  11),  forbids  com- 
munion even  in  death.  But  at  no  period  did 
any  hard  and  fast  law  prevail;  if  an  offender 
voluntarily  confessed  his  guilt,  a  shorter  term  of 
exclusion  was  measured  out  to  him ;  if  on  the 
other  hand,  a  man  who  had  before  caused 
scandal  was  fui'ther  rebellious  and  obdurate,  his 
sentence  was  doubly  severe.  The  lesser  excom- 
munication cai'ried  with  it  only  an  exclusion 
from  communion,  and  from  the  inner  mysteries 
and  privileges  of  the  faith.  Three  weeks  of  this 
separation  was  the  punishment  assigned  by  the 
council  of  Elvira  to  those  who  wilfully  ab- 
sented themselves  from  church  for  three  succes- 
sive Sundays;  a  year  for  some  more  venial  forms 
of  unchastity;  another  period  for  eating  food 
in  company  with  a  Jew  (Con.  Eliber,  cc.  21, 
14, 50).  And  when  the  tenn  expired  they  were 
received  again  to  all  the  privileges  of  full  com- 
munion, without  being  called  upon  to  submit  to 
public  penance.  Very  different  from  this  was 
the  punishment  attending  the  greater  excom- 
munication, anathema.  For  the  first  300  years 
the  punishment  was  exclusively  spiritual,  laid 


upon  the  souls,  not  the  bodies  of  men,  deprirxBg 
them  of  spiritual  blessings,  and  in  no  way  inter- 
fering with  their  political  relations.    Herenarchs 
however,  and  dangerous  heretical  teachers,  wens 
at  all  periods  treated  with  exceptional  severity  ; 
the  church  was  forbidden  to  hold  any  intercoime 
with  them,  to  receive  them  into  their  booses,  oi 
to  bid  them  God  speed.     It  was  only  gradoally 
after   the  empire  became  Christian,   that   the 
weapons  of  the  church's  warfare   began  to  U 
more  carnal,  and  the  secular  power  was  invoked 
to  uphold  the  ecclesiastical.     At  no  tune  beforr 
Theodosius,   who  declared  apostates    either  to 
Judaism  or  heathenism   incapable    of    making 
wills  or  receiving  bequests,  and  whose  Codex  de 
Haeretids  attaches  other  pains  and  penaltiea  to 
heretics,   were  any   civil    disabilitiee     imposed 
upon  those   whom   the  church    had    cast    cS. 
Whatever  rights  a  man  had  from  the  laws  of 
Grod  or  man,  as  father,  master,  magistrate,  thoe 
he  retained  after  the  door  of  the  church  was 
closed  against  him.     Yet  in  the  primitive  ages, 
when  the  congregations  of  Christians  were  com- 
paratively small  and  the  members  known  to 
each  other,  and  the  spiritual  censure  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  immediate  and  literal  banishment 
from  all  sacred  offices,  from  the  societ j  of  their 
brethren  in  the  faith,  from  all  association  what- 
ever  with    holy    men    and    holy    things,  the 
sentence  fell  with  overwhelming  severity.     All 
the  man   most  valued   was    taken   from   him. 
He  was  looked  upon  as  under  the  ban  of  God's 
wrath ;  he  was  cut  off  from  the  kingdom  of  God 
on  earth  ;  like  the  leprous  man  among  the  Jews, 
he  had  the  visible  plague-spot  of  sin  upon  him ; 
there  had  been  passed  upon  him  what  was  re- 
garded as  a  presage  of  the  future  judgment,  for 
what  God  had  by  his  ministers  bound  on  earth, 
he  would  certainly,  it  was  believed,  unless  the 
man  repented,  bind  in  heaven.    The  Apostdicai 
Canons  (c.  11)  forbad  any  one  even  to  pray  in  a 
house  with  a  man  under  anathema.     The  first 
council  of  Toledo  (400  A.O.X  ordered  (c   15^ 
that  **  If  any  layman  is  under  excommunication, 
let  no  clergyman  nor  religious  person  come  near 
him   nor  his  house.     Also  if  a  clergyman  it 
excommunicated,  let  him  be  avoided,  and  if  any 
is  found  to  converse  or  to  eat  with  him,  let  him 
also  be  excommunicated."     His  name  was  erased 
from  the  Diptychs,  [p.  561] ;  and  there  are  in- 
stances of  the  erasure  having  been  made  after 
the  man  had  died,  and  his  sins  had  not  come  to 
light  while  he  lived.    His  oblations   were  not 
received  at  the  altar,  and  even  gifts  which  h* 
had  presented  to  the  church  were  rejected  witl: 
him.    His  books  might  not  oe  read,  nor  might 
any  intermarry  with  him.    And  when  his  end 
came  he  was  refused  all  sacred  offices  on  his 
deathbed,  and  no  Christian  man  might  attend 
his  funeral,  and  no  Christian  rite  be  performed 
at  it,  unless  he  had  given  proof  of  repentance 
and  passed  away  before  being  formally  absolved. 
Nor  could  any  one  hope  to  avoid  judgment  by  a 
voluntary  exile,  for  notice  was  sent  to  other 
congregations,  and  in  the  discipline  of  the  early 
church,  a  stranger  was  not  admitted  into  com- 
munion unless  he  brought  with  him  Coiucen- 
DATORT  Letters  from  his  own  diocese.    A  man 
once   excommunicated  was  never  ordained,   or 
if  it  was  discovered  after  his  ordination,  that 
he  had  been  previously  censured,  he  wns  removed 
from  the  ministry  {Cone,  EHber,  can.  V) ; 


EXOOHHUNICATION 


EXCOMMUNICATION 


641 


2fic  10)^  This  latter  strictness,  was  not  inyan- 
ably  enforced,  bnt  the  axiom  '*  Poenitentes 
ordinari  non  debent,"  became  uniyersal  in  the 
Western  church,  although  not  always  in  practice 
in  the  Eastern. 

Excommumcation  cf  Clergy. — ^In  some  cases 
the  clergy,  for  offences  for  which  laymen  were 
ezcommonicated,  were  suspended  and  reduced  to 
lay  communion  [Degradation]  ;  but  they  might 
incur  both  degradation  and  excommunication. 
The  clergy  were  brought  to  trial  with  more  legal 
formalities  than  the  kity,  because  if  found  guilty 
they  were  deprived  not  only  of  spiritual  privi- 
leges but  of  office  and  emolument.  The  Apostolic 
Canons  (30)  decree  that  any  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon  guilty  of  simony  shall  be  cut  off  from  all 
communion  whatever.  Mention  is  also  made  of 
ledudttg  clergy  to  *'  peregrina  communio,"  com- 
munion of  strangers,  which  would  seem  to 
signify  that  they  were  to  be  treated  as  strangers 
who  came  without  commendatory  letters,  allowed 
a  mere  subsistence  from  the  offerings,  but  de- 
nied communion  [Communion,  Holy,  p.  417]. 
By  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (451  A.D.)  monks 
were  subject  to  the  same  discipline  as  laity. 

Form  or  jRUe, — Judgment  was  delivered  in 
the  indicative  mood,  inasmuch  as  it  deci*eed  a 
punishment  then  and  there  inflicted.  It  was 
declared  after  the  reading  of  the  gospel,  the 
bishop  standing  on  the  ambo.  There  is  no  re- 
cord of  any  ceremony  attending  the  delivery  of 
the  sentence  in  the  early  ages;  but  Martene 
publishes  a  MS.  of  about  the  year  1190  which 
prescribes  that  twelve  prieets  ought  to  stand 
round  the  bishop  with  lamps  or  torches  in  their 
bands,  and  that  after  the  conclusion  of  the  sen- 
tence they  should  cast  them  on  the  ground  and 
stamp  out  the  light  beneath  their  feet,  and  that 
the  bishop  should  then  explain  to  the  people  the 
meaning  and  effect  of  the  ceremony  they  had 
witnessed.  No  recognised  rite  of  excommunica- 
tion was  in  general  use  before  the  9th  or  10th 
century.  The  formula  ordinarily  employed  was 
founded  on  our  Lord's  words,  ^  Let  him  be  as  an 
heathen  man  and  a  publican."  The  council  of 
Ephesus  degraded  ifestorius  in  thes^  terms. 
**  Wherefore  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whose  ma- 
jesty be  by  h*s  blasphemous  words  has  assailed, 
pronounces  Nestorius,  through  this  sacred  synod, 
deprived  of  his  episcopal  rank  and  degraded  from 
the  fellowship  and  office  of  the  priesthood 
throughout  the  world."  The  sentence  of  excom- 
munication of  Andronicus,  governor  of  Ptolemais, 
by  his  bishop,  Synesius  (410  A.D.),  gives  a  more 
detailed  account  of  the  penalties  involved  in  the 
sentence.  ''The  church  of  Ptolemais  makes  this 
injunction  to  all  her  sister  churches  throughout 
the  world.  Let  no  church  of  God  be  open  to  An- 
dronicus and  his  accomplices ;  but  let  every  sa- 
cred temple  and  sanctuary  be  shut  against  them. 
The  devil  has  no  part  in  paradise ;  though  he  pri- 
vily creep  in  he  is  driven  out  again.  I  therefore  ad- 
monish both  private  men  and  magistrates  neither 
to  receive  them  under  their  roof  nor  to  their  table : 
and  priests  more  especially,  that  they  neither 
converse  with  them  when  living  nor  attend  their 
Minerals  when  dead.  And  if  any  one  despise  this 
church  as  being  only  a  small  city,  and  receive 
those  that  are  excommunicated  by  her,  let  them 
know  that  they  divide  the  church  by  schism. 
And  whosoever  does  so,  whether  levite,  presbyter, 
or  bishop,  shall  be  ranked  in  the  same  class  with 

CH&UT.  ANT. 


Andronicus.  We  will  neither  give  them  the 
right  hand  of  fellowship,  nor  eat  at  the  same 
table  with  them,  and  much  less  will  we  com- 
municate in  sacred  mysteries  with  those  who 
choose  to  take  part  with  Andronicus"  (Synes. 
£^,  58>    [See  Penitence.] 

The  following,  from  an  Anglican  Pontifical 
preserved  at  Gemblours,  considered  by  Martene 
(De  £U.  Ant.  u.  322 ;  ed.  Yenet.  1783)  to  have 
been  written  in  the  8th  century,  may  serve 
as  a  specimen  of  the  later  forms.  The  bishop, 
denouncing  certain  persons  who,  not  having  the 
fear  of  God  before  their  eyes,  had  plundered  the 
property  of  the  church,  and  who,  after  being 
thrice  summoned,  contumaciously  refused  to 
appear,  proceeds :  *'  These  therefore  we,  by  the 
authority  conferred  upon  us  by  God ....  and 
the  statutes  of  the  canons,  excommunicate  and 
cut  off  from  the  bounds  of  the  Holy  Church  of 
God,  and  expel  from  the  congregation  of  Chris- 
tian men ;  and  unless  they  speedily  come  to  a 
better  mmd  and  make  satisfaction  to  us,  we  con- 
found them  with  eternal  malediction  and  con- 
demn with  perpetual  anathema.  May  they  incur 
the  wrath  of  the  heavenly  judge ;  may  they  be 
deprived  of  the  inheritance  of  God  and  His  elect ; 
may  they  neither  in  this  present  life  have  com- 
munion with  Christians,  nor  in  the  life  to  come 
obtain  part  with  Grod  and  His  saints ;  but  may 
they  be  numbei-ed  with  the  devil  and  his  ser- 
vants, and  receive  the  punishment  of  avenging 
flame  with  everlasting  mourning.  In  heaven 
and  earth  may  they  be  abominable,  and  be  tor- 
tured for  ever  with  the  pains  of  hell.  Cursed  be 
they  in  the  house,  cursed  in  the  field;  cursed 
be  their  food  and  their  fruit ;  cursed  be  all  that 
they  possess,  from  the  dog  that  barks  for  them 
to  the  cock  that  crows  for  them.  May  they 
have  their  portion  with  Dathan  and  Abiram, 
whom  hell  swallowed  up  quick,  and  with  An- 
anias and  Sapphira,  who  lied  unto  the  apostles  of 
the  Lord  and  fell  down  dead,  and  with  Pilate, 
and  Judas  who  betrayed  the  Lord ;  may  they  be 
buried  with  the  burial  of  an  ass,  and  so  may 
their  light  be  quenched  in  the  midst  of  darkness. 
Amen." 

Minister  of  Exoommunioation. — ^The  officer  en- 
trusted with  the  power  of  excommunication  was 
the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  which  the  offender 
belonged.  [Bishop,  p.  231.]  The  administration 
of  discipline  was  originally  entirely  in  his  hands ; 
it  was  he  who  bound  and  he  who  loosed.  As  the 
church  increased,  the  infliction  of  other  forms  of 
penance  was  delegated  to  the  inferior  clergy,  but 
the  great  sentence  of  excommunication  was  a 
weapon  which  the  bishop  kept  exclusively  in  the 
power  of  his  own  order.  Within  his  diocese  his 
jurisdiction  was  supreme ;  he  might  mitigate  or 
increase  censure  at  bis  discretion.  In  the  exercise 
of  this  authority  he  was  independent  of  his  pres- 
bytery ;  he  sat  indeed  with  it  to  hear  confessions 
which  might  criminate  others,  or  to  receive  accu- 
sations against  the  brethren,  or  to  decide  rights 
and  causes  brought  before  him,  and  offences  might 
then  be  divulged  which  would  expose  the  offender 
to  excommunication,  but  when  once  guilt  was 
established,  either  by  confession,  or  conviction, 
or  notoriety,  the  bishop  alone  imposed  the  sen- 
tence. Instances  also  abound  of  bishops  consult- 
ing with  one  another  in  special  emergencies,  and 
deciding  amongst  thenu  elves  the  period  of  peni- 
tence to  be  allotted  to  special  sins,  but  such 

a  T 


642 


EXCOMMUNICATION 


EXECUTOBES 


advice  or  support  put  no  limitation  on  each 
bishop's  original  jurisdiction.  The  council  of  Nice 
(can.  5)  forbids  any  one  bishop  to  receive  delin- 
quents cut  off  by  another  bishop,  which  clearly 
points  to  each  bishop  possessing  the  power  to  act 
alone.  The  end  of  the  same  canon  decrees  that 
a  synod  of  bishops  shall  be  held  in  each  province 
twice  a  year,  before  Lent  and  in  the  autumn 
(compare  Apost.  Can.  38),  to  examine  into  the 
cases  of  excommunication  which  had  taken  place 
in  the  province.  There  was  thus  a  right  of 
appeal  against  the  sentence  of  an  individual 
bishop,  but  only  to  the  bishops  of  the  province. 
This  probably  explains  instances  of  synodical  ex- 
communication, which  do  not  imply  that  the 
bishop  had  not  an  independent  power  to  excom- 
municate, but  that  an  appeal  was  made  from  his 
judgment  to  the  provincial  synod,  whose  sentence 
was  only  a  more  solemn  confirmation  of  the 
bishop's. 

The  Apostolical  Canons  (74)  decree  that,  if  a 
bishop  is  accused  he  is  to  be  summoned  by  the 
synod  of  bishops,  and  if  he  refuse  to  come  two 
bishops  are  t«  go  for  him,  and  on  his  second  re- 
fusal, to  go  again,  and  if  he  is  still  contumacious, 
the  synod  may  proceed  against  him  in  his  ab- 
sence. Accordingly  the  episcopal  rank  of  Nes- 
torius  required  a  synodical  censure,  which  was 
pronounced  by  provincial  synods  under  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  and  Celestine  of  Rome,  and  confirmed 
431  A..D.  by  the  council  of  Ephesus.  And  Euty- 
ches,  who  was  an  abbot  and  so  &r  allowed  the 
privileges  of  a  bishop,  was  tried  at  the  provincial 
synod  of  Constantinople  under  Flavianus,  and  on 
an  appeal  to  a  general  council  was  again  con- 
demned and  excommunicated  at  Chalcedon,  to- 
gether with  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria. 

Literature. — Marshall's  Penitentiai  Disdpluie, 
Lond.  1714,  reprinted  in  ^Auglo-Cath.  Library,' 
Ox.  1844;  Bingham's  AntiquitieSy  bks.  xvi. 
and  xvii. ;  Morinus,  De  Disciplind  in  Administr, 
Sacrament.  Poeniteniiaey  Antv.  1662 ;  Van  Espen, 
Jus  Ecclesiasticumy  Yen.  1789,  vols.  4  and  9; 
Martene,  De  Ant,  Ecd,  ritibus ;  Augusti,  Denk- 
foiirdigkeiten  aus  der  christlichen  Archdologie, 
Leip.  1817.  [G.  M.] 

II.   MONASnC  EXOOHMUNICATION. 

By  the  Benedictine  rule  contumacious  monks 
mcurred  the  penalty  of  the  greater  or  the  lesser 
excommunication  according  to  the  gravity  of  the 
offence,  but  not  till  admonition,  first  private  and 
then  public,  had  been  tried  on  them  in  vain,  nor 
in  cases  where,  owing  to  moral  stupidity,  flogging 
was  likely  to  be  more  efficacious  {Beg,  Bened, 
c.  23).  These  two  kinds  of  excommunication 
are  further  defined  as  excommunication  only 
from  the  common  meal  (a  mensi)  for  slighter 
faults,  and  excommunication  from  the  d^apel 
also  (a  mensft  et  oratorio)  for  faults  less  venial. 
Thus  the  subdivision  of  monastic  excommunica- 
tion corresponds  in  its  main  features  with  the 
more  minute  subdivisions  of  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline generally  (/&.  ce.  24,  25).  Even  under  the 
lighter  ban  the  offender  was  forbidden  to  officiate 
in  the  choir  as  reader  or  "  cantor,"  and,  accord- 
ing to  some  commentators  on  the  rule,  he  was  to 
lie  prostrate  before  the  altar-steps  while  the 
others  were  kneeling.  In  the  refectory  he  was 
to  take  his  fotid  alone  after  the  rest  had  finished 
(Martene,  Eeg.  Comment,  cc.  25,  44). 

A  monk  under  the  graver  excommunication 


was  debarred  not  only  from  the  a>mmoii  board,  bnt 
also  from  all  the  chapel  services  as  well  as  finom 
the  benedictory  salutation,  and  indeed  from  all 
intercourse  wnatever  with  his  brethren  {Reg. 
Bened.  c.  25).  He  was  to  lie  outstretched  at  the 
doors  of  the  chapel  till  re^mitted  by  the  abbat; 
nor  even  then  might  he  take  any  public  part  in 
the  services  without  express  permission  (Martene, 
ti.  8.  c  44).  Any  monk  speaking  to  an  excom- 
municated brother  was  *'  ipso  facto "  exoomraa- 
nicated  himself  (^Reg.  Bened.  c  26).  Bat  it  was 
kindly  ordered  by  Benedict,  that  the  abbat 
should  send  some  sympathising  brother  to  oto- 
sole  the  offender  in  his  loneliness  (^Ib.  c  27; 
cf.  Reg.  Mag.  cc.  13, 14 ;  Reg.  Goes.  Arelat.  c  33 ; 
Id.  ad  Virg.  c.  10). 

The  duration  of  the  punishment  varied,  the 
intention  being  correctional  rather  than  merely 
penal.  By  the  rule  of  Fructuosus,  a  monk  ftf 
lying,  stealing,  striking,  false  swearing,  if  incor^ 
rigible,  was,  after  flogging,  to  be  excommuni- 
cated and  kept  on  bread  and  water  in  a  solitsry 
cell  for  three  months  {Reg.  Fmct.  c  17).  Br 
the  rule  of  Fcrreolus,  a  monk  for  bad  language 
was  forbidden  to  be  present  at  the  mass  or  to 
receive  the  kiss  of  peace  for  six  months  {Re^. 
Ferr.  c.  25).  By  the  rule  of  Chrodegang  a 
canonicus  was  excommunicated  for  what  seems 
so  slight  an  offence  as  sleeping  after  noctuins. 
it  was  for  the  abbat  to  fix  the  degree  of  excom- 
munication {Reg.  Bened.  c.  24).  Some  commenta- 
tors argue  therefore,  that  the  severest  fbrm  of 
monastic  excommunication  cannot  be  tantamount 
to  the  severest  ecclesiastical  sentence  of  the  kind 
(Mart.  Reg.  Comm,  c  25). 

Mabillon  cites  instances  (Annai.  x.  46)  of 
monks  (Columbanus  and  Theodoms  Studita) 
excommunicating  lay  people  not  belonging  to 
their  order.  He  relates  an  excommunication  of 
one  of  the  sisterhood  by  an  abbess  in  the  7th 
century  (76.  xii.  36).  Abbats  and  abbesses  were 
themselves  liable  to  this  penalty.  Gregory  the 
Great  reproves  a  bishop  for  harshness  in  excom- 
municating an  aged  abbat  of  good  repute.  The 
second  council  of  Tours  in  A..D.  567  decreed  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  against  any  abbat  or 
prior  allowing  a  woman  to  enter  the  monastery 
(Cone.  Turon.  c.  16).  See  further  Bened.  AnissL 
Concord.  Regul.  cc.  30-34  with  Menard's  Commen- 
tary, and  Ducange,  Gloss.  Lot.  s.  v.      [I.  G.  SL] 

EXCUBIAE.    [TioiL.] 

EXCUSATL  (1)  Slaves  who  had  fled  for 
reftige  to  a  church,  and  then— on  the  own«9s 
making  oath  upon  the  gospels  that  they  would 
not  punish  them — ^been  restored  to  their  mastery 
were  called  excusaiu  If  the  master  broke  his  oath 
he  was  punished  by  excommunication.  See  Come, 
Aurel.  /.  oc.  1  and  3 ;  ///.  c  13 ;  IV,  c  24. 

(2)  Those  who  under  some  terror  or  oppressioB 
had  fled  to  a  church  or  monastery  and  remained 
there  were  also  called  excusati  (Charter  of  Charles 
the  Great,  quoted  by  Ducange,  9.0.).  [Cj 

EXECUTOBES.  A  name  given  either  to 
the  Defensorbs  themselves. or  to  ofBceis  wbo 
performed  analogous  functions.  In  one  of  the 
canons  of  a  council  held  at  Carthage,  ▲.!>.  419 
(Cod.  Eccl.  Afric.  c  96),  it  is  decreed  that  per^ 
mission  should  be  demanded  of  the  emperor  fbr 
the  appointment  of  five  "  executores,"  wbo 
should  reside  in  the  provinces,  and  be  employed 
on  all  occasions  of  necessity  on  behalf  of  the 


EXEDBA 


EXILE 


643 


^nrch,  ^io  omnibus  desideriU  quae  habet 
ecsclesia."  These  are  evidently  distinct  from  the 
**  defensores  scholastici/'  mentioned  in  the  canon 
that  follows.  In  a  capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Qreat,  quoted  by  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eccl. 
Diadp.  i  2,  c.  99,  §  12),  ezecutores  are  men- 
tioned in  connexion  with  advocates  and  defen- 
ders, *'  ezecutores,  vel  advocati  seu  defensores." 
Thomassin  {Ibid,  c  98,  §  3)  speaks  of  the  title 
being  given  to  certain  officials  when  emploved  in 
carrying  into  execution  the  will  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  who  is  himself  the  executor  and  protector 
of  the  canons.  [P.  0.] 

EXEDRA  is  explained  by  Ducange,  Binte- 
rim,  and  other?  as  a  general  term  including  all 
buildings  annexed  to  a  church,  or  contained 
within  the  consecrated  area.  In  classical  usage 
an  exedra  was  a  semicircular  room,  or  large 
alcove  with  seats  again&t  the  wall  for  the  pur- 
poses of  conversation  (Cic.  de  Nat.  Deorum,  i.  6 ; 
dd  Orat.  iii.  5).  £xednte  are  spoken  of  by  Vi- 
truvius  (vi.  5)  in  connection  with  oeci  (oJkoi)  as 
rooms  for  conversation  and  other  social  purposes. 
The  two  words  are  similarly  coupled  together 
by  Eusebius  (ff,  E.  z.  4,  §  4a)  when  describing 
the  church  of  Paulinus  at  Tyre.  Here  Eusebius 
writes  **he  provided  spacious  exedrae  and  oeci 
on  each  side  (^(c9paf  koX  otxavs  rohs  irap'  !«<£- 
Tfpa  fuyitrrovs)  united  and  attached  to  the  royal 
fabric  (/3ao-iXc(y)  and  communicating  with  the 
entrance  to  the  middle  of  the  temple."  The 
church  built  by  Constantino  at  Antioch  is  also 
described  as  **  being  surrounded  with  a  large 
number  of  oeci  and  exedrae  in  a  circle,"  oXkois 
T€  irXfWtv  i^4^pcus  re  iy  fc^itXy  (Euseb.  de  Vit. 
Const,  lib.  iii.  c.  50).  Augustine  uses  the  word 
in  the  sense  of  a  large  room  or  hall  annexed  to 
the  great  church  at  Caesarea  (de  Qest.  cum 
JEmeHto).  The  sixth  canon  of  the  council 
of  Nantes  prohibits  interments  except  **  in  atrio 
ant  portion,  aut  in  exedris  ecclesiae.  *  Bingham 
holds  that  baptisteries  were  included  under 
exedrae.  The  apse  of  a  basilica  was  also  some- 
times termed  exedra  from  its  similarity  in  shape 
to  those  of  the  baths. 

(Bingham,  Orig.  Eccl.  bk.  viii.  c.  7,  §  1 ;  Au- 
gosti  Chrint.  Archaeol.  i.  387 ;  Valesius  ad  Euseb. 
VU.  Const,  lib.  iii.  c  50.)  [E.  V.] 

.EXEMPTION  OF  MONASTEBIES.  In 
the  earlier  stage  of  their  existence,  monasteries 
generally  availed  themselves  gladly  of  the  patro- 
nage of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  [Bishop,  p.  231], 
but  as  they  increased  in  wealth  and  power,  strug- 

fled  to  emancipate  themselves  from  his  control, 
or  instance,  towards  the  close  of  the  6th  century 
the  abbess  of  Ste.  Croix  at  Poitiers,  after  the 
death  of  Radegunde  the  foundress,  who  had  be- 
come one  of  the  nuns,  requested  the  bishop  to 
take  the  convent  under  his  protection.  Ailer 
some  hesitation,  on  account  of  the  royal  rank  of 
the  foundress,  or  because  she  had  placed  the  con- 
sent under  royal  jurisdiction,  he  consented  ^  to 
govern  it  as  the  rest  of  his  parishes "  (Mabill. 
Ann.  0.  8.  B,  VII.  xxxix.  xl. ;  Gregor.  Turon. 
^ist.  iz.  46).  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  middle 
of  the  7th  century,  or  later,  for  the  exact  date 
of  the  deed  is  uncertain,  a  monastery  at  Vienne, 
apparently  of  monks  and  nuns  under  one  consti- 
tation,  obtained  absolute  exemption  from  the 

•  In  lAbbe  (OMwa.  Iz.  4t0)  the  reading  Is  **  extra  eo- 
ctaslam." 


bishop's  authority.  By  this  deed,  no  bishop  had 
any  claim  to  any  property  of  the  monastery; 
no  bishop,  unless  by  invitation  of  the  abbot  or 
abbess,  could  consecrate  altars  or  admit  nuns, 
nor  was  any  fee  to  be  xequired  for  performing 
these  cei'eraonies;  and  the  diocesan  was  not  to 
hinder  any  appeal  of  the  monastery  to  the  see 
of  Rome  (Mabill.  Ann.  0.  S.  B.  XIII.  ii.  cf.  App. 
torn.  1).  In  another  fragment  cited  by  Mabillon 
in  the  same  place  no  bishop  even  by  invitation 
was  allowed  to  enter  the  more  private  parts  of 
the  convent;  nor  was  any  bishop  to  be  enter- 
tained in  the  convent,  lest  this  should  be  an 
expense  and  a  distraction  to  the  inmates,  nor  to 
interfere  with  the  abbess  in  the  correction  of  the 
nuns,  for  she  was  to  be  responsible  only  to  the 
apostolic  see.  Instances  might  easily  be  multi- 
plied of  the  almost  continual  collision  in  Western 
Christendom  between  the  bishops  and  the  monas- 
teries in  their  dioceses ;  in  which  the  monasteries, 
almost  invariably,  had  the  support  of  the  pope,, 
and,  frequently,  of  the  royal  authority  (cf. 
Martene,  Regul,  Comment.  Bened.  ap.  Migne, 
Patrol.  Lot.  Ixvi.  pp.  839,  840).  And  the  same 
struggle  was  going  on  at  the  same  time  in  the 
East..  Thus,  in  the  7th  century,  the  emperor 
Mauridus  granted  to  the  monasteries  of  Theo- 
dorns  Siceota  entire  exemption  from  all  epi- 
scopal authority,  except  that  of  Constantinople 
(Mabill.  Ann.  0.  8.  B.  ziv.  23).  Monasteries 
subject  only  to  emperor  or  king,  were  called 
"imperialia"  or  *' regalia"  (Ducange,  Qhss. 
Lat.  s.  v.).  [For  ezemption  of  monasteries  from 
tazes  see  Monastert.]  [I.  G.  S.] 

EXEMPTIONS.   [Immunities  OF  Clergy.] 

EXEQUIES.  [Burial  of  the  Dead; 
Obsequies.] 

EXERCISES,  PENITENTIAL.  [Pbni- 
tence.] 

EXHORTATION  {Exhortaiio%  is  used  in  a 
special  sense  for  the  admonition  on  the  duties  of 
their  office  addressed  by  the  ordainer  to  a  person 
just  ordained.  See,  for  izLstance,  the  Coptic 
ritual  of  ordination,  in  Martene,  De  Bit.  Ant.  I., 
viiL  11,  Ordo  23.  [C] 

EXILE  (JExUwrn,  PeregrinaUo).  For  certain 
offences  a  penitent  was  ordered  to  leave  his 
country  and  pass  some  period  of  his  penitence  in 
distant  lands.  This  mode  of  penance  is  found 
among  the  canons  ascribed  to  some  of  the  British 
councils  of  the  6th  century ;  but  there  are  strong 
grounds  for  believing  that  tbev  are  interpolations 
of  a  later  period,  and  that  the  penance  of  exile 
cannot  be  traced  to  any  earlier  source  than  tho 
7th  century.  The  Penitential  of  Theodore  (I.  ti. 
16)  appoints  fifteen  years  of  penance  for  incest, 
of  which  seven  are  to  be  passed  in  a  foreign  land 
(perenni  peregrinatione).  The  Penitential  of 
^bert  (iii.)  declares  seven  years  of  exile  t» 
be  part  of  the  penance  due  to  parricide;  and 
(v.  9)  orders  a  cleric  who  begets  an  illegitimate 
child  to  go  into  exile  for  either  four,  five,  or 
seven  years.  Morinus,  however,  considers  (de 
Poenit.  vii.  15)  that  these  wanderings  of  peni- 
tents soon  led  to  abuses,  and  were  cheeked  in  a 
capitulary  of  Charles  the  Great  (vi.  379). 

The  practice  thus  begun  in  submission  to  a 
judicial  penalty  was  continued  as  a  voluntary 
self-discipline,  and  in  the  10th  century  it  began 
to  be  considered  a  meritorious  action  to  leave 

2  T  2 


644 


EXOGATACX)£LI 


home  and  ooontiy  and  make  a  pilgrimage  to  some 
spot  oonfecrated  by  anooiation  with  some  holy 
man ;  the  earliest  of  which  places  were  Rome, 
Tours,  and  the  supposed  borial-place  of  St.  James 
at  Compostella.  This  tendency  received  a  great 
impulse  from  the  Cmsades,  and  espedally  from 
the  decree  of  the  council  of  Clermont  (jCono* 
darom,  c  2\  which  allowed  a  pilgrimage  to  Jera- 
salem  to  expiate  all  penance  whaterer.  [G.  M.] 

EXOGATAGOELL  Five  great  digniU- 
ries  of  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople, 
yiz.  the  oeconomus  or  steward,  the  senior  and 
junior  keeper  of  the  purse  (<reuuK\dpioiyf  and  the 
senior  and  junior  chartophylax,  were  anciently 
called  i^mKordicotXot,  To  these,  in  the  11th 
century,  the  defensor  of  the  church  was  added. 
The  etymolorr  of  the  word  is  uncertain.  That 
of  Ducange  (vfosf.  Ortteo,)  that  they  received 
their  name  from  having  iheir  seats  of  dignity 
on  a  raised  platform,  not  in  the  lower  portion 
of  the  floor  (icaraitofXi)  where  less  distin- 
gnishedpersons  sat,  is  perhaps  as  probable  as 
any.  (Thomassin,  Eocl,  Discip,  I.  ii.  99,  { 10 ; 
Daniel,  Codex  LUurg.  iv.  702.)  [C] 

EX0DIA8TIG0N  Q^oluurruc6i),  Aa  the 
departure  of  a  Christian  was  frequently  spoken 
of  as  l|o8o»,  the  service  at  the  death-bed  is  called 
m  Greek  office-books  k^a^uurruc6»  (Daniel,  Codex 
Lit,  iv.  608,  634).  [Burial  of  the  Dead; 
Sick,  VifliTATioN  of.]  [C] 

BXOMOLOGESIS  {Exomdogesie,  Confeuh, 
^loftoX^yiyo'if,  ^(a^^pcuo-if).  The  verb  in  St. 
Matt.  zi.  25  expresses  thanksgiving  and  praise, 
and  in  this  sense  was  used  by  many  Christian 
writers  (Suicer's  Theeaurusy  s.  v.  ^(o/aoX.).  But 
more  generally  in  the  early  fathers  it  signifies 
the  whole  course  of  penitential  discipline,  the 
outward  act  and  performance  of  penance.  Prom 
thu  it  came  to  mean  that  public  acknowledg- 
ment of  sin  which  formed  so  important  a  part 
of  penitence.  Irenaeus  (c.  Haeres,  i.  13,  §5) 
speaks  of  an  adulteress  who,  having  been  con- 
verted, passed  her  whole  life  in  a  state  of  peni- 
tence (4iofio\oyovfi,4ini,  in  exomologesi) :  and  (t6. 
iii.  4)  of  Cerdon  often  coming  into  the  church 
and  confessing  his  errors  {i^ofAo\oyo6fi€vos), 
TertuUian  (de  Poemt.  c  9)  considers  the  Greek 
word  i^ofioK^yriffis  more  suitable  than  the  Latin 
oonfesaio;  and  proceeds  to  define  the  term  as 
**the  discipline  of  humbling  and  prostrating  a 
man."  At  the  end  of  the  same  treatise  he  speaks 
of  the  king  of  Babylon's  humiliation  as  an  ex- 
'omologesis,  and  of  the  king  of  Egypt's  neglect 
of  repentance  and  its  attendant  confession.  The 
term  occurs  twice  in  Cyprian  {de  Lapsis,  cc.  11, 
18),  and  six  times  in  his  Epistles. (£piM^.  4,  ad 
Pompon,  c  8 ;  15,  ad  Martyr,  c.  1 ;  16,  od  Cler, 
c.  2 ;  n^ad  Laic. ;  55,  ad  Anton,  c.  24 ;  59,  ad 
Gomel,  c.  18,  Oxf.  ed.)  in  the  sense  of  the  course 
of  penitence  and  public  humiliation  ;  three  times 
'JSpistt,  18,  ad  Oer, ;  19,  ad  Cler, ;  20,  ad  Eom.- 
Cler,  0.  2)  referring  to  the  confession  of  dying 
penitents :  and  once  (ds  Laptis,  c.  19)  as  applied 
to  Azariah  and  his  companions,  in  the  sense  of 
confession  of  the  lips  generally.  St.  Basil,  de- 
scribing the  morning  service  of  his  time  {Epiet. 
207,  ad  Cler.  Neocaeear.),  says  that  after  the  anti- 
phonal  chant,  at  daybreak  they  all  burst  forth 
into  the  psalm  of  confession  (r^r  r^s  i^oftoKo- 
y^ff€^s  4«Xf«^  ry  Kvpfy  iu^aip4povai),  meanmg 
no  doubt  that  which  is  emphatically  a  psalm  of 


EX0M0L0GBSI8 

confession,  the  fifty-first.  This  pnlm  is  alw 
mentioned  by  Cassian  {De  Inetit,  CbMoft.  iii.  6) 
as  occurring  at  the  close  of  matins.  Padan  in  eac 
place  {Paraen,  ad  Poemt,  p.  372,  Oxf.  ed.)  follow- 
ing Tertnllian,  speaks  of  the  degradation  of  N^a- 
chadnexsar  as  exomologesis ;  in  another  (tML 
p.  373),  in  imitation  of  Cyprian,  applies  the 
term  to  the  song  of  the  **■  three  childreo."  At 
the  council  of  Laodicea  (can.  2)  it  is  the 
whole  course  of  penitence :  '*  As  to  those  who 
sin  by  divers  offences  and  persevere  in  prsTer 
of  confession  (^^/loX.)  and  repentance."  With 
Chrysostom  it  is  in  one  place  {Horn,  10  m  &  MaU. 
c  4)  the  course  of  penitence ;  elsewhere  (Horn.  5, 
de  inoomp.  Lei  nut,  t.  i.  p.  490 :  Horn.  2,  ad 
Ulum,  Catech.  t.  i.  p.  240,  Bened.  ed.)  it  ia  confes- 
sion to  God  only.  Isidore  of  Seville  {EtymoL  n. 
19)  defines  exomologesis  to  be  that  by  which  ve 
confess  our  sins  to  the  Lord.  But  at  the  end  of 
the  same  chapter  he  adduces  an  entirely  differeot 
meaning  of  the  word.  **  Between  litaaies  and 
exomologeses  there  is  this  difference,  that  ex- 
omologesis  stands  for  confession  of  sins  onlj, 
litany  for  prayer  to  God,  and  imploring  His 
pardon ;  but  now  each  woid  has  the  same  meu- 
ing,  nor  is  there  any  difference  between  the  use 
of  litany  and  exomologesis."  The  17th  council  of 
Toledo,  A.D.  694  (c.  6),  orders  litanies  (exomolo- 
geses) to  be  said  for  a  whole  year  for  the  chnrdi, 
for  the  sovereign,  &c  &c.  And  the  council  of 
Mayenoe,  A.D.  813  {Cone.  Mogunt.  c  32)  quotes 
the  exact  words  of  Isidore  on  exomologesis  beinf 
equivalent  with  litany  (Comp.  Morin.  de  PceniL 
ii.  2 ;  note  L.  on  Tertull.  de  Poenit^  in  Oxford 
Library  of  the  Fathers). 

Of  these  meanings  the  first  and  last  are  quite 
fi>reign  to  the  general  ecclesiastical  use  of  the 
word  and  need  not  be  pursued  any  further ;  that 
which  signifies  the  whole  course  of  penitentisl 
discipline  will  be  discussed  under  the  article 
Penitekce  :  this  article  will  relate  to  exomolo- 
gesis only  so  far  as  it  signifies  oral  confession. 

Public  Confeseion. — i.  Of  public  tins. — Ibis 
was  the  first  stage  in  the  restoration  of  a  peni- 
tent.   So  long  as  discipline  was  in  force,  any  one 
guilty  of  a  notorious  crime  which  had  subjected 
him  to  censure    [Exoommunication]   was  re- 
quired to  make  an  open  acknowledgment  of  hif 
crime  at  the  beginning  of  his  course  of  peniteaoe. 
The  confession  took  place  after  the  Missa  C^te- 
chumenorum,  and  when  they  and  the  hearers  had 
been  warned  to  withdraw  from  the  church  by  the 
deacon.    Then  if  any  one  had  been  recently  con- 
victed of  any  open  sin,  he  confessed  and  bewailed 
it  before  the  church,  and  in  accordance  with  iht 
gravity  of  his  offence,  his  penitential  station  wu 
assigned  him  by  the  bishop;   sometimes,  how- 
ever, the  bishop,  yielding  to  the  requests  of  the 
clergy  and  people  who  had  heard  the  confession, 
allotted  a  less  remote  station.     The  bishop  then 
addressed  the  congregation  on  the  nature  of  the 
offence,  and  they  offered  up  their  prayers  for  th^ 
offender's   repentance.     This    public  confesi^oo 
was  addressed  not  merely  to  the  bishop  or  the 
priest  in  the  presence  of  the  congregation,  but  in 
a  loud  voice  to  the  congregation  at  large.    It 
signified  that  as  the  church  had  been  scandalised 
by  an  open  sin  in  one  of  its  members,  reparation 
should  be  made  to  it  by  an  equally  open  admii- 
sion  of  sin.     It  also  manifested  the  earnertoev 
of  the  offender's  repentance  that  he  was  willing 
to  undergo  this  puUic  humiliation.     But  tkt 


EXOMOLOGE8I8 

chief  object  was  that  the  oiiender  might  seek 
the  prajren  of  the  congregation  to  snpport  and 
stimulate  his  conversion.  If  any  one  who  was 
notoriously  guilty  failed  or  refused  to  confess,  no 
one  would  communicate  with  him,  in  accordance 
with  the  apostle's  precept  (1  Cor.  t.  11 ;  Ephes. 
t,  11).  Again,  if  ne  waited  to  be  convicted, 
his  censure  was  heavier  than  if  he  had  made  a 
spontaneous  confession.  The  council  of  Elvira 
{Cone.  JSiib.  c.  76)  orders  that  if  a  deacon  before 
his  ordination  had  committed  a  mortal  sin,  and 
afterwards  confessed,  he  should  be  restored  after 
three  years'  penitence ;  but  if  detected,  after  five 
years,  and  only  to  lay  communion.  Basil  (ad 
Amphiloc,  cc  7, 61)  allows  alleviation  of  punish- 
ment on  three  grounds,  ignorance,  conifession, 
and  lapse  of  time.  This  encouragement  to  confes- 
sion reappears  in  the  8th  century  in  the  Rule  of 
Chrodegand  of  Metz  (c.  18),  ^  he  who  voluntarily 
confesses  his  lighter  sins  shall  be  visited  with 
lighter  censures."  And  not  nonly  was  an  offender 
urged  to  confess  for  his  own  sake,  but  any  who 
was  privy  to  his  crime  was  under  a  similar  obli- 
gation to  accuse  him,  for  if  he  failed  or  even 
delayed  to  do  so,  he  was  himself  exposed  to  cen- 
sure (Basil,  ad  Amphiloc.  c.  71). 

ii.  Of  secret  sms. — Such  confession  was  at  no 
time  obligatory.  Sometimes,  however,  under  the 
direction  of  a  priest  who  had  been  consulted,  or 
moved  by  a  sudden  contrition  and  remorse,  some 
would  charge  themselves  with  a  secret  sin  before 
the  congregation.  Thus  (Iren.  c.  Haeres,  i.  9)  the 
virgins  seduced  by  the  heretic  Marcus,  and  the 
wife  of  the  deacon  Asianus  made  a  public  ac- 
knowledgment of  guilt  which  was  known  only 
to  themselves.  One  of  the  three  men  who  had 
calumniated  Narcissus  of  Jerusalem  (Euseb.  H.  E. 
vi  9)  publicly  acknowledged  years  afterwards, 
when  his  two  associates  had  died  from  some 
painful  disorder,  that  his  charge  against  the 
bishop  had  been  false.  Some  of  the  priests  who 
had  joined  Novatian  (ibid.  vi.  43)  spontaneouslv 
charged  themselves  before  the  church  with 
heresy  and  other  crimes ;  one  of  the  bishops  who 
had  been  induced  to  consecrate  him  publicly  ac- 
knowledged his  error,  and  Cornelius,  in  deference 
to  the  intercession  of  the  people  who  witnessed 
the  confession,  admitted  him  to  lay  communion. 
But  public  confession  of  secret  sins  needed  at  a 
very  early  period  to  be  checked  and  regulated ; 
and  the  people  were  admonished  to  consult  their 
priests  before  divulging  their  sins  to  the  church 
[pENiTENTiiOiT].  Anything  which  would  create 
a  scandal  or  endanger  life  or  liberty  was  for- 
bidden to  be  revealed.  So  Basil  (ad  Ampkiioc. 
c.  34)  would  not  permit  a  woman  who  had  pri- 
vately admitted  the  guilt  of  adultery  to  acknow- 
ledge it  in  the  church  or  even  to  perform  openly 
the  penance  generally  demanded  for  such  a  sin, 
lest  she  should  be  murdered  by  her  husband. 
Similar  precautions  are  laid  down  by  Qrigen, 
Augustine,  and  Caesarius  of  Aries  (Morin.  de 
Poenit.  ii.  13).  In  the  6th  century  the  practice 
arose  of  making  confession  of  public  sins  to  the 
bishop,  of  private  to  the  priest. 

iii.  Before  the  bishop  and  his  pre^>yUry. — ^Ter- 
tvllian  (de  Poenit.  c.  9)  says  it  is  part  of  exomo- 
logesis  for  the  penitent  *'  to  throw  himself  upon 
the  ground  before  the  presbytery,  and  to  fall  on 
his  kn«es  before  the  beloved  of  God.**  Cyprian 
(de  Lapeis^c  18)  praises  the  fiiith  of  those  who, 
having  without  any  overt  act  meditated  idola- 


EXOMOLOGESIS 


645 


try,  made  a  confession  **  apud  saoerdotes  Dei." 
Gregory  Nyseen  (Bp.  ad  Letoimn,  in  Marshall 
p.  195)  speaks  of  a  certain  evil  which  had 
been  overlooked  by  the  ancient  fathers,  f^om 
whence  it  had  come  to  pass,  that  no  person  who 
was  brought  befbre  the  clergy  to  be  examined  as 
to  his  life  and  conversation  was  at  all  examined 
upon  that  point.  Before  the  presbytery  con- 
fessions were  made  which  criminated  others ;  and 
this  frequently  happened ;  for  any  one  making  a 
public  confession  named  his  confederates,  unless 
by  so  doing  he  exposed  them  to  legal  penalties. 
No  ecclesiastical  censure,  however,  fell  on  any 
who  denied  a  crime  which  his  associate  had  acU 
mitted :  on  the  principle  that  penitence  was  a 
privilege  not  a  punishment.  The  deacon  and 
virgin  whose  case  is  decided  by  St  Cyprian  and 
his  presbytery  (J^pif.  ir.  ad  Pompon.)  must  have 
had  an  information  laid  against  them  by  some 
associate,  for  their  guilt  had  been  secret.  This 
mode  of  confession  was  affected  in  ^e  Eabt  by 
the  appointment  of  the  Penitentiary ;  but  in  the 
West  so  long  as  public  penitence  for  secret  faults 
prevailed,  so  long  did  public  confession  to  bishops 
and  their  assistant  priests.  Probably  this  was 
the  origin  of  the  custom  introduced  into  the 
Benedictine  Rule  of  confession  to  the  abbot  sur- 
rounded by  his  monks. 

Private  Confession. — i.  General  aoconnt, — ^The 
testimony  of  the  Others  wili  be  discussed  in 
detail  Uter ;  here  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the 
early  &thers  Irenaeus,  TertuUian,  Cyprian,  hardly 
allude  to  private  confession  at  all ;  and  among  the 
writers  generally  of  the  first  500  vears  those  who 
mention  it  do  so  with  some  re^rence  more  or 
less  direct  to  public  discipline.  But  it  is  certain 
that  public  penitence  was  not  assigned  to  all 
sins  which  were  secretly  confessed,  but  only  to 
such  as  in  the  discretion  of  the  priest  required 
it.  It  is  easy  to  understand  that  offences  of  a 
trivial  nature  might  be  confided  to  a  priest,  or 
offences  of  such  a  character  as  would  scandalise 
the  church  were  they  openly  divulged;  and 
until  this  spiritual  direction  had  been  given, 
the  offender  would  be  in  doubt  whether  or  not 
a  public  acknowledgment  would  be  expected  from 
him.  But  it  is  equally  clear  that  no  absolution 
was  given  after  direction  of  this  sort,  or  until 
penitence  had  been  performed.  Such  at  least 
for  many  centuries  was  the  practice  in  the  Latin 
church  (see  Psritbnoe,  under  which  the  ques- 
tion of  absolution  will  be  discussed):  in  the 
Eastern  church  a  practice  arose  of  pronouncing 
some  preliminary  absolution  immediately  after 
the  utterance  of  the  confession,  and  a  second 
absolution  when  the  penance  had  been  performed. 
The  evidence  of  this  practice  is  to  be  found  in 
the  early  Greek  Penitentials  at  the  end  of  the 
6th  century ;  but  Morinns  would  carry  back  its 
origin  to  the  time  of  the  abolition  of  the  office  of 
Penitentiary  at  the  end  of  the  4th.  To  resort 
to  a  spiritual  guide  for  comfort  and  counsel 
was  one  thing ;  to  obtain  through  his  ministry 
by  confession  penance  and  absolution,  recondUa- 
tion  with  God  and  communion  with  the  faithful 
was  another :  and  there  is  no  proof  that  the  two 
were  combined,  and  that  private  sacramental 
confession  had  any  existence  in  the  first  500 
years  of  the  Christian  church.  The  term  itself 
is  not  found  in  any  of  the  documents  of  the  first 
eight  centuries :  and  if  the  definition  of  Thomas 
Aquinas  (SummOf  pt.  iii.  qu.  84*90)  ia  to  be 


646 


EXOMOLOGESIS 


EXOHOLOGESIB 


accepted  as  a  theological  definition  of  the  term, 
its  growth  must  be  assigned  to  a  mach  later 
period.  There  existed  undonbtedlj  from  a  verj 
early  period  private  confession  followed  by  no 
penitence,  but  also  by  no  absolution ;  there 
was  also  private  confession  followed  by  public 
penitence,  and  generally  by  subsequent  public 
confession,  to  which  the  pri^nte  was  a  prelimin- 
ary :  and  there  was  after  the  beginning  of  the 
6th  century  private  confession  followed  by  pri- 
vate penitence,  but  the  penance  was  always  ex- 
acted, and  dififered  only  from  public  penance  in 
solemnity ;  there  is  nowhere  to  be  found  in  canons 
or  sacramentaries  or  penitentials  one  punishment 
for  private  penitence  and  another  for  public 
The  sins  thus  privately  confessed  with  a  view  to 
penitence  were  those  only  of  a  grievous  character, 
sins  which  excluded  from  communion  or  public 
prayer,  or  even  from  the  church  itself,  which 
required  a  long  and  painfVil  course  of  penance 
before  they  were  blotted  out,  and  into  which  if 
the  sinner  relapsed,  there  was,  certainly  in  the 
rigonr  of  the  primitive  ages,  no  second  door  of 
reconciliation  open  to  him.  Sozomen  indeed, 
writing  at  the  end  of  the  5th  century,  says  in 
reference  to  penitence  that  there  is  pardon  for 
those  who  sin  again  and  again,  but  this  is  not 
the  language  of  antiquity.  There  was  but  one 
admission  to  solemn  penan(».  Moreover,  sins  for 
which  penance  was  to  be  performed  were  de- 
scribed by  canons  and  in  canonical  epistles,  and 
sins  which  did  not  fall  within  these  canons  were 
neither  confessed  nor  made  subject  to  penance. 
Sins  of  frailty  incidental  to  mankind  were  to  be 
healed  by  daily  prayer  and  confession  to  God 
only.  So,  among  numerous  authorities  that  peni- 
tence, and  confession  as  a  part  of  penitence,  was 
not  exacted  for  venial  sins,  Augustine  {de  Symb, 
ad  Catech.  t.  vi.  p.  555,  ed.  Antv.),  **  those  whom 
you  see  in  a  state  of  penitence  have  been  guilty  of 
adultery  or  some  other  enormity,  for  which  they 
are  put  under  it :  if  their  sin  had  been  venial, 
daily  prayer  would  have  been  sufficient  to  atone 
for  it."  The  Greek  Penitentials  of  the  end  of 
the  6th  century,  and  the  Latin  ones  of  a  cen- 
tury later,  give  no  hint  of  habitual  confession  of 
common  infii*mities,  or  of  private  confession  being 
a  matter  of  indispensable  obligation,  still  less  of 
the  doctrine  that  one  may  daily  confess  and  be 
daily  and  plenarily  absolved. 

ii.  In  the  Western  Church,— In  the  times  of  Ter- 
tullian  and  Cyprian  public  discipline  was  in  full 
vigour,  and  as  part  of  it  a  public  acknowledg- 
ment of  sins :  the  passages  which  have  already 
been  adduced  from  these  fathers  contain  nothing 
to  show  that  they  regarded  confession  in  any 
other  light  than  as  one  stage  of  the  act  of  peni- 
tence. 

Ambrose  (de  Poenit.  ii.  6)  speaks  of  confession, 
but  it  is  confession  to  God.  "If  thou  wilt  be 
justified  confess  thy  sins ;  for  humble  confession 
looses  the  bonds  of  sin."  Another  passage, 
selected  by  Bellarmine  to  support  secret  confes- 
sion, relates  manifestly  to  the  course  of  disci- 
pline; for  having  at  the  end  of  the  previous 
.section  said  that  "very  many,  out  of  fear  of 
future  punishment,  conscious  of  their  sins,  seek 
admission  to  penitence,  and  having  obtained  it 
are  drawn  back  by  the  shame  of  public  en- 
treaty," Ambrose  thus  proceeds  (t6.  c.  10), 
"  Will  any  one  endure  that  thou  shouldest  be 
Ashamed  to  ask  of  God,  who  art  not  ashamed  to  ask 


men  ?  that  thou  be  ashamed  to  supplicate  Him 
from  whom  thou  art  not  hid,  when  thou  art  not 
ashamed  to  confess  thy  sins  to  man  from  whom 
thou  art  hid  ?"  Another  passage  (in  Luc»  x.  2^ 
p.  5,  1787)  commenting  on  St.  Peter's  denial 
of  Christ  and  subsequent  repentance,  is  incon- 
sistent with  the  existence  of  a  custom  of  pri- 
vate confession  in  his  time.  "  Let  teaxv  wash 
away  the  guilt  which  one  is  ashamed  to  conieas 
with  the  voice.  Tears  express  the  fault  without 
alarm ;  tears  confess  the  sin  without  injuring 
bashfulness;  tears  obtain  the  pardon  they  ask 
not  for.  Peter  wept  most  bitterly,  that  with 
tears  he  might  wash  out  his  offence.  Do  thoo 
also,  if  thou  wouldest  obtain  pardon,  wash  oat  thy 
fault  with  tears." 

Augustine's  own  confessions  contain  no  hint 
that  he  either  practised  or  inculcated  private  con- 
fession. "  What  have  I  to  do  with  men  that 
they  should  hear  my  confession,  as  if  they  could 
heal  all  my  infirmities  "  (x.  3).  Bellarmine  quotes 
from  the  same  writer  (on  Ps.  66,  c.  7)—"  Be 
downcast  before  thou  hast  confessed ;  having 
confessed,  exult ;  now  shalt  thou  be  healed. 
While  thou  confessedst  not,  thy  conscience  col- 
lected foul  matter;  the  impo&thume  swelled, 
distressed  thee,  gave  thee  no  rest ;  the  physidaa 
fbments  it  with  woi-ds,  sometimes  cuts  it,  em- 
ploys the  healing  knife,  rebuking  by  tribolatioa. 
Acknowledge  thou  the  hand  of  the  phy^cian; 
confess ;  let  all  the  foul  matter  go  fi:>rth  in  con- 
fession; now  exult,  now  rejoice,  what  remains 
will  readily  be  healed."  But  Augustine  is 
commenting  on  the  text,  "  Sing  unto  the  Lozd 
all  the  whole  earth;"  and  confession  can  be  coor 
fession  to  God  only,  as  surely  the  physician  who 
heab  by  tribulation  can  be  none  other  than  God. 
In  Serm,  181  (fin.)  he  speaks  of  daily  prayer  as 
the  sponge  which  is  to  wipe  away  sins  of  infir- 
mity and  contrasts  them  with  death-bringing 
sins  for  which  alone  penitence  is  performed. 
Elsewhere  (de  Symb.  ad  Catech,  tom.  vi.  p.  555i,  ed. 
Antv.)  he  again  speaks  of  the  **  three  methods  of 
remitting  sins  in  the  church,  in  baptism,  in  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  in  the  humility  of  the  greater 
penitence,"  and  he  limits  penance  and  conse- 
quently confession  to  sins  which  deserve  excom- 
munication. And  in  many  similar  passages  he 
is  a  witness  that  up  to  his  time  no  confession 
was  required  of  any  sins  but  such  as  subjected  a 
man  to  penitential  discipline. 

Leo  in  his  Epistle  to  Theodoras  gives  plain  testi- 
mony of  the  connection  of  confession  with  penance 
(Ep,  91,  c.  2).  But  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of 
Campania  he  gives  some  directions  which  mark  if 
they  do  not  make  an  era  in  confession  in  the  Latin 
church.  The  epistle  is  too  important  not  to  be 
quoted  at  length  (Ep,  80,  ad  Epiac.  Campan.). 
"  That  presumption,  contrary  to  the  apostolic  role, 
which  I  have  lately  learned  to  be  practised  by 
some,  taking  unduly  upon  themselves,  I  direct 
should  by  all  means  be  removed,  and  that  a  writ- 
ten statement  of  the  nature  of  the  crimes  of  each 
should  not  be  publicly  rehearsed,  since  it  suffices 
that  the  guilt  of  the  conscience  be  laid  open  to 
the  priests  alone  in  secret  confiMeion.  For  al- 
though that  fulness  of  faith,  which  out  of  the 
fear  of  God  fears  not  to  take  shame  before  men, 
seems  to  be  praiseworthy,  yet  because  the  sins 
of  all  are  not  of  such  sort,  that  they  who  ask  to 
do  penitence  fear  not  their  being  published,  let 
so  nns'lvisable   a   custom    be    done   away,  let 


EXOMOLOGESIS 


EXOMOLOGESIS 


647 


manj  be  kept  from  the  remedies  of  penitence ; 
either  being  ashamed,  or  fearing  that  actions  for 
which  they  may  be  punished  by  the  laws  should 
be  discovered  to  their  enemies.  For  that  con- 
fession suffices,  which  is  made  first  to  Ood,  then 
to  the  priest  also,  who  draweth  near  to  pray  for 
the  sins  of  the  penitents.  For  so  at  length  may 
more  be  stirred  up  to  penitence,  if  the  sins  con- 
fessed by  the  penitents  be  not  published  in  the 
ears  of  the  people."  In  the  early  ages  public 
confession  was  only  remitted  in  case  of  danger 
to  the  individual  or  scandal  to  the  church  :  by 
this  constitution  of  Leo  secret  confession  to  the 
priest  was  to  take  the  place  of  open  confession, 
and  the  priest's  intercession  of  the  intercession  of 
the  churoh.  The  door  thus  opened  for  escaping 
from  the  shame  of  public  confession  was  never 
afterwards  closed,  and  secret  confession  gradually 
became  the  rule  of  the  church. 

In  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  the  Great,  a 
century  and  a  half  later,  there  is  no  evidence  to 
be  found  of  the  existence  of  public  confession : 
and  even  after  private  confession  it  was  difficult  to 
bring  men  to  submit  to  public  discipline  (^Expos. 
in  I  Seg.  t.  iii.  15,  p.  342).  *«The  sign  of  a  true 
confession  is  not  in  the  confession  of  the  lips,  but 
in  the  humiliation  of  penitence The  con- 
fession of  sin  is  required  in  order  that  the  fruits 
of  penitence  may  follow Saul,  who  con- 
fesses and  is  not  willing  to  humble  and  afflict 
himself,  is  a  type  of  those  who  make  a  sterile 
confession  and  bear  no  fruit  of  penance." 

In  the  7  th  century,  the  stern  rule  that  solemn 
confession  as  a  part  of  penitence  was  received 
only  once,  had  become  obsolete,  but  habitual  con- 
fession had  not  yet  taken  its  place.  The  first 
council  of  Chilons,  A.D.  650  (1  CabS.  c.  8),  de- 
clares that  all  agree  that  confession  to  the  priest 
is  a  proof  of  penitence.  The  Penitential  of  Theo- 
dore (I.  zii.  7)  gives  a  rule  which  shows  that 
auricular  confession  was  not  yet  obligatory. 
**  Confession  if  needful  may  be  made  to  God  only." 
[CoxMUNiON,  Holt,  p.  417.]  Bede  (tom.  v.  Exp. 
in  S.  Jac,  v.)  reverting  to  the  old  practice  draws  a 
distinction  between  the  confession  of  frailties  and 
of  heinous  sins.  **  We  ought  to  use  this  discretion, 
our  daily  light  sins  confess  to  one  another,  and 
hope  that  by  our  prayers  they  may  be  healed ; 
but  the  pollution  of  the  greater  leprosy  let  us 
according  to  the  law  open  to  the  priest,  and  in 
the  manner  and  the  time  which  he  directs, 
purify  ourselves."  The  second  council  of  Chi- 
lons, A.D.  813  (2  Cone.  CabiL  c  32)  complains  that 
people  coming  to  confess  neglect  to  do  so  fully, 
and  orden  each  one  when  he  comes  to  examine 
himself  and  make  confession  of  the  eight  capital 
sins  which  prevail  in  the  world — which  are  then 
enumerated — and  by  implication,  of  no  others. 
Theodulph's  Capitulary  (c  30)  draws  a  distinc- 
tion between  confession  made  to  a  priest  and  that 
to  God  only,  and  (c.  31)  mentions  the  same  eight 
principal  sins  as  the  council,  and  appoints  that 
every  one  learning  to  confess  should  be  examined 
on  what  occasions  and  in  what  manner  he  had 
been  guilty  of  any  of  them,  and  consequently  be 
subjected  to  no  further  examination.  Chrodegand 
(c.  32)  orders  **  confession  to  be  made  at  each  of 
the  three  fasts  of  the  year,  '  et  qui  plus  fecerit 
melius  facit;*  and  monks  to  confess  on  each  Sun- 
day to  their  bishop  or  prior."  But  there  is  no 
other  document  showing  that  confession  had 
yet  become  periodical.     That  secret  confession 


was  not  yet  a  matter  of  obligation  is  clear 
from  the  canon  of  the  council  of  Chilons 
(2  Cone,  CabiL  c  33>  *'  Some  say  they  ought 
to  conftss  their  sins  to  God  only,  and  some 
think  they  are  to  be  confessed  unto  the  priests, 
both  of  which  not  without  great  fruit  ar«s  prac- 
tised in  the  Holy  Church  ....  the  confession 
which  is  made  to  God  purgeth  sins,  that  made 
to  the  priests  teacheth  in  what  way  those  sins 
should  be  pui^ed."  And  so  it  remained  an  open 
question  for  the  next  300  years,  for  Gratian 
(de  Pognit.  IMst.  i.  89)  summing  up  the  opinions 
of  different  doctors  on  necessity  of  confession 
leaves  it  still  undecided.  **  Upon  what  autho- 
rities or  upon  what  strength  of  reasons  both 
these  opinions  are  grounded,  I  have  brieflv  de- 
clared ;  which  of  them  we  should  rather  cleave 
to  is  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  reader ;  for  both 
have  for  their  favourers  wise  and  religious  men." 
And  it  was  not  determined  till  the  famous  de- 
cree of  the  Lateran  council,  A.D.  1215  (4  Cone, 
Lateran.  c  21)  ordering  all  of  each  sex  as  soon  as 
they  arrived  at  years  of  discretion  to  confess  at 
least  once  a  year  to  their  own  priest. 

iiL  In  the  Eastern  Chtuvh, — ^The  duty  of  con- 
sulting a  priest  when  the  conscience  is  buixiened 
is  urged  more  strongly  by  the  Greek  than  by  the 
Latin  fathers ;  there  are  consequently  more  dis- 
tinct traces  of  secret  confession  to  be  found  in 
the  Eastern  than  in  the  Western  church.  Origen 
has  one  passage  speaking  directly  of  confession, 
not  to  God  only  but  to  the  ministers  of  the 
church;  the  purpose  of  the  confession  however 
is  not  to  obtain  absolution,  but  spiritual  guid- 
ance; after  having  spoken  of  evil  thoughts 
which  should  be  revealed  in  order  that  they 
might  be  destroyed  by  Him  who  died  for  us,  he 
continues  {Horn,  17  in  Lug,  fin.),  '*  if  we  do  this 
and  confess  our  sins  not  only  to  God,  but  to  those 
also  who  can  heal  our  wounds  and  sins,  our  sins 
will  be  blotted  out  by  Him,"  &c  In  another 
passage,  which  is  even  more  explicit,  he  speaks 
of  the  care  required  in  choosing  a  discreet  and 
learned  minister  to  whom  to  open  the  grief,  and 
the  skill  and  tenderness  required  in  him  to  whom 
it  is  confided  {H(m,  2  tn  Pz,  37, 1. 11,  p.  688,  ed. 
Bened.). 

Athanasius  (  Vit,  Ant,  Erem,  p.  75,  ed.  Augs.) 
narrates  an  injunction  of  Anthony  to  his  fellow- 
recluses,  that  they  should  write  down  their 
thoughts  and  actions  and  exhibit  the  record 
to  one  another,  which  probably  was  the  be- 
ginning of  habitual  confession  among  monastic 
orders,  where  there  are  many  grounds  for  sup- 
posing it  prevailed  long  before  it  became  the 
custom  of  the  church.  Basil  lays  it  down  even 
more  definitely  than  Origen,  that  in  cases  of  doubt 
and  difficulty  resort  should  be  had  to  a  priest ; 
and  in  his  time  such  a  priest  was  specially 
appointed  in  each  diocese,  whose  office  it  wa& 
to  receive  such  private  confessions  and  deddft 
whether  they  should  be  aflerwai-ds  openly 
acknowledged.  [PfiNiTENTiARr.]  Thus  in  Basi^ 
Reg,  brev.  traxt,  (Q.  229)  the  question  is  pro* 
posedy  "Whether  forbidden  actiozLs  ought  to 
be  laid  open  to  all,  or  to  whom,  and  of  what 
sort?"  And  the  answer  is,  that  as  with  bodily 
disease,  "so  also  the  discovery  of  sins  ought 
to  be  made  to  those  able  to  cure  them»"  Again 
(Q.  288)  Basil  asks,.  **he  who  wishes  to  con- 
fess his  sins  ought  he  to  confess  them  to  all, 
or  to  any  chance  person^  or  to  whom?"  and  r» 


648 


EXOMOLOGESIS 


plies,  ''it  iA  neoessarr  to  oonfen  to  those  en- 
trusted with  the  oracles  of  God."  There  would 
hare  been  no  necessity  for  regulations  like  these 
had  not  private  confession  been  in  frequent  prac- 
tice. In  Serm,  Aacet.  (t.  ii.  p.  323,  ed.  Bened.) 
monks  are  directed,  by  a  rule  similar  to  that 
of  Anthony,  to  tell  to  the  common  body  any 
'*  thought  of  things  forbidden,  or  unsuitable 
words,  or  remissness  in  prayer,  or  lukewarmness 
in  psalmody,  or  desire  after  ordinary  life,"  that 
through  the  common  prayers  the  evil  may  be 
cured.  Like  instructions  are  found  in  the  Beg, 
fns.  tract.  (Q.  26^  **0n  referring  everything, 
even  the  secrets  of  the  heart,  to  the  superior." 

Gregory  Nyssen  {Ep,  ad  Letohtmy  in  Mar- 
shall, p.  100)  in  one  place  speaks  of  secret 
confession  which  is  to  be  followed  by  penance : 
'*  he  who  of  his  own  accord  advances  to  the  dis- 
covery of  his  sins,  as  by  his  voluntary  accusation 
of  himself  he  gives  a  specimen  of  the  change  that 
is  in  his  mind  towards  that  which  is  good,  will 
deserve  lighter  correction,"  alluding  to  the  well- 
established  rule  that  voluntary  confession  was 
allowed  to  mitigate  the  subsequent  penance : 
in  another  place  he  writes  as  if  he  com- 
mended the  custom  of  confessing  all  transgres- 
sion of  positive  law  whether  it  involved  penance 
or  not,  **  if  he  who  has  transferred  to  himself  the 
property  of  another  by  secret  theft  shall  unfold 
his  offence  to  the  priest  by  secret  confession,  it 
will  be  sufficient  to  cure  the  guilt  by  a  contrary 
disposition." 

The  abolition  of  the  office  of  the  Penitentiary 
made  undoubtedly  a  great  break  in  the  practice 
of  confession  in  the  Eastern  church.  The  ac- 
count is  given  in  Socrates  (JTl  E,  v.  19)  and 
Sozomen  {ff.  E.  vii.  16).  [Penitentiabt.] 
It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  scandal  which 
had  arisen  in  connection  with  the  Peniten- 
tiary had  not  some  influence  on  the  teaching  of 
St.  Chrysostom,  who  immediately  afterwards  suc- 
ceeded to  the  see  of  Constantinople.  He  both 
recommended  and  enforced  penitence,  but  any 
confession  which  had  not  immediate  reference  to 
discipline,  he  taught  should  be  made  to  God 
alone.  None  of  the  fathers  bear  equally  strong 
testimony  against  auricular  confession  (^ffom.  5 
de  incomp,  Dei  nat  p.  490).  '*  I  do  not  bring 
you  upon  the  stage  before  your  fellow-servants, 
nor  do  I  compel  you  to  discover  your  sins  in  the 
presence  of  men,  but  to  unfold  your  conscience 
to  God,  to  show  Him  your  ail  and  malady,  and 
seek  relief  from  Him."  So  {Horn.  20  tn  Qen.  p. 
175).  "  He  who  has  done  these  things  (grievous 
sins)  if  he  would  use  the  assistance  of  conscience 
for  his  need,  and  hasten  to  confess  his  sin,  and 
show  his  sore  to  the  physician  who  healeth  and 
reproacheth  not,  and  converse  with  Him  alone, 
none  knowing,  and  tell  all  exactly,  he  shall 
soon  amend  his  folly.  For  confession  of  sins  is 
the  effacing  of  offences."  For  numerous  other 
examples  compare  DailM  (iii.  14,  iv.  25),  Hooker 
(vi.  c.  iv.  16),  note  on  Tertull|  de  Poenit.  in  Ox- 
ford Library  of  the  Fathers^  p.  401. 

From  the  time  of  Chrysostom  to  the  time  of 
the  Greek  Penitentials  there  is  no  material 
evidence.  Joannes  Climacus  (cited  by  Daill^ 
has  a  rule  which  points  to  the  existence  of  con- 
fession in  the  eastern  monasteries  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury :  a  similar  notice  from  Theodorus  Studites, 
in  his  life  of  Plato,  shows  that  the  practice  had 
a  greater  hold  on  the  monks  of  the  9th  century. 


BXOHOLOGESIB 

It  appears  fh>m  the  Penitentiab  that 
form  of  absolution  was  given  in  the  east  im- 
mediately after  confession,  a  practice  of  whidi 
there  is  no  trace  for  many  oenturiee  later  in  the 
Latin  church.  Joannes  Jejunator  orders  that 
immediately  after  the  confession  is  orer  and  the 
priest  has  said  the  seven  prayers  of  abeolntioB. 
i  0.,  absolution  in  the  precatory  form,  he  b  te 
raise  the  penitent  from  the  ground  and  kiss  him, 
and  exhort  him  thus — **  behold  by  the  mercy  d 
God  who  would  have  all  men  to  be  sared,  jos 
have  fled  for  refuge  to  penitence,  and  made  a 
confession,  and  been  freed  from  all  your  former 
wicked  works,  do  not  therefore  corrupt  yonrseU 
a  second  time,  &c.  &c. ;"  after  this  the  penitence 
is  imposed.  In  the  contemporary  Penitential  ot 
Joannes  Monachus  the  form  of  absolution  directly 
after  confession  is  still  stronger.  ''May  God 
who  for  our  sake  became  man,  and  bore  the  aus 
of  all  the  world,  turn  to  your  good  all  these 
things  which  you,  my  brother,  have  confessed  to 
me,  His  unworthy  minister,  and  free  yon  from 
them  all  in  this  world,  and  receive  yon  in  the 
world  to  come,  and  bring  all  to  be  saved,  who  is 
blessed  for  ever."  But  this  absolution  did  not 
entitle  the  penitent  to  Holy  Communion,  nor  do 
away  with  the  necessity  of  subsequent  penitence, 
which  often  continued  for  years  after  this,  and 
at  the  end  of  it  another  and  more  formal  and 
perfect  absolution  was  granted,  (llorin.  de 
Poenit.  vi.  25.)  On  the  practice  of  eonfessioD 
among  the  sects  which  broke  away  from  the 
Orthodox  church,  see  Daniel  (^Codex  Ziturgicuty 
iv.  p.  590). 

iv.  Oonfeeeion  before  reoeiffing  Bbly  Oommumiem 
may  have  been  an  occasional  practice,  but  the  pre- 
sumption is  very  strong  against  its  having  been 
a  general  one.     Socrates  (ff.  E.  r,  19^  in  his 
account  of  the  abolition  of  the  office  of  the 
Penitentiary,  states  that  Nectarius  was  advised  to 
strike  his  name  from  the  roll  of  ecclesiastical 
officers,   and  allow  each  one  henceforvrard  to 
communicate  as  his  own  conscience  should  direct ; 
a  notice  which  seems  to  imply  that  in  the  time  of 
Nectarius,  who  was  Chrysostom's  predecessor  at 
Constantinople,  it  had  been  the  custom  for  the 
people  to  consult  with  the  Penitentiary  before 
presenting  themselves  to  receive  the  eucharist. 
But  the  passage  is  an  isolated  one ;  it  is  supported 
by  no  other  authority ;  and  whatever  ralue  it 
may  have,  it  is  a  two-edged  testimony,  for  if  it 
proves  that  the  custom  prevailed  at  that  time, 
it  also  proves  that  after  that  time  it  ceased. 
On  the  other  hand  there  is  this  class  of  indirect 
evidence,  that  no  such  preparation  was  generally 
enforced.    Eusebius  {ff.  K  vi.  43),  relates  that 
during    the   episcopate  of  Cornelius  at   Rome, 
1050  widows  and  destitute  people  received  alms 
firom  the  church ;    the   Roman    diurch    must 
therefore  at  that  time  have  consisted  of  many 
thousands,  to  minister  to  whom  were  the  bishop 
himself  and  forty-six  presbyters ;  and  when  the 
frequency  with  which  the  faithfiil  communicated 
even  at  the  latter  half  of  the  3rd  oentuiy,  is 
borne  In  mind,  it  would  seem  to  be  almost 
physically  impossible  that  each  one  should  make 
an  individual  confession  before  communicating. 
Similar  evidence  is  furnished  from  the  andeat 
liturgies,  in  which  special  directions  are  given 
to  the  deacon  to  warn  to  depart  fh>m  the  diurch 
the  catechumens,  penitents,  and  others  who  were 
not.  allowed   to  commimicate,  but  no  hint  ii 


EXOMOLOQEBIS 

f  iTcn  that  thoM  who  had  failed  to  confess  were 
to  be  eicladed.  Stronger  eridence  is  supplied  hj 
the  absence  of  any  mention  of  confession  among 
the  preparations  required  for  a  worthy  reception 
of  the  sacrament.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom, 
1.  1,  p.  318,  Potter)  seems  to  imply  that  9ome 
ministers  judged  who  were  or  were  not  worthy 
[Communion,  Holt,  p.  413],  though  he  himself 
thought  the  individuai  conscience  the  best  guide. 
Chrysoetom  {Hem,  27  in  Gen,  p.  268,  ed.  Bened.) 
similarly  leases  each  one  to  judge  of  his  fitness, 
*'  If  we  do  this  [reconcile  ourselves  with  the  bre- 
thren], we  shall  be  able  with  a  pure  conscience 
to  approach  His  holy  and  awful  table,  and  to  utter 
boldly  those  words  joined  to  our  prayers — ^the 
initiated  know  what  I  mean ;  wherefore  I  leave 
to  everyone's  conscience  how,  fulfilling  that  com- 
mand, we  may  at  that  fearful  moment  utter 
these  things  with  boldness."  Augustine  also 
tells  hb  hearers  that  their  own  conscience,  and 
that  alone,  must  determine  their  fitness  (Serm. 
46  de  Verb,  Dom,'),  ^considering  your  several 
degrees,  and  adhering  to  what  you  have  professed, 
approach  ye  to  the  flesh  of  the  Lord,  approach 
ye  to  the  blood  of  the  Lord ;  whoso  proveth  him- 
self not  to  be  such,  let  him  not  approach."  The 
second  council  of  Ch&lons  (2  Cone,  Cabil,  c  46), 
gives  detailed  directions  on  the  manner  and  order 
of  receiving,  but  no  word  about  confession — an 
omission  which  bears  so  much  the  more  strongly 
upon  the  question,  because  private  confession 
had  undoubtedly  begun  to  take  the  place  of 
penitential  confession  in  the  9th  century. 

r.  At  the  hour  of  death. — ^The  evidence  on 
this  head,  still  more  than  on  the  preceding,  is 
negative.  If  confession  immediately  before  death 
had  been  customary,  some  notice  of  it  would 
have  found  a  place  in  the  narratives  of  the  last 
hours  of  the  saints  and  fiithers  of  the  early 
church.  But  no  such  records  appear.  Cyprian 
in  three  of  his  epistles  (Ep.  18-20,  Ozf.  ed.), 
allows  the  confession  of  the  lapsed  to  be  received 
on  their  deathbed  preparatory  to  imposition  of 
hands ;  but  this  was  only  to  meet  the  emergency 
of  sudden  illness  overtaking  penitents ;  it  was 
no  part  of  a  systematic  practice.  Athanasius  in 
his  account  of  the  death  of  Anthony  (m  Vit,  Ant, 
ErenUt.  fin.),  has  no  allusion  to  a  previous  con- 
fession. Equally  silent  is  Gregory  Nazianzen 
(Oru^.  21),  on  the  death  of  Athajiasius;  and 
{Orat.  19),  on  the  death  of  his  own  father, 
Gregory  bishop  of  Nazianzum ;  and  (Orat,  20), 
in  the  eulogy  which  he  delivered  at  the  tomb  of 
Basil.  Gregory  Nyssen  (de  Ftt.  Oreg,  ThaumatJ) 
has  no  account  of  the  deathbed  confession  of 
Gregorv  Thaumatui^us :  nor  has  Ambrose  (de 
Ofrit.  Theod.)  of  that  of  Theodosius.  Augustine 
(Confeee,  iz.  10, 11),  records  the  last  hours  of  his 
mother,  but  he  records  no  last  confession;  his 
own  Isdit  hours  which  Poesidius  (de  Vit,  Aug, 
c  31)  has  described,  were  spent  in  penitence, 
but  the  only  confession  made  was  to  God,  '*  He  was 
wont  to  say  to  us  that  even  proved  Christians, 
whether  clergy  or  laity,  should  not  depart  ft>om 
life  without  a  full  and  fitting  penitence,  and  this 
he  carried  out  in  his  last  illness.  For  he  had  the 
penitential  psalms  copied  out  and  arranged  against 
the  wall  in  sets  of  four,  and  read  tnem  as  he  lay 
in  bed,  all  through  his  sickness,  and  freely  and 
bitterly  wept.  And  he  begged  that  he  might 
not  be  interrupted,  and  that  we  would  not  go  into 
his  room  except  m'hen  hii  physicians  came,  or  he 


BXOHOLOGKBIS 


649 


needed  food.  And  all  that  time  we  neither  read 
nor  spoke  to  him."  Bede,  narrating  (EccL  Mie, 
iv.  3),  the  death  of  bishop  Ceadde,  and  (A.  iv.  23^ 
the  abbess  Hilda,  and  (Cuth,  VU.  c  39)  Cuthbert, 
states  that  each  received  the  Holy  Communion 
at  the  last,  but  not  that  it  was  preceded  by  con- 
fession. Similar  is  Eginhard's  account  (  Vit.  Car. 
Mag.^  of  the  death  of  Charles  the  Great  (see 
Dailltf  iv.  3,  where  the  evidence  is  drawn  out 
in  detail). 

vi.  Time  and  Manner. — ^The  time  of  public  con- 
fession was  originally  whenever  the  penitent  felt 
moved  to  acknowledge  hb  sin  before  the  church ; 
afterwards,  in  common  with  the  whole  course  of 
discipline,  the  time  was  restricted  to  certain 
seasons  [Penitence].  Private  confession  not 
being  part  of  the  recognized  order  of  the  church, 
had  necessarily  no  time  assigned  to  it.  The 
capitulary  of  Theodulj^  (c.  36)  indeed  orders 
confessions  to  be  made  the  week  before  Lent, 
but  ihu  b  an  ezceptional  instance.  There  is 
an  example  of  a  confession  made  in  writing  bv 
Potamius,  archbishop  of  Braga  to  the  lOth 
council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  656,  diarging  himself 
with  misdemeanours.  The  confSession  was  entirely 
spontaneous,  for  the  council  having  no  suspicion 
of  hb  guilt  could  not  at  first  believe  him ;  but  on 
his  reaffirming  the  fact,  he  was  deposed  and 
subjected  to  penitence  for  the  remainder  of  hb 
life ;  allowed,  however,  out  of  compassion  to  retain 
hb  title,  hb  successor  signing  himself  bishop  and 
metropolitan.  Robert,  bbhop  of  the  Cenomani 
(Le  Mans),  abo  made  a  written  confession,  but 
the  council  to  which  it  was  made  absolved  him 
(Morin.  de  Poenit.  u.  2 ;  v.  10> 

It  appears  from  the  Greek  Penitentials  that  con- 
fession was  made  sitting ;  the  penitent  kneeling 
^only  twice  while  making  hb  confession,  at  the 
beginning,  when  the  priest  asked  the  Holy 
Spirit's  aid  to  move  the  man  to  dbburden  hb  soul 
completely,  and  at  the  end,  when  a  prayer  was 
ofiered  that  he  might  obtain  grace  to  perform  hb 
sentence  conscientiously.  The  origin  of  thb 
custom  was  the  great  length  to  whidi  the  form 
and  process  of  confessing  extended.  The  practice 
has  since  continued  in  the  Greek  church,  for  both 
priest  and  penitent  to  sit  (Martene  de  Eit.  i.  3  ; 
Daniel  Codex  Ltturg.  iv.  p.  588).  The  Penitential 
of  Joannes  Jejunator  gives  the  following  instruc- 
tions on  the  order  and  manner  of  confessing; 
^  he  who  comes  to  confess  ought  to  make  three 
inclinations  of  the  body  as  he  approaches  the 
sacred  altar,  and  say  three  times  *  I  confess  to 
thee  0  Father,  Lord  God  of  heaven  and  earth, 
whatever  b  in  the  secret  places  of  my  heart.* 
And  after  he  has  said  this  he  should  raise  himself 
and  stand  erect;  and  he  who  receives  his  con- 
fession should  question  him  with  a  cheerful 
countenance,  which  he  who  confesses  should  also 
if  possible  present,  and  kiss  hb  hand,  especially 
if  he  sees  the  penitent  to  be  depressed  by  the 
severity  of  his  sorrow  and  shame,  and  after  that 
he  should  say  to  him  in  a  cheerful  and  gentle 
voice  "  .  .  .  .  and  then  follow  95  questions,  and 
the  priest  orders  the  penitent,  if  not  a  woman,  to 
uncover  hb  head  even  though  he  wear  a  crown : 
he  then  prays  with  him:  after  that  he  raises 
him  and  bids  him  recover  his  head,  and  sits  with 
him,  and  asks  him  what  penance  he  can  bear. 
The  Penitential  of  Joannes  Monachns  directs 
that  the  priest  should  invite  the  penitent  into  a 
church  or  some  other  retired  spot,  with  a  cboer- 


650 


EXONARTHEX 


EXORCISM 


fal  couDtenance,  as  though  he  were  inviting  him 
to  some  magnificent  feast,  and  exhort  him  to 
make  a  confession  of  his  sins  to  him  :  the  priest 
should  then  recite  with  him  the  69th  Psalm,  and 
the  Trisagion,  and  bid  him  uncover  his  head,  and 
neither  should  sit  down  before  the  priest  has 
minutely  investigated  all  that  is  in  his  heart. 
The  penitent  shoald  afterwards  prostrate  himself 
on  the  earth  and  lie  there,  while  the  priest  prays 
for  him :  the  priest  is  then  to  raise  him  and  kiss 
him,  and  lay  his  hand  upon  his  neck  and  comfort 
him,  after  that  they  are  to  sit  together.  Alcuin, 
or  the  author  of  De  Divinis  officm,  orders  the 
penitent  coming  to  confess  to  bow  humbly  to  the 
priest,  who  is  then  on  his  own  behalf  to  say 
**  Lord  be  merciful  to  me  a  sinner,"  and  after- 
wards to  order  the  penitent  to  sit  opposite  to  him, 
and  speak  to  him  about  his  sins ;  the  penitent  is 
then  to  rehearse  the  articles  of  his  faith,  and 
afterwards  kneel  and  raise  his  hands,  and  implore 
the  priest  to  inteixede  with  God  for  all  the  sins 
which  have  been  omitted  in  the  confession ;  he  is 
then  to  prostrate  himself  on  the  ground,  and  the 
priest  is  to  suffer  him  to  lie  there  awhile,  and 
afterwards  I'aise  him  and  impose  a  penance  upon 
him:  afterwards  the  penitent  is  again  to  pros- 
trate himself,  and  ask  the  priest  to  pray  that  he 
may  have  grace  given  him  to  persevere  in 
performing  his  penance ;  the  priest  then  offers  a 
prayer,  which  is  followed  by  six  others,  which 
are  found  in  all  the  Western  Penitentials ;  the 
penitent  then  rises  from  the  ground  and  the 
priest  from  his  seat,  and  they  enter  the  church 
together,  and  there  conclude  the  penitential 
service.  Compare  Morinus  (de  Foenit.  iv. 
18-19).' 

Literature. — Morinus  (de  Poenit.  lib.  ii.  et 
passim)  who  is  however  hampered  by  the  Roman 
doctrine  of  obligatory  confession,  and  contains  far 
f«wer  details  on  this  than  on  the  other  stages  of 
discipline.  What  is  to  be  said  on  the  distinctively 
Roman  side  of  the  controversy  will  be  found  in 
Bellarmine  (de  Poenit,  lib.  iii.);  and  on  the 
Protestant  side  in  Ussher  (Answer  to  a  Challenge,, 
S.V.  Confession,  Lond.  1625).  The  subject  is 
more  thoroughly  treated  from  the  same  side  in 
Daille  (de  Auric.  Confess.  Genev.  1661),  a  very 
learned  controversial  work,  and  the  source  of 
most  of  the  subsequent  Protestant  writings, 
which  deal  with  confession.  Also  Bingham  (Antiq. 
^  xviii.  8),  Marshall  (Penitential  Discipline^  and 
a  long  note  on  confe^ion,  founded  on  Daille', 
api)ended  by  the  editor  of  the  Oxf.  Lib.  of  Fathers 
to  Tertullian  (de  Poenit.).  [Q.  M.] 

EXONARTHEX  C^^wvdperi^).  Monastic 
churches  sometimes  have  (besides  the  ordinary 
Nartiiex  at  the  west  end)  an  outer  narthex, 
where  the  monks  may  say  those  portions  of  their 
devotions  which  bear  the  character  of  penitence 
without  being  disturbed  by  the  influx  of  the 
general  congregation.  Cedrenus  says  that  the 
great  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  had 
four  nartheces,  but  other  authorities  attribute 
to  it  only  two  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  202),  [C] 

EXORCISM  (HpKtoiTis^  i^opKiiTfAhs,  iwofy 
KiiTfibsj  i.(popKifffi6s,  adjuratioj  incocatio)  is  the 
employment  of  adjuration,  and  especially  the 
naming  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  with  a  view 
to  expel  an  evil  spirit.  **  Exorcismus  est  sermo 
mcrepationis  contra  immundum  spiritum  in  en- 
ergumenis  sive  catechumenis  factus,  per  quem 


ao  ilhs  diaboli  nequLs«ma  virtus  et  iDvctcnrtt 
malitia  vel  excursio  violenta  fngetur "  (Ibidore, 
De  Div.  Off.  ii.  20). 

1.  To  the  early  Christians  the  heathen  worM 
presented  itself  as  under  the  dominion  of  evil 
spirits ;  everywhere  they  recognized  the  need  cf 
driving  these  spirits  from  their  ancient  seats, 
whether  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  in  tlte 
brute  creation,  or  in  inanimate  objects.  They  siv 
themselves  surrounded  by  squadrons  and  gron 
bands  of  daemonia,  supernatural  beings  wlw 
worked  for  evil  under  their  several  captaiss 
(Origen,  contra  Celsum,  bk.  viL  p.  378,  Spencer; 
viii.  p.  899);  daemonia  were  the  great  officen 
of  the  evil  world,  and  might  well  have  haea 
and  toga  praetexta  (Tertullian,  De  IdolcL  18); 
the  gods  of  the  nations  were  daenaonia  («&.  20; 
Grig,  c  Cels.  p.  378,  quoting  Ps.  zcvi.  5);  dse> 
monia  were  by  some  devilish  magic  compelled  to 
inhabit  the  statues  in  an  idol's  temple  (Minndas 
Felix,  Oct.  c.  27 ;  Tert.  ».  s.  7  and  15 ;  Orif. 
c.  C«/5.  viL  p.  374);  the  theatre  was  the  very 
special  dominion  of  evil  spirits  (Tertul.  6i 
Spectac,  26).  Demons  ruled  the  flight  of  birds, 
the  lots,  the  oracles ;  they  troubled  men's  minds, 
disturbed  their  rest,  crept  with  their  subtle  is- 
fluence  into  bodies  and  caused  disease,  distorted 
limbs ;  they  compelled  men  to  worship  them,  ia 
order  that,  fed  with  the  savour  of  the  offerings, 
they  might  release  th<»e  whom  they  had  boud 
(Minucius,  Oct.  c  27).  And  the  memben  of 
this  great  supernatural  army  were  drives 
from  their  seats  by  the  mere  word  of  a  simpk 
Christian  naming  over  them  the  name  of  Chriit 
(Acts  xix.  13;  Justin  Martyr,  ApoL  iL  c  8; 
Dial.  w.  Trypho,  c.  85;  Tertul.  ad  Scapalam, 
cc  2  and  4,  Apol.  c.  23 ;  Grig.  c.  C^s.  iii.  p.  133) 
with  no  parade  of  incantations  or  magic  fbrmolae, 
by  mere  prayers  and  adjurations  (^ptc^tevy 
Grig.  c.  Cfefo.  vii.  p.  334),  or  by  sentences  of 
Scripture  (t6.  p.  376) ;  and  that  not  only  from 
the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  but  from  hanntod 
places  and  from  the  lower  animals ;  for  these  toe 
fell  under  the  tyranny  of  demons  (/.  &).  Fnioi 
such  expressions  as  these  it  is  evident  tbai 
exorcism  was  practised  from  a  very  early  period 
in  the  church. 

In  one  form,  indeed,  exorcism  was  practised 
by  the  Lord  Himself  and  His  disciples,  namelj, 
in  the  casting  out  of  evil  spirits  from  those  vh« 
were  in  a  special  sense  "  possessed  **  or  ^'de* 
moniac;"  and  such  exorcism  was  continued  ibr 
some  generations  in  the  church  [Demoniac: 
Exorcist].  But  we  are  at  present  oonoemed 
with  the  more  general  form  of  exorcism,  br 
which  the  inherent  evil  demon  was  to  be  ex- 
pelled from  some  creature  or  substance  iK»t 
specially  **  possessed,"  but  belonging  to  the  "eril 
world." 

2.  It  is  not  wonderful  that  when  the  minds  of 
men  were  full  of  the  conception  of  an  all-per- 
vading army  of  evil  spirits  in  the  world  aroud 
them,  they  should  endeavour  to  free  from  tUi 
influence  those  whom  they  received  from  hea- 
thenism into  the  holy  ground  of  the  dton^ 
Hence,  at  a  comparatively  early  period,  we  fiad 
candidates  for  baptism  not  only  renoundag  f«r 
themselves  all  allegiance  to  Satan  and  his  powers, 
but  having  pronounced  over  them  a  formula  ot 
exorcism. 

It  is  probable  that  in  the  first  instance  the  ns« 
of  exorcism  was  confined  to  the  case  of  those 


EXORCISM 


EXORCISM 


651 


who  entered  the  church  from  heathenism ;  bat 
in  the  4th  century,  if  not  earlier,  it  was  clearly 
applied  to  all,  for  it  is  constantly  appealed  to  as 
a  conclusive  proof  that  the  church  recognized 
the  presence  of  original  sin  even  in  infants. 
Thus  Optatus  (c.  Donatist.  iv.  6,  p.  75)  insists  that 
no  one,  even  though  born  of  Christian  parents, 
can  be  destitute  of  a  foul  spirit,  which  must  be 
driven  out  of  the  man  before  he  comes  to  the 
font  of  salvation ;  this  is  the  work  of  exorcism, 
by  which  the  foul  spirit  is  driven  forth  into  the 
wilderness.  And  pope  Celestinus  {Ad  Episoop, 
Gall,  c  12)  says  that  none  came  to  baptism, 
whether  infants  or  "juvenes,"  until  the  evil 
spirit  had  been  driven  out  of  them  by  the  ex- 
orcisms and  insufflations  of  the  clerics.  Compare 
Augustine,  Epist.  194,  ad  Sixtwn^  §  ^6 ;  -^^  Symr 
bolo  ad  CatecAumenoSj  i.  5 ;  Contra  Jviiantun,  i.  4. 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (^ProcatechesiSt  c.  9,  p.  7 ; 
Catech,  i.  c.  5,  p.  18)  begs  his  catechumens  to  be 
earnest  in  receiving  their  exorcisms  {hropKUT' 
ao6s);  whether  they  had  been  insufflated  or 
exorcised  («c&y  ifJL'^vriOris  k&v  ^opKicBrit),  he 
prays  that  they  may  be  blessed.  And  again 
(c.  13)  he  says,  **when  ye  have  entered  before 
the  hour  of  the  exoi'dsms,  let  every  one  speak 
things  that  conduce  to  piety,"  as  if  the  exorcisms 
began  the  catechetic  office  on  each  occasion. 
These  instructions  are  evidently  for  all  the 
catechumens,  and  not  for  those  only  who  had 
come  over  fVom  heathenism.  And  Chrysostom 
{Catech.  I.  ad  Initial^  c  2,  p.  227)  speaks  of 
the  catechumens,  after  instruction,  proceeding 
to  hear  the  words  of  those  who  exorcise  (rAf 
i^opKt(6trruw)',  to  this  exorcism  they  went  bare- 
footed and  stripped  of  their  upper  garments. 
There  can  of  course  be  no  doubt  that  the  great 
body  of  those  whom  Chrysostom  catechised  were 
bom  of  Christian  families. 

3.  Formulaa  of  Exorcism. — Celsus,  who  wrote 
against  the  Christians  probably  in  the  middle  of 
the  2nd  century,  says  that  he  had  seen  in  the 
possession  of  certain  presbyters  **  barbaric  books 
containing  names  of  daemons  and  gibberish  (repo- 
rtlas) "  (Orig.  c.  Celsum,  vi.  p.  302) ;  and  again 
the  same  opponent  says  that,  **  to  name  the  de- 
mons in  the  barbarous  tongue  {fiapfidpws)  is 
efficacious ;  to  name  them  in  Greek  or  Latin  is 
useless  "  (ib,  viii.  p.  402).  Origen,  in  answer  to 
this,  alleges  that  Latin,  Greek,  or  other  Chris- 
tians in  their  prayers  use  the  name  of  God  in  the 
tongue  in  which  they  were  born;  but  he  does 
not  deny  the  superior  efficacy  of  names  or  for- 
mulae in  one  language  over  those  in  another. 
On  the  contrary,  he  admits  (ib,  i.  p.  19)  the 
mystic  power  of  Hebrew  names,  and  declares 
that  Egyptian,  Persian,  and  other  names  have  a 
peculiar  efficacy  over  certain  demons ;  and  else- 
where (/n  Afatt,  ser.  110,  p.  232,  ed.  Wirceb.) 
complains  that  those  who  practised  exorcisms 
(adjurationibus)  used  improper  books,  as,  for 
instance,  books  derived  from  Jewish  sources. 
From  all  this  it  seems  clear  that  formulae  of 
exorcism  which  to  a  Roman  seemed  **  barbaric  " 
were  in  use  in  the  2nd  century.  That  written 
forms  of  exorcism  were  used  in  the  4th  is  clear 
from  the  7th  of  the  Statuia  Antigua  [Cbnc. 
Varth.  /v.],  which  orders  the  bishop  to  deliver 
to  an  Exorcist  on  ordination  a  book  containing 
such  forms. 

With  regard  to  the  form  of  exoicism,  we  And 
in  ancient  authorities  the  following  particulars. 


W«  have  already  seen  that  to  name  the  name 
of  Chnsb  was  regarded  as  being  of  the  utmost 
efficacy  for  the  expulsion  of  evil  spirits.  The 
passage  of  Justin  Martyr  (DiaL  c.  85 ;  compare 
c  30)  which  says  that  every  spirit  (HaifiStfioy) 
is  conquered  and  subjected  on  being  adjured  "  by 
the  Name  of  the  Son  of  God  and  fjrst-bom  of 
every  creature,  Who  was  bom  of  the  Virgin  and 
became  Han  capable  of  suffering  (waBrirov),  was 
crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate  by  your  [the 
Jewish]  people,  and  died,  and  rose  again  from 
the  dead,  and  ascended  into  heaven,"  renders  it 
probable  that  a  recitation  of  the  redeeming  acts 
of  the  Lord  accompanied  the  naming  of  his  name. 
And  the  same  thing  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the 
words  of  Origen  (p.  Cels.  i.  p.  7),  who  says  that 
demons  were  expelled  by  the  name  of  Jesus, 
**  together  with  the  recitation  of  the  acts  related 
of  Him  "  (jitr^  r^s  inreeyyt^af  t&¥  irtpl  ainhw 
laropi&y).    See  Probst,  p.  49. 

The  words  of  Tertullian  again  (Apol,  23),  that 
the  power  of  Christians  over  evil  spirits  derives 
its  force  from  naming  Christ,  '*and  from  the 
making  mention  of  those  punishments  which 
await  them  from  God  through  Jesus  Christ  the 
judge,"  make  it  probable  that  the  awful  punish- 
ment which  was  to  overtake  the  evil  ones  was 
spoken  of  in  the  formula  of  exorcism.  So  Ter- 
tullian :  *'representatione  ignis  illius"  (Apol,  23). 
And  if  in  another  passage — ^'Satanas  .  .  .  quem 
nos  dlcimus  malitiae  angelura  "...  (De  Testim, 
Animas,  c.  3)— we  are  to  take  **  didmus  "  in  a 
ritual  sense,  it  would  appear  that  the  exorcists 
of  TertuUian's  time  cursed  and  reviled  Satan. 

That  prayer  was  added  to  the  exorcism  proper 
we  know  from  the  testimony  of  Minucius  Felix 
(Ocfac.  c  27,  §5\ 

The  actions  whioh  formed  part  of  the  rite  of 
exorcism  were  touching  and  breathing  on  the 
afflicted,  and  signing  them  with  the  cross. 

As  to  the  first,  Tertullian  tells  us  {Apci.  23), 
that  the  evil  spirits  depart  unwillingly  from  the 
bodies  of  men  at  the  touch  and  on-breathing  of 
Christians  (de  contactu  deque  afflatu  nostro). 
Vincentius  of  Thibari  (Sententiae  Episooporwn, 
No.  37,  in  Cyprian's  Works),  contending  that 
heretics  require  baptism  at  least  as  much  as 
heathens,  distinctly  refers  to  the  imposition  uf 
hands  in  exordsm,  quoting  (incorrectly)  Mark 
xvi.  17, 18.  So  Origen  (on  Joshua,  Horn,  24,  c.  1) 
speaks  of  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  exor- 
cbts  which  evil  spirits  could  not  resist.  Simi- 
larly the  Arabic  canons  of  Hippolytus  {Can,  19, 
§  6,  and  Can,  29,  quoted  by  Probst,  p.  50).  The 
same  canon  enjoins  the  exorcist,  afler  the  adju- 
rations, to  "  sign  "  (no  doubt  with  the  cross)  the 
breast,  forehead,  ears,  and  mouth.  And  at  an 
even  earlier  date,  when  Justin  {DiaU,  c  131) 
speaks  of  the  outstretched  arms  of  Moses  as  a 
type  of  Christ,  and  then  immediately  after  of 
the  power  of  Christ  crucified  over  evil  spirits,  it 
is  not  improbable  that  he  alludes  to  the  use  of 
the  sign  of  the  cross.  So  when  we  read  (Origen 
on  EjoxiuSj  Bom,  6,  §  8)  how  the  demons  tremble 
before  the  cross  which  they  see  on  Christians, 
we  may  well  believe  that  the  reference  is  to  the 
use  of  the  cross  in  exorcism.  Lactantius  (Div. 
Inst,  iv.  27)  distinctly  mentions  the  use  of  the 
sign  of  the  cross  (signum  passionis)  for  the 
expulsion  of  evil  spirits.  The  first  council  of 
Constantinople  (c.  7)  describes  the  course  of 
proceeding  with  those  heretics  who  were  to  be 


652 

reoavad  u  noo-ChTiitluM  (ti  'EAXiim)  a* 
foUowa:  "ttitfintdafve  nuk*  them  Chrlitku ; 
the  Hcood,  ntechnniau;  th«n  Iht  third  vs 
Mordu  tbcn,  after  bnathing  thrice  upon  the 
tun  uid  euv,  and  »  we  catechiie  them,  and 
eaqse  tham  to  atar  in  the  church  and  hear  the 
Scripture* ;  and  then  we  baptiie  them." 

The  ceiemonr  took  place  in  the  chnieh. 
"  Shameleu  ii  he,"  Mfa  Peendo-Cypriaa  (,Dt 
Spedac.  c  4),  "  who  eiorciaea  in  ■  chnrch  de- 
mona  whoae  delighti  he  raToun  in  a  theatre." 
Daring  the  eiorciim  the  patient  lay  proatnte  on 
the  grooud  (Origen  on  Matt.  Him.  13,  §7). 

Moat  of  the  cb«»cteriaticB  of  the  foim  of 
eioicina  which  we  hare  tnced  in  ancient  timea 
are  foood  in  ciiiting  ritoaU.  For  itutance,  la 
the  ancient  Roman  farm  of  receiring  s  heathen 
aa  a  catechumen  (Daniel,  Cwfer  Lit.  i.  171), 
after  the  admoaitioa  to  renonncs  the  devil  and 
believe  in  the  H0I7  Trinltr,  the  prieat  "  euafflat 
ab  eosaevsmmaligaiapiritDapoleatatemdicens — 
' ""         ~~      '"  ipiiitoa,   et   da   locam  Spiritai 


Creed  bf  the  candidatea  for  baptiam,  the  prieat 
la^  hia  hand  on  the  head  of  each  aererallf, 
Miring — "Nee  la  lateat,  Sataaaa,  imminere  tibi 
tormenU,  imminen  tibi  diem  jndlcii,  diem  anp- 


EXOBCISH 

plldi,  diem  qui  rentnnu  eat  Tdnt  elibaaia 
atdcni,  In  qao  tibi  atqae  nniTeniB  angelti  tail 
aetemoa  Teniet  interitiia.  Pminde,  ■*■■""'-  da 
honoram  Deo  viro  et  rero:  da  hoaomn  J«a 
Chriato  filio  ejna  et  Spiritni  Sascto,  in  eujni  ne- 
mine  atqae  Tirtnte  pned[Ha  tibi  nt  eicaa  a 
reoedaa  ab  hoc  famnio  Dei,  qnem  hodie  Dooiuv 
Dene  noiter  Jeaiia  Chriatna  ad  anain  —-• *™ 
gratiam  et  beoodictionem  fontamqae  baptjamaoi 
Tocare  dignatna  oat,  nt  fiat  ejna  tempiinn  fa 
aqoam  regenerationis  in  rtmiadonem  omiini 
peocatomm :    in    nomine    Domini     uostri    Joi 

taoa  et  aaeeulam  pei  igoem  "  (Daniel,  >.  a  17'). 
Then  follow!  the  epheta  [Eau,  toocHisa  <»\ 
and  the  anointing  on  the  braaat  and  between  tba 
abonlden  with  holy  oil. 

In  the  F<ttu  Mitaalt  OaiUainaan,  pabliihed  h 
Thomaaina  and  reprinted  by  Mabillon  (£d.  fio^ 
bk.  ill.  p.  338}  the  saential  part  of  the  fom  a( 
eiorciam  la  as  followa:  "Aggrrdior  te,  immaa- 
diuime  damnate  apirltiu  .  . .  Te,  invocato  Da- 
mini  noatri  Jean  Cbiitti  nomiBC,  . .  .  adJiuiBiai 
per  ejoadem  majeatatem  adque    Tirtntem,  pH- 


latitaa  propria  te  oonfesaione  numilestec,  enp- 
tatutque  apiritalibna  flagrii  inviBibitibaqK 
tormeati*  raa  qnod  occapaaw  aestinuu  fngiB 
tipiatiunque   poat    habitatioum   tnam   Dauaa 


direlinqnaa  .  . .  AUced^  abaoede  qnocnsqae  ea, 
et  corpora  Deo  dicata  no  repetai.  laleidicta  iint 
tibi  iata  in  perpetno.  In  nomine  Fatris  ct  Filii 
et  Spiritos  Sancti,  et  in  gloria  daminicae  paa- 
aionla,  cajui  cmore  aalrantur,  CDJni  adrentam 
eijiectant,  jndicium  confitentar.  Per  Dominiun." 
The  Gelastan  Sacrvmmtary  (L  33),  in  the 
Exordtmi  mper  Eledoi,'  givea  the  following 
form.  The  acolftei,  laying  their  handa  on  the 
candidate,  after  praying  God  to  aend  forth  Hit 
angel  to  keep  them,  proceede  :  "  Ergo,  matedicU , 
diabole.  recogaoace  aenteatiam  tuam,  et  da 
honorem  Deo  tIto  et  ven,  et . . .  Jeau  Chriato 
Filio  ejus  et  Spiritai  Saucto;  et  recede  ab  hia 
femolit  Dei;  quia  istoe  ilbi  Dena  ,  . .  rocare  dig- 
natoa  eat:  per  hoc  aignam  aanctae  cracia,  fnn- 
tibua  eornm  qaod  an  damns,  tn,  malcdicte 
diiibale,  nuaquam  andeaa  Tiolare.  .  .  .  Audi, 
maledicte  Sataoat,  adjurataa  per  nomea  aetenu 
Dei  et  Salratoria  aostri  Filii  Dei,  cum  tua  Tictn* 


Him  who  wntked  the  water  and  stretched  ont  Em 
right  hand  to  Peter;  in  the  caae  of  the  femalu. 
in  the  name  of  Him  who  gave  eight  tc  him  that 
was  bom  blind,  and  raised  Laiama  from  his  bar 
dan'  death. 

The  form  given  from  the  Roman  ritoal  br 
Probat  (p.  53)  presenta  a  remarkable  parallelisB 
with  the  paaiage  of  Tertnllian  (jlpiW.  c  23)  be- 
fore referred  to. 

Greek  forms  simitsr  in  character  to  tboae 
given  above  may  be  aeen  in  Daniel'a  Coia 
Litursi.  iv,  *93 1 

"  yf  Exordtm. — Paciindi  (A 


laeff.,! 


3ff.)de 


he  believea  to  be  not  of  later  date  than  the  Ttk 
ceatnry .  Ona  of  the  baa-reliele  on  thi>  vesd 
(eoe  woodcut)  evideatly  represents  an  eioieiaa. 
The  contorliona  of  the  person  on  tiie  gmnd 
seem  to  ahow  that  it  waa  an  eiordim  of  eaa 
possesaed.      Now,  if  the  veaael  was  a  foDt  ftr 

appropriate  to  represent  upon  it  the  ordiaafy 
pre-baptismal  eiorciam.  It  seeau  tbenfbn 
more  probabl*  Uiat   it   wai   intended    for  tbt 


EXORCISTS 

Atrium  of  a  church,  where  it  might  be  lued  to 
oontain  Holt  Water. 

5.  Betides  human  beings,  vanoiu  inanimate 
objects  were  exorcised.  OT  these  we  may  men- 
tion especially  water  [Baptism,  $§  30, 42 :  Post, 
Bbneoiction  of  :  Holt  Water],  salt  for  use 
in  sacred  offices  [Salt,  Benediction  of],  and 
oil  for  various  uses  [Chrism  :  Oil,  Holt]. 

(Martene,  Jk  Hit3biM  AntiquU  ;  Probst,  Sakra- 
menU  vnd  Sakramentalien^  Tubingen,  1872 ; 
F.  C.  Baur,  KhrohmgetchicMe  der  Dr$i  ersten 
Jahrhundartej  c,  6.)  [C] 

EX0B0IST8.  Exorcists  are  only  once  men- 
tioned in  the  New  Testament  (Acts  xix.  13),  and 
then  without  any  reference  to  the  power  given 
to  Christians  to  cast  out  devils.  [See  Diet.  OF 
Bible.]  In  the  early  days  of  the  church,  it 
appears  to  have  been  considered  that  the  power 
of  exorcising  evil  spirits  was  a  special  gift  of 
God  to  certain  persons,  who  are  therefore  called 
exorcists.  In  the  AposMio  Ccnstitvttions 
(viii.  c.  26),  it  is  said  that  an  exorcist  is  not 
ordained,  because  the  power  of  exorcising  is  a 
free  gift  of  the  grace  of  God,  through  Christ, 
and  that  whoever  has  received  this  gift  will  be 
made  manifest  in  the  exercise  of  it.  It  is  added 
that  if  expedient  an  exorcist  may  be  ordained 
bishop,  priest,  or  deacon.  Exorcists  are  not 
named  among  those  who  received  ecclesiastical 
stipends,  nor  are  they  mentioned  in  the  Apostolio 
Canons,  though  probably  their  office  is  alluded  to 
in  the  direction  that  a  Gentile  convert  who  has 
an  evil  spirit  may  not  be  received  into  the 
church  till  he  has  been  purified  {KaBapurSfUf 
Can,  70).  Thomassin  (  Vet.  et  Nov.  Eocl,  Discip. 
L  2,  c  30,  §  1,  8),  thinks  that  exorcists  were 
either  priests  or  deacons.  So  Eusebius  makes 
mention  of  one  Romanus,  as  deacon  and  exorcist 
in  the  church  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine  (fie 
Martyr.  Potest,  c.  2). 

Tertullian  speaks  as  if  all  Christians  were 
exorcists,  driving  away  evil  spirits  by  the 
exorcisms  of  their  prayers.  Thus  (j)e.  Idol.  c.  11), 
he  forbids  Christians  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  the  sale  of  thines  used  for  the  purposes  of 
idolatry,  asking  with  what  consistency  they 
could  exorcise  their  own  inmates,  to  whom 
they  had  offered  their  houses  as  a  shrine 
(cellariam) ;  and  in  another  place  (fie  Cor,  Mil, 
c  11),  uses  as  an  argument  against  Christians 
entering  the  military  service,  that  they  might  be 
called  upon  to  guard  the  heathen  temples,  so  as 
to  defend  those  by  night  whom  by  their  exor- 
cisms they  had  put  to  flight  during  the  day. 

But  it  is  evident  that  in  later  times  they  were 
reckoned  among  the  minor  orders  of  clergy. 
Cyprian  (Ep.  69,  Mag.  FU.\  speaks  of  exorcists 
as  casting  out  devils  by  man's  word  and  God's 
power,  and  in  his  epistle  to  Firmilian  (Ep.  75), 
says  that  one  of  the  exorcists,  inspired  by  the 
grace  of  God,  cast  out  a  certain  evil  spirit  who 
had  made  pretensions  to  sanctity.  Cornelius  in 
his  epistle  (Euseb.  H.  E,  i.  c.  43)  names  forty- 
two  exorcists  among  the  cler^  of  the  church 
of  Rome.  Epiphanius  (Expos.  Fid,  c.  21),  men- 
tions them  among  the  clergy,  ranking  them 
with  the  hermeneutae,  immediately  after  the 
deaconesses.  Paulinus  of  Nola  (De  8.  Felic.  Natal. 
carm.  4),  speaks  of  St.  Felix  as  having  been 
promoted  from  the  order  of  lectors  to  the  office 
of  exorcist.    The  council  of  Laodicea  (c  24), 


EXP06IKO  OF  INFANTS        658 

mentions  them  among  the  minor  clergy,  placing 
them  between  the  singers  and  the  doorkeepers, 
and,  in  another  canon  fc.  26),  forbids  any  to 
exorcise  either  in  church  or  in  private  houses, 
who  had  not  been  appointed  to  the  office  by  the 
bishops.  The  council  of  Antioch  (c  10),  places 
them  after  the  subdeacons,  among  the  clergy 
who  might  be  appointed  by  the  chorepiscopi. 
The  4th  council  of  Carthage  (c.  7),  provides  an 
office  for  the  ordination  of  an  exorcist.  He  was 
to  receive  from  the  hands  of  the  bishop  a  book, 
in  which  were  written  forms  of  exorcism,  with 
the  bidding,  *'  Take  and  commit  to  memory,  and 
receive  power  to  lay  hands  on  energumens 
whether  baptized  or  catechumens."  The  same 
council  also  provided  that  exorcists  might  lay 
hands  on  an  energumen  at  any  time  (c.  90),  and 
(c  92)  gave  it  into  their  charge  to  provide  the 
energumens  with  their  daily  food  while  remaining 
in  the  church.    [Demoniacs.] 

The  names  of  four  exorcists,  designating  them- 
selves by  no  other  titles,  are  found  among  the 
signataries  of  the  first  council  of  Aries  (Routh's 
ReUiq.  Sac.  iv.  p.  312> 

There  seems  little  reason  for  connecting  the 
exorcists  with  the  form  of  exorcism  that  was 
used  in  the  case  of  all  catechumens.  Their  work, 
as  expressly  allotted  to  them  by  the  4th  council 
of  Carthage  (c.  7),  lay  among  all  energxmiens, 
whether  baptized  or  not.  [P.  C] 

EXPECTATION  WEEK  (ffebdomada  Ex- 
pectationia),  the  week  preceding  Whitsunday, 
because  in  that  week  the  apostles  waited  for  the 
Comforter  from  on  high,  which  the  Lord  had 
promised  at  His  Ascension.  (Ducange,  s.  v.  ffeb- 
domada.) [C] 

EXPEDITUS,  martyr  in  Armenia  with  five 
others;  commemorated  April  19  (Mart.  Rom. 
Vet,  ffieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).         [W.  F.  G.] 

EXPOSING  OF  INFANTS  [compare 
Foundlings].  The  frequency  of  the  exposi- 
tion of  infants  among  the  ancient  heathens  is 
a  fact  to  which  both  the  mythology  and  the 
history  of  Greece  and  Rome  bear  frequent 
witness.  Among  the  early  Christian  writem 
we  find  exposition,  together  with  actual  in- 
fanticide, constantly  cast  in  the  teeth  of  their 
Pagan  opponents.  *'  1  see  you,"  writes  Minucius 
Felix,  '*now  casting  forth  the  sons  whom  ye 
have  begotten  to  the  wild  beasts  and  to  the 
fowls  of  the  air"  (Octaviusy  c.  30,  §  2;  31, 
§  4).  Lactantius  (bk.  vi.  c  20)  inveighs  against 
the  false  pity  of  those  who  expose  infants. 
Justin,  Tertullian,  Augustine  and  others  might 
be  quoted  to  much  the  same  effect. 

A  law  of  Alexander  Severus,  which  has  been 
retained  in  Justinian's  Code  (bk.  viii.  t.  Hi.,  1.  i. ; 
A.D.  225),  allowed  the  recovering  of  an  infant 
exposed  against  the  will  or  without  the  know- 
ledge of  the  owner  or  person  entitled  to  the 
services  of  its  mother,  whether  slave  or  adacrxp- 
titiHy  but  only  on  condition  of  repaying  the  fair 
cost  of  its  maintenance  and  training  to  a  trade, 
unless  theft  could  be  established — an  enactment 
obviously  framed  only  to  secure  the  rights  of 
slave-owners,  and  not  inspired  by  any  considera- 
tion of  humanity  for  the  infants  themselves. 
There  is  something  of  a  higher  spirit  in  a  law  of 
Diocletian  and  Maximin,  A.D.  295  (Code,  bk.  v., 
t.  iv.,  1.  16),  enacting  that  where  a  female  infant 
had  been  cabt  forth  by  her  father  and  brought 


654      EXPOSING  OF  INFANTS 


EXPULSION  FROM  A  MONASTERY 


up  by  another  person,  who  sought  to  marry  her 
to  his  own  son,  the  father  was  bound  to  consent 
to  the  marriage,  or  in  case  of  refusal  (if  we  con- 
strue the  text  aright),  to  pay  for  his  daughter's 
maintenance.  Constantine  (a.d.  331),  by  a  law 
contained  in  the  Theodosion  Code  (bk.  v.,  t.  Tii., 
1.  1),  but  not  reproduced  by  Justinian,  enacted 
that  whoever  took  up  an  infant  cast  forth  from 
its  house  by  the  will  of  a  father  or  master,  and 
nourished  it  till  it  became  strong,  might  retain 
it  in  whatever  condition  he  pleased,  either  as  a 
child  or  as  a  slave,  Without  any  fear  of  recovery 
by  those  who  have  voluntarily  cast  out  their 
new-bom  slaves  or  children.  The  growth  of 
Christian  humanity  is  shown  in  a  constitution  of 
Valentinian,  Valens  and  Gratian,  adopted  by 
Justinian  (Code,  bk.  viii.,  t.  lii.,  1.  2 ;  a.d.  374), 
which  absolutely  forbade  masters  or  patrons  to 
recover  infants  exposed  by  themselves,  if  charit- 
ably saved  by  others,  and  laid  down  as  a  duty 
that  every  one  must  nourish  his  own  offspring. 
A  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodosius,  in 
the  Theodosian  Code  (A.D.  412),  repeated  the 
prohibition,  observing  that  **none  can  call  one 
his  own  whom  he  contemned  while  perishing," 
but  required  a  bishop's  signature  by  way  of 
attestation  of  the  facts  (bk.  v.,  t.  vii.,  I.  2). 

The  law  last  referred  to  may  seem  in  some 
degree  to  explain  a  canon  of  the  council  or  synod 
of  Vaison,  a.d.  442.  There  is  a  universal  com- 
plaint, it  says,  on  the  subject  of  the  exposition 
of  infants,  who  are  cast  forth  not  to  the  mercy 
of  others,  but  to  the  dogs,  whilst  the  fear  of 
lawsuits  deters  others  from  saving  them.  This 
therefore  is  to  be  observed,  that  according  to  the 
statutes  of  the  princes  the  church  be  taken  to 
witness;  from  the  altar  on  the  Lord's  day  the 
minister  is  to  announce  that  the  church  knows 
an  exposed  infant  to  have  been  taken  up,  in 
order  that  within  ten  days  any  person  may 
acknowledge  and  receive  it  back ;  and  any  who 
after  the  ten  days  may  bring  any  claim  or  ac- 
cusation is  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  church  as  a 
manslayer  (cc.  9,  10).  A  canon  almost  to  the 
same  effect,  but  in  clearer  language,  was  enacted 
by  the  slightly  later  2nd  council  of  Aries,  a.d. 
452,  indicating  that  which  serves  to  explain 
both  the  law  of  Honorius  and  the  two  canons 
just  referred  to,  viz.,  that  it  was  the  practice  to 
expose  in&nts  ''before  the  church  (c.  51). 
The  council  of  Agde,  in  506,  simply  confirmed 
former  enactments. 

In  the  East,  the  full  claims  of  Christian 
humanity  were  at  last  admitted  by  Justinian, 
as  towards  foundlmgs  themselves,  though  with- 
out sufficient  consideration  for  parental  duties. 
He  not  only  absolutely  forbade  the  re-vindica- 
tion of  exposed  infants  under  any  circumstances, 
but  also  the  treating  of  them,  by  those  who 
have  taken  charge  of  them,  either  as  slaves, 
fi*eedmen,  cohni  or  adscriptitix^  declanng  such 
children  to  be  absolutely  free  (Code,  bk.  viii., 
t.  Hi.,  1.  3 ;  A.D.  529 ;  see  also  bk.  i.,  t.  iv., 
1.  24;  A.D.  530).  This  applied  to  infants  cast 
away  either  in  churches,  streets  or  any  other 
place,  even  though  a  plaintiff  should  give  some 
evidence  of  a  right  of  ownership  over  them  (bk. 
viii.,  t.  Hi.,  1.  4).  The  153rd  Novel,  however, 
shows  that  it  was  still  the  practice  in  certain 
districts  ( Thessalonica  is  specified)  to  expose 
new-bom  infants  in  the  churches,  and  after  they 
bad  been  brought  up  to  reclaim  them  as  slaves ; 


and  it  again  expressly  enacts  the    freedom  ti 
exposed  infants. 

The  Wisigothic  law  contains  some  rather  re- 
markable provisions  as  to  the  exposition  tf 
infants  (bk.  iv.,  t.  iv.,  cc.  1, 2).  Where  a  peme 
has  out  of  compassion  taken  up  a  foundling  of 
either  sex,  wherever  exposed,  and  when  it  is 
nourished  up  the  parents  acknowledge  it,  if  it 
be  the  child  of  a  f^ee  person,  let  them  either 
give  back  a  slave  in  its  place  or  pay  the  price  of 
one ;  otherwise,  let  the  foundling  be  redeemed 
by  the  judge  of  the  territory  from  the  owiie> 
ship  of  the  parents,  and  let  these  be  subject  te 
perpetual  exile.  If  they  have  not  wherewftlial 
to  pay,  Jet  him  serve  for  the  infant  who  cast  it 
forth,  and  let  the  latter  remain  in  freedom, 
whom  the  pity  of  strangers  has  preserved.  If 
indeed  slaves  of  either  sex  have  cast  forth  u 
infant  in  fraud  of  its  masters,  when  he  has  been 
nourished  up,  let  the  nourisher  receive  (me-third 
of  its  value,  the  master  swearing  to  or  proTisf 
his  ignorance  of  the  exposing.  But  if  he  kneir 
of  it,  let  the  foundling  remain  in  the  power  of 
him  who  nourished  it. 

In  a  collection  of  Irish  canons,  ascribed  to  the 
end  of  the  7th  century,  is  one  ^  on  infimts  cast 
forth  in  the  church,"  which  enacts,  in  Terr 
uncouth  and  obscure  Latin,  that  such  an  mfimt 
shall  be  a  slave  to  the  church  unless  sent  awaj; 
and  that  seven  years'  penance  is  to  be  borne  br 
those  who  cast  infants  forth  (bk.  xH.,  c.  22). 

A  capitulary  of  uncertain  date  (supposed 
about  744)  enacts,  in  accordance  with  the  cssos 
of  the  synod  of  Vaison  before  referred  to,  that 
if  an  infant  exposed  before  the  church  has  b^a 
taken  up  by  the  compassion  of  any  one,  socb 
person  shall  affix — ^probably  on  the  church  d«>r 
— a  letter  of  notice  (contest&tionis  ponat  .  . 
epistolam).  If  the  infant  be  not  acknowledged 
within  ten  days,  let  the  person  who  has  takes  H 
up  securely  retain  it  (c.  1). 

The  ^  Lex  Romano,"  supposed  to  represent  the 
law  of  the  Roman  population  of  Italy  in  Lom- 
bard times,  contains  a  less  liberal  provision  m 
this  subject,  founded  on  the  earlier  impemi 
law.  If  a  new-bora  infant  has  been  cast  out  bf 
its  parents  either  in  the  church  or  in  the  pre- 
cincts (pUtea),  and  any  one  with  the  knowledge 
of  the  father  or  mother  and  of  the  master  b^ 
taken  it  up  and  nourished  it  by  his  labour,  it 
shall  remain  in  his  power  who  took  it  up.  Aid 
if  a  person  knew  not  its  father  or  mother  or 
master,  and  wished  neverthelera  to  take  it  up, 
let  him  present  the  infant  before  the  bishop 
(pontificem)  or  the  clerics  who  serve  U»t 
church,  and  receive  from  the  hand  of  that 
bishop  and  those  clerks  an  epistoia  ccHUdkmi, 
and  thenceforth,  let  him  have  power  either  to 
give  such  infant  liberty,  or  to  retain  it  in  pe^ 
petnal  slavery  (bk.  v.,  t,  vii.).  [J.  M.  L] 

EXPULSION  FROM  A  MONASTERY. 

So  soon  as  there  began  to  be  any  sort  of  di^- 
pline  among  the  ascetics  who  dwelt  together  ia 
a  community,  expulsion  inevitably  became  a 
necessary  part  of  it.  In  the  so-caUed  "  Rnie  <X 
Pachomius,"  expulsion  (or  a  flogging)  was  the 
penalty  for  insubordination,  licentiousness,  qtta^ 
relling,  covetousness,  gluttony  (c£  Cass,  /n*^  i^- 
16).  Menard,  however,  thinks  that  this  wa« 
only  expulsion  for  a  stated  time  (Bened.  Aaia^ 
Cbncorrf.  iZe^^.  xxxL  5>   By  the  «^a  0*»fa« 


EXSEOBATIO 

(p.  35)  obstinate  offenden  are  to  be  expelled. 
Banedict,  with  characteristic  prudence,  prescribed 
expaUion  for  coatamacj  {li^.  c  7 IX  on  the 
principle  that  the  ganj^rened  limb  must  be  lopped 
off,  lest  the  rest  of  the  bodj  should  be  infected 
with  the  poison  (i&.  c.  28),  while  with  charac- 
teristic gentleness  he  allowed  such  offenders  to 
he  re-admitted,  if  penitent,  so  oflen  as  thrice,  on 
condition  of  their  taking  the  lowest  place  among 
the  brethren  (t6.  c.  29).  Some  commentators, 
howeTer,  take  this  permission  as  not  extending 
to  the  case  of  a  monk  expelled  for  such  vices 
Jka  could  hardly  fail  to  corrupt  the  community 
(Mart.  Beg.  Comm.  loc.  cit.).  The  Benedictine 
reformers  generally  made  expulsion  more  com- 
mon and  readmission  more  difficult.  Fructuosus 
orders  all  incorrigible  offenders  to  be  expelled 
iHeg.  oc.  8,  16);  and  the  Begvla  CuJMsdam,  still 
more  severe,  enacts  expulsion  for  lying,  forni- 
cation, persistent  murmuring,  and  even  abusive 
language  (cc.  6,  8,  16,  18).  At  a  later  period, 
under  the  stem  discipline  of  Citeaux,  a  monk 
was  to  be  unfrocked  and  expelled,  even  for  thefl 
above  a  certain  value  (Mart.  Reg.  Comm,  c.  33). 
Obviously  the  frequency  or  infVequency  of  such 
a  penalty  as  expulsion  depended  on  the  monas- 
tery being  regarded  rather  as  a  reformatory  or 
as  a  place  of  ideal  perfection.  [I.  G.  S.] 

EXSECBATIO.  [Anathema:  Desecra- 
tion.] 

EXSUPEBAKTIT7S,  deacon  and  martyr  at 
Spoletum,  with  Sabinus  the  bishop,  and  others, 
under  Haximian ;  commemorated  Dec  30  {Mart. 
Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  0.] 

EXBUPEBIA,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Slmpro- 
nina  and  others ;  commemorated  July  26  (^Mart. 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

EXSUPEBItFS.  (1) Oneof the Theban legion, 
martyr  at  Sedunum  in  Belgic  Gaul  (the  Valais), 
under  Maximian ;  commemorated  Sept.  22  (^Mart. 
Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Toulouse;  com- 
memorated Sept.  28  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(S)  Martyr  at  Vienna  with  Severus  and  Feli- 
cianus;  commemorated  Nov.  19  {Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

BXTI^EMB  TJNC5TI0N.  [Sick,  Visita- 
rioN  OF  THE :  Unction.] 

KX  VOTO.    [Votive  Offerings.] 

ETE8,  TOUCHING  OP.  1.  The  first 
•ouncil  of  Constantinople  (a.d.  381)  laid  it  down 
(c  7)  that  Arians  and  certain  other  heretics 
were  to  be  received  into  the  church,  without  re- 
baptism,  on  renouncing  their  heresy  and  being 
crossed  or  anointed  with  holy  unguent  (ji^p^) 
on  the  forehead,  eyes,  &c.  So  in  the  form  of 
baptism  given  by  Daniel  {Codex  Lit.  iv.  507) 
from  the  Greek  Euchologion,  the  priest  after 
baptism  anoints  the  neophyte  with  holv  unguent, 
mak  g  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  forehead,  eyes, 
nostrils,  month,  ears,  breast,  hands,  and  feet, 
saying,  ^  the  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
Amen."  Compare  Martene,  DeRit.  Ant.  I.  i.  17, 
Ord.  24,  25. 

2.  In  extreme  unction,  the  eyes  are  anointed 
with  holy  oil.  Thus,  in  the  Ratold  MS.  of  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  (p.  549,  ed.  Menard),  the 
pnest  is  directed  to  anoint  the  eyes,  with  the 
words :  *'  Ungo  oculo^  tuos  de  oleo  sanctificato,  | 


FAOITEBGniM 


655 


nt  quicquid  illidto  visu  deliqnisti  per  hujus  oiei 
unctionem  expietur.'* 

3.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  to  touch 
the  eyes,  as  well  as  the  other  organs  of  sense, 
with  the  moisture  remaining  on  the  lips  after  com- 
municating (Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech.  Myst. 
V.  22:  see  Communion,  Holy,  p.  413;  Ears, 
TOUCHING  of).  [C] 

EZEKIEL,  the  prophet ;  commemorated 
April  10  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usu- 
aHi) ;  Miaziah  5  =  March  31,  and  Hamle  27  = 
July  21  {Cal.  Ethiop.)',  Sept.  3  {Cul.  Armen.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

EZBA,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Jakatit 
10  =  Feb.  4,  and  Hamle  6  =  June  30  {Gal. 
Ethiop.),  Julv  13  {Mart,  Usuardi>     [W.  F.  G.] 


FABABIUS.  The  Cantores  anciently  fasted 
the  day  before  they  were  to  sing  divine  offices, 
but  ate  beans,  as  being  supposed  to  benefit  the 
voice  (Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.  xx.  6);  whence  thev 
were  called  by  the  heathen  Fabarii  (Isidore,  JJe 
Div.  Off.  ii.  12).  [C] 

FABIANUS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  in 
the  time  of  Decius;  commemorated  Jan.  20 
{Mart.  Rom.  Vet.^  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi). [W.  F.  G.] 

FABIUS,  martyr  at  Caesarea;  "Passio" 
July  31  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuai-di). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FABBIGA  ECGLE8IAE.  [Churches, 
Maintenance  of,  p.  388.] 

FACE,  BBANDING  IN  THE.     It  was 

enacted  under  Constantino  {Code,  lib.  ix.  tit.  47, 
1.  17),  that  branding  should  not  be  in  the  face, 
as  disfiguring  the  heavenly  beauty  [Corporal 
Punishments,  p.  470],  [C] 

FAdTEBGIUM  (also  facietergium,  facie- 
tergium,  fadtergula;  facialis,  faciale).  This,  as 
its  name  indicates,  is  a  handkerchief  for  wiping 
the  face  (**  facitergium  et  manitergium,  a  ter- 
gendo  facicm  vel  manus  vocatur."  Isidore,  Etym. 
xix.  26).  Mention  of  this  is  occasionally  found 
in  various  monastic  rales.  It  is  appointed  as 
part  of  the  furniture  of  a  monk's  couch  in  the 
Rule  of  St.  Isidore  (c.  14;  p.  127,  part  2,  in 
Holstenius,  Codex  Regularum;  ed.  Paris,  1663). 
See  also  Magistri  Regi^Ua,  cc.  17,  19,  81  {op.  cit. 
pp.  214,  216,  257).  The  last  passage  ordains 
that  there  shall  be  dealt  out  *'  singula  facitergia 
per  decadam."  Gregonr  of  Tours  {Vitae  Pa- 
trum,  viii.  8 ;  p.  1191,  ed.  Ruinart)  speaks  of  the 
value  set  upon  the  "  facitergium  dependentibus 
villis  intextum,  quod  Sanctus  [i.e.  Nicetius  Lug- 
dunensis]  super  caput  in  die  obitus  sui  habuit." 
The  facitergia  used  by  nuns  were  at  times  em- 
broidered (Caesarii  Regula  ad  Virginea,  c.  42; 
Holstenius,  part  3,  p.  22).  Again,  Venantius 
Fortunatus,  in  his  life  of  St.  Radegundis  of 
France,  describes  her  on  one  occasion  as  "  circa 
altare  cum  facistergio  jacentem  pulverem  col- 
ligens"  (c.  2;  Patrol.  Ixxii.  653).  One  more 
example  may  suffice,  where  the  word,  perhaps, 
appears  in  the  transitional  state  of  its  meaning : 
**donata   etiam  particula  saccti   orarii,  id  est 


656 


FAITH 


fkcUlis'*  (ffffpomnesHcon  de  Anastasto  AjMcri- 
narioy  eic,  in  Anast.  Biblioth.  CoUecianea:  Pa- 
trol, czziz.  685).  For  farther  examples,  see 
Dncange*s  Oloaaariumf  s.  tt.  [R.  S.] 

FAITH.    [SOFHZA.] 

FAITHFUL.  The  present  article  is  in- 
tended to  give  an  account  of  the  principal  names 
applied  to  Christians  in  earlj  times,  whether  by 
themselves  or  by  others. 

The  names  most  common  among  Christians  in 
the  apostolic  and  sub-apostolic  ages  seem  to  have 
been  Saints  (Syioi),  Elect  (^fcAcicroQ,  Brethren 
(iScA^O)  <^i^d  Faithfal  (vnrrol),  ofien  followed 
by  the  words,  iv  *lfiaov  Xpurr^, 

The  words  viarht  and  Fidelia  were  also  nsed 
in  a  special  sense  to  distinguish  the  baptized 
Christian  from  the  catechumen.  Thus  Augustine 
(  Tract,  in  Joan,  44,  c  9)  says  that  if  a  man  tells 
us  that  he  is  a  Christian,  we  have  to  ask  further, 
whether  he  is  catechumen  or  "  fidelis."  Hence 
such  an  inscription  as  Christiana  Fidelis  (Le 
Blant,  In9Cript.  de  la  Oaule,  i.  373)  is  not  a  mere 
pleonasm.  So  the  council  of  Elvira  (C  Elib, 
c.  67)  seems  to  distinguish  between  "fidelis" 
and  "  catechumena."  In  the  liturgies,  the  portion 
of  the  office  at  which  catechumens  were  not 
allowed  to  be  present  was  called  Jfissa  Itdelium^ 
and  the  Lord's  Prayer  Fidelium  OroHo,  See 
Suicer's  Theaaunu,  s,y,  Hurr6t,  Eusebius  (PrcMp. 
Evang,  i.  1)  repudiates  the  charge  that  Chris- 
tians were  called  irterrol  from  their  credulity. 

Fidelis  is  a  frequent  epithet  in  inscriptions, 
particularly  in  the  case  of  young  children,  who 
might  otherwise  be  supposed  to  have  died  nn- 
baptized.  Thus  an  inscription  given  by  Maran- 
goni  (Aeia  S,  Victorini,  103)  runs  thus:    hic 

RBQyiESCIT  IN  PACE  FILIPPUB  [f  INFAS  FIDELIS. 

Similar  inscriptions  are  given  in  the  case  of  a 
child  who  died  at  the  age  of  a  year  and  nine 
months  {lb,  p.  109),  and  of  another  who  died  at 
the  age  of  five  years  and  five  months  (/6.  p.  96)b 
Another  may  be  seen  in  Cavedoni  {Ant,  CinUt,  di 
CMusif  p.  33).  On  a  marble  at  Florence  (Gori, 
Inter,  Ant,  Etrw,  iii.  314)  it  is  said  of  a  child  of 
three  years  and  three  months,  niCTH  ETEAET- 
THCEN.  In  one  case  given  by  Marini  {Frat, 
Arval,  p.  171),  the  inscription  describes  an 
ancestress  (major)  begging  baptism  for  a  child  at 
the  point  of  death:  petivit  ab  eoclesia  ut 
FIDELIS  DE  8ECVL0  RECECISBET  (t.  e,  recederet). 
In  another  case  (Oderico,  Inscr,  Vet.  p.  267),  one 
of  two  brothers,  who  died  at  eight  years  old, 
is  described  as  nbofitvb,  while  the  brother,  who 
died  at  seven,  is  described  as  fidelis.  And 
again  a  guardian  described  as  fidelis,  erects  a 
monument  to  a  nursling  who  was  yet  among 
the  "audientes"  or  catechumens:  altvnae 
avdiemti  (Gori,  «.  s.  i.  228). 

Such  inscriptions  as  vixrr  in  pace  fidelis, 
or  REQVTESCIT  FIDELIS  IN  PACE,  are  too  commou 
to  need  particularizing  (Martigny,  Did,  det 
Aniiq,  Chrift,  s.  v.  Fidelis), 

Other  names  given  to  Christians  were  perhaps 
either  (1)  Designations  of  some  peculiarity  of  their 
practice  or  profession,  rather  than  recognized 
titles ;  more  epithets  than  names ;  or  (2)  names 
given  them  by  the  outside  world,  either  in  deri- 
sion or  by  mbtake. 

L  Under  the  first  head  may  be  classed  (a)  'leo-- 
acuot,  Jessaeans,  a  name  which  Epiphanins  {Haer, 
29,  n,  4)  says  may  be  derived  from  Jesus,  or  (as 


FAITHFUL 

seems  fkr-fetched  and  improbable)  from  Jcm, 
the  father  of  David.  Epiphanins  (m.  a.)  cooaden 
this  name  earlier  than  that  of « Christian." 

Another  such  name  was  (b)  yimimxol,  appBcd 
to  Christians  by  Clement  of  Alezandria  {Strm. 
i.  p.  294,  ii.  p.  383;  vi.  p.  665 ^  viL  p.  748)  if 
having  the  true  knowledge.  Later  we  fiad 
Athanasins  (ap.  Socrat.  ffist.  Ecd,  ir.  23)  ooBf 
thtf  term  of  the  Ascetics  of  Egypt,  and  Socrstet 
(ibid.)  tells  us  that  Evagrius  Ponticns  wrote  s 
book  for  the  use  of  these  Ascetics,  called  "The 
Gnostic,  or  Rules  for  the  Contemplative  IXh.' 

(c)  Oco^^poi,  a  name  claimed  by  Ignatius  ia 
his  interview  with  Trajan  (.4cia  Igmti,  ap.  Grtke, 
SpidL  t.  ii.  p.  10),  because  he  **  carried  Christ  ia 
his  heart,"  and  seemingly  conceded  especially  te 
him,  was  commonly  used  of  all  Christians,  ai 
Pearson  {Vind,  Ignat  par.  iL  c  12,  p.  397) 
shows  by  quotations  from  many  writers  of  tk 
2nd  century. 

Clement  of  Alezandria,  agreeing  about  tlic 
meaning  of  the  name,  gives  the  rarieties  of  it 
Bto^p&p  and  Bto^poifuroSf  and  Enaebins  (yvL 
10)  quotes  a  letter  of  Phileas,  bishop  of  Thnnis, 
to  his  fiock,  in  which  he  calls  the  martyrs  X^- 
To<p6poi, 

(d)  St.  Ambrose  (de  obit  Valentin,  t,  ui.  ^  13) 
speaks  of  Christians  as  Christi,  Le.  ^anointed,' 
and  justifies  his  use  of  the  title  by  refereacp  to 
Ps.  cv.  15,  "  nolite  tangere  Christoa  meos,"  all 
Christians  receiving  the  unction  of  the  Holj 
Spirit,  and  Jerome  commenting  on  the  paaage 
(Ps.  civ.  [cv.]),  justifies  it  by  the  same  refer- 
ence. 

(tf)  The  name  Eoclesiastici  was  used  wiUda 
the  Christian  body  (Bingham,  i.  1,  §  8)  to  dis- 
tinguish the  clergy  from  the  laity,  and  with  a 
modification  of  this  meaning  of  the  word  Euseliiiis 
(iv.  7)  speaks  of  "^  ecclesiastical  writers ; "  and  it 
was  also  used  of  Christians  generally  in  contract 
to  those  who  did  not  belong  to  the  itatknvla^  a» 
Jews,  infidels,  and  heretics.  Bingham  quotes 
Eusebius  (iv.  7,  v.  27),  and  CyrU  of  Jerusalem 
{Catech.  15,  n.  4),  as  employing  the  word  in  this 
sense,  and  Valesius  (not.  in  Euseb.  1.  iL  c  25) 
finds  the  same  use  of  it  in  **■  Origen,  EpiphsniW) 
Jerome,  and  others  "  [Eoclesiasticub]. 

(J)  Bingham  asserts  that  Christians  were 
called  ol  rov  ZAyftaros,  "They  of  the  Faith," 
giving  as  his  authority  for  this  statement  tiie 
rescript  of  Aurelian  against  Paul  of  Samosata, 
quoted  by "  Eusebius  (vii.  30),  in  which  th« 
bishops  of  Rome  and  of  Italy  are  called  hi- 
iTKVwoi  rov  96yfxaros, 

(g)  Christians  also  called  themselves  Cathouc 
[see  the  word] ;  and  (A)  FiscicuU,  alluding  to  the 
mystic  Fish  [Baptism,  p.  171 ;  Fibh]. 

It  is  to  be  observed,  says  Bingham  (i.  1,$^) 
that  all  these  names  ezpress  some  relation  to 
God  or  to  Christ,  and  that  none  of  them  wti« 
taken  from  the  names  of  men,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  heresies  and  sects.  He  quotes  Chiy- 
sostom  {Horn.  33  m  Act,),  Epiphanins  (Haer.  42. 
Marcionit.,  also  ffaer,  10.^  Gregory  Nazianxee 
(Orat,  31,  p.  506)  and  others  as  noticing  these 
opposite  tendencies.  The  name  of  Christian  was 
neglected  by  the  heretics  for  the  names  of  their 
leaders,  while  the  Christians  thought  it  enough 
without  any  other  title  derived  from  parenta, 
country,  city,  quality,  or  occupation;  see  tha 
case  of  the  deacon  Sanctns  martyred  in  tha 
reign  of  Antoninus,  related  by  Eusebios  (r.  1> 


FAITHFUL 


FAITHFUL 


657 


IL  Among  the  names  gvren  to  Chnstiant  from 
without  their  body  are  probably  to  be  reckoned 

(1)  Xf^oTot,  a  name  which  would  eadly  ariie 
ttom  a  misnnderstanding  or  mispronunciation  of 
the  name  Xpurroij  and  was  naturally  not  refused 
by  Christians  ;  referred  to  by  Justin  Martyr 
{Apoi.  L  4X  LactantiuB  {Intt,  ir.  7),  Tertullian 
i^Apol.  0.  S\  and  others. 

(2)  It  was  quite  to  be  expected  that  they 
would  be  called  Jw>»  by  the  heathen  world,  and 
there  is  evidence  of  this.  Bingham  (i.  1,  §  10) 
refers  to  a  passage  in  I>io*s  Life  of  Domitian^  in 
which  he  speaks  of  the  Christian  martyr  Odlius 
Glabrio  (Baronius,  an.  94,  §1),  being  put  to 
death  for  turning  to  the  JewP  religion. 

Again,  Suetonius  says  (Qavd.  c  26)  that 
Claudius  **  expelled  the  Jews  from  Rome  because 
they  made  disturbances  at  the  instigation  of 
Chrestns ;"  and  Spartianus  (in  CaraoaL  c.  i.)  says 
that  Caracalla's  playfellow  was  a  Jew,  Caracalla, 
according  to  Tertullian  {ad  Soapui,  c  4),  having 
been  "  lacte  Christiano  educatus." 

(3)  There  remains  to  be  considered  the  word 
Christian,  a  name  which  differs  fh>m  those 
already  spoken  of  in  being  traceable  to  a  par- 
ticular locality,  and  with  great  probability  to  a 
particular  year.  The  reason  why  the  name  arose 
when  and  where  it  did,  is  probably  to  be  found 
in  the  long  stay — '*  a  whole  year  "^Acts  xi. 
26)  made  in  Antioch  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  after 
their  return  from  Tarsus,  in  the  assembly  of  the 
church  there  for  the  same  time,  and  in  the  pub- 
licity given  to  the  teaching  of  Christ  by  frequent 
addresses  to  the  people. 

The  question  whether  the  Christians  assumed 
the  name  themselves  or  received  it  from  the 
Jews,  or  from  the  Oentilea,  can  only  be  deter- 
mined with  an  approach  to  certainty. 

(a)  The  only  reason  for  thinking  that  the 
Christians  assumed  this  name  is  the  language 
of  Acts  xi.  26,  xp^f"^^*''^  '*'*  ^p^op  ir  'Am- 
ox«f?  Tcibs  iJueiBirrks  Xpiaruufo^tf  because  xp*h 
fiorftWy  when  used  of  acquiring  a  name  gener- 
ally means  to  assume  one;  but  on  the  other 
hand,  both  in  the  Acts  and  in  the  Epistles, 
Christians  speak  of  themselves  as  **  brethren," 
"believers,"  "disciples,"  "saints,"  and  only  in 
three  places  in  the  N.T.  is  the  word  Christian 
used  (AcU  xi.  26,  xxvi.  28 ;  1  Peter  iv.  16),  in 
only  one  of  which^  and  there  doubtfully,  is  the 
word  used  by  Christians  of  themselves. 

(jb)  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  Jews  would  give 
them  a  name  which  would  virtually  concede  the 
claim  made  by  Christians,  and  so  strenuously 
denied  by  Jews.  For  "  Christ "  being  the  Qreek 
equivalent  of  "Messiah,"  to  call  the  followers 
of  Christ  "Christians"  would  be  to  acknowledge 
Christ  as  Jbhe  Messiah;  nor  would  they  have 
used  so  sacred  a  name  in  derision  even  for  the 
sake  of  insulting  a  despised  and  hated  sect. 
When  they  wanted  to  designate  them,  they  used 
a  name  derived  from  a  place  they  held  in  con- 
tempt (John  i.  46,  vii.  41 ;  Luke  xiii.  2),  and 
called  St.  Paul  "  a  ringleader  of  the  sect  of  the 
'  Kazarenes ' "  (Acts  xriv.  5). 

(c)  But  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Gentiles, 
seeing  the  wide  aim  of  this  new  community,  its 
readiness  to  admit  all  sorts  of  people,  and  even 
to  dispense  with  the  rite  of  circumcision  in  its 
converts,  should  have  early  come  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  sects  of  the  Jews,  with  which  they 
very  naturally  at  first  confounded  it,  and  so 
CHBI8T.  ANT. 


should  have  attached  to  it  a  new  name.  And 
this  probability  is  increased  when  we  remembei 
that  "  Christ"  was  the  title  of  the  head  of  the 
new  sect,  represented  his  peculiar  office  to  them, 
and  was  the  name  by  which  he  was  generallv 
known  in  their  letters  and  conversation.  It 
would  be  adopted,  of  course,  by  the  Gentiles 
from  them,  as  we  know  it  was  (Tacit.  Ann.  xv. 
44),  and  in  a  city  like  Antioch,  "  notorious  for 
inventing  names  of  derision,  and  for  turning  its 
wit  into  channeb  of  ridicule "  (cf.  Procopius, 
Bell.  Fere,  ii.  8,  quoted  by  Conybeare  and 
Howson,  vol.  L  p.  130),  the  new  society  would 
soon  get  its  name.  The  form  of  the  word  indi- 
cates its  Roman  origin  (cf.  Sullani,  Pompeiani, 
and  later  Othoniani  and  Vitelliani),  and  that  it 
was  first  used  as  a  term  of  reproach  may  be 
gathered  from  the  use  made  of  it  by  Tacitus  in 
the  passage  referred  to  above,  "  quos  per  flagitia 
invisos  i^gus  Christianos  appellabat."  The 
great  increase  in  the  number  of  Gentile  converts 
would  soon  turn  what  was  at  first  a  nickname 
into  a  title  of  honour,  and  the  predominance  of 
Rome  in  the  world  naturally  made  the  Roman 
name  what  it  has  become,  the  universal  one.  It 
LB  interesting  to  contrast  with  "  Christian  "  the 
name  "  Jesuit,"  as  unlike  the  other  in  its  com- 
paratively modem  date  and  Greek  form  as  in  its 
history  and  significance. 

See  Conybe^e  and  Howson  (vol.  i.  p.  129  ff.), 
from  whom  this  note  on  the  word  Chritiian  is 
derived.  [E.  C.  H.] 

III.  The  following  names  were  appellations  of 
scorn,  or  "  nick-names,"  given  to  Christians  by 
their  enemies. 

1.  That  they  should  be  called  Aiheiste  was 
inevitable  in  an  empire  in  which  the  vulgar  at 
least  knew  of  no  gods  that  could  not  be  repre- 
sented by  art  and  man's  device.  And  Atheism 
was  in  fact  a  common  charge  against  them.  See 
Athenagoras  {Leg.  pro  Christ,  c.  3)  and  Justin 
Martyr  (Apol.  I.  c.  6).  "  Down  with  the  Athe- 
ists "  (otpc  robt  Miovs)  was  a  mob-cry  against 
the  Christians  (Euseb.  If.  E.  iv.  15,  §  6> 

2.  From  the  time  that  Christians  were  first 
recognised  as  a  sect,  they  were  contemptuously 
call^l  Nazarenes  (Acts  xxiv.  5;  Epiphanius, 
ffaeree.  29,  c.  1;  Jerome  on  laaiah  XL1X,\ 
Prudentius,  Peristeph.  ii.  25).  This  no  doubt  at 
fir^t  designated  ithe  supposed  origin  of  the  Lord 
and  the  disciples  from  Nazareth ;  but  the  variety 
of  ways  in  which  the  word  is  written  (Na(api|irol, 
fia(afHMU,  Na(<o»pcuoi,  Nafifpaioi,  Na^itpfluoi) 
seems  to  i^ow  that  in  later  times  various  senses 
were  attached  to  it.  It  was  also,  perhaps,  some* 
times  used  to  designate  a  sect  of  Judairing 
Christians,  rather  than  the  whole  body  of  the 
church. 

3.  The  name  OaUktei  was  one  which  the  phi- 
losophic emperor  Julian  {Epist.  7)  endeavoured 
to  fix  upon  the  Christians  (see  Gregory  Na- 
zianz.,  Urat  iii.  p.  81 ;  Socrates,  &  E,  iii. 
12),  meaning,  no  doubt,  to  express  the  con- 
tempt of  a  cultivated  man  for  a  sect  which  arose 
in  a  despised  district  of  Palestine,  among  shep- 
herds and  fishermen.  His  last  words  were,  ao- 
oording  to  Theodoret  (ff,  E.  iii.  21),  yciffmyiraf, 
TaXikM,  "Thou  hast  conquered,  O  Galilaean  I " 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  (c.  Juiian.  iii.  p.  39)  lets 
himself  to  show  that  the  name  "Galilaean,"  it 
it  implied  roughness  and  want  of  culture,  was 
no  more  applicable  to  Christians  than  to  Jnlian 

2  U 


658 


FALDESTOLIUH 


FAMILT 


and  his  friends  (Gibbon's  Borne,  ch.  23 ;  iii.  162, 
ed.  Smith). 

4.  Qraica%  Qraecuhu,  It  was  probably  with 
reference  to  the  falseness  and  want  of  principle 
attributed  to  the  Greeks,  in  the  days  of  the  em- 
pire, that  Christians  came  to  be  called  "  Greeks," 
that  is,  impostors.  The  Christian  in  the  streets 
was  sainted  with  the  cry,  6  ToeutAs  hri04rris 
(Jerome,  Episi,  10,  ad  Furim,').  If  his  ionic  was 
not  white,  he  was  **  impostor  et  Graecns  "  {Ih. 
Epist,  19,  ad  MarceU.).  The  recognising  a  Chris- 
tian by  the  want  of  the  *^  tnnica  alba,"  perhaps 
indicates  a  time  when  the  alb  had  become  with 
them  almost  wholly  a  ministerial  dress. 

5.  SybUlisti  was  an  appellation  given  to  Chris- 
tians by  Celsns  (Origen  a.  CeU,  bk.  y.  p.  272, 
Spencer).  The  early  Cliristians  did  in  fact  pay 
great  respect  to  the  Sibylline  books  (Tertnllian, 
ad  Nationes,  ii.  12^  and  discovered  in  them  clear 
prophecies  of  Christ.  Celsns  accused  them  of 
having  interpolated  the«e  books. 

6.  From  peculiarities,  or  supposed  peculiari- 
ties, of  their  worship,  they  were  called  cross- 
worshippers,  ffraup6\arp€Uj  or  Crttcicolag,  a  re- 
proach as  old  as  the  days  of  St.  Paul,  often 
repeated  (Tertul.  Apol.  16  and  Ad  Nat  i.  7,  12), 
and  from  which  they  were  not  slow  to  vindicate 
themselves  (Minucius  FeL  Oct  29).  Whether 
Christians  in  general,  or  a  sect  of  them,  were 
called  oitpoMoKdrpai,  Coelicolae,  sky-worship- 
pers, seems  somewhat  doubtful;  and  the  same 
may  be  said  of  Hypsistarn,  That  they  were 
called  SunHworthippen  and  AM9-v)or9hipperB  is 
certain.  [Asinarii  ;  Calumnies  aqainst  Chkis- 
TiAiroJ 

7.  The  miracles  of  the  early  church  procured 
Christians  the  reputation  of  being  Magicians, 
[Magic]  Hence  Suetonius  (Nero,  c.  16)  calls 
Christians  ''gens  hominum  superstitionis  male- 
^cae,"  a  set  devoted  to  the  black  art.  The  stead- 
fast endurance  of  torture  was  often  thought 
the  effect  of  some  charm.  Asclepiades  (Pru- 
dentius,  Peristepk,  zii.^  868),  ascribed  to  magic 

-  the  •  endurance  of  Romanns  the  martyr ;  and 
St.  Ambrose  {Serm,  90,  in  Agnen)  mentions 
that  the  crowd  shrieked  against  her,  '*Tolle 
magam  I  tolle  maleficam  I " 

8.  Several  nick-names  were  given  by  the  hea- 
then to  the  Christians  in  consequence  of  their 
inexplicable  endurance  of  martyrdom.  They 
were  fitoBdrteroi,  as  dying  violent  deaths,  often, 
as  it  seemed,  little  better  than  suicides.  They 
were  Parabokmi  (vapafioKJuw)  and  Desperati, 
as  fireely  risking  their  lives.  They  were  &ir- 
mentitii,  from  the  faggots  (sarmenta)  which  con- 
sumed them ;  and  Semiaxii,  firom  the  stake 
(semiaxis)  to  which  they  were  bound.  (Tertull. 
Apol,  50).  They  were  Cinerarii,  from  the  re- 
spect which  they  paid  to  the  ashes  of  their 
martyrs. 

(Bingham's  AnUq,  i.  ii. ;  Augusti's  Handbiuch 
der  Chriatl,  ArchdoL  li.  i.)  [C] 

FALDESTOLIUM,  or  FALDI8T0BIUM. 

The  first  form  of  this  word  points  to  its  true 
etymology  and  signification.  It  is  connected 
with  the  German  falden,  <Uo  fold,"  and  etuhl, 
"a  chair,"  and  indicates  a  folding-chair,  "sella 
plieatilis,"  answering  to  our  modern  ^  camp- 
stool"  (Muratori,  tom.  iii.  p.  646,  not.  18).  A 
false  etymology,  often  given,  "  fandistolium 
Quasi  fandi  locus "  is  at  variance  with  its  use, 


and  would  better  apply  to  a  pulpit.  FaidUtorim 
originally  employed  for  any  portable  seat,  be 
came  limited  in  ecclesiastical  use  to  a  lov  am- 
lees  folding-chair,  in  which  a  bishop  or  mitnd 
abbot  sat  at  the  altar  after  his  enthronintiia, 
or  on  other  solemn  occasions,  ofiered  himielf  to 
the  gaze  of  the  people  in  his  fVill  official  attire. 
AccOTding  to  Maori  (s.  v.)  it  was  also  placed  at  tbt 
epistle  comer  of  the  altar  for  the  bishop,  wbn 
celebrating  in  a  church  in  which  he  had  no  jan" 
diction,  or  if  a  superior  dignitary  was  prtMst 
(Maori,  Hierolex,  s.  v. ;  Ducangre,  g.  t.  ;  Anpia. 
Hdbch.  der  Christ  Arch.  iii.  556).  [L  Y.] 

FALSE  WITNESS.    [Pkrjcbt.] 

FAMILY.  The  influence  of  the  Christiu 
religion  upon  the  customs  and  habits  of  famSj 
life  was  very  considerable,  even  from  the  fint: 
although  it  did  not  aim  at  making  any  abnipt  or 
sudden  changes,  except  in  those  things  vliici 
were  necessarily  sinfhl. 

The  great  Christian  doctrines  which  so  pove^ 
fblly  affect  the  feelings,  hopes,  and  whole  iiificr 
life  of  those  who  heartily  receive  them,  UA  at 
once  to  the  renunciation  of  idolatry  in  all  Hi 
forms,  and  of  the  excesses  and  lioentioanessei 
then  so  common  and  so  little  thought  of ;  aniii' 
culcated  new  principles  of  thought  and  actna. 
which  operated  more  or  less  powerfully  in  cnn 
direction.  But  the  ordinary  usages  of  dooMitic 
life,  which  were  not  directly  connected  vitk 
the  religious  and  moral  obliquities  of  the  oU 
polytheism^  were  apparently  left  untoudied  W 
any  positive  interference  or  command.  Chrit' 
tiauity  proved  itself  the  salt  of  the  eaith  br 
gradually  interpenetrating  the  surrounding nv 
of  pagan  civilisation,  and  not  by  duinking  fron 
all  contact  with  it. 

The  elevation  of  the  female  sex  was  one  of  ik 
most  conspicuous  of  the  indirect  results  whicb 
rapidly  followed  the  reception  of  the  new  relh 
gion.  The  position  of  women  among  the  Jews, 
and  the  manner  in  which  Jesus  had  receiTedtbcn 
as  his  disciples  and  friends,  must  have  tangkttk 
apostles,  if  they  needed  anv  such  teaching,  wbt 
place  women  were  entitled  to  hold  in  the  wal 
economy  of  the  church.  And  aceordiogir, 
wherever  Christ  was  proclaimed,  women  «a« 
invited  and  welcomed  into  the  Christian  eomns- 
nities,  and  were  admitted  equally  with  men  to  ill 
Christian  privileges.  Hence  in  a  Gbriititt 
family  the  wife  and  mother  held  an  hoDonnUe 
place ;  and  the  conjugal  union,  the  sonroe  <^  ali 
other  family  relationships,  being  thus  honoored, 
communicated  a  happy  influence  througfaoot  tk 
household. 

Another  result,  only  less  important  than  tin 
former,  was  the  amelioration,  and,  in  the  ooont 
of  time,  the  abolition  of  slavery.  Apostolk 
Christianity  did  not  endeavour  to  remove  tkk 
nefarious  but  inveterate  evil  by  any  direct  or 
violent  denunciation,  which,  if  successful,  w«aU 
have  rudely  upset  the  existing  framework  o( 
society,  and  would  have  proved  as  ruinons  to  Uie 
slave,  as  it  would  have  seemed  to  be  unjust  to 
the  master ;  but  it  distinctly  taught  the  eqoalitf 
of  all  men  in  Christian  privilege  and  reiigioB 
position ; — it  taught  most  emphatically  the  doty 
of  caring  for  others ;— it  taught  the  master  thij 
he  had  a  Lord  over  him  who  was  no  respectM"  w 
persons,  and  the  slave  that  he  was  diristi 
freedman.     And   thus    slavery    in  a  Cbristiai 


FAMILY 

iamilj  tnB  relieved  from  some  of  its  most  gall- 
ing bordens.  This  happy  change,  however,  it 
most  be  remembered,  depended  entirely  upon  the 
personal  feeling  and  will  of  the  master;  for 
slavery  was  not  legally  and  publicly  alleviated 
to  any  great  extent,  until  the  tinne  of  Justinian, 
who  did  much  to  promote  its  extinction,  after 
which  it  was  gradually  discontinued  or  changed 
to  serfdom  (Milman,  Hist  Christ,  iii.  343,  and 
Latin  Christ.  L  391 ;  and  Slavery  in  this 
irork).  In  the  mean  time  Christians  in  general 
did  not  think  it  wrong  to  have  bondmen  in  their 
service  (Clem.  Alex.  Paedag.  iii.  12). 

But  besides  particular  results  of  this  nature, 
Christianity  to  some  extent  changed  the  general 
habits  of  men,  and  tended  to  make  them  more 
domestic  and  less  public  in  their  feelings  and 
pursuits  More  especially,  while  Christians  were 
small  communities  separate  and  distinct  from  the 
general  mass  of  the  population,  they  felt  it  neces- 
sary to  withdraw  themselves  in  some  degree 
from  public  afiairs;  they  were  less  frequent  in 
their  attendance  on  courts  of  law ;  they  could 
not,  without  scruples  and  repugnance,  be  present 
at  many  of  the  oiilinary  amusements  and  popular 
festivities,  mixed  up  as  they  were  with  the 
idolatry  and  some  of  the  worst  moral  abomina- 
tions of  paganism.  Thus  they  were  thrown  back 
more  upon  the  society  of  eadi  other,  and  upon 
their  own  family  life.  And  although  afterwards, 
when  the  new  religion  became  dominant,  and 
was  at  length  the  religion  of  the  people,  the 
objections  to  public  life  greatly  disappeared,  the 
family  life  with  its  attractions  and  its  virtues 
continued  to  maintain 'a  wholesome  influence, 
which  has  indeed  never  since  been  lost.  (See 
Milman,  Hat,  Christ  iu.  134.) 

But  to  look  more  closely  at  the  family  life  of 
Christianity,  it  must  be  observed  that  the  abne- 
gation of  idolatry  caused  a  displacement  of  the 
household  and  hearth  gods — ^the  Penates  and 
Lares  of  the  Romans, — ^together  with  all  family 
rites  which  savoured  of  idol  worship,  and  a  sub- 
stitution of  Christian  observances  in  their  stead. 
And  as  it  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  of  reli- 
gious Romans  to  offer  their  prayers  the  first 
thing  in  the  morning,  in  the  Larariumf  or  house- 
hold shrine  (Lampridius,  Alex,  Sever,  29.  31) ; 
so  fionily  prayer,  in  which  the  different  members 
of  a  Christian  household  joined,  appears  to  have 
had  its  place  from  the  beginning  of  the  new 
religion.  Such  united  prayer  seems  to  be  alluded 
to  in  the  remark,  ''that  your  prayers  be  not 
hindered**  (1  Pet.  iii.  7\  And  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  at  the  end  ox  the  second  century, 
testifies  to  the  same  thing  when,  commenting  on 
the  words,  ''where  two  or  three  are  gathered 
together  in  my  name,*'  he  says  that  the  three 
mean  a  husband,  a  wife,  and  a  child  (AvSpo,  koI 
yvpmitaf  tcai  riicpop  rohs  rpus  \^7<i,  Strdmat, 
iii.  10).  And  the  same  author  speaks  expresslv 
of  "  prayer  and  reading  of  the  Scriptures  (c&x^ 
ical  ivdyiwfftt)  in  Christian  families  (^Paedag,  ii. 
194). 

It  is  evident  from  the  words  of  TertulUan  (ad 
Uxorem,  ii.  4)  and  subsequently  of  Cyprtan  (De 
LapsiSy  c  26)  that  Christians  were  in  the  habit 
of  taking  home  portions  of  the  eucharistic  bread, 
and  eating  a  small  piece  of  it  every  morning,  as 
an  act  of  devotion  (Edlogiae,  p.  629]. 

The  practice  also  of  making  the  sign  of  the 
cross  upon  the  forehead,  to  which  at  a  later 


i'AMILT 


659 


period  so  much  efficacy  was  su}«r8tltiously 
ascribed,  had  become  before  the  beginning  of  the 
third  century  a  perpetually  repeated  ceremony 
in  Christian  fiimiues,  being  used  "  on  getting  up 
and  going  to  bed,  on  putting  on  their  clothes  or 
their  shoes,  on  walking  out  or  sitting  down,  at 
table  or  at  the  bath  ;"  in  short  in  every  act  or 
movement  of  the  day  (see  Tertullian  de  Cor,  Mil, 
§  3).  This  little  symbolical  action  may  in  the 
early  times  have  been  a  useful  memento  to 
Christians  in  the  midst  of  so  manv  things  of  a 
contrary  tendency,  however  much,  like  some 
other  practices  once  innocent  and  salutary,  it 
was  subsequently  used  in  the  service  of  formalism 
and  error.  And  the  same  desire  of  being  con- 
stantly reminded  of  their  Christian  position  led 
them  to  adorn  their  goblets  with  the  figure  of  a 
shepherd  carrying  a  lamb,  and  their  seal-rings 
with  a  dove,  an  anchor,  and  other  similai 
devices.    (Neander,  Hist  Christ,  p.  399.) 

Besides  these  there  were  other  domestic 
observances  which  from  time  to  time  interested 
the  piety  as  well  as  the  natural  affections  of 
Christian  households,  especially  those  which 
were  connected. with  the  baptism  of  children, 
marriages,  and  funerals,  more  particularly  noticed 
in  separate  articles  [Baftuii,  Children,  Mar- 
BiAOE,  Burial].  Christians  cherished  the  me- 
mory of  departed  relatives  as  those  with  whom 
they  trusted  to  be  reunited  in  rest  and  glory, 
and  not  unfrequently  held  family  banquets  over 
their  remains  in  a  room  provided  for  that  pur- 
pose [Cella  Memoriae]. 

But  besides  those  festivals  which  were  exclu 
sively  Christian,  there  were  some  celebrations  ot 
an  older  date,  in  which,  as  they  were  not  mixed 
up  with  any  idolatrous  rites.  Christian  families 
might  unite  with  their  pagan  neighbours,  and 
which  they  might  retain  for  their  own  use. 
Even  Tertullian,  who  was  so  strict  in  forbidding 
all  semblance  of  participation  in  idol  worship, 
saw  no  objection  to  Christians  joining  in  the 
domestic  ceremony  of  "  putting  on  the  toga 
virilis,"  which  corresponded  with  our  "  cominf 
of  age,"  or  to  their  being  present  at  weddings,  oi 
the  "  naming  of  children  *'  {Nonunalia  or  Dies 
lustrici;  Tertul.  de  IdoM,  16> 

As  the  facility  of  divorce  was  a  primary  prin- 
ciple of  corruption  in  Roman  social  and  family 
life ;  so  Christianity,  having  invested  marriage 
with  a  religious  sanctity,  and  not  allowing 
divorcement  under  any  circumstances,  except 
those  mentioned  by  Christ  himself,  drew  more 
closely  together  not  only  the  husband  and  wife, 
but  all  other  members  of  the  family. 

The  relationship  between  parents  and  children 
was  greatly  influenced  for  good.  The  barbarous 
practice  of  infanticide,  which  prevailed  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  was  immediately  dis- 
continued. Under  the  old  Roman  law  parents 
might  at  any  time  put  their  children  to  death, 
or  sell  them  as  slaves ;  but  this  severity  was  at 
once  voluntarily  softened  in  Christian  families; 
and  the  power  was  afterwards  taken  away  by 
Christian  emperors;  who  further  directed  that 
in  eases  of  great  poverty,  when  parents  might 
be  tempted  to  sell  their  uhildren,  relief  might 
be  given  them  out  of  the  public  revenues,  thus 
affording  an  example  of  an  incipient  poor-law 
{Cod,  Theod,  vi.  27,  in  Bingham,  zvi.  ix.  1). 

Parental  authority,  however,  and  family  ties 
were  strongly  upheld.    Children  were  not  al« 

2  U  2 


660 


FAUILY 


FAMILY 


lowed  to  marry  without  the  consent  of  their 
parents  (Tertal.  ad  Uxor,  ii.  9),  and,  under  the 
Christian  emperors,  in  the  case  of  daughters  thus 
marrying,  the  most  dreadful  punishments  were 
ordered  to  be  inflicted  on  all  who  were  consenting 
parties  to  the  marriage  {CodL  Theod.  iz.  24). 

The  education  of  their  children  assumed  a  new 
interest  with  Christian  parents,  but  at  the  same 
time  caused  them  new  anxieties  and  cares ;  since 
in  ^*  bringing  them  up  in  the  nurture  and  ad- 
monition of  the  Lord,"  it  was  needful,  more 
especially  in  the  earlier  times,  to  guard  them 
from  the  evil  influences  in  the  midst  of  which 
they  lived, — from  the  contact  of  idolatry  all 
around  them, — ^from  the  contagion  of  companions 
on  every  side.  Further  difficulties  too  presented 
themselves  in  connection  with  the  future  occu- 
pation of  their  children,  inasmuch  as  many  em- 
ployments open  to  others  were  closed  against 
them.  For  a  Christian  had  to  avoid  all  the 
numerous  trades  and  arts  which  were  connected 
with  idols  and  idol-worship,  together  with  some 
offices  of  civil  and  military  life. 

While  children  were  young  their  superin- 
tendance  and  education  engageid  specially  tne 
mother's  care  and  vigilance;  but  besides  this 
and  other  strictly  domestic  duties,  it  was  usual 
for  Christian  women  to  devote  a  portion  of  their 
time  to  doing  good  beyond  their  own  homes ; 
and  Tertullian  shows  that  in  his  days  it  was  ex- 
pected, as  a  matter  of  course,  that  they  would 
attend  on  the  sick,  go  round  to  the  houses  of  the 
poor,  relieve  the  needy,  and  visit  imprisoned 
martyrs  (Tertul.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4). 

One  source  of  uneasiness  was,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, introduced  into  the  household  in  Christian 
times,  which  had  not  existed  previously.  After 
the  institution  of  monastic  orders,  a  husband,  a 
wife,  or  a  child  might  desire  to  adopt  the  *'  re- 
ligious "  life,  even  without  the  consent  of  those 
who  had  a  claim  upon  their  services  and  society. 
Where  the  persons  interested  consented,  as  in 
the  cases  of  Ammon  and  his  wife  (Socrates,  B.  E. 
iv.  23;  PalladiuB,  HUt,  Lausuxc,  c.  8),  and  of 
Martianus  and  Maxima  (Victor  Uticensis  [or 
Yitensis],  De  Persec,  Vandai.  i.  5),  no  harm  was 
done ;  but  in  many  cases  monastic  fanaticism  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  households  and  sundered 
their  members.  It  is  evident  from  the  references 
to  the  matter  (for  instance)  by  Paulinus  {Epist. 
14,  ad  CelarU.)  and  Augustine  {Epist  45  [al. 
127],  Armentario  et  Paulinae;  Epist,  199  [aL 
262],  ad  Eodiciam),  that  in  the  4th  century  the 
question  of  the  relative  claims  of  domestic  duty 
and  ascetic  life  was  felt  to  be  a  pressing  one. 
Basil  the  Great  in  the  Larger  Rule  ((^.  12) 
directs  that  a  married  person  offering  to  enter  a 
monastery  should  be  questioned  as  to  the  con- 
sent of  the  other  party ;  yet  he  thinks  that  the 
precept  about  hating  fkther,  mother,  wife,  or 
children  to  be  Christ's  disciple  (Luke  xiv.  26) 
applies  to  this  case ;  and  in  another  place  {Epist 
45,  ad  Monackum  Lupsum)  he  certainly  mentions 
a  man's  declining  domestic  cares  and  the  society 
of  his  yoke-fellow,  for  an  ascetic  life,  without 
the  smallest  censure.  Jerome  (Epist.  14,  ad 
ffeliod.)  expresses  similar  views.  The  feeling  of 
the  church  on  this  subject  was  distinctly  pro- 
nounced in  the  6th  century,  for  the  legislation 
of  Justinian  {Codex,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  De  Episo.  et 
der,  leg.  53)  allowed  married  persons  to  desert 
their  yoke-fellows  for  *'  religion  "  with  impunitv, 


and  to  reclaim  their  own  fortunes.  So  ia  the 
case  of  children.  The  council  of  Gaagia  in  tk 
4th  century  (c.  16)  anathematized  chiMm— 
especially  children  of  Christiana — ^who  shodd 
withdraw  from  their  parents  on  pretence  tf  re- 
ligion (tfcoirciScfar)  and  refuse  them  due  hcnou. 
So  Basil  {Reg.  Maj.  qu.  15)  enjoined  that  chil- 
dren should  not  be  received  into  monasteries  vb- 
less  offered  by  their  parents,  if  the  parents  vcr 
alive.  But  here  again  the  legislation  of  Jnstioia 
(u.  s.  leg.  55)  betrays  the  presence  of  a  feefiif 
that  ^  religion  "  might  override  domestic  oUig»- 
tions,  in  that  it  forbids  parents  to  restrain  ibdr 
children  from  becoming  monks  or  clerics,  or  te 
disinherit  them  for  that  cause  alone.  Aiui  thii 
feeling,  in  spite  of  the  not  nnfrequent  protesb 
of  jurists,  was  very  prevalent  from  that  tint 
onward.  On  the  other  hand,  the  power  of  psraiti 
to  devote  their  children  to  "religion"  oecsK 
in  time  almost  absolute ;  they  who  had  bea 
devoted  by  their  parents  were  as  much  boiud  u 
those  who  had  entered  of  their  own  accord  ia 
mature  age  (jOonc.  Tolet,  IV.  c  49,  aJ)i.  633; 
see  OUiATi). 

In  oar  view  of  the  &mily  life  of  Christius 
their  use  of  music  and  singing  must  not  be  in- 
noticed.  Among  the  Greeks  especially,  sod  te 
some  extent  among  the  Romans  ako,  their  sn^ 
occupied  a  conspicuous  place  in  their  sodal  lik 
These,  however,  from  their  generally  exprecs^ 
and  encouraging  some  of  the  worst  evils  of  the 
old  religions,  could  not  be  used  in  the  Chriitiaa 
family  circle.  But  the  want  was  rapidly  sap- 
plied.  Christian  songs  and  h3rmns  were  soes 
composed  and  extensively  multiplied ;  and  theee 
became  an  abundant  source  of  recreation  to  ill 
the  members  of  the  household,  while  at  meal 
times,  and  In  all  family  or  friendly  unions,  tlwj 
thus  expressed  their  habitual  &iih,  and  hope, 
and  joy. 

Before  Christianity  became  the  prevaHiiig  sad 
established  religion,  families  were  in  contifiosl 
danger  of  being  molested  by  popular  vidcace, 
and  of  being  utterly  broken  up  in  times  of  legil- 
ised  persecution.  But  besides  these  dangers  vb/L 
troubles  there  were  sometimes  others  hardly 
less  painful  within  the  family  itself  when  oiIt 
a  part  of  the  household  had  become  Christian. 
The  antagonism  and  consequent  discomi^  if 
not  positive  misery,  must  then  hare  been  ahaoct 
perpetual ;  and  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  re- 
ligious faithfulness,  without  losing  family  alk- 
tion  or  breaking  family  ties,  must  have  bea 
very  great.  Jesus  himself  had  warned  he  ds- 
ciples  beforehand  that  "  a  man's  foes  might  be 
those  of  his  own  household  ;"  and  that  his  re- 
ligion, in  such  cases,  might  bring  *'  not  peace  bai 
a  sword."  St.  Paul,  while  desirous  that  this 
difference  of  religion  should  not  actually  separate 
a  husband  and  wife,  admitted  that  it  would  and 
must  sometimes  have  this  effect.  Tertullian  {^i 
Uxor.  ii.  4)  describes  in  detail  the  sort  of  hin- 
drances, opposition,  and  ridicule,  which  a  Cbn»- 
tian  woman  must  expect  if  she  married  a  hu* 
band  who  was  an  unbeliever;  and  how  impA- 
sible  she  would  find  it  to  fulfil  in  peace,  if  ^ 
could  fulfil  at  all,  her  Christian  duties,— even  if 
nothing  worse  occurred.  But  in  times  of  pene- 
cution,  or  of  any  strong  excitement  of  antiehris* 
tian  feeling,  it  was  not  merely  difficulties  and 
discomforts  that  had  to  ba  encountered.  T^ 
strongest  words  of  Christ  were  then  often  UUg* 


FAUILT— THE  HOLT 

•llf  rolijcd,  irhMi  the  most  poweriiit  naianl 
■Oectiou  wen  ibitUnd,  sud  ChrUtlau  w*ie 
batnifed  and  denonneed  by  tb«ir  DMr«*t  reU- 
tlrt*  uid  Elren  up  to  the  perucntor'i  iward. 
Sae  u  eulf  inBtuce  of  thu  io  Jnitin  Uart  ji, 
Apol.  il.  3.  [G.  A.  J.] 

FAMILT— THE  HOLT.  The  lobject  which 
beui  thi*  title  in  modem  »rt  ia  genenlly  a 
groap  eoDBigtJDg  of  the  Vi^n  Hothtr  Iiearliig 
the  Sicni  InfoDt,  of  St.  Joscpti,  ud  &«|aeiit1j 
of  tht  Tonnger  St.  John  Baptist,  sod  OGOuloaallf 
of  St.Eliubelb.  It  ii  freqaeutl;  tresMd  in  ui 
academic  or  pnrel;  artletic  apirit,  snd  cboHii 
mainly  for  the  lalce  of  oppoeiog  the  age  of  St. 
tliubeth  or  mataritv  of  St.  Jouph,  to  the  high 
iiieal  of  feminine,  infintine,  or  youthful  beauty 
in  thi  Blaaed  Virgin,  the  infant  or  St.  John 
As  a  complxte  sad  isolated  group  of  this  kim 
the  lubjcct  i>  hardly  eyer  treatod  ia  nrt  of  thi 
earliest  Chrlitiaa  age,  anleaa  tha  three  Oranti 


FABTEKO 


661 


Bono, 


giren  by  Hartlguy  (from  Boeio  Boma  Soli.  p. 
^79;  Me  woodcut)  are  to  b«  coniidend  aa  ra- 
it. He  is  inclined  to  think  an,  though 
Dghi,  aod  Bottart  coDaider  the  group 
oa  an  oruinary  Chiiatian  lunily  In  the  attitude 
of  prayer,  and  though  the  boy  Is  more  decidedly 
in  that  attitude  than  either  the  father  or  the 
mother.  He  mentions  another  lat«ly  diKorered, 
but  alao  somewhat  conjectural  mcnumeat,  in 
the  cemetery  of  St.  Priicilla,  atid  says  that  the 
(abject  occurs  on  sarcophagi  of  the  SoDth  of 
Fr«D»,  naming  one  in  tbe  rauaenm  of  Arlea, 
No.  !6,  where  St.  Joaeph  leads  the  SaTtour  by 
the  band  to  the  Virgin  Uother,  probably  repre- 
senting Luke  ii.  48,  "Son,  why  haat  thou  thos 
dealt  with  ua  f  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

FAMILY  TOMBS.  [CATiaOMBa,  p.  300  j 
Ceixa  H£110bu£;  Cemetebi.] 

FAN.    [Pluelldil] 

FANATIOL  Prom  their  frMjuenUng  Uma, 
shrinea  of  heathen  deities,  all  heathen  were 
•omctims  called  "fanatici";  thua  Clorii  be- 
for*  his  conTeraion,  'i  said  (Oata  Stg.  Franc. 
c.  lOX  to  hare  been  "  fanaticos  et  paganus."  In 
a  special  sense,  priests  of  idol-temples  were 
"  taoatici "  (bo  Uagitter  on  Prndentina,  qnolod 
by  Dacann,  s.t.);  and  those  who  protested  to 
(iropbesy  by  the  aid  of  tbe  demon  attached  to 
thejiUc*  rKxoRCiw  ;  and  see  Jerome  on  Isaiab, 


c  S,  and  Aaguatine  on  Psalm  40];  then  war* 
coodsmned  with  others  who  piactiaed  such  etil 
arta  (_Cak,  lib.  ii.  tit.  13,  L  4 ;  Hocri,  SUroltx, 
s.  T. ;  Bingham's  Ani.  xri.  v.  4).  [C] 

FANDILA,  presbyter,  martyr  at  Cordoiaj 
commemorated  June  13  (AfoH.  Uiuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FANON.  (1.)  A  bead-dreea  worn  by  the 
pope  when  he  celebrated  man  poutifically.  It 
is  described  by  Ciampini  (  fit.  Hon.  i.  239)  and 
Macri  [Hiefoltx.  a.  r.)  as  a  veil  rariegated,  like 
the  Uosaic  ephod,  with  four  colours,  aymboliaiog 
the  four  elements,  pnt  over  the  head  after  tbe 
pope  waa  vested  with  the  alb,  and  tied  round  the 
neck,  forming  a  kind  of  hood,  the  tiara  or  other 
head-dress  being  put  on  above  lU  The  lower 
part  was  concealed  by  the  pianela  (Bona,  Her. 
Uturg.  I.  24.  15).  Ciampini  givea  the  anneied 
ligure  from  a  anuU  brass  statue  on  tbe  doora  of 
the  or&tory  of  St.  John  Baptist  at  the  Lateran. 
At  the  Pittiklanutn  the"Caerimoniale  Bomanam  " 
directa  that  the  pope    should   wear   the  farwm 


(S.)  The  napkin  or  handkerchief^  i 
taaarivmj  used  by  the  prieat  during  the  ceieor^ 
tion  of  the  masa  to  wipe  away  perspiration  fhm 
the  fhce.  Ik.  (Bona,  Her.  Lilwg.  1.  24.  5;  Rab. 
Hanr.  de  /lut.  CUtr.i.  18;  Angnsti,  BaidbclL 
dtr  drid.  Atvh,  iii.  5D4>     [FiciTEBQitn.} 

(3.)  In  Uter  times  the  white  linen  cloth  in 
which  tbe  laity  made  their  oblations  at  the  altar. 
"  Populni  dat  oblatlone*  suae,  id  eat  panem  et 
rinnm,  et  ofiernnt  cum  /anonibu*  candidit"  Ofdo 
Ramamu;  "cum /anonihu  ofiarunt,"  Amalar. 
ds  offie.  Uiu. ;  Hartene,  de  EocL  rit.  lib.  i.  c  4, 
S  6  ;  Augnati,  u.  ).  il.  649.  The  word  is  some- 
times erroneoualy  spelt  "fhmaes." 

(4.)  A  still  later  use  of  the  word  i*  (br  the 
church  banners,"  TBiilla  Ecclasiastioa,"  employed 
in  procesdous.  This  is  perhaps  not  earliar  than 
the  Frencb  and  German  wrlten  of  the  11th  oen- 
tnry  (Augnsti,  u.  t.  ill.  348,  355). 

(b.)  The  stringi  or  lippeta  of  the  mitra(Wil- 
lemin,  Mommmtt  Awifiti.  pU.  68, 76,  SO)  [£.  V.] 

FABA,  TlrgiD,  of  Heau ;  "  NaUlis  "Dec  7 
(Jfort.  UsuardiJ.  [W.  P.  G.] 

FABO,  bishop,  and  confessor  at  Heaux ;  oom- 
mtmoratad  Oct.  W  (Jfort.  Usuardi).  [W.  ¥.  G.] 

PAST  OF  CHKIBT  IN  THE  DB8EBT, 
THE,  ia  commemorated  In  the  Aethlopic  Calen- 
■  ir  on  Feb.  4  (Daniel's  CWm,  iv.  252).       [C] 

FASTING  (MioTffa,  jejmimi,   lAitinenlia). 

LSting  was  total  or  partial  abatinence  from  food 

r  a  certain  period  ;  it  alio  signified  abstinence 

im  pleainre,  or  from  the  celebration  of  birthdays 

marriageii  or  church  festivals  ;  and  it  had  the 
further  spiritual  aigtiiiication  of  abatinence  from 


662 


FASTING 


FASTING 


sin.  See  the  passages  collected  in  Gunning  (Lmt 
Fcuif  pp.  130-150)  on  the  spiritnal  meaning  of 
fasting. 

1.  The  stated  fasts  of  the  Western  church 
were  these : 

(i.)  The  great  ante-paschal  Fast  of  Lent 
{Quadragesima), 

(ii.)  The  fiists  of  the  first,  fourth,  seventhi  and 
tenth  months,  called  also  Ember  Fastb,  or  the 
fasts  of  the  four  seasons  (jejunia  quatuor  tern- 
porum), 

(iii.)  The  weekly  fasts  of  the  Stations,  Wed- 
nesday and  Friday  (feria  quaria  et  sextOj  stcUumes, 
semijejuniay  rerphs  Koi  irapoffKtviiy, 

(iv.)  The  Rotations  (rogationet  litaniae), 

(y.)  The  Vigils  or  Eves  of  holy  days  (j>emo<>- 
taiioneSf  pervigilid). 

2.  The  Greek  church  kept  in  addition  to  Lent 
three  fasts  of  a  week  each:  Ist  the  Fast  of 
the  Holy  Apostles,  immediately  after  Pentecost 
[Apostles'  Festivals  and  Fasts]  ;  2nd  the 
Fast  of  the  Holy  Mother  of  God  (Sanctae 
Deiparae)  in  August;  3rd  the  Fast  of  the 
Nativity  (Saicer  Thesaurus  s.  v.  yritmia]  Neale 
Introduction  to  Eastern  Churchy  p.  731).  Some 
hare  supposed  (Morinus  de  Penit.,  Appendix, 
p.  124)  that  the  Fast  Sanctae  Deiparae  at  one 
period  lasted  forty  days,  and  began  originally  on 
6th  of  July  and  afterwards  on  1st  of  August, 
and  that  the  Fast  of  the  Nativity  was  also  one 
of  forty  days,  and  began  on  15th  of  November. 

3.  Other  feists  had  only  a  local  or  partial 
obserrance.  The  council  of  Eliberis  (c.  23)  in- 
troduced into  Spain  fasts  of  superposition  (jeju- 
niorum  superpositiones)  for  every  month  in  the 
year  except  July  and  August.  It  does  not  appear 
on  what  days  of  the  month  they  were  kept,  but 
their  name  implies  that  they  were  something 
over  and  above  the  usual  fasting  days.  Bingham 
{Antiq.  xxi.  11  §  5)  quotes  from  Philastrius  the 
mention  of  a  fast  of  three  days  before  Epiphany. 
In  the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  of  York  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs'  Councils  and  Eccl.  Documents^  vol.  iii. 
p.  413)  there  is  the  appointment,  in  addition  to 
the  Ember  fasts,  of  a  period  of  twelve  days  before 
the  Nativity  to  be  spent  in  fastings,  watchings, 
prayers,  and  alms;  on  which  twelve  days  not 
only  were  the  clergy  but  laity  also,  with  their 
wives  and  households,  exhorted  to  resort  to  their 
confessors.  The  seventeenth  council  of  Toledo 
A.D.  694  (c  6)  orders  litany-fasts  (exomolo- 
geses)  to  be  kept  every  month  in  the  Spanish 
and  Gallic  churches  to  supplicate  *^  for  the  safety 
of  the  sovereign,  for  the  preservation  of  the 
people,  and  the  pardon  of  their  sins,  and  the 
expulsion  of  the  devil  from  the  hearts  of  the 
£fiithful."  The  fasts  to  be  observed  throughout 
the  year  in  the  western  monasteries  are  given  in 
detail  by  the  second  council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567, 
c.  17) :  "  From  Easter  to  Pentecost  let  dinner  be 
served  to  the  brothers  every  day  except  on  Ro- 
gation-dajTs ;  after  Pentecost  let  them  fast  an 
entire  week ;  thence  till  the  1st  of  August  let 
all,  except  those  who  are  suffering  from  illness, 
fast  three  dajrs  a  week,  second,  fourth,  and 
sixth  days.  In  August  because  the  Missa  Sane- 
iorum  is  daily  celebrated,  let  them  eat  their 
dinner ;  through  the  whole  of  September,  Octo- 
ber, and  November,  fast  three  days  a  week,  and 
in  Decembe.*  every  day  till  the  Nativity.  And 
because  between  the  Nativity  and  the  Epiphany 
all  days  are  festivals,  with  the  exception  of  the 


three  when  private  litanies  are  to  be  said,  tiiey 
shall  eat  their  dinner ;  and  from  Epiphany  tc 
Lent  fast  three  days  a  week." 

4.  Special  fasting  was  occasionally  ordered  «r 
advised  in  a  diocese  by  the  bishop,  as  Tertolliji 
(de  Jejun.  c  13),  after  he  became  a  Montaaist 
unwillingly  bears  witness.  It  was  also  one  d 
the  means  used  for  preparing  for  the  receptia 
of  a  sacred  ordinance.  Fasting  before  Holy  Goo- 
munion,  if  not  invariable,  had  beconJIe  a  oonoKi 
practice  in  the  4th  century  [Commukion}^  Fast- 
ing before  baptism  can  be  traced  to  a  mad 
earlier  date.  Justin  Martyr  (^Apohg.  L  61) 
mentions  among  the  customs  of  the  tSuistoa 
church  that  candidates  *'are  taught  to  fax 
fasting,  we  fasting  and  praying  with  them."  Te> 
tuUian  (de  Bapt.  c.  20)  exhorts  those  who  are 
about  to  receive  baptism  to  prav  with  frequod 
prayers  and  fastings.  And  the  fourth  council  d 
Carthage,  A.D.  398  (c.  85),  appoints  abetiaeKe 
from  wine  and  meat  among  the  preparations  fe 
baptism  {Apost,  Constt.  vii.  22).  The  odIt 
authority  which  Martene  (de  Sit,  TiiL  4)  dii- 
covers  for  the  practice  of  fasting  before  ordinaiio 
is  from  Leo,  who  (Ep,  ad  Diosc.)  with  referace 
to  ordinations  taking  place  on  Sunday,  speab  of 
the  Saturday's  fast  continuing  both  for  candidatai 
and  bishop  till  the  ordination  was  ov»r.  No 
notice  of  fasting  before  confirmation  is  to  be 
found  before  the  13th  century  (Hartene  de  B&. 
iv.  1). 

5.  Penitential  Fasting,— For    the    first  500 
years  fasting  does  not    appear    to   hare  bea 
imposed  as  a  special  penance,  or  to  have  takea 
place  of  other  penitential  exercises;  but  in  aU 
ages,  so  long  as  penitential  discipline  was  ia 
force,  a  penitent  was  required  to  abstain  froo 
delicacies  of  food  as  from  all  other  bodily  gnii- 
fications  during  his  period  of  punishment.    Ter- 
tuUian  (de  Penit.  c«  9)  defines  a  true  exomologeas 
to  consist,  among  other  duties,  in   "  the  use  d 
simple  things  for^eat  and  drink,  and  in  cherish- 
ing prayer  by  fasts."    Pacian  (Paraen,  ad  Peml, 
c.  19)  makes  his  penitent,  wben   invited  to  a 
feast,  reply,  "  These  things  belong  to  the  hapj^, 
but  as  for  me  1  have  sinned  against  the  LofYL' 
In  the  6th  century  fasting  began  to  be  inflicted 
as  a  special  and  separate  mode  of  penanoe.    Oat 
of  the  canons  of  the  council  of  Agde,  A.a  506 
(c.  60),  appoints  to  those  who  lapse  into  heres j, 
in  place  of  the  longer  term  of  penitence  allotted 
by  the  early  church,  a  fiist  of  two  years,  to  be 
kept  on  the  third  day  of  the  week  without  anj 
break ;  if  at  least  that  is  the  meaning  of  the 
rather  obscure  language  of  the  canon  (nt  biesoifi 
tertio  sine  relaxatione  jejunent).     The  penaDce 
of  fasting  is  found  in  the  early  British  peniteotiai 
canons  attributed  to  Gildas;  and  in  the  Peni- 
teutial  of  Theodore  sentences  of  a  &st  of  so  masr 
days  or  weeks,  or  even  years,  are  very  codiibod 
(Penitential  I.  viii.  3,4,  8,  9;  xii.  8;  xiv.  9). 
and  no  less  so  in  the  Penitential  of  Beide  (liL  5; 
vii.  11),  and  in  that  of  Egbert  (iy.  6 ;  v.  3;  liii. 
4).    The  crimes  for  which  these  sentences  were 
inflicted  in  these  early  English  penitential  books 
are  such  as  could  exist  only  among  a  people  joA 
emerging  from  heathenism.     In  the  Peniteotial 
of  Theodore  (U.  xiv.  i.)  is  found  the  first  notaoe 
of  the  appointment  of  three  regular  fasts  of  f&tij 
days  in  the  year  (tria  legitima  quadxagesifflaX 
forty  days  before  Easter,  forty  days  before  tlta 
Nativity,  and  forty  days  after  Pentecost    Tke 


FA8TINO 


FASTING 


663 


Rale  of  Chrodegang  (c.  82)  with  reference  to  the 
■ame  obserrance,  orders  oonfesnons  to  be  made 
at  each  of  these  three  annnal  quadragesimal  fasts. 
And  the  CSapitularies  of  Charles  the  Great  (ti. 
184)  repeat  in  identical  words  the  iniunction  of 
Theodore  on  the  three  quadragesimal  fasts,  and 
add  that  **  although  some  of  them  lack  canonical 
authority,  jet  it  U  well  for  all  of  us  together  to 
observe  Uiis  custom  in  accordance  with  the 
practice  of  the  people  and  of  our  fore&thers." 
These  haia  were  probably  first  appointed  as 
appropriate  penitential  seasons  for  the  perform- 
ance of  long  periods  of  penance ;  afterwards,  as 
may  be  inferred  from  the  canon  in  the  Capitu- 
laries, they  came  into  partial  use  with  the  people 
at  large.  There  is  no  eyidence  that  they  existed 
earlier  than  the  7th  century,  for  the  councils 
prior  to  Theodore  which  are  strict  in  ordering 
the  people  to  keep  Lent  (e.g.  Cone.  Agath.  c  12 ; 
4  Cone.  AureKan.  c.  2),  contain  no  hint  of  there 
being  more  than  one  such  season  in  the  year ; 
and  the  canon  of  the  second  council  of  Tours 
which  enumerates  the  fasts  of  the  monks,  and 
approaches  nearer  the  time  of  Theodore,  evidently 
recognises  no  Pentecostal  Quadragesima,  for  it 
orders  monks,  whose  self-denial  would  be  more 
severe  than  that  of  the  rest  of  the  church,  to  fast 
only  three  days  a  week  from  Pentecost  till 
August.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  Theodore 
introduced  these  as  penitential  fasts  into  the 
Western  church  fh>m  the  East,  for  in  the  Greek 
Penitential  of  Joannes  Jejunator  two  fiwts  of 
forty  days  in  addition  to  Lent  are  imposed  upon 
penitents,  the  former  of  which  was  called  the 
Quadragesima  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  the 
latter  tne  Quadragesima  of  St.  Philip.  One  of 
the  councils  of  the  Carlovingian  kings,  about 
A.D.  821  (Cone,  apud  vilhm  T/ieodtmis  cc.  2-5) 
held  for  the  purpose  of  devising  means  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  clergy,  inflicts  five  quadragesimal 
fasts  on  any  one  slandering  or  wounding  a  sub- 
deacon,  six  on  the  slanderer  of  a  deacon,  twelve 
of  a  priest,  and  a  lifelong  fiwt  on  the  slanderer  of 
a  bishop.  Even  after  absolution,  &  penitent  was 
sometimes  ordered  to  fast  one  day  a  week  for  the 
remainder  of  his  life — a  sentence  opposed  to  the 
earlier  practice,  by  which  admission  to  commu- 
nion was  a  sign  of  the  forgiveness  of  all  past 
offences. 

The  penitential  fiutts  were  observed  with 
various  degrees  of  severity.  In  the  East  the 
Penitential  of  Joannes  Jejunator  allows  penitents 
on  the  second,  fourth,  and  sixth  days  of  the  week 
to  eat  oil  and  beans  with  oil,  but  orders  them  to 
abstain  from  cheese,  eggs,  flesh,  and  fish ;  on  the 
third  and  fifth  days  eat  everything  freely  except 
fiesh;  and  on  the  first  and  seventh  days  use 
wine  and  flesh  as  if  under  no  punishment.  In 
the  Anglo-Saxon  church  Egbert  (Penitential  iv. 
15)  directs  penitents  to  rast  three  days  each 
week,  without  specifying  the  days,  from  wine, 
mead  (medo),  and  flesh,  till  the  evening,  and  eat 
only  dry  food ;  and  also  keep  three  quadragesimal 
fasts  in  the  year  on  dry  food,  two  days  a  week 
till  the  evening,  and  three  days  till  three 
o'clock.  Burchud  (Deoret.  xix.  9,  10)  referring 
to  this  direction  fh>m  the  Penitential,  states  the 
following  to  have  been  the  manner  in  which  a 
last  of  two  years  on  bread  and  watar  was  kept. 
^'For  first  year  fast  three  days  in  each  week, 
second,  fourth,  and  sixth,  on  bread  and  water ; 
•■d  three  days,  thifd,  fifth,  and  seventh,  abstain 


from  wine,  mead  (medo),  beer  flavoured  with 
honey  (mellita  cervisia)  flesh  and  blood,  cheese, 
eggs,  and  rich  fish  of  various  sorts,  and  eat  only 
small  fish  if  they  are  to  be  got,  but  if  not,  fish 
of  one  kind  only,  and  beans,  and  herbs,  and 
apples,  and  drink  beer."  This  list  makes  no 
mention  of  Lent,  because  it  is  assumed  to  be 
spent  entirely  on  bread  and  water.  '*  The  next 
year  the  penitent  should  fast  two  days,  second 
and  fourth,  till  the  evening,  and  then  refresh 
himself  with  dry  food,  t.tf.  bread  and  dry  cooked 
beans,  or  apples,  or  raw  herbs ;  let  him  select 
one  of  these  three,  and  drink  beer  sparingly ;  on 
the  sixth  day  let  him  fast  on  bread  and  water." 
In  some  cases  no  additional  time  of  abstinence 
was  imposed,  but  only  a  greater  rigour  during 
the  ordinary  ecclesiastical  hsta.  A  very  old 
sacramentary,  assigned  by  Morinus  to  the  8tn  cen- 
tury, directs  the  actual  incarceration  of  a  penitent 
through  Lent;  '*Take  him  in  the  morning  of 
the  first  day  of  Lent  and  cover  him  with  ashes, 
and  pray  for  him,  and  shut  him  up  till  the 
Thuxvday  of  Holy  Week  (feria  quinta  in  coena 
Domini),  and  on  the  Thursday  of  Holy  Week  he 
may  come  forth  from  the  place  in  which  he  has 
performed  his  penance."  A  Gothic  codex  from 
the  monastery  of  Kemigius  of  Rheims,  dating 
probably  from  the  next  century,  also  orders 
imprisonment  through  Lent,  but  instead  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  penitent  being  covered  with 
ashes,  directs  that  a  few  should  be  sprinkled  on 
his  head,  and  that  they  should  be  blessed.  This 
severity  was  relaxed  before  the  10th  century, 
and  penitents  were  assigned  a  parish  or  district 
in  which  to  confine  themselves  through  Lent. 
But  both  incarceration  and  confinement  within 
bounds  were  deviations  from  an  older  practice  of 
shutting  up  a  penitent  in  a  monastery  (1  Cone. 
Matiscon.  cc.  5,  8). 

6.  Exemptions  from  Fasting. — ^A  superstitious 
abstinence  from  flesh  and  wine  on  pretence  of 
keeping  a  stricter  fast  was  forbidden.  The 
Aptjatoiioal  Canons  (cc.  52,  58)  direct  that  if  any 
of  the  clergy  abstain  from  marriage,  flesh,  or 
wine,  not  for  exercise,  but  abhorrence^  forgetting 
that  Qod  made  all  things  very  good,  they  shall 
be  deposed  (Cone.  Aneyr.  c  14 ;  Cone,  Oangr.  c. 
2).  The  first  council  of  Braga,  ▲.D.  563  (c  14^ 
orders,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  clergy 
who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  abstaining  from 
meat,  to  eat  vegetables  boiled  with  meat,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  suspicion  of  being  infected 
with  the  Priscillian  heresy. 

Fasting  was  strictly  forbidden  on  all  Sundays 
throughout  the  year  in  every  part  of  the  church. 
The  reason  of  this  prohibition  was  that  £uting 
was  held  inconsistent  with  the  observance  of  so 
high  a  festival.    [Lord's  Dat.] 

The  observance  of  Saturday  was,  as  is  well 
known,  one  of  the  points  in  dispute  between 
the  Eastern  and  Western  churches.  In  the  East 
it  was  always  observed  as  a  festival,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Paschal  Vigil,  the  Ortat  Sabbath, 
in  which  Christ  lay  in  the  grave,  which  was 
kept  as  a  fast  both  in  East  and  West  (Apost. 
Constt.  ii.  59 ;  v.  15.  20 ;  vii.  23 ;  viii.  33 ;  Cone. 
Laod.  cc.  49,  51 ;  Cone,  in  TrtUl.  c  55).  [Sab- 
bath.] 

It  was  not  customary  to  fast  on  any  festivals, 
nor  consequently  to  hold  festivals  during  seasons 
of  fiisting.  The  council  of  Laodicea,  A.D.  320 
(c   51),  forbids  the  celebration  of  festivals  ol 


664 


FASTING 


FiJSTING 


martjm  in  Lent,  but  orders  them  to  be  kept  on 
Saturdays  and  Sundays.  Another  canon  (c.  52) 
forbids  the  celebration  of  marriages  or  birthdays 
in  Lent.  The  Greek  church  held  no  festiral 
through  Lent  except  the  Annunciation,  a  festival 
which  the  tenth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  656  (c.  1), 
ordered  to  be  held  eight  days  before  Christmas. 
[Maky  the  Viboin,  FEffnvALB  or.]  The 
church  at  Milan  held  no  mtssa  sandorum  what- 
ever throughout  Lent. 

The  non-observance  of  a  fast  was  permitted  in 
the  case  of  weakness  or  sickness  (ApMi.  Can.  68, 
2  Cone,  Turon,  c.  17).  To  these  grounds  of 
excuse  the  eighth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  653  (c  9^ 
adds  old  age  or  strong  necessity.  The  council  of 
£liberis  (c.  23)  had  allowed  the  Spanish  churches 
to  omit  the  monthly  &st8  in  the  sultry  heat  of 
July  and  August. 

7.  Manner  of  Fasting. — A  fast  day  in  the  early 
church  was  kept  by  a  literal  abstinence  from 
food  till  the  erening,  and  then  a  simple  meal  was 
eaten.  Ambrose  (S«  Elia  et  J^un.  c  10)  speaks 
of  the  fast  during  Lent  continuing  through  the 
whole  day;  and  Ghrysostom  (^Hom.  6  in  Qen. 
p.  60 ;  Horn.  8  in  Qen.  p.  79)  rebukes  the  folly 
of  those  who  abstain  all  day  from  food  and  do  not 
abstain  from  sin.  There  was  no  restriction  upon 
the  kind  of  food  eaten  at  the  evening  meal, 
provided  only  it  ms  partaken  of  sparingly. 
Many,  no  doubt,  refused  meat  or  wine  during 
the  greater  fasts,  and  contented  themselves  with 
bread  and  water,  Xerophagia  (TertuUian  de  Jejwu 
c.  11);  bat  that  there  was  no  settled  rule,  and 
that  the  choice  of  diet  was  left  very  mucii  to 
individual  discretion  lb  evident  from  the  account 
given  by  Socrates  (^T.  E.  v.  22)  of  the  variety  of 
the  observances  of  the  Western  church ;  '*  some 
abstain  from  every  sort  of  creature  that  has  life ; 
others  eat  fish  only  of  living  creatures;  others 
eat  birds  as  we'l  as  fish,  because,  according  to 
the  Mosaic  account  of  the  creation,  they  too 
sprung  from  the  water ;  others  abstain  from 
fruit  covered  with  a  hard  shell,  and  from  eggs ; 
some  eat  dry  bread  only,  others  not  even  that ; 
others  again  when  they  have  fasted  till  three 
o'clock  eat  varieties  of  food."  The  Greek 
church  kept  Lent  very  strictly,  eating  neither 
fish,  nor  eggs,  nor  milk,  nor  oil ;  but  on  the 
other  fasts,  except  on  the  fourth  and  sixth  days, 
these  were  allowed.  The  great  Sabbath  fast  of 
the  Paschal  Vigil  was  sustained  not  only  till  the 
evening,  but  till  cockcrowing  on  Easter  morning 
(Apost.  Const.  V.  18).  But  the  other  appointed 
seasons  were  kept  with  less  rigour  than  that  of 
Lent,  and  the  &st,  instead  of  continuing  till  the 
evening  meal,  was  broken  at  the  ninth  hour 
(three  o'clock),  the  hour  on  which  our  Lord 
expired  on  the  cross.  This  was  the  hour  at 
which  the  fast  of  the  Stations  ceased  (Epipbanins 
Expos.  Fid,  c.  22).  And  the  English  council  of 
Clovesho,  A.D.  747  (c.  16),  orders  the  Rogations 
to  be  kept  till  three  o'clock.  The  food  which 
was  thus  saved  by  abridging  the  number  of 
meals  it  was  considered  a  pious  act  to  bestow 
upon  the  poor  (Origen,  Horn.  10.  in  Levit.  ;  Leo, 
Serm.  3  de  Jejun.  Pentecost.;  Chrysol.  Serm, 
8  de  J^un.).  Another  practice  mentioned  by 
TertuUian  (de  Orat.  c  18)  was  refraining  from 
the  kiss  of  peace  while  a  fast  lasted.  A  change 
of  dress  during  fasting  was  confined  chiefly  to 
penitents  [P£NITENG£],  although  TertuUian 
l^Apolog.  c.  40),  if  his  language   is  not  merely 


rhetorical,  speaks  of  pious  Christiaiis  in  eontnri 
with  heathen  self-indulgence,  **  being  dried  vp 
with  &sting  and  prostrating  themselres  in  sack- 
cloth and  ashes."  And  at  a  much  later  date  tlis 
council  of  Mayence,  ^.d.  813  (c.  33X  orders  the 
greater  Litany  to  be  observed  for  three  days  liy 
all  ChriBtians,  *'  not  riding  nor  dc^ed  in  rick 
garments,  but  barefoot  and  clothed  in  sackdetk 
and  ashes."  [G.  M.] 

8.  Fast   after  Commtmion. — St.  Ghrysostom, 
on  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  spesb 
as  follows :  "  Before  receiving  then  fisstest,  tksl 
thou  mayest  by  any  means  appear  worthy  a 
the  communion.     But  when  thou  hast  received, 
it  being  thy  duty  to  persevere  in  self-eontrol, 
thou  undoest  all.    Not  that  sobrietj  before  tkis 
and  afterwards  are  of  equal  importance.     For  it 
is  our  duty,  indeed,  to  exercise  self-control  st 
both  times,  but  especially  afler  receiving  the 
Bridegroom ;  before  this  indeed  that  thou  mayet 
be  worthy  to  partake ;  but  afterwards  that  thsa 
mayest  not  be  found  unworthy  of  that  of  whidi 
thou  hast  partaken.    What  I    Ought  we  Ut  hA 
after  partaking  ?    I  do  not  say  so,  nor  do  I  me 
constraint.     For  indeed  this  also  is  good,  but  I 
am  not  enforcing  it,  only  advising  jojx  not  to  be 
self-indulgent  to  excess "  {Horn.  xxriL  ad  c  xl 
V.  27.)    We  should  infer  from  this  peasage  tbst 
the  hearers  of  St.  Ghrysostom  neither  had  thcBH 
selves,  nor  knew  of,  any  custom  of  abstaiaiag 
from  ordinary  fbod,  for  however  short  a  time, 
after  receiving  the  Holy  Communion.     Nor  hare 
we  any  evidence  that  his  advice  led  to  the  fmr- 
mation  of  such  a  habit  in  the  memben  of  the 
Greek  or  Oriental  diurches.    In  the  West,  oa 
the  other  hand,  we  meet  with  occasional  noUoes 
of  the  practice  from  the  6th  century  downwards; 
and  it  is  probable  that  it  survived,  as  the  piooi 
custom  of  a  few,  to  the  14th,  or  even  later.    A 
canon  of  the  council  of  Mftcon  held  in  585  coa- 
tains  the  earliest  reference,  if  the  writer  mistake 
not,  to  this  post-communion  fast.     We  give  the 
decree  in  full :  '^  Whatever  relics  of  the  sacnfiecs 
shall  be  left  over  in  the  sacrarinm    alter  the 
mass  is  finished,  let  innocent  children  be  brought 
to  the  church  on  Wednesday  or  Friday  by  Urn 
whose  business  it  is,  and,  let  them,  being  etgoiati 
a  fast,  receive  the  said  relics  sprinkled  with 
wine"  (Can.  6;  Labb.  Cone,  tom.  t.  col.  983> 
Among  the  Forged  Decretals  is  an  epistle  par- 
porting  to  be  written  by  Clement  of  Rome  to 
St.  James  the  Lord's  brother.    The  greater  psit 
of  this  epistle  appears  to  have  been  composed  ia 
the  8th  century,  and  in  that  earlier  portion  we 
find  a  direction  to  this  efiect,  via.  that  the  re- 
mainder of  the  consecrated  elements  *'  is  not  to 
be  kept  till  the  morning,  but  is  by  the  care  of 
the  clerks  to  be  consumed  with  fear  and  tieo- 
bling.     But  they  who  consume  the  remainder  d 
the  Lord's  body,  which  has  been   left  in  th« 
sacrarium,  are  not  to    assemble  forthwith  to 
partake  of  common  food,  nor  to  presume  to  mix 
food  with  the  holy  portion  ....  If  therefitfe 
the  Lord's  portion  be  given  to  them  at  an  esrly 
hour,  let  the  ministers  who  have  consomed  it  iui 
till  the  sixth ;  and  if  they  have  received  it  si 
the  third  or  the  fourth,  let  them  fast  till  erea- 
ing  "  (Praecepta  8.  Petri,  inter  0pp.  S.  Leonis,  ed. 
Bailer,   tom.  iii.  p.  674).    There  is  a  law  of 
Charlemagne,    A.D.    809,    with    this    headiag, 
<<  Touching  thoB«  who  have  communicated,  thst 
they  wait  three  honrs^  on  account  of  the  mixiBg 


FATHER 


FEBBONU 


665 


of  the  food.**  The  decree  itself  says  ''two  or 
three  hours'*  {Capitularia  £egum  Franoonum^ 
torn.  i.  coL  1213.  Similarly  col.  1224).  Regino 
(De  Eod,  Discipl,  lib.  1.  c  cxcv.)  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  10th  centnry,  and  Gratian  {Deer.  P. 
iii.  Dist.  ii.  c.  xxiii.)  in  the  12th  give  the  passage 
from  peendo-Clement  as  above  quoted.  It  was 
therefore  well  known  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  Middle  Ages.  In  the  13th  century  we  find 
it  cited  from  Qratian  by  Thomas  Aquinas,  who 
acknowledges  the  principle,  while  he  declares  the 
rule  obsolete  (^Summa  TheoL  P.  iii.  Qu.  Ixzx.  Art. 
riii.  ad  6m).  There  is,  howerer,  as  we  have  already 
intimated,  some  reason  to  think  that  the  practice 
which  Aquinas  evidently  considered  altogether 
gone  by  was  yet  observed  by  some  long  afler  his 
time.  In  England  John  de  Burgo,  A.D.  1385, 
refers  to  our  subject  in  this  manner:  ''After 
taking  the  eucharist  it  is  meet  for  reverence 
thereof  to  abstain  for  some  time  from  food,  but 
not  very  long.  For  preparation  by  abstinence 
and  devotion  is  more  required  before  receiving 
the  eucharist  than  after.  For  the  sacrament  has 
ita  effect  at  the  reception  itself^  and  therefore 
actual  devotion  is  required  then ;  but  after  the 
reception  habitual  devotion  suffices*'  {Ptipiila 
Oculiy  P.  iv.  c.  viii.  ad  lit.  H.).  It  is  also  thus 
mentioned  by  Duranti,  who  was  murdered  by 
the  partisans  of  the  League  in  1589,  "  Not  only 
ought  men  to  be  fasting  when  about  to  sacrifice 
and  communicate,  but  they  ought  also  in  honour 
of  the  sacrament  to  abstain  ^m  all  food  some 
time  after"  (De  £U.  Eod,  L.  ii.  c  vii.  §  6.) 

[W.  E.  S.] 

FATHER  (Pater).  1.  A  name  rhetorically 
given  to  the  priests  of  any  religion  (Amobins, 
Adv.  Gent.  lib.  4,  c.  19). 

2.  Commonly  applied  to  Christian  bishops. 
Epiphanius  {Haeres.  Adv.  Aerian.  n.  4)  says  that 
the  reason  of  the  title  is  that  by  their  right  of 
ordaining  they  beget  fathers  to  the  church. 
Jerome  (Ep.  52,  ad  Theoph.  ed.  Migne)  says  that 
bishops  are  content  with  their  own  honour,  for 
they  know  that  they  are  fathers  and  not  lords. 
Augustine  (C'crnim.  in  Pa.  44)  says  that  the 
church  itself  calls  them  fiithers.  Chrysostom 
(^ffom.  3,  ad  Pop.  Antioch,)  speaks  of  looking  to 
the  bishop^s  throne  and  not  seeing  the  £fither 
npon  it.  The  decrees  of  the  council  of  Nice  are 
usually  cited  as  those  of  the  318  fathers  (/.  Cone 
Nic.  Proem. ;  I.  Cone.  Constantin.  c  1). 

3.  To  a  godfather.  In  the  life  of  Epiphanius 
it  is  said  that  one  Lucian  became  his  father  in 
holy  baptism  (Epiph.  VUa,  n.  8).  So  Ruffinus 
(in  Hieron.  Invect.  c  1)  says  that  the  same 
person  was  his  instructor  in  the  creed  and  his 
father. 

4.  It  is  said  that  Charles  Martel  sent  his  son 
Pepin  to  Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  who 
cut  his  hair  according  to  custom,  "juxta  morem," 
and  thus  became  his  father,  "  ei  pater  effectus 
est "  (Paulus  Diaconus,  Hist.  Longobard.  vi.  53). 

5.  To  the  priest  by  whom  baptism  was  ad- 
ministered. Avitus  of  Vienne  (hotn.  de  Pogatyy 
says  that  Mamertus  was  both  his  predecessor 
and  his  spiritual  father  by  baptism,  "  spiritaiis 
a  baptismo  pater.'*  So(Theodori  Cantuar.  Poeni- 
tentiaUf  IL  iv.  8)  it  ib  stated  that  one  father  is 
sufficient  to  administer  baptism,  "  in  catechumeno 
•t  oonfinnatione  et  baptismo  unus  potest  esse 
pater." 


6.  To  a  confessor.  One  of  the  Benedictme 
rules  provided  that  no  monk  should  become  a 
spiritual  father  without  the  consent  of  the 
abbot  (Beg.  Tamat  a.d.  circa  570 ;  Migne's 
Patrol,  i.  66,  coU.  977). 

7.  The  title  "father  of  fathers"  was  some- 
times assigned  to  eminent  bishops.  In  one  place 
it  is  given  to  the  apostle  Paul  (Quaest.  ad  Ortho' 
dox.  c  119,  apud  Justin  Mart.  Oj^.y,  Athana> 
sins  (ad  Solitar.  Vit.  Agent,  c.  1)  speaks  of 
Uosius  as  being  by  universal  consent  called  the 
father  of  bishops.  Gregory  Nazianzen  (Orat.  19 ; 
De  Funeb.  Pair.  §  44)  says  that  his  father  was 
called  the  father  of  all  the  bishops  (hpx^pias). 
Gregory  the  Great  (Epist.  vi.)  addresses  Lupus 
of  Troyes,  as  "father  of  fathers,  bishop  of 
bishops."  In  a  letter  from  the  African  bishops 
which  was  read  at  the  1st  Lateran  council,  at 
the  close  of  the  epistle,  Theodore,  bishop  of  Rome, 
is  styled  "  father  of  fathers."  In  a  letter  read 
at  the  6th  council  of  Constantinople  (Act  13), 
Sergius  is  addressed  in  the  same  manner.  At  the 
2nd  council  of  Nice,  A.D.  787  (Act  6),  Gregory 
Nyssen  is  said  to  have  been  called  "father  of 
fathers  "  bv  universal  consent. 

8.  The  head  of  a  monastery  was  naturally 
called  Pater  by  Latins,  as  Abbas  by  Orientals ; 
thus  Augustine  (De  Mor,  Eod.  Cath.  i.  31) 
speaks  of  the  respect  to  be  paid  by  the  Decani  to 
the  one  "  quem  Patrem  appellant ;"  and  Gregory 
the  Great  (Dial.  i.  1 ;  cf.  ii.  3 ;  iii.  23)  speaks 
of  one  who  was  "  Pater "  in  a  monastery  over 
200  monks.  [P.  0.] 

FAU8TA.    [EviLAaius.] 

FAUSTIKUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Bresda ;  com- 
memorated with  Jovita,  virgin,  Feb.  15  (Mart. 
Usuardi),  Feb.  16  (Mart.  Hieron.). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Simplicius,  his 
brother,  and  Beatrix,  his  sister,  in  the  time  of 
Diocletian ;  commemorated  July  29  (Mart. 
Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Col. 
Allata  et  Frontonis). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Milan  in  the  time  of  Aurelins 
Commodus;  commemorated  Aug.  7  (Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FAUSTUS.    (1)  {Feux  (5).] 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Bonus  the  pres- 
byter, Maurus,  and  seven  others ;  commemorated 
Aug.  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Holy  Father,  A.D.  368;  commemorated 
Aug.  3  (Cal.  Byzant.y, 

(4)  Martyr  at  Milan ;  commemorated  Aug.  7 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet.}. 

(5)  Saint,  at  Antioch;  commemorated  with 
Timotheus,  Sept.  8  (Mart.  Usuardi,  Hieron.). 

(6)  Martyr  at  Cordora  with  Januarius  and 
Martialis ;  commemorated  Sept.  28  (Mart.  Pom. 
Vet.,  Adonis);  *'Passio"  Oct.  13  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

(7)  Deacon  and  martyr ;  commemorated  Nov. 
19  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi);  with  Eusebius 
(Mart.  Rom.  Vet.). 

(8)  [Dius  (2).]  [W.  F.  G.] 

FEASTS  OF  CHABITT.    [Aoapae.] 

FEBRONIA.  (1)  With  Marina,  virgins;  com- 
memorated Sept.  24  (Cal.  Armen.). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Nisibis,  A.D.  286 ;  commemorated 
June  25  (Cal.  Byxant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 


666 


FEET,  WASHING  OF 


FEET,  WASHING  OF.  [BAPnaif,  §§  34, 
67 ;  Maundt  Thursday.] 

FEILIBE,  THE,  of  Aenous  thb  Culdee. 
The  word  Feilire,  derived  from  *'  fell "  the  Irish 
eqniyalent  of  vigilia,  is  applied  to  the  metrical 
festology  composed  by  Aengus  the  Culdee  about 
the  year  780.  It  is  the  most  ancient  of  five 
martjrologies  belonging  to  Ireland.  The  others 
are  (1.)  Tlie  martyrology  of  Tamhlacht,  which 
most  have  been  written  after  845.  (2.)  That  of 
Maelmoire  na  Gorman,  dating  from  between 
1156-1173.  (3.)  The  SalUir  na  Rann,  which, 
however,  contains  only  fonr  Gaelic  entries ;  and 
(4.)  The  Kalendar  of  the  Dnimmond  Missal, 
published  in  Bishop  Forbes'  Kalendars  of  the 
Scottish  saints. 

Of  the  personal  history  of  Aengus  we  know 
that  he  was  educated  in  Cluain  £dnach  in 
Queen's  County,  and  travelling  into  Munster 
founded  Disert  Aengusa  in  oo.  Limerick.  At  the 
time  of  the  expedition  of  king  Aedh  Oirdnidhe 
against  Leinster  in  799  he  was  residing  at  Dis- 
ei*t  Bethec  near  Monasterevin.  Latterly  he  went 
to  abbot  Maelruain  at  Tamhlacht,  when  he  from 
humility  concealed  his  gifts,  and  passing  himself 
aa  a  serving  man  was  entrusted  with  the  charge  of 
the  mill  and  kiln,  till  at  last  his  learning  was 
discovered  by  accident. 

The  Feilire  consists  of  three  parts.  1.  Five 
quatrains  invoking  a  blessing  on  the  poet  and 
his  work.  2.  A  pi*eface  of  220  quatrains ;  and 
3.  The  festologY  itself  in  365  quatrains  for 
evenr  day  in  the  year  (O'Curry,  Early  Eocl. 
MSS.  of  Irdand,  pp.  359-371.  [A.  P.  F.] 

FELIGIANUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  with 
Fortunatus,  Firmus,  and  Candidus ;  commemor- 
ated Feb.  2  (Mart  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Primus  under  Dio- 
cletian and  Maximian ;  commemorated  June  9 
(Mart  Bom.  Vet.f  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Col. 
Allatii  et  IhmtoniSf  Sacramentarium  OregorHy, 

(8)  [Victor  (10).] 

(4)  Martyr  in  Lucania  with  Jacinctus,  Qui- 
ritus,  and  Lucius ;  commemorated  Oct.  29  (Mart. 
Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(5)  [ExsuPERius  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] 

FELICISSIMA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Falari 
with  Gracilianus;  "Passio"  Aug.  12  (Mart, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FELIOISSmUS.    (1)  [HEBAGunB  (3>] 
(2)  [Feui  (14).] 
(8)  [SiXTUB  (2).] 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa,  with  Rogatianus,  the 
presbyter,  under  Decius  and  Valerian ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  26  (Mart.  Som,  Vet^  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi). 

(5)  Saint,  of  Perugia  in  Tuscany ;  *'  Natalis  " 
Nov.  24  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi).     [W.  F.  G.] 

FELICITAS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Tuburbo  (at 
Carthage,  Bede)  with  Perpetua,  Revocatus,  Sa- 
turninus,  and  Secundolus,  under  Severus ;  com- 
memorated March  7  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron., 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  CoU.  Bucher.). 

(8)  Martyr  under  Antoninus ;  commemorated 
Nov.  23  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis, 
UsuardiV  [W.  F.  G.] 

FELIGULA.     (1)    Martyr  at  Rome  with 


FELIX 

Vitalis  and  Zeno ;  commemorated  Feb.  14  (Mori 
Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(S)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Rome ;  oommemoratcd 
June  13  (Mart.  Bern,  Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Us«- 
aidi).  rW.  F.  G.] 

FEUX.  (1)  Saint,  at  Heraclea ;  oommc- 
morated  with  Januarius,  Jan.  7  (Mart.  Hierm^ 
Usuardi). 

(S)  Presbyter,  confessor  at  Nola  in  Campenia ; 
commemorated  Jan.  14  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  HicroB^ 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cat.  Oarih.y. 

(8)  [Dativus  (1).] 

(4)  [Hilary  (2).] 

(5)  Martyr  at  Caesaraugusta  with  seroiteeB 
others:  Apodemus,  Cassianus,  Cecilianus,  Evntos, 
Faustus,  Fronto,  Januarius,  Julius,  Lupercns, 
Matutinus,  Martialis,  Optatus,  Primitivus,  Pub- 
liua,  Quintilianus,  Suocessus,  Urbanus ;  comme- 
morated April  16  (Mart.  Usuardi)^  April  15 
(Mart.  Adonis). 

(6)  Saint,  of  Alexandria ;  commemorated  with 
Arstor,  presbyter,  Fortunus,  Silvius,  and  Vita- 
lis, April  21  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  [Tsiiaitli)^ 

(7)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Valence  in  France 
with  Fortunatus  and  Achilleua,  deacons;  com- 
memorated April  23  (Tb.y 

(8)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Spoletum  under  Maxi- 
mian ;  commemorated  May  18  (Mart.  Usuardi)L 

(9)  Martyr  in  Istria  with  Zoellius,  Servilhis, 
SilvanuB,  and  Diocles ;  commemorated  May  24 
(lb.). 

(10)  Saint,  in  Sardinia ;  commemoraied  with 
Aemilius,  Priamus,  Lucianus,  May  28  (Mart.  Bom, 
Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(11)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  onder  the 
emperor  Claudius ;  commemorated  May  30  (Mart. 
Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(12)  Martyr  in  Aquileia  with  Fortunatus 
under  Diocletian  and  Maximian ;  ^  Passio  "  June 
11  (lb.). 

(18)  Presbyter,  martyr  in  Tuscany;  comme- 
morated June  23  (Mart,  Usuardi). 

(14)  Martyr  in  Campania  with  Aristo,  Cre- 
scentianus,  Eutychianus,  Felidssimus,  Justus, 
Martia,  Symphorosa,  Urbanus,  and  Vitalis ;  com- 
memorated July  2  (Mori,  Adonis,  Usuardiji 

(16)  Son  of  Felicitas  (2),  martyr  in  the  time 
of  Antoninus ;  commemorated  with  his  six  bro- 
thers, Alexander,  Januarius,  Martialis,  Philip, 
Silvanus,  ViUlis,  July  10  (Mart.  Bom.  F«t, 
bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(16)  Martvr  in  Africa;  commemorated  with 
Januarius,  Ikfarinus,  and  Nabor,  July  10  (lf«i'i. 
Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(17)  [SCILLITA.] 

(18)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Con- 
stantiuB  Augustus;  commemorated  J»ly  29 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bedae,  Usuardi);  ••Pasoo" 
Nov.  10 ;  deposition  Nov.  17  (MarL  AdonisX 

(10)  Martyr  at  Gerona  in  Spain;  commemo- 
rated Aug.  1  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(80)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Aprilis,  Martialis, 
Satuminus,  and  their  companions;  commemo- 
rated Aug.  22  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adoui, 
Usuardi). 

(81)  [Georoius  (4).] 


FEMOBALIA 

(8S)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Aduuctna 
under  Diocletian  and  Mazimian ;  commemorated 
Aug.  30  (Mart,  Rom,  F«f.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi,  CaL  AUaiu  et  FixnUanit}. 

(98)  Bishop  of  Tubzoca,  martjr  at  Vennsia  in 
Apulia  in  the  time  of  Diodetian,  with  Audactus 
and  Jannariua,  presbyters,  Fortunatianus  and 
Septiminus,  readers ;  commemorated  Aug.  30 
(Mart,  Bedae),  Oct.  24  (Mart.  Eom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi)k 

(94)  Bishop,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Neme- 
sianus  and  Lucius,  bishops ;  also  with  Datiyus, 
Felix,  Jader,  Litteus,  Polianus,  and  Victor,  under 
Decius  and  Valerian;  commemorated  Sept.  10 
(^Mart,  Rom.  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(95)  [Felix  (24>] 

(96)  Martyr  at  Nuoeria  with  Constantia,  under 
Nero;  commemorated  Sept.  19  (Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

r97)  Martyr  at  Autun,  with  Andochius,  pres- 
byter, and  Tyrsus,  deacon,  under  the  emperor 
Aurelian ;  commemorated  Sept.  24  (Mart.  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(98)  Bishop,  martyr  in  AfHca  with  Cyprian 
and  4976  others,  under  Hunnericus ;  commemo- 
rated Oct.  12  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi). 

(99)  [ED8EBIU8  (8).] 

(80)  Martyr  at  Toniza  in  Africa;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  6  (Mart.  Rom,  Vet,^  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(81)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Nola  in  Campania  with 
thirty  others;  commemorated  Not.  15  (Mart, 
Rom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  O.] 

FEMOBALIA  or  FEMINALIA.  These 
are  drawers  or  breeches  covering  the  thighs  and 
loins,  as  the  derivation  implies.  (See  Isidore 
Hispal.  Etjfm.  zix.  22.)  They  were  an  essential 
part  of  the  dress  of  the  Levitical  priesthood 
(Ex.  zxviii.  42,  43),  and  as  such  are  often  re- 
ferred to  by  the  fathers  (see  e.  g,  Jerome,*  Epist. 
64,  ad  FabMam ;  i.  360,  ed.  Vallarsi),  many  of 
whom  are  delighted  to  find  a  symbolical  meaning 
in  thii  as  in  other  vestments. 

The  injunction  as  to  the  wearing  of  breeches 
during  divine  service  is  repeated  in  sundry 
monastic  rules.  Thus  the  RiUe  of  Fructuosus, 
bishop  of  Bracara,  when  settling  the  dress  to 
be  worn  by  monks,  permits  the  use  of  femoralia 
to  all,  but  *^  maxime  his  qui  ministerio  impli- 
cantur  altaris "  (Regula  8.  Fructttosi,  c  45 :  in 
Holstenius,  Codex  Reguiarwn,  piirt  2,  p.  139,  ed. 
Paris,  1663;  cf.  Grimlaici  Sotitariorum  Regula, 
c.  49 ;  op.  dt.p,  341).  For  general  rules  as  to 
this  and  other  articles  of  monastic  dress  see 
Magistri  Regula,  c  81  (op,  cit.  p.  257>  The 
Ruie  of  St.  Benedict  enjoins  that  monks  who 
were  going  on  a  journey  should  borrow  femoralia 
from  the  Vetiiarimn,  and  on  their  return  should 
restore  them  thither  washed: — ^femoralia,  ii 
qui  diriguntur  in  via,  de  Vestiario  accipiant,  qui 
revertentes  lota  ibi  restituant "  (c  55 ;  p.  117,  ed. 
Venice,  1723).  For  farther  references,  see  Du- 
cange's  Qloeearium,  s.  w.,  and  Menard's  note  to 
the'  Conoordia  Regularum  (Patrol,  ciii.  1235). 

[R.  S.] 

FENOIKG-MABTEBS.  [Qladiatobs;  La- 

nSTAE.] 


FERIA 


667 


FERETRUM,  a  bier  on  which  the  corpse, 
after  washing,  was  placed  and  carried  to  burial 
[Burial  of  the  Dead].  It  was  as  a  rule  made 
of  wood,  in  which  Ambrose  (in  Luc,  ¥iL  14)  sees 
a  mystical  allusion  to  the  resurrection,  drawn 
from  the  miracle  at  Nain  (Durant.  de  Rit3>.  lib. 
i.  c.  23).  The  feretrum  of  Constantine  the  Great 
appears  to  have  been  of  gold,  like  his  coffin 
(Euseb.  Vit,  Const,  lib.  iv.  c.  66).  The  bier  was 
covered  with  a  pall,  more  or  less  oostlj,  accord- 
ing to  the  rank  of  the  deceased.  That  of  Con- 
stantine was  of  purple  (iiXovpyucS  iXovpyf^i). 
That  of  Blesilla,  the  daughter  of  Paula,  was  of 
cloth  of  gold,  against  which  Jerome  remonstrated 
vehemently  as  an  unchristian  extravagance 
(Hieron.  Ep,  25).  Constantine's  bier  was  sur* 
rounded  with  a  circle  of  lights  burning  in  golden 
candlesticks  (Euseb.  u,  s.).  The  bier  was  carried 
to  the  grave  sometimes  by  relations  or  near 
friends,  sometimes  by  officials  designated  to  that 
duty  (Gopiatae,  decani,  lectioariC),  and  in  the  case 
of  persons  of  high  dignity  or  sanctity  by  bishops 
and  nobles,  e,g.,  Basil  by  his  clergy  (Greg.  Mag. 
Orat.  xz.),  his  sister  Macrina  by  Gregory  Nyssen, 
and  other  clergy  (Greg.  Nys.  vit.  Macr.  tom.  ii. 
p.  201);  Paula,  by  the  bufhops  of  Palestine, 
*'  oervicem  feretro  subjicientibus "  (Hieron.  Ep, 
27>  [E.  v.] 

FERIA.  The  proper  sense  of  this  word  is 
that  of  a  holyday,  of  a  festival  viewed  in  the 
aspect  of  a  day  of  freedom  from  worldly  business. 
It  is  in  this  meaning  that  we  find  the  word  in 
classical  Latin,  though  here  it  occurs  exclusively 
in  the  plural.  Besides  this,  however,  the  word 
has  been  used  in  a  special  sense  in  the  Cbristiun 
church  f^om  very  early  times  to  denote  the  days 
of  the  week,  feria  eecunda,  tertia,  &c,  for  Mon- 
day, Tuesday,  &c 

The  origin  of  this  system  of  notation  cannot 
be  stated  with  absolute  certainty.  It  is  explained 
by  Ducange  (Ghssarium,  s.  v.)  as  arising  from 
the  fact  that  the  week  following  Easter  Day  was 
appointed  by  the  emperor  Constantine  to  be  ob- 
served as  one  continuous  festival,  and  that  origi- 
nally the  year  began  with  Easter.  Hence  the 
Monday,  Tuesday,  &c.,  of  Easter  Week  would  be 
respectively  eecnnda  feria,  tertia  feria,  &c,  and 
in  this  way,  following  the  example  of  the  first 
week  of  the  year,  the  names  passed  to  all  other 
Mondays,  &c.,  of  the  year.  The  great  objection 
to  this  view,  which  seems  to  have  found  many 
supporters  (see  e.  g,  Pelliccia,  De  Chrittianae  Ec^ 
cleeiae  politia,  i.  277,  ed.  Colon.  1829),  is  that 
long  before  the  time  of  Constantine  we  find  Ter- 
tullian  speaking  of  Wednesday  and  Friday  as 
quarta  and  aexta  feria  (dejejunio  ado.  Psychkos, 
c.  2). 

It  seems  more  reasonable  to  explain  the  phrase 
as  being  akin  to  and  probably  derived  from  the 
Jewish  system  of  notation  under  which  such  an 
expression  ba  e.g.  ^  iila  r&v  ffofifidrttp  (Mark 
xvL  2 ;  Acts  xx.  7,  and  often  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment) means  the  **  first  day  of  the  week."  This 
extension  of  the  word  Sabbath,  which,  besides  the 
instances'  adducible  from  the  New  Testament, 
occurs  also  in  the  Targums  (see  e,  g,  Esther  ii.  9), 
is  merely  a  natural  transference  of  a  word  from 
its  primary  meaning  of  the  point  of  time,  as  it 
were,  to  express  the  periods  marked  out  by  such 
points;   and  an  exact  parallel  is  found  in  the 

Hebrew    fiSnn,  which    is    primarily  the    new 


668 


FEBIALES 


FEBMENTUM 


moon,  and  hence  the  month,  or  period  between 
two  new  moons.  The  real  fena  then  being  Sun- 
day, the  other  days  of  the  week  are  reckoned  as 
in  the  above  instances  with  reference  to  this.  On 
this  view  see  Heinichen  on  Eosebius,  Hid.  Ecdea. 
(vol.  iii.  p.  87).  The  explanation  given  by  Du- 
randns  (JiationaU  divmorum  offioiorumy  vii.  1.  11) 
deserves  to  be  qnoted,  thoagh  of  course  not  ad- 
missible as  a  solution — "  vocantur  ergo  feriae  a 
feriando,  quia  toto  tempore  a  vitOs  feriari,  id  est 
vacaref  debemusy  non  quod  sit  a  necessariis  vitae 
operibus  feriandum." 

With  the  seventh  day  of  the  week  the  name 
Sabbatum  was  so  closely  associated  that  it  was 
nearly  always  used  instead  of  eepthna  feria, 
though  Ducange  (s.  o.)  gives  an  example  of  this 
last  phrase.  In  like  manner,  the  first  day  of  the 
week,  from  its  association  with  the  Resurrection, 
became  *^  the  Lord's  Day  "  from  apostolic  times, 
and  thus  though  the  phrase  prima  feria  does  now 
and  then  occur  (see  e,  g,  in  one  of  the  spurious 
sermons  once  attributed  to  Augustine,  Patrol, 
xxxix.  2005),  Dominica  is  the  regular  word  for 
Sunday  in  ancient  litui'gies.  The  days,  however, 
from  Monday  to  Friday  inclusive  are  habitually 
designated  as  secunda  feria^  &c.,  of  which  practice 
an  examination  of,  e,  g.f  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  will  furnish  abundant  examples.  A 
good  illustration,  showing  how  completely  the 
word  feria  had  passed  into  this  new  sense,  is  fur- 
nished by  the  use  of  the  phrase  feriae  legitimae 
m  the  Libri  Poenitentialea  of  Theodore  of  Tarsus 
and  of  Bede,  as  when  for  some  offence  a  special 
fast  is  enjoined  **  praeter  legitimas  ferias "  (see 
e.  g.  Patrol,  xcix.  968),  that  is,  in  addition  to 
those  days  of  the  week  which  were  fasts  under 
all  circumstances. 

For  furthei  remarks  on  this  subject  see  Du- 
cange's  Oloesarivm,  (s.  v.),  and  Augusti's  Hand- 
buck  der  christlichen  ArchSologie,  i.  467  sqq. 

[R.  S.] 

FEBIALES  (i.e.  Librt)  were  books  conUin- 
ing  a  record  of  the  festivals  of  the  martyrs. 
Thus  Chromatins  and  Heliodorus,  writing  to 
Jerome  (Hieron.  Epist.),  beg  him  to  search  for 
the  Feriales  from  the  archives  of  Eusebins  of 
Caesarea,  as  a  guide  to  the  feast-days  of  the 
martyrs  [Calendaa:  Harttboloot]  (Ducange, 
8.  v.).  [C] 

FEBMENTUM.  I.  The  earliest  Ordo  So- 
manus  extant,  which  is  supposed  to  represent 
the  ritual  of  Rome  in  the  age  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  ▲.D.  590,  orders  a  portion  of  reserved 
eucharist  (Sancta)  to  be  brought  into  the  church 
before  the  celebration  by  a  subdeacon,  to  be  de- 
livered by  him  to  the  archdeacon  after  the  canon, 
and  to  be  put  into  the  chalice  by  the  latter, 
saying,  ''The  Peace  of  the  Lord  be  with  you 
alway."  (Ord.  M.  I.  nn.  8,  17,  18,  in  Mus.  Ital. 
tom.  ii.  pp.  8,  12,  13).  The  bishop  of  Rome  is 
supposed  to  be  present,  and  to  celebrate.  The 
particle  thus  used  was  called  Fermentumy  the 
leaven,  n.  22,  p.  16.  If  the  pope  was  not  pre- 
sent, *'  a  particle  of  the  leaven,  which  had  been 
consecrated  by  the  apostolical,  was  brought  by 
the  oblationary  subdeacon,  and  given  to  the  arch- 
deacon ;  but  he  handed  it  to  the  bishop,  who, 
signing  it  thrice,  and  saying,  '  The  Peace,  &c.,' 
put  it  into  the  chalice."  The  reason  of  the 
name  Fermentum  is  now  obvious.  Leaven  is 
dongh  reserved  from  one  baking  to  be  mixed 


with  that  prepared  for  another,  and  may  be 
said  to  make  the  bread  of  both  one.  The  eodia- 
ristic  leaven  connected  successive  oelebratione 
with  each  other  in  the  same  manner,  and  wa» 
at  the  same  time  a  token  of  union  between  oaa- 
gregations  locally  separated  from  each  otha. 
If  we  may  trust  to  the  I^ber  Pontificalis,  the 
custom  of  sending  the  Fermentum  to  the  several 
churches  in  Rome  originated  with  Melchiades. 
A.D.  811.  The  same  authority  tells  as  that 
Siridus,  a.d.  385,  **  ordained  that  no  presbyter 
should  celebrate  masses  through  the  whole 
week  unless  he  received  a  certified  (declazAtnm), 
consecrated  (portion)  from  the  bishop  of  the 
place  appointed  (for  a  station),  which  ia  called 
the  leaven"  (Anast.  Biblioth.  de  Vitia  PonL 
Bom.  nn.  32,  39,  pp.  12,  22).  The  custom  is 
noticed  at  some  length  in  a  letter  ascribed  to 
Innocent  I.,  ▲.D.  402,  but  apparently  eomposed 
by  a  later  and  inferior  writer.  From  this  docu- 
ment we  learn  that  the  pope  **  sent  the  leaven 
per  tituloSy*  i,e.  the  churches  within  the  city 
only  (those  without  being  in  the  sabarbi<arian 
dioceses),  and  that  it  was  done  on  Sundays, 
'*that  the  presbyters  who  on  that  day  conid 
not  meet  him  (in  worship)  on  account  of  the 
people  committed  to  them,  might  not,  abore  all 
on  that  day,  feel  themselves  cut  off  from  com- 
munion with  him "  (Innoc  Ep.  ad  JTeoenL  ia 
Cigheri,  V.  PP.  JTteolog.  Univ.  tom.  ir.  p.  178> 
The  writer  had  been  asked  by  another  bishop, 
if  it  was  proper  to  send  the  Fermentum  about 
through  a  diocese  (t.  e.  beyond  the  walla  of  aa 
episcopal  city).  The  question  shows  that  the 
practice  had  spread.  In  the  writings  of  Grregory 
of  Tours,  A.D.  573,  we  meet  with  a  story  which 
proves  incidentally  that  it  was  not  unknown  in 
France.  We  are  told  of  a  certain  deacon,  in  a 
town  in  Auvergne,  who,  "when  the  time  to 
ofi^r  the  sacrifice  was  come,  having  taken  the 
tower  in  which  was  kept  the  mystery  of  the 
Lord's  Body,  began  to  carry  it  to  the  door  (of 
the  church),  and  entered  the  temple  to  place  it 
on  the  altar,"  &c  {Mirac.  L.  I.  cap.  86). 

Before  the  custom  became  obsolete,  its  observ- 
ance was,  it  appears,  reduced  by  authority  to  a 
few  days  in  the  year.     For  in  an  ancient  glos 
on  the  letter  ascribed  to  Innocent,   found  by 
Mabillon  in  the  library  of  St.  Emmeran  at  Rati»- 
bon,  the  following  statement  occurs:  *' Touch- 
ing the  leaven,  which   he  mentions,  it  is  the 
custom  of  the   Romans  that  a  portion  be  re- 
served from  the  mass  which  is  sung  on  Maundy 
Thursday  and  the  Easter-Eve,  and  on  the  holy 
day  of  Easter,  and  at  Pentecost,  and   on  the 
holy  day  of  the  Lord's  Nativity,  throughout 
the  year ;  and  that  of  the  said  mass  there  be 
put  into  the  chalice,  everywhere  at  the  stations, 
if  the  pope  himself  be  not  present,  when  he 
says,  The  Peace,  &c.  .  .  .  and  this  is  called  Fer- 
mentum.    Nevertheless,  on  Easter-Eve,  no  pres- 
byter in  the  baptismal  churches  communicates 
any  one  before  there  be  sent  to  him  of  that  very 
same  holy  thing  which   the  Lord   Pope  hath 
offered "    (Mabillon,  Jtin.  Oerman,  Deiaript.  p. 
65;   Hamb.  1717).    The  rite  was  observed  at 
Rome  under  the  second  Ordo  BomanuSj  now  ex- 
tant (pp.  43,  9),  which  is  probably  at  least  a 
century  later  than  the  first.     Amalarius,  who 
wrote  about  the  year  827,  cites  some  words  that 
relate  to  it  from  Ordo  II.  §  12  (p.  49) ;  but  there 
can.  be  little  doubt  that  he  understood  them  of 


FEBBEOLUS 

tht  "  commixture  "  of  a  particle  of  tlie  newlj- 
eoDMcrated  oblate  (De  Eodes.  Off,  lib.  iii.  c  31). 

II.  There  wb«  another  use  of  the  reserved 
element,  somewhat  similar  to  the  abore,  at  the 
ordination  of  bishops  and  priests.  The  earliest 
notice  occurs  in  a  very  ancient  Roman  directory, 
and  refers  (as  indeed  ail  the  strictly  Roman 
docnments  do)  to  bishops  only.  The  pope  at  the 
communion  which  followed  the  consecration, 
gave  a  whole  oblate  to  the  newly-made  bishop, 
of  which  he  took  a  part  at  the  time,  but  '*  re- 
served the  rest  of  it  to  serve  for  communions  for 
forty  days"  (^Ordo  VIIL  p.  89).  The  practice 
may  have  spread  from  Rome,  but  it  was  at  one 
time  80  widely  observed  that  we  are  compelled 
to  assign  its  origin  to  a  very  early  though  not 
primitive  date.  In  the  opinion  of  Morinus  (J)e 
Soar,  Ordm.  P.  III.  Exerc  VUI.  c.  ii.  §  iv.),  it 
sprang  up  in  Italy  in  the  8th  century.  Fulbert, 
bishop  of  Chartres,  who  was  bom  in  the  10th  cen- 
tury, asserts  that  it  was  observed  by  all  the  bishops 
of  his  province  at  the  ordination  of  presbyters, 
and  he  believed  it  to  be  universal  {JSp,  iL  ad 
Einard,  apud  Martene,  de  Ani.  EocL  bit.  L.  I. 
c  viii.  Art.  IX.  n.  xx.).  Rubrics  prescribing  it 
at  the  consecration  of  bishops  are  found  in  old 
pontificals  of  Concha,  in  Spain  (Martene,  u.  s. 
Art.  X.  n.  xxi.);  of  Saltzburg  (Ibid.  Art.  XI. 
Ord.  Vni.y ;  of  Toulouse,  Rouen,  Rheims  (Mo- 
rinus, de  Sacr,  Ord.  P.  II.  p.  281 ;  and  P.  III.  p. 
130),  and  the  Latin  church  of  Constantinople 
(Mart.  u.  8.  Ordo  XIV.  note  at  end),  where  the 
term  was  forty  days ;  and  of  Mayence  (Morinus, 
P.  II.  p.  278X  where  it  was  thirty.  The  pon- 
tificals of  Compile  (Mart.  u.  s.  Ord.  VII.)  and 
of  Saltzburg  (Ibid.  Ord.  IX.)  testify  to  the  cus- 
tom at  the  ordination  of  priests,  the  former  fix- 
ing forty  days  for  them,  and  the  latter  only 
■even.  In  the  pontifical  of  the  Latin  church  of 
Apamea  in  Syria,  the  pope,  who  is  supposed  to 
consecrate,  is  directed  to  give  a  ^  whole  Host " 
to  the  new  bishop,  but  its  use  is  not  mentioned. 
Afterwards,  however,  it  is  said  that  *'  for  forty 
days  from  the  day  of  his  consecration  he  ought, 
if  possible,  to  sing  mass  daily  for  the  people  com- 
mitted to  him."  (Mart.  u.  s.  Ord.  XIV.).  This 
evidently  indicates  the  original  purpose,  and 
makes  it  highly  probable  tlut  wherever  in  the 
west  we  find  an  order  that  the  newly  ordained 
•hall  celebrate  for  forty  days  (and  this  was  a 
common  rule :  see  Morinus,  P.  III.  Exerc  VIII. 
c  ii  §  vii.  p.  132),  there  had  also  existed  in  con- 
nection with  it  the  custom  of  reserving  for  those 
celebrations  from  the  communion  at  the  ordina- 
tion. 

Mabillon  (Cb/nm.  m  Ord.  Rom,  p.  xxxix.)  states 
expressly  that  the  particles  of  the  reserved  oblate 
wore  put  dav  by  day  into  the  chalice  by  the 
newly-made  bishop  or  priest,  as  in  the  rite  be- 
fore described.  This  is  more  than  probable ; 
but  it  is  right  to  mention  that  he  gives  no  refe- 
rence, and  that  no  direct  evidence  of  the  fact 
has  come  within  the  knowledge  of  the  present 
writer.  [W.  E.  S.] 

FEBBEOLUS.  (1)  Presbyter,  martyr  at 
Besan^on  with  Fermtio,  the  deacon  ;  comme- 
morated June  16  {Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Vienna;  commemorated  Sept. 
18  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

FEBBUTIO.  [FsBBBOLoa] 


FESTIVAL 


669 


FEBTUM  is  «the  oblation  which  is  brought 
to  the  altar,  and  sacrificed  by  the  priest "  (Du- 
oange,  s.  v.  quoting  Isidore  and  Papias) ;  t.  e.  the 
element  of  bread  offered  on  the  altar  and  conse- 
crated. [C] 

FEBULA.    [Nabthzx  ;  Pastoral  Staff.] 

FESTIVAL  (io^,/«shfm,(fira/<»^<s).  The 
history  of  the  first  rise  of  festivals  in  the  Chris- 
tian church  is  a  subject  involved  in  much 
obscurity.  During  the  first  few  vears,  while 
the  essentially  Jewish  character  of  the  church 
continued,  the  Jewish  yearly  festivals  were 
doubtlessly  observed,  especially  the  Passover  and 
Pentecost,  which  later  events  had  raised  to  a  fiu* 
higher  pitch  of  dignity.  The  Sabbath  also  con- 
tinued to  be  observed,  and  with  it  the  first  day 
of  each  week  became  a  lesser  Easter  day. 

As  time  went  on,  the  Jewish  element  in  the 
church  became  proportionately  diminished,  with 
the  breach  between  it  and  the  Gentile  part  con- 
tinually widening.  Indeed  the  tone  of  the 
language  used  by  Christian  writers  in  the  2nd 
century,  with  reference  to  the  Jewish  nation,  is 
on  the  whole  one  of  undisguised  hostility.  It  is 
obvious  therefore  that  the  tende&cy  would  be 
from  the  nature  of  the  case  to  reject  such  Jewish 
festivals  as  had  not  in  some  sort  been  made 
Christian,  and  thus,  e.g.j  though  some  have  seen 
in  Christmas  a  higher  form  of  the  feast  of  the 
Dedication,  it  may  be  considered  that  the  inheri- 
tance of  the  younger  from  the  older  church, 
so  far  as  festivals  are  concerned,  consists  of  the 
ennobled  Passover  and  Pentecost.  The  **  first 
day  of  the  week  "  was  no  doubt  a  Christian 
festival  from  the  earliest  times.  Up  to  the  end 
of  the  2nd  century,  we  have  no  evidence  of 
the  existence  of  any  other  festival  than  these 
three.  Gradually,  however,  from  a  belief  in  the 
lessons  of  good  derivable  from  a  celebration  of 
great  events  in  the  history  of  our  faith,  and 
perhaps  too  from  the  analogy  of  the  numerous 
festivals  of  the  older  religions,  fresh  commemora- 
tions arose,  the  earliest  being  that  of  the  Epiphany, 
from  which  afterwards  arose  the  celebration 
of  Christmas  as  a  sepnrate  festival.  The  exact 
time  of  the  first  rise  of  these,  and  of  the  connec- 
tion between  the  two,  is  uncertain ;  reference 
may  be  made  to  the  separate  articles.  [CHRiffr- 
MA8,  Epiphany.]  The  time,  too,  from  Easter  to 
Pentecost  came  to  be  viewed  as  one  long  festal 
season,  and  in  this  period  a  special  distinction 
began  to  be  attached  to  Ascension-day,  in  the 
Srd  or  more  probably  in  the  4th  century.  To- 
gether with  these  festivals  and  similar  ones 
which  were  gradually  added  (e.g.  those  of  the 
Presentation  and  Annunciation  in  the  6th 
century),  all  commemorative  of  the  great  events 
in  the  foundation  of  the  faith,  we  find  also 
festivals  of  another  kind,  the  celebration  of  the 
anniversary  of  a  martyr's  death,  viewed  as  his 
natal  day  into  the  better  life.  These  would  be 
at  first  confined  more  or  less  to  special  churches, 
but  would  subsequently  obtain  in  many  cases  a 
general  observance.  Thus  by  the  end  of  the 
4th  century  we  find  a  wide-spread  observance  of 
festivals  of  «.^.,  St.  Stephen,  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, 
and  the  Maccabees.  The  festival  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  which  at  an  early  period  became  one  of 
great  importance  (see  e.g.  the  canon  of  the  council 
of  Agde,  cited  belowX  is  not  however  of  the  above 
class,  being  a  commemoration  of  the  actual  birth* 


670 


FESTIVAL 


FESTIVAL 


day,  as  one  intimately  associated  with  that  of  the 
Saviour  Himself. 

We  find,  however,  considerable  dirersltj  of 
feeling  in  the  primitiTe  church  on  the  subject  of 
festivals.  On  the  one  hand,  it  was  most  justly 
felt  that  a  festival,  as  being  a  cessation  from  the 
world's  everyday  cares  and  pleasures,  should 
claim  regard  as  a  special  means  of  help  for  the 
soul  in  its  heavenward  way ;  on  the  other  hand, 
it  was  urged  with  equal  truth,  that  when  the 
shadows  of  Judaism  had  become  the  realities 
of  Christianity,  to  lay  any  special  stress  on  the 
observance  of  times  and  seasons  was  at  any  rate 
to  incur  the  danger  of  losing  sight  of  the  reason 
why  festivals  were  established  at  all,  and  the 
rather  that  in  Christianity  every  day  was  in  a 
new  sense  consecrated  to  God.  It  was  the  dis- 
regard of  one  or  other  of  these  two  co-ordinate 
truths  to  which  must  be  attributed  much  of  the 
false  ideas  that  have  been  held  on  the  subject  of 
festivals.  Protests  on  the  second  point  were 
deemed  necessary  by  our  Lord  Himself  (Matt, 
zii.  8 ;  Mark  iL  27),  and  by  St.  Paul  (Romans 
ziv.  5,  6 ;  GaL  iv.  »-ll ;  Col.  ii.  16).  In  like 
manner  too,  Origen  (contra  Ceiwm  viii.  22) 
urges  that  the  Christian  who  dwells  on  the 
thought  of  Christ  our  Passover,  and  of  the  gift 
of  the  Holy  Qhost,  is  every  day  keeping  an 
Easter  and  a  Pentecostal  feast.  Similar  remarks 
are  found  also  in  Chrysostom  {Horn,  i.  de  8. 
Pentecoste,  c  i. ;  vol.  ii.  458,  ed.  Mont&ucon: 
cf.  Bom,  XV.  in  1  Cor.  c.  8 ;  vol.  z.  128).  These 
passages,  however,  are  not  to  be  viewed  as  objec- 
tions brought  against  the  celebration  of  festivals, 
but  rather  as  answers  to  those  who  saw  in  them  but 
a  relic  of  Judaism.  Tertullian,  in  Yerj  sweep- 
mg  language,  condemns  the  practice  of  holding 
festivals  altogether  on  this  ground, — *^Horum 
igitur  tempora  observantes  et  dies  et  menses 
et  annos,  galaticamur.  Plane,  si  jndaicarum 
caerimoniarum,  si  legalium  sollemnitatum  ob- 
servantes snmns.  •  .  ."  and  asks  why  in  the 
face  of  St.  Paul's  language  as  to  times  and 
seasons,  Easter  is  celebrated,  and  why  the  period 
from  thence  to  Whitsunday  b  spent  as  one  long 
season  of  rejoicing  (dejejwUo  adv,  PtyMsos,  c.  14% 
Jerome,  on  the  other  hand,  while  endorsing  such 
views  as  those  which  we  have  referred  to  as 
held  by  Origen  and  Chrysostom,  proceeds  further 
to  maintain  the  definite  advantages  arising 
from  the  observance  of  festivals  {Comm.  in  Qal. 
iv.  10 ;  vol.  viL  456,  ed.  Vallarsi :  cf.  Socrates, 
Biti.  Ecdes,  v.  22). 

We  shall  now  briefly  notice  the  chief  points  in 
which  a  festival  was  specially  distinguished  in 
its  observance  from  ordinary  days.  (l)The  essential 
idea  of  a  Christian  festival  was  obviously  such 
as  to  make  ordinary  festivities,  other  than  those 
of  a  raligious  character,  unseemly  at  such  times ; 
and  thus  numerous  imperial  edicts  were  promul- 
gated from  time  to  time,  prohibiting  public 
games,  etc  on  Christian  holy  days  (Eusebius, 
Vita  Oonstantini  iv.  18,  28:  Sozomen,  Hist. 
EccUa,  i.  8 :  Cod,  Thaodos.  lib.  zv.  tit.  5,  11.  2, 
5 ;  vol.  iv.  pp.  350,  353,  ed.  (}othofredus :  Cod. 
Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  12, 1.  11 ;  p.  208,  ed.  Gotho- 
fredus).  Of  the  two  references  to  the  Theodosian 
Code,  the  former  enjoins  that  *'  NuUus  Sol  is  die 
populo  spectaculum  praebeat ;"  the  latter  specifies 
Sundays,  Christmas,  the  Epiphany,  Easter,  and 
the  anniversary  of  apostolic  martyrdoms  as  the 
days  to  which  the  prohibition  eztended,  '*.... 


omni  theatrorum  atque  C^rcensium  voluptats 
per  universas  nrbes  earundem  popults  denegata.** 

(2)  In  like  manner  all  legal  business  had  to  bt 
suspended.  (Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  iL  tit.  8,  U.  1, 3 ; 
vol.  i.  pp.  118,  121 :  Cod.  Justin,  lib.  iiL  tit  IS, 
11.  7,  11 ;  pp.  207,  208).  A  special  exemptka 
was  allowed  in  the  case  of  emandpatiMi  or  maaa- 
mission  (Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  ii.  tit.  8, 1.  1 ;  tupn). 

(3)  The  celebration  of  public  worship  was  sf 
course  a  necessary  concomitant  of  a  festival. 
The  conncil  of  Eliberis  [305  A.D.]  condemns  the 
man  who  on  three  consecutive  Sundays  vss 
absent  from  the  church  (can.  21 ;  Labbe  L  973). 
The  council  of  Agde  (506  A.D.)  while  sanctiaiiiB{ 
generally  the  practice  of  communicating  is 
private  chapels,  forbids  it  elsewhere  than  in  the 
public  assembly  on  the  more  important  fSsstiTali. 
These  are  specified  in  another  canon  of  the  ssme 
council  as  Easter,  Christmas,  the  Epiphany, 
Ascension-day,  Pentecost,  the  Nativity  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist,  '^  vel  si  qui  mazimi  dies  is 
festivitatibus  habentur."  (cann.  18,  21 ;  Libbe 
iv.  1386 :  cf.  Condi.  Aurel.  iv.  [541  ajk]  csb. 
3;  Labbe  v.  382).  (4)  Fasting  was  a  thiag 
utterly  foreign  to  the  idea  of  such  days ;  indsid 
it  was  a  distinguishing  mark  of  sundry  heretia 
to  turn  the  festivals  into  seasons  of  fasiUng.  The 
so  called  AposboUo  Canons  censure  those  who 
would  fast  on  the  Lord's  day  or  the  Sabbath 
(i,e.  Saturday,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
regarded  in  the  £^t  as  a  day  of  distiiMtly  festsl 
character),  and  orders  that  any  of  the  clergy  who 
does  so  shall  be  deposed  (ica0aip«f<r9oi,  can.  So, 
al.  66,  Labbe  i.  40);  and  a  previous  cann 
(52  al.  51)  had  spoken  of  a  bishop^  priest  or 
deacon,  who  abstained  from  flesh  and  wine  on 
a  festival  as  *'  a  cause  of  scandal  to  many."  (Sec 
also  Tertullian,  de  Corona  Militis  c.  3;  CcmdL 
Gangrense  [circa  824  A.D.]  can.  18 ;  Labbe  iL 
424;  ConcU.  Carthag.  iv.  r398  A.D.3  can.  64; 
Labbe  ii.  1205).  On  these  days  in  earlier  timei 
were  held  Agapae  [Aoapae],  a  custom  which 
was  aflerwards  changed  into  the  plan  of  the 
richer  members  of  a  Christian  community  feeding 
the  poorer  (cf.  e.g.f  Tertullian,  ApoL  c  39)i  (5) 
Among  minor  but  significant  ways  of  distinguish- 
ing a  festival  it  may  be  added  that  at  such  times 
it  was  usual  to  offer  prayer  standing,  not  kne^ 
ing;  *'die  dominioo  nefas  .  .  .  .  de  geniealis 
adorare.  Eadem  immunitate  a  die  Paschae  ia 
Pentecosten  usque  gaudemus**  (Tertullian,  dt 
Corona  MUUis  c  3).  Irenaeus,  in  referring  to 
the  same  practice,  speaks  of  this  absence  of  kneel- 
ing as  figurative  of  the  resurrection  (Frag. 
7 ;  vol.  i.  p.  828,  ed.  Stieren :  cfl  Justin  Martyr, 
Quaest.  et  JResp.  ad  Ortkodoaeos  115:  Jerome 
Diahgw  contra  Lu^erianos  c  8;  vol.  iL  180: 
Epiphanius  Expos,  fidei  c  22 ;  vol.  L  1105,  ed. 
Petavius :  Isidore  de  Eod.  Off.  i.  33 :  Babanos 
Maurus  de  Inst.  Cler.  iL  42.  See  also  Cond. 
Nioaenum  i.  [325  A.D.]  can.  20;  Labbe  iL  37: 
also  Dr.  Pusey's  note  to  the  Oxford  trsnslatioa 
of  Ephrem  Syrus,  pp.  417  sqq.). 

Festivals  may  be  divided  into  ordinary  and 
extraordinary  (feriae  statutae,  indicttie),  accord- 
ing as  they  came  in  regular  course  in  tht 
Christian  year,  or  were  specially  appointed  ia 
consequence  of  some  particular  event.  Hm 
former  may  again  be  divided  into  immoveable  and 
moveable  (feriae  immobUeSy  mobiles^  according  as 
they  did  or  did  not  fall  on  the  same  day  in  every 
year ;  those  in  the  latter  division  obviously  con- 


FKSTUM 

tisting  of  such  as  depended  on  luiftt«r,  the  time  of 
which,  depending  on  the  Jewish  or  lunar  calendar, 
to  which  the  Paschal  festival  originally  belonged, 
varies  with  reference  to  its  place  in  the  Julian 
or  solar  Tear  [Easteb].  It  follows  that  the  num- 
ber of  Sundays  between  Christmas  and  Easter, 
and  again  between  Easter  and  Christmas,  is  vari- 
able. Besides  the  obvious  divisions  of  feriae 
majcreSy  imnorM,  there  is  further  that  into 
feria$  Megrae,  mtercisaej  according  as  the  festival 
lasted  for  the  whole  or  part  of  a  day.  Such 
divisions  as  those  made  by  the  Roman  church 
of  futwn  HmpleXj  duplex,  aemidupkXy  to  say 
nothing  of  further  subdivisions  (principale  cfu- 
plex,  majvs  duplex,  etc.),  fall  quite  beyond  our 
period.  (For  information  concerning  them  see 
Ducange's  Ohuaarvum,  s.  v,  Festum).  On  the 
subject  of  the  repeated  commemorations  of  the 
more  important  festivals,  see  Octave,  and  for 
the  preliminary  preparation  for  festivals,  see 
Vigil. 

Among  the  literature  on  the  subject  of  Chris- 
tian festivals  may  be  mentioned  the  following : — 
Hospinianus,  Festa  Christianorum ;  Tiguri, 
1593.  Dresser,  de  festis  dieinu  Chrtstianorum, 
Judaeorum  et  Ethnioorvm  liber,  quo  origo,  ocnua 
ritus  et  usua  eorum  exponUur,  Lipsiae,  1594. 
GTtiaet,de  festia  Chriaiianorum,  Ingolstadt,  1612. 
Gueti,  ffeoriologicL  Parisiis,  1657.  Lambertini, 
Ckfrnmentarii  duo  de  Jeeu  Christi  matrieqw  ejus 
Feetis  et  de  Misaae  Saorificio,  Patovii,  1752. 
Augusti,  die  Feete  der  alten  Christen,  Leipzig, 
1817.  UUmann,  Vergleichende  ZuaammensteUuing 
dee  Christlichen  Fedcycltu  mit  Vorchristlichen 
Festen,  ale  Anhang  xu  Creuzer's  SymboliL  Leipzig, 
1821.  Nickel,  Die  heiligen  Zeiten  und  Feate 
nach  ikrer  GeecMchte  und  Feier  m  der  Katholp- 
achen  Kirche,  Mainz,  1825-38.  Binterim, 
Denktr^rdigkdten  der  Chriet-KathoUecken  Kirche 
(vol.  V.  part  1,  pp.  119  sqq.)  Mainz,  1825-38. 
Staudenmaier,  Der  Oeist  dee  Christentkume, 
dargesteUt  m  den  heiligen  Zeiten,  heiligen  Hand- 
lungen  und  der  heiligen  Ktmst,    Mainz,  1838. 

[R.S.] 

FB8TDM.    [Festival.] 

PESTUS.    (1)  [Januarius  (10).] 

(2)  Saint  in  Tuscany;  commemorated  with 
Joannes,  Dec.  21  (^Mart.  Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Ado- 
nis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FIDEI  ADVOCATUS.    [Advocatds;  Djb- 

FENSOR.] 

FmEJUSSOBES.    [Sponbob.] 
FIDELES.    [Faithful.] 
FIDELIUM  MISSA.    [Mibba.] 
FIDELIUM  OBATIO.  [Lord's  Prayer.] 

FIDES.    (1)  [Sophia.] 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Agen;  commemorated 
Oct.  6  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FILIOLA  (Spanish,  ffijuela),  a  name  ffiven 
in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  to  the  Veil  of  the 
chalice.  One  of  the  rubrics  relating  to  the 
oblation  of  the  elements  is :  **  [The  Priest]  places 
the  chalice  on  the  altar,  and  takes  the  Filiola, 
and  without  blessing  it  puts  it  on  the  chalice." 
(Mabillon,  De  Liturg,  Qall.  p.  42 ;  Neale,  Eastern 
Church,  introd.  439>  [C] 


FIR-TREE  (OR  PINE) 


671 


FILLET,  THE  BAPTISMAL.  [Baptibm, 
p.  163;  Cubism AL.] 

FINOHALE,  COUNCIL  OF  iFinchalknse 
Concilium),  held  A.D.  798  or  9,  at  Fiuchale,  near 
Durham,  and  presided  over  by  Eanbald,  arch- 
bishop of  Tork,  in  which,  after  the  faith  of  the 
first  five  general  councils  had  been  rehearsed 
from  a  book,  a  declaration  of  adhesion  to  them 
was  reiterated  in  the  words  of  archbishop  Theo- 
dore, and  the  council  of  Hatfield,  A.D.  680  (see  c. 
of  H.),  and  other  regulations  for  the  good  of  the 
church  in  Northumbria  and  elsewhere,  and  for 
the  keeping  of  Easter,  were  passed  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils  lit  527>  [£.  S.  Ff.] 

FINES  (mulcta,  emenda,  irtrltua).  Mulcta 
signified  a  fine  paid  by  way  of  penalty  to  the 
judge :  emenda,  satisfaction  made  to  the  injured 
party.  On  the  variations  from  this  usage,  see 
Du  Cange,  s.  v.  Emenda,  Fines  are  found  in 
the  records  of  the  early  English  church  among 
the  penalties  inflicted  for  ecclesiastical  offences. 
The  laws  of  Ethelbert  of  Kent,  A.D.  597-604 
(c.  i.)  require  the  following  compensation  to  be 
made  for  injuries  ;  *'  to  the  property  of  God  and 
the  church  twelve  fold,  a  bishop's  property 
eleven  fold,  a  priest's  property  nine  fold,  a 
deacon's  six  fold,  a  clerk's  property  three  fold." 
The  laws  of  Ine,  king  of  Wessez,  A.D.  690  (c.  2), 
order  a  man  to  have  his  child  baptized  within 
thirty  days,  *Mf  it  be  not  so,  let  him  make 
<bot'  with  thirty  shillings,  but  if  it  die  with- 
out  baptism,  let  him  make  'bot'for  it  with  all 
that  he  has;"  (c.  3)  a  lord  to  pay  thirty  shillings 
who  compels  his '  theouroan'  to  work  on  Sunday,  a 
freeman  working  without  his  lord's  command  to 
pay  sixty  shillings ;  and  (c.  13)  any  one  committing 
perjury  before  a  bishop  to  pay  one  hundred  and 
twenty  shillings.  In  the  laws  of  Wihtred  of 
Kent,  A.D.  696,  it  is  decreed  (c.  9)  that  if  an 
'  esne '  do  work  contrary  to  his  lord's  command 
from  sunset  on  Saturday  to  sunset  on  Sunday,  he 
must  make  a  'hot'  of  eighty  shillings.  The 
Penitential  of  Egbert  (vii.  4)  directs  an  offender 
for  certain  crimes  either  to  do  ])enaDce  or  pay  a 
fine  to  the  church,  or  divide  money  among  the 
poor;  and  elsewhere  (xiii.  11)  allows  a  fine  to 
take  the  place  of  fasting ;  but  this  latter  instance 
is  rather  of  the  nature  of  a  Redemption  than  a 
direct  penance.  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils 
amd  EccL  Documents,  vol.  iii.  pp.  42,  214,  233.) 

[G.  M.] 

FINTANUS,  presbyter,  and  confessor  in  Ire- 
land; commemorated  Feb.  17  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FIR-TREE  OR  PINE.  See  Aringhi,  vol. 
iL  p.  632-3.  ^PraetPr  cupressum,  et  pinus 
quoque  et  myrtus  pro  mortis  symbolo,  etc 
Et  pinus  quidem,  quia  semel  ezcisa  nunquam 
reviviscit  et  repullulascit."  These  are  rather 
general  or  human  reasons  for  choice  of  the  pine 
as  an  emblem  of  death,  than  as  conveying  any 
specially  Christian  thought.  See  Herodotus  vi. 
37,  on  the  threat  of  Croesus  to  the  people  of  Lamp- 
sacus.  But  the  fir,  or  some  tree  much  resembling 
it,  accompanies  the  figure  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
Aringhi,  ii.  293,  from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Pris- 
cilla.  Also  at  pp.  75  and  25 ;  and  it  is  certainly 
intended  to  be  represented  among  the  trees 
which  surround  the  same  form  in  vol.  i.  577.  The 
latter  painting   is  from  the  Callixtine,  and  ia 


672 


FIBB,  EINDLINO  OP 


eartaial;  sd  (daplaUon  from  th«  common  fVeaco- 
■nbjecti  of  Orpheaa.  The  ifa«pb«rd  bein  th« 
■rrim  or  rcedi,  bnt  lit*  in  ft  hall-recllDing  posi' 
tloD,  u  Orph«iu  vith  the  If  re ;  and  variotit  treea 
■re  earroanding  him.  Thii  ouociBtion  of  the  £r 
oi  pine  with  Itie  Good  Shephn^  aai  of  both 
nith  Orpheni,  would  account  Tor  the  introdnc- 
tiou  of  different  tpeclei  of  "treei  of  the  wood," 
tbe  fir  twing  alto  cbaracteriitic  of  the  monataiae 
ot  wilderness  la  which  the  lost  sheep  is  fonnd. 
Heriog  think*  it  waa  placed  on  CbriBtias  graTca 
(a*  well  as  others),  aa  an  overgreea  tiee,  and 
therefore  a  symbol  of  munortality ;  which  Is  by 
no  means  onlikely.  L^  «t.  J.  T.] 

FIBE,  KINDLING  OF.  In  tlis  Snt  Onto 
Romanat  (c  32,  p.  21 ;  cf.  p.  31),  among  the 
ceremonies  sf  Uaiiody  Thursday,  the  fallowing 
la  meationed.  At  the  ninth  honr  £re  is  pro- 
duced by  a  flint  and  ateel  enSiciBnt  to  light  a 
candle,  which  ought  to  be  placed  on  a  reed ;  a 
lamp  lighted  from  this  is  kept  unextinguiahed 
in  tbe  cbnrch  antil  Easter  ere,  to  light  the 
Paschal  taper,  which  is  to  be  blessed  on  that  day. 
-The  directiona  of  pope  Zachsriu  (£pisf.  12,  ad 
Bonif.)  are  di£lerent.  He  aaya,  that  the  tradi- 
tion o{  tbe  Romiah  church  was,  that  on  Manndy 
Thursday,  three  lamps  of  more  than  nsnal 
capacity  were  set  alight  in  some  hidden  apot  ill 
tbe  cbnrch,  with  oil  sufficient  to  lost  till  £aat«r 
eve,  end  that  from  these  on  the  latter  day  tbe 
baptiimal  tapers  were  to  be  lighted.  "But,"  he 
continuea,  •'  as  to  tbe  crystals  which  you  mention 
we  bsFC  no  tradition."  The  latter  words  seem 
to  prove  iucontestably  that  the  custom  men- 
tioned in  the  Oriio  Bom.  TL,  of  striking  lire  from 
flint  or  "crystal,"  was  not  introduced  at  Bome 
in  the  time  of  Zacbariat  (t752),  wben  it  was 
already  practised  in  some  churches — proljably  in 
Oaul  or  Germany— known  to  Boniface.  Pope 
Leo  IV.,  bowerer  (t855),  recognises  It  as  an 
establiahed  custom  to  produce  fiesh  lire  on  Easter 
OTO,  saying  (fiom.  Dt  Cvra  Fait,  c  7),  "in 
sabbito  paachae  eitincto  veteri  noma  ignis  bene- 
dicatur  ot  per  popnlnm  diTidatnr."  Amalarina 
(Dt  Ord.  Antiph.  a.  H)  says  that  he  learned 
ttora  Tbeodoms,  archdeacon  of  Rome,  that  no 
lamps  or  tapers  were  used  In  the  Roman  church 
on  Good  Friday,  but  that  on  that  day  new  lire  is 
kindled,  the  flame  from  which  is  preserred  until 
the  aocturaal  office.  Compare  Martene,  Sit. 
Ant.  IV.  iiiu.  8. 

For  the  kindling  of  tapers  on  Candlemas  Day, 
see  VUsT  TBE  ViBum,  FEsnTALS  OP.      [Cj 

FIBB.  ORDBAL  OF.    [Okdeal.] 

FIBHAKENT.  The  male  figure  obserred 
beneath  the  feet  of  our  Lord,  In  representations 


FIH8T  FRUITS 

of  tbe  dispute  with  tbe  doctors  (see  Bettai^ 
tar.  TT.,  Sarcophagus  of  Junius  Baasua,  and  wood- 
cut No.  1)  is  said  to  be  intended  for  [Tramia,  or 
the  firmament  of  bearen.  It  is  alwsys  holding  i 
veil  or  cloth  sbore  its  bead,  wbidi  appnn  <o 
symbolise  tbe  stretching  out  of  thebeaTeasUkei 
curtain,  Pt.  civ.  2 ;  Is.  rl.  22 ;  and  more  parti- 
cnlarly  Pi.  rriil.  9,  of  "the  darkness  under 
God's  feet." 


feminine  bust  is  enown  holding  a  floating  dnperj 
over  it*  head,  which  aeems  inflated  by  tbe  wJoi 
The  figure  aboTo  seems  to  walk  nmily  OTtr  tU 
On  tbe  aignificance  of  this,  see  Buoaarmoli, 
Veiri,  p.  7;  Bottarl,  i.  p.  41 ;  Vieconti,  M.e.C 
tom.  IT.  pi.  418.  Garrucci  ^Bagiaglypta,  f.K, 
noU  1)  does  not  assent  to  the  common  belief  that 
this  represents  the  firmsjnent.  (Mariigny,  i>icl. 
d^>  Antiq.  CMt.,  a.  t.  (W>-         P-  St.  J.  T.] 

FIRHATUS,  deacon ;  depodtion  at  Auiem, 
Oct.  5  {Mart.  Hieron.,  Usnardi>  (TV.  F.  GO 

FIBHINDS.    (1)  Bishop,  martyT' at  Aniw; 
commemorated  Sept.  35  (Mart.  Usaardi). 

(8)  Bishop,    confessor   st  Utetia;    commemo- 
rated Oct.  1 1  (ft.).  [W.  F.G] 

FIRMUB.  [FEuciaiina  (I).] 

FIBBT  FBUrrS  [PrmOiae,  of  animab  « 
men,  »(M»TiTo)[a;  of  raw  produce,  wparrviwni- 
fun-B ;  of  prepared  produce,  liropxnl- 
Quaat.  m  Sua        '"^      " 


FJiL).    Compare  Fbcth,  Or- 


e  custom  of  dedicating  first  fruits  to  God 
obtained  early  in  the  chor^  (Orig.  a,  CWa.  rib- 
33,  34).  Irenaens  thinks  that  Christ  eiuoiwd 
them  when  he  took  bread  and  wine  at  the  last 
supper  (Hatr.  it,  32>  and  that  they  ought  lo 
be  paid  (Oportel,  4.  94).  Origeo  saya  their  psj- 
ment  is  beooming  and  expedient,  and  refmal  > 
unworthy  and  imploiu,  yet  be  distiuctly  ttsts 
that  tbe  Levltical  law  of  first  fruits  is  not  bind- 
ing in  the  letter  upon  tbe  Christian  chnnh. 
(Knm.  TTiii,  Htfn.  li.).  Bnt  as  the  idea  gn* 
that  tbe  clergy  bad  sacceeded  to  tbe  pnitioa 
and  to  the  right*  of  tbe  LcTites,  first  fruHs  wen 
considered  obligatory,  to  withhold  tbero  was  M 
defVsnd  God;  they  are  more  incumbent  npta 
Christiana  than  Jews,  for  Christ  bids  his  followen 
•ell  all  tboy  hare,  and  also  t«  oceal  th) 


iriSH 


S73 


rig)itwiDni«a  of  thf  Scribei  and  PhanscM;  the 
pnwt  whom  thrf  mpport  will  bring  a  bleuing 
oa  tha  houM  bj  hii  prmj-era,  th«  oflarer  by  his 
■|>irit  of  thaokfalaeu.  (Jtiome  in  Ettli.  iVi-i. ;  in 
Ual.  iii. ;  Greg.  Nu.  F.pUt.  BO,  Omt.  15.  ^pott. 
Cvul.  ii.  25.)  Yet,  thoagh  the  pijmeiit  -wta  >o 
Tigorotulj  preiMd,  w«  find  in  Cusiaa  (Co/Ail. 
iii.  1  uq.)  that  abbot  John  regHnJi  lint  fruiti  u 
TolunUrj  gitla,  whilo  Thuoiiaa  laje  he  hu  not 
even  heard  the  reaAoa  for  pajiog  them  before. 
Th.  council  of  Frinli  (a.d.  791,  can.  14),  qaoto 
Hulachi  iii.  u  concloBiTe  proof  of  tha  ohligatJoD 
oi  fint  frnlti. 

Moat  itrm  Is  Uid  upoa  pijitig  (irtt  froita  of 
the  com-flnor  and  the  wlne-preis,  but  the  Apotto- 
lie  ConMitutiDU  mentioa  othen  nod  regulate 
their  diatribntion.  First  fruits  of  the  corn-floor 
and  wina-preaa,  of  aheep  and  oxen,  of  bread  and 
hoDs^,  of  win*  in  cuk,  are  lo  be  paid  for  the 
■□pport  of  the  prieata,  bat  of  clothing,  monej, 
uid  other  poataoaiona  for  the  orphan  and  widow 
(fionat.  *il.  30).  The  hiahop  alone  has  the  right 
to  Tcceire  and  apportiou  firit  fruita  (ii.  25). 
At  lirat  tfaej  wen  brought  with  Che  other 
oblatiosa  at  the  celebration  of  the  enoitariM. 
Thia  was  foand  inconvenient,  and  It  mt  urdei«d 


toral  or  ouagrammatlc  meaning  la  perhapa  tha 
most  popular  at  tha  present  day.     In  Uatt.  liii, 

4T-49  ;  Lnke  r.  4-10  ;  ft  ia  nied  in  the  parable 
of  the  net  for  the  membera  of  the  church ;  and 
oar  Lord  there  aaaigna  it  its  sigDllicance )  Hie 
parabolic  use  of  it  is  jrequeotlj  imitated  in  earlr 
Chrislian  art,  where  the  tithes  in  Ihe  church  s 
uet,  or  caught  h;  the  hook  of  the  iiiher,  corres- 
pond eiactl;  t«  the  lambs  of  the  fold,  or  to  the 
doTes,  which  alio  repreieni  the  faithful  on  many 
Christian  tombs  and  vaultings  (see  a.  tt.)  But 
the  anagramtoatic  use  of  the  word  IXeTC  ap- 
pcan  to  hare  been  very  early.  I'  was  deriTed, 
as  all  know,  from  the  initials  o.  the  word; 
*htffaos  Xpiffrht  &iov  Tibs  Zarr^p.    This  appears 

(Paedag.  iii.  c  11,  p.  106),  and  to  have  been  lo 
well  tuiderstwid  In  his  time  aa  to  hare  required  no 
eipianation,  aince  he  recoramenda  the  use  of  the 
aymbol  on  seals  and  riDg^  without  giring  an 
explanation  of  ita  impart.  The  other  devices  he 
commends  are  the  dove,  ship,  lyre,  and  anchor. 
At  >o  early  a  period  aa  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
centnrj,  and  under  the  continoal  dangers  of 
penecution,  the  nsa  of  such  a  symbol  for  the 
person  of  the  lord  waa  perfectly  natural,  aa  it 


(Canon.  Ap.  4)  that  they  ahonld  not  be  brought 
tn  the  altar,  but  to  the  blahop  and  preebyters, 
who  would  distribnte  to  the  deacons  and  other 
clario.  The  church  of  Africa  (Cod.  Can.  Afr. 
37),  made  an  eineption  in  favour  of  honey  and 
milk,  which  were  needed  as  accompaniments  of 
tha  sacrament  of  taptism. 

The  payment  of  first  fVnita  waa  accompsnied 
by  a  apedal  formula  (Jerome  on  Eztk.  ilv.)j 
lo,  I  have  brought  to  thee  fint  fruits  of  the  pro- 
Jace  of  the  earth,  which  thou  hast  given  me,  0 
l..ord.  The  .print  replied  with  the  blessing 
trritten  la  Dent,  iiviii.  3.  A  special  form  of 
thanksgiving  Is  found  in  Ajxttt.  Comt.  viii.  40. 

The  amonnt  of  lint  f^ta  was  not  liied  by  the 
Levitical  Uw,  bat  left  to  the  liberality  of  Che 
irorshipper.  Tradition  handed  down  oneniiitleth 
mt  the  Diinimum,  those  who  were  more  religious 
gave  one-fortieth,  the  rest  something  between. 
(Jerome  oaEitk.  ilv.;  Casalan  Cott.  iil.  3).  [J.  S.] 

FISH.  [See  EDCH.uufT  ik  Cbbiruh  Abt, 
p.  635.] 

The  riab  la  a  aymbol  oTalmoit  nniTcrsal  occur- 
rence in  the  painting  and  eculptnre  of  the  primi- 
tive church.  Like  the  Dove  or  tha  Lamb  It  la 
osed  Id  more  than  one  tenw ;  and  il 


woDJd  attract  no  notice  from  the  outer  world  l 

and  in  the  same  manner,  with  even  mare  obviooa 
reasons,  the  funn  of  tha  croia  was  frequently 
disguised  up  to  the  time  of  Conatantine.  [See 
CrosB.]     But  aee  also  Tertnllian  (Dt  B     " 


!igned  t 


the 


a  fathen 


somewhat  gtatuil 
lin  their  imaginationa, 
in  the  nature  of  thinga 


and  ill-founded.     Thi 

apparently,  to  find  rei 

for  a  devoutly  ingeaioua  arrangemen 

letters  ;  and  aeem  to  aaeume  that  tben  must  b. 

real  analogy  between  the  Divine  Lord  and  thi 

fish,  because  the  initiali  of  the  name  and  titles  o 

the  one  made  the  Greek  name  of  tha  other.    Thi 

pleasnre  derived  from  the  anagram,  or  the  faclliti 

it    may   have    given    for    concealing   Chriatis' 


'!.<■ 


Shepherd.  Aringhi  dwella  more  naturally  on  the 
Scriptaral  mea^g,  and  the  various  eiamplw 
he  givee  (voL  IL  p.  684;  il.  p.  6S0;  also  that 


674  FIBH 

Trom  the  inicnptioii  TnaJe  iu  Stilicha'soiiualahip 
A-D.  400,  to),  i,  p.  19)  all  speak  of  the  fish  is 
the  Scriptaral  tense  u  a  tTpe  of  the  disciple. 
ThelunpiDAriiigbi(ii.t!20;a«ewoodcut)fauthe 
monograni  on  the  handle,  and  the  two  fiahes  on 
the  central  part.  He  also  refen  to  the  dolphin 
as  kJDg  of  fiahes,  speaking  of  iti  reportad  Ion 
for  itsofftpring;  with  reference  to  the  tomb  of 
Baleria  or  Valeria  I^tobin,  now  in  the  Vatican. 
Martigny  itates  that  beoiDH  Christ  i 
therefore  ie  a  ftah  of  Uia  own  net,  aod  givca 
prophetic  si^^nificance,  fol]o»in|;  Aringhi,  to  the 
■torr  of  Tobias  and  the  fixh  which  delivered  \ 
Sara  from  the  power  of  tlic  eHl  spirit. 
ha  literally  accepla,  and  follows  the  va. 
attempted  cooneiions  of  the  anagram  with 
fish  of  the  last  repast  at  the  sea  of  Galilee ; 
aees  in  them  the  sacramental  reprewnlBtiTi 
the  bodj  of  unr  Lord,  quoting  St.  Angostine, 
(TVocf  ciiiil.  in  /ocran.  ivi.)  and  Bede'i  ol»en>a-  i 
tion  on  the  aame  passage,  Piscis  aaeus,  Christt 
estpaasne.  These  anajogles  are  difBcult  to  foUci 
especially  when  we  consider  the  Scriptural  ni 


Boldetti  (OtKrvazioni,  p.  516)  disonTtred  la 
the  cAtBcombe  three  glass  fishes,  with  ■  nnolKr 
inscribed  upon  each ;  thna,  i.  ii.  irr-  Hw  par- 
pose  of  the  nombers  is  altogether  nncertain. 


decorating  baptisteries  with 
HI  B  similar  origin.  In  the  rains  of  aa 
it  baptistery  near  the  church  of  St.  I^in 
se,  two  beautiful  mosaici  representing  fiik 
lisooFcred,  which  are  now  in  the  KinAet 
im  (Lnpi,  Diaaeri.  i.  83).     See  BAPnEH, 


FISHERAUK.     Onr  Lord    or    His  i 
■e  frequently  represented  aa  the  fishen 
I  ancient  art,  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria  t 
le   simile  for  both.     Ngnui  to  lAe  Saaomr. 


[C-J 


iple. 


ofth 


nfrom 


a  Lord's  < 


nonth. 


'er,  (Ambrose, 
T.  "pistes  qui  banc  enavigant  vitam")  is  more 
frequently  represented  on  the  hook  of  the  gofipel 
fisherman,  than  in  the  nefof  the  church.  [See 
Fisherman.]  Bread  and  fish  are  the  univer"' 
viands  of  t}ie  representations  of  earlier  Agaue, 
as  frequently  in  the  Calliitinc  catacomb.  The 
genuineness  of  some  at  least  of  these  paintings  Is 
generally  allowed,  and  Dr.  Theodore  Mommsen 
mentions  in  particular  bA  Agape  with  bread  and 
fish,  in  the  ranlt  named  after  Domitilla,  the 
grand-daughter  of  Vespnsian,  on  the  Ardeatine 
way  and  near  the  ancient  church  of  SS.  Nereus 
and  Achilles.  In  this  painting  so  impartial 
accurate  an  observer  has  full  confidenee,  as  cit 
with  the  mult;  though  he  thinks  the  case 
complete  for  the  Tault  itself 


95  b, 


t  the 


paintmg 


of  t) 


subject,  aa  of  those  of  Daniel,  Si 
Good  Shepherd,  is  less  excellent  than  that  of  the 
vine  in  the  vanltings  of  the  original  chamber  of 
Domitilla  without  the  catacomb,  which  is  quite 
like  a  work  of  the  Augustan  age. 

The  use  of  this  emblem  is  connected  by 
Martignf  with  the  "disciplina  arcani"  of  the 
early  church.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
reverent  mystery  waa  obserred  as  to  the  en- 
charist,  and  that  in  ages  of  persecution,  till  Con- 
stantine's  time,  no  public  use  of  the  cross  was 
made,  as  a  si^  of  the  person  of  the  Lord.  Till 
then,  the  fish-anagTam  was  perhaps  in  special 
and  prevailing  use,  and  it  may  have  yielded  its 
place  Itoai  that  time  to  the  cross,  the  sign  of 
full  confession  of  Jesus  Christ.  For  the  secret 
discipline  after  the  time  of  Constantine  seems  to 
hare  consisted  mainly  in  the  gradual  nature  of 
(he  instructions  given  to  catechumens,  and  the 
fiict  that  for  a  time  the  chief  doctrines  of  the 
faith  were  not  brought  before  them. 

[R.  St,  J.  T.] 

The  tesserae  given  to  the  newly-baptiied  were 
frequently  in  the  form  of  the  eyrnbolical  tish,  ai 
pledges  or  tokens  of  the  rights  conferred  in  bap- 
tism (Allegranzn,  Opiisc.  Enid.  p.  107).  Of  this 
kind  ia  prababl;  the  bronze  fish  given  by  Cos- 
todoBi  (Del  Peace,  iv.  22%  inscribed  with  the 
word  CoCAia     See  woodcut. 


:!4sqq.;  Paedagog.  Hi.  108.  See  also  Aringhi,  ik 
620.  Martigny  gives  an  eumple  (see  cnt  No.  1.) 
from  an  article  by  Costadoni,  Del  paca  (vd.  41, 
p.  247,  in  the  collection  of  Cal(^r»,  Venice. 
1738-17-87),  representing  a  man  clothed  in  tie 
skin  of  a  tish,  bearing  a  sportn  or  i>aak«t,  wbick 
may,  as  Polidori  snpposes,  represent  the  divine 
or  apostolic  fisher,  or  the  fish  of  tha  efanrcki 
net.  The  net  is  more  r«rely  repmentcd  than 
the  hook  and   line,  but  St  Peter  is  -  '  ' 


casting  the  net,  in  an  ancient  ivory  in  Hamacb 
(CbrtHBu  i.  prefoM.  p.  1).  The  net  of  St.  Peter, 
with  the  Lord  fiahtng  with  the  line,  is  a  device 
of  the  papal  signets.  In  the  Calliiline  cata- 
comb (De  Roasi,  IXBTC  Ub.  ii.  n.  4)  the  fisher- 
man is  drawing  forth  a  huge  fish  fron  tk< 
waters  which  Bow  from  the  rock  in  Horeb  <■« 
cut  No.  2).  SeealEoBattaH,tav.  ilii^andaco- 
nelian  given  by  Costadoni,  Petee  lav.  iii^  oa  a 
small  glass  cup  given  by  Garracci  (  VttrU  vi.  10), 
a  figure  in  tunic  and  pallium  (supposed  to  re- 
present the  Lord)  holds  in  his  hand  a  tar^  fish 


FIBHEBMAN'S  RING 


FLABELLUM 


676 


K<k8. 


M  if  jost  drawn  from  the  sea  (cut  No.  3).     At 
St.  Zenone  in  Verona,  the  patron  saint  is  thus 

represented,  and  this  sub- 
ject, with  those  of  Abra- 
ham's sacrifice,  Noah*s  ark, 
and  others,  on  the  bronze 
doors  and  marble  front  of 
that  most  important  church, 
are  specially  yaluable  as 
connecting  the  earlier  Lom- 
bard carvings  with  the  most 
ancient  and  scriptural  sub- 
jects of  primitive  church- 
work.  This  symbol,  like  the  Vine,  is  adopted 
Irom  Pagan  decoration,  which  of  course  proves 
its  antiquity.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

FISHEBMAN'S  RING.    [Ring.] 

FISTULA  (called  also  ccUamus,  canna,  can^ 
nuia,  siphon,  arundo,  P*Pf^t  pugiliaris),  A  tube, 
usually  of  gold  or  silver,  by  suction  through 
which  it  was  formerly  customary  to  receive  the 
wine  in  communicating.  The  ancient  Ordo  Ro- 
tnanus  thus  explains  its  use :  "  Diaconus  tenens 
caiicem  et  fistulam  stet  ante  episcopum,  usque- 
dum  ex  sanguine  Christi  quantum  voluerit  su- 
mat ;  et  sic  caiicem  et  fistulam  subdiacono  oom- 
mendet."  Among  other  instances,  five  silver- 
gilt /^/ti/a^  ad  oommunioandum  are  enumerated 
among  the  sacramental  vessels  of  the  church  of 
Mayence ;  and  at  a  later  date,  pope  Victor  III. 
left  to  the  monastery  of  Monte  Casino,  *•*•  fistulam 
a  u  ream  cum  angulo,  et  fistulas  ai'genteas  duas." 
Pope  Adrian  I.  is  said  by  Anastasius  to  have 
offered  ^  caiicem  majorem  fundatum  cum  siphone 
pensantem  libras  xxx." ;  and  the  ancient  Carthu- 
sian statutes  recite  that  the  Order  has  no  orna- 
ments of  gold  or  silver  in  its  churches,  "praeter 
caiicem,  et  calamum,  quo  Sanguis  Domini 
sumitur." 

The  adoption  of  the  fistula  doubtless  arose 
from  caution,  lest  any  drop  from  the  chalice 
should  be  spilt,  or  any  other  irreverence  occur 
in  communicating.  This  seems  intimated  by 
the  rule  of  the  Cistercian  Order  (^Lib,  Us,  Ord. 
Cist.  cap.  53),  which  says  that  the  fistula  is  not 
necessary  in  Missa  biennis,  when  the  ministers 
alone  communicate ;  but  that  when  more  com- 
municate it  should  be  used.  Gregory  of  Tours 
(^Hist.  Franc.  iiL  31)  states  that  it  was  the  cus^ 
tom  of  the  Arians  to  communicate  by  drinking 
from  the  chalice,  as  if  the  use  of  the  fistula  was 
for  that  reason  preferred  by  the  orthodox. 

The  fistula  has  fallen  into  disuse  since  the 
practice  of  communicating  in  one  kind  has  pre- 
vailed. It  is,  however,  still  retained  in  solemn 
papal  celebrations  for  the  communion  of  the 
l)ope.  The  senior  cardinal  bishop  purifies  the 
tube  (calamum  aureum  Papae)  with  wine,  and, 
after  kissing  it,  places  it  in  the  chalice,  which 
he  delivers  into  the  right  hand  of  the  pope,  who 
communicates  by  suction.  Cardinal  Bona  states 
that  the  fistula  was  used  in  his  time  in  the  Bene- 
dictine monastery  of  the  congregation  of  St. 
Manr,  in  France,  where  also  the  assistants  com- 
municated in  both  kinds. 

The  fistula  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
adopted  in  the  Eastern  church,  which  made  use 
of  a  spoon  for  communicatmg.  [See  Voigt, 
Nistoria  fistulae  Eucharisiicae ;  Krazer,  Lit,  pp. 
204-5 ;  Bofia,  Rer,  Lit, ;  Martene,  De  ant.  rii. 
Lib.  iv. ;  CataJani,  Catrgm,  &&]         [H.  J.  H.] 


FLABELLUM  {pnti^MV,  jfiwU),  Among 
the  evidences  of  the  Eastern  origin  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion  is  the  use  of  fans,  flabelkiy  during 
the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  Having  its 
birthplace  and  earliest  home  in  a  climate  teem- 
ing with  insect  life,  where  food  exposed  uncovered 
is  instantly  blackened  and  polluted  by  swarms 
of  files,  it  was  natural  that  the  bread  and  wine 
of  its  sacramental  feast  should  be  guarded  from 
defilement  by  the  customary  precautions.  The 
fiabellum,  or  muscariuin,  having  been  once  intro- 
duced among  the  furniture  of  the  altar  for 
necessary  uses,  in  process  of  time  became  one 
of  its  regular  ornaments,  and  was  thus  trans- 
ferred to  the  more  temperate  climates  of  the 
West,  where  its  original  purpose  was  almost 
forgotten. 

The  earliest  notice  of  the  flahellum  as  a  litur- 
gical ornament  is  in  the  Apostolicai  Constitutions 
(viii.  12),  which  direct  that  after  the  oblation, 
before  and  during  the  prayer  of  consecration, 
two  deacons  are  to  stand,  one  on  either  side  of 
the  altar,  holding  a  fan  made  of  thin  membrane 
(parchment),  or  of  peacock  feathers,  or  of  fine 
linen,  and  quietly  drive  away  the  flies  and 
toher  small  insects,  that  they  may  not  strike 
against  the  vessels.  In  the  liturgies  also  of  St. 
Chrysostom  and  St.  Basil,  the  deacons  are 
directed  to  fan  the  holy  oblations  during  the 
prayer  of  consecration.  This  fanning,  according 
to  Germanus  {Contemp.  rer.  Eccl,  p.  157),  who, 
though  a  late  authority  (a.d.  1222),  may  be 
taken  as  an  evidence  of  earlier  usage,  ceased 
with  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  was  not  resumed. 
Early  writers  furnish  many  notices  of  the  use  of 
the  flabeUum  as  an  essential  part  of  the  liturgical 
ceremonial.  Cyril  of  Scythopolis,  in  his  Life  of 
St.  Euthymiusy  §  78  (c.  a.d.  550),  describes 
Domitian  standing  at  the  right  side  of  the  holy 
table,  while  St.  Euthymius  was  celebrating,  with 
the  mystical  fan  (jitrii  rrjs  fjwaTucrjs  PtwiHos") 
just  before  the  Trisagion.  Moschus  also  {Prat, 
Spirit,  §  196)  when  narrating  how  some  shepherd 
boys  near  Apamea  were  imitating  the  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist  in  childish  sport,*  is  careful  to 
mention  that  two  of  the  children  stood  on  either 
side  of  the  celebrant,  vibrating  their  handker- 
chiefs like  fans  (rois  ifmKioKlots  [fasciolis]  ippi" 
iri^ov).  The  life  of  Nicetas  (op.  Suriuniy  April 
3)  describes  St.  Athanasius  assisting  at  the 
divine  mysteries,  ^'ministerii  flabeUum  tenens 
erat  enim  diaconus."  Among  the  ornaments  of 
the  church  of  Alexandria  specified  in  the  in- 
ventory given,  Chronie.  Alexand.  a.d.  624  (ap. 
Menard,  ad  Soar,  Chregor,  p.  319)  ai*e  riyna 
^tviBia. 

As  the  deacons  were  the  ofiicera  appointed  to 
wave  the  fan  over  the  sacred  oblations,  the  de- 
livery of  the  flabeUum,  or  /^nr/Siov,  constitutes  a 
part  of  many  of  the  Oriental  forms  for  the  ordi- 
nation to  the  diaconate.  Thus  Eucholog.  p.  253, 
after  the  updpiov  or  stole  has  been  given  and  placed 
on  the  left  shoulder,  the  holy  fan  (J&yiov  /^iirf- 
5iov),  is  put  into  the  deacon's  hands,  and  he  is 
placed  *'  at  the  side  of  the  holy  table  to  fan ; " 
and  again,  p.  251,  the  deacon  is  directed  to  take 
the  ^iiriiioPf  and  stand  at  the  right  side  of  the 
table,  and  wave  it  over  the  holy  things  (^iir((ci 

•  We  may  compare  with  this  the  well  known  story  of 
St.  Attuuusios  acting  the  boy^blshq)  and  baptblng  his 
companions  on  the  shore  at  Alexandria. 

2X2 


f.7fi 


FLAltELLUH 


Jnrot  tSt  i.yiar)  (of.  Unrtene,  de  B!t3i.  Ecd. 

[1.  525).     HarMas  girts  limilar  eiamples  Trom 

t^  onlliutiaii  or  tbe  Msronite  deicoot  (de  Sit. 

ii.  545),  chorepiaropi  ("  dia- 

gddI  tcncalo   flabella,"  ii. 

p.    5S4),    aod     pstrurdu 

L       (i%.  55») ;  *a  well  u  of  the 

&    Jacobite  deacoas  (i«.   579, 

580).      Reoaadot    (ii.    SO) 

tioned  ia  tli«  ordioatioa  kt- 
Ticas,  thg  fiwtSioi'  doe 
appear  in  th«  Syrian  litur- 
gioa.     A  flabtltumy   forroed 


iat 

e  Armenian 

church,  a. 

11  i>.      Neal 

e(E<uUn 

Ch. 

p.  396)  ™ 

larka  that 

the 

DM    of    the 

M^™. 

mach   mon 

freqaeot 

DE  the  Arme 

niami  thao 

in  the' Greek  cha 

rch. 

The  fiabell\Ha  id  onliuaiy 
nse  la  the  Greek   charch 
™'  rnuTurUtir'™     repreaented    a    cherub    or 

seraph,  with 
allostoB  to  la.  Ti.  3.    These  \riagi  were  bf  pre- 

it  of  their  beaut;,  i 


mratioal  reference  to  the  living  creaturei  of 
the  Apocaljpae  (Re».  It,  6,  8).  Ooar  (,£ucM. 
p.  137)  girea  the   anueied  iigure  of  a  Greek 


ffiMhtm  (No.  1),  coaaiatin 


by  the  >ii  wings  aumianding  tbe  lace  (Bon, 
Str.  Lilurg.  lib.  1.  c  25,  %  6),  The  fhAtOa  «f  lit 
AnDeaiana  and  UarDoitea  iren  ibniMd  of  ditd 


of  ailTSr  or  brass,  sarroaiided  with  UttI*  bella 
The  figure  (No.  3)  giiea  by  UartigDr  frran  l« 
Bnm  (vol.  t.    p.   58)  represeuta  an    Arewniai 


deacon  with  hjaJIoWftan.  We  give  alao  siDitar 
eiamplB  from  the  £00*  of  KeUs  (No.  3)  and  ths 
OotpOi  of  Trha  (No.  4),  derived  from  W«t- 


No.  1),  coasiating  of  an  angelic  head    wacA'i  Anglo-Saxon  and  IriA  MSB.  ^\.  ii,^^.^, 
the  end  of  a  hanitU^  the  fan  formed    and  pi.  30  (see  also  p.  153). 


FLABELLUH 

Although  there  li  no  DMntion  of  ths  fiiAeUvm 
to  tbf  Ordo  Simaniu,  or  Latio  ritiul  booki, 
th«ra  it  no  doabt  that  it  wu  tued  hj  the  West- 
ern dinrch  at  aa  early  time.  Thii  ii  evideacwl 
bf  a  itor;  girea  bj  Moachoi  (/'mt.  Spiriluai. 
ti  150)  of  a  (UaoHi  who  hid  UhI;  accnMd  hit 


FLABELLUH 


677 


bbhop,  being  remoT«d  froni  the  altar  nhta  ha 
wai  luidmg  tht  fan  in  the  presence  of  pop« 
AgapetuB,  A.D.  535,  became  he  biodereii  the  de- 
acent  of  the  Hoi;  Spirit  on  the  gifts.  Aa  earlier 
eiample  ii  fumiiibed  bj  a  gild^  glaas  found  in 
the  cataeomba,  representiug  a  deacon  fanalng 
ths  Inlkit  Saiiour,  aented  on  the  kneea  of  Uia 
Virgin  Mother  (Boldetti,  OtaerKuimi,  p.  302), 


ment  attached  to  a  handle.  Bona,  ■.  t.,  citea 
also  the  ancient  Cluniac  ConiuetudlDai,  and  that 
of  St.  Benignu)  of  Dijon,  together  with  a  Ponti- 
fical Ceremonisl  of  the  time  of  Nlchohis  V.  o. 
144T.  The  Jiabellum  often  appear)  in  inren- 
toriea  of  charch  furniture.  In  that  taken  at 
St.  Riquier,  near  Abbeville,  in  S31,  mention  i> 
made  of  a  "Babellum  argenteam  ad  miucaa  a 
aacrificiis  ablgendai."  Other  later  eiamplea, 
including  eome  from  onr  own  country,  will  be 
found  in  Mr.  Albert  Waj'a  paper  on  the  flabelhim 
(_Arduii>ol.  Joum.  j.  203),  nlScientlT  eitabliih- 
Ing  iu  uae  in  the  churche*  of  the  Wut,  where 
it  ooold  be  scarcely  regarded  ai  requisite  aa  re- 
garded Its  original  intention.  We  may  cite  also 
a  letter  of  St.  Hildebert  of  Tonra,  c  lOQS  (Up, 
panjing   the  preaent  of  a  jloiei- 


h  the  n 


Jiibellum  appears  to  hnve  gradually 
tallen  into  disnaa  in  the  Western  church,  and 
to  have  almost  entirely  ceased  by  the  11th 
century.  At  the  preaent  day,  the  onlf  relic  of 
the  usage  is  in  the  magnificent  fans  of  peacocks' 
feathers,  carried  by  the  attendanCa  of  the  pope 
in  Bolemn  proceasions  on  certain  great  feitivaU. 
Though  the  original  intention  of  tbt  flabeUum 

ected  round  it.  Refennc*  has  been  already 


ingi  collected  ro 

made  to  the  idea  that  tbeis  feather 

the  cherubim   and    seraphim    surr 

heavenly  throne,  al  ^nriSct  tlr  r^wov  tlal  ruv 

XtptuBlli  (German,  v.  :  p.  163),  ri  ^n-ftia  col 

ml  T^r  Tvv  ToALV/^uiTtir  XtpouSV  ii^pttar 
(_Ib.  p.  IS9).  Qermanns  alio  holds,  according  to 
Neale  iEad»m  O.  p.  396),  that  the  vibration 


of  which  we  give  a  woodcnt  (No.  5).  Th«  i 
neiod  engraving  (No.  6),  showing  a  deacon 
brating  his  fan  during  the  celebration  of  the 
eucharist,  is  from  a  miniature  In  the  Barberini 
I.ihrsry  (Martigny,  dt  f  itaage  du  flabtUtm). 
the  next  illustration  (No.  T)  from  an  lllnmina- 
tion  in  a  MS.  in  the  Public  Library  at  Roui  . 
bishop  is  seen  bowing  hi*  head  in  the  act  of  ele- 
vating the  waFer,  over  which  tha  attendant  dea- 
OM  waves  a  flabeUmn,  apparently  made  of  parch- 


angels  at  our  Lord'a  Paasion.  Wa 
find  the  same  idea  in  a  passage  from  the  monk 
Job,  given  by  Photiu*  (cod,  ecxxii.  lib.  v.  e.  25% 
who  slso  states  that  another  pnrpose  of  the  vl 
bration  ofthe  jfafojjiiwaithe  raising  of  the  mind 
Irom  the  material  elements  of  the  encharist,  and 
filing  them  on  the  spiritual  realities. 

Two fiabelh  are  still  preserved,  thatorTheo- 
delinda  of  the  tatt«r  part  of  the  fifth  oentnry,  is 


678  FIiABBLLUM 

tha  trunuy  of  the  C»thedr»l  of  Ucnxi,  sad 
tint  of  th«  Abtwy  of  Tourous,  now  in  the  Mu- 
Mnm  of  the  HotiJ  <!«  Cluny,  Biaigntd  by  Da  Som- 
mtnii  to  the  ninth.  The  former  (No.  8)  is  con- 
■tiucted  like  s  modern  [adj'b  tan,  nnl;  circular, 
formed  of  purple  Tellnm,  illnoiiDated  with  gold 
and  lilTtr,  with  m  itucriptioa  round  the  upper 
edge  on  either  Aide,  describing  it«  pnrpobe, 
which  wu  evidentlj  domeitic  and  not  lituT^cal. 
The  fsn  u  coBtHined  in  ■  wooden  gsh,  with  lilTer 
Dmamenta,  pmbHblj  a  reconstrnction  on  the  ori- 
ginal plan  (W.  haegu,  Arc/iaeol.  Joan.  ii>.  pp. 
U-IB).    The  Tounius  fan  WM  liturgical  (No.  »}. 


FLAGELLATION 

metsn  are  iaicrlbed  on  three  oonceatne  bandi  -■ 
the  hn,  deacribing  it>  nw  and  lu  oblatuik  la 
honoar  of  God  and  St.  PhiliberU  The  relia  d 
thii  laint,  who  died  in  6B1,  were  traniUted  I* 
the  Ahbe;  of  Toornus,  where  he  was  held  il 
especial  honour.  The  Tenei  are  very  carioai. 
We  give  one  of  the  three  eerier  It  will  ki 
obaerred  that  wme  word*  have  been  miaplaoed 
hj  the  painter  to  the  coDfuiioD  of  the  metre  ;— 


It  is  deecrihed  by  Du  Sommeraid,  Arii  du  Moym 
A,ie  (ii.  195,  iii.  251,  r.  231),  and  (Igured  in  hia 
Atlia  (oh.  liv.  pi.  4),  itnd  Album  (ii.  a^ie,  p.  17). 
It  ii  circoUr  when  fully  eipandod,  and  is  orna- 
mented with  the  figures  of  fourleen  «inla,  in  two 


ing  of  tt.ta  of  palm  learee,  both  fnr 
eccleniastical  and  domestic  purpose*,  employed 
the  leisure  of  the  Syriau  solitarie*.  St.  Fnl- 
gentiua,  biehop  of  Ruspium,  while  •till  an  aache- 
rit*,  i>  recorded  to  have  made  &n>  Air  the  nc 
if  the  altar  (<ip.  Svrium,  ad  Jan.  I),  llie  Giu 
ent  by  Uarcella  to  the  Roman  ladiea,  for  which 
•he  ia  thanked  by  St.  Jerome  (lib.  i.  Epitt.  41^ 
were  for  ordinary  not  religious  use. 

(Hartiguy,  de  ruaage  du  fliAellvm  ;  Binglum, 
Tiii.  6,  §  21,  IT.  3,  ^  6;  Bona,  Str.  Lilitrg.  l 
35,  S  S;  Uarteue,  II.  cc. ;  AugusU,  CHriiO.  Ar- 
ciOol.  iiL  536  aq. ;  AnhaeoL  J<mr%.  t.  200,  tit. 
T.)  CK.  v.] 

FLAGELLATION  (FlagtOatio).  Fli^xiog 
was  a  puniahmeDt  inflicted  on  certain  orden  tt 
the  clergy,  on  moulci,  nnns,  strb,  and  slam; 
but  aJl  orders  of  the  clergy  were  Ibibidden 
(Apoil.  Can.  28)  Ihenuelves  to  strike  nn  off'eader 
'"lerrorcorTectionorinself-defeDce.  AngnitiM 
.  witnesi  (Ep.  159  ad  Mareeil.)  that  this  node 
of  discipline  was  employed  not  only  by  ichoDl- 
nuuters  and  pareuta,  hut  by  bishopa  in  their 
conrta.  Inthe  church  of  Mount  Kitria(Palladi», 
^ist,  Lauaiac,  o.  6,  quoted  by  Bingham)  three 
whips  were  kept  hanging  up ;  one  for  ^haitisiuf 
ofiending  monks,  another  for  robbers,  au)  the 
third  for  atrangen  wboroiwondnctedthemKlTea. 
The  council  tf  Agde,  a-D.  506  (c  S8),  orleii 
monki  who  will  not  liaten  to  admonition  to  be 
corrected  with  etripea,  and  (c  41)  the  secnlu- 
clergy  who  are  guilty  of  druDkeoDen  to  be 
flogged.      The  1st  council  of  Uftcon  (c  8)  m- 


y  of_tl 


jnn 


c  before 


iergy  n 


are  represented  four  fem 
Virgin  with  Our  Lord  ii 
8L  Agnes,  and  St.  Cecilij 
Peter,  St,  Paul,  and  St.  I 


Hints, 


the  Blessed 
,  St.  Lucy, 
ne,  and  SL 


one.  St.  Maui 

-,  ..-t  s"Jnd»i," 
"Lerita."     Latin  heiauMlera  and  penta- | 


forty  atripei,  save  one"  {Gmc. 

Omc.  Epaiment.  c.  15).     The  mle  of  Isidore  of 

"     ilia    (c.   17)  directs   that    minors   Ulall   ■»( 

ei communicated  hnt  be  beaten.     The  higher 

crs   of  the    clergy   are   eiemptod    from   the 

degradation  of  perwnal  chastisement  bv  the  4th 

1  of  Brags,  A.D.  S75  (c  6).     The  laws  of 

iug  of  WesMt,  *.  r>.  690  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  Couaalt  and  Ecd.  Doemenis,  toL  iii. 
p.  2H)  grant  a  pardon  from  his  acoumog  to  aay 
one  who  tnkes  refuge  in  a  church.  [Q.  M.] 


FLAMEN 


FL0WEB8 


679 


FLAMEN.  BishoM  ate  supposed  bj  Du- 
canKe  (s.  y.)  to  be  called  by  the  old  ethnic  title 
of  fUxmen  in  the  second,  thiid,  and  fourth  canons 
of  the  council  of  Elvira.  But  the  *^  flamines " 
there  mentioned  are  almost  certainly  priesU  of 
heathen  deities,  who  are  warned  against  relap- 
sing^ into  their  former  practices  after  conyersion 
(Bingham,  Anttq,  xvi.  ir.  8>  [C] 

FLAMINA.  A  name  occasionally  used  for 
the  banners  borne  in  a  procession.  Thus  Wolf- 
hard,  in  the  life  of  St.  Walpurgis  (iii.  1 1,  in  Acta 
SS,  Feb.  25)  speaks  of  crosses  and  **signifera 
flamina,"  being  borne  in  a  procession  (Ducange, 
a.  v.).  [C] 

FLATTERY.    [Captatobes.] 

FLAVIAN  A,  yirgin ;  deposition  at  Auzerre, 
Oct.  5  {MaH,  Hieron.,  Usuardi).         [W.  F.  G.] 

FLAVLANXJS,  martyr;  "Paasio"  Jan.  30 
(^MaH,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FLAYIUB,  martyr  at  Nicomedia  with  Augus- 
tus and  Augustinus;  '*Passio"  May  7  {Mart, 
Adonis,  Usuaidi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FLENTE8.    [Penitence.] 

FLORA,  with  Maria,  virgins;  martyrs  at 
Cordova;  commemorated  Nov.  24  {Mart,  Usu- 
ardi). [W.  F.  G.] 

FLORENTIA,  martyr  at  Agde  with  Mo- 
destus  and  Tiberius,  in  the  time  of  Diocletian ; 
commemorated  Nov.  10  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FLORENTINUS.  [Hilary  (6).] 

FLORENTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Carthage 
with  Catulinus,  the  deacon,  Januarius,  Julia,  and 
Josta;  commemorated  July  15  {Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Presbyter,  confessor  in  Poitou ;  comme- 
morated Sept.  22  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Cassius  and  many  others; 
commemorated  Oct.  10  (t6.). 

(4)  Bishop  of  Orange ;  commemorated  Oct. 
17  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Trichateau  in  France ;  comme- 
morated Oct.  27  {ib,),  [W.  F.  G.] 

FLORIANUS,  martyr  in  Austria;  comme- 
morated May  4  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FLORUS.  (1)  Martyr ;  commemorated  with 
Lanrns,  Aug.  18  (Co/.  Byzant,), 

(2)  [Demetrius  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] 

FLOWERS.  1.  Use  of  natural  fiowers,-^The 
early  Christians  rejected  the  ancient  heathen 
custom  of  strewing  the  graves  of  the  dead  with 
flowers  and  wreaths.  This  is  clear  from  the  testi- 
mony of  Minucius  Felix,  who {Octav,  12,  §6 ;  cf. 
3^»f  <^)tnuUces  the  heathen  Caecilius  reproach  the 
Christians  with  refusing  wreaths  even  to  sepul- 
chres. But  they  had  adopted  the  practice  in  the 
4th  centcry  ;  thus  St.  Ambrose  {De  obitu  Valenti' 
fiKint,  c  56)  says,  as  of  a  lawful  custom,  **  I  will 
not  sprinkle  his  tomb  with  flowers,  but  with  the 
sweet  scent  of  Christ's  Spirit ;  let  others  sprinkle 
basketfols  of  lilies ;  our  lily  is  Christ  ;*'  and 
Jerome  {Epist.  20,  ad  Pammachiwn)  says,  **  other 
husbaiida  strew  over  the  tombs  of  their  wives 
^oletSy  roses,  lilies,  and  purple  flowers,    and 


soothe  their  gnef  of  heart  by  these  kind  offices." 
So  also  Prudentius  has  an  allusion  to  it  (Cathe' 
merin.  hymn  x.,  circa  exequka  Defuactorum^ 
177-8). 

**  Noe  tecta  fovebtmns  ossa 
Violis  ki  fronde  frequenti.** 

And  the  same  writer  again  (Peristeph,  ii 
201,  fi^)  exhorts  the  votaries  of  St.  Eulalia  on  he* 
festival  (Dec  10),  to  pluck  such  flowers  as  thr 
genial  winter  yielded— the  violet  and  the  crocus 
— ^to  heap  their  baskets,  while  he  (the  poet) 
would  bring  his  garlands  of  verse,  woven  in 
dactylic  strain ;  ^  thus  should  we  venerate  the 
relics,  and  the  altar  set  above  the  relics." 

In  course  of  time  the  churches,  many  of  which 
in  their  origin  were  but  memorials  or  vast 
sepulchres  of  martyrs,  came  to  be  adorned 
with  garlands  of  leaves  and  flowers.  The 
basilica  of  Paulinus  at  JNola,  for  instance,  appears 
to  have  been  ornamented  in  this  manner. 
Jerome  {Epist.  ad  Heliodortun)  notes  it  as  especi- 
ally praiseworthy  in  Nepotianus,  that  he  had 
decorated  both  basilicas  and  memorial  churches 
of  martyrs  (basilicas  ecclesiae  et  martyrum  con- 
ciliabula),  with  various  flowers  and  foliage  and 
vine  -  leaves,  mentioning  distinctly  the  two 
classes  of  churches,  those  which  were  built  over 
the  remains  of  martyrs,  and  those  which  were  not. 
St.  Augustine  mentio&s  {De  Civ.  Deij  xxii.  8)  a 
blind  woman  bringing  flowers  to  the  tomb  of 
St.  Stephen,  when  the  relics  were  translated. 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  in  a  poem  addressed  to 
St.  Rhadegund  {Carmina,  viii.  9),  gives  a  some- 
what more  detailed  description  of  the  floral 
decoration  of  a  church  for  Easter.  In  spring- 
time (he  says)  when  the  Lord  overcame  hell, 
vegetation  springs  more  freshly.  Then  do  men 
decorate  the  door-posts  and  desks  with  flowers ; 
women  All  their  laps  with  roses,  these  too  for  the 
temples.  The  altars  are  covered  with  wreaths ; 
the  gold  of  the  crocus  is  blended  with  the  purple 
of  the  violet ;  white  is  relieved  with  scarlet.  So 
rich  are  the  flowers  that  they  surpass  gems  in 
colour,  frankincense  in  odour.  Gregory  of 
Tours  {De  Ghr.  Mart.  c.  50)  tells  us  that  the 
basilica  of  Severinus  was  decorated  with  lilies ; 
and  further  (u.  s,  c.  91),  that  at  Menda,  in 
Spain,  three  trees  were  planted  before  the  altar 
of  St.  Eulalia,  the  flowers  of  which,  being  carried 
to  the  sick,  had  often  wrought  miracles.  He 
also  informs  us  {De  Gloria  Confese.  31)  that  St. 
Severus  used  to  gather  lilies  and  other  flowers  to 
decorate  the  walls  of  his  church. 

At  Whitsuntide  a  profusion  of  flowers  was 
(in  some  places)  showered  down  from  some 
elevated  spot  to  the  floor  of  the  church,  to  sym- 
bolize the  outpouring  of  the  gitls  of  the  Spirit 
(Martene,  De  Pit.  Ant.  IV,  xxviii.  17). 

2.  Sculptured  or  painted  flowers.^  The  word 
**  paradise  "  (meaning  garden)  having  been  used 
in  the  church  from  an  early  period  to  designate 
the  futui*o  abode  of  the  blessed,  the  custom 
would  easily  and  naturally  arise  of  ornamenting 
with  flowers,  the  cemeteries  and  crypts  contam- 
ing  the  venerated  remains  of  martyrs,  and  even 
the  humble  graves  of  the  faithful.  Here  accord- 
ingly we  And  flowers  lavished  in  every  direction, 
and  in  every  device,  in  wreaths,  in  bunches,  in 
crowns,  in  vases,  in  baskets.  In  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Agnes  we  trace  a  beautiful  idea  I'rom  the 
antique  in  the  decoration  of  the  entrance  to  the 


680 


FOLIATI 


first  chamber — little  iringed  flfenii  carrying  od 
their  shoulders  small  baskets  filled  with  flowers, 
to  be  strewed  on  the  graves  of  the  saints  who 
repose  within  (Bottari,  Scuiture  e  Pitturey  taT. 
cxzxix.).  In  the  churches  of  Rome  and  Ravenna 
the  mosaics  of  the  apse  usually  represent  the 
delighta  of  paradise ;  there  we  find  figures  of 
our  Lord  with  the  Virgin  and  other  saints  upon 
a  groundwork  of  grass  and  flowers  (Ciampini, 
Vet.  monitTL  I.  tab.  xlvi.  et  passim).  The 
bottoms  of  ancient  glass  cups  have  been  found 
embellished  with  the  same  subjects  treated  in 
the  same  manner  [Glass,  Christian]. 

A  flower  rising  out  of  a  crown  placed  between 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  iu  the  place  where  the 
monogram  generally  appears  has  been  thought 
to  be  a  symbol  of  the  Lord.  An  example  may 
be  seen  on  a  -gilt  vase  (Buonarruoti,  Frammenti 
di  Vetro,  xvi.  1). 

(Martene,  De  Rit.  Ant,  lib.  iii.  c.  10,  §  13; 
Binterim's  DenktcurdigkeUen^  iv.  I,  130;  Mar- 
tigny,  Dictionnaire,  s.  v.  Fleurs).  [C] 

FOLIATI.    [Shoe.] 

FONT,  BAPTISMAL.  In  the  article  Bap- 
tistery, full  particulars  have  been  given  of  the 
building  or  chamber  set  apart  for  the  admini- 
stration of  the  sacrament  of  baptism.  It  remains 
now  to  speak  of  the  cistern  or  vessel  for  contain- 
ing the  water.  This  was  known  under  different 
names ;  the  general  Greek  appellation  being  itoA- 
vfifi'tiBpoy  the  Latin,  piscina.  Other  names  were 
K^yxfli  vrov6fios^  hvacrum,  natatoriwn  (Du- 
cange,  Constantinopol.  Christ,  lib.  iii.  c  81,  p.  73). 

The  material  in  the  Western  church  waa,  as 
a  rule,  stone  ;  frequently  porphyry,  or  other 
rich  marbles.  It  was  permitted  by  the  council 
of  Lerida,  A.D.  524,  that  if  the  presbyter  could 
not  procure  a  stone  font,  he  might  provide 
himself  with  a  **va8  conveniens  ad  baptizandi 
officfum  '*  of  any  material  (Labbe,  Condi,  iv. 
1615),  which  was  to  be  reserved  for  that  sacra- 
ment alone  (Leo,  IV.  de  Cura  Pastoral. ;  Labbe, 
Concil.  viii.  37).  In  the  Eastern  church  the 
font  was  usually  of  metal  or  wood,  and  seldom 
or  never  possessed  any  beauty.  (Neale,  Eastern 
Church,  i.  214.) 

The  usual  form  of  the  font  was  octagonal, 
with  a  mystical  reference  to  the  eighth  day,  as 
the  day  of  our  Lord's  resurrection,  and  of  re- 
generation by  the  Spirit  (of.  Ambros.  Epist.  20, 
44).  This  explanation  of  the  octagonal  form  is 
given  in  the  following  lines  attributed  to  St. 
Ambrose,  first  published  by  Gruter,  Thes.  Inscr. 
p.  1166,  descriptive  of  the  baptistery  of  the 
church  of  St.  Thecla,  in  which  Alypius  and  his 
companions  were  baptized  by  him,  Easter,  a.d. 
387. 

"  OctKchorura  sancto^  Uanplnm  conrargit  in  usust 

Ociagonus  Kons  est  munere  digniu  eo. 
Utic  nuineru  decult  sacn  BapUsmatiH  aulam 

8urgt-re  qua  populiH  vera  salus  rediit 
Luce  re!«urgfnliii  Chrbti  qui  cLiustra  resolvit 

Murtis  et  a  tuomlU  suscipit  exanlmcs, 
CoiifeBM}6qQt'  reos  maculueo  criiuine  sol  veils 

FontU  puriflui  dlluit  irrlguo." 

The  piscina  is  sometimes  found  of  a  circular 
form,  and  is  ocoisionally,  though  very  rarely  (as 
Rt  Aquileia)  hexagonal  (cf.  Baptistkrv,  wood- 
cut, p.  175).  Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Glor, 
Martyr,  lib.  i.  c.  2:J),  speaks  of  a  font  in  the 


FONT,  BENEDICTION  OF 

shape  of  a  cross  in  Spain.  The  form  «f  • 
sepulchre  is  stated  to  have  been  sonietiaics 
adopted,  in  allusion  to  the  Christian's  burial  witii 
Christ  in  baptism  (Rom.  ir.  4). 

The  piscina  usually  formed  a  b«an  in  tW 
centre  of  the  baptistery,  rather  beneath  the  lerd 
of  the  pavement,  lurrounded  with  a  low  walL 
It  was  entered  by  an  ascent  and  descent  of  steps;. 
According  to  Isidore  Hispal.  {Orig.  zy.  4 ;  de  Die, 
Off.  ii.  24)  the  normal  number  was  seren ;  three 
in  descent  to  symbolize  the  triple  rentinciatioB  of 
the  world,  the  fiesh,  and  the  devil ;  three  in 
ascent  to  symbolize  the  confession  of  the  TVinity, 
and  a  seventh,  **  septimus  .  .  .  qui  et  qnartas  * 
at  the  summit  of  the  enclosing  walL  for  the 
officiating  minister  to  stand  on.  But  the  rale 
concerning  the  number  was  not  invariable.  At 
Nocera,  the  number  of  steps  is  five,  two  is 
ascent,  and  three  in  descent.  The  descent  ints 
the  piscina  of  St.  John  Lateran  is  by  four  steps. 
We  find  frequent  references  in  the  fiithers  to 
I  the  catechumens  going  down  into  the  fi»nt  for 
immersion,  e.  g.  Cyril,  Myst.  iL  §  4 ;  ^  ye  wen 
led  to  the  pool  of  Divine  baptism  ....  sad 
descended  three  times  into  the  water,  and  as- 
cended again;"  Id.  Myst.  iiL  §  1.  '* After  yoo 
had  come  up  from  the  pool  of  the  saovd 
streams";  Ambrose,  de  Sacr.  lib.  i.  c  2.  **W 
nisti  ad  fontem,  ingressus  es."  The  most  detailed 
description  of  a  baptismal  font,  is  that  given  ia 
the  life  of  St.  Sylvester,  in  the  Bibf.  Pap.  of  the 
so-called  Anastasins  (§  37).  This  font  is  said  to 
have  been  presented  by  Constantine  the  Great 
to  the  church  of  the  Lateran,  in  which  be  is 
falsely  recorded  to  have  been  baptised  hlmsrif 
The  description  is  at  any  rate  of  value  as  indi- 
cating the  decoration  and  arrangements  of  aa 
early  font.  The  cistern  is  stated  to  hare  been  of 
porphyry,  overlaid  within  and  without  with 
silver.  In  the  middle  of  the  font  were  two 
pillars  of  porphyry,  carrying  a  golden  dish,  ia 
which  the  Paschal  lamp  burnt,  fed  with  balsam, 
and  with  an  asbestos  wick.  A  lamb  of  pure  gold 
on  the  brim  of  the  basin,  and  seven  silrer  stags, 
in  allusion  to  Ps.  xlii.  1,  poured  out  water;  on 
either  side  of  the  lamb  were  silver  statues  of 
Christ,  and  the  Baptist.  The  font  erected  by  St. 
Innocent  at  the  church  of  SS.  Gerrasius  and 
Protasius,  c  410,  was  also  ornamented  with  a 
silver  stag,  pouring  out  water  (Anastas  §  57). 
Over  the  fonts,  doves  of  silver  or  gold  were 
sometimes  suspended,  in  allusion  to  the  drcum- 
stances  of  Christ's  baptism.  [EL  V.J 

FONT,  BENEDICTION  OF.    In  the  4th 

century,  the  ceremony  of  blessing  the  water  to 
be  used  in  baptism  was  already  regarded  as  of 
high  antiquity.  Basil  the  Great,  says  expre^y 
(De  Spiritu  S.  c.  27),  that  the  benediction  of  the 
baptismal  water  was  one  of  the  rites  whidi  the 
church  had  received  from  ecclesiastical  tradition, 
not  directly  from  Scripture ;  t.  e.  it  was  then  of 
immemorial  usage.  The  principal  traces  of  it 
in  the  remains  of  early  literature  are  the  fol- 
lowing. 

The  passage  sometimes  cited  from  the  Ignatna 
letter  to  the  Ephesians  (c.  18),  that  Christ  was 
onptized  to  purify  the  water,  is  very  far  fttm 
proving  that  any  special  benediction  of  the  water 
took  place  at  the  time  of  baptirm.  Nor  is  it  br 
any  means  cei*tain  that  the  heretics  mentiooed 
by  Irenaeus  (Hacres,  i.  21,  §  4),  who  poured  oil 


FONT,  BGNEDIOnON  OF 

and  water  OT»r  th»  head  of  thote  whom  they 
Imptiied,  did  u  ai  imitating  the  coDiacration  of 
the  water  hy  poor'ng  in  chriam,  as  practised  by 
the  orlhodoi.  But  when  Tertullian  (ib  Bapliimo, 
c  *),  ancr  ipeaking  of  the  aboriginal  consecra- 
tion of  the  element  of  water  at  creation  by  the 
:ipirit  of  God,  goes  dd  to  laj,  "Therefore  *ll 
waten  acquire  thebleMiDgofcoiuecratiDD  (aacra- 
meaCum  ganctificatioDiii)  from  tlieir  prtmaeral 
tirerogatire,  God  being  inroked  (invocsto  Deo)," 
he  prolwblj  allndei  to  a  special  invocation  of  the 
Uotj  i^irit  upon  the  water  which  took  place 
brfon haptinRi.   Someyetin  later,  Cyprian(£)>i<t. 


70,  c 


1  that  the  water  for  bapti^i 


rat  he  eletuued  and  aaactilied  hj 
bishop  Sedatua  of  Thnburbum  (SententiM  EpiK, 
a.  18,  in  Cyprian's  Worii),  speaks  of  baptiimal 
water  conaetrated  by  Ihp  prayer  of  the  priest 
(aqna  inoerdotb  prece  in  eccleaia  conaecrata). 
The  Arabic  csdoiib  of  Hippoljtua  (can,  19,  p.  75, 
quoted  by  Probst,  p.  77),  direct  the  caudidales 
for  haptinm  to  stand  by  the  font  of  pore  water 
made  ready  by  benediction.  Cyril  of  Jernsalem 
iCattKh.  ill.  3)  saye  that  simple  water,  having 

--       '  orer  it  the  invocation  of  Father,  Son, 


6)11 


1,  bened' 


the  Holy  Trinity,  and  prayers.  We  have  here, 
perhapa,  the  earliest  distinct  mention  of  the 
exorcism  of  the  baptismal  water.  An  eiampla 
of  the  form  of  eiorcism  may  be  seen  in  BiPTian, 
{  30,  p.  158. 

„...,  ._.   .^  j^^  |.jji^  ^^  benediction,  we 


a  thatTer 


alliai 


>  of  ai 


Probably  the  earliest  i 
form  eitant,  nhich  cannot  he  atanmed  with 
ccrtaiDty  to  be  older  than  the  beginning  of  the 
4th  century,  i<  that  of  the  ApiaMiixU  CoatlUa- 
(kmj  (vil.  43),  in  which  the  priest,  after  a  recita- 
li-n  of  the  mercies  of  God  analogous  to  the 
I'RCFACE  of  the  eucharislic  olhce,  proceeds, 
"  Ijook  dowB  from  heaven,  and  aancllfy  this 
water,  and  grant  grace  and  power  that  he  who 
i>  bnptiied  according  to  the  command  of  Thy 
Christ,  may  with  Him  be  crucified  and  die  and 
be  buried  and  rise  again  to  the  adoption  which  a 
in  Him,  by  dying  unto  ein,  but  tiling  unto 
righteonsness."'  Compare  Diouysius  Areop.  Hkr- 
orth.  Keel,  c  2. 

Another  ceremony,  the  pouring  in  of  chrism, 
eeaenlly  so  aa  to  form  a  cross  on  the  aurfuce  of 
the  water,  was  probably  of  later  introduction, 
though  it  is  found  at  least  as  early  aa  the  6th 
century  [BAPTiaM,  p.  159],  Gregory  of  Tonra 
{De  aioria  Marl.  i.  23)  after  a  curious  descrip- 
tion of  the  miraculous  filling  of  cerUin  fonts  in 
Spain,  proceeds  to  say  that  the  water  was  aancli- 
lied  by  exorcism  and  sprinkled  over  with  chrism; 
a  passage  which  proves  that  in  the  time  of 
Gregory  Ct^S*),  the  pooring  in  of  chriam  was 
regarded  as  a  matter  of  conrae.  And  it  may  be 
mentioned  in  illustration,  that  according  to  Klo- 
doard'a  dcicriptioD  of  the  baptism  of  Clovit 
(//ill.  Remtm.  kal.  t.  13),  it  was  after  the 
benediction  of  the  font  that  chrism  was  found 
wanting,   and    supplied    by    the  advent    of  the 

Renii   sprinkled    the  font   with    chrism   (chris- 


00TPBINT8  681 

of  the  water,  preface,  benediction  of  the  font, 
another  preface  (called  Contitt'itlo  Fonlit) 
then  the  rubric,  "Postea  bds  tr«  CTncea  d< 
chrisma."  In  the  Gallican  Sacramentary  printed 
by  Mnrtene  (I.  1.  IB,  ordo  3)  from  a  MS.  at 
Bobhio,  a  somewhat  more  explicit  description  it 
given  of  the  making  of  the  croaa  on  the  water 
with  chrism,  "  Debde  in  fonle  cbrisml  decnr- 
rente  gignum  t  facis."  And  again  (Hartene, 
U.S.  ordo  10),  the  priest  "accipiena  vas  autenm 
cum  chrtsmate  fundil  chrisma  in  fonte  in 
modnm  crucis,  et  eipandit  aquae  cum  mann 
sua."  It  may  be  obsnred  that  in  the  ifttsafa 
Aethiopicum  quoted  bj  Binterim  (I.  i.  86),  wher* 
the  threefold  iufiuion  of  oil  in  the  form  of  a 
cross  is  described,  it  is  expressly  atated  to  be 
unconsecrated  oil  (oteuca  nan  benedictum). 

The  deicrlptioD  in  Amalariua  {_De  Eccl.  Off.  i. 
25)  corresponds  generally  with  that  of  these 
eacraraentaries.  Amalaiiua  expressly  mentions 
insufflation  aa  one  of  the  rites  in  EiORCUx  [see 
that  word].  After  the  expulsion  of  the  evil 
spirit  by  exorcism,  he  simply  eays,  "Diunitur 
aqua  crucis  signaculo,"  not  distinctly  mentioning 
the  pouring  in  of  chriam  in  the  form  of  a  cross. 

in  the  Gregorian  Saeramgntary  (pp.  71—73)  Is 
mentiuned  another  rite,  that  of  plunging  tapen 
into  the  water  to  be  consecrated.  Two  lighted 
tapera  are  carried  before  the  bishop  to  the  font ; 


after  the  benediction,  the  aforesaid  two  tapers 
are  plunged  into  the  font,  and  the  bishop  "  in- 
sufflates "  on  the  water  three  times.  After  this 
the  chrism  ia  poured  into  the  font,  and  the 
children  are  bnptiied.  This  dipping  of  the  taper 
into  the  font  is  represented  in  the  accompanying 
woodcut,  from  a  Pontifical  of  the  Hh  century 
[compare  the  cut  on  p.  159],  where  however 
only  one  taper  ia  given.  The  ceremony  mentioned 
by  Amalnrius  (J>«  Eocl.  Off.  i.  25)  of  plunging 
the  tapers  of  the  neophylet  [BaftiSm,  p.  163, 
§  59)  into  the  font,  seems  to  be  distinct  from  this. 
(Martene,  Ds  Fit.  Ant.;  Binterim'e  DeaJt- 
wiirdigkeiten ;  Probst,  SakrametOt  u.  Sahrami'n- 
Mi^.)  [C] 

FOOTPRINTS  ON  SEPimCMBAL  SLABS,  UW 
SEAL  RiNoa.  Sepulchral  tlabe  have  been  found 
in  the  catacombs  and  elsewhere,  indeed  with  foot- 
print*.'    The  two  feet  as  a  mie  point  the  same 


HctaapeLofPofnlnequo  va 


Und  dcKTlbKl  above,  ro 


a  trpukhial  stone  or  ibe 
bk))  iha  nqnlsHelrbMW- 
bnw.  hat  crjitiaUMt.    Jt 


682 


FOOTPRINTS 


way,  though  sometimes,  but  rarely,  they  are 
turned  in  opposite  directions  (Fabretti,  Inscript. 
Antiq.  p.  472).  A  slab  in  the  Kircherian  Museum, 
giTen  by  Lupi  {Epitaph,  Sever.  Martyr,  p.  68), 
bears  two  pairs  of  footprints  pointed  contrary 
ways,  as  of  a  person  going  and  returning  (fig.  1). 
Some  of  these  slabs  are  certainly  Christian, 
though  the  fact  in  other  cases  is  uncertain.  A 
slab  given  by  Boldetti  (c  vii.  p.  419),  inscribed 
with  lANOTPIA  EN  6  (Januaria  in  Deo)  at 
one  end,  bears  the  sole  of  a  foot,  with  in  deo 
incised  upon  it,  at  the  other.  Perret  gives  a 
slab  erected  by  a  Christian  husband  to  his  wife, 
with  a  pair  of  footprints  incised  on  it,  not  bare, 
as  is  customary,  but  shod  in  shoes  or  sandals 
{Catacotnbes,  vol.  y.  pi.  26,  No.  53).  Sometimes 
but  more  rarelv  we  find  a  single  foot  seen  in 
profile  (/6.  pi.  5*2,  No.  37). 

The  signification  of  this  mark  is  much  con- 
troverted. Boldetti  (p.  507)  and  others  regard 
the  footprint  as  the  symbol  of  possession,  de- 
noting that  the  burial-place  had  been  purchased 
by  the  individual  as  his  own.  This  view  is 
based  on  the  false  etymology  of  "poasessio," 
quasi  ^^  pedis  positio,"  given  by  Paulas  {Dig.  41, 
tit.  2,  {  1),  and  probably  needs  no  refutation. 


Flff.  1.    MooniiMntal  SUb  with  Footorinti,  In  the  Klicfaerion 
M nawun.    Ftom  Lapi. 

The  idea  of  Pelliccia  {de  Christ.  EccL  Polit.  iii. 
225)  and  Cavedoni  {Hcujgvagl.  di  monum.  deW  Art. 
Crist,  p.  40)  that  a  sense  of  their  loss  and  a  deep 
regret  and  affection  for  the  departed  was  thus 
indicated,  is  a  mere  romantic  fancy.  More  may 
be  said  for  Lupi's  view  (u.  s,  p.  69),  that  as 
such  emblems  were  sometimes  dedicated  as  votive 
offerings  by  travellers  on  their  return  from  a 
journey,  they  were  intended  on  a  Christian  slab 
to  indicate  a  holy  thankfulness  for  the  safe  com- 
pletion of  the  earthly  pilgrimage  of  the  departed. 
Another  more  prosaic,  but  by  no  means  improb- 
able, interpretation,  especially  of  a  single  foot,  is 
that  found  in  Thomassinus  {deDonariis,  c.  7)  and 
Fabretti  {Inscript.  c.  vi.  p.  467),  quoted  by  Lupi 
(u.  9.),  that  it  was  a  thank-offering  for  recovery 
iXom  gout  or  other  disease  affecting  the  foot. 

should  be  remarked  that  the  basilica  of  St  Sebastian 
was  erected  over  one  of  the  chief  Christian  cemeteries, 
that  from  which  the  name  catacomb  has  been  trans* 
ferred  to  the  reet,  so  that  the  presence  of  such  a  memo- 
rial slab  is  easily  accounted  for.  In  the  church  of  St. 
Radegund  at  Poitiers  a  well  defined  footmark:  In  the 
stone  suppoecd  to  indicate  the  spot  where  our  Saviour 
appeared  to  (hat  saint,  prubably  has  a  similar  origin. 
The  Roman  remains  at  Poitiers  are  nnmemus.  The 
footprints  shown  as  our  Lord's  in  the  church  of  the 
Asceuaion  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  mentioned  by  Angus- 
tine  (in  Joann.  Horn,  zlvii.  4 ;  Jerome  dt  locis  Hebraic ; 
Beds  de  nom.  loe.  in  Act.  AposL)  are  stated  b7  Stanley 
{S.  A  P.  p.  453)  to  be  *' nothing  bnt  a  simple  cavity  in 
the  roclc  with  no  more  resemblance  to  a  human  foot  than 
U)  anything  else." 


FOBMA 

The  same  emblem  is  frequently  found  ob 
rings.  The  sole  of  the  foot  bears  sometimes  tli€ 
name  of  the  owner,  e.g.,  fortynivs  (Boldetti, 
p.  506;  Perret,  voL  iv.  pi.  xi.  No.  4);  Jvsrvs 
(Aringhi,  ii.  698  ;  Agincourt,  SciUpi.  pi.  viii.  Xol 
23),  from  the  catacomb  of  St.  Agnes; 
times  a  Christian  motto  or  device,  €.g, 
IN  DEO  (fig.  2)  (Perret,  u.  a.,  No.  5%  said  the  i 
gram  of  Christ  {lb.  No.  6).  In  an  example 
given  by  Perret  (vol.  iv.  p.  xiiii.  No.  21),  we 
see  the  stamp  of  such  a  aeai  bearing  the  sole 


Pig.  a.    Seal-Bluff  ftom  the  Klrahflrian  Muenm. 


ot  a  foot,  with  pavli  incised  on  it,  five  times 
repeated  on  the  mortar  in  which  a  gilt  glass 
hsul  been  embedded,  in  the  catacomb  of  St. 
Sixtus.  [E.  v.] 

FOBGERT  is  a  particular  case  of  the  offence 
called  Fhlsum, 

Falsttm  is  any  perversion  or  corruption  of 
truth  done  with  malice  (dolo  malo)  to  the  pre- 
judice of  another.  It  may  be  committed  either 
by  word,  as  in  the  case  of  perjury  ;  by  act,  as  in 
the  case  of  coining  base  money ;  or  by  writing 
as  in  the  case  of  forgery.  In  the  case  of  the 
latter,  the  cj'ime  of  fcdeum  is  equally  committed 
whether  a  man  has  written  a  document  whidx  is 
not  what  it  professes  to  be,  or  forged  a  seal  or  a 
signature,  or  erased  or  destroyed  the  whole  or  a 
portion  of  a  document  maliciously  to  the  j>reju- 
dice  of  another.  Falsum  was  punished  under 
the  empire  by  deportation,  or  even  (in  extreme 
cases)  by  death  {Codex  Theod.  lib.  ix.  tit.  19,  IL 
1  et  2).  The  special  precautions  taken  by  the 
authorities  of  the  church  agaimst  the  foi^ry  of 
ecclesiastical  documents  seem  to  belong  to  a  later 
period  than  that  with  which  we  are  concerned ; 
but  no  doubt  the  faUariuSj  like  other  offenden 
against  the  laws  of  truth  and  justice,  incurred 
ecclesiastical  censures.  (Ferraris,  BUdiotheoa 
Prompta,  s.  v.  Falsum ;  Bingham's  Antiq,  rn. 
xii.  14.)  [G] 

FORMA.  An  impression  or  representation, 
as  (for  instance)  the  stamp  on  coins,  whethex 
effigy  or  mark. 

(1.)  It  is  used  for  the  impression  of  a  seal;  and 
it  seems  highly  probable  that  literac  formatae 
[Commendatory  Letters,  Dimissorv  Leiteics], 
derived  their  name  from  the  fact  that  seals  were 
appended  to  them.  Sirmond  quotes  a  Vaticaii 
gloss  which  interpi*et8  the  term  **formata  epi- 
stola  "  bv  "  sigillata,'*  and  the  Greek  interpreter 
of  the  23rd  canon  of  the  Codex  EccL  Afric.  [3 
Garth,  c.  28],  renders  ^*  formatam  "  by  rtrvn^- 
tuiviiv^  clearly  in  the  sense,  of  *' sealed."  The 
second  council  of  Chilons  (c.  41),  testifies  to  the 


FOBMABIUS 


FORTUNATUS 


683 


hdt  that  seals  were  appended  to  such  docu- 
ments. 

And  not  only  is  the  word  formata  used  abso- 
lately  for  a  sealed  official  document,  but  forma 
came  to  be  used  in  the  same  sense.  Thus  Capi- 
toUnns  describes  Antoninus  as  consulting  his 
Ariends  before  he  drew  up  authoritative  docu- 
ments (formas) ;  and  the  word  is  similarly  used 
bv  Christian  writers  (Ducange,  s.  tt.  Forma, 
Formatae). 

(2.)  From  the  same  use  of  the  word  Forma 
for  an  effigy  or  stamp,  it  arises  that  the  word 
Formata  designates  the  formed  or  stamped  bread 
used  in  the  Holy  £ucharist.  The  Ordo  Momatnu 
in  the  rite  for  the  consecration  of  a  bishop  has 
the  following;  "cum  autem  venerit  ad  com- 
municandum  Dominus  Pontifex  porrigit  ei  for- 
matam  atqoe  sacratam  oblationem  integram.*' 
M^ard  takes  this  to  mean  an  **epistola  for- 
mata;** but  it  seems  in  the  highest  degree 
improbable  that  the  consecrator  would  present 
an  official  document  to  the  newly  -  ordained 
bishop  at  the  moment  of  communicating,  and 
Ducange  (s.  y.  Formata)  has  shown  that  the 
word  is  elsewhere  used  to  designate  the  eucha- 
ristic  bread. 

(3.)  The  word  Forma  is  also  used  to  designate 
the  seats  or  stalls  used  by  clerks  or  monks  when 
saying  their  offices  in  choir.  The  gloss  on  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict  (De  Supellect.)  explains 
Forma  as  **  sella  arcnata,  Bp6vos"  The  desk 
in  front  of  such  a  stall,  on  which  its  occupant 
might  lean,  seems  to  be  sometimes  called  for- 
mtSa  {Supples  Lib.  MonacK  Fuid.  Car,  Magna, 
e  5,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cy.  p.  419 ;  compare 
Gregory  of  Tours,  Be  Qlor,  Confess,  c.  92 ;  Ilist, 
f^nc.  yiii.  31).  [C] 

FOBMABIUS,  the  person  in  a  monastery 
who  was  especially  appointed  to  promote  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  brethren,  and  to  be  a 
model  of  life  to  them,  "  qui  in  bonis  sit  forma  " 
{BegtUa  S.  Ferreoli,  c.  17);  an  elder  brother 
fitted  to  benefit  the  souls  of  the  monks,  who 
should  studiously  deyote  himself  to  watching 
over  them  {Heg.  S.  Benedicti,  c.  58).  The  corre- 
sponding person  in  a  monastery  of  women  was 
called  Fortnaria  (Reg,  S.  Caesarii  ad  Virgines, 
c  37 ;  Ducange,  s.  v.).  [C] 

FORMATA.    [FOBMA.] 

FORNICATION  {Fomioatio,  iropyc(^)  is  de- 
fined to  be  **  copula  camalis  soluti  cum  soluta" ; 
a  sin  committed  by  two  persons,  male  and  female, 
who  are  not  connected  by  blood  within  the  prohi- 
bited degrees  of  kindred,  and  are  neither  married 
nor  contracted.  This  is  in  substance,  Augustine's 
definition  (Qtiaest,  in  Deuteron,  n.  37).  The  older 
definitions  of  fornication  seem  to  refer  almoet 
entirely  to  the  freedom  of  the  woman  from  the 
marriage  bond,  without  regard  to  the  condition 
of  the  man  [Adultery].  Thus  Basil  (ad  Amp/ii- 
loch,  c.  21)  regards  the  sin  of  a  married  man 
with  an  unmarried  woman  as  simple  vopycfo,  not 
uoix*ia ;  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (Kpist  Canonica) 
defines  fornication  to  be  a  gratification  of  lust 
which  takes  place  without  wronging  another; 
which  words  Balsamon  (in  loco)  explains  to  mean, 
intercourse  with  a  woman  who  is  not  married 
(llopr^la  X4yrrai  ^  X^P^^  iJiuclat  Mpov  fi^is, 
iiyovif  ^  irpbs  iXtvBipav  iiv^pht  yweuKo).  To  the 
same  effect  Theophylact  (on  St.  Matt.  y.  32)  says 
that  fornication  is  committed  with  a  woman  not 


under  marriage  bond  (tis  iiTo\t\vfiiifiif)»  Am- 
brose, howeyer,  lays  down  the  wider  and  trner 
principle,  '*  nee  viro  licet  quod  mulieri  non  licet ; 
eadem  a  yiro  quae  ab  uxore  debetur  castimonia  " 
(De  Patriarch,  i.  4).  Concubinage,  the  continued 
cohabitation  of  an  unmarried  man  with  an  un- 
married woman,  is  a  special  case  of  fornication. 

The  word  fomicatio  is  also  used  to  designate 
all  kinds  of  sexual  sin  and  unnatural  crime ;  see, 
for  instance,  Theodore's  Penitential^  I.  ii.  Forni- 
cation in  this  wider  sense  is  commonly  called 
luxury  by  later  canonists. 

It  was  one  of  the  first  cares  of  the  apostolic 
church  to  repress  this  eyil  held  so  yenial  among 
the  Gentiles  (Acts  ry.  20 ;  1  Cor.  yi.  18 ;  £ph. 
y.  3,  5) ;  nor  were  the  rulers  of  the  church  in 
later  times  less  anxious  to  put  down  all  forms 
of  unclcanness.  Basil  (ad  AmphU,  c.  22)  lays 
down  the  rule,  that  men  practising  concubinage 
after  seduction  should  be  excluded  from  com- 
munion for  four  years,  in  the  first  of  which 
they  are  to  be  excluded  from  the  prayers, 
and  weep  at  the  door  of  the  church ;  in  the 
second  to  be  received  as  hearers ;  in  the  thii*d  to 
penitence  (tls  firrdvoiop) ;  in  the  fourth  to  attend 
diyine  service  with  the  congregation,  abstaining 
from  the  offering ;  and  then  to  be  admitted  to 
communion  of  the  good  (Koiywulay  rod  hyaOov). 
In  the  case  of  concubinage,  the  great  bishop 
eyidently  feels  that  the  times  will  not  bear  due 
severity.  He  holds  (ad  Amjjh.  c.  26)  that  it 
is  best  that  persons  living  together  in  fornica- 
tion should  be  separated ;  but  if  they  persist  in 
living  together,  *Met  them  be  warned  of  the 
penalty  of  fornication;  but  let  them  not  be 
meddled  with  (k^UaBwerav),  lest  a  worse  thing 
come  upon  them."  So  previously  (c.  21)  he 
acknowledges  the  difficulty  of  treating  certain 
cases,  and  confesses  that  custom  is  too  strong 
to  be  contended  against.  For  fornicators  in 
general  he  enjoins  (lb,  c  59)  seven  years' 
exclusion  from  the  sacraments ;  two  among  the 
Flentes,  two  among  the  Audientesy  two  among 
the  SiAstrati,  and  one  among  the  Consistentes 
[Penitbncje]. 

The  treatment  of  sins  of  uncleanness  occupies 
a  large,  perhaps  an  undue  space  in  later  Peniten- 
tials ;  as  (e.  g.)  in  those  of  Theodore  (I.  ii.),  Bede, 
(c.  3),  Egbert  (cc.  2  and  4),  Halitgar  (i.  16,  17), 
and  others. 

Periods  of  penance  are  prescribed,  yarying 
according  to  the  condition  of  the  offender,  and 
the  nature  of  the  offence.  The  offence  of  a  cleric 
was  naturally  more  heinous  than  that  of  a  simple 
lay  person,  and  might  be  punished  by  degrada- 
tion, as  well  as  by  the  same  kind  of  penalties  as 
those  inflicted  on  the  laity.  And  it  is  evident 
from  the  repeated  denunciations  of  such  sins  by 
bishops  and  councils,  and  the  elaborate  provision 
made  to  separate  the  clergy  and  the  monks  from 
the  society  of  women,  that  the  celibate  clergy 
were  only  too  liable  to  fall  into  the  sin  of  incon 
tinence  (Thomassin,  Vetus  et  Nova  Eccl,  Discip. 
L  ii.  61,  §§  8-12).  [C.J 

FORTUNATIANUS.    [Felix  (23).] 

FORTUNATUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Smyrna 
with  Revocatus  and  Vitalis ;  commemorated  Jan. 
9  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(8)  [Feucianus  (1).] 

(8)  [Fbux  (7>1 


884 


roETDNOB 


f4)  [Felix  (12).] 

(5)  MartyT  in  Africa;  e(>Dimeniiir*t«4  Tith 
Cr«<c«Dtisiiiu  anil  LaciBna),  Jane  13  {Mart. 
Bedse). 

(6)  [Herhaoobu.] 

(T)  Bishop  at  Todi ;  "  Hittalis  "  Oct.  14  (»iir<. 
Csuardi). 

(B)  Saint,  of  Rame ;  commemorated  Oct.  15 
Ca,)-  [W.F.G] 

FOETUNXIS.  [Feui  (B).] 

POBUM.    [JoBiBDicnoH.] 

P08BAEII  or  FOSSOBEa  The  grare- 
diggers  or  aFitona  of  eax\y  Chriatian  natiqoitj 
were  knowo  br  theM  dHignatioiia.     [CofiaI1£; 

Dbcands.] 

Padre  Mardii  haa  dravD  a  verf  deRuite  picture 
of  goildi  of/ouOTM,  organiied  under  special  re- 
golatioui,  nttsctied  to  each  of  the  titaii  of  Romt, 
and  acting  under  ttae  directions  of  the  biihepa 
and  preabjrtere.  (ifonum.  Primit,  pp,  67-91.) 
But  the  eTidence  he  adducea  ia  of  the  alighteit 
teitnre ;  and  the  good  father  probaUj'  did  not 
intend  his  deacriptlon  to  be  regarded  at  more 
tbsD  a  pteaiing  hypothuls. 

The  term  foaor  it  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
the  iuacriptianiof  the  catacombs.  Marchi,  p,  81, 
giresMTeralepitaphiof/osMrvs.  Boldctti.u  15, 
gives  the  fbltawiag  IVom  St.  Calliitus :  "  Sergiui 
(t  Junius  Fossores  H  B.  N.  M.  In  pace  bisom." 
Bnt  the  most  common  appearance  of  the  term 
is  in  the  later  epitaphs,  which  testify  to  the 
piirchaee  of  naves  from  IndiTidnals  of  this  class. 
The  burial  of  the  depsrted  was  probably  at  first 
a  work  of  Christian  charily,  performed  without 
fee  or  reward  by  their  anrriving  brethren. 
Afterwards,  when  the  chnrch  had  become  more 
numerous,  it  was  carried  out  at  the  public  ex- 
pense under  the  special  care  of  the  presbyters  of 
the  tittUi  of  Rome.  When  Chriatisnity  became 
tbe  established  religion,  the  fottora  evidently 
established  ■  kind  of  property  in  tbe  catacombt, 
which  authorized  them  to  sell  graves  either  to 
living  persons  for  their  own  burial,  or  to  the 
frienda  of  the  deceased.  Thla  state  of  things 
aeems  to  have  had  a  wide-spread  but  transient 
eiiatence.  Tbe  emmples  are  almost  innumerable 
In  which  tbe  purchase  of  gnvea  of  tba/ossorvj 
is  plainly  slated  in  the  epitaph.  No  trace  of  such 
bargains  appears  before  the  Istter  years  of  the 
4tb  century,  nor  later  than  the  first  quarter  of 
the  5th  century.  According  to  De  Roeai  (£.  " 
i.  p.  216),  the  last  known  mention  o( foaiarfs  a 
A-D-426.  As  eiamplea  oftheae  bargains,  belong- 
ing to  the  time  when  interment  hi^  become  the 
Erivate  ecterpriae  of  the  foitora,  and  Christian 
urial  had  l>een  degraded  into  a  trade,  we  may 
refer  to  the  inatances  already  given  under 
Catacombs.  The  eager  craving  after  sepulture 
in  tbe  proiimity  of  the  holy  dead,  to  which  aome 
of  theae  epitapha  bear  wiCneaa,  has  been  the 
cause  of  the  deatmction  of  many  paintings  of 
high  interest.  The  foaons  could  not  afford  to 
have  a  taste  either  archaeological  or  artistic,  and 
pierced  the  painted  walla  to  make  new  highly- 
priced  loculi,  as  recklessly  as  the  exquisite 
carved  work  of  so  many  of  our  cathedrals  has 
been   cot   away   for    the   erection    of    tasteless 

Tbe  /ouor  at  hia  work  appears  frequently  in 


FOUNDLINGS 

the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs.     (Bccio,  pp.  3(^ 

335,  339,  373  ;  Aringhi,  ii.  pp.  23,  63,  67, 101.) 

BotUri,  torn.  ii.  tav.  118,  gives  two  jHctar- 

fram  the  catacomb   of  Marcellinua   and   Peter. 

!  represents  a  young  man,  his  beard  closely 

ven,  in  a  short  tunic,  girt  round  his  waiit, 

legs  and  feet  bars,  excavating  the  rock  witk 

pick,  a  lamp  hanging  by  hia  side.     Tbe  otbtr 

depicts  an   older  man  in  a  long  tonic,  not  at 

work,  holding  a  lamp  affixed  to  a  long  handle 

ending  in  a  sharp  point,  and  a  little  below  on  Ibe 

shaft  a  hook  for  auapension. 

i  most  curious  and  interesting  of  these  it- 
presentations  is  that  of  a  fossor  named  Diogeno, 
from  the  cemetery  of  Callistna  (see  woodcut). 


He  wears  a  tunic  marked  with  g< 
hem,  carries  a  pick  over  hia  right  ihou 
lamp  in  hia  left  h.Lnd,  and  is  suironnded  by  i 
heap  of  lerers,  picks,  and  other  tools  emplojd 
in  his  work.  Above  is  the  inscription  ;  "  Uio- 
genea  Fossor  in  pace  depositus  Octabu  Kalcndts 
Octobris."  (BoldettI,  lib.  i.  cap.  15;  Bottari,  torn, 
ii.  p.  126,  tav.  99.)  A  feasor's  pick  has  been  rtii- 
covered  by  De  Rossi  in  the  cemetery  of  CallistB, 
much  oxidised,  but  still  recognisable.  (Hartigaj, 
Did.  de*  Antiq.  CKrit.  p.  281.)  [K.  V.] 

FOUNDATION.  [Ebdowmest  ;  Pbopkkti 

OF  THE  ChUBCH,] 

FOUNDEE.   [Pateon.J 

FOUNDUNOS  (.IfumnO.  Compnn  Ei- 
posiNfl  OP  Infanm. 

From  an  early  period  the  church  proridfld 
OBPnAHAQES  [aee  the  word]  for  the  reception  J 
children  left  deatitnte  by  the  death  or  destrtio 
of  their  parenta.  Bnt,  Independently  of  a«k 
institntiona,  it  alao  maintainoi  a  large  nsmlcr 
by  appeala  to  individual  charity,  and  eibertid 
the   faithful    to   feed  and  shelt«T  the   innocot 

theie  aJianni,  "  nnrslingi,"  was  large ;  the  ivo* 
of  a  deserted  infant  being  conaidered  as  aaKt 
specially  inspired  hv  Christian  charity.  Tl< 
word  aluimius  consequently  occurs  much  olteHT 
in  Christian  than  in  pagan  inscriptiona.  Sonc- 
timea  we  find  the  adopting  parents  raisag  • 
tomb  to  their  alumnoa  (Ferret,  dtacante, '- 
xlvi.  13).  In  the  cemetery  of  Fontianni  tif 
name  of  a  young  peraon  departed  ia  imciiM 
upon  a  circatar  ivory  tablet  thna :  ekerisvi  t 
1   ALTMHA-E   BVAB    (FabretU,  ft- 


FOUNTAIN  OB  WELL 


FOUNTAINS  AT  CHURCHES      685 


•cnjpf.  Antiq,  iii.  331).  In  other  iiutances  the 
tituius  is  a  token  of  the  child's  gratitude  to  his 
benefiictors,  whom  he  calls  father  and  mother 
(Perret,  xlil.  4).  FEiJcissiifVS  Alymnvs  in  the 
following  inscription  expresses  the  happiness  of 
the  adopted  son  under  the  care  of  his  tutelary 
parents. 

ANTOKIYS  DI800LIV8  FILXYS  ET  BIBIVS 
FEUCiaSIMYS  ALVMNVS  VALEBIE  CRBaTEin 
ICATRI  BIDVE  ANNORYM  Xni.   INTERIAKT08. 

De  Roesi  {Inscript,  Christ,  i.  46)  gires  the 
epitaph  of  an  alumnua  of  the  date  a.d.  340. 
Lb  Blant  {Truer,  CMt,  de  la  Qauley,  mentions  an 
inscription  at  Tr^res  to  the  memory  of  an 
alumna  who  surrired  only  one  month  and  a  few 
days.  Infants  were  generally  exposed  at  the 
doors  of  churches  (fiino,  Aries  IL  can.  51,  A.D. 
451). 

A  person  wishing  to  adopt  an  exposed  child 
was  required  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the 
minister  of  the  church  near  which  it  was  found 
a  written  statement  giving  the  sex  of  the  child 
with  the  time  and  place  of  its  discovery,  in  order 
that  it  might  be  restored  to  its  parents  if  they 
wished  to  reclaim  it.  If  no  such  claim  were  put 
forward  within  ten  days  after  its  exposure,  the 
child  belonged  by  right  to  those  who  had  given 
it  shelter  (Martigny,  Diet,  dee  Antiq.  Chr4t,<,  s.  ▼. 
EnfanU  Trout^s).  [C] 

FOUNTAIN  OB  WELL.    [See  Rock,  and 

EVAHOELIffTB,  REPBE8ENTATION8  OF.]    Our  Lord 

M  represented  (in  Bottari,  tav.  xvi. ;  Buonarotti, 
Vctri^  tav.  vi.  et  passim)  as  the  Source  of  the 
Gospel  and  Pons  Pietatis,  from  under  whose  feet 
flow  the  four  Rivers  of  Paradise.  [See  FOUB 
RiYEBS.]  In  the  Lateran  [Cross,  p.  496]  and 
other  baptismal  crosses  the  Holy  Dove  is  the 
fount  or  source  from  which  the  sacred  rivers 
flow.  The  well  spiinging  in  the  wilderness  is 
rather  a  Hebrew,  Arab,  or  universally  Eastern 
image,  than  a  specially  Christian  one.  In  some 
early  baptisms  of  our  Lord,  as  that  in  the  ancient 
baptistery  of  Ravenna,  the  river-god  or  presiding 
deity  of  the  source  of  Jordan  is  introduced.  For 
the  fountain  or  stream  flowing  from  the  Rock  of 
Moses,  and  fishes  therein.     [See  Fisherman.] 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

FOUNTAINS  AT  THE  ENTRANCE  OF 
CHURCHES.  The  natural  symbolism  which 
required  external  purity  in  the  worshippers,  as 
an  index  of  the  cleanness  of  heart  necessary  for 
approaching  God  with  acceptance,  dictated  the 
erection  of  fountains  or  cisterns  of  water  in  the 
atriOj  or  forecourts  of  the  primitive  churches,  for 
the  people  to  wash  their  hands,  feet,  and  faces, 
before  they  entered  the  sacred  building.  Such  a 
fountain  was  known  by  different  designations, 
Kpini  (Euseb.  H.I!.  x.  4 ;  Chrys.  Ham.  57,  Ed. 
Savil.),  <pp4ap  (Socr.  ff.E.  ii.  38),  it>id\ii  (Paul. 
Silentiar.  ii.  vers.  177),  ififidrris  (TheophanesX 
jKoAvfi/3c7oy  (Eucholog.),  Cantharus  (Paul.  Nolan. 
£p.  xiii.  xxxiL),  Nipnphaeum  (Anastas.  §  69). 
The  earliest  notice  we  have  of  this  arrangement 
is  in  Eusebius'  description  of  the  church  erected 
bj  Paulinus  at  Tyre  (Euseb.  II.E.  x.  4).  He 
speaks  of  ^  fountains  "  being  placed  as  '*  symbols 
of  purification "  in  the  centre  of  the  cloistered 
atrium,  affording  means  of  cleansing  to  those 
who  were  going  into  the  church.  A  similar 
tMuun  was  erecteid  by  Paulinus  of  Nola,  in  the 


atrium  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix,  its  porpea* 
being  expressed  by  the  following  verses  over 
one  of  the  arches  of  the  opposite  cloister — 

"  Sancta  nitens  famullA  interlult  atria  lympUs 
Cantharui,  intrantumqae  manos  lavat  amne  mlnistro." 

Pftul.  Kolan.  i^.  33  od  Sever. 

This  "cantharus"  was  protected  by  a  brazen 
canopy,  or  turret  of  lattice  work — 

"  Quern  canoellato  tegit  serea  cnlmlne  tanrls.** 

PauUn.  Foem.  28  (A'ot  z.) 

Other  brazen  basins  supplied  from  the  same  source 
stood  in  different  parts  of  the  forecourt,  as  welV 
as  a  row  of  marble  basins,  conchaef  at  the 
entrance  of  the  church  (t&.). 

Paulinus  also  describes  a  "  cantharus  "  in  the 
atrium  of  the  basiUca  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  (^Ep. 
13,  p.  73),  "  ministra  manibus  et  oris  nostris 
fluenta  ructantem."  This  was  covered  by  a 
dome  or  tholuSy  of  brass,  supported  on  four 
columns,  typifying  the  fountain  of  living  water 
flowing  from  the  four  gospels,  the  foundation  of 
the  evangelical  fiuth.  This  caidharus  and  its 
qttadriporticus  were  adorned  with  marbles  and 
mosaic  by  Symmachus,  c.  500,  who  also  erected 
another  external  fountain  below  the  steps  of  the 
atrium  for  the  convenience  of  the  people  throng- 
ing thither  '*ad  usum  necessitatis  humanae" 
(ioiastas.  de  Vii.  Font,  §  79).  Another  was 
placed  by  Leo  III.  c.  800,  outside  the  silver  gates 
of  the  same  basilica  (ib.  §  360).  The  popes  vied 
with  one  another  in  the  magnificence  of  these 
fountains.  Leo  the  Great,  c.  450,  placed  a  very 
remarkable  one  in  the  atrium  of  the  basilica  of 
St.  Paul,  on  the  Ostian  way,  for  the  supply  of 
which  he  recovered  a  long-lost  spring,  as  re- 
corded in  the  verses  of  Ennodius. 

"  Perdiderat  laticam  longaeva  tacnrla  cnnms 
Quos  tibi  none  pleno  canthanis  ore  vomit 
Provida  pastoris  per  totum  cura  Leonis 
Hsec  ovUms  Christl  larga  floenta  dodlt" 

Ennod.  Cbnm  149,  ed.  Sirmood. 

Anastasius  also  describes  a  *'  nymphaeum " 
erected  by  Hilarus,  c.  465,  in  the  triporticus  of 
the  oratory  of  St  Cross,  adorned  with  columns  of 
vast  size,  and  pillars  of  porphyry  from  apertures 
in  which  the  water  flowed  into  a  porphyry  basin 
(Anastas. «.  s.  §  69).  Ennodius  also  (u.  s.)  speaks 
of  the  water  of  the  baptistery  of  St.  Stephen 
coming  through  the  columns,  ''per  columnas." 
In  other  cases  the  water  issued  from  a  statue 
in  the  centre,  sometimes  of  grotesque  form,  or 
from  lions*  mouths,  from  which  arrangement  the 
basin  erected  by  Justinian  in  front  of  St.  Sophia 
at  Constantinople  was  called  Xforndpioy  (Du- 
cange,  Constantinop.  Christ,  lib.  iii.  c.  22). 
This  fountain  was  made  of  jasper,  with  incised 
crosses.  There  were  other  smaller  basins  in  the 
cloisters  for  the  lustrations  of  the  people  (pu** 
cange,  t«. «.).  A  cantharus  discovered  at  Con- 
stantinople bore  the  palindrome  given  by  Gruter 
Irnsonpt.  p.  1046). 

NIYON  ANOMHMA  MH  MONAN  OYIN. 

These  fountains  were  usually  supplied  with 
water  from  running  springs,  as  that  at  St.  Paul's 
already  mentioned.  Where  springs  were  absent, 
the  supply  came  from  rain  water  tanks,  as  at 
the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola  (Paul.  Nolan. 
Poem.  27  (Nat.  ix.)  v.  463,  sq.). 

Such  fountains  were  solemnly  consecrated  and 


68S  roUB  BIVEB8,  THE 

blefud  on  Uia  uinBal  ncnrreace  of  the  Tt^il  of 
the  Eplpfaanj  (idtntiReil  id  primithiB  timea  with 
the  day  of  our  Lord'i  bsptiim, 
when  th*  elen^Dt  of  w.ter 
wu  hallowed,  Chrjs.  Homxl. 
in  Bapt.  Chriit.  vol.  ii.  p.  369, 
Moatf.),  or  of  tha  futinl 
itself  (Dacuge,  u.  t.y  The 
ofHce  ii  irivea  Id  the  Ei  ' 
togioD. 

We  find  fniqnent  refereuce 

iD  th«  tarif  father)  to  this 

cnatom  of  vuhiug  the  handt 

asd  fnce  before  entering  the 

church,  e.g.  TcrtuU.  da  Oai. 

c.   II;    Chrytost.  ifomif,  51, 

in    Matt.;     in    Joann.    72; 

Honul.  3,  in  Epiui. :  in  Pmim. 

140,  ad  Pop.  AnL  36,  be.    Cf. 

hIso  Baroniiu,  ad  onn.  57,  No. 

106-110.    {Holy-  Water.] 

The  acoom  ponying  voodcut 

p.-i^h.n.  from    OQO  of  the  moiaica  of 

^"'2.';:S^"'*St,  Vilali.  at    Ravenna,    re- 

presenting  the  dedication  of 

that  charch  hj  Justinian  nad  Theodora,  giiei 

a  coDtemporary  picture  of  one  of  these  foua- 

laini.  [E.  v.] 

FOUK  BIVERS,  THE.    Id  iDcieDt  art  oar 

Lord  i>  frequeDtJy  repreiented,  either  in  penoa 

or  ODder  the  figure  of  a  lamb,  stiuidiDg  npon  a 

(See  voodcDt.)  These  are  lappoaed  by  many 
to  lignify  the  four  rivers  of  Eden,  which  went 
fcrth  to  water  the  earth  (Gen.  ii.  10);  otheri 
fCjprian,  Ep.  73,  %  Id,  ad  Jubaiim. ;  Bede, 
Expoa.  in  Gen.  II.  ;  Theodoret,  In  fialm. 
XLV.;  AmbroH,  De  Faradiso,  o.  3)  diicerD 
ID  them  the  fuur  gospels,  flowing  from  the 
lourca  of  eternal  life  to  spread  throDghout  the 
world    the    riches   and    the   lite-giTing   power* 


of  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  St.  Ambrose  again 
(Ik  (.)  is  of  opinion  that  the  four  Hren  are 
♦mblems  of  the  four  cardiiia]  rirtues.  The 
fcor  first  oecumenical  coundU,  so  often  by 
early  writers  placed  on  a  par  with  the  goa- 
peli  UxnuelTes,  are  sometimes  compared  to  the 
fbni'  riren  of  Paradise.  Jesse,  biihop  of  Amiens 
in  the  eighth  century,  in  writing  lo  his  clergy, 
thus   illostrates    the    veneration   das    to    these 


aogtut  anemblies  (I-™!"'^^   HitL  di  F^L 
GaUieaiu,  turn.  v.  p.  144> 

Id  seieral  urcophngt  of  andent  Oanl,  we  God 
two  stags  quenching  th 


itChrii 


stof  Iht 


well  of  water  springmg  up  into  ereruniag 
e."  [Chosh,  p.  49e.]  The  two  stags  are  acta- 
>nally  found  in  mnsnici,  in  that  of  the  aadeit 
impie  (Cinmpini,  Dt  Sacr.  Atd-j. 


.ii.). 


Howevi 


instance,  in  that  which  is  described  by  Panlinv 
{Epitt.  32,  aA  Sece'.),  aad  in  that  mentianrd 
by  Florna,  deacon  of  Lyons  (MabilloB,  Amaltita, 
p.  416,  ed.  Paris.  See  also  Ciunpiui,  Vet.  JTok. 
ii.  tab.  iiiTii.  ilii.  ilii.  lii.,  &c>  To  illni- 
trvte  this  passage  of  Paulinas, 

'  Pclnm  snpcntat ![«  Felra  Ecdedae 
De  i(na  eniort  qoaluot  fonles  meant." 
Hosneid  refers  to  the  mosnic  of  St.  John  Laleran. 
and  the  sarcophagtis  of  Probus  and  Proba,  as  n- 
preseDted  by  Bosio.  We  are  informed  by  Spoi 
(_Rec^»rdiei  cwieiaa,  p.  34)  that  the  foar  rinrs 
of  Paradise  in  human  form,  with  their  uama  be- 
neatb,  are  represent«d  in  mosaic  on  the  parc- 
ment  of  Rheima  Cathedral  (Martignj-,  IHct.  da 
Antiq.  Chrtt.).  £C) 

FRACTION.  The  rite  ofbreaklDg  the  bread  in 
the  celebration  ofthe  Holy  Eucharist  is  lecbnically 


but  one  of  them  is  essential  t  .  _  , 

and  can  be  traced  with  eertaintj  to  the  infann 
of  the  church.  The  three  are,  (1)  a  frai.tioa 
llluatrative  of  the  words  of  iostitution.  aad 
therefore  a  direct  imitation  of  onr  Lord's  actieo, 
C2)  purely  symbolical  fractions  after  the  conse- 
cration has  been  completed,  (3)  the  necessary 
fraction  for  the  distribution  of  the  bread  among 
the  coiumuni  cants. 

(1)  The  first  of  these  has  a  place  in  the  English 

Bee,  the  celebraat  being  ordered  to  "  break  Ike 

bread"   while  he  utters  (he  words,  "He  bnki 

itbiDg  could  be  mare  nalunl  than  tbal 

ing  the  words  of  inititution,  the  prmt 

'snit  the  action  to  the  word,"  and  brait 

A  a"  He  brake  it."    It  is  Tery  probable, 

e,  that  this  was  a  common,  if  not  the 

il,  practice,  la  what  we  may  call  the  fim 

sriod.     Trace*  of  it  are  fonnd  both  in  the 

i   West.      In  the  Coptic  lilnrgy  of  St. 

Basil,  the  celebrant  is  ordered  at   those  words 

is  nt  once  to  reunite  them,  "so  that  they  be  is  1 
manner  as  not  divided."  (Renaudot,  Liturf, 
Orient,  i.p.  IS.)  They  are  put  together  again  with 
a  view  to  n  later  and  purely  symbolical  fmrtioa. 
There  i>  but  one  eitant  Latia  missal,  which  it 
reported  to  contain  aD  order  for  the  actual  fncii« 
at  this  time,  viz.,  that  of  Kheima.  of  the  middle  tt 


ntury,  ii 


.e  folloi 


jurs,  "  Dicens  fri-gii  frangit   modi 

irt,  J:xplicaliiin  dee  Ofrimonies  de  rEjUn. 

p.  262.)     In  oar  own  country   the  missal 


(!> 


FRACTION 


PBACnON 


687 


SAmin  and  York  to  the  last  ordered  tne  celebrant 
to  '*  touch  the  host,"  while  a  manuscript  Manual 
in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  W.  J.  Blew  goes 
further,  and  prescribes  **  the  sign  of  a  fraction." 
The  frequency  of  the  latter  custom  in  £ngland 
may  be  liJEewise  inferred  from  its  condemnation 
bj  John  de  Burgo,  a.d.  1385  (PupUla  Oculi, 
pars  iy.  cap.  z.),  and  its  prohibition  in  the 
Manual  authorised  by  Cardinal  Pole  in  the  reign 
of  Mary.  The  foregoing  facts  are  mentioned 
because  they  appear  to  support  the  antecedent 
probability  that  the  fraction,  which  is  now 
peculiar  to  the  English  and  Coptic  liturgies,  was 
once  general.  The  reason  for  giving  it  up  need 
not  be  sought  for.  When  the  bread  was  once 
broken,  it  would  not  be  possible  for  the  priest  to 
perform  the  subsequent  symbolical  fraction, 
introduced  at  a  later  period,  with  the  same  con- 
Tenience  and  effect. 

(2)  From  an  early  period  we  find  other  cere- 
monial fractions,  more  or  less  elaborate,  em- 
ployed, the  evident  intention  of  which  was  to 
develope  and  enforce  the  devotional  allusion  to 
oar  Lord's  sufferings  on  the  cross.  No  frac- 
tion of  any  kind  is  mentioned  in  St.  Cyril's 
account  of  the  liturgy  of  Jerusalem  {Cate' 
chesis  Mystag,  v.  cc  17,  18),  nor  in  the  Cle- 
mentine liturgy,  which  exhibits  the  ritual  and 
worship  of  the  3rd  or  4th  century.  [Apocto- 
UCAL  CoNffTiTUTiONS.]  In  that  of  St.  Mark, 
which  from  its  long  disuse  has  undergone  less 
change  than  any  other  which  was  ever  in  actual 
use,  the  fraction  for  distribution  is  alone  men- 
tioned (Renaudot,  tom.  i.  p.  162).  In  St. 
James,  which  is  still  used  at  stated  times,  and 
haa  been  much  altered  in  the  courae  of  ages,  the 
celebrant  "  breaks  the  bread,  and  holds  half  in 
his  right  hand,  half  in  his  left,  and  dips  that  in 
the  right  in  the  cup,  saying,  *■  the  union  of  the 
all-holy  body  and  the  precious  blood  of  our  Lord 
and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.' "  (Assemani, 
tom.  T.  p.  54.)  In  the  Office  of  Prothesis  in  the 
common  Greek  liturgy,  there  is  a  preparation  of 
the  bread  by  the  aid  of  a  knife  (Xo^x^),  aooom- 
fMmied  by  symbolical  allusions.  [Prothesis.] 
After  the  Sancta  SanctiSy  which  follows  close 
upon  the  Consecration,  **  The  priest  dividing  it 
(*  the  holy  loaf ')  into  four  parts  with  care  and 
reverence  says  '  The  Lftmb  of  God,  the  Son  of  the 
Father,  is  dismembered  and  divided,  &c'  Then 
he  takes  the  uppermost  part  of  the  holy  loaf 
(which  is  stamped  with  the  letters  ic»  for  'Iif- 
<rovs),  and  holds  it  in  his  hand,  and  the  deacon 
pointing  with  his  orarion  to  the  holy  cup,  says. 
Fill,  Master,  the  holy  cup.  And  the  priest  says. 
The  fulness  of  faith  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  And  he 
makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  casts  it  into  the 
holy  cup  "  (^EwMogiunij  Goar,  pp.  60,  81,  175). 
These  rites,  though  not  perhaps  in  their  present 
form  precisely,  must  have  been  in  use  before  the 
separation  of  the  Nestorians  and  Eutychians 
from  the  church ;  but  whether  they  were  known 
to  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom,  the  alleged  re- 
modellers  of  the  Greek  liturgy,  it  is  impossible 
to  say.  On  the  first  part  of  the  fbregoing 
ceremony,  Symeon  of  Tliessalonica,  the  mys- 
tical expositor  of  that  rite,  observes,  *'He 
divides  the  bread  into  four  parts,  and  these  he 
arranges  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  in  this 
he  beholds  Jesus  crucified."  De  Temph  4^, 
printed  in  Goar,  p.  228.  In  the  Coptic  liturgies 
the  rite  is  still  more  elaborate.    There  is  first  a 


special  prayer,  Prooemiumantefraciionem,  prece- 
ding it ;  which  is  in  fsict  an  act  of  thanksgiving, 
and  is  called  a  Benediction  in  the  office  itself. 
After  crossing  both  the  bread  and  the  cup  with  a 
finger  dipped  in  the  latter,  he  says  a  '*  Prayer  of 
Fraction."  Later  on,  in  preparation  for  the  com- 
munion, **  be  divides  the  body  into  three  parts,  as 
he  had  done  before  at  the  words  He  brake  it ;" 
but  this  time  transversely  to  the  former  fractui*es. 
The  piece  from  the  middle  of  the  Corban  is  the 
latest,  and  from  this  he  takes  a  small  piece 
(T^odiootiy  or  in  the  Greek  Alexandrian  liturgies 
SirovSiKiiy,  corruptions  of  AfairoTtK6¥f  the  Lord's 
body),  which  he  sets  aside.  The  larger  piece 
from  which  it  is  taken  is  put  in  the  middle  of 
the  paten,  and  the  other  eight  are  placed  about  it 
so  as  to  form  a  cross.  The  allusion  to  the 
Passion  is  thus  expressed  by  an  act  rather  than 
by  words.  The  priest  next  breaks  up,  in  pre- 
scribed order,  all  but  the  large  piece  in  the 
middle,  and  *^  collects  about  that  the  holy  body 
which  he  has  broken."  The  Isbodicon  is  put 
into  the  cup ;  a  rite  corresponding  to  the  CGm- 
mixtio  of  the  West.  The  fraction  now  described, 
into  which  a  devout  priest  could  evidently  infuse 
great  solemnity  is  common  to  the  three  Coptic 
liturgies;  which  fact  implies  that  the  former 
fraction  at  the  words  He  brake  it  is  so  also; 
although  it  is  only  prescribed  in  that  of  St. 
BasiL  (See  Renaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  19-23;  and 
Gabriel's  Jiiiualii,  ibid,  p.  258.)  Whether  the 
same  ceremonies  were  observed  in  the  Greek 
liturgies  of  Egypt  cannot  be  decided,  owing  to 
the  brevity  of  the  rubrics  and  the  absence  of 
commentaries ;  but  the  Coptic  of  St.  Basil  carries 
us  up  to  a  period  earlier  than  the  conquest  of 
Amrou  in  the  7th  century.  The  rubrics  of  the 
Ethiopic  liturgy  do  not  prescribe  any  fraction, 
but  as  it  was  derived  from  the  Coptic,  and 
retains  the  Coptic  Oratio  FractioniSf  we  may 
infer  that  it  had  a  solemn  fraction  similar  to 
that  which  we  have  described. 

In  the  Syrian  rite  the  priest  0°  ^  short  office 
of  Prothesis)  **  divides  the  bread  into  as  many 
pieces  as  may  be  necessary,  censes  them,  and 
sets  them  on  the  altar,  saying,  He  was  led  like  a 
lamb  to  the  slaughter,  and  as  a  sheep,  etc." 
(Renaudot,  tom.  i.  p.  3.)  After  the  consecration 
he  breaks  a  small  piece  off  with  the  words, 
**  Thou  art  Christ  our  God,  who  on  the  top  of 
Golgotha  in  Jerusalem  wast  pierced  in  Thy  side 
for  us,  etc.,"  or  something  conveying  the  same 
allusion.  (^fbicL  pp.  22, 40,  etc.)  Before  the  com- 
munion he  dips  this  particle  (pearl)  ^Mnto  the 
chalice  and  signs  the  rest  with  it  crosswise,  say- 
ing, The  Blo<d  of  the  Lord  is  sprinkled  on  His 
Body,  in  the  Name  of  the  Father,"  etc  The 
pearl  thus  used  is  then  put  into  the  chalice  with 
a  prayer  alluding  to  the  union  of  the  Godhead 
and  Manhood  in  Christ  (Renaudot,  tom.  ii.  pp. 
3,  41).  Another  symbolical  action,  viz.  that  of 
touching  the  body  in  the  paten  with  tbe 
moistened  pearl,  is  not  marked  in  the  rubrics. 
It  is  done  in  allusion  to  the  piercing  of  our 
Lord's  side  with  a  spear  (Barsalibi,  ibid.  p.  111). 
Among  the  Nestorians  the  consecrated  oblate  is 
broken  into  two  parts.  One  of  these  is  laid  on 
the  paten,  and  with  the  other  the  priest  crosses 
the  cup.  He  then  dips  the  latter  to  the  middle 
in  the  cup,  and  **  signs  with  it  the  body  which  is 
in  the  paten."  Both  signs  are  made  with 
appropriate   words.     He  then  unites  the  two 


638 


FRACTION 


FRACTION 


pieces  of  the  oblate ;  and  it  is  here  that  we  find 
the  passion  symbolized,  the  wounded  and  bleed- 
ing body  of  our  blessed  Lord  being  evidently 
represented  by  the  broken  and  wine-stained  bread. 
He  further  with  his  right  thumb  crosses  the 
oblate  **  so  as  to  make  a  slight  crack  in  it,  where 
It  has  been  dipped  in  the  blood,  and  puts  a  part 
of  it  into  the  chalice  in  the  form  of  a  cross." 
(Renaud.  tom.  ii.  p.  594.)  The  Armenian  cele- 
brant breaks  the  oblate  into  two  parts  over  the 
chalice,  saying,  **  The  fulness  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Then  dividing  one  part  into  three  he  casts  them 
into  the  chalice  of  the  blood  in  the  form  of  a 
cross  "  (Le  Brun,  Explicatwn  de  la  Mease,  Diss.  x. 
Art.  XX.). 

There  are  no  directions  for  any  fraction  in  the 
early  Roman  sacramentaries,  nor  for  the  com- 
mixture   which    now    follows    the    symbolical 
fraction;    but  in   the   first  Ordo  RomanuSj  a 
directory  of  worship  of  the  8th  century,  if  not 
earlier,  we  find  the  following  method  prescribed. 
The  bishop  (for  a  pontifical  celebration  is  de- 
scribed) *'  breaks  an  oblate  on  the  right  side,  and 
leaves  on  the  altar  the  piece  (particulam)  which 
he  breaks  off."    It  is  explained  that  this  is  done 
'*  in  order  that  the  altar  be  not  without  sacri- 
fice," while  the  mass  is  performed,  a  piece  (fer- 
mentum)  reserved  from  a  former  celebration, 
and  placed  on  the  altar  before  the  service  began, 
having  just  before  been  put  into   the  chalice. 
This  is  the  only  fraction  before  that  for  dis- 
tribufion,  and   there  is  nothing  to  give  it  a 
imnbolical  character  (^Ordo  Horn,  i.  §  19,  p.  13). 
There  appears  to  have  been  no  symbolical  or 
mer«l5  ritual  fraction  in  the  primitive  liturgy 
of  MIIau,  although  for  **  many  ages  "  an  oblate 
has  been  broken  before  the  Lord's  Prayer,  with 
the  words,  "  Thy  Body  is  broken,  0  Christ,"  etc 
(Muratori,  LUurgia  Mom.  Vet,  Diss,  c  x.  tom.  i. 
col.  134).    An  anthem,  called  Confractorium,  is 
sung  during  this  fraction,  but  with  no  special 
reference  to  the    Passion  (Pamelii   Liturgicorif 
tom.  i.  p.  304).     There  is  some  evidence  of  a 
symbolical  fraction  in  the  Gallican  church  before 
its    liturgy    was    tyrannically    suppressed    by 
Adrian  L  and  Charlemagne.     In  an  exposition  of 
the  old  Gallican  liturgy  written  by  Germanus 
bishop  of  Paris,  A.D.  555,  or  one  of  his  disciples, 
we  read,  '*The  oonfraction  and  commixture  of 
the  body  of  the  Lord  was  set  forth  of  old  by  the 
holy   fathers"  (Martene  de  Ant,  EccL  Hit.  i. 
c.  iv. ;  Art.  xii.  Ord.  i.).    The  sacramentaries  are 
without  rubrics;    but  several  of  the   prayers, 
poet  aecreta,  which  were  said  immediately  after 
the  fraction,  refer  expressly  to  the  sufferings  of 
the  cross.     Thus,  for  example,   in  the  MisaoUe 
Oothicum  in  the  Poet  Secreta  for  Christmas: 
**We  believe,  0  Lord,  Thy  Advent;    we  com- 
memorate Thy   Passion.     For  Thy   Body   was 
broken  (confractum)  in  the  remission  of  our  sins ; 
Thy  holy  Blood  was  shed  for  the  price  of  our 
redemption"    (Mabillon,     Liturgia     GdUioana, 
p.  192).     In  the  semi-Oriental  ritual  of  Gothic 
Spain  and  Gallia  Narbonensis,  the  priest  broke 
the  oblate  in  halves  and  divided  one-half  into 
five  parts,  the  other  into  four.     He  then  formed 
a  cross  with  seven  of  them,  putting  five  in  a  line 
to  make  the  stem,  and  one  on  eadi  side  of  the 
second  from  the  top  to  make  the  arms.     Each 
piece  had  a  name  given  it.     The  uppermost  in 
the  stem  was  called  Corporatio  (i.e.  Incarnation). 
Then  followed  in  order  NatitritaSy  Circumcieio, 


Appariiio  (Epiphany),  Pastio,  The  piece  whick 
formed  the  left  arm  of  the  cross  (taken  from  the 
spectator)  was  called  Morsg  that  on  the  right 
Mesurrectio,  The  two  remaining  pieces  Gloria 
and  Segnum  were  placed  in  the  paten  below 
Beewrectio  in  a  line  with  it.  See  the  illnstn- 
tion  below.  Thus  the  whole  course  of  our  Lord's 
being,  acting,  and  suffering  in  the  fiesh,  with  the 
fruits  of  it,  was  in  a  manner  represented  (Jfti* 
sale  Mixtum  diahim  MozarabeSj  ed.  Leslie,  pp. 
5,  6,  230-l> 


Oorporatlo 

Mora 

KaUvttas 

Besnnectio 

Glroamdalo 

Gloria 

• 

AppariUo 

ReBDnm 

Purio 

1 

In  some  of  the  ancient  liturgies  the  firactioe 
now  described  took  place  before,  and  in  some, 
after  the  Lord's  Prayer  which  followed,  or  more 
properly  closed,  the  prayer  of  consecratioiL  Is 
the  Greek,  Roman,  and  Egyptian  St.  Mark  it 
comes  after.  In  the  Gallican  (LUvrg.  GnlL 
p.  192),  the  Milanese,  Mozarabic,  Coptic,  sad 
apparently  In  all  the  Syrian  liturgies  (Rensndot, 
tom.  ii.  pp.  22,  38,  131,  138,  etc)  it  coomi 
before.  To  these  we  may  add  the  Etfaioptc,  hot, 
in  that  liturgy,  as  in  our  own,  the  Lord's  PnTtf 
is  said  after  the  communion  (Benand*  torn.  i. 
p.  518). 

(3)  The  earliest  notices  of,  or  allusions  to,  i 
fraction  refer  only  to  the  necessary  divisioB  of 
the  bread  for  distribution  among  the  comms- 
nicants.  St.  Augustine :  "  That  which  is  on  the 
Lord's  Table  ...  is  blessed  and  hallowed,  sad 
broken  small  (comminuitur)  for  distribatioB" 
(Epist.  cxlix.  ad  Pauiin,  §  16).  Clement  of 
Alexandria:  ''Some  having  divided  the  euchsxist 
according  to  custom,  permit  every  one  of  the 
people  to  take  his  own  share "  (^Stromata,  L  L 
c.  i.  §  5).  Pseudo-  Dionysius :  "  Having  exposed 
to  view  the  bread  that  was  covered  and  undirkled, 
and  divided  it  into  many  parts,  and  harisg 
divided  the  oneness  of  the  cup  unto  all,  he  symbol- 
ically multiplies  and  distributes  nnity."  Agsis: 
''Bringing  into  sight  the  covered  gifts,  sad 
dividing  their  oneness  into  many  parts  ...  he 
makes  those  who  partake  to  have  commonioe 
(with  each  other)  in  them "  (De  Ecckt,  Biet' 
arch.  c.  iii.  §  iii.  nn.  12,  13>  In  the  litmST  ^ 
St.   Mark,   in    immediate   preparation  for  (ht 


FltACTION 

emnimuiioii,  **  the  priest  breaks  the  breads  and 
gays,  Pi-aise  ye  God  in  [Le,  Psalm  c1.  as  in  the 
Scptnagittt}.  The  priest  divides  the  bread,  say- 
ing to  those  present  [ue.  to  the  deacons,  &c. 
who  assistl  The  Lord  shall  bless  and  minister 
with  you,  &c  Then,  after  a  few  yersicles 
entirely  free  from  any  mystical  allusion,  he 
communicates.  In  St.  James  the  later  Greek 
rite  of  putting  the  bread  into  the  chalice  has 
been  adopted.  ^'When  he  distributes  a  single 
portion  into  each  chalice,  he  says,  A  holy  por- 
tion of  Christ,  full  of  grace  and  truth,  of  the 
Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  whom  be  glory, 
&c  Then  he  begins  to  divide  [t.«.  the  bread 
in  the  chalices  with  a  spoon],  and  to  say.  The 
Lord  is  my  Shepherd,"  etc.  (Ps.  xxiii.).  In  the 
common  Greek  rite,  a  second  part  of  the  pre- 
pared loaf  which  is  stamped  XC  (for  Xpurr6s)  is 
divided  for  the  communion  of  the  priest  and  his 
assistants,  who  receive  the  elements  separately. 
The  other  two  (marked  NX  and  KA;  see  £le- 
MEirxB,  p.  603)  are  also  divided  according  to  the 
number  of  the  other  communicants,  and  put  into 
the  chalice.  As  intinction  began  to  appear  in 
Spain  in  the  7th  century  (see  Can.  ii.  Cone, 
Braccar.  Labb.  tom.  vi.  col.  563X  ^^®  method  of 
fraction  now  described  as  attendant  on  it  was 
probably  in  use  among  the  Greeks  so  early  as  the 
6  th.  In  the  4th  and  5th  we  find  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem, Basil,  Chrysostom,  and  Cyril  of  Alexan- 
dria, still  recognizing  the  practice  of  receiving 
in  the  hand  (see  Scudamore's  Jfoiitia  EuchartB' 
tica,  p.  632,  and  Communion,  Holt,  p.  416X 
which  is  incompatible  with  intinction.  We 
have  already  described  the  last  fraction  in  the 
Coptic  liturgy.  The  rubrics  do  not  specify  any 
further  preparation  for  the  communion.  Nor  are 
those  of  the  Ethiopic,  Armenian,  or  Syriac  more 
•xplicit.  The  last  named  liturgy,  however,  mav 
receive  illustration  from  the  Nestorian,  in  which 
"  another  fraction  of  the  same  Host  into  lesser 
particles  for  the  distribution  of  the  communion  " 
is  expressly  ordered,  though  no  method  is  pre- 
•eribed  (Renandot,  tom.  ii.  pp.  595,  611). 

In  the  West  the  Mozarabic  priest  preparing 
for  the  communion  put  the  '* particle"  called 
£^gnum  into  the  chalice,  received  himself  that 
called  Oloria,  and  if  any  others  received  must,  it 
is  presumed,  have  used  the  remainder  for  their 
communion,  breaking  them  up  as  the  number  of 
communicants  might  require.  We  tajpreaumedf 
for  the  present  rubrics,  which  recognize  but  one 
Host,  divided  as  before  described,  direct  him 
stfterwards  to  consume  all  the  particles  in  order. 
The  tract  of  £ldefonsus,  printed  by  Uabillon  in 
an  appendix  to  his  dissertation  De  Pane  Eucha' 
ristico  {Analecta  Vetera,  p.  549),  prescribes  the 
OM  of  several  Hosts,  the  number  varying  with 
the  estival  or  season.  We  have  no  information 
respecting  the  early  practice  of  the  Galilean  and 
Italian  churches.  In  an  Ordo  Bomanus  which 
probably  carries  us  up  to  the  7  th  century,  and 
certainly  to  the  8th,  the  last  fraction  is  thus  de- 
scribed. The  bishop  of  Rome,  it  should  be  said, 
is  the  chief  officiant.  ^'Then  the  acolytes  go 
behind  the  bishops  about  the  altar ;  the  rest  go 
iown  to  the  presbyters ;  that  they  may  break 
the  Hosts  [which  were  then  small  loaves].  A 
paten  goes  before  near  the  throne,  two  regionary 
sabdeaoons  carrying  it  to  the  deacons,  that  they 
may  break.  But  they  look  on  the  face  of  the 
pontiff  that  he  may  give  the  signal  to  break. 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


FRANKFOBT,  COUNCIL  OF     689 

And  when  he  has  given  it  by  a  motion  of  the 
head,  having  again  saluted  the  pontiff,  they 
break  them"  {Ordd.  Mom.  L  ii.  iiL  pp.  14,  49, 
59).  [W.  E.  S.] 

FRANKFORT,    COUNCIL  OF  (Franco- 
fordienae  concilium),  held  at  Frankfort,  A.D.  794, 
**  by  favour  of  God,  authority  of  the  pope,  and 
command  of  Charlemagne,  who  was  present  and 
attended  by  all  the  bishops  of  the  kingdom  o* 
France  and  Italy,  with  the  province  of  Aquitaine  " 
(300  in  number,  according  to  later  writers),  as 
we  read   in  the   first  of   the   fifty-six   canons 
ascribed  to  it.    From  the  same  canon  we  learn 
that  the  first  thing  discussed  in  it  was  the  heresy 
of  the  Spanish  prelates  Felix  and  Elipand,  since 
called  Adoptionism,  which  was  condemned ;  and 
from  the  second  canon  that  a  decree  of  a  recent 
synod  of  the  Greeks,  visiting  all  with  anathema 
who  would  not  worship  and  serve  the  images 
of  the  saints  as  they  would  the  Trinity,  was 
repudiated  as  well  as  condemned.    This  is  about 
all  we  know  of  what  passed  at  Frankfort;  at 
any  rate  we  have  no  direct  authentic  record 
extant  of  its  proceedings  beyond  its  canons.   And 
of  these  the  second  has  been  made  a  subject  of 
hot  controversy   both  in  ancient   and  modem 
times.    Contemporaries  aver  that  bishops  Theo- 
phylact  and  Stephen  (without  naming  their  sees) 
represented  pope  Adrian  at  Frankfort,  and  that 
the  council  repudiated  there  was  that  **  &lsely 
called  the  7th.      In  the  modem  heading  to  this 
council,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  asserted  that 
**  the  acts  of  the  2nd  Nicene  council  respecting 
images  were  confirmed  there."    There  are  four 
dogmatic  epistles  printed  in  the  collections  of 
councils  as  having  emanated  from  Frankfort. 
(1)  A  letter  from  pope  Adrian  to  the  bishops  of 
Spain.    (2)  Another  from  the  bishops  of  Italy 
against  Elipand.    This  is  better  known  as  '*  the 
sacrosyllabus  "  of  Paulinns  of  Aquileia,  but  it  is 
said  to  have  been  published  at  Frankf9rt,  and 
sent  by  order  of  the  council  into  Spain.    (3)  A 
third  is  from  the  bishops  of  France  and  Germany 
to  the  bishops  of  Spain.    (4)  A  fourth    from 
Charlemagne  to  Elipand  and  the  rest  of  the 
Spanish  bishops.     In  this  the  three  preceding  are 
stated  to  have  been  sent  by  him  after  holding  a 
coundl,  and  conferring  with  the  pope  on  the 
subject  of  which  they  treat,  without  however 
naming  Frankfort.    Still,  after  reading  the  1st 
canon  of  Frankfort,  we  may  not  donht  their 
having  been  brought  out  there.   As  little  can  we 
doubt  another  work  having  been  brought  out 
there  also,  for  the  light  it  throws  upon  canon  2. 
The  title  given  originally  to  this  work  was  ''  the 
capitulary  respecting  images;"  but  it  is  in  fbnr 
books,  now  known  as  the  ^*  Caroline.'*    It  has 
been  ascribed  to  Alcuin,  Angilbert,  and  AngiU 
ramn  in  turn;   it  is  ascriM  to  Alcuin  still 
{BiU.  Her.  Oerm,  tom.  vi.  220).     What  it  says 
of  itself  {Praef.)  is,  that  it  was  jointly  composed 
by  Charlemagne  and  his  prelates  in  refutation 
of  two  councils  "  held  in  the  parts  of  Bithynia  ** 
(both  calling  thenuetves  the  eeventh^ ;  one  icono- 
clastic (tnat  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  754),  the 
other  in  favour  of  images   (the  2nd  Nicene, 
A.D.  787X  and  within  three  years  of  this  last  (or 
four  years  before   it  was  brought  out).    But, 
in  reality,  there  was  no  need  of  refuting  the 
first  of  them,  as  this  had  been  already  done  by 
the  last  (Art,  Cone,  Nic.  ii).    The  last  alone, 

2  Y 


690       FBATEB,  FBATEBNITAS 

therefore,  now  stood  for  recitation.  ^  De  cujus 
destrwtkne,**  says  Hincmar  (m  oauaA  Hmc.  L.  o. 
20),  ''non  modicum  volnmen,  quod  in  palatio 
adolescentuluB  legi,  ab  eodem  imperatore  Romam 
est  per  quosdam  episcopos  missum" — and  then 
follows  a  reference  to  c  28  of  the  fourth  book, 
which  identifies  it  at  once.  Further,  not  only 
was  it  sent  to  Rome,  but  it  elicited  a  formu 
reply  from  the  pope,  as  pope,  yindicating  in  detail 
the  teaching  of  the  2nd  Nicene  council  which  he 
had  confirmed  himself  (Mansi  xiii.  759  and  seq.). 
In  this  work  it  is  the  2nd  Nicene  council  accord- 
ingly which  is  attacked  all  through :  the  creed  of 
Pelagius  the  heretic  (St.  Aug.  C^.  x.  App.  pt.  ii. 
Ed.  Ben.)  is  paraded  in  the  opening  c.  of  the  3rd 
book  as  St.  Jerome's,  and  called  **  the  tradition 
of  the  Catholic  faith  in  its  integrity,"  in  oppo- 
sition to  that  of  the  2nd  Nicene  council,  which 
is  attacked  further  on  for  wanting  the  "  Filioque  " 
clause  (c  8):  while  c  17  of  the  same  book  un- 
ravels the  statement  of  canon  2  of  this  council, 
by  shewing  that  what  is  condemned  there  as 
haying  been  decreed  by  the  2nd  Nicene  council 
under  anathema,  was  no  more  than  the  informal 
utterance  of  one  of  the  bishops  who  spoke  there, 
named  Constantinus.  If  the  pope  then  was 
really  represented  at  Frankfort  by  his  legates, 
they  must  have  left  after  the  condemnation  of 
Adoptionism,  or,  at  all  events,  before  this  canon 
was  framed.  Most  of  the  other  canons,  indeed, 
are  couched  in  a  style  of  their  own,  "  Statutnm," 
or  ^*definitum  est  a  Domino  Rege,  et  a  sanctt 
synodo."  The  33rd  canon  runs  thus :  ''Ut  Catho- 
lica  fides  sanctae  Trinitatis,  et  oratio  Dominica, 
et  sjrmbolum  fidei  omnibus  praedicetur  et 
tradatur."  It  has  been  assumed  that  what  was 
meant  here  by  *^Catholica  fides"  is  the  Atha- 
nasian  Creed.  But  it  would  seem,  rather,  from 
the  two  verbs  which  follow,  that  as  by  the 
Lord's  Prayer  and  Creed  are  meant  what  had  to 
be  ** delivered;*  80  by  the  '< Catholic  faith"  is 
meant  merely  what  had  to  be  ^preached/* 
Besides,  this  phrase  whb  applied  to  so  many 
things  then  (Ffoulkes*  Ath.  U,  Append,  p.  32  and 
seq.),  that  its  actual  meaning  cannot  be  assumed 
where  the  context  is  not  explicit.  The  55th  is 
remarkable  as  shewing  how  Angilramn  had  been 
employed.  **  Dixit  Dominus  rex  .  .  .  se  a  sede 
apostolici  .  .  .  licentiam  habuisse,  ut  Angilram- 
nnm  archiepiscopum  in  suo  palatio  assidue 
haberet,  propter  utilitates  ecdesiasticas."  Now 
the  only  work  extant  with  which  his  name  is 
associated,  is  a  collection  of  canons  said  to  have 
been  given  by  him  to  the  pope,  or  received  from 
the  pope  when  he  was  at  Rome,  containing  indis- 
putable germs  of  the  fidse  Decretals.  In  the 
next  canon  Alcnin  is  commended  to  the  fellow- 
ship and  prayers  of  the  council.  There  is  a 
strong  family  likeness,  in  conclusion,  between 
this  coancil  and  that  of  Paiis,  A.D.  825,  which 
should  not  be  overlooked  by  anybody  wishing  to 
form  a  just  notion  of  either  (Mansi  xiii.  859  and 
863  and  seq.).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

FBATEB,  FBATERNITAS.  1.  The  name 
Frater  was  applied  among  themselves  to  all 
Christians  [Faithful].  Tertullian  (Apohg.  c. 
39)  says  that  those  who  recognise  one  God  as 
their  father,  and  have  drunk  of  one  Spirit,  are 
called  brethren.  Jerome  (i)<r  Perpet.  Virg,  c. 
15)  says  that  all  Christians  are  called  brothers. 
The  Pseudo  Clemens  (Epist,  €id  Jacob,  Proem.) 


FBB800 

speaks  of  the  priests  and  deacons,  and  sll  the 
other  brethren.  Hence  the  title  FratemAa  was 
commonly  applied  to  all  the  members  of  thi! 
church,  or  of  a  particular  church,  regarded  eA- 
lectively;  as  by  Tertullian  {Apoiog,  c.  39;  sad 
perhaps  De  Virg.  Vd,  c.  14),  and  Cyprian  {EfiA. 
51,  c.  1)  where  ^'fratemitas"  is  equivalent  to 
^  clems  et  plebs." 

Frater  and  Fratemitas,  in  this  sense,  are  fre- 
quently fonnd^in  inscriptions.  Thus,  in  an  Alge- 
rian inscription  (Reinier,  Ine.  de  VAIg^rie,  Ha 
4025),  a  church  is  designated  eoclebia  frathw. 
In  a  Greek  epitaph  copied  by  Marini  (^ArtaL 
Pre£tiz.  p.  xx.),  m)m  the  Olivieri  collection  it 
Pesaro,  the  body  of  the  £uthful  is  addressed  witk 
the  saluUtion,  *'  peace  to  the  brethren,"  EIPHNHH 
EXETE  AAEA^OL  Another  (Muratori,  2ke$axr. 
t.  Iv.  p.  MDOOCTXIV.  9)  is  dedicated  by  "th* 
brethren"  (fhitres  reddiderunt)  to  Alexander, 
their  brother.  Another  (BrunatL  p.  108)  appesb 
to  the  *'good  brothers"  (fratres  boni).  Is 
another,  from  the  cemetery  of  Prisdlla,  ''tkc 
brethren  "  bid  farewell  to  Leontins. 

Some  proper  names  appear  to  have  arisen  frns 
this  idea  of  brotherhood.  As  that  of  Adelpbiis, 
which  is  found  on  a  marble  in  the  museum  of 
Lyons  (Boissieu,  p.  597,  lxi.>  (Mart!gny,DftrfiMi- 
noire  dee  Anitq.  ChrA. ;  Art.  f^tertdU). 

2.  Persons  of  the  same  official  body  styled 
each  other  Fratres  ;  thus,  not  only  does  Cy|ffiu 
speak  of  fellow-bishops  as  FratreSy  but  be  ad- 
dressM  presbyters  and  deacons  by  the  same  titU 
(e.g.  Epist  16).  When  in  the  same  epistle  (cS)^ 
he  says,  that  *< fratemitas  nostra"  has  bees 
deceived  by  certain  persons,  it  seems  doubtfol 
whether  he  means  the  body  of  biahops,  or  tke 
members  of  the  church  in  general.  Hosius  (Cose. 
Sardic.  c.  8)  speaks  of  a  fellow-bishop  as  "  frater 
et  coepisoopus."  From  this  officisd  use  of  the 
word  ^  Frater,"  it  arose  that  the  members  of  a 
council  speak  of  themselves  as  *'  concilium  frater- 
nitatis"  (/.  C<mc,  Lugd.  c  6),  «.  e.  of  the  q*- 
ropal  brotherhood.  So  /.  Sfpn,  Rmtu  c2\  IV^ 
[///.]  Syti.  Rom,  c  I. 

3.  A  monastic  order  is  emphatically  a  brot]M^ 
hood  (fraternitas),  and  its  members  Fratret,  «r 
Fratres  Spirituales  (Fractuosi  BegulOy  oc.  4  asd 
8).   See  Brotherhood,  Monastebt.     [P.  0.] 

FBATEBNUS,  bishop  and  eonfessor  at 
Auxerre ;  commemorated  Sept.  29  (^Mart,  Usa- 
ardi);  deposition  Sept.  29  {Mart.  Hieroa.> 

[W.F.G.] 

FBESOO.  The  object  of  this  article  is  to 
ftimish  a  brief  historical  sketch  of  the  rise  sod 
progress  of  pictorial  decoration  in  the  religioai 
buildings  of  the  early  Christians.  EmbellishmeBtf 
in  mosaic  will  be  treated  of  in  a  separate  artide, 
but  all  other  wall  decorations  will  be  included, 
not  those  only  strictly  comprehended  under  Ute 
title  fresco,*  i.e.  when  the  colours  are  mixed 

•  The  word/reaoo  Is  by  a  popular  error  commoBly  vmt 
tot  all  kinds  of  waU-patntlng.  Aocoratdy  qtrakhis  it  k 
netricted  to  that  which  the  word  indicataa.  palnitoKM 
/TvaMy4aid  plaster,  executed  while  the  wall  la  atflldM^ 
in  water  coloora  and  pigments  not  liable  to  ba  imfnadfef 
the  lime.  Dry  frueo  la  painting  on  old  plaster  vettid 
afteah.  Dittemficr  (a  tempera)  ia  oo  a  (fay  wall  vHb 
opaque  colours,  made  up  with  some  ▼iaooaa  awA^ 
size,  white  of  egg.  milk,  or  gum,  diluted  or  "  tendered* 
with  water.  Snauutic  paintimg  is  paiutlog  with  «■>  « 
a  vehicle,  the  ookHira  being  burnt  i&  aftervank. 


FBESGO 


FBESOO 


691 


with  water  simply,  and  applied  to  fresh  plaster 
•rhile  wet.  This  was  the  ordinary  mode  of 
colouring  walls  amonp  the  wealthier  Romans; 
but  the  care  and  skill  it  required,  and  the  tedious 
processes  necessary  Tbr  preparing  the  walls  for 
the  colours,  forbsde  its  use  where  economy  was 
an  object.  In  the  better-class  houses  at  Pom- 
peii, Rome,  and  elsewhere,  the  wall-decorations 
are  executied  in  fresco ;  but  the  greater  part  of 
the  paintings  in  ordinary  dwellings  are  in  dis- 
temper of  various  degrees  of  excellence.  We 
are  at  present  deficient  in  accurate  information 
as  to  the  exact  process  employed  in  the  paintings 
of  the  catacombs;  but  considering  the  genenil 
absence  of  wealth  among  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians, it  is  probable  that  the  less  expensive  me- 
thod would  be  adopted.  Whenever  paintings 
were  repainted  or  touched  up,  the  plaster  being 
dry,  the  distemper  procees  most  have  been  ne- 
cesnrily  employed.  That  encaustic  painting  in 
wax  was  also  employed  in  early  religious  pic- 
tures is  certain  from  the  references  in  l^e  fathers 
to  that  process.  Chryscetom  and  Basil  {Cunira 
Snbeilian,  p.  805)  in  the  East,  and  Paulinus  in  the 
West,  may  be  cited.  The  latter  speaks  of  "  ima- 
gines oeris  liquentibns  pictas "  (Ep,  zxz.  §  6), 
while  Chrysostom  more  Uian  once  refers  to  myp^ 
Xvros  ypa4^.  Hermogenes,  the  African  painter, 
is  reproached  by  the  vehement  Tertullian  as 
being  **  bis  fiilsarius,  et  cauterio  et  stilo  "  {Adv, 
Bermog,  c.  1).  The  fact  is  that  Christian  art 
followed  the  technical  rules  of  the  period,  and 
adopted  whatever  processes  were  in  use  among 
the  artists  of  the  day,  and  were  most  suited  to 
the  particular  work  in  hand,  whether  fresco, 
tempera,  or  encaustic. 

Nor  was  it  only  in  the  processes  adopted  but 
also  in  the  character  of  the  pictorial  decorations 
themselves  that  the  early  Christians  conformed 
to  the  practice  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived. 
Indeed,  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  As  has  been 
remarked  with  perfect  truth  by  Raoul  Rochette, 
**  vn  art  ne  s'improvise  pas.*'  A  school  of  paint- 
ing is  the  result  of  a  long  previous  train  of  edu- 
cation, and  cannot  spring  into  existence  in  a 
moment  **  fully  formed,  like  Minerva  from  the 
brain  of  Jupiter"  (Northcote,  Som,  SoUj,  198). 
There  was  nothing  exceptional  about  Cnristian 
art.  It  was  no  more  than  the  continuation  of 
the  art  Christianity  found  already  existing  as 
the  exponent  of  the  ideas  of  the  age,  with  such 
modifications  as  its  purer  faith  and  higher  mo- 
rality rendered  necessur.  The  artists  employed 
were  not  necessarily  tShristian ;  indeed,  in  most 
cases,  especially  in  the  earliest  times,  they  would 
probably  be  pagans,  working  in  the  style  and 
depicting  the  subjects  to  which  they  were  ac- 
customed, only  restricted  by  the  watchful  care 
of  their  employers  that  no  devices  were  intro- 
duced which  could  offend  the  moral  tdhe  of 
Christians.  In  the  earliest  examples  there  is 
absolutely  nothing  distinctive  of  the  religion 
professed.  **  At  first,"  writes  Mr.  Burgon  (Z«<- 
i€r»  from  Rcme^  p.  250%  'Uhev  even  used  many 
of  the  same  devices  for  mural  decoration  as  the 
pagans  had  used,  always  excepting  anything  that 
wan  immoral  or  idolatrous;  introducing,  how- 
ever, every  here  and  there,  as  the  ideas  occurred 
to  them,  something  man  significant  of  their  own 
creed,  until  by-and-by  the  whole  was  exclu- 
sively Christian."  The  deep-rooted  aversion  of 
the  early  Christians  to  all  sculptured  or  pictorial 


representations,  natural  in  a  community  that  had 
sprung  from  the  bosom* of  the  Jewish  church, 
for  a  considerable  period  forbade  all  attempts  to 
depict  the  person  of  the  Saviour  or  the  events 
of  either  Testament,  and  limited  the  efforts  ol' 
Christian  art  to  the  simple  naturalism  of  the 
decorations  already  common,  or  the  arabesques 
in  which  the  fancy  of  the  artists  loved  to  indulge. 
The  earliest  Christian  frescoes  with  which  we 
are  acquainted  present  the  same  subjects  from 
pastoral  life  and  the  vintage,  the  trellised  vines 
and  bunches  of  grapes,  the  bright-plumaged  birds 
and  painted  butterflies,  the  winged  genii  and 
gracefully  draped  female  figures,  with  which  we 
are  familiar  in  the  walMecorations  of  the  Roman 
baths  and  the  houses  of  PompeiL  By  degrees 
the  natural  instinct  for  the  iMMutifnl  asserted 
itself,  and  the  desire  to  make  the  eye  a  channel 
for  the  reception  of  the  truths  of  revelation  led 
to  the  introduction  of  symbolic  representations, 
which,  without  attempting  directly  to  depict 
sacred  things,  conveyed  to  the  initiated  the  ex- 
pression of  the  truths  believed  by  them.  The 
actual  change  in  the  character  of  the  subjects 
represented  was  at  first  inconsiderable.  The 
vine  laden  with  clusters  became  a  recognised 
symbol  of  Christ  *«  the  True  Vine  "  and  the  ^  much- 
fruit,"  by  which  Christians,  as  ^branches," 
were  called  to  glorifV  the  Father.  The  pastoral 
subjects,  especially  those  in  which  the  Shepherd 
was  the  principal  figure,  at  once  led  the  mind  of 
the  worshipper  to  the  contemplation  of  Christ 
the  '*  Good  Shepherd."  To  the  devout  imagina- 
tion a  Fish  represented  at  once  the  Saviour  Him- 
self, the  anagrammatic  IX6T2,  and  the  human 
object  of  His  salvation,  the  Christian  deriving 
his  life  from  the  waters  of  baptism  (cf.  Tertnll. 
de  BapHam,  c  i.),  while  the  Fisherman  spoke  of 
Him  who  by  the  Gospel-hook  takes  men  for  life, 
not  for  death.^  [Fibh  ;  Fisherman.]  Not  only 
were  these  natural  emblems  made  to  breathe  a 
Christian  spirit  by  the  infusion  of  a  new  element 
of  life,  but  even  directly  mythological  personages 
were  pressed  into  the  service  of  the  church. 
Orpheus  captivating  the  wild  beasts  by  the  sound 
of  his  lyre  was  adopted  as  a  symbol  of  Christ 
subduing  the  savage  passions  of  men  by  the 
melody  of  the  gospel,  and  Ulysses  deaf  to  the 
alluring  voices  of  the  sirens  represented  the  be- 
liever triumphing  over  the  seductions  of  worldly 
and  sensual  pleasure  (Martigny,  Diet  des  Ant, 
ChrH.  pp.  447,  643;  De'  Rossi,  BuiUiino,  1863, 
p.  35).  The  hold  which  the  old  forms  still  main- 
tained long  after  the  ideas  of  which  they  were 
the  exponents  had  passed  away,  is  seen  in  the 
combination  with  Scriptural  scenes  of  those 
personifications  of  Nature  under  the  human  form 
so  frequent  in  pagan  times,  which  lasted  even 
down  to  a  late  date.  In  the  delineation  of  the 
ascension  of  Elijah,  one  of  the  most  frequently 
repeated  subjects  of  early  Christian  art,  the 
Jordan  is  represented  as  a  river  god,  with  his  urn. 

k  This  Image  Is  beantfftally  developed  In  the  i^rand 
Or|>hic  hynm  attrfbatcd  to  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Uiui 
nobly  rendered  by  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  {AiUe  Nicem 
Fbthen,  voL  I.  p.  344):— 

**  Flsber  of  men  whom  Thou  to  life  doet  bring; 
From  evil  sea  of  sin* 

And  Item  the  blUewy  strife, 
Gathering  pare  fishes  In 
Caaght  wttb  sweet  belt  of  111^/' 

2  Y  2 


692 


FRESCO 


FBESCX> 


Thus  ttlso  ''a  moantain  is  oocasionallj  repre- 
sented by  a  mountain  god,  a  city  by  a  goddess 
with  a  mural  crown,  night  by  a  female  figure 
with  a  torch  and  star-bespangled  robe,  &c" 
(Kugler,  Handbook  of  Painting^  part  i.  p.  9). 

So  slow  and  timid  was  the  commencement  of 
Christian  art.  The  pro£tine  abuse  of  sculpture  and 
painting  which  had  associated  these  forms  of  art 
with  idolatry  and  licentiousness  formed  an  almost 
insuperable  barrier  to  its  recognition  as  the  hand- 
maid of  religion.  The  earlier  fathers  yiewed  all 
sculptural  or  pictorial  representations  with  sus- 
picion if  not  decided  disapprobation.  The  stem 
Tertullian,  transferring  the  prohibitions  of  the 
Old  Testament  to  the  New,  absolutely  condemned 
all  representations  of  religious  objects,  and  re- 
proached Hermogenes  as  vehemently  for  painting 
as  for  his  defence  of  second  marriages :  *'  pingit 
illicite,  nubit  assidue,  legem  Dei  in  libidinem 
defendit,  in  artem  contemnit"  (Tertull.  adv. 
Hermog,  &  i. ;  De  Idulolatr.  c.  5 ;  cf.  Neander, 
Antignosticus,  Bohn's  tr.  pp.  225,  451).  We  find 
similar  but  milder  condemnations  of  the  pictorial 
art  in  Clement  Alex.  {Protrept.  c.  4)  and  Origen 
(oorU.  Geis,  lib.  ir.  c.  31).  Sacred  art  being  thus 
frowned  on  it  was  only  by  gradual  and  cautious 
steps  that  symbolism  gave  way  to  direct  historical 
representation,  the  events  selected  to  be  depicted 
being,  at  first,  themselves  symbolical  of  those 
great  gospel  facts  which  a  deep-seated  reverence 
as  yet  forbade  them  to  portray.  The  persons 
and  incidents  of  the  Old  Testament  included 
within  the  limited  cycle  in  which  Christian  art 
originally  moved  had  all  a  typical  or  allegorical 
reference  to  the  leading  doctrines  of  Christianity, 
and  reminded  the  devout  worshipper  of  the  Sa- 
crifice, Resurrection,  and  Redemption  of  Christ. 
This  will  be  apparent  from  the  cycles  of  0.  T. 
subjects  given  in  the  latter  part  of  this  article. 

It  was  something  that  in  spite  of  the  profane 
and  licentious  associations  of  pictorial  art,  and 
the  aversion  of  some  of  its  most  influential 
teachers,  painting  should  have  secured  admission 
thus  far  into  the  service  of  Christianity.  But  it 
was  still  halting  at  the  threshold,  and  timidly 
shrinking  from  the  province  of  its  greatest  tri- 
umphs, so  long  as  it  was  restricted  to  allegory, 
it  could  only  accomplish  its  object  in  elevating 
the  mind,  and  connecting  beautiful  and  ennobling 
ideas  with  the  external  facts  on  which  the  &ith 
is  founded,  when  it  adequately  depicted  the  Person 
of  the  Saviour  and  chief  events  of  His  saving  life. 
Referring  to  the  article  Jesub  Ch&ist  for  fuller 
details  of  the  pictorial  hbtory  of  the  Redeemer, 
and  of  the  slow  degrees  with  which  the  pious 
horror  of  any  direct  delineation  of  His  outward 
form  was  broken  down  (of  the  persistence  of 
which  feeling  the  notorious  decree  of  the  council 
of  Elvira,^  a.d.  305,  forbidding  the  depicting  of 
the  objects  of  worship  and  aidoration  on  the 
wails  of  churches  is  a  remarkable  evidence),  it 
will  be  enough  here  to  say  that  portrait-like  re- 
presentations of  our  Blessed  Lord  are  found 
among  tiie  early  wall-paintings  in  the  Roman 
catacombs,  and  that  a  limited  number  of  events 
fi*om  His  life  on  earth,  belonging  to  a  strictly- 
iefined  cycle,  are  of  constant  occurrence  in  the 
same  localities.      It  deserves  notice  that  this 


•  *>  Placult  pfcturasin  ecclesla  etfe  non  deberSi  ne  quod 
oolltor  et  adoratur  in  parieUbos  depingKtur  "  (C^ie.  lU^, 
csu.  36 ;  Labbe^  Caneil,  vol.  I.  p.  •74>. 


cycle  does  not  aelnde  any  repreeentations  oif  the 
history  of  the  Passion  or  Oracifixion.  A  feeliiif 
of  awful  reverence  forbade  any  attempt  to  por> 
tray  the  atoning  death  of  Christ  in  any  bat  a 
symbolical  or  allegorical  form.  **  The  cataeoishi 
of  Rome  . .  •  ofier  no  instance  of  a  crucifixioo, 
nor  does  any  allusion  to  such  a  subject  of  art 
occur  >n  any  early  writer  "  (Milman,  m.  s.  p.  398)i 
The  most  ancient  instance  known  does  not  date 
earlier  than  the  8th  century  (Munter,  Sinnbitter, 
p.  77).  Beyond  the  domain  of  sacr«d  allegoiy 
and  Scriptural  painting.  Christian  art  busied 
itself  in  the  representation  of  saintly  personages 
and  of  the  martyrdoms,  the  memory  of  whuk 
was  still  so  vivid  in  the  church.  It  is  diflScolt 
to  point  to  indubitably  earlv  examples  of  the  firrt 
class,  and  all  traces  of  the  .latter  class  have 
perished.  That  representations  of  holy  persmis 
were  not  unfrequent  in  the  time  of  St.  Augnstiiie 
is  certain  from  his  reference  to  wall-paintings  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  as  oommcmlj  existisi^ 
"  pluribus  lods  .  .  .  pictos  "  (de  Oonsens,  Bvamg^ 
i.  10).  But  the  paintings  of  St.  Cornelius  and  SL 
Cyprian,  in  the  crypt  of  Cornelius,  in  theCalbbtiae 
catacomb,  are  in  the  style  of  the  8th  century,  while 
the  Oramte  called  St.  Cecilia  by  De'  Rossi,  in  the 
crypt  bearing  her  name,  is  of  the  9th ;  and  the 
figure  of  St.  Urban,  in  the  same  crypt,  **can  hardlv 
have  been  executed  before  the  10th  or  11th  ** 
(Northcote,  u.  s.  p.  159).  The  paintings  of  saints 
in  the  catacombs  of  Naples  may  be  assigned  to  an 
earlier  period :  some  belonging  to  the  5th,  others 
to  the  8th  century.  Although  aU  representa- 
tions of  martyrdoms  have  perished,  there  is  aa 
doubt  that  such  existed.  Prudentins  (c  405) 
speaks  of  a  picture  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cas- 
sianus,  of  which  he  says  expressly,  **  Historiaa 
pictura  reiert "  (^PerigUpk,  Hymn,  ix.  r.  5),  aad 
he  elaborately  describes  the  paintings  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  St.  Hippolytus,  which  embellished  the 
walb  of  the  chapel  in  which  the  body  of  the 
saint  had  been  deposited  {^PeristejA,  Hymn,  xL  v. 
141  sq.).  Paulinus  of  Nola  also  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  5th  century,  decorated  a  cbapd 
erected  by  him  with  martyrs  (Posm.  xxviiL  v. 
20,  21).  At  a  still  earlier  period  we  have  the 
testimony  of  St.  Gregory  Nyssen  as  to  the  pre- 
valence of  this  practice  in  the  Eastern  chnrch. 
He  describes  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Theodore  as 
painted  on  the  walls  of  a  church  dedicated  to 
that  saint,  '*  The  fiery  furnace,  the  death  of  the 
athlete  of  Christ . . .  the  painter  had  expressed 
by  colours  as  in  a  book  .  • .  The  dumb  walls 
speak  and  edify"  {Orat  in  Theod.  torn.  iiL  pi 
579).* 

Early  Christian  paintings  may  be  conveniently 
treated  of  under  three  divisions,  Roman,  Byzan- 
tine, and  Lombardic. 

I.  Roman, — All  the  earlier  Christian  buildiags 
above  ground  having  yielded  to  time  and  hnmsn 
violence,  the  catacombs  are  the  only  source  of 
examples  of  primitive  Christian  art.  In  them, 
as  has  been  already  remarked,  the  earliest  ex- 
amples offer  nothing  exclusively  Christian,  aad 
differ  hardly  at  all  from  the  oontemporaaeoos 
pagan  decorations.  Agincourt  long  since  called 
attention  to  this  fact  in  his  great  work  (X'iSftftsvv 
de  VAri  par  let  Mowumens^  proving  by  cotnpara* 
tive  representations  in  successive  plates  (PmniMr*^ 

d  See  Posey,  Nute  to  ftrMUaa<t  ipetagy,  Libi  cf  tte 
Fsthen,  voL  x.  pi  109  so. 


FBSSOO 

pL  T.  rLX  that  tha  lint  ChrUtUn  Hpnlcbnl 
diamban  ware  amngad  and  dacoratad  after 
heathaD  modela.  The  artiiU  probablj  adhered 
to  tbe  old  faith ;  and  ana  If  thii  wen  sot  to, 
the;  wen  only  acautomed  to  work  in  oDe  ityle. 
ud  could  Doteilemporiieauewone.  In  wme  of 
the  moat  aocient  chapali  of  tba  catacombi  it  bat 
been  tmlj  uid  that  "yoa  ara  not  celtaia 
whether  you  an  looking  ns  a  pegaa  or  a  Cbrit- 
tian  work.  Tbare  u  tha  nmt  geometrical  dlvl- 
lioB  of  tha  roof,  tha  uma  general  arrangement 
of  the  labjecta,  the  eame  fabuloni  animals,  the 
aame  gracefnl  corvee,  the  aame  foliage,  fruit, 
flovera,  and  hlrdi  in  both"  (Buigou,  Letters 
from  Smie,  p.  S50;  Northcote,  k.  a.  p.  1»0> 
Aginoinrt  could  diieoTer  uo  difference  In  atjie, 
eicepc,  perbspB,  wfaat  wai  not  nDoatnral,  greater 
algu  of  hnrrj,  and  coaraer  aiecution.  It  is  out; 
the  ooeorranca  of  the  figun  of  tha  Good 
Shepherd,  which  ninallr  occupiea  the  central 
podticn,  or  eome  Scriptnnl  luhject,  inch  aa 
Jonah  or  Daniel,  or  eoma  Chriatiaa  ijrmbo],  that 
cleara  op  tbe  doubt  as  to  the  religion  of  the  art 
we  ara  ctsdfing-     The  entire  abaenca  of  all 


VEESCO 


693 


eloomj  aaaodatloni  in  connection  with  death 
daaerrea  remark.  Tha  cheerful  ifmbollcal 
daoontiona  which  adorn  tbe  sapnlchral  chamben 
— the  graceful  Tine,  the  cluateg^  Shapes,  the 
birdi  and  bright  landacapaa — baapeak  a  faith 
which  nerred  ita  poaieaeora  to  meet  the  moat 
terrible  aofleriDgs  with  ealinneu  and  eren  with 
delight,  as  the  path  to  never^nding  joya,  and  to 
t1*v  death  aa  the  door  to  eternal  life,  the  true 
birtbdaj  of  the  soul.  Ever;  thing  that  meela 
tba  eye  aicitea  pleaiurable  emotiont,  and  indi- 
catae  a  heart  full  of  peace  and  bappinaas. 

At  u  aiample  of  Chriatian  mural  decorationt 
of  the  Tcrj  earliest  period  we  may  instance  tbe 
Calacomb  of  DomitHla  on  the  Appisu  waj  (see  p. 
314>  Thif  catacomb  ii  attributed  to  FlaviaDomi- 
tillfL,  a  near  ralative  of  the  emperor  Diomitian — 

C'  ape  bla  niece,  tbe  daughter  of  hie  sister  who 
the  same  name.  She  was  the  wlA  of  FlsTiai 
Clenmia,  the  couiin  of  Domltian,  and  hie  oolleagna 
in  the  consulship  A.D.  95,  who  was  accused  of 
"  atheitm,"  bt  which  we  are  almnt  certainly  to 
nnderatand  Christianity,  and  put  to  death  by 
Ihi  emperor.    Domitilla  waa  baniahcd  on   the 


charge  to  tha  laland  of  Pontia  (Ditttnury 
of  CArMiun  Biogn^y,  DoatrmAA.%     In  this 

burial-place,  tbarelbra,  we  hare  work  of  tba  end 
of  the  let  or  Che  Iwginning  of  tbe  Sod  century. 
The  fiescoee  which  ornament  the  wails  and  ceil-.- 
lugs  of  the  sepulchral  chamben  and  their  reccaeea 
or  cMmla,  are  clearly  contemporaneous  with 
tba  original  building,  and  are,  especially  is  the 


■nbordinata  aoibetlllhmenta,  of  rare  beaaty. 
There  la  a  ranltad  roof;  orer  which  a  Tins 
trails  witb  all  the  freedom  of  natnrn,  laden  with 
duatera,  at  which  birds  ara  peckiog,  while  winged 
boya  are  gathering  or  pressing  out  the  grapee, 
of  which  no  decoratiTe  artist  of  tha  Angus' 
tan  aea  need  be  ashamed  (Hommseu,  Cbntemp. 
Sm.  Hay  1871,  p.  170).  Tha  annexed  wood- 
cQt  (No.  1)  givea  a  bint  idea  of  ita  axquiaite 
grace  and  beantT.  Tracea  of  landacapaa  also  still 
eibt  here,  which  are  of  nn  occnrrenca  in  later 
Chrittlan  burial  Taults,  In  the  portion  of  this 
catacomb  known  by  the  names  of  St.  Domitilla'i 
cbamberlaina,  St.  Mereot  and  St.  Achillens,  a 
painted  cu&KWuni  eihibita  reprtsentationa  of  the 
four  saasona,  which  are  rery  cnrioua.  They  ara 
represented  as  female  figuree,  with  small  batter- 
fly  wlngi  attached  to  their  shoulders.  We  giva 
woodcuta  of  Spring  and  Aotomn  (Noi.  3,  3). 


The  latter  haa  an  attendant  genius  emptying  out 
a  cornacopia  of  fruit.  There  is  an  entin  abaenca 
of  anything  dlstlnctiTeljr  Chriatian  in  these  deco- 
rations, which  reproduce  the  wall-paintinga  of 
tha  best  period  of  Qreco-Rooian  art  On  tha 
walls,  howerer,  we  tiud  tha  nsnal  allegorical  and 
Scriptural  lubjecta  —  tbe  Good   Shepherd,    ilu 


Fiihirmui,  in  Agapt,  Dauiil  in  tlu  Lloiu'  Den. 

Anothtr  eqntUj  Wotiful  apecimaD   of  the 
Tine  oraiunenUtion  is  eihibiud  on  Cha  ranlt  of 

■  iqoira  chimber  of  thecemeterj  of  Pruteitatu*, 
DthtrwiM  known  u  that  of  St.  Urban,  benuth 

of  th«  Via  Appia,  near  tha  circiu  of  HaKntioi. 
Tliii  bnrial-p'ace  bclongi  to  the  eailieat  period, 
aod  tha  character  of  the  decorations  correiponda 

■  ith  henthen  art  of  the  2nd  century,  and  is  not 
at  all  inferior  to  the  best  works  of  the  age. 
The  accompnnj-ing  woodcat  (No.  4)  gires  an 
imperfect  Dotloa  of  the  elaborate  beauty  of  the 

design.     The  vault  of  the  chamber 

into  four    bands,  each    containing;  a 
wreath  of  foliage  and  flowers,  among  which 


1  the  birds  t 


g  their 


highest  wreath  is  of  laurel  or  bay/a  symbol  of 
victory,  Indicative  of  the  Christian  triumph. 
Immediately  round  the  arch  of  the  lavcaoiiam  it 
>  band  of  raapan  cutting  down  corn  and  binding 
up  the  sheaves.  The  plafond  of  the  recess  origi- 
nally bore  the  Good  Shepherd  with  a  sheep  upon 
his  sbouldere ;   bot  the  design  has  been  almost 


destroyed  by  the  aicavation  of  later  locvIL  The 
paintings  are  imall  and  uquisilely  beautiful, 
even  in  their  present  slate  of  decay.  The  liimilj 
to  whom  this  burial-place  belonged  wii  evidently 
one  of  considerable  wealth  and  dignity.  But  the 
ipecimens  already  adduced  seem  to  have  been 
surpassed  by  ths  great  vine  of  the  Callistine 
catacomb  (Itottarl,  vol.  ii.  tav.  15),  the  "antique 
style  of  beauty"  of  which  is  noticed  W  Kugler. 
A  stem  of  a  viae  encircles  each  side  of  the  arch 
of  an  arauotixtm  with  its  graceful  spirals,  lovely 
little  naked  boys  standing  on  its  brandies  and 
plucking  the  clusters.  The  soffit  of  the  arch  is 
bimilarly  decorated  with  vintage  scenes.  The 
wnll  of  the  recess  presents  what  is  commonly, 
but  erroneously,  designated  the  Ditpalt  ailh  tie 
Do^tori.  Christ,  represented  as  a  beardless 
young  man  seated  on  a  curule  chair,  holds  a 
scroll  in  his  left  hand  and  turns  towards  a 
number    of  hearers,    probably  intended    lor  his 


*  Tbe  very  earl  j  dale  of  tbeae  i 

ulnilngs  [n  gt  DduIUIIk's  nnletery  Is  In  'of  the  sun 
Ijle  sstbua  Inlbe  welLkDownpyrunlliillDnibDCCWii 


FBEBOO 

Bpoitlei,  some   of  whom  are  seated  amd  olbn 
standing  (woodcut  No.  &). 

The  general  amugeinent  of  the  mnnl  dsco- 
rations  of  the  •epnlcbnl  chambers  or  cMaia  <i 
thsRomancatacambsisremarkablyDiiiform.  Tka 
arch-haaded  tomi/  roceasea  or  anDSDlu,  whick 
occupy  three  sides  of  the  square  chain  beia,  hiit 
tha  b«;k  wall,  the  soffits  of  the  archaa,  awl  the  nil 
above  them  painted,  in  the  earlier  eiamplciwilk 
mere  ornamental  arabesque*,  in  the  later  wilk 
subjects  drawn  from  the  narrow  ScriptBtal  sr 
symbolical  cycle  to  which  reference  has  alnsdi 
been  made.  The  ceilings  are  even  more  rickl; 
decorated,  the  subjects  being  tuaally  dqiietsd  ia 
panel)  diitrifanted  round  a  centra]  picture,  wkiek 
most  commonly  aihibits  a  repreaantaticai  of  tbt 
Saviour  under  a  typical  form.  Tha  geaenl 
appearance  of  these  oMoida,  aod  the  distiibntise 
of  the  paintlnga,  is  shown  in  tha  acoompaayiag 
lllustistion  from  the  cnbiculnm  of  On  Oaam  a 
the  catacomb  of  St.  Callistos  (So.  6>  Tbt 
paintings  are  early — probably  of  the  3id  cental; 
—  representing  trellis  work  overgrown  witi 
flowers,  peacocks  and  other  birda,  and  winfed 
gi^ii.  In  the  centre  of  the  vault  ii  the  head  if 
Ocean,  giving  its  name  to  the  chamber.  Tki 
ornamentation  of  an  early  ceiling  ii  exhibited  i> 
ipresenting    the   roof  of  tit 


Pour  of  the  eight  drcnmscribing  panels  a 
Biblical  subjocu — (1)  Hosei  smitiDS  Uu  boa; 
(2)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den;  (3)  The  Baiu^ 
of  Liiams;  (i)  David  armed  with  bis  SUs{. 
The  intermediate  panels  represent  pactoral  mb- 
jects — two  of  iheep,  two  of  cattle.  Another 
chamber,  depicted  by  De'  Boui  (vol.  i.  pi.  10), 
called  that  of  Orpheus,  ia  qoito  Pompeisa  ia 
character.  Tha  ceiling  is  a  buutifnl  work  J 
an.  Orpheos  is  seen  in  the  centre,  surTonndu! 
by  heads  of  genii  with  dishevelled  and  flowi^ 
hair,  and  supported  by  eight  oblong  panels,  two 
containing  the  Good  Shepherd,  two  female  oraiAi, 
and  the  remaining  four  winged  genii  bnriaf 
crooks,  floating  lightly  in  the  air.  The  paoellsl 
walls  are  embellished  with  a  rich  ptof^oi  at 
arabeaqnea,  combining  dovoa,  peacocka,  and  other 
birds,  dolphins,  and  sea  monsters,  the  only  u- 
miatakably  Christian  emblem  beii^  the  laak 
bearing  the  encharlstlc  bread. 

The  style  of  these  earliest  efiorts  of  ChristiBi 
art  has  )Men  nndnly  depreciated,  nty  arc  i^ 
nuAeriied  by  Lord  Lindsay  {KM.  of  (AnsL  Art, 
vol.  i.  p.  39)  sa  "  poor  prolactions,  wb«  "  thi 
meagreness  of  iavention  it  only  equalled  by  tki 
feebleaeaa  of  eiecution,"  "  inlerior,  gcDUallv 
■peaking,  to  the  worst  ipedmen*  of  oontempuaiy 
heathen  art."  Such  a  verdict  arideDcas  bal 
slender  acquaintance  with  the  paintiBgs  which  art 
ibjecteofhiscrlticlnn.  TbeearlierUirUtiis 
•as,  as  we  have  seen,  are  quite  on  a  Itrvl 
the  best  specimens  of  pagan  art  of  the  time, 
and  the  rapid  decadence  manifested  in  the  later 
plea  belongs  not  to  Christian  art  aleoe  bat 
t  in  general.  Tha  judgment  of  Kngls  ii 
ore  bvontable.  He  spe^  of  the  "  grwiw 
of  arrangement "  eihibited  by  the  earliest  paiii- 
inga,  and  admires  the  "pecnllar  solemnity  sal 
dignity  of  atyle"  which  charactariie  tktia, 
though  he  acknowledges  that  these  excel lenciH 
are  "  accompanied  by  certain  tfchaicsl  dsli- 
cieucies,"  chiefiy  such  at  natnnlly  ante  fiW 


•lisht  hntf  giceaUon  (Kuglsr,  n.  (.  p.  14>  I  oatlinw  of  tbair  fignrw  with  itronf  daA  linn. 
Th<  moda  of  axecDtion,  tcoorduig  to  Crawa  [  Tha  arai,  dok,  uid  moDth  wtn  ilDiilulr  dafinad 
ud    Cknicualla    mu    m    CoUom    (,Sitt.   <^  \  with  bUok  Unai.     A  duh  of  wum  jaUowrad 


P(i«t«iig,  ToL  1.  p.  8,  noU).  Th<  srtiiti  bnldlr  |  tone  wu  throwD  orar  tfaa  fleah  partion*  of  tha 
(tained  tiu  toDgh-nMtcd  walli  with  light  water-  Rgara,  tha  ihadowi  being  worked  in  in  broad 
eolonn  of  ■  Urdj  tint,  ud  npidlj  i^fined  tha  [  miaui  with  >  deoper  tint  ofthc  ume  warm  hiia. 


nblc  aGquainUnce  witb  the  lawi  of 
Tfa«  gsnend  iSect  of  tli«a  limpU  proaua  li 
pranoDBced  b;  th«  Mm*  eritia  t»  be  good.  Tlia 
'*>ttitudei  ara  not  without  graudonr,  nor  tha 
tDsno  of  light  and  thwie  withont  brudtb,  Dor 
tha  drapery  without  limplicitj."  Tbe  artiaU 
ware  eridently  capable  of  mDch  better  thiDga. 

With  the  lapH  of  time  and  the  general  decay 
of  artiitic  power  in  Rome,  correaponding  to  tha 
uuiienal  dsterioiatloo  of  taata  and  gtmoi  which 
chantcteriied  the  later  daja  of  the  empire,  we 
notice  *  verj  aeiuible  declioe  m  the  decoratloai 
of  the  cstacomba.     The  deeign  oecomea  inoreu- 


aaothcT  and  alwaja  unlike  natare  "  (Koitlnti, 
H.  a.  p.  197).  In  ttct,  u  Dean  Hildu  b> 
truly  remarked  {Lot.  Oaitt.  ri.  605),  Ha 
characteriitic  of  Chiiatlan  painting  wM  M 
art  bnt  worahip,  and  ita  higheit  aim  waa  tt 
awaken  religiona  emotion  and  auggest  religin 
thought.  Thna  Imitation  took  the  plaw  of  in- 
Tention,  and  imagination  waa  cnuhed  by  pmt- 
dent.  The  gradual  decadence  of  toe  art  mar  W 
clearly  traced  in  the  chroaologiod  aeries  gi™ 
in  Agincourt'i  platea  (Ptinture,  pi.  v.-iiL).  Th 
eicellepoe  of  deligu,  freediim  of  drawing,  ai 
harmony  of  colonriDg  which  mark  the  eaHio 
freaooaa  gradually  diaappcar  aa  we  advaucf.  Wt 
find  prooA  of  decleniion  at  the  end  of  tiu  M 
ceBtnry  (PI.  xiiL).     TTia  drawing  ia  not  bad,  be' 


I 

L 


ingiy  rede  and  clnnuy,  and  the  eieeatiou  ahowa 
greater  careleaimeaa  and  neglect  of  detail.  The 
ngnre)  are  ill-proportioned — aometimea  aqoare 
and  ahort,  at  oUiera  inordinately  sloiigated.  The 
free  play  of  tbe  earlier  deiigoa  is  luccaeded  by  a 
lifelwa  rigidity.  Tbja  mechanical  atiffneaa  was 
foatsred  by  the  narrovneu  of  the  cycle  of  Scrip- 
tural lubjecta  repreaented,  and  the  nnimaginatire 
tameDeaa  of  the  mode  of  representation.  Each 
aubjeet  bad  received  a  well-definnl  traditional 
type,  conaecrated  by  repetition,  from  which  it 
waa  deemed  irreverence  to  deviate.  Thtu  Chri^ 
tiaa  art  became  "almoBt  hieratic  in  ita  character, 
t  Egypt  DI  modem  Greece,  ao  fixed 
'g  itf  tjpna ;  alwaya  like  one 


there  u  no  n 

the  treatment  ia  monotononi.  Id  the'ti. 

Ing  centnriea  the  deteriontiou  procceda,  tboqV 
the  decline  ia  not  so  rapid  ae  might  hare  bta 
antidpatad.  Claiaic  forma  continual  till  tka 
end  oftheSthandfint  halfoftheSthcentoriga 
Cavalauelle  initancaa  ai  an  example  of  the  art 
of  thia  period  a  chapel  in  the  catacomb  of  SL 
Peter  and  St.  Harcellinna  (otherwue  called  SL 
Helena).  The  vault  ia  decorated  with  i  Uip 
figure  of  Chriat  aeatod  in  a  curule  chair,  in  tV 
act  of  benediction.  The  head  ii  very  Gm  ud 
pore.  Below,  above  the  tomb,  are  Ggum  of^ 
Peter  and  St.  Harcellinna  and  two  ot^en  m^ 
on  either  aide  of  the  Hiriy  Uunb  atandiag  ca  ' 


rook,  whence  ume  the  &ur  rlTen  of  Psndiw. 
The  framei  at  long  uu]  att«Da*te<l,  the  hnd* 
Mnkll,  the  hendi  and  feat  dcfectiTs  in  drawing. 
Another  tjpical  uuopte  ii  the  cfiloaul  head  of 
Chriet  in  the  act  of  benediction,  from  the  ceme- 
tery of  St.  Poutianna.  For  the  Gnt  Un»  the 
jeweiied  nimbus  bean  the  Gnek  crou.  The 
SH*ioDr  ii  of  impoaiDg  aapect,  hot  eoiiTFntlonal. 
The  ciecntiDQ  ie  batty,  and  the  decline  marked. 
It  pratably  belonga  to  the  Tth  ceatnrf,  bat  ii 
aaiigned  by  MaHigDr  to  Hadrian  I.  TTS-TT&. 
The  ceiehrated  paintinga  which  decorate  the  wali 
or  bapliatery,  the  jenelied  crou,  and  the  Baptiam 
of  Christ  are  deicribed  iB  the  artidea  BlPTmEKY, 
p.  174;  and  Catacombs,  p.  313.  Thaie  pic- 
turee,  in  their  present  etate,  are  prababiTrea' 
tieni  of  the  originala,  coanely  painted  ove 
older  nnderlying  picture  at  the  time  of  the  n 
of  the  catacomb  by  Hadrian  I.(cf.  Tyrwhitt,'jrf 
TaaeMmg  0/  Prunitne  CAurcA,  p.  173).    These 


S«7 

dncaa  the  original  painting,  und  that  any  argn- 
nieote  foonded  opoD  nch  nnaertain  data  mnit  be 

precariooa.  The  worda  of  Ur.  St.  John  Tyrwhitt, 
with  regard  to  a  parttcaUr  ioataace,  may  be 
applied  to  a  lar^  namber  of  these  freecoea,  "  the 
workmanahip  is  so  groaaly  rude  and  caraleas, 
that  one  is  led  to  inspect  that  ancient  retouchings 
have  taken  place  at  soma  time  in  the  bathoa  ot 
art;  and  the  addition  of  the  coaneit  outlinaa, 
bath  on  the  lighted  andahadedsicle  of  the  objeota, 
aeema  to  ahow  that  the  original  painting  bad 
nearly  vaniahed  from  the  wail  when  some  well- 
meaning  and  totaiij-ignorant  restorer  made  an 
attempt  at  aecuring  iti  meaning  "  (Art  TfacMng, 
&c,,  p.  130).  The  bet  of  those  reatontioas  has 
been  lately  made  patent  to  thoae  who  hare  no 
opportunity  of  eumining  the  origioais  by  the 
[uvalaable  series  of  photographs  taken  in  the 
cataoombi  by  the  magnesium  light,  which  we 
owe  to  the  unwearied  laal  and  munificent  libe- 


reslintions  may  lie  taken  as  eiamptes  of  the 
retouchings  and  repaintingi  of  earlier  originals 
which  prevailed  so  eitensirely  when  the  cats- 
cambs  became  the  objects  of  nligloos  visita,  and 
which  render  it  so  dilScult  accurately  to  de- 
termine the  date  of  any  particular  picture.  In 
the  catammha  at  Napfca  which  hare  not  been 
so  much  cared  for,  and  are  leas  tampered  with 
by  modem  restorers,  the  wali-picturee  may  be 
seen  in  sereial  instances  peeling  off,  diaclMing 
ancceaaire  atrata  one  behind  another.  There  is 
DO  reason  to  question  the  good  (hith  of  the 
original  reatorers,  who  probably  followed  the 
oollinaa  of  the  decaying  auhjecta  as  far  aa  they 
oould  niakc  them  ont,  and  only  aappiied  forms  and 
details  when  the  original  had  qaite  disappeared. 
But  it  most  always  be  home  in  mind,  in  eiemln- 
ing  the  freacoes  of  ths  catacombs,  that  we  are  in 
all  probahility  looking  at  a  work  of  the  Stb  or 
treti  >  later  century,  which  only  partially  repro- 


rality  of  Mr.  J.  H.  Parker.  The  rude  later 
touches  and  hard  ontlines  an  in  many  Isalanoe* 
clearly  to  be  traced  orer  the  onginal  painting. 
It  is  needless  to  pnrsne  the  melancholy  history 
of  the  decline  of  religions  art  any  further.  Tha 
power  of  drawing  grew  feebler  and  feebler,  all 
aense  of  beauty  of  form  perished,  proportion 
was  diaregarded,  the  coloaring  becune  crude 
and  inharmonions,  until,  with  the  close  of  the 
8th  ceatory,  a  period  of  darkness  set  In,  when 
Christian  art  waa  loat  in  the  WesUrn  worli 
and  only  dragged  on  an  nunaturat  and  mechanical 
eiiatence  in  the  traditional  Byiantine  ait  of  the 
East. 

The  remarkable  series  of  tivcoes  which  em- 
l»liish  the  eatacomba  of  Naples  must  not  be 
passed  OTer.  They  have,  howeier,  been  so  fnliy 
described  in  a  previoni  article  (Catacoxb^ 
p.  316),  that  it  is  needleia  to  enlarge  upon  them 
here.    The  chief  anthoritles  fbr  these  ptlntinp 


$98  FRESCO 

Bra  tha  |>lttM  of  Et«U«rmanB*i  work  (Hambdtj, 
1839).  The  greaUr  part  thera  giiao  ai«  no 
longer  Titiblo.  Tha  vault  of  the  veatibnle  1> 
painted  in  the  Pompeiui  ityle,  ud  probablj  bj 
pagan  artlita,  aomc  of  the  subjecta  being  dia- 
tinctlf  heathen.  It  belonga  to  the  6nt  half- 
centnry  oC  the  Christiu  en  (No.  B),  The  vaalt 
ha>  been  aubuqaentl;  pluteiod  OTsr,  and  ■ 
■aoond  iot  of  lubjects  of  tha  Bth  ccntory  painted 
OTOT  it.  But  the  new  ooat  did  not  adhere  well, 
and  haa  bllen  off  to  a  large  extent,  exhibiting 
the  lint  palatiDg  below  it.  Then  1>  alKi 
a  good  paiating  of  a  peacock,  with  TUai 
ntiit  flower*,  belonging  to  the  fint  period. 
Among  the  palntingi  that  decorate  the  chspeU 
we  may  call  attention  to  one  prewnting  full- 
length  fignna  of  St.  Paul  with  a  «ro1l,  and  St. 
Laurence  with  hii  crown  of  martjrdom  in  liie 
hand.  They  are  not  nimbed,  and  are  auigned 
by  Hr.  J.  H.  Parker  to  the  Sth  centnrj  (No.  9). 
Half-lengths  of  St.  Denderini  and  St.  Agiitiua, 
Id  another  receu,  deierra  notice  aa  eiemuifjring 
the  bad  drawing  of  the  Sth  conlnr]'.  Tie  ftces 
are  elongated,  the  eockete  of  the  ejei  eiaggeratad 
in  ejie,  the  handi  enormona  and  clunuj,  and  the 
whole  ditplaya  a  barbaric  ignorance  of  form  and 
blindnou  to  beantT. 


II.  Byiantiu. — Dp  lo  the  oommencement  of 
the  7th  eenturj  there  waa  no  decided  diSerence 
between  Eaitero  and  Weatero  art.  Wbererer 
Raman  ciTJliistion  extended  Christian  art  waa 
eueotinl];  the  aame.  It  waa  not  till  the  middle 
of  the  Tth  csnturj  that  the  dietinction  between 
Roman  and  Bjiantine  art  began  to  arise.  That 
was  the  epoch  of  the  greateat  decadence  of  art  in 
the  West,  croebed  by  the  Lombard  invauDn,  while 
in  the  East,  nnder  the  emperor  Jnitinian,  a  new 
and  Tigoroiu  intellectual  life  waa  rapidlj  dere- 
loping  itielf  and  manifesting  ite  energy,  as  else- 
where, in  the  domain  of  art.  Thia  new  influence 
rapidly  made  itaelf  felt  through  the  dviltxed 
world.  The  style  of  art  unirenally  preTaiUog 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  Tth  and  the  Bth  cen- 
turies and  onward  waa  that  which,  as  dia- 
tingniahed  from  the  Roman  achool,  ia  known  by 
Uie  title  of  Bjiantine  (Xugler,  BiBidbooli  of 
Painting,  L  p.  4T>  The  characteristic  mental 
diflerencea  of  the  West  and  tha  Eaat  were 
reflected  in  their  artistic  works.  The  con- 
templatiTe  preralM  in  the  productions  of  the 
Byiantine  art  acboola,  aa  the  practical  did  in 
those  of  Rome.  The  idea  of  dramatic  hbtorical 
minting  was  alien  to  the  Byiantine  genius. 
Even  the  movements  of  life  were  distasteful. 
Calm,  motioolea  figures  oBered  themoelvea  tn 
the   devotion   of  the    wonhippen   in    digniSod 


FBE800 

repose.  Eaaa  Mlffened  into  rigidity,  trsJitiB 
iisarped  the  place  of  invention,  the  stady  it 
nature  was  laid  aside,  and  the  artirt  follenj  ■ 
strictly  preacribed  type  which  allowed  ao  irtft 
for  the  play  of  the  imagination,  and  ended  ia  s 
system  of  men  mechanical  copying,  where,  ii 
Kogler's  words  (it.  a.  p.  56^  "the  capuly  W 
the  artist  was  only  regulated  bv  the  number  at 
quality  of  the  tracings  which  he  had  bien4k 
to  procun  fVom  the  works  of  hia  predeeosn' 
A  taller  discnnion  of  Bynntiue  art  aad  Ik 
chief  examples  remaining,  mart  be  nserrel  ftr 
the  article  treating  on  moaaic  decentiiai 
(Mo8aTCS>     Byiantine  ftncow  of  the  6th,  7Ui, 

though,  from  the  permanence  of  the  ti^tnl 
type,  and  the  strict  adhenBca  to  artistic  nlo, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  later  compoaitioDs  euUt 


the  East,  tboogh  it  is  poeeible  that  inch  ire  oeii 
awaiting  mora  tborongh  reaearch.  One  aa 
was  not  long  since  discovered  at  Aleiandrii,  isl 
is  deecribed  by  De'  Rossi  (0isMmo,  Norenk 
1864;  Agost.  1BS5),  and  Northoote  {R<m.m. 
p.  221 ).  It  contains  a  liturgical  painting,  ^p>> 
rently  npreseuting  the  participation  in  Ik 
encharist,  together  with  the  miracle  at  Cui 
and  the  mnlUpUcation  of  the  loavea  and  Aiks, 
with  Qreek  Inecriptiona  over.  Bnt  it  beloagi  w 
a  period  anterior  to  the  developmesit  of  Byna- 
tine  art,  and  difi'en  little,  if  at  all,  frea  tbt 
paintings  of  the  Roman  catacomba. 

III.  £oin6anfti.— The  nlicaoftbe  newstyltif 
an  contequent  on  the  Lombard  invailon  ia  tb 
Bth  and  Tth  centuries  are  very  scanty,  and  qiiu 
insnffident  to  fnmiah  data  lur  determinii^  ii> 
character  with  any  minuteneafc  It  is  protalik, 
however,  that  the  *^  naturalism  and  iBststeoce  a 
fact,  the  vigoToua  imagination  of  truth  and  viU 
play  of  imhaj  in  fiction,  the  delight  in  aciiiH, 
motion,  and  conteat,  the  taste  for  hunting  ud 
battle,  the  irresistible  or  unt«sisl«d  taste  (a 
the  humorone  grotesque,"  described  so  riodly 
by  Mr.  Rnskin  (Stones  of  Vgaict,  vol.  L  appeni  t), 

architectun  and  scnlpture,  wen  exhilated  ■ 
their  pictorial  eObrta,  in  which,  with  all  tMr 
rndenesa  and  total  license  of  style,  there  Isy,  ■ 
iCugler  remarks  (p.  45),  "a  germ  of  ftvedom&M 
which,  later,  a  new  school  of  development  was  le 
apring."  The  historical  aubjecta  which  Qoeca 
'nieodelinda  eaosed  to  b«  paintod  on  the  walli  •/ 
her  palace  at  Idonia,  at  the  beginning  of  the  TU 
century,  have  unhappily  perished,  i^  imiwl, 
they  were  frescoes  and  not  mosaica. 

Some  aosount  is  given  by  Tan  Enmehr(;iat 
fhricMmg.  voL  L  p.  193,  Beri.  1827)  of  Ik 
examples  of  the  Lombatdic  style  still  eiistiag  ia 
the  remains  of  tha  ft^Bcoes  in  the  tribune  of  tk 
subterranean  church  at  Aiaia,  and  in  the  cypt 
of  SS.  Nazaro  e  Celio  at  Verona.  The  fonscr 
are  placed  by  him  in  the  Sth  century.  Ik 
lights  an  laid  on  in  tmputa,  an  art  subscqntollf 
loirt.  The  fnacoee  at  Venma  are  very  similu  il 
design  and  execution.  Savenl  Bibliol  sceaM  iK 
then  rudely  painted  on  a  coane  white  groODd. 

IV.  Cycia  of  Scriplw<tt  Oifri'ec^— AUeeties 
has  been  already  drawn  to  the  ramarkabtc  ftrt 
that  ont  of  the  aimort  infinite  wealth  of  ht*- 
torioal  suhjecta  in  the  Old  and  New  T»^ 
meuts  auitable    for  pictorial  reprtsentatioai  ^I 


FBE800 

vhich  importut  doctrinH  ua  nt  forth  or 
holf  Iftboni  ImparlAd,  ■  compantiTelj  mum 
Dumbti  vera  ulected,  lad  that  tha  limiti  thai 
laid  down  wars  saurcelf  avar  truugroaad  bif 
tha  artiit*.  Nor  were  these,  gaoenllj  ipeak- 
iDg,  precieeljr  the  snbjeuta  th&t  we  ibould  hiTe 
i  prioii  upected  to  i»it  been  the  object  of  ai- 
claaira  preferaBC*.  Uuiy  of  Iba  nioit  >tiikiiig 
areati  of  tha  0.  T.,  and  tha  meet  chmoteriitic 
incidoDte  of  the  lira  of  Chriit  are  entinlr  puaed 
oT*r,  whila  MimB  which  appear  to  lu  inMrdiData 
an  repented  timea  without  nambei.  The  ei- 
pluiatioa  of  thlg  procedure  is  to  ba  sought  in  the 
principle  of  tjpit»l  parallelism  which  guided  the 
church  from  tha  fint  ia  her  choioa  of  itnbjects 
for  dalioaation.  Her  leading  idea  wu  to  Tail 
the  great  facta  of  RedemptioD  "  under  the  parallel 
aikd  topical  eventa  of  the  patriarchal  and  Jawiah 
diapeaaatioiL — admitting  no  dir«t  represantationa 
rrom  gospel  hislorj  but  such  as  illnetrsted  the 
kioglj  office  of  the  Sariour  and  the  tniTacles  by 
which  He  prefigured  tha  lllnminatioB  of  the 
a|iirit  and  the  resnrrectioD  of  the  body"  (Lord 
Liodsay,  ChriiUan  Art,  Tol.  L  p.  4e>  It  fol- 
lowed tharefora  that  even  theee  evanta  were  not 
treated  »  much  as  foots  of  history,  tn  be  dot' 
trayed  with  any  idea  of  rapiodnoing  the  incideac 
at  it  may  be  conceived  to  iuva  occurred,  bnt  aa 
tjppet  in  which  the  ipiritnal  meaning  was  pre- 
dominant. Coniaqneotly,  not  the  choice  of  the 
subject  atone  but  the  mode  of  treating  it  wae 
matter  to  ba  r^^ulated  by  authority.  Nothing 
beyond  the  minor  details  and  the  mode  of  eie- 
cution  waa  left  to  the  artist.  The  chnich  dic- 
tated what  should  be  painted  and  how.  "  The 
ay  mbolica)  system  of  this  hientic  cycle,"  says  De' 
ICoeii,  ''  ia  established  beyond  all  dispnle,  not 
only  by  the  choice  and  arrangement  of  anbjecta, 
but  also  by  tha  mode  of  reprewoting  them." 
"Christ's  resurrection,  with  thstof  the  church  Id 
His  Person,  ii  the  theme  on  which  in  their  pecu- 
liar language  the  artists  of  the  catacombs  seem 
never  weary  of  eipatiating  **  (Lord  Lindsay,  u.  j. 
p.  51),  and  representing  to  tha  eyes  and  hearts 
of  the  beholders  under  every  varied  form  of 
symbol,  type,  and  allegory.    The  earlicat  allusion 


FRESCO 


«99 


every  saroopbagn*  of  the  early  ChristlaD  church, 
The  same  eventi,  with  the  othen  belonging  to 
thia  cycle,  are  continually  referred  to  in  tha 
writings  of  tha  early  fathers,  who  thus  evi- 
denced the  bold  they  had  taken  of  the  popalar 
mind,  as  &milai  lllusttations  of  the  trulbi  ol 
ravelatiou. 

We  may  select  one  or  two  of  the  subjects  of 
meet  frequent  recnrranca  Id  early  Christian  an 
to  illustrate  what  has  baan  said  as  to  the  ad- 
herence to  a  traditional  type,  even  when  quite 
at  variance  with  all  historical  probability.  Ns 
■nbjact  meeta  us  mora  constantly  than  Nosh  in 


the  ark  receiving  the  dove  with  tha  olive-branch, 
in  evident  allusion  to  tha  sacrament  of  baptism 
and  salvation  in  the  chureh  (1  Pet.  iii.  31).  But 
with  slight  modifications  of  detail  the  type  never 
varies.  As  in  the  illustration  given  above  (No. 
10),  the  nrk  is  always  a  small  square  boi  with 
an  open  lid,  out  of  which  a  man  many  sizes  too 
large  for  his  receptacle  appean,  and  welcomes 
back  the  dove.  Abrahams  sacrifice  of  Isaac  is 
of  perpetual  recurrence.'  Both  are  usually  clad 
in  [unics.  In  an  example  tnia  the  oemeterT  <it 
Pnscilla,  Abraham    wears    highpriestly  robes. 


[0  •  cycle  of  tbia  kind,  not,  it  la  true,  containing 
any  reference  to  pictorial  representation,  occur* 
in  the  ApoAilvxU  Comlitutium  (lib.  v.  c  7). 
Some  of  the  Scriptural  events  there  spoken  of  aa 
types  or  pledges  of  tha  resurrection  of  man,  via. 
the  deliverance  of  Jonah  Irom  tha  whale's  bally, 
the  (ireserTatiDn  of  the  three  children  in  the 
fiery  Ibruace,  and  of  Daniel  in  tha  lions'  den, 
trout  tha  O.  T.,  and  the  cure  of  the  man  sick  of 
the  palsy,  and  of  the  blind  man  on  whose  eyea 
Christ  laid  clay,  llie  feeding  of  the  Sve  thousand. 
the  miracle  of  Cane,  and  the  raising  of  Lanrus, 
an  these  which  meet  us  perpetually  painted  in 
aimoit  every  cb(k.Wwii,  and  carved  uD  almost 


The   ram    is   a    frequent 

ccessory.      The   h» 

tory  of  Jonah,    the   type 

if  His   work,  death. 

by    Christ    himself. 

in    its   thna  scenes,    whe 

once  seen  will   ba 

the  form  of  the  sea-monster  and  the  details  of 

the    pictun.     In  our   illu 
these    typical    events    are 

tration   (No.  11)  all 

picture.     Daniel  in  the  lio 

ns'  den,  inliniteiy  re- 

peated,  adheres  aa  the  wh 

and  arrangement.    One  gi 

ven  hy  Ferret  repro- 

plctuni"  {fianl.  fnaH.  lib.  uU. 

tTI). 

700 

Mnts  him  u  weariog  the  Phrjgiau  cap,  which 
bIh  diihIIj  diitin^ishei  hi*  compuiiaDs  ths 
three  children  ia  the  farnace,  iDOtber  of  the 
molt  commonif  occarrinp  typea  of  dellTerBDce 
(No.  12).  Thepennmenceof  one  tjpeMmctioDed 
bv  eccleaiaitiCBl  tradition  eihibitcd  In  these  and 
■Imott  every  other  Scriptoiil  repreienUtion  in 
theM  early  psiatiogi,  anticipate!  the  mthorita- 
it  of  the  church  madetom*  ceatariea 


later  in  the  iconoclattic  controTeny,  "  Nob  eat 
Imaginum  itructnni  plcturamm  inTentio,  aad 
cccleiiae  catholicia  prebat*  legiilitia  ettraditlo" 
""         ""      *'        '    vi.,  Lahbe  ConciL  toI.  tu.  p. 


931}. 
The  H 


reuce  U>  one  aathoriied  pictorial  form  are  Men 
)u  the  fVeacoe*  from  the  S.  %     (See  Jehib 

The  fallowing  may  b«  acce|>ted  at  a  tolerably 
oonpleteaccDimtof  the  cycle  of  the  0.  T.  aubjecta 
found  in  the  catacombe.  We  have  only  incloded 
thoae  which  had  received  a  Hied  traditional 
form,  and  were  coulantly  repeated,  eidndlng 
thoee  only  occnning  once  OT  twice  ' —  ( 

I.  (1)  The  Fall,  with  Adam,  Eve,  the  tree,  and 
tbeseipent.  (2)  The  Offering  of  Cain  and  Abel. 
(3)  Noah  receiving  the  Dove.  (4)  The  Sacrifice 
oflBaac.  (S)  UoMs  removing  his  Shoes.  (6) 
Hoees  striking  the  Rock.  (T)  David  with  his 
Sling.  (H)  Elijah's  Traoslaliou.  (9)  The  Three 
Children  in  the  Fiery  Furnace.  (10)  Daniel  in 
the  Lions'  Den.  (11)  Jonah  (a)  Swallowed  by 
the  Whale  ;  (t)  Disgorged ;  (c)  Reposing  under 
his  Booth.  (12)  Job  on  the  DnnghiU;  to  which 
tney  he  added,  though  of  much  rarer  occnrreDce, 
(13)  Tobias  with  the  Fish,  and  (14)  Sosanna  and 
the  Elders. 

The  New  TesUinent  cycle,  under  the  same 
reatrictioD,  is  ai  follows  : — 

II.  (1)  The  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  (2)  The 
Miracle  at  Cana,  (3)  Christ  and  the  Woman  of 
Samaria.  (4)  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic,  the 
man  carrying  hit  bed.  (5)  The  Healing  of  the 
Blind  Man.     (6)  The  Cure  of  the  Woman  with 

■  TbemostilelaUeddiairlptionaflbeiDembenDe'Jne 

vbkh  Uwr  mv  be  mghl  tor.  It  iopplled  by  Ihe  DuiUli 
bEit»p  Dr.  ^ed.  Munter,  in  hCa  work  of  learned  roeateb. 


FBESCb 

the  lasne  of  Blood.  (7)  n*  HiltipUvtien  t( 
the  Loaree  and  FiihCL  (8)  Tie  BaiiiBg  of  1» 
laros.  (9)  Zaccbaent.  (10)  The  TrimnpU 
Entry  into  Jemialem.  (11)  ChriM  bdn 
tilate,  the  latter  washing  hit  baadt.  (11) 
Cbriit  and  the  Apostle*  on  the  Short  ^  tit 
Sea  of  Galilee,  aft«r  the  Eesnrrection,  viU 
bread  and  iiah.  To  these  may  b«  added,  thoe^ 
not  atrictly  belonging  to  the  cycle,  (13)  Uw 
Anaonciation  (Bottari,  Im.  176),  (14)  Our  Leni'i 
Baptism,  In  the  catacomb  of  St.  Pontiaiiis,  id 
<15)   the   Five   Wise  Virgins,    ttom   St.  Agw 


(Per.     , 
We   I 


i.  42). 


anting  the  Jgape  which  so  freqnently  nest 
na.  in  many  of  these  there  is  nothing  dis- 
tinctively Christian,  and  Ur.  Tyrwhitt  renwb 
on  the  dote  reeemblacice  between  the  Agape  ^ 
the  cataoomba  of  St.  Domitilla,  and  St.  CallistH, 
and  the  conleetedty  heathen  buiquet  of  the  pera 
priests  in  the  Gnostic  catacomb.  That  of  whil 
we  give  a  woodcut  (No.  13),  from  the  cataenk 

UarcellinUB  and  Peter,  already  desmM 


(p.  312),  preaentt  nothing  by  which  we  a 
termine  whether  the  ftett  denleted  had  a  ra 
louB  character  or  not.     In  otJiera,  however,  tl 


decutttted  loavea,  the  hr«ad  and  C*h  in  si 
haskete,  and  the  seven  persons,  in  evideBt  tllg- 
ilBU  to  the  interview  between  Christ  and  sent 
of  his  disdplet  at  the  sea  of  Galileo,  erideace  tbt 
ChrfiUan  <nigin  and  purpote  of  the  painting. 


We  have  already  lamented  the  entire  slsaKt 

of  all  eiamplea  of  religions  paintings  deririd 
from  churches  or  basilicaa,  owing  to  the  dttlra^ 
tion  of  the  buildings  themselves,  or  of  thedHsf 
or  removal  of  the  pictarea.     This  want  honre 

porueouB  lists  of  the  subjects  represented,  sl^ 
to  tome  silent  of  the  manner  in  which  ibt; 
were  depicted,  for  which  we  are  indebted  t«  Sl 
Ambrote  and  St.  Paolinns  of  Nola. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century  the  Aift- 
brosian  basilica  at  Milan  was  decorated  vith  > 
cycle  of  21  Scriptural  paintinga,  all  bat  fnr 
of  which  represented  0.  T.  snbjecta.  Tlity  sn 
described  in  the  "  Ditiicha  ad  pidurat  ficna  > 
BaiHica  Ambrotiana,"  given  in  the  "ImuSiiBrni 
Sanf  Ambrngia,"  published  by  Biraghi  (Kilss^ 
1B62).  ThesDbjecteare(l)NaahaiidtheDim 
(3)  Abraham  beholding  the  Stars.  (3)  ibn- 
bam  entertaining  the  Angels.  (4)  The  Ssai6a 
Dflsaac  {b)  The  Meeting  of  Isaac  and  Behsca. 
(e)  Jacob  craflily  obtaining  the  BirthrigbL  (V 
Jacob  and  the  Speckled  and  Ring-stnked  Flttb. 
(8)  Joseph's  Coat  shown  to  Jacob  by  hit  Sm 


FBBSCO 

(9)  Joseph  M>ld  hy  his  brethren.  (10)  Joseph 
and  Potiphar's  Wife.  (11)  Joseph's  Dreams. 
(12)  Absalom  caught  by  his  Hair.  (13)  Jonah 
swallowed  by  the  Great  Fish.  (14)  The  Wolf 
lying  doMm  with  the  Kid.  (15)  Jeremiah's 
Prophetical  Commission.  (16)  The  Ascension 
of  Elijah.  (17)  Daniel  in  the  Lions'  Den.  (18) 
The  Annnnciation.  (19)  Zacchaeus  in  the  Syca- 
more Tree.  (20)  The  Transfiguration.  (21) 
St.  John  reclining  on  Christ's  Breast.  This 
cycle  is  remarkable  as  including  sereral  subjects 
seldom  or  never  occurring  in  existing  remains. 
Subjects  (I),  (4),  (13),  (16^  and  (17)  are  among 
the  most  i^quent,  but  all  the  rest  are  found 
most  rarely,  while  of  the  majority  it  would  be 
difficult  to  name  an  example. 

The  most  detailed  accounts  of  the  decoration 
of  a  church  with  Scriptural  paintings  are  those 
given  by  Paulinus  of  Nola  in  the  early  years  of 
the  5th  century,  when  describing  the  basilica 
erected  by  him  in  honour  of  St.  Felix  {Poem, 
zxYii.).  We  here  find  the  first  direct  enunciation 
of  the  principle  set  forth  by  Joannes  Damascenus 
(^Orat,  L  de  Imagin.  vol.  L  p.  314),  and  con- 
stantly repeated  since,  that  *' pictures  are  the 
books  of  the  unlearned."  The  festival  of  St. 
Felix,  which  occurred  in  the  winter,  gathered 
together  an  immense  concourse  of  country  folk, 
who  thought  to  do  honour  to  the  tomb  of  the 
■aint  by  passing  the  night  in  feasting,  too  usually 
resulting  in  a  gross  debauch : 

«  male  credola  ssndos 
Peifiisis  halante  mero  gaodere  sepolcbris." 

(A.  V.  565.) 

In  the  hope  of  beguiling  the  gross  minds  of 
these  illiterate  peasants  ^m  the  sensual  de- 
lights which  were  their  chief  attractions,  and 
awakening  purer  thoughts  and  holier  aspirations 
by  the  examples  of  the  holy  personages  there 
depicted,  and  at  the  same  time  with  the  view  of 
imparting  to  them  some  knowledge  of  the  chief 
fiscts  of  sacred  history,  and  at  any  rate  of  leaving 
them  less  leisure  for  their  coarser  pleasures, 
Paulinus  adopted  the  somewhat  unusual  expedient 
(rare  more)  of  embellishing  the  portico  of  the  new 
basilicawith  a  series  of  Scriptural  paintings.  They 
occupied  either  the  ceiling  or  the  upper  portion  of 
the  wall,  only  to  be  seen  with  up-turned  face 
and  head  thrown  back  (t&.  w.  511-^513),  The 
series  embraced  suHects  from  the  Pentateuch, 
Joshua,  and  Ruth.  Those  particularised  by  Pau- 
linus (t6.  w.  515-535,  607-635)  are  the  Creation 
of  Man,  Abraham's  Departure  from  Ur,  the 
Angels  received  by  Lot,  Lot's  Wife,  the  Sacrifice 
of  Isaac,  Isaac  opening  the  Wells,  Jacob's  Dream, 
Joseph  and  PotiphaPs  Wife,  the  Crossing  of 
Jordan,  Naomi  and  her  Daughters-in-law,  and 
the  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea.  The  titles  of  the 
various  pictures  were  written  over  them : 

"  at  liters  moiutret 
Qood  nuunns  ezpUcoit.''— <ib.  584.) 

The  description  of  the  last  two  subjects  indicates, 
as  Dean  Milman  remarks  {^Hist,  of  Christianity, 
voL  iiL  p.  399  note),  if  it  was  drawn  from  the 
picture  itself,  considerable  talent  on  the  painter's 
part  for  composition  and  landscape  as  well  as  for 
the  drawing  of  figures.  Not  content  with  these 
pictorial  embellishments  of  his  new  basilica, 
Paulinus  decorated  the  old  basilica  of  St.  Felix 
in  a  similar  mann«r,  selecting  subjects  firom  the 


FRIULI,  COUNOIL  OF 


701 


New  Testament,  that  thus  '*  that  which  was  new 
might  be  an  ornament  to  the  old,  and  the  old  to 
the  new."  These  occupied  a  lower  position,  and 
could  be  viewed  ^*  lumine  recto  *'  (Poem,  xxviii. 
w.  167-179).  Three  narrow  chapels  (cellae) 
opening  out  of  the  atrium,  exhibited  examples  of 
male  and  female  virtue.  One  was  painted  with 
the  history  of  Job  and  Tobit ;  another  with  those 
of  Esther  and  Judith.  That  in  the  centre  com- 
memorated martyrs  of  both  sexes  (ib.  w.  15-27). 
The  paintings  in  the  apse  of  the  basilica  at  Fondi 
are  also  described  by  Paulinus  in  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Severus  (^Ep.  xxxii.  17).  The  subjects 
were  of  the  same  nature  as  many  still  extant  in 
the  apses  of  basilicas ;  a  crowned  cross  standing 
in  the  flowery  meads  of  Paradise,  and  the  Holy 
Lamb  anointed  by  the  Dove  and  crowned  by  the 
Father,  with  the  sheep  and  goats  on  either  hand. 
These  may  have  been  worked  in  mosaic. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  the  walls  of 
civil  and  domestic  buildings  were  also  decorated 
with  paintings,  sometimes  secular,  sometimes  re- 
ligious. Those  of  the  palace  of  Queen  Theode- 
linda  at  Monza  have  been  already  referred  to. 
Sidonius  ApoUinaris  describes  the  villa  of  his 
friend  Pontius  Leon  tins  at  Bourg,  at  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Dordogne  and  Garonne,  as  profusely 
ornamented  with  wall-paintings,  one  series  repre- 
senting the  Hithridatic  campaign  of  LucuUus, 
another  the  early  history  of  the  Jewish  nation, 
**  recutitorum  primordia  Judaeorum."  Sidonius 
expresses  his  astonishment  at  the  lustre  and 
durability  of  the  colours  (Sid.  Apoll.  Carm.  xxii.). 
We  learn  from  Emandus  Nigellus  (lib.  iv.)  that 
the  whole  Scripture  history  was  painted  on  the 
walls  of  Charlemagne's  palace  at  Ingelbeim.  It 
is  needless  to  say  all  these  have  perished. 

Authorities, — ^Alt,  Heiligenbilder  ;  Bellermann, 
Katokomben  zu  Neapel ;  Bingham,  Origines,  bk. 
viii.  c.  8 ;  Boldetti,  Otservazioni ;  Bosio,  Boma 
Sotterranea;  Bottari,  Sculture  e  pitture ;  Ciam- 
pinif  Vetera  Monumenta;  Eugler,  Handbook  of 
Painting  I  Lindsay,  Lord,  Shkchee  of  Christian 
Art ;  Munter,  Sinnbilder  ;  Northcote  and  Brown- 
low,  Soma  Sotterranea  f  Parker,  J.  H.,  Photo- 
graphs ;  Perret,  Les  CcUaoombes  de  Borne ;  Piper, 
Myth(A,  tt.  Symbol,  der  Christlich,  Kunst;  Raoul 
Rochette,  Tableau  dee  Catacombes;  ZHscovrs;  Rio^ 
Art  Chr^ienne;  Rossi,  De',  Boma  Sotterranea; 
Seroux  d'Aginoourt,  Vffistoire  de  VAri  par  les 
monumens;  Tyrwhitt,  Art  Teaching  of  the  Primi- 
tive Chwrch,  [E.  v.] 

FRIDAY,  GOOD.    [Good  Friday.] 

FRIULI,  COUNCIL  OF  (^Forojviiense  con- 
cilium), held  at  Friuli,  a.d.  796,  not  791,  as  Pagi 
shews  (Mansi  xiii.  854)  under  Paulinus,  patriardi 
of  Aquileia,  whose  letter  to  Charlemagne,  for- 
merly misconnected  with  the  synod  of  Altino, 
A.D.  802  {ibid,  p.  827),  assigns  three  causes  for 
its  meeting:  (1)  the  orthodox  faith;  (2)  eccle- 
siastical discipline,  and  (3)  recent  outrages,  pro- 
bably by  the  Huns.  The  first  of  these  is  explained 
in  his  speech,  which  is  an  elaborate  apology  for 
the  reception  into  the  Western  creed  of  the 
^*Filioqae,"  which  Charlemagne  had  attacked, 
and  the  pope  vindicated,  the  2nd  Nicene  council 
two  years  before  for  not  having  in  theirs :  Pau- 
linus himself  endeavouring  to  prove  both  right 
The  resemblance  between  parts  of  this  speech 
and  the  Athanasian  creed  has  been  remarked 
and  is  very  close.    Besides  which  it  is  observable 


702         FRUITS,  OFFERING  OF 

thai  all  priests  are  required  to  commit  to  memonr 
the  entire  expositioa  of  ''the  Catholic  faith, 
with  which  he  concludes :  while,  for  eyerybody 
else,  the  learning  by  heart  of  the  Creed  and 
the  Lord's  Prayer  is  prescribed.  Of  the  canons, 
the  1st  threatens  simony;  the  2nd  drunken- 
ness ;  the  4th  and  5th  deprecate  secular  employ- 
ments and  amusements  for  the  clergy.  By 
the  10th  diyoroed  couples  are  forbidden  to 
remarry  till  one  of  the  two  dies ;  and  by  the 
13th  all  are  inhibited  from  working  on  Sundays 
and  holidays  (Mansi  ziii.  830  and  seq.). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

FRUITS,  OFFERING  AND  BENEDIC- 
TION OF.  I.  The  Eastern  Rite.—lu  the  so- 
called  ApottoUoal  Condituii(m$  (vii.  29)  the  duty 
is  inculcated  of  giving  to  the  priests  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  press  and  of  the  floor,  of  honey, 
grapes,  shell-fruits,  &c,  and  the  firstlings  of  the 
floc^  and  herd,  that  the  stores  of  the  giver  and 
the  produce  of  his  land  may  be  blessed  (c&Ao- 
yflBAcitr).  As  this  precept  or  exhortation  comes 
in  the  midst  of  others  relating  to  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, we  might,  perhaps,  infer  from  it  alone 
that  in  the  East  those  things  were  ofiered  and 
blessed  during  the  celebration  of  that  sacrament. 
They  were  at  least  brought  to  the  altar,  and  at 
that  time ;  for  the  third  (or,  as  in  some  editions, 
the  second)  apostolical  canon  forbids  anything 
but  eaiB  of  new  com  and  grapes  in  their  seasons, 
oil  for  the  lamps,  and  firankincense,  to  be 
**  brought  to  the  altar  at  the  time  of  the  holy 
sacrifice."  At  a  later  period  they  certainly  were 
blessed  during  the  liturgy;  for  the  council  in 
TruUo  (▲.D.  691)  found  that  in  some  churches 
the  grapes  brought  to  the  altar  were  ''joined  to 
the  unbloody  sacrifice  of  the  oblation,  and  both 
distributed  together  to  the  people ; "  whereupon 
it  decreed  that  "the  priests  should  bless  the 
grape  separately*'  {Can,  xzrilL).  In  book  riii. 
c  xl.  of  the  ContUhUionM  is  a  thanksgiving  for 
first-fruits  offered.  In  the  book  it  follows  the 
"  morning  laying  on  of  hands ; "  but  as  it  comes 
after  the  dismissal,  it  is  clearly  independent  of 
that.  It  might,  for  aught  that  appears,  be  used, 
when  occasion  required,  at  the  celebration  or  any 
other  service.  It  begins  thus,  "We  give  Thee 
thanks,  0  Lord  Almightv,  Creator  and  Provider 
of  all  things,  through  Thine  only  begotten  Son 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  not  as  we  ought,  but  as 
we  can,  for  the  first-fhiits  offered  onto  Thee." 
The  whole  form,  which  is  rather  long,  is  a 
thanksgiving  in  this  strain.  Later  forms,  though 
apparently  of  very  great  antiquity,  are  conceived 
in  a  different  spirit,  and  appropriately  entitled, 
"Prayers  on  behalf  of  those  who  offer  first- 
fruits"  (Euchohgion,  pp.  655,  656,  ed.  Goar). 
They  are,  with  one  exception,  rather  petitions 
for  a  benefit,  than  ascriptions  of  praise.  They 
are  used  at  the  benediction  of  "grapes,  figs, 
pomegranates,  olives,  apples,  peaches,  plums." 
Grapes,  if  ripe,  were  blessed  in  the  Greek  church 
on  the  6th  of  August  (Euchologwn,  p.  695> 

II.  The  Western  Site, — One  proof  of  the  great 
antiquity  of  the  benediction  of  grapes  is  that  it 
took  place  in  the  West  (as  a  rule)  on  the  6th 
of  August,  as  well  as  among  the  Greeks  (Sacram. 
Oregor,  in  Lit.  Rom,  Vet, ;  Muratori,  torn.  ii.  col. 
109).  The  earliest  extant  forms  are  in  the  Ge- 
lasian  sacramentary,  the  substance  of  which  is 
at  least  as  old   as  the  fifth  century.      There, 


FRUITS,  OFFERING  OF 

among  the   Orationea  et  Preoee  for 
Day,  we  find  this  rubric  and  prayer:  "Tlien  s 
little  before   the  end  of  the  canon  thou  shalt 
bless  the  new  fruits  (fruges  novas).    Hie  Bene- 
diction follows :  Bless,  0  Lord,  these  new  fniits 
of  the  bean,  which  Thou,  O  Lord,  hast  vouch- 
safed to  ripen,  isc,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ;   by  whom  Thou,  O  Lord,  dost 
alway  create  all  these  good  things,  ftc     /Wsi 
tks  Govf'n"  (Muratori,  tom.  i.  col.  588X     Qae- 
where,  in  the  same  sacramentary,  the  prayer 
occurs  again  slightly  altered,  and  with  the  alter- 
natives, "  grape  or  bean  "  {Ihid,  coL  746).     It  ii 
here  followed  by  another  benediction  of  first- 
fruits  of  any  kind  (primitias  creatune  Toac), 
and  by  a  "  Benediction  of  Applea."    From  some 
MSS.  of  the  later  Gregorian  sacramentary,  ve 
learn  that  apples  were  blessed  on  the  viiL  KaL 
Aug.,  i,e.y  on  St.  James'  Day  (Martene,  De  Antiq, 
Eocl,  Bit.  L.  iv.  c.  xxxiii.  §  xl).    The  prayer  fnm 
which  we  have  quoted  above  is  preserved  in  the 
last-named  sacramentary  as  a  BenedUcOo  Utee 
(Muratori,  tom.  iL  col.  109).    The  oldest  MS.  of 
the  Gelasian  does  not  reach  beyond  the  eighth 
century,  nor  that  of  the  Gregorian  beyond  the 
ninth ;'  but  we  have  proof  that  the  custom  was 
known  in  the  West  before  the  eighth  century, 
and  therefore  that  the  recogniticm  of  it  in  the 
Roman  sacramentaries  was  not  an  interpolatioa 
of  that  period.    The  prayer  above  dted  fnnn  the 
Gelasian  occurs  with  the  title,  Benedictio  cmm 
(sic)  croaurae  (sic)  Pomontm,  in  the  manuscript 
Galilean  sacramentary,  written  in  the  seventh 
century,  if  not  earlier,  found  by  Mabillon  in  the 
monastery  at  Bobio,    in    Italy,  and    probably 
carried  thither  from  Luxeuil  by  its  founder,  St. 
Colnmbanus,  a.d.  613,  or  by  one  of  his  foilowen 
(see  the  Muaaeum  ItaUoumj  tom.  L  p.  390;  or 
Muratori,  u.  s.  tom.  ii.  col.  959)^     In  the  Leo* 
tionary  of  Luxeuil,  another  happy  discovery  of 
Mabillon,   we  find  the  Eucharistic  lesaona  Ad 
Miaeam  de  novoa  Fruchu  (sic)L    The  prophecy  is 
taken  from  Joel   ii.   21-27;  the  epistle  £rani 
1  Cor.  ix.  7-15;  and  the  gospel  from  St«  John, 
vi.  49-^2  {De  Liitirgid  GaiUoand,  p.  161).   Fram 
this  coming  after  the  Legenda  of  the  Paasion  of 
St.   John  the  Baptist,  Sept.  24  (Utury.  OaiL 
p.  458),  and  from  the  internal  evidence  of  the 
lessons,  we  infer  that  it  is  the  benediction  of  the 
new  com  for  which  provision  is  here  made.    The 
rite  was  probably  carried  by  our  conntrymaa 
Bonifaoe  (Winired),  a.d.  723,  with  the  commoa 
Roman  offices,  to  his  converts  in  Germany ;  fur 
we  find  the  Gelasian  benedictions  of  fruit,  Ac, 
with  certain    others,   among    the    Mommmntn 
Veterie  Litwgiae  Aiemanmoaey  published  by  Ger- 
bert  (Part  I.  p.  307).     A  very  brief  example 
peculiar  to  this  collection  may    be    given: — 
**  Bless,  0  Lord,  this  fruit  of  new  trees,  that 
thev  who  use  thereof  may  be  sanctified ;  through, 
&c.       It  is  interesting  to  add  that  similar  bene- 
dictions were  practised  in  our  own  country.    In 
the  pontifical  of  Egbert,  who  became  archbishop 
of  York  in  732,  are  the  six  following  forma- 
laries: — (i.)  Benedictio  ad  omnia  qwte  vd^erii; 
(ii.)  Benedictio  ad  Fruges  notcu;  (iii.)  Benedictio 
Pomorum ;  (i v.)  Alia  ;  (v.)  Benedictio  Bonis  nasi ; 
(vi.)  Alia.     There  is,  of  course,  no  mentioa  of 
grapes,  nor  is  the  Gelasian  prayer  that  we  have 
cited  given  with  any  other  i4>plication.    Of  the 
above,  ii.  and  v.  are  not  in  the  Roman  sacra- 
menUries.    The  last  runs  thus :  '*  Bless,  O  Lofd« 


FRONTAL 

tUs  crMtore  of  bread,  u  Thoa  didct  bless  the 
fire  loayes  in  the  wildernen,  that  all  who  taste 
thereof  may  receiye  health  both  of  body  and  of 
soul;  through,  &c."  {Pontifioak  Ecgberhti,  p. 
115;  ed.  Sortees  Sodetj,  1854). 

It  will  be  perceired  that  in  the  West,  as  well 
as  East,  the  offering  of  first-fmito  as  a  token  of 
gratitude  to  the  Girer  of  All  soon  degenerated 
into  a  mode  of  asking  for  a  blessing  on  the  con- 
sumption  of  His  gifts.  It  should  be  understood, 
also*  that  both  in  the  East  and  West  the  first- 
fruits  brought  to  be  blessed  were  left  for  the  use 
of  the  priests.  **  It  is  beeominff  and  expedient," 
says  Origen,  A.D.  230,  '*  that  the  first-fruits  be 
offered  also  to  the  priests  of  the  Gospel."  *<  For 
if  one  belioTed  that  the  fruits  of  the  earth  were 
giTen  to  him  by  God,  he  would  surely  know  how 
to  honour  God  from  His  gifts  and  benefits  by 
giring  thereof  to  the  priests  "  (JTbm.  xi.  in  Num. 

t2,  tom.  X.  pp.  105,  106;  ed.  Lommatxsch). 
iinilarly  St.  Jerome,  oonmienting  on  Exekiel 
zliY.  30:  <<The  first-fruite  of  our  foods  are 
offered  to  the  priests ;  that  we  may  taste  nothing 
of  the  new  fruits,  before  the  priest  has  tasted 
them.  For  we  do  this,  that  the  priest  may  lay 
•  up  a  blessing  and  our  offering  in  his  house ;  or 
that  the  Lord  may  bless  our  houses  at  his 
prayer." 

We  hare  already  quoted  a  rubric  fVom  the 
Gelasian  sacramentary,  which  orders  that  the 
benediction  of  fraits  shall  Uke  place  ^  a  little 
before  the  end  of  the  canon."  The  prayer  was  in- 
serted immediately  after  the  words,  **  not  weigh- 
ing our  merits,  but  pardoning  our  offences  "  (now 
in  our  first  Post-Commnuion  Collect),  and  im- 
mediately before  the  concluding  clause,  *'  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord."  This  clause  (altered  in 
this  manner,  **in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ ")  was  thus  made  to  dose  the  benediction. 
After  it  the  priest  added,  ^  Per  quem  haec  omnia, 
Domine,  semper  bona  creas,  sanctificas,  virificas, 
benedicis  et  praestas  nobis,  Per  ipsum,"  &e. 
These  words  are  now  a  permanent  part  of  the 
canon;  but  they  do  not  seem  to  belong  to  it. 
The  words,  "  hsiec  omnia  "  cannot  with  any  pro- 
priety be  applied  to  the  eucharistic  elements 
alone.  Hence  some  ritnaliste,  as  e.  g.  Grancolas 
(^Andennes  LUvrgieSj  p.  657X  ^^  ^  ^^^  (^' 
piic.  da  C^r^mon,  tom.  ir.  Remarque  xxx.X  &c., 
■appose  that  this  doxology  was  at  first  only  used 
when  other  things  were  offered  to  be  blessed,  and 
formed  no  part  of  the  senrice  of  the  mass.  Le 
Brun  {ExpUoationy  p.  It.  art.  XTi.^  Bona  {Rer, 
Lit,  1.  2,  c  xiy.  {  y,\  D'Achery  {Spicil,  tom.  It. 
Praef.),  and  others,  maintain  that  it  was  a  con- 
stant part  of  the  liturgy,  but  that  when  there 
was  a  benediction  of  fruits,  it  applied  to  them 
as  well  as  to  the  elements.  [W.  £.  S.] 

FBONTAL  {FrmiaUi  or  Frontaie)  is  defined 
by  Lindwood  to  be  *'  apparatus  pendens  in  fronte 
altaris,  qui  alias  dicitur  PaUa,**  [Altar-cloths  ; 
Antepenoium.]  The  word  is  not  uncommon  in 
ancient  documents.  Thus,  for  instance,  a  charter 
of  Chindasuintha,  king  of  the  Goths,  of  the  year 
645  A.O.  (quoted  by  Ducange,  s.  r.)  runs :  ^  of- 
ferimus  .  .  .  Testimenta  altaris  omnia  ad  ple- 
num, sire  frontaUoy  sire  prindpalia  ..."  A 
later  charter,  quoted  by  the  same  authority, 
Sfeaks  of  **  qnaiuoT  fr<mtale$  de  serico."       [C] 

FBONTO.  (1)  Abbot,  martyr  at  Alexandria ; 


FUQirrvEs 


703 


commemorated  April  14  (Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  [Fblix  (5).] 

(8)  Bishop  at  Petragoricas;  commemorated 
Oct.  25  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.] 

FBU0TUO8A.  [Donatub  (8).] 

FBU0TU0SU8,  bishop,  martyr  at  Tarra- 
gona with  Augurius  and  Eulogius,  deacons,  in 
the  time  of  Gallienus ;  commemorated  Jan.  21 
{Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

FBUCTU8   MEDn   TBMPOBIS.    (Ta- 

OAHCY.] 

FBUHENTIU&  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  with 
Victorianusand  another  Frumentins,  under  Hun- 
nericus ;  commemorated  March  23  {Mart.  Horn, 
Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  or  Salama ;  commemorated  Maskarram  23 
=  Sept.  20  (CW.  Etkiap,)  [Salama].   [W.  F.  G.] 

FUGrnVES  (from  a  monastery).  Monastic 
codes  shew  that  their  framers  had  to  guard  on 
the  one  hand  against  a  leniency  whi<£  might 
encourage  desertion  on  the  part  of  monks  tired 
of  their  seclusion  and  eager  for  the  world,  and 
on  the  other  against  a  sererity  which  might  close 
the  door  too  fast  against  deserters  wishing  to  be 
readmitted.  The  rule  of  Benedict,  as  always, 
is  very  lenient  on  this  point.  A  monk  who  escapes 
from  a  monastery,  like  one  who  is  expelled,  is 
to  be  received  again  if  he  vows  amendment,  even 
after  three  desertions  (/?«^.  Ben.  o.  29,  cf.  Reg. 
Cuj.  ad  Virg,  c.  21),  but  only  into  the  lowest 
grade  (Reg.  Ben.  ib.  cf.  Reg.  Pachom.  e.  79,  Reg. 
Frvct.  c.  20,  Reg.  Cuj.  ib.).  Some  commenta- 
tors, indeed,  take  this  rule  as  implying,  that 
the  abbat  may  readmit  even  after  a  fourth  de- 
sertion, though  the  culprit  has  no  right  to 
require  it  (Martene,  Reg.  Comment,  in  loc.).  But 
later  commentators  (e.g.  Menard,  Haeflen)  in- 
terpret it  more  strictly  (Martene,  Reg,  Conun. 
ib.)  The  first  council  of  Orleans,  A.O.  511,  cen- 
sures abbats  lenient  to  fugitive  monks,  or  who 
receive  monks  from  other  monasteries  (Cone. 
Aurel.  i.  c.  19).  The  second  conndl  of  Tours, 
A.O.  567,  allows  fugitives  to  be  re-admitted  on 
doing  penance. 

In  the  same  spirit  of  wise  tolerance  Benedict 
is  silent  as  to  the  steps  to  be  taken  to  bring 
back  the  fugitive,  apparently  judging  it  best  to 
leave  him  alone,  if  ^thout  any  desire  to  return 
(Mart.  Reg.  dmm,  ib.).  But  Ferreolus  pre- 
scribes that  the  fugitive  is  to  be  recalled  (Heg, 
Ferr.  c.  20^  and  Fructuosut  forbids  him  to  be 
admitted  into  another  monastery;  and  orders 
him  to  be  brought  back,  by  force  if  necessary, 
as  a  criminal,  with  hands  tied  behind  his  back 
(Reg.  Frvct,  c  20).  It  was  enacted  by  Justi- 
nian that  a  monk  returning  to  the  secular  life 
should  be  degraded  by  the  bishop  and  governor 
of  the  province  from  his  civil  position,  and  be 
sent  back  with  his  worldly  goods  to  his  monas- 
tery; if  he  deserted  again,  he  was  to  be 
drafted  into  the  army  (Novell.  123).  A  similar 
decree  was  passed  by  the  seventh  council  of 
Toledo,  A.D.  646  (Cone.  Tolet.  c.  5).  The  second 
council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  553,  sentenced  an 
abbat  who  should  be  remiss  in  seeking  to  bring 
back  the  stray  sheep  into  the  monastic  fold  to 
deprivation. 

Later  enactments  are  very  severe  against  fbgi- 


704 


PULGENTIUS 


.  (Mart.  Reg. 
[I.  G.  S.J 


tiTO.  The  CiiUrdut  rule  forbidi  Um 
Ei'en  into  the  lowut  rank  of  t,  monk  who  hu 
d««rt«d  twice,  or  hu  itayed  wnj  mon  thin 
(1«T*D  dsyg.  The  renegade  ii  in  anj  case  to 
wear  a  diitinctiTc  dreu,  u  badge  of  hii  dlignce, 
•ad  to  be  eicladed  from  the  choir;  the  abbdt 
who  faili  to  enforce  thii  rule  ia  to  do  pcDanca. 
The  original  lUtatei  of  the  Carthoiiaiu  nniivck 
the  renegade ;  the  modem  tompel  him  to  re- 
■ame  the  dreu  of  hie  order.  The  Angostiniui 
rale  tempera  MTerit;  with  mercy.  The  rene- 
gade ia  to  liTf  ontaide  the  monaater;  Itself,  but 
nnder  the  care  of  the  hiibop,  and  tha  abbat  ia 
to  ihew  kindneia  to  him,  if  peoiteat  (Mi  '  " 
Ccmm.  in  loc.  cit.). 

FCLOENTIU8,  biahop  in  AfHca . 
monit«il  Jan.  1  (Jfori.  Rom.  Vet.,  Ado'nli,  Din- 
Mdi).  [W.  F.  O.] 

FUNERA.L.   [BdkuloftbcDeu);  Ome- 

FUNEBAL-FEAST.  [CATAODXBi,  p.  312 ; 
Cella  Hehobiae.] 

FUNEBAL-eERHONB  {Epitaphia,  Xiyoi 
trni^m).  Chriatiana  followed  the  old  custom 
of  many  of  the  heathen  natlona,  of  holding  an 
oration  OTerthe  remain!  of  bmoaa  men  departed 
[BnuAL  OF  THE  Deid,  p.  Ib'SV  To  iBj  no- 
thing of  the  diicouTMi — triumphal  rather  than 
(OTTOwlDg — delivered  OTerthe  remains  of  raartyra, 
Gregor;  of  Nyssa  held  funeral  oratiani  on  the 
death  of  the  empreiui  Pnlcheria  and  PlaeilU,  and 
of  biihopMeletina.  On  the  death  of  Conitantine 
the  Great,  several  bishops  celebrated  hia  praises, 

l^eaarea.  Gregory  of  NailsnEDi  eiercised  hii 
pathetic  eloquence  over  the  bier  of  his  brother 
Caeaarius,  of  his  father  and  hia  sister,  and  over 
that  of  Basil  the  Great;  Ambrose  preached  on 
the  death  of  bis  brother  Satyrua,  of  Valentin i an, 
and  of  Theodoaina.'  The  tone  of  theae  orationi 
is,  for  the  most,  eulogistic  of  the  "  famous  men  " 
til  rough  whom  *^the  Lord  hath  wrought  great 
glory  ^'(Eiclus.  ilii.  1,  2). 

Jerome  (Epist.  ad  Beliod.  c  1)  says  that  the 
old  custom  was  for  sous  to  speak  the  fdoeral 
orations  over  psreoti.  He  alludes  here  probably 
to  a  pagan  custom,  of  nliich  there  are  many 
eiamplet  (Klrchmann,  Dt  Pan.  Bom.  lib.  ii.  c 
18) ;  Itut  Christianity  alio  (as  we  have  aeen) 
famishes  examples  of  ■  similar  practice.  Nor 
were  the  clergy  the  only  oralors  in  such  cases; 
Constantlne  himself  did  not  disdain  to  pronounce 
■  foneril  oration  jn  one  of  his  court,  in  which, 
says  Euiebiua  ( Vua  Omtl.  iv.  55)  ha  spoke  of 
the  immortality  of  the  aool,  of  the  blessings  of 
the  righteous,  and  the  misery  of  the  wicked. 

Funeral  sermons  were  not  always  delivered  at 
the  lime  of  the  burial,  though  aome — as  several 
of  Gregory  NaiianieD'a — contain  indication!  that 
they  were  ao  delivered.  Euaebins  {Vila  Coitt. 
iv.  71)  gives  us  to  ondentand  that  the  funerii 
orations  over  ContUntine  'ere  delivered  while 
the  remains  of  the  departed  lay  in  state  on  s 
lofty  bier  [FeKETRUM].  Ambrose  evidentlv  de- 
livered his  sermon  over  Satyrus  (see  §  7S)  while 
the  body  was  yet  waiting  to  be  carried  to  the 
grave.     Hit  oration  on  Valenti 


sloiallsBsJero 


njSOOLDS 

trary,  waa  delivered  two  months  (trtOfB%a. 
1170,  ed.  Bensd.),  that  on  Theododua  forty  dsyi, 
after  the  death  of  the  person  eommemontsl 
The  death  of  bishop  HeleClut  was  t^  oocsiica  sf 
sermons  everywhere  (Tbeodoret,  B.E.  v.  B); 
that  of  Qregory  of  Nysaa  was  probably  delivend 
on  tha  day  when  the  nmaina  of  Ueletinn,  brogght 
traia  Constantinople,  were  received  at  .\nti«k 
That  of  Chrysoetom  on  the  same  bishop,  wu  de- 
livered on  the  fifth  anniversary  of  his  duik 
The  onclon  of  Gregory  Nasianien  on  BaiU  ni 
delivered  over  hia  tsmb  on  the  first  annivenny 
of  hi*  death,  in  the  presence  (it  ia  sud)  of  lU 

When  the  sermon  took  place  at  the  time  gf  a 
commemorative  service  for  the  iead,  it  probaldgr 
took  place  at  the  point  in  the  liturgy  where  thi 
sermon  WM  ordinarily  introdnced.  The  Pands- 
Dionyiiu*  (ffwrurcA.  Ecd.  c  7)  speaks  of  tka 
fnneral-aermon  being  delivered  after  the  cateeha- 
mens  had  deputed,  bat  while  the  penitati 
remained.  The  eulogy  of  Hilary  of  Aries  a 
Houoralus  (quoted  by  Binteiim,  v..  dL  Ut\ 
which  proTsa  inddenlallv  that  the  ctipae  «aa 
carried  uncovered,  and  that  the  people  fnmd 
round  to  kias  the  face,  or  the  coffin  of  the 
illustriona  dead— was  pnbably  delivered  at  the 
end  of  some  office.  The  oratione  over  the  tansiai 
of  Constantine  were  clearly  delivered  after  tin 
funeral  aervice  (Enaeb.  %.i.  iv.  71;  Binlerim'i 
DimkHiardiglieitm,  vi.  [ii.  *d5,  if.>  [C] 

FURNACK  InB©tWri(cIiiiTi.6)thethne 
Hebrew   brethren   are   represented    standing  it 

woodcut);  also  cicv.  and  perhapa  ciliiL  lii.; 
also  in  Parker's  photographs  from  the  catacocob 
of  St.  UarcelUnDa.  The  furnace  is  literallv  if 
Slated  on,  in  a  way  which,  aa  it  appeara  to  the 


author,  may  possibly  have  been  adopted  fh^n  ea* 
of  the  Bstrina  (or  ae)  nsed  for  crematron  in  Rai>e 
One  of  these,  or  ita  remnina  or  truce*,  the  aolhor 
believe*  he  saw  in  Pompeii,  Chri*tmaa  1S59.  S« 
Uurray'a  Bandbooifor  SmUk  Italy,  p.  337. 

[rTsu  J.  T.l 

FDHBEAS,    bishop,    confessor    at    PeroiiM; 
commemorated  Jan.  16  (Mart.  Usuanll}. 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FtlSCIANUS.  martyr   at  Amiena;  «on»- 
morated  Dec.  11  (Jforf.  Adonii,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

FUSCOLTIS.  (1)  Bishop,  martp  at  Orlesas; 
commemoiBled  Feb.  2  (JfarJ.  Usuardi). 

(S)  [DoNATiiBiM  (2>3  [W.  F.  a] 


GALLERIES 


706 


OABALDM,  COUNCIL  OF  (QMUanv 
cmctfjwn),  nt  vtiich   the  wife  of  the  coaDt 
AoTergLe  wm  condeiniMd  for  adult«ry,  u^a  Sir 
H.  Ntcolu  (CAnm.  p.  223),  a.d.  560.     Gabalnm, 
where  it  wu  held,  wai  not  br  from  Uende,  oi 
the  riTer  Lot  (Gutf.  Chriit.  i.  83),       [E.  S.  Ff.j 

OABATHA  OT  OABATA.  A  nune  of  peo- 
lile  Ismpi  saipeDded  in  chorchei.  The  won'  '  ' 
Dncertaio  orthography  end  etymology.  Wi 
the  foriM  Groiota,  (raHfa,ud  tti«I(a,whic 
poinU  to  (he  derrraliDii  giTen  by  Iridore  Hie- 
pilensU  (Etfmoi.  lib.  ii.  c  *)  from  eawu 
"hollow."  The  oiigitul  meaning  of  the  word  Is 
**  a  diih  "  or  "  bowl ; "  Id  which  seue  it  ii  need 

S'      Martial  iEpigr.  vii.  47  ;  il.  33),  and  of  wfaich 
t  Gloaaaiy  of  I>ucatige  fiiralihei  abaadaii 
amplea.     From  iti  shape  it  came  to  be  employed 


Theai 


lied  woodcut  fror 


■ticai 


■howa  one  of  two  bowl-thaped  ^oiiiUat  preeerred 
in  the  poDtifical  chapel  of  the  Lateran,  in  which 
in  hb  time  a  wax  light  waa  alwaye  bumiog 
before  the  ucrameat.  Oi^thae  freqnently  occar 
ID  the  eatalogaei  of  p«pa1  gifla  to  the  chnrcfaes 
of  RoDie  contained  in  Anaitaains.  Thug  Leo  111. 
<*.D.  795-816)  gSTe  t«  the  baiilica  of  St.  Peter'a 
15  gabathae  of  pnreet  gold  set  with  gems,  to 
bang  OD  the  screcD  ipergvla)  before  the  altar 
(I  »sa),  and  8  of  ailTer  with  ui  appended  croas 
to  hang  before  the  Arch  of  Triumph,  3  on  each 
aide  (g  5BS).  These  giAdAae  were  of  diSerent 
metals,  gold,  aiker,  brass,  and  slectmm.  They 
were  frequently  tmboaaed  (anaglj/pAa  §  392,. 
tc),  or  decorated  in  baa-relief  (interratilei\  and 
ornamented  with  tiliea  (liliatat)  heads  of  gry- 
phoDa  (§  36S)  or  lions  (aa  in  the  woodcat),  or 
ereD  fashioned  in  the  form  of  that  animal  "  id 
niodnm  loonla."  Like  the  ooronas  need  for  light- 
ing, they  Tsry  often  had  crosses  sttached  to 
them  (tipKchtiitae,  §  418,  4c.).  The  epithet 
^opant  ia  frequently  applied  to  gabaikai  in 
Anastaains,  and  would  seem,  (Yam  a  comparison 
with  the  eipreaaioD  part  fio  (Lucr.  ii.  341),  to 
signify  of  equal  aiie  or  thickness.    The  epithet 

mean  of  SaioD  workinanshlp;  but  this  interpre- 
tation  i.  precarious.  [E.  *.] 

GABINIUB.  (I)  Presbyter,  and  martyr  at 
Rome  in  the  time  of  DioclAtiao;  commemorated 
Peb.  19  (Jforf.  Som.  Yet.,  Adonia,  Uauardi)i 

(8)  Uartyr  in  Sardinia  with  Criapolns,  under 
Adrian;oanimemorHtedUay .%</&.).  [W.F.G.] 


6ADKA.  (1)  Mantle  Kbdna  (Le.serrant  of 
the  Holy  Siririt),  aalDt  of  F.thiopin;  commemo- 
nted  Magabit  5-Marcb  1  (CU.  Ethiop.). 

(V)  Haskal  <>^  e.  serrant  of  the  Cross),  king  of 
the  Ethiopians  1  comiiiemorat«d  Hedar  30  =  Not. 
as  {CU.£tAiop.>  [W.  F.G.] 

GABBIBL,  IN  AKT.    [Anobu.] 

GABBIEI4  the  archangel :  commenoratRd 
March  26  and  July  13  {CaL  Byxanl.) ;  Hagabtt 
MO^March  26,  Senne  13:^June  7,  Taxes  19  = 
Dec  15  (au.  Ethiop.) ;  also  with  John,  July  12 
(Cat.  Georg.),  and  with  Michael  and  All  Angela, 
Not.  8  (Co/.  Armen.).  fW.  F.G.] 

GAIANA,  and  compaDions,  Tirgin-mnTtyrs ; 
commemorated  June  4  (Cixi.  Jrmtn.)  [W.  F.  G.] 

GAIUS,  saint  at  Bologna  ;  commemorated 
with  Aggeus  and  Hermes,  Jan.  4  (Jfart.  Utu- 
ardi).    See  Caids.  [W,  F.  G.] 

OALACTION.    [Epiftehb.] 

GALATA,  martyr  at  Hilitana  Id  Armenia, 
with  AriatoDicUK,  Caiua,  EipeditQa,  Hermogenei, 
Rnfna ;  commemorated  April  19  (J/orl.  Aom. 
ret.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

OALILAEI.    [FAimrni.] 
GALILEB.    [Nartbex.] 

OALNABIS  (also  Oaltiape,  Oahapa  [Isld. 
Rispal.  Etym.  lii.  2S],  Oajinipi).  This  ia  a^ind 
of  rough  blanket  or  rog,  forming  part  of  the 
Airnitnre  of  s  monk'e  couch,  which  according  to 
the  Bule  of  St.  Isidore  is  to  iodude  "  atorea  et 
strsgnlum,  pellesque  lanatae  doae,  galonhia 
qnoqaa  et  fscietergium,  gemlnosque  ad  capat 
pulTJllus"  {Kegvta  S.  Itiiori,  c  14;  in  Hols- 
tenins,  Codtx  Hegularvm,  part  S,  p.  13T,  ed. 
Paris,  1363).  ^milarly  the  Ruit  of  FructDoaus, 
bishop  of  Bracara  Id  SpaiD,  speaks  of  "  calnabei 
yillatni"*{c.4;  op.  cit.  part  2,  p.  139).  The 
gslnabis  was  apparently  used  somelimet  as  an 
article  of  personal  dress,  for  in  the  testament 
of  Caesarins,  bbfaop  of  Aries,  we  read  "simnl 
cam  casala  *iItoaa  et  Cnnica  rel  galnape,  quad 
melius  dliniBerD"(/'afrv/.  liril.  1140). 

The  etymology  of  the  word  ia  doubtdil :  we 
may  perhaps  connect  it  with  the  word  gaimacam, 
used  by  Varro,  and  possibly  also  with  the  Greek 
TaurdiTi?!,  aoM^r^r,  which  is  defined  by  Hencbios 
(under  the  latter  spelling)   arf^iia-TO,    ()    tti- 
Bi^aia   iTti>i>/iBt,\Ti.      Another   drriratlon   has 
Buggealed,  connecting  the  word  with  galbo- 
.  and  making  it  descriptire  of  the  colonr, 
but  this  ia  very  Improbable.     For  farther  refer- 
ees, see  Dotange'e   Qloitarium  s.  T.       [R.  S.] 
OALLERHB.     The  only  galleriea  known  in 
early  ecclesiastical  architecture  were  conatmo- 
tjonal  integral  parts  of  the  building,  not  additions 
to  it.    In  this  they  corresponded  to  the  triforia 
of  mediaeral  churcbM,  which  in  their  original 
idea  were  galleriea  for  the  reception  of  woiidilp- 
pers  or  auditors,  for    which   purpose   they  are 
atill  used  in  Germany,  and  where  they  exist  in 
Italy  (e.g.  St.  Ambrogio  at  Milan),  and  to  some 
tent  in  England.     The  firat  Chrlstisn  chorchs 
the  West  were  either  baiilicaa,  or  bnildings 
(reded  on  the  baailican  pisu,  and  they  natnrally 
retalDed   the   npper  gallery,   nuDing  entirely 
mod  the  building  above  the  principal  co' * 


for  tha  ■ccummodatloD  of  tpecUton,  mat  on  oni 
lida  and  oamcn  no  the  oumt,  which  we  knoi 
to  hnve  formed  4B  emeotial  portion  of  the  bui- 
lieu  mmsgemeDt  (VltniT.  t.  1>     Llk«  then 


GALLERIES 

Sophia,  (or  S5.  Sergiiu  ud  BaaiUni,)  tnttti  li 
Juitiniui  (fig.  3),  &Uo  eihihiu  a  Billerj  or  appi 
itoTJ  running  ell  round  it.  In  th«  chnrche^ii 
.  ii  commonly  known  u  the  Bf  lutiH  ttjk, 
•r  which  St.  Sophia  ii  thi  moit  magiifiml 
eiampte,  thfl  lide  gallery  plajed  a  rerj  iapor- 
I  part.  There  ii  a  good  eiamplc  in  llir 
rch  of  SL  Vitale,  at  Rareona  (He  wonlnt, 
p.  376). 

'  I  naoal  deaignatian  waa  gvtiatconiit,  Srtm 
being  the  place  when  the  womeo  wen  ihmii- 
modated.  It  wu  alao  otlled  the  cattitmimniim, 
bocaoM  the  women  utembled  there  to  lUtt*  u 
iDttraetioB  (Leo.  Somll.  73,  apnd  Doctngt  Chi- 
ttantlmipol.  CMtt.'},  or  (imply  "  the  apptr  ekio- 
ben,"  Onp^  (PaoL  SilcnL  i.  S56>  Th«  pl- 
leriet  ran  along  the  uda  of  the  t 


mphilochtna 


conji    that    St.  I 


i.nt 


the  chnnJi  gallerisa  were  reachnl  by  aa  ootaide 
tiaircue,  and  wen  protected  lowarda  the  nare 
by  a  low  wall  or  haluitrade  {pitOmu).  The 
only  Romaa  baaili<an  churchea  that  exhibit  this 
amngametit  are   thoee  of  SL  Agnaa  (Ng.  1), 


a  talk 
be  altar,  p« 
Hong  OTtr  the 


"  i^t-  *)<  ranged  to  the  n 


St.  Laurence,  in  ita  more  ancient  portio 
the  church  of  tha  Quattro  Santi  Coronati,  i 
Coelian.  A  (imilar  upper  gallery  occnn  a 
the  Lateran  baptlittry  of  Conitanline. 
pauion  for  mouic  pictures  of  aacred  anhjeclx 
led  to  the  abolition  of  thFa  gallery  in  the  baailican 
churchea,  the  apace  it  ahookt  have  occupied  being 
devoted  to  pictorial  repreaentations,  as  at  St. 
Maria  Ma^iore,  St.  Paul's,  and  the  old  SL 
Peter'a,  at  Roma  (aee  illustrations  on  pages 
370,  371),  and  S.  Apollinare  in  Claast,  and  "' 
Apollinare  Nnoro,  at  RaTanna.       But  it   reap- 

rared  In  the  early  Lombard  chnrehea,  as  at 
Amhregio  at  Hilan,  and  S.  Hichale  at  Pavia 
(fig.  2\  lAiera  than  an  wall  deraloped  trifcrul 
galleriaa.  But  the  arrangement  nerer  took  root 
in  Italy,  and  waa  aoon  IbL 

In  the  Eaat,  when  the  "  dromic "  or  baailican 
fbna  wu  adopted,  It  carried  with  It  tha  upper 
gallery  aboTa  the  aide  altles.  Of  thia  we  haTa 
an  example  in  Uie  church  of  St,  John  at  Con- 

■    'i.D.  493).  illnslrated  in  Salii „_ 

r  SauU 


of  the  central  area,  occnpying  tha  upper  alary  (f 


pillars.  The  galleries  are  Taultod  an<t  F^ 
with  marble,  and  protected  towarda  thi  thara 
br  a  low  marble  wall,  fiinr   feat  high,  lk^d 


QALLEBIE8  GALLERIES  707 

I  whicb,  uoordiDg  to  FbdI  th>  i  of  the  cnpoU.    On  the  nme  lere]  m  the  tmata'a 

■omen  npoMd  tbeir  tnm.  gklleriei,  furtber  sut,  were  two  large  vinlteo 

*Er«>  «lj«ilm  iptrtmenta  to  the  right  ud  lift  of  the  bema,  in 

■wtf  Jv^pawiuTQ  Y^tw^c^^.  MS.    I  oae  of  vliich  the  emprev  had  her  poaitioD  vitb 


708       OALUOAN  OOUNCILS 

became  dunaed,  the  narthex  serving  its  purpose. 
(Ducange,  Constaniinapol.  Chritt,  lib.  iii.  c  38-40 ; 
Willis,  Arch,  of  tha  Middle  Ages,  p.  109,  sqq. ; 
Neale,  Eastern  Church,  art.  i. ;  Evag.  Hiat.  Eccl. 
lib.  ir.  c  31 ;  Paul  Silentiar.  L  256-263 ;  ii.  125.) 

[E.V.] 

GALLIGAN  COUNCILS;  oonnciU  known 
to  have  been  celebrated  in  France,  but  at  some 
piaoe  unknown. 

1.  LD.  355.  At  Poitiers  or  Toulouse  possi- 
bly: where  St.  Hilary,  writing  to  the  Easterns 
A.D.  360,  says  he  five  years  before  then  with 
the  bishops  of  France  withdrew  from  the 
communion  of  the  Arian  bishops  Ursacius  and 
Valens,  and  of  Satuminns  of  Aries,  who  had 
espoused  their  cause.  The  opening  chapters 
of  his  work  addressed  to  Constantius  are 
thought,  in  short,  to  hare  emanated  from  thia 
council  (Mansi,  iii.  251). 

2.  A.D.  376.  At  least  there  seems  a  reference 
to  one  such  in  a  law  of  that  year,  dated  Treves, 
in  B.  XTi.  tit.  ii.  §  23,  of  the  Theodosian  code ; 
but  it  is  not  known  where  or  for  what  object 
(Mansi,  iu.  499). 

3.  A.D.  444^  in  which  Hilary  of  Aries  pre- 
sided, and  Cfaelidonius  of  Besan^on,  where  this 
council  may  have  met  therefbre,  was  accused  of 
Doing  husband  of  a  widow  and  deposed.  On 
appeiiling  however  to  St.  Leo  he  was  restored ; 
as  having  been  condemned  on  a  false  charge. 
Both  their  letter  to  him  and  his  answer  are 
*}reserved  among  his  epistles  (JSp.  zclz.  and  cii. ; 
comp.  Mansi,  vii.  873). 

4.  A.D.  678,  at  some  place  unknown :  when 
St.  Leodegar  or  Leger  bishop  of  Autun  was 
degraded  as  having  been  accessory  to  the  death 
of  king  Childerlc  II.  five  years  before  (Sirmond, 
Cone,  GaU,  i.  510;  oomp.  Mansi,  zi.  173  and 
1095). 

5.  A.D.  678  or  679,  against  the  Monothelites : 
as  appears  from  the  reference  made  to  it  by  the 
Gallican  bishops  subscribing  to  the  Roman  synod 
under  pope  Agatho,  preserved  in  the  4th  act  of 
i.he  6th  council  rMansi,  zi.  175  and  306),  but 
they  do  not  say  where. 

6.  A.O.  796,  at  Tours  possibly,  where  Joseph, 
olshop  of  Mans  and  a  suffragan  of  Tours,  was 
deposed  for  cruelty  (Mansi,  ziii.  991). 

7.  Three  more  councib  may  be  grouped  under 
this  head,  usually  called  councils  of  Auvergne, 
but  this  name  is  misleading,  as  it  means  the  town 
formerly  so  called,  not  the  province.  When, 
however,  the  town  changed  its  name  to  Clermont, 
councils  held  there  subsequently  were  styled  by 
its  new  name,  while  the  earlier  retained  its  old. 
We  may  save  confusion,  therefore,  by  classing 
them  under  Gallican.  Of  these  the  first  met  8th 
November,  ▲.D.  535,  in  the  second  year  of  king 
Theodebert,  and  patted  sixteen  canons,  to  which 
fifteen  buhops,  headed  by  Honoratus,  metropolitan 
of  Boui^es,  subscribed :  his  suffragan  of  Auvergne 
subscribing  second.  Their  canons  deprecate  lay 
influences  in  the  appointment  of  bishops,  and 

ay  interference  between  bishops  and  clergy.  No 
furniture  belonging  to  the  church  may  be  used 
^or  private  funerals  or  marriages.  The  appoint- 
ment of  Jews  as  judges,  and  marriages  between 
.»ew6  and  Christians  are  denounced.  Presbyters 
and  deacons  marrying  are  to  be  deposed.  In  a 
^llective  note  to  king  Theodebert,  the  bishops 
#ntreat  that   neither    the    clergy,  nor   others, 


OAKINGhTABLB 

living  in  his  dominions  may  be  robbed  of  tbor 
rightful  possessions,  and  in  their  fifth  canon  they 
declare  all  spoliations  of  church  property  duD 
and  void,  and  the  spoilers  excommunicate,  vherc- 
ever  it  occurs.  Several  other  canons  are  giTia 
to  this  council  by  Burchard  (Mansi,  viiL  8^ 
67). 

The  second,  a.d.  549,  was  attended  by  tea 
bishops,  but  only  to  receive  the  canons  paswd 
at  the  5th  council  of  Orleans  (Mansi,  ix.  141-4^ 

The  third,  a.d.  588,  was  occupied  solely  with 
a  dispute  between  the  bishops  of  Kodes  ssd 
Cahors  (Mansi,  ix.  973).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

GALLICANUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  nader 
Julian ;  commemorated  June  25  (MarL  AdMii^ 
Usuardi).  [W.F.a] 

GALLICI A  CX)UNCni  OP,  held  a.©.  447 
or  448,  in  the  province  of  that  name  in  Spaia  ea 
the  north-west  against  the  Priscillianists :  i& 
consequence  perhaps  of  the  letter  of  St.  Leo  to 
Turnbius,  bishop  of  Asturia,  who  had  appealed 
to  him  for  advice  (Ep,  xv. ;  comp.  Mansi,  tl 
491) ;  but  U  that  letter  genuine  ?       [E.  S.  F£] 

GALLUS,  presbyter  and  confessor  in  Ger- 
many; commemorated  Feb.  20  (Jfort.  Adoea, 
CJsuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GAMALIEL,  invention  of  his  relics  at  Jcn- 
salem,  Aug.  3  (^Mari.  Rom,  Vet^  Adonis,  Uss- 
ardi).  [W.F.a] 

GAMING.    [Dice.] 

GAMIXG-TABLE  {TalnUa  huona,  wXiP^ 
Bloy),  Besides  the  natural  feeling  which  led  tk 
survivors  to  place  in  the  tombs  articles  dear  t« 
the  deceased  in  his  lifetime,  the  comparisoa  of 
the  life  of  man  to  a  game  of  chance  was  a  Cusi- 
liar  thought  to  the  ancients.  Wo  may  tnet  it 
through  all  their  literature,  whether  Greek  er 
Roman  (see  Raoul-Rochette,  MAn.  de  FAeadim. 
dee  inacript,  tom.  xiii.  p.  634).  Hence  astncaii 
and  dice  occur  more  frequently  in  the  Greek  and 
Roman  tombs  of  the  Campagaa  than  playthiap 
of  any  other  description,  though  the  amot- 
ments  of  every  age  and  condition  titt  tiiere 
represented.  The  dice  (tali,  tesserae,)  are  osaallj 
made  of  ivory,  occasionally  of  bone;  the  dice 
box  (fritillus,  turricula)  is  generally  of  irwy, 
and  the  gaming-table  marble. 

Five  of  these  gaming-tables  have  come  dowa 
to  our  times  with  inscriptions  which  leave  so 
doubt  of  their  use.  It  is  a  curions  circnnstsace 
that  i^  several  Christian  cemeteries  in  Bome 
sepulchral  niches  have  been  fbnnd  closed  witk 


these  marble  gaming-tables,  as  occasioDslIy  witk 
other  incised  marbles.  One  of  the  tables  taken 
fl-om  the  cemetery  of  Basilla  may  le  seen  in  the 
Kircher  museum,  and  was  firsw  described  by  Up« 
{Diasert,  in  nuper  invent.  Sev-rae  epitaj^  p.  57, 
tab.  ix.  n.  6>    An  engraving  J  it  is  given  abow. 


GAMMADIA 

The  inscription,  which  was  tnmed  inside  the 
toinh,  is  easily  read:  Yicrvs  lebatb  U  lydere 

HEBCm  0  DA  LYSORI  LOCV  ]. 

Boldetti  (Otservationif  p.  449)  gives  a  second 
from  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Agnes  bearing  the  following 
inscription:  domine  trater 

II  ILARI8     SEMPER  ||  LYDERE 

TABYLA  II — ;  also  a  dice-box 
found  elsewhere,  used  for  the 
same  game.  The  interior  of 
the  box  is  here  shewn,  di- 
rided  into  three  sections  as 
a  security  against  fraud  in 
throwing  ;  two  dice  are  lying 
at  the  bottom. 

A  third  table  of  the  same 
kind  from  the  Capponi  museum  is  reproduced  in 
Mnratori's  collection  (i.  DCLXi.  SX  and  bears 
an  inscription  almost  identical  with  the  fore- 
going :  SEMPER  IN  HANO  ]|  TABYLA  HILARE  || 
LYDAMY8  AMioi  || .  The  fourth  table,  from  the 
cemetery  of  Calixtus,  is  given  by  Marangoni 
(Acto  S.  Victorini  in  append,  p.  140).  The 
words  of  the  inscription,  thoue h  evidently  re- 
lating to  play,  are  difficult  of  lnterpi*etation. 
Of  the  remaining  table  the  place  of  discovery 
is  uncertain.  cSirdinal  Passionei  '/nscr.  Ant 
appendix,  p.  176)  transcribes  a  gaming-table 
Inscription  which  Raonl-Rochette  quotes  as  an 
idditional  example,  but  it  appears  more  likely 
ko  be  that  of  the  Eircher  museum  incorrectly 
dopied. 

These  having  all  been  discovered  in  Christian 
sepulchres,  it  seems  natural  to  suppose  that  they 
were  in  use  amongst  Christians.  Nothing  in 
the  gaming-tables  themselves,  nor  in  their  in- 
scriptions militates  against  such  a  supposition ; 
and  in  fact  it  is  well  known  that  the  business  of 
making  dice,  and  articles  of  a  similar  nature, 
was  one  followed  by  Christians.  Boldetti,  for  in- 
stance, gives  (p.  416)  a  Christian  sepulchral  in- 
scription over  an  artifex  artis  tessalarie, 
who  is  generally  considered  to  have  been  a  maker 
of  dice.  (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq,  Chrit^  s.  v. 
<<  Jen,  Tables  de.")    See  Dice.  [C] 

GAMMADIA  (7aft/ui8«a,  or  yofi/idrta),  A 
cruciform  ornament,  embroidered  on  the  borders 
or  woven  into  the  texture  of  ecclesiastical  vest- 
tnents,  both  in  the  West  and  East.  It  takes  iU 
name  from  being  composed  of  four  eapital  gammas 
nr\  placed  back  to  back,  thus  forming  a  voided 

1 1  Greek  cross.  The  gammas  were  also  some- 
..  ^  times  placed  fiioe  to  face,  so  as  to  consti- 

'  "  tute  a  hollow  square,  in  the  centre  of 
which  a  cross  was  inscribed.  Vestments  so 
dect-mted  were  known  by  the  name  of  pdy" 
r*  -^  stauria  (wo\v<rravpia).  St.  Nicholas  and 
l*f-|  St.  Basil  are  depicted  in  robes  (thus  semte 
^  "^  of  crosses)  in  the  illustrations  to  Ducange 
(Ghss.  Oraec,  fig.  vii.).  Balsamon  assigns,  among 
other  marks  of  the  patriarchal  dignity,  the 
''  robe  distinguished  by  gammas,"  Zia  yofAfidrwp 
irrix^pioir  (dti  PatHaroh,  p.  446).  These  crosses 
were  peculiar  to  the  white  eucharistic  vest- 
ments, those  of  a  purple  colour  being  destitute 
of  them  (Ducange,  s.  o.  iroXvara^piov).  In  the 
Western  church  the  word  gammadia  is  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  the  later  papal  biographies 
in  Anastasius,  in  the  lists  of  offerings  made  to 
Uie  basilicas  and  chuixhesy  e,g.,  Leo  HI.,  among 


GANGRA  (Council  of) 


709 


gifts  to  the  church  of  St.  Susanna,  gave  a  purple 
vestment,  **  habentem  in  medio  cruoem  de  chry- 
ioclavo  ,  •  .  atque  gammadias  in  ipsa  vette 
chrysoelavas  quatuor "  (§  866),  and  Leo  IV.  to 
the  church  of  St.  Mary  at  Anagni,  ^  vestem  . . . 
cum  gammadiis  auro  textis"  ({  536).  These 
gammadia  were  of  gold,  others  were  of  silver 
(§  397),  or  of  Tyrian  velvet  (§  462),  (cf.  Gear, 
Euchofog.  p.  315,  col.  2).  Not  gammas  alone 
but  other  letters  also  are  frequently  seen  em- 
broidered on  the  borders  of  the  robes  of  the 
sacred  personages  represented  in  early  Christian 
mosaics  and  frescoes,  especially  H.  I.  T.  X.  The 
precise  meaning  of  these  marks  has  not  been 
satiiBJhctorily  determined  (cf.  Bosio.  Bom.  Sott. 
c.  xxxviii.  p.  638).    [Letierb  on  Vestments.] 

[E.V.] 

GANGBA  (CouNOiL  or),  for  which  widely 
different  dates  have  been  assigned ;  some  placing 
it  before  that  of  Nicaea,  some  not  long  after; 
others  indefinitely,  between  it  and  that  of 
Antioch,  a.d.  341  (see  the  notes  of  Valesius  and 
Reading  on  Soc.  ii.  43,  and  Mansi,  ii.  1095) :  all 
which  discrepancies  may  be  traced  to  the  £ict 
that  one  of  the  Latin  versions  of  the  synodical 
letter  addressed  by  the  assembled  bishope  to  their 
colleagues  in  Armenia  contains  the  name  of 
Hosius  of  Corduba  amongst  the  former.  But 
the  episcopate  of  Hosius,  as  Cave  shews  (ZTiM. 
Lit.  i.  v.),  extends  over  a  period  of  seventy  years, 
ending  with  A.D.  361 :  accordingly  Pagi  finds  it 
possible  to  place  this  council  as  late  as  A.D.  358 
and  admit  Hosius  to  have  been  there,  on  his  way 
back  to  Spain.  And  this  was  unquestionably 
the  year  of  the  council,  as  we  shall  see  from 
other  considerations,  so  tliat  the  absence  of  his 
name  in  the  Greek  heading  of  the  letter  need 
not  be  pressed.  His  presence  was  always  coveted 
by  the  £astems ;  but  as  his  name  occurs  among 
the  last  on  the  list,  we  may  assume  that  he 
attended  in  no  other  capacity  than  that  of  a 
simple  bishop.  The  object  of  holding  the  council 
is  stated  in  its  synodical  epistle  to  have  been  to 
condemn  the  eri'ors  of  £ustathius— otherwise 
written  Eustasius  or  Eustaehius — and  his  fol- 
lowers; and  him  Socrates  and  Sosomen  are 
doubtless  correct  in  making  identical  with 
Eustathius  bishop  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia  Minor 
—else  why  should  the  bishops  of  either  Armenia 
have  been  addressed  on  the  subject  ?  The  fisther 
of  bishop  Eustathius  was  Eulalios  bishop  of 
Caesarea,  or  rather  Neo-Caesarea,  in  Pontus,  and 
it  was  at  a  council  held  there  under  his  own 
lather  this  same  year,  according  to  Pagi,  that  he 
was  first  deposed.  Sozomen  indeed  seems  to  say 
that  he  had  been  already  condemned  as  a  pres- 
byter by  his  father;  if  so,  this  would  account 
for  the  severity  of  the  new  sentence  passed  upon 
him,  particularly  had  he  been  propagating  his 
erron  as  bishop  in  his  father's  see.  Then,  on 
his  resisting  this  sentence,  as  there  teems  fair 
reason  for  supposing  he  would,  his  father  would 
naturally  have  recourse  to  ths  provincial  synod, 
which  we  may  assume  to  have  met  on  this 
occasion  at  Gangra,  as  the  first  bishop  on  the 
list  is  Eusebius,  dearly  the  metropolitan  of 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  whom  St.  Basil  suc- 
ceeded, and  in  whose  jurisdiction  Gangra  lay, 
while  the  name  of  Eulalius  occurs  further  on* 
Dius  (probably  Dianius,  the  predecessor  of 
Eusebius,  is  intended)  whom  the  LibeUut  synod' 


710 


GANGRA  (Council  of) 


ilctM  asserts  to  hare  presided,  is  not  found  in 
either  version.  Gangra  therefore  was  held  to 
confirm  what  had  passed  at  Neo-Caesarea  respect- 
ing Enstathins.  The  simllaritj  of  names  seems 
to  have  led  Sozomen  to  assert  that  he  was  fint 
deposed  by  Eusebios  of  Constantinople,  who  died 
as  far  back  as  A.D.  342 :  and  Socrates,  who  says 
in  one  place  (ii.  43)  that  the  synod  of  G«ngra 
was  tabseqneijt  to  the  Constantinopolitan  synod 
of  A.D.  360,  contradicts  himself  in  the  very  next 
chapter  by  tilling  ns  that  Meletius  succeeded 
Eustathias  at  SebMte,  and  then  either  as  bishop 
of  Sebaste  or  Beroea — it  does  not  much  matter 
which — attended  the  council  of  Seleucia,  which 
we  know  met  a.d.  359,  and  in  so  doing  fixes  the 
true  date  of  the  synod  of  Gangra,  namely,  mid- 
way between  it .  and  that  of  Neo-Caesarea  the 
year  before.  These  places  were  not  remote 
from  each  other;  and  it  would  appear  that 
there  had  been  i^ods  held  at  Antioch,  that,  for 
instance,  of  A.D.  358  under  Endozius,  and  at 
M elitine  in  Armenia,  unfaTourable  to  Eustathius, 
whose  judgments  he  had  set  at  nought  equally 
with  that  of  Neo-Caesarea.  Hence  the  greater 
solemnity  with  which  that  of  Gangra  was  con- 
vened, far  enhanced  however  by  the  weight 
whidh  has  attached  to  it  ever  since ;  Pope  Sym- 
machus  in  a  Roman  synod  jld.  504  going  so  far 
as  to  say  that  its  canons  had  been  framed  by 
apostolic  authority,  meaning  that  of  his  see— in 
other  words,  that  his  predecessors  had  received 
and  approved  them  (Pagi  ad  Baron.  A.D.  319,  n. 
v.).  Of  these  there  are  twenty  in  number,  and 
almost  all  in  condemnation  of  the  errors  ascribed 
to  Eustathius  and  his  followers  in  the  synodical 
letter  before  mentioned,  **  forbidding  to  marry, 
commanding  to  abstain  from  meats,"  and  so 
forth.  Their  reception  by  Rome  lends  additional 
mterest  to  canon  4,  which  says:  '* Should  any 
separate  himself  from  a  presbyter  that  Aos 
fnarried^M  though  it  were  not  right  to  partake 
of  the  oblation  when  he  is  celebrant — let  him  be 
anathema."  And  the  epilf^ue,  reckoned  in  some 
collections  as  a  21st  canon,  is  worth  tran- 
scribing, not  only  for  ^the  admirable  temper 
and  gMd  sense"  which  distinguishes  it,  as  Mr. 
Johnson  remarks  {Vade  Mectmif  ii.  86X  but 
because  it  may  well  be  thought  to  account  for 
their  having  been  incorporated  into  the  coda  of 
the  universal  church.  The  rulings  of  fifteen,  or, 
if  Hosius  was  there,  sixteen  bishops  only,  must 
have  owed  their  place  there  to  some  great  in- 
trinsic excellence.  *^We  commit  these  canons 
to  writing,"  so  they  terminate,  **  not  as  if  we 
would  cut  off  those  who  exercise  themselves  in 
works  of  severity  and  mortification  in  the  church 
•f  God  according  to  the  Scriptures :  but  those, 
who  under  pretence  of  such  exercise,  do  insult 
those  who  live  in  a  more  plain  and  simple  mto- 
ner,  and  would  bring  in  innovations  contrary  to 
the  Scriptures  and  the  canons  of  the  church. 
We  therefore  admire  virginity,  if  attended  with 
humility  and  a  regard  for  continence,  if  accom- 
panied with  true  piety  and  gravity,  and  a  retreat 
from  worldly  business,  with  a  modest  humble 
temper.  But  at  the  same  time  we  honour 
honest  marriage,  nor  do  we  despise  riches  when 
employed  in  good  works  and  in  doing  justice. 
We  commend  a  plain  and  coarse  habit,  without 
art  or  gaudiness,  and  have  an  aversion  to  all 
luxurious  ostentation  of  apparel.  We  honour 
the  houses  of  God,  and  afiectionately  embrace 


GATES  OF  CHUBGHES 

the  assemblies  made  therein  as  holy  and  bene- 
ficial ;  not  as  if  we  confined  religion  within  those 
houses,  but  as  having  a  respect  to  every  pise* 
that  is  built  to  the  name  of  the  Lonl,  and 
approve  of  the  church  assemblies  as  bein^  for 
the  public  good ;  and  pronounce  a  beatitude  upon 
signal  acts  of  charity  done  to  our  brethren,  ss 
being  done  to  the  poor  of  the  church  a^rdiiig 
to  tradition ;  and  to  say  all  in  a  word,  we  can- 
not but  wish  that  all  things  may  be  done  in  the 
church  according  to  the  traditions  of  Holy 
Scripture  and  the  apostles."  [E»  S.  F£] 

GARLANDS.    [Baftibm,  p.  164;  Gbovs, 

p.  511;  Flowebs.] 

GARDEN    OF    EDEN.      Bepreeeoted  by 

trees  in  various  bas-reliefs  of  the  Fall  of  Man, 
as  on  the  tomb  of  Junius  Bassoa  (Bottazi, 
tav.  XV.  &c.  Itc).  A  most  ancient  M3.  ptctun 
of  the  Garden  of  Eden  occurs  in  the  Viewta  MS. 
of  the  Book  of  Genesis  which  is  given  by  l^AgiB- 
court.  Professor  Westwood  has  shown  the  pie> 
sent  writer  an  extraordinary  representation  ef 
the  Fall  of  Man,  from  a  Greek  M&  of  the  OU 
Testament  now  in  the  Vatican  of  the  7th  or  8th 
century,  where  the  garden  is  much  dwelt  on. 
There  is  a  quadruped  serpent  or  dragon  lookiag 
up  at  the  tree  of  knowledge.  These  pictnrei 
were  brought  to  this  country  in  facsimile  bj 
bishop  Forbes.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GARDEN  OF  GETHSElfANEL  Duriaf 
the  first  four  centuries  and  a  half  at  least  the 
subject  of  our  Lord's  passion  seems  to  have  ben 
approached,  but  not  entered  upon — aa  by  repre- 
sentations of  the  betrayal,  tne  scene  hAm 
Pilate,  &c  In  No.  90  of  Professor  Weatwoed's 
ivory  carvings,  he  is  brought  befiire  Pilate  sad 
Herod  together,  or  perhaps  Annas  and  Caisphai. 
This  is  a  part  of  the  great  casket  of  the  KbUo- 
teca  Quiriniana  at  Brescia,  and  is  referred  to  the 
5th  or  6th  century,  to  the  period  immediately 
preceding  that  of  the  Rabula  MS.  when  the  crad- 
fixion  began  to  be  represented  (see  Cbxjcsfsx). 
The  Garden  of  Gethsemane  is  one  of  the  earlieit 
of  these  approaches  to  actual  delineation  of  oar 
Lord's  sufferings.  The  MS,  Gaapd  of  St.  Amffn" 
tmej  very  possibly  made  use  of  by  the  bidkop 
himself,  contains  a  most  interesting  picture  d 
the  betrayal  in  the  garden,  which  is  repreaentai 
not  only  by  trees,  but  bv  a  cnrioaa  serpentiBS 
representation  of  Uie  brook  Kedron,  bunting  set 
of  a  rock  like  the  Banda  at  Aia  Fffl,  or  tbi 
Jordan  at  Tell-el-Khady.  This  subject  is  caned 
on  the  casket  of  the  Bresdan  library  (Weatwoed, 
ivory  casts.  No.  90)^  dating  from  the  5th  or  6tfc 
century. 

Indications  of  a  garden  occur  in  various  QnA 
representations  of  the  crucifixion  combined  with 
the  resurrection.  See  crucifixion  in  the  Babak 
MS.  in  Assemani,  BiblL  Laurent.  Catahgvity  where 
olive-trees  an  certainly  intended. 

In  later  MSS.  it  occun  in  the  B9iU  of  Aicmm, 
and  in  a  MS.  given  by  count  Bastard,  whicb 
belonged  to  Drogon,  grandson  of  Charlemagne. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GATES  OF  CHUBGHES.  Our  Loid's  4e> 
signation  of  Himself  as  *<the  Door"  of  Wn 
church  (John  x.  7,  9)  impressed  a  deep  leligioos 
signifioation  in  the  minds  of  the  eariy  Chrirtiaas 
on  the  entrances  to  their  sacred  buildings,  which 
they  evidenced  by  the  care  displayed  in  their 
construction  and  the  richness  of  their  ornaments- 


OAT£8  OF  CUUBCHE8 


U£LA»1UB 


711 


lion.  As  a  rule  the  actual  gates  (vcUvae)  of 
churches  were  of  wood  of  the  most  excellent  and 
durable  kind.  The  doors  of  the  basilica  of  St. 
Paul  at  Rome  were,  until  its  destruction  by  fire 
in  1823,  of  wood,  roughly  chiselled,  and  were 
reported  to  have  been  brought  from  Constantin- 
ople. The  doors  of  the  church  of  St.  Sabina  on 
the  AYentine  are  of  cypress  wood,  caiTed  in  re- 
lief with  subjects  from  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments. They  are  of  great  antiquity,  though 
Mamachi,  the  annalist  of  the  Dominican  order, 
gives  them  too  early  a  date  in  placing  them 
before  the  7th  century.  The  church  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai  re- 
tains the  ancient  richly-carved  doors  of  cypress 
wood  erected  by  the  emperor  Justinian,  stated 
by  Mr.  Curzou  to  be  as  perfect  as  when  first  set 
up  (Neale,  Hist,  (f  East.  Ch,  Introd.  p.  258). 
Doors  of  wood  were  very  commonly  overlaid 
with  plates  of  the  precious  metals  and  inlaid 
with  ivory  (Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Demetr,  viii.)^  for 
the  purpose  of  decoration.  These  plates  were 
frequently  richly  sculptured  with  scriptural 
subjects  in  relief.  Thus  Paulinus  of  Nola  speaks 
of  "  aurea  limina  **  {Poem,  jxv.  98X  and  com- 
mends the  piety  of  those  who  covered  the  doors 
of  the  church  of  St.  Felix  with  metal  plates— 

"  Ssiictaque  pneflzis  obdncant  limina  lamnis." 

(Poem.  xviU.  34). 

The  papal  memoirs  of  Anastasius  supply  re- 
peated references  to  this  mode  of  ornamentation. 
[DooBa,  S  3,  p.  574.]  The  ^  portae  argenteae  " 
of  St.  Peter's  are  often  mentioned.  These  were 
overlaid  by  pope  Hadrian  (a.d.  772-795)  with 
silver-gilt  plates  embossed  with  the  effigy  of  our 
Lord  and  others  (Anastas.  {  332).  Pope  Hilary 
(A.D.  461-467)  erected  silver  gates  at  the  Con- 
fessio  of  the  basilica  of  Holy  Cross,  and  gates  of 
bronze  inlaid  with  silver  at  the  oratory  of  St. 
John  Lateran  (/&.  §  69).  This  last  is  an  early 
example  of  those  doors  of  bronze  of  which  we 
have  in  later  times  so  many  magnificent  ex- 
amples, bearing  representations  of  Biblical  events 
in  high  relief,  which  reached  their  artistic  climax 
in  the  western  doors  of  the  cathedral  of  Pisa  and 
those  of  the  baptistery,  "  le  porta  del  Paradiso  ** 
at  Florence.  We  have  another  early  example  in 
the  gates  of  the  *^  eso-narthex  '*  of  St.  Sophia. 
These  are  of  bronze  exquisitely  embossed  with 
floriated  crosses  set  in  doorcases  of  marble.  The 
great  central  doorway  has  above  it  an  image  of 
Christ  in  the  act  of  giving  benediction  to  a 
kneeling  emperor  with  the  virgin  and  St.  John 
the  Baptist  on  either  hand.  The  chief  entrance 
of  the  cathedral  of  Novgorod  has  bronze  doors  of 
very  early  date.  They  are  described  by  Adelung 
(die  Korsun'adten  ThUren  zu  Nov!gorod)MB  11  feet 
high  by  3  feet  broad,  divided  into  24  comjiart- 
ments  containing  scriptural  reliefii. 

Church  doors  were  often  furnished  with  in- 
scriptions either  upon  or  above  them*  These 
included  texts  of  Scripture,  doxologies,  prayers, 
pious  aphorisms,  &c.  Paulinus  of  Nola  {Ep. 
xxxii.  §  12)  gives  the  following  inscription  placed 
by  him  over  the  principal  entrance  of  the  basi- 
lica of  St.  Felix  :— 

«*  Pax  ttU  ett  quIeaBMiue  Del  ponetrslia  ChrlsU 
Pedora  paelflco  ouKUdus  Ingrederis." 

Above  the  entrance,  he  informs  us,  was  a  crowned 
cross  with  these  IIdcs  : — 


"  Oerne  ooronatam  Domini  super  atria  GhrieU 
Stare  cmoem  doro  spondentem  oelsa  labori 
Praemla.    Telle  cmoem  qui  vis  aoferre  coronam/' 

The  door  of  the  outer  basilica,  which  was  en- 
tered through  a  garden  or  orchard,  he  also  tells 
vs,  has  these  inscriptions  on  the  outer  face : — 

"  Goelestes  intrate  viis  per  amoena  vlreta 
Christioolse:  ei  laetls  decet  hoc  ingressos  sb  hortis 
Uode  Bsonim  metitis  dator  ezltns  in  paiadfaom." 

And  this  on  the  inner : — 

**  Qalsquts  sb  aede  Del  perfectis  oidlne  voUs 
figrederis,  remea  corpora^  corde  mane.*' 

Church  doors  were  also  often  inscribed  with 
the  names  of  the  builders  and  the  date  of  the 
building.  [E.  V.] 

GATIANUS,  bishop  and  confessor  in  Tou- 
raine;  commemorated  Dec  18  {Mart.  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GAUDENTIA,  virgin,  saint  at  Rome ;  com- 
memorated Aug.  30  (Mart,  Mteron,,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

GAUGEBICUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at 
Cambray  (t619  ▲.&.);  commemorated  Aug.  11 
{Mart,  Hieron,^  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GAZA  in  Palesthve  (Coukcil  of),  a.d.  541, 
to  which  Pelagius  the  first  pope  of  that  name, 
then  a  deacon  and  envoy  from  Rome,  came  by 
order  of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  with  letters 
ordering  the  deposition  of  Paul  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, which  was  accordingly  carried  out 
(Mansi,  ix.  706>  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

GAZOPHTLACIUM.  The  treasury  or 
storehouse  attached  to  a  church,  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  offisrings  of  the  fidthful,  made  either 
in  bread  and  wine,  or  in  money,  for  the  service 
of  the  altar,  the  sustentation  of  the  ministers, 
or  distribution  among  the  poor  (Possid.  Vit.  8, 
Aag%uiin,  c  24).  These  oblations  were  depo- 
sit^ in  the  gazophyladum  either  afler  having 
been  offered  on  the  altar,  or  until  enquiry  had 
been  made  by  the  deacons  whether  the  offerers 
were  orthodox  and  persons  of  good  life,  that  the 
table  of  the  Lord  might  not  be  profaned  bv  the 
gifts  of  the  unholy  (Binius  m  Can,  iv.  Apoet, 
Labbe  L  53>  Bv  the  93rd  canon  of  the  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  aj).  399,  the  reception 
before  enquiry  even  into  **  the  gazophylacium  or 
saerarium"  (the  modem  sacristy)  was  forbidden. 
Chrysostom  {HomiL  22  de  Eisemoa.)  speaks  of 
treasuries  in  the  churches,  r4  yaCo^pv^Axiu  r4 
irTttv$a  Kffi^^ ;  Augustine  appears  to  recognize 
their  existence  '*  quid  est  gazophylacium  ?  Area 
Dei  nbi  colligebantur  ea  quae  ad  indigentiam 
servorum  Dei  mittebantur '^  (JTbmA  wi  Ps,  63); 
and  Possidius  in  his  life  of  that  father  (u.  s.) 
records  his  having  warned  hb  hearers,  as  Am- 
brose had  also  done,  of  the  neglect  of  the 
*<  gazophylacium  and  seoretarium,  from  which 
the  necessaries  for  the  altar  are  brought  into  the 
church."  Cyprian  refers  to  the  place  of  offering 
as  corbona  {de  Op,  et  EleemM.  c.  5X  and  Paulinus 
of  Nola,  as  menaa,  which  he  complains  stood  too 
often  for  sight  rather  than  use,  ^  visui  tantum 
non  Usui "  {Serm,  de  OoMophyL  £p.  34>  [£.  V.] 

GELASIU8,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Aquili- 
nus,  DonatuB,  Gcminus,  Magnus ;  commemorated 
Feb.  4  {Mart,  Jlicnm,,  Usuardi).        [W.  F.  G.l 


712 


GEMELLIONES 


GEMS 


GEMELLIONES.  Among  the  vessels  to 
be  borne  before  the  pope  in  the  great  Easter 
procession  are  mentioned  (Ordo  Rom.  I.  c  3) 
**  gemelliones  argentei.**  The  parpose  of  these 
is  uncertain,  bat  it  seems  probable  that  (like  the 
**  uroeola  argentea  "  mentioned  elsewhere)  they 
were  water-vessels  (Binterim's  DenkwHrdigksitenj 
iT.  i.  184).  [C] 

GEMINLiNTJS,  martyr  at  Rome  with 
Lncia  under  Diocletian ;  commemorated  Sept.  16 
(Mart,  Rom,  Vet^  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

GEMINUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa  with 
Aqnilinos,  £ugeaias,  Martianus,  Quintus,  Theo- 
dotns,  Tripho;  commemorated  Jan.  4  {Mart 
Adonis>  Usuardi). 

(J)  [Gelaaiub.]  [W.  F.  G.] 

OEMS  were  employed  in  very  early  times 
for  a  great  variety  of  ecplesiaatical  purposes, 
some  articles  being  made  wholly  of  stones  more 
or  less  precious,  and  others  being  decorated 
therewith.  Thus  Chalices  and  other  sacred  ves- 
sels were  occasionally  made  of  precious  stones, 
but  moK  frequently  ornamented  with  them ;  and 
little  crystal  FiSH,  probably  used  aa  hospitable 
emblems,  have  been  found  in  the  catacombs  of 
Some.  The  walls,  the  Altars,  the  Altar- 
cloths,  the  service-books  [Liturgical  Books], 
and  other  furniture  of  churches  were  ^m  the 
fourth  century  onward  often  ornamented  with 
gold,  silver,  and  precions  stones,  as  were  also 
Crosses  and  the  Crowns  and  diadems  of  Christian 
sovereigns.  In  the  following  article,  however, 
account  will  be  taken  of  such  gems  only  as  are 
engraved,  and  these  were  mostly  used  as  orna- 
mental or  signet  rings,  more  rarely  for  other 
purposes. 

The  following  passage  of  Clemens  Alezandrinus 
(Paedag.  iii.  1 1,  p.  2&d)  is  the  locus  classictu 
relating  to  Christian  signet  gems: — **A  man 
should  not  wear  the  ring  on  the  finger  joint,  for 
this  is  effeminate,  but  upon  the  little  finger,  as 
low  down  as  possible ;  for  the  hand  will  thus  be 
most  free  for  action,  and  the  seal  least  likely  to 
slip  off,  as  being  guarded  by  the  larger  joint. 
But  let  our  signet  devices  be  a  dove  or  a  fish,  or 
a  ship  coursing  against  the  sky,  or  a  musical 
lyre,  which  Polyorates  employed,  or  a  ship's 
anchor,  which  was  the  seal  or  Seleucns,  or  if  it 
be  a  fisherman,  it  will  remind  us  of  an  apostle 
and  of  boys  saved  f^om  water."  Subjects  de- 
rived from  heathen  mythology  or  representa- 
tions of  weapons  and  drinking  vessels  he  con- 
demns as  unfit  for  Christians.  A  little  before  he 
allows  Christians  only  one  ring  as  a  signet, 
saying  that  all  other  rings  should  be  eschewed : 
a  wife  also  may  have  a  gold  signet  ring  for  the 
safe  keeping  of  her  husband's  g<^ds. 

The  number  of  engraved  stones  which  can  be 
secarely  referred  to  the  early  Christian  centu- 
ries is  not  very  considerable,  but  their  rarity  has 
perhaps  been  somewhat  exaggerated.* 

*  "  Intagli  rapreaenting  purely  Christian  ral^ects  are  of 
ttie  rarest  possible  occurreoce,  Oiat  Is  in  works  of  indu- 
bitable antiquity"  (King;  Antique  Gem$,  p.  362.  London, 
I860).  Some  that  have  been  pubUsbed  are  now  known 
to  be  falM  (Martigny,  /Hot.  p.  39).  The  Chrfetian  gems 
bearing  Greek  iiMcriptions  have  been  publfaihed  by 
Kircfaoir  iu  Bockh'a  Corp.  Jnacr.  Graec.  o.  0077-9109. 


The  |/rincipa]  subjects  of  extant  works  >f  this 
kind,  including  all  those  mentioned  by  C^cncat, 
are  as  follows ;  various  specimens  of  each  type 
are  described  at  length,  others  more  briefly. 

(i.)  Christ  as  the  Good  Shepherd,— Thit  type, 
though  not  mentioned  by  Clement,  deserves  to 
hold  the  first  place,  being  so  often  foand  m  very 
early  Christian  works  of  art  of  difierent  kinds. 
Mr.  Fortnnm,  who  observes  that  forgeries  ef 
this  subject  are  frequent,  describes  and  figures 
a  red  jasper  in  his  own  poesession  (pozchased  at 
Rome)  in  its  original  octagonal  bronze  setting : 
the  shepheixl  is  standing  on  his  left  leg,  the 
right  leg  being  bent ;  he  supports  himself  by  a 
staff  in  his  hand,  and  holds  out  a  brandi  (per- 
haps of  olive,  as  a  symbol  of  peace)  to  two  sheep 
at  his  feet.  Behind  him  is  an  olive  (?)  tree. 
Christian  work  of  the  third  or  fourth  centniy 
(Archaeohgicai  Journal,  xxvi.  141  [1869];  xxviiL 
275  [1871^.  The  British  Museum  has  serva 
intagli  in  which  the  Good  Shepherd  bean  a 
lamb  on  his  shoulders.  In  one  of  them  (».  tiny 
onyx)  he  stands  between  two  fish,  or  rather  per- 
haps between  a  fish  and  a  palm-bran^ ;  in  two 
others  (red  aad  brown  jaspers)  he  holds  a  stafi^ 
having  a  dog  at  his  feet,  which  looks  up  at  him,  a 
tree  being  behind ;  in  a  fourth  (cornelian)  are  two 
dogs  at  his  feet,  looking  up,  and  an  obscure  aad 
barbarous  legend,  which  has  been  read  ESIVKEV 
(Hertz,  Cat.  n.  2344;  King,  Ancient  Qtme,  p. 
353),  *'  in  which  the  name  of  Jesus  appears  to  be 
intended,  together  with  some  other  appellatioa 
or  title,"  perhaps  £or(l(Kvpie)  Jesus  (King,  Gnos^ 
ticsy  p.  142),  or  Jesus,  Son  of  Ood  (lESSV  VE 
TEV,  Greek  in  Latin  letters  and  barbarised);  an- 
other of  the  same  type  (nicoolo)  has  no  legend : 
the  sixth  has  only  the  shepherd  bearing  the 
Jamb,  but  is  inscribed  IH.  XP.  (plasma);  in 
the  seventh  (red  jasper)  he  is  accompanied  by 
sheep  and  a  dove  on  a  tree.  One  in  the  Bib- 
lioth^ue  Imp^riale,  in  nicoolo,  set  in  a  silver 

Among  them  are  sevend  whidi  may  be  reifaiTed  wtth 
little  or  no  doubt  to  a  period  later  than  that  with  vhkk 
we  are  oonoemed ;  and  as  nothing  is  said  about  tbe  pn>> 
bable  aotiqolty  of  abnost  all  of  them,  it  has  be«n  neoes- 
■aiy  to  employ  the  work  with  some  caution.  Ftoeslbty 
the  books  referred  to  nnder  the  particalar  gems  maj  give 
aome  InfbrmaUon  npon  this  point.  In  the  Bittieh  Ka- 
senm  are  contained  upwards  of  twenty  earij  Gfaristfaa 
gems  seen  by  the  writer,  and  there  may  prohablj  at  Ms 
time  (1874)  be  more.  In  variooa  private  ooUactton  la 
tUs  oountry  (as  of  Mesais.  Fortaom.  King,  and  lewis) 
are  contained  a  fitir  number  of  othem  The  BlhUotbeqise 
Imp^riale  at  Parla  oontainwl,  In  1868.  only  eight  pml^ 
Christian  engraved  stones,  excluding  Qysantlne  caisd 
(Chaboulllei,  Oatal.  pp.  191. 3831  who  says  that  Ghriatlaa 
Intagli  are  "  d'une  grande  rareti").  About  fifty  caitt  of 
Quiatian  gems  have  been  received  Ihvm  8lgnor  Saaital^ 
Via  Babuino,  Rome,  some  of  which  are  bi  the  YaCfeni 
others  in  the  Moaeo  Yettori.  now  acquired  ftar  the  Taifcan ; 
but  the  general  absence  of  indlcattoQ  dthcr  of  the  eoBectka 
or  the  kind  of  sUme  emfrtoyed  greatly  detncta  ftx»  their 
value:  Ibnrteen  of  them  give  the  Ckiod  ShephenlL  elgbt 
have  an  anchor  (with  or  without  aooQmpaaimeDtB)^  three 
have  a  boat  or  ahipk  ilve  bear  a  dovc^  others  have  llih 
(written  in  Greek,  or  depktedX  the  ohrisma,  or  theOo«. 
Othars  whieh  are  of  laigesiBe.  exhibitSng  tiie  OncMxisa, 
or  the  flgnre  of  Christ  or  the  Virgin,  are  probably  later 
than  800  ▲.!>.  Among  some  easts  from  gems  in  Rcsac^ 
received  from  Slgaor  Odelil  of  Rome,  are  a  few  wfaieh 
are  evidently  Christian,  the  moet  vemarkable  being  aa  ia- 
taglio  representing  the  ralsittg  of  Laaaraa  in  a  atyle  «f 
art  like  that  whldi  we  have  In  the  catacombs,  where  lbs 
samo.sui^t  is  represented. 


Tba  Good  8lM|ib«d  (BtaD 


OEMS 

ring,  h«8  the  Ckwd  Shepherd  as  before  bearing 
a  aheep  on  his  ihoulders,  with  two  other  sheep 
at  hw  ftet  (ChAbvuUlet,  Cat.  p.  282,  n.  2166). 
Another  example,  in  red  jasper,  represents 
tha  shepherd  still  as  before,  having  two  dogs, 

or  rather  perhaps  having 
one  dog  and  one  sheep, 
at  hu  feet  and  a  star 
and  crescent  in  the  field, 
with  retrograde  legend 
lAHN,  per£ips  for  Jah 
ia  hia  name.    This  fine 

8 em  is  considered  by  Mr. 
[ing,  who  possesses  it, 
to  be  a  work  of  about 
the  end  of  the  second 
oentary.  He  considers 
**  the  Sun  and  Moon  con- 
joined "  as  *'  emblems  of 
the  Divine  presence  "  (Prmnous  Stones,  pp.  160, 
431);  thej  may,  however,  be  indications  of 
astral  genii,  and  if  so,  the  gem  may  be  the  work 
of  a  Christian  Gnostic.  "The  most  interesting 
of  all  examples  of  this  type,"  however,  he  ob- 
serves (Awt.  Oenu  and  Smga,  voL  ii.  p.  30, 
London,  1873),  ''occurs  on  a  large  cornelian 
broaght  recently  from  the  North  of  India  (Col. 
PearseX  on  which  the  Good  Shepherd  stands, 
bearing  his  lost  and  found  lamb  across  his 
shoulders,  surrounded  by  the  mystic  letters 
I.X,e.r.C.,  the  reverse  engraved  with  XPICTE 
C«ZE  KAPni ANON  AEnOTE  (sic) :  *  0  Christ, 
save  Carpianus  for  ever.'  This  is  cut  in  exactly 
the  same  coarse  lettering  and  similarly  arranged 
iu  consecutive  lines  as  the  Gnostic  legends  of 
the  fourth  century."  Three  others  are  men- 
tioned in  Bockh's  Corp,  Inacr.  Gi-aeo.  One 
(n.  9084)  figured  bv  Ferret  (Catao.  de  £omej 
iv.  t.  xvi.  n.  12),  where  the  shepherd  bears  a 
Ifimb  accompanied  by  a  dove  and  branch,  and 
by  an  anchor  and  fishes,  with  legend  IX9TC;  an- 
other (n.  9098),  figured  by  Padaudi  {De  Bain, 
Christ,  on  the  title-page)  in  a  square  hematite, 
having  on  one  side  the  Good  Shepherd  with 
two  crosses,  and  a  legend  on  the  other,  seemingly 
meant  for  'AydBwtfa  fioiidii ;  and  a  third  (n. 
9107),  figured  by  Le  Blant  {BiOl.  de  CAthAi. 
fhrn^.  Feb.  1866, 1. 1,  n.  10),  on  plasma,  where 
the  Good  Shepherd  is  accompanied  by  the  legend 
AOTKI[OT],  the  owner  of  the  gem.  There  are 
several  other  gems  on  which  this  subject  is  re- 
presented slightly  difiering  from  the  pi*eceding. 
(See  note  at  the  beginning.) 

(ii.)  The  following  five  types  are  mentioned  by 

Clement;  of  which  Christ 
as  the  Fish  occurs  per- 
haps   more    frequently 
than    any   other.     The 
examples  here  given  may 
suffice,  but  the  enumera- 
tion might  be  extended. 
One  on  some  burnt  stone, 
figured  bv  Mr.  King,  is  of 
good  early  work,  repre- 
sentmg  some  large-heaued  fish,  and  reads  6om- 
stropMon  HA  EIC  |  9X  HI,  i.ei  Jesus  Christ 
is  one  God  (El) ;  see  his  ingemous  remarks  m 
AwL  Gems  and  Bings,  ii.  27.    A  similar  fish,  ac- 
oompanied  by  a  crook  and  palm  branch  is  on  a  sard 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  which  also  con- 
tains the  following  intagli:  A  fish  on  which  rests  a 
cross;  a  dove  on  each  limb  IHCOYC  above  and 


GEMS 


713 


aUnff.) 


IMi  mpportinc  a  Oram ;  Dny 
OB  €aeh  limb.  (Bilk  Hafleam.) 


below,  in  a  broken  cornelian :  *>  a  fish  upon  which 
is  a  dove,  a  sprig  behind  her ;  to  the  left  is  the 
chrisma  (^()  to  the  right  the  owner's  name, 
RVFi,  in  cornelian :  also 
a  fidi  well  engraved, 
in  an  emerald  set  in  a 
massive  gold  ring  of 
angular  form;  on  the 
opposite  side,  a  dove 
seated  on  a  branch 
between  the  letters 
AE  t  Ml  I  UA,  cut  on 
the  bexel  itself.  An 
intaglio,  the  stone  is 
not  puticularised,  in 
the  Kircherian  Museum 
at  Rome  bears  the  en- 
graving ixerc  MT 
*' around  an  anchor  in 

the  loop  between  its  lower  arms,  which  are 
recurved,  and  upon  the  stem  of  which  a  fish  is 
placed"  {Archaeol,  Joum, 
xxviii.  288  [1871]).  A  sard 
published  by  Le  Blant  has 
a  representation  of  a  fish, 
with  IXerc  (retrograde) 
below  it:  the  Copenhagen 
Museum  possesses  a  gem 
having  the  same  type  and 
legend,  but  written  in  the 
usual  way :  and  the  legend 
only,  the  X  being  converted 
into  the  chrisma,  is  found  on  a  gem  in  the  Vati- 
can (Bockh,  nos.  9083,  9085,  9086).  The 
legend  IX^C  inclosed  in  a  wreath  is  inscribed 
ofl  a  cornelian  in  the  British  Museum.  A  sard^ 
figured  by  Ficoroni  (Gemm,  Hit,  i.  zi.),  has 
IXOTC  only.  A  very  curious  ancient  gem, 
which  is  best  mentioned  in  this  place,  is  figured 
by  Martigny  {Diet  p.  546).    It  represents  an 


Ikh,  Dot*,  and  Chitnna. 
bMerffaed  EVTL    (Brit. 
) 


UriMopdChiiir.    (XMtiiny.) 


episcopal  chair  with  legend  IXTe  (for  IXdTC) 
inscribed  upon  it,  besides  a  monogram  on  either 
side,  as  being  the  chair  of  Christ,  in  which  the 
bishop  sits.  The  same  chalcedony  is  figured  by 
Passeri,  who  has  a  dissertation  upon  it  (Thes, 
Geman.  Astrif.  iiL  221),  and  is  now,  haying  under- 
gone various  fortunes,  in  the  Berlin  Museum 
(Bockh,  n.  9080). 

Other  gems  which  are  of  this  type,  but  with- 
out any  suggestive  adjuncts,  are  either  known 
or  suspected  to  be  Christian.  Mr.  King  (Gnostics, 
pi.  V.  n.  3)  figures  a  fish  neatly  engraved  on  a  nic- 

^  Bsdiy  flgnred  bj  Ferret,  u.  s.  n.  26,  and  mlsdeKCrtbed 
in  Bockh,  O.  J,  G.  9W9, 


714 


CEHB 


cole,  bearing  the  owner*!  mine,  T.  ACr.  AOUtvs, 
whomheregardMusChHgtiiiD.  The  tJiJelliCDl- 
lectioo  (BabinioD'a  Oatal.  n.  293  [277]')  hitd  an 
iotaglio  of  bloodgtone  Id  iU  original  bronie 
uttiog,  bearing  a  dolphin,  whicfa  ia  coniir  ^ 
lo  ba  "probably  early  Chriitian  ;"  and  S  __ 
Caatellani  poBseaKB  a  line  amethjat  cameo^ 
about  1j  inch  by  (,  preinmed  to  ba  Christian, 
from  one  lide  of  which,  the  more  ooBTei,  a  fish 
nf  the  farm  of  a  carp  project!  boldly,  the 
other  aide  bearing  the  name  of  the  poaieaor, 
VALERIAE,  in  iDciKd  letten.  Bnt  the  moat 
intemting  example  of  thia  kind  1>  the  epii- 
copal  ring  of  Arnulphaa,  consecrated  biiho 
of  Heti  in  ^D.  914.  now  preserred  in  the  cathe 


dral  ti 
white  u 


'about  hair  an  inch  in  di 
lb  whose  head  appear 


'ethe 
'  of  which  11  a 
Bmaller  fish  :  the  work  is  presumed  to  be  earlier 
than  the  fourth  century.     This  is  regarded  hj 
Car.  da  Rossi  ss  a  curious  illustration  of  a  pas- 
sage In  Tertutlian  (D»  Bapt.  c  1) :  "  Noi  piscl- 
cnli  eevundnm  Piscem  nostrum  in  aquis  nasei- 
niur,  nee  nisi  in  aquis  permanendo  salri  snmns  " 
(Pitra,  Spicit.  Solam.  tom.  iii.  p.  578,   tab.  iii. 
n.  i.  Pnru,  1B55.     V/ilettoa  in  AreM.  Joutil  ii. 
237  [18631;  Fortnnm,  iJit  uviii.  B74  [1B711; 
Marriott,  Test,  of  Catac.  p.  123  [with  a  fignre], 
Lond.  1S70).    This  type  occurs  atao  In  anbordina- 
tion  lo  thnt  of  the  anchor,  about  to  be  mentioned. 
Betides  the  gems  of  the  fiah  type  here  ename- 
raled,  the  writer  ia  acquainted  with  the  caata  of 
some  Dthen,  and  would  nlao  direct  the  reader  to 
DidroD,  Chria.  Icon.  p.  34a  (Hillingtoa'a  transl. 
in  Bohn's  Scimt.  Lihr.)  ;  Peiret,  u.  a. ;  Martignj, 
Diet.  1.  T.  ••  Poiason  ";  and  Fortnum,  Arch.  Joum. 
iiviii.  274,  for  fnithar  information  and  refer- 
encm.       "De   Rossi   alone"   [in    his  lie  CMa. 
momm.  IXWTN  ixhib.  in  Spial.  SoJtva.  iii.  Sib, 
576,  577  i   see  Pitra'a  Auct.  578,  Paris,  1855], 
says  the   losl^named   author,    "  describes  about 
thirty  genuine  gems 
on   which    the    fish 
and  variations  of  the 
word  IXer-  occur. 
Some    othera     have 
since  been  (bond.  .  ■ . 


I  tells  ue,  "  more  fre- 
quently forged  than 
perhaps  any  other." 
A  remarkable  sard 
intaglio,  in  the  poB- 

ibUDD dtta^^u.)  a  kind  of  postsrript. 

The  device  is  n  fun- 
compound  anlmal,a  gryllm  of  the  eommon 
being  probably  Roman  work  of  the  second 
rd  rentur;.  Some  Christian  poeseasor  has 
n  the  word  IxaTC  abont  it,  in  order,  it 


°  The  number  lo  lbs  bnckeH  Is  tUt  of  the  sals  eau- 
iDflue  (compiled  from  Mr  BoIiIobod's  prlvuely  prlmnl 
csUlogaa).  London.  IMl. 

<■  A  drawinii  baa  brrn  B«i(  bj  the  Rev.  C  W.  Jonca. 
Wllb  Uk  excrpttsn  of  Uu  BrnnUne  ~ 


GEII8 

would    teem,    lo    christiaDiM    aadi    a   hMtha 
prodaction.     See  IXeTC 

(iii.)  .^kAot.— The  a>cbor,  originallj  MOt- 
ment  obeerres,  the  ugiut  oTSelmicn  (see  SikbL, 
Doct.  Svn.  Vet.  iii.  212X  awl  beqasilly  k. 
enrting  on  the  coins  of  the  SeieueidM,  wheaot  H 
passed  OTer  to  the  Jewish  money,  was  fraqneDtlT 
employed  at  a  gem  type  by  the  CSirvtiaBs,  ai 
to  nDcb  the  mare  readily  from  its  nwinilJiaii 
Id  thecroxa;  whence  the  motto,  O^x  atAi  a»- 
ckora.  Thia  type  oecnrt  both  in  coiuuction  wilk 
the  preceding  and  alao  iodependently  of  it.    Of 

the  fonr  following  examples,  all  pnbably  at 
Chriatian  work:  anchor 
between  two  fish,  around  it 
the  letten  APr,  in  black 
jasper;  another  with  dol- 
phin twisted  round  it,  like 
the  modem  Aldine  device. 


ir  between  two  fishes, 
niccolo ;  another  be- 
'een  two  branches  and 
'o  fiahea,  on  whose  arms 


chalcedony.  But  the  fol- 
lowing are  more  important  and  nnqneatioaaU; 
Christian.  A  said  figured  by  HUntcr  (A^. 
Abltcmdl.  1810,  p.  57,  t.  i.  n.  3),  of  an  orti- 
gonal  fbm,  gires  an  anchor  with  two  fisbs  ai 
the  legend  IHCOT  (Biickh,  n.  9090).  The  Bcrlis 
Muienm  hat  recently  acquired  a  gem  bearing  in 
anchor  and  a  sheep  and  the  legend  IXeTC ;  up« 


the  anchor  sits  a  don  with  an  oliva  braack  in 
its  month  (Biickh,  n.  9081).  Paaaeri  (Tha 
Oemm.  AOrif.  iii.  278)  figurea  a  ring  camee  ■ 
the  Vettori  Mnaeum,  inscribed  IHCOTC  abon, 
XPE1CT09  below,  having  between  Ihe  words  in 
anchor,  with  a  fish  hanging  from  each  end  cf 
the  stock.  An  opal  in  the  same  museum,  figand 
by  Uartigny  {Diet.  p.  545),  hst  on  one  side  a  cn- 
citbrm  anchor,  on  the  other,  endoeed  in  an  orw- 
mented  border,  the  legend  IXSTC  writlen  nerr 
t6ii.  The  Berlin  Hnsenm  hat  a  rwl  jas|*r 
haring  the  word  IXeTC  and  the  tellers  MT, 
perhaps  the  owner'a  initials,  ditpoaed  around  u 
anchor  (Biickh,  n.  9079).  But  the  anchor  b« 
also  other  accompanying  aymbola.  Thus  ta- 
olher  gem  in  the  same  mnsenm  (Bbckh,  n.  90K) 
haa  around  the  figure  of  an  anchor  the  bonstro^ 
phedoD  legend  IH  |  SX  (./sw  Ckriit),  and  tlie 
the  accompanying  symbols  of  a  tree,  s  ibf^ 
doves,  a  p^m.  and  a  human  hand.  (For  dbtn 
tee  above  under  the  Good  Shepherd.)  Then  in 
alto  gems,  pretumcd  lo  be  Chrittian.  of  whidi 
caatt  have  been  received  from  Signor  Saaliii,  ib 
which  the  anchor  it  Hgored  bj  itself  alope. 


GEMS 


GEHS 


716 


(ir.)  Oofoe.'^Thw  type,  vsuallj  syniboUcal  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  has  been  already  mentioned  as 
oocarriag  on  gems  in  conjunction  with  other 
Christian  types.  Besides  these,  Passeri  {Thes, 
Gemm.  Astnf.  iii.  235)  describes  and  figures, 
after  llamachi,  a  gem  in  which  occurs  the  dOTO 
on  a  palm  branch,  a  star  abore,  and  the  chrisma 

(^)  on  the  left.  The  British  Museum  has  a 
garnet  with  the  same  device,  but  no  chrisma ; 
and  also  a  portion  of  a  cornelian  ring,  on  the  flat 
bezel  of  which  is  engraved  a  dove  holding  a 
branch,  considered  by  Mr.  Fortuum  to  be  Christian 
work  of  the  second  or  third  century  {Arch,J<mrn. 
1869,  p.  140).  A  sapphire  in  the  same  collection 
bears  the  same  device.  The  French  collection  con- 
tains a  cornelian,  the  work  of  which  appears  to  be 
of  the  sixth  century,  on  which  is  engraved  a  dove, 
a  palm,  and  a  crown,  with  a  monogram  of 
Versnus  (?),  in  style  resembling  those  of  the 
Ostrogothic  kings  of  Italy  (Chabouillet,  Catal, 
n.  2167).  The  dove  occurs  also  on  Christian 
gems  found  in  Rome  or  preserved  in  the  Roman 
collections,  in  most  cases  accompanied  by  the 
chrisma  (Saulini,  Ferret).  A  pale  sard  *  intaglio 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Ready  has  two  rudely- 
engraved  doves  with  a  cross  between  them. 
**  One  of  the  prettiest  devices  of  the  class 
that  has  come  to  my  knowledge,"  says  Mr.  King 
(^Afd.  Gems  and  Bings,  vol.  ii.  p.  26,  note), 
**  shews  the  dove  with  olive  twig  in  beak, 
perched  upon  a  wheat-sheaf,  apt  emblem  of  the 


(Kli'g.) 


Church,  having  for  supporters  a  lion  and  serpent. 
It  pictorially  embodies  the  precept  to  be  wise  as 
serpents  and  harmless  as  doves.  (In  possession 
of  F.  Taylor.)"  The  British  Museum,  in  fine,  has 
a  gem  of  large  size  and  late  work,  reading  in 
minuscule  letters  i»atrrcuri.  +  rov  Si^fuw;  below 
the  legend  is  a  sheaf  of  com,  and  two  doves 
with  olive  branches  below,  indicating  that  the  in- 
gathering of  the  harvest  of  souls  will  be  in  peace. 
Other  examples  are  named  by  Martigny,  ti.  s. 

(v.)  Fisherman. — ^The  type  alludes  to  the 
Saviour  and  the  apostles  as  fishers  of  men.  It  is 
rarely  found  on  Christian  gems,  but  we  have  a 
few  examples.  M.  de  Belloc,  in  his  work  en- 
titled Jam  Vierge  au  Foisson  ds  Raphad  (Lyon, 
1833),  figures  an  engraved  cornelian,  which  he 
considers  to  be  Christian,  upon  which  is  a  fisher- 
man holding  a  basket  in  one  hand,  and  in  the 
other  a  line  from  which  a  fish  is  suspended ;  the 
word  IXOTIE  is  written  near  the  fish  (Didron, 
Christian,  loonogr.  pp.  345,  364  in  Bohn's  Iliudr. 
Libr^  This  would  seem  to  be  a  different  gem 
from  a  cornelian  mentioned  by  Vallarsi  in  his  notes 
on  St.  Jerome  (i.  18),  of  the  same  type  with  the 
same  inscription  (Didron,  «.  s,  p.  349) ;  Martigny 
speaks  of  it  as  excellent  in  workmanship  and 
probably  of  great  antiquity:  he  regards  the 
fisherman  as  the  Saviour  (/>ict.  p.  518 ;  Garrucci, 

*  [This  proves  to  be  a  paste,  aiid  belongs  to  glass,  $ 


Hagioql.  p.  111).  A  sard  intaglio,  regarded  by 
Mr.  King  as  *' purely  Christian,"  in  his  own 
collection  is  figured  in  his  (TfiosMcs,  pi.  x.  n.  7 ; 
it  gives  two  winged  figures,  probably  Cupids,  in  a 
boat,  one  fishing,  the  other  steering ;  ^*  the  mast 
with  the  yard,  making  a  true  cross,  forms  a 
significant  and  conspicuous  feature  in  the  design  " 
(p.  224).  Its  Christianity,  however,  seems 
rather  questionable.* 

(vi.)  Boat  or  iS^».-^These  occur  on  Christian 
gems,  as  being  typical  of  the  church,  and  then 
sometimes  resting  on  a  fish,  or  of  the  voyage 
of  the  soul  to  the  harbour  of  eternal  re»t. 
Mr.  Fortnum  describes  and  figures  a  fragment 
of  a  ring  of  dark  green  jasper,  probablv  of  the 
second  or  third  century,  purchased  in  Rome,  on 
the  bezel  of  which  is  engraved  a  boat  bearing  a 
bird  and  a  branch,  probably  a  eock  and  palm 
branch.  The  boat  is  supposed  to  be  the  church, 
and  the  victory  of  the  soul  over  the  world  to  be 
indicated  bv  the  other  types'  (Arch,  J  oar.  1869, 
p.  140).  Aleander  {Nan,  Bodes,  Bef,  8ymb,  p.  13, 
Rom.  1626)  figures  a  ring-stone  ;c  and  Ficoroni 
gives  toioi^et  (Gevnme  AfUiq.  p.  105,  t.  xi.  8),  on 
which  the  ship  seems  to  rest  on  a  fish.  A  ring 
figured  by  cardinal  Botps^iDe  OrvoeVelik,  p.  213) 
is  set  with  an  antique  jasper  intaglio,  the  subject 
of  which  is  a  ship,  having  six  rowers  on  one  side, 
which,  supplying  the  corre- 
sponding six  on  the  other,  would 
represent  the  twelve  apostles; 
there  is  also  a  pilot,  or  helms- 
man, and  the  name  IHCOT  in- 
scribed on  the  reverse  (Fort- 
num in  Arch,  Joum.  1871,  pp. 
274,  275;  Mart.  Did,  p.  432> 
A  cornelian  in  the  British  Mu-  JSSt^J^^m^, 
seum  (mtaglio)  has  a  ship  with 
mast  and  yard-arm  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  bear- 
ing also  a  cross  at  the  prow.  A  fine  black  jaspei 
intaglio,  in  the  possession  of  Rev.  S.  S.  lewio, 
shows  a  boat  with  a 
Greek  cross  in  the 
centre.  A  cornelian, 
belonging  to  count 
Mareolini,  an  impres- 
sion of  which  is  pub- 
lished by  Lippert  (iii. 
361),  bears  a  trireme 
with  the  labarum,  on 
which  is  the  chrisma 
and  two  palm  trees; 
the  prow  is  in  the 
form  of  a  bird's  head ; 
the  vessel  enters  into 

port,  and  the  sea  is  marked  by  a  fish :  in  the 
field  are  two  stan  and  the  unexplained  letters 
£.  T.  RA.;  below,  VGBP.  (Raspe's  CaL  of  Tassie's 
Engnned  Gems,  n.  2715).    Other  gems,  whose 


Boat  with  CmelfanB  KMt.  da  ttia 
OoUwdoB  uf  flm.  8.  Bw  Lawto.) 


•  The  gem  reproduced  by  Martigny  («.  s.)  from  Ooetsr 
dcml,  diowtng  a  fldi  in  human  fonn  holding  a  bsaket, 
wUcfa  Pdlldort  Interprets  to  be  the  Savloar.  is  rather,  to 
Judge  by  the  figure,  an  Aasyrisa  or  Babylonian  gem,  re- 
presenting Dagoo  (see  Smith's  DUSL  <if  <As  BCblU^  vol.  i. 
p.  381). 

f  With  this  may  be  compared  an  antique  paste  in  the 
Herts  OoUection  (No.  2525),  having  a  ship  with  cock- 
diaped  prow,  rowed  by  four  benches  of  sailors;  a  butter* 
fly  above.  The  alluston  to  the  immorulltj  of  the  soul 
can  hardly  be  doubted,  bat  the  emblem  is  pagan  rathef 
than  Christian. 

s  This  gcni  Is  more  fuUy  described  beiow,  ^  xii. 


716 


GEMS 


OEBfS 


imprenioiLB  have  been  sent  from  Rome,  bear  a 
boat  with  the  chrisma,  or  the  chrisma  accom- 
panied bj  a  palm  abore.  A  sard  (intaglio)  with 
the  same  type  is  set  in  a  ring  in  the  Naples 
Museum  (^rcA.  Jcurn,  1871,  p.  280). 

It  will  now  be  seen  that  we  have  examples  of 
all  the  types  mentioned  by  Clemens  Alexandrinns, 
the  lyre  only  excepted,  occnrring  on  gems  which 
are  either  certainly  known  or  reasonably  pre- 
sumed to  be  Christian.  This  type  also  occurs, 
but  it  is  uncertain  whether  any  gem  on  which 
it  is  found  is  to  be  considered  of  Christian  work, 
(vii.)  Lyre, — Employed  probably  as  the  type 
of  harmony  and  concord.  The  only  example 
known  to  Martigny  (fies  AnneaMX  chex  lea  pre^ 
miera  CAr^tlsns,  Micon,  1858)  which  he  could 
regard  as  Christian  is  one  in  the  Royal  Library 
of  Turin,  of  very  indifferent  work,  in  a  style  like 
many  Christian  gems,  figured  by  Perret,  Cata' 
combea  (toI.  It.  pi.  xvi.  n.  60).  Nor  can  he  add 
another  in  his  Dictionary  of  Chrtaiian  AntiquUieap 
written  seven  years  later  (p,  40).** 

The  following  types  are  not  mentioned  by 
Clemens;  the  first  three  of  them  hare  been 
already  indicated  in  connection  with  those  gems 
which  have  been  described ;  but  they  occur  on 
other  gems  also. 

(viii.)  Pabn. — ^This  symbol  of  victory,  among 
Pagans,  Jews,  and  Christians,  occurs  frequently 
on  engraved  stones  and  metal  rings,  and  it  is 
sometimes  difficult  to  decide  whether  a  given 
engraving  is  to  be  considered  Pagan  or  Christian 
(Arch,  Joum,  1871,  pp.  276,  276,  280,  282).  It 
has  already  been  noticed  that  the  palm  occurs 
as  an  accessory  type  on  some  of  the  Christian 
gems  above  described ;  it  occurs  also  in  other 
combinations.    On  a  cornelian  in  the   British 

Museum  a  hand  holds  a  palm 
branch  erect,  the  chrisma  is 
above  and  MNHMONEYE 
below.  In  the  same  museum 
is  a  cornelian,  presumably  of 
Christian  work,  on  which  is 
a  palm  branch  placed  verti- 
cally, inclosed  in  a  wreath  of 
laurel :  on  opposite  sides  of  the 
branch  are  the  proper  names 
'^^ShiSSiS"^*  Z-TIKOC  and  TEPTVAAA, 

who  may  possibly  have  been 
martyrs.  A  sard  in  the  Rev.  C*  W.  King's 
collection  bears  a  palm  branch  placed  horizon- 
tally, and  below  it  the  acclamation  (probably 
Christian),  SVL£  VIVE  (letters  partly  in- 
verted). The  palm  branch  occurs  also  by 
itself  or  accompanied  by  inscriptions  on  various 
other  gems  and  rings,  which  are  reasonably 
supposed  or  suspected  to  be  of  Chiistian  work, 
which  is  distinguished,  in  Mr.  Waterton's 
opinion,  by  the  rude  manner  of  the  representa* 
tion,  more   truly  figuring  the  natural   object 

k  Among  tboae  bearing  this  type  described  by  Baspe 
(ua.  Nob.  3032-*3044),  or  contained  in  the  Herts  Collec- 
tion (Nos.  1094-1097),  there  is  not  one  whidi  can  safely 
be  pronounced  to  be  CSuistian,  but  there  are  two  antique 
putes  lu  the  Utter  (Nos.  1094, 1095)  in  which  the  sides  of 
the  lyre  are  formed  of  dolidilns  or  fishes.  The  sounding- 
board  of  one  of  these  has  the  form  of  a  sleeping  animal. 
The  <»i8lnal,  as  It  would  seem,  of  this,  a  plasma  intaglio, 
is  in  the  oollectiMi  of  the  Rev.  S.  8.  Lewis.  The  occur- 
reuce  of  fish  in  this  connection  suggests  that  the  gems 
may  be  Christian,  but  as  the  dolphin  is  connected  wlih 
Apollo  the  inference  is  hasardous. 


{Arch,  Joum,  1871,  p.  276X    For  aome  of  1 
see  King's  Cat.  €f  LeaMa  Gema  m  FUti^Uam 
Muaeum,  Cambridge,  p.  9.    Fortnnm  ia.Arck,, 
Joum,  1869,  p.  142 ;  and  1871,  p.  276. 

(ix.)  Crosa. — ^Tbis  type,  in  connection  witli 
the  dove,  or  in  a  disguised  form  a«  yard  and 
mast,  has  been  more  than  once  described  abore. 
But  it  occurs  on  other  gems  without  diaguiw.' 
A  Greek  cross  in  conjunction  with  a  lion,  sup- 
posed to  allude  to  the  church  of  St.  Mark  at 
Alexandria,  occurs  on  an  onyx  intaglio  in  the 
possession  of  Mr.  Fortnnm  (ArcA.  Joum.  186$^, 
p.  147).  An  iron  ring,  set  with  a  cornelian  in- 
taglio (burnt),  is  contained  in  the  Britash 
Museum ;  the  device  is  a  cross,  accompanied  by 
some  animal  very  rudely  engraved  (Fortnmn, 
Arch.  Joum,  1869,  p.  146).  Beger  (rA«.  JPaht.) 
figures  a  gem,  having  a  tall  Latin  cross,  from  the 
arms  of  which  hang  two  fishes.^  Gamoci  ( AV> 
mianL  Coatantin,  p.  261,  (at  the  end  of  his  Vetn 
Omatif  Rom.  1864)  mentions  other  gems  with  the 
cross  type,  three  of  which  are  in  the  poseeeion  oi 
M.  Van  den  Berghe.  Mr.  Fortnum  describes  a 
massive  gold  ring  in  the  Castellani  colleciioiiy 
embossed  with  figures  of  doves  in  the  ahonlders, 
which  is  set  with  a  garnet,  on  the  face  of  which 
is  engraved  a  draped  figure  seated  between  two 
Greek  crosses  potent  (Arch,  Joum.  1871,  p.  281)^ 
It  is  now  in  the  British  Museum,  and  seems  late 
work.  The  Museum  has  also  a  burnt  oomeliaB 
inscribed  TATPINOC,  where  a  female  holds  a 
cross.  A  gem  is  figured  by  Garruccx  (ffagio' 
glyptOf  praeif.  p.  v.X  where  a  Greek  croea  is  pse- 
fixed  to  the  acdamation  ViVAS  nr  (I>eo,  bc.\ 
Martigny,  in  fine,  observes  that  on  several  gems 
(one  is  figured  by  Penet,  vol.  iv.  pi.  xvi.  a.  74X 
some  of  which  appear  to  be  considerably  oldor 
than  Constantine,  we  have  engraved  representa- 
tions of  the  cross '  (Diet,  p.  185).    See  aUo  §  xvii. 

(x.)  ChriamOj  or  Monogram  of  ChriaL — ^Tlus 
emblem  (>g  \  which  is  thought  by  high  autho- 
rities to  be  earlier  than  Constantine  (Mart. 
Diet,  p.  416),  is  found  either  by  itself  or  in 
various  combinations  upon  a  considerable  number 
of  gems,  and  somewhat  varying  in  form.  A  fine 
spherical  sapphire,  **  where  the  precioQanees  of  the 
material  attests  the  rank,  perhaps  patriarchal,  of 

1  De  Oorte  iSgntOff,  da  Awudia,  ^  125,  Antv.  I'm) 
thinks  that  BnaeUus  (Dmcmlr.  Smgd.  vL  25)  speaks 
of  an  universal  custom  of  Christians  wearing  the  Ufe- 
glving  sign  (Le.  the  crosa)  on  their  rings,  "SUntari  ligDB 
pro  annnli  nota  utentes."  This  is  taken  from  tiie  Latte 
version  of  F.  Vignr:  the  Greek,  however,  has  «^p«ycl( 
XpwfUHUf ;  and  the  allusion  seems  rather  to  beloBg  lo 
the  practice  of  signing  themselves  with  the  crass. 

k  Referred  to  by  King  iGnoaOca,  p.  142). 

1  It  may  perh^M  Just  be  worth  mentioifng  here  tiMt 
certa&i  large  pieces  of  crystal  bearing  the  figure  of  the 
cross  may  be  as  early  as  the  period  embraced  in  the  pn- 
sent  work.  Douglas  (Haen.  BriL  i  zz.  f.  11)  fignics  a 
crystal  exhumed  in  1768  to  a  barrow  near  Limeaioft 
along  with  oohis  of  Aritus  (a  j)l  456)  and  other  money 
of  the  Lower  Empire,  now  in  the  Aahmolean  M«enm  at 
Oxford.  It  is  a  boat-shaped  piece  (IXii  in.),  on  whlcii  is 
oigraved  in  intaglio  a  Latin  croes  potent,  it  may  Fn>' 
bably  be  of  the  Saxon  period,  and  it  looks  as  If  it  migbt 
onoe  have  been  inserted  in  a  HtuigiGal  book  cover  or  ia 
the  lid  of  a  box.  But  it  is  not  ea^y  to  speak  of  the  Attes 
of  these  crystals  and  other  stones,  sod«  of  which,  en- 
graved or  plain,  have  been  also  firaad  m  Irdand  (Tai- 
lanoey,  Colk  de  RdK  ffibem,  vol.  iv.  pi  IL  n.  13;  Wilde; 
Oal.qfMua,qf  Boy.  Jriak  Acad.  pp,iai,lta).  Meat  «< 
them  appeur  to  have  been  amuleto' 


GEMS 

thm  poiMMor"  (King,  Aniigva  Oema  and  HingSf 
U,  28X  in  the  British  Maseain  gires  the  mono- 
gram, having  a  atraight  line  at  right  angles  to 
the   P  on  its  summit  (5F)»  ^^ich  forms  a 

Tan,  allnsive  to  the  cross.  This  is  also  the  case 
with  a  crystal  signet  ring,  *'  annnlus  vetustis- 
aimns,"  formerl^r  in  cardinal  Barberini's  musenm 
(its  resting-place  being  now  unknown,  Fortnnm, 
in  Arch,  J  mm.  1871,  p.  272),  figured  by  De  Corte 
(^Syntag.  de  Aniu  p.  120),  where  a  serpent,  pecked 
by  two  cocks,  entwines  itself  about  the  base  of 
the  Tan :  on  either  side  of  the  upper  part  are 
the  letters  A  and  «,  and  the  stone  is  also  in- 
scribed beneath  the  bezel  with  the  word  SALVS. 
Mr.  Fortnnm  has  a  ring  of  excellent  workman- 
ship, pnrohased  at  Athens,  of  massive  gold,  set 
with  an  onyx  intaglio  bearing  the  chrisma,  **  the 
P  being  crossed  with  the  third  stroke"  (Arch. 
Jcum.  1869,  p.  142>  Mr.  King  (Onosiics,  p.  142) 
mentions  a  ring  out  out  of  crystal,  bearing  the 
chrisma  alone,  on  the  face  of  an  oblong  tablet, 
said  to  hare  been  found  in  Prorence.  The  same 
author  (/.  c.  p.  141)  mentions  an  elegant  device 
given  in  Gorl.  Dactyl.  211,  where  the  sacred 
monogram,  cut  on  the  face  of  a  solid  crystal 
ring,  rests  upon  the  head  of  a  Cupid  (or  angel  ?) 
on  each  side  of  whom  stands  a  dove.  This  style 
he  considers  to  have  been  derived  fh>m  the 
Sassanian  stone  rings.  Passeri  (2*^^.  Oenun. 
Astrif,  vol.  ii.  p.  220,  t.  oc.)  figures  a  gem  on 
which  the  chrisma  is  surmounted  by  a  star,  the 
X  being  formed  by  two  biiuiches  of  palm.  This 
symbol  is  also  sometimes  accompanied  by  inscrip- 
tions both  Greek  and  Latin.  Martigny  {Diet. 
p.  418)  mentions  a  cornelian  given  by  Macarius 
{ffieroglypta,  p.  235,  ed.  Gar.),  inscribed  with  the 
word  ixerc,  the  X  being  combined  with  a  P  to 
express  the  chrisma ;  possibly  the  same  gem  vt 
that  described  above  under  §  ii.  The  Berlin 
Museum  has  a  heliotrope  in  which  the  chrisma 
ia  accompanied  by  a  fruit-bearing  tree  and  the 
following  inscription :  lirixaXov/uu  ^Itiirovy  Xpti» 
ffrhp  NaCopiiv^  Har^pa  .  .  .  (Bockh,  n.  9094 ; 
the  fragment  b  here  given  in  part  only  and  in 

minuscules).  The  Bri- 
tish Museum  contains  a 
cornelian  bearing  the 
acclamation,  Devbdedit 
YiYAS  IN  Dno,  to  the 
right  of  which  is  the 
chrisma,  and  to  the  left 
a  small  wreath.  Mr. 
King  figures  a  gem  in 
the  Vernon  Collection 
(Antique  Gems  and  Rings, 
ii.  28,  37)  where  the 
chrisma  of  a  not  quite 
usual  form  appears  in 
the  middle  of  an  olive- 
garland,  with  the  name 
of  the  possessor,  ♦01BEI«N,  Phoebion  (like 
Hephsstion,  from  Hephsstus),  of  which  the 
work  is  uc/]8ually  fine.  The  sacred  monogram 
under  various  forms  is  found,  as  Mr.  Fortnum 
observes  (Arch.Joum.  1871,  p.  271),  "more  fre- 
quently than  any  other  on  Christian  rings.  .  .  . 
We  find  it  alone  and  accompanied  by  almost 
all  the  other  emblems,  with  inscriptions  and 
monograms."  ■> 


GEMS 


717 


(■taif^ 


•  TariooB  hnpresdons  of  gems  bearing  the  chrisma, 
uhlch  are  more  or  less  similar  to  tltose  dcKribcd  above, 


(xi.)  Animals. — It  has  been  already  noticed 
that  "  a  lion,"  which  Mr.  Fortnum  connects  with 
St.  Mark,  occurs  on  an  onyx  accompanied  by  a 
Greek  cross.  Snnodius,  bishop  of  Pavia  about 
511,  has  an  epigram,  De  annMlo  f^rminae^  from 
which  we  learn  that  it  bore  a  lion : 

**  Ocstandns  manlbns  saervlt  leo." 
Whether  the  lion  was  intended  to  have  any 
Christian  significance  is  uncertain.  The  phenix 
occurs  on  an  engraved  stone  in  conjunction  with 
the  palm,  a  combination  which  occurs  on  other 
monuments  which  are  Indubitably  Christian, 
Perret  (vol.  !▼.  pi.  xvi  68;  Martigny,  Diet. 
p.  534).  In  the  British  Museum  are  more  than 
one  gem  bearing  sheep,  fh>m  the  collection  ot 
the  abbtf  Hamilton,  of  Rome,  which  are  pre- 
sumed to  be  Christian.  On  one  are  two  sheep, 
on  each  side  a  dolphin ;  on  another  are  two 
sheep  and  palm  branches.  It  might  not  be 
difficult  to  increase  the  enumeration  of  these 
ambiguous  types ;  but  they  are  scarcely  worthy 
of  a  more  extended  notice." 

Before  proceeding  further  we  may  observe  that 
the  British  Museum  contains  a  large  pale  sard 
in  which  the  pastor,  the  chrisma,  dove  and 
branch,  fish,  dolphin,  ship,  and  various  adjuncts 
are  combined ;  another,  of  smaller  size,  in  two 
compartments,  has  the  pastor,  dove,  anchor, 
fishes,  with  other  figures  and  animab ;  they  wert 
formerly  in  the  Hamilton  Collection,  and  are 
figured  (with  several  others  firom  the  same  col- 
lection, which  is  now  in  the  British  Museum)  by 
F«rret  (iv.  pi.  xvi.  figs.  5,  8). 

The  following  subjects  appear  to  have  been 
introduced  upon  gems  at  a  later  period  than  the 
types  already  mentioned.* 

have  been  sent  from  Rome  by  Signor  Sanlini :  on  one  the 
X  Is  formed  of  two  fishes,  one  holding  a  wreath  (crown  of 
thorns?)  the  other  having  a  dove  on  its  tail;  palm  on 
either  side  of  the  monogram. 

•  Mr.  King  {Antique  Gems  okA  Ringt,  1L  pi  38)  men- 
tions that  the  frog,  whose  body  parses  thnnigh  so  many 
stagBs,  was  employed  for  a  Christian  signet  as  an  emblem 
of  the  Resarrectlon;  he  does  not  however  refer  to  any 
aothorlty  for  this.  In  Baspe's  Caialogue  qf  T^»»tMs  Gems 
(No.  13,8(6)  is  a  gem  bearing  a  ttcg  with  a  palm  and  a 
serpent  •  these  adjuncts  rather  snggest  that  the  work 
may  be  Christian.  See  Glass. 

•  The  first  place  would  be  due  to  representations  of 
God  the  Father,  If  such  really  existed  in  the  period  em- 
braced in  this  work,  abhorrent  as  soeh  Images  may  appear 
to  many.  Mr.  King  (Antique  Oems  and  Bingt,  IL  32) 
mentions  ■*  a  laige  nicoolo  In  an  antiqne  masiy  gold  ring, 
engraved  with  the  Heavenly  Father  enthroned  amidst  the 
twelve  patrfarcbi^  the  work  carefully  finished  and  well 
drawn."  This  gem,  which  he  saw  In  the  poeseselon  of 
the  late  Mr.  Forrest,  appeared  to  him  to  date  fhnn  the 
times  of  the  Western  Empire.  But  there  seems  to  be 
some  error  here.  *  During  the  first  centuries  of  Gbrlatl- 
anlty."  says  Dldron  (Christian  Jeoncgr.  p.  201,  Engl, 
trana), "  even  as  late  as  the  12th  oentnry,  no  portraits  of 
God  the  Father  are  to  be  seen."  The  band  seems  to  have 
been  the  only  permitted  symboL  Either,  therefore,  the 
work  is  likely  to  be  later  than  the  12th  centnry,  or  (more 
probably)  the  Interpretation  of  the  gronp  is  erroneoua 
One  might  snspeot  the  Saviour  and  the  apostles  to  be 
intended.  Upon  a  cornelian  formerly  In  the  possession 
of  Dr.  Notfc,  the  Saviour  Is  represented  on  a  oolnmn,  with 
extended  anns,  having  six  figures  on  each  sMe,  In  the 
exergne  a  sheep :  In  the  field  and  exergue  EHCO  (sic,  fbr 
IHCOTC)  XPECTOC  It  is  obvtoos  that  these  ara 
the  twelve  apostles,  bat  the  Jewlaih  and  Gentile  chnicbeai 
as  symbolised  by  them,  are  most  probably  Intended.  See 
^  xlU.  and  Glass.  (A  cast  sent  from  Rome  bj  Signor 
Saullnl.) 


718  aws 

(ifi.)  r**  Bavioiir.—iu  tbr  Hirtin  gems  th< 
S«TiOQr  sppun  only  in  the  form  of  embleim, 
u  tbc  Gkixt  Sh«ph«rd  and  tli<  Fiah,  and  (more 
nnW)  u  the  FUhannin;  bnt  from  abont  the 
fnirth  eeotarj  cmvudi  the  repmenUtioiu 
becomt  mon  rallitig.  L«  BUnt  bu  ■  urdonji, 
b«uiDg  a  deiid  Chrut,  with  tbc  ioKriptioo, 
SALV5  RESTITVTA,  aiciibMl  to  tb«  fonrth 
ccDlnry  (UartigDj,  Det  atuteaas  cliat  la  pran. 
Chrit.  p.  36).  An  ancient  onyi,  figured  by  Ferret 
(it.  pi.  iti.  65),  eihibiu  the  Sariour  reaching 
oDt  hi)  hand  to  St.  Peter  aa  he  ii  aboot  to  lisk 
in  the  ware);  their  nama  (in  aa  abbreviated 
form)  us  written  near  them  in  Greek  charac- 
ter! :  IHC.  HET. ;  tb<  boat  ii  leco  tonad  by  a 
■tonn,  ifiah  jn*tbelo*(Uart.J7u;t.  p.  539.  3«e 
alio  Aleander,  «.  a.,-  Himschi,  Or^.  et  Aniig, 
Chritt.  t.  IT.  p.  230,  ed.  Hatr.,  and  Oannicci  in 
Hacaiiiia,  Bagiogiypta,  p.  237).  A  graen  jupar 
iDUglio  in  th<  Britiah  HoMum,  coniidered  by 
Ur.  King  to  belong  moat  probably  to  the  dat<  n 
the  Weitem  empire,  cihibits  Cbiist'i  eatry  into 
Jernaalem,  the  Saviour  being  aocompaoiHl  by 
thrag  fignn*,  one  bearing  a  palm  (Qnowt.  p.  140). 
When  the  coffin  of  biiliap  Agilbert,  of  Paria 
(icTeBth  century)  waa  opened,  De  Sanauy,  who 
iraa  preaeat,  aav  on  hia  hnger  a  gold  ring  with 
a  jewsl,  on  iriiich  wai  a  lilieDeu  of  our  Lord  and 
SU  Jennie  (Harriott,  V«itKir.  Chritt.  p.  222, 
London,  1868).  A  cameo  in  agate,  probably 
early  mediaeral  Italian  work  of  nacertain  date, 
repr«««nta  the  Saviour  taacbing  the  three 
favoured  ditciplei,  one  by  hii  aide,  the  othen 
fronting  him  ;  two  angeli  behind :  the  di>cipl« 
are  bearded,  the  Saviour  beudleM;  in  the  Bibl. 
Imp^riale  (Chabouillat,  n.  394 1  Kii^,  AnOqiM 
Qtias  and  Siyt,  IL  SS,  36).  With  the  eioep- 
tion  ofByiantine  canieoa,aiid  of  one  or  two  gemi 
preanmed  to  be  Gnottic,  "  no  ancient  portrait! 
of  the  Saviour  ailit  on  gems  "  (King'i  OHOttkt, 
p.  137).'  Among  the  earlier  Byuntiae  camel 
ii  to  be  meotioued  a  fine  oval  plaque  of  lapii- 
laiuli,  probably  the  gift  of  the  emperor  Hera- 
cliu!  to  king  Dagabett  (^D.  628-638),  which 
reoiHined  in  the  Treaanry  of  St.  Deaya  for  a 
thousand  years :  on  one  aide  waa  the  bust  of  the 
Saviour,  on  the  other  that  of  hia  mother  (King, 
Handbook,  p.  104  j  id.  in  Arch.  Jaam.  1670, 
p.  185). 

The  French  collection  coutaina  several  ByuD* 
tine  camei  bearing  portrait*  of  Chriat.  Some 
of  these  on  amethyst  and  jasper,  with  legend, 
iC.  XC.  (■'■-  'Itlffouf  X^KPrdi),  represent  Him 
with  a  cruciform  nimbus,  in  a  long  robe,  holding 
the  goapelt  in  the  left  hand,  and  giving  the 
benediction  with  the  right  (Chabouillct,  Cat. 
no).  S5B-260).  These  remind  us  of  the  coins 
of  Juatinlan  11.  (jl.D.  685-711),  and  may  perhaps 


r  For  Ua  J—^ii  rtmtditf  On  TOtiam 
said  to  prwjTV  a  trot  Uks»as  of  Ibo  Ssvloii 
h^doniuaiidotTlbeTlKwUchBatuM  ILgan  t 
Innooot TIIL  abint aji  lie*.  tetCW. King  li 
Jpim.  IIIO,  pp.  lal'ltO,  and  A  Wsy  In  ArA. 
IlI4pp.I0»-]lt.    The  can  ••■  prnbiMj  a 
Ibe  csrlj  Bjiaodag  siAooL    Palntlogs  cuplM  ft 


D  Draughior  PlahM,  wUdi.  hi 


iw  earlier  than  ad.  800.  So  much  can  hsnOi 
be  said  of  a  targe  bloodatane  in  the  Bnti^ 
Museum,   which    represents    the    boat    of  tki 

Saviour  In  high  relief;  tbe  style  ratbar  n- 
sembles  that  of  the  age  of  John  Zimiaoe*  (Itnl^ 
cenlnry),(King'sGi«o<ties,p.l41).  AehaicvkBT 
in  the  same  museum,  representing  the  Saiioai, 
half-length,  holdiug  a  book,  and  in  the  act  tj 
•Jewng  (lAxJ  inches)  appeaia  to  be  earlier. 

(liii.)  CiriMt  at  tlu  Lamb  of  God.— Gonoi 
(in  Hacar.  Sag.  pp.  232,  244;  Uartigny.  Did. 
p.  226,  with  figure)  has  pnblisbed  an  anaBlu- 
tugraTed  atone,  representing  the  Lamb  cf  Ood 
(urrounded  "--  '  -^— >— .  _..  ,  .  .  . 
chriama,  al 


the  church  ;  twelve  gem)  (Rev. 


nd  Gentile  believers,  looking  up  at  Him :  utnst 
I  the  acclamation,  lANVAlU  VIVAS.     For  Uk 
ime  subject  see  Glub. 
(liv.)  TTu  Annmciaiion  of  Iht  Bletud  Vii^ 
-The   Britiah   Museum   has   a  small    ssrdHTl 


ollectioi 


I  of  bUck 


leBfltl 


Thel 


irgin 


iged  Cupid-like  aigd: 
sgend,  O  XAIPETICMOC,j«d  jb( 
of  the  figures,  TABPIHA  and  MP-  «T. 
(jtitT%f  env,  i.t.  mother  of  God)  are  wrilMo  w 
them.  The  British  Unseum,  tbe  Herts  ooIIk- 
tion  (d.  1824),  and  the  Paris  collection  (Clis- 
bouillel,  nos.  2B2,  363),  have  other  larger  csmo 
on  sardonyi  (an  inch  or  more  wide),  reprexBlisj 
the  same  aubject,  bearing  the  barbarona  legtsd, 
XAIPE  (or  XEPE),  KEXAPITOMENH  (or  KAI- 
XAFITOMENH),  O  KC.  HETA  COT(Lnkti.3!) 
The  second  of  these  is  referred  to  "the  dM 
Christian  period"'  (Herti,  Catalogs,  p-  It^)! 


1  ICr.  King  (Ami.  Gtmi  and  Rimst,  U.  SI)  tUib  iM 
It  may  pmbablr  date  as  br  back  ss  CoDsundnt's  n<l* 
Rst  it  may  te  doubled  whatliei  Ibe  tllle.  ^^np  *^- 
giw  sD  bi  back.  See  Peanou,  On  Aa  Os^  It  ■■! 
With  regard  to  tbe  stykt  of  On  gen  iUelC  tfai  vrW 
U  IncUnnl  Is  pot  It  oossMgnUj  Uter  tbu  tto  Mnk 

'  Tbli  Km  pawd  Into  the  UsIelU  CnUMloi  (Wi. 
»D'ai:ut.Na.  niB[a4e,  s.]).wbere  ttu  sUtd-B^w 
tine  Greek  work  of  ODcertaln  period." 


GEMS 


GEMS 


719 


th«  others  are  considered  by  Chabooillei  to  be 
of  the  fifth  ce&tarj.  Perhaps  they  may  be 
rather  regarded  as  early  mediaeyal  (see  King's 
Htmdbook^  p.  111). 

(zT.)  The  Virgin  and  Child,— An  intaglio  in  the 
British  Mnsenm,  green  jasper,  of  very  rode  work- 
manship, ^  executed  with  the  peculiar  technique 
of  Gnostic  woric/'  and,  if  this  be  admitted,  ap- 
parently about  the  fourth  century*  (see  King, 
Antique  Oema  and  Binga,  it  31),  represents  the 
Virgin  and  Child  seated,  with,  an  angel  on  each 
side,  two  others  hovering  OTerhead.  The  Mar 
doona  and  child  in  her  arms  (both  with  nimbus), 
accompanied  by  their  names,  icl  XC.  an<l  MP> 
OT^  is  repf  esented  on  a  Byzantine  cameo  of  red 
jasper,  in  the  Paris  collection  (Chabouillet, 
a.  265).  A  similar  one  on  bloodstone  (l^X  1^ 
inches)  is  in  the  British  Museum.  These  may 
perhaps  be  early  mediaeval. 

In  the  Uzielli  collection  (n.  284  [300])  was  an 
intaglio  on  cornelian  ()  by  |  of  an  inch),  with  the 

Virgin  and  Child,  with  XAIPE  and  MP.  er., 
which  Mr.  J.  C.  Robinson  calls  "  Byzantine  or 
mediaeval  Oreek  work  of  uncertain  date."  A 
gem,  published  by  Oderico,  gives  the  Virgin  and 
Child  with  legend,  MP.  OY.  H  nHFH,  ue.  the 
image  of  the  Madonna  in  the  church  of  the  Foun- 
tain, erected  at  Constantinople  by  Justinian,  but 
this  gem  may  be  of  much  later  date  (Bdckh, 
C.  /.  G.  n.  9109).  It  is  probable  that  this 
general  type  would  be  engraved  on  Byzantine 
gems  during  a  great  part  of  the  middle  ages, 
from  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  onwards. 

(xvi.)  Saints  or  persons  unkniwn. — Bosio  and 
Mamachi  (Dei  ooetumi  dei  primit.  Crist,  Prefaz,) 

figure  a  cornelian,  on 
which  are  engraved  the 
heads  of  St  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  (Mart.  Diet,  pp.  40, 
539).  A  red  jasper  inta- 
glio, a  graceful  new  year's 
gift,  exhibits  a  remale 
saint,  perhaps  St,  Agnes, 
kneeling  before  an  execu- 
tioner, who  is  about  to 
cut  off  her  head  with  a 
great  razorlike  sword ;  be- 
fore her  a  dove  holds  a 
branch ;  above  is  the 
chrisma,  to  declare  the  presence  of  her  Redeemer 
in  the  hour  of  trial ;  in  the  field  are  the  letters 
ANFT  (Amnum  novum  feKoem  tibC) :  good  work, 
probably  about  the  age  of  Constantino'  (King, 
Anc,  OetnSj  pp.  352,  353,  figured). 

A  cameo  in  the  British  Museum,  cut  in  a 
beautiful  sardonyx,  possibly  as  early  as  the 
fourth  century,"  gives  a  full-length  figure  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist  with  his  name  (King, 
Antique  Oems  and  Sings,  ii.  31).  The  same 
saint  is  represented  on  a  cornelian,  published  by 
Vettori  (pars  ii.  c.  ix.).  The  Berlin  Museum  has 
a  black  jasper  intaglio,  reading  EIC  OEOC,  and 
having  rudely  engraved  upon  it  a  female  with 


MavtfMonor&l 

(Uag.) 


•  In  this  esse  slso  it  seems  possible  that  the  dste  miy 
be  mndi  later. 

«  In  his  Istest  work  CAntique  Oetns  and  Rings,  IL  38) 
Mr.  King  thinks  tbst  tt  "osn  hsnlly  be  plaoed  lower  tbaa 
the  sgs  of  Tbeodosiiu^  whose  best  coins  it  certainly  rs- 
ennbisi  both  in  style  and  workmaashlp.'' 

■  It  sssms,  however,  tbst  it  msy,  with  at  lesst  equal 
lirobftbilitr»  be  ssalgnsd  Is  about  the  tenth  oestoiy. 


hands  npl  tiled  in  prayer  (Bdckh,  C,  I,  0.  n. 
9103).  The  British  Museum  has  a  Virgin,  half- 
length,  with  circular  nimbus,  and  uplifted  hands, 
a  cameo  on  bloodstone,  with  the  legend  BfP.  OT. ; 
which  may  perhaps  be  early  medieval.  Besides 
these  examples  still  existing,  we  have  the  fol- 
lowing literary  notices  of  rings  bearing  similar 
types  being  worn  by  bishops  and  others. 

St.  Chrysostom  tells  us  that  in  his  time  many 
Christians  of  Antioch  wore  in  their  rings  the 
likeness  of  St.  Meletius  (who  died  A.D.  381X  imd 
impressed  it  on  fheir  seals  {Horn,  de  S.  Melet, 
U  ii.  p.  519,  ed.  Venet.  1734).  St.  Augustine, 
writing  to  bishop  Victorinus,  says  that  hb 
epistle  is  sealed  ^'annulo  aui  exprimit  faciem 
hominis  attendentis  in  latus  '  {JEpist.  59  [217]). 
Ebregislaus,  biohop  of  Meaux  in  660,  wore  in  his 
ring  an  intaglio  representing  St.  Paul,  the  first 
hermit,  on  his  knees  before  a  crucifix,  and  above 
his  head  the  crow,  by  which  he  was  miraculonsly 
fed  (Annal,  S,  Benedict,  t.  i.  p.  456 ;  Waterton  in 
Arch,  Jowm,  1863,  p.  225).* 

To  the  above  should  perhaps  be  added  a  By- 
zantine cameo,  nearly  two  inches  in  diameter, 
of  streaked  jasper,  representing  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  with  the  nimbus,  seated,  and  holding 
the  gospel  in  his  hand.     In  the  field  O  A(3 

S710S)  i«  O  OEOAOrOC;  in  the  Biblioth%que 
Imp^riale  (Chabouillet,  Cat,  n.  266).  This  gem 
may  possibly  (all  within  our  period,  and  is 
classed  near  to  some  that  probably  do  so ;  but 
the  difficulty  of  fixing  the  particular  age  of 
medieval  Byzantine  camel  is  almost  Insuperable. 
The  greater  part  of  them,  in  Mr.  King's  skilled 
judgment,  belong  to  the  age  of  the  Comneni 
\AnL  Gems  and  Bings,  i.  307> 

(xvii.)  Imperial  or  Boyal  Personages  with 
Christian  Accessories, — The  art  of  cameo-en- 
graving, which  had  &llen  into  complete  abey- 
ance from  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus,  who 
has  bequeathed  to  posterity  many  fine  camei- 
portraits  of  himself  and  his  fkmily,  sprang  into 
a  new  but  short  life  under  Constantino.  Camel 
portraits  of  himself  and  his  sous,  '*  admirable  for 
the  material,  and  by  no  means  despicable  for 
the  execution,"  are  found  in  various  private 
and  public  collections,  on  sardonyx  stones  of 
large,  sometimes  very  large,  dimensions  (King, 
Ant.  Gems  and  Bings,  i.  304)1  One  fine  gem,  at 
least,  marks  the  change  of  the  imperial  religion ; 
it  is  not  however  exactly  a  cameo,  but  a  solid 

«  A  sardonyx,  published  by  7.  Vettori,  has  on  the  ob- 
verse a  portrait  of  the  Virgin  with  the  usual  tetters 
If  P.  OY.,  and  on  the  reverse  a  oroei  with  oontraeted 
legend  KBB.  (for  Kvptc  ^oi^O,  AEOTI  ABOnOT, 
i.s.  O  Lord  I  help  Lard  Leo!  Goqjeoiunaiy  reftned  to 
Leo  (the  Wlse>  aj>.  8S6-eil.  but  without  soilkient  T«a- 
son;  It  Is  just  possibte  that  the  gam  may  have  been  exe* 
cuted  wlihin  the  period  embraced  In  this  work.  See 
Bockh,  C.  I.  0.  n.  9100.  A  very  intereettaig  gem  Is  in- 
serted In  a  silver  i\$t»  (gilt)  c^  the  sge  c^  Justinian:  the 
great  martgnr  (jttyakoiiipTvt)  Demetrius  Is  invoked  as  a 
mediator  with  God  du^rtwor  wpbt  Mnf)  to  aid  Justi- 
nian, **Ung  of  the  Romans  upon  earth,"  and  In  the  midst 
of  the  piste,  Just  above  a  picture  of  St  Demetrius,  "opera 
tssselato,"  Is  "  emethjstns  Inseulpts,  more  csmeolae  bde 
fanberfaL"    This  msj  probably  be  meant  fbr  Demetrius 

also,  bat  ss  jc"xc  (Jesus  Christ)  NIKA  (yuif )  oocurs 
Ugber  up^  it  Is  not  very  dear  whether  It  maj  not  be  a 
portrait  of  the  Saviour.  The  Inaeriptlon  Is  given  at  length 
In  Bockh's  C,  L  O,  n.  8042,  fhsn  Marini's  papers^  pub- 
Uflbed  by  MaL    (Script.  Vet,  Nov.  CM,  v.  30,  no  flgniea) 


•20 


OEMS 


OEMS 


bust.  An  agate,  measuring  nearly  four  inches,  in 
the  Biblioth^ue  Imp^riale,  shows  his  bust  with 
the  paludamentum  and  cuirass,  on  the  latter  is  a 
cross.  His  head  is  naked,  and  his  eyes  are  raised 
to  hearen,  as  on  some  of  his  coins.  Formerly 
the  ornament  of  the  extremity  of  the  choir-staff 
(15th-century  work)  in  La  Sainte-Ohapelle. 
Chabouillet,  Cat.  n.  287,  who  refers  to  Morand's 
I/isL  de  la  Sainte  CTiapelie  dii  Palais,  (p.  56)  for 
a  figure  of  the  gem  incorporated  with  the  baton.) 
Besides  this  noble  piece  we  have  several  others 
also,  but  of  inferior  execution. 

Passeri  describes  and  figures  a  gem,  preserved 
at  Venice,  representing  a  horseman  spearing  a 
dragon  with  a  long  lance  terminating  in  a  oross 
above :  he  regards  it  as  a  representation  of  a 
Christian  emperor,  conquering  his  enemies  .with 
the  cross;  a  star,  an  emblem  of  Divine  provi- 
dence, in  his  judgment,  is  seen  above  {Thes, 
Qemm.  Astrif.  t.  2,  pp.  289-297).  This  inter- 
pretation is  somewhat  confirmed  by  the  types 
of  certain  coins  of  the  fourth  century,  to  which 
age  this  coin  may  probably  be  assigned. 

The  Mertens<^hauffhaus8en  collection  pos- 
sessed an  agate  intaglio,  which  passed  into  the 
Leturoq  cabinet,  exhibiting  a  fuH-foced  bust  of 
the  emperor  Mauritius,  wearing  the  imperial 
crown  of  the  lower  empire,  and  holding  a  globe, 
on  which  rests  a  Greek  cross  inscribed,  D.  N. 
MAYRITIVS  P.  P.  A.  Supposed  to  be  a  work 
of  the  sixth  century,  Leturoq,  CataL  n.  210.7 
The  Leturcq  collection  contained  also  a  green 
jasper  intaglio,  giving  fUll-faoed  portraits  of  Con- 
stans  IL  (crowned)  and  of  his  son  Constantine  IV. 
(Pogonatus),  both  bearded,  with  a  Greek  cross 
between  their  busts,  having  a  scorpion  engraved 
on  the  back  in  the  rude  style  of  the  so-called 
Gnostic  gems  (n.  211).  The  same  collection  in 
fine  had  an  agate  intaglio  bearing  busts  of  Leo  IV. 
and  his  son  Constantine  VL  (Flavins),  inscribed, 
D.  N.  LEO  ET  CONSTANTINVS  P.  P.  A.,  both 
full-faced  and  crowned,  and  holding  between 
them  a  double-handled  cross  (n.  212).  These 
rare  portraits  of  the  Byzantine  Caesars,  of  the 
sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  centuries,  appear  to  be 
in  the  same  general  style  as  those  which  appear 
on  their  money  (see  Sabatier,  Monn,  'Byz.  pi. 
xxiv.  xxxiv.  xli.). 

There  is  one  more  gem  of  this  class,  which 
falls  a  few  years  later  than  the  chronological 
limits  of  this  work,  but  which  ought  hardly  to 
be  passed  over  here  in  consequence  of  its  extreme 
interest  in  helping  to  fix  the  limits  of  gem- 
engraving  in  the  West  before  the  age  of  the 
Renaissance.  The  magnificent  gold  cross  of  king 
Lotharius,  said  to  be  of  about  the  date  823,  now 
preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathedral  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  is  remarkable  for  the  variety  of 
gems,  rubies,  sapphires,  amethjrsts,  and  emeralds 
with  which  its  surface  is  studded.  At  the  in- 
tersection of  the  arms  is  inserted  a  very  fine 
onyx  cameo  of  Augustus,  probably  a  contem- 
porary work,  and  just  below  this  an  oval  intaglio 
of  rock  crystal,  of  Prankish  work  and  of  very 
tolerable  execution,  two  inches  long  and  an  inch 
and  a  half  wide,  giving  the  bust  of  Lotharius, 


7  Mr.  King,  however,  hai  some  doubt  ftbout  its  genulae* 
nesfl  {Antiqiu  <?aiw,  pp.  163, 164).  The  Lelaroq  Cabinet 
was  sold  by  Messrs.  Sothel^.  Wilkinson,  snd  Hodge,  in 
1874,  the  aocompsnylng  catalogue  by  the  owner  being 
In  French  and  English. 


«hi8  head  covered  with  a  close-fitting  hehail, 
with  a  slightly-projecting  frontlet^  like  those  «( 
the  latest  Roman  period ;  around  Uie  bust  b  the 
legend,  in  well-formed  Roman  letters,  +  XFK 
ADIVVA  HLOTHARIVM  REG."  (figured  ia 
Cahier  et  Martin,  M^.  d'Areh,  vol.  L  pL  xzxi.; 
King's  Ant.  Omu,  p.  305;  King's  Bandbook  cf 
Engraced  Oetna,  p.  116). 

There  still  remain  to  be  considered  some  sa- 
cient  gems  bearing  manifest  traces  of  ChristisnitT, 
which  may  be  separately  classed,  vi*^  the  Gnoitk 
and  the  Sassanian. 

Gnostic  Oenu. — ^A  Gnostic  origin  has  htm 
hesitatingly  assigned  to  one  or  two  gems  alresdr 
mentioned,  and  a  great  number  of  gems  cslJad 
Gnostic  have  been  described  in  Oiabonilkt*i 
Catalogue,  (See  also  Abbasax  in  the  Ih^ 
nONABT  OF  ChBISITAN  BlOGRAPHT.)  Of  then, 
a  considerable  number  bear  the  word  ABFA- 
CAB,  more  rarely  (in  the  Greek)  ABPABAC,  (vtri- 
ously  written  in  Latin);  and  this  in  itself^  it 
the  judgment  of  some,  proves  a  Gnostic  origia. 
Assuming  that  Basilides,  a  Christian  Gnostic  of 
the  second  century,  be  the  inventor  of  the  wori,' 
as  St.  Jerome  evidently  thought  and  as  seTcnl 
other  Christian  writers  appear  to  intimate  (m 
the  authorities  collected  by  Jablonski,  OptoL 
U  iv.  pp.  82-86,  and  lielJermann,  Usber  dk 
Gemmen  der  AHen  mit  dem  Ahraxas'BUde,  Er^ 
StOck,  pp.  10-28),  the  numerous  stones  on  whidi 
the  word  is  written  must  either  be  looked  oa  » 
Gnostic  or  else  as  derived  through  GnosticisBi  to 
other  forms  of  faith  or  superstition.  The  latter 
view  seems  on  the  whole  to  be  the  more  probable; 
for  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  word,  as  trsos- 
formed  into  the  magical  Abracadabra^  psisrd 
over  to  the  pagans,  and  was  even  employed  ia 
Christian  times  until  quite  lately  as  a  diam 
against  various  forms  of  disease  (Passeri,  Ik 
gemm.  Basilid,  in  Thes.  Gemm.  Astrif.  rti.  iL 
p.  236,  sqq.;  King  in  Ai\h.  Joum,  1869,  p^  33; 
kalliwell.  Diet,  of  Archaic  Words^  a.  r.  AbrM- 
dabrd).  We  have  Abraxas  occurring  in  oooaee' 
tion  with  the  names,  lAfi  (JehovakX  CABAi^ 
AAtfNAI,  and  with  the  titles  or  repreeentatieas 
of  Harpocrates,  Mithras,  Mercury,  wc  (see  Bv- 
seri,  tf.  8.  &C.),  but  in  no  single  instance  knova 
to  the  writer,  though  very  possibly  sudi  mar 
exist,"  does  this  word  occur  on  any  engnT«l 
stone  in  any  connection  which  can  be  ssiclf 
counted  upon  as  Christian.  These  stones  eon- 
sequently,  as  well  as  all  others  which  have  ben 
called  Gnostic,  but  shew  no  manifest  sign  of 
Christianity  are  passed  over  in  this  aiiick. 
Very  few  of  them,  if  any,  can  be  fixed  to  tsf 
particular  Gnostic  sect  or  to  Gnosticism  geM* 


■  Some,  ss  Moihetm  (De  Mb.  Ckriwl. 
p.  350)  have  thonf^ttfastthewoixlisprabsblyoiiertta 
Basilides:  on  what  grounds  we  know  not  TblsiastHr 
deserves  a  searching  ezam1natl<Ni. 

•  A  verf  few  monnmenti^   wMch  must  needi  ba 

CSulstiaa.  bear  the  word  ABFACAS.  A  Isvgs  Ivaty 
ring,  found  at  Aries,  beers  the  mooogrsm  orCbrM  b^ 
tween  A  and  O  (ss  It  appears  on  the  coins  ofOanslaattain. 
tc  of  the  fourth  oentaiy),  but  aooompanied  bytattlfb 

ABP  AOAS, "  a  snffldent  proof  of  the  identtQr  of  the  t«o 
penonagea  In  the  estimaUoo  of  its  owner'* (Kinesis- 
Ugne  Gtms,  p.  358).  A  copper  amulet  found  at  Kef 
(Sioca  VeoereaX  which  Is  venr  distincilj  CfariHiBB.  coik 
uins  the  aame  word  apparently,  bnt  in  a  oomqii  ftn 
(PAXCACA>   dee  iKscKimoKBi 


nllf;*  b;  mash  the  grwUr  p>rt  appear  to 
hav*  bnn  chHTint.  Th«  following  reiy  louitj 
Uk,  ha*«f*r,  or  anmuUkmblj  ChrlatioD  genu 
inij  b«  with  »ing  nuoa  looked  on  as  Gooatic  :~ 
(1.)  A  portntt  of  Chriit,  batrdlou,  to  th« 
right ;  XPICTOT  iiboTe, 
ft  fieh  undernPAth^  Figand 
bv  RiMHil-Bochett*  (ToWwiri 
lici  CataccmJxt  da  Bonn, 
frDDtlipieca,  Parii,  1853) 
who  regards  it  u  Onoatic 
(p.  265)  from  th«  origiiul 
in  th«  poaaes^DD  of  tbe 
mar^uia  de  Fortta  d' Urban, 
fonnerlj  in  the  Lsjard 
collection.  Tha  alon*  ia 
whita  chalcedony,  the  fonn 
ii  oml;  ucrihed  to  the  Hcond  or  third  centorj 
(Mstt.  Dht.  p.  40). 

(3.)  Another  portrait  with  the  ume  tvpea  and 
If^end,  on  a  truncated  cone  of  while  chalcedony, 
in  tbe  Blbliotb^ue  fmpe'riale  (Chnboaillet,  n. 
1334).  Thia  gem,  probablj  of  Eutern  fabric, 
ii  conaidered  to  be  not  later  than  tbe  middle  of 
the  fonrth  centary,  and  "preaents  the  combina- 
tion of  tbe  ancient  Oriental  form  and  of  Greek 
decoration  in  the  tame  monament"  (King, 
Onottict,  p.  143).  Figured  b;  Ferret,  ul  n. 
47  ;  Terj  simiUr  to  tbe  pncadiug. 

^phaaiDS  makei  it  a  chat^  againat  the 
Carpocratiasa  that  they  kept  painted  portrait! 
and  imagea  in  gold  and  lilrer,  and  other  mate- 
riabi,  which  they  pretended  to  b«  portraita  of 
Jenu  (llaera.  e.  27,  {  6).  Theae  gema,  tlierefore, 
may  probably  be  the  work  of  aome  Gnoetic  aect.' 


te  Tt^tfdfd  as  eacluilvelj   Marcv 


wm,  pa  los-iol).    rum  i* 


ledKi 


1  pm  wblch  be  agon*  ttta  CbMBa  (Hr.  U) 
maj  BeMig  to  llK  Kct  <A  tbe  OphlUL  On*  of  (be  raj 
law  fua  whlcb  TMlLj  appear  (o  lavour  of  the  QpceUc 
ptailosopbr  la  a  imrt,  of  wblcfa  an  Impreaalon  baa  been 
Beat  bf  Um  Rei.  W.  T.  T.  Dnke )  reading 


itm  AI>raaa*BiiU.  m.pp.  II,  11]  ,)nt«piet  Uh  Irttrra 
CEMEC  EIAAM  (mln-ead  >ij  hira)  cccuTTtngDngnniiTli)! 
ibe  ABPACA3  Inrnid  or  ngore.  lo  Dxan.  Tkii  U  Ou 
liak  9f  Oatrr  R"BT3  HI.   He  nnmberof  OdmUc  l 
naklcrablTi  bol  In  tTntb  the 


(3.)  The  aun  between   two  atara.  EICVTC 
'  !•  .  rABPIETA.]  ANANIA.  AM£[K.]  ia 

Lwo  linea  (IWari,  nin.f7nnDk.d9ln/.  iLp.2TT, 
irho  doea  not  name  the  atone).     The  namea  ol 


Gnostic  aecta  ;  Gabriel  prealded  o' 
(King,  Oruutio,  p.  B8).  ThIa  gem  (n.  155  In 
the  Cappetio  MuMum),  which  ii  doubtle» 
magical,  may  well  have  been  productd  by  aonie 
Chriatian  Gnoatic,  perhape  of  the  fourth  century, 
when  ajmilar  barbaroni  orthography  ocean. 

(4.)  Foui^wingwl  deity,  aUnding  on  a  circle 
formed  by  a  terpent,  holding  two  aceptrea;  legend 
oblilersted.  K  The  chriima  In  the  midat  o. 
a  circle  fbmed  by  ■  aerpent  biting  ita  tail- 
Hematite,  in  the  Bibliothiqne  lmp«riale  (Cha- 
boniilet,  n.  21TB).  The  figure  ia  n  good  deal 
almilnr  to  one  on  another  gem.  bearing  the  in- 
acription  ABPAHAC  (Chabonlllet,  n.  2176); 
the  reTene  ahowa  it  to  be  the  work  of  a  Chrii- 
tlan,  perbapi  of  a  later  Baailidinn. 

(5.)  lao  (Jehovah)  under  the  form  of  a  four- 
winged  mummy,  which  hai  the  headaofa  jackal, 
a  Tultnre,  and  a  hawk;  in  the  field  three  start, 
legend  elTaced;  below  nn  a  cartouche,  IML  R. 
Trophy  between  a  monogram  made  up  of  I  and 
N  (poaaibly  for  Jeans  of  Nazareth)  and  the 
chrlinu ;  at  the  bsiae  of  the  trophy  is  another 
chrianu.  In  tbe  Bibliotbtque  Imp^riale;  aer- 
pentine  (Chabonillet,  n.  22-20). 

Chabouiilet  regards  the  trophy  aa  a  fignre  of 
tbe  cross  triumphant,  and  thinks  the  gem  belonp 
to  one  of  the  Gnostic  secti,  who  eapecially  re- 
rered  the  SaTionr. 

Lalar  PeriioK  and  Sattatuan  (hm'. — Thb  ia  a 
ciaaa  of  engraved  atones,  which  may  beet  be 
treated  separately  aa  being  of  a  dllTerent 
form,  conical  or  hemiapberical,  to  those  already 
named ;  and  beariog  tegenda,  when  legend*  are 
preeeat.  In  the  Pehlavf  character.  The  following 
me^re  list  coniisu  wholly  of  intogli;  thoie  in 
the  French  collection  are  thought  by  Chabonlllet 
to  be  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tnry  ;  but  some  appear  to  be  later. 

(1.)  Ilia  Sacrifice  of  Ahrahnm. — The  patriarch 
holds  the  knife  to  alay  hia  eon  lying  on  an  nlUr 
(shaped  like  a  Persian  fire-altar) ;  he  toras  back 
and  sees  tbe  angel  pointing  outthe  mm;  atriped 
aardonyi.  Blbl.  ImpAHale  (Chabouiilet.  n.  1330). 
Another  gem,  of  which  Ur.  King  aeuda  an  im- 
preesion,  renresenta  an  aged  Jew,  in  the  field 
a  child;   whether  this  be  the  aame  aobject  or 


(3.)  Tha  VuitatiMofthe  rji^ia.— St. Elimbetb 


722 


GEMS 


GEMS 


and  the  Virgin  standing,  joining  hands  ;  star 
and  crescent  (snn  and  moon)  between  them: 
Pehleyi  legend,  characters  connected ;  cornelian ; 
French  collection  (Chabonillet,  n.  1332).  Same 
subject  probably,  bat  without  legend ;  long  cross 
between  the  figures ;  sard  (King,  Antiqtte  Oems 
and  BingSt  ii.  p.  45,  pL  iy.  n.  13).  The  latter 
gem  is  supposed  by  Mr.  King,  its  owner,  to  be 
*'  the  signet  of  some  Nestorian  Christian." 

(3.)  The  Virgin  cmd  Oi^d.—TheVirg^n  Mary 
seated,  holding  the  infant  Saviour:  Pehlevi  le- 
gend ;  garnet ;  Biblioth^ue  Impe'riale  (Chabon- 
illet, n.  1331).  The  cursiye  form  of  the  Pehlevi 
eharacter  indicates  a  late  age,  t.^.  that  it  is 
probably  of  Nestorian  work  (King,  handbook, 
p.  103). 

(4.)  7^  FtsA.— Fish  placed  in  the  middle  of 
the  Christian  monogram,  which  is  formed  of  the 
letters  IX  (Jesus  Christ).  Annular  seal ;  cor- 
nelian ;  same  collection  (Chabonillet,  n.  1333). 

(5.)  Tfte  Cross. — ^An  elegant  cross  pat4e,  en- 
graved on  a  seal,  accompanied  by  a  Pehlevi 
legend  in  the  latest  character  (E.  Thomas,  Notes 
on  Sassanian  mint'tnarks  and  Gems,  with  a  figure ; 
King,  QnosUcs,  p.  144). 

Before  bringing  this  account  of  Christian  gems 
to  a  close,  it  remains  to  be  mentioned  that  some 
of  them  bear  inscriptions  only,  both  Greek  and 
Latin,  and  these  may  better  be  named  here  than 
under  the  article  iNSCBipnONS. 

(1.)  Greek  Inscriptions. — A  red  jasper  in  the 
British  Museum,  in  an  antique  gold  setting  of 
corded  wire,  is  inscribed,  6EOC  OEOT  TIOC 
THPEI,  le.  0  God,  Son  of  God,  guard  me !  A 
gem,  figured  by  Ficoroni,  has  XPICTOT,  sc. 
BovXos  (Bockh,  C.  I,  G.  n.  9091).  On  a  sar- 
donyx, published  by  Le  Blant,  we  read  — 
XPEICTOC  IHCOTC  MET  EMOT,  «>.  Jesus 
Christ  be  with  me  I  (Id.  n.  9096).  A  broken 
gem  in  the  Copenhagen  Museum,  reads  more 
at  length  to  the  same  effect  (Id,  9095).  An 
inscription  on  a  gem  published  by  Qnaranta,  at 
Naples,  whose  date,  though  uncertain,  may  be  sus- 
pected to  be  late,  very  possibly  later  than  the 
period  embraced  by  this  work,  reads,  lOCH^ 
CTNnAPACTAeHTI  |  EMOI  KAI  TOIC  EP- 
rOIC  I  MOT  KAI  AOC  MOI  XAPIN,  ue.  0 
Joseph,  aid  me  and  my  works,  and  grant  me  grace! 
{Id.  9099).  A  few  other  unimportant  gems  bear 
inscriptions,  sometimes  in  raised  letters,  which 
may  probably  be  Christian,  such  as  MAPIA 
ZHCAIC  nOAAOIC  ETECIN,  and  the  like  (see 
Bockh,  nos.  9104-9106). 

(2.)  Latin  Inscriptions,  —  The  acclamation 
VIVAS  IN  DEO  occurs  (varied)  on  several 
engraved  stones,  figured  by  Ficoroni  {Gemm. 
Ant.  Lit.  tabb.  viL  xi. ;  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  8) ; 
we  have  also  MAXSENTI  VIVAS  TVIS  F. 
(for  cum  tuis  felidter).  (Perret,  vol.  iv.  t.  xvi. 
n.  58 ;  Martigny,  u.  s.^  On  a  cameo  sard  found 
m  a  Christian  grave  we  read  ROXANE  D 
{dulds),  B  (bene),  QVESQVAS  (qtiiescas),  (Buon- 
arotti,  Vetr.  Omit.  p.  170,  t.  24).  Occasionally 
the  inscription  is  figured  in  metal  rwtnd  the 
stone,  as  in  a  gold  ring  inscribed  VIVAS  IN  DEO 
ASBOLI,  found  in  the  Soane,  the  stone  of  which 
is  lost ;  supposed  to-  be  of  the  third  or  fourth 

^  This  gem  bears  three  heads,  doubtless  tboee  of 
Mazentlus  and  his  family:  It  does  not  strictly  &U 
within  this  section,  but  is  placed  here  to  aocompaoy  the 
other  similar  acclamations. 


century  (Le  Blant,  Inacr.  Ch^t,  dSr  Id  B^ds, 
tom.  i.  p.  64,  pi.  n.  6).  It  was  not  aneoBUBoa 
from  the  sixth  century  onwards  for  nguet  rings, 
both  in  stone  and  metal,  to  be  marked  with  Ue 
owner's  name  in  monogram.  Avitna^  iMshop  ef 
Vienne,  had  such  a  signet  in  iron;  and  a  red 
jasper  of  the  Lower  empire,  in  the  Bosanqoet 
collection,  reads,  ANTONINVS,  in  monognB, 
which  may  not  improbably  be  Christian  (Kiaf, 
Handbook,  p.  107).  One  of  the  earliest  episoopsl 
gems  extant  is  probably  one  which  was  found  st 
Villaverde  in  Spain,  set  in  a  bronze  ring,  inscribed 
FEBRVARiVS  |  EPiSCOPVS  (the  stone  is  net 
specified);  it  may  in  all  likelihood  be  referred 
to  the  Visigothic  period  (Hiibner,  Inter.  EitpeaL 
Christ,  n.  205).  The  series  may  fitlj  close  with 
a  red  cameo  gem,  preserved  in  the  public  libniv 
at  Madrid,  reading  in  three  lines,  the  text  i^ 
Job.  xix.  36.  OS  NON  COMINVEXiS  £S  (m) 
£0.  (Hubner,  u.  s.  n.  208). 

The  preceding  enumeration,  though  pralest- 
edly  incomplete,  is  more  full,  it  is  believed, 
than  any  hitherto  published;  the  great  rarity 
of  Christian  gems  renders  an  apology  for  a  de- 
tailed catalogue  unnecessary.  A  few  words  ia 
conclusion  on  the  materials  and  the  style  of  art 
and  uses  of  these  gems.  The  roost  nsaal  material 
is  the  sard,  of  which  the  cornelian  *  is  only  sa 
inferior  form,  and  the  allied  atones,  the  oayz, 
sardonyx,  and  chalcedony ;  next  to  these  in  pciiit 
of  number  may  be  placed  other  kindred  stoaes, 
the  jaspers,  whether  red,  green,  or  black.  Scoe- 
times  the  stone  is  heliotrope  (or  bloodstooeX 
niccolo,  crystal,  amethyst,  plasma,  emerald,  opal, 
lapis  lazuli,  serpentine,  and,  very  rarely,  sapphire. 
Garnet  is  occasionally  found,  a  stone  in  whiek 
the  Sassanian  gem*engravings  are  often  fbimed, 
and  among  these  we  have  a  Christian  example. 
The  hematite  is  especially  the  material  on  wkkh 
the  syncretistic  designs,  commonly  called  Gnostic, 
are  engraved ;  and  one  of  the  few  Christian  gemn 
of  that  class  in  this  enumeration  ia  of  thst 
material. 

In  engravings  which  range  in  all  likelihood 
from  the  second  to  the  ninth  centurj  ''  (and  so^ 
of  those  here  mentioned,  being  of  nncertsia 
date,  may  be  later  even  than  thatX  we  n^ 
expect  that  there  will  be  a  considerable  amouDt 
of  variation  in  the  style  and  excellence  of  the 
workmanship.  When  the  work  is  fine,  the  fiKt 
has  been  recorded,  if  known  to  the  writer.  Uwk 
more  commonly  the  work  is  mediocre.     *^Thit 

*  These  are  not  well  dtettngaished  tn  tbe  psvxiH 
enumeratiou;  the  nemenclatnre  here  adopted  Is  thst«f 
tbe  authOT  who  names  the  gem ;  and  this  remaxic  nsitte 
extended  to  the  other  stones  mentioned.  For  nnch  is- 
formation  In  a  smaU  space  on  the  materials  of  gem 
Pmt  Story  Maskelyne's  Ivtroduetian  to  the  JtarlbwMfl 
Genu  (pp.  xxriL-xxxvL  1870),  maj  be  oonsolted  ;  as  «d 
as  Mr.  King's  elaborate  work  on  Pnei^MS  Stoma  mi 
Gems,  London,  1866. 

r  It  is  but  rarely  that  anything  save  tbe  work  of  tke 
stone  itself  supplies  date  for  OMOectDrlnie  Its  age.  H««- 
ever  the  fine  onerald  bearing  a  fish,  described  abon^ 
is  endoeed  in  an  hexi^ooal  gold  aettii^  whldi  Mr.  fine 
calls  "  a  pattern  annooncfng  for  date  tbe  ear|j  yesrs  ^ 
the  third  centory"  (^nttgue  Gems  and  Bimgt,  tt.  9). 
De  Boast  admits  tiie  great  difficulty  of  fixing  the  afeeC 
Christian  gems,  but  thinks  that  a  good  many  of  tho« 
whldi  bear  the  fish  (type  or  legend)  and  anchor  are  of 
the  fourth  and  fifth  oenturfafs,  none  being  later  On  FUtA 
Spioil  Solesm.  iil.  655,  666). 


OX!NERALIS 


OENUFLEXIOK 


723 


mtt  exhibited  in  early  Christian  genu  is  almost 
iiiTuiably  of  a  low  order,"  observes  Mr.  Fort- 
nnm;  ^thej  were  for  the  most  part  the  pro- 
duction of  a  period  of  decadence.  The  greater 
number  hare  been  cut  bf  means  of  the  wheel. 
Hence  arises  an  additional  difficulty  in  distin- 
gaishing  the  genuine  from  the  false.  Their 
rude  worlcmanship  is  easy  to  copy  with  the  same 
instrument  as  that  with  which  they  were  out ; 
antique  stones  are  abundant  at  hand,  and  Roman 
artists  are  apt  and  facile  in  imitation "  (Arch. 
Joum,  1871,  p.  292). 

By  much  the  greater  part  of  the  gems  men- 
tioned were  used  for  finger-rings,  those  in  intaglio 
being  also  employed  as  seals.  Others,  howeyer, 
especially  the  Gnostic,  were  amulets,  and  carried 
alK>ut  the  person,  suspended  or  otherwise,  as 
charms.  The  larger  camel,  of  the  Byzantine 
period,  appear  to  have  been  made  for  the  purpose 
of  decorating  church  plate  or  other  ecclesiastical 
objects.  (Martigny,  Bw  (tnneatuf  cheg  lea  pre- 
tniers  Chfitiens  et  de  ranneau  ipUcopal  en  par" 
ticuiiery  MAoon,  1858 ;  Fortnum  in  Arch,  Joum, 
1869  and  1871;  Early  Christian  Fingerings; 
and  King,  Antique  Oems  and  Sings,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
24-37  {Early  Christian  Glyptic  AH%  Lond.  1872, 
as  well  as  bis  earlier  books  referred  to  above.' 
Much  information  also  is  to  be  gleaned  from 
various  catalogues  of  gems  and  other  books, 
to  which  reference  is  made  in  the  above  works 
and  in  this  paper.)  [C.  B.] 

GENERALI8.    [Victor  (14).] 

GENEBOSA.    [Scillita.] 

GENEBOSUS.    [Scilltta.] 

GENESIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  in  the 
time  of  Diocletian;  commemorated  Aug.  25 
(Mart,  Rom,  Vet.y  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Aug.  24 
(.Vfart,  Hieron.,  Col.  AUatii  et  Frontonis). 

(S)  Martyr,  of  Aries  (circa  a.d.  303) ;  comme- 
morated Aug.  25  (Mart,  ffaron,.  Bom,  Vet..,  Ado- 
nis, Usuardi).  [W.  F.  Q.] 

GENETHLIA.    [Calendar;  FEanvAL.] 

GENETHLIAGI,  says  Augustine,  who  con- 
demns all  sQch  arts  (De  Doc,  Christ,  ii.  21), 
were  so  called  on  account  of  their  founding  their 
predictions  on  the  planets  which  ruled  a  man's 
birthday  (ywtOXta) ;  a  more  common  name  was 
Mathmnatid  [Abtroloqebs  ;  Divination].  He 
again  refers,  in  the  Confessions  (iv.  3 ;  vii.  6), 
to  the  folly  and  impiety  of  supposing  that  a 
man's  vices  were  attributable  to  the  fact  that 
the  planets  Venus,  Mars,  or  Saturn  presided  over 
his  birth.  The  passage  relating  to  this  matter 
given  in  the  Decree  of  Gratian  (causa  26,  qu. 
4,  c.  1 )  as  from  Augustine,  is  in  fact  from 
Rabanus  Maurus  De  Mag,  Praestig,,  and  was 
by  him  compiled  mainly  from  Augustine  and 
Isidore.  In  another  passage  of  Augustine 
(Conff,  iv.  3,  quoted  in  Decret.  can.  26.  qu.  2, 
c.  8)  Gratian  seems  to  have  read  **  planetarios " 
for  the  ^*  pianos  **  of  recent  editions.  All  augurs, 
aruspices,  mathematici,  and  other  impostors  of 
that  kind  were  condemned  by  a  law  of  Con- 

*  To  the  Isst-Dsmed  author  the  writer  is  deeply  in- 
debted for  imprasioiM  of  sevend  fssms  and  for  the  U»n  of 
bis  beftiitlfal  plates  for  the  present  article;  thev  «** 
dntwn,  like  all  the  others  (when  not  copied  trom  other 
books),  to  twios  the  dtsmeter  of  the  origlnata. 


stantius,  a.d.  857  (Code,  lib.  v. ;  De  Mahfcis  et 
MathematiciSf  in  Van  Espeh,  Jtu  Ecdesiasticum^ 
p.  iii.  tit.  Iv.  cc  12-14).  [C] 

GENIUS  OF  THE  EMPEBOB.     In  the 

early  centuries  of  the  church,  one  of  the  tests 
by  which  Christians  were  detected  was,  to  re- 
quire them  to  make  oath  ^  by  the  genius  or  the 
fortune  of  the  emperor ; "  an  oath  which  the 
Christians,  however  willing  to  pray  for  kings, 
constantly  refused  as  savouring  of  idolatry. 
Thus  Polycarp  (Enseb.  If,  E.  iv.  15,  §  18)  was 
required  to  swear  by  the  fortune  (r^x^y)  of 
Caesar.  And  Saturninus  (Acta  Martt,  Scillit, 
c  1,  in  Ruinart,  p.  86,  2nd  ed.)  adjured  Speratus, 
one  of  the  martyrs  of  Scillita,  "  tantum  jura 
per  geninm  regis  nostri ;  **  to  which  he  replied 
**  Ego  imperatoris  mundi  genium  nesdo." 

Minucius  Felix  (Octavius,  c  29)  reprobat^es 
the  deification  of  the  emperor,  and  the  heathen 
practice  of  swearing  by  his  "  genius  "  or  "  dae- 
mon;" and  Tertullian  (Apol.  c.  32)  says  that, 
although  Christians  did  not  swear  by  the  genius 
of  the  Caesars,  they  swore  by  a  more  august 
oath,  *^  per  salutem  eorum."  We  do  not,  says 
Origen  (c.  Celswn,  bk.  8,  p.  421,  Spencer),  swear 
by  the  emperor's  fortune  (r^x^r  Paa't\4ws\  any 
more  than  by  other  reputed  deities;  for  (as 
some  at  least  think)  they  who  swear  by  his 
fortune  swear  by  his  daemon,  and  Christians 
would  die  rather  than  take  such  an  oath  (Bing- 
ham's Antiquities,  XVL  vii.  7).  [C] 

GENII.    [FRB800,  p.  693.] 

GENOFEVA  or  GENOVEFA,  virgin- 
saint,  of  Paris  (f  circa  514  a.d.);  commemorated 
Jan.  3  (Mart,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  transla- 
tion Oct.  28  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GENTILLT,  COUNCIL  OF  (OentUiaoense 
Concilium),  held  A.D.  767,  at  Gentilly,  near 
Paris,  but  authentic  records  of  its  proceedings 
are  wanting.  Annalists  of  the  next  age  say  that 
it  was  assembled  by  Pepin  to  consider  a  twofold 
question  that  had  arisen  between  the  Eastern 
and  Western  churches  respecting  the  Trinity  and 
the  images  of  the  saints  (Perts,  i.  144).  Quite 
possibly  th0  iconoclastic  council  of  Constanti- 
nople, A.D«  754,  may  have  been  discussed  there, 
but  there  is  no  proof  that  the  dispute  between 
the  two  churches  on  the  procession  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  had  commenced  as  yet.  The  letter  of 
pope  Paul  to  Pepin  (Mansi,  xii.  614)  is  much  too 
vague  to  be  relied  on,  and  what  embassies  are 
recorded  to  have  come  from  the  east  in  his  reign 
are  still  less  to  the  purpose  (Itfid,  p.  677 ;  comp. 
Pagi,  ad  Baron,  A.D.  766,  n.  3>  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

GENUFLECTENTES.    [Pehttemts.] 

GENUFLEXION,  PB08TBATI0N,ET0. 

The  early  Christians  used  five  different  postures 
in  their  worship.  They  stood  upright,  or  with 
the  head  and  back  bent  forward,  they  knelt  on 
both  knees,  and  they  prostrated  themselves  at 
length  (prostrate  omni  oorpore  in  terra  ;  said  of 
penitents  at  their  reconciliation,  Sacram,  Gelas. 
lib.  i.  nn.  xvi.  xxxviii.  in  Liturg,  Bom,  Vet,  Mu- 
rat.  torn.  i.  coll.  504,  550).  • 

Standing  had  been  the  more  common  posture 
in  prayer  among  the  Jews  (Neh.  ix.  2-4 ;  St. 
Matt.  vi.  5;  St.  Luke  xviii.  11,  13);  but  they 
knelt  (2  Chron.  vi.  13 ;  Dan.  vL  10 ;  Ezra  is.  5) 
and  prostrated  themselves  also  (Num.  xiv.  6| 

3  A  8 


724 


GENUFLEXION 


Josh.  V.  14 ;  1  Kings  xriii.  39,  &c.) ;  and  the  first 
conyerU  to  the  gospel  imported  their  former 
onstoms  into  the  church.  Thus  Stephen  knelt 
in  his  last  prayer  (Acts  vii.  60) ;  St.  reter  knelt 
when  he  besonght  God  for  the  life  of  Dorcas  (ix. 
40) ;  St.  Paul,  when  at  Ephesus  he  prayed  for 
the  elders  (xx.  36) ;  the  brethren  at  Tyre  and 
their  wives  and  children  knelt  with  him  on 
the  shore,  when  he  left  them  to  go  to  Jerusalem 
(xxi.  5).  In  the  language  of  the  same  apostle, 
"  bowing  the  knee  "  to  God  is  synonymous  with 
"  praying  "  to  him  (Eph.  iii.  14).  The  Christian 
knelt  in  prayer  more  than  the  unconverted 
Jew ;  and  this  was  natural,  for  the  greater  know- 
ledge of  God  produced  a  stronger  sense  of  nn- 
worthiness,  and  thos  led  to  more  marked  and 
frequent  expressions  of  humility  in  drawing  nigh 
to  him.  **  The  bending  of  the  knees  is  as  a  token 
of  penitence  and  sorrow"  (Cassian.  Coil.  xxi.  c. 
XX.  p.  795).  This  was  the  recognized  principle, 
and  it  ruled  the  occasions  on  which  the  posture 
was  employed.  *'  The  knee,"  says  St.  Ambrose, 
'*  is  made  nexible,  by  which,  beyond  other  mem- 
bers, the  offence  of  the  Lord  is  mitigated,  wrath 
appeased,  grace  called  forth "  (Jiexaemeron^  lib. 
Ti.  c.  ix.  n.  74). 

Before  we  proceed  it  should  be  explained  that 
the  early  church  made  tio  distinction  in  language 
between  ** kneeling"  and  "prostration."  It  is 
evident  that  men  did  not  kneel  upright,  but 
threw  themselves  more  or  less  forward,  so  that 
the  posture  might  have  either  name.  Some- 
times indeed  they  so  supported  themselves  by 
putting  their  hands  or  arms  on  the  ground,  that 
'*  kneeling"  was  a  position  of  rest  compared  with 
standing.  Thus  Cassian  complains  that  some 
western  monks,  when  prostrate  on  the  ground, 
**  often  wished  that  same  bowing  of  the  limbs 
(which  he  expressly  calls  genu  flectere)  to  be 
prolonged,  not  so  much  for  the  sake  of  prayer 
as  of  refreshment"  (^InstU.  lib.  ii.  c  7).  The 
same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  fact  that 
the  third  class  of  public  penitents  were  indiffe- 
rently called  kneelers  or  prostrators,  were  said 
either  y6vu  k>Jv€iv,  genuflw^terej  or  iriroirlirreii',  se 
aubatemere.  Thus  in  a  canon  made  at  Neocaesarea 
in  Pontus  about  A.D.  314,  we  read,  can.  v.,  "  Let 
a  catechumen  ....  who  has  fallen  into  sin,  if  he 
be  a  kneeler  (y6»v  K\iy»v)j  become  a  hearer." 
Similarly  the  eighty-second  canon  of  the  so-called 
fourth  council  of  Carthage  held  in  398 :  "  Let 
penitents  (the  prostrators  were  especially  so 
called)  kneel  even  on  days  of  relaxation."  But 
the  same  class  were  far  more  frequently  described 
as  prostrators*  For  example,  in  the  eleventh 
canon  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325,  it  is  decreed  that  cer- 
tain offenders  "  shall  be  prostrators  (6iroirc(rovK- 
rai)  for  seven  years."  (Compare  can^  xii. ;  Cone. 
Ancyr.  cann.  iv.  v.  &c ;  Greg.  Thaum.  viii.  ix. ; 
Basil,  ad  Amphiloch,  Ivi.  Ivii.  &c. ;  and  many 
others.)  A  more  direct  piece  of  evidence  comes 
from  the  7th  century.  Pseudo-Dionysins  (Z)« 
Eccles.  Hierarch,  c.  v.  sed.  iii.  §  2,  torn.  i.  p.  364) 
says  that  ^  the  approach  to  the  Divine  altar  and 
the  prostration  (of  candidates  for  holy  orders) 
intimates  to  all  who  are  admitted  to  priestly 
functions  that  they  must  entirely  submit  their 
personal  lifb  to  God,  from  whom  their  consecration 
oomes,"  &c. ;  whereupon  his  scholiast  Maximus, 
A.D.  645,  explains  "  prostration  "  to  mean  "  kneel- 
ing" (p.  375).  So  in  the  West,  as  late  as  the 
9th  centun',  in  the  same  canon^"  fixis  in  terram 


GENUFLEXION 

genibus"  and  '<humiliter  in  terram  prDsteni" 
(Cunc.  Turon.  a.d.  813,  can.  37)  are  empLejid 
to  describe  the  same  posture.  Other  '  " 
of  similar  usage  will  be  observed  in  aome 
below. 

Kneeling  or  prostration  was  probably  the 
general  posture  of  the  early  Christians  in  pnyer 
not  regulated  by  public  authority.  Thus  Ck- 
mens  Romanus,  in  a  general  exhortation, "  Lrt 
us  fall  down  before  the  Lord,  and  beseech  Kb 
with  tears,"  &c.  {Epist.  i.  ad  Cor,  c  48).  Wha 
St.  Ignatius  prayed  for  the  churches  befoire  bk 
martyrdom,  it  was  ^cum  genuflexione  omBiva 
fratrum "  (Martyrtum  S.  Ign,  c.  ▼!.>  Hei&u 
represents  himself,  before  his  first  vision,  **  kase^- 
ing  down  and  beginning  to  praj  to  God  and  €&• 
fess  his  sins"  (Ub.  i.  vis.  L  §  1>  Hegesipp«» 
A.D.  170,  relates  that  St.  James  the  Just  **■  ued 
to  enter  the  temple  alone,  and  to  be  found  Iriif 
on  his  knees  (Ktlfitfos  M  rois  ytdNuri)"  (Eosek 
ffist,  £ccl.  Ub.  ii.  c.  xxiiL).  He  adds  that  hi 
knees  from  continual  kneeling  became  calbes 
like  those  of  a  camel.  When  Ensebins  relata 
the  story  of  the  Melitine  legion  in  the  Hsr- 
comannic  war,  about  174,  he  says  of  the  Christia 
soldiers,  **They  put  their  knees  on  the  groui 
as  oar  custom  is  in  prayer"  (^fbid.  lib.  v.  c  v.> 
TertuUian,  having  referred  to  the  same  eretf 
some  sixteen  years  after  its  occurrence,  ssts, 
^*  When  have  not  even  droughts  been  driTei 
away  by  our  kneelings  and  fastings?"  {Jd 
Soapulam,  c.  iv.).  We  read  in  the  Life  of  Sc 
Cyprian,  by  Pontius  his  deacon,  that  on  his  war 
to  death  he  "  knelt  on  the  earth,  and  prostniei 
himself  in  prayer  to  God  "  (  FHKa  Opp.  praefin). 
Eusebius  tells  us  that  Constantine  the  Grot 
used  "  at  stated  times  every  day,  shutting  hm- 
self  up  in  secret  closets  of  his  palace,  there  U 
converse  alone  with  God,  and  falling  on  his  kacei 
to  ask  importunately  for  the  things  whereof  b 
had  need"  (F«(a  Constant,  lib.  ir.  c  xxii.)^  Is 
his  last  illness,  *'  kneeling  on  the  ground,  he  vn 
a  suppliant  to  God,"  &c.  (/&»ti  c  \x.i,y.  Greferr 
Nazianzen,  speaking  of  his  sister's  habits  of  ien- 
tion,  mentions  '*  the  bowing  of  her  knees  becon* 
callous,  and  as  it  were  grown  to  the  groowl'* 
(^Orat  viii.  §  13.  Compare  St.  Jerome  in  Epkt. 
ad  Marcelkun  de  Aselki).  Augustine,  relatiafs 
miraculous  answer  to  prayer  in  the  healiag  rf 
a  sick  person,  says,  ''  While  we  were  fixing  csr 
knees  and  laying  ourselves  on  the  ground  (terrx 
incumbentibus)  in  the  usual  manner,  he  flnf 
himself  forwai'd,  as  if  thrown  heavily-  down  hf 
some  one  pushing  him,  and  began  to  pray,**  bi 
{De  Civ,  Dei,  lib.  xxii.  c  viii.  {  2).  Ekevhert 
the  same  father,  speaking  of  private  praTcr, 
says,  **They  who  pray  do  with  the  meaiben 
of  their  body  that  which  befits  suppliants,  vba 
they  fix  their  knees,  stretch  forth  their  hands*  «r 
even  prostrate  themselves  on  the  ground**  (Ik 
Card  pro  Moiiuis,  c.  v.).  Only  in  this  last  passi^ 
it  will  be  observed,  are  kneeling  and  prostratka 
distinguished  from  each  other. 

But  the  early  Christians  knelt  or  prostrtteJ 
themselves  as  each  chose,  in  the  stated  comaKia 
worship  of  the  church  also.  Thus  Amob«Bs>— 
**  To  Him  (t.  e.  Christ)  we  all  by  custom  prostrate 
ourselves  :  Him  with  united  (oollatis)  pnyers  we 
hdore"  (Adv.  Qent.  lib.  L  c  27).  Epiphaaias: 
**The  church  commands  us  to  send  up  prafcn 
to  God  without  ceasing,  with  all  frequency,  and 
earnest  supplications,  and  kneeling  on  the  ap 


GENUFLEXION 


GENUFLEXION 


7?5 


fluted  days,  by  night  and  in  the  day,  and  in 
«ome  places  they  celebrate  aynaxes  even  on  the 
sabbatV'  &c.  {De  Fide,  ^  24)1  St.  Jerome  says 
that  it  is  according  to  **  ecclesiastical  cnstom  to 
bend  the  knee  to  Christ "  (^Comm,  in  /sat.  c  xlv. 
▼.  23).  St.  Chrysoetom  {Horn,  xviii.  in  2  Cor. 
▼lii.  24),  of  the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Commn- 
nlon : — "  Again,  after  we  hare  shut  out  from  the 
sacred  precincts  those  who  cannot  partake  of  the 
Holy  Table,  there  must  be  another  kind  of  prayer, 
and  we  all  in  like  manner  lie  on  the  floor  (Sfiolws 
iw'  4td^vs  K€lfM0a\  and  all  in  like  manner  rise 
ap."  We  understand  this  better  on  a  reference 
to  the  liturgy  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Con- 
stituiioru.  There  we  find  (lib.  yiii.  c  ix.  Coteler. 
turn.  i.  p.  S96)  that  the  **  first  prayer  of  the 
faithful "  was  said  by  all  kneeling,  the  deacon 
crying  out,  "  Let  us,  the  faithful,  all  kneel." 
During  the  rest  of  the  liturgy  all  stood. 

At  other  times  of  service  the  rule  was  for  all 
to  kneel  in  prayer,  except  on  Sundays  and  be- 
tween Easter  and  Whitsuntide.  Few  customs 
are  more  frequently  mentioned  by  early  writers, 
and  none  perhaps  more  frequently  said  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  age  of  the  apostles.  The  earliest 
witness  is  Irenaeus,  in  a  fragment  of  his  work  on 
Easter  preserved  in  the  '*  Questions  and  Answers 
to  the  Orthodox,"  Quaest,  115,  ascribed  to  Justin 
Martyr.  Irenaeus  traced  it  to  the  apostles.  In 
answer  to  a  question  respecting  the  reason  and 
origin  of  the  custom,  tne  latter  writer  says, 
**  Since  it  behoved  us  always  to  remember  both 
oar  own  fall  into  sins  and  the  grace  of  our  Christ 
through  which  we  have  arisen  from  the  fall, 
therefore  our  kneeling  on  the  six  days  is  a  sign 
of  our  fall  into  sins,  but  our  not  kneeling  on  the 
Lord's  day  is  a  sign  of  the  rising  again,  through 
which,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  we  have  been 
delivered  from  our  sins  and  from  death,  their 
due,  now  itself  put  to  death."  Ibid.  Other  wit- 
nesses are  TertuUian,  speaking  both  of  Sunday 
and  the  paschal  season  (2>tf  Cor.  MU,  c  iii. ; 
similarly,  De  OraU  c.  xxiii.);  Peter  of  Alex- 
andria, A.D.  301,  can.  xv.  of  Sunday  only.  The 
conncil  of  l^icaea,  325,  both  of  Sunday  and  the 
days  of  Pentecost,  can.  xx. ;  St.  Hilary,  also  of 
the  *'  Week  of  Weeks  "  and  the  Lord's  day  both 
(^Prolog,  in  Paalm.  §  12),  who  refers  it  to  the 
apostles.  His  expression  is,  "No  one  worships 
with  his  body  prostrated  on  the  ground."  £pi- 
phanius,  also  of  both  {De  Fide,  §  22).  St.  Basil, 
of  both,  as  an  apostolical  tradition  (^De  Spviiu 
SanctOj  c  Ixvi.,  al.  xxvii.).  St.  Jerome,  likewise 
of  both  {Dial,  contr.  LitciferianoSy  c.  iv.);  and 
again,  of  the  fifty  days,  in  Prooem.  in  Ep,  ad 
-^P^  '*  ^^  neither  bend  the  knee  nor  bow  our- 
selves to  the  ground."  St.  Augustine,  after 
giving  the  Scriptural  reason,  says,  "On  this 
account  both  are  fasts  relaxed  [during  the 
paKchal  quinquagesima]  and  we  pray  standing, 
which  is  a  sign  of  the  resurrection,  whence  also 
the  same  is  ob«erved  at  the  altar  on  all  Lord's 
days."  (Ep.  Iv.  ad  Januar,  c  xv.  n.  28.  Compare 
c.  XVII.  n.  32.)  From  St.  Maximus  of  Turin, 
▲.D.  422,  we  learn  the  same  facts  and  the  reason 
(^Hom.  iii.  De  Pentec.),  Cassian,  a.d.  424,  men- 
tions the  restriction  on  kneeling  at  those  times 
(^Insiit,  lib.  ii.  c.  xviii. ;  Cotlat.  xxi.  c.  xx.).  In 
the  collection  of  canons  put  forth  by  Martin,  a 
Pannonian  by  birth,  but  bishop  of  Bracara  m 
Spain,  A.D.  560,  the  same  prohibition  occurs, 
borrowed  from  a  Greek  or  oriental  source  (can. 


Ivii.).  His  words  are,  <'non  prostrati,  nee  huml 
liati."  The  90th  canon  of  the  Trullan  council, 
held  at  Constantinople  in  691,  forbids  kneeling 
^  from  the  evening  entrance  of  the  priests  to  the 
altar  on  Saturday  until  the  next  evening  on  the 
Lord's  day."  The  council  does  not  mention  the 
longer  period,  and  its  object  seems  to  have  been 
merely  to  settle  the  hours  at  which  the  obser- 
vance should  begin  and  end. 

From  the  fact  that  the  20th  canon  of  Nicaea 
is  not  found  in  the  abridgement  of  canons  by 
Ruffinus  (Bist  JEccl.  lib.  x.  c  v.),  nor  in  an 
ancient  codex  supposed  to  be  the  authorised  col- 
lection of  the  church  of  Rome,  Quesnel  {Diss, 
xii.,  at  the  end  of  St.  Leo's  Works,  c.  v.)  supposed 
that  the  custom  of  not  kneeling  on  Sunday,  &c. 
was  never  received  at  Rome.  See  Routh,  OpuS' 
culoj  tom.  ii.  p.  444,  or  Relujuiae  SacraSy  tom.  iv. 
p.  75,  ed.  2.  We  find,  however,  that  the  prohi- 
bition was  enforced  in  the  dominions  of  the 
Frankish  princes  after  they  had  imposed  the 
Roman  office  on  their  subjects.  Those  times 
were  excepted  from  the  general  order  for  kneel- 
ing at  prayer  made  by  the  third  council  of  Tours, 
A.D.  813,  can.  37.  It  was  forbidden  by  a  capitu- 
lary of  Louis  the  Godly,  A.D.  817  {CapU,  Peg, 
Franc,  tom.  ii.  coL  586,  cap.  Ii.)  during  'Hhe 
Pentecost  week."  Rabanus  Maurus,  also,  at 
Ments,  A.D.  847,  says,  as  if  vouching  for  a  present 
fact,  **  On  those  days  the  knees  are  not  bent  in 
prayer."  ^  On  the  Loi'd's  day  we  pray  standing  " 
{De  Instit.  Cler,  lib.  ii.  cc.  41-2).  It  is  very 
improbable,  therefore,  that  the  custom  was  not 
known  and  observed  at  Rome. 

In  all  the  ancient  liturgies  except  the  Roman, 
if,  indeed,  that  be  an  exception  (see  Scudamore's 
Noiitia  EucharisHca,  p.  579),  the  bishop  gave  a 
blessing  before  the  communion.  In  all  but  the 
Clementine  this  was  preceded  by  a  monition  from 
the  deacon:  e.g.j  in  St.  James  and  St.  Basil, 
'^  Let  us  bow  down  our  heads  unto  the  Lord ; " 
in  St.  Chrysostom,  '*  Bow  down  your  heads  unto 
the  Lord"  {LUurg.  PP.,  pp.  32,  66,  102);  in 
St.  Mark,  ^  Bow  your  heads  to  Jesus  Christ " 
(Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  160);  in  the  Mozarabic, 
'^  Humiliate  vos  benedictioni "  {Missale,  Leslie, 
pp.  6,  246);  in  a  Roman  Ordo,  earl),  but  of  un- 
certain date,  "Humiliate  vos  ad  benedictionem " 
(Ord.  vi.  1 11,  Mus.  Ital.  tom.  ii.  p.  75).  Several 
liturgies  had  a  benediction  after  the  communion 
also,  for  which  the  people  bowed  themselves. 
In  some,  indeed,  the  deacon  here  repeated  his 
direction.  See  St.  James  {Lit.  PP.  p.  39) ;  the 
Greek  Alexandrine  of  St.  Basil  and  of  St.  Cyril 
(Renaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  85,  125).  In  Egypt,  for  this 
reason,  benedictions  were  usually  called  '*  Prayers 
of  Inclination,"  or  «  Of  Bowing  the  Head  "  (Re- 
naud. u.  s.  pp.  35,  36,  50,  77,  &c.).  The  same 
gesture,  similai'ly  bidden  by  the  deacon,  was  em- 

Sloyed  in  other  parts  of  the  service.  See  St. 
ames,  u.  s.  p.  9,  and  Renaud.  u.  s.  pp.  77,  79,* 
105,  &c.  In  particular,  the  catechumens  bowed 
while  the  prayer  proper  to  them  was  said  before 
their  dismissal.  Thus  the  deacon,  in  St.  Basil 
and  in  St.  Chrysostom :  "  Ye  catechumens,  bow 
down  your  heaids  unto  the  Lord  "  {Lit,  PP.,  pp. 
48,  87).  The  Malabar :  *•  Incline  your  heads  for 
the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  receive  the  blessing  " 
{Hist.  Feci.  Afalab,  Raulin,  p.  304). 

Two  sermons  of  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries, 
A.D.  602,  illustrate  our  subject,  as  regards  the 
habits  of  the  people,  in  a  graphic  Duuiner : — *'  I 


726  GEOGRAPHY,  ECCLESIASTICAL 

intrmt  and  admonish  you,  dearest  brethien,  that 
as  ollen  as  prayer  is  said  by  the  clergy  at  the 
altar,  or  prayer  is  bidden  by  the  deacon,  ye  £Eiith- 
fully  jow,  not  your  hearts  only,  but  your  bodies 
also ;  for  when  I  often,  as  I  ought,  and  heedfully 
take  notice,  as  the  deacon  cries,  *  Let  us  bend  our 
knees,'  I  see  the  greater  part  standing  like  up- 
right columns."  "Let  it  not  be  grierous  to 
him,  who  from  some  weakness  cannot  bend  his 
knees,  either  to  bow  his  back  or  incline  his  head." 
Again :  "  In  like  manner  I  admonish  you  of  this, 
dearest  brethren,  that  as  often  as  the  deacon 
shall  proclaim  that  ye  ought  to  bow  yourselyes 
for  the  benediction,  ye  faithfully  incline  both 
bodies  and  heads ;  because  the  benediction, 
though  given  to  you  through  man,  is  yet  not 
given  from  man."  (Serm.  does,  Ixxxt.  §§1,5; 
Sim.  Ixxxiy.  §§  1,  2.) 

The  priest  himself  often  inclined  his  head 
during  the  prayers.  (See  St.  James,  «.  s.  pp.  7, 
13,  17,  &c.,  and  St.  Mark,  u.  «.  pp.  150,  153.) 
Many  obeervances  of  this  kind  are  lost  to  us 
from  the  want  of  rubrics  in  th«  ancient  liturgies, 
or  from  their  incompleteness.  This  is  especially 
the  case  with  those  of  the  West ;  but  there  is  one 
Ordo  of  the  age  of  Charlemagne  in  which  the 
priest  is  directed  to  say  the  prayer  In  spirUu 
hwrUlitaiia  ^  bowed  before  the  altar.''  (Marteue, 
De  Ant,  Eocl.  Rit.  lib.  i.  c.  It.  art.  xii.  ord.  t.). 
We  might  here  also  dte  the  Mozarabic  and 
Milanese  missals,  if  the  antiquity  of  their  rubrics 
were  not  generally  uncertain. 

From  peeudo-Dionysius  we  learn  that  while 
bishops  and  priests  at  their  ordination  knelt  on 
both  knees,  deacons  knelt  on  one  only  (JM  Keel. 
Hier,  c  v.  §  ii.  torn.  i.  p.  364).  [W.  E.  S.J 

GEOGRAPHY.  ECCLESIASTICAL.  [No- 

TITIA.] 

GEORGIUS.  (1)  ChozebiU,  Holy  Father, 
A.D.  820 ;  commemorated  with  Aemilianus,  Jan. 
8  (Co/.  Byzant.y 

(2)  Of  Malaeum,  Holy  Father,  (saec.  v.  vi.) ; 
commemorated  April  4  (/6.)* 

(8)  Bishop  of  Mitylene  (f  circa  816),  Holy  Fa-, 
ther ;  commemorated  April  7  {lb.}. 

(4)  Deacon,  martyr  at  Cordova  with  Aurelius, 
Felix,  Nathalia,  and  Liliosa,  A.D.  852 ;  commemo- 
rated Aug.  27  (^Mart,  Usuardi). 

(5)  MeyoXo/uiprvp  Kal  Tpowato<l>6pos,  A.D. 
296;  commemorated  April  23  (CaL  Byzant.); 
<'Natale,"  April  23  {Mart.  Bedae);  the  dedica- 
tion (iyKolvia)  of  his  church  in  Lydia  is  comme- 
morated on  Not.  3  {Cat.  Byzant.). 

(6)  De  monte  Atho ;  commemorated  June  27 
{CcU,  Georg.). 

(7)  Victoriosus ;  commemorated  Sept.  28  {Cal. 
Armen.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

GERASIMUS,  Holy  Father,  6  4v  'lopStii^, 
in  the  time  of  Constantino  Pogonatus;  comme- 
morated March  4  (fial.  Byzant.).       [W.  F.  G.] 

GEREOK,  martyr  with  318  others  at  Co- 
logne under  Maximian;  commemorated  Oct.  10 
{Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi ).         [W.  F.  G.] 

GERMANICA  CONCILIA,  councils  cele- 
brated in  Germany,  bat  at  places  unknown. 

1.  A.D.  743,  probably,  being  the  first  of  five 
bsid  to  have  met  under  St.  Boniface  by  his 
biographer,  but  great  obscurity  hangs  over  their 
date,  number,  and    canons,   to  say   the  least. 


GERONA,  COUNCIL  OF 

Mansi  really  settles  nothing  (xii  335  and  stf.^ 
and  the  Oxford  editors  of  Wilkins  still  lev  ^ 
382,  note).  Again,  in  the  prefiioe  to  tbii 
council  it  is  Carloman,  mayor  of  the  palace  w^ 
speaka,  and  its  seven  canons,  besides  ranninf  ia 
his  name  form  the  first  of  hit  capitnlaiiH 
(Mansi,  %b.  366,  and  App.  104).  Certaialj, 
the  first  of  them  constituting  Boniface  art£- 
bishop  over  the  bishops  of  his  dominions  caiMt 
have  been  decreed  but  by  him.  True,  there  is  a 
letter  from  Boni&ce  to  pope  Zachary  requestiag 
leave  for  holding  a  synod  of  this  kind,  which 
was  at  once  given  (Mansi,  t6.  312-19X  and  ii 
another,  purporting  to  be  from  Boni&oe  to  areb- 
bishop  Cuthbert  (fiaddan  and  Stubbo,  CtAUkdU^ 
iii.  376),  three  sets  of  canons  are  quoted  as 
having  been  decreed  by  the  writer,  of  which 
these  form  the  second.  Still,  even  so,  when  sad 
where  were  the  other  two  sets  passed?  What 
Mansi  prints  (xii.  383)  as  ^  sUtates  of  St.  Bob- 
face  "  in  one  place,  were  probably  the  work  of  s 
later  hand,  as  he  says  in  another  (Al  362). 

2.  A.D.  745,  at  Mayenoe  possiblj,  where  AMe 
bert  and  Clement  were  pronounced  heretics,  aed 
Gervilion  of  Mayenoe  deposed  to  be  saoceedcd  hj 
Boniface  (Mansi,  i&.  371)1 

3.  A.D.  747,  at  which  the  first  four  geaeni 
councils  were  ordered  to  be  reoeired.     PossiUr 

• 

the  tenth  of  the  letters  of  pope  Zachary  ma/ 
relate  to  this  (Mansi,  •&.  409  and  342> 

4.  A.D.  759,  at  which  Othmar,  abbot  of 
St.  Gall,  was  unjustly  condemned  (Manii,  ak 
660>  \JL.  S.  Ft] 

GERMANICUS,  martyr  at  Smyrna  nader 
Marcus  Antoninus  and  Lucius  AureUus ;  comsM- 
morated  Jan.  19  {MarU  Bom.  Vet.^  Adonis,  Caa- 
ardi).  QW.  F.  G.] 


GERMANUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Ftois  asd 
confessor  (t576  A.D.);  commemorated  MaySS 
(Mart.  Bedae,  Adonis,  IJsuardi) ;  iranslatioB  (<l^ 
position^  Ado)  July  25  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Auxerre  and  confessor;  "traa- 
situs "  commemorated  July  31  {Mart.  J3«raL, 
Adonis,  Usuardi) ;  Aug.  1  {mart.  Bedae) ;  trasfr- 
lation  {nataliSj  Ado)  Oct.  1  {Mart.  Usiaaidi)L 

(8)  [DONATIANUS  (2).] 

(4)  Martyr  in  Spain  with  Servandns;  com- 
memorated Oct.  23  {Mart.  Bonn.  Vef^  Adtois, 
Usuardi). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  vitJi 
Caesarius,  Theophilus,  andVitalis,  anderDeciv»; 
commemorated  Nov.  3  {lb.). 

(8)  Of  Constantinople,  A.D.  730;  oommeno- 
rated  May  12  {CaL  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G] 

GERONA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Gemndaw  c^- 
cilium)j  held  A.D.  517,  at  Gerona  in  Oataloais, 
and  passed  ten  canons  on  discipline,  to  which 
seven  of  the  ten  bishops  present  at  the  synod  of 
Tarragona  the  year  before  subscribed.  By  the 
first  the  order  laid  down  for  celebrating  mass  sod 
saying  the  psalter  and  ministering  in  geoenl 
throughout  the  province  of  Tarragona  is  to  be 
that  of  the  metropolitan  church.  By  the  la»t 
the  Lord's  prayer  is  to  be  said  on  all  days  after 
matins  and  vespers  by  the  priest.  By  the 
second  and  third  rogation  days  are  to  be  kept 
with  abstinence  twioe  a  year :  viz.,  the  three  hot 
days  of  Whitsun  week,  and  the  first  three  days  ia 
November ;  or,  one  of  them  being  a  Sunday,  tat 


GEBONTIUB 

thrat  lait  days  of  the  week  following  (Mansi, 
▼ilL  547  and  teq.^  [£  S.  Ff.] 

GEBONTIUB,  bishop  of  Serilla  la  Vieja  in 
S^pain  (saec.  i.) ;  commemorated  Aug.  25  {Mart, 
Uauardi).  .      [W.  F.  G.] 

OEBTRUDIS,  virgin,  martyr  in  Ireland; 
commemorated  March  17  {Mart,  Bedae,  Adonis, 
Uauardi).  [W.  F.  Q.] 

GEBUNDEN8E  CONCILIUM.  [Gerona, 
Council  of.] 

GEBYASIUS,  martyr  at  Milan  with  Prota- 
sias,  his  brother,  under  Nero;  commemorated 
June  19  (Mart  Bedae,  Hieron,^  Col,  Carthag,, 
Cat,  et  Sacrament,  FrontoniSy  Mart,  Adonis,  Uau- 
ardi); also  with  Nazarius,  and  Celsus,  June  19 
(Mart,  £om,  VetX  and  Oct.  14  (Col,  Byzant), 

[W.  F.  G.] 

GEBYASIUS  AND  PBOTASIUS,  SS., 
IN  Art.  The  basilica  of  St.  Ambrose  in  Milan 
was  dedicated  by  him,  June  19th  387,  to  these 
martyrs,  whose  bones  he  transferred  to  it.  The 
name  of  the  church  has,  howeyer,  been  deriyed 
by  posterity  from  that  of  its  founder.  The 
author  may  refer  to  the  personal  testimony  of 
Father  Ambrose  St.  John  of  the  Oratory,  as  to 
a  late  disoorery  of  bones  in  the  Basilica  of  St. 
Ambrose,  whi<m  seems  strongly  to  confirm  the 
tradition  of  the  burial  of  actually  martyred 
persons  among  its  foundatiobs.* 

St.  Geryasius  appears  repeatedly  in  the 
paintings  of  the  Ambrosian  basilica,  especially 
m  the  great  mosaic  of  the  apse  (Sommerard, 
Album  des  Arts,  pi.  zix.  9  s^rie).  St.  Protasius 
is  with  him,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  church. 
This  mosaic  cannot  be  later  than  the  9th  century, 
And  may  probably  be  of  the  same  date  as  that  in 
the  great  church  of  SL  Apollinaris  in  Classe  at 
Bayenna,  7th  century.  (See  Ciampini  Vet.  Jfemv- 
tnenta,  tom.  ii.  pi.  zzy.  No.  11,  and  p.  95  in  text.) 
Two  portrait  medallions  of  these  saints  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  church  of  SL  Yitale  in  the  same 
city.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GETULIUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Aman- 
tius,  Cerealis,  aad  Primitiyus,  in  the  time  of 
Adrian  (circa  124  A.D.) ;  **  passio,"  June  10 
iMart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GIDEON  orGEDEON,  the  prophet;  com- 
memorated with  Joshua,  Sept.  1  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet,, 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GIFTS.    [Arrhae  ;  £lexehts,  p.  600.] 

GILBEBTUS,  'Ma  territorio  Parisiacensi, 
Tioo  Christoilo ;"  commemorated  with  Agoadus, 
and  innumerable  others  of  both  sexes,  June  24 
(MaH,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GILDABDUS,  bishop  of  Kouen  (f  post  508); 
^  naUlis  "  June  8  (MaH,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

GILDING.  A  frequent  mode  of  decorating 
the  interiors  of  churches  was  by  gilding.  The 
earliest  reference  we  have  to  it  is  in  the  letter 
of  the  emperor  Constantiae  to  Macarius,  bishop 
of  Jerusalem,  relating  to  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  which  he  was  about  to  haye  built, 
consulting  him,  among  other  points,  as  to  the 

•  Bee  note,  p.  483,  J.  H.  Newman's  BittoHealShetdui, 
Pickering.  1873.  A  letter  of  tbe  greatest  Interest,  which 
■esau  to  leave  little  room  fn- doubt  ss  to  the  authenticity 
•rihe  bndiss efSt,  Ambraae  end  tbe  two  Bsrtyn. 


GIBDLE 


727 


character  of  the  ceiling  he  wished  to  haye  con- 
structed. The  emperor  evidently  inclined  to 
ceiling  divided  into  panels  (KaKwyapla,  laqueatajy 
inasmuch  as  it  could  be  decorated  with  gold 
(Euseb.  Vit,  Const,  iiL  c.  32).  Thb  plan  was 
carried  out  on  the  most  magnificent  scale,  and, 
*'  by  means  of  compartments,  stretched  its  vast 
expanse  over  the  whole  basilica,  covered  through- 
out with  resplendent  gold,  so  as  to  malce  the 
whole  temple  dazzling  as  with  a  blaze  of  light  ** 
(lb,  c  36).  The  beams  of  the  roof  of  tbe  basilica 
of  St.  Paul  at  Rome  were  originally,  aj>.  386, 
covered  with  gold-leaf. 

**  Bmcteolss  traUbus  snUeyit.  ut  emnis  anmlenta 
Lux  esset  Intns.  cea  jubar  sob  orto.* 

(Peiron.  Pauio  Beat,  Apott.) 

The  church  built  by  St.  Paulinus  at  Nola  had 
also  a  panelled  ceiling,  ''alto  et  lacunato  cul- 
mine"  (Paulin.  Epist.  xzzii.  12),  but  gilding 
is  not  expressly  mentioned.  References  to  these 
ceilings  of  gilded  panelling  are  frequent  in 
Jerome,  who  speaks  of ''  the  hquearia  and  roofs 
gleaming  with  gold,"  **  the  gilded  ceilings,"  and 
the  like,  with  some  expression  of  regret  that  so 
much  that  might  have  been  devoted  to  Christ's 
poor  was  lavished  on  architectural  decoration 
(Hieron.  lib.  ii.  in  Zach.  viii. ;  Epist,  ii.  ad  Nepot. ; 
Epist,  viii.  ad  Demetriad.).  From  the  last-quoted 
passage  we  learn  that  the  capitals  of  the  pillars 
were  also  silt,  and  that  the  altars  were  orna- 
mented with  gold  and  jewels.  In  the  more  mag- 
nificent churches  erected  in  Justinian's  reign, 
the  altars  were  often  of  silver  plated  with  gold. 
The  altar  given  by  Pulcheria,  a.d.  414,  to  the 
church  at  Constantinople  was  elaborately  con- 
structed of  gold  and  precious  stones  (Soz.  ff,  E, 
ix.  1)l  This  was  surpassed  by  the  altar  given 
by  Justinian  to  St.  Sophia,  which  was  all  of  gold 
resplendent  with  gems  (Ducange,  ConstantSiop, 
Christ,  lib.  ill.  p.  47).  The  altar  at  St.  Ambrogio, 
at  Milan,  made  A.D.  835,  is  covered  with  plates 
of  gold  and  silver,  with  subjects  in  high  relief 
[Altar,  p.  64].  The  domes  which  crowned  the 
early  churches  in  the  East  were  often  gilt  ex- 
ternally. (Bingham,  Orig,  Eccl,  VIII.  viii  5; 
Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  182.)    [E.  V.] 

GIBDLE  (Co»>^>  balteus,  cinguium,  gona"). 
Among  nations  who  wore  long  flowing  robes,  it 
is  obvious  that  the  use  of  the  girdle  would  be 
necessary  for  convenience  in  walking,  or  in  active 
work.  This  very  way,  however,  of  using  the 
girdle  would  cause  it  to  be  more  or  less  hidden 
by  the  dress :  and  thus  we  are  ^  priori  prepared 
for  the  fact  that,  while  in  the  early  Christian 
centuries  we  continually  meet  with  the  girdle 
used  as  a  matter  of  practical  oonvenience,  it 
is  not  till  the  eighth  century  that  we  find  it 
recognized  as  an  ecclesiastical  vestment  strictly 
so  called.  The  use  of  it  in  these  earlier  times 
seems  not  unfrequently  to  have  carried  with  it 
the  idea  of  an  imitation  of  the  ancient  Jewish 
prophets,  and  thus  to  have  been  worn  by  those 
who  followed  a  monastic  life,  and  those  who 
professed,  in  reality  or  in  seeming,  to  imitate 
their  austerities.  We  find,  for  example,  pope 
Celestinus  I.  (ob.  432  A.D.)  finding  fiiult  with 
those  who,  by  affscting  this  style  of  dress 
("amicti  pallio  et  lumbos  praecinoti**),  seemed 
to  claim  for  themselves  a  sanctity  of  life  not 
rightly  theirs  (Epist,  4  ad  Episc,  Vienn,  et 
Narh.  c.  2 ;  PatroL  1.  431).      Salviauus  (ob. 


728 


OIBDLE 


GLADIATOBS 


circA  495  A.D.)  refers  to  the  same  idea,  in  the 
words  addressed  to  an  unworthy  monk,  "licet 
fidem  cingnlo  afferas"  {Adv.  avaritiam  ir.  5; 
Patroi.  liiL  232).  See  also  Basil  (Epist.  45  ad 
monachum  lapaum  ;  Patrol.  Or.  xxxii.  366).  To 
take  an  instance  of  a  different  type,  Fnlgentias 
(ob.  533  A.D.)  on  his  elevation  to  the  see  of 
Ruspe,  is  said  in  his  biography  (formerly  attri- 
buted to  Ferrandus  Diaoonos)  to  have  retained 
the  girdle  with  the  rest  of  the  monastic  habit — 
"  pelliceo  cingulo  tanquam  monachus  utebatur  " 
(c.  37;  Patrol.  Ixv.  136).  The  Sule  of  St. 
Benedict  forbad  the  laying  aside  of  the  monastic 
girdle  even  at  night;  for  the  monks  were  to 
sleep  '*  yestiti . . .  et  cincti  dngulis  aut  funibus  " 
(Beyuta  S.  BenecUcti,  c.  22 :  see  also  Begula  S. 
Donati,  c  65). 

It  may  further  be  remarked  that  the  girdle 
was  commonly  worn  as  an  ornament  by  so- 
Tereigns  and  nobles.  Thus,  in  a  homily  once 
assigned  to  Chrysostom,  but  now  generally  be- 
lieved to  be  a  work  of  the  *sixth  century,  the 
girdle  is  spoken  of  as  an  ordinary  ornament  of 
kings,  and  with  this  royal  use  of  it  is  compared  the 
girdle  of  our  Lord  {Horn,  de  Uno  Legislatore,  c.  3 ; 
vol.  vi.  409,  ed.  Montfaucon).  It  will  readily 
be  seen  how  important  a  bearing  the  above  facts 
have  on  the  main  general  question,  to  which  we 
can  only  refer  thus  in  passing,  as  to  whether 
the  dress  of  the  early  Christian  ministry  was 
derived  from  that  of  the  Levitical  priesthood. 
In  this  last,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  girdle 
was  a  very  important  element. 

It  has  been  said  that  it  was  not  till  the  8th 
century  that  we  meet  with  the  girdle  as  an  eccle- 
siastical vestment  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word.  It  is  true  that  we  do  meet  with  references 
to  it  at  an  earlier  period,  as  to  that  worn  by 
Gregory  the  Great,  which  later  generations  are 
said  by  his  biographer  to  have  regarded  as  a 
precious  relic .( Joannis  Diaconi  Vita  8.  Greg. 
Magni,  iv.  80 ;  Patrol.  Ixxv.  228).  Still,  it  must 
be  remembered,  the  use  of  an  article  of  dress  by 
ecclesiastics  is  a  totally  different  thing  from  their 
use  of  it  because  they  are  ecclesiastics ;  and  for 
instances  of  this  latter  we  must  pass  on  to 
a  later  period. 

Perhaps  the  earliest  reference  of  this  kind  is 
one  by  Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople 
(ob.  740  A.D.),  in  his  description  of  the  various 
priestly  vestments  (^ffistoria  Ecclesiaatica  et 
Mystica  Omtemplatio ;  Patrol.  Or.  xcviiL  394), 
in  which  he  also  alludes  to  the  napkin  attached 
to  the  girdle  worn  by  deacons  (n^  iyx^ipioy  rb 
M  r^s  (^yfi^y,  Rabanus  Maurus,  in  his  trea- 
tise de  Institfttione  Clericorum  (i.  17 ;  Patrol. 
cvii.  306),  a  work  probably  written  about  the 
year  819  A.D.,  refers  to  the  girdle  as  one  of  the 
regular  Christian  vestments,  and  dwells  on  the 
symbolism  of  it  at  some  length.  A  curious  in- 
junction, for  which  a  curious  reason  is  given,  as 
to  the  wearing  of  the  girdle,  is  found  in  one  of 
the  so-called  Arabic  canons  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea,  edited  by  Abraham  Ecchelensis  (can.  66  ; 
Labbe  ii.  335).  According  to  this,  the  clergy 
are  forbidden  to  wear  a  girdle  during  divine 
service. 

In  earlier  times  the  girdle  was  often  doubt- 
lessly richly  adorned:  the  reference  we  have 
<ilready  given  to  its  regal  use  is  illustrative  of 
this,  and  we  may  fui*ther  cite  Chrysostom  {Bom. 
M  Ptal.  48;  vol.   v.    521),  where,   inveighing 


against  various  articles  of  Inxiuy  in  dresa,  ht 
speaks  of  golden  girdles.  Apparently,  too,  tUi 
state  of  things  prevailed  after  the  girdle  beeuns 
a  reo^ized  ecclesiastical  vestment,  the  exoe»- 
sive  ornamentation  being,  it  wonld  seem,  viewed 
as  a  secular  element  in  the  ecclesiastical  drem. 
Thus  we  find  Durandus  (ob.  1296  A.D.)  speakisf 
of  the  clergy  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Loois 
I.,  the  son  of  Charlemagne,  as  laying  aside 
^  Cingula  auro  texta,  exquisitas  vestea,  et  alii 
secularia  omamenta  "  (Bationale  Bio.  Of.  iiL  1). 
A  further  illustration  of  this  is  furnished  by  the 
will  of  Riculfus,  bishop  of  Helena  (ob.  915  AJ>.X 
ii  which  he  bequeaths,  among  other  precNW 
articles,  "  zonas  quinqoe,  una  cum  anro  et  gem- 
mis  pretiosis,  et  alias  quattuor  cum  auro  "  (PatrsL 
cxxxii.  468). 

Later  liturgical  writers  [e,g.  Honorins  Angu»> 
todunensis  (^Gemtna  Animae,  u  206 :  PtdroL 
clxxii.  606),  Innocent  m.'(de  Sbcro  AUaru  aiyt- 
terio,  i.  52 ;  Patrol,  ccxvii.  793)^  and  Doraadns 
(Eat.  Div.  Off.  iii.  4)]  speak  further  of  an  under 
girdle  {subcmguluniy  aubcinetorium,  gwxmeUf 
rtum),  and  generally  as  a  vestment  peculiar  to 
bishops.  So  in  the  ancient  mass  given  by 
Menard  {Oreg,  8icr.  coL  249)  from  the  Cd. 
Ratoldi,  Uie  bishop  puts  on  both  a  cmgultan  sod 
a  balteus,  the  former  perhaps  the  unseen  and 
simple  primitive  girdle,  the  latter  the  elaboratt 
ornament  of  later  times.  This  subject,  however, 
fidls  beyond  our  limits ;  reference  may  be  made 
to  Bona  de  Eebus  LiOtrg,  L  24.  15. 

A  brief  remark  may  be  made  in  passing  as  to 
the  special  significance  of  the  girdle  in  reiemoe 
to  the  bestowal  or  deprivation  of  office.  Has 
Gregory  the  Great  congratulates  a  friend  **  prae 
fecturae  vos  suscepisse  cingula**  {EpUt.  x.  37; 
Patrol.  Ixxvii.  1094>  Atto,  bishop  of  Tcr- 
cellae  (ob.  circa  960  A.D.),  writing  to  one  bkhep 
Azo,  orders  that  a  man  who  should  contract  a 
marriage  within  the  prohibited  degrees  ^  cin-nili 
sui  patiatur  amissionem "  {Epist.  5 ;  PotrU. 
cxxxiv.  107).  Similar  references  are  oft«a 
found  in  the  Theodosian  code,  and  elsewfiere 
(see  e.g.  Cod.  Theodos.  lib.  viii.  tit  L  L  11 ;  lib. 
X.  tit.  26,  1.  1),  in  a  way  that  often  snggeats  the 
belt  of  knighthood  of  later  times. 

For  further  references  to  the  subject  of  the 
girdle  in  its  different  aspects,  see  Ducange's 
Ghssarium  s.  w. ;  Marriott's  Vestiarimm  C9Hr> 
tianwnj  p.  213,  etc;  Hefele,  Die  liturgitdet 
OewdndeTf  pp.  178  sqq.;  Bock,  Geechidde  dit 
lUurgitchen  Oeuander  dee  MiiUOtter^  u.  pp.  50 
sqq.  [R.  &] 

GLADIATOBS.  A  passion  for  gladiatorial 
combats  had  a  strong  hold  apon  the  popular 
mind  of  pagan  Rome;  and  under  the  empire 
magnificent  amphitheatres  were  built  for  suck 
exhibitions,  and  others  of  an  almost  equally 
barbarous  nature,  which  seem  to  have  presented 
a  peculiarly  fascinating  attraction  both  to  met 
and  women  in  those  times. 

Augustine  mentions  a  case  in  which  even  a 
Christian,  having  been  induced  to  be  present  at 
one  of  these  exhibitions,  and  having  kept  his  eyes 
closed  for  a  time — on  opening  them,  at  a  sodden 
outcry  which  he  heard,  inst^id  of  hsing  shocked 
or  disgusted  at  the  sight,  was  hurried  along  with 
the  spirit  of  the  assembled  people — was  over- 
come with  a  wild  and  savage  delight  at  beholdin; 
the  scene  of  bloodiihed  and  death,  and  carried 


OLAD7ATOBS 


OLA68 


72» 


•way  with  him  an  ineztingtiishable  desire  to 
witneae  the  same  spectacles  again  (August. 
Cm/.  Ti.  8). 

Some  pagan  moralists  expressed  more  or  less 
strongly  their  disapprobation  of  the  gladiatorial 
shows,  as  being  inhuman  and  demoralizing 
(Seneca,  £p,  vii.  and  Pliny,  Ep,  iy.  22);  bat 
they  were  too  popular  to  be  checked  by  such 
remonstrances;  and  nothing  effectual  was  done 
to  stop  them  until  they  were  opposed  and  finally 
suppressed  by  the  intervention  of  Christian  prin- 
ciples and  Christian  heroism. 

The  church  expressed  its  abhorrence  of  these 
barbarous  games  as  soon  as  it  came  in  contact 
with  them,  not  only  by  discountenancing  attend- 
ance at  them,  but  by  refusing  to  admit  gladiators 
to  Christian  baptism  (see  Vonstit.  ApostoL  Yiii. 
32).  In  this  canon,  charioteers,  racers,  and  many 
others,  are  included  in  the  same  condemnation ; 
probably  because  the  public  exhibitions  in  which 
they  took  a  part  were  more  or  less  connected 
with  idolatry.  And  for  the  same  reason  such 
persons,  if  they  had  already  been  receiyed  into 
the  church,  were  to  be  punished  by  excommuni- 
cation {ConciL  AreUxt.  i.  4). 

The  first  imperial  edict  prohibiting  the  exhi- 
bition of  gladiators  was  issued  by  Constantino  in 
A.D.  325,  just  after  the  council  of  Nice  had  been 
convened  (Cbef.  Theod.  xr.  12,  1).  Forty  years 
later  Valentinian  forbade  that  any  Christian 
criminals  should  be  condemned  to  fight  as  gladi- 
ators ;  and  in  A.D.  367  he  included  in  a  similar 
exemption  those  who  had  been  in  the  imperial 
aerrioe  about  the  court  (Palatini)  {Cod,  IJteod. 
ix.  40,  8  and  11> 

Honorius,  at  the  end  of  this  century,  ordered 
that  no  slave,  who  had  been  a  gladiator,  should 
be  taken  into  the  service  of  a  senator  (Cbd.  Theod, 
XT.  12,  3). 

All  these  edicts  resulted  from  the  operation  of 
Christian  principles  and  feelings,  and  they  show 
the  rise  and  growth  of  a  more  civilized  opinion, 
which  these  imperial  utterances  also  helped  to 
promote ;  but  they  produced  little  or  no  direct 
effect  in  putting  a  stop  to  such  exhibitions. 

The  decree  of  Constantine  seems  to  have  ap- 
plied only  to  the  province  of  Phoenicia — to  the 
prefect  of  which  it  was  addressed;  or,  at  any 
rate,  it  very  soon  became  a  dead  letter ;  for  a 
few  years  later  Libanius  alludes  to  gladiatorial 
aho¥rs  as  still  regularly  exhibited  in  Syria 
(Libanius,  de  vita  sua,  3).  And  although  they 
were  never  seen  in  Constantinople  —  where  a 
passion  for  chariot  races  seems  to  have  supplied 
their  place  —  yet  at  Rome  and  in  the  Western 
empire  they  continued  unrestricted,  except  by 
some  trifling  regulations.  Even  Theodosius  the 
Great,  though  in  some  things  very  submissive  to 
church  authorities,  compelled  his  Sarmatian 
prisoners  to  fight  as  gladiators;  for  which  he 
was  applauded  by  Symmachus,  as  having  imi- 
tated approved  examples  of  older  times,  and 
having  inade  those  minister  to  the  pleasure  of 
the  people,  who  had  previously  been  their  dread 
(Symmachus,  Ep,  x.  61). 

Thus  these  sanguinary  games  held  their  place 
among  the  popular  amusements,  and  afforded 
their  savage  gratification  to  the  multitude  until 
^heir  suppression  was  at  last  effected  by  the 
courage  and  self-devotion  of  an  individual 
Christian. 

In  the  year  404^  while  a  show  of  gladiators 


was  being  exhibited  at  Rome  in  honour  of  the 
victories  of  Stilicho,  an  Asiatic  monk  named 
Telemachtts,  who  had  come  to  Rome  for  the 
purpose  of  endeavouring  to  stop  this  barbarous 
practice,  rushed  into  the  amphitheatre,  and 
strove  to  separate  the  combatants.  The  spec- 
tators— enraged  at  his  attempt  to  deprive  tliem 
of  their  favourite  amusement  — >  stoned  him  to 
death.  But  a  deep  impression  was  produced. 
Telemachus  was  justly  honoured  as  a  martyr, 
and  the  emperor  Honorius — ^taking  advantage  of 
the  feeling  which  had  been  evoked— effectually 
put  a  stop  to  gladiatorial  combats,  which  were 
never  exhibited  again  (Theodoret,  ff.  E,  v.  26). 

[G.  A  J.] 

GLASS,  (i.)  Window  gkuts.—The  use  of  gW« 
in  windows  in  Roman  times  was  much  more 
common  than  was  formerly  supposed,  and  ex- 
amples of  such  glass  have  been  met  with  not 
only  in  Pompeii,  but  in  our  own  country  in 
various  places.  It  was  also  used  by  Christians 
in  early  times,  though  perhaps  not  very  com- 
monly, for  the  windows  of  their  churches,  and  then 
it  was  sometimes  coloured.  Thus  Prudentius, 
speaking  of  the  Basilica  of  St.  Paul,  built  by 
Constantine,  says :  '*  In  the  arched  window  ran 
(panes  of)  wonderfully  variegated  glass :  it  shone 
like  a  meadow  decked  with  spring  flowers."  * 
Glass,  probably  of  the  church  destroyed  A.D.  420, 
has  been  lately  found  at  Treves  (^Archaeol.  xl.  194). 
Venantius  Fortunatus  (circa  560)  thus  speaks 
(lib.  ii.  poem.  11)  of  the  windows  of  the  church 
in  Paris: 

**  Prima  capit  ndlos  vltreis  oealata  fenestrls ; 
Artlficlsque  nuura  olauslt  In  aroe  diem." 

From  Gaul  artists  in  glass  were  first  introduced 
into  Britain  (a.d.  676)  by  Benedict  Biscop 
for  the  church  windows  at  Weremouth  in  Dur- 
ham, '*  ad  cancellandas  ecclesiae  porticuumque  et 
coenaculorum  ejus  fenestras  "  (Bed.  Vit,  S.  Bene* 
diet  §  5).  Oth<)r  early  examples  may  be  seea 
in  Ducange,  s.  o.  Yitreae,  and  Bentham's  Hist, 
and  Antiq,  of  Ely,  p.  21  (ed.  2).  Pope  Leo  III. 
(ctroa  795)  adorned  the  windows  of  the  apse  of 
the  basilica  of  the  Lateran  with  glass  of  several 
colours,  *'  ex  vitro  diversis  coloribus  "  (Anastasius 
Vitas  Pontiff,  p.  208,  C.  ed.  Murat.);  and  this, 
as  some  think,  ^  is  the  earliest  instance  of  the 
kind  that  can  be  cited  with  confidence"  (Winston, 
Anc  GUus  Painty  p.-2  ;  Fleury,  H.  E,  xlvi.  20). 
Painted  glass  belongs  apparently  to  an  age 
a  little  later  than  the  present  work  embraces. 
^  It  is  a  fact,"  says  M.  Labarte,  *^  acknowledged 
by  all  archaeologists,  that  we  do  not  now  know 
any  painted  glass  to  which  can  be  assigned  with 
certainty  an  earlier  date  than  that  of  the  11th 
century"^  {HancRnok,  p.  69).  The  invention 
itself,  however,  may  perhaps  have  been  somewhat 
earlier.* 

•    M  'i'Qiii  osmuros  hyalo  tnaignl  vsrle  cucnrrit  arcua. 
Sic  prsta  vemls  floribos  renident." 

Perittfpk.  xH.  63, 64. 

The  above  taterpretatSon,  whidi  is  sabstantialty  that  of 
Kmeric  David  and  Labarte^  seems  mucb  preferable  to  that 
whidi  makes  kyalo  mean  mo$alet  (Labarte,  Bandbook  ^ 
ArtaqfMiddU  Agei,  c  11.  p.  66,  EngL  tnuM.). 

b  Two  ezamplea  only,  belonging  to  this  centvry,  are 
figured  by  M.  Lasteyrte  in  bis  great  woric,  SisMre  de  la 
Peinturf.  9ur  Feme. 

B  The  art  is  described  with  many  details  by  the  monk 
TbeophUas,  whose  sge  is  unfortunately  uncertain.  Lesslnii 


mcut  with  the  deuJ,  ind  th«  to-cilled  Ucryme 
torin,  which  ira  r»il1f  nngnsnt  bottlea,  hare  b«en 
fDusd  ID  the  otacombe  of  Rome  (Serani  d'Agin- 
oourt,  Hid.  di  FArt  par  teaMonum.  L  viii.  f.  21, 
"Sculpture"),  nad  eliewhere,  w  TodI,  Vitleji, 
■nd  SardiDia :  the  tcihIi  ire  of  vnrioiu  kindi, 
and  ere  ioinetini«  ornuneated  with  letten  and 
■ometimea  with  palm-braucbei  (De  Rosii,  BhS. 
AnA.  Criit.  ISSi,  p.  69).  Perret  figUM  >  long 
drink ing'glaia,  cgpied  here,  ornajneated  with 
palnu  (inclKd),  ^om  the  catacamba ;  at  the 
bottam  ia  eome  red  anbatance :  He  below.  The 
Slade  Collevtioo,  recently  acquired  by  the  Britiah 
MnaaDin,  canCaine  a  vesael  of  the  ume  general 
form,  of  whit*  glaaa,  found  at  Cologne,  probohlj 


Thi 


ine  Collection  in  the  aame  moMiim  haa 
plain  glass  beaker  ttoia  the  catacomba  em- 
bedded in  the  original  platter:  likewiae  a  glaia 
anipalla  marked  with  ■  crosa  and  on  each  aide, 
alio  from  the  catacoroba.  At  the  bottom  of  lome 
of  theae  imall  veaaela  baa  been  found  ■  dark 
cruet,  and  it  haa  been  made  a  question  wbethet 
thii  ii  the  sediment  of  the  blood  of  the  mart;? 
buried  there  or  of  aome  other  lubstjuice.  There 
are  even  aome  Teiselt  intcribed  SAKOVIS,  or 
SANG,  or  8A  (Aringhi,  Rom.  SuU.  t.  i.  p.  499) ; 
but  De  Roaai,  Gamicci,  and  Martignj  {Diet. 
p.  592?,B.)  are  agreed  •  ' 
Ti- 


the 


Martignj  (. 
.      .  _  ey  are  forgt 

e,  howerer,  do  not  neceuarilj  prove  that 
aubitance  found  In  genuine  glasi  Teeseln  is 


■Dppaaed  that  be  wi 


QLASB 

and  Dthen,  hare  ahewn  that  at  the  bottev  tl 
glaaa  Tcoela  fonnd  in  Chiutiao  tomba  at  Hila 

blood  is  still  to  be  recogniaed.  WithoDt  D>- 
pugulDg  the  honesty  or  the  coirectnesa  of  tlicaa 
reHsrches,  although  ai  regards  the  latter  it 
would  be  attis&ctory  if  some  mufirmatory 
erideace  ihonid  be  discovered,  it  is  allowable  ts 
luppoM  that  the  otual  uugueuta  (or  perhqa 
wine)  may  have  been  contained  in  other  of  thM 
Teasela.  The  early  Cbriatisna  alto  empb^id 
glass  aa  one  of  the  materials  for  chalieea.*  S« 
Chalice.  Their  moat  remarkable  gbua  nMak, 
however,  are  those  which  have  figurea  is  gohl  1« 
inside  their  flat  baaea;  and  theaa  hare  hitben 
been  found  almost  exclusively  in  the 
catacombs,  and  ore  genenlly  considereii 
be«n  nuuJa  in  Rome  alone.  Of  these  sod 
thirty)  are  in  the  Britiah  Uuseam,  ■ 
number  in  Paria,  a  few  others  in  rariona  Italian 
museums  and  in  private  contiaental  and  Ei^liit 
coUectiona,  mora  particularly  that  of  Mr.  Wil- 
ahaie;  from  which  last  the  South  Eeuingtoa 
Loan  Court,  and  the  Leeds  Art  Eihibitjon  in 
1868,  having  been  largely  enriched,  these  curioas 
relics  have  become  tolerably  familiar  to  many  ef 
onr  countrymen.  It  Is,  however,  in  the  Eircbe- 
rian  Uoaeum  and  In  that  of  the  Fropaguida,  aad 
above  all,  iu  the  Vatican  at  Rome,  that  the 
greatest  number  are  pre«rvad.  From  these 
variona  soorces,  and  From  the  worki  of  Ariaghi, 
fiuonarotti,  Boldetti,  be.  Padre  Qarrood  diew 
Dp  his  great  work  on  the  subject,  entitled  Vetri 
ematidi  fgwt  n  oro,  foL  with  42  plates,  ood- 

C'  ing  figure)  of  about  320  specimens,'  msny, 
ever,  being  quite  fragmentary  and  of  littjt 
nine.  The  first  edition  appeared  in  Rome  ii 
lS5g,  the  secoDd  (much  enlarged)  Id  1864.  Ai 
nearly  all  that  la  known  of  them  ia  contained  in 
this  one  work,  which  haa  been  al*o  used  la  ilia*- 
tration  of  various  articles  in  this  Dictiooarv, 
a  somewhat  slight  notice  may  aulBoe  for  tba 
place.  Ilie  greater  part  of  these  glaaa  an 
manilMly  the  bottoms  of  drinking  cope  (the 
tnacriptiroa  on  many  of  them  implying  a*  mudi), 
aome  few  have  been  plalea.  "  Their  pecnliarltr,* 
say  Hesara.  Horthcole  and  Brownlow,  "ooaristi 
In  a  design  having  been  eiecnted  in  gold  leaf  ib 
the  flat  bottom  of  the  cup,  in  anch  a  manaer  as 
that  the  figures  and  letters  should  be  seen  frtwa 
the  Inside.  .  . .  The  gold  leaf  was  protected  by  a 
plate  of  glau  which  iras  welded  by  fire,  so  ai  to 
form  one  solid  mssa  with  the  cup.  These  cnja, 
like  the  other  aitielea  found  in  the  caiaoombt, 
nera  stuck  into  the  atil)  soft  cement  of  the 
newly  closed  grave ;  and  the  double  glaaa  bottoa 

of  time,  while  the  thinner  portion  of  the  cop, 
expoaed  to  accident  and  decay  by  standing  oil 
from  the  plaster,  has  in  almost  every  inslinc* 
perished.  Boldetti  informs  oa  that  he  found  tn 
or  three  cupa  entire,  and  hie  repreEeutntion  of 
one  of  them  ia  given  in  Padre  Garmcci's  work, 
t.  mil.  T*  7'"  {Roma  Sotttmnua,    p.   37S). 


a  The  far-Camed  Sscro  GAtlno  of  Oenoa,  takoi  hj  ttt 
Cruis4eTS  at  Caeiarea  Id  It 01,  made  of  ^laia  (not,  as  t^ 
merly  BDi^nacdpOf  aelDg1eHneTiJil}tiaab«ea  fatiiad  tobs 
lbs  dM  used  si  the  Savtoar^  \jt\  SnpfHr;  bnl  allbo^ 


GLASS 


731 


Tha  cap,  vkoM  figure  ii  nTcrrtd  to,  [a  >  spvdos 

of  Cflii,  with  two  UDill  huidl«(thelrbua  being 
racnrred)  al  tha  eidea,  without  h  stem  :  npon  iti 
flat  bottom  art  two  tbrw-qnartar-langth  figaraa 
in  a  medallion,  inuribtd  PETRV3,  PAVLVS, 
the  two  apoBtlea  who,  above  all  peraoDi,  are 
br  &r  the  moit  ^ueDtlj  repnaeuted  In  the 
glaai  of  the  latacombe,  Oarracci  iigtues  a  frag- 
ment of  another  vessel  with  chaniielled  tib«, 
wbleb  miut  have  beeD  nearlf  oTthe  thapeof  oar 
tnmblen  (t.  iifvlii.  t.  9,  b).  Ha  thloka  that 
othen  mn>t  hare  been  in  tha  fonn  of  a  half-egg 
(Pnf.  p.  Tii.).  Manr  of  the  roeiialliona  fou  '  ' 
the  catacomha  are  of  nrj  amall  siie,  iitUa 
than  an  inch  Id  diameter;  there  were  long  rap- 
pornd  to  ba  cenlrei  of  the  bott«mi  of  (mall 
driDking-cupa,  bat  the  discOTerf  in  18S4  and 
1S6ti  of  two  flat  gilded  glass  ptate*  at  Cologne 
(both  broken)  has  revealed  their  nal  chBiactor. 


I  of  green 


foond  near  the  church  of 
St.  SeTerinni,' about  10  inches  in  diametat,  made 
of  clear  glaia,  were  "  inserted,  while  in  a  atate 
of  fusion,  a  number  of  imal 
giaaa  eiactlf  similnr  to  thoae  found  la 
and  which  ti^ether  Tonn  a  series  of  scriptural 
iubjecla.!   Theaa  medalliou  being  of  double  gtaai 

'  *  The  patena  lound  war  (be  eharcb  of  SL  Dnals 


bsTlnf  Che  so1t)«tft  deplcttd  In  git\A  ud  doIoots  oh  i 
ntr/au  of  the  glsis  tnstnd  of  being  wiUAi  nuilaUlimi 
doutU  glau.  Tba  dnwiiig  li  alao  of  ■  better  iljle 
art.  It  la  Dowln  Ibe  BlsdeaillKlioa"(Bnj~iilcnra 
Nonbcaie.tu.pp.al),3g4iBBuml  \d  Oiiialtff<'"lf  Sla 
OoUtctiim.  p.  SO).  The  wLjecla  nprraoiud  <n  IMk  gli 
are  Men  H  tlie  Red  Sta.  Jonah,  Dulrl  In  the  Ikoi'  di 
tLe  thTn  cblUren  lo  tht  Aerj  runuca,  the  ascriflce 
Isaac  (be  Matlvllr.  and  tfae  tieaUzii  at  tlie  man  sick 

■  A  DROt*  of  Uk  til 


hare  reaiated  the  raragea  of  time  and  accidents, 
which  hava  deatrojad  the  more  thin  aod  fragile 
glass  of  the  patena.  De  Kossi  has  seen  in  tha 
plaster  of  locull  in  the  catacombs  tha  Impreasion 
of  large  pUtes  of  this  description,  which  have 
pTobablr  perished  in  the  attempt  to  detach  them 
from  the  cement "  (Biownlow  and  Northcote, 
«.  .,  p.  291). 

The  cups,  whose  bottoma  (or  parts  of  them) 
now  remain,  were  of  various  dimensioDs ;  the 
largest  hitherto  found  hsre  medallioni  of  about 
five  Inches  in  diameter,  others  are  about  halt 
that  aixe :  around  the  (Minted  part  there  was  a 
nuteiu  of  plaia  glaaa.  Sometimea,  but  very 
nuely  *•  it  would  seem,  the  side  of  the  cup  sa 
well  aa  the  bottotn  waa  ornamented  with  figures 
in  gold  leaf.  Qarruect  figures  one  fragment  of 
such  a  aide  which  is  preaerved  in  the  Kircherian 
Uuseum  '  (t.  mil.  f.  9).  The  fignres  on  the 
gold  leaf  were  rendered  more  distinct  by  edging 
the  outline*  and  other  parte  with  dark  lines; 
and  other  colours  aa  green,  white,  and  red  of 
various  tints  were  spaiingly  introduced :  also 
on  the  ontside  of  the  glass  bottoms  variona 
ooloui*  are  found,  especUlly  azure,  also  green, 
violet,  indigo,  and  crimson  (Garrucci,  Pref. 
p.vli.).l 

The  anhjects  represented  oo  these  g^asaee  may 
now  be  considered.  A  few  of  them  are  taken 
from  the  clesiical  mythology  or  represent  secu- 
lar subjects,  whether  games  or  tradea,  and  these 
may  probably  not  hare  been  the  works  of  Cbri»- 
Uau  artists  at  all>     It  Is  Indeed  an  uneiplnined 


Eight  of  Ibeae  have  onl; 
a  slar  m  Um  centre.  Tbtw  othen  api»r  10  bave  tba 
three  cULdran  In  LJie  Babylonian  fumacs,  one  Ofnre  In 
each  medalUoo.  Four  others  havs  the  lilslorf  of  Junab 
In  H  nun]' puis ;— Id  (be  iblp;  Dodeitbe  gonrd;  sml- 

Anotbflr  glvrs  Adsm  and  Rvm,  tbe  serpent  round  the  tru 
belBgbelweentliem.  Tbe  InlarpretalkiD  of  tba otben H 
LcescenaliL  One  has  a  agara  bolding  a  nd,  wiikii  Is 
sappoeed  to  its  ttie  Bavlaur  i  probably  anothar  msdaUIOD 
BDotalned  Laaanis.  It  U  In  lbs  possaaslon  of  Kl.  h^fs  oT 
Cologiui.  SeeDeBoiBl,»>ILJlrTit.Oist.lSM,pp.SB-gi, 
and  ■  baanllflil  fignre  In  gold  and  olonr. 
a  He  otaaerrH :  ■  b  I'udIco  csempki  dl  Bgnia  dlplnta  In- 

anta  pal  I'Htnmo  lembo  dl  ua  pallia  orbilo  dl  qna 
slrteladlporpora,enotatoanaiiadF]ieBtiD  X  ineonrdl 


no  wlonred  napT  has  ben  seen  by  the  writer.  In  Heaaa. 
Brownlow  and  Nonhcote^  work,  so  cA«  laid  Bnder 
csutriboUoi.  sn  two  beaaUful  pistes  (iTlL  and  ivUL] 
shewing  the  pal?  blnlih  eoloor  of  the  glsv  and  the  pen. 
ctulnsoftbe  gold  leaf  with  deepgteen.  HuUgnr  gives 
eiampla  of  tbe  nse  of  oulonrln  tbe  [iitlowing  spedmens, 
llgBnd  b;  Perret,  vol.  It.  Puiple  la  baola  on  the  di» 
Fei7(pLiullLIU}:  |reiiilnthan-waT>s(iili.1g): 
' e  Ikce  of  Ije  Savkisr  (■""'    10S> 


a  (Laaanu).    Jn  other  caiea  we  bs*( 
lid  or  sliver  llgnres  on  sn  ssnre  ground  {Did.  p.  1)*). 
'  avTwicI  aod  Wlennsn  consider  this  an  to  have  b« 


CbrliUaa  srtIA  of  tbe  eorlj  ages  would  ever  bavB  Ibougfat 
or  depicting"  being  wbollj  Incqi^le  of  an;  ChrlsUau 
■diptUlon.     8«  Bniinilair  and  Nonbool^  u.  1.  p.  1TB. 

Is  sblfl  lo  Tpfer  lo  a  sliver  csebat  bearing  QuisLlsj 


732  GLASS 

dlllicnlt;  haw  audi  glttta  u  rtpretcnt  HercalM, 
Uiiwrra.  S«rapi>,  itnd  the  like  ibonld  have  been 
fbaDd  in  CbriBtiaD  caUcamba  it  all ;  if  indeed  it 
be  certain  that  they  were  found  there,'  It  ii 
beaide  the  preaent  purpoae  to  aay  more  of  (heae.* 
The  grenter  part  of  the  d«<(;DB,  howeTer,  are 
connected  with  the  Jewioh  or  Cbristian  religion ; 
and,  u  hai  been  dreidj  >een  In  part,  inUJecti 
rrom  the  Old  and  New  TeBtaments  are  aoinetllnei 
grooped  together  on  the  lame  glaia.  A  descrip- 
tion of  two  perfect  bottoms  of  cups,  forming  in 

mode  of  treatment. 

<!}  A  but  draped  In  the  centre,  eneloaed  in  a 
circle  witb  legend  ZKStS  (Lm  •  i.e.  aijo-i  lift  t). 
Aronnd.  without  diatinction  into  compartinenta, 
bat  with  learet  and  pellet*  interaperaed,  are: 
Jeeos  taraing  the  wntet  iota  wine;  Tobjt  and 
the  Rah ;  Jeiui  ordering   the  man  aick  of  the 

Three  Children  iu  Nebochndneiiar'a  famace 
(Garrnccl,  t.  I.  f.  1). 

(2)  Two  bnita  (a  man  and  hit  wife  7)  draped 
In  the  centre,  enclosed  In  a  circle  u  before,  with 


ApoHhierii  iiid  Eomidlm  for  eimmpla  al  Uw  tinw  Und 
of  Uking :  Tvt  wlihout  dwelUnv  no  the  fact  ihat  ILe  boo 
□oment  no  \tm  than  ttae  ButhDm  ytrj  poalttlj  belongt  (o 
a'perted  when  piganlBm  had  no  longiT  mny  vl^oroua  lire 
(VlKJontl.  Ojwra  M    ■  -- 


GLASS 

jects :  Chriit  foretelting  laJemplioa  to  Hat 
and  Ere ;  the  aacrifice  of  laaac  ;  Moaaa  Btnki3| 
the  rock  ;  Jeani  telling  the  aick  man  to  carry  Lk 
'    '     Jeana  nialug  Lazama  (id  1. 1.  £  3), 

re  (unalljr.  however,  >  ainglc  anbjeet  ecci- 
piea  the  bottom  of  the  glaet.     That  we  hirt  gg 
1.  Ti.  f.  t)  Chriit  u  the  Good  Shepherd  bnr- 


K  Bnjwnlow   and  NorllHote  Dtwerre   of  the 

TaUoui  CoUnUoii  ot  Cbittltu  AnUqalllea,  tbat  bat  Terj 
rarely  baa  any  ■ccndnt  of  iba  Imlilf  in  vbicta  tbey  ban 


M  Onin  Chrladin 


■  They  an  flfnred  In  Qarmod, 
are  littall]'  nsttocd  In  Btewnkrw  and  Nonboite^  ii.t. 
M»fc 


Inga  tambonhieibDniden,  withaiheep  and  Ina 
on  each  aide,  all  eneloeed  in  a  dnde ;  airi  Ibe 
Qreek  legend  eneloeed  in  another  circle  ontaiilt, 
POT«E  niE  ZHCAIC  HETA  TwN  C>N 
HANTatN  BOIT  (for  BIOT  ?),  i.e.  DraJt,  Bnpit, 
may  you  enjoy  life  vith  all  yourtl  Irmg  Hft  tt 
youf  On  another  glaas  (t.  Ti.  f.  9)  ocean  Ibt 
labjeet  treated  a  little  diflenntly,  with 
larly  equivalent  Latin   legend:  Dionnii 

aVM  TIVAl  CVH  TTIB  TELICTTEK,  I.e.  Btrt'l 

vmrthyjrindial  may  you  lite  h^^f  *iU 
all  yourt  I  Dijnitat  amkomm,  t,  fteqnently  re- 
earring  icclamalion  on  theae  glaaaea,  ia  thonffat 
to  be  iqoiTalent   to  di/ai  amid,    the   form  ia 


which  a  Roman  hoat  drank  hi«  Wenda'  hiiltk. 
On  another  (t.  vi.  f.  7),  bearing  the  aame  snkjert 
enclosed  in  a  aqnare,  we  hare  the  legend :  BauM 
(doubtleta  for  eima)  IH  riee  Dei  oOMCtmst.  a 
double  border  of  dentel.  being  eneloeed  in  anotwr 
oataide  aquare.  On  iDOtbcr,  Chriat  ia  nf"- 
aented  at  full  length  In  the  midit  of  aeren  «tei 


GLASS 


GLASS 


733 


pote  (for  the  six  of  the  Gospel  are  invariably 
ehanged  into  seven,  probably  from  a  Bymbolical 
feeling,  and  with  a  secret  reference  to  the 
encharist),  snrrounded  by  the  legend  Diqnitas 

AMIOORUM    VIVAS    III    (sic)    PACE    DeI    ZeSES  : 

where  vivas  may  either  be  taken  for  bUbaSy  or 
(which  seems  better)  xeses  may  be  regarded  as 
a  snperflnous  repetition  of  vivas  (t.  vii.  f.  2). 

It  will  now  probably  be  thought  sufficient  to 
indicate  briefly  the  subjects  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment including  the  Apocrypha  and  from  the 
New,  which  can  be  recognised  with  certainty  or 
probability  upon  these  glasses,  excluding  those 
on  the  Cologne  fragments.  They  are  all  con- 
tained in  the  first  eight  plates  of  Garrucci's 
work,  but  are  here  set  down  nearly  in  their 
Biblical  order.  Adam  and  Eve;  Noah  in  the 
Ark;  Sacrifice  of  Isaac;  Joseph  in  the  pit  (?); 
Moses  striking  the  rock;  Moses  lifting  up  the 
brazen  serpent  (?);  the  candlestick  and  other 
instruments  of  Mosaic  worship ;  the  Spies  bear- 
ing the  grapes  of  Canaan ;  Joshua  commanding 
the  Sun  to  stand  still  (?) ;  Jonah's  history  (in 
several  parts);  the  Three  Children  in  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's furnace;  Daniel  and  the  lions; 
Daniel  destroying  the  Dragon;  Susannah  and 
the  Elders  (?) ;  Tobit  and  the  Fish. 

The  Wise  Men  offering  gifts  (?) ;  Christ  turn- 
ing water  into  wine ;  Christ  healing  the  sick  of 
the  palsy ;  Christ  multiplying  the  seven  loaves ; 
Christ  raising  Lazarus;  Christ  as  the  Good 
Shepherd. 

The  chrisma  or  monogram  of  Christ  is  also  of 
frequent  occurrence,  sometimes  in  connection 
with  Saints,  sometimes  interposed  between  a 
husband  and  wife,  sometimes  between  a  and  w 
(taw.  i.  vii.  xi.  xiv.  xvii.  xx.  xzv.  xxvi.  xxix. 
XXX  ix.). 

The  only  representation  of  the  Crucifixion 
(t.  xl.  1)  is  considered  to  be  false. 

**  The  Blessed  Virgin  is  represented  sometimes 
alone,  with  her  name  (MARIA)  over  her  head, 
praying  between  two  olive-trees,  sometimes  with 
the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  on  either  side  of  her ; 
sometimes  accompanied  by  the  virgin  martyr 
St.  Agnes"  (Brownlow  and  Northcote,  u.  s. 
p.  280).  The  apostles  most  frequently  repre- 
sented (on  more  than  seventy  glasses)  are  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  their  names  being  added; 
sometimes  singly,  more  often  conjointly.  **  The 
two  apostles  are  represented  side  by  side,  some- 
times standing,  sometimes  seated.  In  some  in- 
stances Christ  is  represented  in  the  air  ...  . 
holding  over  the  head  of  each  a  crown  of  vic- 
tory; or  in  other  Instances  a  single  crown  is 
suspended  between  the  two,  as  if  to  show  that 
in  their  death  they  were  not  divided.  This 
crown  becomes  sometimes  a  circle  surrounding 
the  labarum  or  chrisma,  which  is  often  sup- 
ported on  a  pillar,  thus  symbolising  *  the  pillar 
and  ground  of  the  truth ' "  (Brownlow  and 
Northcote,  «.  s.  p.  285)."     We  have  also  single 

•  These  learned  wrttera  tiy  to  persuade  themselves 
that  these  clmiwii  give  us  real  portraits  of  the  apostles, 
"excepting  a  few  which  are  of  very  inferior  ezecatlon." 
Tbey  relj  prlndpally  on  their  resemhlance  to  a  hnmze 
medal  said  to  have  been  foand  in  the  cemetery  of  Domi- 
tflla,  DOW  In  the  Vatican,  of  which  they  give  a  beaut  iiul 
llgnre  (pi.  zvU.\  and  which  they  say  "  has  every  appear- 
anoe  of  having  been  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Flavian 
emperors,  when  Grecian  art  still  flourished  In  Rome." 
De  Rossi,  who  al»-  figures  this  medal  (Butt.  Artk,  CritU 


examples  of  the  names  of  John,  Thomas,  Philip, 
and  Jude,  most  probably  the  apostles ;  and  two 
or  three  other  names  which  occur  in  the  New 
Testament,  are  also  found :  Lucas,  Silvanus,  Timo- 
theus,  Stephen  (written  Istephanus) ;  these  are 
probably  the  same  persons  whose  names  are  men- 
tioned in  the  New  Testament.  (For  the  glasses 
on  which  these  names  occur,  see  Garrucci's  Index^ 
p.  109.) 

There  are,  besides  the  persons  mentioned  in 
Scripture,  a  good  many  others  which  are  of  note 
in  ecclesiastical  history.  St.  Agnes  occurs  more 
than  a  dozen  times,  St.  Laurence  seven  times, 
and  St.  Hippolytus  four  times;  the  following 
among  others  occur  less  frequently,  St.  Cal- 
listus,  St.  Cyprian,  and  St.  Marcellinus,  the  last 
of  whom  was  martyred  under  Diocletian,  A.D.  304 
(see  Garrucci's  Index,  as  above).  Besides  these, 
many  other  proper  names,  probably  of  the  pos- 
sessors, occur  either  along  with  their  miniatures 
or  without  them  (see  Garrucci's  Indexy  as  before). 
There  is  nothing  which  desei-ves  to  be  called  a  real 
portrait  in  any  of  these  representations,  which 
are  mostly,  perhaps  all,  executed  in  the  debased 
style  of  the  4th  century ;  and  as  the  saints  have 
no  emblems  attached  their  figures  have  but  little 
interest.  We  have  also  on  these  glasses  scenes 
of  domestic  Christian  life — married  life,  and 
family  life.  The  occurrence  of  the  chrisma 
makes  their  Christian  character  certain :  where 
this  or  the  name  of  Christ  or  Qod  does  not  occur, 
it  is  rash  to  say  anything  definite  (Garrucci, 
taw.  xxvi.-xxxix.). 

A  few  more  woihIs  may  suffice  for  the  inscrip- 
tions. The  acclamations,  of  which  several  speci- 
mens have  been  given,  are  mostly  of  ^  convivial 
character,  and  either  in  Greek  (rarely),  or  in 
Latin  (most  usually),  or  in  a  mixture  of  the 
two  (not  unfrequently) :  *  none 'of  them  at  all 
fiivour  the  supposition  that  they  were  used  as 
chalices.  Other  acclamations,  as  YiVATiB  in  Deo; 
and  Mabtvsa  Epecfete  vivatis,  express  good 
wishes  to  the  married  couple  (id,  t.  xxvi  11, 12). 
On  a  very  few  of  the  glasses  we  have,  as  it  ap- 
pears, invocations  of  saints  or  legends  which 
acknowledge  their  patronage.  Thus  a  broken 
fragment  has  PETRVS  PROTEG.;  whether  any 
letters  followed,  it  is  impossible  to  say :  the 
word  may  either  be  protegit  or  protegat  or  even 
protege  {id,  i,  x.  f.  1).  Another  fine  but  meagre 
fragment  exhibits  the  Saviour  (apparently)  with 
the  chrisma  and  the  a  and  «,  bearing  a  Latin 
cross  with  legend,  ....  ane  (<S!a/inan0,  or  some 
other  proper  name)  vivas  in  Cr[isto  et]  Lav- 
RENTio  (id,  t.  XX.  f.  1).  Another  (u.  s.  f.  2),  which 
is  also  broken,  but  slightly,  has  Viro  (or  perhaps 
Victor)  [viv]as  in  nomine  Lavbeti  (for  Zau- 
rentt).  The  inscription  PETRVS,  written  in  two 
instances  against  Moses  striking  the  rock  (id.  t.  x. 


Nov.  1864),  thinks  It  Is  of  the  second  or  third  century. 
Notwithstanding  these  high  bat  somewhat  dlsoordail 
authorities!  the  writer  ventures  to  express  his  own  strong 
saqridon  tiiat  the  style  of  the  medal  bespeaks  the  age  of 
the  Ren4ilssance:  H  Is  most  probably  of  the  16th  century 
or  thereabouts 

•  We  give  here  two  or  three  of  this  mixed  character: 
Cw  Tvn  VKUorrn  zsaas  (Garr.  t.  ziL  I) ;   Dionitas 

AMIOORVM  Pm    ZRSRS    OW   TVtS  OMHIBVS    BIBK  KT  PBO- 

nxA  (t.  xii.  a).  (Both  the  above  gUuses  have  figures  of 
Peter  and  Paul,  with  their  names  added.)  Oo  the  same 
plate  are  other  examples  of  bilingual  redundancy:  such 
as— Vivas  m  zassa,  vivas  ovm  wn  xisits. 


734 


OtiABfl 


f.  9;  BrowDloiT  and  Northcote,  u.  i.  pi.  it 
and  p.  28T),  i>  kIm  of  <onia  theolo^ckl  import' 
uic«  u  indicstiDE  that  ftttr  wai  tbta  looked 
npoD  u  the  UsHs  of  the  new  Iirael  of  Qod,  u 
Pradentlui  >peak>.  The  honour,  howaier,  ap- 
peim  to  be  divided  betveen  Peter  and  PanI  on 
another  glau.  anfortaaatel;  mntilited.  Cbrlet 
■tandi  DD  a  hill  between  Peter  and  Paul.  AboTe 
li  the  commoa  Wpiai  PIE  mSES] :  below  are 
the  wonli  lERVSALE  .  lORDANES  .  BECLE 
(forSet«e4«in,C  =  ©?).  Peter  ii  here  the  apoatle 
of  the  J*w«,  PanI  of  the  Geotiles,  who  firat  wor- 
(hipped  the  SaTiour  at  Bethlehem.  Below  are 
iheep  adoring;  the  Ijimb  on  ■  hill  betseen  them, 
■rmboliiing  both  chnrchei  (Garrncci,  t.  x.  f.  8.) 
The  orthography  of  the  legsnda  ii  ■omttimei 
lBrbaroua.r  Tho*  Jeeiu  ji  written  ZESVS 
(Fiii.  5)  i  Zebvb  (Tii.  17),  be  Chbibtvi  ia 
apelt  ClUSTVa  (riii.  5,  lii.  1,  it);  TihOthevb 
becoDiu  TiKOTETS  (iTii,  2) ;  HiPPOLtrVB,  EpO- 
Lrrvg  (lil.  7),  orlPPOLTTB<IlT.  5);  CTPBIiKVS, 

CRiPRANTS  (XI.  6);  Svcisva,  Tivcisvs  (iiTiii. 
6);  Severe,  Sebeke  (iiii.  5);  pHiuppvi, 
Fiu>vs<iiT.  6).  We  have  also  BiBAS  for  Vitas 
(Ti.  7);  ViBiTiBforViVATis(irii.«)i  Im  pace 
for   In    Pace    (tIL  2,  ir.  3);   PIE    for    niE 


(i.  3,  fas.)  ;  PlBB  for  Dipi  (irri.  10).  There  are 
a  few  other  inatances  of  limilar  orthographic 
chaneeB,  to  aay  nothing  of  aacfa  blnaden  ai 
DinNTiAS  for  DtQNiTAB,  and  Ceuthvb  tor  CkietVB 
(fflrtXu.)  (Qarr,  p.  53). 

The  datea  of  thece  worka  are  deGned  to  aoni*  cl- 
ient bf  their  eubjecU.  On  one  of  them  (iiiiii.  5) 
'  eap  of  mooej"  '--=-■-■ '-'-'- 


eogo 


>ethec< 


I ofCan 


alia  and  oi 


loftheFaui- 
rathe 


mar«  prMiee  limiUtion,  and  tbink*  that  the* 
range  from  tha  middle  of  the  3rd  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  4th  centarr  (Brownlow  a^ 
:iarthcate,u.i.p.  279).  We  alull  probablj' be  »K 
lar  wrong  in  saying  that  few  or  none  of  then  are 
much  eariier  or  later  than  the  4th  centnrj.'  The 
art  of  the  i»in>  of  that  century,  aa  well  aa  of  tbt 
MS.  iUuninationi  which  are  aatigned  to  abont 
the  lame  age,  atrongly  remind  a>  of  tbcM  glaaaec, 
more  erprciallj  of  thoH  oD  which  tba  chrianu 
ii  depicted.'     The  eitcutioo  of  >ome  glaaaea  ia 

atljr  reachea  conaiderahte  eic«llen«  ;  but  to  apeak 
generally,  they  belong  to  a  period  m  which  taate 
and  rigour  and  correctneaa  of  drawing  hare  aen- 
aibly  declined.  They  poaseaa,  howerer.  span  &oa 
their  main  aahjecta,  much  iatereit  aa  allowing  the 
■lylea  of  bordera  and  other  omamentatioot  the* 
preralent,  beiidea  giring  eostama  and  a  rariclT 
of  domeeticDhjects.' 

With  regard  to  the  naca  of  theae  glaaaea  a  rao- 
lideration  of  the  typea,  oonpled  with  the  intcrip- 
tioDi,  will  lead  na  to  aecnre  oonclnnoDa.  Etcb 
if  It  were  well  estahliahsd  *  that  in  Tcrtnlliu'a 


'  Mr. Harriott  (TkiHaL^  tte  a 
DbtfTTinit  Hut  "  tticee  slaHH.  wi ' ' 
to  a  pnioil  of  Tery  dv^rwlFd  u 


ET  froci  lit*  brsfamki 
of  Ibe  laat  quarter  of  1i>e4tbceDUirT.  Sea  Incurrm 
It  h  tnie  Ihat  -  Popn  Symnuchu  YlglUna  and  J..tiii  II 

In  tbeia 

na  of  nipa  Danana,  bnt  tkf7  woaU 
J  have  replaced  tbe  claaa  Tcaaala  whMfa  bad  bw 

Drownlow  ajui  NorOHVle. «- 1.  p.  ITDh 

tuchrfima  Willi  tba  .anl  •■  (nitx.  IJIaUenHal 
Ument  Willi  tlie  laiDe  tTpea  opua  Iba  eninxitaK. 
A  U^  MagDeotlna.  and  Decentiua.   And  Ud*  ■ 


fioai.    On  another,  b 

name  of  Harcallinoa,  probably  the  biihop  of  I 
Rama,  martyred  A.D.  304.<  the  martyrdom  of 
St.  Agnea,  who  ia  <o  ofUn  repraientad,  prolwbly 
took  place  about  the  aame  time.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  dreu,  arrangement  of  the  hair,  and 
of  th*  general  art  and  orthography  indDcea  Oar- 
mcci  {Pref,  p.  ix.)  to  conaidar  them  all  anterior 
to  Theodoaioa  (a.D.  3e0>     De  Kosai  attompU  ■ 

r  Oarrocrd  laja  atma  on  thla  ortbograpby  for  Axfng 


■here  tlK  laHral  iqrla  lad  «t  dA* 
alao).l>ofIli*iuDetaRn(^^UiaLli  oaoa]  oo  Um  aolai 
Ibe  foonb  ontnir:  anolber  fcnn  (^^  la  eaM  ts 
ur  ga  a  oohi  ot  Udnlna  Jnn.  (OamKCi.  ifmmitm.  Om- 
n(^p.l01i  appndla  labia  rOri  OnaH}  . 
Hanlcn;  Dbwrea  Uial  Ihoaa  of  tbe  bsl  wnck  C^- 
Dcloi  U»  Owd  Shppbenl.  Oarr. 


bave  Gre^  lefltnd^  belof  probaUj  die  v 
artlHa  (Did.  p.  ]I>>. 

'    ilutellier  eenaln  dial  eaU«  art 


■  aa  Ihcae :  bat  acaroely  any  which  nviafai  b 
I  an  De  (o  early  ai  a.d.  no.  OirTaaUim  (BtmiLim 
JMct.)  nyi  Ibat  (he  poitnli  of  aiilitlBa  waa  da- 


GLASS 

time  the  Good  Shopberd  was  depicted  on  chalices, 
possibly  glass  chalices  (*'  procedant  ipsae  pictnrae 
calicam  restroram,  si  rel  in  illis  perluotbit  inter- 
pretatio,"  De  pudidt.  c  7  ;  see  also  c.  10),  there 
is  certainly  nothing  in  these  glasses  bearing  that 
tvpe  or  any  other  type,  which  would  bear  out 
the  conclusion  that  they  were  chalices  for  the 
communion.'  They  were  at  once  sacred  and  con- 
vivial, and  must  therefore  have  been  used  in 
meetings  which  were  both  one  and  the  other. 
Such  were  the  agapae,  such  were  the  commemo- 
rations of  martyrs,  such  were  Christian  mar- 
riages. On  all  such  occasions,  and  perhaps  others, 
these  glasses  were  used ;  more  especially,  it  may 
be,  in  the  commemorations  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  (so  often  represented  thereonX  which  were 
**  observed  as  a  general  holiday  in  Rome  during 
the  fourth  century,  very  much  as  Christmas  now 
is  among  ourselves "  (Brownlow  and  Northcote, 
If.  s.  p.  283).  In  a  well-known  passage  of  St. 
Augustine  (Confess,  vi.  2),  he  mentions  that  his 
mother  Monica  never  took  more  than  one  cup 
(poctZ/um)  to  the  commemoration  of  the  various 
martyrs — ^implying  that  some  took  more;  per- 
haps bearing  effigies  of  the  particular  martyrs  to 
be  commemorated. 

With  regard  to  the  plates,  large  fragments  of 
which  have  been  found  at  Cologne  and  smaller 
ones  at  Rome,  as  well  as  impressions  in  mortar 
of  entire  plates  at  the  latter  place,  the  most 
obvious  and  natural  interpretation  of  them  would 
be  that  they  were  made  use  of  in  the  same  fes- 
tivities as  those  in  which  the  glass  cups  were 
employed.  Monica,  at  Milan,  as  her  son  informs 
us,  "brought  to  the  commemorations  of  the 
Saints,  as  was  the  custom  in  Africa,  pulse  and 
bread  and  wine  "  (Confess,  vi.  2).  We  may  then 
reasonably  suppose  that  these  plates  were  for  the 
purpose  of  holding  the  bread  or  other  solid  food 
used  in  the  same  commemorations  as  those  in 
which  wine  was  drunk.  A  different  view,  how- 
ever, as  was  perhaps  to  be  expected,<  is  taken  of 
them  by  those  who  (like  Messrs.  Brownlow  and 
Northcote)  think  that  '*  it  is  quite  possible  that 
some  of  our  glasses  may  be  fragments  of  chalices" 
(«.«.  p.  293).  Anastasius  in  the  Vitae  Pontif. 
s.  V.  Zephyrinus,  says  "  that  he  made  it  a  consti- 
tution of  the  church,  that  ministers  should  carry 
glass  patens  (patenae  fntreae)  into  the  church  in 
front  of  the  priests,  while  the  bishop  celebrated 
mass  with  the  priests  standing  before  him,  and 
that  in  this  manner  ...  the  priest  should  re-- 
ceive  the  bread  to  administer  it  to  the  people." 
Messrs.  Brownlow  and  Northcote,  commenting  on 
this  passage,  say  (tc  s.  p.  293) :  "  The  fragments 
of  the  two  large  patenae  discovered  at  Cologne, 
correspond  exactly  to  the  kind  of  glass  here  men- 
tioned. The  scriptural  subjects  and  the  absence 
of  any  allusions  to  secular  feasting  **  there  are  no 
inscriptions  at  all  on  these  glasses  '*  accord  well 
with  so  sacred  a  purpose,  and  we  may  therefore 
fairly  presume  that  those  other  smaller  glasses  " 
found  in  Rome,  ^  of  which  we  have  also  spoken, 
may  also  be  remains  of  the  patenae  used  to 

exlstenos  of  this  art"  (lecture,  p.  7).  The  most  that 
can  be  laid  Is  that  Tertalllan  sod  Cbrysostom  msj  pos* 
slbly  allade  to  it  The  paassge  qnoted  by  Qsrrucci  ttom 
tbe  monk  Tlieaphilos  {Dio.  ArL  Sched.  c  13),  who  pro- 
bably lived  about  the  12th  oentory,  refers  to  a  different 
modo  uf  decomtloiif  as  he  himself  observes  (pref.  p.  vl.). 

■  As  Boldettl  and  various  others  hare  thought    Their 
^ipunents  are  dlscnsnert  by  Qarmod  (pref.  pp.  z.-xUl.) 


GLASS 


735 


convey  the  Blessed  Sacrament  from  the  pope's 
altar  to  the  parish  churches  of  Rome.  Padre 
Garrucci  thinks  this  not  improbable,  although 
he  does  not  admit  that  any  of  our  catacomb 
glasses  ever  formed  portions  of  eucharistic  cha* 
lices."  The  reader  must  be  left  to  form  his  own 
opinion,  but  the  subjects  on  the  patenae  being 
much  the  same  as  those  on  the  bottoms  of  the 
cups,  it  seems  to  be  by  far  the  most  probable 
supposition,  that  the  purpose  of  the  plates  and 
of  the  cups  was  one  and  the  same,  whatever  that 
purpose  was.  (Garrucci,  Vetri  ornati  cU  figure  in 
oroj  Roma,  1858  and  1864  (ed.  2),  fol.  42  plates : 
the  preface  contains  an  account  of  the  literature 
of  the  subject,  pp.  zvii.  zviii.  and  a  discussion 
of  the  date  and  use  of  these  vessels ;  De  Rossi, 
BtM.  Arch.  Crist,  for  1864  and  1866 ;  Brownlow 
and  Northcote,  Boma  SotterraneOf  c  vii.  1869. 
Wiseman  (Card.X  Lecture  delivered  in  Dublin, 
1858,  published  by  M.  Walsh,  Dublin,  1859 ;  cer- 
tainly not  revised  by  the  Ciuxlinal  himself,  but 
giving  a  fair  view  of  the  subject  in  a  short 
space.) 

(iii.)  Class  pastes. —  Another  use    of   glass 
among  Christian  as  well  as  other  artists  was  to 
make  imitations  or  copies  of  gems  therein.    A 
few  such  have  come  down  to  our  times.    A  paste 
in  imitation  of  red  jasper,  published  by  Le  Blant, 
which  exhibits  a  Pastor  Bomis  of  the  usual  type, 
with  the  legend  AOTAOC  XPICTOT,  may  serve 
as  an  example  (Bdckh,  C.  I.  0,  n.  9093).    Other 
gem  pastes  in  imitation  of  niocolo  and  garnet 
exhibit  varieties  of  the  chrlsma  (British  Museum, 
Qastellani  Collection).    Of  more  importance  are 
the  following.     A  Nativity,  in  green  glass,  pub- 
lished by  Venuti  (Acad,  di  Cortona,  t.  vii.  p.  45), 
and  described  and  figured  by  Martigny  (Did.  p. 
431),  which  is  ascribed  to  the  6th  century ;  it 
is  a  semicircular  plaque,  bearing  the  words  H 
rENNHCIC  above,  and  a  defaced  legend  below : 
the  Magi  adore  the  Saviour,  at  whom  an  ox  and 
an  ass  are  gaxing:  Mary  is  lying  on  a  bed,  and 
Joseph  is  seated  in  meditation.    The  Vettori  Mu- 
seum, now  in  the  Vatican,  has  a  large  oval  plaque 
of  coloured  glass  (Yettori,  Num.  Aer,  expl.  p.  37 ; 
Martigny,   IHct,  p.  431,  with  a  figure),  which 
seems  to  be  early  medieval ;  it  is  also  a  Nativity : 
the  infant  Saviour  has  a  cruciform  nimbus ;  two 
oxen  look  at  him  in  the  manger;  Joseph  and 
Mary  are  seated  near  him ;  the  moon  and  the 
star  of  the  Magi  are  in  the  field.     (A  cast  sent 
from  Rome ;  the  British  Museum  has  three  other 
examples  cast  from  the  same  mould ;  one  is  red, 
in  imitation  of  jasper ;  the  others  are  of  deep 
colour.)    See  NATivrrr.    A  large  glass  plaque 
of  the  same  general  form,  but  less  regular  (1( 
by  2^  inches),  now,  it  is  believed,  in  the  Vatican, 
of  uncertain  date,  represents  a  dead  saint  pros- 
trate ;  in  the  centre  a  semiaureole  resting  upon 
her,  including  the  Virgin  with  cruciform  nimbus 
and  Child  without  any  nimbus,  a  glorified  head 
with  circular  nimbus  (Joseph  ?)  near  the  Virgin's 
knees,  ijj  XU  in  field  :   outside  the  aureole  on 
both  sides  saints  and  angels  (both  with  circular 
nimbus)  in  the  act  of  adoration :  perhaps  early 
medieval.    (A  cast  sent  from  Rome.)    We  have 
also  glass    pastes    nearly  an  inch  in  diameter 
which  are  supposed  to  have  been  pendants  for 
necklaces,  and  are  considered  to  go  back  to  the 
early  Christian  centuries:    one  in  green  glass 
shews  two  Israelites  contemplating  the  brasen 
serpent ;  another,  a  red  paste,  has  the  Saviour 


736 


GLEBE 


GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS 


O  M  N 
IBVS 


blessing  the  twelve  apostles ;  a  third,  probably 
Christian,  has  a  frog,  which  was  sometimes  taken 
as  a  symbol  of  the  Resurrection,  being  found  on  a 
Christian  lamp,  accompanied  by  a  cross  and  the 
inscription,  EVct  El  Ml  ANACTACIC  (Chabou- 
illet,  nos.  3474,  3475,  3453).  M.  Le  BUnt  has 
a  small  oblong  glass  plaqae,  which  he  acquired 
in  Rome,  which  was  once,  he  thinks,  part  of  an  an- 
cient Christian  necklace ;  it  bears 
in  golden  characters  the  word 
in  two  lines,  enclosed  in  a  paral- 
lelogram and  a  crenulated  outer 
■  margin.  He  regards  it  as  a 
**  concise  expression  of  the  charity  which  should 
unite  all  men  "  (Inso.  Chr€t,  de  la  Gaule,  vol.  i. 
p.  43,  with  a  figure).  The  British  Museum 
and  the  French  Collection  contain  various  other 
Christian  works  in  this  material,  some  of 
which  are  more  or  less  similar  to  those  which 
have  been  already  described,  or  to  the  Byzantine 
camei  named  under  Gems  ;  but  as  they  are  of 
uncertain  date  (perhaps  none  of  them  being 
earlier  than  the  9th  century'  while  some  may 
probably  be  much  later)  they  need  hardly  be 
mentioned  here. 

(iv.)  Mosaics. — Glass,  in  fine,  was  employed 
from  very  early  times  in  the  construction  of 
mosaics.  The  cubes  were  sometimes  coloured; 
sometimes,  in  the  ages  of  the  Lower  Empire, 
underlaid  with  a  ground  of  gold  or  silver  leaf, 
"  by  this  means  shedding  over  the  large  works  of 
the  artists  in  mosaic  a  splendour  before  un- 
known "  (Labarte,  ti.  s.  p.  94).    See  Mosaiob. 

[C.  B.] 

GLEBE.  The  word  Gleba  is  used  for  a  fiirm 
or  estate  in  the  Theodosian  Codex  (^Leg,  72,  De 
DecurionJ) ;  but  the  technical  sense  in  which 
it  is  used  by  English  writers,  to  designate  certain 
lands  belonging  to  an  ecclesiastical  benefice,  is 
later  than  our  period.    See  Ein)OW]fENT,  Pro- 

PEBTT  OP  THE  CUURCH.  [C] 

GLORIA.    [NniBUB.] 

GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS.  There  is  con- 
siderable  difficulty  in  tracing  out  the  history  of 
this  hymn,  because  at  one  period  both  it  and  the 
Sanctub  were  entitled  indiscriminately  Hymnus 
Angelicitt,  In  later  years  the  latter  is  called 
ffymnus  SerajJucus;  whilst  the  title  Htfmnus 
Angelicus  or  ffi/mnus  Angelorum  is  confined  to 
the  former.  The  hymn  is  found  in  various 
forms. 

1.  We  have  simply  the  words  of  St.  Luke,  ii. 
14.  This  is  of  course  the  primitive  form,  every- 
thing that  has  been  added  to  it  having  been 
composed, — as  the  4th  council  of  Toledo  (a.d. 
633,  Mansi,  x.  623)  reminds  us, — by  the 
ecclesiastical  doctors.  For  this  reason  the  coun- 
cil would  not  allow  any  expanded  form  to  be 
sung  in  the  churches.  In  this  short  form  the 
words  were  recited  by  the  priest,  according  to 
the  liturgy  of  St.  James,  when  the  priest 
"  sealed  "  the  gifts.  (Daniel,  Codex  Liturgicvs^ 
iv.  103.)  The  same  simple  form  may  be  seen 
elsewhere :  and  is  continued  to  this  day  in  the 


7  A  bast  of  the  Savioar  (to  be  compared  with  the 
earlier  Byzantine  coins)  on  a  drcular  plaque  of  blue  gUss 
(U  inch  fn  diameter)  brought  fh>m  Constantinople,  now 
tn  the  Slade  Collection ;  auo  a  paste  polycbrome  rosette^ 
Inscribed  BENEDICAT  NOS  DS  (CbaboalUet.  n.  3478)  ' 
Basy  probab'y  not  be  later  than  that  century.  i 


morning  service  of  the   Horology   (pu  35,  ed. 
Venice,  1870). 

2.  The  seventh  book  of  the  Apostoiie  Cbwfiis- 
tionSf  c  47,  contains  an  enlarged  form  of  the 
hymn, — without  any  introduction  in  the  <Adesi 
manuscript ;  but  two,  of  the  14th  and  lf>tli  cen- 
tury respectively,  entitle  the  chapter  "  Momin; 
Prayer.'*  (Lagarde,  p.  229.)  This  version  has  ^ 
peculiar  reading:  ''We  worship  T^ee  throogh 
the  great  High  Priest,  Thee  who  art  one  God,  va- 
begotten,  alone,  inapproachable."  We  read  too 
"  0  Lord,  only  begotten  Son,  Jesus  Christ,  and 
Holy  Spirit."  The  hymn  ends  <*Thoa  only  axt 
holy,  Thou  only  art  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  to  the 
glory  of  God  the  Father.     Amen.** 

3.  The  treatise  which  is  ascribed  to  Athana* 
sins  '<  de  Virginitate"  (Migne,  xxviiL  251)  is  on- 
donbtedly  spurious,  but  it  gives  some  insight 
into  the  life  of  a  Greek  virgin,  within  onr  cIud- 
nological  limits.  In  §  20  (Migne,  ut  gyp.  275) 
we  read  **  In  the  morning,  say  the  Psalm  O  God, 
my  God,  early  will  I  seek  Thee  (Psalm  IxiLX 
At  dawn,  the  *  Benedidte '  and  Glory  to  (Sod  in 
the  Highest,  and  the  rest."  This  is  the  reading 
of  the  Basle  and  English  MSS.  But  othen  pro- 
ceed with  the  first  three  clauses:  ^We  hyau 
Thee,  we  bless  Thee,  we  worship  Thee,  and  the 
rest."  As  this  difference  of  the  text  maj  be  due 
to  a  late  interpolation,  we  are  left  in  nnoertaimty 
as  to  the  words  of  the  hynm  when  this  tpeatke 
was  composed.  (Mr.  Palmer,  Orig,  Litvrg,  u.  15S 
does  not  note  the  doubts  regarding  thb  paas^e.) 

4.  The  famous   Codex   Alexandrinsu    in  the 
British  Museum,  of  the  dose  of  the  5th  oe&tnxy, 
puts  some  of  our  doubts  at  rest.     This  mano- 
script,  after  the   psalms,  contains  the  thirteen 
canticles  of  the  Greek  church:  i.  the  song  of 
Moses  in  Exodus ;  ii.  ditto  in  Deuteronomj ;  iiL 
the  prayer  of  Hannah;  iv.  prayer    of    IsuaL 
(xxvi.  9-20):  v.  praver  of  Jonah;  vi.  of  Hnbak- 
kuk ;  viL  of  Hezekiah  (Isaiah,  xxxviii.) ;  viiL  of 
M»ni6seh;  ix.   prayer    of  the   three    children 
(tttK^yfyrosy  Daniel  iii.  26) :  x.  hymn  of  the  three 
children  (our  Benedidte)  entitled  ^  Hymn  of  onr 
fathers ; "  xi.  prayer  of  Mary,  the  Mother  of 
God;  xii.  ofSymeon;  xiii.  ofZachariah  (compare 
Canticles).    These  conclude  with  the  Gloria  in 
Excelsis   in   Greek,    the  hymn    being   entitled 
tfivos    kmlfaf6t.    liiis   version    has  been   often 
printed,  as  by  Usher,  m  his  tract  De  syaiMb 
Romano:  Bunsen,  ArwUecta  ante^Nioaenoj  iii.  86: 
Dr.  Campion,  Interleated  Prayer  Bookj  1873,  pu 
321.    It  differs  slightly  from  the  version  of  the 
Apostoiie  ConatiiutionSy  and  proceeds  with  voids 
which  distinctively  mark  it  as  a  morning  hymi, 
some  of  which  words  have  passed  into  onr  Te 
Deum.     It  is  thus  found  in  the  beautifiil  Zurich 
psalter  reprinted  by  Tischendorf  in  his  Moma- 
menta  Sacra,  and  in  other  great  psalters ;  and, 
in  a  form  very  nearly  resembling  this,  it  is  used 
m  the  Greek  communion  to  this  day  (Horology, 
ut  S'lp,  pp.  69,  70). 

5.  A  Latin  translation  of  this  Greek  version  of 
the  ''Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  adapted  for  etemiag 
prayer,  is  contained  in  the  book  of  hymns  of  the. 
ancient  Irish  church,  which  once  bdonged  to 
Archbishop  Usher,  and  which  has  been  edited  for 
the  Irish  Archaeological  and  Celtic  Sodety  by 
Dr.  Todd  (part  ii.  p.  179).  In  the  famous  Bangor 
antiphonary  discovered  at  Milan  by  Mnratori, 
and  reprinted  imperfectly  by  him  in  his  AnecdaLt 
torn.  iv.  pp.  121,  &c  (see  Migne,  tom.  72)  ve 


GLORIA  IN  BXOELSIS 

€%nd  at  th^  very  end  *^  ad  ▼eepernm  et  ad  mata- 
Cinum  :  Gloria  in  ExceUis  Deo  et  in  terra  pax  &c*' 
but  Mu-atori  unhappily  did  not  copy  it  out. 
Thus  we  are  ignorant  of  the  text.  However,  the 
liymn  given  by  Thomasios  (Paalterium  cum 
canttcM,  Rom.  1697,  p.  760,  or  Oper.  torn.  iii.  p. 
4S13)  as  the  Hymnus  Angelicus  of  the  Ambrosian 
breviary,  is  another  and  independent  translation 
of  the  ureek  form  of  the  hymn.  It  was  directed 
to  be  used  daily  at  roatiuR. 

6.  Thus  it  seems  clear  that  when  the  well 
known  T^tin  form  of  the  hymn  was  inserted  in 
the  Latin  psalters,  it  was  used  in  the  daily  or 
weekly  hour  services  of  the  clergy.  We  have 
additional  evidence  of  this  in  the  rule  of  Caesa- 
rius,  c.  XX i.  and  in  that  of  Aurelian.  It  is 
there  ordered  to  be  used  at  matins  on  Sundays. 

7.  Thb  Latin  form  Bunsen  considci>ed  to  have 
been  as  old  as  Hilary  of  Poictiers,  to  whom 
indeed  Alcuin  ascribed  the  additions  to  the  scrip- 
ture words.  The  Roman  Catholic  ritualists  are 
not  satisfied  with  the  testimony  of  Alcuin,  and 
seem  to  consider  that  the  hymn  in  the  modern 
l^tin  form  is  of  more  recent  origin.  Yet  it  is 
found  in  this  form  in  a  Yery  interesting  manu- 
script in  the  British  Museum — Royal  2  A  xx. — 
which  is  of  the  eighth  century :  in  the  famous 
Codex  BobiensiSj  from  which  Mabillon  extracted 
the  ^^  Sacramentarium  Gallicanum"  (Muaeum 
Itnlicumy  i.  273 ;  Muratori,  Litwrg,  Bom,  Vet,  ii. 
776 ;  or  Migne,  72,  p<  455) :  m  the  so-called 
Mosarabic  liturgy  ascribed  to  St.  Isidore  (see 
Migne,  85,  p.  531)  and  in  a  form  very  slightly 
•different  in  the  Gothic  breviary  (Migne,  86,  p. 
886). 

8.  The  first  introduction  of  the  **  Gloria  in 
Excelsis  **  into  the  Eucharistic  service  has  been 
ascribed  to  Telesphorus,  but  no  confidence  can  be 
placed  in  the  tradition*  The  sacramentary  of 
Gregory  directed  that  a  bishop  might  use  the 
'*  Gloria  in  Excelsis "  on  all  Sundays  and  festi- 
vals :  a  presbyter  only  at  Easter.  This  rule 
continued  long  in  the  Roman  church,  and  con- 
tftxtuted  one  point  of  difference  between  the 
Roman  and  Galilean  churches,  in  the  latter  of 
*vhich  no  such  difference  between  bishop  and 
presbyter  had  been  observed.  Etherius  and 
Beatus  ^hew  that  in  Spain  they  always  sang  it 
on  Sundays  and  festivals  ;  but  they  quote  only 
the  scriptural  words,  and  if  we  bear  in  mind  the 
decree  of  Toledo,  we  may  suppose  that  only 
these  words  were  used  (the  Mozarabic  liturgy 
shews  many  marki  of  interpolations).  In  the 
liturgies  the  hymn  was  generally  sung  at  the 
commencement  of  the  service ;  but  Mr.  Palmer 
notes  that  in  the  Galilean  sacramentary  (see 
above)  it  was  used  amongst  the  thanksgivings 
after  communion. 

9.  The  absence  of  the  hymn  from  St.  Ger- 
manus's  account  of  the  Galilean  liturgy  has  been 
noted.  He  says  that  the  words  at  the  end  of  the 
gospel, "  Glory  be  to  Thee  0  Lord,"  were  uttered 
in  imitation  (?)  of  the  angels'  words  '*  Glory  to 
God  in  the  highest "  (clamantibus  clericis  Gloria 
tibi  Domine  in  specie  angelorum  qui  nascente 
Domino  Gloria  in  excelsis  pastoribus  apparenti- 
bus  cecinerunt.  Migne,  72,  p.  91).  St.  Germa- 
nus  died  about  the  year  585  or  587.  This 
seems  to  give  a  superior  limit  to  its  introduction 
into  the  eucharistic  service. 

10.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  whilst  the 
Alexandrine  manu8<:ript  has  in  the  text  of  St. 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


GOD  THE  FATHER 


737 


Luke  etf3oac/ttf  '(the  reading  of  K*  B^  D)  yet  m 
the  morning  hymn  it  as  well  as  all  the  other 
copies  of  the  hymn  read  titBoKta.  [C.  A.  S.] 

GLORIA  PATRL    [DoxoLoaT.] 

GLOVES.  (x«<po^Kn:  Chirotheca,  Oantua, 
Gwantus,  VantM,  Waniusj  Wanto.)  It  would 
seem  that  gloves  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word 
were  unknown  to  the  early  Greeks  and  Romans. 
(See  on  this  point  Casaubon's  Animadv,  m  Aihe- 
wxetiMy  xii.  2.)  That  they  were  in  use,  how- 
ever, among  the  ancient  Persians  appears  from 
Xenophon  {Cyropaedia,  viii.  8.  17).  The  Euro- 
pean custom  of  wearing  them  seems  to  have 
originated  with  the  German  nations,  as  the 
Teutonic  origin  of  the  common  Latin  word  for 
them  clearly  shews :  and  although,  as  an  eccle» 
siastical  vestment,  properly  so  called,  gloves  do 
not  appear  till  the  12th  century  (the  first  extant 
mention  of  them  in  that  character  being  in 
Honorius  Augustodunensis,  ob.  circa  1152  a.d.), 
they  had  been  used  for  centuries  as  articles  of 
practical  convenience.  Thus  we  find  them  men- 
tioned in  the  life  of  St.  Coiumbanus,  by  Jonas 
Bobbiensis  (formerly  included  among  the  works 
of  Bede)  —  "tegumenta  mannum  quae  Galli 
wantos  vocant'*  {Vita  8,  Columbani^  c.  25; 
Patrol,  Ixxxvii.  1026).  In  the  above  instance, 
the  gloves  are  spoken  of  as  used  ^  ad  operam 
laboris,"  but  sometimes  they  were  obviously  of 
a  costly  nature,  for  in  the  will  of  Ricnlfns, 
bishop  of  Helena  (ob.  915  A.D.),  in  a  long  list  of 
valuable  articles,  he  mentions  '*annulum  aureum 
unum  cum  gemmis  pretiosis  et  vuantos  pariu 
nnum  "  {Patrol,  cxxxii.  468> 

The  employment  of  a  glove  in  connection  with 
the  granting  or  bequeathing  of  land,  is  a  custom 
which  hardly  falls  within  our  present  limits: 
an  example  may,  however,  be  given.  (See 
Notgeri  Leodiensis  [ob.  1008  A.D.]  Vita  8.  Had>i- 
liniy  c  10;  Patrol,  cxxxix.  1146:  also  Martene, 
Aruxd,  i.  57.)  For  further  early  references  to 
the  subject  of  gloves,  see  Ducange's  Glosaarium, 
8.  w.  [R..  S.] 

GLYGERIA,  martyr  A.D.  141;  commemo- 
rated May  13  (Co/.  Byzatit.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

GNOSTIC.    [Faithful.] 

GOAR,  presbyter  and  confessor  at  Treves 
(«aec.  VI.);  "natalis"  July  6  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,, 
Usuardi);  deposition  July  6  {Mart,  Adonis). 

[W.  K.  6.] 

GOD  THB  FATHER,  IIepresentations 
OF.*  For  the  first  four  centuries,  at  least,  no 
attempt  was  made  at  representing  the  actual 
Presence  of  the  First  Pei^n  of  the  Trinity.  It 
was  indicated  invariably  by  the  symbolic  hand 
proceeding  from  a  cloud.  Martigny  quotes  the 
words  of  St.  Augustine  {Epist,  cxlviii.  4)^  "Quum 
audimus  manus,  operationem  intelligere  debe- 
mns,"  from  which  it  would  seem  that  the  great 
father  saw  a  tendency  to  anthropomorphic  mis^ 
application  of  the  words  hand  and  eye,  or  ear 
of  God,  as  they  are  frequently  used  in  the  Old 
Testament.  The  distinction  between  analogy 
and  similitude  has  been  so  cilen  neglected,  that 
bodily  parts  as  well  as  passions  (liice  those  of 
anger,  i-epentance,  &c.)  are  often  attributed  to 


•  MoFt  represeoUtions  of  the  Divine  presence  have 
their  proper  place  under  the  word  TamiTV. 

3  B 


738 


G0DFATHEB8 


the  incorporeal  and  infinite  being.  This  has 
been  repeatedly  noticed,  as  (e,  g,)  by  Drs.  Whatel j 
and  Mansel.  St.  Augustine's  expressions  show 
that  he  was  thoroughly  awake  to  the  miscon- 
ception, and  consequent  irreverence,  involved  in 
the  forgetful  use  of  such  terms  as  the  Divine 
hand  or  eye  for  the  Divine  power  or  know- 
ledge. **  Quidquid,"  he  says,  ^  dum  ista  cogitas, 
corporeae  similitudinis  occurrerit^  abige,  abnue, 
nega,  respue,  fuge." 

The  symbolic  hand  appears  in  Christian  repre- 
sentations of  several  subjects  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, principally  connected  with  events  in  the 
lives  of  Abraham  and  Moses.  The  two  are  found 
corresponding  to  each  other  in  Bottari  {Scutturee 
Pitt.  $agre,  vol.  i.  tav.  27  ;  also  i.  tav.  89).  Moses 
is  receiving  the  book  of  the  law  in  ii.  tav.  128. 
Elsewhere  Abraham  is  alone  (vol.  ii.  tav.  59, 
and  i.  tav.  33,  from  the  Callixtine  catacomb). 
In  vol.  iii*  37  (from  cemetery  of  St.  Agnes),  the 
Deity  appears  to  bo  represented  in  human  form. 
He  is  delivering  to  Adam  and  Eve  respectively 
the  ears  of  corn  and  the  lamb,  as  tokens  of  the 
labours  of  their  fall«>n  state,  and  their  sentence 
to  "  delve  and  spin."  See  also  Byonaruotti,  p.  1. 
Cardinal  Bosio,  and  latterly  M.  Perret  (vol.  i.  57 
pi.),  give  a  copy  of  a  painting  of  Moses  striking 
the  rock,  and  also  in  the  act  of  loosening  the 
shoe  from  his  foot.  Ciampini's  plates  ^  Fis^.  Jfon. 
t.  ii.  pp.  81,  tav.  xxiv.  also  taw.  xvi.  and  xx. 
tav.  xvii.  D.)  are  important  illustrations  of  this 
symbol,  more  especially  those  of  the  mosaic  of 
the  Transfiguration  in  St.  Apollinaris  in  Classe, 
and  of  the  Sacrifice  of  Isaac  in  St.  ViUle.  The 
author  does  not  find  the  hand  as  representing 
the  First  Person  of  the  Trinity  in  pictures  of  the 
Jmptism  of  our  Lord ;  but  it  probably  occurs  in 
that  connexion. 

The  hand  proceeding  from  clouds  appears  in 
the  Sacramentary  written  for  Drogon  bishop  of 
Metz,  and  son  of  Charlemagne,  above  the  Canon 
of  the  Mass. 

The  Creator  is  represented  in  the  MS.  of  AI- 
cuin.    See  Westwood's  Palaeographia  Sacra, 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GODFATHERS.    fSpONSOEa.] 

GOLDEN  NUMBEB.    [Easter.] 

GOOD  FRIDAY.  The  anniversary  of 
Christ's  Passion  and  Death  was  from  very  early 
times  observed  with  great  solemnity  by  the 
church.  It  was  known  by  various  names,  ^fjjpa 
rod  ffTcutpov,  ffWTtiplOf  or  rh  ffwriipia ;  irci<rxa 
ffraupwirifioyj  in  contrast  to  irdaxct  ikycurrdtrifioy, 
Easter  Day ;  or,  adopting  the  Jewish  designation 
(Job.  xix.  14,  31,  42),  irofKuriccv^,  either  alone, 
or  with  the  adjectives  fitydXtiy  or  ayla :  in  the 
Latin  church  Parasoeue^  Feria  Sexta  in  Para-- 
sceite  (Antipfumar,  Qregor.^  Sexta  Feria  Major, 
in  Hierusalem  {Sacramentar.  Qregor.),  The  day 
was  observed  as  a  strict  fast,  which  was  conti- 
nued by  those  who  could  endure  it  to  beyond 
midnight  on  the  following  day  (Apost.  Constit. 
Y.  18>  The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  a.d.  633, 
severely  condemned  those  who  ended  their  fast 
on  this  day  at  3  P.M.  and  then  indulged  in 
feasting,  and  ordered  that  all  save  the  very 
young  and  the  very  old  and  the  sick  should  ab- 
stain from  all  food  till  after  the  services  of  the 
day  were  concluded.  All  who  refused  obedience 
to  this  rule  were  denied  a  t)3rtio.ipation  in  the 


GOOD  FRIDAY 

Paschal  Eucharist  (can.  viii. ;  Labbe,  C  maL  ▼. 
1707).  Not  food  alone,  but  the  xue  of  o^  aal 
the  bath  were  forbidden  by  a  canon  of  Gangn 
(Nomocanonf  can.  434,  apud  Coteler.  EoeL 
Oraec,  Montsm.  i.  138)  with  the  indignant  apo- 
strophe, 'O  Xpiffrhs  iv  r^  ermtp^  aral  <r&  ^f  ry 
fiaXav^'np ;  In  process  of  time  the  day  came  to 
be  distinguished  by  a  peculiar  ritual  and  cus- 
toms marking  the  solemn  character  of  tbe  day. 
The  bells  were  silent  from  the  midnight  of  Wed- 
nesday {Ordo  Roituxn.  apad  Muratori,  ii.  714). 
The  kiss  of  peace  was  prohibited  (Tert.  de  OrxA. 
18).  The  altar  was  stript  of  its  omamentiL  aad 
even  of  its  covering.  The  processions  were  witbost 
chanting  {Sacram.  Gelas,  Muratori  i.  559).  1^ 
lamps  and  candles  were  gradually  extinguishcsl 
during  matins  (Ordo  Roman,  u.  &).  A  Vimg 
series  of  intercessory  collects  was  used.  A  cn» 
was  erected  in  front  of  the  altar,  blessed,  and 
adored  (Jktcram,  Geku.  u.  s.).  There  was  no 
consecration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  bat  tbe  re- 
served eucharist  of  the  previous  daj  was  par- 
taken of  by  the  faithful. 

This  communion  subsequently  received  the 
name  of  "  the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified,**  Miaaa 
Praesanciijioatorvm,  but  incorrectly,  tbe  tcxa 
Miisa  usually  implying  consecration.  Tliw 
Amalarius  states  that  on  Good  Friday  **  the  ibis» 
is  not  celebrated"  (de  Ecd.  Offic  ir.  20;  Bak 
Maur.  de  Instit.  Cler.  ii.  37 ;  pseado-Aleua, 
Hittorp  col.  251).  The  reason  of  this  probib- 
tion  of  celebration  is  evident.  The  eacbanst 
being  the  highest  Christian  feast,  was  deoaed 
out  of  harmony  with  the  p^iitential  character 
of  the  day,  for  **  how,'*  says  Balsamon  ^Beveref. 
Pandect,  i.  219),  "can  one  mourn  and  rejoice  at 
the  same  time?"  As  early  as  tbe  council  of 
Laodicea,  c.  A.D.  365,  this  prohibition  was  a- 
tended  to  the  whole  of  Lent,  with  tbe  exoeptiM 
of  Saturdays  and  Sundays  (can.  49;  Labbe  Cbucsbl 
i.  1506).  In  the  letter  to  Deoentins  ascribed  to 
Innocent  I.  c.  a.d.  402,  but  probably  not  to  be 
placed  so  early,  the  restriction  is  limited  te 
Good  Friday  and  Easter  Eve,  on  which  days  the 
tradition  of  the  church  was  that  the  sacranMBU 
were  not  to  be  celebrated  at  all ;  **  isto  biio* 
sacramenta  penitus  non  oelebrari ''  (I^bbe  CmdL 
ii.  1246).  At  this  period  there  was  no  com- 
munion of  any  kind  on  Good  Friday.  How  earir 
the  natural  d^ire  to  receive  the  sacrament  «r 
the  Lord's  Body  and  Blood  on  the  day  when  it 
was  offered  for  us  on  the  cross,  led  to  the  reaer- 
vation  of  the  previously  consecrated  elements  fat 
the  purpose  of  communion,  we  have  no  ccrtaia 
knowledge.  It  is  evident  from  a  decree  of  tbe  4tk 
council  of  Toledo,  A.d.  633,  that  in  the  first  half  <^ 
the  seventh  century,  there  was  no  oelebratioD  ef 
the  Lord's  Supper  on  Good  Friday  in  Spain.  At 
that  time  it  was  a  wide-spread  custom,  whici 
the  council  condemned,  to  keep  the  doors  of  tte 
churches  closed  on  Good  Friday,  so  that  that 
was  no  divine  service,  nor  any  preaching  of  ta^ 
Passion  to  the  people.  The  council  ordaiaed  thai 
the  Lord's  death  should  be  preached  on  tbatdaj, 
and  that  the  people  should  pray  for  tbe  pardoe 
of  their  sins,  that  so  they  might  be  better  fitted 
to  celebrate  the  resurrection  and  partake  of  tie 
eucharist  at  Easter  (can.  viii.  Labbe  ComsSL  v. 
1707).  We  learn  tuso  from  tbe  acta  of  the 
16th  cccncil,  held  sixty  years  later,  A.D.  $93s 
that  on  that  day  "the  altars  were  stri]^  sad 
no  one  was  permitted  to  celebrate  mass  "  (/&  vi 


GOOD  FRIDAY 


GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF       739 


t355).  In  the  Greek  church  the  custom  of 
communicating  in  the  previously  consecrated 
elements  was  established  before  the  middle  of 
the  seventh  century,  for  we  find  it  mentioned 
AS  a  general  practice  during  the  whole  of  Lent, 
in  the  acts  of  the  Trullan  (or  Quinisext) 
council  A.D.  692  (can.  52,  Labbe  vi.  1165).  It 
first  appears  in  the  West  in  the  RegtUa  Magisirij 
a  monastic  rule  compiled  probably  in  the  seventh 
century,  printed  by  Brockie  (Codex  Regui.  I.  ii. 
p.  269).  It  was  established  in  Rome  before  the 
end  of  the  eighth  century,  when  the  ritual  of 
Good  Friday  is  prescribed  in  the  Ordo  JRcmantu 
(Muratori  Lihtry,  Rom,  Vet.  ii.  995).  The  observ- 
ance of  Good  Friday  commenced  at  midnight,  when 
hU  rose  for  service.  Nine  Psalms  were  said  with 
their  responsions,  these  were  followed  by  three 
lections  from  the  Lamentations,  commencing 
Lam.  ii.  8,  **  Cogitavit  Dominus  dissipare  ;**  three 
from  the  Tractatus  of  St.  Augustine  on  Psalm 
63,  and  three  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
beginning  c.  ir.  11,  **Festinemus  ergo  &c." 
Mattins  then  followed,  during  which  the  lights 
in  the  church  were  gradually  extinguished, 
beginning  at  the  entrance,  until  by  the  end  of 
the  third  noctum  only  the  seven  lamps  burning 
at  the  altar  Were  left  alight.  These  were  also 
put  out,  one  by  one,  alternately  right  and  left  at 
the  commencement  of  each  Psalm,  the  middle 
lamp,  the  last  left  burning,  being  extinguished  at 
the  gospel.  At  the  third  hour  all  the  presbyters 
and  clergy  of  the  city  assembled  in  expectation 
of  the  pontiff.  On  his  arrival  the  subdeacon 
commenced  the  lection  from  Hosea  v.  15,  '*  Haec 
dicit  Dominus  Deus ;  in  tribulatione  sua,  &c," 
and  then  was  sung  as  an  antiphon  Hab.  iii.  1-3, 
*'  Domine  audivi,  sc"  After  some  prayers  said 
by  the  pontiff,  and  the  second  lection,  Exod.  xii.  1, 
*'  In  diebus  illis  dixit  Dominus  ad  Moysen  et 
Aaron,  &c"  Ps.  xci.  or  cxl.  was  sung,  and  the 
Passion  according  to  St.  John  was  recited  by  the 
deacon.  This  over,  two  deacons  stript  the  altar 
of  the  white  linen  cloth,  previously  put  on 
**  sub  evangelio,"  in  a  stealthy  manner, 
**  in  modum  fbrantis."  The  pontiff  came 
before  the  altar  and  recited  a  series  of  eighteen 
prayers,  a  portion  of  which  form  the  basis  of  the 
Good  Friday  collects  of  the  church  of  England. 
The  first  and  last  collect  stand  alone.  The  other 
sixteen  are  in  pairs.  Before  each  pair  the  deacon 
warned  the  people  to  kneel  and  after  it  to  rise. 
**  Adnuntiat  diaconus  fiectamus  genua ;  iterum 
dicit  lewite**  These  collects  are — (1)  for  the 
peace  and  unity  of  the  church ;  (2)  for  perse- 
verance in  the  faith  ;  (3)  for  the  pope  and  chief 
bishop  (antistes) ;  (4)  for  the  bishops  of  their 
diocese ;  (5)  for  all  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  sub- 
deacons,  &c. ;  (6)  for  all  orders  of  men  in  the 
holy  church  ;  (7)  for  the  emperor ;  (8)  for  the 
Boman  empire;  (H)  (10)  for  catechumens;  (11) 
against  sickness,  famine,  pestilence,  and  other 
evils;  (12)  for  all  in  trouble;  (13)  (14)  for 
hprA^'cs  and  Ashismatics;  (15)  (16)  for  Jews; 
(17)  (18)  for  pagans  and  idolaters.  A  direction 
is  given  that  the  prayers  for  the  Jews  are  not  to 
be  said  kneeling.  The  collects  are  given  in  the 
Sacramentary  of  Gregory,  as  printed  by  Pamelius, 
and  in  that  of  Gelasius,  as  well  as  in  the  old 
Gallican  missal.  This  last  contains  the  direction 
to  the  celebrant  *'eadem  die  non  salutat  (t.tf. 
does  not  say  pax  vobiacum),  nee  psallet."  These 
collects  finished,  all  were  to  leave  the  church 


in  silence :  the  presbyters  going  to  perform  the 
same  service  in  their  own  churches. 

''Adoration  of  the  cross  succeeds."  The 
cross  is  placed  a  little  distance  in  front  of  the 
altar,  supported  on  either  side  by  acolytes.  A 
kneeling  stool  being  placed  in  f^nt,  the  pontiff 
kneels,  and  adores  and  kisses  the  cross,  followed 
by  the  clergy  and  people  in  order.  The  Ambro- 
sian  missal  given ''by  Pamelius  contains  four 
prayers  for  the  ceremony :  **  Oratio  super 
cracem  ;"  "  Benedictio  crucis ;"  **  Oratio  ad 
crucem  adorandam;"  "Oratio  post  adoratara 
crucem."  In  the  Antiphonarium  of  Gregory  also 
given  by  Pamelius  we  have  an  ''Antiphon  ad 
crucem  adorandam."  The  adoration  of  the  cross 
was  followed  by  the  communion  of  the  pre- 
sanctified.  "Two  presbyters  enter  the  sacristy 
or  other  place  in  which  the  Bodv  of  the  Lord 
which  remained  from  the  prerious  day  was  placed, 
and  put  it  in  a  paten,  and  let  a  subdeacon  hold 
before  them  a  chalice  with  unconsecrated  wine, 
and  another  the  paten  with  the  Body  of  the 
Lord.  One  presbyter  takes  the  paten,  the  other 
the  chalice,  and  they  carry  and  set  them  on  the 
stript  altar"  (Ord,  Rom.  u.  s.).  The  cross  is 
meanwhile  saluted  by  the  laity,  while  the 
hymn  Ecoe  lignum  Crude  is  sung,  and  Ps.  cxix. 
recited.  The  salutation  of  the  cross  being  com- 
pleted, the  Lord's  Prayer  is  recited,  "  and  when 
they  have  said  Amen  the  pontiff  takes  of 
the  holy  thing,  and  puts  it  into  the  chalice 
saying  nothing  (nihil  dicens),  and  all  communi- 
cate cum  siientio"  The  rubrics  of  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  agree  in  the  main  with  the  Ordo, 
except  that  they  speak  of  the  reservation  of  the 
Blocd  as  well  as  of  the  Body  of  the  Lord,  and 
direct  that  the  reserved  sacrament  be  brought 
out  of  the  sacristy  and  set '  on  the  altar  by 
deacons  instead  of  pi-esbyters.  The  adoration  of 
the  cross  by  the  clergy  succeeds  the  placing  of 
the  consecrated  elements  on  the  altar,  and  is 
followed  by  the  actual  communion  (Muratori  u.s. 
i.  559,  sq.)  It  merits  notice  that  all  early 
authorities  prescribe  a  general  communion  on 
Good  Friday,  "  all  communicate  silently."  This 
custom  had  entirely  ceased  in  Rome  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9lh  century  (Amalar.  de  Bod. 
Off.  i.  15),  and  though  it  lingered  for  a  long  time 
in  some  parts,  it  gr^ually  died  out  in  the  West, 
and  at  the  present  day  in  the  Roman  church  no 
one  but  the  celebrant  communicates  on  Good 
Friday.  The  pontiff  pronounces  peace  to  them 
"  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  &c."  The  people 
answer,  "  and  with  thy  spirit."  "After  a  little 
space  each  says  his  vespers  privately,  and  so  they 
go  to  Uble  "  (Muratori  ii.  995-996).       [E.  V.] 

GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF.  The  idea 
that  all  property  should  belong  to  a  community 
and  not  to  individuals  may  be  traced  to  a  very 
high  antiquity.  The  Pythagorean  society  is 
commonly  supposed  to  have  been  constituted  on 
the  basis  of  a  community  of  goods,  though  pro* 
bably  only  those  who  had  reached  the  highest 
grade  of  the  initiated  renounced  all  private 
possessions (Ritter  and  Preller,  jGTm^.  PML,^,  58). 
Plato,  also,  in  his  imaginary  Republic,  condemns 
the  institution  of  private  property  in  the 
strongast  manner,  as  the  source  of  all  grted  and 
meanness;  he  therefore  allows  it  only  to  the 
third  and  lowest  class  of  his  citizens-— those  who 
are  by  nature  qualified  to  seek  only  low  and 

3  B2 


740       GOODS,  COMMUNITY  OF 

material  ends  in  life,  and  are  consequentlj 
excluded  from  all  share  in  the  government  of 
the  state.  The  two  higher  classes  are  to  lire 
wholly  for  the  state,  a  condition — the  philosopher 
holds  —  incompatible  with  the  possession  of 
private  property  {Politia,  iv.,  p.  421  0  ff. ; 
JLegeSf  v.  p.  739  B.). 

To  turn  from  heathen  to  Jewish  social  insti- 
tutions, Josephns  tells  ns  {Bellutn  Jud.  ii.  8, 
§  3)  of  the  Essence,  that  each  member  on 
entrance  threw  his  goods  into  the  common  stock, 
so  that  there  was  found  among  them  neither 
poverty  nor  riches.  In  like  manner  the  Thera- 
peutae  on  Lake  Moeris  had  all  things  in  common. 

It  was  while  the  Therapeutae  and  Essenes 
were  still  flourishing  communities  that  the 
gospel  of  Christ  was  first  proclaimed.  And  here, 
too,  we  read  of  the  earlier  church  of  Jerusalem, 
that  they  ^^had  all  things  common"  (Acts  ii. 
44) — a  passage  which  has  often  served  fanatical 
sects  as  a  justification  of  their  communism.  And 
yet  it  is  clear  from  the  book  of  the  Acts  itself 
that  property  made  over  to  the  community 
was  of  the  nature  of  a  voluntary  gift;  those 
who  entered  the  church  were  not  deprived  of 
the  right  to  possess  property  (Acts  v.  4); 
Ananias  was  not  punished  for  failing  to  con- 
tribute the  whole  of  his  property,  but  for  fraud 
and  lying  in  pretending  to  give  the  whole  while 
he  only  gave  part. 

In  the  apostolic  age  generally  it  is  past  all 
controversy  that  nothing  like  a  community  of 
goods  existed  in  the  church.  The  churches  are 
evidently  contemplated  as  containing  the  same 
variety  of  wealth  and  station  as  ordinary  society ; 
contributions  are  made  of  freewill ;  the  rich  are 
charged  to  *'  be  rich  in  good  works,  ready  to 
distribute,  willing  to  communicate;"  the  cheer- 
ful giver  is  commended  (2  Cor.  ix.  7  ;  1  Tim.  vi. 
1 7, 18).  The  disturbed  state  of  the  Thessalonians, 
and  their  unwillingness  to  labour  while  they 
expected  the  immediate  advent  of  Christ,  had 
(so  far  as  appears)  no  connexion  with  any  com- 
munistic views.  Nor  does  the  testimony  of  the 
next  age  favour  the  idea  that  the  earliest 
Christian  society  was  communistic  The  writer 
of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetvu  (c.  5)  speaks  of  a 
*^  common  table,"  and  no  more.  TertuUian,  in- 
deed {Apohg,  c.  89),  says,  in  so  many  words, 
that  Christians  had  all  things  in  common  except 
their  wives  (omnia  indiscreta  sunt  apud  nos 
praeter  uxores) ;  but  it  is  evident  that  this  is 
nothing  more  than  a  characteristically  violent 
expression  for  their  mutual  love  and  charity; 
for  in  the  very  same  chapter  he  states  expressly, 
that  the  contributions  of  the  brethren  to  the 
common  fund  were  wholly  voluntary  (modicam 
nnusquisque  stipem  menstrua  die,  vel  qnum 
velit,  et  si  modo  velit,  et  si  modo  possit,  apponit). 
Ijsctantius  (Epit.  Div,  Institt,  c.  SS)  especially 
condemns  communism  as  one  of  the  cardinal 
vices  of  Plato's  Republic,  which  he  would  hardly 
have  done  if  he  had  supposed  the  same  principle 
to  have  animated  the  first  society  of  believers. 
The  interpretation  of  Acts  ii.  44  as  relating  to 
an  absolute  community  of  goods  seems  in  feet  to 
have  taken  its  rise  fiom  Chrysostom  (Bam,  xi. 
m  Acta  App,y  Some  writers  in  modem  times 
have  seen  in  this  supposed  communism  of  the 
early  Chriatians  at  Jerusalem  an  indication  of  an 
£ssene  induence.  (See  against  this  view  Von 
Wegoem,  in  IUg»n's  Zeitschrift  xi.  2.  p.  1  ff.). 


GOSPEL,  THE  LITUBGICAL 

As,  however,  within  the  church  so  strong  ai 
expression  was  given  to  the  duty  of  mutual  leva 
and  succour,  and  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  ii 
Christ,  it  could  scarcely  fiul  but  that  here  sad 
there  enthusiastic  sects  would  exaggerate  aad 
develope  these  principles  into  absolute  renua- 
ciation  of  property.  This  was  in  fact  the  ease. 
During  the  ecclesiastical  troubles  in  Africa  ia 
the  4th  century,  the  Donatists  were  never  wesrr 
of  reproaching  their  orthodox  opponents  villi 
the  wealth  and  power  which  they  derived  froa 
their  connexion  with  the  state.  Some  of  their 
own  adherents,  in  consequence  of  these  denoa- 
ciationa,  renounced  private  possessions  altogether 
— a  renunciation  which  led  to  vagabondage  aod 
mendicancy  rather  than  to  holiness.  These 
CiacUMGELUONS — as  they  came  to  be  called— 
became  the  nucleus  of  a  band  of  discontented 
peasants  and  runaway  slaves,  whoi«  excesses  at 
last  required  the  forcible  interference  of  the 
government  to  put  them  down.  And  other  sects 
also  rejected  the  idea  of  property ;  the  Apotactid 
or  Apostolici,  as  they  arrogantly  called  them- 
selves (says  St.  Augustine,  J)e  Haerti.  c  40), 
admitted  none  into  their  community  who  lived 
with  wives  or  possessed  private  property  (res 
proprias  habentes) ;  and,  a  common  characteristic 
of  heresy,  denied  salvation  to  all  outside  their 
own  sect.  The  Eustathians  also,  who  were  cob- 
demned  at  the  council  of  Gangra  about  the  year 
370  (Cone  Gangr.  Praef.)  held  that  those  who 
did  not  give  up  their  private  wealth  were  beyoad 
all  hope  of  salvation.  The  laws  of  the  empire 
imposed  upon  Apotcxtici  the  same  penalties  thai 
were  laid  upon  other  heretics,  except  the  ooa- 
fiscation  of  goods ;  they  could  not  be  deprived  of 
that  which  they  had  already  renounced  {Codex 
TheodL  lib.  xvi.  tit.  5,  de  Haeret.  11.  7  et  11). 

When  Pachomius  (t  348)  first  drew  together 
into  one  body  [Coemobiuii]  a  number  of  sa- 
chorites  and  wandering  mendicants  at  Tabenose 
in  Upper  Egypt,  he  instituted  a  system  d 
organized  labour  and  common  partic}p«ti<m  ia 
the  fruits  of  labour.  Stewards  [OifiOONOMrs] 
managed  the  property  of  the  society  for  the 
benefit  of  the  whole,  and  distributed  the  excos 
of  income  to  the  poor  and  needy  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood. St.  Basil,  St.  Benedict,  and  other 
founders  of  monastic  orders,  enjoined  the  same 
rule  of  individual  poverty  on  the  members  of 
their  societies,  and  so  there  arose  thron^Mot 
Christendom,  in  East  and  West,  religious  societies 
of  celibates  organized  on  communistic  principles 
[MONAOTicxsii].  From  the  8th  century  onward 
the  secular  clergy  also,  who  lived  the  canonicil 
life,  adopted,  to  some  extent,  the  principle  of 
community  of  goods  [Canonici].  [C] 

GOBDIANUS.    (1)  [Epimachub  (1).] 
(9)  Martyr  with  Macrinus  and  Valerianus  st 
Nyon;  commemorated  Sept.  17  (Mart,  Usuardi, 
Bieron,),  (w.  F.  G.] 

GORDIAS,  martyr,  circa  320  A.D. ;  oomne- 
morated  Jan.  3  (fiaL/tyxemt).  [W.  F.G.] 

GORGONIUS.  [DoROTHEUB  (3).] 

GOSPEL,   THE  LITUBGIGAI«.    LA- 

troduction. — ^Among  the  Jews,  certainly  firom  the 
time  of  the  Maccabees,  and  probably  before,  ens 
lesson  from  the  Pentateuch  and  another  from  the 
**  Prophets  "  (i.  e.  from  some  of  the  later  histo- 
rical books,  and  from  those  more  properly  callsd 


GOSPEL,  THE  LITUBOICAL 

prophetical)  were  read  in  the  synagogues  erery 
sabbath  day.  Fifty-four  portions  from  the  Pen- 
tateach  (called  ParaschiothX  and  ,as  many  fVom 
the  *'  Prophets "  (Haphtoroth),  were  appointed 
for  this  purpose.  As  the  Jews  intercalated  a 
month  every  second  or  third  year,  this  namber 
was  required.  When  there  were  not  fifty-four 
sabbaths  in  a  year,  they  read  two  of  the  shorter 
lessons  together,  once  or  twice  in  the  year,  as 
might  be  necessary ;  so  that  the  whole  of  both 
selections  was  read  through  annually.  The 
Panschioth  are  generally  very  long,  some  ex- 
tending oyer  four  or  fiye  chapters;  but  the 
Haphtoroth  are  as  a  rule  short,  often  only  a 
part  of  one  chapter.  Tables  of  both  may  be 
seen  in  Home's  Introduction  to  the  Scriptures,  pt. 
iii.  ch.  i.  sect.  iy.  The  foregoing  facts  will  enable 
the  reader  to  judge  how  far  the  first  Christians 
were  indebted  to  the  traditions  of  the  synagogue 
for  the  practice  of  reading  Holy  Scripture  in 
their  synaxis,  and  for  the  method  of  reading  it. 
At  all  events  we  may  be  certain  that  the  Old 
Testament,  so  long  the  only  known  repository  of 
the  **  oracles  of  God,"  aud  still  acknowledged  to 
be  ''able  to  make  men  wise  unto  salvation 
through  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus"  (2  Tim. 
iii.  15),  would  be  no  more  neglected  in  their 
common  exercises  of  religion  than  it  was  in  their 
private  study.  At  the  same  time  it  was  iu- 
eritable  that,  when  the  New  Testament  came  to 
be  written,  lessons  from  that  should  be  read 
either  in  addition  to  or  instead  of  those  from  the 
Old.  There  was,  however,  a  short  period  during 
which  the  Old  Testament  only  would  be  read  in 
Christian  assemblies,  viz.  before  the  events  of 
the  Gospel  were  committed  to  writing;  and 
there  is  in  the  most  ancient  liturgy,  that  of  St. 
James,  a  rubric,  evidently  genuine,  which  ap« 
pears  to  have  been  framed  during  this  interval. 
*'  Then  the  sacred  oracles  of  the  Old  Covenant 
and  of  the  Prophets  are  read  at  great  length  (8t- 
efoSiirc^ara,  some  understand  ''consecutively," 
but  the  Jewish  precedent  favours  the  former 
reading) ;  and  the  incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God, 
and  His  sulTerings,  His  resurrection  from  the  dead, 
and  ascension  into  heaven,  and,  again.  His  second 
coming  with  glory,  are  set  forth."  As  Mr. 
Trollnpe  points  out  {The  Greek  Liturgy  of  8t 
James,  p.  42),  we  have  here  the  Old  Testament 
rciidf  but  the  great  events  of  the  Gospel  related 
to  the  people  as  if  not  yet  in  writing. 

II.  Eridenoe  o/ ttse.---Justin  Martyr,  A.D.  140, 
describing  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist,  says, 
*'  The  commentaries  of  the  apostles  and  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  are  read  as  time  per- 
mits "  {Apol,  i.  c.  67).  A  lesson  from  the  gospels 
was  without  doubt  included  under  the  former 
head.  St.  Cyprian,  a.d.  250,  speaks  of  a  con- 
fessor whom  he  had  ordained  lector,  as  "  reading 
the  precepts  and  the  gospel  of  the  Lord "  from 
the  stand  (pulpitum)  {Ep,  xxxix.).  Eusebius, 
A.D.  315,  says  that  St.  Peter  authorised  the  use 
of  the  gospel  of  St.  Mark  "in  the  churches." 
For  this  he  refers  to  the  HypoUfposes  of  Clemens 
of  Alexandria  (not  of  Rome,  as  Bona  and  others) 
and  to  Papias ;  but  elsewhere  ho  cites  both  pas- 
sages, and  neither  of  them  contains  the  words 
"in  the  churches."  What  he  says,  therefore, 
does  not,  as  many  have  imagined,  prove  from 
Papias  the  custom  of  the  apostolic  church,  but 
is  only  a  proof  of  the  practice  of  his  own  age,  in 
the  li^ht  of  which  he  read  those  earlier  writers 


GOSPEL,  THE  LrrUBOIOAL    741 

(see  Hist,  EooL  lib.  ii.  c  xv.;  and  compare  lib.  Vt. 
c  xiv.,  lib.  iii.  c.  xxxix.).    Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
A.D.   850,  speaks  vaguely  of  the  "reading  of 
Scripture"  {Praef,  m  CatecK  §§  iii.  iv.);  nor 
are  any  of  his  catechetical  homilies  on  lessouf 
from  the  gospel.    Optatus,  a.d.  868,  addressing 
the  Donatist  clergy,  says,  "  Ye  begin  with  the 
lessons  of  the  Lord,  and  ye  expand  your  ex* 
positions  to  our  injury;    ye   bring  forth  the 
gospel,  and  make  a  reproacA  against  an  absent 
brother  "  (De  Schism.  Ihnat.  lib.  iv.  c.  v.).    Jht 
so-called  Constitutions  of  the  Apostles  put  an 
order  into  their  mouths,  which  begins  thus: 
"  After  the  reading  of  the  law  and  the  prophets 
and  our  epistles,  and  the  acts  and  the  gospels, 
let "  &c  (lib.  viii.  c.  r.  Cotel.  tom.  i.  p.  392). 
Pseudo-Dionysius  tells  us  that  in  the  liturgy, 
after  the  Psalms,  "follows  the  reading  of  the 
tablets  of  holy   writ  by   the  ministers"  {De 
Eocles.  Sterarch.  c.  iii.  §  ii.  tom.  i.  p.  284). 
These  tablets  are  explained  by  Maximus  the 
scholiast  on  Dionysius,  a.d.  645,  to  be  the  Old 
and  New  Testament  (Ibid,  p.  805).    St.  Chry- 
sostom  frequently  gave  notice  of  the  text  on 
which  he  proposed  to  preach  some  days  before ; 
but  in  one  homily  he  says,  "  On  one  day  of  the 
week,  or  on  the  sabbath  (&kturday),  at  least,  let 
each  take  in  his  hands,  and,  sitting  at  home,  read 
that  section  (wtpucmHitf)  of  the  gospels  which  is 
going  to  be  read  among  you"  (ffom.  xi.  in  StJoh* 
Ev.  §  1).    This  implies  that  they  knew  what  the 
lesson  from  the  gospels  would  be ;  and  therefore 
that  a  table  of  such  lessons  was  drawn  up  and 
accessible  to  all.    St.  Augustine,  in  Africa,  often 
preached  on  the  gospel.    Thus  one  of  his  ser- 
mons begins,  "The  chapter  of  the  holy  gospel 
which  we  heard,  when  it  was  just  now  read," 
&C.  (Serm.  Iv.  §  1).   Another :  "  We  heard,  when 
the  gospel  was  read,"  &c.  (Serm.  Ixii.  §  1).    The 
council  of  Laodicaea,  probably  about  365,  has  a 
canon  ordering  the  "gospels  to  be  read  with 
other  scriptures  on   the  sabbath"  (Can.  xvi.). 
The  omission    of   the  gospel  on  Saturday  had 
without  doubt  been  merely  a  local  custom.    A 
council  of  Orange,  A.D.  441,  can.  xviii.,  ordered 
that  thenceforwatd  the  gospel  should  be  read  to 
the  catechumens,  as  well  as  the  faithful,  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  province.    That  of  Valen* 
cia,  A.D.  524,  ordered  that "  the  most  holy  gospels 
be  read  in  the  mass  of  the  catechumens  before 
the  illation  of  the  gifts,  in  the  order  of  lessons 
after  the  apostle,"    i.e,    the  epistle  (Can.  i,). 
In  France,  554,  a  constitution    of  Childebert 
mentions  the  gospels,  prophets,  and  apostle,  as 
read   from   the    altar  (Oapit.  Reg,   Franc,  ed. 
Baluz.    tom.   i.  ooL  7).      Germanus    of    Paris, 
A.D.  555,  in  his  exposition  of  the  liturgy,  simi- 
larly recognises  the  prophecy,  apostle,  and  gosp^ 
(printed  by  Martene,  De  Ant,  Eocl,  EH,  lib.  i.  c. 
iv.  art.  xii.).   Gregory  of  Tours,  a.d.  573,  tells  a 
story  of  certain  clerks  in  the  days  of  Childebert, 
who  "  haying  laid  the  three  books,  i,  e,  of  the 
prophecy,  the  apostle,  and  the  gospels  on  the 
altar,"  prayed  for  an  augury  from  the  passages 
at  which  they  should  open,  each  ."  having  made 
an  agreement  among  themselves  that  every  one 
should  read  at  mass  that  which  he  first  opened 
on  in  the   book  "  (Hist,  Franc,  lib.  iv.  c.  xvi.). 
This  implies  that    in  Gaul  at  least  the   \e»- 
sons  were  still  left  to  the  choice  .of  those  who 
were  to  read  them.     In  the  next  century,  how- 
ever, the  Galilean  church  had  a  lectionai-y,  a 


743    GOSPEL,  THE  WTUEGICAL 

copj  of  which,  nearly  complete,  in  Merovingian 
characters,  was  foand  bj  Mabillon  in  the  monas- 
tery at  Luzeuil.  It  provides  a  gospel  for  every 
mass  {Liturg,  GalL  lib.  ii.  pp.  97-173).  Lnxenil 
is  in  the  province  of  Be8an9on ;  bnt  the  encha- 
ristic  lessons  (of  which  the  gospel  is  always  one) 
in  the  Sacrameatary  foand  at  Bobio,  which  is 
believed  to  be  of  the  nse  of  that  province,  and  is 
certainly  of  about  the  same  age  as  the  lectionary, 
differ  nevertheless  from  those  in  that  book. 
From  this  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  although 
the  lessons  were  then  generally  fixed,  every 
bishop  was  at  liberty  to  make  his  own  selection. 
There  is  another  ancient  lectionary,  ascribed  to 
St.  Jerome,  and  icnown  as  the  lAbir  ComitiSy  or 
CoTnes  Hiercnymi;  bat  from  internal  evidence 
shown  to  be  the  work  of  a  Gallican  compiler  in 
the  8th  century.  This  has  been  printed  from 
two  MSS.,  one  of  which  provides  three  lessons 
for  above  two  hundred  days  and  occasions ;  the 
other  for  the  most  part  only  two ;  bnt  the  goepel 
is  never  omitted  in  either.  The  shorter  recen- 
sion may  be  seen  in  the  Mitualis  SS,  Patrum  of 
Pamelins,  tom.  ii.  pp.  1-61.  The  longer  is 
printed  by  Baluze  in  the  Capitnlaria  Begum 
FrcMoonan,  tom.  ii.  coll.  1309-1351. 

III.  Provision  for  use. — In  the  West,  generally, 
a  gospel  has  been  always  provided  for  every 
Sanday  and  for  other  holy  days.  The  number 
of  gospels  (and  other  lessons)  in  the  Liber  Comitis 
already  mentioned  suggesta  that  at  one  time 
there  was  a  partial  attempt  to  assign  proper 
lessons  to  every  day  in  the  year.  However  this 
may  be,  the  Roman  use  retained  them  for  every 
day  in  Lent,  and  the  Mozarabic  for  every  Wed- 
nesday  and  Friday  (except  the  first)  daring  that 
season  (see  MisscUe  Mixtum^  Leslie,  pp.  89-154). 
There  was  no  such  provision  in  the  Gallican 
Sacramentary  found  at  Bobio  (see  Murat.  LUurg, 
Rotn.  Vet,  tom.  ii.  coll.  815-835,  or  Mus,  Ital, 
tom.  i.  pp.  301-319),  nor,  so  far  as  we  can  judge 
in  the  Lectionary  of  Luxeuil  (Mabillon,  Liturg, 
Oall,  p.  124).  £ight  leaves  are  missing  in  this 
MS.  between  Ash  Wednesday  and  Palm  Sunday, 
but  they  could  hardly  have  contained  more  than 
the  Sunday  lessons.  The  ancient  Irish  Sacra- 
mentary, of  which  but  one  copy  exists  in  manu- 
script, probably  of  the  6th  century,  is  singular 
in  the  West  in  having  but  one  gospel  and  epistle 
for  the  whole  year,  the  former  being  the  sixth 
chapter  of  St.  John,  the  latter  the  eleventh 
chapter  of  St.  Paul's  first  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians.  See  O'Connor's  Append,  to  vol.  t. 
of  the  CataL  of  the  MSS.  at  Storjoe,  p.  45.  The 
fact  is  also  attested  by  0r.  Todd  (see  Pref,  to  the 
Liber.  EccL  de  B.  Terrenani  de  Arbuthnott, 
p.  xxiv.). 

In  the  West  the  gospels  appear  to  have  been 
chosen  without  any  reference  to  their  place  in 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  But,  in  the 
Greek  church,  those  four  books  have  been 
divided  into  lessons  (rfi^/iarti,  fi4f»ri,  ircpiicoireb, 
kvayv^fffiarra^  k»ayv^<r€it)\  so  that  they  may 
be  read  through  in  order,  only  interrupted  when 
a  festival  with  its  proper  lesson  intervenes  (Leo 
Allatius,  De  Libr.  Ecd.  Or.  Diss.  i.  p.  35).  It 
is  probably  in  accordance  with  this  arrangement 
that  the  canon  of  Laodicaea,  already  cited,  does 
not  order  lessons  from  the  gospels,  or  sections, 
or  portions,  or  the  like,  to  1^  read  on  Saturday 
with  other  scriptures,  but  ^^^09;7^^s  themselves, 
%.e.  the  four  books  so  called.     From  this  it  mav 


GOSPEL,  THE  LITURGICAL 

be  inferred  that  the  Greek  meihod  was  the 
normal  practice  of  the  whole  Eaftem  cburch 
before  the  separation  of  the  Nestorians  and 
Monophysites.  There  was  an  exception,  now- 
ever,  at  one  period,  whether  beginning  before  or 
after  that  separation,  in  the  church  of  Malabar, 
the  ancient  liturgy  of  which  presents  bat  one 
epistle  and  gospel  for  every  oelebratioo — the 
former  composed  from  2  Cor.  v.  1-10,  and  Heh. 
iv.  12,  13;  the  latter  taken  from  St.  John  v. 
w.  19-29.  As  neither  have  any  special  refe- 
rence to  the  Eucharist,  it  may  be  inferred  that 
the  peculiarity  was,  unlike  that  of  the  Irick 
missal,  unintentional,  and  resulting,  probably, 
from  the  destruction  of  sacred  books  in  a  seasoa 
of  persecution,  and  from  the  ignoraaoe  that 
followed  it. 

IV.  The  Book  of  the  Gospels.— The  book  whicb 
contained  the  four  gospels  as  divided  for  encha- 
ristic  use  was  called  by  the  Greeks  E,vajy4kao^. 
The  oldest  writer  cited  as  using  the  word  in  tbk 
specific  sense  is  Palladius,  A.D.  400 :  *^  He  brings 
the  *  gospel'  to  him  and  exacts  the  oath."  (^HisL 
Lausiac.  c  86.)  Another  proof  of  the  antiqoi^ 
of  the  usage  is  the  fact  that  the  Nesioriaas, 
who  were  cut  off  from  the  church  in  the  5tii 
century,  retain  the  term  Euanghelion  in  thts 
limited  sense  to  the  present  day  (Badger's  Netto- 
riansy  v.  ii.  p.  19).  The  book  is  similarly  caUea 
"  the  gospel"  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  (Benand. 
tom.  L  p.  136)  and  others. 

v.  By  loAom  read, — In  Africa  the  eudiaristK 
gospel  was  read  by  those  of  the  order  of  readen 
in  the  3rd  century  (see  Cypr.  £p.  xxxiz.  aad  Ep. 
xxxviii.).  It  was  genendly,  howevei^  assignei 
to  a  higher  order :  "  After  these  (i.  e.  the  other 
lessons),  let  a  deacon  or  presbyter  read  the  go»- 
pels  "  {OoTutit.  ApoetoL  lib,  ii.  c  Ivii.).  Sozonen, 
A.D.  440,  tells  us  that  among  the  Alexandiiaos 
the  ^  archdeacon  alone  read  that  sacred  book  (of 
the  gospels) ;  but  among  others  the  deacoos,  aad 
in  many  chuixhes  the  priests  only  "  (^Hiat.  EccL 
lib.  vii.  c.  xix.).  He  adds  that  **  on  high  dayi 
bishops  read  it,  as  at  Constantinople,  on  the  fin4 
day  of  the  paschal  feast."  The  liturgies  of  St. 
Mark  (Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  138),  St.  Baaii,  and  St. 
Chrysostom  (Goar,  pp.  161  and  69)  give  this 
office  to  the  deacon.  This  was  also  the  oommco 
practice  in  the  West.  Thus  St.  Jerome  says  to 
Sabinian,  **Thoa  wast  wont  to  read  the  gospel 
as  a  deacon  "  {Ep.  xciii.).  St.  Isidore  of  Seville, 
writing  about  the  year  610,  is  a  witness  to  the 
same  practice  (/>«  Ecd.  Off.  lib.  it  c  8).  We 
observe  it  also  in  the  most  ancient  **  Ordlnes 
Romani'*  (ifiu.  Ital.  tom.  ii.  pp.  10,  46);  and  it 
became  the  rule  throughout  Europe,  when  a 
deacon  was  present. 

VI.  Where  read.  —  The  gospel  was  perhaps 
generally  read  from  a  stand  called  AxAo  CA^- 
fi«ty)  or  Pulpitum  even  in  the  earliest  ages.  It 
certainly  was  so  when  the  celebrant  hinoiself  did 
not  read  it.  Thus  St.  Cyprian,  as  before  quoted, 
speaks  of  Celerinus,  the  reader,  as  officiatiaf 
*'  on  a  pulpit,  i.  e.  on  the  tribunal  of  the  churdi,** 
and  generally  of  confessors  raised  to  that  order, 
as  *' coming  to  the  pulpit  after  the  stocks* 
{Epp.  xxxviii.,  xxxix.).  The  Ordo  Romanus  in 
use  in  the  8th  century  orders  the  gospel  to  be 
read  from  the  higher  step  of  the  ambo,  the  epiitk 
having  been  read  from  a  lower  (Ord.  u.  nn.  7, 8). 
In  some  churches  there  was  a  separate  ambo  f<tf 
the  gosi>el.     An  example  occurred  in  the  chaise 


GOSPEL,  THE  UTUBGIGAL 

•t  St.  Clement  at  Rome,  where  also  the  gospel 
ambo  was  a  *Hittle  higher  and  more  ornate" 
(Martene,  De  Ani,  Ecd,  Hit,  lib.  i.  c  ir.  art.  It. 
n.  iii.).  This  became  to  some  extent  a  rule 
(ScuHamore,  NoUtia  Eucharistka^  p.  222).  We 
hear  if  the  ambo  in  the  East  also.  Thns  Sozo- 
men,  speaking  of  a  tomb  over  which  a  church 
had  been  built,  says  that  it  was  '^near  the  ambo, 
that  is  to  say,  the  rostman  {firifta)  of  the  readers" 
iHist.  Ecd.  lib.  iz.  c  ii.).  The  same  historian  tells 
us  that  St.  Chrysoetom,  that  he  might  be  better 
heard,  used  to  preach  at  Constantinople  '*  sitting 
on  the  rostnim  of  the  readers  "  (lib.  ▼.  c  y.),  and 
Socrates,  referring  to  a  particular  occasion, 
speaks  of  him  as  *' seated  on  the  ambOj  from 
which  he  was  wont  also  before  that  to  preach  in 
order  to  be  heard "  {Hist,  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c  v.). 
The  council  inTrullo,  a.d.  691,  forbade  any  who 
had  not  received  the  proper  benediction  to 
''proclaim  the  words  of  God  to  the  people  on 
the  umbo "  (can.  zzziii.).  In  the  liturgy  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  the  deacon  who  reads  the  gospel 
^  stands  elevated  on  the  ambo  or  in  the  appointed 
place  "  (Goar,  p.  69). 

VII.  Bead  towards  the  South, — It  was  an 
early,  but  we  think  not  primitive,  custom  in  the 
West  for  the  gospeller  to  '*  stand  facing  the  south, 
where  the  men  were  wont  to  assemble  "  {Ord. 
Bom.  ii.  c  8).  Amalarius,  an  early  commentator 
on  the  Ordo  Romanus,  suggests  that  this  was 
because  the  men  were  supposed  to  receive  the 
gospel  first,  and  to  teach  it  to  their  wives  at  home 
(1  Cor.  ziv.  35).  See  his  Ecloga,  n.  zv.  Mtts.  ItaL 
torn.  ii.  p.  553.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  a 
different  custom  prevailed  at  the  same  time  in 
France,  or  very  soon  after.  For  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  9th  century  Remigius  of  Auxerre 
tells  us  that  ''  the  Levite  (deacon),  when  about 
to  pronounce  the  words  of  the  gospel,  tarns  his 
face  towards  the  north,"  as  defying  Satan,  who 
was  supposed  (from  Isai.  ziv.  13)  to  dwell  there 
(Z>tf  CeM>.  MissaSf  ad.  caic.  lAbri  Pseudo-Alcuini, 
de  Div.  Of.  Hittorp,  col.  280). 

VIII.  Attendant  rites. — ^From  a  very  early 
period  the  reading  of  the  goi^pel  was  attended 
with  circumstances  of  solemnity.  In  the  Greek 
church  it  has  for  many  ages  been  brought  into 
the  church  out  of  the  chapel  of  Prothesis  in  a 
rite  known  as  the  Little  Entrance,  the  bringing 
in  of  the  gifts  being  the  Great  Entrance.  While 
the  choir  is  singing  the  Qhry  at  the  end  of  the 
third  antiphon  the  priest  and  deacon,  after  bow- 
ing thrice  before  the  altar,  go  out  for  the  book 
-of  the  gospels.  They  return  into  the  church, 
the  deacon  carrying  the  gospel,  preceded  by 
lights,  and  welomed  by  a  special  anthem.  After 
a  circuit  of  some  length  on  the  north  side  of  the 
church  they  stop  at  the  holy  doors,  where  the 
priest  says,'  secretly,  the  "  Prayer  of  the  En- 
trance." The  deacon  then  asks  for,  and  the  priest 
gives,  a  "  blessing  on  the  Entrance,"  troparia 
being  sung  meanwhile.  When  they  are  ended, 
the  deacon  shows  the  gospel  to  the  people,  say- 
ing, '*  Wisdom.  Stand  up."  They  then  enter 
the  bema,  and  the  book  is  laid  on  the  holy  table 
till  required  for  use  (Euchologium^  Goar,  pp.  67, 
124,  160).  This  is  found  in  the  older  liturgy  of 
St.  Basil,  as  well  as  that  of  St.  Chrysostom,  but 
it  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  of  it  was  prac- 
tised in  the  age  of  those  great  bishops.  There 
is  no  trace  of  the  Little  Entrance  in  the  liturgy 
of  Jerusalem,  from  which  that  of  Caesarea  (St. 


GOSPEL,  THE  LITUBGICAL    743 

Basil)  was  derived,  nor  in  the  Nestorian  lltur< 
gies,  which  came  from  an  independent  source 
before  the  5th  century.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  a  simpler  form  of  the  rite  in  the 
Armenian  liturgy,  which  was  borrowed  from 
Caesarea  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil,  and  influenced 
in  its  subsequent  growth  by  the  residence  of 
St.  Chrysostom  in  Armenia,  where  he  died 
(Le  Brun,  Diss,  sw  l$8  Liturgies^  z.  artt.  iv. 
ziii.).  We  observe,  also,  an  elaborate  render- 
ing of  the  same  rite  in  liturgies  that  can 
hardly  have  been  indebted  to  those  of  the  Greek 
church  after  the  6th  century  at  least.  *'As  the 
book  of  the  gospels,"  remarks  Renaudot,  *'  is 
carried  to  the  ambo  with  great  ceremony  among 
the  Copts,  so  it  is  certain  that  it  is  in  like  man- 
ner done  among  the  Syrians ;  and  they  received 
it  from  the  Greeks "  (tom.  ii.  p.  69).  For  the 
Coptic  Entrance  see  tom.  i.  p.  210.  A  short 
rubrio  in  the  liturgy  of  St.  Mark  tells  us  when 
the  Entrance  takes  pjace ;  but  it  is  not  described 
(Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  136). 

Another  proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  Little 
Entrance  is  found  in  its  resemblance  to  a  cere- 
mony practised  at  Rome  in  ceilain  pontifical 
masses  of  the  7  th  and  8th  centuries.  The  gospel 
was  brought  in  a  case  or  casket  fVom  the  basilica 
of  St.  John  Lateran  to  the  regionary  church  in 
which  the  celebration  took  place  by  an  acolyte 
in  attendance  on  the  bishop,  but  under  the  care 
of  the  archdeacon.  It  was  made  ready  by  the 
reader  at  the  door  of  the  Secretariuniy  while  the 
bishop  was  within  pi*eparing  for  the  service. 
The  acolyte  then  carried  it  **  into  the  presbytery 
to  before  the  altar,"  preceded  by  a  subdeacon, 
who  then  took  it  from  him,  and  *'  with  his  own 
hands  placed  it  with  honour  upon  the  altar" 
{Ord.  Bom.  i.  §§  3,  4,  5 ;  ii.  2,  4,  5). 

As  an  example  of  the  ritual  when  the  gospel 
was  to  be  read,  we  may,  for  the  East,  cite  St. 
Mark :  '*  The  deacon^  when  about  to  read  the 
gospelf  says,  *  Bless,  sir.'  The  priest,  *  The  Lord 
bless  and  strengthen,  and  make  us  hearers  of  His 
holy  gospel,  who  is  God  blessed  now  and  ever, 
and  for  ever,  Amen.'  The  deacon,  'Stand,  let 
us  hear  the  holy  gospel.'  The  priest,  *  Peace  be 
to  all.'  Thepk^,  'And  to  thy  spirit.*  Then 
the  deacon  rMds  the  gospel'* — (Kenaud.  tom.  i. 
p.  ■  138).  At  Rome,  in  the  pontifical  masses 
before  mentioned,  the  deacon  having  received  a 
blessing  from  the  bishop,  "  The  Lord  be  in  thy 
heart  and  on  thy  lips,"  after  kissing  the  gospels, 
took  the  book  off  the  altar,  and  went  towards 
the  ambo,  preceded  by  two  subdeacons — one  with 
incense— and  followed  by  a  third.  There  the 
acolytes  made  a  passage  for  the  preceding  sub- 
deacons  and  the  deacon.  The  latter  then  rested 
his  book  on  the  left  arm  of  the  subdeacon  with- 
out a  censer,  who  opened  it  at  the  place  already 
marked.  The  deacon  then,  with  his  finger  in 
the  place,  went  up  to  that  stage  of  the  ambo 
from  which  he  was  to  read,  the  two  subdeacons 
going  to  stand  before  the  steps  by  which  he 
would  descend.  The  gospel  ended,  the  bishop 
savs,  "Peace  be  to  thee,"  and  **The  Lord  be 
with  you."  Reap.,  "  And  with  thy  spirit."  As 
the  deacon  came  down,  the  subdeacon  who  had 
opened  the  book  took  it  from  him,  and  handed  it 
to  the  third  subdeacon  who  had  followed.  He, 
holding  it  on  his  planeta,  before  his  breast,  offers 
it  to  be  kissed  by  all  engaged  in  the  rite,  and 
then    puts    it   into  the  case  or  casket   before 


744    GOSPEL,  THE  LFTURGIGAL 

mentioned,  held  ready  by  the  acolyte  who  had 
brought  it  into  the  church  {Ord.  Jiom.  i.  §11). 
An  Ordo,  somewhat  later,  but  not  lower  than  the 
8th  century,  telU  ua  that  **  the  candles  were  ex- 
tinguished in  their  place  after  the  gospel  was 
read"  (Ord  ii.  §  9).  The  custom  of  lighting 
candles  at  the  reading  of  the  gospel  came  fh>m 
tne  East,  where  it  prevailed  in  the  4th  century. 
**  Through  all  the  churches  of  the  East,"  says 
^t.  Jerome,  *'  when  the  gospel  is  to  be  read,  lights 
are  burned,  though  the  sun  be  already  shining  " 
{Contra  Vigiiant,  §7).  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  in 
a  work  written  in  636,  says  that  "acolytes  in 
Greek  are  called  oeroferarii  in  Latin,  from  their 
bearing  wax  candles  when  the  gospel  is  to  be 
read,"  &c.  (EtymoL  lib.  vii.  c  xii.  §  29).  This 
is  probably  the  earliest  notice  in  the  West, 
though  the  first  Ordo  Romanus  belongs  almost 
certainly  to  the  same  century.  The  symbolism 
of  the  lights  needs  no  explanation  (see  HU  John 
i.  9 ;  viii.  12). 

IX.  Heard  standing. — It  was  probably  from 
the  very  first  the  custom  for  the  people  to  hear 
the  gospel  standing,  out  of  reverence.  Thus  the 
Apostolical  ConstitationSf  lib.  ii.  c  Ivii. :  "  When 
the  gospel  is  being  read,  let  all  the  presbyters 
and  the  deacons  and  all  the  people  stand  with 
great  quietness."  Philostorgius,  A.D.  425,  says 
that  Theophilus  the  Indian,  when  visiting  his 
native  country,  about  the  year  345,  found  that 
the  people  '*  performed  the  hearing  of  the  gospel 
lessons  sitting,  and  had  some  other  practices 
which  the  Divine  law  did  not  sanction  "  {Hist, 
Eccl.  lib.  iii.  {5).  His  language  shows  how  im- 
portant the  rite  was  con>iidered.  Isidore  of  Pelu- 
slum,  412,  says,  in  the  same  spirit,  '*  When  the 
True  Shepherd  becomes  present  through  the 
opening  of  the  adorable  gospels,  the  bishop  both 
rises  and  lays  aside  the  habit  (the  itfut^puiv) 
which  he  wears  symbolical  of  Him  "  (JEp,  cxxxvi. 
Hermino  Comiti),  In  accordance  with  this, 
Sozomen  (Hist,  JSocl.  lib.  vii.  c.  xix.)  tells  us  that 
there  was  '*a  strange  custom  among  the  Alex- 
andrians, for,  when  the  gospels  were  read,  the 
bishop  did  not  stand  up,  which,'*  he  adds,  **  I 
have  neither  known  nor  heard  of  among  others." 
The  same  rule  prevailed  in  the  West.  Ama- 
larios,  writing  about  827,  says:  ** During  the 
celebration  of  these,  i,  e,  the  lesson  (epistle)  and 
the  j:<.:phecy,  we  are  wont  to  sit,  after  the  cus- 
tom of  the  ancients."  Then,  when  he  speaks  of 
the  gospel :  "  Up  to  this  time  we  sit ;  now  we 
must  rise  at  the  words  of  the  gospel "  {De  Ecd. 
Off,  lib.  iii.  cc.  11,  18).  At  the  same  time  all 
turned  to  the  East,  and  laid  down  the  staff  on 
which,  at  that  period,  they  commonly  leaned, 
**  nor  was  there  crown  or  other  covering  on  their 
heads  "  {Ord,  Mom,  ii.  §  8 ;  Amal.  «.  s.  c.  18). 

X.  The  Doxologies. — The  doxology  now  com- 
mon after  the  announcement  of  the  gospel  is 
mentioned  by  writen  within  our  period.  Thus 
Heterius  and  Beatus,  in  Spain,  ▲.D.  785 :  **  The 
deacon  commands  all  to  be  silent,  and  says,  *  The 
lesson  of  the  holy  gospel  according  to  Matthew.' 
All  the  people  answer,  *  Glory  be  to  Thee,  0  Lord ' " 
{Adif,  Elipand,  lib.  i.  c  Ixvi.).  Compare  the 
Mosarabic  Missal  (Leslie,  pp.  2,  45,  &c).  Ama- 
laiius  only  recommends  it.  After  advising  the 
poiiple  to  pray  for  a  profitable  hearing,  he 
adiU:  **Let  him  who  is  not  quick  to  take  in 
the  words  of  the  gospel,  at  least  say, '  Glory,' " 
&c.  (lib.   iii.   c  18).      The  practice    probably 


GOSPEL,  THE  LITUBGICAL  « 

came  through  Spain,  like  several  other  riles, 
from  the  East.  In  the  homily  iJe  Ciroo.  ascribed 
incorrectly  to  St.  Chrysostom,  we  read,  **  Wbea 
the  deacon  is  about  to  open  the  go^tei,  we  all 
fix  our  eyes  on  him  and  keep  silence ;  bmt  when 
he  begins  the  course  of  reading,  we  forthwith 
stand  up,  and  respond,  'Glory  be  to  Thee,  0 
Lord'"  (Ppp.  St.  Chrys.  torn.  viiL  p,  723,  ed. 
Ganme).  Compare  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil  and 
St.  Chrysostom  (Goar,  pp.  161  and  69).  The  use 
of  this  form  was  probably  not  very  extensive 
before  the  6th  century,  or  we  should  have  found 
it  in  all  the  Nestorian  and  Eutycbian  rites.  The 
liturgy  of  Malabar  (NestorianX  however,  does 
give  *« Glory  to  Christ  the  Lord"  (Hist.  EcoL 
Malab,  Raulin,  p.  306);  the  Ethiopic,  •^  Glory 
be  to  Thee  alway,  0  Christ,  our  Lord  and  God," 
&c.  (Renaud.  torn.  i.  p.  510);  and  the  Armenian, 
*< Glory  be  to  Thee,  O  Lord,  our  God**  (Neale's 
Eastern  Ckurch,  Introd.  p.  414). 

There  is  no  very  early  evidence  of  a  doxolo^ 
after  the  gospel.  The  liturgy  of  Malabar  repeats 
that  given  above.  The  Ethiopic  has,  **  Tlie  che- 
rubim and  seraphim  send  glory  up  to  Thee.*" 
The  Armenian,  like  the  Malabar,  has  the  same 
after  as  before.  There  was  none  in  the  earir 
Roman  liturgy,  and  Amen  seems  to  have  been  the 
common  response  in  the  middle  ages  (^Notitm 
Evcharistica,  p.  228). 

XL  In  what  longuage  read. — ^As  the  first  ooa- 
verts  to  the  gospel  spoke  Greek,  all  the  liturgies 
were  originally  in  that  language.  It  is  not 
known  when  Latin  was  adopted  in  the  services 
at  Rome,  but  the  church  there  had  been  founded 
more  than  a  century  and  a  half  before  it  pro- 
duced a  single  Latin  writer.  It  waa,  therefore, 
natural  that  Greek  should  be  occasionally  aad 
partially  used  in  the  services  after  the  genenl 
use  of  Latin  had  begun.  In  particular  the 
eucharistic  lessons  were  on  certain  days  read  in 
both  languages.  The  chief  evidence  of  this  is 
the  fact  that  it  continued  as  a  traditionary  cus- 
tom throughout  the  middle  ages  (see  NotHia 
Euch.  p.  207) ;  but  we  also  find  some  early  testi- 
mony to  the  usage.  Thus  Amalariua:  *'Six 
lessons  were  read  by  the  ancient  Romans  [on  the 
Saturdays  of  the  Ember  weeks]  in  Greek  and 
Latin  (which  custom  is  kept  up  at  Constsa- 
tinople  to  this  day),  for  two  reasons,  if  I  mistake 
not ;  the  one,  because  there  were  Greeks  present, 
to  whom  Latin  was  not  known ;  the  other,  be- 
cause both  people  were  of  one  mind  "  (De  EvL 
Off.  lib.  ii.  c.  1).  This  statement  obtains  col- 
lateral support  from  the  earliest  Ordo  Romanos, 
in  which  the  four  lesson^  used  at  the  genenl 
baptism  on  Easter  Eve  are  ordered  to  be  read  in 
Greek  and  Latin  (§  40>  Nicholas  1.,  A-Dw  S5S, 
writing  to  the  emperor  Michael,  confirms  the 
statement  of  Amalarius  as  to  the  practice  at 
Constantinople.  He  affirms  that  "  daily,  or  any 
how,  on  the  principal  feasts,"  the  church  there 
was  **  reported  to  recite  the  apostolic  and  evan> 
gelic  lessons  in  that  language  (the  Latin)  first, 
and  afterwards  pronounce  the  very  same  lessons 
in  Greek,  for  the  sake  of  the  Greeks"  (Ep.  xWu 
Labb.  Cone,  tom.  viii.  col.  298).  When  John  Vill. 
in  the  same  century,  gave  permission  for  the 
celebration  of  the  Holy  Communion  in  the 
Sclavonic  tongue,  he  made  this  proviso,  thaU 
"to  show  it  greater  honour,  the  gospel  should 
be  read  in  Latin,  and  afterwards  published  in 
Sclavonic  in  the  ears  of  the  peo])Ie  who  did  not 


GOSPELLER 


GRACE  AT  MEALS 


745 


tmdei stand  Latin;  as  appears  to  be  done  in  soino 
churches"  {Ep,  ccxivii.;  Labb.  Cone.  torn.  Iz. 
ool.  177).  in  the  churches  of  Syria  the  gospel 
and  epistle  are  still  read  both  in  the  old  Syriac 
and  in  the  better  understood  Arabic  (Renaud. 
torn.  ii.  p.  69) ;  and  in  Egypt  in  both  Coptic  and 
Arabic  (Renaud.  torn.  i.  pp.  &-8).  When  they 
were  first  read  in  Arabic  we  do  not  know ;  but 
it  was  probably  before  the  9th  century,  as  both 
countries  were  conquered  and  overrun  by  the 
Arabs  in  the  former  half  of  the  7th. 

XCI.  From  the  6th  century  downward  we 
meet  with  repeated  instances  of  a  custom  of 
inclosing  the  gospels  in  cases,  covers,  or  caskets, 
adorned  with  gems  and  the  precious  metals. 
The  first  Ordo  Romanus,  in  giving  directions  for 
the  pontifical  mass,  to  which  we  have  referred 
above,  orders,  that  on  festivals  the  keeper  of  the 
vestry  at  St.  John's  Lateran  shall  give  out  '*  a 
larger  chalice  and  paten,  and  larger  gospels 
under  his  seal,  noting  the  number  of  the  gems 
that  they  be  not  lost"  (§  3).  Childebert  I., 
A.D.  531,  is  said  by  Gregory  of  Tours  to  have 
returned  from  an  expedition  into  Spain,  bringing 
with  him,  among  other  spoils,  "siztv  chalices, 
fifteen  patens,  twenty  cases  for  the  gospels 
(evangeliorum  capsas),  all  adorned  with  pure 
gold  and  precious  gems  *'  {Hist,  Franc,  lib.  iii. 
c.  z.).  The  same  writer  tells  us  that  one  of  the 
emperors  of  Rome  caused  to  be  made  for  the 
church  at  Lyons  '*a  cose  for  inclosing  the  holy 
gospels  and  a  paten  and  chalice  of  pure  gold 
and  precious  stones"  (2>ff  Oior.  Confess,  cap. 
Iziti.).  Gregory  the  Great  gave  to  the  king  of 
the  Lombards  ^  a  lectionary  (lectionem)  of  the 
holy  gospel  inclosed  in  a  Persian  case  (theca) " 
iEpp.  lib.  zii.  £p.  vU.  ad  ITieodst.)     [W.  E.  S.] 

GOSPELLER.    [Gobpel,  §  V.  p.  742.] 

GOSPELS,  BOOK  OP.  [Liturgical 
Books  :  CSospel,  §  I V.  p.  742.] 

GOSPELS  IN  ART.  [See  Four  Rivers, 
EvANOELiSTS.]  The  sources  of  the  four  rivei*s, 
representod  continually  on  the  sarcophagi  (Bot- 
tari,  Scultwe  e  Fitiure,  tav.  zvi.  and  passim) 
have  doubtless  reference  to  the  four  gospels,  as 
well  as  to  the  streams  which  watered  the  garden 
of  Eden.  See  alw  the  woodcut  of  the  Lateran 
Cross  s.  V.  Cr069. 

Rolls  of  the  gospels,  or  other  sacred  books 
are  often  represented  on  glasses  and  cups  (Buo- 
naruotti,  Vetri,  tav.  ii.  viii.  1,  ziv.  2).  A  case 
containing  the  gospels  is  represented  in  the 
chapel  of  Galla  Placid ia  at  Ravenna  (see  Ciam- 
pini,  Vet.  Mon.  L  Izvii.).  They  are  generally 
rolls,  sometimes  with  umbilici  and  capsae.  In 
Buonaruotti,  Frttmmenti  di  vast  antichi,  tav. 
Tiii.  1,  the  rolls  of  the  four  gospels  surround  a 
representation  of  the  miracle  of  the  seven  loaves, 
with  probable  reference  to  Matt.  iv.  4,  '*Man 
shall  not  live  by  bread  alone,  but  by  every  word 
that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of  God." 

The  portraits  or  symbolic  representations  of 
the  Evangelists  very  commonly  bear  the  gospelt; 
from  the  earliest  date :  indeed  the  symbol  of  four 
scrolls  or  books,  placed  in  the  four  angles  of  a 
Greek  cross,  are  asserted  by  Mrs.  Jameson  to  be 
the  earliest  type  of  the  Four  Evangelists,  and 
must  certainly  be  among  the  earliest.  In  the 
baptistery  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  V,  M,  I.  p. 
234X   there   is  a   mosaic   of  the   four  gospels 


resting  on  four  tables,  each  with  its  title.    This 
dates  from  a.d.  451. 

The  figures  of  apostles,  passim  in  ancient  me* 
diaeval  and  modern  art,  bear  rolls  or  volumes  in 
their  hands ;  but  Martigny  remarks  very  inge- 
niously and  thoughtfully,  that  in  the  earliest 
ezamples  of  apostles  the  volume  must  be  con- 
sidered to  be  that  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets, 
to  which  and  to  whom  they  referred  all  men  in 
their  preaching,  even  from  the  day  of  Pentecost. 
In  one  instance  a  picture  at  the  bottom  of  a  cup 
representing  an  adoration  of  the  Magi  (Buona- 
ruotti iz.  3)  the  book  of  the  gospels  is  placed  near 
one  of  the  three,  in  token  of  their  being  the  first, 
with  the  shepherds,  to  bear  the  good  tidings  of 
the  Saviour  of  Mankind. 

A  symbol  of  the  gospel,  and  of  the  evangelists, 
of  the  highest  antiquity  (indeed,  as  Mr.  Uemans 
thinks,  of  the  Constantinian  period)  is  the  paint- 
ing of  four  jewelled  books  at  the  juncture  of  the 
arms  of  a  large  cross,  also  jewelled,  on  the  vault 
of  a  hall  belonging  to  the  Thermae  of  Trajan; 
consecrated  for  Christian  worship  by  pope 
Sylvester  in  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  still 
serving  as  a  crypt-chapel  below  the  church  of 
SS.  Martino  e  Silvestro  on  the  Esquiline  Hill. 

[R.  St,  J.  T.] 

GRACE  AT  MEALS.  The  Jews  were 
wont  to  give  thanks  at  table,  one  of  the  com- 
pany saying  the  prayer  *'  in  the  plural  number. 
Let  us  blesSy  kc,,**  and  the  rest  answering  Amen 
(Beracoth  cap.  vii. ;  Lightfoot  Horae  Hebr.  in  St. 
Matt.  zv.  36).  When  our  Lord  was  about  to 
feed  the  multitudes  He  took  the  loaves  and  fishes, 
and  *' blessed"  (St.  Matt.  ziv.  19;  St.  Mark  vi. 
41;  St.  Luke  iz.  16)  or  "gave  thanks"  (St. 
Matt.  zv.  36 ;  St.  Mark  viiL  6 ;  St.  John  vi.  11) 
before  He  distributed  them.  This  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Jewish  custom,  which  thus,  with 
the  sanction  of  our  Lord's  ezample,  passed  into 
His  church.  St.  Chrysostom,  commenting  on 
Matt.  ziv.  19-21,  says  that  He  then  "taught  us 
that  we  should  not  touch  a  table  before  giving 
thanks  to  Him  who  provides  this  food "  {Horn. 
zliz.).  In  commenting  on  the  account  of  the 
Last  Supper,  he  refen  to  the  "Grace"  said 
after  meat  also  : — "  He  gave  thanks  before 
distributing  to  the  disciples,  that  we  may  give 
thanks  too.  He  gave  thanks  and  sang  hymns 
after  distributing,  that  we  may  do  the  same 
thing"  {In  St.  Matt.  zxvi.  30;  I/om.  hxzii.). 
That  this  was  the  general  practice  of  the  early 
Christians  is  proved  by  many  testimonies.  St. 
Paul,  to  whatever  else  he  may  allude  beside^ 
certainly  recognizes  it  in  1  Tim.  iv.  3-5.  Meats, 
he  there  teaches,  were  "  created  to  be  received 
with  thanksgiving  of  them  which  believe  and 
know  the  truth."  Clemens  of  Alezandria,  a.d. 
192,  both  owns  the  principle,  and  vouches  for 
the  observance.  "As  it  is  meet  that  before  tak- 
ing food  we  bless  the  Maker  of  all  these  things, 
so  also  does  it  become  us,  when  drinking,  to 
sing  psalms  unto  Him ;  forasmuch  as  we  are 
partaking  of  His  creatures"  {Faedag.  lib.  ii. 
c.  iv.  §  44 ;  see  also  §  77).  Of  the  model  Chris- 
tian,  he  says,  "His  sacrifices  are  prayers  and 
praises,  and  the  reading  of  Scnpture  before  the 
banqueting ;  psalms  and  hymns  after  it "  {Sitroni. 
lib.  vii.  c.  vii.  §  49).  Again :  "  Referring  the 
reverent  enjoyment  of  all  things  to  God,  he  ever 
oflers  to  the  giver  of  all  things  the  first-fruits 
of  meat  and  drink  and  anointing  oil,  yielding 


74e 


GBAGE  AT  MEALS 


GBADUAL 


thanl&V  &c.  {Tbid,  §  36).  Tertullian,  writing 
probably  in  202 :  **  We  do  not  recline  (at  an 
entertainment)  before  prajer  be  first  tasted 
.  .  .  After  water  for  the  hands  and  lights,  each, 
as  he  is  able,  is  called  out  to  sing  to  God  from 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  from  bts  own  mind.  In 
like  manner  prayer  puts  an  end  to  the  feast" 
{Liber  Apol.  adv,  GetUes,  c.  zxxix.).  St.  Cyprian, 
writing  in  246 :  *'  Nor  let  the  banqueting  hour 
be  void  of  heavenly  grace.  Let  the  temperate 
entertainment  resound  with  psalms,  and  do  ye 
each  undertake  this  wonted  duty  according  to  the 
strength  of  your  memory  or  excellence  of  voice  " 
(^Ad  DoH'Tt.  sub  Jin,).  St.  Basil,  a.d.  370  :  "  Let 
prayers  be  said  before  taking  food  in  meet  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  gifts  of  God,  both  of  those 
which  He  is  now  giving  and  of  those  which  He 
has  put  in  store  for  the  future.  Let  prayera  be 
said  afler  food  containing  a  return  of  thanks  for 
the  things  given,  and  I'equest  for  those  pro- 
mised "  {Kp.  ii.  ad  Greg,  Naz,  §  6).  Sozomen, 
A.D.  440,  says  of  the  younger  Theodosius,  that  he 
would  eat  nothing  **  before  he  had  blessed  the 
Creator  of  all  things "  {Hist.  Eccies,  OraU  ad 
Imp,  libro  i.  praefixa). 

Examples  remain  of  the  early  Graces,  both  of 
the  East  and  West.  E.g.  the  Apostolical  Con- 
ftUiUions  (lib.  vii.  c.  49)  furnish  the  following 
Ei;x^  ir*  ikpiffr^,  Prayer  at  the  midday  meal: 
"  Blessed  art  Thou,  0  Lord,  who  feedest  me  from 
my  youth  up,  who  givest  food  to  all  flesh.  Fill 
our  hearts  with  joy  and  gladness ;  that  always 
having  a  sufficiency  we  may  abound  unto  every 
good  work,  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord,  through 
whom  be  glory  and  honour  and  power  unto  Thee, 
world  without  end,  Amen"  {Patres  Apostol,Cott\, 
tom.  i.  p.  385).  This  prayer  (slightly  varied)  is 
also  given  to  be  said  after  meals  in  the  treatise 
De  VirginitaU  ascribed  (m<»t  improbably)  to  St. 
Athanasius.  The  writer  first  gives  it  and  then 
proceeds  as  follows  :  **  And  when  thou  ai*t  seated 
at  table  and  hast  begun  to  break  the  bread, 
having  thrice  sealed  it  with  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  thus  give  thanks,  *  We  give  thanks  unto 
Thee,  our  Father,  for  Thy  holy  resurrection  p.  e, 
wrought  and  to  be  wrought  in  us,  if  the  reading 
be  coiTect] ;  for  through  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ 
hast  Thou  made  it  known  unto  us ;  and  as  this 
bread  upon  this  table  was  in  separate  grains,  and 
being  gathered  together  became  one  thing,  so 
let  Thy  church  be  gathered  together  from  the 
ends  of  the  earth  into  Thy  kingdom ;  for  Thine 
is  the  power  and  the  glory  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen.'  And  this  prayer  thou  oughtest  to  say 
when  thou  breakest  bread  and  desirest  to  eat ; 
but  when  thou  dost  set  it  on  the  table  and  sittest 
down,  say  Our  Father  all  through.  But  the 
prayer  above  written  (Blessed  art  Thou,  O  God 
[Lord,  Const.  Apost."^  we  say  after  we  have  made 
our  meal  and  have  risen  from  table  "  (§§  12,  13, 
mter  Athanas.  0pp.).  A  short  paraphrase,  as  it 
appears,  of  an  Eastern  Grace  at  meals  may  also 
be  seen  in  the  anonymous  commentary  (probably 
of  the  sixth  century)  on  the  Book  of  Job  printed 
with  the  works  of  Origen  (lib.  iii.). 

The  following  examples  from  the  Gelasian 
Sacramentary  are  probably  the  moat  ancient 
Graces  of  the  Latin  church  now  extant :  Prayers 
before  Meat.  (1)  "  Refresh  us,  0  Loi-d,  with  Thy 
gifUt,  and  sustain  us  with  the  bounty  of  Thv 
riches ;  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord.  Amen.^' 
(2)  "  Let   us   be   refreshed,  O  Lord,  from  Thy 


grants  and  gifts,  and  satiated  with  Thy  blening 
through,  &c."  (3)  "Protect  us,  O  Loid  cnn 
God,  and  afford  needful  sustenance  to  our  frailtr ; 
through,  &c."  (4)  "Bless,  0  Loiti,  Tliy  gifts, 
which  of  Thy  bounty  we  are  about  to  l^e; 
through,  &c"  (5)  "0  God,  who  dost  alw«y 
invite  us  to  spiritual  delights,  give  a  blessing  « 
Thy  gifts;  that  we  may  attain  to  a  sanctiBcd 
reception  of  those  things  which  are  to  be  eaten 
in  Thy  name;  through,  &c"  (6)  "May  Thy 
gifts,  0  Lord,  refresh  us,  and  Thy  grace  console  us; 
through,  &c."  Prayers  after  Meals. — (I)  ^Satis- 
fied, O  Lord,  with  the  gifts  of  Thy  riches,,  we 
give  Thee  thimks  for  these  things  which  wc 
receive  from  Thy  bounty,  beseeching  Thy  mercy 
that  that  which  was  needful  for  our  bodies  may 
not  be  burdensome  to  our  minds ;  through,  kc}* 
(2)  "  We  have  been  satisfied,  0  Lord,  with  Thy 
grants  and  gifts.  Replenish  us  with  Thy  mercy. 
Thou  who  art  blessed ;  who  with  the  Father  and 
Holy  Ghost  livest  and  reig^est  Goa  for  ever  and 
ever.  Amen."  Muratori,  Liturgia  Bom.  V^hs, 
tom.  i.  col.  745.  Compare  the  Benedicth  ad 
Mensamj  and  Benedictio  post  MeTiaam  levaiam  in 
the  Galilean  Sacramentary  of  the  7th  centorr 
found  at  Bobio  {Ibid.  tom.  ii.  col.  959). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

GRACILiaLNUS.  [Felicissiica.] 

GRADO,  COUNCIL  OP  {Gradcnse  con. 
cilium),  held  A.n.  579  at  Grado  for  the  transfer 
thither  of  the  see  of  Aquileia,  supposing  its  acts 
genuine,  but  Istria  was  at  this  time  out  of  com- 
munion with  Rome  for  not  accepting  the  5th 
council,  and  the  part  assigned  to  Elias,  bishop  of 
Aquileia,  throughout  is  suspicious.  A  legate 
from  Rome  at  his  instance  exhibited  a  letter  as 
from  pope  Pelaglus  U.  to  him  authorising  this 
change,  which  was  accordingly  confirmed.  Tliea 
he  requested  that  the  definition  of  the  4th 
council  might  be  recited,  which  was  also  doneu 
In  the  subscriptions  which  follow  his  own  amies 
fii-st,  after  him  that  of  the  legate,  nineteeo 
bishops  or  their  representatives  follow,  and  last 
of  all  twelve  presbyters  in  their  own  names. 
Mansi  regards  it  as  a  forgery  (ix.  927). 

[E.  S.  ¥t] 

GRADUAL  {Bespofworium  Graduale  or  Gra- 
dale;  or  simply  Besponsorium  or  Besponsum; 
or  Graduate.  In  mediaeval  English  Q-ragi 
spelt  variously.) — ^I.  This  was  an  anthem  song 
after  the  epistle  in  most  of  the  Latin  churches. 
Originally,  it  seems  that  a  whole  psalm  was 
sung,  at  least  in  Africa,  as  we  gather  from  seve- 
ral allusions  in  the  Sei'mons  of  St.  Augustine. 
Thus  in  one  he  says,  "  To  this  belongs  that  which 
the  apostolic  lesson  (Col.  iii.  9)  before  the  can- 
ticle of  the  psalm  presignified,  saying  'Put  oC 
&c' "  {Sean,  xxxii.  c  iv.).  "  We  have  heard 
the  apostle,  we  have  heard  the  psalm,  we  have 
heard  the  gospel  **  {Serm,  clxv.  c  i.).  Again  :— 
"  We  have  heard  the  first  lesson  of  the  apostle, 
<This  is  a  faithful  saying,  &c*  (1  Tim.  i.  15) 
Then  we  sang  a  psalm,  mutually  ex- 
horting one  another,  saying  with  one  voice, 
one  heart,  *0  come,  let  us  worship,*  &c 
(Ps.  xcv.  6).  After  these  the  gospel  lessoo 
showed  us  the  cleansing  of  the  ten  lepers'* 
{Serm.  clxxvi.  c.  i.).  In  his  B^ractations  (UK 
ii.  c.  xi.)  St.  Augustine  speaks  of  a  custom  wfaic^ 
began  at  Carthage  in  his  L:me  of  "saying  hymns 
at  the  altar  from  the    Book  of  Psalms,  either 


GRADUAL 


GRADUAL 


747 


lefore  the  oblation  or  when  that  which  had 
oeen  <^ered  was  being  distributed  to  the  people.*' 
The  hymn  before  the  oblation  haji  been  under- 
stood by  some  to  be  the  psalm  before  the  gospel ; 
but  a  hymn  sung  before  the  catechumens  left 
would  hardly  have  been  called  by  so  precitfe  a 
writer  as  Augustine  a  hymn  before  the  oblation. 
He  must  rather  hare  meant  the  offertory  which 
immediately  preceded  the  offering  of  the  ele- 
ments. Nor  was  the  Gradual  sung  at  the  altar, 
but,  as  we  shall  see,  from  the  lector's  ambo.  We 
infer,  therefore,  that  the  pealm  after  the  epistle 
was  a  custom  of  the  church  before  the  age  of 
St.  Augufltine.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  a.d. 
495,  tells  us  thpt  Musaeus,  a  presbyter  of  that 
city,  A.D.  458,  at  the  request  of  his  bishop, 
selected  **  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  lessons  suit- 
able to  the  feast-days  of  the  whole  year,  and 
besides,  responsory  chapters  of  psalms  adapted 
to  the  seasons  and  lessons  "  (/>tf  Viris  Ilhtst,  c. 
Ixzix.).  Another  witness  is  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  relates  tbat  on  a  certain  occasion  in  the 
year  585,  his  deacon  ^*who  had  said  the  re- 
sponsory at  the  masses  before  day "  was  ordered 
by  king  Guntram  to  sing  before  him,  and  that 
atlerwards  all  the  priests  present  sang  a  respon- 
sory psalm,  each  with  one  of  his  clerks  (^Hiat. 
Franc»  L.  viii.  §  iii.).  The  Antiphonary  ascribed 
to  Gregory  I.  must  have  undergone  changes 
down  to  the  11th  or  12th  century,  if  it  was  not 
originally  compiled  then.  It  contains  Gradnals 
(there  called  Responsories)  for  use  throughout 
the  year ;  but  fh>m  our  uncertainty  about  their 
age,  we  need  only  state  the  fact.  It  was  printed 
by  Pamelius  (^LU'wrgioon^  torn.  ii.  p.  62),  and  by 
Thomasius  at  Rome  in  1683.  The  earliest  Ordo 
Romanus  extant,  which  describes  a  pontifical  mass 
of  the  7th  century,  fully  recognizes  the  use  of 
the  Gradual :  *' After  he  (the  subdeacon)  has  read 
(the  epistle)  the  cantor  ascends  [the  steps  of  the 
ambo]  with  the  cantatory,  and  says  the  Re- 
xponse  "  (§  10 ;  Mu9,  ItcU,  tom.  ii.  p.  9).  Again  : 
**  With  regard  to  the  Gradual  Responsory,  it  is 
[in  Lent]  sung  to  the  end  by  him  who  begins  it, 
and  the  verse  in  like  manner"  (§  26,  p.  18). 
Compare  Ordo  ii.  §  7.  Amalarius  \Prol.  in  Zi6. 
de  Ord,  Antiph,  Hittorp.  col.  504)  explains  the 
term  *  cantatory.'  "  That  which  we  call  the 
Gradual  {Gradate)  they  (the  Romans),  call  Canta- 
torium ;  which  in  some  churches  among  them  is 
still,  according  to  the  old  custom,  comprised  in 
one  volume."  It  was,  in  fact,  a  book  containing 
all  the  Graduals  for  the  year. 

II.  Strictly  only  the  first  verse  of  the  anthem 
was  called  the  Gradual.  The  rest  was  technically 
called  the  *'  verse."  The  mode  of  singing  it  was 
uot  everywhere  the  same;  but  Amalarius  de- 
scribes at  some  length  how  this  was  done  at 
Rome,  whence,  he  assures  us  {De  Eocles.  Off» 
L.  iii.  c.  11 ;  i>0  Ord,  Ant,  u.5.),  the  Gradual  was 
derived  to  other  churches : — **  The  precentor  in 
the  first  row  sings  the  Responsory  to  the  end. 
The  suooentors  respond  (t.  e.  sing  the  Responsory) 
in  like  manner.  The  precentor  then  sings  the 
verse.  The  verse  being  ended,  the  succentors  a 
second  time  begin  the  Responsory  from  the  firet 
word,  and  continue  it  to  the  end.  Then  the 
precentor  sings,  '  Glory  be  to  the  Father  and  to 
the  Son  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost.'  This  being 
ended,  the  succentors  take  up  the  Responsory 
about  the  middle,  and  continue  it  to  the  end. 
Lastly  the  precentor  begins  the  Responsory  from 


the  first  word  and  continues  it  to  the  end. 
Which  being  over  the  succentors  for  the  thin! 
time  repeat  the  Responsory  from  the  beginning 
and  continue  it  to  the  end."  Amalarius  also 
tells  us  that  ^  the  Oloria  was  not  sung  with 
Responsories  from  the  first"  {De  Oni.  Antiph. 
c.  18);  from  which  we  infer  with  probability 
that  they  were  in  use  before  that  doxology  was 
composed. 

III.  The  mode  of  singing  adopted  for  the  Gra- 
dual, in  which  one  sang  alone  for  a  while  and 
many  responded  was  probably  in  use  from  the 
very  infancy  of  the  church.  In  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions  the  apostles  are  made  to  direct 
that  at  the  celebration  of  the  holy  eucharist 
one  of  the  deacons  shall  **  chant  the  hymn»  of 
David,  and  the  people  subchant  the  ends  of  the 
verses"  (L.  ii.  c.  Ivii.).  When  St.  Athanasius 
(A.D.  356)  found  his  church  surrounded  by  more 
than  5000  soldiers,  and  a  violent  crowd  of  Ari- 
ans,  he  placed  himself  on  his  throne  and  *^  di- 
rected the  deacon  to  read  a  psalm,  and  the 
people  to  respond,  'For  His  mercv  endureth  for 
ever'"  (ApoL  de  Fugd  sud,  §  24).  Eusebius, 
too,  citing  Philo's  account  of  certain  *'  Ascetae  " 
in  Egypt,  among  other  of  their  customs  which 
he  declares  to  belong  to  the  Christians,  mentions 
that  one  would  '*  chant  a  psalm  in  measured 
strains,  the  rest  listening  in  silence,  but  singing 
the  last  pirts  of  the  hymns  together  "  (£useb. 
Hist,  L.  II.  c.  xvii.).  Whether  those  ascetics 
were  Jews  or  Christians  the  narrative  of  Philo 
shows  that  the  practice  must  have  been  known 
to  the  Jewish  converts  of  the  1st  century,  and 
may  even  then  have  been  adopted  by  them. 

IV.  From  Easter  Eve  to  the  Saturday  in 
Whitsun  week  inclusivelv  the  Gradual  was  fol- 
lowed, and  at  last  supplanted  by  the  Alleluia. 
This  had  been  long  known  in  the  West  and  used, 
though  not  prescribed,  on  public  occasions  of 
religious  joy.  At  Rome  it  was  only  sung  on 
Easter  day,  as  Sozomen  informs  us  {ffist.  Eccl 
lib.  vii.  cap.  xix.),  and  his  statement  is  copied  by 
Cassiodorius(^is^  j^/.  Tnpart,  L.  xiii.  c  xxzix.), 
who  lived  at  Rome,  a.d.  514.  Their  authority, 
however,  can  only  prove  the  fact  for  an  age 
before  their  own ;  for  Gregory  I.  affirms  that  it 
was  introduced  at  Rome  in  masses  by  St.  Jerome 
(who  had  learnt  it  at  Jerusalem)  in  the  time  of 
Damasus,  A.D.  384  (Epist  lib.  vii.;  Bp.  Ixiv.). 
This,  of  course,  refers  to  its  use  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost ;  as  Gregory  himself  extended  it 
"  beyond  the  time  of  Pentecost "  (*W.).  In 
the  Antiphonary  ascribed  to  him  it  is  only 
omitted  between  Septuagesima  Sunday  and 
Easter  (Pamel.  Litury,  tom.  Ii.  pp.  81-110). 
Amalarius  (tcs.  cap.  13)  speaks  of  it  as  *'  sung 
on  feast  days." 

V.  The  Tract  was  another  anthem  sometimes 
sung  after  the  epistle.  Originally  it  was  always 
from  the  Book  of  Psalms ;  and  like  the  Gradual 
was  a  remnant  and  evidence  of  their  early  use 
in  celebrations  as  a  part  of  Holy  Scripture. 
The  Tract  and  Gradual  differed  at  first,  in  all 
probability,  only  in  being  sung  differently;  or 
in  other  words  the  Tract  was  nothing  more  than 
the  Gradual  as  it  was  chanted  in  seasons  of 
humiliation.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  we  treat 
of  them  together.  Very  soon,  however,  a  Tract 
was  often  sung  after  the  Gradual;  or,  as  it 
would,  we  presume,  be  then  viewed,  a  third 
veii>e  was  added  to  the  anthem,  which  was  sung 


748 


GRADUAL 


traciim ;  %,  e.  continuoatfly  by  the  cantor  withoat 
any  assistance  from  the  choir.  Although  the 
language  u  obscure,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that 
they  were  sometimes  sung  together  under  the 
iii-st  Ordo  Romnnus.  **  if  it  shall  be  the  time 
for  the  Alleluia  to  be  said,  well ;  but  if  for  the 
Tract,  well  again ;  but  if  not  let  the  response 
(Gi-adual)  only  be  sung"  (§  10).  The  Tract  is 
never  used  without  a  responsory  in  the  so-called 
Gregorian  Antiphonary.  Though  properly 
penitential  (Amalarius  De  EocL  Ojf,  lib.  ii.  c.  3), 
the  Tract  was  not  always  of  a  mournful  cha- 
racter. '* Sometimes,"  says  Amalarius,  "the 
Tract  expresses  tribulation,  sometimes  joy " 
{Ibid.  lib.  iii.  c  13>  It  was  sung  from  the 
same  place  as  the  Gradual  (^Ord.  Lorn,  /.  §  10; 
//.  §  7),  and  at  first  by  the  same  cantor  (Ord.  /. 
§  7) ;  but  later  on  by  another  {Ord.  III.  §  9).  The 
origin  of  the  mime,  from  cantvA  frac^u^,  a  sustained 
unbroken  chant,  appears  certain.  Honorius  of 
Autun,  ▲.D.  1130,  is  the  earliest  extant  authority 
for  it  {Gemma  AnvmaCy  lib.  i.  c.  96) ;  but  it  is 
approved  by  all  the  best  ritualists. 

The  mode  of  chanting  the  Tract  was  probably 
borrowed  from  the  early  monks,  who  sang  the 
psalms  by  turns,  one  at  a  time.  Thus  Catisian, 
A.D.  424,  **  One  rises  to  sing  psalms  unto  the 
Loi'd  before  the  company "  {De  Coench,  ftutU. 
lib.  ii.  c.  ▼.).  **  They  divide  the  aforesaid  num- 
ber of  twelve  psalms  in  such  a  manner  that  if 
two  brethren  be  pi*esent,  they  sing  six  each ;  if 
three,  four;  if  four,  three"  {/Mi.  c.  xi. ;  see 
also  c  xii.).  St.  Jerome  has  an  allusion  to  it 
when,  writing  to  a  monk  {Ep.  xiv.  ad  Bustic, 
Jfon.),  he  reminds  him  of  the  obligation  to  rise 
before  sleep  would  naturally  leave  him  and 
'*  say  a  psalm  in  his  turn." 

VI.  The  Gradual  and  Tract  were  sung  from 
the  same  step  of  the  ambo  from  which  the 
epistle  was  read.  According  to  the  second  Oixio 
Komnnus  (§  7),  the  £pistoler  "went  up  on  to 
the  ambo  to  read,  but  not  on  to  its  upper  step 
(or  stage,  gradum),  which  only  he  who  read  the 
gospel  was  wont  to  ascend.  After  he  had  read 
the  cantor  ascended  with  the  cantorium  (=can- 
tatorium)  ....  not  to  a  higher  place ;  but  he 
stood  in  the  same  place  as  the  reader."  It  was 
for  this  reason  that  the  anthem  was  called 
Gradual:  it  was  the  chant  from  the  tiep  of  the 
umbo.  This  explanation  of  the  term  is  given  by 
Rabanus  Maurus,  ▲.D.  847,  and  is  accepted  by 
Bona,  Le  Brun,  Gerbert,  Martene,  and  perhaps 
all  the  great  writers  on  ritual. 

VII.  The  fact  that  the  Gradual  and  Tract  were 
both  sung  from  the  lesson  desk,  and  that  by  a 
single  cantor,  detached  thither,  like  the  readers, 
from  the  choir,  seems  to  indicate  their  common 
origin  in  that  extended  use  of  the  Book  of  Psalms 
with  the  rest  of  Holy  Scripture  which  we  know 
to  have  prevailed  during  the  first  ages.  Both 
arrangements  were  appropriate  and  natural  if 
the  i>salms  were  said  in  some  sort  as  a  lesson ;  but 
inappropriate  as  well  as  inconvenient  for  a  mere 
anthem.  The  sense  of  this  at  length  led  to  the 
Gradual  being  sung  by  the  cantor  in  his  usual 
])liice.  Amalarius,  indeed,  exhibits  the  cantor  as 
a  teacher  and  preacher  no  less  than  those  who 
read  the  other  Scriptures.  "  By  the  office  of  the 
cimtor  we   may  understand  that  of  a  prophet 

...  By  the  responsory  we  may  undei*stand  the 
preaching  of  the  New  Testament  ....  The  cantor 
discharges  the  functions  of  a  faithful  preacher," 


GBEETINQ-HOUSE 

&c.  {De  Bed.  Off.  1.  iii.  cap.  11).  This  was,  w« 
presume,  the  traditional  view.  It  is  suggested 
by  St.  Augustine's  manner  of  referring  (see  above) 
to  the  pealms  which  in  his  day  formed  part  of 
the  eucharistic  service  in  Roman  Africa,  as  well 
as  to  the  epistles  and  gospels.  The  same  thought 
underlies  the  mystical  comment  of  Pseudo-Dio- 
nysiua.  The  psalms  sung,  according  to  him,  pat 
the  soul  into  harmony  with  things  dirinc,  aod 
then  those  things  which  have  bron  mystically 
shadowed  forth  in  them  are  plainly  and  fuUy 
taught  in  the  lessons  from  the  other  parts  of 
Holy  writ  {De  Eccl.  ffier.  c.  iii.  n.  iii.  §  5). 
Psalms  are  to  this  day  sung  before  the  gospel  in 
the  Coptic  rite  (Renaud.  tom.  i.  pp.  7,  210).  In 
the  Armenian  "  a  suitable  psalm  is  recited  "  im- 
mediately before  the  first  eucharistic  lesaoa 
(the  prophecy)  is  read  (Le  Brun,  i>i«t.  z.  art 
xiv.).  In  the  Milanese  a  Psalmellns  (Pamelii 
Liturgicon,  tom.  i.  p.  295),  and  in  the  Mozarabk 
an  anthem  headed  Psallendo  (Leslie,  Hiss.  Jtfor. 
pp.  1,  222),  in  Lent  a  Tractus  {ibid.  pp.  98, 101, 
&c.)  is  sung  between  the  prophecy  and  the 
epistle.  In  these  psalms  or  anthems  we  find 
the  evident  remains,  akin  to  the  Roman  Gradual 
and  Tract,  of  the  psalmody  which  accompanied 
the  reading  of  the  other  Scriptures  in  the  primi- 
tive church.  There  was  also,  we  may  mention 
in  conclusion,  a  substitute  for  it  left  in  the  Old 
Galilean  liturgy  in  the  Hymn  of  Zaeharias, 
often  called  the  prophecy,  which  was  sung  be- 
fore the  Old  Testament  Lesson  ( S.  Germani 
Expos.  Breo,  in  Martene  De  Ant.  EccU  BH.  1. 
i.  c.  iv.  art.  xii.  ord.  i. ;  Mabill.  Liturg.  Gail.  L 
ii.  pp.  251,  322,  &c),  and  in  the  Song  of  the 
Three  Children  (  Germanus,  «. «.  ;  MabilL  ibid. 
p.  107)  which  was  sung  between  the  epistle  and 
gospel.  [W.  E.  S.] 

GBANATARIUS,  in  a  monastery,  one  of 
the  four  deputies  or  assistants  of  the  house- 
steward  ("sufTraganei  cellerario,"  quaintly  styled 
"solalia  cellerarU"  in  the  old  Benedictine  rule), 
the  receiver  of  the  yearly  corn-harvest  of  the 
monastery,  and  keeper  of  the  granary  (Mart. 
Beg.  Bened.  Cumm.  c.  31)  and  of  the  farm  stock 
(Isidor.  Beg.  c.  19).  In  some  monasteries  his 
office  was  to  provide  all  household  necessaries 
(Ducange  Gloss.  Lot.  s.  v.).  The  word  is  also 
spelt  "  granarius  "  or  **  granetarius."  [L  G.  S.] 

GRATA.  [Photinds.] 

GRATIAS  DEO.    [Deo  Gratias.] 

GRAVES.  [Aboosolium ;  Area;  Bisomcs: 
Cataoombs;  Cemetery;  Cella  Memoriae; 
Churchyard.] 

GREAT  WEEK.    [Holy  Week.] 

GREEK,  USED  m  SERVICEa  [Creed, 
§  17  ;  Gospel,  §  XI.  p.  744.] 

GREEN  THURSDAY.    [Maundy  Thurs. 

DAY.] 

GREETING.    [Salutation.] 

GREETING,  THE  ANGELICAL.  [Hail, 
Mary.] 

GREETING -HOUSE,  a  reception-room 
{iunrturriKos  oJf«os,  receptorium,  salutatorinm, 
salle  d'entree,  parloir)  next  to  the  proaula  or 
proaulium  (Ducange  Gloss,  Lot.  s.  v.  saluta- 
torium).  In  the  narrative  of  the  famous  inter- 
view   between    Ambrose    and    Theodosius,  the 


GBEGOBIAN  MUSIC 

bishop  is  described  u  sitting  in  his  reception- 
room  before  going  to  the  church  (Tbeodoret, 
Ecc.  Higt,  ▼.  18),  and  Gregory  the  Great  spealcs 
of  a  bishop  as  proceeding  from  his  reception- 
room  to  church  (Greg.  M.  Ep,  It.  54).  Bingham 
corrects  the  opinion  of  Scaliger  that  the  place 
spolcen  of  by  Theodoret  was  a  part  of  the  bishop's 
palace  used  for  entertaining  strangen,  and  pro- 
nounces it  '*a  place  adjoining  the  church" 
(**exedra  ecclesiae  adjuncta/'  Ducange,  t.  s.)  for 
the  bishop  *^to  receive  the  salutations  of  the 
people  "  coming  for  his  **  blessing/'  or  on  **  busi- 
nesis"  (Bingh.  Orig,  Eccles.  viii.  vii.  8;  cf. 
Vales.  Annatat,  in  Theodoret.  1.  c).  It  is  re- 
corded of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  that  he  sat  on  a 
thi*ee-Iegged  stool  in  a  room  of  this  kind,  in  pre- 
ference to  using  the  bishop's  throne  which  was 
theK  (Snip.  SeT.  Vit.  S.  Mart} ;  and  that  on  his 
risitations  he  spent  night  and  day  in  this  room 
(Sulp.  Sev.  Ep.  1).  In  this  "  salutatorium  "  the 
rule  of  the  convent  was  read  over  to  candidates 
for  admission  (Beg.  AureL  ad  VirgineSyC.  1).  The 
nuns,  and  even  the  abbess,  were  forbidden  to  see 
any  stranger  here  alone  (Beg.  Donat  ad  Virg,  c  57 ; 
lUf.  CaeeatHi  ad  Vvrg,  c  35) ;  and  by  the  council 
of  if  aeon,  A.D.  581,  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, 
as  well  as  laymen,  were  prohibited  from  entering 
the  reception-room  of  a  nunnery,  Jews  especially 
being  excluded  (jCkmo,  Matiscon.  c.  2).*  On  the 
same  principle,  women,  even  nuns,  were  excluded 
from  the  bishop's  **  salutatorium  "  (Ducange,  s.  v.). 
la  a  Benedictine  monastery  this  chamber  was 
usually  on  the  east  side  of  the  quadrangle,  be- 
tween the  chapter-house  and  the  south  transept 
of  the  church  (Whitaker's  Jfisi.  of  WhaUeyy 
p.  124,  4th  ed.  1874). 

A  room  of  this  kind  was  used,  according  to 
Mabillon,  for  robing,  for  hearing  causes,  for 
synods,  for  keeping  relics  in,  and  sometimes  for 
temporary  residence  (Mabill.  Ann.  Bened.  Saec. 
iv.  i.  p.  370,  cited  by  Ducange  Gloss.  Lot,  v.  s. ; 
cf.  Sulp.  Sev.  Ep.  i.).  According  to  Menard, 
there  was  a  similar  room  for  the  use  of  the 
priests  (Bened.  Anian.  Concord.  Begui,  v.  25;  cf. 
Snip.  Sev.  Dpil.  II.  i.). 

This  receiving-room,  or  audience-chamber, 
seems  identical  with  the  '*  sacrarium,"  or  vestry, 
where  the  vessels  for  use  in  church  were  kept 
(Ducange  Gloss.  Lat.  s.  v.)  See  Diaoonicum, 
Gazophtlacium.  [I.  G.  S.] 

GREGORIAN  MUSIC.    [Music] 

GREGORY.  (1)  Bishop  of  Nyssa  in  Cappa- 
docia(t  390  A.D.);  commemorated  March  9(3/ar<. 
Bom.  Vet,  Adonis) ;  Jan.  10  (Cal.  Bgxant} ;  Hedar 
26  =  Nov.  22  (Cat  Ethiop.);  deposition  March  9 
(Mart.  Usuardi). 

(2)  Magnus,  the  pope,  ''apostolus  Anglorum" 
(t  604  A.D.) ;  commemorated  with  Innocent  I., 
March  12  (ifart.  Bom.  Vet.j  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi) ;  deposition  March  12  (Mart.  Bedae). 

(3)  Bishop  and  confessor  of  Eliberis  (Elvira) 
tsaec  ly.);  commemorated  April  24  (Mart. 
Usuardi). 

(4)  Theologus,  bishop  of  Nazianzus  and  of 
Constantinople  (f  389  A.D.);  commemorated  Jan. 

•  The  reading  In  the  text»  **  extra  salntatorium,"  ob- 
vioosly  wrong,  Is  ooirected  bj  Ijibbe  in  the  margin  to 
**  infra."  The  **oratorimn  **  here  mentioned  and  In  the 
paassy  quoted  above  from  the  Rule  of  Dooatus,  is 
perhaps  amitbrr  plaoe. 


GRIFFIN 


749 


25  (Cal.  Byzant.,  Mart.  Bedae) ;  May  9  (Ma^t. 
Bom.  Ktf/.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Aug. 3  (QjU.  Ar/nen.), 

(5)  Thaumaturgus,  bishop  of  Neo-Caesarea 
and  martyr  (1  circa  270  A.D.);  commemorated 
July  3  (Mart  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usu- 
ardi); July  27  (Cal.  Armen.);  Nov.  17  (Mart 
Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant);  Hedar  21  =  Nov.  17  (Cal. 
Ethiop.y. 

(6)  The  Illuminator,  bishop  and  patriarch  of 
Greater  Armenia  in  the  time  of  Diocletian 
(t  325-330  A.D.),  Upo/jidfnut;  commemorated 
Sept.  30(01/.  ^.V^an*.);  March  23(0*/.  Armen., 
Cal.  Georg.) ;  Maskarram  19  =  Sept.  16  (Cal. 
Ethiop.);  invention  of  his  relics,  Oct.  14  (C<i/. 
Armen.). 

(7)  Bishop  of  Agrigentum ;  commemorated 
Nov.  23  (Gtl.  Byzant), 

(8)  Bishop  of  Auxerre ;  commemorated  Dec. 
19  (Mart  Usuardi> 

(9)  Presbyter  and  martyr  at  Spoletum  in 
Tuscany,  in  the  time  of  Diocletian  and  Maxi- 
mian ;  commemorated  Dec.  24  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(10)  Ab  Shandzai;  commemorated  Oct.  5 
(Cat.  Georg.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GRIFFIN.  See  "Cherub"  in  Dictionary 
OF  THE  BiDLE,  vol.  i.  pp.  300  sqq. ;  and  Buskin's 
Modem  Painters,  vol.  iii.  p.  112. 

The  connexion  between  the  various  symbolisms 
of  Cherub  and  Griffin  in  Biblical  and  Northern 
tradition  is  strengthened  by  the  etymological 
resemblance  of  the  words.  There  is  certainly  a 
great  likeness  between  the  names  ypvx  (with  s 
afformative)  and  3^13.     Both  are  titles  of  the 

most  ancient  existing  symbols  of  Divine  om- 
nipotence and  omniscience;  as  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  the  sphinxes  of  E^ypt  and  winged 
bulls  or  lions  of  Assyria  conveyed  kindred  ideas 
to  the  hieratic,  or  indeed  the  popular  mind.  It 
would  seem  that  all  the  chief  races  of  men  have 
been  taught  to  set  forth  such  mysterious  forms ; 
as  this  composite  idea  is  so  nearly  universal. 
Some  figure  of  this  kind  must  have  been  the 
popular  shape  of  the  cherub  or  gryps  known  to 
the  children  of  Israel :  and  the  fact  that  it  waa 
a  permitted  and  prescribed  image,  taken  toge- 
ther with  the  command  to  make  the  brazen 
serpent,  forms  a  very  large  portion  of  the  sub- 
structura  of  iconodulist  arguments.  See  Johannes 
Damascenus  De  Imaginibus,  Orat.  ii.  Such  in- 
stances of  grifiin  forms  as  appear  in  the  earliest 
Christian  decoration  seem  to  the  writer  to  be 
in  all  probability  merely  ornamental;  as,  in 
hci,  unmeaning  adaptations  of  Gentile  patterns. 
See,  however,  Guen^ault,  Dictionnaire  Icono' 
graphique,  s.  v.  "  Grifibn."  The  use  of  the  sym- 
bolic grifiin  by  the  Lombard  race,  however, 
dates  from  well  within  our  period ;  though  the 
great  Veronese  works  so  frequently  mentioned 
by  Professor  Ruskin  are  probably  as  late  as  the 
11th  century.  Those  of  the  duomo  of  Verona 
and  the  church  of  San  Zenone  deserve  especial 
mention. 

That  the  griifin  is  the  Gothic-C^iristian  repre- 
sentation of  the  cherub,  the  "  Mighty  one,"  or 
the  *^ Carved  Image"  of  Hebrew  sculpture, 
seems  highly  probable,  further,  m>m  the  follow- 
ing connexion  of  ideas  in  different  ages. 
I      The  glorified  forms  of  living  creatures  and  0/ 


750 


GROTESQUE 


wheels  in  the  great  opeuing  vision  of  Ezekiel  have 
neceManly  been  always  connected  with  those  of 
the  Zwa,  the  Beasts  of  the  Apocalypse  [See  EyAN- 
GELIST8,  p.  633].     The  latter,  as  representing 
the  writers  of  the  four  gospels,  are  an  universal 
symbol  after  the  5th  century.     It  did  not  escape 
the  eye  of  Professor  Ruskin   that   the  marble 
wheel  by  the  side  of  his  Veronese  griffin  is  an 
indisputable  reference  on  the  part  of  the  un- 
known Lombard  artist  to  the  first  chapter  of 
Ezekiel   (Ezek.  i.  21):    "When    those   (Living 
Creatures)  went,  these  went:  and  when  those 
stood,  these  stood,  and  when  those  were  lifted 
up  from  the  earth,   the  wheels  were  lifted  up 
over  against  them :  for  the  spirit  of  the  Living 
Creatures  was  in  the  wheels."    And  this  is  fully 
confirmed  (were  that  necessary)  by  Dr.  Hay- 
man's    researches  in   the   DicrriONABT  of  the 
Bible.     But  the  wheels  appear  in  a  more  an- 
cient  work    by  a   great  and  mystical   genius 
whose  name  and  date  alone  remain  to  us,  the 
monk    Rabala,   scribe    and    illustrator   of  the 
great  Florentine  MS.,  a.d.  586  (See  Assemani's 
Catalogue  of  the  LattrerUian  Librctry).     A  wood- 
cut of  this  is  given  in  this  work,  p.  85.     It 
represents  the  Ascension ;  our  Lord  is  borne  up 
by  two  ministering  angels  on  a  chariot  of  cloud, 
under  which  appear  the  heads  of  the  Four  Crea- 
tures :  the  flaming  wheels  are  on  each  side,  with 
two  other  angels,  who  are  apparently  receiving 
His  garments,  the  vesture   of  His  flesh.    The 
sun  and  moon  are  in  the  upper  comers  of  the 
picture;  which  is  one  of  the  most  important 
works  in  Christian  art  as  a  specimen  of  imagin- 
ative symbolism  of  the  highest  character,  and 
also  as  a  graphic  illustration  of  the  connexion 
between  Hebrew  and  Christian  vision,  or  Apoca- 
lypse of  the  Unseen.     And  to  this  the  Veronese 
griffin  and  its  wheel,  and  the  whole  Christian 
usage  of  that  composite  form  as  a  symbol,  really 
refers.     "  The  winged  shape  becomes  one  of  the 
acknowledged  symbols  of  Divine  power :  and  in 
its  unity  of  lion  and  eagle,  the  workman  of  the 
middle  ages  always  meant  to  set  forth  the  unity 
of  the  human  and  Divine  natures.     In  this  unity 
it  bears  up  the  pillars  of  the  church,  set  for  ever 
as  the  corner  stone." 

In  its  merely  ornamental  use  it  is  derived 
simply  from  Heathen  or  Gentile  art  and  litera- 
ture. [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GROTESQUE.  We  have  the  authority  of 
Prof.  Mommsen  for  assigning  the  woi'd  Kp&irrot 
as  the  original  derivation  of  this  adjective,  foi'med, 
probably,  immediately  from  grot  or  grotto,  a 
cavern  or  subterranean  recess,  and  therefore 
connected  in  its  use,  as  a  word  of  Renais- 
sance origin,  with  ideas  of  Pan,  the  Satyrs,  and 
other  cavern-haunting  figures,  combining  noble 
with  ignoble  form.  The  very  numerous  and 
various  meanings  of  the  word  all  point  to  the 
idea  of  novel  contrast ;  either  between  the  noble 
and  ignoble,  or  less  noble,  or  of  the  beautiful  with 
the  less  beautiful.  In  Christian  art,  moreover, 
both  of  earlier  and  later  date,  a  large  number  of 
works  may  be  called  grotesque  in  the  gencrnl  or 
popular  sense  of  the  word,  because  they  are  very 
singular  in  their  appearance.  This  may  arise  in 
one  or  in  two  ways,  or  be  caused  by  one  or  both 
of  two  conditions:  either  by  the  difficulty  of 
the  subject,  or  the  archaic  style  of  the  workmen, 
or  by  a  mixture  of  originnlity  of  mind  and  im- 


GBOTESQUE 

perfect  skill  in  crafl.  Many  beatheo  grotciqiMi 
of  the  earlier  empire,  aa  those  of  Pompeii^  the 
Baths  of  Hadrian,  and  the  newly-disoovere^ 
frescoes  of  the  Dona  Pamphili  ViUa  (see  Parker, 
Antiquities  of  Kome,  and  appendix  by  the  prevent 
writer)  are  extremely  beautifVil  and  perfect  in 
workmanship,  and  come  under  the  first  or  seooiMl 
classes  mentioned,  where  the  less  pleasing  fonn 
is  contrasted  with  the  more  beantifol ;  this  is 
the  principle  also  of  much  cinque-cento  gro- 
tesque. Early  Christian  work  of  this  kind  is 
not  unfrequent  in  the  catacombs,  as  in  the 
"Seasons"  of  the  catacombs  of  SS.  Domitilla 
and  Nereus,  in  many  of  the  mosaic  orna- 
ments of  St.  Constantia  and  the  other  Graeoo- 
Roman  churches.  The  employment  of  actual 
ugliness  for  surprise  or  contrast  seems  to  be  a 
characteristic  of  the  art  of  the  Northern  races, 
found  in  Italy  only  in  the  earlier  work  of  tM 
Lombard  race,  and  then  always  distinguishable 
in  its  manner  from  that  of  the  French  or  Ger- 
mans. Excepting  the  carvings  of  St.  Ambrogio 
at  Milan,  and  the  churches  of  St.  Mlchele  st 
Pavia  and  Lucca,  thb  species  of  grotesque  is  not 
part  of  our  period ;  but  the  moat  characteristic 
and  important  of  all  these  buildings,  St.  Zenoae 
at  Verona,  cannot  be  altogether  omitted,  it 
seems  aa  well  to  classify  the  various  meanings 
of  the  Grotesque  aa  follows,  according  to  the 
examples  found  in  various  places  and  periods 

1.  Grotesque,  where  more  elaborate  or  aerioas 
representations  are  contrasted  with  easier  and  less 
important  work  by  the  same  hand,  as  in  orna- 
mental borders  round  pictures,  filling»-up  of 
vaultings  or  surfaces  round  figures,  &c.  This 
embraces  all  the  earlier  grotesque  of  ornament, 
as  in  the  frescoes  of  Hadrian's  villa,  or  the  Doris 
Pamphili  columbarium. 

2.  Grotesque  where  the  importance  of  the 
subject,  and  the  workman's  real  interest  in  it, 
are  for  a  time  played  with ;  he  being  led  to  do 
so  by  the  natural  exuberance  of  his  fancy,  by 
temporary  fatigue  of  mind,  or  other  causes — thb 
includes  the  Lombard  work. 

3.  Grotesque  where  either  the  imperfection  ef 
the  workman's  hand,  or  the  inexpressible  nature 
of  his  subject,  render  hb  work  extraordinary  ia 
appearance,  and  obviously  imperfect  and  uncqnsL 
This  applies  to  the  productions  of  all  times  and 
places  where  thoughtful  and  enei^tic  men  hare 
laboured.  Among  its  greatest  and  most  cha- 
racteristic examples  are  the  Triumph  of  Death 
by  Orgagna  at  Pisa,  and  the  Last  Judgment  of 
Torcello ;  its  most  quaint  and  absurd  appearance 
may  be  in  the  strange  Ostrc^othic  mosaic  in  the 
sacristy  of  St.  Giovanni  Evangelista  at  Ravenna; 
or  see  Count  Bastard's  Peintures  des  MSS.  passin; 
but  this  description  of  grotesqueness  applies  to 
almost  all  the  Byzantine  apses  and  arches  of 
triumph  where  the  spiritual  world  is  depicted, 
and  indeed  to  all  Bvzantine  work  in  as  fiu  as  it 
attempts  naturalist  representation,  unless  it  be 
in  the  single  pictures  of  birds,  found  in  MSS., 
and  occasionally  in  mosaic,  as  at  St.  Vitale  at 
Ravenna. 

Few  of  the  works  of  the  catacombs  have  anv 

* 

pretence  to  beauty.  The  birds  and  vine  orna- 
ment of  the  tomb  of  Domitilla  (perhaps  the 
earliest  Christian  sepulchre,  which  is  knovi  by 
dated  bricks  to  be  certainly  not  later  than  Ha- 
drian, and  is  very  probably  the  actual  grave  of 
a  granddaughter  of  Vespasian)  are  of  the  same 


nBOTESQUB 

data  U  Uic  tomb,  which  l>  aciMrior  to  the  otta- 
ramb.  ThcK,  with  win*  rtmaiiu  of  the  piiDt- 
Ingi  in  the  atUMJX,b,  utd  the  2nd  centurf  paipt- 
ioga  oT  the  cBUcomb  of  St.  Pruteitatui,  are 
benutiful  finmples  of  playful  nAtnnliatic  oran- 
tnont,  prohahij  the  work  of  heathen  handa, 
nader  Chriitiaa  direcLion,  and  takes  in  the 
Chrittiaa    tente.       Thej   are    taeotioDed    here, 

Roman  gtottequM,  than  a*  trne  grotesquea 
thrmifirei.  Thev  are  sfmbolic  in  the  strict 
aeuH  (Me  J.  H.  Purkar'a  1-hotographt  nnd  Anii- 
on'firi  0/  AorM,  and  art  '  Sthbolibv  '  in  thia 


GBOTESQUE 


7&1 


theu 


.    ._«rv> 

The  grotesqaeneH  of  the  early  mosaia 


lefon 


_  u-painliDg.  In  both,  the  advan- 
tagea  of  liifht  and  ihade,  correct  drawing  and 
perapective,  are  aaorificed  eutirelv  to  colour  and 
graphic   force  of  impression.      To  cipreaa   the 

flaineat  meaning  in  the  brigbtaat  and  mont  gem- 
ike  colour  i)  Che  whole  object  of  the  artiit.  Of 
course  in  the  Irorki  from  the  5th  to  the  8th 
century,  down  to  the  balho(  of  Oraeco-Roman  art, 
the  rigid  atrangeness  of  the  mosalea  may  have 
iTQch  to  do  with  the  incnpacit;  of  the  work- 
men. Nei-erlhi^leu  the  gift  of  colour  i>  Hldom 
wanting;  and  thii,  together  with  the  painful 
BKCtlciem  of  faces  and  lorma  in  these  works 
|winti  to  an  Eutem  element  in  the  minds  und 
education  of  these  artistJ.  The  great  »edici  MS, 
ol*  Kahula  Is  perhaps  the  central  example  of  the 
gpniua  and  originality  of  detiga  and  graphic 
l«wer,  poeaeaeed  by  aome  of  the  ur*"  "" 


figur 


of  thos< 


SS.  Coamas  and  Damiaani,  of  St.  Venantii 
ud  above  all  St.  Fraasede,  are  instances  giving 
evidence  of  necesaarily  imperfect  trentmeot  of  a 
transcendent  subject.  Those  of  Kavcnna  have 
been  already  mentiaued  ;  but  their  workmioahip 
Krently  aicela  that  of  the  Roman  mosaic*,  and 
their  quaintness   atrihea    one    leu    than    their 

The  l.ombard  inrasioD  of  Ital/  datei  568  A,i>., 
nn  1  it  is  in-  the  earliest  work  of  this  eitraor- 
iliniirjrace  that  the  Christian  grotesque,  pro- 
jierly  speaking,  may  be  said  to  arise.  The  best 
nccoant  of  aome  of  Its  eiamules,  in  Pavia,  Lucca 
■nd  Verona,  is  to  be  found  in  Appendii  8  of 
Ruskin's  Stona  of  VttUai,  voi.  i.  p.  360-6.S. 
aecompauied  by  eicellent  descriptive  plates,  and 
comparisons  between  the  Lombard  subjects  and 
workmanship  in  St.  Uicheie  and  St.  Zenone. 
■nd  the  Byzantine  masonry  and  earrings  of 
St.  Mirk's  at  Venice.  Invention  and  reatleu 
energy  are  tha  characteristics  of  the  new  and 
■trcin^  barbarian  race;  graceful  conventional  ism 
and  exact  workmanship,  with  innate  but  some- 
what languid  sense  of  beauty,  belong  to  the 
Greek  workmen.  Neither  of  them  can  ever  be 
nndeivnlued  by  any  one  who  is  interested  in  the 
bearings  of  art  on  history;  fur  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  that  aa  the  Lombard  chnrcbea  are  th 
Bret  outbreak  of  the  inventive  and  graphi 
ipirit  which  grew  into  the  great  Pisan  and  Kk 
reotine  schools  of  psinling  and  sculpture,  so  lb 
RomanD-Greek  or  Eastern  influence,  generally 
called  Bywntine,  eitendad  over  all  the  Chrii' 
world  of  the  early  mediaeval  ages.  To  trace 
Christian   grotesque    northwant   and    wetti 


through  early  MSS.,  baa-reliefs,  and  church  dww 
ration  would  be  to  write  a  history  of  ChrutiaD 
art  in  the  dark  ages.  One  of  the  fint  accom- 
pllahmeuts  of  the  dealieos  of  a  convent  would 
of  course  be  calligraphy,  and  to  multiply  Evan- 


On  the  edge  of  every  wave 

of  progress    mnda    by    the  ® 
Faith,  the  convents   arose 

I 

fint  of  all  things,  and  the 

monks  at  once   einployed 

themselves  on  copies  of  the 

I 

Holy  Scriptures.      Now  it 

cannot  be  doubted,  that  a         JJ 
SchoU   Graeca.   a    regular         T1 
set  of  artisU  working  sc-         ^A 

cording  to  Greek  tradilioni 

i. 

of  subject  and  treatment  in 

P 

art,  eiisled  in  Rome  from 

r 

the  6th  century,  if  not  be- 

f 

fore,  and  received  a  great 

withdrawn  then 


in  fact,  aa  elsewhere.  ud  bim. 

the  Brat  faint  reviyal  of 
Christian  art  took  place  entirely  In  chnrchei. 
and  convents,  and  under  what  are  called  Bv- 
zautine  forms.  Whether  Byiantiniam  be  con- 
sidered aa  the  lost  emben  of  Craeco-Roman 
urt,  kept  alive  by  Christianitv  for  the  Northern 
races,  or  as  the  Hrat  sparks'  of  a  new  ligh: 
feebly  atmggllne  for  eiistence  through  all  tha 
ceuturiea  from  the  6th  to  the  Uth,  there  ia  nc 
doubt  that  the   characteristics  of  BciantlnlKin 


— many  of  them  characteristic*  of  veakoeas,  no 
doubl — prevailed  in  Christian  omamvnial  work 
of  all  kinds,  and  were  grotesque  in  all  the  senses 
of  the  word.  The  beautifully  illustrated  works 
of  Prof.  Weatwood  on  Saion,  Irish  sud  NoHhern 
MSS.  in  particular,  are  of  the  highest  value  in 

works  generally  accessible  in  this  country,  whi.^h 
illustrate  the  connection  between  the  Eastern  and 
English  churches  through  the  Irish,  by  way  of 
loaa  and  Lindisfame  (see  MimaTUHe). 

The  splendid  works  of  D'Aginconn  ann  Loont 
Bastard  are  the  best  aathority  and  sources  of 
information  on  the  Southern  Gra  tesqoe  in  minla 


752 


GUARDIANS 


bure  camng  within  the  limits  of  oar  period, 
and  the  art  of  photography  is  now  bringing  the 
remains  of  the  ancient  Lombard  churches  within 
reach  of  most  persons  interested  in  them.  De- 
scriptions fail  in  great  measure  without  illustmr 
tioUf  and  few  pictures  or  drawings  are  really 
trustworthy  for  details  of  ornamental  work  (see 
Stones  of  Venice,  App.  toI.  i.  ubi  sup.).  Mr. 
Ruskin  has  secured  many  valuable  records  by 
his  own  pencil  and  those  of  his  trusted  workmen. 
Didron's  Annales  Archeologiques  contain  much 
excellent  illustration ;  and  a  parallel  work  of 
equal  valae  is  still,  we  believe,  can'ied  on  in 
Germany,  called  the  Jahrbuch  des  Vereina  von 
AiterthumS'freundenin  Eheinlande.  Mr.  Parker's 
photographs  and  Roman  AnHquities  above  men- 


Na  8.    XedlcQi  Sapient.    (Battaid,  toL  i.) 

tioned,  are  of  great  value  to  the  historical  student 
of  art  or  of  r.rchaeology.  The  Northern  Teutonic 
grotesque  of  actual  sport  of  mind,  ultra-natu- 
ralism, and  caricature  extends  far  beyond  the 
limits  of  our  period.  But  the  term  grotesque 
is  generally  applied  to  so  many  things  within 
it,  that  some  early  specimens  of  Gothic  humour 
seem  necessary  for  the  purposes  of  this  Dic- 
tionary; and  three  selections  from  Count  Bas- 
tard's work  are  accordingly  given.  No.  1  is  a 
Merovingian  initial  letter;  No.  2  Carlo vingian 
of  the  8th  century;  and  No.  3  is  the  initial 
portrait  of  a  monk-physician  in  a  lettree-h-jour 
MS.  of  the  8th  century  of  the  medical  works  of 
Orbaces,  Alexander  of  Tralles,  and  Dioscorides.  All 
will  be  found  in  colour  in  Count  Bastard's  first 
volume,  with  innumerable  others.   [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

GUARDIANS.  The  outies  and  liabilities  of 
guai'dians  as  defined  by  the  old  Roman  laws, 
were  but  slightly  affected  by  the  Christian 
leligion  [See  DicT.  OF  Greek  and  Roh.  Aih'iq. 
6.  V.  THior\ 

The  pnncipal  church  regulation,  which  con- 
cerned them,  arose  from  the  generally  admitted 
maxim,  that  the  clergy  ought  not  to  be  entangled 
in  secular  affairs.  Hence  a  guardian  was  not 
allowed  to  be  ordained  to  any  ecclesiastical  fano- 
tion,  until  after  the  expiration  of  his  guardian- 
ship. {Condi.  Carthag.  I,  c.  9,  A.D.  348.)  For  the 
same  reason  none  of  the  clergy  were  allowed  to 
be  appointed  guardians;  and  those  who  nomi- 
nated any  of  them  to  such  an  office  were  liable  to 
church  censures.  Thus  Cyprian  mentions  the 
case  of  a  person  named  Gemini  us  Victor,  who 
having   by   his   will    appointe<{    a   presbyter   as 


GYRO VAGI 

guardian  to  his  children,  had  his  name  sirack 
out  of  the  DiFTTCHS,  so  that  no  prayer  or  obU* 
tion  should  be  offered  for  him.  ((^priaii  ^. 
66,  ad  Clerum  FumiL) 

Under  the  old  Roman  law  a  guardian  was 
forbidden  to  marry  his  ward,  or  to  give  her  in 
marriage  to  his  son,  except  by  special  license 
from  the  emperor  (CW.  Justin,  v.  6). 

But  Constantino  altered  this  restriction,  so  far 
as  to  allow  such  marriages,  provided  that  the 
ward  was  of  age,  and  that  her  guardian  had 
offered  her  no  injuiy  in  her  minority,  in  which 
case  he  was  to  be  banbhed  and  his  goods  ocm€a- 
cated.     {Cod.  Theod.  ix.  8.)  [G.  A.  J.] 

GUBA  on  the  Euphrates  (Coctncil  ot\ 
A.D.  585,  a  meeting  of  the  Monophysites  of 
Autioch  under  their  patriarch  Peter  the  younger, 
to  enquira  into  the  opinions  of  an  archimandrite 
named  John,  and  Probus,  a  sophist,  his  fiiend, 
and  ending  in  their  condemnation  (Mansi,  iz. 
965-8>  [E.  S.  Ft] 

GUDDENE,  martyr  at  Carthage,  ▲.d.  203; 
commemoi*ated  July  18  (MarU  Rom.  Vet.^  Adonisi 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GURIAS,  martyr  of  Rdessa,  a.d.  288 ;  cciin- 
memorated  with  Abibas  and  Samonas,  Nov.  15 
{Cal.  Byzant.y  Cal.  Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

GUTHBERTUS.  [Cdthbert.] 

GYNAECONITIS.    [Galleries.] 

GYROVAGI,   vagabond  monks,   reprobated 
by   monastic  writers.      Benedict,   in   the  very 
commencement  of  his  rule,  excludes  them  iVom 
consideration,  as  unworthy  of  the  name  of  monkf 
(Bened.  Reg.  c.  1).     He  pronounces  them  worse 
even   than   the    **  sarabaitae,"  or   "remoboth" 
(Hieron.  Ep.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c  34),  who,  though 
living  together  by  twos  and  threes,  without  role  or 
discipline,  at  any  rate  were  stationary,  and  bnilt 
themselves  cells ;  whereas  the  **  gyrovagi "  were 
always  roving  from  one  monastery  to  another. 
After  staying  three  or  four  days  in  one  monas- 
tery, they  would  start  again  for  another;  ibr 
after  a  few  days'  rest  it  was  usual  for  strangers 
to  be  subjected  to  the  discipline  of  the  monas- 
tery, to  the  same  fare,  labour,  &c.,  as  the  in- 
mates (Martene  Reg,  Comm.  ad  he.  cit.^ ;  alwan 
endeavouring  to  ascertain  where  in  the  ndi^h- 
bonrhood   they  would  be  most  likely  to  find 
comfortable   quarters  (^Reg.  Magist.   c  2;  c£ 
Isidor.  Pelus.  I.  Ep.  41,  Joann.  Climaa  SoaL  Grad. 
27).     Martene  (v.  s.)  and  Mcsiard  (Bened.  Aniaa. 
Concord.  RegtU.  iii.  ii.)  identify  these  ^gyrovagi " 
with  the  '*  circumoelliones,"  or  *' circeUiones." 
[v.   CiRCUMCSLLiONES.]    They  were  of  import- 
ance enough  to  be  condemned  in  one  of  the  canons 
of  the  Trullan  council,  A.D.  691,  and  are  there 
described  as  wandering  about  in  black  robes  and 
with  unshorn  hair :  they  are  to  be  chased  awar 
into  the  desert,  unless  they  will  consent  to  ente* 
a  monastery,  to  have  their  hair  trimmed,  and  in 
other  ways  to  submit  to  discipline  {Cone  Qm- 
nisexium  c.  42).     Bingham  {Origm.  Ecda.  to. 
ii.  12)  and  Hospinian  {de  Orig.  Manack,  iL  i.) 
merely  repeat  what  is  contained  in  the  rule  el 
Bcnodict.  [L  G.  &J 


HABAKKUK 


HAGGAI 


763 


H 


HABAKKUK,  the  prophet ;  commemorated 
Ginbot  24=rMay  19,  and  Hedar  3=0ct.  30  (CoL 
EUUop.);  also  Dec  2  {Col,  Byxant,),  See  alao 
ABACua  [W.  F.  G.] 

HABIT,  THE  MONASTIO.  (J7a&Jh» 
monatikuay  <rx^fta  fiopoZuchp  or  fupaxiic6v),  A 
distinctire  uniform  was  no  part  of  monachism 
originally.  Only  it  was  required  of  monks  that 
their  dress  and  general  appearance  shonld  indi- 
cate '^ gravity  and  a  contempt  of  the  world" 
(Bingh.  Chrig,  Eccles,  vn.  iii.  6).  Hair  worn 
long  was  an  effeminacy  (Angnst.  de  Op,  Men,  c. 
31.  Hieron.  Ep,  22,  ad  Eustoch,  c.  28,  cf. 
Epiphan.  adv,  Haeret,  Ixxz.  7),  the  head  shaven 
all  over  was  too  like  the  priests  of  Isis  (Hieron. 
Comm,  in  E*ek,  c  44.  Ambros.  Ep,  58  ad  Sabin,). 
In  popular  estimation  persons  abstaining  from 
the  use  of  silken  apparel  were  often  called 
monks  (Hieron.  Ep,  23  ad  Marcell,),  The  same 
writer  defines  the  dress  of  a  monk  merelv  as 
« cheap  and  shabby  "  {Ep,  4  ad  Eustic,,  Ep,  13 
ad  PatUuL).  And  the  dress  of  a  nun  as  ''  sombre  '* 
in  tint,  and  ''coarse"  in  texture  (Ep,  23  ad 
MareeU,),  He  warns  the  enthusiasts  of  asceti- 
cism against  the  eccentricity  in  dress,  which  was 
sometimes  a  mere  pretence  of  austerity,  a  long 
nntrimmed  beard,  bare  feet,  a  black  cloak^ 
chains  on  the  wrists  {Ep,  22  ad  Eustoch,  c  28, 
cf.  Pallad.  Hist,  Lous,  c.  52).  So  Cassian  pro- 
tests against  monks  wearing  wooden  crosses  on 
their  shoulders  (Coll,  viii.  3).  Hair  closely  cut, 
and  the  cloak  (pallium),  usually  worn  by  Greek 
philosophers  and  lecturers,  were  at  first  badges 
of  a  monk  in  Western  Christendom ;  but  even 
these  were  not  peculiar  to  him.  The  cloak  was 
often  worn  by  other  Christians,  exposing  them 
to  the  vulgar  reproach  of  being  ^  Greelu  "  and 
''impostors"  (Bingh.  Orig,  Eccles,  i.  ii.  4),  and 
any  one  appearing  in  public  with  pale  face,  short 
hair,  and  a  cloak,  was  liable  to  be  hooted  and 
jeered  at  by  the  unbelieving  populace  as  a  monk 
(Salv.  de  Qvbemat.  viii.  4). 

Cassian  is  more  precise  on  a  monk's  costume, 
and  devotes  to  it  the  first  book  of  his  Institutes. 
But  he  allows  that  the  sort  of  dress  suitable  for 
a  monk  in  Egypt  or  Ethiopia  may  be  very 
unsuitable  elsewhere,  and  he  condemns  sack- 
cloth, or  rather,  a  stuff  made  of  goats'  hair  or 
camels'  hair  (cilicina  vestis)  worn  outside  as  too 
conspicuous.  He  speaks  in  detail  of  the  various 
parts  of  a  monk's  dress ;  the  HOOD  (cucullus), 
which  is  to  remind  the  monk  to  be  as  a  little 
child  In  simplicity;  the  sleeveless  tunic  (C0IX>- 
dium),  in  Egypt  made  of  linen,  which  reminds 
him  of  self-mortification  ;  the  girdle  or  waist- 
band (cingulum),  to  remind  him  to  have  his ''  loins 
girdsd  "  as  a  ''good  soldier  of  Christ ;"  the  cape 
over  the  shoulders  (mafors,  palliolum);  the 
sheepskin  or  goatskin  round  the  waist  and  thighs 
(melotes,  pera,  penula);  and  for  the  feet  the 
sandals  (cauoae),  only  to  be  worn  as  an  oc- 
casional luxury,  never  during  the  divine  service 
(Cassian  Instit,  i.  cc.  1-10  cf.  Ruffin.  Bist.  Mon. 
c3). 

Benedict  characteristically  passes  over  this 
Item  in  the  monnstic  discipline  very  quicklv; 
summing  up  his  directions  about  it  in  one  of  the 
last  chapters  of  his  rule ;  and  discreetly  leaving 

CKKtST.   ANT. 


questions  of  colour  and  material,  as  indifferent| 
to  bo  decided  by  climate  and  other  circumstances 
He  lays  down  the  general  principle,  that  there 
are  to  be  no  superfiuities,  adding,  that  a  tunic 
and  hood,  or,  for  outdoor  work,  a  sort  of  cipe  to 
protect  the  shoulders  (scapulare),  instead  of  the 
hood,  ought  to  suffice  generally ;  two  suits  ot 
each  being  allowed  for  each  monk,  and  some 
suits  of  rather  better  quality  being  kept  for 
monks  on  their  peregrinations.  The  worn  out 
articles  of  dress  are  to  be  restored  to  the  keeper 
of  the  wardrobe,  for  the  poor.  Benedict,  how- 
ever, "  to  avoid  disputes  "  appends  a  short  list, 
corresponding  very  nearly  to  Cassian's,  of  things 
necessary  for  a  monk,  all  which  are  to  be 
supplied  to  the  brethren,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
abbat,  and  none  of  them  to  be  the  property  or 
"  peculiare  "  of  any  one.  The  only  addition  to 
the  Egyptian  costume  is  that  of  socks  (pedules) 
for  the  winter;  the  Benedictine  "bracile" 
apparently  corresponding  with  "  cingulum,"  and 
the  "scapulare"  with  "palliolum.^  Benedict 
allows  trowsers  [femoralia]  on  a  journey,  and 
on  some  other  occasions;  underclothing  he  is 
silent  about;  consequently  commentators  and 
the  usages  of  particular  monasteries  differ  on  this 
point.  To  the  list  of  clothing  Benedict  adds,  as 
part  of  a  monk's  equipment,  a  knife  (oultellus) 
a  pen  (graphium),  a  needle  (acus)  a  handkerchief 
or  handcloth  (mappula),  and  tablets  for  writing 
on  (tabulae).  He  specifies  also  as  necessaries 
for  the  night,  a  mattress  (matta),  a  coverlet 
(sagum),  a  blanket  (laena),  and  a  pillow  (oipi- 
tale)  (Bened.  Esg,  c.  55).  Martene  quotes 
Hildemarus  for  the  traditional  custom,  by  which 
each  monk  was  provided  with  a  small  jar  of 
soap  for  himself  and  of  grease  for  his  shoes 
(^Esg,  Bened,  Comment,  ad  loc.). 

lAxity  of  monastic  discipline  soon  began  to 
provoke  fresh  enactments  about  dress,  sometimes 
more  stringent  and  more  minute  than  at  first 
(e.g.  Eeg,  Isidor.  c.  14,  Eeg,  Mag,  c  81).  Coun- 
cils re-enact,  and  reformers  protest.  The  council  of 
Agde,  A.D.  506,  and  the  4tb  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  633,  repeat  the  canon  of  the  4th  council  of 
Carthage  A.D.  398,  "  ne  clerici  comam  nutriant " 
{Cone,  Agath,  c.  20 ;  Cone.  iv.  Toletan.  c  40 ; 
Cone.  iv.  Carthag,  c,  44).  Ferreolus,  in  southern 
Gaul,  A.D.  558,  repeats  the  old  edict  against 
superfluities,  and  forbids  his  monks  to  use  per- 
fumes, or  wear  linen  next  the  skin  (Ferreol. 
Eeg,  cc  14,  31,  32).  In  Spain,  Fructuosus  of 
Braga,  A.D.  656,  insists  on  uniformity  of  apparel. 
Irregularity  about  dress  seems  with  monks,  as 
in  a  regiment,  to  have  been  an  accompaniment 
of  demoralisation.  (See,  further,  Menard  Cone. 
Eegul.  Ixii. ;  Alteserr.  Asoetioon.  v. ;  Middendorp. 
Origin,  Aaoet.  Sylva.  xiii.) 

The  Greek  Euchologion  gives  an  office  for  the 
assumption  of  the  ordinary  habit  of  a  monk 
{aKoKo^Ala  rov  fiMpov  ffx1\fkafros\  and  another 
for  assuming  the  greater  or  "angelic"  habit 
distinctive  of  those  ascetics  who  were  thought 
to  have  attained  the  perfection  of  monastic  life 
(&JC.  ToG  ^MTclXov  KoX  kyy^KiKov  erx^fieerosy  See 
Daniel's  Codex  Lit.  iv.  659  ff.    [See  Novice.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

HAEBEDIFETAE.    [Captatobes.] 

HAGGAI,  the  prophet;  commemorated  Tnk- 
sas  20  =  Dec.  '.^  {Cai,Eihiop,,  Cat,  By^ant.). 

[W.  F.O.J 
3  C 


754 


HAQIOSiDEBON 


HAIL  MABT 


HAOIOSIDEBON.  One  of  the  sobtiitiites 
for  BBLLB  still  used  in  the  East  is  the  Hagiosi- 
deron  (rh  trilhipovy,  Kpoutrfux)  [see  Sehantbon]. 
These  usually  consist  of  an  iron  plate,  curred 
like  the  tire  of  a  wheel,  which  is  struck  with  a 


liammer,  and  produces  a  sound  not  unlike  that 
of  a  gong.  They  are  occasionally  made  of  brass. 
The  illustration  is  taken  from  Dr.  Neale's  work 
(Neale's  Eastern  Church,  Int.  217,  225;  Daniel's 
Codex  Lit  It.  199>  [C] 

HAIL  MABT  or  AYE  IfARIA.  An  ad- 
dress  and  prayer  oommonlymade  to  St.  Mary  the 
Virgin  in  the  unreformed  Western  churches. 

What  it  ts,  and  vhen  tued. — It  consists  of  two 
parts :  1.  The  words  used  by  the  angel  Gabriel 
in  saluting  St.  Mary,  as  rendered  by  the  Vulgate, 
slightly  altered  by  the  addition  of  St.  Mary's 
name,  **  Hail  Mary,  full  of  grace ;  the  Lord  is 
with  thee;"  followed  by  the  words  of  Elisa- 
beth, "Blessed  art  thou  among  women,  and 
blessed  is  the  fruit  of  thy  womb.  2.  A  prayer, 
subsequently  added  to  the  salutation,  **Holy 
Mary,  Mother  of  God,  pray  for  us  sinners  now, 
and  at  the  hour  of  our  death." 

This  formula  is  ordered  by  the  breviary  of 
pope  Pius  V.  to  be  used  daily,  after  the  recita- 
tion of  compline,  and  before  the  recitation  of 
each  of  the  other  canonical  hours,  «.«.,  matins, 
prime,  teroe,  sext,  nones,  and  vespers.  It  is  also 
commanded,  on  the  same  authority,  to  be  used 
before  the  recitation  of  the  "  Office  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,*'  and  before  each  of  the  hours  in  the 
"  Little  Office."  It  is  also  used  nine  times  every 
day  in  what  is  called  the  ''  Angelns."  It  is  also 
used  sixty-three  times  in  the  devotion  called  the 
'^  Crown  of  the  Virgin,"  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  times  in  the  '*  Rosary  of  the  Virgin."  It 
also  occurs  in  many  of  the  public  offices,  and  is 
used  before  sermons,  and  it  most  commonly 
forms  a  part  of  the  special  devotions  appointed 
by  bishops  for  obtaining  indulgences. 

Its  dtMte. — Cardinal  Baronius  and  Cardinal 
Bona  have  used  an  expression  which,  while  not 
committing  them  to  a  declaration  of  fact,  or  a 
ttateroent  of  their  own  belief,  has  yet  led  sub- 
jequent  writers  (see  Gaume,  ioc.  wif,  ctY.)  to  claim 
their  authority  for  the  assertion,  that  the  second, 
or  precatory,  part  of  the  Ave  Maria  was  adopted 
in,  or  immediately  after,  the  council  of  Ephesus, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  "  At  that 
time,"  says  BiuoDius  (he,  m/.  dt.'),  "the  an- 
gelical salutation  is  believed  to  have  received  that 
acbiitiony '  Holy  Mary,  Mother  of  God,  pray  for 
us,  &c.,'  which  came  to  be  constantly  repeated 
by  the  faithful."  "The  angelical  salutation," 
says  Bona  (Ioc.  inf.  dt.},  "  is  believed  to  have  re- 
ceived this  addition  in  the  great  council  of  Ephe- 
sus." It  is  quite  certain  that  the  two  cardinals 
and  their  followers  have  ante-dated  this  part  of 
the  Ave  Maria  by  more  than  a  thousand  years. 
The  firstf  or  Scriptural,  part,  consisting  of  the 
words  of  the  angel  and  of  Elizabeth,  is  older  by 
some  five  hundred  years  than  the  second,  or  pre- 
catory, pai*t,  which  has  been  attached  to  it,  and 
the  first  part  did  not  become  used  as  a  formula 


until  the  end  of  the  11th  oenturj.  Tht 
injunction  authorising  its  being  taught  together 
witli  the  previously  existing  formulas  of  theCreei 
and  the  Lord's  Prayer,  is  found  in  the  Constitutioiss 
of  Odo,  who  became  bishop  of  Paris  in  the  year 
1196.  The  Benedictines  of  St.  Stephen  of  Gaer, 
in  1706,  maintained  the  following  thesis:  '^The 
angelical  salutation  began  to  be  in  use  in  the 
12th  century,  but  these  words  'Holy  Muj, 
Mother  of  God,  pray  for  us,  &c.,'  seem  to  have 
been  added  a  long  time  afterwards,  in  the  16tli 
century : "  a  thesis  which  was  denounced  by  the 
then  bishop  of  Bayeux  as  scandalous,  but  was 
defended  and  maintained  against  him  by  P^ 
Massuet.  The  earliest  known  use  of  the  first,  or 
scriptural,  part,  is  in  the  lAber  Antiphomeaau, 
attributed  by  John  the  Deacon  to  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  and  generally  published  with  h» 
works.  If  St.  Gregory  is  the  author  of  the 
Liber  Antiphonianus,  and  if  the  antiphon  ia 
which  these  words  occur  (p.  657,  ^.  mf.  c2.) 
is  not  a  later  insertion  (the  same  words  in  the 
previous  page  are  undoubtedly  a  modern  in- 
sertion), the  angelical  salutation,  as  found  in  the 
Bible,  was  used  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century ;  not,  however,  as  a  formula  ti 
devotion,  but  as  we  might  use  an  anthem  on  oae 
day  of  the  year.  This  passage  from  St.  Gregonr 
is  the  only  thing  which  brings  the  Ave  l&ii 
within  the  chronological  limits  assigned  to  thb 
Dictionary,  for  it  is  allowed  (see  Mabillon,  Ioc. 
inf.  cit.')  that  similar  words  in  the  so-called 
liturgy  of  St.  James  the  Less  are  of  late  intro- 
duction there. 

The  addition  of  the  second,  or  precatory,  part 
of  the  Ave  Maria,  is  stated  by  Pelbertus  to  have 
been  made  in  consequence  of  a  direct  injunctioa 
of  St.  Mary,  who  appeared  to  a  pious  woman, 
and  gave  her  instructions  to  that  effecL  Tin 
use  of  it  sprang  up  in  the  15th  century,  and  is 
first  authorised  in  pope  Pius  Vth's  breviary,  ia 
the  year  1568. 

The  "Crown  of  the  Virgin  "  consists  of  sixty- 
three  recitations  of  the  Ave  Maria,  one  for  ttck 
year  that  St.  Mary  was  supposed  to  have  lived, 
with  the  recitation  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  after 
every  tenth  Ave  Maria.  Its  institution  is  attri- 
buted by  some  to  Peter  the  Hermit.  It  appesn 
to  have  sprung  up  and  spread  in  the  12th  aai 
13th  centuries. 

The  "  Rosary,  or  Psalter  of  the  Blessed  Virgin" 
consists  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Ave  Marias, 
after  the  number  of  the  Psalms  of  David,  to- 
gether with  fifteen  Pater  Fosters,  distributed  at 
equal  intervals  among  the  Ave  Marias.  Its  in- 
stitution is  attributed  by  some  to  St.  Dominic, 
and  to  the  year  1210. 

The  "Angelus"  consists  of  three  recitations 
of  the  Ave  Maria  at  the  sound  of  the  Angeles 
bell  in  the  morning,  three  at  midday,  and  three 
at  night.  On  each  occasion  the  first  Ave  Maria 
is  to  be  preceded  by  the  sentence,  "  Hie  angel  of 
the  Lord  announced  to  Mary,  and  she  conceived  oi 
the  Holy  Ghost ;"  the  second,  by  "  Behold  the 
handmaid  of  the  Lord.  Be  it  unto  me  acoordia^ 
unto  thy  word ; "  the  third,  by  "  The  Word  was 
made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us."  The  Angelas 
appears  to  have  been  originated  in  the  year 
1287,  by  Buonvicino  da  Riva,  of  Milan,  of  the 
orde^  of  the  Humiliati,  who  began  the  practice 
of  ringing  a  bell  at  the  recitation  of  the  Ave 
Maria.     In  1318  John  XXII.  gave  an  indulgence 


HAIB,  WBABING  OF 

of  ten  (Uyk  for  saying  an  Are  Maria  to  the  sound 
of  a  bell  rong  at  night.  In  1458,  Calixtus  III. 
gave  three  years  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  days' 
indalgence  for  reciting  the  Ave  Maria  and  the 
Pater  Noster  three  times  a  day.  In  1518,  Leo 
X.  ordered  that  the  Angelas  bell  should  be  rung 
three  times  a  day,  and  he  gaye  500  days'  in- 
dulgence for  saying  the  Angelas  morning,  mid- 
day, and  erening.  Finally,  Benedict  XIII.  and 
Benedict  XIV.  gave  a  plenary  indulgence,  to  be 
obtained  once  a  month,  to  all  who  recited  it 
three  times  daily. 

The  dates,  therefore,  are  as  follow : — 

The  earliest  known  use  (in  the  form  of  an 

antiphon,  or   anthem)  of  the    Scriptural 

words,  afterwards  adopted  as  the  first  part 

of  the  Aye  Maria — the  7th  century. 
The  earliest  known  use  of  the  same  part  as  a 

formula — the  11th  century. 
The  earliest  authoritatiye  recommendation  of 

the  said  formula — the  12th  century. 
The  Crown  of  the  Virgin — ^the  12th  century. 
The  Rosary  or  Psalter  of  the  Virgin— the  13th 

century. 
The  Angelas — ^the  14th  century. 
The  earliest  known  use  of  the  prayer  which 

forms  the  second  part  of  the  Aye  Maria — 

the  15th  century. 
The    earliest    authoritatiye    recommendation 

and    injunction  of  the  same  —  the    16th 

century. 
Authorities  and  References,-' Bretiarium  Bo- 
manum  Pii  V.  Pont.  M.  jussu  editum ;  Baro- 
nins,  Awnal.  EooUs.  ad  ann.  431,  tooL  yii.  p.  404, 
nam.  179,  Lucae,  1741 ;  Bona,  Bivinae  Psal- 
modiaej  c.  16,  §  2,  p.  497,  Antyerpiae,  1694; 
Gaume,  Catecfuimo  di  Perseveranza^  yol.  iii.  p. 
506,  Milan,  1859;  Marchantius,  Horius  Pas- 
tonim,  tract  iy.  Lugd.,  1672;  Bollandus,  Ac^ 
Scmctonmij  Mar.  25,  Aug.  4,  pp.  539,  422,  Ant- 
yerpiae, 1668,  1733 ;  S.  Gregorii  Magni  Opera, 
tom.  iii.  p.  657,  ed.  Ben.  Venet.  1744 ;  Hospi- 
ntanns,  Be  Entis,  p.  69,  Geneyae,  1674;  Mabillon, 
PraefaHones  in  Acta  Sanctorum  Ordinis  8.  Bene- 
dicti;  Praefatio  m  Saecl,  y.  p.  439,  Venet.,  1740; 
Migne,  Summa  aurea  de  Laudilms  Virginis,  tom. 
iy.,  Litvrgia  Mariana :  Be  ctUtu  pftbOoo  ab  Eo- 
cl^ia  B.  Mariae  exhiHto :  Dissertationes  iy.  y.  yi. 
rii.  auctore  J.  C.  Trombelli,  p.  209,  Parisiis, 
1862 ;  Zaccaria,  Bissertaxioni  varie  lialiane,  Dis- 
sertazione  yi.  tom.  ii.  p.  242,  Romae,  1780; 
JBncidopec^  dOC  Bcclesiastioo,  s.  y.  <<  Aye  Maria," 
Napoli,  1843.  [F.  M.] 

HAIB,  WEABING  OF.  The  regulations 
of  the  ancient  church  on  this  subject  may  be 
diyided  into  three  distinct  classes,  as  relating — 
i.  to  the  clergy;  ii.  to  penitents;  iii.  to  be- 
lieyers  in  general. 

i.  The  hair  in  ancient  times  appears  to  haye 
been  sometimes  worn  at  great  length.  Thus 
Eusebiua  {ff.  E.  ii.  23),  speaking  of  James  the 
Apostle,  notes  that  a  razor  neyer  came  upon 
his  head.  But  shortened  hair  appears  to 
hAye  been  considered  a  mark  of  distinction 
between  the  heathen  philosopher  and  the 
Christian  teacher.  Thus  Gregory  Nazianzen 
{Orat,  28)  says  of  M^imus,  that  he  brought  no 
qualification  to  the  pastoral  ofiioe  except  that  of 
shortening  his  hair,  which,  before  that  time,  he 
had  worn  disgracefully  long.  It  is  also  recorded 
of  ona  TheotimuB,  bishop  of  Scythia,  that  he 


HAIR,  WEABIKG  OF 


756 


still  retained  the  long  hair  which  he  had  worn 
when  a  student,  in  token  that,  in  becoming  a 
bishop,  he  had  not  abandoned  philosophy  (Soz. 
H.  E.  yii.  26).  But  this  liberty  was  restricted 
by  yarious  decrees  of  councils.  The  fourth 
council  of  Carthage,  ▲.D.  398  (c.  44),  proyides 
that  the  clergy  shall  neither  permit  their  hair 
nor  beards  to  grow.  Another  reading  of  this 
decree  is,  that  they  were  neither  to  let  their  hair 
grow  nor  shaye  their  beards.  The  first  synod  of 
St.  Patrick,  A.D.  456  (c  6),  proyides  that  the 
hair  of  the  clergy  should  be  shorn  according 
to  the  Roman  fashion,  and  (c  10)  that  any 
who  allow  their  hair  to  grow,  should  bo  ex- 
cluded from  the  church.  The  council  of  Agde, 
A.D.  506  (c.  20),  ordains  that  clergy  who  retain 
long  hair,  shall  haye  it  shortened,  eyen  against 
their  will,  by  the  archdeacon.  The  first  council 
of  Barcelona,  a.d.  540  (c.  3),  proyides  that  no 
clergyman  shall  let  his  hair  grow  nor  shaye  his 
beard.  The  first  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  563  (c. 
11),  proyides  that  lectors  shall  not  haye  loye- 
locks  (granos),  hanging  down,  after  the  heathen 
iashion.  The  second  council  of  Braga,  a.d.  572 
(c.  66),  decrees  that  the  clergy  ought  not  to 
discharge  their  sacred  fonctions  with  long  hair, 
but  with  closely-cut  hair  and  open  ears.  The 
fourth  council  of  Toledo,  A.D.  633  (c.  41), 
denounces  certain  lectors  in  Gallicia,  who, 
while  retaining  a  small  tonsure,  allowed  the 
lower  portion  of  the  hair  to  grow.  The  council 
in  TruUo,  A.D.  692  {Cone.  Quinisex,  c.  21), 
ordains  that  clergy  who  haye  been  deprived  of 
their  office,  should,  on  their  repentance,  be  shorn 
after  the  fiishion  of  the  clergy ;  if  they  refused 
this,  their  hair  was  to  be  left  long,  in  token  of 
their  preference  of  a  worldly  life.  At  a  council 
held  at  Rome,  A.D.  721  (c.  17),  anathema  was 
pronounced  against  any  of  the  clergy  who  should 
allow  his  hair  to  grow.  The  same  was  repeated 
at  another  Roman  council,  held  a.d.  743  (c.  8). 

These  deorees,  howeyer,  appear  to  haye  been 
difiicult  of  enforcement.  Heretical  sects  espe- 
cially appear  to  haye  been  fond  of  adopting 
eccentric  fiEtshions  of  wearing  the  hair  and  beard 
as  badges  and  tokens  of  their  opinions.  £pi- 
phanius  {Eaeres.  in  MassU.  n.  6,  7)  denounces 
certain  heretical  monks,  dwelling  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, in  monasteries  which  he  calls  **  Mandras," 
who  were  in  the  habit  of  sharing  the  beard  and 
letting  the  hair  grow,  and  contends  that  such 
practices  are  contrary  to  the  apostolic  injunc- 
tions. Jerome  (fiomm,  m  Ezek.  c.  44)  says  that 
the  clergy  should  neither  haye  their  heads 
closely  shayen,  like  the  priests  of  Isis  and  Sera- 
pis,  nor  let  their  hair  grow  to  an  extravagant 
length,  like  barbarians  and  soldiers,  but  that 
the  hair  should  be  worn  just  so  long  as  to  coyer 
the  head.  In  another  place  (Epist.  18,  al.  22, 
ad  Eustoch.),  he  denounces  certain  monks  who 
indulged  in  beards  like  goats  and  ringlets  like 
women.  In  his  '  Life  of  Hilarion,'  he  commends 
the  saint  for  cutting  his  hair  once  a  year,  at 
Easter.  Augustine  (J)e  Op.  Man.  c  31)  speaks 
of  certain  monks  who,  fearing  lest  they  might 
lose  reverence  by  their  shorn  heads,  "  ne  vilior 
habeatur  tonsa  sanctitas,"  allowed  thdr  hair  to 
grow,  in  order  to  suggest  to  those  who  saw 
them  a  resemblance  to  Samuel  and  the  elder 
prophets.  Against  these  he  quotes  the  saying  of 
the  apostle,  that  in  Christ  the  veil  shall  be 
taken  away  (2  Cor.  iii.  14).    Gregory  the  Great 

3  C  8 


766 


UAIB,  WEARING  OF 


{Pastoral  p.  2,  c.  7)  says  that  priests  are  rightly 
forbidden  either  to  share  their  heads,  or  to  let 
their  hair  grow  long.  The  hair  on  the  head  of 
a  priest,  is  to  be  kept  so  long  that  it  may  cover 
the  skin,  and  cut  so  close  that  it  may  not  inter- 
fere with  the  eves.  The  practice  seems  to  have 
been,  to  wear  the  hair  short  and  the  beard  long. 
Sidonius  Apollinarb  (JEpist.  It.  24)  speaks  of 
one  Maximus  Palatinus,  a  clergyman,  as  wearing 
his  hair  short  and  his  beard  long.  Gregory  the 
Great  is  described  as  wearing  a  beard  of  the  old 
fashion  and  of  moderate  size,  a  lai^e  round 
tonsure,  and  his  hair  neatly  curled,  "  intorto," 
and  hanging  to  the  middle  of  his  ears  (Joann. 
Diac.  Vita  Oreg.  Max.  c.  4,  &  83).  Bede  (Eccl, 
Biat,  1.  4,  c.  14),  describing  a  Tision  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul,  says  that  the  one  was  shaven  (at- 
tonsus),  as  a  clergyman,  the  other  wore  his 
beard  long.  For  other  particulars  regarding  the 
hair  of  the  clergy,  see  Tonsure. 

ii.  Closely-cut  hair  was  always  enjoined  on 
penitents,  as  a  condition  of  their  reception  into 
the  church.  The  council  of  Agde  (c.  15)  pro- 
vides that  no  penitents  shall  be  received  unless 
they  have  parted  with  their  hair,  "  comas  depo- 
.  suerint."  The  first  council  of  Barcelona  (c.  6) 
speaks  of  the  shaven  heads  of  male  penitents. 
The  third  council  of  Toledo  (o.  12)  provides  that 
the  first  step  to  the  admission  of  a  male  penitent, 
shall  be  to  shave  his  head.  So  Optatus  {Contra 
Donatist.  1.  23)  finds  fault  with  the  Donatists 
for  having  shaven  the  heads  of  certain  priests 
whom  they  had  admitted  to  penance.  With 
regard  to  women,  Ambrose  {Ad  Virg,  Laps, 
c.  8)  speaks  of  cutting  off  the  hair,  which  by 
vain  glory  had  tempted  to  the  sin  of  luxury ; 
but  Jerome,  in  describing  the  repentance  of 
Fabiola  {Ep.  30,  al.  84,  ad  Ocean.),  speaks  of  her 
dishevelled  hair.  But  before  their  restoration,  pe- 
nitents and  excommunicated  persons  were  obliged 
to  let  the  hair  and  beard  grow.  Thus  a  certain 
(Jrsicinus,  bishop  of  Cahors,  being  excommuni- 
cated, was  forbidden  to  cut  either  his  hair  or 
his  beard  (Greg.  Turon.  Hist,  Franc.  1.  8,  n.  20). 
In  general,  neglected  hair  appears  to  have  been 
a  sign  of  mourning.  Chrysostom  {Serm,  3,  on 
Job)  says  that  many  in  time  of  mourning  let 
the  hair  grow,  whereas  Job  shore  his.  The 
reason  being,  that  where  the  hair  is  honoured,  it 
is  a  sign  of  mourning  to  cut  it  short,  but  where 
it  is  worn  short,  it  is  a  sign  of  mourning  to  let 
it  grow.  Baronius  {AnnaleSf  a.d.  631,  n.  4) 
speaks  of  a  certain  bishop,  named  Lupus,  exiled 
by  Clothaire,  who  came  mourning  to  the  king  with 
long  dishevelled  locks,  and  the  king,  in  token  of 
forgiveness,  commanded  his  hair  to  be  shorn. 

iii.  The  laity  were  sometimes  recognised  as 
usually  wearing  their  hair  long.  The  council  in 
Trullo  {Cone.  Quiniaext.  c.  21)  ordaias  that  de- 
linquent and  impenitent  clergy  should  wear  their 
hair  long,  as  the  laity.  Yet  immoderately 
lengthened  hair  appears  to  have  been  considered 
a  token  of  efieminacy  and  luxurionsness.  When 
the  emperor  Heraclius  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
his  hair  was  immediately  cut  short  (Baronius, 
Annal.  A.D.  610,  n.  5).  Many  attempts  were 
therefore  made  to  restrain  the  liberty  of  the 
laity,  in  this  respect,  within  due  bounds,  founded 
partly  on  a  sense  of  what  was  decent  and 
becoming,  partly  on  the  principle  that  it  is  not 
right  either  for  men  or  women  to  obliterat«  the 
characteristics  of   their   sex.    The  council    in 


HAIB-CLOTH 

Tniilo  (c.  96)  asserts  that  it  is  inconsisteni  will 
the  baptismal  profession,  that  baptised  nea 
should  wear  their  hair  in  cunningly  wovcs 
plaits  or  tresses,  and  orders  that  such  as  woold 
not  obey  this  admonition,  should  be  excommuni- 
cated. The  council  of  Gangra  (c.  17)  anathe- 
matizes any  women  who,  through  pretended 
asceticism,  should  cut  close  the  hair  which  wai 
given  to  them  as  a  token  of  subjection.  The 
decree  was  confirmed  by  the  emperor  The<Mlosiits, 
with  the  addition  that  any  bishop  who  shoaM 
admit  such  women  into  the  chnit^,  should  be 
deprived  of  his  office  (Soz.  B.  E.  riL  26).  la 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (i.  3),  the  foilowen 
of  Christ  are  ordered  not  to  promote  the  growtk 
of  their  hair,  but  rather  to  restrain  and  shorten 
it.  Men  are  forbidden  to  wear  ringlets,  or  t» 
use  ointments,  or  in  any  way  to  imitate  the 
adornments  in  use  among  women.  They  Tt  al» 
forbidden  to  collect  their  hair  into  a  knot  «r 
crown,  woitip  els  1p  8  iffri  <nrar«Uuor,  or  te 
indulge  in  tresses,  either  artfully  diahevelled  «r 
carefully  arranged,  ^  Arox^fui  ^  fi€fupt^fJr^f, 
or  to  curl  and  crisp  it,  or  dye  it  yellow.  Ther 
are  also  forbidden  to  shave  the  beard,  as  il 
thereby  obliterating  the  peculiar  disUnction,  r^ 
fwp^pf  of  manhood.  Clemens  Alexandriaas 
{Pasdagog.  ii.  c  8)  speaks  of  the  folly  oommitted 
by  aged  women  in  dyeing  their  hair ;  and  {Ih. 
iii.  3)  reprehends  the  folly  of  which  some  mea 
were  guilty,  in  eradicating  the  hair,  apparently 
not  only  from  their  beards,  but  from  all  parts  o( 
their  bodies,  with  pitch  plaisters.  He  siso  (A. 
iii.  11)  gives  full  directions  for  the  amngemcot 
of  the  hair.  The  hair  of  men  is  to  be  cut  dose, 
unless  it  is  crisp  and  curly,  oikas.  Long  cnrb 
and  love-locks  are  strictly  forbidden,  as  effoni- 
nate  and  unseemly.  The  hair  is  not  to  be  al- 
lowed to  grow  over  the  eyes,  and  a  closely- 
cropped  head  is  alleged  not  only  to  be  becomii^ 
a  grave  man,  but  to  render  the  brain  less  liaUe 
to  injury,  by  accustoming  it  to  endure  heat  aai 
cold.  The  beard  is  to  be  allowed  to  grow,  shwe 
an  ample  beard  becomes  the  male  sex ;  if  cat  st 
all,  the  chin  must  not  be  left  quite  bare.  The 
moustache  may  be  clipped  with  scissors,  so  that 
it  may  not  be  dirtied  in  eating,  but  not  shora 
with  a  razor.  Women  are  to  wear  the  hsir 
modestly  arranged  upon  the  neck,  and  fsstened 
with  a  hair  pin.  The  habit  of  wearing  &]se 
hair  is  strongly  denounced,  since,  it  is  said,  ta 
such  cases,  when  the  priest,  in  bestowing  has 
benediction,  lays  his  hand  upon  the  heax^  the 
blessing  does  not  reach  the  wearer  of  the  hair, 
but  rests  upon  the  person  to  whom  the  hsir 
belongs.  [P.  0.] 

HAIB-CLOTH  (Oi/ibtttm>  The  rough  hairw 
doth  for  which  Cilicia  was  anciently  famoas 
was  used  in  several  ways,  both  as  an  actoal 
instrument,  and  as  a  symbol,  of  mortification. 

1.  The  hair-shirt  has  frequently  been  wora, 
as  is  well  known,  as  a  means  of  mortifying  the 
flesh  without  ostentation.  Thus  Jerome  {Epi' 
tapK  Nepot.  c.  9)  says  that  some  other  may 
narrate  how  the  young  Nepotianus,  when  in  tlM 
imperial  service,  wore  hair-cloth  under  ha 
chlamys  and  fine  linen.  And  Paulinus  Petricor- 
diensis  {Vita  S.  Martini,  \L  p.  1019  n,  Hignr) 
says  of  the  monks  of  St.  Martin : 

**  Maltis  vestis  erst  setis  contezto  cansdL" 
So  in  Hucbald's  Lifs  of  St.  Rictrndii^  who  died 


HALLELUJAH 

about  A.D.  G83  (c.  9,  in  Mabillon's  Acta  88. 
Bened,  Saec.  \Vy,  we  read  that  the  saint  wore  an 
inner  garment  of  hair-cloth  (esophorio  amicitnr 
cilicino). '  One  of  the  saints  who  bore  the  name 
of  Theodore  was  distinguished  as  rplxwas  from 
his  constant  habit  of  wearing  a  hair-shirt  (Haeri 
Ifieroiex.  s.  v.  Trichinaa). 

Monks  frequently  used  the  hair-shirt.  Cassian, 
however  {Instit,  i.  1)  does  not  consider  it  suit- 
able for  their  ordinary  garb,  both  as  saTouring 
of  over-righteousness  and  as  hindering  labour 
[Habit,  the  MoNAflTic].  In  his  time — Cassian 
died  alMut  A.D.  430 — few  monks  seem  to  have 
used  it;  in  after  times  we  find  it  constantly 
used,  at  any  rate  by  those  who  claimed  superior 
sanctitv.  On  the  whole  subject,  see  0.  Z&ckler, 
Krit.  Gexhichte  der  Askese,  p.  82  [Frankf.^- 
H.  1863]. 

2.  Of  the  symbolic  uses  of  hair-cloth  the 
following  are  the  principal : — ^The  candidates  for 
baptism  anciently  came  to  the  preliminary  ex- 
amination [Scbutinium]  with  bare  feet,  and 
standing  on  hair-cloth  (Augustine,  De  8ymb.  ad 
Catech.  ii.  1 ;  compare  iv.  1).  Penitents  in  the 
ceremonies  of  Ash  Wednesday  were  clothed  with 
a  hair-cloth,  as  well  as  sprinkled  with  ashes 
(Mai-tene,  Sit  Ant.  IV.  c.  xvii.;  Ordd.  7,  16, 
etc).  The  altar  was  sometimes  covered  with 
hair-cloth  in  times  of  affliction  {lb.  III.  iii.  2). 
The  dying  were  covered  with  a  hair-cloth 
blessed  by  the  priest  (76.  I.  vii.  4,  Ordo  19). 
The  bodies  of  the  dead  were  sometimes  wrapped 
in  hair-cloth ;  as,  for  instance,  that  of  Bernard 
of  Hildesheim  (Z^/e,  c.  43 ;  in  Surius,  Nov.  20). 
Charles  the  Great  was  buried  in  the  hair-shirt 
which  he  had  worn  in  life  {Life  by  the  monk  oi 
Angonldme,  c.  24 ;  quoted  by  Martene,  IIL  zii. 
13).  In  an  ancient  form  for  the  reception  ot 
penitents  on  Maundy  Thursday,  given  by  Mar- 
tene (IV.  zxii.  §  ii.  0>rdo  6)  from  a  Sarum  missal, 
a  banner  of  hair-cloth  (vexillum  cilicinum)  is 
directed  to  be  borne  in  the  procession  to  the 
church.  [C] 

HALLELUJAH.    [Alleluia.] 

HAND,  TH£,  is  used  as  symbolic  of  the 
manifested  presence  of  the  First  Person  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  GoD  the  Father. 

The  declining  skill  of  the  earliest  Christian 
workmen,  and  their  utter  technical  incapacity 
after  tlie  time  of  Constantine,  appears  in  the 
strongest  light  in  their  attempts  to  delineate 
the  extremities  of  the  human  figure.  Mar- 
tiguy  remarks  that  the  hands  of  the  martyrs 
presenting  or  receiving  their  crowns  in  heaven 
are  covered  or  concealed  in  token  of  adoration ; 
but  this  applies  only  to  the  left  hand.  The 
comparative  skill,  or  want  of  skill,  with  which 
these  parts  of  the  body  are  treated,  might 
possibly  be  a  test  of  ancient  work  in  the  cata- 
combs, could  paintings  be  discovered  of  very 
ancient  date,  and  thoroughly  ascertained  authen- 
ticity without  modern  retouch. 

The  hand  representing  God  occurs  in  the 
great  Transfiguration  of  St.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe 
at  Ravenna  (Martigny,  p.  639,  s.  v.  Transfigu- 
ration). Also  in  a  carving  of  the  same  sub- 
i'ect  on  the  Ivory  Casket  of  the  Library  at 
Brescia  (Westwood^  Ficiik  Ivory  CastSy  94,  p.  37, 
catalogue).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

HANDS,  IMPOSITION  OF.  [iMPoemoN 
OF  Hands.] 


HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF     757 

HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF  IN 
PBAYEB.  I.  The  strict  observance  of  this  cus^ 
tom,  and  the  importance  attached  to  it  amonfl^ 
the  early  Christians,  will  hardly  be  understood, 
unless  we  take  into  consideration  the  habits  and 
opinions  of  their  Jewish  and  heathen  forefathers. 
It  was  a  rite  that  had  descended  to  them  from 
both.  Among  the  children  of  Israel  it  accom- 
panied acts  of  praise  as  well  as  prayer.  Witness 
the  Book  of  Psalms :—'' Thus  will  I  bless  Thee 
while  I  live:  I  will  lift  up  my  hands  in  Thy 
name "  (Ps.  Ixiii.  4) ;  **  Lift  up  your  hands  in 
holiness,  and  bless  the  Lord  **  (Ps.  cxxxiv.  2). 
Before  Ezra  read  the  law  to  the  people  after 
their  return  from  Babylon,  he  '^blessed  the 
Lord,  the  great  God,  and  all  the  people  answered 
Amen,  Amen,  with  lifting  up  of  their  hands" 
(Neh.  viii.  6 ;  compare  1  Esdr.  ix.  47).  In  prayer 
the  gesture  was  so  universal  that  to  pray  and  to 
lift  up  the  hands  were  almost  convertible  terms. 
Thus  in  Lamentations,  '*  Lift  up  thy  hands  to- 
wards Him  for  the  life  of  thy  young  children  " 
(Ch.  ii.  19).  Again  in  Psalm  xxviii.  2:  *«Hear 
the  voice  of  my  supplications,  when  I  cry  unto 
Thee ;  when  I  lift  up  my  hands  toward  Thy 
holy  oracle."  When  Heliodorus  came  to  take 
away  the  treasures  in  the  temple,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Jerusalem  '*  all  holding  their  hands  to- 
ward heaven,  made  supplication "  (2  Mace.  iii. 
20 ;  comp.  xiv.  34 ;  Ps.  cxli.  2 ;  Is.  i.  15 ;  1 
Esdr.  viii.  73 ;  Ecdus.  Ii.  19).  This  gesture  in 
prayer  was  without  doubt  so  highly  valued 
among  the  Jews,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
victory  obtained  over  the  Amalekites,  while  the 
hands  of  Moses  were  held  up  (Exod.  xvii.  11) ; 
but  it  was  nevertheless  *'  not  of  Moses,  but  of 
the  fiithers."  We  might  infer  this  from  the 
manner  in  which  the  story  is  related ;  but  more 
conclusively  from  the  fact  that  the  same  rite 
prevailed  among  the  Gentiles.  "AH  we  ot 
human  kind,"  says  Aristotle,  '*  sti*etch  forth  our 
hands  to  heaven,  when  we  pray  "  {De  Mundo,  c 
vi.  comp.  Hom.  77.  viii.  347 ;  Virg.  Aen.  iii.  176 ; 
X.  667).  Minutius  Felix  proves  that  it  was 
still  common  among  the  heathen  in  the  3rd 
century,  **  I  hear  the  common  people,  when  they 
stretch  their  hands  towards  heaven,  say  nothing 
but  God  "  (Octootuf,  c.  5> 

II.  A  practice  thus  universal  and  of  such  anti- 
quity, could  not  fail  to  have  a  place  in  the  re- 
ceived ritual  of  the  first  Christians.  It  is  more 
than  once  recognized  in  the  New  Testament 
itself;  as  when  St.  Paul  says,  '*  I  will  therefore 
that  men  pray  everywhere  lifting  up  holy 
hands"  (1  Tim.  ii.  8).  Clemens  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  192,  is  an  early  witness  to  the  continued 
observance  of  the  rite.  After  defining  prayer 
to  be  *' converse  with  God,"  he  proceeds  to 
say  that  therefore,  as  if  reaching  up  to  Him, 
we  ''I'aise  the  head  and  lift  the  hands  to- 
wards heaven  "  {Strvm,  vii.  c.  vii.  §  40).  Ter- 
tuUian,  his  contemporary : — **  Worshipping  with 
modesty  and  humility  we  the  more  commend 
our  prayers  to  God,  not  even  lifting  up  our 
hands  too  high,  but  with  self-restraint  and  be- 
comingly" (J>e  Orat.  c.  xiii.).  Asain:  "We 
Christians,  looking  upwards,  with  bands  out- 
spread, because  free  from  guilt ;  with  head  bare, 
because  we  are  not  ashamed ;  lastly,  without  a 
remembrancer  [of  the  names  of  the  gods],  be« 
cause  wc  pray  from  the  heart"  {Apol.  c  zxx.). 
Origeo,  a.d.  230,  says  that  among  the  many 


758      HANDS,  THE  LIFTING  OF 

gestures  of  the  body,  we  ought  without  doubt 
in  prayer  to  prefer  **  the  stretching  forth  of  the 
hands  and  the  lifting  up  of  the  eyes  "  (/>«  Orat, 
c  31) ;  and  that  when  the  devout  man  prays  he 
*'  stretches  forth  his  soul  towards  God,  beyond 
his  hands,  as  it  were,  and  his  mind  further  than 
his  eyes "  (T&td.).  According  to  Eusebius,  Con- 
stantine  had  himself  represented  on  coins  and  in 
pictures  **  looking  up  to  heaven,  and  stretching 
forth  his  hands  like  one  praying"  (Vita  Con' 
8tant.  1.  ir.  c.  zv.).  See  the  epitaph  of  Petronia, 
under  Tomb. 

III.  The  hands  when  thus  lifted  up  were 
often,  and  perhaps  generally,  so  extended  on 
either  side  as  to  make  the  figure  of  a  cross  with 
the  body.  See  the  boy  in  the  group  on  p.  661. 
<*  We  "  (Christians),  says  Tertnllian  (in  contrast 
with  the  Jews),  *'  not  only  lift  up  our  hands,  but 
spread  them  out  too,  and  disposing  them  after 
the  mode  of  the  Lord's  Passion  and  praying,  (so) 
confess  Christ "  (De  Orat  c.  zi.).  In  allusion  to 
this  he  says  elsewhere,  **  The  veiy  attitude  of  a 
Christian  at  prayer  is  prepared  for  every  inflic- 
tion "  {Apol,  c.  zxz.).  Asterius  Amasenus,  A.  D. 
401- :  "  The  erect  attitude  of  prayer,  in  whioh 
one  holds  the  hands  outstretched,  by  its  figure 
represents  the  passion  of  the  cross "  (Horn,  d« 
Pharis.  et  PvbL  in  Photii  BiAioih.  cod.  271). 
St.  Maximus  of  Turin :  **  We  are  taught  to  pray 
with  uplifted  hands  that  by  the  very  gesture  of 
our  members  we  may  confess  Christ "  (D«  Cruoe  ; 
Horn,  de  Pass.  ii.).  St.  Ambrose,  when  dying, 
"prayed  with  hands  spread  in  the  form  of  a 
cross  '*  (  VitOj  a  Paulino  conscr.  §  47).  Pruden- 
tius,  describing  the  death  by  fire  of  certain 
mai'tyrs,  relates  that,  when  their  bonds  were 
burnt,  they  lifted  up  the  hands  thus  set  free 
«to  the  Father  in  the  form  of  a  cross"  (I)e 
Coron,  Hymn  vi.  1.  107).  Many  Christian 
writers  believed  that  this  was  the  manner  in 
which  the  hands  of  Moses  were  held  up  during 
the  battle  with  the  Amalekites,  and  that  the 
victory  was  thus  granted  to  the  cross.  See 
Ep.  Bamab,  c.  zii. ;  Justin  M.  Dialog,  cum  Trffph, 
cc.  91,  111 :  Tertull.  Adv,  Jud.  c.  x. ;  Cyprian 
Adv,  Jud,  1.  ii.  c  xxi. ;  Maximus  Taur.  u.  s. 
Gregory  Kazianzen : — "  They  held  up  the  hands 
of  Moses  that  Amalek  might  be  subdued  by  the 
cross  so  long  before  shadowed  fbrth  and  figured  ** 
(Orat  xii.  §  2  ;  Sim.  (^rmtha,  lib.  ii.  §  1,  c.  1). 

IV.  At  baptism  the  early  Christians  lifted  the 
hand  as  in  defiance  of  Satan.  Thus  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  addressing  the  newly-baptized  : 
^*  Standing  with  your  fiu^e  to  the  West,  ye  heard 
yourselves  commanded  to  stretch  forth  the  hand 
and  renounce  Satan  as  present"  {Catech, 
Mystag,  I.  c.  ii.).  Pseudo-Dionysius  describes 
the  same  thing ;  but  from  him  we  loam  further 
that  after  the  candidate  had  thrice  renounced 
Satan,  the  priest  "  turned  him  towards  the  East, 
and  commanded  him  to  look  up  to  heaven,  and 
lifting  up  (hvar^lvairrc^  his  hand  to  enter  into 
compact  with  Christ "  {Eccl,  ffieraroh.  cap.  ii. 
§  6  ;  comp.  c.  iii.  §  5).  St.  Basil,  when  exhorting 
catechumens  not  to  defer  their  baptism,  appears 
to  allude  to  this  second  lifting  of  the  hands: 
**  Why  dost  thou  wait  until  baptism  becomes  the 
gift  of  a  fever  to  thee,  when  thou  wilt  not  be 
able  to  utter  the  salutary  words  .  .  .  nor  to  lift 
up  thy  hands  to  heaven,  nor  to  stand  up  on  thy 
feet?"  {ffom,  xiii.  Exhort,  ad  S,  Baptism,  §  3). 
The  office  of  the  modem  Greek  church  (EwshoL 


HANDS,  WASHING  OF 

Qoar,  p.  338)  still  witnesses  to  the  Bfling  up  if 
the  hands  at  the  renunciation ;  bat  thcj  aj«  eev 
held  down  when  the  desire  to  take  oervioe  uaAa 
Christ  is  professed.  The  reader  will  obserre 
that  the  authorities  now  dted  all  belong  to  the 
East.  There  is  no  evidence  so  &r  as  the  presett 
writer  knows,  to  show  that  the  custom  before  m 
prevailed  in  the  West  also.  [W.  EL  S.] 

HANDS,  WASHING  OF.    L  In  tke  law  « 
Moses  (Exod.  xxx.  18-21)  it  was  ordained  thek 
'*  between  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregatioB  aad 
the  altar  "  there  should  stand  a  brazen  laver  tali 
of  water,  at  which  the  priests  were  to  **  wash 
their  hands  and  their  feet  "  before  they  entcrel 
When  the  temple  was  built,  this  laver  was  re- 
placed by  the  "  molten  sea,"  ^  for  the  priests  to 
wash  in  "  (2  Chron.  iv.  2, 6).  Again,  when  mnrds' 
had  been  oonunitted  by  an  unknown  person,  the 
declaration  of  innocence  made  by  the  elders  sf 
the  nearest  city  was  associated  with  a  oeremoBa] 
washing  of  the  hands  (Deut.  xxi.  6).     These  tv« 
provisions  of  the  law  would,  it  is  conceived,  he 
quite  sufficient  of  themselves  to  create  amo^ 
those  subject  to  it  a  general  custom  of  washiag 
the  hands  before  drawing  near  to  God  in  the 
more  solemn  acts  of  worship  and  religion.    That 
such  a  rite  prevailed  and  was  held  to  be  of  a 
highly  sacred  character  may  be  inferred  froi 
more  than  one  allusion  in  the  Book  of  Pfealnia. 
'*  I  will  wash  mine  hands  in  innooency  ;  so  will  I 
compass  Thine  alUr"  (Psalm  xxvi.  6);  '^Yerilj 
I  have  cleansed  my  heart  in  vain,  and  washed 
my    hands    in    innocency "   (Ixxiii.    13).     Tbc 
metaphor  of  ^*  clean  hands  "  to  denote  rightcoia- 
ness  could  not  have  come  into  such  frequent  use 
(Job  ix.  30 ;  xviL  9 ;  xxxi.  7 ;  Ps.  xviii.  20,  34; 
xxiv.  4),  if  there  had  been  no  fitmiliar  rite  at 
washing  the  hands  before  entering  into  God's 
presence.    To  give  an  example  of  later  usage, 
Josephus  tells  us  that   the    seventy-two  who 
translated  the  Old  Testament  into  Greek  at  the 
instance  of  Ptolemy  were  wont  each  morning  to 
^'wash  their  hands    and    purify  themselves," 
before  they  entered  on  their  sacred  task  CAnttf. 
b.  xii.  ch.  iL  §  13).    It  is  most  probable,  hov- 
ever,   that  the    custom    before  us   was   much 
older  than  the  law  of  Moees,  for  it  appears  to 
have  been   general  among  the   heathen   at  aa 
early  period.     Thus  Hesiod    gives   a  wanii^ 
"  never  with  xmwashed  hands  to  pour  out  the 
black  wine  at  mom  to  Zeus  or  the  other  im- 
mortals" (Opera  et  Dies,  line  722).     He  also 
forbids  the  passage  of  a  stream  on  foot  hefyn 
washing  the  hands  in   it  with  prayer  (Aid.  I. 
735).    According  to  some  ancient  authorities 
temples  were  called  delubra  from  dehio,  because 
they  generally  had  fountains,  or  pools  so  called, 
attached  to  them  for  the  use   of  those  who 
entered  (Servius  ad  Virg.  Aen.  iL  225).    Nor 
was  the  kindred  rite  before  mentioned  unknowa 
to  the  heathen.     Pilate  '*  took  water  and  washed 
his  hands  before  the  multitude,"  when  he  pn>> 
tested   his  innocence   of  the    blood    of  Cknti 
(St.  Matt,  xxvii.  24).  Compare  Virg.  Aam.  iL  719. 
Generally,  indeed,  "  it  was  a  custom  with  the 
ancients,  after  the   killing  of  a  man  or  other 
slaughters,  to  wash  the  hands  with  wata  to 
remove  the   pollution"  (Scholiast,  in  Sapksd, 
Ajac.  1. 664,  vol.  i.  p.  80;  Lond.  1758). 

II.  A  rite  thus  familiar  to  all  Hbhiwh  of  the 
early .  converts,  and  so  patient  of  a 


HANDS,  WASmNG  OF 

Adaptation,  was  certain  to  be  retained  in  some 
form  or  other.  To  facilitate  its  observanoe  there 
was  in  the  atbium  of  many  churches  a  voun- 
TAIK  or  reserroir  of  water  resembling  those 
with  which  the  temples  had  been  famished. 
Thua  Panlinns,  bishop  of  Tyre,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  4th  centnry,  in  an  open  space  before  a  chorch 
which  he  bailt  in  that  city,  caused  to  be  made 
**  fountains  opposite  the  temple,  which  by  their 
plentiful  flow  of  water  afford»i  the  means  of 
cleansing  to  those  who  passed  out  of  the  sacred 
precincts  into  the  interior "  (Euseb.  Hist,  Eccl, 
1.  X.  c.  4).  In  the  West,  Paulinus  of  Nola, 
A.D.  393,  gives  a  poetical  description  of  a  basin 
(cantharus)  in  the  court  of  a  church  built  by 
him.  ^  With  its  ministering  stream,"  he  says, 
**  it  washes  the  hands  of  those  who  enter  "  (ad 
Sever.  Ep.  xxzii.  §  15).  From  the  same  writer 
we  learn  that  there  was  a  cantharus  in  the 
atrium  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome, 
which  ^  spouted  streams  that  ministered  to  the 
hands  and  fiues  **  of  the  worshippers  (ad  Pamr 
mach,  Ep.  xiii.  |  13).  St.  Chrysostom  says,  ^  It 
is  the  custom  for  fountains  to  be  placed  in  the 
courts  of  houses  of  prayer,  that  they  who  are 
going  to  pray  to  God  may  Brst  wash  their 
hands,  and  so  lift  them  up  in  prayer  "  (Som.  de 
Div,  N,  T.  he,  n.  xxv.  on  2  Cor.  iv.  13).  Socrates 
tells  us  that  in  a  riot  at  Constantinople  in  the 
reign  of  Constantius  ^  the  court  of  the  church 
(of  Acacius  the  martyr)  was  filled  with  blood, 
and  the  well  therein  overflowed  with  blood" 
iHist.  KccL  1.  iL  c  38). 

III.  Frequent  allusions  to  the  practice  for 
which  public  provision  was  thus  made  occur  in 
Christian  writers.  For  example,  Tertullian, 
A.D.  192 :  ^  What  is  the  sense  of  entering  on 
prayer  with  the  hands,  indeed,  washed,  but  the 
spirit  unclean  ?"  (De  Orat.  c.  xi.).  This  is  said 
of  all  prayer,  private  as  well  as  public.  With 
regard  to  private  prayer  in  the  morning,  the 
Apostolical  Oonstitutima  give  the  following  direc- 
tion :  **  Let  every  one  of  the  faithful,  man  or 
woman,  when  they  rise  from  sleep  in  the  morn- 
ing, before  doing  work,  having  washed  [not 
bathed  the  whole  body,  but  pv^d/uroi,  having 
washed  parts  of  it,  especially  the  hands]  pray 
(lib.  viii.  c  32).  St.  Chrysostom  in  the  follow- 
ing passage  is  speaking  of  public  worship  in 
general :  "I  see  a  custom  of  this  sort  prevailing 
among  the  many,  viz.,  that  they  study  how  they 
may  come  (into  church)  with  clean  clothes,  and 
how  they  may  wash  their  hands,  but  consider 
not  how  they  may  present  a  clean  soul  to  Qod. 
And  I  do  not  say  this  to  prevent  your  washing 
hands  or  face,  but  because  I  wish  yon  to  wash, 
as  is  befitting,  not  with  water  only,  but  with  the 
virtues  correlative  to  the  water"  (ffom.  11.  m 
St.  Matth.  Ev.  c.  xv.  17-20). 

More  frequently  it  is  spoken  of  as  part  of  the 
preparation  for  Holy  Communion.  For  example, 
St.  Chrysostom :  ^  Tell  me,  wouldst  thou  choose 
to  draw  near  to  the  sacrifice  with  unwashen 
hands  ?  I  think  not ;  but  thou  wouldst  rather 
not  draw  near  at  all  than  with  filthy  hands. 
Wouldst  thou,  then,  while  thus  careful  in  the 
little  matter,  draw  near  having  a  filthy  soul  ?" 
iffom.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  c.  i.  20-23>  Similarly 
in  the  West,  Caesarius  of  Aries,  A.D.  502  :  ''All 
the  men,  when  they  intend  to  approach  the 
altar,  wash  their  hands,  and  all  the  women  use 
fair  linen  cloths  on  which  to  receive  the  body  of 


HANGINGS 


759 


Christ  ...  As  the  men  wash  their  hands  with 
water,  so  let  them  wash  their  souls  with  alms,*' 
&C.  (Serm.  ccxxix.  §  5  in  App.  iv.  ad  Opp, 
S.  Avgtut.),  Again :  "  If  we  are  ashaned  and 
afraid  to  touch  the  eucharist  with  filthy  hands, 
much  more  ought  we  to  be  afraid  to  rec^ve  the 
same  eucharist  in  a  polluted  soul "  (Serm.  ocxoiL 
§6;  tW.). 

IV.  The  celebrant  and  his  assistants  washed 
their  hands  between  the  dismissal  of  the  cate- 
chumens and  the  offering  of  the  gifts.  Thus  in 
the  Apoatolioal  Constitutwna :  **  Let  one  subdeacon 
give  water  to  the  priests  for  washing  their 
hands,  a  symbol  of  the  purity  of  souls  consecrated 
to  God  "  (lib.  viii.  c.  11>  Cyril  of  Jerusalem : 
'*  Ye  saw  the  deacon  who  gave  to  the  priest  and 
to  the  elders  surrounding  the  altar  of  (Sod 
(water)  to  wash  (their  hands,  rt^^turBai)  .  .  . 
The  washing  of  the  hands  Is  a  symbol  of  guilt- 
lessness of  sins"  (Catech,  Mygtag.  v.  §  1). 
Pseudo-Dionysius :  ''Standing  before  the  most 
holy  symbols  the  high  priest  (t.«.  the  bishop) 
washes  his  hands  with  the  venerable  order  of  the 
priests"  (Be  Eccl.  Hierarch,  cap.  iii.  sect.  3, 
§  10 ;  sim.  sect.  ii.).  We  find  the  same  rite  in  the 
West.  Thus  in  one  of  the  Questions  out  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  probably  compiled  k^ 
Hilary  the  deacon,  A.D.  3M,  it  is  implied  that 
at  Rome  the  deacons  did  not  "  pour  water  on  the 
priest's  hands,  as  "  (adds  the  writer)  "  we  see  in 
all  the  churches  "  (Qu.  ci.  On  the  Arrogance  of  the 
Roman  Levites  in  App.  iii.  ad  Opp,  Aug.),  We 
may  remark,  in  passing,  that  the  Clementine 
liturgy,  as  above  quoted,  assigns  the  office  to  a 
subdeacon.  In  the  earliest  Ordo  Bomanua  ex- 
tant, probably  of  the  7th  century,  it  is  ordered 
that,  after  the  reception  of  the  gifts,  the  bishop 
"return  to  his  seat  and  wash  his  hands,"  and 
that  "  the  archdeacon  standing  before  the  altar 
wash  his  hands,  when  the  receiving  (of  the  obla- 
tions) is  completed "  (Ord  i.  §  14;  Mve.  ItaL 
torn.  ii.  p.  11 ;  compare  Ord.  ii.  §  9,  p.  47). 

Since  the  clergy,  as  well  as  the  people,  washed 
their  hands  before  they  entered  the  church,  it 
may  be  asked,  how  they  came  to  do  so  a  second 
time  ?  Ancient  writers  give  only  a  symbolical 
reason,  but  it  is  not  probable  that  the  custom 
originated  in  that.  The  words  of  the  Ordo 
Romanus  suggest  that  the  hands  might  be  soiled 
by  the  oblations,  which  at  that  time  were  large 
and  various  in  kind.  They  certainly  were 
washed  immediately  after  these  were  taken  from 
the  offerers,  and  before  the  celebrant  proceeded 
to  offer  the  elements  selected  out  of  them  for 
consecration.  Another  reason  which  might 
make  it  necessary  is  suggested  by  Sala  (Nota  (1) 
in  Bona,  Rer.  Lit,  1.  ii.  c.  ix.  §  6),  vix.,  that  a 
little  time  before  the  bishop  and  priests  had 
laid  their  hands  on  the  heads  of  the  catechumens 
and  penitents.  The  washing  of  the  hands,  or 
rather  fingers,  by  the  celebrant  after  his  com-, 
mnnion,  now  ordered  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
was  not  practised  for  more  than  a  thousand 
years  after  Christ.  [W.  £.  S.] 

HANGINGS.  Some  few  notioes  may  be 
added  to  those  already  given  under  oubtairb. 
The  curtams  which  dosed  the  doors  of  the 
chancel  screen  in  later  times  often  bore  the 
pictorial  representation  of  some  saint  or  aagelio 
being.  At  the  present  day  St.  Michael  is  ofien 
represented  upon  them  as  prohibiting  all  acoesi 


760 


HARE 


to  the  bema  (Neale,  Eastern  Ch,  i.  195).  It 
was  on  the  curtain  of  the  hema  of  the  church  at 
Anablatha  that  St.  Epiphanius  saw  the  painted 
figure  which  gave  him  so  much  offence,  and 
caused  him  to  tear  the  curtain,  and  desire  that  it 
should  be  replaced  by  one  of  a  single  colour 
(Epiphan.  Ep&t.  ad  Joamn,  p.  319).  The  censure 
passed  by  Asterius  of  Amasia  on  the  excessive 
luxury  displayed  in  the  textile  fabrics  of  his  day 
proves  that  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  re- 
presentations of  sacred  facts  were* woven  in  the 
stuffs  in  ordinary  use  for  hangings,  and  even  for 
dresses.  The  same  author  also  describes  the 
painted  hangings  of  the  sepulchre  of  St.  Euphe- 
mia  at  Chalcedon  representing  the  martyrdom  of 
that  saint  (Aster.  Amas.  JBomiL  de  Diwt,  et 
Lazaro;  Enarrat,  in  martyr.  Euphem,y  Paulinus 
of  Nola  is  another  authority  on  the  decoration 
of  these  vela  with  pictorial  designs : — 

**  Vela  coloraftiB  teztum  fticata  flgnris." 

A  v^um  concealing  the  altar  from  the  gaze 
of  the  laity  is  mentioned  in  the  office  for  the 
dedication  of  a  church  in  the  Sacramewtary  of 
Gregory,  When  the  bishop,  having  brought  the 
relics  which  were  to  be  deposited  within  it, 
had  arrived  at  the  altar,  he  was  to  be  concealed 
from  the  sight  of  the  people  by  a  veil,  before 
he  proceeded  to  anoint  the  four  corners  with 
the  chrism  (extenso  velo  inter  clerum  et  popu- 
lum,  Muratori,  ii.  481).  An  offering  of  hangings 
vela  was  made  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter's  by  a 
lady  of  rank  named  Rusticiana,  which  were 
carried  to  their  destination  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  clergy  chanting  a  litany  (Greg.  Magn. 
Epid.  ix.  38).  The  supposititious  Second  Epistle 
of  Clement  to  James  the  Lord's  brother,  **de 
sacratis  vestibus  et  vasis,"  gives  minute  direc- 
tions for  the  washing  of  the  altar  cloths  and 
other  vestments  of  the  church  by  the  deacons 
and  other  ministers  of  the  church,  in  vesseU 
specially  set  apart  for  the  purpose,  near  the 
sacristy.  The  door-keepers  are  also  enjoined  to 
take  care  that  no  one  thoughtlessly  wiped  his 
hands  on  the  curtain  of  the  door,  and  to  remind 
those  who  were  guilty  of  such  irreverence  that 
^  the  veil  of  the  Lord's  Temple  is  holy  "  (Labbe, 
Condi.  1.  99).  Gregory  of  Tours  informs  us  that 
on  the  conversion  of  Clovis,  solemn  processions 
were  instituted  in  the  streets,  which  were 
shaded  with  painted  veils,  while  the  churches 
were  adorned  with  white  curtains  (Greg.  Tui-on. 
Hist.  lYanc.  ii.  31).  According  to  Hefele  {Bei- 
trdge  amr  Archaohgie,  ii.  252),  tapestry  curtains 
were  employed  to  protect  the  apertures  of 
windows  in  churches  before  the  general  infro- 
duction  of  glazing.  [£.  V.] 

HABE.  The  boy  who  represents  Spring 
among  the  Four  Seasons  frequently  carries  a 
hare  in  his  hand.  The  idea  of  speed  in  the 
Christian  coiArse  was  associated  with  it.  It  is 
sometimes  connected  with  the  horse  (Ferret  v. 
Ivii.)  or  with  the  palm  (Boldetti,  506).  Its 
presence  in  Christian  decoration  seems  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  Roman  taste  for  ornamenting 
their  rooms  with  domestic,  agricultural,  or  hunt- 
ing subjects.  Many  places  of  assembly,  no  doubt, 
contained  pictures  by  Pagan  hands  in  the  earliest 
days ;  and  the  ingenuity  of  Christian  preachers 
would  in  all  pro&bility  make  use  of  them  for 
type  and  metaphor ;  and  so  the  animal  or  other 
object  wculd  become  a  recognized  and  customar}' 


HATFIELD,  COUNCIL  OP 

subject  of  Christian  ornament,  acquiring  a 
bolical  meaning.  In  such  examples  ss  the 
or  shepherd,  that  meaning  of  course  exited 
before;  and  the  distinction  between  scriptun! 
and  all  other  symbok  is  on  the  whole  sufBcwntlj 
well-marked  in  early  work.  [R.  St.  J.T.] 

HARIOLL    [Astrology;  Diyihatxoh.] 

HARLOTS.  Compare  Forhicatios.  Thr 
maintaining  and  harbouring  of  harlots  m 
severely  punished  by  the  laws  of  the  empire;  t 
man  who  permitted  his  house  to  become  a  place 
of  assignation  for  improper  purposes  was  punished 
as  an  adulterer  {Pandect,  lib.  xlviiL  tit.  5, 1.  8); 
if  a  man  discovered  his  wife  to  be  a  procuxeM,  it 
was  a  valid  ground  of  divorce  (^Codcx  Tkioi, 
lib.  iii.  tit.  16, 1. 1);  careful  provision  was  made 
against  fathers  or  masters  prostituting  thdr 
children  or  slaves  (jCodex  Just.  lib.  zi.  tit.  40, 
1.  6).  Socrates  (ff.  E.  v.  18)  commends  7he»- 
dosius  the  Great  for  demolishing  the  houses  et 
ill  fame  in  Rome.  Theodosius  the  younger  per- 
formed the  same  service  for  Constantin^Je, 
enacting  that  keepers  of  in£Eunous  houses  should 
be  publicly  whipped  and  expelled  the  city,  while 
their  slaves  were  set  at  liberty  (Theodos.  NouL 
lS,de  Lenonibus),  All  these  laws  were  confinned 
by  Justinian  {Novel,  14)  who  also  increased  the 
severity  of  the  punishments. 

The  church,  as  was  natural,  visited  prostita- 
tion  with  the  severest  censure.  Baptism  was 
denied  to  harlots  (rSpvas)  and  to  those  whs 
maintained  them  (woprofioa-Kois),  {Conatt,  Apod. 
viii.  32).  The  council  of  Elvira,  aj>.  305,  ordain 
that  if  a  parent,  or  any  Christian  whatev», 
exercise  the  trade  of  a  procurer,  forasmuch  s 
they  set  to  sale  the  person  of  another,  or  rather 
their  own,  they  shall  ^  not  be  admitted  to  com- 
munion, no,  not  at  their  last  hour ;  and  the  same 
penalty  is  denounced  (c  70)  by  the  same  ooundl 
against  a  wife  who  prostitutes  herself  with  her 
husband's  connivance.  [C] 

HATFIELD,    COUNCIL    OP    iMaeO^d- 

ihense,  or  ffedtfeldensey  ConcOium),  17  Sept 
A.D.  680,  at  Bishop's  Hatfield  in  Hertfordshire^ 
attended  by  all  the  bishops  of  Britain,  Theo- 
dore, archbishop  of  Canterbury,  presiding,  held 
for  making  a  declaration  against  Eutychisa- 
ism  and  Monothelism.  Pope  Agatho  wisbed 
that  Theodore  should  have  attend^  his  oousa] 
of  125  bishops  at  Rome,  March  27  of  tbe  sane 
year,  preliminarily  to  the  6th  general  council,  sno 
had  sent  John,  precentor  oi  nis  cnnrcn  oc  fit. 
Peter,  with  the  «ct8  of  the  Lateran  oouadl 
under  pope  Martin  I.,  A.D.  649,  against  Mono- 
thelism, to  invite  him  thither.  But  Theodore, 
being  either  unable  to  leave  for  other  reasons,  or 
unwilling  to  come  from  knowing  that  Wilfiid, 
bishop  of  York,  whose  case  had  caused  so  madi 
strife,  was  already  there,  collected  this  oousdl 
instead,  and  despatched  a  copy  of  its  synodJca! 
letter  to  Rome  by  John,  where  it  was  rtad  with 
great  satisfaction,  and  probably  before  the  6th 
council,  which  met  Nov.  7,  had  commenced. 
Bede,  who  was  about  eight  years  old  when  thif 
synod  took  place,  gives  three  different  extcscts 
from  its  letter,  in  substance  as  follows : — 

1.  The  bishops  declare  that  ^  they  have  set 
forth  the  right  and  orthodox  fidth,  as  delivered 
by  our  Lord  to  His  disaples,  and  handed  dowa 
in  the  symbol  of  the  holy  fathers,  and  by  all  tiw 
sacred  and  universal  synods,  and  by  the  wbeli 


HAWKING 

lHK.y  of  approTed  doctors  of  the  Catholic  church. 
Following  whom,  they  also  confess  the  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  the  Holy  Trinity  in  Unity, 
oonsnbetantial,  and  the  Unity  in  Trinity,  one 
God  in  three  consnhetantial  Persons  of  equal 
honour  and  glory." 

2.  They  *^  receive  the  five  general  councils," 
mentioning  each  by  name. 

3.  ^  Likewise  the  synod  of  Rome,  A.D.  649, 
under  Martin  I.,"  after  which  they  say :  "  We 
receive  and  glorify  our  Lord  Jesus,  as    they 
glorified  Him,  neither  adding  nor  subtracting 
St  ny thing.     We  anathematise  &om  the  heart  all 
they  anathematised,  and  receiye  all  they  re- 
ceived: glorifying  God  the  Father  without  be- 
ginning, and  His  only  begotten  Son,  born  of  the 
Father  before  all  worlds,  and  the  Holy  Spirit 
proceeding  ineffably  from  the  Father  and  the  Son, 
according  to  the  preaching  of  the  above-named 
holy  apostles  and  prophets  and  doctors,  to  all 
which  we  have  subecribed,  who  with  archbishop 
Theodore  have  expounded  the  Catholic  faith." 
This  assertion  of  procession  from  the  Son  as  well 
as  the  Father,  which  is  not  found  in  any  docu- 
ment received  by  the  6th  council,  may  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  interpolated  form  of  the  creed 
had  got  into  Britain  by  then;  but  it  may  be 
explained    in   another  way.      We  are  told   in 
another  place  by  Bede,  that  when  Theodore  was 
consecrated  at  Rome  by  Vitalian,  it  was  ex- 
pressly stipulated  that  abbot  Adrian  should  ac- 
company him  into  England :  *'  Et,  ut  ei  doctrinae 
cooperator  emstens,  diligenter  attenderet,  nequid 
ille  oontrariwn  veritati  fidei,  Graecorum  more^  in 
ecclesiam  cui  praesset,  introduceret "  (E,  H,  iv. 
1).     Adrian  remained  in  that  capacity  till  his 
death,  A.D.  710,  and  Theodore  commenced  work, 
<*per  omnia  comitante  et  oooporante  Adriano" 
(i6.  c.  2).    Now  Adrian  was  a  foreigner,  as  well 
OS  Theodore.      He  was  a  learned  African,  and 
Africa  was  the  country  that  boasted  of  the 
clearest  authorities  as  yet,  for  procession  from 
the  Son  as  well  as  the  Father,  in  SS.  Austin  and 
Fulgentius.     In  conclusion,  Bede  tells  us  that 
John  the  precentor  also  took  part  in  this  synod, 
and  was  flocked  to  by  the  whole  country  for 
instruction  in  the  Roman  chant  (Mansi,  xi.  175- 
80:  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  iii.  141-51> 

[E.  S.  Ff  .] 

HAWKING.    [Hunting.] 

HEAD,  COVEBING  OF  THE.  Christian 
men  in  ancient  days  prayed  with  uncovered 
head,  according  to  the  apostolic  injunction 
(1  Cor.  xi.  4,  5).  Chrysostom's  comment  on  the 
passage  shows  clearly  that  this  was  the  practice 
of  his  own  time,  as  well  as  of  the  apostolic  age. 
Tertullian  {Apc^.  c  30)  says  that  Christian  men 
prayed  with  bare  head,  as  having  no  need  to 
conceal  a  blush,  insinuating  that  the  heathen 
might  well  blush  for  some  of  the  prayers  which 
they  uttered ;  and  Cyprian  may  perhaps  be  al- 
luding to  the  same  custom,  when  he  says  {J)e 
Lapai»^  c.  2)  that  the  head  of  a  Christian  was 
uncontaminated  by  the  head-covering  of  the 
heathen  sacrifioer.  On  the  other  hand,  as  both 
the  apostolic  precept  and  the  custom  of  the  East 
made  it  indecent  for  women  to  be  seen  with  un- 
covered head,  the  women  of  the  Oriental  and 
African  churches  covered  their  heads  not  only  in 
the  congregation,  but  generally  when  they  ap- 
peared in  public    The  breaking  in  upon  this 


HEATHEN,  THE 


761 


custom  led  Tertullian  to  write  his  treatise  De 
Virginibus  Velandis,  in  which  he  contends  that 
not  only  matrons,  but  maidens — who  had  been 
allowed  a  somewhat  greater  licence — should 
cover  their  heads  effectually.  He  is  especially 
severe  (c  17)  on  those  who  wore  a  simple  band 
or  fillet,  which  did  not  cover  the  top  of  the 
head ;  or  laid  a  mere  slip  of  linen  on  the  top  of 
the  head,  which  did  not  reach  even  to  the  ears ; 
he  insists  that  the  veil  or  head-covering  should 
at  any  rate  come  down  to  meet  the  top  of  the 
dress ;  the  whole  space  which  would  be  covered 
by  the  hair  if  it  were  let  down  should  be  covered 
by  the  veil ;  and  he  holds  up  for  admiration  and 
imitation  the  Arab  women,  who  so  covered  the 
head  and  fiice  as  to  leave  only  one  eye  visible. 
Contrary  to  Roman  practice,  they  preferred  to 
'see  rather  than  to  be  seen.  But  most  of  all  does 
he  inveigh  against  those  women  who,  even  when 
psalms  are  said  and  the  name  of  God  named, 
continued  uncovered,  or  with  veils  thrown  back 
(retectae  perseverant) ;  who  even  in  prayer  fan- 
cied themselves  covered  with  a  strip  of  lace  or 
fringe  on  the  top  of  the  head.  But  Tertullian's 
rigorous  views  were  not  those  of  the  Church  at 
large ;  as  a  general  rule  Christian  women  have 
worn  the  head-dresses  of  their  country  and 
station,  and  have  covered  their  heads  m  the 
place  of  assembly.  Men,  to  speak  generally, 
have  always  prayed  with  uncovered  head.  Yet 
about  the  8th  century  the  Ordo  Romamm  II, 
(c  8,  p.  46)  says  that  at  the  reading  of  the 
Gospel  neither  crown  nor  any  other  covering  is 
kept  on  the  head,  an  expression  which  seems  to 
imply  that  during  the  saying  of  some  portions 
of  the  office  crowns  or  other  coverings  were 
retained. 

2.  With  regard  to  the  head-covering  of  clerics, 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (p.  38)  lays  down 
the  rule,  that  no  cleric  stands  in  the  church  at 
snv  time  with  covered  head,  unless  he  have  an 
infirmity.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  generality 
of  the  expression  *'  ullo  tempore,"  the  meaning  of 
the  sentence  is  probably  limited  by  the  words 
which  stand  at  the  head  of  the  rubric,  '*  per 
totam  Quadragesimam."  That  some  kind  of 
ceremonial  head-dress  was  worn  by  bishops  and 
priests  from  the  4th  century  onward  seems 
certain.    See  Insula,  MrrRE. 

3.  For  the  head-covering  of  monks,  see  Cu- 
cuLLA,  Hood.  [C.] 

HEADOFALLGHUBCHES.  The  emperor 
Justinian  in  a  rescript  {Codex,  lib.  1,  tit.  2, 1.  24) 
gives  to  the  patriarchal  church  of  Constantinople 
the  title  of  "  Head  of  all  the  Churches  "— **  Con- 
tantinopolitana  ecclesia  omnium  aliarnm  est 
caput."    See  Patriabch  ;  Pope.  [C] 

HEABEB8.    [Audiehtes;  Catechumens; 

DOCTOB.] 

HEATHEN,  THE,  in  relation  U  the  Church. 

1.  The  duty  of  praying  for  the  heathen  was 
amply  recognized  by  the  early  Christians.  Thus 
in  the  Ignatian  letter  to  the  Ephesians  (c.  10) 
we  find  the  exhortation,  ^'pray  also  without 
ceasing  for  the  rest  of  mankind ;  for  there  is  in 
them  a  hope  of  repentance,  that  they  may  attain 
to  God."  St.  Augustine  {Epist,  217,  ad  Vitaiem, 
c.  2)  declares  that  one,  who  did  not  believe  that 
the  seed  of  faith  was  sown  in  the  heart  by  God, 
must  needs  mock  at  the  words  of  the  priest  at 
the  altar  exhorting  the  pe^iple  to  pray  for  un- 


762 


HEATHEN,  THE 


belieTen,  that  Qod  may  turn  them  to  the  faith. 
And  again  {De  Bono  Fersev,  c.  22,  §  63)  h^  aaks, 
*'  When  was  not  prayer  made  in  the  Church  for 
unbelievers  and  for  its  enemies,  that  they  might 
beliere?"  Prosper  (De  Vooat,  Gerdiumj  i.  12) 
tells  us  that  *^  the  Church  prays  to  God  every- 
where, not  only  for  the  holy  and  those  already 
regenerate  in  Christ,  but  also  for  all  unbelievers 
and  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ,  for  all  wor- 
shippers of  idols.  .  .  .  And  what  does  she  ask 
for  them,  but  that  leaving  their  errors  they  may 
be  converted  to  God  ?"  Such  prayers  occur  in 
the  liturgies ;  in  that  of  St.  Mark,  for  instance, 
we  have  (Renaudot,  Litt  Orient.  L  153X  '*Tum 
back  those  who  have  gone  astmy,  enlighten  those 
who  are  in  darkness.*'  So  the  Clementine 
(Constt  Apost.  viii.  15):  "We  beseech  Thee  on 
behalf  of  those  who  hate  us  and  persecute  us  for 
Thy  Name's  sake,  for  those  outside  the  Church 
and  in  error,  that  Thou  mavest  turn  them  to 
good  and  soften  their  hearts."  }n  the  West,  the 
conversion  of  the  heathen  was  an  especial  subject 
of  prayer — as  it  is  still  in  the  English  church — 
on  Good  Friday.  Thus,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacrch 
mmtary  (i.  41;  Migne's  Patrol,  Ixxiv.  1105  B) 
the  deacon,  after  bidding  praver  for  heretics, 
schismatics,  and  Jews,  proceeds,  ''Let  us  pray 
also  for  the  pagans,  that  Almighty  God  may  take 
away  the  wickedness  from  their  hearts,  and  that 
forsaking  their  idols  they  may  turn  to  the  true 
God  and  His  only  Son  Jesus  Christ."  So  in  the 
Gregorian  (p.  64),  the  prayers  to  be  used  on  the 
Wednesday  and  Friday  in  Holy  Week  include 
one  for  the  pagans.* 

2.  While  it  is  clear  that  heathen  were  care- 
fully excluded  from  the  Christian  mysteries,  it  is 
equally  clear  that  from  the  earliest  times  they 
were  admitted  to  that  part  of  Christian  worship 
which  consisted  mainly  of  instruction.  St.  Paul 
(1  Cor.  xiv.  23)  evidently  contemplates  the  pos- 
sibility of  heathen  entering  the  place  where 
preaching  took  place,  whether  it  were  in  the 
shape  of  an  utterance  in  "  tongues,"  or  prophesy- 
ing. At  the  end  of  the  2nd  century,  all  portions 
of  divine  worship  were  not  open  to  all  alike ; 
for  TertuUian  {De  Praescript,  c.  41)  reproaches 
certain  heretics  with  their  want  of  order  and 
discipline,  in  that  not  only  catechumens  were 
admitted  to  the  same  privileges  as  the  faithful, 
but  even  heathen,  if  they  chanced  to  enter  the 
place,  had  equal  access ;  so  did  the  heretics  cast 
their  mock-pearls  before  swine.  In  this  it  is 
implied  that  the  orthodox  were  more  careful  of 
their  treasure.  [Discipuna  Arcani.]  The 
woi*ds  of  Origen  (c.  Ct/sum,  iii.  p.  142,  Spencer), 
where,  speaking  of  the  care  bestowed  upon  cate- 
chumens, he  says  that  Christians  had  in  view  to 
'prevent  persons  of  evil  life  from  (»ming  to  their 
common  assembly  (^hr\  rby  KOivbp  atrrw  or^AAo- 
yoy)f  seem  to  imply  that  some  kind  of  scrutiny 
took  place  before  men  were  admitted  to  any 
Christian  assembly  whatever;  for  he  contrasts 
the  Cynic  practice  of  receiving  all  comers  to  their 
harangues  with  that  of  the  Christians,  and  the 
word  ff{f\\oyos  does  not  appear  to  be  taken  (like 
(Tvvaiis)  in  the  limited  sense  of  "  the  Eucharistic 
mystery."  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain 
that  at  the  end  of  the  4th  century  the  African 
canons  {IV.  Cone.  Carth.  c  84)  specially  provide 


•  For  the  snbetanoe  of  this  paragraph  the  writer  is 
indebted  to  the  Uev.  W.  K,  Scndamare. 


HEATHEN,  THE 

that  the  bishop  is  not  to  hinder  any  one,  whether 
heathen,  heretic,  or  Jew,  from  entoing  the 
church  and  hearing  the  word  of  God,  as  iar  as 
the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens  (usque  ad 
missam  catech.);  and  a  later  Council  {Come. 
Vaiietanuniy  c.  1 ;  A.D.  524)  orders  the  Gospel  to 
be  read  after  the  Epbtle,  before  the  bringing  in 
of  the  gifts  [Entbakcb,  §  2]  or  the  dismiasal  of 
catechumens, i>  in  order  that  not  only  catechu- 
mens and  penitents,  but  all  who  belong  to  the 
contrary  part  (e  diverso  sunt)  may  hear  the 
wholesome  precepts  of  the  Lord  Jesus  or  the 
seimon  of  the  bishop  (saoerdotis) ;  for  many  had 
been  drawn  to  the  fiuth  by  the  preaching  of  the 
prelates  (pontificum).  llie  liberty  which  was 
granted  to  heathen  does  not  seem  in  all  cases  to 
have  been  allowed  to  heretics  {Cone.  Laod.  c  6)l 
The  liturgies  themselves  contain  evidence  that 
heathen  were  permitted  to  be  present  during  the 
introductory  portion  of  the  Eucharistic  office. 
In  the  Clementine,  for  instance  {Oongtf.  ApottL 
viiL  12),  the  deacon  proclaims  before  the  oflfer- 
tory,  ^  Let  no  one  of  the  catechumens,  no  one 
of  the  hearers,  no  one  of  the  unbelievers  (tmt 
dir/<rT»ir),  no  one  of  the  heterodox  [be  present];" 
from  which  it  appears  that  heathens  had  not 
been  excluded  during  the  whole  of  the  pre- 
vious service. 

3.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  in&nt  childra 
of  heathen  parents,  remaining  in  the  keathea 
family,  were  in  ancient  times  ever  baptized.  It 
would  have  been  held  a  profanation  of  the  sacra- 
ment to  baptize  those  who  were  likelj  to  be 
brought  up  as  pagans.  But  baptism  was  not 
refused  to  children  of  heathen  slaves  brought  to 
baptism  by  their  owners,  who  could  of  course 
ensure  them  Christian  nurture ;  and  orphans  and 
foundlings — ^the  latter  at  any  rate  almost  always 
the  offspring  of  heathen — were  frequently  pre- 
sented for  baptism  by  the  virgins  or  others  who 
had  taken  charge  of  them  (Augustine,  fjMsf.  83, 
ad  Bonifac. ;  compare  Pseudo-Ambros.  ds  VooeL 
Gait.  ii.  18).  We  may  probably  discover  in  this 
presentation  of  infants  for  baptism  by  penow 
other  than  their  parents  the  origin  of  Sfoksobs. 

When  tfa<B  time  came  that  Paganism  was  pro- 
scribed and  Christianity  enjoined,  special  care 
was  taken  that  whole  families  should  be  brought 
within  the  pale  of  Christianity,  and  that  the 
head  of  a  household  should  not  undergo  baptism 
proformS,  while  the  household  remaiuMl  heathen. 
<*  As  for  those  who  are  not  yet  baptised,**  says 
the  Code  of  Justinian  (lib.  L  tit.  tL  d»  Pagams, 
1.  10),  **  let  them,  with  wives  and  children  and 
all  their  households,  betake  themselres  to  the 
holy  churches;  and  let  them  provide  that  their 
infants  (parvuli)  be  baptized  without  delay;  but 
let  the  older  children  (majores)  before  baptism 
bo  instructed  in  the  Scriptures  according  to  the 
canons.  But  if  any,  with  a  view  to  entering  the 
public  service,  or  to  acquiring  an  office  or  a  pro- 
perty, go  through  a  form  of  baptium  (fingant 
baptizari)  and  leave  in  their  error  their  children, 
wives,  and  others  who  belong  to  and  depend  upw 
them ;  they  are  to  be  punished  by  confiscation  ot 
goods  and  other  penalties,  and  excluded  from  the 
public  service."  The  special  case  of  the  Samari- 
tans is  provided  for  by  another  law  {NaoeL  141^ 
c.  2);  adults  were  to  pass  through  two  years* 

b  This  Is  given  from  the  text  of  Bnms  (Caaeacr,  tt. »} 
sume  texts  have  "  in  mtHa"  Ibr  "vd 


HEAVEN 

uutmction  and  probation,  while  children  not 
capable  of  initruction  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
fiiith  were  to  be  admitted  to  baptism  at  once. 
Both  these  laws  were  included  by  Photius  in  his 
Nomoamon  (tit.  ir.  c.  4,  p.  907)  [Codex 
Canonum,  p.  400]. 

4.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Chnrch  in  the 
earliest  times  had  special  organizations  for  the 
conversion  of  the  heathen.  It  was  of  course  the 
duij  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  any  church  to 
endeaTonr  to  bring  over  to  the  faith  thoee  pagans 
who  dwelt  about  them,  and  men  were  raised  up 
from  time  to  time  who  went  forth  into  lands 
•ntirely  heathen.  The  monastic  orders,  in  par- 
ocular,  especially  that  of  St.  Columba,  were 

constantly  active  in  propagating  the  faith  of 
Christ  [MoNAsmciSM].  The  lives  of  the  great 
missionaries  will  be  found  in  the  Dictionabt  of 
Ch&istian  Biography. 

It  is  worth  observing,  that  in  the  Coronation- 
office  given  by  Menard  with  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  {Ad  Beginam  benedicendam,  pp. 
263,  264)  the  conversion  of  heathen  nations  is 
icgarded  as  especially  the  work  of  a  queen. 
After  putting  on'  the  ring,  the  consecrating 
bishop  prays  that  the  qaeen  on  the  point  of 
being  crowned  "  may  be  enabled  to  call  barbarous 
nations  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth." 

5.  The  social  intercourse  of  heathen  and 
Christian,  while  paganism  was  still  a  floarishing 
system,  was  rendered  difficult  by  two  circam- 
stances ;  the  prevalence  of  more  or  less  idolatrous 
practices  in  the  family  life  of  heathens — liba- 
tions, feasts  on  sacrificial  meats,  songs  implying 
the  recognition  of  pagan  deities,  and  the  like ; 
and  afterwards  by  the  horror  and  hatred  with 
which  the  heathen  came  to  regard  the  votaries  of 
what  they  thought  an  **  ill-omened  superstition," 
destructive  of  the  greatnesfi  of  the  empire. 
[Family;  Idolatry.] 

Christians  who  feasted  with  the  heathen  in  a 
spot  appropriated  to  heathen  festivities,  even  if 
for  fear  of  defilement  they  took  with  them  their 
own  food  and  ate  no  other,  were  sentenced  to  a 
two-years'  penance  among  the  Substrati  [Peni- 
tence],    {Cone.  Ancyr,  c.  7 ;  A.D.  314.) 

6.  Until  Christianity  had  developed  a  litera- 
ture of  its  own,  those  Christians  who  studied 
literature  at  all,  beyond  the  limits  of  Scripture, 
of  course  studied  pagan  literature;  but  at  the 
end  of  the  4th  century  we  find  the  peremptory 
prohibition  (/K.  Cone,  Carth,  c.  16),  "that  the 
bishop  should  not  read  the  books  of  the  gentiles." 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  however  that  this  precept 
was  literally  and  universally  observed  ;  the  vast 
(mgan  learning  (for  instance)  of  Jerome  and 
Augustine  is  matter  of  notoriety,  and  it  is  not  to 
be  supposed  that  it  was  wholly  acquired  before 
they  entered  the  Christian  ministry.  Jerome, 
indeed  {Epist.  10  [al.  70]  ad  Jlagnum)^  expressly 
defends  Christian  writers  against  the  charge  that 
they  were  ignorant  of  pagan  writings,  and  points 
with  pride  to  the  long  series  of  writers  who  had 
defended  Chrii>tianity  with  weapons  drawn  from 
the  pagan  armoury.  See  further  under  Pro- 
hibited Books.  [C] 

HEAVEN.  [See  Firm axent.]  The  veiidd 
figure  on  the  sarcophagus  of  Junius  Bassus 
(Bottari,  tav.  zv.  and  elsewhere  a  female  head, 
id.  tav.  xxziii.)  is  always  held  to  represent 
the  firmament  of  heaven.    Considering  the  word 


IIEBDOMADARIUB 


ml 


763 


as  denoting  the  future  spiritual  state  of  happiness 
in  the  presence  of  God,  we  can  hardly  pass  over 
the  symbolic  representations  of  the  Lord  in 
glory  which  seem  from  the  6th  century  to  have 
been  the  accustomed  decorations  of  Byzantine 
churches.  The  choir  and  apse  of  a  church  from 
that  date  were  constantly  made  to  symbolize 
heaven  and  earth :  the  churches  triumphant  and 
militant,  the  new  heaven  of  glory,  and  the  re- 
newed earth  of  the  soul  regenerated  in  baptism. 
The  churches  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damianus, 
St.  Yenantius,  and  especially  of  St.  Prassede,  at 
Rome,  may  be  taken  as  types  of  the  Byzantine 
treatment  of  this  great  subject.  In  the  former 
Our  Lord  stands  on  the  firmament  of  clouds,  a 
figure  of  indescribable  grandeur.  He  is  not  only 
come  to  His  sanctuary,  and  present  with  a  con- 
gregation of  the  church,  but  he  is  also  and  at 
the  same  moment  in  heaven,  apai-t  from  time, 
with  the  church  triumphant.  Accordingly,  here, 
and  in  St.  Prassede,  the  apse,  and  the  upper  part 
of  the  arch  of  triumph  in  advance  of  it,  represent 
Him  in  glory  with  His  own ;  saints  and  martyrs, 
in  white  robes  on  gold  ground,  casting  their 
crowns  before  Him.  But  at  their  feet  flows  the 
mystic  Jordan,  the  river  of  baptism  into  His 
death,  and  also  the  river  of  death,  the  Lethe  of 
life  and  death.  It  separates  the  glorified  church 
in  heaven  from  the  sheep  of  the  fold  below,  who 
are  yet  militant  on  earth. 

Parallel  representations  of  the  adoration  of 
saints  and  martyrs  in  glory  ai-e,  of  course,  uni- 
versal from  the  6th  century ;  the  great  proces- 
sions at  St.  Apollinare  Nuova,  in  Ravenna,  will  be 
remembered  as  belonging  to  the  time  of  Jus- 
tinian. The  Last  Judgment  of  Torcello  has  its 
side  of  accepted  souls  (see  8.  v.).     [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

HEBDOMADABIUS.  The  word  signifies  a 
weekly  officer,  and  was  applied  in  monasteries  to 
those  monks  who  served,  a  week  in  rotation,  the 
office  of  cook  or  reader  during  refection.  In 
Egypt  and  theThebaid  it  was  customary  in  the  5th 
century  for  all  the  monks  in  turn  to  act  as  cooks, 
and  Cassian  traces  the  custom  to  the  monasteries 
in  the  East  (Cass.  In&tit  iv.  19,  cf.  Hieron. 
Seg.  Pachom,  Prol.  Ep.  22  ad  Eustoch.  c.  35). 
But  see  Cass.  Instit.  iv.  22.  Similarly  Benedict 
ordered  that  none  should  be  excused  from  this 
duty  except  on  the  score  of  health  or  urgent 
occupations,  intending  thus  to  promote  a  fellow- 
ship of  brotherly  feeling;  but  with  hb  usual 
consideration,  he  allowed  those  who  might  be 
unskilful  in  this  sort  of  work  to  have  assistants 
(Bened.  Reg.  c  35). 

By  the  rule  called  of  Magister  each  **  decad  " 
or  '*  decuria "  (ten  monks)  under  its  two  deans 
(praepositi),  was  to  hold  this  office  for  five 
weeks  together,  two  of  the  number  in  turn  with 
one  dean  being  told  off  each  week  for  the  kitchen, 
and  the  rest  tmder  the  other  dean  working  in 
the  field  {Reg.  Mag.  c  17).  Even  abbats, 
though  not  unfrequently  of  illustrious  birth, 
were  not  always  exempt.  By  the  rule  of  Fer« 
reolus,  written  in  the  south  of  France  during 
the  6th  century,  the  abbat  was  to  be  cook  on 
three  great  festival  in  the  year,  at  Christmas, 
at  .Pentecost,  and  on  the  Founder's  Day  {Reg 
Ferreol.  c.  38).  It  is  recorded  of  Benedictus 
Aniansis  the  compiler  of  the  Concordia  Regu- 
hrum,  that  he  would  be  intent  on  literary  work 
while  at  work  in  the  kitchen  iVUa  Bened.  Aniat^ 


764 


HEBDOMADABIUS 


G.  14).  Bj  the  m]e  of  Caesarins,  bishop  of 
Aries  in  the  6th  century,  abbats  and  priors  were 
ezcosed  altogether. 

In  some  monasteries  it  was  part  of  the  duty 
of  the  hebdomadarii  to  prepare  the  dinner-table, 
and  to  act  as  waiters,  benedict  indeed,  dis- 
tinguishes the  '^  Septimanarii  coqainae"  firom 
the  '' servitores  "  (Bened.  JReg,  cc.  35,  38);  but 
the  rule  of  Isidorus,  bishop  of  Seyille,  in  the  7th 
century,  combines  the  offices  (Isid.  Beg.  c.  11); 
and  in  the  rule  of  '*  Magister  "  the  cooks  or  their 
assistants  are  ordered  not  only  to  wait  at  table, 
but  to  carry  water,  chop  wood,  clean  shoes,  wash 
towels,  dust  the  mats  in  the  oratory,  and  per- 
foi  m  various  other  menial  tasks  (Beg,  Mag.  c. 
19).  In  the  same  rule  it  is  proyided,  that  if  the 
weekly  officers  are  negligent  in  having  the  table 
ready  for  the  refection,  the  abbat  himself  b  to 
put  them  to  the  blush  by  doing  it  himself 
publicly  (i&.  c.  23).  In  the  Cluniac  and  Cis- 
tercian monasteries  the  hebdomadarii  were 
waiters  as  well  as  cooks  (Marten.  Beg,  Bened. 
Comm.  ad  loc  cit.). 

The  week  of  the  hebdomadarii  commenced  on 
Sunday  by  a  solemn  form  of  admission  in  the 
oratory  after  **  matins  "  (Beg.  Bened.  c.  35),  or 
after  "prime"  {Beg.  Mag.  c  19);  the  monks 
going  out  of  office,  as  well  as  those  just  coming 
in,  entreating  the  prayers  of  their  brethren,  and 
the  blessing  of  their  abbat.  On  the  Saturday 
those,  whose  term  of  office  was  oyer,  were  to 
deliyer  up  to  the  *'  cellarer  "  for  the  use  of  their 
successors  all  the  utensils  &c.  under  their  charge 
in  perfect  order  (Beg.  Bened.  y.  s.  Beg.  Mag.  v.  s.). 
It  was  an  old  cubtom^  symbolic  of  humility  and 
brotherly  love,  for  the  hebdomadarii,  closing 
and  commencing  their  week,  to  wash  the  feet  of 
their  brethren,  during  which  operation  silence 
was  to  be  kept,  or  psalms  chanted  (Cassian. 
Instit.  iv.  19.  Bened.  Beg.  v.  s.).  By  the  rule 
of  '*  Magister,"  they  were  to  set  about  preparing 
the  refection  three  houra  before  the  hour  fixed 
for  it;  immediately  after  *' nones"  if,  as  was 
usual,  the  dinner  was  at  midday,  immediately 
after  "  scxt "  for  a  dinner  at  three  in  the  aftej- 
noou  (Beg,  Mag,  y.  s.).  The  refection  was  to  be 
served  on  the  stroke  (Beg,  Bened.  v.  s.) ;  for  any 
inpunctuality  they  were  to  be  mulcted  of  the 
ration  of  bread  or  a  part  of  it  for  certain  days 
(lieg.  Mag.  c.  19);  the  Concordia  Begularum 
quotes  an  anonymous  rule  (not  the  '*  Regula 
Cujusdam,"  usually  ascribed  to  Columbanus) 
sentencing  hebdomadarii  guilty  of  any  triyial 
irregularity  to  twenty-five  strokes  of  the  open 
hand  (Bea.  Cujusd.  c  12),  just  as  Cassian 
cautions  them  against  losing  even  a  pea  (Cass. 
Instit.  iv.  20).  Benedict  wisely  arranged  that 
the  cooks  should  have  some  refreshment,  a  piece 
of  bread  and  a  small  cup  of  beer,  (panem  ac 
singulos  biberes)  an  hour  before  the  refection,  on 
ordinary  days ;  on  festivals  they  were  to  wait 
till  after  the  midday  mass  (Bened.  Beg.  v.  s.). 
Various  reasons  are  supposed  by  commentators 
for  the  latter  part  of  this  injunction  (Martene 
Beg.  Comm.  ad  loc.). 

The  *'  lector  hebdomadarius  "  or  reader  aloud 
during  refection  .held  office,  like  the  *^£oqui," 
for  a  week;  but  Benedict  ordered  that  only 
those  brethren  should  be  readers,  whose  reading 
wat*  likely  to  edify  (Bened.  Beg,  c.  38).  On  the 
Suuday  commencing  his  week  of  office  the 
reader  was  thrice  to  repeat  in  the  oratory  the 


HEGIRA 

^  Domine,  aperi  os  meum,"  and  before  begisBiig 
to  read  was  to  ask  the  prayers  of  his  hearen, 
lest  he  should  be  elated  with  pride  (76.).  Not  • 
word  was  to  be  spoken  during  the  lectioD  era 
by  way  of  asking  a  question  on  what  was  being 
read;  unless  the  prior  (or  abbat),  ahould  think 
right  to  interpose  an  explanation  or  ezhortatioD; 
the  monks  were  to  help  another  to  anythiai 
wanted  without  a  word  (lb.).  The  reader  vai 
to  have  a  little  bread  and  wine  (for  so  ''mii- 
tum  "  is  to  be  understood,  according  to  Marteae, 
and  not  as  wine  and  water),  just  before  rcadifig, 
for  fear  of  faintness  or  exhaustion ;  he  wss  to 
dine  with  the  other  hebdomadarii  after  the  public 
meal  (/&.).  The  passiu^es  for  reading  were  dioin 
by  the  abbat  either  from  the  Holy  Scriptura  or 
from  lives  of  saints.  Cassian  derives  the  castm 
of  reading  aloud  at  refection  from  Cappadocn 
(Cass.  Instit.  iv.  19).  [See  also,  Alteser.  Axdkm 
ix.  10].  [I.  G.  S.] 

HEGATONTABOHAR  The  oounca  is 
Trullo  (c  61)  condemns  to  six  years'  exooD- 
munication  those  who  resort  to  **  the  so-called 
hecatontarchae,  or  such-like  persons"  (tms 
\tyofi4yois  kttaerovripx"*^^  4  '>''^'  roiovrots)  witk 
the  view  of  learning  from  them  what  they  maj 
choose  to  reveal.  The  title  of  '*  hecatontardies,'* 
is  said  by  Balsamon  (quoted  by  Van  Esp^  ill 
415)  to  be  equivalent  to  ''  Primioerius ;"  and  to 
have  been  confen'ed  on  certain  old  men  whogan 
themselves  out  to  be  possessed  of  snpemataral 
knowledge  and  deceived  the  simple.  Gothofied 
(quoted  by  Bingham,  AnUq.  XVI.  r.  6)  tkiab 
that  these  hecatontarchae  are  to  be  identified 
with  the  '*  centenarii "  of  the  Theodosian  Coda 
(HL  xvi.  tit.  10,  1.  20),  who  were  offieen  d 
certain  corporations  or  companies  for  managiag 
idolatrous  pomps  and  ceremonies,  and  freqaentlr 
claimed  the  power  of  divination.  [Ditinatios; 
Soothsayers.]  [C] 

HEDFELDENSE  GONGILnJM.  [Hit- 
field,  Council  of.] 

HEDISTIU8,  martyr  at  Ravenna  (saee.  ir.); 
commemorated  Oct.  1 2  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet,  Adonis 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HEGESIPPUS,  historian,  ''Yicinus  Aposte- 
licorum  temporum  '*  (fcirca  180  jld.)  ;  oomnifr- 


morated  April   7   (Mart.   Hieron.,    Bom.   Tet, 
Adonis,  Usuardi).  fW.  F.G.] 


[W.  F.a] 


j^  c  c  >« 


HEOntA  OB  HUBAH  (s«.^^1 1)-   ^ 

era  commonly  used  by  the  Mohammedan  his- 
torians is  that  of  the  Hijrah,  or  flight  of 
Mohammed  from  Mecca  to  Medina.  The  epocb 
is  the  first  day  of  the  first  month,  Moharrem,  of 
the  year  in  which  this  took  place  (not  the  daj 
itself,  which  was  about  sixty-seven  days  later). 
The  epoch  fell,  according  to  the  best  Arabiaa 
authors  and  astronomers,  cited  in  Ideler  (Hani' 
buck,  ii.  483),  on  Thursday,  July  15,  ▲.!>.  62*^* ;  bat 
according  to  civil  usage  and  the  phase  of  the 
moon,  a  day  later.  This  discrepancy  has  to  te 
noted.  We  shall  take  as  the  epoch  July  16,  AJL 
622,  or  5335  Julian  Period,  with  interval  dajs 
from  Christian  era  [Era],  227,014. 

In  Mohammedan  authors  the  year  is  a  laaar 
year  of  30  and  29  days  alternately,  haviog  354 
days.  In  intercalary  years,  of  which  there  an 
11  in.  every  30  years,  viz.,  those  marked  *  in 


HEOUMENOB 


HEMIPHORION 


765 


Table  L,  the  last  month  has  one  more  day.  In 
%  complete  cycle  of  30  years  there  are  10,631 
4ays. 

To  convert  a  Mohammedan  Vote  into  Old 
Style. — Find  the  number  of  cycles  by  diriding 
tbe  Mohammedan  year-date  less  1  by,30.  Let  Q 
be  the  quotient,  K  the  remainder.  Multiply  Q 
by  10,631,  to  which  add  the  number  of  days 
corresponding  to  R  in  Table  I.  and  the  number 
of  days  corresponding  to  the  months  and  days  in 
Table  II.,  and  also  227.014,  the  interral  days  from 
the  Christian  era.  "Hie  number  of  days  diyided 
by  1461  will  give  the  number  of  quadriennia 
A.D.,  and  table  in  Era  §  5,  p.  623,  will  suffice  to 
find  the  residual  year  and  day  of  year. 

Add  1  for  the  current  year. 

To  convert  an  0.  S.  Date  into  Mohammedan. — 
Convert  into  days  from  Christian  era,  by  same 
rule  as  in  Era,  §5.  Subtract  227,014;  divide 
remainder  by  10,631.  Let  quotient  be  Q  and 
remainder  R.  To  30  x  Q  add  the  number  of 
years  corresponding  to  the  number  of  days  in 
Table  I.  next  less  than  R,  and  with  those  over 
find  the  months  and  days  in  Table  II. 

Add  1  ibr  the  current  y«ar. 

Table  I. 


Yeus. 

Days. 

Years. 

Dsys. 

Years. 

DsjB. 

1 

364 

11 

3898 

21* 

7442 

«• 

709 

12 

4262 

22 

7796 

3 

1068 

13« 

4607 

23 

8160 

4 

1417 

14 

4961 

24* 

8606 

5* 

1772 

15 

6S16 

26 

8869 

e 

213t> 

1«» 

6670 

26* 

9214 

7* 

2481 

17 

6024 

27 

9668 

8 

2835 

18* 

6379 

28 

9922 

9 

8189 

19 

6733 

29* 

10277 

10» 

3644 

30 

7087 

30 

10681 

Table  II. 


Months.  Buys. 

Months 

.  Days. 

Months.  Days. 

1 

30 

5 

148 

9 

266 

2 

69 

6 

177 

10 

295 

3 

89 

7 

207 

11 

325 

4 

118 

8 

236 

12 

864  or  355 

Observe   that   two  Mohammedan  years  may 
•  begin  in   the  same  Julian  year.     This  happens 
every  33  or  34  years. 

It  may  be  worth  noting  that  the  Persian  era 
of  Yezdegird  commenced  June  16,  632,  ten  years 
later.  [L.  H.] 

HEQUMENOS.  dKyo^fityos)  The  Hegu- 
menos  of  a  monastery  in  the  Greek  church  cor- 
responds to  the  Latin  Abbat  (see  that  word). 
He  was  also  termed  archimandrite.  But,  ac- 
cording to  Helyot  (Btst.  dee  Ordr.  Monaet.  Diss. 
Prelim,  c  11),  the  term  archimandrite  passed 
in  time  from  the  superior  of  a  monastery 
to  the  superior-general,  originally  called  the 
exarch,  whose  office  it  was  to  *'  visit "  all  the 
monasteries  in  a  province.  Any  monastery  so 
desirous  at  its  foundation  was  exempted  from 
the  bishop's  jurisdiction  and  placed  under  the 
sole  authority  of  the  patriarch ;  and  the  supe- 
rior general  of  these  monasteries  was  a  grand 
archimandrite  (cf.  Thomass.  Diao.  Eocles,  I.  iii. 
23).  The  words  Hegumene  (^Hyovfi4y7i)y  Hegu- 
mendon  {^HyovfitytTotf),  and  Hegumeneia  (*Hyov- 
luptla)  (all  from  the  classical  term  for  the  head- 
ship of  a  confederacy)  signify  abbess,  monastery 


(or  abbat *s  rooms),  and  office  of  abbat.    (Suic 
Thee.  Eodes. «.  v.)  [L  G.  S.] 

HEILETON.    [EiLETON.] 

HELENA.  (1)  Mother  of  Constantino  the 
Great  (fcirca  328  A.D.) ;  commemorated  Aug.  18 
{Mart.  Usuardi);  Maskarram  18  =  Sept.  15  ((7a/. 
Ethiop.).    See  also  Constantine. 

(8)  Virgin-saint  of  Auxerre:  '^Natalis"  May 
22  {Mart.  Usuardi) ;  translation  and  deposition 
May  22  {Mart,  Adonis,  in  Appendice). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HELLAS,  presbyter  and  martyr  at  Cordova 
with  Isidorus  and  Paulus,  monks ;  commemorated 
April  17  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HELIMENAS,  or  HELYMAS,  presbyter 
of  Babylonia,  and  martyr  at  Cordula,  under 
Decius,  with  Chrysotelus  and  Parmenius,  pres- 
byters, and  the  deacons  Lucas  and  Mucins  (or 
Lucius  and  Mncaa);  commemorated  April  22 
{Mart.  Rom,  VeU,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HELIODOBUS,  martyr  in  Africa  with  Ve- 
nustus  and  seventy-five  othera;  commemorated 
May  6  {Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HELIOLATBAR    [Faithful.] 

HELISAEUS,  HKT.TZAEUS,  or  EUSH A, 

the  prophet;  commemorated  June  14  {Mart. 
Bom.  Vet,,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  See  also 
Elbha.  [W.  F.  G.] 

HELL.  A  frequent  subject  of  mediaeval 
Christian  art  in  the  sense  of  the  appointed  place 
or  state  of  future  punishment ;  but  the  writer 
is  not  aware  of  any  such  representation  of  un- 
questionable date  and  authenticity  within  the 
first  eight  centuries,  unless  the  judgment- 
mosaic  of  Torcello  may  be  considered  an  ex- 
ception, which  is  very  doubtful.  See  Laot 
Judgment.  The  Book  of  Kells,  and  Saxon  and 
Irish  MSS.  contain  numerous  dragons,  and  even 
grotesque  devils;  but  they  certainly  seem  to 
have  more  to  do  with  the  prevailing  taste  for 
lacertine  or  serpentine  ornament,  and  general 
melancholy  or  ferocity  of  mind,  than  with  any 
doctrinal  idea  of  evil  spirits.  The  regular 
Inferno  begins  with  the  early  Florentine  revival, 
in  the  baptistery  of  St.  Giovanni.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

HELLADIUS,  Upofxd(nvs\  commemorated 
May  28  {Cat.  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HELPIDIUS,  bishop  and  confessor  at  Lyons ; 
commemorated  Sept.  2  (Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HEMIPHOBION  {fifu4t6pioy),  seemingly 
some  kind  of  upper  garment,  worn  by  men  and 
women.  Epiphanius  {Haereeia  6^,  §  3)  describes 
Arius  as  wearing  a  colobion  (see  the  word)  and 
a  hemiphorion;  the  latter  probably  over  the 
former,  which  was  a  close  tunic  And  Palladius 
{Hist.  Lauaiaoa,  p.  148)  savs  that  the  younger 
Melania  gave  her  silken  hemiphoria  to  make 
**Km\^IJifutraro7s  BwruumipioiSy**  hangings  for  the 
sanctuary,  or  altar-cloths,  whichever  it  mav  be. 

Hesychius  and  Suidas  write  the  word  iifu<f>aptov, 
connecting  it  with  ^dpos  (a  shawl  or  wrapper^ 
and  translating  it  **dimidium  vestis,"  *^dimi< 
diata  vestis.*'  It  was  probably  therefore  one  o. 
the  many  forms  of  the  pallium,  smaller  than 
that  commonly  worn.  (Suicer's  Thetauruty  s.  v.)« 

[C] 


766 


HEOTHINA 


HEBE8T 


HEOTHINA  (ra  I«0tn0.  The  JTeothiium  is 
an  anthem  sung  in  the  Greek  oflSce  of  lands  (rh 
tp9pov\  and  occurs  after  the  aXvot :  (i.e.  on  ordi- 
nary days,  Pss.  cxiyiii.,  oxliz.,  cL,  on  Sundays 
and  important  festivals,  a  short  equivalent);  and 
certain  versicles  called  5^A(H  and  short  anthems 
called  Stichera  which  follow  them,  and  is  placed 
between  the  clauses  of  the  doxology,  ''glory, 
&c."  (96^a),  and  "both  now,  &c."  (icoi  yvi^y 
The  Heothinon  varies  with  the  musical  tone  of 
the  week ;  there  being  one  to  each  tone ;  and 
they  are  found  in  the  Paracletice,  or  book  con- 
taining the  various  antiphons  or  troparia, 
arran^  according  to  the  different  tones.  The 
form  of  the  Heothinon  is  that  of  any  other  Greek 
antiphon. 

(2.)  rk  ktoBivh,  (fhaYy^Xia),  These  are  Gospels 
relating  to  the  Resurrection,  one  of  which  is 
read  on  Sundays  in  the  Greek  office  of  lauds. 
They  are  eleven  in  number.  [H.  J.  H.] 

HERAGLEAS.  (1)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria, 
A.D.  246 ;  commemorated  July  14  {Mart.  Usu- 
ardi) ;  Taksas  8= Dec  4  (Co/.  Ethiop.). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Thrace  with  Euticus  and 
Plautus;  commemorated  Sept.  29  (Mart.  Usu- 
ardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

HEBAOLIDES,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with 
Heroe,  Plutarchus,  Potamiena,  Serenus,  and 
three  others;  commemorated  June  28  {Mart. 
Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  U8uardi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

HERAGLIUS.  (1)  Bishop  and  confessor  at 
Sens  (fcirca  522  A.D.);  commemorated  June  8 
{Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Saint,  of  Nyon;  commemorated  with 
Panlus  Aquilinus,  and  two  others,  May  17  {Ih.) 

(8)  Martyr  at  Tuder  in  Tuscany,  with  Feli- 
dssimus  and  Panlinus ;  commemorated  May  26 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).       [W.  F.  G.] 

HEBASTUS,  or  ERASTUS,  bishop  of  Phi- 
lippi,  and  martyr ;  commemorated  July  26 
{Mart.  Usuardi,  Ado  de  Fettiv,  83.  Apostohrum). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HERCULANUS.  (1)  Saint,  of  Rome :  "  Na- 
talis  "  Sept.  5  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(8)  Soldier,  saint  at  Lyons;  commemorated 
Sept.  25  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(3)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Perugia;  commemorated 
Not.  7  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet,^  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HEBEST,  considered  as  a  deHctwu,  or  offence 
against  the  law  of  the  church. 

The  Greek  word  atpciris  imports  (1)  a  choosing 
(Lev.  xxii.  18,  LXX. ;  1  Maccab.  viii.  30) ;  (2)  that 
which  is  chosen,  especially  an  opinion  which  one 
chooses  to  hold,  as  alp4a'tts  inwwXftas  (2  Pet.  ii. 
1);  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers  for  opinions 
deviating  from  the  true  Christian  faith;  (3)  a 
l)ody  of  men  holding  a  particular  opinion,  as 
(e.  g.)  those  holding  particular  opinions  in  phi- 
losophy (Diog.  Laert.  i.  13  etc.).  In  the  New 
Testament  it  is  used  of  the  Sadducees  (Acts  v. 
17),  the  Pharisees  {lb.  xv.  5,  and  perhaps  xxvi. 
5),  of  the  Christian  community  (76.  xxiv.  5,  14 ; 

*  The  Greek  fbrm  of  doxology  after  the  Psalms  does  not 
contain  the  clause  "Slcnt  ernt  in  prlndplo"  (Gear 
BuekU.  notae  in  lAud.  OIL). 


xxviii.  22).  So  ConsUntine  (Enaeb.  ^.  £  x  5, 
$§  21,  22)  speaks  of  the  chuidi  as  i  Opt^tM^ 
KaOoXuciij  ^  iiytttrdrti  alpetrts.  We  are  eoa- 
oemed  with  the  term  mainly  in  the  second  or 
these  significations. 

The  word  was  used  by  the  early  fkthen  wit^ 
a  good  deal  of  latitude  to  designate  lyfteoB 
which  adopted,  or  professed  to  adopt,  sbj 
Christian  element  whatever  (Barton,  Baa^itsm 
Led.  p.  12);  so  the  Tmllan  council  (a  95) 
applies  the  word  ^  heretic  "  alike  to  those  who 
were,  and  to  those  who  were  not,  reckoiwd 
Christians  ;  but  it  is  generally  applied  to  tboie 
who,  holding  the  leading  truths  of  the  fiiith, 
deviate  in  some  point  or  points. 

To  define  heresy  is,  as  Si.  Augustine  tayi  (A 
Haeret.  Praef.),  "altogether  impossible,  or  at 
any  rate  most  difficult;"  and  when  first  asked 
to  write  a  book  on  heresy  himself,  he  lllustnted 
the  difficulty  by  pointing  out  {Ep.  222,  ai  Qmi^ 
mUt.)  that  Philastrius  bishop  of  Brescia,  in  his 
book    of   heresies,  enumerated   28    whidi   had 
originated  among  the  Jews  before  Christ,  sad 
128  afterwards,  but  that  Epiphanioa  of  Cyprss 
discovered  only  80  altogether.    Bnt  he  is  canAil 
to  note   {Epist.    43)    that,  whatever    be  tbe 
definition,  it  is  not  the  mere  fiilseness  of  as 
opinion,  but  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  held,  tkst 
constitutes  heresy ;  they  who  do  not  defe»i  a 
wrong  opinion  in  an  obstinate  tenaper  (pertiosd 
animositate),  especially  they  who  are  in  error 
mainly  by  the  accident  of  birth,  are  not  to  be 
reckoned   heretics.     With  which    accords   the 
common   definition,  that    heresy   is  ^'pertiiisx 
defensio  dogmatis   ecclesiae  universalis  judim 
condemnati.^    See  Decretum  Grot.   Can.  xxit. 
qu.  iii.  c  29  ff.    The  law  of  the  emperor  Arcadins, 
dated  A.D.  395,  and  given  in  the  Codex  TVmL 
(XVI.  V.  28),  is  the  first  legislative  definition. 
"Qui  vel  levi  argumento  a  judicio  cathoUcae 
religionis  et  tramite  detecti  fuerint  deviare," 
which  is  modified  by  another  expression  of  tb« 
same  Arcadins  {Code,  L.  13,  De  Pagcmvt%  "qui 
a  Catholicae  Religionis    dogmate  deviare   ccm- 
tendunt,"  where  the  word  "  contendnnt "  is  held 
to  refer  to  the  same  pertinacity  in  nuuntainin^ 
an  opinion  on  which  Augustine  dwells  (Van 
£spen,  pt.  iii.  tit.  iv.  c  22  ff.).    Van  Espen  con- 
siders this,  if  not  an  absolutely  accurate  descrip- 
tion, to  be  that  which  has  governed  the  sub- 
sequent practice  of  the  church.     He  maintains 
its  soundness  as  a  definition,  because  on  the  one 
hand  it  allows  no  deviation  whatever  firom  the 
Catholic  creed,  and  on  the  other  tolerates  a 
reasonable  latitude  of  speculation  by  taking  no 
cognizance    of   constructive    heresy.     To  cob- 
stitute  the  canonical  offence  the   heresy  mnst 
consist — i.,  in  a  departure,  not  from  the  implied 
belief  of  Christianity,  but  from  that  which  the 
church    through    her   creeds    and    canons  has 
declared  to  be  a  matter  of  faith ;  ii.,  the  error 
must  be  persistent  and  wilful,  and,  as  Augustiiie 
points  out  {De  Civ.  Dei,  xviu.  51^  after  sdmo- 
nition;  iii.,  it  must  not  only  be  suspected  hot 
detected  and  adjudicated  upon.     (Van  Espeo, 
Jus  Eccl.  Ul.  iv.  2 ;  F/eld,  Of  the  Chm^,  ai. 
cc,  3,  4). 

2.  i.  The  oogrnizance  of  heresy  was  vested  ia 
the  bishops  separately,  as  well  as  ooUectirelr. 
It  belongs  exclusively  to  the  spiritual  offioi^ 
says  Ambrose  {Ep.  21),  addressing  the  emperor 
Valentinian,  to  decide  on  matters  of  doctrine. 


HEBE8T 

The  episcopate  was  held  to  be  one,  where  the 
faith  was  ooooerned,  and  each  bishop  was  charged 
with  maintaining  it,  although  for  practical  con- 
venience his  government  extended  only  over  a 
single  diocese.     This  jurisdiction  granted  to  the 
bishop  in  matters  of   faith  appears  from  the 
power    possessed    by  him   in    the  ante-Nicene 
church  of  varying  the  expressions  of  the  creed 
in  nae  in  his  diocese,  in  order  to  meet  prevailing 
heresies;    provided,   of  course,   that    the    fun- 
damental unity  of  the   faith  was  unimpaired ; 
instances  of  such  variations  are  given  in  Bing- 
ham, Antiq.  II.   vi.  3.    The  reference    to   the 
belief  of  individual  bishope  as  a  standard  of 
doctrine  is  further  evidence  in  the  same  direction. 
Thus  Theodosius  in  a  rescript  qnoted  in  Sozomen 
(^ff.  E.  yii.  4)  exhorts  his  subjects  to  keep  the 
fiuth  delivered  by  St.  Peter,  and  by  Damasus  of 
Rome,  and  Peter  of  Alexandria.    Other  references 
of  the  kind  are  collected  in  Gothofred's  com- 
mentary on  Codex  Theod,  xvi.  1,  de  fide  Catholicd. 
It  was  an  exercise  of  this  authority  by  Oelasius 
bishop  of  Rome,  a.d.  492-6,  condemning  in  a 
decretal    epistle   the  writings  of  Faustus  the 
Semi-pelagian  archbishop  of  Riex,  which   gave 
rise  to  the  first  Roman  catalogue  of  forbidden 
books.     Af^r  the    empire    became    Christian, 
attempts  were  made  by  some  of  the  emperors  to 
arrogate  to  themselves  this  spiritual  jurisdiction 
of  the  bishops.    The  first  instance  of  the  kind, 
unless  the  laws  of  Theodosius  on  heretics  are  to 
be  regarded  as  such,  is  that  of  the  usurper 
Ba^iliscus,  emperor   of  the   East,  475-7,   who 
issued  an  encyclic  letter  condemning  the  council 
of  Chalcedon,  and   laying  down  definitions  of 
fiuth.    An  example  followed  with  more  success 
by  Justinian,  whose  edicts  on  doctrine  as  well  as 
discipline    obtained  acceptance   by  being    pro- 
mulgated through  the  patriarchs,  metropolitans, 
and  bishops.     The  ecclesiastical   legislation  of 
Charlemagne  also  trenched  upon  the  same  pre- 
n^tive ;  discussion  was  permitted  in  the  synods 
summoned  by  him,  but  the  emperor  reserved  the 
decision  to  himself,  and  issued  the  decrees  in  his 
own   name.      But  no    ecclesiastical    authority 
superseded  that  of  the  bishops  till  aj>.  1204, 
when    two    Cistercian    abbots    were    sent    by 
Innocent  III.  to  the  south  of  France  to  inves- 
tigate the   Albigensian    heresy;    and   in    1231 
Gregory  IX.  Issued  a  commission  to  the  Domini- 
cans to  constitute  a  special  court  of  heresy ;  this 
was  the  beginning  of  the  Inquisition.  (Van  £spen. 
Jus*  EccL  I.  xxii.  3.) 

ii.  The  general  power  of  each  bishop  to  defend 
the  faith  was  restricted,  in  dealing  with  an 
individual  heretic,  to  his  own  diocese.  If  the 
accused  was  one  of  the  clergy,  the  bishop  was 
required  in  the  African  church  to  take  neigh- 
bouring bishope  to  sit  with  him  (1  Cone,  Carthag. 
c  11 ;  2  Cone,  Carthag,  c.  10) ;  but  this  rule 
was  not  confined  to  accusations  of  heresy.  With 
the  bishop  in  some  instances  sat  the  presbyters — 
whether  or  not  this  privilege  was  universally 
conceded  to  them.  The  synod  of  Antioch,  a.d. 
264,  which  condemned  Paul  of  Samosata,  con- 
tained presbyters  (Euseb.  H.  E,  vii.  28).  So  the 
first  condemnation  of  Arius  was  not  pronounced 
by  Alexander  bishop  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  319,  till 
he  had  summoned  the  presbjrtery  and  some  other 
bishops  to  hear  the  charge  (Epiphan.  Hc:r,  69,  c 
3).  And  the  accusation  against  Pelagius  was  first 
beard  before  John,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  aiid  a 


HEBEST 


767 


synod  of  his  presbyters,  a.d.  415.  If  objection 
was  made  to  the  decision  of  the  bishop,  an  appeal 
lay  to  a  larger  council,  either  of  the  province,  or 
finally  of  the  whole  church ;  instances  of  which  are 
too  notorious  to  need  citing.  A  bishop  charged  with 
heresy  could  be  tried  only  by  a  synod  of  bishops. 
The  officer  charged  with  the  preliminary  inves- 
tigation is  designated  by  one  of  the  laws  of 
Justinian  {Novel.  137,  c.  6).  "  If  any  clergyman 
is  accused  in  point  of  faith,  if  he  is  a  bishop  he 
shall  be  examined  before  his  metropolitan,  but 
if  he  is  a  metropolitan  then  before  the  patriarch." 

3.  The  penalties  attached  to  heresy  were  both 
ecclesiastical  and  civil. 

i.  By  ecclesiastical  law  an  obstinate  heretic 
was  excommunicated,  and  if  he  continued  con- 
tumacious, his  exclusion  from  church-member- 
ship was  made  more  rigorous.  The  6th  canon 
of  the  council  of  Laodicea  forbids  those  who 
continue  in  their  heresy  to  enter  the  house  of 
God.  But  this  exclusion  could  not  have  been 
universal,  for  the  4th  council  of  Carthage^ 
A.D.  398  (c.  84)  distinctly  prohibits  the  bishop 
from  preventing  Gentiles,  Jews,  or  heretics  from 
being  present  in  church  during  the  Missa  Cate- 
chumenorum ;  and  the  council  of  Valentia,  a.d. 
524  (c  i.)  orders  the  gospel  to  be  read  before 
the  oblations,  so  that  heretics,  among  others, 
may  have  an  opportunity  of  hearing  [cf. 
Heathen].  Another  stigma  affixed  to  heretics 
was  the  rejection  of  their  evidence  in  any 
ecclesiastical  court  against  a  Catholic.  The 
Apostolical  Canons  (c.  74)  say  expressly  that  the 
evidence  of  a  heretic  shall  not  be  received  against 
a  bishop.  The  129th  canon  of  the  African  code 
also  mentions  heretics  among  other  infamous 
persons  whose  testimony  was  inadmissible 
(4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  96).  The  so-called  6th 
canon  of  the  council  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  381, 
guards  this  disability  from  abuse  by  confining 
it  exclusively  to  ecclesiastical  causes ;  if  a  heretic 
had  a  civil  cause  of  complaint  against  a  bishop, 
the  council  allowed  him  his  remedy;  but  tho 
Justinian  code  deprived  him  even  of  this. 
Another  class  of  penal  enactments  was  directed 
to  the  protection  of  the  orthodox  from  the 
infection  of  heresy.  One  of  the  Apostolical 
Canons  (c.  45)  forbids,  under  pain  of  suspension, 
any  bishop,  presbyter,  or  deacon,  to  pray  with 
heretics,  or  permit  them  to  officiate;  another 
(c  63)  inhibits  either  clergy  or  laity  from  wor- 
shipping in  a  synagogue  of  heretics.  The  council 
of  Laodicea  (c.  9)  would  not  permit  Catholics 
to  frequent  the  cemeteries  or  celebrations  of 
so-called  martyrdoms  of  heretics,  nor  (c.  33) 
tolerate  any  devotions  with  them.  The  4th 
council  of  Carthage,  a.d.  398  (c  71),  pronounces 
the  assemblies  of  heretics  to  be  not  churches  but 
conventicles ;  and  (c.  72)  prohibits  both  praying 
and  singing  psalms  with  them.  The  Spanish 
council  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523  (c.  13),  rejects  the 
oblation  of  any  who  has  presented  his  children 
for  baptism  by  a  heretic ;  this  must  mean,  not 
in  a  case  of  necessity,  where  it  would  be  admitted, 
but  deliberately.  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  i.  4). 
Social  intercourse  with  heretics  was  also  pro- 
hibited. *'A  clergyman  must  avoid  both  the 
entertainments  and  the  society  of  heretics" 
(4  Cone.  Carthag.  c.  70;  1  Cone.  Tolet.  c.  15; 
1  Cone.  Turon.  c.  8;  Cone.  Venet»  c  3).  Augustine 
relates  {Confess,  iii.  11)  that  while  he  was  a 
Manichaean  his  mother  would  not  sit  at  the 


768 


HEBESY 


same  table  with  him.  The  coincil  of  Laod'icea 
(c.  32)  forbids  Christians  to  receive  the  Euix»iae 
of  heretics,  and  also  (cc.  10,  31)  to  intermarry 
with  them.  This  last  prohibition  appears  to 
hare  been  universally  enforced  {Cone.  EUber. 
c.  16;  Cone,  in  TruU,  c.  72>  The  laws  of  the 
church  are  not  so  strict  as  the  civil  edicts  after- 
wards became  in  prohibiting  the  study  of  here- 
tical books ;  there  is  one  canon  (4  Cone,  Carthag, 
c  16)  which  forbids  a  bishop  to  read  heathen 
authors  under  any  circumstances,  and  heretical 
ones  unless  time  or  necessity  require. 

ii.  The  civil  proceedings  against  heretics  began 
with  some  edicts  of  Constantine  against  the 
Donatists,  a.d.  316 ;  but  a  much  more  extensive 
series  of  laws  was  enacted  by  Theodosius  the 
Great  with  a  view  to  put  an  end  to  the  divisions 
of  the  church  arising  from  the  controversies  of 
the  4th  century,  and  to  enforce  uniformity  of 
belief  by  legal  penalties.  The  first  of  these  was 
passed  immediately  after  the  general  council  of 
Constantinople,  a.d.  381,  and  between  that 
period  and  A.D.  394,  fifteen  other  such  edicts 
were  published.  A  further  law  was  enacted  by 
Honorius,  A.D.  408,  and  others  in  the  East  by 
Arcadius  and  the  younger  Theodosius,  and  others 
again  by  Justinian,  a.d.  529.  The  laws  are 
chiefly  contained  in  book  xvi.  tit.  v.  de  Basreticia 
of  the  Theodosian  Code,  although  a  few  are  to 
be  found  under  other  titles.  Here  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  give  a  bare  abstract  of  the  most 
severe  of  them.  Heretics  were  deprived  of  all 
offices  of  profit  or  dignity  in  the  state;  they 
could  neither  receive  nor  bequeath  property ;  no 
civil  contract  with  them  was  binding ;  they  were 
fined,  banished,  subjected  to  corporal  punishments, 
and  even  sentenced  to  death.  Other  laws  were 
designed  to  prevent  the  propagation  of  heresy. 
No  hei-etical  assemblies  might  be  held,  nor  con- 
venticles built,  nor  clergy  ordained ;  their  books 
were  to  be  burnt  and  their  children  disinherited. 
These  edicts  were  not  directed  f^ainst  all  heretics 
indiscriminately,  but  against  various  sects  which 
were  held  to  be  most  dangerous  to  faith  or 
morals.  From  the  account  of  Sozomen  (^ff.  E. 
vii.  12),  they  were  intended  to  strike  terror 
rather  than  to  be  executed ;  but  heretics  were 
always  exposed  to  them,  and,  in  one  conspicuous 
instance,  the  most  severe  penalty,  that  of  death, 
was  inflicted  on  Priscillian  and  some  of  his 
adherents;  the  first  example  in  the  church  of 
any  one  being  put  to  death  for  his  opinions. 

4.  i.  The  admission  of  heretics  to  the  church 
is  closely  involved  with  the  controversies  of  the 
4th  century  on  the  validity  of  heretical  baptism 
[Baitism,  Iteration  op,  p.  172].  Their  bear- 
ing on  the  reconciliation  of  heretics,  and  the 
further  question  of  the  relation  in  which  the 
practice  of  anointing  converts  from  heresy 
stands  towards  the  rite  of  confirmation,  are 
discussed  in  Morinus  de  Poenit.  ix.  7-11). 
This  article  is  concerned  only  with  any  rites  or 
terms  of  admission  which  indicate  the  course  of 
canonical  discipline.  The  council  of  Kliberis 
(c  22)  appoints  ten  ytiars'  penance  to  those  who 
had  deserted  the  faith  and  afterwards  returned, 
with  a  proviso  that  if  they  had  lapsed  in  infancy 
they  should  be  received  back  without  delay. 
Lvter  councils  {Cone.  Agath,  c.  60 ;  Cone,  Epaon. 
c.  29)  deprecating  this  severity,  reduce  the  term 
to  two  years,  on  condition  that  the  penitent 
lasts  three  days  a  week  and  comes  frequently  to 


HERESY 

church.  Longer  penalties  were  exacted  frea 
those  vwho  had  submitted  to  re-baptism  am«i^ 
the  heretics,  the  earlier  practice  in  this  too  bet^g 
more  severe ;  the  Ist  council  of  Valenoe,  AJX  374 
(c  3),  denies  communion  to  them  till  the  hour 
of  death,  that  of  Lerida,  A.D.  523  (c  9\  only  for 
nine  years.  In  this,  however,  as  in  other  points 
of  discipline,  much  was  left  to  tbe  d2screti<»i  of 
the  bishop  {Cone.  Agaih.  c.  60 ;  4  Oonc  AtmL 
c  8).  In  general  the  practice  of  the  church, 
which  is  involved  in  some  obscurity,  appears  to 
have  been  to  admit  converts  without  any  actual 
penance,  submitting  them  however  to  some  ont- 
waiHl  form  or  ceremonial  of  penitence  (jmb  imagme 
poenitentiae,  Innocent :  Ep.  18,  od  Alexan.  c  3). 
A  letter  of  Gregorv  the  Great  (Episi.  ix.  61,  olf 
Qttt'nn.)  directs  that  those  who  had  once  been 
baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Trinity  jshoold 
be  received  by  imposition  of  hands,  which  vatt 
the  Western  use,  or  by  unction,  which  was  that 
of  the  East,  or  by  a  profession  of  fiiith. 

Of  these  forms  of  reconciliation  that  by  imp»* 
sition  of  hands  was  the  earliest.  It  is  spoken  of 
by  Eusebius  {H,  E.  vii.  2)  as  a  practice  which 
was  ancient  in  the  time  of  Stephen,  bishop  of 
Rome,  A.D.  253-7;  Cyprian  also  calls  it  the 
ancient  custom  in  his  time  {Ep,  11  ad  Quintia^ 
It  was  prevailing  in  the  time  of  Innocent  {Efp. 
2  ad  MctHc.  c.  8,  22  ad  Epis.  Macedon.  cc  4, 
5);  it  was  known  to  Augustine  (de  Bapt.  c 
Donat.  iii.  11,  ibid.  vi.  15),  and  was  the  subject 
of  the  decrees  of  various  councils  (1  Cone.  ArtUU 
c  8 ;  Cone,  iiicaen.  c.  8).  By  a  canonical  epistle 
of  Siricius,  bishop  of  Rome,  a^.  384-98,  heretics 
were  to  be  admitted  by  imposition,  together  with 
invocation  of  the  Spirit.  But  the  statement  of 
Gregory  that  imposition  of  hands  was  the  Wcsten 
custom,  and  unction  the  Eastern,  is  only  partially 
correct.  Unction  was  in  use  in  both  the  Spaaisk 
and  the  Gallic  churches  (1  Cone.  Arausic.  c  1 ; 
Cone,  Epaon.  c  16),  and  it  is  likely  that  when 
Gregory  wrote  he  was  referring  only  to  the 
principal  church  of  the  West,  that  of  fimie 
(Martene  de  kit,  iii.  6). 

ii.  In  the  4th  century,  converts  from  some 
heresies  were  received  into  the  church  by  onctioB, 
with  formal  renunciation  of  their  errors  {Ome. 
Laod,  c.  7 ;  1  Cone,  Constant,  c  7).  Hie  Trullas 
council,  following  the  1st  of  Constantinople,  de- 
scribes the  manner  of  admission ;  **  We  receife 
Arians,  Macedonians,  Novatians,  Quartodedmsns, 
and  Apollinarians,  when  they  give  in  written 
forms  of  belief  (Xt/BcXAovi ;  for  instances  of  this 
practice  see  Soc  B.  E,  iv.  12,  Soz.  H.  E.  iii.  23^ 
and  anathematize  every  heresy  not  aooording 
with  the  mind  of  the  holy  and  apostolic  chnrdi; 
sealing  (that  is,  anointing)  them  with  the  holy 
ointment  on  the  forehead,  and  eyes,  and  nostrils, 
and  mouth,  and  ears ;  and  as  we  seal  them,  we 
say,  *The  sea]  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost'* 
The  Arabic  version  of  the  Nicene  canons  (c  31, 
Hardouin,  vol  i.  p.  468)  has  another  form  of 
admission.  "  If  any  one  is  converted  to  the 
orthodox  faith  he  must  be  received  into  the 
church  by  the  hands  of  the  bishop  or  presbyter, 
who  ought  to  instruct  him  to  anathematice  all 
who  oppose  the  orthodox  fiiith  and  contradict 
the  apostolic  church.  He  ought  also  to  anathe- 
matize  Arius  and  his  heresy,  and  openly  and 
sincerely  profess  the  fiiith.  After  this  the  bishop 
or  priest  whose  office  it  is,  shall  receive  him  and 
anoint  him  with  the  unction  of  Chrism,  and  n^ 


IIERE8T 

Waa  three  Umee  while  anointing  him,  and  pnr- 
Hig  o?er  him  in  the  prayer  of  Dionysins  the 
Areopagite,  and  prayer  shall  he  made  earnestly 
to  God  for  him,  and  then  he  may  be  receiyed. 
With  regard  to  other  heresies,  the  canon  of  the 
TruUan  council  already  cited  proceeds  to  make 
the  following  proyisions.  **  About  the  Pauli- 
anists  the  Catholic  church  de6nes,  that  they  are 
to  be  baptized  anew ;  but  as  to  the  Eunomians, 
who  baptize  with  one  immersion,  the  Montanists 
....  and  the  Sabellians  ....   and  all   the 


hERmiqs 


769 


other  heresies 


all  who  will  come  oyer 


to  orthodoxy  from  these  we  receiye  as  conyerts 
from  paganism  (its  "EKKtivai) ;  and  the  first  day 
we  make  them  Christians,  the  second  catechu- 
mens, and  on  the  third  day  we  exorcise  them, 
after  breathing  thrice  on  the  forehead  and  ears 
[Ezobcism]  ;  and  so  we  go  on  to  catechise  them, 
and  cause  them  to  tarry  in  the  church  and  listen 
to  the  Scriptares ;  and  then  we  baptize  them. 
And  the  Manichaeans,  and  the  Valentinians,  and 
the  Mardonites,  and  those  who  come  from  such- 
like heresies  must  giye  in  libelli,  and  anathema- 
tize their  own  heresy,  and  Nestorius  and  finty- 
ches,  and  Dioscorus  and  Seyerus,  and  the  other 
ringleaders  of  such-like  heresies,  and  those  who 
hold  their  own  and  the  other  aforenamed  here- 
sies; and  so  they  may  be  admitted  to  Holy 
Communion." 

iii.  In  the  case  of  those  who  came  into  the 
orthodox  faith  from  the  heresies  of  Nestorius  and 
Entyches,  the  church  appears  to  haye  been  satisfied 
with  a  solemn  profession  of  iaith  by  the  conyert. 
This  is  frequently  insisted  upon  by  Leo  {Epp,  i. 
6;  yL  2;  xiy.  zxyii.  4).  The  2nd  council  of 
Seyille,  A.D.  618,  reoeiyed  in  this  form  at  its 
twelfth  sitting  nn  heretical  Syrian  bishop.  The 
bishop  made  a  solemn  statement  of  his  errors  and 
of  the  tmth,  and  confirmed  it  with  an  oath.  In 
later  periods  an  oath  beoame  an  indispensable 
part  of  the  ceremonial.  A  Roman  synod  under 
Leo  IIL,  A.D.  799,  required  a  certain  bishop 
Felix  not  only  to  abjore  his  heresy  and  write  oat 
a  form  of  faith,  but  also  to  swear  oyer  the  holy 
mysteries  to  obserye  his  orthodox  profession ;  he 
was  then  required  to  place  it  oyer  the  body  of 
St.  Peter,  and  swear  he  would  neyer  dare  repeat 
his  heretical  opinions.  Cotelerins  (ApoH,  Const., 
▼.  13,  note)  prints  part  of  an  ancient  Eastern 
ritual  containing  a  form  of  renunciation  of  the 
Armenian  heresy,  which  concludes  with  the  fol- 
lowing imprecation :  '*  If  I  make  this  profession 
with  hypocrisy,  or  return  to  my  heresy  openly 
or  secretly,  may  all  calamities  oyertake  me,  the 
dread  of  6ain  and  the  leprosy  of  Gehazi,  and  in 
the  world  to  come  may  I  be  anathema  and  cata- 
thema,  and  may  my  soul  be  sent  to  Satan  and 
his  deyils." 

iy.  The  form  of  admission  in  use  in  the  East  in 
the  8th  century  is  giyen  by  Morinus  (de  Foenit, 
ix.  9)  from  a  yery  ancient  Greek  Euchologion. 
Those  to  be  received  must  fast  ten  or  fifteen 
days,  and  prostrate  themselyes  in  prayer  morning 
and  eyening  like  the  Catechumens ;  they  may  then 
be  thought  worthy  of  the  orthodox  faith  and  be 
initiated.  The  priest  is  to  bring  each  into  the 
baptistery,  and  say  to  him,  "  Curse  N.  and  his 
doctrines,  and  those  who  agree  with  him,  for  I 
renounce  him  and  eyery  heretical  doctrine,  and  I 
believe  in  the  holy  and  consabstantial  Trinity." 
And  the  priest  shall  say  to  the  convert  three 
times,  **  Dost  thou  believe  <u  ihc  holy  and  oon- 

CmW.  ANT 


aubetantial  Trinity  ?"  and  the  convert  shall  reply 
*'I  do."  He  shall  then  kneel,  and  the  priest 
shall  lay  his  hand  upon  his  head  and  pi  ay  as 
follows  ....  After  which  he  shall  anoint  him 
with  oil  with  the  same  form  as  if  he  were  a 
neophyte,  and  say  this  prayer  .  .  .  The  convert 
may  then  communicate,  and  he  must  be  instructed 
not  to  eat  fiesh  seven  days,  nor  wash  his  face, 
but,  as  the  baptized  do,  persevere  for  seven  dajrs, 
and  on  the  8th  day  wash  and  be  dismissed. 

The  following  example  of  a  prayer  used  for 
those  who  were  reconciled,  after  having  been 
rebaptized  by  heretics,  is  from  a  ritual  found  at 
Toulouse,  at  Rheims,  and  in  Sicily :  *'  God  who 
restorest  man,  made  after  thine  own  image,  to 
that  which  Thou  hast  created,  look  down  in 
mercy  upon  this  Thy  servant,  and  whatever 
ignorance  and  heretical  perverseness  has  crept  into 
him,  do  Thou  in  Thy  pity  and  goodness  pardon, 
so  that  any  wickedness  which  he  has  committed 
through  the  fraud  of  the  devil  or  the  iniquity  of 
the  Arian  falsehood,  may  not  be  laid  to  his 
charge,  but  that  having  been  transformed  by 
Thy  mercy,  and  having  received  the  communion 
of  Thy  truth  at  the  sacred  altars,  he  may  be 
restored  a  member  of  the  catholic  church." 

Heresy  as  a  canonical  offence  is  dealt  with  by 
Van  Espen  (Ju8  EccL  Pars  iii.  tit.  iv.  c  2). 
The  admission  of  heretics  to  the  church  is  a  very 
complicated  subject,  owing  to  the  endless  varieties 
of  heretical  sects.  See  Martene  {d$  Bit,  iii.  6), 
Morinus  (de  Foenit,  ix.  7-11),  Suicer  (s.  y.  o/pe- 
rtK6s%  and  Bingham  {Antiq,  XIX,  ii.),  A  list  of 
the  early  and  mediaeval  writers  on  heresy  is 
given  in  the  preface  to  Burton's  Bampton  lectures 
on  Heresies  of  the  Apostolic  Age,  [G.  M.] 

HEBETICAL  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  Iter- 
ation OF,  p.  172.] 

HEBMA60BAS,  bishop  and  martyr  under 
Nero  at  Aquileia,  with  Fortunatus  his  arch- 
deacon; commemorated  July  12  (MaH,  Rem, 
Vet,j  Adonis,  Usuardl>  [W.  F.  G.] 

HEBMAS,  saint  (supposed  bishop  of  Phi- 
lippi);  commemorated  May  9  (Jicwt,  Usuardi, 
Ado  de  Festiv.  Apostolontm),  [W.  F.  Q.] 

HEBMEA8,  of  Comana,  Upofidprvs  under 
Antoninus;  commemorated  May  31  (Cat,  Bt^' 
zant,).  [W.  F.  G.] 

H£BBiELANDnS,  abbot  in  Autron,  an 
island  of  the  Loire  (fcirca  720  a.d.)  ;  comme- 
morated March  25  (Mart.  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HEBliELLUS,  martyr  at  Constantinople; 
commemorated  Aug.  8  (Mart.  Rom.  Vet.^  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HEBMENEGILDUS,  son  of  Leovigildus, 
king  of  the  Goths,  martyr  in  Spain  (t586  a.d.); 
commemorated  April  13  (Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HEBMENEUTAE.    [Intkrpreter.] 

HEBMES.    (1)  [Gaius.] 

(8)  Saint  at  Marseilles ;  commemorated  with 
Adrianus,  March  1  (Mart,  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

(8)  One  of  the  seventy ;  commemorated  with 
Agabns,  Asyncritus,  Herodion,  Phlegon,  Rufus, 
April  8  (Cal.  Byzant), 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome  (A.D.  116);  commemorated 
Aug.  28  (Mart,  Bedae,  Usuardi), 

3  D 


770 


HEBHITB 


(6)  [EtJBKBias  (7).] 

(8)  Exorcista,  saint  of  Retiaria;  ooromemo- 
rated  Dec.  31  (Mart.  U*nardi>  [W.  F.  Q.] 

HEBMITS.  Some  mediaeval  writers  on 
monasticism  define  hermits  (eremitae)  as  soli- 
taries in  cells,  and  anchorites  (anachoretae)  as 
solitaries  without  any  fixed  dwelling  place; 
more  correctly  anchorites  are  solitaries  who 
have  passed  a  time  of  probation  as  coenobites,  and 
hermits  those  who  enter  on  the  solitary  life 
withont  this  preparation  (Martene,  Reg.  Uomm. 
Bened.  c  1 ;  bid.  De  Div.  Off.  it  15).  Generally 
the  word  **  eremite  **  includes  all  solitary  ascetics 
•f  one  sort  or  another;  other  designations  of 
them  in  early  ecclesiastical  writers  are  iSkurtMl, 
iurmfTsdf  ftoyd(oirrff,  pi\6B90i,  ipiXoco^vrrtSt 
Kartipyfi4yoif  riri  Dei,  renundantes,  continentes, 
cellulani,  inclusi,  reclnsi,  monachi,  &c. ;  and, 
later,  religiosi.  The  words  fioyax^s  <u^d 
lunfotmiplotf  were  soon  transferred  from  the 
hermit  in  his  solitary  cell  to  the  coenobite  in  his 
community. 

The  asceticism  of  the  desert  was  among 
Christians  the  first  step  towards  the  asceticism 
of  the  cloister.  It  was  prompted  by  a  passionate 
longing  to  fly  from  the  world  to  escape  not 
merely  the  fury  of  the  Decian  or  Diocletian  per- 
secutions, but  the  contaminations  of  surrounding 
heathenism.  It  commended  itself  to  devout 
Christians  by  reasons,  which,  however  specious, 
really  contradict  and  cancel  each  other,  for  it 
seemed  at  once  a  refuge  from  spiritual  dangers, 
and  a  bolder  challenge  to  the  powers  of  darkness 
to  da  their  worst ;  at  once  a  safer,  quieter  life 
than  the  perilous  conflict  day  by  day  with  an 
evil  world,  and,  in  another  aspect,  a  life  of 
sterner  self-denial.  In  the  pages  of  its  pane- 
gyrists the  solitary  life  presents  itself  now  in 
one  and  now  in  the  other  of  these  irreconcileable 
phases,  according  to  the  mood  or  temperament  of 
the  writer.  It  may  be  replied,  that,  far  from 
being  either  more  heroic  or  more  free  from 
danger,  it  is  neither. 

Until  about  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century  the 
more  austere  Christians  were  only  distinguished 
oy  such  epithets  as  ol  <nrov8ato<  or  ol 
4k\9kt6t9poij  without  withdrawing  from  the 
society  of  their  fellows  (tf.  g»  Euseb.  If.  E,Yi.  11; 
Clem.  Alex.  Homil.  '*Quis  Dives?"  n.  36). 
About  that  time,  Antony  and  Ammon  in  Egypt, 
and  Paul  in  the  Thebaid  led  the  way  to  the 
desert ;  and  their  example  soon  found  a  crowd  of 
imitators  (Socr.  H.  E.  iv.  23 ;  Soz.  H.  E.  \.  13, 
14;  Hier.  Ep.  22,  ad  Eustoch.).  In  Syria 
Hilarion,  in  Armenia  Eustathius,  bishop  of 
Sebaste,  in  Cappadocia  Basil  urged  on  the  move- 
ment. It  spread  quickly  through  Ponius,  lllyri- 
cum,  and  Thrace  westwards;  and  the  personal 
prestige  of  Athanasius,  an  exile  from  his  see, 
helped  to  make  it  popular  in  Italy  at  Rome 
(Niceph.  JET.  E.  ix.  16;  Aug.  de  Op.  Mon.  c.  23  ; 
Hier.  Ep.  16  ;  Epitaph,  Marcel?).  But  the  soli- 
tary life  never  found  so  many  votaries  in  Europe, 
as  in  Egypt  and  in  the  East ;  partly  because  of 
the  comparative  inclemency  of  the  climate,  and 
the  proportionate  need  of  more  appliances  to 
support  life,  partly  of  the  more  practical  cha- 
racter of  the  West. 

The  institution  of  Lauras  was  the  connecting 
link  between  the  hermitage  and  the  monastery, 
in  the  later  and  more  ordinary  use  of  that  word. 


HBBMITB 

Piubomias  at  Tabenna  in  Upper  Egypt  had 
alretMj  b^un  to  organise  a  community  of  her- 
mits, by  arranging  that  three  should  oocnpj 
one  cell,  and  that  all  who  were  near  cnoogh 
should  meet  together  for  the  daily  meal  (Sol 
H.  ^.  iiL  14 ;  Pallad.  Hiat.  Lam.y  The  mooks 
of  Mens  Nitr.us,  too,  near  the  Lake  Mareotl^ 
though  many  of  them  in  separate  cells  (oI«4pat* 
lAovax^Ka  mropa^v^  rk  KiAAio,  Soz.  H.  B,  vi.  31) 
had  refectories  for  common  use,  chapds  in  their 
midst  for  conmion  worship  on  SatiudAya,  San- 
days  and  holy  days,  certain  presbyten  appdated 
to  officiate  in  these,  and  certain  lay  officen, 
(oeconomi)  elected  *  by  the  older  hermits  to  pro- 
vide for  their  temporal  wants,  such  as  they  wen, 
and  to  transmit  their  scanty  alms  (diaooaia) 
derived  chiefly  from  the  sale  of  the  rush  nafii 
which  they  wove  (Cass.  Inet,  v.  26,  40;  CUL 
iii.  1 ;  X.  2 ;  xrui.  5 ;  xxi.  9).  In  the  Thebaid  a 
hermit  named  Joannes  prttided  over  a  largv 
number  of  hermits  (Sox.  H.  E.  vL  28,  29).  One 
of  the  first  **  Lauras,"  or  irregular  dnsten  of 
hermits  dwelling  dose  together,  was  at  Phani 
near  the  Dead  Sea  in  the  4th  century ;  another 
was  founded  near  Jerusalem  in  the  next  etsoKm^ 
by  Sabas  a  hermit  from  Cappadoda,  under  tk« 
patronage  of  Euthymius. 

The  early  ecclesiastical  histories  teem  with  the 
almost  suicidal  austerities  of  the  more  celebrateil 
hermits.  Not  content  with  imposing  on  tkna- 
selves  the  burden  hard  to  be  borne  of  a  lifeloi^ 
loneliness— for  even  withont  any  tow  of  con* 
tinuanoe  it  was  very  rarely  that  a  hermit  re- 
turned to  the  companionship  of  his  fellows — s»i 
of  a  silence  not  to  be  broken  even  by  prayer, 
they  vied  with  one  another  in  devising  self- 
tortures;  wandering  about,  almost  naked,  like 
wild  beasts;  barely  supporting  life  by  a  little 
bread  and  water,  or  a  few  herbs ;  only  allowiof 
their  macerated  frames  three  or  four  hours  sleep 
in  the  twenty-four,  and  those  on  the  bare  rock 
or  in  some  narrow  cell  where  it  was  impost^ 
to  straighten  the  limbs ;  counting  cleanliness  a 
luxury  and  a  sin;  maiming  themselves,  some- 
times with  their  own  hands,  to  escape  bd^ 
made  bishops  by  force ;  and  shunning  a  momeat's 
intercourse  even  with  those  naturally  dearesi 
(Cass.  Inst.  v.  26,  40;  CM.  ii.  6,  17;  Socr. 
H.  E.  iv.  23 ;  Soz.  H.  E.  vL  29,  34 ;  c£  Roswerd 
Vitae  Pair.  pass.).  It  was  only  in  the  dediiK<>f 
this  enthusiasm  that  hermits  b^an  to  take  sp 
their  abode  near  cities.  The  "  father  of  hermito  * 
used  to  compare  a  hermit  near  a  town  to  a  fiih 
out  of  water  (Soz.  H.  E,  i.  13). 

Usually  the  hermit's  abode  was  in  a  cave,  & 
in  a  small  hut  which  his  own  hands  had  rndel; 
put  together  (Evagr.  H.E.  i.  21);  but  some, 
like  the  "  possessed  with  evil  spirits  "  in  Gsdan 
mentioned  in  the  New  Testament,  had  tbcir 
dwellings  in  tombs  (Theodoret.  Philoth.  c  13); 
hence  they  were  called  ftefiopirid,  and  the  keeper 
or  superintendent  of  these  tombs  the  ^/AOfM^rfAo^ 
(Altes.  Ascetic,  i.  7).  Others  roved  about  inces- 
santly, to  avoid  the  visits  of  the  curious,  like  the 
**  gyrovagi  "  in  having  no  fixed  abode,  but  ualike 
them  in  keeping  always  alone  (Sulp.  Sev.  IKtL 
de  Mon.  i.  9),  and  in  feeding  only  on  the  wiM 
herbs  which  they  gathered  [see  Bosci].  Others, 
the  ''Stylitae,"  aspiring  to  yet  more  utter  isola- 


*  HosptnUnns  wrongly  qpeaks  of  tlie  j<i  mftjfftir  i  m  i 
eleeled  (Ae  Orig.  Monaek.). 


HERMITS 

ticm,  plauted  themselves  on  the  summit  of  solitary 
eolnmns.  Of  these  the  most  famons  were  the 
Simeon,  who  in  Syria  during  the  5th  centary  is 
•aid  to  have  lired  forty-one  years  on  a  tali  pillar 
the  top  of  which  was  barely  three  feet  in 
diameter  (Evagr.  KE,  i.  13;  ii.  9;  Theodoret, 
PMhth,  c  26) ;  his  namesake  who  followed  his 
example  in  the  6th  centary  (Eragr.  M,E,  yi. 
22) ;  and  a  Daniel,  who  chose  for  the  scene  of  his 
austerities  a  less  dreary  neighbourhood,  a  suburb 
of  Constantinople  (Theodor.  Lect.  If.  E.  i.  32). 
Other  "stylitae"  are  mentioned  by  Joannes 
Moschus  {Prat  cc.  27,  28,  57,  129).  This  pecu- 
liar  form  of  eremitism  was  yery  unusual  in 
Europe.  A  monk  near  Treves  in  the  6th  century 
tried  the  experiment  on  the  top  of  a  column 
rising  from  the  summit  of  a  clilT;  but  by  order 
of  the  bishop  soon  relinquished  the  attempt  on 
account  of  the  rigour  of  the  climate  (Greg.  Turon. 
Hist,  viii.  16). 

The  reverence  with  which  hermits  were 
popularly  regarded  led  to  their  aid  being  fre- 
quently invoked  when  controversies  were  raging. 
Thus  in  the  close  of  the  4th  century  Antony,  who 
18  also  said  to  have  more  than  once  broken  the 
spell  of  his  seclusion  in  order  to  go  and  plead  the 
cause  of  some  poor  client  at  Alexandria  (Soz. 
H.  E,  i.  13),  being  appealed  to  in  the  Arian  con- 
flict not  oi^y  addressed  a  letter  to  the  emperor, 
but  made  a  visit  in  person  to  Alexandria  on 
behalf  of  Athanasins  (Soz.  ff.E,  ii.  31 ;  Hieron. 
JEp,  33,  ad  Castruc,),  The  hermit  Aphraates 
boldly  confronted  the  emperor  Valens,  as  did 
Daniel,  the  later  of  the  two  pillar-hermits  of 
that  name,  the  emperor  Basiliscus  (Theodoret, 
ff.E,  iv.  23 ;  Theod.  Lect.  CoUectan.  i.  32,  33). 
The  great  Theodosius  consulted  the  hermit 
Joannes  (Soz.  Ji.E.  vii.  22).  The  hermits 
near  Antioch  interceded  with  good  effect  when 
the  magistrates  of  that  city  were  about  to 
execute  the  cruel  orders  of  the  exasperated 
emperor  (Chrys.  HomU.  ad  Ant.  xvii.).  But 
not  rarely  the  unreasoning  zeal  of  the  her- 
mits provoked  great  tumults ;  and  sometimes  in 
a  misguided  impulse  of  indiscriminating  pity  they 
endeavoured  by  force  to  liberate  criminals  con- 
demned by  the  law.  Nor  were  their  sympathies 
always  on  the  side  of  the  orthodox.  When 
Theophilns  of  Alexandria  denounced  the  error  of 
the  Antbropomorphitae,  almost  all  the  Saitic 
monks  w^re  fiercely  incensed  against  him  as  an 
atheist  <*  in  their  simplicity  **  as  Cassian  adds, 
(Cass.  a>//.  X.  2> 

On  the  comparative  excellency  of  the  eremitic 
or  of  the  coenobitic  life  there  has  been  much  dif- 
ference of  opinion  among  writers  who  extol 
asceticism ;  the  same  writer  inclining  now  to  the 
solitary  life,  and  now  to  the  life  in  a  community, 
as  he  views  the  question  from  one  side  or 
another.  Sozomen  calls  the  eremitic  life  the 
•*  yeak  of  philosophy  "  {H.  E.  vi.  3 1 ).  Chrysostom 
and  Basil  speak  to  the  same  effect  (Chrys.  Ep.  1 ; 
Has.  Ep.  ad  Chilcn.).  But  Basil  in  the  rule  for 
monks  ascribed  to  him  commends  the  coenobitic 
life,  as  more  truly  unselfish,  more  rich  in  oppor- 
tunities both  for  helping  and  for  being  helped 
(^Beg,  c.  7) ;  and  so  speaks  his  friend,  Gregory  of 
K&zianza  {Orat.  21).  Jerome,  with  all  his  love 
•f  austerity,  cautions  his  friend  and  pupil  against 
Uie  dangers  of  solitude  {Ep.  4,  ad  Susttc.). 
Augustine  praises  hermits ;  and  yet  allows  that 
have  a  more  unquestionable  title  to 


HERMITS 


771 


veneration  (De  Mor.  EocL  o.  31).  Cassian  often 
speaks  of  hermits  as  having  climbed  to  the  summit 
of  excellence  (e.g.  Inst.  v.  86 ;  Coll.  xviii.  4) ; 
at  other  times  he  deprecates  the  solitary  life  as 
not  good  for  all,  and  as  beyond  the  reach  of 
many  ;  and  he  relates  how  a  devout  monk  gave 
up  the  attempt  in  despair,  and  returned  to  his 
brother  monks  {Coll.  xix.  2,  3 ;  xxiv.  8). 

It  was  from  the  first  very  earnestly  enjoined 
by  the  leaders  of  asceticism,  that  none  should 
venture  on  so  great  an  enterprise  as  the  solitary 
life,  without  undergoing  probation  as  a  coenobite 
(Hieron.  Ep.  4  ad  £tut. ;  Cass.  Inst.  v.  4.  86  ; 
ColL  xviii.  4;  Joan.  Clim.  Scala,  iv.  27).  Bene- 
dict compares  the  hermit  to  a  champion  ad- 
vancing in  front  of  the  army  for  single  combat 
with  the  foe,  and  therefore  insists  on  his  proving 
himself  and  his  armour  beforehand  {Beg.  c.  1). 
Councils  repeatedly  enforce  this  probationary  dis- 
cipline {Cone,  Venet.  a.d.  465,  c  7  ;  Cbnc.  Tolet. 
iv.  A.D.  633,  c.  63;  vii.  ▲.D.  646,  c.  5;  Cone. 
TntU.  A.D.  692,  oc.  41, 42).  The  permission  of  the 
abbat  was  required  (Snip.  Sev.  bial.  i.  5),  some- 
times, also,  the  consent  of  the  brethren  (Martene, 
Comm.  in  Reg.  Ben.  c.  1)  and,  sometimes  of  the 
bishop  {Cone.  Franoof.  A.D.  794,  c.  12).  The 
length  of  this  period  of  probation  varied  (Mart.o.s. 
cf.  Isid.  De  Div.  Off.  ii.  15).  Even  those  who 
most  admired  the  hermit-life  fenced  it  round 
with  prohibitions  as  a  risk  not  lightly  to  be 
encountered. 

The  civil  authorities  were  naturally  jealous  of 
this  subtraction  of  so  many  citizens  from  the 
duties  of  public  life.  Theodosius  ordered  all 
those  who  evaded  their  public  responsibilities  on 
pretence  of  asceticism  to  be  deprived  of  their 
civil  rights  unless  they  returned  to  claim'  them 
{Cod.  Theodos.  xii. ;  Tit.  1 ;  Lex  63) ;  and  it 
was  forbidden  for  slaves  to  be  admitted  into  a 
monastery  without  their  masters'  leave  {Cone. 
Chak.  A.D.  451,  Act  xv.  c.  4).  In  Western 
Europe  Charles  the  Great  decreed  that  all  her- 
mits infesting  towns  and  cities  for  alms  should 
either  return  to  their  hermitages  or  be  shut  up  in 
monasteries.  By  the  law  of  the  Eastern  church 
a  bishop  who  became  a  hermit  was  ipto  facto 
deprived  of  his  office. 

It  was  not  unusual,  particularly  in  the 
monasteries  of  Provence  and  Languedoc,  for  one 
of  the  brethren  most  advanced  in  asceticism  to 
be  immured  in  a  separate  cell,  sometimes  under- 
ground, always  within  the  precincts,  as  an  inter- 
cessor for  the  monastery  (Menard,  Observ.  Crit, 
in  Bened.  Anian.  Cod.  Begvl.  ii.).  After  a  solemn 
religious  ceremony  the  devotee,  thus  buried 
alive  bv  his  own  consent,  was  left,  with  no  other 
apparel  than  what  he  was  wearing,  to  end  his 
days  alone.  The  doorwav  was  walled  up,  or  the 
door  nailed  to  and  sealed  with  the  bishop's  ring, 
whose  consent,  as  well  as  that  of  the  abbat  and 
chapter,  was  requisite.  Only  a  little  aperture 
was  left,  not  such  as  to  allow  the  inmate  to  see 
or  be  seen,  for  letting  down  provisions  to  him 
(Menard,  it.  s.).  These  "  inclusi "  are  not  to  be 
confounded  with  the  aged  or  sickly  monks, 
allowed  separate  cells  because  of  their  infirmities 
(Cass.  Tnst.  ii.  12;  Cone.  Agath.  c  38).  TSee 
HE8YOHA8TAE.]  The  rule  "for  solitaries  of 
Grimlaicus,  probably  a  monk  in  or  near  Metz 
about  the  end  of  the  9th  century,  seems  in- 
tended not  for  a  separate  order,  but  for  these 
'*  inclusi "  generally  (Bened.  Anian.  ii.  s.).      it 

3  D  9 


772 


HERM0GENE8 


HIEMANTES 


If  a  characteristic  differeoce  between  Asiatic 
and  European  asceticism,  that  the  eremites,  or 
desert  monks  of  tiie  east  find  their  western 
counterpart  in  solitaries  within  the  precincts  of 
the  community. 

As  might  be  expected  for  obvious  reasons  there 
have  been  few  female  hermits.  Gregory  of 
Tours  mentions  a  nun  of  the  convent  of  Ste. 
Croix,  Poitiers,  who  retired  to  a  hermitage  by 
permission  of  the  abbess  Radegunda  (^Hist,  vi. 
29).  Usually  these  female  solitaries  had  their 
cells  in  close  contiguity  to  the  wall  of  a  church 
or  of  a  monastery  (Martene,  «.  «.). 

[See  further  Rosweydii  Vitae  Patrum^  Ant- 
rerpiae,  1 628 ;  Hospinianus  Be  Monachis,  Tigur. 
1609 ;  Middendorpii  Ot-iginum  Anachoretarum 
Sytva,  Col.  Agripp.  1615 ;  Anton.  Dadin.  Alte- 
serrae  Aaceticon,  Far,  1674 ;  Bingham's  Origmes 
Ecclesiasticae  (BIc.  rii.)  Lond.  1840.  See  also 
Asceticism  in  this  Dictionary,  Antony  (St.)  &c 
in  the  Dictionary  orChristian  Biography.] 

[I.  G.  S.] 

HEBMOGENES.    (1)  [Peteb  (6).] 
(9)  [Galata.] 

(8)  [EvoDius  (1)0 
(4)  [EvoDUS.] 

(5)  [EUORAPHUS.] 

(6)  [DoNATCS  (10).]  [W.  F.  G.] 

HERMOGRATES.    [Hebmolacs.] 

HEBMOLAUS,  presbyter  of  Nicomedia, 
Upofidprvst  A.D.  304 ;  commemorated  with  the 
brothers  Hernempus  and  Hermogrates,  July  27 
{Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuai*di);  and  July 
26  {Cal,  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HERMYLUS,  martyr  with  Sti-atonicus ; 
(t315  A.D.)  commemorated  Jan.  13  {CaL  By^ 
xant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

HERNEMPUS.    [Hermolaus.] 

HERODION.    [Hermes  (3).] 

HERON,  or  HEBOS.  (1)  Bishop  of  An- 
tioch,  successor  to  Ignatius :  ^  Natalis,'*  Oct.  17 
(^Mari.  Adonis,  Usatirdi). 

(9)  [DioflooRua  (3).] 
(8)  [Heraclides.] 

HERTFORD.  COUNCIL  OF  {Herutfordiae 
concilium).  Held  at  Hertford  a.d.  673,  Sept.  24; 
all  the  bishops  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  then 
living,  except  Wini,  the  simoniacal  bishop  of 
Jx)ndon,  being  present  in  person  or  by  deputy 
(Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils  and  Documents^  iii. 
121,  note).  Archbishop  Theodore,  who  had 
summoned  them,  recited  ten  canons  from  a  book, 
in  all  probability  the  collection  of  Dionysius 
Exiguus  from  their  being  all  found  there,  to 
which  all  subscribed  (/&. ;  comp.  Mansi  xi.  127). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

HEBUDPORDENSE  CONCILIUM. 

■[Hertford,  Council  of.] 

HESYCHASTAE  ^Htrvxaffrar),  Etymo- 
ogically  a  term  equivalent  to  "  quietists.'*  It 
wa.s  applied  to  those  members  of  a  monastery 
who  were  allowed  to  have  separate  cells  within 
the  precincts  that  their  meditations  might  be  un- 
interrupted. (Bing.  Orig.  Kccles.  VII.  ii.  14; 
Menard  on  Bened.  Anian.  Conco-d,  Begul.  c.  29 ; 
if.  Justinian  Novell.   5,   33.)     Riddle,  however, 


{Chr,  Antiq,  Vn.  Tii.),  takes  it  as  a  desigBataoi  sf 
monks  bound  to  silence;  and  Suicer  (7%a. 
Eccles.)  as  meaning  anchorites,  although  tltt 
passage  which  he  quotes  from  Balsamon  (au 
Cone,  Nic,  II.  A.D.  787)  distinguishes  Hesy. 
chasteria  from  "  monasteria "  and  the  cells  d 
"  anachoretae."  In  the  14th  century  it  wa* 
applied  to  the  mystics  of  Mount  Athoe  (Henog 
Real'Encyklop.  s.  t.^  [L  G.  S,] 

HESYCHIUS,  ESICHIUS  or  ESICIDSu 

(1)  Bishop  and  confessor  at  Circesinm  (smc.  L); 
commemorated  with  Euphrasius,  ladalecios,  Se- 
cundusj  Tesiphon,  and  Torquatua,  May  15  (Jfot 
Bom,  Vet,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(S)  Martyr  at  Mesia ;  commemorated  June  15 
(Mart,  Bom,  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HETAERTAE  (fratp/m)  were  origindlT 
political  clubs;  but  the  word  came  to  signi^ 
any  association  of  men  for  objects  not  reoognixtd 
by  the  law.  Thus  Trajan  (Plinii  EpisL  x.  34 
[al.  43])  was  unwilling  to  sanction  a  oompssf 
(collegium)  of  firemen  at  Nicomedia,  because  be 
had  found  that  in  that  district  such  oompiaies 
were  liable  to  degenerate  into  hetaeriae ;  and  ii 
was  as  hetaeriae  that  the  assemblies  of  iht 
Christians  became  objects  of  suspicion  to  the 
state  (lb.  X.  96  [al.  97],  §  7),  and  so  persecatd 
(Augusti,  Handtnicfi,  i.  40).  [C] 

HETERODOXY.    [Heresy.] 

HEXAPSALMUS  {iii^aKfiosy,  By  tiiii 
name  are  denoted  six  unvarying  Psalms,  whic^ 
are  said  daily  in  the  Greek  office  of  lauds  (ri 
tpBpoy),  They  are  Pss.  iii.,  xxxvii.  (xxxviiiX 
Ixii.  (]*»"•)»  Ixxxvii.  (Ixxxviii.),  cii.  (ciii.),  cxlii. 
(cxliii.)  They  occur  near  the  begiiming  of  tin 
office;  and  are  introduced  by  the  clause  '^Glar 
to  God  in  the  Highest,  and  on  earth  peae^ 
good  will  among  men,*'  and  by  the  verse  "  Th«a 
shalt  open  my  lips,  O  Lord,  and  my  mouth  ^lali 
show  thy  praise.  After  the  first  three  Psalass 
are  said  the  priest  comes  out  from  the  bema,  s&l 
while  the  last  three  are  being  said,  recites  tbt 
twelve  morning  prayers  (riis  ivBit^s  €vx^) 
secretly  before  the  icon  of  our  Lord.  They  sre 
concluded  with  three  AUelvias;  and  three 
Beverences.  [H.  J.  E.] 

HEZEEIAH,  the  king  of  Judah ;  corameao- 
rated  Nahasse  4= July  28  {Col,  Etkiop.\ 

Cw.  F.  a] 

HIBERNICA  CONCILIA.  [Ireuuwi, 
Councils  of.] 

HIEMANTES.      The     word     x«.«uiCcHbi 

means  primarily  "  to  be  stonn-to6sed "  (Acb 
xxvii.  18).  Thence,  by  a  natural  metaph<»',  it 
passed  on  to  the  tempest  of  the  soul,  lias 
Chrysostom  (Horn.  liii.  in  Matt^  says  that  the 
mind  of  a  man  who  has  many  artificial  vasts  it 
storm-tossed  (xetM^C^^'^cu).  Compare  Jame 
i.  6. 

The  seventeenth  canon  of  the  cciJicil  of  Aa- 
cyra  (a.d.  314)  orders  those  who  have  committed 
unnatural  crimes,  or  who  are  or  have  bees 
lepers,  to  be  placed  at  public  pnyer  among  the 
storm-tossed  or  storm-beaten  (cis  rohs  x^*f^^ 
fiivovs  e^xecr^cu).  This  is  rendered  in  iM 
**  Versio  Prisca,"  **  cum  eis  qui  tempestateic 
patiuntur  orare  ;*'  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  **  inter 
eos  orare  qui  spiritu  pcriclitantur  immaado^ 


flIEBAPOLIS,  COUNCILS  OF 

by  Isidorus  Mercator,  "  qai  tempestate  jactantnr, 
qui  a  nobis  energameni  appellaator  [<(/.  furiosi 
sive  energameni  intelliguntur]."  To  the  same 
effect  Martin  of  Braga  {Collect,  Can,,  c  Bl\ 
**  inter  daemonioeos  orare.*'  The  ase  of  the  word 
in  the  Clementine  liturgy  {Cotutt,  Apost.  viii.  12, 

^h  rov  kKKoTptov — ^makes  it  almost  certain  that 
the  x'(M>C^Mc>^f  or  Uiemantes  are  identical  with 
the  Energnmeni  or  DEMONIACS,  who  had  a  sj^ecial 
place  assigned  them  outside  the  charch  proper, 
whether  in  the  porch  or  in  the  open  air. 
(Suicer's  ThesoMruSj  s.  r.  Xci/lmCCo/mi  ;  Van 
Kspen,  JMfi  Ecd.  iU.  132 ;  ed.  Colon.  1777).  [C] 

HIERAPOLIS,  COUNCILS  OF.  (1)  a.d. 
173,  of  twenty-six  bishops,  under  its  bishop,  Apol- 
linaritts,  against  the  errors  of  Mon tanas,  which 
gave  rise  to  a  sect  called  from  the  province  in 
which  it  originated,  and  in  which  Hierapolis  was 
situated,  "Cataphryges'*  (Mansi,  i.  691-4).  Euse- 
bios  has  preserved  extracts  from  a  work  written 
by  Apollinarius  himself  against  them  (v.  16). 

(2)  A.D.  44d,  under  Stephen,  its  metropolitan, 
when  Sabinianus  was  ordained  Bishop  of  Perrhe 
instead  of  Athanasias,  deposed  at  Antioch  under 
Domnus  the  year  before.  Later,  Athanasias  was 
restored  by  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria.  But  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  Oct.  31,  A.D.  451,  deciding 
for  the  moment  in  favour  of  Sabinianus,  referred 
the  final  adjudication  of  the  question  to  Maximus, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  and  a  synod  to  be  held  by  him 
within  eight  months  to  enquire  into  the  charges 
brough  t  against  Athanasius.  Should  they  not  have 
been  made  good  by  then,  he  was  to  regain  his  see, 
and  Sabinianus  to  be  allowed  a  pension.  (Mansi, 
vi.  465-6 ;  and  then  vii.  313-58.)      [E.  S.  Ff.] 

HIERARCHY.  1.  The  word  Updpxns  de- 
notes properly  a  stewainl  or  president  of  sacred 
ri^es  (Bockh,  Inscrip.  i.  749).  By  Christian 
writers  it  is  occasionally  used  to  designate  a 
BISHOP  (p.  210).  Thus  Maximus,  commenting 
on  the  jEcdesiastical  Hierarchy  of  the  Pseudo- 
Dionysius,  says,  '^fcoAciv  cTw0cy  Updpx«is  'robs 
ivtirKi^ovs^  he  commonly  calls  the  bishops 
hierarchy  (Suicer's  Thesaurus^  s.  v.).  Hence  the 
word  Upapx^ci  came  to  designate  the  order  of 
bishops.  Bingham,  however  {Ant.  III.  i.  6), 
considers  the  hierarchy  of  Pscudo-Dionysius  to 
include  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  quoting 
Hallier's  Defensh  Hierarch,  Ecd,  (lib.  L  c  3; 
lib.  iii.  sec.  ii.  cc  1  and  2). 

2.  In  a  wider  sense,  the  word  Hierarchy  is 
taken  to  include  the  whole  series  of  the  orders 
o£  ministry  in  the  Christian  church.  See 
Bishop,  Oodebs.  [C] 

HIERATEION.    [Bema.] 
HIEREMIAS.    (1)  [Jebemiah.] 
(2)  [Peter  (9).] 
(8)  [Emiuanus  (4).] 

HIERIUS,  presbyter  at  Alexandria  in  the 
time  of  the  emperor  Philip ;  commemorated  Nov. 
4  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi).   [W.  F.  G.] 

HIERON YMUS.  (1)  Presbyter  (t420  a.d.)  ; 
deposition  at  Bethlehem  Judah,  Sept.  30  {Mart, 
Mom.  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(2)  With  Antuemius,  commemorated  Sept.  26 
{Gal.  Armen.).  fW.  F.  G.] 

HIEROSOLYMITANA        CONCILIA. 

[JjEBBUSALEM,  COUNOILS  OF.] 


HIRMOS 


773 


HIEROTHETJS,  bishop  of  Athens;  comme- 
morated Oct.  4  {Col,  Byzant.y,  [W.  F.  G.] 

HIERURGIA.    [LiTUBOY.] 

HILARIA.    (1)  [EuMENiA.! 

(S)  Wife  of  Claudius,  the  tribune;  martyr 
with  Claudius  and  their  two  sons,  Jason  and 
Maurus,  and  seventy  soldien,  under  Numerian ; 
commemorated  Dec  3  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HILARIKUS,  monk  at  Ostia,  martyr  under 
Julian:  *'Pa8sio,**  July  16  {Mart,  Rom.  Vet., 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usmii-di).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HILARION.  (1)  The  younger  {6  pt6t%  a.d. 
845 ;  commemorated  March  28  and  June  6  {Col, 
Byzant.). 

(S)  The  Great  {6  fi4yas),  Holy  Father,  A.D. 
333 ;  commemorated  Oct.  21  {Mart.  Rom.  Vet., 
Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  CaL  Byxant,). 

(8)  Commemorated  Nov.  19  (Co/.  Georg.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HILARIUS,  or  HILARY.  (1)  Bishop  of 
Poitiers  and  confessor  (t369  A.D.);  commemo- 
rated Jan.  13  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi) ; 
deposition  Jan.  13  {Mart,  Bedae,  Hieron.). 

(2)  Bishop  of  Aquileia  (t285  A.D.);  martyr 
with  Tatian  the  deacon,  Felix,  Largus,  and  Diony- 
sius;  commemorated  March  16  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(8)  Bishop  of  Aries  and  confessor  (t449  a.d.)  - 
commemorated  May  5  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  with  Proclus,  a.d.  106;  comme- 
morated July  12  {CcU.  Byzant.). 

(5)  The  pope  (t467  A.D.);  commemorated 
Sept.  10  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Florentinus  at  Semur ;  com- 
memorated Sept.  27  {Mart.  Usuardi). 

(7)  Bishop  and  confessor  in  Gavalis  [Gevaudan 
in  Languedoc] ;  commemorated  Oct.  25  {Mart. 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HIPPO,  COUNCIL  OP.  [African 
Councils.] 

HIPPOLYTUS,  Romanus,  martyr  at  An- 
tioch, UoofidpTvs,  A.D.  269 :  <'  Passio,"  Jan.  30 
{Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal.  By- 
zant.);  Revelatio  corporis,  Jakabit  6  =  Jan.  31 
{Cal.  Ethiop.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HIRELING.  The  flight  of  the  hii-eling  from 
the  wolf,  as  contrasted  with  the  form  of  our 
Lord  standing  in  the  door  of  the  sheepfold  pre- 
pared to  defend  His  iiock,  is  beautifully  carved 
on  the  Brescian  casket,  5th  or  6th  century. 
(Westwood,  Fktile  Ivory  Casts,  p.  36,  no.  93. ) 

[R.  St,  J.  T.] 

HIRMOLOGION.  An  office  book  ki  the 
Greek  church  consisting  mainly  of  a  collection  of 
the  Hirmoi;  but  containing  also  a  few  othei 
forms.  [H.  J.  H.] 

HIRMOS  {•ipiUt).  The  Canons,  which  form 
so  important  a  part  of  the  Greek  offices,  are 
divided  into  nine  odes,  or  practically  into  eight, 
as  the  second  is  always  omitted.  Each  ode  con* 
sists  of  a  varying  number  (three,  four  or  6ve  are 
the  numbers  most  frequently  found)  of  tropnria, 
or  short  rhythmical  strophes,  each  formed  on  the 
model  of  one  which  precedes  the  ode  ;  and  whinh 
is  called  the  Hirmos,  The  IBrmos  is  usually 
independent  of  the  ode,  though  containing  a  refer- 


774       HISPALENSIA  CONCILIA 

cnce  to  the  subject  matter  of  it;  sometimee 
however  the  first  tropanon  of  an  Ode  is  called  the 
IRrmos,  It  is  distinguished  by  inverted  commas 
(*'  ")  in  the  office  books.  Sometimes  the  first 
words  alone  of  a  Btrmos  are  given,  and  it  is  not 
nnfreqnently  placed  at  the  end  of  the  ode  to 
which  it  belongs.  The  name  is  considered  to  be 
derived  from  the  Hirmos  drawing  the  Troparia 
after  its  model ;  ix,  into  the  same  rhythmical 
aiTangement.  [H.  J.  H.] 

fflSPALENSIA  CONCILIA.  [Seville, 
Councils  op.] 

HISPANUM  CONCILIUM.  Held,  a.d. 
793,  at  some  place  in  Spain,  nnder  Elipand,  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo ;  from  whom  the  document 
criticised  in  the  letters  despatched  to  Spain  from 
Frankfort  emanated  (Mansi,  xiii.  857;  comp. 
865  and  sqq.).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

HOLIDAYS-    [Festivaia] 

HOLY  I  HOLY  I  HOLY  I    [Sanctus.] 

HOLY  OF  HOLIEa  In  instituting  a 
parallel  between  the  arrangements  of  the  Jewish 
Temple  and  that  of  a  Christian  church,  the 
Bema  or  sanctuary  of  the  church,  containing 
the  altar,  was  naturally  held  to  correspond  with 
the  Holy  of  Holies  of  the  Temple  (r^  A710V  rvv 
aylwv),  and  was  frequently  called  by  that  name. 
But  with  the  Kestorians  the  *'Holy  of  Holies" 
IS  not  the  sanctuary,  but  a  small  recess  at  the 
east  end,  into  which  not  even  the  priest  enters, 
containing  nothing  but  a  cross  (Neale,  Eastern 
Church,  pp.  177,  189,  quoting  Etherege,  Syrian 
Churches,  p.  109).  [C] 

HOLY  BBEAD.    [iLULoaiAE.] 

HOLY  OIL.    [OiL»  Holt.] 

HOLY  PLACES.  I.  By  this  phrase  were 
understood,  in  the  first  three  or  four  centuries 
after  Christ,  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  the 
scenes  of.our  Lord's  nativity,  death,  resurrection, 
and  ascension.  Of  these,  therefore,  we  will 
speak  first.  In  212,  Alexander,  the  friend  of 
Oi'igen,  **  made  a  journey  to  Jerusalem,  for  the 
sake  of  prayer  and  investigation  of  the  places  " 
(rwy  r6icwy  IffropUts,  Euseb.  Mi^.  Eocles,  1.  vL 
c.  11).  St.  Jerome  (De  Vir,  Jllwtr,  cap.  Ixii.) 
says  that  he  was  drawn  thither  **  desiderio  sancto- 
rum locorum."  If  this  was  the  motive,  and  there 
is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  it,  Alexander  is  the 
first  on  record  whom  religious  feeling  drew  to 
those  hallowed  spots.  Oi*igen  himself  seems  to 
have  carried  with  him  to  the  Holy  Land  more 
of  the  spirit  of  a  learned  and  devout  traveller  of 
our  own  day.  He  was  in  Palestine  in  216  on  a 
rather  short  visit.  In  231,  he  began  a  residence 
of  some  duration  at  Caesarea,  in  that  country, 
and,  after  an  absence  of  uncertain  length,  in  238 
he  opened  a  catechetical  school  tlfere.  He  must, 
therefore,  have  known  the  Holy  Land  well,  and 
his  writings  show  it;  but  it  is  instructive  to 
observe  how  he  uses  his  knowledge.  In  one 
passage,  as  a  critic,  he  expresses  his  conviction 
that  "  Bethabara,"  not  '<  Bethany,"  onght  to  be 
the  reading  in  St.  John  i.  28,  **  as  he  had  been 
in  the  places,  on  a  search  after  the  footsteps  of 
Jesus  and  his  disciples,  and  the  prophets  **  {Com- 
ment, in  Ev,  Joann.  tom.  vi.  §  24).  In  another 
work,  writing  against  an  unbeliever,  about  247, 


HOLY  PLACES 

he  alleges  the  cave  of  Bethlehem  as  a  piece  «f 
evidence.  If  any  one  desire  farther  pruof  thag 
Scripture  affoi-ds  of  our  Lord's  birth  in  that 
place,  **  the  cave  is  shown  where  He  waa  bora, 
and  the  manger  in  which  He  was  swaddled ;  aad 
that  which  is  shown  is  widely  spoken  of  in  thow 
places,  even  among  aliens  from  the  faitii,  viz., 
that  Jesus,  who  is  worshipped  and  reverenced  by 
the  Christians,  was  born  in  that  cave "  (Cbnfrw 
Celeum,  L  L  §51).  From  the  writings  of  Oiigo, 
we  should  not  infer  that  either  he  himself  had 
visited,  or  that  it  was  the  custom  of  his  day  to 
visit,  the  holy  places  for  the  express  purpose  of 
stimulating  devotion,  or  under  the  notion  that 
prayer  in  them  was  more  acceptable  to  God 
than  when  made  elsewhere.  The  spirit  whidi 
animated  the  pilgrims  of  a  later  age,  had  not  yet 
been  awakened.  Its  awakening  was  probably 
much  delayed  by  the  attempts  of  the  heathen  to 
obscure  the  locality  of  events  sacred  to  the 
Christian.  Thus,  in  the  time  of  Hadrian,  a  vast 
mound  of  earth  was  raised  over  the  spot  where 
our  Lord  was  bun'ed  and  rose  again,  and  a 
temple  dedicated  to  Venus  was  built  on  it 
(Euseb.  Vita  Constantini,  L  iiL  c  26;  Hierea. 
£p.  xlix.  ad  Pauim,), 

The  first  great  impulse  given  to  the  reneratJea 
of  the  holy  places,  came  from  Helena,  the  mother 
of  Constantine,   who,   in   the  year   326,  whea 
nearly  80  years  of  age,  travelled  to  Jerusalem, 
that  she  might  so  **  pay  the  debt  of  pious  feeliag 
to  God  the  king  of  all,"  for  the  elevation  of  her 
sou,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  her  family. 
After  due  reverence  done  to  the  footsteps  of  the 
Saviour,  she  "  left  a  fruit  of  her  piety  to  pos- 
terity "  in  two  churches  which  she  built,  <'  cos 
at  the  cave  of  the  nativity,  the  other  on  the 
mount  of  the  ascension"  (Euseb.  a.  a.  cc  43, 
43).    On  the  site  of  the  burial,  Constantine, 
after  his  mother's  visit,  first  caused  an  oratory 
to  be  built,  and  later  sent  directions  to  Macarios, 
the  bishop,  for  the  erection  of  a  magnificent 
church  {Ibid,  oc.  25-40>     To  this  period,  ami 
perhaps  to  Constantine  and  Helena,  we  may  pro- 
bably refer   two  "very  small  oratories,'*  odc 
built  on  Mount  Calvary,  the  site  of  the  pssnoa, 
the  other  on  the  spot  where  our  Lord's  body 
was  said  to  have  been  embalmed  and  the  cna 
found,  which  the  Latins,  when  they  took  Jeru- 
salem, inclosed  within  the  same  wall  with  the 
Holy   Sepulchre   (Gulielmi   Tvrii,  ffisL  Servm 
Transmar,  lib,  viii  c  3).    They  were  only  a 
stone's  throw  from  each  other  (Ttllemont,  note 
iv.  8ur  Ste.  M^Une);  and  hence  the  church  of 
the  Resurrection,  or  Holy  Sepulchre,  was  often 
spoken  of  as  on  Golgotha  (Op-rilL  Bieroa,  Cat.  L 
§  1 ;  xui.  §12;  xvi.  §  2).    Very  soon  after  the 
recovery  of  these  important  sites  we  find  them 
noticed  in  the  Hinerarivm  of  a  Christian  tra- 
veller from  Bordeaux,  who  visited  Jerusalem  in 
333.    He  saw  the  "  crypt  where  His  body  was 
placed  and  rose  again  on  the  third  day "'( F<1 
Bom,  TtineraHOj  p.  594,  AmsteL  1735),  and  "the 
little  hill  Golgotha  where  the  Lord  was  cmci' 
fied  "  (p.  593).     He  also  went  to  **  Bethlehem, 
wher%the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  bom.     There," 
he  adds,  "  a  basilica  was  built  by  the  command 
of  Constantine"  (p.  598). 

II.  From  this  time,  the  holy  places  were 
visited  by  believers  of  every  rank  and  almost 
every  age.  Some  of  the  more  wealthy  settled 
at  Jerusalem,  and  by  their  aims  assisted,  and 


HOLY  PLACES 

perhAjM  aitractedf  many  of  the  poorer.    The 
dtr  grew  rapidly  in  population  and  prosperity ; 
and  MOD,  as  an  almoet  neceaeary  consequence, 
became  as  notorious  for  crime  and  profligacy, 
AS  it  was  famous  for  its  religious  monuments. 
About  the  year  380,  Gregory  of  Nyssa  was  called 
thither  by  the  affairs  of  the  church,  and  i*eoeired 
impressions  which  it  will  be  well  to  put  before 
the  reader  in  his  own  words.     In  an  epistle, 
written  not  long  after,  he  tells  his  friend  that 
he  learned  there  what  it  was  to  keep  holy  day 
to  God,  **  both  in  beholding  the  earing  symbols 
of  God  the  girer  of  our  life,  and  in  meeting  with 
souls  in  which  like  signs  of  the  grace  of  God  are 
spiritually  contemplated;   so  that  he  belieyes 
Bethlehem,  Golgotha,  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and 
the  Resurrection  to  be  yerily  in  the  heart  of  him 
who  has  God  "  {Ep.  ad  JEustathiam,  &&,  p.  16, 
ed.  Casaub.).    The  latter  thought  m  this  sen- 
tence then  carries  him   away,  and  he  seems, 
probably  out  of  tenderness  to  the  devout  women 
to  whom  he  wrote,  to  avoid  further  reference  to 
the  holy  places.    Some  years  afterwards,  how- 
ever, he  wrote  a  tract,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to 
some  unknown  friend,  in  which  he  earnestly  dis- 
auaded  from    visiting  Jerusalem    on    religious 
grounds.    He  begins  by  denying  that  it  is  any 
pcu*t  of  a  Christian's  duty  ^  to  visit  the  places  in 
Jerusalem  in  which  the  symbols  of  our  Lord's 
sojourn  in  the  flesh  are  to  be  seen,"  and  then 
proceeds  as  follows :  '*  Why,  then,  is  there  such 
ceal   about  that  which  neither  malces  a  man 
blensed,  nor  fit  for  the  kingdom  ?    Let  the  man 
of  sense  consider.     If  it  were  a  profitable  thing 
to   be  done,   not  even  so  would  it  be  a  thing 
good  to  be  zealously  affected   by  the  perfect. 
But  since,  when  the  thing  is  thoroughly  looked 
into,  it  is  found  even  to  inflict  injury  on  the 
eonU  of  those  who  have  entered  on  a  strict 
course  of  life,  it  is  not  worthy  of  that  great  zeal, 
but  rather  to  be  greatly  shunned.''    He  next 
enlarges  on  the  danger  to  the  morals  and  repu- 
lAtion  of  all,  but  especially  women,  in  their 
travels   through   the  luxurious  and   profligate 
cities  of  the'  East;  and   then  proceeds  to  ask, 
''What  will  one  gain  by  being  in  those  places? 
— ^As  if  the  Lord  were  still  in  bodily  presence  in 
them,  but  departed  from  us,  or  as  if  the  Holy 
Ghost  were  overflowing  abundantly  at  Jerusalem, 
but  were  unable  to  come  over  to  us."    So  far 
from  this  being  the  case,  he  declares  that  city  to 
he   in   the  lowost  stage  of  moral  degradation. 
''There  is  no  species  of  impurity  that  is  not 
dared  therein.     Flagitious  actions  and  adulteries 
and  thefts,  idolatries  and  witchcrafts,  and  envy- 
ings   and  murders;   and   this  last  evil,  above 
others,  is  common  in  that  place,  so  that  nowhere 
else  is  there  such  a  readiness  to  commit  murder 
as  in  those  places "  (l>6  Euntibus  Hieroeolyma^ 
pp.    6-13,   ed.   Petr.   Molinaei).     Speaking   for 
himself,  he  adds,  ^  We  confessed  that  Christ  who 
appeared  (there)  is  true  God,  before  we  were  at 
the  place ;  nor  afterwards  was  our  faith  either 
lessened  or  increased.   And  we  knew  the  incarna- 
tion through  the  Virgin  before  we  went  to  Beth- 
lehem, and  believed  the  resurrection  from  the 
dead  before  we  saw  the  monument  of  it,  and 
acknowledged  the  ascension  into  heaven  to  be 
tme,  apart  from  our  seeing  the  mount  of  Olives. 
This  is  the  only  benefit  from  our  journey,  that 
ire   know,  by  comparison,  our  own  parts  to  be 
much  more  holy  than  foreign.    Wherefore,  ye  I 


HOLY  PLAGES 


775 


that  fear  the  Lord,  praise  Him  in  thoa)  plaoes  m 
which  ye  are "  (/6^.  p.  14).  St.  Jeiome,  who 
lived  at  Bethlehem,  sometimes  speaks  very  much 
in  the  same  strain.  At  other  times  he  en 
courages  and  praises  those  who  visited  the  holy 
places,  especially  if  their  intention  was  to  dwell 
in  retirement  near  them.  This  is  easily  under- 
stood. The  multitude  would  be  iniured  by  fami- 
liarity with  the  memorials  of  dhrist's  life  on 
earth ;  while  the  few  might  through  them  be 
brought  into  closer  spiritual  communion  with 
Him.  It  may  well  be  doubted,  too,  whether  he 
would  have  encouraged  any  one  to  stay  at  Jeru- 
salem, except  under  the  protection  of  the  mo- 
nastic life;  and  even  that  he  was  far  from 
thinking  altogether  safe  in  such  a  city.  Writing, 
in  393  or  thereabouts,  to  Paulinus,  afterwards 
bishop  of  Nola,  St.  Jerome  says, ''  Not  the  having 
been  at  Jerusalem,  but  having  lived  well  there 
is  to  be  praised  ....  The  court  of  heaven  is 
equally  open  from  Jerusalem  and  Britain.  The 
kingdom  of  God  is  within  yon.  Anthony,  and 
all  the  swarms  of  monks  of  Egypt  and  Mesopo- 
tamia, of  Pontus,  Cappadocia,  and  Armenia,  saw 
not  Jerusalem ;  and  the  gate  of  Paradise  is  open 
to  them  without  (a  knowledge  of)  this  city. 
The  blessed  Hilarion,  though  he  was  a  native  of 
Palestine,  and  lived  in  Palestine,  only  saw  Jeru- 
salem on  a  single  day ;  that  he  might  not  appear 
to  despise  the  holy  plaoes  on  account  of  their 
nearness,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  to  confine  Grod 
to  place."  He  warns  Panlinus  not  to  '*  think 
anything  wanting  to  his  ikith,  because  he  had 
not  seen  Jerusalem  "....'*  If  the  places  of  the 
cixMs  and  of  the  resurrection  were  not  in  a  dty 
of  very  great  resort,  in  which  there  is  a  court,  a 
military  station,  in  which  there  are  harlots, 
players,  buffoons,  and  all  things  that  are  usual 
in  other  cities;  or  if  it  were  frequented  by 
crowds  of  monks  alone,  an  abode  of  this  kind 
would  in  truth  be  one  that  should  be  sought  for 
by  all  monks ;  but  as  things  are,  it  is  the  height 
of  folly  to  renounce  the  world,  to  give  up  one's 
country,  to  forsake  cities,  to  profess  oneself  a 
monk,  and  then  to  live  among  greater  crowds, 
with  greater  danger  than  you  would  in  your 
own  country"  {Epist,  zlix.).  Nevertheless, 
when  Desiderius  and  his  sister  had  resolved  to 
visit  Jerusalem,  he  wrote  (about  396)  to  en- 
courage them,  begging  them  to  visit  him  and 
Paula  ''on  occasion  of  the  holy  places."  '*At 
least,"  he  adds,  "if  our  society  shall  be  un- 
pleasing,  it  is  an  act  of  faith  (or  perhaps,  "a 
part  of  your  vow,"  pars  fidei  est)  to  have  wor- 
shipped where  the  feet  of  the  Lord  have  stood, 
and  to  have  seen,  as  it  were,  the  recent  traces  of 
His  nativity,  and  cross  and  passion "  {Epist. 
zlviii.).  In  the  same  spirit  he  invites  Mai^oella 
(about  389)  to  Bethlehem  (j^jpis^.  zlv.);  and 
bids  Busticus  (4.D.  408)  seek  peace  of  mind  at 
Jerusalem.  "  Thou  art  a  wanderer  in  thy  own 
country;— or  rather  not  in  thy  country,  for 
thou  hast  lost  thy  country.  That  is  before  thee 
in  the  venerable  places  of  the  resurrection,  the 
cross,  and  the  cradle  of  the  Lord  the  Saviour " 
{EpUt.  zc.).  In  the  famous  epistle  of  Paula 
and  Enstochium  Tabout  389)  to  Marcella,  everj 
inducement  is  held  out  to  her  to  join  them  at 
Bethlehem ;  the  number,  eminence,  and  holiness 
of  those  who  visited  the  holy  plaoes  from  ervrj 
part  of  th«  world,  the  psalms  of  praise  in  every 
tongue  continually  ascending  from  them,  the 


776 


HOLY  PLAGES 


HOLY  PLAGES 


high  religions  interest  of  the  places  themseWes, 
and,  in  particular,  the  great  piety  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Bethlehem  and  its  neighbourhood ;  but 
the  truth  is  not  lost  sight  of,  that  men  might  be 
as  holy  and  devout  elsewhere :  "  We  do  not  say 
this  to  deny  that  the  kingdom  of  God  is  within 
us,  and  that  there  are  holy  men  in  other  conn- 
tries,  too,"  &C.  {Inter  JSpp,  Hieron.  ep.  xliv.). 

III.  Before  the  middle  of  this  century  (about 
347),  it  was  reported  throughout  the  Christian 
world  (see  Cyrill.  Hier.  Catech,  ir.  §  7  ;  z.  §  9 ; 
xiii.  $  2)  that  the  vezr  cross  on  which  our 
Saviour  died  had  been  discovered,  and  was  ex- 
hibited at  Jerusalem.  According  to  Cyril,  who 
was  bishop  of  Jerusalem  from  850  to  886,  the 
discovery  took  place  in  the  time  of  Constantine 
{Epist,  ad  Constantiumy  §  2).  As  he  died  in  837, 
and  not  a  word  is  said  of  the  cross  or  its  dis- 
covery by  the  traveller  £i*om  Gaul,  already  cited, 
who  was  at  Jerusalem  in  333,  the  story  must 
have  arisen  and  the  exhibition  of  the  supposed 
relic  must  have  begun  some  time  between  those 
vears.  Later  writen  (as  Ambrose,  de  Obitu 
Theodosii,  §§  48-47  ;  Paulinus,  Kp.  xxxi.  $  5 ; 
Ruffinusy  Hist.  Ecd,  1.  i.  c.  7 ;  Snipicins,  and 
later  on  Theodoret,  Socrates,  Sozomen,  &c.)  as- 
sert that  it  was  found  by  Helena,  the  mother  of 
Constantine;  but  that  princess  died  five  years 
before  the  anonymous  Gaul  visited  Jerusalem ; 
and  even  if  we  had  not  his  negative  testimony, 
the  silence  of  Cyril  with  regard  to  Helena,  and 
the  silence  on  the  whole  subject  of  Eusebius,  who, 
in  his  panegyric  on  Constantine,  written  in  337, 
has  zealously  heaped  together  whatever  could 
tend  to  his  honour,  or  his  mother's,  throw  just 
doubt  on  her  connection  with  the  discovery,  even 
if  that  be  true  [CROSS,  Finding  of,  p.  593].  It 
is  painful  to  suspect  that  the  cross  exhibited  was 
not  authentic,  but  when  we  find  that  by  the 
middle  of  the  6th  century  (See  Greg.  Turon. 
Mirac,  1.  i.  c.  7),  if  not  long  before,  the  lance, 
reed,  sponge,  crown  of  thorns,  &c,  used  at  the 
Passion  were  all  exhibited,  and  reverenced  with 
equal  confidence,  we  surely  have  (not  to  mention 
certain  difficulties  in  the  story  itself)  some 
excuse  for  hesitating  to  affirm  that  the  cross 
shown  at  Jerusalem  in  the  4th  century  and 
downward,  was  that  upon  which  our  Saviour 
died.  It  was  believed,  however,  and  our  business 
is  chiefly  with  the  consequence  of  that  belief. 
"  Prostrate  before  the  cross,"  says  Jerome, 
speaking  of  Paula's  first  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
**  she  worshipped,  as  if  she  saw  the  Lord  hang- 
ing thereon  "  (Ep,  Ixxxvi.  ad  Eustoch.).  Paula 
herself  refers  to  it,  when  urging  Marcella  to 
join  her  in  Palestine :  *'  When  will  that  day  be 
on  which  it  will  be  permitted  us  to  enter  the 
cave  of  the  Saviour ;  to  weep  with  sister,  to 
weep  with  mother,  in  the  sepulchre  of  the  Lord ; 
then  to  kiss  (lambere)  the  wood  of  the  cross ; 
and  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  to  be  lifted  up  in 

•  desire  and  mind  with  the  ascending  Lord?*' 
This  will,  perhaps,  sufficiently  illustrate  the 
importance  of  the  alleged  discovery,  as  a  means 
of  attracting  pilgrims  to  Jerusalem.  From 
Paulinus  we  learn  that  the  cross  was  only  exhi- 
bited *'  to  be  adored  by  the  people  "  on  Good 
Friday;  but  that  sometimes  it  was  shown  to 
"very  religious"  persons,  who  had  travelled 
thither  on  purpose  to  see  it  {Ep,  xxxii.  §  6). 

IV.  From  oie  cause  or  another,  then,  the 
rasort  to  the  holy  places  in  Palestine  continued 


and  increased.  E,g.  Cassian,  A.ix  424, 
incidentally  of  some  monks  who^  while  he  wis 
at  Bethlehem,  had  ^  oome  together  at  the  holy 
places  from  parts  of  £gypt  orationit  cauad  "  (Ik 
Comob,  Itutit,  1.  iv.  c  81).  Eudoda,  the  wife  of 
Theodosins,  bound  herself  by  a  vow  to  visit  Jeru- 
salem, if  she  should  live  to  see  her  dangbtrr 
married,  which,  with  the  consent  of  her  hiu^aad, 
she  fulfilled  in  the  year  438  (Socr.  J/ist.  EccL 
1.  vii.  c.  47).  Palladius,  a  G^latian  bj  birth, 
who  had  spent  many  years  in  Palestine,  writxBg 
in  421,  tells  us  that  Melania  the  elder  showed 
hospitality  to  pious  persons  going  to  visit  tbe 
holy  places  from  Persia,  Britain,  and  almost 
every  part  of  the  world  (JBist,  Launaca,  c  118). 
Gregory  of  Tours  mentions  a  Briton  who,  in  his 
time,  came  to  Tours  on  his  way  to  Jemsakm 
(Hist,  Franc,  1.  v.  c  22).  Towards  the  end  cf 
the  7th  century,  Arculfus,  a  biahop  of  Gav], 
"went  to  Jerusalem  for  the  sake  of  the  helj 
places,"  and  being  afterwards  a  guest  of  Adam- 
nan,  abbot  of  lona,  gave  him  an  account  of  them. 
The  latter  put  it  To  writing,  and  his  work  is 
still  extant  (Acta  Bened.  saec  iii.  p.  iL  See 
Bede,  Hist,  Eccl,  Angl  1.  v.  cc  15-1 7> 

V.  From  the  middle  of  the  4th  centnrj,  or 
thereabouts,  some   other   places  had   be^i  ac^ 
quiring  such  a  character  for  holiness,  as  the 
scene  of  a  martyr's  triumph  or  the  shrine  of  his 
relics,  that  they  were  visited  by  pilgrims  from  a 
distance,  and  even  received  the  conventioDal  title 
of  Loca  Sancta,    Thus  Rome  was  famous  lor  the 
martyrdoms  of  St.   Peter  and   St.   FanL     St. 
Chrysostom,  alluding  to  the  chain  with  which 
St.  Paul  was  bound,  says,  "  I  would  be  in  those 
places,  for  the  bonds  are  said  to  be  there  stilL 
....  I  would  see  those  bonds,  at  which  devils 
are  afraid  and  tremble,  but  which  angels  rever- 
ence "  (Bom.  viii.  m  Ep.  ad  EpK  c  ir.  1).     B« 
with  him  such  a  pilgrimage  would  have  beei 
only  yvfxpcuria  wphs  $fOir4fitteaf\  for  he  more 
than  once  tells  his  hearers  that  thej  need  not 
cross  the  sea,  for  God  will  hear  them  equally 
where  they  are.     "  Let  us  each,  man  and  wmnan 
[remaining  here  at  Antioch],  both  when  gather- 
ing in  church  and  staying  in  our  houses,  call 
very  earnestly  on  God,  and  He  will  certainly 
answer  our  prayers  "  (Hool  de  Statuis,  iii,  f  s'; 
cf.  ^0171.  i.  in  Ep,  ad  Philem,  c  i.  ISy    And  be 
claims  a  similar  sanctity  for  Antioch,  in  which 
city  he  then  lived,  A.D.  388,  as  having  been  Ike 
"  tabernacle  of  the  apostles,  the  dwelling-pisce 
of  the  righteous "  {Ibid.  §  3).     St.  Angustiiie, 
A.D.  404,  sent  two  persons,  who  accused  esdi 
other  of  crime  to  a  "  holy  place,"  viz.  the  shriae 
of  St.  Felix,  at  Nola,  in  the  hope  that  "tke 
more  terrible  workings  of  God  "  there  "  might 
drive  the  guilty  one  to  confession,  by  punisb- 
ment  (divinely  inflicted)  or  by  fear"  {Ep.  Ixxviil 
§  3).     He  asks,  ^  Is  not  Africa  full  of  the  bodies 
of  holy  martyrs  ?    And  yet,"  he  adds,  "  we  do 
not  know  that  such  things  are  done  anywhere 
here  "  (Ibid.),    Nevertheless,  in  the  last  book  of 
the  City  of  God,  which  was  written  about  the 
beginning  of  the  year  427,  he   records  maay 
wonders  as  wrought  in  Africa,  within  the  few 
years  previous,  at  the  Memoriae  of  St.  Steven 
and  other  martyrs  (De  Cio,  Dei,  1.  xxii.  c  8). 
Pradentius,  himself  a  native  of  Spain,  aJ>.  405, 
celebrating  the  praise  of   two    martyrs,  wlio 
suffered  at  Calahorra  in  that  country,  says  that 
the  dwellers  in  that  city  "  frequented  the  sawb 


HOLT  8PIBIT 

sUdnad  with  their  sacred  blood,  beseeching  with 
▼oioe,  TOWS,  gift ;  that  foreigners,  too,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  whole  earth  came  thither," 
and  that  ^no  one  there,  in  his  supplication, 
mulUpUed  pure  prayers  in  yain."  The  poet 
affirms  that  many  miracles  were  wrought  there 
by  the  power  of  the  martyrs,  and  that  Christ 
conferred  that  blessing  on  the  town,  when  He 
gave  their  bodies  to  its.  keeping  {De  CoronM, 
Hymn  1.).  We  most  remember  that  the  wnter 
is  a  poet,  bnt  hardly  more  could  hare  been  said 
of  a  popular  shrine  in  the  9th  century. 

VI.  Probably  not  very  long  after  the  time  of 
thes)  writers,  a  custom  began  of  sending  peni- 
tents to  various  shrines  (ad  limina  sanctorum), 
partly  as  a  penance,  and  partly  that  they  might 
more  effectually  obtain  the  intercession  of  the 
martyr  of  the  place.  Most  writers,  following 
Morintis  (/>9  Sacrcan,  Poerut  1.  vii.  c.  15),  hare 
supposed  that  this  form  of  penance  was  not  in 
nse  till  the  7th  century ;  but  a  passage  in  one  of 
the  Homilies  of  Caesarius  of  Aries  (a.d.  502), 
first  printed  by  Baluzius  in  1669,  implies  that 
it  was  known  in  France,  at  least,  before  the  close 
of  the  5th  : — '*  Frequenting  the  thresholds  of 
the  saints,  they  (penitents)  would  ask  for  aid 
against  their  own  sins,  and,  persevering  in  fast- 
ings and  prayers,  or  in  almsgiving,  would  strive 
rather  to  punish  than  to  nourish,  or  add  to, 
those  sins  "  {ffom.  iii.  p.  23).  The  great  evils  to 
which  this  practice  would  soon  lead  are  obvious, 
and  we  need  only,  in  conclusion,  cite  a  canon  of 
the  council  of  Chilons-sur-Sa5ne,  a.d.  813,  by 
which  Charlemagne  and  his  advisers  sought  to 
restrain  them: — *'A  great  mistake  is  made  by 
some,  who  unadvisedly  travel  to  Rome  or  Toura 
(to  the  shrine  of  St.  Martin),  and  some  other 
places,  under  pretext  of  prayer.  There  are 
presbvters,  and  deacons,  and  others  of  the  clergy, 
who,  living  carelessly,  think  that  they  are  purged 
from  their  sins  and  entitled  to  discharge  their 
ministry,  if  they  reach  the  aforesaid  places. 
There  are  also  laymen  who  think  that  they  sin, 
or  have  sinned,  with  impunity,  because  they 
frequent  these  places  for  prayer."  Some  of  the 
powerful,  it  adds,  under  pretext  of  a  journey 
to  Rome  or  Tours  *'  for  the  sake  of  prayer  or 
visiting  the  holy  places,"  oppressed  the  poor  by 
their  exactions,  while  many  of  the  poor  made 
such  pilgrimages  an  occasion  of  begging  with 
more  success:  some  fiilsely  pretending  to  be  on 
their  way  to  the  holy  places,  others  going  there 
in  the  belief  that  they  would  be  ^  cleansed  from 
sins  by  the  mere  sight "  of  them  (can.  xlv.  Cone, 
Cuba,  IL),  [W.  E.  S.] 

HOLY  SPIRIT.  The  dove  is  the  invariable 
and  exclusive  symbol  which  expresses  special 
manifestation  of  the  presence  of  the  Third  Person 
of  the  Trinity,  and  the  article  under  that  word 
will  be  found  to  contain  some  information  as  to 
the  use  of  the  symbol  in  this  its  highest  sense. 
Luke  iiL  22,  Matt.  iii.  16,  Mark  i.  10.  The  bap- 
tistery of  St.  Pontianus,  in  the  catacomb  of  that 
name  (Aringhi  ii.  275),  contains  one  of  the 
earliest  of  these  paintings  of  the  Holy  Dove, 
referable  to  the  early  7th  century;  but  the 
Lateran  cross  is  reputed  to  be  of  the  period  im- 
mediately succeeding  Constantine,  and  is  a  yet 
more  striking  example.    [See  Dove,  p.  576.1 

[R.St.  J.T.] 

HOLY  TABLE.    [Altar.] 


HOL/  WATER 


777 


HOLY  THINGS.    [EocLESiAsncAS  Rbb.] 

HOLY  THUBSDAY.    [Ascension  Day.] 

HOLY  WATEB.  I.  The  use  of  lustra] 
water  in  the  Christian  church  appears  to  have 
had  a  manifold  origin. 

(1)  At  an  early  period  we  find  fountains,  oi 
basins,  supplied  with  fresh  water,  near  the  prin- 
cipal doors,  of  churches,  especially  in  the  East, 
that  they  who  entered  might  wash  their  hands 
at  least  [see  Hands,  washing  of],  before  they 
worshipped.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
ritual  nse  of  water  under  the  name  of  holy 
water  (aqua  benedicta,  iiyiaa'fi6Sf  CZaru  fh- 
\oyiaf,  oic.)  arose  in  a  great  measure  from  the 
undue  importance  which  naturally  attached 
itself  to  this  custom,  as  ignorance  and  supersti- 
tion began  to  prevail  amid  the  troubles  of  the 
Western  empire. 

(2)  Again,  under  the  Mosaic  law  a  person 
legally  unclean  was  not  restored  to  social  inter- 
course, and  to  communion  in  prayer  and  sacrifice, 
until  he  hod  been  sprinkled  with  the  water  of 
separation,  and  had  *' washed  his  clothes  and 
bathed  himself  in  water  "  (Numb.  xix. ;  compare 
J^ekiel  xxxvi.  25). 

(3)  The  courts  of  heathen  temples  were  com- 
monly provided  with  water  for  purification ;  but 
it  is  probable  that  as  a  belief  in  the  gods  declined 
through  the  influence  of  Christianity,  many 
would  neglect  to  use  it  as  they  entered.  Hence, 
we  may  suppose,  the  custom  for  a  priest  to 
sprinkle  them  at  the  door,  lest  any  should 
present  themselves  unpurified.  An  instance  is 
mentioned  by  Soxomen.  When  Julian  was  about 
to  enter  a  temple  in  Gaul,  a  **  priest  holding 
green  boughs  wet  with  water  sprinkled  those 
who  went  in  after  the  Qrecian  manner  "  (^ffist. 
Eod.  I.  vi..c.  6).  This  bore  such  a  resemblance 
to  the  later  rite  of  Christians  as  to  mislead  one 
transcriber  of  the  work  of  Sozomen,  and  induce 
him  to  substitute  'EirKXY}o-ta<rTiK$,  Eocksiattioaly 
for  'EAAiyyiJt^,  Qredan  {Axnat,  Vales,  in  loco, 
p.  109). 

(4)  We  may  add  that  the  notion  of  a  lustra^ 
tion  by  water  prevailed  also  among  the  earliest 
heretics.  Some  of  the  Gnostics  threw  oil  and 
water  on  the  head  of  the  dying  to  make  them 
invisible  to  the  powers  of  darkness  (Iren.  Haeret, 
L  i.  c.  2,  §  5).  The  Ebionites  immersed  them- 
selves in  water  daily  (Epiphan.  Haer,  xxx.  §  16). 
The  founder  of  the  sect  is  said  by  Epiphanius  to 
have  been  wont  to  plunge  into  the  nearest  water, 
salt  or  fresh,  if  by  chance  he  met  one  of  the 
other  sex  (ibid,  §  2). 

II.  Many  miracles  are  said  to  have  been 
wrought  by  means  of  water,  and  to  this  also  we 
attribute  a  certain  influence  in  giving  both 
authority  and  shape  to  the  superstitions  which 
arose  with  regard  to  holy  water.  Count  Joseph 
in  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great,  sprinkled 
an  insane  person  with  water  over  which  he  had 
made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  his  reason  was 
restored  (Epiphan.  «.  s.  §  10).  We  are  told  that 
by  the  same  means  he  dispersed  the  enchant- 
ments by  which  the  Jews  sought,  to  hinder  the 
erection  of  a  church  at  Tiberias  (ibid,  §  12).  An 
evil  spirit  who  hindered  the  destruction  of  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  at  Apamea,  A.D.  385,  was, 
according  to  Theodoret,  driven  away  by  the  use 
of  water  which  the  bishop  had  blessed  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross  (Hist.  Eccl,  1.  v.  c  21 ;  Casiiod 


778 


HOLY  WATER 


HOLY  WATER 


But,  THpart,  1.  ix.  c.  34).  Gregory  of  Toars 
describes  a  certain  recluse  named  Eusitins  (a.d. 
532),  in  the  diocese  of  Limoges,  as  so  gifted  with 
power  to  cure  those  afflicted  with  quartan  fever, 
that  by  **  giving  them  water  to  drink  merely 
blessed  (by  him),  he  restored  them  forthwith  to 
health  "  {Be  Glor.  Confess,  c.  82).  Water  from 
a  well  dug  by  St.  Martin  '^  gave  health  to  many 
sick,**  and  in  particular  cured  a  brother  of 
St.  Triez,  who  was  dying  of  fever  (Z>0  Mir. 
S.  Martini,  1.  ii.  c.  39) ;  and  many  were  in  like 
manner  said  to  have  been  healed  by  the  waters  of 
a  spring  at  Brioude,  in  Auvergne,  in  which  the 
head  of  the  martyr  Julian  (a.d.  304)  had  been 
washed  (iftrac.  1.  ii.  c.  3 ;  see  also  cc.  25,  26, 
and  the  Liber  de  Passkme  8.  Julian*).  The 
same  author  relates  how  a  certain  bishop  ^  sent 
water  that  had  been  blessed  to  a  house  "  in  which 
many  had  died  of  fever,  and  how,  '*  when  it  was 
sprinkled  on  the  walls,  all  sickness  was  forthwith 
driven  away  "  (  Vitae  Patrum,  c  iv.  §  3). 

III.  The  tendency  to  ascribe  virtue  to  water 
blessed  by  the  priest,  was  without  doubt  greatly 
promoted  by  a  superstition  with  regard  to 
baptism,  and  by  the  use  sometimes  made  of  the 
water  employ^  at  it.  St.  Augustine,  writing 
in  408,  says  that  some  persons  in  his  day  brought 
their  children  to  be  baptized  not  for  the  sake  of 
any  spiritual  benefit,  but  '*  because  they  thought 
that  they  would  by  this  remedy  retain  or  recover 
their  bodily  health  "  (^Ep.  xcviii.  §  5,  ad  Bonif. 
Com.).  In  the  last  book  of  the  City  of  God, 
written  about  the  year  427,  the  same  father  tells 
us  of  two  persons  who  were  at  their  baptism 
suddenly  and  entirely  cured  of  very  serious 
maladies  of  long  continuance  (lib.  zxii.  c  8, 
§§  4,  5).  It  was  but  a  short  step  from  belief  in 
such  miradte  to  suppose  that  the  water  used  at 
a  baptism  might  have  virtue  available  for  the 
benefit  of  others  than  those  who  were  baptized 
in  it.  It  would  be  often  tested,  and  several 
alleged  results  of  the  trial  are  on  record.  At 
Osset,  near  Seville,  was  a  font  in  the  form  of  a 
cross,  which,  according  to  Gregory  of  Tours,  was 
every  year  miraculously  filled  with  water  for  the 
Easter  baptisms.  From  this  font,  after  it  had 
been  duly  exorcised  and  sprinkled  with  chrism, 
every  one  ^  carried  away  a  vessel  full  for  the 
safety  of  his  house,  and  with  a  view  to  protect 
his  fields  and  vineyards  by  that  most  wholesome 
aspersion "  {^Mirac.  1.  i.  c.  24 ;  see  also  Hist. 
Franc.  1.  vi.  c  43).  A  mother  put  on  the  mouth 
of  her  daughter,  who  was  dumb  from,  birth, 
*'  water  which  she  had  sometime  taken  from  the 
fonts  blessed  "  (by  St.  Martin),  and  she  became 
capable  of  speech  {De  Mirac,  8.  Mart.  1.  ii.  c.  38). 

In  the  East,  even  in  the  time  of  St.  Chry* 
sostom,  the  water  from  the  baptisms  at  the 
Epiphany  was  carefully  kept  throughout  the 
year,  and  believed  to  remain  without  putrefac- 
tion. "This  is  the  day  on  which  Christ  was 
baptized,  and  hallowed  the  element  of  water. 
Wherefore  at  midnight  on  this  feast,  all  draw  of 
the  waters  and  store  them  up  at  home,  because 
on  this  day  the  waters  were  consecrated.  And  a 
manifest  miracle  takes  place,  in  that  the  nature 
of  those  waters  is  not  corrupted  by  length  of 
time  "  {De  Bapt.  Christi,  §  2).  In  the  West  two 
centuries  or  so  later  we  find  a  similar  reservation, 
practised  at  Rome  at  least,  but,  as  might  be 
expected,  with  a  more  definite  purpose.  There, 
Aft«r  the  consecration  of  the  water  on  Easter 


eve,  <'  The  whole  people,  whoever  wiaked,  took  a 
blessing  {benedictionem ;  compare  the  use  «l 
iiyia(rfi6s)  in  their  vessels  of  the  wmter  itael^ 
before  the  children  were  baptized  in  it,  to 
sprinkle  about  their  houAes,  and  vineyanda,  and 
fields,  and  fruits  "  {Ordo  Rom.  L  §  42  ;  JfttHK. 
Ital.  tom.  ii.  p.  26).  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  water  was  now  considered  holy  for  this 
pui'pose  after  being  blessed,  and  before  any  oae 
had  been  baptized  in  that  font.  It  was  an  easy 
transition  from  this  stage  of  practice  and  belief 
to  the  benediction  of  water  without  any  refeieooe 
to  baptism,  which  should  nevertheless  hare  the 
same  power  of  protecting  and  benefitting  house, 
field,  and  person,  that  was  ascribed  to  water 
taken  from  the  baptismal  font. 

IV.  The  earliest  example  of  an   independent 
benediction  of  water  for  the  above-mentioned 
uses  occurs  in  the  so-called  Apostoiioal  ConstHu- 
tionSf  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  ita  being  one 
of  the  corrupt  additions  made  to  the  original  re- 
cension probably  in  the  5th  century.     "•  Let  the 
bishop  bless  water  and  oil.    If  he  is  not  ptreaent 
let  the  presbyter  bless  it,  in  the  presence  of  the 
deacon.    But  if  the  bishop  be   there,  let   the 
presbyter  and  deacon  assist.     And  let  him  say 
thus :  *  Lord  of  Sabaoth,  God  of  hosta^  creator  of 
the  waters  and  giver  of  the  oil  .  .  .  who  hast 
given  water  for  drink  and  cleansing,  and  oil  to 
cheer    the    face  .  .  .  Thyself   now    by    CSirxrt 
sanctify  this  water  and  the  oil  .  .  .  and  gire  it 
virtue  imparting  health,  expelling  diseases^  pat- 
ting to  flight  devils,  scattering  every  evil  design, 
through  Christ,"  &c  (lib.  viiL  c.  29>.     Fitna 
Balsamon  we  learn  that  holy  water  was  ^  made' 
in  the  Greek  church  at  the  beginning  of  every 
lunar  month.    The  observance  of  any  festival  at 
the  new  moon  was  forbidden  by  the  council  of 
Constantinople,  a.d.  691 ;  and  he  regarded  thb 
rite  as  in  some  manner  a  substitute  for  that  relic 
of  heathenism.     '*  Owing  to  this  decree  of  the 
canon,  the  feast  of  the  new  moon  has  ceased  from 
time  beyond  memory,  and  instead  of  it,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  propitiatory  prayers  to  God  and 
benedictions  {ayiturfioi)  by  the  faithful  people 
have  place  at  the  beginning  of  every  monta,  and 
we  are  anointed  with  the  waters  of  ble^ing,  not 
of  strife  "  {Comnu  in  Can.  Ixv.). 

In  the  West  the  earliest  mention  of  bdiy 
water  not  blessed  for  baptism,  occurs  in  one  of 
the  Forged  Decretals,  ascribed  to  Alexander  I., 
A.D.  109,  but  composed  probably  aV'^t  830.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  these  fictitious  orders, 
put  forth  in  the  names  of  early  bishops  of  Rome, 
did  not,  except  possibly  in  a  very  few  cases, 
create  the  practices  which  they  pretended  to 
regulate.  The  rite  existed  before,  at  least  in 
some  locality  familiar  to  the  author  of  the  frand. 
The  following  decree,  therefore,  is  witness,  we 
may  assume,  to  a  custom  already  of  some  stand- 
ing. "  We  bless  water  sprinkled  with  salt,  that 
all  being  therewith  bespiinkled  may  be  sanctified 
and  purified.  Which  also  we  command  to  be 
done  by  all  priests "  (Gratian,  p.  iii.  De  Qms. 
d.  ill.  c.  20).  In  the  same  century  Leo  IV., 
A.D.  847,  in  a  charge  to  his  clergy,  says,  "  Every 
Lord's  day  before  mass  bless  water  wherewith 
the  people  may  be  sprinkled,  and  for  this  have 
a  proper  vessel "  {Cone.  Labb.  tom.  viiL  ool.  37). 
The  same  order  occurs  in  three  similar  **  synodal 
charges "  of  about  the  same  period,  which  have 
been  printed  by  Baluze  (App.  ad  lib.  Reginomt 


HOLT  WEEK 

de  EccL  Diacipi.  pp.  503,  6, 9).  In  a  <<  vUiUtion 
article  "  of  the  9th  century,  it  is  asked  whether 
the  presbyter  blesses  water,  as  directed,  every 
Sunday  (/6Mi.  p.  10).  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  the 
contemporary  of  Leo,  after  directions  similar  to 
his,  adds  a  permission  that  all  who  wish  may 
carry  some  of  the  water  home  *^m  their  own 
clean  vessels,  and  sprinkle  it  over  their  dwellings, 
and  fields,  and  vineyards,  over  their  cattle  also, 
and  their  provender,  and  likewise  over  their  own 
meat  and  drink  "  (cap.  v.  Cono.  Lahh.  torn.  viii. 
ool.  570> 

We  have  argaed  in  effect  that  the  prevalence 
of  a  custom  in  the  9th  century  implies  that  it 
was,  to  say  the  least,  not  unknown  in  the  8th. 
In  the  present  case  we  have  a  direct  proof  beside. 
In  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert  (p.  34;  Surtees 
Society,  1853),  who  was  archbishop  of  York  from 
732  to  766,  are  forms  of  prayer  for  exorcising 
and  blessing  the  water  to  be  used  in  the  conse> 
cration  of  a  church.  Referring  to  the  Gelaslan 
Sacramentary  (Liturffia  Bom.  Vet,  Murat.  tom.  i. 
col.  738),  we  find  the  same  forms  to  be  used  over 
water  for  the  purification  of  any  house,  the 
exorcism  only  being  adapted  by  Egbert  to  the 
occajsion.  The  same  benediction  occurs  in  the 
Gi-egorian  Sacramentary,  and  an  abbreviated 
form  of  the  same  previous  exorcism  (idtitf. 
tom.  ii.  col.  225).  As  it  is  almost  certain  that 
Egbert  borrowed  his  formulae  from  a  Roman 
aooroe,  we  infer  that  the  office  for  making  holy 
water  was  in  the  Roman  Sacramentaries  a  century 
before  the  practice  was  enjoined,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  Leo  IV.  It  should  be  mentioned  that 
the  headings  of  these  prayers  speak  only  of  water 
^'  to  be  sprinkled  in  a  house,"  and  they  were 
obviously  drawn  up  with  reference  to  that  only 
(Murat.  tom.  i.  coL  738);  but  as  they  are 
followed  closely  (as  in  the  modern  RittuUe)  by 
benedictions  of  new  fruits,  &c.  (/&Kf.  col.  742 ; 
tom.  ii.  col.  231),  and  no  other  express  benediction 
of  water  is  prescribed  (except  in  the  Gelasian,  for 
the  dispersion  of  thunder),  we  may  perhaps  infer 
that  water  once  blessed  for  one  purpose  was  con- 
sidered available  for  general  use.  In  all  the  offices 
to  which  reference  has  been  made,  the  salt  which 
is  to  be  mixed  with  the  water  is  itself  previously 
exorcised  and  blessed.  [W.  £.  S.] 

HOLY  WEEK  [Easteb  Eve,  Maundt 
TuuBSDAT,  Good  Fbiday].  The  week  imme- 
diately preceding  the  great  festival  of  Eaater, 
commencing  with  Palm  Sunday,  and  including 
the  anniversaries  of  the  institution  of  the  Lord's 
Sapper,  the  Passion,  and  Resurrection  of  Christ  was 
obfiierved  with  peculiar  solemnity  from  the  early 
ages  of  the  church  (Chrysost.  JTom.  xxx.  in  Genes, ; 
Horn,  m  Pb,  cxlv.).  It  was  designated  by  various 
names — i^o/j^s  /iCToX^,  &yja,  or  r&v  oyfwy; 
lUbdomas  nuQOTf  tancta^  the  former  being  the 
earlier  title  in  the  Western  church  {Missal, 
Ambros,  apud  Pamel.  p.  339)  autheniioa  (ibid.) 
uitima  (i.  e.  of  Lent)  (Ambroe.  Epiti,  33).  From 
the  restriction  as  to  food  then  enjoined  it  was 
called  ifi9,  ^ripo^ytas  (Epiph.  Baer,  Ixx.  12) 
Htkdtmas  Xerophagiae;  as  commemorating  our 
Lord's  sufferings,  k^,  rStv  ayittv  itdO^y ;  ^fi4pai 
9a9iiiAdr9»yf  trruvp^o'ifuu ;  IfM,  poenosa,  luo 
tuosa,  nigra,  hmentaiionum:  from  the  cessation  of 
business,  ifiB,  Awpaitros,  ffebd,  muta:  and  as 
uahering  in  the  Paschal  abeolution,  Eebdomas 
IndMgmiitiae, 


HOLY  WEEK 


m 


The  observance  of  Holy  Week  belongs  to  very 
early,  if  not  to  primitive,  antiquity.  As  the 
historian  Socrates  has  justly  remarked  (JST.  E. 
V.  22),  no  commemorative  seasons  were  appointed 
by  the  apostles,  or  found  any  place  in  the  ritual 
of  the  apostolic  church.  But  as  Easter  naturally 
succeeded  to  the  commemoration  of  the  de- 
liverance of  the  children  of  Israel  from  Egypt,  so 
the  anniversary  of  the  passion  took  the  place 
of  that  of  the  slaying  of  the  paschal  lamb,  while 
the  sanctity  of  these  holy  days  was  gradually 
extended  to  the  whole  week  preceding  Easter, 
which  therefore  assumed  a  special  character  in 
the  Christian  year.  The  observance  of  Holy 
Week  is  accordingly  closely  connected  with  that 
of  Easter,  and  is  probably  but  little  later  in  its 
origin.  The  earliest  notice  of  Holy  Week,  which 
speaks  of  it  as  universally  accepted,  is  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  represent  the 
Eastern  custom  towai'ds  the  end  of  the  3rd 
century.  About  the  same  time,  c.  260,  Diony- 
sius  of  Alexandria  also  mentions  it  as  of  uni- 
versal observance.  If  we  may  accept  as  genuine 
the  ordinance  of  Constantine  the  Great  given 
by  Scaliger  {de  Emendat.  Temp.  p.  776)  and 
Beveridge  {Pandect,  ii  163)  the  sanctity  of 
this  week  as  well  as  of  the  succeeding  one  was 
consulted  by  enforced  abstinence  from  public 
business  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century. 
The  whole  week  was,  as  far  as  possible,  kept 
as  a  strict  fast,  from  midnight  on  Palm  Sunday 
till  cockcrow  on  Easter  Day. 

By  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (v.  18,  19^ 
abstinence  from  wine  and  flesh  was  commanded, 
and  the  diet  restricted  to  bread,  and  salt,  and 
vegetables,  with  water  as  a  beverage.  Total 
abstinence  was  enjoined  on  Friday  and  Saturday, 
or  at  least  on  Saturday  **when  the  bridegroom 
shall  have  been  taken  from  them,"  while  on 
the  other  days  of  the  week  no  food  was  to  be 
eaten  till  3  p.m.  or  the  evening,  according  to 
ability.  The  fast  was  observed  in  this  manner  in 
the  time  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (c.  a.d.  260), 
who  in  his  canonical  epistle  speaks  of  some  who 
tasted  through  the  whole  six  days  {iifidpas  irdaas 
inriffTiddoffUf  iurtroi  BiartKovirrfs),  others,  two, 
three,  or  four  days,  according  to  power  of 
physical  endurance ;  while  some  kept  no  fast  at 
all,  and  others  faring  delicately  during  the  fii-st 
four  days  sought  to  make  up  for  their  self-in- 
dulgence by  excessive  strictness  on  Friday  and 
Saturday  (Dionys.  Alex.  Ep.  Canon.,  Routh.  Peliq, 
Sacr.  iii.  229).  Epiphanius  describes  the  practice 
in  his  days  almost  in  the  same  words  (6ircf>Tx0^ 
fi€yot  BiertKovy) ;  some,  he  adds,  ate  every  two 
days,  others  every  evening  (Epiphan.  Baeres, 
xxix.  5 ;  Expos.  Fid.  22).  Tertullian  speaks  of 
the  continuous  fasts  of  this  week  in  the  phrases 
jejunia  conjungere,  Satbaium  continuare  fejuniis 
Parasceves.  (Tertull.  de  Patient.  13 ;  de  Jejun, 
14.)  Epiphanius  in  another  place  describes  the 
bodily  mortifications  practised  this  week,  such  as 
sleeping  on  the  ground,  strict  continence,  watch- 
ings,  xerophagy,  &c.,  and  charges  the  Arians 
with  passing  the  time  in  jollity  and  merrimtLt 
(Epiph.  Haeres.  Ixxv.  3).  Sozomen  {H.  E.  i.  11) 
relates  an  anecdote  of  Spyridon,  bishop  of  Trimy- 
thus  in  Cyprus,  illustrating  the  habit  of  con- 
tinuous fasting,  ixiffwdwruy  rV  vn<rrtiav,  at 
this  season.  AH  work  was  as  far  as  possible 
laid  aside,  and  business,  private  and  public, 
suspended  during  the  week.    From  tho  time  o£ 


780 


HOLY  WEEK 


HOMICIDE 


Theodosiiu  (a.d.  389)  actions  at  law  ceased,  and 
the  doors  of  the  courts  were  closed  for  seven 
days  before  and  after  Easter  {Cod,  Theodos. 
lib.  ii.  tit.  Tiii. ;  De  Fer.  leg.  u.  [see  Gothofred's 
Commentary^  vol.  i.  p.  124] ;  Cod,  Justin,  lib.  iii. 
tit.  zii. ;  de  Fer.  legg.  vii.  viii. ;  August.  Serm, 
xiz. ;  Ed.  Bened.  vol.  i.  p.  741).  Those  in  prison 
for  debt  and  other  offences,  with  the  exception 
of  those  guilty  of  more  heinous  crimes,  were 
ordered  to  be  released  by  a  law  of  Valentlnian'a, 
A.D.  367,  the  earliest  of  the  kind,  according  to 
Gothofred  Comment,  vol.  ii.  p.  273  {Cod.  Tlusodos. 
lib.  iz.  tit.  xzzviii. ;  de  Indtig.  Crim.  legg.  iii.  iy. ; 
Ambros.  JEpist,  33 ;  Chrysost.  u. «.).  Slaves  were 
manumitted,  and  there  was  a  general  cessation 
from  labour  during  this  and  the  following  week, 
not  only  to  afford  the  servants  rest  but  also 
opportunity  of  instruction  in  the  elements  of 
the  faith  (Apost.  Constit.  viii.  33 ;  Greg.  Nyssen. 
Horn.  III.  de  Resurr.  torn.  iii.  p.  420;  Cod, 
Justin,  lib.  iii.  tit.  xii. ;  de  Fer.  leg.  viii.).  The 
week  was  also  distinguished  by  liberal  alms- 
giving (Chrysost.  u.  s.). 

The  observance  of  the  week  may  be  said  to 
nnve  commenced  with  the  preceding  Saturday, 
when,  with  reference  to  John  xii.  1-9,  the  church 
commemorated  the  raising  of  Lazarus — an  event 
assigned  erroneously  by  Lpiphanius  to  that  day 
(Epiphan.  Homil.  tU  t&  JBdla  tom.  ii.  pp.  152, 
153 ;  Neale  Eastern  Ch.  ii.  747).  The  Galilean 
liturgies  commemorated  this  miracle  the  next 
day  (Palm  Sunday),  known  therefore  as  Dominica 
Lazariy  as  appears  from  the  collects  of  the 
Miasale  OaUicum  Vetua,  and  the  Sacram.  QaUi- 
canum  (Muratori  ii.  718,  834).  On  the  Saturday 
the  pope  was  accustomed  to  give  special  alms 
at  St.  Peter's,  in  allusion  to  Christ's  words 
spoken  that  day  (Mar.  xiv.  7).  {Comes  Hieronymi 
apud  Pamel.  ii.  21 ;  Sacram,  Oregor,  ib.  244.) 

The  Sunday  next  before  Easter,  the  first  day 
of  Holy  Week,  was  distinguished  by  many  differ- 
ent names.  The  earliest  and  most  constant, 
indicating  the  great  event  of  the  day,  being  Palm 
Sunday  ;  /cvptoic^,  iofrrii  r&y  fiai»v  ;  ^  fieuo^pos 
iofrHi;  Dominica  Palmarum^  or  in  Palmis, 
Florumf  or  Pamorumy  or  Osanna,  A  later 
appellation  derived  from  the  same  event  was 
Pascha  florum,  or  floridum.  From  the  Easter 
absolution  which  followed  it  was  known  as 
Dominica  indulgentiae  ;  and  with  reference  to  the 
great  Paschal  baptism,  Pascha  petitum,  or 
competentium  {Ordo  Pomanus),  while  the  mass 
was  styled  Mi$8a  in  SyntJMi  traditione,  because 
on  this  day,  or  according  to  the  Ambrosian  rite 
the  day  before  {Miss.  Ambros.  apud  Pamel.  i. 
336)  the  creed  was  recited  to  the  oompetentes, 
or  candidates  for  baptbm,  to  be  learnt  by  Easter 
eve,  as  was  ordained  by  the  13th  canon  of  the 
council  of  Agde,  A.D.  506  (Labbe,  ConcU,  iv. 
1385;  cf.  Isid.  de  Eccl  Off,  i.  27.  ii.  21>  The 
works  of  Augustine  and  other  Others  contain 
sermons  delivered  on  this  and  the  following  days 
to  the  oompetentes  in  exposition  of  the  creed 
(Aug.  Serm.  de  Temp.  113-135).  Palm  Sunday 
was  also  called  oapitilavium  because  on  that  day 
the  heads  of  the  catechumens  were  washed  in 
preparation  for  baptism  and  confirmation  (Raban. 
De  Inst.  Cler.  c  35). 

The  ceremony  of  the  benediction  of  the  palm 
branches,  or  other  branches  that  were  substituted 
for  them,  especially  olive  boughs,  appears  in  the 
Sftcramontary  of  Gregory,  where  it  has  a  special 


collect  (Pamel.  ii.  245>  The  jubilant  _ 
which  have  long  formed  so  characteristic  m  pan 
of  the  ritual  of  Palm  Sunday  in  the  East  as  ia 
the  West,  are  mentioned  by  Gregory  Nyssen  (Le.) 
and  were  introduced  almost  univentallj  by  the 
end  of  the  7th  century  (Augnsti  Hdbd,  der 
Christ.  Arch.  Mi.  338). 

Each  day  in  this  Holy  Week  was  one  of  spedal 
sanctity,  designated  ueydXii  ^vrdpa^  /""J^^ 
rplni,  kc  (Bevereg.  PandecL  ii.  163X  the 
observances  gradually  rising  in  solemnity  to 
the  Thursday  m  Coena  Domini  [MAaMDir  Thubs- 
DAT],  and  the  Friday,  Passio  Domini  [Good 
Fbiday].  The  history  of  our  Lord's  Pkasaon  was 
recited  on  successive  days,  beginning  with  that 
by  St.  Matthew  on  Palm  Sundav,  and  dosiaf 
with  that  by  St.  John  on  Good  Friday.   [E.  T.] 

HOMICIDE  {Homieidiumy  ^ros>     Vnrder 
was  regarded  by  the  church  as  one  of  the  gravest 
crimes.     It  is  joined  by  Cyprian  (de  Pat.  c.  9) 
with  adultery  and  fraud,  by  Padaa  (Ponoen.  atf 
Poenit.  c  9)  with  fornication  and  idolatry,  br 
Augustine  {de  FuL  et  Op.  c.  19)  also  with  fanl- 
cation  and  idolatry,  as  one  of  the  three  mortal 
sins    which    were    always  to  be   visited  with 
excommunication.     By  the  laws  of  the  ChrixtisB 
emperors    murderers    were    expreasly   excq»ted 
from  the  general  pardons  granted  to  criminals  <m 
occasions  of  great  festivala  {Cod.    I%eod.  IX. 
xxxviii.  1,  3,  4,  6,  7,  8),  and  were  refused  the 
right  of  appeal  {&nd.  XI.  xxxvi.   1).     In  some 
dioceses  the  peace  of  the  diurch  was  denied  fer 
ever  to  wilful  murderers  (Tert.  de  PucUcit.  c  12, 
Gregor.  Thanmat.  Can.  Ep.  c.  7,  Comp.  C^ypraa 
Ep.  55  ad  Anton,  on  the  practice  of  some  of  ha 
predecessors  with  reference  to  the  other  great 
crime  of  adultery).     But  in  general  m  murderer 
was  re^mitted  to  the  church  after  n  long  tern 
of  exclusion.     By  a  decree  of  the   conndl  of 
Ancyra  A.D.  314,  c.  22,  this  term  was  lifelong; 
by  Gregory  of  Nyssa  {Ep.  ad  ZeloLy  it  was 
fixed    at    twenty-seven    years;    hr    Basil   (stf 
Amphil.  c  56)  at  twenty.    In  the  Penitential  of 
Theodore  {I.    iv.   1),  a  murder  committed  te 
revenge  a  relation,  was  punished  by  seven  or  tea 
years'  penance ;  but  if  restitution  was  made  to 
the  next  of  kin,  half  the  term  was  remitted.    If 
one  layman  slew  another  {tbid.  c  4X  he  mail 
either  relinquish  arms  or  do  penanoe  seven  yean, 
three  of  them  without  wine  and  flesh  ;  but  {Aid. 
c.  5)  if  a  monk  or  one  of  the  inferior  clergy  was 
slain,  the  slayer  must  either  relinqnish  arms  aad 
serve  God  the  remainder  of  his  life,  or  do  peaaace 
seven  years,  as  the  bishop  should  direct ;  if  a 
presbyter  or  bishop  was  the  victim,  the  matter 
was  to  be  brought  before  the  king  (Bed.  Poeai- 
tent.  iv.  1-8,  Egbert  Poenitent.  iv.  10,  11).    la 
the  Dialogue  of  Egbert  (Haddan  and    Stubia 
Councils  and  EccL  Doc.  iiL  403),  there  is  some 
variety  in  the  penalty ;  a  layman  who  slew  a 
bishop  was  to  pay  the  fine  and  submit  to  the 
term  of  penance  a  council  should  appoint,  if  he 
slew  a  priest  the  fine  was  to  be  eighty  shckek ; 
if  a  deacon,  sixty ;  if  a  monk,  forty.    The  eccle- 
siastical law  in  tiiese  instances  b^ng  in  aocord- 
ance    with  the    well-known    system    of  early 
English  jurisprudence,  which  allowed  homicide 
and    every  variety  of   personal    injury   to  be 
expiated  by  money  payments.    See  the  laws  «f 
Ethelbert,   between  A.D.  597,  and  604,  on  the 
payments  to  be  made  for  murders  (cc.  5-7, 13)^ 


r 


HOMICIDE 

and  for  injarios  to  the  person  (cc.  33-72).  The 
laws  of  Ine  of  Wessex  A.D.  690  (c  76),  contain 
the  proTision  that  if  a  man  slew  another's  god- 
son or  godfather,  he  must  paj  "  hot "  (fine  to 
justice),  as  well  as  "wer"  (recompence  to 
kindred) ;  and  that  if  the  slain  was  a  bishop's 
•on  (ue.  confii*mation  son),  only  half  the  payment 
WHS  to  be  exacted.  For  a  full  account  of  the 
laws  on  injuries  to  the  person,  see  Turner 
Anglt^-Saxons,  vol.  ii.  pp.  436-447,  ed.  1852. 

Murder  joined  with  other  great  crimes  was 
more  severely  punished.  One  who  used  magical 
arts  to  slay  another,  thereby  adding  idolatry  to 
murder,  was  denied  communion  even  at  the  last 
(^Conc,  Eliber,  c  6).  The  same  sentence  was 
decreed  against  a  woman  who  added  murder  to 
adultery  by  slaying  the  ofl&pring  which  she  had 
conceived  in  the  absence  of  her  husband  (ibid,  c 
63).  and  the  council  of  Lerida  A.D.  523,  more 
than  two  centuries  after  that  of  Eliberis,  when 
the  terms  of  penance  had  become  much  easier, 
assigned  (c.  2)  a  lifelong  exclusion  to  any  who 
used  sorcery  to  get  rid  of  the  offspring  of 
adultery.  In  an  English  Penitential  code 
(Theodor.  Foenitent.  I.  vii.  1)  the  punishment  of 
homicide  combined  with  adultery,  was  seclusion 
in  a  monastery  for  life.  The  pai'ricide  or  the 
slayer  of  any  near  blood  relation  was,  by  the 
civil  law  (Cod,  Theod,  IX.  zv.  1),  in  imitation  of 
the  old  Roman  custom,  to  be  sewn  in  a  sack 
with  serpents  and  thrown  into  the  water ;  and  if 
this  were  generally  executed  there  would  be 
no  opportunity  for  the  early  church  to  attach 
any  special  stigma  to  the  crime.  In  England  a 
woman  who  slew  her  son,  was  to  do  penance 
fifteen  years,  with  no  relaxation  except  on  the 
Lord's  day  (Theodor.  Pomitent  I.  xiv.  25>  The 
parricide  or  fratricide  was  assigned  by  some 
seyen  years,  by  others  fourteen,  of  which  half 
were  to  be  passed  in  exile  (Egbert  PoenUent, 
iv.  10). 

The  modem  distinction  between  murder  and 
manslaughter  was  not  inyariably  observed.  In 
the  council  of  Ancyra  A.D.  314  (cc  22-23) 
a  shorter  term  is  imposed  upon  involuntary  than 
upon  wilfnl  homicide.  But  in  the  canonical 
epistle  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa  involuntary  homicide 
is  explained  to  mean  that  which  occurs  through 
simple  accident;  but  homicide  which  is  the 
result  of  passion,  is  treated  as  if  it  were  wilful 
murder,  even  if  deliberation  and  intention,  which 
constitute  the  legal  crime  of  murder,  are  absent. 
The  distinction  however  appears  in  the  Peni- 
tential of  Theodore,  where  it  is  decreed  (I.  iv.  7) 
that  if  a  man  kiUs  another  by  accident,  he  shall 
do  penance  one  year;  if  in  a  passion,  three 
years;  if  over  the  wine  cup,  four  years;  if  in 
strife,  ten.  Homicide  committed  at  the  com- 
mand of  a  master  or  in  war  was  to  be  subject 
(«&m1  I.  iv.  6)  to  forty  days'  penance.  The 
chastisement  of  a  slave  with  such  severity  that 
he  died,  which  was  a  crime  on  the  borderland  of 
manslaughter  and  murder,  was  not  dealt  with  so 
severely  as  wilful  homicide  (Cone.  Eliber.  c.  5, 
Cone,  Kpaon.  c.  34). 

Causing  abortion  in  any  stage  of  conception, 
or  taking  or  even  administering  drugs  for  that 
purpose,  was  treated  as  a  form  of  murder,  and  a 
long  period  of  penance  was  allotted  ta  it  (Tert. 
Af»log,  c.  9  ;  Basil  ad  AmphUoc,  cc.  2,  8 ;  Cone, 
.incyr,  e.  21 ;  Cone,  Herd.  c.  2 ;  Cone,  in  Ihill. 
e.  91).     But  that  there    was  some   laxity  of 


HOMILY 


781 


opinion  on  the  crime,  appears  from  one  of  the 
English  Penitentials  (Bed.  Poenitent.  iv.  12), 
which  excludes  from  communion  for  a  longer 
teinn  a  woman  who  procured  abortion  in  order 
to  conceal  her  shame,  than  one  who  did  so 
because  she  was  too  poor  to  maintain  her  child. 
Closely  allied  to  this  crime  was  the  EXiX)siNa 
OF  INFANTS.     [See  that  head.] 

Anger  and  strife  as  tending  to  murder  (Matt. 
y.  22)  were  brought  under  discipline.  In  the 
African  church  (Stat.  Eccl.  Antiq.  c.  93,  ed. 
Bruns)  the  oblations  of  those  who  were  nt 
enmity  with  their  brethren  were  received  neither 
at  the  altar  nor  in  the  common  treasury,  and 
they  were  consequently  excluded  from  com- 
munion. A  similar  decree  prevailed  in  the 
Gallic  church  (2  Cone.  Arelat.  c.  50),  those  who 
broke  out  into  open  strife  were  to  be  removed 
from  all  church  assemblies  till  they  were  recon- 
ciled. The  discipline  of  the  English  church  was 
more  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  law.  He  who  wounded  another  in 
strife  was  to  pay  him  a  recompence,  and  help 
to  support  him  till  he  had  recovered,  and  do 
half  a  year's  penance ;  if  he  was  unable  to  sup- 
port him,  the  penance  was  to  extend  to  a  whole 
year  (Bed.  Poenitent.  iv.  9).  [G.  M.] 

HOMILY  AND  HOMILIARIUM.  The 
word  6iuXia  designates  generally  ^  intercourse,** 
implying  the  interchange  of  thought  and  feeling 
by  words.  In  a  special  sense,  it  is  used  for  the 
instruction  which  a  philosopher  gave  his  pupils 
in  familiar  conversation  (Xenophon,  Mem.  I.  ii. 
6  and  15).  In  this  sense  of  **  familiar  instruc- 
tion" it  passed  into  Christian  usage.  Thus 
St.  Luke  uses  the  word  6iiiK4itras  of  the  «imo 
address  which  he  had  previously  described  by 
the  word  ZiaK9y6iiwos  (Acts  xx.  9,  11).  Com- 
pare Euseb.  H,E.  vi.  19,  6 17.  Photius  (^t^ 
liotK  no.  174,  4,  in  Suicer  s  Thet,  s.  v.)  notices 
that  the  discourses  of  Chrvsostom  were  properly 
called  biiiKiaL,  rather  than  \Ayoi,  as  being 
simple,  inartificial,  popular  addresses,  in  a  style 
rather  conversational  than  formal,  while  a  \^os 
was  constructed  according  to  the  rules  of  art, 
and  with  a  certain  dignity  and  eleyation  ot 
style.  Similarly  the  French  Conference.  The 
council  of  Ancyra  (c.  1)  A.D.  314,  forbidding 
presbyters  who  have  sacrificed  to  idohi  irposipdpuv 
ij  6fit\§iv  fl  8X00S  \ttrovpy9Uf  seems  to  use  the 
word  6fu\tiy  as  the  common  technical  ex- 
pression for  the  address  of  the  presbyter  in  the 
liturgy. 

Probably  the  earliest  extant  addresses  com- 
monly called  Homilies  are  those  of  Origen,  who 
(if  he  himself  applied  the  tei^n  to  his  discourses) 
no  doubt  took  it  from  the  schools  of  philosophy. 

The  word  seemingly  did  not  pass  into  common 
use  in  Latin  before  the  fifth  century;  for  Victor 
Vitensis  (Pertec.  Vandal,  i.  3,  p.  10,  Ruinart), 
writing  towards  the  end  of  that  century,  speaks 
of  Augustine's  popular  addresses,  *<quos  Graeci 
homilias  vocant,"  as  if  *^  homilia "  were  still  to 
some  extent  strange  to  his  Latin  readers. 

Augustine  had  himself  made  a  similar  ex- 
planation of  the  word  (On  Ps.  118  [1191  Pref. ; 
Epigt,  2,  ad  Quodvuitdeum).  And  he  also  sup* 
plies  abundant  evidence  that  these  homilies  were 
intentionally  cai'eless  and  colloquial  in  style.  So 
long  as  all  are  instructed  (he  says)^  let  us  not 
fear  the  critics  (Scrm.  37,  c  10,  p.  187);  let 


782 


HOMILT 


not  word-catchers  ask  whether  it  is  Latin,  but 
Christians  whether  it  is  true  (Serm.  299,  p. 
1213) ;  it  is  better  that  the  preacher  should  be 
barbarous,  and  his  hearers  understand,  than  the 
preacher  scholarly  and  the  people  lacking  (On 
Pa.  36,  Serm.  3,  p.  285);  it  is  better  that 
critics  should  blame,  than  that  the  people  should 
miss  the  meaning  (On  Pa.  138,  p.  1545). 

See  further  on  preaching,  and  its  place  in  the 
liturgy,  under  Sermon. 

At  a  comparatively  early  period  we  find  that 
the  custom  arose  of  delivering  the  sermons  of 
others  in  churches  where  the  priest  was,  for 
some  reason,  unable  to  preach.  Mr.  Scudamore 
(p.  290)  gives  the  following  instances : — 

Augustine  {De  Doct.  Chr,  iv.  62)  thinks  it 
well  that  those  who  have  a  good  delivery,  but 
no  power  of  composition,  should  adopt  the 
sermons  of  others.  Isidore  of  Pelnsium  (a.d. 
412)  wrote  a  homily  to  be  delivered  by  his 
friend  Dorotheus,  which  was  declaimed  with 
much  applause  {Episi.  iU.  382).  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria is  said  by  Gennadius  (De  Vir.  Itttut,  c. 
57  in  Fabricii  Biblioth.  Eccl,  p.  27)  to  have  com- 
posed many  homilies,  which  (he  adds)  are  com- 
mitted to  memory  by  the  Greek  bishops  for 
delivery.  The  same  author  relates  (u»  s.  c.  67, 
p.  31)  that  Salvian  of  Marseilles  made  many 
homilies  for  bishops.  Some  of  the  Dictiones 
Saorae  of  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticino  (A.D.  511) 
are  manifestly  written  to  be  preached  by  some 
other  than  the  writer,  and  two  of  them  bear  tbe 
titles:  **Sent  to  Honoratus,  bishop  of  Novara, 
at  tbe  dedication  of  the  basilica  of  the  Apostles," 
and  '*  Given  to  Stephanus  .  .  to  be  pronounced 
by  Maximus  the  bishop."  The  second  council 
of  Vaison,  A.D.  529,  licenses  all  presbyters  to 
preach  in  their  districts,  and  provides  (c  2) 
that,  in  case  the  presbyter,  from  sickness,  is 
unable  to  preach,  homilies  of  the  Holy  Fathers 
should  be  recited  by  the  deacons  [Deaoon,  p. 
529].  Caesarius  of  Aries  (t  542)  is  said  {Life 
by  Cyprian,  c.  31 ;  in  Acta  SS,  Ben.  i.  645)  to 
have  composed  homilies,  which  the  bishops  in 
the  Frank  territory,  the  Gauls,  Italy,  or  Spain, 
to  whom  he  sent  them,  might  cause  to  be 
preached  in  their  churches.  To  read  the 
sermons  of  others  seems  indeed  to  have  been  a 
recognised  practice  in  the  Galilean  church. 
Thus  Germanus  of  Paris  {Expositio  BreviSy  in 
Migne's  Pairot.  Ixxii.  91)  says,  that  the  homilies 
of  the  saints  which  are  read  after  the  Gospel,  are 
to  be  taken  merely  as  preaching,  that  the  pastor 
or  doctor  of  the  church  may  explain  in  popular 
language  to  the  people  what  has  been  delivered 
in  the  Prophecy,  Epistle,  or  Gospel. 

This  constant  habit  of  using  the  sermons  of 
others  led  in  process  of  time  to  the  formation  of 
collections  of  homilies,  of  which  those  who  were 
unable  or  unwilling  to  compose  sermons  might 
avail  themselves.  Bede's  Homiliae  de  Tempore 
are  said  to  have  been  much  used  in  this  way. 
This  collection  contains  33  homilies  for  the 
summer  half  of  the  year,  15  for  the  winter;  22 
for  Lent ;  32  for  the  Saints'  Days  of  the  summer 
half,  16  for  those  of  the  winter  half;  and 
Tarious  Sermones  ad  Populum.  Probably  several 
other  collections  were  in  circulation  before  the 
end  of  the  eighth  century.  See  Mabillon,  Acta 
88.  Bened,  iii.  pt.  1,  p.  556  ff.  But  in  the  time  of 
Charles  the  Great  all  the  homiliaries  in  common 
use  in  the  Prankish  kingdom  were  found  to 


HOUILT 

labour  under  'great  defects ;  tbe  homilies  wkick 
they  contained  were  in  many  cases  written  by 
men  of  no  authority,  and  they  were  fall  i 
errors  both  of  style  and  matter.  The  king, 
therefore,  commissioned  Paul  Wame&id,  tLt 
well>known  historian  of  the  Lombards,  to  draw 
up  a  collection  of  homilies  from  the  Fathers 
which  should  be  free  from  these  faults.  This 
task  he  accomplished  before  the  end  of  the 
eighth  century,  probably  not  later  than  ajl 
780;  for  Charles,  in  the  recommendation  pre- 
fixed to  the  book,  does  not  style  himself  Im- 
perator.  In  this  pre&ce  (Mabillon'a  AntaleeL 
Vet.  p.  75,  ed.  1723)  the  king  sUtes  that  ia 
gratitude  to  God  for  the  protection  which  Be 
had  given  him  in  war  and  peace,  he  had  set 
himself  to  promote  the  wel&re  of  the  chnrch 
and  the  advancement  of  knowledge ;  he  refers  to 
the  efforts  which  he  had  made  to  secure  a 
correct  text  of  the  Scriptures  [CAHOmcAL 
Books],  and  then  proceeds  to  recommend  the 
homiliarium  for  adoption  in  the  Galilean  churches, 
which  his  father  Pepin  had  already  IVimished 
with  chants  after  the  Roman  model  (Bomanac 
traditionis  cantibus).  In  this  collectioii*  tb^ 
discourses  are  arranged  according  to  the  aeries 
of  Sundays  and  Festivals;  that  form  of  the 
Vulgate  text  is  adopted  in  quotations  fron 
Scripture  which  had  been  in  common  use  since 
the  days  of  Gregory  the  Great. 

In  the  year  813  the  council  of  Bheims  (e.  15) 
enjoined  the  bishops  to  preach  sermons  of  the  Holy 
Fathers  in  the  dialect  of  their  sevexml  dioceses, 
so  that  all  might  understand,  and  in  the  same 
year  the  third  council  of  Tours  (c.  17)  ordered 
that  every  bishop  should  have  homilies  prepared 
containing  neednil  admonitions  for  the  use  of 
those  under  them,  and  that  each  should  en- 
deavour to  translate  the  said  homilies  dearly 
into  the  rustic-Roman  or  the  Teutonic  tongue, 
so  that  all  might  more  easily  understand  the 
things  spoken.  To  the  same  effect  the  cooBdl 
of  Mayence  (c.  2),  in  the  year  847. 

The  collection  of  Aelfric  (generally  supposed 
to  be  the  archbishop  of  Tork,  1023-1051)  does 
not  fall  within  our  period ;  but  it  was  probably 
the  successor  of  various  other  collections  of 
English  homilies,  some  of  which  may  have 
existed  before  the  time  of  Charles. 

John  Beleth  (A.D.  1162)  calls  the  Book  of 
Homilies  {Div.  Off.  ExpL  c.  60)  the  HomeHo- 
naritt9j  and  mentions  a  Sermologtu  separately 
among  the  books  which  a  church  ought  to  have. 

•  It  was  commonly  sttrlbuted  in  the  Middle  Ages  to 
Alcoin,  and  been  In  the  Oologne  edidon  of  1530  tbe  lU- 
lowtng  title :  **  UomlUse  sea  mavfa  samones  siTe  ooo- 
dones  sd  popnlom  praestsntisBlmonan  eodesise  doctonna 
Hieronymi  Aogostlni  Ambrodf  Ongortt  OrlRenis  Chiy- 
Bostoml  Bedae  etc.  in  hone  onlinem  digestae  per  Al- 
cbutamm  levltam  Idqae  Iqjnngente  el  Osrolo  M^  Rob. 
Imp.  cul  a  secretis  fUL"  Posdbly  the  mlftake  sroie 
from  the  fiMrt  that  Alculn  revised  the  so-oaUed  C^ma 
Bieronymi  [LBcnoKAitT];  or  he  msj  have  rerlsed  the 
work  of  Warnefrid.  See  on  this  point  HaUlkn  (Amk 
O.  8.  Ben.  ii.  328)  and  Rivet  X^ist.  lALdela  Fnnu, 
iv.  33T).  The  Editlo  Princeps  Is  that  of  SpeTo-,  148S. 
The  author  of  the  andrat  life  of  Alcoin  (MaMUni^ 
Acta  SS.  Ben.  Saea  iv.  pL  L  p.  158)  says  tiMt  AkniB 
collected  two  volumes  of  Homilies  frtan  the  woits  of  tte 
Fathers.  If  he  dM— whidi  U  acaraely  prahahie 
Waraefrid's  collection  had  Just  been 
work  is  lost 


HONEY  AND  MILK 


HOOD 


783 


Darandas  qbm  {Rationale,  ri.  i.  §§  28,  82)  the 
form  Honuliarius  [i,e.  Liber]  as  well  as  Bbmeiio- 
marnu. 

(Binterim's  DmkwSrdigkeiten,  !▼.  3.340  ff.; 
Wetser  and  Welte's  KirchenUxioon,  y.  307; 
Scadamore's  Notitia  Euchanstioa,  290  ff. ;  Ranke 
in  Studien  tmd  Kritiken,  1855,  ii.  p.  387  ff.)   [C] 

HONEY  AND  MILE.  1.  The  giving  of 
honey  and  milk  to  a  person  newly  baptised,  as  a 
symbol  of  the  nourishment  of  the  renewed  sonl, 
has  already  been  mentioned  [BAPTiStf,  §66, 
p.  164]. 

2.  Among  the  things  enumerated  by  the 
ApotMiocU  Canons  (c  3),  which  the  bishop  is 
forbidden  to  bring  to  the  altar  [or  sanctuary], 
are  honey  and  milk.  The  24th  canon  of  the 
third  council  of  Carthage  also  excludes  honey 
and  milk  from  the  offerings  on  the  altar,  in  that 
it  forbids  anything  to  be  placed  upon  it  but 
bread  and  wine  mixed  with  water.  But  the 
27th  of  the  African  canons,  repeating  this,  adds : 
"Primitiae  vero,  scu  mel  et  lac  quod  uno  die 
solemnissimo  in  infantum  mysterio  solet  offerri, 
quamvis  in  altari  offerantur,  suam  tamen  habeant 
propriam  benedictionem,  ut  a  sacramento  Po- 
minici  Corporis  et  sanguinis  distinguantur ;  nee 
amplius  in  primitiis  offeratur  quam  de  uris  et 
frumentis."  It  is  evident  from  this,  that  at  the 
time  when  these  canons  were  drawn  up,  the 
custom  had  arisen  of  placing  on  the  altar  the 
honey  and  milk  for  the  neophytes  at  Easter,  and 
(apparently)  of  consecrating  them  with  the 
bread  and  wine.  It  is  this  latter  practice  which 
is  here  forbidden ;  the  honey  and  milk  are  to 
hare  a  benediction  of  their  own,  but  not  that 
giren  to  the  eucharistic  elements.  At  the  end 
of  the  seventh  century  the  placing  of  honey  and 
milk  on  the  altar  was  wholly  forbidden  {Cone,  in 
Trulio,  c,  67 ;  cf.  c.  28). 

(Bingham,  Ant,  XV.  ii.  3;  Van  Espen,  Jus 
Ecd,  iii.  329,  414 ;  ed.  Colon.  1777.)  [C] 

HONOR.  1.  The  word  is  used  specially  of 
ecclesiastical  dignities  or  orders.  Thus  Optatus 
of  Milevis  (c.  Donat.  ii.  24)  says,  speaking  of  the 
attempts  of  the  Donatists  to  annul  the  orders  of 
Catholic  priests,  "quid  prodest  quod  viyi  sunt 
homines  et  occisi  sunt  honores  a  Tobis?"*  So 
Augustine,  Adv.  Episi.  Farmen,  ii.  11;  and 
Cone.  Arelat.  IV.  cc.  1  and  2.  In  Charles  the 
Great's  Capitulttries  (v.  8),  *'  honorabilis  persona  '* 
is  used,  apparently  to  distinguish  one  in  major 
orders  from  ^  ecdesiastici  yiri "  who  were  only 
in  minor  orders  (Ducange,  s.  v.), 

2.  The  second  council  of  Braga,  A.D.  572,  lays 
down  (c.  2)  that  no  bishop  making  a  visitation 
of  his  diocese  should  take  anything  from  the 
churches  besides  the  customary  honorarium  to 
the  see  (praeter  honorem  cathedrae  suae)  of  two 
solidi.  We  may  perhaps  discern  here  the  germ 
of  the  later  use,  according  to  which  **  honor " 
means  a  benefice.  [C] 

HONORATUS.  (1)  Bishop  of  Aries  (1429 
A.D.);  commemorated  Jan.  16  {Mart,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(2)  [Demetrius  (3).]  [W.  F.  G.] 

HOOD  {K9VK0^X\lOVf  KOVKOVXtOV,  KO^KOVWa, 

KaMo6T(iovj  &y»  KOfiaXaixVi  capitiwnyCaputium, 

a  Dnpln  reads, "  quia  vivnnt  homines,  et  honore  a  robis 
cocManntr' 


cucullus,  cuoulh,  cvculUo,  capo,  ccqopa).  Ckr^ 
inents  intended  for  outdoor  wear  were  very 
fi*equently  provided  with  a  hood  as  a  protection 
for  the  head  against  rain  or  cold,  which  might 
be  drawn  forward  when  need  required,  or  might 
be  allowed  to  fall  back  upon  the  shoulders. 
This  would  of  course  be  ordinarily,  but  not 
necessarily,  attached  to  the  dress.  The  lacema, 
for  example,  was  generally  furnished  with  a 
hood  or  cowl  (see  e.g.  Martial  xiv.  132,  139 ;  and 
cf.  Juvenal  vi.  117,  330 ;  viii.  145) ;  so  also  was 
the  caraoattOf  which  was  Introduced  into  Rome 
from  Gaul,  and  ^m  which  the  emperor  Aurelius 
Antoninus  derives  the  name  by  which  he  is 
ordinarily  known.  Jerome  refers  to  It  by  way 
of  illustration  in  his  description  of  the  ephod  of 
the  Jewish  high-priest,  ^in  modum  caracal- 
larum,  sed  ubaqne  cucullis"  {Epist.  64  ad 
FabioUxm,  §  15 ;  vol.  i.  364,  ed.  Vallarsi),  where 
the  last  words  imply  what  was  the  ordinary 
&shion  of  it.  A  hood  was  also  the  appendage  of 
the  ceuWa,  which  Isidore  {de  Origin,  xix.  24) 
describes  as  vestis  cucullata  ;  of  the  coMnon  (see 
e.g.  Honorins  Augustodunensis,  Gemma  Animae^ 
i.  211 ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  607),  and  of  the  cope 
(see  e.g.  Durandus,  Rat,  J)iv.  Off.  iii.  1.  13,  who 
speaking  of  the  symbolism  associated  with  the 
ptutmUSy  or  cappa,  adds  "  habet  etiam  caputium, 
quod  est  supernum  gaudinm  ").  As  regards  the 
last  of  these,  we  may  take  this  opportunity  of 
remarking  that  Isidore  {de  Origin,  xix.  31)  uses 
the  word  cappa  distinctly  in  the  sense  of  hood, 
^  cappa  .  .  .  quia  capitis  omamentum  est."  As 
an  example  of  this  more  restricted  meaning  of 
the  word,  we  may  cite  a  remark  in  a  letter  of 
Paulus  Diaconus,  in  the  name  of  abbot  Theo- 
demar,  to  Charlemagne  as  to  the  dress  of  the 
monks  of  Monte  Casskio,  **  illud  autem  vestimen- 
tum,  quod  a  Gallicanis  monacbis  cucuUa  dicitur, 
et  nos  capam  vocamus  .  .  ."  (Paul!  Diac. 
Epist.  i. ;  Patrol,  xcv.  1587).  He  had  just  be- 
fore remarked  that  the  word  cucttlla  with  them 
meant  the  same  dress  "  quam  alio  nomine  casu- 
1am  vocamus."  A  latei  instance  is  found  in  the 
records  of  a  council  of  Metz  (a.d.  888),  which 
enjoins  the  use  of  the  capa  (in  the  sense  of  hood) 
to  monks  and  forbids  it  to  laymen  (can.  6, 
Labb.  ix.  414).  An  earlier  council,  that  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  (A.D.  816),  had  restricted  the  use  of 
the  citeulla  to  monks,  excluding  other  ecclesiastics 
(can.  125,  Labb.  viii.  1395).  It  may  be  added 
here  that  the  congress  of  Gallican  abbots  and 
monks,  held  at  the  same  place  in  the  following 
year,  carefully  fixed  the  size  of  the  cowl,  '*  men- 
sura  cucullae  duobus  consistat  cubitis  "  (cap.  21 ; 
op,  cii,  1508).  With  reference  to  the  foregoing 
prohibitions,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the 
Theodosian  code  had  expressly  permitted  to 
slaves,  with  certain  exceptions,  the  use  of  the 
bi/rrus  and  cuculius  {Cod,  Theodos.  lib.  xiv. 
tit.  10,  L  1). 

The  most  prominent  instance  of  the  use  of  the 
hood  is  to  be  found  in  that  of  the  monastic  cowl, 
which  is  frequently  referred  to  in  various  Rules, 
and  which  formed  a  special  part  of  the  monkish 
dress  at  least  as  early  as  the  time  of  Jerome. 
The  hermit  Hilarion  was,  according  to  this 
father,  buried  ''  in  tunidl  dlicini  et  cuculli  " 
{Vita  8.  Hilar,  cc.  44,  46;  vol.  ii.  39,  40,  ed. 
Vallarsi).  We  meet  with  several  allusions  ^o 
the  cvculla  in  Jerome's  translation  of  the  Rule  of 
the  Egyptian  Pachomius  (see  e,g,  cc  81,  91,  99, 


784 


HOPE 


SD.  dt.   67,  aqq.).     Thus  the    monks  in   this 
system  were  to  have  two  cowls,  which  were  to 
bear  tokens  indicative  of  the  particular  monas- 
tery, and  without  his  cowl  and  *'  pellicula "  no 
monk  was  to  appear  at  divine  service  or  at  meals. 
The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  allowed  to  each  monk, 
in  the  case  of  dwellers  in  temperate  climates,  a 
frock  and  hood  (cucuZ/a),  the  latter  to  be  **  in 
hyeme  villosa.   in  aestate   pura  aut  vetusta" 
{Beg.  S,  Bened.  c.  55 ;  in  Holstenius,  Codex  Eegu- 
lartan^  pt.  iL  p.  82  ;  ed.  Paris,  1663).     The  same 
distinction  between  hoods  for  summer  and  winter 
•  wear  is  also  found  in  the  Rule  of  St.  Fructuosus 
(c.  4 ;  op.cit.  p.  139),  which  allows  a  couple  to 
each  monk,  "  villata  et  simplex."    The  Eegvla 
Magittri  lays  down  a  wholesome  provision  as  to 
the   hoods  and  frocks  of  the  monks  who  dis- 
charged the  weekly  office  of  cook  (c.  81 ;  op,  cit 
p.  257).    The  word  cuculla  passed  from  Latin 
iUto  Greek,  where  it  appears  as  kovko^XMov,  etc. 
Thus,  for  example,  it  is  mentioned  in  connection 
with   the  monastic    dress    by  Sozomen  {Hist. 
Eccles.  iii.  14,  where  he  remarks  on  the  Egyptian 
monks),  Pseudo-Athanasius  {de  Virginitatey  c.  1 1 ; 
vol.  ii.  116,  ed.  Montfaucon),  and  by  Germanus, 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  (ob.  740,  A.D.),  who 
also  appears  to  allude  to  the  cross  on  the  cowl, 
still  worn  by  bishops  and  aravp6^poi  in  the  Greek 
church   {ffistoria  Ecciesiastioa  et  Mystica  Con 
templatio ;  Patrol.  Or,  xcviii.  396).     The  name 
i,vtc  KofiriXa^x^oy  (variously  spelled)  is  given  to 
the  hood  which  covers  the  under  headdress  (xdrot 
KafirfXaCxiov)  worn  by  a  Greek  patriarch  who 
has   been  a  member  of  a  monastic  order  (see 
Ducange's  Oioasarium  Oraec,  8,v.  KOfitXaiiciov). 
An  illustration  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Gear's 
Euchologion  (p.  156 ;  cf.  also  p.  518),  where  the 
patriarch  Bekkus  is  thus  figured.    This  name, 
however,  belongs  to  a  date  subsequent  to  our 
period. 

We  may  briefly  refer  in  passing  to  the  hood 
worn  after  baptism,  which  is  spoken  of  in  con- 
nection with  the  white  baptismal  robe,  but  as 
distinct  from  it  (see  e,g,  Theodulf,  bishop  of 
Orleans  [ob.  821  A.D.],  de  Ordine  Baptismiy  c.  16 ; 
Patrol,  cv.  234:  Jesse  Ambianensis  fob.  836 
A.D.],  Epist.  de  BajMsmOy  ib.  790:  Rabanus 
Maurus,  de  Inst,  Cier.  i.  29 ;  Patrol  cvii.  313). 
We  may  perhaps  further  refer  to  an  epistle  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  who  blames  one  Peter,  a  Jew, 
for  having  on  the  day  after  his  baptism  entered 
a  synagogue  and  placed  there,  among  other 
thines,  **  birrum  album,  quo  de  fonte  resurgens 
indatus  fuerat  *'  {Epist,  lib.  ix.  ep.  6 ;  vol.  iii. 
930,  ed.  Bened.).  For  further  remarks  on  this 
species  of  hood,  reference  may  be  made  to  Mar- 
tene,  de  Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Jiitibus,  i.  54,  ed. 
Venice,  1783 ;  Ducange's  Olossarium  Qraec  s.v. 
Ko^icouXAa;  Gear's  i^ucAofogton,  p.  366.  [R.  S.] 

HOPE.  [Sophia.] 

HOBOLOGIUM  i&po\^ioy).  An  office 
book  of  the  Greek  church,  containing  the  daily 
hours  of  prayer,  and  certain  other  forms,  and 
which  therefore  corresponds  in  a  general  manner, 
though  with  important  difflerences,  to  the  Latin 
breviary. 

The  contents  of  the  Great  Horologium 
{&poK6yiov  rh  fiiya)  which  is  the  fullest  form, 
as  described  in  the  edition  published  at  Venice 
1856,  and  approved  by  the  oecumenical  patriarch, 


H0RTXJLANU8 

are  arranged  in  three  generic  parts  (rpui  ytwoA 
fitpri)  as  follows : 

1.  The  office  for  the  day  and  night  bonn  of 
the  church  from  matins  to  compline  (jkwh  r^ 
UtaowtcriKov  Zws  rod  kwoithtvw). 

This  part  therefore  corresponds  in  the  main  to 
the  "  Psalterium  cum  Ordinario  Officii  de  Tem- 
pore "  of  the  Latin  breviary. 

2.  The  variable  antiphons  and  hynuuB,  by 
whatever  name  they  are  distingoisbed,  tkken 
from  the  Menology  (which  answers  to  the  Romaa 
Martyrology)  and  from  the  other  office  books 
which  contain  the  variable  portions  of  the  office ; 
and  whatever  is  sung  in  it  on  Sundays,  festivals, 
and  ordinary  davs. 

This  part  therefore  corresponds  in  shim 
measure  to  the  *'  Proprium  de  Tempore  "  of  the 
Latin  breviary. 

3.  Various  short  offices  (ijco\ou0iai%  prayer^ 
and  canons  ;  independent  of  the  kourt ;  axMl  for 
occasional  use.  into  the  detaiU  of  these  it  » 
unnecessary  to  enter ;  and  would  be  impossible 
without  considerable  explanation. 

This  part  therefore  may  be  compared  to  the 
collection  of  short  offices  and  forms  of  prayer 
which  are  found  at  the  end  of  the  Latin  We- 
viary ;  though  the  offices  contained  in  it  are  fat 
the  most  part  different  from  and  more  numerous 
than  those  in  the  breviary. 

The  Bbrohgion  is  often  prefaced  by  the 
calendar  of  the  Menology,  which  begins  with 
September;  sometimes  (as  in  a  copy  I  posRea^ 
printed  at  Venice  1523)  by  *<  the  gospel  *  ac- 
cording to  St.  John :  t.  e.  the  introduction,  a»i 
four  last  chapters :  and  sometimes  (as  in  another 
copy  in  my  possession,  printed  at  Venice  1775 
"  con  Licenza  de'  Superiori  "),  by  the  Athanasiaa 
creed  in  Greek,  of  course  without  the  words 
which  imply  the  double  procession.     [H.  J.  H.] 

HOBBES,  martyr  at  Nicaea  with  Arabia, 
Marcus,  Nimpodora,  Theodora,  Theusetas ;  com- 
memorated March  13  {Mart,  Hieron.,  Adoais, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  a] 

HOBSE.  The  horse  is  represented  attendmg 
on  the  Orpheus  shepherd  [Fresco,  p.  6963*  As 
a  servant  or  companion  of  mankind,  he  oocnrr 
frequently  in  representations  of  the  Magi(Bottari, 
tav.  czzziii.  &c.).  Two  horses  act  as  cross-bearers 
(tav.  iii.);  and  horses  of  course  occur  in  the 
numerous  representations  of  the  translation  of 
Elijah  which  are  found  on  sarcophagi  and  else- 
where. The  horses  of  Egypt  are  commemorated 
in  representations  of  Pharaoh  and  the  Red  Sea 
(Aringhi,  vol.  i.  p.  331),  where  a  mounted  horse- 
man accompanies  the  chariots.  In  Bottari  (tav. 
clz.)  there  are  two  quadrigae,  with  horses  deco- 
rated with  palm-branches  or  plumes,  tfartigny 
states  in  this  connexion  that  the  horse  symbol 
has  been  very  frequently  found  in  the  graves 
of  martyrs,  quoting  the  titulus  of  the  yoath 
Florens  (Lupi,  Dissert,  elett.  L  p.  258X  ^^  ^ 
horses  loose  and  grazing  in  the  tribune  of  the 
cemetery  of  Basilla  (Bianchini  Not.  ad  AnasL 
Prolegomena^  t.  iii.).  [R.  St.  J.T.] 

HOBSE-BAOING.    [Charioteebs.] 

HOBTTJLANUS,  the  gardener  of  the  moBa»- 
tery.  The  rule  of  Benedict  provided  certain 
deputies  (solatia)  to  a^ist  the  cellarer  (cell^r^ 
arius)  in  the  larger  monasteries.  Th«5e  wnt, 
usually,   a  farm  bailiff  (granatarius)    &  batkr 


H08ANNA 

(emtM  wldUb  et  vini),  and  a  gardener  (hortnUniu) 
(i2«^.  oened.  c  31 ;  cC  &ned.  Anian.  Chnoord, 
lUgyd,  Ixxi.  17).  [I.  G.  S.] 

HOSANNA  (or  OoannA).  This  word,  adopted 
from  the  salutation  of  the  populace  at  Christ's 
entrj  into  Jerusalem,  occurs  in  the  Mass  at  the 
end  of  the  SamsitUj  which  ends  thus :  ^  Hosanna 
in  excelais.  Benedictus  qui  yenit  in  nomine 
Domini.  Hosanna  in  excelsis.**  The  same  words 
are  found  in  the  Greek  form  of  the  Sanotuij 
called  iirivltcios  tfufos ;  as  given  in  the  liturgies 
of  SS.  Basil,  Chrysostom,  &c. 

The  word  also  frequently  occurs  in  the  anti- 
phons  and  other  parts  of  the  service  for  Palm 
Sunday  as  given  in  the  Latin  Proc^saiorutla^  as 
for  instance  in  the  hymn  at  the  Procession : 

**  Israel  es  tu  Rex,  Davldls  et  inclyta  proles, 
Nomine  qui  in  Domini,  Bex  benedicte,  venis : 
Gloria  laus  ct  honor  Ubi  sit,  Rex  Cbriste  Redemptor, 
Gut  puerile  decus  piompslt  Osauia  ptam." 

[H.  J.  H.] 

HOSEA,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Jaka- 
bit  27  =  Feb.  21  (^Cal.  EtMop,),  [W.  F.  G.] 

H0SPITALARIU8.    [Hospitium.] 

HOSPITALITY.  Hospitality,  or  a  friendly 
reception  and  entertainment  of  strangers,  was  a 
Christian  virtue  strongly  inculcated  in  the  New 
Testament,  and  practised  most  liberally  by  the 
early  Christians,  until  long  after  the  apostolic 
times. 

The  feeling  of  Christian  union  and  sympathy 
was  so  strong,  that  every  Christian  was  ready  to 
receive  another  as  a  friend  and  brother,  although 
previously  unknown :  a  circumstance  which  ex- 
cited the  astonishment,  and  even  the  hatred  and 
misrepresentations  of  pagan  opponents  (TertuL 
Apoi.  39 ;  Lucian,  de  mort.  perig,  13).  And  one 
of  the  means  by  which  Julian  hoped  to  restore 
the  old  Roman  paganism  was  an  imitation  of  this 
Christian  liberality.  In  a  letter  of  his,  addressed 
to  Arsaces  a  chief  priest  of  Galatia,  the  emperor 
urges  him  to  take  great  care  of  strangers,  and  to 
establish  houses  for  their  reception  (|eyo^oxcca) 
[Hospitals]  in  every  city,  after  the  example^  of 
the  Christians  (Sozomen,  v.  16). 

All  Christian  families  in  the  earlier  times 
considered  it  their  duty  to  exercise  this  hospi- 
lality,  and  TertuUian  mentions  it  as  one  great 
objection  to  a  Christian  woman  marrying  a 
pagan,  that  she  would  not  be  able  to  entertain 
any  Christian  strangers  in  her  house  (Tertul.  ad 
Ux.  ii.  4). 

But  presbyters,  and  afterwards  bishops,  were 
specially  expected  to  excel  in  this  virtue.  Thus 
Jerome  extols  the  liberal  hospitality  of  the  young 
presbyter  Nepotian  (^jpiY.  Nepotiani  c.  10).  And 
Chrysostom  mentions  it  as  a  high  praise  of 
Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch,  that  his  house  was 
always  open  to  strangers  and  travellers,  where 
they  received  so  kind  and  generous  an  entertain- 
ment,  that  it  might  be  doubted  whether  it  ought 
not  to  have  been  called  the  travellers'  home, 
instead  of  his  (Chrys.  in  Genes,  i.  4). 

Monasteries  also  were  distinguished  by  their 
ready  hospitality  to  Christians  coming  from  dis- 
tant parts  [Hospitium].  Palladius  (JBtsioria  Lou- 
tiaoOf  c.  6)  describes  the  hospital  or  guest-house 
(Icvodoxciov)  which  adjoined  the  church  of  the 
Nitrian  monks,  in  which  pilgrims  might  stay,  if 
they  chose,  two  or  three  years ;  the  first  week  a 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


HOSPITALS 


785 


guest  was  not  required  to  work ;  if  he  stayed 
longer,  he  must  work  in  the  garden,  the  bake- 
house, or  the  kitchen ;  or  if  he  was  a  person  of 
too  much  consideration  for  menial  labour,  the 
monks  would  give  him  a  book  to  read.  In  our 
monastery,  says  Jerome,  hospitality  is  our  delight. 
We  receive  with  a  joyful  welcome  ail  who  come 
to  us,  with  the  exception  of  heretics  (Jer. 
adv.  Ruff,  iii.).  In  the  Rule  of  Benedict 
of  Aniane,  drawn  up  at  the  end  of  the  eighth 
century,  particular  directions  are  given  for 
the  reception  and  entertainment  of  the  poor 
and  of  strangers.  They  were  first  to  join  in 
prayer  with  the  monks ;  they  then  received  the 
kiss  of  peace ;  water  was  brought  for  their  hands 
and  feet ;  and  in  their  subsequent  entertainment 
the  strict  monastic  rules  of  fasting  were  to  be 
relaxed  in  honour  of  the  guests.  There  was  a 
distinct  kitchen  for  the  strangers'  use,  with 
officers  to  superintend  it,  so  that  the  regular 
order  of  the  monastery  might  not  be  disturbed 
(Oonoor,  Reg,  8,  Benedict,  §  60,  de  hoapiiibue 
suscipiendis).  This  relaxation  of  strict  ascetic 
rules  on  occasion  of  hospitality  to  strangers  is 
also  mentioned  with  approbation  by  Cassian 
{CoOat,  i.  26,  and  xxi.  14,  &c.).  The  council  of 
Aix  in  816  (ii.  c.  28),  desired  a  place  to  be  pre- 
pared at  the  gate  of  a  monastery  where  all 
comers  might  be  received. 

The  openhanded  hospitality  of  Christians  natu- 
rally led  sometimes  to  the  practice  of  deceit  and 
imposture  on  the  part  of  applicants;  and  to 
guard  against  the  admission  of  pretenders,  or 
otherwise  unworthy  and  dangerous  persons,  it 
became  customary  for  letters  of  recommendation 
[COMMENDATORy  LETTERS]  to  be  required. 
Christians  going  into  a  foreign  country,  or  to 
any  place  where  they  were  not  known,  com- 
monly took  with  them  such  letters  from  their 
bishop,  or  some  other  well-known  Christian; 
which  letters  were,  if  necessary,  to  be  ex- 
amined, on  their  presentation,  by  the  deacons  of 
the  place  (Constit.  AposM.  ii.  58). 

In  the  earlier  times  Christians  i*eceived 
strangers  into  their  own  homes ;  but  at  a  later 
period,  when  such  hospitality  became  incon- 
venient, and  hardly  sufficient  for  what  was 
needed,  houses  were  specially  built  or  prepared 
for  the  reception  of  strangers  (^tvoBoxfTa). 
These  were  established  in  places  where  travellers 
were  most  likely  to  resort,  or  where  Christian 
strangers  were  commonly  most  numerous,  such 
as  along  the  lines  of  travel  taken  by  pilgrims, 
when  the  practice  of  making  pilgrimages  to  holy 
places  had  become  usual. 

At  these  houses  Christian  travellers  were 
entertained  according  to  their  need,  and  were 
sent  forward  on  their  way  in  peace. 

A  singular  remnant  of  this  ancient  hospitality 
still  remains  at  St.  Cross  near  Winchester,  where 
any  one  who  applies  at  the  porter's  lodge  re- 
ceives gratuitously  a  glass  of  beer  and  a  slice  of 
bread.  [G.  A.  J.] 

HOSPITALS.  1.  General  acoount  of  ffoapi- 
tola. — ^The  remarkable  outflowing  of  benevolence 
and  sympathy  with  others,  which  marked  the 
very  commencement  of  Christianity,  led  imme- 
diately to  a  care  for  the  poor,  especially  in  times 
of  sickness  and  distress. 

From  the  earliest  times  the  funds  of  the  chureh 
were    applied  to   t^e  maintenance  of  widows 

3  £ 


786 


HOSPITALS 


HOSPITALS 


and  orphans,  eick  and  poor,  prisoners  and  so- 
journers (Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  I.  c.  67).  It 
was  the  special  duty  of  the  deacons  and  dea- 
conesses to  attend  to  the  sick  at  their  own 
houses  {CoMtit.  Apost,  iii.  19,  and  Epiphaii« 
Fidei  Expos.  21).  But  all  Christians,  particu 
larly  the  women  who  had  the  most  leisure  for 
this  purpose,  considered  it  incumbent  on  them 
to  visit  and  relieve  the  sick  poor  (^Epist.  ad 
Zen.  et  Seven,  c.  17,  in  Justin  Martyr's  Works^ 
p.  416  ;  Tertull.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4).  And  this  they 
did  without  being  deterred  by  any  fear  of  infec- 
tion in  the  case  of  plagues  or  other  contagious 
diseases;  of  which  a  notable  example,  among 
many  others,  was  seen  in  the  heroic  conduct 
of  the  Christians  at  Alexandria  during  the  great 
plague  there  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Gal- 
lienus  (a.d.  260-268).  See  the  account  given  in 
Eusebius  {Hist.  Eocles.  viii.  22). 

Public  hospitals  for  the  reception  of  the  sick, 
the  needy,  and  the  stranger,  began  to  be  erected 
as  soon  as  Christianity,  being  freed  from  per- 
secution, could  display  its  natural  tendencies 
without  danger  or  restriction.  Houses  were  set 
apart  for  the  reception  of  travellers  or  sojourners 
(icFoSoxcca),  for  the  poor  (irraxoT^o^ua)y  for 
orphans  {6p<payorpo<l*€7a)j  for  foundlings  {fipcipo- 
rpoipua),  and  for  the  aged  (yfpoyTOKOfu7a\  as 
well  as  for  the  sick  (yoaoKo/jLtla).  [Hospitality, 
EXPOSIKO  OF  Children,  Foundlinos.]  Several 
of  these  objects  were  often  combined  in  one  esta- 
blishment, so  that  it  is  most  convenient  to  treat 
of  them  under  one  head. 

Spiphanius  {Haeres.  75,  c.  1)  mentions  that 
Aerius,  afterwards  known  as  a  heretic,  about 
the  middle  of  the  4th  century  was  made  by  the 
bishop  Eustathius  superintendent  of  the  hospital 
({evoSoxetoi^,  says  Epiphanius,  called  in  Pontus 
irr«x<'^P<'^'<<"')  &^  Seboste  in  Pontus.  It  does 
not  appear  that  the  hospital  was  then  first  esta- 
blished, and  Epiphanius  mentions  it  as  a  common 
custom  for  bishops  of  the  church  to  provide  for 
the  maimed  and  infirm  by  setting  up  such  esta- 
blishments. 

The  most  complete  hospital  of  which  we  have 
any  account  in  antiquity  was  built  by  Basil  the 
Great,  soon  after  his  accession  to  the  see,  near 
Caesarea  in  Pontus.  St.  Basil,  defending  himself 
from  the  charge  of  seeking  to  gain  undue  in- 
fluence, which  had  been  brought  against  him 
before  the  prefect  of  the  place,  says  {Ej^ist,  94 
[al.  372]  ad  Seliam)^  '*  Whom  do  we  injure,  in 
building  lodgings  {Korayi&yia)  for  the  strangers 
who  stay  with  us  in  passing  through,  and  for 
those  who  need  attendance  (Bfpaxcias)  in  conse- 
quence of  infirmity  ?  What,  in  supplying  neces- 
sary comfort  for  these  persons,  nurses,  medical 
attendants,  means  of  conveying  them  (rk 
vnro^6pa)^*  and  persons  to  take  charge  of  them 
in  removal  (ro^f  trc^McWftiroKrat)  ?  And  these 
things  must  of  necessity  carry  with  them  handi- 
crafts, both  such  as  are  required  for  sustenance 
and  such  as  conduce  to  decorum,  and  these  again 
require  workshops."  He  also  {Epist  142  [al.  374]) 
begs  an  official  of  the  empire  to  exempt  nis  poor- 
house  from  state  taxation,  and  speaks  {Epist.  143 
[al.  428])  of  its  being  managed  by  a  chorepiscopus. 
St.  Basil's  hospital  is  thus  spoken  of  by  Gregory  of 
Naziaoxus  (who  had  himself  seen  it)  in  his  pane- 
gyric on  the  saint  {Orat.  20,  p.  359,  ed.  Colon. 


*  OompAre  Xenoph.  Cyrop.  vi.  %  34. 


1690).  *'  Go  forth  a  little  from  the  ctty,  aad 
behold  the  new  city,  the  treasore-hoiise  of  gudti- 
ness  ....  in  which  the  superfluities  of  wealth 
— ^nay,  even  things  not  superflnoos — have  bea 
laid  up  in  store  at  his  exhortation;  .  .  .  n 
which  disease  is  investigated  (<^cXo<ro^crrai)  aad 
sympathy  proved  .  .  .  We  have  no  longer  to 
look  on  the  fearful  and  pitiable  sight  of  men  like 
corpses  before  death,  with  the  greater  part  of 
their  limbs  dead  [from  leprosy]^  driven  from 
cities,  from  dwellings,  from  public  places,  frcai 
water-courses  .  .  .  Basil  it  was  more  than  anv 
one  who  persuaded  those  who  are  men  not  to 
scorn  men,  nor  to  dishonour  Christ  th«  head  ti 
all  by  their  inhumanity  towards  human  beiagK.'* 
From  this  it  appears  that  at  least  a  portion  cf 
St.  Basil's  hospital  was  for  lepers.  Sozoroei, 
again  {H.  E.  vi.  34)  speaks  of  Prapidius  haviif 
been  principal  of  this  '^Basiliad,  that  meet 
famous  lodging  for  the  poor  founded  by  Baii], 
from  whom  it  received  the  appellation  which  it 
still  retains."  Of  St.  Chrysostom,  too,  Fallaiiifa 
(  Ft&i  Chrys.  p.  19,  ed.  Montfaucon)  relates  that 
he  diverted  the  superfluous  expenses  of  his  see  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  hospital  (r<Mroro/arurX 
and  that  as  the  need  increased  he  founded  several 
over  which  he  set  two  presbyters  of  high  chf 
racter ;  he  engaged  further  physicians  and  cck^ 
and  kind  unmarried  attendants  to  work  under 
them.  St.  Chrysostom  himself  {Hotn.  66  (al.  67] 
in  Matt.)  pointing  triumphantly  to  the  large- 
handed  bounty  of  the  church,  says,  **  oons^^ 
how  many  widows,  how  many  virgins,  tbe  chaick 
sustains  day  by  day ;  the  number  on  the  roll  ii 
not  less  than  three  thousand  [in  Constantino]de]. 
And  she  provides  also  for  those  who  are  in  dis- 
tress in  the  guest-house;  for  those  who  ire 
maimed  in  body ;  and  yet  her  substance  is  Bat 
diminished."  It  is  evident  that  a  regular  sy^rtoa 
of  providing  for  the  poor  in  oonnexi<m  with  the 
church  was  organised  in  the  middle  of  the  fiftk 
century;  for  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (c  3) 
especiaJly  recognises  the  care  of  widows  aad 
orphans,  and  the  needy  generally  as  one  of  the 
justifications  for  a  cleric's  engaging  in  secukr 
affairs  (Ko<r/iuKal  9(oiic4<rcts),  if  he  does  it  at  tbt 
command  of  his  bishop. 

The  emperor  Julian  recognised  the  importanee 
of  institutions  such  as  thqpe  of  St.  Baail ;  **  the» 
impious  Galilaeans,"  says  he  {Fragment,  p.  305, 
quoted  by  Rheinwald)  ^  give  themselves  to  ths 
kind  of  humanity ;  as  men  allure  children  withs 
cake,  so  they,  starting  from  w^hat  thej  call  lore 
and  entertaining  and  serving  of  tables,  bring  is 
converts  to  their  impiety;"  and  again  he  bkb 
Arsacius  {Epist.  Ac^,  u.s.), "  establish  abundance cf 
hospitals  in  every  city,  that  our  kindness  may  be 
enjoyed  by  strangers,  not  only  of  oar  own  people, 
but  of  others  who  are  in  need." 

Placilla,  the  wife  of  Theodosius  the  Great, 
devoted  herself  much  to  the  care  of  the  side. 
She  cared,  says  Theodoret  {Hist.  Ect^,  v.  19X  for 
those  who  were  maimed  and  injured,  not  devtdr- 
ing  the  charge  of  them  on  subordinates,  hoi, 
attending  to  them  personally,  going  into  the 
places  where  they  were  received  {"rkt  revrar 
Kceroyatyds)  and  supplying  their  several  wants. 
So  aJso,  making  the  round  of  the  hospiub 
(|cy«)yar)  of  the  churches,  she  attended  on  those 
who  were  confined  to  bed,  herself  h.indling  ^ 
pots  and  tasting  the  broth,  bringing  bowk, 
breaking  bread,  and  offering  mouthfols,  washiQ( 


HOSPITALS 

cupi,  and  performing  other  seryices  which  are 
generally  done  by  domestics. 

Samson  of  Constantinople  received  the  name  of 
**  Xenodochos  "  from  his  devotion  to  the  care  of 
hospitals  and  asyloms,  and  is  said  to  have  per- 
suaded the  emperor  Jnstinian  to  give  up  his  own 
palace  for  the  purposes  of  a  zenodochion  (see  the 
Byzantine  Menaea,  June  27).  Procopius  how- 
ever (De  Aedif,  Just.  i.  2)  gives  a  somewhat 
different  account  of  the  matter.  There  was,  he 
saysy  a  hospital  for  the  sick  and  infirm,  built  in 
former  years  by  the  pious  care  of  one  Samson,  of 
which  there  were  in  Justinian's  time  some  re- 
mains in  a  ruinous  condition.  This  the  emperor 
restored,  decorated,  and  amplified  in  the  most 
liberal  manner.  He  increased,  says  Procopius, 
both  the  number  of  wards  (olictSuvr,  domuncu- 
larum)  and  the  annual  revenue.  Whether  by  the 
expression  ohciUvy  we  are  to  understand  detached 
buildings,  or  rooms,  is  doubtful ;  if  the  former, 
Justinian's  hospital,  like  that  of  Basil  previously 
described,  would  resemble  a  little  town,  a  place 
of  many  buildings  within  a  wall.  Justinian  far- 
ther built,  in  concert  with  Theodora,  two  other 
hospitals  Qtpuvas).  Of  the  empress  Eudoda  it 
is  related  (VUa  Euthymiiy  c.  16,  in  Acta  SS, 
January,  vol.  ii.  p.  317)  that  she  built  many 
churches,  gerontocomia,  ptochotrophia,  and  mon- 
asteries. She  is  said  also  to  have  prepared  food 
for  the  sick  with  her  own  hands. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  through  the  long  list 
of  pious  foundations  for  the  benefit  of  the  sick 
which  we  meet  with  in  the  history  of  the  church. 
But  it  may  be  mentioned  as  an  instance  of  the 
general  recognition  of  the  duty  of  providing  for 
sick  and  infirm  brethren,  that  by  the  so-called 
Arabic  canons  of  Nicaea  the  bishop  was  expressly 
bound,  in  virtue  of  his  office,  to  institute  hos- 
pitals. Canon  70  (Hardouin,  ConciHoy  i.  475) 
prescribes,  that  in  every  city  a  place  should  be 
set  apart  for  strangers,  sick,  and  poor,  which 
ahould  be  called  a  xenodochium;  and  thai  the 
bishop  should  select  one  of  the  monks  of  the 
desert,  himself  a  foreigner,  far  from  home  and 
family,  and  a  man  of  integrity,  to  take  charge  of' 
the  hospital,  to  procure  for  it  beds  and  whatever 
may  be  necessary  for  the  sick  and  poor ;  and  that 
if  the  property  of  the  hospital  be  inadequate,  he 
should  make  a  collection  from  the  Christians, 
according  to  their  several  means,  and  with  this 
provision  sustain  the  brethren  who  are  strangers, 
poor,  or  sick,  as  each  may  have  need. 

Most  of  these  instances  belong  to  the  Eastern 
church ;  but  the  Western  church  was  not  behind 
in  the  good  work.  Paulinus  of  Nola  has  left  us 
{Poem.  XX.  114)  a  brief  description  of  the  hospital 
which  he  himself  built,  which  appears  to  have 
been  rather  for  the  reception  of  the  poor  and  old 
than  of  the  sick,  as  such : 

"  Dispodti  trine  per  longa  sedlUa  ooetu 
Obfttrepaere  senes,  loopum  mlKrabile  vulgns, 
£t  socio  canae  resMentes  agmine  matres.'* 

This  description  suggests  long  wards,  provided 
with  "sedilia" — perhaps  "berths,"  or  divans 
running  along  the  wall — in  which  the  inmates 
were  separated  into  three  classes — ^poor,  old 
naen,  and  old  women. 

Jerome,  in  a  letter  to  Pammachius  (^Epist.  66 
[al.  26],  c  11,  written,  according  to  Vallarsi, 
A.D.  387)  speaks  of  a  xenodochium  which  the 
latter  had    built   in  the  Portus  Romanus,  of 


HOSPITALS 


787 


which  he  (Jerome)  had  just  heard.  This  was 
probably  attended  to  by  Pammachius  himself 
and  the  monks  for  whom  he  had  provided  a  con- 
vent in  the  neighbourhood.  Jerome  himself 
founded  a  hospital  for  the  reception  of  the  sick 
and  the  stranger  in  Bethlehem ;  finding  his 
means  insufficient  to  finish  it,  he  sent  his  brother 
Paulinianus  (u,  s.  c.  14)  to  sell  his  remaining  pro- 
perty in  his  native  country,  to  provide  money  for 
its  completion.  Fabiola,  the  friend  of  Jerome,  also 
founded  a  hospital  at  Rome.  Having  been 
obliged  to  obtain  a  divorce  from  her  first  husband 
on  account  of  his  intolerable  profligacy,  she 
married  another  before  his  death.  On  becoming 
a  widow  she  learned  that  according  to  church 
law,  of  which  she  had  been  previously  ignorant 
(<*  nee  evangelii  vigorem  noverat,"  says  Jerome 
Ep.  77  [al.  30],  o.  3),  it  was  unlawful  for  her 
to  have  married  again  during  her  first  husband's 
life,  however  justly  she  had  separated  from  him. 
Upon  this  she  submitted  to  a  humiliating  pen- 
ance ;  and  afterwards  devoted  all  her  property 
to  charitable  purposes,  and  among  other  good 
works  built  a  hospital,  where  she  ministered  to 
the  sick  with  her  own  hands  (t&.  c.  6). 

Jerome  remarks  that  Fabiola  was  the  fii*st 
person  who  founded  a  hospital  (prima  omnium 
vocoKOfitiov  instituit).  But  this  perhaps  only 
means  the  first  hospital  in  Rome  or  Italy.  And 
the  £Bict  that  Jerome  uses  the  Greek  word 
yoffOKOfittoyj  and  not  the  Latin  valetudinariumy 
tends  to  confirm  the  account  which  points  to  the 
Eastern  church  as  the  fii-st  to  exhibit  such  acta 
of  benevolence. 

Rome  itself  had  an  ancient  fame  for  its  care  of 
the  sick  and  poor  (Prudentius,  Peristeph,  ii. 
140  ff.).  Its  hospitals  were  frequently  the  ob- 
jects of  the  munificence  of  the  popes.  Anastasius 
\Vitaa  Fontt.  134  a,  ed.  Muratori)  tells  us  of 
Pelagius  II.  (578-590),  that  he  caused  his  own 
house  to  be  made  a  refuge  for  the  poor  and 
aged  (ptochium  pauperum  et  senum).  His  suc- 
cessor, Gregory  the  Great  (Dialogtts,  iii.  35, 
p.  243)  seems  to  say  that  he  had  taken  Amantius 
from  his  own  dwelling  to  pass  some  days  in  the 
infirmary ;  and  John  the  Deacon  relates  of  him 
that  he  set  over  the  several  hospitals  careful  and 
conscientious  men,  who  had  to  submit  their 
accounts  to  himself,  that  the  beneficence  of  the 
people  towards  those  institutions  might  not  be 
checked  by  mismanagement  of  the  funds.  He 
also  provided  Probus  with  money  to  build  a 
xenodochium  on  a  large  scale  at  Jerusalem,  and 
supported  it  by  an  annual  subvention  {Vita 
Oreg.  ii.  7).  Other  hospitals  in  Rome  of  an 
early  date  are  known  to  us  at  least  by  name. 
Pope  Symmachus  (498-514)  is  said  by  Ado 
(CArofitcon,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cxxiii.  106  B)  to 
have  founded  or  restored  three  hospitals  (pau- 
peribus  habitacula)  known  by  the  names  of  St. 
Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Laurence  respectively. 
Stephen  HI.  (752-757)  is  said  by  Anastasius 
{VUae Pontiff,  p.  165,0.  D.)  to  have  restored  four 
xenodochia  and  founded  two  others,  which  were 
placed  in  the  charge  of  the  regionary  deacons  of 
St.  Maria  and  St.  Silvester;  and  Adrian  I. 
(772-795,  «6.  p.  190,  D.)  to  have  founded  three 
DiACONiAE  (see  the  word)  **  foris  portam  Beati 
Apostolorum  Principis.** 

Nor  was  it  only  in  Rome  that  such  institutions 
were  found.  In  Gaul  they  existed  at  any  rate 
before  the  death  of  St.  Rem!  (t532X  if  we  may 

3  E  2 


788 


H0BPITAL8 


H08PITALB 


trust  Flodoard.  The  saint  is  made  {ffist.  Bo- 
mffna,  i.  18)  to  entreat  his  successors  to  preserve 
inviolate  his  statutes  for  the  management  of  his 
poor-houses  (ptochia),  coenobia,  martjria,  dia- 
coniae  and  xenodochia,  as  he  had  done  those  of  his 
predecessors — an  expression  which  implies  that 
some  at  least  of  these  foundations  existed  before 
St.  I^mi  came  to  the  see  of  Reims  before  496. 
The  fifth  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  549,  places  (c. 
13)  the  property  of  xenodochia  on  the  same  foot- 
ing, with  regard  to  alienation,  as  that  of  churches 
and  monasteries ;  and  (c.  15)  makes  special  pro- 
vision for  the  magnificent  hospital  which,  under 
the  influence  of  its  bishop  Sacerdos,  Childebert 
with  his  queen  Ultragotha  had  founded  in  Lyons, 
forbidding  the  bishop  of  that  city  to  merge  any 
of  its  property  in  that  of  his  church,  or  to  dimi- 
nish its  privileges  in  any  way,  and  enjoining  him 
to  take  care  that  active  abd  God-fearing  super- 
intendents (praepositi)  be  always  appointed,  and 
that  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  entertainment 
of  strangers  be  always  maintained  according  to 
the  statutes. 

We  do  not  trace  the  existence  of  hospitals  in 
the  African  fathers  or  councils.  In  Victor's 
account  of  the  Vandal  persecution  (i.  8),  we  find 
that  Deogratias  bishop  of  Carthage,  a.d.  455, 
turned  two  churches  into  hospitals  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  wretched  captives  who  were  poured 
on  the  African  shores  from  Italy ;  but  this  was 
a  temporary  expedient,  such  as  has  often  been 
adopted  in  times  of  calamity.  But  we  are  not 
to  suppose  that  the  sick  of  the  African  church 
were  ill-cared  for  ;  the  houses  of  the  bishops,  the 
clergy  and  the  monks  often  served  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  sick.  Augustine  (Possidius,  Vita 
Aug,  cc.  22,  23)  exercised  constant  care  for  the 
sick  and  poor,  and  (^Reguia  ad  Servos  Dei,  c.  5) 
gives  directions  to  monks  as  to  their  reception 
and  treatment  of  the  sick  and  infirm ;  directions 
in  which  he  seems  to  contemplate  the  case  not 
only  of  feeble  members  of  the  monastic  body,  but 
of  sick  persons  brought  in  from  without. 

In  the  Teutonic  countries,  we  have  of  course 
no  accounts  of  hospitals  of  so  early  a  date  as 
those  which  have  been  mentioned  in  Italy  and 
Gaul.  Chrodegang,  however  {lieguhf  c.  45,  in 
Migne'a  Patrol.  89,  1076),  recommends  that  a 
guest-room  (hospitale)  should  be  formed  in  a 
suitable  place,  convenient  for  the  brothers  to 
visit ;  and  desires  the  brothers  of  his  Rule,  even 
if  they  cannot  maintain  a  hospital  at  other 
times,  at  least  in  Lent  to  wash  the  feet  of  the 
poor  in  a  hospital  or  guest-room.  The  famous 
Alcuin  at  a  somewhat  later  date  also  warned  the 
bishops  of  the  great  necessity  there  was  for  form- 
ing hospitals,  and  probably  also  directed  the  at- 
tention of  his  patron  Charles  the  Great  to  the 
same  subject.  To  Eanbald,  as  soon  as  he  entered 
on  his  see,  Alcuin  wrote  urging  him  to  establish 
**  xenodochia,  id  est,  hospitalia"  (^'s^.  56,  ad 
Eanb.f  Ale.  0pp.  i.  65)  in  which  the  poor  and  the 
strangers  might  be  received.  In  accordance  with 
the  Rule  of  Chrodegang  and  the  wish  of  Alcuin, 
the  synod  of  Aix,  in  the  year  816,  ordered  (c  28) 
that  every  ecclesiastical  foundation,  whether  ca- 
nonical or  monastic,  should  provide  accommoda- 
tion for  the  poor,  the  sick,  the  widows,  and  the 
strangers.  The  poor-house  was  to  be  placed  near 
the  church,  and  a  priest  was  to  be  its  superin- 
tendent ;  the  infirmary  was  to  be  within  the  con- 
vent, as  were  also  the  wards  for  the  widows  and 


poor  maidens,  though  probably  in  a  Iniilding 
rate  from  that  which  contained  the  cells  of  tht 
canons  or  monks  {Cone.  Germ,  i.  539).  Tike 
Prankish  Capitularies  also  take  cider  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  poor  and  sick.  Thus  it  is 
ordered  (i.  c.  70,  a.d.  789)  that  **'  hospitea,  p€r»- 
grini  et  pauperes  "  have  the  due  entcrtainmeat 
in  various  places  to  which  they  are  entitled  by 
the  canons ;  a  passage  in  which  **•  peregrini  **  an 
probably  monks  from  other  houses,  "hospites"  aie 
lay  guests.  And  again  (iL  c  29)  they  bring  xeno- 
dochia, ptochotrophia,  nosoconua,  orphanotro- 
phia,  gerontooomia,  and  brephotrophia  under  the 
same  law  as  churches  and  monasteries  with  re- 
gard to  the  non-alienation  of  their  property. 

The  establishment  of  many  of  the  hospitak 
which  existed  in  the  northern  countries  in  the 
8th  and  9th  centuries  is  due  to  the  Irish  mi»- 
sionaries,  who  cared  for  the  bodies  as  well  as  thi 
souls  of  the  people  among  whom  thej  preadted. 
Hence  they  received  the  name  of  "  Hoapitalia 
Scotorum,"'*  an  expression  found  both  in  the 
canons  of  Meaux  ((7.  Meidenaey  c  40),  and  in  tht 
petition  of  the  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Rdw 
and  Rouen  to  Lewis  the  Pious  (c.  10,  Balaze,CEipdl. 
Franc,  ii.  111).  These  hospitals  were  closely  con- 
nected with  the  monasteries  founded  bj  the  same 
missionaries.  Gretser  {Ad  Vit.  £L  Will^aiii, 
lib.  i.  observ.  19  ;  Grets.  Opera,  x.  778)  eauae- 
rates  some  of  the  hospitals  of  their  fouinUtioB. 

2.  Administration  of  Hospitals. — In  the  first 
instance,  the  hospitals,  like  other  institatioos  of 
the  church,  were  under  the  immediate  super- 
intendence of  the  bishops.     In  many  cases,  as  we 
have  seen,  they  were   fonnded  by  the   bishefs 
themselves  from  the  fnnds  placed  at  their  d»- 
posal  by  the  church,  and  so   the  oversi^t  of 
them  naturally  fell  to  the  founder  and  hb  sac- 
cessors.     And  even  when  endowed   by  private 
persons,  such  foundation  was  regarded  as  of  the 
nature  of  alms,  and  so  given  into  the  hands  of 
those   who    were,    directly  or    indirectly,    ths 
universal  almoners.  The  property  of  hospitals  wv 
regarded  (as  has  been  shewn  above)  by  kings  aad 
rulers  as  being  of  the  same  kind  as  the  property 
of  the  church.     And  the  attendants  on  the  sck 
were,  at  least  in  very  many  cases,  drawn  firea 
the  neighbouring  monasteries  or  houses  of  caaoas. 
When  the  duty  was  laid  upon  bishops  of  pr»- 
viding,  so  far  as  in  them  lay,  food  and  dothiag 
for  those  who  in  consequence  of  infirmity  wcrs 
unable  to  earn  their  own  living  {Cone,  AureL  L 
c.  16),  it  naturally  followed  that  they  super- 
intended and  directed  the  establishments  for  at- 
taining this  end. 

It  must  however  have  been  firom  the  fosi 
impossible  for  a  much-occupied  biahop  to  give 
personal  attention  to  all  the  details  of  a  larfc 
hospital,  and  therefore  other  clerics  were  eo- 
ployed  under  him  on  this  behalf.  We  have  se«i 
already  that  Aerius  was  a  hospital-enperintendcat 
under  his  bishop  Eustathius;  and  as  eariy  ai 
the  council  of  Chalcedon,  A.D.  451,  we  find  the 
clerics  attached  to  the  poor-houses  {-rmw  irr«x*^ 
«y)  placed  on  the  same  footing  as  those  of  tht 
monasteries  and  martyr-churches,  and  adraontsbed 
to  obey  their  bishops  according  to  the  traditka 
of  the  fathers  (c.  8),  a  passage  which  probably 
indicates  that  they  had  been  disposed  to  assMt 


b  It  mic-t  be  bone  in  mind  that  Iqr  **  Seotf  "  at  tUi 
period  we  are  to  oDderatand  natives  (tflnlaiid. 


HOSPITALS 


HOSPITIUM 


789 


too  great  ndependence.  The  legulaiion  of  Jus- 
tinian provided  caretnlly  for  the  due  administra- 
tion of  hospitab.  Thus  {Codex,  1.  42,  %  ^,  De 
JEpiacopis  et  Cleriois)  it  is  provided  that  prefects 
of  hospitals  (of  whatever  kind)  shall  be  appointed 
according  to  the  judgment  and  with  the  approval 
of  the  bishop  of  the  place ;  and  again  (76.  1.  46, 
§  3)  bishops  are  enjoined  not  to  administer  the 
hospitals  within  their  dioceses  personally,  but 
to  appoint  snperintendents,  and  to  act  themselves 
aa  visitors  and  auditors,  in  case  of  need  removing 
tlie  offidala.  The  same  law  desires  that  men  be 
appointed  to  such  offices  who  have  before  their 
eyes  the  fear  of  God  and  of  the  dreadful  day  of 
judgment.  Tlie  same  code  (1.  28)  makes  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese  the  executor  of  a  will 
containing  a  bequest  for  pious  uses,  where  no 
executor  has  been  named  in  the  will  itself;  and 
desires  him  (1.  49)  in  cases  where  the  testator 
has  not  designated  special  objects  of  his  bounty, 
to  apply  the  bequest  to  the  beneBt  of  the  hospital 
of  the  city,  or  to  the  poorest  hospital,  where  there 
were  more  than  one.  In  deciding  the  question, 
which  is  poorest,  he  is  to  take  counsel  with  his 
clergy.  But  in  case  there  be  no  hospital  (xenon) 
in  the  dty,  then  the  oeconomus  or  the  bishop  is 
to  take  the  bequest,  and  apply  it  for  the  benefit 
of  the  poor.  In  case  the  bishop  is  negligent  in 
discharging  this  duty,  then  the  metropoDtan  of 
the  province  or  the  archbishop  of  the  diocese 
[see  Diocese]  may  enquire  into  the  matter  and 
compel  the  bishop  to  act.  Or  (1.  46,  §  6)  any 
inhabitant  of  the  city  interested  in  the  matter 
may  compel  the  carrying  out  of  the  will. 

That  in  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  the 
xenodochia  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishop  is  clear  from  several  passages  in  his 
letters.  Thus  (Epist,  iv.  27)  he  desires  Janua- 
rius,  bishop  of  Cagliari,  to  take  care  that  the 
xenodochi  render  their  accounts  to  him;  and 
begs  him  not  to  let  the  hospitals  fall  to  decay 
by  his  neglect ;  and  he  desires  that  men  of  proved 
integrity  may  be  appointed  prefects  of  xenodo- 
ohia,  and  these  only  ecclesiastics  (religiosi),  who 
cannot  be  harassed  by  lay  tribunals.  To  those 
whom  he  himself  had  Appointed  prefects  of  dia- 
ooniae  or  xenodochia  he  gave  full  power  over  the 
funds,  expressly  exempting  them  from  rendering 
an  account  to  any  one  (Joan.  Diaconus,  Vita  Oreg, 
i\,  c.  51). 

The  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  Reims  and 
Rouen,  in  their  petition  to  Lewis  the  Pious,  son 
of  Charles  the  Great,  beg  that  the  rectors  of 
monasteries  and  xenodochia  be  made  subject  to 
the  authority  of  their  bishops  (c.  10,  in  Baluze 
Capit.  Franc.  iL  111). 

3.  Dedication, — Martigny  (referring  to  Werns- 
dorf  De  Cdttmbae  Stmulwris)  says  that  hospitals 
were  in  ancient  times  commonly  dedicated  to  the 
Holy  Spirit,  which  was  represented  under  the 
form  of  a  dove,  either  on  the  facade,  or  on  some 
other  conspicuous  part  of  the  building.  The 
principal  hospital  in  Rome  bears  this  designation, 
and  has  borne  it  from  a  very  remote  period 
(Fantncd,  Ihitt,  di  tutU  le  opere  pie  nelV  alma 
oitUi  di  Roma^  c.  1,  quoted  by  Martigny). 

(Thomaisin,  Veiua  et  Nova  Eccl.  Disciplina, 
P.  I.  lib.  ii.  c.  89 ;  Van  £spen.  Jus  Ecclesiasiicum, 
P.  n.  sec.  iv.  tit.  6 ;  Binterim,  DenhnkrdigheHen, 
Bd.  VI.  Th.  iii.  p.  32  ffl ;  Rheinwald,  Kirchlichs 
Archdotot/ief  §  41,  p.  103  ff. ;  Martigny,  Diet,  des 
ArnHq.  Chr^t.  s.  v.  H^aux,)    [G.  A.  J.  and  C] 


HOSPITIUM  (also  Jloepitale).  One  of  the 
characteristics,  perhaps  the  most  commend* 
able,  of  monasticism,  was  its  unvarying  hos- 
pitality to  ail  comers.  None  were  to  be  re- 
fnsed  admission ;  all  were  to  be  made  welcome 
(Bened.  Heg,   c  53);  especially  monks,  clergy, 

{»oor,  and  foreigners  {Beg.  Fachom,  c.  51  ; 
sidor.  Reg,  c.  23 ;  Mart,  ad  Bened.  JReg,  c.  53). 
No  questions  were  to  be  asked  {Beg,  Pair.  c.  4) 
unless  by  the  abbat's  order  {Reg,  Tamat.  c.  7.) 
Even  passing  wayfarers  were  to  be  pressed  to  eat 
before  going  on ;  if  they  could  not  wait  for  the 
usual  hour,  the  dinner  was  to  be  served  three 
hours  sooner  than  usual ;  or,  if  they  conld  not 
stay  even  so  long,  they  were  to  have  their  meal 
separately  {Reg.  Mag.  c.  72).  Everything  was 
to  be  done  in  courtesy,  and  for  the  comfort  of 
the  guests.  The  prior  (or  some  others  of  the 
brethren),  was  to  meet  them,  and,  ailer  a  few 
words  of  prayer  by  way  of  salutation,  as  well  as  by 
way  of  precaution  against  any  Satanic  illusion, 
was  to  give  and  receive  the  kiss  of  peace ;  on  tbeir 
arriving  and  departing  he  was  to  make  obeisance 
to  them,  as  recognising  in  them  a  visit  from  the 
Saviour  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  53).  He  was  to  lead 
them  straightway  on  arrival  to  the  oratory  or 
sacristy,  (usually  in  Benedictine  monasteries 
close  to  the  entrance-gate),  and  after  praying 
together  (cf.  Reg,  Pachom.  c  51)  awhile,  was  to 
sit  with  them,  reading  aloud,  first  some  holy 
book  (lex  divina),  the  Scriptures  especially 
(Mart.  too.  est.),  and  then,  these  primary  duties 
attended  to,  conversing  amicably  ("Omnis 
humanitas  praebenda,"  Bened.  Reg.  v.  s.)  The 
abbat  himself  was  to  bring  water,  this  was  to  be 
done  at  bedtime,  and  the  footsore  were  to  be 
rubbed  with  oil,  according  to  the  rule  (c  10)  of 
Fructuosus,  and  with  certain  brethren  in  rota- 
tion (so  Martene  understands  "omnis  congre- 
gatio ")  was  to  wash  the  feet  of  all  without 
distinction,  repeating  a  verse  of  the  Psalms 
(Bened.  Reg.  v,  s.).  In  compliment  to  the 
guests,  the  prior,  though  not  the  other  monks, 
was  excused  from  observing  a  fast  day,  unless  one 
of  special  obligation  (i&.).  If  sick  or  delicate, 
some  dainties  (**  pulmentaria  ")  were  to  be  pro- 
vided for  them  (Fruct,  Reg.  c  10).  Nor  were 
the  guests  to  leave  the  monastery  empty-handed; 
for  the  journey,  the  best  that  the  monastery 
could  afford  was  to  be  supplied  as  a  parting  gift 
(viaticum). 

In  the  annals  of  the  monastery  of  Micy  (Mici- 
anum),  it  is  recorded  in  praise  of  an  abbat  in  the 
6th  century,  that,  though  the  monastery  was  then 
very  poor,  its  guests  were  always  regaled  with 
wine,  without  being  allowed  to  see  that  the 
brethren  were  drinking  only  water  (Mab. 
A.  A.  0.  S.  B.  I.  ad  fin.).  Caesarius  of  Aries  is 
similarly  extolled  by  his  biographer  for  keeping 
open  house  as  abbat  (  Vit.  Caes.  Areiat.  i.  37,  ap. 
Mab.  t&.). 

Such  hospitality  was  sure  to  be  largely  used 
in  days  when  travelling  was  so  difficult  and  so 
dangerous.  Benedict  wisely  provides  for  a  con- 
stant influx  of  strangers  ("nunquam  desunt 
monasterio,"  Reg.  c.  53).  Nowhere  indeed  in 
his  rule  is  its  tenderness  and  forethought  more 
remarkable  than  about  the  reception  of  guests. 
In  some  of  these  arrangements  he  had  been  anti- 
cipated. Cassian  spefdcs  of  one  of  the  older 
monks  being  stationed  by  the  abbat,  with  the 
advice  of  the  seniors,  near  the  entrance  ot'  the 


790 


HOSPITIUM 


HOST 


monasieiy,  to  receive  strangers  as  they  arriyed 
(Cass.  InstU,  ir.  7).  BeDedict  placed  them 
under  the  general  supenrision  of  the  cellarer,  or 
house-steward  ^Reg,  c  81),  and  his  deputies.  Suh- 
seqnently,  a  distinct  officer  was  created,  the 
'^  hospitalarius,"  corresponding  to  the  eastern 
**^tyo96xo5"  (Mart,  ad  loc,  cit  Alteserr.  As- 
oeticorit  iz.  9 ;  Du  Cange,  a.  v  «.),  whose  duties, 
however,  did  not  extend  to  the  refectory.  One 
of  the  brethren,  selected  as  a  specially  God- 
fearing man  (**  Cujus  animam  timor  dei  habeat ") 
was  appointed  by  Benedict  to  look  after  the 
guests'  dormitory  (*'cella  hospitum")  (Bened. 
lieg,  c.  53)  (usually  on  the  east  side  of  the  Bene- 
dictine quadrangle,  over  the  "  hospitium  "  ■) ; 
and  two  others  were  told  off  annually  for  the 
guests'  kitchen,  which  adjoined  the  abbat's 
kitchen  (usually  on  the  south  side  of  the  quad- 
rangle *  with  a  window  between  (Mart.  ad.  loo.) ; 
these  officials  were  to  have  extra  assistance,  as 
occasion  required  (t&.).  Every  precaution  was 
taken,  lest  the  influx  of  strangers  should  either 
disturb  the  placidity  of  the ''  house  of  God  "  (<&.), 
or  lead  to  the  propagation  of  silly  rumours  about 
it  (»&.).  Their  sitting-room,  dormitory,  and 
kitchen  were  all  to  be  separate  from  those  of  the 
monks  (i&.  cf.  c  56).  None  of  the  monks,  unless 
expressly  ordered,  might  exchange  even  in  passing 
a  word  with  a  guest,  except  to  ask  a  blessing 
(t&.  cf.  £eg.  Mac.  c  8).  Nor  were  the  guests  to 
be  trusted  to  themselves  without  supervision. 
Care  was  to  be  taken  that  the  monks'  wallets 
were  not  left  about  in  the  guests'  dormitory ;  and 
two  of  the  monks,  whose  turn  it  was  to  help  in 
the  kitchen  and  otherwise  for  the  week  (*'  heb- 
domadarii "),  were  to  keep  close  to  the  guests 
night  and  day  {Beg,  Mag,  c.  79).  It  is  not  clear 
whether  Benedict  intended  the  guests  to  be 
entertained  in  the  refectory  at  a  separate  table 
with  the  abbat,  or  with  him  in  a  separate  table 
(Bened.  Reg.  c.  56) ;  Martene  thinks  in  the  re- 
fectory {Reg.  Comment,  ad  loc.  cit. ;  cf.  Cone, 
Aqttisgr,  c.  27).  The  abbat  on  these  occa- 
sions might  invite  a  few  of  the  brethren  to  his 
table,  leaving  the  charge  of  the  rest  to  the  prior, 
and  might  make  some  addition  to  the  ordinary 
fare  (Bened.  Reg.  c.  56  ;  Mart,  ad  l.c  ;  Mab.  Ann. 
0.  8.  B.  V.  xiii.).  It  was  strictly  forbidden  by 
the  council  of  Saragossa,  A.D.  691,  for  lay  persons 
to  be  lodged  in  the  quadrangle  of  the  monastery 
(*^  intra  claustra  "),  even  with  the  abbat's  speciid 
permission,  lest  contact  with  them  should 
demoralise  the  brethren  or  give  rise  to  scandals ; 
they  were  to  be  lodged  in  a  separate  house 
within  the  precincts  (intra  septa)  {Ccnc  Caesar- 
august.  A.D.  691 ;  cf.  Mab.  Ann.  0,  8.  B,  xviii. 

XV.) 

Benedict  orders,  that  monks  coming  from 
another  country  (peregrin!)  may,  if  orderly,  pro- 
long their  stay  in  the  monastery  {Reg,  c.  61)  for 
one,  two,  or  even  three  years  (Mart.  Reg,  Com- 
went,  1.  c);  and  that  any  suggestions  which 
they  make  for  its  better  management  are  to  be 
welcomed  as  providential  (Bened.  Reg,  ib.).  They 
are  then  either  to  be  dismissed  kindly 
("  honeste  ")  or  formally  admitted,  not,  however, 
unless  they  bring  commendatory  letters  from 
their  former  abbat,  or  otherwise  give  {Nroof  of  his 
consent.  Once  admitted,  they  may  be  promoted 
without  delay  at  the  abbat's  discretion,  to  places 


•  WhiUker's  HUtoryqf  WkdUtjf,  4th  ed.  1874,  p.  124. 


of  authority ;  as  may  clergy  similarly  adndttad 
(t&.).  Laymen,  willing  to  stay  on,  are  either  to 
take  the  vow,  or  to  make  themselves  useful  to  tkc 
monastery  in  some  sort  of  work  in  retsni  &r 
board  and  lodging  (  Reg,  Mag.  c  79)l 

It  was  part  of  the  discipline  of  candidates  far 
the  novitiate  to  wait  on  the  guests  in  their  sit- 
ting-room (**  cella  hoepitnm,"  or  **  hoepitiiim  **), 
according  to  the  rule  of  Benedict,  for  some  days 
{Reg.  c.  58),  or,  according  to  some  later  rules, 
for  three  months  (Isid.  Reg,  c.  5  ;  Fmct.  Seg.  c 
21 ;  Menard  ad  Bened.  Anian.  ConoonL  SegwL 
Ixii.)  [see  Novice]. 

History  shows  how  the  simple  and  frugal  hos- 
pitality enjoined  by  Benedict  and  monastic  law- 
makers degenerated  in  time  into  luxury  ai^  dis- 
play, burdensome  to  the  revenues  of  the  m(»as> 
teries,  demoralising  to  their  inmates,  and  one  ol 
the  proximate  causes  of  their  iaXL         [L  G.  &] 

HOST,  from  the  Latin  ffostiOj  a  yictim.    It 
was  applied  to  sacrifices,  or  offerings  of  varioM 
kinds  in  the  ecclesiastical  language  of  the  Wet 
E,g,  in  the  Vulgate  version  of  Rom.  xii.  1,  wc 
have  *'Ut  exhibeatis  corpora  vestra  hostiaa" 
(£.  y.  sacrifice)  "  viventem,  sanctam,  Deo  jdaocB- 
tem,    rationabile    obsequium    vestrum  : "    aai 
similarly  in  the  Mtssaie  Gothicwa\  the  people  are 
bid  to  pray  that  God  *'  may  cleanse  the  hearts  of 
all  the  offerers  unto  {tje.  that  they  may  beoontf) 
a  sacrifice  (hostiam)  of  sanctification,  reasoa- 
able  and  well-pleasing  unto  Himself"  (^LUmg. 
Gall,   ed  Mabill.   p.  237).    In  the  Vulgate  ef 
PhiL  iv.  18,  it  is  used  of  almsgiving,  ^^Hostiaa 
acceptam,  placentem  Deo."  Christ,  the  one  tree 
victim,  is  called  hostia,  as  in  £ph.  r.  2,  **  Trs- 
didit  semetipsum  pro  nobis  oblationem  et  hos- 
tiam."   Similarly  Heb.  x.  12 :  ^  Unam  pro  nobis 
offerens  hostiam."    Compare  Heb.  ix.  26.     This 
is  frequent  in  the  old  Latin  liturgies.     Thus  ia 
the  Gothic  Missal,  **  Sappliant  to  Thee  who  wast 
slain  a  victim  (hostia)  for  the  salvation  of  the 
world,  we  pray,   &c."   {Lit.  Gall.  p.  235) ;  ani 
"Whom  Thou  didst  will  to  be  delivered  up  a 
sacrifice  (hostiam)  for  us  "  {ibUL  p.  257 ;  compw 
p.  198).     In  the  following  example  the  churck 
commemorates  and  pleads  that  sacrifice  : — ^  We 
offer  unto  thee,  0  God,  an  immaculate  victim 
(hostiam),  whom  the  maternal  womb  brought 
forth  without  defilement  to  virginity  "  {Mi»ak 
Mozar.   Leslie,  p.  39).     As  the   thank-offering 
(Eucharist)  of  the  Mosaic  law  had  been  called 
hostia  laudis  (Ps.  cxvi.  17),  or  hostia  gratiarum 
(Lev.  vi.  13),  so  was  the  Christian  thank-offer- 
ing, the  sacramental  commemoration  of  the  death 
of  Christ.     E.g.  "Receive  we  beseech  thee,  0 
Lord,  the  sacrifice  (hostiam)  of  propitiation  and 
praise,  and  these  oblations  of  Thy  servants' 
{Miss.  Goth,  V,  8.  p.  253). 

As  the  word  properly  expresses  a  concrete 
notion,  it  would  readily  pass  f^om  the  last  mean- 
ing to  attach  itself  to  the  material  symbols 
offered  in  the  rite.  In  the  Missals  Crothit-um,  in 
a  prayer  said  after  the  consecration,  we  read, 
"  We  offer  unto  thee,  O  Lord,  this  immaculate 
host,  reasonable  host,  unbloody  host,  this  boir 
bread  and  salutary  cup"  («.  a.  p.  298).  The 
following  example  is  from  the  Mozarabic  Missal: 
— "This  host  of  bread  and  wine,  which  hare 
been  placed  on  Thy  altar  by  me  unworthy* 
(Leslie,  p.  445).  It  will  be  observed  that  ia 
these  extracts  the  bread  and  wine  (a/t^r  coLse* 


HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OF 

craiion)  bre  together  called  the  host.  Even  id 
the  11th  century  Anselm  affirmed  con'ectlj, 
**  One  host  in  hread  and  wine. . .  .  They  call  both 
together  by  one  name,  oblation  or  host"  (Ad 
Walerannum,  c.  2).  Long  before  this,  however, 
it  was  sometimes  restrained  to  the  bread  alone, 
fts  in  the  three  earliest  Ordines  Romania  which 
range  from  the  7th  to  the  9th  century : — **The 
acolytes  (carrying  the  consecrated  bread)  go 
down  to  the  presbyters  that  they  may  break  the 
hosts  "  {Muaaeum  Itai.  torn.  ii.  pp.  13,  49,  59). 
in  these  ancient  directories  the  unoonsecrated 
loaves  are  always,  and  the  consecrated  more  fre- 
quently, called  by  the  older  name  of  "  oblates." 

When  the  phrase  "  immaculate  host "  was  in- 
troduced into  the  Roman  Missal  towards  the 
11th  century  (Le  Brun,  Expiic,  de  h  Meaae^ 
P.  iii.  art.  6)  from  that  of  Spain,  the  mistake 
was  made  of  applying  it  to  the  unoonsecrated 
bread.  See  Scudamore's  Notitia  Eucharistica^ 
p.  370.  [W.  E.  S.] 

HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OP.  In  the 
modern  church  of  Rome,  the  worship  of  Utti*ia, 
Le,  such  worship  as  is  due  to  God,  is  paid  to  the 
consecrated  symbol  of  our  Lord's  body  in  the 
eucharist,  under  sanction  of  the  dogma,  that 
the  bread  is,  in  all  but  appearance  and  other 
<<  accidents,"  converted  into  that  body,  and  that 
His  human  soul  and  His  divinity,  being  united 
to  His  body,  are  therefore  in  that  which  has 
become  His  body;  so  that  whole  Christ,  God 
and  man,  is  in  it,  and  in  every  particle  of  it 
(jOatedt.  Trident  p.  ii.  de  Eoch.  cc.  33,  35).  Of 
such  adoration  of  the  host  the  church  knew 
nothing,  and  could  know  nothing,  before  the 
opinions  which  at  last  shaped  themselves  into 
that  dogma  had  taken  possession  of  the  minds  of 
men.  But  the  Latin  word  adoratio,  and  the 
Greek  icpwricOiniffiSy  like  the  old  English  icors&t/?, 
have  a  great  latitude  of  meaning,  and  are  ap- 
plied to  the  simplest  outward  tokens  of  respect, 
DO  less  than  to  that  highest  homage  of  the  body, 
soul,  and  spirit,  which  is  due  to  God  alone.  For 
example,  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  7,  9,  where  the  English 
has  **did  obeisance,"  the  Septuagint  gives  wpoat" 
K^vjiffoF  and  xpofftK^vow;  the  Latin  Vulgate, 
adorare,  Exod.  xi.  8  :  £ng.  *^  Thy  servants  .... 
shall  bow  down  to  me";  Sept.  irpoaKvyfi(rov(rl 
/ic ;  Vnlg.  adarabunt  me.  See  Scudamore's 
Notitia  Eucharistica,  p.  844.  In  this  lower 
sense,  we  find  the  word  ''adoration,"  and  its 
equivalents,  employed  within  the  period  which 
it  is  our  part  to  illustrate,  to  denote  the  expres- 
sion of  reverence  to  the  bread  and  wine,  which 
are  the  sacramental  bo<ly  and  blood  of  Christ. 

With  this  previous  explanation,  we  give,  in  chro- 
nological order,  a  catena  of  passages,  which  will 
exhibit  sufficiently,  as  we  hope,  both  the  feelings 
of  reverence  which  the  early  Christians  had  for 
the  sacred  symbols,  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  expressed  it  by  words,  or  gesture,  or  care- 
ful handling,  and  the  like.  Among  these  are 
several  which  have  often  been  mistakenly  ad- 
duced as  affording  testimony  to  the  antiquity  of 
the  Roman  worship  of  the  host. 

Tertullian,  A.D.  192,  "We  ars  distressed,  if 
any  of  onr  cup,  or  even  bread,  be  cast  on  the 
ground"  {De  Cor.  Mil,  c.  iii.).  The  context 
shows  that  the  allusion  is  to  a  religions  rite. 
Origen,  A.D.  230 :  **  Te  who  are  wont  to  be 
present  at  the   Divine   Mysteries,  know  how. 


HOST,  THE  ADORATION  OP     791 

when  ye  take  the  body  of  the  Lord,  ye  keep  it 
with  all  care  and  reverance,  lest  any  particle 
&11  therefrom,  lest  aught  of  the  consecrated 
gift  be  spilled.  For  ye  believe,  and  rightly 
believe,  yourselves  to  be  guilty,  if  aught  fall 
therefrom  through  negligence.  But  if  ye  use, 
and  justly  use,  so  great  care  about  the  keeping 
of  His  body,  how  do  ye  think  it  involves  less 
guilt  to  have  been  careless  about  the  word  of  God, 
than  to  have  been  careless  about  His  body  ?"(^om. 
in  Exod.  xiii.  §  3).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d. 
350:  "When  thou  drawest  near,  do  not  draw 
near  with  hands  expanded  or  fingers  wide  apart ; 
but  making  thy  left  hand  a  throne  for  thy  right, 
as  about  to  receive  a  king,  and  making  the  palm 
hollow,  receive  the  body  of  Christ,  answering 
Amen,  Partake,  therefore,  having  heedfuUy 
sanctified  thine  eyes  with  the  touch  of  the  holy 
body,  taking  care  that  thou  drop  nought  of  it. 

Then,  after  the  communion  of  the  body 

of  Christ,  approach  thou  also  to  the  cup  of  His 
blood,  not  stretching  forth  thy  hands ;  but  with 
head  bowed,  and  with  gesture  of  adoration  (irpotr- 
Kvrfi<r€»s)  and  reverence,  saying  Amen,  be  thou 
sanctified,  partaking  also  of  the  blood  of  Christ. 
And  while  the  moisture  is  still  on  thy  lips, 
touching  them  with  thy  hands,  sanctify  both  eyes 
and  forehead,  and  the  other  organs  of  sense" 
{CatecK  Myst.  v.  §§  18,  19).  Pseudo-Dionysius, 
who  may  have  written  as  early  as  362,  in  a 
highly  rhetorical  passage,  makes  the  following 
apostrophe  to  the  sacrament:  **But,  O  most 
divine  and  sacred  celebration  (rcAenf ;  in  the 
Latin  translation,  Sacramentvun),  do  thou,  un- 
folding the  enigmatic  wrappings  that  with 
symbols  enshroud  thee,  manifest  thyself  to  us  in 
clear  light,  and  fill  our  mental  vision  with  the 
only  and  nnshrouded  light"  (De  Eccl.  Hier, 
cap.  iii.  n.  iii.  §  2).  Owing  to  the  word  rcAcr^ 
(celebration  of  mysteries)  having  been  rendered  by 
Sacramentum,  this  passage  has  been  often  brought 
forward  as  an  address  to  *^  the  Sacrament ;"  i,e, 
to  the  consecrated  host  (Bellarm.  Disput.  tom. 
iii.  1.  iv.  c.  29  compared  with  1.  ii.  c.  3).  Had 
the  word  been  capable  of  that  meaning,  it  would 
still  have  been  only  an  apostrophe,  not  an 
example  of  adoration  directed  to  the  sacred 
element.  Gorgonia,  the  sbter  of  Gregory  Nazi- 
anzen,  A.D.  370,  is  said  by  him,  in  a  dangerous 
illness,  to  have  '*  prostrated  herself  before  the 
altar,  and  called  with  a  loud  voice  upon  Him 
who  is  honoured  thereon"  (Orat,  viii.  §  18). 
This  has  been  understood  (Bellarm.  u,s,) 
to  mean  that  she  worshipped  the  host  on  the 
altar;  which  for  several  centuries  after  that 
time  was  not  reserved  there.  St.  Gregory  him- 
self goes  on  to  tell  us  that  **  she  mingled  with 
her  tears  whatever  her  hand  had  treasured  of 
the  antitypes  of  the  precious  body  and  blood." 
St.  Ambrose,  a.d.  374,  commenting  on  the  words 
of  the  98th  Psalm,  adorate  aoabellum  pedum  Ejus, 
considers  that  **  by  the  footstool  the  earth  is 
meant,  and  by  the  earth,  the  fiesh  of  Christ, 
which  to  this  day  we  adore  in  the  mysteries,  and 
which  the  apostles  adored  in  the  Lord  Jesus" 
(fle  Spir,  S.  lib.  iii.  c.  11,  n.  79).  Here  it  is 
implied  that  a  reverence  is  due  to  the  conse- 
crated earthly  elements,  not  equal  to  that  which 
is  due  to  Christ  Himself,  but  in  such  proportion 
to  it,  more  or  less,  as  onr  loyal  respect  for  the 
insignia  of  royalty  has  to  that  which  we  enter- 
tain for  the  person  of  the  king  himself.    SL 


792     HOST,  THE  ADOBATION  OF 

Augustine,  aj>.  396,  explains  the  same  passage 
at  greater  length,  but  does  not  lead  as  to  a 
dilierent  yiew  of  the  adoration  intended :  <*  He 
took  earth  of  the  earth ;  for  flesh  is  of  the  earth, 
and  He  took  flesh  of  the  flesh  of  Marj.  And 
because  He  walked  here  in  the  flesh  itself,  and 
gave  His  flesh  itself  to  be  eaten  by  us  unto  sal- 
Tation,  but  no  one  eats  that  flesh  unless  he  has 
first  adored,  we  have  found  out  how  such  a  foot- 
stool of  God  may  be  adored,  and  how  we  not 
only  do  not  sin  by  adoring,  but  sin  by  not 
adoring"  {Enarr.  in  Ps.  zcviii.  §  9).  Com- 
menting on  Ps.  xzi.  29  (Lat.  30),  the  same 
fiither  says :  the  rich  of  the  earth  **  have  them- 
selves been  brought  to  the  table  of  Christ,  and 
take  of  His  body  and  blood;  but  they  only 
worship, — are  not  also  satisfied,  because  they  do 
not  imitate  "  (^Ep,  cxl.  od  Honoratuuiy  cxxvii. 
§  66 ;  Sim.  Enarr,  i.  in  Ps.  xxi.  ▼.  30).  Here, 
however,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  writer  had 
at  all  in  xiew  the  rerei^noe  paid  to  the  sacra- 
mental body.  He  rather,  perhaps,  is  thinking  of 
communion  as  accompanied  by  prayer,  and  as 
the  crowning  act  of  the  eucharist,  or  thanks- 
giving. The  following  words  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
A.D.  398,  have  been  supposed  (Bellarm.  u.  s.)  to 
refer  to  the  adoration  of  the  eucharist :  **  Are 
thy  garments  filthy,  and  it  concerns  thee  not? 
But  are  they  clean?  Then  recline  (ii^aireo-ai, 
rendered  improperly  adorate)  and  partake" 
{ffom.  iii.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  c.  i.  w.  20-23 ;  often 
quoted  from  the  cento  known  as  Hem,  Ixi.  ad 
Antvoch.\  Again,  a  worship  of  the  elements 
has  been  inferred  (Bell.  u.  s.)  from  this  sentence: 
'*This  table  is  in  the  place  of  the  manger,  and 
here  also  will  the  body  of  the  Lord  lie ;  not, 
indeed,  as  then,  wrapped  in  swaddling-clothes, 
but  clothed  all  around  with  the  Holy  Ghost. 
The  initiated  understand.  And  the  Magi  then 
did  nothing  but  adore ;  but  we  will  permit  thee 
both  to  receive,  and  having  received  to  return 
home,  if  thou  draw  near  with  a  clean  conscience  " 
(fie  Beat.  PhUogono^  §  3).  Other  passages,  to 
which  controversialists  refer,  in  the  works  of  St. 
Chrysostom  (as  Horn,  Ixxxiii.  in  St.  Matt.  ;  xxiv. 
in  Ep,  i,  ad  Cor.  &c.),  only  exalt  the  sacrament, 
do  not  speak  of  any  adoration.  Theodoret,  a.d. 
423:  '*The  mystic  symbols  do  not,  after  the 
consecration,  pass  out  of  their  own  nature ;  for 
they  remain  in  their  former  substance,  and  form, 
and  appearance,  and  are  visible  and  palpable,  as 
they  were  before ;  but  they  are  mentally  per- 
ceived as  what  they  have  become,  and  are 
believed  to  be,  and  are  adored  as  being  what 
they  are  believed  to  be  "  (Dialog,  ii.  tom.  iv. 
p.  85).  Here  the  worship  of  latria  cannot  pos- 
sibly be  intended,  because  the  author,  in  the 
sAme  sentence,  teaches  that  the  **  creatures  of 
bread  and  wine  "  are,  after  consecration,  bread 
and  wine  still.  It  may  be  remarked  also,  that 
Aitnuugn  many,  or  perhaps  all,  of  the  foregoing 
extracts  may  be  seen  quoted  in  favour  of  the 
modern  cultus  of  the  host,  there  is  not  one  that 
is  really  to  the  purpose.  Nor  :s  it  until  the  7th 
century,  an  age  m  which  the  outward  observ- 
ances of  religion  multiplied  rapidly,  that  we  find 
any  definite  gesture  of  respect  to  the  host  men- 
tioned. It  was  the  custom  at  Rome  then  to 
reserve  a  portion  of  the  eucharist  [see  Fer- 
mbntum],  to  be  put  into  the  chalice  at  the  next 
uelebration.  The  earliest  Ordo  Romanus  (§  8, 
Muioe.  Ital.  tom.  ii.  p.  8)  directs  that  when  this 


HOUBS  OF  PBATRB 

is  brought  out  for  use,  **  the  bishop  or  deam 
salute  the  holy  things  (soncto)  with  an  ineliu- 
tion  of  the  head."  In  Ordo  11^  which  is  s 
revision  of  the  first,  and  perhaps  a  century  later, 
the  bishop,  ''his  head  bowed  toward  th«  altar, 
first  adores  the  holy  things,"  &c.  (§  4,  p.  43). 
See  also  the  Edoga  of  Amalarius,  who  commeBti 
on  this  Okdo  (§  6,  p.  550).  The  dgnlficaace  of 
the  action  may  be  estimated  by  the  sxnular 
respect  paid  in  some  churches  to  the  gospel,  e^g. 
**The  priests  and  bishops  standing  by  onoorer 
their  heads,  lay  down  their  sticks,  and  woidiip 
the  gospel  bv  an  inclination  of  the  head  "  (i^tlhi- 
alta  babnei,  Renaud.  tom.  i.  p.  211).  The  last 
passage  to  which  we  shall  call  attention,  occim 
in  the  Acts  of  the  council  of  Constantinople,  ajx 
754 :  ''  As  that  which  He  took  of  us  is  only  the 
matter  of  human  substance,  perfect  in  all  things, 
without  expressing  the  proper  form  of  a  persce, 
that  no  addition  of  person  may  take  place  in  the 
Godhead,  so  also  did  He  command  the  image, 
chosen  matter,  to  wit  the  substance  of  bread,  to 
be  offered,  not,  however,  fashioned  after  the  form 
of  man,  lest  idolatry  should  be  brought  in* 
(in  Act.  vL  Cone.  Nic.  ii.  Labb.  tom.  vii.  coL  448). 
It  is  evident  that  the  adoration  of  the  host, 
in  its  modem  sense,  could  not  hare  been  known 
when  this'  was  written. 

As  elevation  is  often  supposed  to  imply  adotn- 
tion,  it  should  be  mentioned  that  there  was  bb 
elevation  of  the  consecrated  elements  in  the  Weit 
before  the  twelfth  century;  and  that  the  so- 
called  elevation  of  the  East  was  merely  a  ^  show- 
ing of  the  gifts,"  designed  to  second  the  invitatkB 
to  communicate  conveyed  by  the  p!roclamati<tt, 
"*  Holy  things  for  the  holy  "  (see  Notitia  EmJa- 
rtstica,  pp.  546,  595).  [W.  E.  &] 

HOURS  OP  PRAYER.  I.  This  phnat 
was  inherited  from  the  elder  church.  **Prter 
and  John  went  up  together  into  the  temple  at 
the  Hour  of  Prayer,  being  the  ninth  hour* 
(Acts  iii.  1).  At  first  the  observance  of  the 
hours  was  of  devotion  only,  but  it  was  after- 
wards made  obligatory  by  canon  on  the  clergy 
and  monks,  and  they  began  to  be  called 
Canonical  Hours.  The  earliest  use  of  this  ex- 
pression is  found,  we  think,  in  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict  (c.  67 ;  in  Holstenii  Codex  Begnlartutj 
P.  ii.);  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  very 
common  within  the  period  of  which  we  treat. 
It  occurs  in  the  Metjula  of  St.  Isidore  of  Seville 
who  died  in  636  (cap.  7 ;  Hoist,  u .  s.).  St.  Eloj, 
A.D.  640,  employs  it:  **To  whom  should  it  be 
said  that  *  men  ought  always  to  pray  and  not  to 
faint '  (St.  Luke  xviii.  1),  if  not  to  him  who  daily 
at  the  Canonical  Hours,  according  to  the  rite  oif 
ecclesiastical  tradition,  praises  and  beseeches  the 
Lord  without  ceasing  in  the  accustomed  i^almodj 
and  prayers"  (Horn.  xi.  in  JSiblioth.  PP.  t«B. 
xii.).  Bede  in  our  own  country  (a.d.  701X  in  bti 
commentary  on  those  words  of  St.  Luke,  »>pses 
this  sentence  from  St.  Eloy.  The  **  Canonical 
Hours"  are  mentioned  in  the  excerptions  ef 
Ecgbriht,  a.d.  740  (can.  28;  Johnson's  En^ 
Canons)y  and  in  the  canons  of  Outhbert,  747  (c. 
15;  ibid,). 

II.  What  is  meant  by  an  Hour. — By  an  boar 
was  understood  a  twelfth  part  of  the  natural 
day,  reckoned  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  of  what- 
ever length  it  might  be.  Upon  the  use  of  tks 
natural  measui*e  of  time  by  the  Jews  is  founded 


HOUBS  OF  PBATEB 

Chat  saying  of  our  Lord :  *'  Are  there  not  twelve 
hoars  in  the  day  ?  If  a  man  walk  in  the  day,  he 
atombleth  not;  because  he  seeth  the  light  of 
this  world  "  (St.  John  xi.  9).  The  Romans  are 
said  to  have  adopted  this  division  of  the  day 
about  B.C.  291.  Martial  refers  to  it  as  in  use 
among  them,  when  he  tells  a  friend  that  he 
might  read  his  book  in  less  than  an  hour,  and 
that  not  one  of  sammer*s  length  {Epigr,  lib.  xii. 
n.  1,  ad  Piiscwn),  In  the  Pseudolus  of  Piautus 
an  "hour  in  winter"  is  said  to  be  "shortest" 
(Act  V.  sc  2,  1.  11).  The  Greeks  had  learnt 
this  method  in  the  6th  century  before  Christ, 
when  the  sun-dial  became  known  to  them  pro- 
bably through  Anazimander  (see  Diogenes  Laert. 
lib.  1.  c.  7);  and  they  retained  it  during  their 
subjection  to  the  Roman  empire.  Thus  in  the 
Senienoea  ascribed  to  Secundus  of  Athens  in  the 
time  of  Hadrian,  a  day  is  defined  to  be  "the 
space  given  to  toil,  the  coui'se  of  twelve  hours  " 
(jS&nt.  4).  As  the  time  of  labour  varied,  so 
must  the  hours  have  been  longer  or  shorter.  It 
IS  employed  beyond  our  period  by  Cassianus 
Bassus,  A.D.  940,  as  when  he  tells  the  tiller  of 
the  land  at  what  hour  the  moon  sets  and  rises 
on  each  day  of  the  month  (Oeoponica  lib.  i.  c«  7). 
St.  Augustine  speaks  as  if  he  knew  of  no  other, 
"The  hour  in  winter,  compared  with  the  hour 
in  summer,  is  the  shorter"  (I)«  Verd  Relig,  c. 
xliii.  §  80).  Hence  we  infer  that  the  natural 
day  and  hour  were  also  employed  by  the  church 
in  his  day.  Amalarius  at  the  close  of  our  period 
uses  the  same  division  of  time  with  express 
reference  to  the  Hours  of  Prayer ;  prefacing  his 
account  of  them  thus:  "The  people  properly 
call  the  presence  of  the  sun  above  the  earth  the 
complete  day.  From  this  definition  it  may  be 
understood  that  a  day  of  twelve  hours  ought  to 
begin  at  the  rising  and  end  at  the  setting  of  the 
sun  '*  {De  Ordme  Antiphonarii,  c.  6 ;  see  also  cc 
16,  70).  By  the  first  hour,  then,  we  are  to 
understand  that  twelfth  part  of  the  natural  day 
which  began  at  sunrise ;  by  the  sixth  that  which 
ended  when  the  sun  crossed  the  meridian;  the 
twelfth  that  which  immediately  preceded  the 
sunset. 

The  day  and  the  night  were  further  divided 
into  four  equal  parts.  Each  quarter  of  the  day 
consisting  of  three  hours  was  named  after  the 
last  hour  in  it.  Thus  the  first  quarter,  con- 
taining the  first,  second,  and  third  hour,  was 
called  the  third  hour  (Tertia,  Terce),  that  is  to 
say,  by  the  "  thiixi  hour"  we  often  have  to 
understand  the  whole  interval  between  sunrise 
and  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  (smaller)  hour. 
Similarly  l^xt  is  the  space  of  the  three  hours 
that  follow,  viz.  the  fourth,  the  fifth,  and  the 
sixth,  ending  at  noon,  or  twelve  o'clock.  None 
embraces  the  seventh,  eighth  and  ninth  hours ; 
and  the  last,  called  Duodecima,  contains  the 
tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth,  ending  at  sunset. 
This  is  satisfactorily  shown  by  Francolinus  (De 
TempoHHAU  Horar,  Canon,  c.  zxi. ;  Romae,  1571). 
Hence  St.  Benedict  {Beguia^  c.  48)  was  free  to 
direct  that  from  Easter  to  the  Kalends  of  October 
None  should  be  said  "  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
hoar,"  and  that  from  the  latter  time  to  Ash- 
Wednesday  "  Terce  should  be  perfoi*med  at  the 
second  hour." 

111.  T/ie  Prayers  called  Hours,  Sfc. — By  the 
Hours  of  Prayer  and  the  Canonical  Hours  were 
also  understood  the  devotions  themselves,  con- 


HOUBS  OF  PBAYEB 


793 


sisting  for  the  most  part  of  psalms  and  prayers, 
which  were  used  at  the  stated  times  more  pro- 
perly so  called.     Equivalents  in  this  secondary 
sense    within    the    first    eight    centuries  were 
Officium  Divinum,  or  Officia  Divina  (see  e.  g. 
Bened.  JReguhy  oc.  8,  43 ;  Isidore  of  Seville,  De 
JEccL  Off»   lib.  i.  c.  19),  Cursus  (sc.  Divinus) 
(Greg.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Mart.  lib.  i.  c.  11 ;  Hist, 
Franc,  1.  viii.  c.  15 ;  ix.  c.  6,  &c.) ;  Cursus  eocle- 
siastici  (Greg.  Tur.  Hist  Franc,  1.  x.  c.  31 ;  n. 
19);   Missa  (Cone.  Agath.  A.D.  506,  cap.  30; 
Cassian.  De  Coenob.  Inatit,  L.  ii.  c.  7);  and  so 
Missa  nocturna  (Cass. «.  s.  1.  ii.  c  13),  Viffiliarum 
Missa  (i6i(l   1.  iii.  c.  8),  &c;   Missa  Canonica 
(ibid.  c.  5)  (though  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
in  Cassian's  time  the  thought  of  dismissal  was 
entirely   absent   when    that   word   was  used); 
Orationes  Canonicae  (ibid.  1.  ii.  c.  12).     We  find 
used  also  the  more  general  terms  Diurna  Cele- 
britas,  Solemnitas,  Agenda,  or,  from  the  staple 
of  the  devotions  used,   Psalmodia.    The   word 
synaxis  (assembling)  employed  by  the  Egyptian, 
Syrian,  and   Grecian  monks,   conveyed   to  the 
mind  alike  the  notion  of  the  times  at  which  and 
of  the  purpose  for  which  they  assembled  (ibid, 
lib.  ii.  c  10 ;  CollaL  viii.  c.  16,  &c.).     It  was 
often  thus  used  in  the  West,  but  at  first  needed 
explanation.     Hence  in  the  rule  of  St.  Columban, 
abbot  of  Luxeuil  in  Burgundy,  and  afterwards  of 
Bobio  in  Italy  from  589  to  615,  we  read,  "  con- 
cerning the  synaxis,  that  is,  the  course  of  psalms 
and  the  canonical  method  of  prayers "  (cap.  7, 
Hoist,  tf.  s.  sim.  JiegtUa  Donati,  c.  75,  Hoist.  P. 
iii.).     In  England  the  following  example  occurs 
in  740,  "  These  seven  synaxes  we  ought  daily  to 
offer  to  God  with   great  concern  for  ourselves 
and  for  all  Christian  people"  (Excerptions  of 
Ecgbriht,  c  28).     It  was  Latinised  by  CoUecta^ 
as  in  the  version  of  the  rule  of  Pachomius  (ad 
calc  0pp.  CassianiX  and  by  St.  Jerome,  who  says 
"Alleluia  was  sung,  by  which  sign  they  were 
called  to  collect  "  (Epitaph,  Paulae,  £p.  Ixxxvi.). 
By  the  Greeks  the  daily  course  was  also  called 
the  canon,  because  it  was  the  prescribed  rule  or 
norm   of  prayer.     Thus  Antiochus,   A.D.   614, 
"Our  canon  is  called  Psalmody"  (Horn.  CV. 
Auct.  Gr.  Lat.  Biblioth.  PP.  tom.  L).    Compare 
John    Moschus,   A.D.   630,   lAmonnrion,   c    40. 
There  is  perhaps  a  much  earlier  instance  in  St. 
Basil,  A.D.  370,  "Every  one  keeps  his  proper 
canon  "  i,  e.  observes  the  prayers  assigned  to  him 
(Eegulae  Breviores,   Resp.    ad    Qu.    147).      St. 
Benedict  gave  to  the  daily  offices  of  his  monks 
the  expressive  name  of  Opus  Dei,  God's  Work 
(Begula,  cc.  43,  44,  &c),  a  title  soon  adopted  by 
others  (Caesarii  Beguia  ad  Men.  c.  19,  Hoist. 
P.  ii.;  Aureliani  Beguia,  c   29,  ibid.  &c.).     It 
was  used  conventionally  as  a  complete  equivalent 
to  Officium  Divinum ;  e.  g.  Opus  Dei,  celebratur, 
expletur    (Beg,    Bened.    cc.    44,    52);    dicitur, 
canitur  (Beguia,  SS.  Pauli   et  Stephani,  cc.  8, 
11,  Hoist.  P.  ii.).     Opus  Divinum  is  also  found 
as   in   Benedict  (Beguia,  c.   19),   Cassiodorius, 
A.D.  562  (De  Instit  Div.  Litt.  c.  30),  &c.     Obse- 
quium   Divinum  also  occurs  at   the  beginning 
of  the   9th   century  (Cone.  Aquisgr.,  a.D.  816, 
cap.  131).     This  use  of  obsequium,  service,  may 
be  traced  to  the  Vulgate.    See  St.  John  xvi.  2  ; 
Rom.  ix.  4;  xii.  1 ;  xv.  31 ;  Phil.  ii.  17,  30. 

ly.  The  several  Hours  of  Prayer  and  their 
various  Names. — Three  hours  of  prayer,  the 
third,  the  sixth,  and  the  ninth  were  observed  by 


794 


HOUBS  OF  PBAYEB 


the  Jews.  ^  Evening  and  morning  and  at  noon 
will  I  pray,"  was  the  i-esolve  of  Darid  (Ps.  It. 
17).  Daniel  ''kneeled  upon  his  knees  three 
times  a  day,  and  prayed  and  gave  thanks  before 
his  God"  (Dan.  vi.  10).  Two  of  these  hours 
were  determined  by  the  times  of  the  daily  sacri- 
fices (Joshua  ben  Levi  in  Lightfoot,  JTbr.  ffebr. 
in  Act.  Apost.  iii.  1),  which  were  offered  *'  in 
the  morning  and  about  the  ninth  hour"  (Josephus, 
Jntiq,  L.  xiy,  c.  4.  §  3).  The  force  of  St.  Peter's 
argument  in  Acts  ii.  15,  ^  These  are  not  drunken 
as  ye  suppose,  seeing  it  is  but  the  third  hour  of 
the  day/'  depends  on  the  fact  familiar  to  his 
hearers  that  the  Jews  generally  did  not  break 
their  fast  (See  Qrotius  and  others  tin  loc,)  before 
the  morning  sacrifice  and  prayer.  This  there- 
fore was  about  the  third  hour.  We  are  expressly 
told  that  '*  the  hour  of  prayer  "  at  which  Peter 
and  John  went  up  to  the  temple  was  the  *'  ninth 
hour"  (Acts  iii.  1).  At  the  ninth  hour  Cor- 
nelius, a  proselyte  of  the  gate,  '*  prayed  in  his 
house  "  (Acts  z.  30).  St.  Peter  "  went  up  upon 
the  house-top  to  pray  about  the  sixth  hour" 
(ibid,  ▼.  9).  "  We  read,"  says  Ardo  Smaragdus, 
and  he  may  speak  for  many,  '*  that  the  third, 
sixth,  and  ninth  hours  were  obseryed  by  the 
apostles"  (Comm,  in  8.  Bened.  BegtUanif  e.  16). 

The  three  hours  of  the  apostolic  church  were 
transmitted  to  the  succeeding  ages.  Tertullian, 
A.D.  192,  speaks  of  "  those  common  hours  which 
mark  the  divisions  of  the  day,  the  third,  sixth, 
and  ninth,  which  we  may  observe  in  Scripture 
to  be  more  solemn  than  the  rest"  (De  Orat. 
c.  25.  See  De  Jejun.  ado,  Psychici^  c  10). 
Clemens  Alex.,  a.d.  192,  **  If  some  assign  stated 
hours  to  prayer,  as  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth, 
the  man  of  knowledge  prays  to  God  throughout 
his  whole  life"  (Strom.  1.  vii.  c  7,  §  40). 
''There  are  three  times,"  observes  St.  Jerome, 
*'in  which  the  knees  are  to  be  bent  to  God. 
Ecclesiastical  tradition  undentands  the  third, 
the  sixth,  and  the  ninth  hour'^((7omm.  in  Dan, 
c.  vi.  V.  10). 

In  the  3rd  century,  however,  we  begin  to  hear 
of  five  stated  times  of  prayer.  St.  Cyprian,. 
A.D.  252,  after  citing  the  Scriptural  examples 
given  above,  goes  on  to  say,  "But  beside  the 
hours  observed  of  old,  both  the  durations  and 
saci'aments  of  prayer  have  increased  for  us  now. 

For  we  ought  to  pray  in  the  morning 

Also  when  the  sun  withdraws  and  the  day  fails, 
we  must  by  a  necessary  obligation  pray  again  " 
(De  Orat.  Dom.  sub  fin.).  St.  Basil  in  Cappadocia 
speaks  of  these  hours  of  prayer  as  necessary  and 
suitable  for  monks;  the  morning,  the  third 
hour,  the  sixth,  the  ninth,  and  the  evening 
(Beguhe  fusius  Tract,  Resp.  ad  Qu.  37,  §§  3-5). 

The  morning  office  now  introduced  is  called  by 
Cyprian  (ti.  s.)  matutina*  oratio;  matutinae 
orationes  by  Aurelian  (Regvia  c.  28j ;  by  Cassian 
matutina  solemnitas  (De  Coenob,  Inst.  lib.  iii. 
c.  3).  By  others  it  was  called  laudes  matutinae, 
from  the  use  in  it  of  the  three  last  psalms, 
which  were  called  emphatically  by  the  Latins 
"  lauJes,"  and  by  the  Greeks  aiyoi.  Hence  the 
later  common  appellation  of  lauds.  From  this 
the  ofiice  also  took  the  name  of  matutinae  (Greg. 
Turon.  Hist,  Franc.  L.  ii.  c.  23 :  Vit.  Pair,  c  4, 
&c. ;  Ferreoli  Regvia,  c  13  in  Holsten.  P.  ii. ; 
Guidonis  Reg.  c.  39  in  Hergot,  Vet.  Discipl,  Mon. 
Par.  1726).  It  was  also  called  matntinum 
tacrificium,  as  by  FructUosus  (Beg,  c.  3 ;  Holsten. 


HOUBS  OF  PBATEB 

tt.  8,  and  matutinum  offidum ;  Isidor.  JZag.  c.  7 
Cone.  Bracar.  a.d.  560,  can.  i.);  whence  ftb» 
simply  matutinum  (Isid.  vbid,').  Matutinale  offi- 
cium  is  also  found  (  Vita  S,  Joaim.  Oorx,  in  Adn 
38,  Ben,f  saec.  v.  p.  392)  and  matntinus  (s&  cnr- 
sus)  (Regula  Magistri,  c.  34,  Holsten.);  also  matv- 
tinarius  (Caesarii  Beg,  c.  21),  and  matntixKarii 
canonid  (Aurel.  Ord,  post  Beg,^,  But  the  most 
common  name  was  matutini,  from  the  psabni, 
which  formed  the  chief  part  of  the  office.  This 
was  employed  by  Benedict  (Begvla,  oc  12,  13^ 
&c.)  and  was  naturally  adopted  by  many  in  the 
same  age  (Pseud.-Aug.  Beg,  §  i ;  Caies.  Reg. 
c  21 ;  Aurel.  Ord.  u.  s.  &c.)l. 

Among  the  Greeks  this  otfice  is  called  by  Sl 
Basil  (RegiUae  fus,  2V.  u.  s.)  rh  6p$pop,  the  office 
of  dawn,  a  name  which  it  retains  to  this  day ; 
by  St.  Epiphanius,  a.d.  368,  "  morning  (ItiiBmi) 
hymns  and  morning  prayers  "  (I^  Fide^  c.  23) ; 
m  the  so-called  Apwdolical  ConstitvUoni  the 
"prayers  of  dawn"  (lib.  viii.  c.  34),  and  the 
"  thanksgiving  at  dawn  "  (c  38). 

The  evening  office  was  generally  called  respera 
in  the  West  (Bened.  Reg,  c  41 ;  Isidor.  Hisp.  dlr 
Eod,  Off.  lib.  L  c.  20),  and  vespertinum  offidum 
(Isid.  Beg,  c.  7).     St.  Ambrose  (De  VirffmUmSf 
lib.  iii.  c  4,  §  18)  calls  it  the  "  hour  of  incoise'* 
in  allusion  to  the  Jewish  rite  (Exod.  xxx.  8; 
Ps.  cxli.  2 ;  St  Luke  i.  10).     It  was  sometimes 
called  lucernarium,  as  in  a  comment   on  the 
119th  Psalm  ascribed  (incorrectly,  we  think)  to 
St.  Jerome.     "We  (monks)  pray  at  the  thiri 
hour.     We  pray  at  the  sixth  hour ;  at  the  ninth. 
We  make  the   Lucernarium.     We  rise  in  the 
middle  of  the  night.    Finally  we  pray  at  eock- 
crow"  (ad  fin.  Breviar,  m  Psaim.      See  alM 
Begul,  Tamat,  c.  9,  in  Hoist.  P.  ii).     Another 
form   was   Lucemarii,  as  in   Regvia   Magistri, 
(c  36,  Hoist  tt..  s.).     In  Spain,  as  we  shall  see, 
the  Lucernarium  was  only  considered  the  first 
part  of  vespers.     Vespers  were  also  called  ths 
twelfth  (hour),  as  in  the  Beguia  Magistri  (c  34) 
"  Prime  ought  to  be  said  in  the  same  manner  aa 
Twelfth,   which  is  called   vespers."     The  Sad 
council  of  Toura,  A.D.  567,  says,  "  The  statute 
of  the  fathers  have  prescribed  that  .  .  .  twelve 
psalms  be  said  at  the  Twelfth  with   Alleluia, 
which  moreover  they  learnt  from  the  showii^ 
of  an  angel  "  (can.  18).    A  reference  to  Cassiu 
(De  Coenob,  Inst,  L.  ii.  c  5),  who  tells  the  story, 
proves  that  the  Twelfth  is  here  an  equivaleat  to 
solemnitas  vespertina.     Compare  the  Ordines  at 
the  end  of  the  Begvlae  of  St.  Aurelian  in  Holsten. 
P.   ii.  pp.  110,   112;   P.  iii.   pp.  69,  72.     St 
Columban  does  not  use  the  words  vespers  and 
completorium  in  his  rule,  but  (c  7)  orders  a 
certain  service  to  be  said  "  ad  initium  noctis."  It 
appears  more  probable  that  this  refers  to  vespers, 
the  older  office  which  must  certainly  have  b«9 
said  in  his  monastery,  though  Menard  and  others 
think   that  compline  in  meant     In  the  Grtek 
church,  as  partially  in  the  Latin,  the  lightiaf 
of  the  lamps  gave  the  office  its  common  name  fi 
X-vx^iKStfj  though  it  b  also  called  more  properlj 
rh  ktnc9piv6v  (Goar  in  EucKologiOy  pw  30).    la 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  viiL)  the  whole 
office  is  called  rh  ^<rxtpiy6v  (c  35).     It  begia* 
with  a  Psalm   (the  140th)  called  hrtXix^tas; 
prayers  are  then  said  for  the  catechumens,  ener- 
gumens,  &c.     These  are  then  dismissed,  and  the 
faithful  say  a  prayer  and  thanksgiving  by  them- 
selves, both  of  which  ai-e  qualified  by  the  title 


HOURS  OF  PBAYEB 


HOURS  OF  PRAYER 


796 


ivtX^pios  (cc  86, 37).    At  the  council  of  Con- 
stantinople A.D.  536,  on  one  occasion  the  patriarch 
announced  rh  Xuxvur^i'  on  Saturday  evening  in 
the  oratory  of  St.  Mary  (Act  V.  Labb.  Cono.  torn. 
T.  001.212).    The  council  held  there  in  691  (m 
TruUo)  ordered  that  there  should  be  no  kneeling 
from  Saturday  evening  until  Sunday  evening,  '*  on 
which  they  again  knelt "  ^y  r^  Xvxytic^  (can.  90). 
St.  Jerome  at  Bethlehem  mentions  at  least  six 
honrs  as  kept  by  the  religious  women  whom  he 
advised:  '* There  is  no  one  who  knows  not  the 
third,  the  sixth,  the  ninth  hour,  the  dawn  also 
and  the  evening  •  ...  In  the  night  we  should 
rise  twice  or  thrice"  (Ad  Eustoch,  £p.  xviii.). 
To  Demetrias  he  says,  **  Beside  the  order  of  the 
Psalms  and  prayer,  which  thing  is  to  be  always 
practised  by  thee  at  the  third  hour,  the  sixth, 
the  ninth,  at    even,   midnight,  and   morning, 
settle  at  how  many  hours  thou  shouldst  learn  the 
Holy  Scripture,"  &c.    (Epist.  xcvii.).    Of  Paula 
and  her  community  he  says,  ''They  sang  the 
|>salter  in  due  course  at  the  morning  hour,  at  the 
third,  the  sixth,  the  ninth,  at  even,  at  midnight" 
(^Ad  Eustoch,  Epitaph,  Paulae^  £p.  Ixxxvi.),  and 
he  advised  that  one  preparing  for  that  mode  of 
life  be  trained  *'  to  rise  in  the  night  for  prayers 
and  psalms,  to  sing  hymns  in  the  morning,  to 
stand  in  tlie  field  like  a  good  soldier  of  Jesus 
Christ  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hour  .... 
and  to  render  the  evening  sacrifice  when  the 
lamp  is  lighted"  {Ad  Laetcm,  £p.  Ivii.).    The 
author   of  the  ApostoUoal    ConstttvUons  sajrs, 
<'  Make  prayers  at  sumise,  at  the  third  hour,  the 
sixth,  the  ninth,  at  evening,  and  at  the  cock- 
crow "  (t.  e.  evidently  at  midnight)  (lib.  viii. 
c34). 

The  ordinary  night  office  of  the  monasteries  is 
called  by  Oassian  solemnitas  nocturna  (^Instit, 
lib.  ii.  c.  4),  and  nocturni  psalmi  et  orationes 
{jSrid,  c.  13);  by  Pseudo-Augustine  (^Regtda, 
App.  i.  ad  Opp.)  and  others  noctumae  orationes ; 
whence  simply  nocturnae,  as  in  the  rule  of 
S.  Ferreol,  c.  13.  Nocturni  (sc.  psalmi  as  in 
Bened.  JiegtUa,  c  15;  Aurelian  Ordo  Eegula$ 
affix. ;  Reguia  Magistri,  c.  33 ;  &c.)  was  common. 
It  was  aUo  called  Nocturnum  Officium  {^Reg, 
Mag.  fit.  s.);  Officium  Vigiliae  (Isidori  RegvJa, 
c.  7);  and  apparently  the  word  vigiliae  itself 
conveyed  the  notion  of  the  service  used  in  the 
nightly  vigil  (Benedicti  Regula^  c.  9 ;  Isid.  R«g, 
c.  7 ;  &c.).  The  Greek  name  for  the  nocturnal 
ofilce  is  fi€irowKTiK6if  (OrcfoPhilothei  in  Euchol. 
Gear,  p.  7 ;  Typicon  Sabae.  c.  5 ;  see  Leo  AUa- 
tiutf,  De  Libr,  EccL  Graec.  Diss.  i.  p.  65). 

In  the  4th  century  there  appears  a  desire  to 

conform   the   rule  of  prayer   to  the  standard 

which  was  supposed  to  be  set  up  in  the  119th 

Psalm,  "  Seven  times  a  day  do  I  praise  thee  " 

{y.   164).     St.  Ambrose,    A.D.   374,  asks,    ''If 

the    prophet  says,  Seven  times,  &c.,  who   was 

taken   up  with  the  affairs  of  a  kingdom,  what 

ought  we  to  do,  who  read,  Watch  and  pray,  that 

je  enter  not  into  temptation  i    Cei*tainly  solemn 

prayers  are  to  be  offered  with  giving  of  thanks 

-when   we  rise  from  sleep,  when  we  go  forth, 

when   we  prepare  to  take  food,  when  we  have 

taken  it,  and  at  the  hour  of  incense  (St.  Luke, 

ii.  10),    lastly  when  we  go  to  bed"  (/>«  Virgi-^ 

nibusy   lib.  iii.  c.  4,  n.  18 ;    Comm,  in  Luo,  Ev. 

lib.  vii.  §  88).     If  such  were  to  be  the  practice 

in  private  Hie,  it  would  be  felt,  how  much  more 

signallj  should    monks  observe  the   Psalmist's 


rule  ?  The  argument  had  weight  even  with 
those  who  understood,  as  St.  Augustine  (Serm, 
xxxi.  in  Pa.  cxviii.  §  4)  and  St.  Hilary  {Tract,  in 
Pa.  eund.  lib.  xxi.  §  4)  did,  the  Scriptural  use  of 
that  number.  Because  it  is  "  universitatis  indi- 
cium," therefora  (argues  the  former)  "the 
church  with  reason  has  praised  God  for  His 
righteous  judgments  seven  times  a  day."  Cassian, 
A.D.  424,  claims  for  his  monasteiy,  the  founda- 
tion of  Paula  at  Bethlehem,  the  honour  of  having 
settled  the  rule.  This  was  by  the  addition  of  a 
matin  office,  afterwards  called  prime,  between 
the  matin  lauds  and  terce.  The  lauds  were 
"  said  in  the  monasteries  after  a  short  interval  of 
time  when  the  noctum  psalms  and  prayers  were 
over ;"  i.e.  shortly  before  sunrise,  while  the  new 
matin  office,  or  prime,  was  said  after  it.  We  are 
not  told  when  it  was  introduced,  but  in  Cassian's 
time,  though  of  Eastern  origin,  it  was  observed 
"  chiefly  in  the  regions  of  the  West "  (De  Coenob. 
Instit.  1.  iii.  c.  iv.).  Nevertheless  there  is  no 
mention  of  prime  in  the  rules  of  St.  Caesarius 
(bishop  of  Aries,  A.D.  506)  for  monks  and  nuns 
on  week  days,  and  only  in  one  MS.  of  the  latter 
is  it  prescribed  for  Sundays  (Martene,  De  Ant. 
Monach.  Rit.  1.  i.  c.  iv.  n.  2) ;  nor  does  he  men- 
tion it  in  his  homilies,  though  he  entreats  the 
devout  to  rise  early  in  Lent  for  vigils,  and  before 
all  things  to  assemble  for  "terce,  sext,  none" 
(Horn.  cxi.  §  2,  in  App.  Opp.  Aug.).  He  assumes 
of  course  that  they  would  be  present  at  matins 
and  evensong ;  and  in  the  duties  proper  to  litany 
days  we  find  him  including  attendance  at  church 
at  **  the  six  hours  "  (Ham.  clxxv.  §  3).  Soma 
sixty  years  later  Cassiodorus  omits  prime  in  his 
enumeration  of  the  seven  hours  observed  by  the 
monks  {Expos,  in  Pa.  cxviii.  v.  164).  Nor  is  it 
recognised  by  St.  Isidore  of  Seville  a  century 
later  either  in  his  rule  (Holstenii  Codex  Regtd. 
Monad,  p.  ii.),  or  in  his  work  De  OfficOa.  In  the 
latter  (lib.  i.  c.  23)  he  even  quotes  what  Cassian 
says  of  prime  as  if  it  referred  to  the  older  matin 
lauds,  thus  showing  ignorance  of  the  institution 
of  another  matin  office.  It  was  however  already 
known  in  France,  being  ordered  (and  that  as  ii 
already  known)  in  the  rule  of  Aurelian,  a  suc- 
cessor of  Caesarius  at  Aries,  a.d.  555  {Ordo 
Reguhe  affix.  Hoist.  P.  ii.  p.  Ill ;  P.  iii.  p.  71). 
Before  the  middle  of  the  7th  century  it  had 
found  its  way  into  Spain ;  for  it  is  mentioned  in 
the  rule  of  Fructuosus  (Holsten.  P.  ii. ;  Regu/a, 
c.  2)  the  founder  of  the  Complutensian  monas- 
tery and  many  others,  who  died  in  675.  It  had 
been  inti*oduced  in  Italy,  and  an  office  for  it 
prescribed  by  St.  Benedict,  a.d.  530  (Hoist,  u.  a. 
Regulay  c  17).  It  appears  also  in  two  other 
Western  rules  of  unknown  authorship  and  coun- 
try ;  one  (Pseudo-Aug.  «.  s.)  of  the  6th  century, 
and  the  other  {RegiUa  Magistri,  c.  35,  Holsten. 
P.  ii.)  belonging  to  the  7th.  It  was  without 
doubt  largely  owing  to  Benedict  and  his  fol- 
lowers that  it  now  became  universal  in  the 
Latin  church. 

The  use  of  seven  offices  for  the  day  and  night, 
and  where  prime  was  adopted,  of  seven  for  the 
day  alone,  was  attained  in  the  6th  century  by 
erecting  the  last  brief  prayers  said  before  going 
to  bed  into  a  formal  and  common  service  under 
the  name  of  Compline.  St.  Ambrose,  as  already 
quoted,  probably  referred  to  private  prayer  only; 
but  St.  Chrysostom,  though  the  Greek  monks 
did  not  adopt  any  set  service  answering  to  the 


796 


HOURS  OF  PBAYEB 


HOUBS  OF  PBATEB 


Western  Compline,  appears  to  speak  of  hymns 
sung  together  when  he  describes  the  life  of 
monks  in  his  day.  He  says  that  they  rise  at 
cockcrow  for  psalmody  and  prayer,  going  to  rest 
again  a  little  before  light,  that  after  completing 
the  morning  prayers  and  hymns  they  tnrn  to  the 
reading  of  the  Scriptures,  .  .  .  then  obserre  the 
third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  and  the  evening 

Erayers,  and,  diriding  the  day  into  four  parts, 
onoor  God  in  each  part  by  psalmody  and 
prayer ;  .  .  .  and  after  sitting  (at  table)  a  short 
time,  closing  all  with  hymns,  take  their  rest 
{Horn.  xiv.  in  1  Tim.  §  4).  St.  Basil  again,  re- 
ferring to  the  custom  of  monks: — '*When  the 
day  is  ended,  thanksgiving  for  the  things  that 
have  been  supplied  to  us  and  been  prosperously 
ordered,  and  confession  of  omissions  voluntary  or 
otherwise,  &c.,  are  made  (t.e.  in  the  evening 
office)  .  .  .  and  again,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
night,  prayer  (afrqcrif),  that  our  rest  may  be 
undisturbed  and  free  fVom  illusions "  {Seg.  Fua. 
7Vac<.  Resp.  ad  Q.  37,  §  5).  John  Climacus,  A.D. 
564,  in  his  Liber  ad  Pastorem^wys  that  a  certain 
abbot  when  vespers  were  over  would  order  one 
monk  to  say  ten  psalms  (psalmorum  odaria),  an- 
other thirty,  a  third  a  hundred,  before  they  went 
to  sleep.  The  present  writer  has  observed  no 
trace  in  the  East  within  our  period  to  secure  any 
such  last  act  of  devotion  by  appointing  a  form  of 
prayer  for  constant  use ;  but  in  the  Latin  church 
the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  A.D.  530  (cc.  16,  17), 
speaks  of  Compline  as  if  it  were  already  as  well 
known  as  Terce  or  Sext.  He  does  not  claim  to 
introduce  it ;  nor  does  he  offer  any  explanation. 
At  the  same  time,  his  adoption  of  the  new  hour 
would  cause  it  to  be  widely  received.  Cassio- 
dorus,  who  probably  borrowed  from  St.  Benedict 
(see  Caret's  Distert,  appended  to  the  Life  in 
Cassiod.  Opp^  in  his  commentary  on  the  119th 
Psalm,  written  about  560,  remarks  on  the  words, 
"  Seven  times  a  day,"  &c.  (v.  164),  "  If  we  desire 
to  understand  this  number  literally,  it  signifies 
the  seven  times  at  which  the  pious  devotion  of 
the  monks  solaces  itself;  i.e.  at  matins,  terce, 
sext,  none,  lucemaria  (vespers),  oompletoria,  noo- 
turns." 

The  word  oompletorium  has  been  said  to  refer 
rather  in  its  origin  to  the  completion  of  the 
ordinary  acts  of  daily  life  (Amalarius  De  EcoL 
Off,  lib.  iv.  c  8 ;  De  Ordine  Antiph,  c.  7)  than  to 
the  completion  of  the  daily  round  of  devotion. 
This  is  the  name  of  most  frequent  occurrenoe, 
owing  evidently  to  its  adoption  by  St.  Benedict 
(cc  16, 17) ;  but  completa  is  also  found  as  in  the 
Ordines  of  Aurelian  (Hoist.  P.  ii.  p.  112:  P.  iii. 
p.  72),  and  in  the  work  of  Isidore  De  Eccl  Off. 
(lib.  i.  c.  21);  though  in  his  rule  (c.  7)  comple- 
torium  is  used.  A  corrupt  reading  in  the  2nd 
canon  of  Merida,  A.D.  666,  which  orders  that 
vespers  be  said  on  feasts  prius  quam  eonum  has 
led  to  the  conjecture  that  in  Spain  compline  was 
sometimes  called  somnum.  No  name  is  given  to 
the  office  by  Fructuosus  of  Braga,  656,  who  ap- 
pears however  to  refer  to  compline  when  in  his 
rule  (c.  2)  he  says,  "  In  the  night  season  there- 
fore the  first  hour  of  the  night  is  to  be  celebrated 
with  six  prayers,  &c."  After  describing  the 
office,  he  speaks  of  the  manner  in  whi(£  the 
monks  shall  retire  to  rest.  When  the  Greeks  at 
length  prescribed  a  constant  form  answering  to 
the  Latin  oompletorium,  they  called  it  inriHittTvov 
because  it  followed  the  last  meal  uf  the  day. 


Perhaps  the  earliest  authority  is  the  7\fpkam 
ascribed  to  St.  Sabas,  who  died  in  the  6th  cen- 
tury, but  which  cannot  in  its  present  form  be 
earlier  than  the  11th. 

In  some  monasteries  a  ninth  office  was  said, 
called  Lncemarivm,    There  was  from  an  early 
period  a  pious  custom  of  praying  when  lamps 
were  lighted  in  the  evening,  an  action  so  mark^d 
among  the  old  Romans  as  to  give  name  to  that 
part  of  the  day  (prima  fax,  or  prima  lomiiia). 
**  It  seemed  good  to  our  fathers,"  says  St.  Bssil, 
^  not  to  receive  in  silence  the  gUt  of  the  evening 
light,  but  to  give  thanks  as  soon  as  it  appeaired. 
But  who  was  the  author  of  those  words  of  thanks- 
giving at  the  lighting  of  lamps  we  are  unable  to 
tell.     The  people,  however,  utter   the   ancient 
saying,  and    by  no  one  have   they  ever  been 
thought  guilty  of  impiety,  who  say,  *  We  praise 
the  Father  and  the  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  of  God  * " 
(Z>s  8pir,  SancL  c.  Ixxiii.).     In  the  Ifooarabk 
Breviary  are  the  following  directions   for  the 
performance  of  this  rite : — ^  A  oommenf^ment  n 
made  by  the  invocation  of  Jebdb  Chiust  (the 
Lord's  Prayer  preceding  it,  <  Lord,  hare  mercy, 
Christ  have  mercv,   Lord    have   mercy;    Oor 
Father '  being  said  in  a  low  voice)  in  a  loud 
voice,  *  In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  light  with 
peace ;'  that  is,  the  light  offered.     Thoe«  who 
stand  round  respond  '  Thanks  be  to  God.*    And 
the  presbyter  says,   'The   Lord   be   with   yon 
always.'    £e8p, '  And  with  thy  spirit.'    And  the 
order  of  vespers  whether  it  be  a  festival  or  net, 
follows  in  this  manner.      This  mav  be   illus- 
trated  from  other  Spanish  sources.    JSuj.  the  mk 
of  St.  Isidore  says,  "  In  the  evening  offices,  first 
the  lucernarium,  then  two  psalms,  one  rKponsorr 
and  lauds,  a  hymn  and  prayer  are  to  be  said  * 
(cap.  7).      The  lucernarium  is  here  considered 
the  first  part  of  vespers.    The  second  canon  of 
the  council  of  Merida,  666,  mentions  that  vespen 
were  said  "  after  the  offering  of  the  light.**    la 
the  East  the  140th  Psalm,  called  the  psalm  at 
the  lighting  {iwiKvxytos)  was  said  before  vespers 
(Compare  Coiutit.  Aposi,  lib.  viii.  c  35,  with 
lib.  ii.  c  59).    St.  Jerome  at  Bethlehem :-  "^  Lrt 
her  be  trained  to  offer  the  evening  sacrifice  when 
the  lamp  is  lighted  "  ^Ad  Laetan.  Epist.  IviL). 
Socrates  says  that  *'  in  Greece  and  at  Jemsalon, 
and  in  Thessaly  they  say  the  prayers  at  the 
lighting  of  lamps  very  much  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  Novatians  at  Constantinople  "  {EocL  Hitt, 
lib.  V.  c.  22).   Naturally,  vespers  which  followed 
these  prayers  came  to  be  called  in  some  churches 
by  the  name  of  lucernarium,  which  appeared  to 
be  the  first  part  of  it ;  but  sometimes  the  luoer^ 
narium  was  enlarged  into  a  distinct  office,  s^iid 
some  little  time  before  vespers.    Thus  the  rule 
falsely  ascribed  to  St.  Augustine  {0pp.  App.  i.\ 
after  prescribing  the  psalm  for  matins,  prime, 
&c,  says,  ^*  Let  the  same  thing  be  observed  at 
vespers  and  compline;   but  at  lucernarium  let 
there  be  the  (proper)  psalm,   one   respoawrr, 
three  antiphons,  three  lessons."     So  in  the  mJes 
of  Aurelian  : — "  At  lucernarium  let  there  be  said 
in  the  first  place  at  all  seasons,  both  on  festivab 
and  ordinary  days,  a  psalm  in  monotone  (dired- 
aneus),  then  two  antiphons.     In  the  third  place 
let  there  be  said  with   Alleluia,  one  day  tiie 
hymn  Deus^  qui  certis  tegibus;    another  Ikut 
creator  mnnimn^  and  a  little  chapter.     At  Twelfth 
(vespers)    eighteen    psalms,  an    antiphon   sad 
hymn,  a  lesson  and  little  chapter.     When  ye  art 


H0UB8'  OF  PRAYER 

about  to  take  yoar  rest,  let  compline  be  said  in 
the  school  in  which  ye  remain  "  {JRegula  ad  Mon. 
Hoist.  P.  ii. ;  Sim.  ad  Virg.  ibid.  P.  iii.).  Here  a 
distinction  is  clearly  made  between  the  locem- 
arium  and  vespers.  They  are  distinct  offices.  It 
is  probable,  however,  from  the  paucity  of  such 
notices,  that  the  former  was  treated  as  a  separate 
service  on  the  same  footing  with  the  ancient 
hours  only  in  a  very  few  communities. 

V.  Grounds  of  Observance. — For  Matins,  rea- 
sons of  natural  piety  were  often  urged,  as  by 
St.  Basil,  **That  the  first  motions  of  the  soul 
and  mind  may  be  dedicated  to  God,  and  we  admit 
nothing  else  into  our  mind  before  we  hare 
rejoiced  in  the  thought  of  God  "  {Req.  Fus.  Tr. 
Kesp.  ad  Q.  37,  §  3) ;  and  in  the  Apostolical  Con^ 
stiHitions  (lib.  viii.  c.  34),  '*To  give  thanks 
because  the  Lord,  causing  the  night  to  pass  away 
and  the  day  to  come  on,  hath  given  us  light. ' 

There  was  the  Scriptural  reason  too,  "That 
the  resurrection  of  the  Lord,  which  took  place 
in  the  morning,  may  be  celebrated  by  prayer " 
(Cyprian,  Ds  Or.  Dom,  u.  s.).  Similarly,  Isid. 
Hispal.  De  Eccl.  Off,  1.  i.  c.  22 ;  Cone.  Aquisgr. 
cap.  130. 

There  was  a  practical  reason  for  the  institution 
of  Prime,  as  well  as  the  ground  of  religious  sen- 
timent, to  which  we  have  already  had  occasion 
to  refer.  It  was  found  that  the  long  interval 
between  the  matin  lauds  and  terce  was  often 
spent  in  comparative  idleness  and  sloth.  The 
new  office  was  therefore  introduced  to  prevent 
this  (Cassian,  Coenob.  Inst.  1.  iii.  c.  4).  With 
this  statement  compare  the  provision  of  a 
Western  rule:  ''After  morning  prayers  let  it 
not  be  lawful  to  return  to  sleep;  but  when 
matins  are  finished  let  prime  be  said  forthwith. 
Then  let  all  employ  themselves  in  reading  to  the 
third  hour  "  (Aurel.  Beg.  ad  Monach.  c.  28). 

The  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours,  which  were 
observed  earlier  than  any  other,  were  thought 
to  have  been  selected  in  honour  of  the  Holy 
Trinity.  Thus  St.  Cyprian—*'  We  find  that  the 
three  children  with  J^niel,  strong  in  faith  and 
conquerors  in  captivity,  observed  the  third,  sixth, 
and  ninth  hours  for  a  sacrament  of  the  TVinity, 
which  was  to  be  manifested  in  the  last  time; 
for  the  first  hour  coming  to  the  third  exhibits 
the  full  number  of  a  Trinity,  and  again  the 
fourth  proceeding  to  the  sixth  declares  another 
Trinity,  and  when  the  ninth  is  completed  by 
three  hours  from  the  seventh  a  perfect  Trinity 
(i,  6,  a  Trinity  of  Trinities)  is  numbered  **  {De 
Orat.  Dom.  sub  fin.).  Similarly  Isid.  Hispal.  De 
Eod.  Off.  lib.  i.  c.  19;  Conoil.  Aquisgr,  A.D. 
816,  c.  126.  The  significance  of  these  hours 
taken  separately  will  be  shown  below. 

Terce,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  continuation 
of  a  Jewish  custom,  as  were  Sext  and  None.  But 
there  were  Christian  reasons  of  great  weight  for 
retaining  it.  "  The  Holy  Ghost,"  says  Cyprian, 
**  descended  on  the  disciples  at  the  third  hour  " 
(^De  Or.  Dom.  u.  s. ;  Sim.  Basil,  u.  s, ;  Resp.  ad 
Q.  37;  Hieron.  Comm,  in  Dan,  vi.  10;  Isid. 
Hisp.  u.  8.  &C.). 

Another  ground  alleged  was  that  "at  that 
hour  the  Lord  received  sentence  from  Pilate" 
{f'tms.  Apost.  ].  viii.  c.  34).  St.  Mark  i/.  25 
refers  the  crucifixion  to  the  third  hour,  t.  e.  to 
the  third  of  the  twelve  hours  between  sunrise 
and  sunset ;  but  if  the  condemnation  took  place 
between  that  and  sunrise,  it  was  abo  correctly 


HOURS  OF  PRAYER 


797 


said  in  ecclesiastical  language  to  have  been  at 
ihe  third  hour.  So  John  xix.  14,  reckoning 
apparently  from  midnight,  places  the  condemna- 
tion at  "  about  the  sixth  hour,"  which  brings  it 
down  to  the  third  hour  understood  of  the  larger 
space  of  time,  and  reckoned  from  sunrise. 

With  reference  to  Sext,  it  was  observed  that 
St.  Peter  ''at  the  sixth  hour  went  up  to  the 
house-top,  and  was  both  by  sign  and  by  the  voice 
of  God  warning  him,  instructed  to  admit  all  to 
the  grace  of  salvation  "  (Cypr.  u.  s.  comp.  Hieron. 
u.  8.).  Another  and  more  important  reason  was 
that  "The  Lord  was  crucified  at  the  sixth  hour" 
(Cypr.  u.  s,  Sim.  Constit.  Apost.  u.  s.  Isid.  Hispal. 
tt.  s,  Cono.  Aquisgr.  u.  s.),  a  statement,  which  if 
taken  to  the  letter,  can  only  be  reconciled  with 
that  of  St.  Mark,  by  supposing  the  '*  sixUi  hour  ** 
to  cover  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  of  the  smaller 
hours.  If  however  it  means  no  more  than  that 
our  Lord  hung  on  the  cross  at  that  hour,  it  needs 
no  explanation. 

None  was  said  to  be  observed  because  "  Peter 
and  John  went  up  to  the  temple  at  the  ninth 
hour  of  prayer "  (St.  Basil,  u.  s. ;  St.  Jerome, 
u.  s.) ;  but  more  than  all  because  '*  at  the  ninth 
hour  Christ  washed  away  our  sins  with  His 
blood  "  (Cypr.  Constit.  Apost,  &c,  as  before). 

The  pious  sentiment  which  dictated  the  prayers 
developed  in  some  religious  houses  into  a  dis- 
tinct office,  called  hicemarium,  came  before  us 
while  we  traced  the  origin  of  that  rite. 

Evensong  was  especially  an  office  of  thanks- 
giving. St.  Basil— "Is  the  day  ended?  Thank 
Him  who  hath  given  us  the  sun  to  minister  to 
the  works  of  the  day  "  {Horn,  in  Mart.  JuHttamy 
§  2).  "  In  the  evening  giving  thanks  that  God 
has  given  us  the  night  for  a  season  of  rest  from 
the  Ubours  of  the  day  "  (Const.  Apost,  u.  s.). 

Another  thought  is  connected  with  it  by  St. 
Cyprian : — "  Because  Christ  is  the  true  sun  and 
the  true  day,  when,  at  the  departure  of  the  sun 
and  day  of  the  world,  we  pray  and  beseech  that 
the  light  may  come  on  us  again,  we  are  praying 
for  the  coming  of  Christ,  who  will  give  the 
grace  of  everlasting  light "  {De  Orat,  Dom.  u.  s.). 
A  third  ground  of  this  observance  is  suggested 
by  Cassian,  viz.,  that  the  eucharist  was  "  de- 
livered to  the  apostles  by  the  Lord  the  Saviour 
in  the  evening "  {Instit.  1.  iii.  c.  3 ;  so  Isidore, 
De  Ecd.  Off.  \,  i.  c.  20;  Cone,  Aquisgr.  c.  127); 
and  with  this  was  associated  the  completion  of 
the  passion  on  the  following  day  towards  the 
evening,  and  about  the  time  of  the  evening 
sacrifice  (Isid.  &c,  u,  s.). 

For  Compline  there  was  the  strong  natural 
reason,  often  alleged  for  private  prayer  before 
going  to  sleep  at  night,  as  e,  g.  in  a  tract  doubt- 
fully ascribed  to  St.  Chrysostom :— "  With  what 
hope  wilt  thou  come  to  the  season  of  night; 
with  what  dreams  dost  thou  expect  to  converse, 
if  thou  hast  not  walled  thyself  round  with 
prayers,  but  goest  to  sleep  unprotected?"  {De 
Precai.  Or.  I.  sub  fin.).  The  zeal  of  David 
(Ps.  cxxxii.  3-5)  was  held  up  as  a  model: — 
"This  thing  ought  powerfully  to  admonish  us 
that,  if  we  wish  to  be  '  a  place  for  the  Lord ' 
and  desire  to  be  accounted  His  tabernacle  and 
temple,  we  should  follow  the  examples  of  the 
saints,  lest  that  which  is  read  should  be  said  of 
us, '  They  have  slept  their  sleep,  and  none  of  the 
men  of  might  have  found  their  hands'"  (Isid. 
u,  8.   Li.    c.  21;    so   Cone,  Aquisgr,  c  128; 


798 


H0UB8  OF  PBATER 


UOCBS  OF  F  BAYER 


Raban.  u.  s,  1.  ii.  c.  7).  ''Every  one/'  says 
AmalariuB  {De  EccL  Off.  1.  iv.  c.  8),  **  who  has 
even  a  little  sense,  knows  how  many  dangers 
may  assail  a  man  from  withont  when  sleeping 
more  than  when  waking.  This  office  is  in  some 
sort  analogous  to  that  commendation,  by  which 
a  man  commends  himself  to  God,  when  he  is 
passing  away  from  this  world.  Sleep  is  the 
image  of  death,"  &c 

Noctums  originated  in  the  pious  cnstom  of 
prayer  when  one  woke  in  the  night.  TertuUian 
says  of  the  meals  of  Christians,  ''They  are  so 
filled  as  they  who  remember  that  even  in  the 
night  God  is  to  be  worshipped  by  them  "  (Apol. 
c  39).  St.  Cyprian: — "There  can  be  no  loss 
from  the  darkness  of  night  to  those  who  pray ; 
for  there  is  day  even  in  the  night  to  the  sons  of 
light"  {De  Orat,  Dom,  sub  fin.).  Clemens  of 
Alexandria  {Paedag,  1.  ii.  c.  9,  §  79):—"  Often  in 
the  night  should  we  rise  from  bed  and  bless  God ; 
for  happy  are  they  who  watch  unto  Him,  thus 
making  themselres  like  the  angels  whom  we  call 
watchers"  (Dan.  iv.  13,  &c.).  "Without  this 
prayer "  (i.e,  prayer  expressed  in  words),  says 
Origen,  "we  shall  not  pass  the  season  of  the 
night  in  a  fit  manner"  (2>«  Orat.  c.  12).  He 
refers  to  David  (Ps.  cxix.  62),  and  St.  Paul  and 
Silas  (Acts  xvi.  25).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
asks,  "When  is  our  mind  more  intent  on 
psalmody  and  prayer  ?  Is  it  not  in  the  night  ? 
When  do  we  most  frequently  come  to  the  re- 
membrance of  our  sins  ?  Is  it  not  in  the  night  ?" 
{Catech,  ix.  §  4).  St.  Ambrose  cites  the  example 
of  Christ :— "  The  Lord  Himself  passed  the  night 
in  prayer,  that  by  His  own  example  He  might 
invite  thee  to  pray  "  {Expos,  in  Ps.  cxviii.  v.  62 ; 
Serm.  viii.  §  45).  Elsewhere  he  says:-^"  In  thy 
chamber  itself  I  would  have  psalms  by  frequent 
alternation  interwoven  with  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
either  when  thou  hast  waked  up  or  before  sleep 
bedews  the  body,  that  sleep  may  find  thee  at  the 
very  entrance  on  rest  f^ee  from  care  of  worldly 
things  and  meditating  on  divine  "  (De  VirgimbuSy 
lib.  iii.  c.  iv.  §  19).  "  David  every  night  watered 
his  couch  with  tears ;  he  rose  also  In  the  middle 
of  the  night  that  he  might  confess  to  God,  and 
dost  thou  think  that  the  whole  night  is  to  be 
assigned  to  sleep  ?  Then  is  the  Lord  to  be  the 
more  entreated  by  thee ;  then  is  protection  to  be 
(more)  sought,  fault  to  be  (more)  guarded  against 
when  there  appears  to  be  secrecy,  and  then  above 
all,  when  darkness  is  round  about  me  and  walls 
cover  me,  must  I  reflect  that  God  beholds  all 
hidden  things  "  (m  Ps.  cxviii.  Expos,  Serm.  vii. 
§  31).  The  example  of  our  Lord  was  urged : — 
"  The  dav  is  not  enough  for  prayer.  We  must 
rise  in  the  night  and  at  midnight.  The  Lord 
Himself  passed  the  night  in  prayer;  that  He 
might  invite  thee  to  pray  by  EUs  own  example  " 
(ibid.  Serm.  viii.  §  45).  St.  Hilary,  after  dwell- 
ing on  the  words  of  David,  adds,  "  The  mind  is 
not  to  be  released  by  the  dangerous  idleness  of 
wakefulness  in  the  night,  but  to  be  employed  in 
prayers,  in  pleadings,  in  confessions  of  sins ;  that 
when  occasion  is  most  given  to  the  vices  of  the 
body,  then  above  all  those  vices  may  be  subdued 
by  the  remembrance  of  the  divine  law  "  ( lyact 
in  Ps.  exviii.  lit.  vii.  §  6).  To  these  motives  St. 
Basil  adds,  "  Let  the  night  supply  other  grounds 
of  prayer.  When  thou  lookest  into  the  sky  and 
gazest  on  the  beauty  of  the  stars,"  &c.  (Horn,  m 
Mart.  JtUitt.  §  3). 


YL  The  Tunes  of  the  Offices.— For  Sbctmnu 
some  rose  at  oockcrr»w,  as  prescribed  in  the  ApO' 
stolioal  CanstittOions  (lib.  viii.  34).  So  St.  Chry- 
sostom : — **  As  soon  as  the  cock  crows  the  pireiect 
is  standing  by  (the  sleeping  monkX  and  strikes 
him  as  he  lies  lightly  with  his  foot,  and  so  wakes 
all  straightway"  {Horn.  xiv.  in  1  Tim.  §  4)l  St 
Columban's  rule  says  the  "middle  **  of  the  night 
(c.  7);  and  in  Gregory  of  Tours  one  speaks  of 
himself  as  rising  "about  midnight  ad  reddea- 
dum  cursum  "  (Hist.  Franc,  lib.  viiL  c  15)u  St. 
Benedict  orders  his  monks  to  rise  for  Tigils  ^'at 
the  eighth  hour  of  the  night  in  winter ;  Ce.  fron 
the  Kalends  of  November  to  Easter,"  bat  during 
the  rest  of  the  year  the  time  of  vigils  was  to  te 
regulated  by  that  of  matins,  which  it  was  to 
precede  by  a  "  very  short  interval "  (Seg.  cap.  8)l 
Another  rule,  of  the  7th  century,  orders  nocturas 
to  be  said  before  cockcrow  in  winter,  and  after  it 
in  summer,  when  it  was  to  be  "soon  "  followed 
by  matins  (Reguia  Magistri,  c  33).  In  Spain 
the  severe  rule  of  St.  Fructuosus  prescribed  two 
or  three  ofiices  for  the  night  according  to  the 
season,  one  "  before  midnight,"  and  a  second  "  at 
midnight,"  throughout  the  year,  and  in  winter 
a  third  "  after  midnight "  (Beg.  cap^  3) ;  thus 
carrying  out  to  the  letter  the  exhortation  of  St. 
Jerome  to  Eustochium,  "  You  should  rise  twice 
or  thrioe  in  the  night"  (Epist.  xviii.). 

From  the  union  of  noctnrns  with  matins,  of 
which  we  have  seen  the  beginning,  the  doaUe 
office  was  at  a  later  period  called  indiflerently, 
noctums  or  matins,  or  lauds. 

Matins,  properly  so-called,  were  said  in  the 
morning  watch,  or  fourth  watch  of  the  night; 
that  is  to  say,  at  any  part  of  that  space  of  thiet 
natural  hours  whidi  preceded  sunrise.  Tb^ 
were  to  be  over  by  dawn :  Post  matntinum 
tempus  sequitur  dilucnlum  (AmaL  de  Ord.  Ja- 
tiph.  c  5).  St.  Benedict  ordered  matins  to  be 
said  "  when  the  light  began  "  (Reg.  c.  8).  If  it 
surprised  them  at  noctums,  the  latter  were  to  be 
shortened  (c.  11).  So  early  as  the  beginning  of 
the  5th  century,  matins  (solemnitas  matntina) 
were  "  wont  to  be  celebrated  in  the  monasteries 
of  Gaol  a  short  interval  of  time  after  the  ni^t 
psalms  and  prayers  were  finished'*  (Cassua, 
Instit.  Ub.  iii.  e.  4). 

Prime  was  said  in  the  first  natoral  hour  afler 
sunrise.  This  appears  from  Casstan's  account  of 
its  origin.  The  monks  were  to  be  allowed  to 
rest  after  matins,  "  usque  ad  soils  ortum,"  and 
were  then  to  rise  for  the  new  office  (InstiL  n.  s.). 
And  so,  four  centuries  later,  Amalarius: — ^  We 
begin  the  first  of  the  day  from  the  riang  of  the 
sun  "  (De  Ord.  A«t.  c  6) ;  and  Rabanus  fixes  it 
"  at  the  beginning  of  the  day  when  the  sun  first 
appears  from  the  east"  (Dif  Tnstit.  Qer,  lib.  ii. 
c.  3). 

Terce  might  originally  be  said  at  any  part  of 
the  three  hours  which  began  at  sunrise  (see 
before  §  iL) ;  but  after  the  institution  of  prime 
it  could  only  be  said  during  the  two  last.  It 
was  not  in  practice  always  confined  to  the  kst ; 
for  in  the  rule  of  an  unknown  author,  formerlv 
ascribed  to  St.  Jerome,  it  is  expressly  provided 
that  on  fast-days,  terce,  sext,  and  none,  be  each 
said  an  hour  earlier  than  usual  (cap.  34 ;  intci 
0pp.  S.  Hieron.  tom.  ▼.  ed.  Ben.).  See  abo  thi 
rule  of  St.  Benedict,  as  cited  in  §  iL 

As  the  lamps  were  lighted  in  preparaticui  fv 
evening,  prayer,  the  Lucemarimn^  as  a  moeiy 


HOUSE 

preliminary  act  of  derotion  would  be  said  imme- 
diately before  that;  and  it  was  in  fact  as  we 
have  seeUf  often  considered  an  actual  part  of  the 
office.  Where  it  became  a  distinct  service,  there 
would,  we  presume,  be  an  interval  of  some  length 
before  vespers  began ;  but  we  have  no  informa- 
tion on  the  subject. 

'*  It  becomes  evening  when  the  sun  sets  "  (St. 
Aug.  in  Pt,  xxix.  V.  6,  Enarr,  ii.).  Nevertheless 
veaperB  were  more  generally  said  in  the  hour 
before  sunset.  This  is  why  the  office  was  called 
Duodecima  (see  before  §  iv.).  "^  We  celebrate  the 
evening  synazis,"  observes  Amalaiius,  '*  about 
the  12th  hour,  which  hour  is  about  the  end  of 
the  day "  (JDe  Ord.  Antiph.  c.  6) ;  *<  most  fre- 
quently before  sunset "  (t6tcf.  c.  70 ;  comp.  c  16 ; 
Isid.  Uisp.  de  Eccl  Of,  lib.  i.  c.  20;  Raban. 
Maur.  De  Inatit  Cleric  lib.  ii.  c.  7).  Benedict, 
in  fact,  made  a  rule,  which  must  have  influenced 
the  custom  greatly,  that  vespers  should  be  said 
at  all  seasons  while  it  was  yet  daylight;  and 
that  in  Lent,  when  refection  followed  vespers, 
they  should  be  said  at  such  an  early  hour  that 
the  meal  might  be  over  before  the  light  foiled 
(^Jteg,  cap.  41).  Another  authority  says,  **  Ves- 
pers ought  to  be  said  while  the  rays  of  the  sun 
are  still  declining."  "  In  summer,  on  account  of 
the  short  nights,  let  lucernaria  (here  vespen) 
be  begun  while  the  sun  is  still  high  "  (EegtUa 
Magistri,  c.  34). 

Tie  history  of  compline  has  shown  the  proper 
time  of  saying,  viz.  before  retiring  to  rest ;  and 
this  was  the  time- observed  by  the  monks  within 
our  period.  Thus  a  MS.  of  the  Reguia  of  pseudo- 
Augustine,  now  1200  years  old: — '^ After  this 
{i.e,  after  certain  lessons  read  at  night)  let  the 
usual  psalms  be  said  before  sleep"  (Note  of 
Bened.  editors,  App.  L  0pp.  Aug.).  St.  Isidore : 
— ^  Compline  being  ended,  the  brethren,  as  the 
custom  is,  having  wished  each  other  good  night 
before  sleeping,  must  keep  still  with  all  heed  and 
silence  until  they  rise  for  vigils "  (Beg.  c.  7). 
St.  Fructuosus,  after  prescribing  the  office  of 
"^  the  first  hour  of  the  night,"  orders  his  monks 
to  bid  each  other  good-night  and  retire  to  their 
dormitories  (Jteg.  i.  c.  2).  Another  rule  forbids 
the  monks  to  speak,  eat,  drink,  or  do  any  work 
after  compline  {Beguh  Magistri,  c.  30).  Ama- 
larius  {De  Eocl.  Off.  lib.  iv.  c  8)  tells  us  that 
compline  was  said  in  the  conticinium ;  i.e.  in  the 
third  part  of  the  night,  reckoning  from  sunset, 
when  it  was  divided,  as  by  the  Romans,  into 
seven. 

When  vespers  were  said  earlier  compline  was 
put  earlier  too,  and  one  writer  at  the  close  of 
our  period  gives  it  the  name  of  Duodecima 
(Smaragdus,  Comment,  m  8.  Ben,  Reg.  c.  16).  It 
had  already  taken  possession  of  the  hour  so  long 
occupied  by  vespers.  At  length  it  became  the 
common  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  said  at  the 
twelfth  hour  (Francolinns,  u.  s.  cap.  18). 

For  a  description  of  the  several  offices,  see 
Office,  the  Diynrs.  [W.  E.  S.} 

HOUSE.  In  Aringhi,  i.  p.  522,  ii.  658,  are 
woodcuts  of  houses  from  ancient  tombs  [Tomb]. 
This,  perhaps,  refers  to  the  grave  as  the 
house  of  the  dead,  an  idea  or  expression  inherited 
from  heathenism  (Horace  Carni,  i.  iv.  19,  and  Bol- 
detti,  p.  463 ;  even  Domus  Aetema,  Ferret  v.  pi. 
36,  z.  110),  or  to  the  de8ei*ted  house  of  the  soul, 
the  buried  body  (2  Cor.  v.  \.\  "For  we  know  that 


HUE80A,  COUNCIL  OP 


799 


if  our  earthly  house  of  this  tabernacle  were  dis* 
solved,  we  have  a  building  of  God,"  &o.  In  one 
of  the  plates  from  Aringhi  above  referred  to 
(ii.  658)  there  is  a  house  of  the  grave,  with  a 
small  mummy  of  Lazarus;  laid  up  alone  (de- 
positus  or  repositus)  to  abide  the  resurrection. 
The  houses  of  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem,  repre- 
senting the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches,  occur 
frequently  in  ancient  paintings  and  mosaics. 
[Bethlehem.]  How  far  the  word  Beth,  as  part 
of  Bethlehem  ("  house  of  bread  "),  may  be  cour 
nected  with  the  Christian  import  of  this  symbol, 
U  hard  to  say.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

HOUSE  OF  CLERGY.    [Manse.] 

HOUSE  OF  PBAYER  [Church  ;  Ora- 
tory.] 

HBIPSIMA,  and  companions,  virgin-martyrs 
under  Tiridates ;  commemorated  June  8  (&/. 
Armen.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HUBEBT  (HuCBERTUS),  bishop  and  confes- 
sor (1727  AJ).);  commemorated  May  30  {Mart, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

HUCESTEBS.  The  mind  of  the  church 
has  of  course  always  been  against  all  unprin- 
cipled gain  in  traffic,  even  when  permitted  by 
law  and  custom.  Adulterators  or  fraudulent 
dealers  (k<£ti}Aoi)  are  enumerated  (Apost.  Constt, 
iv.  6,  §  2)  among  those  whose  oblations  are  not 
to  be  received.*  And  again  {lb,  viii.  32,  §5) 
the  Kdinf\os  is  classed  with  the  stage-players 
and  dancers,  among  those  who  must  abandon 
their  profession  before  they  can  be  admitted  to 
the  church.  Lactantius  {Div.  List.  V.  c.  16) 
emphatically  rejects  the  doctrine  of  Carneades, 
that  the  seller  is  not  bound  to  declare  the 
faults  of  the  article  which  he  has  for  sale,  and 
insists  that  the  Christian  conscience  requires 
perfect  frankness  and  openness  in  such  a  matter. 
In  the  same  spirit  St.  Augustine  {Tract,  41  m 
Joan.)  puts  fraud  on  the  same  level  as  fornica- 
tion and  theft,  and  gives  high  praise  {De  Trin, 
xiii.  3)  to  one  who,  in  buying  a  book,  declined  to 
overreach  the  seller,  who  was  ignorant  of  its 
value.  So,  too,  Hilary  (on  Ps.  czix.  [cxviii. 
Vulg.]  139)  enumerates  cheating  (falsitates) 
among  the  things  which  make  our  bodies  a  den 
of  thieves.  In  short,  all  kinds  of  unprincipled 
dealers  (^aJBiovpyot)  and  sorcerers,  all  who  give 
short  weight  or  measure  ((iryoirpoiWai  jvol  ^oKo^ 
/idrpai)  are  condemned  {Apoet,  Const  iv.  6,  §  1). 

TertuUian  {De  Idolol.  c  11;  cf.  Epiphanius, 
Expos,  Fid,  c  24)  and  some  others  regard  with 
disfavour  all  gain  derived  from  mere  buying  and 
selling  of  goods,  considering  the  labour  of  the 
hands  the  proper  means  of  earning  a  living. 
But  Leo  the  Great  (A,pi>^  92,  ad  Rustic,  c  9) 
reasonably  distinguishes  between  honest  and  un- 
principled gain  (quaestus  honestus  aut  turpis); 
the  culpability  or  innocence  of  gain  (he  holds) 
depends  upon  its  character;  there  is  no  harm 
in  profit  not  derived  from  fraudulent  practice. 
Compare  Commerce. 

(Bingham's  Antiq.  XVI.  xii.  17).  [C] 

HUESCA,  COUNCIL  OF  {Oscense  c.\  at 
the  town  so  called  in  the  north  of  Arragon,  in 
Spain,  A.D.  598,  or  the  thirteenth  year  of  king 


*  The  «rord  doss  ooi  aeem  to  be  used  here  in  the  Umtted 
sense  of  the  Latin  Oauipo,  a  tsvern-keeper. 


800 


HUMEHALE 


HYDR0MAN1XA 


Reccared.  No  farther  particulars  are  preserved 
of  it,  than  that  it  provided  for  the  holding  of  a 
synod  every  year  in  each  diocesje,  to  inquire  into 
the  morals  of  the  monks  and  clergy,  and  pre- 
scribe rules  for  their  conduct  (Mansi,  z.  479-82). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

HUMEBALE.    [Amice.] 

HUNTING.  Field-sporU  have  been  under 
the  censure  of  the  church  from  an  early  period, 
and  in  the  many  canons  relating  to  them  there  is 
very  little  trace  of  any  disposition  to  relax  the 
severity  of  absolute  prohibition,  or  to  allow  ex- 
ceptional cases  in  which  they  might  be  necessary 
or  desirable. 

By  the  55th  canon  of  the  council  of  Agde 
(C  AgcUhense),  A.D.  544,  bishops  and  presbyters 
are  forbidden  to  keep  hawks  and  hounds  for  the 
chase  under  penalty  of  three  months'  excommu- 
nication in  the  case  of  bishops,  and  of  two 
mouths'  in  the  case  of  priests,  and  of  one  in  the 
cade  of  deacons.  The  same  abstinence  is  enjoined 
on  bishops,  presbyters  and  deacons,  under  the 
same  penalty  by  the  4th  canon  of  the  council  of 
£paon.  By  the  3rd  canon  of  the  council  of  Sois- 
sons,  not  only  bishops,  presbyters  and  deacons, 
but  all  ecclesiastical  persons  (clerici)  are  forbid- 
den to  hunt  with  hounds  or  to  take  out  hawks. 
In  the  8th  canon  of  the  thii*d  council  of  Tours, 
priests  are  cautioned  against  the  hunting  of  birds 
and  wild  animals,  and  the  second  council  of 
Chdlons  (c.  9)  addresses  a  similar  warning  against 
devoting  their  time  to  *' hounds,  hawks,  and 
falcons,"  to  laity  as  well  as  to  clergy.  It  seems 
that  certain  bishops  kept  dogs  under  the  pretence 
that  they  were  necessary  for  the  defence  of  their 
houses;  but  they  are  reminded  by  the  13th 
canon  of  the  second  council  of  Ma^on,  A.D.  585, 
that  not  '*  barks  but  hymns,  not  bites  but  good 
works  "  are  the  proper  protection  of  a  bishop's 
house,  which  ought  to  welcome  and  not  repel 
men,  and  certainly  not  subject  any  who  came  for 
the  relief  of  their  sorrows  to  the  risk  of  being 
torn  by  dogs. 

Among  prohibitions  against  the  same  pur- 
suits issued  by  individuals,  is  to  be  found  a  letter 
of  Boniface,  bishop  of  Mayence  (Epist  105), 
probably  written  on  the  authority  of  pope 
Zachary,  forbidding  '^  huntings  and  excursions 
vrith  dogs  through  the  woods,  and  the  keeping  of 
hawks  and  falcons ;"  and  the  same  prohibition  is 
repeated,  toUdem  verbiSf  in  the  2nd  canon  of  the 
council  of  Liptine,  a.d.  743,  over  which  Boniface 
presided.  In  the  Liber  Poenitentialia  of  pope 
Gregory  III.  one  year's  penance  is  decreed  against 
one  in  minor  orders  (clericus),  two  years' 
against  a  deacon,  and  three  years'  against  a  priest, 
for  hunting. 

Ferreolus,  bishop  of  Uz^,  in  his  Rule  (about 
A.D.  558),  forbids  nis  monks  to  hunt  and  hawk 
on  the  ground  that  such  pursuits  dissipate  the 
mind ;  he  allows  them  however  to  set  dogs  at 
the  wild  animals  which  waste  their  crops,  but 
only  that  they  may  *'  drive  them  away,  not  that 
they  may  catch  them."  Jonas,  bishop  of 
Orleans,  A.D.  821-844,  (de  InstUut.  laio.  ii.  23, 
quoted  by  Thomassin),  vents  his  indignation 
against  the  nobles  for  spending  so  much  money 
on  hawks  and  hounds  instead  of  on  the  poor ; 
and  is  even  more  fierce  against  them  for  the 
hardships  and  cruelties  which  for  the  sake  of 
their  sport  they   inflicted  on  the  poor.    The 


frequent  recurrence  of  these  prohibitions  and 
the  number  of  years  over  which  they  extmd, 
show  how  rooted  was  the  taste  for  field-sports 
among  the  Teutonic  clergy;  and  the  language 
of  some  of  the  canons  indicates  that  these  sports 
sometimes  became  as  oppressive  as  the  Forest 
Laws  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Looking  on,  or  being  present  at  the  hunting 
or  baiting,  or  fighting  of  wild  animals  in  the 
amphitheatre  is  just  as  strictly  forbidden.  The 
council  in  Trullo  {QtUmstxtuni),  can.  51,  orden 
both  laity  and  clergy  to  avoid  *'  the  spectacles  ef 
huntings,"  on  jmin  of  excommunication,  ani 
hunting  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in  oonnecticm 
with  games,  dances,  and  dramatic  performances, 
that  it  must  be  concluded  that  the  sports  of  the 
amphitheatre  are  intended.  The  Code*  £ccl 
Africanae(c.  61)  entreats  the  emperors  to  put 
an  end  to  spectacles  on  great  festivals,  such  as 
the  octave  of  Easter,  and  begs  that  no  Christian 
may  be  compelled  to  attend  them.  By  the 
council  of  Mayence  (addit.  3,  c.  27)  it  is  ordered 
that  if  any  ecclesiastical  person  attend  any 
spectacle  he  is  liable  to  three  years'  sospensioa. 
By  the  3rd  council  of  Tours  and  the  second 
council  of  Chsllons,  quoted  above,  the  condemna- 
tion of  hunting  is  coupled  with  that  of  theatrical 
spectacles,  so  that  to  look  at  a  spectacle  of  hont- 
ing  in  the  amphitheatre  would  be  by  the  saaie 
act  to  commit  two  offences  against  the  canon. 
The  8th  canon  of  the  council  of  Friuli  (^Forojn- 
liense)  issued  a  canon  against  the  woridl  j  pompi 
and  vanities  in  vogue,  in  which  "  huntings  "  are 
mentioned  with  other  amusements  manifestly 
scenic 

Theodosius  the  younger  abolished  contests 
between  men  and  brutes  in  the  circus  on  the 
ground  that  *^  cruel  sights  made  him  shndder  ** 
(Socrates,  H.E,  vii.  22). 

(Thomassin,  VeL  et  Nova  Eodesiae  Diac^lma^ 
m.  iii.  cc.  42,  43.)  [T.  C.  H.] 

HYACINTHUS,    or   JACINCTTUS.     0) 

Martyr  at  Rome  with  Amantius,  Irenaeos,  ajad 
Zoticus;  commemorated  Feb.  10  {Mart  Bobl 
V8t,f  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Rome ;  commemorated  Jnlj  26 
{Mart,  Som.  Fei.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Alexander  and  Tibnrtina,  in 
the  Sabine  district;  commemorated  Sept.  9 
{Mart.  Rom.  Vet.^  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Protus  under  Gbl- 
lienus ;  commemorated  Sept.  11  {Mart.  i2om.  VA, 
Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  ikU.  Bucher.,  Frontoni^ 
Sacramentarium  Qregorii). 

(5)  Martyr  at  Caesarea,  A.D.  108 ;  eommemo- 
rated  July  3  {Col.  Byxant.}. 

(6)  Of  Amastris  in  Paphlagonia,  martyr; 
commemorated  July  18  {CaL  ByzatU.\ 

[W.  F.  G.] 

HYDBOMANTLA.  The  Decretvm  Gratam 
(cau.  26,  qu.  5,  c.  14,  §  3)  has  the  following  in 
the  enumeration  of  magic  arts  which  are  con- 
demned:— '*  Hydromantici  ah  aqui  dicti;  est 
enim  Hydromantia  in  aquae  inspectione  umbns 
daemonum  evocare,  et  imagineas  ludifioitiones 
eorum  videre,  ibique  ab  eis  aliqua  andire,  ubt 
adhibito  sanguine  etiam  inferos  perhiWntor 
suscitare."  The  chapter  from  which  this  is 
extracted  is  taken  wholly  from  Rabanos    Jk 


HTDB0MY6TA 

Magcrmn  Praesiigus,  which  is  a^in  a  compila- 
iion  from  Augustine  and  Isidore  of  Seville.  The 
passage  of  Augustine  on  which  the  account  of 
Hydromantia  is  mainly  founded  is  De  Civ.  Deiy 
TiL  35,  and  is  to  this  effect;  that  Kama,  having 
no  real  divine  inspiration,  was  compelled  to 
practise  hydromancy  »o  as  to  see  in  water 
images,  or  rather  false  semblances  (ludifica- 
iionesX  of  the  gods,  and  learn  from  them  what 
he  was  to  ordain  with  regard  to  the  8acra  of  his 
people  ;  and  from  this  use  of  water  for  divining 
purposes  (wys  Yarro)  Numa  gained  the  reputa- 
tion of  having  consulted  the  nymph  Egeria. 

It  is  evident  (as  indeed  Augustine  says)  that 
this  hydromancy  was  a  form  of  necromancy. 
What  was  its  exact  nature  is  not  apparent,  but 
it  was  probably  similar  to  the  divining  by 
means  of  a  mirror,  or  of  a  dark  fluid  poured 
into  the  palm  of  the  hand,  which  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  accounts  of  magic.  [C] 

HYDROMYBTA  (w5po^^oTijO»  *J»«  person 
who  had  the  care  of  the  holy  water  in  a  church, 
and  sprinkled  with  it  those  who  entered  (Sy- 
nesius,   Epist.   121,  quoted   in  Maci'i  ffierolex. 

-.T.).  [C] 

HYMN  (the  Cherubic).  A  hymn  so  called 
from  the  reference  to  the  cherubim  which  it 
contains,  which  occurs  in  the  chief  eastern 
liturgies  shortly  after  the  dismissal  of  the  cate- 
chumens, and  immediately  preceding  the  *'  great 
entrance"  {ue.  that  of  the  elements).  It  i& 
found  in  the  same  position  in  the  liturgies  of  St. 
James,  St.  Basil,  St.  Chrysostom,  and  St.  Mark  ; 
and  also  in  the  Armenian,  in  which  however  it  is 
only  sung  on  special  occasions,  other  hymns 
bemg  appointed  in  its  place  on  other  days.  It  is 
not  found  in  the  **  heretical  liturgies ; "  which, 
inasmuch  as  these  underwent  less  alteration  than 
the  orthodox,  is  an  argument  against  the  anti- 
quity of  the  hymn.  Cedrenus  (Dupin  Bibl,  des 
Aut»  Ecclea.  lltne  Siecte)  a  Greek  monk  who 
flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  11th 
century,  and  who  wrote  "annals"  from  the 
creation  of  the  world  down  to  the  reign  of  Isaac 
Comnenus,  says  that  Justinian  first  ordered  it  to 
be  sung  in  the  churches ;  and  it  appears  to  have 
been  composed  about  that  time.  Its  object  is 
described  as  being  to  excite  the  minds  of  the 
faithful  to  a  devout  attention  to  the  mysteries 
about  to  be  celebrated.  While  it  is  being  sung, 
the  priest  says  secretly  a  prayer  called  "the 
prayer  of  the  cherubic  hymn."  The  words  of 
the  hvmn  are :  ol  rk  x^pov&iiA,  fixMrructSs 
ciJcoW^rres,  Koi  r^  (woiroi^  TpuiZi  rhv  rpurdr 
ytov  ifiyoy  fSorrcs,  xaaauf  T^r  fiwTuc^¥  &V0- 
B^AfAtBa  fi4ptfu^ayy  &§  rhv  fiaai\4a  r»tf  t\uv 
^oBt^dfiwoi  reus  i,yyt\iKM  hopdrtos  Hopw^t- 
pofitpou  rd^tffiy,    'AAAijXo^io.  [H.  J.  H.] 

HYMNABIUM.  The  book  containing  the 
hymns  sung  in  the  services  of  the  church.  Gen- 
nadius  (fie  Script  Eocl.  c.  49)  says  that  Paulinus 
of  Nola  composed  "  Sacramentarium  et  Hymna- 
rium ;"  see  Gavanti,  Thes.  Sacr,  Bituum,  ii.  115. 
Pelliccia  {Poiitia,  i.  159)  gives  Cantionaiia,  Libri 
Chorales^  as  common  designations  of  such  books, 
but  supplies  no  instances  of  their  use.  [C] 

HYMNISTA,  a  singer  of  hymns  in  the 
church.    Thus  Prudentius  (i.  118): 

*'8Uti  none  hymnistae  pro  receptis  parvuUs," 
ivhere    the   irregularity  of  the  metre  is  not 

CfiRiOT.  ANT. 


HYMNS 


801 


perhaps  a  sufficient  reason  for  arbitrary  cos 
rection  (Maci'i  ffierolex,  s.  v.).  Obbar,  howev^j^ 
reads, 

**  State  nunc,  bymnite  matres  pro  reoepUs  parvnils." 

[C] 

HYMNOLOGIA  (yfivo\oyia)  seems  to  U 
equivalent  to  the  service  chanted  at  the  Hours. 
Thus  Gregory  of  Tours  (ffist,  Bern,  c  25)  says 
that  St.  Kemi  with  the  brothers,  "horarum 
laudes  persolvebat  hymnologiarum,"  meaning 
(seemingly)  that  he  observed  the  course  set 
down  in  the  Hymnologies,  the  term  being  used 
so  as  to  include  psalms,  canticles,  antiphons,  etc. 
Macro  (^ffieroiex.  s.  v.)  supposes  that  Dionysius, 
the  Pseudo-Areopagite  (ffierarch,  Ecci.  iii.  2), 
when  he  speaks  of  ^  KaOoKiK^  ^fiyo\oyla 
having  been  uttered  as  a  confession  (rpoofioXo' 
yri$€iffris)  before  the  elements  were  placed  on 
the  altar,  meant  the  Creed.  This  is  of  course 
possible,  and  Pachymeres  (^Paraphr.  in  loco) 
seems  to  have  taken  it  so;  for  they  had,  he 
says,  even  then,  fiddrifid  rt  kcH  avfifiddrifia 
w(<rreft)t  [Creed].  [C] 

HYMNS.  In  the  following  article  no  at- 
tempt will  be  made  to  deal  with  the  literary 
or  theological  history  of  Christian  hymnody. 
All  that  can  be  hei*e  undertaken  is  to  give  a 
sketch  of  what  is  known  respecting  the  litur- 
gical use  of  hymns  within  the  limits  to  which 
this  work  is  restricted.  Much  of  the  difRculty 
connected  with  the  subject  arises  from  our  un- 
certainty as  to  how  much  was  covered  bv  the 
word  BfiMOf  in  early  Christian  writers.  Almost 
everything  sung,  or  rhythmically  recited,  which 
was  not  one  of  the  Davidic  Psalms,  was  called  a 
hymn,  or  said  to  be  "  hymned."  £ven  as  late  as 
the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  Walafrid 
Strabo  {De  Bebtu  Eccl.  c,  25)  warns  us  that 
by  "hvmns"  he  does  not  mean  merely  such 
metrical  hymns  as  those  of  Hilary,  Ambrose, 
Prudentius,  or  Bede,  but  such  other  acts  of 
praise  as  are  offered  in  fitting  words  and  with 
musical  sounds.  He  adds  that  still  in  some 
churches  there  were  no  metrical  hymns,  but 
that  in  all  "  generales  hymni,  id  est  Inudes," 
were  in  use.  The  well-known  passage  of  St. 
Augustine  (Enarr.  %n  Ps,  Izxii.X  which  was  for 
centuries  the  formal  definition  of  a  hymn  in 
every  ritual  writer,  gives  us  the  same  rule.  A 
hymn  might  or  might  not  be  in  verse;  but  it 
was  always* something  meant  to  be  eung,  and 
sung  as  an  act  of  divine  worship.  So  Gregory 
Kazianzen  defines  a  hymn  as  aJyos  ififitK-fis^ 
Further,  Christian  writers  gradually  learned  to 
use  the  term  in  contradistinction  to  the  Psalm 
of  the  Old  Dispensation ;  though  both  words 
were  for  a  time  interchangeable. 

It  is  obvious  that  from  the  verv  first,  Gentile 
disciples  must  have  sought  and  found  some 
further  expression  for  the  praise  of  God  than 
the  translation  of  Hebrew  Psalms,  or  of  the 
canticles  from  the  Hebrew  prophets,  could 
affoixL  But  at  what  period  Christian  songs  of 
praise  first  found  their  place  in  common  worship, 
it  is  impossible  to  say.  None  can  tell  in  what 
words  Paul  and  Silas  "  Hfiwovv  rhp  et6p "  in 
prison  (Acts  zvi.  25);  nor  can  we  say  with 
certainty  that  the  rhythmic  passages  in  the 
Epistles  (e.  g.  "Eph.  v.  14;  1  Tim,  iii.  16,  vi.  I.% 
16;    2  Tim.  ii.   11-13)  are  quotations  froro 

3  F 


802 


HTMNS 


kymiM,  though  this  has  been  frequently  main- 
tained.    The   parallel   passages,  again,  Eph.  t. 
19,  20,  and  Col.  iii.  16,  17,  though  evidently 
pointing  to  some  foi*m  of  Christian  song,  jet 
appear  to  connect  these  with  social  and  festive 
gatherings  rather  than  with  worship.     Probably 
they  bore  the  same  relation  to  the  forms  used  in 
public  worship   which   the  Spiritual   Songs  of 
Luther,  the  **  Ghostly  Psalms^'  of  Covei-dale,  or 
the  early  Wesleyan  hymns,  <lid  to  the  existing 
forms  of  service  in  their  day;  and  it  may  be 
that,  like  some  of  the  first  and  last  of  these, 
they  were    subsequently    adopted    into  divine 
service.     This  we  know  to  have  been  the  case 
at  a  later  period  with  the  <p£s  l\ap6y  referred 
to  by  St.  Basil  (De  Sp.  Sancto,  c.  29)  as  being 
(in  his  time)  of  ancient  use ;  it  is  still,  as  is  well 
known,  a  part  of  th^  daily  office  of  the  Greek 
church.    If  this  hymn  were  really  the  work  of 
Athenagenes  (f  169),  it  would  doubtless  be  the 
earliest  hymn  now  in  use;  but  a  reference  to 
the  passage  in  St.  Basil  will  show  that  he  did 
not  believe  Athenagenes  to  be  the  author.    This 
hymn,  with  the  early  form  of  the  Gloria  in 
ExCELBis,  the  latter  being  given  as  the  morning 
hymn  of  the  church  in  the  Apostolical  Coruti- 
tutions  (vii.  48  Coteler.),  probably  represent  in 
their  rhythmic  but  unmetrical  structure  many 
early  Christian  hymns  now  lost.    Of  the  ex- 
istence of  such  hymns,  from  the  time  of  Pliny's 
well-known   letter  to  Trajan  (Epist.  97),   we 
have  abundant  evidence.      The   ^  hymning  to 
God  the  giver  of  all  good  things,"  by  the  Roman 
Christians    after    the   martyrdom  of   Ignatius 
{Mart,  S.  Ign»  vii.),  may  have  been  a  burst  of 
extemporaneous  thanksgiving ;  but  early  in  the 
following  century  a  Roman  writer    cited    by 
Eusebius  {H,  E.  v.  28)  tells  us  how  if^oX/ioi  8i 
taoi  Koi  ^Sol*  hZtXpiiv  ki^  ^XV*  ^^  intrr&v 
ypa^uffaiy   r'6v  \6yotf  rov   6cou   rhy  Xpiirrhy 
Ifivovffi  09o\oyovtrr€s ;  and  again  the  Clementine 
Epitome  De  gestis  Petriy  §152,  refers  to  Up&v 
Hfiy^oy  cifxV  as  a  part  of  worship.     Of  Alexan- 
dria, again,  Origen  testifies  (c.  Celsum,  viii.  c.  67) 
tfiyovs  ykp  tls  ijl6vov  rhy  M  ircuri  \4yofAty  Sthy 
Kol  rhy  fioyoytyrj  abrov  Bthy  kSyoy  [al.  r.  k.  a. 
\6yoy  Kol  B96y'].   (Cf.  also  Fragtn.  in  Ps,  148.) 

Again,  an  early  tradition  reported  by  Socrates 
(//.  E.  vi.  8)  attributes  to  Ignatius  the  intro- 
duction of  antiphonal  singing  at  Antioch,  as  the 
result  of  a  vision  of  the  angelic  worship  which 
was  revealed  to  him  [Antiphon].  The  monks 
of  the  Syrian  deserts,  in  the  time  of  Sozomen 
{H.  E.  vi.  33,  2)  continued  in  prayers  and  hymns 
according  to  the  rule  of  the  church  {Biafiov 
rrii  iKKKrialas).  The  point  to  which  all  these 
allusions  tend  is  the  very  early  use  of  hymns 
both  in  the  East  and  West.  Of  the  East,  indeed, 
we  can  speak  more  positively.  The  Epistle  of 
the  second  council  of  Antioch  (a.d.  269)  to  the 
bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria,  against  Paul 
of  Samosata,  makes  it  one  of  the  charges  against 
him,  that  he  had  **  put  a  stop  to  the  psalms  that 
were  sung  to  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  as  being 
innovations,  the  work  of  men  of  later  times;" 
while,  to  the  horror  of  every  one,  he  had  ap- 
pointed women  to  say  psalms  on  Easter  Day  in 
his  own  honour  (ci;  iavrhy)  [Euseb.  ff.  E.  vii. 
30].  This  Inst  expression  may  simply  refer  to 
his  position  on  a  throne  of  unusual  height  and 
dignity  in  the  church ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  Paul  sought  to  confine  the  singing  strictly 


HTHN8 

to  Jewish  psalmody.  Another  inl 
ducible  from  this  passage  is  thai  metrical 
hymns  were  as  yet  unknown  in  Antioch.  It  b 
a  disputed  point  whether  metre  was  naed  la 
divine  service  before  the  fourth  century;  bat 
probabilities  are  against  its  use.  If  lued  at  all, 
it  must  have  been  in  Greek  hymns,  for  reasoas 
which  will  presently  appear.  No  metrical 
hymns  are  now  used  in  the  Orthodox  Eartera 
church,  but  all  its  ecclesiastical  verse  sinoe  the 
eighth  century  has  been  simply  rhythmic  aid 
accentual,  like  the  earliest  Latiu  sequences;  hot 
it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  for  a  time  metxkal 
hymns  found  their  way  into  Greek  offices.  The 
so-called  '*  earliest  Christian  hymn,"  the  epilogae 
of  Clement  of  Alexandria  to  his  Uaihwyirf^  is 
not,  except  in  a  loose  modem  sense,  a  hyma  al 
all.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  sacred  rcnei 
of  Gregory  Nazianzen ;  those  of  Sophrooins 
approach  nearer  to  the  hymnic  form,  bnt  it  is 
unlikely  that  his  Anacreontic  verse  oonld  have 
found  its  way  into  divine  service. 

The  fourth  century,   however,   saw  a  great 
impulse  given  to  the  litni^ical  use  of  hymns 
successively   in  Syria,  Constantinople,  and  the 
West,  under  the  influence  of  three  eminent  men, 
and  with  the  same  object,  the  enlisting  popnkr 
feeling  on   the  side  of  orthodoxy  in  times  « 
fierce  controversy.     The  earliest  of  theM  move- 
ments was  that  of  Ephraim  at  Edessa.      Greek 
metres  and  music  were  introduced  into  Syrae 
either  by  Bardaisan  [see  Bardesaicbs  in  Dicr. 
OF  Chr.   Bioor.],   or  (more  probably}  by  kis 
son  Harmonius,   whose  hymns  Ephraim    fboad 
to   be    so    popular,   that   he    felt    anzions   ts 
counteract    their    influence    by    the    sabstitv- 
tion  of  orthodox  hymns  which  might  be  snag 
to  the  same   tunes.     According  to  the  Syrise 
life  of  St.   Ephraim   (quoted   by   AngnstiX  ^ 
trained  choirs  of  virgins  to  sing  to  these  tonei 
hymns   which   he   proceeded    to  write    on  the 
Nativity,  Baptism,  Fasting,  Passion  and  Resar^ 
rection  and  Ascension  of  our  Lord,  and  on  other 
divine  mysteries ;  to  which  he  added  others  oa 
the  martjrrs,  on  penitence,  and  on  the  departed. 
The  young  women  of  this  association  attoided 
divine  service  on  the  festivals  of  oar  Lord,  aul 
of  martyrs,  and  on  Sundays;  Ephraim  himsdi 
standing  in   the  midst,  and  leading  them  (c£ 
Sozomen,  H,  E.  iv.  16 ;  Theodoret,  iv.  29).   Fn» 
that  time  forward  metrical  hymnody  became  a 
fixed  element   in   the   worship  of  the  Syriac^ 
speaking  churches,  and  has  filled  a  very  large 
place  not  only  in  their  daily  offices,  but  in  the 
Eucharistic,  and   indeed  in  all  others.      It  is 
not  so  easy  to  understand  precisely  what  vas 
effected  in  Constantinople   under  Chrysostom; 
because   we  do  not    know  what    singing  was 
already  in  use  in  the  churches  there.   Th«»doret 
{H,  E.  ii.  24)  attributes  the  introdaction  of  aati- 
phonal  singing  into  Constantinople  to  two  |Miests 
under  Constantine,  named  Flavian  and  DioAoms. 
In  most  ritual  matters  Constantinople  followed 
the  lead  of  Antioch ;  and  this  custom  may  hare 
been  an  imitation  of  what  was  already  in  osr 
there.  We  cannot  doubt,  however,  that  the  derios 
of  Chrysostom  for  silencing  or  outbidding  the 
Arians,  as  related  by  Sozomen  {H,  E.  viii.  8,  l-o), 
led  to  a  much  freer  and  more  abundant  use  «f 
hymns  in  divine  service.     The  Arians  had  been 
expelled  by  Theodosius  from  the  churches  of  the 
city;  but  their  numbers  were  still  very  great. 


HTMN8 

mnd  they  had  plaoea  of  assembly  outside  the 
walls.  On  Saturdays  and  Sundays  they  as- 
sembled in  crowds  in  the  open  spaces  of  the  city, 
singing  Arian  hymns  and  antiphons,  and  went 
in  procession,  with  these  hymns,  to  their 
churches.  Chiysostom  determined  to  organize 
riral  processions  of  the  orthodox.  The  empress 
Eudocia  entered  into  the  scheme,  and  a  eunuch 
of  the  imperial  household  was  instructed  to 
famish  the  necessary  materials  for  the  ceremonial, 
at  her  expense.  It  is  curious  to  iind  that  these 
included  not  merely  crosses  and  torches,  but 
also  hymns ;  so  unimportant  did  the  words  sung 
appear  to  Chrysostom  in  reference  to  the  end  in 
view.  But  whether  the  hynms  were  good  or 
bad,  the  midnight  processions  popularis^  their 
use;  and  from  the  night  offices  of  the  church 
they  seem  to  have  passed  into  other  hours.  The 
midnight  singing  of  the  '*  Golden  CSanon  "  of  St. 
John  Damascene,  so  graphically  described  by 
Neale  (Hymns  of  Eastern  Ch,  p.  35),  which 
forms  so  marked  and  picturesque  a  feature  of 
the  Greek  Easter,  is  doubtless  the  true  historical 
representation  of  Chrysostom's  nocturnal  pro- 
cessionals (cf.  Socrates,  ri.  8  ;  Cassiodorus,  Ilist, 
Drip.  X.  8 ;  Nicephorus,  viii.  8,  9).  It  was  not, 
however,  according  to  Keale  (u,  s.  p.  13),  till  the 
period  of  the  Iconoclastic  controversy  (a.d.  726- 
820)  that  Greek  hymnology  reached  its  full  de- 
velopment. Its  great  names  are  Andrew  of 
Crete  (660-732),  John  Damascene  (f  780),  Cos- 
mas  the  melodist  (t760X  Theophanes  (759- 
818),  Theodore  of  the  Studium  (t826),  and 
Methodius  (1836).  How  marvellous  its  de- 
velopment was  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact 
alleged  by  Neale  that  out  of  the  five  thousand 
quarto  pages,  which  he  computes  to  be  the  con- 
tents of  the  whole  body  of  Greek  office-books,  at 
least  four  thousand  are  poetry.  For  a  full  and 
elaborate  account  of  the  structure  and  contents 
of  a  Greek  canon,  or  group  of  odes,  which  forms 
the  staple  of  the  morning  office,  the  reader  is 
referred  to  the  articles  Canon  (p.  277)  and  Ode. 
The  other  subsidiary  forms  of  hymn  are  ex- 
plained in  the  same  volume. 

By  a  singular  coincidence  the  establishment  of 
hymnody  as  a  constant  element  of  divine  service 
in  the  West,  had  been  brought  about,  a  few 
years  before,  by  similar  disputes  between  Arians 
and  Catholics.  The  facts  are  related  by  Au'gus- 
tine,  who,  with  his  mother  Monica,  was  at 
Milan  at  the  time  {Conf.  IX.  vii.),  as  well  as 
more  briefly  by  Paulinus,  St.  Ambrose's  deacon 
(  Vita  8.  Amb.  p.  80 ;  ed.  Bened.  Paris,  1632).  St. 
Ambrose,  in  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  give 
up  to  the  empress  Justina  one  of  the  basilicas 
of  Milan  for  Arian  worship  at  Easter,  A.D.  385, 
had  incurred  her  resentment.  In  the  following 
year  sentence  of  exile  was  passed  upon  him.  He 
refused  to  obey ;  and  the  population,  who  were 
devoted  to  him,  guarded  the  gates  of  his  house, 
and  kept  watch  night  and  day  in  his  church,  to 
defend  him  from  capture  by  the  imperial  troops. 
This  company  of  perpetual  watchers  Ambrose 
organized  into  a  band  of  perpetual  worshippers. 
A  course  of  offices,  psjedmody,  prayer,  and 
hymns,  was  established,  and  once  established, 
became  a  permanent  institution  [HoUBS  OF 
Pbater].  Augustine  expressly  says  that  this 
was  an  imitation  of  the  Eastern  custom;  by 
which  he  probably  means  the  course  of  daily  and 
nightly  psalmody  and  prayer — the  practice  of 


HYMNS  803 

Oriental  ascetics,  both  Jewish  (cf.  Philo  de  VM 
oontemphtitn,  c.  x.  [ii.  484,  Mangey]  quoted  by 
Euieb.  ff.  E.  ii.  17)  and  Christian. 

But  it  is  especially  to  these  services  organized 
by  St.  Ambrose,  as  all  subsequent  writers  agree, 
that  we  of  the  Western  churches  owe  the  incor- 
poration into  our  offices  of  metrical  hymnody 
(cf.  Isidore  of  Seville,  de  EccL  Off.  i.  6 ;  Wala- 
frid  Strabo,  de  JR^ms  Eod.  xxv.  &c.  and  Pau- 
linus, 1.  c).  Unlike  Chrysostom,  Ambrose  was 
able  to  supply  his  congregations  with  woi*ds,  and 
himself  to  set  them  to  music  (see  Ambrosian 
Ml^sic,  and  Koch,  Kirchenlied,  vol.  i.  pp.  61,  sqq.). 
Of  the  metrical  hymns  which  are  undoubtedly  his, 
Biraghi  (/nni  Sinceri  di  Sant^  Ambrogio)  enu- 
merates eighteen,  Koch  twenty-one.  But  Milan 
became  a  school  of  Ambrosian  hymnody,  which 
has  left  its  mark  upon  the  whole  of  tne  West. 
Ninety-two  hymns  of  this  school  are  given  by 
Daniel  (^Thes.  Hymn.  vol.  i.).  ITet,  though 
Ambrose  is  the  true  founder  of  metrical 
hymnody  in  the  West,  it  is  possible  that  hymns 
were  already  in  use  elsewhere.  Hilary  of 
Poictiers  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the  first  to 
introduce  them;  he  certainly  was  a  hymn 
writer,  and  his  hymn  '^Lucis  largitor  optime 
(al.  splendide),"  sent  from  his  exile  in  Phrygia, 
as  early  as  a.d.  358,  to  his  daughter  Abra, 
found  its  way  into  church  use.  Pseudo-Alcuin 
(de  Div.  Off.  §  10)  attributes  to  him  the  com- 
pletion, in  its  present  Western  form,  of  the 
'*  Gloria  in  Excelsis,"  and  it  is  at  least  possible 
that  he  may  have  introduced  other  innovations, 
especially  as  some  of  his  hymns  (notably  a  well- 
known  Lenten  one,  *^Jesu  quadragenariae)," 
though  common  in  Germany  end  England,  were 
not  in  use  in  Italy.  The  work  of  St.  Gregory 
the  Great  is  not,  as  a  hymnographer,  distinct 
from  that  of  St.  Ambrose;  he  introduced  no 
new  species  of  hymn,  nor,  it  would  appear,  any 
new  use  for  hymns;  his  ritual  and  liturgical 
work  lay  in  other  directions,  though  he  made 
many  important  contributions  to  the  now 
rapidly  increasing  stock  of  metrical  hymns. 
But  the  progress  of  hymnody  for  the  next  four 
centuries  will  be  best  illustrated  by  a  table  of 
the  sources  from  which  the  leading  Breviary 
hymns  have  been  derived.  In  the  subjoined 
list,  the  numbers  in  the  first  column  are  from 
Daniel,  who,  without  attempting  perfect  ac- 
curacy, arranges  under  the  name  of  each  author 
the  hymns  traditionally  assigned  to  him ;  those 
in  the  second  column  from  Koch,  who  has  en- 
deavoured to  assign  to  each  author  the  hymns 
known  to  be  his,  but  has  not  consulted  so  wide 
a  range  of  breviaries  as  Daniel : — 

HTms assigned  to  ..    D.  K. 

Hilary  of  PolcUers  (f  368)      1  2 

Damasus 2  1 

Ambrose  and  tbe  Am-  )        <^» 

brusUui  school  f"    ^* 

Aogostine  (inoorreetly)    .      1  -• 

Scdulius 2  2  or  3 

Pnidentlus  ..        ..15  10  (centcMi 

Ennodlus .16  — 

Elpis  1  — 

Venantins Fortnnatns    ..7  1 

Oregory  the  Great  ..0  19 

Isidore  of  Seville  (636)  ..      2  (?) 
riaviusofGUUons  (580)       —  1 

CyrilU       1  — 

Eugenlns  of  Toledo  >  .  , 

(606-658)  f     ••      *  * 

Ildefonsus  (658-660))  _  go--. 

Julian  (680-690)       i     ••  ""™- 

3  F  8 


8<M 

Uth!0  aHlffoed  to 

Bed6  .. 

P&aliu  Olaooimia 
Alcuin 
Cbarlemagne 


HYMN8 

..    D. 


Anonymom  bynms) 
cent  tL-Iz.  f 


11   11  (several  doabtfal) 
2  SevenL 

—  SeveraL 

1  — 

cent  19 
cent.  12 
cnt.  7 
cent.    2 

The  use  of  Ambrosian  and  other  hymns  of 
Italian  origin  was  much  extended  by  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  monastic  orders,  each  with  its 
own  set  of  offices  for  the  hours.  Benedict 
especially  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Walafrid 
Strabo  as  having  insei'ted  in  his  offices  many 
Ambrosian  h^mns.  Other  countries  began,  as 
the  above  lists  will  show,  to  produce  hymno- 
graphers  of  their  own,  especially  Spain,  of 
whose  rich  store  of  hymns  the  Mozarabic  Bre- 
viary is  an  evidence.  There  are  signs,  however, 
that  this  influx  of  hymns  did  not  everywhere 
meet  with  favour.  The  complaint  made  by  the 
orthodox  against  heretics  that  they  had  inno- 
vated, could  now  be  tamed  against  themselves 
(Ambrose,  Ep.  873,  72) ;  and  among  Catholics 
there  were  some  who  doubted,  like  the  Genevan 
reformers  later,  whether  it  were  right  to  use  in 
worship  any  but  the  woi-ds  of  Scripture.  Others, 
IS  time  went  on,  became  accustomed  to  the  Am- 
brosian hymns,  but  hesitated  to  receive  fresh 
ones.  At  the  second  council  of  Tours  (567'-8X 
by  canon  23,  the  admission  of  other  hymns  of 
merit,  in  addition  to  the  Ambrosian,  was  form- 
ally sanctioned.  At  Toledo,  again,  complaints 
were  made  that  some  still  rejected  the  hymns 
of  Hilary  and  Ambrose,  as  not  scriptural  (Wala- 
frid Strabo,  1.  c).  At  length,  on  Dec.  5,  633,  at 
the  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  under  the  presidency 
of  Isidore,  a  canon  (c.  13)  was  passed  threatening 
with  excommunication  all  in  France  or  Spain 
who  opposed  the  use  of  hymns  in  divine  service. 
Yet,  as  we  have  seen,  there  were  still  some 
churches,  even  in  the  ninth  century,  which  did 
not  admit  metrical  hymns  into  their  offices. 

Two  points  remain  to  be  noticed — the  metre 
of  Latin  hymns,  and  the  offices  to  which  they 
were  restricted. 

Ambrose  found  in  the  Iambic  Dimeter  (our 
present  L.  M.)  a  metre  admirably  adapted  to  the 
concise  and  solemn  language  of  his  hymns,  and 
equally  well  fitted  for  singing.  This  accordingly 
has  been  the  normal  metre  of  Latin  hymnology, 
down  to  the  invention  of  sequences.  '  But  it 
was  by  no  means  used  in  strict  conformity  to 
classical  models;  accent  and  quantity,  it  must 
be  confessed,  were  both  at  times  disregarded. 
Some  attempts  were  made,  however,  at  other 
metres.  Among  the  so-called  Ambrosian  hymns 
appears  one  on  St.  John  Baptist,  in  four-line 
stanzas  of  Alcaic  Hendecasyllables — 

■w*  I  I  ■w 

—     V-'     —     —    I    —     >^     '^y     I    —     >m0'     ~- 

"  Alml  propbetae  |  pn^nl  j  es  pia." 

and  fonr  others,  one  for  fair  weather,  one  for 
rain,  and  two  in  time  of  war,  in  a  peculiar  form 
of  the  lesser  Asclepiad,  with  spondee  instead  of 
dactyl  in  the  last  place. 

'*ObdaKere  polam  nabila  coell." 

The  poems  of  Prudentius,  not  being  originally 
intended  for  church  song,  supply  other  irregu- 
^rities,  as  Iambic  Trimeter — 

"  0  Fazarene,  lux  Bcthlem,  verbnm  Patris,** 


HYPA(X)E 

and  the  Anacreontic  (Iamb.  Dim*  Catal. 
"Coltor  Dei  memento.** 

The  fine  cento  from  his  **Da  pner  pLeotnm^* 
beginning — 

"Oorde  natns  ex  Parentis  ante  mundl  exofdtnB,*' 

first  introduced  into  church  song  the  IVociuuc 
Tetrameter  Catalecticus  of  Greek  tragedy,  whidi 
has  been  so  great  and  permanent  a  gain.  He 
has  also  a  hymn  in  stanzas  of  four  Sapphic  liKS 
(without  the  final  Adonius) — 

**  Invmtor  rutili  dux  bone  lominls.'* 

Two  centos  from  Fortunatus — 
"  Crux  benedlcta  nitet,  domlnns  qua  came  ptpendftft'* 

and  the  well-known  ''Salve  festa  dies,"  are  the 
earliest  instances  of  elegiac  verse  in  choreb 
song.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  both  were  pro- 
cessionals. St.  Gregory  the  Great  wrote  Sapphic 
hymns  for  the  hours — 

**  Nocte  surgeotes  vigilemns  omnea*** 
and 

"  Eooe  jam  no(A{s  tenuator  umbra,* 

and  thenceforth  their  use  was  not  infrequent. 

A  few  other  irregularities  may  be  mentioned, 
but  they  are  unimportant. 

The  use  of  hymns  till  now  waa  threef<^: 
(1)  as  processionals;  (2)  in  the  canonical  hours; 
(3)  at  certain  special  offices,  such  as  the  Bene- 
diction of  Paschal  tapers,  &c.  As  yet  no  metrical 
hymns  were  used  in  any  part  of  the  £achaji»tk 
office.  Walafrid  Strabo  mentions,  however,  that 
Panlinus  "Patriarcha  Forojuliensis "  (Paulinas 
of  Aquileia)  had  frequently,  espedallj  in  private 
masses,  introduced  hymns  either  of  his  own  cr 
of  others, ''  circa  immolationem  sacramentonun  * 
(i.e.  at  the  Illation  or  Preface  following  the 
Sursum  corda).  He  adds  that  so  gr^t  a  maa 
would  not  have  done  this  without  authority  or 
reason.  It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  there 
were  other  instances  of  the  interpolation  oi 
hymns  into  the  Mass.  One  such  is  known  to 
us,  the  verses  attributed  by  Daniel  to  £ngeniiis 
of  Toledo— 

**  Saucti  venite,  corpns  Cbristl  somite,** 

sung  as  a  C(}mmuniOf  or  Antiphona  ad  ctooedemUs^ 
befbre  the  reception  of  the  elements;  Neak 
(CAr.  Hemembrancer,  Oct.  1853)  assigns  this  to 
the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  These  excep> 
tional  uses  were  foreshadowings  of  the  great 
outburst  of  sequences  in  the  beginning  of  the 
tenth  century,  which  was  destined  to  add  so 
much  to  the  splendour  and  variety  of  Latin 
hymnody. 

[Daniel,  ITiesaurus  ffymnohgicuSy  vol.  i.-v., 
Leipsic,  1855-6.  Mone,  ffi/mni  Latau  JiedS 
Aeviy  Freiburg,  1853.  Koch,  Oexhichte  db 
Kirchenlieds  tmd  Kirchengesangs  der  Christlickm 
(4  vols.)  vol.  i.  (part  i.  treats  of  hymns  of  the 
first  eight  centuries),  Stuttgart,  1856.  He  give 
ample  lists  of  authorities  on  special  poiafs. 
Augusti,  De  hymnis  Syrorum  sicris,  Wratislav, 
1841.  Neale,  Hymns  of  the  Eastern  Obiro^ 
London,  1863.  Mediaeval  Hymns  and  S^ 
quences,  1863.  Biraghi,  Inni  Sinceri  e  Carmi  db 
Sant*  Ambrogio^  MiUn,  1862.  £bert,  GeacMitiU 
der  C^risUich'Lateinischen  Literahtr^  Leipaic, 
1874.]  [J.  £,] 

HYPAOOE  (6roico^).  Ceruin  rhythmic 
compositions,  or  hymns,  which  follow  upon  and 
echo  (as  it  were)  the  sense  of  that  which  pre- 


HYPAPANTE 


IXeTC 


805 


eeded,  are  called  dirairoa(,  became  thej  depend 
apon  (ihraKovovffi)  that  which  has  gone  before,  as 
«  servant  on  a  master.  This  is  the  explanation 
of  Coresi.  Goar,  however  (quoted  in  Daniel's 
Codex  J  iv.  723),  prefci-s  the  explanation,  that 
such  hymns  relate  some  wonderful  work  of  God, 
by  listening  to  which  the  church  may  be  ediHed. 
Keithtir  explanation  is  perhaps  quite  satisfactory, 
but  the  latter  can  scarcely  be  considered  to  give 
any  reason  at  all  why  these  hymns  should  be 
called  Hypacoae  more  than  many  other  parts  of 
the  office.  [C] 

HYPAPANTE  (often  written  Hypante),  a 
name  given  to  the  festival  of  the  Purification  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  from  her  meeting  {{nrmratrHi) 
with  Simeon  and  Anna  in  the  Temple.  [Mart 
THE  Virgin,  KEsnvALS  of.]  [C] 

HYPATIUS,  bishop  of  Gangra  in  Paphla- 
gonia,  $avfJMTovpy6s ;  commemorated  March  31 
(CW.  Byzant.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

HYPOCAUSTOBIUM,  a  room  warmed  by 
a  hypocaust,  or  furnace  under  the  floor.  Thus 
Thiadildis,  abbess  of  Freckenhorst,  in  Westphalia, 
is  said  to  have  built  in  her  monastery  "refec- 
torium  hiemale  et  aestivale,  hypocaustorium, 
dormitorium,  cellarium,  domum  arearum,  etc.*' 
iVita  S.  Thiad,  &  7,  in  Acta  Sanctorum,  30 
Jannary,  App.  vol.  ii.).  [C] 

HYPOPSALMA  (iv6^aXfM),  a  particular 
manner  of  chanting  the  Psalms.  The  Apostolical 
Constitutions  (ii.  57,  §  5)  give  the  direction, 
*^  after  every  two  lections  let  some  other  chant 
(i^aAA^Tw)  the  hymns  of  David,  and  let  the 
people  chant  responsive  (JiroifraWcrw)  the  ends 
of  the  verses."  Such  a  replication  of  the  body 
of  the  congregation  to  the  voice  of  the  single 
chanter  was  called  ihr6^pa\fjM,  Compare  Anti- 
PHON  (Bingham's  Ant.  XIV.  i.  12).  [C] 


IXerC.  (Compare  Fish,  p.  673.)  The  fish  is 
found  in  an  allegoric  or  symbolic  sense  in  the 
ancient  remains  of  almost  every  nation.  Among 
the  Assyrian  fragments  discovered  by  Mr. 
Layard,  for  instance,  are  frequent  instances  of 
monsters  partly  formed  of  fish.  See,  as  examples. 
Monuments  of  A^ineveh,  pi.  39,  67  B,  68,  71,  72, 
itc  The  gem  figured  on  p.  674  of  this  work,  in 
which  a  man  appears  covered  with  the  skin  of 
a  fish,  is  probably  a  representation  of  this  kind 
of  monster,  rather  than  of  the  Apostolic  fisher- 
man. The  coins  of  Tyre  and  Phoenicia,  mari- 
time nations,  show  on  their  coins  fish,  or  monsters 
ending  in  fish.  The  same  object  is  found  on 
Egyptian  monuments,  though  much  more  spa- 
ringly, for  the  fish  was  an  abomination  to  the 
Egyptians  (Clemens  Alex.  Strom,  vii.  6 ;  p.  850, 
Potter;  compare  v.  7,  p.  670).  Nor  is  the 
aymbolic  fish  wanting  in  the  remains  of  the 
Indo-Germanic  races  (Sir  W.  Jones  in  Asiatio 
Researches,  i.  p.  230 ;  Ann.  de  PhUosopkie  Chr€t. 
r.  p.  430).  The  dolphin  in  particular  is  con- 
tinually represented  in  art  and  lauded  by  the 
poets ;  and  we  not  un frequently  meet  with 
allusions  to  a  mysterious  fish,  the  xdWix^s, 
from  the  presence  of  which  all  noxious  thingi 
fled  away :  'Ev  rois  Ka\  KdWix^vs  iin&yvfioSf 
UfAs  IxB^s  (Oppian.  Halieut.  i.  185). 


When  we  find  it  in  Christian  symbolism,  the 
question  arises,  whether  the  fish,  like  so  many 
other  symbols  and  formulae,  was  adopted  by  tht* 
early  Christians  from  the  already  existing  art  ? 
Looking  at  the  general  character  of  early  Chris- 
tian art,  considering  its  constant  adoption  even 
of  symbols  and  representations  obviously  pagaui 
it  would  seem  probiible  that  a  special  sense  was 
given  to  an  already  existing  mode  of  representa- 
tion. And  this  particular  symbolism  seems  to 
have  been  determined  by  the  discovery  of  the 
acrostic  ix^^'i  ^^^^  which  the  fish,  many  times 
mentioned  in  the  gospels,  received  a  mystic 
significance. 

It  is  quite  uncertain  when  it  was  first  observed 
that  the  word  Ix^vs  is  formed  of  the  initials  of 
the  sentence  *liiffovs  Xpiarhs  6co9  Tihs  'Xorri\p. 
We  may  perhaps  assume,  that  whenever  the 
fish  was  recognised  as  the  symbol  of  the  Lord, 
it  was  in  consequence  of  the  acrostic  meaning 
having  been  discovered,  and,  if  this  was  the  case, 
it  must  have  been  recognised  from  the  very 
earliest  days  of  Christianity.  The  Clavis  attri- 
buted to  Melito  of  Sardis,  which,  if  genuine, 
belongs  to  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
lays  it  down  that  Pisci8=Chri8tus  (c.  iv.  §  xl.; 
SpicU.  Solesm.  ii.  173);  but  the  date  and  cha- 
racter of  that  work,  although  Dom  Pitra  seems 
to  entertain  no  doubts,  cannot  be  considered  as 
beyond  question.  The  Sibylline  verses  give  (lib. 
viii.  217-250)  the  famous  acrostic  on  the  letters 
of  the  sentence  'Iij<roOt  Xpuffrhs  OeoG  Tths 
"Xwriip,  aravp6s.  At  the  time  when  this  was 
written,  the  mystic  meaning  of  IxBds  was  clearly 
recognised,  but  the  date  of  the  verses  is  by  no 
means  certain.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Paedag, 
iii.  11,  §  59;  see  Gems,  p.  712)  numbers  the 
fish  among  Christian  symbols,  but  does  not  state 
its  special  significance;  elsewhere  (Strom,  vi.  11, 
§  94)  he  regards  the  ''five  barley  loaves  and 
two  small  fishes  "  as  typical  of  the  preparatory 
discipline  of  Jews  and  Gentiles.  In  Clement  8 
contemporary  Tertulhan  we  arrive  at  firmer 
ground;  he  writes  {De  BapUsmo,  c.  i.)  "Nos 
pisciculi,  secundum  IX6TN  nostrum,  in  aqui 
nascimur."  Here  we  have  both  the  primary 
and  the  secondary  application  of  the  fish-symbol. 
First,  the  Fish  is  Christ,  and  that  clearly  as 
IXerc,  showing  that  Tertullian  had  the  acrostic 
in  his  mind;  secondly,  they  who  are  born  of 
Christ  are  in  their  turn  "smaller  fishes,*'  a 
symbolism  which  also  took  a  firm  hold  on  the 
mind  of  the  early  Church,  and  is  often  alluded 
to  [Fisherman,  p.  674] ;  thirdly,  a  fresh  signi- 
ficance is  added  to  the  conception  of  the  believer 
as  the  fish,  inasmuch  as  it  is  through  the  water 
of  baptism  that  they  are  born  from  above.  It 
is  to  be  observed  that  Tertullian  gives  no  expia- 
tion of  the  IXerc  which  would  be  intelligible 
to  the  uninitiated  ;  the  symbol,  whether  written 
or  pictured,  was  part  of  the  secret  language  of 
the  early  Church.  This  reticence  was  prol^bly 
maintained  during  the  centuries  of  persecution ; 
but  when  the  need  of  concealment  ceased,  we 
find  the  true  significance  of  the  symbol  pro- 
claimed. Thus,  the  writer  of  the  work  De  pro- 
mission,  et  benedict.  Dei,  attributed  to  Prosper  of 
Aquitaine  (ii.  39),  seems  to  give  positive  testi- 
mony on  this  point.  ^IXOTN,  !atine  piscem, 
sacris  litteris  majores  nostri  interpretati  sunt, 
hoc  ex  sibyllinis  versibns  colligentes."  Augns- 
tine,  too,  speaking  of  the  Sibyl,  says  {De  dvit 


806 


jxerrs 


Bti,  itUI.  23\  "  If  JOD  join  the  first  l«tten 
th«  Bie  Gr«dc  words  Iqiroi'i,  Xfirrht,  Sfr 
Tiii,  Irriip,  jaa  nill  hive  IXSTC,  fieh, 
which  word  Chri*t  ie  iiiTiUriDiitly  designiitt 
Compare  OpUtns  o.  Donalitl.  iii.  2,  And  wh 
tho  Empire  bftame  Christimn,  and  it  wu  no  loDger 


.ry  for  Chriit 
.  of  their  faith  ui 
De  R 


onceal  t 


mbol,   i 
i,  the  highest  a 


grea 


ritj  on  iDch  b 

formed  after  the  age  of  CaogtaDtine,  but  ■■ 
alcnost  conliDed  to  the  catacombs,  and  to  the 
most  incleut  portions  of  these.  It  was,  he 
believes,  growing;  obsolete  In  the  4th  centarj, 
and  w*B  scarcelj  ever  used  merely  as  a  lymbal, 
whether  at  Rome  or  la  the  proTinces,  in  the  5th, 
The  symbolic  fish,  indeed,  is  found  on  an  ambo  in 
the  chnrch  of  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  al  Rareunn, 

}>ear  597  ;  and  the  IXBtC  is  found  on  the  large 
crou  in  the  apse  of  St.  Apollinaris  in  Clsaie, 
near  the  same  city,  which  Ciampini  ■  (7el. 
Moniaa.  Vl  79,  ed.  2)  maintains  to  be  a  work  of 
the  year  567.  Tbe>e,  howeTor,  are  rather  In- 
stances of  the  oae  of  ancient  lymbols  by  an 
artiit  for  decaratiTe  pnrposes,  than  of  the  con- 
tinued Die  of  the  symbol,  aa  such.  When  the 
symi>ola  occur  in  inacriptione,  where  mere  orna- 
ment is  eridently  not  iotended,  we  may  be  sure 
that  they  are  still  used  as  a  sign  for  believen. 
In  representations  of  scenes  from  the  gospels,  or 
from  hagiology,  liah  are  of  coune  Found  in  all 
ages  of  Christian  art. 

Although  the  IX«rC  waa  originally  an  acro^ 
tic,  there  is  only  one  ancient  inscription  known 
in  which  it  actually  appears  as  such.  In  all 
other  cases  it  stands  separate,  at  the  beginning 
or  end  of  an  inacription,  or  both  ;  generally  it  i> 
written  horiiontally  in  the  ordinary  manner, 
but  aometime*  lertically  (Fabretti,  Imcript. 
fi/J.  p.  339;  compare  OEMS.  p.  714).  It  would 
indeed  bo  imposaifale  to  arrange  IXSTC  as  nn 
acrostic  in  a  Latin  inscription,  and  all  the  IXSTC 
monuments  which  have  come  down  to  us  are 
Latin,  with  the  one  exception  Just  referred  to. 
This  famous  aUb  was  found  in  the  year  1839, 
beneath  the  surface,  in  an  ancieut  cemetery  > 

(now  CardiMi)  Pitra  (Annahs  de  Phil.  CKrit.  2" 
»er.  I.  III.  p.  195).  Since  that  time  a  consider- 
able litcratare  baa  gathered  round  it.  It  is  a 
sepulchral  inscription  orer  oue  Pectoiius,  eon  of 
limperfe 


I  of  the  i 


[   lini 


then 


great  difference  of  opinion  amoug  palaeographers 
and  scholars.  Mr.  W.  B.  Marriott  (^Ttttimony, 
p.  1 18)  gires  the  inscription  thus : 

'lX*^t  '[bparlmi  iy\o¥  -fivn  ijTopi  ainr^ 
Xpfifft  ti^lir  [(tt^vj  a^^poTor  ir  flpor^oii 
aimtiilvy   ttirmv   r^r  irifr,   ipiX.t,    eiUirto 

i"')Ay 

■ClunptiilnilsreiidstlielXevC;  but  Oort  (Mpfyck.  UL 
VI)  gins  Itae  cotiect  reHllOK. 

>'  It  Is  mUwonliJ  tnu  Ibti  eemeterj  Is  iocall; 
ralkFd,  not  cImMttR,  but  poljaDdrr,  i.  e.  wAvak^piw — ■ 
curious  relk  of  the  tUne  when  Greek  was  spoken  •! 
Anum.  Probdilr  Ihls  was  the  Terr  Dune  lunl  In  Uh 
llm=  of  Qn^oiy  of  Tonrm,  w 


2vrq|>of  i*  ayiitr  /uXirfiia  XJi^iSan  fifSwm, 

'EffBie  ririnr  'Ix^ur  Ixmr  nA^fuui. 
Ix^^'   X* f'   AiAdt'ts   Uravta 

"'   Sh  I     ■    ■    •    ■  ''IP  '"   Alfif"*"    ♦•  t  T*  !•- 


1  .  .  .  fjjrftffio  niMTOfiiom. 
For  for^tr  we  should  perhaps  r«ad  m^y^^ 
The  word  xp5"  I0»J  be  taken  either  for  txf^ri, 
or  for  xpS'«.  "  KirdC'I't  for  Arr^C4«  '<* 
the  latter  part  of  the  inscription,  nirswr  i* 
for  wtiritir.  The  hiatos  in  the  last  line  but  oh 
may  perhaps  be  tilled  bj  the  words  air  infrfl 
yXvriiijl  Hol  U(Aifi(ui?irir  iiuunr  (FraniX  or 
something  equivalent;  and  the  last  may  peiihaps 
run  'IxBuv  liliy  vlou  fu^irfa  ntrrapioi.  Mr. 
Harriott  translates  the  whole  as  follows:— 
"OSspriQg  of  the  heavenly  Ichthna,  see  that  a 
heart  of  holy  reverence  be  Ihine,  now  that  frmn 


I   thou     1 


ceived. 


among  mortals,  a  fount  of  life  that  is 
Ulity.  Quicken  thy  soul,  beloved  one,  with  the 
ever-flowing  waten  of  wealth-giving  wisdom, 
and  receive  the  honey-sweet  food  of  the  SariiKr 
of  the  sainte.  Eat  with  a  longing  hongcT, 
holding  Ichthus  in  thy  hands. 

To  Ichthus  .  .  .  come  nigh  unto  me,  my 
Lord  [and]  Saviour  [be  Thou  niv  guide]  1  entroit 
Thee,  Thou  light  of  them  for  whom  the  hour  of 
death  is  past, 

Aschaodins,  my  Father,  dear  unto  mine  heart, 
and  thou  [sweet  mother  and  atll  that  are  mine 
.  .  .  remeriber  Pectorius." 

The  first  portion  seems  to  be  an  adjnoiiliea  to 
the  Christian  passer-by  who  read.-  :^ ,  the  secoad 
a  prayer  of  the  decensed  himself;  the  third  aa 
address  to  bis  pirenU  and  friends. 

This  inscription  has  been  referred  to  verr 
various  dates,  from  the  end  of  the  2ad  centarj 
(Pitra)  to  the  end  of  the  6th  (Ro8Signol>  Pro- 
bably the  judgment  of  Messrs,  Franks  and  C  T. 
Newton,  of  the  British  Mnaeum  (in  Uarriott's 


lo  Prof.  Chnrcbill  Bi 


ixero 

Testimony^  etc.  p.  133),  who  assign  it  to  the 
4th  or  5th  century,  is  not  far  from  the  tmth. 
With  this  agrees  the  decision  of  Kirchoff,  the 
editor  of  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Corpus  In- 
scriptionwm  Qraeocuvm,  which  contains  this  in- 
scription (No.  9890). 

Mr.  Marriott  (u.  8.  p.  141)  conjectures  that 
the  space  at  the  lower  comer  of  the  marble,  to 
the  spectator's  right, 'was  occupied  by  a  sculp- 
tured fish,  whether  alone  or  in  combination  with 
some  other  symbol. 

Costadoni  (ix.  35)  gives  a  gem  (no.  xi.  in  his 
plate)  engraved  with  two  fishes,  with  this  in- 
scription in  three  lines :  IX  ||  C«THP  |]  ev  : 
evidently  the  IX6TC,  differing  from  the  form 
common  elsewhere  in  having  C»THP  written 
at  full  length,  instead  of  being  separated  by  its 
initial  letter  like  the  other  words  of  the  acrostic. 
The  C«THP  is  probably  placed  between  the  IX 
and  the  6V  because  that  shape  of  the  inscription 
best  suits  the  space. 

Of  seventy-nve  sculptured  slabs  containing 
the  symbol  which  De  Rossi  has  examined,  not 
more  than  eight  contain  the  Ix^^i  alone,  and 
only  twenty — of  which  four  are  fragments  of 
slabs  which  may  have  contained  other  symbols — 
the  sculptured  fish  alone;  the  rest  give  also 
other  symbols.  Seventeen  join  with  the  fish 
the  dove  and  olive-branch  ;  a  conjunction  which 
seems  clearly  equivalent  to  SpirUus  m  pace  in 
Chriato ;  or — ^if  the  olive-branch  be  omitted — 
Spiritus  in  Christo,  Spiritua  tuu8  tft  pace  is  a 
common  form  of  acclamation  in  Christian  epi- 
taphs. Twenty-three  add  the  anchor  to  the  fish, 
whether  separate  or  intertwined ;  a  conjunction 
also  extremely  common  on  OEMS  [p.  714].  As 
the  Anchor  [p.  81]  unquestionably  symbolizes 
Hope,  we  may  read  these  symbols  Spea  in  Christo^ 
one  of  the  most  common  of  Christian  sepulchral 
formulae.  A  sepulchral  slab  from  the  cata- 
combs, now  in  the  Kircher  Museum,  exhibits  an 
anchor  between  two  fishes,  with  the  inscription 
ixerc  Z«NTa>N.  (See  further  under  oems,  p. 
713).  Of  the  fish  swimming  in  the  water  and 
supporting  a  ship  on  its  back,  clearly  signifying 
that  Christ  beai's  up  the  church,  De  Rossi  has 
seen  three  mstances. 

There  remains  the  conjunction  of  loaves  and 
fishes.  That  these  in  some  instances  simply 
form  part  of  a  representation  of  the  Lord's 
miracle  of  the  loaves  is  clear  from  the  fact  that 
in  at  least  one  of  De  Rossi's  Monumenta  (No.  71, 
from  the  cemetery  of  St.  Hermes,  now  in  the 
Kircher  Museum)  there  are  five  loaves  and  two 
fishes ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  fishes 
and  loaves  conjoined  were  intended  to  convey 
the  further  meaning  that  Christ  is  the  Bread  of 
Life,  and  that  with  special  reference  to  the 
Eucharist  [Canister,  p.  264;  Euoharist  in 
Abt,  p.  625}  This  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
Autun  inscription,  given  above,  where,  according 
to  the  most  probable  restoration,  the  fish  is 
spoken  of  as  in  the  hands.  We  can  scarcely 
dor.bt  that  these  words  refer  to  the  receiving  of 
Christ  in  the  Eucharist.  So  when  Augustine 
{Coi^m.  ziii.  23,  §  34),  after  mentioning  the 
sacrament  of  baptbm,  goes  on  to  speak  of  that 
other  ''solemnitas  ...  in  qua  ille  pi^dt  ex- 
hibetur  quem  levatum  de  profundo  terra  pia 
oomedit,"  he  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Eucharist.  It  ought  however  to 
be  noticed,  that  some  at  least  of  the  paintings 


IGONOSTASIS 


807 


commonly  supposed  to  be  Eucharistic  are  in* 
tended  rather  to  represent  the  heavenly  mar- 
riage-supper which  Christ  makes  for  his  faithful 
ones  (Polidori,  Dm  conwci  effigiaii  a  simbolo  ntt 
tnonumenti  Cristiani.     Milano,  1844). 

Ample  information  on  this  curious  subject 
may  be  found  in  Costadoni,  Sopra  t7  Peaoe  come 
sinioh  di  Qeau  Christo  preaao  gli  antichi  Cristiani^ 
in  Calogiera's  collection,  vol.  xli.  p.  247  ff. ;  in 
J.  B.  De  Rossi's  treatise,  De  Christianis  Monu* 
mentie  IX9TN  exhtbentibus,  and  in  Pitra's  De 
Piece  Allegorico  et  Symbotioo,  both  in  Pitra's 
Spiciiegium  Soleemenee,  vol.  iii. ;  and  in  the  late 
Mr.  Wharton  Marriott's  Essay  on  the  Autun  In- 
scription, in  his  Testimony  of  the  Cataoombs,  p. 
115  ff.  (London,  1870).  [C] 

lOONIUM,  COUNCIL  OF.  The  date  gene- 
rally assigned  to  it  is  Jl,d,  378  (Mansi,  iii.  SOd-lO)^ 
this  being  the  year  in  which  St.  Basil  died ;  and 
Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium,  who  presided, 
speaking  of  him  as  having  been  expected  there, 
but  kept  away  by  severe  illness.  St.  Basil  him- 
self {Ep,  ccii.  al.  ccxcvi.)  had  asked  to  have  it 
put  off  in  the  hope  that  his  health  might  improve. 
But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  is  not  the 
meeting  of  which  he  speaks  in  a  subsequent  letter 
(ccxvi.  al.  cclxxii.),  when  illness  equally  com- 
pelled him  to  return  home.  Mansi  thinks  his 
words  here  prove  that  he  actually  was  at  this 
meeting :  they  may  mean  no  more  than  that  he 
had  commenced  his  journey  with  that  intention, 
but  after  he  had  got  as  far  as  Neo-Caesarea,  which 
he  may  have  gone  to  first,  he  was  taken  ill  and 
had  to  return.  This,  according  to  Mansi,  took 
place  A.D.  375;  and  the  question  is,  whether 
Amphilochius  must  necessarily  be  supposed  to 
have  been  speaking  of  a  later  illness.  To  make 
up  for  his  absence,  his  traatise  on  the  Holy  Spirit 
was  read  there,  to  attest  his  sentiments  on  the 
subject  of  which  it  treats,  says  Amphilochius : 
in  all  probability,  therefore,  this  council  had  to 
do  with  the  followers  of  Macedonius.  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

lOONOSTASIS.  In  the  ecclesiology  of  the 
Eastern  church  this  designation  is  given  to  the 
screen  or  partition  wall,  tcAulattmif  which  cuts  off 
the  bema  or  sacrarium  from  the  Soieaa  and  the 
choir.  From  its  general  similarity  in  form  to 
the  chancel  screens  of  Western  churches,  the 
iconostasis  is  often  identified  with  them.  This, 
however,  is  based  on  an  erroneous  idea.  The 
screen  of  western  ecclesiology  separates  the  nave, 
the  place  of  the  laity,  from  the  choir,  the  place 
of  the  clergy.  The  iconostasis,  on  the  other 
hand,  invested  with  far  greater  dignity  and 
importance,  has  its  position  further  eastward, 
and  corresponds  in  locality  to  the  altar  rails. 
Thus  it  divides  the  choir,  or  place  of  the  clergy, 
into  two  parts,  separating  '*  the  holiest  of  all," 
containing  the  holy  table  and  the  place  for  the 
celebrant  and  his  assistants,  from  the  "  holy 
place,"  on  either  side  of  which  are  arranged  the 
stalls  for  the  clergy.  The  iconostasis  in  its 
original  construction  was  a  comparatively  light 
and  open  screen,  the  icryirXfdcf,  9p^eutra.  or 
oanoelli  of  primitive  times,  very  much  resembling 
the  ordinary  type  of  western  chancel  screens. 
The  present  arrangement,  by  which  it  has  been 
converted  into  a  dose  partition  with  curtained 
doors,  entirely  concealing  the  holy  mysteries 
from  those  who  stand  outside  it,  cannot  be  carried 
higher  than  the  8th  century,  and  in  its  exinting 


808 


IGON0STA8IS 

3eing  of  iTorj,  tartoiM-ibelt,  ui 


development  is  probabi}-  toter  itill.  The  name 
iiKwimuiii  i>  derired  from  the  icons  (^thcint) 
or  uried  pictarei  painted  dq  it. 

eat  in  tbe  larger  and  more  digaified 

re  of  tlie  richest  materiile  attainable, 

rnedwithalltheresoorcosofart.  The    . 

ilaborate  deicriptioo  given  by  Paul  the  Silennarj,  :  pictaret.     Hi>  words  are,  "  Relici 

"  e  the  form  and  chaiactei  of'  (the    irooden    trellis    nark,    inc 

U  br  Justinian,  in  the  :  Panliana'  charch    at   Trre)   "mi 

r      'r  ■  ■  I  "  .     ■   


middle  of  the  6th  i; 


■lire: 


It   c 


i   of  ■ 


formed  bf  a  stjlobate,  ornamented  with  aro- 
besqiie  flower  work.  On  this  atood  pairs  of 
twbted  colnmns,  twelve  in  narober,  anrmouated 
by  an  arcliitrave  of  chased  metal.  The  spaces 
between  the  columnt  were  filled  In  with  panels, 
bearing  in  oral  medallions  the  icons  of  Oar  Lord, 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  the  apostles  and  prophets. 
In  the  centre,  above  the  "  holj  doors,"  the  inter- 
twined monogram  of  Jostinian  Bad  Tlieodora  was 
to  be  seen,  surmounted  b;  the  cracilii  in  an  oral 
panel  (Paul  Silentiar.  pait  ii.  v.  265,  sq.) 

Tbe  CboTch  of  the  Apostles,  erected  b;  Con- 
staDtioe  at  CoDitantinople,  had  its  screen  ol  giit 


nagmes 


volait"  (EtKholog,  p.  IS).  Early  eumpls  of 
the  solid  iconoataais  nre  hard  to  lind.  TLt  p•^ 
titiou  has  been  iavariably  removed  bj  the  Tufa 
in  tbe  churches  converted  by  them  into  CHajiia 
so  that  not  a  single  instaace  appears  ia  lit 
churches  of  tbe  Holy  Land,  and  of  Central  Snii, 
drawn  by  De  Vogu^  nor  in  those  gives  ii 
Teller  and  Putlan's  Bj/iantau  Arehttacivt,  a  k 
Hdbsch'i  AltcMitliAe  Kircfit.  The  eulien  a- 
ample  knom  to  Dr.  Neale  is  that  in  the  Aiiu 
enpt  church,  at  Tepekermann,  in  the  Crimo. 
which  he  thiuks  "  may  be  referred  to  abont  ui 


IV.  59).  They  were 
In  that  rebnilt  by 
as,  at  Tyre,  the  screen  was  a  trellis  work 
d  of  the  most  slender  and  graceful  work- 
ip  (Enseb.  JJ.  E.  i.  4,  §  U).  That  of  St. 
in  the  Palace,  built  by  Basil  the  Mace- 
.  Ca.d.  867-886),  was  of  marble  (Theophan. 
.  IlamU.  Iv.).  The  screen  in  the  convent 
I   of  St.   Catherine   on   Monnt    Sinai,    is 


.350,"ofwhii 
aclos< 


woodci 


it  ia  annexed.   Thisiii 
tsoffourpillan 


ilid  stylobste,  the  panels  of  wliicli  >r> 
ornamented  with  boldly  incised  crona.  T** 
columns  reach  to  the  roof  of  the  cave.  ^ 
openings  between  them  may  have  been  probalij 
closed  with  curtains (Keale,  Hilt,  af  Eait-Or^ 
vul.  i.  p.  193).  AccoHing  to  Oninebaolt  (DU 
(fos  JfonuiwBS,  Alt.  IconvataitX  one  of  the  w* 


ICON08TA8IUM 


809 


inoicDt  (iiunpid  of  ■  tXotti  ttTeeo  kuown  is 
111  ■  cave  cburch,  th«  Qrotto  of  the  Apocaljpae, 
at  PiitiniM.  From  the  woodcnt  given,  t  ' 
from  Calmet  i^Dicl.  <&  ia  Biblij,  it  will  be  act 
be  s  plain  board«d  partitioo,  reichiag,  in 
iliriaiont,  froin  tbo  floor  to  the  ipriag  of  the 
vault,  and  tiitj  much  reHmblicg  a  Jacobeao 
chancel  screen  in  Ejiglaod.  It  has  a  eel 
•rched  door,  and  two  arched  windows  on  ei 
(ide,  ■uTTounded  wilh  anbeBque  work,  and 
cloied  with  cnrtains.  The  upper  diriaion  ei- 
hibita  an  icon  of  Our  Lord  to  the  right,  and  of 
the  Bleaaed  Virgin  to  the  left,  with  the  crndfii 

According  to  the  normal  arrangement,  an  icono' 
Italia  hud  three  doorwaya,  that  to  the  right  hand 
■     ■  it  to  the  loft  to  the 


the  present  da;.  The  iconoitulg,  accDrJiug  to 
I)r.Neale,ia"  now  geaerslij  made  of  wood;  what 
woald  be  the  pierced  part  in  a  neatem  rood 
acreen  being  panelled  and  painted.  In  Attic* 
they  are  found  of  plain  deal."  (Neale,  u.  (. , 
Teiier  and  PulUn'a  Byantint  ArcMttctwe,  p.  62.) 
The  iconoatatii  in  the  churcbei  of  Buasia  ia 
alwaya  a  feature  of  congiderable  magnificence, 
which,  from  iti  >lie  and  elaborate  decoration,  la 
the  object  tbat  £nt  attracta  attention  on  enter- 
ing,  being  rather  an  architectural  feature  of  the 
edifice  than  a  mere  piece  of  church  fnrniture. 
It  is  Tery  possible  that  more  complete  acqiuunt- 
ance  with  the  eccleaiology  of  Ruaala  will  bring 
to  light  earlier  eiamples  of  tbe  iconottaita  than 
tboM  hitherto  known.  The  anueied  aiampU 
from  a  chnrch  near  Kvftroma,  in  Eaatera  Russia, 


prolheiii,  through  which  the  "  Great  Entrance' 
was  made.  The  central  doorway,  filial  Bupni 
alwnyi  the  largest,  and  most  highly  decorated 
with  earrings,  opened  on  to  the  bona.  It  wai 
protected  in  the  lower  part  by  two  gates,  aboul 
the  height  of  a  man.  meeting  in  the  middle,  thi 
npper  portion,  as  well  as  the  two  side  doorways 
being  closed  with  cortaina  [Curtaihb,  Hano 
IBOb].  On  the  right  of  the  holy  doors  was  in. 
Tariably  the  icon  et  Our  Blessed  Lord  ;  on  tht 
left  that  of  Hia  Virgin  mother.     On  the  psneh 


either  aide, 


n  thoai 


,  other 


II  the  whole  unchanged  to 


gi*en  by  Mr.  Fergusson  Id  his  Satery  0} 
Architecitire,  is  not  of  lerj  early  date,  but  ii 
pronounced  by  him  to  be  "  a  fannrablc  ipecimen 
of  ila  class."  ffi.  V.] 

IC0N08TASIUM,  ,iKow«rri4ru,w,  in  the 
Greek  church,  a  moreable  stand  for  the  anspen- 
aion  of  ioonei  or  sacred  pictures.  Such  a  piece  of 
church  furniture  ia  mentioned  by  Codinus  (dt  Off. 
Aul.  Gmslanimop.  c,  ri.  §  2),  when  deacribing 
the  imperial  ceremonial  of  Chriatmas  ^y. 
After  mattins  the  canonarchs  brought  ont  thi 
kvacDUiaiuni,  and  aet  it  in  it)  place,  with  an  ono-  ' 
lofliam,  or  rending  deak,  bearing  a  copy  of  the 
gospels  in  front  of  it.  On  it  they  auapendfd  an 
icon  of  the  nativity,  and  Ihcee  or  io-tt  others 


810 


IDIOMELA 


The  emperor  on  entering  the  church  kissed  the 
icons,  and  again  on  leaving.  Dncange,  8.  v. 
identifies  the  iGonostashim  generally  with  a  small 
domestic  chapel,  or  oratory,  and  considers  that 
that  described  by  Codinus  was  a  portable 
shrine.  Qretser  is  more  correct  in  defining  it  as 
''omne  illud  in  qno  stant,  vel  ex  quo  pendent 
sacrae  imagines."  Goar  strangely  interprets  it 
of  a  caryed  picture  frame.  [£.  Y .] 

IDIOMELA  (i.  e,  irrixQpa  lii6fi€\a).  These 
are  Stichera  or  StrcpheSj  wnich  hare  no  hirmos 
(clp/cof),  the  rhythm  of  which  they  follow,  but 
which  are  independent  as  to  rhythm.  They  are 
usually  said  at  lauds  and  at  vespers  on  days  of 
special  observance.  At  lauds  one  only  is  said  as 
a  rule,  though  not  invariably,  as  in  the  Holy 
week  when  there  are  several,  uler  the  trrlxoi  fol- 
lowing the  alvoi  (t.  e.  Pss.  148,  149,  150).  At 
vespers  we  find  sometimes  one  only,  as  on  certain 
week-days  in  Lent.  Sometimes  several,  four  or 
five  being  the  usual  number;  and  occasionally 
more,  e,  g,  nine  on  St.  John-Baptist's  day,  and  of 
these  one  or  more  is  often  repeated.  The  tone 
to  which  they  are  said  is  specified,  and  the  name 
of  the  author  is  often  given.  Their  chai-acter  is 
that  of  other  troparia  used  in  the  Greek  offices ; 
but  they  are  often,  though  not  invariably,  longer 
than  others.  Idiomela  are  also  used  in  other 
offices,  0.  g.  in  the  ofiSce  for  the  burial  of  a  priest. 

[H.  J.  H.] 

IDIOTA  Qlltmrlis),  1.  An  illiterate  person, 
as  contrasted  with  a  '*  clerk."  Thus,  Gregory 
the  Great  (JEpist,  iz.  9)  speaking  of  the  use  of 
pictures  from  sacred  history,  says  that  pictures 
are  the  bible  of  the  uneducated — *'  quod  legen- 
tibus  scriptura,  hoc  idiotis  praestat  pictura  cer- 
nentibus."  Bede  (JEpist.  ad  Egbert, ;  Migne's 
Patrol,  zciv.  659  c)  wishes  the  idiotae — ^that  is, 
he  explains,  those  who  have  no  knowledge  of 
any  tongue  but  their  own — ^to  learn  by  heart 
the  Apostle's  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  in 
their  own  tongue.  In  the  Middle  Ages,  when 
an  educated  man  was  almost  of  course  in  holy 
ordera,  the  word  ^*  idiota  "  came  to  mean  simply 
a  layman. 

2.  The  word  Idiotae  was  also  used  to  desig- 
nate those  who  attached  themselves  to  some 
convent  as  helpers,  without  being  regular  mem- 
bers of  the  brotherhood,  i  e.  lay-brothers  [CoN- 
VEBSi]  (Ducange,  Qloss.  Lat.  s.  v.).  [C] 

IDLENESS.    [Mendicancy.] 

IDOLATRY  (Idololatria,  cl5«XoAar/>e(a). 
The  object  of  this  article  is  to  describe  the  laws 
of  the  ancient  church  relating  to  idolatry,  or 
any  rites  or  customs  connected  with  it.  The 
treatment  of  Christians  who  went  back  alto- 
gether to  heathenism,  belongs  to  Ap06TA8T  ;  of 
those  who  succumbed  for  a  time  under  pressure 
of  persecution,  to  Lapsed. 

Few  canons  directed  against  idolatry  appear 
in  the  councils,  until  Christianity  had  become 
the  dominant  religion  in  the  different  countries 
of  Europe.  The  first  law  which  interfered 
with  the  free  exercise  of  Paganism,  was  an 
edict  of  Constantine,  A.  d.  319,  against  private 
sacrifices  (Cod.  Theod,  IX,  xvi.  1,  2),  but  it  is 
questionable  whether  this  was  issued  solely 
in  the  interest  of  Christianity.  Later  laws 
were  undoubtedly  levelled  against  idolatry. 
In   A.D.  324,   Constantine  forb^e  (Euseb.    VU, 


IDOLATRY 

■ 

Const,  ii.  45)  the  erection  of  imaf^  of  thi 
gods,  or  (ibid,  iv.  16)  of  his  own  statue  in 
the  temples;  he  (%bid,  ii.  44-^)  prohibited  aU 
state  sacrifices,  and  (ibid,  iiL  54-8)  «hat  up 
many  of  the  temples,  converted  others  into 
churches,  and  destroyed  some  which  had  bees 
the  scene  of  immoral  rites.  Laws  of  Coostantius 
forbade  (Cod.  Theod,  XVI,  z.  4,  6)  all  sacrifioer 
whatever  on  pain  of  death;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  penalty  was  ever  exacted.  BiA 
that  which  is  considered  to  have  given  the  death- 
blow to  Paganism,  is  a  comprehensive  law  of 
Theodosins,  A.D.  392  (Cod.  Theod.  XVI.  x.  12); 
sacrifice  and  divination  were  declared  treaaoo- 
able  and  punishable  with  death ;  the  use  of  ligfata, 
incense,  garlands,  and  libations,  was  to  involve 
the  forfeiture  of  house  or  land  where  they  were 
used ;  and  all  who  entered  heathen  temples  were 
to  be  fined.  But  that  Pagan  rites  lingered  after 
this  appears,  among  other  proofe,  from  a  petiti«ii 
addressed  to  the  emperor  by  a  CarthaginiaB 
council  (A.D.  399),  requesting  him  to  destroy 
some  rural  temples,  and  forbid  certain  idolatrous 
banquets,  which  were  held  on  Saints-Days,  and 
which  the  Christians  were  compelled  to  attend 
(Cod.  JSccl.  Afric.  cc  58-60).  And  two  centaries 
later  Gregory  has  occasion  (Epp.  iv.  23-6)  to 
rebuke  some  landowners  in  the  remote  parts  of 
Italy,  who  suffered  their  peasants  to  oontinae  ia 
heathenism ;  and  in  a  letter  (Epist.  iz.  65)  to 
the  bishop  of  Cagliari,  he  recommends  that  if 
the  rustics  will  not  listen  to  preaching,  they 
shall  be  fined,  imprisoned,  or  chastised.  Chi 
the  disappearance  of  Paganism,  see  Robertsoa, 
Church  Hist.  iii.  5. 

2.  Local  Edicts. — ^In  the  Gallic  churdi,  a 
fragmentary  letter  oi  Childebert,  a.d.  554  (Har- 
douin,  Cone.  iii.  334),  commands  all  landlords 
who  have  images  or  idols  on  their  estates,  to 
remove  them,  and  assist  the  priests  in  destroying 
them.  The  worship  of  sacred  trees  or  groves^  or 
stones  or  fountains,  is  frequently  forbidden,  and 
the  bishops  are  admonish^  to  be  more  zealous 
in  checking  it  (2  Cone.  Arelat  c  23;  2  Come. 
Turon,  c.  22 ;  Cone.  Francoford.  c  43).  A 
Prankish  council  presided  over  by  Boniface,  a.d. 
742  (Cone.  German,  c.  5,  in  Hartzheim's  Come 
i.  49)  prohibits  incantations  and  auguries,  and 
sacrifices  which  were  offered  to  martyrs  in  place 
of  the  old  Pagan  deities ;  other  councils  forbid 
the  '*  sacrilegious  fire-burnings  which  are  called 
Nedfrates"  ^  (Cone.  Liptin.  c.  4 ;  Cone.  Suess.  c  6). 
Appended  to  the  council  of  Liptina  (probably 
Lestines,  Hartzheim,  i.  51),  A.D.  743,  is  a  curious 
list  of  forbidden  Pagan  superstitions.  It  contains 
mention  of  the  widespread  worship  of  sacred 
trees  and  stones;  of  sacrificing  to  saints;  ol 
various  omens  and  charms,  such  as  observing 
tempests,  horns,  and  snails^  and  the  brain  and 
dung  of  animals,  and  fire  on  the  hearth;  or 
superstitions  connected  with  the  state  of  the 
moon,  particularly  women  hoping  to  attract 


•  On  the  Teutonic  religion  of  'worshipping  in  giovcs. 
see  MUmsn,  Lat.  Christ,  ill.  2.  The  most  recent  toS 
satisfactoTy  Investigation  Into  the  history  and  meaning 
of  sacred  stones  will  be  found  in  Ferguasou's  Rmds  Shm 
Mcnaments. 

b  On  the  derivation  and  meaning  of  need-fire,  see  Da- 
cange,  s.  v.  Nt^ri.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  mpeoA- 
tlons  pnurtice  in  certain  parts  of  Qermany  of  striking  fee 
from  dry  wood  on  the  eve  of  St.  John  {JoBa,  Sr..  Fia 


IDOLATBY 


mOLATBT 


811 


hj  lunar  hifinences.    Compare  a  similar  saper- 
atition  in  England,  where  people  are   warned 
against  trusting  to   cries   and   sorceries  daring 
an   eclipse  of  the  moon  (Egbert.  Penit,  viii.  3). 
An  edict  of  Charlemagne  issued  after  the  con- 
quest of  the  Saxons,   a.d.  785,   contains  some 
severe  enactments  against  the  heathen  practices 
of  the  vanquished  Qde  Parttbus  Saxon,*  in  Baluze's 
Capitularia,  i.  250).     Death  is  to  be  the  penalty 
of  (c  4)  ostentatiously  and  defiantly  eating  meat 
in  I^nt ;  of  (c.  6)  burning  a  witch  because  of  sup- 
posed cannibalism,  and  then  superstitiously  eating 
her  flesh ;  of  (c.  7)  burning  a  dead  body  and  col- 
lecting the  ashes ;  the  bodies  of  the  dead  (c.  22) 
are  to  be  buried  in  cemeteries  and  not  in  the  Saxon 
tumuli.     A  more  merciful  clause  (c.  14)  contains 
a  singular  provision  that  if  any  one  who  has  ex- 
posed himself  to  death  by  such  crimes,  shall  confess 
hia  offence  to  the  priest,  and  be  willing  to  do 
penance,  the  extreme  penalty  may  be  remitted 
on  the  testimony  of  the  priest.    This  capitulary 
was  to  some  extent  repealed  by  a  more  lenient 
one,  A.D.  797,  which,  according  to  the  general 
practice  of  the  Teutonic  races,  allowed  a  money 
payment  to  compound   for  the  capital  offence. 
The  Spanish  councils  contain  evidence  of  the 
lingering  of  the  old  heathenism  at  the  end  of  the 
7th  century,  and  that  even  the  clergy  were  not 
free  from  complicity  with  it.     The  3rd  council  of 
Toledo,   A.D.    589  (c.  16),  complains   that   the 
**  sacrilege  of  idolatry  "  was  prevalent  through 
both   Spain  and  Gaul,  and  declares   that  the 
bishops  and  priesta  neglecting  to  assist  in  its 
extirpation  shall  be  excommunicated.     The  12th 
council,  A.D.   681  (c.  11),  threatens   death   to 
slaves  worshipping  idols  or  stones  or  fountains  or 
trees,  or  lighting  torches ;  but  if  their  masters 
will  be  answerable  for  their  abstaining  from  such 
rites  for  the  future,  the  extreme  sentence  may 
be  commuted  to  a  flogging  or  to  being  shackled 
with  iron :  if  the  masters  decline  such  responsi- 
bility, they  lose  all  rights  over  the  slaves,  and 
are    themselves    subject    to    excommunication. 
The  same  practices  are  enumerated  by  the  16th 
council,  A.D.  693,  and  the  bishop  or  priest  who 
is  negligent  in  searching  them  out,  is  sentenced 
(c  2)  to  a  year's  penance;  and  further,  any  one  who 
puts  obstacles  in  the  way  of  priest  or  officer  is 
to  be  put  under  anathema,  and  if  a  noble,  pay 
3  pounds  of  gold  to  the  treasury,  if  low  bom, 
receive  100  stripes,  have  his  head  shorn,  and 
forfeit  half  his  property. 

In  England,  Gregory  had  given  directions  to 
Augustine  (Epist.  xi.  76)  that  heathen  idols  were 
to  be  destroyed,  but  the  temples  preserved,  that 
the  fabric  should  be  sprinkled  with  holy  water, 
that  altars  should  be  constructed  in  them  and 
relics  deposited,  and  so  the  building  be  converted 
to  the  worship  of  God  on  spots  already  consecrated 
in  the  popular  imagination ;  even  the  sacrifices 
of  oxen  were  to  continue,  but  transferred  to 
Saints  Days.  Gregory  defends  this  policy  on  the 
ground  that  he  who  aspires  to  the  highest 
place,  must  be  content  to  ascend  step  by  step, 
and  not  at  one  bound.  The  English  Penitentials 
disclose  the  idolatrous  customs  which  seem  to 
have  had  the  most  tenacious  hold  on  the  people. 
Those  who  sacrifice  to  devils  on  slight  occasions 
are  to  do  penance  for  a  year,  on  great  occasions 
for  ten  (Theod.  Penitent,  I.  xv.  1 ;  Egbert.  Peni- 
tent, iv.  12).  Any  woman  who  places  her 
daughter  on  the  roof  of  a  house,  or  in  an  oven. 


to  cure  her  of  a  fever,  is  sentenced  to  seven  years 
(Theod.  Pen,   I.  xv.  2;    Egbert.  Pen,  viii.   2). 
Burning  grain  in  any  house  where  a  dead  body 
has  been  deposited,  as  a  charm  to  protect  the 
survivors,  is  punished  by  five  years  (Theod.  Pen, 
1.  XV.  3).    The  witches  who  invoke  storms  are 
to  be  penitents  seven  years  (Egbert.  Pen,  iv.  14). 
In  the  laws  of  Wihtred  of  Kent,  A.D.  696  (c.  12), 
it  is  decreed  that  if  a  husband  without  his  wife's 
knowledge  makes  an  offering  to  a  devil,  he  shall 
be  liable  in  all  his  substance ;  and  if  they  both 
agree,  they  shall  both  be  liable ;  but  that  if  a 
'Uheow"  makes  the  offering,  he  (c.   13)  shall 
make  a  **  hot "  of  six  shillings  or  his  hide.  There 
are  intimations  that  ecclesiastical  law  extended 
to  other  practices  which,  though  not  connected 
with  religion,  were  regarded  as  badges  of  idola- 
try. The  Legatine  Synod  held  in  A.D.  787  (Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  Counoȣs  and  Eccl,  Documents^  iii. 
458),  in  its  report  to  Adrian  I.,  complains  (c.  19) 
that  the  people  dress  after  the  manner  of  the 
heathen ;  that  they  follow  the  heathen  custom  of 
mutilating  their  hoi'ses  by  clipping  their  tails 
and  splitting   their  nostrils  and  joining  their 
ears ;  and  also  that  they  eat  horse-flesh,  which 
no  Christian  does  in  the  East  (Orientalibus,  Italy 
and  Germany).      In  the  previous  century  the 
eating  of  horse-flesh,  though  not  prohibited  was 
regarded  with  disfavour  (Theod.  Penitent,  II.  xi. 
4).    A  prohibition  against  heathen  dress  is  also 
found  in  the  ancient  Welsh  code  of  the   7th 
century    (fianones    Wallid,    c.   61).     "If    any 
Catholic  let  his  hair  grow  long  after  the  manner 
of  the  heathen,  he  shall  be  expelled  Christian 
Society." 

3.  Idnlatraus  offices  or  customs, — ^The  council 
of  Elvira,  A.D.  305  (c.  4),  orders  Flamens  who 
wish  to  become  Christians  to  undergo  two  years' 
additional  probation  as  catechumens;  if  after 
baptism  they  wear  the  sacrificial  garland  (c.  55), 
to  do  penance  two  years ;  if  they  provide  a 
public  spectacle  (munus)  (c.  3),  to  be  denied 
communion  till  death ;  and  if  they  sacrifice 
(c.  2),  to  be  excommunicated  for  ever.  The 
same  council  requires  a  Duumvir  to  separate 
himself  from  the  church  during  his  year  of 
office.  See  also  Actors,  Gladiatobs.  The 
grounds  of  such  prohibitions  are  stated  by 
Tertullian  (de  Spectac,  c.  12).  The  same  father 
condemns  (de  Spectac,  cc.  20-22)  the  actors  in 
each  of  the  four  sorts  of  shows. 

The  social  festivities  of  the  heathen  were  not 
regarded  with  the  same  suspicion.  Tertullian 
(de  Idohl,  c.  16)  sees  no  harm  in  a  Christian 
being  present  at  the  solemnity  of  assuming  the 
toga  virilis,  or  of  espousals  or  nuptials,  or  of 
giving  a  name  to  a  child.  But  this  toleration 
was  not  extended  to  festivities  of  a  less  innocent 
charadter.  [Heathen,  §  5,  p.  763.]  The  super- 
stitious lighting  of  torches  and  burning  of  lampa 
is  forbidden  both  in  the  4th  and  7th  centuries 
{Cone,  Eliber,  c  37;  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  65). 
Another  canon  of  Elvira  (c.  34)  prohibits  the 
burning  of  wax  candles  in  the  cemeteries  lest 
the  spirits  of  the  saints  should  be  disturbed ;  a 
reference  probably  to  the  idolatrous  practices 
associated  with  lighting  lamps  on  heathen  fes- 
tivals (Tert.  Apolog,  c.  35;  de  IdoloL  c.  15). 
The  irregularities  attending  the  observance 
of  the  feast  of  the  Kalends  of  January  (the 
new  year)  form  the  subject  of  one  of  Chtyso* 
stom's   Homilies  (m  Kalend,  t,  i.  p.  697,  ad. 


812 


IDOLATRY 


Rened.),  from  which  it  appears  that  Chiistians 
let  u])  lamps  in  the  market  place,  and  adorned 
their  doors  with  garlands,  and  gave  themselves 
up  to  excess  and  made  divinations  of  their 
future.  "You  will  prosper,"  says  Chrysostom, 
'*  in  the  coming  year,  not  if  you  make  yourself 
drunk  on  the  new  moon,  but  if  you  do  what  God 
approves  "  (Tert.  de  Idolol.  c.  14 ;  Ambrose,  Serm, 
17 ;  Cone.  Autiss.  c.  1 ;  Cone,  in  Trull,  c.  62). 
The  2nd  council  of  Tours,  A.D.  567,  states  (c.  17) 
that  it  was  a  custom  in  the  church  to  have 
special  Litanies  on  the  three  days  of  the  Kalends 
of  January,  as  a  protest  against  the  heathen 
licentiousness  [Circumcision].  The  observance 
of  the  heathen  festivals  lingered  long  after 
heathenism  itself  was  extinct ;  at  the  end  of 
the  7th  century  the  Trullan  council  (c.  62) 
after  denouncing  the  Kalends,  declares  that  the 
church  will  excommunicate  any  who  keep  the 
solemnities  of  the  Bota  (Vota),  or  the  Brumalia 
(the  winter  feast),  or  the  Ist  of  March ;  and 
forbids  the  heathenish  customs  of  those  festivals, 
the  public  dancing  of  women,  the  interchange  of 
dress  between  men  and  women,  wearing  comic 
or  satyric  or  tragic  masks,  calling  on  the  name 
of  Bacchus  and  simulating  a  Bacchic  frenzy 
while  treading  the  grapes. 

Making  gain  from  idolatry  was  considered 
idolatrous.  No  artisan  might  assist  in  making 
an  idol.  "  Canst .  thou,"  says  Tertullian  (de 
Idolol.  c.  6),  "  preach  the  true  God,  who  makest 
false  ones?  'I  make  them,'  says  one,  *but  I 
worship  them  not.'  Verily  thou  dost  worship 
them,  and  that  not  with  the  spirit  of  any  worth- 
less savour  of  sacri6ce,  but  with  thine  own; 
not  at  the  cost  of  the  life  of  a  beast,  but  of  thine 
own."  Similarly  he  exposes  (jSfii,  c.  8)  the 
sophistries  of  those  who  made  their  livelihood 
by  building  or  adorning  heathen  shrines ;  and 
(ibid.  cc.  5,  6,  8,  11,  17)  the  dealers  in  victims 
and  incense,  and  the  guardians  of  the  temples 
and  the  collectors  of  their  revenues.  A  landlord 
who  reckoned  in  his  accounts  any  property  of  an 
idol,  was  subject  to  five  years*  separation  (C</nc. 
Eliber.  c.  40) ;  a  man  or  woman  lending  vest- 
ments to  decorate  idolatrous  pomp,  to  three 
{ibid.  c.  57). 

The  rule  which  was  to  govern  Christians  in 
rating  food,  which  might  have  been  previously 
offered  to  an  idol,  is  laid  down  by  St.  Paul 
(1  Cor.  X.  25,  30).  A  great  part  of  the  animals 
used  in  the  sacrifices  was  frequently  sold  by  the 
priests,  and  afterwards  retailed  in  the  public 
shambles.  This  the  Christians  were  at  liberty 
to  eat.  But  any  attendance  at  a  temple  for  the 
sake  of  the  sacriBce  was  strictly  prohibited  (Cone. 
Eliber.  c.  59).  The  council  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  314 
(c.  7),  forbids  any  one  to  eat  in  a  place  conse- 
crated to  idolatry,  even  if  he  took  his  own  food. 
But  by  the  direction  of  Leo  (Ep.  ad  Nicet.\  a 
captive  among  the  barbarians  who  from  hunger 
or  terror  eat  idol  food,  was  to  be  leniently  dealt 
with.  Directions  with  regard  to  eating  food 
offered  to  idols  appear  frequently  in  subsequent 
councils;  it  is  the  same  as  eating  carrion,  and 
exposes  the  offender  to  excommunication  (4  Cone. 
Aurel.  c.  20) ;  offering  food  to  the  dead  on  the 
festival  of  St.  Peter,  and  after  receiving  the 
body  of  Christ  going  home  and  eating  meat 
consecrated  to  devils,  incurs  a  like  penalty 
(2  Cone.  Turon.  c.  22)  ;  other  superstitions 
with  food  are  to  be  reprimandeil  (Cone.  Retnen. 


ILLITERATE  CLERGY 

c.  14);  not  even  the  sign  of  the  cron  will 
purify  an  idol  offering  (Gregory  U.  Can.  EpisL 
c.  6).  [G.  M.] 


IGNATIUS.  (L)  Bishop  of  Antioch,  J 
fidprvf,  martyr  under  Trajan  (ajo.  1093;  com- 
memorated Feb.  1  (Mart.  Rem.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi);  translation  to  Antioch,  Dec  17  (f^\ 
and  Jan.  29  (CaL  Byzant.) ;  "  NaUle,"  Dec  17 
(Mart.  Bedae);  also  commemorated  Dec  16 
(Cat.  Armen.) ;  Dec  20  (Cal.  ByzanL);  Hamle  7 
=  July  1,  andTaksas  24=  Dec  20  (Cai.  EtkU^). 

(2)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Celerinnsy  deaooa 
and  confessor,  Laurentinus,  and  Celerina ;  com- 
memorated Feb.  3  (Mart.  Sum.  Vet.,  Adonu, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

ILERDENSE  CONGILIUM.  [Lerqu, 
Council  op.] 

ILLATION.  This  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy 
is  the  equivalent  to  the  Preface  (Prae&tio)  ci 
the  Roman  and  Ambrosian  liturgies.  In  the 
Galilean  liturgy  the  corresponding  prayer  is 
called  Immolatio  or  CentestaHo.  The  ifosarabie 
Illation  is  usually  much  longer  than  the  Roman 
Preface,  and  varies  with  each  mass.  It  b^ns 
with  the  words  **  Dignum  et  jnstum  est,"  and 
leads  up  to  the  Sanctum,    [v.  Preface.  ] 

[H.  J.  H.] 

ILLIBERITANUM  CONCILIUM.  [Eir 
viBA,  Council  op.] 

ILLITERATE  CLERGY.  Pope  Hilary 
(a.d.  461-468)  decreed  that  an  illiterate  person 
(litterarum  ignarus)  incurred  irregulatity,  i.e., 
disqualification  /or  holy  orders.  And  this  rule 
was  repeated,  under  varying  phrases^  by  a 
council  at  Rome  during  his  pontificate  aad 
by  Pope  Gelasius  afterwards.  But  the  stan- 
dard of  knowledge  required  does  not  nppear  to 
have  been  exactly  defined.  We  learn  from 
St.  Augustine  (Epist.  76),  that  the  same  rale 
applied  to  monks  who  were  candidates  for 
orders.  In  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  (aj>. 
590-604)  it  was  sufficient  to  be  able  to  real 
But  the  offices  were  repeated,  it  seems,  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  memoriter,  especially  by  the 
clergy  of  the  lower  grades.  He  ordered  the 
deacons  from  country  cures  to  be  examined  as  to 
how  many  psalms  they  could  say  by  heart 
Thus,  too,  the  Second  Council  of  Orleans  (a.d. 
545),  in  its  15th  canon,  forbids  the  ordination  as 
priest  or  deacon  of  any  man  who  could  neither 
read  nor  repeat  the  Baptismal  office.  And  the 
First  of  Mtcon  (a.d.  581)  ordered  the  clergy  to 
fast  every  Monday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday  frow 
Martinmas  to  Christmas,  and  to  employ  the»e 
days  in  learning  the  canons.  The  Council  of 
Narbonne  (a.d.  589)  even  tried  to  enforce  learn- 
ing by  suggesting  that  a  cleric,  obstinately  illi- 
terate, had  no  right  to  his  share  of  the  eccle- 
siastical revenues,  and  should  be  sent  to  a 
monastery,  since  he  could  not  edify  the  people 
(Can.  10). 

We  find  much  the  same  state  of  things  ii 
Spain.  The  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  {circa  A.i>. 
630)  describes  ignorance  as  the  *' mother  of  aU 
other  errors,"  and  orders  that  a  bishop  when  he 
ordained  a  parish  priest,  should  give  him  as 
office  book  to  use  (Canons  25, 26).  It  is  implied 
that  he  would  be  able  to  read  this. 

Respecting  the  Eastern  Church  onr  informa- 
tion is  much    Ifiss  precise.      Justinian  (NoceU- 


ILLUMINATION 

▼I*  e.  5)  forbad  the  adTancing  to  any  gi'ade  of 
the  ministry  those  who  were  unable  to  read. 
During  great  part  of  the  8th  century  the  Ico- 
noclastic controversy  was  raging,  and  destroyed 
almost  entirely,  says  Balsamon,  the  habit  of 
study  among  the  Catholics.  Therefoi-e  the 
Seventh  General  Council  at  Nicaea,  in  a.d.  787 
ordered  in  its  2nd  canon  that  no  bishop  should 
be  consecrated  who  could  not  repeat  the  psalter ; 
and  who  was  not  well  acquainted  with  the 
gospels,  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  the  whole 
scriptures,  and  the  canons :  a  very  considerable 
requirement  for  the  time. 

With  the  accession  of  Charlemagne  a  move- 
ment upwards  began.  In  many  capitularies 
of  that  sovereign,  stringent  regulations  against 
ignorance  in  the  clergy  were  laid  down  (for 
details  see  Thomassin,  p.  ii.  lib.  i.  cc.  90,  96 
passim).  These  details,  by  the  moderation  of 
the  standard  set  up,  serve  to  show  the  existing 
lack  of  knowledge.  Even  these  it  was  impos- 
sible to  enforce  with  any  strictness.  Lupus, 
Abbot  of  Ferrara,  writing  during  this  reign  to 
Hincmar,  apologises  for  a  bishop,  who  was  un- 
able to  teach  his  flock  otherwise  than  by  his 
good  example,  because  of  his  ignorance.  And 
Agobard,  in  a  letter  to  Bernard  of  Yienne, 
concludes  that  ignorance  in  parish  priests  would 
do  even  more  harm  than  an  evil  life.  Charle- 
magne himself,  lamenting  this  prevailing  igno- 
rance, writes  to  Alcuin :  "  Oh,  that  I  had  twelve 
clerks  as  learned  and  as  perfectly  taught  in  all 
wisdom,  as  Jerome  and  Augustine  were  I "  Al- 
cuin's  reply  is  worth  recording:  **The  Ci-eator 
of  heaven  and  earth  had  only  two  such,  and  you 
wish  to  have  twelve ! "  The  complaint  of  the 
English  Alfred,  reported  by  Asser,  is  well  known, 
that  ''  from  the  Humber  to  the  Thames  there 
were  very  few  priests  who  undei*stood  the  liturgy 
in  their  mother  tongue,  or  who  could  translate 
the  easiest  piece  of  Latin ;  and  that  from  the 
Thames  to  the  sea,  the  ecclesiastics  were  still 
more  ignorant"  (De  JSeb.  Gest.  Alfred,  apud 
Camden,  Anglica,  p.  25).  We  must  not  suppose, 
however,  that  there  were  no  exceptions.  Bede, 
Alcuin,  John  Scotus  £rigena,  and  Hincmar,  are 
proofs  to  the  contrary.  But  this  sudden  blaze 
of  learning  was  a  good  deal  adventitious,  rested  on 
the  personal  influence  of  Charlemagne,  and  died 
ont  again  after  his  decease  (Muratori,  j4n^i(^t- 
tates  ;  Thomassin,  Veius  et  Nova  Eccl.  bisdplina^ 
Pars  IL  lib.  i. ;  Maitland,  Dark  Ages).    [S.  J.  £.] 

ILLUMINATION.    [Miniature.] 

ILLYKIAN  COUNCIL  {Xllyricum  or  lilyri- 
cianwn  Concilium  according  to  Cave).  Held  in 
lllyria,  but  it  is  not  agreed  in  what  year:  Pagi 
contending  for  a.d.  373,  others  for  375,  Cave  for 
367,  and  older  authorities  for  365.  Pagi  says 
it  had  been  preceded  by  the  second  (he  should 
have  said  rather  the  third)  of  the  Roman  councils 
under  pope  Damasus,  in  confoi*mity  with  whose 
letter  to  the  bishops  of  lllyria,  a  letter,  asserting 
the  consubstantiality  of  the  three  Persons  in 
the  Trinity,  was  now  addressed  by  them  to  the 
bishops  of  Asia  Minor.  This  view  is  at  least 
countenanced  by  the  letters  themselves;  and  it 
must  be  allowed  that  the  letter  of  Valentinian, 
Valens,  and  Gratian  to  the  bishops  of  Asia  Minor 
expresses  the  declaration  of  the  lilyrian  bishops 
OQ  this  occasion  (Mansi,  iii.  386-94 ;  and  455- 6b. 
Corop.  Roman  Councilsj  19). 


IMAGEB 


813 


Three  more  councils  are  given  under  this 
heading.  1.  a.d.  415,  accoi*ding  to  Sir  H.  Nicolas 
(Chron.  of  Hist,  217),  at  which  Peregrine  was 
appointed  bishop  of  Pati*as. 

2.  A.D.  515,  according  to  Mansi  (Sir  H.  Nicolas 
A.D.  516,  as  lUyriense)  when  the  bishop  of  Thessa- 
lonica  having  joined  Timothy  of  Constantinople, 
forty  bishops,  whose  metropolitan  he  was,  re- 
nounced his  communion,  and  declared  for  com- 
municating with  pope  Hormisdas  (Mansi,  viii. 
538). 

3.  A.D.  550,  according  to  Mansi,  in  defence  oi 
the  three  chapters  (ix.  147).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

IMAGES.  L  From  the  time  of  the  Macca- 
bees the  second  commandment  was  generally 
understood  by  the  Jews  to  forbid  not  only  the 
worship  of  the  likeness  of  any  living  thing,  but 
even  the  making  of  it.  It  is  probable  that  they 
were  led  to  this  view  by  their  abhorrence  of  the 
acts  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  his  agents. 
Among  other  outrages  these  had  set  up  **  chapels 
of  idols  "  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (1  Mace.  i.  47), 
and  even  **  sought  to  paint  the  likeness  of  their 
images  "  in  the  book  of  the  law  (Ibid,  iii.  48). 
Hence  Josephus  (Antiq,  viii.  c.  7,  §  5)  condemns 
Solomon  for  making  the  twelve  oxen  on  which 
the  molten  sea  was  set  in  the  temple  (1  Kings 
vii.  25;  comp.  29),  and  the  lions  that  were 
about  his  throne  {fbid.  c.  x.  19,  20),  though  no 
degree  of  reverence  was  paid  to  either  of  them. 
In  the  days  of  Herod  the  Great  a  sedition  was 
nearly  caused  in  Jerusalem  by  his  exhibition  of 
trophies,  such  as  the  ftomans  display  after  their 
victories,  the  Jews  supposing  that  the  armour 
was  put  on  the  effigy  of  a  man.  They  declared 
that  they  would  never  '*  endure  images  of  men 
in  the  city,  for  it  was  not  their  countrjr's 
custom  "  (Jos.  Antiq.  xt.  c.  8,  §§  1,  2).  In  the 
same  spirit  a  band  of  zealots  destroyed  a  golden 
eagle  which  Herod  had  put  over  the  great  gate 
of  the  temple  (De  Bello  Jud.  i.  c.  33,  §§  2,  3). 
When  Yitellius  was  marching  through  Judaea 
to  meet  Aretas,  the  inhabitants  entreated  him 
to  take  another  route  on  account  of  the  figures 
which  they  observed  on  his  standards  (Antiq, 
xviii.  c.  6,  §  3).  Origen,  a.d.  230,  even  asserts 
of  the  Jews  in  general  that  "there  was  no 
maker  of  images  among  their  citizens ;  neither 
painter  nor  sculptor  was  in  their  state"  (C. 
Ceis,  iv.  §  31). 

It  appears,  then,  that  most  of  the  Jewish  con- 
verts would  enter  the  church  thoroughly  imbued 
with  a  dislike  to  all  images ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  many  of  the  heathen  would  be  similarly 
affected  towards  them  out  of  mere  horror  at  the 
idolatry  which  they  had  forsaken.  There  were 
some  also  of  the  latter  who,  even  before  their 
conversion,  were  prepared  by  the  higher  tradi- 
tions of  philosophy  to  renounce  the  use  of  images 
in  connection  with  religion.  Pythagoras,  we 
are  told,  forbade  his  disciples  to  "  wear  rings 
or  to  engrave  images  of  gods  on  them  "  (Clem. 
Alex.  Strom,  v.  c.  5,  §  28).  Zeno,  the  founder 
of  the  Stoic  school,  maintained  that  men  **  ought 
not  to  make  temples  or  images"  (Ibid.  c.  11, 
§  77).  It  was  a  tradition  among  the  Romans 
that  Numa  had  "  forbidden  them  the  use  of  any 
imago  of  God  in  the  likeness  of  man  or  in  the 
form  of  any  animal,  and  that  there  was  among 
them  previously  no  image  of  God  either  painted 
or  fictile  ;  but  that  for  the  first  170  years  when 


814 


IMAGES 


they  built  temples  and  set  ap  chapels  thej  made 
no  images  in  any  shape,  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  an  unholy  thing  to  liken  the  better  to  the 
worse,  and  impossible  to  reach  God  otherwise 
than  with  the  mind"  (Plutarch  in  Nwna,  c. 
Tiii.).  Yarro,  in  a  passage  preserred  by  St. 
Augustine  {Oiv,  Dei,  ir.  c.  31),  also  affirms  that 
for  the  period  specified,  the  Romans  '*  worshipped 
the  gods  without  an  image  (simulachro)/'  He 
thought  that  if  the  law  had  continued,  'Hhe 
gods  would  haye  been  more  purely  worshipped ;" 
and  after  referring  to  the  example  of  the  Jews, 
he  adds  that  "•  they  who  first  set  up  images  of 
the  gods  for  the  people  relieved  their  states 
(ciyitatibus,  but  probably  ctot&us,  their  fellow- 
citizens),  from  a  fear,  and  involved  them  in  an 
error  "  (0pp.  Varr.  FragmentOj  p.  46 ;  Amstel. 
1623). 

II.  That  many  of  the  early  Christians  adopted 
the  Jewish  interpretation  of  the  second  com- 
mandment is  evident.  Tertullian,  A.D.  192,  even 
thought  it  wrong  to  make  such  masks  as  actors 
wore;  for,  if  God  forbade  the  likeness  of  any 
thing,  ^*  how  much  more  of  His  own  image  ? 
(^De  Sped,  c.  23).  He  thought  painting  a  sin  in 
Hermogenes  {Adv.  Serm,  c.  1);  and  he  teaches 
that  "  the  law  of  God,  in  order  to  eradicate  the 
material  of  idolatry,  proclaims.  Thou  ahcUt  not 
make  an  idol;  adding  also.  Nor  the  likeness  of 
any  thing  .  .  .  Over  the  whole  world  bath  it 
forbidden  such  arts  to  the  servants  of  God  "  (De 
Tdohlatr.  c.  iv.).  Clemens  Alex.,  a.d.  192,  appears 
to  hold  the  same  rigid  view :  **  It  has  been 
manifestly  forbidden  us  to  practise  deceptive 
art ;  for,  saith  the  prophet,  Thou  shalt  not 
make  the  likeness  of  any  thing  that  is  in  heaven 
or  in  the  earth  below."  {Protrept  c.  iv.  §  62.) 
Origen  says  that  painting  and  sculpture  were 
disallowed  among  the  Jews,  lest  the  effect  on 
senseless  men  should  be  to  ''draw  the  eyes  of 
the  soul  off  God  on  to  the  earth "  ((7.  Cels.  iv. 
§  31) ;  a  reason,  which,  if  valid,  ought  to  debar 
Christians  from  the  exercise  of  them  also. 

III.  All  held  that  representations  of  God,  even 
of  the  Second  Person  as  man,  were  unlawful. 
Thub  Clemens  A.1. :  ''  It  were  ridiculous,  as  the 
philosophers  themselves  say,  for  man,  who  is  the 
toy  of  God  (Plato,  de  LegibuSy  vii.  §  10)  to  make 
God,  and  for  God  to  be  made  of  sportive  art," 
&c.  (Strom,  vil.  c.  6,  §  28).  Origen:  "The 
statues  and  ornaments  that  become  God  are  not 
made  by  handicraft  artisans,  but  are  those 
wrought  by  the  word  of  God  and  formed  within 
us,  the  virtues  (to  wit)  which  are  imitations  of 
the  first-born  of  eveiy  creature  "  (  C.  Cels.  viii. 
§  17).  Minutius  Felix,  A.d.  220:  "What 
image  should  I  make  of  God,  when,  if  you  think 
aright,  man  is  himself  the  image  of  God  "  {Octav. 
c.  9).  Lactantius,  a.d.  303 :  "  An  image  of  God, 
whose  spirit  and  power  being  diffused  every- 
where, can  from  nowhere  be  absent,  must  be 
always  superfiuous  "  {fnstit.  ii.  c.  2 ;  see  also  the 
Epit.  c.  25).  Arnobius,  a.d.  303,  after  ridicu- 
ling the  images  of  the  heathen,  says,  "So  far 
are  we  from  attributing  corporeal  features  to 
God,  that  we  even  fear  to  ascribe  to  so  great  a 
b^ing  the  ornaments  of  minds,  and  the  virtues 
themselves  in  which  excellence  has  been  hardly 
ascribed  to  a  few.  For  who  would  say  that  God 
was  brave,  constant,"  &c.  (Adv.  Gent.  iii.). 
Eusebius,  the  historian,  in  a  letter  to  Constan- 
tia  Augusta  (the  daughter  of  CoDstantine  and 


IMA6B8 

wife  of  Caesar  Gallus),  who  died  in  354 :  **  Sines 
thou  hast  written  aboat  some  image,  it  seems  of 
Christ,  wishing  the  said  image  to  be  sent  to  tbet 
by  us,  what,  and  of  what  kind,  is  this  image 
which  thou  callest  that  of  Christ  ?  .  .  .  Has  this 
Scripture  alone  escaped  thee,  in  which  God  by 
law  forbids  to  make  the  likeness  «f  any  thing  in 
heaven,  or  on  the  earth  beneath?     Hast  ^im 
ever  seen  such  a  thing  in  a  church  thyself  <« 
heard  of  it  from  another  ?    Have  not  such  things 
been  banished  throughout  the  whole  world,  and 
driven  far  off  out  of  the  churches;  and  has  it 
been  proclaimed  to  us  alone  among  all  men  thai 
it  is  not  lawful  to  do  such  a  thing?  "    (^EpisL 
put  together  from  fragments  by  Boirin,  in  note 
to  Niceph.  Gregoras;  Hist.  Byzant,  torn.  iL  pi 
130,  ed.  Bonn).    Eusebius  proceeds  to  say  he  had 
taken  from  a  woman  two  pictures  of  perstns 
dressed  like  philosophers,  which  she  called  por- 
traits of  Christ  and  St.  Paul,  "  lest,"  he  ad<k, 
"  we  should  seem  to  carry  our  God  about  in  a 
representation  like  idolaters."     St.   Augostiae 
writing  in  393:  "It  is  not  to  be  thought  that 
God  the  Father  is  circumscribed  by  human  form 
...  It  is  unlawful  to  set  up  such  an  image  to 
God  in  a  Christian  temple.     Much  more  ia  it 
wicked  to  set  it  up  in  the  heart  where  the 
temple  of  God  truly  is  "  {De  Fide  et  SynJioh, 
c.  7 ;  comp.  m  Fs.  cxiii. ;  Enarr.  Serm.  ii.  §  I, 
&c.).    Asterius  of  Amasea,  a.d.  401 :  "  Do  not 
depict  Christ.    For  the  one  humiliation  of  the 
Incarnation  sufficeth  Him,  which  He  took  on 
Himself  by  choice  for  our  sake.     But  bear  ai^ 
carry  about  the  incorporeal  Word  mentally,  ia 
thy  soul "  {Ham.  m  Dio.  et  Latetr.  Auctar.  Graec 
Combef.  tom.  exeg.  col.  5).    A  writer  quoted  as 
Epiphanius  Cyprius  (the  famous  bishop  of  Coo- 
stantia)  by  the  council  of  Constantinople  ia 
754 :  "  Remember,  dear  children,  not  to  faring 
images  into  churches,  nor  into  the  cemeteries  ^ 
the  saints ;  but  have  God  ever  in  your  hearti 
through  remembrance  of  Him  ;  nor  indeed  into  a 
common  house  "  (Act.  vi.  Cone  Nic.  ii.).    Evoi  ia 
the  8th  century  there  were  no  representations  el 
God  the  Father,  but  unhappily  not  always  frtnn 
principle.     "  Why,"  says  Gregory  II.  in  726, "  do 
we  not  represent  and  paint  the  Father  of  th« 
Lord  Jesus  Christ?    Because  we  do  not  knov 
what  He  is,  and  it  is  impossible  to  represent  and 
paint  the  nature  of  God.     But  if  we  had  seca 
and  known  Him,  as  we  have  His  Son,  then  should 
we  have  been  able  to  represent  and  paint  Hira 
also,  that  you  might  call  His  image  too  an  idol " 
{Ep.  I.  ad  Leon.  Labb.  Cone.  tom.  vii.  col.  13). 
John  Damascene  in  the  East  at  the  same  period, 
A.D.  728,  who  is  equally  vehement  on  the  geneni 
question,  says  to  the  same  effect :  "  We  should 
indeed  be  in  error  if  we  made  an  image  of  the 
invisible  God  "  {Orai.  de  Sacria  Imag.  ii.  §  5). 

After  the  period  in  which  all  painting  was 
condemned,  it  is  not  so  common  to  find  passages, 
which  forbid  pictures  of  saints,  or  deny  that  the 
church  used  them.  There  are  such,  however; 
although,  as  we  shall  see,  such  pictures  were 
then  looked  on  only  as  lessons  in  history.  For 
example,  St.  John  Chrysostom,  a.d.  398 :  "  We 
enjoy  the  presence  of  the  saints  through  thdr 
writings,  having  images  not  of  their  bodies  but 
of  their  souls.  For  the  things  said  by  them  are 
images  of  their  souls  "  (Act.  vi.  Cone.  Nic  ii. ;  sim. 
Amphilochius  of  Iconium,  Srid}.  An  author  whoa 
the  council  of  Constantinople  already  menti<Aed, 


IMAGES 


IMAGES 


816 


cites  wid«r  the  name  of  Theodotus  of  Ancyra : 
*  OoBceming  them  he  teaches  thus,  that  we  hare 
not  been  taught  by  tradition  to  form  the  like- 
nesMs  of  the  saints  in  images  oat  of  material 
colours;  but  we  have  learnt,  through  those 
things  which  are  written  of  them,  to  copy  their 
virtues,  which  are,  as  it  were,  liring  images  of 
them  "  (LAbb.  Cone,  tom.  vii.  col.  492). 

IV.  There  was  a  consensus  against  the  worship 
of  images,  in  every  sense  of  the  words  trpovKitniffts 
and  a£>ratio.  At  first  this  extended  to  material 
representations  of  the  cross.  *^  We  neither  wor- 
ship crosses,"  says  Minutius,  **  nor  wish  to  do 
so  (^Octav,  c.  9).  With  regard  to  images  of  our 
Lord  and  the  saints,  the  evidence  is  ample.  Thus 
irenaeus,  a.D.  167,  condemns  the  error  of  some 
Gnostics,  who  crowned  images  painted  in  colours, 
and  of  other  materials,  which  they  asserted  to 
be  likenesses  of  our  Lord  (^Adv.  naer,  i,  c.  25, 
§  6)»  Epiphanius  who  repeats  this  {Hasr,  xxvii. 
§  6)  says  that  some  of  the  images  were  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  that  they  ''set  them  up  and 
worshipped  them."  (See  also  Aug.  De  Haer.  n. 
7.)  Origen :  '*  We  do  not  honour  statues,  that 
as  far  as  in  us  lies  we  may  avoid  fiEtUing  into  the 
notion  that  the  statues  are  other  gods  (C  Cds, 
vii.  §  66).    The  council  of  Eliberis,  about  the 

Sear  305,  decreed  ^  that  pictures  ought  not  to 
e  in  a  church,  lest  that  which  is  worshipped 
and  adored  be  painted  on  walls  "  (Can.  zxzvi.). 
St.  Augustine :  ^  Who  worships  an  image  (simu- 
lachrum)  or  prays  looking  on  it,  that  is  not  so 
affected  as  to  &ncy  that  he  is  heard  by  it,  as  to 
hope  that  what  he  desires  is  granted  him  by 
it  ?  .  .  .  Against  this  affection,  by  which  human 
and  carnal  weakness  can  be  easily  ensnared,  the 
Scripture  of  God  sings  [as  a  nurse  waking 
infants]  things  very  familiar,  by  which  to  stir 
memory,  and  to  rouse,  as  it  were,  the  minds  of 
men  asleep  in  custom  of  their  bodies.  The 
images  of  the  heathen,  it  says,  are  silver  and 
gold  "  (^Enarr,  m  Ps.  cxiii.  Serm.  ii.  §  5).  Else- 
where, when  he  dwells  on  the  feeling  excited  by 
images,  he  speaks  also  of  its  contagious  nature  : 
'*  Who  doubts  the  idols  being  destitute  of  all 
sense  ?  Yet  when  they  are  set  in  their  places, 
exalted  for  honour,  so  that  they  may  be  atten- 
tively regarded  by  those  who  pray  and  sacrifice, 
then  through  the  very  resemblance  of  living 
limbs  and  senses,  though  senseless  and  lifeless 
themselves,  they  affect  weak  minds,  so  that  they 
seem  to  live  and  breathe ;  especially  when  there 
is  besides  the  veneration  of  a  multitude,  by 
whom  a  worship  so  great  is  paid  to  them  "  (Ad 
Deogr,  Ep.  cii.  quaest.  3,  §  18).  It  is  undeni- 
able that  the  objection  here  urged  is  as  appli- 
cable to  the  image  of  a  Christian  saint  as  to 
that  of  a  heathen  god.  Other  testimonies  will 
occur  in  the  following  sections. 

V.  The  figures  first  used  among  Christians  in 
any  reference  to  their  faith  were  merely  symbo- 
lical. The  earliest  was  the  momentary  sign  of 
the  cross  made  by  the  hand.  **  At  every  journey 
ani  movement,  says  Tertullian,  "at  every 
coming  in  and  going  out,  at  the  putting  on  of 
our  clothes  and  shoes,  at  baths,  at  meals,  at 
lighting  of  candles,  at  going  to  bed,  at  sitting 
down,  whatever  occupation  employs  us,  we  wear 
our  forehead  with  the  sign  "  (2>tf  Ccr.  MU.  c 
iii. ;  compare  Ad  Uxor.  ii.  5 ;  S.  Cyrill.  Hier. 
Cat.  iv.  c  10 :  xiii.  cc.  11,  18,  and  others).  The 
%st  permanent  representation  of  the  cross  is 


probably  that  set  up  at  Rome  beside  the  statue 
of  Constantino  after  the  defeat  of  Maxentius  in 
312  (Euseb.  Hist.  Ecd,  ix.  9) ;  but  Eusebius  tells 
us  also  that  *'  the  symbol  of  the  salutary  passion 
composed  of  various  and  precious  stones  was  set 
up  "  by  Constantino  in  a  room  in  his  palace  (De 
Vit  Const,  iii.  49).  The  same  prince  had  the 
arms  of  his  soldiers  marked  with  a  cross  (Sozom. 
Hist.  Eod.  i.  8).  Julian  the  emperor,  A.D.  361, 
says  to  Christians  in  reproach :  **  Ye  worship 
the  wood  of  the  cross,  making  shadowy  figures 
of  it  on  the  forehead,  and  painting  it  at  the 
entrance  of  your  houses."  St.  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria in  his  reply  justifies  the  practice  of  paint- 
ing **  the  sign  of  the  precious  cross  "  (Lib.  VL  ad 
calc.  0pp.  Jul.  194).  From  St.  Jerome  we  learn 
that  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  made  in  the  4th 
century,  as  it  is  now,  in  witness  to  written 
documents  {Comm,  m  Ezsk.  ix.  4).  St.  Chry- 
sostom :  '*This  shines  at  the  sacred  table,  at  the 
ordination  of  priests,  and  again  with  the  body  of 
Christ  at  the  mystic  supper.  It  may  be  seen 
everywhere  displayed,  in  houses,  in  market- 
places, in  deserts,  on  roads,  on  mountains,  in 
groves,  on  hills,  on  ships  and  islands  in  the  sea, 
on  beds,  on  dresses,  on  arms,  on  couches,'*  &c. 
{Contra  Jvdae.  ei  OentU.  §  9).  Severian,  a.Dw 
401,  calls  the  cross  '*  the  image  of  the  immortal 
king  "  {Horn,  de  Cruoe,  inter  0pp.  St.  Chrys.  ed. 
Saville,  v.  899).  Paulinus  of  Nola,  writing  in 
403,  speaks  of  **  the  ensign  of  the  cross,"  sur- 
mounted with  the  crown  of  thorns,  painted  on 
the  walls  of  his  churches  at  Nola  and  Fundi 
{Ep,  xxxii.  ad  Sever.  ^  12-17).  Nilus,  a.d.  440, 
recommends  Olympiodoms,  who  was  about  to 
erect  a  martyrium,  to  *'  set  the  figure  of  a  single 
cross  in  the  sacrarium  on  the  east  of  the  most 
sacred  precincts ;  for  bv  one  saving  cross  is  man* 
kind  completely  saved     (Ep.  iv.  61). 

Tertullian  is  the  first  witness  to  the  use  of 
other  symbolical  figures :  **  We  may  begin  from 
the  parables  in  which  is  the  lost  sheep  sought 
by  its  owner,  and  brought  home  on  his  shoulders. 
Let  the  very  pictures  of  your  chalices  stand  forth  " 
(as  witnesses).  **The  Good  Shepherd  whom 
thou  paintest  on  the  chalice  "  (Z>e  Pudic.  7, 10) 
Clemens  Alex.  (Paedag,  iiL  11,  §59)  mentions 
several  devices  which  he  considered  permissible 
on  seals.  [Gems,  p.  712.]  "  Symbols  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  "  were  placed  by  Constantine  in  the 
fora  of  Constantinople  (Euseb.  VUa  Const,  iii. 
49).  A  mosaic  in  the  church  built  by  Paulinus 
at  Nola  represented  Christ  by  a  lamb,  the  Spirit 
by  a  dove,  while  **the  voice  of  the  Father 
thunders  from  the  sky "  ("  This  is  My  beloved 
Son  "  [Matt.  iii.  17],  being  probably  in  letters). 
The  APOflTLBB  [p.  107]  were  figured  by  twelve 
doves  round  a  cross,  and  the  church  was  seen 
set  on  a  rock  from  which  issued  four  streams, 
the  doctrines  of  the  four  Evangelists  (Ep.  Pau- 
lini  xxxii.  §  10).  At  Fundi  the  picture  of  a 
shepherd  separating  the  goats  from  the  sheep 
suggested  the  Day  of  Judgment  {Ibid,  §  17). 

Vl.  (1)  When  religious  art  advanced  from 
symbolism  to  portraiture,  its  works  of  the  new 
type  were  at  first,  perhaps  in  every  instance, 
partly  historical  and  partly  ideaL  There  was, 
for  example,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla  at 
Rome,  a  picture  of  the  Virgin  and  Child,  accom- 
panied by  the  figure  of  a  man,  whose  dress  and 
action  (he  is  pointing  to  a  star)  are  so  clearly 
suggestive  of  a  symbolical  meaning  that  he  ii 


816 


IHAQE8 


IMAGES 


aiippo8«d  by  De  Rossi  to  represent  the  prophet? 
who  foretold  the  ooming  of  Christ  (Marriott's 
Vettiarium  Chriatianum,  p.  234,  and  pi.  x.).  Other 
pictures  belonging  to  this  period  of  transition, 
being  apparently  of  the  5th  century,  show  our 
Lord  blessing  a  child,  or  raising  Lazarus,  bnt 
with  "  the  rod  of  His  power  "  (Ps.  ex.  2)  in  His 
hand  (Aringhi,  Eoma  Svhterr.  ii.  33,  37,  &c. ; 
De  Rossi,  Homa  Soterr,  ii.  tav.  14, 24).  In  one  of 
the  same  class  and  probably  of  the  same  age,  our 
Lord  appears  with  an  open  book  in  His  hand, 
and  an  Apostle  and  rolls  of  writing  on  either 
side  (Aringhi,  ii.  91 ;  Marriott,  pi.  xii.).  The 
rolls  evidently  represent  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments ;  and  the  Apostles  are  probably  St.  Peter, 
the  great  converter  of  the  Jews,  and  St.  Paul, 
whose  chief  mission  was  to  the  Gentiles.  The 
thought  conveyed  is  that  Christ  is  the  great 
teacher.  He  ^'  opened  the  Scriptures "  to  the 
Apostles,  that  they  might  instruct  the  world. 
Works  of  this  twofold  character  are  frequent 
after  the  strictly  historical  treatment  of  religious 
subjects  had  quite  established  itself.  See  ex- 
amples in  Aringhi,  ii.  83,  88,  129,  &c. 

(2)  We  come  now  to  pictorial  images,  which 
were,  so  far  as  appears,  of  a  purely  historical 
character.  St.  Augustine  writing  about  the  year 
400,  says  of  some  misbelievers  who  had  forged 
epistles  as  from  our  Lord  to  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, 
that  he  supposed  those  Apostles  **  occurred  to 
them  because  they  saw  them  painted  together 
with  Him  in  many  places  "  {De  Consensu  Evang. 
i.  X.  n.  16).  He  speaks  also  of  the  ofienng  of  Isaac 
as  a  "  noble  deed  sung  by  so  many  tongues, 
painted  in  so  many  places  "  ((7.  Faust,  xxii.  73). 
A  painting  on  thb  subject  is  described  by  St. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa :  *'  1  have  often  seen  the  image 
of  his  suffering  in  a  picture,  and  passed  the  sight 
not  without  tears,  so  vividly  did  the  art  of  the 
painter  bring  the  story  before  the  eyes "  {De 
DeiL  Fil.  et  8p.  Orat. ;  compare  Greg.  II.,  Ep, 
L  ad  Leon.  Labb.  Cone.  vii.  16).  It  was  a 
favourite  subject,  because  it  symbolised  the 
death  of  Christ,  which  as  yet  men  did  not 
venture  to  represent  directly.  St.  Gregory  tells 
us  also  that  the  martyrdom  of  Theodore  in  all 
its  circumstances  was  depicted  on  the  walls  of  a 
church  built  to  his  memory  {Encom.  Theodori). 
The  people  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom  had  the  figure  of  St.  Meletius  'Mn  the 
besils  of  rings,  on  stamps,  on  bowls,  on  the  walls 
of  chambers,  and  everywhere  "  (Chrysost.  in  St. 
Melet.  §  1).  Paulinus,  in  a  poem  written  about 
the  year  402,  describes  several  scenes  from  the 
Old  Testament,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  painted 
in  his  church  at  Nola.  He  owns  that  it  was  an 
unusual  thing  (raro  more,  line  544),  and  explains 
his  reason  for  it  at  length.  It  was  an  experi- 
ment by  which  he  hoped  to  interest  and  instruct 
the  rude  converts  of  that  neighbourhood,  and 
especially  to  keep  them  from  the  excesses  which 
prevailed  among  them,  when  they  assembled  in 
gr^t  numbers  on  the  festivals  {Poema  xxvii. 
De  8.  Fel.  Nat.  carm.  9).  Pictures  of  Paulinus 
himself  and  St.  Martin  had  been  placed  by  Sul- 
picius  Severus  in  the  baptistery  of  his  church 
at  Primuliac,  near  Beziers.  Paulinus,  hearing 
of  this,  sent  him  some  verses  to  be  set  over  them, 
in  which  he  describes  St.  Martin  as  an  example  of 
holiness  to  the  newly  baptized,  and  himself  of 
penitence  {Ep.  xxxii.  §§  2,  3).  From  Asterius 
we  laam  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  5th  cen- 


tury some  per&ons  had  subjects  from  the  New 
Testament,  as  Christ  and  the  Apostles  and 
miracles  wrought  by  them,  embroidered  ob  their 
dress,  a  practice  which  he  ntrongly  condemns 
{De  Div.  et  Laz.  u.  s.).  The  same  writer  de- 
scribes at  length  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Enphemia 
as  painted  in  a  church  (tt.  s.  coL  207).  Pmdea- 
tius,  A.D.  405,  saw  in  the  Forum  ComcIiaBvm 
at  ELome  a  picture  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cas- 
sianus,  a  schoolmaster,  whom  his  pupils  at  the 
command  of  the  heathen  magistrate  had  stabbed 
to  death  with  their  styli  {De  GoroniSj  Hymn.  ix. 
9).  He  also  describes  a  picture  oa  the  tomb  of 
Hippolytus,  in  which  that  martyr  was  repre- 
sented being  torn  asunder  by  horses  (/5m1  x. 
126).  Heraclides  of  Nyssa,  a.d.  440,  wrote  two 
epistles  against  the  Messalianites,  in  the  latter 
of  which  was  a  '*  testimony  to  the  antiquity  of 
the  venerable  images  "  (elitdywv,  the  Greek  paint- 
ings) (Photius,  B&ioth,  cod.  i.).  We  have  ressoa 
to  think  that  the  custom  of  placing  in  churches 
the  portraits,  either  painted,  or  in  mosaic,  of  the 
patriarchs  or  other  eminent  men,  was  beeoming 
common  about  this  time.  St.  Nilus  advised 
Olympiodorus  **to  fill  the  holy  temple  on  all 
sides  with  stories  from  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment by  the  hand  of  the  finest  painter,  that 
those  who  did  not  know  letters  and  were  not 
able  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  might  by  con- 
templating the  picture  be  reminded  of  the  virtue 
of  those  who  served  God  truly,"  &c  (^Epist.  ir. 
61).  An  author  in  Suidas,  supposed  to  be  liai- 
chus,  A.D.  496,  says  that  in  a  church  at  Con- 
stantinople there  was  a  mosaic,  put  up  in  the 
lifetime  of  Gennadius  (a.d.  458  to  47 IX  in  which 
that  patriarch  and  Acacius,  who  became  his  suc- 
cessor, were  represented  with  our  Lord  betweeo 
them,  and  that  the  clergy  set  up  pictures  of 
Acacius  in  the  oratories  (Suidas  in  ^<*«r^^  L 
76).  We  find  incidentally  that  the  partisans  of 
Macedonius  had  portraits  of  him  in  their  churches 
(Theodorus  Lector,  Excerpt,  ii.).  Evagrius,  A.D. 
594,  mentions  a  picture  on  the  ceiling  of  a 
church  at  Apamia,  representing-  a  minde  of 
which  he  had  himself  been  witness  when  at 
school  there  {Hist.  Eod.  iv.  26).  Gregory  of 
Tours,  his  contemporary,  mentions  pictures  (•b»> 
nioae)  of  the  apostles  and  other  saints,  which 
were  in  an  oratory  at  Arvema  ( VUae  PP.  m. 
§  2).  When  Augustine  and  his  companions  had 
their  first  interview  with  Ethelbert  in  597,  ther 
came  **  bearing  a  silver  cross  for  banner,  and  as 
image  of  the  Lord  the  Saviour  painted  on  a 
board  "  (Bede,  Hist  Ecd.  i.  25).  But  the  eai^ 
liest  authentic  account  of  pictures  in  an  Englidi 
church  occurs  in  Bede's  life  of  Benedict  Biscop. 
his  first  abbot,  who,  in  648,  **  brought  fnaa 
Rome  paintings  of  sacred  images,  to  wit,  of  th« 
blessed  Mary  and  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  besides 
representations  of  the  Gospel  history,  and  of  the 
visions  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  and  placed 
them  in  his  church  ;  so  that  all  who  entered  the 
church,  even  those  ignorant  of  letters,  whither- 
soever they  turned  their  eyes,  might  contemplate 
the  ever-lovely  countenance  of  Christ,  and  of  his 
saints,  though  in  an  image ;  or  might  more 
heedfully  call  to  mind  the  grace  of  the  Lord's 
Incarnation  "  {ffagiogr.  sect  i.).  In  685  {lUi. 
720)  he  brought  other  pictures  from  Rome, 
many  of  saints  and  Gospel  subjects,  as  betbre; 
but  some  also  illustrating  the  relation  of  the 
New  Testament  to  the  Old,  as  Isaac  UviriDg  uw* 


IHAQES 

wood  beside  Christ  bearing  His  cross,  the  brazen 
Mrpent  on  the  pole  by  Christ  .on  the  cross.  PijD- 
tnres  of  this  character  probably  abounded  in 
Borne  at  this  time ;  for  a  great  number  are  men- 
tioned as  to  be  seen  there  by  Gregory  II.  in  his 
first  reply  to  Leo  the  emperor,  A.D.  726  (Labb. 
(kmc,  vii.  16). 

VIL  Scarcely  had  portraits  of  holy  persons 
become    common,  before  pictures  of  fabulous 
origin  were  brought  forward,  and  superstitious 
notions  and  practices  began  to  abound.     For 
example,  Theodoret  had  heard  that  the  Romans 
held  Symeon  the  Stylite  in  such  esteem,  as  to 
''&et  up  small  portraits  of  him  in  all  the  en- 
trances of  their  workshops,  deriving  thence  pro- 
tection and  safety  for  themselves  "  {Hist.  Eeli- 
giota,  c.  zzvi.).    Theodorus  Lector  reports  that 
Eudocia,  the  Augusta,  sent  to  Pulcheria  (about 
A.D.  456)  a  'Mikeness  of  the  mother  of  God 
which  the  Apostle  Luke  painted  "  {Excerpta,  i. 
prope  init.).    The  same  writer  relates  that  a 
painter  of  Constantinople  in  the  time  of  Gen- 
nadi us,  had   ''dared  to  paint  the  Saviour  as 
Zeus."    For  this  his  arm  withered,  but  was 
restored  at  the  prayer  of  the  patriarch.    The 
historian  adds  that  'Hhe  other  representation 
of  the  Saviour,  with  curling  short  hair,  is  the 
more  correct  **  {IbicL  i.  554).     When  Edessa  was 
besieged  by  Chosroes,  king  of  Persia,  about  544, 
the  mound  erected  by  him  against  the  walls 
was,  according  to  Evagrius  (JBist,  Eod,  iv.  27), 
destroyed  by  fire,  the  heat  and  power  of  which 
had  been  miraculously  intensified  by  water  that 
had  been  sprinkled   over  a  picture  of  Christ 
(**  the  God-made  image  which  the  hand  of  man 
wrought  not "),  sent  by  himself  to  Abgarus  a 
former  king  of  that  city.     Evagrius  fini&ed  his 
history  in  594.    It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Pro- 
copins  (fie  Bello  Pernoo,  ii.  27),  who  wrote  soon 
after  the  Persian  war,  and  from  whom  Evagrius 
took  the  rest  of  his  account,  does  not  mention 
the  miraculous  picture.     In  a  later  war  with 
Persia,  a.d.  590,  another  portrait  of  Christ,  said 
also  to  be  of  divine  origin,  accompanied  the 
Roman  army,  and  gave  courage  to  the  soldiers 
(Theophyl.  Simoc.  JRstonarum  ii.    3,   70,  ed. 
Bekker).    At  this  time  imagination  readily  con- 
nected miracles  with   the  icons  of  the  saints. 
Thus  both  Evagrius  and  Gregory  of  Tours  tell 
the  story  of  a  Jewish  boy  at  Constantinople, 
who,  having  with  others  of  his  age  partaken  of 
the  remains  of  the  Eucharist  according  to  the 
custom  there,  was  cast  by  his  enraged  father  into 
a  burning  furnace.    The  next  day  he  was  found 
in  it  uninjured.     Evagrius  (ti.  s.  c.  S6)  merely 
says  that  he  declared  that  '*  a  woman  clothed  in 
purple ''  had  appeared  to  him  and  saved  him ; 
bat  in  the  version  of  Gregory  of  Tours  {Mtrxtc, 
L  lOX  *'  the  woman  seated  in  a  chair  and  carry- 
ing an  infant  in  her  bosom,  who  was  in  the 
bcwilic,  where  he  received  the  bread  from  the 
table,  had  covered  him  with  her  mantle  that 
the  fire  might  not  devour  him."    Another  im- 
prorement  of  the  same  kind  in  a  miraculous 
story  should  be  mentioned  here.    Paulus  Wame- 
fridi,  in  his  History  of  the  Lombards  (ii.  13),  re- 
lates how  the  bad  eyes  of  two  persons  were  healed 
br  oil  from  *'  a  lamp  set  to  give  light "  near  the 
altar  of  St.  Martin,  in  a  church  at  Ravenna. 
When  this  story  is  told  in  France,  as  it  u  in 
some  of  the  manuscript  copies  of  Gregory  (fie 
Mirae,  8,  Martinij    i.   15),    the    lamp    stands 
OHBXsrr.  AST. 


IHAGES 


817 


«  under  an  image  of  the  picture  of  the  blessed 
Martin."  Such  variations  appear  to  indicate  the 
growth  of  a  feeling  which  ascribed  to  the  image 
a  part  of  the  supposed  powers  of  the  saint  him- 
self. Other  stories  told  by  Gregory  of  Tours  are 
of  a  picture  of  Christ,  which  was  said  to  have 
shed  blood,  when  maliciously  injured  by  a  Jew 
{Mvrac.  i.  22);  and  of  another  at  Narbonne, 
respecting  which  our  Lord  in  a  vision  expressed 
His  displeasure,  because  it  represented  Him  on 
the  cross,  not  fully  clothed,  but  *'  girt  with  a 
linen"  only  (^Ibid.  c  23).  Such  stories  were 
quite  as  common  in  the  East,  e,g.  Leon  tins, 
bishop  of  Neapolis  in  Cyprus,  A.D.  590,  speaks 
of  the  fiow  of  blood  from  images  as  of  frequent 
occurrence  (Apol.  in  Act,  iv.  Cone,  Nic.  ii.  Labb. 
vIL  240).  At  Constantinople  there  was  a  pic- 
ture of  our  Lord  ^  at  which  many  miracles  took 
place."  This  image  Gregory  II.,  writing  in  726, 
calls  without  any  qualification  ''the  Saviour." 
When  the  emperor  Leo  ordered  it  to  be  de- 
stroyed, the  officer  sent  to  execute  the  decree 
was  murdered  by  women,  whom  the  pope  de- 
scribes as  full  of  zeal,  and  honours  with  a  title 
(jivpoitk6poi)  which  antiquity  gave  to  those  holv 
women  who  ''prepared  spices  and  ointments 
wherewith  to  embalm  the  body  of  Christ  (^Epistt 
ad  Leon.  /.,  Labb.  Cone.  vii.  19).  The  murder  is 
equally  approved  by  the  Greek  author  of  the 
'  Life  of  Stephen  the  Younger '  {Anakcta  (rraeoa 
Bened.  t.  L  p.  415). 

It  is  evident  that  men  who  had  arrived  at 
this  stage  of  superstition  were  ripe  for  the  prac- 
tice of  direct  idolatry.  Serenus,  a  bishop  of 
Marseilles,  contemporary  with  Gregory  of  Tours, 
found  this  so  rife  among  his  people  that  he  had 
the  images  in  his  church  destroyed.  We  learn 
this  from  an  epistle  of  Gregory  I.,  who  concurred 
with  him  in  principle,  while  he  condemned  the 
deed :  "  It  hath  reached  our  ears  some  time  ago 
that  your  fraternity,  seeing  certain  worshippers 
of  images,  has  broken  and  cost  forth  the  said 
images  out  of  the  church.  And  indeed  we  praise 
vou  for  being  zealous  lest  aught  made  by  the 
hand  should  be  worshipped ;  but  we  think  that 
you  ought  not  to  have  broken  the  said  images. 
For  painting  is  used  in  churches,  that  they  who 
are  ignorant  of  letters  may  at  least  read  on  the 
walls  by  seeing  them  what  they  cannot  read 
in  books  "  (Epist  vii.  111).  " It  is  one  thing  to 
adore  a  picture,  another  to  learn  by  the  story  of 
the  picture  what  ought  to  be  adored  ...  If  any 
one  wishes  to  make  images  by  no  means  forbid 
him;  but  by  all  means  stop  the  worship  of 
images  "  {Epist.  ad  ewid.  ix.  9).  In  both  these 
epistles  now  quoted  Gregory  teaches,  and  in  the 
second  at  great  length,  that  pictures  were  placed 
in  churches  "  only  to  instruct  the  minds  of  the 
ignorant "  (non  ad  adorandumj  sed  ad  instruendas 
solummodo  mmtes  neadentitan) ;  but  elsewhere  he 
indicates  another  use  which  experience  has  shown 
to  lead  rapidly  to  direct  worship :  "  We  do  not 
prostrate  ourselves  before  it  ('  the  image  of  our 
Saviour  *)  as  before  the  Godhead ;  but  we  worship 
Him  whom  by  help  of  the  image  we  call  to  mind 
as  born,  as  suffering,  or  even  sitting  on  His 
throne.  And  while  the  picture  itself,  like  a 
writing,  brings  the  Son  of  God  to  our  memory, 
it  either  rejoices  our  mind  by  the  suggestion  of 
His  resurrection,  or  consoles  it  by  His  passion  " 
(Ep.  ad  Secund.  vii.  54).  In  the  Greek  church, 
however,  we  find  the  worship  of  pictures  already 

3  G 


818 


IMAGES 


IMAGES 


ftTOwed  and  defended;  as  by  LeonUna,  abore 
mentioned :  *'  I,  worshipping  the  image  of  God, 
do  not  worship  the  material  wood  and  colonrs ; 
God  forbid ;  but  laying  hold  of  the  lifeless  repre- 
sentation of  Christ,  I  seem  to  myself  to  lay  hold 
of  and  to  worship  Christ  through  it "  CApol.  in 
Act.  iv.  Cone  Nic  ii.  Labb.  vii.  237).  He  com- 
pares this  worship  to  that  which  a  Jew  pays  to 
the  book  of  the  law ;  but  as  he  dwells  much  on 
miracles  wrought  by  images,  and,  like  Gregory, 
on  the  emotions  which  the  sight  of  a  cross  or 
picture  ought  to  raise  in  the  beholder,  it  is  clear 
that  in  practice  the  worship  of  them  was  very 
different  from  the  reverence  shewn  to  the  law. 
Indeed  it  is  verj  probable  that  the  simple  plea 
of  instruction  for  the  ignorant,  however  just 
when  properly  applied,  was  soon  so  extended  as 
to  cover  practices  which  could  not  be  distin- 
guished from  idolatry.  For  as  Gieseler  notices 
{£od.  Hist.  per.  i.  div.  i.  p.  i.  §  1)  the  only  reply 
to  the  complaint,  *'This  generation  has  made 
gods  of  the  images,"  which  a  fanatical  image- 
worshipper  of  the  8th  century  could  offer,  was 
that  by  which  Gregory  I.  had  defended  the 
merely  didactic  use  of  them ;  viz.,  '*  Yon  must 
teach  the  unlearned  people"  {Orat,  de  Imag. 
Adv.  Constantinum  Cabal,  c.  13 ;  inter.  0pp.  3. 
Joann,  Damasc.). 

VIII.  By  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century 
the  worship  of  images  had  become  such  a  scandal 
in  the  East  that  a  Mahometan  prince,  Izid,  or 
Jesid,  the  son  of  Omar,  thought  himself  justified 
in  interfering.  In  7 1 5  he  accordingly  commanded 
all  pictures  to  be  removed  from  the  churches  of 
his  dominion  (Theophanes,  Chronographia  ad  a.  m. 
6215).  A  little  later,  Leo  the  Isaurian,  who 
became  emperor  in  716,  made  his  hostility  to 
the  practice  known.  He  claimed  to  be  influenced 
by  a  horror  of  idolatry,  and  there  is  no  evidence 
of  any  other  motive.  His  sentiments  were  pro- 
bably well-known  from  the  iirst  (Theophan.  ad 
ann.  6217) ;  but  we  gather  from  the  testimony 
of  two  adversaries  (Greg.  II.  Epiat.  ad  Leon. 
Ijibb.  vii.  9 ;  Vita  Steph.  Jun.  u.  s.  p.  412)  that 
he  had  reigned  ten  years  before  he  ventured  on 
any  overt  act.  In  the  year  726  he  issued  a  de- 
claration against  the  worship  of  images,  but  did 
not  command  them  to  he  **  destroyed,  only  placed 
higher,  so  that  no  one  might  kiss  them,  and 
thus  bring  discredit  on  that  which  was  other- 
wise worthy  of  respect"  (Vita  Steph.  u.  s.). 
However,  about  the  same  time  he  seems  to  have 
ordered  the  image  already  mentioned,  to  which 
miracles  were  ascribed,  to  be  removed  from  a 
public  place  in  Constantinople.  He  also  wrote 
to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  who  quotes  his  letter 
thus  :  **  Thou  sayest  that  the  images  occupy  the 
place  of  idols,  and  that  they  who  worship  them 
are  idolaters."  "  Thou  hast  written,  that  we 
ought  not  to  worship  things  made  by  the  hand, 
nor  the  likeness  of  any  thing  .  .  .  and,  inform 
me  who  hath  taught  by  tradition  the  reverence 
and  worship  of  things  made  by  the  hand,  and  I 
will  confess  that  it  is  the  law  of  God  "  (Epist. 
Greg.  II.  u.  8.).  In  a  most  insolent  and  un- 
christian reply,  the  pope  dwells  much  on  his 
own  feelings  before  a  sacred  picture  (coll.  14, 
16) ;  but  does  not  meet  the  complaint  that  such 
objects  were  abused  to  idolatry.  About  the  same 
time  John  of  Damascus  wrote  his  three  *^  Orations 
against  those  who  reject  the  holy  images."  In 
bis  demand  for  adoration  he  does  not  go  further 


than  ''worshipping  and  kissing  and  embnusag 
the  image  both  with  lips  and  heart ;  aa  the  like- 
ness of  the  Incarnate  God,  or  of  His  mother,  or 
of  the  Saints."    He  says  that  pictnics  are  the 
«  books  of  the  unlearned  "  {OraL  iL  §  10>    Lee, 
however,  persevered.    A  second  letter   to  tk 
pope  (Labb.  u.  s,  col.  23)  being  met  in  the  sum 
spirit  as  the  former,  and  Germanns  of  Constanti- 
nople proving  equally  impracticable,  in  730  be 
ordered  all  images  to  be  removed  oat  of  chvrdia 
(Theophan.  ad  an.  6221).    Gonstantine  Y.,  kii 
son  and  successor,  published  another  edict  agaiBst 
images  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  741 ;  and 
is  even  said  to  have  exacted  an  oath  Gcean  hm 
subjects  that    they  would  not  worship  thca 
(Theophan.  ad  an.  6233 ;    Vita  Steph,  p.  444). 
Such  images  as  had  been  left  were  now  efilMed 
by  scraping  or  whitewashing  the  walls  (FiIEb 
^teph,  p.  445) ;  but  merely  decorative  paintings 
of  trees,  flowers,  birds,  Ac,  were  allowed      That 
the  party  of  the  image-worshippers  was  at  tUs 
time  strong  and  numerous,  is  clear  from  the  fiet 
that  the  rebel  Artavasdes  won  many  adbereais 
by  declaring  himself  in  their  favour,  and  settiag 
up  icons  in  the  cities.     Anastasius  the  patriarch 
went  over  to  him  (Cedrenns,  Hist.  Compemd,  iL 
4 ;  ed.  Bonn),  and  he  was  recognized  by  Zacbsr 
rias  of  Rome,  who  dated  letters  from  his  aasamp- 
tion  of  the  purple  {Ep.  iv.  v.  Labb.  vi.  150S- 
5).     From  this  time  image-worshippers  wooU 
naturally  be  suspected  of  dislo3ralty,  and  wooU 
suffer  much  in  that  age  of  cruelty  on  the  sa^ 
pression  of  the  I'evolt  in  743.     In  754  Coastn- 
tine  convened  a  general  council  at  Oonstantinof^ 
at  which  338  bishops  (Labb.  torn.  vii.  coL  417) 
were  present,  but  none  of  the  great  patrxarehs. 
At  this  synod  it  was  maintained  that  the  w«r- 
ship  of  images  was  in  a  great  measure  due  ts, 
and  that  in  return  it  fostered,  a  tendencv  to 
those  heresies  respecting  the  nature  of  Chriit 
which  had  been  condemned  by  earlier  ooanrils 
(t6.  coll.  429-453),  their  characteristics  bexa; 
either  to  lower  the  Divine  nature,  or  to  dwell 
on  the  human  as  apart  from  it,  or  to  coofbaad 
the  two.     After  a  careful  review  of  the  acrip- 
tural  and  patristic  evidence  (i&.  coll.  473-504) 
the  following  decree  was  made : — ^  Whosoever 
shall  from  this  time  present  dare  t4i  make  «r 
worship  or  set  up  in  a  church  or  private  house 
or  conceal  an  image  (€iV<$i'(i),  if  he  be  a  falshep, 
presbyter,  or  deacon,  let  him  be  degraded  ;  if  s 
monk  or  layman,  let  him  be  anathematixed  sad 
punished  by  the  imperial  laws,  as  contrary  to 
the  commandments  of  God  and  an  enemy  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Fathers  "  (&.  col.  508 ;  see  alse 
506).     At  the  same  time  it  was  forbidden,  awtM 
pretence  of  compliance  with  this  decree,  to  \xf 
hands  on  sacred  vessels,  vestments,  &C.,  that  bail 
any  figure  wrought  on  them,  but  they  might  b^ 
recast  or  made  up  afresh  with  licence  firom  tht 
patriarch  or  emperor  (t&.  coll.  510,  511).     Tlis 
caution  was  necessary,  and  only  partially  efer- 
tual.     E.  g.f  a  fanatical  bishop  was  accused  to 
the  council  of  having  **  trampled  on  the  holy 
paten  of  the  undefiled  mysteries  of  God,  becaase 
it  was  engraved  with   the  venerable   image  of 
Christ,  and  of  His  mother,  and  of  the  Precunsor' 
(  Vita  StejJumif  u.  s.  p.  480).     We  read  too  that 
many  books  containing  pictures  were  burnt  or 
defaced  by  the  **  iconoclasts  "  (Labb.  a.  a.  oolL 
372-377) ;  and  a  general  complaint  is  made  br 
Germanus  of  Constantinople  that  they  were  B«>t 


IMAGES 

content  with  obeying  the  order  for  the  remoral 
of  images,  but  must  needs  destroy  **  any  symbo- 
lical ornament  on  the  '  venerable  ressels,'  and 
*  defacing  altar-cloths '  embroidered  in  gold  and 
purple,  would  put  them  up  in  their  own  houses,* 
&c  (Z>0  Synod,  et  Haeres,  §  42,  in  Mali  SpicU, 
JRoman,  tom.  yiii.  p.  1;  comp.  VUa  Steph,  p. 
445).  The  decree  is  said  to  hare  been  carried 
out  with  great  cruelty,  but  we  cannot  believe 
all  the  charges  brought  by  his  enemies  against 
Constantino ;  as,  for  example,  that  the  governor 
of  Natolia,  with  his  approbation,  having  assem- 
bled at  Ephesus  in  770  all  the  monks  and  nuns 
of  Thrace,  gave  them  the  choice  of  marriage  or 
the  loss  of  their  eyes  (Theophanes,  ad  an.  Const. 
30).  However  this  may  h^  it  appears  certain 
that  from  the  date  of  the  council  no  images  that 
could  be  made  the  object  of  worship  were  per- 
mitted in  the  churches  of  the  East  until  after  the 
death  of  Leo  lY.  (Chazarus),  the  son  of  Constan- 
tino, in  780. 

In  786  the  widow  of  Leo,  Irene,  who  had  been 
brought  up  an  image-worshipper,  being  regent 
of  the  empire  in  the  minority  of  her  son  Con- 
stantino VI.,  resolved,  in  conjunction  with  her 
creature  Tarasius  the  patriarch  (785-806),  to 
make  every  effort  for  the  restoration  of  the  icons. 
A  council  assembled  at  Constantinople  was  dis- 
persed by  a  tumult  among  the  soldiers  who  were 
faithful  to  the  convictions  of  their  former  master ; 
bnt  it  met  again  the  next  year  (787)  at  Nicaea. 
There  were  present  375  bishops.  Two  legates 
from  Rome  attended,  and  two  represented  jointly 
the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- 
salem. In  the  second  session  a  letter  was  read, 
addressed  by  Hadrian  of  Rome  to  Irene  and  her 
son,  in  which  the  pope  maintained  that  a  relative 
worship  was  due  to  images  (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col. 
113).  This  had  been  the  teaching  of  his  pre- 
decessor Gregory  U.  in  his  letter  to  Leo  {oh 
Xarp9VTiKciSf  &AXik  trx^rucSSf  ib.  col.  13),  and 
it  appears  in  several  of  the  authorities  rrad  be- 
fore the  council  (coll.  804,  353,  356,  &&).  The 
principle  was  fully  accepted  by  the  synod,  and 
stated  in  the  conclusion  at  which  it  arrived,  viz., 
that  ^  the  venerable  and  holy  images  should  be 
set  up  in  the  same  manner  as  the  figure  of  the 
precious  and  life-giving  cross ;  both  those  which 
are  in  colours  or  tesselated  work,  and  those  of 
other  suitable  material,  in  the  holy  churches  of 
God,  on  sacred  vessels  and  vestments,  on  walls 
and  boards,  on  houses,  and  by  the  wayside ;  the 
images,  to  wit,  of  our  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the  one  undefiled  Lady,  the 
holy  mother  of  God,  and  of  the  honourable 
angels,  and  all  saints  and  holy  men.  For  the 
more  frequently  they  are  seen  in  their  pictured 
resemblance,  the  more  are  those  who  behold 
them  stirred  up  to  the  recollection  and  love  of 
their  prototypes,  and  to  render  to  them  (the 
images)  salutation  and  honorific  worship;  not 
indeed  true  supreme  worship  (AarpcW),  accord- 
ing to  our  faith,  which  is  due  to  the  Divine 
nature  alone,  but  that,  as  the  pious  custom  of 
the  ancients  held,  an  offering  o^  incense  and 
lights  should  be  made  in  their  honour  in  the 
same  manner  as  to  the  figure  of  the  precious 
and  life-giving  cross,  and  to  the  holy  gospels, 
and  to  other  sacred  ornaments.  For  the  honour 
of  the  image  passes  on  to  the  original,  and  he 
who  worships  the  image  worships  in  it  the  per- 
son of  him  who  is  therein  depicted  "  (Labb.  u,  s. 


IMAGES 


819 


col.  556)^  If  lights  and  incense  had  not  been 
mentioned,  we  should  hardly  have  suspected 
these  words  to  demand  a  greater  reverence  for 
images  than  a  devout  mind  naturally  feels  for  a 
copy  of  the  Bible,  or  indeed  for  anything  that 
brings  God  immediately  before 'it ;  but  to  arrive 
at  their  full  significance,  we  must  also  take  into 
oonsideration  the  habits  of  the  age,  and  especi- 
ally the  arguments  and  testimonies  on  which  the 
decree  professed  to  be  founded.  Many  pictures 
were  deemed  miraculous,  and  any  one,  in  the 
belief  of  the  people,  might  become  so,  while 
prayers  were  already  addressed  directly  to  the 
icons,  and  many  superstitious  practices  existed 
in  connection  with  them  without  rebuke  from 
those  who  framed  this  decree.  In  a  passage  read 
with  applause  at  the  council  from  the  lamon- 
arium  of  Sophronius  or  John  Moschus  (a.d.  630), 
worshipping  the  image  of  Christ  is  spoken  of  as 
worshipping  Christ,  and  not  to  do  so  as  a  deadly 
sin  (Labb.  coL  381).  Such  indeed  was  the  con- 
stant language  of  the  iconolaters.  He,  says 
Photius,  *'who  does  not  worship  the  image  of 
Christ,  does  not  worship  Christ,  though  he  may 
think  he  worships  him  "  (I^t  lib.  ii.  n.  102). 
In  another  passage  from  the  Limonarium,  also 
approved  by  the  council,  we  are  told  that  a  cer- 
tain anchorite,  when  about  to  visit  any  holy 
place,  used  to  light  a  candle  before  a  picture  of 
the  Virgin  with  Christ  in  her  arms,  and  **  re- 
garding her  picture  to  say  to  the  Lady,  '  Holy 
Lady,  mother  of  God,  seeing  I  have  a  long  way 
to  go,  a  journey  of  many  days,  take  care  of  thy 
candle  and  keep  it  unquenched  according  to  my 
intent ;  for  I  depart  having  thy  aid  on  the  way.' 
And  having  said  tMi  to  the  image  he  departed." 
The  light  burned  on  till  his  return  (ib.  coL  384). 
(For  the  direct  address  compare  Greg.  II.  ad 
Leon.  Ep.  i.  col.  13,  and  Germanus  of  Constan- 
tinople, ad  Thom.  col.  312.)  Other  important 
fhcts  are  recorded  in  a  letter  oi  Michael  Balbus 
to  Ludovicus  Pius.  **  They  not  only  sang  psalms 
and  worshipped  them,  and  asked  for  help  from 
the  said  images,"  but  many,  hanging  linen  cloths 
on  them,  plaiced  their  children  in  them  as  they 
came  out  of  the  font,  thus  making  them  sponsors ; 
and  monks  receiving  the  tonsure  had  the  hair 
held  over  them  so  as  to  fall  into  their  lap. 
**  Some  of  the  priests  and  clerks,  scraping  the 
colours  of  the  images,  mixed  them  with  the 
oblation  and  wine,  and  after  the  celebration  of 
masses  gave  of  this  oblation  to  those  who  wished 
to  communicate.  Others  put  the  Lord's  Body 
into  the  hands  of  images,  from  which  they  caused 
those  who  desired  to  communicate  to  receive  it. 
Some  despising  the  church  used  the  flat  surfactf 
of  pictures  for  altars  in  common  houses  and 
celebrated  the  sacred  liturgy  on  them;  and 
many  other  like  things,  unlawful  and  contrary 
to  our  religion,  were  done  in  churches"  {Imper. 
Deer,  de  Oultu  Imag.  p.  618,  ed.  Goldast.  Fran- 
cof.  1608). 

In  797  Constantine  VI.  was  deprived  of  his 
kingdom  and  sight  by  the  contrivance  and  com- 
mand of  his  unnatural  mother  (Cedrenus,  tom.  ii. 
p.  27),  who  after  five  years  of  undivided  power 
was  supplanted  by  Nicephorus.  He  is  said  to 
have  favoured  the  iconoclasts  (Cedr.  «.  s.  p.  49), 
but  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  action  in  support 
of  their  cause.  His  death  in  battle,  July  811, 
was  in  two  months  followed  by  that  of  his  son 
and  successor  Stauratius,  who  had  been  wounded 

3  G  2 


820 


IMAGES 


IMAGES 


at  the  same    time.     Michael  Khangabe,   who 
dcDosed   the  dying  Staaratiua,  seems  to  have 
punished  with  impartial  hand  both  those  who 
worshipped  images  and  those  who  broke  them. 
Leo  the  Armenian,  who  deprived   him  of  his 
throne  in  813,  was  a  decid^  enemy  to  image- 
worship.     He  thought   that  the  heathen  were 
permitted  on  that  account  to  obtain  yictories 
over  the  Christians.     '*I  desire,"  he  declared, 
« to  overthrow  them  (the  images).     For  observe, 
all   the  emperors  who  have  received  and  wor- 
shipped them  have  died,  some  pursued  to  death, 
some  falling  in  battle :  and  only  those  who  did 
not  worship  them  have  ended  their  reigns  each 
by  a  natural  death,    and    been    buried   with 
honour,"  &c.  (^Narraiio  de  Leone   Arm,  Imp, 
auctoris  incerti,  in  0pp.  Theophanis,  p.  435,  e<L 
Paris).    The  people  generally  seem  to  have  been 
with  him ;  for  he  is  also  reported  to  have  re- 
monstrated in  this  manner  with  the  patriarch 
J^icephorus: — **The  people  are  scandalized  by 
the  images,  and  say  that  we  do  ill  to  worship 
them,  and  that  for  this  reason  the  heathen  lord 
it  over  us.    Condescend  a  little,  and  use  manage- 
ment with  the  people,  and  let  us  pare  away 
trifles.     But  if  you  are  not  willing  to  do  this, 
give  us  the  grounds  on  which  you  worship  them, 
for  the  Scripture  is  by  no  means  clear  on  the 
point "  (id.  p.  437).    In  reply  Kicephorus  merely 
asserted  the  antiquity  of  the  practice.     In  815 
Leo  procured  the  condemnation  of  the  second 
council  of  Nicaea  by  another,  which  he  convened 
at  Constantinople  (Labb.  tom.  vii.  col.  1299). 
The  acts  of  this  council  are  not  extant ;  but  an 
edict  of  Leo,  issued  at  the  time,  is  probably  in 
complete  accord  with  its  decrees.    In  that  the 
emperor  alleges  the  unlawfulness  and  absurdity 
of  image-worship,  and  the  duty  of  removing  the 
cause  o{  offence  (Michael  Monach.  in  Vita  Theo- 
dort  Stud.  c.  63 ;  opp.  Sirmondi,  tom.  v.).     It  is 
related  of  Michael  II.  (Balbus),  a.d.  820,  that 
"  though  he  was  of  the  heterodox  party  (an  image- 
worshipper  is  speaking)  he  had  nevertheless  no 
wish  to  trouble  those  who  did  not  defer  to  him, 
but  allowed  every  one  to  do  as  he  chose  "(Ttto 
Theod,  Stud,  c.  102).   He  also  recalled  those  who 
had  been  banished  by  Leo.    He  at  Hrst  contented 
himself  with  forbidding  the  word  "  saint"  to  be 
inscribed  on  images,  wherever  they  might  be 
(Cedren.  tom.  ii.  p.  110) ;  but  it  is  probable  that 
he  afterwards  became  more  severe  (•&.  p.  74).    A 
letter  is  extant  addressed  by  this  emperor  and 
his  son  Theophilus  to  Louis  the  Godly,  in  which 
he  describes  the  course  of  action  adopted  by  his 
predecessors  of  like  mind : — '*  By  common  coun- 
Ml  they  caused  images  to  be  removed  from  too 
low  situations  (in  churches),  and  allowed  those 
set  in  higher  to  remain  where  they  were,  that 
the  painting  might  serve  for    Scripture,  lest 
they  should  be  worshipped  by  the  more  ignorant 
and  weak;  but  they  forbade  the  lighting  of 
lamps  or  burning  of  incense  to  them  "  (^^f>ist, 
ad  Ludov,  apud  Goldast.  «.  s.  p.  619).     Theo- 
philus, on  his  accession,  required  strict  obedi- 
ence to  the  law,  and  even  forbade  the  painting 
of  icons  (Theophan.  dmtinvai.  lib.   iii.   c.  10 ; 
Cedr.  tom.  ii.  p.  110). 

On  the  death  of  Theophilus  in  8^,  his  widow, 
Theodora,  who  governed  for  her  infant  son 
lilichael  III.,  restored  the  icons  and  their  wor- 
ship, notwithstanding  an  oath  that  she -would 
rot  do  so,  exacted  by  her  dying  husband  (Cedr. 


tom.  ii.  p.  142).    The  sanction  of  the  dmrk 
was  obtained  through  a  council  held  at  Constaii* 
tinople  (Labb.  tom.   vii.  ool.   1782);    and  the 
triumph  of  images  celebrated  by  the  institntka 
of  an  annual  feast  on  the  first  Sunday  in  Le&t, 
thence  called  by  the  Greeks  17  irvptoic^  1-^9  o^lb- 
Ho^ias  (Philothei  Senx.  in  Dom.  /.    Qvuxdr.  a 
Gretser's  note  to  CodAUus  De  Ofic.  c  xv^  and 
Narrat,  de  Imaginibua  Bestit,  in  Combefis.  Abc- 
tar.  tom.  hist.  coL  738).     From  the  Typicom  cf 
Sabas,  c.  42,  we  learn  that  the  occasion  is  marked 
by  a  procession  of  crosses  and  pictures,  and  the 
public  reading  of  the  decree  of  Nicaea  (Gretser, 
u,  s.).     Opposition,  however,  was  not  wholly  ex- 
tinguished ;  for  about  the  year  860  we  find  Pho- 
tius,  who  had  usurped  the  patriarchate  of  Coa- 
stantinople,  proposing  to  Nidiolas  of  Rome  that 
another  general  council  should  be  held  to  cooi- 
plete  the  suppression  of  the  heresy  of  the  kono- 
machi  "  (  Vita  Ignatii  a  Nioeta  conscr.  in  Labb. 
tom.  viii.  col.  1204).    The  council  met  the  next 
year  and  pronounced  the  deposition  of  Ignatias, 
whom  Photius  had  supplanted,  but  its  actioa  ia 
regard  to  images  is  not  recorded.     In  869  aa- 
other  council,  convened  by  the  emperor  Basil 
especially  for  the  condemnation  of  Photius,  de- 
nounced the  iconoclasts,  upheld  pictura  as  use- 
ful in  the  instruction  of  the  people,  and  declared 
that  we  ought  to  **  worship  them  with  the  sane 
honour  as  the  book  of  the  holy  gospels  "  (can.  iSa. 
Labb.  tom.  viii.  col.  1360).     Here  the  history  af 
the  struggle  closes  m  the  East. 

IX.  The  position  of  the  Nestorians  and  £nty- 
chians  with  respect  to  images  is  interesting  aad 
instructive.  The  former  were  cut  off  from  the 
church  in  431,  before  images  of  any  kind  were 
common.  Their  antagonism  to  the  church  wouU 
make  them  keen-sighted  to  the  evil  springing  cp 
within  her,  and  naturally  le^l  to  their  entire 
rejection.  We  find  accordingly  that  **  the  Nc«- 
torians  have  no  images  or  pictures  in  their 
churches,  and  are  very  much  opposed  to  the  ase 
of  them,  even  as  ornaments,  or  as  barely  repre- 
senting historical  facts  illustrative  of  sacred 
Scripture  "  (Badger's  Nestorians^  vol.  ii.  p.  133). 
The  Eutychians,  condemned  in  451,  were  a  very 
small  body  until  the  time  of  Jacob  Baradaea^ 
Who  died  in  588.  They  became  very  numeroos, 
under  the  name  of  Jacobites,  in  the  7th  oenturr, 
and  when  they  left  the  church  they  carried  with 
them  the  custom  of  image- worship,  as  it  was  then 
understood  and  practised.  At  a  later  period  the 
Greeks  observing  a  difference  and  not  knowing  thai 
they  had  themselves  changed,  accused  the  Jao»- 
bites  of  error :  ^'  They  think  it  indifferent  whether 
they  worship  or  do  not  worship  them,  but  if 
ever  they  chance  to  worship,  they  do  not  kiss  the 
image  itself,  but  touching  it  with  a  finger  only, 
kiss  the  finger  instead  '*  (Demetr.  Cyzicen.  Ik 
Jacob.  Haerea,  Max.  Biblioth.  PP.  tom.  814> 
One  division  of  the  Monophysites,  whom  aomt 
identify  with  the  Armenians,  were  called  Cbat- 
zitzarii,  from  the  Armenian  Chatzu$  a  croas,  be- 
cause they  reverenced  the  cross  only  (ibSy.  Of 
the  Armenians  Nicon  says,  ^  They  do  not  adoie 
the  venerable  images,  and  what  is  more,  their 
Catholicus  with  the  rest  anathematizes  thoae  who 
adore  them  "  {De  Armen.  £elig.  Max.  Biblioth. 
tom.  XXV.  p.  328). 

X.  We  turn  now  to  the  West  In  767  Pipia 
held  a  council  at  Gentilly,  at  which  legates  fr<uB 
Rome  and   Constantinople   were   present.    Oat 


IMAGES 


IMAGES 


821 


«bjtct  waa  to  consider  the  **  cultns  of  images." 
The  dedsion  was  that  '*  images  of  saints  made  up 
(fictas,  i  e,  mosaics)  or  painted  for  the  ornament 
and  beanty  of  churches  might  be  endured,  so 
that  they  were  not  had  for  worship,  veneration, 
and  adoration,  which  idolatei's  practise  **  (Cbn- 
stU,  Imper,  Goldast.  torn.  L  p.  16).    The  decree 
of  Nicaea  was  transmitted  by  the  bishop  of  Rome 
to  Charlemagne  and  others,   but  the    French 
church  was  not  eren  then  prepared  to  accept  the 
worship,  though  long  accustomed  to  the  sight,  of 
images.   In  790  a  strong  protest  appeared  in  the 
fiunoos  LAri  Carolini  or  Capitulare  ProUxvmy  a 
treatise  in  four  books,  expressly  directed  against 
those  abuses  which  the  council  and  the  pope  had 
sanctioned.   It  is  not  probable  that  Charlemagne 
composed  it  himself,  but  it  is  written  in  his 
name.    The  author  speaks  of  king  Pipin  as  his 
father  (lib.  i.  c.  6),  and  of  legates  sent  into 
Greece  by  his  father  and  himself  (lib.  iii.  c.  3); 
and  Hadrian,  in  his  controversial  reply,  addresses 
Charles  as  the  writer  (Labb.  Cone.  torn.  vii.  coll. 
915,  916,  960).  A  brief  qnoUtion  will  show  the 
practice  of  the  chuj'ch  in  France  at  that  time : — 
**  We  do  not  banish  from  the  basilics  eflSgies  set 
up  for  the  commemoration  of  events,  or  for  orna- 
ment, but  we  restrain  a  most  strange,  or  rather 
most  superstitious  adoration  of  them,  which  we 
do  not  anywhere  find  to  have  been  instituted  by 
the  apostles,  or  by  apostolical  men  "  (lib.  ii.  c 
10)     ^  In  the  year  792,"  says  Roger  Hoveden, 
our  English  annalist,  '*  did  Charles  the  king  of 
the  Franks  send  a  synodal  book  to  Britain,  which 
had  been  forwarded  to  him  from  Constantinople, 
ia  which  book  were  found,  alas !  many  unmeet 
things  and  contrary  to  the  true  faith;  chiefly 
that  it  had  been  denned  by  the  unanimous  asser- 
tion of  nearly  all  the  eastern  doctors,  and  not 
leas  than  300  or  more  bishops,  that  we  ought  to 
adore  images,  which  the  church  of  Qod  alto- 
gether execrates.     Against  which  Albinus  (Al- 
cnin)  wrote  an  epistle  admirably  confirmed  by 
the  authority  of  tne  Divine  Scriptures,  and  pre- 
sented it,  with  the  said  book,  in  the  name  of  our 
bishops   and  princes,   to  the  king"  (CAronioa 
ad  ann.  792 ;  Sim.,  Simeon  Dunelm.  ffist.  Segum, 
and  Matth.  Paris,  Chron.  Maj.  ad  eund.  ann.) ; 
in  794  a  council  was  held  at  Frankfort-on-thc- 
Maine,    ^  which  rejected    with    contempt    and 
unanimously  condemned  the  adoration  and  ser- 
vice "  which  the  synod  of  the  Greeks  had  de- 
clared under  anathema  to  be  due  to  '*  the  images 
of  the  saints  as  to  the  Divine  Trinity  "  (can.  ii.). 
Thus  the  matter  rested  during  the  life  of  Charle- 
magne.    In  824  Louis  the  Godly  received  from 
Michael  Balbus  the  epistle  to  which  we  have  al- 
ready referred,  and  was  induced  by  it  to  convoke 
»  synod  at  Paris  in  the  following  year.    Having 
reaid  the  letter  of  Hadrian  to  Irene,  the  bishops 
issembled  declare,  in  an  address  to  Louis  and 
Lothair,  that  as  the  pope  ^  justly  reproves  them 
nrho  in  those  parts  rashly  presumed  to  break  the 
mages  of  the  saints,  so  is  be  known  to  have  acted 
ndiscreetly  in  that  he  commanded  to  give  them 
(Uperstitious  worship  "  {ConitiU  Imper,  torn.  i. 
>.  154).     They  support  their  judgments  by  an 
imple  catena  from  the  fathers.    At  this  time 
Sngenios  II.  was  pope,  and  a  letter  is  ascribed  to 
lim  (the  contents  of  which  make  the  authorship 
lonbtful)  in  which,  after  quoting  a  letter  from 
jouis  and  Lothair  to  himself,  he  expresses  dis- 
kpprobation  of  pictures  of  saints  altogether,  and 


even  blames  the  Greek  emperors  Michael  and 
Theophilus,  to  whom  he  writes,  for  <*  allowing 
any  one  who  chose  to  have  images  painted  or 
chased"  (i6.  p.  186).  Claudius,  who  became 
bishop  of  Turin  in  821,  by  the  choice  of  the 
emperor  Louis,  finding  the  basilics  of  his  diocese 
full  of  images  superstitiously  worshipped,  ordered 
them  to  be  removed  {Decreta  de  Cultu  Imaginwn, 
Goldast  p.  763)i  He  even  effaced  the  painted 
figure  of  the  cross.  His  argument  was,  *'  If  you 
worship  a  cross  because  Christ  died  on  one,  why 
not  a  manger,  because  he  lay  in  one,  and  a  ship 
because  he  taught  fVom  one  ;  ....  a  lamb,  be- 
cause he  is  the  lamb  of  God ;  but  those  perverse 
dogmatics  will  devour  lambs  that  have  life,  and 
adore  them  painted  on  walls  "  (t6.  p.  767).  The 
Apology  of  Claudius  was  published  after  the 
council  of  Paris  was  held.  As  he  went  beyond 
that,  he  was  opposed  by  many  who  approved  of 
the  acts  of  the  counciL  Among  these  was  Jonas 
the  bishop  of  Orleans,  whose  work  in  three  books 
(Adversus  Claudii  Taurmensia  Apologeticum)  is 
extant,  and  has  preserved  to  us  whatever  remains 
of  that  of  Claudius.  In  it  he  distinctly  dis- 
allows the  worship  of  images,  while  protesting 
vehemently  against  the  extreme  opinions  and 
high-handed  measures  of  his  opponent : — '*  Per- 
mit the  images  of  saints  and  pictures  of  holy 
works  to  be  painted  in  churches,  not  that  they 
may  be  adored,  but  rather  that  they  may  lend 
to  them  a  certain  beauty,  and  impart  to  the 
senses  of  the  unlearned  the  history  of  past 
events"  (lib.  i.  sig.  c.  Colon.  1554).  A  few  years 
later,  823,  Dungalus,  a  monk  of  St.  Denys  at 
Paris,  published  a  violent  attack  on  Claudius. 
His  work  {L^ber  Jiey)onsionum  adv.  Claud,,  &c.) 
is  printed  in  the  Maxima  Biblioth.  PP.  torn.  xiv. 
A  more  able  production  than  either  of  the  above 
is  the  LAer  de  Fkturis  et  Imaginihus,  written 
by  Agobard,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  probably  about 
840.  This  author  maintains  that  **  the  images 
of  the  apostles  and  of  the  Lord  Himself  were 
painted  and  kept  by  the  ancients  rather  for  love 
and  remembrance  than  religious  honour  or  any 
veneration  after  the  custom  of  the  Gentiles 
(c  20) ;  and  that ''  none  of  the  ancient  catholics 
ever  thought  that  they  are  to  be  worshipped  and 
adored  "  (c.  32).  He  laments  the  later  practice 
as  **  near  to  or  like  the  heresy  of  idolatry  or  of 
the  anthropomorphites,"  and  thinks  that  it  was 
*' rightly  decreed  by  the  orthodox  fathers  (in 
the  oouncil  of  Elvira),  in  order  to  put  down  this 
kind  of  superstition,  that  pictures  ought  not  to 
be  in  churches  "  (c.  33).  This  was  probably  the 
last  clear  note  of  warning.  Walafrid  Strabo, 
abbot  of  Reichenau,  A.D.  842,  gives  an  uncertain 
sound.  **  We  know,"  he  says,  ^*  that  icons  are 
not  to  be  adored  or  worshipped  "  (colendas),  bnt 
he  demands  for  them  *' seemly  and  moderate 
honours  "  {De  Stb,  Eocl,  c.  8).  Hincmar,  arch- 
bishop of  Rheims,  a.d.  845,  at  the  request  of  his 
comprovindals  wrote  a  treatise,  now  lost,  to 
explain  *Mn  what  manner  the  images  of  our 
Lord  and  His  saints  are  to  be  reverenced  "  (ven- 
erandae ;  Flodoard,  Sitt,  Eocl,  Remens,  lib.  iii. 
c.  29).  His  teaching  is  not  further  indicated  by 
our  authority;  but  it  may  be  safely  inferred 
from  his  contemptuous  language  with  respect  to 
the  Greek  and  Roman  practice,  which  he  stigma- 
tizes as  ^  doll-worship  "  (puparum  cultus),  and 
from  his  open  rejection  of  the  second  council  ol 
Nicaea  {Opuao,  Iv.  adv,  Hincmar,  Laud,  c  xx.^ 


822 


IBIAGINE8  CLIPEA.TAE 


XL  Tha  "inuigM''  of  vhich  wb 
wen  all  eith«r  pictnm,  liks  tha  c 
icona,  or  miiulci.  Some  writers, 
proTB  that  lUlnarj  waa  not  onemplof  ed  b^  tbe 
«arlf  church,  allegg  tha  imaga  of  our  Lord 
whioh  naa  uld  to  hav«  baen  Kt  up  at  Paoau 
(Caaares  Philippi  or  Dan)  bj  the  woman  whom 
Ha  healed  of  an  iuoe  of  blood.  (3  «  the  But, 
Emi.  of  EnMblng,  lib.  rii.  c.  18 ;  PhiloatOTgitu,  ei 
lib.  Tii.  $3;  Soiomeii,  lib.  t.  c  31 ;  Aateriui 
.  Anuu.  in  Photii  Biblkth.  cod.  271.)  If  thii 
indeed  a  atatue  of  oar  Loid,  the  iolitary  act 
•emi-haathen  would  be  no  Indicatioa  of  the  i 
of  the  apostolic  church.  But  oppobite  the  ] 
cipal  figuTo  wai  tha  brazea  statue  of  a  w( 
in  a  beaaechiDg  attitude,  kaeeling,  aud  with  handi 
raised,  not  behinil  and  furtireljr  touching  tl 
hem  of  his  garment,  as  io  tha  goepel  ator^.  Th 
stiggests  that  the  eFoction  of  tha  groop  was  s 
eipreseion  of  gratitude  to  aome  aarthlj  i-ul< 
who  had  giaated  a  petition.  The  costlinass  of 
the  work  creates  another  difficnltj  (see  St.  Lnka 
Tiii.  43).  Nor  lam  we  build  anything  on  the  fact 
related  bf  Lampridiaa  that  Aleiander  Sererui 
had  the  imagea  of  Chriit,  Abiaham,  Orpbeui, 
be.,  in  bii  lanrima  {  Vita  AL  Set.  c.  29).  It  le 
poisible  that  ia  the  9th  century  there  was  eome 
>ue  of  atatnea  among  Chriatiani )  but  we  caoaot 
with  Uabillon  {Praef.  I.  m  Sok.  IV.  S.  O.  B. 
c  29)  think  It  a  certain  infaraaca  ftum  then 
words  of  Agob,ini  (Be  Imag.  t  31)  :— "  Who- 
arer  adorei  anjr  picture,  or  molten  or  moulded 
■tatUB,  is  not  giiing  worship  t«  God,  is  not 
hoQonring  the  angela  or  im\j  men,  but  ahowing 
TaTareDce  to  (their)  im^es  "  (^mulachrs). 

[W.  E.  S.] 

lUAOINES  CLIFEATAK  Tba  Romani 
gave  thii  name  to  the  head*  painted  on  the 
shielda  oaualiy  hnng  up  in  their  temples  (Buo- 
narruoti,  Qatfrvas,  aopra  aic-  vwdaglioniy  p.  9-1 1 ). 
We  find  in  ancient  Christian  art  a  similar  mode 
of  treatment  applied  to  portraits  of  our  Lord. 
In  soma  instances  the  bust  of  the  Saviour  is 
painted  on  a  circular  spaca  in  the  form  of  a 
ahieid.  This  is  notablj  the  caM  in  tha  laultlng 
of  the  chapel  in  the  cemelary  of  Calliilns 
[jE8tra  Caiim'],  probablji  the  moat  ancient  ex- 
ample of  a  tjrpe  that  became  traditional.  CH- 
peatat  of  the  Good  Shepherd  as  a  standing  ligsre 
are  freqntnttj  loet  witb  In  the  raultings  of 
crypts  in  the  catacombs.  In  the  moaaic  of  the 
great  arch  of  St.  Paul  without  the  walls  we  £nd 
the  bust  of  our  Lord  tn  clipea  (Ciarapini,  Vel.  Mon. 
Uh.  liTiii.).  Also  in  andeot  iTor;  diptjchs, 
■uch  as  that  of  Rambona  (Bnonarmoti,  Vgt  p. 
362),  in  which  the  clipens  is  supported  by  two 
r  illptTi 


lield  or  i 


milar 


two  angels,  and  bearing  in  the  midst  a  Greek 
cross  instead  ot  the  fienra  of  tha  Savionr  (Cslo- 
gera's  RaccKdta,  vol.  il  d.  295).  That  this  mode 
of  trealment  lasted  till  the  7th  centnr;  is 
proved  ht  a  pnlnling  in  tha  roof  of  tha  oratorf 
of  St.  Feiicitas ;  there  the  bnat  of  our  Lord 
ippesrs  r»  clipto  (Kaoul-Roohette,  i>i'>c.  wr  let 
typn  inu'f.,  p.  2f>).  Eiamples  may  alao  be  qoolod 
in  later  times  (Dii  Cange,  Oha.  a.  vr.  Scutum, 
Thoradda). 

Uany  of  tbe  sarcopiiagi  foDnd  in  Roman  ceme- 
tariea  eihibit  the  efGgiee  of  a  husband  and  wift 


IHHVNITIE8  OF  THE  CLEBGT 

atanoe  fignrad  below  (Bottafi'a  pi.  ix.).     Sc^ 

timei  a  single  £giira   ia  thos  iepr«M>t«l  tU. 
UITi.  iL  l«iii.> 

(Martigar,  Diet,  dtt  JmUq.  OiHt.  *.  t.>  [C] 


shell,  ai 


1  the  ij 


lUIZILDM  (alao  luznnjM,  Uisium,  Hi- 
CU.UH,  Utzinuh).  Thi(  word,  TarioailT  speh, 
occurs  several  times  in  the  Vita«  Ptrntifictm  J 
AnastasiuB  Bibljothecarioa.  It  appeara  to  detmU 
some  material  ot  n  silky  nature,  used  for  artida 
of  dress  of  a  costly  deacriptioQ.  The  etymotegj 
of  the  word  ia  doubtful;  according  io  one  vie* 
It  is  akin  to  the  Julian  ermeatto,  but  Dnaap 
(a.o.)  rather  connects  it  with  camMte  (^VOai 
Fontificum,  LeoIILp.418;  Paschalis  L  p.  449; 
Sergiua  IL  p.  490;  Kicolaus  L  p.  5»4>      [R.Sl] 

IMUEBSION.    [Baptisv,  §49,  p.  161.] 


IMMDNrnES  AND  PBrVILEGES  OF 
THE  CLEBOY.  Before  the  time  of  Coutaa- 
tlne  the  clergy  of  the  Christian  church  enjoyed 
no  immunitiei  or  privileges.  With  the  coavn- 
ion  of  the  emperor  to  the  Christian  faith,  lit 
ninisten  of  what  become  the  state  religion  begaa 
0  be  eiempted  from  burdens  borne  by  oUier 
nembers  of  the  community,  and  to  hare  sp*aal 
onoura  conceded  to  them.  This  policy  readwd 
\m  height  in  the  Middle  Agea,  when  its  rmlti 
aused  a  reaction  to  ensue  which  is  operating  u 

By  immnnities  we  understand  in  tha  praatBt 
rticle  exemptions  from  ordinary  bnidaDs,  br 
privileges,  eitraordinaryhoaoura,  or  prerogalini, 
whether  sanctioned  by  cnilom  only  or  by  law. 
Both  immunities  and  privileges  may  be  best  re- 
'iewed  under  three  heads,  as  I.  iuoKikL, 
II.  Pecchiabt,  III.  Official  akd  Socul. 

L  JcDiciAL.     Under  this   head  we   hare  to 

diatingnish,  1,  Rights  maintained  and  confirmed, 

"   Immuaitiea  allowed,  3.  Privileges  granted. 

1.  Rigktt  moMaintd  and  oanfinned.     (1)  De- 

iau  j»  matitrt  of  faith  and  in  ecdamlkal 

aes. — Chriitianity  had  grown  up  in  auta;7<ni<iB 

the  imperial  power  of  Rome,  and  maoaginf:  iu 

'u  affairs  under  lEe  own  officers,  una0Ect«d  br 

any  internal  interference  on  the  part  of  the  aril 

authority.     It  jealously  guarded  its  independenc 

when  the  worldly  power  eichanged  its  attituJ* 

of  hostility  for  one  of  friendship  and  aUisaa. 

In  matters  eccleaiastical  ecdcaiastical  aulhonlT 

coullnned  supreme.     This  was  no  iramnnity  v 

privilege   granted  now  for  tha   lirst  time  as  ■ 


IMMUKITIBS  AND  PBIYILEGES  OF  THE  CLEBGY 


823 


favoui  bestowed  by  a  friendly  chief  magistrate, 
but  a  prescriptive  right  maintained.  The  right 
was  afterwanis  impaired  by  servility  on  one 
side,  and  by  the  exertion  of  might  on  the  other ; 
for  the  co-operation  of  the  emperor  was  fonnd  so 
useful  for  enforcing  the  acceptance  of  conciliary 
decrees  that  it  was  appealed  to  by  contending 
factions,  and,  when  appealed  to,  the  civil  power 
naturally  enough  took  upon  itself  to  decide  which 
faction  it  should  support  and  why  it  should 
support  it.  This  led  imperceptibly  to  the  civil 
power  being  regarded  as  having  a  right  to  judge 
in  things  spiritual  as  well  as  in  things  civil. 
But  it  was  rather  in  its  political  than  in  its 
judicial  character  that  such  claim  was  made  or 
•dmitted.  Ecclesiastical  causes,  strictly  so 
called,  such  as  trials  for  heresy,  were  never 
brought  before  courts  taking  their  authority 
from  the  state.  This  is  evidenced  by  laws  of 
successive  emperors,  of  Constantins,  a.d.  355 
(^CodL  Theod.  lib.  zvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  12,  tom.  vi. 
p.  37,  ed.  Gothofred.  Lugd.  1665),  of  Valen- 
tinian  and  Gratian,  a.d.  376'  (Ibid.  leg.  23,  p.  52), 
of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  a.d.  399  (/&»i.  tit.  11, 
leg.  L  p.  298).  These  laws  are  of  the  same 
tenor,  giving  the  sanction  of  law  to  the  already 
existing  custom  that  in  ecclesiastical  causes 
judgment  was  given  by  church  officers  and  not 
by  the  state  courts.  '*  On  questions  of  religion," 
says  the  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  "  bishops 
are  to  be  judges;  other  cases  must  be  carried 
before  the  law  courts  **  (/.  c). 

(2)  Trials  of  ecclesiastical  persons  /or  moral 
offences, — ^In  addition  to  offences  against  the 
&ith,  those  offences  against  morality  on  the  part 
of  the  clergy  which  were  not  civil  crimes  were 
by  prescription  under  the  cognisance  of  ecclesi- 
astical authority  alone.  This  could  not  be  other- 
wise, as  acts  that  were  not  offences  against  the 
law  could  not  be  carried  into  the  law  courts. 
The  bishop  was  judged  by  his  peers,  members 
of  the  other  clerical  orders  by  their  bishop; 
judgment  being  in  accordance  with  the  canons  of 
discipline  promulgated  by  the  recognized  au- 
thority of  church  synods.  In  the  continuance  of 
this  jurisdiction  the  state  simply  permitted  the 
exercise  of  a  right  which  it  found  the  church 
already  possessed  of. 

2.  Immunities  allowed,  (1)  Exemption  of  the 
dergy  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  courts 
in  respect  to  minor  offenoex — Hitherto  we  have 
not  arrived  at  any  novel  immunity  or  privilege 
granted  by  the  state  as  a  matter  of  grace.  But 
soon  episcopal  jurisdiction  over  the  clergy  was 
extended  from  cases  of  morality  to  petty  crimes, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  clergy  were  withdrawn 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state  courts  in 
respect  to  those  crimes.  There  was  a  recognized 
distinction,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Roman 
empire,  between  great  and  petty  crimes;  the 
first  were  called  atrocia  delida,  the  last  levia 
delicta.  By  the  imperial  favour  the  clergy 
became  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
secular  courts  in  respect  to  the  levia  delicta, 
while  subject  to  them,  as  much  as  any  other 
citizens,  in  cases  of  grave  crime,  such  as  murder, 
rebellion,  and  the  Bke.  In  the  reign  of  Jus- 
tinian, A.D.  539,  this  exemption  was  allowed  to 
apply  to  monks  and  nuns  as  well  as  to  the  clergy 
{Justin,  SovelL  79,  83;  Corpus  Juris  CiviliSy 
torn.  ii.  pp.  166,  174,  ed.  Beck,  Lipeiae,  1829) ; 
and  in  the  reign  of   Heradius,  A.D,   610,  it 


appears  to  have  been  extended  from  petty  offenoes 
to  all  criminal  cases  (^ConstittUiones  ImperatoriaSf 
ad  calc.  Cod,  Justin.;  Const.  3,  p.  808,  Pans, 
1628).  When  one  of  the  pai*ties  was  a  clergy- 
man and  the  other  a  layman,  the  clergyman's 
immunity  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular 
court  dia  not  hold  good,  except  by  the  consent  of 
the  layman  (^Valentin,  Novell,  12). 

(2)  Exemption  of  bishops  from  being  summoned 
into  court  as  tcitnesses, — By  Justinian,  possibly 
by  Theodosius,  it  was  enacted  that  no  bishop 
should  be  required  to  appear  at  the  tribunal  of 
a  secular  judge  for  the  purpose  of  giving  his 
testimony  in  any  case  before  the  court.  The 
judge  was  required  to  send  his  officer  to  take  the 
bishop's  testimony  at  his  own  house.  The  words 
of  Justinian's  law  are  "  No  judge  is  to  compel 
bishops  to  come  to  a  trial  to  exhibit  their  tes- 
timony, but  he  is  to  send  to  them  some  of  his 
subordinate  officers  "  (Justin,  Novell,  123,  c.  7 ; 
Corpus  Juris  Civilis,  tom.  ii.  p.  250). 

(3)  Exemption  of  bishops  from  having  to  take 
an  oath  in  giving  their  testimony, — By  the  law 
of  Justinian  above  quoted  it  was  enacted  that  the 
word  of  bishops,  given  on  the  holy  gospels, 
should  be  accepted  in  place  of  an  oath,  an  oath 
being  regarded  as  derogatory  to  their  holy 
character.  ''  That  the  bishops  having  the  holy 
gospels  before  them  may  say  what  they  know,  as 
becomes  priests  "  {Ibid,^ 

(4)  Exemption  of  bishops  and  presbyters  from 
being  examined  by  torture  whUe  bearing  testimony, 
— ^According  to  the  laws  of  the  Roman  empire, 
witnesses  might  be  scourged  and  otherwise 
tortured  in  order  to  extract  from  them  the 
truth  {Cod,  Justin,  lib.  ix.  tit.  41 ;  Corpus  Jur, 
Civ,  p.  323 ;  Cod,  Theod,  lib.  xiii.  tit.  9,  leg.  2, 
tom.  V.  p.  105 ;  St.  Aug.  Serm,  ccclv.  tom.  v. 
p.  1572,  ed  Migne,  al.  De  Diversis,  49  ;  Synesius, 
Ep.  58,  Op.  p.  201 ;  Paris,  1631).  Theodosius, 
with  some  hesitation  and  ambiguity,  exempted 
bishops  and  presbyters  from  this  liability.  His 
words  are:  "Presbyters  are  to  give  testimony 
without  being  liable  to  torture,  provided,  how- 
ever, that  they  do  not  pretend  what  is  false. 
But  the  rest  of  the  clergy  below  them  in  order 
or  rank,  if  they  have  to  give  their  testimony,  are 
to  be  treated  as  the  laws  direct"  {Cod,  Theod» 
lib,  xi.  tit.  39,  leg.  10,  tom.  iv.  p.  331> 

3.  Judicial  privileges,  (1)  Episcopal  coercive 
jurisdiction  in  dvil  causes. —  It  had  been  the 
custom  of  Christians,  in  accordance  with  the 
injunctions  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  vi.  4),  to  settle 
their  differences  before  one  of  themselves,  instead 
of  going  to  the  heathen  law  courts.  Very  soon, 
and  very  naturally,  the  office  of  arbitrator  be- 
came attadied  to  that  of  bishop,  the  bishop  being 
the  best  qualified  person  to  exercise  the  judicial 
function.  We  find  instances  of  the  exercise  of 
judicial  power  in  Sidonius  ApoUinaris  (lib.  iii, 
Ep.  12 ;  lib.  vi.  Ep,  4,  Op.  p.  160),  Synesius 
{Ep.  105,  Op.  p.  247),  St.  Ambrose  {Ep,  Ixxxii. 
Ad  Maroellum,  Op.  tonu  ii,  p.  1100 ;  Paris,  1690), 
St.  Augustine  {Confess,  vi.  3,  tom.  i.  p.  720,  ed. 
Migne),  Down  to  the  time  of  Oonstantine 
episcopal  decisions  thus  given  had  not  any  force 
in  law.  Litigants  were  bound  only  by  their 
free  choice  or  by  contract  to  abide  by  the 
verdicts  given,  but  now  coercive  jurisdiction 
was  given  to  the  bishop's  court.  It  was  still 
necessary  for  both  parties  to  the  suit  to  cousent 
to  carry  it  before  the  bishop,  but  when  it  was 


824 


IMMUNITIES  AND  PBIYILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY 


once  carried  to  him  his  sentence  was  final,  and 
was  executed  by  the  secalar  anthbrities.  From 
Sozomen's  Ecclesiastical  History  (i.  9,  p.  21,  Can- 
tab. 1720)  it  would  appear  that  this  privilege 
was  granted  by  Constantine.  It  is  clearly  re- 
cognized by  a  law  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius 
iCod,  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  leg.  8,  tom.  ii,  p.  33). 
Yalentinian  III.  carefully  distinguishes  between 
religious  causes,  in  which  bishops  and  presbyters 
had  a  prescriptive  right  to  judge,  and  dvil 
causes,  in  which  they  had  no  inherent  right  to 
act  judicially;  but  he  recognizes  their  juris- 
diction in  the  civil  causes  when  the  free  choice  of 
the  litigants  has  selected  them  in  preference  to 
the  state  judges  (^VcJentin.  Novell,  12,  ad  calc. 
Cod,  Theod^  Thus  bishops  were  made,  by 
virtue  of  their  office,  not  only  arbitrators  be- 
tween members  of  their  flocks,  but  also  magis- 
trates before  whom  any  that  pleased  might  carry 
their  suits  to  be  by  them  finally  and  legally 
settled.  The  burden  of  judicial  business  became 
so  heavy  (see  St.  Augustine,  Epiatda  xxziiL 
Migne,  al.  147),  that  it  was  devolved  upon 
presbyten  (St.  Aug.  Epist,  ccziii.  Migne,  al.  110), 
deacons  (Condi.  Tarraoon.  can.  iv. ;  Hard.  Con- 
di, tom.  ii.  p.  1042,  Paris,  1714),  and  laymen 
(Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  37,  p.  321;  Ozon. 
1844);  whence  probably  there  arose  the  ezlsting 
custom  of  the  bishops  appointing  lay  chan- 
cellors to  preside  in  their  courts.  Episcopal 
jurisdiction  did  not,  however,  extend  to  ciiminal 
causes,  but  was  confined  to  dvil  questions  and 
pecuniary  suits.  Bishops  were  forbidden  by 
canon  law  to  interfere  with  cidminal  cases  (see 
ConciU  Tarraoon.  can.  iv.). 

(2)  Episcopal  intercession. — ^In  pecuniary  cases 
bishops  were  magistrates,  in  criminal  cases  they 
were  intercessors.  Wherever  the  arbitrary  will 
of  a  despotic  sovereign  has  power  over  lite  and 
liberty,  a  right  of  intercession  is  sure  to  become 
vested  in  the  ministers  of  religion,  the  reason 
being  that  the  religious  character  alone  invests 
its  possessor  with  so  much  awe  as  to  enable  him 
to  dare  to  resist  the  passionate  and  capricious 
fury  of  otherwise  uncontrolled  power.  Such  a 
right  begins  in  the  courageous  act-  of  some  brave 
ecclesiastic,  and  first  being  recognized  by  custom, 
is  afterwards  confii*med  by  law.  When,  at  a 
more  advanced  stage  of  civilisation,  punishments 
are  calmly  meted  out  by  the  scales  of  justice,  the 
right  of  intercession  necessarily  ceases.  The  pro- 
priety of  the  privilege  is  argued  in  two  lettei-s 
that  passed  between  Macedonius  and  St.  Augus- 
tine (^Ep.  clij.  cliii.  Migne,  al.  53,  54);  the 
latter,  in  interceding  with  the  tribune  Marcel- 
linus  for  the  fanatics  called  CircumcelUones, 
advances  very  strong  claims :  *'  If  you  do  not 
listen  to  a  friend  who  asks,  listen  to  a  bishop 
who  advises;  though,  as  I  am  speaking  to  a 
Christian,  I  shall  not  be  too  bold  if  I  say  that  in 
such  a  case  as  this  you  ought  to  listen  to  your 
bishop  that  lays  his  injunction  on  you,  my  noble 
lord  and  dear  son  "  (£p.  czxxiii.  Migne,  al.  159). 
He  addresses  the  proconsul  Apringius  on  the 
same  occasion  in  the  same  strain  {Ep.  cxxxiv. 
Migne,  al.  160).  Flavian,  when  the  people  of 
Antioch  had  raised  a  futile  rebellion  against 
Theodosius,  proceeded  to  Constantinople.  "  I  am 
come,*'  he  said  to  the  emperor,  "  as  the  deputy  of 
our  common  Master,  to  address  this  word  to  your 
heart, '  If  ye  forgive  men  their  trespasses,  then 
will  your  heavenly  Father  also  forgive  you  your 


trespasses.'"  He  returned  with  m  mmsMgtti 
pardon.  Eparchius,  a  monk  who  lired  in  Aagom- 
Idme  in  the  6th  century,  exercised  so  great  an 
influence  over  the  neighbouring  magiistrates  th^ 
the  populace  rose  and  oompeUed  m  judg«,  who 
was  about  to  yield  to  his  interoessioa,  to  execute 
a  robber  that  had  been  guilty  of  miuder  (Gx«g. 
Turon.  Hist.  Franc.  vL  8,  p.  379;  ed.  Migae, 
1849>  In  the  7th  century  (a-D.  633)  a  canon  «f 
the  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  repeated  in  the 
sixth  council  of  Aries  (a.i>.  813),  enjoins  on 
bishops  the  duty  of  protecting  the  poor,  rqurov- 
ing  over-severe  judges,  and,  if  neoessary,  report- 
ing to  the  king  (Cone.  Tolet.  iv.  can.  zxxii^ 
Cone  ArelaL  vi.  can.  xvii. ;  Hard.  CondL  torn.  iiL 
p.  587 ;  tom.  iv.  p.  1005> 

Closely  connected  with  the  privilege  of  intci^ 
cession,  were  the  fhrther  privileges  of  protection 
of  the  weak,  of  asylum,  of  oensorship  of  the 
public  morals;  all  of  which,  like  the  right  of 
intercession,  are  based  upon  the  character  beioag* 
ing  to  the  minister  of  religion,  not  upon  the 
decision  of  an  arbitrary  statute. 

(3)  Interference  m  bekalf  of  the  tceoft.— His 
practice,  begun  at  the  risk  of  the  bishop,  becuK 
sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  the  empire.  Widows 
and  orphans  were  counted  the  especial  charge  of 
the  bishop,  and  their  property  was  placed  under 
his  guardianship.  St.  Ambrose  telU  his  clergy 
that  they  will  do  well  if  through  their  means 
the  attacks  of  the  powerful,  which  the  widows 
and  orphans  cannot  resist,  are  beaten  back  by 
the  protection  of  the  church.  He  warns  thoa 
not  to  let  the  fiivour  of  the  rich  have  weight 
with  them,  and  reminds  them  how  often  he  had 
himself  resisted  assault  in  behalf  of  the  widow, 
and  indeed  of  any  one  who  required  his  hdp 
(Z>tf  Opcxis  MiMdst,  ii.  29.  Of,  torn.  iL  p.  105> 
Justinian  legalized  the  bishops  right  of  pn)teo- 
tion  in  the  case  of  prisoners,  of  children  stolca 
from  their  parents,  of  lunatics,  of  foundlings,  <^ 
minors,  of  oppressed  women  {Cod,  Justin,  lib.  L 
tit.  4,  legg.  22,  24,  27,  28,  30,  33;  torn.  n. 
pp.  35-39).  The  fifth  council  of  Orleans  (JUk 
549),  decreed  that  the  archdeacon  or  other 
church  officer  should  visit  the  prisons,  and  see 
that  the  prisoners  were  cared  for,  and  fiirtiier, 
that  the  bishop  should  provide  them  with  feed 
{Cone.  Aurel.  v.  can.  xx. ;  Hard.  Cone  torn.  iL 
p.  1447)i  Gregory  of  Tours  describes  a  good 
bishop  as  getting  justice  for  the  people,  helpii^ 
the  poor,  consoling  the  widow,  and  protecting  the 
minor,  as  parts  of  his  official  duties  (Greg. 
Turon.  iv#  35). 

(4)  Sanctttary. — Out  of  the  rights  of  inter- 
cession and  protection  there  necessarily  grew  on 
the  one  side  the  right  of  sanctuary,  on  the  other 
the  right  of  censure.  If  the  weak  and  the 
accused  could  look  to  the  bishop  for  help,  they 
naturally  fled  to  him  when  help  was  needed;  sad 
if  the  bishop  might  advocate  the  cause  of  the 
accused  and  of  the  suffering,  he  had  to  make  hot 
one  step  to  censuring  the  judge  and  the  oppresor. 
That  churches  or  temples  should  be  places  of 
asylum  is  founded  on  natural  piety,  not  oa 
positive  law :  and  until  law  is  all  powerful,  it  b 
necessary  that  there  should  be  such  refuges  from 
sudden  fury.  They  existed  under  the  Jewish 
and  the  various  pagan  religions,  as  well  as  under 
the  Christian  religion;  and  not  only  Christisa 
churches,  but  statues  of  the  emperor  and  the 
imperial  standard  originally  enjoyed  the  privi* 


niMUNrriKs  and  privileges  op  the  clergy 


825 


I«ge.  We  find  the  cofltom  of  sanctaary  acknow- 
ledged and  %cted  on  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil 
(Greg.  Nazianz.  Orat.  xz.  De  Laud,  Basil.  Op. 
tonu  ii.  p.  353;  Paris,  1630),  St.  Chrysoetom 
(Op.  torn.  viii.  p.  67,  ed.  Savil),  Synesius  (Ep. 
ItUL  Op.  p.  201 ;  Paris,  1630).  Arcadius  abro- 
gated it  at  Entropius'  instance,  A.D.  398  (Cod 
Thmd,  lib.  iz.  tit.  45,  le^.  3,  torn.  iii.  p.  361); 
bat  when  Entropius  had  himself  to  claim  sanc- 
tiiary  this  abrogation  was  itself  abolished  (So- 
crates HitU  Eocl.  yi.  5).  Shortly  afterwards 
Theodosins  II.  enacted  a  law  extending  the  pri- 
Tilege  of  sanctuary  from  the  interior  of  the 
church  to  its  environs  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  ix. 
tit.  45).  The  persons  who  were  allowed  to  take 
sanctuary  were  by  no  means  all  classes  of  crimi- 
nals, as  afterwards  was  the  <Aise  through  abuse 
of  the  original  right.  It  was  intended  for  the 
defeated  party  in  any  civil  affray,  for  slaves  that 
were  in  danger  of  cruel  treatment,  for  debtors, 
unless  they  were  debtors  to  the  state ;  in  gene- 
ral, for  the  innocent,  the  injured,  the  oppi'essed, 
and  any  whose  criminality  was  doubtful,  and 
for  whom  intercession  might  seem  likely  to  be 
of  avail.  Such  persons,  provided  they  came 
unarmed,  had  protection  for  thirty  days.  Slaves 
were  protected,  at  first  for  one  day  (fiod.  TKeod. 
lib.  iz.  tit.  45,  leg.  5),  afterwsrds  till  their 
masters  gave  a  promise  to  spare  them  corporal 
punishment  {Condi.  EpaonenM,  ▲.D.  517,  can. 
zzziz. ;  Hard.  Condi,  torn.  ii.  p.  1051) ;  for 
breaking  which  promise  the  masters  were  liable 
to  suspension  from  communion  {Condi.  Aure- 
lioHenae  v.  a.d.  549,  can.  xzii. ;  Hard.  Condi, 
torn.  ii.  p.  1447).  Ordinary  criminals,  as  rob- 
bers and  murderers,  were  not  admitted  till  later 
times,  when  the  privilege  of  asylum  became 
incompatible  with  the  due  execution  of  the  laws, 
and  was  abn^ted  with  the  applause  of  all 
lovers  of  justice  and  morality.  Charles  the 
Great,  ▲.D.  779,  forbid  any  subsistence  being 
supplied  to  murderers,  though  by  that  time  they 
had  made  good  their  right  not  to  be  directly 
delivered  up  to  justice. 

(5)  Cenaorahip. — ^The  censorship  vested  in  the 
clergy  was  partly  a  right  founded  on  the  fact 
that  the  church,  as  a  religious  body,  took 
cognisance  of  immorality  within  its  own  body, 
and  exacted  of  its  members  the  discipline  of 
penance ;  partly  it  was  a  privilege  recognized  by 
law,  arising  out  of  the  privilege  of  intercession, 
and  indeed  forming  a  branch  of  it.  The  council 
of  Aries,  ▲.&.  314,  instructed  bishops  to  have  a 
special  oversight  of  such  civil  magistrates  as 
were  Christians,  and  to  cut  them  off  from  the 
church  if  they  acted  contrary  to  her  laws 
(can.  vii.  Hard.  Condi,  tom.  i.  p.  264).  St. 
Basil  very  boldly  censured  so  purely  a  political 
act  as  that  of  separating  Cappadocia  into  two 
provinces,  A.D.  371,  because  it  threw  an  increased 
burden  of  taxes  on  the  poor  {Ep.  ccclxxxix.  ad 
Martinianum,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  369  ;  Paris,  1638). 
St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  declared  to  rulers  and 
governors  (jivvdfrrcu  xal  ipxoprts)  that  the  law 
of  Christ  subjected  them  to  his  tribunal  (Orat. 
zvii.  Op.  torn.  i.  p.  271 ;  Colon.  1690) ;  Svnesius 
excommunicated  Andronicus,  president  of  Lybia 
(£^.  Iviii.  Op.  p.  201);  Orestes'  hatred  of 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  was  not  only  personal,  but 
also  '*  because  the  authority  of  the  bishop  took 
away  so  much  from  the  ]k>wer  of  the  king's 
officers  "  (Socrates,  Biit.  EccL  vii.  13,  p.  293). 


The  penance  performed  by  Theodosius  I.  at  the 
command  of  St.  Ambrose  was  a  conspicuous  ex- 
hibition of  a  censorship  exerted  by  a  bishop  and 
submitted  to  by  an  emperor  (Sozom.  Hist.  Eccl. 
viL  25,  Op.  p.  315 ;  Theodoret,  Bist.  Eocl.  v.  17, 
Op.  p.  2}5 ;  Cantab.  1720).  These  episcopal  acts 
were  performed  on  the  principle  that  every  body 
spiritual  or  political  has  an  inherent  right  of 
exercising  discipline  on  its  own  members,  even  to 
the  point  of  excluding  the  refractory  from  its 
bosom.  But  the  imperial  laws  were  not  slow  in 
giving  further  rights  of  censorship  to  the  clergy. 
We  have  already  seen  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
bishop  to  visit  prisoners.  The  same  law(A.D. 
409)  that  imposed  upon  him  this  duty  gave  him 
also  the  right  of  admonishing  the  judges.  Jus- 
tinian requii*ed  him,  further,  to  report  what  he 
found  amiss  in  the  prison,  that  it  might  be 
corrected  (Cod.  Juatm.  lib.  i.  tit.  4,  legg.  22,  23  ; 
Corp.  Jur.  Civ.  tom.  ii.  p.  35).  The  same 
emperor  likewise  empowered  bishops  to  uphold 
go<xi  morals  by  putting  down  gaming  (Ibid 
leg.  25) ;  to  see  that  justice  was  impartially 
administered  (Ibid.  legg.  21,  31);  to  resist 
tyranny  on  the  part  of  the  chief  lay  authorities, 
and  to  look  after  the  administration  of  puolic 
property  (Ibid.  leg.  26). 

These  rights  passed  over  from  the  Byzantine 
empire  to  the  Western  nations,  and  no  questions 
were  asked  as  to  whether  they  were  founded  in 
positive  law  or  in  prescription.  The  third  council 
of  Toledo,  A.D.  589,  declared  bishops  to  have,  by 
royal  command,  the  charge  of  seeing  how  the 
judges  treated  the  people  (Cone.  Tolet.  iii.  can. 
xviii. ;  Hard.  Cone.  tom.  iii.  482).  The  fourth 
council  we  have  already  seen  requires  bishops  to 
admonish  judges,  and  to  report  to  the  king  such 
judges  as  disregarded  their  admonition  (can. 
xxxii.).  The  same  charge  was  repeated  by  the 
sixth  council  of  Aries,  A.D.  813  (can.  xvii.).  It 
was  in  France  that  the  mystical  signification  of 
the  "  two  swords  "  was  discovered  (by  Geofirey, 
abbot  of  Venddme,  A.D.  1095X  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  principle  involvcKi  in  that  inter- 
pretation, ecclesiastical  authority  was  freely 
exerted  over  sovereigns.  Louis  le  Debonnaire, 
Lothaire,  and  Charles  the  Bald,  three  Carlo- 
vingian  princes,  were  deposed  by  councils  of  the 
Galilean  church,  while  king  Robert,  Philip  I., 
and  Philip  Augustus,  like  Henry  IV.,  Henry  V., 
and  Frederick  II.  of  Germany,  suffered  Papal  ex- 
communication. But  it  was  in  France  too  that 
the  secular  authority  once  more  revindicated  its 
right  in  the  memorable  struggle  between  Phi- 
lippe le  Bel  and  Boniface  VIII.  at  the  end  of  the 
13th  century.  A  quarter  of  a  century  later  we 
find  a  conference  held  before  Philippe  de  Valois 
(A.D.  1329),  in  which  the  whole  question  of  lay 
and  spiritual  jurisdiction  was  argued  by  Pierre 
de  Cugnitees  on  behalf  of  the  crown,  and  by  the 
archbishop  of  Sens  and  the  bishop  of  Autun  in 
behalf  of  the  church,  in  which  the  king's  advo- 
cate alleged  sixty-six  excesses  of  jurisdiction  on 
the  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts.  Soon  after, 
the  Appel  comms  d'abua  or  Appellatio  ianqtuan  at 
abuau  was  instituted,  which  admitted  appeal 
from  an  ecclesiastical  court  to  the  h.gnest  civil 
authority  whenever  it  could  be  pleaded  that  tiie 
ecclesiastical  judge  had  exceeded  his  powers  or 
encroached  upon  temporal  jurisdiction.  At  the 
council  of  Trent  this  right  was  assailed,  but 
through  the   influence    of  the  ambassadors  of 


326 


IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY 


Charles  IX.  it  was  maintained,  and  it  continaes 
stiU  in  rigour. 

II.  PfiCUNiARr.  1.  Immunities  allowed.  (1) 
Census  Capitum  or  PoU  Tax. — ^The  dergj,  their 
wives,  children,  and  servants  were  exempted  hj 
Constantins  from  paying  the  poll-tax,  which  was 
levied  on  all  citizens  between  the  ages  of  14 
and  65,  except  such  as  were  granted  immonitj 
{Cod,  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  legg.  10,  14).  This 
was  a  favour  shared  by  the  clergy  with  the 
members  of  other  liberal  professions.  Valen- 
tinian  exempts  the  higher  class  of  painters 
(^Picturae  prcfessores,  si  modo  ingentti  sunt)  from 
the  incidence  of  the  tax  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xiiL 
tit.  4,  leg.  4).  This  immunity  is  alluded  to  and 
pleaded  by  Gregory  Kazianien  {Ep.  clix.  ad  Am- 
philochium,  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  873)  and  by  St.  Basil 
{Ep.  cclxxix.  adModestum,  Op.  tom.  iii.  p.  272). 

(2)  Equorum  canonicorum  adaeratio  or  Soldiers* 
horses  tax ;  Aurum  tironicum  or  Becruit  tax. — 
The  clergy  had  to  pay  their  property  tax  (pen^ 
sus  agrorum)  and  all  burdens  on  land  like  other 
owners  and  occupiers,  but  they  appear  to  have 
been  exempted  from  any  local  taxation  that 
might  be  imposed  for  the  supply  of  horses  for 
the  army,  or  as  a  substitute  for  recruits.  High- 
priests  of  the  old  pagan  religions  seem  to  have 
shared  this  immunity  (Cod.  Theod.  lib.  vii.  tit. 
13,  leg.  22 ;  cum  Gothoii-edi  comment.). 

(3)  Trading-tax  called  Ckrysargyrvm  from 
being  paid  in  gold  and  silver,  and  Lustralts  col- 
latio  because  collected  at  the  end  of  each  lustrum. 
The  inferior  clergy  were  permitted  to  trade 
without  paying  this  tax,  provided  their  opera- 
tions were  confined  within  moderate  bounds  (Cbdl 
Theod.  lib.  xiii.  tit.  1,  legg.  1,  11 ;  lib.  xvL  tit.  2, 
legg.  8y  10,  16,  36).  •  This  immunity  was  abused, 
and  clerics  were  forbidden  to  trade  by  Valen- 
tinian  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xiii.  tit.  1,  leg.  16;  Va- 
lentin. Novell.  12  ad  calc.  Cod.  Theod.}.  The  tax 
was  abolished  by  Anastasias  (Evagrius,  Etst.  Eccl. 
iu.  39  ;  Op.  p.  371 ;  Cantab.  1720). 

(4)  Metatum  or  Entertainment-money. — The 
clergy  were  not  compelled  to  receive  the  emperor, 
the  judges,  or  soldiers  on  their  circuits  or  travels. 
This  immunity  their  houses  shared  with  those 
of  senators,  Jewish  synagogues,  and  places  of 
worship  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8). 

(5)  Superindicta  or  Extraordinary  taxes. — ^The 
clergy  were  exempted  from  these  by  Constantius 
{Cod.  Theod  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  8),  by  Honorius 
and  Theodosius  Junior  (t6fti.  leg.  40),  and  by 
Justinian  {Justin.  Novell,  cxxxi.  c.  5). 

(6)  Ad  instructiones  reparationesque  itinerum 
et  pontium  or  Highvcay  rate. — By  a  law  of  Ho- 
norius and  Theodosius  Junior,  a.d.  412,  church 
lands  were  exempted  from  paying  the  road-tax ; 
but  this  exemption  was  withdrawn  A.D.  423  by 
Theodosius  Junior  and  by  Valentinian  III.,  and 
it  was  not  regranted. 

(7)  Cursus  publicus,  angariae^  parangariae, 
translatio,  evectio,  or  Conveyance-durden. — Con- 
stantius exempted  the  clergy  from  the  burden 
of  having  to  convey  corn  and  other  things  for 
the  soldiera  and  imperial  officen  {Cod.  Theod. 
lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  10),  but  in  the  last  year  of 
his  reign,  A.D.  360,  he  revoked  the  concession. 
The  immunity  was  restored  a.d.  382,  and  con- 
firmed by  Honorius  A.D.  412  {Cod.  Theod.  lib. 
li.  tit.  16,  leg.  15 ;  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  40),  but 
agam  revoked  by  Theodosius  Junior  and  Valen- 
^mian,  a.d.  440. 


(8)  Descr^pHo  hurattatrum,  denarimnua,  wari'if, 
or  Municipal  tax. — ^If  the  property  of  a  neuhcr 
of  a  town-coundl  {curia')  passed  by  wfil  t»  aay 
one  that  was  not  a  member  of  the  curia^  ike  nev 
owner  had  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  curia  amountiag 
to  the  sum  previously  paid  by  the  curiaiis.  But 
if  the  property  pasaed  to  the  church,  it  was 
enacted  by  Justinian  that  the  tax  could  not  be 
demanded  {God.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  2,  leg.  22 ; 
Novell,  cxxxi.  c  5). 

2.  Pecuniary  Privileges.  (1)  Legacies. — ^By  a 
law  of  Constantine  {Cod.  ITteod.  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2, 
leg.  4)  it  was  enacted  that  goods  might  be  be- 
queathed to  the  church,  no  distinction  being  made 
between  real  and  personal  property.  This  Uw  was 
confirmed  by  Justinian  {Cod.  Justiii.  lib.  i  tit.2, 
leg.  13).  Moneys  or  estates  left  to  the  choxdi 
were  administered  by  the  bishop  for  the  general 
welfare. 

(2)  Inheritance.~-CoiisisLDiin»  settled  the  jpo- 
perty  of  confessors  and  martyn  dying  intestate 
and  without  near  relatives,  on  the  church  (£a- 
seb.  Vit.  Constant,  ii.  36;  Op.  p.  461;  Paris, 
1659).  Theodosius  Junior  and  Valentinian  ex- 
tended the  provision,  so  as  to  embrace  the  case 
not  only  of  martyrs  and  confessors,  but  of  all 
clergymen,  monks,  and  nuns  {Cod.  TJteod.  lib.  r. 
tit.  3,  leg.  1 ;  God.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  leg.  20> 

(3)  Forfeiture. — Justinian  enacted  that  Uie 
property  of  clergymen  or  monks  leaving  the 
clerical  or  monastic  life  should  be  forfeited  to 
the  church  or  monastery  with  which  they  had 
been  connected  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  3,  leg.  53) 

(4)  Confiscation. — ^By  laws  of  Honorius  aad 
Gratian  some  of  the  property  which  had  belonged 
to  the  heathen  temples  {Cod.  Theod.  lib.  xvi  tit. 
10,  leg.  20)  and  that  which  was  owned  by  heretics 
{Aid.  tit.  5,  leg.  52)  was  confiscated  to  the  use 
of  the  church. 

(5)  Imperial  largess. — Occasionally  large  sunn 
were  bestowed  by  the  emperors  for  the  support 
of  the  clergy.  Thus  ConstanUne  desired  his 
African  Receiver,  (Jrsus,  to  pay  orer  a  vast  snm 
{rpioxi^iovs  ^AXetf)  to  Caecilian,  Inshop  ef 
Carthage,  for  him  to  divide  among  the  clergy  of 
Africa  Mauritania  and  Kumidxa,  and  enabled  him 
to  draw  for  more  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eodes.  x.  6, 
p.  722,  ed.  Burton).  On  the  occasion  of  aa 
oecumenical  council  being  summoned,  the  em- 
peror bore  the  travelling  expenses  of  the  bishops. 

(6)  State  allowance. — Constantine  passed  a  bw 
requiring  the  prefects  of  each  province  to  make 
an  annual  grant  of  com  to  the  clergy  out  of  the 
revenues  of  the  province  (Theodoret,  Mist.  EceL 
i.  11;  Sozomen,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  5).  This  allowanee 
was  discontinued  when  Julian  occupied  the  thrcHic, 
but  it  was  restored  on  a  limited  s<^e  ailer 
Julian's  death.  It  is  recognized  by  a  law  of 
Justinian  {Cod.  Justin,  lib.  i.  tit.  2,  leg.  12)l 

Tithes  are  not  to  be  added  to  this  list,  as  they 
did  not  originate  in  a  state  grant,  bat  in  the 
voluntary  Uberality  of  individuals,  grounded 
partly  on  a  belief  that  tithes  were  due  by  diviae 
right  (see  St.  Hieron.  Com.  in  MaL  iii.  Op.  torn, 
iu.  p.  1829,  ed.  Ben.  Paris,  1704 ;  St.  Aug.  Enarr. 
m  Psal.  cxlvi.  8;  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  1911,  ed. 
Migne),  partly  on  the  evident  need  of  scnne  mks 
provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ministeis 
of  religion  in  modest  independence.  They  beeams 
general  in  the  4th  century,  not  as  a  legal  impost 
but  as  a  voluntary  gifl  (see  St.  Chrysos.  Horn,  iv* 
in  Ephcs^  s.   f.;    Op.  tom.  iii.  p.784>    Thsj 


IMMUNITIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  CLERGY 


627 


irero  DMde  compnlaory  by  Charles  the  Great, 
A.D.  778  (see  Selden,  Hidory  of  TUhet.  Works, 
Tol.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  1146). 

III.  Official  and  Social.  1.  ImmimUies, — 
Pablic  offices  not  bringing  with  them  their  own 
salary  and  emoluments  were  looked  upon,  though 
honourable  in  themselyes,  as  burdens,  like  the 
office  of  high-sheriff  of  a  county  among  our- 
selves. Constantino,  on  embracing  Christianity, 
exempted  the  clergy  from  the  burden  of  bearing 
any  offices  whatsoever  (Euseb.  Hist.  EccL  z.  7, 
Tof.  ii.  p.  724 ;  Cod,  TheodL  lib.  zvi.  tit.  2,  legg. 
1,  2,  7).  This  concession  applied  to  all  offices, 
whether  personal  (^penonaiia  munerd)  or  praedial, 
iltf.  attached  to  property,  whether  honourable 
(honoreB  or  cwrialia  munerd)  or  mean  {aonUdla 
munerd).  No  change  was  made  by  subsequent 
laws  in  respect  to  personal  burdens  or  mean 
offices,  but  the  experience  of  Constantino  taught 
him  to  restrain  his  first  liberality  as  to  the 
burdens  belonging  to  property.  For  it  was  found 
that  immunity  from  bearing  office  was  counted 
so  great  a  boon  that  men  of  wealth,  who  had 
no  purpose  of  undertaking  the  ministry  of  the 
Church,  solicited  and  obtained  minor  ecclesias- 
tical posts  solely  with  the  fraudulent  purpose 
of  exempting  their  estates  from  the  senrices  to 
which  they  were  liable.  Constantino  therefore 
enacted  that  no  one  qualified  by  his  estate  to 
bear  public  offices  should  be  allowed  *'to  fly 
to  the  clerical  name  and  ministry,  and  that  any 
who  had  done  so  with  a  view  to  declining  the 
public  burdens  should  nevertheless  be  compelled 
to  bear  them  *'  (Cod,  Theod.  Ub.  xvi.  tit.  2,  leg.  3). 
Succeeding  emperors  modified  these  laws  of  Con- 
stantino in  a  manner  sometimes  more  sometimes 
less  fiiYourable  to  the  clergy,  the  general  tend- 
ency of  the  legislation  being  to  exempt  the 
estates  of  the  church  from  civil  burdens,  but  to 
preserve  the  liability  of  the  private  property  of 
the  clergy— a  liability  which  they  had  to  fulfil 
either  by  finding  substitutes  to  perform  the  neces- 
sary duties,  or  by  parting  with  a  portion  at  least 
of  their  lands  {Cod,  Theod,  lib.  xii.  tit.  1,  legg. 
49,  69,  99,  121,  123, 163;  lib.  xvL  tit.  2,  legg. 
19,  21). 

Official  and  Social  PrivUeges,  (1)  Ft-ee  election. 
— ^In  the  midst  of  the  despotism  of  the  empire  the 
clergy  and  laity  maintained  their  old  right  of 
electing,  and  the  clergy  their  right  of  being 
elected,  to  the  office  and  dignity  of  bishop.  ''Those 
absolute  monarchs  respected  the  freedom  of  eccle- 
siastical elections ;  and  while  they  distributed  and 
resumed  the  honours  of  the  state  and  army  they 
allowed  eighteen  hundred  perpetual  magistrates 
to  receive  their  important  offices  from  the  fi*ee 
snfiTrages  of  the  people"  (Gibbon,  Decline  and 
Fall,  c.  XX.).     By  degrees  this  right  has  been 
taken  away  in  almost  all  parts  of  the  church, 
partly  on  the  plea  that  the  civil  magistrate  repre- 
sents the  laity,  partly  on   the  allegation  that 
endowments  and  civil  privileges  had  been  granted 
by  the  state,  sometimes  because  it  was  consi- 
dered that  the  security  of  the  state  required 
such  a  precaution,  sometimes  from  apprehension 
of  the  evil  consequences  expected  to  arise  out  of 
the  excitement  of  free  elections,  sometimes  owing 
to  corrupt  agreements,  termed  concordats,  made 
between  the  bishop  of  Rome  assuming  to  represent 
ecclesiastical  interests  and  the  king  or  emperor 
of  a  particular  coantry,  representing  the  civil 
pover. 


(2)  Authority  of  the  higher  over  the  lower 
clergy, — ^The  position  of  the  bishops  of  the  larger 
sees  was  made  one  of  great  dignity  and  im- 
portance by  the  subjection  o£  the  clergy  and 
ecclesiastics  of  all  classes  to  their  uncontrolled 
authority ;  and  this  was  not  restrained  by  any 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  state.  The  bishop 
of  Constantinople  presided  as  lord  over  60  pres- 
byters, 100  deacons,  40  deaconesses,  90  sub-dea- 
oons,  110  readers,  25  chanters,  100  doorkeepers 
(Justin,  Nocell,  ciii.),  and  a  guild  of  1100  copiatae 
or  gravediggers.  The  clergy,  under  the  imme- 
diate control  of  the  bishop  of  Carthage,  were 
upwards  of  500.  The  parahoiani  alone,  at  Alex- 
andria, amounted  to  600.  All  these  were  allowed 
by  the  law  as  well  as  by  custom  to  form  in 
each  central  city  a  society  which  recognized  the 
bishop  as  its  head  with  a  devotion  which  was 
not  equalled  by  the  retainers  of  any  dvil  officer. 
Beyond  this  immediate  circle  of  adherents  a  less 
defined  authority  was  vested  in  the  metropolitan, 
extending  over  all  his  suffragan  bishops. 

(3)  Rights  of  meeting  and  speech. — Twice  every 
year  each  metropolitan  was  commanded  by  the 
canons,  and  permitted  by  the  laws,  to  call  to- 
gether the  synod  of  his  province:  occasionally 
the  emperor  assembled  the  synod  of  the  empire. 
At  these  meetings,  as  well  as  in  the  pulpit,  free 
speech  was  allowed  by  the  laws,  the  doctrine 
and  disdpline  of  the  church  were  regulated, 
ecclesiastical  sympathies  were  strengthened,  and 
the  power  of  the  clergy,  by  being  concentrated, 
was  increased. 

(4)  Tokens  of  respect, — It  was  the  custom  for 
the  laity,  not  excluding  the  emperor,  to  bow  the 
head  to  the  bishop  and  to  kiss  his  hand  (see  in- 
stances given  in  Yalesius'  note  on  Theodoret, 
Hist,  Ecd,  iv.  6,  p.  153,  Cantab.  1720 ;  and  Sa- 
varo*s  note  on  Sidonias  Apollinaris,  viii.  1 1,  p. 
532,  Paris,  1609).  It  was  usual  to  address  the 
bishop  by  the  title  of  God-beloved  or  Most- holy 
(Bto^tkitrfofTos,  a'yiAraros\  and  by  still  stronger 
terms  of  honour,  as  "  Holy  Lord  and  Most  Blessed 
Pope" — words  commonly  used  by  St.  Jerome 
in  writing  to  St.  Augustine.  '*  Per  coronam " 
was  a  common  form  of  beseeching  a  bishop 
(see  St.  Aug.  Ep.  xxxiii.  al.  157,  tom.  ii.  p. 
131,  ed.  Migne;  Sidon.  Apollinar.  cum  comment. 
Savan.  vii.  8,  p.  440).  Its  meaning  is  doubtful, 
but  it  is  probably  equivalent  to  the  phrase 
**  your  honour "  (see  Bingham,  AntiquitieSy  ii. 
9, 4).  Occasionally  Hosannahs  were  sung  before 
bishops  and  others  eminent  for  sanctity,  but  this 
practice  is  condemned  by  St.  Jerome  as  savouring 
of  profanity  and  presumption  (St.  Hieron.  in 
Matt,  xxi.  15 ;  Op.  tom.  iv.  p.  98).  The  bishop's 
seat  in  his  cathechal  was  called  his  throne. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  position  of  the 
chief  bishops  was  one  of  great  dignity,  authority, 
weJalth,  and  power.  Gibbon  calculates  that  the 
average  income  of  a  bishop  amounted  to  600/. 
a-year  (chap.  xx.).  This  does  not  give  an  accurate 
idea  of  the  status  lield  by  them,  as  the  value  of 
money  is  constantly  changing,  and  averages  are 
always  deceptive.  We  may  regard  the  bishops 
of  the  chief  cities  of  the  empire  as  maintaining 
a  state  superior  to  that  of  the  imperial  officers 
and  lay  nobles,  while  the  bishops  of  lesser  sees 
were  comparatively  poor  and  obscure  men, 
though  enjoying  a  spiritual  equality  with  their 
more  prominent  brethren.  The  simple  presby- 
ter's position  was  a  humble  one,  at  a  time  when 


S2B 


IMPLUVIUM 


IMPOSITION  OF  HANDS 


Mnhops  were  comparatively  more  namerous  than 
iiow  and  parochial  endowments  did  not  exist: 
the  deacon  was  regarded  as  little  else  than  on«! 
of  the  bishop's  attendants. 

We  may  note  in  conclusion  how  little  remains 
of  all  the  privileges  and  the  immunities  granted 
to  the  clergy  by  the  fervour  of  the  first  faith  of 
a  converted  world.  Their  judicial  privileges  and 
immunities  exist  no  longer,  except  so  far  as  the 
coercive  power  of  the  bishop's  court  be  regarded 
as  a  shadow  of  them,  though  once  they  were  con- 
sidered important  enough  to  lead  an  archbishop 
Becket  to  enter  upon  a  life-and-death  struggle 
with  a  Henry  II.  for  their  maintenance.  Their 
pecuniary  privileges  and  immunities  exist  no 
longer,  for  the  grant  made  in  some  countries  to 
the  clergy  flrom  the  national  exchequer  is  rather 
a  substitute  for  estates  confiscated  than  a  free 
gift  of  love.  Their  official  privileges  and  immu- 
nities exist  no  longer,  unless  the  permission  con- 
ceded to  bishops  to  take  part  in  national  legis- 
lation, and  the  exemption  of  the  clergy  from 
having  to  serve  in  the  army  or  on  juries,  be  re- 
garded as  the  equivalents  of  the  honours  and 
immunities  bestowed  by  the  Caesara  with  so  un- 
grudging a  hand.  The  apparent  tendency  of 
modern  legislation,  still  affected  by  a  reaction 
from  mediaeval  assumptions,  is  to  approve  not 
only  of  the  civil  power  resuming  the  privileges 
that  it  had  bestowed,  but  of  its  transferring  to 
itself  those  powers  of  self-government  in  respect 
to  doctrine  and  discipline,  which  were  not  granted 
to  the  church  as  a  favour,  but  were  confirmed 
to  her  by  Constantine  and  his  successors  as  hers 
by  prescription  and  inherent  right. 

Uodex  TheodosianuSy  cum  comment.  Gothofredi, 
Lugd.  1665.  Codex  Jtt8iinianu3,  apnd  Corpus  Juris 
Civilis  ;  ed.  Beck.  Lipsiae,  1829.  Thomassinns, 
Vetus  et  Nofxi  Ecdesiae  Disciplina;  Lugd.  1706. 
Bingham,  Antiquities  of  the  Christian  Churchy 
books  ii.  V.  viii. ;  Lond.  1726.  Oibbon,  Dedine  and 
Fall  of  the  SomanEmpirey  chap.  xx. ;  Neander,  ffiS' 
tory  of  the  Church,  Second  Period,  Second  Section; 
Third  Period,  Second  Section.  Gieseler,  Text-Book 
of  Ecclesiastical  History.^  Second  Period;  First 
and  Second  Sections.  [F.  M.] 

IMPLUVIUM  seems  to  be  sometimes  used  to 
designate  the  atrium,  or  court  outside  the  door 
of  a  church,  in  which  there  was  generally  a 
basin  or  some  vessel  for  performing  ablutions 
[Fountain;  Holt  Water]  (Bingham's  Antiq, 
VIIL  iii.  5).  [C] 

IMPOSITION  OF  HANDS  {Manus  impo- 

sitiOy  x^^P^^  MOtais,  x^^P^^^^^^h  X^'P^^^^''^^)* 
[Xct/>oTovfa  originally  signified  election,  per  suf- 
fragia  manuum  extensions  data.  An  election  by 
the  people  always  in  the  early  church  preceded 
consecration,  so  that  it  is  not  surprising  that 
X*iooToyta  soon  came  to  signify  the  whole 
process  of  making  a  bishop,  of  which  it  pro- 
perly denoted  only  the  first  stage  (Suicer, 
ITiejauruSj  s.  v.)]. 

The  origin  of  this  rite  is  to  be  looked  for  in  pa- 
triarchal times,  when  it  seems  to  have  been  a 
form  simply  of  solemn  benediction.  Thus  Jacob, 
when  blessing  Ephraim  and  Hanasseh  on  his  death- 
bed, laid  his  hands  upon  them  (Gen.  xlviii.  14). 
The  high  priest  employed  practically  the  same 
gesture  as  a  part  of  the  public  ritual  (Lev.  ix. 
22,  23).  So  the  Lord  Himself  blessed  children 
(Mark  x.  16> 


It  became  also  a  form  of  setting  spsrt  er 
designation  to  important  offices,  as  well  aecaltr 
as  religious,  e.  g,y  in  the  case  of  Joafaoa  (Num. 
xxviL  18-23;  Deut.  xxxiv.  9).  And  ib  oob- 
nection  with  the  consecration  of  priestA  (Lev. 
viii.  22).  Jewish  E^bbin  were  set  apart  by 
imposition  of  hands  until  comparativelj  moden 
times.  We  pass  over  the  use  of  this  oerenHny 
in  the  Levitical  sacrifices,  and  also  in  o«t]is,ai 
having  no  Christian  equivalent.  Though  this 
latter  somewhat  resembles  the  custom  of  swear- 
ing with  the  hand  laid  upon  relics,  and  opoa 
the  volume  of  the  gospels  even  to  m<Mieni  tin^s. 

In  the  New  Testament,  we  find  the  laying  on 
of  hands  used  by  our  Lord  both  in  blessing  and 
in  healing ;  and  again  He  promises  to  His  diid- 
ples  that  they  too  should  lay  hands  on  the  sick 
and  they  should  recover.  The  apostles  laid  their 
hands  as  the  outward  sign  of  the  bestowal  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  both  on  ordinary  Christians 
after  baptism  (Acts  viii.  17 ;  xix.  6),  and  on 
those  set  apart  for  a  special  office  (Acts  xiii.  3 ; 
and  probably  1  Tim.  iv.  14 ;  and  2  Tim.  L  6); 
at  the  time  when  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
was  written,  the  doctrine  of  the  ^  laying  on  of 
hands"  was  one  of  the  elements  of  Christiatt 
teaching  (Heb.  vi.  1).  [DicnONART  of  thb 
Bible,  voL  iii.  p.  xcv.] 

The  imposition  of  hands  is  used  in  the  fol- 
lowing ceremonies : — 

1.  In  Ordinations  to  the  higher  Orders,  The 
4th  council  of  Carthage  had  canons  directing 
imposition  of  hands  in  the  ordination  of  a  bishop, 
priest,  or  deacon  (cann.  2,  3,  4).  But  another 
form  was  provided  for  the  subdeacon,  "qoia 
mantis  impositionem  non  accipit."  Similariy 
for  the  other  minor  orders  (cc  5-10).  Sec 
also  Canstit.  Apost,  lib.  viii.  c.  16.  These  were 
hX9tpor6v7fros  ihrcpctrfo,  an  inferior  ministrr, 
and  the  holders  insacrati  ministrL  They  wcs« 
not  allowed  to  enter  the  (Xaconicon,  nor  handle 
the  vasa  Dominica  or  sacred  vessels  (Ctm&  Aga» 
then,  c  66 ;  Basil.  Ep.  Canon,  c.  51 ;  Binghua, 
iii.  1).  **  Manus  impositio  dooet,  eoa  qui  saeni 
ordinibus  mancipantur,  sacras  omnes  actkoes, 
quasi  sub  Deo  efficere,  utpote  quem  habeaat 
operationum  suarum  in  onmibus  duoem  ac  ico- 
torem  "  (Pseudo-Dionysius,  De  Eccles.  Hierarek, 
c  5,  par.  8).  *'  Hie  manuum  impodtione  signi* 
ficatur  illapsus  Spiritus  Sancti,  quem  oidiffiuv 
precatur  dari  ordinando:  ejusque  regimen,  di- 
rectio  et  protectio,  ut  scilicet  Spiritus  Sanctus 
ordinandum  quasi  manu  sui  regat  et  dirigat" 
(Amalarins  de  Ecdes.  Offic.  lib.  i.  c  12). 

Deaconesses  also  received  the  impositio  ma- 
nuum; and  their  ordination  is  expressly  called 

both  x^^P**^^^^  AQ^    x^^^^^^  ^^  ^^   I^^ 
canon  of  Chalcedon.  [Ordination.]     [S.  J.  £.] 

2.  In  the  restitution  of  holy  orders,  as  in  the 
original  conferring,  the  imposition  of  the  hands 
of  the  archbishop  formed  an  essential  portion  of 
the  rite  (Martene,  Bit.  Ant.  111.  iL). 

3.  In  baptism  the  laying-on  of  hands,  with  unc- 
tion, followed  in  the  most  ancient  times  immedi- 
ately upon  the  washing  of  water  [BAFruH,  §  13, 
p.  157] ;  nor  was  the  custom  obsolete  in  the  West 
in  the  13th  century  (Martene,  i2.  A.  I.  iL  1  §  3^ 
while  in  the  East  it  is  practised  still.  This  is  how- 
ever to  be  understood,  in  the  West  at  least,  to 
refer  to  baptisms  at  which  the  bishop  himself  was 
present,  as  was  generally  the  case  when  baptifla 
took  place— except  in  cases  of  extremity — only  U 


mPDTENT  MAN,  CUBE  OP 

tertain  solemii  seasons.  When  oaptism  was  flre- 
quently  celebrated  in  the  absence  of  a  bUhop, 
while  the  laying-on  of  hands  and  chrismation 
on  the  forehead  was  a  priyilege  of  the  epis- 
copal order  (^R,  A.  I.  ii.  3,  §  2),  the  custom 
arose  of  the  baptized  being  presented  to  the 
bishop  at  some  conrenient  season  separate  from 
that  of  baptism.  [Confirmation.]  The  Ara- 
bic canons,  called  Nioene  (c.  55),  desire  the 
chorepiscopns  in  his  circuits  to  cause  the  boys 
and  girls  to  be  brought  to  him,  that  he  may  sign 
them  with  the  cross,  pray  over  them,  lay  his 
hands  upon  them,  and  bless  them.  Bede  tells 
us  that  Cuthbert  used  to  journey  through  his 
diocese,  laying  his  hands  upon  those  who  had 
been  baptized,  that  they  might  receive  the  Holy 
Ghost  (  Vita  Cuthberti,  ct  29,  in  Migne's  FairoL 
zciv.  769  d)  Ancient  authorities,  however,  give 
At  l«ut  as  great  prominence  to  the  chrismation 
on  the  forehead  which  was  reserved  for  the 
bishop,  as  to  the  laying-on  of  hands.  See  on 
the  whole  subject  Martene,  De  JRU.  Ant.  lib.  i. 
c  iL ;  Binterim,  DenkwUrdigkeitenf  vol.  1,  pt.  1, 
p.  206  ff. 

4.  In  the  reception  of  a  heretic  into  the  church, 
whose  baptism  was  recognised  as  valid,  imposition 
of  hands  was  the  form  of  conferring  those  gifts 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  which  he  could  not  have  re- 
ceived in  a  heretical  community  [Confibmation, 
p.  425 ;  Hereby,  p.  768]. 

5.  In  benedictions  the  laying-on  of  hands  is 
constantly  used;  as,  in  the  benediction  of  an 
«bbat  (A.  A.  II.  i.  3) ;  of  a  virgin  dedicated  to  a 
religious  life  (»&.  II.  iv.  16) ;  of  a  king  (ib,  II.  x.), 
as  when  St.  Columba,  who  was  an  abbat  and  not 
a  bishop,  laid  his  hands  on  the  head  of  Aldan 
and  consecrated  him  as  king  (Cumineus  Albus, 
Vita   8,   Coiumbae  c   5,  in  Acta   S3,  BenetL 

aaec  1). 

6.  In  the  visitation  of  the  sick  the  priest  and 
the  faithful  who  are  with  him  are  directed  to  lay 
hands  on  the  sick  (Martene,  B,  A.  I.  vii.  4,  Ordd. 
4,  5,  14,  etc),  with  the  prayer  that  the  Lord 
would  vouchsafe  to  visit  and  relieve  His  servant. 

7.  In  absolution  the  laying-on  of  hands  accom- 
panied the  prayer  for  the  remission  of  the  sins 
of  the  penitent  (Martene,  B,  A,  I.  vi.  3,  Ordd. 
3,  9,  etc.).  [C] 

IMPOTENT  MAN,  CUBE  OF.  GuA^ 
baalt  mentions  (s.  o.  **  Boiteui,"  p.  164)  a  fine 
bas-relief  of  the  cure  of  the  lame  man  at  the 
gate  of  the  Temple,  with  apparent  reference  to 
Acta  iii.  2,  as  published  in  Monumenta  crypta' 
rum  Vatican*,  Angelas  de  Gabrielis,  fol.  pi.  Izzix. 
no.  3.  Notice  of  the  universally-treated  subject 
of  the  healing  of  the  paralytic  man  will  be  found 
under  the  heading  PARALYTia       [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

IMPBISONMENT  OF  THE  CLERGY. 
Seclusion  of  criminous  clerks,  generally  in  a 
monastery,  appears  to  have  been  resorted  to  as 
a  disciplinary  measure  as  early  as  the  6th 
century.  Justinian  {Norellae,  cxxiii.  c  20) 
orders  **  that  if  any  presbyter  or  deacon  were 
convicted  of  giving  &lse  evidence  in  a  civil 
caoae,  he  should  be  suspended  from  his  function 
and  confined  to  a  monastery  for  three  years." 
Laymen  were  scourged  for  this  crime.  So  the 
2iid  council  at  Seville  (can.  3),  in  the  case  of 
▼agrant  clergy:  **Desertorem  tamen  clericum, 
cingulo  honoris  atque  ordinationis  suae  exutum, 
«i4iquo   tempore   mona.sterip  relogari   convenit: 


IMPROPRIATION 


829 


sicque  postea  in  ministerio  ecclesiastid  ordinis 
revocari."  A  similar  canon  directing  deposition 
and  relegation  to  a  monastery  to  be  inflicted 
upon  clerks  guilty  of  certain  crimes,  passed  at  the 
council  of  Agde  (c  1).  A  distinction  was  drawn 
by  the  first  council  of  Hicon  between  the 
inferior  clergy  (junior)  and  the  higher  orders 
(honoratior).  The  former  were  to  receive  forty 
stripes,  save  one,  whilst  the  latter  were  im- 
prisoned thirty  days  for  the  same  ofience  {Cone. 
Matiscon,  L  can.  8).  Pope  Gregory  the  Great 
seems  to  have  laid  down  {Epp,  vii.  50)  an  Intel* 
ligible  principle:  that  such  crimes  as  were  by 
the  Mosaic  law  punished  with  death,  when  com- 
mitted by  clerics,  incurred  the  penalty  of  deposi- 
tion without  hope  of  restoration  (desperationem 
sacrarum  dignitatum).  To  these  he  added  some 
others,  fornication,  adultery,  perjury,  and  such 
like :  all  these  incurred  irregularity.  Other 
offences  were  expiated  by  poenitentia  in  a  mo- 
nastery for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  (Thomassin, 
Vet.  et  Nova  Eocl  Disc.  tom.  ii.  lib.  i.  c.  59). 
Individuals  would  sometimes  segregate  them- 
selves of  their  own  accord  to  expiate  some  fault. 
The  same  Gregory  praises  (^Epp.  vii.  12)  Satur- 
ninus,  bishop  of  Jadera(=  Zara),  in  Dalmatia,  for 
so  doing  in  order  to  atone  for  communicating  with 
the  excommunicated  archbishop  of  Salona  {lb. 
c.  59).  Joannes  Defensor,  whom  Gregory  had 
sent  into  Spain  to  execute  a  sentence  of  six 
months'  relegation  to  a  monastery  upon  a  certain 
bishop  who  had  driven  an  unoffending  neighbour 
from  his  see,  pronounced  the  sentence  £&r  too 
lenient.  The  same  punishment  was  inflicted 
upon  certain  bishops  who  had  condemned  an  inno- 
cent person.  When  Gregoiy  imprisoned  clerics  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  making  an  annual  payment 
for  their  maintenance  to  the  monastery  that 
received  them  (Thomassin,  u.  s.  III.  lib.  ii.  c.  29), 
but  whether  derived  from  the  offender's  bene- 
fice, or  the  property  of  the  pope  himself,  does 
not  appear.  The  tendency  was  perhaps  to  bear 
more  lightly  on  crimes  of  the  kind  mentioned 
above;  but  incontinence  was  always  heavily 
punished.  Hincmar,  and  after  him  Flodoard, 
tell  the  story  of  Genebald,  bishop  of  Laudunum 
(Laon),  who  for  a  crime  of  this  kind  was  con- 
demned to  seven  years'  penitence,  and  even  put 
into  fetters  by  his  metropolitan,  Remigius, 
bishop  of  Rheims  (Hincmar,  Vita  S.  Be/nig.). 
And  for  capital  crimes  the  incarceration  was  for 
life,  and  included  a  sentence  of  perpetual  lay- 
communion  (^Conc.  Epaon.  can.  22). 

But  during  the  reign  of  Charlemagne  a  some- 
what milder  rule  prevailed.  Hincmar,  and  also 
Rabanus,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  were  inclined  to 
distinguish  between  secret  crimes,  and  those  which 
caused  open  scandal,  and  to  treat  the  former 
more  leniently  upon  confession  and  repentance. 
Probably  the  general  declension  of  morals  at  that 
period  forced  them  to  make  some  abatement  from 
the  rigid  rules  of  a  purer  age.  Accordingly, 
canonical  punishments  were  generally  lightened 
from  this  time  (Thomassin,  u.8.  tom.  ii.  lib.  i. 
c.  60 ;  Bingham,  bk.  xvii.  c  4). 

The  larger  churches  had  sometimes  prisons  in 
their  precincts  as  well  as  monasteries  [DecaniaI 

[S.  J.  E.  J 

IMPROPRIATION  is  the  assignment  ot 
ecclesiastical  tithes  to  a  layraan,  and  is  to  be 
distinguished  from  appropriation^  which  is  the 


830 


IN  PACE 


INCENSE 


assignment  of  them  to  a  corllege  or  other  cor- 
poration, some  of  whose  members  are  in  orders. 
The  practice  seems  to  have  sprang  up  oniy  about 
the  beginning  of  the  9th  century. 

Very  soon  after  the  payment  of  Tithes  (see 
the  article)  became  general,  the  alienation  of 
them  by  the  laity  began.  Thus  a  council  at 
Ingelheim  (a.d.  948)  in  its  8th  canon  protests 
against  this  new  form  of  robbery :  **  Ut  obla- 
tiones  fidelium,  quatenus  altari  deferantur,  nihil 
omnino  ad  laicalem  potestatem,  dicente  Scripturi, 
'Qui  altari  serviunt,  de  altario  participentur.'" 
(So  Thomassin,  Vet.  et  Nova  EccU  Discip.  IIL 
lib.  i.  c.  7,  n.  8),  who  interprets  this  canon  as 
referring  to  tithes.  Louis  IV.  of  France,  and 
the  emperor  Otho,  were  present  at  this  council. 
To  the  same  effect  a  council  of  Metz  in  its  2nd 
canon,  quoting  Mai.  iii.  8-10.  It  was  not  un- 
common for  the  lay  lords  to  seize  the  oppor- 
tunity of  the  vacancy  of  a  bishopric  or  a  parish, 
to  make  these  depredations  (Vtd.  Thomassin, 
torn.  iii.  lib.  ii.  c.  53,  for  instances  of  this). 
And  we  find  even  that  the  monks  of  St.  D^nis 
had  got  possession  of  some  tithes  (it  does  not 
appear  how)  and  wanted  to  sell  them.  This 
seems  to  be  a  distinct  case  of  appropriation, 
and  we  learn  the  facts  from  a  letter  to  them 
of  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  who  protests  against 
their  selling  what  they  ought  to  r^tore  to  the 
parish  priest. 

But  any  instances  we  find  in  these  tiroes  are 
exceptional,  and  apparently  the  result  of  violent 
and  illegal  seizure  by  laymen  of  ecclesiastical 
dues.  As  Thomassin  observes :  '*  Necdum  tunc 
m  mentem  quidquam  venisse  de  dedmis  infeo- 
datis.  Involaverant  decimas  Laid,  necdum 
pacifice  possidebant,  necdum  obducere  potuerant 
huic  rapinae  vel  colorem  legitimae  possessionis. 
Quin  identidem  commonebantur  profani  deprae- 
datores,  ut  ecclesiae  restituerent,  quae  jure 
retinere  non  possent "  (tom.  iii.  lib.  i.  c.  7). 

It  is  in  the  next  and  succeeding  ages  that  we 
must  look  for  impropriation  as  a  legally  recog- 
nised condition  of  ecclesiastical  property. 

[S.  J.  EL] 

IN  PACE.    [Inscriptions,  p.  854  ff.] 

INCENSE.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  use  of 
incense  in  Christian  worship  during  the  first  four 
centuries.  On  the  contrary,  we  meet  with  many 
statements  in  the  writings  of  the  early  fathers 
which  cannot  be  reconcile  with  the  existence  of 
such  a  custom.  Thus  Athenagoras,  a.d.  177 : — 
"  The  Creator  and  Father  of  the  universe  does 
not  require  blood  nor  smokey  nor  the  sweet  smell 
of  flowers  and  incense*'  (Legation  §  13).  Ter- 
tullian,  A.D.  198,  comparing  certain  Christian 
customs  with  heathen,  says,  "  It  is  true,  we  buy 
no  frankincense ;  if  the  Arabians  complain  of 
this,  the  Sabeans  will  testify  that  more  of  their 
merchandise,  and  that  more  costly,  is  lavished 
on  the  burials  of  Christians,  than  in  burning  in- 
cense to  the  gods  "  (Apol.  c  xlii.).  "  I  offer  Him 
a  rich  sacrifice  .  .  .  not  one  pennyworth  of  the 
grains  of  frankincense,"  &c.  (jS>.  c.  xxx.).  Cle- 
mens of  Alexandria,  A.D.  192,  contrasting  the 
reasonable  service  of  Christians  with  that  of  the 
heathen  says,  that  "  the  truly  holy  altar  is  the 
just  soul,  and  the  perfume  from  it  holy  prayer  " 
IStrom,  lib.  vii.  c.  vi.  §  32).  "If  then  they 
should  say  that  the  great  High  Priest,  the  Lord, 
offers  to  God   the   incense   (Ov/iSofia)  of  sweet 


smell,  let  them  not  suppose  that  the  Lord  oflen 
this  sacrifice  and  sweet  smell  of  incense,  but  let 
them  understand  that  He  oflbrs  on  the  altar  the 
acceptable  gift  of  charity  and  spiritual  perfbaie" 
(Paedag.  lib.  iL  c.  8,  f  67).  Amobins,  AJk.  298, 
says  of  the  use  of  frankincense  among  the  ba*- 
then,  "  It  is  almost  a  new  thing,  nor  is  the  tem 
of  years  impossible  to  be  traced  since  the  knov- 
ledge  of  it  flowed  into  these  parts  .  .  .  But  if 
in  the  olden  times  neither  men  nor  gods  sought 
after  the  matter  of  this  frankincense,  it  is  ]»oTed 
that  it  is  vainly  and  to  no  purpose  offered  nov  ** 
(Adv.  Oentes,  lib.  vii.)L  Lactantins,  a.Dl  303:— 
**  It  follows  that  I  show  what  is  the  true  sacri- 
fice of  God  .  .  .  lest  any  one  should  think  that 
either  victims,  or  odours,  or  predous  gifts  are 
desired  by  God.  .  .  .  This  is  the  true  sacri6oe, 
not  that  which  is  brought  out  of  a  chest,  bat 
that  which  is  brought  out  of  the  heart "  (fiivoL 
Insiit.  Epit,  c  2).  He  also  quotes  with  appro- 
bation a  saying  of  the  Keo-Platonists,  that 
^  frankincense  and  other  perfumes  ought  not  to 
be  offered  at  the  sacrifice  of  God  "  (Dwm.  InstU. 
lib.  vi.  §  25).  St.  Augustine,  396 : — "  We  ^ 
not  into  Arabia  to  seek  for  frankincense,  nor  d« 
we  ransack  the  packs  of  the  greedy  trader.  (Sod 
requires  of  us  the  sacrifice  of  praise  "  (^Enarr,  m 
Fs,  xlix.  §  21).  The  above  are  brief  extracts 
from  passages,  often  of  oonsiderable  length,  all 
bearing  on  the  subject ;  and  not  a  single  author 
makes  the  least  allusion  to  any  Christian  ritt  of 
incense,  or  any  reservation  from  which  we  coald 
infer  that  such  a  rite  existed.  Their  language 
precludes  the  supposition. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  incense  was  very 
early  employed  in  Christian  places  of  worship  a 
a  supposed  disinfectant,  and  to  counteract  unplea- 
sant smells ;  and  that  this  was  the  origin  of  that 
ritual  use  of  it,  which  began  in  the  6th  or  poa- 
bly  the  5th  century.  Tertullian,  who,  as  we  hare 
seen,  denies  by  implication  the  ritual  use,  yet  sayi, 
*^  If  the  smell  of  any  place  offend  me,  I  bora 
something  of  Arabia;  but  not,"  he  adds,  "with 
the  same  rite,  nor  the  same  dress,  nor  the  same 
appliance,  with  which  it  is  done  before  idok'' 
(Be  Cor.  Mil.  c.  10).  The  following  is  a  bene- 
diction of  incense,  used  in  the  days  of  Charte- 
magne  and  later,  in  which  no  other  object  thaa 
that  which  Tertullian  had  in  burning  it  is  re- 
cognized : — "  Hay  the  Lord  bless  this  incense  to 
the  extinction  of  every  noxious  stench,  and  kindk 
it  to  the  odour  of  its  sweetness "  (Martene,  Be 
Eccl.  Ant.  Bit.  lib.  i.  c  4,  Art.  12,  ordd.  5,  6> 
There  is  no  mention  of  incense  in  the  so-called 
liturgy  of  St.  Clement,  which  is  supposed  to  re- 
present the  ofiices  of  the  4th  century ;  nor  in- 
deed in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  with  which 
it  is  incorporated.  Pseudo-Dionysius  (probabi}' 
about  520,  but  possibly  somewhat  earlier)  b  the 
first  who  testifies  to  its  use  in  religious  cere- 
monial:— "The  chief  priest  (bishop)  having 
made  an  end  of  sacred  prayer  at  the  divine  altar, 
begins  the  censing  with  it,  and  goes  over  the  whole 
circuit  of  the  sacred  place  "  (Hierarck.  Eedes.  e. 
iii.  sect.  2 ;  comp.  sect.  3,  §  3).  A  thurible  of  gdd 
is  said  by  Evagrius  to  have  been  sent  by  a  }aog 
of  Persia  to  a  church  in  Antioch  about  594 
{Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c  21).  The  most  andeat 
Crdo  Romanus,  which  Cave  supposes  to  han 
been  compiled  about  730,  and  which  may  beloif 
to  the  7  th  century,  orders  that  in  pontifieai 
masses  a.  subdeacon,   bearing  a  goldsa  cons^ 


INOENSE 


INCENSE 


831 


fchall  go  before  the  bishop  (of  Rome)  as  he  leaTes 
the  tecrdarium  for  the  choir,  and  two  with 
censers  before  the  deacon  gospeller  as  he  proceeds 
with  the  gospel  to  the  ambo  (§§  7,  11,  in  Mvsae. 
Itai  torn.  ii.).  These  rules  are  also  given  in  the 
neit  revision  of  the  Ordo,  which  may  be  a  cen- 
tury later  (•&.  §§  4,  8).  This  latter  document 
says  also,  **  After  the  gospel  has  been  read  .  .  . 
the  thuribles  are  carried  abont  the  altar,  and 
afterwards  taken  to  the  nostrils  of  persons  (hom- 
inum),  and  the  smoke  is  drawn  up  towards  the 
face  by  the  hand"  (§  9).  This  probably  origi- 
nated in  its  earlier  natural  use  as  a  means  of 
sweetening  and  (as  they  thought)  purifying  the 
air ;  but  we  see  in  it  the  probable  origin  of  the 
strictly  ritual  censing  of  persons  in  the  West. 
In  the  same  Ordo,  which  was  certainly  in  use 
before  Amalarius  wrote  (about  827),  is  a  direc- 
tion that  after  the  oblates  and  the  chalice  have 
been  set  on  the  altar,  with  a  view  to  their  con- 
secration, "the  incense  be  put  on  the  altar" 
(§  9).  Here  we  have  the  probable  germ  of  the 
later  '*  censing  of  the  gifts."  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  such  ritual  practices  were  for 
some  time  confined  to  Rome.  We  do  not  observe 
any  reference  to  the  use  of  incense  in  the  Galil- 
ean Liturgies  which  were  in  use  down  to  the 
time  of  Charlemagne,  nor  is  it  mentioned  by 
Germanns  of  Paris,  A.D.  555,  in  his  explanation 
of  liturgical  rites  (Martene,  «.  s,  ord.  1),  nor  by 
Isidore  of  Seville,  A.D.  610,  in  his  book  on  the 
offices  of  the  church.  We  may  also  infer  its 
rarity  within  our  period,  and  the  little  import- 
ance attached  to  it  throughout  the  9th  century, 
from  the  £fict  that  it  is  not  mentioned  by  Floras 
of  Lyons,  Rabanus  of  Mentz,  or  Walafrid  of  Rei- 
chenan,  in  works  largely  devoted  to  questions  of 
ritnal. 

The  so-called  Missa  lUyrici  (Martene,  u.  s. 
ord.  4)  preserves  the  Scriptural  symbolism  by 
directing  the  priest  to  say,  when  the  incense  is 
burnt,  "Let  my  prayer  be  set  forth  in  Thy 
sight  as  the  incense  **  (Ps.  czli.  2).  But  in  the 
same  and  later  ordines  [Ordo]  it  represents 
divine  influence  on  the  soul,  according  to  the 
following  explanation  of  Amalarius: — ''The 
thurible  denotes  the  body  of  Christ  in  which  is 
fire,  to  wit,  the  Holy  Spirit,  from  whom  proceeds 
a  good  odour,  which  everyone  of  the  elect  wishes 
to  snatch  towards  himself.  The  same  odour  is 
a  token  that  virtue  (bonam  operationem)  goes 
forth  out  of  Christ,  which  he  who  wishes  to 
live  passes  into  his  own  heart "  (De  Eodes. 
Offic.  lib.  iii.  c.  18).  The  reader  will  observe 
the  allusion  to  the  mode  of  inhaling  the  smoke 
above  described. 

This  notice  would  be  imperfect  without  a  re- 
ference to  certain  passages  from  early  writers, 
which  have  led  some  to  suppose  that  notwith- 
standing the  authorities  above  cited,  the  ritual 
use  of  incense  was  known  in  the  Christian  church 
from  the  beginning.  As  the  earliest  testimony 
we  often  see  alleged  the  third  apostolical  canon, 
which  forbids  that  "  beside  honey  and  milk,  and 
new  ears  of  com  and  bunches  of  grapes  in  their 
aeason  [see  FRurrs,  Offerino  of],  anything  else 
ahall  be  offered  on  the  altar,  at  the  time  of  the 
holy  oblation,  than  oil  for  the  lamp  and  incense " 
(Bever.  Pandect,  tom.  i.  p.  2).  The  Arabic  para- 
phrase has  more  generally,  **  in  the  time  of  the 
sacraments  and  prayers  (t&.  tom.  ii. ;  Annot. 
|i.  16^     It  will  be  seen  that  this  canon  does  not 


mention  the  ritual  use  of  incense,  nor  can  it  be 
shown  that  the  incense  mentioned  was  designed 
for  such  use.  It  was  without  doubt  often  used 
as  a  perfume,  and  in  the  caves  and  catacombs 
in  which  the  first  Christians  often  worshipped, 
and  in  which  their  dead  were  frequently  buried, 
would  sometimes  be  thought  almost  as  necessary 
as  the  lamp-oil,  on  behalf  of  which  a  similar  ex- 
ception was  made.  We  must  add  too  that  the 
whole  of  the  clause  above  cited  looks  like  a  late 
addition  to  the  very  simple  code  which  is  as- 
signed, with  probability,  to  the  middle  of  the 
3rd  century,  though  the  first  mention  of  it  occurs 
in  394  (Tillemont,  Mem,  Eocl,  tom.  ii.  p.  76> 
Pseudo-Hippolytns,  alleged  as  the  bishop  of 
Portus,  220,  but  in  reality  some  centuries  later: 
— **  The  churches  lament,  with  a  great  lamenta- 
tion, because  neither  the  oblation  nor  the  (rite 
of)  incense  is  celebrated  "  (JDe  Consttmm,  Mundiy 
c.  34).  Here  we  have  nothing  more  than  ima- 
gery borrowed  f^om  well  known  rites  of  the 
Mosaic  law.  The  language  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  that  of  the  following  passage  in  St.  Basil, 
370,  which  has  been  brought  forward  with  the 
same  object : — ^*^  The  houses  of  prayer  were  cast 
down  by  unholy  hands,  the  altars  were  over- 
thrown, and  there  was  no  oblation  nor  incense, 
no  place  of  sacrifice,  but  fearful  sorrow,  as  a 
cloud,  was  over  all"  (/h  Oordium  Mart.  Hom. 
xix.).  St.  Basil  here  is  merely  in  part  citing 
and  partly  paraphrasing,  with  reference  to  the 
church  under  persecution,  what  Azarias  in  the 
Song  of  the  Three  Children  says  of  the  state 
of  Jerusalem  during  the  captivity  {Sept.  Vers. 
V.  14).  St.  Ambrose  says,  with  reference  to  the 
appearance  of  the  angel  to  Zacharias  "on  the 
right  side  of  the  altar  of  incense  "  (St.  Lukei.  11), 
"  Would  that  an  anf^el  might  stand  by  us  also  as 
we  burn  (or  rather  heapj  adolentibus)  the  altars  " 
{Expos.  Evang.  8.  Luc.  lib.  i.  §  28).  Incense  is 
not  mentioned  here,  and  **  adolere "  does  not 
necessarily  imply  the  use  of  fire,  so  that  no  al- 
lusion to  incense  may  have  been  intended.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  the  thought  of  incense 
was  suggested  to  St.  Ambrose  by  the  mention  of 
"  the  altar  of  incense."  We  therefore  further 
point  out  that  if  he  was  thinking  of  material 
incense,  as  used  in  the  Christian  church,  it  must 
in  his  time  have  been  burnt  on  altars,  which  no 
one  asserts ;  and,  moreover,  that  St.  Ambrose  ex- 
plains himself  by  a  paraphrase  of  his  own  words, 
"  as  we  heap  the  altars,  as  ve  bring  the  sacrifice." 
The  incense  in  his  mind  was  "the  sacrifice  of 
praise  and  thanksgiving."  The  testament  of 
St.  £phrem  the  Syrian,  a  spurious  document  of 
uncertain  date,  is  also  quoted  with  the  same 
object: — ^"I  exhort  yon  not  to  bury  me  with 
sweet  spices  .  •  .  but  to  give  the  fumigation  of 
sweet-smelling  smoke  in  the  house  of  God  .  .  . 
Burn  your  incense  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  to 
His  praise  and  honour"  {Test.  S.  Ephr.  in  Surii 
Vitae  Sancttrumy  Feb.  1).  The  actual  use  of 
incense  during  the  funeral  ceremony  appears  to 
be  intended  here;  but  the  evidence  of  a  late 
forgery  is  worth  nothing.  We  may  add  that 
there  was  an  obvious  natural  reason,  such  as 
the  first  Christians  would  have  recognized  with 
Tertullian,  for  burning  incense  at  a  funeral ; 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  custom  of  using 
it  then  contributed  not  a.  little  to  the  intro- 
duction of  the  practice  as  a  purely  religious 
rite.  [W.  E.  S.] 


832 


INCEST 


INDICnON 


ISCEBT  ilruxstus)  is  defined  by  the  Decree 
of  Qratian  (causa  36,  qu.  1,  c.  2,  §  4)  thns :  *'  In- 
cestns  est  consanguineorum  Tel  affinium  abosos,'' 
where  we  are  of  coarse  to  understand  affinity  or 
consanguinity  such  as  would  be  an  impediment 
to  matrimony  (Van  Espen,  Jus  Eccles.  P.  iii.  tit. 
iv.  cc.  48,  49). 

Christian  morality  extended  the  range  of  "  pro- 
hibited degrees"  within  which  it  was  unlawful 
to  contract  matrimony,  and  consequently  the 
conception  of  incest,  much  beyond  that  of  the 
heathen  world.  Tlie  apologists,  as  Minucius 
Felix  (Octav,  c  31)  and  Origen  (c.  Celsum,  V. 
p.  248,  Spencer)  speak  with  horror  of  the  licence 
given  to  Persians  and  Egyptians  of  marrying 
persons  near  in  blood ;  and  Augustine  {De  Cwi- 
tatej  XV.  16)  insists  upon  the  natural  loathing 
which  men  feel  at  connexions  of  this  kind. 
Gothofi*ed  (on  the  Theodonan  Codey  lib.  iii.  tit. 
12)  gives  many  instances  of  marriages  among 
the  Romans — as  of  uncle  with  niece — which  the 
feeling  of  Christendom  universally  condemns. 
[AFFINIT7 ;  Prohibited  Degrees.] 

Basil  the  Great  (ad  Amphilochium,  c.  67)  holds 
incest  with  a  sister  to  be  a  crime  of  the  same 
degree  as  muixler.  He  who  commit.s  incest  with 
a  half-sister,  whether  by  'the  father's  or  the 
mother's  side,  during  the  time  that  he  continues 
in  his  sin,  is  to  be  absolutely  excluded  from  the 
church;  after  he  is  brought  to  a  sense  of  his 
sin,  he  is  for  three  years  to  stand  among  the 
^  Flentes  "  at  the  door  of  the  church,  begging 
those  who  enter  to  pray  for  him ;  then  he  is  to 
pass  another  seven  years  among  the  *'  Audientes," 
us  still  unworthy  to  pray  with  the  rest ;  then, 
if  he  show  true  contrition,  and  on  his  earnest 
entreaty,  he  may  be  admitted  for  three  years 
among  the  '^Substrati;"  then,  if  he  bring 
forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance,  in  the  tenth 
year  he  may  be  admitted  to  the  prayers  of  the 
faithful,  but  not  to  offer  with  them  ;  then,  aC'«r 
continuing  two  years  in  this  state,  he  may  at 
last  be  admitted  to  holy  communion  (c.  75). 
The  same  punishment  is  prescribed  for  one  who 
commits  incest  with  a  daughter-in-law  (c  76). 
He  who  marries  two  sisters,  though  not  at  the 
same  time,  is  subject  to  the  penalties  of  adultery, 
i.e,  two  years  among  the  Flentes,  two  among  the 
Audientes,  two  among  the  Substrati,  and  one 
among  the  Consistentes,  before  he  can  be  ad- 
mitted to  communion.  And  generally,  he  who 
marries  within  the  prohibited  degrees  of  con- 
sanguinity (r^s  iiTtiprifUviis  avyytytlas)  is  liable 
to  the  penalties  of  adultery  (c.  68).  The  council 
of  Elvira  (^Conc,  Elib.  c.  61),  A.D.  305,  allotted 
to  a  marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sister  the 
penalty  of  fifteen  years'  excommunication ;  that 
of  Keo-Caesarea  (c.  2),  a.d.  314,  decreed  the  ex- 
communication of  a  woman  who  married  two 
brothers  for  the  whole  of  her  life,  except  that 
in  peril  of  death  she  might  be  admitted  to  com- 
munion, on  promising  to  renounce  the  connexion 
if  she  recovered  (Bingham,  Antiq.  XVI.  xi.  3). 

The  Penitentials,  as  might  be  expected,  pro- 
vide penalties  for  incest ;  those,  for  instance,  of 
Theodore,  of  Bede,  and  of  Egbert  assign  to  dif- 
ferent forms  of  this  sin  periods  of  penance  vary- 
ng  from  five  to  fifteen  years  (Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
ComoUa  and  DocumenU,  iii.  179,  328, 420).  [C] 

INCLINATION.    [Genuflexion,  p.  725.] 
INCLUSI.    Monks  living  in  detached  cells 


within  the  precincts  of  the  monastefy  C  intn 
septa ")  were  termed  ^  inelnsi.'*  These  were 
monks  either  of  long  experience  or  of  delicate 
health  ((Tone  Agath,  A.D.  506,  a  38X  They  wen 
subject  to  the  control  of  the  abbot,  but  not  to 
the  ordinary  rules  of  the  monastery  (Ifartcoc, 
Beg.  Qmun.  c.  1 ;  Menard,  ConoonL  Begui,  &  3, 
§  6).    See  Hermitb  and  Hebtchabtae. 

[LG.&] 

INDALEGIU&    [Hestghius  (I>] 

INDIGTION.  From  the  middle  of  ikt 
4th  century  a  new  note  of  time  begins  to  sippttt 
in  dates;  Indictiotif  followed  by  an  oitliiisl 
number,  from  I.  to  XV.,  as  a  character  of  the 
year,  is  appended  to  its  customary  designatioa; 
e,g,f  Co88.  if.  et  N,  (or  Anno  ab  Incamatitmi—) 
Indictione—.  In  res^iect  of  its  origin,  *'Ib- 
dictio  "  is  a  term  of  the  Ronoan  fiacus,  meaaii^ 
*<  quidquid  in  praestationem  indicUur^  notice  of 
a  tax  (on  real  property,  Cod.  Jttsim.  x.  6,  3^ 
*^  assessment,"  iTtvd/iricis :  thence  it  came  te 
denote  the  year  on  which  the  tax  was  asiwawi, 
beginning  1st  September,  the  epoch  of  the  im- 
perial fiscal  year.  It  seems  that  in  the  pro- 
vinces, after  Constantino,  if  not  earlier,  tlie 
valuation  of  property  was  revised  upon  a  census 
taken  at  the  end  of  every  fifteen  years,  or  three 
lustra  (Ideler,  Ifdb.  2.  347  9qq.j  from  Savignj, 
i&er  die  Steuerverfasaung  uwter  den  Kaiserny  ia 
the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Royal  AcademT^ 
1822,  23>  From  the  strict  obserranoe  of  this 
fiscal  regulation  there  resulted  a  marked  tczm 
of  fifteen  years,  constantly  recurrent,  the  Cirdt 
of  Indictions,  ^  ^  Koi  Htxatri^pts  rw  'IvSirri^MV 
^r  'IydficT«i^),  which  became  available  for  chro- 
nological purposes  as  a  ^period  of  revolntioB" 
of  fifteen  years,  each  beginning  1st  Septembtf : 
which  (except  in  the  Spanish  peninsula)  con- 
tinued to  be  used  as  a  character  of  the  yesr 
irrespectively  of  all  reference  to  taxation.  Tbc 
Indictions  (like  the  "  solar  cycle  '*  of  Sunday 
letters,  twenty-eight  years,  and  the  lunar  crde, 
nineteen  years,  of  ^*  Golden  Numbers,"  beside 
which  this  circle  haa  obtained  place  in  chrono- 
logy) do  not  form  an  era :  the  annexed  ordiml 
number  is  reckoned  from  the  epoch  of  the  dnk 
then  current :  it  is  not  expressed  how  miaj 
circles  have  elapsed  since  any  given  point  of 
time.  It  is  certain  that  Septeml>er  1st  is  ths 
original  epoch  of  each  indiction  (St.  Ambros. 
E^.  ad  Episc.  per  Aetna.  2,256,  fndictio  con 
Septembri  mense  indpit ;  and  de  Noe  et  AreA,  e. 
17.  A  Septembri  mense  annus  videtur  indpcn, 
sicut  Indiciionvm  praeseniuun  usus  oetendS). 
Fi-om  any  given  date  of  a  known  year  to  whidi 
its  indiction  is  added,  as  e.g.t  "  3  id.  August 
Symmacho  et  BoetioCoss.  [=11  Aug.,  aJ).  52*2] 
in  fine  Indictionis  XV."  (Reines.  Inacr^  Yd, 
978),  it  results  that  a  drcle  of  indictions  bqu 
210  (=14x15)  years  earlier,  i^^  a^.  312.  ^'ow 
as  it  is  only  since  Constantiue  that  ''Indictioa* 
makes  its  appearance  &s  a  note  of  time,  and  ai 
with  the  defeat  and  death  of  Maxentius  in  tbe 
autumn  of  that  year  Constantino  attained  u 
undisputed  empire,  the  date,  A.D.  312,  1  Sept.,  is 
accepted  as  the  epoch  of  the  first  circle  of  ia- 
dictions.  Hence  the  technical  rule  for  finding  the 
indiction  of  each  year.  To  the  ordinal  number 
of  the  given  year  A.D.  (beginning  with  1  Jannaij) 
add  3 :  divide  the  amount  by  15 :  the  remainder 
denotes  the  indiction :  if  there  be  no  remainder, 


INDIOnON 

the  jwt  b  Indict.  15.    Thus,  in  respect  of  the 
above-cited  date,  a.d.  522  (Angnst  llth),  the 
dlTidon  of  525  by  15  gives  no  remainder ;  there- 
fine  Jan.  1ft  to  Aug,  list  of  that  year  lie  in  In- 
diction  15,  beginning  at  1  Sept.  of  a.d.  521.  The 
anthor  of  the  Paschal  Chronicle  (probably  a  man 
of  Antiooh)  makes  the  circle  of  Indictions  begin 
much  earlier,  vis.  at  the  epoch  of  the  Antiochene 
era,  1  Gorpiaeos^l  Sept.  n.c.  705=B.c.  49;  at 
which  year  he  notes:   **Here  begins  the  first 
year  of  the  15-Tear  circle  of  indictions,  with  the 
first  year  of  Cf.  Julins  Caesar : "  and  thencefor- 
ward he  adds  to  each  year  its  indiction.    Twenty- 
four  complete  circles  (24x15=360)  end  there- 
fore at  1  Sept.  A.D.  312 :  and  at  01. 273, 1,  Com. 
Constantino  III.,  Licinio  III.,  u.C.  1066,  beginning 
1  January,  A.D.  313,    he  notes  :    *ly9iKTtApMp 
KMKrTcafTtyuu^y  itnauOa  i^>X^ — ^to  be  under- 
stood as  meaning  that  the  first  eight  months  of 
that   consulship  belonged  to  that  first    year. 
(So,  throughout,  the  Indiction  in  Chron.  Pasch. 
is  attached,  not  to  the  year  in  which  it  began, 
but  to  the  following  year,  beginning  1  January, 
which  contains  eight  months    of  it.      Comp. 
Clinton,  F,  S.  Append,  1  and  2.)     Although 
there  is  no  trace  elsewhere  of  this  earlier  system 
of  indictions,  it  does  not  follow,  in  Meier's  judg- 
ment (2, 351),  that  the  statement  of  the  Paschal 
Chronicle  is  entirely  without  foundation.     A 
fiscal  regulation,  proceeding  by  periods  of  fifteen 
years  may,  he  thinks,  have  obtained  in  Syria 
and  other  Eastern  provinces :  and  the  assumption 
would  servf  to  explain  the  circumstance,  else 
unaccounted  for,  that  in  the  reckoning  of  Antioch, 
the  year  (of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidae)  begins 
1  September,  not  at  the  old  1  October.     Some 
later  writers,  misled  by  the  merely  technical 
rule  above  given,  have  assumed  that  the  In- 
dictions actually  had  their  beginning  three  yean 
before  the  Nativitv,  t.tf.  before  our  A.D.  1,  with 
the  **  decree  of  daesar  Augustus  that  all  the 
world  should  be  taxed"  (St.  Luke  iii.  1).     So 
says   Dnranti — a  writer  of  the   13th   century 
(jSpecuhtm,  Juris,  t.  i.  pt.  1,  p.  281):  <<  Caesar 
Aug.  decrofeum  proposuit,  ut  describeretur  uni- 
Tersos  orbis ;  t.^.,  ut  quilibet  aestimaret  bona  sua, 
deacribens  orbem  sub  tributo  sibi  singulis  quin- 
dffcim  annis  reddendo,  quod  quidem  tempus  divisit 
per  tria  Inatra,"  &c.    And  the  rule  concerning 
three  years  to  be  added  to  the  year-date  (a.d.) 
rests,  he  adds,  on  the  fiuit,  '*quia  tot  praecesserant 
de  indictione  quando  Christus  natus  fuit,  vel  quia 
praemissum  ^Sctum  Caesaris  tribus  annis  prae- 
cepit  Nativitatem  Christi." 

It  18  only  in  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century 
that  the  indictions  first  appear  in  dates.  St. 
Athanaaios,  in  a  fragment  of  his  work  de 
Syiu)diSy  opp.  t.  L  pt.  2,  p.  737,  gives  *' In- 
diction XI V. "  with  the  date  (=A.D.  341)  of  the 
council  of  Antioch  ;  but  that  work  was  written 
towards  the  close  of  his  life  (o6.  371),  at  which 
time  this  method  of  dating  was  in  common  use. 
The  earliest  clear  instance  is  the  date  of  a  decree 
of  Constantius  {Cod  Theod.  xii.  12,  2\  of  the 
year  356,  or  rather  (for  the  text  needs  oorrec* 
tion)  357.  From  the  earliest  years  of  that  oen- 
>iMjry  the  yearly  appointment  of  consuls  became 
rreg^olar,  and  from  time  to  time  the  designation 
>f  the  year,  instead  of  Coss.  M,  et.  N,,  became 
fast  C€fnatUatum  M,  et  N,  There  was  even  an 
mcertainty  in  the  numbering  of  a  set  of  post- 
onsalate   years:   for  injitance,  some  would  de- 

CHRIST.  ANT. 


INDICTION 


833 


signate  the  first  vacant  year  anno  post  ooimU' 
atum  M.  N.  i. ;  others,  after  the  old  fashion  of 
numbering,  anno  ii.  (Pagi,  Dissert,  Hypat,  p. 
319 ;  Ideler,  2,  845  note).  A  further  source 
of  uncertainty  was  the  difference  of  epochs  of 
the  year.  But  the  fifteen-years'  circle  of  indic- 
tions once  established  throughout  the  empire 
provided  a  correction  for  all  such  uncertainty, 
so  long  as  it  continued  to  be  understood,  that  the 
year  of  indiction  began  on  the  1st  of  September 
(preceding  the  1st  of  January  of  the  year  found 
by  the  rule  above  given).  And,  in  fiict,  this  was 
the  established  practice  during  the  greater  part 
of  the  period  with  which  we  are  concerned  in  this 
work.  In  the  Codest  TheodosMnus,  indeed,  its 
learned  annotator,  Gothofred,  finds  indications 
of  four  distinct  reckonings  of  the  indictions,  vi2. 
the  ItdUoa,  a.d.  312 ;  OrientcUis,  313;  and  two 
of  Africa,  314  and  315.  As  regards  the  sup- 
posed Orientalis,  Cardinal  Norris  {De  Anno  et 
IJpocMs  Syro-Maced,  Dissertat.  lY.  c  iv. :  Opp, 
t.  iL  col.  422  sqq.)  has  shown  that  its  epoch  ib 
the  Ist  September,  a.d.  312.  Concerning  the 
two  supposed  different  African  reckonings,  see 
Ideler  (^d6.  2,  354  sqq. ;  Z«Ar6.  p.  409).  Apart 
from  these  inferences  from  the  Theodosian  Codex, 
we  find  no  trace,  except  here  and  there  in  corrupt 
texts  and  negligent  dates,  of  a  different  reckon- 
ing: Dionysius  £xiguus  knows  no  other  than 
that  which  is  expre^isd  by  the  usual  rule  {Argu^ 
menta  pasGhcUia,  ii.).  To  trace  the  history  of 
the  use  of  the  indictions  through  the  different 
provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  would,  as  Ideler 
remarks,  require  extensive  disquisition.  In  re- 
spect of  France,  Mabillon  has  shown  (de  re 
diplomat,  ii.  24,  26)  that  this  note  of  time  does 
not  appear  in  public  acts  before  Charlemagne, 
but  in  acts  of  councils,  and  in  writers,  it  is  found 
earlier.  But  far  down  into  the  middle  ages  its 
use  became  so  general  that  it  is  rarely  absent 
from  dates  attached  to  civil  or  ecclesiastical 
documents  in  Italv,  France,  Germany  (in  the 
Pyrenaean  peninsula  it  seems  never  to  have  been 
established).  Duranti,  writing  in  the  13th  cen- 
tury, testifies  («•  s.) :  **  Tantae  fhit  auctoritatis 
indictio,  ut  nullns  sine  ei  fieret  contractus,  nee 
privilegium,  nee  testamentum,  nee  alia  scriptura 
soUennis :  et  etiam  hodie  eandem  obtinet  aucto- 
ritatem.** 

With  the  desuetude  of  the  Imperial  fiscal 
regulation,  with  which  the  indictions  ongmated, 
the  original  epoch,  1st  September,  ceased  to  be 
significant— except  in  the  Eastern  empire,  where 
tluit  day  was  established  as  the  first  day  of  the 
year :  wherever  in  the  Corpus  Historiae  Byzan- 
tinae  the  indictions  occur,  they  are  those  of 
1st  September,  312.  Even  in  the  West,  beyond 
the  limits  of  our  period,  they  are  still  occasion 
ally  met  with :  thus,  a  writing  of  Gregory  V II., 
A.D.  1073,  bears  the  subscription,  *'  Datum 
Capuae,  Kalend.  Sept.,  incipiente  Indictione  XII." 
But  in  process  of  time  the  indiction,  detached 
ftom  its  original  epoch,  came  to  be  dated  from  the 
new-year's  day,  as  received  at  the  time,  December 
25th,  or  January  1st,  or  March  25th.  Distinct 
from  these  indictions  used  by  various  popes  in 
their  bulls,  and  by  other  writers,  is  one  which 
has  been  called  "  Caesarean,"  of  which  the  firot 
notice  occurs  in  Bede,  de  temp,  rations,  c.  46 : 
"  Incipiunt  Indictiones  ab  viiL  Kalend.  Octobris, 
ibidemque  terminantur."  This,  of  which  there 
is  extant  no  earlier  indication  (but  which,  so 

8  H 


634 


IKBULGENCE 


ji:reat  was  the  anthoritj  of  the  writer,  may  have 
influenced  the  practice  of  the  Imperial  chancel- 
leriesX  to  probably  due  to  an  assumption  of 
Bede,  that  the  old  epoch  of  the  Byzantine  year, 
September  24th,  was  accepted  by  Constantlne 
as  the  epoch  of  the  indictions  established  by 
him.  [H.  B.] 


INDULGENCE.    (I.)    The  use  of  the  word 
Indulgentia  by  ecclesiastical  writers  is  derired 
from  that  of  the  jurisconsults,  who  employ  it  to 
designate  a  remission  of  punishment  or  of  taxes, 
especially  such  a  general  amnesty  as  was  some- 
times proclaimed  by  an  emperor  on  an  extra- 
ordinaiT  occasion  of  rejoicing.    Thus  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code  has  a  title  De  IiMtgentHs  CrinUnvm 
(Van   Espen,  Jus  Ecclea,,  P.  II.   sec  i.   tit.  7). 
Hence  the  word  passed  into  ecclesiastical  usage 
in  a  double  sense.     First,  it  designates  remission 
of  sins,  as  in  what  Reticius,  bishop  of  Autun, 
according  to  St.  Augustine  (c.  Julian,  i.  3),  ob- 
served of  baptism  as  early  as  the  Roman  synod 
under  pope  Melchiades,  A.D.  313 :  **  It  can  escape 
nobody   that   this  is  the  principal  indulgence 
known  to  the  church,  where  we  lay  aside  the 
whole  weight  of  our  hereditary  guilt,  and  cancel 
all  our  former  misdeeds  committed  in  ignorance, 
and  put  off  the  old  man  with  all  his  innate 
wickednesses."      In    this    passage,    indulgence 
stands  immediately  for  remission  of  sins,  and 
that  alone.     But  we  are  more  immediately  con- 
cerned with  it  in  a  second  sense,  that  in  which 
it  designates  such  a  lightening  of  ecclesiastical 
penalties,  in  consideration  of  the  state  of  the 
offender,  as  St.  Paul  practised  in  the  case  of  the 
incestuous  Corinthian  (2  Cor.  ii.  6-11).     This 
question  of  the  advisability  of  such  a  relaxation 
first  comes  prominently  before  us  in  the  case  of 
those  who  had  **  lapsed  **  or  denied  Christ  to  avoid 
persecution,  and  for  whom  martyrs  had  in  many 
cases  interceded.  St.  Cyprian  tells  us,  in  his  letter 
to  Antoninus,  how  it  had  been  discussed  and  de- 
cided by  his  colleagues  in  Africa.     They  held 
that  the  church  should  not  be  closed  irrevocably 
to  such  of  the  lapsed  as  were  drairous  of  return- 
mg  to  it:  nor  yet  opened  indiscriminately  till 
they  had  undergone  their  full  penance,  and  had 
their  particular  case  taken  into  consideration. 
'*Et  ideo  placuit  .  .  .  examinatis  causis  singu- 
loram :  libellaticos  interim  admitti,  sacrificatis 
in  exitu  subveniri:  quia  exomologesis  apud  in- 
feros non  est,  neo  ad  penitentiam  quis  a  nobis 
compelli  potest,  si   fructus  penitentiae  subtra- 
hatur  "  (^p.  Hi.).     The  bishops,  he  adds,  already 
made  distinctions  between  other  crimes,  accord- 
ing to  their  discretion,  and  therefore  might  be 
lett  to  deal  with  this  similarly.    No  canons  for 
regulating  penances  of  any  kind  had  as  yet  been 
passed.     It  rested  accordingly  with  the  bishops 
to  use  greater  or  less  indulgence  in  dispensing 
thero  all  as  they  thought  fit.     It  was  disputed 
by  Novatian  whether  they  could  remit  as  well 
as  bind :  and  he  maintained  that  only  God  could 
remit.     But  this  was  not  the  doctrine  of  the 
chui'ch.    The  fifth  of  the  canons  of  Ancyra,  A.D. 
314  (Mansi,  ii.  516)  gives  the  bishops  power  to 
mitigate  (^(XarO/MMrc^ctrOcu)  or  to  increase  the 
length  of  an  offender's  penitence ;  so  the  twelfth 
Nicene  canon  gives  the  bishop  power  to  deal 
more  gently  with  penitents  who  have  shown 
'.rue  repentance  (Mtinsi,  ii.  673).    The  merciless 
rulings  of  the  Elviran  canons  1,  2,  6,  8,  10,  12, 


INDULGENCE 

13,  17,  19,  63-66,  70-73,  and  75,  whUh 
cei*tain  offenders  to  be  readmitted  to  oonima- 
nion  even  on  their  deatb-beda,*  were  neither 
imitated  elsewhere  nor  maintained  in  Spain 
itself  (Hansi,  ib.  5-19).  St  Ambrose,  speaking 
for  the  West,  says :  "  Our  Lord  must  hare  meant 
the  powers  of  loosing  and  binding  to  be  coexten- 
sive, or  He  would  not  have  bestowed  both  on  the 
same  terms"  {DePoen.  i.  2).  St.  Gregory  Kysei 
deposes,  on  behalf  of  the  East,  to  what  had  bea 
customary :  Tots  iurB€V€irr4pots  iy4rrr6  rn 
•wapdi  rStv  irarifmv  avfjortptpopdf  which  is  the 
Greek  equivalent  for  ^'indulgentia"  (Ep,  od 
LetoL  c.  4). 

Usually  there  were  four  stages  or  degrees 
through  which  offenders  had  to  pass  befixrc  re- 
gaining communion :  (1)  weepers,  (2)  hearers, 
(3)  kneelers,  (4)  bystanders ;  and  usually  seven! 
years  had  to  be  spent  in  each.  Now  the  bishop, 
according  to  St.  Gregory,  might,  in  proportion  to 
their  conversion,  '*  rescind  the  period  of  their 
penance;  making  it  eight,  seven,  or  even  five 
years  instead  of  nine,  in  each  stage,  ahould  their 
repentance  exceed  in  depth  what  it  had  t4>  fulfil 
in  length,  and  compensate,  by  its  increased  aeal, 
for  the  much  longer  time  required  in  others  to 
effect  their  cure  '*  (ib.  c  5). 

So  matters  went  on  till  about  the  end  of  the 
7th  century.  The  office  of  Penitentiaby  pres> 
byter,  abolished  by  Kectarius,  patriarch  of  Coo- 
stantinople,  three  centuries  earlier,  is  not  sup- 
posed to  have  produced  any  change,  so  &r  as 
they  were  concerned  (Siks.  v.  19  and  Soz.  vii.  16X 
But  they  were  changed  materially  when  the 
system  of  commutations  laid  down  in  the  Peni- 
tential of  Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
had  begun  to  work :  according  to  which  a  rigoroas 
fast  of  days,  weeks,  or  years,  might  be  redeemed 
by  saying  a  proportionable  number  of  psalms,  er 
by  paying  a  proportionable  fine  (c  3-10,  in 
Migne  s  Patrol,  xcix.  937  sqq.).  Several  of  tJie 
offences  stigmatised  in  the  canons  of  the  synod  ef 
Berghamstede,  a.d.  697,  are  dismissed  with  a 
fine  (Mansi,  xii.  Ill  sqq.).  The  synod  of  Clov^e- 
hoe,  A.D.  747,  protests  in  its  26th  and  27tii 
canons  against  the  neglect  of  discipline  to  wiiiek 
this  "  new  device  **  and  "  perilous  custom  **  had 
led  («&.  493-96).  But  the  Penitential  of  Egbeii, 
archbishop  of  York,  not  only  re-enacts  all  tiie 
commutations  authorised  by  Theodore  (»6.  433X 
but  adds  to  them  in  a  subsequent  chapter 
{ib.  456X  voluntary  exile  from  home  and  oountiy 
being  one  of  the  new  kind  allowed.  Similar  per^ 
mission  is  given  in  the  Penitential  of  Bade,  as  it  k 
called  {ib.  519).  After  this  the  extension  of  in- 
dulgences to  pilgrimages  and  holy  waia  was  a 
pure  matter  of  time ;  and  these,  from  the  ardoai 
iaspirad  by  both,  threw  everything  else  into  the 
shade.  The  climax  was  reached  when,  to  make 
them  more  attractive,  it  was  formally  declared 
of  the  one,  *'  iter  illud  pro  omni  penitentid  repe- 
tetur"  (Condi.  Claromunt.  c  2,  ap.  Mana,  xi. 
816),  and  popularly  believed  of  the  other,  ^|av 
stipendio  erat  indulgentia  peccatorum  prc^Msita* 
(ib.  pp.  827  and  890).  On  this  point  see  If  onnas, 
De  Poenit.  x.  22, 1-6.  and  Bingham,  Ant.  xviiLi, 
for  earlier  times.     Goar  (EucM.  pp.  680-88) 

•  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  reading  ''oec  in  tat^m 
"nee  In  flnem,"  is  changed  in  some  later  TTfrnwIimp  u 
in  that  of  Bardi&rd— 4nto  **  non  nlni  in  006,"  so  0  M 
bring  It  into  harmony  with  the  Nicene  raaoD  (1^ 
forbidd  iracb  total  exconununioatian.— {ibx] 


INDaiiGENCB 


INPANT  COMMUNION 


835 


attempts  hi  Tain  to  detect  affinity  between  papal 
iiidalgences  and  the  0vyx»pox4pT'*  of  the  Greek 
church  (comp.  Ducange,  Gloss,  Or,  a.  v.). 

FE.  a  Ff.] 
(IL)  Indnleencea,  or  relaxations  or  the  strict 
letter  of  the  law,  are  however  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  penitential  cases ;  snch  relaxations  are 
found  in  relation  to  almost  all  points  of  conduct. 
The  laws  of  God,  whether  known  by  revelation  or 
by  natural  light  (Augustine,  Quaest,  67  m  £xod.)y 
are  of  course  always  binding ;  but  under  positive 
human  enactments  cases  may  and  do  occur,  in 
which  the  rigid  enforcement  of  a  law  may  be  a 
gi-eater  evil  to  the  society  concerned  than  the 
suspension  of  its  operation.  Hence,  in  all  states 
and  societies,  either  the  law-giving  power  or 
some  other  has  exercised  the  right  of  suspending 
the  operation  of  a  law  upon  occasion.  A  fiimiliar 
instance  of  such  a  dispensing  power  is  the  com- 
mutation by  the  sovereign  of  this  country  of 
sentences  passed  by  the  judges  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  law.  As  a  law  is  necessarily  rigid, 
while  the  real  character  of  human  acts  cannot 
be  rigidly  defined,  such  a  dispensing  power  seems 
necessary  for  the  equitable  administration  of 
justice. 

And  this  principle  is  just  as  true  of  the  church 
as  of  other  societies  ;  here  too  we  find  the  strict 
letter  of  the  law  mitigated  by  authority  in 
special  cases  firom  an  early  period.  Such  in- 
dulgences, or  concessions  to  human  weakness, 
commonly  called  dispensations,  have  received 
various  names — remissio,  venia,  dementia,  mise- 
ratio,  dispensatio ;  avyyv^fiii,  cvfixiB^UL,  4»cAay- 
$pmwla,  olKovofxia  (Suioer,  Thes,  s.  v.)— -«11  im- 
plying something  of  the  nature  of  occasional 
indulgence  or  ixuliuta  in  the  administration  of 
a  law,  the  law  itself  remaining  unchanged.  A 
conaUmt  exemption  of  a  person  or  body  corporate 
from  the  operation  of  a  particular  law  is  called 
m  prmlegiwn.  The  canonists  generally  limit  the 
use  of  the  word  dUpensaiio  to  the  case  in  which 
a  Jutwre  transgression  of  a  law  is  permitted. 

Thomassin  (Eccl,  Diacip.  II.  iii.  24,  §  14)  holds 
that  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  when  few 
or  no  councils  were  held,  such  dispensations  were 
granted  by  the  bishops;  that  atlerwards,  from 
the  end  of  the  3rd  century,  councils  decided  on 
the  cases  in  which  some  relaxation  of  the  law  of 
the  church  was  to  be  allowed ;   then,  as  pro- 
vincial councils  frequently  referred  such  matters 
to  the  judgment  of  the  see  of  Rome,  that  see 
gradually  claimed  and  exercised  a  dispensing 
power   independent  of  councils.     The  twenty- 
seventh  canon  of  the  (so-called)  fourth  council 
of  Carthage  supplies  a  good  instance  of  a  dis- 
pensing power  applied  to  a  canon.    The  council 
recognises  the  general  prohibition  of  the  transla- 
tion of  bishops  from  an  inferior  to  a  better  see 
«<  per  ambitionem,"  yet  goes  on  to  provide  that 
'*  if  the  good  of  the  church  requires  it,*'  such  a 
translation  may  be  made  on  the  certificate  of 
election  being  produced  in  the  synod  itself.    Here 
a  dispensing  power  seems  to  be  given  to  the  synod ; 
for  it  must  be  presumed  that  it  was  to  decide 
whether  in  a  particular  case  "  utilitas  ecclesiae 
fiendam  poposcerit."    Penitents,  digamists,  and 
husbands  of  widows  were  by  the  general  law  of 
the  church  incapable  of  holy  orders ;  yet  pope 
Siricius  {Epist,  1  ad  Himerwm^  c.  15)  permits 
auch  persons,  once  ordained,  to  exercise  the  fuuc- 
tiooa  of  their  order,  though  without  hope  of  pro- 


motion to  a  higher.  Pope  Innocent  I.,  A.Dw  414^ 
allows  {Epist.  22,  c.  5)  that  the  bishops  of  Mace* 
donia  might,  under  circumstances  of  peculiar 
difficulty,  admit  to  the  exercise  of  their  functions 
those  who  had  been  irregularly  ordained  by  Bo* 
nosus,  a  heretic,  while  he  insists  strongly  on  the 
general  maintenance  of  the  rule  which  for  once 
is  violated ;  it  is  only  '*pro  necessitate  temporis" 
that  such  relaxations  of  canonical  strictness 
can  be  allowed,  and  '*quod  necessitas  pro  re- 
medio  invenit,  cessante  necessitate  debet  utiqne 
oessare;"  such  liberties  cannot  be  permitted 
when  the  church  is  restored  to  its  normal  state 
of  peace.  We  have  another  kind  of  dispensation 
in  Gregory  the  Great's  letter  to  Augustine  of 
Canterbury  {Epist.  xi.  64 ;  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
iii.  21),  in  which  he  pei-mits  persons  who  had 
married  in  ignorance  within  the  prohibited  de- 
grees to  be  admitted  to  communion,  though  the 
general  law  of  the  church  excommunicated  such 
persons. 

Of  such  a  nature  were  the  relaxations  of  strict 
law  permitted  in  the  early  church ;  the  nume- 
rous dispensations  in  matrimonial  cases,  in  plu- 
rality of  benefices,  and  in  some  other  matten, 
which  were  so  great  a  scandal  in  the  mediaeval 
church,  do  not  fall  within  our  period  ;  nor 
within  the  same  period  had  the  baneful  practice 
arisen  of  granting  dispensations  for  wrongs  to  be 
committed.  It  was  (as  Thomassin  observes,  ti.  s. 
§  20)  ^in  more  recent  times,  when  the  discipline 
of  the  church  had  grown  feeble  and  languid,  that 
permission  was  sought  for  future  violation  of  the 
canons,  that  license  was  asked  and  granted  for 
sinning  against  sacred  rules ;  men  would  fiun  sin 
without  risk  of  penalty,  and  draw  even  from  the 
laws  themselves  cover  and  authority  for  their 
contempt  of  the  law." 

(Thomassin,  Vei,  et  nofoa  EocL  IHtdp,  P.  II. 
lib.  iii.  cc  24-26 ;  Van  £spen.  Jus  Ecdesiaaticfim, 
torn.  ii.  p.  754  ff.  ed.  Colon.  1777,  Ds  ZHspmso' 
tionibus;  Walter,  Kirchenrecht,  §  180;  Jacobson, 
in  Herzog  Eeal-EncycL  iii.  423.)  [C] 

INDTJLGENTIAE  HEBDOMAS.  [Holy 
Week.] 

INDUS.    [DOROMA.] 

INPANT  BAPTISM.  [Baptism,  §  95, 
p.  169.] 

INFANT  COMMUNION.  The  practice  of 
communicating  infiuts  wss  universal  through- 
out the  period  of  which  we  treat.  For  the  east, 
where  it  still  flourishes,  we  have  the  testim<Hiy 
of  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Clement,  in  which 
little  children  (voiS^a)  are  ordered  to  receive 
immediately  after  all  who  have  any  special 
dedication, ** and  then  all  the  people  in  order" 
(ConstU,  Aposi,  lib.  viiL  c.  13).  Pseudo-Diony- 
sius,  possibly  of  the  5th  century,  but  more 
probably  of  the  6th,  says  that  ^  children  who 
cannot  understand  divine  things  are  yet  made  par- 
takers of  divine  generation,  and  of  the  divine  com- 
munion of  the  most  sacred  mysteries  "  (J)e  Ecd, 
Hierareh,  c.  vii.  §  11).  Evagrius,  who  completed 
his  Church  History  in  594,  proves  the  continued 
observance  of  the  rite,  where  he  mentions  ''an 
ancient  custom"  at  Constantinople,  "when  there 
remained  a  good  quantity  of  the  holy  portions  of 
the  undefiled  body  of  Christ  our  God,  for  uncor- 

(rupted  boys  from  among  those  w^ho  attended  the 
school   of  the  undermaster  to  be  sent  tor  tii 

3  H  2 


836 


INFANT  COMMUNION 


INFANT  COMMUNION 


eonsume  them  "  (lib.  W,  c  36).  There  is  a  story 
told  by  John  Moschus,  A.D.  630,  of  some  children 
whu  imitated  among  themselves  the  celebration 
of  the  Eucharist,  as  they  had  witnessed,  and 
taken  part  in  it  themselves  {Frattan  Spirit*  c» 
196). 

The  earliest  witness  in  the  Latin  church  is  St. 
Cyprian,  who  writing  in  251,  relates  how  the  agi- 
tation of  an  infant  t«  whom  the  cup  was  offered, 
led  to  the  discovery  of  its  having  been  taken  to  a 
heathen  sacrifice  (De  Lapais),  He  also  repre- 
sents the  children  of  apostates  as  able  to  plead 
at  the  day  of  judgment,  "  We  have  done  no- 
thing ;  nor  have  we  hastened  of  our  own  accord 
to  those  profane  defilements,  forsaking  the  meat 
and  cup  of  the  Lord  *'  (»6ii.).  St.  Augustine : — 
**  They  are  infants ;  but  they  are  made  partakers 
of  His  table,  that  they  may  have  life  in  them- 
selves '•  iSerm,  174,  §  7).  "  Why  is  the  blood, 
which  of  the  likeness  of  sinful  fiesh  was  shed  for 
the  remission  of  sins,  ministered  that  the  little 
one  (parvulus)  may  drink,  that  he  may  have 
life,  unless  he  hath  come  to  death  by  a  beginning 
of  sin  on  the  part  of  some  one  **  {Contra  Julia" 
nwrij  Op.  imperf.  1.  ii.  c  30)?  It  is  evident  from 
these  passages  (and  see  especially  to  the  same 
effect,  De  Fecoat,  Mer,  lib.  i.  c.  xx.  §  26 ;  c. 
xxiv.  §  34)  that  St.  Augivtine  considered  this 
sacrament  to  be  generully  necessary  to  the  salva- 
tion of  infants ;  but  it  .is  desirable  to  mention 
that  some  passages  often  cited  firom  his  works, 
which  appear  to  imply  or  maintain  that  view 
are  not  really  to  the  purpose.  He  argued  against 
the  Pelagians,  that  if  infants  were  not  born  in 
sin,  our  Lord's  words,  '*  Except  ye  eat  the  flesh," 
&c.  (St.  John  vi.  53),  would  not  be  true  in 
reference  to  them  :  they  would  have  life  without 
eating  of  that  flesh  (see  Contra  Duos  Epp,  Felag. 
lib.  i.  c.  xxii.  §  40) ;  but  then  he  taught  also 
that  "  every  one  of  the  faithful  is  made  a  par- 
taker of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  when  he 
is  made  a  member  of  Christ  in  baptism."  This 
is  carefully  shown  from  his  writings  by  Ful- 
gentius,  who  had  been  questioned  by  Ferrandus, 
on  the  hope  that  might  be  entertained  for  a 
young  man  who  had  died  immediately  after 
baptism  (see  the  note  of  the  Benedictine  editors 
on  Aug.  De  Fecc.  Mer,  lib.  i.  c.  20,  §  26).  The 
same  remark  must  be  made  on  a  saying  of 
Innocent  I.,  A.D.  417  {Ad  Fat  res  Syn,  MUco.  §  5, 
Ep,  182,  inter  Epp.  Aag.X  which  Augustine 
himself  interprets  of  the  necessity  of  Baptism 
(Ad  FaiUin.  Ep.  185,  c.  viii.  §  28).  See  also 
Gelasius  of  Rome,  Epist,  7,  ad  Episc.  per  Pi- 
cenum,  Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  a.D.  495,  gives 
the  following  direction  with  regard  to  the 
reception  of  some  of  those  who  had  been  baptized 
by  heretics  in  schism.  '^  But  if  they  are  infants 
(parvuli),  or  so  dull  as  not  to  take  in  teaching, 
let  those  who  offer  them  answer  for  them,  after 
the  manner  of  one  about  to  be  baptized ;  and  so, 
fbi'tified  by  the  laying  on  of  hands  and  chrism, 
let  them  be  admitted  to  the  mysteries  of  the 
Eucharist"  {De  Eccl.  Dogm,  c.  22).  We  call 
attention  to  the  word  "  parvulus "  when  it  is 
used  in  this  connection,  because  "infans"  was 
sometimes  applied  even  to  the  newly-baptized 
adult,  as  being  newly  bom  to  a  higher  life.  In 
585  the  council  of  M^con,  in  France,  in  imitation, 
as  we  may  suppose,  of  the  Greek  custom  lately 
mentioned,  ordered  that  on  Wednesdays  and 
Fridays  innocent  (children)  should  be  brought 


to  the  church,  and  there  *'  being  commanded  to 
fiist,  should  receive  the  remams  of  the  sacri- 
fices"  (can.  6).  The  council  of  Tokdu,  675, 
found  it  necessary  to  reassure  anxious  minds  by 
a  declaration  that  the  sick  who  found  themselTct 
unable  to  swallow  the  euckarist,  and  others  who 
had  failed  to  swallow  it  **  in  time  of  in&ncj," 
did  not  fall  under  the  censure  of  the  first  ooobcH 
of  Toledo  (can.  14),  against  those  who  having 
received  did  not  consume  it  (can.  IIX  The 
Gelasian  Sacramentary  (lib.  i.  n.  75)  pitrrkies 
for  the  immediate  communion  of  an  infiint 
(infans)  baptized  in  sickness.  The  earliest  extant 
copy  of  the  Gregorian  has  the  following  mbrie 
referring  to  all  baptized  at  Easter.  ^'If  the 
bishop  be  present,  it  is  fit  that  he  (infans)  be 
forthwith  confirmed  with  chrism,  and  after  that 
communicated.  And  if  the  bishop  be  not  preeent, 
let  him  be  communicated  by  the  presbyter" 
{Liturgia  Rom,  VeL  Murat.  torn.  ii.  col.' 158). 
It  will  be  observed  that  previous  oonfinnatioa 
was  not  an  indispensable  condition  of  the  first 
communion.  A  MS.  Sacramentary  of  the  8th 
centurv  preserved  at  Gellone  and  a  Rheiras  ponti- 
fical of  the  same  age  expressly  contemplate  the 
probability  of  some  of  the  "  infantes  "  baptised 
being  nurslings,  but  make  the  same  provicioa 
for  the  communion  of  all  (Ordd.  6,  7,  8,  in 
Mai-tene,  De  Atd.  Ecd.  Kit,  lib.  i.  d,  art.  18. 
Comp.  ord.  15).  The  little  childi%n  were  alss 
to  communicate  daily  throughout  the  octat* 
with  the  rest  of  the  newly-baptized.  See  Qrdd. 
6,  8,  9. 

There  is  an  English  canon  ascribed  to   Ecg- 
briht,  A.D.  740,  but  probably  somewhat  later, 
which  says,  ^  They  who  can,  and  know  how  te 
baptize,  faithful  monks  especially,  onght  alwap 
to  have  the  eucharist  with  them,  though  they 
travel  to  places  far  distant "  (Johnson's  &i^ 
CanonSy  vol.  i.  p.  235).    Jesse,  bishop  of  Amiens, 
A.D.  700,  in  an  epistle  on  the  order  of  baptism, 
says,  that   **  after  trine  immersion  the  bishop 
should  confirm  the  child  (puerom)  with  chrism 
on  the  forehead,  and  that  finally  he  should  ht 
confirmed  and  communicated  with  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ,  that  he  may  be  a  member  ef 
Christ"  (see  note  to  Regino  De  Eccl.  DissipL 
lib.  i.  c.  69 ;  ed.  Baluz.).     The  epistle  of  Jesae 
was  written  in  reply  to  some  questions  of  Charie- 
magne  respecting  baptism.     In  the  Ct^pitularies 
of  the  latter  we  find  the  following  law  notably 
framed  in  express  accordance  with  the  answeis 
of  Jesse  and  other  bishops : — *^  That  the  presbyter 
have  the  eucharist  ready,  that  when  any  one 
shall  be  taken  sick,  or  an  infant  (parvurns)  be 
ailing,  he  may  communicate  him  at  once,  lest  be 
die  without  communion"  (Lib.  i.  c  155:  Sim. 
lib.  V.  c  57).  This  is  in  the  collection  of  Walter 
of  Orleans  (c.  7) ;  Regino  (tt.  s.) ;  Burchard  (UK 
V.  c  10);  and  Ivo  {Deer,  P.  ii.  c  20). 

Infimts  wen:  during  a  period  of  unoertsia 
length  required  to  be  kept  without  food  betwe«a 
their  baptism  and  communion,  when  the  latter 
followed  as  a  part  of  the  day's  rites.  Thus  ta 
the  earliest  Ordo  RomanttSy  supposed  by  Utker 
to  be  written  about  the  year  730,  care  is  enjeiiMd 
that  the  little  ones  (parvuli)  baptized  on  Katter 
Eve  **  take  no  food,  nor  be  suckled,  after  tbeii 
baptLsm  before  they  oommnnicate  of  the  sncts- 
ment  of  the  body  of  Christ  "  (§  46  ;  Muaae,  lU 
tom.  i.  p.  28).  There  are  rubrics  to  this  effect 
in  several  ancient  orders  of  baptism^  three  ei 


INFANT  CX>MMUNION 

^hieh  were  compiled  or  copied  in  the  8th 
centary  (Ordd.  tf,  7,  8,  in  Martene,  ti.  9.  For 
later  examples,  see  Ordd.  9,  15),  In  one  copy  of 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  the  rule  is  thus 
relaxed.  **  They  are  not  forbidden  to  be  suckled 
before  the  sacred  communion,  if  it  be  necessary  " 
(^Inier  0pp.  S,  Greg,  torn.  v.  col.  Ill;  Antv. 
1615).  The  prohibition  seems  to  have  been 
generally  omitted  from  the  rubric  after  the  8th 
century ;  but  the  pontifical  of  the  Latin  church 
of  Apamia  in  Syria,  which  was  written  in  the 
12th,  retains  it,  though  speaking  of  confirmation 
and  communion  immediately  atler  baptism  only 
as  *^  the  custom  of  some  churches "  (Ord.  15 ; 
Martene,  u.  9.). 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  infants  were  at 
first  conjnunicated  in  both  kinds ;  but  there 
is  little  clear  evidence  to  that  effect.  Passages 
which  speak  of  their  eating  the  flesh  and  drink- 
ing the  blood  of  Christ  are  not  conclusive.  The 
council  of  Toledo  before  cited,  after  mentioning 
the  occasional  rejection  of  one  element  by  the 
sick,  '*  because  except  the  draught  of  the  Lord's 
cup,  they  could  not  swallow  the  eucharist  de- 
livered to  them,"  proceeds  to  the  case  of  others 
'*  who  do  such  things  in  the  time  of  infancy." 
The  inference  appears  good  that  the  eucharist 
was  offered  to  both  in  bread  as  well  as  wine. 
We  are  however  in  a  good  measure  left  to  infer 
the  practice  of  the  first  ages  from  that  of  the 
later  church.  Because  the  cup  only  is  mentioned 
In  St.  Cyprian's  story  of  the  infant  who  had 
partaken  of  a  heathen  sacrifice,  some  have 
argued  that  they  were  communicated  in  the  blood 
only.  Had  it  been  so,  they  would  hardly  have 
been  permitted  to  receive  in  both  kinds  at  a  later 
period ;  as  they  certainly  did,  when  for  a  time 
the  cubtom  of  intinction  prevailed  in  the  West. 
Even  in  the  12th  century,  when  Paschal  XL 
suppressed  that  practice  at  Clugny,  he  made  an 
exception  in  &vour  of  "  infants  and  persons  very 
sick  who  are  not  able  to  swallow  the  bread." 
All  others  were  to  receive  the  bread  by  itself 
{Epist.  32;  Labb.  Ckmcilia,  tom.  x.  col.  656). 
In  a  manuscript  Antiphonary  that  belonged  to 
an  Italian  monastery,  written  about  the  middle 
of  the  same  century,  after  directions  for  a 
baptism,  is  the  following  rubric :  **  Then  follows 
the  communion,  which  is  ministered  under 
these  words ;  *  The  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
steeped  in  His  blood,  preserve  thy  soul  unto 
everlasting  life '"(Muratori,  AtUiq,  ital.  MecUaeo, 
tom.  iv.  p.  843).  About  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, we  find  Radulphus  Ardens  saying,  in  a 
sermon  on  Easter  Day,  ^  It  has  been  decreed  that 
it  be  delivered  to  children  as  soon  as  baptized,  at 
Ucut  in  the  species  of  wine ;  that  they  may  not 
depart  without  a  necessary  sacrament"  (Zao- 
caria,  BibiiotK  £it,  tom.  ii.  p.  ii.  p.  clx.).  How 
in&nts  were  communicated  in  the  one  species 
then,  we  may  learn  from  the  pontifical  of  Apamia 
already  cited.  "  But  children  who  as  yet  know 
not  how  to  eat  or  drink  are  communicated  either 
with  a  leaf  or  with  the  finger  dipped  in  the  blood 
of  the  Lord  and  put  into  their  mouth,  the  priest 
thus  saying, '  The  body  with  the  blood  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  keep  thee  unto  everlasting 
life ' "  (Martene,  u,  s.).  Robertus  Panlulus,  a.d. 
1175,  in  a  work  De  SacrctmerUis,  long  ascribed  to 
Hugo  de  S.  Yictore,  says,  **  The  said  sacrament  is 
to  be  ministered  with  the  finger  of  the  priest  to 
ehildren  newly  wm  in  the  species  of  the  blood ; 


INFIRMARY  (MONASTIC)        837 

because  such  can  suck  naturally  "  (Lib.  i.  c.  20). 
As  the  Greeks  and  Orientals  generally  used 
intinction  before  the  age  of  Charlemagne,  it  is 
to  be  presumed  that  they  communicated  infants 
in  the  same  manner  as  adults ; «.  e.,  in  both  kinds 
with  a  spoon.  Now  *'  in  practice,  though  the 
rule  is  otherwise,  the  eucharist  is  given  to 
infants  under  the  species  of  wine  alone  "  (Qoar 
in  Annot,  Nihusii  ad  Allatii  Dissert.  <k  Missd 
Praesanct.  ad  fin. ;  AUat.  De  Occ.  et  Or,  Consent, 
col.  1659).  The  Nestorians,  Jacobites,  Arme- 
nians and  Maronites,  are  said  to  have  fallen  into 
the  same  practice  (Gabriel  Sinaita,  Und.  col. 
1667).  The  Greeks  use  a  spoon,  but  from  con- 
flicting statements  before  us  (see  Hai'tene,  u.  9, 
art.  15,  n.  15),  we  infer  that  the  rest  use  the 
finger  or  a  spoon  indifferently.  [W.  £.  S.] 

INFIRMARY  (MONASTIC>  In  his 
enumeration  of  Christian  duties  Benedict  speci- 
fies that  of  visiting  the  sick  (Bened.  Reg.  c  4) ; 
and  elsewhere  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  duty  of  pri- 
mary and  paramount  obligation  for  monks 
(*<  ante  omnia  et  super  omnia,"  c.  86),  quoting 
the  words  of  Christ,  *^1  was  sick,  and  ye  minis- 
tered unto  Me."  Beyond,  however,  saying,  that 
the  sick  are  to  have  a  separate  part  of  the 
monastery  assigned  to  them  (cf.  AureL  Beg,  cc. 
37,  52;  Caesar.  Beg,  c.  30),  and  a  separate 
officer  in  charge  of  them  (cf.  Beg.  7'amat,  c.  21), 
that  they  are  to  be  allowed  meat  and  the 
luxury  of  baths,  if  necessary,  that  they  are  not 
to  be  exacting  ("  ne  superfluitate  sui  fratres  con- 
tristent"),  and  that  the  brethren  who  wait  on 
them  are  not  to  be  impatient,  he  gives  no  pre- 
cise directions  (»&.).  Subsequently  it  was  the 
special'  duty  of  the  ^  infirmarius,"  the  ''cellera- 
rius  "  (house-steward),  and  of  the  abbot  himself, 
to  look  after  the  sick  (Martene,  Beg,  Comm.  c.  4 ; 
Caesarii  Beg,  ad  Virg,  c.  20,  Beg.  Cujtud.  ad 
VirgineSf  c.  15) ;  no  other  monk  might  visit  them 
without  leave  from  the  abbot  or  prior  (Mart.  l.c). 
Everything  was  to  be  done  for  their  comfort, 
both  in  body  and  soul,  that  they  should  not 
miss  the  kindly  offices  of  kinsfolk  and  friends 
(cf.  Fructuos.  Beg.  c.  7 ;  Hieronym.  Ep.  22,  ad 
JEustoch,') ;  and,  while  the  rigour  of  the  monastic 
discipline  was  to  be  relaxed,  whenever  necessary, 
in  their  favour,  due  supervision  was  to  be  exer- 
cised, lest  there  should  be  any  abuse  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  sick-room  (Mart.  /.  c. ;  cf.  Beg,  Packom, 
c.  20).  The  **  infirmarius  "  was  to  enforce  silence 
at  meals,  to  check  conversation  in  the  sick-room 
(<<man8io  infirmorum,  intra  clausti'a,"  Cone, 
Aquisgran,  A.D.  816,  c.  142)  at  other  times,  and 
to  discriminate  carefully  between  real  and  fic- 
titious ailments  (Mart.  /.  cy  The  sick  were,  if 
possible,  to  recite  the  hours  daily  and  to  attend 
mass  at  stated  times,  and  if  unable  to  walk  to 
the  chapel,  they  were  to  be  carried  thither  in  the 
arms  of  their  brethren  (t6.).  The  meal  in  the 
sick-room  was  to  be  three  hours  earlier  than  in 
the  common  refectory  {Beg.  Mag.  c  28).  The 
abbot  might  allow  a  separate  kitdien  and  **  but- 
tery "  for  the  use  of  the  sick  monks  (Aurelian, 
Beg,  ad  MonacK  c.  53,  Beg.  ad  Virg,  c  37). 
The  rule  of  Caesarius  of  Ajrles  ordered,  that 
the  abbot  was  to  provide  good  wine  for  the 
sick,  the  ordinary  wine  of  the  monastery  being 
often  of  inferior  quality  (cf.  Mabill.  Disquis,  £ 
Curs,  Gallic,  vi.  70,  71 ;  MabilL  Ann.  ui.  8,  Da 
Cange,  Olosaar,  Lot.  s.  v.).  [I.  G.  S.] 


838 


INFOBMEBS 


INITIAL  HTMN 


INFORMERS.  iCahenrniaiores,  Delaiores. 
TertuUian  [adv.  MarcUm.  ▼.  18]  fancifully  con- 
nects '*  diabolus  "  with  ^  delatnra.")  This  class 
of  men  originated  before  the  Christian  era,  and 
indeed  before  the  establishment  of  the  Roman 
empire.  [Dicr.  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiq. 
8.  y.  Delator.']  When  persecution  arose  against 
the  church,  the  delatorea  naturallj  sought  gain, 
ind  probably  some  credit  with  the  ciTil  autho- 
rities, by  giving  information  against  those  who 
practised  Christian  rites,  since  the  secret  assem- 
blies of  Christians  for  worship  came  under  the 
prohibition  of  the  Lex  Julia  de  Majestate  (Tac. 
Ann,  i.  72,  p.  3 ;  Meriyale,  Hist.  JfomCf  c.  xlir.). 
TertuUian  states  that  Tiberius  threatened  the 
accusers  of  the  Christians — "  Caesar  .  .  .  com- 
minatus  periculum  accusatoribus  Christianorum" 
{ApoL  c.  5),  but  the  story  rests  only  upon  his 
statement.  He  also  (/.  c.)  claims  M.  Aurelius  as 
a  protector  of  Christians.  Titus  issued  an  edict 
•against  delat<ors,  forbidding  slaves  to  inform 
■against  their  mt»s>ters  or  freedmen  against  their 
patrons.  Nerra  on  his  accession  republished  this 
edict.  "  Jewish  manners,''  i.  e,  probably  Chris- 
tianity, is  specially  mentioned  as  one  of  the  sub- 
{'ects  on  which  informations  were  forbidden  (Dion 
xviii.  1,  quoted  by  Merivale).  In  Pliny's  well- 
known  letter  to  Trajan  (x.  96  [al.  97])  we  find  the 
delatores  in  full  work.  The  Christians  who  were 
brought  before  him  were  delated  (deferebantur), 
•And  an  anonymous  paper  was  sent  in  containing  a 
list  of  many  Christians  or  supposed  Christians. 
Trajan  in  his  answer  (i&.  97  [98]),  though  he  for- 
bad Christians  to  be  sought  out  (t.  e.  by  govern- 
ment officials),  did  not  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  practice  of  delation ;  those  who  were  informed 
against,  if  they  continued  in  their  infatuation, 
must  be  punished.  See  TertuUian's  comment  on 
this  (ApU.  c  2).  And  in  the  subsequent  per- 
secutions a  large  part  of  the  suffering  arose  from 
unfaithful  brethren  who  betrayed  their  friends 
to  the  persecutors.  It  is  not  wonderful  that 
during  and  immediately  after  the  days  of  perse- 
cution the  delator  was  regarded  with  horror. 
Thus  the  council  of  Elvira  (jConc,  EUb.  c.  73^ 
A.D.  305,  excommunicated,  even  on  his  death- 
bed,* any  delator  who  had  caused  the  proscrip- 
tion or  death  of  the  person  informed  against ; 
for  informing  in  less  important  cases,  the  delator 
might  be  re-admitted  to  communion  after  five 
years;  or,  if  a  catechuilien,  he  might  be  ad- 
mitted to  baptism  after  five  years.  The  first  of 
Aries,  A.D.  314,  reckons  among  **  traditores " 
not  only  those  who  gave  up  to  the  persecutors 
the  Holv  Scriptures  and  sacred  vessels,  but  abo 
those  who  handed  in  lists  of  the  brethren  (nom- 
ina  fratrum) ;  and  respecting  these  the  council 
decrees,  that  whoever  shall  be  discovered  from 
the  public  records  (acta)  to  have  committed  such 
offences  shall  be  solemnly  **  degraded  from  the 
clerical  order ;  but  such  degradation,  if  the  of- 
fender was  a  bishop,  was  not  to  vitiate  the 
orders  of  those  who  might  have  been  ordained 


•  Aooordlng  to  the  reading  **  Nee  In  fine ;"  some  MSS. 
read  **  noo  nisi  in  fine."  It  seems  probable  that  **  nee  in 
fine"  or  ''finem'*  was  the  original  reading,  and  that  it 
was  altered  to  bring  It  into  accordance  with  the  decree  of 
Nicaea  (c.  13),  which  provides  that  the  Holy  Goimnanion 
is  in  no  case  to  be  refused  to  a  dying  man. 

b  M  2)qq  verbis  nudis ;"  another  reading  is  **  verberibus 
unltis." 


by  him.  Charges  against  tradltoKs  were  atl 
to  be  admitted  unless  they  could  be  ptrovcd 
from  the  **  acta  publica."  This  decree  is 
highly  interesting,  as  following  immediately 
upon  a  period  of  persecution,  and  showing  that 
the  edict  of  Milan  (a.d.  313)  had  brought  about 
a  great  change  in  Gaul,  and  that  Christians  were 
admitted  to  consult  the  public  records  <^  the 
recent  proceedings  against  them.  The  cafKtn- 
laries  of  the  Frank  kings  (lib.  vi.  c  317,  in 
Baluze,  L  977)  cite  the  73ztl  cantin  of  Elvira 
with  the  reading  **  nee  in  fine."  So  lib.  viL  c 
205,  and  Addiiio  Owtrta,  c.  34,  in  Balnxe,  L 
1068,1202.  The  same  capitularies  (^Idd  Qiuirta, 
c.  35)  enjoin  bishops  to  excommniiicate  *'accu- 
satores  fratrum;"  and,  even  after  amendment, 
not  to  admit  them  to  holy  orders,  though  thfey 
may  be  admitted  to  communion*  Any  cleric  or 
layman  who  brings  frivolous  charges  agaiost  his 
bishop  (calumniator  extiterit)  is  to  be  reputed  a 
homicide. 

The  canon  of  Elvira  is  cited  in  the  decree 
of  Gratian  (p.  ii.  cau.  v.  quae.  6,  c.  6)  with  the 
reading  ^non  nisi  in  fine."  The  same  decree 
(«.  3.  c.  5)  attributes  to  pope  Hadrian  L  a 
decree,  *'  let  the  tongue  of  a  delator  be  cat  ont 
(capuletur),  or,  on  conviction,  let  bis  head  be 
cut  off; "  a  decree  probably  taken  from  the  dvil 
legislation,  for  nearly  the  same  provision  is  found 
in  the  Theodosian  code  (lib.  x.  tit.  x.  1.  2),  and 
precisely  the  same  in  the  Frank  capituiarias 
(lib.  vii.  c.  360;  Bal.  L  1102).  [S.  J.  £.] 

IKFULA.  1.  The  infula  was  in  clasaacal 
times  the  iMind  or  fillet  which  bound  the  brow 
of  the  sacrificing  priest  and  the  victim. 

**  Nee  te  toa  plnrlma,  Psnthn 
T<ab<*nteni  pletas  nee  ApolUnis  ininla  textL" 

Virg.  Jot.  H. « 

Servius  (on  Aeneid.  z.  538)  tells  us  that  it 
a  broad  fillet  of  ribbon,  commonly  made  of  red 
and  white  strips.  Isidore  (^Etymol.  xix.  30) 
describes  the  infula  of  the  heathen  priest  in 
similar  terms.  The  infula  of  the  victim  is  men- 
tioned in 

**  stans  hostia  ad  aram 
Lanea  dom  nive&  dicnmdatar  infnla  vitUL" 

Virg.  Gwrff.  lit  487. 

And  the  term  seems  to  have  been  early  trans- 
ferred to  the  head-covering  of  Christian  priests. 
Hence  Prudentius  (^Periateph.  iv.  79)  speaks  ot 
the  *'  sacerdotum  domus  infulata  **  of  the  Valerii 
of  Saragossa,  when  he  is  evidently  speaking  of 
the  ''clerus.*'  So  Pope  Gelasius  (Hardonin's 
Concilia^  ii.  901),  wishing  to  say  that  a  certain 
person  ought  to  be  rejected  from  the  Christian 
priesthood,  says  that  he  is  **  clericalibos  infnlis 
reprobabilis "  (Hefele's  JBeitrage,  iL  223  iL). 
See  Mitre. 

2.  For  infula  in  the  sense  of  a  ministerial 
vestment,  see  Cabula,  Planeta.  [C.] 

INGELHEIH,  COUNCIL  OF  ilngeU^eim' 
enae  Gonoilium)^  a.d.  788,  at  Ingelheim,  when 
Tassilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  was  condemned,  bol 
allowed  to  enter  a  monastery.  [£.  S.  FlL] 

INGENUUS,  martyr  at  Alexandria  with 
Ammon,  Theophilus,  Ptolomeus,  Zeno;  conmie> 
morated  Dec  20  (^Mart,  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Gss- 
ardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

INITIAL  HYMN.— A  name  for  the  hyni 
which  in  the  Eastern  liturgies  corresponda  to  thi 


INITIAL  HTMN 

iMroU  of  the  Roman  man.  In  the  eastern 
liturgies  the  term  Introit  (ffo-oSof)  is  applied  to 
the  two  BMTSANGBB  of  the  liturgy,  the  little 
entrance  (i^  fAiKpk  cfo-oSof )  i.  e,  that  of  the 
Book  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  great  entrance 
(4  firycUii  A99}iwt)  t.  tf.  that  of  the  elements. 

In  the  liturgies  of  St  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom 
this  hymn  takes  the  form  of  three  centi^phoMy 
cftlled  the  first,  second,  and  third  antiphons,  each 
of  which  consists  of  a  few  verses  called  "  stichi " 
(tfT^X^i)  from  the  Psalms;  each  verse  of  the 
first  antiphon  being  followed  by  the  clause  '*  At 
the  intercession  of  the  Theotooos,  save  ns,  0 
Saviour;"  each  vene  of  the  second  and  third 
by  an  antiphonal  clause  of  the  same  nature, 
varying  with  and  having  reference  to  the  festi- 
val. That  of  the  third  antiphon  is  sometimes 
one  of  the  ini/pana  of  the  day.  Each  antiphon 
is  followed  by  an  unvarying  prayer,  called  gene- 
rally the  prayer  of  the  first,  second,  and  third 
antiphon,*  and  which  are  the  same  in  the  litur- 
gies of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom.^ 

The  first  and  second  antiphons  are  followed  by 
*«  Glory  &c  (S^i^a  jcol  vvw\  after  which  the  anti- 
phonal  response  is  repeated. 

The  thirid  antiphon  by  short  hymns  or  iropatia 
in  rhythmical  prose  under  different  names,  and 
which  vary  with  the  day.  These  antiphons  are 
considered  to  symbolise  the  predictions  of  the 
prophets,  foretelling  the  coming  and  incarnation 
of  our  Lord.*  As  a  specimen  the  three  anti- 
phons for  £aster  Day  are : — 

ANdk.Obe)o7ftillnGodall7eI«iidSL    (Ffe.]zvLl.) 

At  the  loteroesrion,  ftc. 
^Vicft.  Sing  praises  unto  the  honour  of  His  nsme.  (Do.) 

At  the  ititeroeislon,  &c 
SMi,  Ssy  unto  God,  0  bow  wooderM  art  Thou  in  Thy 
works,   (verse  2.) 

At  the  inteicesaion,  &a 
dfidL  For  all  the  world  shall  worship  Thee,  (verse  3.) 

At  the  Interooslon,  te; 

Glory*  &C. 

At  the  Intercession,  Ihx 

AfMjik,n. 

AKcft.  God  bemerdM  unto  us.    (Fs.  IxvfL  1.) 

Save  us,  0  Son  of  Qod,  Thou  that  art  risen  ftoo 
the  dead. 

StUk,  And  show  us  the  light  of  His  coontenanoe.  (Do.) 

Save  vts  0  Son  of  God,  ftc 
SHUk,  That  Thy  way  may  be  known  upon  esitfa.  (v.  a.) 

Save  us,  0  Son  of  God.  ha, 
StidL  Let  the  people  praise  Thee.    (v.  8.) 

Save  us,  0  Son  of  God,  ftc. 

Gloiy,ftc. 

Save  ui^  0  Son  of  God,  ftc. 

Ant^pk.  nt 

SHtk,  Let  God  arise,  and  let  His  enemies  be  scattered  • 
let  them  also  that  hate  Him  flee  before  Him. 

(Ps.  IzvUL  1.) 
CSuist  is  risen  from  the  dead,  having  trodden 
down  death  by  death,  and  given  life  to  those 
that  are  in  the  graven 


•  There  axe  variations  between  the  two  liturgies,  as  to 
whether  the  prsyer  of  the  antiphon  snould  be  said  before 
or  after  its  antiphon,  which  it  Is  unnecessary  to  par^ 


k  The  prayer  of  "the  third  antiphon  Is  **  A  Prayer  of 
St.  Ghiysootom'*  of  the  English  Prayer-book, 
•  VkLCim^ieVBL  Soar.  ChritL  Bit.  cap.  xd. 


INNOCENTS,  FivmrAL  of  tbs     839 

StiA.  Like  ss  the  smoke  vanlsheth  so  shaH  thou  drive 
them  away :  and  like  as  wax  melteth  at  the 
fire.    (v.  2.) 
Christ  is  risen,  Ihx 
SUA,  So  let  the  ungodly  perish  at  the  presence  of  God, 
but  let  the  rlgfa^us  be  ^ad.    (vv.2,S.) 
Christ  Is  risen,  in. 
SHek.  This  is  the  day  wUcb  the  Lord  hath  made:  we 
will  n>Joloe  ami  be  glad  in  tt  (Ps.czvUL24.) 
Christ  is  risen,  te. 

On  Sundays  as  a  rule,  in  the  liturgy  of  St. 
Basil  the  2)fpica  '  for  the  day  are  said  instead  of 
the  first  two  antiphons;  and  in  those  of  St. 
Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom  instead  of  the  third 
antiphon,  the  Beatitudes  (o/  futKOfna-fioC). 

These  are  the  Beatitudes  from  the  Sermon  on 
the  Mount,  and  are  thus  said.  They  are  intro- 
duced by  the  clause  "Remember  us,  0  Lord, 
when  Thou  oomest  into  Thy  Kingdom."  The 
first  five  Beatitudes  are  then  said  consecutively ; 
after  the  fifth  and  each  following  one  is  inter- 
posed a  short  troparion,  differing  in  each  case, 
and  all  varving  with  the  day.  After  the  sixth 
of  these  follows  "  Glory,  &c"  and  then  two  more 
tfr^xurtOf  the  latter  of  which  is  a  Theotocion,* 

In  the  liturgies  of  St.  James  and  St.  Mark 
the  initial  hymn  is  the  same,  and  unvarying.  It 
is  of  the  ordinary  form  of  Greek  hymns,  begin- 
ning **  Gnly  begotten  Son  and  Word  of  God,"  Sec, 
and  containing  prayers  for  salvation  through  the 
mysteries  of  the  incarnation,  which  it  recites. 
[See  Antiphon].  [H.  J.  H.] 

INITIATION.    [Baptism,  §  5,  p.  156.] 

INNOCENT,   or    INNCKJENTIUa     (1) 

[G&EOOBT  (2).] 

(8)  Martyr  at  Sirminm  with  Sebastia  (or 
Sabbatia)  and  thirty  others;  commemorated 
July  4  {Mart.  Bom,  Ftff.,  Adonis,Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  with  Exsuperius  (1).    [W.  F.  G.] 

INNOCENTS,  FEsnvix  of  ths.  i'hti4pa 
rSiv  kyim9  iZf  x*^^***^  vufwimwi  featwn  Iwho^ 
centum  \wm^  NatdUs  Sanctorum  /nnocen^um, 
Natale  Infantum^  NgcaOo  [AJliaki]  Infantum, 
The  old  £nglish  ChSdermas  and  the  German 
Kmdermesse  may  also  be  noted.) 

1.  History  of  festwai, — The  Holy  Innocents  of 
Bethlehem,  the  victims  of  Herod's  jealousy  of  our 
Lord,  are  at  an  early  period  commemorated  as 
martyrs  for  C!hrist,  of  whom  indeed  they  were 
in  one  sense  the  first  (see  Irenaeus  adv,  Haer, 
iii.  16.  4;  (^rian,  Epist,  56,  pMn  TMbari  oon^ 
iistenti,  §  6).  Subsequent  fiithers  continually 
speak  in  the  same  strain,  0^.  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anxum  {Serm,  38  hi  Natnritate,  §  18 ;  vol.  L  674^ 
ed.  Bened.);  Chrysostom  (Horn.  9  in  &  Matt, 
ToL  viL  130,  ed.  Montfoucon) ;  Augustine  (^noi^ 
ratio  in  Paai,  47 ;  vol.  iv.  593,  ed.  Gaume ;  Ssmu 
199  in  Ep^haniOf  §  2,  voL  v.  1319 ;  Strm.  373  m 
Epiph,  I  3,  vol.  V.  2178 ;  Serm.  375  in  Epiph, 
§  2,  vol.  V.  2183);  Prndentlns  {Oath,  wO,  de 
Epiph,  125).  Augu/ttine  also  distinctly  refers 
((ft9  libero  Arbitrio,  iii.  68,  vol.  i.  1035)  to  a  com- 
memoration of  their  martyrdom  by  the  church. 
Some  writers,  as  Augusti  {DmtkwHrdigheiisn  aui 
der  ChristKchm  ArchSologiie,  i.  304),  Binterim 
{DmAunbrdigheiUn  derChritt-KatholiacAen  Kirchey 
V.  1. 549)  and  others,  refer  to  a  homily  of  Origin 

*  These  terms  will  be  ezplslned  In  their  plaoe. 

*  These  Uaparia  sre  given  in  the  Oetotckut, 


840     INNOCENTS,  Festival  of  the 

u  affording  evidence  on  this  last  point.  Th« 
writing  in  question,  however  (Jiom,  3  de  cUveratM, 
vol.  ii.  p.  282 ;  ed.  Paris,  1604),  is  universally 
rejected  as  spnrions,  and  Huet  sums  up  con- 
ceming  it  (Origenis  Opp,  vol.  iv.  325,  ed.  De  la 
Rue)  that  it  is  a  work  originally  written  in 
Latin,  and  later  than  the  time  of  Jerome. 

The  commemoration  of  the  Massacre  of  the 
Innocents  was  at  first  combined  with  the  festival 
of  the  Epiphany.  Thus  the  passage  of  Pruden- 
tins  above  referred  to  speaks  of  them  in  the 
hymn  on  the  Epiphany ;  Leo,  in  not  a  few  of  his 
homilies  on  the  Epiphany,  speaks  of  the  Inno- 
cents (see  e.g.  Sermm,  31-33,35,  38:  Patrol. 
Iiv.  234  sqq.),  as  also  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe  in  a 
homily  de  Epiphania,  deque  Irmocentum  nece  et 
muneribus  magoram  (Patrol,  Ixv.  732).  Subse- 
quently a  special  day  was  set  apart  for  the  fes- 
tival of  the  Innocents,  a  day  in  close  proximity 
to  that  on  which  the  Lord's  Nativity  is  celebrated 
being  chosen;  not  that  we  have  any  definite 
knowledge  as  to  the  time  when  Herod  put  the 
children  to  death,  but  from  the  special  associ- 
ation between  the  two  events.  Hence  we  find 
December  28  in  the  Western  and  December  29 
in  the  Eastern  church  set  apart  for  the  com- 
memoration of  the  Innocents.  The  date  of  the 
origin  of  the  separate  festival  cannot  be  very 
closely  defined.  It  is  however  mentioned  in  the 
Calendarium  Carthcujinense^  to  whose  date  we  can 
approximate  from  the  fact  that  the  latest  martyrs 
commemorated  are  thope  who  perished  in  the 
Vandal  persecution  under  Hunneric,  484  a.d. 
Here  the  notice  is,  **  V.  Kal.  7an.  Sanctorum  In- 
nocentum,  quos  Herodes  jocidit "  (Patrol,  xiii. 
1228).  It  may  be  added  that  Peter  Chrysologns, 
bishop  of  Ravenna  (ob.  450  A.D.)y  has  left  among 
his  sermons,  two  de  Infantivm  nece^  quite  apart 
from  several  others  on  the  Epiphany  (Setmm, 
152,  153;  Patrol.  liL  604).  It  is  needless  to 
give  here  a  list  of  later  calendars  and  martyr- 
ologies,  in  which  the  festival  of  the  Innocents 
uniformly  occurs,  but  it  may  be  noted  that  it 
subsequently  acquired  a  considerable  degree  of  im- 
portance, for  in  the  BtUe  of  Chrodegang,  bishop  of 
Metz  (ob.  766  A.D.),  the  ^  festivitas  In&ntium  " 
is  included  among  the  '*  solemnitates  praecipuae  " 
(Seg.  Chrodeg.  c  74 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxvii.  1009). 

2.  LUwgiixii  notioez. — ^The  earliest  of  the  Ro- 
man Sacramentaries,  the  Leonine,  contains  two 
masses  for  the  festival  of  the  Innocents,  which 
follow  immediately  after  that  for  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  and  are  headed  In  Natali  Ttmoceittuin 
(Leonis  Opp.  vol.  ii.  155,  ed.  Ballerini).  We  may 
call  attention  to  the  curious  reference  in  the 
Preface  of  the  second  mass  to  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah  (xxxi  15),  "  Rachel  plorans  filios  sues, 
noluit  consolari,  quia  non  sunt/'  where  the 
mother's  grief  is  explained  as  arising  not  from 
the  death  of  her  children,  but  because  infants  held 
worthy  of  receiving  so  great  a  renown  were  bom 
not  from  her  line,  but  from  that  of  Leah.  Ele- 
ments from  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  are  found 
embodied  in  the  service  for  the  day  in  the  Ge- 
lasian  (Petrol.  Ixxiv.  1060)  and  Qregorian  Sacnk* 
mentaries  (col.  12,  ed.  Menard),  in  the  latter 
case  including  a  slightly  modified  form  of  the 
Preface,*  which  also  appears  in  the  service  for 

•  The  collect  in  the  Gelasian  and  Oregorian  Sacra- 
luentartes  ftimislied  that  of  our  own  charch  till  1662, 
nhnn  it  was  modified  into  Its  present  fonn. 


INlf  O0EKT8,  PEflnYAL  or 

the  day  in  the  Ambrosian  Htax^  (Pismelias, 
Liturgg.  Latt.  i,  308).  In  the  andest  Bomaa 
churdi  a  special  degree  of  moamfalneai  was 
associated  with  this  day,  for  we  find  in  the  Gre- 
gorian L&er  AfUipkonarius  (col.  659,  ed.  Menari) 
the  notice  that  the  Gloria  m  Excelsis  and  Alh- 
Iwia  are  not  sung,  '*  sed  quasi  prae  tristitia  dies 
ilia  dedocitur."  Of  this  we  may  derive  an  illoi- 
tration,  though  of  much  later  date,  from  the 
Ordo  Somanue  (x.  26),  which  remarks  that  on 
this  day,  except  it  fell  on  a  Sunday,  the  Boraaw 
abstain  from  flesh  and  fat.  See  also  Amalarios 
(de  Ecd.  Off.  \.  41 ;  Patrol  cv.  1074),  and  the 
Micrologttt  (de  Ecd.  obs.  c  36 ;  PatroL  di.  1005), 
which  mentions  the  further  omission  on  this  day 
of  the  Te  Deum  and  Ite,  misaa  esL  He  sabjoias  as 
a  reason  for  the  sadness  attaching  to  this  day,  that 
the  Innocents,  though  martyrs  for  Christ,  **  bob- 
dum  tamen  ad  gloriam,  sed  ad  infemalem  poensa 
discesserunt." 

In  the  ancient  lectionary  of  the  Gallican 
church,  the  prophetic  lection,  epistle,  and  gospel 
were  respectively  Jer.  xxxi.  15-20,  Rer.  ri.  9-11, 
Matt.  ii.  1-23  (Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  Oaltieaaa, 
lib.  ii.  p.  112;  see  also  the  service  m  the  Goth»- 
gallic  missal,  lib.  Ui.  p.  198>  In  the  Mozarabic 
liturgy,  however,  they  are  respectively  Jer.  xxxL 
15-20,  2  Cor.  L  2-7,  Matt,  xviii.  13-15,  !-«, 
10,  11  (Missale  Mixtvun  8.  Iridon,  p.  4«,  ed. 
Leslie). 

The  Micrologttt  (supra)  refers  to  the  octave  of 
the  festival  of  the  Innocents  as  generally  observed 
('*  eodem  modo  ut  aliorum  Sanctorum  celebra- 
tur  ").  It  would  seem,  however,  that  this  is  of 
comparativelv  late  date  as  a  matter  of  general 
observance,  for  according  to  Binterim  (Denho. 
V.  1.  552),  it  is  wanting  in  many  calendars  of  the 
9th  century.  A  curious  mistake  must  be  men- 
tioned here  into  which  several  have  fiiUen  in 
connection  with  the  octave  of  the  festival  of  the 
Innocents.  In  the  Indicuhu  operum  5.  Augwitim 
by  Possidius,  is  an  entry  '*  de  die  octaTanun  In- 
fantium ;  duo  **  (Patrol,  xlvi.  16).  This  has  been 
taken  by  Baronius  (Martyrohghun  Homantm, 
Dec.  28  and  Jan.  4,  not.)  and  others  as  showing 
the  existence  of  an  octave  of  the  festival  of  the 
Innocents  in  Augustine's  time.  The  two  sermons, 
however,  of  Augustine  refer  to  the  first  Sunday 
after  Easter,  the  octave  of  the  day  on  which  the 
sacrament  of  baptism  had  been  received,  **  hodie 
octavae  dicuntur  infantium,  revelanda  sunt  capita 
eorum  "  (Sermm.  260, 376 ;  PatroL  xxxviii.  1201, 
1669). 

Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  pna- 
imity  of  the  festival  of  the  Innocents  to  thst  of 
the  Nativity,  in  consequence  of  the  associatioe 
of  the  two  events  commemorated.  These  two 
indeed,  with  the  commemorations  on  the  two 
intervening  days  of  Stephen  the  protomartyr 
and  John  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved,  mar 
be  supposed  to  form  one  combined  festival,  all 
centering  in  the  idea  of  the  Incarnation.  Tbas 
we  have  a  homily  of  Bernard  of  Olairvaux  di 
Quatuor  coniinuis  aolemnitatAus,  ac&uxt  Natm- 
tatia  Domini  ac  Sanctorum  Stepkamiy  Johanms  et 
Innocentium  (Patrol,  clxxxiii.  129). 

The  day  for  the  commemoration  of  the  Inno- 
cents in  the  Eastern  church  is  December  S9, 
but  we  find  in  the  Armeno-Gregorian  cakadar 
(Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  799)  June  10 
associated  with  them :  this  same  calendar  beiaf 
one  of  those  which  gives    from  what  imgam 


INNOCEHTB,  TBB  HOLT 

(ran  doM  net  tppur,  tha  amuing  mnmber  of 
14,000  (br  til*  in&nlj  ilaln.  Thii  ii  ftUo  the 
mm  with  tha  pletorul  Uoccow  calatdat  prefixed 
^  Pipabroch  to  the  Ada  8nc(erKr»  Ba  May 
{voL  L  p.  Iiiii.).*  Nomeroni  Eutarn  caleDdan, 
bowerei,  do  not  eoDtaln  thli  abenrd  addition  (lee 
«■;.  Ludolf,  f!>aM  Sacri  EocUtiai  Atnandrinae, 
p.  IS ;  Selden,  da  SyntdrS*  vtteram  Ebratonvii, 
pp.  214,  231,  ed.  Anutardam,  1ST9). 

For  ftirther  detiila  on  tha  aabject  of  the  f^ 
tlnl  or  tha  Innocenti,  rehnnce  mm  be  mide  M 
BlDterin,  DeiJivllrdiglttitm  dtr  Ciriil  -  futAo- 
ImcAai  Savha,  r.  1.  54S  ;  Augnati,  Dttihuenhg- 
iiitmatudtr  Chritilich»nAivli3ologit,i.  304 iqq. ; 
Anemtni,  Salendarimn  S<x^6tiai  Unintrtae,  v. 
519.  [R.  S.] 

nnrocENTs,  the  holy,  uabsacbe 

OF.  R(pTeuiit«d  <a  the  mouics  of  Sla.  U.  Hag- 
giore  (Ciunpini,  F.Jf.  I.  tab.  ii.),  ud  in  two 
iToriia,  oue  of  «h[ch  (from  a  diptfch  in  the 
catbednl  of  MiloD)  ii  gireu  b;  Unnigaj  (t.  v. 
/iMDc«l();  tiao  ou  i  urcoph^iii  it  St. 
Muimin,  unth  of  Franca  (Mtmmi.  dt  Bit.  Mad*. 
Uhu,  t.  L  col.  735,  T36).  Bare  it  U  oontrMtwl 
with  anothar  relief  of  the  Adontion  of  tha  Uagi, 


84] 

to  take  Into  aaniiDt--(l}  The  literature  of  tba 
anbjeet,  which  ii  indeed  tha  cnlr  diTKian  which 
can  ba  tmted  at  all  coinprehei]nTel3i  io  an 
article  like  the  present.  (2)  Technical  tircntlon. 
(3)  Sjniboli.  (4)A>dectlonorinKription.,with 
notei  on  »nie  mattete  nrlaing  out  of  them. 
(5)  Their  language  aod  itfle.  (6)  Tha  mode* 
of  dating  tham.  (7)  An  annmeratlon  of  the  ab- 
bretlationi  which  occur  on  them. 

(L)  LiUratvrt  of  tht  Street. — Thia  matter  ii 
ablr  traated  of  by  M.  De  Rosai  in  the  Bnt  tbirtr- 
>ii  pagu  of  bit  pretaoa  to  the  /ucnpfinm  CAru- 
tioKoe  Urbit  Xomat  Stptimo  Satcuio  Antiqtdorii ' 
(Rome,  18&7-ia61  fol.).  The  pHndpal  facta  ar« 
HI  foilowi.  Tha  aarliaat  collections  of  Chriatien 
inscriptions  of  which  wa  have  any  knowlslge 
belong  to  the  age  of  Charlaa  tha  Oraat,  and  ware 
made,  as  De  Roasi  thinks,  bj  acbolars  of  Alcnin. 
The  moit  ancient  of  theta  is  contained  ia  an 
Eioaiedeln  HS.  written  in  tha  age  of  Alcnln  ; 
about  t.  third  Of  the  whole  collection  Ik  Chria- 
tian,  sapnlchral  eiamplea  however  being  wholly 
wanting.  Varion*  compilatiou  of  'uscriptlons 
were  also  now  made,  in  which  a.^DJ  of  the 
epitaphs  written  by  papa  Damaaoj,  xmong  other 
dhriatlan  anthons  were  included  ;  awl  the  ainill 


the  two  [detnrta  occupying  two  sides  of  ■  f^leie, 
and  being  divided  by  the  titulns  of  the  decea»d. 
Uartigny  also  mentions  an  Irory  diptych  of  thb 
•abject,  attribnted  to  the  period  of  Thtodoeius 
tho  Tounger,  and  published  by  M.  Rigollot  (_Art> 
de  SciJpttw  nu  moym  Sge).  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

INSACBATL  [iMFOimoH  op  Hahm,  §  1.] 
INSCBIPTIONB.  In  strictneu  of  speech 
every  inscribed  monunient  falls  tinder  thia  cate- 
gory, udIcs)  the  writing  be  Dpon  skin  or  upon 
paper ;  and  accordingly  tha  great  collections  of 
Ormk  and  Latin  iDScripOaas  recently  published  at 
Berlin  include  every  kind  of  monnmcnt  which  is 
inscribed,  coins  only  eicepted.  These  are  some- 
what arbitrarily  bnt  at  tha  same  time  profit- 
ably eldnded,  as  belonging  to  a  special  depart- 
ment of  itDdy.  Bnt  in  common  parlsnoe,  by 
InacripiioM,  the  lai^r  monaments  in  stone  are 
intended,  and  in  the  fallowing  article  compara- 
tlTel;  little  notice  will  be  taken  of  any  otben. 
In  traating  of  this  rast  snhjeet  it  is  proposed 


s  A  sUn  wOler  ntjraata,  beweveT.  Is  found  ta  as 
Ametariuti  to  tha  martjride^  oi  (Tsoardos,  whlcb  Oxts 
tlwnBiBhH'sli(i,MK>(fiBfrvl.aillL»U],pfolabl7wllh 


'  ftagmeuts  of  some  of  thtse  ma 

ba  completed  with  certunty  by  their  aid.  Tha 
collectors  of  these  Inscriptions  cared  little  for 
their  historical  value,  and  commonly  omitted  all 
mention  of  their  age  or  antbors ;  they  rather 
designed  them  to  be  models,  after  which  similar 
Tenea  might    be   composed.      The   uthen   now 

remaining    in   whole    or    in    great    part    are 

(1)  The  Palatine  MS.  of  the  11th  century 
(now  in  the  Vwican),  edited  by  GruUr,  Thei. 
Inscr.,  pp.  MCLXni.-KOLiivii.,  who  has  omitted 
a  few  profane  epigrams,  which  are  interspersed. 
Hona  of  the  Christian  inscriptions  seem  to 
tie  later  than  the  9th  century,  and  they  were 
probably  collected  by  some  one  who  visited 
Rome  and  variooa  other  places  in  Italy  about  the 
cloae  of  that  centnrv.  (2)  A  MS.  of  Kloatar 
Nenborg,  about  tha  11th  century,  consisting  of 
Chriitinn  Inscriptions  aiclnsively,  which  were 
copied  from  Italian  originals  about  the  8th  can- 


>  Le  BLsnL's  Alaloffne  of  books  relating  to  Chrlitlsn 
eplBiB|riij,  pnbUahcd  at  ttie  end  or  hia  JAMHe^  k  s  DWnl 

■!  brinp  the  UUlogTBiih;  dom  la 

.  ..  ^uy^  priMeil  books 

n  known.    After  the 


842 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSGBIPTIONB 


tory ;  they  are  almost  all  hiatorical,  many  being 
by  Damasus.  (3)  A  Verdun  MS.  of  the  10th 
century,  containing  thirty-one  Roman  inscrip- 
tions ;  a  collection  independent  of  either  of  the 
preceding,  made  in  the  8th  or  9th  century. 

^  Hae  tres  antiquissimae  syllogae  omnes  trans 
Alpes  serratae  nobis  sunt ;  neque  quidquam  his 
simile  in  Italiae  nostrae  bibliothecis  uspiam 
inveni  ....  Primi  ergo  veteram  inscriptio- 
num  amatores  transalpini  omnes  fuere  .  .  .  . 
Ab  Alcoiniana  aetate  ad  saecnlum  usque  deci- 
mum  quartum  ....  antiquis  inscriptionibus 
coUigendis  nemo  yidetur  operam  navasse"  (De 
Rossi,  If.  s.  pp.  X,*  xL*). 

The  15th  century  saw  the  reyival  of  epi- 
graphic  studies,  but  among  the  inscriptions  col- 
lected by  Poggio,  Signorili,  Cyriaco,  Felidani, 
MarcanoTa,  Pehem,  Schedel,  and  others,  those 
which  are  Christian  ^  apparent  rarae,"  and  are 
not  separately  classed.  The  earliest  collector  of 
purely  Christian  inscriptions,  who  lired  in  the 
age  of  the  Renaissance,  is  Pietro  Sabini,  who  in 
1495  presented  his  work,  in  MS.,  comprising 
those  which  he  had  copied  in  Rome  and  out  of 
it,  both  from  the  originals  and  from  MSS.,  to 
Charles  VIIL,  king  of  France.  The  MS.  has 
been  found  in  the  library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice 
by  De  Rossi,  who  affirms  that  some  of  the  in- 
scriptions are  very  valuable,  and  hare  been  copied 
by  no  other  scholar ;  many  however  belong  to  a 
late  period.  A  volume  of  inscriptions  fi'om  the 
ancient  churches  of  Rome,  made  by  Giovanni 
Capoti  in  1498,  seems  to  have  been  of  much  the 
same  character.  The  other  collectors  of  inscrip- 
tions who  lived  from  this  time  to  the  middle  of 
the  16th,  added  scarcely  anything  (viz  mediocne 
incrementum)  to  Christian  epigraphy.  Aldus 
Manutius  the  Younger  however  applied  himself 
diligently  to  the  collection  of  Christian  inscrip- 
tions among  others,  and  twenty  volumes  of  these 
formed  by  various  members  of  this  illustrious 
family  are  preserved  in  the  Vatican,  firom  which 
De  Rossi  has  derived  no  small  pro6t.  The  most 
important  of  these  was  compiled  in  1566  and 
1567,  and  is  entirely  filled  with  inscriptions  con- 
tained in  Christian  churches.  The  whole  number 
of  Christian  inscriptions  hitherto  collected  from 
all  parts,  from  the  8th  to  the  middle  of  the  16th 
century,  excluding  those  of  very  recent  date,  is 
considerably  less  than  a  thousand ;  a  great  many 
of  these  being  contained  in  MS.  only.*>  At  pre- 
sent more  than  11,000  Christian  inscriptions 
earlier  than  the  7th  century  are  known  to  have 
been  found  in  Rome  alone.  With  the  exception 
of  a  few  epitaphs  by  Damasus  copied  in  tombs 
of  the  martyrs  by  the  scholars  of  Alcuin,  no 
subterranean  inscription  had  hitherto  been  de- 
cyphered.  But  the  discovery  of  the  catacombs 
of  Rome  in  1578  marks  a  new  era  in  the  study. 
Ciaccone,  L'Heureux  or  Macarius,  Wingbius, 
Ugone,  and  somewhat  later  in  time,  but  first  and 
foremost  in  diligence  and  success,  Antonio  Bosio, 
were  among  the  earliest  explorers,  and  all  were 
more  or  less  addicted  to  the  study  of  Christian 

b  The  Edinburgh  Review  for  1864,  p.  221,  goes  ro  tu 
as  to  say  that "  the  resulte  of  the  whole  epoch  (of  the  re- 
vival of  letters)  may  be  summed  up  in  the  single  state- 
ment, that  mora  than  a  century  bad  elapsed  after  the 
discovery  of  xninting  before  a  single  inscrlptian  of  the 
early  Christian  oentaries  had  been  given  to  the  world." 

Varioua  MS.  volumes  are  mentiooed  by  De  Rossi  (u.  a 
PPk  xlv.*-xviL*)  ot  which  no  noUoe  is  token  bcie. 


inscriptions.    Soon  after  this  time  the 
inscriptions  occupy  a  distinct  place  in  Grater's 
Corpus  Ifucnptionum,  published  in  1616 ;  bat 
besides  the  Pidatine  Collection  mentioned  above, 
all  the  others  together  reach  only  about  150, 
although  maQy  more  had  been  now  copied  in 
Rome  by  several  of  his  friends.    There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Gruter  cared  comparatively  little 
about  this  class  of  inscriptions.    Hie  extensive 
and  aocorate  tnnscripts  of  Boeio  were   inss- 
ferred,  after  his  death  in  1629,  to  Sevenui,  who 
published  the  Eoma  Sotteranga  in  1632  ;  which 
was  republished  in  an  enlarged  Latin  form  by 
Aringhi,  in  two  folio  volumes,  in  1650.*    During 
the  half  century  that  followed  the  publicatko 
of  Gruter's  great  work,  many  scholars  collected 
additional   Christian  inscriptions,  some   of  the 
most  important  of  which  are  still  in  MS.    Enpe- 
cially  to  be  named  are  those  of  J.  B.  Dooi  (died 
1647)^  preserved   in  the  Marucelli    Library  at 
Florence,  **  codex  inter  primaria  operis  mei  sub- 
sidia  numerandus  "  (De  Rossi) ;  of  Sirmond  (died 
1651),  in  the  Biblioth^ue  Nationale  at  Paris 
(very  valuable,  containing  many  still   unpub- 
lished), and  of  Peiresc  (died  1637^  whcee  In- 
acriptumea  Christumae  et  novae  were  oozksnhed 
at  Paris  by  De  Rossi,  who  speaks  of  their  value, 
more  especially  for  the    inscriptions  of  GaoL 
To  these  should  be  added  the  collections  of  F. 
Ptolomeo  (made  about  1666),  preserved  in  the 
public    library  of  Sienna,  of  which   Muratori 
made  much  use,  and  those  of  Brutio,  in  sevon 
teen  volumes,  finished  in  1679,  preserved  in  the 
Vatican,  whose  value  is  scarcely  proportional 
to  their   bulk.     Between  Aringhi   (1650)  and 
l<^bretti,  whose    folio  volume    on   inscriptions 
appeared  in  1702,  Mont&ucon  alone  (so  thinks 
De  Rossi)  can  be  regarded  as  having  materially 
added  to  the  knowledge  of  Christian  epigraphy ; 
his  MSS.  were  examined  at  Paris  by  Di  Ro^ 
who  thence  derived  some  valuable  additions  to 
his  Roman  inscriptions.     It  deserves  however  to 
be  recorded  that  William  Fleetwood,  fellow  of 
King's  College,  Cambridge,  afterwards  bishop  oi 
£ly,  published  in  1691  an  Inscriptionum  Aniiqma' 
rum  Sylhge   (Lend.  Bvo},    in  two  parts;  the 
second    part,  '' Christiana  monumenta  antiqna 
quae    hactenns    innotuernnt    omnia     compJee- 
titur : "  these  occupy  nearly  two  hundred  pages, 
and  are  occasionally  accompanied  by  brief  notes.' 
Zaccaria  several  times  notices  this  work  cootro- 
versially  or  otherwise  (2>iss.  de  Vet,  /user,  tm, 
pp.  326,  327,  370,  382,  384,  388,  399),  and  it 
is  frequently  quoted  by  other  epignpfaists  as  by 
Marini,  Le  Blant,  and  De  Roesi  himseU^  though  he 
has  not  named  it  in  his  introduction.     Fabretti's 
labours  are  both  skilful  and  accurate ;  but  the 
types  which  the  printer  made  use  of  were  inade- 
quate to  express  the  true  reading  of  his  inscrip- 
tions.   Boldetti  and  Marangoni,  who  laboured  is 
concert  in  the  same  field  as  Bosio  had  done,  **■  are 

•  Dr.  MKIaul  (CkriiUaM  FpiU^ht,  preC.  p.  It.  hoIb) 
observes  that  these  volumes  **  have  a  reputation  fHrb^ 
yond  their  merits."  There  is  no  doubt,  he  addsi,  tte 
some  forger  of  inscriptions  imposed  both  on  Sevexani  tad 
ArtDghL  De  Rossi  promises  a  detailed  aooooat  of  ttis 
matter,  p.  zxvf*. 

d  We  can  the  less  afford  to  pass  It  over,  tbooi^  it  t^ 
pears  to  be  little  else  bat  a  comi^latlon  fhxn  other  author 
as  It  is  almost  the  only  work  on  Christian  cpigrqifay  cs- 
presBly  devoted  to  the  sat^t»  thai  has  appealed  la  thll 
oonntry  till  quite  lately. 


IKBGBIFTIONS 


INBCBIPTIOKS 


S43 


laadfl  espedalW  memorable  by  one  of  those  cata- 
•trophea,  whicb  occasionallj  diversify  the  monoto- 
nous history  of  student  life.  They  had  spent 
more  than  thirty  years  in  the  exploration  of  the 
catacombs  and  other  sacred  antiquities  of  Rome. 
Boldetti's  volume,  published  in  1720  at  Rome 
[entitled  Osaervazioni  aopra  i  cimiteri  d^  Santi 
Martin],  comprised  a  portion  of  the  results; 
but  by  far  the  greater  part  still  remained  in 
US.,  when  in  1737  an  unlucky  fire  destroyed  in 
a  few  hours  the  fruit  of  all  these  years  of  toil- 
some research.  The  loss,  it  is  melancholy  to 
add,  was  complete  and  irreparable.  Boldetti's 
great  age  precluded  all  hopes  of  his  being  able 
to  repair  his  portion  of  the  work.  Marangoni 
although  grievously  depressed  resumed  his 
labours  with  great  energy ;  but  M.  De  Rossi  has 
everywhere  sought  in  vain  for  the  results  of  his 
attempted  restoration  "  (^Edinburgh  Rev.  u.  s.  p. 
222).  The  destruction  of  these  papers  has  left  a 
void  which  can  hardly  be  supplied ;  the  chambers 
which  they  explored  are  now  **  demolita  et  hor- 
rendum  in  modum  vastata"  (De  Rossi).  Bol- 
detti  indeed  and  those  whom  he  employed  to 
copy  the  inscriptions  have  been  proved  to  be  very 
inaccurate  both  as  regards  the  sites  of  their  dis- 
covery and  the  reading  of  the  texts;*  '^eime 
iratissimum  ease  profiteor,"  says  De  Rossi  (p. 
xxviL*).  Marangoni  was  much  more  exact,  and 
his  Appn^dix  ad  Acta  8.  Vietoriniy  Rom.  1740, 
4<*,  IS  a  work  of  considerable  value.  P.  Lupi,  a 
friend  of  these  scholars,  has  left,  besides  various 
printed  works  relating  to  epigraphy,  a  valuable 
collection  of  inscriptions  preserved  in  MS.  in  the 
Vatican  at  Rome ;  and  a  aimilar  collection  by  the 
celebrated  Buonarotti  is  preserved  at  Florence. 

It  became  evident  that  the  time  had  now 
arrived  when  a  fresh  collection  of  Christian  in- 
scriptions should  incorporate  the  previous  dis- 
coveries of  so  many  scholars.  The  industrious 
Gori  projected  such  a  work,  in  which  they  should 
be  so  arranged  as  to  illustrate  the  doctrines,  the 
ceremonies,  the  hierarchy  and  the  discipline  of 
the  church.  But  his  other  engagements  pre- 
vented. The  MSS.  however  of  his  friends 
Stotsch,  Fiooroni  and  others,  containing  materials 
for  the  work,  are  stored  up  in  the  Maruoelli 
Library  at  Florence,  where  they  were  consulted 
with  profit  by  De  Rossi.  The  task  was  in  some 
measure  executed  by  the  indefatigable  Muratori, 
whose  Notms  Thesawtis  Veterum  InscriptUmvm 
published  at  Milan  in  1739  in  four  folio  volumes, 
contains,  in  addition  to  the  profane  inscriptions, 
&  larger  number  of  Christian  ones  than  had  ever 
yet  appeared,  being  taken  both  from  printed  and 
from  MS.  sources :  but  the  work  was  very  un- 
critically executed,  and  his  conjectural  additions 
are  not  distinguished  from  the  actual  readings  of 
the  broken  inscriptions.  Maffei,  who  has  been 
called  the  founder  of  lapidary  criticism,  had 
undertaken  in  conjunction  with  Siguier  a  great 
body  of  inscriptions,  in  which  there  should  be  a 
purely  Christian  division ;  but  both  these  and 
various  other  scholars,  who  had  cherished  like 
good  intentions,  bore  no  fruit  to  perfection. 

It  now  also  again  entered  into  the  minds  of 
xnore  than  one  divine  to  turn  the  extant  mass 

•  De  Rossi  (imder  his  /lucr.  Urb.  Rom.  n.  17,  p.  34) 
calls  him  a  man  '*cu)tis  In  id  genos  apogr^pbis  ezdpl- 
«adia  imperlUam  ot  Incoriam  nan  centena,  sed  miikna 
•xempla  tcstantur.** 


of  Christian  inscriptions  to  theological  atxiount; 
and  with  somewhat  better  success.  The  learned 
Jesuit  A.  F.  Zaccaria  contemplated  a  very  exten* 
sive  work,  in  which  the  more  interesting  Chris- 
tian inscriptions  should  be  arranged  under  the 
following  heads:  (i.)  Religio  in  Deum;  (ii.) 
Religio  in  Sanctos;  (iii.)  Tempk;  (iv.)  Tem- 
plorum  omamenta,  vasa  sacra,  idque  genus 
caetera ;  (v.)  Dies  Festi ;  (vi.)  Sacramenta ;  (vii.) 
Hierarchia  ecclesiastica  ac  prime  Romani  P(m- 
tificis;  (viii.)  Episcopi ;  (ix.)  Presbyteri;  (x.) 
Cholines  majores;  (xi.)  Ordines  minores;  (xii.) 
Monachi;  (xiii.)  Laid;  (xiv.)  Laici  dignitate 
praestantes;  (xv.)  Artes  atque  officia  minora; 
(xvi.)  Leges  ecclesiasticae  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  p. 
xxx.*)  This  magniloquent  announcement  how- 
ever was  never  carried  out ;  but  a  kind  of  first 
fruits  were  put  forth  in  1762  in  a  treatise 
entitled  De  veterum  ChrisUanorum  m  retme 
theohgicis  tuu/  In  this  work  he  brings  together 
with  a  considerable  amount  of  industry  and 
learning  such  inscriptions  as  bear  or  seem  to 
bear  upon  the  doctrines  of  his  church ;  *'  quae  non 
ultra  septimum  nostrae  aerae  saeculum  progre- 
dinntur,  ne  haereticis  cavillandi  detur  oocasio " 
{Thea.  Theol,  Dies.  p.  325).  Martigny  however 
calls  it  **  un  iivre  mediocre ; "  and  speaks  of  his 
friend  and  imitator,  Danzetta,  as  having  written 
^  avec  moins  de  succte  encore  "  '  (^DicL  p.  305). 
The  bearing  of  inscriptions  upon  doctrinal  or  dis- 
ciplinary controversy  is  "  a  perfectly  legitimate 
use  of  the  subject,^  and  indeed  its  true  ultimate 
end,  but  one  for  which  from  the  insufiiciency  ot 
the  data  the  time  had  not  [in  the  18th  century] 
fully  arrived."  {Edinburgh  Bevtew,  u.  s.  p.  224.) 
Nor  can  it  be  said  to  have  fullv  arrived  now.  In 
a  few  y<siirs'  time  it  will  probably  be  otherwise. 

Zaccaria  in  his  later  years  encouraged  a  rising 
young  scholar,  Gaetano  Marini,  to  undertake  the 
task  which  he  had  found  to  be  too  much  for 
himself.  Marini  set  about  the  work  with  great 
spirit,  and  from  1765  to  1801  worked  at  it,  not 
exclusively  indeed,  but  yet  so  as  never  to  allow 
his  labours  to  be  wholly  intermitted.  An  ample 
account  of  his  preparations  and  of  the  merits  and 
defects  of  his  performances  is  given  by  De  Rossi 
(«.  s,  pp.  xxxi.*-xxxii.*).  By  help  of  his 
friends  in  Italy  and  his  own  labour  he  had 
amassed  about  8600  Christian  inscriptions  in 
Latin,  and  about  750  in  Greek  from  all  parts 
of  the  world,  of  the  first  ten  centuries.  But 
these  were  in  a  confused,  imperfect  and  uncritical 
state.  '^Marini's  labours  were  interrupted  by 
the  French  Revolution ;  and  at  his  death  he  b^ 
queathed  to  the  Vatican  Library  the  materials 
which    he    had    compiled,  and  which,  having 

f  PabUshed  In  the  Tkeaaurui  TheUog.  I>i$Btrtaiumum 
voL  i.  pp.  326-396.  Venet  1763, 4to;  apparently  for  the 
first  time  (see  Pn^faUo  generaUi),  Le  Blant  (in  his 
BibUogngpkU)  gives  1761  as  tbe  date.  It  has  been  ro- 
pablished  by  Migne  in  his  Curtus  nuUog.  ccmpletus. 

9  It  would  seem  from  De  BoibI's  ramarka  (p.  xzxt*) 
that  Us  ffuoiogia  Lapidaria  exists  only  in  H&  (In  the 
Vatican).  He  gained  from  it  a  few  unpubUabed  Inscrip- 
tkms  whldi  Danietta  had  taken  firom  the  p^mtb  of  ISa- 
langooL 

k  For  the  coderiastioal  historian  InsorlptSons  of  all 
periods  will  of  oonrM  have  thdr  own  value;  and  many  of 
tbem  yield  up  a  great  deal  of  information  and  ftamisb 
"UIoBtratima  of  almost  every  branch  of  Christian  Uterao 
tore,  history,  and  anttqaities"  iMUmbmgk  Beeiew,  u.  a. 
P^aai). 


844 


IKSCEIPTIONS 


IN8CBIFTI0N8 


recently  been  put  in  order  hj  H.  De  Romi  are 
found  to  fill  no  fewer  than  31  volumes.  Among 
these,  four  volumes  had  been  partially  prepared 
for  publication,  of  which  the  first  was  in  a  com- 
paratively forward  state.  This  is  the  Irucrip- 
tiontim  Christianarum  para  prima,  which  is 
printed  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Mai's  Scriptorum 
Veterum  Nova  Cotieciio,  in  1831.  And  perhaps 
it  may  be  said  that  it  is  to  the  incomplete  and 
unsatisfactory  condition  of  the  remaining  por- 
tion of  Marini's  papers  that  we  are  indebted 
for  much  of  the  far  more  critical  and  scholarly 
work  of  M.  De  Rossi,  entitled  Inacripiiones 
Urhia  Romas  Sepiimo  Saecnlo  amtiquiorea  (Rom. 
X867-61,  fol.  pp.  619+123  proL  -1-40  praef.) 
This  publication  was  undertaken  at  the  express 
solicitation  of  Cardinal  Mai,  who  finding  the 
task  of  preparing  for  the  press  the  rest  of 
Marini's  materials  entirely  incompatible  with 
his  other  engagements,  transferred  to  his  young 
and  learned  friend  the  undertaking  for  which 
his  tastes,  his  studies,  and  his  genuine  love 
of  the  subject  pointed  him  out  to  Mai  as 
eminently  fitted.  {Edinburgh  Bev.  u.  s.  pp. 
224,  225,  slightly  altered.)  the  first  volume  of 
this  great  work,  the  only  one  known  to  the 
writer,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  yet  published, 
contains  those  Roman  inscriptions  only  whose 
precise  or  approximate  date  is  positively  known.^ 
The  number  of  these  is  1126 ;  among  which  we 
have  one  belonging  to  the  first  century,  two  to  the 
beginning  of  the  second  (all  very  brief  and  unim- 
portant), and  twenty-three  to  the  third;  the 
fourth  and  fiflh  centuries  have  between  four 
and  five  hundred  each,  and  the  sixth  century  a 
little  more  than  two  hundred.  Fragments  and 
additional  inscriptions  contained  in  the  appendices 
bring  the  number  up  to  1374. 

The  second  part  of  his  work  is  intended  to 
include  select  inscriptions  interesting  for  their 
theological  and  historical  worth ;  and  in  the  last 
place  he  will  include  all  the  remaining  inscrip- 
tions arranged  according  to  the  localities  where 
they  were  found ;  and  also  the  Jewish  inscrip- 
tion found  in  Rome.*' 

We  can  afford  no  more  space  to  notice  this 
masterly  performance,  which  every  one  who 
desires  to  become  acquainted  with  Christian 
inscriptions  must  necessarily  study ;  an  interest- 
ing account  of  it,  and  also  of  the  work  following 
will  be  found  in  the  Edimhwrgh  Review  for  July, 
1864. 

The  impulse  given  to  Christian  epigraphy  by 
De  Rossi's  great  work,  and  by  his  other  works  of 
smaller  dimensions^  has  been  manifested  by  the 

*  He  calls  them  Bpitajikia  eertam  temporU  notam  ea^ 
hSbenUa.  Noiwithstanding  this,  the  mark  of  time  oo  the 
atone,  bj  reason  of  its  fhigmentary  oondlttoo.  often  leaves 
the  exact  date  uncertain.  See,  for  example,  n.  986,  tbe 
date  of  which  may  be  522  or  486,  and  n.  999,  which  maj 
be  of  tbe  year  626, 624, 464.  or  463. 

k  Under  each  inscription  mention  is  made  of  the  place 
where  It  waa  found,  where  it  has  been  edited,  if  at  all,  or 
fh>m  what  MSS.  it  has  been  copied  by  the  editor,  if  he 
have  not  himself  transcribed  It  Plates  are  tn  most  cases 
added.  If  the  inacripUons  were  more  frequently  written 
out  to  common  mlnnsciiles,  besides  being  flgnred,  they 
would  be  more  eoally  read  by  the  non-antlquarian  scholar 
or  student. 

1  Hb  BvUetina  di  Areknlogia  OriiHma,  of  which  the 
flrat  vo  ame  (tn  twelve  monthly  parts)  appeared  In  1863 
(Roma,  tipograflA  Salviocd,  4to)  is  a  magaiine  of  DHst 


publication  of  other  books  rekting  to  the  subject, 
among  which  those  which  comprise  the  Chxirtiaa 
inscriptions  en  maate  of  particiUar  countries  hold 
the  first  rank.  And  among  these  we  moat  place 
at  the  head  the  Inscriptiona  Chr^tienma  de  k 
Gaule  atiUrieuree  au  VIII-*.  Aecfe,  edited  asd 
annotated  by  M.  Edmond  Le  Blant,  in  2  rob 
4to.,  Paris,  1856,  and  1865,  comprising  708  in- 
scriptions, nearly  all  Latin,  but  a  few  Greek,  and 
a  few  also  written  in  Runes.*  The  earliest  dated 
inscription  belongs  to  the  year  334,  and  the 
latest  to  695 ;  but  only  four  of  these  are  as  cariy 
as  the  4th  century.  Of  the  rest  that  axe  dated 
about  50  belong  to  the  5th  century,  nearly  lOO 
to  the  6th,  and  13  to  the  7th  century.  A  few 
which  are  undated  are  certainly  before  the  age 
of  Constantino  (Jfomw/,  p.  124). 

The  same  learned  author  has  likewise  more 
recently,  in  1869,  written  a  Manuel  cTEpijrapkie 
Chr^ienne  (Fnpree  lee  marbree  de  la  Gamle,  eo- 
compagn/g  cTtciitf  bihliographie  epedaU,  Le,  a 
catalogue  of  books  relating  to  Christian  cpi- 
graphv  generally,  Paris^  sm.  8to.  pp  267.  Al- 
though this  valuable"  work  refers  more  especially 
to  Gaulish  inscriptions,  there  is  a  great  deal  about 
othera  also ;  in  particular  his  enumeratioB  of 
formulae  (Greek  and  Latin)  which  occur  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  Christian  world,  in  Europe, 
Asia  and  Africa,  where  different  provinces  hare 
their  own  styles  of  epigraphy,  is  peculiarly  in- 
structive (pp.  76-SlX  and  a  translation  will  be 
found  below.  The  Christian  inscriptions  of  Spain 
have  very  reccutly  been  eilited  by  one  of  the 
most  eminent  living  epigraphists,  Prof.  £.  HUbocr, 
of  Berlin.  His  InscripUonea  Sispaniae  Ckrie- 
iianae  was  published  at  Berlin  in  1871,  and  in- 
cludes 209  inscriptions,  besides  89  others  of  the 
medieval  period  comprised  in  the  appendix.  Of 
the  earlier  ones  two  or  three  only  can  be  referred 
to  the  4th  century ;  the  others  are  of  the  5th, 
6th,  7th  and  8th  centuries ;  about  half  of  than 
are  dated,  the  earliest  being  of  the  year  465,  and 
the  latest  being  782.  Nearly  all  are  in  Latin ;  a 
very  few  only  in  Greek.  A  splendid  publicatioa 
commenced  in  1870,  entitled  CkrieiiaH  Fmaenp-' 
tione  in  the  Irish  Language,  chiefly  collected  and 
drawn  by  G.  Petrie,  LLD.,  edited  by  M.  Stokes, 
Dublin,  printed  at  the  University,  4to.  Four 
parts  have  now  (1874)  been  published.  Those  of 
Clonmacnois  (above  100  in  number)  range  from 

valuable  information  lor  inscrlptloos  among  oAeranli- 
qulties.  Other  works  of  his  (some  unknovn  lo  the 
writer)  on  this  sotdect  are  enumerated  by  Le  Bbmi  hi  Us 
BiUiogmphie  at  the  end  of  his  Mattud  cT J^y^rxyUc. 

■  Buth  this  and  Hiibner's  woric  (see  below)  give  detalb 
for  each  inacripti<»i  in  the  same  exact  and  compreheowrc 
manner  as  De  Rostl,  and  are  aooompanied  by  nimierBsi 
plates.  M.  Le  Blant  haa  subsequently  obtataied  tiMifr'rfl 
Inacriptiona  from  various  parts  of  France  andSwiisffbad, 
whldi  will  one  day,  he  hopes,  form  a  rich  sapptoncBt  lo 
his  former  work  (JTamist.  p.  1). 

■  It  is  notwithstanding  to  be  regretted  that  so  nsefcl 
a  book  waa  not  put  together  with  a  little  more  fUneM  nl 
precision :  it  is  divided  into  nineteen  cb^terB.  bat  nolfa&c 
ia  aaid  either  at  the  beginning  of  the  work  or  at  the  heed 
of  each  respecting  the  contoita  of  the  chapters;  tbe  Ua 
of  books  placed  at  the  end  of  tlie  volmne  aoarcely  aaifafttt 
the  reqnirementa  of  the  Ubltograplier,  as  it  almoct  ini» 
rlably  omits  the  Christian  name  or  inltiab  of  the  aasben 
mentkmed,  and  the  number  of  Tolnmes  in  each  wtwk.  At 
the  same  time  it  will  be  found  very  hdpftal  wlthoel 
bebig  by  any  means  complete,  parUculariy  as  reipidl 
langiiah  books. 


mSGBIFTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


845 


the  7th  to  the  12th  oentnry  in  a  regalsr  series ; 
and  hj  their  help  it  is  hoped  that  a  key  to  the 
approximate  date  of  such  works  in  other  parts 
of  the  oonntry  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  British  Islands  may  be  obtained.  They 
occupy  the  first  part  of  the  work.  All  the  above 
works  are  beautifully  illustrated  with  fifpires. 
There  are  also  other  recent  books  which  deal 
with  the  Christian  inscriptions  of  particular  re- 
gions. Among  them  are  to  be  named  C.  Gazzera, 
Delle  %8crizumi  cristiane  antiche  del  Pkmowte  dfis- 
oorso,  Torino,  1850,  4to.  (also  in  Mmi.  Accad, 
di  Torino,  1851);  J.  B.  De  Rossi,  De  Christiama 
atutis  Carthaginiensibus  (in  Pitra*s  Spunl,  Solesm, 
vol.  4) ;  and  (along  with  the  Pagan  inscriptions) 
L.  Renier,  InacripU(m8  Bomainea  de  VAlgerUy 
Paris,  1858,  fol. 

The  Corjnu  Irucriptionum  Latinarum,  whose 
publication  is  still  going  forward  at  Berlin, 
iBcludes,  with  specified  exceptions,  all  Latin 
Inscriptions,  both  Pagan  and  Christian,  which 
can  be  placed  with  certainty  or  reasonable  pro- 
bability before  600  A.D.  (see  pref.  to  vols.  ii. 
and  iii.).  The  Christian  inscriptions  are  dis- 
tinguished in  the  indices  by  a  dagger  prefixed.*^ 

A  great  number  of  Welsh  inscriptions,  the 
earliest  being  probably  about  the  7th  century, 
will  be  found  in  the  numerous  volumes  of  the 
Archaeologia  CambrensiSf  1846,  sqq.  8vo.,  mostly 
described  by  the  well-known  palaeographer 
Prof.  Westwood.  Bnt  a  conspectus  of  the  whole 
of  the  early  Christian  inscriptions  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  P  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  in  process 
of  time  be  included  in  Messrs.  A.  W.*  Haddan  and 
W.  Stubbs'  Councils  and  EcdesiaaticcU  Docvh 
ment$  relating  to  Great  Britain,  of  which  the 
first  volume  appeared  at  Oxford  in  1869,  8vo., 
part  of  the  second  in  1871,  and  the  third  in 
1873.  The  rery  scanty  inscribed  Christian  re- 
mains of  the  Roman  period  will  be  found  at 
vol.  i.  pp.  39,  40  ;4   vol.  ii.  p.  xxii.  (Addenda) 

•  It  Is  astoolshlng  how  small  a  number  of  Latia 
Christian  Inscriptions  (or,  at  any  rate  inBcrlptlons  known 
to  be  Chrtstiao)  occar  in  some  countries.  In  vol.  liL 
cdiiHl  by  Mommsen,  which  Includes  Egypt,  Asia,  lily, 
ricnm,  and  the  provinces  of  European  Urceoe,  there  arc 
only  about  thirty  Inscriptions  whldi  can  be  counted  upon 
as  Christian  out  of  6574.  Of  these  several  were  found  tofe- 
tbcr  at  a  place  in  Dalmatla. 

9  The  books  where  the  inscriptions  are  described  and 
fippired  are  fally  detailed  under  each  inscription  In  the 
same  complete  manner  as  iu  De  Rossi's,  I^  Blant's,  and 
Htlbner's  works  already  mentioned.  It  Is  hardly  neces- 
sary therefore  to  say  much  of  any  of  them  here ;  many 
of  them  are  pertodlcaJs,  others  are  monographs  on  parti- 
cular classes  of  nionuments,  particiiUrly  Stuart's  Scuip- 
tiired  SUmes  of  SooOand  (printed  for  the  Spalding  Club, 
Edinb.  1856-1867. 2  vols.  foL) ;  O.  Stephen's  Old  Northern 
Rvmie  MonwnenU  (London  and  Copenhagen,  2  vols.  fbU 
186*-1868);  Hunch's  edition  of  the  Oiron,  Manniae 
(Christian.  I860).  A  great  number  also  of  topographical 
and  archa«ok)((lGal  works  by  Lysons,  HodgBon,  Nichols. 
C.  Koach  Smith,  Horsley,  dorlase,  IM.  are  bnrai^t  under 
cootribntlon. 

4  The  Lincoln  inscription  is  considered  by  HQboer 
iinmr.  BriL  /xtf.  u.  1»1)  to  be  of  the  16th  century.  If 
so.  perhaps  the  only  Roman  Christian  inscription  which 
deserves  the  name  must  be  stmck  oK  Th>  chrisma, 
however,  has  been  found  on  six  or  seven  moonmcnts  of 
dillnent  kinds  (without  ootmttng  coins),  once  with  the 
«  and  M  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  U.M.).  The  chrisma  occurs 
also  oo  a  lamp  in  the  Ncwcsdtle  museum,  published  by 
Eiabner<ii.  t.  p.  240,  n.  27).  who  likewise  gives  two  rings 
with  the  Christian  aoclamatlon,  **  Vivas  m  Dnu."  found 


and  p.  51.  To  these  will  perhaps  be  added  a 
Roman  inscription  found  at  Sea-mills,  near 
Bristol,  in  1873,  seen  by  the  writer,  but  whether 
it  be  Christian  or  no  *'  adhuc  sub  jadice  lis  est."' 
The  sepulchral  Christian  inscriptions  in  Celtic 
Britain,  A.D.  450-700,  mostly  in  Latin,  but  one 
or  two  in  Welsh,  vol.  i.  pp.  162^169 ;  some  few 
of  the  Latin  inscriptions  being  accompanied  by 
Ogham  characters.  The  same  class  of  inscrip- 
tions in  Wales,  A.D.  700-1100,  vol.  i.  pp.  625- 
633  (Latin);  the  inscriptions  of  Scottish  and 
English  Cumbria  (a.d.  450-900,  vol.  ii.  pp.  51- 
56),  some  Latin,  some  (at  Ruth  well  near  Dum- 
fries, and  at  Bewcastle  in  Cumberland)  Runic. 
The  inscribed  monuments  (very  few)  in  the 
Pictish  and  Scottish  kingdoms  (ad.  400-900), 
partly  Latin,  partly  in  Runes  and  Oghams,  are 
in  vol.  ii.  pp.  125-132 ;  those  of  the  Isle  of  Man, 
nearly  all  Runes,  of  Norwegian  origin  (one  may. 
be  Gaelic),  and  inscribed  on  crosses,  whose  date  ia 
not  given,  will  be  found  in  vol.  ii.  pp.  185-187. 
There  still  remain  to  follow  the  Saxon  inscrip* 
tions  of  the  period  of  the  Heptarchy  and  the 
Monarchy.* 

A  work  has  yet  to  be  mentioned,  which  is 
perhaps  of  greater  importance  to  the  student 
of  Christian  epigraphy  than  any  which  has 
been  already  named,  De  Rossi's  only  excepted ; 
riz.,  the  Christian  inscriptions,  which  are  con- 
tained in  Bdckh's  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Orae- 
carum  (voL  iv.  fasc  2,  Berlin,  1859,  fol.,  plates). 
They  are  collected  and  edited  by  Prof.  A.  Kirchoif, 
the  same  great  epigraphist  who  has  just  been 
occupied  upon  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Attica' 
rum.  The  Christian  inscriptions  begin  at  No. 
8606  and  terminate  at  No.  9893,  besides  a  few  in 
the  Addenda ;  thus  making  a  total  of  nearly  1300 
insci*iptions  of  all  ages  and  in  almost  all  parts 
of  the  Roman  world,  down  to  the  fall  of  the 

in  England  (pp.  234,  236),  as  well  as  other  rings  which 
seem  to  be  ci)ristian.  The  Romano-ChrlsUan  remains 
in  Britain  are  so  extremely  rare  that  it  seems  to  be 
worth  while  to  make  these  slight  additions  to  what  will 
be  found  in  Mesarii.  Haddan  and  Stubbs*  work.  Mr. 
Wright's  statement  (Ce/t,  Roman  and  Saxony  p.  298) 
that  *  not  a  trace  of  Christianity  is  found  among  the  innu- 
mt-rable  religious  and  sepulchral  monuments  of  the 
Roman  period  found  in  Britain,"  cannot  be  safely  contnh- 
dieted.  The  Westminster  and  Bristol  monuments  may 
poisibljf  be  exceptions.  So  much  can  hardly  be  said  ol 
one  or  two  others  which  have  been  suspected  to  be 
Cbristtan.  See  Dr.  M*Qiul's  remarks  on  the  Chesterholm 
stone  in  the  Canadian  Journal  for  1874. 

r  See  Froc.  qf  Soc.  of  Antiq.  Nov.  1873,  pp.  68-71 ; 
Arehaeoloff.  ^wm.  1874,  pp.  41-4«  (with  figure). 

■  Until  these  appear,  it  may  be  useful  to  indicate  some 
of  the  principal  sourcea  of  information.  In  addition  to 
the  books  already  referred  to,  among  which  Professor  O. 
Stephen's  Runic  Monuments  is  the  principal,  Pegge's 
SjfUoffe  and  Camden's  Britannia^  with  the  additions  of 
Olbeon  and  Gougb,  may  be  consulted.  Among  the 
periodicals,  the  yoiiaJUrt  Archaeological  and  Topogra' 
pkiedl  Journal  and  the  l*roeeedings  t^  iks  Wat  Biding 
ef  Yorkshire  Oeaiog.  and  foljftedinie  Society  are  mors 
espedally  to  be  mentioned,  where  the  Runic  and  other 
early  imicripUons  of  Yorkshire  are  described  by  the  Rev. 
D.  Haigfa  and  the  Rev.  J.  Fowler.  Professor  HQbner 
informs  the  writer  that  he  hopes  his  Inseriptionet  Bri- 
tannuae  f^ristianae  will  appear  in  the  i  ourse  of  187S, 
which  will  be  analogous  in  all  respects  to  the  Inscr, 
Hitp.  Christ  It  includes  all  Latin  inscriptions  down  to 
about  800  r.c.  **  As  there  are  in  Wales  some  few  m 
Oghanos  only,  while  the  rest  ts  in  part  bilingual,  I  do 
noik,**  he  says,  •*  exclude  those  few  merely  Celtic  ones." 


846 


INSCBIPTIONS 


Byzantine  empire.  To  theee  are  to  be  added 
about  sixty  already  included  in  the  earlier  parts 
of  the  book,  which  are  evidently  of  Christian 
times  C  quos  Christianae  esse  aetatis  apparet "). 
They  are  divided  into  three  classes,  (1)  Tituli 
operum  publicorum  et  votivi,  the  first  division 
of  which  is  arranged  chronologically,  the  second 
comprising  those  whose  age  is  uncertain.  Of 
the  former  division  there  are  175,  but  none  is 
earlier  than  the  4th  century,  a  copy  of  a  letter 
of  St.  Athanasius,  the  only,  authority  for  the 
Greek  text,  being  perhaps  the  earliest  of  all ; 
there  are  only  six  or  seven  others  which  can  be 
referred  to  the  4th  century.  The  fifty-eight 
which  follow  these  comprise  all  which  are  of  the 
fifth  and  following  centuries,  several  of  them 
being  in  verse,  to  the  death  of  Charlemagne,  of 
which  number  about  twelve  belong  to  the  age  of 
Justinian  (A.D.  527-565).  The  most  important 
of  these  perhaps  is  a  copy  of  the  paschal  canon 
of  St.  Hippolytus,  which  appeal's  to  have  been 
engraved  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius ;  most  of  the 
others  are  inscriptions  on  various  kinds  of  build- 
ings, such  as  churches,  monasteries,  hospitals, 
towers,  and  there  are  two  or  three  which  are  in- 
vocations of  the  Virgin  and  the  saints,  or  prayers 
for  the  welfare  of  the  persons  mentioned. 

(2)  The  second  class  comprises  156  inscrip- 
tions on  mosaics,  fictile  and  other  vessels,  glass, 
lamps,  triptychs  or  other  wooden  tablets,  ''et 
variae  supellectilis  sacrae  et  profanae,  pondemm, 
sigillorum,  amuletorum,  gemmarum  **  (Nos.  8953- 
9109).  About  seventy  of  these  are  on  seals 
(nearly  all  lead) ;  a  few  are  as  early  as  the  7  th 
and  8th  centuries.  Some  of  those  however  on 
gems  and  glass  are  much  earlier,  and  some 
notice  has  been  taken  of  these  in  the  articles  on 
those  subjects  in  this  Dictionary. 

(3)  The  remaining  class  contains  no  less  than 
783  inscriptions,  all  sepulchral,  and  these  are 
arranged  by  the  regions  in  which  they  are  found. 
Those  which  bear  dates  are  comparatively  very 
few.  (a)  Egypt,  Nubia,  and  the  rest  of  Africa 
(Nos.  9110-9137);  (6)  Syria  (Nos.  9138-9154); 
(c)  Asia  Minor  (Nos.  9155-9287);  (d)  Greece 
and  lUyricum  (Nos.  9288-9449,  of  which  114  are 
from  Athens);  (<?)  Sicily  and  Malta  (Nos.  9450- 
9540);  (/)  Italy  and  Sardinia  (Nos.  9541-9885); 
Ig)  Gaul  and  Germany  (Nos.  9886-9893). 

Various  other  Greek  Christian  inscriptions 
have  been  since  published ;  in  pailicular,  it  may 
be  observed  that  a  few  have  been  found  in  Spain 
and  Algeria,  countries  from  which  Kirchoff  has 
not  given  a  single  example  (Httbner,  u.  «.  p.  v. 
praef. ;  R^nier,  ti.  9,  pp.  255,  349). 

From  what  has  now  been  said,  it  must  be  appa- 
rent how  utterly  hopeless  and  impossible  it  is  to 
give  within  the  limits  of  an  article  in  a  dic- 
tionary a  satisfactory  account  of  this  immensely 
numerous  class  of  Christian  antiquities.  The 
most  important  aid  which  such  an  article  can 
render  must  be  to  indicate  the  principal  sources 
of  information ;  and  these,  if  De  Rossi's  labours 
are  carried  out,  will  be  very  largely  increased 
in  the  course  of  a  few  }(ears. 

A  little  work  however  has  been  published 
at  Toronto  in  1869  by  the  Rev.  John  MK^iul, 
LL.D.,  in  which  a  judicious  selection  of  a  hundred 
"  Christian  epitaphs  of  the  first  six  centuries" 
(Greek  and  Latin  from  various  parts  of  the 
world,  especially  from  Rome)  has  been  brought 
together  and  ably  commented  upon.    They  occupy 


m&GBIFTIONB 

sixty-eight  pages,  and  an  introduction  relating 
to  the  language,  names,  and  dates  employed  fiU 
up  twenty-eight  more.  Besides  these  we  have 
a  brief  preface  pointing  out  the  necessity  ti 
caution  in  using  uncritical  books,  like  those  of 
Aringhi  and  Boldetti,  and  giving  amusing  ex- 
amples of  forgeries  of  Christian  inscriptioiis, 
which  have  deceived  some  learned  writers  even 
of  the  present  century.  To  those  who  cannot 
give  any  great  amount  of  attention  to  the  snb- 
ject,  this  little  work  may  be  heartily  recom- 
mended, as  it  bears  every  mark  of  oonscioitioni 
care  and  of  strict  honesty. 

(ii.)  Technicai  Execution  and  MaUriab  <»- 
ployed. — ^Tbe  modes  of  writing  employed  have 
much  the  same  variations  as  in  all  ages:  the 
letters  are  most  commonly  engraved  with  a  chisel 
below  the  surface  of  the  stone,  and  then  occasioo- 
ally  coloured  (red)  or  gilded ;  sometimes  the  letters 
are  scratched  with  the  point  of  some  instrument, 
a  nail  or  the  like  (fig.  1) ;  on  some  gems  the 


-Sfli'^{^£^M!^, 


"^#<^NWy«}pj^r/ 


1.  LeUenBctatcbedanBHrtu.    ajilSSS.    (Bone.) 

letters  are  in  relief  (camei).  More  rarely  the 
letters  are  drawn  in  paint  (vermilion)  (fig.  3) 
or  in  gold  upon  the  fiat  surface  of  the  marble, 
or  cut  in  gold  leaf  (upon  glass),  or  written  ia 
ink  upon  sepulchral  tablets  or  vases,  or  in  white 


,  •€2tTI>:T€P'lsr.CUNUJtJ6IC -^^^ 

E    MWi^ScWeiRa»'ttl(SaK^M«ir»oi»«T» 


9.  Lecten  (Latin  tiordilBafwkdiaiae«en)ndBled  tat  vcrmBhaflB 
tlM  flat  (not  IndMd)  ■Btfteaartbcnwrbte;  thoj  ai«  of  Bbil 
ftnma,  Dnetal  and  miunacnle.  £•»▼«■  and  poliita  iiitnidMii 
oqirlcioiiilj.  AJk  9SB.  (Bome.  Tte  bnow  cftepk  ot  ftl 
80T«n.) 

colour  on  frescoes,  &c.  In  the  catacombs  the 
inscriptions  were  occasionally,  by  reason  of  the 
unhappiness  of  the  times,  smeared  in  charcoal, 
in  hope  that  when  persecution  had  passed  away, 
they  might  be  recorded  in  a  more  permanent 


•  AM  €K. 


8.  Words  divldsd  uiifennly  bj  polnftL   Tfh  ooBtny.   (By4 

form.  Sometimes  also  old  tombstones  of  the 
pagans  were  used  over  again,  and  the  Christiaa 
inscriptions  were  written  on  their  backs,  or  on 
their  obliterated  faces  (fig.  5).  Points  are  alss 
frequently  found,  sometimes  to  distinguish  words 
(fig.  3%  sometimes  scattered  capriciously  (£{& 


rasORIPTIONS 


riMlIMKftH-KM»' 

XEN'fiTH-ra-HHfiE^f 


iia»m  -fliKna 


ChrtstisD  inscriptiona  (figs.  2,  5,  6>  Some  of 
the  abore  remarks  are  illoitrHted  bj  the  iiucrip- 
tioD>  figured  above  aad  below,  to  be  mora  rnllj 
dencribed  under  TonB.  The  Teadar  ma;  lee 
more  on  this  labject  in  Martigaj'i  Did.  i.  T. 
Inscriptioni,  §§  11.,  III.;  but  it  can  odIt  be 
(tadied  to  adTantage  bj  eiaminiDg  tba  platea 
in  luch  works  as  De  Roui't  Soata  SotUrriaita 


HERAaiVi 
mNSAfCvT.V?^ 


(coloured  plates)  noi]  /nscr.  Urb,  Som.,  and  the 
other  books  nnmed  sbore  is  which  the  Utten 
and  accessories  are  figured.  The  same  remark 
must  be  made  of  the  ^seogmphy.     The  letters 


BmmuEiagiui  coiv^c  iinvmrAiirai 
KM.>  nana  ana  giunui  TiuriitTii 


(figs.  i>,  10)  and  erea  beaatj^  ^  eitreme  ugli- 
iiess  and  carelessneas  ((litem*  nutkatr)  (figs.  1,  B). 
or  the  former  lort  the  characters  employed  b; 
pope  LtamnsDi  fu  the  4th  centary  are  the  most 
remarkable,  their  apices  being  omnmeated  with 
little  hooka  (fig.  7).     The;  are  called  after  him 


T.  liimalpUat  («.|1W1 


IKSCBIFTIONS  8 

graved,  sometimes  painted  on  the  marble.    Th 
alto  man;  Christiio  iuscriptiotis  as  well 

qV/VjwT6A/vyW- 

ElA.tft/VA/ OEci 


others  which  ate  not  Christiso,  wheri 
coDQCCted  b;  ligatures  (lilieriit  liga 
times  to  that  degree  that  it  is  no  eai 


dei^plier  them  (fig.  9).     For  somp  ■.hserratim 
tiocs  see  Le  Blsnt,  Ma.iuel,  pp.  41,  42  ;  Hubne 


(iij.)  5yDi6ofi.— Of  the  aymbots  which  are  fo 
with  some  Christian  Intcriptions,  the  princ 
are  the  roltawini::  the  fish,  the  anchor,  the  d 
the  Oood  Shepherd,  the  chrisma,  the  a  and  w, 
the  cross  in  various  formi.  These  will  be  To 
describfd  under  their  TespectiTa  heads  ( 
noticed  noder  Oeiu  and  MOBticB),  and  t 
ma;  be  regarded  as  either  eiclusivelj  or  p 


S48 


mSOBlPTIONS 


INSOBIFTIOird 


clpfllly  Christian  symbols.  The  palm  which  is 
also  found,  and  that  very  commonly,  is,  like  the 
phoenix.  Christianised;  but  it  occurs  also  on 
pagan  and  Jewish  inscriptions.  It  must  be 
sufficient  to  refer  to  a  table  indicating  the 
symbols  on  the  early  Roman  and  Gaulish  sepul- 
chral inscriptions  (by  far  the  most  complete 
series),  and  the  obsenred  dates  of  their  intro- 
duction and  disappearance,  given  by  M.  Le  Slant 
(J/anu«/,  p.  29).  For  symbols  generally  see 
Raoul  Rochette,  Tableau  des  Cttaoombes  do  JRomej 
pp.  229  sqq.,  Paris,  1853,  and  the  authors  named 
at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  book. 

(iv.)  Select  Inscriptions. — These  consist  of  such 
examples,  arranged  chronologically,  in  prose  and 
verse,  as  are  connected  with  churches  or  their 
furniture  or  adjuncts,  and  they  have  mostly 
some  further  interest  of  their  own.  No  unifonn 
system  of  printing  has  been  followed*  Sometimes 
the  mere  transcript  of  the  letters  seems  to  be 
sufficient ;  sometimes  the  words  have  been  written 
out  (corrected  and  at  length)  below  these ;  some- 
times  a  translation  has  been  added;  also  such 
notes  as  seemed  desirable. 

1.  De  Rossi,  Bulletino  di  ArcK  Crist.  1864,  p.  28 ; 
Roiier,  Tnscr.  Rom,  de  VAlg.  n.  4025. 
From  Caesarea  in  Mauretania ;  written  by 
a  poet  named  Asterius  {ex  ingenio  Asteri)  to 
commemorate  the  gift  of  a  burial-ground  to 
the  Christiann  by  Evelpius. 

ABEAM    AT    (ad)    SEPVLCBA    CVLTOB    VERBI 

OONTVLIT 
BT   CELLAM    8TBVXIT   SVI8    CVNCTIS    SVMP- 

T1BV8 
BCLESIAE   SANCTAE   HANG    BELIQVIT   HEMO- 

BIAM 

SALVErre  fbatbes  pvro  oorde  et  simpligi 

EVELPIVS  VOS  (salQUt)  SATOS  SANGTO  SI'IBITV 
UCLESIA    FBATBVVM    (sic)    HVNC    BESTITVIT 
TITVLVM.    M.  A.    I.  SEVEBIANI  G  V. 
EX  JNU.  ASTERI. 


HEK  .OOS. 


of  two  hexameters  each.    A  ctcmb  at  the 
beginning  and  end  of  the  first  line. 

trot,  /idicap  ^i/i«8or,  rtjyS*  Uphp  irrura  nf^, 

XC'p^f  ^T*  otn-iHay^s  *lofiiaphs  iBrhv  Afoxti. 

Render:  I oonstruded  wiih  nmoerlkg  hami,  he 

This  Ss  the  earliest  Greek  inscription  relatinf 
to  the  imperial  destruction  of  pagan  tcra|de^ 
the  date  of  Jovian's  act  being  about  A.D.  363. 

3.  Le  Slant,  Inscr.  ChrA.  de  la  Gtmle,  i.  49$, 
n.  369.     Preserved  in  the  Hotel  de  ViUe  at 

Sion  in  Switzerland. 

DEVOTIONE  .  VIQENS  • 
AVQVSTAS  .  PONTIVS  .  AEDIS 
BESTITVIT  .  PRAETOR  . 
LON(}E  .  PBAE3TANTIVS  •  ILLI8 
gVAE  .  PBISCAE  .  8TETEBANT  . 
TALIS  •  BB8PVBUCA  •  QVEBE  - 
DN  •  GBATLANO   AVO  •  lUI    ET 
PONTIVS    ASCLEPIODOTVS    VPPDD- 

The  date  of  this  consulship  of  Gratian  with 
Merobaudas  is  A.D.  377,  the  earliest  date  of  aay 
public  monument  yet  known,  bearing  the  chnsma. 
The  next  earliest  is  A.D.  390,  on  a  column  d 
St.  Paul's  basilica,  extra  muros,  Rome.  It  is  won- 
derful that  the  former  church  should  be  spokes 
of  as  old  so  early  as  AJ>.  377  ;  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  it  was  a  Christian  or  a  Christiaiustd 
building.  Le  Slant's  observation  that  this 
church-restoration  is  precisely  contemporaneo«i 
with  the  greatest  abundance  of  Mithraic  monu- 
ments and  those  of  Cybele  is  worthy  to  be 
noted.  The  abbreviations  at  the  end  are  probabiy 
for  vir  praepositus  praetorio  dedicavU.  Tales,  i  e. 
men  like  Asdepiodotua,  De  Rossi,  however  {Bv& 
di  Arch.  Crist.  1867,  p.  25),  who  evidently  con- 
siders Asclepiodotus  to  be  the  author  of  the 
verses,  refers  tales  to  aedes  ('*  che  li  dedio6  alls 
,,  ,  .  .^  .  .,  ,  A  »  I  republica").  He  takes  the  building  to  be  **il 
A  wreath  endosmg  AXl  is  on  the  left ;  a  dove  y^„o  dei  presidi  imperiali,"  the  (Prisma  airf 
and  palm  on  the  right. 

M.  R^nier  reads  the  end  of  the  last  lino  but 
one  titulutn  marmoreum  anno  primo  Severiani, 
viri  clarissimL  If  this  be  right,  as  seems  very 
probable  (though  De  Rossi  feels  some  doubts, 
Prol.  Inscr.  Urb.  Bom.  p.  xi.),  the  mode  of 
dating  is  very  unusual.  Other  Mauretanian  in- 
scriptions are  dated  by  the  era  of  the  province, 
t.  e.  40  A.D.  when  it  was  reduced  by  the  Romans 
(M»Caul,  Christ.  Epit.  p.  37). 

The  words  ecclesia  fratrum  indicate  the  re- 
storation of  the  inscription  to  be  "  assai  antico  " 
(De  Rossi) ;  the  original  was  probably  broken 
during  the  tumults  against  the  Christians,  a.d. 
258-304,  as  De  Rossi  thinks ;  and  the  restored 
marble  tablet  would  seem  to  have  been  put  up 
in  the  first  year  of  Severianus,  probably  the 
Roman  governor  of  Mauretania.  One  of  the 
earliest  Christian  inscriptions,  not  being  an  epi- 
taph, which  have  come  down  to  us  in  any  form. 


devotio  notwithstanding. 

4.  Rasponi,  De  Basil,  et  patriarch,  Lateran.  iii.  7, 
Rom.  1656.  On  the  bronze-silvered  gates 
of  the  Saptistery  of  the  Lateran,  Rome. 

IN  HONORFJi  S.  lOANNIS  BAPTIirrAE 
HILABVS  EI'ISCOPVS  DEI  KAUVLVS  OFPEBT. 

Hilarius  was  pope  from  A.d.  462  to  467  ;  and 
the  inscription  has  the  appearance  of  being  eon- 
temporary.  The  ancient  baptbteries  were  oom- 
monly  placed  under  the  patronage  of  St.  John 
the  Saptist ;  and  both  they  and  the  fonts 
which  they  contained  were  frequently  inscribed. 
Ciampini  gives  both  kinds  of  inscriptions  fnsn 
the  ^iptistery  of  the  Lateran,  which  are  saM  to 
have  been  there  in  the  5th  century:  but  this 
edifice  has  been  often  remodelled.  (See  CIsmp. 
de  Sacr.  Edif.  c.  iii.,  Mart.  Diet.,  p.  321 ;  HilbMfa, 
Arch.  Chr€t.  p.  5,  Guerber's  French  transl.  186&) 

For  this  class  oi  inscriptions  generally  see  the 
posthumous  papers  of  Marini  published  by  Mai, 
ScHpt.  Vet,  Nov.  Collect  t,  v.,  pp.  167-177. 

ooovcnt  el 


2.   Sdckh,  C.  J.  G.  8608.     Corcyra  (Corfu)  in 
the  porch  of  a  church,  written  in  two  lines 

5.  Hubner,  Inscr.    Christ,   Hisp.  No.  135.      Found   in   a  wall  of  the   Benedictine 

S.  Salvador  de  Vairfto,  near  Rraga  in  Portugal,  on  seven  stones. 

IN  "^  6in  PERF 
SVB  DIE  XIII  K 


ECTVM 
aP  ER 


EST  TEMPLVM  H 
DXXUI      .     REG 


VNC    PER    M 
NANTE  SEEE 


ABJSPALLA 
NISSIMO  YE 


DO  VOTA 
BEMVNDY  BB 


/f»  n(omivii)e  d(ami)ni  per/ectum  est  tempbtm  hune  per  Mari^xiUa  <!(«>>  vola 
Sub  die  XIII  Mpiendas)  Ap(rilet)  eria)  DXXUI  reffnante  serenissiwte  Veremmndu 

Spanish  bJm  523;  A.i*.  48ft.. 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


849 


Diction  barbtkrouB,  as  frequentlj  in  these 
Sfanish  inscriptions.  The  church  seems  to  hare 
been  completed  under  the  auspices  of  a  nun, 
named  liarispalla:  probably  the  text  really  is 
per  Mariipalkan  Deo  votam,  the  last  letters 
having  a  stroke  above  them,  which  may  hare 
been  obliterated  or  accidentally  omitted.  The 
inscription  is  interesting  as  being  doubly  dated, 
both  by  the  Spanish  era  and  by  the  reign  of  the 
Visigothic  king.  The  Spanish  era,  whose  origin 
is  uncertain,  but  which  appears  to  commence 
B.C.  38  (see  Hubner,  praef.  p.  Ti.)i  is  the  era 
most  commonly  used  to  mark  the  time  of  the 
Spanish  Christian  inscriptions :  about  100  of 
them  are  thus  dated  (Hubner,  p.  109),  the 
earliest  appears  to  be  A.D.  466,  and  the  latest 
A.D.  762.  Both  the  proper  names  in  the  in- 
scription are  Gothic  (see  Httbner,  praef.  p.  vii., 
who  gives  several  others) ;  the  remark  of  M*Caul 
(m.  «.,  p.  xzi.)  that  Gothic  names  are  ''very 
rarely'"  found  in  inscriptions  does  not  apply 
to  Spain. 

6.  Le  Blant,  Itucr,  Chra.  de  h  QcnUey  i.  87, 

n.  42.  Found  at  Lyons,  formerly  on  the 
exterior  of  the  church  of  St.  Romanns,  where 
Spon  saw  it  in  the  17th  century ;  now  lost. 

TEMPLl  FACFORGS  FVERANT  FRiilDALDVS 
ET  yxOR  MARTVRIS  EQRGOfI  QD 
OONbTAT  HONORE  ROMANI  ILLIVS  VT 
VC  BEQVEATVR  (sic)  S£DE  PE  .  .  ENNB. 

Date,  as  Spon  believed,  of  the  5th  or  6th  cen- 
tury.   He  thus  restores  and  rectifies  the  lines — 

TemgUfaetonMfMtnmt  FnddXdxu  et  uwor, 
MaaiyrU  egrtgii  quod  oomtat  honort  Bomani 
IlUut  ut  preeibuM  reereentur  adeperttmL 

The  motive  of  the  founders  is  here  suiSciently 
clearly  expressed,  that  they  may  enjoy  eternal 
rest  through  the  prayers  of  the  saint.  They  do 
not,  however,  actually  invoke  him. 

7.  Bdckh,  C,  I.  0,y  n.  8640.    On  a  stone  found  in 

the  Peloponnese  by  S.  Alberghatti ;  origin- 
ally (see  1.  7)  erected  at  Corinth ;  now  in 
the  museum  at  Verona. 

+Ar.  MAFIA  eEOTOKE  «TAABON 
THN  BACIAEIAN  TOT 

♦lAOXICTOT  lOTCTINIANOT 
KAI  TON  rNHSIwC 

AOTAETONTA  ATT« 
BIKT«PHNON+  CTNTOIC 
OIKOTCIN  EN  KOPINe»  K.  eE»N+ 
Z»NTAC-h 

'Ky[a  Mapla  Ocoriiicff,  ^^Xo^or  r^p  fiaffiXfleaf 
Tov  i^iXo^ipyiaTov  *lowmwtaifov  ical  rhr  yvri- 
trims  ZovXmvra  ahr^  Biierop^ttor  trby  rois 
ohcovfftp  iy  Kof^wB^  K(arik)  Bthw  (Avras, 

Saijf  Mairy,  €M-b&xrer  (Deipsra),  guard  the  kingdom 
qf  tkt  CkriM^ining  JutHnian  and  hit  faithful  tervagU 
Vielariniu  with  than  that  Uttgodly  in  Corinth. 

Sixth  century,  between  a.d.  527  and  565. 
Other  and  even  stronger  invocations  of  saints 
occur  about  this  time.  In  one,  too  long  to  quote 
at  length,  Demetrins  is  invoked  by  Justinian  to 
aid  him  against  his  enemies,  in  the  capacity  of 
a  mediator  with  God  (ji  fityaXofxdfnvi  Artfi^ 
rpi*  fuairwaoy  vphs  B^hv  tua,  K.r.X.  n.  8642). 
Another  inscription,  mutilated,  from  Thera  (San- 
torin),  of  uncertain  date,  not  later  than  the  4th 
or  5th  century  at  latest  according  to  Ross, 
begins  —  Syu  Kcti  ^fi4pt  Mix«^X  apx^77<^*i 

OHBiffr.  ANT. 


fivfiB^i  T^  M\^  <rov  'tiptfi^  (n.  8911).  Votive 
tablets  were  also  erected  to  saints ;  one  from 
the  cemetery  of  Cyriace  in  Rome  runs  thus: 
Petrtu  et  Panoara  boium  posuent  (sic)  marture 
Felicitati.  (Marini,  u.  s.,  p.  15.)  In  another, 
found  near  the  baths  of  Diocletian,  Camasius 
and  Victorius  pay  their  vows  (votura  reddunt) 
Domnia  Sanctis  Papro  et  Matuvleoni  martunbus 
Od.  p.  14). 

The  expression,  t»4rnip  %tov  {Mother  of  God), 
the  usual  title  of  the  Virgin  on  the  early  medi- 
eval camei  (see  Gems)  luid  not  yet  come  into 
amunon  use  in  the  Greek  church,  as  appears 
from  Ephraim,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  a  contem- 
porary of  Justinian*  See  Pearson  On  the  Creed, 
Art.  III. 

8.  Sec.  Voy,  de  deux  Benedict,  p.  234  (quoted  by 

Martigny,  Diet.  p.  321).  On  a  silver  cha- 
lice given  by  Remigius,  archbishop  of 
Rheims  (died  A.D.  533)  to  his  cathedral 
church. 

HAVRUT   HINC  POPVLVB   VITAM  DE  SAN- 

GVINB  8ACR0 
INIBCTO  AETERNVS  QVEM  FVOIT  VVLNERE 

CHRIST  VS 
REHiaiVS  REDOrr  DOMINO  SVA  VOTA  8A- 

GBRDOS. 

This  is  considered  by  Martigny  to  be  in  all 
appearance  the  **  ministerial  (sacramental) 
chalice  given  by  St.  Remigius  himself  to  the 
church  of  Rheims  ;  see  also  Archaeol.  Joum, 
1846,  p.  134.  The  magnificent  chalice  of  gold 
which  goes  by  the  name  of  Remigius,  formerly 
at  Rheims,  now  in  the  Paris  Library,  is  of  the 
12th  century  (Arch.  Joum.  u.  s.).  For  other 
inscriptions  on  chalices,  see  Marini,  ti*  a.  p.  197. 

9.  Le  Blant,  Truer.  Chret.  de  la  Gauie.  u.  348, 

n.  574.  Engraved  on  the  four  scalloped 
edges  of  a  square  marble  altar  slab  formerly 
in  the  ancient  cathedral  of  Rodez. 

DEVSDEDIT  G^  mDIONVS  FIERI  lYSSlT  HANC 

ARAM. 

Deusdedit  is  supposed  to  have  been  bishop  of 
Rodez  about  the  end  of  the  6th  century :  the  in- 
scription is  doubtless  a  contemporary  composition, 
but  the  letters  and  the  sign  of  contraction  .n_  are 
suspected  of  having  been  restored. 

The  name.  Deusdedit  occurs  also  on  a  gem  (see 
Gems)  ;  the  form  Deuadet  is  likewise  found  more 
than  once  in  inscriptions  (Le  Blant,  u.  a.  p.  433) ; 
for  similar  instances,  see  Namea  below.  For  the 
altars  of  Christian  churches  ara  (though  as  old 
as  TertuUian)  is  less  commonly  used  than  aUare, 
especially  in  prose.  For  other  inscriptions  on 
altars  see  Marini  (u.  a.  pp.  74-80).  This  and  the 
altar  at  Ham  of  the  7th  century  are  among  the 
earliest  that  are  inscribed  (Le  Blant,  n.  91). 

10.  Camden,  Britan.  §  «  Brigantes,"  ed.  1600 : 
''Accepimus  crucem  hie  (at  Dewsbury,  York- 
shire) exstitisse,  in  qua  inscriptum  fuit : 

PAVLINVS  HIC  PRAEDICAVIT   ET  GELB- 
BRAVrr." 

Paulinus  was  bishop  of  York,  A.D.  625-664. 

The  inscription  upon  it  is  among  the  earliest 
that  we  have  in  England,  which  are  not  sepul- 
chral. Fragments  of  the  ancient  cross  itself, 
probably  broken  at  the  Reformation,  which 
Leland,  in  his  Itinerary,  mentions  having  seen, 
bearing  the  above  inscription  (temp.  Henr.  VIIl.l 

81 


850 


IN8CBIPTION8 


hare  been  bnllt  up  against  the  church  there. 
The  miracles  of  Cana  and  the  multiplication 
of  five  loaves  and  two  fishes  were  represented 
thereon,  and  a  few  Latin  words  of  the  Gospels  in 
Kunesque  characters  can  still  be  read.  (Figured 
and  described  by  the  Rer.  J.  T.  Fowler,  in  a 
recent  number  of  the  Yorkshire  Archaeol.  and 
Top.  Joui-naL) 

The  most  remarkable  cross  of  the  same  kind 
as  the  present  is  that  at  Ruthwell,  near  Dum 
fries  (then  part  of  Northumbria),  with  Scrip- 
tural and  other  scenes,  and  Latin  legends  from 
the  Gospels,  &c. ;  also  haWng  extracts  from  a 
poem  by  Caedman,  entitled  A  Dream  of  the  Holy 
lioodf  written  in  Runes,  near  the  edges.  It  is 
between  seventeen  and  eighteen  feet  high,  and 
appears  to  be  of  the  8th  century.  For  a  full 
account  of  it  see  Stephens,  Bunio  Mon,^  vol.  ii., 
pp.  405-448,  with  figure. 

1 1.  Copy  of  the  dedication  stone  of  Jarrow  chapel, 
Durham,  made  in  1863  by  the  Rev.  J.  T. 
Fowler.  Marini,  u.  «.  p.  163  ;  Camden, 
Brit  956  (Gibs).  Pegge,  SyUoge^  p.  15, 
pi.  1  (in  Nich.  BibL  Top.  Brit  vol.  vi.> 

It  is  now  over  the  nave-arch  of  the  church, 
"  and  may  be  original "  (Fowler,  m  ««.).  The 
forms  of  the  letters  0  and  C,  and  their  incon- 
stancy, quite  favour  this  supposition. 

.    n  DUDICATIO    BASILICAE 

y^    8C1    PAVLl    VIII    KL    MAI 
^1^        ANN^  XV  EGFRIDi  REG 
GEOLFRIDl   ABB    EIVSDGM 
Q.   EOCLEB  DO    AVCToRE 
C0NDIT0RI3  ANNO  JIII. 

The  date  is  a.d.  685,  determined  by  the  reign 
ef  Ecgfrith,  king  of  Northumbria.  One  of  the 
very  few  early  English  inscriptions  which  bear 
a  date. 

The  basilica  or  chapel  of  the  monastery  has 
been  converted  into  the  parish  church,  some 
remaining  parts  of  which  "  are  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  of  ante-Norman  date  "  (G.  G.  Scott's 
Report).  For  the  history,  see  Flor.  Wigom. 
8.  a.  682.  Benedict  Biscop  should  rather  be 
called  the  founder  than  CeoIfHth,  whom  he  ap- 
pointed as  the  first  abbot. 

The  above  scanty  selection  must  suffice  for  this 
place.  More  is  to  be  sought  in  other  articles 
under  Ampulla,  Gems,  Glass,  Lamps,  Moket, 
Mosaics,  Seals,  and  Tombs. 

(v.)  Language  and  Style  of  the  Christian 
Inscriptions. 

A.  Orthography^  Inflections^  and  choice  of 
Words.—  While  some  of  the  Christian  inscriptions 
are  composed  with  correctness  and  even  with  ele- 
gance both  in  prose  and  verse,  there  are  others 
which  are  written  barbarously  as  respects  the 
letters,  the  forms  of  words,  the  declensions,  the 
genders,  the  conjugations,  the  syntax,  and  the 
prosody. 

It  would  scarcely  fall  within  the  province  of 
this  article  to  enter  into  the  grammar  or  rather 
non-grammar  of  the  language  of  the  latter  sort. 
It  partakes  of  the  barbarisms  with  which  various 
non-Christian  inscriptions  are  more  or  less  dis- 
figured,* and  which  have  even  found  their  way 

«  MarHgny  {Diet.  p.  309)  calls  them  ''Gommuns  anx 
inscriptions  chretlenncs  et  aux  romaines,"  referring  to 
Hub.  GoltzloB  {Thet.  Rei.  Ant.  ^  23)  and  R.  Fabretti 
(Inter.  lAXt.  expl.)  for  farther  iDfonnatloo.    The  indicee 


INSCEIPnONH 

into  literature  in  their  most  aggrarated  sliapes, 
if  the  Formularies  of  the  monk  Marcnlfus  (drca 
660  A.D.)  can  be  called  literature.  In  the  Greek 
Christian  inscriptions  the  frequent  and  Tarxcns 
changes  of  vowels  and  diphthongs  mi%  the  most 
noticeable  particularity.  Thus  jcc«rcu  is  written 
Kire,  or  Kiniy  or  jnrn?,  'HfkUXcioT  becomes  H^ 
KAiyof  or  HpcucAiof,  icoi/ii}T^pior  is  changed  into 
KvfjL9T€pioy,  r9\eM$t\s  becomes  tcXu»9cx5,  irwh 
written  crov,  riJCf  is  simply  rota,  and  the  i  ad- 
script of  the  dative  is  generally  onsitied.  Tnt 
change  of  consonants,  as  acoA^os  for  c^Xres, 
raufjuourM  for  $av/iJurta,  7Ai?7opci  for  -j^nryiptt, 
Kwptot  for  x^P^Vi  ^  niore  rare.  There  is  ako  aa 
occasional  tendency  to  abbreviate  words,  so  as  ta 
substitute  furnOifTi  for  /urfiir^fiTij  hiancmw  for  Itir 
KOfoSf  &C.,  or  to  enlarge  them,  as  jcoAAms  or 
KoAiroo-i  for  k6\wois.  Sometimes  Coptic  InfiueKe 
is  discernible ;  sometimes  uncouth  late  fonai  as 
^CToA^raror,  make  their  appearance  (Bockh, 
passim). 

In  the   Latin   the  changes  are   mach  more 
remarkable.*^    From  the  selection  of  inscriptioDf 
(including  the   notes)  given   above   and    under 
TOMB,  also  under  Gems  and  Glass,  and  from  a 
few  others  we  obtain  such  changes  as  Agnstas  for 
Avgvstas^  eclesia  or  aecksia  for  ecclesia,  quert  for 
quaere^  que  for  quae,  hec  for  ham^  bixit  or  tirsi 
or  vicxit  or  visit  or  b^sit  or  visse    for    ruiE, 
posuete,  posuent  for  posuit,  posueruniy  bobis  for 
vcbis,  button  for  votum,  vAi  for  vtci,  ^avUcs  for 
stabilis,  provata  for  probata,  omn^its  for  cwwi&a^ 
quesquas,    qesguety  and  reqviscit,    for    q^HesoaOf 
quiescitf  requiesdty  spectit  for  spectat  (expectat)^ 
jacU  forjaoetf  annus  for  awuM,  hue  for  hoc,  epyt> 
fium  for  epitaphium,  marturibus  for  mcuiyrSmSy 
ozza  for  ossa,  ed  for  et,  es  for  er,  m  pace  fer 
in  pace,  anatema  for  anathema,  cAamones   for 
canoneSf  tinta  for  tincta,  pelem  for  pdUtn,  mnes  or 
misis  for  menses,  zaconus  for  dkuxmus,  Isiepkaim 
for  Stephanus,  slinatarius  for  linatarius,  JSesus  for 
Jesus,  Zenuaria  for  Januaria,  GerosaU  for  JerH- 
salem,  and  various  other  words  which  contain 
barbarous  substitutions  of  consonants  and  rowels 
and  also  of  diphthongs.     Again,  neater  sabetaa- 
tives  are  sometimes  treated  as  masculines,  e,g. 
hunc  templum,    and    conversely  masculines   as 
neuters,  e.  g.  hoc  iumulwn.    The  regimen  of  tbe 
cases  is  frequently  violated  in  the  use  of  prepoei* 
tions  (see  below),  and  also  in  such  expressions  as 
vixit  annis  (or  even  aantu  or  annorum)  and  the 
like.     See  more  in  Martigny,  Diet.  pp.  309-:>ll ; 
and  McCaul,  u.  s.  pp.  xii.  and  xiii. ;  the  Utter 
of  whom  observes  :  "  The  student  should  beware 
of  regarding  what  may  be  new  to  him  in  Christian 
epitaphs,  as  peculiar  to  them.     Very  many  ci 
the  variations  from  classical  usage   are  to  be 
found  in  Pagan  inscriptions,  and  some  of  them 
in  authors  that  are  not  commonly  read.** 

The  actual  words  also  vary  little  from  tbe 
Pagan  ones ;  r^wescit,  refrigerat,  and  even  depo- 
situs'  (about   which   Cardinal  Wiseman  in  hii 

at  the  end  of  the  volumes  of  the  Oarp.  Inset.  Latin,  mm 
being  pnbltehed  at  Berlin,  under  Res  praarmoficBtt  vS 
be  found  still  more  useftil.  They  go  far  to  ertahlhih  tte 
truth  of  Martigny's  remark. 

■  H.  Le  Blant  refers  to  a  work  by  A.  Fn^  JMi 
Rcmamit^en  Spradien  in  ikrem  rrrftriffniiin  tmm  La:ti»' 
iiciUn,  which  the  writer  has  not  seen. 

s  It  was  not  after  all  so  very  common  in  the  eailHit 
ChrisUan  times.  *'  La  formule  dfpotitu*—depoeUi«  (i*> 
ract^rise  particuUdrement  les  inscriptions  des  qnaotisa 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


851 


FtAioh  (p.  145)  has  written  so  prettily,  as  im- 
plying 8  *  precious  thing,  intrusted  to  faithful, 
but  temporary  keeping ')  and  some  others  which 
seem  Christian  in  their  tone  occur  iometimes  in 
Pagan  inscriptions  (see  MK^ul,  ti.  s.  pp.  ziv. 
4,  29 ;  Tertull.  De  Teat.  Anim,  c.  4,  commented 
on  by  Fleetwood,  /nscr.  Ant.^  Index,  p.  6,  who 
is  deceived,  however,  in  thinking  that  no  Chris- 
tians of  Tertn11ian*8  age  "  refrigerium  mortuis 
suis  oomprecatos  esse."  See  Ve  Monag.  c.  10). 
And  conversely  some  words  and  expressions  which 
are  not  Christian,  find  their  way  occasionally 
from  Pagan  into  Christian  inscriptions,  as  damus 
aetemoL,  percipere  (baptisma  sc  said  primarily  of 
the  rites  of  Mithras  and  Cybele),  contra  votum, 
Dimu  (said  of  emperors  deceased) ;  and  even  oc- 
casionally D.  M,,  or  in  full  Dia  ManibuSy  so  usual 
at  the  head  of  Pagan  inscriptions  (see  Tomb,  and 
McCaul,  fi.  a.  p.  54,  and  his  Index,  a,  v.  Pagan 
uaagea).  In  fact  there  is  a  very  small  residuum 
indeed  of  mere  words,  i.  e.  not  necessarily  involv- 
ing peculiar  doctrines  or  religious  distinctions' 
which  are  exclusively  Pagan,  or  exclusively 
Christian.*  Dr.  McCaul  remarks  that  there  is 
scarcely  one  of  the  designations  of  the  place  of 
burial  used  in  Christian  epitaphs,  that  is  pecu- 
liar to  them,  so  far  as  he  remembers,  although  he 
has  not  observed  quadriaomua  (locua)  in  any  Pagan 
epitaph.  Likewise  he  does  not  remember 
seeing  aepultiu  in  any  Christian  inscription 
of  the  firbt  six  centuries,  and  but  rarely  in 
Pagan  ones ;  but  yet  acptUcrum  occurs  in  both 
not  rarely.*     Again  he  says  praecedo  is  charac- 

et  doqul^ine  slides,  Men  qn'on  en  ait  qaelqa«s  exemples 
amUrifiara."  Martigny,  J>ict.  p.  319.  Neither  is  the  word 
ttuiverm],  being  very  rarely  found  in  Qaul. 

f  Thus  the  words  renumetio,  retnrffo,  bapliHalm, 
rtdempLor,  perhaps  also  fanctinwmiaZif,  as  well  as  the 
oombinations  dia  jtuliciitputOa  Dei  (anon),  and  per- 
haps/amtiliM  Det!,  applied  in  very  many  epltaphii  to  the 
plouc  dead,  bat  In  a  few  other  inscrlpUozis  to  tbe  living 
(see  9  iv.  n.  4)  have  no  place  in  Pagan  inscriptions,  nor 
eosia  as  applied  to  a  wife  (see  De  Boss!,  n.  ISl).  It 
might  be  thought  that  Deo  aetemo  vMffno,  and  in 
aetemuM  renatui  would  equally  be  absent;  yet  both 
occur,  the  former  in  connexion  with  goddesses  (deabua- 
que),  tbe  latter  in  relation  to  the  mynterles  of  Mithras. 
(Mai,  /teHpt.  Vet.  Nov.  CoU.  voL  v.  p.  3  (note);  Le  Blant, 
Inmsr.  Ckret.  tie  la  Gaule,  vol.  U.  p.  72^  Christian  Influ- 
enoo  may  be  suspected  in  these  instances. 

■  At  the  same  time  it  is  undeniable  that  depoiitua 
(=srjm/tii«)  and  dqintUio  occur  in  a  very  laige  number 
of  Cbribtian  inscriptions,  but  only  in  a  very  small  num- 
ber oi  Pagan  ones  (Orelli,  n.  4ft65,  is  a  clear  example); 
while  ekUtu,  the  clasriral  expression  for  being  carried 
oat  to  burial.  Is  so  rare  In  Christian  Inscriptions  that  De 
BobSi  can  find  no  parallel  to  his  single  example  (n.  IlSi). 
'I'bere  may  perhaps  be  some  fow  other  Instanowi  of  the 
aame  sort  of  each  kind. 

•  Since  this  aenteuce  was  penned,  the  writer  has  dis- 
covered an  example  of  a^iuUus  in  an  andent  Christian 
epitaph  of  Mauretanla  (Bonier,  n.  4026).  It  is  very 
possibly  as  early  as  the  third  century,  to  which  several 
Fa^m  InacrlptioDB  in  that  region  certainly  belong.  There 
is  a  second  example  in  the  name  region,  a.d.  416 (n.  3675), 
auad  a  third,  a.d.  389  (n.  3710).  We  have  another  instance 
occurring  in  an  epitaph  of  Rimini  a.d.  S23  (De  Roasl, 
MulL  Artk.  CriiL  1864,  p.  15).  The  word  la  found  also  in 
Cbriatlan  epitaphs  of  Spain,  dated  and  undated,  but  per- 
liapa  in  no  case  belbi»  the  aeventh  century  (Hdbner.p.  x. 
and  tbe  referrnoes).  We  have  in  fine  in  a  Peruglan  Inbcrip- 
tion  of  Roman  times  (VermigL  Inter.  Pentg.  1. 11.  p.  442) 
4m  qua  (basilica  sc.)  a^dUri  mm  debet.  Cardinal  Wise- 
man therefore  is  not  strictly  accurate  in  ssylng  (i'oMofa, 


teristically  Christian,  while  abacedo  he  thinks 
occurs  only  (and  that  rarely)  m  Pagan  epitaphs 
(u.  s.  pp.  xiv.  XV.  53).  But  who  does  not  see 
that  any  new  discovery  may  upset  the  supposed 
distinction?  There  are  indeed  phrases  which 
appear  to  have  an  exclusively  Christian  meaning, 
such  as  Deo  reddere  apiritwn  sanctum,  apwi 
Deum  acceptua,  deceasit  or  exivit  de  aaecuio,  abeo- 
luius  de  oorpore,  recepiua  ad  Deum,  arceaaitua  ab 
angeiis,  and  a  few  others  of  the  same  kind.^* 
(Mart.  Diet,  p.  315;  M*Caul,  u.  «.  p.  xv.).  The 
expression,  m  pace,  is  derived  from  the  Jew^n 
epitaphs,  and  passes  over,  both  as  an  acclamation 
and  otherwise,  to  the  Christian  inscriptions;  its 
occurrence  is  generally  considered  to  be  a  certain 
proof  that  the  monument  is  not  pagan.  (See, 
however,  Monet.)  «  Dictio  ilia  In  Pace  Chris- 
tiana tota  est"  (Morcelli,  De  St^,  Insor.  Lot.  ii. 
p.  77 ;  and  so  Martigny  Diet,  a,  v,  "  In  Pace," 
q.  v.\ 

Upon  the  whole,  it  will  perhaps  be  thought 
enough  to  give  the  following  extract  from  the 
Edinintrgh  Meview  relative  to  the  Latinity  of  the 
Christian  inscriptions,  with  the  addition  of  a  few 
notes. 

*^  The  reader  at  once  recognises  in  the  Latinity 
of  these  epitaphs  [of  Italy  and  Chiul]  «  the  germ 
of  that  total  change  in  the  government  of  prepo- 
sitions, which  is  one  of  the  great  sources  of 
distinction  between  the  ancient  and  the  modem 
languages  of  Italy.'  The  old  distinction  of 
government  between  the  ablative  and  the  accu- 
sative has  evidently  begun  to  disappear.  Many  of 
the  prepositions  are  used  indiscriminately  with 
both  those  cases.  Thus  we  read  (De  Rossi,  Ina, 
Urb,  Rom,  p.  82)  that  Pelegrinus  "lived  m 
peace  cum  uxorem  stuan  Silvanam  f  and  in  an- 
other place  (p.  108),  Agrippina  erects  a  monu- 
ment to  her  "sweetest  husband,  CMxn  quern  vixit 
sine  Uaione  animiy  annos  tree  et  menses  decern." 

p.  146)  **The  word  to  bury  is  unknown  In  Christian 
inscriptions."  It  occurs  even  at  Rome,  which  he  had  more 
particularly  In  his  eye,  in  an  Inscription  thought  to  be  of 
the  third  century :  crtt^  &&  Eva^i«  (B6ckh,  n.  9612). 
At  the  same  time,  for  whatever  reason,  the  word  appears 
to  be  decidedly  rare.  But  as  it  seems  to  be  not  much 
more  common  in  Pagan  Inscrlptiims  there  is  no  great 
force  in  the  cardinal's  remark. 

^  There  are  also  various  expressions  relating  to  light, 
as  lumen  ctorum,  prcumia  {tici»,  lux  nova,  tc  occurring 
in  Christian  epitaphs  which  contrast  remarkably  with 
tbe  luce  earttt  jaceo  in  tenebris,  ho,  of  the  Pagans.  See 
Mart  Diet.  p.  380.  But  this  is  a  dliferenoe  of  feeling 
rather  than  of  language.  There  are  other  similar  con- 
trasts which  we  can  hardly  discuss  here.  See  M'Gaul 
p.  xil. ;  JSdiinb.  Rn.  n.  s.  p.  242.  But  some  of  the  esrliest 
ChristlanlnscrlptioDsexpreesnofeelingof  any  sort  See 
De  ifoesi,  nos.  3,  6,  12,  13,  16,  19.  20, 21,  22,  all  of  tbe 
first  three  centuries. 

«  Much  the  ssme  remarics  may  be  made  of  the  sepul 
diral  Inscriptions  of  Britain  and  of  Africa.    See  Tomb. 

*  And  of  France.  We  have  this  interesting  Inscrip- 
tion of  Berre,  Maria  virgo  minetter  de  temputo  (a  templl 
sdu  temple)  G^roia{s(=Jerusalem),  Le  Blant,  n.  642,  A. 
The  same  anthor  points  out  various  other  links  of  con- 
Dection  between  the  epigraphlcal  Latin  and  the  French 
language.  Thus  qui,  which  is  invariable  for  both  gendera 
in  French,  is  twioe  found  on  the  epiti^b  of  a  nun,  A.n. 
431.  (In  an  inscription  of  Piedmont  9i»<  in  like  manner 
agrees  with  Maria.  Oaziera,  JKnn.  iloc.  Ibr.  tt.«.  p.  191.) 
In  tbe  fifth  century  we  have  also  aanta,  which  prepares 
the  way  for  the  modem  aainte ;  ttom  i^riritua  (*■  que  Ton 
entend  encore  aux  ofiloes  de  villages")  comes  eeprit 
(Jfanuet,  p.  194). 

3  I  2 


852 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


A  third  monnmeDt  Ss  erected  pro  caritatim  (Le 
Blant,  Inacr.  Chr^,  Octul.  vol.  i.  p.  400).  Id  a 
fourth,  a  mother  is  entreated  to  pray  for  the  child 
she  has  left  hehind,  *' jtto  hunc  unum  ora  subolem  " 
(De  Rossi,  p.  133).  Conversely,  we  find  de  sua 
omnia  (De  Rossi,  p.  133)  and  deoeasit  de  aa^culum 
(p.  103).  And  although  an  occasional  solecism 
of  this  kind  might  be  explained  by  the  mde  and 
illiterate  character  of  the  individual  author  of 
the  inscription,  the  frequency  of  the  occurrence 
clearly  indicates  the  settled  tendency  of  the 
popular  usage  of  the  prepositions  towards  the 
abolition  of  all  distinction  in  the  government  of 
cases.*  We  may  add  that  the  same  confusion  of 
case  is  found  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Jewish 
oatacombs  published  by  Father  Garrucci,  among 
which  we  read,  on  the  one  hand,  cum  with  the 
accusative,  as  cum  virginhun  (p.  50),  and  cum 
Celerinum  (p.  52) ;  and  on  the  other,  inter  with 
the  ablative,  as  irUer  dicaeis, 

**  It  is  hardly  worth  while,  perhaps,  to  advert 
to  such  solecisms  as  pauperorum  ror  pauperum 
(although  it  is  plain  from  the  recurrence  of  the 
same  form  in  other  words,  as  omniomm  for 
omnium^  that  the  change  is  not  an  accidental 
error) ;  or  to  the  occasional  use  of  forms  rare, 
bat  not  entirely  unexampled,  in  classical  Latin, 
as  nectua  (Le  Blant,  p.  15)  as  the  participle  of 
neco,  or  uiere  (De  Riossi,  p.  233)  as  the  ablative 
of  uter,  a  rare  form  following  the  third,  instead 
of  the  second  declension.'  But  it  is  impossible 
not  to  discern  a  foreshadowing  of  the  modem 
idiom  of  Italy  in  such  words  as  pu/ib,  and  still 
more  PtYirmntno,  which  is  the  direct  prototype 
of  the  Italian  Piccinina,  The  same  may  be  said 
of  the  orthography,  which,  in  many  cases,  points 
clearly  towards  the  modern  pronunciation.  The 
form  9anta  for  aanota  already  appears;  and  the 
Xf  as  in  sesies  for  aexiesy  begins  to  give  place  to 
the  modem  «.  This  tendency  goes,  however, 
beyond  individual  words,  and  seems  to  indicate 
certain  general  principles  of  usage.  We  do  not 
mean  those  broad  characteristics  which  distin- 
guish Italians  and  foreigner  generally  f^ra 
ourselves,  in  the  sounds  of  the  vowels  and  diph- 
thongs of  the  ancient  languages,  although  in 
all  these  the  interchanges  of  the  characters  of 
the  two  languages  which  the  inscriptions  fre- 
quently exhibit,  and  the  characters  employed  in 
each  to  represent  equivalent  sounds  of  the  other, 

•  Msrtigny  (ZKct  p.  820)  tliinks  that  if  an  inscription 
has  eum  or  de  followed  by  an  accusative,  it  must  be 
placed  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century.  This  seems  very 
doubtltal.  We  have  certainly  inter  tanctii  In  an  inscrip- 
tion of  268  A.D.,  and  perhaps  eum  eum  In  another  of 
379  A.n.  (see  De  Rossi,  pp.  16, 21).  Before  this  etim  eo- 
dale$  oocms  at  Fompcdi  ((7. 1.  L.  Iv.  n.  221). 

'  Dr.  McCanI  notes  some  very  singular  Instances  of 
Inflection,  aa  the  datives  iVicmi,  A(fapeniy  Leapardeti^ 
Jreneti  (also  IrenC),  Mercuraneti  fh>m  Niee,  Agape,  Leo- 
paarde,  Sirene,  Mereurane  (Mercuriane) ;  also  itpeti  for 
tpei;  Ukewlae  VSetoriaee  fat  VSetoriae  (u.  t.  p  ziii.  and 
18, 19).  The  same  fcNrms,  as  was  to  be  expected,  occur  In 
Pagan  InscriptionB.  Thus  we  find  Oljfoeni,  Staplfhnh 
kc  in  Spain  (C.  /.  £.  IL  Index,  p.  779).  We  have  also 
Januariaa  for  JteitioricM;  at  Pompeii  ((7.  /.  L.iv.n.  2233), 
and  several  similar  examples;  and  AmpUataea\n  Spain 
(C.  L  L.  11.  n.  4975, 60).  Professor  HAbner,  In  fine,  ob- 
serves In  a  few  Christian  inscriptions  of  l^win,  Joanni, 
Pattcri^itc  as  the  genitives  otJooumee,  Pastor,  ho.  (p. 
xill.),  and  oonverKly  we  have  Satumie,  Merewrie  as  the 
genitives  of  &iltfrfii»,  Mercwriut  (De  Rossi,  nos.  172, 
1T6). 


are  quite  decisive  against  the  English  usage.  We 
refer  rather  to  certain  peculiarities  of  Italiaa 
pronunciation,  which  are  regarded  as  defects 
even  by  the  Italians  themselves,  and  wbidb 
nevertheless  find  their  counterpart  here.  One  of 
these  is  the  well-known  ooda  or  additional 
vowel  sound,  which  Italian  speakers  ofl«n  attack 
to  words  ending  with  a  consonant.  Of  this  there 
are  numberless  examples  in  De  Rossi's  volume; 
as  posuete  for  posuit  (p.  18).  In  like  manner  we 
find  a  type  for  the  vowel  sound  prefixed  to 
words ;  as  ispiriiue  for  spiritus,  iaerSnt  for  scrUt 
(p.  228) ;  and  the  actual  Italian  sound  of  k  (ok 
or  k)  between  two  vowels,  which  has  long  beei 
the  subject  of  ridicule,  is  found  directly  expressed 
in  these  inscriptions,  in  which  micM  is  one  of  the 
forms  of  mihi, 

'*It  is  amusing  loo,  to  meet  in  the  Roman 
catacombs,  or  among  the  Christians  of  andrat 
(}aul,  the  prototype  of  the  cockney  aajMrate  and 
its  contrary.  Thus  we  find  upon  the  oat  hand 
(Le  Blant,  vol.  i.  p.  ^tS),  Boaa.  (for  oeaaX  iSTordiM, 
JTbctobres,  iTetema ;  and  upon  the  other  oe  for 
Aoc  (Le  Blant,  p.  93X  *c  for  Aic,  /lams,  ora. 
Onorins,  Sse.**  (Edmb,  Rev.  1864,  pp.  234-5> 

The  Index  Grammaticus  added  at  the  end  of 
Hiibner's  Christian  Inscriptions  of  Spain,  gives 
a  rich  harvest  of  similar  barbarisms.  Nearly  ail 
the  vowels  are  blundered  in  one  way  or 
other,  and  no  small  number  of  conaonants;  with- 
out dwelling  on  them  we  have  the  following : 
kuno  edificium;  in  anmbue;  post  fimere;  m 
kuno  tumulum  requieacit;  cum  operarioa  ver- 
nolos:  offeret  (for  ofiert;)  besides  other  less 
heinous  sins  against  inflections.  For  the  Saxoa 
forms  which  occur  in  inscriptions  in  England  the 
reader  is  referred  to  Stephens'  Rwuc  Mcnunnda, 
and  for  the  Celtic  forms  in  the  Irish  inscriptioni 
to  Petrie  and  Stok«s'  work  thereon  (see  above). 

Examples  of  bilingual  inscriptions  (Greek 
and  Latin)  and  of  Latin  inscriptions  in  Greek 
characters,  also  of  double  rendering  of  words 
into  Runic  and  Roman  characters,  as  well  as 
Celtic  words  in  Ogham  characters,  will  be 
noticed  under  Tomb. 


B.  Proper  Nameauaed  in  Ckriatian 
— For  the  proper  names  used  in  Christian  in- 
scriptions see  careful  and  interesting  notices  in 
De  Rossi,  /.  U.  B,  Prol.  cxii.-cxiv. ;  McCanl,  a.  s. 
pp.  xix.-xxi. ;  Hilbner,  u.  a.  pp.  vL  vii.,  and  the 
references. 

The  Edinburgh  Reviewer  has  treated  this 
matter  so  well  for  the  Latin  inscriptions  of  Italy, 
Gaul,  and  Africa,  taking  also  some  slight  notice 
of  the  Greek  inscriptions,  that  his  wonls  are  set 
down  with  little  abridgment.  The  account  has 
been  supplemented  by  a  few  words  about  tke 
Spanish,  British,  and  Iri^  names  which  occor 
in  the  early  Christian  inscriptions  of  thoee 
countries. 

"The  small  proportion  of  patrician  famflies  among  tte 
early  Christiaos  will  hardly  soffloe  to  explain  ttie  nfti 
disappearance  amoi^them  of  the  use  of  the  three  neiM^ 
which  had  hitherto  been  the  peculiar  privOefe  of  tht 
aristocratic  dass.  Not  a  singie  Inscriptlao  after  Okn- 
stantlne  presents  three  names;  and  of  the  ante-Cuuiilsfi 
tlnian  Inacrlptions.  there  are  but  two  [rather.  Is  but  ov] 
in  which  the  three  names  occur  *  *  •  •  After  OuuitM 
tine,  except  Flavins,  which  orattnued  in  partial  im 
praenomlna  may  be  said  entirely  to  disappear.  The  tU. 
distinctive  GenHte  name  too^  qutoUy  fiollowed.  Tht 
inscriptions  before  Ooostantlne  abonnd  with  AmlB 


INBGBIPTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


853 


OoroeUl,  CUodli,  Antonll,  tto,  •  •  •  •  Tbiui  In  Um 
▲areU«n  age,  we  find  Aarellns  or  Aurella  repeated  seven 
ilmea ;  and  under  Ckmatanttua  and  his  sons.  (>>n8tantfaiU8. 
OoDStantiaa  and  Oonatans,  have  their  turn  of  popularity. 
The  Qentile  name,  however,  was  qalckly  displaced  by 
new  Ibnns  termlnaUng  In  nHiu  as  Lactantioa.  Dlgnantliis, 
Gkvacentiua,  Leontioi ;  or  in  ottM,  a*  Bonosiia.  A  favourite 
iwin  in  the  third  and  succeeding  centuries  was  some 
laudatory  epithet,  as  Benignus,  Gastus,  Gmta,  Gastuia. 
Often,  especially  In  Afdca,  in  the  superlative  degree ; 
aa  DignlBsimus,  Feiiclssimus,  Aooepttssima.  Sometimes 
similar  adjectives  appear  hi  the  comparative  degree,  as 
Dignior,  Nobilior;  and  occasionally  the  abstract  quality 
itself,  as  Prudentia,  *Ayasi|,  Ac,  is  found  as  the  name. 
The  names  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  later  centuries  would 
be  found  on  examination  to  furnish  the  type,  if  not  the 
exact  equivalent  of  most  of  the  fancifU  appellatives  of  the 
palmy  days  of  puritanlsm.  We  meet,  not  merely  with 
simple  forms  such  as  wioritt  sArtc,  ayam},  Deoentia, 
Prudentia,  Oignitas,  Idonitas,  <r«tf<ofi.cni;S  orRenatus, 
Redemptua,  Befrigerius,  Projectus ;  or  the  more  self- 
abasing  appeUati  vea,  Steroorlus  or  Oontumelioaus,  but  com- 
pound names  of  the  true  Puritan  stamp,  such  as  Deus 
Dedlt,  Servus  Dei,  Adeodatus,  Quod  vuU  Deus  *  *  * 

**  In  a  few  instonoes  occasion  is  taken  from  the  name  to 
introduce  into  the  sentiment  of  the  epitaph  some  playftil 
alluaion  to  the  etymological  import  of  the  name;  and 
although  this  practice  is  more  consonant  with  the  tastes 
of  the  later  times,  yet  the  inscriptions  of  the  daa^c 
period,  present  examples  of  a  similar  play  upon  words, 
of  whch  we  may  Instenoe  the  sentence  fh>m  the  very 
pret^  eplteph  of  Glandia  given  by  Orelli  (voL  L  p.  647). 

'<UGIC  ESr  SEPULCBUM  HAUD  PULCiiUM 
PULCRAI  FEHINAE."  [Pulcher  was  a  cognomen  of 
ttie  gees  Claudia.]  These  allusions  in  the  Christian 
epitaphs  are  commonly  veiy  simple.  Thus  we  meet 
INFELDC  FELICITASk  and  IKFAUSTUS  FELIX. 
A  montuneot  is  erected  to  InnooerUiut  in  recognition  of 
his  innoeenee,  PRO  INNOCENTIA  SUA.  OLYCO 
(ykvKvt,  sweet)  is  described  as  '*  tweeter  than  his  name." 
The  sorrowing  friends  of  ANTHUS  bemoan  his  years 
-etript  tf  tkeir  Jlauert^  and  even  in  a  very  tender 
poetical  eplteph,  addressed  to  the  momoiy  of  Verus,  by 
his  wife  Quintilla  (whose  grief  for  his  loss  proclalma  itself 
•o  extreme  that  it  is  («ly  the  fear  of  God  that  restrains  her 
firom  following  him  to  the  grave,  and  that  she  vows  to 
remain  a  widow  for  hia  sake),  room  is  found,  in  the  midst 
of  all  the  writer's  passionate  exprenions  of  sorrow,  for  a 
pQo  upon  the  name  of  <*HIC  VERUS,  QUI  SEMPER 
VlilRA  LOCUTUS,'*^  a  pun  exactly  similar  to  that 
contained  in  the  epiteph  of  the  emperw  Probus,  which 
Vopiacos  has  preserved—**  HIC  PROBUS  IMPERATOR, 
ET  VERB  PROBUS,  SITUS  EST"  (w.  f.  pp.  335-237). 

The  proper  names  which  occur  on  the  Christian 
inscriptions  of  Spain  (Hiibner,  praef.  pp.  vi.  sqq.) 
are  more  yaried.  The  old  Rioman  nomina  gen- 
tilicia  are  rare,  and  generally  occur  alone,  as 
Anrelius,  Julins,  Licinia,  &c.,  bat  with  a  provin- 
cial cognomen  occasionally  added,  such  as  A. 
(Aurelius)  Vincentias.  We  have  also  nameroas 
examples  of  old  Roman  cognomina,  as  Avitus, 

>  A  remarkaUy  pretty  specimen  is  given  in  De  Rossi's 
Roma  SotUranea,  voL  i.  p.  263,  where  Faith  makes  an 
epiteph  to  her  stoter  Hope  which  runs  thus— 

PISTE  SPEI 
SoRoRI  DVli 
CISSIMAE 
FECIT.    (Dove.) 

But  it  ought  to  be  remembered  that  SpeM  is  a  name 
not  unfrequent  in  Roman  Pagan  epitephs,  so  that  the 
now  famous  fragment  of  the  Bristol  inscription  which  | 
eontains  it  is  not  on  that  account  presumably  Christian :  ' 
apart  frxrni  the  symbols,  dog.  cock,  and  wp,  and  the  por^ 
tiait  (?),  it  now  reads  only  SPES  C.  SKNTI  (flUa). 

^This  ChrisUaD  epitaph  is  published  1^  Fabreta 
lii.e30. 


Dexter,  Fills,  Crispinos,  Camilla.  Of  the  more 
modem  names  are  those  which  are  of  truly 
Latin  origin,  aa  Aetemalis,  Amator,  Asella,  Do- 
minicns,  Februarius,  Honorius,  Sanctns,  which 
seem  to  be  generally  diffused  in  the  provinces 
of  the  empire;  also  the  following,  which  appear 
to  be  peculiar  to  Spain  (including  of  course  Por- 
tugal) :  Bracarius,  Cerevella,  Cuparins,  Gran- 
niola,  Lilliolns,  Salvianella,  &c  There  are  also 
many  which  come  from  the  Greek,  as  Arcadius, 
Basilia,  Glancus,  Leontias,  Macarius,  Theodosius, 
2^non,  &C.  Others  are  still  more  modern,  such 
as  Agilo,  Ermengond,  Froila,  Gnlfinns,  Hnniric, 
Oppila,  Reccisrinthus,  Reswentus,  Sonnica,  Mari- 
spalla  (fern.),  Swinthiliuba  (fem.),  all  which  are 
probably  Gothic;  also  ''Anna  Gaudiosa  sire 
Africa  **  (n.  71)  and  Manrus,  which  are  of  course 
both  African;  and  Bacauda  and  CTamuelates,  which 
appear  to  be  Gbiulish.  The  origin  of  others,  as 
Istorna,  Locaber,  Macona  (fem.),  (jninigia,  (^la- 
tricia,  and  Rezina,  is  unknown.  To  these  must 
be  added  Scriptural  names,  aa  Emmanuel,  Jo- 
hannes, Maria,  Sallomon,  Susanna,  Thomas,  &c. ; 
those  of  the  puritanical  type  mentioned  above 
appear  to  be  wanting. 

With  regard  to  Great  Britain  we  find  (for  the 
British  period)  some  Latin  names,  as  Viventius 
and  Florentius  (in  Scotland),  also  Silius,  Pauli- 
nus,  Satuminus,  and  Carausius  (in  Wales  and 
Cornwall),  and  some  of  these  forms,  as  Augus- 
tinus  and  Paulinus,  were  re-imported  from  Rome 
in  Saxon  times.  But  there  are  also  Celtic  names 
occurring,  as  Isnioc  (in  0)rnwall),  Pascent  (or 
Pasgen),  Otdfan,  Cyngen,  Pabo,  Bodnoc  (in 
Wales),  and  Drost,  Yoret,  Forcas  (Fergus  ?)  and 
others  (in  Scotland) ;  aa  well  as  Saxon  or  Scan- 
dinavian names,  such  as  Sinnik  (in  Scotland), 
Herebricht,  Hildithrilth,  Wulf here,  and  the  like 
(in  England).  A  Saxon  name  is  occasionally 
Latinised,  as  Win!  into  Ovinus.  In  Ireland  the 
great  mass  of  the  names  is  Celtic,  but  occasion- 
ally a  Latin  form  is  Hibemized,  as  Oilumbanus 
into  Cholumban :  very  occasionally  a  Latin  form, 
as  Martinus,  survives. 

C  Words  and  Formulae  employed  m  different 
ages  and  places. — ^The  words  and  phrases  relating 
to  burial  and  other  matters  vary  a  good  deal  in 
different  places,  and  in  the  same  place  at  different 
times.  M.  Le  Blant  has  collected  these  "  for- 
mules  d'^pigraphie  chrtftienne"  with  consider- 
able industry ;  but  a  good  many  additions  might 
easily  be  made.  He  even  takes  no  notice  at  all 
of  some  provinces,  e.g.  Dalmatia  and  Pannonia, 
which  however  have  some  formulae  and  wordb 
of  interest.' 

Several  of  the  selected  inscriptions  (sepulchral 
and  others)  have  been  chosen  partly  on  account 
of  the  formulae  therein  contained,  and  some  re- 
marks upon  them  are  made  in  their  places. 

But  it  is  well  observed  by  Htlbner  that  until 
the  Christian  inscriptions  of  all  parts  of  the 
world  have  been  collected  and  edited,  it  is  im- 

.  i  B.g.  an  inscription  from  Sabarta  (Stein  an  Angar) 
speaking  of  a  dead  child,  has  **  requiem  socepit  in  Deo 
patre  nostro,  et  Christo  ^us"  (Corp.  Inter.  Lot.  t.  ili. 
n.  4221,  edited  by  MommBen).  Another  (n.  4220)  from 
the  same  place  begins:  <* Bonememorie,  in  Deo  vivas, 
lodorus  Civ.  Oraec  ex  reg.  Ladic.  q.  vix.  an.  L.  te. 
(Bcnaememoriut  occurs  in  Gaul,  Le  Blant,  JTan.  p.  11\ 
See  also  n.  6399  sqq.  ftx>m  Dalmatia,  where  we  have 
hie  in  voce  iaoet,  doMtiluL  he 


854 


INSCRIPTIONS 


fNSCBIPnONS 


possible  to  say  what  formulae  are  peculiar  to 
each:  those  which  we  consider  to  be  peculiar 
may  turn  out  to  be  universal  or  common  to 
many  provinces  (ti.  s.  p.  vii.).^ 

The  following  is  a  translation  with  slight 
omissions  and  additions^  and  a  few  tacit  cor- 
rections,  mostly  for  the  Greek,  of  M.  Le  Slant's 
Manuel  cTEpigrapkie  ChrA,  pp.  75-85  (Paris, 
I860),  omitting  the  references  to  his  own  work 
for  Gaul  and  to  those  of  others,  as  De  Rossi 
(Rome),  Gazzera  (Piedmont),  Mommsen  (kingdom 
of  Naples),  R^nier  (Algeria),  and  (for  the  Greek) 
Bockh.  To  this  has  been  added  (besides  some 
Roman  phrases)  a  collection  of  Spanish  formulae 
derived  from  Hiibner ;  also  a  notice  of  the  few 
formulae  which  occur  in  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland. 

'*  That  which  is  true  for  ancient  coins,  as  also 
for  the  works  of  architecture,  is  not  less  so  in  that 
which  concerns  the  monuments  of  epigraphy. 
In  each  new  place  which  he  visits,  the  antiquary 
sees  variations  of  the  formulae,  the  symbols, 
the  writing,  the  disposition,  the  ornaments  of 
the  marbles.  Though  apparently  of  little  im- 
portance, these  marked  differences  are  worthy  of 
)>eing  studied  with  care.  Arising  sometimes  from 
the  difference  of  the  times,  as  well  as  from  that 
of  the  places,  thev  are  able  to  serve  as  guides  in 
the  restoration  of  the  texts,  to  fix  the  nationality 
of  personages,  the  age  of  the  inscriptions,  and  even 
to  furnish  materials  for  the  history  of  ideas. 

"  1  must  appeal  to  the  patience  of  the  reader 
in  undertaking  to  place  before  him  some 
features  of  the  localisation  of  the  types  and 
formulae  of  Christian  epigraphy.  Below  are 
those  which  seem  to  me  the  most  remarkable  in 
different  provinces : 

Germania  Prima : 

Mayenoe;  IN  HOC  TITVLO  RBQVIESCIT  FKLI- 
CITER.    Worms:  TITVLVM  POSVIT. 

Belgica  Prima : 

Treves:  PRO  CIRITATE.  and  the  Uke;  TITVLVM 
POSVIT;  HlC  lACBT;  HlC  lACET  IN  PACE; 
PATRES  (titalam  posaerunt). 

Belgica  Secnnda : 

Amiens:  VBi  FECIT  NOVEMBER  DIES  XV,  and 
the  Uke ;  DEFVNCTVS  EST. 

Viennensis :  

SVRRECrVRVS  IN  XPQ,  and  analogous  formulae. 
Briord:  HVM ANITAS;  ABSTVTVS  (i.e.  astw 
tut,  in  a  good  sense).  Briord  and  Vienne:  VO- 
LVNTAa  Vaifon  and  Aries:  PAX  TECVM. 
Marseilles :  REOESSIT.  retained  even  when  this 
word  has  disappeared  in  other  places  ftom  the 
eplgraphical  formnlary. 

k  Dr.  M*CaaU  nsnally  most  accurate,  illustrates  this 
remark  by  a  statement  that  among  the  many  expressions 
for  our  "here  lies"  we  have  **hic  Jaoet  (not  qfttn), 
ivBdSt  Kctnu  (often),**  p.  xiiL  We  may  safely  say  of  hie 
facet  that  It  occurs  almost  everywhere,  being  found  first 
fn  Uome,  then  in  Gaul,  Spain,  Dalmatia,  Algeria,  and 
Britain,  In  which  last  country  it  is  almost  the  only  for- 
mula. Nor  does  there  seem  to  be  any  rea»on  to  think  it 
rare  In  any  of  those  countries.  M.  Le  Blant,  however, 
only  notices  it  under  OauL  The  Greek  rendering  of  thiis 
ev$dS*  iretToi,  or  jcaroiccirai.,  is  also  very  general,  but  per- 
haps  not  qaite  so  comm<xi :  it  occurs  In  Rome,  Sldly, 
Gaul;  In  Kgypt,  Dalmatla,  and  Greece;  Algeria,  and 
Cyrene;  also  in  Asia  Minor,  but  not  everjrwhere.  In 
truth  M.  Le  Blant's  is  only  a  sketch  partially  worked 
out,  but  still  very  interesting. 

1  They  are  enclosed  in  brackets. 


Aquitania  Prima : 

Coudes:  TRANSilT  IN  ANNOSL 

Narbonensis  Prima : 

TouloDse:  REQVIEVIT  IN  PACE. 

Lugdunensis  Prima,  Viennensis : 

BONAEMEMORIVS  (acUect.);  APTVS  (L  e. 
thetic). 

Lugdunensis  Prima  et  Secunda,  and  a  good  masy 
other  (though  not  all)  parta  of  Gaol : 
BONAE  MEMORIAE ;  very  uuoommon  at  Bone. 

Lugdunensis  Prima,  Germania   Prima,    Maxima 
Sequanorum,       Viennensis,       Aquitania 
Prima: 
VIXIT  IN  PACE 

Lugdunensis  Prima  et  Quarta,  Viennensis,  Prina 
et  Secunda  Narbonensis : 
OBIIT,  in  common  use  (thoi^^  seldom  at  Rone). 

Lugdunensis     Prima,     Viennensis,     Aqoitania 
Prima : 
TRANSilT ;  not  oomman  at  Rome. 

[Lugdunensis  Prima,  Viennensis : 

FAMVLVS  DEI  (appUed  in  epitaphs  to  the  da«l . 
See  Le  Blant,  Mamul,  pp.  10.  24.  and  referenoea.] 

Spain: 

FAMVLVS  DEI,  orCHRISTL  [Apparantiy  always 
similarly  appUed.  See  Hfihoer,  pp.  xL  111,  US 
and  references.  For  the  Spanish  fbnnulae  in 
ral,  see  below.*]  This  formula  doea  not, 
among  those  of  the  cataoombs  roistered  fay  Borio 
andBoldettL 

"  Spain  :— 

l%e  formula  In  peace.— Hf  PACE  Cin  vattoos  can- 
nections).  with  REQVIESCIT,  KEQVlbVIT,  RBCfiS- 
SIT,  RKQVIESCAT,  &c. ;  DOMINI,  CHRISTI,  lESV 
being  sometimes  added.    See  HQbner,  u.  c.  pp.  ix.  x. 

CoMecratumformuiae.—T^  NOMINE  DI  (DOMINI  H 
N09TRI  I.  C.  CONSACRATA  EST  ECLESIA  a 
STEPHANI  PRIMI  MARTYRIS ;  IN  NOMINE  DO- 
MINI CONSBCRATA  ECLESIA  &  MARIE;  EPL 
SOOPVS  OONSECRAVrr  HANC  BASELICAM ;  IN 
nomine;  DOMINI  SACRATA  EST  ECLESIA  ;  IX. 
KAL.  lANUARII  ERA  D  LXXXX  DEDICATA  EST 
HAEC  EOCLESIA  6CE  MARIE ;  DEDICATA  EST 
HEC  BASILICA  A  PIMENIO  ANTISTITE ;  DEDI- 
CAVIT  HANC  AEDEM  DOMINVS  BAGAVDA 
EPIS00PV8. 

Reli4fuarsformuUu.^IS  NOMINE  DOMINI  HlC 
SVNT  RECONDITE  RELIQVIE  SANCTORVM  SER- 
VANDI,  GERMAl^I,  etc  ;  RECONDITE  SVMT  10 
RELIQVIE  DE  CRVORE  DOMINI,  SANCTl  BA- 
BILE,  etc 

Building  /ormidoa.— CEPRIANO  EPISCVPO  (f4c) 
ORDINANTE  EDIFICATA  [est  haee  ecciesia] ;  HAEO 
SANCTA  TRIA  TABERNACVLA  IN  OLORIAM 
TRINITATIS  (in  unltate  ?)  COHOPKRANTIBVS 
SANCTIS  AEDIFICATA  SVNT  AB  INLVSTBl 
GVDILIVVA  CVM  OPERARIOS  VERNOLOS  Er 
SVMPTV  PROPRIO;  CONSVMATVM  OC  OPVS 
ERA  DOCXX ;  FVNDAVIT  EAM  (*c.  aram)  ALTIS- 
SIMV8  PER  EVLALIAM  ET  FILIVM  EIVS 
PAVLVM  MONACHVM;  PERFECTVM  EST  TEM- 
PLUM. 

Votive  /orwulos.— RE0CESVINTHV8  REX  OFFE- 
RET  (offert)  [ac  coronam] ;  OFFERET  MVSVSCV- 
LVM  S.  STEPHANO  THBODOSIVS  ABBA. 

Sepulchral  formulae  (length  of  life).— VIXIT  TOT 
ANNOS,  or  ANNIS ;  or  ANNORVM  TOT ;  CVII 
MARITO  ANNIS  TOT;  PLVS  MINVS  TOT  (vitiit^t 
annos; ;  ANNORVM  DIERVMQVE  TOT ;  QVI  IH 
HOC  S/VECVI/)   CONPLEVERAT  LVSTROS  TOT 


INSCBIPTIONS 


INSCRIPTIONb 


855 


Gallia  Cisalpina : 

Ouuu :  VIXIT  IN  HOC  SAISCVLO  ANNOS.  Oman, 
▲ll»,  I\>Ueiiio,  Nice  and  the  envlrous:  D12P0S1- 
TVS  SVB  01£M  XIV  KALs  etc  Oomo,  MiUn. 
Aqull^a,  FluTvnoe,  Bologna,  etc :  RM,  at  the  head 
of  lii>cripUuQ8.  Turin,  Tortona,  Milan,  Brescia, 
QvltA  dl  FriuU.  AquWciJa:  CONTRA  VOTVM 
FOSVIT.  Pi.Klmunt:  HIG  REgVUiSClT  IN 
80MN0  PACIS. 

Latium  •■ 

Borne,  OfttU  r  LOCVS»  at  the  beginning  of  the  Inscrip- 
Uon.  Rome :  DEPOSITVS,  veiy  common  form,  of 
which  Qaal  gives  acaroely  four  examples ;  REFRN 
QEKIVM.  IN  RU^RIGKUIO,  RBFRlGERbT 
DKVS  (onoe  only  In  Gaul);  LOCVM  EMIT,  or 
COMPARAVIT,  a  formula  which  is  completely 
nnloMwn  in  Gaol;  the  mention  of  a  tomb  pre> 
pared  by  the  living  is  very  rare  in  Gaul.  0»Ua : 
HlC  1X)KM1T,  CVM  DEVS  PEBMISEEIT, 
gVANIK)  DEVS  VOLVERIT. 

Campania : 

Naples:  JN  AVLA  REQNX  TVl.  INDVC  EOS  IN 
CAELESTIA  KEUNA. 

ApuleU : 

Mirabella,  Eclonnm,  Fontanaxoaa.  etc:  HIC  REQVI- 

AETATIS  SVAE  XL111;DEC£D1T  £  VITA.    Some- 
Umes  the  words  ANVS,  PVER,  VIRGO  are  Introduced. 

Mtmulae  of  FtfrtoL-DEPOSITIO;  HVIC  RVDI 
TVMVLO  lACENS ;  IN  HOC  LOCO  QVIESCKNS ; 
IN  HOC  TVMVLO  lACET ;  HIC  RECONDITVM 
EST  00RPV8;  DEPOSITVS  IN  PACE;  IN  ISTO 
LOCO  SEPVLTVS  EST;  HIC  SITVS  EST;  Jr<4pM^ 
fMr«l  tlp/f^yifB, 

Prayen  for  ihe  AetuL  — DOMINB  lESV  CHRISTE. 
FAMVLE  TVE  OMNIA  PEOCATA  DIMITTE  (a.d. 
M2);  PRBCATVS,  VT  PRO  TVO  PROMISSO  ET  SVB- 
LIRAMiNE  (sublevamine)  MKREAMVR  INGREDl 
PARADISI  IAN  VE (seemingly  offered  for  the  dead,  bat  ? 
see  n.  96);  YnEP  ANAnAYCEOC  KAI  COTHPIAC 
THC  MAKAPIAC  KYPIHC  KITOYPAa 

iloc{a3MaCuNU.-CHiONI  VIVAS;  LVPICVS  VIVIT; 
MARCIANB  VIVAS  IN  CHRISTO  (said  of  the  Uving). 

SUUian  of  the  deoecuei  in  l^e^—The  public  and  private 
station  of  the  deceased  are  veiy  rarely  mentioned : 
and  then  only  extending  to  VIR  INLVSTRIS,  CLA- 
RISSniA  FEMINA,  etc  The  nsoal  designations  are 
FIDSUS^  FIDELIS  CHRISTI,  FAMVLA  or  FAMV- 
LVS  DEI  or  CHRISTI ;  aLm  BAPTIDIATVS  (once). 

Eedetiastical  tUUion  in  {{fc— ABBA  ;  ANTISTES ; 
DKVOTA  VIRGO ;  PONTIFEX ;  VIRGO  CHRISTI ; 
VOTA  DEO. 

■  The  following  formnlae  (from*  De  Reed's  J.  U.  R. 
vol.  i.  jNMfiM)  may  be  added  for  Borne  up  to  aj>.  400, 
and  from  Buckh  {C.  I.  G.y. 

Fbmulae  of  cleats.— OBIIT ;  DECESSIT;  DISCES- 
SIT;  RECESSIT;  DORMIT;  DORMIT  IN  PACE; 
MORTVA  EST;  DEFVNCTA;  TEAEYTA;  ETE- 
AEYTHCEN;  EHAYCATO;  nPOAPEI,  ETEAlOeU 
(Bockh);  KOIMATE  («oi/Mrai,  i(i.);  EN  EIPHNH; 
DE  SAECVLO  RECESSIT,  or  DECESSIT,  or  EXIBIT 
(exivlt):  RECESSIT  DE  HAC  LVCE;  IIT  AD 
DEVM;  RECEPTVS  AD  DEVM ;  PRAECESSIT  AD 
PACEM;  EXIVIT  IN  PACE;  QYIESCET  IN  PACE; 
REQVIESCET  IN  80MN0  PACIS;  A13S0LVTVS  DE 
OORPOKE;  SPIRITVS  IN  LVCE  DOMINI  SVSCEP- 
TVS  EST. 

SeptOdiral  Fonmdae.-mC  lACET,  ENeAAE  KEI- 
TAI,  or  KATAKEITAI  (Budch);  UIC  SITVS  EST; 
HIC  DORMIT:  UIC  POSITA  EST;  DEPOSITIO; 
KATAeECIC;  ETA«H  (Biickh);  KATETEeH  (id.), 

lkiMifincUUmiftomb.^lJOCVLySi  BISOMVS,  TRI- 
SOMVS.  QVADRISOMVS  (with  LOCVS  exprceaed  or 
understood);  TOHOG,  OVBICSVLVM,  AETEKNA 
DOMVS. 


B9CIT  IN  fiOMNO  PACia  DEP(>SITJO  EIV8 
III  IDVS etc 

Bratium,  Campania,  Apulia : 

B.  M  (i.  e.  bonae  memoriae)  at  the  head  cf  Inscriptluns. 

Africa : 

SiUfls,  arta,  OcMirea,  Rusgonia,  etc:  MEMORIA, 
at  the  beglnnfaig  of  the  inscription.  Sitifis,  Orlteis- 
ville,  Arbal,  Ponos  Magnus:  PRAICCKSSIT. 
Hamman  bel  Hanefla,  Hudjar  Roum.  Purtus  Mag- 
nns:  DECESSIT.  DiSCESSlT.  Cirta,  Kalama, 
Carthage,  etc.: -VIXIT  IN  PACE  [Caesarea: 
IN  PACE  HIC  QVIBBCIT;  AOCUBITORIVM; 
SEPVLTVS.  Sltifls:  HIC  lACIT.  Girto:  EN- 
eAAE KETTE.] 

Greece : 

Athens:  KOIMHTHPION,  at  the  beghining  of  the 
Inscription. 

Qalatia : 

Tachomm,  eta :  eBCia 

Cilicia : 

Mopeuestia,  Tarsus,  Oorycua,  Szlenda:  TOnOC.  Se- 
leuda,  Bor. :  MNUMA.  Mopenestia,  Tarsoa: 
MNHMA  AIA«£P0N.  Selencia:  ZAMOCOPIN 
(xafMunSpMi'),  nAPACTATIKON ;  in  the  sense 
of  sepulchre.  Oirycus,  Epinoia,  Seleucia,  eilKH. 
Ooiycos:  COMATOeUKH,  eHliU  AIA«E- 
POYCA. 

Syria: 

Andrena,  Phylea,  Schmerrin,  Uorus,  on  the  gates* 
AYTH  H  HYAH  TOY  KYPIOY.  K.T.A. 

Palestine : 

Jerusalem:  MNHMA  AIA«£P0N;  eHKH  AIA- 
♦EPOYCA. 

Egypt: 

Benka  el  Aasel:  EH  APAeO.  Thebes:  0  MAKA- 
RIOC,  applied  to  the  dead ;  [0  eEOC  ANAIIAYCI 
EN  CKHNAIC  APION.  Alexandria:  MNH- 
eHTI  THC  KOIMHCEOC  THC  AOYAHC  OOY.J 

Nabia : 

Phile:  En  APAeo.  Kalabecheh:  0  MAKAPIOC, 
appUed  to  the  dead;  [ENeA  KATAKEITE]. 
KaUbachdi,  cemetery  of  Wady-Gaaal:  ANA- 
HAYOON  0  efiOC  THN  ♦YXHN  AYTOY  EN 
KOAniC  (icoAiroiO  ABRAAM  KAI  ICAAK  KAI 
lAKOR  Cobuucia;  0  eEOC  TON  HNEYMA- 
TON  KAI  CAPKOC  .  .  .  ANAHAYOON  THh 
^'YXHN. 

Great  Britain : 

IC  lACET;  HIC  TVMVLO  lACPT;  IN  OC 
TVMVLO  lACrr ;  A.  HIC  lACIT  B.  FILIVS ; 
HIC  lACrr  IN  CONGERIES  (sic)  LAPIDVM ; 
A  FILTVS  B  HIC  lACIT;  HIC  lACENT 
SANCTI  ET  PRAEdPVI  SACEKDOTES ; 
HIC  MEMOB  lACIT;  HIC  IN  6EPVLCR0 
REQVIESCIT;  IN  MEMORIAM  SANCTORVM; 
LVGEM  TVAM  DA  DEVS  ET  REQVIEM;and 
(later)  ROGO  OMNIBVS  AMBVLANTIBVS 
EXORENT  PRO  ANIMA ;  also  (in  Celttc)  OR 
DO  (pray  for) ;  and  (in  Saxon)  BEGUN  AFFER 
(a  memorial  to)  .  . .;  GIBIDDAD  DAER  SAVLE 
(praj  for  the  soul) ;  also  name  only, 

Ireland : 

UIC  DORMIT  (ooce):  name  only  in  genitive  (In 
lAtin) ;  and  in  Celtic,  of  which  the  great  majority 
are  composed.  OR  or  OROIT  DO  (pray  for);  OR 
orOROIT  AR  Tpray  for);  BENDACHD  FOR 
ANMAIMN  (a  blessing  on  the  soul  of) ;  SAFEI 
SAHATTOS  ([the  stone]  of  the  wise  sage);  also 
name  only  (very  flreqncntly). 

D.  AcchmaiiOTU, — ^There  is  still  one  point  re- 
lating to  the  phraseology  of  Christian  inacrip- 
tiona,  on  which  it  may  be  convenifint  to  say  a 


856 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INS0BIPnON8 


}ittle  more.  Many  of  those  on  gems  and  glass, 
and  a  large  number  of  the  epitaphs  contain  what 
are  termed  acclamations,  or  short  expressions 
addressed  to,  or  in  behalf  of^  the  liring,  or  to  or 
in  behalf  of  the  dead.  Both  one  and  the  other 
existed  for  the  Pagans,  and  both  one  and  the 
other  were  adopted  with  yarious  modifications 
by  the  Christians. 

(1.)  To  begin  with  those  which  concern  the 
living.  The  sentiment  on  the  inscription  amici 
DUM  VIV1MV8  VIVAMV8  (Gruter,  p.  609,  3)  on 
the  glass  IN  nomine  hebcvlis  acebentino 
(Acherontini),  felicbb  vivatis  (Garrucci,  Vetri, 
t.  xxxY.  f.  1),  and  on  the  gem  vibas  (sic)  lvxvbi 
HOMO  bone  (King's  Ant.  Oems  and  Bings,  vol.  i.  p. 
311),  was  adopted  by  the  Christians  in  the  sense 
of  living  in  God ;  and  they  engraved  vive  or 
vivas  in  DEO,  and  cognate  expressions  expressive 
of  hope  both  for  time  and  for  eternity  on  their 
own  gems  and  glass  vessels,  and  occasionally  on 
a  lamp  or  an  amulet.  Sometimes  a  saint  is 
added,  as  vivas  in  CHBiffio  et  lavrentio,  or 
a  saint  only  is  expressed,  as  vivas  in  nomine 
lavre(n)ti.  Sometimes  again  a  married  couple, 
or  a  man  and  his  family,  are  the  subjects  of  this 
kind  of  good  wish.  Sometimes,  however,  the  name 
of  God  or  Christ  was  omitted,  but  a  Christian  sym- 
bol, as  a  palm  or  a  chrisma,  was  introduced  in 
order  to  insure  the  Christian  significance.  The 
Christians  did  not  indeed  refuse  the  sense  of  en- 
joying this  life,  when  they  wrote  pie  (ir(c)  zeses, 
or  zeses  only  on  their  glass  drinking-cups,  which 
were  employed  in  sacred  festivities,  but  the 
sacred  representations  which  accompanied  the 
legend  would  be  a  witness  against  any  intem- 
perate use.  A  smaller  number  of  acclamations 
inscribed  on  glass,  prays  that  the  persons  ad- 
dressed may  live  in  the  peace  of  God.  Thus  one 
in  favor  of  a  married  couple :  vivatis  in  pace 
DEI  (Garrucci,  Vetri,  t.  i.  f.  3) ;  on  another  we 
have  BiBAS  (vivas)  IN  PACE  DEI  (Id.  t.  vi.  f.  7), 
or  vivas  im  pace  dei  (Id.  t.  vii.  f.  2). 

For  the  matters  here  touched  on  see  Gems, 
Glass,  Lamps,  Seals.  That  this  kind  of  accla- 
mation exhorting  to  live  was  usually  addressed  to 
the  living,  is  clear  upon  the  face  of  it :  but  there 
are  a  few  cases  where  it  is  less  certain,  whether 
the  persons  addressed  were  alive  or  dead.  Thus 
it  has  been  made  a  question  whether  HILARIS 
vivas  cvm  tvis  feuciter  semper  refri- 
oeres  in  pace  DEI  is  an  acclamation  to  a  living 
or  dead  person:  Martigny  {Diet.  p.  8)  relying 
principally  on  the  woi^  expressing  a  desire  for 
his  refreshment,  looks  on  him  as  dead.  Garrucci, 
probably  with  greater  reason,  interprets:  sit 
aempre  lieto  et  ti  refrigera  nella  pace  di  Dio, 
cioe  o(m  la  gratia  di  lui,  shewing  that  refri- 
geriutn  is  not  rarely  used  of  livmg  persons 
tt.  8.  p.  126) . 

On  Christian  epitaphs  the  living  are  sometimes 
addressed  by  the  living,  sometimes  by  the  dead. 
Of  the  former  are  requests  to  the  reader  to 
pray  for  the  soul  of  the  person  buried.  These 
are  very  rare  for  the  earlier  periods.  Dr. 
M'Caul  says,  "  I  recollect  but  two  examples  in 
Christian  epitaphs  of  the  first  six  centuries  of 
the  address  to  the  reader  for  his  prayers,  so 
common  in  mediaeval  times."  In  the  early 
mediaeval  inscriptions  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  examples  will  be  seen  under  Tomb.  At 
other  times  the  readers  are  saluted  by  the  author 
of  the  inscription,  salvete  fratres  (Rcnier  n. 


4025 ;  see  above),  or  asked  to  prar  for  him  (Lt 
Blant,  n.  619). 

The  dead  person  sometimes  prays  the  liviaf 
not  to  meddle  with  his  bones,  as  precor  ixio 

HILPERICVS  NON  AVFERANTVR  HINC  OZZA   MEA 

(Le  Blant,  n.  207.     See  similar  examples  in  his 
notes  on  this  inscription  and  Tomb). 

Sometimes  the  survivors  are  exhorted  not  to 
weep :  and  the  nolite  dolere  parentes,  hoc  fadim- 
dum  fmt  (Mus.  Disn.  L  117,  pL  liii.) 
on  a  Christian  epitaph— 


**  Parcite  vos  Ucrimis,  dulcU  cum  coqfage 
Viventemque  Deo  credite  flere  neCu.** 

De  Bossi,  L  U.  iZ.  n.  843  (A-Dl  472). 

More  strange  are  the  epitaphs  connted  to  be 
Christian,  fi^  \virov,  rmow,  ovitU  &Mi«tm 
(Bockh,  n.  9589),  and  Bdfxri,  Tarla  fA-frrnp,  oMdf 
i^edvaros  (Id.  9624),  both  from  the  Roman  cata- 
combs. A  Jewish  epitaph  in  a  Roman  cemetery 
runs  similarly  (Id.  n.  9917). 

(2.)  Of  acclamations  addressed  to  the  dead  w< 
have  the  following.* 

Vivas  or  vivatis  in  deo;  this  and  ths 
allied  foi-ms  vive  or  vivas  in  CHRisro,  domino, 
inter  SANCTIS  (sic,  De  Rossi,  v.s.  n.  10,  AJk 
268),  in  nomine  cuRisii  (Marini,  p.  455);  also 
IN  NOMINE  PETRI  (Boldetti,  p.  388),  the  same, 
or  nearly  so,  as  those  which  have  just  been 
noticed  as  addressed  to  the  living,  recur  abna- 
dantly  on  the  sepulchral  monuments  of  Rome 
and  other  places  (De  Rossi,  /.  U.  JR.  ProL  p.  ex ; 
Le  Blant,  n.  576 ;  Mart.  Diet  p.  7,  and  Tomb). 


5ETERII41IS  %' 


I 


ETSIRVUIA 
VtVATlSlMDiO 


\ 


a^c 


IT^'-' 


%,.'• 


Miii  V 


il» 


"»h'i'|    '       ,A 


Epitaph  of  A«tara«Ui  Bad  SerriUiK  avmm.  Fianca.  ThMiM  ly 
i)*  BoHl,  Jndgliig  fhmi  th*  i^lB  and  FMlaaosnBkf.  to  )■  M^ 
than  nnn,*.«H.>»  tBrntt.  Artk.  CriU.  186S.  p.  47,  mhtm  iK-  li 
oopM; ;  if  ••>  it  protebl7  givM  the  oldMt  known  auoivto  «<  «■ 
Ghi^UL    Fifth  oHitiiiy.  afloocdinc  to  L«  BlwBt  (^  S7«). 

Simfiariy  in  Greek  {^<rps  iv  0c^  (Bockh,  a. 
9800),  i^aats  4y  Kvpiv  {Id.  n.  9673).  They 
proceed  on  the  supposition  that  the  Christisio 
life  is  continuous,  and  that  expressions  in  the 
form  of  good  wishes,  which  primarily  beloi^ 
to  this  life,  may  when  their  fulfilment  is  nc 

o  Of  Pagan  aoclamatlons  addressed  In  bdialt  cf  Ibr 
dead  we  bave,  among  otben,  the  following :  Sit  tOri  tffrm 
levity  Oua  tua  hfne  qu%e$eamt,  Ave,  Vale,  Di  tibi  bm^ 
ciont,  Xotpe.  ««ii<rot'0«rvt«Tb^Xpi«'  «-P  (MOiU. " 
p.  xvli.). 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSGBIPnONS 


857 


longer  doubtful,  be  tnuBsferred  to  the  life  to 
oome.' 

Other  torms  ezprera  to  the  dead  good  wishes 
Ibr  their  rest  or  peace.  Thus  on  a  gem,  foand 
in  a  grave  B  (beoe)  QYESQVAfi,  (quiescas)  (see 
Gems),  and  on  tombs  qusscein  pace  (Marini,  p. 

866),  CE8QUA8  BENE  IK  PACE  (Id.  p.  385).      Nor 

can  we  well  take  such  phrases  aa  pax  tecum  (Le 
lUant.  n.  490,  &c),  tifrlitni  <roi  (Bockh,  n.  9486), 
ip'iiyi  (flp^vri)  cot  iw  obpcof^  (Id.  n.  9844),  and 
tip^tni  irStf-i,  with  or  without  iy  0«^  (Id.  nos. 
9487>8),  as  other  than  good  wishes  addressed 
to  the  departed,  not  affirmations  of  a  fait  ac- 
compii,  but  a  confident  prayer,  or  rather  a  sure 
hope,  that  the  state  of  peace  may  continue.  In 
other  inscriptions,  however,  it  is  evidently  re- 
garded as  ajready  accomplished,  e.  g^  MxeaMrw 
*Apia  ky  cip^yp  (Marini,  p.  456).  Compare  iy 
cip^i^  wpody^t  (Bockh,  n.  9645  and  9632) ;  OB- 

DORM IVIT  IV  PACE  IE8V,  QVE3C  DILEXIT,  OBIIT  IN 

PACE  DEI  (Hilbner,  u. «.  p.  z.).  The  full  expres- 
sion flp^fyri  vol  4irwj  TAX  Y0BI8CVM  SIT,  also 
occurs  (Bockh,  n.  9710;  Le  Blant,  n.  526). 
More  interesting  are  the  acclamations  which 
relate  to  refngerhtm^  which  God  himself  is  often 
elsewhere  invoked  to  bestow  on  the  departed. 
De  Rossi  notes  the  occurrence  of  spirilum  tuum 
J>eu8  refrigeret^  and  the  like,  as  occurring  in 
early  Christian  epitaphs  {PnA,  p.  ex.).  But  here 
the  deceased  is  addressed,  in  the  hope  that  he  is 
in  receipt  of  that  refreshment,  or  as  being  sure 
to  receive  it.  Thus  we  have  the  neater  verb 
refrigerare,  to  enjoy  a  cool  repose,  in  this  con- 
nection, IN  BONO  REFRI6EBE8  (Mariui,  p.  420), 
t. «.,  may  you  enjoy  refreshment  in  a  good  place^ 
by  which  is  intended  Paradise,  or  the  bosom  of 
Abraham;  refbioera  cvm  spiritv  sancto,  t.e., 
in  thine  own  holy  soul '  (Marangoni,  Coae  Qent. 
p,  460.  See  Tertull.  adv.  Marc,  lib.  iv.  c  34). 
IMore  rarely  agcepta  sis  in  cristo  (Marini, 
p.  454)  is  the  form  which  the  acclamation 
assumes,  with  which  Xpurrhs  fitrk  cov  (Bockh, 
n.  9697)  may  be  compared,  as  well  as  aeterna 
tibi  lux  in  CHRiffio  (Marini,  u.  s.  p.  450),  the 
last  word  being  expressed  by  the  chrisma.  Some 
addresses  to  the  dead,  however,  are  congratula- 
tory, as  bene  vixsiti  {jtic\  vene  oonsvhasti 
(Marini  p.  434),  ANIUA  TVA  CYK  lYffriS  {Id, 
p.  381),  IN  REFRIGERIO  ANIHA  TVA  (Fabretti, 
p.  547),  where  est  rather  than  sit  seems  to  be 
understood. 

The  Greek  acclamation  Bippi  (i,e.  Bdpptt)  is 
sometimes  placed  at  the  end  of  an  epitaph 
(Bockh,  n.  9821);  and  sometimes  at  the  begin- 

f  The  iDdlcalive  is  Ukewise  found,  as  in  Deo  deoedU 
e  vitd  (Hdbner,  ti.s.  p.  zL);  and  both  ezpreaslons  mean 
in  reality  tbe  same  thing.  Tlie  reader,  however,  may  see 
Martigny,  Diet.  s.  v.  **  Purgatolre  "  for  a  different  view  of 
tbe  optative  fbrmnlae. 

4  The  verb  Is  then  used  transitively.  In  the  Latin 
venlon  of  St.  Irenaeua,  r^frigercare  is  the  rendering  of 
MforavvaaSai,  and  Dncange  aoooidingly  iCfUm,  s.  v.) 
ezpUins  the  Latin  word  by  requiueere^  which  is  substan- 
tially correct  B^frigerium  as  need  by  Tertulllan  and  in 
the  AcdamationM  does  not  mean  **a  release  from  pain, 
but  an  enjoyment  of  positive  thon^  imperfect  happiness 
on  the  part  of  the  Just  fh»n  the  very  moment  of  their 
diaeolation  in  that  aepante  abode  which  Tertnllian  sup- 
poaee  our  Lord  to  distinguish  by  the  appellation  of  Abra- 
ham's bosom."— Faber,  Diff.  ^  Bomanim,  book  Lav. 

'  See  De  Boesi  («. «.).  The  words  occur  in  this  sense 
In  the  epitaph  of  8t  Severa  at  Rome.    See  Tomb. 


ning  {Id,  n.  9789),  addressed  in  each  case  to  the 
departed.  Another  imperative  ypity6pei  (waae 
up  1)  in  singular  contrast  to  the  quiescas  above, 
is  occasionalhr  found  at  the  end  of  Christian  in- 
scriptions (itf.  9599,  9570);  it  may  probably 
contemplate  the  return  of  the  Saviour.  Eiffioipt 
also  occurs  (Id,  9800). 

The  Latin  classical  form  Ave,  much  used  by 
the  Pagans,  is  found  also  in  a  Christian  epitaph, 
and  written  A  b  e  (Bockh,  n.  9653).  We  have 
also  HAVE  VALE  ou  the  same  monument  (Le 
Blast,  n.  495). 

In  the  last  place  are  to  be  noted  prayers  or 
requests  to  the  departed  to  pray  to  God  for  the 
survivors."  De  Rossi  notes  that  in  the  earlier 
undated  inscriptions  of  the  catacombs  (t.tf.,  those 
before  the  peace  of  Constantine),  we  have  pete 
pro  nobiSf  pro  parentAuSj  pro  conjuge,  pro  fliis, 
pro  sorore  (Prol.  p.  ex.).  To  these  Dr.  McCaul 
adds  roga,  ora  pro  nobis^  but  adds  at  the  sam. 
time  that  there  are  **  comparatively  few  among 
the  thousands"  of  these  undated  inscriptions, 
which  contain  these  prayers,  and  "  that  instances 
of  the  mention  in  such  forms  of  others  than  tho 
members  of  the  family  of  the  deceased  are  ex- 
tremely rare."  He  has  observed  only  one  dated 
example,  of  the  year  380  a.D.  (De  Rossi,  n.  288) 
which  contains  any  such  request;  it  has  th« 
expression  pro  hvnc  vnvm  ora  bvbolem 
(u,  s,  p.  xviii.).  With  respect  to  such  accla- 
mations of  affection  as  (tulcis  antma,  anima 
pura  et  munda,  anima  innox^  puer  inwicenSj 
}^vxh  KoKriy  and  the  like,  they  are  applied  in 
Christian  inscriptions  of  various  kinds  both 
to  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  need  hardly  be 
dwelt  upon  in  this  place  (see  Garrucci,  u.  s. 
Index,  a  v.  didcis  anima  ;  Martigny,  Diet.  p.  7  ; 
Ferret,  Catac,  de  Hotne,  t.  v.  pi.  17;  Bockh, 
n.  9697). 

E.  Style  and  Structure, — Such  inscriptions  as 
relate  to  public  works,  churches,  basilicas,  foun- 
tains, or  to  sacred  objects  and  furniture,  altars, 
chalices,  crosses,  liturgical  book-covers,  &c.,  or  to 
votive  offerings  and  the  like,  need  hardly  be  taken 
into  the  present  account.  They  exist  in  proi>e  and 
verse,  both  in  Greek  and  in  Latin,  and  are  of  rerj 
various  styles  and  lengths.  A  large  number  of 
such  are  collected  by  Marini,  and  ^ited  by  Mai 
(Script,  Vet.  Nov.  Coll.  torn.  v.  pp.  1-236);  to 
this  work  more  especially  the  reader  is  refen*ed. 
Many  of  them,  however,  are  later  than  the 
period  embraced  in  his  work.  Very  few  inscrip- 
tions, if  any,  which  belong  to  this  class,  go  back 
before  the  time  of  Constantine,  so  far  as  the 
writer  is  aware,  and  can  hardly  be  called  nume- 
rous till  after  the  close  of  the  4th  century. 
With  regard,  however,  to  the  sepulchral  inscrip- 
tions the  case  is  somewhat  different.  They  can, 
to  some  extent  at  least,  be  classified  by  their 
style.  But  the  first  thing  to  be  borne  in  mind 
is  that  inscriptions  of  one  country  are  no  rule 
for  those  of  another.  Those  of  Britain  and  of 
Ireland,  for  example,  are  both  unlike  each  other, 
and  unlike  those  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Italy,  of 
nearly  the  same  period.  The  Greek  inscriptions, 
again,  admit  for  the  most  part  of  but  little  com- 
parison with  the  Latin  ones;   the  Greek   and 

■  The  invocation  of  the  Virgin  and  of  satnts  (see  above 
^  iv.)  are  scarcely  to  be  accounted  aodamatioiuk  and  an 
better  considered  separately. 


858 


INSCRIPTIONS 


INSCBIPTIONB 


LatiD  iDscriptions  to  Dometius,  writtcD  on  the 
same  slab,  are  a  good  illustration  of  this  (Le 
Blant,  Insc.  Chret.  OatU.  n.  613a). 

With  few  exceptions  the  earlier  inscriptions 
are  characterised  by  their  brevity  and  simplicity, 
while  from  the  4th  century  onwards  they  assume 
in  some  countries,  as  in  Italy,  Gaul,  and  Spain, 
a  more  complex  and  ornate  character.  In  the 
earlier  epitaphs,  moreover,  sometimes  occur 
traits  more  or  less  similar  to  the  pagan  epitaphs, 
€.g.  mention  of  those  who  made  the  tomb,  which 
by  degrees  disappear.  They  also  contain  a  much 
greater  number  of  acclamations,  most  of  which 
Roon  vanish  completely.  In  the  4th  century 
Christian  Latin  epigraphy  began  to  make  a  style 
of  its  own,  and  for  the  first  time  we  now  get  at 
[iome  such  opening  words  as  hio  reguieacit  in 
pace,  or  m  somno  pacta,  hie  quiesdty  hie  jacet, 
hie  posiitu  est,  &c. ;  and  new  rhetorical  phrases, 
as  mirae  innocentiae,  aapieniiae,  sanctitciis,  &c., 
begin  to  make  their  appearance.  It  is  not 
until  about  this  time  that  any  mention  of  the 
secular  profession  of  the  deceased  occurs  in  the 
Latin  inscriptions ;  and  it  is  not  very  commonly 
mentioned  at  any  time.  The  chrisma  and  the 
cross,  signs  of  a  triumphant  faith,  now  come  in 
abundantly.  The  inscriptions  of  Gaul  followed 
the  style  of  Rome  a  good  deal,  and  the  same  or 
similar  formulae  appear  upon  them  at  a  some- 
what later  time.  It  is  in  these  Roman  and 
Gaulish  inscriptions  that  changes  of  style  can 
best  be  studied,  because  they  are  so  numerous, 
because  so  many  of  them  bear  dates,  and,  in  fine, 
because  they  have  been  so  admirably  edited. 
M.  De  Rossi  makes  some  remarks  on  the  changes 
of  style  in  the  Roman  inscriptions  (7nac.  Urb. 
Horn.,  Prolegom.^  pp.  cx.-cxvi.),  and  will  in  an- 
other  volume  discuss  totam  stili  epigraphici  Chria- 
ti<ini  doctrmam,  M.  Le  Blant,  in  the  first  fifty- 
eight  pages  of  his  Manuel,  treats  of  the  succes- 
sive variations  in  the  Gaulish  inscriptions  (few 
of  which,  however,  are  before  the  age  of  Con- 
stautine),  and  also  establishes  the  fact  that 
blank  foimulae  were  in  circulation  for  the 
use  of  stonecutters,  where  of  course  the  num- 
bez  of  years  of  the  deceased  or  of  the  reigning 
king  could  only  be  expressed  by  the  word 
tot  or  tanttis,  and  that  the  stonecutter  has 
sometimes  neglected  to  replace  the  tantua  by 
the  particular  number  required.  (See  Le  Blant, 
u.  a.  pp.  59-74.)  Similarly  in  Spain  traces 
of  blank  formulae  can  be  recognised  (Hubner, 
ti.  8.  p.  viii.). 

By  means  of  a  careful  study  of  the  phrases 
of  the  dated  inscriptions  a  close  approximation 
may  sometimes  be  made  to  the  date  of  an  un- 
dated one ;  great  aiution,  however,  is  necessary, 
as  certain  expressions  held  their  place  for  a  long 
period.     (See  Le  Blant,  u.  a.  pp.  31-33). 

(ri.).  I>atea  of  Christian  Inacriptiona, 

(a)  Christian  inscriptions,  when  dated,  most 
usually  bear  the  names  of  consuls,  and  all  the 
earliest  are  thus  dated.  Sometimes  one,  more 
usually  both  consuls,  are  given,  the  names  being 
commonly  contracted.  The  abbreviation  CXM  for 
oonsulibua  was  in  use  up  to  the  middle  of  the 
3rd  century,  after  which  OOSS,  0ON8,  and  OONSS, 
came  to  be  successively  adopted:  OOS  is  very 
•seldom  found  during  the  4th  century,  and  almost 
never  in  the  5th  or  6th :  C068  fell  into  disuse 


about  the  first  quarter  of  the  5th  oentnrj,  waA 
after  that  OONS  was  used.* 

The  numerals,  to  designate  a  seoood  or  thizd 
consulate,  are  frequently  prefixed  to  O08  and  the 
other  abbreviated  fojiaa ;  but  where  there  is  to 
ambiguity  they  are  sometimes  omitted.  A 
very  strange  abbreviation  was  occasionally  nssd, 
though  in  Christian  inscriptions  it  is  ezceedinf^ly 
rare:  the  names  of  the  consuls  were  omit- 
ted and  the  numbers  onlv  retained.  In  an 
epitaph  from  a  Christian  crypt  at  Motyca,  in 
Sicily,  to  "Euterpe,  the  companion  of  the 
Muses,"  her  death  is  fixed  to  Nor.  27,  dvarcf 
T«y  Kv  [piwv]  rh  I  Kol  rh  y'  in  the  conaulaktp  of 
cur  Lords  for  the  tenth  time  and  for  the  third 
time,  i.  e.  360  A.D.,  when  Constantius  was  in  his 
tenth  consulate,  and  Julian  in  his  third.  (Bod^h, 
n.  9524.) 

Another  form  of  dating  was  by  a  post-oon- 
sulate,  i,  e,  the  words  post  ooksylatvm,  or  the 
abbreviations  post  ooks,  post  oonss  (or  from 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century),  p  c,  and  even 
POST  (or  P06)  only  was  placed  before  the  console 
names  of  the  year  preceding,  **  when  it  was  not 
known  who  were  the  consuls  of  the  year,  or 
when  the  name  of  but  one  was  known,  or  when 
it  was  necessary  or  expedient  not  to  mestioB 
them  "  (Mc  Caul,  «.  s,  p.  xxvi.).  This  formula, 
which  b  said  to  have  arisen  in  the  troablesome 
times  of  Maxentius,  307  A.D.,  rarely  appears  ia 
Christian  inscriptions  till  542  A.D.,  when  the 
post-consulate  of  Basil  the  younger  was  taken  as 
a  point  of  departure  for  almost  the  whole  empire, 
and  the  years  post  conaulaium  BasUU  extend  up 
to  xxix.  The  consulate  of  Justin  in  566  a.Dl 
gave  birth  to  another  era  of  post-consulates, 
which  lasted  nine  years. 

There  are  various  other  matters  connected 
with  consular  dates  which  are  inteationaUy 
passed  over  here.  For  the  whole  subject  see 
be  Rossi  (^Inao,  Urb.  Rom.  pp.  xiiL-lir. ;  and  fer 
an  epitome  of  the  more  important  parts,  Mc  Cani 
(tt.  a.  p.  xxiii.-xxvii.).*^ 

(&)  Other  inscriptions  are  dated  hj  an  era, 
whether  of  a  province  or  of  a  city.  Examples  of 
the  former  are  seen  in  Spain  and  Mauretania ;  x^ 
the  latter  in  various  parts  of  Asia,  where  the 
eras  of  Antioch  and  Bostra  (among  others)  ob- 
tained currency.  Examples  of  these  will  be 
found  above,  and  below  under  Tomb.  In  all 
these  parts  of  the  empire  Christian  inscriptions 
were  very  rarely  dated  by  the  consuls,  and  those 
are  mostly  of  the  6th  century  (De  Rossi,  «.  s. 
p.  xiii.).  For  other  eras  employed  in  Christian 
inscriptions,  see  De  Rossi  (u.  a,  pp.  t.  vi.). 

(c)  Dates  by  Indictions  *  (or  cycles  of  fifteen 
years)  are  not  found  in  Christian  inscriptions  of 
Rome  before  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century. 
The  earliest  seems  to  be  522  a.d.  (De  Rossi, 
/.  U.  R,  n.  984).     In  Gaul,  however,  we  find  aa 


t  In  Diocletian's  time  OONS.  wu  first  owdfbr 
oonral.  and  OONS&  for  two  toosdIs;  as  well  as  GSl  aad 
GC.  SS.  similarly. 

V  In  CSuistian  iDScriptlons  dates  taken  from  tbe  oOcc 
of  magistmtes  other  than  consuls  are  extremely  nre  (Db 
Rossi,  u.  a.  p.  xL    See  above  $  !▼.  n.  l). 

■  These  have  been  thought  to  be  conneoled  with  Ibe 
fifteen  yean  of  military  service  and  tbe  extncr,toiar7 
tribute  necessaiy  for  their  payociBnt  fhm  ttme  to  time.  «£ 
adljustcd  by  Oonstantine;  bat  JbxSt  oilgfai  Is  not  sl^p^ 
ther  certain.  . 


INSCRIPTIONS 


IN8CBIPTI0NS 


859 


inscription  dated  Ind.  XV.  Olibrio  jttniore  cutis 
(^consule),  t.  e,  491.  A.D.  (Le  Blant,  n.  388).  The 
indictions  themselves  (which  commence  312  A.D.), 
unless  accompanied  by  other  notes  of  time  (as 
they  often  are),  do  not  suffice  to  determine 
even  approximately  the  year  A.D.  For  the  first 
year  of  each  cycle  is  counted  as  the  first  in- 
diction,  and  thus  the  tenth  indiction  merely 
signifies  the  tenth  year  in  some  undetermined 
indiction.  See  De  Kossi  (u.  s.  De  Cych  Indie- 
iionwn,  pp.  xcvii.-ci.) 

(</)  For  the  mode  of  dating  by  solar  and  lunar 
cycles,  t.  e.  by  the  day  of  the  month,  the  day  of 
the  week,  and  the  day  of  the  moon,  as  compared 
with  each  other  and  with  the  year,  the  reader 
who  desires  to  enter  into  so  difficult  a  subject 
must  consult  De  Rossi  (u.  s,  pp.  Ixx.-xcvii.).  See 
also  MoiiTH ;  Week. 

There  are  now  to  be  noticed  a  few  eras  or 
modes  of  dating  which  are  peculiar  to  the 
Christians. 

(e)  The  era  of  the  martyrs  is  only  used  in 
Egypt  and  the  adjoining  regions.  A  barbarous 
Greek  inscription  (n.  9121  Bockh)  dates  March  30, 
ikirh  fMpTvpcfip  a$,  i.  e.  209  of  the  Dioclesian  era, 
which  commenced  August  29,  284  A.D.,  and  so 
corresponding  to  494  A.D.  This  era,  invented 
and  first  used  by  the  pagans,  was  adopted  after- 
wards by  the  Christians,  who  more  usually 
changed  its  name  (Martigny,  IHct.  p.  532,  and 
the  references,  also  Bockh,  n.  9134). 

(/)  Episcopal  dates.  A  Roman  epitaph  (De 
Rostii,  /.  (7,  B,  n.  139)  is  dated  deposita  in  pace 
BUB   Libe[rio  ep.],  and  another  (n.   190)  has 

&ECESS1T  III  NON.    IN  PACE  SYB  DaMASO  EPISOO. 

These  are  the  only  examples  of  the  kind  known, 
and  do  not  prove  that  epitaphs  were  then  dated 
purely  and  simply  by  the  papal  era,  but  rather 
that  those  who  put  them  up  wished  to  express 
their  adhesion  to  the  orthodox  pontiffs  and  not 
to  their  opponents  Felix  and  Ursicinus.' 

But  from  the  end  of  the  4th  century  it  became 
common  at  Rome  to  date  sacred  buildings  by 
inscriptions  in  which  the  pope's  name  occurred  ; 
thus  we  have  in  such  connections  salvo  Sibicio 
episcopo  (like  the  Salvis  dd.  nn.  Augustis) 

and   TEMPORIBYB   8ANCTI  INNOCENTII  EPISCOPI, 

and  the  still  remaining  inscription  in  the  basilica 
of  St.  Sabina : 

CVLMEN   AP08T0LICVM    CVM  CAELESTINVS 

HABERET 
FRIMVS  irr  IK  TOTO  FVLGERET  EPISOOPYB 

ORBE. 

(De  Rossi,  ti.  s.  pp.  viii.,  ix).  In  the  5th  and 
following  century  the  custom  of  dating  sacred 
buildings  by  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics 
spread  abroad,  and  at  length  became  very  general 
throughout  Europe ;  but  public  monuments  of  the 
provinces  of  the  4th,  5th,  and  even  6th  and  later 
centuries  are  dated  by  the  eras  of  Mauretania 
or  of  Bostra  or  Antioch,  or  by  consuls,  or  by 
the  reigns  of  emperors  (De  Rossi,  u.  8.  p.  ix.  and 
the  references).  Sometimes,  but  very  rarely, 
the  exact  year  of  office  of  the  bishop  or  abbot  is 
given  (De  Rossi,  u.  s.  and  above,  §  ir.  n.  11). 

There  are  two  other  eras  much  employed  in 
inscriptions  soon  after  the  period  with  which  we 
are  concerned,  and  which  indeed  at  length  almost 

7  MarUgnj  (DicL  p.  317)  says:  "  Aprte  Qovls,  lU  (lea 
(Jauloia)  tnacriverent  qnelqaefois  sur  les  marbres  rairnee 
dhi  pontife  Somain." 


superseded  the  others  in  common  use  —  the 
Dionysian  epoch  of  the  Incarnation,*  and  the 
mundane  era,  which  reckons  the  Creation  at 
5508  B.C.   [Era.] 

(^)  Bede  brought  the  former  into  vogue  in 
the  beginning  of  the  8th  century,  and  there  art* 
also  some  early  inscriptions  dated  thereby.  De 
Rossi  afi!ii*ms  that  he  knows  of  no  inscription  of 
the  first  six  centuries  so  dated.  There  is  one  of 
the  year  617  A.D.,  which  records  the  construction 
and  consecration  of  a  baptistery,  at  Brixia,  by 
Domina  nostra  Flavia  Theodolinda,  which  is  thus 
dated  at  the  end :  vitente  domino  nostro  Adei- 
valdo  aacrae  aalvtis  saecuio  COO  000  xvii  (Marini. 
tt.  8.  p.  170) ;  besides  this  there  is  one  at  Inter- 
anma  (Merni),  dated  an.  8.  DOC.  zxvii.  (Marini, 
u.  s.  p.  157);  others  just  below  our  period  are  a 
little  difierently  expressed :  one  is  dated  an.  in- 
cabnat.  dni  dcoclyii  ind  V  reoe  lovdowico 
IMP.  AYQ.  (Marini,  ti.  s.  p.  85),  and  another  is 
placed  ANNO  DOMINI  DOCC  LXiiii  (Marini, 
ti.  s.  pp.  164,  5).  All  these  are  in  connection 
with  the  dedication  or  building  of  sacred  edifices. 

(A)  An  early  example*  of  the  mundane  era  is 
furnished  by  an  inscription  on  a  tower  at  Nicaea 
in  Bithynia,  Urovs  fVrir,  in  the  year  6316,  cor- 
responding to  808  A.D.  (Bockh,  C.  I.  G.  n. 
8669).  But  as  it  is  called  *' the  tower  of 
Michael,  the  great  king  in  Christ,  emperor," 
some  error  in  the  date  (as  edited)  has  slipped 
in.  For  Michael  I.  reigned  from  811-813  A.D., 
and  Michael  II.  from  820-829  A.D.  Possibly 
the  r  is  a  misreading  for  $ :  if  so,  the  date  is  811 
A.D.  Another  mutilated  inscription,  relative  to 
the  foundation  of  an  arsenal  (rovrov  fitya- 
\&Tvrov  (sic)  ifMnjvcUf}!')  by  '^Theophilus  the 
king,  son  of  Michael  the  king,"  is  doubly  dated, 
hieh  KTiff€OS  (sic)  K6<riiov  ffTfifi,  &irb  8i  Xpt<rrov 
drovs  i»A8',  the  year  6342  of  the  mundane  era, 
corresponding  to  the  year  834  of  the  Christian 
era  (M  n.  8680). 

(t)  There  are,  in  fine,  inscriptions  dated  by  the 
reigns  or  by  the  years  of  the  reigns  of  the  sove- 
reigns of  the  kingdoms  which  sprung  out  of  the 
ruins  of  the  western  empire.  Examples  occur 
in  England,  France,  Spain,  and  Italy.  (See 
above  §  iv.,  Nos.  5,  11,  and  Tomb.) 

In  like  manner,  after  the  consulate  came  to 
an  end  in  541  a.d.,  the  year  of  the  Byzantine 
emperor's  reign,  was  occasionally  placed  on  in- 
scriptions as  a  date.  An  early  example  of  the 
year  592  A.D.,  in  the  11th  year  of  Justinian  II. 
(in  an  inscription  relating  to  a  church),  is  given 
in  Bockh's  C.  L  0.  n.  8651.  Another  less  pre- 
cise is  dated  by  the  joint  reign  (842-857  a.d.) 
of  Theodora,  Michael,  and  Thecla  (Bockh,  C.  I  G. 
n.  8683). 

More  than  one  mode  of  dating  often  occurs  on 
the  same  monument,  as  by  consuls  and  an  indic- 
tion conjointly ;  by  an  era  and  a  king  conjointly ; 

■  This  was  devised  In  626  a.d.  by  Dtonyslus  Exiguiis,  a 
Boman  abbot  For  his  purpose,  which  was  neither 
Ilteiury  nor  htotorical,  bat  simply  had  referrace  to 
Easter,  see  the  late  Professor  Orote  in  the  Cdmbridge 
Journal  <if  CUutioal  and  Sacred  Philology,  voL  L  pp.  68 
69,  in  a  paper  entitled  *0n  the  daUng  of  Ancient 
History,'  where  several  sut^ts  here  touched  upon  are 
discassed. 

•  Probablj  there  may  exist  somewhat  earlier  Inscrip- 
tions dated  by  this  era  than  those  here  referred  to.  **  Jt 
bogan  to  prevail  In  thr  7th  century,  and  appean  in  ths 
Fatchal  Ckronick  "  (G  mtc, «.  s.  p.  66). 


860 


IN8CBIPTI0NS 


INSCRIPTIONS 


or  by  a  king  and  an  ecclesiastic  conjointly.  In 
addition  to  the  years  the  months  are  often  noted ; 
these  are  in  general  the  Roman  months. 

But  the  day  of  the  month,  whether  of  the 
death  or  of  the  burial,  is  sometimes  in  the  more 
ancient  inscriptions  alone  set  down.  Thus  in  a^ 
Roman  inscription  we  have  simply  Fortunatus 
depositua  iii  Kal.  Oct.  in  pace ;  and  in  another, 
Laurentiu  (sic)  idus  lenurcu  (sic)  decessU,  fol- 
lowed by  the  chrisma  (Marini,  u,  s,  pp.  380, 
887). 

In  Egypt,  however,  the  Egyptian  months  are 
set  down,  either  alone  (BSckh,  n.  9110),  or 
together  with  an  indiction  (id.  n.  9111),  or  with 
the  era  of  "  the  mai-tyrs"  (id,  9121),  or  with  an 
indiction  together  with  the  same  era,  under  its 
proper  name,  **  the  year  of  Diocletian"  (id.  9134). 

The  days  are  added  to  the  months  when  these 
occur :  usually  computed  according  to  the  Roman 
kalendar  by  kalends,  ides,  and  nones;  but  the 
cyclic  inscriptions  have  the  days  of  the  week  (die 
Beneris,  die  Saitimia  (sic),  &c. ;  abo  die  Saibiaiij 
die  dominicd),  the  days  of  the  moon,  or  the 
octave  of  Easter.  (See  De  Rossi,  u.  s. ;  Mc  Caul, 
ti.  8.  pp.  53-58.)  In  Egypt  the  day  of  the  month 
is  reckoned  numerically,  as  the  21st  of  Tybi, 
the  10th  of  Phaophi,  &c. 

We  have  also  examples,  though  they  are  not 
numerous,  of  epitaphs  dated  by  saints'  days. 
One  at  Briord,  of  about  the  6th  or  7th  century, 
records  of  "Ricelfus  et  jugalis  sua  Guntello" 
that  '*  obierunit  m  die  Sd  Martini^  who  probably 
himself  died  Nov.  8,  A.D.  397  (Butler's  Lives 
of  SaintSf  under  Nov.  11).  M.  Le  Blant,  who 
gives  this  inscription  (n.  380),  quotes  other  and 
earlier  examples  from  the  catacombs ;  such  as 
Nataie  SusHf  Natale  Ihmnee  Sitiretis^  postera  die 
marturorumf  ante  naiale  Domini  Asteri,  d,  not, 
Sci  Marci, 

In  addition  to  the  day  the  hour  is  sometimes 
added,  and  occasionally  even  the  fraction  (e&rvr 
pultu)  of  the  hour.    See  Tomb. 

(vii.)  Abbreviations  used  in  Christian  Inscrip- 
tions.— This  catalogue  might  no  doubt  be  en- 
larged considerably:  it  has  been  taken  from 
Martigny  (Diet.  pp.  322--324,  omitting,  however, 
the  numerals,  L  foi  quinquaginta,  X  for  decern, 
and  the  like) ;  and  the  writer  has  made  various 
additions  to  it,  mostly  by  help  of  Htibner's  Index 
to  his  Spanish  Inscriptions,  p.  115. 

A.— Anlma, — annos,— ave. 

ABBL— Abbatis. 

A.  B.  M. — Animte  benemerenU. 

AOOU— Acolytus. 

AJD.— Ante  diem,— anlma  dulcls. 

AJ>.  KAL. — Ante  diem  cslendaa 

A.K.~Ante  calendas. 

A  N^.— Annum,— annoSj'—annis,— ante. 

ANS.— Annos,— «Dnia. 

AJP.  or  APR.  or  APU— ApriUs. 

APOS TOR.— Apostolorum. 

A.Q.T.G.— Anima  quiescat  In  Chrtsto. 

i>  Cardinal  Wiseman  says  of  the  deceased  Christians  in 
early  times  that  **  annual  commemoration  had  to  be  made 
on  the  very  day  of  their  departure,  and  accurate  know- 
ledge of  this  was  necessary.  Therefore,  it  alone  was 
recorded"  (/UMoIa,  p.  147).  Even  if  this  be  the  true 
reason  (which  Is  very  much  to  be  doubted),  it  remains  to 
lie  explained  why  the  day  of  burial  alone  is  somethnes 
recorded.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  some  little  inci- 
dent which  would  be  sufBclent  to  remind  the  friends  of 
ihc  deceased,  was  sometimes  regarded  as  date  tnough. 


A.R.TJI.D.— Anima  pcgnfaecat  in  maan  Dei. 
A  VG.— Angostui^ — AugnstL 

B.— Benemerentl,  -blxlt  (for  vixit). 

B.  AN.  V.  D.  IX.— Vixit  annas  qalnque,  dies 

BENER.— Veneriae. 

B.  F.— Bonae  feminae. 

BIBAT.— Blbatls  (for  vivatJs). 

B.  I.  C.-Blbas  (for  vivas)  in  Ghristo. 

B.  M.,  or  BO.  M.,  or  BE.  MR,  or  BO. 

memoriae. 
B.  M.  F.— Benemerentl  fedt. 
BBfT.— BenemereutL 

BNM.,  or  BNHR. — BenemerenU,  or  benemermtibaa. 
B.  Q.— Bene  quiescat 

B.  Q.  L  P. — Bene  quiescat  in  pace. 
BV8.  v.— Bonus  vir. 

C—^Tonsnl,— cum. 

CAL.— Calendas. 

CO.— Consules, — carfasimns,  or  cartarima  ootOnx. 

CE9Q.  I.  P.-— Qoieadt,  or  qniescat  In  {musc 

G.  F.— Qarlsslma  femlna,— coiavlt  fieri. 

CU.-Chiistus. 

C.  H.  L.  &  E.— Gofpos  hoe  looo  sepinltam(orclt]iB)esl 
GLh— Clams,— dariasimos. 

C.  L.  P.— Cum  lacrymis  posnemnt. 

CL.  v.— GUrissimns  vir. 

C.  M.  F.r-Curavit  monumentom  fieri. 

CO.— Co^Jugi  optfano. 

C.  0.  B.  Q* — Cum  omnibus  bonis  quiescaa, 

COL— GonJugL 

COIVG.— Ooqjuz. 

GONL— OouJugi. 

CONd. — Consul,— consnllbus. 

OONT.  VOT.— Contra  votum. 

COS. — Consul,— consulibus. 

COS&— ConsuleB,  —consulibus. 

G.  P.— GUriasima  puella,— coxavtt  pooL 

G.  Q. — Cum  quo^  or  cum  qwL 

a  Q.  F.— Cum  quo  fedt  (for  vlzit). 

C  R.— Gorpns  requlescit. 

CS.— Consul 

C.  V.  A.— Gum  vizlaset  smias. 
GVNG.— Oomux. 

D. — Dies,—  die^—  defonctos,— depositaai,—  donait,— 
dttlds. 

D.  B.  M.— Ihildsslmae  benemerentL 
D.  B.  Q.— Dulds,  bene  quleacas. 

D.  D.— Dedit,— dedicavlt,— dies. 

D.  D.  a— Deoessit  de  saeculo. 

DK  or  DEP.— Depositas,-depcslta,— depoaitm. 

DE.— Deum. 

DEC.— Deoembrls. 

DF.— Defunctua,— defdncta. 

DI.— Del. 

DIAG— Diaoonns. 

DIEB.— Dlebos. 

D.  III.  ID.— Die  tertna  kins 

D.  L  P.-'Dormit,  or  deceaslt,  or  dqwaitus  In  paee. 

D.  M.— Dite  manibuB. 

D.  M.  S. — ^Dlis  Ifanibtts  sacrum. 
DM.— Dormlt 

DMS.— Domtnus. 

D.N.,  or  DD.NK.— Domino  nostro,  or  dominis  Bortrli 

(the  emperors). 
DNI.— DomlnL 
DO.— Deob 
DP.— DFS^DPT.— Depodtufl^— depodtia 

E.— Est,— et,— ^Just— erexlU 

EID.— Eiilus/or  idus. 

£Pa— EPVa— EP&— episoopus. 

E.  v.— Ex  veto. 

£.  VI V.  DISC— E  vivls  disoesdt. 
EX.  TM.— Ex  testamenta 

F.— Fedt,— ftii,— fllius,-  fiUa,— IHnlna^—  feOcllerr-ft 

lix,— fidells,— februariua. 
F.a— Fierlcurevit. 


INSCBIPTI0N8 


INSCRIPTIONS 


861 


rs.— F<?dt. 

^EBViiL— Febnuirlus. 

^P^FUU.— firatn8,^flort  ftdk 

?.  F.  Q^FillU  flU&buiqae. 

?.  K^FilioB  carlaslmu,— flIU  carisalma. 

^— FUiu.— FUvii. 

n^K— Ftllae. 

?.  P.  F.— Fllio,  or  miaa,  poni  fecit 

?S.— FosBor,— foMoribus,— flratribUB. 

f.  V.  F.— Fieri  vlvua  fecit. 

?,  VL  D.  S.  E.'-FUicw  sex  dlcram  situs  est. 

3L.— OlorioBL 

9.~Horm— hoc,— hiCir-baeres. 

QL  A.— Hoc  anno. 

fl.  A.  K. —Ave  anlnw  carlsBlmA. 

fi.  LjS.— Hoc  loco  sltos.  or  sepnltns  est 

9.  M. — Honest*  mailer. 

[I.M.F.  F.— Hoc  monumentnm  flcri  fedt. 

a  R.  L  Pd— Hie  Tcqaiesdt  in  pace. 

[L  &— Hlo  sltos,  or  sepnltos  est 

EL  T.  F.  or  P.— Hnno  titolum  feoeront,  or  posnernnt 

L—  In,— Idas,—  Ibi,— Ulostria,— Jacct— jannoriua.— 

Jalios. 
I  AN. — Janiiarlns,— Jannarias. 
[D.— IduB,— idibns. 
1. 1).  N.— In  Dei  nomine. 
IDNE.— Indictione. 
L.  H.-nJacet  hie. 
I H. — Jesns. 
I  H&— Jesus. 
IHV.— Jesu. 

LN.  Bw — In  bono,— in  benedictione. 
[NO.— Indictione.— in  Deo. 
IS.  D.  N.— In  Del  nomine 
IN.  D.  v.— in  Deo  vlvaa. 
INO.— ingenio. 
LNL.— Inlnatria. 

[NN. — Innocens,— -innocnua, — ^in  nomine. 
IN.  P.,  or  I.  P.— In  pace. 
tNPa— Inpace. 
[N.  X.— In  Christo. 

IN.  ^  —In  Christo. 

IN.  XPL  N.— In  Christi  nomine. 
L  P.  D.— In  pace  DeL 
[SPA.— IspalensL 
UL— Jesus  Cairistaa. 

K.. — ^Kalendas^— cams,— carissima. 

EAL.— Kalendas. 

i£.  B.  M. — Garlssimo  benemerenti. 

ILD.,  —I.,  —  M.,  etc.— CUendas  deoembras,— Jann- 

ariaa,  —  maias,  etc. 
K.K^-Garissimi. 
KL.  KLEND.— Galendas. 
I£RM.— Gariasimae,— cariaslmo. 

L. — ^Locost — ^lubens. 

L.  A. — Llbentl  aaimo. 

Ej.  F.  a— Uberis  flsri  enravit 

L.  M. — Locus  moBumentL 

LNA. — ^Luna. 

L.  8. — Locus  sepukhrL 

If  .~-Memoria,-^nart7r, — mensia,— menses,^  merenti, 

— •  maias, —  mater,  —  merlto,  —  monumentum,  — 

marmoreum — minus. 
if  A.—  MAR.—  MART.— Martyr,— martyriam,—mar- 

tias. 
MAT.— Mater. 
M.  B. — Memoriae  bonae. 
2fERTa— MerenUbus. 
MES.— Me8e8,/or  menses. 
M.M.— Martyrea 
M  P.,  or  PP.— Monumentum,  or  memoriaro,  posuit,  or 

posuemnt 
MR.  F.S.G.— Moerens  fecit  suae  ooi^ugi. 
M  RT. — Merenti,— merentibus 
MS.— Menses,— menslbua. 


N. — Nonan,— numero, — ^novembris. — nomine,— noslro. 

NAT.— Natallm-^natale. 

NBR.— Novembris. 

NME.— Nomine. 

NO.  or  NON.— Nonas. 

NON.  APR.,  —  IVL.,  —  SEP..  —OCT.,  etc—  Nonas 

aprlles,- Julias, — septembres,— octobres,  etc 
NN. — ^Nostris,— numeris. 
NOV.— Novembris. 
NOVE.  NOVEBRES.— Novembres. 
NST.— Nostrl. 
NVM.— Numerus. 

0. — Horas.— optimus^— obituB,— obiit 

OR— Obiit 

OB.  IN.  XPO.— Obiit  in  Christo. 

OCT.— Octobris,— octavas. 

0.  E.  RQ.— Ossa  ejus  bene  quicecant 

0.  H.  S.  S.— Oi48a  hie  sepnlta  sunt 

OM.,  or  OMiB.^Omnibus. 

OMSw— Omnes. 

OP.— OpUmns. 

0.  P.  Q.— Ossa  placlde  quiescent 

OSS.— Ossa. 

P.—  Pax, — pius,—  posuit, —  ponendum^ —  posuemnt— 
pater,— puerr-paella,—  per,— post^—  pro^—  pridie, 
plu«, — primus,— etc 

PA.— Pace,— pater.— etc 

PARTB.— Parentibua. 

PC. — Pace,— ponl  curavit 

P.  C,  or  P.  CONS.— Pbst  oonsulatnm. 

P.  F.— Poni  fecit 

P.  H.— Poeitus  hie 

P.L— Ponijttssit 

PL.— Plus. 

P.  M.— nus  minus,— post  mortem,— plae  memoriae. 

PONT.— Pontlfex. 

PONTFa— Pontlflce. 

P.  P.— Praefectus  praetorlo. 

PP.  K.L.— Prope  calendas. 

PR.— PRB.— PRBR.— PREB.— PSBR.— PRSB.—  Pree- 

bjter,  or  preabyteri. 
PR.,  or  PRID.  K.  I VN.- Pridie  calendas  Junias. 
PR.  Q.— Posterisqne. 
PR  N.— Pridie  nonas. 
PTR.— Posteris. 
P.  v.— Prudentlasimus  vlr. 
P.  Z.— Pie  zeses  (for  bibas,  vivas). 

Q.— qui,— quo,— quiesce,— quiescit,— quiescas. 
Q.  B.  AN.— Qui  bixit  (for  vixit),  annos. 
Q.  FEC.  MEC^Qul  fecit  if  or  vixit)  mecum. 
Q.  FV.  AP.  N.— Qui  ftilt  apud  nos. 
Q.  I.  P.— Quiescat  in  pace. 
Q.  M.  0.— Qui  mortem  obiit 
Q.  v.— Qui  vixit 

It ^Reoessit— requiesctt,—  rcquiescas, — retro^—  refri 

gera,— refrigere. 
REG.  SEC.— R^onis  secundae. 
RE— Reqniescit  or  requiescat^— repoeitua. 
REQ.— Reqniescit 

RES.— Re<Luiesdt?  (Fitter.  HUp.  n.  114). 
R.  I.  P.  A^— Requiescas  in  pace  animae,  or  recossit 
RQ.— Requievit 

8.— Suns,— sua,— bIW,— salve,— flomnor-eepulcbram.— 
solve,— sltusr-sepultus.— sub?  (^/fiacr.  Hi^  n.  f.«> 
SA.— Sanctissimus  ?  (Inter.  HUp.  n.  lU). 
SAG-^-Saoer.— eacerdoB. 
SAG  VO.— Sacra  virgo,  or  sacrata. 
SBRS.— Septembres. 
SC.— Sanctus. 
SCA.— Sancta. 
SGE— Sanctae. 
SCL— SancU. 
SGIS.— Sanctis. 
SCLL— Saecttli 

8G  M.— Sanctae  memoriae.  «,;    . 

SCLO^-Sseenlo. 


862 


INSmUATIO 


INSTRUMENTA 


SOOB.— Sanctomm. 

SOORVM.— Sanctorum. 

SO.— Sedit. 

&  D.  v.  I D.  I  AN.— Sab  die  quinto  Idas  Janaarias. 

SEPk— September,— at-ptlmo. 

5.  H.  L.  R.— Sub  hoc  lapide  rpqaleacit. 

6.  L  D.— Spirttus  In  Deo. 

S.  L.  M. — Solvit  Inbens  merlto. 

S.  M. — Sonctae  memoriae. 

S.  0.  v.— Sine  offensa  ulla. 

SP. — Sepultus,    aepnlcmm, — ^spiritus. 

SP.  F.— Spectabilla  femlna. 

SS.— Sanctoram,— fluprascripta. 

ST.— Sunt. 

S.  T.  T.  C— Sit  tlbi  teatls  coclum. 

T.  and  TT.— Titolua. 

TB.— Tlbl. 

TIT.  P.,  or  PP..  or  FF.— Tltalum  poetilt,  oipoaucnint, 

or  fecerunt. 
TM.— Testamentam. 
TPA.— Tcmpora. 
TTM.— TeBiamenU]m,--4itiilam. 

V. — Vlzit, — ^vixlsti, —  vivua, — viva, —  vivoii. — ^vcnem©- 
renti  (Jor  benemerenil),— votam,— VAvlt. — vir,— 
uxor,— vidua. 

V.  B.— Vir  bona*. 

V.  C— Vir  clari^wlmiu. 

V.F.— Vivua,  or  viva,  fecit 

VG..  or  VOO.— Vlrga 

V.  H.— Vir  bone«tu& 

V.  K. — yivas  carlasime. 

V.  I.  AET.— Vive  In  aetemnm,  or  In  actemo. 

V.  I.  FEB.— Quiiito  idua  februarit. 

V.  INL.— Virinlu»tria  (iUutftris> 

VIX.— Vlxit. 

V.  0.— Vir  optimus. 

VOT.  VOV.— Votnm  vovlt. 

VR.  S.— Vir  Bonctufl. 

V.  S.— Vir  specUbills. 

V.T.— Vita  tlbi. 

VV.CX3.— Vlri  clarlaaiml 

W.  F.— Vive  Mix. 

V.  K. — Uxor  cariaaima,— ^Ivas  cariiaime. 

X. — Chribtus. 
XI.— XPI.— ChrlatL 
m— XTO.— Chrlato. 


XPa— XS.— Christoa. 

Z. — ZtaeStfor  vivaa, — Zesntfor  Jean. 

[r.B.] 

INSINUATIO.  The  making  certain  cus- 
tomarv  payments  to  the  bishop  on  appointment 
to  a  church.  See  Thomassin  (^Vet,  et  Nov,  Ecd, 
Discip.  iii.  1,  c.  56).  Justinian  {NovelL  56,  col. 
5,  tit.  11,  §  1)  provides  that  if  any  of  the  clergy 
make  the  payments  which  are  called  insinua- 
tives,  **quae  vocantur  insinuativa,"  except  in  the 
great  church  of  Constantinople,  the  bishops  who 
exact  them  shall  be  deprived  of  their  office. 

[P.  0.3 

INSPECTOB.    [Bishop,  p.  210.] 
INSTALLATION.    [Bishop,  p.  224.] 

INSTRUCTION.  1.  For  the  Christian  in- 
struction of  children  in  general,  see  Catechu- 
mem,  Children. 

2.  In  a  more  special  sense,  the  lections  from 
the  Old  Testament  read  to  the  candidates  for 
baptism  immediately  after  the  benediction  of 
the  taper,  and  before  the  benediction  of  the  font, 
on  Easter  Eve,  were  called  *^  Instructioncs  bap- 
tizandorum."  See  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
(L  c.  43),  and  the  Gregorian  (p.  70).  Amalarius 
ifie  EccJ,  Off,  L  19)  gives  mystical  reasons  why 


the  lections  should  be  four  in  number,  wkidi 
however  is  by  no  means  inTariably  the  case. 
They  are  four  in  the  Ordo  Bomawus  I.  (c  40, 
p.  25),  but  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  gives 
ten  and  the  Gregorian  eight.  Instmction  of 
this  kind  seems  to  be  alluded  to  in  Palladius's 
description  of  the  scene  which  took  place  when 
soldiers  burst  into  John  Chrysostom's  church 
at  Constantinople  on  Easter  Eve ;  "  some  of  the 
presbyters,"  he  says  (  Vita  Chryaost.  c  9)  **  were 
reading  Holy  Scriptures,  others  baptixing  the 
catechumens."  So  Paschasinus  lilybetanos,  in 
a  letter  to  Leo  the  Great  (quoted  by  Martene), 
speaks  of  a  case  in  which,  after  the  accnstonied 
lections  of  Easter  Eve  had  been  gone  throng 
the  candidates  were  not  baptized,  for  lack  of 
water  (Martene,  De  Bit,  Ant.  L  i.  13,  §  3>  As  in 
the  responses  of  the  candidates  at  Rome  both  Latia 
and  Greek  were  used,  so  also  the  lections  in  baptism 
were  in  ancient  times  recited  in  Latin  and  Greek. 
Thus  Ordo  Eomamu  I,  (c.  40,  p.  25X  &fter 
noticing  that  the  reader  does  not  announce  the 
lection  in  the  usual  way,  '*  Lectio  libri  Genesis,* 
but  begins  at  once  "In  principio,"  goes  on  ta 
say,  *'  First  it  is  read  in  Greek,  and  then  im- 
mediately by  another  in  Latin."  The  next  lectioD 
is  read  nrst  in  Greek  and  then  in  Latin ;  and  so 
on.  Amalarius  (/>«  Eccl.  Off.  iL  1)  says  of  thk 
custom,  that  lections  were  recited  by  the  aa- 
cient  Romans  in  Greek  and  in  Latin,  partly  be> 
c!inse  Greeks  were  present  who  did  not  understand 
Latin,  and  Latins  who  did  not  understand  Greek ; 
partly  to  show  the  unanimity  of  the  two  peoples. 
Anastasius  tells  us  (p.  251,  ed.  Muratori)  that 
pope  Benedict  III.  (855-858)  caused  a  volume 
to  be  prepared  in  which  the  lessons  for  Easter 
Eve  and  Pentecost  were  written  out  in  Greek 
and  in  Latin,  which  volume,  in  a  silver  binding 
of  beautiful  workmanship,  he  offered  to  a  Bo- 
man  church.  [C] 

INSTBUMENTA.  By  the  word  tiutra. 
menta  we  understand  vessels,  &c  employed  in 
the  sacred  ministry ;  thus,  pope  Siiidus,  A^.  38S 
{Epist.  I,  ad  Himernun,  c.  14),  forbidding  persons 
who  had  incurred  public  penance  to  be  ordained, 
says,  *'  nulla  debent  gerendorum  sacramentorom 
instrumenta  suscipere  qui  dudum  fuerunt  vasa 
vitiorum." 

By  the  words  **  instrumentornm  traditio* 
is  technically  designated  the  handing  to  a  per- 
son on  ordination  some  vessel  or  instnuiMBt 
used  in  hu  office.  Thus,  the  African  statutes 
at  the  end  of  the  4th  century  {Cone.  Carth.  IV. 
c.  5)  order  the  bishop  to  hand  to  a  snbdea* 
con  on  ordination  an  empty  chalice  and  an 
empty  paten,  and  the  archdeacon  to  hand  to  him 
a  water  vessel  with  a  napkin,  because  he  receives 
no  imposition  of  hands.  Similarly  the  aooljte 
(c.  6)  is  to  receive  from  the  archdeacon  a  candle- 
stick with  taper ;  the  exorcist  (c.  7)  is  to  recdre 
from  the  hand  of  the  bishop  the  book  of  exof 
cisms ;  the  reader  (c.  8)  the  codex  from  which 
he  is  to  read;  the  doorkeeper  (c  9)  the  keys 
of  the  church. 

In  these  coses  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
^*  instrumentorum  traditio  "  takes  place  only  ia 
the  case  of  those  ordained  to  minor  orders  (io- 
sacrati  ministri)  who  received  no  imposition  cf 
hands. 

The  fourth  council  of  Toledo,  ▲.D.  633,  pro- 
vides (c  28)  that  a  bishop  who  is  restored  to 


INSUFFLATION 


INTERCESSION 


663 


hb  orders  shall  receive  ft'om  the  bishops,  before 
the  altar,  stole,  ring,  and  staff;  a  priest,  stole 
and  chasuble;  a  deacon,  stole  and  alb;  a  sub- 
deacon,  paten  and  chalice ;  and  that  those  in 
other  orders  shall  receive  back  on  restoration 
those  instraments  which  thej  had  first  received 
on  ordination.  We  see  from  this  that  the  ap- 
propriate vestments  were  regarded  in  the  7th 
century  as  the  outward  sign  of  the  bestowal  of 
the  higher  orders.  The  delivery  of  the  pastoral 
staff  and  ring  also  foi*m8  part  of  the  cere- 
mony of  the  ordination  of  a  bishop  in  the  Pon- 
tificals of  Gregory  the  Great  and  of  Egbert 
[Bishop,  p.  222], 

In  later  times,  the  handing  of  the  chalice 
with  wine  and  the  paten  with  a  host  to  a  priest 
on  ordination  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  *' matter" 
of  the  sacrament,  while  the  **form'*  was  the 
words  "  Accipe  potestatem  offeiTe  sacrificium 
Deo  missasque  celebrare  tarn  pro  vivis  quam  pro 
defonctis  in  nomine  Domini."  But  this  opinion 
not  only  has  no  support  in  Scripture,  but  it 
seems  to  have  been  totally  unknown  in  the 
church  for  at  least  nine  hundred  years;  Isidore, 
Amalarius,  Rabanus,  and  Walafrid  Strabo,  know 
nothing  of  it.  (Martene,  De  Bit,  Ant,  I.  viii. 
9,  §  16.)  [C] 

INSUFFLATION.  [Baptism,  §  31,  p. 
158;  EZOBCISM.] 

INSULANI.  A  designation  of  monks  in 
Southern  France  in  the  5th  century,  on  account 
of  the  great  reputation  of  the  monasteries  and 
of  their  schools  on  the  islands  near  the  coast, 
especially  on  the  island  Lerina  (Lerins)  (Bingh. 
Orig.  EocL  VII.  ii.  14).  [I.  G.  S.] 

INTERCESSION  (.Intercessio,  tvrtviis).  It 
does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present  work 
bo  discuss  or  to  investigate  historically  the  doctrine 
of  the  intercession  of  the  saints,  or  of  the  nature 
and  efficacy  of  intercessory  prayer  generally ;  the 
sabject  is  considered  here  simply  in  its  relation 
to  liturgical  forms.  And  here  we  have  to  con- 
lider  (1)  the  persons  whose  intercession  b  asked ; 
[2)  the  objects  on  behalf  of  which  intercession  is 
nade. 

(1.)  a.  Throughout  the  Western  church  a  large 
portion  of  the  prayers  end  with  a  pleading  of  the 
nerits  of  Christ,  the  great  Intercessor ;  generally 
n  the  form  **  per  Christum  Dominum  nostrum." 
Phis  is  in  fact  an  extension  to  all  prayer  of  the 
>rinciple  laid  down  for  the  altar-prayers,  *'  cum 
iltari  adsistitur  semper  ad  Patrem  dirigatur 
»ratio"  {Cone,  Carth,  III.  c.  23);  when  the 
>rayer  is  addressed  to  the  Father,  it  is  through 
be  intercession  of  the  Son.  This  principle  is 
tot  adopted  in  the  East,  where  the  prayers,  being 
iddressed  to  the  Triune  Deity,  generally  end  with 
in  ascription  of  glory ;  if  with  a  pleading  of 
nerits,  it  is  of  the  Virgin  Mary  or  the  saints 
Freeman,  Principlei  of  Divine  Service,  i.  373), 

b.  We  may  take  the  words  of  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
a:em  {Catech.  Mytt.  V.  9,  p.  328)  as  an  authentic 
.ccount  of  the  manner  in  which  the  intercession 
>f  the  saints  departed  was  invoked  in  the  church 
•f  Jerusalem  in  the  middle  of  the  4th  century. 
'  Then  we  also  commemorate  those  who  have 
;one  to  rest  before  us  (t&¥  irpoKfKotfAVifidrwv), 
irst  patriarchs,  prophets,  apostles,  martyrs ;  that 
Tod  at  their  prayers  and  intercessions  (irp«(r- 
Uleusy  would  receive  our  supplication."  It  ap- 
«ar8  then  that  in  Cyril's  time  the  church  asked 


the  intercession  of  patriarchs,  prophets,  apostles, 
and  martyrs;  for  the  rest  of  the  faithful  de- 
parted, including  ^  holy  fathers  and  bishops,"  it 
interceded  [Canon  of  the  Ltturot,  p.  269 ;  DiP- 
TT0H8,  p.  560].  But  it  is  ^  beyond  all  question 
that  the  early  church  offered  the  eucharistio 
sacrifice  as  well  for  the  highest  saints,  and  even 
for  the  blessed  Virgin  Mary,  as  for  the  common 
multitude  of  the  departed  faithful"  (Noale, 
Eastern  Ch,  Int.  510).  The  intercession  of  saints, 
for  whom  at  the  same  time  intercession  is  made, 
is  asked  in  the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  Chry- 
sostom,  where  we  have  the  following  tbnn 
(Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  360) ;— "  We  offer  to  Thee 
also  this  reasonable  service  on  behalf  of  (i/ir^p) 
those  who  are  at  rest  in  the  faith,  our  fore- 
fathers, &thers,  patriarchs  ....  and  every  just 
spirit  made  perfect  in  the  fiiith ;  especially  our 
most  holy  . . .  Lady  Mary,  Mother  of  God  and 
ever  Virgin  ...  for  the  holy  Prophet,  Forerunner, 
and  Baptist,  John ;  for  the  glorious  and  highly- 
praised  Apostles ;  for  Saint  N.  whose  commemo- 
ration we  are  celebrating,  and  all  Thy  saints ;  at 
whose  supplications  (iir»<r(cus)  look  upon  us,  O 
God.  And  remember  all  who  have  gone  to  rest 
before  us  in  hope  of  the  resurrection  to  eternal 
life."  Then  follow  the  diptychs.  The  Syriac 
St.  James  (Renaudot,  Litt.  Orientt.  ii.  36),  after 
commemorating  holy  Fathers,  Patriarchs,  Pro- 
phets, Apostles,  St.  John  Baptist,  St.  Stephen,  the 
Virgin,  and  all  Saints,  proceeds,  *^  Therefore  do  we 
commemorate  them,  that  when  they  stand  before 
Thy  throne,  they  may  remember  us  in  our  weak- 
ness and  frailty,  and  offer  with  us  to  Thee  this 
awful  and  unbloody  sacrifice,  for  the  safe-keeping 
of  those  who  are  living,  for  the  consolation  of 
the  feeble  and  unworthy,  such  as  ourselves ;  for 
the  rest  and  good  memory  of  those  who  have 
passed  away  in  the  true  faith,  our  fathers, 
brethren,  and  masters."  Here  the  saints  de- 
parted are  represented  as  joining  in  one  great 
act  of  intercession  with  those  on  earth,  rather 
than  as  interceding  for  them.  These  may  serve 
as  examples  of  the  manner  of  asking  the  inter- 
cession of  the  saints  in  the  Eastern  church. 

Of  the  Western  liturgies,  Mabillon's  Gallican 
(Daniel's  Codex  Lit,  i.  75)  has,  after  the  oblation 
of  the  unconsecrated  elements,  "  We  pray  for  the 
souls  of  Thy  servants,  our  fathers  and  former 
teachers,  Aurelian,  Peter,  Florentinus  . .  .  and 
all  our  brothers  whom  Thou  hast  vouchsafed  to 
call  hence  to  Thee ;  .  .  .  .  for  the  souls  of  nil 
faithful  servants  and  pilgrims  deceased  in  the 
peace  of  the  church ;  that  Thou,  0  Lord  our  Go<l, 
wouldest  grant  them  pardon,  and  rest  eternal : 
by  the  merits  and  intercession  of  Thy  Saints, 
Mary  mother  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Stephen, 
Peter,  Paul,  John,  James,  Andrew,  Philip,  Thomas, 
Bartholomew,  Matthew,  James,  Simon,  Judc, 
Matthias,  Genesius,  Symphorianus,  Bandilius, 
Victor,  Hilary,  bishop  and  confessor,  Martin, 
bishop  and  confessor,  Caesarius,  bishop,  vouchsafe 
in  mercy  to  hear  and  grant  these  petitions,  who 
livest  and  reignest  in  the  unity  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  God  for  ever  and  ever."  The  Roman  has 
the  following  in  the  C>mmunicante8  of  the  Canon, 
**  Claiming  fellowship  with  and  venerating  the 
memory  of,  first,  the  glorious  ever-virgin  Mary, 
mother  of  our  God  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  and 
also  of  Thy  blessed  apostles  and  martyrs,  Peter 
and  Paul,  Andrew,  James,  John,  Thomas,  James, 
Philip,  Bartholomew,  Matthew*  Simon,  and  Thn«Jl' 


864 


INTBBGESSION 


daens :  Liniu,  Cletus,  Clemens,  X jstns,  Cornelias, 
Cyprian,  Laurence,  Chrysogonns,  John  and  Paul, 
Cosroas  and  Damian:  and  all  Thy  saints :  in  con- 
sideration of  whose  merits  and  prayers,  grant 
that  in  all  things  we  may  be  guarded  by  the 
help  of  Thy  protection."  The  Ambrosian  ([>aniel 
i.  84)  has,  besides  these,  the  names  of  ApoUi- 
narisy  Yitalis,  Najsarius  and  Celsus,  Protasius  and 
Gervasius.  [Compare  Imaoeb,  §  yiiL ;  Inscbip- 
TI0N8,  p.  856.] 

The  rule  of  the  church  in  St.  Augustine's  time 
drew  a  broad  distinction  between  martyrs  and 
other  saints ;  for  that  father  observes  (/n  Joann, 
Tract.  84),  '*  So  at  the  Table  of  the  Lord  we  do 
not  commemorate  martyrs  in  the  same  way  that 
we  do  others  who  rest  in  peace,  so  as  to  pray 
for  them,  but  rather  that  they  may  pray  for  us, 
that  we  may  follow  in  their  footsteps;"  and 
again  (De  Verb.  Apost.  17),  ''martyrs  are  re- 
cited at  the  altar  of  God  in  that  place  where 
prayer  is  not  made  for  them ;  for  the  rest  of  the 
dead  who  are  commemorated  prayer  is  made." 
It  is  in  accordance  with  this  that  the  Roman 
canon,  besides  the  Yixgin  and  the  twelve  apostles, 
recites  as  intercessors  twelve  martyrs.  Other 
churches  however,  out  of  respect  to  their  local 
saints,  did  not  (as  we  see  in  the  Gallican  and 
the  Milanese)  draw  so  rigid  a  line,  and  inserted 
the  names  of  confessors  as  well  as  martyrs.  The 
martyrs  of  the  Roman  canon  seem  to  be  all  con- 
nected with  the  city  or  see  of  Rome.    [See  I<i- 

BELLI,  MARTrB&] 

In  the  Ehbousmus  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Roman  and  Ambrosian  liturgies  pray  for  peace 
in  our  days  at  the  intercession  of  (intercedente) 
the  Virgin  Mary  with  the  apostles  Peter  and 
Paul  and  Andrew  and  all  the  saints  (Daniel  i. 
96).  In  the  benediction  of  incense,  in  the  Roman 
use  (Dan.  i.  72),  the  priest  prays  that  God  will 
bless  it,  at  the  intercession  (per  intercessionem) 
of  Michael  the  archangel,  who  stands  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  altar  of  incense. 

(2.)  With  regard  tor  the  objects  of  intercession, 
we  may  say  that  Christians  have  been  taught  to 
make  intercession  for  all  things  of  which  they 
know  that  their  brethren  have  need.  Such  inter- 
cessions are  scattered  over  a  great  variety  of 
offices  or  litanies  [Litant].  With  regard  spe- 
cially to  the  intercessions  made  in  the  eucharist, 
we  will  take  the  form  of  the  Greek  St.  James 
(Daniel,  iv.  14)  as  a  specimen  of  the  objects  re- 
cited in  the  great  eucharistic  intercession.  When 
the  priest,  after  consecration,  has  prayed  that 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  may  be  to  the  par- 
takers for  remission  of  sins,  for  the  strengthen- 
ing of  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  etc,  he  pro- 
ceeds— ''  We  offer  (vpov^ipotitv)  to  Thee,  Lord, 
en  behalf  of  (ihr^p)  the  Holy  Places,  especially 
Sion ;  the  Holy  Catholic  Church ;  holy  fathers, 
brethren,  bishops;  all  cities  and  countries  and 
the  orthodox  who  dwell  there;  those  who  are 
journeying ;  those  fathers  and  brethren  who  are  in 
bonds,  imprisonment,  mines  or  tortures ;  the  sick 
and  demoniac ;  every  Christian  soul  in  trouble ; 
those  who  labour  in  Christ's  name ;  for  all  men, 
for  peace,  and  for  the  dispersion  of  scandal  and 
heresy ;  for  rain  and  fruitful  seasons ;  for  those 
who  have  adorned  the  churches  or  shown  pity 
to  the  poor ;  for  those  who  desire  to  be  remem- 
bered in  our  prayers ;  those  who  have  offered ; 
the  celebrant  and  his  deacons;  all  spirits  and 
a«i  flesh,  from  Abel  even  to  this  day,  '*  give  them  \ 


INTERPBBTEB 

rest  in  the  land  of  the  living,  in  Tliy  kingdon, 
in  the  bliss  of  Paradise,  in  the  bosom  of  Abra- 
ham, Isaac  and  Jacob,  our  holy  fathers,  wbeaee 
sorrow  and  grief  and  mourning  have  Bed  sway ;  * 
for  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  "  by  the  grace  and 
mercy  and  compassion  of  Thy  only  -  begotten 
Son ;"  for  {^ifi)  the  Gif^,  that  God  may  receive 
them  into  His  spiritual  sanctuary. 

Some  of  the  more  remarkable  peculiarities  of 
the  Intercessions  of  different  chun^es  are  noted 
under  Canon  of  thb  LrruBaT,  p.  273.        [C] 

INTERCESSION,    EPISCOPAL.      By  a 

custom  which  grew  up  less  by  any  de6nite  enact- 
ment than  by  the  general  respect  attaching  to 
their  oiiice,  the  bishops  came  to  be  looked  upoa 
as  protectors  of  those  who  were  oppressed  by  the 
secular  power.  The  patrimony  of  widows  a»i 
orphans  was  often  placed  under  the  proiectioii 
of  the  churches  and  bishops  (Aug.  Ep,  252). 
Flavian,  bishop  of  Antioch,  interceded  success- 
fully in  A.D.  387  with  the  Emperor  Theododus, 
on  behalf  of  the  city,  which  had  been  guilty  of 
a  riot.  So  Theodoret  with  the  Empress  Pnl- 
cheria.  Many  other  instances  might  be  dted. 
These  interpositions  obtained  the  technical  name 
of  intercession  and  were  recognised  by  the  law. 
The  bishop  was  expected  to  visit  the  public 
prisons  on  Thursday  and  Friday  (Codex  Justi- 
nian, lib.  i.  tit.  4).  They  were  charged  with  a 
special  oversight  of  such  as  held  civil  office  in 
their  dioceses  (Condi.  Arehst.  I.  c.  56,  Omc  AreL 
ii.  c  13,  "  ut  comites  judices,  sen  reliquus  popa- 
lus  obedientes  sit  episcopo,  et  invicem  ocmseo- 
tiant  ad  justitias  fadendas,  et  munera  pro 
judicio  non  recipiant,  nee  falsos  testes,  do  per 
hoc  pervertant  judicia  justorum,"  Cone.  Gener. 
tom.  ii.  p.  618,  ed.  Crabbe).  The  right  of  sanc- 
tuary for  fugitives  in  the  churches  grew  up  m  the 
same  period,  and  was  very  frequentl  j  exercised 
(Cod.  Theodos.  L  ix.  tit.  45,  ap.  Neander).  See 
Neale,  Introd.  to  Eastern  Church,  and  essay  by 
Moultrie  in  Neale's  EodesMogy,  pp.  427-474; 
Neander's  Church  Bittory^  vol.  iii.  sect.  Sl 
[Bishop,  p.  237 ;  Ixmunities  or  Clekot,  p.  824.] 

[S.  J.  E.] 

INTEBCESSOBES  or  INTEBTEN 
T0EE8.  In  the  African  churches  when  a  see 
was  vacant  the  senior  bishop  appointed  one  of 
his  suffragans  as  guardian  or  procurator.  He 
was  styled  Intercessor  or  Interventcr.  The 
fifth  council  of  Carthage  made  a  canon  that  no 
intercessor  should  remain  in  this  office  more  than 
a  year,  and  that  if  the  vacancy  was  not  thea 
filled,  another  should  be  appointed.  No  inter- 
cessor was  permitted  to  be  chosen  bishop  of  the 
vacant  see  himself.  So  also  in  the  Roman  pro- 
vince, as  we  learn  from  the  letters  of  Symma- 
chus  {Ep,  V.  c  9)  and  Gregory  the  Great  {Ep. 
ii.  16);  Suicer  {Thesaurus,  s.  v. /ico-lnfi);  Kng- 
ham  {Ant.  lib.  ii.  c  15,  and  iv.  c  2).  ^isbop, 
p.  237.]  [S.  J.  E.] 

INTEBMENT.    [Burial  of  thb  Dead.] 

INTEBPBETEB.  Epiphanius  (^Expos.  /Ul 
n.  21)  speaks  of  interpreters  of  the  langu^es 
employed  both  in  reading  the  Scriptures  ud  the 
sermons,  and  ranks  them  among  the  lower  ciders 
of  the  dergy,  after  the  exordsts.  An  iaetanoe 
of  their  existence  is  afforded  in  the  case  cf  Pro- 
copius,  who  is  said  to  have  dischai^ed  three  offie« 
in  the  church  of  Palestine,  having  been  reader. 


INTEEtBOGATIO 


INTBOIT 


865 


ezoreut,  and  interpreter  of  the  Syrian  lang^iuge. 
fActa  Procop.  apud  Vales. ;  rude  m  Evsdf.  Matiyr. 
roU^.^  1.)  [LrruBOiCAL  LAMauAos.]  [P.  O.] 

INTERBOOATIO  (sc  de  fide).    Thia  is  a 

questioning  a  candidate  for  baptism  as  to  liis 

belief,  before  he  was  baptized,  and  formed  part 

of  the  office  of  baptism  from  very  early  times. 

After  the  Renunciation  (Abrennnciatio)  of  the 

devil    by  the    candidate  for  baptism,  and  his 

anointing,  and  before  he  was  baptized  he  was 

questioned  as  to  his  faith,  and  called  npon  to  make 

public  profession  of  it.   The  custom  is  frequently 

alluded  to  by  the  fathers.    It  is  sufficient  here  to 

refer :  (1)  For  the  outtom :  to  St.  Augustine  (de 

Anmd  et  origine  ejua^  i.  10).     **  Ideo  cum  bapti- 

zantor  (t.  e,  pneri)  jam  et  symbolnm  reddunt,  et 

ipsi  pro  se  ad  interrogata  respondent."    (2)  For 

its  object  to  St.  Cyprian  {Ep,  70  adJanuarium  de 

haptixandis  haereticis).     **  Ipsa  interrogatio  quae 

fit  in  baptismo  testis  est  veritatis."    (3).  For  its 

enbetance,  to  St.  Ambrose  (de  MyeteriiSy  r.  28). 

'^  Descendisti  igitur  (t. «.  in  fontem)  recordare 

quid  responderis,  quod  credas  in  Patrem,  credas 

in  Filium,  credas  in  Spiritum  Sanctum ; "  and 

more  fully  de  Sacrameniia  lib.  ii.  vii.  'Mnter- 

rogatns  es:  Credis  in  Deum  Patrem  Omnipoten- 

tem?     Dizisti:    Credo,  et    mersisti,   hoc    est, 

aepnltus  es.    Itemm  interrogatos  es ;  Credb  in 

Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  et  in  crucem 

ejus  ?  Dixisti :  Credo,  et  mersisti ;  ideo  et  Christo 

es  consepnltus;  qui  enim  Christo  consepelitur, 

cum  Christo  resurgit.    Tertio  interrogatus  es; 

Credis  et  in  Spiritum  Sanctum  ?  Dizisti :  Credo, 

tertio  mersisti ;  ut  multipliccm  lapsum  supe- 

rioris  aetatis  absolveret  trina  oonfessio." 

The  rite  is  still  retained  in  the  office  of 
Baptism  in  the  Roman  church,  in  the  same  posi- 
tion  as  of  old ;  and  in  the  Greek  church  in  the 
preliminary  office  of  '* making  a  catechumen" 
(eis  rh  woi^ireu  icaTrixo^ti€VO¥), 

The  forms  of  the  questions  closely  resem- 
ble the  old  forms  [▼.  £it.  Rom,  de  SacrcanetUo 
Baptismali,  and  Euchohgion  c^xal  c2f  r^  iroi^ 
iroi  Kwnixo^iJLwav'^  For  further  details  and 
patristic  references  see  Martene  de  Ant.  Eocl, 
BH,  i.  47.  See  also  Bafhsm,  §§  43,  46,  pp. 
159,  160 ;  Creed  §  4,  p.  489 ;  Pbofesbion. 

[H.  J.  H.] 

INTEBSTITIA.  These  are  intervals  of  time 
which  according  to  the  regulations  of  the  church 
ought  to  elapse  between  the  reception  of  one 
order  and  the  admission  to  a  superior.  Their 
object  was  to  exercise  a  cleric  in  the  functions  of 
bis  order,  and  to  test  his  fitness  for  promotion  to 
I  higher.  The  institution  is  an  old  one  in  the 
sharch.  The  tenth  canon  of  the  council  of 
Sardica  decrees  *'Habebit  autem  uniuscujusque 
>rdiiiis  gradus  non  minimi  scilicet  temporis 
oDgitudinem  per  quod  et  tides  et  morum  pro- 
litas  et  constantia  et  moderatio  possit  cognosci." 
Phe  duration  of  these  intersticea  was  not  deter^ 
nined  at  the  first,  and  it  has  varied  much  at 
llfferent  times  and  places.  Zosimus  e.q.,  A.D. 
tl7  (Ep»  1  ad  Besychium)  proposes  the  following 
ule.  **  If  any  one  has  been  designed  for  eccle- 
iastical  minbtration  from  his  infitncy,  he  is  to 
emain  among  the  readers  till  his  twentieth  year, 
f  he  has  devoted  himself  to  the  sacred  ministry 
irhen  grown  and  of  ripe  age,  provided  he  has 
lone  so  immediately  after  biptism,  he  is  to  be 
;ept  among  the  readers  or  exorcists  five  years. 
OHRI8T.  ANT. 


Then  he  is  to  spend  four  years  as  an  aoolyte  or 
subdeaoon»  Then  if  deserving  he  is  to  be  pro* 
moted  to  the  diaoonaU,  in  which  order  he  is  to 
remain  five  years,  and,  if  worthy,  promoted  to 
the  priesthood."  Another  canon  prescribes  that 
a  bishop  must  have  been  at  least  four  years  a 
priest.  [It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the 
early  church  the  age  required  for  conferring 
holy  orders  was  more  advanced  than  is  the  case 
at  present,  twenty-five  being  the  ordinary  age 
for  a  deacon,  and  Uiirty  for  a  priest.] 

Gelasius  (A.i>.  492)  shortened  the  prescribed 
intervals  between  the  different  sacred  orders, 
and  in  cases  of  urgency  they  were  occasionally 
altogether  dispensed  with.  Of  this  the  most 
conspicuous  instance  is  that  of  St.  Ambrose,  who 
is  said  to  have  passed  throagh  all  the  sacred 
orders  and  to  have  been  consecrated  bishop  on 
the  eighth  day  after  his  baptism. 

In  process  of  time,  as  the  proper  functions 
assigned  to  the  several  minor  orders  fell  into 
disuse,  the  interstices  between  them  ceased  to  be 
observed,  and  the  modern  practice  is  to  confer 
the  four  minor  orders  simultaneously.  The 
council  of  Trent  requires  a  year  between  the 
minor  orders  and  the  snbdiaconate,  between  the 
subdiaoonate  and  the  diaconate,  and  between 
the  diaconate  and  the  priesthood.  Legitimate 
exceptions  are  recognised,  and  dispensations 
under  certain  conditions  allowed ;  but  two 
(major)  oi'ders  are  not  to  be  conferred  on  the 
same  day :  ^  Duo  sacri  ordines  non  eadem  die, 
privileges  ac  indultis  .  •  .  «  non  obstantibus 
quibuscunque "  (Con.  I^rent.  Sept.  zxiii.  col.  3 ; 
Jk  Meform.)    [Ordination.]  [H.  J.  H.] 

INTEBYENTOBES.    [Interoesboreb.] 

INTBOIT.  IntroitHS  is  the  name  commonly 
given  throughout  the  Latin  church  to  the  an- 
them at  the  beginning  of  the  eucharistic  office. 
At  Rome  it  was  originally  called  Antiphona  ad 
Introitum,  as  in  the  earliest  editions  of  the  Ordo 
Bomanus  (i.  n.  8,  ii.  n.  3,  iii.  n.  8,  in  Musae, 
Bal.  tom.  ii.).  In  Ordo  Bomanus  VI.  (n.  2,  ib.\ 
probably  a  little  later  than  our  period,  it  is  first 
called  introitus  simply.  Meanwhile  in  one  Ordo 
(v.  n.  5,  •&.),  we  find  the  name  of  invitatory 
given  to  it.  At  Milan  it  was  termed  ingressa 
(Ambros.  Miss.  BUrn  in  Pamelu  RUuaie  88.  PP. 
tom.  i.  p.  293),  a  word  of  the  same  meaning  as 
introitus.  In  Spain  (Miss,  Moxar,  Leslie,  pp. 
18,  55,  64^  &c.)  and  in  England  (the  missals  of 
Sarum,  York,  Hereford;  Maskell's  Ancient 
Liturgy^  pp.  20,  21)  the  introit  was  called  offi- 
cinm,  or  officium  missae.  This  arose  from  a  mi«- 
take.  The  several  masses  in  the  early  missals 
were  headed  by  the  words  Ad  Missam  Officium 
(Leslie,  «.  s.  pp.  1,  7,  10,  &c. ;  Missale  &irtim, 
colL  1,  18,  27,  ^.,  ed.  Forbes),  which  were  the 
heading  of  the  whole  office,  but  were  supposed 
to  refer  to  the  introit  which  followed  inmiediately 
without  any  heading  of  its  own.  The  antiphon 
had  this  name  in  all  the  churches  of  Normandy, 
and  in  many  others  (Le  Brun,  Expiic.  de  la  Messe, 
p.  ii.  art.  1),  and  in  the  missals  of  the  Carthu- 
sians, Carmelites,  and  Dominicans.  This  extended 
use  would  be  a  sufficient  proof  of  its  great 
antiqaity,  were  we  without  the  evidence  of  the 
Mozarabic  ritual.  In  the  barbai*ous  Expositio 
Missae,  ascribed  to  Germanus  of  Paris,  A.D.  555, 
and  certainly  not  much  later  than  his  time,  the 
introit,  as  used  in  the  old  Gallican  liturgy,  is 

3  K 


866 


INTROIT 


INTROIT 


called  praelegere,  or  antiphona  ad  praelegendo 
(a*c),  because  it  preceded  the  eacharistic  lessons 
{Expos,  printed  in  Martene,  De  Ant.  Eod,  RU. 
lib.  i.  c.  iv.  art.  xii.  ord.  1). 

Tlie  origin  of  the  introit  is  obscure.  At  the 
earliest  period  the  office  began  with  lessons  from 
holy  Scripture,  of  which  psalms  said  or  sung 
formed  a  part,  but  this  psalmodj  is  in  the  West 
to  be  traced  in  the  Gradual  and  Tract.  In 
the  Syrian  rite  a  psalm  is  sung  before  as  well  as 
after  the  epistle,  but  this  appears  to  have  had 
the  same  origin  (^Ordo  Communia ;  Renaud. 
Liturg,  Orient  torn.  ii.  p.  7).  The  introit  is 
clearly  another  rite,  and  of  later  introduction. 
It  seems  to  have  been  introduced  partly  as  a 
fitting  accompaniment  of  the  solemn  entrance 
(introitus,  ingressa)  of  the  celebrant  into  that 
part  of  the  church  in  which  the  altar  stood,  and 
partly  w  a  means  of  employing  and  solemnizing 
the  mindb  of  the  people  before  the  service  began. 
The  name  invitatory  suggests  that  the  people 
were  still  entering  the  church  while  it  was  being 
sung. 

The  Ordo  Scmanus  in  its  earliest  state,  about 
730,  gives  us  some  suggestive  information  re- 
specting the  introit  as  sung  in  the  churches  of 
Rome  at  that  time.  The  bishop  having  vested  is 
still  in  the  secretarium,  the  choir  waiting  in  the 
church  for  an  order  from  him  to  begin  ^*  the  anti- 
phon  for  the  entrance  "  (introitum).  On  a  signal 
from  him  **  ut  psallant,"  a  subdeacon  enters  the 
church,  orders  the  candles  to  be  lighted,  and  then 
stands  with  a  censer  before  the  door  of  the  secre- 
tarium, while  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  choir, 
who  has  also  been  in  waiting,  carries  the  order 
for  the  singing  to  commence.  As  soon  as  this  is 
heard  two  deacons  enter,  and  each  taking  a  hand 
of  the  bishop  lead  him  into  the  church,  up  to  the 
altar.  He  is  preceded  by  the  subdeacon  with 
incense,  and  seven  acolytes  bearing  candles.  On 
his  way  to  the  altar  the  Sancta  or  Fermentum 
is  brought  to  him  that  he  may  select  what  is 
necessary  for  the  celebration.  After  private 
prayer  at  the  altar,  and  giving  the  peace  to  the 
ministei's,  he  stops  the  singing  by  giving  a 
signal  for  the  Qloria  Patri  (Ord,  jRtnn.  I.  nn. 
7,  8 ;  comp.  ii.  nn.  4,  5,  iii.  nn.  7,  8,  v.  n.  5, 
vi.  n.  3). 

The  L&>€r  Pontificalis  is  supposed  to  ascribe 
the  introduction  of  the  introit  to  Celestine,  a.d. 
423,  when  it  tells  us  that  he  "  ordered  the  150 
psalms  of  David  to  be  sung  antiphonally  before 
the  sacrifice  *'  (Anastas.  Biblioth.  Vitae  Pont.  n. 
44).  The  tradition  probably  refers  to  the  in- 
troit, although  the  next  statement  shows  that 
the  author  connects  it  with  the  earlier  Gradual. 
For  he  adds  : — "  This  was  not  done  before,  only 
the  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul  were  recited  and 
the  holy  gos{)el,  and  so  masses  were  celebrated/* 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  Ordo  cited  calls  the 
introit  an  antiphon,  though  it  uses  the  word 
psallere.  Gregory  the  Great,  A.D.  595,  is  said 
to  have  compiled  the  antiphons,  selecting  proper 
verses  from  the  psalms,  and  retaining  the  Gloria, 
which  was  then  said,  as  now,  at  the  end  of  every 
psalm.  Some  ancient  writers,  as  Amalarius 
(/;<?  EccL  OfficHs,  lib.  iii.  c.  5),  Walafrid  Strabo 
(De  liebus  Ecd,  c.  22),,  and  Micrologus  {De 
Eccl,  Observ,  c.  1),  suppose  that  this  selection 
was  the  work  of  Celestine;  but  Honorius  of 
Autun,  more  in  consonance  with  the  words  of  the 
JAbcr  Pontificalis,  and  with  the  circumstantial 


evidence  of  the  case,  aays,  —  "Pope  OelestlM 
ordered  psalms  to  be  sung  at  the  introit  of  the 
mass,  from  which  pope  Gregory  afterwards  ar- 
ranged and  compiled  antiphons  for  the  introit  of 
the  mass "  {Gemma  Animate,  lib.  i.  c  87).  AK 
the  psalms  in  the  antiphonary  ascribed  to  Gre^ 
gory  are  taken  from  the  old  Italic  rersion,  as  it 
stood  before  the  corrections  of  St.  Jerome,  bat 
this  is  no  proof  of  an  earlier  antiquity  of  the  ia- 
troits  than  we  ascribe  to  them.  For  Gvcfmr,- 
himself  professed  to  use  the  Italic  and  the  Vni- 
gate  versions  of  the  Bible  indifferently  {Ep.  ad 
Leandr.  c.  5,  in  fine ;  Expos,  in  Lib,  J6b.  pra^,\ 
and  Jerome's  corrected  Italic  psalter,  long  calltd 
the  Galilean  psalter,  did  not  take  the  place  (4 
the  original  at  Rome  until  the  time  of  Pins  V. 
(Bona,  Eer.  Liturg,  lib.  iL  c  3,  §  4).  The  fol- 
lowing example  of  the  Gregorian  introit  k  fur 
the  first  Sunday  in  Advent : — **  Antiph.  Ad  Tr, 
Domine,  levavi  animam  meam.  Deos  meiu  in 
Te  confido:  non  erubescani  neque  irrideat  me 
inimicus  mens  (  Vulg.  irrideant  me  iniinid  laei) 
etenim  universi  qui  Te  expectant  (  Vulg.  sa»ti- 
nent  Te)  non  oonfundentur  (Ps.  xxv.  1-3).  PsaL 
Vias  Tuas,  Domine,  demonstra  mihi  et  semlt^ 
tuas  edoce  me ''  (t6.  v.  4).  Durandos  {Ratisfikik, 
lib.  iv.  c.  5,  n.  5)  tells  us  that  "  in  some  churches 
tropes  are  said  for  the  psalms,  according  t4>  the 
appointment  of  pope  Gregory,  to  represent 
greater  joy  on  account  of  the  coming  of  CSmst.' 
The  introit  itself  had  long  been  thought  designed 
to  "  bring  back  His  advent  to  our  mind "  (Am- 
alar.  De  Eccl.  Off,  lib.  iii.  c.  5) ;  but  Dnnados 
is  without  doubt  wrong  in  ascribing  to  Gregory 
the  attempt  to  emphasize  that  meaning  by  the 
addition  of  tropes.  We  cannot,  however,  say  at 
what  period  subsequent  to  his  they  fintt  ^ 
peared.  They  were  not  like  the  Greek  troparia, 
independent  of  the  antiphons  in  connection  with 
which  they  wei*e  sung,  but  were  farsings  or  in- 
terpolations in  the  antiphons  of  the  Gregorian 
introit.  In  the  following  example  the  fiutung  is 
in  italics.  The  antiphon  is  that  for  the  Epiphany: 
— ^*  Ej'if  Sion  gaude,  et  laetare  aspectu  Dei  twi. 
£cce  advenit  dominator  Dominus;  cui  matena 
coeli  et  terras  famiilaniur ;  et  regnum  in  mana 
ejus.  Ipsi  manct  Deus  (sic)  gloria  cUque  juhHatis*; 
et  potestas  et  imperium  "  (Pamelii,  Rituale^  torn, 
ii.  p.  613 ;  comp.  p.  73). 

Of  the  Galilean  introit  we  only  know  tiiat  like 
the  Roman  it  was  sung  before  the  office  of  the 
mass  began.  "  While  the  clerks  are  singinf^ 
psalms  "  (psallentibus),  says  Germanus  («.  .^t.), 
**  the  priest  comes  forth  out  of  the  sacmriom  ** 
(Atfr0= secretarium).  The  council  of  Agde,  A.a 
506,  appears  to  recognixe  the  introit,  when  ii 
orders  that  as  in  other  churches  ^  collects  be  said 
in  order  by  the  bishops  and  presbyters  after  the 
antiphons  "  (cap.  30).  The  following  is  the  in- 
troit (taken  from  the  original  Italic  re^oa  of 
Ps.  xciii.  1)  used  in  the  Mozarabic  liturgy  oa 
evc<*y  Sunday  between  Whitsunday  and  A«lvent, 
and  again  on  the  Circumcision  and  the  Sunday^ 
before  and  after  the  Epiphany :  —  **  DominiL^ 
regnavit ;  decorem  indnit :  Alleluia,  y*.  Indn  r 
Dominus  fortitudinem  et  praecinxit  se.  /. 
{Pre9l}yter.)  Alleluia,  f,  Gloria  et  honor  Patri : 
et  Filio:  et  Spiritui  Sancto  in  saecala  saecn- 
lorum:  Amen.  P.  Alleluia."  It  will  be  seen 
that  this  belongs  to  the  later  period,  when  tne 
celebrant  was  at  the  altar  before  the  choir  i»> 
gan,  a  rule  which  has  prevailed  in  the  exarch  of 


iNTBorr 

Bome  also  for  many  ages.  See  Sal  a,  Arniot.  11, 
in  Bona,  Rer,  Liturg.  lib.  il.  c.  iii.  §  1 ;  and  Le 
Brun,  Explication^  p.  ii.  art.  1.  The  Anibrosian 
ingreKsa  is  very  simple.  The  following  is  for 
Cbi-istmas  Day,  from  Is.  ix.  6,  Ital.  vers.  "  Puer 
natus  est  nobis,  et  filius  datus  est  nobis,  cujus 
imperium  super  hamerum  ejos,  et  vocabitur 
nomen  ejus  magni  oonsilii  angelus "  (Pamelios, 
«.  9.  torn.  i.  p.  293).  ^  It  is  an  anthem  without 
psalm,  or  Oioria,  or  repetition  "  (Le  Brun,  Diss. 
iii.  art,  2). 

The  following  hymn  is  sung  in  the  litnrgy  of 
St.  James  before  the  priest  enters  to  the  altar. 
It  is  preceded  by  the  rubric,  ^  Then  the  deacon 
begins  to  sing  in  the  entrance,"  which  at  once 
suggests  an  analogy  to  the  Western  introit. 
**  Only  begotten  Son  and  Word  of  God,  who  being 
immortal  didst  for  our  salvation  take  upon  Thee 
to  be  incarnate  of  the  holy  Mary,  mother  of  God 
and  ever  Virgin,  and  didst  unchangeably  become 
man,  and  wast  crucified,  0  Christ  (our)  God,  and 
didsl  by  death  trample  on  death,  being  one  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  glorified  together  with  the  Father 
and  the  Holy  Ghost,  save  us  '*  {Liturgiae  8S.  PP. 
p.  6,  Bas.  15G0).  The  matter  of  this  hymn  proves 
it  to  be  later  than  tho  outbreak  of  the  Nestorian 
heresy;  but  its  great  antiquity  is  sufficiently 
attested  by  its  appearing  also  in  the  liturgies  of 
St.  Mark  (Renaudot,  Liturg,  Orient,  tom.  i.  p. 
136),  in  copies,  apparently  the  older,  of  St.  Basil 
(^Evcholog.  €roar,  p.  180,  and  the  old  Latin  ver- 
sion, Liturgiae,  sive  Missae  SS,  PP,  p.  32,  Par. 
1560),  in  many  copies  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Goar, 
If.  9.  pp.  101,  105),  and  in  the  Armenian  (Neale's 
Tidrod.  to  Hist  of  East.  Church,  p.  380).  In 
St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrysostom,  however,  we  have 
a  nearer  approach  to,  and  the  probable  origin  of, 
the  Western  introit,  viz.,  in  three  antiphons, 
composed  for  common  days,  of  three  or  four 
verses  (Rubric  in  St.  Basil,  Goar,  p.  180,  and 
the  old  Latin,  p.  32)  of  the  92nd,  93rd,  and  95th 
psalms  (as  numbered  in  E.  V.).  See  Goar,  pp. 
101,  104,  105.  While  each  antiphon  is  sung,  a 
prayer  is  said  secretly  by  the  priest ;  and  it  may 
t>e  interesting  to  mention  that  the  '*  Prayer  of 
St.  Chrysostom,"  in  our  daily  office,  is  in  the 
Sreek  liturgy  ilAt,  PP.  pp.  45,  81)  the  "Prayer 
>f  the  Third  Antiphon."  The  revisers  of  our  offices 
Bvere  familiar  with  it  in  the  translation  of  St. 
Jhrysostom  by  Leo  Thuscus,  a.d.  1180  (printed 
>y  Hofmeister,  in  1540),  and  in  the  Greek  and 
Latin  of  the  editions  of  Venice,  1528,  and  Paris, 
1537,  and  introduced  it  at  the  end  of  the  litany 
n  1544.  When  the  Greek  antiphons  were  first 
ised  is  not  known.  Amalarius,  writing  about 
;he  year  833,  says  that  he  had  heard  the  95th 
Malm  sung  at  Constantinople  "  in  the  church  of 
(t.  Sophia  at  the  beginning  of  mass  "  {De  Ord, 
intiph.  c.  21).  The  use  of  the  antiphon  by  the 
^estorians  and  Jacobites  seems  to  carry  us  np  to 
he  5th  century,  in  which  they  were  separated 
rem  the  church.  On  Sundays  the  Greek  church 
ommonly  substituted  'Hypica"  (so-called  be- 
ause  they  were  forms  prescribed  by  the  rubrics) 
or  the  first  two  antiphons,  and  the  Beatitudes 
or  the  third  (Goar,  pp.  65-67  ;  Liturg.  PP.  pp. 
r4,  80-82),  with  verses  (rpowdpia)  commemor- 
ting  the  saint  of  the  day  (Goar,  u.8.).  The 
iturgic  typica  are  from  the  103rd  and  146th 
isalms  (Demetrius  Ducas,  in  Lebrun,  IHss.  VI, 
rt.  !▼. ;  Leo  Allntius,  De  Libris  Eccl.  Diss.  I. 
).  14).    For  the  third  antiphon  may  also  be  used 


INVifiTITUBE 


867 


on  common  days,  the  third  and  sixth  canticle 
(when  thus  united  called  rpir4it7ii)  of  the  matin 
ofiSce  (Goar,  pp.  67,  124).  The  typica,  we  must 
add,  are  not  sung  on  every  Sunday.  ^  It  should 
be  known,"  savs  the  Typicon  of  Sabas,  "  that 
from  New  Sunday  to  the  Feast  of  All  Saints  (t.  e, 
fi'om  the  octave  of  Easter  to  that  of  Whitsunday) 
the  church  sings  antiphons  and  not  typica.  Wo 
sing  the  antiphons  likewise  in  the  Twelve  Days 
(between  Christmas  and  Epiphany),  and  on  the 
memorials  of  saints  which  we  keep  as  feasts  " 
(In  Leo  Allat.  u.  s.). 

The  Syrian  rite  preserves  a  fragment  of  the 
93rd  psalm  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  95th,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  service.  They  are  sung 
while  the  veils  and  the  altar  are  being  censed 
(Renaudot,  tom.  ii.  pp.  3,  4).  In  the  Nestorian 
liturgies,  the  priest  and  deacon,  standing  near  the 
altar,  say,  in  alternate  verses,  on  common  days, 
pai>ts  of  psalms  15,  150,  117  :  and  proper  hymns 
on  Sundays  and  the  greater  festivals  (Badger's 
NestorianSy  vol.  ii.  p.  215;  Raulin,  Liturgia 
Malabarica,  p.  294;  Benaud.  tom.  ii.  p.  584). 
In  the  Armenian,  beside  the  hymn  before  men- 
tioned, there  are  hymns  proper  to  the  day,  sung 
where  the  Greek  has  its  antiphons  (Le  Brun, 
Diss.  X,  art.  12). 

Cardinal  Bona  {Rer,  Liturg,  lib.  iL  c.  iii.  §  1) 
suggests  that  '*  perhaps  Celestine  (in  adopting 
the  introit)  transferred  to  the  Western  churches 
a  custom  which  had  long  flourished  in  the  East- 
ern." The  great  use  made,  as  we  have  seen, 
of  the  93rd  psalm  (Dominus  regnavit)  in  the 
introits  of  Spain,  creates  a  strong  suspicion  that 
Spain  was  a  borrower  from  the  Greeks,  in  whose 
liturgy  that  psalm  was  used  on  all  common  days 
and  many  Sundays  in  the  year.  Hence  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  introit  was,  like  some  other  rites, 
derived  by  Rome  from  the  East  through  Spain. 

[W.  E.  S.] 

INVENTION  OF  THE  CROSS.    [Ceoss, 

FiNDINO  OP  THE,  p.  503.] 

INVESTITUBE.  The  Latin  word  Investi^ 
tura  (from  vestire,  to  put  into  possession;  see 
Ducange  s,  f.),  is  of  later  date  than  the 
9th  century;  nor  had  the  thing  signified  by 
it  really  commenced  by  then,  in  the  sense 
which  concerns  us  here:  the  putting  ecclesi- 
astics in  possession  of  their  temporalities  by  a 
formal  act  of  the  civil  power.  When  Sigebert, 
quoted  by  Gratian  {Dist.  Ixziii.  c.  22),  in  enu- 
merating the  privileges  supposed  by  him  to  have 
been  conferred  on  Charlemagne  by  Adrian  I., 
says  of  that  pope :  **  Insuper  archiepiscopos  et 
episcopos  per  singulas  provincias  ab  eo  investi- 
turam  accipere  definivit :  et  nisi  a  rege  laudetur 
et  investiatur  episcopus,  a  uemine  consecretur," 
he  is,  apart  from  the  doubtfulness  of  the  fact 
(on  which  see  De  Marca,  de  Concord,  rni.  12), 
making  the  pope  depose,  not  merely  to  language, 
but  to  customs  unknown  in  his  day.  Landulph, 
who  was  contemporary  with  Sigebert,  is  bolder 
still ;  making  Adrian  the  inventor  of  both.  "  Qui 
primus"  as  he  says  of  him,  ^ annulos  et  virgas 
ad  investiendum  episcopatus  Carolo  donavit  '* 
{Hist,  MedioLii,  II) \  but  then  he  couples  an- 
other incident  with  this  tale,  which  explains 
its  origin.  The  absence  of  notice  in  the  Caro- 
line capitularies  of  any  such  custom,  anJ  their 
apparent  ignorance  of  the  word  itself,  s<^ms  con- 
clusive against  the  existence  of  either  at  that 

3  K  2 


868 


INVITATORICM 


date:  particularly  as  the  word  '^ restitnra "  is 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  them,  denoting  either 
possession,  or  the  payment  for  it.  Of  course 
there  were  symbolical  forms  also  then  in  use  for 
giying  possession,  but  none  peculiar,  as  yet,  to 
the  clergy ;  and  the  common  name  for  the  act  of 
doing  this  was  ^  traditio."  JTenoe,  probably,  the 
new  word  arose  from  joining  the  two  words,  ^  in 
vestituri,"  in  one ;  and  then  understanding  it  of 
the  special  formality  by  which  the  clergy  were 
put  in  possession  of  their  temporalities,  on  this 
becoming  essential  to  possession  in  their  case. 
That  Charlemagne,  as  well  as  his  predecessors, 
appointed  bishops  of  his  own  choosing  occa- 
sionally to  sees  in  his  dominions,  is  no  more 
than  had  been  done  by  the  Greek  emperors  ages 
before,  where  investiture  in  its  Western  accepta- 
tion has  never  been  known.  Neither  the  Tfaeo- 
dosian  Code,  nor  the  Code  or  Novels  of  Justinian 
exhibit  traces  of  anything  approaching  to  it, 
though  by  the  latter  limits  are  prescribed  to  the 
fees  for  enthronization  {Nooel.  cxziiL  3 :  see  also 
Pu  Cange  and  Hofman,  s.  t.  ;  Sirmond  ap.  Balnz. 
CapitrU.  ii.  802;  and  Thomassin.  Vet.  et  Nov, 
Ecd.  Discipl.  IL  U.  38).  [E.  S.  Ff.] 

INVITATOBIUM.  In  the  Gregorian  and 
Benedictine  '  offices  the  psalm  "  Venite  ezultemus 
Domino  "  zdv.  [£.  V.  xcv.]  is  said  daily  at  the 
beginning  of  Noctums  prefaced  by  an  antiphon 
which  is  called  the  Invitatorium.  It  is  of  pre- 
cisely the  same  character  as  other  antiphoiu  to 
psalms,  and  varies  with  the  day,  but  is  said 
differently  from  other  antiphons,  and  repeated 
several  times  during  the  course  of  the  psalm  as 
well  as  at  the  beginning  and  end.  Thus  the 
ordinary  Sunday  invitatory  is  **  Adoremus  Domi- 
num,  qui  fecit  nos,"  which  is  said  twice  at  the 
beginning  of  the  psalm,  and  repeated  in  whole 
or  in  part  Ave  times  during  its  course,  and  again 
after  the  Qloria. 

On  the  Epiphany  no  invitatory  was  said ;  but  the 
psalmody  began,  and  still  begins,  with  the  psalms 
of  the  first  nocturn  with  their  antiphons  [Hodie 
uon  cantamus  Invitatorium,  sed  absolute  inci- 
pimus.  RvUmc  ex  Antiphonario  Vaticano  Rom, 
£cciy]  and  the  psalm  '*  Venite "  was  said  with 
its  own  antiphon  as  the  last  psalm  of  the  second 
nocturn.  [Later  it  was  said  as  the  first  psalm  of 
the  third  nocturn,  and  its  antiphon  repeated 
during  its  course  in  the  ordinary  manner  of  an 
invitatorvl  Amalarius  (lib.  iv.  c  33)  and  Du- 
randus  (lib.  vi.  c.  36)  suggest  that  the  reason  for 
this  omission  may  have  been  to  mark  the  differ- 
ence between  the  invitation  to  the  faithful  to 
praise  God,  and  that  which  Herod  gave  to  the 
scribes  and  doctors  to  find  out  where  Christ 
should  be  bora.  More  probably  it  was  omitted 
[Martene  de  Sit,  lib.  iv.  c.  141  simply  because 
the  psalm  to  which  it  belonged  was  said  in  an- 

•  In  the  Benedictine  Psalter  Ps.  **  Venite  **  is  preceded 
by  Ps.  3 ;  but  its  antiphon  Is  called  *'  Antiph.  Invita- 
torlnm." 

b  Amalarius  c  xl.  writes:  "Nostra  reglo  in  praesentl 
officio  [i.  e.  In  die  E^lp.]  aoUta  est  unnm  omittere  de  ooq- 
Bii(4o  more,  Id  est  Invitatoriam :"  as  if  the  custom  were 
local :  hut  Irom  what  he  says  In  the  passage  referred  to  In 
the  text,  it  would  seem  that  It  soon  became  general 
Some  French  churches,  however,  among  which  were  those 
ef  Lyona  and  Rouen,  were  in  the  habit  of  singing  the  In- 
vitatory on  the  Epiphany.  At  Lyom  it  was  suog  with 
special  Bolemnlty  (Martew  tU  sup.). 


I8AA0 

other  place,  though  why  the  psalm  should  be  dis* 
placed  from  its  ordinary  position  is  not  so  dear. 

The  psalm  «« Venite"  is  also  known  as  the 
"Invitatory  Psalm." 

in  the  Ambrosian  psalter,  **  Venite  "  is  not  said 
at  the  beginning  of  the  office,  and  there  is  ao 
antiphon  which  corresponds  to  the  Gregorian 
Invitatanum,  [H.  J.  H.] 

INVOCATION.    [EpiCLEBxa.] 

IBENAEUS.    (1)  [Htacimthub  (1).] 

(8)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Sirminm  nnder  Mazi- 
mian;  "Passio,"  March  25  (Jfort.  Atom.  Vei^ 
Adonis,  Usnardi). 

(8)  [Theodobus.] 

(4)  Martyr  at  Thessalonica  with  Peregrions 
and  Irene ;  commemorated  May  5  (Ifari.  Mom, 
Vet,f  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi)L 

(6)  Bishop  of  Lyons,  and  martyr  under  Sevc- 
rus;  commemorated  June  28  (^MarL  Hieroe^ 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Deacon,  martyr  with  Mustiola,  a  noU« 
matron,  under  the  emperor  Aurelian;  oomme- 
morated  July  3  (Jiart.  Usuardi)L 

(7)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Abundioa,  under 
Dedus;  commemorated  Aug.  26  {MarL  JBuOk 
Vet.j  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  and  Phocas ;  commemorated  OcL  7  {CeL 
Anmrn,)  [W.  F.  G.] 

IRENE.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Thessalo- 
nica; commemorated  April  5  {McarL  Ram.  Vst, 
Hieron.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr ;  commemorated  with  Agape  and 
Chionia,  April  16  (fiai,  ByMonty, 

(8)  [IRENAEUB  (4>]  [W.  F.  G.] 

IBENIGA.     [ElBBNIGA.] 

IRELAND,  COUNCILS  OF  iBSbemka 
concilia).  But  two  such  are  recorded  bef4ne 
▲.D.  800,  both  held  by  St.  Patrick,  according  ts 
Spelman  (Cone.  p.  49  and  seq.X  A.D.  450  or  456, 
viz.  in  his  80th  or  86th  year,  assisted  by  his 
coadjutors,  Bishops.  Auxilius  and  Iseminna.  At 
least  the  34  canons  passed  at  the  first  mn  in  Ukeir 
joint  names.  The  discipline  prescribed  in  them 
indicates  very  primitive  manners.  By  the  6th 
any  clerk,  from  the  doorkeeper  to  the  priest 
seen  abroad  without  his  shirt,  and  with  his 
nakedness  uncovered,  if  his  hair  be  not  tonsured 
in  the  Roman  style,  and  his  wife  walk  out  with 
her  head  unveiled,  is  to  be  lightly  regaided  by 
the  laity,  and  excluded  from  the  church.  Thiity- 
one  canons  of  a  similar  description  are  given  to 
the  other  council.  But  these  65  by  no  mean 
exhaust  the  number  ascribed  to  St.  Patrick. 
Seventeen  more  from  other  sources  are  supplied 
by  Mansi  (vi.  519-22).  Another  collection  of 
Irish  canons,  supposed  to  be  earlier  than  the  8t]i 
century,  may  be  seen  in  Dachery's  SpiciL  bf 
Baluze,  i.  491  and  seq.,  and  a  supplement  is 
them  in  Martene  and  Durand,  Anec  ir.  1-21. 

PELS.  Ft] 

IRREGULARITT.    [Ordination.] 

ISAAC.  (1)  The  patriarch;  commemorstei 
with  Abraham  and  Jacob,  Ter  28  =  Jan.  23^ 
Maskarram  28=Sept.  25  (Col.  Eikiqp.^i  abost 


ISAIAH 

iBtamI*  of  thirtj-  dayi  rackonins  from  thsM 
dntci  throughout  the  yoar ;  alw  coninicmanttd 

■lonPfNahuH  21=Aug.  IT  (CaL  EtUop.). 

(8)  ArmenlBD  patriarch;  omimamarated  Feb. 
9  (_Cal.  Armat.). 

(8)  Daimmta,  Iran  troT^p,  in  the  time  oTthe 
emperoi  Vdeui  ctjmmeoiorsted  Ha;  31  (fial. 

(4)  Honk,  mut^  at  Cordora ;  oonuDemaratad 
June  3  {Uart.  {Jgoardi). 

(fi)  aoil  Heerop ;  commemonited  June  27  {Qd. 

(6)  Holf  Father,  ^D.  SSSg  aomnwinorated 
Aug.  3  (CW.  £ynmt.> 

(T)  Mid  Jouph ;  commemorated  Sept.  16  {Cat. 
Oaorg.). 

(5)  ElDg  of  Ethiopia ;  commemorated  Tekemt 
SO^Oct.  21  iCat.  ElAiip.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

(9)  The  Joat,  patriarch  of  Alexandria;  com- 
memorated Hadar  S=Nav.  b  {Cat.  Etiaop.). 

ISAIAH,  the  prophet ;  eommemoratad  Mar  9 
(Cal.  Byianl.),  JuW  S  (Mart.  Sam.  YH.,  fiedaa, 
Adonii,  tlioordi),  Uukarnm  S=3ept.  3,  aod 
Ter  3  =  De<:.  29  {Cal.  EtSiop.).  (V.  F.  G.] 

ISAPOSTOLOa    [AWOTLB.] 

I8B0DIC0N.    [FRiOTiOB.] 

I8CHYBI0N,  martTT  at  AleiandrU;  oom- 
memontad  Dee.  33  (Mart.  Bom.  7tt.,  Adoaig, 
U>u«cdi>  [W.  F.  G.] 

I8ID0RUB.  (1)  Kihop  ofAntioch;  "Pai- 
■io,"  Jan.  3  (if<vf.  HleTOO.,  Uauardi). 

(S>  Saint,  of  Peluiium  In  ^tjpt,  lam  nwrhf 
dm  415  A.D. ;  commemorated  Jan.  15  (Mart. 
Adonia,  Ciaardl),  Feb.  4  (QU.  Byianc.). 

(S)  Blihop  of  SeTille  (Hiipala)  ;  dapoiition  at 
Serille,  April  4  (Mart.  Uauanll). 

(1)   tHELUS.] 

(S)  Hartfr  at  Chios,  >.D.Z55;coinmemorat«l 
Vkj  15  (Mart.  Adoni*,  Diaardi,  Cat.  ByMont.). 

(fl)  [DiiMOOEM  (3).]  tW,  F.  0.1 

ISHABL,  martTT  a.i>.  3flS ;  craimemanted 
Jone  IT  (CaL  Bytcott.).  [W.  F.  G.j 

ISSUE  OF  BLOOD,  CUBE  OF  THE. 
Tbia   mlnola  la  repeated  on  manj  aarcophaai. 


JAHEB  THE  QBEATE8,  ST.  869 
See  Bottari,  Uw.  xix.  xiL  xxxW.  luii.  ili. 
luilv.  liiiT.  liiili.  cuir.  She  baa  been  taken 
aa  repreieDting  the  Gentile  church,  partlcolarl; 
by  St.  Ambroaa,  lib.  IL  in  Lve.  a  Ttii.  She  ti  of 
amall  itature  In  the  carringa,  like  the  other 
anbjecta  of  our  Lord'a  mlncutoua  cnrea.  In 
Euiablua  (Eocl.  Hitt.  tU.  18)  mention  ia  mode  of 
a  bronn  atatue  of  our  Lord,  or  rather  of  a  group 
of  two  figures,  which  eilated  at  Cbeiaraa  Philippi, 
Dan  (or  Banaaa  at  tbia  day),  and  waa  aaid  to 
have  been  erected  bv  thli  woman,  who  waa  alto 
represeuted  aa  kneeling  at  Hii  IWt.  Euaehloa 
law  the  lUtue  hlnuel^  bat  iti  being  meant  for 
oor  Lord  aaema  to  hsTe  been  matter  of  tradition. 
TavTor  rlir  irtfiim  fUira  t»v  'Iqiriii  fifir 
l\ryor.  "Efitin  81  ical  tit  ilfiil,  Ai  jnl  lf«t 
^afiaXaPtir   iwtltuiiiaairrat   HftToil    t^    riKtl. 

(See  ieaoa  Christ,  REFaaiNT^TiONa  or.) 

[E-St.  J.T.] 

ISTRIAH  COUNCIL  (AMma>  OmeiUan). 
Held  br  the  partiaana  of  the  Three  Chapter)  at 
acme  pfan  In  latrla,  i.ih  591,  according  to  Manai, 
to  petition  the  emperor  Uanrica  in  their  own  bo- 
half,  and  that  orSeTema,  biahop  oTAqnllela,  their 
metropolitan,  who  had  been  fbrced  bf  the  eiarch 
into  condemning  them  at  RaTeaoa,  and  waa  now 
aummoned  with  hia  lubagaDa  to  Roma.  Their 
remoutrance,  to  which  eight  name*  are  affixed, 
waa  anccHaAil,  and  the  popa  waa  ordered  to  leave 
them  in  peace  for  the  present  (Uanii,  i.  4S3-T). 
[E.  8.  Ff.] 

ITALIAN  OOUNCILB  (Ititiica  Omoilia). 
Three  conpclli  are  given  uader  thia  heading  in 
Maui.  1.  a.D.3B0,  at  which  Uaiimoa  the  Cjalc, 
who  had  jnut  been  deposed  at  (^ottaatinople,  wni 
heard  (ill.  519).  3.  A.D.381,atwhich9t.  Ambroae 
waa  present,  and  whose  proceedinga  are  preaerved 
in  two  letten  addressed  In  hIa  mune  and  that  of 
bia  colleagues  to  the  emperor  Theodoalua,  la  one 
of  which  an  attempt  to  Introduce  ApoDiuarian 
eiTora  among  them  ii  noticed  ;  and  in  the  other 
the  claims  of  Uaiimua,  and  the  consecratloD  of 
Nectarius  to  the  aee  of  Conatantinople  ar*  dls- 
cnssed  with  some  aniiBty  (ih.  630-3).  3.  *.d. 
405,  at  which  the  emperor  Honorins  was  peti- 
tioned to  intervene  with  fail  brother  Arcadlua  In 
&Toar  of  St.  John  Chrjacalom  (A,  1163). 

[K.  8.  FtJ 

IVENTIUS,  EVANTIUS,  or  BVENTIUS, 
confeaior  atPavia;  commemorated  with  Sjrui 
Sept.  13  (Mart.  Bom.  Vtt.,  Adonii,  Uanardl). 
[W.  F.  G.] 


JACINTHUS.    (1)  [Feucuvui  (4>] 

0)  [H7iOIHTHnB.] 

JACOB,  the  patriarch ;  eommemoratad  Ifa- 
haasa  25  =  Aug.  18  (Oil.  EUkp.).  See  also 
U^AO.  [W.  F.  Q.] 

JADEB.    [Feux(34).] 

JAHBLICHUS,  one  of  the  seven  sleepera  of 

Ephesni  s  commemorated  Oct  33  (CaL  ByMont.'i. 

[W.  F.  Q.] 

JAHES   THE   GBEATBB,  BT.,  Ltaaia 

AKD  FBSnVAL  OF. 

1.  L^gtruL  —  Bj  the  name  of  James  the 
Greater,  the  aon  of  Zebsdee  la  dlslinguiibed 
from  the  other  apostle  of  the  same  numc.     The 


870     JAMES  THE  GBEATEB,  ST. 

epithet  would  seem  to  have  regard  either  to 
stature  or  to  age,  though  some,  with  apparently 
less  likelihood,  would  make  it  refer  (1)  to  pri- 
ority in  the  call  to  the  apostleship,  or  (2)  to 
higher  privileges  in  intercourse  with  Christ,  or 
(3)  to  the  dignity  of  an  earlier  martyrdom. 

The  elder  brother  of  St.  John,  universally 
believed  to  have  been  the  last  survivor  of  the 
apostles,  St.  James  was  the  first  to  be  called 
away,  having  been  beheaded  by  Herod  Agrippa  J., 
shortly  before  the  Passover  of  44  A.D.  Out  of  a 
mass  of  tradition  concerning  him,  the  only  point 
supported  by  any  adequate  evidence  is  the  inci- 
dent  related  by  Eusebius  {Hist.  Ecdea.  ii.  9)  on 
the  authority  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  of  the 
conversion  of  St.  James's  accuser  as  the  apostle 
was  led  away  to  death.  Struck  by  his  steadfast- 
ness, he  too  embraced  Christ,  and  the  apostle 
and  his  accuser  suffered  toc^ether. 

The  stories,  however,  of  St.  James's  connection 
with  Spain  are  deserving  of  very  little  credit. 
In  spite  of  such  plain  statements  as  Acts  viii.  1 
(very  lamely  met  by  Baronius),  the  apostle  is 
made  to  undertake  a  missionary  journey  into 
Spain  after  the  death  of  Stephen,  returning  to 
Jerusalem  before  ▲.D.  44.  The  ancient  evidence 
for  such  a  story  is  of  the  weakest.  Isidore  of 
Seville  (ob.  636  A.  D.)  does  say  {de  Ortu  et  Obiiu 
Fatrum,  c.  71 ;  Patrol.  Ixxxiii.  151),  if  indeed 
the  work  is  his,  which  is  certainly  doubtful,  that 
St.  James  preached  the  gospel  to  the  natives  of 
Spain  and  the  Western  regions ;  *■  and  the  same 
statement  is  found  in  the  Collectanea^  once 
wrongly  attributed  to  Bede  (^Patrol,  xciv.  546). 
Mere  unsupported  statements,  however,  of  so 
late  a  date  can  amount  to  very  little.  It  is 
worthy  of  notice  too  that  at  a  much  earlier 
period.  Innocent  I.  (ob.  417  a.d.)  states  that  no 
church  had  been  founded  throughout  Italy,  Gaul, 
or  Spain,  except  by  those  who  owed  their  autho- 
rity directly  or  indirectly  to  St  Peter  (Ep.  25 
ad  Becentium,  c  2 :  Patrol,  xx.  652).  With 
every  allowance  -for  the  desire  of  a  bishop  of 
Rome  to  exalt  the  see  of  St.  Peter,  so  sweeping  a 
statement  could  hardly  have  been  ventured  on, 
had  there  been  a  strongly  established  tradition 
as  to  St.  James's  connection  with  Spain.  Am- 
brose evidently  knew  no  such  legend,  for  he 
speaks  of  St.  Paul's  projected  journey  into  Spain 
being  "  quia  illic  Christus  non  erat  praedicatus  " 
(Comm.  in  Ep,  ad  Rom,  xv.  24;  Patrol,  xvii. 
176) ;  nor  did  Jerome,  for  he  mentions  St.  Paul's 
journeys  having  reached  even  to  Spain,  imme- 
diately after  referring  to  the  apostle's  never 
building  ^  super  alterius  fundamentum,  ubi  jam 
fuerat  praedicatum"  {Comm.  m  Amos,  v.  8  sqq. ; 
vol.  vi.  291,  ed.  Vallarsi).  Baronius  (notes  to 
Martyrohgium  Romanum\  July  25),  in  sum- 
ming up  concerning  these  legends,  can  only  urge 
"non  esse  adeo  impossibilia,  vel  haberi  pro 
monstro,  ut  putant  aliqui." 

The  story  of  the  translation  of  the  apostle's 
body  into  Spain  is  obviously  totally  apocryphal. 
It  is  to  the  effect  that  after  his  body  had  been 
interred  at  Jerusalem,  his  disciples  removed  it 
to  Iria  Flavia,  in  the  far  north-west  of  Spain. 
(For  an  elementary  form  of  the  story  see  the 
Martyrologies  [July  25]  of  Usuard  and  Notker ; 

>  This  writing  speaks  of  SL  James  as  buried  **  la  Mar- 
morica"  {aL  Garmarica,  &c.),  a  name  which  does  not 
soem  to  have  been  satisCactorily  explained. 


JAMES  THE  GREATER,  ST. 

Patrol,  cxxiv.  295,  cxxxi.  1125:  those  et  Bede 
and  Wandalbert  ignore  it.)  Here  it  was  dis- 
covered early  in  the  9th  century,  and  removed 
to  Compostella  (a  corruption  of  Giaoomo  PoAth^ 
ad  Jacobum  Apostolwn),  a  few  miles  distant,  by 
order  of  Alphonso  II.,  king  of  Asturias  and  Leoo 
(ob.  842  A.D.).  For  a  very  full  account  of  these 
legends,  see  Cuper  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (July, 
vol.  V.  pp.  3  sqq.);  also  Mariana,  De  ado^niu 
Jttcobi  Apostoli  majoria  in  ffispaniam,  in  bis 
Tractatus,  Col.  Agr.  1609;  Tolra,  Justificoeim 
historioo-critica  de  la  venida  de  Santiago  el  Mayor 
a  EapaiUiy  y  de  su  sepulcro  in  Compotteia.  If  »- 
triti,  1797  ;  Arevalus,  Isidoriama,  c.  61  (^Patrol, 
Ixxxi.  382  sqq.),  and  sundry  writings  in  eon- 
nection  with  St.  James,  wrongly  attributed  to 
pope  Callixtus  II.  (Patrol,  clxiii.  1370  sqq.). 
Strangely,  however,  in  spite  of  this  lack  of 
evidence,  the  legend  took  snch  root  in  Spain, 
as  practically  to  count  there  as  an  article  of 
faith,  and  thus  we  find  Luther  holding  it  neces- 
sary to  protest  against  snch  a  view  (^SSmmUiche 
Schriften,  xv.  1864,  ed.  Walch). 

For  the  wild  legends  connecting  St.  James 
with  the  false  teachers  Hermogenes  and  Pbiletns, 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  Historia  ApostoUoa 
of  the  pseudo-Abdias,  lib.  iv.,  in  which,  it  may 
be  remarked  in  passing,  there  is  no  allusion 
whatever  to  Spain  (Fabricius,  Codex  Pseitd^A- 
graphus  Novi  Testamenti,  vol.  ii.  p.  516  sqq.  edL 
1719). 

2.  Festival  of  St,  James,— The  date  when  St 
James  was  first  commemorated  by  a  festival 
cannot  be  determined  very  cloeely.     It  is  well 
known  that  at  first  the  only  apostles  who  had  a 
special  festival  were  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and 
that  the  others  gradually  obtained  separate  com- 
memorations afterwards.      In  the   case  of  St. 
James,  the  notices  are  such  as  to  point  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  festival  was  one  whidi  only 
made  its  way  very  gradually,  and  that  the  date 
at  which  it  had  attained  general  observance  was 
quite  late.    We  find  a  mention,  it  is  true,  in  the 
ancient  Kalendarium   Cartkaginenae,  where  for 
December  27  is  this  notice :  *^  vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Sancti 
Joannis  Baptistae  [here  probably  Evangelistae 
should  be  read]  et  Jacobi  Apostoli,  quern  Heitxies 
occidit "  (Patrol,  xiii.  1228).     On  the  other  hand, 
many  ancient  Sacramentaries  give  no  indicatioa 
of  the  existence  of  a  festival  of  St.  James.    The 
Ambrosian  (Pamelius,  Liturgg,  Latt.  i.  403)  and 
Gregorian  (col.  115,  ed.  Menard),  as  we  now 
have  them,  do  so,  the  forms  being  almost  iden- 
tical in  the  two  cases;   but  the  Leonine  and 
Gelasian  pass  it  over.     In  the  ancient  Gallicaa 
Liturgy  edited  by  Mabillon,  to  which  we  hare 
referred  below,  it  will  be  seen  that  St,  James  b 
commemorated,  together  with   his  brother,  on 
December  27,  but  in  the  Galilean  Lectionary  the 
festival  is  of  St.  John  alone,  and  in  the  Martyro- 
logium  Qellonense  (D'Ach^y's  Spicilegimk,  xin. 
390),  the  notice  is  "vi.   KaL  Jan.  Ordinatio 
Episcopatus  Jacobi  Apostoli  fratris  Domtni  et 
Adsumptio  Sancti   Joannis  Evangelistae."     In 
the  Gothic  Breviary  edited  by  Lorenzana,  a  fbrm 
is  provided  for  a  festival  of  St.  James  on  De- 
cember 30  (Patrol,  Ixxxvi.  1306),  but  there  is 
none  in  the  Mozarabic  Missal.    The  Pontifical  <^ 
Egbert,  archbishop  of  York  (ob.  766  A J>.)  has 
no  notice  of  such  a  festival.    Additional  evidence 
to  the  same  effect  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that 
the  earliest  traces  of  a  vigil  of  a  festival  of  SL 


JAICES  THE  GREATEB,  ST. 

James  are  of  reiy  late  date.  Bioterim  {Denkw. 
T.  1.  401)  aaaerta  that  the  Tigil  does  not  occur 
at  all  in  calendars  before  the  10th  century. 
£ven  so  late,  however,  as  the  13th  centnry,  the 
festival  itself  does  not  appear  to  have  attained 
universal  acceptance ;  for  in  the  canons  of  the 
council  of  Oiford  (1222  ▲.D.)  it  is  not  included 
in  the  list  of  the  chief  festivals  observed  in  Eng- 
land (can.  8 ;  Labbe  zi.  274).  At  the  council  of 
Cognac  in  France  (1256  ▲.D.)  the  case  is  some- 
what doubtful,  yet  taking  the  context  into  con- 
sideration (cf.  can.  19),  the  words  "duodecim 
Apostolorum,  et  maxime  Petri  et  Pauli,  Andreae, 
Jaoobi  .  .  .  .  "  perhaps  point  to  separate  fes- 
tivals and  not  to  the  collective  festival  of  the 
aixMtles  (can.  21  ;  Lsbbe  zi.  749  :  cfl  Cone. 
Ibiotcmum  [1229  A.D.],  can.  26,  c^.  ciL  433, 
where  the  probability  seems  to  incline  the  other 
way).  We  may  appeal,  however,  finally  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  synod  of  £zeter  (1287  A.i>.)> 
where  the  festivals  to  be  observed  are  named  in 
their  several  months,  and  where  the  entry  for 
July  is,  "  Translationis  S.  Thomae  martyiis, 
Sanctae  Mariae  Magdalenae,  S.  Jacob!  Apostoli 
majoris  *'  (can.  23,  op,  cit,  1288). 

Besides  this  vagueness  as  to  the  date  of  the 
origin  of  the  festival,  the  utmost  latitude  also 
prevails  as  to  the  day  when  it  was  to  be  cele- 
brated. We  have  evidence  indeed  of  a  kind 
which  is  wanting  in  the  case  of  every  other 
apostle,  for  from  Acts  zii.  4  we  may  assume 
that  St.  James  was  put  to  death  shortly  before 
the  Passover.  Still,  in  the  Western  church, 
perhaps  from  the  wish  not  to  have  a  celebration 
of  a  martyrdom  in  Lent  and  £astertide,  we  gene- 
rally Bud  St.  James's  festival  on  July  25.i>  The 
calendar  of  the  church  of  Carthage  associates 
him,  as  we  have  seen,  with  his  brother  John  on 
December  27;  as  does  also  the  Gothico-Gallic 
Missal,  where  the  heading  for  the  day  is  **  in 
Natale  Apostolorum  Jaoobi  et  Johannis"  (Ma- 
billon,  de  Liturgia  OcUHcanOj  lib.  iii.  p.  196). 
[In  the  Gothic  calendar,  however,  prefixed  to 
Lorenzana's  edition  of  the  (rothic  Breviary,  we 
find  on  December  80,  ''Jacobus  frater  Joannis 
Apostoli  et  fivangelistae,"  following  the  notice 
on  December  29,  ''Jacobus,  frater  Domini," 
FcUrol.  Izzzvi  19.]  The  same  combination  too 
meets  us  in  the  calendar  of  the  Armenian  church 
on  December  28  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Inti-od. 
p.  804),  and  in  that  of  the  Ethiopic  church  on 
September  27  (Ludolf,  Fasti  Sacri  Ecdesiae 
AUxandrinae,  p.  5).  The  calendar  of  the  Byzan- 
tine church  appoints  April  30  for  the  commemo- 
ration of  St.  James,  and  so  we  find  in  the  Greek 
metrical  Ephemsrides  prefixed  by  Papebroch  to 
the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May  (vol.  i.  p.  zzv.) 
•rrciyc  fUx^P^  ^6vov  *latc»fioy  4w  rpiaxSirrp, 
In  the  martyrology  given  by  Cardinal  Sirletus, 
besides  the  commemoration  on  April  30,  there 
is  also  noted  on  November  15,  "Natalia  SS. 
Baruch  et  Jacobi,  fratris  Joannis  Theologi "  (see 
Canisius,  Thesaurus,  vol.  iii.  pp.  427,  486). 

The  spring  period  is  also  recognised  in  the 
Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars.  In  the  former, 
besides  the  festival  mentioned  above,  there  are 
also  commemorations  on  February  4  and  April 

b  Tho  statement  of  some  writers  (e.  g.  Augnstt.  Denkw. 
Ui.  327)  thai  this  ptfticular  day  is  the  amilversary  of  the 
Innalation  of  the  saint's  reroalmi  to  Oompostclla,  is  one 
wboie  pro(rf  and  disproof  is  equally  impossible. 


JAMES  THB  LESS,  ST.         871 

12  of  St.  James,  apparently  the  son  of  Zebedee 
(Ludolf,  pp.  20,  26).  The  Coptic  calendar  has 
generally  a  very  close  affinity  with  the  preceding, 
and,  like  it,  has  a  festival  of  SL  James  (defined 
as  the  son  of  Zebedee)  on  April  12  ;  and  also  on 
February  12  of  a  James,  presumably  the  present, 
and  on  April  30  of  a  James,  defined  as  the  son  of 
Zebedee.^ 

3.  Whether  or.no  it  is  due  to  the  early  date 
of  this  apostle's  martyrdom,  but  little  litera- 
ture is  directly  associated  with  his  name.  The 
canonical  epistle  of  James  is  indeed  assigned  to 
him  in  the  subscription  of  a  Corbey  MS.  of  the 
old  Latin  version  cited  by  Tischendorf  (m  foe.), 
and  also  in  the  passage  of  Isidore  already  referred 
to.  This  theory,  however,  is  ezceedingly  im- 
probable, and  need  not  be  further  referred  to 
here. 

A  pretended  discovery  was  made  near  Granada 
in  Spain  in  1595  ▲.D.  of  the  remains  of  two  of 
St,  Jcvmes*s  disciples,  and  with  them  of  eighteen 
books  on  leaden  plates,  including  several  by  St. 
James,  which  with  the  others  were  condemned 
by  innocent  XI.  in  1682  A.D.  (Fabricius,  Codex 
Pseudepigraphus  Nod  Testamenti,  i.  352,  iii.  725 ; 
Acta  Sanctorum,  May,  vol.  vii.  pp.  285,  393). 

For  further  remarks  on  the  subject  of  the 
preceding  article  reference  may  be  made  to 
Binterim,  JDenkwUrdigkeiten  der  Christ-Katho- 
lischen  Kirche,  vol.  v.  part  i.  pp.  400  sqq. ; 
August!,  Denkwilrdigkeiten  aus  der  C/uistlic/ien 
Archaohgie,  voL  iii.  pp.  237  sqq. ;  Tillemont, 
MAnoires  pour  servir  ci  Vhistoire  EccUsiastique, 
voL  i.  pp.  342  sqq.,  625  sqq.  ed.  Paris,  1 693 ; 
Cajetan  Cenni,  ZHssertat.  i.  de  Antiq,  Eccl,  ffisp, 
c.  2,  Rome,  1741.  [R.  S.] 

JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST.,  Legend  and 
Feotival  of. 

1.  Legend,  4'C. — ^It  does  not  fall  within  our 
present  province  to  discuss  the  question  whether 
James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  one  of  the  twelve 
apostles,  is  or  is  not  the  same  as  James,  the 
Lord's  brother,  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  The  pro- 
bability seems  to  incline  in.  favour  of  the  non- 
identity  of  the  two,  but  there  are  considerable 
difficulties  attending  either  hypothesis  ^  and  the 
matter  will  be  found  discussed  at  length  in  tho 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  Of  ancient  liturgies, 
martyrologies  and  calendars,  some  identify, 
while  others  distinguish  them;  and  hence  it 
may  perhaps  be  most  convenient  here  to  collect 
together  the  various  notices  under  either  desig- 
nation. 

It  may  be  remarked  at  the  outset  that  if 
James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  be  a  different  per- 
son from  James  the  Lord's  brother,  there  is 
almost  a  complete  lack  of  tradition  as  to  his 
history.  The  ancient  so-called  Martyrohgium 
Hieronymi  speaks  of  his  being  martyred  in 
Persia  (^Patrol,  izx.  478),  and  the  Greek 
metrical  Ephemerides,  which  we  have  cited  be- 
low, assei*t  that  he  was  crucified ;  but  it  is  im- 
possible to  say  what  amount  of  belief  is  to  be 
given  to  either  of  these  statements.    James,  the 

«  It  should  be  noticed  that  snndry  slight  variations 
from  Ludolf  s  calendar  of  the  Egyptian  cborch  occur  in 
those  given  by  Selden  (de  Synedriii  Veierujn  Xbrtuorum, 
pp.  210  sqq. ;  od.  Amsterdam,  1679).  Here  one  calendar 
gives  Feb.  11,  the  other  Feb.  12 ;  one  April  11,  the  other 
April  12:  and  one  (the  other  has  do  entry)  hss  April  30 
for  April  30. 


872 


JAMSS  THE  LE68,  ST. 


JAMES  THE  LESS,  ST. 


Lord's  brother,  oq  the  other  hand,  fills  a  promi- 
nent place  in  the  history  of  the  Acta,  he  is  re- 
ferred to  by  St.  Paul  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Gala- 
tians  in  a  way  that  suflSciently  indicates  his  im- 
portance, and  there  can  be  no  donbt  that  it  is 
to  him  we  owe  the  so-called  Catholic  Epbtle  of 
St.  James.  Ecclesiastical  tradition  also  tells 
much  concerning  him,  and  the  acconnt  of  his 
martyrdom  given  by  Eosebins  {But.  Ecdea,  11. 
23)  from  Hegesippns  is  doubtless  substantially 
correct.  It  is  not,  howerer,  necessary  to  repeat 
here  what  has  already  been  said  in  the  Bible 
Dictionary,  to  which  reference  may  be  made. 

2.  FestivaL — ^The  exact  date  of  the  rise  of  a 
special   festival  of  St.  James,   whether  as  the 
son  of  Alphaeus  or  as  the  Lord's  brother,  is  hard 
to  fix.    Like  those  of  most  of  the  apostles,  it  is 
comparatively   late.    Among  the  earliest  wit- 
nesses,   we    may    mention    the    Martyrologium 
Hieron^fmi,  the  metrical  martyrology  of  Bede, 
and  the  ancient  liturgies  referred  to  below.    The 
first  of  these,  as  well   as  other  early  Roman 
martyrologies,  commemorates  James,  the  son  of 
Alphaeus,  on  June  22,  and  also  James,  the  Lord's 
brother,  on  March  15,  April  25,  and  December 
27.     On  the  last  of  these  there  is  associated  with 
the  ''Assumptio  S.  Joannis  Evangelistae,"  also 
the  '^Ordinatio  episcopatus    S.    Jacobi  fratris 
Domini,"  a  combination  to  which  we  shall  again 
refer.     There  is  also  in  this  martyrology,  as  we 
now  have  it,  a  commemoration  of  James,  not 
further  defined,  but  obviously  the  present,  on 
May   1.      The  metrical   martyrology  of   Bede 
commemorates  St.  Philip  and  St.  James  together 
on  May  1,  the  latter,  it  will  be  seen,  defined  as 
the  Lord's  brother, 

-  **  Jaoolnis  Domini  fhiter  plus  atqae  Phlllppus 
Mirifloo  Mails  venenotar  bonore  CsHwhIsb** 

This  has  been  the  general  custom  throughout 
the  Western  church,  and  so  we  find  it  in  the 
Gelasian  {Patrol,  Ixziv.  1161X  Gregorian  (coL 
101,  ed.  Menard)  and  Amhrosian  (Pamelius, 
Liiurgg,  Latt,  i.  370)  liturgies.  The  reason  for 
this  combination  of  apostles,  and  for  the  choice 
of  this  particular  day  does  not  appear.  Schulting 
{Bibliotheca  Bociesiastica  ii.  130)  simply  states 
that  it  is  because  of  the  translation  of  the 
relics  of  the  two  on  that  day  in  the  Pontificate 
of  Pelagius  I.  (ob.  560  ▲.D.).  We  are  not  aware 
that  anything  can  be  adduced  in  support  of 
this  statement  beyond  the  remark  of  Anastasius 
Bibliothecarius  that  under  Pelagius  I.,  "  initiata 
est  basilica  Apostolorum  Philippi  et  Jacobi" 
{Vitae  PonUfioum;  Pelagius  I.  Patrol,  cxxviii. 
614),  where  we  see  the  two  names  already  asso- 
ciated. 

It  is  sUted  by  the  Micrologus  that  this  festival 
was  originally  one  of  all  the  apostles;  there 
seems,  however,  to  be  no  real  evidence  for  the 
assertion  "  ideo  etiam  invenitur  in  martyrologiis 
sive  in  Sacramentariis  festivitas  Sanctorum  Ja- 
cobi et  Philippi  et  omnium  Apostolorum"  (de 
Ecd,  Observ.  c  55;  Patrol,  di.  1017).  This  is 
followed,  however,  by  sundry  liturgical  writers, 
e,g,  Honorius  Augustodunensis  (Oemma  Animae 
ui.  140 ;  Patrol,  clxxii.  681),  and  Dnrandus  (Eat. 
IHo.  Off.  vii.  10). 

Besides  the  festival  of  May  1,  the  Ambrosian 
liturgy  also  commemorates  on  I>ec  30  the 
**  ordinatio  B.  Jacobi  Alphaei  Apostoli "  (pp.  dt. 
309),  resembling  the  already  dted  notice  of  the  J 


Martyrologimn  Himrmigmi;  and  we  mmj 
reter  to  the  entry  in  the  Jfor^yrofo^uoK  OeOo- 
neae  quoted  in  the  preceding  aiiide.  The  Gal- 
ilean liturgy,  published  by  Mabillon,  omits 
altogether  the  festival  of  St.  James,  whether 
as  son  of  Alphaeus  or  as  brother  of  the 
Lord;  but  in  the  Moxarabic  miasal  we  find 
a  commemoration  of  **  S.  Jacobus,  firater  D»- 
mini "  on  Dec.  29.  We  may  take  this  oppor- 
tunity of  adding  that  the  prophetic  lection, 
epistle  and  goepel  there  are  respectively  Wbdon 
xviii.  20-24;  i.  Tim.  i.  18-iL  8;  Luke  viu.  23, 
27,  John  xii.  24-26,  xiii.  16,  17,  20,  xv.  6,  12, 
13  (Patrol.  Ixxxv.  104).  In  the  Mosanbic  Bn- 
viary,  the  form  is  merely  headed  **in  fmto  & 
Jacob!  Apostoli "  (PatroL  ixxzvi  136),  but  there 
are  numerous  references  to  the  martyrdom  of 
James,  the  Lord's  brother,  at  Jemsalem. 

The  Byxantine  calendar  distinguishes  tlie  son 
of  Alphaeus  from  the  Lord's  brother,  the  fbnner 
being  commemorated  on  Oct.  9,  the  latter  on 
Oct.  23 ;  and  so  we  find  in  the  Greek  metrical 
Ephemerides,  published  by  Papebroch  in  the 
Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  vol.  L  p.  xlviiL),— Ji^if* 
irdrp  'Idicc»/3os  ivl  aruifp^  rerdrwrro,  and  iefxir 
iJi€\ip6B€0P  rptrdrp  ^6k^  slicdSc  wXi||ar.  In 
the  Armenian  church,  besides  the  oommemora- 
tion  of  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee  on  Dec  28,  thoe 
are  also  commemorations  on  August  31  of 
**  Thomas  and  James,  Apostles,"  and  on  Dec  23 
of  «< James,  Apostle"  (Neale,  Eastern  Ckmrck; 
Introd.  pp.  801,  804).  In  the  calendars  of  the 
Egyptian  and  Ethiopic  churches  given  in  LodolTs 
Fasti  Sacri  Eocleaiae  Alexandrinae,  we  find  that 
the  former  commemorates  James,  the  son  of 
Alphaeus,  on  October  2,  and  James,  the  Lord's 
brother,  on  October  23,  and  that  thev  both 
commemorate  this  latter  on  July  12.  Besides 
this,  the  Coptic  calendar  has  on  Feb.  12,  and  the 
Ethiopic  on  Feb.  4,  a  James,  an  apostle,  not 
otherwise  specified.* 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  many  of  the  cus- 
toms which  still  characterise  the  day  on  whi<^ 
the  Western  church  commemorates  St.  James, 
have  obviously  sprung  from  lingering  heathen 
usages.  These  are,  as  a  rule,  connected  with  the 
idea  of  the  return  of  spring,  and  thus  an  in 
some  sense  parallel  to  Uioee  associated  with  the 
festivals  of  Christmas  and  St.  John  the  Baptist's 
day,  which  dwell  on  the  idea  of  the  returning 
and  retreating  sun.  [Chhstmas;  Joiur  tbk 
Baptist,  St.,  Fibe  of.j 

Thus  the  gathering  of  flowers  and  the  adorn- 
ing of  houses  with  them  on  May-day  morning 
may  fitirly  be  connected  with  the  Roman  festival 
of  the  Fhralia  held  on  the  five  days  following 
April  28 ;  similar  festivals  to  which  wexe  sJso 
held  in  other  places,  as  the  Antke^pkorn  in 
Sicily,  etc 

A  trace  of  the  ancient  sun-worship  is  stlU  to 
be  found  in  one  of  the  customs  prevalent  on 
this  day  among  Celtic  peoples,  and  notably  the 
Irish  and  Highland  peasantry,  viz.,  the  lighting  of 
great  fires  in  the  open  air ;  and  thus  Uie  com- 
mon Irish  name  for  the  day,  is  La  Beai-tine 
(day  of  Beal's  or  Baal's  fire),  and  similariy  in 
Gaelic 


•  It  may  be  noted  that  one  of  the  EgjpOan  i 
given  by  SeMen  (de  S^neiriia   Velanm 
pp.  215. 219 ;  ed.  Amsterdsm,  MT^  pats  rsfai  11  frr  R*l 
12»  end  July  11  for  July  12. 


JAMBS 

CttsKNBt  aLio  with  the  some  central  idea 
exiated  among  the  ancient  Gothic  nations  (see 
Olaos  Magnus,  J^storia  de  Oeniibua  SepUntrionO' 
Ubua  XT.  8,  p.  503,  ed.  Rome,  1555> 

3.  With  the  name  of  the  person  or  persons 
now  before  ns,  more  literature  is  associated  than 
in  the  case  of  the  son  of  Zebedee.  Besides  the 
Canonical  £pistle  of  St.  James,  there  are  still 
extant  the  so-called  PraUnangeJmm  Jaccbi^  the 
most  respectable  of  the  Apocryphal  gospels,  and 
the  so-called  liturgy  of  St.  James.  It  is  possi- 
ble too  that  at  one  time  there  existed  other 
pseudonymous  writings  beanng  the  name  of 
St.  James,  for  we  fbd  Innocent  I.  in  alluding  to 
sundry  works  of  this  class,  mention  those  which 
"  sub  nomine  .  •  .  Jacobi  minoris  . . .  damnanda  " 
(^Ep,  6  ad  Exsuperium  c  7,  Patrol,  xx.  502). 
Again,  in  the  records  of  a  council  held  at  Rome 
in  494  A.D.,  under  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius,  it 
is  ruled  '^Evangelium  xaL  Evangelia]  nomine 
Jacobi  minoris,  Apocryphum  "  {Patrol,  lix.  162, 
175,  176).  Apocryphal  letters  to  St.  James 
from  St.  Peter  and  St.  Clement  are  prefixed  to 
the  various  editions  of  the  Clementine  Homilies 
(see  €.g»  Cotelerius,  Patres  Apost,  i.  602,  ed. 
1700).  The  Apostolio  ConsOtutionM  again  (viii 
23),  cite  James,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  as  giring 
rules  respecting  confessors  and  virgins ;  and  some 
forms  of  the  text,  but  apparently  not  the  best, 
give  (c.  XXXV.)  rules  as  to  divine  service  claiming 
the  authority  of  James,  the  Lord's  brother. 

Besides  works  already  cited,  reference  may  be 
made  to  Binterim,  DenkwUrdigkeiteti  der  CMst- 
KaihoUadhen  Kircke,  vol.  v.  part  i.,  pp.  365  sqq. ; 
Augusti,  DenkusUrdigkeiten  au8  der  ChrigtUcken 
Ar^hSologie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  237  sqq.  [R.  S.] 

JAMES.  (1)  Bishop,  8<rioi  irar^p  koI  dfuh- 
XoyifT^f  — circa  824  A.D. ;  commemorated  March 
21  (Co/.  Byzata.). 

(8)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  fSSO  A.D. ;  com- 
memorated Oct.  8  (CW.  Copt). 

(3)  Patriarch  of  Antioch;  commemorated 
Tekemt  11= Oct.  8  {Col.  Ethiop.). 

(4)  Martyr  of  Persia,  ▲.D.  396;  commemo- 
rated Nov.  27  ((7a/.  Byzawt.). 

(6)  Presbyter,  martyr  in  Persia  under  Sapor 
with  Melicius  the  bishop,  and  Acepoimas  the 
bishop  (circa  345  A.D.);  commemorated  April  22 
(^Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(6)  Of  Nisibis,  confessor  under  Maximin; 
commemorated  Dec.  14  {Cal.  ArmetL) ;  July  15 
{Mart.  Bom,  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(7)  Deacon,  martyr  under  Decius  apud  Lam- 
besitanam  urbem  with  Marianus  the  reader; 
commemorated  April  30  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Adonis, 
Usuardi);  May  6  {Cal.  Carth.).        [W.  F.  G.] 

JANUABIA.  [SciLLiTA,  Marttbs  of.] 

JANUABIUS.    (1)  [Felix  (1).] 

(8)  [Feux  (5).] 

(8)  Itpofidprvt ;  commemorated  with  compa- 
nion martyrs,  April  21  {CcU,  Byzant,^ 

(4)  [Felix  (15).] 

(5)  [Feux  (16).] 

(6)  [ScuxiTA,  Mabtybs  of.] 

(7)  Martyr  with  Pelagia  at  Nicopolis,  in 
Lesser  Armenia;  commemorated  July  11  {Mart, 
Usuardi). 


JEBUSALEM,  GOUNCHLS  OF     873 

(8)  [Flobehtiixb  (1).] 

(9)  [Sixtus  (2>] 

(10)  Bishop  of  Beneventnm,  martyr  at  Naples 
with  Festus  and  Procnlus,  deacons,  Desiderius, 
Euticus,  and  Acutus,  under  the  emperor  Dio- 
cletian ;  commemorated  Sept.  19  {Mart,  Bedae, 
Usuardi). 

(11)  [Faustub  (6).] 

(18)  [Fbux  (23).] 

(18)  Saint;  commemorated  Dec.  2{Cal.  ^r- 
men,),  [W.  F.  G.] 

JASON.    (1)  [HiLARiA  (2).] 

(8)  And  Sosipater,  apostles;  commemorated 
April  28  {Cal,  Byzawt.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JEREMIAH.  (1)  The  prophet ;  commemo- 
rated May  1  {Mart.  Usuardi,  Bedae,  CcU,  Byzant.); 
Sept  5  {Cal,  Copt.);  Aug.  29  {Cal.  Armen.); 
Ginbot  5 = April  30  {CaL  Ethiop,).     [W.  F.  G.] 

(8)  [Pbteb  (8).] 

(3)  [Emilianub  (4).) 

JERUSALEM,  COUKOILS  OF  {Hieroao- 
lymitana  Concilia),  (1)  A.D.  47,  says  Cave  {Hist, 
Lit.  i.  38);  Baronius  and  others,  a.d.  51 :  the 
third,  in  chronological  order,  of  the  meetings 
of  the  Apostles  recorded  in  their  Acts,  but  the 
only  one  deserving  the  name  of  a  synod.  Its 
proceedings  are  described  there  (c.  xv.).  A  con- 
troversy having  arisen  at  Antioch,  over  which 
according  to  Eusebius  {Chron,  ad  1.)  Euodius  had 
been  appointed  bishop  as  far  back  as  a.d.  43,  on 
the  necessity  of  circumcising  the  Gentile  con- 
verts and  obliging  them  to  keep  the  law  of  Moses, 
it  was  referred  to  the  Apostles  and  eldei*s  at 
Jerusalem  for  decision,  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas 
being  sent  thither  for  that  purpose.  The  Apostles 
and  elders  came  together,  accordingly,  to  con- 
sider of  it.  St.  Peter  spoke  first,  and  gave  his 
opinion  against  burdening  the  disciples  with  any 
such  yoke.  Then  all  the  multitude— in  other 
words,  the  body  of  believers,  or  brethren  who 
were  present — listened  to  the  reports  given  of 
the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles  that  had  been 
achieved  on  their  first  expedition  as  missionaries 
into  Asia  Minor  by  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas. 
After  which  St.  James,  as  bishop,  doubtless,  of 
Jerusalem,  delivered  his  ^  sentence ;"  which  was 
embodied  in  the  synodical  letter,  addressed  in 
the  name  of  the  Apostles  and  elders  and  brethren, 
finally,  to  the  brethren  of  the  Gentiles  in  Antioch, 
Syria,  and  Cilicia,  and  sent  by  two  principal  men 
of  their  own  number,  in  addition  to  SS.  Paul 
and  Barnabas.  On  reaching  Antioch,  the  bearen* 
of  this  epistle  gathered  the  multitude  together 
and  delivered  it,  when  its  contents  having  been 
read  caused  great  joy. 

(8)  Mansi's  reasons  for  dating  this  council  A.D. 
349  seem  conclusive  (ii.  171,  note).  Gonstans, 
who  ruled  in  the  West,  threatened  his  brother 
Constantius  with  hostilities,  if  St.  Athanasius, 
in  whose  £Eivour  the  Sardican  council  had  pro- 
nounced two  years  before,  was  not  restored  to 
his  see ;  and  Greffory,  his  rival,  having  died  in 
the  early  part  of  this  year,  his  return  was  allowed. 
In  his  way  he  stopped  at  Jerusalem,  when  a  synod 
was  held  under  its  orthodox  bishop,  Maximus, 
and  a  letter  despatched  from  it  to  congratulate 
the  Alexandrians  on  this  act  of  grace  on  the  part 
of  the  emperors :  which  Gonstans,  however^  did 


874 


JESSB 


not  live  to  see  carried  out,  as  he  wa«  slain  in 
Jan.  350.  And  Maximus  having  held  this  synod 
without  leave  from  his  metropolitan,  Acacius, 
bishop  of  Cjhesarea,  was  ejected  bj  him  in  another 
synod  a  few  months  later,  to  be  succeeded  by 
St.  Cyril,  then  catechist,  and  a  supposed  Arian. 

(8)  A.D.  399.  A  synod  of  bishops,  met  to  cele- 
brate the  feast  of  the  dedication  of  the  church 
there,  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  synodical 
epistle  from  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
condemning  some  of  the  errors  of  Origen  lately 
revived  in  his  diocese,  and  profess  their  agreement 
with  it  (Mansi,  iii.  989-92). 

(4)  A.D.  415.  What  we  should  call  a  diocesan 
synod :  of  presbyters,  that  is,  under  their  bishop, 
John.  Orosius,  the  historian,  then  on  a  mission 
ii*om  St.  Augustine  to  St.  Jerome,  was  present 
at  it,  and  gives  an  account  of  its  proceedings. 
Pelagius  being  there,  and  accused  by  him  of 
heresy,  was  invited  to  come  in,  and  put  on  his 
defence.  Neither  what  he  said,  nor  what  Orosius 
said,  were  considered  altogether  unexceptionable 
by  the  bishop,  who  proposed  that  letters  should 
be  sent  to  Pope  Innocent  of  Rome  on  the  subject, 
and  that  all  should  abide  by  what  he  decreed 
(Mansi,  iv.  307-12). 

(6)  ▲.D.  518,  to  express  its  adhesion  to  the 
Oonstantinopolitan  synod  of  the  same  year  (see 
the  art.):  Its  own  synodical  letter  being  also 
preserved  in  the  subsequent  council  under 
Mennas. 

(6)  A.D.  536,  Sept.  19 :  under  Peter,  its  pa- 
triarch, on  receipt  of  the  acts  of  the  synod  of 
Constantinople  under  Mennas,  between  four  and 
five  months  previously,  with  the  edict  of  the 
Emperor  Justinian  confirming  them,  and  a  letter 
from  Mennas  to  Peter  acquainting  him  with  their 
contents  (see  the  article  on  this  council).  The 
deacon  and  notary  present  having  recited  them, 
they  were  received  synodically  by  Peter,  and 
subscribed  to  by  forty-eight  bishops,  with  himself 
at  their  head  (Mansi,  viii.  1164-76). 

(7)  ▲.D.  553,  under  its  patriarch,  Eustochius, 
at  which  the  acts  of  the  5th  council  were  received 
and  confirmed. 

(8)  A.D.  634,  under  Sophronius,  on  his  eleva- 
tion as  patriarch,  to  condemn  Monothelism, 
against  which  he  had  contended  with  so  much 
ardour  as  monk  previously.  The  encyclical 
epistle  sent  by  him  on  this  occasion  to  the 
bishops  of  Rome  and  Constantinople  is  preserved 
in  the  11th  action  of  the  6th  council  where  it 
was  recited  (Mansi,  x.  649-52).  [£.  S.  Ff.] 

JESSE,  ab  Silcanii;  commemorated  Dec.  2 
(CaLGreg,).  [W.F.G.] 

JESUS.      [JOBHUA.] 

JESUS  CHBIST,  REPRESENTATIONS 

OF.  I.  The  symbolic  representations  of  the 
Lord  are  discussed  severally,  as  under  the  titles 
Fish,  IXdTC,  Lamb,  Vine;  see  also  Stmbolisk. 
For  the  pictorial  types  of  the  Lord  derived  from 
the  Old  Testament,  see  Old  Testament  in 
Christiam  Art  ;  for  pagan  types  used  to  repre- 
sent Him,  see  Paganism  in  Ciirtstian  Art. 
For  representations  on  gems,  see  Gems,  §§  xii. 
and  xiii.  p.  718;  on  the  bottoms  of  cups,  see 
Glass,  Christian,  p.  732.  See  also  Imaoes, 
p.  813 ;  and  Numismatics.  Setting  aside  such 
representations  as  these,  it  is  to  be  observed,  in 
the  first  instance,  that  He  is  represented  in  the 
human  form  fi'om  the  exirliest  times  of  Christian 


JESUS  CHRIST,  Bbfbesektatiosb  op 

art  as  the  Good  Shepherd ;  and  this  symbolir  pic* 
ture,  though  in  no  case  whatever  oonakiered  as  a 
portrait,  moat  have  made  the  idea  of  representa- 
tions of  His  human  form  a  very  familiar  one  at  all 
times  in  the  Roman  and  other  Western  cfaarch«s 
— and  in  earlier  centuries,  in  the  Byzantine  alM. 
One  of  the  latest,  and  the  most  important  perhaps 
of  all  these,  is  the  often  described  Good  Sbei^erd 
of  the  chapel  of  Gal  la  Placidia  at  Ravenna,  middle 
fifth  century :  and  one  of  the  earliest  ideal  por- 
traits  of  our  Lord  is  found  in  the  church  of  St. 
ApoUinaris,  built  a  century  later  within  the  walls 
of  that  city.  In  art  these  two  figures  mark  the 
transition  from  the  eldor  Graeco-Roman  ideas  and 
ti'aditions  of  art  to  the  later  style,  properly  called 
Byzantine.  The  leading  difference  in  feeling  and 
principle  between  them  will  be  illustrated  in  tht 
course  of  this  article :  for  the  present  it  may 
briefly  be  thus  stated:  that  in  the  earli«T 
illustration  of  the  Lord's  Parable  of  Himself^ 
the  attempt  at  beauty  predominates,  and  is  &r 
from  unsuccessful;  whereas  in  the  Byzantine 
picture  of  St.  ApoUinare,  though  condderablc 
beauty  of  feature  is  retained,  the  tendency  to 
the  ascetic  or  melancholy  ideal  of  Uter  art, 
both  Italian  and  German,  is  unmistakably  risible. 

It  is  perhaps  fortunate  that  the  woitls  of  St. 
Augustine  (D«  IHmtate  viii.  4,  5)  put  it  appa- 
rently beyond  question,  that  the  world  cannot 
possess  now,  and  did  not  possess  in  his  time,  any 
authentic  record  whatever  of  the  bodily  ap- 
pearance of  Jesus  Christ  the  God-Man  on  earth. 
'*  Nam  et  ipsius  Dominicae  fades  Camis  innume- 
rabilium  cogitationum  diversitate  variatur  et 
fingitur ;  quae  tamen  una  erat,  quaecunque  erat." 
Two  centuries  before,  indeed,  St.  Irenaeus  (pomtrv 
Ifaerea.  1. 25)  had  spoken,  with  indignant  absence 
of  comment,  of  certain  Gnostic  representations 
of  Christ,  both  painted  and  sculptured,  as  it 
appears.  **  Quasdam  quldem  [imagines]  qnaa 
depictas,  quasdam  autem  et  de  reliqui  materii 
fabricatas  habent,  dicentes  formam  ChrisU  factaa 
a  Pilato,  illo  in  tempore  quo  fuit  Jesus  cam 
hominibus.  Et  has  coronant,  et  proponunt  ess 
cum  imaginibus  mundi  philosophorum,  videlicet 
cum  imagine  Pythagorae,  et  Platouia,  et  An- 
stotelis."  These  passages  seem  conclusive  to 
the  effect  that  no  real  portrait  of  our  Lord 
existed,  or  was  remembered  as  existing,  in  the 
2nd  century.  Indeed  as  Martigny  observes,  the 
controversy  (dating  from  the  2nd  century)  with 
regard  to  the  human  comeliness  of  our  Lord's 
body  visible  on  earth,  makes  it  perfectly  certain, 
were  proof  necessary,  that  no  authentic  portrait 
of  Him  ever  existed.  Augustine  acknowledges 
without  blame  the  universal  tendency  of  thought 
to  picture  to  itself  persons  and  events  by  imagina- 
tive effort,  instancing  St.  Paul  in  particular,  and 
taking  it  for  certain,  as  it  probably  may  be,  that 
each  of  all  the  innumerable  readers  of  the 
epistles  will  form  a  different  idea  of  his  own 
about  the  author's  appearance,  though  none  can 
say  whose  will  be  nearest  the  truth. 

In  his  mind  then,  and  indeed  in  our  own,  all 
ideal  or  fancy  portraits  of  our  Lord,  so  called, 
are  merely  symbolic  of  His  humanity  ;  and  in 
this  view,  the  crucifix  itself  may  be  taken  as  a 
symbol  only  of  the  fact  of  His  death  and  the 
doctrine  of  His  sacrifice  for  man  ;  however  the 
word  sacrifice  be  defined  or  enlarged  upon :  and 
this  may  certainly  make  its  presence  in  Christisn 
churches  not  only  allowable  but  desirable.     Wc 


JE^US  CHBI8T,  BEPBESENTATIONS  OF 


875 


Biay  observe  on  the  difTereot  relation  of  the 
church  to  the  arts  in  Angostine's  days,  when 
Christian  art  of  a  well  marked  and  distinctiye 
chanrter  existed,  from  the  state  of  things  in  the 
time  of  Tertnllian,  who  protests  against  all 
•imalacra,  Irkenesses,  or  representations  what- 
ever, and,  as  he  well  might  in  the  presence  of 
the  whole  Pantheon,  coilsiders  all  images  or 
likenesses  practically  the  same  as  idols.* 

Human  art,  however,  was  adopted  by  the 
church  along  with  human  thought  and  learning. 
We  cannot  tell  whether  TertuUian  knew  or  cared 
for  the  catacomb-paintings  of  Rome.  Some  of 
them,  as  those  in  the  more  ancient  part  of  St. 
Domitilla,  were  certainly  in  eiistence  before  his 
time;  but  he  seems,  in  the  presence  of  the 
heathen,  to  protest  against  all  paintings  what- 
ever, and  the  fact  that  St.  Augustine  not  unwil- 
lingly accepts  them,  is  an  illustration  of  a 
highly  natural  change  of  Christian  feeling  on 
the  matter.^ 

The  more  ancient  usage  of  representing  the 
Lord  as  the  Oood  Shepherd  culminates  in  the 
Mosaic  of  Galla  Placidia's  chapel.  A  far  higher 
antiquity  is  claimed  for  the  no-longer  existing 
portrait-head  of  Christ,  which  Bosio  represents, 
from    a    chapel    of   the   Calliztine    catacomb. 


Bead  of  Ghriat  from  the  (UlixtinecsiManh.    (Vaiiicny.) 

There  is  a  general  opinion  that  it  may  have  been 
of  as  early  date  as  the  2nd  century :  and  what 
we  know  of  it  may  well  induce  us  to  believe 
that  it  was  the  original  of  that  ideal  of  our 
lord's  countenance  which  has  passed,  through 
Lionardo  da  Vinci,  into  all  Christian  painting. 
Lord  Lindsay,  however,  says  that  the  traditional 
Head  with  which  Europe  is  so  familiar,  was  un- 
known in  the  West  till  the  4th  century,  when 
the  original  was  sent  to  Constantia,  sister  of 
Constantino,  by  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  It  is 
therefore  of  Byzantine  or  Eastern  origin.  The 
earliest  example,  he  continues,  is  a  supposed  4th 
century  mosaic,  found  originally  in  the  Callix- 
tine,  and  now  in  the  Vatican.    See  Eusebius's 


•  IM  IdoUkUrid,  c.  Hi. :  <*IdolQm  aliquamdlu  retro  non 
erafc}"  he  says,  *«8ola  templa  et  vacose  oedes.  Atubi 
artifices  statuamm  et  imaginumf  et  omnls  generis  sbnu- 
lacromm  dlabolos  secnlo  Intollt  (rude  illnd  negottom 
taninanae  calamltatto)  et  nomen  de  Idolis  conseciitam 


b  TertuUian  begins  his  book  against  Hennogenes  with 
reproaching  him  for  his  prafeision  as  a  painter:  **Pinglt 
lliidte,  nnbit  aasldne :  legem  Del  In  libidinem  defendit. 
In  artem  oontemntt:  bb  falsarlus  et  cautcrfo  ct  stylo 
(encausilcV  ftc  Athenagoras  {LegaL  pro  Chritt,  c.  26) 
speaks  of  images  or  statues  in  general  as  portraits  of 


letter  in  Labbe,  Gone,  U  vi.  col.  493  sq.  This 
letter  repudiates  (rhetorically  but  with  sin- 
cerity) any  idea  of  our  Lord's  real  appearance, 
and  from  it  and  the  passage  in  Bitt,  Eco»» 
(viii.  19)  it  appears  that  Eusebius  had  not  seen 
any  historic  portrait  which  he  (or  indeed  others) 
believed  on  evidence  to  be  a  genuine  likeness 
[Images,  §  III.].  Others  of  the  same  type  are  re- 
peated  on  sarcophagi,  dating  from  that  of  Junius 
Bassus,  ▲.D.  359 ;  see  Bottari,  tav.  xv.  xxi.-xxv. 
xliii.  xliv. ;  the  latter  represents  the  paintings 
in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Pontianus,  probably  re- 
newed over  older  pictures  in  the  time  of  pope 
Adrian  L  (a.d.  772-775).  This  catacomb  also 
contains  a  highlv  ornamented  cross,  which  is 
evidently  intended  to  represent  the  person  of  our 
Lord  [Cross]. 

The  assertion  of  the  idea  that  our  Lord  not 
only  took  upon  Him  the  flesh  of  mankind,  but 
the   <<form  of  a  servant,"  or  slave,  all  bodily 
ugliness   instead    of  beauty,   is   derived    from 
meditation  on   the  prophetic  text    (Is.  liit.  2% 
**Re  hath   no  form   nor  oomelinefis ; "  as   the 
natural .  thought  of  His  beauty  from  the  Mes- 
sianic Psalm  (xlv.  dX  **  Thou  art  fairer  than  the 
children  of  men.'*    The  former  view  seems  to 
have  been  entertained,  or  is  nowise  discouraged  by 
Justin  Martyr,  who  twice  uses  the  word  i^lhis  of 
our  Lord:  meaning  evidently  to  repeat  the  expres- 
sion of  Isaiah  {I^aL  cum  Tryph,  cc.  85  and  88). 
So  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Paed,  111.  1)  appeals 
to  the  two  texts  to  which  we  have  referred  on 
the  same  side.    Compare  Stromata^  ii.  5,  §  22 ; 
iii.  17,  §  108 ;  vi.  17,  §  151.     TertuUian  may  be 
supposed  to  have  thought  likewise  {Adv,  Jud,  c 
14) :  '*  Ne  aspectu  quidem  honestns ;"  {De  cam* 
Chritti,  c.  9)  ''Adeo  nee  humanae  honestalis 
corpus  fuit."    He  infers  from  the  cruelty  of  Jews 
and  soldiers  at  the  crucifixion,  that  such  insults 
could  not  have  been  offered  to  the  Lord,  had  His 
person  possessed  any  beauty.    So  Origen  (c.  CeU, 
vi  75,  p.  327,  Spencer),  who,  however,  held  that 
the  Lord   could  appear  in  whatever  form   he 
pleased  (76.  ii.   p.  99  f.).     A  list  is  given   by 
Molanus  {Hitt,  Sacrartan  Tmaginumf  p.  403)  by 
which  it  appears  that  St.  Jerome  (m  Matt.  ix. 
9 ;  Spist,  65,  ad  Prindp,  c.  8),  St.  Ambrose,  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Chrysostom  (Hem.  27  [al.  28]  in 
Matt.  p.  328;  and  on  Ps.  44  [45]  p.  162X  and 
Theodoret,  followed  the  text  which  spe^s  of 
Him  as  fairest  of  all  men,  St.  Basil  and  St.  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  (little  to  our  surprise)  taking  the 
other  side.    This  UQedifying  controversy  belongs 
to  art  rather  than  to  theology.    The  Oiiental, 
or  Egyptian,  or  ascetic  view  of  the  human  body, 
would  necessarily  have  weight  on  the  ill-favoured 
side,  theologically  speaking.     And  in  practical 
art,  the  want  of  akill,  and  also  of  models  possess- 
ing any  degree  of  earthly  good  looks,  mu«t  have 
borne  strongly  in  the  same  direction.     Beauty 
of   expression  was  too  subtle  a  thing  for  the 
hands  of  the  Mosaicists  of  the  8th  and  9th  cen- 
turies. 

There  were  various  reasons  why  the  ideal  of 
bodily  beauty  should  gradually  be  lost,  up  to 
the  12tb  century.  It  has  often  been  remarked 
that  as  the  ascetic  life  was  more  and  more 
severclv  enforced  on  the  faithful,  and  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  later  Roman  world  bore  more  and 
more  severely  on  the  whole  community,  the 
honour  of  the  body  of  man  was  lost  and  for- 
gotten.    In  the  earlier  Gothic  days,  strength  and 


876 


JESUS  CHBIST,  BEPBBSEHTATIONB  OF 


maulf  t«£ntf  mut  hire  be«n  anodated  in  tha 
ejea  of  the  Monaatic  Chnrch  onlr  with  tha 
jgDonuiea  and  fiareenen  of  Wbuiaa  wLdien. 
IV  Christisn  uiembly  on  auth,  muter  the 
handi  of  Alaric  and  Oeiueric,  Attila  and  AlboiD, 
wai  QtUrly  bopeleBs  of  anj  good  oa  earth.  Tha 
eaiterii  end  of  a  BfiaDtlne  or  Boiii>n< 
church  from  the  6th  ceatarj,  bagiiu  accord 
to  be  adorned  ae  a  mystical  repre««ntati< 
hearen,  heyond  the  wilderoeag  of  earth,  with  the 
portrait  figure  of  Christ  ai  its  centre. 
Lord,  whom  all  a«k  lo  piteoaslj,  shall  laddanl; 
come  to  His  temple ;  and  the  Ejea  of  diitrcaaed 
congregationa  are  allowed  a  Tisjon  in  symbol  of 
His  preaanaa  breaking  in  on  tha  distresaea  of 
later  dayi.  One  of  the  earliaat  eiamplei  of 
charches  thna  anuuncDtad  is  that  of  SS.  Coamai 
and  Damiaans  at  Roma.  Here  the  figure  of  oni 
Lord  coming  with  clondi  and  standing  oa  thi 
firmament,  la  grand  and  snblima  in  tha  highasi 
degree,  and  b  perhapa  the  earliest  or  greatest 
imtaoce  of  very  eartj  data,  in  which  paaiianate 
conception,  snpportad  by  powerful  colour,  forces 
itself,  without  any  other  adTsntage,  into  the 
foremost  ranks  of  art-creation.  'Hie  towering 
and  all  commanding  form  of  the  Lord  must  hare 
seemed  to  "  Gil  the  whole  temple ; "  with  the 
nmbolic  hand  of  the  Pint  Person  of  the  Trioity 
aboTe  His  Head,  and  the  Holy  Dots  on  Hii 
Tight  hand.  The  mystic  Jordan,  or  Rlrer  of 
Death,  is  st  His  feet,  and  on  its  other  side, 
with  small  rocks  and  trees  to  indicate  the 
wilderuasa  of  this  world,  are  the  twelve  sheep 
of  His  flock,  with  the  honica  of  JerDsalem  and 
Bethlehem ;  He,  Himself,  appearing  again  in  the 
centre  on  earth  as  the  Lajnb  of  the  elder  dispen- 
ntioo.  The  same  idea  is  similarly  treated  In 
the  early  9th  century  decorations  of  St.  Praaaede. 
Tha  form  of  the  Lord  la  tall  and  apare,  not 
Withont  grandeur,  but  markedly  ascetic ;  the 
signs  of  the  other  Two  Persons  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  are  with  Him,  and  He  is  surrounded 
with  all  the  Im^n'  of  the  Apocalypse  ;  with 
this  grand  addition,  that  on  the  ipandrile  of  the 
Arch  of  Trinmpb  before  Him,  the  twcsty-foDr 
elders  are  inlaid  in  white  and  gold  mosaic,  in  tha 
united  act  of  casting  their  crowns  before  Him.  He 
appears  below  as  tha  Lamb ;  and  the  same 
symbol  ia  repeated  at  the  top  of  the  Arch  of 
Triumph,  laid  on  an  ornamented  altar-table— as 
the  Paschal  Lamb  that  was  slalo.  The  Offering 
of  the  Crowns  by  the  Elden  was  alio  represented 
on  the  triumphal  arch  of  S.  Paolo  ftiori  le  Mura, 
and  the  author  of  an  interesting  article  on 
Portraits  of  Christ  (Quaritrly  Rm.  Oct.  IBS?) 
says  it  still  eiista,  having  been  rascnad  from  the 
flames  in  1B2S.  There  wen,  or  still  exist, 
similar  figures,  in  the  Vatican  Basilica  of 
St.  Pater  (Da  Sacr.  Aedif.  ilii.  lir.)  in  St. 
Constantia,  («.  mil.)  St.  Andrew  in  Bar- 
bara {V.  M.  I.  I«tL)  St.  Agatha  Major  in 
Bavenna  <1.  ilrl.)  and  St.  Hii^ael  of  Ravenna 
(II.  irii.)  Ac.  The  greater  part  of  these  moeaict 
will  be  found  photographed  in  the  uniqne  collec- 
tion of  Hr.  J.  H.  Parker,  which,  in  spite  of  all 
the  deficiencies  of  the  photographs,  gives  an  idea 
of  the  tessellated  work  which  does  not  eiist 
elsewhere.  To  historians,  or  students  of  Chris- 
tian art,  their  importance  is,  that  by  the  presence 
of  the  sheep  of  Christ's  church,  they  connect 
His  Oloriaed  Form  with  the  more  andent  caU- 
oomb  raprcsantntioas  of  tha  Quod  Shepherd. 


In  St.  Andrea  in  Barban,  the  I^>rd  sta>li  <■ 
the  Rock  of  the  Four  Rivera,  and  He  is  thn 
represented  very  trequentlj  on  the  aaroaphagi. 
See  Aringhi,  vol.  L  p.  280  (Proboa  and  Proba) 
and  pp.  293,  267.  On  that  of  Jnnins  Basma 
(Aringbi  L  277)  and  elsewhere.  Ha  is  sitting  aboic 
a  half-veiled  figure  representing  the  finnaiDent 
or  douda  of  heaven  fl^BllAiifNT]. 

The  figure  described  above  from  SS.  Coamas 
and  Damlanus  poaacaaea  awe  and  gmodenr, 
and  can  dbpenae  with  regnlarity  or  sweet- 
ncaa  of  feature.  But  the  very  earlier  idMl 
portraits  oertainly  possessed  this ;  and  it  ia  mm 
instance  of  the  cheerfnlneas  of  spirit  which  Ur. 
Lecky  notlco  in  the  Primitive  Church,  that  the 
remnants  of  Graaco-Roman  skill  were  devoted  la 
such  works  as  Boaio's  picture  (above)  must  have 
been;  or  the  other  mentioned  by  Boldetti  (Cter- 
oonDni  soprn  i  Cimileri  pp.  21  and  61)  as  "  mam 
toaa  figura  del  Salvatore,  come  quella  dipdnta  net 
dmltero  di  Poniiaoo."  The  queation  atands 
on  and  tndicataa  one  of  thoae  great  hnmaa 
divergeneea  of  chaiacter  and  thought,  which 
detannine  the  livea  and  conduct  of  whole 
generations:  and  it  will  be  ramcmbetvd  how 
the  Uediaeval  German  or  liard-featnr«d  ideal 
waa  set  forth  against  the  Lioaaidesqna ;  not 
altogether  without  the  coiuteuance  of  DiJnr 
and  Holbeift.  On  this  subject,  the  laat  chapter 
but  one  of  vol.  iv.  of  Roakin's  Uodtrn  Paimtin, 
is  worthy  of  grave  attaution.  There  is  no 
doubt,  further,  that  ProteeCant  aaeeticism  oftaa 
semblea  that  of  earlier  days,  in  a  certain 
ispidon  of  beauty  aa  carnal  asd  IdolatroDt. 
The  Qnoetic  images  of  our  Lord  (aee  St.  Ire- 
leus  Kupra)  are  also  worthy  of  attentioii.  Cm 
by  Marcellina  (Aug.  ie  Hat, 


d  Pythaguraa;  and 


foilowe 
others  of  St.  Paul, 
the  eclectic  Lararium  of  Aleii 
taintng  the  statues  of  Christ,  of  Abraham,  Or- 
phena,  and  Apolionins  of  Tyaua,  is  mentioned  bi 
Lamprldius  (/h  Aim.  Sntrwn  uii.).  Raool 
Rochetta  {DiKOUrt  tar  In  typct  mit.  p,  21),  is 


'erred  to  by  Hartign j  for  a  "  pierr*  basilidi- 
le,"  which  he  chinks  may  give  an  idea  of  the 


/case,  from  thst  of  the  Calliitineaod  other 

catacombs ;  and  for  further  contrast  with  It,  be 

I    B    woodcut  (reproduced   above)   of  that 

:h    he   constden,    on  De   Bos^i's  suthorili, 

indispatably  the  most  ancient  of  all  represenia- 

tions  of  onr  Lord.     It  is  taken  from  a  por)  nil 


JEBim  CHBIST,  BEFBBBENTATIONS  OF 


877 


M   inrj,  .la    th(    ChrJitlu    UoMiim    of   thg 
Tsttoin. 

The  cImiIc  trpa  which  liuliti  on  peraoual 
btaatf,  U  by  ftj-  th*  moit  oommoD  on  the 
■ucophagi,  and  all  urlj  moDameoti.  Chrutian 
■rtlilj  in  fnct  Mem,  u  ww  natiuvl,  to  haTt 
ioToted  their  Ideal  with  oomelitwH  u  long  u 
th«T  bad  ikill  to  do  H.  Tha  dm  (of  coonc 
CIceptlDg  tha  Qoed'Shapherd  npreHntatlona),  ii 
JnTKriBbly  tha  IodIc  lad  pallitun,  aomet^ei 
oniBmeated  with  the  atiipea  or  darl  (Ciuapjni 
Ytl.  Hon.  il.  p.  SO,  L  1B4,  ilTi.>  The  Idea  of 
white  nimeut  geaenllf  eeama  to  ha  Intended, 
thoagh  gold,  dark  imperial  bine,  and  other 
cvlonn  are  oeed  ia  the  moaaica.  Tha  white  and 
glletenlng  raiment  of  tha  Tnuufigaratlon  will 
■coauDt  lot  thia  (Ciampini  Vti.  Uon.  li.  tab.  rti. 
L  tab.  IxiTii.).  Oar  Lord  ia  g^nerall;  ahod  with 
nndala,  if  at  all.  Tha  cothnrDoa  i«  giren 
apparently  In  Ariaght,  vol.  L  lib.  iL  c  i.  pp.  332, 
S33,  asd  Bomethlag  reeembling  it  la  worn  hj  tha 
Qood  Shepherd  (Aringhl,  toL  a  pp.  S3,  67,  76, 
7S,  tc) 

Portrstta  of  our  Lord  are  genenlljp  jonthfol, 
■a  (fmbolUing  Hiietomal  nature,  even  (Aringhl, 
ToL  IL  p.  ai3)  when  He  itutraeta  the  apoatlaa 
(Bottari,  ciL).  In  tha  dlepate  with  the  doctor* 
Hie  yonth  ia  of  coane  Inslated  on,  but  Ha  ia  not 
made  email  of  atatore,  wberaaa  in  picturea  of 
the  miraclea,  a>  hai  been  freqaentl;  remarked, 
Hia  fignre  greatly  eiceeda  Hia  human  companlona 
in  height.  This  is  Che  caaa  also  (Ariughi,  <.  pp.  307, 
313  andpowvn^  whera  anjdaad  persons  are  ou^ 
red  on  their  tomb  aa  presented  before  him,  aa  in 
many  *  bisomatoua '  sarcophagi  of  husband  and 
wifa.  A  beautiful  iUustration  of  thia  tradi- 
tlon  of  early  Christian  work  In  later  times  will  be 
feaod  in  Rnakin'a  Stontt  of  Veiiict,  Tol.  iii.  p.  78, 
whera  this  distinction  is  lued  by  ^e  artist,  with 
the  detail  of  tha  hnmaa  Ugares  partly  hiding 
themsalTes  in  the  folde  of  the  rohea  of  attendant 
angels,  who  are  inferior  in  aiia  to  the  dlTino 
Rgnre,  thoDgh  of  anperbumap  atBtDi«.  Tba  Lord 
sometime*  stands  or  site  on  a  sphere  (Ciampini, 
Frf.  Jfon.  I.  270,  Ub.  vii.),  probably  to  glra  tha 
Idea  of  all  things  being  put  under  bis  M~  Ha 
la  accompanied  by  attaating  angels,  or  Hia  form 
le  representod,  Bill  length  or  baif-siia,  on  a 
medallion  supported  by  angels,  as  in  tha  diptych 
of  Rambona,  and  rery  frequeotty  In  the 
moaaica  of  Rome  and  RaTenna.  These  medallions 
are  sometimes  called  iHAaiNES  clipeiT^  ti 
use  of  them  Ijeiug  probably  derived  from  portmi 
Images  on  shields  of  ancient  times.  The  cro 
Bomelinies  repreeenta  our  Lord  thns  borne.  Th 
aeem*  to  point  to  tba  Asceniion,  and  to  bis  glory 
aa  Lord  of  Hoata  or  of  Sabaoth.  It  ' 
work  to  roilbw  tha  idea  Into  Itsrarioa 
menta  In  the  angelic  choira  of  the  middle  agea, 
for  which  we  may  refer  to  Lord  Lindsay,  and 
Is  Ura.  Jamason'a  Saerad  md  Ligaidary  Art. 
Bat  a  cariona  eiample  of  transition  tinm  the 
drcnlar  or  oval  medallion  Into  tha  Gothic  quatra- 
fuil,  containing  the  figure  of  our  Lord,  and  sup- 

Erled  by  angels,  atill  remaine  in  the  College- 
ill  or  Refectory  at  Worcsster,  and  is  certainly 
derived  irom  classic  or  Bjiantine  antiquity. 

Our  Lord  frequently  bears  a  rod  or  wand, 
aspecinlly  in  repreaantationa  of  the  miracles, 
apparently  as  an  emblem  of  his  power  orer 
nature,  or  aa  the  leader  of  His  people  in  the 
wildemtn,  with  a  refierence  to  Uoaea.    Tha  roll 


or  Tolnme  Terr  often  appear*  in  Hia  hand,  ai 
committed  to  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  or  other 
Lpostlaa,  or  when  he  Inatrncta  tha  diaclpiea. 
Tha  fUl-grown  nthar  than  the  yoathfut  typ* 
appears  In  auch  eiamplee,  ae  in  Bottari,  cliiri 
S«e  woodcat  reproduced  1>elow. 

Frequent  reprewntations  of  the  Second  Person 
of  the  Trinity  aa  preaant  at  soma  transaction 
itad  in  the  Old  Testament,  or  aa  the  anti- 
type of  acme  typical  event  or  person.  Martigny 
ntlona  ■  glass  veaeel  In  Garrucd  (Vetrt, 
i.  13},  in  which  He  la  with  Daniel,  who  ia 
giving  the  cakes  to  the  dragon.  A  more  certain 
latisfactory  eiample  ia  in  Hia  appearance 
with  the  three  holy  children  in  tha  rumace, 
Bottari,  iiil.  all.  See  also  Oori  {^TKa.  diptj/ch. 
Ub.  S)  where  Ha  stretches  the  cross  oat 
the  flames.  The  repreeeutation  of  tha 
holy  Three  appearing  to  Abraham  (Gen.  iriii.  3), 
in  S.  Vitale  at  Ravenna  Is  well-koDwn,  and 
Ciampini'a  plata  ia  now  auppleroentad  or  sapar- 


sedad  by  the  photographa  of  Ht.  Parker  and 

other*.     [TrihitvI 

Wa  may  conduiTe  with  the  mnemonic  Imea  of 

St.  Damasna  [Carm.ii.Patnioq.  Migue,  t.  nil.  col. 

378'),  of  the  symbolic  or  other  names  and  titlea 

applied  to  onr  Lord  np  to  hie  day*. 
"  Bpa,  71a,  rita,  Balus,  Rstio,  Ssplentla.  Lumen. 
Judei.  Fwta,aieia,  Rax.  Oemma,  Fmpheta,  SsoidD*, 
Maslas,  ZebsoT.  Rabbl.  Sponsns.  Uedlalor, 
VIrga,  Oolomna,  Msnns,  Petra,  FiUns  I'tamatmelqna, 
Vines,  PasUr.  Oris,  Pu,  Radii,  VlUs,  Oliva, 
Pons,  Paries,  A^ns,  Vitulna,  Leo,  PropLtlstor, 
VerbuB.  HaDo,  Beta.  L^is,  Domns.  omnia  ChrliloB 

"^  [B.  St.  J.  T.] 

II.  Beaidea  the  repreaentatlans  of  tha  Lord 
which  strictly  belong  to  art,  there  are  other* 
which  have  an  archaeological  rathsr  than  an 
artistic  interest.  We  have  ancient  acconnls 
(1)  of  portraits  of  the  Lord  produced  In  th*  or- 
dinary manner  ;  and  (2)  of  portrait*  of  tha  Lord 
produced  mlracnlonsly.  Sinne  of  both  kinds  ure 
even  believed  still  to  eilat. 

(I)  Ordinary  Etprtaatiationt.  —  Ensebloa 
{HUt.  E^.  vli.  18)  tall*  OS  that  at  Caesarea 
Phil  ippi  [Paneas]  there  aiiated  a  groap  in  bronn 


878 


JESUS  GHBI8T,  BBPBESENTATI0N8  OF 


representing  a  woman  kneeling  before  a  dignified 
man,  who  stretched  out  his  hand  benignant] 7 
towards  her.  This  gronp  Eusebios  says  that  he 
had  himself  seen.  He  adds,  that  it  was  long 
unknown  whom  this  statue  represented ;  bnt  as 
it  was  observed  that  a  plant  of  healing  virtnes 
grew  at  its  foot,  care  was  taken  at  last  to 
cleanse  it,  so  as  to  make  the  inscription  legible ; 
then  it  was  discovered  that  the  woman  cured 
of  the  issue  of  blood,  who  lived  at  Paneas, 
had  erected  the  statue  in  honour  of  the  Saviour. 
On  this  discovery  it  was  at  once  removed  into 
the  Diaconicum  or  Sacristy  of  the  church.  That 
such  a  statue  existed  seems  past  all  doubt ;  as  to 
its  original  intention,  the  opinion  of  most  modem 
archaeologists  is,  that  it  had  been  erected  in 
honour  of  Hadrian,  or  some  other  who  had  bene- 
fitted  the  province,  which  was  represented  as  a 
kneeling  woman  at  the  feet  of  her  benefactor. 
Similar  representations  are  frequently  found  on 
coins,  especially  of  the  time  of  Hadrian.  Sup- 
posing some  such  expression  as  **  ffofrript"  or 
"  ffornipi  rod  K6(rfJLOv  " — ^titles  at  that  time  very 
frequently  given  to  emperors — ^to  have  been 
found  on  the  inscription,  while  the  name  had 
become  illegible,  the  statue  would  naturally  be 
referred  by  the  Christians  of  the  fourth  century 
to  the  true  "  Saviour  of  the  World "  (Hefele, 
BettrdgCy  ii.  257).  The  emperor  Julian,  angry 
at  the  respect  paid  to  this  statue,  caused  it  to  be 
thrown  down  and  his  own  substituted.  This  is 
related  by  Soxomen  {ff.  E.  v.  21),  who  adds, 
thnt  the  statue  of  Julian  was  soon  afterwards 
stinick  by  lightning  and  partly  destroyed,  while 
some  fragments  of  the  statue  of  Christ,  which 
the  heathens  had  dragged  about  the  street,  were 
collected  by  the  Christians  and  restored  to  the 
church.  Philostorgius  {Hist,  Ecd,  vii.  3)  gives 
nearly  the  same  account,  except  that  he  says 
nothing  of  any  edict  of  Julian,  but  attributes  the 
whole  transaction  to  the  pagan  inhabitants  of 
Paneas,  and  that  he  gives  the  more  exact  detail, 
that  the  head  of  the  statue  was  preserved.  This 
however  was  again  lost  at  a  later  period.  Aste- 
rius  of  Amasea  {Cone.  Nic.  IL^  Labbe,  vli.  210) 
gives  again  a  different  account,  attributing  the 
destruction  of  the  statue  to  Maximin,  who  (he 
says)  was  nevertheless  unable  to  destroy  the 
-fame  of  the  miracle  related  in  the  Gospel. 

Eusebius  also  says  {H.  E,  vii.  18)  that  he  had 
discovered  that,  besides  this  statue,  there  existed 
coloured  pictures  of  Christ  (ciic^ras  Zih  XP*^ 
ndrtav  4v  ypa<pa7s),  as  well  as  of  the  apostles 
Paul  and  Peter. 

In  the  time  of  the  Iconoclastic  controversy, 
pope  Gregory  II.  asserted  in  his  letter  to  the 
emperor  Leo  III.,  about  a.d.  727,  that  portraits 
of  Christ,  of  St.  James  the  Lord's  brother,  of 
St.  Stephen,  and  of  other  martyrs,  had  been 
made  in  their  life-time  (Labbe,  vii.  12).  And  it 
was  probably  about  this  time  that  the  legend 
arose  that  St.  Luke  had  painted  portraits  of 
Christ,  of  His  Mother,  and  of  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul.  This  story  is  found  in  Simeon  Meta- 
phrastes,  in  the  Menologium  of  the  emperor 
Basil,  and  in  the  histoiy  of  Nicephorus  Callisti 
(ii.  43).  At  a  yet  earlier  date  (about  A.D.  518) 
Theodorus  Lector  (fragment  in  Valesius,  p.  551, 
ed.  Meutz)  spoke  of  a  portrait  of  St.  Mary 
painted  by  St.  Luke,  which  was  sent  by  Eudocia 
to  Pulcheria,  but  said  nothing  of  any  picture 
of  Christ.    Such  portriuts  of  the  Virgm  are  said 


eren  still  to  be  in  existence ;  one  is  shown,  for 
instance,  in  the  church  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore 
at  Rome. 

Nicodemns  is  sometimes  described  as  a  wood- 
carver,  and  an  image  of  Christ  of  cedar-wood 
from  his  hand  is  said  by  Aringhi  (Roma  SMerr, 
lib.  iv.  c  47)  to  have  existed  at  Lnoca.  Some 
have  ventured  to  identify  this  with  a  wonder- 
working image  at  Berytus,  mentioned  in  the 
pseudo-Athanasian  document  read  before  the 
second  council  of  Nicaea,  a.d.  786  (Labbe  vii 
217).  Leo  Diaconus,  in  the  tenth  century,  save 
that  hu  contemporary,  the  Byzantine  empena 
Nicephorus,  placed  this  statue  in  the  church  of 
the  Saviour  at  Constantinople ;  but  neither  he 
nor  the  pseudo-Atbaaasius  says  anything  of  its 
having  been  the  work  of  Nicodemns.  The  legend 
attached  to  the  image  of  Lnoca  is  of  ooone 
destitute  of  every  shadow  of  probability. 

Among  the  likenesses  of  the  Lord  reported 
once  to  have  existed,  we  must  reckon  one  said  to 
have  been  the  work  of  the  Virgin  herself^ 
described  in  Adamnan's  account  of  Arcnlfs 
visit  to  the  holy  places  in  the  seventh  century 
{De  Locis  Sanciia,  i.  10;  in  Mabillon's  Acta  SS, 
Ben.  saec  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  460).  Among  the  woa> 
ders  of  Jerusalem  he  mentions  a  napkin,  partly 
red  and  partly  green,  said  to  have  been  worea 
by  the  Virgin  Mary  herself,  containing  fMctures 
of  the  twelve  apostles  and  of  the  Lord  Himself. 

(2)  Itnayes  not  made  *ritk  hcmds, — ^Another 
class  of  portraits  of  Christ  are  the  thcin* 
kx^tpowotnroi,  images  of  miraculous  origin,  ot 
which  the  most  famous  are  (a)  the  Al^ams 
portrait,  (6)  the  Veronica. 

(a)  The  story  of  a  correspondence  between  the 
Lord  and  Abgarus  of  Edeesa  is  found  as  early  as 
the  time  of  Eusebius  {ff,  E.  i,  13).  Evagrins, 
in  the  sixth  century*  {H.  E,  iv.  27)  speaks  aU» 
of  a  divinely-fashioned  likeness  (ciic&r  Oc^nw- 
jcrof)  which  Christ  sent  to  Abgarus  on  his  de- 
siring to  see  him,  and  which  saved  Edeesa  when 
it  was  besieged  by  Chosroes  in  the  year  540. 

This  story  is  alluded  to  by  Gregory  II.  in 
his  letter  to  Leo  before  referred  to,  when  the 
famous  picture  had  already  become  an  object  of 
pilgrimage.  **  Send  " — he  adjures  the  iconoclastic 
emperor — *'  to  that  imi^  not  made  with  bands, 
and  see ;  to  it  flock  all  the  peoples  of  the  East, 
and  pray ;  and  many  such  there  are  made  with 
hands."  His  contemporary,  John  of  Damascus 
{De  Fide  Orihod,  iv.  16)  gives  more  detaiL  A 
story  was  current,  he  says,  that  Abgarus,  king 
of  Edessa,  sent  a  painter  to  take  a  portrait  of 
the  Lord ;  and  that  when  he  was  unable  to  per- 
form his  task  in  consequence  of  the  brightness  of 
His  countenance,  the  Lord  himself  pat  his  outer 
garment  (Iftdrunr)  to  His  own  face  and  impressed 
upon  it  a  perfect  likeness  ((kv€uc6n4rfuC}  of  His 
countenance,  which  He  sent  to  Abgarus.  Leo 
Diaconus  {ffist.  iv.  10,  in  Niebuhr's  ScripU. 
byzant.  xi.  70)  adds  to  this  a  wonderful  story  of 
a  tile  having  received  the  impression  from  this 
robe.  The  tile  is  also  alluded  to  by  Zonarss 
(Annal.  xvi.  25).  The  image  on  the  cloth  was 
brought  to  Constantinople  in  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine  Porphyrogennetes,  a.d.  944 ;  its  transla- 
tion is  celebrated  by  the  Byzantine  church  on 
August   16,  which  is  a  great  lestivaL    What 

•  Hefele  states  that  this  is  mentloiHd  at  a  soncvka 
earlier  date  by  Mooes  of  Choreiie. 


JESUB  GHBIST,  BEPBE8ENTATI0NS  OF 


879 


became  of  the  picture  when  that  city  was  taken 
by  the  Turks  is  not  recorded,  but  pictures  claim- 
ing  to  be  this  miraculous  portrait  are  found  in 
Italy.  The  Genoese  lay  claim  to  the  possession 
of  it,  and  say  that  it  was  brought  to  their  city 
by  Leonardo  de  Montalto,  who  presented  it  to 
the  Armenian  c{iurch  of  St.  Bartholomew,  where 
it  is  still  exhibited  once  a  year.  St.  Sylvester's 
at  Rome  also  claims  to  possess  the  original 
Abgarus-pictore.  This  is  (according  to  Hefele) 
of  the  Byzantine  type,  and  represents  the  coun- 
tenance of  the  Lord  in  the  bloom  of  youthful 
power  and  beauty,  with  high  and  open  forehead, 
clear  eyes,  long  and  straight  nose,  parted  hair, 
and  a  thick,  auburn,  bifurcated  beard.  Dr. 
GlUekselig  contends  that  the  £de8sa  portrait 
furnished  the  type  for  the  pictures  of  Christ  in 
mosaics  from  the  fourth  century  onward ;  before 
that  time  (he  believes)  no  attempt  at  portraiture 
of  the  Lord  was  made,  the  early  representations 
in  the  catacombs  being  mere  symbols  or  adapta- 
tions of  pagan  types. 

(6)  The  opposite  of  the  calm  and  beautiful 
&ce  represented  in  the  Abgarus-portrait  is  the 
** Veronica"  picture  of  the  suffering  Saviour 
erowned  with  thorns.  The  legend  attached  to 
this  picture  is,  that  as  the  Lord  was  bending 
under  the  cross  on  his  way  to  Golgotha,  a  pious 
woman,  Veronica,  offered  Him  her  veil,  or  a 
napkin,  to  dry  the  sweat  on  His  &ce ;  an  image 
of  the  face  remained  miraculously  impressed  on 
the  cloth.  In  the  Martyrology  of  Usuard,  for 
instance,  (ed.  Greven.)  we  have  under  March  25, 
'*  Veronicae  sanctae  matronae  cui  Dominus 
imaginem  faciei  suae  sudario  impressam  reliquit." 
Gervase  of  Tilbury  {Otia  ImperiaHa^  c  25,  in 
Leibnitz's  Scriptt  Bruns.  i.  968),  who  wrote  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  speaking  of  the  *"*  figura 
Domini  quae  Veronica  didtnr,"  informs  us  that 
some  say  that  it  was  brought  to  Rome  by  an 
unknown  person,  Veronica ;  but  the  account 
given  by  the  most  ancient  writers  is  (he  pro- 
ceeds) that  the  woman  who  brought  it  was 
Martha,  the  sister  of  Lazarus.  From  the  tradition 
of  the  elders  we  learn  that  she  had  a  likeness  of 
the  Lord's  countenance  painted  on  panel,  which 
Volnsianus,  a  friend  of  Tiberius  CaeNur,  who  was 
sent  by  the  emperor  to  Jerusalem  to  report  on 
the  deeds  and  miracles  of  Christ,  caused  to  be 
taken  away  from  her,  that  by  means  of  it  Tibe- 
rius might  be  healed  of  his  disease.  Martha, 
however,  it  is  said,  followed  the  "  countenance  of 
her  guest,"  came  to  Rome,  and  at  the  very  first 
sight  healed  Tiberius.  Whence  it  came  to  pass 
(continues  the  veracious  chronicler)  that  Chris- 
tianity was  known  in  Rome  before  the  arrival  of 
the  apostles,  and  that  Tiberius,  instead  of  the 
mildest  of  sheep,  became  the  fiercest  of  wolves, 
ragiug  against  the  Senate  because  they  refused  to 
recognise  Christ  according  to  his  wish — certainly 
a  remarkable  way  of  accounting  for  the  aberra- 
tions of  Tiberius's  later  years. 

The  Veronica-portrait  is  said  to  have  been 
brought  to  Rome  as  early  as  the  year  700 ;  in 
the  year  1011  an  altar  was  dedicated  in  its 
honour,  and  even  to  this  day  it  is  one  of  the 
relics  exhibited  in  St.  Peter's,  though  only  on 
extraordinary  occasions.  It  was  exhibited  on  the 
8th  December,  1854,  when  Rome  was  crowded 
with  bishops  assembled  to  be  present  at  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception.   On  that  occasion  it  was  seen  by  M. 


Barbier  de  Moniault,  who  desoribes  it  as  fol- 
lows (Quarterly  Ret.  No.  246,  p.  491) :— 

'^Tlie  Holy  Face  is  enclosed  in  a  frame  of 
silver,  partially  gilt,  and  square,  of  a  severe 
character,  and  little  adorned.  The  simplicity  of 
the  bordering  gives  prominence  to  the  interior  of 
the  picture,  which  is  protected  by  a  thin  plate 
of  crystaL  Unfortunately,  by  one  of  those  cus- 
toms so  common  in  Italy,  a  sheet  of  metal  covers 
the  field,  and  only  leaves  apparent  the  figure 
indicating  its  outline.  By  this  outline  one  is  led 
to  conjecture  flowing  hair  reaching  to  the 
shoulders,  and  a  short  beard,  bifurcated  and 
small.  The  other  features  are  so  vaguely  indi- 
cated, or  so  completely  effaced,  that  it  requires 
the  liveliest  imagination  in  the  world  to  perceive 
traces  of  eyes  or  nose.  In  short,  one  does  not 
see  the  material  of  the  substance  because  of  the 
useless  intervention  of  a  metal  plate,  and  the 
place  of  the  impression  exhibits  only  a  blackish 
surface,  not  giving  any  evidence  of  human 
features." 

For  many  years  the  explanation  of  the  name 
Veronica  given  by  Mabillon  and  Papebroch  was 
generally  adopted;  that  ** Veronica"  is  simply 
an  anagram  of  **  vera  icon,"  a  true  image.  Me- 
diaeval writers  do  in  fact  use  the  word  Vei'onica 
rather  to  designate  the  picture  itself  than  as  the 
name  of  a  woman.  Thus  Gervase  of  Tilbury,  a» 
we  have  seen,  speaks  of  '*  figura  Domini  quae 
veronica  dicitur;"  and  he  afterwards  uses  the 
expression,  **£8t  ergo  veronica  pictura  Domini 
vera."  But  more  recently  W.  Grimm  has 
maintained  a  different  view.  He  notices  the 
fact,  that  the  woman  with  the  issue  of  blood  who 
was  healed,  is  said  in  the  gospel  of  Nicodemus 
(c  7),  probably  of  the  fifth  century,  and  by 
John  Maialas,  a  Byzantine  historian  of  the  sixth 
(Hist,  Chron^  p.  305,  ed.  Oxon.  1691),  to  have 
been  named  £>eronioe  (BcpoWm?);  and  supposes 
that  the  legend  of  the  veil  or  napkin  in  question 
arose  from  some  confusion  of  the  Paneaa  statue 
with  the  Abgarus-portrait ;  the  Veronica-legend 
is,  he  believesi  no  moi'e  than  a  Latin  rival-story 
or  metamorphosis  of  the  Greek  Abgarus-legend, 
with  the  Veronica  introduced  from  another 
source.  M.  Maury  {Croyances  et  Zegendcs) 
connects  the  name  BcpoWmf  with  the  Gnostic 
feminine  symbol  ^  TlpwiUKost  but  this  conjecture 
seems  rather  ingenious  than  sound. 

(3)  In  the  eighth  century  the  iconoclastic 
party,  seeing  the  great  variety  of  pictures  of 
Christ,  very  naturally  asked  which  they  were  to 
consider  the  true  portrait ;  were  they  to  adopt 
the  Roman  type,  or  the  Indian,  or  the*  Greek,  or 
the  iilgyptian?  To  this  Photins  {Epist.  64)  replies, 
that  the  difference  between  these  representations 
is  much  the  same  as  the  difference  between  the 
gospels  circulating  in  the  several  countries, 
which  are  written  in  one  character  by  the 
Romans,  in  another  by  the  Indians,  in  another 
by  the  Hebrews,  in  another  by  the  Ethiopians, 
and  which  differ,  not  only  in  the  forms  of  letters, 
but  in  the  pronunciation  and  significance  of  the 
words.  If  Photius's  illustration  is  to  be  taken 
exactly,  it  seems  to  imply  that  all  the  pictures 
of  which  he  knew  anytliing  represented  the  same 
face,  and  were  only  made  to  differ  by  the  pecu- 
liarities, whether  individual  or  national,  of  the 
painter;  and  it  is  probable  enough  that  the 
Byzantine  type  was  so  far  determined  in  his 
time,    that    all    the    pictures  which    be    had 


880      JEWS,  AS  BEPBEBENTED 

teen  might  have  pessed  for  copies,  of  varioas 
degrees  of  merit,  of  one  original. 

(4)  The  descriptions  of  the  Lord  given  by  John 
of  Damascus  in  the  eighth  oentnrjr,  and  by  the 
supposed  Publius  Lentulus  at  a  later  period,  no 
doubt  had  considerable  influence  on  the  repre- 
sentations of  Christ.  The  former  (EpisL  ad 
Theoph,  c.  3),  referring  to  the  testimony  of  still 
earlier  writers,  describes  the  Lord  as  haying 
been  somewhat  bent  even  in  youth,  with  meeting 
eyebrows,  beautiful  eyes,  large  nose,  curling 
hair,  dark  beard  and  tint  the  colour  of  wheat, 
lilce  His  mother.  The  latter  is  supposed  to 
oe  written  to  the  Senate  of  Rome  by  one  Publius 
Lentulus,  a  friend  of  Pontius  Pilate.  The  age  of 
this  document  is  unknown  (see  Gabler,  de 
ab$tpri^  Epiatolae  Pub.  LetUuli  ad  SentUvm; 
Jena,  1819),  but  it  does  not  seem  to  be  quoted  in 
its  present  form  by  any  earlier  writer  than 
Anselm  of  Canterbury  (f  1109).  Another  de- 
scription of  the  Lord's  person  is  given  by  Nice- 
phorus  Callisti  (ZT.  E,  i.  40),  but  this,  as  it  is  of 
the  fourteenth  century  and  does  not  claim  to 
rest  on  earlier  authorities,  may  be  passed  over. 

Literature* — ^Besides  those  portions  of  works 
on  Christian  Art  which  relate  to  representations 
of  the  Lord,  as  Molanus,  De  aacris  Picturie  et 
Imagmibtu;  Alt,  HeUigenhUder ;  Milnter,  8inn- 
bilder  und  KutUsvorstelitmgen ;  Piper,  Mythch 
logie  und  Symbolik  der  Christi.  Kunst  ,*  v.  Wessen- 
berg,  Die  ChrisHichen  Bilder;  J.  G.  MilUer, 
BUdiiche  DanteUungen  in  Sanchuuiiin\  der  Chr. 
Kirchen  vom  v.-ziv.  Jahrhdt ;  Lord  Lindsay, 
Sketches  of  Christian  Art;  St.  John  Tyrwhitt, 
Art  Teaching  of  the  Primitive  Church ;  we  may 
mention  the  following  special  works : — 

1.  On  Hepresentations  of  the  Lord  in  general, 
P.  £.  Jablonsky,  Dissertatio  de  Origine  Imaginvm 
Christi  in  Eociesidj  in  Opera,  iii.  377  ff.  ed.  te 
Water ;  J.  Reiske,  Exercitatt.  Etst,  de  ImagmSms 
Jesu  Christi;  L.  Glttckselig,  Christusar<^£>logie ; 
Peignot,  BAherches  sur  h  Personne  de  JAw- 
ChHti  ;  Pascal,  E^cherches  ^fiantes  et  curieuses 
sur  la  Personne  de  N,  8.  Msus  Christ ;  Mrs.  Jameson 
and  Lady  Eastlake,  The  History  of  our  Lord  as 
exemplified  m  Works  of  Art;  T.  Heaphy,  Exor 
mination  into  the  AntiquHy  of  the  Likenesses  of 
ow  Blessed  Lord,  in  Art  Journaly  New  Ser.,  vol. 
vii.  (1861) ;  Hefele,  Christusbilder,  in  Beitrage  xur 
Kirchengesch,  Arehdol,  u.  s.  w.  (Tiibingen,  1864); 
Martigny,  Did,  des  Antiq.  ChrA.  s.  v.  'Jesus 
Christ;'  [Baring-Gould],  Portraits  of  Christ,  in 
Quarterly  Beview,  No.  246  (Oct.  1867),  p.  490  ff. 

2.  On  the  Images  not  made  with  hrnds.  Gretser, 
Syntagma  de  Imagg,  non  manu  factis,  etc.,  in 
Opera,  voL  xv.,  Ratisbon,  1734  ff. ;  Beausobre, 
Des  Images  de  Main  Divine,  in  Biblioth,  Oer* 
manique,  xviii.  10;  W.  Grimm,  Die  Sage  vom 
Ursprung  der  Christusbilder, 

3.  On  the  Paneas-StatUe.  Th.  Hasaei  Dissertt, 
II,  de  Monvananto  Paneadensi,  Bremen,  1726; 
also  in  his  Sylloge  Dissertt,,  pt.  2,  p.  314.    [C] 

JEWS  AS  BEPRESENTED  ON  CHBIS- 
TLA.N  MONUMENTS.  The  Jews  of  our 
Lord's  time  appear  in  various  sculptures  of 
His  life  and  works  (Bottari,  tav.  Ixxzv.  et 
passim;  Millin,  Midi  de  la  France,  pi.  Ixiv. 
et  passim).  They  are  generally  distingaished, 
especially  in  all  subjects  connected  with  the 
Wilderness,  by  wearing  a  flat  cap  or  beretta, 
as  in  the  above  plates  from  sarcophagi.    The  Old 


JEWS,  TBEATMENT  OF 


Testament  mosaics  of  Sta.  Maria  Maggiore  aic 
without  the  limits  of  our  work,  and  Roman  dress 
and  armour  prevail  in  them.  The  supposed  arrest 
of  St.  Peter  contains  some  of  these  figures,  but 
though  Aringhi,  Bottari,  and  Buonarroti  ars 
against  him,  Martigny  is  still  inclined  to  think 
the  group  in  question  intended  to  represent  Moses 
attacked  by  the  rebellions  people  in  the  Wilder- 
ness, when  (Exodus  xxiv.  6c.)  they  were  ready 
to  stone  him.  This  subject  constantly  aooom- 
panics  that  of  the  Rock  in  Horeb,  where  their 
complaints  were  silenced  by  miracle.  Moses  or 
St.  Peter  (whichever  figure  may  be  intended), 
always  has  his  head  unoovored  in  it,  and  the 
other  Hebrews  wear  the  flat  head  covering,  short 
tunics,  cloaks  or  saga  fastened  with  fibulae,  and 
sandals  (Exod.  xii.  11).  The  cap  may  have  been 
a  common  or  distinctive  part  of  Jewish  dress. 

[R.  St.  J,  T.] 

JEWS,  TBEATMENT  OF.  The  fortunes 
of  the  Jews  after  the  rise  of  Christianity  are 
matters  of  general  history.  An  account  of  their 
relation  towards  the  expanding  power  of  the 
church  will  be  found  in  Miiman's  ffisL  of  Jems 
(iii.  167-203).  This  article  only  gives  a  brief 
summary  of  the  ecclesiastical  enactments  against 
connivance  with  Jewish  practices,  or  against 
the  Jews  themselves.  To  desert  Christianity 
for  Judaism  was  APOffTASr ;  to  confound  toge- 
ther the  rites  or  doctrines  of  the  two  religioits 
was  Heresv;  see  Cod,  Theod,  XVL  v.  43,  44; 
Und.  XVI.  viii.  de  Judaeis  CoeHcoKs  et  Samcori^ 
tanis.  But  in  addition  to  these  graver  of- 
fences. Christians  were  ordered  *-o  hold  them- 
selves separate  from  various  Jewish  castoma. 
Thus  resting  on  the  Sabbath  (Saturday)  was 
denounced  {Qmc  Latod,  c.  29)  on  the  ground  of 
its  being  a  relic  of  Judaism ;  it  was  also  forbid- 
den (iMd  cc  37,  38)  to  receive  festival  presents, 
or  unleavened  bread,  from  the  Jews,  or  to  share 
in  their  fieasts.  A  similar  ^junction  against 
participating  in  Jewish  festivak  or  fasts  appean 
in  the  ApodoUc  Canons  (cc  69, 70)  under  pain  •f 
excommunication,  and  also  in  the  Trullan 
council  (c  11).  The  council  of  Eliberis,  aj>. 
305,  initiating  the  violent  hostility  against  the 
Jews  which  prevailed  in  Spain  up  to  and 
through  the  time  of  the  Inquisition,  forbade  (c. 
49)  any  landlord  to  call  upon  a  Jew  to  bless  hb 
crops;  and  in  the  next  canon  prohibited  a 
Christian  from  eating  with  a  Jew.  This  prohi- 
bition against  sharing  food  with  a  Jew,  because  he 
regarded  certain  meats  as  unclean,  is  enacted  in 
many  subsequent  Gallic  councils  (Coaie.  VeneL 
c  12 ;  Cone  Agath,  c  40 ;  Cone,  Epaosu  c  15, 
3  Qmc  AureL  c  13 ;  1  Cone,  Matiacon.  c  15). 
Intermarriage  with  Jews  was  guarded  against  as 
strictly  as  with  heathen  (1  Gma.  Arvem,  c  6 ; 
3  Cono,  AureL  c.  13;  3  Cone,  ToleL  c  14;  4 
Cone,  ToleL  c  63).  The  dangers  which  were 
supposed  to  lurk  in  association  with  the  Jews 
are  exemplified  at  length  in  Chrysostom's  6 
Homilies  in  Judaeos,  also  in  Hom.  2i  ad  eos  q»ti 
primo  Pasch,  jejunant,  and  Hom.  24  adeos  <im 
Judaeorum  j^unium  jejunant  (torn,  6  Gd.SariL). 
One  of  the  matters  re^^rded  with  special  jealoosy 
by  the  church  was  the  right  of  the  Jews  to  iiold 
Christian  slaves.  By  a  law  of  CoastanUne 
(Euseb.  VU,  Const,  iv.  27),  the  right  had  bed 
considerably  restricted ;  but  the  law  appean  ta 
have  fallen  into  disuse.    The    3zd  coucil  «f 


JOACHIM 

Orieans,  a.d.  538  (c.  13)  reco^ises  Chnstian  I 
servitude,  bvt  decrees  that  if  a  Christian  slave 
takes  sanctuary  because  his  Jewish  master 
interferes  with  his  religion,  the  slave  is  not  to  be 
surrendered,  but  redeemed  at  a  fair  valuation. 
This  decree  was  repeated  and  enlarged  by  subse- 
quent councils  (4  Cone,  Aurel.  c  30, 31 ;  1  Cone, 
Matiscon.  c  15).  In  Spain  the  4th  council  of 
Toledo,  AeD.  633  (c.  66)  sanctioned  the  royal 
decree  which  declared  it  altogether  unlawful  for 
a  Jew  to  hold  a  Christian  in  bondage,  but  the 
desire  of  gain  was  too  strong  for  both  church 
and  state,  for  a  little  later  the  10th  council, 
A.D.  656,  complains  that  even  the  clergy  sold 
Christian  captives  to  the  Jews.  The  treatment 
of  the  Jews  in  Spain  occupies  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  numerous  canons  of  the  synods 
held  in  Toledo  in  the  7th  centurv.  Under  the 
reign  of  Recared,  the  first  Gothic  king,  and 
again  under  Sisebut,  the  Jews  had  been  subjected 
to  fierce  persecution.  The  4th  council  of  Toledo, 
A.D.  633,  over  which  Isidore  of  Seville  presided, 
gave  them  some  relief,  but  this  leniency  was 
partial  and  shortlived.  In  the  57th  canon  of 
that  council  it  was  enacted  that  no  Jew  should 
be  converted  by  violence ;  but  the  later  canons 
contain  more  stringent  regulations ;  children  of 
Jews,  who  have  been  baptised,  are  to  be  separated 
from  their  parents  and  placed  in  monasteries  or 
in  Ood-fearing  families  (c.  60) ;  the  testimony  of 
Jews  is  to  be  rejected  (c.  64),  because  those  who 
are  unfaithful  to  God  cannot  be  faithful  to  man ; 
and  (c.  65),  they  are  to  be  excluded  from  all 
public  offices.  A  few  years  later  all  trace  of 
toleration  has  disappeared,  owing  perhaps  to  the 
absence  of  Isidore,  who  had  died  in  the  interval, 
and  the  civil  law  which  banished  Jews  from  the 
kingdom,  was  ratified  by  the  church  (6  Cone. 
Tolet,  c.  3;  8  Cone.  Tolet,  c.  12).  The  12th 
council,  A.D.  681,  in  response  to  an  exhortation 
f^om  the  king  to  extirpate  the  pest  of  the  Jews, 
proscribed  (c.  9)  in  detail  each  distinctive  Jewish 
practice.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Saracenic 
invasion  swept  over  the  Peninsala,  and  the  Jews 
enjoyed  more  peace.  In  France  there  is  no 
notice  of  the  Jews  earlier  than  the  6th  century. 
The  3rd  council  of  Orleans,  a.d.  538,  contains  an 
ordinance  (c.  30),  forbidding  Jews  to  appear  in 
the  streets  or  hold  any  intercourse  with 
Christians  for  fonr  days,  from  Maundy  Thurs- 
day till  Easter  Monday  (1  Cone,  Maiiscon,  c.  14). 
The  council  of  Narbonne,  A.D.  589  (c.  9)  forbade 
Jews  to  hold  religious  services  at  the  burial  of 
their  dead,  under  a  fine  of  six  ounces  of  gold, 
a  sum  which  indicates  their  wealth  at  that  date. 
By  the  5th  council  of  Paris,  a.d.  615  (c.  15)  no 
Jew  was  to  hold  any  public  office  which  made 
Christians  subordinate  to  him,  except  on  con- 
dition  of  being  baptised  with  his  whole  family 
(^Conc.  Jiemens.  c.  11 ;  Cone.  Ca^il.  c.  9).  Later, 
under  Charlemagne,  Jews  were  not  only  tolerated 
but  treated  with  consideration.  [G.  M.] 

JOACHIM,  "  Avus  Christ! ;"  commemorated 
Miaziah  7  =  April  2  {Cal.  Armeti.)\  with  Anna, 
Aug.  27  {Cal,  Armen^  and  Sept.  9  (jCai.  ByzanL). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JOANNTA,  wife  of  Chuza;  commemorated 
May  24  (Mart,  Adonis,  Usuardi)  .       [W.  F.  G.] 

JOANKICIUS,  the  Great,  Satos  irar^p,  A.D. 
758  ;  commemorated  Nov.  4  {CaL  Bi/zant). 

'  [W.  P.  G.I 

OHBIflT.  ANT, 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.       881 

JOB,  the  patriarch ;  commemorated  May  6 
{Cai,  Bifzant,);  Sept.  5  {OjU,  Armen.);  May  10 
(Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

JOOUNDIANUS,  martyr  in  Africa;  com- 
memorated July  4  (M<irt,  Bom,  Vet,^  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JOEL,  the  prophet ;  commemorated  Tekemt 
21  =  Oct.  18  {Cal,  MMop.) ;  Oct.  19  {Cal.  By- 
zant.)\  Nov.  19  {Cal,  Copt)\  July  13  {Mart, 
Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JOHN  THE   BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivam 

AND  LkQEND  of. 

1.  History  of  Festivah,  (a.)  Nativity  of  Bap^ 
tist. — ^The  Festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  stands 
in  remarkable  contrast  with  those  of  ether 
saints  commemorated  by  the  church,  in  that 
with  these  it  is  their  death  which  is  celebrated, 
as  the  birth  into  the  better  life,  whereas  here  it 
is  the  actual  birthday ;  a  circumstance  only  else- 
where commemorated  in  the  case  of  .our  Blessed 
Lord  Himself,  that  of  the  Virgin  Mary  on  Sep- 
tember 8  being  of  quite  later  date ;  and  thus 
we  find  St.  Augustine  saying  {Serm.  287,  vol.  v. 
1692,  ed.  Gaume)  **  solos  duos  natales  celebrat 
[ecclesia],  hujus  [i.e,  Johannis]  et  Christi." 
There  is  a  very  obvious  reason  to  be  found  for 
this  exceptional  state  of  things  from  the  close 
historical  connection  between  the  birth  of  the 
Forei  unner  and  that  of  the  Saviour.  This  reason 
is  plainly  dwelt  -on  in  many  ancient  liturgies, 
and  the  Pre&ce  in  the  first  mass  for  the  festival 
in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary  may  specially  be 
noted. 

What  claims  June  24,  the  day  on  which  this 
nativity  is  celebrated,  has  to  be  considered  the 
actual  birthday  of  St.  John,  it  is  of  course  im- 
possible to  say  definitely.  We  know  from  Luke 
i.  26,  that  the  Baptist  was  six  months  older  than 
our  Lord,  and  therefore  the  difficulty  resolves 
itself  into  the  more  important  matter  as  to  the 
correctness  of  the  view  which  places  Christmas 
on  December  25,  a  question  which  will  be  found 
discussed  elsewhere  *  [Christmas]. 

Attention  has  there  been  called  to  the  coinci- 
dence of  Christmas  Day  with  the  period  of  the 
winter  solstice,  and  the  possible  reasons  under- 
lying that  coincidence.  The  festival  of  the  Nati- 
vity of  St.  John  will  consequently  coincide  with 
the  period  of  the  summer  solstice,  which,  like  the 
winter  solstice,  was  a  time  specially  observed  in 
many  of  the  older  heathen  religions.  From  this 
source  many  superstitious  heathen  observances 
in  connection  with  this  day  passed  into  early 
Christianity.  One  of  these,  the  so-called  Fire  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  will  be  found  touched  upon 
in  the  following  article  :  another  is  reprehended 

by  Augustine,  **  Natali  Johannis de  sol- 

lemnitate  superstitiosa  pagana  Christian!  ad  mare 

veniebant  et  ibi  se  baptizabant Adjure 

per  ipsum,  qui  hodie  natus  est,  nemo  faciat " 
{Serm.  196  in  Nat.  Dom,  vol.  v.  1310).'» 

A  curious  mystical  idea  was  early  suggested 
by  the  times  on  which  the  two  birthdays  were 


•  It  is  true  that  In  the  present  church  year,  beginning 
with  Advent,  the  festival  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Baptist 
seems  Ui follow  bj  six  months  that  of  oar  Lord ;  but  of 
oonrse,  when,  as  was  originally  the  case,  the  year  began 
with  Easter,  the  natural  order  of  sequence  prevailed. 

>>  This  pracUoe,  as  existing  among  the  Mandaeans,  \% 
referred  to  below, 

3  L 


882 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Febtiyalb  ahd  Lboeud  or 


kept,  in  eonnection  with  the  Baptist's  own  words 
(John  ilL  30),  **  He  most  increase,  bnt  I  must 
decrease,"  so  that  from  onr  Lord's  natiyity  the 
days  began  to  lengthen,  and  from  St.  John's  to 
shorten.  This  idea  is  found  dwelt  upon  in 
Augustine  {Serm.  287,  §  4,  toI.  t.  1692.  See  also 
a  sermon  formerly  attributed  to  Augustine  [Serm. 
197  m  Append.  §  2,  ib.  2856],  but  now  referred 
to  Caesarius  of  Aries :)  and  Mazimus  Taurinensis 
{Serm,  4  tn  Append.^  Patrol,  lix.  850) ;  and  the 
presence  of  numerous  homilies  for  the  festival  of 
the  Baptist  among  the  writings  of  this  father 
show  at  how  early  a  date  it  was  commemorated. 
A  remark  of  his  may  further  be  added,  that  it 
was  kept  **  majorum  traditione  "  {Serm.  292,  §  1, 
rol.  y.  1717).  Consequently  with  all  allowances 
for  a  rhetorical  way  of  speaking,  this  will  carry 
back  the  festival  at  any  rate  as  &ras  the  middle 
of  the  fourth  century.  We  find  it  also  mentioned 
m  the  ancient  Kalendarium  Carthagwenae^  where 
the  notice  is  **yiii.  Kalend.  Jul.  Sancti  Joannis 
Baptistae  "  (Pairol.  ziii.  1221) «.  It  is  wanting, 
however,  in  the  calendar  of  Bucherius,  which  is 
generally  referred  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century,  and  in  the  list  of  festivals  in  the  ApO' 
sialic  Constitittioru  (viii.  83).  These,  however, 
are  mere  passing  exceptions,  for  its  otherwise 
universal  presence  in  ancient  liturgies,  martyr- 
ologies,  and  calendars,  and  the  numerous  homilies 
for  it  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers  (Aagustine, 
Mazimus  Taurinensis,  etc.)  are  evidence  of  the 
wide-spread  observance  and  early  date  of  the  fes- 
tival. The  council  of  Agde  (506  a.d.)  in  ruling 
concerning  private  chapels,  includes  the  Nativity 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist  among  the  most  important 
festivals  on  which  a  man  was  not  to  {onake  his 
proper  church,  the  only  others  specified  being 
Easter,  Christmas,  Epiphany,  the  Ascension,  and 
Whitsunday  {Cone.  Agathense,  can.  21 ;  Labbe, 
iv.  1386). 

It  may  nezt  be  remarked  that,  as  might  have 
been  ezpected  from  the  interdependence  of  the 
dates  of  the  nativities  of  our  Lord  and  of  the 
Baptist,  the  East  agrees  almost  unanimously 
with  the  West  as  to  the  particular  day  on  which 
the  latter  is  to  be  commemorated.  See  e.g.  be- 
sides the  regular  Byzantine  calendar,  the  notice 
in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides,  published 
by  Papebroch  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  {JAaJj  vol.  i. 
p.  zxzii.),  TipihpoiJMV  iifi^l  r^rdfrngi  ctirdidi  yti' 
varo  fivrvp ;  the  curious  design  in  the  Moscow 
pictorial  calendar  {ibid.);  and  the  calendars  of 
the  Egyptian  and  Ethiopic  churches  published 
by  Ludolf  {Fasti  Sacri  Ecclesiae  Aiexandrinaey 
p.  32).  So  far  as  we  have  observed,  the  Arme- 
nian church,  the  only  church  that  does  not  cele- 
brate Christmas  on  December  25,  is  also  the  only 
one  that  does  not  commemorate  the  Nativity  of 
the  Baptist  on  June  24,  keeping  it  on  Jan.  14 
(Neale,  Eastern  Chttrch,  Introd.  p.  797).' 

We  may  add  a  few  words  here  as  to  the  vigil  and 
octave  of  the  festival.    The  former  is  recognized. 


•  The  other  mention  in  this  calendar  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist  [vi.  KaL  Jan.  Sancti  Joannis  Baptistae  et  Jaoobl 
ApoBtoli  quern  Herodes  oocidit]  is  probably  due  to  a 
oopyisVs  error,  becaiue  of  the  constant  association  of  St. 
John  the  Evangelist  with  Dec.  27.  It  has  been  main- 
tained, however,  that  this  is  an  early  Afrtoan  form  of  the 
festlTal  of  the  Decollation  of  St.  John  the  Baptist 

'  hot  a  fouibU  variation  fVom  general  usage  in  the 
GaM  of  the  cbnrch  of  I'ours,  see  Gregor.  Turoo.  BitL 
/Vane.  z.  31  {Patrvi.  IxxL  6M). 


as  we  have  shown  below,  in  the  Leonine 
mentary,  though  not  epecified  by  name  as  in  tht 
Ambroeian.  We  need  not,  however,  with  Pape- 
broch, consider  St.  Ambrose  to  have  been  the  first 
to  institute  the  vigil.  It  is  also  found  induded 
in  the  later  Roman  Sacramentaries,  the  Gelasiaa 
and  Gregorian,  and  its  observance  throughout 
Gaul  and  Germany  is  shown  by  its  presence  in 
ancient  martyrologies  and  calendars  of  these 
countries,  e.  g.  [in  one  form  of]  the  Mart,  GeUo- 
nenae  (D'Ach^ry,  SpicHegtum^  ziii.  424),  the 
Mart,  ilttftssfodor0rue(Martene,  CoUecUo  Amjim. 
voL  vi.  709),  and  a  calendar  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury described  by  Binterim.  This  writer  refers 
also  to  a  German  Sacramentary  published  1^ 
Gerbert,  where  the  notice  for  the  day  is,  ^  jeju- 
nium  S.  Joannis  Baptistae,  una  cum  Missa  pre 
more  vigiliarum  "  {Ikmka.  v.  i.  377).  It  may  be 
mentioned  that  the  council  of  Seligenstadt 
(1022  A.D.)  ordered  that  all  Christians  abould 
abstain  from  flesh  and  blood  for  fourteen  days 
before  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  B^itist  (can. 
1,  Labbe  iz.  844). 

As  regards  the  octave,  it  would  appenr  that 
Papebroch  is  in  error  in  considering  that  ne 
earlier  traces  of  it  could  be  found  than  of  the 
13th  or  14th  centuries,  for  Binterim  dtes  several 
calendars  of  the  9th  and  10th  centuries  which 
mark  it,  e.g.  the  Cal.  Friamgenae  of  the  10th 
century  (Eckhart,  Franc.  Orient,  i.  835).  It  will 
be  remembered  that  this  octave  has  a  special 
importance  of  its  own,  as  being  the  day  on  which 
the  Baptist  was  circumcised  and  received  the 
divinely  declared  name  of  John,  and  on  which 
the  speech  of  Zacharias  was  miraculously  re- 
stored. 

(3.)  Leoollation  of  the  Baptiat.—Bend»  the 
festival  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John,  there  are 
other  Johannine  festivals  of  comparatively  minor 
importance,  the  chief  of  which  is  that  of  the  De- 
collation, generally  commemorated  on  August  29,* 
the  chief  ezception  being  that  the  Armenian 
church  celebrated  it  on  April  13,  and  the  Gal- 
ilean church,  according  to  one  view,  on  the 
octave  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Baptist,  axid  acoord- 
ing  to  another  view  on  September  24.' 

This  festival,  t4>o,  must  be  of  comparatively 
early  date,  for  we  find  it  in  the  Gelasian  and  [in 
some  forms  of]  the  Gregorian  Sacramentaries,  to 
its  presence  in  which  Bede  alludes  {Expot.  m 
Marc.  lib.  ii. ;  Patrol,  zcii.  192).  Again  in  the 
Eastern  church,  we  may  appeal  to  the  Byzantine 
and  Russian  calendars,  and  reference  may  be 
made  to  the  Moscow  pictorial  caloidar  and  the 
Greek  metrical  Epkemerides,  the  notice  in  the 
latter  being,  tlMi  &^^*  Mrp  Tlpo9p6/uiv  rdiptw 
airx^^a  ^lipos.  See  also  Ludolfs  Egyptian  and 
Ethiopic  calendars  (p.  1):  here,  however,  there 
is  a  simple  commemoration  of  the  Baptist  on 
August  29,  and  the  festival  of  the  DeooUation 
on  August  30. 

With  reference  to  the  usage  of  the  Gallican 
church  alluded  to  above,  the  fact  that  in  their 
liturgy  the  festival  of  the  Decollation  almost  im- 

•  The  MdrtfroU^um  BienMjfwd  (FolmL  zzz.  eseX 
and  a  IfS.  of  the  Martyrology  of  Bede  (PntroL  zdv. 
)02S),  place  it  on  Ai«.  SO.  So  also  the  Egyptlsi^  «*leo- 
dar  in  Selden  (p.  221,  ed.  Amsterdam,  167»)l 

'  AngusU  {Denkw.  iL  166)  argoee  that  the  DeooBation 
was  not  originatty  a  distinct  iKUval  from  tliat  of  liis 
NaUvity  of  the  Baptist,  but  the  evidence  for  thk  vkv,  II 
must  be  said,  is  butUy  ooootnslve. 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivals  and  Legend  of 


888 


mediately  followed  the  Nativity  of  the  Baptist, 
induced  Papebroch  {Acta  fianctorumy  June,  vol. 
V.  p.  608)  to  maiDtain  that  the  former  com* 
memoration  was  probably  held  there  on  the 
octave  of  the  latter.  Mabillon,  on  the  other 
hand,  appeals  to  a  letter  which  bears  the  name 
of  Augnstine,  to  one  Bibianus,  a  Gallican  bishop, 
which  asserts  that  the  conception  and  death  of 
St.  John  fell  on  the  stime  day  (i.^.  Sept.  23  or 
24),  and  further  refers  to  August  29  as  the  day 
'*  quando  inventum  legitur  caput  dominici  prae- 
cursoris  "  (Patrol.  Ixxii.  431).  ThU  letter,  while 
obvioasly  spurious,  may  be  taken  as  evidence  as 
to  ancient  Gallican  custom,  and  we  find  the 
same  usage,  at  any  rate  partially,  among  the 
Goths  of  Spain.  (See  Leslie's  notes  to  the  Moza- 
rabic  Missal ;  Patrol.  Ixxxv.  837.) 

Legend. — ^This  will  perhaps   be  the  most  con- 
venient place  to  give  a  very  brief  resume  of  the 
legends  respecting  the  body  of  St.  John.     This 
was  said  to  have  been  buried  at  Sebaste,  a  town 
on  the  site  of  the  earlier  Samaria.     In  the  time 
of  the  emperor  Julian,  the  coffin  was  broken 
open,  the  bones  barnt,  and  the  dust  scattered 
abroad.     With  this  definite  statement,  it  might 
have  been  thought  that  the  history  of  the  relics 
was  at  an  end;    but  the  story  runs  that  the 
Christians  saved  some  of  the  remains,  which  were 
sent  to  Jerusalem,  and  afterwards  to  Alexandria 
to  Athanasius  (Rufinus,  Hist.  Ecdes.   xi.  28 : 
Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccles.  iii.   3;    vol.  iii.   918, 
ed.  Schulze  and  Noesselt:  Theophanes,  Chrono- 
graphia,  vol.  i.  117,  ed.  Classen);  part  also  were 
obtained  by  Theodoret  for  his  own  church  of 
Cyrus  (see  his   Pelig,  Hist.  vol.  iii.  1245).     In 
order  to  contain  the  relics  of  the  Baptist,  a 
church  was  some  time  afterwards  (circa  390  A.D.) 
built  in  Alexandria  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of 
Serapis  by  the  emperor  Theodosins,  and  finished 
in  the  reign  of  his  son  Arcadios.    Concerning 
the   Head  of  the  Baptist  also  there  is  a  long 
series  of  traditions.    These  are  often  plainly  con- 
flicting, and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  a  scholar 
with   Papebroch's  great  learning  should    have 
wasted  time  on  the  attempt  to  reconcile  them. 
The  Head  was  said  to  have  been  buried  in  Herod's 
palace,  where  it  was  first  discovered  about  the 
yeai'  330  a.d.  and  taken   into  Cilicia.     In  the 
time  of  the  emperor  Valens  it  was  moved  as  far 
as  a  place  named  Cosilaus,  but  about  390  A.D. 
Theodosins  transferred  it  to  Constantinople  (Sozo- 
men,   Bist.  Eccles.   vii.   21).     Besides  all  this, 
however,  we  read  of  a  finding  of  the  Head  at 
Emesa  in  454  A.D.,  a  discovery  which  can  hardly 
harmonize  with  the  preceding,  and  which  was  not 
improbably  due  to  a  growing  demand  of  the  age 
for  relics.     However,  there  is  a  further  story  of 
another  translation  of  the  Head,  from  Emesa  to 
Constantinople  in  850  A.D.,  to  preserve  it  from 
the  Saracens,  and  here  it  remained  till  1204  A.D., 
when  Ck)nstantinople  was  taken  by  the  Latins. 
The  Head  then,  or  part  of  it,  was  brought  to 
France  by  one   Walo  de   Sartone,   a  canoi)  of 
Amiens.    The  further  legends  given  by  Pape- 
broch, compared  with  which  the  above  almost 
rises  to  the  dignity  of  history,  we  pass  over. 

We  find  at  a  comparatively  early  period 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  literature  on  the 
subject  of  the  Finding  of  the  Head,  for  at  a 
council  held  at  Rome  in  494  A.  D.  under  the 
episcopate  of  Gelasius,  such  writings  are  with 
others  ordered  to  be  read  with  caution.  (**Scripta 


de  inventione  capitis  Joannis  Baptistae  novellae 
quoedam  relationes  sunt,  et  nonnulli  eas  (}atho- 
lici  legunt.  Sed  cum  haec  ad  C!atholioorum 
manus  pervenerint,  beati  Pauli  apostoli  prae- 
oedat  sententia.  Omnia  probate^  quod  bonum  est 
tenete."     Patrol,  lix.  161.) 

(7.)  We  are  now  naturally  brought  to  the 
third  of  the  Johannine  festivals,  the  Finding  of 
the  Head.  It  would  appear  that  different 
supposed  findings  are  commemorated,  and  that 
this  accounts  for  the  various  days  on  which  the 
commemorations  are  held.  The  letter  of  the 
Pseudo-Augustine  already  quoted  names  August 
29  as  the  day  on  which  the  Head  was  found, 
and  in  connection  with  this  we  may  cite  one 
form  of  the  martyrology  of  Bede,  **  Passio  et 
decoUatio  vel  potius  inventio  capitis  beati 
Joannis  Baptistae  ....  "{Patrol,  xciv.  1025). 
That  day,  however,  has  ordinarily  been  re- 
served for  the  Decollation,  and  Feb.  24,  for  the 
Finding.  In  that  ai'rangement,  generally  speak- 
ing. Western,  Byzantine,  Coptic,  and  Ethiopic 
calendars  agree:  and  the  Byzantine  also  com- 
memorates another  finding  on  May  25.  There 
is  besides  a  commemoration  of  the  '*  Apparitio 
corporis  "  [  **  inventio  ossium  **  Copt.]  in  the 
Ethiopic  and  Coptic  calendars  on  May  27,  and 
of  the  "depositio  capitis"  on  Oct.  27  [26, 
Selden]  in  the  latter.  The  notice  for  Feb.  24  in 
the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  is  9iK6oTtiv 
irpo9p6iioio  i^dvri  Kdpri  iifi<f>l  rerdfrrriy. 

(S.)  The  festival  of  the  Ccmception  of  the 
BapUst  on  Sept.  23  [or  24]  is  also'found  in  the 
above  calendars,  and  in  many  Western  martyro- 
logies.  It  is  not  recognised,  however,  in  the 
Armenian  calendar.  The  notice  for  Sept.  23,  in 
the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides^  is  ^uciZi  h\ 
rpCrp  yturr^p  \dfi9  rrp^pofwv  cfcrov. 

(e.)  Besides  the  two  preceding,  comparatively 
unimportant  festivals,  we  find  also  a  comme- 
moration of  the  imprisonment  on  Aug.  24 
in  the  Ethiopic  calendar  (Ludolf,  p.  39J^  and 
general  commemorations  of  the  Baptist  in  the 
same,  on  Aug.  29  and  April  10  (A.  pp.  1,  25) : 
and  on  June  6  and  September  5  in  the  Armenian 
calendar  (Neale,  pp.  799,  801). 

2.  Liturgical  Ifotices.  —  Thp  oldest  Roman 
Saci*amentary,  the  Leonine,  contains  no  less  than 
five  masses  for  the  festival  of  the  Nativity  of  the 
Baptist.  The  first  of  these  evidently  belongs  to 
the  vigil,  for  though  included  with  the  second 
and  third  under  the  general  heading  Natale  3, 
Jo.  Bapty  still  the  point  is  settled  by  the  words 
of  the  preface  (also  occurring,  be  it  said,  in  the 
Gregorian  and  Ambrosian  liturgies  in  the 
service  for  the  vigil)  "  .  .  .  .  exhibentes  so- 
lemne  jejunium,  quo  nati  Joannis  Baptistae 
natalitia  praevenimus"  {I^eonis  Opera;  vol.  ii. 
28,  ed.  Ballerini).  The  fourth  and  fifth  masses, 
portions  of  which  are  also  found  in  tlie  Gelosian 
Sacramentary,  are  headed  ad  fontemj  showing 
the  use  made  of  the  day  as  a  solemn  season  for 
baptism.  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary  both  has 
services  for  the  vigil  and  Nativity,  each  with  its 
own  title  {Patrol.  Izxiv.  1165),  and  also  for  the 
Decollation  {dies  passionis)  of  the  Baptist  {ib. 
1175):  and  the  same  too  is  the  case  with  the 
Ambrosian  (Pamelius,  hiturgg,  Latt,  L  392, 
420),  and  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (coll. 
108,  126 ;  ed.  Menard).  In  this  last,  while  the 
first  mass  is  headed  m  vigiUoy  the  second  beam 
the  title  In  prima  missa  de  nocte, 

3  L  2 


884 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  Festivau  akd  Lbqend  of 


In  the  ancient  Gallican  Lectionary,  published 
by  Mabillon,  we  find  no  mention  of  a  vigil :  the 
prophetic  lection,  epistle  and  gospel,  are  re- 
spectively Isaiah  xl.  1-20 ;  Acts  .  xiii.  16-47 ; 
Luke  i.  5-25,  39-47,  56-68,  [to  the  words 
Dominus  Deus  Israef],  80.  This  is  immediately 
followed  by  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul,  and  this  by  the  **  Passio  S.  Joannis  Bap- 
tistae  "  for  which  the  prophetic  lection,  epistle 
and  gospel  are  respectively  Isaiah  xliii.1-13,  22, 
— xliv.  5;  Heb.  xi.  33— xii.  7  ;  Matt,  xi v.  1-14 
(de  Liturgia  QcdUccoM,  lib.  ii.  pp.  158,  160). 
The  same  too  is  the  case  in  the  Gallican  missal, 
save  that  there  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  is  immediately  followed  by  a  mass  ^  In 
Katale  unius  Apostoli  et  Martyris"  (Op.  cit. 
lib.  iii.  271,  275).  In  the  Mozarabic  missal  we 
find  forms  given  for  the  Sunday  ^  pro  adventu 
S.  Johannis,"  as  well  as  for  the  festival  of  the 
Nativity  itself,  and  for  that  of  the  Decollation. 
The  prophetic  lection,  epistle  and  gospel  in  the 
three  cases  are  Isaiah  xl.  1-9,  Eph.  iv.  1-14, 
Mark  i.  1-8:  Jer.  i.  5-10,  17-19;  Gal.  i.  11-24, 
Luke  i.  57-70,  80 :  Wisdom  iv.  7-15,  2  Cor.  xii. 
2-10,  Matt.  xiv.  1-15.  Sandrv  variations  to 
the  above  occurring  in  ancient  lectionaries  are 
mentioned  (m  loc.)  in  the  notes  to  Leslie's  edition 
of  the  Mozarabic  missiil.  {Patrol,  Ixxxv.  751, 
756,  837:  and  for  the  Breviary  [June  24, 
Sept.  24],  Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  1129,  1133, 1209.) 

3.  Miscellaneous  Notices. — We  have  hitherto 
spoken  of  the  Baptist  solely  from  the  Christian 
point  of  view,  we  shall  now  dwell  briefly  on 
some  further  references.  Josephus's  account 
{Antiq.  xviii.  5.  2)  is  practically  the  same  as 
that  of  the  New  Testament,  but  he  adds  that, 
besides  other  causes,  Herod  Antipas  was  more  or 
less  moved  to  the  murder  of  St.  John  by  poli- 
tical reasons,  the  dread  of  a  revolution.' 

There  are,  moreover,  some  curious  associations 
connecting  St.  John  with  some  semi-Christian, 
or  rather  non-Christian,  religions.  The  Clemen- 
tine Homilies  (ii.  23)  make  Simon  Magus  to 
have  been  the  chief  (wp&ros  Koi  HoKifu^raros) 
disciple  of  St.  John,  who  is  further  described  as 
a  4ifi€pofiawrl(rTfis  (see  Hegesippus  apud  Euseb. 
ffist,  Eccles.  iv.  22 ;  Justin  Martyr  Diai,  cum 
Tryph,  c.  80;  and  esp.  Epiphanius,  JTo^r.  17). 
We  may  perhaps,  therefore,  connect  the  Hemero' 
baptistae  with  the  so  called  Mendaeans  (or  properly 
Mandaeans),  known  also  as  the  Zabians,  disciples 
of  St.  John,  Christians  of  St.  John.  This  sect, 
which  still  exists,  chiefly  near  the  Tigris,  claims 
to  be  the  lineal  successors  of  the  actual  disciples 
of  St.  John,  respecting  whom  they  give  some 
wild  traditions,  and  whom  they  regard  as  supe- 
rior to  Christ.  They  totally  ignore  his  behead- 
ing, and  say  that  on  his  death-bed  he  bid  his 
disciples  to  crucify  his  body,  in  refei*ence  to  the 
death  that  should  befal  his  kinsman  Jesus.  The 
body  was  then  preserved  in  a  crystal  sarcophagus 
at  Sjuster  in  Persia.  (Ignatius  a  Jesu,  Norraiio 
ariginis,  riiuum  et  errorum  ChnsHanontm  Jo- 
harmis,  Romae,  1652 :  Eaempfer,  AmoenitcUes 
Fxotioae  pp.  435-454,  Lemgoviae  1712:  Norberg, 
De  religione  et  lingua  Sabaeoram:.  Petermann 
in  Herzog's  Eial-Encyd.  s.  vv.  Mend&er^  Zabier : 


V  As  a  parallel  to  this  we  may  mention  the  sloiy  of 
Herod  the  Great's  attempt  to  slay  the  infimt  John  from 
the  fear  lest  be  might  hereafter  prove  the  king  of  Israel 
iProUv.  Jaoobi,  c  23). 


Chwolsohn,  Die  Ssabier  und  der  Smdnsmm  ppi 
100-138,  St.  Petersburgh,  1856.)  They  celebnte 
in  August  (or  April,  according  to  Ignatius  a 
Jesu)  an  annual  festival  cf  three  days'  duratiea, 
in  honour  of  the  Baptist,  and  an  annual  fetif  al 
in  June  of  five  days*  duration,  when  all  the  sect 
receive  baptism.  (Kaempfer,  p.  446.)  This 
reminds  us  of  Augustine's  protest  cited  above. 
Their  chief  sacred  book,  the  Sitira  Adem  or  Book 
of  Adam,  edited  by  Norbei^  {Codex  Nasaractfs, 
liber  Adami  appellfduSj  Hafniae),  and  recently  by 
Petermann  (Lipsiae,  1867),  contains  several 
references  to  St.  John  (see  vol.  i.  108,  vol.  ii.  20, 
22,  24,  60;  ed.  Norberg).  They  also  possess  a 
^  Book  of  John  [the  Baptist]  "  reported  to  hare 
been  given  to  their  ancestors  by  John  himself ; 
of  which  there  is  a  MS.  in  the  Bibliotheq'>e 
Nationale  at  Paris  (Norberg  de  lingvdy  ^.,  p.  4). 
Among  their  most  curious  superstitions  is  one  in 
connection  with  the  baptism  of  our  Lord  by  St. 
John,  which  accounts  for  the  view  they  take  of 
blue  as  an  unholy  colour  (Eaempfer,  p.  447). 

For  a  possible  connection  of  the  sect  of  the 
Elxaites  with  the  teaching  of  St.  John,  see  Hil- 
genfeld,  Nomun  Testamentwn  extra  Cammem 
receptum  ilL  158.  Chwolsohn  {Op.  dtp.  112) 
views  Elxai  as  the  actual  founder  of  the  Men- 
daeans, another  point  of  coincidence. 

Among  the  Mohammedans,  St,  John  is  ac- 
counted as  a  prophet,  and  he  is  mentioned  in  the 
Koran  in  terms  of  high  respect  {Sura  iii.  39). 
The  ptissage  in  Sale's  translation  runs,  **  John, 
who  shall  bear  witness  to  the  word  which 
Cometh  from  God,  an  honourable  person,  chaste, 
and  one  of  the  righteous  prophets." 

We  must  in  conclusion  only  allude  in  the 
briefest  terms  to  a  point,  which  though  not 
strictly  within  our  province,  must  not  be  abso- 
lutely passed  over,  the  position  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist  as  the  patron  saint  of  the  Knights  Hos- 
pitallers of  St.  John,  and  his  association  in  some 
form  with  the  esoteric  rites  of  the  order  of  the 
Templars,  though  probably  here  there  has  been 
at  times  a  confusion  with  St.  John  the  Evangelist. 
For  the  possible  connection  with  St.  John  the 
Baptist  in  such  rites  as  the  Baphomet,  the 
dissevered  head,  etc.,  see  Von  Hammer,  JKys- 
terium  Baphometis  revelatwn.  Vindobonae,  1818. 
Reference  may  also  be  made  to  Von  Wedekind, 
Das  Johamnis^Fest  in  der  Frey-MawereL  Frank- 
fort, 1818. 

For  the  matter  of  the  present  article,  we  have 
to  express  considerable  obligations  to  Binterim, 
Denkwiirdigkeiten  der  Christ-Eatholischen  Kirchfj 
vol.  V.  part  1,  pp.  373,  sqq. ;  446  sqq.  ;  Angusti 
DenhcUrdigkeiten  aus  der  Christlichen  ArdiSoiogie, 
voL  iii.  pp.  152  sqq.  Papebroch  in  Acta  Smc- 
torum  (July  25).  Reference  may  also  be  made 
to  Paciaudius  de  Cultu  8.  Johamnis  Baptistae. 
Romae  1755.  Wasewitz  Turtur  Joaimems. 
Magdeburg,  1659.  [R.  &] 

JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST^  FIRE  OP. 

We  called  attention  in  the  previous  article  to 
the  way  in  which  early  Christian  writers  dwell 
on  the  mystical  significance  of  the  fact  that  the 
festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  ooinddea  with 
the  period  of  the  summer  solstice,  and  we  also 
referred  in  passing  to  various  superstiUoos  rites 
and  customs,  which  Christianity  evidently  inhe- 
rited from  heathenism.  The  most  proDiinent  ot 
these  is  that  which  has  long  been  known  under 
the  name  of  the  Fire  of  St.  John  the  Baptist, 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  FIRE  OF 


886 


which,  with  numerous  attendant  customs,  is 
obviously  nothing  more  than  a  relic  of  ancient 
■un-worship,  connected  with  that  period  of  the 
year  when  the  sun  has  reached  the  turning  point 
of  his  annual  coarse.  This  custom  of  kindling 
great  fires  in  the  open  air  on  Midsummer*s  Eve 
has  been  shown  to  exist  (and  in  not  a  few  places 
even  to  the  present  day)  among  almost  all  Euro- 
pean nations,  as  well  as  in  the  East*  (see  Jac. 
Grimm,  DeiUsche  Mythotogie  pp.  583  sqq.,  ed.  2) ; 
and  it  can  hai'dly  be  rightly  viewed  unless  we 
associate  it  with  the  universally  observed  festival 
at  the  winter  solstice,  the  Natalia  InoicH,  when 
the  sun  is,  as  it  were,  bom  again  for  the  coming 
year  [CHJuarHAS],  with  that  on  May-day,  the  kk 
Beal^me  of  the  Irish,  when  the  sun's  warmth 
has  awakened  the  dormant  earth  [James  the 
Lbbs,  St.,  Festival  ov^  and  with  other  similar 
instances. 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  there  is  plainly  no  ori- 
ginal connection  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  with 
the  pmctice  now  under  consideration.  The  birth- 
day of  our  Lord  having  been  once  fixed,  by  what- 
soever means,  at  the  winter  solstice  (and  there 
is  certainly  no  inconsiderable  body  of  evidence 
pointing  to  the  conclusion  that  the  well-nigh  uni- 
versal prevalence  of  a  festival  at  that  time  of  the 
year  had  much  to  do  with  the  matter,  and  that 
it  is  a  case  of  the  transference  of  worship  from 
the  material  sun  to  Christ,  the  sun  of  rigliteous- 
ness),  then,  since  there  was  a  difierence  of  six 
months  between  the  ages  of  our  Lord  and  of 
the  Baptist,  the  birthday  of  the  latter  would 
naturally  be  assigned  to  the  summer  solstice. 
The  existing  heathen  practices,  at  first  strongly 
opposed  by  the  church,  gradually  came  to  be 
tolerated  and  finally  to  be  I'ecognised ;  while  the 
attempt  was  continually  made  to  associate  the 
customs  of  the  day  with  the  saint  whose  festival 
had  thus  happened  to  coincide  with  the  older 
celebration. 

A  curious  view  on  this  subject,  which  mav 
just  claim  a  passing  notice,  is  found  in  Hislop  s 
Two  Babylon$(p,  184),  .which  refers  the  great  Mid- 
summer festival  of  many  heathenisms  primarily 
to  the  Babylonian  festival  of  Tammuz,  who  is 
further  identified  with  Oannes,  the  Fish-God 
mentioned  by  Berosus  (lib.  i  p.  48,  ed.  Richter). 
It  is  there  maintained  that  this  name  was  sug- 
gestive of  that  of  Joannes,  and  thus  a  Christian 
festival  grew  out  of  a  heathen  one,  with  hardly 
a  change  in  the  name  of  the  object  of  the  festi- 
val. More  evidence,  however,  and  less  theorizing 
Is  wanted,  before  such  a  view  can  be  seriously 
entertained. 

To  return  now  to  the  naain  part  of  our  subject ; 
— we  shall  cite,  as  showing  the  church's  original 
point  of  view  in  the  matter,  a  passage  from  one 
of  the  sermons  of  Augustine  first  edited  by 
Frangipane  in  1819,  where  he  protests  strongly 
against  this  practice  of  the  lighting  of  fires  on 
St.  John's  Eve : —  "  Cessent  religiones  sacrilegio- 
rum,  cessent  studia  atque  joca  vanitatum;  non 
fiant  ilia  quae  fieri  solent,  non  quaedam  jam  in 
daemonum  honorem,  sed  adhuc  tamen  secundum 
daemonum  morem.  Hestemo  die  post  vesperam 
putresoentibus  fiammis  antiquitus  more  daemo- 


•  Nor  need  this  remark  be  conSned  to  the  old  world, 
for  we  find  tbe  same  class  of  rites  prevailing  also  among 
the  Perovians  under  the  dominkin  of  the  Incas  (Prescott, 
Omquut  qf  Peru,  L  pp.  96  sqq. ;  10th  ed.). 


niorum  tota  civitas  flagrabat  atque  putre^cebat, 
et  universam  aerem  fumus  obduxerat"  (Serm, 
S  de  S,  Joh.  Bapt  §  3;  Patrol,  xlvi.  996). 
Theodoret  again  {Qwxest,  in  iv.  Reg.  [xvi.  3],/n- 
terr.  47,  vol.  i.  539,  ed.  Schulze)  in  referring  to 
Ahaz's  **  causing  his  sons  to  pass  through  the 
fire,"  sees  in  it  an  underlying  reference  to  a  cus- 
tom existing  in  his  time,  of  lighting  fires  in  the 
streets,  over  which  men  and  boys  leaped,  and 
even  infants  were  carried  by  their  mothers. 
Theodoret  states  that  this  was  done  once  a 
year,  and  though  he  does  not  further  define  the 
time,  there  is  a  probable  reference  to  the  Mid- 
summer fire.  The  Quinisext  or  TruUan  council 
(circa  692,  A.D.)  forbids  the  lighting  of  such 
fires  before  houses,  etc.,  and  the  leaping  over 
them ;  and  penalties  are  laid  down  for  all,  cleric 
or  lay,  who  followed  the  practice  (can.  65,  Labbe 
vi.  1172).  In  this  last  case,  however,  the  periods 
are  distinctly  specified  as  the  times  of  the  new 
moon,  but  the  superstition  legislated  against  is 
clearly  a  parallel  one ;  and,  at  any  rate,  Theo- 
dore Balsamon  (cited  by  Paciaudins,  infra\  in  his 
comments  on  this  canon,  makes  special  mention 
of  the  fires  on  St.  John  the  Baptist's  Eve.  One 
more  such  instance  may  suffice:  the  German 
council,  which  sat  under  the  authority  of  St. 
Boniface,  either  at  Augsburg  or  Ratisbon  in  742 
A.D.,  forbids  **illos  saciilegos  ignes,  quos  Ned^ 
fratrea  [Nodfyr^  Ifiedfyr']  vocant "  (can.  5,  Labbe 
vi.  1535> 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  change  of 
feeling  with  which  such  practices  were  regarded 
by  the  church  as  time  went  on,  and  to  the  conse- 
quent attempt  to  connect  them  directly  with  the 
Baptist.  As  examples  of  this  we  may  cite  Joh. 
Beleth  (Rat.  div.  off.  c  137 ;  Patrol,  ceil.  141), 
who  wrote  about  1170  A.D.,  and  Durandus  (Rat. 
div.  off.  vii.  12. 10).  In  these  passages  reference  is 
made  to  three  customs  practised  at  this  season,  the 
lighting  of  fires  (which  are  described  as  being  made 
of  ^  ossa  et  quaedam  alia  immunda  "),  the  carry- 
ing of  firebrands  about  the  fields,  and  the  rolling 
of  a  wheel.  After  a  strange  explanation  of  the 
first  of  these  as  being  a  means  for  driving  away 
dragons,  another  reason  is  given,  namely,  that  it 
was  done  in  memory  of  the  burning  of  the  bones 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist  at  Sebaste  (see  last 
article).  The  carrying  about  of  firebrands  is 
explained  as  having  reference  to  him  who  was  a 
'* burning  and  shining  light"  (John  v.  35) ;  while 
the  rolling  of  the  wheel,  which  has  an  obvious 
reference  to  the  course  of  the  sun,  is  made 
flirther  to  refer  to  the  glory  of  St.  John  waning 
before  Him  who  was  the  True  Light. 

An  attempt  to  disprove  the  idea  of  the  con- 
nection of  the  Fire  of  St.  John  with  heathen 
rites  is  made  by  Paciaudins  (de  Oultu  8.  Joh, 
Bapt.  AntiquitateB  Chriaiianae^  pp.  335  sqq.), 
who,  however,  is  mainly  combating  the  idea  of 
its  connection  with  the  Roman  PaliliOj  a  point 
urged  by  Reiske,  Zeumer  (infra\  and  other 
writers.  The  arguments  here,  however,  though 
ingenious,  rest  altogether  on  too  narrow  a  foot- 
ing. 

In  addition  to  works  already  cited,  reference 
may  also  be  made  to  F.  C.  de  Khautz  de  rOu  ignis 
in  Natali  8.  Joh.  Bapt.  accensL  Vindob.  1759 : 
Reiske,  Untertuchung  dea  bei  den  alten  Deutaohen 
gebrduchlichen  heidniachen  Nordfyra,  ingleichen 
dea  Oater-  und  Johannia-feuera.  Frankfort  1696 : 
Zeumer,  Diaaertatio  de  igne  in  feato  8.  Johannis 


886 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  jh  Art,  etc. 


aooendi  aolito.    Jenae  1699 :  Brand,  Popular  An- 
ttquHies,  toI.  i.  pp.  166  sqq.,  ed.  1841.      [R.  S.] 

JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  ST.,  in  Art,  etc. 

1.  Iconography. — ^We  find  abundant  evidence 
that  representations  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  were 
▼Ary  traqnent  in  early  Christian  times.  Epipha- 
nius  {Cone.  Nic  II.  Act-,  ri. ;  Labbe,  vii.  538)  tells 
us  that  those  who  delighted  in  "  soft  clothing " 
were  rebuked  bj  the  figure  of  the  Baptist  in  his 
"  raiment  of  cameFs  hair ;"  in  this  garb,  indeed, 
he  is  most  usually  represented,  especially  in  the 
Baptism  of  the  Saviour  [see  Jorpan],  a  subject 
of  very  frequent  recurrence  in  early  Christian 
art,  as  for  instance,  in  the  well-known  painting 
in  the  cemetery  of  Pontianus,  in  many  mosaics 
(Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon.  ii.  tab.  zxiii.),  and  on  vari- 
ous engraved  stones  and  bronze  medals  (Yettori, 
Num.  aer.  expiio.  p.  68  and  frontispiece),  where 
he  is  shown  in  the  act  of  pouring  water  from 
a  shell  on  the  Lord's  head ;  he  carries  a  staff  in 
his  left  hand. 

Sometimes  the  Forerunner  points  with    his 


S  CSIOHA /^^-NNTSBA 

\K«/      tsJT 

^tjjBL      ^/  ^ 

j^i 

1 

fr 

f 

\. 

I 

m 

Irt 

81.  JoliB  tiM  BapdM.   VtampMiaadi. 

finger  to  the  Messiah,  represented  in  the  form 
of  a  lamb,  or  in  person  {ConcU.  in  Trull,  can. 
Ixxzii.).  He  has  been  figured  by  some  artists  in 
tunic  and  pallium,  as  for  example  on  the  bottom 
of  a  cup  given  by  Buonarotti  {Vetri^  tav.  vi. 
No.  1),  and  assigned  to  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
If  this  assumption  be  correct,  we  have  here  one 
of  the  most  ancient  representations  of  this  saint, 
but  many  competent  judges  believe  that  it  is  a 
representation  of  St.  Paul.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
we  find  the  Baptist  clad  in  a  similar  manner, 
and  also  nimbused,  in  a  mosaic  of  the  6th  century 
(Ciampini,  Vet,  Mon.  tab.  xxxi.),  in  the  centre 
of  an  ivory  cross  of  almost  the  same  date  (Pa- 
ciaudi,  De  cultu  Joan.  Bapt.  p.  182,  see  woodcut), 
in  an  ancient  diptych  figured  by  Gori  (^The- 
aaur.  Diptych,  vol.  iii.  p.  235),  and  also  in  bust 
upon  a  chalcedony  attributed  to  the  5th  century 
(Paciaudi,  u.  8.  p.  189). 

In  the  Menaea  of  the  Greeks  the  figure  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist  )a  winged,  in  allusion  to 


the  passage  of  Isaiah  quoted  by  Si.  Hark  (i.  2), 
and  applied  by  the  Lord  Btmself  to  the  Fore- 
runner :  ^  Behold  I  I  send  My  Measenger  before 
Thy  Face  which  shall  prepare  Thy  way  before 
Thee."  His  right  hand  is  raised  in  the  act  of 
exhortation,  and  in  his  left  he  carries  a  croa^ 
and  a  scroll  inscribed  with  these  words. 

The  annunciation  of  the  birth  of  the  Baptist 
is  depicted  in  mosaic  on  the  great  arch  of  St. 
Maria  Maggiore,  ▲.d.  443.  The  angel  is  ad« 
dressing  Zacharias,  who  stands  before  the  altar 
of  incense  (Ciampini,  VeL  Mon.  voL  i.  tab.  xlix. 
nn.  1,  2,  3).  In  the  ancient  mosaic  on  the  por- 
tico of  St.  John  Lateran  the  head  of  John  the 
Baptist  is  earned  in  a  dish  by  a  lictor,  while  the 
decapitated  body  remains  still  kneeling  before 
the  executioner  whose  sword  is  still  raised. 

2.  DecUcaticms. — ^The  first  church  dedicated  to 
him  was  probably  the  basilica  built  by  Constan- 
tine,  and  dedicated  to  the  Forerunner,  upon  the 
Coelian  Mount,  near  the  Lateran.  It  is,  however, 
not  improbable  that  the  name  was  transferred 
to  it  from  the  baptistery  of  Constantine,  a  short 
distance  from  it,  which  was  dedicated  to  St. 
John. 

Anastasius  Bilfliothe<»rius  states  that  Con- 
stantine built  charches  dedicated  to  the  sane 
saint  at  Ostia  and  at  Albano  (m  8,  SytvetL 
§§45,  46;  Migne,  cxxviL  1524  f.),  and  I>a 
Oetnge  mentions  one  at  Constantinople  (Cbn- 
sUAvkinop.  Christ,  lib.  iv.  §  4),  of  which,  however, 
we  can  find  no  other  reooni.  At  Naples  it  is 
commonly  asserted  that  a  church,  dedicated  to 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  was  built  in  that  dty  by 
Constantine  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of  Hadiiaii, 
in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  made  during  a  violent 
storm  on  his  voyage  from  Sicily.  But  it 
has  been  proved  by  Majochi,  that  this  founder 
could  not  have  been  Constantine  the  Great, 
though  he  may  possibly  have  been  the  younger 
Constantine,  son  of  Constans  (/>«  Caih.  Neap. 
part  ii.  3).  It  appears  certain  that  at  Floroice 
in  early  times  a  church  was  dedicated  to  St.  John 
the  Baptist,  who  became  the  tutelary  saint  and 
protector  of  the  city  (Villani,  CAronicAe,  I.  L 
c.  60).  St.  Benedict  dedicated  to  the  Baptist 
one  of  the  two  oratories  which  he  erected  on  the 
site  of  the  temple  of  Apollo  on  Mount  Cassino 
(Greg.  Dialog,  ii.  8,  in  Migne,  Ixvi.  col.  152  b). 
Tradition  asserts  that  at  Milan  a  temple  of 
Janus  was  converted  into  a  church,  and  dedi- 
cated as  *'  Sancti  Joamiis  ad  quatuor  fades  * 
(Castellione,  MecUaev.  Antiq.  pars  1,  fasc.  2). 
There  were  at  Ravenna  in  itte  6th  and  7th 
centuries  two  churches  dedicated  to  iids  saint, 
one  of  which,  called  In  Marmorario,  specially 
commemorated  his  decollation  (Rubeus,  BisL 
Baven.  ii.  and  iii.).  At  Monza,  queen  Theo- 
delinda  built  a  church  in  honour  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  on  which  she  lavished  wealthy  endow- 
ments and  precious  gifts  of  every  description. 
Agilulph,  her  husband,  followed  her  example 
at  Turin  (Paciaudi  u.  s.  pp.  15  and  16).  Pacbndi 
enumerates  many  other  churches  dedicated  to  the 
Baptist  in  different  places  and  in  later  times. 
Altars  dedicated  to  him  were  usually  to  be  found 
in  the  baptisteries;  these  were  always  placed 
under  his  protection,  adorned  with  paintings  and 
sculptures  in  which  he  is  the  principal  figure, 
and  sometimes  enriched  with  his  relics,  (l^o- 
audi,  De  Cultu  Joaim,  Bapt.;  Martigny,  DicL 
des  Antiq.  Chra.  s.  v.>  [G.] 


JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  8T.,  YssriVAh  or 


887 


JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,    FHarn- 

VALOP. 

1.  History  of  Festival* — ^It  is  not  necessary  to 
enter  hero  upon  a  discussion  of  the  Taiioos  early 
legends  respecting^  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  which 
will  be  found  treated  of  in  the  Bible  Dictionary, 
to  which  reference  may  be  made.  We  shall 
here  merely  speak  of  the  festivals  of  St.  John, 
And  add  a  notice  of  the  chief  pseudonymous 
works  attributed  to  him. 

We  hardly  find  the  festival  of  St.  John  stand- 
ing out  in  early  times  with  that  prominence 
which  we  should  expect  in  the  case  of  one  so 
essentially  of  the  chief  of  the  apostles.  As  we 
have  already  mentioned  in  the  article  on  the 
festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  there  is  a  not 
improbable  commemoration  of  the  evangelist  in 
the  ancient  Calendariwn  Carihaginense,  if,  as 
seems  reasonable,  we  assume  the  word  Baptistas 
to  have  been  written  ^  per  incuriam  scribae  "  for 
Evangelistae,  The  notice  is  ^  vi.  Kal.  Jan.  Sancti 
Joannis  Baptistae,  et  Jaoobi  Apostoli,  quern 
Herodes  occidit"  {Patrol,  ziiL  1228).  On  this 
assumption  then  we  have  a  joint  commemoration 
of  the  two  brothers,  the  sons  of  Zebedee;  and 
the  same  combination  is  also  found  in  the 
Qothico-Gallic  missal  (infray,  The  Armenian 
church  commemorates  the  two  brothers  together 
on  Dec.  28  (Neale,  Eastern  Church;  Introd. 
p.  804);  and  the  Ethiopio  church  on  Sep.  27 
(Ludolf,  Fasti  Sacri  Eodesiae  AlexandrnkMe, 
p.5> 

In  the  West,  however,  the  name  of  St.  John 
alone  is  ordinarily  found  associated  with  Dec.  27, 
a  day  which  by  its  close  proximity  to  Christmas 
■eems  especially  appropriate  for  the  commemo- 
ration of  the  beloved  disciple,  as  also  those  of  the 
Innocents,  the  first  martyrs  for  Christ,  and  of 
Stephen  the  first  conscious  martyr.  This  idea  is 
often  dwelt  upon  by  mediaeval  writers,  some  of 
whom  allude  further  to  a  tradition  that  the 
Evangelist  died  on  the  day  which  is  now  the 
festival  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
but  that  his  commemoration  was  transferred  to 
a  day  in  the  octave  of  Christmas  (see  e.g, 
Durandus,  Rat  Div,  Off.  vii.  42).  As  we  have 
implied  above,  however,  there  is  a  lack  of  recog- 
nition of  this  festival  in  the  writings  of  the 
earlier  fathers,  scarcely  any  of  whom  furnish  us 
with  homilies  for  the  day,  even  those  who  have 
written  them  for  the  festivals  of  St.  Stephen  and 
the  Innocents. 

It  may  be  noted  here  that  in  many  ancient 
calendars  December  27  is  marked  not  as  the 
Natale  or  NaUvitas,  but  as  the  Assumptio  or 
Dransiiua  of  St.  John.  Thus  we  find,  eg,,  in 
the  ancient  so-called  Mariyrologiwn  Bieronymi 
**  vi  Kal.  Januarii  Assumptio  S.  Joannis  Evan- 
gelistae  apud  Ephesum"  (Patrol,  xxx.  137), 
and  similarly  the  Martyrologium  Oelhnerue 
(D'Ach^ry,  Spicilegnm  xiii.  390>  This  wording 
is  doubtlessly  due  to  the  belief  in  some  of  the 
curious  legends  as  to  the  death  of  this  apostle. 
Of  this  we  find  no  trace  in  the  earliest  writers ; 
thus  Polycrates,  a  near  successor  of  St.  John, 
simply  saVB  ir  *Z^a^  ireiro^/Aijrai  (Polycr. 
apud  Euseb.  JUst.  Socles,  iii.  Sl>  Soon,  how- 
ever, the  legendary  element  showed  itself,  and  as 
early  as  the  time  of  Augustine  the  story  pre- 
vailed that  the  apostle  had  been  laid  in  the  tomb 
merely  in  the  semblance  of  death,  but  that  he 
really  lived  was  shown  by  the  movements  of  the 


ground  where  he  was  laid,  and  the  appearance 
as  of  dust  expelled  from  the  grave  by  the  process 
of  breathing  (August.  lyactatus  124  in  Joannem  c 
2;  vol.  iii.  2467,  ed.  Gaume).  Later  writers 
speak  of  this  dust  by  the  title  of  manna  (see  e.g, 
Gregor.  Turon.  de  Gloria  Martynun  i.  SO,  Patrol. 
Ixxi.  730 ;  Hildebert  Turon.  Serm.  in  festo  3. 
Johan.,  Patrol,  dxxi.  726  sqq.).  It  is  this  which 
appears  to  be  specially  dwelt  on  by  the  Greek 
church  in  their  commemoration  of  St.  John  on 
May  8  (infra).  In  some  writers  the  legend 
makes  St.  John  live  to  the  end  of  the  world,  to 
witness  with  Enoch  and  Elijah  to  the  truth  (see 
e.g.  Ephraemius  Antioch.  apud  Photium,  BibliO' 
thecoy  cod.  229;  Patrol.  Or.  ciii.  985).  Ac- 
cording to  another  form,  he  died  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  nature,  and  was  immediately  raised 
from  the  dead  and  translated  into  paradise  (see 
e.g,  Nioephorus  Bist.  Eccles.  ii.  42).  All  these 
legends  have  doubtlessly  grown  from  a  misun- 
derstanding of  our  Lord's  words  in  John  xxi.  22. 

We  may  add  further  that  the  festival  of  St. 
John  ''ad  portam  Latinam'*  on  May  6,  which 
commemorates  the  apostle's  having  been  thrown 
at  that  place  into  a  cauldron  of  boiling  oil  and 
escaping  unhurt,  is  often  noted  as  the  **  Nativitas 
(Natalia)  ad  portam  Latinam  "  (e.g.  in  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacramentary  and  some  forms  of  the 
Martyrologivm  Hieronynu)  the  apostle  bavins 
there  as  fully  won  the  martyr's  crown  as  though 
no  miraculous  deliverance  had  been  wrought.* 
Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  this  story,  it  is 
at  any  rate  as  old  as  the  time  of  Tertullian  (see 
de  Praeecript.  c  36 ;  cf.  Jerome,  adv.  Jimnton. 
i.  26,  vol.  ii.  280  [where  he  appeals  to  Tertullian], 
Comm,  in  Matthaeum  xxl.  23,  vol.  vii.  155). 

In  later  times  a  church  was  built  near  the 
Latin  gate  in  memoir  of  this  event.  It  may 
reasonably  be  inferred  that  it  is  to  this  church 
that  Anastftsius  Bibliothecarius  refers  as  being 
restored  by  Adrian  I.  (ob.  795  a.d.),  though  he 
describes  it  as  '*  ecclesiam  beati  Johannis  Bap' 
tistae  sitam  juxta  portam  Latinam"  (Vitaa 
Pontificvnif  Adrian  I.;  Patrol.  cxxviiL  1191). 
On  this  point  see  further  G.  M.  Crescimbeni, 
L*Istoria  delta  chiesa  di  8.  Oiovanni  avanti 
Porta  Latina;  Roma,  1716. 

In  the  Greek  church  St.  John  is  commemorated 
on  May  8  and  September  26,  regard  being  had 
on  the  former  dav  to  the  miracle  of  the 
^  manna,"  and  on  the  latter  to  his  translation. 
Thus  in  the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  pub- 
lished by  Papebroch  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum 
fMay.  vol.  i.,  pp.  xxvii.  xliv.)  the  notices  are 
oyioarp  T9\4own  ^Sia/ihv  ^  Bpopr^oroio^  wp6s 
7«  6fir  n€T4<mi  fip6vrfis  wtus  c2ici5i  Jncrp.  The 
latter  festival  is  also  found  in  the  calendars  of 
the  Ethiopic  and  Coptic  churches  «  (Lvdolf,  p.  5), 
which  also  commemorate  St.  John  on  December 
30,  and  also  his  translation  on  May  11  (ib,  pp. 
16,  28). 

Before  passing  on  to  the  next  part  of  onr 
subject,  we  may  refer  briefly  to  a  custom 
prevalent    in  the  middle  ages  of*  sending  to 

•  Polycrates  (Z.e.)  calls  St.  John  itAiynn,  and  the 
Gothico-Gallio  MIsmI  (ii\fra)  speaks  of  the  two  sons  of 
Zebedee  together  as  martyrs. 

b  So  Ephraemius  (I.  e.)  rh  ayuw  jxttrov  fivpw. 

«  In  one  form  of  the  calendar  given  by  Selden  [fU  Syne' 
drii$  veterum  Kbraeorum,  p.  212,  ed.  1679),  the  date  is 
given  as  September  24. 


888 


JOHN  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  Festival  cor 


friends  on  St.  John's  day  presents  of  wine  which 
had  been  previously  blessed  {Benedictio  or  JSau- 
stU8  S,  Joannis),  The  origin  of  this  custom  is 
not  certainly  known.  Some  haye  viewed  it  as  a 
continuation  of  the  old  Roman  custom  of  sending 
to  friends  at  the  beginning  of  January  presents 
in  honour  of  Janus.  Whether  or  no  there  be 
any  connection  between  the  two  customs,  it 
seems  probable  that  there  must  be  some  refer- 
ence to  the  legend  of  the  poisoned  wine  cup  sent 
to  St.  John,  who  signed  it  with  the  cross  and 
drank  it  unhurt  (see  e.g,  Isid.  Hispal.  de  ortu 
et  obitu  Patrum  c  72 ;  Patrol,  Izxxiii.  151).  This 
legend  has  very  likely  arisen  from  our  Lord's 
words  (Matt.  zz.  23  :  cf.  also  Mark  xvi.  18X  &nd 
has  itself  obviously  been  the  source  of  a  common 
mediaeval  representation  of  St.  John,  as  holding 
a  cup  round  which  a  serpent  is  entwined. 

2.  Liturgical  Notices. — In  the  Leonine  Sacra- 
mentary  we  have  two  masses  for  the  festival  of  St. 
John  on  December  27  (Leonis  0pp.  ii.  153,  ed. 
Ballerini).  There  is,  howerer,  but  one  in  the 
Gelasian  Sacramentary  (^Patrol,  Izziv.  1060), 
and  in  the  Gregorian,  as  given  by  Menard  (col. 
10);  he  mentions,  however,  that  two  occur  in 
the  Cd.  Batddif  and  in  the  text  of  Pamelius,  and 
also  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  (t6.  col.  659). 
We  may  probably  assume  that  one  mass  was  for 
early  morning,  and  another  for  a  later  service. 
In  some  forms  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  is 
also  a  mass  for  May  6,  ^*Nativitas  S.  Joannis 
ante  portam  Latinam  *' (t&.  col.  87).  The  Am- 
brosian  liturgy  gives  one  mass  for  December  27 
(Pamelius,  Liturgg.  Latt,  i.  307). 

In  the  ancient  Galilean  lecUonary  published 
by  Mabillon,  Dec.  27  is  inscribed  in  festo  8, 
JohanniSy  but  ia  the  Gothioo-Gallic  missal  the 
heading  is  in  Natale  Apostohrum  Jacobi  et  Jo- 
hannis  (Mabillon,  de  Liturgia  OaUicana,  lib.  ii. 
Ill,  iii.  196).  In  the  former  case  the  epistle 
and  gospel  assigned  for  the  day  (no  prophetic 
lection  is  provided)  are  Rev.  ziv.  1-7,  Mark  x. 
35  ...  .  (one  leaf  of  the  MS.  is  hei*e  torn  away). 
The  Gothico-Gallic  missal  has  also  a  commemo- 
ration of  St.  John,  ^*  ante  portam  Latinam  " ' 
(Op.  cU.  iii.  262). 

The  Mozarabic  liturgy  commemorates  St.  John 
alone  on  Dec  27  {Patrol.  Izzzv.  199),  the  pro- 
phetic lection,  epistle,  and  gospel  being  respect- 
ively, Wisdom  X.  10-18,  1  Thess.  iv.  12-17, 
John  xxi.  15-24.  (For  sundry  variations  from 
these,  see  Leslie's  notes  to  the  Mozarabic  liturgy 
in  loc.)  For  the  service  in  the  Mozai'abic  bre- 
viary, see  Patrol.  Izxzvi.  127. 

The  so-called  Liber  Comitii  provides  for  the 
festival  of  December  27  an  Old  Testament  lec- 
tion and  gospel.  Ecclus.  xv.  1-6,  and  John  xxi. 
19-24  (Patrol,  xxx.  489). 

3.  Apocryphal  Literature. — With  the  name  of 
St.  John  is  associated  a  considerable  amount  of 
pseudonymc  us  literature.  First  among  these  we 
may  mention  the  book  de  transitu  Mariae,  first 
edited  by  Tischendorf  (Apocalypses  Apocry^hae, 
pp.  70  sqq. ;  see  also  his  Prolegomena^  pp.  xxxiv. 
sqq.,  and  Fabricius,  C^dex  Pseudepigraphus  Novi 
Testamenti,  i.  352,  ed.  1719).  This  was  one  of 
the  books  condemned  by  the  council  at  Rome 

*  This  mass  occurs  between  those  for  the  *'  Finding  of 
the  CroB9  "  and  those  for  the  Rogation  days.  It  contains, 
however,  It  must  be  stated,  no  reference  to  the  event 
**  ad  |iortam  LiUinam." 


under  Gelasius  in  494  a.d.,  where  it  is  sixnpiy 
spoken  of  as  *'  Liber  qui  appellator  Traositiis 
id  est,  Assumptio  Sanctae  Mariae  "  (PatroL  liz. 
162) ;  and  the  false  claim  to  the  name  of  John  the 
BioKiyos  is  referred  to  by  Epiphanius  Monadiitt 
(de  Vita  B,  Virginis,  c.  I ;  Patrol.  Gr.  cxx.  188). 
Fabricius  also  refers  to  another  apocryphal  docn- 
ment  found  attached  to  a  copy  of  tke  above, 
ihr6fur^f»a  rod  Kvptov  iifAMU  *Ii|<rov  Xpurrov  cct 
r^y  inroKaB^kwrir  mnw  avyypa/^7a-a(9ic)  wofk 
rov  ayiov  BtoXiyov.  A  passing  allusion  may  be 
made  here  to  the  Templars*  mutilated  receasoa 
of  the  canonical  gospel  of  St.  John,  published 
by  Thilo  (Codex  Apocryphus  Novi  Testamenti  L 
817)  as  the  Codex  EvmgelU  Johannis  Parisiis  i» 
sacro  Templariorum  tabulario  asservato,  and  ako 
to  the  Book  of  St.  John,  said  to  have  been  in  use 
among  the  Albigenses,  and  brought  to  light  by 
the  Inquisition  of  Carcasonne  (Op.  cit,  884). 

We  may  next  mention  the  Apocryphal  Acts  ci 
St.  John,  the  Greek  text  of  which  was  first 
edited  in  Tischendorfs  Acta  Apostolontm  Apo- 
crypha (pp.  266  aqq.),  and  a  Syriac  version  of  the 
latter  part  of  it  in  Dr.  Wright*s  Apocryphal  Acts. 
Any  detailed  account  of  this  document  is  out  of 
place  here ;  reference  may  be  made  to  Tischen- 
dorf  (pp.  Ixxiii.  sqq.):  it  may,  however,  be 
noted  that  it  was  known  to  Eusebius  (BisL 
Ecdes.  iii.  25).  A  history  of  St.  John  at  Ephesu^ 
in  a  Syriac  translation  of  an  unknown  Greek 
original,  has  been  published  by  Dr.  Wright  (C^ 
dt). 

There  is  also  an  apocryphal  Apocalypse  of  St. 
John,  first  edited  by  Birch  in  1804,  and  subie- 
quently  by  Tischendorf  (Jpoco/.  Apocr.  pp.  70  sqq. 
cf.  pp.  xviii.  sqq.).  Assemani  (BMiotheoa  Oria^ 
talis,  iii.  part  1,  282)  mentions  three  MSS.  of  an 
Arabic  version  of  this  document.  Leas  important 
than  the  above,  but  claiming  a  passing  notice, 
are  the  Epistle  ad  ffydropicwn  guemdam  given  by 
the  Pseudo-Prochorus  (see  Fabricius,  L  926),  the 
Prayer  of  St.  John,  cited  from  Martene  by  Fa- 
bricius (iii.  334),  and  the  Prophetia  de  Oonsstm^ 
matione  Mundi,  said  to  have  been  discovered  with 
a  commentary  of  Caecilius  in  1588  A-D.,  in  Gra- 
nada (if*,  iii.  720).  In  connection  with  St.  John 
may  also  be  mentioned  the  Histona  Apostolka 
(lib.  V.)  of  the  Pseudo-Abdias  (A.  i.  531  sqq.) 
and  the  Passio  8.  Johannis  Ewmgdistae  of  Mel- 
litus  (ib.  iii.  604).  The  Apostolic  GmsiUutkms 
(viii.  16)  connect  with  the  name  of  SL  John  the 
regulations  as  to  the  ordination  of  presbyters. 
Finally,  we  may  mention  the  Syro-JacoUtc 
liturgy  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist.  A  Latia 
translation  of  this  is  given  by  Renaudot(Ztfar^. 
Orientalium  Collectio,  ii.  163,  ed.  1847). 

In  addition  to  works  already  dted,  reference 
may  also  be  made  to  Tillemont  (M€inoires  p»u 
servir  a  VEistoire  Eodesiastigue,  voL  L  pp.  370 
sqq.  and  notes  17  and  18,  ed.  1693)  and  to  An- 
gusti  (Denhjourdigkeiten  aus  der  ChristHcketi 
Archaologie,  i.  288  sqq.,  iii.  242  sqq.).       [R.  S.] 

JOHN.  ST.,  THE  EVANGELIST,  is  Art. 
From  very  early  times  the  eagle  has  been  atssigned 
to  St.  John  as  his  emblem  among  the  four  liriog 
creatures  which  have  always  been  held  sym- 
bolical of  the  four  Evangelists  ;  indeed  the  most 
ancient  method  of  representing  the  beloved  dis> 
ciple  appears  to  have  been  by  this  symbol  alooe. 

[EVANaSLlCTS.] 

Perhaps  the  oldest  personal  reprcaentatoos  of 


JOaS  THE  EVANGELIST,  ST.,  in  Abt 


bim  *r«  ta  be  foaoi]  on  iwo  glnw  cups,  whi^re  he 
b  figursd  Id  bout  conrergiDg  with  St.  I'eter; 
the  lumes  SiUDN,  Johihhks  being  gJTen  (Giir- 
rocti,  VtM  ornoti  A'  fig.  in  oro,  Uit.  iiiv  i 
and  5).  In  BDm«  mMsics  of  the  6th  tsntur?  we 
ptescntntioiu 


pnilini 


with    long    t 
;    he    «ear>   the 
1   fall  Goipel   pres! 


loapeJ 
iiBail.  In  th«  charcb  of  St.  Vil 
■  mosnic  of  A.D.  5*7,  thowi  the  Enuigeliit 
■ested,  holding  the  codei  of  his  Gospel  open  In 
fais  hnnds;  before  him  is  a  imnll  table  with  a 
pen  Had  ink-bottle,  and  the  ajmboliciil  eagle 
appenrs  Hbove  hia  head.  (See  woodcut.)  LaiD- 
beci  (BMitilh,  Caeaar.  VmJobon.  vol.  il.  pan  i. 
p.  571)  giies  an  Illumination  froDi  a  ver;  early 
Greek  maaujcrlpt  Id  which  St.  John  ia  lepre- 
MOted  uHled,  dictating  ble  Gospel  to  a  deacon. 

We  find  him  itanding  with  a  volume  in  his 
hand  in  a  mosaic  which  dates  from  the  etb  cen- 
tury, in  the  church  of  St.  Uaria  Norele.     This 


four 


>e  other  apojllea  occupy 


of  the  Virgin  with  the  Infant  Jckub  on  her  lap 
(Clampiui,  (>f.  Jfon.  vol.  i.  tav.  lill.). 

In  the  crypt  of  St.  Urban  in  Caffarella,  at 
Rome,  we  Knd  a  Konicwfaat  coarse  and  very  curi- 
ou'  painting  uf  the  sarac  date,  ia  which  St.  John 
appears  with  aimilar  aurroundinga.  He  atanili 
un  the  right  of  the  Virgin  and  St.  Urbau  on  the 
left  (Perret,  vol.  i.  p.  l.iiiii.). 

The  attempted  martyrdom  of  St.  John  before 

(he  portico  of  St.  John  Interna  (Cias>i<.  De  Sacr. 
Aedif.  Ub.  ii.  S).  The  twoe  1«  now  very  imper- 
fectly represented  because  the  mosaic  ia  mnch 
damaged,  but  the  flagellation  of  the  apostle  can 
(till  be  distinguiibed,  and  also  the  cutting  off 
nf  hiafa^r.  In  the  oldest  rvpreaentatioiu  of  the 
CmcifiiioD,  St.  John  uaiformly  occupie*  the  posi- 
tion he  assumes  in  his  own  narrative  (John  lii. 
2b,  2ti),  standing  with  the  Virgin  at  tha  Cut  of 
the  croas,  the  facei  of  both  mting  upon  theit 


hands  In  token  of  gnef.  He  appears  that  lb  a 
fresco  in  the  cemeter?  of  St.  Jnlioa  (Bottarj, 
cicii.)  nnd  In  the  celebrated  diptjch  of  flambona, 
figured  by  Buonarotli  ( Vttri  Omati,  p.  28^). 
Over  his  head  are  the  words,  DueiPDLE  (>ki) 
EOCE  (mater  tna). 

An  almost  identical  repreaentation  is  found 
upon  the  very  ancient  ivory  tablet  in  the  form 
of  a  pai,  mentioned  by  Florentino,  taken  from 
the  collegiate  chorch  of  CiviMlii,  in  the  diooess 
of  Aqnilein.  St.  John  standi  by  the  Lord's  side 
with  this  inscription :  af.  eock  jj  tva  (Apostole 

Basilicas  were  dedicated  to  St.  John  the  Evan- 
gelist in  very  early  times ;  among  others,  we 
may  mention   that  of  St.  John  Lateran.      The 

honour  by  pope  Symmaohus  (Ciamp.  He  Sacr. 
Aedif.  p.  60,  1  D).  (Martigny,  Did.  dat  Antiq. 
Chr^.  s.  Y.)  [C] 

JOHN  (1)  and  Gabriel;  commemorated  July 
12  (Cat.  Gcorg.). 

(S)  and  Cyrus,  mirtyts,  SaufiavDuiryat,  lari^ 
yvpei,  i.D.  292;  commemorated  Jan.  31  (Cal. 
Baiant.):  their  translation,  A.D.  400,  commemo- 
rated June  28  {Cat.  By,aM.). 

(3}  Ab  Zedaoni  et  tredecim  patres  Sjriae; 
commBmorated  May  7  (Co/.  Georg.y 

(4,  Twenty-ninth  patriarch  of  Aleianilria, 
commemoraled  Ginbot  4= April  29  [Cai.  Uhiop.). 

(5)  Patriarch  of  Aleiandria,  t577  ;  comme- 
morated Ter  16  =  Jan.  11  (ib.). 

(6)  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem ;  commemorated 
March  9  (Coi.  Araten.). 

(7)  ?Btriarch  of  Aleiandria,  *,D.  685;  com- 
memorated Ginbot  lO^May  5  {Cat.  EtAiop.). 

(8)  Archbishop  of  Aleiandria,  *.[>.  615;  com- 
memoruted  Nov.  12  (_Cai.  BytaiU.). 

(f>)  loioi  nrvitp,  i  ffurypof  fii  T?t  EAl/nucai, 
t  i.D,  570 ;  commemorated  March  30  (Col.  Byi.} 

(10)  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  G19; 
commemorated  Sept.  2  (Cat.  Bi/iant.i 

(11)  Damasccnua,  tffiat  Tariff,  f  A.Q.  735  ; 
commemorated  Dec  4  (ib.). 

(IB)  Palaeo-laurita,  Hffwj  «H|^ ;  commemo- 
rated April  19  (id.). 

(18)  Presbyter,  deposition  in  monaat.  Iteomat- 
ensi,  Jan.  28  (ifurl.  Adonis,  UBnaidi> 

(14)  Saint,  Penarensis:  commemoratMl  March 
18  (*.,  ifori,  J!om.  Vel.y 

(15)  Eremita,  deposition  in  Egypt,  t^aSA-D.; 
March  27  (*.) 

(IS)  The  pope,  martyr  at  Rome  (tG26  A.D.); 
commemorated  May  2B  (Mart.  tJsuardl):  depo- 
sition, May  2B  {Mart.  Bedae> 

(IT)  Preahyter,  martyr  under  Julian;  com- 
m<.morated  June  23  (Jfort.  Jlom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(18)  Martyr  at  Roma  with  Paulus;  comme- 
morated June  26  (ib.,  Mart.  Uieren.,  Bedae). 

(19)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Crispua 
under  Uioclettan;  commemorated  Aug.  18(jfari. 
Adonis,  Uauardi). 

(90)  Martyr  at  Toml,  with  Marcellinua  and 
his  wife  Manala,  Serapio,  and  Peter  (ifurt, 
Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardij. 


UBuardi). 

(28)  Martyr  with  Adnlfm  »  Cordova; 
memorated  Sept.  27  (Mart.  CTauatdi). 

(M)  Msrtyr  in  TojoBny  ;  commatnot»t«i 
Festas,  Dec.  31  (_Mart.  Rum.  Yet.,  Hieioa.,  A 
Ususrdi). 

(M>  ColfUta,  A.D,  460  ;  commtmonitcd  Jno. 
15  (CiL  Byttua.')  [W.  F.  G.] 

JONAH,  the  prophet;  coinnieinorBt«d  Hag- 
knrram  25=Sept.  22  (Gii  EtMop.).    [W.  ¥.  G.] 

JONILLA,  martyr  at  Luigrea  iritfa  Leonidaa, 
Speiuippus.  Elailppm,  uid  Meltuipptu;  comm^ 
iD«rat«d  Jan.  IT  (Mart.  Adoais,  Ususrdi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JOBDAN,  THE  EIVEE,  nc  Art.  Thi 
repcsaeDtBtioD*  of  the  river  Jordan  in  cnriy 
Christian  art,  specially  thoM  aculptured  on 
urcopbsgi  (fiottari,  tav.  iiii.),  are  generally 
c»pi«d,  with  mora  or  le«  uactnaaa,  iroDi  the 
river-goda  of  pagan  antiquity.  Thus  we  Rnd 
him  personiSed  as  an  old  man  with  a  crawn 
and  ac«p(re  of  reeda,  aometimes  leaning  upon  an 
nm  from  which  flows  a  atream  or  water.  He  ia 
thua  repreaented  In  the  jnoiaic  in  the  baptistery 


KWMvn,  written  orn-  his  head  (Gnmpin 
M<m.  i.  tav.  In.,  see  woodcut);  also  in  bi 
mination  in  a  copy  of  the  Book  of  Judges, 
Valican.    The  same  mythological   type  appears 


uthec 


rchof 


S.  Maria  InCosniedln;  In  this  instance,  howei 
two  horns  are  substituted  for  the  crown  of  reeda 
on  the  head  of  the   figure  (Id.  ibid.  11.   tav. 
iiiii.). 

The  Jordan,  simply  aa  a  stream,  appears  in 
le  sculptured  represeDtatii 


[lapalnt- 

Caliiitus  (Bottari,  liiii,),  on  a  bronie  mednliion 
of  the  bnptism  of  the  Lord  with  the  name  of  tha 
-  I  (^'ettori.  Sain.  Aer.  explic. 
bottoms  of  cups  where  it  Bows 
.svioar(Buonsrotti,Uv.vi.l). 
lica,  that  of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Da- 
euunple,  with  the  inacription 


f  the  baptiim  of  tb«  Lord  ir 


frontisp.),  in  aom. 
at  the  feet  of  the 


lOBDAHES  (Ciampini,  Va.  Man.  tar.  iri.).    Sea 

Jesdb  Csrist,  p.  e7G.  On  some  sarcophagi  tlit 
Lord  appura  seated,  in  the  acC  of  teaching,  ud, 
at  his  feeL,  a  half-leogth  human  figure  holduf 
with  both  hands  a  piece  of  clotb,  which  inflitei 
by  the  wind,  spreads  abore  his  head  in  the  tbnn 
of  an  arch.  This  has  been  sappoced  to  be  aa- 
other  emblem  of  the  rtver  Jordan  (Cavedcai, 
Jlaggaol.  erit.  p.  50),  on  the  banki  of  wkich 
several  of  the  Lord's  disconrias  were  delivtrtd. 
But  see  FiBHuiENT.  (Martigny,  DicL  dn  AiHii. 
CArO.  s,  V.  '  Jourdaln.')  [G] 


B^,a. 

(8)  Hneband  of  the  Vii^n  Mary;  oHnmeiiw- 
rated  Hamle  26=Jnlr  20  (CaL  EtAiap.) 

(8)  Ab  Alaverdi:  oommemorated  Sept.  IS 
(Cal.  ftKirsr.), 

(i)  Patriarch  of  Aleiandria,  ^Bi^  ±.D. ;  cma. 
mcmaratod  Tekemt  23=Oct.  20  (CdL  EtUop.). 

(0)  The  Just;  commemarated  Jnly  20  (MaH. 
Sam.  Fri,  Adonia,  i;>iiard>>  [W.  F.  C] 


or  even  ai  a  prindpal  (igOTe.  In  ancb  labjeeti 
Bi  the  Nativity,  the  Adoration  of  the  Sbephtnk, 
and  of  the  UagI,  and  the  finding  of  Jeani  in  llw 
Temple,  he  appears  only  as  an  accestory  ;  nmr 

in   an    eialt«l,   seldom   even    in    a  promineali 

He  is  represented  a*  a  middle-aged  nun,  some- 
times bald  (Bottari,  tav.  liiivi.),  someiiiM 
with  thick  hair  (Id.  liiiv. ;  Allegranis,  ifaaM. 
filler,  di  MUaao,  tav.  iv.) ;  he  is  generally  robed 

penter's  tool,  aa  the  distinctive  msrk  of  Ut 
calling  (Molanns,  de  Hiat.  S3.  Imag.  p.  289> 
Thus  in  a  diptych  in  Milan  cathedral  bt  a 
represented  with  a  saw  (Bugati,  Memor.  di  S 
Ceho,  p.  2S2X  on  the  sarcophagus  of  CeliDs,  slw 
in  Milan,   be  carriea  an  adie  (Bngatl,  «.(.  p. 


JOSHUA 

242),  and  wean  the  everyday  costume  of  an  | 
artiaan. 

In  all  these  cases  St.  Joseph  retains  the  *in- 
obtrusive  position  assigned  to  him  in  the  gospel 
narratives — always  in  the  backj^und,  and  ap- 
parently full  of  earnest  thought.  He  appears 
absorbed  in  his  duty  as  the  protector  of  the 
Holy  Family ;  in  an  attitude  of  watchful  love  he 
stands  behind  the  Virgin  while  the  Holy  Child 
sleeps  upon  her  knees;  sometimes  his  hand  is 
stretched  over  them  in  token  of  protection 
(Perret,  vol.  v.  pi.  xii.);  sometimes,  seated  near 
•he  cradle,  he  guards  the  slumbers  of  the  Divine 
Infistnt. 

Bandini  gives  an  ancient  ivory  (/n  tafmlam 
ebum,  in  fine;  see  woodcut),  which  shows  two 
scenes  in  the  life  of  St.  Joseph.  Above,  the  dream ; 
an  angel  standing  by  a  bed  extends  his  arm  over 
the  sleeper  in  the  attitude  of  exhortation.  Below, 
we  have  the  journey  to  Bethlehem  :  an  angel 
leads  the  ass  on  which  the  Virgin  is  seated ;  her 
arm  encircles  Joseph's  neck,  and  his  whole  atti- 
tude expresses  the  most  revei*ent  affection.  (Mar- 
tigny,  iHct  des  Antiq,  CkrA,  s.  v.)  [C] 

JOSHUA,  the  son  of  Nun ;  commemorated 
Sept.  1(01/.  Byzant,)\  Senne  25= June  19  (Co/. 
Ethiop,).    Also  with  Gideon.  [W.  F.  G.] 

JOURNEYING.  All  travellers  and  strangers 
were  expected  to  bring  Ck>MM endatoby  Lettebs, 
%.e.  testimonials  from  their  own  bishop,  and  were 
then  admitted  to  communicate  in  the  Eucharist. 
Persons  who  had  not  provided  themselves  with 
these,  might  share  if  they  needed  it,  in  the  hos- 
pitality provided  by  the  churches  and  religious 
houses,  but  were  not  admitted  to  communion. 
This  was  to  guard  against  the  admission  of  ex- 
communicated persons.  The  Apostolical  Canons 
order  that  if  any  person  was  received  without 
commendatory  letters,  and  it  atlterwards  ap- 
peared that  he  was  excommunicate,  both  the 
receiver  and  received  should  be  cast  out  of 
communion  {Can.  xiii.).  From  an  allusion  in 
the  lettors  of  Gregory  the  Great,  we  learn  that 
those  who  travelled  by  sea  sometimes  took  the 
reserved  sacrament  in  both  kinds  with  them  in 
the  ship,  so  as  not  to  be  deprived  of  commnnion, 
(Gregor.  Dialog.  III.,  c.  36,  apud  Baron,  an.  404). 
**  Peregrina  Communio,'*  or  the  Communion  of 
Strangers,  is  a  well-known  phrase  in  Canons, 
but  is  not  well  understood  (Bingham,  xvii.  3 ; 
and  Communion,  Holy,  p.  417).  From  the  fifth 
century  downwards,  these  rules  were  of  con- 
tinual application,  in  consequence  of  the  in- 
creasing practice  of  going  on  pilgrimages.  [Pii^ 
ORDf  AGE.]  [S.  J.  £.] 

JOVINIANUS,  the  reader  of  Auxerre;  Pas- 
eio,  May  5  {Mart.  Adonis,  Usuardi).    [W.  F.  G.] 

JOVINUS,  martyr  at  Rome  with  Basileus, 
under  Gal  Menus  and  Valeiianus ;  commemorated 
March  2  (Mart.  Rom,  Vet.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JOVITA.    [Fauotinus  (1).] 

JUDAS  ISGARIOT.  The  subjoined  wood- 
cut  is  taken  from  Assemani's  CataXogvs  BUbi. 
Laurentianaey  and  represents  one  of  the  illumi- 
nations in  the  great  MS.  of  Rabula,  in  that 
collection.  The  subject  is  very  rare  in  early 
Christian  art.  The  Betrayal  of  our  Lord  after- 
wardj  beeanM  specially  popular  with  painten; 


JUDB  THE  APOSTLE,  ST.       891 

but  is  not  found  that  we  are  aware  of  (except 
pOMibly  in  MSS.)  within  the  limits  of  our  period 


Martigny  makes  no  mention  of  it,  and  Ga^n<^- 
bault's  earliest  example  is  of  the  12th  century. 

[R.  St.  J.  T.] 

JUDE  THE  APOSTLE,  ST.,  Leoend  and 
Festival  of. 

1.  Legend,  ^c. — With  the  name  of  this  apostle 
considerable  ditSculties  are  associated ;  the  ques- 
tions as  to  the  identity  of  Jude  with  Lebluieus 
and  Thaddaeus,  the  identity  of  Jude  the  apostle 
with  Judas  the  Lord's  brother,  and,  on  the  hypo- 
thesis which  distinguishes  these  two  last,  the 
question  as  to  which  was  the  author  of  the  ca- 
nonical epistle.  As  to  the  first  point,  in  spite  of 
some  curious  complications,  we  can  hardly  hesi- 
tate to  assume  the  identity  of  the  three ;  it  is 
not  conceivable  that  the  Evangelists  should  have 
actually  varied  in  the  lists  of  the  Twelve.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  enter  at  length  into  this 
point  here,  as  it  will  be  found  discussed  in  the 
DiGTiOKABY  OF  THE  BiBLE ;  a  few  further  re- 
marks, however,  may  be  made.  The  most  pro- 
minent tradition  in  connection  with  the  name  of 
this  apostle  is  the  mission  to  Abgarus,  king  of 
Edessa,  to  which  we  shall  again  refer.  The  case 
is,  however,  complicated  by  the  fact  that  some 
writers  describe  this  Thaddaeus  as  the  apostle 
(e.g.  Jerome,  Comm.  tn  Matt.  x.  4;  vol.viL  pt.  1, 
57,  ed.  Vallarsi ;  and  the  Acta  Thaddaei,  infra), 
while  others  {e.g.  Eusebius,  ffitt,  Eooies.  i  13) 
speak  of  him  as  one  of  the  Seventy  disciples,  who 
was  sent  to  Edessa  by  the  apostle  Thomas.  This 
last  writor  introduces  another  difficulty  by  stat- 
ing (/.  c.)  that  the  name  of  Thomas  was  really 
Judais.*  Yet  another  element  of  confusion  has 
been  brought  in  by  those  who  identify  Lebbneus 
with  Levi  (cf.  Origen  contra  Celsum,  i.  62).  Any 
discussion,  however,  on  these  theories  is  quite 
beyond  our  present  province,  and  we  shall  there- 
fore assume  the  identity  of  Jude,  Lebbaeus,  and 
Thaddaeus ;  and  in  collecting  the  various  notices 
of  Thaddaeus  we  shall  include  all  as  belonging  to 
the  apostle,  except  those  which  distinctly  refer 
to  him  as  one  of  the  Seventy.  As  to  the  varying 
forms  of  the  traditions  about  Thaddaeus's  labours 
and  death,  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  say  how 
far  they  are  to  be  viewed  as  distinctly  conflict- 

•  In  the  Sjrlao  Aett  of  Thomas,  published  by  Dr. 
Wright,  the  name  Tbomss  appears  as  a  mere  oocairiond 
addition  to  Judas.    See  also  Assemani,  BM.  Or,  L  318. 


S92 


JUDE  THE  APOSTLE,  ST.,  Legend  and  Febhyal  or 


ing  legends,  and  how  far  they  are  to  be  explained 
as  referring  to  two  different  men. 

We  shall  now  proceed  briefly  to  glance  through 
the  various  legends.  The  Ifartyrologium  ffiero' 
nymi  speaks  in  its  Prologue  of  St.  Simon  and 
St.  Jude  having  suffered  together  "in  Susia, 
civitate  magna  apud  Persidem"  (^Patrol,  xxx. 
451),  though  in  the  body  of  the  work  the 
scene  of  the  martyrdom  is  simply  given  as 
"alibi"  (»6.  495).  The  Martyrology  of  Bede 
speaks  of  previous  labours  of  St.  Jude  in  Meso- 
potamia (Patrol,  xciv.  184) :  so  also  the  Western 
Marty  rologies  *>  generally,  see  e,g,  those  of  Wand- 
albert  (Patrol,  cxxi.  616)  and  Usuard  (Patrol, 
cxxiv.  630).  So  also  Isidore,  who  refers  to  la- 
bours in  Mesopotamia,  Pontus,  and  Armenia  (de 
ortu  et  obita  Patrum,  c.  78,  Piitrol.  Ixxxiii.  453) 
and  Venantios  Fortunatus  (Carm.  viii.  6;  Patrol. 
lxxxviii.270).  Paulinus  of  Nola  does  indeed  speak 
of  his  labours  among  the  Libyans  (Poema  xix. 
82 ;  Patrol.  Ixi.  514),  but  a  mere  unsupported 
statement  of  this  kind  need  not  count  for  much.< 
The  account  given  by  Nicephorns  (Jlist,  Eocles, 
ii.  40)  varies  somewhat,  and,  as  will  be  seen,  we 
cannot  account  for  the  variation  by  referring  it 
to  the  other  Thaddaeus.  The  apostle  is  spoken 
of  as  labouring  in  Judaea,  Galilee,  Samaria,  Idu- 
maea,  Arabia,  Syria,  and  Mesopotamia,  finally 
d/ing  peaceably  at  Edessa;  on  his  arrival  at 
which  place  he  found  that  Thaddaeos,  one  of  the 
Seventy  disciples,  had  been  there  before  him. 
The  Apocryphal  Acts  of  Thaddaeus  (infra)  differ 
again.  According  to  these,  Thaddaeus  was  a 
native  of  Edessa,  who  was  a  disciple  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist  before  he  followed  Christ.  Abgarus, 
king  of  Edessa,  having  been  healed  by  a  miracu- 
lous portrait  sent  him  by  our  Lord,  is  visited  by 
Thaddaeus  after  the  Ascension.  The  apostle, 
ifber  making  many  converts,  journeys  to  Amis 
on  the  Tigris,  and  thence  to  Berytus  in  Phoenicia 
where  he  apparently  dies  a  natural  death. 

Syrian  traditions  almost  universally  distinguish 
Thaddaeus,  the  apostle  of  Edessa,  from  St.  Jade ; 
though,  like  Western  authorities,  they  assign 
Mesopotamia  to  the  latter  as  the  sphere  of  his 
labours ;  the  fonner,  however,  whom  they  ordi- 
narily name  Adai,  they  maintain  to  be  one  of  the 
Seventy  (see  As^emani,  Bibl.  Orient,  i.  318;  iii. 
part  1,  297,  302 ;  from  which  last  reference  it 
appears  that  practically  the  only  exception  to 
the  general  character  of  the  stream  of  Syrian 
tradition  is  Jesujabus,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  with 
whom  Adai  is  the  same  as  the  apostle  St.  Jade : 
— for  the  history  of  this  Adai,  see  Op.  cit,  iii. 
l)art  2,  pp.  8-13). 

2.  Festival, — ^As  in  the  case  of  not  a  few  others 
of  the  apostles,  there  is  a  lack  of  evidence  for 
any  early  special  commemoration  of  St.  Jude; 
and  its  absence  from  the  earlier  Sacramentaries, 
as  well  as  the  fact  that  hardly  any  ancient 
Homilies  <*  are  extant  for  such  a  festival,  points 
in  the  same  direction.     In  the  West  the  comme- 

b  The  Mariyrologimn  GtUonense  speaks  of  St.  Jode's 
having  been  buried  **  in  Nerito  Arminiae  urbe"  (D* Acheiy, 
SpiciUgimm,  ziii.  390).  This  Is  probably  a  fklse  reading 
for  ** in  Beiyto ;"  so  Isidore  (I.e.)  **  in  Beryto  Armeniae." 

*  Mnratori  {not.  in  loc.)  tries  to  acooont  for  the  discre- 
pancy by  supposing  Libya  to  be  the  place  of  sepnltoie, 
bat  not  of  death,  but  this  is  palpably  over>reflning. 

d  Among  the  very  few,  we  may  note  that  of  Nicetas 
Paphlago  {Patrol.  Or.  cv.  254) ;  that  cmoe  attributed  to 
fiede  ifotrol.  xciv.  489)  is  spurious. 


moratiou  of  St.  Jude  has  been  joined  with  that 
of  St.  Simon  on  October  28,  but  this  combinatio« 
does  not  occur  in  Eastern  calendars.  The  reason 
for  this  association  of  the  two  names  it  is  im- 
possible to  ascertain  ;  it  may  have  been  from  the 
belief  that  the  two  apostles  were  brothers,  or 
from  the  tradition  of  their  having  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom on  the  same  day,  but  as  in  the  parallel 
case  of  St.  Philip  and  St.  James  it  is  perfectly 
useless  to  theorize.  It  may  merely  be  remarked 
that  as  regards  the  first  of  these  theories,  there 
is  no  trace  of  such  a  combination  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Andrew,  and  but  little  of  one  of  St.  James 
and  St.  John  :  as  regards  the  latter,  the  tradition 
can  have  been  by  no  means  a  wide-spread  one, 
inasmuch  as  only  the  Western  church  comme- 
morates the  two  apostles  on  the  same  day. 

We  have  already  remarked  as  to  the  absence 
of  this  festival  from  the  oldest  liturgical  authori- 
ties. Thus  we  find  no  trace  of  it  in  the  Leonine 
or  Gelasian  Sacramentaries,  in  Mabillon's  Gal- 
ilean liturgy,  in  Muratori's  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  and  in  the  calendar  of  Fronto :  nor  is  it 
recognized  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert,  archbishop 
of  York  (ob.  766  a-D.).  It  is  found,  however,  in 
the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  as  edited  by  Menaid 
(col.  137),  where  abo  a  separate  mass  is  pro- 
vided for  the  vigiL  The  vfgil  is  also  recognized 
with  the  festival  in  Menaurd's  Gregorian  Anti- 
phonary  (col.  71 IX  and  in  the  St.  Gall  MS.  of 
the  Martyrologium  Qellonense  (I/Ach^,  Spia- 
legtwUf  xiiL  427).  A  mass  for  the  festival  is  given 
in  the  Ambrosian  liturgy,  part  of  which  is  the 
same  as  that  in  the  Gregorian  (Pamelius,  ZUwyg, 
Latt,  i.  427);  and  in  the  Mozarabic  missal, 
where,  however,  it  must  be  noticed  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  service  k:  Virrowed  from 
that  for  another  festival,  that  for  St.  iecer  and 
St.  Paul  (Po^ro/.  Ixxv.  888,  where  see  Leslie's 
note:  also  for  the  form  in  the  Mozarabic  bre- 
viary, see  Patrol.  Ixxxvi.  1236).  The  Cones 
ffieronymif  as  published  by  Pamelius  (Litwrgg„ 
Latt.  ii.  53)  gives  an  Old  Testament  lection  [oi 
epistle]  and  gospel  for  the  vigil  and  the  festival  \ 
Wisdom  iii.  1  sqq.,  John  xv.  1  sqq.,  and  Bomans 
riii.  28  sqq.,  John  xv.  17  sqq. 

Besides  the  festival  of  October  28,  it  may  be 
noted  that  swne  Western  calendars  give  other 
commemoratK ns  of  St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude: 
thus  the  Mariyrohgium  Hieronymi^  as  given  by 
D'Ach^ry  frc.u  the  Corbey  MS.,  adds  one  on 
July  1  (Patroi,  xxx.  464),  and  the  Martyrologimm 
Gellonense  (D'Achhrjf  405)  two,  on  Jane  29  and 
July  1.    . 

In  the  Eastern  church,  as  we  have  already  said, 
St.  Jude  is  commemorated  apart  from  St.  Simoo, 
on  June  19.  There  is  also  a  festival  on  Aogost 
21  of  Thaddaeus,  whom  we  should  assume  to  be 
the  apostle  of  Edessa  viewed  as  distinct  firom 
St.  Jude.  Papebroch,  however  (infra),  evidently 
refers  both  to  the  same  St.  Jude  in  his  notes  to 
the  Greek  metrical  Ephemerides  published  by 
him  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (May,  vol.  L  pp. 
xxxii.  xL).  Th«  notices  here  are  —  ^rvca  cal 
8eK<£T|7  BrhcK^  fit\4€a<rty  *Iov8as,  and  «Airtf< 
Tpcirp  BaSScuor  fiiSroto  &a-^my.  In  the  Arme- 
nian calendar  w<  find  commemorations  of  Thad- 
daeus on  July  20  and  of  Thaddaeus  and  Bartho- 
lomew on  November  30  (Neale,  Eastern  Ckmtk, 
Introd.  pp.  800,  804).  Whether,  however,  both 
of  these  are  to  be  referred  to  Si.  Jude  we  an 
unable  to  say.    We  may  refer  lastly  to  the  ca« 


JUIXJB 


JULIANTTS 


893 


lendars  of  the  Egyptian  and  Ethiopio  charches 
published  by  LndoU  (FasU  Sacri  JBoolesku  Akx- 
atkirinae),  'Here  we  find  "  Jude,  Apoeile/'  com- 
memorated by  the  former  church  on  Jan.  26  and 
May  10  (pp.  19,  28);  and  a  commemoration  by 
both  chnrche.*  of  Tbaddaena  on  June  26  (p.  32), 
and  of  the  Translation  of  the  body  of  Thaddaeus 
on  July  23  (p.  35).  The  last  two  are  perhaps  to 
be  referred  to  Thaddaeus  viewed  as  external 
to  the  Twelve. 

3.  Whether  the  apostle  St.  Jnde  is  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  author  of  the  canonical  epistle 
bearing  the  name  of  Jude,  we  do  not  discuss 
here :  reference  may  be  made  on  this  point  to  the 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  But  little  pseudo- 
nymous literature  is  connected  with  the  name 
of  St.  Jude ;  an  apociyphal  gospel  bearing  the 
name  of  Thaddaeus  is  mentioned  in  some  forms 
of  the  records  of  the  council  held  at  Rome  in 
494  A.D.  under  the  episcopate  of  Gelasius  {Patrol, 
lix.  162).  It  has  been  suggested,  but  does  not 
seem  probable,  that  Thaddaei  is  a  false  reading  for 
Maithiae,  There  are  also  extant  Acta  Thadbiaei, 
of  which  the  Greeic  text  was  first  published  by 
Tischendorf  {Acta  ApotMorven  Apocrypha,  pp. 
261  sqq.)-  ^^^  ^^^  '^  contained  the  letter  of  Ah- 
gnrus  to  our  Lord  in  a  somewhat  different  form 
from  that  given  by  Eusebius.  The  Aposioiic  Condi- 
tiitiofu  (viii.  25)  give,  in  the  name  of  **  Lebbaeus, 
sumamed  Thaddaeus,"  the  regulation  as  to  the 
order  of  widows  in  the  church,  and  also  as  to 
exorcists.  Finally,  we  may  refer  for  the  legend- 
ary history  to  the  Nistoria  Apostolica  of  the 
Pseudo-Abdias  (lib.  vi. ;  Fabricius,  Codex  Pseude- 
pigraphua Novi  Testamentiji.  591  sqq.,  ed.  1719). 
In  addition  to  works  already  cited,  see  also 
Augttsti,  DenkwUrdigkeiten  aus  der  Christiichen 
ArchSologie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  206  sqq.  Van  Hecke 
in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (October,  vol.  xiL  pp. 
437  sqq.) ;  Assemani,  Kalendariutn  Kcclesiae  Um- 
veraae^  vi.  432  sqq.  [R.  S.] 

JUDGE.  The  early  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 
was  exercised  without  formality  or  strict  adhe- 
nnce  to  legal  rights  and  requirements,  in  a  quasi- 
paternal  manner.  [Compare  Discipuke.]  No 
stpecial  training  was  therefore  required  ror  it. 
The  bishop  himself  was  the  usual  and  '*  ordinary  *' 
judge :  and  appeals  from  him  went  to  the  pro- 
vincial synod  or  to  the  metropolitan,  primate 
or  patriarch  in  person.  [Appeal;  Audientia 
Episoopalis  ;  Bishop,  p.  236.] 

The  earliest  officer  of  the  bishop  occupying  in 
any  sense  an  independent  position  was  the  Oeoo- 
VOMUS  or  treasurer.  This  office  was  often  united 
with  that  of  the  defensor  or  guardian  and  advo- 
cate of  the  liberties  of  the  church,  who  is  spoken 
of  in  the  2nd  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon. 
[Advocate  op  the  Church.]  Gothofredus  (in 
Cod.  I.  iii.  33.  2)  says  that  the  defensor  became 
in  time  a  judge  in  small  causes :  and  his  office 
is  supposed  by  Ayliffe  {Parerg,  160)  to  have 
been  the  original  of  the  modern  official  or  chan- 
cellor. 

The  word  "  official  **,  the  technical  word  in 
later  times  (as  in  the  12th  century)  for  the 
officer  exercising  coercive  jurisdiction  on  behalf 
of  the  bbhop  or  metropolitan,  i«  not  used  in  this 
sense  in  the  Code  or  in  the  Novells.  The  word 
indeed  oflen  occurs  in  them,  but  as  the  name 
of  A  secular  officer. 

The  9th  canon  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon 


speaks  of  arbitrators  being  chosen  with  the 
bishop's  consent  to  determine  civil  controversies 
between  clerks,  instead  of  the  bishop. 

The  greater  formality  and  style  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical courts  grew  up  with  the  increase  of  juris- 
diction over  civil  matters  and  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  "officials"  in  the  12th  century.  The 
presence  of  a  registrar  to  make  solemn  record 
of  the  decrees  of  the  court  was  first  ordered  in 
the  council  of  Lateran  held  under  Innocent  III. 
A.D.  1215;  though  it  was  probably  customary  to 
have  a  scribe  or  notary  present  at  the  formal 
sittings  of  the  courts  for  some  time  before  this ; 
and  we  actually  hear  of  notaries  at  the  pseudo- 
council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  449.  Apparitors  or 
summoners  to  the  bishop's  courts  are  spoken  of 
in  the  Code  and  Novells,  where  the  fees  to  be 
taken  by  them  are  specially  regulated. 

In  what  has  been  said  as  to  the  bishop  being 
the  *' ordinary"  judge,  it  is  not  intended  to 
imply  that  he  decided,  at  any  rate  grave  cases, 
alone,  or  without  the  advice  and  concurrence  of 
his  clergy. 

Similarly  the  metropolitan,  even  if  he  did  not 
convene  the  whole  provincial  synod,  collected 
some  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  to  assist  him 
in  deciding  the  causes  brought  before  him.  In 
some  cases  the  canons  or  imperial  laws  speak  of 
the  metropolitan,  in  others  of  the  synod,  as  the 
proper  court. 

The  jurisdiction  of  abbots  [Abbat]  had  hardly 
grown  up  during  the  period  of  which  we  are 
treating.  They  had  at  the  utmost  a  sort  of 
parental  authority  subordinate  to  the  bishop. 
[JCJRI8f)rCTI0N.]  [W.  G.  F.  P.] 

JULIA.  (1)  Virgin,  martyr  in  Corsica; 
commemorated  May  22  (Mart  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  [Florehtius.] 

(8)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Troyes ;  commemorated 
July  21  {Mart  Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Lusitania  with  Veneristiima  and 
Maxima  (•&.). 

(6)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Augusta  Eufratesia ; 
commemorated  Oct.  7  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(6)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Emei^ta  (Merida)  with 
Eulalia ;  commemorated  Dec  10  {Mart,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JULIANA.  (1)  Martyr  **  apud  Augustanam 
urbem "  with  Quiriacus,  Largio,  Crescentianus, 
Nimmia,  and  20  others ;  commemoratetl  Aug.  12 
{Mart,  Usuardi). 

(2)  Virgin,  martyr  at  Cumae,  in  the  time  of 
Maximinian ;  commemorated  Feb.  16  {Mart,  Rom, 
Vett  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  Martyr  of  Nicomedia,  A.D.  299;  comme- 
morated Dec  21  {Col,  Byzant.y         [W.  F.  G.] 

JULIANU8.  (1)  Martyr  with  Maximinus 
and  Lucianus  {Mart,  Usuardi). 

(2)  and  Basilissa,  martyrs  at  Antioch  under 
Diocletian  and  Maximian;  commemorated  Jan. 
6  {Mart,  Rom,  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi); 
Nov.  25  {Cat  Armen.). 

(8)  Martyr  in  Egypt  with  five  others;  com- 
memorated Feb.  16  {Mart  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Africa  with  Publius ;  comme- 
morated Feb.  19  {Mart,  Usuardi). 


894 


JULITTA 


(6)  Martyr  at  Alexandria;  oommemorated 
Feb.  27  {Mori.  Bom,  Vet.,  Adonia,  U8iiardi> 

(6)  Bishop;  deposition  at  Toledo,  March  6 
(Mart,  Usuardi). 

(7)  [dTXPHOBoei.] 

(8)  Tarsensis,  martyr;  oommemorated  Jane 
21  (fidi,  Byxant,), 

(9)  Martyr  at  Damascus  with  Sabinns,  Maxi- 
mils,  Macrobios,  Cassias,  Paala,  and  10  others; 
oommemorated  Jaly  20  {Mart,  Adonis,  Usoardi). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Rome  with  Peter  and  18 
others ;  commemorated  Aug.  7  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet,, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(11)  Saint  in  Syria;  oommemorated  with 
Macarins,  Aug.  12  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet,,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(12)  Martyr  at  Clermont;  oommemorated 
Aug.  28  {Mart  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(13)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Terradna  with  Cae- 
sarius  the  deacon  in  the  time  of  Claudias ;  oom- 
memorated Nov.  1  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae, 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(14)  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  tA.D.  189  ;  com- 
memorated Magabit  8  =  March  4  {Cal.  Ethiop.). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JULITTA  or  JXJLIETTA,  martyr  at  An- 
tioch  with  her  son  Cyricos  or  Cyrillus,  A.D.  296  ; 
commemorated  June  16  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet., 
Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi);  Jan. 21  {Cal.  Armen.) ; 
July  15  {Cal,  Byzant.).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JULIUS.  (1)  The  pope,  martyr  under  Con- 
stantius :  commemorated  April  12  {Mart,  Bom. 
Vet.,  Bedae,  Hieron.,  Adonis,  Usuardi,  Cal. 
Bucher.). 

(2)  [Felix  (5).] 

(8)  Senator,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Commodus ; 
commemorated  Aug.  19  {Mart,  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(4)  Martyr  in  Thrace  ;  commemorated  Dec  20 
{Mart.  Hieron.,  Usuardi). 

.  (6)  Martyr  in  Mesia  at  Dorostorum ;  com- 
memorated May  27  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi). 

(6)  Martyr  with  Potamica,  civ.  ThagorA ;  com- 
memorated Dec  5  {Mart.  Usuai'di).    [W.  F.  G.] 

JUNCA,  COUNCIL  OP  {Juncetue  cotir 
cilium).  Of  Junca  in  Africa,  A.D.  523  (see 
African  Councilb).  A  canon  attributed  to  it 
by  Ferrandus  (n.  26)  is  to  the  effect  that  no 
bishop  may  claim  anything  for  himself  in  a 
flock  that  is  not  his  own  (Manai,  viiL  633). 

[E.  S.  Ff.] 

JUNIA  and  Andronicus,  apostles,  (Rom. 
XTi.  7) ;  commemorated  May  17  {Cal.  ByMont.), 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JURISDICTION.  Before  the  time  of  Con- 
stantine  the  Great  such  jurisdiction  as  was  ex- 
ercised in  the  church  must  have  been  of  a  purely 
spiritual  character,  and  its  sanctions  must  have 
been  purely  spiritual..  Sinners  were  brought 
before  the  tribunal  of  the  bishop,  who  judged 
and  inflicted  spiritual  censures,  and  inflicted 
them  probably  without  appeal. 

Upon  the  recognition  by  Constantine  of  the 
church  as  a  cdlegiwm  licitum,  these  spiritual 


JUBIBDIGTION 

judgments  and  censares  began  to  hare  an  cflfeci 
of  which  the  dvil  law  could  take  cognixaiioe, 
and  a  civil  effect  was  given  to  them.  'Aej  wen 
also  made  use  of  to  assist  or  sometimes  even  take 
the  place  of  the  sanctions  of  the  dvil  Uw. 

In  criminal  causes  where  the  accused  was  a 
derk,  or  in  any  way  specially  connected  with 
the  performance  of  religious  observmnces,  there 
was  an  early  tendency  to  make  the  bidiop  the 
jadge,  first  in  conjunction  with  the  lay  judge 
and  in  time  as  the  sole  judge.  Jadging  as  a  ^li- 
ritual  judge  over  spiritual  persons,  a  oonfbsoa 
arose  between  the  sentences  which  he  imposed  in 
execution  of  the  disdpline  of  the  Church,  and 
those  which  he  imposed  as  a  delegate  of  the 
power  of  the  State  and  armed  with  the  aathority 
of  a  criminal  judge.  The  two  matters  are  m 
intertwined,  that  it  will  be  convenient  to  disease 
together  the  jurisdiction  in  spirittial  wtatten  and 
that  over  ^nrHual  persons. 

A  second  fountain  of  jurisdiction  in  the  oourts 
of  the  church  was  arbitration.  Bishops 
encouraged  by  the  Christian  Emperors  to 
trate  on  moral  grounds  between  Qmstiaas 
puting  as  to  matters  of  right  and  property,  and 
the  civil  law  gave  a  drU.  force  to  their  judg- 
ments. Where  clerks  were  parties,  the  pro- 
priety of  a  recourse  to  the  tribunal  of  the  fai^op 
was  considered  to  be  greater.  Where  a  clerk 
was  defendant,  his  right  to  escape  the  annoyance 
of  appearing  before  a  secular  tribunal  was  paral- 
leled to  and  strengthened  by  his  privilege  to  he 
tried  by  the  bishop  when  defendant  on  a  criminal 
charge.  Hence  arose  jvrisdicUon  between  parties 
generally. 

Lastly,  certain  special  matters  of  dvil  litig^ 
tion  began  to  be  considered,  irrespective  of  Uie 
parties,  as  being  peculiarly  fit  for  the  cogmzaaoe 
of  the  ecclesiastical  judge.  Hence  arose  a  jnriS' 
diction  over  special  avil  ccmses. 

Jurisdiction  in  spiritual  matters  and  over  sp»- 
ritual  persons, — We  have  here  first  to  consider 
the  difference  between  the  forum  intemum  and 
the  forum  externum.  The  forum  iniemmn  was 
the  tribunal  in  which  the  bishop  or  aometimes 
the  priest  decided  on  cases  of  consdenoe,  gave 
spiritual  directions,  and  counselled  with  iatbcriy 
authority  penitential  disdpline.  The  procedure 
and  the  decision  of  this  tribunal  were  not,  except 
in  the  cases  where  public  penance  was  required, 
necessarily  known  to  any  but  the  penitent  and 
his  judge.  The  terror  of  consdence  was  the  only 
sanction,  and  there  could  be  no  formal  appeaL 
But  along  with  this  forum  the  church  from  its 
earliest  time  possessed  also  a  forum  eitsiumm 
(see  1  Cor.  r. ;  1  Tim.  L  20).  [Penitekgk.] 

When  the  gravity  of  the  offence  altered  the 
relation  of  the  parties  and  converted  the  &ther 
into  the  avenger,  or  made  it  necessary  to  prefier 
the  public  weal  of  the  community  to  the  indi- 
vidual welfare,  the  sentences  of  deposition  or 
excommunication  were  inflicted. 

These  sentences  on  clerk  or  layman  were  in- 
flicted by  the  bishop.  They  were  or  ought  to  be 
recognized  by  all  other  bishops,  and  Uiere  van 
originally  no  appeal.  The  soncalled  Apostolical 
Canons,  though  requiring  the  imposition  of  these 
sentences  in  several  cases,  are  silent  as  to  the 
procedure  by  which  they  were  to  be  inflicted. 
The  Nicene  Canons  for  the  first  time  provide  a 
limited  right  of  appeal. 

The  5th  canon  says  that  clerics  or  lay  people 


JUBISDIOnON 

•epantAd  from  oommonion  by  their  own  bishop, 
ihall  be  held  ererywhere  to  be  so  separated ;  bnt 
that  in  order  that  no  one  should  be  expelled 
from  commnnion  through  a  contentions  or  harsh 
spirit  of  their  bishop,  the  occasion  of  their 
expulsion  shall  be  inquired  into  by  the  provincial 
synod,  which  is  to  be  held  for  this  purpose  twice 
a  year.  The  decision  of  the  synod  is  to  be  final. 
It  was  not  till  considerably  later,  when,  it  does 
not  exactly  appear,  that  further  appeals  were 
allowed.    [Appeal;  Isdulqence.] 

The  original  discipline  of  the  church  had 
made  all  crimes  as  importing  sins  the  subjects  of 
the  penitential  discipline  or  the  fonun  tn^wntim, 
and  by  consequence  in  the  graver  and  more 
public  cases,  or  where  penitence  was  not  shown, 
of  the  forum  externum.  It  became  however 
obviously  impossible,  as  the  church  tribunals 
took  a  more  formal  shape  and  as  appeals  came  to 
be  allowed,  that  ordinary  criminal  offences 
against  the  laws  of  the  state  should  be  tried  in 
any  fashion  by  the  church  courts ;  and  hence  a 
division  arose,  whereby  certain  offences  became 
the  subject  of  the  almost  exclusive  jurisdiction 
•f  the  church  courts,  while  on  other  offences 
they  were  not  allowed  to  sit  in  judgment. 

Offences  of  laymen  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  church  courts  were  heresy  (Van  Espen 
Ju8  Ecdes,  Univ,  pars  iii.  tit.  iv.  cap.  2,  and 
the  article  Heresy),  magic  (can.  10,  cans.  26, 
q.  5),  blasphemy,  to  be  punished  by  bishop  or 
count  according  to  the  capitularies  of  the  Frank 
kings  (lib.  vi.  cap.  101),  and  probably  cases  of 
laying  violent  hands  on  clerks.  It  seems  that 
incest  and  incontinence  were  not  distinctly 
reckoned  as  offences  over  which  the  church  had 
coercive  jurisdiction  till  late  in  the  9th  or  the 
10th  century,  though  they  were  of  course  sub- 
ject to  penitential  discipline  (ToRinGATiON ; 
Harlot;  Incest]. 

Every  offence  which  when  committed  by  a 
layman  subjected  him  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
ecclesiastical  court,  subjected  a  fortiori  a  clerk. 

But  the  subjection  of  clerks  to  the  ecclesi' 
astioai  tribunals  was  much  wider  than  this.  In 
A.D.  376  a  law  of  Gratian  and  Valentinian  is 
said  to  have  subjected  clerks  for  small  offences 
or  offences  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature  to  their 
diocesan  synod  (L.  23,  Cod,  Thsod,  de  Episcopia  et 
Qericis).  But  a  special  exception  was  made  of 
such  offences  as  gave  rise  to  a  criminal  action 
before  the  ordinary  or  extraordinary  judges  or 
the  higher  officials  classed  as  the  Illustrious. 
So  in  A.D.  399,  Arcadius  and  Honorius  are 
said  (L.  I.  Cod,  Tfieod,  De  Seiigione)  to  have 
ordered  causes  relating  to  religion  to  be  tried  by 
the  bishops,  but  questions  which  related  to  the 
civil  law  to  be  tried  according  to  the  law  (t.^.  by 
the  lay  judges).  Rather  stronger  is  an  edict 
attributed  to  Valentinian  Theodosius  and  Ar- 
cadius (L.  3  Cod.  Theod.  de  Eptscop.  Jud.)  Van 
£spen  {Jus  Eccl.  pars  iii.  tit.  iii.  cap.  i.)  cites  a 
( oustitution  of  Honorius,  A.D.  412  (L.  41,  Cod. 
Theod.  de  Epiecop.  et  Cleric.)  which  would  ap- 
parently subject  the  clerk  for  all  offences  to  the 
bishop ;  but  it  is  held  that  the  words,  though 
vague  and  general,  do  not  really  refer  to  other 
than  ecclesiastical  offences. 

We  come  next  to  Justinian.  The  Code  con- 
tains an  enumeration  of  the  courts  by  which 
an  accused  clerk  is  to  be  tried  as  follows :  he  is 
to  be  tried  before  his  bishop.     If  the  bishop  be 


JUBISDIOTION 


895 


**  suspected  "  there  is  to  be  an  appeal  (or  possibly 
an  original  trial)  before  the  metropolitan.  If 
his  decision  be  not  satisfactory,  an  appeal  lies  to 
the  provincial  synod  and  thence  to  the  patriarch, 
whose  judgment  (subject  to  certain  peculiar 
rights  in  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople)  is  to 
be  final.  The  law  then  proceeds  as  follows: 
"As  for  these  proceedings,  if  they  relate  to 
ecclesiastical  matters,  we  order  that  they  be  of 
necessity  tried  only  by  the  most  religious  bishops 
or  metropolitans,  or  by  the  sacred  synods,  or  by 
the  most  holy  patriarchs.  But  if  there  is  a  con- 
troversy as  to  civil  matters,  though  we  will 
allow  those  who  wish  it  to  bring  the  question 
before  the  bishops,  yet  we  will  not  compel  them, 
since  there  are  civil  tribunals,  if  they  prefer  to 
go  to  them,  before  which  tribunals  also  criminal 
proceedings  can  be  had  "  (Cod.  i.  iv.  29). 

This  law  seems  to  confuse  civil  and  criminal 
proceedings,  and  has  a  relation  to  both.  The 
83rd  Novell  is  more  precise.  It  recites  a  request 
of  Menas  or  Mennas,  the  patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople, and  proceeds  to  confer  certain  privileges 
upon  clerks.  The  first  relate  to  civil  suits.  As 
to  criminal  causes,  it  enacts  that  where  they 
relate  to  secular  matters  they  shall  be  tried 
before  the  lay  judge ;  but  before  the  lay  judge 
proceeds  to  execute  the  sentence,  he  shall  allow 
the  bishop  to  depose  or  degrade  his  clerk. 
Criminal  causes  relating  to  eocUaiastioal  matters 
are  to  be  tried  by  the  bishop.  The  123rd  Novell 
effected  a  further  alteration  (cap.  xxi.)  Making 
the  same  reservations  as  to  ecclesiastical  causes, 
it  provides  that  a  clerk  accused  of  a  secular 
criminal  ofience  shall  be  brought  before  the 
bishop,  who  if  he  find  him  guilty  shall  depose 
him  ab  honore  et  gradUy  from  his  office  and 
order,  and  send  him  to  the  lay  judee  for  secular 
punishment ;  or  he  may  be  brought  before  the 
lay  judge  first,  in  which  case  the  lay  judge  is  to 
transmit  the  evidences  of  his  guilt  to  the  bishop, 
who  is  to  depose  him  and  send  him  back  to  the 
lay  judge  for  secular  punishment.  This  Novell 
extends  to  monks,  deaconesses,  and  nuns. 

Van  Espen  {loc,  cii.)  quotes  some  canons  of 
the  6th  century  as  going  further  in  this  respect, 
and  the  capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings  enact 
that  clerks  shall  not  be  judged  by  lay  judges,  bnt 
by  ecclesiastical  ones  (lib.  i.  cap.  38) ;  and  that  no 
one  shall  presume  to  accuse  a  clerk,  monk,  or 
nun  before  a  lay  judge  (lib.  v.  cap.  378). 

In  England  it  is  well  known  that  the  distinc- 
tion between  secular  and  ecclesiastical  courts  did 
not  exist  during  the  Anglo-Saxon  rule,  the 
sheriff  and  the  bishop  sitting  side  by  side  on  the 
same  bench. 

The  punishments  or  censures  inflicted  by  the 
episcopal  tribunals  were  at  first  mere  acts  of 
penance,  the  discipline  retaining  its  original 
penitential  character.  So  early  indeed  as  the 
Theodosian  Code  (L.  21  De  ffaeretids)  a  fine  of 
ten  pounds  of  gold  seems  to  have  been  imposed 
on  any  clerk  or  bishop  who  was  convicted  of 
heresy ;  but  it  does  not  appear  whether  this  fine 
was  imposed  by  the  ecclesiastical  judge  or  by  the 
lay  judge  after  sentence  by  the  ecclesiastical 
judge.    [Fines,  p.  671.] 

Seclusion  in  a  monastery  both  for  laymen  and 
more  especially  for  clerks  and  bishops  was  an 
earlier  punishment.  It  seems  to  be  mentioned 
in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Gregory  (lib.  2  Epist.  27, 40), 
and  in  a  canonical  rule  of  about  the  year  816  as 


896 


JUBISDICTION 


a  substitnte  for  scoarging.     [iMPRlSONVEirr,  p. 
829.] 

The  123rd  Novell  (cap.  xi.)  orders  that  any 
bishop  who  has  been  by  law  expelled  from  his 
see,  yet  retains  to  the  city,  shall  be  shut  up  in  a 
monastery. 

Relegation  or  banishment  from  the  city  they 
disturbed,  or  in  which  the  public  offence  was 
committed,  seems  to  have  been  first  used  as  an 
ecclesiastical  punishment  towards  the  close  of 
the  period  of  which  we  are  writing  (see  Efdft.  of 
St.  Gregory^  lib.  9,  Ep.  66).  It  is  very  doubtful 
though  whether  it  was  ever  exercised  m  mvitunk, 
unless  it  was  supported  by  a  special  decree  of 
the  civil  authority.  The  bishops  of  large  towns, 
particularly  Constantinople,  were  however  often 
armed  with  a  power  of  sending  back  to  their 
own  dioceses  clerks  disorderly  trequenting  the 
capital. 

Scourging,  as  a  means  of  penitential  discipline, 
is  mentioned  by  St.  Augustine  (^Epist.  133)  and 
St.  Gregory  {Epist.  lib.  2,  Epist.  62,  lib.  9, 
Fpist.  G6)  [Corporal  Punishment].  It  seems 
to  have  been  used  by  bishops  with  reference  to 
their  younger  clerks,  and  by  abbots  with  refer- 
ence to  monks.  In  the  canon  law  (can.  10,  cans. 
26,  q.  5)  an  epistle  of  St.  Gregory  is  quoted  in 
which  he  orders  practisers  of  magic  if  they  be 
slaves  to  be  scourged,  if  free  men,  to  be  secluded 
till  they  are  penitent.  The  38th  of  the  Apos- 
tolical Canons  orders  that  any  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon,  who  endeavours  to  make  himself  feared 
by  scourging  either  sinners  or  men  outside  the 
Christian  community  who  have  done  wrong 
shall  be  deposed.  St.  Paul  requires  as  a  qualifi- 
cation of  a  bishop  that  he  should  be  '*no 
striker"  (1  Tim.  iii.  3).  The  123rd  Novell 
(aip.  xi.)  forbids  the  bishop  to  beat  any  one  with 
his  hands. 

Besides  these  corporal  punishments,  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  continued  to  administer  and  inflict 
their  old  censures,  now  become  also  of  worldly 
import,  of  excommunication  and  deposition  or 
degradation. 

So  clearly  was  the  distinction  between  these 
last  censures  and  matters  of  internal  and 
penitential  discipline  now  marked,  that  St. 
Augustine  seems  to  say  that  bishops  cannot  pro- 
hibit any  one  from  communicating  unless  the 
penitent  has  confessed  his  crime  or  been  con- 
victed by  a  secular  or  an  ecclesiastical  judge ; 
"  nos  a  commnnione  prohibere  quenquam  non  pos- 
Bumus  .  .  .  nisi  aut  sponte  confessum,  aut  in 
aliquo  sive  saeculari  sive  ecclesiastico  judicio 
nominatum  atque  convictum"  (Serm,  351,  §  10; 
0pp.  V.  1359,  ed.  Bened.).  Conformably  to  this 
the  123rd  Novell  (cap.  xi.)  forbids  the  excom- 
munication of  any  one  till  after  a  full  trial. 

It  should  be  said  here  that  monks,  who  were 
originally  subject  to  their  bishops  like  any  other 
laymen,  were  made  in  a  special  and  further 
degree  subject  to  them  by  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don  at  the  suggestion  of  the  emperor  Marcian 
(Van  Espen  para  III.  tit.  xii.  cap.  1).  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  question  of  their  exemp- 
tion from  episcopal  authority  till  the  6th 
centuiy ;  and  even  then  the  exemptions  con- 
ferred on  them  were  not  exemptions  from 
jurisdiction,  but  from  despotic  invasion  of  their 
internal  rights. 

The  abbot  or  dean  exercised  a  subordinate 
)nrisdiction,   such    as    remains    now  with  our 


JURISDICTION 

deans  and  chapters ;  and  actual  exemptioo  from 
their  bishop's  authority  sometimes  was  conferred 
on  monasteries.    ffiXEXFTiOK  of  Monastekiee.] 

The  trial  of  bishops  has  been  reserved  da 
separate  mention. 

It  is  firat  provided  for  in  the  Apostolical 
Canons  (can.  74).  This  is  the  more  remarkable 
as  there  are  no  provisions  in  these  canons 
regulating  the  trials  of  clergy  or  laity. 

This  canon  provides  that  a  bishop  wfaes 
accused  by  credible  persons  shall  be  summoned 
by  other  bishops  (that  is,  the  other  bishops  of 
the  province),  to  appear  before  them.  If  he 
appears  and  confesses,  or  is  convicted,  his  punish- 
ment is  to  be  decreed.  If  he  does  not  appear,  he 
is  to  be  summoned  a  second  time  personally  hj 
two  bishops,  and  so  if  necessary  a  third  tirae, 
after  which  he  is  to  be  tried  and  condenuied  in 
his  absence.  The  75th  canon  prevents  heretics 
from  giving  evidence  against  a  bishop,  and 
requires  the  evidence  of  two  witnesses. 

The  Nicene  Canon  (can.  5)  as  to  the  appeal  of 
clerks  and  laymen  to  the  diocesan  synod  (quoted 
p.  894  supra)  has  been  held  by  many,  notably  by 
St.  Augustine  (see  Van  Espen,  para  III.  tit*.  iiL 
cap.  5)  to  relate  also  to  the  trial  of  bishops. 
However  this  may  be,  the  6th  canon  of  the 
council  of  Constantinople  undoubtedly  provides 
for  the  trial  of  bishops.  After  refusing  the 
evidence  of  heretics,  excommunicated  persons  uaA 
persons  accused  of  crimes,  it  proceeds  to  enact 
that  if  any  not  disqualified  person  has  aoj 
ecclesiastical  charge  to  prefer  against  a  bishop, 
he  shall  bring  it  before  the  provincial  synod.  If 
the  synod  cannot  correct  the  crime,  the  bishops 
thereof  shall  go  before  the  greater  synod  of  tlai 
**  diocese  **  (diocese  is  here  used  in  the  imperial 
sense  of  a  larger  province,  exarchate  or  patriar- 
chate), but  shall  not  bring  their  accusation  till 
they  have  submitted  to  undergo  a  like  penalty, 
if  they  are  found  calumniatora.  The  decree  b 
to  be  then  made  by  the  greater  synod,  and  there 
is  to  be  no  appeal  either  to  the  emperor  or  to  a 
general  council  from  it. 

The  9th  canon  of  the  council  of  Chaloedon 
seems  to  relate  primarily  to  civil  suits.  It  orders 
that  any  dispute  between  a  clerk  and  a  bishop 
(whether  his  own  bishop  or  not)  shall  be  tried 
by  the  provincial  synod.  If  bishop  or  derk  have 
a  dispute  with  the  metropolitan,  the  trial  should 
be  before  the  exarch  of  the  diocese  or  the 
emperor. 

The  123rd  Novell  provides  (cap.  viiL)  that 
a  bishop  shall  not,  whether  in  a  pecuniary  (civil) 
or  criminal  cause,  be  brought  against  hb  will 
before  any  civil  or  military  judge;  and  (cap. 
xxii.)  that  disputes  between  bishops,  whether 
on  ecclesiastical  or  other  matters,  shall  be  tried 
in  the  first  instance  by  the  metropolitan  and  his 
synod,  with  an  appeal  to  the  patriarch ;  while 
bishops  accused  of  crimes  are  to  be  tried  by 
the  metropolitan  (apparently  alone),  from  whom 
an  appeal  lies  first  to  the  archbishop  (that  is 
probably  the  primat-e  or  exarch  or  president  of 
the  greater  synod))  and  thence  to  the  patriardu 

Jurisdiction  betv^en  parties. — In  the  early  dan 
of  the  church,  when  Christians  formed  a  small 
and  separate  society,  it  was  natural  and  almost 
necessary  that  disputes  between  them  should  be 
settled  by  arbitration  within  their  own  body,  to 
avoid  the  scandals  to  which  references  to  heatba 
judges  might  give  nse.      St.    Paul    ezpre^j 


JURISDICTION 

r«pTo1>ates  the  practice  of  **  brother  going  to 
law  with  brother,  and  that  before  the  anbe- 
lievers"  (1  Cor.  vL  6). 

*  The  arbitrator  chosen  would  naturally  be  the 
bishop,  and  this  appears  to  hare  been  the  case. 

After  the  recognition  of  the  church  by  Con- 
stantine,  prorision  was  made  for  giving  a  legal 
sanction  to  these  arbitrations.  Constantino 
himself  is  said  (Van  Espen,  pars  IIL  tit.  i. 
cap.  2)  to  have  allowed  litigants  to  choose  the 
bishop  instead  of  the  lay  judge,  and  to  have 
ordered  effect  to  be  given  to  the  sentence  of  a 
bishop  so  judging.  A  constitution  of  Arcadius 
and  Honorius  is  preserved  in  the  Code  (I.  iv.  7) 
allowing  litigants  to  go  before  the  bishop  in 
civil  matters  only  and  as  before  an  arbitrator. 

Another  constitution  of  Honorius  and  Theodo- 
nus  (Cod.  I.  iv.  8)  orders  that  the  bishop's 
judgment  shall  be  binding  on  all  those  who 
have  chosen  him  as  judge,  and  shall  have  as 
much  force  as  a  judgment  of  the  praetorian 
prefect,  from  whom  there  could  be  no  appeal. 

It  appears  that  at  this  time  Jews  had  the 
privilege  of  trying  their  disputes  if  they  pleased 
before  their  rabbi  or  *'  patriarch." 

Valentinian  III.  allowed  the  same  result  to  be 
obtained  by  means  of  a  previous  formal  **  com- 
promissum  "  or  submission  to  arbitration. 

None  of  these  constitutions,  however,  in  the 
least  degree  compel  the  resort  to  the  ecclesiastical 
tribunal,  unless  the  matter  in  quesflon  be  of  an 
€ocie$ia8tical  nature,  not  even  though  the  de- 
fendant be  a  clerk. 

So  the  emperor  Marcian  (Cod.  L  ill.  25)  speaks 
of  an  episcopal  audience  for  clerks  who  are 
sued  at  law,  but  gives  the  plaintiff  the  power  of 
choosing  the  lay  tribunal. 

The  67th  Novell  makes  provision  for  the  mode 
of  trial,  which  is  to  be  summary. 

There  being  the  power  of  resorting  to  the  arbi- 
tration of  the  bishop,  the  church  compelled  by 
threats  of  censure  every  clerk  at  least  to  resort 
only  to  the  tribunal  of  the  bishop.  Among  other 
canons  on  this  subject  may  be  cited  that  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon  (can.  9)  which  orders  that 
any  clerk  who  shall  have  a  dispute  with  another 
clerk  shall  not  go  before  the  secular  tribunals, 
but  shall  plead  his  cause  first  before  his  bishop, 
or  before  such  person,  with  the  consent  of  the 
bishop,  as  both  parties  shall  choose  to  decide  the 
question. 

The  9th  canon  of  the  3rd  council  of  Carthage 
orders  that  any  bishop,  priest,  deacon,  or  clerk, 
who  has  a  civil  matter  in  dispute,  and  brings  it 
before  the  secular  tribunals,  shall  lose  all  that 
he  gaius  by  the  sentence  of  the  secular  tribunal, 
or  shall  bo  deprived  of  his  office.  There  are 
also  canons  of  the  4th  council  of  Carthage  to 
the  same  effect. 

The  79th  Novell  (cap.  i.)  gives  the  fori  privi- 
legium  for  the  first  time.  It  provides  that  any 
one  having  a  cause  with  any  of  the  venerable 
holy  men  (the  monks)  or  the  holy  virgins,  or 
any  women  living  in  nunneries,  shall  go  b<)fore 
the  bishop.  The  bishop  is  to  send  to  the  monas- 
tery and  to  provide  for  the  appearance  of  the 
defendants  before  him,  either  by  the  intervention 
of  their  abbots  or  of  agents  (responaalea)  or 
otherwise.  He  is  then  to  try  the  cause ;  which 
is  on  no  account  to  come  before  the  secular 
judges. 
The  83rd  Novell,  which  has  been  already 
CHRIST.  Ajrr. 


JUBI6DIGTI0N 


897 


referred  to,*  extends  the  privileges.  Any  ooe 
having  a  pecuniary  cause  against  a  clerk  is  to 
go  before  the  bishop,^  who  is  to  decide  summa- 
rily without  writing.  His  sentence  may,  how- 
ever, be  put  in  writing.  There  is  to  be  no 
recourse  to  the  civil  tribunals ;  but  the  main 
object  of  the  Novell  is  to  avoid  long  delays  and 
pleadings,  rather  than  to  change  the  tribunal 
which  is  to  adjudge. 

The  123rd  Novell  puts  the  privilege  on  a  firm 
basis.  Clerks,  monks,  deaconesses,  nuns,  and 
ascetic  women,  are  to  be  impleaded  before  the 
bishop.  The  lay  judge  is  to  execute  the  bishop's 
sentence,  if  there  is  no  appeaL  But  either  of 
the  parties  may  appeal  within  ten  days  to  the 
local  lay  judge.  If  he  decides  in  accordance 
with  the  bishop's  judgment,  the  decision  is 
final. 

If  the  lay  judge  decides  contrary  to  the 
bishop,  his  sentence  may  be  appealed  from  in  the 
regular  way  of  civil  suits. 

If  the  bishop  delayed  to  hear  or  decide  on  the 
cause,  the  plaintiff  might  go  at  once  before  the  lay 
judge.  This  Novell  expressly  reserves  all  eccU' 
siaaticai  suits  for  the  sole  cognizance  of  the 
bishop. 

The  capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings  (li^*  ^ 
cap.  28)  ordered  all  disputes  between  clerks  to 
be  settled  by  their  bishop,  and  not  by  secular 
judges:  while  another  capitulary  (lib.  vi. 
cap.  366)  recites  and  enforces  an  edict,  attributed 
to  Theodosius,  declaring  that  the  sentences  of 
the  bishops,  however  declared,  and  apparently  in 
whatever  causes,  shall  be  ever  held  inviolate. 
This  edict  was  declared  by  Charlemagne  to  be 
binding  over  all  parts  of  his  empire. 

The  object  of  these  laws  also  seems  to  have  been 
to  avoid  prolixity  of  pleadings,  technicality  of  pro- 
cedure, and  long  disputes,  distracting  holy  men 
from  their  proper  avocations,  rather  than  any 
supposed  impropriety  of  secular  judges  exercising 
jurisdiction  over  clerks. 

The  constitution  of  the  special  court  of  his 
bishop  for  the  clerk  or  monk,  seems  to  have  been 
considered  by  the  secular  authorities  aa  a  privi- 
lege given  to  him,  which  he  might  waive,  the 
secular  court  having  always  the  capacity  to 
exercise  jurisdiction  over  him,  if  the  privilegium 
fori  were  not  set  up.  But  the  canons  and 
decrees  of  the  councils  and  synods  leave  the 
clerk  no  option,  forbidding  him  to  sue,  or  to 
abstain  from  raising  his  privilege  when  sued,  in 
the  lay  court. 

The  secular  authorities  seem  to  have  retained 
nevertheless  their  view  of  this  exemption  as  a 
privilege  and  capable  of  waiver.  Gothofred 
(in  Cod.  I.  iiL  33  and  51)  cites  a  constitution  of 
the  emperor  Frederic  (  apparently  Frederic  II. ) 
strongly  denouncing  any  assertion  of  jurisdiction 
by  the  lay  judge  in  civil  or  criminal  matters ; 
but  yet  allowing  the  clerk  to  waive  his  privilege 
and  submit  to  the  jurisdiction. 

The  emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  brought  the 
matter  under  the  general  rule  ^^  actor  sequitw 
forum  rei"  (Constit.  Imp.  289,  §  11). 

Jurisdiction  over  apec^  dvU  causes. — This  in 
mainly  the  outgrowth  of  a  period  later  than 
that  prescribed  for  this  work. 

•  Supra,  p.  895. 

k  The  text  seems  to  say  ''archbishop,'*  but  this  must 
bo  a  mistake. 

3  M 


898 


JUBISDIOTION 


JUYENALIS 


The  jurisdiction  orer  testamentary  caotes  did 
not  arise  in  Western  Europe  till  the  12th 
century.  It  appears  to  hare  arisen  early  in  the 
12th  century  in  England;  not  till  the  end  of 
the  12th  or  beginning  of  the  13th  9entary  in 
France. 

The  only  indication  of  testamentair  jurisdic- 
tion in  Eastern  or  Western  Europe  during  the 
period  of  which  we  treat,  appears  in  the  com- 
mission given  by  the  Chriftian  emperors  to  the 
bishops,  to  take  care  that  the  wishes  of  the  dead 
should  be  faithfully  performed. 

Charlemagne  especially  intrusted  the  bishops 
with  the  duty  of  protecting  wards,  widows,  and 
paupers,  and  of  seeing  that  no  wrong  was  done 
to  them.  This  led  in  time,  but  not  during 
our  period,  to  a  sort  of  jurisdiction  oyer  all  cases 
where  a  member  of  one  of  these  classes  was 
concerned. 

Matrimonial  causes,  though  infringements  of 
the  marriage  row  were  probably  treated  of  with 
other  matters  of  spiritual  discipline,  did  not  as 
inyolying  format  legal  rights  or  questiona  of  pro- 
perty, &11  to  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical 
tribunals  till  the  11th  century. 

Suits  relating  to  ecclesiastical  matters  are  in 
many  of  the  Imperial  Constitutions  mentioned 
as  unquestionably  matters  for  the  bishop's  juris- 
diction. The  term  **  eod^nasUajU  maUers"  is 
vague,  and  probably  varied  at  different  times ; 
but  before  the  expiry  of  our  period,  causes 
relating  to  tithes  and  offerings  were  probably 
considered  as  ooming  within  its  meaning. 

{^Authorities  referred  to  for  thie  article, — 
Corpus  Juris  CiviliSf  cum  notis  Gothofredi,  ed. 
Van  Leeuwen,  Amsterdam,  1663;  Ayliffe,  Parer^ 
gon  Juris  Ganonici  Anglicanif  ed.  London,  1734 ; 
Van  Espen,  Jus  Ecdesiasticwn  Unioersum,  pars 
tertia ;  Commentarius  in  Canones ;  ed.  Lonvaine, 
1758 ;  Landon,  Manual  of  Councils,  1846 ;  Philli- 
more,  Ecdesiastkal  Law,  1873.]    [W.  G.  F.  P.] 


JU8TA.    (1)  [FLOREirnuB  (1).] 

(2)  Martyr  in  Spain,  at  Seville,  with  Rofina; 
commemorated  July  19  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet^  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JUSTIN  A,  virgin,  martyr  with  Cyprian,  the 
bishop;   commemorated  Sept.  26   (Mart  Mom. 
Vet.,  Bedae,  Adonis,  Usuaidi) ;  and  Oct.  2  iCaL 
Bygani.),  [W.  F.  G.] 

.  JTJSTINU8.  (1)  The  philosopher,  martyr  at 
Pergamus  with  Carpus  the  bishop,  Papirioa  the 
deacon,  and  Agathonica,  and  many  other  women ; 
commemorated  April  13  (Mart,  Bom.  Vet^  Adoois, 
Usuardi) ;  June  1  (Gal.  Byzant.). 

(2)  Martyr  with  companions,  A.D.  142 ;  com- 
memorated June  1  (Oal.  Byzant.;  see  IHuiiel's 
Codesp,  iv.  260). 

(8)  [STXPHOEOaA.] 

(4)  Martyr  in  terra  Parisiensi;  oommemorated 
Aug.  1  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

(6)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Dedus ; 
commemorated  Sept.  7  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.,  Adonis, 
Usuardi).  [W.  F.  G.] 

JUSTUS.    (1)  [Felix  (14>] 

(8)  Martyr  in  Spain  at  Complntum  [AiiCALA^ 
with  Pastor  his  brother  under  Dedus  (Mart. 
Adonis,  Usuardi). 

(8)  BishoD  of  Lyons,  «  Natalia,'*  Sept.  2  (Mmt 
Adonis,  Usundi) :  translation  Oct.  14  (i&.). 

(4)  Martyr  in  terra  Belvaoensi  (Beaavats); 
oommemorated  Oct.  18  (Mart.  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 

JUYENALIS.  (1)  Bishop,  confessor  at  Root 
under  Adrian;  conmiemorated  May  3  (Mart 
Usuardi). 

(2)  Martyr  on  the  Island  Fontia ;  oommem^ 
rated  May  7  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet^  Usuardi). 

[W.  F.  G.] 


KND  OF  VOL.  L 


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AHO  CUARIHO  CBOeS. 


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