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'Dietro alle potte delle care piante' 

/ft/, xxiii. 148 






'Si ne di je pas que cist livres soit estrais de mon povre 
sens, ne de ma nue science ; mais il est autressi comme une 
bresche de miel cueillie de diverses flors.' 

Bninetto Latino, Trhor^ I. i. 

7 '/' 


■■' 'V 

^ r-^/-. ^ 

' y 




In this Dante Dictionary I have made an attempt to bring together, in 
a convenient and concise form, such information as is available concerning the 
various persons and places mentioned or referred to in the works of Dante 
(i. e. in the Divina Commedia^ the Canzoniere^ the Vita Nuova^ the Convivio^ 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia, the De Monarchia^ the Epistolae, the Eclogae, and 
the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra^ as printed in the Oxford Dante ^). I have 
endeavoured, as far as possible, to present the results of the most recent 
researches. This has been, in not a few cases, a matter of some difficulty, 
owing to the fact that a great many of the numerous articles on Dantesque 
subjects published in Italy make their appearance in more or less ephemeral 
periodicals. For this reason I have been obliged occasionally to accept my 
information at second hand, through the medium of one or other of the 
special Dante publications, such as the Giornale Dantesco^ the Bullettino delta 
Society Dantesca Italiana, and the like. I am not sanguine enough to suppose 
that I have succeeded in every instance in bringing my articles wholly ' up to 
date ' ^. In extenuation of any shortcomings in this respect I can only plead 
the wide extent of the field which has had to be explored, and the ^quel 
d' Adamo ', as Dante* puts it, * Tincarco della carne d'Adamo *, beneath which 
the energies of even the most ardent explorers will sometimes flag. 

A few kindred subjects have been included with the proper names, such 
as the denominations of the several classes of sinners, &c., and of the various 
heavens, &c., mentioned in the Divina Commedia (e. g. Accidiosi, Ipocriti, 
Traditori ; Cielo Stellato, Rosa Celestiale) ; certain personifications and titles 
(e. g. Aquila, Pellicano ; Archimandrita, Savio) ; the titles of books quoted by 
Dante (e. g. Aeneia, Btbica, De Regimine PHncipum) ; and so on ^. 

^ TuUe U Opere di Dante Alighieri, nuovamente rivedute ml testo dot Dr. K Moore, con Indict dei 
Nomi Propri e aelle Cose Notabili, compilato da Paget Toynbee. Oxford, 1894 (second edition, 1897}. 
The convenience of this edition for the purposes of reference can hardly be overrated. 

' I have been able in a few cases to add references to important articles which appeared while this 
work was passing through the press. 

' A list of these ' notable matters ' will be found at the end of the volume (Table zxxv). 



I have appended sundry genealogical and chronological tables ^ (with an 
index ^) in illustration of the numerous historical allusions in Dante's works. 
Also, for the convenience of those who do not happen to be provided with 
the Oxford Dante, I have given an index of first lines (in both alphabetical 
and numerical order) in the Canzoniere ^ and comparative tables of the chapter- 
divisions in the De Monarchia^ adopted respectively in the editions of Witte 
(followed by the Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Giuliani. I have, further, to 
facilitate reference, supplied an index of such English or Anglicised names as 
differ in form from the Italian or Latin, with cross-references to the latter *, 
e. g. Apulia [Puglia], Elbe [Albia], Ephialtes [Fialte], Jesse [Isal], Phaethon 
[Fetonte], Uzzah [Oza], and the like. 

The idea of this work was originally suggested by the Vocabolario Dantesco 
of L. G. Blanc ®. This invaluable handbook, however, deals with the Divina 
Commedia only, and, as its title implies, includes the vocabulary of the poem 
as well as the articles (necessarily very brief) on the proper names. Blanc's 
book was followed twenty years later by the Diziofiario della Divina Commedia 
of Donato Bocci'', a useful work, but marred by the introduction of a great 
deal of irrelevant matter, especially in the historical articles, which, by a strange 
freak on the part of the author, are brought down to the nineteenth century. 
In 1865 appeared the first three volumes of the Manuale Dantesco of Jacopo 
Ferrazzi, which were followed by a fourth volume in 1871, and by a fifth in 
1877 ^ This work (of which the four last volumes bear the sub-title of Enciclo- 
pedia Dantesco) contains a mass of useful information on all subjects connected 
with Dante. Its value, however, as a book of reference is seriously impaired 
by the total absence of method in the arrangement of the material, as well 
as by the fact that the indices appended to the several volumes are of the 
most meagre and unsatisfactory description. In the comprehensive Dizionario 
Dantesco of Giacomo Poletto ® an attempt is made for the first time systemati- 
cally to cover the whole range of Dante's writings. The chief value of this 
work lies in the author's acquaintance with scholastic theology. It is unfor- 
tunately very incomplete ; and, owing to the grave inaccuracies and mis- 
references with which it abounds, it must be used with great caution. 

Of these works I have availed myself to such limited extent as the scheme 
of the present volume would allow. I may take this opportunity of acknow- 
ledging my obligations to them. 

• Tables i-xxxi. « Table xxxviii. » Table xxxii. * Table xxxiii. » Table xxxvi. 

• Vocabolario Dantesco, ou Dictionnaire Critique et Raisonni de la Ditnne ComSdie de Dcutte 
Allighieri, par L. G. Blanc. Leipsic, 1852. An Italian translation by G. Carbone was published at 
Florence in 1859; fifth edition, 1896. ^ 

' Dizionario Storico, Geografico, Universale^ della Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, contenente la 
Biografia dei Personaggi, la Notizia dei Paesi^ e la Spiegazione delle Cose pitl difficili del Sacro Poema, 
opera di Vontito Bocci. Turin, 1873. A brief Biographical Guide to the Divina Commedia, by Frances 
Locock, appeared in the next year (London, 1874). 

■ Manuale Dantesco del Prof. Giuseppe Jacopo Ferrazzi. 5 vols. Bassano, 1865-77. 

• Dizionario Dantesco di quanto st contiene nelle Opere di Dante Allighieri, con richiami aUa 
Somma Teologica di S, Tommaso d' Aquino, colt illtistrazione dei ncmiproprt mitologici, storici, geografici, 
e delle questioni piin controverse, compilato dal. Prof. D. Giacomo Poletto. 7 vols. Siena, 1885-7. 



A few weeks before the completion of my own work Dr. Scartazzini pub- 
lished the first part of his Enciclopedia Dantesca ^ ; of this book it is not my 
province to speak here. 

My obligations, as far as modern commentaries on the Divina Commedia 
are concerned, are chiefly to those of Dr. Scartazzini * and Prof. Casini *, to the 
latter of which especially I am greatly indebted. I have also made frequent 
use of Mr. A. J. Butler's notes to his English version of Dante's poem* ; and 
I have found much valuable information in Mr. W. W. Vernon's carefully 
compiled volumes on the Inferno and Purgatorio ^. 

Of the mediaeval commentaries I have, for general purposes, made most 
frequent reference to that of Benvenuto da Imola (in the handsome edition 
for which Dante students are indebted to the munificence of Mr. Vernon ^). 

In the case of local allusions I have, where possible, given the preference 
to the commentator best qualified by circumstances of birth or residence to 
supply the required information (as, for instance, to Jacopo della Lana and 
Benvenuto for Bologna, to Francesco da Buti for Pisa, and so on). The con- 
temporary chronicles of Giovanni Villani ^ and Dino Compagni ® have also, of 
course, been in constant requisition. 

To attempt to enumerate here, even in the most summary manner, the host 
of other authorities made use of in the course of the work (the majority of 
them ' scritti danteschi ' published in the form of fugitive pieces) would be to 
trench on the province of the bibliographer*, and would prove almost as onerous 
an undertaking as the proverbial 'doppiar degli scacchi.' References to the 
most important authorities, however, will be found in their proper places in the 
body of the Dictionary, 

As regards Dante's prose works, I have had for the most part to break new 
ground, the help afforded by the few existing commentaries being, as a rule, of 
the scantiest. The results of my own researches, which are necessarily given 
only in brief in the Dictionary^ have been published from time to time in 
Romania, the Giomale Storico della Letteratttra Italiana^ the Academy^ the 

' Dr. G. A. Scartazzini : Enciclopedia Dantesca — Dizionario critico e ragicnato di quanta concerne la 
Vita e U Opere di Dante Alighieri, Vol. i. A-L. Milan, 1896. Vol. ii. (Parte prima) M-R. Milan, 

' La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighicriy riveduta nel testo e commentata da G. A, Scartazzini. 
4 vols. Leipzig, 1874-90. Edizione Minore, Milan, 1893 ; second edition, 1896. 

' La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, con il commento di Tommaso Casini. (4ta edizione.) 
Florence, 1896. 

^ 77i€ Belly Purgatory, and Paradise of Dante Alighieri^ edited with Trcmslation and Notes by 
Arthur John Butler. 3 vols. London, 1880-92. 

* Readings on the Inferno and Purgatorio of Dante, chiefly based on the Commentary of Benmnuto da 
Imola, by the Honble. William Warren Vernon. 4 vols. London, 1889-97. 

* Benevenuti de RambcUdis de Imola Comentum super Dantis Aldigherii Comoediam^ nunc primum 
integre in lucem editum, sumptibus Guilielmi Warren Vernon, curante Jacobo Philippo Lacaita. 5 vols. 
Florence, 1887. 

^ The edition used is that in 8 vols, published at Florence (H Magheri) in 1823. 

' Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, per Isidore del Lungo. a vo^ Florence, 1879. 

* What promises to be an exhaustive bibliography of Dante literature is in course of preparation by 
Mr. T. W. Koch, Librarian of the Dante Collection recently presented by Mr. Willard Fiske to the Cornell 
Univetsity Library (U.S.A.). 



Athenaeum^ the Reports of the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society^ and other 
periodicals, to which references are supplied as occasion arises. 

I am indebted for valuable assistance on special points to several Oxford 
friends, members of the Oxford Dante Society, among whom I may mention 
the Principal of St. Edmund Hall (Rev. Dr. E. Moore), the Rector of Exeter 
College (Rev. Dr. W. W. Jackson), the Regius Professor of Modern History 
(Mr. F. York Powell, of Oriel College), the Quain Professor of English Litera- 
ture at University College, London (Mr. W. P. Ker, of All Souls' Collie), Mr. 
Edward Armstrong, of Queen's College, Dr. Charles L. Shadwell, of Oriel 
College, and Rev. H. F. Tozer, of Exeter College. 

In the verification of Dante's numerous quotations from classical writers 
and from Scripture I have been largely helped by the exhaustive indices com- 
piled by Dr. Moore, and recently published in the first series of his Studies in 
Dante^. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my acknowledge- 
ments to Dr. Moore for his generosity in allowing me the use of 'advanced 
sheets * of these indices, whereby I was enabled to check, and in many cases to 
supplement, my own reference-lists. 

I must also acknowledge my obligations to the Keeper of Printed Books 
(Dr. Richard Gamett), and the Keeper of Coins (Dr. Barclay V. Head), at the 
British Museum, who have courteously supplied me with information on subjects 
connected with their respective departments ; as well as to Bodley's Librarian 
at Oxford (Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson), the Librarian of the Cambridge University 
Library (Mr. F. Jenkinson), M. Gaston Raynaud of the Biblioth^que Nationale 
at Paris, Professor Pio Rajna of Florence, and Professor Rodolfo Renier of 
Turin, for services of a similar nature ; and to various writers in the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica (ninth edition) and in Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, 

I may mention, in conclusion, that I hope to deal later with the Vocabulary 
of the Divina Commedia^ Canzoniere^ Vita Nuova^ and Convivio — 

Se tanto lavoro in bene assommi 1 


DoRNEY Wood, Bucks. 
August 23, 1897. 

*ju* a few corrections and additions which were too late for insertion in the 
body of the work will be found under the heading of Corrigenda et Addenda 
on pp. 564-5. 

» studies in Dante, First Series : Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante, By Edward Moore, 
D.D. Oxford, 1806. I have also availed myself of the labonrs of Mazzncchelli in this department for the 
Convivio, and of tnose of Witte for the De MonarcAia, 





Preface v-viii 

Proper Names and Notable Matters 1-563 

Addenda et Corrigenda 564-565 

Genealogical Tables 567-591 

Chronological Table 592-597 

Index of First Lines of the Cansoniere 598-600 

Chapter-divisions in various Editions of the De Monarchia . . . 601-603 

Numeration of the Epistolae in various Editions 604 

List of Articles dealing with Notable Matters other than Names of 

Persons or Places 605-607 

Index of English or Anglicised Names which differ from the Itauan 

OR Latin 608-610 

PUTES 611-613 

List of Tables and Plates 614 

Index to Tables and Plates 615-616 




Quaestio de Aqua et Terra 


Authorized Version. 


Beatrice (in the D.C). 












Divina Commedia, 




edited by. 


editors or editions. 

Encyc. Brit. 

Encyclopaedia Britannica. 






Matilda (in the D.C), 


De Monarchia. 


New Testament. 




Old French* 


Old Testament. 








Statina (in the B.C.). 






Virgil (in the D.C). 




De Vulgari Eloquent ia. 


Vita Nuova. 








References thronghoat are to the Oxford edition of the complete worics of Dante. In order, however, 
that the Dictionary may serve equally well for other editions of Dante*s works (e.g. those of Witte, 
Fraticelli, and Giuliani), I have, as is explained in the Preface, appended, in the case of the Canzomert^ 
an index of first lines arranged (i) in alphabetical order, (a) in numerical order (according to the nameratioo 
of the poems in the Oxford edition) [Table zxzii] ; in the case of the De Monarchia^ comparative tables of 
the chapterKiivisions adopted respectively in the editions of Witte (whose arrangement is followed in the 
Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Ginliani [Table xxxiii] ; and, in the case of the Epistolae^ comparative 
tables of the numeration adopted respectively in the Oxford Dante, and in the editions of Fraticelli and 
Giuliani [Table xxziv]. 

In order to facilitate reference in the case of the prose works, references (indicated by 'superior* or 
index numbers) are given to the lines (numbered separately for each chapter) of the several treatises as 
printed in tiie Oxford Dante, as well as to Book and Chapter \ thus Conv. i. la'* « Convivio, Bk, i, Ch, la, 
/. 19 ; Mon. ii. 3»" - De Monarchia, Bk. ii, Ch. 3, /. loa ; V.N. % 25^* - Vita Nuova, Sect. 25, /. 76 ; and 
so OQ. The index-numbers being disregarded, the references hold equally well, of course, for the other 
editions of the several treatises. 

Cross-references are indicated by printing the name referred to between square brackets and in black 
type, e. g. [Bnemme]. A single square bracket after a name, e. g. A^amemnone], Ifondra], indicates 
that the person or plaioe in question is alluded to only, not mentioned by name, in Ehmte's worl». Index- 
numbers are employed for the purpose of distinguishing betwe^i several persons or places of the same 
name, e.g. Adriano ', Adriano'; Ida\ Ida*: Ijapo\ I«apo'. The titles of books are printed in 
slanting type, e.g. AeaeiBf De CIvltmte Del. 



Abatijt ancient noble family of Florence, 
thought by some to be referred to by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as quel che 
son disfatti Per lor superMa^ Par. xvi. 109- 
10. The reference is more probably to the 
Ubcrti [Uberti]. 

The Abati, who, as Villani records, lived in 
the * sesto di porte san Piero,' were Ghibel- 
lines (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they were among those 
who were expelled from Florence in 1258 
(vi. 65) ; they took part in the battle of Mont- 
aperti, with which their name is associated 
through the treachery of Bocca degli Abati 
(vi. 78) [Bocoa] ; at the time of the feuds 
which arose through the factions of the Bian- 
chi and Neri in Florence, they were partly 
Ghibellines, partly Guelfs, but they all threw 
in their lot together with the Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
and they were among those of the latter party 
who were the objects of the vengeance of the 
Florentine podestk, Fulcieri da Calboli, in 
1302 (viii. 59) [CalboU]. 

Abati, Bocca degli. [Bocoa.] 
Abati, Buoso degli. [Buoso.] 

, AbbagliatO, name applied by the Floren- 
tine Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as a nickname ('muddle-head') to a 
Sieoese spendthrift, who has been identified 
with one Meo (i. e. Bartolommeo), son of Rai- 
nieri de' Folcacchieri of Siena, and who was 
a member of the * spendthrift brigade,* a com- 
pany of twelve wealthy young Sienese, who vied 
^ith each other in squandering their means, 
Infljodx. 130-2 [Bxigata Spendereccla]. 

This Bartolommeo de' Folcacchieri held 
nigh office in Siena between 1277 and 1300, 
jhere he was chancellor in 1279, and gon- 
ralonier of the army in 1278 and 1280; he 
*^ rector of Campagnatico in 1288, podestk 
of Montereggioni in 1290 and of Monteguidi 
"* 1300, and captain of the Sienese mer- 
f^aries in the Maremma from 1289 to 1292 ; 
J^is on record that he was fined in 1278 for 
being found drinking in a tavern. (See C. 

Mazzi, Folcacckiero Folcacchieri rimatore 
senese del sec, xiii,) 

Benvenuto and others, reading ' Tabbagliato 
suo senno proferse,' instead of * I'Abbagliato,' 
take abbagliato as an epithet of senno, and 
refer the verb to Caccia d'Asciano of the 
previous line ('displayed his own muddled 
wits '). 

Abel, Abel, second son of Adam; mentioned 
by Virgil among those released by Christ from 
Limbo, Inf. iv. 56. [liimbo.] 

AbidOy Abydos, town in the Troad, on the 
narrowest part of the Hellespont,nearly opposite 
to Sestos in Thrace ; celebrated as the home 
of Leander, who used to swim nightly across 
to Sestos to visit Hero, Purg. xxviii. 74 
[Ijeandro : Sesto ^] ; mentioned in connexion 
with the bridge of boats built by Xerxes 
across the Hellespont, Mon. ii. 953-4 [Elles- 
ponto : Serse]. 

Abile], Mt. Abyla, in N. Africa, opposite 
Calpe (Gibraltar), one of the 'Columns of 
Hercules'; alluded to, Int, xxvi. 108. [Colonne 
di Eroole.] 

Abraam, the patriarch Abraham ; men- 
tioned by Virgil among those released by 
Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 58. [Limbo.] 

Absalone, Absalom, son of David by 
Maachah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur 
(2 Sam, iii. 3) ; encouraged by the evil coun- 
sels of Ahithophel the Gilonite, he rebelled 
against his father, but was defeated in Gilead, 
in the wood of Ephraim, where he met his 
death (2 Sam, xv-xix) ; be is mentioned by 
Bertran de Bom (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), who compares his own instigation of 
the 'Young King' to rebel against his father 
Henry II of England with the similar part 
played by Ahithophel in encouraging Absalom 
to rebel against David, Inf. xxviii. 136-8. 
[Arrigo *.] 

AbydoSy town in the Troad, on the Helles- 
pont, Mon. ii. 9^*. [Abido.] 

[1] B 

Academlcae Quaestiones 

Acciaiuoli, Niccola 

Academlcae Quaestiones], the Academic 
Questions (a fragment, in two books) of 
Cicero ; hence D. got the opinion of Zeno 
that virtue is the highest good, Conv. iv. 6**"'' 
{Acad, Quaes t, ii. 22 : * . . . utrum Zenoni cre- 
didisset, honestum quod esset, id bonum solum 
esse'; ii. 42 : 'honestum autem, quod ducatur 
a conciliatione naturae, Zeno statuit finem 
esse bonorum, qui inventor et princeps Stoi- 
corum fuit ') [Zenone] ; and also the account 
of the Academic and Peripatetic schools of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 61^"^ {Acad. Quaest. 
1. 4) :— 

' Platonis autem auctoritate, qui varius, et multi- 
plex, et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens duobus 
▼ocabulis philosophiae forma instituta est, Academi- 
corum et Peripateticorum : qui rebus congruentes, 
nominibus difierebant Nam, cum Speusippum, 
sororis filium, Plato philosophiae quasi heredem 
reliquisset; duos autem praestantissimos studio 
atque doctrina, Xenocratem Cbalcedonium, et 
Aristotelem Stagiritem: qui erant cum Aristotele 
Peripatetici dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambu- 
lantes in Lycio: illi autem, qui Platonis instituto 
in Academia, quod est alterum gymnasium, coetus 
erant, et sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo 
nomen habuerunt. Sed utrique Platonis ubertate 
completi, certam quandam disciplinae formulam 
composuerunt, et eam quidem plenam, ac refertam : 
illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de omnibus 
rebus, et nulla affirmatione adhibita consuetudinem 
disserendi reliquerunt/ 

Acam. [Aoan.] 

Acan, Achan, son of Carmi, of the tribe of 
Judah, ' who took of the accursed thing ' in 
appropriating part of the spoil of Jericho, con- 
trary to the commands of Joshua. After the 
defeat of the Israelites in their attack upon Ai, 
A. confessed his guilt, and the booty was dis- 
covered. Thereupon he and his whole family 
were stoned to death by command of Joshua, 
and their remains and property were burned 
{Josh, vii). D. includes A. among the in- 
stances of avarice proclaimed by the Avari- 
cious in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 109- 
II [Avari]. 

Accademia, the Academia^ a piece of land 
on the Cephissus, near Athens, so called from 
having originally belonged to a hero named 
Academus. It was subsequently a gym- 
nasium, adorned with groves and statues, and 
became celebrated as the scene of Plato's 
teaching, whence his followers were called 
Academic philosophers. D. speaks of it as 
* lo luogo dove Platone studiava,* in connexion 
with the origin of the name of his school of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 6^26-8, [Aooademioi : 

Accademiciy the Academic or Platonic 
school of philosophers, so called from the 
Academia at Athens, where Plato and Speus- 

* i.e. had them tied ap and 

ippus used to teach, Conv. iv. 6^25-8 [Aooa* 
demia] ; they were succeeded and superseded 
by the Peripatetics, Conv. iv. 6^*^-6 [Perl- 
patetioi]. D. got his account of these schools 
from the Academicae Quaestiones of Cicero 
(i. 4) \Academlcae Qaaestloaes]* 

Acciaiuoli, Niccola], Florentine Guelf, 
who in 1299, together with Baldo d'Aguglione 
(Par. xvi. 56), in order to destroy the evidence 
of a fraudulent transaction in which, with the 
connivance of the Podestk, he had been en- 
gaged, defaced a sheet of the public records 
of Florence. This scandal took place during 
the period of corruption and maladministra- 
tion which followed the expulsion of Giano 
della Bella from Florence [Aguglione : 
Qiano della Bella]. D. alludes to this tam- 
pering with the * quaderno,' Purjg. xii. 105. 

The following account of the incident, which 
appears to have been unknown to Benvenuto, 
is given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

* Nel MCCLXxxxv, doppo la cacciata di Gian de 
la Bella, essendo Firenze in male stato, fu chiamato 
rettore di Firenze, a petizione di quelli che regge- 
vono, uno povero gentile uomo chiamato messer 
Monfiorito della Marca Trivig^ana, il quale prese la 
forma della terra, et assolvea et condennava sanza 
ragione, et palesemente per lui et sua famiglia si 
vendea la giustizia. Nol sostennono i cittadini, et 
compiuto Tufficio, prcsono lui e due suoi famigli, 
et lui missono alia colla *, et per sua confessione si 
seppono cose che a molti cittadini ne segul grande 
infamia; et faccendolo coUare due cittadini chia- 
mati sopra a ci6, Tuno dicea : basta, Taltro dicea : 
no. Piero Manzuoli cambiatore, chiamato sopra 
ci6, disse : dagli ancora uno crollo ; e '1 cavalieri 
ch'era in suUa colla disse : io rende' uno testimonio 
falso a messer Niccola Acciaioli, il quale non con- 
dannai ; non volea il Manzuolo che quella con- 
fessione fosse scritta, per6 che messer Niccola era 
suo genero ; Taltro pure voile, et scrissesi t et 
saputo messer Niccola questo fatto, ebbe si gran 
paura che il fatto non si palesasse, ch'egli se ne 
consigli6 con messer Baldo Agulione, pessimo 
giudice ghibellino antico. Chiesono il quaderno 
degli atti al notaio, et ebborlo ; et il foglio dov'era 
il fatto di messer Niccola trassono del quaderno : 
et palesandosi per lo notaio del foglio ch' era 
tratto, fu consigliato che si cercasse di chi 1' avea 
fatto ; onde il Podestli, non palesando niente, prese 
messer Niccola, et messer Baldo fuggi. Fu coa- 
dennato messer Niccola in libre .iii.™*, et messer 
Baldo in .ii.™> et a'confini fuori della citt^ et del 
contado per uno anno.* 

Villani makes no mention of this incident, 
possibly because the Acciaiuoli were Guelfs like 
himself; it is, however, recorded at length by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19), whose account is sub- 
stantially the same as that given above; he 
adds that the corrupt Podestk, whom he calls 
* Messer Monfiorito di Padova,* was not only 
flogged but imprisoned by the Florentines, 
who refused to release him in spite of repeated 

flogged with a rope*s end. 




applications 'from the Paduans ; he finally 
effected his escape by the help of the wife of 
one of the Arrigucci [ Arriguooi]. 

Accidiosi], the Slothful, supposed by some, 
on account of the expression 'accidioso fummo' 
jinf. vii. 123), to be mcluded with the Wrathful 
(and perhaps also the Envious) in Circle V 
of Hell [Invidloai : Iraoondi]. 

Those who expiate the sin of Sloth {accidia) in 
Purgatory are placed in Circle IV, Purg. xvii. 
46-xix. 43 [Beatitudlnl: Furgatorio] ; their 
punishment is to be obliged to run continually 
round and round, urging each other te greater 
exertion with the cry * Ratto, ratto, che il tempo 
non si perda Per poco amore,* Purg. xviii. 94- 
104 ; those in front recall instances of alacrity, 
viz. how the Virgin Mary hastened to salute 
Elisabeth (Luke i. 39), and how Julius Caesar 
hastened to subdue Lerida {iru, 99-102) 
[Haria ^ : Cesare i] ; those behind recall 
instances of sloth, viz. how the children of 
Israel lost the promised land, and how some 
of the companions of Aeneas remained behind 
m Sicily (w, 131-8) [Ebrei: Aoestei]. 
Example : an Abbot of San Zeno at Verona 
[Alberto della Soala : Zeno, San]. 

AccorsOy Francesco d', son of the famous 
Fioreatine jurist, Accorso da Bagnolo (com- 
monly known by the Latin name of Accursius), 
who lectured in the university of Bologna, 
where he died in 1260 ; the son, who was bom 
at Bologna in 1225, was himself a celebrated 
lawyer; he was professor of civil law at 
Bologna, and in 1273, when Edward I passed 
through that city on his way back from 
Palestine, decided, upon the invitation of the 
latter, to accompany him to England, where 
he lectured for some time at Oxford, being 
provided with free quarters in the * King's 
Manor' (i.e. Beaumont Palace, the traditional 
birthplace of Richard Cceur-de-Lion, the 
memory of which is preserved in the name 
of the present Beaumont Street). The Bolo- 
gnese, who were anxious not to lose him, for- 
bade him to go, under pain of confiscation of 
all his property, a threat which was carried into 
execution in the next year, when he was pro- 
scribed as a Ghibelline ; his belongings, how- 
ever, were restored to him on his return to 
Bologna in 1281, where he died in 1293. A 
sister of his is said also to have professed law 
at the university of Bologna. A tale about 
bim forms the subject of one of the Cenfo 
NcvelU Antiche (Nov. Ixxxi. ed. Biagi). 

p. places Francesco d'Accorso, together 
with Priscian and Brunetto Latino, among 
the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. XV. no [Sodomiti]. 

Benvenuto states that D.'s condemnation 
of these persons aroused a good deal of indig- 
nation, which he himself was inclined to share 
tmtil his own personal experience of the grue- 

some state of affairs in the university of 
Bologna, where he lectured on Dante in 
1375, induced him to modify his opinion ; he 
says : — 

*• Franciscus fUius Accursii primogenitus fuit etiam 
famosissimus doctor legum, qui laboravit morbo 
pejoris et ardentioris febris, quam pater suus . . • 
autor ponit Franciscum ista horrenda ignominia 
maculosum, quia male servavit legem suam pulcerri- 
mam, quam docebat alios, quae dicit: cum vir 
nubit in feminam armentur leges, etc. Et hie nota, 
lector, quod vidi aliquando viros sapientes magnae 
literaturae conquerentcs, et dicentes, quod pro 
certo Dantes nimis male locutus est hie nominando 
tales viros. Et certe ego, quando primo vidi literam 
istam, satis indignatus fui ; sed postea experientia 
teste didici, quod hie sapientissimus poeta optime 
fecit. Nam in mccclzxv, dum essem Bononiae, et 
legerem librum istum, repcri aliquos vermes natos 
de cineribus sodomorum, inficientes totum illud stu- 
dium: nee valens diutius ferre foetorem tantum, 
cujus fumus jam fuscabat astra, non sine gravi 
periculo meo rem patefeci Petro cardinali Bituri- 
censi, tunc legato Bononiae ; qui vir magnae 
virtutis et scientiae detestans tam abhominabrle 
scelus, mandavit inquiri contra principales, quorum 
aliqui capti sunt, et multi territi difiugerunt Et 
nisi quidam sacerdos proditor, cui erat commissum 
negotium, obviasset, quia laborabat pari morbo 
cum illis, multi fuissent traditi flammis ignis; quas 
si vivi effugerunt, mortui non evadent hie, nisi 
forte bona poenitudo extinxerit eas aqua lacryma- 
rum et compunctionis. Ex hoc autem incurri 
capitale odium et inimicitiam multonim ; sed divina 
justitia me contra istos hostes naturae hucusque 
benigne protexit.' 

Aceste^, Acestes, a Trojan bom in Sicily, 
whose father was the river-god Crimisus, and 
his mother a Trojan woman named Egesta^ 
who had been sent to Sicily by her parents. 
D. refers to the account given by Virgil {Aen. 
v. 711-18) of how Aeneas on his arrival in 
Sicily was hospitably entertained by Acestes, 
with whom he left those of his companions 
who were unfit to proceed with him to Italy, 
Conv. iv. 26^^"^ ; these latter are mentioned 
as instances of sluggards by the Slothful in 
Circle IV of Purgatory, Purg. xviii. 136-8. 

Aceste^, Acaste, the nurse of Argia and 
Deiphyle, the two daughters of Adrastus, 
king of Argos ; mentioned with reference to 
the account given by Statins in the Thebaid 
(i. 529 ff.) of how she brought the two maidens 
into the presence of their father when Polynices 
and Tydeus were with him, Conv. iv. 25 ^^~®*, 

Achaemenides, companion of Ulysses, 
who left him behind in Sicily, when he escaped 
from the Cyclops. When subsequently the 
Trojans landed in the island they found Achae- 
menides there and heard from him how his 
companions had been devoured by Poly- 


B 2 




phetnus. D. refers to this episode, Eel. ii. 
82-3 ; his account is taken eitner from Yirpl 
{Aen, iii. 588-691), who appears to have in- 
vented the incident, or from Ovid (Metam, 
xiv. 160-222). [PolyphemuB.] 

Acheronte, *sad Acheron, the flood of 
sorrow, black and deep/ one of the rivers of 
Hell, which forms the boundary of Hell proper. 
Inf. iii. 78; xiv. 116; Purg. ii. 105; g^o^ 
fiume^ Inf. iii. 71 ; trisia rtviera, v, 78 ; fiume^ 
V, %\ \ livida palude, v. 98; onda bruna^ 
V, 118; mal fiume^ Purg. i. 88; on its shore 
assemble from every land all those who have 
died in the wrath of God, inf. iii. 122-3 ; 
Purp. i. 88 ; ii. 105 ; here they wait to be 
ferried across by Charon, Inf. iii. 70-120 
[Caron : Inferno] ; its origin, and that of the 
other rivers of Hell, is explained to D. by 
Virgil, Inf. xiv. 1 12-19 [Fiumi Infemali]. 

Achille, Achilles, son of Peleus and Thetis, 
the foremost hero of the Greeks in the Trojan 
war. In his youth he was instructed by 
Chiron the Centaur, from whose charge he 
was withdrawn by his mother, who placed 
him in hiding in the island of Scyros, to pre- 
vent his going to the Trojan war. While there 
he became enamoured of Deidamia, daughter 
of Lycomedes, king of Scyros, but at the 
instance of Ulysses, who discovered his hiding- 
place, he deserted her and accompanied him 
to the war. The spear of Achilles possessed 
the property of healing the wounds inflicted 
by it. At the first landing of the Greeks in the 
Troad, Telephus, son of Hercules, the king 
of Mysia, was wounded by A. ; as the wound 
did not heal he sought the oracle, and was 
told that it could only be cured by him who 
inflicted it; he accordingly sought A., who 
applied some of the rust of his spear to the 
wound and healed it. 

p. places A., *il grande Achille* (cf. Purg. 
xxi. 92), in Circle II of Hell, among those who 
met their death through love, and says of him, 
in allusion to the mediaeval tradition as to 
his death, 'con amore al fine combatteo,' 
i.e. he fought on love's side to the end. Inf. 
v. 65-6 [Lusturiosi] (see below) ; he is men- 
tioned in connexion with his bringing up by 
Chiron, Inf. xii. 71 [Chht>ne]; his desertion 
of Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 62 [Deidamia] ; the 
healing property of his spear. Inf. xxxi. 5 
[Peleuti; his conveyance to Scyros by his 
mother, Purg. ix. 34 [Sohiro] ; the (unfinished) 
poem of Statius (the Achilleid) on the subject 
of his heroic achievements, Purg. xxi. 92 
\AchUMdt\ ; his descent from Aeacus, Conv. 
IV. a7»»»'^-'][B»ooI. 

According to the Homeric story A. was 
killed before Troy, after having slain Hector. 
I), follows (Inf. V. 6j-6) the later account, 
current in the Middle Ages, which was derived 
from the De Beiio Tn^jano and the De Excidio 

Trojae of the so-called Dictys the Creta 
Dares the Phrygian. These two works, 
purported to be written by actual comb; 
m the war, were the principal authorit 
mediaeval times for the story of the 1 
war; and upon them Guido delle Cc 
professed to have based his popular 
romance of Troy, the Historia Tt 
(written in 1270 and 1287), which as a r 
of fact is a more or less close translati 
the Old French Roman de Troie^ written 
than a hundred years before by Ben< 
Sainte-More. According to the med 
account Achilles was killed by treachc 
the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus in 
whither he had been lured by the prom 
a meeting with Polyxena, of whom h« 
enamoured, and who had been oflered I 
marriage if he would join the Trojans. 
(Alexander) lay in wait inside the templ< 
Deiphobus, and when A. arrived the 
threw his arms round him and embrace< 
While A. was thus helpless Paris tran 
him with his sword and fled, leaving 
mortally wounded on the ground. Whe 
covered by Ajax and Ulysses he ha< 
strength to murmur with his last breatl 
he had been killed by treachery throuj 
love for Polyxena—* dolo me atque ii 
Deiphobus atque Alexander Polyxenae 
circumvenere ' {BelL Troj, iv. 1 1 ). This 
tion as to the death of Achilles is twice re 
to by Servius in his commentary on 
(Aen, iii. 522 ; vi. 57). 

Acbiihide], the Achilleid^ poem in 
meters on the subject of Achilles an 
Trojan war, commenced by Statius, the 2 
of the Thebaidy but left incomplete at his 
only one book and a portion of the s 
having been written. 

Statius (in Purgatory) alludes to it, i 
dressing Virgil, as la seconda somma 
second burden,' under which he fell by th 
Purg. xxi. 92-3 [Stazio]. • D. was indeb 
it for the incident of Ulysses* persuas 
Achilles to desert Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 
(AchilL i. 536 fl". ; ii. i fll) [Deidamia : TSl 
and for that of Achilles awaking in S 
Purg. ix. 34-9 (AchilL i. 198 ffl) [Sohirc 
well as for certain details in his mvocat 
Apollo, and his reference to the laurel i 
reward of poets and warriors, Par. i. 
25-9 (AchilL i. 9-16). 

Aohitofel, Ahithophel the Gilonite 
encouraged Absalom m his rebellion a 
his father David, and who, when his o 
was overthrown by Hushai, David's emi 
' put his household in order, and hangec 
self, and died' (2 Sam. xv-xvii); he is 
tioned by Bertran de Bom (in Bolgis 
Circle VIII of Hell), who compares hi 
evil-doing in stirring up the • Young Ku 




rebel against his father Henry II with that of 
A. in inciting Absalom to rebel against David, 
Inf. xxviii. 136-8 [Absalone: Bertram dal 

AciSy a shepherd of Sicily, son of Faunus, 
who was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and 
was consequently crushed beneath a rock by 
the Cyclops Polyphemus, who was jealous of 
him; his blood as it gushed from under the 
rock was change by Galatea into the river 
Acis. The story, which is told by Ovid 
(Metam, xiii. 860-97), whence D. took it, is 
referred to, Ed. ii. 78-80. [Galatea: Poly- 

Acone^, village in Tuscany, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Florence, the exact situation of 
which is uncertain ; some place it between 
Lucca and Pistoja, others in the Valdisieve, 
one of the valleys opening out of the upper end 
of the Valdamo. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
that the feud between the Church and the 
Emperor, among other consequences, brought 
the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi, from 
their original home at Acone to settle in 
Florence, Par. xvi. 65. [Cerchi.] 

It appears that the people of the Acone 
district were constantly at war with the Floren- 
tines on account of the castle of Monte di 
Croce, which belonged to the Conti Guidi, and 
was situated in their neighbourhood, close to 
the Florentine territory. After a number of 
unsuccessful attempts the Florentines at length 
in 1 1 54 captured it by treachery, and razed it 
to the ground, on which account the Conti 
Guidi ever after bore a grudge against Florence, 
as Villani relates (iv. 37). It was about this 
time that the Cerchi came to Florence. 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

'I Cerchi furono della contrada detta oggi Pie- 
▼ere d'Acone, la quale per io castello di Monte di 
Croce, ch* ft in quelle pievere, ebbe moite guerre 
col comune di Firenzc : finalmente nel mille 
cento cinquanta tre li Fiorentini presero e dis- 
fecero ii dctto castello ; di che piu uomini della 
contrada vennero ad abitare la cittli di Firenze, 
iofra i quali furono i Cerchi.* 

Acone 2], Hakon V (VII), king of Norway, 
1299-13 19 ; alluded to (probably) by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel di Norvegia^ 
Par.xix. 139. [Aquila-; Norvegia.] 

Acquacheta (' Still-water ')> the name, ac- 
cording to D., of the river Montone (* Ram '), 
above Forli, Inf. xvi. 97. D. compares the 
descent of the infernal river, Phlegethon, to the 
^s of the Montone near the monastery of San 
Benedetto in Alpe (vv» 94-105), He speaks of 
^e Montone as the first river which, rising on 
the N. side of the Apennines, flows direct into 
^c Adriatic without entering the Po {int, 94-6). 
This description is no longer true of the Mon- 

tone. At the present day it applies to the 
Lamone, which falls into the Adriatic N. of 
Ravenna. From the time of Pliny, however, 
who speaks of it as the Anemo [Hist. Nat. iii. 
20), down to Cent, xvi, the Lamone had no 
direct outlet to the sea, but flowed either into 
the Po di Primaro, or into the swamps about 
the mouth of that river (see Barlow, Contribu- 
tions to the Study of the D, C, pp. 13 1-3). 
[liBjnoxie : Monte Veso.] 

The Montone rises as a torrent in the district 
of the Etruscan Apennines known as Mura- 
glione, about six miles from the monastery of 
San Benedetto ; close to the latter it is joined 
by the torrents of the Acquacheta and Rio- 
destro, and later on, a few miles above Forll, 
near Terra del Sole, it receives the waters of 
the Rabbi; finally at Ravenna it joins the 
Ronco (the ancient Bedesis), and the two, 
forming one stream under the name of the 
Fiumi Uniti, enter the Adriatic between 
Ravenna and S. ApoUinare. D. implies that 
the river was known as the Acquacheta as far 
as Fori), and only received the name of 
Montone on reaching that city. In the present 
day, at any rate, this is not the case, the name 
of Montone being applied to it as high up as 
San Benedetto. (See P. Nadiani: Jnierpre- 
tazione dei versi di D. sulfiume Montone,) 

Acquaqueta. [Acquaoheta.] 

Acquasparta, village in Umbria, about 
ten miles S.W. of Spoleto, at the head of 
a torrent of the same name, which flows into 
the Tiber not far from Todi ; mentioned by 
St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun), 
together with Casale, Par. xii. 124. The 
allusion is to Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Fran- 
ciscan who, having been appointed General of 
the Order in 1287, introduced relaxations of 
discipline, which were strongly opposed by 
Ubertino da Casale and his following [CasaJeJ. 
Matteo was created cardinal by Nicholas IV 
in 1288; he was sent in 1300, and again in 
1 301, by Boniface VIII to settle the differences 
between the Bianchi and Neri in Florence, 
a mission in which he totally failed (Vill. viii. 
40, 49) ; he died in 1302. 

Acri, Acre or Acca (the Ptolemais of the 
N.T.), commonly called St. Jean dAcre by 
Europeans, town and seaport of Syria, situated 
on a low promontory at the N. extremity of 
the Bay of Acre, about 80 miles N.W. of 
Jerusalem and 27 S. of Tyre (mod. S{ir). 
After having been in the possession of the 
Saracens since the middle of Cent, vii. Acre 
was taken by the Crusaders under Baldwin I 
in 1 104, who made it their principal port, 
and retained it until 11 87, when it was re- 
covered by Saladin. In 1191, after a long 
siege, which cost 100,000 lives, it was retaken 
by Richard Coeur-de-Lion and Philip of France, 




who gave the town to the knights of St. John 
of Jerusalem, whence it received the name of 
St. Jean d*Acre. It remained in the posses- 
sion of the Christians for a hundred years, 
during which, in spite of being continually 
assaulted by the Saracens, it grew into a large 
and populous city, with numerous churches, 
convents, and hospitals, enclosed on the land 
side within a double line of immensely strong 
fortifications. In the spring of 1291, however, 
in consequence of the violation of a truce with 
the Saracens on the part of the Christian 
mercenaries in the city, it was besieged with 
a great host by the Sultan, El-Melik El- 
Ash raf Khaleel, and after holding out for a few 
weeks was carried by assault, 60,000 of the 
inhabitants being taken prisoners, and either 
put to the sword or sold into slavery. With 
this great disaster, by which the last of the 
Christian possessions in the Holy Land passed 
back into the hands of the Saracens, the Latin 
kingdom of Jerusalem came to an end. On 
receipt of the news the Pope, Nicholas IV, at 
once attempted to organize a new crusade for 
the recovery of the city, and called upon all 
Christians, under pain of excommunication, to 
abstain from any further traffic with Egypt, 
the head-quarters of the Mussulman power. 

The loss of Acre is referred to by Guido da 
Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), who reproaches Boniface VIII with 
carrying on war at home with Christians 
(meaning the Colonnesi), instead of devoting 
his resources to the recovery of Acre and the 
chastisement of the Saracens, Inf. xxvii. 85-9. 
[Colonnesi : Laterano.] 

Villani, who gives a long account of the fall 
of Acre (which is copied almost verbatim by 
Benvenuto), laments the loss of the place, 
apparently not so much as a blow to Chris- 
tianity, as on account of the damage inflicted 
on commerce by the closing to the West of 
such a valuable emporium : — 

'La cristianita ricevette uno grandissimo dam- 
maggio, die per la perdita d'Acri non rimase nella 
terra santa neuna terra per gli cristiani ; e tutte le 
buone terre di mercatanzia che sono alle nostre 
marine e frontiere, mai poi non valsono la meta 
a profitto di mercatanzia e d'arti per lo buono sito 
dov* era la citta d'Acri, perocch' ell' era nella 
fronte del nostro mare e in mezzo di Soria, e quasi 
nel mezzo del mondo abitato. presso a Genisalem 
settanta miglia, e fondaco e porto d*ogni merca- 
tanzia si del levante come del ponente ; e di tutte 
le generazioni delle g^nti del mondo v' usavano 
per fare mercatanzia, e turcimanni v* avea di tutte 
le lingue del mondo, si ch' ella era quasi com' uno 
alimento al mondo. . . . Venuta la dolorosa novella 
in ponente, il papa ordinb grandi indulgenzie e 
perdoni a chi facesse aiuto o soccorso alia terra 
santa, mandando a tutti i signori de' cristiani, che 
volea ordinare passaggio generate, e difese con 
gnndi process! e scomuniche quale cristiano 
andaste in Alessandria o in terra d*£gitto con 

mercatanzia, o vittuaglia, o legname, o ferro, o 
desse per alcuno modo aiuto o favore.' (viL 145.) 

Actus Apostotorum, the Acts of the Apostles, 
Mon. ii. 8^^ (ref. to Acts i. 26) ; Mon. iii. 
1^42-3 . quoted. Con v. iv. 20^8-3 (^Ac/s x. 34) ; 
Mon. iii. 9137-9 (^^/j j, i) ; Mon. iii. i3*3-«» 
{Acts XXV. 10; xxvii. 24; xxviii. 19) ; Epist. 
v. 4 {Acts ix. 5). The book of the Acts of the 
Apostles is supposed to be symbolized by the 
elder habited like a physician (in allusion to 
the description of the author as 'Luke, the 
beloved physician,' Co/oss, iv. 14) in the 
mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 134-8, 145-8 [Frooeasione]. 

Adalagia], Alazais (Adelais), wife of Barral, 
lord of Marseilles, of whom the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles was enamoured ; his love 
for her is hinted at, Par. ix. 96-9. [Foloo.] 

Adam, Adam, V. E. i. 42*, 6^^' 17, 49 . Mon. 
ii. 132* 8 ; gen. Adam, V. E. i. 6^® ; gen. A doe, 
Mon. ii. I3^» « ; dat. Adof, V. E. i. 42*, 6^^. 

t Adamo.] — Note, D. follows the Vulgate in 
lis use of the inflected form of the Latin Adam ; 
Adae occurs as dat. in Gen, ii. 20 ; iii. 17 ; as 
gen. in Rom, v. 14; Adam occurs as gen. in 
Gen, V. I, 4 ; as ace. in Gen. ii. 19, 22, &c. ; as 
abl. in Gen, ii. 22. 

Adamo, Adam, the first man, Inf. iii. 115 ; 
Purg. ix. 10; xi. 44; xxix. 86; xxxii. 37; 
Conv. iv. 15*^8, 32, 68, 70 . Mon. ii. I32> « ; V. E. 
i. 4^*, 6io» !''» *9 ; // primo parente. Inf. iv. 5^ ; 
Conv. iv. 1527 ; il primo generante^ Con. iv. 
ijis . pumana rcuUce, Purg. xxviii. 142; rcuiix 
humanae propaginis^ V. E. i. 8^; ranima 
prima, Purg, xxxiii. 62 ; Par. xxvi. 83 ; V. E. 
i. 6*^ ; Vanima primaia, Par. xxvi. 100 ; Puom 
che non nacquey Par. vii. 26 ; seme deirumcma 
natura. Par. vii. 86 ; // petto onde la costa Si 
trasse per former la bella guanciay II cut 
palcUo a tutto il mondo costa. Par. xiii. 37-9 ; 
la terra degna Di tutta r animal perfezione^ 
Par. xiii. 82-3 ; // primo padre^ Par. xiii. 1 1 1 ; 
porno che maturo Solo prodotto fostt, Par. 
xxvi. 91-2 ; padre antico. Par. xxvi. 92 ; il 
padre per lo cut ardito gusto JJumcma specie 
tanto amaro gusta. Par. xxxii. 122-3 ; il mag" 
gior padre difamiglia, Par. xxxii. 136 ; primus 
homo, V. E. i. 5^~*» ^2 . primus loguens, V. E. 
i. S-*^' 6^'^ ; vir sine matre, vir sine lacte^ qui 
neque pupillarem aetatem nee vidit adultam^ 
V. E. i. 6*"7 ; Adam and Eve, la prima gente^ 
Purg. i. 24 ; // primi parent i. Par. vii. 148 ; 
primi parentes, Mon. i. 16''; Adam and 
St. Peter, due rcuiici (of the Celestial Rose), 
Par. xxxii. 120. 

// mal seme cT Adamo, i. e. the damned, Inf. 
iii. 115; quel d* Adamo, i.e. human nature , 
Purg. ix. 10; so la cams d* Adamo, Purg. xi. 
44 » ^^ figi^^ d^ Adamo, i.e. womankind, Purg. 
xxix. 86 ; figli cCAdamo^ figliuoli cP Adamo ^ 


"# w 

ttiCho . 2>ltW^ ffUihtATA J^CJ ffirtr^^ ^ l^^fi" v^.^A^ r^ /Vu 


i.e. mankind, Con v. iv. i^^^""^^ \ filii Adam^ 
V. E. i. 610. 

Adam created as a full-grown man, Par. vii. 
26 ; XX vi. 91-2 ; V. E. i. 6^'' ; the most per- 
fect of living things, Par. xiii. 82-3 ; V. E. i. 
5^^; the father of the human race, Inf. iii. 
"5 1 iv* 55; Pui'ST* ix. 10; xi. 44; xxix. 86; 
Par. vii. ^; 148; xiii. in; xxvi. 92; xxxii. 
132, 136; Mon. i. 16^; his and Eve's eating 
of the forbidden fruit the cause of all the 
woes of mankind, Par. xiii. 37-9; xxxii. 

Adam is mentioned by Virgil among those 
released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 55 
[Limbo] ; his name is murmured by those 
who accompany the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise in token of their re- 
probation of his sin of disobedience, Purg. 
xxxii. 37 ; his place in the Celestial Rose, 
where he is seated on the left hand of the 
Vir^ Mary, as being the first to believe in 
Chnst to come, while St. Peter, the first to 
believe in Christ come, is seated on her right, 
is pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
121-6 [Bosa] ; D. sees his spirit in the 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, quarto lume (the 
other three being those of the three Apostles, 
St Peter, St. James, and St. John), Par. xxvi. 
81; being informed by Beatrice who it is, 
D. bums with a desire to hear him speak and 
prays him to gratify it {w, 82-96) ; Adam com- 

Ses, and informs D. that he was expelled 
m Paradise for disobedience and pride {vv. 
97-117) ; that the Creation took place 5232 
(Le. 4302 + 930) years before the Crucifixion 
(hence 6498, i.e. 5232 + 1300-34, years before 
the date of the Vision) (w, 118-20) ; that he 
lived 930 years upon earth {Gen, v. 5) \vv, 121- 
3); that the lan^age he spoke was extinct 
before the buildmg of the Tower of Babel 
^. 124-6) (see below) ; that speech is natural 
to man, but the manner of it subject to his 
will (z^. 127-32) ; that before his death God 
«u called / upon earth, but that afterwards 
num changed the name to El (vv, 133-8) 
[B] ; lastly, that he abode in Paradise rather 
Diore than six hours (w. 1 39-42). 

In discussing the nature of nobility D. 
^es that, if it is merely hereditary and 
cannot be begot anew in any individual, then, 
if Adam was noble, all mankind must be 
noble, and, if Adam was vile, then all mankind 
ranst be vile, Conv. iv. 15*®"^; Solomon's 
(inscription (Eccles, iii. 21) of mankind, as 
distinct from beasts, as the sons of Adam, 
Conv, iv. i5«6-7i . the sin of Adam not pun- 
ished in Christ if the Roman Empire did not 
^t of right, Mon. ii. 13^"^; all mankind 
dinners through his sin, Mon. i. 16^^; ii. 
^3*"'; Adam the first being endowed with 
'pccch, V. E. i. 4^*"^; his first utterance 
addressed to God, V. E. i. S^-* ; the absurd 
Pretensions of those who claim that their 

Adamo, Maestro 

mother-tongue was the language spoken by 
Adam, V. E. i. 6^*'"i^ ; the language spoken 
by him Hebrew, which survived the confusion 
of tongues at the building of the Tower of 
Babel, V. E. i. 6*^"*^ (D. retracts this opinion, 
Par. xxvi. 124-6). [Heber.] 

Adamo, Maestro, Master Adam of 
B resc ia, famous coiner, who, at the instigation 
of the Conti Guidi of Romena, counterfeited 
the gold florin of Florence, striking coins con- 
taining one-eighth of alloy (21 carats of gold 
instead of 24, the legal standard). The fraud 
was soon detected, and the Florentines, jealous 
for the purity of their coinage, which had 
become a standard throughout Christendom, 
caused the false coiner to be burned alive 
(in 1 281) at Consumaj on the road between ) ^ 
Florence and Komena, in the Casentino. / 

D. places Maestro Adamo among the Falsi- 
fiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 61 ; mastro A,, v, 104 ; 
un fatto a guisa di liutOy v» 49 ; Pidropico^ 
V, 112; quel ch* avea enfiata Pepa^ v. 119; 
il fftanetier, v, 124 [Falsatori] ; after parting 
from Gianni Schicchi and Myrrha in Bolgia 
10, D. and Virgil come upon a figure dis- 
torted with dropsy, Inf. xxx. 46-57 ; it ad- 
dresses D. and names itself as Master Adam 
(w, 58-61) ; then, after describing the tortures 
he is suffering from thirst (w, 62-72), he pro- 
ceeds to narrate the circumstances of his 
crime and punishment (w. 73-5), and says that 
if he could see the three brothers Guidi down 
there in Hell he would not barter the sight 
for the Fonte Branda (w, 76-8) [Branda, 
Fonte]; he adds that he has been told that 
one of them (probably Aghinolfo) is already 
in Hell, and that if he had been able to stir, 
though only at the rate of an inch in a hun- 
dred years, he would ere this have set out to 
look for him, since it was he and his brothers 
who had brought himself to this pass (w, 79- 
90) ; D. then questions him as to two figures 
lying prostrate close by (ttu, 91-3) ; he replies 
that tney are Potiphar's wife and Sinon the 
Greek, who were in that position when he 
arrived and had not stirred since (w. 94-9) ; 
Sinon thereupon strikes Master Adam on the 
paunch with his fist, and the latter returns 
the blow, smiting S. in the face (w, 100-5) ; 
they then indulge in mutual recriminations 
(ttu, 106-29), to which D. listens until he is 
reproved by Virgil {yv. 130-2), and they move 
on [Sinone]. 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

' Questi fu maestro Adamo da Brescia, grandis- 
simo maestro di monete ; fu tirato in Casentino nel 
castello di Romena al tempo che i conti di quello 
lato stavono male col comune di Firenze. Erono 
allora signori di Romena, et d*attomo in quello 
paese, tre fratelli: il conte Aghinolfo, il conte 
Guido, et il conte Alessandro ; il maestro Adamo, 
riduttosi con loro, costoro il missono in sul salto. 








et feciongli battcre fiorini sotto il conio del comune 
di Firenze, ch' erono buoni di peso ma non di 
lega; per6 ch'egli erono di xxi carati, dove elli 
debbouo essere di zxiiii; s! che tre carati v'avea 
dexitro di rame o d'altro metallo : venia Tuno 
a essere peggio il nono o circa. Di questi fiorini 
se ne spesono assai : ora nel fine, venendo tin dl 
il maestro Adamo a Firenze spendendo di questi 
fiorini, furono conosciuti essere falsati : fu preso 
et.ivi fu arso/ 

Master Adam is said to have been originally 
employed by the Florentines to coin their 
gold florins, so that it was an easy matter for 
him to counterfeit them. Butler suggests that 
he had been introduced into Florence by his 
fellow-townsman, Filippo degli Ugoni, who 
was Podestk in 1252, when the gold florin was 
first struck, as Villani records: — 

' Nel detto temp>o ... la cittade mont6 molto in 
istato e in ricchezze e signoria, e in gran tran- 
quillo : per la qual cosa i mercatanti di Firenze 
per onore del comune, ordinaro col popolo e comune 
che si battesse moneta d*oro in Firenze ; e eglino 
promisono di fomire la moneta d'oro, che in 
prima battea moneta d*ariento da danari dodici 
i*uno. £ allora si cominci6 la buona moneta 
d'oro fine di ventiquattro carati, che si chiamano 
fiorini d'oro, e contavasi Tuno soldi venti. £ ci6 
fu al tempo del detto messer Filippo degli Ugoni 
di Brescia, del mese di Novembre gli anni di 
Cristo 1252. I quali fiorini, gli otto pesarono una 
oncia, e dall'uno lato era la 'mpronta del giglio, 
e dall* altro il san Giovanni.' (vi. 53.) 

According to Troya the fraud upon the 
Florentines was found out through the acci- 
dental burning down of a house belonging to 
the Anchioni in the Mugello, when a large 
collection of the counterfeit coins was dis- 

Adice, the Adige, river of Upper Italy, 
formed by the junction of the Etsch or Adige 
proper and the Eisach, which rise in the 
Tyrolese Alps and flow S. as one stream 
through the Tyrol past Trent and Roveredo ; 
entering Italy the river turns S.E. towards 
Verona, which it encloses in a loop, and sub- 
sequently flows E. past Rovigo and falls into 
the Adriatic a few miles below Chioggia and 
about eight to the N. of the most northerly 
outlet of the Po. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the de- 
flection of its course by a great landslip in the 
neighbourhood of Trent, Ii5. xii. 4~5 [Trento] ; 
the March of Treviso, with Lombardy and 
Romagna, is described by Marco Lombardo 
(in Circle III of Purgatory) as il paese cfC 
Adice e Po riga^ Purg. xvi. 115 [Marca Tri- 
visiana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
refers to the inhabitants of the greater part of 
the modem province of Venetia, includmg the 
towns of Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Feltro, Bel- 
luno (and perhaps Verona and Venice), as la 
turba , . . CAe Tagliatnento ed Adice richiude, 

Par. ix. 43-4 [Tagliamento].— A^^:?/^. D. uses 
the article, PAdice^ Inf. xii. 5 ; elsewhere he 
writes Adice y Purg. xvi. 115 ; Par. ix. 44. 

Adimari], powerful Florentine family, al- 
luded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as roliracoiata schiatta^ Par. xvi. 115 ; 
he describes them as overbearing and savage 
to such as gave way to them, but servile 
towards those who opposed them or were 
wealthy (t/z/. 11 5- 17); and adds that in his 
day they were already coming into impor- 
tance, but were of such low extraction that 
Ubertino Donati (who had married a daughter 
of Bellincione Berti, of the house of Ravignani) 
was not by any means pleased when his wife's 
sister married one of them {yv. 118-20) [Bel- 
lincion Berti : Donato, Ubertin]. 

Villani says of the Adimari : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . il 
legnaggio degli Adimari i quali furono stratti di 
casa i Cosi, che oggi abitano in Porta rossa, e 
Santa Maria Nipotecosa feciono eglino : e bene 
che sieno oggi il maggiore legnaggio di quelle 
iesto e di Firenze, non furono per6 in quelll 
tempi de* piii antichi ' (iv. 1 1). 

He says they were Guelfs (v. 39), and as 
such were expelled from Florence in 1248 
(vi. 33) ; they were among those who took 
refuge in Lucca after the Ghibelline victory 
at Montaperti in 1260 (vi. 79); and, when 
subsequently the Guelf party in Florence split 
up into Bianchi and Neri, they all joined the 
former, with the exception of the Cavicciuli 
branch : — 

' I Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della parte 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de* Cavicciuli.' (viii. 


It appears from Villani (vii. 56) that there 
was a bitter feud between them and the Donati 
(who were afterwards leaders of the Neri) 
long before the split-up of the Guelf party in 
Florence, and this feud is doubtless hinted at 
in Cacciaguida's allusion. Par. xvi. 118-20; 
Benvenuto comments on this passage : — 

*■ Unus nobilis de Donatis nomine Ubertinus 
moleste tulit quod soror uxoris suae daretur uni 
de Adimaris. . . . Ad quod sciendum quod dominus 
Belli ncionus fuit socer Ubertini de Donatis, qui 
filiam suam habuit in uxorem ; sed quia tradidit 
aliam filiam uni de Adimaris Ubertinus valde 
indignatus fuit, quia reputabat sibi ad verecundiam, 
quod esset factus affinis et cognatus unius de 

The Adimari, who were divided into three 
branches, viz. the Argenti, the Aldobrandi, and 
the Cavicciuli, were D.'s near neighbours in 
Florence, and were notoriously hostile to him. 
This was especially the case with the Cavic- 
ciuli branch, who, as Villani states (viii. 39), 
unlike the rest of the family, joined the Neri ; 
one of these, a certain Boccaccio or Boccac- 




cino, according to the old commentators, got 
possession of D/s property when he was 
exiled, and always actively opposed his return. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Est praesciendum, quod isti vocantur Adimari, et 
alio nomine Caviccioli, ex quibus fuit unus nomine 
Boccaccinus, quem Dantes offenderet tempore quo 
erkt in statu. Quare illc post exilium autoris impe- 
travit in communi bona ejus, et semper fuit sibi 
infestus, et totis viribus semper obstitit cum con- 
aortibus et amicis ne autor reverteretur ad patriam. 
Quare autor facit istam vindictam cum penna, 
qoam non potuit facere cum spata/ 

According to Dino Compagni (ii. 25) one of 
the Adimari, one Baldinaccio, was included 
in the same sentence of banishment in 1302 
as D. himself. 

Adoardo. [Edoardo.] 

Adolf o, Adolf of Nassau, Emperor (but 
never crowned) from 1292 to 1298, in which 
year he was defeated and slain in a battle near 
Worms by his successor, Albert I. [Alberto 
TedeBOO.] D. mentions him, together with 
Albert, and his predecessor Rudolf, among the 
successors of Frederick II, Conv. iv. 3*^"^. 
[Pederigo ^ : Bidolfo ^ : Table iz.] 

Adrasto, Adrastus, King of Argos, father 
of Argia and Deiphyle, whom he respectively 
married to Polynices of Thebes, and Tydeus 
of Calydon, each of them a fugitive from his 
native country. His attempt to restore Poly- 
nices to the throne of Thebes, which had been 
usurped by his brother Eteocles, led to the 
celebrated war of the Seven against Thebes, 
•Adrastus, Polynices, and Tydeus being joined 
^ four other heroes, Amphiaraus, Capaneus, 
•Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus. 
. £). mentions A., in illustration of his defini- 
fions of * stupore,' * pudore,' and * verecundia,* 
jp connexion with three incidents related by 
pta^tius in the Thebaid^ Conv. iv. 25fi<^'*» "«*-»»> 
^^^^•. — First (* stupore ') how he was stupefied 
^hcn he saw Polynices covered with a lion's 
'^Q, and Tydeus with that of a wild-boar, the 
2*^de of Apollo having told him that his 
daughters should marry a lion and a wild- 

*Hic primam lastrare ocnlis cnltnsqae viroram 
Telaqae magna vacat: tergo videt bajoa inanem 
Inpexia ntriinque jnbis horrere leonem . . . 
Terribiles contra saetis ac dente recurvo 
TVdea per latos axneros arabire laborant 
Elxaviae, Calydonis honos. Stupet omine tanto 
Defixoa senior, divina oracala Pnoebi 
Agnoscens ... 

Senait manifesto nomine dnctos 
Adfore, qnos nczis ambagibus aagur Apollo 
Portendi generos, volta fallente feraruro, 
Bdiderat.^ (7)M. L 48a flL) 

Second (* pudore '), how his daughters * turned 
Pale and red,' and kept their eyes fixed on 
"^is face when they were brought by their 

^^irse, Acaste, into the presence of Tydeus and 

Polynices : 

*Tunc rex longaevas Acasten 

iNatanun haec altrtx . . .) 
mperat acciri tacitaque immarmarat aare. 
Nee mora praeceptis. com protinos utraque virgo 
Arcano egressae thaiamo: . . . 

Nova deinde pndori 
Visa vinim facies: pariter pallorque ruborqne 
Purpureas hausere genas, oculique verentes 
Ad sanctum rediere patrem.* (7Ar^. i. 529 AT.) 

Thirdly ('verecundia*), how Polynices, being 
questioned by Adrastus as to bis parentage, 
mentions his mother and his country, but out 
of shame does not mention the name of his 
father Oedipus [Edipo] : 

* " Cadmus origo patmm, tellus Mavortia Thebe, 
Est ^enetrix Jocasta mibi.** Tum motos Adrastoa 
Hospitiis (agnovit enim) : "Quid nota recondis?*'* 

(T-it**.!. 68oflf.) 

It was probably this last passage, as is noticed 
by Benvenuto, that suggested to D. the delicate 
touch whereby he makes Manfred speak of 
himself as ' the grandson of the Empress Con- 
stance' (Purg. iii. 113), thus avoiding the men- 
tion of his mother, he being a natural son. 
Benvenuto observes : 

' Facit Manfredus sicut mulus, qui interrogatus 
a leone cujus filius esset, dicebat: sum nepos equi, 
cum ipse esset filius asini. Simile est ei, quod 
scribit Statius secundo Majoris de Polynice, qui 
interrogatus ab Adrasto rege Argivorum, nolebat 
propalare nomen patris sui Oedipi, qui infamis 
genuerat eum ex matre propria.' 

Adria, the Adriatic sea ; Ravenna referred 
to by Tityrus (i. e. D.) as being in the Emilia 
on the shores of the Adriatic, ' Aemilida qua 
terminat Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Adria- 
tico: Bavenna.] 

Adriano ^, Adriatic ; il lito Adriano ^ i. e. 
the shores of the Adriatic, the reference being 
to the situation of the monastery of Sta. Maria 
in Porto fuori at Ravenna, or, more probably, 
to that of Sta. Maria in Pomposa near Co- 
macchio, Par. xxi. 122 [Damiano, Pier] ; il 
mare Adriano^ i. e. the Adriatic sea, Conv. iv. 
13121. [Adrlatioo.] 

Adriano 2], Adrian V (Ottobuonode' Fieschi 
of Genoa), elected Pope at Rome, in succession 
to Innocent V, July 11, 1276; died at Viterbo 
on Aug. 16 following, before he had been 
crowned. He was nephew of Innocent IV, 
and had been sent by Clement IV to England 
as legate in 1268, in which capacity he helped 
to bring about the restoration of peace after 
the Barons' War, and preached the Crusade 
of 1270 which was joined by Prince Edward. 
D. places him among the Avaricious in Circle 
V of Purgatory, alluding to him as successor 
Petri^ Purg. xix. 99; Caltro nascostOy v. 84; 

fmella creatura^ v, 89 ; Roman Pastore^ v, 107 
Avari]. When D. and Virgil enter the Circle 
of the Avaricious, V. prays the spirits to direct 
them on their upward course (Purg. xix. 
70-8) ; a voice (that of Adrian V) replies, 
bidding them bear contin ually to Jhe light 
{w, 79-81); D., with the approval of V., ap- 





proaches the speaker (w, 84-90) and addresses 
nim, asking who he was and what sin he and 
his companions are expiating (tw, 91-6) ; he 
replies that he had been a Pope {vv, 97-9), 
of the family of the Counts of Lavagna {t/v, 
100-2) [Ijavagna], and had only held office 
a little more than a month (w, 103-5) ; he 
then tells D. how during his life he had been 
avaricious, for which he was now being 
punished, and how after he became Pope he 
turned from his evil ways (vz/. 106-14) ; and 
explains that he and his companions are 
undergoing purgation from the sin of avarice 
(7W, 115-26); becoming aware that D. is 
kneeling, A. asks the reason (w, 127-30) ; 
D. replies that it is out of respect for the 
papal dignity {w, 131-2) ; whereupon A. bids 
him rise, reminding him that earthly distinc- 
tions have no place there (w. 133-8) ; he then 
dismisses D., after mentioning his niece Alagia 
as the only one of his kin whose prayers could 
avail him (rn/, 139-45) [Alagia]. 

Adrianus, Pope Adrian I (772-795) ; men- 
tioned by D., who erroneously states that 
Charlemagne was crowned Emperor by him, 
in reference to the fact that it was at his invi- 
tation that the King of the Franks attacked 
and crushed the Lombards under Desidenus, 
and thus saved the Church from destruction, 
Mon. iii. ii^~^ [Carlo Magno : Desiderio]. 
D.*s authority for these statements was prob- 
ably Vincent of Beauvais, who records the 
events here referred to in the Speculum His- 
toriale (xxiii. 168-70). 

Adriatico. [Adriaticum Mare.] 

Adriatictim Mare, the Adriatic Sea ; its 
shores the £. limit of the Italian language, 
V. E. i. 8^3-7 ; receives the waters of the left 
side of Italy (if the Apennines be taken as the 
dividing line from N. to S.), V. E. j. 10*^-^ ; 
referred to as, la marina^ Inf. v. 98 ; Purg. xiv. 
92 ; il mare^ Par. viii. 63 ; // mare AdrianOy 
Conv. iv. I3^^i; Adria^ Eel. ii. 68. [Adria: 
Adriano ^ : Mare Adriano.] 

Adulatori], Flatterers, placed among the 
Fraudulent in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 100-36 [Frodolenti] ; 
their punishment is to be plunged up to the 
lips in filthy excrement, while they beat their 
heads with their fists, t/z/. 104-8, 1 12-14, 124* 
Examples : Alessio Interminei of Lucca 
[Alessio Interminei] ; the harlot Thais 

Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus, king of 
Aegina ; Pyrrhus, king of Epirus (who claimed 
the title of Aeacides as being descended from 
Achilles, grandson of Aeacus), described by 
D. as * tam moribus Aeacidarum, quam san- 
guine generosus,' Mon, ii. io^""«. [Eaoo : 

Aegyptii, Egyptians; do not concern 
themselves with the political system of the 
Scythians, Mon. jii. 3l2^-l6 (from Elhics iii. 3 : 
* quomodo Scythae optime administrare rem- 
publicam possint, nullus ex Lacedaemoniis 
consultat,'— D. having by a slip of memory 
substituted Egyptians for Spartans) ; as op- 
pressors of the Israelites they typify the oppo- 
nents of the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. v. I. 

Aegyptius, Egyptian, Mon. iii. 3^*, [^e- 


Aegyptus, Egypt; the exodus of the 
Israelites from {Psalm cxiv. i), Purg. ii. 46 ; 
Epist. X. 7 fBgitto] ; Vesoges, king of, Mon. 
ii. 9'^^ [Vesoges] ; death of Alexander the 
Great in, Mon. ii. 9«i~7 [Alessandro 2] ; 
Ptolemy XII, king of, Mon. ii. 9«»-7« [Tolom- 

Aemilis Terra, the Emilia, province of 
N. Italy, corresponding roughly (as regards 
its present boundaries) with the old province 
of Romagna ; mentioned by Tityrus (i. e. D.) 
in connexion with the situation of Ravenna on 
the Adriatic coast, 'Aemilida qua terminat 
Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Bavenna: Bo- , 

Aeneas, the hero of the Aeneid^ Mon. ii. 

^30, 46> 61,64,71, 113^ ^61^ 769, 80^ nS, 16 ; Epist. 

vii. 4. [Enea.] 

Aeneis, the Aeneid of Virgil, epic poem in 
twelve books, containing an account of the 
fortunes of Aeneas after the fall of Troy, and 
of his wanderings until he setded in Italy; 
quoted as (ace. sing.) Aeneidem (var. Aeneida)^ 
Mon. ii. 3-^^ ; (gen. sing.) Atnetdos^ Mon. ii. 
11^^; and (according to nearly all the printed 
edd.), V. E. ii. 8^2 j (gen. plur.) Aeneidorum, 
V. E. ii. 4''^ ; and (according to Pio Rajna), 
V. E. ii. 8252 ; Eneida, Purg. xxi. 97 ; V. N. 
§ 2576»83; Conv. i. 3"^^; ii. 6^2 >; iii. iii*'^; 
IV. 4IIS, 249«, 26«i»<^; D. speaking to Virgil 
calls it // tuo volume f Inf. 1. 84 ; V. himself 
calls it la mia rima^ Inf. xiii. 48 ; Valta mia 
Tragedia, Inf. xx. 113; Statius calls it la 
divina fiamma Onde sono allumati piik di 
milley Purg. xxi. 95-6 ; and says of it, mamma 
Fummi, efummi nutrice poetcmdOy w. 97-8. — 
Note, The barbarous gen. plur. Aeneidorum 
(V. E. ii. 473, 8^2)^ which is doubtless due to 
the analogy oi Bucolicorum^ Georgicorum (from 
Bucolicoy Georgica)y is by no means uncommon 
in mediaeval MSS. Rajna mentions two well- 
known MSS. of the Aeneid, one of Cent, xi, 
the other, which belon^d to Petrarca, of 
Cent xiii or early Cent xiv, in which this form 
constantly recurs, especially in the headings 
to the several books. • 

D. quotes from, or refers to, the Aeneid 
directly upwards of forty times: — Inf. xx. 
112-3 (Aen, ii. 114); Purg. xxii. 40-1 (Aen. 




iii. 56-7) ; Purg. xxx. 21 {A en, vi. 884) ; Purg. 
XXX. 48 {Aen. iv. 23) ; V. N. § 2576-84 (^^. i. 
65>76-7; iii. 94); Conv.i. 3^6-7 (^^«.i v. 174-5); 
Conv. ii. 6^^^"* (Aen, i. 664-5) ; Conv. iii. 
lii«^o (Aen. ii. 281) ; Conv.iv. 4"7-i9 (^^«. 
i. 278-9) ; Conv. iv. 26^*^1*1 {Aen, iv, v, vi ; 
hr. 272-82; vi. 98 ff.; v. 715-18; v. 545 ff.; 
vf. 162-84 ; v. 45 ff.) ; V. E. ii. 4^^^ (Aen. 
vi. 129-31) ; V. E. ii. 8^3 (Aen, i. i) ; Mon. 
il 3^-115 (Aen, i, 342 ; i. 544-5 ; vi. 166-70 ; 
iii. 1-2; viii. 134-7; iii. 163-7; iii. 339-4©; 
iv. 171-2 ; xii. 936-7) ; Mon. ii. 4^3-7 (Aen, 
viii. 652-6) ; Mon. ii. 5»7-i2o {Aen, vi. 844-5 5 
vi. 826; vi. 821-2) : Mon. ii. 771-85 {Aen, vi. 
848-54 ; iv. 227-30) ; Mon. ii. 892-* (Aen. v. 
337-8) ; Mon. ii. 9^-« (Aen, i, 234-6) ; Mon. 
ii. 11^-21 {Aen, xii. 697-765; xii. 938-52); 
Epist. vi. 5 (Aen, ii. 353) ; Epist. vii. 3 (Aen. 
1 286-7) ; Epist. vii. 4 (Aen, iv. 272-6). 

D. was also indebted to the Aeneid for 

information or details as to the following: — 

*just* Aeneas (Aen, i. 544-5), Inf. i. 73-4 

[Enea] ; * proud * Ilium (Aen, iii. 2-3), Inf. i. 

75 (cf. Inf. xxx. 14 ; Purg. xii. 61-3) [Ilion] ; 

•humble' Italy (Aen. iii. 522-3), Inf. i. 106 

ptalla] ; Camilla (Aen, xi. 657, 768-831), Inf. 

1. 107 ; iv. 124 [Cammilla] ; Nisus and Eurya- 

los \Aen. ix. 176-449), Inf. i. 108 [Eurialo: 

Hlso] ; Tumus (Aen, xii. 947-52), Inf. i. 108 

fTurno] ; Silvius (Aen, vi. 763), Inf. ii. 13 

[Silvloj; Charon (Aen, vi. 298-301), Inf. iii. 

82-109 [Caron] ; Electra, ancestress of Aeneas 

(Am. viii. 134 ff.), Inf. iv. I2i [Elettra^] ; 

Pcnthesilea (Aen. i. 490-3; xi. 662), Inf. iv. 

124 [Penteedlea] ; Latinus and Lavinia (Aen. 

vii. 72), Inf. iv. 125-6 [Latino 3 : Lavixiial ; 

Minos (Aen, vi. 432-3), Inf. v. 4-5 [Minos] ; 

Dido and Sychaeus (Aen. iv. 68, loi, 552), 

Inf. V. 62 ; Par. ix. 97-8 [Dido : Sicheo] ; 

Cerberus (Aen, vi. 395-15, 417-23), Inf. vi. 13- 

33; ix. 98-9 [Cerbero] ; Styx (Aen, vi. 323, 

369)1 Inf. vii. 106 [Stlge] ; the Furies (Aen. 

^- 554-5), Inf. ix. 36-42 [Brine] ; Tisiphone 

[Aen, X. 761), Inf. ix. 48 [Tesifone] ; Dis 

[Aen, vi. 127), Inf. viii. 68 [Dite] ; Pasiphaci 

(i4«i. vi. 24-6, 447), Inf. xii. 12-13 [Paaife] ; 

the Harpies (Aen, iii. 209 ff.), Inf. xiii. 10-15 

[Aipie] ; the trees inhabited by spirits (Aen. 

iii. 26ff.), Inf. xiii. 31 ff. [Pier delle Vigne: 

8Tiioidi] ; Crete and Rhea (Aen, iii. 104-5, 

ni-12). Inf. xiv. 94-102 [Creta: Bea] ; 

Cocytus (Aen. vi. 323), Inf. xiv. 119 [CooitoJ ; 

Manto (Aen. x. 198-200), Inf. xx. 55 ff. 

[Hanto] ; Cacus (Aen. viii. 193-267), Inf. 

ncv. 17-27 [Caoo]; Sinon (Aen. ii. 183-98; 

ii. 77 ff.), Inf. xxvi. 58-60 ; xxx. 98 ff. [Sinone] ; 

the Palladium (Aen. ii. 163-70), Inf. xxvi. 63 

[PaUadio] ; Gaeta (Aen. vii. 1-4), Inf. xxvi. 

J2-3 [Gaeta] ; Cato (Aen. viii. 670), Purg. 

f* 31 ff. [Catone 2] ; Tithonus and Aurora (Aen. 

[J[- 584-5 ; ix. 459-60), Purg. ix. 1-3 [Aiirora: 

"tone] ; the rape of Ganymede (Aen, v. 

252-7), Purg. ix. 20-4 [Qanimede : Ida 2] ; 

Circ6 (Aen, vii. 15, 17-20), Purg. xiv. 40-2 
[Ciroe] ; Amata (Aen. xii. 593-607), Purg. 
xvii- 34-9 ; Epist. vii. 7 [Amata] ; Acestes 
(Aen. V. 711-18), Purg. xviii. 136-8; Conv. 
iv. 26»*~* [Acette i] ; Fabricius (Aen, vi. 844- 
5), Purg. XX. 25-7 [Fabbrizio] ; Pygmalion 
{Aen, i. 340 ff.), Purg. xx. 103-5 [PigmaJione] ; 
Helicon (Aen, vii. 641 ; x. 163), Pui^. xxix. 
40 [Elioona] ; the 'bird of Jove,' i.e. the 
Eagle (Aen, i. 394), Purg. xxxii. 112 [Aqidla]; 
Pallas, son of Evander (Aen, x. 479 ff. ; xii. 
887-952), Par. vi. 36 [Pallante] ; Antandros 
(Aen, iii. i-ii). Par. vi. 67 [Antandro] ; 
Hector's tomb (Aen. v. 371), Par. vi. 68 
[Ettore] ; Cupid and Dido (Aen. i. 657-60, 
715-19), Par. viii. 9 [Cupido: Dido] ; Dido's 
love for Aeneas (Aen. iv. 2, 68, loi). Par. ix. 
97 [Dido] ; Anchises in the Elysian fields 
(Aen. vi. 676 ff.). Par. xv. 25-7 [Anchiae: 
Eliaio] ; the death of Anchises (Aen. iii. 707- 
11), Par. xix. 131-2 [Anohise] ; Rhipeus (Aen. 
ii. 426-7), Par. xx. 68, 121 [Kifeo]; the Sybil 
(Aen. iii. 441-52), Par. xxxiii. 65-6 [Sibilla] ; 
the Tarquins (Aen, vi. 818), Conv. iv. 58! [Tar- 
quinii] ; the Decii and Drusi (Aen, vi. 825), 
Conv. iv. 513^2-3 [Decii : Druai] ; Pergama, the 
citadel of Troy (Aen, iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58), 
Epist. vi. 4 fPergama] ; Sergestus (Aen, v. 
268-72), Eel. ii. 31 [Sergestus]. 

D. not infrequently borrows or echoes 
phrases from the Aeneid \ e.g. 'ante oculos 
sc offert ' (Aen, vii, 420), Inf. i. 62 ; * Sed si 
tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros ' (Aen. 
ii. 10), Inf. v. 124-5; 'carcere caeco' (Aen. 
vi. 734), Inf. X. 58-^ ; Purg. xxii. 103 ; * Si 
bene quid de te merui * (Aen, iv. 317), Inf. xxvi. 
80-1; *Ter conatus' &c. (Aen, vi. 700-1 J, 
Purg. ii. 80-1 ; * litore rubro* (Aen, viii. 686), 
Par. vi. 79 ; * sanguis meus * (Aen, vi. 836), 
Par. XV. 28; 'grates persolvere dignas Non 
opis est nostrae, . . . nee quicquid ubique est 
Gentis Dardaniae ... [si qua est coelo pietas 
{.Aen, ii. 536)] . . . Praemia digna ferant ' (Aen. 
i. 600-5), Epist. i. 2; *recidiva Pergama' 
(Aen, iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58), Epist. vi. 4 ; 
'praesaga mens' (Aen. x. 843), Epist. vi. 4; 
* malesuada fames * (Aen, vi. 276), Epist. vi. 5 ; 
' quae tam sera moratur Segnities ? ' (Aen. ii. 
373-4), Epist. vii. 3. 

(See Moore, Studies in Dante j i. 166-97.) 

Aeolus, god of the winds ; mentioned in 
quotation from Virgil (Aen, i.65), V. N. § 25^7. 

Aetna, Mt. Aetna ; name under which D. 
figures Bologna in his correspondence with 
Giovanni del Virgilio, Eel. ii. 27 ; referred to 
as Aetnaeum litm^ v, 69 ; Aetnica saxa^ v, 74. 

Aetnaeus, Aetnaean ; Aetnaeum lituSy i.e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 69. [Aetna.] 

AetnicuSy Aetnaean; Aetnica saxa, i.e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 74. [Aetna.] 




Affricay Africa ; the scene of the combat 
between Hercules and Antaeus, Conv. iii. 3*^*"* 
[Anteo] ; Hannibal's despatch to Carthage of 
the rings taken from the Romans slain at 
Cannae, Conv. iv. 5I60-8 [Canne] ; the African 
campaign of Scipio Africanus Major, Conv. iv. 
P16J-71 [Soipione^]; the continent to which 
belonged Electra, ancestress of Aeneas, and 
Dido, his second wife, Mon. ii. 3«*-77, 102-3 
[Enea] ; Atlas, the ancestor of Aeneas, of 
African origin, Mon. ii. 3*** [Atlas ^]; Mt. 
Atlas in Africa, as testified by Orosjus, Mon. 
ii. 3W-»i [Atlas 2] ; the scene of Julius Caesar's 
victory (at Thapsus), and Cato's death (at 
Utica), Mon. ii. 5150-70 [Cesare 1 : Catone] ; 
alluded to as, /e arene, Purg. xxvi. 44 ; /a terra 
cheperde ombra (since in the torrid zone when 
the Sun is vertically overhead there is no 
shadow), Purg. xxx. 89; la terra di larba^ 
Purg. xxxi. 72 [larba]. 

Affricani. [African!.] 

Affricano, Scipio Africanus Major, Purg. 
xxbc. 1 16. [Soipione 1.] 

Aforismt, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, 
one of the chief medical authorities in the 
Middle Ages. Galen wrote a commentary 
upon them which, with the Aphorisms them- 
selves, was translated into Latin from an Arabic 
version by Constantinus at Monte Cassino in 
Cent. xi. Benvenuto defines an aphorism as 
a ' maxim in medicine,' and quotes an example 
from Hippocrates (this being the first in the 
collection) :— ' ars longa, vita brevis, judicium 
difficile, tempus acutum, experimentum vero 

D. mentions the Aphorisms^ Par. xi. 4 ; 
couples them with the Tegni of Galen as in- 
appropriate gifts from a physician to a knight, 
Conv. i. 831-3. [Ippoorate : Galieno : Tad- 

Afrit Africans, i.e. Carthaginians; their 
defeat by the Romans, Mon. ii. ^l®^ [Carta- 

Africa, Africa, Mon. ii. 3«8' »«» ^7, 90, 103^ 
5I6I. [Affrioa.] 

Africani, Africans ; do not admit the claim 
of the Church to bestow the Imperial autho- 
rity, Mon. iii. 14''"; i.e. Carthaginians, com- 
manded by Hannibal in their war with the 
Romans, Mon. ii. i i-s-eo. [Afri : Cartaginesi.] 

Agdbito, Agapetus I, Pope 535-536 ; men- 
tioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury) as havmg convinced him 
of the error of his heretical belief as to there 
being but one nature in Christ, Par. vi. 14-18 
[Qiustiniano]. It appears, however, as a 
matter of fact, as Butler observes, to have 
been not Justinian himself, but his wife Theo- 
dora, who held heterodox opinions, she having 
been attached to the Eutychian or Mono- 

physite heresy. The Emperor's own orthc 
seems to have been unimpeachable till 
the end of his life (d. 565), when he L 
into erroneous views concerning not the n 
but the person of Christ. Agapetus was 
at the time when the Gothic power in 
was being destroyed by Belisarius, anc 
story is that he was sent by Theodatus, 
of the Goths, to make terms with Justini 
Constantinople. He angered the latter t 
refusal to acknowledge Anthimus, who 
been translated from the see of Trebizo: 
that of Constantinople, contrary to the < 
of the Church. The Emperor, however, 
come by his firmness, consented to list 
the charges against Anthimus, who was 
victed of Eutychian ism and deposed fro 
see. Agapetus died at Constantinople, 
on his mission to Justinian, in 536. 

D.'s authority for his statement as t 
conversion of the Emperor by Agapetus 
have been Brunetto Latino, who says : — 

' Et jk soit ce que cist Justiniens fust au 
mencement en Terror des hereges, en 
reconut il son error par le conseil Agapite, qi 
estoit apostoiles/ {Tresor^ i. 87.) 

According to Anastasius Bibliothe< 
Agapetus convinced Justinian as to the 
fold nature of Christ : — 

* Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum dei 
hominem esse, hoc est duas naturas esse i 

Agag, king of the Amalekites, whc 
spared by Saul contrary to God's comi 
and afterwards slain by Samuel (i Sam 
mentioned as type of the opponents c 
Emperor Henry VII in Italy, whom D. 
the latter to destroy as Samuel dest 
Agag, Epist. vii. 5. 

Ag^amemnone], Agamemnon, so 
Atreus, and brother of Menelaiis, the lea 
the Greeks in the Trojan war; alluded 
Beatrice (in the Heaven of the Moon) ir 
nexion with the sacrifice of Iphigenia, 
gran duca dei Greciy Par. v. 69. 

When Helen, the wife of Menelaiis 
carried off by Paris, and the Greek 
resolved to recover her by force of 
Agamemnon was chosen as their comm: 
After two years of preparation, the ' 
army and fleet assembled in the port of 
in Boeotia. Here, A. having killed a stag 
was sacred to Artemis, the goddess s 
pestilence on the Greek army, and pro 
a calm which prevented them from leavii 
port. In order to appease her wrath i 
the advice of Calchas, consented to sa 
his daughter Iphigenia ; but at the mom 
the sacrifice she was rescued by Artemii 
another victim was substituted in her 
The calm thereupon ceased, and the < 




host sailed to the coast of Troy. [Aulide : 
Calcanta: Ifigenia.] 

Ag4pito. [Ag&bito.] 

Agathon, Greek poet, Mon. iii. 6^^. [Aga- 

Agatone, Agathon, Greek tragic poet, a 
pupil of Socrates, and friend of Euripides and 
Plato, bom at Athens circ. B. c. 448, died circ. 
400 ; a tragedy of his is mentioned by Aristotle 
in the Poeticsy and he himself is several times 
mentioned in the Rhetoric^ but none of his 
works have come down to us. 

Agathon is mentioned by Virgil as being 
amonp; the Greek poets who are with Homer 
and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 107 [Limbo] ; 
his saying (taken from Ethics vi. 2) that God 
cannot cause what is, not to have been, Mon. 
iii. 6^0-3. 

Aggregaxioae delle Stella, LIbro delP, the 

alternative title (Liber de Aggregatione Scien- 
Hat Stellarum) of the EUmenta Astronomica 
of Alfraganus ; quoted to prove that the motions 
of the heaven of Venus are threefold, Conv. ii. 
5133-6, [Alfergano : Venere, Cielo di.] 

Aghinolfo da Romena], one of the 
Conti Guidi who persuaded Maestro Adamo 
of Brescia to counterfeit the Florentine gold 
florin ; referred to by Adamo as brother of 
Guide and Alessandro da Romena, Inf xxx. Tj ; 
one of them (supposed to be Aghinolfo, who 
died at the beginning of 1300), he says, is 
already in Hell, v. 79 [Adamo, Maestro]. 
This Aghinolfo was the wther of Uberto and 
Gttido da Romena, to whom D. addressed one 
of his letters, Epist. ii. [Quidi, Conti : Table 
xxiv. B], 

AglaurOy Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, 
King of Athens, who was changed into a stone 
hy Mercury, because she in jealousy tried to 
prevent him from visiting her sister Herse 
whom he loved ; her story is told by Ovid 
[Metam, ii. 737-832). D. introduces her as an 
instance of envy in Circle II of Purgatory, 
where her voice is heard proclaiming, * I am 
Aglauros who was turned into stone,' Purg. 
3QV. 139 [InvidioBi] ; she is mentioned as the 
type of envy, Canz. xviii. 71. 

Agli, Lotto degli], Florentine judge (one 
^the Guelf sureties in the peace concluded by 
Cardinal Latino in 1280, prior in 1285, and 
podestk of Trent in 1287), who after delivering 
i^P unjust judgment iwent home and hanged 
himself; he is supposed by some of the com- 
iK^tators to be the individual placed among 
^ Suicides in Round 2 of Circle VII of HeU, 
^^' xiii. 123-xiv. 3; cespuglio xiii. 123, 131 ; 
y«^^/f, V, 139; colui, xiv. 3. [Suioidi.] Ja- 
como da Sanf Andrea, one of those punished 
jo this Round for riotous living, being pursued 
by dogs, takes refuge behind a bush ; but the 
^s seize bim and tear him to pieces, rending 

the bush at the same time. Inf. xiii. 120-9 ; D. 
and Virgil approach the bush, which wails at 
being torn [yv, 130-5) ; V. addresses it, and 
inquires who the spirit contained in it was 
(7/7/. 136-8) ; the spirit, after begging them to 
collect the leaves that had been torn from the 
bush, tells them that he was a Florentine, and 
had hanged himself in his own house {w. 
139-51); D., having collected the scattered 
leaves, restores them to the bush, and moves 
on (xiv. 1-4). 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Alcuni dicono, ch'egli fu un Messer Lotto degli 
Agli di Firenze, il quale pervenuto in somma 
poverta, data per danari una falsa sentenza, per 
fuggire poverta e vergogna s'impicc6.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino ; — 

' Fu costui . . . uno giudice della famiglia degli 
Agli, il quale, avendo renduto uno consiglio false, 
et essendo state cendennate per queste vitu- 
perevelmente, se ne pose tante delere a cuere 
ch' egli, ternate a casa sua, per disperazione s'im- 
picc6 per la gela.' 

The Agli of Florence, as appears from 
Villani (v. 39) and Dino Compagni (ii. 36), 
were Guelfs. 

Other commentators think the person in- 
tended was one of the Mozzi, who hanged 
himself in despair at finding himself bankrupt ; 
thus the Anonimo (ed. Selmi) says : — 

'Queste cespuglie che piangea si ebbe neme 
Rucce de' Mezzi da Firenze ; e fu melte ricce : 
e perch^ la compagnia lore falll, venne in tanta 
pevertii che egli s*iinpicc6 egli stesse in casa sua.' 

The Ottimo mentions this alternative 
opinion : — 

' Alcuni dicene che quest! fu Rucce de' Mezzi di 
Firenze, il quale di melte ricce divenute peveris- 
sime, voile finire sua vita anzi Tultima miseria.' 

Buti, Benvenuto, and others, mention both 
names, but remark that, as many Florentines 
hanged themselves about this time, they are 
inclined to think that D. left the reference 
purposely vague. This is the opinion of Boc- 
caccio : — 

' Nen ^ cestui dall' auter nominate, credo per 
I'una delle due cagieni, e per riguarde de* parent! 
che di queste cetaJe rimasero, i quali per awen- 
tura sene onereveli uemini, e perci6 nen gli vuele 
maculare della infamia di cesl disenesta merte; 
owere perciecch^ in que' tempi, quasi come una 
maladiziene mandata da Die nella citta nostra, 
piu se ne impiccareno ; acciecch^ ciascun pessa 
apperle a qual piii gli piace di que' meltL' 

Casini thinks the mention of Ml passo 
d'Amo * (z/. 146), i. e. the Ponte Vecchio, points 
to Rocco de' Mozzi, whose family, as Villani 
records (vii. 42 ', dwelt close to the Ponte 
Rubaconte on the other side of the Amo, and 
not far from the Ponte Vecchio. 

Agn^ly Agnello, one of five Florentines (Inf. 
xxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Thieves in 




Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), 
Inf. XXV. 68; uno (sfirito)^ v. 51 [Iiadri] ; he 
is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation, he being blended in form with 
a serpent iyv, 49-78) ; the latter is identified 
by the commentators with Cianfa de' Donati 
[Cianfift : Fuooio Soianoato]. 

According to the old commentators he 
belonged to the Brunelleschi, a Ghibelline 
family of Florence, who first joined the Bianchi 
and then went over to the Neri ; none of them 
give any details except the Anonimo (ed. 
Selmi), who says : — 

' Questo Agnello fu de' Brunelleschi di Firenze ; 
e infino picciolo votava la borsa al padre e a la 
madre, poi votava la cassetta a la bottega, e imbo- 
lava. Poi da grande entrava per le case altnii, 
e vestiasi a modo di povero, e faciasi la barba di 
vecchio, e perd il fa Dante cosl trasformare per li 
morsi di quello serpente come fece per furare.' 

AgobbiOy Gubbio, town of Central Italy on 
the slopes of the Apennines in N. of Umbria, 
about thirty miles £. of Arezzo, and about 
twenty N. of Perugia ; mentioned in connexion 
with Oderisi, the illuminator, whom D. calls 
Vonor d*AgobbiOj Purg. xi. 80. [Oderisi.] 

Agostino ^, Augustine, one of the earliest 
followers of St. Francis of Assisi, whom he 
joined in 1210, and eventually (in 12 16) head 
of the Franciscan Order in Terra di Lavoro ; 
placed by D., top^ether with Illuminato of Rieti, 
among the Spirits who loved wisdom (Spiriti 
Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where 
they are named to him by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 130-2 [Sole, Cielo del]. 

Agostino 2y St. Augustine (Aurelius Augus- 
tinus), the greatest of the four great fathers of 
the Latin Church (the other three being St. 
Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Gregory the 
Great) ; bom at Tagaste in Numidia, Nov. 13, 
354; died at Hippo, during the siege of the 
town by the Vandals, Aug. 28, 430. His father, 
Patricius, was a pagan at the time of his birth, 
but his mother, Monica, was an earnest 
Christian, and brought up her child in the 
Christian faith ; he was, however, not baptized, 
and as he grew up he fell away from his 
mother's influence, and led a dissolute life, but 
was devoted at the same time to his studies, 
which he began at Tagaste, and afterwards 
pursued at Carthage ; at the latter place he 
joined the Manichaeans, but becoming dis- 
satisfied with their doctrines he abandoned 
the sect. From Carthage he went to Rome, 
whence he was invited to Milan, in his thirtieth 
year, as teacher of rhetoric Here he came 
under the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of 
Milan, and in 386 was converted and baptized. 
After paying a second visit to Rome, he went 
to Hippo, where he was ordained presbyter, 
and finally became Bishop in 396; here he 

died thirty-four years later at the age of seventy- 
six. St. Augustine was a voluminous writer, 
his works being directed chiefly against the 
Manichaeans and the Pelagians; his two most 
famous books are his Confessions^ written 
about 397, shortly after he became bishop, in 
which he gives a vivid sketch of his early 
career, and the City of God, written between 
413 axid 426, an apologetic treatise in vindica- 
tion of Christianity and the Christian Church. 
St. A. is mentioned by St. Thomas Aquinas 
in the Heaven of the Sun in connexion with 
Orosius, of whose Historia cidversus Paganos 
he is said to have availed himself in the De 
Civitate Dei, Par. x. 120 [OroBio]; his place 
in the Celestial Rose, where he is seated below 
St. Benedict and St. Francis, is pointed out to 
D. by St Bernard, Par. xxxii. 35 [Boea]; his 
Confessions the kind of work in which it is 
aUowable for the author to speak of himself, 
Conv. i. 2^oi~* [Coai68slonI\ ; his saying that 
*no man is without stain ', Conv. i. ^^^~^(Conf 
i. 7 : ' nemo mundus a peccato coram te, Deus ') ; 
his contention that if men comprehended and 
practised equity there would be no need of the 
written law, Conv. iv. 982-e . hjs advice that 
men should acouire the habit of self-control, 
Conv. iv. 2ii2®~® ; a man may lead a religious 
life without assuming the habit of St. Benedict, 
or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, or St. Dominic, 
Conv. iv. 2868""''*; his writings undoubtedly 
inspired, Mon. iii. 387-91 ; his De Civitate Dei 
and De Doctrina Christiana quoted, Mon. iii. 
451-72 [Civitate Dei, De: Doctrina Ciiria^ 
tiana, De] ; his works and those of the other 
Fathers neglected for those of the Decretalists, 
Epist. viii. 7 [Deoretalietae] ; his treatise De 
Quantitate Animae, Epist. x. 28 [Quantitata 
Aaimae, De]. Some think St. Augustine is 
alluded to as one of ' the four in humble guise ' 
in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise (the other three being St Anabrose, 
St Gregory, and St. Jerome), Purg. xxix. 143. 

Agosto ^. [Augusto.] 

Agosto ^, month of August ; mentioned in 
connexion with the prevalence of * vapori ac- 
cesi' (i.e. meteors and summer lightning) in 
the twilight of summer evenings, Purg. v. 37-9 ; 
referred to as the period tra il luglio e il 
settembre, in connexion with the crowded state 
of the hospitals of Valdichiana at that time of 
year, owing to the malaria generated by its 
swamps (' maxime autem augustus est iniirmus 
mensis etiam in locis sanis,' observes Ben- 
venuto). Inf. xxix. 47 [Chiana]. 

Agubbio. [Agobbio.] 

Aguglione, castle (now destroyed) formerly 
called Aquilone, in the Florentine territory in 
the Val di Pesa to the S. of the city ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments that 




owing to the extension of its boundaries 
Florence has * to endure the stink * of il villan 
{PAguglion (i.e. according to the most general 
interpretation Baldo d'Aguglione), Par. xvi. 
56 ; this Baldo was concerned in the fraud of 
Niccola Acciaiuoli alluded to, Purg. xii. 105 
[Aooiaiuoli, Niooola]. 

Baldo d'Aguglione, who is spoken of by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19) as ' giudice sagacissimo/ 
was one of those who drew up the Ordinamenti 
di Giustizia in Florence in 1293 [Qiano della 
Bella]. His family were Ghibellines, and as 
sach his father Guglielmo, and his brother 
Puccio, were exiled from Florence in 1268. 
Baldo himself, however, took the other side 
and remained in Florence, where, after playing 
an important part in the events of 1293, and 
in the expulsion of Giano della Bella in 1295, 
he became Prior in 1298. In 1299, in con- 
sequence of the discovery of his share in the 
fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli, he fled from 
Florence, and was condemned in his absence 
to a fine of 2,000 lire and to a year's banish- 
ment. In 1302, when through the intervention 
of Charles of Valois the Bianchi were expelled, 
he and Bonifazio da Signa (Par. xvi. 56) joined 
the Neri with certain other renegade Bianchi 
and Ghibellines. From this time forward he 
occupied a position of great influence in 
Florence. In 131 1, while he was Prior for 
the second time, and the city was anxious to 
present a united front to the Emperor Henry 
Vll, he drew up the decree (dated Sep. 2, 
131 1 ) known as the * Riforma di Messer Baldo 
d'Aguglione,* whereby the sentences against 
a number of the Guelf exiles were revoked and 
cancelled, and a number of others, who are all 
included under the head of Ghibellines, were 
expressly excepted, among the latter being 
Dante Alighieri [Dante]. In this proclamation 
(which is printed in extenso by Del Lungo in 
his DelV Esilio di Danie, pp. 109-44) the 
Priors and Gonfaloniere and twelve good men 
by them elected : — 

'Attendentes providere fortificationi corrobo- 
nuioni et reconciliationi Populi et Comunis 
florentie et Partis Guelfe dicte civitatis et comi- 
tatus et districtus Florentie Guelfonim, et super 
rebampniendis Guelfis, et aliis ... ad hoc ut ipsa 
^tas et districtus in pace consistat, et Guelfonim 
unio fiat et sit in dicto Populo et Comuni et civitate 
et comitatu et districtu Florentie, et ad exaltatlo- 
nem Guelfe Partis, Christi nomine invocato, pro 
fortificatione, custodia, corroboratione et recon- 
ciliatione Populi et Comunis Florentie et districtus, 
't sing;ularium personarum ipsius . . . concorditer 
providenint et ordinaverunt, firmaverunt et stantia- 
'cnint: Quod omnes et singuli vere Guelfi, mares 
^ femine, tam populares quam magnates, natione 
*^ origine dc civitate comitatu et districtu Flor- 
^tie, indudendo in districtu Florentie comunia 
^'nas populos plebatus et loca que fuenint dis- 
^ctus Pistorii, ac etiam plebatus terras et populos 
^itatis et districtus Florentie, condempnati et 

exbampniti, seu condempnati tantum seu' exbamp- 
niti tantum, Comunis Florentie, expresse vel 
tacite, seu pro exbampnitis habiti, vel qui ipso 
jure exbampniti vel condempnati essent ... ex 
nunc intelligantur esse et sint exempti liberi et 
totaliter liberati cancellati et absoluti, et exemptio 
libera et totaliter liberata cancellata et absoluta, 
de predictis et a predictis omnibus et singulis . . • 
£t salvo et reservato quod omnes et singuli infra* 
scripti nullum bencfitium consequantur expresse 
predictis provisionibus vel aliqua earum, nee de 
ipsorum condempnationibus et bampnis, vel con- 
dempnationibus tantum vel bampnis tantum, liberari 
cancellari vel absolvi possint vel debeant ullo 
modo, ymmo exbampniti sint et condempnati sint 
et remaneant in omnibus sicut erant ante pre- 
sentem provisionem. 

Nomina quorum sunt hec . . .' [here follows 
a long list of names of families and individuals, 
numbering between four and five hundred, grouped 
according to the quarters of the city in which their 
residences were situated. In the last division but 
one, De Sexiu Porte SancH Petri, occurs the entry 
* Filii domini Cionis del Bello et Dante Alleghierii,' 
in this same division being included 'Omnes de 
domo de Abbatibus, excepto Ciolo' (^this last being 
perhaps the Ciolus referred to by D., Epist. ix. 3), 
' De domo de Eliseis' (to which house the Alighicri 
are said to have belonged'), ' De domo de Porti- 
nariis' (the family of Beatrice \ and * Gianus della 
Bella et filii ']. 

When, in the next year, the Emperor Henry 
VIPs army was advancing towards Florence, 
Baldo d'Aguglione fled from the city, and was 
consequently himself declared an outlaw ; he 
managed, however, to secure a pardon, and 
returned to Florence, where he died not long 
after, leaving several sons to succeed him, but 
the family died out before the end of Cent. xiv. 
Benvenuto says : — 

* Iste, quem vocat autor Rusticum, fuit quidam 
jurista nomine Ubaldus de Aguglione, villa comi- 
tatus Florentiae, qui fuit magnus canis. Dicebat 
se optime nosse guelphos et ghibellinos, et fecit 
librum de tam detestanda materia, quem diu floren- 
tini sequuti sunt' 

Aiace, Ajax, son of Telamon ; his descent 
from Aeacus, Conv. iv. 27^9*. [Eaco.] 

Aimeric. [HameiiouB : Namericus.] 

Aiagherius. [Alighieii.] 

Alagia, Alagia de' Fieschi, of Genoa, 
daughter of Niccol6 de' Fieschi, Imperial Vicar 
in Italy, niece of Pope Adrian V, and wife of 
Moroello Malaspina, the friend of D., by whom 
she had three sons [Malaspina, Moroello] ; 
she had two sisters, one of whom, Fiesca, 
married Alberto Malaspina, while the other, 
Giacomina, married Obizzo II of £ste. [Table 
xxvi : Table zxiii.] A. is mentioned by 
Adrian V (in Circle V of Purgatory) as being 
still alive, and the only one of his kin who was 
virtuous, and whose prayers could avail him, 
Purg. xix. 142-5 [Adiiano ^]. Benvenuto says 




that D. means to imply * quod mulieres illoram 
de Flisco fuerunt nobiles meretrices.' Some 
of the old commentators think that Alagia is 
xYitfemmina of Purg. xxiv. 43 [GtontuooaJ* 

Alagna, Anagni, town in Latium, situated 
on a hill about forty miles S.E. of Rome, cele- 
brated as the birthplace of Pope Boniface VI II, 
and as the scene of his imprisonment by Philip 
the Fair ; mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with 
Philip's outrage on the Pope, Purg. xx. 86-7 ; 
quel d*Alagnaj i.e. Boniface VIII, Par. xxx. 
148 [Bonifasioi : Filippo^]. 

The long struggle between Philip the Fair 
and Pope Boniface culminated at length in 
the employment of open violence on the part 
of the Kmg of France against the Pope's 
person. Philip accused Boniface of profligacy 
and heresy, and demanded the convocation of 
a General Council *to remove these scandals 
from the Church.' Boniface retorted by issuing 
a Bull, in which the King of France was de- 
clared excommunicate, while his subjects were 
released from their allegiance, and the clergy 
were forbidden to receive benefices at his 
hands. This Bull was ordered to be suspended 
in the porch of the Cathedral of Anagni on 
Sep. 8, 1303; but on the eve of that day 
Sciarra Colonna, whose house Boniface had 
so bitterly wronged, and William of Nogaret, 
the emissary of the King of France, suddenly 
appeared in Anagni with an armed force, and 
seizing the person of the Pope, after heaping 
every indignity upon him, held him a prisoner 
for three days, while the soldiers plundered his 
palace. He was at last rescued by the people 
of Anagni, who expelled the soldiers and forced 
Sciarra and Nogaret to fly for their lives. 
Boniface immediately set out for Rome to 
prepare measures of vengeance against Philip 
and his accomplices, but the shock he had 
undergone was too much for him ; he became 
raving mad, and died at Rome, barely a month 
after his rescue from prison, Oct. 11, 1303. 
[Colonna, Soiarra: Quglielmo di Nogaret.] 

Villani gives the following account of the 
incident of Anagni, and of the death of Boni- 
face: — 

' Dope la discordia nata tra papa Bonifazio e '1 
re Filippo di Francia, ciascuno di loro procacci6 
d'abbattere Tuno Taltro per ogni via e modo che' 
potesse : il papa d'aggravare il re di Francia di 
scomuniche e altri process! per privarlo del reame 
... Lo re di Francia dair altra parte non dormia, 
ma con grande sollecitudine, e consiglio di Stefano 
della Colonna e d*altri savi Italiani e di suo reame, 
mand6 uno messere Guiglielmo di Lunghereto di 
Proenza, savio cherico e sottile, con messer 
Musciatto Franzesi in Toscana, forniti di molti 
danari contanti, e a ricevere dalla compagnia de' 
Penizzi (allora suoi mercatanti) quanti danari 
bisognasse, non sappiendo eglino perch6. £ arri- 
vati al castello di Staggia, ch* era del detto messer 

Muscfatto, vi stettono piii tempo, mandando am- 
basciadori, e messi, e lettere, e faccendo venire 
le genti a loro di segreto, faccendo intendere al 
palese che v'erano per trattare accordo dal papa 
al re di Francia, e percid aveano la detta moneta 
recata : e sotto questo colore menarono il trattato 
segreto di fare pigliare in Anagna papa Bonifazio, 
spendendone molta moneta, corrompendo i baron i 
del paese e* cittadini d'Anagna ; e come fu trattato 
venne fatto : che essendo papa Bonifazio co* suoi 
cardinal! e con tutta la corte nella citti^ d'Anagnm 
in Campagna, ond'era nato e in casa sua, non 
pensando n^ sentendo questo trattato, n^ pren- 
dendos! guardia, e se alcuna cosa ne sent), per suo 
grande cuore il mise a non calere, o forse come 
piacque a Dio, per gl! suoi grand! peccati, del 
mese d! Settembre 1303, Sciarra della Colonna 
con gent! a cavallo in numero di trecento, e a pid 
di sua amisti assai, soldata de' danari del re di 
Francia, colla forza de' signori da Ceccano, e da 
Supino, e d'altri baron! d! Campagna, e de' figliuoli 
d! messer Maffio d'Anagna, e dissesi coll' assento 
d'alcuno de' cardinal! che teneano al trattato, 
e una mattina per tempo entr6 in Anagna colle 
insegne e bandiere del re d! Francia, gridando: 
muoia papa Bonifazio, et viva il re di Francia; 
e corsono la terra sanza contesto niuno, anzi quasi 
tutto I'ingrato popolo d'Anagna segui le bandiere 
e la rubellazione ; e giunti al palazzo papale, 
sanza riparo v! saliro e presono il palazzo, perocch^ 
il presente assalto fu improwiso al papa e a' suoi, 
e non prendeano guardia. Papa Bonifazio sen- 
tendo il romore, e vcggendosi abbandonato da 
tutti i cardinal!, fuggiti e nascosi per paura 
o ch! da mala parte, e quasi da* piii de* suoi 
famigliari, e veggendo ch'e' suoi nemici aveano 
presa la terra e '1 palazzo ov'egli era, si cus6 
morto, ma come magnanimo e valente disse: 
Dacch^ per tradimento, come Gesii Cristo voglio 
esser preso e mi conviene morire, almeno voglio 
morire come papa; e di presente si fece parare 
dell'ammanto di san Piero, e colla corona di 
Costantino in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, 
e in su la sedia papale si pose a sedere. E giunto 
a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici, con villane 
parole lo schemiro, e arrestaron lui e la sua famigUa, 
che con lui erano rimasi : intra gli altri lo scheml 
messer Guiglielmo di Lunghereto, che per lo re di 
Francia avea menato il trattato, donde era preso, 
e minacciolo, dicendo di menarlo legato a Leone 
sopra Rodano, e quivi in generale concilio il 
farebbe disporre e condannare. II magnanimo 
papa gli rispuose, ch'era contento d*essere con- 
dannato e disposto per gli paterini com' era egli, 
e *1 padre e la madre arsi per paterini ; onde 
messer^ Guiglielmo rimase confuso e vergognato. 
Ma poi come piacque a Dio, per conservare la 
santa dignitk papale, niuno ebbe ardire o non 
piacque loro di porgli mano addosso, ma lasciario 
parato sotto cortese guardia, e intesono a nibare 
il tesoro del papa e della Chiesa. In questo 
dolore yergogna e tormento stette il valente papa 
Bonifazio preso per gli suoi nimici per tre d), 
ma come Cristo sd terzo dl resuscit6, cosi piacque 
a lui che papa Bonifazio fosse dilibero, che 
sanza pricgo o altro procaccio, se non per opera 
divina, il popolo d'Anagna raweduti del loro 
errore, e usciti della loro cieca ingratitudine. 




subitamente si levaro all' arme, gridando : viva il 
papa e sua famiglia, e muoiano i traditori ; e cor- 
rendo la terra ne cacciarono Sciarra della Colonna 
e' suoi seguaci, con danno di loro di presi e di 
moiti^ e liberaro il papa e sua famiglia. Papa 
Boni£uio veggendosi libero e cacciati i suoi nimici, 
per ci6 non si rallegr6 niente, perch^ avea con- 
<:eputo e addurato nell* animo il dolore della sua 
annrersitii: incontanente si part) d'Anagna con 
tutta la corte, venne a Roma a santo Pietro per 
lare concilio, con intendimento di sua ofifesa e di 
Santa Cbiesa fare grandissima vendetta contra il re 
di Francia, e chi ofifeso V avea ; ma come piacque 
a DiOy il dolore impetrato nel cuore di papa Boni- 
iazio per la ingiuria ricevuta, gli surse, giunto 
in Roma, diversa malattia, che tutto si rodea come 
rabbioso, e in questo stato pass6 di questa vita 
a di 12 d'bttobre gli anni di Cristo 1303^ e nella 
chiesa di san Piero all'entrare delle porte, in una 
ricca cappella fattasi fare a sua vita, onorevole- 
mente fu soppellito.' (viii. 63.) 

Alamania, Germany, V. £. i. i8^^ [La- 

Alamanni, Germans, V. £. i. 8^^. [Te- 

Alardo, Erard de Val^ry, lord of Saint- 
Valerian and of Marolles, Constable of Cham- 
pagne, bom circ. 1200, died 1277 ; mentioned 
m connexion with the battle of Tagliacozzo 
(Aug. 23, 1268), in which by his aid Charles of 
Anjou ddfeated Conradin, the last of the Hohen- 
staufen, Inf. xxviii. 17-18. 

Erard and his brother, Jean de Val^ry, ac- 
companied St. Louis on his first expedition to 
the East in 1248. Joinville records (lix. 295) 
that Erard rescued his brother from the hands 
of the Turks, who had made him prisoner in 
a skirmish ; but makes no further mention of 
him. In 1255 he was in France, and in the 
same year he was a prisoner in Holland, 
whence, after a captivity of a few months, he 
was ransomed by Charles of Anjou. In 1265, 
according to the continuators of Guillaume-de- 
Tyr, he went a second time to the East. In 
1268, finding himself on account of his advanc- 
ing years unequal to the fatigues and hard- 
ships of oriental warfare, he set out from 
Palestine to return to France. On his way, as 
Villani records, he passed through Italy (*il 
buono messer Alardo di Valleri, cavaliere 
fruicesco di grande senno e prodezza, di quegli 
tempi era arrivato in Puglia tomando d'oltre- 
mare dalla terra santa,* vii. 26), where his 
<^portune arrival was hailed with delight by 
Charles of Anjou, then on the eve of a battle 
^ the young Conradin. The two armies 
met at Tagliacozzo, and Charles, though inferior 
m numbers, was enabled, by the superior skill 
of, Erard, to defeat his foe and take him 
prisoner. The victory was due mainly to the 
^ that Charles, by Erard's advice, kept his 
''^serves in the background until Conradin's 
German and Spanish troops, who at the be- 


ginning of the day had routed their opponents, 
were disordered by pursuit and scattered over 
the field in search of plunder. Charles then 
suddenly advanced with his fresh troops (con- 
sisting of a third of his forces, which Erard had 
prevailed upon him to hold concealed behind 
a hill), and, falling upon the enemy, completely 
routed them. It is in allusion to Charles' 
victory by means of this stratagem of Erard's 
that D. speaks of 'Tagliacozzo Ove senz'arme 
vinse il vecchio Alardo,* Inf. xxviii. i7-'i8. 
[Curradino : Tagliacozzo.] 

Shortly after the battle of Tagliacozzo (his 
brother having apparently died meanwhile) 
Erard once more assumed the cross, and ac- 
companied St. Louis on his second voyage (in 
1270) to the East. In 1271, after the return of 
the expedition, in which St. Louis had met his 
death at Tunis, Erard was again in France, 
where he appears to have remained, in a 
position of high importance, until his death in 
1277 (see Academy^ Aug. 4 and 18, 1888). 

The Burgundian poet Rustebuef, who was a 
contemporary of Erard, speaks of him with high 
praise in his lament for the King of Navarre 
(i.e. Teobaldo II, who had also accompanied 
St. Louis in 1270 and had died on his way 
home), describing him as a peerless knight : — 

* Mes sire Erars de Valeri, 
A cui onqaes ne s'aferi 
Nas chevaliers de loiaut^* 

An amusing story, relating to a deception 
practised by Erard upon St. Louis at the in- 
stance of Charles of Anjou, whereby they 
obtained permission to hold a tourney which 
had previously been forbidden by the king, is 
told in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. v, 
ed. Biagi). 

Alba, Alba Longa, the most ancient town 
in Latium, built according to tradition by 
Ascanius, son of Aeneas. Rome is supposed 
to have been founded by the inhabitants of 
Alba Longa, which was so called from its 
stretching in a long line down the Alban 
Mount to the Alban Lake. The town was 
destroyed byTuUus Hostilius,andwas never re- 
built. Its inhabitants being removed to Rome. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions Alba in connexion with the 
Roman Eagle, which he says remained there for 
three hundred years, until the defeat of the three 
Alban Curiatii by the three Roman Horatii, 
Par. vi. 37-9. [Aqullai : Albani : Curiatii] 

Albani, inhabitants of Alba Longa; thei^r 
descent from Aeneas and Lavinia, Mon. ii. 
3IO8-9 ; their defeat by the Romans in the com- 
bat between the Roman Horatii and the Alban 
Curiatii, Par. vi. 37-9 ; Conv. iv. 5^*^8<^ ; Mon. 
ii. 1 1 22-36. [Alba : Curiatii.] 

AlbanuSy Alban ; populus A,, the Albans, 
their contest with the Romans for supremacy, 
Mon. ii. 1122-7. [Albani.] 



Alberichi, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in decline in his 
day, Par. xvi. 89. In Dante's time the family 
was extinct ; Villani says : — 

• * Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . gli 
Alberighi, che fu loro la chiesa di santa Maria 
Alberighi da casa i Donati, e oggi non n' ^ nullo.' 
(iv. II.) 

Alberigo, Frate, Friar Alberigo (so called 
because he was one of the 'Jovial Friars,' 
which order he joined in or before 1267), a 
member of the Manfredi family, the Guelf lords 
of Faenza (to which also belonged Tribaldello, 
Inf. xxxii. 122), and father of Ugolino Bucciola 
(V. E. i. 1419-^0) [Buodola, UgoUno: Pratt 
Gk>denti] ; placed by Dante in Tolomea, the 
third division of Circle IX of Hell, among 
those who betrayed their guests. Inf. xxxiii. 
118; un d^ tristi della Jredda crosia^ z/. 109 ; 
/«/, vv, 115, 121, 139, 150; ^/, V. 142; // 
peggiore spirto di Romagna, v. 154 [Tolo- 
mea : Traditori]. As Dante and Virgil pass 
among the traitors in Tolomea, one of them 
(Alberigo), taking the poets for damned spirits 
on their way to Giudecca, begs them to re- 
move the crust of ice from his face that he 
may weep, Inf. xxxiii. 109-14 ; Dante under- 
takes to do so if he will reveal his identity, 
and on hearing who he is expresses surprise 
that he was already dead (w, 11 5-21); A. 
says that he knows not how his body fares 
upon earth, and then explains to D. the 
* privilege ' possessed by Toiomea, viz. that of 
receiving the souls of traitors like himself im- 
mediately after the act of treachery, while the 
body upon earth is tenanted by a fiend until 
its death (w, 122-33) ; he then points out the 
soul of Branca d'Oria of Genoa, who had 
murdered his father-in-law (w. 134-8) ; D. 
does not believe him, saying that he knows 
Branca to be still alive (tjv, 139-41); but A. 
explains that the soul of B. had descended to 
Hell even before that of his victim, and that 
its place in his body was occupied by a devil, 
as was also the case with the soul of his ac- 
complice in the crime {w, 142-7) [Branoa 
d'Oria]. A. now claims the fulfilment of D.'s 
promise to remove the ice from his face, but 
D. refuses to do so, and with an imprecation 
on the Genoese parts from him {w. 148-57). 

The circumstances of Alberigo's crime, ac- 
cording to Benvenuto, were as follows. In 
1286 (more probably in 1284) his younger 
brother, Manfred, in order to obtain the lord- 
ship of Faenza, plotted against him, and in a 
dispute which occurred in consequence struck 
Alberigo ; the latter, however, pretended to 
forgive the insult on the ground that it was the 
act of an impetuous youth, and a reconciliation 
took place. Later on, when he thought the 
matter had been forgotten, Alberigo invited 

Manfred and one of his sons to a banquet (at 
his house at Cesato, May 2, 1285) ; the repast 
over, he called out, * Bring the fruit,* at which 
signal some assassins, who had been concealed 
behind the tapestry, rushed out and despatched 
father and son before his eyes. Hence * le 
male frutta di Frate Alberigo' passed into 
a proverb. Villani, in recording the murder of 
a brother of Alberigo by his nephew in 1327, 
says : ' cosl mostr6 che non volesse tralignare 
e del nome e del fatto di frate Alberigo suo 
zio, che diede le male frutta a' suoi consorti, 
faccendogli tagliare e uccidere al suo convito ' 
(x. 27). 
Benvenuto says: — 

*Iste vocatus est frater Albericus dc Faventia 
civitate de Manfredis nobilibus et potentibus, qui 
saepe habuerunt dominium illius civitatis ; et fuit 
de fratibus Gaudentibus . • . Fuenint autem in 
dicta domo tres consanguinei eodem tempore, 
scilicet Albericus praedictus, Alberghettus et Man- 
fredus. Accidit autem, quod in mcclxzxvi Man- 
fredus, juvenis animosus, cupiditate regnandi, 
struxit insidias fratri Alberico; et cum incre- 
paretur ex hoc a fratre Alberico, et devenissent 
ad graves contentiones verborum, Manfredus 
ductus impetu irae, dedit fratri alapam magnanif 
scilicet fratri Alberico. Sed ipse frater Albericus 
sagacior aliquandiu rem dissimulanter tulit; et 
tandem cum credidit injuriam excidisse a memoria 
illius, finxit velle reconciliare sibi dictum Man- 
fredum dicens, quod parcendum erat calori ju- 
venili. Facta igitur pace, Albericus fecit convivium, 
cui interfuerunt Manfredus et unus filius ejus. 
Finita coena, cum magna alacritate dixit Albericus : 
veniant fnictus ; et subito eniperunt famuli armati, 
qui latebant ibi post unam cortinam, qui cnideliter 
trucidavenint ad mensam patrem et filium, Albe- 
rico vidente et gaudente.* 

- Albero da Siena, said to be the son or 

prot^gd of a bishop of Siena, whom he persuaded 
to cause the alchemist Griffolino of Arezzo to 
be burned for pretending that he could teach 
him to fly ; mentioned by Griffolino (in Bolgia 
10 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 ; /i«', 
V, 112; quei, z/. 114 [Qriffollno]. The sim- 
plicity of a certain Alberto da Siena, supposed 
to be the same as the individual here men- 
tioned, forms the subject of several of the 
stories of Sacchetti (Nov. xi-xiv). The com- 
mentators identify the bishop in question with 
one Bonfiglio, who was bishop of Siena from 
1 21 6 to 1252, and an ardent persecutor of 

Albert!, Alberto degli. [Alberto ».] 

Albert!, Alessandro degli. [Alberto ^] 

Albert!, Napoleone degll. [Alberto s.] 

Albert!, Orso degli. [Orso, Cont'.] 

Alberto^, Albertus Magnus, Conv. iii. 7*^ . 
iv. 231^6. [Alberto di Cologna.] 

Alberto 2, the Emperor Albert I of Austria, 
Par. xix.115; Conv. iv. 3*'^. [Alberto Tedeeoo.] 



Alberto 3, Alberto degli Alberti, Count of 
Mangona in the Val di Sieve, and of Vemia 
and Cerbaia in the Val di Bisenzio, a few miles 
N.W. of Florence ; mentioned by Camicione 
de' Pazzi (in Caina) in connexion with his two 
sons Alessandro and Napoleone, who killed 
each other in a dispute about the inheritance, 
Inf. xxxii. 57. D. places the two brothers in 
Caina, the first division of Circle IX of Hell, 
among those who were traitors to their kindred : 
ifrcUei tniseri iassi. Inf. xxxii. 21 ; due stretti^ 
v.\\ \ quei^ v. 44; «, v, 50; cotesti due^ ^-55 
[Caina: Traditori]. On arriving in Caina 
D. hears a voice warning him not to tread on 
ihc heads of the unhappy brothers, Inf. xxxii. 
16-21 ; he looks about him and sees at his 
feet, plunged up to the neck in ice, two forms 
in dose embrace i^uv, 22-42) ; he asks them 
who they are, whereupon they turn to look at 
him, and then in fury butt at each other * like 
two he-goats* (w. 43-5 1) ; a third spirit (that of 
Camicione de' Pazzi) informs D. that these 
were two brothers, sons of Alberto of Val di 
Bisenzio (w, 52-8), and that they were the 
worst of all the traitors punished in Caina 
(w. 58-65) [Camioion de* Pazzi], 

Villani states (vi. 68) that the castle of 
Mangona belonged of right to Alessandro, the 
younger of the two brothers, and was unjustly 
seized by Napoleone, who was a Ghibelline, 
and to whom his father by his will dated 1250 
had left only a tenth part of the inheritance. 
Thereupon the Florentines (in 1259) expelled 
N. by force of arms, took possession of Man- 
gona and of Vernia, another castle belonging 
to the Alberti, and forced the inhabitants to 
swear allegiance and pay yearly tribute to 
Florence. When the Guelfs returned to Florence 
in 1267 A. was reinstated in his possessions, 
JUid in gratitude for the protection of the 
Florentines bequeathed to them the two castles 
in the event of his sons dying without heirs 
niale. Villani says nothing as to the subsequent 
fetal quarrel between the two brothers (which 
took place some time after 1282) ; Benvenuto, 
however, says 'venientesad discordiam propter 
iicreditatem, se invicem interfecerunt.* 

A son of Napoleone degli Alberti, viz. Count 
Orso, is placed in Antepurgatory, Purg. vi. 19 
(Owe, Cont']. 

Alberto da Siena. [Albero da Siena.] 

Alberto della Magna, Albert us Magnus, 
Conv. iii. 5"3. [Alberto di Colofinia.] 

Alberto deUa Scala], lord of Verona, 
1277-1301 ; referred to by the unknown Abbot 
^San Zeno in Circle V of Purgatory as having 
'ahjeady (i.e. in 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision) one foot in the grave,* Purg. xviii. 121 ; 
^ Abbot goes on to refer to Alberto's ap- 
pointment of his illegitimate son, Giuseppe, 
whom he describes as * deformed in body and 

Alberto di Cologna 

mind, and basely bom,* to the abbacy of San 
Zeno (*quel monistero*), an appointment which 
he will shortly repent in Hell (w, 122-6). 
[Zeno, San.] 

Alberto, who was at that date an old man, 
died on Sept. 10, 1301. Besides this illegitimate 
son— whose tenure of the abbacy of San Zeno 
(1291-1314) coincided in part, as Philalethes 
points out, with D.'s sojourn at Verona — he 
had three legitimate sons, who succeeded him 
one after the other in the lordship of Verona, 
viz. Bartolommeo (d. March 7, 130JJ), Alboino 
(d. Oct. 24, 131 1), and Can Grande, D.*s host 
at Verona. [Soala, Delia : Table xxviii.] 

Alberto di Cologna, Albert of Cologne, 
better known as Albertus Magnus, styled 
* Doctor Universalis * on account of his vast 
learning, was bom of noble parents at Lavingen 
on the upper Danube in Swabia in 1 193. After 
studying at Padua and Paris, he joined the 
Dominican Order in 1222, and under its rules 
studied theology at Bologna and elsewhere. 
Subsequently he was appointed to lecture at 
Cologne, where the Order had a house, and he 
taught for several years there and at Ralisbon, 
Freiburg, Strasburg, and Hildesheim. Among 
his pupils at Cologne was Thomas Aquinas, 
who in 1 245 accompanied him to Paris, where 
he received his doctorate ; after remaining in 
Paris for three years he returned to Cologne 
with Aquinas in 1248. In 1254 he was elected 
Provincial of the Dominican Order at Worms; 
and in 1260 was made Grand Master of the 
Palace at Rome, and Bishop of Ratisbon, by 
Alexander IV. Three years later he retired 
to Cologne, where he died at the age of eighty- 
seven, Nov. 15, 1280. He was a most volu- 
minous writer, his collected works (printed at 
Lyons in i65i)'filling twenty-one foho volumes, 
of which six are devoted to commentaries on 
Aristotle, five on the Scriptures, two on 
Dionysius the Areopagite, three on the Liber 
Sententiarum of Peter Lombard, the remaining 
five containing his Summa Theoiogiaey Summa 
de Creaturis, treatise on the Virgin, and 
various opuscuia^ one of which is on alchemy. 
Albertus was the earliest among the Latins, as 
Avicenna had been among the Arabs, to make 
known the complete doctrine of Aristotle ; he 
wrote not merely commentaries, but para- 
phrases and illustrative treatises on each one 
of Aristotle's works. He appears, says Butler, 
to have been the first of the Schoolmen who 
brought the Aristotelian and Christian philo- 
sophy into harmony ; and it is to him origin- 
ally that D, owes his doctrine of freewill as 
the basis of ethics. 

Albertus is referred to as Alberto^ Conv. iii. 
7^7; iv. 23^26 ; Alberto di Cologna^ Par. x. 98; 
Alberto della Magna^ Conv. iii. ^^'^ ; he is 
placed among the spirits of great theologians 
and others who loved wisdom (Spiritl Sapi- 

[19] C 2 

Alberto Tedesoo 


enit) in the Heaven of the Sun, together with 
his pupil St. Thomas Aquinas, by whom his 
spirit is pointed out to D. as having been his 
* Irate e maestro,' Par. x. 97-9 [Sole, Cielo 
del] ; his theory as to the Equator as pro- 
pounded in the De NcUura Locorum and the 
De Proprietatibus Elementorunty Conv. iii. 
^'^^^'-^^[LocorumfDeNatura: PropHetatlbus 
Biementorum, De] ; his opinion in the De 
IntelUciu as to the distribution of the Sun's 
light, Conv. iii. 727-^5 [inteilectu, De] ; his 
theory as to the four ages of life and the 
several 'qualities' appropriated to them, as 
set forth in the De Meteoris (a misreference 
of D., the passage in question occurring in the 
De Juventute et Senectute), Conv. iv. 23I13-26 
[Meieora 2]. 

D. also refers to the De Meteoris for the 
theory of Albertus as to the nature of comets, 
his references to Albumazar and Seneca being 
taken from the same source, Conv. ii. i4i»*^76 
[Albnmassar : Seneoa] ; from here too he got 
the account of the various theories as to the 
nature and origin of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 
1 5*5-77 [Qalasaia] ; and his account of the 
incident which happened to Alexander the 
Great and his army in India, Inf. xiv. 31-6 

SAlessandro Magiio]. From Albertus Magnus 
De Natura et Origine Ammae) comes also 
the opinion that all potential forms of matter 
are actually existent in the mind of the Creator, 
which is wrongly referred to the De Substantia 
Orbis of Averroes, A. T. § i83«-^ [Averrois] ; 
and (from the De Caelo et Mundo) the opinions 
of Aj-istotle and Ptolemy as to the number 
and order of the several heavens, Conv. ii. 336-*5 
[Cse/o, De^]. 

The quotations from the De Causisy thought 
by some to be from the De Caust's et Processu 
IJniversitatis of Albertus, are from the pseudo- 
Aristotelian treatise De Causis, on which the 
work of Albertus is a commentary [Cscrs/s, De], 

(See Paget Toynbee, Some obligations o/D. to 
Albertus Magnus, in Romania, xxiv. 400-12.) 

Alberto Tedesco, German Albert, i.e. 
Albert I of Austria, son of Rudolf of Hapsburg, 
Emperor (but never crowned) 1 298-1 308 
[Bldolfo^]; he was elected after having de- 
feated and slain his predecessor, Adolf of 
Nassau, in a battle near Worms, his treason 
against Adolf having been condoned by Boni- 
face VIII in consideration of the advantages 
of his alliance against the Pope*s mortal enemy, 
Philip the Fair of France [Adolfo]. 

D. refers to him as Alberto, Par. xix. 115; 
Conv. iv. 3*^ ; Alberto Tedesco, Purg. vi. 97 ; 
Cesare, Purg. vi. 92, 114; he apostrophizes 
him, reproaching him for his neglect of Italy, 
and foretells his violent death (which took 
place on May i, 1308, when he was assassi- 
nated at Kdnigstein, close to the castle of 
Hapsburg, by his nephew John), Purg. vi. 97- 

117 ; rebukes him (by the mouth of the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter) for his cruel inva- 
sion of Bohemia (in 1304), Par. xix. 1 15-17 
[Praga] ; mentions him as successor of Rudolf 
and Adolf, Conv. iv. 388-43 [Federigo^ : Table 

Albia, the river Elbe, which rises in the 
Riesen-Gebirge in N. of Bohemia, through 
which it flows first S., then W., then N.W., 
being joined by the Moldau some 20 miles 
N. of Prague ; it subsequently flows N.W. 
through Saxony and Germany into the North 

Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it in 
connexion with Bohemia, which he describes 
as the land drained by the Moldau and the 
Elbe, ' la terra dove Tacqua nasce, Che Molta 
in Albia, ed Albia in mar ne porta,' Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Buemine: Molta.] 

Albtdno deUa Scala, Alboino, second son 
of Alberto della Scala, who was lord of Verona, 
1 277-1 301 ; he succeeded his elder brother, 
Bartolommeo, in 1304, and held the lordship 
until his death on Oct. 24, 131 1 [ScalA, 
Della : Table zzviil]. D. mentions A. — as 
some think, slightingly — in comparison with 
Guido da Castejlo, Conv. iv. i6'^*"2; he is 
alluded to, according to some, as il gran Lont" 
bardo, Par. xxvii. 71 [Lombaxdo^]. 

Albumassar, Albumazar (J afar ibn Mu- 
hammad Al Balkhi, Abu Mashar), Arabian 
astronomer, bom at Balkh in Turkestan A. D. 
805, died 885. Three of his works are extant 
in Latin translations, viz. Introductorium in 
astronomiam and Liber de magnis conjunct 
Honibus (both printed at Augsburg in 1489), 
and Tractatus florum astronomiae (printed at 
the same place in 1488). 

D. quotes his opinion that meteors, as being 
under the domination of the planet Mars, 
portend political catastrophes, such as the 
death of kings, Conv. ii. 14^70-4. this is taken, 
not direct from Albumazar, but from the De 
Meteoris of Albertus Magnus, who says : — 

' Vapor iste . . . aliquando autem vulnerat exu- 
rendo multum, vel parum, secundum fortitudinem 
ignis sui. Si autem secundo modo est, debilem 
habet ignem, qui parum alterat ea super quae 
cadit non vulnerando; quia statim extinguitur. 
Vult tamen Albumasar quod etiam ista aliquando 
mortem regis et principum significant propter 
dominium Martis.* (I. iv. 9.) 

Brunetto Latino, speaking of a comet which 
appeared shortly before the death of King 
Manfred, says : — 

' De cele estoile dient Ii sage astrenomien que 
quant ele apert el firmament, ele senefie remue- 
mens de regnes ou mort de grans seigneurs.' 
Tresor, i. 98.) 

Alcamo, Ciullo d'. [Ciullo d'AIcaxno.] 
Alchimisti], Alchemists, placed among the 




Falsifiers in Bolgia lo of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 67-139; their punish- 
ment is to be afflicted with paralysis and 
leprosy {w. 71-84) [FalBatorl]. Tommaseo 
says: — 

'Gli alchimisti per troppo trattare il mercurio 
e sostanze simili, al dir d'Avicenna, e d'altri, diven- 
tavano paralitici.' 

Alcide, AlcideSyi.e. Hercules, son of Alceus; 
the troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of 
Venus) alludes to the love of A. for lolg, 
daughter of Eurytus, King of Oechalia, whom 
he wished to marry after the completion of 
his twelve labours, Par. ix. 101-2 [Foloo: 
lole] ; D. calls upon the Emperor Henry VII 
to come and crush his op|}onents in Italy, as 
A. did the Hydra, by striking at the * seat of 
life' (Le. Florence), Epist. vii. 6. [Eroole.] 

AlddeSy Hercules, Epist.. vii. 6. [Aloide.] 

Alcimus, the high-priest appointed by 
Demetrius I, King of Syria, in opposition to 
]udas Maccabaeus (i Afaccad, yii-'tx); coupled 
with Demetrius as typifying respectively 
Clement V and Philip the Fair of France, 
Epist. viii. 4. [DemetriuB.] 

Alcithoe], one of the daughters of Minyas 
of Boeotia ; she and her sisters, Ardppe and 
Leudpp^ refused to join in the worship of 
Bacchus during his festival, and spent the time 
in weaving instead, whereupon they were 
changed into bats, and their work into a vine. 
Ovid's account of their metamorphosis (Afe/am, 
^^' *~35i 389-415) is referred to by D., who 
speaks of them as * tres sorores contemtrices 
numinis in semine Semeles,' Epist. iv. 4. 

Alderotto, Taddeo di. [Taddeo.] 

Aldighiero. [Alighiert] 

Aldobrandeschi, ancient and powerful 
Ghibelline family. Counts of Santafiora in the 
Sienese Maremma, where they had been 
settled since Cent. ix. Villani mentions them 
>niong the Ghibelhnes whose proposal to 
fetnoy Florence after the battle of Montaperti 
•as overruled by Farinata degli Uberti (vi. 
81); he records that they were active sup- 
porters of the Emperor Henry VII (ix. 47), 
*nd subsequently of Uguccione della Faggi- 
ttola(ix. 71) and Castruccio Castracane (ix. 301). 

Benvenuto says they were so powerful in 
Tuscany at one time that they used to boast 
^t they had as many strongholds as there 
»e days in the year ; he adds that they were 
ficarly extinct in his day : — 

'In maritima civitatis Senarum fuerunt olim 
Canutes nobilissimi de Sancta Flore castello, adeo 
potentes in Tuscia, quod solebant gloriari quod 
poterant omni die anni mutare locum et stare in 
^ tuto, tot castella fortia habebant ; sed habue- 
'^t diu helium cum dicta civitate, per quod jam 

tempore nostri poetae erant in magna niina, et 
hodie sunt quasi omnino exterminati.' 

The Ottimo Comento says of them : — 

' Li conti da Santa Fiore ebbono^ ed hanno, ed 
aranno quasi sempre guerra con li Sanesi; e la 
cagione ^, perch^ li conti vogliono mantenere loro 
giurisdizione, e li Sanesi la vogliono sciampiare : 
come in generale delle comunanze italiche.' 

D. mentions Santafiora, whence the counts 
took their title, Purg. vi. 1 1 1 [Santafiora] ; 
and names two of the counts, viz. Guglielmo 
Aldobrandesco, Purg. xi. 59; and his son, 
Omberto, Purg. xi. 67 [Quglielmo Aldo- 
brandesoo: Omberto]. 

Casini gives the following account of this 
family : — 

* La famiglia feudale degli Aldobrandeschi, che 
ebbe signoria su quei territori che costituiscono 
all'incirca la ftioderna provincia di Grosseto, aveva 
raggiunto il colmo della sua potenza col conte 
palatino Ildebrando raorto nel iao8, 11 quale 
lasci6 i suoi domini ai figliuoli Ildebrandino 
maggiore, Bonifazio, Ildebrandino minore, e Gu- 
glielmo. Questo Guglielmo fu certo uno dei piu 
potent! e procaccianti signori del tempo suo in 
Toscana : nel laai, insieme coi fratelli, sommise 
i suoi castelU al comune di Siena obbligandosi 
a pagare il censo, e nel 1224 si obblig6 alio stesso 
comune di ritrarsi a vivere a Grosseto ; ma presto 
si mise in guerra con quella repubblica, e pare 
infelicemente, se nel 1227 fu per sci mesi in pre- 
gione a Siena : ma appena liberato, continu6 la 
guerra, aiutato sottomano dalla Chiesa romana, 
sino al 1237, in cui strinse societa coi senesi: nel 
1250 era al bando dell' impero insieme col figlio 
Ildebrandino, non sappiamo bene per qual ra- 
gione : tra il 1253 ^ il ^^S^ mori, lasciando i suoi 
diritti feudali ai figliuoli Ildebrandino e Omberto ; 
il primo dei quali, rimasto presto il solo erede, 
fece poi nel 1274 con i suoi consorti la divisione 
dei domini nelle due contee di Soana e di Santa- 
fiora. Omberto, nominato una sola volta in un 
documento del 1256, ebbe la signoria del castello 
di Campagnatico, donde scendeva a depredare 
i viandanti e danneggiare i senesi ; tanto che nel 
1259 il comune di Siena mand6 a lui alcuni sicarl 
che lo afibgarono nel suo letto. II nome di 
Guglielmo Aldobrandeschi doveva suonare ancora 
famoso ai tempi di Dante, almeno in Toscana e 
tra i Ghibellini, se non altro perch^ ei fu I'autore 
di quel ramo della sua casa che prese il titolo 
dalla contea di Soana. La famiglia Aldobrandeschi 
era antichissima tra le case feudali toscane, e il 
primo di cssa di cui ci avanzi memona fu Alperto. 
vissuto alia fine dell' ottavo secolo ; e antichi 
appariscono i titoli nobiliari della famiglia, poich^ 
un Ildebrando era messo imperiale al principio 
del secolo nono, e un altro Ildebrando era gik 
assai potente signore alia fine di quel secolo e 
accolse nella sua contea di Roselle Timperatore 
Guido . . . Gli Aldobrandeschi nel 1300 erano 
ormai divisi nelle due famiglie di Soana e di 
Santafiora, alle quali appunto era riuscita funesta 
la superbia (Purg. xi. 67-9) : ch^ il ramo di Soana 
finl con Margherita, nipote di Omberto e figlia 
d'lldebrandino, la quale per desiderio di alte nozze 


Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio 



sposd Guido di Montfort (Inf. xii. 119') e lasci6 
solo una figliuola che trasmise quella contea agli 
Orsini di Pitigliano ; e il ramo di Santafiora si 
trov6 involto in lunghi contrasti col comune di 
Siena, il quale, se non riusd a domare del tutto 
la superbia di quei feudatari, molto assottigIi6 
i loro domini ed abbass6 la loro potenza/ 

Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio, Florentine Guelf 
of the powerful Adimari family, at one time 
(in 1256) Podestk of Arezzo [Adimari]. 
Villani describes him as 'cavaliere savio e 
prode e di grande autoritade' (vi. 77), He is 
mentioned (as il Te^ghiato) together with 
Farinata degli Uberti (with whom he is 
coupled), and Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, and 
Mosca de' Lamberti, Inf. vi. 79 ; he is one of 
those ck* a ben far poser gV ingegni {v. 81) of 
whom D. asks Ciacco for news, the reply 
being et son tra le ant me piti nere (v, 85) 
[Ciacco]. Tegghiaio is one of the three 
Florentines (the other two being Guido Guerra 
and Jacopo Rusticucci) seen by D. afterwards 
among the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII 
of Hell, Inf. xvi. 41 ; ombra^ v, 4 ; PalirOy 
V, 40 [Sodomiti] ; his spirit is pointed out to 
D. by Jacopo Rusticucci, who alludes (vv, 
41-2) to the fact of his having attempted to 
dissuade the Florentines from undertaking the 
disastrous expedition against Siena in 1260, 
which resulted in the crushing defeat at Mont- 
aperti, and the ruin of the Guelf party in 
Florence. Villani narrates (vi. 77) that, on the 
occasion referred to, T. acted as the spokes- 
man of the Guelf nobles, at whose head was 
Guido Guerra; they, knowing more of the 
conditions of warfare, and being aware that 
the banished Ghibellines and their Sienese 
allies had been reinforced by a body of German 
mercenaries, looked upon the undertaking 
with grave misgivings, and counselled delay, 
until the Germans, who had been engaged for 
three months only, half of which term had 
already expired, should be disbanded. In 
response to this appeal T. was taunted with 
cowardice, to which he replied by challenging 
the speaker to adventure himself on the day of 
battle wherever he should go [Montaperti]. 
According to Villani (vi. 81) T. survived the 
battle and took refuge with the rest of the 
Tuscan Guelfs at Lucca. Note. — The name 
Tegghiaio must be scanned Tegghiaf (dis- 
syllable); cf. Uccellatofy Par. xv. no. 

Alepri], Florentine family, thought by some 
to be included among those which received 
knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Bran- 
denburg, ' il gran barone,* Par. xvi. 128. [TJgo 
di Brandimborgo.] 

Alessandria, Alessandria della Paglia, 
town on the Tanaro, in the ancient duchy of 
Milan ; mentioned in connexion with the war 
waged against it by the sons of William, 
Marquis ctf Montferrat, to avenge his capture 

and imprisonment, Purg. vii. 135 [< 
elmo3] ; coupled with Trent and Tu 
being near the frontier and consequen 
capable of preserving a pure dialect o^ 
the introduction of foreign elements, V 


Alessandria was built in 11 68 by the 
bard League as a bulwark against the £1 
Frederick Barbarossa. It received the 
Alessandria in honour of Pope Alexand 
but it was also called Cesarea for a 
In 1 1 74 it was unsuccessfully besieg 
Frederick, who gave it in derision the 
name deila Paglia (i.e. * of straw *). 

Alessandro^, Alexander, Count 
mena. Inf. xxx. 77, [Alessandro di 

Alessandro 2, Alexander the Grc 
Macedon, bom at Pella in Macedonia, B. 
A. ascended the throne B.C. 336, on the t 
of his father Philip ; conquered Egypt \ 
he founded the city of Alexandria at the 
of the Nile, B.c. 331), Syria, Media, \ 
and India; died at Babylon, B.a 323, 
age of 32, after a reign of nearly thirteen 
D. speaks of him simply as Alessandro^ '. 
107 ; xiv. 31 ; Conv. iv. 1 1^^* ; Alexandet 
ii. 6^* ; Mon. ii. 9^^ ; rex Macedoy Mon. 
his place among the Tyrants in Roun 
Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 107 {see b 
his marvellous experiences in India, Ii 
31 {see below) ; his liberality, Conv. iv. : 
{see below) ; contemporary with Aristotle 
ii. 6i^"i* ; more nearly attained universa 
archy than any other sovereign, Mon. ii. 
In this last passage D. says that A 
ambassadors to Rome to demand subm 
but died in Egypt before the reply 
Romans reached him, ' ut Livius narrat. 
circumstance is not mentioned by Liv; 
on the contrary states his belief th: 
Romans never so much as heard of Alexai 
*ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror 
(ix. 18). The story is probably of Greek 
but it is not known whence D. got it. < 
Freising, who may possibly have bee 
authority, seems to refer to the same s 
his account of A.*s death : — 

' Alexander totius Orientis potitus victor 
Romam quoque cum uuiverso Occidente si 
jugarc parat, ab India rcvertitur in Bab3 
ubi exterarum gentium ex toto pene < 
ultimo Occidente, id est ab Hispanis, Gall: 
mania, Affrica, ac ferme omni Italia leg 
occurrerunt, ut inde venisse cerneres lega' 
quo vix tarn parvo tempore crederes etiam 
rem pervenisse.' (ii. 25.) 

D.'s statement that A. died in Egy] 
was buried there, in proof of which he 
Lucan {Phars, viii. 692-4), Mon. ii. 9®' 
perhaps due to a confusion on his part b 
Babylon on the Euphrates and Babylo 




Cairo) on the Nile, a confusion into which he 
appears to have fallen elsewhere also [Babi- 
lonia]. (See Academy^ Aug. lo, 1895.) 

The majority of modem editors, contrary to 
the opinion of the old commentators, hold that 
the Alexander who is placed, together with 
Dionysius of Syracuse, among the Tyrants in 
Round I of Circle VII of Hell (/ Quivi ^ Ales- 
sandro e Dionisio fero,' Inf. xii. 107) is not 
Alexander the Great, but the Thessalian tyrant, 
Alexander of Pherae [AleBsandro Fereo : 
Dioniaioi : Violent!]. The contention is 
that D. would not thus condemn the king 
whom he eulogizes highly in the Convivio as 
an example of munificence (iv. 11^=^*), and in 
the De Monorchia as having nearly attained 
universal empire (ii. 9^^~"). D., however, is 
by no means always consistent in his estimate 
of historical personages, his tendency being to 
regard them as types, rather than as indi- 
viduals; thus Bertran de Bom, who is eulogized 
equally with Alexander the Great in the Con- 
vivio^ is placed in one of the lowest circles of 
Hell (Inf.xxviii. 134) ; and Cato, the suicide, and 
opponent of Caesar, instead of being in Hell, 
is placed as warder of Purgatory. Further, it 
is not in accordance with D.'s principle as 
enunciated by Cacciaguida, *ti son mostrate 
. . . nella valle dolorosa. Pur 1* anime che son 
di fama note* (Par. xvii. 136-8), that the indi- 
vidual mentioned here simply as * Alessandro,' 
without any further description, should be the 
comparatively obscure tyrant of Pherae. 

The view that the person intended is Alex- 
ander the Great is strongly supported by the 
fact that Orosius, whose Historia adversum 
Paganos was one of D.'s chief authorities in 
matters of ancient history, repeatedly brands 
the Macedonian conqueror as a cruel and 
bloodthirsty monster; he describes him as 
'Alexander Magnus, magnus vere ille gurges 
nuseriarum, atque atrocissimus turbo totius 
Orientis* (iii. 7); . . . *humani sanguinis in- 
saturabilis, sive hostium sive etiam sociorum, 
recentem tamen semper sitiebat cruorem ' 
("i« 18) ; *. . . per duodecim annos trementem 
sob se orbem ferro pressit * (iii. 23) ; and, after 
recording that he died at Babylon *adhuc 
sanguinem sitiens,' he concludes with a long 
apostrophe on the ruin and misery which 
M been inflicted by him upon the whole 
world. Lucan also, another of D.'s historical 
wthorities, denounces Alexander of Macedon 
*s a robber and the bane of the world : — 

* Proles vesana Philippi 
Felix praedo . . . 

^nt]ae Asiae popnlos fatis nrpuentibos actas 
HamanA cum strag^ rait, gladiumque per omnes 
Exegit gentes . . . 

Tenamm fatale malum, fulmenoue, quod omnes 
rercnterct pariter popnlos, rt sidus iniquura 
Geatibos.* {Phars. x. 20, 30-2, 34-6.) 

Among the early commentators Benvenuto 
n*«ntions the theory that some other than 

Alexander the Great is intended, but dismisses 
it with contempt : — 

'Ad sciendum quis fuerit iste Alexander est 
notandum, quod aliqui, sequentes opinionem vulgi, 
dixenint quod autor non loquitur hie de Alexan- 
dro Macedone, sed de quodam alio, sed certe 
istud est omnino falsum, quod potest patere dupli- 
citer: primo, quia cum dicimus Alexander debet 
intelligi per excellentiam de Alexandro Magno ; 
secundo, quia iste fuit violentissimus hominum.' 

He then proceeds to justify this opinion at 
length from Orosius, Justin, Lucan, and others, 
and concludes : — 

'Ad propositum ergo autor ponit Alexandrum 
hie tanquam primum et principem violentorum, 
maxime contra proximum ; ita quod punit eum a 
vitio praedominante, et describit eum simpliciter et 
nude, quasi dicat : cum nomino Alexandrum in- 
tellige quod iste fuit maximus autor violentiarum 
in terris.* 

The fact that Alexander the Great does not 
appear among the great heroes of antiquity in 
Limbo is also in favour of the view that hb is 
the Alexander referred to by D. in this passage. 

D.'s allusion (Inf. xiv. 31-6) to the incident 
which happened to A. and his army in India 
was doubtless derived, directly or indirectly, 
from the apocryphal Epistola Alexandri Regis 
ad Aristotilem praeceptorem suum de Mtra^ 
bilibus Indiae\ there is, however, a notable 
discrepancy between the two accounts, for D. 
says that A. bade his soldiers trample the 
flames^ whereas in the Epistola it is the snow 
they are bidden to trample ; — 

' Frigus ingens vespertino tempore saeviebat. 
Cadere mox in modum vellerum immcnsae coe- 
perunt nives ; quanim aggregatione metuens ne 
castra cumularentur, calcare militem nivem jube- 
bam, ut quam primum injuria pedum tabesceret.' 

A similar account is given in the abridged 
Latin version (byLeoarchipresbyter) of Pseudo- 
Callisthenes, commonly known as Historia de 
Praeliis^ which had been popularized in Italy 
more than sixty years before the date of D.*s 
Vision by means of a version in elegiacs, com- 
posed in 1236 by Wilkinus de Spoleto. 

It has been assumed by the commentators 
that D.'s version was due to a confused recol- 
lection of the details of the story as given in 
the Epistola ; the immediate source of his 
account, however, was almost undoubtedly 
a passage in the De Meteoris of Albertus 
Magnus (a book with which D. was well 
acquainted), in which, owing to a misquotation 
of the Epistola^ precisely the same confusion 
occurs, as to the trampling of the flames, as 
was made by D. Albertus, at the close of 
a discussion as to the nature and origin of 
igneous vapours (the same term as that used 
by D. in speaking of the fiery downpour, 
V, 35), quotes in illustration what happened to 
Alexander in India: — 

' Admirabilem autem impressionem scribit Alex- 


Alessandro IV 

Alessio Interminei 

and^r ad Aristotilem in epistola de mirabilibus 
Indiae, dicens quemadmodum nivis nubes ignitae 
de acre cadebant, quas ipse militibus calcare 
praecepit* {Mtteor, i. 4). 

This same book of the De Meteoris of 
Albertus was also D.*s authority for the quota- 
tions from Albumazar and Seneca in the Cott" 
vivio (ii. I4i'<^«) [Meteom-^]. 

D. may also have been acquainted with the 
account of the episode in the O. F. Roman 
d^Alixandre (Cent, xii), which has several 
features in common with the description in 
the D. C. :— 

' Easement comme nois est foa del ciel pleds ; 
Trestout art la contr£e ensement comme fua . . . 
A ne$per commen^a de Tair qui fa enbrons ; 
Ne demora puis gaires si en vint {j^rans fuisons, 
£t les flocel caioient si grans comme toisons . . . 
Alixandres coramande a trestons ses barons 
Que ne remegne en Tost escuiers ne gar^ons. 
Que en mainent les bestes par tons les pavilions, 
Et abatent le noif k pens et k bastons. 
Por le calor des bestes fu grans remetions; 
Li nots qui est remise, canja comme sablons.* 

(ed. Michelant, p. 337.) 

Ih the Convivio (iv. n 123-5) £>, quotes 
Alexander the Great as an example of munifi- 
cence, of which he was the proverbial type in 
the Middle Ages, as has been pointed out by 
Paul Meyer: — 

'A partir de la seconds moiti^ du xii* si^cle, et 
jusqu*& la fin du moyen age, le m^rite pour lequel 
Alexandre est universellement c^I^brd . . . est 
surtout et par dessus tout sa largesse.' (Alexan- 
dre le Grand dans la litt.franf. du ntoyen age, ii. 
37a fif.) ; see also Romania xxvi. 453^^. 

Alessandro IV], Pope Alexander IV, 
thought by some to be included among the 
Popes referred to, Inf. xix. 73-4 [Niooold*^]. 
Rainaldo, of the family of the Counts of Segni 
and Anagni, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, nephew 
of Pope Gregory IX, was elected Pope at 
Naples, Dec. 12, 1254 ; died at Viterbo, May 25, 

Alessandro degli Alberti. [Albert!.] 

Alessandro da Romena^], Alexander (I), 
Count of Romena, who with his brothers Guido 
and Aghinolfo induced Maestro Adamo to 
counterfeit the Florentine gold florin, Inf. xxx. 
yy [Adamo 2 : Quidi, Conti]. He is supposed 
by some to be the Alexander mentioned m the 
titles of Epist. I, Epist. II. 

Alessandro da Romena 2], Alexander 
(II), Count of Romena, according to some the 
nephew of the above, and identical with the 
Alexander mentioned in the titles of Epist. I, 
Epist. II. [Quidi, Conti] 

Alessandro Fereo], Alexander tyrant of 
Pherae, B.C. 368-359; defeated at Cynos- 
cephalae by Pelopidas the Theban general, 
B.a 364 ; killed by his own wife, B.C. 359. He 
was famed for his cruelty, one of his amuse- 
ments being to dress up men in the skins of 
wild beasts, and to set dogs to worry them. 

Many commentators think he is the Alexander 
placed along with Dionysius of Syracuse among 
the Tyrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 107. It is worthy of note that these 
two are coupled both by Cicero (De Offiais, 
ii. 7) and Valerius Maximus (ix. 13), though in 
neither case as examples of tyranny. It is 
more probable that the person meant by D. 
was Alexander the Great. [AleBsandro''^.] 

Alessandro Magno. [Aleuandro^.] 

Alessandro Novello], a native of Treviso, 
who was Bishop of Feltre from 1298 to 1320; 
alluded to by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), 
in connexion with his treacherous surrender of 
certain refugees who had sought his protection, 
as V empio pastor di Feltro^ Par. ix. 52-3 ; preie 
cortese^ v, 58. [Feltro^.] 

Alessio Interminei, a native of Lucca, 
with whom D. appears to have been acquainted, 
at any rate by si^ht, and whom he places among 
the Flatterers m Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 122; un^ v, 116; 
guei, V, 118 ; lui, z/. 120 ; e^li, v. 124 [Adula- 
tori]. As he looks down mto this Bolgia D. 
sees a head so covered with filth that he can- 
not make out whether it belongs to a layman 
or to a cleric. Inf. xviii. 115-17 ; the owner of 
it asks D. why he stares at him more than at 
the others {vv. 1 18-19); to which D. replies 
that, unless he is mistaken, he has seen him 
before * with his hair dry,* and that he recog- 
nizes him as Alessio Interminei, hence his 
curiosity {w, 120-3') ; A. thereupon, beating 
his head, acknowledges that his flattery has 
brought him to this pass (w, 124-6). 

Of Alessio but little is known beyond the 
fact that he lived in the latter half of Cent, xiii ; 
it appears from a document dated 1295 that 
he was alive in that year, and he must have 
died not long after ; he had several sons who 
survived him. The author of a sonnet (attri- 
buted to Cino da Pistoja) addressed to Busone 
da Gubbio represents D. himself and a Jewish 
friend of his, Immanuel Ben Salomo (Manoello), 
as sharing with Alessio the doom of the 
Flatterers in Hell. 

The Interminei or Interminelli were promi- 
nent Bianchi of Lucca, whence, as Villani 
records (viii. 46), they were expelled by the 
Neri in 1301. To this house belonged the 
famous Ghibelline leader, Castruccio Castra- 
cane, 'on the mother*s side' according to 
Benvenuto, but Villani describes him (x. 122) 
as bearing the name of Interminelli. Benvenuto 
says of Alessio, whom he depicts as an abject 
flatterer : — 

^ Iste fuit quidam Alexius miles dignitate, nobilis 
genere, natione lucanus, natura blandissimus. Fuit 
enim de Interminellis de Luca; de qua stirpe ex 
linea matcma fuit ille strenuus miles Castruccius 
tyrannus cordatus et multum formidatus in tota 




Tasda, qui fuit magnus malleus Florentiae, do- 
minus Pisaruniy Lucae, et Pistorii. . . . Iste ergo 
Alexius ex prava consuetudine tantum delectabatur 
adulatione, quod nullum sermonem sciebat facere, 
quem non condiret oleo adulationis : omnes uu- 
gebat, omnes lingebat, etiam vilissimos et mer- 
cenarios (amulos ; et, ut cito dicam, totus colabat, 
totus foetebat adulatione/ 

AlettOy Alecto, one of the three Furies; 
she is stationed with Megaera and TisiphonS 
to guard the entrance to the City of Dis, Inf. 
X. 45-8 [Dite-^]. D. represents A. as weeping, 
probably in imitation of the Virgilian * luctifica 
Alecto ' {Aen. viL 324) [Erine]. 

Alexander 1, Alexander the Great, Mon. ii. 
9«i ; V. E. ii. 6^\ [Aleesandro^]. 

Alexander^, Alexander, count of Romena, 
Epist. I. ///. ; II. ///., I. [AleBBandro da 

Alexandria^ Alessandria della Paglia, V. E. 
i. 15^^. [Alessandria.] 

Alfa, Alpha, first letter of the Greek alpha- 
bet ; mentioned in allusion to I^ev, i. 8 : U am 
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end- 
ing/ Par. xxvi. 17 ; Aipha^ Epist. x. 33. 

Alfarabio, Alfarabius (Muhammad ibn 
Muhammad ibn Turkhin Abu Nasr, Al-- 
Farabi)^ so called from Farab, his birthplace, 
in Transoxiana, one of the earliest of the 
Arabian philosophers ; he practised as a phy- 
sician at Daipiascus, where he died in 950 ; m 
philosophy he was a follower of Aristotle, as 
mterpreted by the neo- Platonic commentators. 
Latin translations (made in Cent, xii) of two of 
his opuscula (viz. De Scientiis and De Intel" 
Uctu et Intellectd) are contained in Alpharabii 
Q0tfra Omnia (Paris, 1638) ; and two others in 
Documenta Philosophiae Arabum (Bonn, 
1836); he also wrote a commentary On the 
Rhetoric of Aristotle, and a treatise De Boni- 
tote Pura^ which was utilized by the author of 
the pseudo- Aristotelian De Causis ; his works 
are repeatedly cjuoted by Guillaume d'Auvergne 
(Bishop of Pans, 1 228-1 248), by Roger Bacon 
(in his Opus Majus\ and by Albertus Magnus 
(in his De Causis). 

D. quotes A. (according to one reading) in 
support of the theory that every effect partakes 
of the nature of its cause, Conv. iii. 2^7. The 
correct reading in this passage, however, is 
almost certainly not Alfarabio (which is adopted 
by Fraticelli and Giuliani after Scolari), but 
Aipetragio (i.e. Alpetraiis or Alpetragius), 
which is the reading of all the early edd., 
and consequently, probably, of the MSS. 

Alfergano, Alfraganus (Ahmad ibn Mu- 
hanmiad ibn Kathir, Al-Farghani)^ so called 
from his birthplace Fergana in Sogdiana 
(now Samarcand), celebrated Arabian astro- 

nomer, who flourished at the beginning of 
Cent. ix. during the Caliphate of Ma'miin (d. 
833). He wrote in Arabic (besides treatises 
on sundials and on the astrolabe) a work on 
the elements of astronomy, consisting of thirty 
chapters, which is based upon the principles 
of Ptolemy, whom A. frequently quotes. This 
work was translated from Arabic into Latin, 
about the year 1142 (as is supposed), by 
Johannes Hispalensis, under tne title of 
Alfragani Elementa Astronomica^ for which 
the alternative title Liber de Aggregatione 
Scientiae Stellarum is sometimes substituted. 
This version, the popularity of which is attested 
by the number of MSS. still in existence (there 
being at least a score in the libraries of Oxford 
alone), is the one which was in common use in 
the Middle Ages ; there are three printed edi- 
tions of it, published respectively at Ferrara 
^1493), at Nuremberg (1537), and at Paris 
(1546). There are two other independent 
Latin versions, one by Christmann, published 
at Frankfort in 1590, the other by Golius, 
published at Amsterdam in 1669. According 
to the latter, Alfraganus was commonly known 
as * Computator * on account of his proficiency 
in mathematics, just as Averro^s was known 
as * Commentator ' from his commentaries 
upon Aristotle, and as Aristotle himself was 
styled par excellence * Philosophus.' 

D. was evidently familiar with the Elementa 
Astronomica of Alfraganus, and studied it 
closely, for he was largely indebted to it for 
astronomical and other i/o/a, though only on two 
occasions does he acknowledge his obligations ; 
he mentions Alfraganus himself as his authority 
for the dimensions of the Earth and of the 
planet Mercury, Conv. ii. 14^^ [Mercurio^: 
Terra^] ; and refers to his Elementa^ under 
the title of Libro deir Agp^egazione delle 
Stelle (but without mentionmg the name of 
the author), for the demonstration of the three- 
fold motion of the Heaven of Venus, Conv. ii. 
5134 [Venere, Cielo di] ; he was also indebted 
to Alfraganus for his information as to the 
projection of the shadow of the Earth as far as 
the sphere of Venus, Par. ix. 118-19 [Terra*] ; 
the Syrian calendar and the Arabian usage m 
reckoning the commencement of the day from 
sunset, V. N. § 30^"® [Arabia: TisrinJ ; the 
poles and equators of the various heavens, 
Conv. ii. 4*^~^®, iii. 5^3""® ; and the motion of 
the heaven of the Fixed Stars from W. to E. 
I** in 100 years, Conv. ii. 6i«-3, 15 12-14 . y. N. 
§ 210--12 [Cielo Stellato] ; the diameter of the 
planet Mercury, Conv. ii. 1492-8 [Mercurlo*] ; 
the distance of Venus from the Earth, Conv. ii. 
7104-8 [Terra^ : Venere'-^] ; the diameter of 
the Earth, Conv. ii. 7i«6-8^ i497-« ; iv. 85^«o 
[Terra^] ; the number of the Fixed Stars, 
Conv. ii. 15^8-22 [Stelle Fieae] ; the periods 
of the revolutions of the planets, Conv. ii. 
1^13.-57 [Cielo CriBtallino] ; the circum- 



. All 

ference of the Earth, Con v. iii. 5^0-107 [Terra'^] ; 
the difference between * equal * and * temporal ' 
hours, Conv. iii. 6^'*~^2 (^^^ below) ; the dia- 
meter of the Sun, Conv. iv. 8"'®"^ [Sole]. 

D.'s explanation of the difference between 
* equal * and * unequal * or * temporal * hours is 
taken from cap. 1 1 of the Elementa : — 

' Posuerunt astrologi initium uniuscujusque diei 
cum nocte sua, ex hora medii diei usque in horam 
medii sequentis. . . . Omnes vero dies cum nocte 
sua dividuntur per 24 horas . . . et haec vocantur 
aequales, quia nulla diversitas est quantitati earum. 
. . . Horae vero temporariae sive inaequales, cum 
quibus fit unaquaeque dies ac nox tam in aestate 
quam in hyeme la horanim. Earumque quanti- 
tates fiunt diversae, secundum longitudinem diei 
ac noctis, sive brevitatera. Cum fuerit dies pro- 
lixior nocte, erunt horae ejus prolixiores horis 
noctis. Et similiter, cum fuerit brcvior, erunt 
horae ejus breviores. . . . Et nominantur tempora 
borarum diei. [Perspicuum itaque est, eas boras 
diei aequales, quarum quidem numerus pro diei 
longitudinc vel brevitate major vel minor est; 
tempora ver6 manent aequalia. Horas autem 
temporarias vel inaequales diei, quarum tempora 
sunt inaequalia ; at numerus semper aequalis est] * 

(See Paget Toynbee, Daniels obligations to 
Al/raganuSf in Romania, xxiv. 413-32.) 

Alfonso ^], Alphonso III, King of Aragon, 
1 285-1 291, eldest son of Peter III, whom he 
succeeded in Aragon. D. places him in the 
valley of flowers in Antepurgatory, among the 
princes who neglected to repent, and represents 
him as seated behind his father, referring to 
him, on account of his having died before he 
was thirty, as lo giovinetto^ Purg. vii. 116 
[Antipurgatorio]. D. implies that he was 
superior to his brothers, James (who succeeded 
him in Aragon as James II), and Frederick 
(who became King of Sicily as Frederick 11, 
1 296-1 337) [Pietro^]. A. is perhaps referred 
to as Vonor di Cicilia e (TAragona, Purg. iii. 
115 [Aragona : Table i]. 

Alfonso 2], Alphonso X, £1 Sabio, King of 
Castile and Leon, 1 252-1284, the most learned 
prince of his age, and compiler of the celebrated 
astronomical tables known as the *" Alphonsine 
Tables * ; thought by some to be alluded to 
by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel 
di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 ; but the reference is 
more probably to his grandson, Fernando IV 
(1 295-1 3 1 2) [Castella: Ferdinando: Table 
iii] ; some suppose also that he is the King 
of Castile commended for his munificence as 
il buon Re di Castella^ Conv. iv. ii^^^"^; but 
the reference in this case is almost certainly to 
his great-grandfather, Alphonso VIII, King 
of Castile, 1158-1214 [Alfonso^]. 

Alfonso 3], Alphonso VIII, King of Castile, 
1 1 58-1214 ; most probably the King of Castile 
mentioned, together with the Marquis of Mont- 
ferrat and the Count of Toulouse, on account 

of his liberality, Conv. iv. 11^25-8, xhis king, 
whom D. speaks of as ' il buon Re di Castella,' 
was one of the great patrons and protectors of 
the troubadours (whenc6 doubtless D.*s refer- 
ence to him), as were Boniface II of Montferrat, 
and Raymond V of Toulouse, with whom he is 
coupled. Bertran de Bom speaks of him in 
one of his poems as ' il valen rei de Castela 
n'Anfos,* and in the old Proven9al life of 
Folquet of Marseilles he is referred to as * lo 
bos reis Anfos de Castela,' a description which 
D. has adopted. Among his prot^g^s were 
Peire Rogier, Guiraut de Bomeil, Folquet of 
Marseilles, and Aimeric de Pegulhan, of whom 
the last three are mentioned by D. in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia and elsewhere. [Castella : 
Table iii] 

Alfragano. [Alfergano.] 

Algazel, Algazali (Muhammad ibn Mu- 
hammad, Zain Al-Din Abu Hamid, Al^Gkaz- 
2ali)y Moslem theologian, usually described as 
Arabian philosopher, bom 1058, died mi. 
After lecturing on theology at Bagdad, he re- 
tired to Damascus, returning ten years later to 
Bagdad, where he resumed his teaching. He 
spent the close of his life in retirement, absorbed 
in the contemplative life of the Sufis, who had 
been his earliest instmctors. He wrote a 
treatise, which is extant, called Destructio 
Philosopkorum, against the accepted Aristo- 
telianism of the day, his philosophy being 
characterized by a reversion from the meta- 
physical to the theological state of thought. 
The work called the Tendencies of the Pkilo- 
sopherSy translated into Latin and published at 
Venice in 1 506 under the title Logica et Phila- 
Sophia Algazelis Arabis^ contains neither the 
logic nor the philosophy of Algazali. It is a 
mere abstract of the Peripatetic systems, and 
was made preliminary to the Destructio men- 
tioned above. With Algazali Arabian philo- 
sophy in the East came to an end; but it 
revived in the West in Mahometan Spain, 
where its most distinguished exponent was 
the great Aristotelian commentator, Averro^s 
(Encyc, Brit,), 

D. quotes the opinion of Algazali (Logic, et 
Philos. i. 4), which he shared with Plato and 
Avicenna, that substantial generation is effected 
by the motive powers of the Heavens, Conv. 
ii. 14^^"^ ; the theory, held by him {Logic, et 
Philos, ii. 5) and Avicenna, that souls are 
noble or ignoble of themselves from the begin- 
ning, Conv. iv. 2 1 1^17. (See Mazzucchelli, 
Autori citati nel Convito.) 

All, Ali ibn Abu Taleb, fourth in order of 
the Caliphs or successors of Mahomet, bom at 
Mecca circ. 597 ; his father was uncle of the 
prophet, by whom A. himself was adopted and 
educated ; as a youth he was the first to de- 
clare his adhesion to the cause of Mahomet, 




who in return made him his vicegerent, and 
later rewarded him with the hand of his 
daughter Fatima. When Mahomet died (in 
632) without male issue, A. did not press his 
legitimate claims to succeed him, but allowed 
three other companions of the prophet succes- 
sively to become Caliph, viz. Abu-Bekr (633- 
634), Omar (634-644), and Othman (644-656) ; 
it was not until after the murder of Othman in 
656 that be assumed the caliphate, which he 
held until his assassination at Kufa in 661. The 
question of Ali's right to succeed to the 
caliphate divided the Mahometans into two 
great sects, viz. the Sunnites (represented by 
the modem Turks), who deny his right, and 
the Shiites or Fatimites (represented by the 
Persians), who affirm it, and who venerate A. 
as second only to Mahomet himself. 

D. places Ali, together with Mahomet, among 
the Schismatics in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 32; he is repre- 
sented as * cloven in the face from the chin to 
the forelock,' while Mahomet is cloven ' from 
his chin to his fundament ' (vv, 24, 33) [Sois- 
matioi]. Benvenuto represents A. as the uncle 
and teacher of the prophet : — 

' Aly fuit patruus Macomethi . . . habet totam 
faciem per longum divisam, ita quod est panim 
divisus, sed in parte corporis honestiori et princi- 
paliori, quia Macomethum instruxit et juvit ad 
tan turn errorem, licet non tantum deliquerit* 

AlichinOy one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 
of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by 
Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 118; 
xxii. 112; guei, w. 125, 1 29 ; compagno^ ^« 137 ; 
PcUtrOy V. 139 ; he and his companions are 
placed ^ guardians of the Barrators, whom 
they rend with their iron prongs whenever the 
latter venture to appear above the surface of 
the boiling pitch in which they are immersed 
[Barattle^j. Alichino is the victim of a trick 
on the part of Ciampolo, one of the Barrators, 
who eludes him, and in consequence brings 
down upon A. the wrath of Calcabrina, one of 
the other demons, Inf. xxii. 112-35 « ^^^ latter 
flies at A., and the two fall together into the 
pitch, whence they are fished out by four of 
their companions {w, 137-50) [Calcabrina: 

Some see in the name Alichino, which 
Philalethes renders * Biickeschnurbs,' the Helle- 
auin (mod. ' Harlequin ') who with his tnesnie 
is so frequently met with in O.F. literature. 

Alighieri], Dante's family name, referred 
to by Cacciaguida, D.*s great-great-grandfather 
(in the Heaven of Mars), as tua cognazione^ 
Par. XV. 92 ; // tuo sofirannomey v, 138. Cac- 
ciaguida, who is said to have belonged to the 
£lisei, one of the ancient families of Florence 
who boasted their descent from the Romans, 
married one of the Aldighieri or Alighieri, 
probably of Ferrara, from whom he says D/s 

surname was derived, ' Mia donna venne a me 
di val di Pado, £ quindi il soprannome tuo si 
feo,' Par. xv. 137-8. [Cacciaguida : Dante.] 
There has been much discussion as to the 
correct form of D.'s surname, which, as might 
be expected, is spelt in many various ways in 
MSS. The name itself appears to be of Grerman 
origin. Minich, however, attempts to give it 
a local origin, and derives it from alga, the 
sea- weed with which all the swampy land in 
the Po valley abounds, referring Cacciaguida's 

* quindi ' (v. 138) not to * mia donna,* but to 

* val di Pado.* The most recent investigations 
tend to show that in the Latin form the name 
was probably originally Alagherii, and in the 
Italian Alighieri (see M. Scherillo, // cog- 
nome Alighieri, in Alcuni capitoli della BiO' 
p^afia di Dante, Turin, 1896). The name in 
Its Latin form (spelt variously by different 
editors) occurs, Epist. ii. ///. ; v. ///, ; vi. ///. ; 
vii. ///. ; viii. ///. ; ix. 3 ; x. ///., 10 ; A. T. §§ 
i2, 24*. 

Alighieri, Bello degli. [Bello.] 

Alighiero], the son of Cacciaguida, and 
great-grandfather of Dante, whose father, Ali- 
ghiero II, was the eldest son of Bellincione, 
the eldest son of Alighiero I ; the second son 
of the last was Bello, father of Geri del Bello 
(Inf. xxix. 27) [Table xxii]. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers 
to Alighiero as his own son, and D.*s great- 
grandfather, and as being the ancestor from 
whom the poet derived his surname Alighieri, 

* Quel da cui si dice Tua cognazione . . . Mio 
figlio fu, e tuo bisavo fue,* Par. xv. 91-2, 94 
[Alighieri : Dante]. This Alighiero is men- 
tioned, together with his brother Preitenitto, 
in a document dated Dec 9, 11 89; and is 
proved by another document to have been 
alive on Aug. 14, 1201 ; it is evident that D. 
was ignorant of the exact date of his death, for 
he makes Cacciaguida say (in 1300) that his 
son had been * a hundred years and more * 
among the Proud in Circle I of Purgatory 
(Par. XV. 92-3) [Cacciag^da : SuperbiJ. 

Aliotti], noble Florentine family, said to 
have been a branch of the Visdomini, who, as 
some think, are alluded to by Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) as being patrons of the 
bishopric of Florence, the revenues of which 
they enjoyed during the vacancy of the See, 
Par. xvi. 112-14. Benvenuto says : — 

' Ista domus Visdominorum tantae dignitatis 
quasi defecit ; tamen ex ea factae sunt duae aliae 
domus, scilicet illi de la Tosa, et Aliotti/ 

The Aliotti are mentioned by Villani (xii. 23) 
among the noble families who were reduced in 
1343 to the rank of *popolani.* [Tosinghi: 

Allagherius. [Alighieri] 




AUighieri. [Alighieri.] 

Almeone, Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus 
the seer and Eriphyle. Amphiaraus, fore- 
seeing that the expedition against Thebes 
would prove fatal to him, concealed himself in 
order to avoid joining it ; but his wife Eriphyle, 
bribed by Polynices with the necklace of 
Harmonia, revealed his hiding-place, so that 
he went, and met his death [Armenia]. 
Before he died, however, he enjoined Alcmaeon 
to slay Eriphyle to avenge her betrayal of 
him ; accordingly on his return from Thebes 
Alcmaeon put his mother to death [Anfiarao : 
XSrifile]. The incident of A. slaying Eriphyle 
is represented among the graven pictures on 
the ground in Circle 1 of Purgatory, where E. 
figures as an example of defeated pride, Purg. 
xii. 49-5 1 [Superbi] ; A. is mentioned again in 
the same connexion, Par. iv. 103-5, where the 
line *Per non j>erder pietk si fece spietato' 
(v, 105) is a reminiscence of Ovid : — 

*altiuqae parente parentem 
Natns erit facto pins et scderatos eodem.* 

{MetafH. \x. 407-8.) 

Aipe^, the Alps, Inf. xiv. 30 ; xx. 62 ; Purg. 
xvii. I ; xxxiii. in; Alpt^ Canz. xi.6i ; alluded to 
as aipestre roccty in connexion with the source 
of the Po, Par. vi. 5 1 [Po] ; the Tyrolese Alps 
are described as VAlpe^ che serra Lamagna 
Sovra Tiralli^ Inf. xx. 62-3 ; the Pennine 
Alps are perhaps referred to. Inf. xx. 65 

Alpe2, the Apennines, Inf. xvi. loi. [Apen- 
nino' : Benedetto, San.] 

Alp^tragio, Alpetragius or Alpetraiis, an 
Arabian of Morocco, who flourished about the 
middle of Cent. xii. He was celebrated as the 
author of a new physical theory of the celestial 
motions, his idea being that the stars moved 
in ipirals, thus representing or rather com- 
bining their proper and diurnal motions. 

Jourdain {Trad. Lat. dAristote^ pp. 132-3) 
identifies Alpetragius with a certain Nour- 
Eddin Alpetrongi, a Christian of Seville, who 
became a Mahometan, and wrote a treatise on 
the Sphere, based upon the new system intro- 
duced by Azarchel, which was translated in 
1217 at Toledo by Michael Scott, and which 
had an important influence upon the astro- 
nomical studies of Cent. xiii. 

\), quotes A. in support of the theory that 
every effect partakes ot the nature of its cause, 
Conv, iii. 2^^. Some modem edd. for Alpe- 
iraf(io here read Alfarabio^ Alfarabius, but 
there is little doubt that the former is the 
right reading. [AlfiEurabio.] 

Alpha, first letter of the Greek alphabet, 
Kfii»t. X. 33. [AlfEi.] 

Alpheniboeus, name, borrowed from 
Virgil {EcL v. ^l ; viii. l), under which D. is 

said to have concealed the identity of a certain 
Maestro Fiducio de* Milotti, a physician of 
Certaldo, who was with him at Ravenna, Ed. 
ii. 7, I5»44,45>49, 76. 

Alpi, the Alps, Canz. xi. 61. [Alpe^] 

Altaforte, Hautefort, castle in the Limousin 
in the bishopric of P^rigord, some twenty 
miles N.E. of Perigueux (in the modem 
Department of Dordogne) ; it belonged to the 
celebrated troubadour, Bertran de Bom, to 
whom D. refers as colui chegid ienne Altaforte^ 
Inf. xxix. 29 [Bertram dal Bornio]. 

Although his Provencal biographer gives 
Bertran the title of Viscount, and says that he 
was lord of nearly a thousand men (' Bertrans 
de Bom si fo de Lemozi, vescoms d'Autafort» 
que i avia prop de mil omes'), it is evident 
from existing documents that Hautefort was 
neither a viscounty nor the centre of a wealthy 
lordship. It was a flrst-class fortress, worthy 
of its name, lofty and strong (the chronicler 
Jaufrd de Vigeois terms it * castrum valde in- 
expugnabile '), but not otherwise a place of 

After the death of the * Young King ' (June 
II, 1183), eldest surviving son of Henry II of 
England, Bertran was besieged in Hautefort 
b)r Richard Coeur-de- Lion, and Alphonso II, 
King of Aragon, who appeared with an army 
before its walls on June 29 in that same year. 
After holding out for a week, the fortress fell, 
and was handed over by Richard to Bertran's 
brother Constantine. In the end, however, it 
was restored to Bertran, who held it till his 
death. The storv of the taking of Hautefort 
through the treachery of the King of Aragon, 
and of how the King of England (who is 
erroneously represented as taking part in the 
siege) restored it to Bertran, is told by an 
anonymous troubadour in the razo (argument) 
to one of Bertran's poems : — 

' Lo reis Enrics d'Engleterra si tenia assis en 
Bertran de Born dedintz Autafort el combatia ab 
SOS edificis, que molt li volia gran mal, quar el 
crezia que tota la guerra quel reis joves, sos filhz, 
li avia faita, qu'en Bertrans lalh agu^s faita far, 
e per so era vengutz denan Autafort per lui de- 
seretar. £1 reis d'Arago venc en Tost del rei 
Enric denan Autafort. £ quan Bertrans o saup, 
si fo molt alegres quel reis dArago era en I'ost, 
per so qu*el era sos amies especials. £1 reis 
d^Arago si mandet sos messatgcs dintz lo castel, 
qu'en Bertrans li mandes pa e vi e cam ; e el si 
Ten mandet assatz, e per lo messatge per cut el 
mandet los presens el li mandet pregan qu*el 
fez6s si qu'el fezds mudar los edificis e far traire 
en altra part, quel murs on il ferion era totz rotz. 
£ el, per gran aver del rci Enric, el li dis tot so 
qu'en Bertrans li avia mandat a dire. £1 reis 
Enrics si fetz metre dels edificis plus en aquela 
part on saup quel murs era rotz c fo lo murs ades 
per terra el castels pres. £n Bertrans, ab tota 
sa gen, fo menatz al pabalho del rei Enric, el reis 




lo receup molt mal e silh dis : *' Bertrans. Bertnins, 
vos avetz dit que anc la meitatz del vostre sen 
nous ac mestier nul temps, mas sapchatz qu* ara vos 
a el be mestier totz." — " Senher, dis en Bertrans, 
el es be ver qu'eu o dissi e dissi be vertat.** £1 
reis dis : '* Eu ere be qu'el vos sia ara falhitz." 
" Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m*es falhitz." — " E 
com!" dis lo reis. ''Senher, dis Bertrans, lo 
jom quel valens joves reis, vostre filhz, mori, eu 
perdi lo sen el saber e la conoissensa." £1 reis, 
quan auzi so qn'en Bertrans li dis en ploran del 
filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat e als 
olhz, si que nos poc tener qu'el no pasm^s de 
dolor. £ quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida 
e ditz en ploran : ''En Bertrans, en Bertrans, 
vos avetz be dreit e es be razos si vos avetz perdut 
lo sen per mon filh, que el vos volia raelhz que 
ad ome del mon ; e eu, per amor de lui, vos quit 
la persona e Taver el vostre castel e vos ren la 
mia amor e la mia gracia e vos don cine centz 
marcs d'argen per los dans que vos avetz re- 
ceubutz." En Bertrans silh cazec als pes, referen 
li gracias e merc^s, el reis ab tota la soa ost s^en 
anet. En Bertrans, quan saup quel reis d'Arago 
li avia faita si laida felonia, fo molt iratz ab lo rei 

Alvemia^, Auvergne, district in S.-Central 
France, on the borders of the old Languedoc, 
whence the troubadour Peire d'Alvemha took 
his name, V. £. i. lo^^. [Fetrus de Alvemia.] 

Alvemia 2], La Vemia, mountain (4796 ft) 
in the Casentiho £. of Florence, near Bibbiena, 
00 the S.W. slope of which St. Francis of 
Assisi founded a monastery (in 1218), the 
remains of which are still to be seen ; it is 
here that St. Francis is said to have received 
the stigmata in 1224 after fasting for forty 
days. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of 
the Sun), in connexion with this incident, refers 
to ttie mountain, which is situated between 
the sources of the Tiber and the Amo, as // 
crude sassOf intra Tevere ed Amo^ Par. xi. 
106-7. [Francesoo^.] 

Amalechy Amaiek, the Amalekites ; men- 
tioned as typical of the Emperor Henry Vli's 
opponents in Italy, Epist. vii. 5. [Agag.] 

Amano], Haman, chief minister of Aha- 
suerusy from whom he obtained a decree that 
all the Jews in the Persian empire should be 
put to death (Esther iii. 8-15); after the 
failure of this attempt to compass the destruc- 
tion of the Jews, H., through the intervention 
of Esther and Mordecai, was hanged on the 
gallows which he had prepared for the latter 
{Esther vii. 7-10). [Assuero : Ester : Mar- 

Haman figures among the examples of 
wrath seen by D. in Circle III of Purgatory, 
where he is represented as * crucified,* with 
Ahasuerus, Esther, and Mordecai grouped 
around him, Purg. xvii. 25-30 [Iraoondi]. 
D.'s use of the term * crocifisso,' as applied to 
Hainan, is explained by the Vulgate, where 

the word rendered ' gallows ' in A.V. is repre- 
sented by Lat. crux (*jussit excelsam parari 
crucem*). The same term is employed by 
Brunetto Latino : — 

' Hester fist crucefier Aman. qui voloit destruire 
le pueple Israel.' (TVrsor, i. 58.) 

Amanti, Spiriti. [Spiriti Amanti.] 

Amata, wife of Latinus, King of Latium, 
and mother of Lavinia ; she hanged herself 
rather than live to see her daughter married 
to Aeneas [Iiavinia]. D. includes her among 
the examples of wrath in Circle III of Purga- 
tory, Purp^. xvii. 34-9, where in a vision he 
sees Lavmia weeping and reproaching her 
mother with her suicide, calling upon her as 
regina^ ^' 35» and madrcy v, 39 [Iracondi]. In 
his letter to the Emperor Henry VII, D. com- 
pares the city of Florence to Amata (Epist. 
vii. 7) : — 

'Haec Amata ilia impatiens, quae, repulso 
fatali connubio, quern fata ncgabant generum sibi 
adscire non timuit, sed in bella furialiter provo- 
cavit, et demum, male ausa luendo, laqueo se 

The episode is narrated by Virgil, but D. sup- 
plies the words to which Virgil only alludes : — 

'Acctdit haec feash cttam fortana Latinia, 

Suae totam luctn concassit fanditas ttrbem. 
e{^na at tectis venienteni prospicit hcwtem, 
Incessi moros, ignes ad tecta volare, 
Nusc^nam aciea contra Rntulas, nulla agtnina Tami: 
Infelix pngnae javeneni in certamine credit 
Ezstinctum, et, subito roentem turbata dolore; 
Se caaasatn claznat, crimenque caputqae tnalomm, 
Maltaque per naestnm demens enata fnrorem, 
Parpareos moritura manu discindit amictua, 
Et nodnm informis ]eti trabe nectit ab alta. 
Quani cladem miserae postqtiam accepere Latinae, 
Filta prima mann flavos Lavinia crines 
Et roseas laniata genas, turn cetera circnm 
Turba farit; reaonant late plangoribas aedes.* 

(Aen. xil. 593-^.) 

Ambrogio, Sant'. [Ambrosius.] 

Ambrosius, St. Ambrose, celebrated Father 
of the Church, bom 334, died 397. St. A. was 
educated at Rome, studied law, practised as 
a pleader at Milan, and in 369 was appointed 
governor of Luguria and Aemilia (N. Italy). 
In 374 he was nominated Bishop of Milan, 
though not yet baptized. He at nrst refused 
the dignity, but accepted it under persuasion. 
As Bishop he became the unswerving opponent 
of the Arian heresy [Arrio], whidi had the 
support of Justina, mother of Valentinian II, 
and, for a time, of the young Emperor himself. 
In 390, on account of the ruthless massacre 
at Thessalonica ordered by the Emperor 
Theodosius, St. A refused him entrance into 
the church at Milan for eight months. St. 
Augustine was among those who received 
baptism at his hands [Agostino''^]. St. A. 
was a voluminous writer, but many of his 
works are little more than reproductions of the 
writings of Origen and other Greek Fathers. 
His exegetical works include an exposition of 




the Gospel of St. Luke, and commentaries on 
certain of the Psalms. He was also the author 
of many hymns, designed to combat the errors 
of Arianism, some of which have been adopted 
in the liturgies of the Western Church. The 
beginning of one of these, * Te lucis ante,* is 
quoted by D., who represents the spirits in 
the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory as chant- 
ing it, Purg. viii. 13-14. The hymn is as 
follows: — 

'Te lucis ante terminttin, 
Reram Creator, poscinjua, 
Ut tua pro dementia. 
Sis praesul rt custodia. 
Procul recedant somnia 
Et noctiura phantasmata: 
Hostemqne nostrum comprime, 
Ne po]luantur corpora. 
Praesta, Pater piissime, 
Patrique compar Unice, 
Cum spirittt Paraclito 
Regnans per omne saecnlnm.* 

D. reproaches the Italian cardinals with 
their neglect of the works of St. A., and of the 
other Fathers of the Church : * Jacet Gregorius 
tuus in telis aranearum ; jacet Ambrosius in 
neglectis clericorum latibulis; jacet Augus- 
tinus; abjectus Dionysius, Damascenus, et 
Beda,' Epist. viii. 7. Some think that St. A. 
is alluded to as one of the four elders * in 
humble guise * in the mystic Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise (the other three being 
St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), 
Purg. xxix. 142. The reference, however, is 
more probably to the four writers of the 
canonical Epistles. [FrooesBione.] 

Several of the old commentators think St. A. 
is referred to as Qu^/ awocato dei tempi 
Cristiani^ Par. x. 119. Benvenuto hesitates 
between St A. and Paulus Orosius, the his- 
torian : — 

'Ad evidentiam istius literae est notandum quod 
litera ista potest verificari tarn de Ambrosio quam 
de Orosio. De Ambrosio quidem quia fuit niagnus 
advocatus temponim christianonim, quia tempore 
suo puUulaverunt multi et magni haeretici ; contra 
quos Ambrosius defensavit ecclesiam Dei, immo 
et contra Theodosium imperatorem fuit audacis- 
simus ; et ad ejus praedicationem Augustinus 
conversus fuit ad fidem, qui fuit validissimus mal- 
leus haereticonim. Potest etiam intelligi de 
Paulo Orosio, qui fuit defensor temponim chris- 
tianonim reprobando tempora pagana, sicut evi- 
denter apparet ex ejus operc quod intitulatur 
Ormesta mundi, quem libnim fecit ad petitionem 
beati Augustini, sicut ipse Orosius testatur in 
prohemio dicti libri. ... £t hie nota quod quamvis 
istud possit intelligi tam de Orosio quam de Am- 
brosio, et licet forte autor intellexerit de Orosio, 
cui fuit satis familiaris, ut perpendi ex multis 
dictis ejus, tamen melius est quod intelligatur de 
Ambrosio, quia licet Orosius fuerit vir valens et 
utilis, non tamen bene cadit in ista corona inter 
tam egregios doctorcs.' 

In spite of Benvenuto's arguments, however, 
there can be scarcely a doubt that Orosius is 
intended. [Oroaio.] 

Amerigo. [HameriouB.] 

Amfione. [Anfione.] 

Amicltia, De, Cicero's treatise On Friend" 
shiPy written in the form of a dialogue, the chief 
speaker being Laelius, to commemorate the 
friendship of the latter with Scipio Africanus 
the younger [Lelio]; quoted as lyAmicizia^ 
Conv. i. 12*®; Deir Amisid, Conv. ii. 13**; 
one of the books with which D. consoled him- 
self after the death of Beatrice, Conv. ii. 
12I7-22 . Cicero's opinion, in agreement with 
that of Aristotle, that love is begot by proxi- 
mity and goodness, and increased by advan- 
tage, study, and habit, Conv. i. i2i*~5^o : — 

Amic. % 5: 'Hoc praestat amicitia propinqui- 
tati, quod ex propinquitate benivolentia tolli 
potest, ex amicitia non potest ; sublata enim 
benivolentia, amicitiae nomen tollitur, propinqui- 
tatis manet.' — % 9 : ' confirmatur amor et beneficio 
accepto, et studio perspecto, et consuetudine ad« 

D. was indebted to the De Amicitia (§ 26) 
for the quotation (from the Eunuchus oJF 
Terence) which he puts into the mouth of 
Thais (the words attributed to her by D. 
being really those of Gnatho), Inf. xviii. 133-5 
[Taidd]. D. probably also got from the same 
work (§ 7) the story of Pylades and Orestes, 
alluded to, Purg. xiii. 32 [Oreste]. 

AmIcMa, D\ [Amicitia, De.] 

Amiclas, Amyclas, Conv. iv. 13^20, [Ami- 

Amiclate, Amyclas, a poor fisherman who 
' Caesar and his fortune bare at once ' in his 
boat from Epirus into Italy. Julius Caesar, 
being anxious to reach Italy, went secretly at 
night to the cottage of A., who, secure in his 
poverty, admitted him, and consented to convey 
him across the Adriatic. 

A. is mentioned, in allusion to this incident, 
by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) in connexion with St. Francis, and his 
devotion to poverty, Par. xi. 67-9; Lucan's 
account of the incident quoted in a discussion 
as to the harmfulness of riches, Conv. iv. 

D. has closely followed Lucan's narrative of 

the episode (Par. xi. 67-9), the last four lines 

of which he translates in the Convivio (iv. 
13I12-18) :__ 

* Haad procul inde dotnus non alio robore ftdta, 
Sed sterili junco, cannaque intexta palustri, 
Et latus inversa nudum munita phaselo. 
Haec Carsar bis terque mann quassantia tectum 
Limina commovit; moUi consurgit Amyclas 

?uem dabat al^ toro: Quisnam mea naufragua, inqait, 
t*cta petit? aut quem nostrae fortuna co^git 
Auxilium sperare casae? Sic fatus ab alto 
Af^gere jam tepidae snblato fane favillae 
Scmtillam tenuem commotos pavit in ignea; 
Securus belli, praedam civilibus armis 
Scit non esse casam. O vitae tuta facultas 
Pauperis, angusti^ue lares ! O munera nondum 



Analytica Priora 

Inteilecta deAm ! Qntbas hoc continj^ere templia 

Aat potait muria, nuUo trepidare tamultn 

Caesarea palsante maim?* {Pkars. v. 515-31.) 

The following account of the incident is 
given by the Anonimo Fiorentirio : — 

' Essendo rebellati gli romani senatori a Cesare, 
et esseodo fuori di Roma costui con grande 
scguito ch'avea, si degli Romani estrinseci come 
d'altri popoli, faceva viva guerra ad essi, et a 
quelle cittadi che a loro ubidiano; e fra Taltre si 
era una terra al principio di Romania, appellata 
Durazo, molto forte e ben murata, e teneasi per 
^ romani sanatori. . . . Cesare con sua gente and6 
ad assedio al detto Durazo ; e vigorosamente facea 
sua guerra. In processo di tempo awenne che 
vittuaglia mancava all' oste di Cesare. Questi per 
le circustanze pigliavano ogni castello e fortezza 
e rubavano e toglievano tutta quella vittuaglia 
ch'egli trovavono; abbreviando, egli disciporono 
e miseno in fuga tutte quelle pertinenze d'intomo, 
salvo che suso la marina era uno nocchiero, vel 
tragittatore, lo quale solamente avea una sua 
barca e un remo, e in terra non avea se non uno 
capannuccio, dov'era un poco di paglia; e quivi 
posava quando dormia, o s* ello era fuori d'opera. 
Avea nome Amiclas, lo quale perch' era cosi 
povero, non temea rubagione, perch^ avea poco, 
vel quasi nulla sustanzia temporale, non temea 
invidia d'esser morto; si che, dove tutta la con- 
trada, vel paese, fugia dair oste di Cesare, costui, 
per la sua povertade, stava sicuro, e non brigava 
di trovare altra stanzia. ... Or dice che, veggendo 
Cesare pure mancargli vittuaglia, mand6 navilj 
nelle parti d'ltalia, cosi forniti come bisogno era, 
et agli rettori di quegli commise suo affare. Pas- 
sato quello termine che costoro doveano esser 
venuti colla vittuaglia, e non eran tornati, misesi Ce- 
sare una se.ra in via disconosciutamente, e nol seppe 
alcuna persona dell' oste. Venne a casa d'Ami- 
date, e tanto venne effettuosamente che diede 
delle mani nell'uscio dello medale, e fecelo tutto 
croUare, e disse : O della casa ! vieni, ch' io vogUo 
die tu mi tragietti con tua navicella oltre questo 
braccio di mare. Amiclas, udito la boce di Cesare, 
c sentito lo bussamento di suo ostello, s'awide 
bene che questo era grande fatto ; ma pensossi : 
lo son povero, io non ho nulla, che costui possa 
>ffrettare di vedere, si che, sia di che condizione 
VQoIe, o vuol grande o vuol minore, el non mi 
Pu6 offendere : io odo lo mare esser turbato, e 
soe la etade della luna e gli altri aspetti de' 
I>itneti, gli quali hanno a muover lo tempo ad 
esser mal disposto : io non voglio servire a costui. 
Pensato questo, rispuose : Amico mio, io non 
voglio ; lo tempo non 6 disposto : io non ne voglio 
^ nulla. Fatta da costui questa risposta, Cesare 
si maraviglid molto; ma pensossi di fare per- 
suasioni, acci6 ch* egli lo servisse, e disse : Frate, 
io U vogUo fare assapere ch' io son Cesare, lo 
^lude, come tu puoi avere inteso, io sono temuto ; 
cbi, non solo a una mia parola si moverebbe uno 
uomo, ma la metade di quegli del mondo ; s'egli 
pensaissono ch'io lo pensassi, correrebbono a ridu- 
^i^ in atto mio pensiero. Costui rispuose : 
Questo pu6 esser ch'egli farebbono per paura 
Cesser disfatti di suo dominio et avere ; ma io 
°on temo di perdere alcuna cosa, ch' io sono in 
^trema povertade. Rispuose Cesare : Se tu mi 

farai questo servigio, io ti provvedrd si che tu 
non avrai bisogno d*andare a tale servizio ; e trar- 
rotti di questa povertade. Ad Amiclas piacque 
tale profferta; ma, conoscendo lo tempo male 
adatto a navicare, mal volentieri si mettea in mare, 
e comincid a ragionare a Cesare d'astrologia, 
mostrando la costellazione disposta a producere 
fortuna in mare. Abbreviando, Cesare volea pur 
passare per quelle parti, onde dovea venire la 
vittuaglia; e disse ad Amiclas: Non temere, ch* 
i' ho gli Dii a mia posta : noi non possiamo perire. 
Persuaso Amiclate, misesi in mare.' 

Amidei], noble Florentine family, whose 
murder of Buondelmonte, in revenge for a slight 
to a lady of their house, gave rise to the bloody 
factions of Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence. 
Villani, who records the incident, speaks of 
them as *onorevoli e nobili cittadini (v. 38); 
he says they lived in the Sesto di san Piero 
Scheraggio, and sided with the Ghibellines, 
the Buondelmonti bein^ Guelfs (v. 39). 

Cacciaguida, addressmg D. (in the Heaven 
of Mars), refers to them as ' La casa di che 
nacque il vostro fleto' (i.e. the house which 
caused so much lamentation in Florence), and 
says that in his day they and their ' consorti ' 
(i. e., according to the old commentators, the 
Uccellini and Gherardini) were held in high 
honour. Par. xvi. 136-9. [Buondelmonte.] 

Amistk, Deir. [Amicltia, De.] 

Amore, Love, i. e. Cupid, the son of Venus, 
as is testified by Virgil (Aen, i. 664-5) ^^^ 
Ovid (Metam. v. 363), Conv. ii. 6ii'-26. [Cu- 

Amore, Rimedio d\ [Remedia Amoris.] 

Amos, Amoz, father of the prophet Isaiah, 
who is hence spoken of as Amosji/ius, Epist. 
vii. 2 (ref. to 2 Kings xix). [laaia.] 

Amphitrite, daughter of Oceanus and wife 
of Neptune, goddess of the sea ; mentioned to 
indicate the sea, Epist. vii. 3 ; the ocean as 
distinct from inland seas, A. T. § 1 5^. 

Anacreonte, Anacreon, celebrated Greek 
lyric poet, bom at Teos, an Ionian city in Asia 
Minor ; he lived in Athens circ B. c. 522, and 
died circ. 478 at the age of 85. His poems, 
only a few genuine fragments of which have 
been preserved, are chiefly in celebration of 
love and wine. According to the reading of 
Aldus and others, A. is mentioned as being 
among the ancient poets in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 
106 [Iiimbo]. The correct reading, however, 
is almost certainly, not Anacreonte^ but Anti' 
Jonte [Antifontej. 

Anagna. [Alagna.] 

Analytica Priora, the Prior Analytics, logi- 
cal treatise of Aristotle ; quoted, as Priora, in 
illustration of the use of hypothesis in argu- 
ment, A. T, § 19^^ ; the first book, which deals 
with the form of the syllogism, is quoted 




(apparently) as De Syllogismo^ to show that in 
a syllogism containing four terms the form of 
the syllogism is not kept, ' ut patet ex iis quae 
de Syllogismo simpliciter/ Mon. iii. 7'«-^«. 
Aristotle says {Anal, Priora, i. 25): *Mani- 
festum est quod omnis demonstratio erit per 
tres terminos et non pi ares.' Witte thinks the 
reference is rather to the Summulae Logicales 
of Petrus Hispanus. 

Anania^y Ananias, 'the disciple at Damas- 
cus/ who healed St. Paul's blindness by laying 
his hands upon him (Acts ix. 10-18) ; the virtue 
of the glance of Beatrice compared to that of 
the hand of A., Par. xxvi. 12. 

Anania ^], Ananias, husband of Sapphira ; 
the two are included among the examples of 
lust of wealth proclaimed by the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, col marito Safira^ Pnrg. 
XX. 112. [Avari: Safira.] 

Anassagora, Anaxagoras, celebrated 
Greek philosopher of the Ionian school ; bom 
at Clazomenae in Ionia, B. c. 500 ; died, at the 
age of 72, at Lampsacus in Mysia, B. c 428. 
While at Athens, where he lived as the friend 
and teacher of Euripides and Pericles, he was 
accused of impiety, and sentenced to pay a 
fine of five talents and to quit the city. He 
taught that a supreme intelligence was the 
cause of all things. 

D., whose knowledge of A. was probably de- 
rived from Cicero {Acad, i. 13 ; ii. 31, 37 ; Tusc, 
i. 43 ; iii. 13 ; v. 39 ; &c.), places him, together 
with Thales (with whom he is coupled by Aris- 
totle in the Ethics^ vi. 7), in Limbo among the 
great philosophers of antiquity. Inf. iv. 137 
[Limbo] ; his opinion as to the nature and origin 
of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 15*5^ [Galassia]. 

Anastagiy noble Ghibelline family of Ra- 
venna, next in importance to the Polentani 
and Traversari I'Purg. xiv. 107), with the latter 
of whom, as well as with the Counts of Bagna- 
cavallo (Purg. xiv. 115), they were in close 
alliance. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of 
Purgatory) mentions them among the ancient 
worthy families of Romagna, and speaks of 
them and of the Traversari as being without 
heirs, and consequently on the eve of extinc- 
tion, Purg. xiv. 107-8. [Traversara, Casa.] 

The Anastagi for a time played an important 
part in the politics of Romagna* In 1249, 
while Alberto Caccianimico of Bologna was 
Podestk of Ravenna, the Anastagi and their 
friends rose upon the Polentani and their Guelf 
adherents and expelled them from the city, 
after deposing the Podestk, who was the 
nominee of the Church. Soon after, however, 
the exiled Guelfs returned to Ravenna, replaced 
the Podestk in his ofHce, and in their turn 
expelled the Ghibellines, who were, moreover, 
threatened with excommunication by the famous 
Cardinal, Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), 

unless within a given time they submitted 
themselves to the Church. Eight or nine 
years later the Anastagi made peace with their 
adversaries, and were allowed to return to 
Ravenna, probably through the mediation of 
their allies, the Counts of Bagnacavallo, one of 
whom was at this time (1258) Podestk of 
Ravenna. From about this period the family 
of the Anastagi appears to have fallen rapidly 
into decay, and by the year 1300, the date df 
the Vision, hardly a trace of them remained in 
Ravenna. (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ 
According to the Ottimo Comento, both the 
Anastagi and the Traversari were expelled 
from Ravenna by the Guelf Polentani : — 

* Perocchi per loro cortesia i Travet-sari erano 
molto amati da' gcntili e dal popolo, quelli da 
Polenta, occupatori della repubblica, come sos- 
petti e buoni Ii cacciarono fuori. ... Li Anastagi 
furono antichissimi uomini di Ravenna, ed ebbero 
grandi parentadi con quelli da Polenta; ma, 
perocch^ discordavano in vita ed in costumi, Ii 
Polentesi, come lupi, cacciarono costoro come 
agnelli, dicendo che avevano loro intorbidata 

Benvenuto mentions that one of the gates of 
Ravenna (the present Porta Serrata) was in 
his day named after the Anastagi : — 

' Isti fuerunt magni nobiles et potentes, a quibus 
una porta in Ravenna usque hodie denominatur 
porta Anastasia. De ista domo fuit nobilis miles 
dominus Guido de Anastasiis, qui mortuus est per 
impatientiam amoris cujusdam honestissimae do- 
minae, quam nunquam potuit flectere ad ejus 

Benvenuto alludes to the story (adapted by 
Dryden as * Theodore and Honoria *) told by 
Boccaccio, ' curiosus inquisitor omnium delec- 
tabilium historiarum,' in the Decamerone (v. 8), 
of how a youth named Nastagio degli Honesti 
fell in love with the daughter of Messer Paolo 
Traversaro, and of how he encountered the 
ghost of Messer Guido degli Anastag^. 

Anastagio. [Anastasio.] 

Anastasio, Pope Anastasius II (496-498)9 
placed by D. among the Heretics in Circle VI 
of Hell, where he is enclosed in a tomb bearing 
the inscription, ' I hold Pope Anastasius, who 
was drawn from the right way by Phodnus,' 
Inf. xi. 8-9 [Eretioi]. D. appears to have 
confused Pope Anastasius II with his name- 
sake and contemporary, the Emperor Ana- 
stasius I (491-518), who is said to have been 
led by Photinus, a deacon of Thessalonica 
(not to be confounded with the better-known 
Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium, who died in 376, 
and was, like his namesake, condemned as a 
heretic), into the heresy of Acacius, bishop of 
Constantinople (d. 488), who denied the divine 
origin of Christ, holding that he was naturally 
begotten and conceived in the same way as 
the rest of mankind [Fotino]. 



Andrea de' 

The tradition followed by D. is thus related 
by the Anonimo Fiorentino, whose account is 
taken from the chronicle of Martinus Polonus 
(d. 1278), a history of the Popes and Emperors 
from the beginning of the Christian era down 
to the accession of Nicholas III : — 

* Fu cestui papa Anastagio secondo, nato di 
Fortunato dttadino Romano, chc sedette nella 
sedia apostoKca anni due et mesi undid et di 
ventitr^. Questi constitul che niuno cherico, n6 
per ira n^ per rancore n^ per simile acddente, 
pretermettesse o lasciasse di dire I'ufficio suo. 
Scomunicd Anastagio imperadore ; et per6 che in 
quel tempo molti cherici si levorono contro a lui, 
per6 ch'egli tenea amicizia et singulare fratel- 
lanza et conversazione con Fortino diacono di 
Tessaglia, che poi fu vescovo . . . et questo For- 
tino fa famigliare et maculato d'uno medesimo 
errore d'eresia con Acazio dannato per la chiesa 
cattolica : et perchd Anastagio volea ricomunicare 
questo Acazio, avegna iddio ch'egli non potessi, 
fii percosso dal giudicio di Dio ; per6 che, essendo 
nunato il concilio, volendo egli andare a sgravare 
fl ventre ne* luoghi segreti, per volere et giu- 
dido divino, sedendo et sforzandosi, le interiora 
gli uscirono di sotto, et ivi fin) miserabilmente sua 

Butler says : — 

'In 48a the Emperor Zeno had put forth his 
HtnoHkon, designed to calm the dissensions which 
had prevailed ever since the Council of Chalcedon 
>Q 451. The Roman pontiffs did not approve this, 
and excommunicated the Byzantine patriarchs 
who supported it, including Acacius. In the 
pontificate of Anastasius, his namesake the Em- 
peror was desirous of restoring the name of 
Acacius to the diptych or roll of patriarchs deceased 
in the orthodox faith ; and Photinus, a deacon of 
Thessalonica, was sent to treat with Pope Ana- 
stasius on the subject, and persuaded him to allow 
it Ultimately the belief grew up that Anastasius 
had been tainted with the Nestorian heresy. 
Gratian (Par. x. 104) seems to have been the 
authority for this misrepresentation/ 

Ancella, handmaiden ; title by which D. 

refers to Aurora, * ancella del Sole,' Par. xxx. 7 

fAurora]; Iris, 'ancella di Junone,' Par xii. 

12 [Iri] ; the hours, * ancelle del giomo,' Purg. 

xil 81 ; xxii. 1 18. 

Anchise, Anchises, son of Capys and 
Themis, daughter of Ilus ; he was beloved by 
Venus, by whom he became the father of 
Aeneas. On the capture of Troy by the 
Greeks Aeneas carried A. on his shoulders 
from the burning city. A. did not live to reach 
Italy ; he died soon after the arrival of Aeneas 
in Sicily, where he was buried on Mt Eryx. 
When Aeneas descended to Hades he saw 
the shade of A., which conversed with him 
and foretold the future greatness of Rome. 

Aeneas referred to 2& figliuol d* Anchise^ Inf. 
L 74; Purg. xviii. 137; tne meeting between 
D. and Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
compared to that of Aeneas and A. in Hades, 

Par. XV. 25-7 ; the death of A. in Sicily, 
* risola del foco, Dove Anchise fini la lunga 
etate,' Par. xix. 131-2 ; the fortitude of Aeneas 
in braving the terrors of Hades in order to 
seek the shade of A., as related by Virgil {Aen, 
vi. 236 ff.), Conv. iv. 267o-« ; the prophecy of A. 
to Aeneas when they met in Hades (Aen, vi. 
847-53), Mon. ii. 767-77. [Bnea.] 

Anchises, the father of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
7«^ [AnchtBO.] 

Anco, Ancus Marcius, fourth King of Rome, 
B.C. 640-616; he succeeded TuUus Hostilius, 
and was succeeded by Tarquinius Priscus, 
Conv. iv. 590 J lie and the other six Kings of 
Rome are referred to. Par. vi. 41. 

'Anconitana, Ma re a. [Marca Anconi- 

Anconitanei, inhabitants of the March of 
Ancona, V. E. i. 1066-7 j incolae Anconitanae 
Marchiae^ V. E. i. ii^^. Marchiani^ V. E. 
i. 12^** ; coupled with the Trevisans as utrius- 
que Marchiae viri^ V. E. i. 19^^ [Maroa 
Anconitana] ; their dialect distinct from those 
of the inhabitants of Calabria and Romagna, 
V. E. i. 106G-7 ; the ugliest of the Italian 
dialects after that of the Romans, V. E. i. 
J 1 18-20. rejected by D., with those of the 
Romans and Spoletans, as unworthy to be the 
Italian vulgar tongue, V. E i. 1 120-1 ; the 
Apulian dialect infected by its barbarisms, and 
by those of the Roman dialect, V.E. i. 12*6-9. 
their dialect abandoned by their most illus- 
trious poets in favour of the Italian vulgar 
tongue, V. E. i. 19^6-19. 

Andal6, Loderingo degli. [lioderingo.] 

Andrea de' Mozzi], member of the noble 
Florentine family (who were Guelfs and 
Bianchi) of that name, Bishop of Florence, 
1 287-1295. After having been chaplain to 
Popes Alexander IV and Gregory IX, Andrea 
accompanied Cardinal Latino into Tuscany (in 
1278) when the latter was sent by Nicholas III 
to mediate between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. 
In 1272 he was a canon of Florence, and in 
1287 he was appointed bishop. During his 
bishopric the Church of Santa Croce and the 
^eat Hospital of Santa Maria were founded 
m Florence, the latter being endowed (in 1287, 
it is said at Andrea's suggestion) by Folco 
Portinari, the father of Beatrice. In Sept., 
1295, on account of his unseemly living, he 
was (at the request of his brother Tommaso de' 
Mozzi, say Boccaccio and Benvenuto) trans- 
ferred by Boniface VIII to the see of Vicenza, 
where he died a few months later (Feb. 1296). 
His body, in accordance with his own direc- 
tions, was sent back to Florence and buried in 
the church of San Gregorio (which had been 
founded by the Mozzi family), where a monu- 
ment was erected to him with the inscription 


Andrea di Ungaria 

' Sepulcrum venerabilis patris domini Andreae 
de Mozzis Dei gratia episcopi Florentini et 

Andrea is referred to by Brunette Latino as 
Colui , . . cAg dal servo de' servi Fu tras- 
mutato d'Amo in Bacchiglione Ove lascib li 
mal protest nervi (i. e. the one who was trans- 
ferred by the Pope from Florence to Vicenza), 
and included by him amon^ those who are 
with himself in Round 3 of Circle VI I of Hell, 
where those guilty of unnatural offences are 
punished (his malpractices, according to the 
old commentators, being alluded to in v. 114), 
Inf XV. 1 12-14 [Baochiglione : Violenti]. 

Philalethes remarks that, considering the 
honourable burial accorded to Andrea by his 
family, there is some reason to doubt the story 
told by the old commentators as to the cause 
of his removal from Florence. Some think his 
translation to Vicenza may have been due to 
the disturbances caused by the proceedings of 
Giano della Bella [GianoJ. 

Benvenuto describes Andrea as a simpleton 
and buffoon, and gives several instances of his 
ridiculous ncuveU in preaching. On one occa- 
sion, he says, he compared the Providence of 
God to a mouse sitting on a beam ; on another 
he illustrated the immensity of the divine 
power by contrasting the insignificance of a 
grain of turnip-seed with the magnificence of 
the full-grown turnip, of which he produced a 
large specimen from beneath his cloak : — 

' Volo te scire cum non modico risu, quod iste 
spiritus fuit civis florentinus, natus de Modiis, 
episcopus Florentiae, qui vocatus est Andreas. 
Iste quidem vir simplex et fatuus, saepe publice 
praedicabat populo dicens multa ridiculosa ; inter 
alia dicebat, quod providentia Dei erat similis 
muri, qui stans super trabe videt quaecumque 
genintur sub se in domo, et nemo videt eum. 
Dicebat etiam, quod gratia Dei erat sicut stercus 
capranim, quod cadens ab alto ruit in diversas 
partes dispersum. Similiter dicebat, quod potentia 
divina erat immensa; quod volens demonstrare 
ezemplo manifesto, tenebat granum rapac in manu 
et dicebat : bene videtis, quam parvulum sit istud 
granulum et minutum ; deinde extrahebat de sub 
cappa maximam rapam, dicens : ecce quam mira- 
biiif potentia Dei, qui ex tantillo semine facit 
tantum fructum.' 

Andrea di Ungaria], Andrew III, King 

of Hungary, 1 290-1 301, the last of the line of 
St Stephen ; he was succeeded by Wenceslas 
of Bohemia (i 301 -1305) and Otho of Bavaria 
(1305-1308;; on the death of the latter the 
crown jydhuid U) the House of Anjou in the 
perion (tf Charles Robert (i 308-1 342), eldest 
§im of Charles M artel, who had been titular 
king, (Carlo Mart«Uo : Table xii.] 

Andrew in referred to by the Eagle in the 
HitiiV':n (ii Jupiter, who expresses the hope 
(perhafif ironically) that I^Iungary may no more 
be ill'treaUt^l at the hands of her kings. Par. 
%t%. 142 3 [Ungaria |. 

Andrea, Jacomo da sant'. [Jacomo^.] 

Andromache, daughter of Ection, King of 
Thebes in Cilicia, and wife of Hector, by whom 
she had a son Scamandrius or Astyanax. On 
the capture of Troy her son was killed, and she 
herself was taken prisoner by Neoptolemus, 
son of Achilles, who carried her to Epirus ; 
she subsequently married Hector's brother, 
Helenus, King of Chaonia. 

D. mentions A. in connexion with Virgil's 
account of her meeting with Aeneas at Buthro- 
tum in Epirus, and her enquiry {Aen, iii. 339- 
40) after Ascanius, Mon. ii. 397-101 [ABcanioJ. 

Anfiarao, Amphiaraus, son of Oicles and 
Hypermnestra, great prophet and hero of 
Argos. By his wife Eriphyle, sister of Adrastus, 
he was the father of Alcmaeon. He was one 
of the seven kings who joined in the expedition 
against Thebes (Inf. xiv. 68) [TebeJ ; fore- 
seeing that the issue would be fatal to himself, 
he concealed himself to avoid going to the war, 
but his hiding-place was revealed by his wife 
Eriphyle, who had been bribed by Polynices 
with the necklace of Harmonia (Purg. xii. 50-1) 

IArmonla]. A., as had been foreseen, met 
lis death at Thebes, being swallowed up by 
the earth, but before he died he enjoined his 
son Alcmaeon to put Eriphyle to death on his 
return from Thebes, in punishment of her be- 
trayal of him (Purg. xii. 50-1 ; Par. iv. 103-5). 
[Almeone : Erifile.] 

D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and 
illudes to the manner of his death, Inf. xx. 31-9 
[Indovini]. The incident is related by Statins 
(Theb, vii. 789-823; viii. i ff.), whence D. 
borrowed it, w, 33-4 being a reminiscence of 
Pluto's words to Amphiaraus : — 

' At tibi qaos, inqnit, Manoi, qui limite praeceps 
Non licito per inane mis?* {Thw.\\ai. 84-5.) 

Anfione, Amphion, son of Zeus and Antiop^ ; 
by the help of the Muses he built the walls of 
Thebes, the stones coming down from Mt. 
Cithaeron and placing themselves of their own 
accord, charmed by the magic skill with which 
he played on the lyre. D. mentions A. in 
connexion with the Muses and the assistance 
they gave him at Thebes, Inf. xxxii.. lo-ii 
[Muae]. Horace refers to the story in the 
Ars Poetica : — 

'Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcii^ 
Saxa movere sono testudinis et preoe blanda 
Ducere quo vellet.* {jm. .^94-€.) 

Angeli, Angels, the lowest Order in the 
Celestial Hierarchies, ranking last in the third 
Hierarchy, Con v. ii. 6**; they preside over the 
Heaven of the Moon, Con v. ii. 6^^®"'^ [Fara- 
diso] ; they are referred to by Beatrice (in the 
Crystalline Heaven) in her exposition of the 
Angelic Orders as angelici ludi^ Par. xxviii. 126. 


Angelo, Castello sant' 

Animalibus, De 

AngelOy Castello sant'. [Castello iant' 

AngiolellOy Angiolello da Carignano, noble- 
man of Fano, who together with Guido del 
Cassero was invited by Malatestino, lord of 
Rimini, to a conference at La Cattolica on the 
Adriatic coast ; as they were on their way to 
the rendezvous they were surprised in their 
boat, and thrown overboard and drowned off 
the promontory of Focara, by Malatestino's 
orders. The event took place soon after 1312, 
the year in which Malatestino succeeded his 
father as lord of Rimini. 

This crime is foretold to D. by Pier da 

Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell), 

who bids him warn Angiolello and Guido, M 

due miglior di Fano,' of the fate which is in 

store for them. Inf. xxviii. 76-90. [Cattolica, 

La : Fooara : Malatestino : Pier da Medi- 

oina.] According to the Anonimo Fiorentino 

the object of this crime (*enorme facinus,' 

Benvenuto calls it) on the part of Malatestino 

was to prepare the way for his seizure of the 

lordship of Fano : — 

'Messer Guido da Fano et Agnolello erano i 

maggiori uomini di Fano, onde messer Malatestino 

de* Malatesti, era signore di Rimino, vennegli in pen- 

Bero d*essere signore di Fano : mostrandosi amico 

di questl messer Guido et Agnolello pens6, avendo 

tentato piii volte : s' io uccido costoro, che sono 

i maggiori, io ne sar6 poi signore ; et cosl gli 

awenne. Scrisse loro ch* egli volea loro parlare, 

et ch' egliono venissono alia Cattolica, et egli 

sarebbe ivi, ch' b uno luogo in quel mezzo tra 

Rimino et Fano. Questi due, fidandosi, si mis- 

sooo in una barchetta per mare per venire alia 

Cattolica : messer Malatestino fece i suoi stare in 

qtiello mezzo con una altra barchetta ; et come 

messer Malatestino avea loro comandato, presono 

messer Guido et Ag^olo et gettorongli in mare ; 

onde segui che la parte che aveano in Fano, per- 

dendo i loro capi, furono cacciati di Fano : onde 

nltiinamente segul che messer Malatesta ne fn 


Anglia, England, V. E. i. S^\ [Inghilterra.] 
AngUci, the English, V. E. i. 83i. [Inglesl.] 

Anglicus, English ; Anglicum mare^ the 
English Channel, one of the limits of the 
^gue £f oil, V. E. i. 86I. [Llagua Oil.] 

Attlma, De, Aristotle's treatise (in three 
books) On Soul, quoted as DelP Anima, Conv. 
ii. 9«, low 142^1 ; iii. 283> 126, 6111, 96* ; iv. 
7111,139, ,368, 13II6, 2o5»; De Anima, Mon. 
i-3'*; iii. i627 ; the comment of Averroes on, 
Conv. iv. 13*®; Mon. i. 3'^''"®; Aristotle's 
^^ion that the soul is immortal, Conv. ii. 
9" (An. ii. 2) ; that the influence of the 
asent affects the passive nature disposed to 
weave it, Conv. ii. lo^^® {An. ii. 2) ; that 
science is of high nobility because of the noble- 
ness of its subject and its certainty, Conv. ii. 
14W0-3 (^1,, j, i) J that the principal faculties 

of the soul are three in number, viz. vegetative, 
sensitive, and intellectual, and that it is further 
endued with scientific, deliberative, inventive, 
and judicatory faculties, Conv. iii. 2'2^®» 122-31 
(An. ii. 2 ; iii. 9) ; that the soul is the active 
principle of the body and hence its cause, 
Conv. iii. 611^13 (^;j.ii, j). that, strictly speak- 
ing, light and colour alone are visible, Conv. iii. 
q61-4 [An. ii. 7) ; that life is the existence of 
the living, and that the several faculties of the 
soul stand one above the other, just as do the 
pentagon, quadrangle, and triangle, Conv. iv. 
7I10-12, 139-^6 (An. ii. 2 ; ii. 3) ; that the mind 
is healthy when it knows thines as they are, 
Conv. iv. 15III-10 {An. iii. 3}; that things 
should be adapted to the powers acting upon 
them, in order to receive their influence, Conv. 
iv. 2o*8~®i (An. ii. 2) ; that the soul, being 
eternal, is alone incorruptible, Mon. iii. 16^^ 
(An. ii. 2). [Aristotile.] 

Animae, De Quantitate, St. Augustine's 
treatise On the Capacity of the Soul ; cited in 
support of the contention that memory is power- 
less to retain the most exalted impressions of 
the human intellect, Epist. x. 28. [Agostino 2.] 
Witte quotes the following passage : — 

*■ Jam vero in ipsa visione veritatis, quae Septi- 
mus atque ultimus animae gradus est, neque jam 
gradus, sed quaedam mansio, quo illis gradibus 
pervenitur, quae sint gaudia, quae perfruitio summi 
et veri boni, cujus serenitatis atque aeternitatis 
afflatus, quid ego dicam?' (Cap. 76.) 

Animaiibus, De, Aristotle's books On 
Animals, quoted as Degli Animali, Conv. ii. 
3^*1 9^^« Under this title D. apparently quotes 
two different works of Aristotle, viz. the De 
Historia Animalium (in ten books) and the 
De Partibus Animalium (in four books), since 
of the two passages referred to by him one 
comes from the former work and one from the 
latter ; further, he speaks (Conv. ii. 979) of the 
twelfth book On Animals, from which it is 
evident that two or more of Aristotle's works 
on this subject were regarded in his time as 
forming one collection. Jourdain states ( Trad, 
Lat. d'Aristote, p. 172) that in the Arabic 
versions, upon which the Latin translation of 
Michael Scott was based, the ten books of the 
De Historia Animalium, the four of the De 
Partibus Animalium, and the five of the De 
Generatione Animalium, were grouped to- 
gether in a single collection of nineteen books. 
Since D. quotes the last of these works sepa- 
rately (A. T. § 13*^)1 and the passage he refers 
to as occurring in the twelfth book On Animals 
comes from the eighth book of the De Historia 
Animalium, it is probable, as Mazzucchelli 
suggests, that the De Animalibus, as known 
to him, consisted of the four books De Partibus 
Animalium and the ten De Historia Anima- 
lium, in that order; this would satisfactorily 
account for his speaking of the eighth book of 
the latter as ^ il duodecimo degli Animali.' 


D 3 

Anima/iunif De Oen. 


D. quotes Aristotle's opinion that the plea- 
sures of the intellect transcend those of the 
senses, Conv. ii. 3^0-15 [Part, Anim. i. 5) ; that 
man is the most perfect of all animals, Conv. 
ii. 978-80 [Hist, Anim, viii. i). [AriBtotUe.] 

Animaiium, De Qeneratione, Aristotle's 
treatise (in five books) On the Generation of 
Animals \ his saying that God and Nature 
always work for the best, A. T. § i3'^9-^^ (Gen, 
Anim, ii. 6). [Aristotile.] 

Anna ^9 St. Anne, mother of the Virgin 
Mary; placed in the Celestial Rose, where 
St. Bernard points out to D. her seat on the 
right hand of John the Baptist, opposite to 
St. Peter, St. Lucy being on the left hand of 
the Baptist, opposite to Adam, Par. xxxii. 133-7 
[RosaJ ; mentioned as the mother of the Virgin 
and wife of Joachim, Conv. ii. 6^^-14 [Gioao- 
ohino^: Maria Salome]. Brunetto Latino 
says of her : — 

' Anne ot .iii. maris, Joachim, Cleophas, et Sa- 
lome, et de chascun ot une Marie. £t ainsi 
furent .iii. Maries, dont la premiere fu mere Jhesu 
Crist; la seconde fu mere Jaque et Joseph; la 
tierce fu mere de Tautre Jaque et de Jehan Tevan- 
geliste.* ( Trisor^ i. 64.) 

Anna^]y Annas, father-in-law of Caiaphas 
the high-priest ; he is referred to (by Catalano) 
as Ml suocero' of Caiaphas (in allusion to 
John xviii. 13:* they led him away to Annas 
first; for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, 
which was high priest that same year *), and 
represented as being crucified on the ground, 
together with the latter and the Pharisees who 
condemned Christ, among the Hypocrites in 
Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxiii. 115-23. [Ipooriti.] 

Annibale, Hannibal, the great Carthaginian 
general, son of Hamilcar Barca, bom B.a 247, 
died circ B.C. 183. After overrunning Spain, 
H. carried the war against the Romans into 
Italy, and in the course of the second Punic 
war defeated them at the Lacus Trasimenus 
B.C. 217, and at Cannae in the next year. The 
defeat and death of his brother Hasdrubal at 
the Metaurus (B.c 207) compelled H. to assume 
the defensive, and after four years' fighting he 
crossed over to Africa, where he was completely 
defeated by Publius Scipio Africanus at Zama, 
B.C. 202 [Soipione^]. Some years later he 
poisoned himself in order to avoid falling into 
the hands of the Romans. 

D. mentions Hannibal in connexion with his 
defeat at Zama, Inf. xxxi. 117 [Zama]; his 

Safsage of the Alps and the victories of the 
loman ICajflc, Par. vi. 50 [ Aqulla 1 : Arabl : 
Pol ; his victory over the Romans at Cannae, 
Inf; xxviii. 11; Conv. iv. 5'«« [Canne]; his 
threatened assault on Rome, Mon. ii. ^^^"^ ; 
his final overthrow by Scipio, Mon. ii. iis»-6i ; 
the condition of Rome in D.'s day such as to 
merit even the pity of Hannibal, Epist. viii. 10. 

Ansalone. [Absalone.] 

Anselmo, Anselm, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 1093-1109; he was bom at Aosta in 
Piedmont in 1033, and in 1060, at the age of 
27, became a monk in the abbey of Bee in 
Normandy, whither he had been attracted by 
the fame of Lanfranc, at that time prior ; in 
1063, on the promotion of Lanfranc to the 
abbacy of Caen, he succeeded him as prior ; 
15 years later, in 1078, on the death of 
Herluin, the founder of the monastery, he was 
made abbot, which office he held till 1093 ; in 
that year he was appointed Archbishop of 
Canterbury by William Rufus, in succession to 
Lanfranc, after the see had been vacant for 
four years ; in 1097, in consequence of disputes 
with William on matters of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, he left England for Rome to con- 
sult the Pope, and remained on the Continent 
until William's death in iioo, when he was 
recalled by Henry I ; he died at Canterbury, 
April 21, 1 109. A. was the author of several 
theological works, the most important of which 
are the Monologion (an attempt to prove in- 
ductively the existence of God by pure reason 
without the aid of Scripture or authority), the 
Proslogion (an attempt to prove the same by 
the deductive method), and the CurDeus Homo 
(a treatise on the Atonement intended to prove 
the necessity of the Incarnation). 

A. is placed among the doctors of the Church 
(Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, 
where he is. named to D. by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 137. [Sole, Cielo deL] 

Anselmuccio, one of the grandsons of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
whose imprisonment and death he shared in 
1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
xxxiii. 50; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his elder brother Nino, are referred to by 
Ugolino (in Antenora) as // tre^ v, 71 ; and he 
and his uncle Gaddo as g/i altri due^ v, 90 
[Ugolino, Conte]. A. was the younger brother 
of Nino il Brigata (v, 89), they being the sons 
of Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, 
daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, natural 
son of Frederick II. [Table ttt.] A. ap- 
pears to have been born subsequently to 1272 
(his name being omitted from a document of 
that date in which the other sons of Guelfo are 
mentioned as having claims in Sardinia in their 
mother's right), and consec^uently must have 
been about fifteen at the time of his death. 
[Brigata, n.] 

Antaeus, the Giant, Mon. ii. 8^0, loS'. 

Antandro, Antandros, city of Great Mysia, 
on the Adramyttian Gulf, at the foot of Mt. Ida, 
whence Aeneas sailed for Italy after the fall of 
Troy (Aen, iii. i-i i). The Emperor Justinian 
(in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions it, to- 




gether with the Simois (Aen, v. 634) and the 
tomb of Hector {Aen. v. 371), to indicate the 
Troad, which he says was revisited by the 
Roman Eagle after the battle of Pharsalia, Par. 
vi. 67 [AqajJla^]. The reference is probably to 
the visit of Julius Caesar to Troy while in pursuit 
of Pompey, which is recorded by Lucan : — 

* Sif^eaaqne jpetit famae mirator arenas, 
Et Simoentia aquas, et Graio nobile busto 
Rhaetion, et multam debcntes vatibus umbras. 
Circuit ezustae nomen memorabile Trojae . . . 

. . . securus in alto 
Gramine ponebat g^ressua, Pliryx incola nuuiea 
Hectoreos calcare vetat . . . 
Hectoreas, inonstrator ait, non respicis aras?* 

{Mars. ix. 961 ff.) 

Antenora, name given by D. to the second 
of the four divisions of Circle IX of Hell (used 
elsewhere as a name for Hell generally, Canz. 
xviiL 28), where Traitors are punished, Inf. 
xxxii. 88 [Inferno] ; here are placed those who 
have been traitors to their country, their city, 
or their party, Inf. xxxii. 70-xxxiii. 90 [Tradi- 
tori]. Examples : Bocca degli Abati [Bocoa] ; 
Buoso da Duera [Buoso ^J ; Tesauro de* Bec- 
cheria [Beccheria] ; Gianni de' Soldanieri 
[Gianni 1]; Tebaldello de' Zambrasi [Tebal- 
dello] ; Ganalon [Ganellone] ; Ugolino della 
Gherardesca [Ugolino, Conte] ; Archbishop 
Ruggieri degli Ubaldini [Buggleri, Arci- 

The name of this division is derived from 
the Trojan Antenor, who was universally, in 
the Middle Ages, held to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks — thus in Benoit de Sainte- 
Maare*s Roman de Troie (written circ. 1160) 
he is spoken of as * Anthenorz li cuverz Judas,' 
*li vielz Judas,' &c. The Homeric account, 
that he tried to save his country by advising 
the surrender of Helen, was apparently lost 
sight of at that time. There is no hmt of 
Antenor*s treachery in Virgil. Servius (Cent, v) 
makes mention of it in his note on Aen. i. 246, 
and refers for confirmation to Livy ; — 

* Jam primum omnium satis constat Troja capta 
in ceteros saevitum esse Trojanos ; duobus, Aeneae 
Antenorique, et vetusti jure hospitii et quia pacis 
reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, 
come jus belli Achivos abstinuisse/ (i. i.) 

The mediaeval belief was no doubt derived 
from the histories of the so-called Dictys 
Cretensis and Dares Phrygius, which, through 
the medium of Latin translations, were widely 
lead in the Middle Ages. Thus Villani, in his 
account of the founding of Padua, says : — 

'Antinoro fu uno de' maggiori signori di Troia, 
e fii (ratello di Priamo, e figliuolo del re Laomc- 
donte, il quale fu incolpato molto del tradimento 
<li Troia, e Enea il sentl, secondo che scrivc 
Dirio; ma Virgilio al tutto di ci6 lo scolpa.' (i. 17.) 

Dictys in his account describes how the 
Trojans, finding themselves hard-pressed, 
mutiny against Priam, and determine to give 

up Helen and her belongings to the Greeks. 
Antenor is sent with proposals of peace, and 
he takes the opportunity to arrange with the 
Greek chiefs for the betrayal of the city, his 
reward being half Priam's possessions and the 
appointment of one of his sons as king : — 

'Trojani, ubi hostis muris infestus, magis ma- 
gisque saevit, neque jam resistendi moenibus spes 
ulterius est, aut vires valent, cuncti proceres sedi* 
tionem adversus Priamum extollunt, atque ejus 
regulos : denique accito Aenea* filiisque Ante- 
noris, decernunt inter se, uti Helena cum his 
quae ablata erant, ad Menelaum duceretur . . . 
Ceterum ingressus consilium Priamus, ubi multa 
ab Aenea contumeliosa ingesta sunt, ad pos* 
tremum consilii sententia jubet ad Graecos cum 
mandatis belli deponendi ire Antenorem . . . 
[Afler making a long speech to the Greeks 
Antenor asks them to appoint representatives 
with whom he may treat.] . . . Postquam finem 
loquendi fecit, postulat uti quoniam a senibus 
legatus pacis missus est, darent ex suo numero 
cum queis super tali negotio disceptaret ; electique 
Agamemnon, Idomeneus, Ulysses atque Diomedes, 
qui secreto ab aliis proditionem componunt. Prae- 
terea placet, uti Aeneae, si permanere in fide 
vellet, pars praedae et domus universa ejus in- 
columis maneret. Ipsi autem Antenori dimidium 
bonorum Priami, regnumque uni filiorum ejus 
quem elegisset, concederetur. Ubi satis tractatum 
visum est, Antenor ad civitatem dimittitur, re- 
ferens ad suos composita inter se longe alia.' 
{De Bello Trojano, iv. aa.) [In the sequel the 
wooden horse is introduced into Troy, and the 
city is captured ^nd handed over to Aeneas and 
Antenor. Finally Antenor expels Aeneas and 
remains in sole possession of the kingdom.] 

Dares Phrygius gives a more circumstantial 
account ; — 

*Couveniunt clam Antenor, Polydamas, Uca- 
legon . . . dicunt se mirari pertinaciam regis [sc. 
Priami] qui clausus cum patria et comitibus perire 
mallet, quam pacem facere. Antenor ait se in- 
venisse quid faciendum sit, quod sibi et illis in 
commune proficiat, dum sibi et illis foret fides. 
Omnes se in fide adstringunt Antenor ut vidit se 
obstrictum, mittit ad Aeneam, dicens, prodendam 
esse patriam, et sibi suisque cavendum esse : ad 
Agamemnonem de his aliquem mittendum esse . . . 
[A messenger is sent to Agamemnon and it is 
arranged that Antenor and Aeneas should open 
one of the gates of the city at night and admit 
the Greek army, on the understanding that their 
own lives and property and those of their wives 
and relatives should be respected.] . . . Antenor 
et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fuerunt, Neo- 
ptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam resera- 
verunt, lumen ostenderunt, fugae praesidium sibi 
et suis omnibus ut essct postulaverunt Neopto- 
lemus irruptionem facit, TrojanQS caedit, perse- 
quitur Priamum, quem ante Aram Jovis obtruncat 
. . . Tota die et nocte Argivi non cessant vastare, 
praedam asportare. Postquam dies illuxit, Aga- 
memnon . . . exercitum consulit, an placeat 
Antenori et Aeneae, cum his qui una patriam 

* From this account it is evident that Aeneas was no less gnilty than Antenor— a fact which D. of course had to ignore. 




prodiderant, servari,quam illis clam confirmaverant. 
Exercitus totus conclamat, placere sibi . . . [During 
the sack of the city Polyxena, daughter of Priam 
and Hecubai had been confided by the latter to 
Aeneas, who concealed her. Neoptolemus de- 
mands that she shall be delivered up, and slays 
her at the tomb of his father, Achilles, of whose 
death she had been the cause (Aohille). Aga- 
memnon, angry with Aeneas for concealing 
Polyxena, bids him depart from Troy, and hands 
the kingdom over to Antenor.] {De Exeidio Trojae 
Histona, $$ xxxix-xliii.) 

Among his other acts of treachery Antenor 
• discovered to the Greeks the secret of the 
Palladium, which he delivered over to them 
(Inf. xxvi. 63) [Diomede : Falladio]. 

Antenori, descendants of the Trojan 
Antenor, who is said to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks ; name applied by Tacopo del 
Cassero (in Antepurgatory) to the inhabi- 
tants of Padua (perhaps in allusion to their 
treacherous understanding with Azzo of Este), 
which is supposed to have been founded by 
Antenor, Purg. v. 75. [Antenora: Aszc] 

The migration of Antenor to the Adriatic 
after the fall of Troy, and his founding of 
Padua, are recorded by Livy (i. i) and Virgil 
{A^n, i. 242 ff.) : — 

'Antenor potnit, mediis elapsnn Achivis, 
Illyricot penetrare nnos, atque intima tutus 
Regfna Libamomra, et fontem saperare Timavi . . . 
Hie tamen ille nrbem Patavi sedfsqae locavit 

Brunetto Latino says : — 

'Quant la cit^ de Troie fu destruite et que H 
un s'enfolrent ^ et li autre Ik, selonc ce que for- 
tune les conduisoit, il avint que Prians li juenes, 
qui fu filz de la seror au roi Prian de Troie, entre 
lui et Antenor I'en alerent par mer o tout .xiiii*". 
homes k armes tant que il arriverent la ou est ore 
la cit^ de Venise, que il commencerent premiere- 
ment et fonderent dedanz la mer, porce que il ne 
voleient habiter en terre qui fust k seignor. Puis 
■'en parti Antenor et Prians, k grant compaignie 
de gent, et s'en alerent en la marche de Trevise, 
non mie loing de Venise, et Ik firent une autre 
dt^ qui est apel^e Padoe, ou gist li cors Antenor, 
et encore i est sa sepolture.' (^Tresor, i. 39.) 

Villani :— 

'II detto Antinoro . . . venne ad abitare in terra 
ferma ov't oggi Padova la grande cittk, ed egli 
ne fu il primo abitatore e edificatore . , . II 
detto Antinoro mori e rimase in Padova, e infino 
•1 preMnte not tro tempo si ritrov6 il corpo e la 
•epoltura eua con lettere intagliate, che faceano 
te»timonianza com* era il corpo d'Antinoro, e da' 
' Pftdovani fu rinnovata sua sepoltura, e ancora 
Ofgl fi vede in Padova.* (i. 17.). 

Antao. Antaeut, son of Neptune and Earth, 
mighty giant and wrestler of Libya, whose 
Itrengdi was invincible so long as he remained 
In crmtftf-t with liis mother earth. Hercules 
discwcrcd tho source of his strength, lifted 
him from the ground, and crushed him in 
tht ttfr. 

D. places A., along with Nimrod, Ephialtes, 
and Briareus, to keep ward at the mouth of 
Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 100, 113, 139; 
quegiiy V. 130 ; // giganiCy xxxii. 17 [BrLareo : 
Fialte: Nembrotto: Qiganti]. D. having 
expressed a desire to see Briareus, Virgil tells 
him that B. is a long way off, but that close by 
he shall see Antaeus, who (unlike Nimrod) can 
talk intelligibly, and (unlike the other giants) 
is unbound, and will put them down into the 
next Circle (Inf. xxxi. 97-105) ; presently they 
come to A., who projects five ells, not counting 
his head, out of the pit in which he is standing 
(vz/. 112-114); D. addresses him, and after 
alluding to his slaying lions for prey in the 
neighbourhood of Zama (2/7/. 11 5- 118), and to 
his having refrained from helping the other 
giants in their attack upon Olympus {yu, 119- 
121), begs him to put them down on to the ice 
of Cocytus {yu, 122-123), hinting that it is 
worth his while, as D. is alive and can render 
him famous in the world above (z^. 124-129) ; 
A. in response bends down and takes hold of 
V. (who tells D. to take hold of himself), and 
deposits the two in Caina {w, 130-143) ; he 
then raises himself erect again, leaving D. and 
V. at some distance below his feet (vv, 144-14^, 
xx3cii. 16-18). In thus helping them on their 
way A. plays the same part among the Giants 
as Chiron had done among the Centaurs 

D. represents A. as being unbound ('di- 
sciolto,' V, 101), since, unlike the other giants, 
who are in chains (w, 87, 88, 104), he did not 
join in the war against the gods (iri/, 119-121J. 
The fight between Hercules and A. (v, 132) is 
described by Lucan (Phars, iv. 593-660), from 
whom D. got the details {yiK 11 5-1 17) as to 
the locality of the event (viz. in the valley of 
the Bagraaa in the neighbourhood of Carthage, 
not far distant from the scene of Scipio's defeat 
of Hannibal at the battle of Zama) : — 

* Inter aemirata* magnae Carthaginis arces . . . 

. . . qua se 
Bagrada lentns agtt siccae salcator arenae . . . 

. . . ezesas andiqne rapes, 
Antaei quae regna vocat noa vana vetnstas.* 

{pv. 585 ff .) 

Also the account of the lions slain for prey 
by A. (z/. 1 18) : — 

* Haec illi ep^lnnca domaa, latoisse sab alta 
Rope feroDtf epolas raptos habaisse leones.* 

{pv. 6oi-a.) ■ 

And the opinion that if A. had helped the 
other giants in the war against Olympus the 
gods would have been worsted : — 

* Nee tam jasta fait terrarom gloria Tjrphon, 

Aut Tityos Briareasqoe ferox, caeloqae peperdt (sc. 

Qaod non Phlegraeis Antaeam sostalit anris.* 

(«^- 595-7) 

D. describes the contest between Hercules 
and Antaeus, referring to Ovid (Metam, ix. 
183-4) and Lucan as his authorities. Con v. iii. 
^60-66 . £u^(| refers to it as an instance of 




a single combat, Mon. ii. S'^s-sa^ io®7-9. [Ata- 

Antepnedicameata, name by which D. 
quotes the first part of the Praedicamenta or 
Categories of Aristotle, which forms an intro- 
duction to the rest of the work, as is explained 
in the conmient of Averroes : — 

'Primus tractatus se habet veluti praefatio ad 
ea quae vult A tractare in hoc libro ; nam in eo 
contincntur ea quae sunt veluti praenotiones, et 
definitiones ad ea quae vult tractare in hoc libro.' 

D. says : * diversitas rationis cum identitate 
nominis equivocationem facit, ut patet per 
Philosophum in AntepraedicamentiSy A.T. 
§ I2*<J; the passage referred to is the opening 
sentence of the Praedicamenta : — 

'Aequivoca dicuntur, quorum nomen solum 
commune est, secundum nomen vero substantiae 
ratio diversa.* 

The Categories are twice elsewhere quoted 
under the title o{ Praedicamenta^ Mon. iii. 15*^ ; 
AT. § 2^. \PraedictunentaJ\ 

Anthaeus. [Antaeus.] 

Antictona, Antichthon (Gk. awix^tav), i. e. 
'counter- Earth,' name given by Pythagoras 
(according to Aristotle, De Caelo, ii. 13) to 
a supposed sphere, opposite to, and corre- 
sponding with, the Earth, Con v. iii. 529-35?. 

Antifonte, Antiphon, Greek tragic poet, 
mentioned by Aristotle {Rhet, ii. 2, 6, 23), apd 
by Plutarch, who includes him among the 
greatest of the tragic authors ; he appears to 
liave written three tragedies (viz. Meleager^ 
Andromache^ 2JxA Jason) which have not been 

Virgil names him, together with Simonides 
aad Agathon (both of whom are also several 
times mentioned by Aristotle in the Rhetoric)^ 
among the poets of antiquity who are with 
Homer and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 106 

For Antifonte many edd. read Anacreonte 
(which is an old variant, occurring in the 
Ottimo Comento), but the MS. authority is 
almost entirely in favour of the former. 

Antigone, daughter of Oedipus, King of 
Thebes, by his mother Jocasta, and sister 
of Ismene, Eteocles, and Polynices ; when 
Oedipus had put out his eyes, and was com- 
pelled to leave Thebes, she accompanied him 
and remained with him until he died at 
Colonus ; she then returned to Thebes, and, 
after her two brothers had killed each other, 
» defiance of Creon, King of Thebes, she 
Juried the body of Polynices ; Creon there- 
upon had her shut up in a cave, where she put 
an end to her life. [£dipo : Eteoole.] 

Virgil, addressing Statins (in Purgatory), 
nientions A., together with Deiphyle, Argia, 

Ismene, Hypsipyle, Manto, and Thetis, and 
Deidamia and her sisters, as being ' delle 
genti tue' (i.e. mentioned in the Thebaid or 
Achilleid)^ among the great women of antiquity 
in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 109-14. [Limbo.] 

Antinfemo], Ante-hell, a division of Hell, 
outside the river of Acheron, where are the 
souls of those who did neither good nor evil, 
and were not qualified to enter Hell itself; 
these are naked and are tormented by gadflies 
and wasps, so that their faces stream with 
blood. Inf. iii. 1-69 [Inferno]; among them 
D. sees the shade of Pope Celestine V, w, 58- 
60 [Celestino]. 

Antioco], Antiochus Epiphanes, King of 
Syria (d. B.a 164), youngest son of Antiochus 
the Great. Together with the high-priest 
Jason he endeavoured to root out the Jewish 
religion and to introduce Greek customs and 
the worship of Greek divinities (2 J/ar^a^.iv. 13- 
16). This attempt led to a rising of the Jewish 
people under Mattathias and his sons the 
Maccabees, which resulted in the preservation 
of the name and faith of Israel. In B.C. 164 
A. attempted to plunder a temple in Elymais, 
but was repulsed, and died soon after (i Maccab, 
vi. 1-16). 

Pope Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of Circle 
VIII of Hell), speaking of Jason, alludes to A. 
as * suo re,* and, referring to the Book of 
Maccabees, draws a parallel between their 
machinations and those of Clement V and 
Philip the Fair of France, Inf. xix. 82-7 [Cle- 
mente^: Filippo^: Jasone^]. 

Antipodi], Antipodes ; of the inhabited 
world and the Mt. of Purgatory, Inf. xxxiv. 
113; Par. i. 43; more precisely, of Jerusalem 
and the Mt. of Purgatory, Purg. ii. 1-6 ; iv. 66- 
87 ; the Pythagorean Antichthon or Counter- 
Earth, Conv. iii. 5^^9-37 [Antiotona]. 

Antipurgatorio], Ante-purgatory, region 
outside the actual gate of Purgatory, answer- 
ing somewhat to the Limbo of Hell ; referred 
to by Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purga- 
tory) as la costa ove s^aspetta^ Purg. xxiii. 89 
[Purgatorio]. Here are located the spirits of 
those who died without having availed them- 
selves of the means of penitence offered by the 
Church. They are divided into four classes : — 
I. Those who died in contumacy of the Church, 
and only repented at the last moment ; these 
have to remain in Ante-purgatory for a period 
thirty-fold that during which they haa been 
contumacious, unless the period is shortened 
by the prayers of others on their behalf (Purg. 
iii. 136-41). Examples: Casella the musician 
[Casella] ; King Manfred [Manfredl]. — 2. 
Those who in indolence and indifference put 
off their repentance until just before their 
death; these are detained outside Purgatory 
for a period equal to that of their lives upon 




earth, unless it be shortened by prayers on 
their behalf (Purg. iv. 130-5). Example \ 
Belacc^ua of Florence [Belaoqua]. — 3. Those 
who died a violent death, without absolution, 
but repented at the last moment ; these are 
detained under the same conditions as the 
last class; during their detention they move 
round and round, chanting the Miserere (Purg. 
V. 22-4, 52-7). Examples : Jacopo del Cassero 
[CasBero, Jaoopo del] ; Buonconte da Monte- 
feltro [Buonoonte] ; La Pia of Siena [Pia, 
Iia]; Benincasaof Arezzo[Beninoa8a]; Cione 
de' Tarlati [Cione] ; Federico Novello of Batti- 
foUe [Federioo Novello] ; Farinata degli 
Scomigiani [Farinata''^] ; Count Orso [Orso, 
Contej ; Pierre de la Brosse [Broooia, Pier 
dalla] ; and Sordello, who is stationed apart 
(Purg. vi. 58) [Sordello]. — 4. Kings and princes 
who deferred their repentance owing to the 
pressure of temporal interests ; these are de- 
tained for the same period as the last two 
classes ; they are placed in a valley full of 
flowers, and are guarded at night by two 
angels against the attacks of a serpent (Purg. 
vii. 64-84 ; viii. 22-39). Examples : Emperor 
Rudolf [Bidolfo] ; Ottocar of Bohemia [Otta- 
ohero]; Philip III of France [FilipiK)^] ; 
Henry I of Navarre [Arrigo'^] ; Peter III of 
Aragon [Pletro-'*] ; Charles I of Naples 

G?arlo^]; Alphonso III of Aragon [Alfonso^]; 
cnry 111 of England [Anigo^J ; William of 
Montfcrrat [Quglielmo^] ; Njno Visconti of 
Pisa [Nino^]; and Conrad Malaspina the 
younger [Malaspina, Currado^]. 

Antistes, Bishop ; title applied by D. to the 
Pope, Mon. iii. 6^^ I2»; Epist viii 10. [Papa-] 

Antonio, Sant', St. Anthony the Egyptian 
hermit (not to be confounded with his name- 
take of Padua), bom at Coma in Upper Egypt 
in 25 1 , died at the age of 105 in 356. He is 
regarded as the founder of monastic institu- 
tion*, hit disciples who followed him in his 
retirement to the desert having formed, as it 
were, the first community of monks. His 
tymbol it a hog (perhaps as a type of the 
temptation* of the devil, or possibly as a token 
ti/i the power ascribed to him of warding off 
diteate from cattle), which is generally repre- 
fcnted lying at his feet. His remains were 
miraculoutly discovered long after his death, 
And trantported to Constantinople, whence in 
Ont, xi a portion of them was transferred to 
\'w.r\xiti in Provence. The monks of the order 
of Yii, Anthony are said to have kept herds of 
wn'\f\ti^ which they fattened with the proceeds 
/^ tlMfir alms, and which were regarded by the 
UHhttt^m folk with tuperstitious reverence, a 
fg/ i wUl'h tfic nionkt turned to account when 
tvlU'j:UHi^ alifu, A ttory of the evil fate which 
\tt^ll a yUfrenilnt: who tried to kill one of 
llMtiMr It/Mn iff Si. Anthony forms the subject 
ul tma ofhiuxhetti't novelt (IVoi'. ox). 

Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions St. A. and his hog in the course of her 
denunciation of the Preaching Friars, who 
practised upon the credulity of the common 
people. Par. xxix. 124-6. 

AnubiSy Egyptian divinity, worshipped in 
the shape of a human being with a do^'s head 
(Matrator Anubis,' A en. viii. 698), which was 
identified by the Romans with Mercury ; ac- 
cording to the reading of some edd., D. at- 
tributes to Anubis the words (Aen. iv. 272-6) 
of Mercury to Aeneas, Epist. vii. 4 ; other edd. 
read not Anubis but a nubibus. 

Aonius, Boeotian (from the Aones, an 
ancient race of Boeotia) ; monies Aoniiy the 
range of Mt. Helicon in Boeotia, Eel. i. 28 

Apennino^, the Apennine range, which 
forms the backbone of Italy, branching ofT 
from the Alps at the head of the Gulf of Genoa ; 
mentioned in connexion with the source of the 
Acquaqueta, Inf. xvi. 96 [Acquaqueta], and 
of the Archiano, Purg. v. 96 [Archiano] ; one 
of the S. limits of the langue /foil, V. E. i. 
362-3 J taken by D. as the dividing line (from 
N. to S.) of Italy in his examination of the 
various local dialects, V. E. i. lo*!"^, I4^~2 j 
crossed by the Roman Eagle in company with 
the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. i ; alluded 
to as alpe^ Inf. xvi. 10 1 [Benedetto, San] ; // 
^logo di che il Tever si disserra, Inf. xxvii. 30 
[Tevere] ; ilgran giogo, Purg. v. 1 16 [Casen- 
tino] ; talpestro monte, Purg. xiv. 32 [Peloro] ; 
// monley Purg. xiv. 92 [Bomagna] ; lo dosso 
d*Ilalia^ Purg. xxx. 86 ; sassi, the peaks of the 
Apennines being described as rismg between 
the shores of the Adriatic and the Mediter- 
ranean, Par. xxi. 106 [Catiia]. 

Some think the Apennines are the moun- 
tains referred to as Apennino (var. Pennino)^ 
Ipf. XX. 6 J ; the reference is more probably to 
the Pennme Alps [Apennino^: PenninoJ. 

Apennino ^, a spur of the Rhaetian Alps, 
situated above Gargnano, N.W. of the Ls^ 
di Garda ; thought by Witte to be the Apennino 
{v2X.Pennino) mentioned Inf. xx. 65 [Pennino: 
Val Camonioa]. 

Apenninus. [Appenninus.] 

i4po^a/^ps/8], the Apocalypse or Revelation 
of St. John \ quoted 2s Johannis Visio^ Epist. 
X. 33 \Rev. i. 8) ; referred to. Inf. xix. 106-10 
(ref. to Rev. xvii. 1-3) ; Purg. xxix. 105 (ref. to 
Rev. iv. 8) ; Par. xxv. 94-6 (ref. to Rev. vii. 9) ; 
Par. xxvi. 1 7 (ref. to Rev. i. 8). The Apocalypse 
is supposed to be symbolized by the solitary 
elder, who walks sleeping with undimmed coun- 
tenance behind all the rest, in the mystical Pro- 
cession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 
I43~4* [G-iovanni^: Processione.] 




Apollo, son of Jupiter and Latona, who 
gave birth to him and his twin-sister Diana on 
ibe island of Delos [Delo : Diana : Ijatona]. 
A. was god of the Sun, Diana of the Moon, 
hence D. speaks of them together as // due 
occhi del cielo^ Purg. xx. 132 ; and of the Sun 
and Moon as ambedue i figli di Latona^ Par. 
xxix. I ; similarly he speaks of the Sun as 
Phoebcu frater^ Mon. i. ii^S; Phoebus^ Mon. 
ii. 9^*^ ; Delius, Epist. vi. 2 [Sole]. 

D. invokes A. as god of music and song, 
Par. i. 13 [Calliope : Famaao] ; Par. ii. 8 ; 
Epist. X. 18, 31 ; calls him Timbreo (from 
Thymbra, where he had a celebrated temple), 
Purg. xii. 31 [Timbreo] ; divina virthy Par. i. 
22 ; la Delfica dcitd (from his famous oracle 
at Delphi), Par. i. 3a ; refers to his worship, 
Par. xiii. 25 [Peana] ; the prophecy of his 
oracle that the two daughters of Adrastus 
would marry a lion and a wild-boar, Conv. iv. 
25«« [Adrasto]. 

Apostoli, the twelve Apostles ; only three 
of them (St Peter, St. James, and St. John) 

Present at the Transfiguration, Conv. ii. i*^® ; 
ar. XXV. 33 ; the saying of Christ to Peter 
(Matt. xvi. 19; John xx, 23) addressed equally 
to the rest of the Apostles, Mon. iii. 8^~^ ; all 
present with Christ at the Last Supper, Mon. 
lii. 9^-*"^; the Pope not entitled to receive 
temporal goods, save for the purpose of dis- 
pensing them to the poor, as did the Apostles, 
Mon. iii. 10^28-32 j tj,e Ads of the Apostles^ 
Mon. ii. 87<> ; iii. 13^ \Actus Apostolorum], 

Apostolo^ St. Paul, Conv. ii. 6'^ ; iv. 2i««, 
22*«, 2417^; Apostolus, Mon. ii. ii«'^, I3"»^^; 
iii. io«> ; Epist. x. 27 ; A. T. § 22^s. [Paolo.] 

Apostolo^, St. James, Conv. iv. 20^1. 

Apostotorum, Actus, [Actus Apostoio* 

Apostolus. [Apostolo^.] 

Appenninus, the Apennine range, V. E. i. 
8«a, 10*2^ 1^2 . Epist vii. I. [Apennino^.] 

Apuli, the Apulians; their dialect differs 

from those of the Romans and Sicilians, V. E. 

i. io*^~3 J condemned as harsh, V. E. i. 12^^; 

rejected by some of their poets in favour of 

the 'curial' language, V. E. i. 12®*~^; their 

best writers, like those of Sicily, Tuscany, 

Romagna, Lombardy, and the two Marches, 

wrote in the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. 

Apulia, province of S. Italy, which formed 
part of the old Kingdom of Naples ; divided 
in two by the Apennines, V. E. i. 10*^"^^. 

Apulus, Apulian; Apulum Vulgare, the 
Apulian dialect, neither that nor the Sicilian 

the most beautiful in Italy, V. E. i. I27^~3. 

Aqua et Terra, QuaesUo de. [QuaesUo 
de Aqua et Terra.] 

Aquario, Aquarius (*the Water-bearer'), 
constellation and eleventh sign of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters about Jan. 20 (equivalent 
to Jan. 10 in D.'s day) ; so called from the 
rains which prevail at that season in Italy and 
the East. D. speaks of the time of the young 
year *when the Sun is tempering (i.e. warm- 
ing) his rays beneath Aquarius/ the period 
indicated being the latter half of January or 
the beginning of February, Inf. xxiv. 1-2. 

Aquila^, the Imperial Eagle, the Roman 
standard, Purg. x. 80 ; Par. vi. i ; P uccel di 
Giovey Purg. xxxii. 112; P uccel di Dio, Par. 
vi. 4 ; il sacrosanto segno. Par. vi. 32 ; il pub- 
blico segno, Par. vi. 100 ; // segno Che f^ i 
Romani al mondo river endi, Par. xix. loi ; il 
segno del mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; /^ benedetto segno. 
Par. XX. 86 ; hence, as symbol of the Roman 
Emperors, Purg. xxxii. 125 ; xxxiii. 38 ; Mon. 
ii. 1 1^^ 13*^ ; Epist. v. 4 ; vi. 3 ; signa Tarpeia, 
Epist. vii. I. 

In the Heaven of Mercury the Emperor 

iustinian traces the course of the Imperial 
lagle from the time when it was carried west- 
ward from Troy by Aeneas (the founder of the 
Roman Empire), down to the time when the 
Guelfs opposed it, and the Ghibellines made 
a party ensign of it, Par. vi. i-iii ; after 
referring to the transference of the seat of 
Empire eastward to Byzantium (A. D. 324) by 
Constantine, two hundred years and more 
before he himself became Emperor (a. d. 527) 
(ttv, I -10) [Costantino: Qiustiniano], J. re- 
lates to D. how Aeneas planted the Eagle in 
Italy, and Pallas died to make way for it 
(z/z/. 35-6) [Fallante]; how it flourished at 
Alba for three hundred years and more, and 
how the Horatii fought for it (w. 37-9) [Alba : 
Oraziil; he then refers to the period of the 
seven Kings at Rome, from the rape of the 
Sabine women to that of Lucretia, and the ex- 

F pulsion of the Tarquins from Rome {yv, 40-2) 
Sabine : Iiuoreaia : Tarquinii] ; and recalls 
the wars of Rome against Brennus and the 
Gauls, and against Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, 
and others (w. 43-5) [Brenno: Pirro*'*] ; the 
noble deeds of Manlius Torquatus, Quintius 
Cincinnatus, the Decii, and the Kabii iyv, 46-8) 
[Torquato : Cinoinnato : Deoi : Fabi] ; the 
war against the Carthaginians under Hannibal, 
and the victories of Scipio Africanus Major 
and of Pompey {yv, 49-53 ) [Annibale : Arabi : 
Soipione^ : Fompeo] ; the destruction of Fie- 
sole by the Romans after the defeat of Catiline 
{w, 53-4) [Fiesole]; he then recounts the 
exploits of Julius Caesar, viz. his victorious 
campaigns in Gaul (vv, 55-60) [Cesare^ : Era] ; 




his crossing of the Rubicon {tw. 61-3) [Rubi- 
oone] ; his wars in Spain and Epirus against 
Pompey, his victory at Pharsalia, his pursuit 
of Pompey into Egypt and defeat of Ptolemy 
(ttv. 64-6) [Spagna : Durazao : Forsaglia : 
Nile: Toloxnxneo^] ; his visit to the Troad, 
and his defeat of Juba, King of Numidia, and 
of the sons of Pompey at Munda {w, 67-72) 
[Antandro : Giuba : Miinda] ; J. next relates 
the victories of Augustus over Brutus and 
Cassius at Philippic over Mark Antony at 
Mutina, and over Lucius and Fulvia at Perusia 
{w. 73-5) [Fllippl3 : Modena : Perugia] ; 
the death of Cleopatra, and the long peace 
under Augustus {w. 76-81) [Augusto^ : Cleo- 
patra : Jano] ; the crucifixion of Christ under 
Tiberius, and the siege of Jerusalem by Titus 
{7n/. 82-93) [Tiberio : Tito] ; then, passing 
over seven centuries, he comes down to Charle- 
magne and the destruction of the Lombard 
kingdom {tti/, 94-6) [Carlo Magno : De- 
siderio] ; and finally, passing over another 
^ve centuries, concludes with the mention of 
the wars of the Guelfs and Ghibellines in D.'s 
own day (tti/, 97-1 ii) [Guelfl: Qhlbellini]. 

D. gives similar summaries of periods of 
Roman history in the Convivio (iv. 5«8-i'!'6j 
and De Monarchia (ii. 427-70^ 11 8^63). 

Aquila 2y the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter; 
the spirits of the Just {Spiriti Giudicanti)^ 
having formed successively the letters of th^ 


Figures illastratinc: the successive changes of the 
shape assumed by the Spirits of the Just, from M 
to the Florentine lily and Imperial Eagle. 

(From the design of the Duke of SermoneU.) 

sentence * Diligite justitiam qui judicatis ter- 
ram* (Par. xviii. 70-93), remain for a time in 
the shape of M, the final letter (fig. a) {vv. 94-6) ; 
then gradually other spirits join them, ana the 
M is by degrees metamorphosed, first into the 
lily of Florence or fleur-de-lys (fig. b), and then 
into the Imperial Eagle (fig. c) {vv. 97-114) ; 
aquilay Par. xviii. 107 ; imprenta^ v. 1 14 ; bella 
imagey Par. xix. 2, 21 ; quel segno^ 2/. 37 ; bene- 
detta imagine, v. 95 ; ii segno Chefe'i Rotnani 
eU mondo riverendi^ vv, 101-2 ; // segno del 
mondoy Par. xx. 8 ; aquila^ z/. 26 ; Vintage della 
imprenta DeWeterno piacere, vv. 76-7 ; bene- 
detto" segno, v. 86; imagine divina, v. 139. 
[Aquila 1 : Qiove, Cielo di.] 

After an apostrophe from D. on Papal avarice 
(Par. xviii. 11 5-136), the Eagle begins to speak, 
using the first person as representing the spirits 
of which it is composed (Par. xix. 10-13) ; having 

stated that it owes its place in Heaven to the 
righteousness of the spirits while on earth 
(w. 13-18), in response to 'a doubt of old 
standing' (viz. that, since faith in Christ and 
baptism are essential to salvation, millions 
who have never heard of Christ must neces- 
sarily, through no fault of their own, be eternally 
damned) — a result which it is hard to reconcile 
with the idea of divine justice) expressed by D. 
(w. 22-32), it proceeds to show that God's 
justice is not as man's justice {w. 40-99) ; 
then, after insisting that faith without works 
is of no avail {vv. 103-14), it goes on to 
reprehend the evil deeds of certain princes, 
referring in particular to the invasion of 
Bohemia by Albert of Austria (w, 115-17) 
[Alberto^: Buemme]; the debasement of 
his coinage by Philip IV of France, and his 
coming death (W. 118-20) [Pilippo*]; the 
wars between England and Scotland ( w. 1 21-3) 
[Inghilese] ; the luxury and effeminacy of 
Ferdinand IV of Castile and of Wenceslas IV 
of Bohemia {vv. 124-6) [Spagna : Buemme] ; 
the depravity of Charles II of Naples {yv. 127- 
9) [Carlo ^] ; the avarice and baseness of 
Frederick II of Sicily {w. 130-5) [Federico^]; 
the * filthy works * of Don Jaime of Majorca 
and of James II of Aragon {w. 136-8) [Ja-" 
como^: Jaoomo^]; the misdoings of Dionysius 
of Portugal and Hakon Longshanks of Nor- 
way, and the false coining of Stephen Ouros of 
Rascia {vv. 139^41) [Dioniaio^: Aoone^: 
Rasoia] ; the misfortunes of Hungary, and 
the union of Navarre with France (w. 142-4) 
[XJngaria : iM'avarra] ; and finally the miseries 
of Cyprus under Henry 11 of Lusignan (z/v. 145- 
8) [Arrigo*: Cipri]. After a pause, during 
which the voices of the spirits are heard 
chanting (Par. xx. 1-15), the Eagle resumes, 
explaining to D. that the spirits which form its 
eye and eyebrow (the head being in profile, 
only one eye is visible— see engraving below) 
are the most exalted (vz/. 31-6) ; it then pro- 
ceeds to name these, pointing out that the 
pupil of the eye is formed by David (w. 37- 
42), while the eyebrqw, beginning from the 

Eye and eye-brow of the Bagle formed by — i. David ; 
2. Trajan ; %. Hezekiah ; 4. Constantine ; 5. William of 
Sicily; 6. I^hipeus. 

side nearest the beak, is formed by five others, 
viz. Trajan {tjv. 43-8), Hezekiah {w. 49-54), 
Constantine {vv. 56-60) ; William the Good of 
Sicily {vv. 61-6), and Rhipeus (z/v. 67-72) 
[David : Eaeohia : Costantino : Gugli- 



•Imo^] ; after another pause, in response to 
certain inward questionings of D. as to the 

?resence of the pagans Trajan and Rhipeus in 
leaven {w. 73-83), the Eagle concludes with 
the explanation that they were saved by faith, 
Rhipeus in Christ to come, Trajan in Christ 
already come (in/. 88-138) [Bifeo : Traiano]. 

Aqtdlegienses. [Aqidlelenses.] 

AquileienseSy inhabitants of Aquileia, 
ancient city in the Venetian territory, at the 
head of the Adriatic ; their dialect distinct 
from those of the Trevisans, Venetians, and 
Istrians, V. E. i. lo^**"*^*^ ; condemned, with that 
of the Istrians, as harsh and unpleasant, V. E. 
L 1 13«-8. For Aquileienses Rajna restores the 
MS. reading Aquilegienses, 

Aquilone, Aquilo, the N. wind, Purg. xxxii. 
99 [Austrol ; hence the North, Purg. iv. 60 ; 
Conv. iv. 20'® [Borea]. 

Aquino, Rinaldo d'. [Benaldus de 

Aqtiino, Tommaso d'. [Tommaso^.] 

Arabi, Arabs; term applied by an ana- 
chronism to the Carthaginians (whose territory 
in D.*s day was occupied by the Arabs), the 
reference being to their passage of the Alps 
under Hannibal, and their subsequent defeat 
by Scipio, Par. vi. 49-51. [Cartagineai.] By 
similar anachronisms D. speaks of Virgil's 
parents as Lombardi, In£ i. 68; and of the 
Gauls as Franceschi^ Conv. iv. 51^1. 

Arabia, Arabia; alluded to (according to 
some, others thinking that Egypt is intended) 
as cib che di sof/ra il mar rosso /<f, i. e. the 
comitry above the Red Sea, Inf. xxiv. 90; 
mentioned (according to the better reading, 
for which many edd. substitute the 'facilior 
lectio ' Italia) in connexion with the Arabian 
usage of reckoning the commencement of the 
day from sunset, instead of from sunrise, V. N. 

L302. D. here, in speaking of the death of 
eatrice, says 'secondo Tusanza d' Arabia, 
I'anima sua nobilissima si parti nella prima 
ora del nono giomo del mese,' i. e. B. died not 
on June 9, as has been usually supposed, but 
on the evening of June 8, which according to 
the Arabian usage would be the beginning of 
June 9. D.'s object in introducing the Arabian 
usage is plain. He wishes to bring in the 
number nine in connexion with the day, month, 
and year of B.'s death. The year, he says, 
was that in which the number ten had been 
nine times completed in Cent, xiii, Le. 1290; 
the month, June, the sixth according to our 
usage, but the ninth according to the Syrian 
usage; and the day, the eighth according to 
our usage, but the ninth according to the 
Arabian usage. The information as to the 
Arabian reckoning D. got from the Elementa 
Astronomica of Alftaganus, who says : ' Dies 

Arabum . . . initium capit ab occasu Solis, . . . 
fipem ver6 ab ejusdem occasu . . . Auspicantur 
enim Arabes diem quemque cum sua nocte . . . 
ab eo momento, quo Sol occidit.' (Cap. i.) (See 
Romania^ xxiv. 418-20.) [Alfergano : Tisrin.] 

Arag^e, Arachne (f.e. 'spider'), Lydian 
maiden, daughter of Idmon of Colophon, a 
famous dyer in purple. A. excelled in the art 
of weaving, and, proud of her skill, ventured to 
challenge Minerva to compete with her. A. 
produced a piece of cloth in which the amours 
of the gods were woven ; and Minerva, unable 
to find fault with it, tore it in pieces. In despair 
A. hanged herself, but the goddess loosened 
the rope and saved her life, the rope being 
changed into a cobweb, and A. herself into 
a spider. D. mentions her on account of her 
skill in weaving, Inf. xvii. 18; and includes 
her amongst the examples of defeated pride 
in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 43-45 
[Superb!]. Her story is told by Ovid (Metam. 
vi. 1-145). 

Aragona, Aragon, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, of which (with Catalonia) it forms 
the N.E. comer; Manfred (in Antepurgatory) 
mentions it in connexion with his daughter 
Constance, the wife of Peter III of Aragon, 
whom he speaks of as * genitrice Dell' onor di 
Cicilia e d'Aragona,' Purg. iii. 11 5-16; some 
think that by the ' honour of Sicily and Aragon ' 
Alphonso III, eldest son of Constance and 
Peter, is meant, he having succeeded his father 
in Aragon (1285), and having been entitled 
also, in right of his mother, in virtue of which 
Peter had assumed it, to the crown of Sicily, 
though he abandoned his rights to his brother 
James ; the allusion is more probably to the 
second and third sons of Constance and Peter, 
viz. Tames, King of Aragon (i 291-1327), and 
Frederick, King of Sicily (i 296-1337). [Al- 
fonso^ : Federloo^ : Jacomo^: Table 1.] 
The objection that D. elsewhere (Purg. vii. 
119-20) speaks severely of these two princes, 
especially of Frederick (Par. xix. 130; xx. 63 ; 
Conv. iv. 6^'*2 J V. E. i. 1237), is not a valid one, 
as the praise of them in the present passage 
is put mto the mouth of their grandfather, 
Manfred, who would naturally be inclined to 
judge them favourably, especially in view of 
the fact that, by holding the island of Sicily, 
they had to a certain extent avenged the 
wrongs inflicted on the house of Swabia by 
that of Anjou. 

D. mentions the mountains of Aragon, i. e. 
the Pyrenees, as the S. limit of the langue 
^/'oil, V. E. i. 802. [Lingua OiL\ 

Aragones, inhabitants of Aragon, which is 
bounded on the £. by Catalonia, on the S. and 
W. by Castile, and on the N.W. by Navarre ; 
their king an instance of a prince whose juris- 
diction is limited by the confines of the neigh- 



bouring kingdoms, while that of the Emperor 
is bounded by the ocean alone, Mon. i. 11*2-7, 

Aragonia, Aragon ; monies Aragoniae^ i.e. 
the Pyrenees, V.E. 1.8*^^. [Aragona: Pireneo.] 

Arbia, small stream of Tuscany, which rises 
a few miles S. of Siena and runs into the 
Ombrone at Buonconvento ; on its left bank 
is the hill of Montaperti, where was fought 
(Sept. 4, 1260) the great battle between the 
Ghibellines and Guelfs of Florence, referred to 
by D. as Lo strazio e il grande scempio Che 
fece V Arbia color ata in rosso ^ Inf. x. 85-6. 

The Guelfs, who since the beginning of 
Cent, xiii had been predominant in Florence, 
were expelled in 1248 by the Ghibellines with 
the assistance of the Emperor Frederick II. 
After the death of the latter (1250) they were 
recalled, and the Ghibelline leaders in their 
turn were driven into exile, to be followed in 
1258 by the rest of their party [Guelfo]. The 
Ghibellines, however, soon found a powerful 
ally in Manfred, natural son of the Emperor 
Frederick, and in 1260, with his help and that 
of the Sienese, they inflicted a crushing defeat 
on the Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti, which 
left them masters of Tuscany [Manf^redi]. 
The Sienese and exiled Ghibellines had spared 
no effort to ensure their victory. In the previous 
year they had sent envoys, among whom was 
Farinata degli Uberti, to Manfred asking for 
assistance against Florence and its idlies. 
Manfred declared himself willing to spare 
them a hundred of his German cavalry. This 
meagre offer the envoys in disgust determined 
to decline, but they were overruled by Farinata, 
and the deputation returned to Siena under 
the escort of the German horsemen. Shortly 
after, however, the latter were cut to pieces in 
a skirmish with the Florentines, who captured 
Manfred's banner, and dragged it in the dirt 
through the streets of Florence. Enraged at 
this insult, Manfred at once despatched to 
Siena eight hundred more of his German 
cavalry, under the command of Conte Giordano. 
Farinata now, with the connivance of the 
Sienese, entered into secret negotiations with 
the Florentines, pretending that the exiled 
Ghibellines were weary of the Sienese and 
were anxious for peace ; he therefore proposed 
that the Florentines, under pretext of relieving 
Montalcino, which was being besieged by the 
Sienese, should despatch a force to the Arbia, 
in readiness for an attack on Siena, one of the 
gates of which he promised to open to them. 
Completely deceived, the Florentines, in spite 
of the remonstrances of their leaders, closed 
with the offer [Aldobrandij. On Tuesday, 
Sept. 4, 1260, supported by allies from all parts 
of Tuscany, as well as from Genoa, Bologna, 
Perugia, and Orvieto, in all over 30,000 strong, 
they marched out with the Carroccio and the 


big bell Martinella, and encamped in the valley 
of the Arbia. In reliance on the false informa- 
tion that one of the gates of Siena would be 
opened to them, they were awaiting certain 
intelligence of the fact, when to their surprise 
they saw the Ghibelline army advancing to 
the attack. Though numerically weaker, the 
Sienese were skilfully ordered and well com- 
manded by Provenzano Salvani, Farinata, and 
others, and they were besides supported by 
Manfred's eight hundred German horsemen 
under Conte Giordano. Taken by surprise the 
Guelfs were thrown into disorder, which in 
a short time became a panic, when, at the 
moment of the charge of the German cavalry, 
Bocca degli Abati, a traitor in their own ranks, 
struck off the hand of Jacopo de' Pazzi, who 
was carrying the standard of the Florentines 
[Bocoa]. Seeing the standard down, the Guelfs 
gave up all for lost, and the Sienese, falling 
upon them before they could recover from 
their confusion, routed them completely with 
terrible slaughter. The Carroccio and Marti- 
nella were taken (the two flagstaffs of the 
former are still to be seen in the Cathedral of 
Siena), and some 3,000 dead of the Florentines 
alone are said to have been left upon the field. 
On receipt of the fatal news the Guelfs fled 
from Florence, and the Ghibellines were with 
difficulty dissuaded by Farinata from razing 
the city to the ground [Farinata^]. 

The Guelf Villani concludes his account of 
the disaster with the exclamation : — 

* E cosl s'adon6 la rabbia dell' ingrato e superbo 
popolo di Firenze . . . e allora fu rotto e annul- 
lato il popolo vecchio di Firenze, ch*era durato 
in tante vittorie e grande signoria e state per 
dieci anni ! ' (vi. 79.) 

Area, Dell', ancient noble family of Flor- 
ence, extinct in D.'s day ; mentioned by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having 
been of importance in his lifetime. Par. xvi. 92. 
Villani says ; — 

' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
molti antichi furono quelli dell' Area, e oggi son 
spenti/ (iv. la.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

* Questi furono nobili e arroganti, e fecero di 
famose opere ; de' quali h oggi piccola fama : sono 
pochi in persona, e pochi in avere.' 

Arcangeli, Archangels, the lowest Order 
but one in the Celestial Hierarchies, ranking 
next above the Angels, Conv. ii. 6*^^; they 
preside over the Heaven of Mercury, Conv. 
11. 6^^^ [Gerarchia : Paradiso] ; Beatrice (in 
the Crystalline Heaven) mentions them as 
forming, together with Principalities and 
Angels, the third Celestial Hierarchy, Par. 
xxviii. 124-6 [Gabbriello: Miohele : Baf- 

Archemoro, ArchemorusorOpheltes, son 
of Lycurgus, King of Nemea ; while under the 




charge of the captive Hypsipyle he was killed 
by the bite of a serpent, whereupon Lycurgus 
vfould have put H. to death had she not been 
rescued by her two sons. D. quotes from Statius 
{Theb. V. 609-10) the apostrophe of Hypsipyle 
to A., Conv. iii. 11I66-9. the death of A. is 
referred to as la iristizia di LicurgOy Purg. 
xxvi. 94. [laiflle : Ijiourgo^.] 

Archiano, now Archiana, torrent in Tus- 
cany, which rises in the Apennines above 
Camaldoli and falls into the Amo just above 
Bibbiena in the Casentino, Purg. v. 95, 125. 
Buonconte da Montefeltro, who fought on the 
side of Arezzo and the Ghibellines at the battle 
of Campaldino and was slain, relates to D. (in 
Antepurgatory), in reply to the inquiry of the 
latter as to what became of his body, how it 
was washed by the floods into the Archiano, 
and carried down by that stream into the 
Amo, Purg. v. 94-129. [Buonoonte : Camp- 

Archimandritay Archimandrite, title given 
in the Greek Church to an abbot in charge 
of several convents; applied by D. to St. 
Francis, Par. xi. 99 [Francesco^ J ; St Peter, 
Mon. iii. 91^^ [Piotro^] ; the Pope, Epist. viii. 
6 [Papa]. 

Arcippe], daughter of Minyas of Boeotia ; 
referred to, with her sisters Alcithoe and 
Leucippe, Epist. iv. 4. [Alcithoe.] 

Arcivescovo Ruggieri. [Buggieri, 

Ardinghiy ancient noble family of Florence, 
in low estate in D.'s day ; mentioned by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) among 
the great families existing in his time. Par. xvi. 
93, Villani says of them : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . 
gli Ardinghi che abitavano in orto san Michele, 
erano molto antichL' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

'Questi sono al presente in bassissimo stato, 
e pochL* 

Aretini, Aretines, inhabitants of Arezzo ; 
mentioned, as some think, with a special allu- 
sion to the battle of Campaldino, at which D. 
himself is supposed to have been present, 
Inf. xxii. 5 [Dante : Campaldino] ; such inci- 
dents, however, as D. describes in the text 
must have been common enough during the 
hostilities between Florence and Arezzo after 
the expulsion of the Guelfs from the latter city 
in June 1287. In describing the course of the 
Amo, Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) refers to the Aretines, who were in a 
state of almost constant feud with Florence, 
as Botoli . . . Ringhiosi fiiil che non chiede lor 
pcssa^ * curs who snarl more than their power 
demands,' Purg. xiv. 46-7 [Amo]. Their dia- 
lect distinct from that of the Sienese, V. E. i. 

io"5-6 . condemned with the rest of the Tuscan 
dialects, a specimen of it being given, V. E. i. 
1327-8. [Arezzo.] 

Aretino, inhabitant of Arezzo ; of Griifolino 
the alchemist. Inf. xxx. 31 [Griffollno] ; Benin- 
casa da Laterina, Purg. vi. 13 [Beninoaaa] ; 
Cione de* Tarlati, Purg. vi. 15 [Clone] ; Guit- 
tone the poet, V. E. i. 13?; ii. 6«7 [Guit- 

Aretinus. [Aretino.] 

Aretinus, Guido. [Gulttone.] 

Aretinus, Guitto. [Gulttone.] 

Aretusa, Arethusa, one of the Nereids, 
nymph of the fountain of Arethusa in the island 
of Ortygia near Syracuse ; while bathing she 
was perceived by the river-god Alpheus, who 
pursued her ; on appealing to Artemis she was 
changed into the fountain of the same name, 
but Alpheus continued to pursue her under the 
sea, and attempted to mingle his stream with 
the waters of the fountain. D. alludes to Ovid's 
account (Metam, v. 587 ff.) of the metamor- 
phosis. Inf. XXV. 97-8. 

Arezzo, city in S.E. of Tuscany, about 
midway between Florence and Perugia ; it 
was a staunch adherent of the Ghibelline cause, 
and was in consequence in a state of almost 
constant feud with the Florentines, whose 
repeated attempts to get possession of it were 
successfully resisted by the Aretines, until at 
last in 1336 the city and neighbouring territory 
fell into their hands (Vill. xi. 60) ; it is men- 
tioned as his native place by the alchemist 
Griffolino (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 [Griffolino] ; and alluded 
to by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) in his description of the course of the 
Amo, which flows S.E. through the Casentino 
to within four or five miles of the city, and 
then makes a great bend and flows N.W. 
towards Florence, Purg. xiv. 46-8. [Aretini : 

Argenti, Filippo, one of the Cavicciuli 
branch of the Adimari family of Florence, 
placed by D. among the Wrathful in Circle V 
of Hell, Inf. viii. 61 ; un pien di fangOy v. 32 ; 
persona orgogliosa^ v, 46 ; il fiorentino spirito 
bisarroy v. 62. [Iracondl] As D. and Viigil 
are being ferried across die marsh of Styx, 
a form covered with mud rises up in front of 
them and asks D. who he is that comes alive 
into Hell, Inf. viii. 31-3 ; D. replies that he has 
not come to remain, and inquires in turn who 
the other is (w. 34-5); the figure gives an 
evasive reply, whereupon D., recognizing that 
it is Filippo Argenti, curses him {w, 36-9) ; 
F. A. then makes as though to seize the boat, but 
is thrust off by V. (vv, 40-2), who commends 
D. and describes the overbearing character of 




F. A. (vv, 43-8) ; D. expresses a desire to see 
the latter smothered in the marsh (w. 52-4) ; 
V. approves his wish, which is shortly after 
gratified, F. A. being attacked by his com- 
panions, who call out his name {w. 55-61) ; 
m fury he rends himself with his teeth, and 
beyond a shriek of pain D. hears no more of 
him (2/7/. 62-5). 

The old commentators say that Filippo got 
his name Argenti from the fact that on one 
occasion he had his horse shod with silver. 
They all agree in saying that he had a very 
savage temper. Boccaccio says : — 

* Fu questo Filippo Argenti . . . de' Cavicciuli, 
cavaliere ricchissimo, tanto che esso alcuna volta 
fece il cavallo, il quale usava di cavalcare, ferrare 
d'ariento, e da questo trasse il soprannome. Fu 
uomo di persona grande, bnino e nerbonito e di 
maravigliosa forza, e piii che alcuno altro ira- 
cundo, eziandio per qualunque menoma cagione.* 

In the Decanterone (ix. 8) is a characteristic 
story of how Filippo fell foul of a certain Bion- 
dello, who at the instigation of Ciacco had 
ventured to trifle with him : — 

Messer Philippo Argenti huom grande et ner^ 
boruto, et forte, sdegnoso, iracundo, et bizarro 
pill che altro . . . presolo per gli capelli, et strac- 
ciatagli la cuffia in capo, et gittato il cappuccio 
per terra, et dandogli tuttavia forte, diceva : 
Traditore . . . paioti io fanciullo da dovere essere 
uccellato ? £t cosi dicendo, con le pugna, lequali 
haveva che parevan di ferro,tutto il viso gli ruppe, 
ne gli lasci6 in capo capello, che ben gli volesse, 
et convoltolo per lo fango tutti i panni in dosso 
gli straccib . . . Alia fine havendol Messer Philippo 
ben battuto, et essendogli molti dintorno, alia 
maggior fatica del mondo gliele trasser di mano 
cosi rabbufTato, et mal concio, come era.' 

Benvenuto, who copies the above story with- 
out acknowledgement, tells another of how 
Filippo had a horse, which he called 'the 
Florentine people's horse,* because he placed 
it at the disposal of the first comer who should 
ask for it ; and of how he used to amuse himself 
by jeering at the disappointment of those who 
came when the horse had already been requisi- 
tioned. According to Benvenuto this was 
the horse which was on occasion shod with 

D.'s special bitterness against Filippo 
(* Bontk non h che sua memoria fregi,' v, 47) 
may be partially explained by the fact that the 
Adimari, and especially the Cavicciuli branch 
to which F. belonged, were notoriously hostile 
to himself. [Adimari.] 

Arg^, Argos ; the hospitality of the Argives 
abused by the Trojans (allusion to the rape of 
Helen from Sparta by Paris), Epist. v. 8. 

Arg^a, daughter of Adrastus, King of Argos, 
sister of Deiphyle, and wife of Polynices of 
Thebes, from whom at her marriage she re- 
ceived the fatal necklace of Harmonia, with 

which Eriphylg was bribed to betray the hiding* 
place of Amphiaraus fAnfiarao]. Virgil, 
addressing Statius (in Purgatory), mentions 
her as being ' delle genti tue * (i. e. mentioned 
in the Thebaid or AcMlUid) among the great 
women of antiquity in Limbo, Purg. xxiL no 
[Antigone: Iiimbo]; she and DeiphylS are 
mentioned as examples of modesty, Conv. iv. 
2578-88, [AdraBto.] 

Argivi, the Argives; Adrastus, King of, 
Conv. iv. 25<*^. [Adrasto.] 

Argo^, the ship Argo, built by Argus, son 
of Phrixus, in which the Argonauts sailed to 
Colchis in search of the golden fleece. Par. 
xxxiii. 96. [Argonauti: Jaaone^] 

Argo^, Argus, son of Arestor, sumamed 
Panoptes (' all-seeing') because he had a hun- 
dred eyes. Juno, jealous of Jupiter's love for 
Io, set A. to watch over her after she had been 
metamorphosed into a cow ; but Jupiter com- 
manded Mercury to slay him. Mercury there- 
fore descended to earth in the guise of a 
shepherd, and, having beguiled A. to sleep with 
the story of the metamorphosis of Syrinx, cut 
off his head. Juno thereupon transplanted his 
eyes into the tail of her favourite bird, the 

A. is mentioned in connexion with his eyes, 
which are compared to those on the wings of 
the four beasts in the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 95-6 
[Frocessione] ; his being set to sleep by the 
story of Syrinx and his death are referred to, 
Puig. xxxii. 64-6 [Sirlnga]. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

[Jupiter having transformed Io into a cow, 
Juno asks for her as a gift, and then places her 
under the guardianship of Argus.] 

'Pelltce donata, non protinas exnit omnem 
Diva metoni ; timnitqoe Jovem, et fait anxia fnrti ; 
Donee Arestoridae servandam tradtdit Argo. 
Centoin Inminibus dnctum capat Ar^^ habetMit : 
Inde auis vidbas captebant bina qaietem. 
Cetera senrabant, atque in statione manebant. 
Constiterit qnocamqae modo, spectabat ad lo^ 
Ante ocalos Io, quamvis aversos, habebat.* 

[Mercury, despatched by Jupiter, seats himself 
by the side of Argus and begins to tell him the 
story of Syrinx.] 

*Sedit Atlantiadea, et eantem mnlta loqaendo 
Detinuit sennone diem ; janctisqae canendo 
Vincere arundinibas sen-antia luraina tentat 
Ille tamen pugnat moUes evincere somnos; 
£t quamvis sopor est ocalomra parte receptua, 
Parte tamen vigilat : quacrit quoque, namqae reperta 
Fistula nuper erat^ qua sit ratione reperta. 
Turn dens: Arcadiae gelidis sub montibus, inqnit. 
Inter Hamadryadas celeberrima Nonacrinas 
Naias una fuit; Nymphae Syringa vocabant. 
Non semel et Satyros eluserat ilia sequentes, 
Et quoscumqne deos umbrosaque silva, ferazque 
Rus habet . . . 

. . . redeuntem colle Lycaeo 
Pan videt banc, pinuque caput praecinctus acuta 
Talia verba refert — * 

[Argus falls asleep ; the sequel of the story of 
Syrinx which Mercury was about to tell.] 




'Restabat verba referre; 
Et precibos tpretis fugisse per avia Nyxnphani, 
Donee arenosi placidnm Ladonis ad amnem 
Venertt; hie till eursam impedientibas nndis, 
Ut se inatarent, liqaidas orasae sorores; 
Panaqae, qaam prensazn sibi jam Sjrringa pttUret, 
Corpore pro Nymphae calamos tenaisse paiostrea. 
Daro^ne ibi snspirat, xnotos in arundine ventos 
Effeeisae sonum tenuem, similcmcjue querent! : 
Arte nova, vocisque deum dulcedine captam, 
Hoc mihi condiium tecum, dixisse, manebit. — 
Atque ita disparibus calamis compazine cerae 
Inter se junctis noroen tenuisae puellae. 
Talia dicturua vidit Cyllenius omnes 
Succnbuisse ocnlos, adopertaque lumina somno.* 

[Seeing that Argus has fallen asleep, Mercury 
stops the narrative and cuts off his head.] 

*Snpprimit extemplo vocem; 6rmatque soporem, 
Langnida permuicens medicata lumina virga. 
Nee mora: falcato nutantem vulnerat enae, 
Qua collo confine caput ; aaxoqne cruentum 
I>ejicit, et maculat praeruptam sanguine cautem. 
Arge, jaces ; quodque in tot lumina lumen habebaa, 
Exatinctum eat : centumque oculos noz occupat ana. 
Bzcipit hoa, volucrisque suae Saturnia pennia 
CoUocat et gemmia caudam atellantibua implet.* 

{MetafH. i. 62a-9, 6Ka flf.) 

Argolico, belonging to Argolis or Argos; 
genie Argolica^ i. e. the Greeks, mentioned by 
Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell), perhaps with an allusion to the Argo- 
nauts, Inf. xxviii. 84. [Argonauti : Greoi.] 

Argonaut!], Argonauts, * sailors of the 
Argo * who sailed to Colchis in search of the 
golden fleece. Jason, who commanded the 
expedition, was accompanied by fifty heroes, 
including Hercules, Castor and Pollux, The- 
seus, and all the famous men of the age. 
D. speaks of them as Quei gloriosi che passaro 
a CoicOy Par. ii. 16 ; and alludes to them (per- 
haps) as gen/e Argolica^ Inf. xxviii. 84 ; and to 
their expedition, Inf. xviii. 86-7. [Argo ^ : 

Arianna], Ariadne, daughter of Minos and 
Pasiphae, and sister of the Minotaur [Minos: 
I^aaife: Minotauro]. She fell in love with 
Theseus when he came to Crete to bring the 
tribute of the Athenians to the Minotaur, and 
gave him the sword with which he slew the 
monster, and the clue of thread by means of 
which he found his way out of the Labyrinth 
[Bedalo]. Theseus in return promised to 
marry her, and took her away with him from 
Crete, but deserted her in Naxos; here she 
was found by Bacchus, who made her his wife 
and at her death placed among the stars, as the 
constellation of the Crown, the garland she 
had worn at her marriage (Par. xiii. 13-14) 

Virgil' (in Round i of Circle VII of Hell) 
'^fers to A. as the sister of the Minotaur, with 
^ allusion to her love for Theseus, Inf. xii. 
19-20 [Teseo] ; she is referred to, in connexion 
*ith the constellation of the Crown, as la 
h^iuola di Minoi, Par. xiii. 14 [Corona]. 
Her story is told by Ovid: the Minotaur, 
^ving been enclosed by Minos in the Laby- 
rinth of Daedalus, is slain by Theseus with 

the aid of Ariadne ; the latter, abandoned by 
Theseus, is rescued by Bacchus, who weds her 
and places her crown in the sky : — 

'Creverat opprobriiun generis; foedum^ne patebat 
Matrjis adalterittm, monstri novitate biformia. 
Destinat hnnc Minos thalamia removere pudoreaii 
Mnltipliciqae domo, caecisque inclttdere tectis. 
Daedalus, ingenio fabrae celeberrimus artia, 
Ponit opas; turbatque notas, et lamina flexum 
Dacit in errorem variamm ambage vianim . . . 

. . . implet 
Innomeras errore vias; vixqae ipse revert! J^ 
Ad limen potuit : tanta est fallacia tecti ! 
Quo postquam tauri geminani juveniaqne figuram 
Clausit, et Actaeo bis pastnm sanguine monstrum 
Tertia sors annis domnit repetita novenis; 
Utqne ope virgtnea, nullis iterata priortun, 
Janoa difficilis filo est inventa relecto; 
Protinus Aegidea, rapta Minoide, Dian 
Vela dedit; comitenique suam crudelis in illo 
Litore deseruit: desertae, et roulta querent!, 
Amplexus et opem Liber tulit: utque perenni 
Sidere clara foret. sumptam de fronte coronam 
Iramisit caelo: tenues volat ilJa per auras: 
Dumc^ue volat, gemmae subitos vertuntur m ignea; 
Conststnntque loco, specie remanente Coronae, 
Qui tnedius nixique genu est, angueroque tenentis.* 

{Metam. viii. 156-61, 166 flf.) 

Ari^te, Aries (' the Ram'), constellation and 
the first of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters at the vernal equinox 
(about March 21), Par. xxviii. 117; Conv. iii. 
^134> 143 J Canz. XV. 41 ; // Montone^ Purg. viii. 
134 ; Par. xxix. 2 ; alluded to as quella luce Che 
rag^ia dietro alia celeste Lasca^ *the light 
which beams behind the heavenly Carp * (since 
Aries comes next to Pisces in the zodiacal 
circle), Purg. xxxii. 53-4 [Pesoi] ; migliore 
Stella (since, according to the old belief, the 
Sun was in Aries at the time of the Creation 
and of the Incarnation), Par. i. 40; hence, 
quelle stelle^ Inf. i. 38, where D. indicates the 
time of the Creation, are also those of Aries 
(Benvenuto says : * dicunt enim astrologi et 
theolo^i quod Deus ab initio saeculi posuit 
solem m ariete, in quo signo facit nobis ver*). 

The vernal equinox is described, Purg. viii. 
133-5 [Montone^]; Canz. xv. 41 ; the rising 
of the Sun at the vernal equinox. Par. i. 37-41 
(Butler comments: *the equator, the ecliptic, 
and the equinoctial colure, or great circle 
through the equinoxes and the pole of the 
equator, intersect on the first point of Aries ; 
at sunrise about the spring equinox this point 
is therefore on the horizon, which makes the 
fourth circle : the three crosses being made by 
the others with it') ; nottumo Ariete, *the Ram 
seen by night * (i. e. when the Sun is in Libra, 
after the autumnal equinox). Par. xxviii. 1,17; 
ambedue lifigli di Latona Coperti del Montone 
e delta Ubra, *both the children of Latona 
brooded over by the Ram and the Scales' 
(i. e. the Sun and Moon opposite to each other 
at the equinox, the one being in Aries, the 
other in Libra), Par. xxix. 1-2 [Iiibra] ; Aries 
and Libra opposite signs at opposite points of 
the zodiacal circle, being entered by the Sun 
at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes respec- 
tively, Conv. iii. 5^30-42 [Zodiaoo]. 



Aristotele, Aristotle, Purg. iii. 43. [Arieto- 

Aristoteles, Aristotle, V. E. ii. 6^^ ; Mon. 
i. i^ii, Ii7i . A. T. § 1237. [AriBtotUe.] 

Aristotiley Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, 
bom at Stagfra (whence he is sometimes oilled 
* the Stagirite '), a town in Chalcidice in Mace- 
donia, B.C. 384. In 367 he went to Athens to 
pursue his studies, and he there became the 
pupil of Plato, who called him * the intellect of 
his school.' After the death of Plato he 
quitted Athens and returned to Macedonia, 
where at the request of Philip of Macedon he 
became the instructor of his son Alexander 
(afterwards Alexander the Great). A. re- 
mained in Macedonia seven years, and then 
went back to Athens, where he founded the 
Peripatetic school of philosophy. He presided 
over his school for thirteen years (335-323), 
during which period he composed the greater 
part of his works. After the death of Alexander 
(323) he was looked upon with suspicion in 
Athens as a friend of Macedonia, and he had 
to leave that city to avoid being tried on a 
charge of impiety. He retired to Chalcis in 
Euboea, where he died in 322 at the age of 
sixty- three. His numerous works, which treated 
of almost all the subjects of human knowledge 
cultivated in his time, have always exercised 
a powerful influence upon learning, especially 
in the Middle Ages. 

D. places A. in Limbo together with Plato, 
Socrates, and other great philosophers of 
antiquity, Inf. iv. 131 [Iiimbo . 

In the D,C, he is mentioned by name once, 
AristoteUy Purg. iii. 43 ; referred to as il 
maestro di color che sannOy Inf. iv. 131 ; (by 
Charles Martel addressing D.), // mcustro 
vostro. Par. viii. 120 (ref. to PoL ii. 2). He is 

?robably also alluded to as piii savio di te, 
uig. XXV. 63, where Statius tells D. that a 
wiser than he went astray with regard to the 
nature of the soul, by teaching that the active 
intellect (' intellectus agens *) was separate 
from the soul, a doctrine inconsistent with 
personal immortality. Butler points out that 
the reference appears to be to De Animay iii. 
4, 5 ; but many think that the allusion is to 
Averro^s. It is probably to A. too that D. 
alludes as Coluiy che mi dimostra il prima 
amorey Par. xxvi. 38 ; some, however, take the 
allusion to be to Plato, or to Dionysius the 

In the Vita Nuo^'a A. is referred to twice 
by the title of il Filosofoy the Philosopher (as 
he was commonly called par excellence in the 
Middle Ages), V. N. §§ 251*, 42^^ 

In the Convivio he is mentioned by name 
upwards of fifty times, Aristotile, Conv. i. 9 ; 

ii. 3» 4f 5i 9. io» '4, 15 ; »>• 2, 5i 7, 9» i '» M* 15; 
iv. 2, 6, 7, 8. II, 13, 15, 17, 30, 21, 22, 23, 25, 

27, 28 ; referred to as il Filoso/o upwards of 

forty tiroes, Conv. i. i, 12; ii. i, 3, 5, 10, 14, 
15, 16; iii. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, II, 14, 15 ; 
iv. 3. 4» 8» iOi I2i I5» 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 27. 
D. also speaks of him as // mio maestro^ Conv. 
i. 9*^^ ; quello glorioso Jiloso/o al quale la 
natura pii^ aperse Ii suoi segretiy Conv. iii. 
^64-6 J maestro delta umana ragione^ Conv. iv, 
2^3^ ; maestro e duca delta gente umana, . , ,il 
maestro e Vartefice che ne dimostra ilfine deila 
umana vita, Conv. iv. 6*^~72j maestro d^ 
filosofiy Conv. iv. 8^*^ ; maestro delta nostra 
vita, Conv. iv. 23^^ ; he alludes to A.'s surname 
* the Stagirite,' mentions him as the founder of 
the Peripatetic School, and describes his genius 
as 'c^uasi divino,' his opinion as 'somma e 
altissima autoritade,' and himself as ' degnis- 
simo di fede e d'obbedienza,* Conv. iv. 6*^*"^**. 

In D.'s Latin works A. is mentioned by 
name four times, AristoteleSy V. E. ii. 6^*: 
Mon. i. 1^1, 11^* ; A T. § I237 ; referred to by 
the title of Philosophus forty times, Mon. i. 3, 
5, 10, u, 12, 13, 14, 15 ; ii. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 12 ; 
iii. I, 4, 10, 16 ; Epist. viii. 5 ; x. 5, 16, 18, 27 ; 
A T. §§ 2, 6, 12, 13, 21, 23 ; he is also referred 
to as Magistery Mon. iii. 7^*^; magister sapi^ 
entum^ V. E. ii. 10* ; praeceptor morum^ Mon. 
iii. i^"' ; praeceptory Epist. viii. 5. 

With the exception of the Bible, Aristotle's 
works are quoted by D. more frequently than 
those of any other author, the direct quotations 
or references to them numbering about 150. 
The following are quoted by name : — 

Prior AnalyticSy ouoted as Priora, A. T. 
§ 19^^ ; and (perhaps) as De SyllogismOy Mon. 
iii. 7^9 \AnafyUcm Priors]. 

On Sophistical RefutcUionSy quoted as De 
Sophisticis ElenchiSy Mon. iii. 4^^ [SophlstkOM 
Eienchis, De]. 

Categories, quoted as Praedicamenta, Mon. 
iii. 15^; A. T. § 2*; the first book, being 
introductory, is quoted as Antepraedicamenia^ 
A. T. § I2^« \PrmedlcameBUL\ 

Art of Rhetoric y quoted as Rettorica^ Conv. 
iii. 8^ ; Rhetorica^ Epist. x. 18 [lfiSietorfc» i]. 

Nicom<uhean EthicSy quoted as Etica, Inf. 

179, 11, 18, 75, 94^ iq83^ 2037, 2ll5J7j 22^*, 2$% 

2747, 110 . Canz. viii. 85 ; Ethica, A. T. §§ i8««, 
20^8; Ad Nicomachumy Mon. i. 3*, \\^\ I32«, 
1437, 1572. ii. 2«3, 3^6, 817, i2«>; iii. loJoi, 

1287; A. T. § Ill*[£lftJ«l]. 

Politics, quoted as Politicay Conv. iv. 4*^; 
Mon. i. 391, l^'\ I2«8 ; ii. 3", 7M 8i«[A>llllai]. 

Physics or Physical DiscoursCy quoted as 
Fisicay Inf. xi. 101 ; Conv. ii. i^®'*; iii. ii^O; 
iv. 2« 9^«, io9i, ,5i«2, ,678 . Physica, V. E. ii. 
io9; Epist. X. 25; A. T. §§ ii^i, 20^3; De 
NcUurcdi Auditu, Mon. i. 9^ ; ii. 7*1 ; iii. 15I* 

On the HeavenSy quoted as Di Cielo e 
Mondo, Conv. ii. 32^* ", 43*, 5" ; iii. 554, 9I11 ; 




iv. 92«; De Caelo et Mundo, A. T. §§ 12^, 
I3«; De Caelo, Epist. x. 27; A. T. § 21** 

On Generation and Corruption, quoted as 
Di Generazione, Conv. iii. lo^'; iv. 10^1 
[Qeaermtione et Corruptlone, De]. 

Meteorologies, quoted as Meteora^ A. T. 
hS 612, 2347 iMeteon i]. 

History of Animals (more correctly Re- 
seetrches about Animals), and On Parts of 
Animals, both quoted sls Degli Animali ; the 
former, Conv. ii. g^^ ; the latter, Conv. ii. 3I* 
[AaitnaUbus, De]. 

On Soul, quoted as DelPAnima, Conv. ii. 
9", loftS, 14241 ; iii. 283» 126^ 61", 9**; iv. 
7III, 139^ 13W, 15116^ 20«» ; De Anima, Mon. i. 
3^8 ; iii. 16^'^ [Attlma, De]. 

On Sense and Sensible Things, quoted as 
Di Senso e Sensato, Conv. iii. 9», i^ [Sensir 
€i SeasibiU, De]. 

On Youth and Old Age, quoted as Di Gio- 
ventute e Senettute, Conv. iv. 28^2 [Juventute 
etSeaectute, De]. 

On Generation of Animals, quoted as De 
Generatione Animalium, A. T. § 13*2 [Oeiie- 
mUone AnImaUum, De]. 

First Philosophy or Metaphysics, quoted as 

Prima Filosofia, Conv. i. i2; Prima Philo- 

sofhia, Mon. iii. I23 ; Metafisica, V. N. § 42^0 ; 

Conv. ii. 382, 512, 118^ i4i4fi, i690 ; iji. i jia, 1498. 

iv. 10*3 . Metaphysica, Epist. x. 5, 16, 20 ; De 
Simpliciter Ente, Mon. i. 12", 131*, I5i2'i»; 
iii 14I9 [Metapb^slca]. 

On Causes, pseudo- Aristotelian work, quoted 
as Di Cagioni, Conv. iii. 22^ ; Delle Cagioni, 
Conv. iii. 6*i» n*, 7"; iv. 2i89; De Causis, 
Mon. i. iii32; Epist. x. 20, 21 [Causis, De]. 

(On D.'s obligations to Aristotle see Moore, 
Studies in Dante, i. 92-156, whence the refer- 
ences to Book and Chapter of the various 
Aristotelian treatises quoted by D. are for the 
most part taken.) 

D. mentions two Latin translations of Aris- 
totle, which he says differed materially in 
places, and which he calls respectively the 
*New' and the *01d,' Conv. ii. is**"*. The 
earliest Latin translations of Aristotle were 
made, not from the original Greek, but from 
Arabic versions. Subsequently St. Thomas 
Aquinas made or caused to be made a new 
translation, direct from the Greek, of several 
of the Aristotelian treatises. This Greek-Latin 
version probably answers to D.*s * New * trans- 
lation, tne 'Old' being the representative of 
the earlier Arabic- Latin version. (See Moore, 
<5^.rt/. i. 305-18.) At a later date the Latin 
version of the Ethics was translated into 
Italian ; but it was an untrustworthy rendering, 
^md is spoken of by D. with contempt, Conv. 
L lo'o-i. This Italian version referred to by 
I^< is generally supposed to be that made by 
tbe Florentine physician Taddeo di Alderotto 
[Aldeiotto: BUUcm]. 

Arli, Aries, town in Provence, in the modem 
department of Douches- du-Rh6ne, close to 
where the Rhone forms its delta before enter- 
ing the Mediterranean [Bodano]. D. mentions 
Aries, Arli, ove Rodano stagna, in conneidon 
with the famous cemetery Aliscamps (i.e. 
Elysios Camfos) and its great sarcophagus 
tombs, Inf. ix. 112, 115. This cemetery was 
originally a Roman burying-ground, and was 
consecrated, according to the legend, by St. 
Trophimus as a resting-place for the bodies of 
the faithful. At the moment of consecration 
Christ is said to have appeared to the Saint, 
and to have promised that the souls of those 
who were buried there should be exempt from 
the torments of the demons of the sepulchres. 

Caput regni Burgundionum, quod Arelatense 
dicitur, civitas est Arelas, antiquissimis dotata 
privilegiis. Hanc, ordinatus ab apostolis Petro et 
Paolo, Trophimus, Jesu Christi discipulus . . . 
ad fidem Christi convertit, et post pauca . . . deli- 
beravit coemeterium solenne ad meridianam urbis 
I)artein constituere, in quo omnium orthodozorum 
corpora sepulturae traderentur . . . Illi Christus, 
pridem in came familiariter agnitus, apparuit, 
opus ejus sua benedictione perfundens, dato coe- 
meterio ac illis sepeliendis munere, ut quicunque 
inibi sepelirentur nullas in cadaveribus suis 
paterentur diabolicas illusiones, secundum quod 
in evangelio legitur, quosdam daemones habitare 
in sepulchris.* (Gcrv. Tilb.) 

The cemetery at Aries, consequently, became 
the favourite burying-place for those who died 
in arms against the infidel. There was a 
tradition that the greater part of those who 
were slain with the twelve peers of Charlemagne 
at the * dolorous rout * of Roncesvalles were 
buried there [Bonoisvalle]. 

' Erant tunc temporis bina cimiteria praecipua 
sacrosancta, alterum apud Arelatem in Aylis 
campis, alterum apud Burdegalam ... in quibus 
maxima pars illonim (sc. apud Runcievallem inter- 
fectorum) sepelitur . . . Postea ego et Karolus . . . 
a Blavio discedentes per Gasconiam et Tolosam 
tendentes Arelatem perreximus, ibi vero jnve- 
nimus Burgundionum exercitus qui a nobis in 
Hosta valle discesserant, et per Morlanum et 
Tolosam venerant cum mortuis suis et vulneratis, 
quos lectulis et bigis secum illuc adduxerant ad 
sepeliendum eos in cimelerio in Ailis campis.' 
{Turpini Hisioria KaroK Magni tt Rotholandi, 
§$ xxviii, xxix.) 

Another tradition assigned the cemetery at 
Aries as the burying-place of the Christians 
slain in the great battle at Aries, where William 
of Orange was defeated by the Saracens, as is 
narrated in the O. F. chanson de geste Ales- 
chans [Quglielmo di Oringa]. In Cent xiii. 
one of the tombs was specially identilied as 
the sepulchre of William's nephew Vivien, who 
had been slain in the battle and buried there 
by William :— 



Amaldo Daniello 

*Bo Aleachans GaUlumca rarfbi; 
Eacofe i fnt U or&* 

iAytmerfdt Nkritmm^ 4543-*4-) 

Boccaccio mentions the above tradition as 
being current in his day, but adds that he does 
not believe it : — 

* Ad Arli, alquanto fnori della cittil, sono molte 
arche di pietra, iatte ab antico per sepolture . . . 
Di queste dicono i paesani una loro favola, afier- 
■umdo in quel luogo essere gii stata una gran 
battaglia tia Gugliehno d'Oringa e sua gente 
d'nna parte, o vero d'altro prindpe cristiano, e 
barbari infeddi venuti d'Affiica, ed essere stati 
occisi Biolti cristiani in essa, e che poi la notte 
aeguca t e, per divino miracolo, essere state quivi 
<|aelle arche rccate per sepoltura de' cristiani, 
e cost la mattini vegnente tutti i cristiani morti 
essere stati seppelliti in esse.' 

Benvenuto and Buti, who give a similar 
account, state that not only were the tcHnbs 
miraculously provided for the slaughtered 
Christians, but that also as a mark ot divine 
£ftvour the bodies of the £Euthful were miracu- 
lously distinguished from those oi the infidels 
by a writing placed on the forehead of each, 
indicating who he was; thus, naively adds 
Benvenuto, enabling them to be buried in 
or small tombs according to their 

Annoilia][» Harmonia, daughter of Mars 
and Venus, wde of Cadmus, founder of Thebes. 
On his wedding«<lay Cadmus received a present 
of a necklace, which he gave to H., and which 
afterwards became fatal to whoever possessed 
it. D. refers to this necklace, the storv of 
which is told by Statins (Tkeb. ii. 265 ff.), as 
io sxtmhtraio adomammto^ Purg. xii. 51 

KLlmeone : Anflarao : Srillle]. By Cadmus 
. became the mother of Autono^, Ino, SemelC, 
Agav<^, and Polydorus, and when C. was trans- 
formed into a serpent she shared his late, an 
incident to which D. alludes, Inf. xxv. 97. 
[Ciidmo: lao: 8«mal«.] 

Amaldo Daniello], Amaut Daniel,fiunotts 
rrtn-tn<;al poet, placed by D. among the 
Lustful in Circle VI 1 of Purgatory: Amaut ^ 
PurK. xxvl» 14a ; ^^nti, TM15 ; sfirto^v. 116; 
#7 m^pnu^^ t\ 136; «, r. 139 [Lunurioai] ; 
hf is p(>inteii out to D. by Guido Guinicelli, 
who describes him as the best of all con- 
ttnUHvar)' writers^ whether in the iamgmi d*oc 
\\\ tnr /«ii^cw# 4/*otl« and ridicules the notion 
that he i!« inferior to (Uraut de Bomeil,as some 
thought {i^\ \\\ 3<^> ; presently D. approaches 
Ainaut and Ik^*:* to know his name (tt*. 136-8): 
A. in irjijHWW ttddrrsse* 0» in Pro\-en^al, and 
nan^fji hhu»el»» explai«ii\|f that he is here ex- 
iiUtiuis hm X^sX lolly iT^\ 13^ 47^: he then 
utmippeuiii luto the rtames, and O. sees him no 
lutMv ir. li^'i) (O^niniua de Borneil : Quldo 

duluUHiUa . , ^ ^ ^ ^ , 

Aiurtut 1>ttnirK who flourished as a poet 
M^reu n{k* and ix<\ belonged to a noble 


family of Ribeyrac in P^rigord (in the modem 
department of Dordogne). Little is known of 
his life. He appears to have been a personal 
fnend of the famous Bertran de Bom. He 
spent much of his time at the court of Richard 
C(£ur-de-Lion (the king of Dover, Mo reis de 
Dobra,' as he calls him) ; he visited Paris, 
where he attended the coronation of Philip 
Augustus ('al coronar fui del bon rei d'£s- 
tampa '), as well as Spain, and perhaps Italy. 
His works, such as they have been preserved, 
consist of eighteen lyrical poems, one satirical, 
the rest amatory. The tenor of one of these, 
which forms part of a poetiod controversy with 
two other troubadours concerning the conduct 
of a certain lady, sufficiently accounts for the 
place in Purgatory assigned to him by D. (Sec 
Canello, Vita ed Opere di Amaido Dani- 

Amaut is said to have been the originator 
of the sestina^ a form of composition which D. 
imitated from him, as he himself tells us in 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. lo^^*"*) : — 

'Hujusmodi stantiae usus est fere in omnibus 
cantionibus suis Amaldus Danielis; et nos eum 
secuti sumus cum diximus : Al poco giorno, ed al 
gran cerchio d'ombra.* (Best i.) 

D. regarded him pre-eminently as the poet 
of love : — 

'Haec tria, salus videlicet, Venus, virtus, ap- 
parent esse ilia magnalia quae sint maxime per^ 
tractanda, hoc est ea quae mn-gimfl sunt ad ista, 
ut armorum probitas, amoris accensio, et directio 
voluntatis. Circa quae sola, si bene recolimus, 
illustres vires invenimus vulgariter poetasse ; sci* 
licet Bertnunum de Bomio, anna ; Amaldum 
Danielem, amorem ; Gerardum de Bomello, recti- 
tudinem; Cinum Pistoriensem, amorem; amicum 
ejus, rectitudinem.' (V. E. il a»*-».) 

He is mentioned as having employed a 
stanza without refrain and without rime, wherein 
D. copied him, V. E. ii. io«*-8, i3»-i*; the 
first lines of three of his poems are quoted, 
V. E. ii. 2" (No. ix in Canello) ; V. E. ii. 6«i 
(Na XV in Canello) ; and V. E. ii. 13^^ (No, 
xvii in Canello). 

D.'s high opinion of Amaut*s verse is difficult 
to understand ; modem critics are by no means 
inclined to agree with his estimate. Even in 
D.*s own time the poems were regarded as 
difficult and obscure, as appears from the old 
Provencal biography : — 

'Amautz Daniels si fo d'aquella encontrada 
don fo Amautz de Maroill de I'evescat de Peire- 
gore, d*un chastel que a nom Ribairac. £ fo 
gentils bom, et amparet ben letras ; e deleitet se 
en trobar et en caras rimas, per que las soas 
chanssons non son leus ad entendre, ni ad 

Petrarca, however, shared D.'s opinion, for 
he gives Amaut the first place among love- 
poets who were not natives of Italy : — 

Amaldo Daniello 


*B poi v^era an dnppeOo 
Di portamenti, e di volgari ttrani. 
Pn tntti U primo Amaldo Daniello, 
Grao maestro d*amor, ch'alla sua terra 
Ancor fa ooor col sao dir novo e bella* 

(7>i<OT|/& d'Amore^ iv. 58-43.) 

Gaston Paris gives the following description 
of the characteristics of Araaut's poetry : — 

' Amaut Daniel est un troubadour de la fin du 
xii* si^de, dont il nous est restd dix-sept chansons, 
d'un style tr^ travailM, tr^s particulier et tr^ 
obscur; il est par excellence le maltre du trobar 
chiSj de cet art singulier oil on estimait en seconde 
ligne la difficult^ de composition pour le po^te, 
et en premiere la difficult^ de comprehension pour 
I'auditeur. Ce genre, qui nous paralt rebutant et 
pu^ril, avait certains mantes dont le plus grand 
etait, en donnant k chaque mot une importance 
exag^ree, de preparer la cr^tion du style ex- 
pressii^ concis, propre et personnel, qui devait 
se produire avec un incomparable ^clat dans la 
DnHMg Comedtg. Dante admiralt profond^ment 
Amaut Daniel, qu'il avait certainement 6tudie k 
fond. Dans un passage c^l^bre du Purgatoirt il 
le d^are bien sup^rieur k Guiraut de Bomeil, 
que lui pref&re la vaine opinion du vulgaire. Nous 
sommes aujourd'hui de I'avis du vulgaire, et le 
jugement de Dante a surpris tous les critiques 
modemes.' {Romania, x. 484 ff,) 

The expression used by D. of Amaut, * Versi 
d'amore e prose di romanzi Soverchi6 tutti' 
(Purg. xxvi. 118--19), has been misunderstood 
by some of the commentators as meaning that 
A. surpassed every one both in ' versi d'amore' 
and in ' prose di romanzi/ that is to say that 
be was pre-eminent as a writer both ot love- 
verse and prose-romances, an interpretation 
which appears to have been due to some extent 
to an error of Tasso and Pulci, who attribute 
to A. the authorship of a Lancilotio and a 
Rinaldo. There is no evidence, however, that 
he wrote any romances, in prose or verse, 
and there is little doubt that the real meaning 
of D.'s phrase is that suggested by the com- 
ment of Buti, viz. that A. surpassed all writers 
of love-verse and prose-romance, that is to 
say — ^having regard to D.'s statement in the 
De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. lo^^-iej that every- 
thing in vernacular prose, whether translated 
or original, was in French — that A. was superior 
to all who wrote either in Provencal or in 
French. (See Academy y April 13, 1889.) 

D. puts into the mouth of Amaut eight lines 
of Provencal {yv. 140-7)— in order, says Ben- 
venuto, to show that he had some knowledge 
of everything — with which, as was to be ex- 
pected, the copyists have played havoc. A 
critical text of these lines has recently been 
published by Renier (Giomale Starico della 
LiHeratura Italianay xxv. 316) as follows : — 

'Ei comindft liberainente a dire: 
Taa m^abeUia voatre cortea deman 
Qa'ieu no me paeac ni-m voill a voa cobrire. 
lea tai Amant, que plor e van cantan : 
CoorinM vd la paatida folor, 
B vai janaen lo jom, qa'eaper, deaaa. 

Ara OS prec per aanella valor 
Que voa guida al som d'esta eacalina, 
Sovenha voi a tempa de ma dolor.* 

[' So pleases me your courteous demand, that 
I nor can nor will hide myself from you. I am 
Amaut, who weep and go singing : with sorrow 
1 look upon my past folly, and with rejoicing I 
contemplate the day 1 hope for hereafter. Now 
I pray you, by that virtue which is guiding you 
to the summit of this ascent, bethink yourself in 
due time of my woe.'] 

Several stories are told of Amaut : the old 
Provencal biographer gives an account of a 
trick he played upon another troubadour while 
at the court of Richard Coeur-de-Lion ; and 
Benvenuto relates how he supported himself 
in his old age, and how he ended his days as 
a monk : — 

* Iste magnus inventor fuit quidam provincialis 
tempore Raymundi Berengerii boni comitis pro- 
vinciae, nomine Arnaldus, cognomine vero Daniel, 
vir quidem curialis, prudens et sagax, qui invenit 
multa et pulcra dicta vulgaria ; a quo Petrarcha 
fatebatur sponte sc accepisse modum et stilum 
cantilenae de quatuor rhythmis, et non a Dante. 
Hie, dum senuisset in paupertate, fecit cantilenara 
pulcerrimam, quam misit per nuntium suum ad 
regem Frandae, Angliae, et ad alios principes 
occidentis, rogans, ut quemadmodum ipse cum 
persona juVerat eos delectatione, ita ipsi cum 
fortuna sua juvarent eum utilitate. Cum autem 
nuntius post hoc reportasset multam pecuniam, 
dixit Arnaldus : Nunc video, quod Deus non vult 
me derelinquere. £t continuo sumpto habitu 
monastico parcissimae vitae semper fuit' 

AmOy the principal river of Tuscany, which, 
rising, hke the Tiber, among the spurs of 
Falterona in the Apennines, flows S.E. through 
the Casentino, past Poppi, Bibbiena, Rassina, 
and Subbiano, to within four or five miles of 
Arezzo, where it makes a sudden sweep away 
to the N.W. ; then with a more rapid descent 
it flows past Laterina, Montevarchi, Figline, 
and Pontassieve, receiving on its way the 
waters from Pratomagno on the right, and 
from the Chianti hills on the left; here it is 
joined by the Sieve, and turning W. flows 
through Florence; then, descending more 
gently, it winds between Montelupo and Ca- 
praia, and passing through the deep gorge of 
Pietra Gollolina enters the plain of Empoli, 
whence it flows through Pisa mto the Mediter- 
ranean, after a course of some 150 miles, its 
mouth being about five miles below the city 
of Pisa. 

The Amo is mentioned, in connexion with 
the ancient statue of Mars on the Ponte Vec- 
chio, Inf. xiii. 146 [Marte^: Ponte Veochio]; 
the transference of Andrea de' Mozzi frt)m Amo 
(i. c. Florence) to Bacchiglione (i. c. Vicenza), 
Inf. XV. 113 [Andrea de' Moni: Baoohl- 
gUone] ; D. bom and brought up at Florence 
on the Amo, Inf. xxiii. 95 ; Purg. xiv. 34 ; V. £• 
i. 6i8-i» ; Epist. iu. 2 ; EcL i. 44 [Firen«e] ; 




fed free 



lisai iprvi -.7 I/- ^o -liric* hi zxtirh izri *5 
va:s j^iiu, rl£ 3TT-:, ^2-4 'Caimrm: Gor- 

PiTij^ r. ;25 'Arehf ani^', : I/. 1 KJAfjr,y:,'XL of 

z;r, 2x ^^ ^</0^' : t/jc rTrar.ics. o€ AlTeraui 
b*f »*Jtr. ti^t Arruv ir^d 'bt TJ-^x^ Par. xL 106 
(AlT«ikSA'*: !>.* sA>=rcc of :bt Arr/>, Parg. 
xir. 17, 31; E;;iv- vL ^: -iTi ^: hs course 
iK/yr't th^A a h'^^cr^ rr^i^ Psr^f. xhr. iS : its 
nuocii, ;r/. xzz.:L % j : Pcr^ xiv. 54-5 : sdlvdtd 
to, iL% il btl Jiuwun Ifl£ xx:i:. '>5 ; h fiurm real 
i^» ^Ju^ at t^jniiiZ &iTtfX rr«v> the sea-, Purg. 
Y. 122; un fiumictl cht naice in Falterf/na E 
uniit tH'^lia di c^rio nol tazioj Purg. nv. 17- 
it; qu/lla nvUra, v, 26; valU, v. 50; /^ 
mal^ttta e tveniurala /ctta, v, ^i ; il fiero 
fiuffu^ vJ^j\ in the Latin »r#rks ca2.ed Samus^ 
V. E« L 6^^; LcL L 44; £pi&t« iiL 2; vL 6; 

Guidf} del Duca ^in Circle II of Purgatory) 
trsion the course of the Amo, Purg. xiv. 29- 
54 ; U. having first described it as a stream, 
which rises in P'a.terona, and flows through 
Tuscany with a course of more than a hundred 
fniks, and on the banks of which he was bom 
(w» 10-21), Guido perceives that he is speak- 
ing r/f the Arno (tti/, 22-4); his companion 
(Kinieri dz Calboli) asks in wonder why D. 
/y/nceaJed the name (A the river, as though it 
were s^/mething horrible (w, 25-7) ; Guido 
replies that he does not know, but that it is 
fitting the name of such a stream should 
perish, fm from its sr^urce to its mouth its 
valley is inliabited by men more worthy to be 
called brute fxrasts than human beings (w, 
28 42; ; i'ir»i, he says, it flows among foul 
htfifu, * brutti porci,' i. e. the men <fi Cascntino 
(with especial reference to the Conti (iuidi, 
lords of Koinena and i'orciano, and with a 
play on the latter name) iw, 43-5; [Quid!, 
ConUJ ; then it comes among ' curs which 
snarl more than their power demands/ i.e. 
tlie Arctines, from whom ' in disdain it turns 
its muzzle away' (in allusion to the sharp bend 
id the river away from Arezzo to the N.W.) 
(w, 46 8) [Antinlj; then, as it descends 
fluid gn/ws larger, it finds wolves, i. e. the Flo- 
rentines iw. 49 U) f Fiorentini] ; and next, 
passing thmugh deep gorges (between Monte- 
lupf; and Kinpoli), it comes among foxes, 
Le. tlie i'isans iw. J2-4) [PisaniJ; afler 
which it reaches the place ' ove si rende per 
rluUfrn l)i '^uel che il ciel della marina asciuga,' 
i*e. the sea (w, 34 5). 

Villani also traces the course of the Arno ; 
in his a^x'ount of Tuscany he says : — 

' QuftnUk provincJA di Toftcana ha piii fiumi : 
Intra gli sliri rcale e maggiore si 6 il nostro flume 
d'AmOf II quale nasce di quells medesima mon- 

& =^ in^ia. 

e a jfl/t di PzpcL e pa. 5. rs 

e poi corrt per jc siazn T; 

dtndo per Lo rcezrz zuxdz^ 

m^zzo <jella D^iserz osl n. s 

per cono del xxss-z -pxa: z 

CapraLa pnsso a Tirpoc. fer a i';iu miu s 

e di Valdamo ifz kxzz a zue s. Fx 

X — inni— ni^ 

per lo oonudo <£ Laca. e 2 ?sl -a u^^ir . uJu 

cxtta di Pisa ore 

e gross legni : e p^caso 2 trsa. a 

mette in mare, e 1 s»c csrso e 2 3 

ceoto venti' 

Arcntay Anms, Etrcscsa 
according to f4:can, ioccsoui tJie 
which was to end in the dears of F< 
the triumph of Caesar FJurs. i. 
D. places A. among the Socdtsnrss sa Bo«gia 
4 of Circle VIII of HeL iMajcU^ . Ia£ xx. 
46 [Indovini] ; and dcscii b es lua as having 
dwelt in a cave ' nd mooti di T rr;/ Lcl m the 
Carrara hills fz'. 47; [Iimii]; ia which he 
follows Lucan : 

* Haec propter placnt Tmaaom de 
Aodri Tatea, qnonun qai isaaui 
Anins iDcoIait desertae ■wini'i 
Fnlmtnu edodos motai; 
Fibfanun, ct motos 

Some edd. of Lucan for LMmae itad'LaKj^, 

i. e. Lucca. 

Arpie, Harpies, foul monsters in tibe shape 
of birds, with long claws, with the heads of 
maidens, and faces pale with hni^cr. D. 
places them as tormentors of the Saiddes in 
Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell (where they 
are probably meant to be symbolical of re- 
morse), Int. xiii. 10, 1 01 [Violeiiti]. D.*s 
acamnt of the Harpies, and of how thej drove 
the Trojans from the Strophades, 'with sad 
presage of woe to come' {vt/, io-i5>, is taken 
from Virgil. Aeneas and his companions 
land in the Strophades, the abode of the 
Harpies : — 

'Servatum ex nndts Strophadam me fiCore 

Accii>iant; Strophades Graso slant nomitte dictac^ 
Insalae lonio in inagno, qaas dira r^*Ti^w> 
Haq>yiaeqae colnnt aliae . . . 
Triitius hand illis monstram, nee 

Pettis et ira deam Stvjpis seae extulit OBdis. 
Virc^inei volacrum voltua, foedissitna veotria 
Prolavies, ancaeqne maooSi et pallida semp er 
Ora fame. 

[The Harpies, having swooped down on the 
food of the Trojans, and having been attacked by 
them, Celaeno foretells that before they reach 
Italy they will be reduced by hunger to devour 
their tables. The Trojans flee.] 

'Turn litore cufvo 
Bzstrttimnsqae toros dapibos^ne epnlamor opiniis. 




At ■nbitae horrifico lapsu de montttms adsant 
Harpyiae et ma]|;nt8 quatinnt clan^ribns alaa, 
Diripiantqne dapes contactaqne omnia foedant 
Imnnuido . . . Sociis tunc, arma capessant, 

Edico, et dira bellnin cum grnte eerendara . . . 
Una in praeoelaa consedit rupe Celaeno, 
Infelix vateSf rumpitque banc pectore vocem t . . . 
Italiam corsa petitis, ventisque vocatis 
Ibitis Italiam, portasque intrare licebit; 
Sed non ante datara cingetis moenibus urbem, 
Qaam von dira fames nostraeqae injuria caedia 
Ambeaas subigat malis abramere mensas . . . 

. . . Ptigimna. spumantibus undia 
Qua cnrsom ventnaqpe gubernatorque vocabat.' 

(Atn. iii. 309 ff.) 

Arrigo \ Florentine of whom nothing cer- 
tain is known ; Ke is mentioned together with 
Farinata degli Uberti, Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, 
Jacopo Rusticucci, and Mosca de' Lamberti, 
Inf. vi. 80. He is one of those cA' a ben far 
poser gP ingegni (v, 81), of whom D. asks 
Ciacco for news, the reply being et, son tra le 
anime piU^ nere (v. 85) [Ciacooj. All the 
others are referred to again subsequently, but 
we hear no more of A. The commentators 
differ as to his surname. Benvenuto says : — 

'istum Dunquam nominabit amplius; debet tacite 
poni cum Musca quia fiiit secum in eadem culpa ; 
fuit enim nobilis de Sifantibus.* 

Boccaccio calls him Arrigo Giandonati and 
says merely : — 

' furono questi cinque onorevoli e famosi cavalieri 
e dttadini di Firenze.* 

Some identify bim with Odcrigo de' Fifanti, 
who was implicated in the murder of Buondel- 
monte [Mosca: Buondelmonte]. 

Arrigo 2, Henry Vn of Luxemburg, Em- 
peror 1308-1313; /'a//o A., Par. xvii. 82; 
XXX. 137; Henrtcus, Epist. v. 2; vi. 6yf«. ; 
▼ii. tit, y Jin, ; the successor of Albert I, Purg. 
vi. 102 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; the other, aitrt, 
who was to heal the wounds of Italy neglected 
by Rudolf, Puig. vii. 96 [Bidolfo] ; Titan 
PocificuSf *the Sun of peace'; alius Moyses^ 
Epist V. I ; Sponsus lialiae, mundi solatium^ 
gfcria pubis suae^ clementissimus Henricus^ 
Divtts et Augustus et Caesar^ Epist v. 2; 
nevus agricola Romanorum; Hectoreus pastor ^ 
Epist. V. 5 ; Rex Italiaey Igpist. v. 6 ; Romanus 
frincepsy mundi rex, et Dei minister^ Epist. 
vl 3 ; delirantis Hesperiae dotnitory Epist. vi. 
3; Romanae rei bajuius, divus et triumphator 
HmricuSy Epist. vi. 6 ; sanctissimus trium^ 
fkaior et dominus singularis, Epist. vii. //'/. ; 
Soinoster, Epist vii. 2 ; praeses unicus mundi ^ 
Epist vii. 6; exceHeniissimus principum, 
Epist vii. 7; proles alta (var. cUtera) Isaiy 
Epist vii. 8. 

D. refers to the secret opposition encoun- 
tered by Henry VII from the Gascon Pope, 
Clement V, who was ostensibly his supporter, 
%.xvii. 82; XXX. 142-4 [Guasoo] ; Beatrice 
points out to D. the throne prepared for Henry 
w the Celestial Rose, and refers to him as the 
joining regenerator of Italy, Par. xxx. 137-9 

D. wrote three Letters with especial refer- 
ence to the Emperor Henry VII — one ad- 
dressed to the Princes and Peoples of Italy, 
exhorting them to receive him, Epist. v ; the 
second to the rebellious Florentines who op- 
posed his coming, Epist vi ; the third 
addressed to the Emperor himself, beseeching 
him to come into Tuscany and chastise Flo- 
rence without delay, Epist. vii. 

Henry, Count of Luxemburg, was at the 
instance of Clement V unanimously elected 
Emperor (at the age of forty), Nov. 1308, in 
opposition to Charles of Valois, the candidate 
of the French king, Philip the Fair, * on ac- 
count of his renowned valour, say the old 
Books, and also, add the shrewder of them, 
because his brother^ archbishop of Trier, was 
one of the Electors, and the Pope did not like 
either the Austrian or the French candidate 
then in the field' (Carlyle). Henry, who had 
been recommended to Clement by the Car- 
dinal da Prato as 'il migliore uomo della 
Magna, e il piu leale e il piu franco e piu 
cattolico' (Villani, viih loi), was crowned at 
Aix, Jan. 6, i3of. In the following June he 
sent ambassadors to Florence to announce that 
he was coming into Italy to receive the Im- 
perial crown, a ceremony which had been 
neglected by his predecessors for the last sixty 
years. To this advent of Henry D. looked 
anxiously for a settlement of the affairs of 
Italy (*a drizzare I'ltalia vqrrk,' Par. xxx. 137), 
and for a means to secure his own return to 
Florence. But hi^ hopes were doomed to. 
bitter disappointment. The Emperor crossed 
the Alps in the summer of 13 10, and at first 
was well received. * The cities of Lombardy 
opened their gates ; Milan (where he assumed 
the iron crown, Jan. 6, 13}?, D. being pre- 
sent) decreed a vast subsidy ; Guelf and Ghi- 
belline exiles alike were restored, and Im- 
perial vicars appointed everywhere : supported 
Dy the Avignohese pontiff, who dreaded the 
restless ambition of his French neighbour. 
King Philip IV, Henry ha4 the interdict of 
the Church as well as the ban of the Empire 
at his command' (Bryce). But this success 
did not last long. Xuniults and revolts broke 
out in Lombardy; and at R,ome, whither he 
went to be crowned, Henry found St. Peter's 
in the hands of King Robert of Naples, so that 
the coronation had to take place, shorn of its 
ceremony, in St John Lateran, on the southern 
bank of the Tiber (June 29, 1312). The hos- 
tility of the Guelfic league^ headed by the 
Florentines, with King Robert as their acknow- 
ledged leader, compelled the Emperor to 
hasten back to Tuscany, for the purpose of 
laying siege to Florence, which had per- 
sistently defied him. To counterbalance the 
opposition of the Guelfs, he was obliged to 
abandon his policy of impartiality, and to 
identify himself with the Ghibellines, whose 




aid he secured by granting to their chiefs the 
government of cities. Meanwhile Clement V, 
Yielding to the menaces of the French king, 
had secretly withdrawn his support from the 
Emperor (Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4). Henry 
arrived before Florence in September (131 2) ; 
but in October he was obliged to raise the 
siege and retire to Pisa, whence in the summer 
of die next year he set out with the intention 
of reducing Naples, On his way south he 
was seized with illness, and on August 24, 
1 31 3, he expired at Buonconvento near Siena. 
His somewhat sudden death, which was pro- 
bably due to a malarious fever contracted at 
Rome, was currently ascribed to poison ad- 
ministered by a Dominican monk m the con- 
secrated wafer. The Emperor's body was 
taken to Pisa and interred in the Cathedral, 
where a monument (removed in 1830 to the 
Campo Santo), ascribed to Giovanni Pisano, 
was erected to him. 

The intellip^ence of Henry's death, which 
was a crushing blow for D. and the Ghi- 
bellines, was received with unbounded joy by 
their opponents, as is testified by the following 
letter addressed by the Signoria of Florence to 
their allies a few days after the event : — 

* To you our faithful brethren, with the greatest 
rejoicing in the world we announce by these 
presents the blessed news, which our Lord Jesus 
Christ, looking down from on high as well to the 
necessities of ourselves, and other true and faithful 
Christians, the devoted servants of Holy Mother 
Church, as to those of His own Cause, has vouch- 
safed to us. To wit, that the most savage tjrrant, 
Henry, late Count of Luxemburg, whom the 
rebellious persecutors from old time of said Mother 
Church, namely the Ghibellines, the treacherous 
foes of you and of ourselves, called King of the 
Romans, and Emperor of Germany, and who 
under cover of the Empire had already consumed 
and laid waste no small part of the Provinces of 
Lombardy and Tuscany, ended his life on Friday 
last, the twenty.fourth day of this month [of 
August], in the territory of Buonconvento. Know 
further that the Aretines and the Ghibelline Conti 
Guidi have retired themselves towards Arezzo, 
and the Pisans and Germans towards Pisa taking 
his body, and all the Ghibellines who were with 
him have taken refuge in the strongholds of their 
allies in the neighbourhood. . . . We beseech you, 
therefore, dear brethren, to rejoice with ourselves 
over so great and fortunate accidents.* 

(See Del Lungo : Dino Compact, i. 607-38.) 

Of Henry VII, the ideal sovereign of D.'s 
De Monarchiay the Guelf Villani says : — 

'Arrigo conte di Luzimborgo fu savio e giusto 
c grarioso, prode e sicuro in arme, onesto e 
cattolico ; e di piccolo stato che fosse per suo 
lignaggio, fu di magnanirao cuore, temuto e ridot- 
tato; e se fosse vivuto piii lungamente avrebbe 
fatte grandissime cose. Questi fu eletto a im- 
peradore . . . e incontanente ch'ebbe la confer- 
mazione dal papa, si fece coronare in Alamagna 
a re; e poi tutte le discordie de' baronx della 

Magna pacific6, con soUecito intendimento di 
venire a Roma per la corona imperiale, e per 
pacificare Italia delle diverse discordie e guerre 
che v'erano, e poi di seguire il paesaggio oltre- 
mare in racquistare la terra santa, se Dio gliel' 
avesse conceduto.' (ix. i.) . . . 'Questa somma 
virtude ebbe in s^, che mai per awersitii quasi non 
si turb6, n^ per prosperitii ch' avesse non si vana* 
glori6.' (ix. 49.) 

After giving a detailed account (ix. 1-52) of 
the Emperor's doings in Italy, Villani excuses 
himself for having devoted so much space to 
them on the twofold ground of the universal 
interest they excited and of the great future 
that seemed in store for Henry himself : — 

' Non si maravigli chi legge, perch^ per not 6 
continuata la sua storia sanza raccontare altre cose 
e awenimenti d*Italia e d'altre provincie e reami ; 
per due cose, Tuna, perch^ tutti i cristiani, ed 
eziandio i Greci e' Saraceni, guardavano al suo 
andamento e fortuna, e percagione di ci6 poche no- 
vitii notabili erano in nulla parte altrove ; I'altra, 
per le diverse e varie grandi fortune che gl'in- 
corsono in s) piccolo tempo ch' egli visse, che 
di certo si credea per gU savi, che se la sua 
morte non fosse stata s) prossimana, al signore di 
tanto valore e di si grandi imprese com' era egli, 
avrebbe vinto il Regno e toltolo al re Ruberto, 
che piccolo apparecchiamento avea al riparo suo 
. . . e appresso s* avesse vinto il Regno come s'av- 
visava, assai gli era leggiere di vincere tutta Italia, 
e dell* altre provincie assai.* (ix. 53.) 

Dino Compagni speaks of him in similar 
terms of praise : — 

' Non avendo la Chiesa braccio xA difenditore, 
pensorono il papa e i suoi cardinaU fare uno im- 
peradore, uomo che fusse giusto, savio e potente, 
figliuolo di santa Chiesa, amatore della fede. £ 
andavano cercando chi di tanto onore fusse degno : 
e trovorono uno che in Corte era assai dimonito, 
uomo savio, di nobile sangue, giusto e famoso, di 
gran lealtii, pro* d*arme e di nobile schiatta, uomo 
di grande ingegno e di grande temperanza ; ci6 h 
Arrigo conte di Luzinborgo di Val di Reno della 
Magna, d'etii d*anni xl, mezzano di persona, bd 
parlatore, e ben fazionato, uno poco guerdo.' 
(iii. 23.) 

Arrigo 3], the Emperor Henry II, icoa- 
1024; referred to as 10 Imperadare^ how he 
was answered from the Psalms by a priest at 
whom he had scoffed on account of his ugli- 
ness, Conv. iii. 4''*~*o, Scolari gives the 
anecdote here alluded to by D. from the 
Historia Varia of Lodovico Domenichi : — 

'The Emperor Henry, whose reign began in 
I009, hearing mass one day said by a very de- 
formed priest, was lost in wonder at the sight of 
a man so ugly and so different from other men. 
But the priest being truly a nmn of God, the 
Emperor*s thought was revealed to him, and he 
said to him : ''Know that the Lord God made us 
and not we ourselves ** {Psalm c 3).' 

Arrigo ^], Prince Henry of England, second 
son (William, the first-bom, having died in 




childhood) of Henry II, born 1155, died 1 183. 
Owing to the fact that he was twice crowned 
during his father's lifetime (at Westminster in 
1 1 70, and at Winchester in 1172) he was com- 
monly known at home and abroad as the 
Young King. Shortly after his second corona- 
tion he went over with his brothers Geoffrey 
and Richard to the French court, and from 
there* backed by his mother Queen Eleanor, 
aad by Louis VII (whose daughter Margaret 
he had married in 11 70), he demanded from 
Henry II that either .England or Normandy 
should be handed over to him. The refusd 
of this demand was made the occasion of open 
hostilities, which were carried on at intervals 
for nearly ten years, and were finally ter- 
minated by the death of Prince Henry of fever 
at Martel in P^rigord (on the N. boundary of 
Ae modem department of Lot), June 1 1, 1 183. 
D. mentions Henry by his title of the Young 
King in connexion with the troubadour Ber- 
tran de Bom, who describes himself (in Bolgia 
9Qf Circle VIII of Hell) as ' quelli Che diedi 
al re giovane i mai conforti,' Inf. xxviii. 134-5 
[Bertram dal Bomio]. 

Little or nothing is known historically of the 
Dart played by Bertran in abetting the Young 
King in his rebellion against his father; nor 
do Bertran's own poems throw much light 
upon the subject. D.'s authority for the state- 
ment which he puts into the mouth of Bertran 
('lo fed il padre e il figlio in sh ribelli,* Inf. 
xxviii. 136) was the old Provencal biography 
of the troubadour, in which it is explicitly 
mentioned that B. set father and son at 
variance, until the strife was ended by the 
death of the latter :~ 

'En Bertrans de Bom fetz mesclar lo paire el 
filhd'Engiaterra tan entrol joves reis fo mortz d'un 
ciirel en un chastel d*en Bertran . . . Totz temps 
volia qu*ilh aguessen guerra ensems, lo paire el 
filbs elh fhiire, Vva ab I'autre.' 

After the death of the Young King, Bertran 
vrote a celebrated filanh or lament upon him, 
b^inning: — 

'Si taft li dot elh plor elh marrimen 
E 1m doton elh dan elh chaitivier 
Que om anc aiuis en est s^le dolen 
Fogaen cMmw. lembleran tot lengier 
Coatim la mort del jove rei Eagles.* 

[*lf all the grief and bitterness and woe, 
And all the pain and hart and sttflTering, 
That in this worid of misery men know, 
Were massed in one, ^twonki seem bat a light thing 
Beside the death of the Yoang English King.*] 

A vivid picture of the life of the Young 
King, who was universally beloved for his 
pdottsness and generosity, is given in the 
0. F. poem (written circ 1225) on Wilham 
tbe Marshall (regent of England during the 
^ three years of Henry Ill's reign), in 
vbich he is represented as constantly engaged 
in toomaments and in dispensing laxgesse. It 
is remarkable that in this poem Bertran de 
Born, whose friendship with the prince is such 

a marked feature in the old Provengal bio- 
graphy, is not so much as mentioned. 

Walter Map, who was personally acquainted 
with him, gives the following description of 
Prince Henry's person and diaracter in the 
De Nugis Curialium^ comparing him to Absa- 
lom, just as D. compares Bertran to Ahith- 
ophel ; — 

*Decessit Henricus rex junior, nostri filius 
Henrici regis, cui nemo hodie par est . . . anno 
* suae nativitatis .zxvii<>., vir novae adinventionis in 
armis, qui militiam fere sopitam excitavit, et ad 
summum usque perduxit. Ejus possumus virtutes 
qui eum vidimus, ipsius amici et familiares, et 
gratias describere. Speciosus erat prae caeteris 
statura et facie, beatissimus eloquentia et affabili- 
tate, hominum amore, gratia, et favore felicissimus, 
persuasione in tantum efficax ut fere omnes patris 
sui fideles in ipsum insurgere fefellerit. Absalon 
eum si non major hie vero fuit, comparare possis ; 
ille unum habuit Architophel, hie multos. . . . Qui 
quod dives, quod generosus, quod amabilis, quod 
fiicundus, quod pulcher, quod strenuus, quod omni- 
modis generosus, quod paulo minor angelis, totum 
convertit in sinistram, et perversa felicitate fortis« 
simus tam infrunito factus est animo parricida, ut 
in summis desideriis mortem ejus posuerit . . . 
Nihil impenetratum liquit, omnem lapillum movit, 
totura foedavit proditionibus orbem, prodigalis 
proditor ipse prodigusque malorum, fons scelenim 
serenissimus, appettbilis nequitiae fomes, pulcher- 
rima peccati regia, ciyus erat regnum amoenis- 
simum. Ut sciatis quomodo creator fuerit haereseos 
proditonim : pater suus totum sibi sedaverat ad 
pacem mundum, tam ex alienis quam ex suis ; hie 
autem nimpi foedera fefellit, et in regem pacificum 
contra juramenta juratonim anna co^git, perjurus 
ipse patri, me vidente, multociens, frequens ei 
ponebat scandalum, victusque redibat eo semper 
ad delicta proclivior quo securius advertebat sibi 
veniam non posse negari. Nullas unquam meruit 
iras quas non posset primis placare lachrymis.' 
(Distinc. iv. i.) 

For re giovane (Inf. xxviii. 135) the majority 
of MSS. and early edd. read re Giovanni^ 
which is almost certainly the result of a 
copyist's error. Even if D. was ignorant of 
Prince Henry's name he was familiar with his 
title of the Young King from the poems of Ber- 
tran de Bom, in which the prince is continually 
referred to as *lo reys joves'; and he was 
well known in Italy by this title, as is evident 
from the references to him as * il re giovane ' 
in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xxiii, xxiv, 
xxxiv, cxlviii, ed. Biagi), and in ViUani, who 
says : — 

*Dopo Stefano regn6 (in Inghilterra) un altro 
Arrigo, il quale ebbe due figliuoli, 11 re Giovane % 
lo re Ricciardo. Questo re Giovane fu il piii cortesc 
signore del mondo, e ebbe guerra col padre per 
indotta d*alcuno suo barone, ma poco vivette, e di 
lui non rimase reda : dopo il re Giovane regn6 il re 
Ricciardo.' \y, 4.) 

(See Academy^ April 21, 1888; and Moore^ 
Textual Criticism^ pp. 344-51.) 




Arrigo ^, the Emperor Henry VI (1190- 
1 197), son of Frederick Barban^sa, referred 
to by Piccarda Donati (in the Heaven of the 
Moon) as // secondo vento di Soave (i. e. the 
second Emperor of the Swabian or Hohen- 
staufen line), Par. iii. 119. Henry VI was 
actually the third Emperor of his line, but his 
great-uncle Conrad III (1138-1152) was never 
crowned at Rome, and never assumed the 
title of Emperor [Hohenstaufen : Table 
vli]. Henry is here mentioned in connexion 
with his wife Constance, the daughter of 
Roger of Sicily, in whose right their son 
Frederick, afterwards Emperor as Frederick 
II, became King of Sicilv [Cioilia: Fe- 
derioo 2]. Henry married Constance in 1185, 
when he was 22 and she 32 ; but it was not 
until nine years later that Frederick was bom 
(Dec. 1 194). This circumstance gave rise to 
suspicions among the Sicilians, which were 
only allayed by the exposure of Constance to 
the inspection of any female who chose to 
visit her. Villani says : — 

I Jj^ 'Troviamo quando la 'mperadrice Costanza era 

r ' grossa di Federigo, s'avea sospetto in Cicilia e 

i A* per tutto il reame di Puglia, che . . . potesse esser 

l.f • I STTossa ; per la qual cosa quando venne a partorire 

,^1/ I fcce tendere uno padiglione in su la piazza di 

i./K ( ' I Pglfiupo, e mand6 bando, che qual donna volesse 

' ' ^ I v*andasse a vederla, e molte ve n'andarono e 

vidono, e per6 cess6 il sospetto.* (v. 16.) 

D. accepts the current tradition that Con- 
stance, before her marriage with Henry VI, 
had been a nun, and that she was against her 
will, when she was over fifty, taken from the 
convent by the Archbishop of Palermo, and 
married to the Emperor in order to exclude 
Tancred from the succession. [Costansa ^.] 

Arrigo ®], Prince Henry * of ^Imain,' son 
of Richard, Earl of Com>yall, King of the 
Romans, nephew of Henry III of England. 
He was stabbed in 1271 by his cousin Guy de 
Montfort (son of Simon de Montfort and 
Eleanor, sister of Henry III) in the church of 
San Silvestro at Viterbo, according to the 
popular belief, at the moment of the elevation 
of the Host His body was brought to Eng- 
land and interred in the Cistercian Abbey at 
Hayles in Gloucestershire, which had been 
built by his father. The heart was enclosed 
in a gold casket and placed, according to 
Villani, on a pillar on London Bridge ; — 

< In una coppa d'oro . . . in su una colonna in 
capo del ponte di Londra sopra *1 fiume di Tamigi, 
per memoria agringhilesi deH'oltraggio ricevuto.' 
(WL 39.) 

Benvenuto, however, states that it was 
placed in the hand of a statue of the prince in 
Westminster Abbey, with the inscription : 
*Cor gladio scissum do cui consanguineus 
sum,' i. e. my heart, which was pierced by the 

swordy I give to my cousin (Edward, as an 
appeal for vengeance). 

D. alludes to the crime in conneadon with 
the murderer. Inf. xii. 119-20. It was prob- 
ably a misunderstanding of his expression, Lo 
car che in sul Tamigi ancor si cola (v. lao), 
'the heart which is yet honoured on the 
lliames,' i. e. in London, that gave rise to the 
supposition that the heart was placed on a 
bridge over the river. (Guide di Monforte : 
Table x.] 

Arrigo "H, Enrique I (Henry), sumamed the 
Fat, King of Navarre, 1270- 1274 ; he was the 
son of Thibaut I, and younger brother of 
Thlbaut 1 1, whom he succeeded; his daughter 
Juana or Joan married Philip the Fair, son of 
Philip III of France, and their son, Louis X, 
was the first sovereign of the united kingdoms 
of France and Navarre. [Navarra : Table 
viii : Table ziiL] 

D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, where he is represented as 
seated close to Philip III of France, with his 
face resting on his hand ; Sordello points him 
out as coiui che ha si benigno aspetto^ and refers 
to Philip and him as pcMre e suocero del tnal 
di Francia^ i. e. father and father-in-law of 
Philip the Fair, whose evil doings they are 
bewailing, Henry by sighing, Philip by beat- 
ing his breast, Purg. vii. 1 03-11. [Antipur- 
giSx>rio: Filippo^ : Filippo^.] 

Henry died, smothered in his own fat, at 
Pampelona in 1274. According to an auUio- 
rity quoted by Philalethes he was 'benigno* 
in outward appearance only : — 

< II fut sumomm^ le gros a cause qu*il ^tait 
excessivement gros et gras. £t combien que la 
commune opinion soit, que les hommes gras sent 
volontiers de douce et benigne nature, si est ce 
que celui fut fort aspre.' 

Arrigo^], Henry II of Lusignan, King of 
Cyprus, 1 285-1 324; referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter, in allusion to his 
sensuality and misgovemment (with a refer- 
ence also perhaps to the lion on his shield), 
as la bestia fU Nicosia e di Famagosta^ Par. 
xix. 146-7. [Cipri: Famagosta.] 

D. here alludes to the sufferings of Cypms 
under the unsettled rule of the house of 
Lusignan. Hugh III of Antioch, King of 
Cyprus and Jerusalem, who derived the Lusig- 
nan title from his mother, died in 1284, leaving 
several dissolute sons. The eldest of these, 
John, succeeded, but died i^nthin a year, his 
death being attributed to poison administered 
by his brother Henry. The latter, second son 
of Hugh, a prince of feeble character and 
constitution, assumed the government in 1285, 
under the title of Henry II. Six years later 
(1291), Acre, the last possession of the Chris- 
tians in the Holy Land, having been captured 
by the Saracens (Inf. xxvii. 89), Henry collected 


Arrigo d'Ingliilterra 


a force with the object of attempting its re- 
conquest, and gave the command of it to his 
younger brother Amalric or Amaury, Prince of 
Tyre. The failure of this expedition, and the 
unpunished depredations of some Genoese 
galleys on the coast of Cyprus, gave Amalric 
a pretext for declaring his brother incapable 
of governing. Having got himself appomted 
governor of the island by the supreme council 
(1307)1 Amalric kept Henry virtually a prisoner 
and assumed all the power into his own hands. 
Before, however, he could finally make himself 
master of the kingdom, he was assassinated 
by one of his own adherents (1310). On his 
death, his younger brother, Cammerino, at- 
tempted to seize the throne ; but Henry's 
following demanded the restoration of the 
rightful king, who resumed the government, 
ami retained it until his death in 1334. 
[Table v.] 

Arrigo d'Inghilterra, Henry III, King 
of England, 1916-1272; succeeded his father 
John at the age of 10 and reigned for 56 years; 
he married Eleanor, second daughter of Ray- 
mond Berenger IV, Count of Provence, whose 
vounger daughter, Sanzia, married Henry's 
brother, Richard of Comwsdl. [Berllnghieri : 
Table xL] 

D. places Henry in the yaJley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, among the princes who ne- 
glected to. repent, Purg. vii. 130-2; he is 
represented as seated alone (v. 131), probably 
as being unconnected with the Empire (com- 
pare the similar position in Hell df Guy de 
Montfort, Inf. xii. 118, and of Saladin, Inf. iv. 
129) [Antipurgatorio]. D. speaks of him as 
'il re della semplice vita' {v, 130); and says 
(v, 133) that he was more fortunate in his issue 
than were Peter III of Aragon or Charles I of 
Anjou, thus praising by implication his son, 
Edward I [Edoardo ^]. 

Villani, who mak^s Henry the son of Richard 
Cceur de Lion (in ivhich error he is followed 
by Benvenuto), describes him as 'semplice 
Qomo e di buona f^ e di poco valore* (v. 4)^ 
and 'uomo d| semplice vita, sicch^ i baroni 
r aveano per niente (vii. 39). Hume speaks of 
him as having been ' noted for his piety and 
devotion, and i^r his regular attendance at 
public worship.' Matthew of Westminster, in 
recording his death, says : — 

'Quantae fuerat innocentiae, quantae patientiae, 
qnantaeque devotionis in obsequio Salvatoris, 
clominus novit, et qui ei fideliter adhaesenint.' 

Henry III is one of the princes mentioned 
(as *lo rey engles') by Sordello in his cele- 
brated lament for BJacatz, in which he re- 
proaches the sovereigns of £urppe for their 
degeneracy. [Bordello.] 

Airigo Manardiy gentleman of Bertinoro, 
mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II 

of Purgatory), along with Lizio da Valbona, 
among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
97 [IJzlo]. Little is known of Arrigo, beyond 
that he was a contemporary of Guido del 
Duca (d. circ. 1229) and of Pier Traversaro 
(d. 1225), and that he was taken prisoner 
with the latter by the Faentines in 1170. 
He is known to have been still alive in 1228, 
in which year he was present in Ravenna at 
the nomination of Paolo Traversaro to the 
procuratorship of the city. (See Casini, Dante 
e la Roma^a.) 

The Ottimo Comento says of him : — 

' Fu da Brettinoro, cavaliere pieno di cortesia 
e d^onore, volentieri mise tavola, don6 robe e 
cavalli, pregi6 li valentuomini, e sua vita tutta fu 
data a larghezza ed a hello vivere.' 

Benvenuto, who describes him as ' vir nobilis 
et prudens,' says that he was a friend of Guido 
del Duca, and that when the latter died he 
had the bench on which they used to sit 
together sawn in two, since he considered 
there was no one worthy to replace Guido. 
[Giiido del Duoa.] 

The Mainardi (who some think are alluded 
to, Purg. xiv. 113), as a family, were Ghibellines 
and adherents of the Traversari. One Baldi- 
netto de' Mainardi was among the Ghibellines 
who were expelled from Bertinoro in 1295. 
But some of them took the opposite side, for, 
as Philalethes points out, the son of an Alber- 
ghetto de* Mainardi was killed with the Guelf 
Rinieri da Calboli in the assault on Forll in 
1296. [Binier da Calboli.] 

Arrigucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars), together with the Sizii, as having held 
office in his day, Par. xvi. 108. These two 
families are frequently mentioned together by 
Villani, who says they resided in the *quar- 
tiere della porta del Duomo * (iv. 10) ; they 
were Guelfs : — * nel sesto di porte del Duomo 
furono in quegli tempi di parte guelfa i To- 
singhi, gli Arrigucci, gli Agli, i Sizii ' (v. 39 ; 
vi. 33) ; and were among those who fled from 
Florence to Lucca after the great Ghibelline 
victory at Montaperti (vi. 79) ; they afterwards 
threw in their lot with the Bianchi (viii. 39). 
Villani records that one Compagno degli 
Arrigucci was consul in Florence in 11 97 
(v. 22). Dino Compagni states that it was b)r 
the help of the wife of one of the Arrigucci 
that Messer Monfiorito, the Podest^ of Flor- 
ence who was imprisoned for his complicity 
in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli and Baldo 
d*Aguglione [Acciaiuoli], managed to effect 
his escape : — 

' M. Monfiorito fu messo in prigione . . . Poi si 
fuggl di prigione, perch^ una moglie di uno degli 
Arrigucci. che avea il marito in prigione dove lui, 
fece fare lime sorde e altri ferri, co' quali nippono 
le prigioni, e andoronsi con Dio.* (i. 19.) 




According to the Ottimo Comento both the 
Arrigucci and the Sizii were nearly extinct 
in D/s day. 

Anio, Arius, the originator of the Arian 
heresy that the Father and the Son were not 
'one substance/ a doctrine which theAthanasian 
creed was designed to controvert. St. Thomas 
Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions 
A. together with Sabellius as conspicuous 
among those who sought to distort the Scrip- 
tures, Par. xiii. 127 [Sabellio]. (See Aquinas, 
Contra Gentiles^ iv. 6-8.) Anus was presbyter 
of Alexandria, and while holding that position 
(circ. A. D. ^18) promulgated his heresy, which 
consisted in the doctrine that Christ was 
a created being inferior to God the Father 
in nature and dignity, though the first 
of all created beings ; and that the Holy 
Spirit is not God, but was created by the 
power of the Son. This doctrine, which was 
condemned by the Council of Nice in 325, 

f^ained many adherents after the death of A. 
in 336), including several Emperors, and gave 
rise to the famous Heterousian and Homo- 
ousian controversy, which distracted the Church 
for 300 years. 

An NoYiu \Ari» MfOv«.] 

An Poeticat the Poetics or Art of Poetry 
of Horace, a poem in hexameters, the subject 
of which is a discussion of dramatic poetry ; 
quoted by D. as Poetria, V. N. § 2S»2 {A. P. 
141-2) ; Conv. ii. 148^ (A, P, yo-i) ; Poetica^ 
V. E. ii. 43*, where Rajna reads Poetria 
(A, P. 38-9) ; Epist. X. 10 (A.P, 93-5). Be- 
sides these direct quotations, there are several 
reminiscences of the Ars Po'etica in D.'s 
works; thus the expression *buono Omero,' 
V. N. § 2S®^~-, is evidently borrowed from A, P. 
359 ('quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus'); 

and the description of Democritus, Conv. iii. 
1474-8 :_ 

' Democrito, delU propria persona non curando, 
xA barba, xA capelli, ni unghie si togliea ' — 

is doubtless a somewhat confused recollection 

*Excliidtt sanos Helicone po^taa 
Deraocritns, bona pare non angues poncre carat, 
Non barbam . . . 

Si tribas Anttc>Tis capat insanabile nanqoam 
Tonsori Licino commtaerit.' {A. P. 196-tf, 500-1.) 

Also, the list of Roman poets given by Statius 
(addressing Virgil) in Purgatory, Purg. xxii. 
97-8, ^^'as probably suggested by A, P, S4~St in 
combination with 2 Ii/nst. i. 58-9. [Orasio.] 

An Vetus. [Arte Vecctis.] 

Arsend., [Armani] 

Arte NuoYMf the Ars AVtm, or Nozut Logica^ 
name gi\'en in the Middle Ages to certain 
dialectical treatises of Aristotle; coupled by 
D. with the Ars Vetus^ Conv. ii. I4^<>^ \Arte 

Arte l^eccfric, the Ars Vetus, or letus 

Logica^ name given in the Middle Ages to 
certain dialectiod treatises of Aristotle; coupled 
with the Ars Nova, in these two being con- 
tained the whole science of Dialectics, Conv. 
ii. i4ioa-«. 

According to Lambert of Auxerre (circ. 1250) 
the Vetus Logica consisted of the PraedUa- 
menta and De Interpretatione ; and the Neva 
Logica of the Analytica Priora, Analytica 
Posteriora^ Topica, and Sophistici Elenchi : — 

' Tunc quaeritur, quae sit differeutia inter logicam 
et dyalecticam. Ad hoc dicendum, quod logica, 
secundum quod est ars et secundum quod est 
scientia, securior est ad dyalecticam. Logica enim 
scientia est de omni syllogismo docens, dyalectica 
de syllogismo dyalectico solum vel apparenti dya- 
lectico . . . Unde logica traditur in omnibus libris 
logicae, qui sunt sex, scilicet Ubtr Praedicamen* 
torutn, liber Ptryemunias (i.e. dir lHterpretatione\ 
qui nunc dicuntur vetus logica ; Hber PiiarutH (sc 
Analyticorum\ Posteriorum (sc. Anafyticorum)^ 
Thopicomnt et Elenchorutn (sc. Sophisticorum), 
qui quatuor dicuntur tuwa logica ; dyalectica vero 
traditur in libro Thopicorum et Elenchorum solum.' 
{Summa Logicae^ apud Prantl, Geschidtte der 
Logik^ Bd. iil p. 96, n. 103.) 

These terms were recognized in the schools 
quite at the beginning of Cent. xiii. A statute 
of the University of Paris, dated A.D. 121 5, 
runs : — 

' £t quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica 
tam veteri quam nova iu scholis ordinarie et non 
ad cursum.' 

Aegidius Romanus (d. 13 16) wrote a com- 
mentary on the Ars VetuSy the title of which 
is 'Expositio in artem veterem, videlicet in 
Univer^ibus, Praedicamentis, Postpraedica- 
mentis, Sex Principiis et Periermenias ' pBgi-* 
dio^]. Raymond Lully, the author 01 the 
Ars Magna (d. 131 5), wrote a coomientary on 
the Logica Nova, 

Arttl, Arthur, mythical king of Britain, hero 
of the romances of the Round Table ; he was 
wedded to Guenever, and was slain by the 
hand of his son Mordred. Bninetto Latino 
relates that after the death of Aeneas — 

' Brutus ses freres s'en passa en une terre qui 
par le non de lui fu apel6e Bretaigne, qui or est 
Angleterre clanM^ ; et il fu Ii commencemenz des 
rois de la Grant Bretaigne, et de ses generadons 
nasqui H bons rois Artus, de cui Ii romant parolent 
que il fu rois coronez a .cccc.lxxxiii. anz de Tin- 
carnation Jhesu Crist, au tens que Zeno fu empereres 
de Rome, et regna entor .l. anz.' {TresoTy i. 35.) 

A. is mentioned by Camicione de* Pazzi (in 
Caina), who says that Alessandro and Napo- 
leone degli Alberti were e\'en worse traitors than 
him ' who had his breast and shadow pierced 
with one self-same blow by the hand of Arthur,' 
i. e. A.'s son. the traitor, Sir Mordred, Inf. xxxii. 
62 [Albert!]. The incident alluded to by D. is 
thus narrated in the O. F. romance (MS. Brit. 
Mus. Add. 10294, Cent, xiv) : — 




* Et Mordret, qui bien voit que li rois ne baiot 
s'a lui non ochire, nel refuse pas, ains U adrece la 
teste del ceval ; et li rois, qui li vient al plus droit 
qa*il puet, le fiert de toute sa force si durement 
qu'il U ront les mailles del hauberc, et li met parmi 
le cors le fer, de son glaive. Si dist Testoire 
qu'apres Testors del glaive passa parmi la plaie 
ons rais de soleil si apertement que Girflet le vit. 
Dont cil del pais distrent que ce avoit fait Nostre 
Sires par coros qu*il avoit a lui.' 

[*Aiid Mordred, who saw well that the King 
was minded only to slay him, avoided him not, 
but turned his horse's head to him ; and the King, 
who came at him as straight as he might, smote 
him with all his strength so sorely that he burst 
the mail of his hauberk and thrust the iron of his 
lance through the midst of his body. And the story 
aiyi that after the withdrawal of the lance there 
passed through the wound a ray of sun so mani- 
festly that Girflet saw it. Wherefore they of the 
country said that this had our Lord done because 
of Ids wrath against him.*] 

The following account of Sir Mordred's 
treachery is taken from Caxton's Malory's 
Marie D<urthur, (It will be noted that Malory 
omits the detail alluded to by D.) — King 
Arthur, being obliged to leave his kingdom in 
order to make war upon Sir Lancelot, appoints 
Sir Mordred regent during his absence :— 

'Kynge Arthur and syr Gawayne made a grete 

boost redy to the nombre of thre score thousand, 

and al thynge was made redy for their shyppyng 

to passe over the see ; and so they shypped at 

Cardyff and kynge Arthur made sir Mordred chyef 

niler of alle Englond, and also he put quene 

Gnenever under his govemaunce, by cause syr 

Mordred was kynge Arthur's sone he gaf hym the 

rale of his land and of his wyf ; and soo the kynge 

ptssed the see and landed upon syr Launcelots 

iindes. ... As syr Mordred was rular of alle 

Englond he dyd do make letters as though that 

tlu^ came from beyonde the see, and the letters 

specefyed that kynge Arthur was slayn in bataylle 

V]rth syr Launcelot Wherfore S3rr Mordred made 

t ptrlonente, and called the lordes togyder, and 

there he made them to chese hym kyng, and soo 

Wtt he crowned at Caunterburye . . . and after- 

wvd he drewe hym unto Wynchester, and there 

Ik took the Quene Guenever and sayd playnly 

tbat he wolde wedde hvr which was his unkyl's 

wyf and his fader's wyf; . . . Than came worde to 

syr Mordred that kyng Arthur had araysed the 

syege for syr Launcelot and he was comyng home- 

waixl wyth a grete boost to be i^venged upon syr 

Mordred . . . i^nd soo syr Mordred drewe with 

*|rete boost to Dover, for there he herd saye that 

■r Arthur wold arryve, and soo he thoughte to 

bete his owne finder from his landes. . . . And soo 

a* sire Mordred wat at Dover with his host there 

c«Dc kyng Arthur with a grete navye of shyppes 

•Bd galeyes and carryks, and t^ere wf» syr Mor- 

^ redy awaytynge upon his londage to lette 

bis owne fader to lande up the kmde that he was 

byng over. . . . Than were they condesended that 

^ng Arthure and syr Mordred shold mete be- 

hiyite bothe thejr hoostes. . . • Thenne was 

^ig Artfaore ware where syr Bfordred lenjrd 

upon his swerde. . . . Now gyve me my spore, 
sayd Arthur, for yonder I have espyed the traytour 
that alle thys woo hath wrought . . . Thenne the 
kyng gate hys spere in bothe his handes and ranne 
toward syr Mordred, cryeng, tratour, now is thy 
deth day come. And whan syr Mordred herde syr 
Arthur he ranne untyl hym with his swerde drawen 
in his hande. And there kyng Arthur smote syr 
Mordred under the shelde wyth a foyne of his 
spere thorughoute the body more than a fadom. 
And whan syr Mordred felte that he had hys 
dethes wounde, hs thryst hym self wyth the 
myght that he had up to the bur of kynge Arthur's 
spere. And right so he smote his fader Arthur 
wyth his swerde holden in bothe his handes on 
the syde of the heed that the swerde persyd the 
helmet and the brayne panne, and therwythall syr 
Mordred fyl starke deed to the erthe.' ;Bk. xx.19 — 
Bk. xxi. I, a, 4.) 

Benvenuto gives a lengthy account of King 
Arthur : — 

' Sicut scribit Gualterius Anglicus in sua chronica 
quae britannica vocatur, in qua admiscet multa 
lalsa veris in exaltationem suae regionis.' 

D. mentions A. again in connexion with the 
Arthurian romances, 'Arturi regis ambages 
pulcherrimae,' which he cites as examples of 
prose compositions in the langue d*o% V. £. 
I. 10I2-19 [lilngua Otl\ His own acquaint- 
ance with them is evident from the fact that, 
besides King Arthur and Mordred, he mentions 
Gallehault (Inf. v. 137), Guenever (Par. xvi. 15), 
Lancelot (Inf. v, 128; Conv. iv. 28^), and 
Tristan (Inf. v. 67). 

Artunis, King Arthur, V. E. i. 10^8. 

Arzand,, the Arsenal at Venice, Inf. xxi. 7. 
That mentioned by D. is the old one which 
was built in 1 104, and was considered one of 
the most Important in Europe. It was en- 
close within high walls surmounted by battle- 
ments and towers. At the beginning of Cent, xiv 
it was considerably enlarged, and in 1337 a new 
Arsenal was built ; but parts of the old one are 
still in existence. [Vinegla.] 

Ascimio, Ascanius, son of Aeneas and 
Creusa ; mentioned, as having been trained in 
arms in Sicily, Conv. iv. 26^®^ (ref. to Aen, v. 
545-603) ; as son of Creusa, Mon. ii. 3^*^*^, 
where D. quotes Aen. iii. 339-4O1 with the 
interpolated hemistich : ' peperit fumante (var.. 
florente) Creusa ' ; bis personation by Cupid is 
alluded to, Par. viji. 9 [Cupido] ; the Emperor 
Henry VITs son John, King of Bohemia, a 
second Ascanius, Epist. vii. 5 [Johannes *]. 

Ascanius, son of Aeneas, Mon. iL 3^0^; 
Epist. vii. J. [Aqoaaio.] 

Ascesi, the modem Assist, town of Central 
Italy, in N. E. of Umbria, on the road between 
Perugia and Foli^no, celebrated as the birth - 
pUce of St. Francis [Franoesoo ^] ; mentioned 




by St Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun)y who says it should be named, not Ascesi 
(* I rose *), but rather Oriente, as having been 
the birthplace of *a Sun/ i.e. St. Francis, 
Par. xi. 49-54. This conceit was perhaps 
borrowed from St. Bonaventura, who in his 
life of St. F. applies to him the words of 
Eev, vii. 2: 'I saw another angel ascending 
from the East ' (* Vidi alterum angelum ascen- 
dentem ab ortu solis *) ; or from the opening 
words of the abridgement of the life by Tom- 
maso da Celano : ' Quasi sol oriens in mundo 
beatus Franciscus vita, doctrina et miraculis 

The situation of A., which stands on the 
S.W. slope of Monte Subasio, between the 
streams Tupino (on the £.) and Chiassi (on 
the W.), is described Par. xi. 43-8 [Chiassi^ : 

Asciano, small town in Tuscany, on the 
Ombrone, about 15 miles S.E. of Siena; 
Caccia d'Asciano is mentioned by Capocchio 
(in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) among 
the spendthrifts of Siena, Inf. xxix. 131. [Ab- 
bagliato: Brigata Spendereocia : Cacoia 

Ascoli, town of Central Italy, on the Tronto* 
in the S. of the Marches close to the border of 
the Abruzzo ; thought by some to be the place 
mentioned under the name of Cascibli in the 
dialectal poem quoted V. E. i. 11 28. [Oa- 

Asdente, maestro Benvenuto, nicknamed 
Asdente (i. e. toothless), a shoemaker of Parma 
who was famed as a prophet and soothsayer 
during the latter half ol Cent. xiii. 

D. places him, together with Guido Bonatti, 
among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 4 of Circle 
VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and observes that 
he repents, now it is too late, that he did not 
stick to his own trade, Inf. xx. 118-20 [Indo- 
vinl] ; referred to, as * il calzolaio di Parma,' 
as an instance of an individual who would be 
noble, if notoriety constituted nobility, Conv. 
iv. 1665-71. 

According to Benvenuto, A. foretold the 
defeat of Frederick II at the siege of Parma 
in 1248. The following account of him is 
given in the chronicle of his contemporary and 
fellow-citizen, Salimbene of Parma (printed by 
C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American 
Dante Society) : — 

'His diebus erat in civitate parmensi quidam 
pauper homo, operans de opere cerdpnico, faciebat 
enim subtellares, purus et simplex, ac timens Deum, 
et curialis, idest urbanitatem habens, et illiteratus ; 
sed illuminatum valde intcllectum habebat in 
tantum ut intelligeret scripturas illorum qui de 
futuris praedixerunt, scilicet abbatis Joachym, 
MeriinI, Methodii et Sibillae, Isaiae, Jeremiae, 
Obcm^ Danidis et Apocalypsis. imm* -nn et 
JiklMMlii 3QDli» ^ foil astr 

secundi Imperatoris quondam. Et multa audivi 
ab eo, quae postea evenenint, videlicet quod Papa 
Nicolaus tertius in mense augusti mori debebat, et 
quod Papa Martinus erat futurus ; et multa alia, 
quae expectamus videre, si fuerit vita comes. . . . Iste 
homo, praeter proprium nomen, quod est magister 
Benvenutus, commu niter appellatur Asdenti, idest 
absque dentibus per contrarium, quia mag^os habet 
denies et inordinatos, et loquelam impeditam, 
tamen bene intelligit et bene intelligitur. In capite 
pontis moratur in Parma, juxta foveam civitatis et 
juxta puteum, per stratam quae vadit ad burgum 
sancti Domini. . . . His diebus dominus Opizo 
parmensis episcopus prophetam parmensium, qui 
dicitur Asdenti, invitavit ad prandium, et de futuris 
diligenter quaesivit ab eo. . . . Nee est aliter iste 
prophcta, nisi quia illuminatum intellectum habet 
ad intelligendum dicta omnium qui de futuris 
aliquid praedixerunt £t est curialis homo et 
humilis et familiaris, et sine pompa et vanagloria ; 
nee aliquid dicit affirmando, sed dicit : ita videtur 
mihi, et ita intelligo ego istam scripturam ; et cum 
aliquis legendo coram eo aliquid subtrahit, statim 
percipit et dicit : tu decipis me, quia aliquid 
dimisisti. £t de diversis partibus mundi multi 
veniunt ad ipsum interrogandum.* 

Asia, connexion of Aeneas with Asia by 
descent and marriage, Mon. ii. 3«i-«» w-s (ref. 
to Aen, iii. 1-2) [Enea] ; subjected by Ninus, 
King of Assyria, Mon. ii. 923-8 [Nino^] ; over- 
run by Vesoges, King of Egypt, Mon. ii. ^-^ 
[Vesoges] ; separated from Europe by the 
Hellespont, Mon. ii. 9*-'-* [BUeBponto] ; partly 
occupied by Greeks, V. E. i. 8i»-2i [Qred]. 

Asiani, Asiatics; their rejection of the 
proposition that the imperial authority is de- 
rived from the Church, Mon. iii. 14^. 

Asopo, Asppus, river in Boeotia, in the 
neighbourhood of Thebes ; mentioned^ together 
with the Ismenus, in reference to the crowds 
of Thebans who ysed to throng their banks at 
night to invoke the aid of Bacchus, when they 
needed rain for their vineyards, Purg. xviii. 91. 
D. probably had in mind the account given by 
Statins in the Thebaid (ix. 434 ff.). 

Assalone. [Absalone.] 

Assaracus, King of Troy, son of Tros, 
father of Capys, grandfather of Anchises, and 
great-grandfather of Aeneas; mentioned to 
prove the connexion of Aeneas with Asia, 
Mon. ii. 382 [Enea]. 

Assiri, Assyrians ; their flight from Betholia 
after the death of Holofemes {^Judith xv. I-3), 
Purg. xii. 59 [Olofeme] ; included among the 
examples of defeated pride portrayed on the 
ground in Circle I of Pur:gjatory, Purg. xii. 
58-60 [8uj>erbi] ; mentioned m connexion with 
Ninus, Mon. ii. 9^ [Irino^]. 

Assisi. [Aicesl.] 

AssaerOyAhasuerus, King of Persia, 'which 
rained from India even unto Ethiopia' (prob? 



ably identical with Xerxes) ; D., in a vision, 
sees him, together with Esther and Mordecai, 
witnessing the death of Haman, Purg. xvii. 
25-30 [Amano]. 

As83rriiy Assyrians, Mon. ii. 9^^. [Assiri.] 

Astraea, daughter of Zeus and Themis; 
she was goddess of justice, and during the 
Golden Age lived among mankind, but when 
ihe wickedness of the world increased she 
withdrew to heaven and took her place among 
the stars as the constellation Virgo. She is 
mentioned, Mon. i. 11^ ; Epist. viiL 7 ; alluded 
to as giustiztaj Purg. xxii. 71-2, where D. 
translates Virgil's lines : — 

'Tarn redit et Virg^o, redeant Satamta regna. 
Jam nova progenies coelo demittitor alto.* 

{Ed. iv. 6-7.) 

Atalanta, Boeotian maiden, daughter of 
Schoenus, celebrated for her swiftness of foot ; 
being unwilling to marry, she declared she 
would accept no suitor who failed to outstrip 
her in runnmg. Hippomenes succeeded by the 
assistance of Venus, who gave him three golden 
apples which he dropped in the course of the 
race; A stopped to pick them up, and thus 
enabled Hippomenes to pass her and win her 
as his wife. This race, for the account of 
which D. refers to Ovid {Metam. x. 560-680), 
is mentioned as an example of a contest for 
a prize, as distinguished from a contest or 
duel between two antagonists, such as that 
between Hercules and Antaeus, Mon. ii. 8^^"^ 

Atamante, Athamas, King of Orchomenus 
in Boeotia, son of Aeolus and Enarete, Inf. 
xxz. 4. At the command of Juno, A. married 
Nephelg, but he was secretly in love with the 
mortal Ino, daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes, by whom he had two sons, Learchus 
and Melicertes [Ino]. Having thus incurred 
the wrath both of Juno and Nephele, he was 
seized with madness, and in this state killed 
his son Learchus. Ino thereupon threw her- 
self into the sea with Melicertes. Ino herself 
had incurred the wrath of Juno for having 
brought up Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and 
ber sister SemelS [Oiunone : Bemeld.] D. 
^ndes to the story, Inf. xxx. 1-12 ; his account 
is borrowed from Ovid, whom he has closely 
followed. Athamas in his madness takes Ino 
^d her two sons for a lioness and cubs ; he 
<^es Learchus and dashes him against a 

'Rrotinas Aeolides media faribandus in aula 
Uamat: lol comites, his retia tendite silyis. 
Hie mode com gemina visa est mihi prole leaena! 
Utqne ferae, sequitnr vestigia conjugis amens, 
Deque sina matris ridentein et parva Learchnm 
Brachia tendentem rapit. et bis terque per auras 
More rotat fundae; ngiaoque infantia saxo 
Discntit ossa feroz. 

[Ibo in. frenzy, invoking her nephew Bacchus, 

^ which she is mocked by Juno, flings herself 

iriih Melicertes into the sea.] 

Tunc denique concita mater, 
Sett dolor hoc fedt, seu sparsi causa veneni, 
Exululat; passisque fugit male sana capillis; 
Teque ferens parvum nudis, Melicerta, lacertis, 
Evoe! Bacche! sonat. Bacchi sub nomine Juno 
Riaitj et: Hos usus praestet tibi, dixit, alumnus. 
Immmet aequoribns scopulus; pars ima cavatur 
Fluctibus, et tectas defendit ab imbribus undas; 
Snmma riget, frontem<iue in apertum porrigit aequor. 
Occupat hunc,— vires insania tecerat,— Ino, 
Seque super pontum, nullo tardata timore, 
Mittit, ounsque suum ; percussa recanduit unda.* 

{Meiam. iv. 512-30.) 

Atene, Athens, capital of Attica; men- 
tioned in connexion with the slaying of the 
Minotaur by Theseus, who, by an anachronism, 
is called // duca d*A,y Inf. xii. 17 [Arianna : 
Minotauro : Teseo] ; the laws of Solon, 
Purg. vi. 139 [Solone] ; the flight of Hippo- 
lytus. Par. xvii. 46 [Pedra : Ippolito] ; the 
Athenian schools of philosophy, which are all 
at one in PA. celestiale (i. e. Heaven), Conv. iii. 
1^137-41 J the war of Cephalus with Crete, 
Conv. iv. 2715S-6O [Cefklo]; alluded to, in 
connexion with the story of Pisistratus, as la 
villa Del cui nome n^ Dei fu tanta lite (i. e. 
the town for the naming of which Neptune 
and Minerva contested), Purg. xv. 97-8 [Mi- 
nerva: Fisistrato]. 

Atlante], the giant Atlas; referred to as 
gigante^ Conv. iv. 29*^. [Atlas 1.] 

Atlantico], the Atlantic Ocean, alluded to 
as // war. Inf. xxvi. 142 ; Vonde Dietro alle 
quali , ,, Lo sol tal volta ad ogni uom si na- 
sconde^ i.e. the waters behind which the sun 
sinks during the summer solstice, the reference 
being more precisely to the Gulf of Gascony, 
Par. xii. 49-51 [Qiiascogna, Qolfo di] ; // 
varco Folle d^Ulissey * the mad track of 
Ulysses,* i.e. over the Atlantic beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules, Par. xxvii. 82-3 [UliBse]. 

Atlantis, Electra, daughter of Atlas and 
Pleione, and mother of Dardanus, his father 
being Jupiter ; Virgifs mention of her {Aen, 
viii. 134-7) as ancestress of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
369-T6. [Elettrai.- Bnea.] 

In the (quotation from the Aenetd in this 
passage Witte and others read 

* Electra, ut Graii perhibent, et Atlantide cretus,* 

which makes nonsense, Electra and Atlantis 
being, of course, one and the same person. 
(See Academy f July 8, 1893.) 

Atlas ^, son of lapetus and Clymeng; he 
made war with the other Titans upon Jupiter, 
and being conquered was condemned to bear 
the heavens upon his head and hands. He 
was the father of Electra, who is hence called 
Atlantis, and grandfather of Dardanus, the 
ancestor of Aeneas. He was of African origin, 
the Atlas range in Africa being named from 
him. D. mentions him, quoting Aen, viii. 
1 34-7, to prove the connexion of Aeneas with 
Africa, Mon. ii. 3«^76 [Bnea] ; Juvenal's say- 
ing: 'Nanum cujusdam Atlanta vocamus' 




(So/, viii. 32), translated, Conv. iv. 29*8-9 

Atlas', the Atlas range in N. Africa ; Oro- 
sius quoted {Hist. i. 2. $ 11) to prove that it 
is in Africa, Mon. ii. 3*fr-«i [Atlas ^ : Orosio] ; 
the Imperial Eagle soars alike over the Py- 
renees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Atropds, Atropos, one of the three fates. At 
the birth of every mortal, Clotho, the spinning 
fate, was supposed to wind upon the distaff of 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount 
of yam ; the duration of the life of the in- 
dividual being the length of time occupied in 
spinning the thread, which, when complete, 
was severed by Atropos, the inevitable fate 
[Cloto: Iiaohei^l. .D. says that certain 
souls are consigned to Tolomea even before 
Atropos has given them movement, i. e. before 
death. Inf. xxxiii. 124-6 [Tolomea]. 

Attila, King of the Huns (a.d. 434-453), 
known, on account of the terror he inspired, 
as Flagellum Dei^ ' the scourge of God ' ; the 
first part of his career of conquest (445-450) 
•was occupied with the ravage of the Eastern 
Empire between the Euxine and the Adriatic, 
the latter part (450-452) with the invasion of 
the Western Empire. In 452 he demanded 
in marriage the sister of the Emperor Valen- 
tinian III, with half the kingdom of Italy as 
her dowry, and on the refusal of this demand 
he conquered and destroyed many of the 
principal cities of N.E. Italy, laid waste the 
plains of Lombardy, and marched upon Rome ; 
he was, however, met by Pope Leo the Great, 
who persuaded him to turn back and to 
evacuate Italy ; he died in his own country in 
the next year from the bursting of a blood- 

D. places A. among the Tyrants in Round i 
of Circle VII of Hell, describing him, in allu- 
sion to his appellation of the * scourge of God,' 
as * Attila che fu fiagello in terra,' Inf. xii. 134 
[Tiranni] ; he is mentioned in connexion with 
his (mythical) destruction of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 149. The tradition accepted by D. in 
this latter passage arose doubtless from a con- 
fusion of Attila with Totila, King of the Ostro- 
goths (541-553), by whose forces Florence was 
besieged in 542. Villani gives an account 
(ii. i) of the destruction of the city by * Totile 
Flagellum Dei re de' Goti e de' Vandali * in the 
year 440, thus hopelessly confounding the two. 
As a matter of fact there appears to be no 
truth in the tradition that Florence was de- 
stroyed, either by Attila or Totila, and rebuilt 
by Charlemagne, as both D. (Inf. xiii. 148) 
and Villani (iii. i) believed. Benvenuto is 
better informed ; he says : — 

'Certe miror nimis de isto excidio Florentiae 
quod Athila dicitur fecisse ; quia . . . non videtur 
quod Athila transiverit unquam Appeninum, nee 
Paulus Diaconus, nee alius tractans de gestis 

Athilae didt hoc Ideo dico quod autor noater 
secutus est chronicas patriae suae, quae multa 
frivola similia dicunt . . . vel forte vidit aliquem 
autorem autenticum dicentem hoc, quern ego non 
vidi ; sed quidquid sit de isto facto, ego nihil 

Audlttt^ De NrntunlL [NmiunUi Audita, 

Augusta, title of honour, borne by the 
mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the 
Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the Virgin 
Mary in the sense of Empress, Par. xxxiL no 
[Maria i]. 

Augustalis, Imperial ; solium AugustaU^ 
' the Imperial throne,' during its vacancy the 
world goes astray, Epist. vi. i. 

AugustinOy St. Augustine, Conv. iv. ^\ 
[Agoitino '.] 

Augustinus, St Augustine, Mon. iii. 3^, 
4*1 ; Epist. viii. 7 ; x. 28. [Agostino *.] 

Augusto^, Augustus, title of honour borne 
by the Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the 
Emperor Frederick II, Inf. xiii. 68 [Cesare^: 
Federioo 2] ; the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. 
V. 2, 3 ; vii. HLy 4 [Arrigo 2]. 

Augusto 2, Augustus, first Roman Emperon 
bom B. c. 63, died at Nola A. D. 14^ at the age 
of 76. He was son of Caius Octavius by Atia, 
daughter of Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar. 
His original name was Caius Octavius, which, 
after his adoption by his great-unde Julius 
Caesar, was changed to Caius Julius Caesar 
Octavianus. Augustus was a title of venera- 
tion conferred upon him by the Roman Senate 
and people, B.c. 27. After the murder of 
Julius Caesar at Rome (b.c. 44) he left his 
studies at Apollonia, hastened to Italy, de- 
feated Antony at Mutina (b. C 43) [Modena], 
Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (B.C 42) 
[Bruto], took Perusia and defeated Lacius 
Antonius (b. c 40) [Perugia], defeated Sextus 
Pompeius in Sicily (b.c 36) [Sesto], and 
finally Antony and Cleopatra at Actium (b.c 31) 
[Cleopatra], thus putting an end to the avil 
war. The further wars of A. were chiefly 
undertaken in defence of the frontiers of the 
Roman dominions, Italy itself remained at 
peace [Jano]. 

Augustus, contemporary of Virgil, In£ u 
71 ; removed V.'s body from Brundusiom to 
Naples, Purg. vii. 6 [VirgUio] ; his victories in 
the civil war and subsequent peace. Par. vi. 
73-81 [Aquila i] ; his triumphs at Rome, Purg. 
xxix. 116; Epist. V. 8 ; universal peace under 
him at time of Christ's birth. Par. vi. 80-1 ; 
Conv. iv. i^^^ ; Mon. i. 16^0-18 . hjs decree 
' that all the world should be taxed ' {Luke ii. i), 
Conv. iv. 5«* ; Mon. ii. 9100-3^ |248-54 . Epist 
viL 3; referred to as Octavian, Purg. vii. 6; 
Epist. v. 8; bearer of the Roman £ag^. 



bmulOf Par. vi. 73 ; frincipi e cofnandaiare del 
Roman popoloy Conv. iv. 5«3-4 . portent at his 
death related by Seneca, Conv. ii. 14^^*^; 
second Roman Emperor, Epist. vii. i. 

Augostulo], Romulus Augustulus, last of 
the Roman Emperors of the West ; after 
reigning for one year (475-6) he was over- 
thrown and expelled by Odoacer [Imperio 
Bomano]. Some think he is alluded to as 
Colui chefece per viltate ii gran rifiuio^ Inf. 
iiL 59. Tne reference, however, is most prob- 
ably to Celestine V. [Celestinc] 

Augustus^, title of honour borne by the 
Roman Emperors ; applied by D. to the Em- 
peror Henry VII, Epist. v. 2, 3 ; Epist. vii. 
///., 4. [Aug:aBto ^.] 

Augustus ^y the Emperor Augustus, Mon. 
L \(^^\ ii. 0^"^, 12*2; Epist. V. 3; vii. i, 3. 
[Auffuato 2. J 

Aulide, Aulis, port in Boeotia, on the Eu- 
ripus, where the Greek fleet assembled before 
sailing for Troy, and where it was detained by 
Artemis until Agamemnon appeased her wrath, 
Inf. XX. III. [Agajnemnone : Caloanta: 

Aurora, goddess of dawn, who at the close 
of every night rose fix>m the couch of her 
spouse Tithonus, and in a chariot drawn by 
swift horses ascended up to heaven from the 
river Oceanus to announce the coming light of 
the Sun. 

D. describes sunrise as the gradual deepen- 
ing of the colour on A.'s cheeks from white to 
vennilion, which then passes into orange, Purg. 
1^- 7~99 s^c is referred to as ia chiarissima 
ancella dei Soie^ Par. xxx. 7; and, perhaps 
(many thinking the Aurora of the Moon is 
intended), as concubina di Titone^ Purg. ix. i. 

Ausonia, ancient name for the part of 
Italy now known as Campania, hence used to 
indicate Italy itself. In describing the king- 
dom of Naples, Charles Martel (in the Heaven 
of Venus) speaks of it as 

*QaeI corno d'Aoaonia, che sMniborga 

Di Ban, di Gacta, e di Catona (var. CrotonaX 
Da ore Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga* — 

' that horn of Italy which has for its limits the 
towns of Ban, Gaeta, and Catona, from where 
the Tronto and Verde disgorge into the sea,' 
Par. viiL 61-3 ; Bari on the Adriatic, Gaeta on 
the Mediterranean, and Catona at the extreme 
S., roughly indicate the extent of the Neapo- 
litan territory, while the Verde (or Garigliano) 
flowing into the Mediterranean, and the 
Tronto flowing into the Adriatic, represent 
the frontier with the Papal States [Italia: 
JfApoU]. The variant Croiona for Caiona^ 
though adopted by many modem edd., has 
very little MS. authority [Catona]. 

Apostrophizing Italy as Ausonia, D. says 
it had been well for her had the Donation of 
Constantine never been made, Mon. ii. i3««-» 

Auster, S. wind, Mon. ii. 436* 40 . Epist x. !• 

Austericch, Austria, Inf. xxxii. 26. The 
consonantal ending -ic or -icch (as against 
-icchi of some edd.) seems preferable as ad- 
mitting the onomatopoeic monosyllable cricch 
(v. 30). The variant Ostericch (Villani has 
Osterich), which corresponds more closely with 
the Germ. Osterreichy is perhaps the correct 
reading. [Danoia.] 

Australe, southerly ; austral ventOy ' S. 
wind,* Purg. xxxi. 71 (van nostral v,, * wind of 
our land,' i.e. N. wind). 

Austro, Auster, S. wind; coupled with 
Aquilone^ the two being mentioned as typically 
boisterous winds, Purg. xxxii. 99 ; its violence 
in Libya, Mon. ii. e^^^ *® ; hence, the South, 
* Austri Regina ' {Matt, xii. 42, in A.V. * the 
Queen of the South '), i. e. the Queen of Sheba, 
Epist. X. I [Saba]. 

Avari], the Avaricious, placed with Pro- 
digals in Circle IV of Hell, Inf. vii. 22-66 
[Inferno]. Their guardian is Pluto or Plutus, 
the accursed wolf (Inf. vii. 8 ; Purg. xx. 10) 
[Pluto]. They are compelled to roll about 
great weights, the Avaricious in one half of 
the Circle, the Prodigals in the other; when 
they meet they smite against and revile each 
other, and then turn back and meet again at 
the opp)osite end of the semicircle [Cajriddi]. 
Among the Avaricious D. sees many ' clerks, 
popes, and cardinals,' but names none of them 
as they are unrecognizable — 'La sconoscente 
vita, che i fe sozzi. Ad ogni conoscenza or Ii fa 
bruni * (z/z/. 53-4). 

Those who expiate the sins of Avarice 
and Prodigality in Purgatory are placed in 
Circle V {Bemtitudini : Purgatorio]; their 
punishment is to lie prostrate on the ground, 
bound hand and foot, their faces down- 
ward to remind them that on earth their 
thoughts were fixed on earthly things, while 
they murmur ' Adhaesit pavimento anima mea' 
(Psaim cxix. 25), Purg. xix. 70-5, 118-26. 
Examples : Pope Adrian V [Adriano ^] ; 
Hugh Capet [Ciapetta] ; Statius [Stazio]. 
During the day the Avaricious proclaim in- 
stances of self-denial or liberality, viz. the 
Virgin Mary [Maria ^], Fabricius [Fabbri- 
sio^], and St. Nicholas [Niooolao] ; during 
the night they inveigh against notorious in- 
stances of avarice or of the lust of wealth, viz. 
Pygmalion [Pigmalione], Midas [Mida], 
Achan [AcanJ, Ananias and Sapphira [Ana- 
nia ^ : SafiraJ, Heliodorus [Eliodoro], Poly- 
mestor [Polinestore], and Crassus [Craoso]. 


Avellana, Fonte 


Scartazzini points out that D. has given seven 
instances of avarice, evidently in accordance 
with the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas (S. T. 
ii. 2, Q. 1 1 8, A. 8), who describes the offspring 
of avarice ('Filiae avaritiae dicuntur vitia 
quae ex ipsa oriuntur, et praecipue secundum 
appetitum') to be inhumanity ('ex avaritia 
oritur obdurcUio contra misericordiam^ quia 
scilicet cor ejus misericordia non emollitur'), 
restlessness (* oritur inquietudo^ in quantum 
ingerit homini sollicitudinem et curas super- 
fluas *), violence (' in acquirendo aliena utitur 
quandoque quidem vi, quod pertinet ad vto- 
tetUias '), deceit and perjury (* quandoque 
autem utitur dolo, qui quidem si fiat in verbo 
fcdlacia erit ; quantum ad simplex verbum, 
perjuriuniy si addatur confirmatio juramenti '), 
fraud and treachery ('si autem dolus com- 
mittatur in opere, sic quantum ad res erit 
Jraus ; quantum autem ad personas erit pro~ 
ditto *), These D. exemplifies respectively by 
Polymestor, Midas, Crassus, Heliodorus, Ana- 
nias and Sapphira, Achan, and Pygmalion. 

Avellana, Fonte], the Benedictine monas- 
tery of Santa Croce di Fonte Avellana, 
situated in Umbria on the slopes of Monte 
Catria, one of the highest peaks of the Apen- 
nines, near Gubbio [CatriaJ. 

St Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn), 
who was Abbot in 104 1, describes its situation 
to D., Par. xxi. 106-10, speaking of it as 
ermOy v. no; quel chiostro^ v. 118 ; quel locOy 
V. 121. [Dandanc] 

There is a tradition, based upon very slender 
foundations, that D. himself spent some time 
at Fonte Avellana after his departure from 
Verona in 13 18. (See Bartoli, Lett. Ital.^ v. 


Aventino, Mt. Aventine, one of the seven 
hills of Rome, where the giant Cacus had a 
cave. Inf. xxv. 26. [Oacc] 

Averrois, Averroes (Muhammad ibn Ah- 
mad, Ibn-Roschd)y celebrated Arabian scholar 
of Cent. xii. His most famous work was a 
commentary upon Aristotle (whence he was 
commonly known as the Commentator par 
excellence), whose writings he knew through 
the medium of Arabic translations. He was 
bom at Cordova in Spain between 11 20 and 
1 149, and died in Morocco about 1200. A., 
who was a physician and lawyer as well, was 
the head of the Western school of philosophy, 
as Avicenna was of the Eastern. Boccaccio 
lays stress on the great influence his works 
had on the study of Aristotle, which up till 
his day had been almost neglected. A Latin 
translation of his great commentary, attributed 
to Michael Scot, was in existence before 1250 
[Miohele Sootto]. 

D. places him among the great philosophers 
in UmbOy in a group with Hippoaates, Galen, 
wnA Avicennai describing him 9A A^ cJU ii 

f^an comentofeoy Inf. iv. 144 [Iiimbo]. Some 
think he is aUuded to as pOi savio di te, Purg. 
xxv. 63, where Statius tells D. that a wiser 
than he went astray with regard to the nature 
of the soul ; but the reference is more probably 
to Aristotle [AriBtotile]. 

^ D. mentions him, Mon. i. 3^^ ; and refers to 
him by the title of the Commentator, Conv. 
iv. 13W; A. T. §§ 5^ 18; his commentary 
on Aristotle's De Animoy Conv. iv. i3W-« ; 
Mon. i. 3''''-8 ; A. T. § 5*^ ; his opinion, as 
recorded in his work De Substantia Orbis^ 
that all potential forms of matter are actually 
existent in the mind of the Creator, A. T. 
§ 1836-9. This opinion, as a matter of fact, 
appears to come, not from Averroes' De Sub^ 
stantia OrbiSy but from the De Natura et 
Origine Animae (II. vii) of Albertus Magnus, 
who attributes it to Plato : — 

' Dixit Plato formas omncs ideales esse in mente 
divinaantequam prodirent in corpora: sicut forxnae 
ideales artificialium sunt in mente artificis ante- 
quam in materias artium traducantur.* 

Benvenuto, who represents A. as the deter- 
mined opponent of the teaching of Avicenna, 
expresses surprise that D. should have con- 
signed so notorious an unbeliever and blas- 
phemer to no worse place than Limbo : — 

'Quomodo autor posuit istum sine pena, qui 
tarn impudenter et impie blasfemat Christum, 
dicens, quod tres fbenmt baratores mundi, scilicet 
Christus, Moyses, et Macomcttus, quorum Christus, 
quia juvenis et ignanis, crudfixus fuit? ' 

In the frescoes of the Cappella degli Spa- 
gnuoli (Cent, xiv.) in S. Maria Novella at 
Florence, A. is depicted, together with the 
heretics Sabellius and Alius, at the feet of 
St. Thomas Aquinas. 

Avicenna, Avicenna (Husain ibn Abd 
Allah, Jbn-Sina), Arabian philosopher and 
physician of Ispahan in Persia ; bom near 
Bokhara A.D. 980, died 1037. He was a 
voluminous writer, among his works being 
commentaries upon Aristotle and Galen. Of 
the latter, whose writings he condensed and 
arranged, he is said to have remarked that 
he knew a great deal about the branches 
of medicine, but very little about its roots 
[Qalieno]. His own treatise, the Canon Me- 
dicinae, was still in use as a text-book in 
France as late as Cent. xvii. 

D. places A. among the great philosophers 
in Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, 
and Averroes, Inf. iv. 143 [Limbo] ; his 
opinion (De IntelligentiiSy § 4), which he 
shared with Plato and Algazali, that 'sub- 
stantial generation' is effected by the motive 
powers of the Heavens, Conv. ii. 1427-32 . xhzx. 
the Milky Way is made up of numbers of 
small stars, Conv. ii. 1 509-77 (^Oalassia] ; that 
a distinction exists between ' light ' and ' splen- 
dour * {De Animaf iii. § 3), Conv. iii, 1488-41 • 



his theory {DeAnimajV, §3), held also by Alga- 
zali, that souls are noble or ignoble of them- 
selves from the beginning, Conv. iv. 21^*"^^. 
(See Mazzucchelli, Autori citati nel Convito,) 

Azio], Actium, promontory of Acamania, 
off which Octavianus defeated Antony and 
Cleopatra, B. c. 31 ; the victory is alluded to 
by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) in connexion with the triumphs of 
the Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 77. [Aqiiila ^ : 

Azzo Marchio. [Azzo da E8ti.] 

Azzo, Ugolino d', a native of Tuscany, 
domiciled at Faenza, who is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Guido da Prata, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 104-5. 

The individual in question, — whom Ben- 

venuto describes as ' vir nobilis et curialis de 

Ubaldinis, clarissima stirpe in Romandlola, 

qui fuerunt dia potentes in alpibus citra Apen- 

ninum et ultra, prope Florentiam,' — is probably 

Ugolino degli Ubaldini, son of Azzo degli 

Ubaldini da Senno, a member of the p)owerful 

Tuscan family of that name ; he is said to 

have been a nephew of Ubaldino dalla Pila 

(Purg. xxiv. 29), and of the famous Cardinal 

Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), and 

first cousin of the Archbishop Ruggieri degli 

Ubaldini (Inf. xxxiii. 14). [Ubaldini: Table 

zziz.] This Ugolino, whose mother's name 

was AJdruda, is repeatedly mentioned in 

contemporary records, viz. in 121 8, 1220, 1228, 

J231, 1244, 1249, 1252 (in which year he was 

in Florence), 1257, 1274, and in 1280 (under 

which year his name appears among those 

'Who bound themselves to abide by the terms 

of peace proposed by the pacificator. Cardinal 

I^atino) ; he married Beatrice Lancia, daughter 

of Provenzano Salvani of Siena, by whom he 

liad three sons, Giovanni, Francesco, and 

Ottaviano; he made his will in 1285, and 

died at an advanced age in Jan. 1293. He 

^.ppears to have been a man of great wealth 

9^3d landed property. His death is recorded, 

together with that of Guido Riccio da Polenta, 

•XI. the contemporary chronicle of Pietro Can- 

tixielli, a proof, as Casini px)ints out, that 

X^golino d Azzo degli Ubaldini was at that 

tivne well known in Romagna, so that D. could 

^^ot long after appropriately make Guido del 

X>uca say of him *vivette nosco* {v, 105). 

(3ee Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ 

Azzo da Esti], Azzo VIII (III) of Este, 

Son of Obixzo II, whom he succeeded in 1293 

^4 Marquis of Este, and Lord of Ferrara, 

^odena, and Reggio ; married, as his second 

wife, in 1305, Beatrice, daughter of Charles II 

^ Naples; died, without (legitimate) male 

issue, 1308 [Table xziii]. D. refers to him 

(perhaps) as // Marchese^ Inf. xviii. 56 ; quel 

ia Esti^ Puig. v. ^^ ; Azzo Marchio, V. E. i. 

1238-9 ; Marchio Estensis, V. E. ii. 6*2 ; the 
popular belief that he murdered his father by 
smothering him with . a pillow (probably a 
calumny) is accepted by D., who speaks of 
him in this connexion as the ' stepson ' 
(figliastro) of Obizzo, Inf. xii. 111-12 [Obizao 
da Esti] ; his intrigue (or, perhaps, that of his 
father) with Ghisolabella, sister of Caccianimico, 
and the vile conduct of the latter. Inf. xviii. 
55~7 [Caccianimioo : Qhisolabella] ; his 
murder of Jacopo del Cassero of Fano, Purg. 
V* 77-8 [Cassero, Jacopo del] ; his marriage 
with Beatrice of Naples, Purg. xx. 79-81 
[Beatrice ^J ; condemnation of him, together 
with Charles II of Naples (his father-in-law), 
Frederick II of Sicily, and John Marquis of 
Montferrat, for bloodthirstiness, treachery, and 
avarice, V. E, i. i23®-^^; a passage in his 
praise quoted (ironically), V. E. ii. 6*^"~*, 

Viilani gives the following account of the 
death of Azzo, and touches incidentally on his 
marriage with Beatrice of Naples (Purg. xx. 79- 
81), but he makes no reference to the alleged 
bargain to which D. alludes in the text : — 

' Nel detto anno 1306 i Veronesi, Mantovani, e 
Bresciani feeiono lega insieme, e grande guerra 
mossono al marchese Azzo da Esti ch' era signore 
di Ferrara, per sospetto preso di lui, ch* egli non 
volesse essere signore di Lombardia, perch' avea 
presa per moglie una figliuola del re Carlo ; e 
corsono la sua terra, e tolsongli piii di sue castella. 
Ma I'anno appresso fatto suo isforzo, e con aiuto 
della gente di Piemonte e del re Carlo, fece oste 
grande sopra loro, e corse le loro terre, e fece loro 
grande dammaggio. Ma poco tempo appresso 
ammal6 il detto marchese, e si mori in grande 
stento e miseria ; il quale era stato il piii leggiadro 
e ridottato e possente tiranno che fosse in Lom- 
hardia.' (viir. 88.) 

Dino Compagni, however, states positively 
that Azzo purchased the royal alliance, among 
the considerations given being the cities of 
Modena and Reggio, which rebelled in conse- 
quence : — 

< Parma, Reggio e Modona s' erano ribellate dal 
marchese di Ferrara ; il quale, per troppa tirannia 
facea loro, Iddio non lo voile piii sostenere; chd 
quando fu piii inalzato, cadde. Perchd avea tolto 
per moglie la figliuola del re Carlo di Puglia; e 
perch^ condiscendessi a dai^liene, la comperd, 
oltre al comune uso, e fecele di dota Modona e 
Reggio : onde i suoi frategli e i nobili cittadini 
sdegnorono entrare in altrui fedelta.' (iii. 16.) 

Azzolino^, Ezzelino III da Romano, son 
of Ezzelino II and Adeleita degli Alberti di 
Mangona, son-in-law of the Emperor Frederick 
II, and chief of the Ghibellines of Upper Italy, 
born 1 194, died 1259. 

D. places him among the Tyrants in Round i 
of Circle VII of Hell, where he is pointed out 
by Nessus, who draws attention to his black 
hair. Inf. xii. 109-10 [Tiranni] ; he is alluded 
to by his sister Cunizza (in the Heaven of 





Venus) as a firebrand ('facella') which deso- 
lated the March of Treviso, and described as 
being from Romano and of the same ' root ' as 
herself. Par. ix. 38-31 [Cuniasa: Bomano^]. 
D . here alludes to the common belief, recorded 
by Pietro di Dante, that before £zzelino*s birth 
his mother dreamed that she brought forth 
a firebrand : — 

' Mater Azzolini, dum partui ejus esset vicina, 
somniabat quod parturiebat unam lacem igneam, 
quae comburebat totam Marchiam Trevisanam ; et 
ita fecit sua horribili tyrannide. £t tangit hoe 
autor dum dicit de facella.' 

Ezzelino, whose lordship over the March of 
Treviso lasted for more than thirty years, was 
a ruthless and bloodthirsty tyrant, and was 
guilty of the most inhuman atrocities. Villani 
says of him : — 

' Questo Azzolino fu il piii cnidele e ridottato 
tiranno che mai fosse tra* cristiani, e sig^oreggid 
per sua forza e tirannia (essendo di sua nazione 
della casa di Romano gentile uomo) grande tempo 
tutta la Marca di Trevigi e la cittli di Padova e 
gran parte di Lombardia; e* cittadini di Padova 
molta gran parte consumd, e acceconne pur de' 
migliori e de' piii nobili in grande quantitii, e 
togliendo le loro possession! e mandogli mendi- 
cando per lo mondo, e molti altri per diversi 
martirii e tormenti fece morire, e a un' ora undid* 
mila Padovani fece ardere . . . e sotto 1* ombra 
di una rudda e scelerata giustizia fece molti mali, 
e fii uno grande flagello al suo tempo nella Marca 
Trevigiana e in Lombardia.* (vi. 73.) 

His contemporary Salimbene of Parma says 
of him in his chronicle (quoted by C. £. Norton 
in Report XIV of American Dante Society) : — 

< Icilinus vero fuit membrum diaboli et filius 
iniquitatis . . . Pejor enim homo fuit de mundo : 
non credo revera quod ab initio mundi usque ad 
dies nostros fiicrit ita malus homo ; nam ita 
tremebant eum omnes, sicut tremit juncus in aqua: 
et hoc non sine causa erat; qui enim erat hodie, 
de crastina die securus non erat Pater petebat 
filium ad interficiendum, et filius patrem, vel 
aliquem sibi propinquum, ut Icilino placeret : 
omnes majores et meliores et potentiores et ditiores 

et nobiliores delevit de Marchia trivisina ; et muli- 
eres castrabat, et cum filiis et filiabus in carceribus 
includebat, et ibi fame et miseria peribant. Multos 
religiosos interfecit, et in carceribus diu habuit 
tam ex ordine fratrum Minorum et Praedicatonim, 
quam ex ordinibus aliis. . . . Nee Nero, nee Decius, 
nee Diocletianus, nee Maximianus in malitia fuerunt 
similes sibi, sed neque Herodes, neque Antiochus, 
qui pessimi homines de mundo fuerunt' 

In 1355 Pope Alexander IV proclaimed 
a crusade against Ezzelino, styling him ' a son 
of perdition, a man of blood, the most inhuman 
of the children of men, who, by his infamous 
torture of the nobles and massacre of the 
people, has broken every bond of human 
society, and violated every law of Christian 
liberty.' After a war of three years' duration, 
in the course of which he committed the most 
terrible atrocities, Ezzelino was finally defeated 
(Sep. 16, 1259) by the Marquis of Este at 
Cassano, where he was desperately wounded 
and taken prisoner. Eleven days after, having 
torn open his wounds, he died in his prison at 
Soncino, at the age of sixty-six, after a reign 
of thirty-four years. Benvenuto states that he 
is said to have been short of stature, hairy, 
and swarthy (Inf. xii. 109), and that he had 
a long hair upon his nose, which stood upright 
when he was in a passion, to the terror of all 
beholders. Several stories are told of him in 
the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xlii, cxxi, 
ed. Biagi), in one of which it is stated that he 
killed himself by striking his head against the 
pole of the tent in which he was confined : — 

*• Fue messere Azolino preso in bataglia in uno 
luogho che si chiama Chasciano et percosse tanto 
il capo suo al feristo del padiglione ov'egli era 
legato, che ss' uccise egli medesimo.' (Nov. cxxi.) 

Azzolino ^], Ezzelino II da Romano, father 
of Ezzelino III and Cunizza, by his third wife, 
Adeleita degli Alberti di Mangona ; alluded to 
by his daughter Cunizza (in the Heaven of 
Venus) as the radice from which she and ' the 
firebrand ' (her brother Ezzelino) were sprung. 
Par. ix. 29-31. [ABBoIino^: CimiBsa.] 


Babel, the Tower of Babel ; the word Babel 
means * confusion,' V. E. i. 6*2^ 780 . up till the 
building of the Tower all Adam's descendants 
spoke the same language as he had si)oken, 
Y% £• i. 6*^"*® (this opinion D. recanted in the 
D« C«» Par. zzvi. 124-6) [Adamo] ; the Tower 
Mil il the instigation of Nimrod, V. £. i. 
^\ tiie confusioB of tongues the conse- 
, «f Ht buildiiig, V. £. L f^-^. The 

-"^a w Mw , Par. ar* 

In the Middle Ages Nimrod was universally 
regarded as the builder of the Tower of BabeL 
The tradition is preserved in the name given 
to the vast ruins of the great temple of Belos 
in Babylon (commonly identified with the 
Tower of Babel), which are known as Birs^ 
Nimrud. [Xembrotto : Sennaor.] The di- 
mensions of the Tower are given by BrunettO 
Latino : — 

'Sacliiez que la tor de Babel avoit en cfaaacime 
""^eoTO ju ttuesi dont chaacune estolt .un*. paa 



£t si avoit H murs de large .l. coudes, et .cc. en 
■voit de haul, dont chascune avoit .xv. pas, et li 
pas avoit .11. piez.* (TV^or, i. 34.) 

Babilon, the kingdom of Babylon ; Vesilio 
M B,/\,t, life on earth as opposed to life in 
heaven, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilonia) ; its 
destruction by Cjrrus (B.C. 538) and trans- 
ference of the kingdom to the Persians, Mon. 
iL 9*3-5. the Florentine exiles compared to 
exiles in B., Epist. vii. i , 8. 

D., following St Augustine, who interprets 
Bafyian^ like Babely as meaning 'confusion' 
(' dvitas, Quae appellata est con^sio, ipsa est 
Babylon, Babylon, quippe interpretatur con- 
fiisio,' Civ, Deiy xvi. 4), renders the expression 
'super flumina Babylonis' (Psalm cxxxvii. i) 
by 'super flumina confusionis,' Epist. vii. i. 
[Babel: Babilonia.] 

Babilonia, the kingdom of Babylon or 
Babylonia, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilon) 
[Babilon]. In speaking of the empire of 
Semiramis D. alludes to B. as la terra che il 
Soldan correzge, *the land ruled by the Sultan,' 
Inf. V. 60 [Soldano]. He has apparently 
confused the ancient kingdom of Babylonia 
for Assyria) with Babylonia or Babylon (Old 
Cairo) in Egypt, which was the territory of 
the Sultan. Boccaccio, for instance, always 
describes Saladin as ' il Soldano di Babilonia ' 
(Decam. i. 3 ; x. 9). Cf. Mandeville : — 

' The Lond of Babyloyne, where the Sowdan 
dvrellethe comonly ... is not that gret Babyloyne, 
^Mrhere the Dyversitee of Langages was first made 
• . . when the grete Tour of Babel was begonnen 
to ben made.' 

Benvenuto notices the confusion, but suggests 
tliat D. meant to imply that Semiramis extended 
b«r empire so as to include Egypt as well as 

* Istud non videtur aliquo modo posse stare quia 
<le rei veritate Semiramis nunquam tenuit illam 
Hab iloniam, quam modo Soldanus corrigit ... ad 
<i<Kfensionem autoris dico, quod autor noster vult 
Ulcere quod Semiramis in tantum ampliavit regnum, 
*¥>xod non solum tenuit Babiloniam antiquam, sed 
^tiam Egiptum, ubi est modo alia Babilonia.' 

This confusion between the two Babylons is 
I^Tfaaps responsible for D.'s statement (Mon. 
J|^ 9«^7) that Alexander the Great died in 
^Cyp^ [AleBsandro Magno]. 
., Babylon, the kingdom of Babylon, Mon. 
*U 9« ; Epist. vii. 8. [Babilon.] 

Babylonii, Babylonians; the rebellious 
Florentines compared to, Epist. vi. 2. 

^ Bacctdglione, river of N. Italy, which 
Hatt in the Alps above Vicenza, through which 
U panes, flowmg in a S.E. direction as far as 
Wona, where it divides into three streams ; 
^MM cl these runs into the Brenta, another into 
the Adige^ while the third, retaining the name 

le. enters the Adriatic near 

The river is mentioned by Brunetto Latinoi 
(in Circle VII of Hell), in connexion with 
Andrea de' Mozzi, to indicate Vicenza, Inf. xv. 
113 [Andrea 1 : Vioenaa] ; it is referred to as 
Pacqua che Vicenza bagna by Cunizza (in the 
Heaven of Venus), who prophesies that the 
Paduans at the marsh *• will change the water' 
of the Bacchiglione, Par. ix. 46-7. This 
prophecy is usually understood to mean that 
the Paduans wiU stain with their blood the 
marsh formed by the river, the reference being 
to the war between Padua and Can Grande, 
Imperial Vicar in Vicenza, which resulted in 
the defeat of the former in 1314 [Padova]. 
The special fight alluded to here is identified 
by Philalethes with one which took place in 

tune, 13 1 2, when the Paduans were driven 
ack across the B. with great loss by Can 
Grande, and many of them were drowned in 
the river. It appears that when at war with 
Padua the Vicentines were in the habit of 
damming the B., so as to deprive the Paduans 
of the water needed for their mills, Ac. ; the con- 
sequent overflow of the river converted the low- 
lying land to the south of Vicenza, between the 
Monti Berici and the Monti Euganei, into a vast 
swamp, which is supposed to be the ' palude ' 
alluded to in the text. Another interpreta- 
tion has been proposed by Gloria, who takes il 
Pcdude as a proper name, and holds that the 
allusion is to an incident which took place in 
1 31 4, when the Paduans, finding that the waters 
of the Bacchiglione had been cut off by the 
Vicentines, turned into the bed of the river the 
waters of the Brenta, thus defeating the object 
of the enemy. It appears that the district 
of Brusegana, where the Brentella flows into 
the Bacchiglione, was known by the name of 
// Palude, (See Casini in loc.) 

Bacco, Bacchus, god of wine, son of Jupiter 
and Semelg, the daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes; mentioned in connexion with his 
worship by the Thebans, Purg. xviii. 93 
[Asopo] ; the invocation * Evoe ! Bacche ! • 
alluded to, Par. xiii. 2$; la cilld di Baco (in 
rime), i. e. Thebes, his birthplace. Inf. xx. 59. 
[Semeld.] One of the two peaks of Parnassus 
was sacred to B., hence some think there is an 
allusion to him, Par. i. 16-18 [Pamaso]. He 
is referred to as semen Semeles^ Epist. iv. 4 
[Alcithod] ; as Bromius, Eel. ii. 53. [Bromius : 

Baco, Bacchus, Inf. xx. 59 (: laco : Benaco) 

Badia], the ancient Benedictine monastery 
in Florence, known as the Badia (opposite to 
the Bargello), which was founded in 978 by the 
Countess Willa, mother of the Marcjuis Hugh 
of Tuscany (or of Brandenburg, as Villani calls 

The church of the Badfa, and the old wall 
(1078) of Florence on which it was situated, 

[67] F a 



are referred to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven 
of Mars), who says that from its chimes 
Florence took her time, *la cerchia antica, 
Ond' ella toglie ancora e terza e nona,* Par. 
XV. 97-8. [Fiorenza.] Lana says : — 

'Sulle ditte mura vecchie si d una chiesa 
chiamata la Badia, la quale chiesa suona terza e 
nona e V altre ore, alle quali li lavoranti delle arti 
entrano ed esceno dal lavorio.' 

The Marquis Hugh was buried in the Badfa, 
where the anniversary of his death (iioi) was 
solemnly commemorated every year on St. 
Thomas' day (Dec. 3i), a custom to which 
Cacciaguida refers, Par. xvi. 128-9 [TTgo di 

Of the ancient church of the Badfa, which 
was originally dedicated to St. Stephen, and 
afterwards to the Virgin, little now remains, 
the present building dating for the most part 
from Cent. xvii. 

Bagnacaval, Bagnacavallo, town in the 
Emilia, between the rivers Senio and Lamone, 
inidway between Imola and Ravenna. In D.'s 
time it was a stronghold belonging to the 
Malavicini, who thence took their title of 
Counts of Bagnacavallo. They were Ghibel- 
lines, and in 1249 expelled Guido da Polenta 
and the Guelfs from Ravenna. Later on they 
were in ill repute as often changing sides. 

B. is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle II of Purgatory), who implies that its 
Counts were becoming extinct (though as a 
matter of fact they do not appear to have died 
out before the end of Cent xiv), Purg. xiv. 115. 

Bagnoregio, now Bagnorea, village in 
Italy, perched on the top of a hill, on the 
borders of Latium and Umbria, near the Lago 
di Bolsena, about 8 miles due S. of Orvieto ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the place of his birth. Par. xii. 
127-8. [Bonaventura.] 

Balaam, the son of Beor, whose ass spake 
and saved him from destruction by the ailgel 
of God {Numb, xxii. 28-30) ; not she that 
spake, but the angel of God within her, V. E. 
i. 2*5-6 ; Epist. viii. 8. 

Baldo d'Aguglione. [AgugUone.] 

Barattieri], Barrators (those who sell 
justice, office, or employment), placed among 
the Fraudulent in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxi, xxii. [Prodolenti.] 
Their punishment is to be immersed in a lake 
of boiling pitch, and to be rent by devils 
armed with prongs whenever they appear 
above the surface. Inf. xxi. 16-57 ; xxii. 34-42 ; 
55-75; 112-29. Examples', an 'Ancient' of 
Santa Zita [Zita, Santa] ; Bonturo Dati [Bon- 
turoj; Ciampolo di Navarra [Ciampolo] ; 
Fratc Gpmita di Gallura [Ctemita] ; Michael 
Zanche [Kiolitl]. 

mountainous district in S. of 

Sardinia, the inhabitants of which are said to 
have been originally called Barbaricini, and to 
have descended from a settlement of prisoners 
planted by the Vandals. Philalethes states 
that they were converted to Christianity in the 
time of Gregory the Great (590-604), but still 
retained many of their heathen customs after 
their conversion. They were proverbial in the 
Middle Ages, according to the old commen- 
tators, for the laxity of their morals and their 
loose living. Benvenuto says that the women 
were in the habit of exposing their breasts 
('Pro calore et prava consuetudine vadunt 
indutae panno lineo albo, excoUatae ita, ut 
ostendant pectus et ubera '), a practice which, 
according to an authority quoted by Witte, 
seems to have been continued among their 
descendants until cjuite recently. In D.'s time 
they formed a semi-savage independent tribe, 
ana refused to acknowledge the Pisan govern- 
ment. Benvenuto says they were a remnant 
left at the time when Sardinia was reconquered 
from the Saracens ; which, from the mention 
of Saracine (v, 103), appears to have been D.'s 
view of their origin. [Sardigna.] 

Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
refers to Florence as a second Barbagia, and 
compares the morals of the Florentine women 
unfavourably with those of the Sardinian 
savages, Purg. xxiii. 94-6 [Florentine]. 

Barbare, Barbarian women ; the Florentine 
women compared unfavourably with, Purg. 
xxiii. 103 [Fiorentine]. Some take Barbare 
here in the sense of * women of Barbary,' but 
as D. couples them with Saracine^ the other 
interpretation is the better, since the term 
Saracen was used at that time of the inhabitants 
of Africa generally, including of course those 
of Barbary [Bar acini]. 

Barbari, Barbarians ; mentioned by D. in 
connexion with the effect produced hy the 
sight of Rome and its wonders upon visitors 
from outlandish parts, ' quando Laterano Alle 
cose mortali ando di sopra,' Par. xxxi. 31-6. 
The reference is probably (as in w, 103-4) 
to the Jubilee of 1300, in which year says 
Villani : — 

'Gran parte de' cristiani che allora viveano, 
feciono pellegrinaggio a Roma, cosi femmine 
come uomini, di lontani e diversi paesi, e di lungi e 
d'appresso. ... £ I'anno durante, avea in Roma, 
oltre al popolo romano, duecentomila pellegrini.* 
(viii. 36.) 

Benvenuto, Buti, and others, take the 
meaning to be general, 'when Rome was at 
the head of the world * ; but in that case there 
would be no special point in the mention of 
the Lateran, which, on the other hand, at the 
time of the Jubilee was a centre of interest, 
as being the papal residence. [jQiubbileo: 
Iiaterano.] Some think the allusion is to the 
original barbarian invaders of Rome, and 



Battista, U 

explain, 'in the days when the Popes cared 
nothing for Rome.' 

Barbariccia, name of the leader of the ten 
demons selected by Malacoda to escort D. and 
Virgil through Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Maiebolge), where the Barrators are punished, 
In£ xxi. 120; xxii. 29, 59, 145 [Barattieri] ; 
hence spoken of as duca^ Inf. xxi. 138 ; decurio^ 
xxii- 74; g^<in propostOy v, 94. B. with a 
di^[usting signal summons his troop (Inf. xxi. 
139), and they accompany D. and V. along the 
borders of the boiling lake of pitch (xxii. 13) ; 
at the approach of B. all the Barrators disappear 
beneath the surface {w. 28-30), except one, 
who is hooked by Graffiacane {w, 31-36), and 
then gripped and held by B. {yu. S9-60) ; the 
latter invites D. to question his victim (z/z/. 
^1^63), and meanwhile keeps the other demons 
off from him {w, 73-75, 91-96) ; finally he 
sends four of the demons to drag Alichino and 
Calcabrina out of the pitch into which they 
had fallen while fighting {w, 145-147) [Ali- 
ohino: CiampoloJ. Philalethes renders the 
name ' Sudelbart.' 

Barbarossa, < Redbeard,' the Italian sur- 
name of the Emperor Frederick I (11 52-1 190) ; 
referred to by the Abbot of San Zeno (in Circle 
IV of Purgatory), in connexion with his de- 
struction of Milan (March, 1162), as lo buon 
B.f Purg. xviii. 119. [Federioo^: Mllano.] 

Bardi], wealthy family of Florence, who 
were Guelfs (Villani, v. 39), and afterwards 
sided with the Cerchi and Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
they were the founders of the great Florentine 
banking house, which achieved European 
celebrity, and eventually failed in 1345 for 
nearly a million gold florins (xii. 55). Some 
of the old commentators think they are alluded 
to. Par. xvi. 94-8. Buti says : — 

'Quest! nuovi felloni furnd i Bardi . . . le case 
delli Ravignani fumo poi dei ccnti Guiijli . . . poi 
iumo dei Cerchi, e poi delli Bardi/ 

But the reference is almost certainly to the 
Cerchi, and perhaps the Donati also [Cerohi]. 

It was to a member of this family, Simone 
de' Bardi, that Beatrice Portinari was married 
in 1287 [Beatrice 1]. 

Barduccio], Florentme, renowned for his 
piety ; who, with another good man, Giovanni 
da Vispignano, is supposed by some to be 
referred to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), 
who, speaking of the evil state of Florence, 
«iys, ' Giusti son due, ma non vi sono intesi ' 
(i.e. there are two just citizens, but no regard is 
paid to them). Inf. vi. 73. Villani records their 
deaths and the miracles wrought by their 
means : — 

* L*ani)o 133 1 morirono in Firenze due buoni e 
giusti uomini e di santa vita e conversazione e di 
grandi limosine, tutto che fossono laici. L'uno 
ebbe nome Barduccio . . . c Taltro ebbe nome 
Giovanni da Vispignano. ... £ per ciascuno mostrd 

Iddio aperti miracoli di sanare infermi e attratti e 
di pill diverse maniere, e per ciascuno fu fatta 
solenne sepoltura, e poste piii immagini di cera 
per voti fatti/ (x. 175.) 

Vellutello holds it * per cosa certa ' that the 
allusion is to these two ; but it is not probable 
that their reputation would have been so great 
at the time Ciacco was speaking, i.e. thirty 
years before their death. The reference is 
usually understood to be to D. himself and 
Guido Cavalcanti. [Cavaloanti.] 

Ban, town of S. Italy in Apulia on the 
Adriatic coast; mentioned by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as one of the extreme 

[joints of the Kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 62. 

Barone, Baron ; title applied by D. to St. 
Peter, Par. xxi v. 115 rPietxoij; St. James, 
Par. XXV. 17 [Jaoopo^.J 

Barone, II gran, the great Baron, i. e. the 
Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, Par. xvi. 128 
[TTgo di Brandimborgo]. 

Bartolommeo della Scala], eldest son 
of Alberto della Scala, whom he succeeded as 
lord of Verona, Sep. 10, 1301-March 7, 130}; 
he is referred to (probably) as * il gran Lom- 
bardo,* Par. ^vii. 71. [Iiombardo, Oran: 
Soala, Delia.] 

Barucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been of importance in his day. 
Par. xvi. 104. They were extinct in D.'s time ; 
Villani says : — 

* In porte del Duomo . . . furono i Barucci che 
stavano da santa Maria Maggiore, che oggi sono 
venuti meno.* (iv. 10.^ . . . * Furono molto antichi 
uomini.* (v. 30.) ... * Nel sesto di porte del Duomo 
furono in quegU tempi Ghibellini, i Barucci, i 
Cattani da Castiglione e da Cersino, gli Agolanti, 
i Brunelleschi, e poi si feciono Guelfi parte di loro.' 
(V. 39.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

* Questi furono pieni di ricchezze e di leggiadrie ; 
oggi sono pochi in numero, e senza stato d'onore 
cittadino : sono Ghibellini.* 

Battista, D, St. John the Baptist, Inf. xiii. 
143; xxx. 74; Purg. xxii. 152; Par. xvi. 47; 
he was the patron saint of Florence, which in 
pagan times had been under the protection of 
Mars, hence Florence is spoken of as ' la cittk 
che nel Battista Mut6 il primo patrone,* Inf. xiii. 
143-4; M'ovil di san Giovanni,* Par. xvi. 25; 
the Florentine florin, which was stamped on 
one side with the lily (* fiore,* whence fiorino)^ 
and on the other with the image of the Baptist, 
referred to as ' la lega suggellata del Battista,' 
Inf. xxx. 74 (cf. Par. xviii. 133-5); ^^^ Baptistery 
of Florence, which was dedicated to the Baptist, 
referred to by D. as ' il mio bel san Giovanni,' 
Inf. xix. 17; and as Ml Battista,' the phrase 
Ura Marte e il Battista* (i.e. between the 




Ponte Vecchio, on which the ancient statue of 
Mars used to stand, and the Baptistery) being 
used to indicate approximately the N. and S. 
limits of the city of Florence in the days of 
Cacciag^ida, Par. xvi. 47 [Battisteo: Pio- 
rensa: Marte^]. 

St. John the Baptist is mentioned (in allusion 
to McUL iii. 4, ' his meat was locusts and wild 
honey') as an example of temperance in the 
Circle of the Gluttonous in Purgatory, Puig. 
xxii. 1 5 1-4 [Qolosi]; he is referred to as 
Giovanni^ Inf. xix. 17 ; Par. iv. 39 ; xvL 25 ; il 
gran Giovanni, Par. xxxii. 31 ; quel Giovanni^ 
lo quale precedette la verace luce^ V. N. § 343*-"^ 
(ref. to Matt, iii. 3) ; Praecursar^ Epist. vii. 2 
(ref. to Matt, xi. 2-3) ; colui che voile viver 
solo, E che per salti fu tratto a martiro. Par. 
xviii. 134-5 (ref. to Matt, iii. i ; xiv. 1-12) ; the 
forerunner of Christ, V. N. § 243«""^; Epist 
vii. 2 ; his life in the wilderness, Par. xviii. 134 ; 
xxxii. 32 ; his execution by Herod at the 
instance of the daughter of Herodias, Par. 
xviii. 135; xxxii. 32; his two years in Limbo 
(i.e. from his own death to that of Christ), 
Par. xxxii. 33 ; his place in the Celestial Rose 
(opposite to the Virgin Mary, with St. Anne on 
his right, and St Lucy on his left), Par. xxxii. 
31-3 [Bosa] ; the patron saint of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 143; xix. 17; XXX. 74; Par. xvi. 25, 47 
[Qiovanni ^J. 

Battisteo, the Baptistery of San Giovanni 
at Florence ; Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) tells D. that he was baptized, 'nell' 
antico vostro Battisteo/ Par. xv. 134; it is 
referred to elsewhere (by D.) as *il mio bel 
san Giovanni,' Inf xix. 17 ; (by Cacciaguida) 
as Ml Battista,' Par. xvi. 47 [Battista, H: 
Giovanni ^j. 

In connexion with the Baptistery D. refers 
(Inf. xix. 16-21) to the fact that he once broke 
one of the * pozzetti ' of the font in order to 
rescue a child who had fallen in and could not 
get out again. The * pozzetti* were circular 
holes in the thickness of the outer wall of the 
font (such as may still be seen in that at Pisa), 
in which the officiating priest used to stand to 
escape the pressure of the crowd, and which 
apparently were also used on occasion as 
baptismal basins. Lana (writing between 1323 
and 1328) says : — 

' Li forami, dov* erano piantati li peccatori, dice 
che sono tutti simili a quelli, che sono nella pila 
del battesimo di san Giovanni da Firenze, nelli 
quali sta lo prete che battizza. Circa la qua! 
comparazione ^ da sapere che sono molte cittadi 
che non v'6 battesimo se non in una chiesa in 
su la terra, e molte ne sono che ogni chiesa ha 
battesimo. Or Firenze ^ di quelle che vi ha pur 
uno ed ^ nella chiesa principale che ^ edificata a 
nome di san Joanni Battista, ov'avcnne che per 
alcune costituzioni delta Chiesa vaca lo battesimo 
per alcun tempo dell'anno, come 6 nella quaresma, 
salvo in case di necessitadi ; e tutti quelli che 

nasceno sono servati al sabato aanto a battezzare. 
Sich^ in quelle terre dov' & osservata tal costitu- 
zione, e non hanno se non un luogo da battezzare, 
quando vien lo sabato santo ^ v'& grande molti- 
tudine di gente, per quella cagione ; ed awenne 
gik che v' era tal calca, che *1 prete a ci6 deputato 
fii spinto a tal mode e soppressato, che vi misvenne 
molte creature. Sich^ per voler schifare tal pericolo 
fenno 11 Fiorentini fiu^ una pila di pietra viva 
grande con otto cantoni, ed era ed ^ si massiccia 
che nella sua grossezza sono foramini, nelli quali 
8*entra per di sopra ; ed in quelli entra lo prete 
battezzatore e stawi entro fino la corregia, ^ ch' 
elli h sicuro d'ogni calca e spingimento, e qui 
entro entra al tempo della grande moltitudine a 

Benvenuto gives the following account of the 
incident alluded to hy D., which he says 
happened during his pnorate in 1300: — 

* Debes scire quod Florentiae in ecclesia patronali 
Johannis Baptistae circa fontem baptismalem sunt 
aliqui puteoli marmorei rotundi in circuitu capaces 
unius hominis tantum, in quibus solent stare 
sacerdotes cum cruribus ad baptizandum pueros, 
ut possint Uberius et habilius ezercere officium 
suum tempore pressurae, quando oportet simul et 
semel plures baptizari, quoniam tota Florentia tam 

g>pulosa non habet nisi unum Baptisterium {yar. 
aptismum). . . . £t autor incidenter commemorat 
unum casum satis peregrinum, qui emerserat pauco 
tempore ante in dicto loco. Qui casus fiiit talis : 
cum in ecclesia praedicta circa Baptismum collu- 
derent quidam pueri, ut est de more, unus eonim 
furiosior aliis intravit unum istorum foraminum, et 
ita et taliter implicavit et involvit membra sua, 
quod nulla arte, nuUo ingenio poterat inde retrahi. 
Clamantibus ergo pueris, qui ilium juvare non 
poterant, factus est in parva hora magnus con- 
cursus populi ; et breviter, nullo sciente aut potente 
succurrere puero periclitanti, supervenit Dantes, 
qui tunc erat de Prioribus regentibus. Qui subito 
viso puero, clamare coepit : Ah quid facitis, gens 
ignara ! portetur una securis ; et continuo portata 
securi, Dantes manibus propriis percussit lapidem, 
qui de marmore erat, et faciliter fregit : ex quo 
puer quasi reviviscens a mortuis liber evasit.' 

In the Comento Anonimo (ed. Vernon, 1848) 
the name of the boy is given as Antonio di 
Baldinaccio de' Cavicciuli, a family which 
was especially hostile to D. [Adimari.] 

As baptisms used to take place only on two 
days in the year, on the eves of Easter and 
Pentecost, and in the Baptistery alone, the 
crowd on these occasions must have been very 
great. Villani records that in his time the 
yearly baptisms averaged between 5,000 and 
6.000, the numbers being checked, he says, by 
means of beans, a black one being deposited 
for every male child and a white one for every 
female. He incidentally remarks that the 
excess of males over females was between 300 
and 500 every year : — 

' Troviamo dal piovano che battezzava i fanciulli 
(imperocch^ ogni maschio che si battezzava in san 
Giovanni, per averne 11 novero mettcva una fava 
nera, c per ogni femmina una fava bianca) che 




erano I'anno in quest! tempi dalle cinquantacinque 
alle sessanta centinaia, avanzando piii il sesso 
masculino che '1 femminino da trecento in cinque- 
cento per anno.* (xi. 94.) 

The present Baptistery, which is octagonal 
in form, was in D.'s time the Cathedral of 
Florence, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, which 
was begun by Amolfo in 1 298, not having been 
completed until the middle of Cent. xv. The 
structure dates back at least as early as Cent vi, 
and was erected on the site of, or perhaps 
converted from, an ancient temple of Mars, the 
tutelary deitv of Florence (Inf. xiii. 144). It 
was probably built on the model of the 
Pantheon, with an open space in the centre of 
the dome, which in 1550 was surmounted by 
a lantern. The existing exterior of black and 
white marble was erected (i 288-1 293) by Ar- 
notfb. In 1248 the building narrowly escaped 
destruction at the hands of the Ghibellines.' 
Wishing to wreak their vengeance upon the 
Guelfs, by whom it had been used as a council 
chamber, they gave orders to the architect, 
Niccolb Pisano, to demolish the tall tower of 
Guardamorto, which stood close beside it, and 
so to arrange that it should crush San Giovanni 
in its falL Niccol6, however, failed to carry 
out his instructions, and the church was sparea. 
The famous bronze gates did not exist in D.*$ 
time, the one on the S. side having been 
executed by Andrea Pisano about 1330, the 
others by Ghiberti about 1400. The font to 
which D. alludes is said to have been removed 
in 1 576 by the Grand Duke, Francesco I de' 
Medici, on the occasion of the baptism of bis 
son Philip. The present font was placed 
where it stands in 1658, but it is the work of 
an earlier period. 

Be, first syllable of the name Becttric^ ; D. 
spealcs of his reverence for even the syllables 
of B.*s name, Be and Ice^ Par. vii. 14. Some 
editors, reading B^ think there is an allusion to 
the pet name Bice. [Beatrice ^ : Bice : Ice.] 

BeMtitudlnf\f the Beatitudes, the promises 
of blessing made by our Lord in the Sermon 
on the Mount (Mait. v. 3-12). In each Circle 
of Purgatory D. represents an Angel singing 
one of the Beatitudes to comfort those who 
are purging themselves of their sins. In 
Circle I, w^re the sin of Pride is purged, the 
Angel of Humility sings Beaiifauperes sfiritu^ 
* Blessed are the poor in spint,' Purg. xii. 1 10. 
[Superbl] In Circle II, where the sin of 
Envy is purged, the Angel of Charity sings 
Bea/i misen'cordes, * Blessed are the merciful,' 
Puig. XV. 38. pLnvidiosi.] In Circle III, 
wh€^ ti]e sin of Wrath is purged, the Angel 
of Peace sings Bea/i pacifici^ * Blessed are the 
peacemakers,' Purg. xvii. 68. [Iracondi.] In 
Circle IV, where the sin of Sloth is purged, the 
Angel of the Love of God sings Beati qui 
lugent^ 'Blessed are they that mourn,* Purg. 

xix. 50. [Accidlosi.] In Circle V, where the 
sin of Avarice is purged, the Angel of Justice 
sings Beati qui sitiunt jusiitiam^ ' Blessed are 
they who tnirst after justice,* Purg. xxii. 5. 
[Avari.] In Circle VI, where the sin of Glut- 
tony is purged, the Angel of Abstinence sings 
Beati qui esuriunt justitiam, * Blessed are they 
who hunger after justice,* Purg. xxiv. 151. 
[Golosi.] In Circle VII, where the sin of Lust 
IS purged, the Angel of Purity sings Beati 
mundo corde^ * Blessed are the pure in heart,' 
Purg.xxvii.8. [IiUBStirioaL] IntheTerrestrisd 
Paradise, as D. and Virgil enter, Matilda sings 
(from Psalm xxxii. i), Beati quorum tecta sunt 
peccatay 'Blessed are they whose sins are 
covered,' Purg. ^xix. 3. [Ftirgatorio.] 

Beatrice^, Beatrice, the central figure of 
the Vita Nu0va and of the Divina Commedia^ 
commonly identified with Beatrice Portinari, 
daughter of Folco Portinari of Florence. She 
was bom in 1266, probably in June (Purg. xxx. 
124) ; married Simone de' Bardi in 1287 ; died 
June 8, 129Q (V. N. § 3ol~i3 . Purg. xxxii. 2), 
at the age of 24 (Purg. xxx. 124). [Arabia.] 

The assumption thiat D.'s Beatnce was the 
daughter of Folco Portinari rests mainly upon 
a statement of Boccaccio which he mzJces in 
bis Vita di Dante, and more explicitly in his 
Comento, In commenting on Inf. iL 70, where 
the pame olf Beatrice occurs for the first time, 
he says : — 

'Perciocch^ questa h la primiera volta che di 
questa donna nel presente libro si fa menzione, 
non pare indegna cosa alquanto manifestare, di 
cui I'autore in alcune paiti della presente opera 
intenda, nominando lei. . . . Fu adunque questa 
donna (secondo la relazione di fededegna persona, 
la quale la conobbe, e fu per consanguiniti 
strettissima a lei) figliuola di un valente uomo 
chiamato Folco Portinari, antico cittadino di 
Firenze : e comecch6 Tauten sempre la nomini 
Beatrice dal suo primitivo, ella fu chiamata Bice : 
ed egli acconciamente il testimonia nel Paradiso, 
laddove dice : '* Ma quella reverenza, che s'in- 
donna Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE." £ fu 
di costumi e di onestli laudevole, quanto donna 
esser debba, e possa ; e di bellezza e di leggiadria 
assai omata : e fu moglie d*iin cavaliere de' Bardi, 
chiamato messer Simone, e nel ventiquattresimo 
anno della sua eti pass6 di questa vita, negli anni 
di Cristo mccxc' 

This very definite statement both as to the 
parentage and marriage of Beatrice was made 
by Boccaccio, within fifty years of D.*s death, 
in his public lectures before a Florentine 
audience, at a time when the Portinari and 
Bardi, both of them well-known families, were 
still residing in Florence. It is hardly credible 
that he should thus publicly commit himself 
and run the risk of bemg publidy contradicted, 
unless his statement were in accordance with 
the actual facts. 

In addition to this testimony of Boccaccio 
(whose father, it may be noted, was intimately 




connected with the Bardi, having acted as their 
agent in Paris), there is the evidence of the 
poet's own son, Pietro di Dante, in his comment 
on Inf. ii. 70 (in a passage which occurs in the 
Ashbumham MS. of the Comento^ but is 
omitted from the version printed by Ld. 
Vernon) : — 

*' £t quia modo hie primo de Beatrice fit mentio, 
de qua tantus est sermo maxime infra in tertio 
libro Paradisi, premictendum est quod revera 
quedam domina nomine Beatrix, insignis valde 
moribus et pulcritudine tempore auctoris viguit 
in civitate Florentie, nata de domo quorumdam 
civium florentinorum qui dicuntur Portinarii, de 
qua Dantes auctor procus fuit et amator in vita 
dicte domine, et in ejus laudem multas fecit 
cantilenas ; qua mortua ut ejus nomen in &mam 
levaret in hoc suo poemate sub allegoria et typo 
theologie eam ut plurimum accipere voluit.' (See 
Romania^ xxiii. 265.) 

Benvenuto da Imola, who was a friend of 
Boccaccio, and attended his lectures on Dante 
in Florence, is emphatic as to the reality of 
Beatrice, though he does not mention her 
family name : — 

* Sed quae est ista Beatrix ? Ad hoc sciendun^ 
est quod Jsta Beatrix realiter et vere fuit mulier 
florentina magnae pulcritudinis.' 

The function of Beatrice in the D. C is to 
conduct D. from the Terrestrial to the Celestial 
Paradise. She appears to Virgil (having been 
moved by St. Lucy, at the bidding of the 
Vii|[in Mary), and sends him to the help of D. 
(Inf. ii. 52-118). Subsequently, when Virgil 
has left D., she appears to D. himself, standing 
on a mystic car, and clad in white, green, and 
red (the colours of the three theological virtues, 
faith, hope, and love) (Purg. xxx. 31-3) ; 
addressing him by name {^, 5*5), she calls him 
to account for the error of his ways (Purg. xxx. 
103-xxxi. 69) ; then, after having revealed to 
him the destiny of the Church, she accompanies 
him on his pilgrimage through heaven as his 
guide and interpreter, and finally leaves him 
(after a solemn denunciation of Boniface VIII 
and Clement V) to resume her seat among the 
elect, at the side of Rachel, in the Celestial 
Rose, sending St. Bernard to take her place 
with D. (Par. xxxi. 59). [Bernardo: Bosa: 

Allegorically, Beatrice represents Theology, 
the divine science, which leads man to the 
contemplation of God, and to the attainment 
of celestial happiness. 

Speaking to Virgil, Beatrice refers to D. 
as I'amico mioy Inf. ii. 61 ; D. himself she 
addresses once only by name, Dante being 
her first word to him, Purg. xxx. 55 ; on other 
occasions she addresses him as Jrate^ Purg. 
xxxiii. 23; Par. iii. 70; iv. 100; vii. 58, 130. 

Beatrice is mentioned by name sixty-three 
times in the D,C,y but on no occasion does D. 
address her by name ; the name occurs twice 

only in the Inferno^ Inf. iL 70^ 103 ; seventeen 
times in the Pur^cUorio^ ^^^' ^ 4^ ; xv. 77 ; 
xviii. 48, 73 ; xxiii. 128 ; xxvii 56, 53 ; xxx- 73 ; 
xxxi. 80, 107, 114, 133; xxxiL 31^ 85, 106; 
xxxiii. 4, 124 ; forty-four times in the Paradtso^ 
Par. i. 46, 64 ; ii. 23; iii. 127; iv. 13, 139; v. 
16, 85, 122 ; vii. 16 ; ix. 16 ; x. 37, 52f 60 ; xi. 
II ; xiv. 8, 79; XV. 70; xvL 13; xviL 5, 30; 
xviii. 17, 53 ; xxi. 63 ; xxiL 125 ; xxiiL 19, 34, 
76; xxiv. 10, 22, 55 ; XXV. 28, 137; xxvL 77; 
xxvii. 34, 102 ; xxix. 8 ; xxx. 14, 128 ; zxxL 59, 
66, 76 ; xxxii. 9 ; xxxiii. 38. 

D. speaks of B. as donna beata e Mla^ In£ 
ii. 53 ; donna di virtiky Inf. ii. 76 ; loda di Die 
vera. Inf. ii. 103 ; guella^ il cut bel occhio ttUto 
vede^ Inf. x. 131 ; donna che saprH^ Inf. xv. 90 ; 
quella che lume fia tra il vero e PinieUetto^ 
Purg. vi. 44 ; la donna^ Purg. xxx. 64 ; la donna 
mia^ Purg. xxxii. 122 ; Par. v. 94 ; viL 11 ; viii. 
'15 ; &c. ; madonna^ Par. ii. 46; quel sol^ eke 
pria damor mi scaldd il petto. Par. m. i\ la 
dolce guida^ Par. iii. 23 ; amansa del primo 
amante. Par. iv. 118; diva. Par. iv. 118; bella 
donna, Par.x. 93 ; colei ch* alt alto volo mtvestX 
le piume. Par. xv. 54; quella donna cICa Dio 
mi menofva, Par. xviii. 4 ; // mio conforto. Par. 
xviii. 8 ; quel miracolo, Par. xviii. 63 ; la mia 
celeste scoria, Par. xxi. 23 ; quella^ ond to 
aspetto il come ^ I quando Del dire e del tacer^ 
Par. xxi. 46-7 ; la mia guida, Par. xxii. i ; dolce 
guida e cara, Par. xxiii. 34 ; la dolce donna^ 
Par. xxii. 100 ; quella pia, che guidb le penne 
Delle mie ali a cosl cdto volo. Par. xxv. 49-50 ; 
quella che imparadisa la mia mente, Par. xxviiu 
3 ; quella che vedea i pensier dubi Nella mia 
mente, Par. xxviii. 97-8 ; // sol degli occki miei^ 
Par. xxx. 75 ; he refers to her familiar name 
Bice, Par. vii. 14. [Bioe.] 

In the Vita Nuova Beatrice is mentioned 
by name twenty- three times : V. N. §§ 2"» 

5I7, 32^ i2*«, 143*, 22«» 23^ ^"^^^ ^^l, 102^ 24**, 
i2, 42^ 2^11^ yiVi, 27i 55, 95^ ^o*> 1<^» \\^, 42*®, 

43^^ ; p. refers to her as la gloriosa donna 
delta mia mente, § 2^; la gentUissima B,^ 
&§ 517, 32^ 1^34^ 23I8, 40I6 ; la mia donna, §§ 6*, 
16 i86^ 248, 416, &c. ; la gentUissima donna^ 
§§ 9^S Il^^ 14^^ 26I, 31I, 4i9; quella fenli^ 
lissima, la quale fu distruggitrice dt tulti 
i vizi e regina delle iHrtii, % ioii""i3 . /^ donna 
delta cortesia, § 12^^; la mirabile donna, 
§§ 14*2, 23*3 ; questa gentUissima, §§ 14*, i8«», 
2i3, 22^5, 23I22, 297 ; questa donna, §§ 14^, 

1582, 16I3, 172, i833^ 19II2, 2l2*, 22l3i44^352. 

la mia gentUissima donna, § 18^^; madonna, 
§ 19^^ \ tanta tneraviglia, § 22^ ; questa nobi" 
lissima B,, § 22* ; donna gentile, § 22^2 ; la 
mircdHle B,, § 242*; Bice, § 24*^; questa B. 
beata, § 29^^ ; la mia nobilissima donna^ 
§ 37^ ; questa gloriosa B.^ § 40* ; questa bene- 
detta, § 43* ; quella benedetta B., § 43^*. 

In the Convivio she is mentioned by name 
four times : Conv. ii, 2<J» 3i^ 780^ ^53 ; d. speaks 
of her as quella B, beata, Conv. ii. 2^ ; quella 




ghriosa B., Conv. ii. 2^1, 780 ; quella viva B, 
beata^ Conv. ii. 9^3. quella gloriosa donna^ 
Conv. ii. 9^^; // frimo dtletto della mia 
onimay Conv. ii. 13-% 

Beatrice 2, Beatrice, youngest daughter of 
Raymond Berengcr IV, Count of Provence; 
married (in 1246) to Charles of Anjou, who 
subsequently (in 1266) became King of Sicily 
and Naples [Carlo ^]; by this marriage Pro- 
vence became united to the French crown 
(Purg. XX. 61) [Provenaa]. Her eldest sister, 
Margaret, married Charles' eldest brother, 
Louis IX of France. Th e two sisters are 
mentioned together by Sordello (in Ante- 
puigatory) in connexion with their husbands, 
who he says were as inferior to Peter III of 
Aragon, as Charles II of Anjou Ti'as to his 
Either, Charles I, Purg. vii. 127-9 [Luigi*: 
Xargherita]. Benvehuto says the reference 
is to the two daughters of Charles II, who 
married James and Frederick, the two sons 
of Peter JII and Manfred's daughter Con- 
stance: — 

' Istae duae erant nunis dictae Constantiae, 
altera uxor donni Jacobi, altera donni Friderici, 
quamm neutra poterat gloriari de probo viro/ 

This, however, is at variance with the facts, 
for James' wife was called Blanche, and 
Frederick's Eleanor. 

B. is referred to by the Emperor Justinian 
/in the Heaven of Mercury) as one of the 
four daughters of Raymond Berenger IV, 
each of whom became a Queen, Par. vi. 133-4. 
£B«ringhieri, Bamondo : Table xi.] 

Beatrice 3]y Beatrice, youngest daughter 
of Charles II of Naples; marri^ (in 1305) to 
Azzo VIII, Marquis of Este, in consideration, 
it was said, of a large sum of money. This 
transaction, which D. compares to the selling 
of female slaves by corsairs, is alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. 
3KX. 79-81. To add to the disgrace of the pro- 
deeding it appears that Azzo was a great deal 
<^lder than Beatrice, since he had married his 
^rst wife, Giovanna Orsina, more than twenty 
Villani (viii. 88) mendons the marriage, but 
lys nothing about the alleged bargain. [Aaso 
^^Bsti: Carlo*: Table xxiii.] 

Beatrice «], daughter of Obizzo II of Este, 

^nd sister of Azzo VIII ; she was married first 

^o Nino Visconti of Pisa, by whom she had 

^ daughter Joan, and afterwards (at Modena 

ijn June, 1300) tp Galeazzo Visconti of Milan. 

It appears that before her marriage to the 

latter she had already been betrothed to 

Alberto Scotto of Piacenza, but Matteo Visconti 

f>f Milan, being anxious for an alliance with 

the house of Este, managed to secure her as 

the wife of his son Galeazzo. Beatrice, after 

^er marriage, came to reside in Milan, but 

within two years (in 1302) the Visconti were 

expelled thence by the Torriani (aided by 
Alberto Scotto, who thus avenged the slight 
passed upon him), and Galeazzo was forced to 
take refuge in Tuscany, where he died in 1328. 
Beatrice, however, lived to return to Milan, 
her son Azzo having regained the lordship, 
and died there in 1334. 

Nino Visconti (in Antepurgatory) refers to 
Beatrice as the mother of his daughter Joan, 
and reproaches her with her second marriage, 
saying that the Milanese viper will not become 
her tomb so well as the cock of Gallura, 
Purg. viii. 73-81 [Qiovanna*: Nino': Table 
xxiii: Qaleazao: Milanese]. As a matter 
of fact the arms of both the Visconti families, 
viz. the cock and the viper, were placed upon 
the tomb of Beatrice in the church of San 
Francesco at Milan ; and as, during her life- 
time, she was in the habit of using the combined 
arms of her second husband and of her father, 
viz. the viper and the eagle, it is not improbable 
that her commemoration of both her husbands 
on her tomb was di^e to a desire to falsify the 

ffrediction put by D. into the mouth of Nino. 
See Del Lungo, Dante ne* tempi di Dante^ 
pp. 303-12.) 

Sacchetti relates (Nov, xv) that Beatrice's 
marriage with Nino, who was an old man at 
the time, was arranged by her brother Azzo 
with a view to bringing into the family of Este 
the Giudicato of Gallura, which belonged to 
Nino. On Nino's dyin^ without male issue 
Azzo is said to have bitterly reproached his 
sister, whose reply forms the point of Sacchetti's 

Beccheria, Tesauro de' Beccheria of Pavia, 
Abbot of Vallombrosa, and Legate in Florence 
of Alexander IV. After the expulsion of the 
Ghibellines from Florence in July, 1258, he 
was seized by the Florentines on a charge of 
intriguing with them, put to the torture, and 
beheaded in the Piazza di sant' Apollinare in 
September of the same year. For this act of 
sacrilege the Florentines were excommunicated 
by the Pope. From Villani it appears that in 
spite of his confession, extracted by torture, 
many people thought him innocent : 

'Del mese di Settembre prossimo del detto 
anno (1358), il popolo di Firenze fece pigliare 
I'abate di Valembrosa, il quale era gentile uomo 
de' signori di Beccheria di Pavia in Lombardia, 
esscndoli apposto, che a petizione de' ghibellini 
usciti di Firenze trattava tradimentOi e quello per 
martiro gli fecero confessare, e scelleratamente 
nella pisizza di santo Apollinare gli feciono a grido 
di popolo tagliare il capo, non guardando a sua 
dignitk, n^ a ordine sacro ; per la qual cosa il 
comune di Firenze e* Fiorentini dal papa fiirono 
scomunicati. . . . £ di vero si disse, che \ religiose 
uomo nulla colpa avea, con tutto che di suo 
legnaggio fosse grande ghibellino.' (vi. 65.) 


D., however, did not believe in his innocence, 
for he places him in Antenora among those 

Beccio da Caprona 

wfao were traitora to their country, refeiTuig to 
him as fuel di Beccheria, In£ xxxii. ii8-^o. 
[Antonora.] Thoogfa Tesauro waa not a 
Florentine by birth, he was practically ooe by 
adoption, as Benvenuto points out :^ 

' PMeiat dici Sorentinus, nitione incolatus> quia 
erat ibi bcneGctatus. ' 

Beccio da Caprona], the murderer (ac- 
cording to Pietro di Dante and the Anonimo 
Fiorentino) of Farinata degli Scomigiani of 
Pisa, Purg. vi. 17-18 [BUi-siioao]. 

Beda, the Venerable Bede, Anglo-Saxon 
monk, Che fiither of English history, and most 
eminent writer of his age, was bom circ. 673, 
near Wearmouth in N.E. of Durham ; at the 
age of seven he was received into the mona.stery 
at Wearmouth, where he was educated ; in his 
nineteenth year be was ordained deacon, and 
in his thirtieth he became priest ; after three 
years at Wearmouth he removed to the newly- 
founded monastery at Jarrow, where he spent 
the whole of his life in study and writing, and 
where he died in 735. He was the author of 
a Urge number of woilcs, chie6y ecclesiastical, 
the most important being his Ecclesiastical 
History of England {Historia EccUsiastica 
Ntutrae Insulae ac Gentis) in five boolcs, which 
he brought down to 731, within four years of 
his death. 

D. places Bede, together with Isidore of 
S«ville and Richard of St. Victor, among 
the great doctors {Sfiiriti Sapimti) in the 
HMven of the Sun, where bis spirit is pointed 
out by Si. Thomas Aquinas, Par. x. 131 [Sole, 
CHalo del] ; the Italian Cardinals reproached 
with their neglect of his works, Epist. viii. 7. 

BstacqUA, musical instrument-maker of 
>'Utrencc, noted for his indolence, say the 
v4tl commentators. D. places him in Ante- 
Wiiyaiiiry among those who neglected their 
mwDlitnce until just before death, Purg. 
iv, 11) i fWi ""■ lo* ; coltti, v. 1 10 ; lui, v- 117 ; 
«i\ V\ 117 [AntlpurKatorio]. As D. and 
Yiwli !*»»* Blong, V. explains that the ascent 
^ tn« Mt, of Purgatory becomes easier as 
in uuiniBcho the top, and that, once on the 
fiHMnlti 1>. would be able to repose his weari- 
WMW i'urti' 'v- 8^~95 i thereupon a voice says 
W W llMt mayhap he will want a test before 
JMlVV^y? 9)' turning round they see figures 
^WlM|w rUllcHly under the shadow of a rock 
"" " , W»-lti and among them one sitting 
MWkiiKneei, with his face hidden between 
h(V«^ to6-8| ; U. draws V.'s attention to 
' ' t.wliuieupon the figure, scarce 

ucklrisses D., who recognires 
, lipvihi:.]u,i (109-15I; in reply to 
mJ^H fiMin 1 >. iis to why he is seated 
^tk ^M^'i'"" <'''"< hecause he delayed his 
^^v !<.> lilt' i/iKt, he is doonied to wait 
y for as long as he had lived 


Bellincion, Berti 

on earth, unless some righteous person make 
intercession for him (i/t/. 123-35)- 

Benvenuto says that besides being a maker 
of musical instruments, B. was something of 
a musician also, and adds that D., who was 
a lover of music, was intimate with him on that 
account; — 

'late fuit de Florentia, qui faciebat citharaa ct 
alia instniments musics, unde cum magna cura 
■culpebat et incidebal col la el capita cithararum, 
et aliqUBiido etiam pulsabat. Ideo Dantes iami- 
liariler noverat cum, quia delectatua est in sono.' 

The Anonimo Florentine says of him :^ 

'Questo BelacquB fu uno cittadino da Firenze, 
arteGce. et facea cotai colli di liuli et di chitarre, 
et era il piCi pigro uomo che fosse mai ; et si dice 
di lui ch' egli venis la mHttina a boltega, et ponevosi 
a sedere, et mai uon si levava se non quando egU 
voleva ire a desinare et a donnire. Ora I'Autlore 
fu forte suo dimestico : molto il riprendea di 
questa sua nigligeniiti ; onde un dl. nprendolo, Bel- 
acquB rispose colle parole d'Aristotile : Stdfttdo ti 
iptasanda amn\a tgicHur sapiita ; di che I'Auttore 
g]i rispose : Per cedo, ae per aedere si diventa 
savio, niuno fu mai piii SBvio di te.' 

Bellnol, Hamericus de. [Hamerioua^] 
Bella, Delia], one of the Florentine famiUes 

which received knighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenbui^, it gran Barotu, Par. 
xvi. I3S; alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) as having the same arrns as 
the Marquis, but with a border of gold, 
iyv. 1 3 1 -2) [aongalandl : Ugo di Brandlm- 
borgo]. Many think there is a spfecial reference 
to the famous Giano della Bella, the great law- 
maker and champion of the commons of 
Florence ; thus Benvenuto says, ' iste de quo 
autor loquitur fuit quidam Zannes de la Bella.' 
[CHano della Bella.] 

Villani states that the family had lost their 
nobility in D.'s day:^ 

'Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . abitavano 
quelli della Bella di san Hartino divenutt popolanL' 

Civ. II.) 

They were Guelfe (v. 39), and after the 
Ghibelline victory at Montaperti in 1360^ 
unlike the majority of Guelf families, they 
elected to remain in Florence, instt^ OT 
retiring to Lucca (vi. 79). 

Bellliicion,Bertl, Florentine of the ancient 
Ravignani family, father of 'la buona Guai- 
drada' {Inf. xvi. 37), through whose marriage 
with Guido Guerra IV, the Conti Guidi traced 
their descent from the Ravignani. He lived 
in the second half of Cent, xii, and in 1176 
was deputed by the Florentines to take over 
from the Sienese the castle of Po^bonsi, 
which bad been ceded by the latter, Villaoi 
speaks of him as ' il buono messere BeUincione 
Berti de* Ravignani onorevole ctttadino di 
Firenie ' (iv. i). 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven f£ Mars) quotes 

Bello, Oeri Del 

B. as an example of the simplicity of the 
Florentines of his day, describing how he was 
content to be girt with 'leather and bone/ 
Par. XV. 1 1 2- 1 3 ; and speaks of him as 'Talto 
Bellincion' in connexion with the Ravignani, 
and their descendants the Conti Guidi, Par. 
xvi. 97-9. [Qixaldrada : Quidi, Conti : 

Bellisar, Belisarius, the famous general of 
the Emperor Justinian, bom on the lx)rderland 
between Thrace and Illyricum circ. a.d. 505, 
died at Constantinople, March, 565. His great 
achievements were the overthrow of the 
Vandal kingdom in Africa, the reconquest of 
Italy from the Goths, and the foundation of 
the exarchate of Ravenna upon the ruins of the 
Gothic dominions. In 563, when he was nearly 
sixty, be was accused of being privy to a con- 
piracy against Justinian, in conseauence of 
which, according to the popular traaition, his 
property was confiscated, his eyes were put 
out, and he was compelled to beg in the streets 
of Constantinople, crying to the passers-by, 
' Date obolum Belisario.' In truth, however, 
his disgrace only lasted eight months, during 
which ne was confined to his own palace. The 
Emperor, having satisfied himself that the 
charge was false, restored him to favour, and 
he lived in possession of his wealth and honours 
until his death two years later (in 565), Justinian 
himself dying a few months after. 

Belisanus is mentioned by the Emperor 
Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury), who 
aays that he entrusted him with the conduct of 
his wars, while he himself was occupied with 
his great work on the Roman law, Par. vi. 23-7. 

It is probable that D., who does not hint at 
the ingratitude of Justinian towards his gre^t 
general, did not know more of the history of 
^be latter than is contained in the medieval 
chronicles. Villani concludes his account as 
follows : 

' Belisario bene awenturosamente e con vittoria 
in tutte parti vinse e soggiog6 i ribelli dello 
*xtiperio, e tenpe in buono stato mentre vivette, 
^aifino agli anni di Cristo 565, che Qiustiniano 
2«npendore e 3elisario moriro bene avventurosa- 
sxiente.' (ii. 6.) 

Bello, Bello degli Alighieri, son of Ali- 
K^ci'O h ^d brother of Bellincione, D.'s 
grandfather ; he is described in docunients as 
^ ^ominus ' (in Italian 'messere '), which implies 
Vaat he was either a judge or a knight ; he was 

of the council of the Anziani in 12^5, and 
^ast have been among those who had to fly 

Florence after the GhibeUine victory at 
Montaperti in 1260, he and his branch of the 
family havjng been Guelfs; he was dead in 
1 268, in which year his son Geri was granted 
eompensafion for a house which had been de- 
stroyed by the Ghibellines after his exile in 1 2$o. 
Bello is mentioned by Virgil (in Circle VIII 

of Hell) in connexion with his son Geri, Inf. 
xxix. 27. [Bello, G^erl del : Table xxii.] 

Bello, Geri del^ Geri (i.e. Ruggieri) del 
Bello degli Alighieri, son of the preceding, and 
first cousin of D.'s father, Alighiero II ; his 
name appears as * Geri quondam Dom. Belli 
Alaghieri' in a document dated 1269, contain- 
ing a list of the compensations granted to 
Guelf families in Florence for the losses 
inflicted by the Ghibellines after the battle of 
Montaperti in 1260; he had three brothers, 
viz. Gualfreduccio, who in 1237 was enrolled in 
the Arte di Calimala, Cenni (i.e« Bencivenni), 
who died in 1277, and Cione (i.e. Uguccione), 
who was a knight of the golden spur (* cavsdiere 
a spron d'oro *), [Table xzii.] 

D. places Geri among the 'seminator di 
scandalo e di scisma ' in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 27; un spi'rto 
del tnio san^e^ v. 20 ; ello, v. 23 ; eiy v. 24 ; 
lui, V. 25 ; git, V. 32 : /«/, v, 34 ; et, v. 34 ; sk, 
V, 36. [SeiamatiolJ Virgil, having noticed 
that D. was gazing earnestly into the ninth 
Bolgia, asks him the reason, to which D. 
repUes that he was looking for a spirit of his 
own race who should have been there. Inf. 
xxix. 3-21 ; V. then tells D. that he had seen 
this spirit, whose name was Geri del Bello, 
point threateningly at D., and theni as D. was 
mtent upon Bertran de Bom and did not 
notice him, go his way in silence (w» 22-30) ; 
D. explains that Geri had died a violent death, 
and had not yet been avenged by any of his 
kin, and that that was doubtless the reason why 
he was indignant with himself and did not 
stop to speak, wherefore he felt all the more 
pity for him (w, 31-6). 

The old commentators differ as to the 
details of Geri's story ; Lana, Buti, and the 
Anonimo Fiorentino say that he killed one of 
the Gerini or Geremei, and was in retaliation 
slain by one of them ; the Ottimo, Benvenuto, 
and others give the n^i^c of the family as 
Sacchetti. Lana says of Geri : — 

' Fu sagacissima persona, place vole e converse- 
vole : dilettossi di commettere male tra le persone, 
e sapealo fare si acconciamente, che pochi se ne 
poteano guardare da lui.' 

According to Buti, Geri's father had been 
killed by one of the Gerini, and in revenge he 
treacherously murdered one of the latter. The 
story is that he disguised himself as a leper 
and went to beg at the house of the Gerini ; 
\yhen the master of the house appeared Geri, 
pretending that the Podestk was coming, 
advised him to put away his arms, and then, 
when he was defenceless, fell upon him and 
killed him. For this deed he was banished to 
Fucecchio^ where subsequently he was slain 
by Geremia de* Gerini, whose uncle had been 
appointed to the office of Podestk in that town. 

Benvenuto, who describes Geri as a turbulent 




and quarrelsome person, says that he sowed 
discord amon^ the Sacchetti, one of whom 
retaliated by killing him ; and he states that it 
was not until thirty years afterwards that Geri*s 
death was avenged by the sons of Cione, who 
killed one of the Sacchetti in his own house : — 

' Genus iste vir nobilis fuit frater domini Cioni 
del Bello de Aldigheriis; qui homo molestus et 
scismaticus fiiit interfectus ab uno de S^cchettis 
nobilibus de Florentia, quia seminaverat discordiam 
inter quosdam ; cujus mors non fuit vindicata per 
spatium triginta annonim. Finaliter filii domini 
Cioni et nepotes praefati Gerii, fecenint vindictam, 
quia interfecerunt unum de Sacchettis in ostio suo.' 

There can be little doubt that the Sacchetti 
were the family with whom Geri w^s at feud, 
for not only does Pietro di Dante in his com- 
mentary (according to the Ashbumham MS.) 
give the name of Geri*s murderer as one of the 
Sacchetti ('occiso olim per quemdam Bro- 
darium de Sacchettis de Florentia*), but he 
also, like Benvenuto, states that the vengeance 
was accomplished by the murder of one of 
this family by the nephews of Geri (* nepotes 
dicti Gerii in ejus ultione quemdam de dictis 
Sacchettis occiderunt '). Further, the existence 
of a blood-feud between the Alighieri and the 
Sacchetti is attested by the fact that in 1342 
an act of reconciliation was entered into 
between these two families at the instance of 
the Duke of Athens, the guarantor on the part 
of the Alighieri being Dante's half-brother, 
Francesco, who appeared on behalf of himself 
and his two nephews, the poet's sons, Pietro 
and Jacopo, and the rest of the family :— 

* Franciscus quondam Allegherii . . . pro se ipso 
et suo nomine . . . , obligando ac edam pro et vice 
et nomine Domini Petri et Jacobi filionim quondam 
Dantis Allegherii . . . , consortum Siuonim at»entium, 
et pro et vice et nomine omnium et singulorum 
aliorum eonim et cujusque ipsorum consortum 
filiorum fratnim descendentium et adscendentium 
et consanguineorum in quocunque gradu, tarn 
natorum, quam nascituronim/ 

(Sec Bull, Soc. Dant, ItaL N.S. ii. 65-70.) 

Belo, Belus, King of Tyre, father of Dido 
(Aen, i. 625) ; the troubadour Folquet (in the 
Heaven of Venus), referring to Dido as * la 
fifflia di Belo,' compares his love for Adalagia 
with hers for Aeneas, Par. ix. 97-9. [Ada- 
lagia : Dido : Foloo.] 

Beltramo dal Bomio, Bertran de Bom, 
Con v. iv. 11^^^ [Bertram dal Bomio.] 

Belzebiil, Beelzebub, ' prince of the devils ' 
(Matt, xii. 24), name by which D. refers to 
Satan (whom he usually calls Lucifer), Inf. 
xxxiv. 127. [Luolfero.] 

Benaco, the Roman Lacus Benacus, the 
modern Lago di (Jarda, lake in N. of Italy, at 
the foot of the Tyrolcse Alps ; its E. shore is 
in Vcnctia, the W. in Lombardy. 

Vir^l mentions it, in his account of the 
foundmg of Mantua, in connexion with the 
Mincio, which flows out of the S. extremity 
of the lake. Inf. xx. 63, 74, ^^\ lacOy v. 61 ; 
lago^ V. 66 ; and describes its situation, w, 
61-3 [Mantua: Minoio: TiraUi]. The 
southernmost point of the lake is indicated by 
the mention of Peschiera {w, 70-2) [Pea- 
ohiera] ; the northernmost, roughly, by the 
mention of a spot where the Bishops of Trent, 
Brescia, and Verona could all give their 
blessing (w, 67-9), i. e. since a Bishop can 
only give his episcopal blessing within the 
limits of his own diocese, a place where the 
three dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona 
meet. Attempts have been made to identify 
the exact locality indicated. Some think the 
reference is to the little island off the point 
of Manerba on the W. shore, on which (ac- 
cording to Bishop Gonzaga, who had been 
Prior of the Franciscan monastery to which 
the island in his time belonged) there was 
a chapel, dedicated to St. Margaret, and sub- 
ject to the jurisdiction of three Bishops, * Tri- 
dentino scilicet, Brixiensi, atque Veronensi.' 
(See Ferrazzi, Man, DanL^ iii. 91-2 ; Iv. 31-2, 
389 ; V. 344-6.) 

Benedetto ^ St. Benedict, founder of the 
Benedictine order, the first religious order of 
the West, was bom of a noble family at Nursia 
(now Norcia) in the E. of Umbria, in the year 
480. In early youth he was sent to school in 
Rome, but shocked by the wild life of his 
associates he ran away at the age of fourteen, 
and hid himself among the mountains near 
Subiaco on the borders of the Abruzzi. There 
he lived in solitude for three years in a cave, 
acquiring a great reputation for sanctity, which 
led the monks of the neighbouring monastery 
of Vicovaro to choose him as their abbot 
Impatient, however, of his severe rule, of which 
he had warned them before accepting their 
invitation, they attempted to rid themselves of 
him by poison. Their attempt being discovered 
St. B. left them and returned once more to 
Subiaco, whence in 528 he went to Monte 
Cassino, where in the next year he founded 
his famous monastery on the site of an ancient 
temple of Apollo. He died at Monte Cassino 
fourteen years later, March 21, 543. His 
^Regula Monachorum,' which was designed 
to repress the irregular lives of the wandering 
monks, was first introduced in this monastery, 
and eventually became the rule of all the 
western monks. One of the features of his 
system was that, in addition to their religious 
exefcises, his monks occupied themselves with 
manual labour, and in the instruction of the 
young. [CasBlnc] 

D. places St. Benedict among the contem- 
plative spirits {Spiriti Contempianti) in the 
Heaven of Saturn, la maggiore e la pi^ lucu' 



Benedetto, San 


lenia {margherita)^ Par. xxii. 28; let, ^. 31 ; 
/«/, V, 52 ; p€uirey v, 58 ; egliy v. 61 [Satumo, 
Cielo di] ; his place in the Celestial Rose, by 
the side of St Francis and St. Augustine, is 
pointed out to D* by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
35 [BoaaJ; D.'s statement that a man may 
lead a religious life without assuming the habit 
of St. Benedict, or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, 
or St. Dominic, Conv. iv. 28®^''^*. 

In the Heaven of Saturn Beatrice directs 
D.'s attention to a number of little spheres of 
light, one of the largest and brightest of which 
(the spirit of St. B.) advances, and in response 
to D.'s secret desire addresses him (Par. xxii. 
19-31) ; after relating how he founded the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino and converted the 
neighbouring villages from paganism to the 
trae faith {w, 32-45), he explains to D. who 
his companions are, naming s evera l of them 
(w, 46-51) ; then, D. having expressed a wish 
to see him in his bodily form, divested of the 
envelope of light (vv, 52-60), St. B. tells him 
that he must wait until he reaches the Em- 
pyrean, where all desires are satisfied (w» 
61-72) ; and finally, after a lament over the 
backslidings of his own and other monastic 
orders (w. 73-96), he parts from D. and re- 
joins the company of spirits {yv, 97-9). 

In his account of the founding of the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino (w, 37-45), D. has 
dosely followed St. Gregory, who in his 
Dialogues (ii. 2) says : — 

'Castrum, quod Casinum dicitur, in excels! 

montis latere situm est (qui videlicet mons distenso 

Sinn hoc idem castrum recipit, sed per tria milia 

in altum se subrigens velut ad a€ra cacumen 

tendit), ubi vetustissimum fanum fuit, in quo ex 

antiquorum more gentilium a stulto rusticorum 

populo Apollo celebrabatur. Circumquaque in 

ctiltu daemonum luci excreverant, in quibus adhuc 

c^em tempore infidelium insana roultitudo sacri- 

ficiis aacrilegis insudabat Illuc itaque vir Dei 

(Senedictus) perveniens contrivit idolum, subvertit 

^i:axn, succendit lucos, atque ipso in templo Apollinis 

^raculum Mariae Virginis, ubi vero ara ejusdem 

•Apollinis fuit, oraculum sancti Joannis construxit, 

^t commorantem circumquaque multitudinem prae- 

^Icatione continua ad fidcm vocabat/ 

Benedetto 2], Benedict XI (Niccol6 Boc- 
^^asini), son of a notary of Treviso, was bom 
^n 1240, and became a Dominican in 1257; 
ixi 1 296 he was elected General of the Order, 
^.nd two years later he was created Cardinal 
bishop of Ostia by Boniface VIII ; he was 
elected Pope at Rome, Oct. 22, 1303, in suc- 
cession to Boniface, and died at Perugia (of 
)M>ison administered in some figs, it is said), 
^fter a reign of a little more than eight months, 
July 7, 1304. Great hopes were entertained 
of Benedict at his election, as he was known 
to be a man of wise and upright character, but 
the briefness of his pontificate prevented their 
realization. Villani says of him : — 

* Quest! fu di Trevigi di piccola nazione, che 
quasi non si trov6 parente . . . fu frate predicatore, 
uomo savio e di santa vita, e per la sua bontk e 
onesta vita per papa Bonifazio fu fatto cardinale, 
e poi papa. Ma vivette in su '1 papato mesi otto e 
mezzo ; ma in questo piccolo tempo cominci6 assai 
buone cose, e mostr6 gran volere di pacificare 
i cristiani.* {y\v\. 66.) — * Fu buono uomo, e onesto 
e giusto, e di santa e religiosa vita, e avea voglia 
di fare ogni bene, e per invidia di certi de' suoi 
frati cardinali, si disse, il feciono morire di veleno.' 
(viii. 8a) 

Dino Compagni : — 

' Nostro Signore Iddio, il quale a tutte le cose 
provede, volendo ristorare il mondo di buono 
pastore, prowide alia necessita de' cristiani. 
Perch^ chiamato fu nella sedia di santo Piero 
papa Benedetto, nato di Trevigi, frate predicatore, 
e priore generale, uomo di pochi parenti e di 
piccolo sangue, costante e onesto, discreto e santo. 
II mondo si rallegrb di nuova luce.' (iii. i.) 

In March 130} Benedict XI sent Niccol6 da 
Prato, whom he had created Cardinal, to pacify 
the factions in Florence. His coming was 
hailed with delight by the Ghibellines and 
Bianchi, as the Cardinal himself was a Ghi- 
belline ; but his impartiality disappointed their 
hopes, and led to the failure of the mission, the 
Cardinal departing in the following June, and 
leaving the city under an interdict. [Bianchi] 

Some commentators take Benedict XI to be 
the * Veltro' of Inf. i. loi-ii, pointing to the 
facts that his birthplace was ^tra Feltro e 
Feltro* (v, 105), Treviso being between Feltre 
in the Trevisan March, and Montefeltro in 
Romagna ; that as Pope he would be possessed 
of the divine authority attributed to the *Veltro' 
(v, 1 10) ; and that his character and the ex- 
pectations formed of him answered the de- 
scription of the promised deliverer (w, X03-4). 
This identification, however, is untenable, 
seeing that Benedict was already dead when 
the Inferno was written. [Veltrc] 

In his letter to the Italian Cardinals, urging 
them to elect an Italian Pope as successor to 
Benedict XI, D. refers to the latter as *de- 
functus Antistes,' Epist. viii. 10. 

Benedetto'^], Pope Benedict V, 964; 
during the absence of the Emperor Otto I 
from Rome, the Romans rose against his 
nominee Leo VIII, drove him from the city, 
and set up as Pope John XII, whom Otto 
had deposed ; on the death of John soon after, 
they elected Benedict V in his place ; as soon, 
however, as Otto returned to Rome he deposed 
Benedict, whom he sent into exile to Germany, 
stnd restored Leo VIII. D., referring to these 
incidents, says that from this action of Otto 
it might be argued that the Church was 
dependent upon the Empire, Mon. iii. ii^<^~2^. 
[Iieo: Otto.j 

Benedetto, San ^, mountain in the Etrus- 
can Apennines, on the slopes of which, above 


Benedetto, San 


Forll, Is situated a monastery of St. Benedict, 
known as San Benedetto in Alpe. D. mentions 
it in connexion with the Acquacheta or Mon- 
tone, the falls of which are close by, Inf. xvi. 
ICO [ Aoquacheta : Montone]. He implies 
(according to one interpretation of w. 101-2) 
that the monastery ought to have maintained 
more monks than it did. It appears, however, 
as a matter of fact, that the monastery never 
was a wealthy one, and consequently was not 
deservinj^ of the reproach implied in this in- 
terpretation. The reference is more probably 
to a proposal of the Conti Guidi, in whose 
territory the monastery was, to build a castle 
on the table-land just above the falls; this 
plan, which was never carried into execution, 
IS mentioned both by Boccaccio, who had it 
from the abbot of the monastery, and Ben- 
venuto ; the former says : — 

' Ove dovea per milie esser riceito : lo fui gii 
lungamente in dubbio di ci6 che Tautore volesse 
in questo verso dire; poi per ventuia trovatomi 
nel detto monisterio di san Benedetto insieme con 
Tabate del luogo, ed egli mi disse, che fu gii 
tenuto ragiouamento per quell! conti, i quali son 
signori di quella Alpe, di volere assai presso di 
questo luogo dove quest' acqua cade, siccome in 
luogo molto comodo agli abitanti, fare un castello, 
e riducervi entro molte villate da tomo di lor 
vassalli : poi mori colui che questo, piii che alcun 
degli altri, metteva innanzi, e cos) il ragionamento 
non ebbe effetto.' 

The locality of the monastery, which was 
situated on the mountain road leading from 
Florence across the Apennines to Fori), was 
probably familiar to D., who, as he himself 
tells us (Conv. iv. 11), had made the ascent of 

Benedetto, San 2, St. Benedict of Nursia, 
Conv. iv. 28«». [Benedetto ^] 

Benedictus^y Pope Benedict V, Mon. iii. 
11^9. [Benedetto'.] 

Benedictus^], Pope Benedict XI, referred 
to as de functus Anlistes, Epist. viiL 10. [Bene- 

Benevento, town in Campania, on the 
Calore, about 30 miles N.E. of Naples. On 
the plain of Grandella, near Benevento, was 
fought (Feb, 26, I26f ) the great battle between 
Charles of Anjou and Manfred, King of Sicily, 
which resulted in the total defeat and death of 
the latter. 

D. mentions Benevento in connexion with 
the burial of Manfred's body at the head of 
the bridge over the Calore, close to the town, 
where it was laid under a great pile of stones 
cast upon it one by one By the soldiers of 
Charles' army, *Sotto la guardia della grave 
mora,' Purg. lii. 128-9; subsequently the body 
was removed thence by the Archbishop of 
Cosenza, at the bidding, it is said, of Clement 
IV, and cast unburied upon the banks of the 

Verde, outside the kingdom of Nap 
130-2. [Manfred!.] 

Villani gives the following account 
battle, and of the burial of Manfred :^ 

* Ordinate le schiere de' due re nel pii 
Grandella per lo modo detto dinanzl, e das 
detti signori ammonita la sua gente di be 
dato il nome per lo re Cario a' suoi, 4 
cavalieri; e per lo re Manfredi, Soavt'a 1 
il vescovo d'Alzurro, siccome legato d 
assolvette e benedisse tutti quelli dell' os 
Carlo, perdonando colpa e pena, perc 
combatteano in servigio di santa Chiesa 
(atto, si cominci6 Taspra battaglia tra le p 
schiere de' Tedeschi, e de* Franceschi, e fi 
Tassalto de' Tedeschi, che malamente n 
la schiera de' Franceschi, e assai gli 
rinculare addietro, e presono campo. I1 1 
Carlo veggendo i suoi cosl malmenare, n< 
I'ordine della battaglia di difendersi colla 
schiera, awisandosi che se la prima set 
Franceschi ove avea tutta sua fidanza fos 
piccola speranza di salute attendea dal 
incontanente colla sua schiera si mise al 
della schiera de' Franceschi, contro a qi 
Tedeschi, e come gli usciti di Firenze e Ion 
vidono lo re Carlo fedire alia battaglia, s 
appresso francamente, e feciono maravigli 
d'arme il giomo, seguendo seropre la per 
re Carlo ; e simile fece il buono Gilio i 
conestabile di Francia con Ruberto di Fiai 
sua schiera, e dall' altra parte fedi il conte C 
colla sua schiera, onde la battaglia fu aspn 
e grande pezza dur6 che non si sapea chi i 
migliore ; perocch^ gli Tedeschi per loro 1 
forza colpendo di loro spade, molto dannej 
i Franceschi, Ma subitamente si lev6 un< 
grido tra le schiere de* Franceschi, chi 
cominciasse, dicendo : agli siocchi, agii s 
ftdirt i cavaiU; e cosl fu fotto, per la qual 
piccola d'ora i Tedeschi furono molto nu 
e molto abbattuti, e quasi in isconfitta vc 
re Manfredi lo quale con sua schiera de' 
stava al soccorso dell' oste, veggendo gli 
non poteano durare la battaglia, si con 
sua gente della sua schiera, che '1 seguiss 
battaglia, da' quali fu male inteso, pen 
maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del 
in tra gli altri il conte Camarlingo, e que 
Cerra, e quello di Caserta e altri, o per 
cuore, o veggendo a loro avere il peggio] 
disse per tradimento, come genti infedeli 
di nuovo signore, si fallirono a Manfredi, a 
nandolo e fuggendosi chi verso Abnizzi e c 
la cittii di Benivento. Manfredi rimaso co: 
fece come valente signore, che innanzi 
battaglia morire re, che fuggire con verg 
mettendosi I'elmo, una aquila d'argento 
avea ivi su per cimiera, gli cadde in su 1 
dinanzi : e egli ci6 veggendo isbigotti i 
disse a' baroni che egli erano da lato in 
hoc est signutn Deij perocch^ questa 
appiccai io coUe mie mani in tal modo, < 
dovea potere cadere ; ma per6 non las 
come valente signore prese cuore, e incoi 
si mise alia battaglia, non con sopranseg 
per non essere conosciuto per lo re, ma < 


Beni, Di Fine de' 

Beringhieri, Ramondo 

ahro barone, lui fedendo francamente nel mezzo 
ddla battaglia ; ma per6 i suoi poco duraro, che 
gia erano in volta : incontanente furono sconfitti, 
e lo re Manfredi morto in mezzo de' nemici : 
dissesi per uno scudiere francesco, ma non si seppe 
il certo . . . Nella sua fine, di Manfredi si cerc6 
piii di tre giorni, che non si ritrovava, e non si 
sapea se fosse morto, o preso, o scampato, perchd 
BOD avea avuto alia battaglia in dosso armi reali ; 
alia fine per uno ribaldo di sua gente fa riconosduto 
per piii insegne di sua persona in mezzo il campo 
ove fit la battaglia ; e trovato il suo corpo per lo 
detto ribaldo, il mise traverso in su uno asino 
vegnendo gridando: cMi accatia MoM/tvdif chiaccaita 
Umnjrtdi: quale ribaldo da uno barone del re fu 
battuto, e recato il corpo di Manfredi dinanzi al 
re, fece venire tutti i baron i ch* erano presi, e 
domandato ciascuno s' egli era Manfredi, tutti 
timorosamente dissono di si. Quando venne il 
conte Giordano si si diede delle roani nel volto 
piangendo e gridando : om^, ome^ signor tnio : 
onde molto ne fu commendato da' Franceschi, e 
per alquanti de' baroni del re fu pregato che gli 
iacesse fare onore alia sepultura. Rispose il re : 
jt U fsttroU voloniierst s^il ne fut excommuMte; ma 
imperocch' era scomunicato, non voile il re Carlo 
che fosse recato in luogo sacro ; ma appi^ del 
ponte di Benivento fu soppellito, e sopra la sua 
fossa per ciascuno dell' oste gittata una pietra, 
onde si fece grande mora di sassi. Ma per alcuni 
si disse, che poi per mandate del papa, il vescovo 
di Cosenza il trasse di quella sepultura, e mandollo 
fnori del Regno ch' era terra di Chiesa, e fu sepolto 
lango il fiume del Verde a' confini del Reg^o e di 
Campagna : questo per6 non affermiamo. Questa 
battaglia e sconfitta fu uno venerdl, il sezzaio di 
Febbnuo, gli anni Cristo 1265.' (vii. 9.) 

Bent, Di Pine de\ [PiailMis, De.] 

Benincasa d'Arezzo], Benincasa of Late- 
rina (in the upper Val d'Amo), a judge of 
Arezzo; according to the old commentators, 
i^rhile acting as assessor for the Podestk of 
Siena, he sentenced to death a brother (or 
lancle) of Ghino di Tacco, a famous robber 
^nd highwayman of Siena ; in revenge Ghino 
stabbed him while he was sitting in the papal 
^ttdit office at Rome, whither he had got him- 
self transferred from Siena, at the expiry of 
liis term there, in order to be out of Ghmo's 

D. places B. in Antepurgatory, among those 
'^rbo died a violent death, without absolution, 
V>ut repented at the last moment, referring to 
^im as M'Aretin, che dalle braccia Fiere di 
Cxhin di Tacco ebbe la morte,* Purg. vi. 13-14. 
C Antipurgfttorio : Ohin di Taoco.] 

Benvenuto, who describes Benincasa as a 
^preat lawyer, relates that on one occasion, 
l3eing questioned on a point of law by some 
of his pupils at Bologna, he referred them 
contemptuously to their own Accursius, who he 
said had befouled the whole Corfms Juris : — 

' Hie po€ta nominat unum magnum juriscon- 
uultum de Aretio, qui fuit tempore illo (amosus et 
acutus in civili sapientia, audax nimis. Unde 

scmel interrogatus a scholaribus suis Bononiae de 
quodam puncto juris, non erubuit dicere : Ite, ite 
ad Accursium, qui imbractavit totum corpus juris. 
Hie vocatus est dominus Benincasa, et fuit de uno 
castello comitatus Aretii, quod dicitur Laterina.' 

Bergamaschiy inhabitants of Bergamo, 
town in Lombardy about 30 miles N.£. of 
Milan; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Brescians in check, Inf. xx. 70- 1 
[Feaohiera] ; their dialect and that of the 
Milanese condemned, V. E. i. ii^o-*. [Ber- 

Bergamo. [Fergamum.] 

Bergomates, inhabitants of Bergamo, 
V.E. i. 1x30. The reading of the MSS. and 
early edd. is Pergameos (from Pergamum, the 
Latin form of Bergamo), for which Fraticelli 
and subsequent edd. substituted Bergomates \ 
the correct reading has been restored by Rajna* 

Beringhieri, Ramondo, Raymond Be- 
rcnger IV, last Count of Provence (1209- 1245); 
mentioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury), who says he had four 
daughters, each of them a Queen, an honour 
which he owed to his faithful minister Romeo 
(i. e. Romieu of Villeneuve), Par. vi. 133-5. 

The Count's four daughters were :— Margaret, 
married in 1234 to Louis IX, King of France 
[Margherita] ; Eleanor, married in 1236 to 
Henry III, King of England [Eleonora]; 
Sancha or Sanzia, married in 1244 to Henry's 
brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, afterwards 
(in 1257) King of the Romans [Sanaia] ; and 
Beatrice, married in 1246 (the year after her 
father's death) to Charles ot Anjou, brother of 
Louis IX, afterwards (in 1266) King of Sicily 
and Naples [Beatrice*]. As Beatrice was 
her father*s heiress, and at the time of her 
marriage was Countess of Provence, her union 
with Charles of Anjou brought Provence into 
the possession oT the royal house of France ; 
this result is alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. xx. 61 ; and by 
Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) son 
of Charles II of Anjou and Naples, who says 
that if he had lived he would have been Count 
of Provence (in right of his grandmother 
Beatrice), Par. viii. 58-^0. [Carlo*: Fro- 
vensa : Table zi.] 

The story of Romeo and Count Raymond, 
which D. adopted, is told by Villani :— 

* II buono conte Raimondo Berlinghien di 
Proenza fu gentile signore di legnaggio, e fu 
d^una progenia di que' della casa d'Araona, e di 
quella del conte di Tolosa. Per retaggio fu sua la 
Proenza di qua dal Rodano ; signore fu savio e 
cortese, e di nobile stato, e virtuoso, e al suo 
tempo fece onorate cose, e in sua corte usarono 
tutti i gentili uomini di Proenza, e di Francia, 
e Catalogna per la sua cortesia e nobile stato. . . • 




Arrive in sua corte uno romeo che tornava da san 
Jacopo, c udendo la bonta del conte Raimondo, 
ristette in sua corte, e fu si savio e valoroso, e 
venne tanto in grazia al conte, che di tutto il fece 
maestro e guidatore ; il quale sempre in abito 
onesto e religioso si mantenne, e in poco tempo 
per sua industria e senno raddoppi6 la rendita di 
suo signore in tre doppi, mantenendo sempre 
grande e onorata corte. E avendo guerra col 
conte di Tolosa per confini di loro terre (e il conte 
di Tolosa era il maggiore conte del mondo, e sotto 
se avea quattordici conti), per la cortesia del conte 
Raimondo, e per lo senno del buono romeo, e per 
lo tesoro ch'egli avea raunato, ebbe tanti baroni e 
cavalieriy ch' egli venne al disopra della guerra, 
e con onore. Quattro figliuole avea il conte e 
nuUo figliuolo maschio. Per lo senno e procaccio 
del buono romeo, prima gli maritd la maggiore al 
buono re Luis di Francia per moneta, dicendo al 
conte : " Lasciami fare, e non ti gravi il costo, che 
se tu mariti bene la prima, tutte Taltre per lo 
suo parentado le mariterai meglio, e con meno 
costo." E cosl venne fatto, che incontanente il re 
d'InghiUerra per essere cognato del re di Francia, 
tolse I'altra per poca moneta : appresso il fratello 
camale essendo eletto re de* Romani, simile tolse 
la terza ; la quarta rimanendo a maritare, disse il 
buono romeo : " Di questa voglio che abbi uno 
valente uomo per figliuolo, che rimanga tua reda*^ ; 
c cosi fece. Trovando Carlo conte d*Angi6, fra- 
tello del re Luis di Francia, disse: *'A costui ,1a 
da*, ch* 6 per essere il migliore uomo del mondo," 
profetando da lui ; e cosi fu fatto. Awenne poi 
per invidia, la quale guasta ogni bene, ch* e' baroni 
di Proenza appuosono al buono romeo, ch' egli 
avea male guidato il tesoro del conte, e feciongli 
domandare conto : il valente romeo disse : " Conte, 
io t' ho servito gran tempo, e messo di picciolo 
stato in grande, e di ci6 per lo falso consiglio di 
tue genti se* poco grato ; io venni in tuo corte 
povero romeo, e onestamente del tuo sono vivuto, 
fammi dare il mio muletto, e il bordone e scarsella 
com* io ci venni, e quetoti ogni servigio." II 
conte non volea si partisse; per nulla voile ri- 
manere, e com' era venuto, cosi se n*and6, che mai 
non si seppe onde si fosse, n^ dove s'andasse; 
awisossi per molti, che fosse santa anima la sua.' 
(vL 90.) 
Berlinghieri. [Beringhieri.] 

Bemardin di Fosco, Bernardo, son of 
Fosco, of Faenza, said by the old commentators 
to have been of humble origin, but to have 
so distinguished himself as to be received on 
terms of equality by the nobles of his native 


Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
who speaks of him as ' verga gentil di picciola 
gramigna,' mentions him among the worthies 
of Romagna, as an instance of a person who 
from base beginnings raised himself to a high 
position in virtue of his noble qualities, Purg. 
xiv. 101-2. 

The Ottimo Comento, whom Benvenuto fol- 
lows, says of him :— 

* Questo messer Bernardino, figliuolo di Fosco, 
Uvorttore di terra e di vile mestiero, con sue 

virtuose opere venne tanto eccellente, che Faenza 
di lui ricevette favore ; e fu nominato in pregio, 
e non si vergog^avano li grand! antichi uomini 
venirlo a visitare per vedere le sue orrevolezze, ed 
udire da lui leggiadri mottl' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino records a striking 
example of his liberality : — 

* Fu questi nato di piccola gente, e fu cittadino 
di Faenza, grandissimo ricco uomo, et tenea molti 
cavalli et molti famigli, et avea imposto a* famigU 
suoi che chiunque chiedesse veruno de' cavalli 
suoi, che a tutti gli desse. Awenne che un di, 
volendo costui cavalcare a' suoi luoghi, comand6 a* 
famigli che facessono porre la sella a' cavalli : fugli 
detto che tutti erono prestati : mand6 richeggendo 
de' cavalU de' cittadini, et perch^ erono in diverse 
faccende aoperati, veruno ne pot^ avere. Chiama 
uno suo famiglio, et fassi recare uno libro per 
giurare : il famiglio, che il conoscea cortese, perch^ 
egli non giurasse cosa ch' egli s'avessi a pentere, 
credendo che del caso fosse irato, non gliele volea 
recare : nell' ultimo, avendogli recato il libro, 
giur6 che mai niuno cavallo gli sarebbe chiesto, 
quantunque egH n* avesse bisogno, ch' egli non 
prestasse, per6 ch* egli avea provato quanto altri 
avea caro d'essergli prestati, quando altri n'avea 

Beyond the indications aflforded by D. him- 
self and the old commentators nothing is known 
of Bernardo di Fosco, save that he was Podestk 
of Siena in 1249 (and probably of Pisa in 
1248) ; and that he played a prominent part 
in the defence of Faenza against the Emperor 
Frederick II in 1240, during the podestkship 
of Michele Morosini of Venice, a defence whicn 
lasted nearly a year, and was famous enough 
to be commemorated in a sirventese by Ugo 
di san Circ, who makes special mention of 
* Miguel Moresi ' and * Bemart de Fosc.' (See 
Casini, Dcmte e la Romagna^ 

Bernardo^, Bernard of Quintaviile, a 
wealthy merchant of Assisi, where he was 
a person of much importance, who was the 
first follower of St. Francis of Assisi. At first, 
though attracted by St. Francis, he distrusted 
him ; but having convinced himself of his 
sincerity, he submitted himself to his direction, 
sold all his possessions for the benefit of the 
poor, and embraced the rule of poverty. After 
the death of his master he became the head of 
the Order. 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B. as having been the first to 
follow St. F., and refers to his great eager- 
ness to become his disciple. Par. xi. 79-81. 
[Franoesco''^.] In this account D. follows 
the Vita Francisci of Tommaso da Celano, 
who says : — 

'Frater Bemardus legatam pacem amplectens, 
ad mercandum regnum coelorum post Sanctum 
Dei (sc. Franciscum) cucurrit alacriter. . . . Solvit 
protinus calceamenta de pedibus, baculum deponit,' 




Bernardo ^9 St. Bernard, the great Abbot 
of Clairvaux, and preacher of the disastrous 
second Crusade, was bom of noble parents in 
the village of Fontaines, near Dijon, in Bur- 
gundy, in 1091. After studying in Paris, in 
1 1 13, at the age of twenty- two, he joined the 
newly-founded Benedictine monastery of Ci- 
teanx, not far from his own home, at the head 
of which was Stephen Harding, an English- 
man. Two years later, in 1 115, St. B. was 
selected by Harding to be the head of one 
of the branches, which the increasing fame of 
Citeaux made it necessary to establish, and he 
set out with a small band of devoted followers, 
journeying N. until he came to a spot in the 
diocese of Langres in Champagne, known as 
(be 'valley of wormwood,' where he made 
a clearing and founded his kmous abbey of 
Clairvaux. His influence soon spread beyond 
the limits of his monastery, and from this time 
nntil his death he is one of the most prominent 
figures in the history of his time. After the 
death of Honorius II in 11 30 his champion- 
^ip secured the triumph of Innocent II over 
his rival Anacletus ; and in 11 40 at the Council 
of Sens he secured the condemnation of the 
heretic Peter Abelard. The news of the cap- 
tore of Edessa by the infidels in 11 44 led 
St. B., with the approval of the Pope, to preach 
a new Crusade, which resulted in the dis- 
astrous expedition of Louis VII and Conrad III 
(11 47- 1 149). The failure of the Crusade was 
a crushing blow to St. B., from which he never 
recovered, and though he continued to take an 
active part in public affairs, he gradually sank, 
and died, at the age of sixty-two, Aug. 20, 
II 53. He was canonized a few years after his 
death by Pope Alexander III. His numerous 
writings consist of epistles, sermons, and theo- 
kgical treatises, which are conspicuous for his 
devotion to the Virgin Mary, whence on his 
canonization he was described as 'alumnus 
fiimiliarissimus Dominae Nostrae.' His most 
important work is the De Consideratione 
(quoted by D., Epist. x. 28), written in the last 
years of his life, and addressed to his disciple, 
Poitt Eugenius III, which is largely a protest 
against the excessive centralization of the au- 
thority of the Church at Rome. (See Morison, 
Ufe and Times of St, B.) [Coasideradone, 

In the D. C, St. Bernard acts as D.'s guide, 
when Beatrice leaves him, and remains with 
hun ontil the end of the vision ; he is regarded 
^ the symbol of contemplation (Par. xxxi. 
iio-ii ; xxxii. i), whereby man attains the 
vision of the Deity. Pietro di Dante says : — 

' Figure est, quod per theologiam Deum videre 
^ cognoscere non possumus, sed per gratiam et 
^ntemplationem. Idee mediante sancto Bernardo, 
idest contemplatione, impetratur a Virgine gratia 
^endi talia, quae per scripturas percipi non 

St. B. is mentioned by name. Par. xxxi. 102, 
139 ; xxxiii. 49 ; Epist. x. 28 ; he is referred to 
as un Sene Vestito con le genti gloriose^ Par. 
xxxi. 59-60 ; egliy v, 65 ; il santo Sene^ v, 94 ; 
coluiy che in questo moruiOf Contempiandoy gustb 
di quella face^ w, no- 11 ; egliy v, 113; quel 
contemplante^ Par. xxxii. i ; santo Padre ^ v. 100; 
coluiy cK abbelliva di Maria^ v, 107; egli, 
V. 109; r oratory Par. xxxiii. 41. D. several 
times alludes to St. B.'s well-known devotion 
to the Virgin, which is apparent in all his 
works, and especially in his Homilies on the 
Annunciation, and on the Praises of the Virgin 
(Par. xxxi. 100-2, 139-42 ; xxxii. 40-2). The 
description of St. B. as having * a benign joy 
diffused in his eyes and cheeks' (Par. xxxi. 
61-2) is, as Butler points out, evidently an 
allusion to a personal characteristic, which is 
mentioned by Alan, Bishop of Auxerre : — 

'Apparebat in came ejus gratia quaedam, 
spiritualis tamen potius quam carnalis ; in vultu 
claritas praefutgebat, non terrena utique, sed 
caelestis; in oculis angelica quaedam puritas et 
columbina simplicitas radiabat. Ipsa etiam sub- 
tilissima cutis in genis modice rubens. . . .' 

Beatrice, having conducted D. to the Em- 
pyrean, points out to him the Celestial Rose, 
m which are the seats of the Elect (Par. xxx. 
128-48), and, while he is lost in wonder at 
the sight, leaves him in order to return to 
her own place among them (xxxi. 1-54) ; not 
knowing that she has departed, D. turns to 
question her, and finds in her stead an elder 
(St. Bernard), who, in answer to his inquiry 
as to where B. is, states that he has been sent 
by her to take her place at D.'s side (z'z/. 55-66) ; 
he then points out to D. where she is seated 
(zw. 67-9) ; after D. has prayed to B. to 
continue her care for his welfare, St. B. bids 
him look steadfastly upon the Celestial Rose, 
and so prepare himself for the divine vision, 
which he says will be vouchsafed them at the 
instance of the Virgin Mary, whose faithful 
servant he declares himself to be {w, 70-102) ; 
D. then, by St. B.'s direction, looks to where 
the Virgin is seated amid countless angels, and 
St. B., seeing D.'s eyes fixed upon her, turns 
his own gaze towards her with deep devotion 
{yu, 103-42) ; having explained to D. the 
arrangement of the seats of the Elect in the 
Rose, and having solved his doubt as to the 
salvation of infants (xxxii.. i -138), St. B. offers 
up a prayer to the Virgin that she may help 
D. to attain the vision of the highest bliss, 
and may henceforth have him in her keeping, 
so that he slide not back into his evil affections 
(xxxii. 139-xxxiii. 39) ; at the end of his prayer 
he signs to D. to look upward, and thereafter 
the vision closes {yv, 40-145). [Maria^: 

St. Bernard's prayer to the Virgin is adapted 
by Chaucer in tne * Invocacio ad Mariam * in 
the Seconde Nonnes Tale (w, 29-56) : — 


Bemardone, Pietro 

Bertram dal Bomio 

*Aod thorn that 6emr cf wirtpx^eM art alle, 
or wiMm that Bernard list to wcl to wryte, 
To thee at my bi^wning first I calle . . . 

Tlioa majde and mooder, doghter of thy sone, 
Tlioa weDe oi mercj, sinfal sooies cure, 
In whom that God, for boantee dices to wone, 
ThoB faomble; and heirh over every creature, 
Tho« aobledest so fcrrorth our nature, 
That no desdeyn the maker haddc of kinde, 
His sooe in bkxfe and flesh to clothe and winde. 

Witbinne the doistre blisfal of thy sydes 
Took nuumes shap the eternal love and pees, 
That of the tryne compas lord and gyde is, 
Whom eithe and see and heven, out of relees, 
Ay heiien; and thou, virjpn wemmelees, 
Bar of thy bochr, ana dweltest mayden pare, 
The creatoor of every creature. 

Assembled is in thee maji^nificence 
With mercy, goodnesse, and with swich pitee 
That thou, that art the sonne of excellence, 
Nat only helpeth hem that preyen thee. 
But ofte tyme. of thy benignitee, 
Ful frely, er that men thyn help biseche, 
Thoa goost bifom, and art hir lyves leche.* 

Bemardone, Pietro, wealthy wool-mer- 
chant of Assisi, father of St. Francis ; he 
strongly opposed his son's wish to devote 
himself to a life of asceticism, and even pro- 
secuted him before the Bishop of Assisi for 
squandering his money in chanty. St. Francis 
thereupon, in the presence of the Bishop and 
of his mther, renounced all worldly possessions, 
stripping off even his clothes, so that the 
Bisnop had to cover him with his niantle. 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), in his account of the life of St. F., 
alludes to Bemardone's opposition to his son, 
and to the incident of St. F.'s renunciation 
before the Bishop, Par. xi. 58-62 ; and refers 
to the fact that St. F. in his humility, to 
remind himself of his origin, used to call him- 
self * a* di Pietro Bemardone,' w. 88-90. 

St. Bonaventura, in his Vi/a Francisci 
(written in 1261), relates that when St. F. heard 
himself lauded as a hol^ man, he would bid one 
of his friars to vilify him, and on being thus 
reproached with his low birth and his father's 
occupation, would reply that it was fitting for 
the son of Pietro Bemardone to hear such 
things ;— 

* Cum populi merita sanctitatis in eo extollerent, 

f>rsccipiehiit alicui fratri ut in contrarium verba 
uNum viUncantia profcrret, cumquc frater ille licet 
Invitiii rum niNticum et mcrcenarium, et inutilem 
uicrrrt, rcMpdiidcbat : Bcncdicat tibi Dominus, fill 
csrimilmr, quia tu veriiuiima loqucris, et talia filium 
IVtrl l)rrimnl<inlH dccct audire.* 

BernarduSf St. Bernard of Clairvaux, 
Episl. X. a8. (BwmardoM 

B«rn«n» Oulraut de. [Qarardus de Bor- 

BerUp Bertha, imaginary personage; 
CnupltMt with rehus, V. K. ii. 6=**; any gossip 

MlkHiHOt 'guniiiMsr Bertha and gaffer Martin/ 
Vtr, xlll. 139. KftttlccUi quotes from Passa- 

vanti's Specchio ddla vera Peniienza (written 
1354) :— 

* Ser Martino dall' aja e donna Berta dal mulino 
piu arditamentc si mettono ad interpretare i sogni, 
che non farebbe Socrate e Aristotile.' {Trailaio d^ 

Berti, Bellincion. [Bellinoion BertL] 

Bertinoro. [Brettinoro.] 

Bertram dal Bomio, Bertran de Bom, 
lord of Hautefort near P^rigueux, one of the 
earliest and most famous of the troubadours ; 
he was bom of a noble Limousin family about 
1 1 40, and died at the age of about 7 c (prob- 
ably in 1 21 5), as a monk in the Cistercian 
monastery of Dalon, near Hautefort, which he 
had entered some twenty years before, and to 
which he and his family had made numerous 
donations ; his name occurs several times in 
the cartularies of the monastery between 11 97 
and 1202, and the date of his death is fixed 
with tolerable certainty by a laconic entry (in 
the year 121^) in the diary of a monk of Saint- 
Martial in Limoges : — 

* Octava candela in sepulcro ponitur pro Bertrando 
de Bom ; cera tres solidos empta est.' 

D. places Bertran among the sowers of 
discord in Bolgia 9 of Cirde VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 134; un busto senza 
capo, V. 1 19 ; quel, v, 123 ; colui che gid tenne 
Aliaforte, Inf. xxix. 29 [SoismatioiJ ; among 
the company of sinners in this Bolgia D. sees 
a headless body going along with the rest, 
with the head held in its hand, swinging by 
the hair, like a lantern (Inf. xxviii. 112-26); 
on nearing D. it suddenly lifts up its arm with 
the head, which begins to speak, informing 
D. that it belonged to Bertran de Bom, who 
gave the evil counsel to the Youiig King {w. 
127-35) ; and that, as he, like Ahithophel, set 
father and son at variance, so in retaliation 
his head is parted from his trunk {yv. I36-42), 
[Altaforte : Arrigo^] 

D. mentions Bertran as an example of 
munificence. Con v. iv. i i^^s ; and as the poet 
of arms par excellence^ quoting the first line 
(' No puosc mudar, un chantar non esparga') 
of one of his sirventes (written on the occasion 
of the outbreak of hostilities between Philip 
Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in 1188), 

V. E. ii. 279-85. 

More than forty of Bertran's poems have 
been preserved, the majority of them being 
of a warlike tone ; the most famous is his 
lament (beginning ' Si tuit Ii dol elh plor elh 
marrimen ') for the death of the Young King, 
i. e. Prince Henry, son of Henry II of England. 
Of the part played by Bertran in the rel^Uion 
of the Young King against his father, for which 
D. places him in Hell, little or nothing is 
known historically; and not much is to be 
gathered from Bertran's own poems. The 
sources of D.'s information upon the subject 


Bertram dal Bomio 


were the old Provencal biographies of the 
troubadour and the rasos or arguments to his 
poems. In one of these it is related that the 
King of England hated Bertran as the evil 
oounsellor of his son, and the cause of the 
strife between them : — 

' £'1 reis Henries volia mal a'n Bertran, per so 
qu'el era amies e conselhaire del rei jove, so filh, 
b quals avia aguda guerra ab el, e crezia qu'en 
Bertrans n'agues tota la colpa.* 

From these old biographies and notices, 
which, though in many respects historically 
inaccurate, nevertheless represent the trou- 
badour as he appeared to D., we get the 
following account : — 

BertFan de Born was viscount of Hautefort, 
a castle with nearly a thousand retainers, in the 
Bishopric of P^rigueux in the Limousin. He had 
a brother Constantine, whom he would have dis- 
possessed of his inheritance, had it not been for 
the King of England. He was continually at war 
with his neighbours, the Count of P^rigueuz, and 
the Viscount of Limoges, as well as with his own 
brother, and Richard Coeur-de-Lion, so long as 
he was Count of Poitou. He was a good knight, 
and a good warrior, and a good wooer, and a good 
troubadour, and wise and well-spoken. And when- 
ever he had a mind he was master of the King of 
England and of his son ; but he always desired 
that father and son should be at war, and one 
brother with another : — 

*Bos chevaliers fo e bos gaerriers e bos domneiaire e bos 
tiohaire e savis e be parlans e saap tractar mals e bes, et 
era aenber totas vets qaan si volia del rei Henric d*Bngla« 
terra e del filh de lul Mas tots temps volia qa'ilh aguessen 
gserra maems, lo paire e*l fiihs.* 

And he likewise always desired the King of 
England and the King of France to be at war 
together. And if ever they made peace, straight- 
way he tried by his songs to undo the peace and 
to show how each was dishonoured by it ; whereby 
be gained for himself much good and much evil. 

^d he wrote many poems, and the King of 

Aragon used to say that the songs of Guiraut de 

Bomeil were as the wives of his sirventes. And 

the jongleur who sang for him was called Papiol. 

And Bertran was gracious and courteous, and 

used to call Geoffrey, the Count of Brittany, 

^atsa ; and the King of England, Oc e No (i. e. 

'Yes and No*); and the Young King he called 

Uatinitr. And he loved to set the barons at war, 

tod he set King Henry at war with his son until 

the Young King was slain in Bertran's castle. 

And Bertran used to boast that he had more wits 

tban he had need of; and when King Henry took 

bim prisoner he asked him whether he had not 

need of all his wits then ; and Bertran answered 

tbat he lost all his wits when the Young King 

M. Then King Henry wept and forgave him and 

give him lands and honours : — 

*B*ii Bertrans de Bom sl*s vanava qa*el cajava tan valer 

fe^ no cajava que tots sos sens Tagues mestier. B paois 
reii lo pres, e qoan Tac pres ... en Bertrans ab tota sa 

|en fo menatz al pavilho del rei Henric, eU reis lo recenp 
■oat nuU, e*l reis Henries si'lh dis : Bertrans, Bertrans, vos 
a]'ttz dich qne anc la meitatx del vostre sen no'us ac mestier 
^ temps, mas sapchatz qa*ara vos a el be mestier tots. — 
Sober, dis en Bertrans, el es be vers qn'iea o disd, e diss! 
be mtat^^B'l rets dia : Icu ere be qa*el vos sia aras falhita. 

— Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m*es falhitz.— E com ? dis ]q 
reis. — Senher. dis en Bertrans, lo jom qne*l valens joves 
reis, vostre fiihs, morit, iea pcrdei lo sen e*l saber e la con> 
noissenza. — £*1 reis, anan auzit so qu*en Bertrans li dis en 
ploran del filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat et als 
Dolhs, si que no*s pnoc tcner aa*el no pasmes de dolor. 
B qoan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida e dis en ploran : Ba 
Bertrans, en Bertrans, vos avetz be drech. ct es De razos. si 
vos avetz perdnt lo sen per mo filh, qa*el vos volia mielhs 
qae ad home del mon. Et ieu, per amor de lai, vos qait la 
persona e Taver e'l vostre chastel, e vos ren la mia amor 
e la mia gracia, e vos do cine cens marcs d*arg^en per loa 
dans qne vos avetz recenbatz.— E*n Bertrans srih chazeC 
als pes referen li gracias e merces.* 

And Bertran lived long in the world, and then 
joined the order of the Cistercians. 

(See A. Thomas, Poesies de Bertran de 
Bom^ 1888; and A. Stimming, Bertran von 
Bomy 1892.) 

Bertramus de Bomio, Bertran de Bom, 
V. E. ii. 279-80 . Bertramus, V.E. ii. 2^. [Ber- 
tram dal Bornic] 

Bestemmiatori], Blasphemers ; placed 
among the Violent in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. xiv. 43-72; gente^ w, 22, 26-7 
[Violenti] ; their punishment is to lie prone 
on the ground in a desert of burning sand, 
while flakes of fire fall upon them from 
above. Inf. xiv. 13-30. Example \ Capaneus 

Betlemme], Bethlehem ; alluded to as the 
birthplace of Christ, Purg. xx. 23. [Maria\] 

Bianca, Blanche, pseudonym of a lady 
(called also Giovanna and Cortese) mentioned 
in one of D.'s poems, Canz. x. 153. 

Bianchi], the * Whites,' one of the divisions 
of the Guelf party in Florence, who eventually 
identified themselves with the Ghibellines, 
while their opponents, the Neri or 'Blacks,' 
remained staunch Guelfs {see below), [Table 

Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) refers to the 
Bianchi as la parte selvaggia (in allusion, as 
is supposed, to the fact that their leaders, the 
Cerchi, ' uomini salvatichi ed ingrati,' as Villani 
calls them, came from the forest-lands of Val 
di Sieve in the Mugello), and after adverting 
to the bloody strife between the two parties, 
foretells their expulsion of the Neri (in 1301), 
their own downfall (in 1302), and the triumph 
of their rivals with the help of an ally (Boni- 
face VIII), adding that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long period, during which 
they will grievously oppress the Bianchi, Inf. 
vi. 64-72 [Cerchi: Ciacco] ; Vanni Fucci (in 
Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell) foretells the 
expulsion of the Neri from Pistoja (in 1301), 
and the expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence 
( 1 301-2), and the defeat of the latter at Campo 
Piceno, and the siege and capture of Serra- 
valle (in 1302) by the Neri of Florence and 
the Lucchese under Moroello Malaspina, Inf. 
xxiv. 143-50 [Fuod, Vanni] ; Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) refers to the exiled 
Bianchi (from whom D. held aloof after 1303) 


G 3 




as la compagma malvagia e scempiay Par. 
xvii. 62. [Dante.] 

The parties of the Bianchi and Neri had 
their origin in the year 1300 in Pistoja, in 
a feud between two branches of the Cancellieri, 
a Guelf family of that city, who were descended 
from the same sire, one Ser Cancelliere, but 
by different mothers. These two branches 
adopted distinctive names/ the one being 
known as the Cancellieri Bianchi, as being 
descended from Cancelliere's wife Bianca, 
the other as the Cancellieri Neri, according to 
Machiavelli : — 

'Perchi i Cancellieri erano disccsi da messer 
Cancelliere, che aveva avute due mogli, delle 
quali Tuna si chiain6 Bianca, si noinin6 ancora 
Tuna delle parti, per quelli che da lei erano 
discesi, Bianca, e l^altra, per torre nome contrario 
a quella, fu nominata Nera.' (Jst, Fitir, it) 

A strong feeling of rivalry existed between 
these two branches, which at last, on the 
occasion of a trifling quarrel, broke out into 
actual hostilities. Benvenuto relates that one 
day the father of Focacda, who belonged to 
the Cancellieri Bianchi, chastised one of his 
nephews, for assaulting another boy with 
a snow-ball. The nephew in revenge a few 
days after struck his uncle, for which he was 
sent by his father to receive such punishment 
as the uncle should think fit to administer. 
The latter, however, laughed the matter off, 
and sent the boy away with a kiss. But 
Focaccia, catching his cousin as he came out 
of the house, dragged him into the stable and 
cut off his hand on the manger, and then, not 
content with this, sought out the bo/s father, 
his own uncle, and murdered him : — 

'Accidit a casu, quod pater Focacciae tempore 
hiemis, cum luderetur ad nivem, verberavit unum 
puenim nepotem suum, quia ille dicebatur per- 
cussisse inepte alium puerum cum nive ; ex quo 
puer post aliquos dies simulans se velle loqui isti 
patruo suo, dedit illi alapam in vindictam. Pater 
pueri dolens de temerario excessu filii, misit ipsum 
ad fratrem ut faceret correptionem de eo ad placitum 
8uum. £t ille tamquam prudens risit, et remittebat 
filium patri non tactum nisi solo osculo. Sed 
Focaccia sceleratus expectans puenim in limine 
domus, traxit ipsum in stabulum patris, et ampu- 
tavit illi manum impie cum ense super praesepe 
equi ; et non contentus ista crudelitate indignissima, 
continuo accessit ad domum patris pueri, qui erat 
patruus suus, et ilium crudelissime obtnincavit.' 

This atrocious crime naturally led to re- 
prisals, and in a short time the whole city 
was in a ferment. One half the citizens 
sided with the Neri, the other half with the 
Bianchi, so that Pistoja was reduced to a state 
of civil war. To put an end to this state of 
things the Florentines intervened. In the 
hopes of extinguishing the feud they secured 
the leaders of both factions, and imprisoned 
them in Florence. Unhappily this measure 
only led to the introduction of the feud among 

themselves. In Florence also there happ 
to be two rival families, the Donati, who 
ancient but poor, and the Cerchi, who 
rich upstarts. The former, headed by ( 
Donati, took the part of the Cancellieri 
while the Cerchi, headed by Viero de' C< 
took the part of the Cancellieri Bianchi 
it came about that, through the private 
mities of two Pistojan and of two Flore 
houses, Florence, which was ostensibly < 
at the time, became divided into Black C 
and White Guelfs. These two divisions, \ 
had oxjginally been wholly unpolitica 
degrees became respectively pure Guelfa 
disaffected Guelfs, the latter, the \ 
Guelfs, finally throwing in their lot wit) 
Ghibellines. [Canoellierl: Cerchi: Do] 

The commencement of actual hostiliti 
Florence between the Bianchi and Neri 
due to a brawl one evening in the spri 
the same year (May i, 1300) between 
of the Cerchi and Donati on the occasi 
a dance in the Piazza di santa Trinitk. 
parties of young men on horseback belo: 
to either side, while looking on, began hu: 
each other. This soon led to serious fi^l 
during which one of the Cerchi had his 
cut off. The peace having once been br 
the conflict was carried on without intermi: 
until at last in 1302 the Neri, with th< 
of Charles of Valois, finally expelled 
Bianchi from Florence, D. being indud 
the decree of banishment. The incidc 
described by Villani : — 

' Awenne, che andando a cavallo dell* una 
e deir altra per la cittk annati e in riguard* 
con parte de' giovani de* Cerchi era Baldii 
degli Adimari, e Baschiera de* Tosinghi, e 
de* Gherardini, e Giovanni Giacotti Malispi 
loro seguaci piii di trenta a cavallo; e a 
giovani de* Donati, erano de* Pazzi, e Sp 
altri loro masnadieri ; la sera di calen di Bd 
anno 1300, veggendo uno ballo di donne ( 
facea nella piazza di santa Trinita, Tuna 
contra Taltra si cominciarono a sdegnare, 
pignere Tuno contro all'altro i cavalli. on 
cominci6 una grande zufia e mislea. ov ebt 
fedite, e a Ricoverino di messer Ricovei 
Cerchi per disawentura fu tagliato il nas 
volto ; e per la detta zufia la sera tutta la c: 
per gelosia sotto I'arme. Questo fu il com 
mento dello scandalo c partimento della 
cittii di Firenze e di parte guelfa, onde molt 
e pericoli ne seguiro appresso.* (viii. 39.) 

The following list of the various fai 
which joined the Bianchi and the Nei 
spectively, many of whose names are 
liar as occurring in the D, C, is give 
Villani : — 

n Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli A 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de* Cavicciuli ; ti 
casa degli Abati, la quale era allora molto pos 



Bibbiar La 

e parte di loro erano guelfi e parte ghibellini ; 
grande parte de' Tosinghi, spezialmente il lato del 
Baachiera ; parte di casa i Bardi, e parte de' Rossi, 
e cosi de* Frescobaldi, e parte de* Nerli e de* 
Mannelli, e tutti i Mozzi, che allora erano molto 
possenti di ricchezza e di stato ; tutti quegli della 
casa degli Scali, e la maggiore parte de* Gherar- 
dinif tutti i Malispini, e gran parte de* Bostichi e 
Giandonati, de* Pigli, e de' Vecchietti e Arrigucci, 
e quasi tutti 1 Cavalcanti, ch* erano una grande e 
possenfce casa, e tutti i Falconieri, ch* erano una 
possente casa di popolo. £ con loro s'accostarono 
nolte case e schiatte di popolani e artefici minuti, 
e tutti i grandi e popolani ghibellini ; e por lo 
seguito gp'ande ch'aveano i Ccrchi, il reggimento 
della citta era quasi tutto in loro podere. 

Delia parte nera furono tutti quegli della gasa 
de' Pazzi quasi principali co' Donati, e tutti i 
Visdomiuiy e tutti i Manieri e' Bagn^i, e tutti 
i Tomaquiuci, e gli Spini, e' Bondelraonti, e' 
Gianfigliazzi, Agli, e Brunelleschi, e Cavicciuli, 
e Taltra parte de* Tosinghi, e tutto il rimanente ; 
e parte di tutte le case guelfe nominate di sopra, 
che quegli che non furono co* bianchi, per contrario 
farono co* neri. £ cosi delle dette due parti tutta 
It dttil di Firenze e *1 contado ne fu partita e 
contaminata.' (viii. 39.) 

BiancOy one of the Bianchi, or disaffected 
Guelfs of Florence, Inf. xxiv. 15a [Bianohi.] 

Biante, Bias of Priene in louia (circ. B.C. 
550) ; mentioned as one of the Se;ven Sages 
of Greece, who were the predecessors of the 
philosophers, Conv. iii. ii^*-*!. D.*s authority 
here appears to have been St. Augustine : — 

' Regnante vero apud Hebraeos Sedechia et apud 
Romanes Tarquinio Prisco, ductus est captivus in 
Babyloniam populus Judaeorum eversa Hierusalem. 
. . . £0 tempore Pittacus Mitylenaeus, alius e 
leptem sapientibus, fuisse perhibetur. j^t quinque 
ceteros, qui ut septem numerentur, Thaleti . • . et 
huic Pittaco adduntur, eo tempore fuisse scribit 
Eusebius, quo captivus Dei populus in Babylonia 
tenebatur. Hi sunt autem : Solon Atheniensis, 
Chilon Lacedaemonius, Periandrus Corinthius, 
Qeobulus Lindius, Bias Prienaeus. Omnes hi, 
aeptem appellati sapientes, post poetas theologos 
daruenint, quia genere vitae quodam laudabili 
pniestabant hominibus ceteris et morum nonnulla 
praecepta sententiarum brevitate complexi sunt. 
Nihil autem monumentorum, quod ad litteras 
attinet, posteris reliquerunt, nisi quod Solon 
quaadam leges Atheniensibus dedisse perhibetur ; 
Tbales vero physicus fuit, et suorum dogmatum 
libros reliquit. . . . Tunc et Pvthagoras, ex quo 
coepenmt appellari philosophi.* (Ov. Deit xviii. 35.) 

Blbbia, La, the Bible; mentioned in con- 
nexion with St. Jerome's preface to his X^itin 
translation of the Bibje (tbe Vulgate), Conv. 
iv. 5U3-4 [ Jeronimo] ; usually referred to as 
^ Scriituray Par. iy. 43; xii. 125; xix. 83; 
ttix. 90; xxxii. 68 ; Conv. iv. 12**® ; Scriptura^ 
V. E. i. 410 ; Mon. iii. 3^5, 46 ; Epist. x. 22 ; 
^ Scritture, Par. xiii. 128 ; Cantica e la novella 
PnfHfsizion, Par. xxiv. 97-8; U nuove e le 
Scritture antiche^ Par. xxv. 88 ; il vecchio e il 

nUovo Testamenlo, Par. v. 76 ; veius et novum 
Testamentunty Mon. iii. 3"^*"® ; duo Testamenta, 
Mon. iii. 14^^. [Bvangello,] 
D. quotes the Bible upwards of 200 times: — 
Inf. xi. 106-8 (Gen, i. 28; ii. 15; iii. 19); 
Purg. ii. 46 {Psalm cxiv. i) ; Purg. v. 24 {Psalm 
Ii. i) ; Purg. X. 40 {Luke i. 28) ; Purg. x. 44 
{Luke i. 38) ; Purg. xii. 1 10 {Mail, v. 3) ; Purg. 
xiii. 29 {John ii. 3) ; Purg. xiii. 36 {Mail. v. 
44) ; Purg. xiv. 133 {Gen, iv. 14) ; Purg. xv. 38 
{Matt, V. 7) ; Purg. xvi. 19 {John i. 29) ; Purg. 
xvii. 68-9 {Matt, v. 9) ; Purg. xviii. 100 {Luke 
>• 39) J Purg. xix. 50 (Matt. v. 4) ; Purg. xix. 73 
{Psalm cxiy. 25); Purg. xix. 137 {Matt, xxii. 
30); Purg. XX. 136 {Luke ii. 14); Purg. xxii. 
4-6 {Matt, V. 6) ; Purg. xxiii. 1 1 {Psalm Ii. 1 5) ; 
Purg. xxiii. 74 {Matt, xxvii. 46) ; Purg. xxiv. 
1 5 1-4 {Matt, v. 6); Purg. xxv. 128 {Luke i. 
34) ; Purg. xxvii. 8 {Matt, v. 8) ; Purg. xxvii. 
58 {Matt. xxv. 34); Purg. xxviii. 80 {Psalm 
xcii. 4) ; Purg. xxix. 3 {Psalm xxxii. i) ; Purg. 
xxix. 51 {Matt, xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxix. 85-7 {Luke 
i. 42) ; Purg. XXX. 11 {Cant. iv. 8) ; Purg. xxx. 
19 (Matt, xxi. 9); Purg. xxx. 83-4 (Psalm 
xxxi. 1-8) ; Purg. xxxi. 98 {Psalm Ii. 7) ; Purg. 
xxxiii. I (Psalm Ixxix, i); Purg. xxxiii. 10-12 
(John xvi. 16); Par. iii. 121-2 (Luke i. 28); 
Par. viii. 29 (Mali. xxi. 9) ; Par. xiii. 93 
(i Kings iii. 5); Par. xvi. 34 (Luke i. 28); 
Par. xviii. 91-3 (IVisd. i, i) ; Par. xx. 94 
(Matt* xi. 12); Par. xxiv. 64-5 (Heb. xi. i) ; 
Par. xxv. 38 (Psalm cxxi. i) ; Par. xxv. 91 
(Isaiah Ixi. 7, 10) ; Par. xxv. 73-4, 98 (Psalm 
ix. 10; ; Par. xxvi. 42 (Eo^od, xxxiii. 19) ; Par. 
xxxii. 12 (Psalm Ii. i) ; Par. xxxii. 67-70 (Gen. 
xxv. 22-5) ; Par. xx>;ii. 95 (Luke i. 28). 

V. N. § 7«-i* (Lament, i. 12) ; V. N. § 2^^^ 
(Mark x3. 10); V.N. § 243^-9 (Matt. iii. 3); 
V. N. §§ 29I-3, 3i8-« (Lament, i. i); Conv. 
i. 481-^ (Matt. xiii. 57) ; Conv. i. i i3i-3 {Matt. 
XV. 14) ; Conv. ii. i*®~'* (Matt. xvii. i) ; Conv. 
ii. i6«-oo (Psalm cxiv. i); Conv. ii. 4*'-^^ 
(Psalm viii. i); Conv. ii. 6^-^ (Heb. i. i); 
Conv. ii. 6i<^i8 (John i. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6^-^ 
(Luke i. 26-7) ; Conv. ii. 620"® (Matt. xxvi. 
53) ; Conv. ii. 62^31 (Matt. iv. 6, 11) ; Conv. 

(John xiv. 27); Conv. ii. 15I76-8 (Cant. vi. 
8-9) ; Conv. iii. 476-7 {Psalm c. 3) ; Conv. iii. 
814-20 (Ecclus, i, 3; iii. 21-3); Conv. iii. iii2a-» 
(Prov, viii. 17); Conv. iii. i45i-«o (Ecclus, 
jpciv. 9) ; Conv. iii. 14^2 (Prov. viii. y) ; Conv. 
iii. 14^3 (John i. 1-2) ; Coixv. iii. I5*^« (IVisd. 
iii. II) ; Conv. iii. is^^~^ (IVisd. vii. 26) ; Conv. 
iii. 15I6I-2 (IVisd. ix. 9); Conv. iii. i5i«6-77 
(Prov. viii. 27-30); Conv. iii. 15I96-2 (Prov. 
iv, 18); Conv. iv. 2^^^ (Eccles. iii. 7); 
Conv. iv. 2^3-7 (James v. 7) ; Conv. iv. 51^-1 > 
(Prov, viii. 6) ; Conv. iv. 5*3-4 (Isaiah xi. l) ; 
Conv. iv. 56*-5 (Luke ii. i) ; Conv. iv. 6^®*"^ 
( Wisd, vi. 23 in Vulg,y omitted from A. V.) ; 


Bibbia, La 

Conv. iv. 6^74-9 (Eccles, x. i6, 17) ; Conv. iv. 
796-7 (Prov. xxii. 28) ; Conv. iv. 798-102 (/>r^. 
iv. 18-19); Conv. iv. 7I30-8 {Prov, v. 23); 
Conv. iv. 1 1I12-13 (Luke xvi. 9) ; Conv. iv. 
12143-4 (Qen. i. 26) ; Conv. iv. 1381-^ (Rom, 
xii. 3); Conv. iv. i5«9-7i (Eccles. iii. 21); 
Conv. iv. 1 5I37-9 (Prav, xxix. 20) ; Conv. iv. 
16I-* (Psalm Ixiii. 11) ; Conv. iv. 16^^^ (Wisd. 
vi. 23 in Vulg,) ; Conv. iv. 16*^** (Eccles, x. 
16-17); Conv. iv. 16I10-12 (il/o//. vii. 15-16); 
Conv. iv. 1794-101 (Luke x. 41-2) ; Conv. iv. 
19*0-8 (Psalm viii. i, 4-6) ; Conv. iv. 20^8-9 
{Acts yi. 34); Conv. iv. 20^i~3 (James i. 17); 
Conv. iv. 21^6 (Rom, xi. 33) ; Conv. iv. 21 110-12 
(Isaiah xi. 2) ; Conv. iv. 225«-8 (i Cor, ix. 24) ; 
Conv. iv. 221*9-63 (Mark xvi. 1-7) ; Conv. iv. 
22169-74 (J/a//.xxviii. 2-3); Conv. iv. 2379-8O 
(Psalm civ. 9) ; Conv. iv. 2310^-6 (Luke xxiii. 
44) ; Conv. iv. 241*2-7 (Prov, i. 8, 10) ; Conv. 
iv. 24163"^ (Prov, XV. 31); Conv. iv. 24172-3 
(Coloss. iii. 20); Conv. iv. 25I7-I8 (Prov, iii. 
34); Conv. iv. 25I9-20 (Prov, iv. 24^; Conv. 
iv. 27®o-3 (i JCmgs iii. 9); Conv. iv. 27*^^* 
(Mall, X. 8) ; Conv. iv. 28^^81 (Rom, ii. 28-9) ; 
Conv. iv. 3037-8 (Mall, vii. 6). 

V. E. i. 2*« (Numd. xxii. 28) ; V. E. i. 4^^"^® 
(Gen, iii. 2-3); V. E. i. I23S (Mall. v. 22); 
Mon. i. 1I0-12 (Psalm i, 3); Mon. i. i38-9 
(James i. 5) ; Mon. i. 4I* (Psalm viii. 5) ; Mon. 
i. 423-5 (Luke ii. 13-14) ; Mon. i. 42^ (Luke 
xxiv. 36) ; Mon. i. 5«o-i (Mall, xii. 25) ; Mon. 
i. 810-11 (Gen, i. 26); Mon. i. 823-4 (Deul. 
vi. 4); Mon. i. 1330 (Psalm 1. 16); Mon. i. 
136I-3 (Psalm Ixxii. i) ; Mon. i. 146O-73 (^Exod, 
xviii. 17-26); Mon. i. 1522-4 (Psalm iv. 7); 
Mon. i. 16^8 (Gal, iv. 4) ; Mon. i. i63^8 
(Psalm cxxxiii. i) ; Mon. ii. ii"* (Psalm ii. 1-3) ; 
Mon. ii. 2*2 (John i. 3-4) ; Mon. ii. 2^2-3 (Rom, 
i. 20) ; Mon. ii. 32*-8 (Luke vi. 38) ; Mon. ii. 
4II-1* (Exod, viii. 18-19) ; Mon. ii. 83« (Heb, 
xi. 6) ; Mon. ii. 83^-42 (Levil, xvii. 3-4) ; Mon. 
ii. 8^7-9 (Exod, vii. 9) ; Mon. ii. 8«i-4 (2 Chron, 
XX. 12) ; Mon. ii. 8''o (Acls i. 23-6) ; Mon. ii. 
97* (Rom, xi. 33) ; Mon. ii. 9I01-3 (Luke ii. i) ; 
Mon. ii. iqIO (Psalm xi. 7); Mon. ii. Ii89 
(2 Tim, iv. 8) ; Mon. ii. 138-11 (Rom, v. 12) ; 

Mon. n. 13'" " \jsatan uii. 4;; Mon. ni. i*^ 
(Z?a«. vi. 22) ; Mon. iii. iis-ie (Prov, viii. 7) ; 
Mon. iii. 122 (Ephes, vi. 14); Mon. iii. i2*-o 
(Isaiah vi. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. i27 (Coloss, i. 13-14) ; 
Mon. iii. i3i-3 (Psalm cxii. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. 37« 
(Psalm cxi. 9) ; Mon. iii. 3"^9 (Canl, i. 3) ; Mon. 
iii. 3'**-8 (Mall, xxviii. 20); Mon. iii. 399-104 
(Mall, XV. 2-3) ; Mon. iii. 4I0-13 (Gen, i. 16) ; 
Mon. iii. 58-10 (Gen, xxix. 34-5) ; Mon. iii. 6*-* 
(i Sam. XV. 16, 23, 28) ; Mon. iii. 7i~3 (Mall. 
ii. II) ; Mon. iii. 82-5»4i (Mall, xvi. 19) ; Mon. 
iii. 9- (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 92^ (Luke 
xxii. 7) ; Mon. iii. 933-42 (Luke xxii. 14, 35-6) ; 
Mon. iii. 9*^0 (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 970-80 
(Mall, xvi. 15-16, 21-3) ; Mon. iii. 9®*~® (Mall. 

Bibbia, La 

xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 990 (Malt, xiv. 28) ; Mon. 
iii. 9^"'' (Matt, xxvi. 33, 35 ; Mark xiv. 29) ; 
Mon. iii. 998-102 (Luke xxii. 33) ; Mon. iii. 
9I03-7 (John xiii. 6, 8) ; Mon. iii. 9IO8-9 (John 
xviii. 10) ; Mon. iii. 9III-14 (John xx. 5-6) ; 
Mon. iii. 911^19 (John xxi. 7) ; Mon. iii. 9120-2 
(John xxi. 21); Mon. iii. 9I32-5 (Matt. x. 
34-5); Mon. iii. 9137-9 (Acts \, i); Mon. iii. 
ioH-8 (John xix. 23-4, 34) ; Mon. iii. lo^o-s 
(I Cor, iii. 11); Mon. iii. ioA3 (Matt. xvi. 18) ; 
Mon. iii. lo^o-ei (Cant. viii. 5) ; Mon. iii. 
10I09-11 (Malt, X. 9) ; Mon. iii. i3«-« (Acts 
XXV. 10); Mon. iii. 13*®"^ (Acts zxvii. 24); 
Mon. iii. 1349-53 (Acts xxviii. 19); Mon. iii. 
1357-8 (Phil. i. 23) ; Mon. iii. i3«»-w (Levii. 
ii. II ; xi. 43) ; Mon. iii. 1422-3 (Malt, xvi. 18); 
Mon. iii. 1423-5 (John xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 143^-5 
(Numb, xviii. 2oj ; Mon. iii. 1520-3 (John xiii. 
15); Mon. iii. 1524-6 (John xxi. 19); Mon. 
iii. 1528-34 (John xviii. 36); Mon. iii. i^^ 
(Psalm xcv. 5) ; Mon. iii. 16''* (Psalm xxxii. 9). 

Epist. iv. 5 (John xv. 19); Epist. v. 4 
(Psalm xcv. 2; Rom. xiii. 2; Acts ix. 5); 
Epist. V. 5 (Luke xxi. 8) ; Epist. v. 7 (Psalm 
xcv. 5) ; Epist. V. 8 (Rom. i. 20) ; Epist. v. 9 
(Matt, xxii. 21); Epist. v. 10 (Ephes, iv. 17; 
I Pel. ii. 17); Epist. vi. i (Deut, mx\. 35); 
Epist. vi. 5 (Rom, i. 29) ; Epist. vi. 6 (Isaiah 
liii. 4) ; Epist. vii. 2 (Josh, x. 12-13; Luke vii. 
19 ; John 1. 29) ; Epist. vii. 3 (LukeW, i ; A/b//. 
iii. 15) ; Epist. vii. 5 (i Scun, xv. 17-18) ; Epist. 
viii. I (Lament, i. i) ; Epist. viii. 2 (John xxi. 
15-17) ; Epist. viii. 3 (Psalm Ixxix. 10) ; Epist. 
viii. 4 (Egek, viii. 16) ; Epist. viii. 5 (i Cor. xv. 
10 ; Psalm Ixix. 9 ; i1/tf//. xxi. 16) ; Epist. viii. 
8 (Numb, xxii. 28) ; Epist. x. 2 (Wisd. vii. 14); 
Epist. X. 7 (Psalm cxi v. i); Epist. x. 22 
(Jerem. xxiii. 24 ; Psalm cxxxix. 7-9 ; Wisd. 
i. 7 ; Ecclus, xiii. 16) ; Epist. x. 27 (Ephes. iv. 
10; £'j7^>&. xxviii. 12-13) ; Epist. x. 28 (2 Cor. 
xii. 3-4 ; il/o//. xvii. 6 ; Ezek. i. 28 ; Dan. ii. 
3 ; Matt, V. 45) ; Epist. x. 33 (John xvii. 3 ; 
Rev. i. 8) ; A. T. § 2i69 (Gen. i. 9) ; A. T. 
§ 226-8 (y^^ xi. 7) ; A. T. § 22^-11 (Psalm 
cxxxix. 6); A. T. § 22ii-i» (/j«tfA Iv. 9); 
A. T. § 221^^18 (7?^. xi. 33) ; A. T. § 22«> 
(John viii. 21). 

The above references are to the Authorized 
Version (A. V.) ; the Vulgate references, where 
they differ from these (as in the Psalms)^ are 
given under the headings of the several books 

f[uoted or referred to by D., viz. Genesis 
Qenesis], Exodus [Exodus^ Leviticus [I»e- 
viticaslt Numbers [Namerorum, Libet\ Deu- 
teronomy [Dettteronomiam]y Joshua [Jomuc, 
Liber]f Judges [Judicum, Liber], Samu^ 
[Samuelia, L,lbrl\, Kings [E^gaatf Ubti], 
Chronicles [PBrallpomenon, LIM], Tobit 
\Toblae, Liber], Judith [Judhb, Uber], Esther 
[Bstber, Liber], Job [Job^ Liber], VsaXms 
Paaimorum, Lilfer], Proverbs [Pmyerbiorutn, 
Liber], Ecclesiastes [Bcciesiastes], Cantides 
or the Song of Solomon [Qaaticum Caati* 


Bibbia, La 


cantta]. Wisdom [Sapientiae, Uber]y Eccle- 
siasticus [BcchsiasUcas], Isaiah [Isaiae, 
Ptvpbetia], Jeremiah [Jeremiae, PropbetiaL 
Lamentations [LameataUoaes Jeremiaejy 
Exekiel [BxecbieUSf Propbetia]^ Daniel 
[DanMia, Propbetla], Maccabees [Macba- 
haeoram, Libri], Matthew [Mattbaeum, 
Bvaagelium aecandum], Mark [Marcuatf 
Bvaitgelktm aecundum], Luke [Lucam, 
Bvangellum secundum^ John [Jobannem, 
Bvatigellum secuadum]^ Acts of the Apostles 

[Adua Apastoiorum], Epistle to the Romans 
Riomanosf Epistola ad]. Epistle to the 
Corinthians [CoHatbios, Epistola ad], Epistle 
to the Galatians [Qalatas, Epistola ad]^ 
Epistle to the Ephesians [Epbeslos, Epistola 
ad]. Epistle to the Philippians [Pblllppenses^ 
epistola ad]. Epistle to the Colossians [CkfloS' 
senses, Epistola ad]. Epistle to the Thessa- 
lonians [Tbessatoalcenses, Epistola ad], 
Epistle to Timothy [TImotbeum, Epistola 
air\. Epistle to the Hebrews [Hebraeos, 
Epistola ad], Epistle of James [Jacobl, 
ISplatola], Epistles of Peter [Petri, Epistolae], 
Epistle of Jude [Jadae, Epistola], Revelation 

St. Jerome, in his preface to the Latin 
translation of the Bible (Prolopis Galeatus), 
leckons the canonical books of the O. T. at 
twenty-four ; he divides them into three groups 
— the first of which comprises the five books 
of Moses; the second comprises eight pro- 
phetical books, viz. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 
twelve minor prophets (counting as one book) ; 
the third comprises nine hagiographical books, 
Daniel, Chronicles, Esdras, and Esther; to 
which he adds Ruth and Lamentations, making 
twenty-four in all : — 

* Primus liber, quern nos Genesim dicimus ; 
secundus, qui Exodus appellatur ; tertius, Leviticus ; 
qtiartus, quein Numeros vocamus ; quintus, qui 
Deuteronomium praenotatur. Hi sunt quinque libri 
Moysi, quos Hebraei Legem appellant Secun- 
dum» prophetanim ordinem faciunt : ct incipiunt 
ab Jesu filio Nave ; deinde subtexunt Judicum 
librum ; tertius sequitur Samuel, quern nos Regum 
primum et secundum dicimus ; quartus Regum, 
qui tertio et quarto Regum volumine continetur ; 
quintus est Isaias; sextus, Jeremias; septimus, 
Ezechiel ; octavus, liber duodecim Prophetarum. 
Tertius ordo, Hagiographa possidet: et primus 
liber incipit a Job ; secundus a David ; tertius est 
Salomon, tres libros habens Proverbia; quartus, 
Ecclesiasten ; quintus, Canticum Canticorum ; 
seztus est Daniel ; septimus, qui liber apud nos 
Plaralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur ; 
octavus, Esdras ; nonus, Esther. Alque ita fiunt 
pariter veteris legis libri vigintiduo : id est, Moysi 
quinque, et Prophetarum octo, Hagiographorum 
novem. Quanquam nonnulli Ruth et Cinoth (i. e. 
Lamentationes) inter Hagiographa scriptitent, et 
bos libros in suo putent numero supputandos, ac 

per hoc esse priscae legis libros vigintiquatuor : 
quos sub numero vigintiquatuor seniorum Apoca- 
lypsis Joannis inducit adorantes Agnum.' 

The twenty-four books of the O. T., ac- 
cording to this reckoning of St. Jerome, are 
supposed to be symbolized by the four-and- 
twenty elders in the mysticaJ Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 83-4. 

Bibbia, Proemlo della. [Proemlo della 

Bice, familiar abbreviation of Beatrice ; 
coupled with Vanna, the familiar name of 
Giovanna, the lady-love of Guido Cavalcanti, 
Son. xiv. 9 (V. N. § 24*®) ; Son. xxxii. 9 
[Oiovanna^] ; alluded to (perhaps), Par. vii. 
14, where, however, D. probably merely means 
to express his reverence for every part of the 
name of B. [Beatrice^.] 

Bilacqua. [Belaoqua.] 

Billi], name of a Florentine family, supposed 
by some commentators to be alluded to by 
the arms la colonna del vaio, Par. xvi. 103. 
The reference is more probably to the Pigli. 

Bindi, people of the name of Bindo, popular 
abbreviation of Aldobrando; mentioned to- 
gether with Lapo, as being amongthe commonest 
names in Florence, Par. xxix. 103. [LapL] 

Bisdomini. [Visdomint] 

Bisenzio, stream in Tuscany, which flows 
close to Prato and Campi, and falls into the 
Amo opposite Lastra, about 10 miles below 
Florence; mentioned by Camicione dei Pazzi 
(in Caina) in connexion with the Conti Alberti, 
whose castles of Vemia and Cerbaia were 
situated in the Val di Bisenzio, Inf. xxxii. 56. 

Bismantova, village in the Emilia on 
a steep hill of the same name about 20 miles 
S. of Reggio ; mentioned by D. in connexion 
with the precipitous ascent to it, Purg. iv. 26. 
In the Middle Ages it was strongly fortified 
and was a place of some importance. Nothing 
now remains but a huge sheer semicircular 
rock, known as ' La Pietra di Bismantova.' 
Benvenuto describes it as having had a sort 
of plateau at the summit, which at times seems 
to have been cultivated. He says it could 
only be approached by a single to^uous path- 
way, which became very steep towards the 
top. To his fancy the mountain preseixted 
a striking resemblance in many particulars to 
the Mt. of Purgatory. For B, in cacum^ tl^ero 
is a variant B, e in Cacume, the last word being 
taken, by Buti, Landino, and others, for the 
name of another mountain, said to be in 

Bocca, Bocca degli Abati, one of the Ghi- 
bellines who remained in Florence after the 




expulsion of the rest of the party in 1258, and 
who, while ostensibly fighting on the side of 
the Florentine Guelfs at the battle of Mont- 
aperti, at the moment when the latter were 
hard pressed by Manfred's German cavalry, 
treacherously cut off the hand of the Florentme 
standard-bearer, thus creating a panic, which 
ended in the disastrous defeat of the Guelfs 
[Arbia]. Villani says : — 

'Come la schiera de* Tedeschi rovioosamente 
percosse la schiera de* cavalieri dfe* Fiorentini ov* 
era la 'nsegna della cavalleria del comune, la quale 
portava messer Jacopo del Nacca della casa de' 
Pazzi di Firenze, uomo di g^ndc valore, il traditore 
di messer Bocca degli Abati, ch' era in sua schiera 
e prcsso di lui, colla spada fedl il detto messer 
Jacopo e tagliogli la mano colla quale tenea la 
detta insegna, e ivi fu morto di presente. £ ci6 
fatto, la cavalleria e popolo veggendo abbattuta 
rinsegna, e cosl traditi da' loro, e da' Tedeschi si 
forte assaliti, in poco d'ora si misono in isconfitta.* 
(vi. 78.) 

Bocca is placed in Antenora, the second 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who 
have betrayed their country, Inf. xxxii. 106; 
una (testa), v, 78 ; colui che bestemmiava, 
z/. 85 ; malvagio traditor, z/. no [Antenora] ; 
as D. and Virgil pass along among the traitors, 
the former strikes his foot against the head 
of one of them (Inf. xxxii. 73-8), who demands 
why he is struck, unless it be in order 'to 
increase the vengeance of Montaperti' {yv, 
79-81) ; on hearing the last word D. asks V. 
to wait, as he wishes to solve a doubt (either 
as to the identity of the traitor at Montaperti, 
or as to that of the speaker), and demands 
who it is that thus chides others {yu. 82-7) ; 
the speaker (Bocca) replies by asking D. who 
he is that goes through Antenora striking 
others with a force more like that of a living 
man than of a damned spirit (as he supposes 
D. to be) {w. 88-90); D. retorts that he is 
alive and can make him famous, if he desire 
fame, by recording his name (yv, 91-3) ; B. 
replies that on the contrary he desires oblivion, 
and bids D. go and leave him alone (w, 
94-6) ; D. thereupon seizes him by the scalp 
and threatens to tear out his hair unless he 
reveals his name {yv, 97-9) ; as he refuses 
D. carries out his threat, making him howl 
so that one of his companions (Buoso da Duera) 
shouts to him, calling him by name, to know 
what is the matter (z/z/. 100-8) ; D. having 
thus learned B.'s name is content, and says 
he will brand him with infamy by telling the 
truth about him {yv. 109-11); B. defies bin) 
to do his worst, and then, to avenge himself 
for having been named by his companion, 
informs D. who the latter is iyv, 11 2-1 7); 
after he has named several more of his com- 
panions D. leaves him {yv, 118-24). 

Boccio. [Beccio.] 

Boemia. [Buemme.] 

Bo^us, author of the De Consolatione 
Philosaphiae, Mon. i. 9'-^ ; ii. 9^1 ; Epist. x. 33. 

BoeziOy BoSthius (Anicius Manlius Tor- 
quatus Severinus Bo^thius), Roman statesman 
and philosopher, bom at Rome drc. a.d. 47 5, 
died at Pavia (Ticinum) 525. Gibbon de- 
scribes him as ' the last of the Romans whom 
Cato or TuUy could have acknowledged for 
their countryman.' His father, Flavius Man- 
lius Boethius, was consul in 487, and died soon 
after. As a wealthy orphan Boethius inherited 
the patrimony and honours of the Anidan 
family, and was educated under the care of 
the chief men at Rome. He also studied at 
Athens, and translated or commented on ' the 
geometry of Euclid, the music of Pythagoras, . 
the arithmetic of Nicomachus, the mechanics 
of Archimedes, the astronomy of Ptolemy, the 
theology of Plato, and the logic of Aristotle, 
with the commentary of Porphyry.* To his 
works was due to a great extent the knowledge 
of Aristotle in the Middle Ages. He was no 
less distinguished for his virtue than for his 
learning, and was always ready to relieve the 
poor and oppressed. He married Rustidana, 
daughter of the senator Symmachus, by whom 
he had two sons. From Theodoric, King of 
the Ostrogoths, who was then master of Italy, 
he received the title of patrician while still 
a youth, and in 510 he was made consul, an 
honour which twelve years later (522) was 
conferred upon his two sons. But his good 
fortune did not last ; his powerful position and 
bold maintenance of justice aroused jealousy 
and hatred, and he was accused by his enemies 
of plotting against Theodoric. The king, be- 
lieving him guilty, threw him into prison at 
Pavia, while the senate without a trial passed 
a sentence against him of confiscation and 
death. After he had spent some time in prison 
he was put to death by torture, a cord bein|^ 
fastened round his head and tightened until 
his eyes were forced from their sockets j he 
was then beaten with clubs until he expired. 
He was buried in the church (now desecrated) 
called St. Peter's of the Golden Ceiling (S. 
Pietro in Cielo d'Oro), where ip 722 a tomb 
was erected to his memory by Liutprand, King 
of the Lombards; this was replaced in 990 
by a more magnificent one erected by the 
Emperor Otho III, for which Pope Sylvester II 
wrote an inscription. It was during his im- 
prisonment at Pavia that Boethius wrote his 
most celebrated work, the De Consolatione 
Philosophiae [Coasoiatione mtoaopbime, 
De], In the Middle Ages Boethius was re- 
garded as a martyr who died in defence of 
the Christian faith. Villani, in his record of 
the death of Theodoric, says of him : — 

'Questi fu quello Teodorico il quale mand6 in 
pregione e fece poi morire in Pavia il buono santo 




Boezio Severino, console di Roma, perch' egli per 
bene e sUto della repubblica di Roma e della fede 
cristiana, U contrastava de' suoi difetti e tirannie, 
opponendogli false cagioni. Allora il santo Boezio 
compuose in pregione a Pavia il libro della filosofica 
consolazione.' (ii. 5.) 

D. places B. among the great doctors (Spiriti 
Safdentt) in the Heaven of the Sun, Par. x. 
12 1 -9 [Sole, Cielo del] ; his spirit is pointed 
oat by St. Thomas Aauinas, who speaks of 
him as rctnima santa^ cne il mondo fallace Fa 
wuMmJesio (w. 125-6), and alludes to his exile 
and torture, and to his burial at Pavia (tn/, 
127-9) [Cieldauro]. 

B. IS frequently mentioned by D. in his 
prose works, in connexion with the De Con- 
sol€Uioney Conv. i. 2^<^, 11*^; ii. 8*^, ii^^, 131^, 
16*; ill. i78. 2i*S^; iv. I23«»74, 13130,139; Mon. 
L 9^ ; ii. 9^1 ; Epist. x. 33 ; he is spoken of as 
// SaviOy Conv. iv. 13^^* ; and is alluded to 
perhajjs (though the reference is most prob- 
ably to Virgil) by Francesca da Rimini (ad- 
dr»sing D. in Circle II of Hell) as il tuo 
doiiarey Inf. v. 123 [Virgilio]. In these well- 
known lines (w, 121 -3) Francesca quotes what 
is almost certainly a reminiscence of a passage 
in the De Consolatione : — 

' In omni adversitate fortunae infelicissimum est 
genus infortunii fiiisse felicem ' {Lib, ii. pr, 4). 

This passage was imitated by Chaucer in 
his Troilus and Criseyde : — 

* Of fortancfl sharp idversitee 
The worst kinde of intortane is this, 
A man to have ben in proeperitee. 
And it remembr^ whan it passed b.* 

(Bk. ii. w. 1625-8.) 

In his translation of the book he renders 

' In all^ adversitee of fortune, the most unsely 
kinde of contrarious fortune is to han ben 

Bo^thius obliged, by the nature of his book, 
to spesik of himself m the De Consolatione^ 
Conv. i. 2**~i<>i; his contempt for popular 
glory, Conv. i. ii**"8. his book one of those 
wherein D. sought consolation after the death 
of Beatrice, Conv. ii. I3i*~i«, 16*"®. 

Bologna, city of N. Italy, capital of the 
Emilia (in the old Romagna), situated on 
a plain between the Apennines and the Po, 
with the two rivers Savena and Reno about 
two miles distant on the £. and W. respectively. 
It was the seat of one of the most famous 
mediaeval universities (founded in 11 19), at 
which D. is said to have studied. Among the 
baildings in existence in D.'s day were the 
Palazso del Podestk (1201), where King Enzio, 
son of the Emperor Frederick II, was kept 
a prisoner and died in 1272; the Palazzo 
Pubblico (1290), the Palazzo della Mercanzia 
(1294)9 the churches of San Giacomo Maggiore 
(1267), and San Domenico (dedicated to St. 
Dommicy who died at Bologna in 1221) ; and 

the two great towers, the Asinelli (1109) and 
the Carisenda (mo). The Bolognese, who 
took an active share in the Crusades, for a long 
time remained neutral in the contest between 
the Guelfs and Ghibellines, but eventually they 
sided with the former. 

Bologna is mentioned in connexion with 
Catalano and Loderingo, two Bolognese Frati 
Gaudenti, one of whom refers to the university, 
Inf. xxiii. 142 [Catalano] ; Fabbro of Bologna, 
one of the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
100 [Fabbro] ; the dialect of B. rejected by 
the chief Bolognese poets, V. E. i. 15*1-* 

SBolofirnesi] ; Caccianimico, a native of B. 
in Bolgia i of Malebolge), alludes to the 
situation of the citjr.between the Savena and 
the Reno, Inf. xvhi. 61 [Reno^: Savena]; 
he refers to the Bolognese use of sifia for sia^ 
and declares that there are more pandars in 
Hell from B. than would equal the whole 
population of the city at that time, vv, 59-61 
fCaccianimico : Seduttorl]. Benvenuto, who 
lived for ten years at Bologna, and lectured 
there on the D, C, remarl^ that this is not 
by any means an extraordinary estimate ; he 
adds that as much might be said of many other 
Italian cities, to say nothing of Paris. 

D. mentions the Salse, a ravine near B., 
where the bodies of criminals were thrown. 
Inf. xviii. 51 [8al8o] ; and the Carisenda tower, 
Inf. xxxi. 136 [Carisenda] ; the university is 
referred to. Inf. xxiii. 142 ; Bologna itself is 
alluded to under the guise of a nymph of the 
Reno, Eel. ii. 85 [Naias]. 

Bolognese, native of Bologna ; of Venedico 
Caccianimico, Inf. xviii. 58 [Cacoianimioo] ; 
of the two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano dei Cata- 
lani and Loderingo degli Andal6, Inf. xxiii. 103 
[Catalano: Loderingo]. 

Bolognese, Franco, Franco of Bolc^a, 
an illuminator mentioned by Oderisi (in Circle 
I of Purgatory) as being a better artist than 
himself, Purg. xi. 82-4. Little is known of 
Franco ; Vasari, in his life of Giotto, says he 
was employed, together with Oderisi (whose 
pupil he appears to have been), by Boniface 
VIII in the Vatican library, where he illumi- 
nated many of the MSS. It would appear 
from D.'s reference to him in the text that he 
was still living in 1300. [Oderisi.] 

Bolognesi, the Bolognese ; the B. of the 
Borgo San Felice and those of the Strada 
Maggiore instances of inhabitants of the same 
city speaking different dialects, V. E. i. 9*2-4 . 
their dialect discussed at length and pronounced 
to be the best of the Italian dialects (a supe- 
riority due to importations from neighbounng 
dialects), but at the same time not worthy to 
rank as the language of Italy, as is evident 
from the fact that the chief Bolognese poets 
did not employ it, V.E. i. 153-^ ; two Bolognese 
poets, Guido dei Ghisilieri and Fabruzzo dei 




Lambertaui, writing in the ' tragic ' style began 
with a line fk seven syllables, V. E. ii. la^*"*! ; 
two Bolognese Frati Gaudenti, Inf. xxiii. 103 
(CaUlano: Iiod«ringo]. 

l>. (by the mouth of Caccianimico in Bolgia i 
of M^lebolge) reproaches the B. with being 
pandars and avaricious, Inf. xviii. 58-63. With 
regard to the latter charge Benvenuto says they 
were not nuserly, but were greedy of money 
in order to gratify their sensual appetites, and 
oonse^[uently were not scrupulous as to the 
methods by which they gained it : — 

^ Autor capit hie avaritiam large ; nam bononi- 
enaia natufaliter et communiter non est avarus in 
r«tinendo, sed in capiendo tantum. |lli enim, qui 
aunt vitiosi, ibi prodigaliter expcndunt ultra vir-es 
facultatia vel lucri ; ideo faciunt turpia lucra, 
aiiquando cum ludis, aliquando cum furtis, ali- 
quando cum lenociniis, exponentes filias, sorores, 
et uxores libidini, ut satisfaciant gi^lae et volupta* 
tibus suis/ 

This testimony of Benvenuto, who knew 
Bologna intimately, fully justifies D.'s strictures. 
He suggests that D.*s own knowledge of 
the matter was gained by personal experience 
while he was a student at Bologna. The account 
of the Bolognese given by Fazio degli Uberti 
in the DittamondoXm, 5) is to the same effect : — 

'Intra Savena e Ren cittk si vede, 
SI va£[a e piena di tatti i diletti, 
Che taJ vi va a caval, che torna a piede. 
Qaivi son donne con legg^iadri aspettl, 
E il nome della terra sie^e il fatto, 
Baona ne'studi e sottil d*intelletti.* 

Benvenuto elsewhere gives a terrible account 
of the moral depravity of Bologn^ in another 
respect [Accorso, Francesoo d']. 

Bolsena, Lake of Bolsena (the lOiCus Vulsi- 
fUensis of the Romans), in the extreme N. of 
Latium, one of the largest lakes ii^ Central 
Italy. It was, and is still, famous for its eels. 
Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
mentions the lake and its eels in connexion 
with Pope Martin IV, who was in the habit 
of gorging himself on baked eels that had 
been drowned in wine, Purg. xxiv. 22-4 
[Martino '^]. 

Bonaccorsi, Pinamonte de'. [Pina- 

Bonagiunta, Bonagiunta Orbicciani degli 
Overardi, son of Riccomo di Bonagiunta of 
Lucca, notary and poet of the latter half of 
Cent, xiii ; he was alive on Dec. 6, 1296, on 
which date he is mentioned in a document as 
having been engaged in superintending ^he 
works of the churqh of San Michele at Lucca. 
A considerable number of his poems has 
been preserved ; they show little originality of 
either thought or expression, and are imitated 
for the most part from Provencal models. 

D. places B. among the Gluttonous in Circle 
VI of Purgatory, Purg. xxiv. 19, 20 ; questi^ 
z/. 19; luiy V, 21 ; quel da Lucca, v, 35 ; ei. 

'^^ 37> 38, 44 ; i^h 'V' 52 [QoloBl] ; B., who 
is pointed out to D. by Forese Donati (Purg. 
xxiv. 19-20), shows a desire to speak to the 
former, and mutters something about *Gen- 
tucca,' which D. overhears {yv, 34-9) ; being 
invited by D. to speak, he foretells to him 
that he will become enamoured of a certain 
lady of Lucca, who is not yet married {w, 40-8) 
[Gtentuooa]; he then asks D. if he is the 
author of the * new rimes ' beginning * Donne, 
ch*avete intelletto d'Amore' (being the first 
canzone in the K. N,) (w. 49-51) ; D. replies 
that he writes as Love dictates {yu, 52-4); 
B. acknowledges in this the secret of the * dolce 
stil nuovo,* and of D.'s superiority over Jacopo 
da Lentino, Guittone d'Are^zo and himsefr; 
he then relapses into silence and D. moves on 
(w, 55-63). [Qidttone : Notaro, II.] 
Casini remarks upon this passage : — 

* Per la piena intelligenza di questo passo h. da 
notare che quando Dante incominci6 a poetare, 
cifca nel 1383, due scuole di poesia lirica fiorivano 
in Italia : la scuola siciliana, cosl detta dal luogo 
ove prima si fonn6, allargandosi poi assai presto 
a tutto il mezzogiorno d'ltalia e alia Toscana^ 
della quale scuola furono ^pi, in Sicilia il notaio 
Giacomo da Lentini e in Toscana Buona^unta 
da Lucca ; e la scuola dotbinaU, che teorizz6 
largamente suiramore, fiorita specialmente in Tos- 
cana con Guittone d'Arezzo e in Bologna con 
Guido Guinizelli. I poeti della scuola sidliana 
non fecero altro che dare veste italiana alia lirica 
provenzale, ristringendola agli argomenti amorosi 
e prediligendo la forma metrica della canzone; 
quelli della scuola dottrinale si staccarono dalla 
poesia provenzale, introducendo nelle lor rime Ic 
teoriche e le discussioni intorno all' amore, al- 
largandosi alcuni ad argomenti filosofici o religiosi 
o politici, tentando di nobilitare lo stile poetico 
coir (iwicinarsi piii alia costruzione del periodo 
latino, accogliendo accanto alia canzone il sonetto. 
A queste due scuole seguit6 la fiorentina, detta del 
doke stil muovo, cui appartennero, oltre Dante, 
Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, 
Gianni Alfani e piu altri. Questi poeti, movendo 
dalla teorica del Guinizelli sulla natura dell' amore, 
considerato come il sentimento proprio delle anime 
virtuose, crearono tutto un sistema d'idealizzazione 
della donna, mescolando le speculazioni dottrinali 
alle imaginazioni geniali della fantasia, e della 
poesia amatoria fecero per i primi in Italia una 
vera opera d'arte : poich^ alia profonditli e novitk 
dei concepimenti seppero far corrispondere uno 
stile piii franco e perspicuo, una lingua piii naturale 
e piu efficace, e forme metriche meglio determinate 
(canzone e sonetto) o raccolte dalla poesia del 
popolo (ballata). Tale svolgimento della lirica ita- 
liana nella seconda meta del secolo xiii & poetica- 
mente rappresentato in questo episodio di Buona- 

D. blames Bonagiunta, together with Guit- 
tone d'Arezzo, Brunetto Latino, and other 
Tuscan poets, for having written in their local 
dialects, to the exclusion of the * curial vulgar 
tongue,' V.E.i. 137-13. 


Bonatti, Guido 

Benvenuto says that Bonagiunta was more 
addicted to wine than to versifying, but was 
a facile writer, and addressed some of his 
poems to D., who had been acquainted with 
him: — 

* Iste fuit Bonagiunta de Urbisanls, vir honora- 
bilis, de civitate lucana, luculentus orator in lingua 
matema, et facilis inventor rhythmorum, sed 
liiciUor vinonim, qui noverat autorem in vita, 
et aliquando scripserat sibi. Ideo autor fing^t 
eum ita familiariter loqui secum de ipso et de aliis 
inventoribus modernis.' 

Bonattiy Guido, famous astrologer and 
soothsayer of Forli, placed bv D. among the 
Soothsayers, along with Asaente, in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. i^. 
ilS [Indovinil. B., who was a tiler ('rico- 
pritore di tetti *) by trade, seems to have acted 
as domestic astrologer to Guido da Montefeltro ; 
it is said to have been by his aid that the latter 
won his decisive victory over the French papal 
forces at Forll, May i, 1282 (ViH. vii. 81) 
[Forli]. Benvenuto says that B. wrote a work 
on astrology (Liber intraductorius ad Judicia 
Stellarum^ written circ. 1270; printed at 
Venice, 1491), which he had seen, and which 
was so dearly written as to be intelligible even 
to women. He tells an amusing story of how 
a rustic, by observing the behaviour of his 
donkey, was able correctly to foretell the coming 
of a storm on a fine day, to the confusion of 
the astrologer, who, after consulting his astro- 
labe, had asserted that it was impossible there 
should be r^in that day. 

An old chronicle, appended to the 1494 
edition of the Speculum HistotricUe of Vincent 
de Beauvais, says of Bonatti : — 

'In syder^bus disciplinis uiiiverso Occident! 
notissimus et celeberrimus fuit. Cui adeo ea in 
fiicultate aperta fuerunt omnia, ut nil apud earn 
QU incognitum fuerit.' 

Salimbene of Parma, who was his contem- 
porary, gives the following account (printed by 
C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American 
Dante Society) of how he was discomfited at 
Fcnii by a Franciscan friar of Reggio : — 

< Prater Hugp de Regio, qui dictus est Hugo 
pancapalea, fuit magister in grammatica in saecqlo, 
et magnus trufator et magnus prolocutor, et in 
ordine fratnim Minorum sollemnis et optimus 
praedicator, et qui mordaces ordinis confutabat et 
confundebat pmedicationibus et exemplis. Nai^ 
quidam magister Guido Bonattus de Furlivio, qui 
ae philosophum et astrologum esse dicebat, et 
praedicationes fratnim Minorum et Praedicatonim 
vituperabat, it^ ab eo fiiit confusus coram universi- 
tate et populo liviensi, ut toto tempore quo frater 
Hugo roit in partibus illis, non solum non loqui, 
▼enim etiam i^ec apparere auderet' 

Filippo Villani claims Guido Bonatti as 
a Florentine, and says that he was of gcKxi 
family, and was brought up to the law, which 


he abandoned for the superior attractions of 

Bonayentura, St. Bonaventura, otherwise 
Giovanni Fidanza; placed by D. among the 
doctors of the Church (Spiriti Sapientt) in the 
Heaven of the Sun, Par. xii. 127 ; luce, v. 28 
[Sole, Cielo del]. When St. Thomas Aquinas 
has finished his account of the life of St. Francis, 
St. B. proceeds to relate that of St. Dominic 
(Par.xii.31-105); after bewailing the degeneracy 
of the Franciscan Order (w, 106-26), he names 
himself (w, 127-29) and eleven others who 
are with him (w, 130-45) [Domenlco]. 

St. Bonaventura was born at Bagnoregio 
(now Bagnorea), near Orvieto, in 1221, the 
year of St. Dominic's death. As a child he 
was attacked by a dapgerous disease, which 
was miraculously cured by St. Francis of Assisi. 
When the latter heard that the child had 
recovered he is said to have exclaimed ' buona 
Ventura ' (happy chance), whereupon the boy*s 
mother changed his name to Bonaventura. 
In 1243 he entered the Franciscan Order. 
After studying at Paris under Alexander of 
Hales, he became successively professor of 
philosophy and theology, and in 1255 was 
made doctor. Having risen to be General of 
the Franciscan Order (in 1256), he was offered 
the Archbishopric of York by Clement IV, 
which he declined. He was afterwards (1274) 
created Cardinal Bishopof Albano byGregory X, 
whom he accompanied to the second Council 
pf Lyons, where he died, July 15, 1274, 'his 
magnificent funeral being attended by a Pope, 
an Emperor, and a King.' St. B. was canon- 
ized in 1482 by Sixtus IV, and placed among 
the doctors of the Church, with the title of 
'Doctor Seraphicus,' by Sixtus V. He was 
a voluminous writer, one of his works being 
a life of St. Francis. Butler remarks ,that 
his philosophy was strongly leavened with 
mysticism, and differs from that of Aquinas 
(whose mind was of a far more masculine 
stan^p) in havfng more affinity with Plato than 
with Aristotle. 

Bonconte. [Buonopnte.] 
Bondelmonti. [Buondelmonti.] 

Bonifazio^, Boniface VIII (Benedetto 
Gaetani or Guatani), bom at Anagni circ. 121 7; 
created Cardinal by Martin IV in 128 1 ; elected 
Pope at Naples, in succession to Celestine V, 
Dec. ^4, 1294; crowned at Rome, Jan. 23, 
1295 ; died at Rome, Oct. 11, 1303. 

Boniface is spoken of (by Nicholas III in 
Bolgja 3 of Malebolge) as Bonifazio, Inf. xuc. 
53 ; (by Guido da Montefeltro in Bolgia 8 of 
Malebolge) as il gran Prete^ Inf. xxvii. 70; 
and lo Principe aei nuavi Fariseiy Inf. xxvii. 
85 ; (by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) 
as il Vicario di CristOy Purg. xx. 87 ; (by St. 
Bonaventura in the Heaven of the Sun) as 



colui che necUy che traligna^ Par. xii. 90 ; (by 
St. Peter in the Heaven of the Fixed Stars) as 
Q^e^li ch* usurpa in terra il luogo mio, Par, 
xxvii. 22 ; (by Beatrice in the Empyrean) as 
quel ctAlagnUy Par. xxx. 148. ~ 

D. assigns to Boniface, by anticipation (he 
not having died until three years after the 
assumed date of the Vision), his place among 
the Simoniacs in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), by the artifice of making 
Nicholas III mistake D. himself for Boniface, 
Inf. xix. 52-^ [Simoniaoi] ; Nicholas ex- 
presses surprise that B. should have come 
three years before his time (w. 52-4), and 
asks whether he is already weary of the power 
which he acquired by deceitful means (tjv. 
«-7) [Nicoold^]; the dealings of B. with 
Cfuido da Montefeltro are referred to, Inf. xxvii. 
70-1 1 1 [Oiiido Montefeltrano] ; his war with 
the Colonna family, Inf. xxvii. 85-7 [Colon- 
nesi: Laterano] ; his imprisonment at Anagni, 
Purg. XX. 86-90 [Alagna| ; his evil reign. Par. 
xii. 90; xxvii. 25-7; his usurpation of the 
Papal See (his election not being valid so long 
as his predecessor Celestine V was alive), Par. 
xxvii. 22-4 [Celestine] ; his place among the 
Simoniacs between Nicholas I II and Clement V, 
Par. xxx. 146-48 (cf. Inf xix. 52-4). 

Some think it is Boniface YI 1 1 (others think 
Charles of Valois) to whom Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell) refers as ial che testl piaggia. Inf. 
vL 69 [Carlo ^] ; B. is probably also alluded 
to (though the reference may be to the devil, 
or to the Pope in general, or to the Emperor, 
or to both) as il cape reo^ Purg. viii. 131 ; and 
as la puttana sciolta, Purg. xxxii. 149, and 
consequently lafuia^ Purg. xxxiii. 44, the harlot 
of the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise, who represents the Church, but with 
especial reference to Boniface VIII and 
Clement V [Prooessione] ; the part he played 
in the expulsion of the Bianchi, D. among 
them, from Florence is supposed to be alluded 
to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), 
Par. xvii. 49-51 ; there is perhaps a further 
reference to him in the expression of Marco 
Lombardo (in Circle 1 1 1 of Purgatory), * h giunta 
la spada Col pasturale,' Purg. xvi, 109-10, 
the allusion to the union of the sword with the 
crook, of the temporal power with the spiritual, 
being, as some think, to the action of B. after 
the victory of Albert of Hapsburg over Adolf 
of Nassau in 1298, when he not only refused 
to crown the victor, but, as Sismondi relates 
(Vol. ii. Chap. 9, ed. 1838), placed the crown 
on his own head, and seizing a sword, cried : 
'I am Caesar, I am Emperor, I will defend 
the rights of the Empire ' [Alberto Tedesco]. 
Some see an allusion to the death of Boniface 
(but the reference is more probably to the 
removal of the Papal court to Avignon in 1305) 
in the prophecy of Folquet of Marseilles (in 
the Heaven of Venus), Par. ix. 139-42. 

Boniface VIII, after procuring the abdication 
of the incapable Celestine V, secured his own 
election through the influence of Charles II 
of Naples, whose support he gain^ by pro- 
mising to help him in his war for the re* 
covery of Sicily. Villani says : — 

' Nel detto anno 1994, messer Benedetto Guatani 
cardinale, avendo per suo senno e segacitli adopemto 
che papa Celestino avea rifiutato il papato . . . segul 
la sua impresa, e tanto adoperd co' cardinali e cd 
procaccio del re Carlo, il quale avea amisti di 
molti cardinali, specialmente de* dodici nuovi eletti 
per Celestino, e stando in questa cerca, una sera 
di nottc isconosciuto con poca compagnia and6 a! 
re Carlo, e dissegli : Re, il tuo papa Celestino t' 
ha voluto e potato servire nella tua guerra di 
Cicilia, ma non ha saputo ; ma se tu adoperi co' 
tuoi amici cardinali che io sia eletto papa, io sapr6, 
e vorr6, e potr6; promettendogli per sua fede e 
saramento di mettervi tutto il podere della Chiesa. 
Allora Io re fidandosi di lui, gli promise e ordin6 
CO* suoi dodici cardinali che gli dessero le lore 
boci . . . e per questo modo fu eletto papa nella 
citt^ di Napoli, la vilia della nativita di Cristo del 
detto anno.* (viii. 6.) 

It was at the invitation of Boniface that 
Charles of Valois, brother of Philip IV of 
France, went to Florence in Nov. 1301, os- 
tensibly to make peace between the Bianchi 
and Neri, his intervention resulting in the 
expulsion of the former and the exile of D. 
[Carlo ^]. Boniface was thus the ultimate 
cause of D.'s lifelong banishment, and the 
poet in cons^u^ce indulges towards him 
a fierce hatred, assigning him, as is noted 
above, his place of torment in Hell while he 
was yet alive. It is noteworthy, however, that 
notwithstanding his personal hatred for Boni- 
face D. refuses in any way to condone the 
enormity of the offence committed by Philip IV 
in laying hands on the Vicar of Christ, when 
the long struggle between them, and the bitter 
contest with the Colonna family, finally cul- 
minated in the tragedy of Anagni [Alagna]. 

Ozanam remarks : — 

' Dante est Tennemi politique de Boniface ; il 
croit lui devoir son exil, Tasservissement de sa 
patrie ; il Taccuse de fraude, de simonie, d*usurpa- 
tion . . . Mais en presence du crime d' Anagni . . . 
il ne voit plus que le Christ captif en la personne 
de son vicaire.' 

Apart from his having prostituted the in- 
fluence of the Church in the furtherance of 
the designs of Charles II of Naples, Boniface 
was repeatedly guilty of simony in advancing 
his own fainily and adherents to ecclesiastical 
dignities, as is recorded by Villani : — 

'Fece al suq tempo piu cardinal! suoi amici e 
confident!, intra gli altri due suoi nipo.ti molto 
giovani, e uno suo zio fratello che fu ci^lla madre, 
e venti tra vescovi e arcivescovi suoi parent! e 
amici della piccola cittii d'Anagna di ricchi vesco- 
vadi, e I'altro suo nipote e figliuoli, ch' erano 
conti . . . lasci^loro. quasi ^nfinito tesoro.' (viii. 64.) 




Milman says of him : — 

'Of all the Roman Pontiffs Boniface left the 
darkest name for craft, arrogance, ambition, even 
for avarice and cruelty. He was hardly dead 
when the epitaph was proclaimed to the un- 
protesting Christian world : He came in like a 
fox, he ruled like a lion, and he died like a dog.' 
{Lai. Christ.) 

Villani, Guelf though he was, is unable to 
condone his notorious faults : — 

' Questo papa Bonifazio fu della citti d'Alagna, 
assai gentile uomo di sua terra, figliuolo di messer 
Lifredi Guatani, e di sua nazione ghibellino, e 
mentre fu cardinale protettore di loro ... ma poi 
che fu fatto papa molto si fece guelfo, e molto fece 
per lo re Carlo nella guerra di Cicilia.* (viii. 6.) — 
'Fu savissimo di scrittura e di senno naturale, e 
uomo molto aweduto e pratico, e di grande cono- 
scenza e memoria ; molto fu altiero, e superbo, e 
crudele contro a' suoi nimici e awersari, e fu di 
grande cuore, e molto temuto da tutta gente, e 
alz6 e aggrandl molto lo s£ato e ragioni di Santa 
Chiesa . . . Magnanimo e largo fu a gente che gli 
piacesse, e che fossono valorosi, vago molto della 
pompa mondana secondo suo stato, e fu molto 
peainioso, non guardando n& faccendosi grande 
n^ stretta coscienza d*ogni guadagno, per ag- 
grandire la Chiesa e' suoi nipoti . . . Fu piii 
raondano che non richiedea alia sua dignitii, e 
latte avea assai delle cose a dispiacere di Dio.* 
(viii. 64.) 

The following scathing verses on his avarice 
and simony were addressed to Boniface by 
his contemporary Jacopone da Todi, a Fran- 
ciscan monk (died circ. 1306), who was im- 
prisoned in consequence : — 

*0 Papa Bonifacio, 

molto MX jocato al mando, 
pento che jocundo 
non ten porai partire. 
Bl mondo non he oaato 
laaaar i soi terventi, 
che ala sua partita 
ae paitano gandenti; 
non fara lege nova 
de fartene exempto, 
ch^el non te dia el preaento, 
ch'el dona al to aervire. 

♦ ♦ ♦ 

Par che la verro^a 
de drieto habi aetata; 
ranima el corpo hai posto 
a levar taa casata; 
chi in arena mobele 
fa ^^rande edificata, 
anbito e ruinata, 
non H po fallire. 

* * * 

Qnando in la contrada 
te piace alcnn caatello, 
adeaao mitti discordia 
entro frate et fratelk>; 
a Ton seii el braao al collo, 
a Taltro moatri el coltello; 
ael non conaente al to appello 
menadlo del ferire. 

Se alcnno veacovello 
po covelle paj^re 
roittifU lo flagello 
che 10 voi degradare; 
poi lo mandi al camarlengo 
ch*el ai deba acordare 
che tanto pora dare 
che to lo faaai redire. 

Penai per aatatia 
lo mando dominare; 
so che tn ordeni Tun anno 
Taltro voi [^astare; 
al mnndo non he cavallo 
che ae laaai infrenare 
ch'el poasi cavalcare 
aecanao el to volere. 

* * * 

O lingua maledecta 
ha dicere vtlania, 
remproperar vergogne 
con grande blaaphcmia; 
ne imperator ne rege, 
ne altro homo che aia, 
da ti non ae parthia 
aenza cmdel terire. 

* * * 

O peaaima avaritia 
aete indnplicata 
bever tanta pecania 
e non eaaer aatiata. 
non te penaavi, misero, 
a cni Thai congregata, 
che tal te Ta robata 
che non era in to penaere. 

* * * 

Non trovi chi recordi 
papa nnllo paaaato 
ch in tanta >'anagIoria 
ae aia delectato; 
per ch*el ttmor de Dio 
de retro hai cetato, 
aigno he de deaperato 
o del falao aentire. Amen/ 

Bonifazio 2, a Bishop (identified by modem 
commentators with Bonifazio dei Fieschi of 
Genoa, Archbishop of Ravenna, 1274-1295), 
whom D. places among the Gluttonous in Cirde 
VI of Purgatory, describing him as * Bonifazio 
Che pasturb col rocco molte genti,' Purg. xxiv. 
29-30 [Qolosi]. Benvenuto says this expres- 
sion is appropriate of the Archbishop of Ra- 
venna, whose see is a very extensive one : — 

' Archiepiscopus ravennas est magnus pastor, 
qui habet sub se multos episcopos suffraganeos ab 
Arimino usque Parmam.' 

With reference to the term rocco used by D. 
here of the pastoral staff, Lana says : — 

< Questo Bonifacio fu arcivescovo di Ravenna, 
lo quale non porta lo pastorale cosl ritorto come 
gli altri arcivescovi, ma t fatto di sopra al modo di 
rocco delli scacchi.' 

The ancient pastoral staff of the Archbishops 
of Ravenna, which is still preserved, bears at 
the top an ornament shaped like a chess ' rook/ 
answering to the descnption given by Lana. 
(See the illustration given by C. Ricci in La 
Dn C. illustrata net luoghi e nelle persone^ 

P- 459-) 
Bonifazio dei Fieschi, who was a nephew 

of Innocent IV, was appointed Archbishop 

of Ravenna by Gregory X in 1274, during 

the second Council of Lyons ; he was sent 

to France by Honorius IV in 1285 to help 

Edward I of England in his efforts to bring 

about a reconciliation between Alphonso III of 

Aragon and Philip the Fair, and to negotiate 

for the release of Charles II of Naples ; he 

died Feb. i, 129^. He is known to have been 




immensely wealthy and to have possessed 
a great collection of plate and rich embroideries, 
but there is no record of his having been 
addicted to gluttony. In a contemporary 
account he is described as ' magnus prolocutor 
et partem ecclesiasticam firmiter tenens ' ; and 
another says of him : * acquisivit et auxit et 
augmentavit multa bona et jurisdictionem et 
honores ecclesie/ (See C. Ricci, Uultimo 
rifugio di /?., pp. 120 ff.) 

Bonifazio ^\^ Fazio or Bonifazio de' Mori 
Ubaldini of Signa, a lawyer who was Gonfalo- 
niere di Giustizia in Florence in 1316, and 
several times Prior. He was sent as ambas- 
sador to Clement V in 13 10 for the pur- 
pose of organizing the opposition to the Em- 
peror Henry VH when he came into Italy; 
and his name figures in consequence on the 
list of those condemned by the Emperor in 
13 1 3. He is probably the individual referred 
to as quel da Signa^ whom Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) couples with Baldo d'Agu- 
glione, Par. xvi. 56. [Aguglione.] 

Dino Compagni, who calls him Fazio da 
Signa (ii. 23), states that he and Baldo were 
renegade Bianchi, and took an active part 
in helping the Neri to expel their old allies 
from Florence in 1301. Some think D. meant 
Pino da Signa, whom Compagni (i. 14) men- 
tions together with Baldo, amongst those who 
conspired against Giano della Bella in 1294. 

Bonifazio di Monferrato. [Monfer- 

Bononia, Bologna, V. E. L 1 5**' ^. [Bo- 

Bononienses, the Bolognese, V. E. i. 
9*8-4, 154, 27 ; ii. i2«. [BologneBi.] 

Bononiensis, Bolognese ; vulgare Bononi- 
ense, the Bolognese dialect, V. E. i. \^^. 

Boaoram^ De Pine. [Piaibua, De,] 

Bonsignori, Niccold de*. [Niooold K] 

Bonturo, Bonturo Dati, head of the popu- 
lar party in Lucca at the beginning of Cent, 
xiv ; mentioned ironically by one of the devils 
in Bolgia 5 of Malebolge as being the only man 
in Lucca who was not a barrator (he having 
been in reality an * archbarrator,' as Benvenuto 
calls him), Inf. xxi. 41. [Barattieri.] 

B. appears to have carried on his nefarious 
traffic on so large a scale that nearly all the 
offices in Lucca were manipulated by him. 
Benvenuto says that once, when he was on a 
mission to Boniface VIII, the Pope, by way of 
remonstrance at some piece of double-deahng, 
shook him by the arm, whereupon B. ex- 
laimed : * Holy Father, you have shaken the 
half of Lucca * : — 

< Bonturus fuit archibaratarius, qui sagaciter 
ducebat et versabat illud commune totum, et dabat 

ofiScia quibus volebat; similiter excludebat quos 
volebat. Unde dum semel ivisset legatus ad 
papam Bonifacium, Bonifacius, magnus marescalcus 
hominum, qui cognoscebat laqueos ejus, cepit eum 
per brachium, et vibravit Cui ille respondit : tu 
quassasti dimidiam Lucam.* 

In 1 3 14 his insolent reply to the demand of 
the Pisans for the restitution of the castle of 
Asciano, viz. that the Lucchese kept this castle 
as a mirror for the Pisan ladies (Villani, vii. 
122), led to a fierce war between Pisa and 
Lucca, which terminated disastrously for the 
latter. The Lucchese in consequence expelled 
Bonturo from Lucca, and he was obliged to 
take refuge in Florence, where he died. The 
Pisans, after their triumph, wrote the following 
lines in blood upon the gate of Lucca m 
mockery of Bonturo : — 

* Or ti specchia, Bontnr Dati, 
Ch* e* Lacchesi hai conngliatil 
Lo die di San Prediano 
AUe porte di Laoca fa *1 |Msana* 

Boote], Bodtes (or Areas), son of HelicS or 
Callisto by Jupiter. Juno having in jealousy 
metamorphosed Callisto into a she-bear, she 
was one day pursued by her son Areas while 
htmting ; when he was on the point of killing 
her Jupiter transformed them both into Con- 
stellations, Callisto becoming the Great Bear, 
Areas the Little Bear or Bo5tes. D., referring 
to Bo5tes as il figlio d*Elice^ speaks of the 
North as the region which is covered every 
day by Helice and her son, i. e. by the Great 
and Little Bear, Par. xxxi. 31-3 [Blioe] ; the 
two Bears are spoken of as tOrse^ Purg. iv. 65 ; 
Par. ii. 9 [Orsa] ; the Little Bear is alluded to, 
Par. xiii. 10 [Como]. 

Borea, Boreas, the N. wind. Par. xxviii. 81 ; 
D. here speaks of it as blowing 'from that 
cheek whence it is most gentle,' and dearing 
a.way the fog. Bnmetto Latino in his Trisor 
(i. 107), after naming the four points of the 
compass from which the winds blow, says : — 

' Et ce sont Ii quatre vent principal dou monde, 
et chascuns d'eulz en a .ii. autres entor lui qui 
sont aussi comma bastart.' 

Speaking of the ' bastard ' or side-winds of 
the N. wind, he says : — 

< Li principaus vens qui vient de la tramontane 
done nues et froidure, et cil qui Ii est encoste, 
vers couchant, done noif et grelle . . . mais Ii 
autres qui est vers levant rastrait pluies et nues,' — 

i.e. the direct N. wind brings clouds and 
cold, the N.W. wind brings snow and hail, 
while the N.£. keeps off rain and clouds. It 
is evident, therefore, that D. is speaking of the 
N.£. wind. 

Lucan's mention of Boreas (Phcurs. ix. 480), 
quoted, Mon. ii. 4*1. 

Borgo, the Borgo sant' Apostolo, one of the 
ancient quarters of Florence, situated close to 
the Amo, between the Ponte Vecchio and the 


Borgo san Felice 

Branca d'Oria 

Ponte S. Trinitk ; mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who says that in his 
day the Gualterotti and Importuni lived there, 
and that the quarter would have been more 
peaceful had they not had new neighbours, 
Par. xvL 133-5. The *nuovi vidni ' were the 
Buondelmonti, who came into Florence in 
1 1 35, and subsequently (in 121 5) gave rise to 
the feuds which led to the introduction of the 
Gu^ and Ghibelline factions into Florence. 
[Buondelinonti : Fiorenza.] Villani says : — 

' In borgo santo Apostolo erano grandi Gualte- 
rotti e Importuni, die oggi son popolani ; i 
Bondelmonti erano nobili e antichi cittadini in 
contado, e Montebuoni fu loro ciistello, e piii altri 
in Valdigreve ; prima si puosono Oltramo, e poi 
tomarono in Borgo.' (iv. 13.) 

Borgo san Felice. [Burgum 8. Felicia.] 

Bomeily Gerardus de. [Oerardus de 

BomiOy Bom, name of a forest, on the 
borders of the Limousin and P^rigord, in the 
midst of which, on the shore of a small lake, 
not £ur from the village of Bellegarde, was 
situated the castle where the famous trouba- 
dour, Bertran de Bom, was bom (circ. 1 140), 
Inf. xxviii. 134. 

BomiOy Bertram dal. [Bertram dal 

Borsiere, Guglielmo, a Florentine, said 
to have been a pursemaker, placed by D. in 
Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell among those 
guilty of unnatural offences ; he is mentioned 
by Jacopo Rusticucci, who asks D. for news of 
Florence, saying that Guglielmo, who had but 
recently joined them, gave them a grievous 
report of it, Inf. xvi. 67-72. [Sodomiti.] 

Benvenuto says that Guglielmo (who, as is 
evident from w. 70-1, must have died shortly 
before 1300), becoming tired of pursemaking, 
left hb trade and took to a social life, spending 
his time in travelling about and visiting noble- 
men's houses. He also tells the story, which 
is the subject of one of the tales of the Deca- 
merane (i. 8), of how he cured a certain Messer 
Ermine Grimaldi of Genoa of his miserly ways. 
Boccacdo (in his Comento) says of him : — 

'Quest! fu cavalier di corte, uomo costumato 
molto e di laudevol maniera ; ed era il suo 
esercizio, e degli altri suoi pari, il trattar paci tra' 
pandi e gentili uomini, trattar matrimonii e 
parentadi, e talora con piacevoli e oneste novelle 
recreare gli animi dc' faticati, e confortargli alle 
cose onorevoli ; il che i modern! non fanno, anzi 
quanto piii sono scellerati e spiacevoli, e con 
bnitte operazion! e parole, piii piacciono e meglio 
possono essere proweduti.' 

Boso* [Buoso.] 

Bostichi, ancient noble Florentine family, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been of importance in his 

day, Pan xvi. 93. Villani states that they 
lived near the Mercato Nuovo (iv. 13) and 
were Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they fled from 
Florence with the rest of the party in 1260 
after the Ghibelline victory at Montaperti (vi. 
79), and subsequently sided, some with the 
Bianchi, some with the Neri (viii. 39). Accord- 
ing to Dino Compagni (ii. 20) the Bostichi 
Neri were guilty of the wildest excesses in 
Florence after the return of Corso Donati in 
Nov. 1 301. The Ottimo Comento speaks of 
them as having fallen into decay : — 

* Sono al presente di poco valore, e di poca 

BrabSuite, Brabant, ancient duchy, now 
one of the provinces of Belgium ; mentioned 
in connexion with the second wife of Philip 
HI of France, whom D. calls la donna at 
BrabantCy Purg. vi. 23. Mary, daughter of 
Henry III, Duke of Brabant, married Philip 
III as his second wife in 1274. [Filippo^ : 
Table viii]. She is said to have accused 
Pierre de la Brosse, Philip's chamberlain, of 
an attempt upon her chastity, in consequence 
of which he was put to death. D. appears to 
have believed that Pierre was innocent, and 
he urges Mary to repent of having caused his 
death, while she yet had time {^v, 22-4). 
Mary died, Jan. 12, 1321, in the same year as 
D., and may not improbably have read this 
warning. [Broooia.] 

Margaret of Brabant, to whom three letters, 
said to have been written by D., were addressed 
by the Countess of Battifolle, was the wife of 
the Emperor Henry VII of Luxemburg. The 
letters, which are undoubtedly spurious, are 
printed by Giuliani. 

Branca d'Oria, member of the famous 
Ghibelline house of Doria at Genoa, who, with 
the aid of his nephew, treacherously murdered 
(circ. 1290) his father-in-law, Michael Zanche, 
govemor of Logodoro in Sardinia, at a banquet 
to which he had invited him. 

D. places his soul in Tolomea, the third 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among the 
Traitors, although he was not yet dead. Inf. 
xxxiii. 137, 140; un ial, v. 155. [Tolomea.] 
Frate Alberigo having pointed out to D. the 
shade of Branca d'Oria, D. objects that the 
latter is yet alive (w, 134-41) ; A. replies 
that Branca's soul descended to Hell, even 
before that of his victim, Michael Zanche (who 
was among the Barrators in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxii. 88), his body on earth being inhabited by 
a fiend (w. 142-47). [Alberigo, Frate: 
Michel Zanohe.] 

Bamab6, the son of Branca d'Oria (not 
Branca himself, as Dino Compagni erroneously 
states), received the Emperor Henry VII 
when he visited Genoa in 131 1. 

There is a tradition, mentioned by Papanti 
(DanU secondo le tradtztom)^ that Branca and 


Branda, Fonte 


his friends revenged themselves upon D. for 
this condemnation of him, by causing D. to be 
ill-received when he visited Genoa. 

Branda, Fonte, celebrated fountain at 
Siena (mention of which occurs as early as 
1081), situated at the foot of the hill upon 
which the church of San Domenico stands, so 
called from the Brandi family, to whom the 
site at one time belonged ; commonly supposed 
to be the fountain referred to by Maestro 
Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 
78. It appears, however, that there was 
another fountain of the same name ( now dr ied 
up, but the existence of which is attested by 
Its mention in ancient documents) in the neigh- 
bourhood of Romena, close to the scene of 
Maestro Adamo's crime and punishment, 
which may be the one alluded to. All the old 
commentators take the reference to be to the 
Fonte Branda at Siena, but this may be 
merely because it was better known. [ Adamoy 

Brandimborgo, Ugo di. [Ugo di Bran- 

Brandino Padovano. [Ildebrandinus 

Brandizio, Bnindusium (Brindisi), town 
on the Adriatic in Apulia (the Roman Cala- 
bria), the termination of the Via Appia, and 
the usual port of embarkation in ancient times 
for Greece and the East ; Virgil died here on 
his return from Greece, Sep. 26, B.C. 19. 

Addressing D. (in Antepurgatory), Virgil 
says of his own body, 'Napoli Tha, e da 
Brandizio ^ tolto,' Purg. iii. 27 ; the allusion is 
to the transference of V.'s body from Bnindu- 
sium to Naples by order of Augustus, and to 
the old epitaph recorded by Suetonius : — 

* Mantua, me genait, Calabri rapaere, tenet none 
Parthenope; cecini paacua, nira, duces* — 

i. e. I was bom at Mantua, died at Calabrian 
Bnindusium, and was buried at Naples ; 
I wrote the Ecloguesy the Georzics^ ana the 
Aeneid, [Auguato ^ : Virgilio!] 

BrennOy Brennus, leader of the Senonian 
Gauls, who in B.C 390 crossed the Apennines, 
defeated the Romans at the Allia, and took 
Rome; after besieging the Capitol for six 
months he quitted the city upon receiving 
i,oco pounds of gold as a ransom for the 
Capitol, and returned safe home with his booty. 
According to later tradition (followed by Livy, 
v. 48-9), at the moment when the gold was 
being weighed, and Brennus, declaring the 
Roman weights to be false, had thrown his 
sword into the scale, Camillus and a Roman 
army appeared, fell upon the Gauls and 
slaughtered them. 

Tne Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions the defeat of Brennus 
among the exploits of the Roman Eagle, Par. 

vi. 44 [Aquila ^] ; the story of the attack of 
the Gauls on the Capitol, and their repulse by 
Manlius, is refen-ed to, Conv. iv. ^^^^-^ ; and 
told on the authority of Livy (v. 47) and Virgil 
(Am, viii. 652-6), Mon. ii. 4*2-6? [Camillo: 
aalli^: HanUus]. 

Brennus, [Brenno.] 

Brenta, river of Upper Italy, which rises 
in the Tyrolese Alps above Trent, flows S.E, 
and then S. past Bassano, and after being 
joined by the Bacchiglione just below Padua, 
falls into the Venetian Lagoons by two mouths 
(the southernmost, near Brondolo, being now 
the outlet of the Brenta canal). 

D. mentions the B. in connexion with the 
embankments built by the Paduans as a pro- 
tection against its floods. Inf. xv. 7-9 [Chiar- 
entana] ; Cimizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
mentions it as one of the boundaries of the 
March of Treviso, Par. ix. 27 [Maroa Trivl- 

Brescia, town in Lombardy about 16 miles 
W. of the Lago di Garda ; mentioned by Virgil, 
in his account of the founding of Mantua, in con- 
nexion with a place on the l^e where the three 
dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona meet, 
Inf. XX. 68 [Benaoo] ; a neighbour of Mantua, 
Cremona, and Verona (from which it is dis- 
tant about 38, 30, and 40 miles respectively), 
V. E. i. I5*~ii ; one of the Guelfic cities whidi 
opposed the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. 6. 

Bresciani, inhabitants of Brescia, Inf. 
71 ; Brixtaniy V. E. i. 1431 ; Brixiensesy V. E. 
i. 14^^ ; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Bergamasks in check, Inf. zx. 70-1 
[PoBohiera] ; their dialect, together with those 
of the Veronese, Vicentines, Paduans, and 
Trevisans, condemned as harsh, especially in 
a woman's mouth, one of their peculiandes 
being a fondness for consonantal endings xnff 
V. E. i. 1420-35. 

Brettinoro, now Bertinoro, small town in 
the Emilia, between Forll and Cesena ; it was 
the native place of Guido del Duca (Purg. 
xiv. 81) and Arrigo Mainardi (Purg. xiv. 97). 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
mentions it in allusion to the expulsion of the 
Ghibellines in 1295, probably with especial 
reference to the Mainardi family, Purg. xiv. 
1 1 2- 1 4. After being for a time under the lord- 
ship of the Malatesti of Rimini, the town 
passed towards the end of Cent, xiii into 
the hands of the Ordelaffi of Fori), in whose 
possession it was at the date of the Vision. 
According to the Ottimo Comento, whose 
account is repeated by Benvenuto, it was in 
its best days renowned for the hospitality of 
its nobles : — 

< Intr" all' altre laudabili costume de' nobili di 
Brettinoro era il convivere, e che non volcano che 
uomo vendereccio vi tenesse ostello ; ma una 



Brigata Spendereocia 

colonna di pietra era in mezzo il castello, alia 
quale, come entrava dentro il forestiere, eia 
menato, ed a una delle campanelle convenia 
mettere il cavallo e cappello ; e come la fronte li 
dava, co^ era menato alia casa per lo gentile uomo 
al quale era attribuita quella campanella, ed onorato 
secondo suo grado. La quale colonna e campanella 
fiirono trovate per torre materia di scandolo intr* 
alii detti gentiU, che ciascuno prima correva a 
menarsi a casa il forestiere, siccome oggi quasi si 

BriareOy Briareus or Aegaeon, son of 
Uranus and Gaea, one of the giants who warred 
against Olympus. He was slain by Jupiter 
with a thunderbolt and buried under Mt. Etna. 
Virgil represents him with a hundred arms and 
fifty heaas : — 

' Aegmeoo . . . centum cai brachia dicnnt 
Centenaaqne manas, quinc^iuginta oribos ignem 
Pteioribiuqae arsisce, Jovts cam falmina contra 
Tot pariboa stieperet clipeia, tot strinKeret enses.* 

(Aen. X. 565-8.) 

D. caUs him lo ismisurato B,j a recollection 
of the 'immensus Briareus' of Statins (Theb. 
iL 596), and places him with Antaeus, £phi- 
altes and Nimrod, as one of the warders at 
the mouth of Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 98 
[Qigantl] ; he is represented, transfixed by 
the bolt of Jupiter, among the examples of 
d^eated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. 
zii. 38-3a [Superbl.] 

Brigata, D, Nino il Brigata, grandson of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
whose imprisonment and death he shared in 
1388 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
zxxiiL 89; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his younger brother Anselmuccio, referred to 
l>y Ugohno (in Antenora) as li ire, v. yi 
ffjgoSno, Conte]. Nino was the son of 
Cuelfo, ddest son of Ugolino, and Elena, 
^ughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, the natural 
son of Frederick II [Table zzz]. D. repre- 
sents both the two sons of Ugolino, and his 
M:wo grandsons, as being of tender age ('etk 
SQOveUa,' V. 88). Nino cannot have been very 
Soong, for he is said to have been married, 
sand not long before his death the Ghibellines 
Siad wished to associate him with his grand- 
father in the government of Pisa ; he is men- 
^^oned in a document (dated 1272) relating 
^Ko the claims of himself and his brothers (but 
"^rithout mention of Anselmuccio, the youngest, 
^^ho was probably not bom at the time) to 
^^hdr mother's rights in Sardinia. D. in the 
Convivio (iv. \^^~^) uses the phrase *etk. 
xioveUa' as the equivalent of ' gioventute,' 
"^hich he elsewhere (iv. 24ii""37) deHnes as the 
period between twenty-five and forty-five; so 
that the expression as applied to Ugolino's 
sons and grandsons is not so incongruous as it 
at first appears. [Ansebnuooio.] 

Brigata Spendereccia], the < Spendthrift 
brigade' of Siena, a company of extravagant 

young men which flourished for a short time 
during the second half of Cent, xiii ; alluded 
to by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge) 
as il brigata^ Inf. xxix. 130 ; he mentions four 
of its most conspicuous members by name, 
viz. Stricca, v, 125; Niccol6, t/. 127; Caccia 
d'Asciano, v, 131 ; and * TAbbagliato,' v, 133; 
a fifth member, Lano, is mentioned. Inf. xiii. 
120. [Abbagliato: Cacoia d'ABoiano: 
Lano: Nicoold^: Btricca.] 

Benvenuto gives a long account of this 
'brigade,' which he says was composed of 
twelve members^ all wesdthy young men, who 
were bent upon doing something to make 
themselves talked about. Accordingly they 
each contributed a large sum to a common 
fund, of which each member was bound to 
spend lavishly, under pain of expulsion from 
the society. They then hired a magnificent 
palace, where they met once or twice in the 
month, and gave sumptuous banquets, enter- 
taining and loading with gifts any persons of 
distinction who happened to come to Siena. 
They prided themselves on having all sorts 
of strange and rare dishes ; and one of their 
freaks was to fling the gold and silver utensils 
and table ornaments out of the window as 
soon as the banquet was over. In this way 
they ran through their means in less than two 
years, and became the laughing-stock of all 
the world, some of them being reduced to 
live on charity. Benvenuto adds that two sets 
of poems were composed on them, one de- 
scribing their magnificent beginning, the other 
their miserable ending. The poems referred 
to by Benvenuto are probably those of Folgore 
da San Gemignano (himself supposed to have 
been a member of the 'brigade') and Cene 
dalla Chitarra of Arezzo, the former of whom 
addressed to the ' brigata nobile e cortese ' 
a series of twelve sonnets, one for each month 
of the year, in celebration of theu- merry life, 
while the latter wrote a series in parody of 
the other, giving a picture of the miserable 
condition to which they were reduced by their 
folly ; specimens of both are given by Nan- 
nucci {Lett ItaL, \, 341-50). The following is 
Folgore's opening sonnet, in which we get 
the names of six other members of the * brigade,' 
making up, with the ^w^ mentioned by D., 
and Folgore himself, the complete number of 
twelve : — 

' Alia brij^ata nobile e corteae, 

E a tatte quelle parte dove tono, 
Con alleerena stando seznpre, dono 
Cani, accelli, e denari per iapeae. 

Ronzin portanti, qaa^lie a volo prese, 
Braccni, levrier corner, veltri abbandono : 
In qnesto re£no Niccol6 corono, 

Poich* elli i U fior deUa cittii Saneae. 

Tinsocdo, Atain di Togno« ed Ancaiano, 
E Bartolo, e Muearo, e Painotto, 

Che paiono figliuoli del re Bano ; 
Prodi e cortesi piil che Lancilotto ; 

Se biaos^nasse, con 1e lance in mano 
Parian tomeamenti a Camelotta* 

[97] H 



BrissOy Bryson, ancient Greek philosopher, 
mentioned by Aristotle as having attempted 
to square the circle, a problem which appa- 
rently he tried to solve dishonestly by non- 
geometrical methods (Soph, Elench, i. lo ; 
Anal. Post. i. 8). 

St Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B., together with Parmenides 
and Melissus, as examples of bad reasoners, 
who attempt to find the truth without having 
first mastered the art of reasoning, Par. xiii. 

Brixia. Brescia, V. E. i. 15I0 ; Epist. vii. 6. 

Brixiani, Brescians, V. E. i. 1431 ; Brix- 
tenses f V. E. i. 14^^ [Bresoiani.] 

Brixienses. [Briziani.] 

Brocda, Pier dalla, Pierre de la Brosse, 
according to tradition, a surgeon of low birth, 
but actually a gentleman of Touraine of 
honourable extraction, who was favourite and 
chamberlain of Philip I II of France. He had 
already held the office of chamberlain to 
Philip's father, Louis IX, whom he accom- 
panied on his last expedition to the East, 
which ended in the Kmg*s death at Tunis in 
1270. On the sudden death in 1276 of the 
heir to the throne, Louis, Philip's son by his 
first wife, Isabella of Aragon, an accusation 
was brought against the Queen, Mary of 
Brabant, of having poisoned Louis, in order 
to secure the succession of her own son, among 
her accusers being Pierre de la Brosse. 

'L'an de grace mil deux cens soixante seize, 
avint que Loys le premier fils le roy Phelippe 
mourn et fu empoisonn^, ainsi coQime aucuns 
dient. Le roy en fu en souspe90n, et ceste 
80uspe9on mist en son cuer Pierre de la Broce, 
son maistre chambellenc : car il maintenoit et 
disoit en derrenier que ce avoit fait la royne, et 
que elle feroit, se elle poveit, mourir les autres, 
pour ce que le royaume peust venir aux enfans 
qui estoient de son corps.' {Grandes Chroniquts de 
France : Phelippe III. ch. xxii.) 

Not long afterwards Pierre was suddenly 
arrested by order of the King at Vincennes, 
and imprisoned at Janville, in the Beauvaisis. 
From thence he was removed to Paris, where 
he was condemned and sentenced to death 
before an assembly of the nobles, and hanged 
by the common hangman, in the presence of 
the Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, and of 
the Count of Artois, June 30, 1278. The 
suddenness and ignommy of his execution 
appear to have caused great wonder and con- 
stemation, especially as the charge on which 
he was condemned was not made known. 
According to the popular account he had been 
accused by the Queen of an attempt upon her 
chastity. The truth seems to be that he was 
hanged upon a charge of treasonable cor- 
respondence with Alphonso X, King of Castile, 

with whom Philip was at war, the intercepted 
letters on which the charge was based having, 
it is alleged, been forged at the instance of 
the Queen. It is at any rate certain that Pierre 
was an object of envy and hatred to the great 
nobles of Philip's court, and it is likely enough 
that they made common cause with the Queen 
in bringing about his falL 

D. places Pierre de la Brosse in Ante- 
purgatory among those who put off repentance, 
Purg. vi. 22 [Antipurgatorio] ; and evidently 
regarded him as innocent, for he speaks of his 
spirit as having been divided from his body 
'through hate and envy, not for fault com- 
mitted' (w. 19-21) ; at the same time he implies 
that Mary of Brabant was guilty of his death, 
since he warns her to repent of her crime ere it 
is too late (she being still alive at the time he 
wrote), lest she should be consigned to a worse 

t^lace than Pierre, namely to Hell (w. 22-4) 
Brabante]. Benvenuto states that D. satis- 
fied himself of Pierre's innocence while he was 
in Paris: — 

' Dantes, qui fuit Parisius, post exilium suum, 
explorata diligenter veritate hujus rei, dignum 
duxit, ipsum ponere salvum in purgatorio, et 
reddere sibi bonam famam, sicut fecerat Petro de 
Vineis in inferno.' 

Bromius, 'the noisy god,' surname of 
Bacchus ; mentioned, in connexion with King 
Midas, Eel. ii. 53. [Bacoo : Mlda.] 

Bruggia, Bruges, capital of Western Flan- 
ders, about 25 miles N. W. of Ghent, and about 
ten from the coast ; mentioned, together with 
V^ssant, in connexion with the embankments 
built by the Flemings to keep back the sea, 
B. roughly indicating the eastern limit of the 
Flemish sea-board, Wissant the western, Inf. 
XV. 4 [Ouizsante] ; coupled by Hugh Capet 
(in Circle V of Purgatory) with Douay, Ghent, 
and Lille, to indicate Flanders, Purg. xx. 46. 

The reference here is to the events which 
took place in Flanders between 1297 and 1304, 
in which those towns played a conspicuous 

In 1297 Guy, Count of Flanders, having by his 
dealings with Edward I of England excited the 
suspicions of Philip IV of France, was decoyed by 
the latter under a lying pretext to Corbeil, where 
he was kept prisoner until he had sworn to 
renounce all communication with EUlward. No 
sooner, however, did Guy regain his liberty than 
he broke his oath. Philip thereupon proceeded 
to make war upon him, and sent his brother, 
Charles of Valois, into Flanders to reduce the 
country. Guy, having been abandoned by his 
ally, the King of England, who through the 
mediation of Boniface VIII had made peace with 
Philip (March, 199I), was compelled to come to 
terms with Charles. It was agreed that he should 
go to Paris with his t^vo sons to sue for the king's 
pardon, a safe-conduct for his return being 
promised him in the event of peace not being con- 


Bronellesohi, Agnello 

Bmnetto Latino 

eluded between them within the'year. Philip, how- 
ever, declared that in offering these terms Charles 
had exceeded his authority, and treacherously 
imprisoned Guy and his two sons. Treating 
Flanders as a subject state, he visited the country 
in person and was well received by a portion of 
the population. But the cruelty and oppression 
of ChatiUon, the French Governor, drove the lower 
classes to arms; they rose in every part of the 
coantry, and with an army, which consisted mostly 
of peasants and mechanics, they totally defeated 
the French at Courtrai (the * Battle of the Spurs'), 
March ai, 130^. In this battle, in which they lost 
the flower of their nobility, the Comte d'Artois 
among them, the French met with the vengeance 
to which D. alludes, Purg. xx. 47. After this 
defeat Philip made peace with Flanders, released 
his prisoners, and surrendered all the country N. 
of the Lys to Robert de Bethune (eldest son of 
Guy, who had died in captivity), the southern 
portion being annexed to France. (See Philalethes; 
and Villani, xix, xx, xxxii, xxxvii, Iv-lviii, Ixxvi- 

Bnmelleschi, AgneUo. [Agndl.] 

BnmettO Latino, Florentine Guelf, son 
of Buonaccorso Latino, bom in Florence circ 
1210, died 1294 ; he was a notary (whence the 
title of * Ser ' given him by D., Inf. xv. 30, loi), 
and is commonly supposed (from a misunder- 
standing of Inf. XV. 82-5) to have been D.'s 
master, which in the ordinary sense of the 
word he cannot have been, since he was about 
fifty-five when D. was bom. It is uncertain 
at what period he began to take part in public 
affeurs in Florence ; he held an official position 
m 1253, and in the next year he attested, in 
his capacity of notary, two public documents 
(April 20, and Aug. 25), which are still pre- 
senred, and one of which is drawn up in his 
own handwriting. In 1260 he was sent on an 
embassy to Alphonso X of Castile (one of the 
candidates for the imperial crown) in order 
to induce him to assist the Guelfs against 
Manfred and the Ghibellines. While he was 
on his way back, he leamt from a student 
who had come from Bologna, the news of the 
decisive victory of the Ghibellines over the 
Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti (Sep. 4, 1260), 
and the consequent expulsion of the latter from 
Ws native city : — 

' Bmo Comane sagio 
Mi fece suo xnessac^o 

Air alto re di Spapia, 
Ch' or ^ re de la Magna 

B la corona atende, 
Se Die no gltel contende . . . 

B to pre« ccmpagna 
£ andai in I«>a||tia 

B fed rambaiciau 
Che mi fne comandata : 

B poi aanxa logiorno 
RIpresi mto ritomo, 

Tanto che nel paeae 
Di terra Navarreae, 

Veoendo per la (^le 
Del pian di Rondavalle, 

Inoontrai ano acolato 
Sa*n OB umletto baio 

Che venia da Bologna . . 
lo lo pur domandai 

Novelle di Toecana 
In dolxe lingua e piana» 

Ed e' cortesemente, 
Mi disse inmantenente, 

Ch* e* Gnelfi di Fiorenza 
Per mala provedenza 

E per forsa di guerra 
Bran fnor de la terra, 

£ *1 dannagio era forte 
Di pregione e di morte.* 

{Tesorgt/Of \l 11-50.) 

On the receipt of this disastrous news B. aban- 
doned his intention of returning to Italy, and 
took refuge in France. He appears first to have 
gone to Montpellier (Tesoretto^ xxi. 3) ; he was 
m Paris in Sep. 1263, and at Bar-sur-Aube in 
April, 1264, as we know from notarial docu- 
ments in his handwriting under those dates 
(see Rassegna Italiana^ March, 1885, and 
Athenaeum, Nov. 6, 13, 20, 1897). "While in 
France he compiled his encyclopaedic work, 
the Livre dau Tresor, as he himself records :— 
' Mainfroiz . . . tint le roiaume de Puille et de 
Secile centre Dieu et contre raison, si comme dl 
qui dou tout fu contraires k sainte Eglise. £t por 
ce fist il maintes guerres et diverses persecutions 
contre toz les Ytaliens qui se tenoient devers 
sainte Eglise, meismement contre la guelfe partie 
de Florence, tant que il furent chaci^ hors de la 
vile, et lor choses en furent mises k feu et ^ flamme, 
et k destruction ; et avec els en fu chaci^ maistres 
Brunez Latin ; et si estoit il par cele guerre 
essilliez en France quant il fist cest livre.' ( Trisor, 

After Manfred's defeat and death at the 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, I26|), and the 
consequent discomfiture of the Ghibellines of 
Tuscany, Brunetto returned to Florence and 
resumed his share in public afifairs. In 1269 
at Florence and in 1270 at Pisa he acted as 
notary to Guy de Montfort, Charles of Anjou's 
vicar in Tuscany ; in 1273 he was secretary 
to the Florentine government ('scriba con- 
siliorum Communis Florentiae '), and in 1275 
he was president ('console') of the notarial 
guild ; he was one of the commissioners and 
guarantors of the ephemeral peace patched 
up between the Guelfs and Ghibellines in 
Florence in 1280 by the Cardinal Latino; in 
1284 (Oct. 13) he was one of the two syndics 
of the Florentine government for the conclusion 
of an offensive and defensive alliance with 
Genoa and Lucca against the Pisans, who in 
the previous August had been totally defeated 
by the Cxenoese in the great naval battle at 
Meloria; in 1287 (Aug. 15 to Oct. 15) he 
served the ofifice of prior ; and in 1289 he was 
appointed one of the public orators of Florence ; 
he died in Florence, aged over eighty, in 1294. 
His influence and authority with the Florentines 
are attested by the fact that his name appears 
in no less than thirty-five public documents 
(between Oct. 21, 1282 and July 22, 1292) as 
having been consulted by the government on 
various important matters, and for the most 



Bmnetto Latino 

Brunetto Latino 



part it is recorded that his advice was followed. 
(See Thor Sundby, Vt^a ed Opere di B. Z., 
trans, by Renier, with appendices by Del Lungo 
and Mussafia.) 

Brunetto was buried in the church of Santa 
Maria Maggiore at Florence. His portrait, 
according to Vasari (in his Vita di Giotto)^ is 
one of those associated with that of D. in the 
fresco attributed to Giotto in the Bargello : — 

'Giotto . . . ritrasse nella cappella del palagio 
del Podestk di Firenze Dante Alighieri, coetaneo 
ed amico suo grandissimo . . . Nella medesima 
cappella k. il ritratto, sixnilmente di mano del 
medesimo, di ser Brunetto Latini maestro di 
Dante, e di messer Corso Donati gran cittadino di 
que' tempi' 

Villani, in recording Brunetto's death, 
speaks of him as having been the first to 
introduce the systematic study of oratory and 
political science into Florence : — 

< Nel anno 1294 mori in Firenze uno valente 
cittadino il quale ebbe nome ser Brunetto Latini, 
il quale fu gran filosofo, e fii sommo maestro in 
rettorica, tanto in bene sapere dire come in bene 
dittare. £ hi quegli che spuose la Rtttorica di 

^ Tullio, e fece il buono e utile libro detto 7Vson>, e 
il TtsorttiOt e la Chiave del TtsorOy e piii altri libri 
in filosofia, e de' vizi e di virtii, e fu dittato re del 
nostro comune. Fu monda no uomo, ma di lui 

; / avemofatta menzione, perocch' egli fu cominciatore 
e maestro in digrossare i Fiorentini, e farli scorti 
in bene parlare, e in sapere guidare e reggere la 
nostra repubblica secondo la political (viii. 10.) 

Brunetto's two best known works are the 
Livre dou Tresor (in which are comprised 
several of the treatises referred to by Villani), 
a sort of Encyclopaedia of history, natural 
science, ethics, rhetoric, and politics, in French 
prose (written between 1262 and 1266) [Te- 
Mor6\ ; and the Tesoretto, a didactic poem, 
written (in 1262 or 1263) in a popular stvle in 
Italian heptasyllabic couplets. To the latter, 
in which the favourite device of an allegorical 
journey is employed, D. was doubtless in- 
debted for many suggestions. 

D. places Brunetto Latino in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell, among those guilty of 
unnatural offences, ser Brunetto, Inf. xv. 30, 
loi ; Brunetto L atino ^ v, 32 ; ««, v. 23 ; 
guegliy V. 31 ; /«/, w, 34, 44; «, v, 46; /«/, 
^* 50; ^giiy v» 55; /«/, V. 80; egli, V. 103 
[Sodomiti]. As D. and Virgil proceed along 
the embankment on their way through Circle 
VII they see a crowd of souls advancing 
towards them on the plain below, who look 
hard at them (Inf. xv. 16-21); one of them 
(Brunetto), recognizing D., gives an exclama- 
tion of surprise and takes hold of the skirt of 
his robe (w, 22-4) ; D. looks at him closely 
and in turn recognizing him, leans down and 
addresses him by name (vv. 25-30) ; B. L. 
proposes to turn back and accompany D. for 
a while (w. 31-3), to which D. gladly assents, 

with the approval of V. (w. 34-42) ; not 
venturing to descend alongside of B. L., he 
walks paurallel with him keeping his head bent 
down towards him {w, 43-5) ; B. L. asks D. 
what brings him to Hell before be is dead, 
and who his guide is (in/* 46-8) ; D. having 
replied, B. L. tells him that if he ' follows his 
star' he will become famous {w, 49-57)1 and 
adds that if he himself had lived he might 
have helped D. in his task (w, 58-60); he 
then foretells how the Florentines will repay 
the good D. does them (in opposing the entry 
of Charles of Valois) by persecuting him iw. 
61-9), and how later both Bianchi and Neri 
will court him (an apparently unfulfilled pro- 
phecy), but in vain (vv, 70-8) ; D. replies, 
expressing his reverence and g^titude for 
B. L.*s teaching (w, 75-87), and declares that 
he will bear in mind his and other (i. e. those 
of Ciacco and of Farinata) predictions as to 
his own future in order that Beatrice may 
expound them, but that meanwhile he is pre- 
pared for evil fortune if it be in store for nim 
\w. 88-96) ; after a word of approval from V. 
{vv. 97-9) D. asks B. L. as to his companions 
(w. 100-2) ; the latter replies that they were 
all 'clerks and great men of letters, and of 
great fame,' some of whom he names (w. 
103-14) ; then seeing another company ap- 

Eroaching, he takes leave /of D. recommending 
is Trisor to him, and speeds back to rejoin 
his companions {yv, 115-24). 

It is not known on what ^unds D.^ con- 
demned Brunetto to this particular division of 
Hell ; possibly, as in the case of Priscian, he is 
introduced merely as the representative of 
a class (Metterati grandi,' t/. 107), which was 
undoubtedly especially addicted in those times 
to the vice in question. Benvenuto testifies 
that it was prevalent to a terrible degree 
in Bologna while he was lecturing on the 
Divina Commedia there in 1375, to such a 
degree, indeed, that he felt himself bound, in 
spite of the odium and personal risk which he 
incurred by so doing, to bring the matter to 
the notice of the Papal Legate [Aooorao* 
Franceeco d': Priaolano]. Some thuik 
Villani's expression 'fu mondano uomo,' as 
well as the phrase in the Tesoretto, 'siamo 
tenuti Un poco mondanetti ' (xxi. 22-3), point 
to the supposition that Brunetto had an evil 
reputation in this particular respect It is 
noticeable, on the otner hand, that vice of this 
nature is especially reprobated in the Trhori — 

* Chastde est bele chose, porce que ele se deUte 
es convenables choses, au tens, au leu, k la quantit6 
et k la guise quMl convient ; mais li delix dou 
siecle desevrez de nature est desmesureement 
blasmable plus que avoltire, ce est gesir avec le 
maale ' (^ii. 30) ... * Deliz par male nature est gesir 
avec les maales, et telz autres deshonorables 
choses* (ii. 37) ... 'De luxure vienent avuglet6 
de cuer, non fermet^ amor de soi meisme, haine 


Bninettis Florentiniu 


de Dieu, volenti de cest siecle et dcspit de Tautre, 
fomicacion, avoutire, et pechi^ contre nature' 
(ii. m) — 

as well as in the Tesoretto : — » 

'Ben k gran vituperio 
Comroettere avolterio . . . 

Ma tra qaesti peccati 
Son vie pitt condannati 

One* ciie aon soddomttL 
Den come son perid 

Que* che contra natnrm 
Brigan cotal lossara I * (zzi. 3i5-a6w) 

Others contend that the term 'mondano' 
means nothing more than ' worldly ' as opposed 
to ' spiritual.* (See Scherillo, Brunetto Latiniy 
in Alcuni capUoH della biografia di Dante^ 
pp. II6-23I.) 

The question has been raised as to the cor- 
rect form of Brunetto's surname, Lattni or 
Latino ; the former is most commonly used, 
but Brunetto himself (on occasion at least) 
preferred LcUino^ as appears from the Tesoretto^ 
where the phrase ' io Brunetto Latino ' occurs 
twice (i. 70 ; xx. 5), this form being assured in 
both cases by the rime. Latino is the form 
invariably used by Bono Giamboni in his 
translation of the Trisor^ in which the name 
appears in the French equivalent Brunez 
Latins (i. e. Brunettus Latinus, in Italian, 
Brunetto Latino) ; as well as by Boccaccio in 
his Comento, On the other hand it is certain 
that the form Laiini'wsLS also used, both by 
Brunetto himself and by his contemporaries. 
(See Academy y July 17, 1886 ; Feb. 9, 1895.) 

In his estimate of the Tuscans and meir 
dialects, D. blames Brunetto, together with 
Bonagiunta of Lucca, Gallo of Pisa, and Mino 
llocato of Siena, for having written in his own 
local dialect, V. E. i. 138-13. 

Bnmetus Florentinus, Brunetto Latino, 
AT. E. i. 13*0-11. [Brunetto]. 

BrutO^y Lucius Junius Brutus, son of 
Marcus Junius and of Tarquinia, sister of 
*Tarquinius Superbus. His elaer brother was 
inrdered bv Tarquinius, and Lucius only 
iped his brothei^s fate by feigning idiotcy, 
"^rhence he was sumamed Brutus. After the 
ipe of Lucreda by Sextus Tarouinius, and 
consequent suicide [LucreaiaJ, B. roused 
Romans to expel the Tarquins ; and upon 
»r banishment he was elected first consul 
"^th Tarouinius Collatinus. While consul he 
^noved his unflinching patriotism by putting 
"^0 death his two sons, who had attempted 
'^o restore the Tarquins. He fell in battle 
mbortly after, fighting against Aruns, son of 

D. places B. in Limbo among the great 

heroes of antiquity, describing him as quel 

•£nUo che caccid TarquinOy Inf iv. 127 

[Limbo]; he is mentioned, as first Consul 

^nd founder of the Roman Republic, Conv. iv. 

5W-100 . as having sacrificed his sons on the 

altar of duty, Conv. iv. 5I21-2 j d. refers to 

Liv/s account (ii. 4) of the latter incident, and 
quotes Aen, vi. 821-3, Mon. ii. 5ii2-J«o. 

Bruto ^, Marcus Junius Brutus, the so-called 
tyrannicide. When he was only eight years 
old his father was slain in Gaul by command 
of Pompey, but nevertheless, having been 
trained by his uncle Cato in the prinaples of 
the aristocratic party, when the dvil war broke 
out (b.c 49) he joined Pompey. After the 
battle of Pharsalia (B.C. 48) he was pardoned 
by Caesar, and was admitted by him mto con- 
fidence and favour, being made governor of 
Cisalpine Gaul (B.C. 46), and praetor (3.0.44), 
and being, further, promised the governorship 
of Macedonia. But in spite of all his obliga- 
tions to Caesar, he was persuaded by Cassius 
to murder him under the delusive idea of 
again establishing the republic. After Caesar's 
death, B. remained for a time in Italy, and 
then took possession of the province of Mace- 
donia. He was joined by Cassius, who com- 
manded in Syria, and their united forces were 
opposed to Octavian (afterwards Augxistus) 
and Antony. Two battles were fought in the 
neighbourhood of Philippi (B.C. 42), in the 
former of which B. was victorious, though 
Cassius was defeated ; but in the latter B. also 
was defeated, whereupon he put an end to his 
own life. [Caasio.] 

D. places Brutus with Cassius and Judas 
Iscariot in Giudecca, the last division of Circle 
nc of Hell, the nethermost pit, in the jaws 
of Lucifer, Inf. xxxiv. 65. [Giudecca: IjUoI- 
fisro] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven 
of Mercury) mentions him in connexion with 
his defeat by Augustus at Philippi, Par. vi. 74. 
[Aquila 1.] 

At first sight it appears inconsistent that D., 
the sworn enemy of despotism, who sets Cato, 
though he committed suicide rather than fall into 
Caesar's hands, as guardian of the gate of Purgatory, 
should condemn Brutus and Cassius, the Ust 
defenders of the liberty of Rome, to the lowest 
pit of Hell, as equally guilty with Judas. The 
explanation lies in the principle, maintained by D. 
in the De Monorchia and elsewhere, that the 
institution of the Roman Empire was ordained by 
Divine Providence for the well-being of mankind, 
just as was that of the Papal office. 

*Opas fait homini daplici directtvo, secandnin daplicem 
finem : scilicet Summo Pontifice, qui secundum revelata 
huraanum genus perduceret ad vitam artemam ; et Im« 
peratore, qui secundum philosophica documenta genua 
nnroanum ad temporalem feiicitatem dirigeret * (iii. 16'*'-^^. 

Consequently he regards the murderers of 
Caesar, not as the defenders of liberty, but as 
traitors against the Empire, of which he held 
Caesar to be the first representative. (Hence 
Caesar is placed, not among the tyrants in Hell 
with Alexander the Great, but in Limbo with 
Aeneas, the ultimate founder, according to D.*s 
theory, of the Roman Empire.) Just as Judas, 
the betrayer of Christ, is the prototype of those 
who betray the highest spiritual authority, so 
Brutus and Cassius, the betrayers of Caesar, are 


• • 

• • 

• . * 


(he prototypes of those who betray the highest 
civil authority. 

BrutuSy Lucius Junius Brutus, Mon. ii. 5^13. 

Bucciola Tommaso. [Faenza, Tom- 
maso da.] 

Bucciola, Ugolino, Ugolino Bucciola or 
Buzzola, son of Frate Alberigo (Inf. xxxiii. 1 18), 
was a member of the Manfredi family of 
Faenza ; he was bom probably between 1 240 
and 1250; he was a Guelf, and in 1279 was 
one of the principal sureties in the peace 
between the Geremei and the Lambertazzi; 
in 1282 he was elected Podestk of Bagna- 
cavallo ; three yrears later he was concerned, 
together with his father Alberigo and others 
of the Manfredi family, in certain violent 
doings at the castle of Sezate ; in 1292 (he 
having married meanwhile), and again in 1295 
and 1296, he was engaged in party quarrels, 
which resulted in his having to leave Faenza, 
and retire to Ravenna, where he died, Jan. 8, 
1 301. (See Torraca, Fatti e scritti di U, 
Buzzoia, Rome, 1893.) 

D. mentions Ugolino, together with Tom- 
maso da Faenza (who, according to some 
accounts, was his brother), as having rejected 
the local dialect in their poems, V.E. i. i4^8~2o. 

Two sonnets of Ugolino's of little merit 
have been preserved (one addressed to Onesto 
Bolognese), which are printed by Torraca. 
His contemporary, Francesco da Barberino 
(1264-1^48), who Imew him personally, speaks 
of him m his Documenti cTAmore as having 
written a didactic poem De salutandi modis in 
the Faentine dialect ' in ydiomate Faventino- 
rum, rimis omatissimis atque subtilibus.' 

BacoUcMj the Bucolics or Eclogues of 
Virgil ; referred to as / Bucolici Carmiy Purg. 
xxii. 57; Bucolica^ Mon. i. 11^; D. quotes 
and comments on EcL iv. 6, Moiu i. ii*"^®; 
three lines from the same Eclogue (iv. 5-7) 
are translated, Purg. xxii. 70-2 ; and referred 
to, Epist. vii. I [Astraea] ; Virgil is spoken of 
as the author of the Eclogues ' il Cantor de' 
Bucolici Carmi,' Purg. xxii. 57. [Virgillo.] 

Bucolici Carmi, the Eclogues of Virgil, 
Purg. xxii. 57. [Bucoiica.] 

Buemme, Bohemia, in the Middle Ages an 
independent kingdom, under the Premsyl 
dynasty from 11 97 to 1306, and then under the 
Luxemburg dynasty (founded by John of Lux- 
emburg, son of the Emperor Henry VII) till 
X437. [Table 11.] 

Wenceslas IV is referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as guei di Buemme, 
Par. xix. 125 [Vinolalao] ^ Bohemia itself is 
alluded to by the Eagle (m reference to the 
cruel invasion of the country in 1304 by Albert 
of Hapsburg, who attempted to force Wen- 
ceslas IV to submit to the exclusion of his 

Buiamonte, Oiovanni 

own son Wenceslas from the throne of Hun- 
gry in favour of Charles Martel's son, Charles 
Robert) as ti regno di Praga^ Par. xix. 117 
[Alberto Tedesoo : Fraga] ; and by Sordello 
(in Antepurgatory), in connexion with Ottocar 
II, as la terra dove Facqua nasce, Che Mult a 
in Albiay e Albia in mar ne porta (i. e. the 
country where the Moldau rises), Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Albia : Multa : Ottachero.] 

Buggea, Bougia or Bougie, town in N. 
Africa, in Algeria, on the gulf of the same 
name. In the Middle Ages it was a very im- 
portant commercial port, its chief article of 
export being wax and wax-candles, whence 
the latter came to be known as bougies. In 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it carried 
on a brisk trade with Italy, and Italian mer- 
chants (chiefly Genoese and Pisan) had nimie- 
rous buildings of their own in the city, as is 
evident from the repeated mention of Mi 
fondachi di Buggea ' in a treaty concluded in 
1264 between the Pisans and the Emir of Tunis 
(printed by Monaci, Crest, Ital,^ pp. 166-8). 

Bougie is situated about 100 miles £• of 
Algiers, and is on almost exactly the same 
meridian as Marseilles ; hence the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles (in the Heaven of Venus), 
wishing to indicate his birthplace, says it is 
a place where the sun rises and sets at almost 
the same hour as it does at Bougie, Par. ix. 
91-3. [Foloo: MarsUia.] 

Buiamonte, Giovanni], Florentine usurer 
of the Bicchi family, said by the old commenta- 
tors to be the individual referred to (by Rinaldo 
degli Scrovigni) as 'il cavalier sovrano Che 
recherk la tasca con tre becchi,' Inf. xvii. 72~3 ; 
Rinaldo informs D. that the advent of Buia- 
monte is eagerly awaited by the Florentine 
usurers who are with himself in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell (w. 71-3) [Binaldo : 
Usiirai]. D. condemns B. and Vitaliano of 
Padua to Hell by anticipation, they both 
having been alive at the date of the Vision 
(1300). Several of the old commentators say 
that the ' tre becchi ' are three goats^ giving 
B.'s arms as on a field or three goats sable, 
e. g. the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Portava per arme il campo giallo et tre becchi 
neri I'uno sopra I'altro, come stanno i Leopardi 
che sono nell' arme del re d'lnghilternu' 

Lana, Buti, and others, on the other hand, 
explain the ' tre becchi ' as three beaks^ giving 
the arms as on a field azure three kites' or 
eagles' beaks or, 'tre becchi di nibbio gialli 
nel campo azzurro.' The latter is the correct 
description as appears from Vempn's note : — 

' Ld. Vernon g^ves a reproduction of the shield 
taken from the Archives of Florence. The htcchi 
upon it are eagles' beaks ; two above and one 
underneath. The family of the Buiamonti had 
the lordship of Torre Becchi, a strong place in the 
territory of Florence. Buiamonte di messer Rota, 




a distinguished Guelf, with his three sons, took 
part in the disastrous battle of Montaperti. 
Giovanni Buiamonte is supposed to have been 
another son of the above. He was Gonfaloniere 
of Justice in 1393, and his palace was destroyed 
in the great fire of 1304, which was kindled by the 
treachery of Neri degli Abati.' 

Bulgari], Ghibelline family of Bertinoro, 
thought by some to be alluded to, Purg. xiv. 

Bulicame, hot sulphurous spring near Vi- 
terbo, to the stream of which D. compares Phle- 
gethon, one of the rivers of Hell, Inf. xiv. 79 
[Fle^tonta]. Like similar establishments in 
all times, the hot-spring of Bulicame was the 
resort of prostitutes (Me peccatrici '), who 
being compelled to reside in a special Quarter 
had the water supplied to baths m their nouses 
(doubtless for the use of their clients) by 
means of conduits leading from the spring. 
Benvenuto says : — 

'Debes scire quod apud civitatem Viterbii est 
quaedam mirabilis aqua calida, rubea, sulphurea, 
profunda, de cujus lecto exit quidam rivulus 
parvus, quern meretrices habitantes in ilia planicie 
dividunt inter se; nam in qualibet domuncula 
meretricis est balneum ex illo rivulo ordinatum; 
ergo bene est comparatio propria in rubore, in 
colore, et in foetore.' 

Fazio degli Uberti states that the spring at 
Bulicame was hot enough to cook a sheep 
while a man walked a quarter of a mile, and 
adds that the bath was a sovereign remedy for 
the stone : — 

*Io Dol credea, perch^ Tavessi ndito, 

Seoxa provar, che *1 bulicame fosse 

Aooeso d*an DoHor tanto infinito. 
Ma gettato on monton dentro si cosae, 

In men die an uomo andasse an quarto tmgVio^ 

Ch*altro non ne vedea che proprio Tossa. 
Vn bag^o V* ha, che passa ogni consiglio 

Contra *l mal della pietra.' 

{DiUafMondOy iti. 10.) 

In Cent xv the place seems to have been 
abandoned altogether to loose women, as 
appears from a municipal edict of Viterbo 
dated 1469 : — 

' Nessuna meretrice ardisca n^ presuma da hora 
ntnze bagnarse in alcun bagno dove sieno consuete 
bagnarse le dttadine et donne viterbese, ma si 
vogliono bagnarse, vadino dicte meretrici nel 
wgtko del bulicame/ 

According to Villani the hot-springs were 
known to the Romans : — 

* La dttli di Viterbo fu fotta per li Roman i . . . 
gli Roman! vi mandavano gl'infermi per cagione 
de' bagni ch*escono del bulicame.' (i. 51.) 

Barlow describes the ruins of a large estab- 
Kshment, half-way between Bulicame and 
Viterbo, known as the Bagno di ser Paolo 
Boiigno, to which the water of Bulicame was 
conveyed by conduits, and which has been com- 
monly identified with the baths alluded to by D. 
(CaniribuHons to the Study of the D.C.y p. 129.) 

The use of the word bulicame^ Inf xii. 117, 
128, was doubtless suggested to D. by the 
association of Viterbo, a reference to which 
occurs in the same passage {yv, 118-20). 

Buona— [Bona—] 

Buonconte, Buonconte da Montefeltro, son 
of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido da 
Montefeltro ; placed by D. in Antepurgatory 
among those who delayed their repentance to 
the last, Purg. v. 88 ; un altro^ ^- 85 ; lui^ v, 

ill ; egli^ V, 94 ; // secondo (spirito), v. 132. 

In June 1287 Buonconte helped the Ghibel- 
lines to expel the Guelfs from Arezzo, an 
event which was the beginning of the war 
between Florence and Arezzo (VilL vii. 115) ; 
in 1288 he was in command of the Aretines 
when they defeated the Sienese at Pieve del 
Toppo (Vill. vii. 120) [Toppo, II] ; and in 
1289 he was appointed captain of the Aretines 
and led them against the Guelfs of Florence, 
by whom they were totally defeated (June 11) 
at Campaldino, among the slain being Buon- 
conte himself, whose body, however, was never 
discovered on the field of battle (Vill. vii. 131). 

In Antepurgatory several spirits pray D. for 
his good offices, one of whom names itself as 
Buonconte of Montefeltro (Purg. v. 85-8) ; he 
laments that neither his wife Joan, nor his 
other relatives (meaning probably his daughter, 
who married one of the Conti Guidi, his 
brother Federico, who was Podestk of Arezzo 
in 1300, and was killed at Urbino in 1 322, or 
his father's cousin Galasso da Montefeltro, 
who was Podestk of Arezzo in 1290 and 1297) 
remembered him in their prayers (w. 88-90) ; 
in answer to D.'s inquiry as to how it happened 
that his body was never found at Campaldino 
and its burial-place never known {w. 91-3), 
B. replies that having been wounded in the 
throat, he fled across the plain to the point 
(just above Bibbiena) where the Archiano 
falls into the Amo, and that there he fell down 
and died, with the name of the Virgin Mary 
on his lips {w. 94-102) ; he then relates how 
the angel of God took his soul, and how the 
devil, in fury at being baulked of his prey at the 
last monlent, through B.'s tardy repentance, 
wreaked his vengeance upon the body, causing 
a storm of rain to fall, which flood^ the Ar- 
chiano, so that the corpse was swept down into 
the Amo, where it was rolled along the bottom 
and at last covered up by the gravel of the 
river (t/v, 103-29). [Arohiano : Oiovanna ^] 

Benvenuto relates that Buonconte, having 
been sent by the Bishop of Arezzo to recon- 
noitre the enemy's position before the battle, 
returned with the report that it would be highly 
imprudent to risk an engagement. The Bishop 
thereupon taunted him with being an unworthy 




scion of the house of Montefeltro ; to which B. 
replied that if the Bishop dared follow where 
he led, he would never return alive ; and so it 
happened that both were killed. 

Sacchetti introduces a reminiscence of Buon- 
conte's death at Campaldino into his Novel- 
Here (clxxix), in which he tells a story of how 
a daughter of B. and a daughter of Count 
Ugolino of Pisa, each of whom had married 
one of the Conti Guidi, taunted each other, 
the one with the death of Ugolino in prison by 
starvation, the other with the circumstances of 
Buonconte's defeat by the Guelfs. 

Buondelmonte, Buondehnonte de' Buon- 
delmonti of Florence, whose breach of faith 
with a lady of the Amidei family, whom he had 
promised to marry, led to his murder by the 
outraged Amidei at the foot of the statue of 
Mars on the Ponte Vecchio in 121 5 ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) apostrophizes 
B.y and reproaches him with his breach of 
trothy and with its fatal consequences, Par. xvi. 
140-1. [Buondelmonti.] 

Buondelmonti, the leaders of the Guelf 
party in Florence {see below)^ whose family left 
the country and took up their residence in 
Florence in 1 13J, on account of the destruction 
of their castle of Montebuono in the Valdigreve 
dose to Florence, in the process of the expan- 
sion of the city. Villani says : — 

*NegIi anni di Cristo 1135 essendo in pi^ il 
castello di Montebuono, il quale era molto forte e 
era di que' della casa de' Bondelmonti, i quali 
erano cattani antichi gentili uomini di contado, e 
per lo nome del detto loro castello avea nome la 
casa Bondelmonti; e per la fortezza di quello, e 
che la strada vi correa appid, coglievano pedaggio, 
per la qual cosa a' Fiorentini non piacea ne 
voleano si fatta fortezza presso alio citti^ si v* 
andarono ad oste del mese di Giugno ed ebbonlo, 
a patti che 'i castello si disfacesse, e Taltre pos- 
sessioni rimanessero a'detti cattani, e tomassero 
ad abitare in Firenze. £ cosl cominci6 il comune 
di Firenze a distendersi, e colla forza piii che con 
ragione, crescendo ii contado e sottomettendosi 
alia giuridizione ogni nobile di contado, e dis- 
faccendo le fortezze.' (iv. 36.) 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
the extension of Florence, which brought the 
Buondelmonti, amongst others, into the dty, 
Par. xvi. 66 fValdigreve] ; and says that the 
Borgo sant' Apostolo, the quarter of Florence 
in which they dwelt, would have been more 
peaceful had they never entered it {yv, 134-5) 
[Borgo]; he then apostrophizes Buondel- 
monte, one of the family, whose murder by the 
Amidei ^ve rise to the Guelf and Ghibelline 
factions m Florence, and laments that he had 
not rather been drowned in the Ema when the 
family originally came into the city (z/z/. 140-4) 
[Bma]; he adds, however, that it was meet 
that the statue of Mars, at the foot of which B. 

was killed, should claim its victim {yv. i45-7)« 

Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti (Par. xvi. 
140-7) was murdered by the Amidei in 121 5 at 
the insti^tion of Mosca de* Lamberti,in revenge 
for an msult to their family, Buondelmonte 
having, it appears, promised to marry a lady 
of the Amidei, and having capridously thrown 
her over for one of the Donati. In consequence 
of this murder a bitter feud arose between the 

?artizans of the Buonddmonti and those of the 
Iberti (a member of whose family had been 
implicated in the murder), which resulted in 
the introduction into Florence of the Guelf and 
Ghibelline factions, the former bdng headed 
by the Buondelmonti, the latter by the Ubcrti. 
[Amidei: ahibellini: Mosoa: XJbertL] 

The following account of the murder, and of 
the inddent which led to it, is given by 
Villani : — 

' Negli anni di Cristo 1915 essendo podesti di 
Firenze messer Gherardo Orlandi, avendo iino 
messer Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, nobile 
cittadino di Firenze, promesso a torre per moglie 
una donzella di casa gli Amidd, onorevoli e nobili 
dttadini: e poi cavalcando per la cittli il detto 
messer Bondelmonte, ch'era molto leggiadro e 
bello cavaliere, una dona di casa i Donati il chiam6, 
biasimandolo della donna ch'egli avea promessa, 
come non era bella nh sofficiente a lui, e dicendo : 
io v'avea guardata questa mia fighuola — la quale 
gli mostr6, e era bellissima; incontanente per 
suhsidio diaboli preso di lei, la promise e ispos6 a 
moglie; per la qual cosa i parenti della prima 
donna promessa raunati insieme, e dogliendosi 
di d6 che messer Bondelmonte aveva loro fatto 
di vergogna, si presono il maladetto isdegno, onde 
la cittk di Firenze fu guasta e partita; che di 
piii casati de' nobili si congiuraro insieme, di 
fare vergogna al detto messer Bonddmonte, per 
vendetta di quelle ingiurie. £ stando tra loro a 
consiglio in die modo il dovessero offendere, o di 
batterlo o di fedirlo, il Mosca de' Lamberti disse 
la mala parola : Cosa fatta, capo ha ; do^ che fosse 
morto, e cosi fu fatto ; che la mattina di Pasqua di 
Risurresso, si raunaro in casa gli Amidei di santo 
Stefano, e vegnendo d'oltramo il detto messere 
Bondelmonte vestito nobilmente di nuovo di roba 
tutta bianca, e in su uno palafreno bianco, giugoendo 
appid del ponte Vecchio da lato di qua, appunto 
appid del pilastro ov'era la 'nsegna di Marti, il 
detto messere Bondelmonte fu atterrato dd cavallo 
per lo Schiatta degli Uberti, e per lo Mosca 
Lamberti e Lambertucdo degli Amidd assalito 
e fedito, e per Oderigo Fifanti gli furono segate le 
vene e tratto a fine ; e ebbevi con loro uno de' 
conti da Gangalandi. Per la qual cosa la dtt^ 
corse ad arme e romore ; e questa morte di messer 
Bondelmonte fu la cagione e cominciamento delle 
maledette parti guelfa e ghibellina in Firenze, con 
tuttochd dinanzi assai erano le sette tra' nobili 
cittadini e le dette parti, per cagione delle brighe 
e questioni dalla Chiesa alio 'mperio; nui per la 
morte del detto messere Bondelmonte, tutti i 
legnag)^ de' nobili e altri cittadini di Firenze se 
ne partiro, e chi tenne co' Bondelmonti che presono 



Buoso Donati 

la parte guelfa e furonne capo, e chi con gli Uberti 
che furono capo de' Ghibellini, onde alia nostra 
dttk segui molto di male e niina, come innanzi 
iuii menzione, e mai non si crede ch^abbia fine, 
se Iddio nol termina. £ bene mostra che '1 nemico 
dell' umana generazione per le peccata de' Fio- 
rentini avesse podere nell'idolo di Marti, ch'e' 
Fiorentini pagan! anticamente adoravano, che 
appi^ della sua figura si commise si fatto micidio, 
onde tanto male 6 seguito alia cittk di Firenze.' 
(v. 38.) 

This incident, which forms the subject of 
one of the tales of the Pecorone of Giovanni 
Fiorentino (viii. i), is also recorded by Dino 
Compagni, but with some difference of detail : — 

'Doppo molti antichi mali per le discordie de' 
saoi cittadini riceuti, una ne fu generata nella 
detta cittk, la quale divise tutti i suoi cittadini in 
tal modo, che le due parti s'appellomo nimici per 
dua nuovi nomi, cio^ Guelfi e Ghibellini. £ di 
cid fu cagionCf in Firenze, che uno nobile giovane 
dttadino, chiamato Buondelmonte de' Buondel- 
monti, aveva promesso torre per sua donna una 
figliuola di m. Oderigo Giantrufetti. Passando 
dipoi uno giomo da casa i Donati, una gentile 
donna chiamata madonna Aldruda, donna di m. 
Forteguerra Donati, che aveva dua figliuole molte 
belle ; stando a* balconi del suo palagio, lo vidde 
passare, e chiamollo, e mostr6gli una delle dette 
figliuole, e dissegli : chi hai tu tolta per moglie ? 
io ti serbavo questa. La quale guardando molto 
gli piacque, e rispose : Non posso altro oramai. 
A cui madonna Aldnida disse : SI, puoi, chd la 
pena pa^er6 io per te. A cui Buondelmonte 
rispose : £ io la voglio. £ tolsela per moglie, 
hsciando quella che aveva tolta e giurata. Onde 
m. Oderigo, dolendosene co' parenti e amici suoi, 
deliberorono di vendicarsi, e di batterlo e forgli 
veigogna. II che sentendo gli Uberti, nobilissima 
fiuniglia e potente, e suoi parenti, dissono volcano 
fnsse morto : chd cosl fia grande I'odio della morte 
come delle ferite; cosa fatta capo ha. £ ordi- 
nomo ucciderlo il dl menasse la donna; e cosl 
lieciono. Onde di tal morte i cittadini se ne 
dirisono, e trassonsi insieme ! parentadi e I'amistii 
d'amendua le parte, per modo che la detta divi- 
sione mai non finl.' (i. a.) 

BoosOy one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 
4-5) placed by D. among the Robbers in 
Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of HeU (Malebolge), 
Inf. XXV. 140 [Ladri]. Nothing is known of 
B., the commentators not being agreed even 
as to his name. Lana and Pietro di Dante 
call him Buoso degli Abati, while Benvenuto 
identifies him with Buoso Donati, who is men- 
tioned, Inf. XXX. 44 [Buoso Donati]. B. is 
one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation (Inf. xxv. 35-141) ; B., who is 
originally in human shape (t/. 86 j, exchanges 
forms with Francesco Guerdo de' Cavalcanti 
(w. 103-41), who appears, to begin with, in 
the shape of a serpent {v, 83). The third spirit 
is that hi Agnello Bnmelleschi {v. 68) [Agndl : 
Cavaloaati, F. Q. de' : Puooio Soianoato]. 

Buoso Donati, one of the Donati family 
of Florence (mentioned in the *estimo' of 1269, 
a document containing a list of the compensa- 
tions granted to Guelf families in Florence for 
damage done by the Ghibellines in 1260 after 
the battle of Montaperti, and in the peace 
proposals of Cardinal Latino in 1280), said by 
Benvenuto and others to be the Buoso who is 
placed among the Robbers in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxv. 140 [Buoso : Donati] ; he is mentioned by 
his full name in connexion with the fraud of 
the mimic Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, who, 
after his death, in collusion with his son Simone, 
personated him on his supposed death- bed, and 
dictated a will in favour of Simone ; Gianni took 
care, however, to insert several clauses con- 
taining bequests to himself, by way of com- 
mission on the transaction, amongst others 
being that of a favourite and very handsome 
mare (or she-mule) of Buoso's, to which D. 
alludes as la donna della tortna^ * the lady of 
the stud,' Inf. xxx. 42-5. 

It appears that before his death Buoso had 
expressed a desire to make amends to some of 
the persons he had robbed ; Simone, in alarm 
lest his father should have given effect to this 
resolve in his will, consulted Gianni Schicchi, 
who hit upon the above-mentioned device for 
securing tne property to Simone rCavalcanti» 
Gianni Sohiochi de']. Pietro di Dante says 
that Buoso was smothered by Simone (whom 
he calls his nephew), and Gianni Schicchi. The 
circumstances of the fraud are described in 
detail by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

'Dicesi che, essendo messer Buoso Donati 
aggravato d'una infermit^ mortale, volea fare 
testamento, per6 che gli parea avere a rendere 
assai dell' altnii. Simone suo figliuole il tenea a 
parole, per ch' egli nol facesse ; et tanto il tenne 
a parole ch'elli mort. Morto che fu, Simone il 
tenea celato, et avea paura ch* elli non avessi fatto 
testamento mentre ch' egli era sano ; et ogni 
vicino dicea ch'egli Tavea fatto. Simone, non 
sappiendo pigliare consiglio, si dobe con Gianni 
Sticchi et chiesegli consiglio. Sapea Gianni 
contrafiare ogni uomo, et colla voce et cogli atti, 
e massimamente messer Buoso, ch'era uso con 
lui. Dbse a Simone : Fa venire uno notajo, et 
di' che messer Buoso voglia fare testamento; io 
enterrd nel letto suo, et cacceremo lui dirietro, et 
io mi fascerd bene, e metterommi la cappellina sua 
in capo, et far6 il testamento come tu vorrai ; ^ 
vero che io ne voglio guadagnare. Simone fu 
in Concordia con lui ; Gianni entra nel letto, e 
mostrasi appenato, et contrafiii la voce di messer 
Buoso che parea tutto lui, e comincia a testare 
et dire : Io lascio soldi .xx. all' opera di santa 
Reparata, et lire cinque a* Frati Minori, et cinque 
a* Predicatori, et cosi viene distribuendo per 
Dio, ma pochissimi danari. A Simone giovava del 
fatto : £t lascio, soggiunse, cinquecento fiorini a 
Gianni Sticchi. Dice Simone a messer Buoso : 
Questo non bisogna mettere in testamento ; io 
gliel dar6 come voi lascerete. — Simone, lascerai 
fare del mio a mio sen no ; io ti lascio si bene, che 


Buoso da Duera 


tu dei esser contento. Simone per paura si stava 
cheto. Questi segue : £t lascio a Gianni Sticchi 
la mula mia ; che avea messer Buoso la migliore 
mula di Toscana. Oh, messer Buoso, dicea Simone, 
di cotesta mula si cura egli poco et poco 1' avea 
cara ; io so ci6 che Gianni Sticchi vuole meglio di 
te. Simone si comincia adirare et a consumarsi ; 
ma per paura si stava. Gianni Sticchi segue : £t 
lascio a Gianni Sticchi fiorini cento, che io debbo 
avere da tale mio vicino ; et nel rimanente lascio 
Simone mia reda universale con questa clausula, 
ch' egli dovesse mettere ad esecuzione ogni lascio 
fra quindici di, se non, che tutto il reditaggio 
venisse a* Frati Minori del convento di Santa 
Croce ; et fatto il testamento, ogni uomo si parti. 
Gianni esce del letto, ct rimettonvi messer Buoso, 
et lievono il pianto, et dicono ch'egli 6 morto/ 

Buoso da Duera], a Ghibelline of Cremona, 
where he and the Marquis Pallavicino were 
heads of the party; he was expelled from 
Cremona in 1267, and in spite of repeated 
attempts did not succeed in re-establishing 
himself there until 1282. D. places him in 
Antenora, the second division of Circle IX of 
Hell, among those who were traitors to their 
country, referring to him as quel da Duera, 
Inf. xxxii. 116; un altro, v, 106 ; quei^ v. 114 ; 
ei, V. 115 [Antenora]. While D., with his 
hand twisted in the hair of Bocca degli Abati, 
is trying in vain to force him to tell his name, 
one of the companions of the latter in the ice, 
disturbed by his yells, shouts to him to know 
what is the matter, calling him by his name, so 
that D. learns what he wanted (Inf. xxxii. 103- 
11); Bocca, furious at having his name revealed, 
revenges himself by revealing to D. the identity 
of his companion, explaining that it is Buoso of 
Duera, who is there bewailing the money of the 
French {w, 1 12-17). 

When Charles of Anjou entered Italy in 1265 
on his way to encounter Manfred and take 
possession of the kingdom of Naples, the 
French troops under Guy de Montfort, accom- 
panied by Charles' wife, Beatrice of Provence, 
advanced through Lombardy, and made their 
way into Parma, unmolested by the force of 
Cremonese and other Ghibeliines of Lombardy, 
with which the Marquis Pallavicino had been 
ordered by Manfred to block their passage. 
This neglect of Man£red*s instructions was due 
to some act of treachery, not clearly specified, 

on the part of the Cremonese leader, Buoso da 
Duera, who was believed to have been bribed 
by the French — by Charles' wife, according to 
Benvenuto ('Uxor Caroli veniens cum Guidone 
de Monforte portabat secum magnam pecu- 
niam, cum qua venenavit avaram mentem 
Bosii.') In revenge for this treachery the 
whole of the Duera line in Cremona was ex- 
terminated by the Cremonese. Villani says : — 

' II conte Guido di Monforte colla cavaleria che 
'1 conte Carlo gli lasci6 a guidare, e colla contessa 
moglie del detto Carlo, e co' suoi cavalieri, si 
partirono di Francia del mese di Giugno del detto 
anno (1365) . . . e coir aiuto de' Milanesi, si misono 
a passare la Lombardia tutti in arme, e cavalcando 
schierati, e con molto affanno di Piemonte infino 
a Parma, perocchd '1 marchese Pallavicino parente 
di Manfredi, colla forza de' Chermonesi e dell* 
altre citt^ ghibelline di Lombardia ch' erano in 
lega con Manfredi, era a guardare i passi con piu 
di tremila cavalieri, che Tedeschi e che Lombardi ; 
alia fine come piacque a Dio . . . i Franceschi 
passarono sanza contasto di battaglia, e arrivarono 
alia citt^ di Parma. Bene si disse che uno messer 
Buoso del la casa di que' da Duera di Chermona, 
per danari ch' ebbe da' Franceschi, mise consiglio 
per modo, che I'oste di Manfredi non fosse al con- 
tasto al passo, com' erano ordinati, onde poi il 
popolo di Chermona a furore distrussono U detto 
legnaggio di quegli da Duera.' (vii. 4.) 

Sismondi thinks it doubtful, as a matter of 
history, whether Buoso was actually guilty of 
the treachery imputed to him by D. It appears 
that he was stationed to guard the passage of 
the Oglio, but owing to the advance of Obizio 
da Este with a strong force to the support of 
the French, abandoned his position and took 
shelter in Cremona. The opposite bank of the 
river being thus in the hands c^ their allies, 
Charles' troops were able to effect their crossing 
without difficulty. Buoso's failure to oppose 
their passage, coupled with the fact that he 
was notoriously avaricious, probably gave rise 
to the suggestion that he had been bribed by 
the French to retire. 

Burgum S. Felids, Borgo San Felice, 
quarter of Bologna; its dialect different from 
that of the Strada Maggiore in the same city, 
V. E. i. 9«-*. [Bologneal.] 

Buzzola« [Buooiola.] 


Caccia d' Asclano, Caccia dei Cacciaconti, 
whose family was a branch of the Scialenghi, 
a member of the * Spendthrift Brigade* of Siena; 
mentioned by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle 
VllI of Hell) among other Sienese spendthrifts 
as having recklessly squandered his means, Inf. 

xxix. 131. [Asoiano : Brigata Siiendereooia : 

Cacciaguida, the great-great-grandfather 
of D., of whose life nothing is known beyond 
what D. himself tells us ; viz. that he was bom 
in Florence (Par. xv. 130-3) in the Sesto di 



Caooianimioo, Venedico 

Porta san Piero (Par. xvi. 40-3) about the year 
1090 (w. 34-9) ; that he belonged (possibly) to 
the Elisei, one of the old Florentine families 
which boasted Roman descent (Par. xv. 136; 
xvL 40) ; that he was baptized in the Baptistery 
of San Giovanni in Florence (Par. xv. 134-5) 5 
that he had two brothers, Moronto and Eiiseo 
{v. 136) ; that his wife came from the valley of 
the Po, and that from her, through his son, D. 
got his surname of Alighieri (w. 91-4, 137-8) ; 
that he followed the Emperor Conrad III on 
the Second Crusade, and was knighted by him 
(w. 139-44) ; and finally that he fell fighting 
against the infidel about the year 1147 (w, 
X45-8). His existence is attested by the men- 
tion of his name in a document (still preserved 
in Florence), dated Dec. 9, 11 89, in which his 
two sons (' Preitenittus et Alaghieri fratres, filii 
olim Cacciaguide *) bind themselves to remove 
a fig-tree which was growing against the wall 
of the Church of San Martino. (See Frullani 
e Gargani, Dei/a Casa di Dante, p. 29.) 
[Table xxii.] 

D. places Cacdaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
among those who fought for the faith (Spiriti 
MUiianti), Par. xv. 135 ; his spirit is spoken 
of as astro, v, 20 ; gemma, v. 22 ; lume, w, 3 1 , 
52 ; spirto, v. 38 ; luce. Par. xvi. 30 ; xvii. 28, 
121 ; santa lampa. Par. xvii. 5 ; anima santa, 
V. loi ; specchio beato. Par. xviii. 2 ; fulgor 
santo, V. 2$; ei, v, 28; a/ma, v. 50; he is 
addressed by D. as vivo topazio. Par. xv. 85 ; 
vci. Par. xvi. 16, 17, 18; padre mio. Par. xvi. 
16 ; xvii. 106 ; cara mia primizia. Par. xvi. 22 ; 
cara piota mia. Par. xvii. 13 ; and referred to 
by him as amarpatemo, Par. xvii. 35 ; il mio 
tesoro, V, \%\\ he addresses D. as sanguis 
wuus. Par. xv. 28 ; figlio, Par. xv. 52 ; xvii. 94 ; 
fronda mia. Par. xv. 88, speaking of himself as 
la tua radice, v, 89 ; and refers to him as il mio 
seme. Par. xv. 48. 

Among the spirits in the Heaven of Mars 
one (that of Cacciaguida) makes itself known 
to D. as an ancestor of his (Par. xv. 19-90) ; 
alter referring to his son Alighiero, through 
whom D. got his surname, and begging D.'s 
prayers for him (w. 91-6), C. pronounces a 
eulogy on the virtues of the old citizens of the 
Florence of his day (w, 97-129) ; he then gives 
details of his own life from his birth in Florence 
to his death in the Holy Land (w, 130-48) {see 
€Uwve) ; after a reference to the date of his 
birth and to the situation of the house in which 
he was bom (Par. xvi. 34-45) {see below), 
he again discourses on the former state of 
Florence, mentioning the names of some forty 
families {yv, 46-154); then, in reply to D.'s 
questions as to his own future, he foretells his 
exile (Par. xvii. 46-60), and his association at 
first with the exiled Bianchi and Ghibellines, 
and his subsequent withdrawal from them {yv, 
61-9), and rdfuge with one of the Scaligers 
(w, 70-99); and lastly, having pointed out 

the souls of other warriors who are there with 
him, he leaves D. and returns to his station 
(Par. xviii. 28-51) [Alighieri: Currado^: 
Iiombardo : Marte, Cielo di]. 

There is considerable difference of opinion as 
to the precise date of Cacciaguida's birth, the 
indications given by D. (Par. xvi. 34-9) being 
variously interpreted. Cacciaguida says that from 
the Incarnation of Christ down to the day of his 
own birth the planet Mars had returned to the 
sign Leo 580 times (or 553 times, according as 
irenia or ire be read in v. 38), i. e. had made that 
number of revolutions in its orbit. The questions 
involved are twofold — (a) as to the reading, irwia 
or ire ; (6) as to whether the period of the revolu- 
tion of Mars is to be estimated at about two years, 
as given by Brunetto Latino ( TVesor, i. in) and 
implied by D. in the Convivio (ii. 15'**), or at the 
correct period, as given by Alfraganus, of 687 days 
approximately (actually, according to Witte, 686 
days, 92 hrs., 34 min.). If we read trenta (with 
the majority) and take the period of Mars at the 
estimate of Alfraganus, we get (due regard being 
had to leap-years) the year 109 1 as the date of 
Cacciaguida's birth. If, on the other hand, we 
read trt, and put the period of Mars at two years, 
we get the year 1106. In the former case 
Cacciaguida would have been 56, in the latter 41, 
at the time when he joined Conrad III on the 
Second Crusade (1147) and met his death (Par. 
XV. 139-48). Several of the old commentators 
(Anonimo Fiorentino, Buti, Landino, &c.), reading 
trenia and computing the period of Mars at two 
years, bring the date of Cacciaguida's birth to 
1 160, i. e. thirteen years after his death ! while 
Benvenuto, who avoids this error, brings it to 
1054, which on his own showing (since he gives 
1 154 as the date of the Crusade) would make 
Cacciaguida a Crusader at the age of 100 I 

Cacciaguida indicates (Par. xvi. 40-a) the 
situation of the house in which he and his 
ancestors lived in Florence, as being *■ in the place 
where the last sextary is first attained by him 
who runs in the yearly horse-race,* i. e. on the 
boundary of the district known later as the Sesto 
di Porta san Piero. The house of the Elisei (Vill. 
iv. II) stood not far from the junction of the 
Mercato Vecchio and the Corso, apparently just 
at the angle formed on the N. side of the present 
Via de' Speziali by its intersection with the Via 
de' Calzaioli (see Philalethes' plan of old Florence, 
and that of modem Florence in Baedeker's N, 
Italy), The Sesto di Porta san Piero appears, as 
Witte observes, to have been the last of the city 
divisions to be traversed by the competitors in the 
* annual gioco,* who entered the city probably at 
the Porta san Pancrazio, close to where the 
Palazzo Strozzi now stands, crossed the Mercato 
Vecchio, and finished in the Corso which was 
thence so called. [Fiorenza.] 

Caccianimico, Venedico, Venetico Cacda- 
nemici dell* Orso, of Bologna, son of Alberto 
de' Caccianemici, who was head of the Geremei 
or Guelf party of Bologna from 1260 till 1297. 
Venetico was a man of violent temperament, 
as appears from the fact that in 1268, at his 


Caooianimioo, Venedioo 


^ELther's instigation, he murdered his cousin 
Guide Paltena, and in 1286 he was accused of 
having harboured a malefactor in his house at 
Bologna ; he was at various times Podestk of 
Pistoja, Modena, Imola, and Milan (in 1286), 
and was, with his father, an active opponent of 
the Lambertazzi or Ghibelline party of Bologna. 
He was a staunch ally of the Marquis of £ste, 
and his support of the policy of the latter with 
regard to Bologna appears to have led to his 
expulsion from his native city in 1289. He 
had two sons, one of whom, Lambertino, 
married in 1305 Costanza of Este, daughter of 
the Marquis Azzo VIII. (See Gozzadini, Le 
Torri gentilizie di Bologna^ pp. 2i2ff.) 

D., who appears to have been personally 
acquainted with C.', places him among the 
Pandars and Seducers m Bolgia i of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 50; uno (pecca- 
tore\ V, 40 ; costui^ v. 42 ; quel/rustato, v. 46 ; 
egli, v,$2\ ily V, 64 ; ruffian ^ v. 66 [Seduttori] ; 
as D. passes through the Bolgia he catches 
sight of a form (that of Caccianimico) which 
is familiar to him (Inf. xviii. 40-2); with 
Virgil's consent he stops to look more closely 
at him (w, 43-5) ; C. thereupon tries to conceal 
his identity by holding his face down, but D. 
recognizes him, and addressing him by name, 
asks what brought him there {w. 46-51); C. 
unwillingly replies that it was he who brought 
Ghisolabella to do the will of the Marquis 
{w, 52-7) ; he then tells D. that he is by no 
means the only Bolognese in that part of Hell, 
for there are as many pandars from Bologna 
there with him as would equal the whole 
existing population of the city {w, 58-61) ; he 
adds that avarice was at the bottom of it all 
{w, 62-3) ; at this point a demon comes up 
and slashes him, telling him to get on, as there 
arc no women for hire there (w. 64-6) [Bolo- 
gne»i: Qhitolabella]. 

The CJhisolabella mentioned by Caccianimico 
as having been handed over by him to the evil 
passions of the Marquis of Este was his own 
fister, who in or before 1270 was married to 
Nica)16 da Fontana of Ferrara. The Marquis 
in question is said by Lana and Buti to have 
been Obizzo II (1364-1293), while Benvenuto 
and others say it was his son, Azzo VIII 
(1293-1308); as far as dates are concerned, 
the Uitrntr seems the more likely, for the 
Incident probably took place before Ghisola- 
hellft's marriage, i.e. before the year 1270. 
Henvenulo, who describes C. as *vir nobilis, 
llUrjilin, el piftcnbiiis, gui tempore suo fuit 
v«ld« jKilcns in Hononia favore marchionis 
K»t4?nsU,' says timt he lent himself to this 
imrigiKs lt» order to further ingratiate himself 
with fhf) Mnniuis: 

' llnlMiil iifiHfii nororrm pulccrrimam, quam con- 
iIiinK ikt\ ni'f'vlriKliim miirchioni Azoni dc sua pulcra 
purvofiN, lit Utn\\\% promorcrctur gratiam ejus.* 
I In Mfldv, however, that there was more than 

one version of the aflTair (as D. himself implies, 
Inf. xviii. 57) — according to one, Ghisolabella 
was seduced without her brother's knowledge ; 
according to another, Azzo introduced himself 
in disguise into the house of Caccianimico and 
having explained what his errand was, suc- 
ceeded in his design, C. not being in a position 
to resist him. 

The following detailed account, given by the 
Anonimo Fiorentino, probably represents the 
popular version of the story : — 

' Fu costui messer Venedico de' Caccianimid da 
Bologna ; e fu provig^onato uno tempo del marchese 
Azzo da Esti, signore di Ferrara. Avea messer 
Venedico una sua sorella, bellissima donna, detta 
madonna Ghisola, et antonomastice, per eccellenzia, 
per6 che avanzava in bellezza tutte le donne 
bolognesi a quello tempo, fu chiamata la Ghisola 
bella. II marchese Azzo, udendo parlare della 
bellezza di costei, et avendola alcuna volta veduta 
per Tamist^ di messer Venedico, ultimamente, 
sotto questa fidanza, si parti da Ferrara scono- 
sciuto, et una sera di notte picchi6 all' uscio di 
messer Venedico : messer Venedico si maravigli6, 
et disse che la sua venuta non potea essere senza 
gran fatto. II Marchese, sotto gran fidanza, ct 
perchd conoscea Tanimo di messer Venedico, gli 
disse ch'egli volea meglio alia sua sirocchia, a 
madonna Ghisola, che a tutto il mondo; et ch' 
egli sapea ch' ell* era in quella casa: et pertanto, 
dopo molti prieghiy messer Venedico consent! et 
discese alia volonta del Marchese: partissi della 
casa, et lasci6 lui dentro ; onde il Marchese, giiuto 
a costei, doppo alcuna contesa, ebbe a iaxc di let' 

The commentator adds : — 

' Poi in processo di tempo la novella si sparse : 
et perchd parea forte a credere che messer 
Venedico avesse consentito questo della sirocchia, 
chi dicea la novella et apponevala a uno, et chi 
a un' altro ; di che ora messer Venedico chiarisce 
a Dante, et dice che, come che questa novella si 
dica, io fui quelli che condussi costei a fare la 
volontii del Marchese.' 

Caco, Cacus, son of Vulcan, a fire-breathing 
monster who lived in a cave on Mt. Aventine, 
and preyed upon the inhabitants of the district. 
He stole from Hercules, while he was asleep, 
some of the cattle which the latter had taken 
from Geryon in Spain, and, to prevent their 
being tracked, dragged them into his cave by 
their tails; but their whereabouts being dis- 
covered by their bellowing as the rest of the 
herd passed by the cave, Hercules attacked 
Cacus and (according to Virgil, Aen, viii. 193- 
267) strangled him. 

D., who represents Cacus as a Centaur, 
places him among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxv. 25 ; 
un Centauro^ ^'17; ^glh ^' 20; «, v, 34 

gjadri] ; on the disappearance of Vanni Fucci, 
. sees a Centaur approach and furiously cry 
out after V.F. (Inf. xxv. 16-8) ; the Centaur's 
back, from croup to neck, is covered with 
snakes, while on the nape of his neck is 



Caelo, De 

perched a fiery dragon (w, 19-24); Vir^l 
tells D. that this is Cacus, whose den was in 
Mt. Aventine, and was often swamped in blood 
(w. 25-7) ; he then refers to his theft of the 
cattle from Hercules, and to his death beneath 
the club of the latter, and explains that he is 
not placed in Circle VII with the other Centaurs 
because, unlike them, he employed fraud in his 
theft (w. 28-33) [CentaurlJ. 

With regard to the mode of Cacus' death D. 
follows, not Virgil, but Livy : * cum Herculem 
vadentem ad speluncam Cacus vi prohibere 
conatus esset, ictus clava morte occubuit ' (i. 7). 
His representation of C. as a Centaur was 
doubtless due to a misunderstanding of VirgiPs 
description, from which several details of his 
account are borrowed : — 

*Hic spelanca fnit^ vasto submota receasa, 
Semihominis Caa faciea qnam dira tenebat, 
Solis inaocessam radiis: wmperqae recenti 
Caede tepebat hamoa, foribasoue adfixa sopefbia 
Ora ▼iium triati pendebant pallida tabo. 
Hak monatro Vulcanaa erat pater: illioa atros 
Ore vomeiui ignea magna ae mole ferebat.* 

(Aen. viii. igj-^) 

CadmOy Cadmus, founder of Thebes, son of 
Agenor, King of Phoenicia, and brother of 
Europa [Enropa^]. He married Harmonia, 
dai^hter of Mars and Venus [Armonla], by 
whom he became the father of Autonoe, Agav6, 
SemelS, Ino, and Polydorus [Ino: Bemeld]. 
As a penalty for having slain a dragon sacred 
to Mars, C. was transformed into a serpent, 
Harmonia, at her own request, sharing his 

D. alludes to this transformation. Inf. xxv. 
97-8 ; he refers to Ovid's account of it, from 
which several touches in his own description 
(trv, 103-38) are borrowed : — 

£C«dmus is changed into a serpent.] 

'Ut aerpena, in lon^am tenditar alvnm; 
Dnrataeqae cati aqoaroaa increacere aentit, 
Nigraqoe caeruleia variari corpora {{[Uttia; 
In pectmqae cadit pronoa; commiaaaqae in onom 
Plulatim tereti ainoantor acomine crura . . . 

Lingua repente 
In partea eat fiata duaa^ nee verba volenti 
Sdmctunt ; quotieaque aliquoa parat edere queatna, 

[^Harmonia, in answer to her prayer, shares his 

* ** Cadme, quid hoc? ubi pea ? nbi aunt hnmeri(ine mann^qne ? 
Bt coIm-, et fades, et, dum loqnor, omnia? cur non 
Ife qnoquci caeleatea, in eandem vertitia anguem?" 
Dixerat; iUe auae lambebat conjn^a ora; 
loque alnua caroa, veluti cognoaceret, ibat; 
St dabat ampkaraa, aaanetaque colla petebat . . . 

at nia 
LobHea pennulcet criatati colla draconia, 
£t anbtto duo aunt ; jnnctoque volumine aerpnnt.* 

(A/#ibM». iv. 575-9i 5^5 8, 591 ff.) 

D. seems also to have had in mind Ovid's 
account of the transformation by Ceres of 
a boy into a lizard : — 

* Loquentem 
Com liquido mixta perfudit Diva polenta. 
Combibit OS maculaa ; et, qua modo brachia ^easit, 
Crura fferit; cauda est mutatis addita membnaj 
loque brevem formam, ne ait via magna nocendi, 
Cootrahltar ; parvaque minor mensnra lacerta eat.* 

[Mgiam, v. 453-8.) 

CaelestI Hierarctia, De, treatise On the 
Celestial Hierarchy^ reputed to be the work of 
Dionysius the Areopagite; his doctrine that 
every essence and virtue proceeds from the 
First Cause, and is reflected, as it were, from 
the higher to the lower Intelligences, Epist 
X. 21 [DioniMo^]. Fraticelli quotes the follow- 
ing passage:— 

*■ Conclusum igitur a nobis, quomodo ilia quidem 
antiquissima^quae Deo praesto, est intelligentianim 
distributio, ab ipsamet primitus initiante illumina* 
tione consecrata, immediate illi intendendo, secre- 
tion simul et manifestiori divini Principatus ill us* 
tratione purgetur et illuminetur atque perficiatur.' 

Caelo, De^, Aristotle^s treatise (in four 
books) On the Heavens ; quoted by D. under 
two titles, Di Cielo e Mondo, Conv. ii. 32s* ^i, 

4^, 5^^ ; iii. 5*S 9"^ ; iv. 9^« ; De Caelo et 
Mundoy A. T. §§ 12*^, 13*1 ; and De Caelo^ 
Epist. X. 27 ; A. T. § 21*®. It may be noted 
that D. appears at times to be quoting rather 
from the De Caelo et Mundo of Albertus Magnus 
(which is a commentary on Aristotle's treatise) 
than from the De Caelo itself. Alexander of 
Aphrodisias (circ A.D. 200) held that the latter 
should be entitled De Mundo rather than De 
Caelo ; and this was the title apparently which 
it bore in the Greek texts, for St. Thomas 
Aquinas says of it ' Apud Graecos intitulatur 
De Mundo* The Arabian and Latin translators 
combined the two, and called the treatise De 
Caelo et MundOy under which title it is usually 
quoted in the Middle Ages. 

D. quotes from it Aristotle's erroneous opinion 
that there were only eight Heavens, the eighth 
and outer one being that of the Fixed Stars, 
also that the Heaven of the Sun was next to 
that of the Moon, Conv. ii. 3I9-30 (Cael. ii. 10, 
12) ; his observation of the occultation of Mars 
by the Moon, Conv. ii. ^^^^ (Cael. ii. 12) ; his 
opinion that the Empyrean is the abode of 
blessed spirits, Conv. ii. 430-4 (Cael, i. 3, 9) ; 
that the celestial Intelligences e^ual in number 
the celestial revolutions, Conv. li. 512-17 [Cael, 
i. 8) ; his rejection of the Platonic theory that 
the Earth revolves on its own axis, Conv. iii. 
563-8 (CaeL ii. 8, 12, 14); his opinion that the 
stars have no change save that of local motion, 
Conv. iii. ^t)9-ii i^Cael. ii. 8) ; that the juris- 
diction of Nature has fixed limits, Conv. iv. 
^21-7 {jCael, i. 2, 7) ; that the material of the 
Heavens increases in perfection with its remote- 
ness from the Earth, Epist. x. 27 (Cael, i. 2) ; 
that bodies are * heavy ' or * light ' in respect of 
motion, A. T. § 12*2-4 (Cael. iv. 1) ; that God 
and Nature always work for the best, A. T. 
§ 1339-41 (Cael, i. 4) ; that to inquire into the 
reasons for God's laws is presumptuous and 
foolish, they being beyond our understanding, 
A. T. § 21^ (Cael. ii. 5). [AriBtotUe.] 

D. was also indebted to the De Caelo (ii. 13) 
for the Pythagorean theory as to the constitu- 
tion of the universe, with the central place 


CaelOf De 


occupied by fire, round which revolve the Earth 
and a ' counter-Earth ' (aniiciona\ Conv. iii. 
529-41. [Antictona: Pittagora.] 

Caeio, De^]f treatise of Albertus Magnus, 
otherwise known as De Caelo et Mundo, a com- 
mentary upon the Aristotelian treatise of the 
same name [Caeto, De^ ; from here D. got 
the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the 
number and order of the several heavens, 
Conv. ii. 336-45 {st^' Romamay xxiv. 408-11). 

Caelo et MundOt De. [Caeio, De.] 

Caelum £mpyreum,the Empyrean, Epist. 
X. 24, 26. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Caelum Stellatum, the Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars, A. T. § 2i». [Cielo Stellato.] 

Caesar^, Julius Caesar, Mon. ii. 5^^^ ; Epist. 
vii. 1,4 [Cesare^]; Augustus, Mon. ii.9102^ 12*9 
[AuguBto^] ; Tiberius, Mon. ii. 13^? > Epist. v. 
10 [Tiberio]. 

Caesar >, appellative of the Roman Em- 
perors ; of Nero, Mon. iii. i3**-m [Nerone] ; 
hence of the sovereigns of the Holy Roman 
Empire; of Frederick II, V. E. i. 1221 ; of 
Henry VII, Epist. v. 2; vi. 5, /?«.; of the 
Emperor in general, Mon. iii. 16^^^ ; Epist. v. 
3,5,9; vii. I [Cesare*]. 

CaesareuSy pertaining to the Holy Roman 
Empire, imperial, Epist. x. ///. 

Cagioni, Ltbro dL [Cauaia, De.] 

CagnanOy small river of Upper Italy in 
Venetia, now known as the Botteniga, which 
unites with the Sile at Treviso; Cunizza (in 
the Heaven of Venus) alludes to Treviso as 
the place dove Sile e Cagnan ^ accompagna^ 
Par. ix. 49 ; the two rivers are mentioned to- 
gether to indicate Treviso, Conv. iv. li}^^^'^. 
[Oherardo da Cammino : Trevigi.] 

Cagnazzo, ' Dogface,' one of the ten demons 
in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 119; xxii. 106; quei^ v. 120; when 
Ciampolo oners to summon some of his fellow 
Barrators if the demons will retire (Inf. xxii. 
97-105), C. suggests that it is a trick of the 
former in order to get away from them 
(i/z/. 106-8) ; persuaded, however, by Alichino 
they prepare to move ofT, C. being the first to go 
(z/z/. ii9h-2o) [Alichino: Ciampolo]. PhiU- 
lethes renders the name ' Reckelschnauzer.' 

CaiaphaSy the high-priest, Mon. ii. 13^. 

Caietani, inhabitants of Gaeta ; their dialect 
distinct from that of the Neapolitans, V. E. i. 
93»'*i. [aaeta.] 

Caifas], Caiaphas, the high-priest, placed 
together with his father-in-law Annas, among 
the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of 

Hell (Malebolge), un crocifisso in terra^ Inf. 
xxiii. in; quel confitto, v, 115; ei, v. 119; 
colui cKera disteso in croce^ v, 135 FAnna^: 
Ipooriti] ; D. has just begun to suldress the 
two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano and Loderingo, 
when suddenly he catches sight of a figure 
crucified on the ground, which writhes and 
sighs as he looks at it (Inf. xxiii. 109-13); 
Catalano explains to him that this is Caiaphas, 
who gave tne advice to the Pharisees (John 
xi. 50) that it was expedient that one man 
should die for the people (w. 11 4-1 7); and 
points out that he is so placed that all the 
other hypocrites pass over his prostrate naked 
body (ttv. 118-20) ; he adds that his father-in- 
law Annas, and all the rest of the Council of 
the Jews who condemned Christ are punished 
there in the same way (w, 12 1-3) ; D. mean- 
while notices that Virgil is gazing in wonder at 
the crucified figure (the significance of which 
would, of course, be unknown to him) {yu. 

Caiaphas is mentioned with Pilate in con- 
nexion with the judgement of Christ, Mon. ii. 
I3«. [Pilato.] 

Caina, name given by D. to the first of the 
four divisions of Circle IX of Hell, where 
Traitors are punished, Inf. v. 107 (var. C£un\ ; 
xxxii. ^8 [Inferno]. In this division, which is 
namea after Cain, the murderer of his brother^ 
are placed those who have been traitors to 
their own kindred, Inf. xxxii. 16-69 [Tradi- 
tori]. Examples : Alessandro and Napoleone 
degli Alberti [Albert!] ; Mordred [Morda- 
rette] ; Focaccia dei Cancellieri [Fooaooia] ; 
Sassolo Mascheroui [MasoheroniJ; Camidone 
dei Pazzi (and Carlino dei Pazzi) [Camioioiie : 

Caino, Cain, eldest son of Adam and Eve, 
the murderer of his brother Abel ; mentioned 
in connexion with the old popular belief that 
the ' man in the Moon ' was Cain with a bundle 
of thorns (probablv with reference to his un- 
acceptable offering), Caino e le spine (i. e. the 
Moon), Inf. xx. 126; the spots on the Moon 
which gave rise to this popular superstition 
about Cain, Par. ii. 49-51. [liiina.] 

The following passage from the Tuscan vei> 
sion of the story gives the Italian form of the 
tradition — Cain attempts to excuse himself for 
the murder of Abel : — 

'Caino cerc6 di scusarsi, ma allora Iddio Ii 
rispose : Abele sark con me in Paradiso, e tu in 
pena della tu' colpa sarai confinato nella luna, e 
condannato a portare etemamente addosso un 
fascio di spine. Appena dette qneste parole da 
Dio, si lev6 un fortissimo vento e tnisport6 Caino 
in corpo e anima nella luna, e d*allora in poi si 
vede sempre la su' foccia maledetta, e il fardello di 
spine che h obbligato a reggere insino alia fin del 
mondo, indizio della vita disperata che Ii tooca 
trascinare/ (See St. Prato, Camo $ h sping 
secondo Dante e la tradunoMe popolan ) 




A similar belief was current in England, as 
appears from the Testament of Cresseid (by 
Robert Henryson, formerly attributed to 
Chaucer) in the description of Lady Cynthia 
(the Moon) : — 

*Hir gyte was gray, and full of spottta blak; 
And on hir breist ane charl paintit ful evin, 
Beirand ane bunch of thornis on his bak, 
Qohilk for his thift micht dim na nar the hevin.* 

(w. 260-363.) 

There are several references to this belief in 

I Shakesp^e (Tempest ^ ii. 2; Mids. Night* s 

Dream^ iii. i ; v. i). According to the old 

j German popular tale the man in the Moon 

was set there as a punishment for gathering 

I sdcks on Sunday. 

Cain is introduced as an example of Envy 
in Circle II of Purgatory, where his voice is 
heard crying Anciaerammi qualunque nCafh 
firende^ * Every one that findeth me shall slay 
me' (Gen. iv. 14), Purg. xiv. 133. [In- 

Some MSS. read Cain or Caino instead of 
Caina^ Inf. v. 107; the former seems pre- 
ferable, if only on the ground that with Caina 
we should expect the article, as in Inf. xxxii. 
58 (cf. rAntenoray Inf. xxxii. 88; guesta To^ 
lameay Inf. xxxiii. 124; la Giudecca^ Inf. 
xzziv. 117). (See Moore, Text. Crit.y pp. 38-9 

Caiphas. [Caiaphas.] 

Calabrese, inhabitant of Calabria (the 
province which forms the 'toe' of Italy), 
Calabrian ; il Calabrese abate^ i. e. the abbot 
Joachim, Par. xii. 140. [Oioaoohino ^.] 

Calabriy Calabrians; distinction between 
their dialect and that of the inhabitants of 
Ancona, V. E. i. io««. 

Calaroga. [Callaroga.] 

Calboli, name of an illustrious Guelf family 
of Foili; mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle II of Purgatory), Purg. xiv. 89; he 
refers to two members of this house, viz. 
Rinieri da Calboli, w, 89-90 [Binier^], and 
his grandson, Fulcieri, w, 58--66 [Fuloieri]. 
The castle of Calboli, whence the family de- 
rived their name, was situated in the upper 
iralley of the Montone, near Rocca S. Ca- 
sciano. It was destroyed by Guido da Monte- 
ftitro in 1277. 

Calboli, Fulcieri da. [FolcierL] 

Calboli, Rinieri da. [Binieri] 

Calcabrina, one of the ten demons in 
Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 118; xxii. 133. Furious at having 
been duped by Ciampolo, C. vents his rage by 
flying at his fellow-demon Alichino, by whose 
advice the demons had retired, and had thus 
given their victim the chance to escape (Inf. 
zxiL 133-8); the two grapple together and 

both fall into the boiling pitch (z/7/. 1^9-41), 
whence they are fished out by four of their com- 
panions (z^. 145-50). [Alichino: Ciampolo.] 
Philalethes renders the name * Frostetretel.* 

Calcanta, Calchas, son of Thestor, the 
soothsayer who accompanied the Greeks to 
Troy; D. associates him with Eurypylus as 
having foretold the time of the sailing of the 
Greek fleet from Aulis, where it was detained 
by Artemis, and refers to Virgil's account. Inf. 
XX. 1 10-14 [Aulide] : — 

'Saspensi Buiypylnm scitanteni oracula Phoebi 
Mittimas, isque ad3rti8 haec tristia dicta reportat: 
Sanguine placastis ventos, et virgine caesa, 

gaum primom Iliacas, Danai, venistia ad oras; 
inguine quaerendi reditaa, aiiimaqne litandum 
Argolica; — volgi quae vox ut venit ad aures, 
Ot»tipuere animi, c^clidusqae per iroa cucum't 
Ossa tremor, cai fata parent quem poscat Apollo. 
Hie Ithacus vatem magno Calchanta tamulta 
Protrahit in medios ; quae sint ea numina divom 
Plagitat.* {Acn. il 1 14-124.) 

Virgil, as a matter of fact, makes no men- 
tion of the circumstance referred to by D., 
who has perhaps here confused two separate 
incidents [Buripllo]. 

Note, — D. uses the form Calcanta here in 
rime (: canta : quanta) for Calcante, (See 
Nannucci, Teorica dei Nomiy pp. 237-8.) 

Calcidonio, native of Chalcedon, a Greek 
city of Bithynia, on the coast of the Propontis, 
at the entrance of the Bosphorus, nearly oppo- 
site to Byzantium; epithet applied to Xeno- 
crates, Conv. iv. 6^32, [Senoerate.] 

Calfucci, ancient noble family at Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as being descended from the Donati, 
who are hence described as ' Lo ceppo di che 
nacquero i Calfucci,* Par. xvi. 106 [Donati]. 
According to Villani the Calfucci (who, with 
the Uccellini and Bellincioni,the other branches 
of the Donati, were Guelfs) were extinct in 
D.'s time: — 

* Nel quartiere di Porta san Piero . . . erano i 
Donati owero Calfucci, che tutti furono uno 
legnaggio, ma i Calfucci vennono meno.' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

'Calfucci, Donati, ed Uccellini furono d'uno 
cep]X) : li Donati spensero li detti loro consorti 
Calfucci, si che oggi nuUo, od uno solo se ne 
mentova, o pochissimi.' 

Calisto, Calixtus I, Bishop of Rome (217- 
222) during the reigns of the Emperors Ma- 
crinus and Elagabalus. D. follows the tradition 
that he was martyred, and includes him, 
together with Sixtus I, Pius I, and Urban I, 
among those of his immediate successors men- 
tioned by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) as having, like himself, shed their blood 
for the Church, Par. xxvii. 44. 

Callaroga, the ancient Calagurris (famous 
as the birthplace of Quintilian and Prudentius), 



Cammino, Oherardo da 

now Calahorra, city in Old Castile, between 
Logrono and Tudela, two miles from the Ebro ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
whence he calls it la fortunaia CallarogUj 
Par. xii. 52; he describes it as being in the 
kingdom of Castile and Leon, a country not 
far from the Atlantic, w. 49-54. [Atlantioo: 

Calliopd, Calliope, Muse of Epic Poetry ; 
invoked by D. at the commencement of the 
PurgatariOy Purg. i. 9. At the commencement 
of the Inferno he invoked the Muses in general 
(Inf. ii. 7) ; at the commencement of the Para- 
disc he invokes Apollo (Par. L i^) [Pamaso], 
and claims to be under the mspiration of 
Minerva and the nine Muses as well (Par. 
ii. 8-9). [Muse.] 

Note, — For the accent Calliope (some read 
Callio6ed) compare Climeni (Par. xvii. i), 
Eunoe (Purg. xxviii. 151 ; xxxiii. 127), Gelboi 
(Purg. xiL 41), Giosui (Pur^. xx. iii ; Par. ix. 
125 ; xviii. 38), Letl (Inf. xiv. 131, 136; Purg. 
zxvi. 108 ; &&), Moisl (Inf. iv. 57 ; Purg. xxxii. 
80 ; &c), JNoi (Inf. iv. 56 ; Par. xii. 17), Semell 
(Inf. XXX. 2 ; Par. xxi. 6). 

Calliopea. [Calliopd.] 

CalliopeuSy of Calliope ; C, sermo^ a po- 
etical composition in a lofty style, Epist. iv. 2. 

Callisto], the nymph Callisto, otherwise 
known as Helic^ the mother of Bo6tes ; she 
was transformed into the constellation of the 
Great Bear, her son becoming the Little Bear, 
Purg. XXV. 131 ; Par. xxxi. 32. [Boote : 

Calpe], Mt. CalpS, the modem Gibraltar ; 
alluded to by Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle 
VIII of Hell) as one of the 'Columns of 
Hercules,' Inf. xxvi. 108. [Coloxme di Erode.] 

Camaldoli], monastery perched high among 
the mountains, in a thick pine forest, in the 
Casentino, about 30 miles from Florence, 
founded in 10 12 by St. Romualdus for his 
Order of Reformed Benedictines. The origin 
of the name is said to be Campus Maldoliy 
from a certain Count Maldolus^ who presented 
the site to St. Romualdus. It is alluded to by 
Buonconte da Montefeltro (in Antepurgatory) 
iif rErmo, Purg. v. 96. [Srmo» L': Bo- 

Cftsnicion de' Pazzi, Alberto (or Uberto) 
Cftmicione, one of the Pazzi of Valdarno, of 
whom nothing is known save that he treacher- 
ously killed his kinsman Ubertino. [Paasi.] 

IkDvenuto says :— 

< fsU fuit quidam miles de Pazzis nobilibus de 
VaI1« Arni, vocatus dominus Ubertus Camisonus, 
qui occidit proditorie dominum Ubertinum con- 
Mii|iilii«imi suuiii«' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Questo Camiscione fu de' Pazzi di Valdarno ; 
et andando un di a diletto messer Ubertino de' 
Pazzi ed egli, perocch^ avevono certe fortezze 
comuni come consorti, Camiscione pensa di 
pigliarle per s^, morto messer Ubertino : cosl 
cavalcando gli corse addosso con uno coltello, et 
diegli pill colpi, et finalmente I'uccise.' 

D. places C. in Caina, the first division of 
Circle IX of Hell, among those who have been 
traitors to their own kindred, Inf. xxxii. 68 ; 
un, V, 52 [Caina] ; he is described as having 
lost both his ears through the cold of the ice 
in which he is placed (tw, 52-3} ; he addresses 
D., and after naming several of those who are 
with him, tells his own name, adding that he 
awaits the arrival of his kinsman Carlino de' 
Pazzi, the heinousness of whose crime will 
make his own appear trivial in comparison 
(w, 54-69) [Carlino de' PasBi]. 

Camilla. [Cammilla.] 

Camillo, M. Furius Camillus, one of the 
great heroes of the Roman republic ; he was 
six times consular tribune and five times 
dictator. During his first dictatorship (396) 
he gained an important victory over the Fafis- 
cans and Fidenates, took Veii, and ei^tered 
Rome in triumph. Five years later (391)9 
however, he was accused of having made an 
unfair distribution of the plunder from Veii» 
and went into voluntary exile at Ardea ; but 
in the next year (390), the Gauls having taken 
Rome and besieged the Capitol, the Romans 
recalled C, who having been made dictator 
in his absence, hastily collected an army, 
attacked the Gauls, and completely defeated 
them. He died of the pestilence in 365. 

The story of C.'s litJeration of Rome from 
the Gauls, and his voluntary return into exUe 
after his victory, is referred to, Conv. iv. 
5154-9; and given on the authority of Livy 
(v. 46) and Virgil (Aen, vi. 825), Mon. ii. 
5IOO-11. [Brenno : QaUi «.] 

Camillus. [Camillo.] 
Camino. [Canuninc] 

Cammilla, Camilla, daughter of King Me- 
tabus of the Volscian town of Privemum; 
she assisted Tumus, King of the Rutulians, 
against Aeneas, and after slaying a number of 
the Trojans, was at length killed by Aruns 
{Aen. xi. 768-831). 

D. mentions her, with Tumus, Nisus, and 
Euryalus, as having died for Italy, Inf. i. 107 ; 
and places her in Limbo, among the heroes of 
antiquity, in company with Penthesilea {Aen, 
xi. 662), Latinus, and I^inia, Inf. iv. 124-6. 

CamminOy Gherardo da, gentleman of 
Treviso, of which he was lord, under the title 
of Captain- General, from 1283 until his death 
in 1306, when he was succeeded by his son 


Cammino, Oherardo da 


Riccardo (Par. ix. 50-1) ; he is mentioned by 
Marco Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory), 
who, in speaking of the degenerate state into 
which Lombardy had fallen after the wars 
between Frederick II and the Church, says 
that there yet survive three old men whose 
lives are a reproach to the younger generation, 
viz. Currado da Palazzo, Guido da Castello, 
and'il buon Gherardo,' Purg. xvi. 121-6; D. 
then asks of what Gherardo Marco is speaking 
(w. 133-5); whereupon Marco expresses 
astonishment that D. should never have heard 
of G., whose name must have been well known 
throughout Tuscany (ttu. 136-8), and adds 
that he knows him by no other name than 
that of ' il buon Gherardo,' unless it be as the 
£Either of Gaia (whose reputation was just the 
opposite of that of her father) (w. 139-40). 
pederioo^: Gala.] 

In his discussion as to the nature of nobility 
in the Convivio D. singles out Gherardo as an 
illustrious instance of true nobility : — 

'Pogniamo che Gherardo da Cammino fosse 
state nepote del piii vile villano che mai bevesse 
del Sile o del Cagnano, e la obblivione ancora non 
fosse del suo avolo venuta; chi sark oso di dire 
che Gherardo da Cammino fosse vile uomo ? e chi 
non parlera meco, dicendo quello e'ssere state 
nobile ? Certo nuUo, quanto vuole sia presuntuoso, 
perocch^ egli fu, e 6a sempre la sua memoria.* 
(hr. i4"*-«.) 

That Gherardo's name was familiar in Tus- 
cany is evident from the fact, pointed out by 
Del Lungo, that he is mentioned in one of the 
Cento NovelU Antiche (Nov. xv. ed. Bor- 
ghini) as having shortly before his death 
(which occurred ' dopo ventidue anni di gius- 
tissimo govemo'on March 26, 1306) lent to 
Corso Donati, who was later on (in 1308) 
Podestk of Treviso, a sum of ' quattro mila lib. 
per aiuto alia sua guerra.' The UDttimo 
Comento remarks that G. ' si dilett6 non in 
Qua, ma in tutte cose di valore,' and Ben- 
venuto says of him :— 

*• Iste fuit nobilis miles de Tarvisio, de nobilissima 

domo illonim de Camina, qui saepe habuerunt 

PHncipatum illius civitatis. Hie fuit vir totus 

^Qignus, humanus, curialis, liberalis, et amicus 

boQonim : ideo antonomastice dictus est bonus.' 

According to Philalethes, Gherardo was so 
^'ghly respected that in 1294 two brothers of 
^e House of £ste sought knighthood at his 

Of the Cammino fcunily Barozzi (in Dante 
^ a sua SecolOf pp. 803-4) says : — 

^ Erano i da Camino una delle piii potenti fa- 

n^gUe della Marca Trivigiana, che ritiensi abbiano 

^ngiato il primitive cognome di Montanara in 

quelle da Camino, per un castello di questo nome 

^tto fabbricare da Guecello Montanara nel 1089 ; 

non si hanne per6 documenti certi intomo a questa 

to^ia se non nella seconda metii del secolo xii. 

Gherardo figlio di Biaquino e d'India da Campe- 

sampiero fu il piii illustre personaggio della sua 
stirpe. . . . fe agevole il retinere che Dante lo abbia 
conosciuto di persona, tanto piii che Gherardo fu 
protettore dei letterati e dei peeti.* 

Cammino, Riccardo da], son of Ghe- 
rardo da Cammino (the preceding), whom he 
succeeded in the lordship of Treviso in 1306; 
he married Giovanna, daughter of Nino Vis- 
conti of Pisa, and was (according to the most 
trustworthy accounts) murdered in 1312 by 
a half-witted servitor, while playing at chess 
in his own palace with Alteniero degli Azzoni, 
who had planned the assassination in order 
to avenge the honour of his wife whom Ric- 
cardo had seduced [Giovanna ^ : Table zzx]. 
Barozzi (in Dante e il suo Secolo, p. 805) 
says : — 

* A Gherardo successe nel govemo di Treviso il 
di lui figlio primogenito Riccardo, che per la sua 
superbia ed arroganza venne in odio ai Trivigiani. 
Fu in allora che Altinieri degli Azzoni, uno dei 
principali della citta, mosso dal desiderio di re- 
stituire la liberty alia patria, e forse anche da 
particolari motivi di vendetta, unitosi col conte 
Rambaldo di Collalto, con Guido Tempesta, con 
Pietro Bonaparte e con Tolberto Calza, deliber6 
di ammazzare Riccardo. Nel giomo cinque di 
aprile del 13 12 mentre questi giuocava agli scacchi, 
un sicario compro dallo Azzoni gli si accost6 
arditamente e lo percosse.con un' arma tagliente 
sopra il capo. L'omicida fu tosto ucciso, forse a 
seppellire per sempre il nome dei congiurati ; ma 
Riccardo morendo sospett6 gli autori del colpo . . . 
Altiniero dopo aver aiutato i Trivigiani a scuotere 
il giogo di Guecello da Camino fratello e succes- 
sore di Riccardo nel governo della citta, fu eletto 
podest^ di Padova che difese eroicamente contro 
le genti di Cane della Scala, sconfiggendole nel 
12 di luglio 1320. . . . Dopo lunghe e fortunose 
vicende incontrd anch' egli una morte violenta, 
ucciso nel letto, su cui giaceva ferito, da Guglielmo 
da Camposampiero (a member of the family to 
which Riccardo's paternal grandmother belonged).' 

The Ottimo Comento says that Riccardo 
was murdered with the connivance of Can 
Grande della Scala (Ml fece uccidere messer 
Cane della Scala per mano d'uno villano col 
trattato di certi gentiluomini del paese').. 
According to Benvenuto his death was con- 
trived by his own brother Guecello, who suc- 
ceeded him in the lordship of Treviso. 

Riccardo*s assassination is foreshadowed by 
Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), who says 
of him ' Tal signoreggia e va con la testa alta, 
Che gill per lui carpir si fa la ragna,' Par. ix. 
50-1. [Cunizaa.] 

Camonica, Val. [Valeamonioa.] 

CampagnaticOy village and castle, belong- 
ing to the Ghibelline Counts Aldobrandeschi, 
situated on a hill in the valley of the Ombrone, 
not far from Grosseto in the Sienese Ma- 
remma ; it was in the possession of the Aldo- 
brandeschi from Cent, x until the end of 


Campaldino Campo di Siena 

- *'-••-- ' ^"i— se; m -^li liriii :f I't-.: i.-.ri -irar.o pia passati dalla hattaglia di 

-rt. -i-nia. :. - :. r.ei'a quale !a parte ghibellina fii 

~. --_.i: irLi 1-Mi. :i I'riji I :f ::is i- ■-.:. n.rji c di.^fatta; dove mi trovai non 

i,- :: ..-•: -*._ irrr.i. e dove ebbi temenza molta, e 
:t— i i-:* znr. d_5«;nia allegrczza per li varii casi 

»-••--. . "^ "^r^T 

. i-: — 


1 J-T* 

V itr 

u; tl U" Is*:' t"l 1 ■ 

X J 1 1'" ". 

• A 

? tiTl 


----:. * --nn 


. *n T* 


r:;-»-c ".-—.- r- 

- - ' - — 


- .*. 

- j^^. 

-I. • T 

V ;. : : ■_; * — ~ir v-r^ 

I: _5 =:*r.:dcant. however, that no mention 

j' :-t '.'ju-.'. := made by V'illani (vii. 131), or 

_ -: Cnpa^i li. lo), or Benvenuto da 

I":i':Li. ill :f "svhom give detailed accounts of 

: ■-'; MrL*. I: is remarkable .ilso, as Bartoli 

:•: .-."= : l', I.i". Itu'., v. 3), that in answer to the 

zALj:.^ :•:' r.e of the spirits in Antepurgaiory, 

J; iir:i 5c alcun di noi unque vedcsti ' 1 Purjf. 

^ - : . !• rtp'.ies : ' Perche ne' vostri visi guati 

J I-:- r:?:::5co alcun' i^t'. 58-9); and yet 

/ I 1- : - : : r.:e. whornhe couldjiardly have failed to 

7^: :c":-t if he had been present at the battle 

.*t ri~^iiino. was amongst those into whose 

•i. ri:f< he -.vas gazing. Those who hold that 

' 1 . ::.;k p^irt in the battle see a reference to it, 

'.11. xxii. 4-5. 
^ Pdlmieri. in his Vita Civile (Lib. iv. 

* j:-- T". . reLites a mar\-ellous incident which is 
." ill-i^^ec : J have happened to D. at Campaldino. 

t Campi, village in Tuscany, on the Hisenzio, 

i:*. >: ~ r.e r.-.iles N.W. of Florence ; mentioned, 
t.-^-siier wi:h Certaldo and Figline, by Caccia- 
^'-.ij. :- the Heaven of Mars), who laments 
:.:j.: :'.:-.c to :he immigration into Florence 
^ ;■ :>e :::hj.:::an:s of these places the character 

. r- . '...- :^.i :i '.'zt r'-orer. linos had become debased, Par. 

- • ■ -* V-. i^-5:. 

:,; .' :. : si'i v-i-- Ji*:r.: poir.ts out that there is probably a 

s. ."•;,•...: .: ■ :-i: 5Te::jl si^incance in D.'s mention of these 

• A. .A 


:c * : J. 

•. .« 

' Cxrr: ::: Val di Hisenzio, Ccrtaldo nella 
Vj„^..*i. Fiilir.e nel Valdamo superiore sono tre 
x-^ira:i ie- terniorio fiorentino, di qualche im- 
.vrut-jj a'. :e=ipo di Dante, ma oscurc nel se- 
.-:»■: i. Cacc-jfuida : il che accrcsce il signiiicato 
j-5i'r?5'd::'.c delle parole con le quali Tantico 
c*:::i-:20 lantenta I'inurbarsi delle famiglie conta- 
- iitf. N^ *-i socha di qucste borgate 6 senza 
rx^.or.c : pc:che Dante, scrivendo qucsto verso, 
-v.vria'.-a certo che da Figline erano venuti quei 
•rxi-i.'.'. Frjiuosi, usurai e mali cunsiglicri del re di 
Fri.icia. tcrnati in Firenzc con Carlo di Valois, 
c ;uci Bildo Fini dottore di legge che i Neri 
aujoa-viio 1311 a sommuovere il re di Francia 
C'.'.-::?',^ '.'izjpcratore Arrigo VII : ricordava che da 
0;;— .j.".\io era quel giudice Jacopo d'lldebrandino, 
j'V,' :•- Jei Pnori nel 1J89 e poi piii tardi uno dei 
:iic-.'c;:c:cri di ;urte Ncra, e di quelli che ebbcro 
\'.''v*« i'ivcr ••distrutto" Firenze.* 

Campidcglio, modem name of the Capitol 
of Kome ; applied bv an anachronism by D. to 
:he ancient Capitol, in connexion with the 
siece bv the Clauls under Brennus in 390, 
C.niv. iv. 5'^-. [CapitoUum: Galli^.] 

Campo di Siena* the principal piazza in 

>:enju formerly known as the Campo or the 

^ ^%*.-^v X ^• ^ '*''^"' '. vi^-*"e - VioiiA del Campo, now called the Piazza 

..... - -.■ 

":,> .•«;•,.■ - • -I 

k. • 

w> :: >" f.^i:«rs 


\ "^ : ::t ^j-- 

""v '■- •• 

% . ? % ."4: ijr : :c 

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•I x* A.-.:: ::«; 

\ . * 

\ ■. •. :cc<ch 

.. •- .- *x: 

. * t. .:.:,: :jl-v.\ 

-.v ^ ' ' 

'. • !.:!^ : v;.-. 

V . » > ■ 

?*.- v!*' v: 1;* "."*e 

*■ • 

: !v :.L"x! :i 1 

- .-^-.. • '■ - ^ 

X.;.-- ' :c ^^*-"' 


!v "u.».*s V !wri: I 

» .. ■ 

V c .uc .*: 


... .• .;.-v..a J'^:=i 


.■^. : :...*;•■". ' -■•■* 


•»-,">©<.■. -■ T — Iv." 

• - 

. • ■ ■ • 

• » .. • * .am 

» . « '^ • •• ■ ^^ 

Campo Pioeno 

Can Grande della Scala 

Vittorio Emanuele ; mentioned by Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) in connexion with Pro- 
venzano Salvani, Purg. xi. 134. [Frovenaan 
Balvani: Biena.] 

Campo PicenOy (apparently) a plain in 
Tuscany in the neighbotirhood of Pescia, be- 
tween Serravalle and Montecatini ; Vanni 
Fucci (in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell), 
prophesying the defeat of the Bianchi by Moro- 
ello Malaspina (* il vapor di Valdimagp'a '), says 
the battle will take place on the * Picene plain/ 
Inf. xxiv. 148. 

There is some doubt as to what particular 
engagement is here referred to, as neither 
Villani flor Dino Compagni makes mention of 
any battle on the Campo Piceno. The allusion 
is probably to the siege and capture, in 1302, 
of the stronghold of Serravalle by the Floren- 
tine Neri and Lucchese, under Moroello Mala- 
spina, in the course of their attack upon Pistoja. 
(VilUmi, viii. 52.) Some think the reference is 
to the siege and final reduction, in 1305-6, of 
Pistoja itself, on which occasion also the 
Florentines and Lucchese were led by Moro- 
ello. Ever since the expulsion of the Bianchi 
from Florence in 1301, Pistoja had remained 
the only stronghold in Tuscany of themselves 
and the Ghibellines ; after its capture, April 10, 
1306, the fortifications were razed, and the 
territory divided between Florence and Lucca 
(Vill. viii. 82) [Malaspina, Moroello]. 

It is not clear why the Campo Piceno, which 

evidently denotes a district in the neighbourhood 

of Pistoja, was so called. It is at some distance 

from the ancient Picenum, which was a district on 

the Adriatic coast The wrongful application of 

the name probably arose from a misunderstanding 

of a passage in Sallust, in whose account of the 

defeat of Catiline it is stated, as Butler and others 

have pointed out, that when Metellus Celer, who 

was commanding Mn agro Piceno,' heard of 

Catiline's move Mn agrum Pistoriensem,' he 

succeeded by rapid marches in blocking the 

movintain route from Pistoja into Gaul : — 

'Reliqaoa Catiltna per montes atperos ma^ia itineribns 
h arnun Ptstoriensem abdncit, eo conailio, nti per tramites 
oocnlte perfageret in Galliam Transalpinam. At Q. Metellna 
Celer cnm tnons legionibas in a^ro Ticetio praestdebat. ex 
difficoltate remm eadem ilia existamans, qnae mpra dixi- 
aoa, Catilinam agitare. Igitor nbi iter ejus ex perfngis 
cognorit, castra propere inovit ac sub ip«is radicibos mon- 
tiani oonaedit, qua ilii detcenstu erat in Galliam properanti.* 


VillAni, who expressly refers to Sallust as his 
anthorityy says that Catiline, on leaving Fiesole, 
' arriv6 di 1^ ov* ^ oggi la citta di Pistoja nel luogo 
detto Campo a Piceno. ci6 fu di sotto ov' d oggi 11 
castello di Pitecdo ' (1. 3a) ; and later, that ' alia 
fine deir aspra battaglia Catellina fu in quello 
hiogo di Piceno sconfitto e morto con tutta sua 
gente.' The same confusion appears in the com- 
mentators on D. ; e. g. Benvenuto says : — 

* FSoeoom araellatoa est ager apad Pistorioin, in qao olim 
Ml debeUataa Catilina, at patet apad Sallottiam ;' 

and John of Serravalle : — 

* kUe campus qai est prope Pistoriam in qao devictas fait 
Calbrllina yocauu* Picenos a Sallastia* 

Can Grande della Scala, Can Francesco 
deUa Scala, called Can Grande, third son of 
Alberto della Scala (lord of Verona, 1277- 
1301), was bom on March 9, 129^ ; he married 
Joan, daughter of Conrad of Antioch ; and 
died at Treviso, July 22, 1329. In 1308 he was 
associated with his brother Alboino in the 
lordship of Verona, and was made joint Vicar 
Imperial with him by the Emperor Henry VII ; 
on the death of Alboino (Oct. 1311) he became 
sole lord of Verona, a position which he main- 
tained until his death. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) fore- 
tells to D. that he shall see Can Grande at the 
court of * il gran Lombardo ' (i. e., according to 
the most probable interpretation, Bartolommeo, 
Cane's eldest brother). Par. xvii. 70-6 ; after 
referring to the fact that Cane was bom under 
the influence of the planet Mars, which gave 
promise of his future warlike character {w, 
76-8), and stating that he was at that time 
(i. e. in 1300, the assumed date of the Vision) 
unknown, owing to his being only nine years 
old {w, 79-81), C. forecasts his future great- 
ness and magnificence, and his signal services 
to the Emperor Henry VII and the Ghibelline 
cause, and bids D. repose his hopes in him 
{vv. 82-8) ; he then, in conclusion, makes a 
vague reference to Cane's future achievements, 
and suddenly breaks off (w, 89-93). fliom- 
bardo ^ : Soala^ Della : Table zzviii.] 

Can Grande is identified by many with the 
* Veltro * of Inf. i. 101 ; and the * Cinquecento 
diece e cinque* of Purg. xxxiii. 43 [Veltro: 
DXV] ; he is mentioned at the close of the 
treatise De Aqua et Terra (which is dated 
from Verona in 1320, a year before D.'s death, 
at a time when Cane was Imperial Vicar), 
A. T. § 243. 

Of Cane's character D. speaks in terms of 
high praise in the D, C, mentioning his war- 
like exploits (*notabili fien Topere sue,' Par. 
xvii. 78), his indifference to money or to toil 
('sua virtu te In non curar d'argento n^ 
d'affanni,' w, 83-4), and his magnificent 
bounty (' Le sue magnificenze conosciute Sa- 
ranno,' w. 85-6). To him he dedicated the 
ParadisOy in a lengthy letter addressed, 
' Magnifico atque victorioso domino, domino 
Cani Grandi de Scala, sacratissimi Caesarei 
principatus in urbe Verona et civitate Vicentia 
Vicario Generali,' in which the title and subject 
of the Divina Commedia are discussed. The 
letter opens with a eulogy of Can Grande's 
magnificence and bounty, of which D. says he 
himself partook, and which he acknowledges 
to have surpassed even the extravagant reports 
he had heard of it : — 

' Inclyta vestrae magnificentiae laus, quam fama 
vigil volitando disseminat, sic distrahit in diversa 
diversos, ut hos in spem suae prosperitatis attollat, 
hos exterminii dejiciat in terrorem. Hoc quidem 
praeconiiun, facta modemorum exsuperans, tan- 


I 2 

Can Grande della Soala 


quam veri existentia latius, arbitrabar aliquando 
superfluum. Veniin ne diutuma me nimis incerti- 
tudo suspenderet, velut Austri regina Hjenisalem 
petiit, velut Pallas petiit Helicona, Veronam petii 
fidU oculis discursurus audita. Ibique magnalia 
vestra vidi, vidi beneficia simul et tetigi ; et quem- 
admodum prius dictorum suspicabar excessum, sic 
posterius ipsa facta excessiva cognovi.* (Epist 

X. I.) 

Can Grande, who had been present when 
Henry VII received the iron crown at Milan 
(Jan. 6, 1311)1 was on the point of embarking 
at Genoa to assist at the coronation in Rome, 
when the news of Alboino's death reached him 
(Oct), and he returned at once to Verona to 
assume the lordship. One of his first acts was 
to rescue Brescia, which had submitted to the 
Emperor a few months before, from the hands 
of the Guelfs; and thenceforward until his 
death he played the leading part in the affairs 
of Lombardy. 

The following is a summary of the most im- 
portant events m his career:— 

1308-131 1. Joint lord of Verona with Alboino. — 
131 z. Vicar Imperial in Verona (Vill. ix. 90); 
(Oct.) Sole lord of Verona ; (Dec) Rescues Brescia 
from the Guelfs (Vill. ix. 3a); helps to take Vicenza 
from the Paduans. — 131a. Vicar Imperial in Vi- 
cenza.— 1314. (Sep.) Repels Paduan attack on 
Vicenza (Vill. ix. 63' ; (,Oct.) makes peace with 
Padua and is confirmed in lordship of Vicenza. — 
13 1 5. Attacks Cremona, Parma, and Reggio, in 
alliance with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi, lord of 
Mantua and Modena. — 1316. Dante perhaps at 
Verona. — 13 17. (May) With help of Uguccione 
della Faggiuola repels fresh attack of Paduans on 
Vicenza; (Dec.) appointed Vicar Imperial in Verona 
and Vicenza by Frederick of Austria ; besieges 
Padua (VilL ix. 89).— 1318. (April) Takes Cremona 
(Vill. ix. 91); (Dec. 16) elected Captain General 
of Ghibelline league in Lombardy at Soncino. — 
1319^ (Aug.) Besieges Padua (Vill. ix. 100). — 
1390. (Aug. as) Repulsed by Paduans, Uguccione 
della Faggiuola being killed (Vill ix. lai). — i3aa 
(Sep.) Takes part with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi 
in ilcge of Reggio (Vill. ix. 167) —1324. Gune) 
Attacked in Padua by German forces of Otho of 
Austria, whom he repels (Vill. ix. ass).— 1337. 
Besieges Padua (Vill. x. 4a).— 1338. Captures 
Mantua ; (Sep. 98) at invitation of Paduan 
Ghibellines becomes lord of Padua (Vill. x. loi). — 
1399. (July 18) Takes Treviso, where he dies 
(July 02) ; buried at Verona (Vill. x. 137). 

Can (irande is described in the Veronese 
Chronicle as being tall, handsome, of soldierly 
bearing, and gracious in manner and speech : — 

' Fuit staturae magnae et pulchrae, et omnibus 
spectabilis et gratlosus in actis, similiter et loquela, 
rt bellicotus in armis.' 

Albcrtino Mussato, on the other hand, who 
was taken prisoner during the unsuccessful 
attempt of the Paduans upon Vicenza in 1314, 
s|jeaks of him as being harsh and vindictive, 
wanting in self-control, obstinately bent upon 

having his own way, and willing to be thought 
more ruthless than he really was : — 

* Erat vir iile acer et intractabilis, nullos coercens 
impetus, sed ad quaecunque ilium ira provocasset 
praeceps et inexorabilis, nee non habitu gestuque 
immanior videri malens, quam sua Valuisset exer* 
cere severitas; nee plus quidquam pensi habens 
quam si eidem, quaecunque voluisset, licerent.' 

Villani says of him : — 

< Fu valente tiranno e signore dabbene.' (xi. 95.) 
— ' Fu il maggiore tiranno e *1 piii possente e ricco 
che fosse in Lombardia da Aizzolino di Romano 
infino allora, e chi dice di piii.' (x. 137.) 

Boccaccio, who makes him the subject of 
one of the stories in the Decamerone (L 7), 
speaks of him as being second only to the 
Emperor Frederick II : — 

' Messer Cane della Scala, alquale in assai coae 
fu favorevole la fortuna, fii uno de' piCi notabili e 
de' piii magnifici signori, che dallo imperadore 
Federigo secondo in qua si sapesse in Italia.' 

Benvenuto tells a characteristic story of 
how as a boy he showed his contempt for 
riches : — 

< Dum pater ejus duxisset eum semel ad videndum 
magnum thesaurum. iste illico levatis pannis minxit 
super eum ; ex quo omnes spectantes judicavenint 
de ejus futura magnificentia per istum contemptum 

The following account of Can Grande's court 
at Verona, given by Sagacio Mucio Gaiata, 
a chronicler of Reggio, who was himself re- 
ceived there as a guest while in exile, is quoted 
by Sismondi : — 

' Different apartments, according to their con- 
dition, were assigned to the exiles in the Scmla 
palace; each had his own servants, and a well- 
appointed table served in private. The various 
apartments were distinguished by appropriate 
devices and figures, such as Victory for soldiers, 
Hope for exiles. Muses for poets. Mercury for 
artists, and Paradise for preachers. During meals 
musicians, jesters, and jugglers performed in these 
rooms. The halls were decorated with pictures 
representing the vicissitudes of fortune. On 
occasion Cane invited certain of his guests to his 
own table, notably Guido da Castcllo, who on 
account of his singlemindedness was known as tiie 
Simple Lombard, and the poet Dante Alighieri.' 

The sarcophagus and equestrian statue of 
Can Grande are still to b^s seen among the 
famous tombs of the Scaligers at Verona. 

Canavese, district of Upper Italy, which 
lies between the Dora Riparia and the Dora 
Baltea, and stretches from the slopes of the 
Pennine and Graian Alps down to the Po ; it 
formed part of the ancient marquisate of 
Montferrat, and, according to Benvenuto, 
boasted of nearly 200 castles : — 

'Contrata est contermina Montiferrato, quae 
clauditur a duobus brachiis fluminis, quod dicitur 
Dura, a tertia parte clauditur Pado, a quarta ab 
Alpibus, et habet forte ducenta castella.' 




Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it, 
together with Montferrat, in connexion with 
William Longswoxxl, Marquis of Montferrat 
and Canavese (1254-1392), Purg. vii. 136. 
[QuglielmoS : Monferrato.] 

Cancellieri], Guelf family of Pistoja, which, 
owing to a feud between two branches, known 
as the Cancellieri Bianchi and the Cancellieri 
Neri, gave rise to the factions of the Bianchi 
and Neri, first in Pistoja (in 1300) and later in 
Florence. Focaccia, a member of this family, 
who was one of those principally concerned m 
the original strife, is mentioned by Camicione 
de' Pazzi (in Caina) as a typical traitor. Inf. 
xxxii. 63. 

Villani gives the following account of the 
Cancellieri family and of the origin of the 
feud: — 

'In quest! tempi (1300) essendo la cittli di 
PSstola in felice e grande e buono stato. secondo il 
SQO essere, e intra gli altri cittadini v' avea uno 
lignaggio di nobili e possenti che si chiamavano i 
Cancellieri, non per6 di grande antichitk, nati 
d*uno ser Cancelliere, il quale fu mercatante e 
guadagn6 moneta assai, e di due mogli ebbe piii 
figliuoli, i quali per la loro ricchezza tutti furono 
cavalieri, e uomini di valore e dabbenei e di loro 
nacquero molti figliuoli e nipoti, siA:hd in questo 
tempo erano piii di cento uomini d'arme, ricchi 
e possenti e di grande afiare, sicch^ non solamente 
i maggiori di Pistoia, ma de' piii possenti legnagg^ 
di Toscana. Nacque tra loro per la soperchia 
g r asae z za, e per sussidio del diavolo, sdegno e 
nimisti^ tra*l lato di quelli ch' erano nati duna 
donna a quelli dell' altra ; e Tuna parte si puose 
nome i Cancellieri neri, e Taltra i bianchi; e 
crebbe tanto che si fedirono insieme. non per6 di 
cosa inorma. £ fedito uno di que' del lato de' Can- 
cellieri bianchi, que' del lato de' Cancellieri neri 
per avere pace e concordia con loro, mandarono 
quegii ch'avea fatta T offesa a^la misericord ia di 
onloro che I'aveano ricevuta, che ne prendessono 
fammenda e vendetta a loro volontii ; i quali del 
lato de' Cancellieri bianchi ingrati e superbi, non 
avendo in loro piet^ n& carita, la mano dal braccio 
tagliaro in su una mangiatoia a quegii ch' era 
venuto alia misericordia. Per lo quale comincia- 
mcnto e peccato, non solamente si divise la casa 
de' Cancellieri, ma piii micidii ne nacquero tra 
lore, e tutta la citta di Pistoia se ne divise, che 
runo tenea colF una parte, e I'altro coll' altra, e 
duamavansi parte bianca e nera, dimenticata tra 
lore parte guelfa e ghibellina: e piii battaglie 
cittadine, con molti pericoli e micidii, ne nacquero 
e fiirono in Pistoia ; e non solamente in Pistoia, 
mapoi la dttk di Firenze e tutta Italia contaminaro 
le dette parti/ (viil 38.) 

The subjoined narrative is from the Istorie 
Pistolest, and is presumably the most authentic. 
It is noteworthy that neither in this account, 
nor in that of Villani given above, is there any 
mention of Focaccia, the hero of the story as 
told by Benvenuto da Imola [BianohiJ. He is, 
however, the chief actor in another disturbance 
which took place later in the same year, and 

which, according to the Pistojan chronicle, was 
the particular occurrence which led to the 
intervention of the Florentines, and to the sub- 
sequent introduction into Florence itself of the 
Bianchi and Neri feud. It is possible, therefore, 
that D.*s reference (Inf. xxxii. 63) may be to 
this latter incident, and not to the original 
quarrel between the two parties, as is generally 
supposed [Focaooia]. 

'Narra si in questo libro la cagione, perche la 
cittii di Pistoia e 'I suo contado venne in divisione ; 
ciod I'uno cittadino con 1 altro, e I'uno fratello 
con I'altro. £ per quella divisione si divise la 
citt^ di Firenze, e fecero di loro due parti : per 
modo che non fu ne maschio, ne femina, ne grande, 
ne piccolo, ne frate, ne prete, che diviso non fosse. 
Per la qual divisione si crearono in Pistoia due 
parti ; delle quali Tuna si chiam6 parte Bianca, e 
Paltra si chiamd parte Nera ; multiplicando tanto, 
che non romase persona ne in Cittii, ne in Contado, 
che non tenesse, 6 con 1 una parte, 6 con Taltra. . . . 

' Nel 1300 la detta Citjli havea assai nobili, e 
possenti cittadini, in fra quali era una schiatta, di 
nobili, e possenti cittadini, e gentil' huomini, gli 
quali si chiamavano Canceglieri ; et havea quella 
schiatta in quel tempo diciotto cavaglieri k speroni 
doro, et erano si grandi, e di tanta potenza, che 
tutti gl' altri grandi soprastavano, e batteano : e 
per loro grandigia, e richezza, montarono in tanta 
superbia, che non era nessuno si grande ne in 
Cittl^ ne in Contado, che non tenessono al disotto ; 
molto villaneggiavano ogni persona, e molte sozze 
e rigide cose faceano; e molti ne faceano uccidere, 
e fedire, e per tema di loro nessuno ardia a 

^ Seguitoe, che certi giovani della detta casa, li 
quali teneano la parte Bianca ; et altri giovani 
della detta casa, li quali teneano la parte Nera : 
essendo a una cella, ove si vendea vino, et havendo 
beuto di soperchio, nacque scandolo in tra loro 
giocando ; Onde vennero a parole, e percossonsi 
insieme, si che quello della parte Bianca soprasteo 
k quello della parte Nera: lo quale havea nome 
Dore di M. Guiglielmo, uno de maggiori di casa 
sua, cio^ della parte Nera. Quello della parte 
Bianca, che 1' havea battuto, havea nome Carlino 
di M. Gualfredi pure de maggiori della casa della 
parte Bianca. Onde vedendosi Dore essere battuto, 
et oltraggiato, et vitoperato dal consorto suo, e 
non potendosi quivi vendicare, peroch* erano piii 
fratelli k darli : partissi, e propuosesi di volersi 
vendicare, e quel medesimo dl ciod la sera k tardi 
stando Dore in posta, uno de fratelli del detto 
Carlino, ch' havea ofieso lui, ch' havea nome 
M. Vanni di M. Gualfredi, et era giudice, passando 
k cavallo in quel luogo, dove Dore stava in posta : 
Dore lo chiamd, et egli non sapendp quello, ch'el 
fratello gl' havea fatto, and6 a lui, et volendoli 
Dore dare d'una spada in su la testa M. Vanni, 
per riparare lo colpo, par6 la mano ; onde Dore 
menando gli tagli6 il volto, e la mano per modo, 
che non ve li romase altro, ch'el dito grosso : di 
che M. Vanni si partio, et andonne k casa sua : e 
quando lo padre, e' fratelli, e gl' altri consorti lo 
videro, cosi fedito, n' hebbero grande dolore : per6 
ch' egl' era, come detto d, de migliori del lato suo : 
et anco perche colui, che 1' havea fedito era quello 


Canoellleri, Foeaooia de' 


medesimo in tra quelli del suo lato, di che tutti gl* 
amici e parent! loro ne furono forte mal content!. 
Lo padre di M. Vanni, e' fratelli pensarono per 
vendetta uccidere Dore, e '1 padre, e fratelli, e 
consorti di quello lato : EUino erano molto grandi, 
e molto imparentati, e coloro gli temeano assai. e 
taiUa paura haveano di loro, che per temenza non 
usciano di casa. Onde vedendo il padre, e* fratelli, 
e consorti di Dore, che li convenia cost stare in 
casa, credendo uscire della briga, diliberarono di 
mettere Dore nelle maai del padre, e de' fratelli 
di M. Vanni, che ne facessoao loro piacere ; cre- 
dendo che con discrezione lo trattassono, come 
fratello, dopo questa deliberazione ordioarono 
tanto, che feciono pigliare Dore, e cosi preso Ip 
mandarono a casa di M. Gualfredi, e de' fratelli di 
M. Vanni| e miserlo loro in mano : Costoro come 
spietati e crudeli, non riguardando alia benignity 
di coloro, che gli li haveano mandatp, lo misono 
in una stalla di cavalli, e quivi uno de' fratelli di 
M. Vanni li tagli6 queUa mano, cpn la quale egU 
havea tagliato quella di M. Vanni, e diedili uu 
colpo nel viso in quel medesimo lato dove egli 
havea fedito M. Vanni, e cosi fedito e dimozzicato 
lo rimandarono a casa del padre ; Quando lo padre, 
e* fratelli, e consorti del lato suo, et altri suoi 
parenti lo videro cosi concio, furono troppo 
dolenti : e questo fue tenuto per ogni persona 
troppo rigida e crudele cosa, a mettere mai^o nel 
sangue loro medesimo, e spezialmente bavendolo 
loro mandato alia misericordia : Questo fue lo 
cominciamento della divisione della Cittli e 
Contado di Pistoia ; onde seguirono uccisioni 
d'huomini, arsioni di case, di castella, e di ville. 

* La guerra si cominci6 aspra in tra quelli della 
casa de Canceglieri della parte Nera, e quelli 
della detta casa della parte Bianca, e disfidaronsi 
insieme, e tanto multiplied la guerra, che non 
rimase in Pistoia ne nel Contado persona, che 
non tenesse, 6 con Tuna parte, 6 con I'altra : e 
spesso per questa cagione combattea I'uno vicino 
con Taltro in Cittli et in Contado/ {/st. Pist., ed. 
1578, pp. 1-3) 

In the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino 
a girl is said to have been the cause of the 
quarrel : — 

' Per una fantesca che era assai bella e gratiosa 
nacque fra loro una maladetta divisiooe di parole 
e di alcuna ferita, di che sendosi divisi in due 
parti, Tuna si chiamava Cancellieri Bianchi, ci6 6 
quegli che discesero dalla prima moglie, et altri si 
chiamarono Cancellieri Neri, e questi discesero 
dalla seconda.' {Giom, xiii. Nov, i.) 

Cancellieri, Focaccia de'. [Foeaooia.] 

CancrOy Cancer (* the Crab '), constellation 
and fourth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun 
enters at the summer solstice (about June 21) 
[Zodiaoo]. Speaking of the brightness of the 
spirit of St. John, D. says that if a luminary of 
tnat brilliance were to shine in Cancer, it 
would be as light as day during a whole 
winter month, Par. xxv. 100-2. l3uring the 
middle month of winter, when the Sun is in 
Capricorn, Cancer, being then exactly opposite 
the Sun, is up throughout the njght, which, in 

the case D. supposes, would thus be turned 
into day, so that daylight would be continuous 
throughout the month. D.'s meaning is that 
the spirit of St. John shone with a brilliancy 
equal to that of the Sun. 

Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
somewhat more than 23 degrees (actually 
23** 28') from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5I87-42. 

Cane della Scala. [Can Grande.] 

Canis Grandis de Scala, Can Grande, 
Epist. X. ///. ; A. T. § 24^. [Can Grande.] 

Canne], Cannae, village in Apulia, famous 
as the scene of the defeat of the Romans by 
Hannibal during the Second Punic War, B.C. 
216. D. alludes to the battle of Cannae and 
to the heap of gold rings taken from the bodies 
of the dead Romans and produced in the 
senate-house at Carthage by Hannibal's envoy 
as proof of his victory. Inf. xxviii. 10-12 ; Conv. 
iv. 5I64-8. in ^he former passage (v. 12) D. 
mentions Livy as his authority, but from the 
context of the second passage it appears that 
he was indebted rather to Orosius (Nisf, iv. 16, 
§§ 5> 6) than to Livy (xxiii. II-12). [Iilvio: 
OroBio: Soipione^.] 

Canticum Cmnticoratn, Canticles or the 
Song of Songs (in A. V. the Song of Solomon), 
Mon. iii. icf*^; quoted, Purg. xxx. 11 (Cant. 
iv. 8) ; Conv. ii. 6a*-7 (CanL viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 
1 5I75-8 (Cant. vi. 8-9 : Vulg. vi. ^-%) ; Mon. 
ill. 3^9 (Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. iii. ioS9-«i (Qant. 
viii. 5). — The Canticles is supposed to be sym- 
bolized by one of the four-and-twenty elders 
(representing the 24 books of the O. T. accord- 
ing to the reckoning of St.Jerome) in the mys- 
ti<^ Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 83-4. \Bihbia : Processione.] 

Cantor, II, the Singer ; title by which D. 
refers to David, Par. xx. 38 ; xxv. 72 ; xxxii. 1 1 
[David] ; to Virgil, Purg. xxii. 57 [Virgilio]. 

CanMoniere], collection of D.'s lyrical 
poems, consisting of sonnets, cansani^ hallatet 
and sestine. A large proportion of these 
belong to the Vita Nuova, and a few to the 
Convivio ; the rest appear to be independent 
pieces, though some think that the ' canzoni 
pietrose * (viz. Canz. xii, Sest. ii, Canz. xv, and 
Sest. i), so called from the frequent recurrence 
in them of the word pietra (supposed, like the 
selvaf^a of Cino da Pistoja and the lauro of 
Petrarca, to be a lady's name), form a special 

The Vita Nuova contains twenty-five son- 
nets (Son. i-xxv) two of which (Son. ii, iv) 
are irregular, while one (Son. xviii) has two 
versions of the first quatrain (V. N. §§ 3, 7, 8, 
9, 13, 14, 15. 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27. 33, 35, 
36, 37, 38, 39> 40, 41, 42) ; five canzoni (Canz. 
i-v), of which two (Canz. iii, v) are imperfect 
(V. N. §§ 19, 23, 28, 32, 34) ; and one ballata 
(Ball, i, V. N. § 12). \yiiA Nuova,] 




The Conuivio contains three ccmxoni (Canz. 
vi-viii) with an accompanying conunentary, 
out of fourteen which it was intended to con- 
tain. \Conyiyio^ 

In the De Vulgari Eloquent ia D. quotes the 
first lines of nine of his poems, all of which are 
extant, except one, beginning *' Traggemi della 
mente Amor la stiva ' (V. E. ii. ix^) which is 
not included in the existing collections, and so 
£ar has not been discovered in MSS. ; of the 
eight others, two are given at length in the 
Vita Nuova (Canz. i, ii), and one in the 
Canvivio (Canz. vii) ; these eight poems occur 
as follows : — 

' Doglia mi reca nello core ardire ' (Canz. x ; 
V. E. ii. fl»*). 

'Amor, che muovi tua virtii dal cielo' (Canz. ix; 
V.E. ii. 5* ii«). 

' Amor, che nella mente mi ragiona ' (Canz. vii ; 
V. E. ii. 6'* ; Conv. iii ; Purg. ii. 112). 

* Donne, ch*avete intelletto d'amore * (Canz. i; 
V. E. ii. 8'», ia»» ; V. N. § 19). 

'Al poco giorno, ed al gran cerchio d*ombra' 
(Scst i ; V. E. u. 10", 13'*). 

' Donna pietosa,. e di novella etate ' (Canz. ii ; 
V.E. iu 11*'; V.N. §23). 

'Poscia ch' Amor del tutto m' ha lasciato' 
(Canz. xix ; V. E. iL la*'). 

'Amor, tu vedi ben che questa Donna ' (Sest. ii; 
V. E. ii. 13'^. 

In the Epistolae two poems are included : — 
a canzorUy beginning * Amor, dacch^ convien 
pur ch' io mi doglia ' (Canz. xi), is appended 
to the letter addressed to Moroello Malaspina 
(Epist. iii) ; and a sonnet, beginning ' Io sono 
stato con Amore insieme' (Son. xxxvi), is 
appended to the letter addressed to Cino da 
Pistoja (Epist. iv). 

This gives a total, so far, of twenty-six son- 
nets, i.e. twenty-five (V. N.) and one (Epist. 
iv) ; thirteen cansani, i. e. five (V. N.), three 
(Conv.), four (V. E.), and one (Epist. iii); 
two sestine (V. E.) ; and one ballata (V. N.). 

In addition to these, a considerable number 
of other lyrical poems is attributed to D., some 
of which are almost certainly not his. In the 
several editions of the Canzoniere the number 
varies according to the taste or caprice of the 
various editors, there being as yet no accepted 
critical test. Witte's collection includes in all 
eighty sonnets, twenty-six camoni^ and twelve 
ballate. Fraticelli prints as genuine, forty- 
four sonnets, twenty-one canzoni^ ten ballate^ 
and three sestine ; as doubtful, five sonnets, 
one canzone^ and two ballate ; and as spurious, 
thirty-four sonnets, thirteen canzoni, three 
ballate^ and three madrigals. Giuliani prints 
as genuine, thirty- five sonnets, twenty-one 
canzoni^ seven ballate^ and one sestina\ as 
doubtful, eight sonnets, one canzone^ four 
ballate y and two sestine. In the Oxford Dante 
are printed fifty-one sonnets, twenty-one can- 
zom, ten ballate^ and four sestine^ eighty-six 

poems in all, the total being made up of the 
seventy-eight printed as genuine by Fraticelli, 
and the eight which he considers doubtful. 
[Table xxxii.] 

The tenzone or poetical correspondence 
between D. and Forese Donati, consisting of 
six sonnets (three addressed by D. to Forese, 
and three of Foresees in reply), though long 
considered of dubious authenticity, is now 
generally accepted by the best critics as 
genuine. These sonnets are not included in 
the Oxford Dante. [Poreae]. 
Of D.'s lyric poems Villani says : — 
' Fece in sua giovanezza il libro della Vita nova 
d'amore ; e poi quando fu in esilio fece da venti can- 
zoni morali e d amore molto eccellenti.' (iz. 136.) 

Boccaccio says : — 

' Compose molte canzoni distese, sonetti, e 
ballate assai e d'amore e morali, oltre a quelle 
che nella sua Vita Nuova appariscono.' 

Among those to whom D. addressed poems 
were his friends Guido Cavalcanti (Son. xxxii) 
and Cino da Pistoja (Son. xxxiv, xlvi). 

The first printed collection of D.*s lyric poems 
appears to nave been that included in ' Sonetti 
e canzoni di diversi antichi autori toscani in 
dieci libri raccolte,' published at Florence in 
1527, the first four books of which contain forty- 
five sonnets, nineteen canzoni^ eleven ballate^ 
and one sestina^ attributed to D. Certain, 
however, of the canzoni and mairtgali (as 
they are described) had already been printed 
at Milan in 1518. Fifteen canzoni are printed 
at the end of the first edition of the Vita 
Nuova (Florence, 1576). 

Caorsa, Cahors, town in S. of France, on 
the river Lot, capital of the ancient Province 
of Quercy in Guyenne, chief town of mod. 
Department of Lot. It was famous in the 
Middle Ages as a gp'eat centre of usurers, 
whence the term C^rxiVftfjrbecan^e a common 
synonym for * usurer.' 

D. uses the terms Sodom and Cahors, to 
indicate Sodomites and Usurers, who are 
punished in Round 5 of Circle VII of Hell, 
among tl\e Violent, Inf. xi. 49-51 [Sodomiti : 

Boccaccio says that the practice of usury 
was so prevalent at Cal^ors that even the 
servant-maids used to lend their wages, and 
any trifling sum they received : — 

< Caorsa 6 una cittii in Proenza ... si del tutto 
data al prestare a usura, che in quella non h n^ 
uomo n& femmina, nd vecchio nk giovane, n& 
piccolo nd grande che a ci6 non intenda ; e non 
che altri, ma ancora le serventi, non che il lor 
salario, ma se d'altra parte sei o otto denari 
venisser loro alle mani, tantosto gli dispongono e 
prestano ad alcun prezzo ; per la qual cosa h 
tanto questo lor miserabile esercirio divulgato, e 
massimamente appo noi, che come Tuom dice 
d alcuno, egli 6 Caorsino, cosi s'intende che egli 
sia usuraio.* 




In the frequent edicts issued by various 
European sovereigns for the expulsion of 
usurm, the term 'Caorsini' (often coupled 
with *Lombardi') constantly recurs. Du 
Cange quotes from an edict issued by Charles 
II (^ Anjou against the Jews, dated Dec. 8, 
1289: — 

' Praecipimus ut expulsio praedicta extendatur 
ad omnes Lombardos, Caturdnos, aliasque personas 
alienigenas, usuras publice exercentes '; 

and from another issued by Philip III of 
France : — 

'Extirpare volentes de finibus Regni nostri 
usurariam pravitatem, quam quosdam Lombardos 
et Caorsinos, aliosque complures alienigenas in 
eodem Reg^o publice inteileximus exercere . . . ' 

Matthew of Westminster writes (anno 
1232) :-- 

' Rogerius London, episcopus . . . aegre sustinens 
usurarios Christianos quos Caursinos appellamus, 
in civitate sua habitare, et foenora sua, variato 
nomine palliantes, exercere, conabatur eos a 
dioecesi sua propulsare.' 

So Matthew Paris (anno 1235) : — 

' Invaluit his dlebus adeo Caursinonim pestis 
abominanda, ut vix esset aliquis in iota Anglia, 
• . . qui retibus illonim jam non illaquearetur. 
Etiam ipse Rex debito inestimabili eis tenebatur 
obligatus. Circumveniebant enim in necessitatibus 
indigentes, usuram sub specie negotiationis palli- 

The word was still in use in the same sense 
in the next century, as appears from a statute 
of the church of Meaux (anno 1346), quoted by 
Du Cange : — 

' Inhibentes ne quis in domibus, vel in locis, aut 
in terris Ecdesiarum Lombardos, aut alios advenas, 
qui vulgariter Caorcini dicuntur, usurarios mani- 
feste receptare praesumat.' 

All the old commentators (with the exception 
of the Anonimo Fiorentino, who says : ' Caorsa 
h una terra in Lunigiana ') seem to have under- 
stood the reference as being to Cahors in 
Gu^enne. The sugg:ested derivation of* Caor- 
sini' from the Corsini, the great Florentine 
bankers, is inadmissible, there being no evidence 
to show that the Corsini were known outside 
Florence, much less outside Italy, as early as 
the first half of Cent, xiii, during which period 
the term was in common use in England and 
France, as is shown above. (See Todeschini, 
Scrttti su /?., ii. 303-12.) 

Caorsino, inhabitant of Cahors ; St. Peter, 
in his denunciation (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) of his successors in the See of Rome, 
referring to the extortions and avarice of John 
XXII (who was a native of Cahors), and of his 
predecessor, the Gascon Clement V, says * Del 
sangue nostro Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparec- 
chian di bere,* Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsa: 
Clements - : Oiovanni XXII]. 

CaoSy Chaos, the vacant and infinite space, 
which, according to the ancient cosmogonies, 
existed previous to the creation of the world, 
and out of which the gods, men, and all things 
came into being. 

D. mentions Chaos in connexion with the 
theory of Empedocles, that the alternate 
supremacy of hate and love was the cause of 
periodic destruction and construction in the 
sdieme of the universe, Inf. xii. 41-3 [Empe- 

Caosse. [Caoe.] 

Capaneo, Capaneus, son of Hipponotis, 
one of the seven kings who besi^ed Thebes ; 
he was struck by Zeus with a thunderbolt as 
he was scaling the walls of the city, because 
he had dared to defy the god. 

D. places C. among the Blasphemers in 
Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, and represents 
him as defying the gods even in Hell, Inf. xiv. 
63 ; quel grande^ v, 46 ; quel medesfno, v, 49 ; 
/«!, V. 50 ; run d4^ sette regi CK (issiser Tehe, 
w. 68-9 ; lui^ V. 71 [Bestenuniatori] ; he is 
rderred to (in connexion with Vanni Fucci, 
than whom D. says he saw no spirit in all 
Hell more rebellious against God, not even 
Capaneus) as que/ eke cadde a Tebe giik aUC 
muri^ Inf. xxv. 15 ; and mentioned as the 
type of impious pride, Canz. xviii. 70. 

As D. and Virgil cross the plain of sand 
where the Violent are exposed to the rain of 
fire, D. sees a mighty spirit (that of C.) ' who 
seems not to care for the burning,' and asks 
V. who it is (Inf. xiv. 43-8) ; the spirit himself 
in reply exclaims that such as he was living 
such he is dead {w, 49-51) ; and that even if 
Jove were to weary out Vulcan and the Cyclops, 
as he did at the battle of Phlegra, and were to 
shoot at him with all his might, he would still 
care not {yv, 52-60) ; thereupon V. rebukes 
him, calling him by name (zaz/. 61-6), and then 
explains to D. who he was (irv. 67-72). 

D. got the story of C. from Statins, from 
whose account he has borrowed several 
touches : — 

[The gods, anxious for the fate of Thebes, 
clamour to Jupiter to intervene ; he remains un- 
moved. The voice of Capaneus is heard impiously 
challenging the gods to come to the aid of the city, 
and taunting Jupiter in particular.] 

* Non tameo haec turbont pacem Jovis \ eooe <]iiieraiit 
Tareia, cam mediis Capaneus aaditofl in aatris: 
Nallane pro trepidia, clamabat naraina Thebis 
Statis? obi infahdae segnes tellaris alamni, 
Baochas et Alctdes? padet instiji^are mtnorai. 
Ta potius venias (quis enim concurrere nobis 
Di^ior? en cineres Semeleaqne bosta tenentorX 
Nunc age, qanc totts in me conitere flammis, 

tuppiterl an pavidas tonitru tarbare paellas 
fortius et soceri tarres excindere Caami ? 

[Jupiter, at the instance of the other gods, 
smites him with a thunderbolt ; he refuses to fall, 
and dies upright, leaning for support against the 
walls of the city.] 




Impeamit dictis sopenim dolor : ipte fdrentem 
Riait^et incaaaa sanctaram mole comarom, 
Qnaenaiii spes homioom tamidae post praelia Phleg^rae? 
Tone etiam feriendoa ? ait Premit andiqae lentam 
IWba deam frendens et tela altricta poscit . . . 

ID media vertigine raandi 
Stare ▼inim insanaaqne vident depoacere pagnaa . . . 

dicentem toto Jove folmen adactam 
Corripait; primae fugere in nabila cristae, 
Bt dipei ni^ ambo cadit, jamqae omnia lacent 
Membra vin ... 

Stat tamen, extremomqae in sidera vereas anhelat, 
Pectoraqae inviaia obicit fhmantia maria, 
Ne cadnnet : aed membra vintm terrena relinqaont, 
Ejmitnrqae animoa; paulom si tardius artua 
Ceasiaaent, potuit fnlmen sperare aecnndam.* 

(TheMd. x. 897-906, 907-11, 918 ^») 

Capeti], the Capets, the third race of 
French kings ; alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V <rf Purgatory) as Ma mala pianta, 
Che la terra cristiana tutta aduggia,' Purg. xx. 

In the year 1300 (the assumed date of the 

Vision) a Capet was on the throne of France 

(vix. Philip IV, who was also King-consort of 

Navarre), and another on the throne of Naples 

(vix. Charles II of Anjou, whose grandson, 

Charles Robert, was heir to the Hungarian 

throne). The first of the Capets known in 

history was Robert the Strong, a Saxon, who 

was Count of Paris in 861, Count of Anjou in 

864, and Duke of France in 866, in which 

year he died ; his great-grandson, Hugh Capet 

(Duke of France, 960), son of Hugh the Great 

(Duke of France, d. 956), was elected King of 

France in 987, and thus supplanted the Car- 

k)vingian dynasty. In the Capetian dynasty 

the French crown descended from father to 

son (from Hugh Capet down to Louis X, 

who was succeeded by his two brothers) for 

more than three hundred years. [Ciapetta : 

Table vlii. A.] 

Capitolium, the Capitol of Rome ; besieged 
by the Gauls (under Brennus in 390) and 
saved by M. Manlius, who was aroused from 
sleep by the cackling of the sacred geese, 
Mon. ii. 4**^ ; referred to, by an anachronism, 
in connexion with the same incident, as 
CamfiidogliOy Conv. iv. S^^o-* [OampidogUo : 
OalU^: Manlius]. 

Capocchio, 'Blockhead,' name (or nick- 
name) of an alchemist placed by D. among 
the falsifiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 156; xxx. 28; 
Faltro Ubbrosoy xxix. 124 [Falsatori]. On 
their way through Bolgia 10 D. and Virgil see 
two spirits (GrifTolino and Capocchio) seated 
back to back supporting each other, and 
scratching the scabs from their fiesh (Inf. 
xxix. 73-84) ; V. addresses one of them (Grif- 
folino) and asks if any ' Latins ' are among 
them (w. 85-90) ; G. replies that both he and 
his comrade are ' Latins,' and asks V. who he 
is (w. 91-3) ; V. tells him that he has brought 
D., who is alive, to show him Hell (w, 94-^) ; 
thereupon the two spirits start apart and gaze 

at D. {w. 97-9) ; at V.'s suggestion D. then 
asks them who they are (vv. 100-8) ; G. 
states that he belonged to Arezzo, and was 
burnt at the instance of Albero of Siena, 
because in jest he had offered to teach him to 
fiy, and had not done so ; he adds, however, 
that it was not on that account that he was in 
Hell, but because he had been an alchemist 
(w, 109-20) [Albero : GrlfiPolino] ; D. then 
asks V. if any folk were ever so vain (empty- 
headed) as the Sienese {w. 12 1-3), to which 
the other spirit (Capocchio) replies, ironically 
mentioning as exceptions several notorious 
Sienese spendthrifts (w. 124-32) ; he after- 
wards names himself, mentioning that he had 
falsified metals by alchemy, and implies that 
D. had been acquainted with him (w, 133-9) 1 
later on two other spirits come rushing madly 
along, one of whom makes for C, gores him 
on the neck, and drags him to the ground 
(xxx. 25-30); G. informs D. that this is 
Gianni Schicchi, and that the other is Myrrha 
{w, 31-45) [Gianni Bohioohi: Mirra]. 

C. was a Florentine (or, according to some, 
a Sienese) and was burnt at Siena in 1293 as 
an alchemist, as is proved by a document 
dated Aug. 3, 1293, preserved in the State 
Archives at Siena : — 

< Item pagati xxxviii soL dicta die in uno floreno 
de auro tribus ribaldis qui fecenint unam justitiam, 
ideo quod fecenint comburi Capocchium.* 

Benvenuto tells a story of how one Good ^ 
Friday C. depicted on his finger-nails the whole 
story of the Passion, and then, on being sur- 
prised by D., licked it off again ; for which 
D. reproved him, it seeming to him as mar- 
vellous a feat as that of the man who made 
a copy of the whole Iliad minute enough to be 
contained in a nutshell, or that of another 
man who made imitation ants in ivory : — 

' Iste fuit quidam mag^ster Capochius florentinus, 
vir ingeniosus ad omnia, maxima ad transnatu- 
randum metalla ; qui ob hoc, ut quidam dicunt, 
fuit combustus in civitate Senanim. . . . Semel die 
quodam Veneris sancti cum staret solus abstractus 
in quodam claustro, effigiavit sibi totum processum 
passionis Domini in unguibus mira artificiositate ; 
et cum Dantes superveniens quaereret : quid est 
hoc quod fecisti? iste subito cum ling^ delevit 
quidquid cum tanto labore ingenii fabricaverat. 
De quo Dantes multum arguit eum, quia istud 
opus videbatur sibi non minus mirabile, quam opus 
iliius, qui totam Iliadem tam subtiliter descripsit, 
quod intra testam nucis claudebatur ; et alius fecit 
formicas ebumeas.* 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says that D. and 
C. studied together, and that the latter, before 
he took to counterfeiting metals, used to be 
a wonderful mimic : — 

' Fu da Firenze, et fu conoscente dell* Auttore, 
et insieme studiorono; et fu uno che, a modo 
d'uno uomo di corte, seppe contraffare ogni uomo 
che volea, et ogni cosa, tanto ch' egli parea 




propriamente la cosa o ruomo ch*eg^ contrafiacea 
in ciascuno atto : diessi neU'iiltiino a contrafiare i 
metalli, come egli lacea gli uomim.' 

Caponsacchi. [CaponMUMK), IL] 

Caponsacco, II, one of the Caponsacchi, 
ancient noble family of Florence, wno origin' 
ally (in 1 125) came from Fiesole. Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars) says that they were 
already settled in the Mercato Vecchio in his 
day, Par. xvi. 1 21-2. Villani mentions them 
among the noble families that lived in that 
quarter : — 

< Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . presso a 
Mercato vecchio abitavano i Caponsacchi che 
liirono grandi Fiesolani.* (iv. 11.) 

He says they were one of the original Ghi- 
belline families in Florence (v. 39), and records 
that they took part in the expulsion of the 
Florentine Guelfs in 1244 (vi. 33), and that 
they were among the Gbibellines who were 
themselves expelled in 1258 (vi. 65). After 
their return from exile in 1280 they appear to 
have joined the Bianchi, and to have been 
again expelled along with them in 1302. It is 
stated by Rica (Ckiese Fiorentine) that the wife 
of Folco Portinari and mother of Beatrice was 
a member of the Caponsacchi family. 

Cappelletti, according to some, a noble 
Ghibemne family of Verona, according to 
others a Guelf family of Cremona ; mentioned 
by D., together with the Montecchi, in his 
appeal to the Emperor, Albert of Austria, to 
come into Italy to look after the interests of 
his adherents, Purg. vi. 106. 

On iui incident arising out of a feud between 
these two families, ' the Montagues and Capu- 
lets.* Shakespeare founded his play of Romeo 
andj^iiet. According to Benvenuto the two 
houses were in alliance, and waged war together 
Against their common foe, the Counts of San 
llunifudo: - 

MatAc (\irnint duae clarae familiae Veronae, 
innsimt) Munticuli, quae habuerunt diu helium cum 
alia nohilimiima familla, scilicet, cum comitibus de 
Hsiicto Honifscio/ 

Thn M(mtrcchl were the heads of the Ghibel- 
llnr jmrty in Verona, and allied themselves with 
th« hdlorious Kiielino da Romano, who through 
th»lr mfttns becttme lord of Verona (1236- 1259) 
iMon(«ociht|. Pictrt) lU Dante speaks of the 
tlipMllHtl AS bdonifing to Cremona, their op- 
|Mih<>iUs In th«t city iHjmg the Troncaciuffi :— 

♦III Vphmis «»s» fsi'ta iian Montecchia et pars 
CliinKiiMi I IH I'l-**""*"* Uppelletti ct Troncaciuffi ; 
III i)||Mivii|i*il IMiln MunalUcNchia et Philippesca; 
»| kU> \W nIIU ' 

AnMM«llnM t<> this view the four houses named 
ky \^^ Hii» mt»tt»t <» *»* reganied as pairs of 

this is the more probable, because two of the 
four families appear to have been Guelf, viz. 
the Monaldi or Monaldeschi (according to 
Villani, ix. 40), and the Cappelletti (according 
to Salimbene, who describes them as the 
leaders of the Papal party in Cremona). [Filip- 

Capra, 'the Goat,' i.e. Capricorn, one of 
the signs of the Zodiac ; alluded to as ' il como 
della Capra del ciel,' Par. xxvii. 68-9. [Capri- 

Capraia. [Caprara.] 

Caprara, Capraia, small island in the Medi- 
terranean, about 20 miles £. of the N.-most 
point of Corsica ; D. calls upon it and Gorgona, 
another island further N., to come and block 
up the mouth of the Amo, in order that Pisa 
and its inhabitants may be annihilated. Inf. 
xxxiii. 82-4 [Gk>rgona]. Both these islands 
in D.*s time belonged to Pisa. A nephew of 
the Count Ugolino della Gherardesca, viz. the 
Count Anselmo, whom he is said to have 
poisoned (Villani, viL 121), took his title from 

Capricomo, Capricorn, constellation and 
tenth si^ of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters 
at the winter solstice (about Dec. 22) [Zodiaoo]. 
D. speaks of the Sun driving Capricorn from 
mid-heaven, meaning that C. had passed the 
meridian, the time indicated being about 6 a.m., 
Purg. ii. 56-7; the sign is referred to as *il 
como della Capra del del' (the season indi- 
cated being mid-winter). Par. xxvii. 68-9; 
Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
rather more than 23 degrees (actuaUy 23® 28') 
from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5137-42^ 

MittHtstnii tMinlliMi whose differences were to be 
iMMl by \\\^ K\m\m (>f the Kmperor, not 
mm^ MS »i«Mni|»li>s 01 upiM^ssed Cf hibelhnes ; 

Caprona, castle in the territory of Pisa, 
about J miles from that city, on a hill close 
to the Amo. In August, I289> shortly after 
the death of Count Ugolino and the expulsion 
of the Guelfs from Pisa, the Tuscan Guelfe, 
headed by the Lucchese and Florentines, in- 
vaded the Fisan territory, anc) captured several 
forts, including that of Caprona, as Villani 
records : — 

'Nel dotto ^nno 1989 del mese d*Agosto, i 
Lucchesi feciono oste SQpn^ la cittii di Pisa colla 
forza de' Fiorentini, • . . e andaropo insino alle 
porte di Pisa, e fecionvi i Lucchesi correre il palio 
per la loro festa di san Regolo, e gu^starla intomo 
in venticinque dl che vi stettono ad oste, e presono 
il castello di Caprona, e guastarlo.' (vii. 137.) 

D. mentions Caprona, with reference (prob- 
ably) to the capitulation of the Pisan garrison, 
and their issue from the fort through the niidst 
of the besieging force under a saf^-conduct, 
Inf. xxi. 94~6. 

Buti, who was a Pisan, and lectured on the 
D, C. at Pisa, holds that D. is referring to 
what took place on a later occasion, when 


Cardinale, II 

Cardinale, II 

Caprona and the other captured forts were 
retaken by the Pisans under Guido da Monte- 
feltro, who was military captain of Pisa from 
March I28f to 1293 (Villani, vii. 128; viii. 2) : — 

'Questo castello era si forte che per battaglia 
Don si poteva avere, onde awenne che, fatto poi 
capitano di guerra per li Pisani U conte Guido da 
Monte Feltro, acquist6 a' Pisani tutto ci6 che 
avevano perduto, et ancora Caprona : imper6 che, 
spiato per alcuno segreto modo che quelli dentro 
non aveano acqua, si mosse un di' da Pisa et 
assedi6 Caprona; e non avendo piii che here, 
benchd avessono assai da mangiare, i fanti che 
Verano dentro s'arrenderono a patto d'essere 
salve le persone. £ quando uscirono fuori del 
castello et andavano tra' nimici, v* erano di quelli 
che diceauo e gridavano : Appicca, appicca : im-* 
per6 che il conte Guido li avea fatti legare tutti 
ad una fune, acci6 che non si partissono I'uno 
dall* altro, et andando spartiti non fossono morti 
da' contadini; e facevali menare in verso Pisa, 
per conducerli a una via che andava diritto a 
Lucca, pid breve che alcun' altra ; e pertanto elli 
ebbono paura ch' el patto, che era loro stato fatto, 
non fosse attenuto.' 

The difficulty in the way of accepting this as 
the incident alluded to by D. lies in the fact 
that on the occasion he refers to he was himself 
present (' vid* io') ; so that, if Buti*s supposition 
IS correct, D. must either, though himself a Guelf, 
have been among the Ghibellines who were 
besi^ng the fort, or he must have formed part 
of the beleaguered garrison, neither of which is 
likely to have been the case. It may be added 
that neither Villani nor the other chroniclers 
mention this alleged recapture of Caprona of 
which Buti speaks. 

Benvenuto, who understands the reference 
to be to the original capture of Caprona by the 
Tuscan Guelfs, states that D. himself took part 
in the siege : — 

'Hie nota quod autor fuit personaliter in isto 
exercitu ; erat enim tunc juvenis viginti quinque 
annonim, et ibi vidit istum actum ; ideo libentius 
ftdt talem comparationem, ut de se memoriam 
ikceret, quia aliquando tractaverat arma.' 

But it is more probable that he was present 
merely as a spectator. 

Buti records that in his day the castle of 
Caprona was a ruin, nothing being l§ft but the 
outside walls and one of the towers. 

Cardinale, II, Cardinal Ottayiano degli 
Ubaldini, known to his contemporaries as ' the 
Cardinal' par excellence \ e.g. the Anonimo 
Fiorentino says : — 

*Per6 che questo cardinale Ottaviano fu il 
maggiore di veruno altro cardinale a quel tempo, 
per e^cellenzia, dipendo il Cardinale, s'intendea di 

D. pkices him among the Heretics in Circle 
VI of Hell, Inf. x. 120. [Brettoi.] 

Ottaviano, who was brother of Ubaldino 

della Pila (Purg. xxiv. 29) and uncle of the 
Archbishop Ruggieri'(Inf. xxxiii. 14), was made 
Bishop of Bologna in 1240, when he was under 
thirty, by special dispensation of Pope Gregory 
IX, and in 1244 he was created Cardinal by 
Innocent IV at the Council of Lyons ; he was 

Fiapal legate in Lombardy, and died in 1273 
in>aldini]. Benvenuto describes him as a 
devoted Ghibelline, and credits him (as do 
Lana and others) with a saying: Mf I have 
a soul, I have lost it a thousand times over for 
the Ghibellines ' : — 

*Vir fuit valentissimus tempore suo, sagax et 
audax, qui curiam Romanam versabat pro velle 
suo, et aliquando tenuit eam in montibus Florentiae 
in terris suorum per aliquot menses ; et saepe de- 
fendebat palam rebelles ecclesiae contra Papam 
et Cardinales; fuit magnus protector et fautor 
ghibelinonim, et quasi obtinebat quidqnid volebat 
Ipse fecit primum Archiepiscopum de domo vice- 
comitum Mediolani, qui exaltavit stirpem suam ad 
dominium illius civitatis, et altam potentiam in 
Lombardia : erat multum honoratus et formidatus ; 
ideo, quando dicebatur tunc : Cardinalis dixit sic ; 
Cardinalis fecit sic; intelligebatur de cardinali 
Octaviano de Ubaldinis per excellentiam. Fuit 
tamen epicureus ex gestis et verbis ejus ; nam 
cum semel pctiisset a ghibelinis Tusciae certam 
pecuniae quantitatem pro uno facto, et non 
obtinuisset, prorupit indignanter et irate in banc 
vocem : si anima est, ego perdidi ipsam millies 
pro ghibelinis.' 

Salimbene of Parma, who was personally 
acquainted with him, gives the following naive 
account of the Cardinal in his Chronicle 
(printed by C. E. Norton in Report XIV of 
American Dante Society) : — 

' Missus fuit in Lombardiam legatus dominus 
Octavianus diaconus cardinalis. Hie fuit pulcher 
homo et nobilis, scilicet de filiis Hubaldini de 
Musello in episcopatu fiorentino : multum reputatus 
fuit ex parte Imperii, sed propter honorem suum 
interdum faciebat aliqua ad utilitatem Ecclesiae, 
sciens quod propter hoc missus fuerat ... Cum 
redii in Lombiardiam, et post plures annos dominus 
Octavianus adhuc legatus esset Bononiae, pluribus 
vidbus comedi cum eo ; et locabat me semper in 
capite mensae suae, ita quod inter me et ipsum 
non erat nisi socius frater, et ipse tertium locum 
mensae habebat a capite. Tunc faciebam quod 
Sapiens in Prov. docet xxiii ; et hoc fieri oportebat, 
quoniam tota sala palatii discumbentibus erat plena. 
Verumtamen abundanter et decenter comestibilia 
habebamus et vinum abundans et praecipuum 
ponebatur, et omnia delicata. Tunc coepi cardi- 
nalem diligere.' 

Villani relates that he alone of the Papal 
Court rejoiced at the news of the battle of 
Montaperti : — 

* Come in corte di Roma venne la novella della 
sconfitta, il papa e' cardinali ch' amavano lo stato 
di santa Chiesa, n' ebbono grande dolore e com- 
passione . . . ma il cardinal Ottaviano degli 



Ubaldini, ch'era ghibellino, ne fece gran festa.' 
(vi. 80.) 

It appears, however, that the Cardinal, though 
a Ghibelline by family and with undoubted 
Ghibelline leanings, was during at least a con- 
siderable portion of his career a zealous partisan 
of the Guelf cause, to which, as Philalethes 
points out, he rendered important services. 
(See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna^ 
pp. 503 ff.) 

Cariddiy Charybdis, eddy 'or whirlpool in 
the Straits of Messina, which was regarded as 
peculiarly dangerous by ancient navigators, 
because in the endeavour to avoid it they 
risked being wrecked upon Scylla, a rocfc 
opposite to it. 

D. compares the jostling of the Misers 
and the Prodigals in Circle IV of Hell, to 
the tumbling and breaking of the waves in the 
whirlpool, as the opposing currents from the 
Ionian and Tyrrhenian Seas meet together, 
Inf. vii. 22-4. [Avari.] 

Benvenuto quotes the famous line (from the 
Alexandrets of Gautier de Lille) : — 

*Incidit in Sclllam capiens vitare Caribdim/ 

Carignano,Angiolelloda. [Angiolello.] 

Carisenday one of the leaning towers at 
Bologna, built in mo by Filippo and Oddo 
del Garisendi ; it is 165 ft high and 10 ft. out 
of the perpendicular. At its side stands the 
Asinelli tower (erected in 1109 by Gherardo 
degli Asinelli) which is 320 ft. high and 4 ft. 
out of the perpendicular. 

D. compares the stooping giant Antaeus to 
the Carisenda tower as it appears to a spectator 
when the clouds are sailing over it from behind 
him. Inf. xxxi. 136-8. [Anteo.] 

These two towers stand in a small piazza at the 
£. end of what is now the Via Rizzoli, in the 
quarter formerly known as the Porta Ravignana, 
nearly in the centre of the town. Benvenuto says 
that the Carisenda (which is also known as ' la 
torre mozza') was considerably higher at the 
time D. wrote, a g^eat part of it having been 
thrown down by Giovanni di Oleggio, one of the 
Visconti of Milan, during his 'tyranny' (1351- 
1360) at Bologna. He adds that this was doubtless 
a reminiscence of D/s student-days at the university 
of Bologna. (See Gozzadini, Lt Torri gtniUUU di 
Bologna^ pp. 272 ff.) 

There is a tradition to the effect that the 
Carisenda tower was built purposely with a lean, 
in order that it should attract more attention than 
the lofty Asinelli tower at its side. A close 
Inspection, however, of the building will reveal 
the &ct that the courses of bricks, as well as the 
holes for the scaffolding (which still remain), run 
at right angles to the inclination of the tower, 
thus proving that the leaning is due, not to design, 
but to the accidental sinking of t!he foundations. 
To the same cause is doubtless due the inclination 
of the neighbouring tower, and of the Campanile 
at Pisa (which is 13 ft out of the perpendicular in 


a height of 179 ft.), as well as of several of those 
at Venice. Vasari, in his life of Amolfo di Lapo, 
discusses the reasons why neither the Campanile 
at Pisa, nor the Carisenda tower at Bologna, has 
lost its stability in spite of the inclination. 

CarlinOy Carlino de' Pazzi of Valdamo, who, 
while the Neri of Florence and the Lucchese 
were besieging Pistoja in 1302, held the castle 
of Piantravigne in the Valdamo for the Bianchi 
of Florence, but treacherously for a bribe 
delivered it into the hands of the Neri. Villani 
gives the following account : — 

'Nella stanza del detto assedio di Pistoia si 
rubelld a' Fiorentini il castello di Piantrevigne in 
Valdamo, per Carlino de* Pazzi di Valdamo, e in 
quello col detto Carlino si rinchiusono de' migliori 
nuovi usciti bianchi e ghibellini di Firenze grandi 
e popolani, e faceano grande guerra nel Valdamo ; 
la qual cosa fu cagione di levarsi I'oste da Pistoia, 
lasciando i Fiorentini il terzo della loro gente all' 
assedio di Serravalle in servigio de' Lucchesi, e 
tutta I'altra oste tomata in Firenze, sanza soggiomo 
n*andarono del mese di Giugno in Valdamo e al 
detto castello di Piano, e a quello stettono e as- 
sediarono per ventinove di. Alia fine per tradi- 
mento del sopraddetto Carlino, e per moneta che 
n'ebbe, i Fiorentini ebbono il castello. Essendo 
il detto Carlino di fuori, fece a' suoi fedeli dare 
Tentrata del castello, onde molti vi furono morti e 
presi, pure de' migliori usciti di Firenze.' (viiL 53.) 

Dino Compagni says : — 

'A parte bianca e ghibellina accorsono molte 
orribili disaventure. Eglino aveano in Valdamo 
uno castello in Pian di Sco, nel quale era Carlino 
de' Pazzi con lx cavagli e pedoni assai. I Neri 
di Firenze vi posono I'assedio. Dissesi che Car- 
lino li tradl per danari ebbe: il perchd i Neri 
vi misono le masnade loro, e presono gli uomini. 
e parte n'uccisono, e il resto feciono ricomperare. 
(ii. 28.) 

Carlino's act of treachery not having ^et 
taken place at the assumed date of the Vision 
(1300), D. assigns him his place in Caina by 
anticipation, making his kinsman Camicione, 
who had himself been guilty of the treacherous 
murder of a relative, say that he awaited 
Carlino's coming to excuse him (meaning that 
his own crime would appear trivial beside that 
of Carlino), Inf. xxxii. 69. [Camioione : Pasil] 

Benvenuto says that two relatives of Carlino, 
one of them bemg his uncle, were among the 
Ghibelline prisoners put to death by the Neri 
on taking piossession of the castle. 

The site of the castle of Piantravigne, which 
was in the commune of Pian di Sco in the 
Upper Valdamo, is now occupied by Pieve di 
San Lorenzo in Piantravigne. 

Carlo ^, Charles I, King of Naples and Sicily, 
Count of Anjou and Provence, younger son of 
Louis VII 1 of France and Blanche of Castile, 
and brother of St Louis ; he was bom in 1220 ; 
in 1246 he married Beatrice, youngest daughter 




of Count Raymond Berenger IV of Provence, 
in whose right he became Count of Provence ; 
and in 1266, after the defeat of Manfred at 
Benevento, he became King of Naples and 
Sicily; he died Jan. 7, 128^. [Berlinghieri, 
Bamondo : ProvenBa : Table viii.] 

D. places Charles in the valley of flowers 
in Antepurgatory among the princes who 

thus became master of the kingdom ; but in less 
than two years the insupportable tyranny of the 
French led to an invitation to the young Conradin, 
son of the Emperor Conrad IV, to come and assert 
his hereditary rights and deliver the country from 
the foreign yoke. In response to this appeal 
Conradin entered Italy, and during the absence of 
Charles in Tuscany, made his way to Rome, 
in /^icpurgaiury aiiiuug uuc F*»"^j=» ^"" ^ where he was received with enthusiasm, notwidi- 
neglected to repent, where he is seated beside standing his having been excommunicated by the 

Pope. After collecting men and treasure at Rome, 

Peter III of Ara^^n ; Sordello, who points him 
out, refers to him as colui del maschio naso, 
Puig. vii. 113 ; // nasutOy v. 124; lui^ v. 125 ; 
il seme, v. 127 [Antipiirgatorio] ; and says 
that he (* il seme ') is as superior to his son, 
Charles II ('la pianta'), as Peter III of Aragon 
is to him (Charles I) and his brother (Louis IX) 
(w. 127-9) [Beatrice 2: Carlo ^i Luigi^: 
ICargfaerita: Pietro^]; he is mentioned in 
connexion with Pope Nicholas III, who was 
his enemy, Inf. xix. 99 [Nioool6^] ; Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) mentions him in con- 
nexion with Provenzano Salvani, whose friend 
(taken prisoner at Tagliacozzo) he held to 
ransom, Purg. xi. 136-7 [Frovenaano Sal- 
vani] ; Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
speaks of his coming into Italy, and charges 
him with the murder of Conradin and of 
Thomas Aouinas, Purg. xx. 67-9 (Curradino : 
Tonunaao^] ; his grandson Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him (or, as 
some think, of his son, C. M.'s father, Charles II) 
as the ancestor in whose right his own descend- 
ants ought to have been on the throne of Sicily, 
Par. viii. 67-72 [Carlo^]. 

Charles of Anjou, ^the greatest champion the 
Guelf cause ever had,' having been invited (in 
1263) by Urban IV to assume the crown of Naples 
('to which, says Milman, there were already 
three claimants of right— if it was hereditary, it 
belonged to Conradin, if at the disposal of the 
Pope, it was already awarded to Edmund of 
England ; and Manfred was on the throne, sum- 
moned, as it seemed, by the voice of the nation '), 
in response to the entreaties of the new Pope, 
Clement IV, came into Italy in the spring of 1265, 
and in little more than three years, by his defeat 
of Ifanfred at Benevento (Feb. 96, ia6f), and of 
Conradin at Tagliacozzo (Aug. 23, 1368), com- 
pletely and finally crushed the power of the 
Hobenstaufen in Italy. 

Charles, whose wife Beatrice, as Villani records 
(vi. 89), had pledged her jewels in order to furnish 
the expedition which was to make her a Queen 
like her three elder sisters, arrived in Rome in 
Hay, 1265, and was forthwith elected Senator. 
On Jan. 6, ia6|^, he was crowned King of Sicily 
and Apulia, and immediately after he set out to 
invade Manfred's dominions. Meeting the pro- 
posal of the latter for negotiations with the 
defiance, 'I will send him to Hell, or he shall 
send me to Paradise,' Charles engaged him on 
Feb. 96 at Benevento, the pass at Ceperano 
having been treacherously left open, and totally 
defeated him, Manfred himself being among the 
slain [Benevento : Ceperano : Manfiredi]. Charles 

he set out on Aug. -10, ia68, to make good the 
Hobenstaufen claim to the kingdom of Naples. 
Charles, on hearing of his advance, hastened to 
oppose him, and a fortnight later (Aug. 93) the 
two armies met at Tagliacozzo in the Abruzzi. 
Though inferior in numbers Charles gained a 
complete victory, owing to the superior strategy 
of the veteran captain Erard de Valery, who had 
offered his services to the brother of his sovereign. 
Conradin fled from the field and attempted to 
escape into Sicily, but he was betrayed into the 
hands of Charles, who, after a mock trial, had 
him beheaded like a felon in the market-place at 
Naples (Oct. 29), where his body was buried, 
Charles not allowing it to be laid in consecrated 
ground [Alardo : Ourradino : TagliacoBso]. 

Thus confirmed in the possession of the two 
Sicilies, Charles gradually extended his influence 
in Italy, until, as Villani says, he became one of 
most powerful princes in Europe : — 

* Ne* detti tempi (1^79) lo re Carlo re di Gernsalem e di 
Ciciiia era il piil possente re e il piil ridottato in mare e in 
terra, che nalTo re de^ cristianl* (vii. 57.) 

The people of Sicily, however, rendered desperate 
by the tyranny and exactions of their conquerors, 
determined to throw off the French yoke, and at 
length in ta8a an insurrection, which had been 
carefully fostered for some time previously by 
John of Procida, a devoted adherent of the 
Hobenstaufen, with the connivance and help (as 
was commonly believed) of Pope Nicholas III and 
the Greek Emperor Palaeologus, suddenly broke 
out. The immediate occasion of the rising was 
an insult offered to a Sicilian girl by a French 
soldier during the Easter festival at Palermo, 
which led to the frightful massacre of the French, 
known as the 'Sicilian Vespers,' and to the 
termination of their rule in the island [Vespri 
Sicilian!]. After the expulsion of the Angevins 
the crown of Sicily was offered to and accepted 
by Peter III of Aragon, who had a claim to it in 
right of his wife, Constance, the daughter of 
Manfred [Costansa^]. Charles made several 
unsuccessful attempts to regain possession of the 
island, and finally died at Foggia in Apulia, in 
the midst of preparations for a fresh invasion, 
Jan. 7, ifl8^. 

Villani, who devotes considerable space to the 
doings of Charles of Anjou (vi. 88-9 ; vii. 1-95), 
speaks of him as 

*il piii sofficiente principe di prodena d*arniej e d*ogni 
virtA che fome al tao tempo* (vi. 88): and, *il piii temato 
e ridottato signore, e il piik valente a'amie e con piii alti 
intendimenti, che niuno re che fosse nella casa di Francia da 

Carlo Magno infino a ini, e qnegli che piik esalt6 la Chi 
di Roma.* (vii. 95.) 

He gives the following description of his 




character and person, noting, as D. does (Purg. 

vii. 113, 124), his large nose : — 

*Que8to Carlo fa il primo ori^e de*re di Cicilia e di 
Pn^Tia stratti delta caiia di Franaa . . . ed ^ bene ragione di 
far mrinoria di tanto njirnore. e tanto amico e protettore e 
difenditore di santa Chiesa e della nostra dttA dt Firenze. . . . 
Pa savio, dt sano consi^lio, e prode in arme. e aspro, e roolto 
temato e ridottato da tutti 1 re del mondo, magnaninio e 
d*altt intendimenti, in fare o^ frande ixnpreaa sicaro, in 

feroce riguardo, grande di persona e nerbomto, di colore 

a' cavaJieri d*anne, ma covidoso d^aciqoittare terra e stgrnoria 
e moneta d'onde si venisse, per fomire le sae iroprese e 

Suerre; dt gente dt corte, minestrierif e giacolari non si 
ilett6 mai.* (vii. i.) 

Rustebuef, a contemporary Burgundian poet, 

who wrote two poems appealing to the young 

nobles to join Charles in his expedition against 

Manfred, speaks thus highly of him : — 

' De Faille est la mattere oae je vaeil comencler, 
Et du roi de Cezile, c^ue Diex puisse avancierl 
Oai voldra els sains aels semance semancier 
Voise aidier an boo roi qai tant fet a prisier. 

Li bons rois estoit cuens d*Anjott et de Provance, 
Et s'estoit filz de roi, frerea aa roi de France. 
Bien pert qu'il ne vuet pas fere Diea de sa pance, 
Qaant por Tanne saaver met le cors en balance.* 

{L€ Dit de PuilU, w. 5-ia.) 

Carlo ^y Charles 11, King of Naples, Count 
of Anjou and Provence, son of the preceding 
by Beatrice of Provence ; he was bom in 1243, 
before his father became King of Naples, after 
which he bore the title of Prince of Salerno ; 
he married (circ. 1271) Mary, daughter of 
Stephen V of Hungary, by whom he had nine 
sons and five daughters ; on his father's death 
(in 1285) he became King of Naples, but being 
at the time a prisoner in Spain, where he was 
detained till 1288, he was not crowned until 
May 29, 1289 ; he died May 6, 1309. His two 
eldest sons, Charles Martel, titular King of 
Hungary (d. 1295), and Louis (d. 1297), having 

Eredeceased him, he was succeeded in Naples 
y his third son, Robert, Duke of Calabria 
[Carlo3: Iiulgl3: Koberto^ : Table vlll]. 
Of his daughters, the eldest, Margaret, married 
(1290) Charles of Valois [Carlo* : Table vUi] ; 
the second, Blanche, married (1295) James 11 
of Aragon [Jaoomo^ : Table i] ; the third, 
Eleanor, married (1302) Frederick II of Sicily 
[Pederico^: Table iv]; the fourth, Mary, 
married Sancho, King of Majorca [Table xiv] ; 
and the youngest, Beatrice, married (1305) 
Azzo VIII of Este [Azzo : Table xxiii]. 

Charles is mentioned by Jacopo del Cassero 
(in Antepurgatory) in connexion with the king- 
dom of Apulia, which the latter refers to as 
ouel di Carlo, Purg. v. 69 [Puglia] ; the 
Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) 
warns him, as the leader of the Guelfs, not to 
oppose the Imperial Eagle, referring to him 
(to distinguish him from his father) as Carlo 
novellOy Par. vi. 106-7 [Quelfi] ; his son Charles 
Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him 
(or, as some think, of Charles 1) as the ancestor 

in whose right his own descendants ought to 
have been on the throne of Sicily, Par. viii. 
67-72 [Carlo 3.' Bidolfo^] ; and contrasts his 
' lai^ natura ' with the niggardliness of his son 
(C. M.'s brother) Robert {w. 82-3) [Boberto*^] ; 
the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter refers to him 
as // Ciotto di Gerusalemme^ he being lame — 
*fu sciancato alquanto' says Villani (vii. i) — 
and the title of Jerusalem being attached to 
the crown of Naples (since the abandonment 
of her claim by Mary of Antioch to Charles I), 
and says that his ^ood qualities might be indi- 
cated by I (one), his badf ones by Ni( thousand), 
Par. xix. 1 27-9 [Qeruaalemme] ; the Elagle 
mentions him again in connexion with the suffer- 
ings of Sicily during his war with Frederick of 
Aragon, Par. xx. 62-3 [Cicilia] ; Sordello (in 
Antepurgatory), alluding to him as la pianta^ 
refers to his inferiority to his father (il seme), 
Purg. vii, 127-9 [Carlo^] ; Hu^h Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) rebukes him for having 
married his youngest daughter Beatrice, from 
mercenary motives, to Azzo VIII, the old 
marquis of Este, referring to him (in allusion 
to his capture on board ship in 1284 by Roggieri 
di Loria — see below) as Paltro (Carlo) ^ cnegid 
usd preso di nave^ Purg, xx. 79-81 [Aaao : 
Beatrice 3] ; D. denounces him and his adver- 
sary Frederick of Aragon for their evil doin^, 
both in the Comnvio (iv. 6^82-3) and the De 
Vulgari Ehquentia (i. i23*-8). 

After the 'Sicilian Vespers* (in lada) Charles, 
who was then Prince of Salerno, set out from 
Provence to join his father in his attempt to recover 
the island of Sicily, and was entrusted by him 
with the command of the fleet at Naples, but 
with strict injunctions not to engage the enemy. 
Incensed, however, by the taunts of the Sicilian 
admiral, Ruggieri di Loria, who was in command 
of the fleet of Peter III of Aragon, Charles came 
out and attacked him, but was totally defeated 
(June, 1984), and himself taken prisoner on board 
his ship (Purg. xx. 79), and conveyed to Sicily. 
Villani, in his account of the afiair, relates an 
incident which proves that the Angevins were 
scarcely more popular in the kingdom of Naples 
than they were in Sicily : — 

'II prenie rimaso alia battaglia con la metk delle .__ 
gake ov' erano i baroni e* caTalteri, cht di battaglia di mare 
8 intendeano poco, tosto furono isoonfitd e pmi ooo nove 
delle loro gaJee; e il prenxe Carlo in penona ooo molta 
baronia fnrono presi e menati in Ctdlia, e farono mem in 
pr^ione in Messina ncl castello di Mattarrifone. E awenncL 
come fu fatta la detta sconfitta e preso il prenxe, che qoelli 
di Surrenti mandarono ana loro galea con loro ambasciadori 
a Rugsneri dt Loria con quattro cofant pieni di fichi fiori . . . 
e con dugento agostari d*oro per presentare al detto ammi- 
raglio; e giognendo alia galea ovc era preso if prenae, 
ve^endolo riccamente armato e con inolta geote intomo^ 
credettono cbe fosse messer Raggeri di Lona, si git s'in- 

B'nocchiarono a* piedi, e feciongli i! detto presenter oicendo : 
esser Tamniiraglio . . . plazesse a Deo com* hai preso lo 
figlio avessi lo patre ! ... II prenxe Carlo con tntto saodam- 
maggio coraincio a ridere, e disse air ammiraglio : Poor ke 
saint Dieu ces sont bien leales a monseignenr le roi ! Qaesto 
avemo messo in nota per la poca fede ch* hanno qaegli del 
Rqjjiio al loro signore. (vii. 93.) 

The Sicilians, having got the Prince of Salerno 
into their hands, were for beheading him, as his 




father had beheaded Conradin ; but by the advice 
of Manfred's daughter Constance, wife of Peter of 
Aragon, his life was spared, and he was sent 
a prisoner into Spain. In the following year 
(laJBs) Charles I of Naples and Peter III of Aragon 
both died. The latter was succeeded in Aragon by 
his eldest son, Alphonso, while James, his second 
son, was crowned King of Sicily. The Prince of 
Salerno being still a captive in the hands of the 
Aragonese in Catalonia, his eldest son, Charles 
Martel, assumed the government of the kingdom 
of Naples. In ia88, through the intervention of 
Edward I of England, Charles was liberated by 
Alphonso of Aragon, on the understanding that 
Sicily should remain in the possession of Alphonso*s 
brother, James, while Charles was to retain the 
kingdom of Naples ; the latter, further, undertook 
to induce Charles of Valois to abandon his claim 
to the crown of Aragon, which had been bestowed 
upon him by Martin IV on the excommunication 
of Peter III. LOarlo*.] Leaving his three sons, 
Louis, Robert, and John, as hostages, and pledging 
himself to return to captivity if the conditions 
were not fulfilled within a specified period, Charles 
hastened into Italy to the Papal court On 
May 99, 1389, in defiance of his pledges, he 
was crowned King of Sicily and Naples by 
Nicholas IV, who granted him a large subsidy in 
aid of his operations against Sicily. Meanwhile 
Charles of Valois, with the support of Sancho IV 
of Castile, invaded Aragon, and compelled Al- 
phonso to withdraw the troops he had sent to 
the assistance of his brother James in Sicily. In 
1391, on the sudden death of Alphonso, James 
assumed the crown of Aragon, leaving the govern- 
ment of Sicily in the hands of his brother Frederick. 
A few years later, however, through the mediation 
of Boniface VIII, a treaty was made between 
Charles II and James, whereby the latter, ignoring 
the claims of his brother, Frederick, agreed to 
abandon Sicily to Charles, and to support him 
with his troops in the event of resistance on the 
part of the Sicilians, and at the same time to 
release his three sons from captivity; in con- 
sideration of which Charles bestowed (in 1395) 
on him his daughter Blanche with a large dowry, 
while the Pope granted him the sovereignty of 
Corsica and Sardinia, which of right belonged to 
the Pisans and Genoese. When the news of this 
treaty reached the Sicilians, they at once re- 
nounced their allegiance to James, and elected 
his brother Frederick king in his stead (1296). 
Charles thereupon declared war on Frederick, 
and with the aid of James of Aragon and Ruggieri 
di Loria, who had abandoned Frederick's cause, 
had all but reduced Sicily, when in 1399, after 
Frederick had been defeated (July 4) in a naval 
battle off Cape Orlando, James suddenly with- 
lirew, declaring that he would not be the instru- 
nent of his brother's overthrow. Shortly after, 
Frederick defeated the French troops of Charles 
and took prisoner his son Philip, Prince of 
Tarentum. In April, 1303, Charles of Valois, who 
as pacificator in Tuscany had been engaged in 
crushing the Bianchi and Ghibellines in Florence, 
made a descent upon Sicily, in company with 
Robert, Duke of Calabria, Charles II's eldest 
surviving son. But the expedition was a failure. 

and he was forced to conclude an ignominious 
peace with Frederick, who was confirmed in the 
sovereignty of Sicily with the title of King of 
Trinacria, and received in marriage ^May, 1303) 
Eleanor, third daughter of Charles II. The latter, 
having been foiled in every attempt to regain 
possession of the kingdom of Sicily, died on 
May 3, 1309, and was succeeded in the kingdom 
of Naples by his son Robert. 

Villani, who describes Charles as 'hello uomo 
di corpo, e grazioso e largo ' (vii. 95), on record- 
ing his death says of him : — 

* Fa ano de* piii lar|rhi e gnuiost ngnori che al sao tempo 
vivease, e nel sac regno fa chiamato il secondo Alessanoro 
per la cortesia; ma per altre virtii fu di poco valore, 
e ma^agnato in saa vecchieiza disordinataroente in vtaio 
camiue." (viii. 108.) 

Carlo 3, Charles Martel, eldest son of Charles 
II of Naples and Anjou (the preceding), and 
of Mary, daughter of Stephen IV (V) of Hun- 
gary ; he was bom in 1271 ; and in 1291 he 
married Clemence of Hapsburg, daughter of 
the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he had three 
children, Charles Robert (Carobert) (after- 
wards King of Hungary), Clemence (married 
Louis X of France), and Beatrice [Carlo ^: 
Table viii] ; he died at Naples in 1295, at 
the age of twenty-four. 

D. places C. M. in the Heaven of Venus 
among the spirits of lovers (Spiriti Amanti)^ 
Par. ix. I ; un lutne^ Par. viii. 31 ; luce^ v, 43 ; 
signor^ v. 86 ; /j//, v, 94 ; egli^ w, 94, 115; 
lume santOy Par. ix. 7 [Venere, Cielo di] ; the 
spirit of C. M. approaches D. and Beatrice 
from among a number of other spirits, and 
addresses D., quoting the first line of one of 
his canzoni (Canz. vi. i) (Par. viii. 31-9) ; D., 
with the approval of B., asks who he is {w, 
40-8) ; C. M. replies, saying that his life upon 
earth had been but short, otherwise he might 
have prevented much evil [w, 49-51); after 
explaining why D. does not recognize him 
(w, 52-4), and referring to their acquaintance 
during his lifetime, and to D.'s love for him 
{w. 55-7), he goes on to say that if he had 
lived he would have been Count of Provence 
(w, 58-60) [Provenaa], King of Apulia {w, 
61-3) [Puglia], and King of Hungary \yv. 
64-6) [IJngaria] ; he adds that had it not been 
for the misgovemment which led to the ' Sicilian 
Vespers ' and the expulsion of the French from 
Sicily, the descendants through himself of 
Charles I of Anjou and of the Emperor Rudolf 
(whose son-in-law he was), would have ruled 
in * Trinacria ' (i. e. the island of Sicily) (w, 
67-75) [Cicilia: Trinacria] {see below) \ he 
then proceeds to reproach his brother Robert 
(afterwards King of Naples) for his avarice 
and for the ^eed of his Catalan followers, 
contrasting his niggardliness with the open- 
handedness of his father (w, 76-84) [Cata- 
logna] ; in reply to a question of D. he explains 
how, if Nature be thwarted, a good seed may 
produce evil fruit {yv, 85-135), men's natural 
dispositions being mfluenced by circumstances 




(w, 1 36-48), as in the case of his own brothers, 
Louis, who, being a king's son, became a monk 
(w, 145-6), and Robert, who became a king, 
when he had better have been a monk (v, 147) 

gjuigi^: Boberto^] ; C. M. having ceased, 
. apostrophizes his daughter (or widow) 
Clemence, and tells her how C. M. had foretold 
the future wrongs of his line (with special allu- 
sion probably to the exclusion of Charles Robert 
from the throne of Naples by his uncle Robert), 
but had bidden him not to reveal them (Par. 
ix. 1-6) [Carlo ^ : Clemenaa] ; meanwhile the 
spirit of C. M. had returned whence it came 
(w. 7^). 

With regard to Par. viii. 67-75, i^ i* noteworthy 
that in the descendants of Charles Martel the con- 
tending factions of Italy would have been united, 
Rudolf (his father-in-law) being, as Emperor, the 
head of the Ghibellines, and Charles of Anjou (his 
grandfather) being the great supporter of the 
Guelfs. It is not improbable, as Butler suggests, 
that Charles had some such result in view when 
he arranged the alliance ; Villani says : — 

* Lo re Carlo il (sc. Ridolfo) teinette forte ; e per essere 
bene di loi, dtede a Carlo Martello fifi^ltnolo del fi^lhiolo, la 
62linola del detto re Ridolfo per tnoglie.* (vii. 55.) 

On the death of his grandfather in 1985, Charles 
Martel, who was then only fourteen, assumed the 
government of the kingdom of Naples (his father 
being then a prisoner in Catalonia^, under the 
guardianship of his cousin, Robert of Artois. In 
X990, on the death (July 19^; without issue of his 
mothers brother, Ladislas III (IV), he became 
titular King of Hungary, and on Sep. 8 was 
crowned with great pomp at Naples; but he never 
reigned in Hungary, the kingdom being seized by 
Andrew III (1990-1301), who was first cousin 
to Stephen IV (V) his maternal grandfather 
[ITngaria : Table xii]. 

* II re Carlo ti tom6 a Napoli, e M ^omo di Nostra Donna 
di Settembre prossitno il detto re fece In Napoli grande corte 
e feata, e fece cavaliere Carlo Martello sno primigenito 
6gHaoIo, e fecelo coronare del reame d'Unghcfia per uno 
cutfinale legato del papa, e per piii arciveaco^> veacovi. 
E per la detta coronaxione e festa piii altri caralieri novelli 
si Kciono il giomo, Franceachi, e Provenzali, e del R^no, 
e ^)enalmente Napoletani, per lo re e per lo figliuolo : e fa 
grande corte e onorevole,e ci6 fece k> re Carlo, perocche era 
morto in <]nello anno il re d*Ungheria, del qoale non rimate 
ninno figlinolo maschio nh altra reda. che la reina Maria 
moglie del detto re Carlo, e madre del detto Carlo Martello, 
a cui snccedeva per ereditaggio il drtto rearoe dX'ngheria. 
Ma morto i! detto re d*L<ngheria, Andrcasso disceso per 
legna^io delta casa d'Ungheria entr6 nel reame, e la 
maggiore parte tra per fona e per amore ne conq[ai>t6, 
e fecesene tare tignore e re.* (VtllMi, yii. 155.) 

In 1091 he married Clemence of Hapsburg, 

daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he 

had three children, Charles Robert (Carobert), 

Clemence, who married Louis X of France, and 

Beatrice. [Carlo ^: Table viii.] In the spring 

of 109^ he visited Florence, where he remained 

more than three weeks, awaiting the arrival of his 

father from France ; he became very popular with 

the Florentines, and it was on this occasion 

probably that Dante made his acquaintance ^Par. 

viii. 55-7V 

' And6 il rr Carlo in Prancia . . . e Ini tomando ... si 
paM6 per la dttk di Fiirnae, nella quale era gik vennto da 
NapoU per fargliti incontro Carlo Martello sao figlinolo re 

d'Ungheria, e con sua compagoia daecento camlieri a 
•prom d*oro, Pranceschi, e ProYeniali, e del kegno, tntti 

fioTani, Testiti col re d*ona partita di scarlatto e rerde 
rano, e tntti con selle d'nna assisa a palafreno rilevate 
d*ariento e d'oro, coll* arroe a qnartien a gieli ad oro, 
e accerchiata rosao e d*argento, doi Tarme d'Ungheria, 
che parea la pi& nobile e ricca oompagnia che anche alreaae 
ono giovane re con aeco. E in Firenae stette piik di vefiti dl, 
attendendo il re imo padre e' fratelli, e da* Fiorentini gli fa 
fatto grande onore, ed egli mostr6 grande amore a* Fioren- 
tini, ond* ebbe molto la gratia di tntti.* (Vill. riiL i^) 

Benvenuto says : — 

' Cum i8to (Carolo Martello) Dantea haboit certam famiKa* 
ritatero, cam venisset seroel Florentiam . . . qno tempore 
Dantea florebat in patria, jnvenit viginti quinqne annonim ; 
qui tunc ardens amore, vacans aonis et cantibna, nncia 
amoris promeruit gratiam istius jnvenit Caroli.* 

In 1295, on the departure of Charles II for the 
court of Aragon, with his daughter Blanche, the 
destined bride of James II, Charles Martel was 
appointed by his father Vicar-General in the 
kingdom of Naples, but he died at Naples shortly 
after in that same year. 

Benvenuto says that C. M. died in the same 
year as his wife (* Carolus iste uno et eodem anno 
reddidit animam Deo cum Clementia uxore sua \ 
but this is a mistake, as Cl emence did not die 
until 130 1, and D. represents C. M. as being dead 
in 1300. The actual date of his death is proved 
by a letter written, under date Aug. 30, 1295, by 
Boniface VIII to Mary of Hungary, appointing 
her Regent of the kingdom of Naples and con- 
doling with her on the death of her son : — 

'Charissimae in Christo filiae Mariae Regfaiae Sicifiae 
illnstn. Pridem, non abaque gravi nostrae mentia amari- 
catione, percepto^ ^uod clarac memoriae Carolua Rex Haa> 
—iriae, cnarissimi in Christo filii nostri Caroli Regia Sidliae 

tllustris ac tnua primogenitut, ipsiua^ue Regis in regno 
Siciliae vicarius generaJis, mortem, sicut Domino placntl, 
apud Neapolim snbierat temporalem, no* attentae cooakiera* 
tionis studio, prout ad nostrum spectat officsum, attendentes^ 
quod in regno ipso, rege absente praefato, noa habebacar 
qui vicea exerceret ipstua, &c. . . . Datum Anagaiac, tertio 
kal. aeptembris. anno i.* (See Todeachini, Scri/H sm Dtmie^ 
I 173-aod) 

Carlo ^y Charles, Count of Alen^on and 
Valois (1285), and of Anjou (1290), commonly 
known as Charles of Valois, third son of 
Philip III of France (by his first wife, Isabella 
of Aragon), brother of Philip IV, and father of 
Philip VI; he was bom in 1270; in 1284, 
when he was only fourteen, he was nominated 
by Pope Martin IV to the crown of Aragon, 
which the latter had declared vacant upon the 
excommunication of Peter III in the previous 
year, and some years later he made an un- 
successful attempt to take possession of the 
kingdom, in spite of the undertaking which 
had been given by Charles II of Naples to 
Alphonso, son and successor of Peter III, that 
his claims should be abandoned [Carlo >: 
Fletro ^] ; he married (in 1290) Margaret of 
Anjou, eldest daughter of Charles II, in whose 
right he became Count of Anjou, and by whom 
he had two sons (the elder of whom was sub- 
sequently King of France as Philip VI), and 
four daughters ; he died Dec. 16, 1325. 
[Table vlU : Table ad.] 

Charles is mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), who refers to him as 
un altro Carlo (to distinguish him from 




Charles I of Anjou, previously mentioned), 
and foretells his coming into Italy without an 
army, but armed only with 'the lance of 
treachery,' wherewith he would * burst the 
paunch of Florence,' and gain for himself not 
land (in allusion to his nickname * Sanzaterra *), 
but disgrace and remorse, Purg. xx. 70-8 {see 
below) ; some think he is alluded to by Ciacco 
(in Circle III of Hell), who foretells the return 
to power of the Florentine Neri by the help of 
tai che testi piagpa^ i. e. one who is hanging 
off the shore, lying to ('scilicet Karoli sine 
terra, qui nunc stat ad plagiam, quasi dicat, 
qui nondum est in motu, nee in procinctu 
veniendi,' says Benvenuto), Charles being at 
that time (1300) at war in Flanders on behalf of 
his brother, Philip the Fair (Vilh viii. 32), Inf. 
vi. 69 ; others take this reference to be to the 
duplicity of Boniface VIII, who, while osten- 
sibly trying to mediate between the Bianchi 
and Neri, was in reality favouring the latter, 
the ultra Guelfs, and thus brought about the 
ultimate triumph of that party ('dicesi appo 
i Fiorentini colui piaggiare^ il quale mostra di 
voler quello che egli non vuole,' says Boccaccio) 
[BonJfkaio^] ; Charles is alluded to by D., 
imder the title of Totila^ with reference to his 
expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence, and 
bis fruitless expedition to Sicily in 1302, V. £. 
ii. 6^^*~® (* ejecta maxima parte florum de sinu 
ttio, Florentia, nequicquam Trinacriam Totila 
serus adivit ') (see below). 

In the year 1300 Charles of Valois was sum- 
moned to Italy by Boniface VIII, for the twofold 
purpose of helping Charles II of Naples in his war 
against Frederick II of Aragon in Sicily, and of 
tnaking peace between the contending factions of 
the Bianchi and Neri in Tuscany, the Pope promising 
in return to secure his election as Emperor. 

* Infonnato papa Bonifado del malestato e dnbitoto della 
cktii di Ptmue ... si preae per consiglio di mandare per 
T Carlo di ValoB, tratello del re di Francta, per doppio 

iotendimento: prindpalinente per ainto del re Carlo per la 
di CicUia, dando intendimento al re di Francia e al 

detto 1 

Carlo di farlo elegrere imperadore de* Ro> 

f^li oic' tit 
orxa la cittA di Firense al suo 

e oltre a qnesto 

titoio di paciaro in 

mtendiniento.* (Villani, viii. 43.1 ' Nel detto anno 1 joi del 
meae di Settetnore, Kinniie nella cittk d'Alagna in Cam> 
pafna, ot* era papa Bonifaxio colla sua corte. meaaer Carlo 
oonte di Valoa . . . con piii conti e baroni, e aa cinqnecento 
cavafieri franceachi in sua compafnia (cf. Parg. xx. 7:tX 
aTcndo fatta la via da Lucca ad Alagna sanza entrare in 
Fizenae^ percM n* era soq>etto ; i! quale measer Carlo dal 
papa e oa .aooi cardinal! hx ricevuto onorevolemente ; e venne 
ad Alagna lo re Carlo e* snoi figliuoli a parlamentare con 
hii e a onorarlo . . . B trattato e messo in assetto col papa 
e col re Carlo il paaaaggio di Cicilta alia primavera vq^ente, 
per la pnncipafe cagione perch* era mosao di Francia, il 
papa, non dimenticato lo sdegno preao contro alia parte 
oiaoca dS Pirenie, non voile che son^iomaaae e vemasse 
invaaov e pcr infeatamento de* guelfi cu Firense A gli diede 
il titoio di paciaro in Toacana, e ordin6 che tomaase alia 
-*^ di Flrenic' (viii. 49.) 

Charles arrived in Florence on All Saints' Day, 
1301, having been allowed to enter the city un- 
opposed, on the faith of his promise to hold the 
balance between the two parties, and to maintain 
peace. No sooner, however, had he obtained 
command of the city, than he treacherously 

espoused the cause of the Neri, armed his 
followers, and threw the whole of Florence into 
confusion. In the midst of the panic Corso Donati, 
the exiled leader of the Neri, made his way into 
the city, broke open the prisons and released the 
prisoners, who, together with his own adherents, 
attacked and pillaged the houses of the Bianchi 
during five days, Charles of Valois meanwhile, 
in spite of his promises, making no attempt to 
interfere. Finally, in the following April, the 
Bianchi were expelled from Florence, D. beings 
among those who were condemned to be exiled. 

* II dl d*Ognis8anti 1301, entr6 mesaer Carlo in Firense, 
disarmata sua gente, faccendoglt i Fiorentini ^rande onore 
. . . e a di 5 ai Novembre nella chiesa di Santa Maria 
Novella, essendosi raunati podestik, e capitano, e* priori^ 
e tutti i consiglieri, e il ve^covo, e tutta la bnona gente di 
Firense . . . messer Carlo, come figliuolo di re, promise di 
conservare la dtti in pacifico e buono stato ; e 10 scrittore 
a queste cose fni preaente. Incontanente per Ini e per sua 
gente fn fatto il contradio, che . . . siccom* era ordinato per 
gli guelfi neri. fece armare sua gente, . . . onde per la detta 
novitade di vedere i cittadini la sua gente a cavallo armata, 
la cittit fn tutta in gelosia e sospetto, e all* arme grandi 
e popolanij ciascano a caaa de* suoi amici aeconno aao 
podere, abbarrandoai la cittii in pid parti. ... In questo 
romore messer Corso de* Donati, il quale era isbandito 
e rubelio, com* era ordinato, il d) medesimo venne in Firense 
da Peretolaj con alquanto seguito di certi snoi amid e maa* 
nadieri a pi^. . . . E lui entsato dentro schierato in su la 
piassa di san Piero majrgiore, gli crebbe genti e s^^to di 
suoi amici, gridando : Viva messer Corso e *1 barone I d6 
era messer Corso, che cosi il nomavano ; e egli veggendosi 
creacere forsa e seguito, la prima cona che fece, ana6 alle 
caroere del comune, . . . e quelle per fona aperae e dlliberd 
i pregioni. . . . E con tutto queato stracciamento di cittade, 
messer Carlo di Valos nh sua gente non mise consiglio ne 
nparo. n^ attenne saramento o cosa promessa per lui. Per 
la qua! cosa i tiranni e malfattori e isbanditi ch erano nella 
cittade, presa baldanza, e essendo la cittii sdolta e sanza 
signoria. cominciarono a rubare i fondachi e botteghe, e le 
case a cni era di parte bianca, o chi avea poco pooere, con 
molti micidii, e fedite faccendo nelle persone di piii bnoni 
uomini di parte bianca. E dur6 questa pestilenzia in dttii 
per cinque di continni, con grande mina della terra. . . . 
E per qnesto modo fu abbattnta e cacdata di Firense Tin- 
grata e soperba parte de' bianchi, con seguito di molti 
ghibellini di Firense, per mesaer Carlo di Vsuos di Francia 
per la commissione di papa Bonifasio, a d) 4 d*Aprile 150a, 
onde alia nostra cittli di Firense segnirono molte rovine 
epericoli.* ^VilL viiu 49.) (Cf. Dino Compagni, ii. a-a8.) 

The secret object of his mission to Florence 
having thus been fulfilled, in accordance with the 
designs of Boniface VIII, Charles of Valois left 
Tuscany (April, 1309), and proceeded to Naples to 
make preparations for a campaign against Sicily. 

* Nel detto anno 130a del mese d*Aprile, messer Carlo di 
Valos, fomito in Firense onello perch^ era vennto, doi aotto 
trattato di pace cacdata la parte bianca di Firense, ai parti 
,e andonne a corte, e poi a Napoli.' (Vill. viii. 50.) 

Accompanied .by Robert, Duke of Calabria, 

eldest surviving son of Charles II, he landed in 

Sicily with a large force ; but the guerilla warfare 

carried on by Frederick II, and the ravages of the 

climate, soon reduced him to such extremities tliat 

he was forced to conclude an ignominious peace. 

Without the knowledge of Charles II he agreed 

that Frederick should marry Eleanor, the second 

daughter of the former, and should be confirmed 

in the possession of Sicily [Federioo']. In 

November of the same year he returned to France, 

the barren result of his expedition having earned 

him the nickname in Italy of Carlo Saneaterra 


* Veggendo che altro non potea. mesaer Carlo sansa aapnta 
del re uarlo ordin6 una dissimniata pace con don Federigo 
. . . e coal per contradio si disae per motto : M 

r Carlo 



Carlo Magno 

venne in Tcwcana per padaro, e lascid t1 paeae in g;nefTa ; 
e and6 in Cicilia per fare gnerra, e recoone verg^o^osa pace. 
II quale U Novembre vepiente ti tom6 in Pranaa^ sceinata 
e cofummata sua gente e con poco onore.* OTill. viiL 5a) 

Charles died at Nogent in 1335, leaving a son, 
Philip, who afterwards (in 1338^ became King of 
France as Philip VI, being the first of the Vdois 
line. His countrymen remarked of Charles that 
he was * fils de roi, fr^rc de roi, oncle de trois 
rois, p^re de roi, et jamais roi * ; he having un- 
successfully aspired to no less than four crowns, 
viz. those of Aragon, of Sicily, of Constantinople 
(through his second wife, Catherine, daughter of 
Philip Courtenay, titular Emperor of Constanti- 
nople), and of the Empire. 

Carlo *], Charles, Duke of Lorraine, fourth 
son of Louis IV of France (936-954), and 
brother of Lothair (954-986). On the death, 
without issue, of Louis V (986-987), eldest son 
of Lothair, the rightful successor to the throne 
was his uncle, Charles, who was the last re- 
maining representative of the Carlovingian 
line ; but owing to the fact that, as Duke of 
Lorraine, he was a vassal of the German 
Emperor, the French would not accept him as 
king. The throne was thereupon seized by 
Hugh Capet, who besieged Charles in Laon, 
took him prisoner, and kept him in captivity 
until his death in 992. 

Charles of Lorraine is alluded to by Hugh 
Capet (whom D. appears to have confounded 
with his father, Hugh the Great), who (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) says that when the 
'ancient kings' had come to an end 'fuor 
ch* un renduto in panni bigi ' (i. e. with the 
exception of one who became a monk), he was 
so powerful that his own son (if Hugh Capet is 
the speaker, this must be Robert H, who was 
crowned in 980 — if Hugh the Great, the son, of 
course, is Hugh Capet) was promoted to the 
vacant throne, and thus commenced the Cape- 
tian line of kings, Purg. xx. 53--60 [Capeti : 

The difficulty here is that Charles of Lor- 
raine, who is undoubtedly the person intended, 
did not become a monk. There can hardly be 
a question, however, that D. has confused him, 
the last of the Carlovingians, with Childeric 
III, the last of the Merovingians, who, after 
his deposition by Pepin le Bref in 752, was 
confined in the monastery of Sithieu, where he 
died in 755. [Childerioc] 

' Stefano papa second o . . . feee al detto Pipino 
molti brivilegi e grazie, e fecelo e conferm6 re di 
Francia, e dispuose Ilderigo re ch' era della prima 
schiatta, perocch' era uomo di niuno valore, e 
rend^i monaco.' (Villani, iL la.) 

Carlo «], Charles Robert (Carobert), King of 
Hungary, 1308-1342 ; he was the son (l^m 
1292) of Charles Martel (eldest son of Charles 1 1 
of Naples) and Clemence of Hapsburg ; on the 
death of Otho of Bavaria (in 1308) he succeeded 
to the throne of Hungary, of which his father 
had been titular king (1290-1295), and on the 

death (in 1309) of his grandfather, Charles II, 
he claimed the throne of Naples also ; his 
claim, however, was disputed by his uncle 
Robert, eldest surviving son of Charles II, who 
appealed in person to Pope Clement V, and 
obtaining a decision in his favour, was crowned 
King of Naples at Avignon, June, 1309 (VilL 
viii. 112), his nephew being at the same time 
recognized by Clement as King of Hungary 
[IJngaria : Table xii]. 

Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) 
alludes to his son with reference to the fact 
that, had it not been for the misgovemment 
of the French, the descendants through him- 
self of Charles of Anjou and of Rudolf of 
Hapsburg (whose son-in-law he was) would 
have reigned in Sicily (in which case the con- 
tending factions of Italy would have foimd a 
common chief in the person of Charles Robert), 
Par. viii. 67-75 [Carlo 3]; he refers to the 
supersession of Charles Robert in the king- 
dom of Naples, Par. ix. 6 [Boberto^: Table 

Carlo MagnOy Charlema^e (Charles the 
Great), restorer of the Empire of the West, 
eldest son (bom at Salzburg in 742) of Pepin 
le Bref, King of the Franks (752-768) ; on his 
father's death he became joint king with his 
brother Carloman, and on the death of the 
latter (in 771) he became sole king of the 
Frankish Empire ; in 774, after his defeat of 
Desiderius, he assumed the title of King of 
Lombardy; and on Christmas Day, 800, he 
was crowned Emperor of the West, at Rome, 
by Pope Leo III ; he died on Jan. 28, 814, 
and was buried at Aix-la-Chapelle ; he was 
canonized in 1165. 

'His services against the Arian, the Lombard, 
the Saracen, and the Avar, earned him the title of 
Champion of the Faith, and Defender of the Holy 
Sec.' (Bryce, H, R. E.) 

D. places Charlemagne, together with Roland, 
in the Heaven of Mars, among those who 
fought for the faith {Spiriti Mtlitanti)^ Par. 
xviii. 43 [Marte, Cielo di] ; he is mentioned 
in connexion with the destruction of his rear- 
guard under Roland at Roncesvalles, Inf. xxxi. 
17 [Boncisvalle] ; and (by the Emperor 
Justmian in the Heaven of Mercury) in con- 
nexion with his defence of the Church against 
Desiderius and the Lombards, Par. vi. 96 

' When on Pepin's death the restless Lombards 
again took up arms and menaced the possessions 
of the Church, Charles swept down like a whirl- 
wind from the Alps at the call of Pope Hadrian, 
seized King Desiderius in his capital, assumed 
himself the Lombard crown, and made northern 
Italy thenceforth an integral part of the Prankish 
Empire.* ^^Bryce, H. R, E.) 

In the De Monarchia (iii. i \^~^'^) D. refers to 
Charlemagne's defeat of Desiderius and to lus 


Carlo Martello 

Carro, II 

coronation at Rome by the Pope as Emperor 
of the West, and combats the theory that the 
latter incident implies the dependence of the 
Empire upon the Church. In this passage D. 
erroneously states that C. was crowned by Pope 
Adrian I, while the Emperor Michael was on 
the throne of Constantin^le ; as a matter of 
fiict he was crowned by Pope Leo III (795- 
816) during the reign of the Empress Ireng 
(797-802) [CoBtantinopoli]. 

Carlo Hartello. [Carlo 3.] 

Carlovingi], the Carlovingian line of French 
kings (752-987), the second dynasty, which 
supplanted that of the Merovingians (448-752) ; 
there were twelve kings of this line, the first 
being Pepin le Bref (752-768), and the last 
Louis V (986-987), on whose death the crown 
was seized by Hugh Capet, the first king of the 
Capetian line. [Capeti : Table vlii. A.] 

Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
refers to the Carlovingians as * li regi antichi ' 
(though, perhaps, owing to D/s having con- 
fused the last of that line with the last of the 
Merovingians, it is the latter who are meant, 
the designation of * ancient kings ' being more 
appropriate to them than to the comparatively 
recent Carlovingians), Purg. xx. 53. [Carlo*.] 

CamaU Peccatori. [LubsuiIobL] 

Camaro. [Quamaro.] 

Carolus Magnus, Charlemagne, Mon. iii. 
11^** [Carlo Magno]. 

Carolus Secimdus, Charles II of Naples, 
V.E.i. i2S7-8[Carlo2]. 

Carcily Charon, son of Erebus, the boatman 
who ferried the shades of the dead across the 
rivers of the lower world ; introduced by D. as 
ferryman on the river of Acheron in Hell, 
across which he conveys in his boat the souls 
of those who have died in the wrath of God, 
Int iii. 94, 109, 128; un vecchio^ bianco per 
aniico pelo^ v, 83 ; ei, v, oo ; lut, v. 94 ; il 
nccchier delta livida paluae, v, 98 ; dimonio^ 
C4m occhi di bragia, v, 109 ; he is represented 
as having shaggy jaws (* lanose gote,' v. 97) 
and fiery eyes (* occhi di fiamme,' * occhi di 
bragia,' w, 99, 109), in imitation of Virgil's 
description : — 

* Portitor has horrendot aquas et flnmina servat 
Teiribili aqaalore Charon, cui plurima mento 
Canitica inculta jacet, stant lumina flamma, 
Sordidiu ex humeris nodo dq)endet amictus.* 

{Aen. vi. 39S-301.) 

As D. and Virgil approach the shore of 
Acheron, a hoary old man (Charon, the symbol 
of conscience) makes towards them m his 
boat, and chides them, telling D., whom he 
sees to be alive, to get away thence (Inf. iii. 
82-9) ; as D. does not go back, C. tells him 
that he must seek another way into the world 
of spirits, but V. pacifies him by informing 
him of D.'s divine mission (w. 90-9) ; C. then 

collects the spirits that are waiting, beating 
with his oar such as lag, and conveys them 
across the stream of Acheron {w. 100-20) ; 
while V. bids D. take courage from the words 
of C. (which imply that he shall not be among 
the damned) (vv. 12 1-9) [Aoheronte]. 

Carpigna, now Carpegna, town in Romagna 
(in the present province of the Marches) in 
the district of Montefeltro, about 15 miles 
N.W. of Urbino, between the sources of the 
Marecchia and the Foglia. 

Guido di Carpegna, who belonged to a branch 
of the Counts of Montefeltro, is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Pier Traversaro, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 98. 

Benvenuto says that Guido was noted for his 
liberality, and tells a story of how, in order to 
defray the expenses of an entertainment he 
gave at Bertmoro, he sold half a valuable 
quilt, explaining to a friend who remonstrated 
with him, that when abed in summer he left his 
feet uncovered to keep them cool, and in winter 
kept them warm by curling himself up : — 

^ Iste fuit vir nobilis de Montefeltro, qui omnes 
sibi pares liberalitate superavit : de quo audio 
quod, cum fecisset solemne convivium in Bretenorio, 
defidente pecunia, fecit vendi dimidium carae 
cultrae quam habebat. De qua re increpatus a 
familiari, curialitatem suam condivit curiali scorn- 
mate, dicens quod in aestate prae calore tenebat 
pedes extra, et in hyeme vero prae frigore tenebat 
crura contracta.* 

The Carpegna family, who boasted descent 
from one of the comrades of Odoacer (Cent, v), 
appear to have been established in Romagna 
in the neighbourhood of Montefeltro as early as 
Cent. X. Two members of the family bore the 
name of Guido, of whom the elder was already 
dead in 1221, while the younger, who was 
grandson of the other, died towards the end of 
Cent. xiii. Guido di Carpegna the elder had 
three sons, Rinieri (mentioned as late as 1249), 
Ugo (Podestk of Rimini in 1249, alive in 1256), 
and Guiduccio ; Rinieri, the eldest of the three, 
had two sons, Guido and Ugo, of whom the 
former, Guido di Carpegna the younger, is 
probably the person alluded to by D. This 
Guido was Podestk of Ravenna in 125 1 ; he is 
mentioned as late as 1270, but was dead in 
1289, having left three sons, Guido, Rinieri, 
and Contuccio. (See Casini, Dante e ta 

Carpigna, Guido di. [Carpigna.] 

Carrarese, inhabitant of Carrara, a town 
in the N.W. comer of Tuscany, at the foot of 
the Carrara hills, famous for their quarries of 
white marble ; mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 
of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the 
soothsayer Anms, Inf. xx. 48 [Aronta]. 

Cairo, Di, *the Wain,* the constellation 
otherwise known as Ursa Majors * the Great 


K 2 

Carro, II 


Bear ; ' described as lying tutto sopra il Coro^ 
i.e. right upon the N.W. line (the time in- 
dicated being between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m.), Inf. 
xi. 114 [Coro] ; no longer visible to D. by the 
time he was well advanced into the S. hemi- 
sphere, Purg. i. 30 ; never invisible from the 
N. hemisphere in the course of its revolution 
round the Pole, Par. xiii. 7-9 (cf. Canz. xv. 


D. speaks of * the Wain ' elsewhere as setten- 
trione, Purg. xxx. i ; seiie stelle gelide^ Canz. 
XV. 29; and (in a quotation from BoSthius), 
septem gelidi triones^ Mon. ii. 9®^ [Setten- 
trlone^J ; and also as Helic^ [Boote : Elice], 
and ' the Bear ' [Orsa]. 

CarrOy D^, the two- wheeled Car in the 
mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; xxx. 9, 61, loi ; xxxii.24, 
104, 115, 126, 132; divina basterna^ Purg. 
xxx. 16 ; benedetto carco^ Purg. xxxii. 26 ; 
dificio santo Purg. xxxii. 142 ; vcisOy Purg. 
xxxiii. 34. 

The mystic Car is usually understood to be 
symbolical of the Church, its two wheels re- 
presenting, according to the most commonly 
received interpretation, the Old and New 
Testaments ; various other interpretations have 
been suggested, e.g. the active and contem- 
plative life, the Franciscan and Dominican 
orders (cf. Par. xii. 106-10), the Greek Church 
and the Latin Church, Holy Scripture and 
Tradition, &c. [Frooessione]. 

CartaginCy Carthage, the celebrated city of 
the ancient world, situated in the recess of 
a large bay in the northernmost extremity of 
N. Africa ; it was founded by Phoenicians of 
Tyre, according to tradition, circ. B. c. 853, 
i. e. nearly 100 years before the foundation of 
Rome, of which it was destined subsequently 
to be the great rival. The contest between 
Rome and Carthage, which lasted for more 
than 100 years, was carried on through the 
three Punic wars ; in the first (b. a 265-242) 
Carthage lost Sicily and the Lipari islands ; in 
the second (B.c. 218-201) which began with 
the siege of Saguntum, she was stripped of all 
her power ; and in the third (b.C 146) the city 
itself was captured and destroyed by Scipio 
Africanus Minor. At a later perioa it was 
rebuilt, and under the Empire it again became 
the first city of Africa ; it was taken by the 
Vandals in A. D. 439, retaken by Belisarius in 
533, and destroyed by the Arabs in 698. 

D. mentions Carthage in connexion with the 
imprisonment and death of Regulus in the first 
Punic war, Conv. iv. 5124-9 [Kegolo] ; its 
capture and destruction by Scipio, Epist. viii. 
10 [Soipione 2]. 

Cartaginesiy Carthaginians; their nego- 
tiations with the Romans through Regulus for 
an exchange of prisoners in the first Punic war, 
Conv. iv. 5124-7 [Begolo] ; Dido their queen. 

Mon. ii. 3I02-8 [Dido] ; their meditated attack 
upon Rome under Hannibal in the second 
Punic war frustrated by a sudden storm of 
hail, as is recorded by Livy fxxvi. 11), Mon. 
ii. 4^^-04 [Annibale]; defeated by the Romans 
in the great struggle for empire, Mon. iL 
1159-68 ^omaniij; alluded to in connexion 
with the second Punic war, and their defeat 
of Romans at Cannae, Inf. xxviii. 10 [Canne] ; 
described (by an anachronism) as Arabs, Par. 
vi. 49 [Arabi] ; the Punic race, Mon. ii. 4^1, 
ii»3 [Poeni] ; Africans, Mon. ii. ii»o-i [AM : 

CarthaginenseSy Carthaginians, Mon. ii. 
^^'\ [Gartaginesi.] 

CarthagOy Carthage, Epist. viii. 10. [Car- 

CasalCy town of N. Italy in Piedmont, on 
the right bank of the Po, about 30 miles £. of 
Turin ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the 
Heaven of the Sun) together with Acqua- 
sparta. Par. xii. 124. The allusion is to Uber- 
tino da Casale and Matteo d'Acquasparta, the 
leaders of the two sects which arose within 
the Franciscan Order soon after the death of 
St Francis. Butler (after Philalethes) notes : — 

* The one party, of whom Matteo d'Acquasparta, 
General in laSp, was head, construing the founder's 
rule (^^ scrittura,*' v. 135) in a somewhat liberal 
sense, relaxed the severities of the Order ; while 
the others, with the encouragement of successive 
Popes, adopted a narrower and more literal inter- 
pretation. The most vigorous champion of this 
view was Ubertino, whose followers took the 
name of Spiritualists. Clement V did his best to 
reconcile the two factions, for which he has D.'s 
approval ' [Aoquasparta : Ubertino da Oasale]. 

Casalodiy castle near Brescia, whence the 
Guelf Counts of Casalodi, who in 1272 made 
themselves masters of Mantua, took their 
title ; it is mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 of 
Circle VIII of Hell) in reference to the ex- 
pulsion of Alberto da Casalodi from Mantua 
by the stratagem of Pinamonte d^* Buonac- 
corsi, and the consecjuent slaughter of a large 
number of the inhabitants. Inf. xx. 95. [Pixut- 

. Casci61i, name of a place (for which most 
edd. read Cascoli) mentioned in a poem attri- 
buted by D. to Castra of Florence and quoted, 
V. E. i. 1 1^^. Cascioli (which is the reading 
of Cod, Vat, 3793, the only MS. in which the 
poem has been preserved) is • identified by 
some with Casoli, in the Abnizzo, on a branch 
of the Sangro, about 20 miles S. E. of Chieti ; 
by others with Ascoli, in the Marches, on the 
Tronto, close to the border of the Abnixxo. 

Cascoli. [Ca8ci61i.] 

Casella, musician of Florence (or, accord- 
ing to some, of Pistoja), and friend of D., who 



Cassero, Jaoopo del 

sees him in Antepurgatory among those who 
neglected to repent, and addresses him as Casella 
mio, Purg. ii. 91 ; una (am'ma), v, 76 ; /«, 
V, 80 ; Pombra^ v, 83 ; /?/, ?/. 84 ; ^f//, w, 94, 
113 [Antipurgatorio] ; as D. and Virgil are 
looking at the crowd of souls just disembarked 
opon the shore of Purgatory from the vessel 
of the celestial boatman, one of them (that of 
Casella) draws near and makes as though to 
embrace D., who vainly attempts to clasp it 
(Purg. ii. 50-81); Casella draws back smiling 
and bids D. cease his attempts, whereupon 
D., reco^izing who it is, begs C. to stay and 
speak with him {w, 82-7) ; C. complies, and 
asks D. the object* of his journey, which he 
explains, and then inquires of C. how it is that 
he has only just arrived (w, 88-93) ; C. 
answers that the delay was due to no injustice, 
but to the iust will of the celestial boatman, 
who several times denied him passage as he 
was waiting at the mouth of the Tiber with 
other souls destined for Purgatory (w, 94-105) 
[TevBre] ; he explains that for the last three 
months (i.e. since the beginning of the Jubilee, 
at Christmas, 1299) the angel had taken all 
who had desired to go (vv, 98-9) [Qiubblleo] ; 
D. then begs him to sing, whereupon he begins 
to chant one of D.'s canzoni (Canz. vii) 
(w. 106-14); D., v., and the other spirits 
stop and listen, till Cato chides them for 
loitering, and they all move on their way 

(w. 115-33)- 

This episode of the meeting between D. and 
Casella is alluded to by Milton in his Sonnet 
to Henry Lawes : — 

* Dante shall pve Faroe leave to set thee higher 
Than his Casella, whom he wooed to sing, 
Ifet in the milder shades of Pargatory.* 

C. is said to have set to music some of D.'s 
verses. Crescimbeni claims to have seen in 
the Vatican Library a ballad or madrigal by 
Lemmo da Pistoja, who lived towards the end 
of Cent xiii, with the inscription * Lemmo 
fece, e Casella diede la nota,' i.e. composed 
by Lemmo and set to music by Casella. 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says of Casella : — 

'Qnesti fue Casella da Pistoja grandissimo 
musico, et massimamente nell' arte delJo 'ntonare ; 

Casella for perambulating the streets at night ; 
it is dated July 13, 1282, so that Casella's 
death, the year of which is unknown, must 
have occurred some time between that date 
and the year 1300. 

CasentinenseSy inhabitants of the Casen- 
tino ; their dialect, like that of the people of 
Prato, harsh and discordant owing to their 
exaggerated accentuation, V. E. i. \\^^^\ 
alluded to as brutti parci^ Purg. xiv. 43. 

CasentinOy district in Tuscany, comprising 
the upper valley of the Amo and the slopes of 
the Etruscan Apennines ; mentioned by Maes- 
tro Adamo (in Bol^ia 10 of Circle VI II of 
Hell) in connexion with the numerous streams 
which descend thence into the Amo, Inf. xxx. 
65 ; Buonconte (in Antepurgatory) mentions 
it in connexion with the Archiano (which falls 
into the Amo just above Bibbiena), Purg. v. 
94 [Archiano] ; and alludes to it as la valle 
. . . Da Pratomagno al gran giogo^ i. e. the 
valley between the ridge of Pratomagno (on 
the W. side), and the main ridge of the Apen- 
nines (on the E.)i Purg. v. 115-16 [Prato- 
nifltgno] ; in tracing the cours^ of the Arno, 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
speaks of the inhabitants as brutti porci (with 
especial reference probably to the Conti Guidi, 
lords of Romena and Porciano in the Casen- 
tino, there being perhaps an allusion to the 
latter name), Purg. xiv. 43. [Amo.] 

Casino. [Cascdno.] 

Casoli. [CasoidlL] 

Cassentinenses. [Casentinenaes.] 

CasserOy Gtddo del], nobleman of Fano, 
who, together with Angiolello da Carignano, 
was murdered (circ. 1312) by order of M^la- 
testino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 77. [Angiolello.] 

Cassero, Jacopo del], member of a 
powerful Guelf family of Fano (probably a 
relative of the preceding), who incurred the 
enmity of Azzo VIII of Este by his opposition 
to the designs of the latter upon Bologna, of 
which city Jacopo was Podestk in 1396. In 

et fu molto dimestico dell* Auttore, per6 che in * revenge Azzo had him assassinated at Oriaco, 

between Venice and Padua, while he was on 
his way (in 1298) to assume the office of 
Podestk at Milan at the invitation of MafTeo 
Visconti. He appears to have gone by sea 
from Fano to Venice, and thence to have pro- 
ceeded towards Milan by way of Padua ; but 
while he was still among the lagoons, only 
about eight miles from Venice, he was waylaid 
and stabbed. Malatesta of Rimini was sus- 
pected of being concerned in the murder, he 
having, it is said, induced Maffeo Visconti to 
appoint Jacopo Podestk of Milan, in order that 
when the latter was out of the way he might 
the more easily secure the lordship of Fano. 

giovinezza fece Dante molte canzone et ballate, 
quest! intond ; et a Dante dilettb forte I'udirle 

dalui, et massimamente al tempo ch' era innamorato 

di Boitrice,' 

Benvenuto : — 

'Iste spiritus, cum quo autor tarn amicabiliter 
loquitur, fuit quidam sous florentinus nomine 
Catelli, qui fiiit iamosus cantor tempore suo, vir 
quidem curialis, affabilis, ad quem Dantes saepe 
solebat accedere in vita ad recreandum spiritum 
cantu illius, quando erat fatigatus studio, vel 
stimulatus passione amoris/ 

A record exists, among the documents pre- 
served at Siena, of the payment of a fine by 


Cassero, Jacopo del 

Jacopo was the son of Uguccione del Cas- 
sero, Podestk of Macerata in 1268, and 
nephew of Martino del Cassero, who was pro- 
fessor of law at Arezzo in 1255, and was 
reputed the first jurist of his day in Italy. J. is 
mentioned by Villani (vii. 120) among the 
Guelf leaders who joined the Florentines in 
their expedition agamst Arezzo in 1288. Docu- 
ments are still preserved at Bologna relating 
to his election as Podestk, and to his departure 
at the expiration of his term of office, which 
he refusea to prolong on account of the odium 
he had incurred in defending the city, ' contra 
Marchionem estensem perfidum thyrannum et 
inimicum comunis et populi bononiensis et 
ejus sequaces.' After his assassination his 
body was conveyed to Fano, where it was 
buried in the Church of San Domenico, with 
a long inscription which is still legible. (See 
Del Lungo, Dante ne^ tempi di Dante^ pp. 

423 ff-) 

D. places Jacopo in Antepurgatory among 

those who put off their repentance to the last, 
Purg. V. 64-84 ; uno (feccatore), v, 64 [Anti- 
purgatorlo] ; D. havmg expressed his will- 
in^ess to do anything in his power for the 
spirits who have besought his good offices 
{w, 43-63), one of them (Jacopo) begs him 
that if ever he goes to Fano he will cause 
prayers to be. offered on his behalf (w, 64- 
72) ; he then relates that he was a native of 
Fano, and had been murdered at the bidding 
of Azzo of Este in the Paduan territory, where 
he had thought to be secure (w. 73-8) ; he 
es^lains that he was overtaken at Oriaco, and 
might have escaped if he had fled towards La 
Mira (ttv, 79-81), but he ran to the marshy 
ground, and getting entangled in the cane- 
brakes and mud, fell and bled to death {w. 82- 
4) [A2B0 da Esti : Mira, La : Oriaco]. 

According to the old commentators Jacopo 
had excited the animosity of Azzo not only by 
his political opposition, but also by personal 
abuse of the marquis ; thus Lana says : — 

' Non li bastava cestui fare de* fatti contra li 
amici del marchese, ma elli continue usava villanie 
volgari contra di lui, ch' elli giacque con sug 
matrigna, e ch* elli era disceso d*una lavandara 
di panni, e ch* elli era cattivo e codardo ; e mai 
la sua lingua non saziavasi di villaneggiare di 
lui. Per li quali fatti e detti rodio crebbe si al 
marchese, ch' elli li trattb la morte in questo 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

'Bononienses elegenint in Potestatem eorum 
. . . nobilem militem dominum Jacobum del Cassaro 
de civitate Fani. Qui vir temerarius, et qui non 
bene didicerat regulam juris : potentioribus pares 
esse non possumus, semper obloquebatur temere 
de marchione estensi, semper vocans cum pro- 
ditorem estensem, qui reliquerat Ghibellinos Ro- 
mandiolae. Marchio saepe audiens haec et in- 
dignans dixit : certe iste agaso Marchianus non 

impune feret imprudentiam suam asininam, sed 
castigabitur fuste ferreo. Dedit ergo openun, quod 
certi famuli idonei ad hoc persequerentur ilium, 
quocumque pergeret, finito officio Bononiae.' 

CassinOy the monastery of Monte Cassino, 
' the parent of all the greatest Benedictine 
monasteries in the world,' founded by St. Bene- 
dict of Nursia in 529, and the scene of his 
death in 543. It is situated on a spur of 
Monte Cairo, a few miles from Aquino in the 
N. of Campania, almost exactly halfway be- 
tween Rome and Naples. When St. Bene- 
dict first came to the spot, it was still the 
centre of pagan worship, , the summit of the 
hill being crowned by a temple of Apollo, and 
a grove sacred to Venus, both of which were 
destroyed by him. 

St. Benedict (in the Heaven of Satmn) men- 
tions Cassino, Par. xxii. 37; badia, v. 76; 
and relates to D. how he found the site in the 
hands of the heathen, and how he planted his 
monastery there, and by the blessing of God 
was enabled to withdraw the surrounding 
inhabitants from their idolatrous worship 
(w. 37-45) ; he subsequently laments over the 
degenerate state into which his foundation had 
fallen (w. 73-81). [Benedetto ^.J 

Benvenuto g^ves an interestmg account, 
which he had from Boccaccio, of a visit paid 
by the latter to the monastery of Monte 
Cassino, and of the melancholy condition in 
which he found the books in the library : — 

'Narrabat mihi jocose venerabilis praeceptor 
meus Boccaccius de Certaldo . . . quod dum esset 
in Apulia, captus fama loci, accessit ad nobfle 
monasterium montis Cassini. . . . Et avidus videndi 
libranam, quam audiverat ibi esse nobilissimam, 
petivit ab uno monacho humiliter, velut iUe qui 
suavissimus erat, quod deberet ex gratia aperire 
sibi bibliothecam. At ille rigide respondit, osten- 
dens sibi altam scalam : ascende quia aperta est 
lUe laetus ascendens invenit locum tanti thesauri 
sine ostio vel cla\'i, ingressusque vidit herbam 
natam per fenestras, et libros omnes cum bancis 
CQopertis pulvere alto; et mirabundus coepii 
apenre et volvere nunc istum librum, nunc ilium, 
invenitque ibi multa et varia volumina antiquonim 
et peregrinonim libronim ; ex quorum aliquibus 
detracti erant aliqui quatemi, ex aliis recisi 
margines chartarum, et sic multipliciter deformati ; 
tandem miseratus labores et studia tot indytissi- 
monim ingeniorum devenisse ad manus perd^tissi* 
morum hominum, dolens et illacrymans recessit ; 
et occurrens in claustro petivit a monacho obvio 
quare libri illi pretiosissimi essent ita turpiler 
detnincati. Qui respondit quod aliqui monachi, 
volentes lucrari duos vel quinque solidos, radebant 
unum quatemum et faciebant psalteriolos, quos 
vendebant pueris; et ita de marginibus faciebant 
evangelia et brevia, quae vendebant mulieribus. 
Nunc, vir studiose, frange tibi caput pro laciendo 

In this library is preserved an important 
MS. of the D, C., hence known as the Codex 



Castel, Ouido da 

lensis, from which an edition was printed 
monks in 1865, in commemoration of the 
rentenary of the birth of D. 

IsiOy Caius Cassius Longinus, one of 
torderers of Julius Caesar. In B.C. 49 
s tribune of the plebs, joined the aristo- 
d party in the civil war, and fled with 
ey from Rome. After the defeat of the 
at Pharsalia in 48, C. surrendered to 
r, who not only pardoned him, but in 
ide him praetor, and promised him the 
ICC of Syria for the next year. But he 
lever ceased to look upon Caesar as his 
% and it was he who formed the con- 
y against the life of the dictator, and 
1 over Marcus Brutus to take part in it. 
the murder of Caesar (March 15, 44), 
nt to Syria, which he claimed as his 
ice, although the senate had assigned it 
•labella, and had conferred Cyrene on 
its stead. After defeating Dolabella he 
d over to Greece with Brutus in order 
pose Octavian and Antony. The op- 
l forces met at Philippi (4^), where C. 
efeated by Antony, while Brutus, who 
anded the other wing of the army, drove 
ian off the field. C, ignorant of the 
]S of Brutus, would not survive his de« 
nd commanded one of his freedmen to 
Q end to his life. In a second battle 
f after Brutus also was defeated, where- 
he too killed himself, 
places Cassius with Brutus and Tudas 
ot in the jaws of Lucifer in Giudecca, 
St division of Circle IX, the nethermost 
Hell, Inf. xxxiv. 67 [Brute ^ : Qiudeooa : 
iaro] ; he is mentioned with Brutus by 
•Imperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
iry) in connexion with the victories of 
Loman Eagle under Augustus, the re- 
e being to the battle of Philippi, Par. 
[Aquila^: Filippi^]. 

ieacribes C. as membrutOy *■ stout of limb ' 
xxiv. 67), which is not in accordance with 
:t8 so far as they are known. Shakespeare, 
ing Plutarch (with whom D. probably was 
tainted), speaks of him as * spare Cassius/ 
ves him 'a lean and hungry look.' It has 
suggested that D. was thinking of Lucius 
s, whose corpulence is specially noticed by 


providebam animo, Qntrites. remoto CaUHn^i nee 
•e P. Lentali •omnam, nee L. Caasti adipem, nee 
farioaani texneritatem pertimescendam/ (/» CoH- 
m.7.) [Cioero.] 

stalia]y celebrated fountain on Mt. Par- 
i, sacred to Apollo and the Muses ; 
"A to as la cistema di PamasOy Purg. 
141 (cf. Purg. xxii. 65). [Pamaso.] 

staliuSy Castalian ; Casialiae sororesy 
e Muses, £cl. i. 54. [Castalia: Muae.] 

itel, Guido da, gentleman of Reggio, 
3ned by Marco Lombardo (in Circle III 

of Purgatory) as one of three old men (the 
other two being Currado da Palazzo and 
Gherardo da Cammino) who yet survive as 
a reproach to the younger generation in Lom- 
bardy, Purg. xvi. 125 ; Marco adds that Guido 
is better named, in the French fashion, the 
simple Lombard, 'il semplice Lombardo' 
(z/. 126). The point of this expression is some- 
what obscure ; the usual explanation that the 
term 'Lombard' was at that time a general 
name in France for an Italian (e. g. Boccaccio 
makes two Frenchmen speaking of Tuscans 
call them 'questi Lombardi cani') does not 
hold, since Guido was a Lombard, and con- 
sequently would be called so by others besides 
Frenchmen. The point of the appellation 
would seem to lie rather in the epithet ' sem- 
plice,* as descriptive of Guido's character. 
It is possible, however, that the term 'Lom- 
bardo' here is a rendering of the French 
' Lombart ' in its more special si^ification of 
* usurer' [CaorainoJ. In the Otdmo Comento 
it is stated that Guido da Castello was noted 
for his generosity in supplying the necessities 
of those who passed his way on the road to or 
from France : — 

' Messer Guido studid in onorare li valenti 
uomini, che passavano per lo cammino francesco, 
e molti ne rimise in cavalli ed armi, che di Francia 
erano passati di qua ; onorevolmente consumate 
loro facultadi, tornavano meno ad arnesi, ch* a 
loro non si convenia, a tutti diede, senza speranza 
di merito, cavalli, arme, danari.' 

The name ' semplice Lombardo,' applied to 
Guido by his French-speaking friends, may 
therefore have been meant as a playful de- 
scription of the ' honest usurer,' who provided 
horses, arms, and money, without looking for 
any return. (See Academy ^ Nov. i, 1890.) 

Guido was a contemporary of D., who is 
said to have been his guest at one time. The 
two are mentioned as fellow-guests at the 
court of Can Grande della Scala at Verona 
[Can Qrande]. Benvenuto says Guido be- 
longed to the Castello branch of the Robert! 
family, and adds that he was an accomplished 
poet m the vulgar tongue : — 

'Iste fuit de Regio Lombardiae, de Robertis, 
quorum tria erant membra, scilicet illi de Tripoli, 
illi de Castello, et illi de Fumo. . . . Iste florebat 
in Regio tempore nostri |>oetae . . . fiiit autem vir 
prudens et rectus, sani consilii, amatus et honoratus, 
quia zelatpr erat reipublicae, et protector patriae, 
licet tunc alii essent potentiores in terra ilia : fuit 
liberalis ; cujus liberalitatem poeta noster expertus 
est semel, receptus et honoratus i^b eo in dome 
sua. Fuit etiam Guido pulcer inventor in rhythmo 
vulgari, ut pulcrc apparet in quibusdam dictis 

D. mentions Guido in the Convivio in his 
discussion as to the nature of nobility, where 
he says that if mere notoriety constituted a 
claim to nobility : — 




'Asdente, il calzolaio di Parma, sarebbe piii 
nobile che alcuno suo cittadino, e Albuino della 
Scala sarebbe piii nobile che Guido da Castello di 
Reggio ; che ciascuna di queste cose ^ falsissima.' 
(iv. 16"^*.) 

Castellay Castile, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, comprising the modem provinces of 
Old and New Castile. The kingdom of Castile 
was united to that of Leon from 1037 till the 
death of Alphonso VII in 11 57, when the two 
were separated, Alphonso's eldest son, San- 
cho III, succeeding to the throne of Castile, 
the second son, Fernando II, to that of Leon. 
The two kingdoms were reunited in 1230, in 
which year Fernando III, who had succeeded 
to the throne of Castile in 121 7, on the death 
of his maternal uncle, Enrique I (his mother, 
Dofla Berenguela, having abdicated in his 
favour), became also King of Leon, in suc- 
cession to his father, Alphonso IX. [Table 
iii : Table iU. A.] 

The kingdom of Castile and Leon is alluded 
to by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), Par. xii. 46-54 ; he describes it as the 
country in the W. of Europe, not far from the 
Atlantic (w. 46-51), in which is situated 
Callaroga, the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
which he says * lies under the protection of the 
great shield, in which the lion is subject and 
subjugates * (w, 52-4), the arms of Castile 
ancf Leon consisting of two castles and two 
lions, the lion being above the castle on one 
half of the shield, and below it on the other 
[Callaroga] ; Fernando IV, King of Castile 
and Leon (1295-13 12), is alluded to (probably) 
by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jtfpiter as gue/ 
di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 [Spa^a] ; Castile 
is mentioned, in connexion with its 'good 
king,' /7 duon re di Castella^ i.e. (probably) 
Alphonso VIII, King of Castile (1158-1214), 
Conv. iv. 1 1 126-6 [iUfoDBO^]; and as being 
a neighbour of Aragon, Mon. i. ii®®""' [Ara- 

Castellana Civitas, Cittk di Castello, 
town on the Tiber, in extreme N. of Umbria ; 
its dialect, as well as those of Perugia, Orvieto, 
and Viterbo, not discussed by D. as being closely 
connected with the Roman and Spoletan dia- 
lects, V.E.i. 1329-32. 

Castello, CitUi di. [Caatellana Civitas.] 

Castello, Gtiido da. [Castel, Quido da.] 

Castello Sant' Angelo], Castle of St. An- 
gelo on the right bank of the Tiber at Rome, 
originallv the Moles Hadriani, the mausoleum 
erected by Hadrian for himself and his suc- 
cessors; it was completed in A. D. 140 by 
Antoninus Pius. From Hadrian down to 
Septimius Severus (d. A. D. 211) all the Em- 
perors and their families were buried in it. 
In 537, when Rome was besieged by the Goths, 
it was converted into a fortress. It owes its 

modem name to the tradition that Gregory 
the Great (590-604), while leading a pro- 
cession to pray for the cessation of the plague, 
beheld the Archangel Michael sheathmg his 
sword above the Castle, in commemoration of 
which the chapel of S. Angelo inter Nubes 
was subsequently erected at the summit of 
the building by Boniface IV (608-614). The 
great bronie pme-cone (referred to, Inf. xxxi. 
59) is said at one time to have been placed on 
the pinnacle of the Castle. 

D.'refers to it in connexion with the crowds 
of pilgrims who swarmed across the bridge of 
St Angelo during the Jubilee of 1300^ as./7 
castello^ Inf. xviii. 32. [Qiubbileo.] 

Castiglia. [Castella.] 

Castore, Castor, twin-brother of Pollux; 
Leda, having been visited by Jupiter in the 
form of a swan, brought forth two eggs, from 
one of which issued Helen, and from the other 
Castor and Pollux. At their death Jupiter 
placed the twins among the stars as the con- 
stellation Gemini [I«eda.] 

Virgil (in Antepurgatory) mentions Castor 
and Pollux to indicate the sign Gemini, and 
intimates to D. that if it were the month of 1 
June, when the Sun is in Gemini, that part ^ 
of the Zodiac in which the Sun would then be, ^ 
would lie nearer the N. (Gemini being to the^ 
N. of Aries, in which the Sun was at the timeji 
of the Vision), Purg. iv. 61-6. [QemeUi:? 

Castra, a Florentine, to whom D. attri — i 
butes the authorship of a cansone (the first^v 
two lines of which he quotes) in ridicule of the=» 
dialect of the men of Ancona, Rome, andb 
Spoleto, V. E.i. ii2i-«. 

The poem in question has been preservecK^ 
in one MS. only (Cod, Va/. 3793), where imm 
appears with the name ' Messer Osmano ' _ 
fixed to it ; this name (which is prolMtbly" foi 
Osimano, i. e. belonging to Osimo, a city ii 
the March of Ancona) may be either a pseud — i 
onym of the author, or the n^une of thc^ 
person to whom the poem is addressedJB 

According to Grion, Castra (or Castratutti^ 

and Osmano are both of them pseudonym^s 
of a certain Ser Manno, some of whose poem^gf 
are printed by Cresdmbenl (See D' Ancona 
and Comparetti, Antiche Rime Volgari^ L 
484-8 ; and Monad, Crest, Ital,^ pp. 492-4.) 

Castrocaro, formerly a strong castle, now 
a village, in Roma^a, in the valley of the 
Montone, a few nules from Fori) ; in Cent 
xiii it belonged to the Counts of Castrooaro, 
who were Ghibellines, but submitted (in 1282) 
to the Church. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
includes its Counts among the degenerate 
families of Romagna, and laments that they 
had not died out, Purg. xiv. 1 16-17. 




snuto speaks of them as being extinct 

txraro, nobile castrum, et vere canitn, 
>rlivium in valle Montorii, cujus comites 
ifecerunt. Sed tunc adhuc vigebant, sed 
ibant a nobilitate vicinonim.' 

t the year 1300 the castle passed into 
is of the Ordelaffi of Forli ; subsequently 
dus to have been purchased by the 
ines. It was for some years one of 
cipal Guelf strongholds in Romagna. 

lano, a member of the Guelf Catalani 
>f Bolopfna (a branch of the Malavolti, 
Villani speaks of C. as Catalano de' 
Iti), bom at Bologna circ. 1210; he was 

of Milan in 1243, of Parma in 1250, of 
a in 1260; in 1249 he commanded 
on of the Bolognese infantry at the 
if Fossalta, in which King Enzio was 
1 and taken prisoner; in 1261 he was 
ed with Loderingo degli Andal6 of 
I in founding the Order of the Knights 
-ady (subsequently known as the * Frati 
ti *) ; in 1265 and 1267 he and Loderingo 
:he office of Podestk in Bologna, and in 
Florence ; shortly after his &st term of 
e retired to the monastery of the Frati 
ti at Ronzano near Bologna, where he 
d was buried in 1285. (See Gozzadini, 
H gentilizie di Bologna^ pp. 203 fF.) 
the defeat and death of Manfred at Bene- 
"eb. a6, ia6f), the Florentine commons, 
re for the most part Guelf, began to be 
t and to murmur against the government 
• Novello and the Ghibelline nobles. The 
erefore,as a conciliatory measure, arranged 
office of Podesta should be held jointly by 
and a Ghibelline, instead of by a single 
d as heretofore ; and they selected for 
lose the two Bolognese, Frati Gaudenti, 
) de' Catalani, a Guelf, and Loderingo 
;dal6, a Ghibelline, in the expectation that 
ould administer the office impartiall3'. 
» and Loderingo set to work to reform 
;mment, without favouring either party, 
st important measure being the establish- 

the 'Council of Thirty-six,* which was 
from nobles and commons of both parties, 
iasure, however, gave offence to Guido 
and the Ghibelline nobles, who attempted 
ess the Council ; but the commons rose 
em, and they were forced to leave the 

houses of many of the Ghibellines (that 
Uberti, in the quarter known as the 
>, among them) being wrecked by the 
:. Catalano and Loderingo, who had 
isked to be relieved of their office, there- 
itted Florence, not without a suspicion on 

of the Florentines (which both D. and 
regarded as well-founded) that 'under 

false hypocrisy,' as Villaiji puts it, they 
ibined together for their own purposes, 
nbes from the Guelfs and persecuting the 
les. They were succeeded in the office of 
by Ormanno Monaldeschi of Orvieto. 

Villani gives the following account : — 

* Come la novella fa in Pirenie e per Totcana della scon- 
fitta di Manfiredi, i ^hibellini . . . comtndarono ad invilire, 
e avere paura in tutte parti, e' gnelfi uaciti di Firenze 
ch* erano ribelli, e UH a^ confint per lo contado e in piii 
parti cominciarono a inxngorire e a prendere cnore e ardire 
. . . onde il popolo di Firenxe ch' era pi& guelfo d'animo che 
fChibellino . . . simile cominciarono a rinvieorir^ e a mor- 
morare, e parlare per la cittj^ dozlienoTosi delle spese 
e incanchi disordinati che riceveano oal conte Guido No- 
vello, e dagli altri che regg^eano la terra : onde qaelli che 
reggeano la cittk di Firenze a parte ghibelltna, sentendo 
neua citti il detto 8aba|[Uo e mormorio, e avendo paara che 
i popolo non si mbelusse contra a loro, per una cotale 

Roderigo di Landolo, e Tuno era tenuto di parte gnelfa, 
ci6 era messer CaUlano, e Taltro di parte g:hibellina . . . 
Questi doe frati per lo popolo di Firenze furono fatti venire, 
e misongli nel palagio del popolo d'incontro alia Badia, 
credendo che per I'onestii deli' abito fossono comnnt, e 
guardasaono il comnne da soperchie speae; i qnali tatto- 
chf d'animo di l>arte fossono divisi, sotto coverta di faisa 
ipocrisia furono in concordia piii al gnadagno loro proprio 
die al bene comnne.* (vii. 13.) 

D. places Catalano, together with Loderingo, 
among the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxiii. 104 ; due^ v. 82 ; 
frati^ V, 109 ; Catalano, run^ z/. 100 ; il frate 
Catalan^ v, 114; il frate ^ w, 127, 142 [Ipo- 
oriti]; D. having l>egged Virgil to discover 
some one of the Hypocrites who might be 
known by deed or name, one of the latter cries 
to them to stop, as he can satisfy their curiosity 
(Inf. xxiii. 73-9) ; D. then at V.'s bidding stops, 
and two of the Hypocrites hasten up to him, 
and after gazing at him m wonder ask who he 
is {w, So-93) ; D. having replied asks in his 
turn who they are and what is the nature of 
their punishment {w, 94-9) ; he is answered 
by one of them (Catalano), who says they were 
Frati Gaudenti of Bologna, and gives their 
names, recounting how they two were chosen 
to fill the office of Podestk at Florence usually 
filled by one man, and how, instead of keeping 
peace, they wrought havoc in the city, as the 
ruins about the Gardingo still testify {w, 100-8) 

BlVati Qaudenti : Qardingo : Iioderiiigo] ; 
. begins to address them, but breaks off short 
on catching sight of a sinner crucified on the 
ground {w. 109-13) ; C. explains that this is 
Caiaphas, and that his father-in-law Annas, 
and the rest of the Council who condemned 
Christ, are there with him {vv, 1 1 4-23) [Caifieui] ; 
Virgil then, after gazing in wonder at Caiaphas, 
inquires as to the way out (w, 127-32), and 
from C.'s answer finds that the devil Malacoda 
in the previous Bolgia (Inf. xxi. iii) had lied 
to him {w, 133-41); whereupon C. remarks 
that he had heard erewhile at Bologna that the 
devil was ever a liar and the father of lies 
(w, 142-4) [Bologna: Malaooda]. 

Catalogna, Catalonia (Catalufia), province 
in N. E. comer of Spain, which in D.'s time 
formed part of the kingdom of Ara^on ; men- 
tioned oy Charles Martel (in the Heaven of 
Venus), who, in allusion to the greed of the 
needy Catalan retainers of his brother Robert, 


Catania, QoUo di 


speaks of Vcevara fovertd di Catalognay Par. 
viii. 77. [Carlo^: Roberto^.] 

Robert, with his brothers Louis and John, 
had been detained in Catalonia from 1288 to 
1295 by the King of Aragon, as hostages for 
their father, Charles II of Naples, and during 
his residence there R. had gathered round him 
a following of Catalan gentlemen who accom- 
panied him into Italy. Benvenuto says : — 

* Rex Robertus quando stetit in Aragonia, cujus 
pars maritima vocatur Catalonia, obses pro patre 
suo, acquisivit amicitias et familiaritates multorum. 
quos postea in Italia promovebat ad officia, qui 

' noverant bene accumulare. Ad quod duo impelle- 
bant COS, scilicet, paupertas, quae suadet homini 
furtum et rapinam ; et avaritia, quae reddit 
hominem ingeniosum ad omnia illicita lucra.' 

When Robert came to Florence in 1305 he 
brought with him, Villani says (viii. 82), * una 
masnada di trecento cavalieri araonesi e cata- 
lani ' ; and after he became King of Naples (in 
1309) we several times find his Catalan and 
Aragonese troops employed in Italy against 
the Emperor Henry VII, as Villani records : — 

' Nel detto anno 131 1 . . . i Fiorentini mandarono 
a Bologna il maliscalco del re Ruberto con quattro* 
cento cavalieri catalani, ch* erano al loro soldo 
per la guardia di Bologna, e per contastare alio 
'mperadore se venisse da quella parte.' (ix. 17.) — 
' Neir anno 131a del mese d'Aprile, sentendo il re 
Ruberto Tapparecchiamento che '1 re d*AIamagna 
facea a Pisa per venire a Roma per coronarsi, si 
mand6 innanzi a Roma . . . messer Gianni suo 
fratello con seicento cavalieri catalani e pugliesi 
• . . e V* andarono di Firenze dugento cavalieri di 
cavallate de* migliori cittadini, e '1 maliscalco del 
re Ruberto, ch' era al loro soldo, con trecento 
cavalieri catalani e mille pedoni.' (ix. 39.) 

Catania, Golfo di], the Gulf of Catania, on 
the E. of Sicily ; alluded to by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as tl golfo Che riceve 
da Euro maggior briga^ i. e. the gulf which is 
most exposed to the S. E. wind, it being open 
to the E., Par. viii. 68-9 ; he also refers to the 
circumstance that owing to the proximity of 
Mt. Aetna, the gulf, which lies ' tra Pachino e 
Peloro ' {v, 68), i. e, between Cape Passaro and 
Cape Faro, is often covered with a dense pall 
of smoke. [Etna.] 

Catellini, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in their decline 
in his time. Par. xvi. 88. In D.'s day they 
were extinct ; Villani says : — 

* Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
i Catellini furono antichissirai, e oggi non n* h 
ricordo: dicesi ch'e' figliuoli Tieri per bastardo nati 
fossono di loro legnagg^o.' (iv. la.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi sono spenti al nome, salvo che di loro si 
dice, che sono discesi certi cittadini, detti figliuoli 
di Bernardo Manfredi.' 

According to Ld. Vernon two members of 
this family held high office in Florence in 1197 
and 1215 ; they were Ghibellines, and as such 
were expelled &om Florence in 1258 and again 
in 1268 ; they returned after the pacification of 
1280, but were excluded from office owing to 
their refusal to enrol themselves in one of the 

Catilina, Lucius Sergius Catilina,the famous 
Roman conspirator; bom circ. B.C 108, praetor 
68, died 62. C, who was the descendant of an 
ancient patrician family which had fallen into 
poverty, was a candidate for the consulship in 
66, but was disqualified in consequence of an 
impeachment for oppression during his praetor- 
ship. In revenge tie formed a plot to murder 
the two consuls who had been elected. This 
plot having failed he engaged in a more exten- 
sive conspiracy, which came to a head during 
the consulship of Cicero, B.C. 63. By the vigi- 
lance of the latter all C.'s plans were baffled, 
and he himself was forced to leave Rome. 
Shortly after, Cicero obtained legal evidence 
against the rest of the conspirators, and at 
once summoned their leaders to the Senate, 
where they were condemned to death, the 
sentence being carried out that same night. 
A force was then dispatched against C, who 
was defeated and killed, while fighting with 
great valour, in the neighbourhood of Florence, 
B.C. 62. According to mediaeval authorities 
it was on this occasion that the town of Fiesole 
was destroyed by the Romans. 

D. alludes to the conspiracy of C. and its 
frustration by Cicero, Conv. iv. s^'^-e, [Cioe- 
rone: Fiesole.] 

Cato, Marcus, Cato of Utica, Mon. ii. 5^3*. 
[Catone 2.] 

Catona, small town of S. Italy, in Calabria, 
a few miles N. of Reggio, almost exactly oppo- 
site Messina ; mentioned by Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) to indicate the southern- 
most limit of the kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 
62 [AuBonia: Napoli]. It appears in D.'s 
time to have been the point of departure for 
Messina; thus after the 'Sicilian Vespers' 
Charles I concentrated his troops at Catona 
previous to their embarkation for that port. 

For Catona many mod. edd. read Crotona, 
which is adopted by Pietro di Dante, and men- 
tioned as a variant by Buti ; it has, however, 
very slight MS. authority. Blanc supports it 
on the ground that Crotona is much better 
known than Catona, which is precisely a reason 
for suspecting it. Catona is the reading of 
Witte and of the most recent edd. (See Giom. 
Stor, Lett, Ital,, xxx, 214-26.) 

Catone^, Marcus Porcius Cato, the Censor, 
commonly called Cato Major (i.e. the Elder), to 
distinguish him from his great-grandson Cato 
of Utica [Catone^] ; he was bom B.C 234, 
elected Censor in 184, and died at the age of 




85 in 149; he was especially noted for his 
attempts to repress the growing luxury of the 
Romans, and for his uncompromising hostility 
to Carthage. 

D. refers to him as Catone, Conv. iv. 21®*; 
Catone VecMo,Cony. iv.27^**, 28*^; his opinion 
(as put into his mouth by Cicero) as to the 
divinity of the soul {Senect, § 21), Conv. iv, 
2|80-6 . his increased delight in conversation 
as he grew older (Senect, § 14), Conv. iv. 27IM-*; 
his eagerness to see (after death) the great 
Romans who had gone before him {Senect. 
§ 23), Conv. iv. 28**-8. [Senectute, De.] 

Catone ^y Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis, 
great-grandson of Cato the Censor, bom B. c 95 ; 
brought up as a devoted adherent of the Stoic 
school, he became conspicuous for his rigid 
morality. In 63 he was tribune of the plebs, 
and supported Cicero in his proposal that the 
Catilinarian conspirators should be put to death. 
He was one of the chief leaders of the aristo- 
cratical party, and opposed vehemently the 
measures of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. On 
the outbreak of the civil war in 49 he sided with 
Pompey ; after the battle of Pharsalia he joined 
Metellus Scipio in Africa ; when the latter was 
defeated at Thapsus, and all Africa, with the 
exception of Utica, submitted to Caesar, he 
resolved to die rather than fall into his hands ; 
he therefore put an end to his own life, after 
spending the greater part of the night in reading 
Plato's Phaedo on the immortality of the soul, 
B.C. 46. 

Cato is mentioned in connexion with his 
inarch through the desert of Libya shortly 
before his death {Phars, x. 41 1 ff.), Inf. xiv. 15; 
he is placed as warder at the entrance to 
Purgatory, un veglio solo, Purg. i. 31 ; ei, v. 42 ; 
Itdy V. 52; e^i, V, 86; altrui, v, 133 (where 
some think the reference is to God) ; // veglio 
anestOy Purg. ii. 119; the description of Cato*s 
personal appearance, with long white hair and 
beard (Puig. i. 34-6) is borrowed from Lucan: — 

* I]le nee horrifiaun sancto dimovit ab ore 
Caesariem, daroone adroisit j^ndia valtu; 
Ut primom toUi feral ia viderat anna, 
Intooaoa rij^dam in frontem descendere canos 
Fassas eraC moestamqne genui increscere barbam.* 

(Phars. ii. 373-6.) 

D. and Virgil meet Cato on their arrival on 
the island from which rises the Mt. of Purga- 
tory, where he appears as a solitary old man of 
venerable aspect, with long white hair and 
beard, and a radiant countenance (Purg. i. 
31-^) ; he asks D. and V. who they are, taking 
them for damned spirits (ttv, 40-8) ; V., after 
making D. do reverence, replies that through 
the intervention of Beatrice D. is come to see 
the spirits under his guardianship {vv, 49-69), 
and is seeking freedom, for the sake of which 
Cato himself had died at Utica (w, 70-5); 
after explaining that D. is yet alive, and that 
be himself was come from Limbo, where Cato's 
wife Marcia was, V. implores him for the latter*s 

sake to grant them admittance (tw, 76-84) ; 
Cato replies that Marcia can no longer move 
him now, but that for Beatrice's sake he will 
grant their request (w, 85-93) ; then having 
bid V. gird D. with a rush and wash his face, 
he disappears (w. 94-109) ; he appears once 
more to chide the loitering spirits who were 
listening to Casella's singing (after which he is 
not seen again), Purg. ii. 1 19-23. 

As a suicide and a pagan, and as the bitter 
opponent of Caesar, the founder of the Roman 
Empire, we should expect to find Cato in Hell, 
with Pier delle Vigne, or with Brutus and Cassius, 
instead of being admitted to Purgatory and destined 
eventually to a place in Paradise (Purg. i. 75). 
D., however, regards him, not in his relation to 
the Roman Empire, but as the devoted lover of 
liberty, the representative of the soul made free 
by the annihilation of the body ; and consequently 
as the appropriate guardian of those who by 
purgation were freeing themselves from the last 
traces of sin before appearing in the presence 
of God. 

In his treatment of Cato D. appears to have 
followed VirgiU who, instead of placing him 
among the suicides in Taxtanis {Aen. vi. 434-9), 
represents him as a lawgiver among the righteous 
dead in Elysium : — 

*Secretoaqae pios, his dantem jnra Catonem * 

(viii. 670) 

— z line which probably suggested to D. the 
employment of Cato as warder of Purgatory. D.'s 
estimate of Cato was doubtless also in part derived 
from Cicero {set below) ^ and from Lucan, who 
pictures him as the personification of godlike 
virtue : — 

*Nani cui crediderim Saperos arcana datnros 
Dictarosqne maj^s quani sancto vera Catoni ? . . . 
Ecce parens veras patriae dij^issiraus aris, 
Roma, tnis; per t^aem nunqoara jnrare pndebit, 
Et quem, si stetens unqoam cervice solata, 
Tunc olim factora deara." 

{Pkars. ix. 554-5- 601--^.) 
* Hi mores, haec duri immota Catonis 
Secta fait, servare modom, finemqne tenere, 
Natnramqne srqui, patriaeqne impendere vitam ; 
Nee sibtf sed tott genitam se credere mundo. 
Huic epulae, vicisse faniem ; magnique penates, 
Subraovisse hiemem tecto; pretiosaqae vestis, 
Hirtara membra saper, Romani more Qutritis, 
Induxisse tosaro ; Yenerisqae hnic maximos asos, 
Prog;enies; Urbi pater est, Urbiqae maritns; 
Jostitiae cultor, n^di servator honesti ; 
In commune bonus; nullosque Catonis in actus 
Subrepsit, partemque tulit sibi nata voluptas.* 

{Phars. li. 380-91.) 

D. expresses his g^eat reverence for Cato in 
the De Monarchia : — ' Accedit et illud inenarrabile 
sacrificium severissimi verae libertatis auctoris 
Marci Catonis . . . (qui) ut mundo libertatis amores 
accenderet, quanti libertas esset ostendit, dum e 
vita liber decedere maluit, quam sine libertate 
remanere in ilia ' (ii. 5^^"*") ; and in the Convwio: — 
* O sacratissimo petto di Catone (cf. Purg. i. 80), 
chi presumera di te parlare ? Certo maggiormente 
parlare di te non si pu6, che tacere,* (iv. 5'*®"*.) — 
'Furono dunque filosofi molto antichi . . . che 
videro e credettero questo fine della vita umana 
essere solamente la rigida onestk ; cio^ rigidamente, 
senza rispetto alcuno, la verita e la giustizia seguirc. 
. . . E costoro e la loro setta chiamati furono 



Causis, De 

Stoici : e fu di loro quello glorioso Catone/ 
(iv. 6**"**.) — * Si legge di Catone, che non a s*, 
ma alia patria e a tutto il mondo nato essere 
credea.* (iv. 27""*.) — In speaking of Cato*s wife 
Marcia, whom he gave to Hortensius, and who 
aAer the death of the latter came back to him, D. 
says her return to Cato symbolizes the noble soul 
returning to God in old age : — * Marzia, vedova 
fatta . . . tornb dal principio del suo vedovaggio 
a Catone ; per che si significa la nobile anima dal 
principio del senio tomare a Dio. £ quale uomo 
terreno piii degno fu di significare Iddio, che 
Catone ? Certo nullo. . . . Nel nome di cui ^ 
bello terminare ci6 che delli segni della nobiltk 
ragionare si convegna, perocch^ in lui essa nobilta 
tutti li dimostra per tutte etadi.' (iv. aS"*".) 

Cato's escape from Julius Caesar into Africa, 
Conv. iii. 5I21-3 [Cesare^] ; his greatness not 
to be measured by words, Conv. iv. 51*0^2. 
belonged to the Stoic sect of philosophers, 
Conv. iv. 6®*"^ ; his belief that ne was bom 
not for himself, but for his country and the 
whole world (from Lucan, Phars, ii. 383 : * Nee 
sibi, sed toti genitum se credere mundo'), Conv. 
iv. 2731-3 ; Lucan*s account of the return of bis 
wife Marcia to him, Conv. iv. 28*7-123 [Marala] ; 
the most staunch champion of liberty, choosing 
death as a free man, rather than life without 
liberty, Mon. ii. 5132-40. Cicero's estimate of 
his character quoted (freely) from the De Officiis 
(i. 31): 'Cato, to whom nature had given in- 
credible finnness and who had strengthened 
this severity by his unremitting constancy to 
his principles, and who never formed a resolu- 
tion by which he did not abide, was indeed 
bound to die rather than to look on the face of 
a tyrant,' Mon. ii. 5IM-70. 

Catria, Monte Catria, one of the highest 
peaks of the Apennines, on the borders of 
umbria and the Marches, between Gubbio and 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
describes it as a 'boss' formed by the lofty 
Apennines which rise between the shores of 
the Adriatic and of the Mediterranean, and 
refera to the fact that on its slopes was situated 
the monastery of Fonte Avellana, of which he 
was at one time Abbot, Par. xxi. 106-14. 
[ApMinino: Avellana.] 

Cattolicat La, small town on the Adriatic, 
between Rimini and Pesaro, at the point where 
the Emilia and the Marches meet ; mentioned 
by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of f iell; in connexion with the murder of Guido 
del Casiero and Angiolello da Carignano by 
nt^tt of Malatestino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 80. 

CaucatWllI, Mt. Caucasus ; Caucason, Epist. 
vl, 3; Eel. ii. 22; the Florentines threatened 
with the Imperial Eagle, which soars alike over 
the Pyrenees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Caudinae Furcae, the 'Caudine Forks,' 
narrow passes in the mountains near Caudium, 

a town in Sanmium on the road from Capua to 
Beneventum, where the Roman army sur- 
rendered to the Samnites, B.C. 321. D. quotes 
Lucan (Phars. ii. 135-8) to show how nearly 
the Empire in Italy was transferred from the 
Romans to the Samnites, Mon. ii. ii**"*!. 

Caasis, De, pseudo-Aristotelian treatise of 
unknown authorship, on which commentaries 
were written by Albertus Magnus, St Thomas 
Aquinas, and Aegidius Romanus. It appears 
to have been transmitted by the Hebrews of 
Spain as a work of Aristotle, and was included 
as such in the MSS. and early printed editions 
of his works. It was translated from Arabic 
into Latin between 1 167 and 11 87 by Gerardus 
(Tremonensis (d. at Toledo, 1187), 'magnus 
linguae translator arabicae,' who trans&ted 
also the Canon Medidniu of Avicenna, and the 
Almagest of Ptolemy. The treatise, which is 
quoted as early as Cent, xii, was regarded as 
of great weight and authority in the Middle 
Ages. It was probably originally written in 
Arabic. Albertus Magnus, who wrote a com- 
mentary on it under the same name (the full 
title of his work is De Causis et Processu Urn-' 
versttatts), was the first to suspect that it was 
a compilation from Aristotle and the Arabian 
philosophers. He ascribed it to a certain 
David the Jew:— 

* David Judaeus quidam ex dictis Aristotelis, 
Avicennii, Algazelis, et Alpharabii congregavit, 
per modum theorematum ordinans ea, quorum 
commentum ipsemet adhibuit, sicut et Eudides in 
geometricis fecisse videtur/ (Z)« Causis et Proc, 
Univ,f ii. i.) 

St. Thomas Aquinas identified portions of 
it as extracts from the Elevatio Theologica 
{^Tfuxtlwris ecoXovtn^) of Proclus» upon whose 
work it was probably based. 

(See Jourdain, Traductions Latines d^Aris- 
tote^ pp. 183-5, 19^) Prantlj GesduchU der 
Logik im Abendlande^ Bd. iii. pp. 8-10 ; and 
Bs^enhewer, Die pseudo-aristotelische Schrift 
Ueber das reine Gute bekannt unter detn 
Namen Liber de Causis.) 

TheZ>^ Causis quoted by D. has been thought 
by some to be the above-mentioned work of 
Albertus Magnus; but it is evident that the 
work referred to by D. is the pseudo- Aristotelian 
treatise, since nearly all his quotations are 
taken word for word from the latter. 

D. makes no reference to the authorship of 
the De Causis ; he quotes it simply as libro di 
Cagioniy Conv. iii. 2^7; libro delle Cagioni^ 
Conv. iii. 6«» "*, 7"; iv. 2i8»; De Casists, 
Mon. i. 1 1 132-3 . liber de Causis^ Epist x. 20, 21. 

D. quotes from the De Causis (the references 
being to the thirty-two Propositiones or Lec^ 
Hones ^ into which the Latin work is divided) 
the theory that every * substantial form ' pro- 
ceeds from its First Cause, which is God, Conv. 


Cavaloante Cavaloanti 

Cavaloantii Ouido 

iii. 2^"'' (Prop, xx) ; that the Divine Goodness 
and its gifts become diverse by the concurrence 
of that which receives them, Conv. iii. 2^^"* 
{Prop. XX, * Diversificantur bonitates et dona 
ex concursu recipientis ') ; that the first of all 
things is 'being,* Conv. iii. 2**"* {Prop, iv /«/*/., 
' Prima rerum creatanim est esse, et non est 
ante ipsum creatum aliud ') ; that every Intelli- 
gence on high knows what is above itself and 
what below, Conv. iii. 63»-*2 (Prop, viii /«//., 
' Omnis intelligentia scit quod est supra se, et 
quod est sub se; verumtamen scit quod est 
sub se, quoniam est causa ei, et scit quud 
est supra se, quoniam acquirit bonitates ab 
eo ') ; that every cause informs its effect with 
the goodness it has received from its own 
cause, which is God, Conv. iii. 6^13-18 (Prop. i, 
' Causa prima adjuvat secundam causam super 
operationem suam, quoniam omnem opera- 
tionem quam causa efficit secunda, prima etiam 
causa emcit ') ; that the Primal Goodness dis- 
penses its bounty ' with a single afHuence ' (con 
un di5Corritnento\ Conv. iii. 7I7-19 {Prop. xx, 
' Prima bonitas influit bonitates super res omnes 
infiuxione una') ; that every noble soul has three 
methods of operation, the animal, the intel- 
lectual, and the divine, Conv. iv. 21®^"*^ (Prop. 
iii init.y ' Omnis anima nobilis tres habet opera- 
tiones. Nam ex operationibus ejus est operatic 
animalis, et operatio intelligibilis, et operatio 
divina ') ; that the difference between causes is 
one of degree, Mon. i. 11I29-33 (Prop, i) ; that 
every primaiy cause has greater influence upon 
the object anected than a universal secondary 
cause, Epist. x. 20 (Prop. i. /»//., ' Omnis causa 
primaria plus est influens supra causatum suum 
quam causa universalis secunda ') ; that every 
intelligence is full of forms, Epist. x. 21 (Proi. 
X /If//., ' Omnis intelligentia plena est formis ). 

Cavalcante Cavalcanti. [Cavaloanti, 

Cavalcantiy noble family of Florence, several 
members of which are mentioned by D., the 
most conspicuous being Cavalcante and his son 
Guido, the poet and friend of D. 

Villani describes the Cavalcanti as being very 
wealthy and powerful : — 

' I Cavalcanti erano una grande e possente casa 
• . . erano delle piii possenti case e di genti, e di 
possessioni, e d'avere di Firenze.' (viii. 39, 71.) 

They were originally Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; 
on the outbreak of the Bianchi and Neri feuds 
in Florence they for the most part sided with 
the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi faction, 
of which they were subsequently some of the 
most prominent supporters. 

Cavalcanti, Cavalcante], Florentine 
Guelf, father of D.'s friend, the poet Guido 
Cavalcanti ; he is placed among the Heretics 
in Circle VI of Hell, but is not mentioned by 

name ; ombra, Inf. x. 53 ; /f//, z/. 61 ; costui^ 
V, 65 ; quel caduto, z/. 1 10 [Eretioi]. 

While D. is conversing with the Ghibelline 
Farinata degli Uberti, the shade of Cavalcante 
rises up from a sepulchre alongside of the 
latter, and looks eagerly to see if his son is 
with D. (Inf. X. 53-6) ; not seeing Guido, he 
asks where he is, and why he is not with D. 
(w. 57-60) ; D., divining his identity from 
' his words and the fashion of his punishment ' 
(w, 64-6), replies that he is not come of 
himself, but is brought by Virgil, ' whom per- 
haps your Guido held in disdain' (w. 61-3) ; 
noticing that D. used the past tense ('ebbe 
a disdegno '), C. anxiously asks if his son is 
dead, and receiving no reply, falls back into 
his sepulchre and is seen no more (w. 67-72) ; 
subsequently D. in compunction prays Farinata 
to tell him that Guido is yet alive, and that 
his own silence was due to wonderment at C.'s 
ignorance as to his son's fate (w. 109-14) 
[Cavaloanti, Quido : Farinata]. 

C. is said to have been an Epicurean, and 
to have disbelieved in the immortality of the 
soul ; Boccaccio says of him : — 

* Fu leggiadro e ricco cavaliere, e segui Topinion 
d'Epicuro, in non credere che I'anima dopo la 
morte del corpo vivesse, e che il nostro sommo 
bene fosse ne' diletti camali ; e per questo siccome 
eretico ^ dannato.' 

Benvenuto : — 

' Iste omnino tenuit sectam epicureonim, semper 
credens, et suadens aliis, quod anima simul 
moreretur cum corpore; unde saepe habebat in 
ore istud dictum Salomonis : Unus est interitus 
hominis et jumentorum, et aequa utri usque con- 
ditio. . . . Iste cum audisset autorem conferentem 
multa cum Farinata de novitatibus Florentiae . . . 
surrexit statim ad videndum autorem, qui ita 
mordaciter tangebat ghibelinos, quia ipse Caval- 
cante erat guelphus cum suis. . . . Et sic vide quod 
autor ponit duos epicureos simul de parte con- 
traria, unum ghibelinum, altenim guelphum/ 

Cavalcanti, Gtiido, famous Florentine 

!»oet, son of Cavalcante, his mother bein^ 
probably) a lady of the house of the Conti 
Guidi; he was bom probably between 1250 
and 1255, but in any case not later than 1259 ; 
while still a youth (in 1267) he was betrothed 
by his father to Beatrice degli Uberti, daughter 
of the famous Farinata, at the time when an 
attempt was made to conciliate the feuds in 
Florence by means of matrimonial alliances 
between members of the opposing factions 
(see below) \ the date of the marriage, by 
which Guido had two children, a son Andrea 
and a daughter Tancia, is unknown. In 1280 
Guido acted as one of the sureties of the peace 
arranged by the Cardinal Latino. From 1283 
dates his friendship with D. (V. N, § 3I02-3). 
In 1284 he was a member, together with 
Bnmetto Latino and Dino. Compagni, of the 
Grand Council. He was an ardent Guelf, and 


Cavalcanti, Ouido 

Cavaloanti, Ouido 

when the Guelf party in Florence, split up 
into Bianchi and Neri, headed respectively by 
the Cerchi and the Donati, he threw in his 
lot with the former and distinguished himself 
by the violenct of his opposition to the Donati, 
and especially to Corso Donati by whom, as 
Dino Compagni relates (i. 20), he was nick- 
named 'Cavicchia' (see Del Lungo's note). 
Between 1292 and 1296 Guido set out on 
a pilgrimage to Compostela in Galicia, but he 
got no further on his way than Toulouse, 
whence he appears to have turned back to 
Ntmes. While he was on this journey Corso 
Donati made an attempt to assassinate him, 
in retaliation for which Guido on his return 
attacked Corso in the streets of Florence, 
receiving a wound in the affray (Comp., i. 20), 
I In the summer of 1300, during D.'s priorate 
(June-Aug.),* it was decided (June 24), m order 
to put an end to the disturbances caused by 
the continued hostilities between the two 
factions, to banish the leaders of both sides, 
the Neri being sent to Castel della Pieve, the 
Bianchi (Guido being among them) to Sar- 
zana in Lunigiana; amongthose who approved 
this decision were Dante, in his capacity as 
Prior, and Dino Compagni, who formed one 
of the council (* I Signori, isdegnati, ebbono 
consiglio di piii cittadini, e io Dino fui uno 
di quelli/ i. 21). It thus came about that D. 
was instrumental in sending his own friend 
into exile, and, as it proved, to his death ; for 
though the exiles were recalled very shortly 
after, so that Guido only spent a few weeks 
at Sarzana, he never recovered from the effects 
of the malarious climate of the place, and died 
in Florence at the end of August in that same 
year ; he was buried in the cemetery of Santa 
Reparata on Aug. 29, as is attested by an 
entry in the official records still preserved in 

In recording his exile and deaths Villani 
says of him : — 

* Questa parte (i bianchi) vi stette meno a* con- 
fini, che furono revocati per Io infermo luogo, e 
tornonne malato Guido Cavalcanti, onde mono, 
e di lui fu grande dammaggio, perocch^ era come 
filosofo, virtudioso uomo in piii cose, se non ch' 
era troppo tenero (* touchy') e stizzoso.' (viii. 49.) 


The betrothal of Guido Cavalcanti to the 
daughter of Farinata degli Uberti, and the 
other matrimonial alliances projected at the 
same time, are recorded by Villani under the 
year 1267 : — 

* Per trattato di pace, il gennaio vegnente il 
popolo rimise in Firenze i guelfi e' ghibellini, e 
feciono £are tra loro piii matrimoni e parentadi, 
intra li quali questi furono i maggiorenti; che 
messer Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari diede 
per moglie a messer Forese suo figliuolo la figliuola 
del conte Guido Novello, e messer Bindo suo 
fratello tolse una degli* Ubaldini, e messer Caval- 
cante de' Cavalcanti diede per moglie a Guido suo 

iigliuolo la figliuola di messer Farinata degli 
Uberti, e messer Simone Donati diede la figliuola 
a messer Azzolino di messer Farinata degli Uberti.' 
(vii. 15.) 

Of Guido*s poems, which consist of cansonij 
sonnets, and ballate^ some didactic, some 
purely lyrical, a large number has been pre- 
served ; the most famous of the didactic poems 
is the canzone (' Dorina mi prega, perch' io 
voglio dire ') on the nature of love, which is 
twice quoted by D. (V. E. ii. it)^^ ^) and was 
the subject of numerous commentaries, among 
them being one in Italian by Aegidius 
Romanus [JSgidio ^] ; the sonnets are for the 
most amatory, many of them being addressed 
to Dante, Dino Compagni, and Cino da 
Pistoja ; the ballate are the least artificial of 
his poems. Guido Cavalcanti belongs with 
Dante, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Gianni 
Alfani, &c. to the school of ' il dolce stil nuovo,' 
which superseded that of Guido GuinicelH— the 
Guido whom his namesake eclipsed as a poet in 
the vulgar tongue, according to D.'s estimate : 

' Ha tolto Tono all* altro Gaido 
La gloria della lingoa.* (Purg. zi. 97-S.) 

(See D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett ItaL, i. 93-5 ; 
and Ercole, Rime di G, C) 

In the D. C, Guido is mentioned in the con- 
versation between D.'and Cavalcantein Circle 
VI of Hell, where the latter refers to him as 
' mio figlio ' and asks why he is not with D., 
Inf. X. 60 ; D. in his reply refers to him as 
'Guido vostro,' and, indicating Virgil, hints 
that Guido * held him in disdain ' (w, 61-3) ; 
D. having used the past tense ('ebbe a dis- 
degno'), Cavalcante assumes that his son is 
dead, and asks D., 'non viv'egli ancora?' 
{w, 67-9) ; D. does not reply, but subsequently 
bids Farinata tell Cavalcante that Guido is 
still alive, 'il suo nato h co' vivi ancor con- 
giunto' (w, 109-14) [Cavaloante] ; he is 
mentioned again (by Oderisi in Circle I of 
Purgatory) as ' Tuno Guido ' whose fame as an 
Italian poet should eclipse that of Taltro 
Guido ' (1. e. Guido Guinicelli), and who in his 
turn should perhaps be eclipsed by another 
contemporary poet (i.e. according to some, 
by D. himself), Purg. xi. 97-9. [Quldo *]. 

In the Vi/a Nuova^ which is dedicated to 
Guido Cavalcanti (§ 31^"^), D. several times 
refers to him as his most intimate friend, 
' quegli, cui io chiamo primo de* miei amici,' 
V. N. § 3»8-9 ; * mio primo amico,' §§ 24*% 
3122, 343-4 . he includes him among the 
famous poets of the day, and mentions that 
G. was one of those to whom he sent his 
sonnet ' A ciascun' alma presa e gentil core,* 
to which G. replied, and which D. says was 
the beginning of their friendship : — 

*■ A questo sonetto fu risposto da molti . . . tra li 
quali fu risponditore quegli, cui io chiamo primo 
de' miei amici ; e disse allora un sonetto Io quale 
comincia : Vedesti al mio partre ogni valort, E 


Cavalcanti, Ouido 

Cavaloanti, Oiiido 

questo fu quasi il principio delf amistk tra lui e 
me, quand* egli seppe ch' io era quegli che gli avea 
dd numdato.' (§ s^^^K) 

To him D. addressed a sonnet referring to 
G.'s love for a lady of the name of Giovanna 
(Son. xxxii) : — 

'Goldo, vorrei che ta e Lapo ed io 
Fosvmo presi per incantamento, 
B messi ad an vaacel, ch'ad ogal Tcnto 

Per mare andasse a voler vostro e^ mio . . . 

E monna Vanna e monna Bice poi, . . . 
Con noi ponesse il buono incantatore, 

B qaivi ragionar aempre d'amore . . .* 

In the De Vuigari Eloquentia Guido is 
several times mentioned ; he is referred to as 
Guido Florentinus^ V. E. i. \^^ ; ii. I3*i ; 
Guido CavcUcantiy V. E. ii. 6®^; Guido de 
Florentiay V. E. ii. 12^* ; his poems quoted, 
*Poi che di doglia cuor convien ch*io porti,* 
V. E. ii. 6®* ; * Donna mi prega, perch* io 
voglio dire,' V. E. ii. \2^^^ ^ ; he, like D. him- 
self and Lapo, rejected the Florentine dialect 
in his poems, V. E. i. 1382-7 j composed can- 
soni in the most illustrious style, V. E. ii. 6®^ ; 
wrote stanzas of eleven-syUabled lines, V. E. 
ii. 12^*^1® ; employed three-syllabled lines in 
his canzone on the nature of love, V. E. ii. 


Several of the old commentators suppose 
that Guido Cavalcanti and D. himself are the 
two persons referred to by Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell), who, in speaking of the corrupt 
state of Florence, says ' Giusti son due, ma non 
vi sono intesi/ i. e. there are two just citizens, 
but no heed is paid to them, Inf. vi. 73. Thus 
Boccaccio says ; — 

*Quali questi due si sieno, sarebbe grave Tin- 
dovinare ; nondimeno sono alcuni, i quah donde 
che egli sel traggano, che voglion dire essere stato 
Tunc I'autor medesimo, e Taltro Guido Cavalcanti, 
il quale era d'una medesima setta con luL' 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

'Autor loquitur de se et Guidone Cavalcante, 
qui de rei veritate tempore illo erant duo oculi 
Florentiae, sed autor non exprimit nomen, sed 
relinquit intelligi judicio prudentum. De se enim 
nullus sapiens dubitabit.' 

Others think D. and Dino Compagni are 
intended [Compagni, Dino] ; while Vellutello 
has no doubt that the reference is to two pious 
Florentines, Barduccio and Giovanni da Vis- 

gignano, whose saintly reputation is recorded 
y Villani [Barduooio]. 
The meaning of D.'s expression with regard 
to Guido that ' haply he held Virgil in disdain ' 
(In£ X. 63) has been much disputed. The 
early commentators explain that Guido pre- 
ferred philosophy to poetry ; e. g. Boccaccio 
says : — 

* Perciocch^ la filosofia gli pareva, siccome ella 
^, da molto piii che la poesia, ebbe a sdegno 
Virgilio e gli aitri poeti.* 

Some think the reason was political, and 
that Guido, who was a Guelf, was in ant- 

agonism with Virgil as the poet of the Roman 
Empire ; while others (e. g. Rossetti) think it 
was because of his ' strong desire to see the 
Latin language give place in poetry and litera- 
ture to a perfected Italian idiom,' a desire to 
which D. alludes in the Vita Nuova^ where he 
says that Guido wished him to write to him in 
the vulgar tongue only (§ 3121-4). 

Of Guido*s character we have, besides the 
account of Villani quoted above, that of his 
friend and poetical correspondent, Dino Com- 
pagni, who describes him in his chronicle as 
' uno giovane gentile . . . cortese e ardito, ma 
sdegnoso e solitario e intento alio studio' 
(i. 20). Boccaccio in his Comento says of 
him: — 

' Fu uomo costumatissimo e ricco e d*alto in« 
gegno, e seppe molte leggiadre cose fare meglio 
che alcun altro nostro cittadino : e oltre a ci6 fu 
nel suo tempo reputato ottimo loico e buon filo- 
sofo, e fu singularissimo amico dell' autore, siccome 
esso medesimo mostra nella sua VUa Nuova, e fu 
buon dicitore in rima.' 

And in the Decamerone : — 

' Fu uno de* migliori loici che avesse il mondo, 
e ottimo filosofo naturale, si fu egli leggiadrissimo 
e costumato e parlante uomo molto, e ogni cosa 
che far voile e a gentile uom pertenente, seppe 
meglio che altro uom fare, e con questo era 
ricchissimo, e a chiedere a lingua sapeva onorare, 
cui nelFanimo gli capeva, che il valesse. . . . 
Alcuna volta speculando, molto astratto dagli 
uomini diveniva, e perci6 che egli alquanto tenea 
della opinione degli Epicuri, si diceva tra la gente 
volgare, che queste sue speculazioni erano solo in 
cercare, se trovar si potesse, che Iddio non fosse.* 
(vi. 9.) 

Benvenuto says of him, 'fuit alter oculus 
Florentiae tempore Dantis.* 

Rossetti, who translated many of Guido's 
poems, gives the following estimate of him : — 

*■ He seems to have been in all things of that 
fitful and vehement nature which would impress 
others always strongly, but often in opposite 
ways. Self-reliant pride gave its colour to all his 
moods ; making his exploits as a soldier frequently 
abortive through the headstrong ardour of partisan- 
ship, and causing the perversity of a logician to 
prevail in much of his amorous poetry. The 
writings of his contemporaries, as well as his own^ 
tend to show him rash in war, fickle in love, and 
presumptuous in belief; but also by the same 
concurrent testimony, he was distinguished by 
great personal beauty, high accomplishments of 
all kinds, and daring nobility of soul. Not un- 
worthy, for all the weakness of his strength, to 
have been the object of D.*s early emulation, the 
first friend of his youth, and his precursor and 
fellow-labourer in the creation of Italian Poetry. 
... As a poet, he has more individual life of his 
own than belongs to any of his predecessors ; by 
far the best of his pieces being those which relate 
to himself, his loves and hates.* {Dante and his 


Cavaloanti, Franoetco O. de' 

Celestino V 

Two characteristic stories of Guido have 
been preserved , the one by Boccaccio (Decam, 
vi. 9)1 the other by Sacchetti (Nov. 68). 

Cavalcantli Francesco Guercio de'], 
'squintinff Francis' (called Guelfo by the 
Ottimo), member of the Cavalcanti family of 
Florence, who was mmidered by the inhabi- 
tants of (Saville, a village in the Upper Val- 
darno ; his death was speedily avenged by 
the Cuvalcanti, who in their fury are said to 
Imve almost dispeopled Gaville. He is one of 
iive Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) — the others 
being Cianfa (Inf. xxv. 43), Agnello (v, 68), 
liuoso {v, 140), and Puccio Sciancato {v. 148) — 
whom D. places among the Robbers in Bolgia 
7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), alluding 
to him as guel^ che tu^ Gaville^ piagni^ Inf. 
xxv. 151. pLadLrl.] Francesco is one of three 
spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation ; 
he is a serpent to begin with (un serpentello 
acceso, v. 83), and gradually exchanges forms 
with Buoso, who is at first in human shape 
(w. 103-41). [Buoso : Puooio Soiancato.] 
The Anonimo Fiorentino says of him :— 

'Questi t roesser Francesco cbiamato roesser 
Ouercio de' Cavalcanti, che fu morto da certi 
uomini da Gaville, ch' t una villa nel Val d'Amo 
di sopra nel contado di Firenze, per la qual morte 
1 consort! dl roesser Francesco molti di quelli da 
(iavllle uccisono et disfeciono ; et per6 dice TAut* 
tore che per lui quella villa ancor ne piagne, et 
per le accuse et testimonianze et condennagioni 
et uccisioni di loro, che per quella cagione ne 
seguitofono, che bene piangono ancora la morte di 
messer Francesco.' 

Cavalcanti, Guelfo de'. [Cavalcanti^ 
Franoesoo Gueroio de'.] 

Cavalcanti, Gianni Schicchi de'. 
[Gianni Sohioohi.] 

Ca^ster, river of Asia Minor, which rises 
in M t. Tmolus, and flows through Lydia and 
Ionia into the Aegean Sea a few miles above 
Ephesus ; it was famous for its swans, in which 
connexion (in imitation of Gtorg. i. 384) D. 
mentions it^ Eel. ii. 18. 

Cecilio, Caecilius Statias, Roman comic 
poet, contemporary of Ennius, and immediate 
predecessor of Terence ; he was a native of 
Milan, and originally a slave, but afterwards 
was freed ; he died B.C. 168. 

C. is mentioned, together with Terence, 
lMautus« and Varro (or Varius) by Statins (in 
l*urgator>'), who asks Virgil for ne^^ of them, 
and is told th%it they and Persius and many 
others are with Homer and V. himself in 
l.iinbo, Purg. xxii. 98. [Idmbo.] 

D, doubtless got the name of C. from Horace, 
by whom he is tmce mentioned in his lists of 
Roman |XJets :~ 

IHautiia «d exemplar SkttK properare Bpichanni; 
VUfH'eiT Ca«ciliiu gravitate; TefTAtiaa arte.* 

KKpni. II. 1 5r9s) 

'Quid aatem 
Caectlio Plantoqne dabit Roauums ademptmn 
Virgilio Varioque ? ' {A. P. 53-5.) 

C. is also mentioned, together with Plautus 
and ' Terentius vester,' by St Augustine in the 
De Civitate Dei (ii. 12), with which D. was 

C^cina, river of Tuscany, which flows into 
the Mediterranean about 30 miles S. of Leg- 
horn ; mentioned together with Cometo, which 
is situated on the Marta, about 10 miles N. 
of Civitavecchia, these two rivers indicating 
roughly the N. and S. limits of the Maremma 
or marshy sea-board of Tuscany, Inf. xiii. 9 

Cefalo, Cephalus, King of Athens ; men- 
tioned in connexion with Ovid's account of 
how C, being at war with Crete, sought assis- 
tance from Aeacus, King of Aegina {Metam, 
vii. 501-5), of how Aeacus complied (w, 506- 
II), and of how he related to C. the history of 
the pestilence that destroyed the people of 
Aegina and of the repopulation of the island 
(w. 523-657) Conv. IV. 27!^^*^ [Baoo]. D. 
translates the second passage (w, 5oiS-ii), 
which according to the established text runs 
as follows : — 

'Aeacua, in capolo soeptri nitente sinifltrm, 
Ne petite anxilinm, ted samite, dixit, Athenae. 
Nee dabie vires, qiias haec habet Insula, vestraa 
Dndte ; et omnis eat remm status iste meanun. 
Robora non desont ; saperat mihi miles,, et hosti : 
Gratia Dts; feltz et inexcosabile tempos.* 

The text used by D., however, evidently 
read Dicite for Ducite and erat for eeU (v, 509), 
and, unless the Italian text is corrupt, it must 
have read Aosfis for Aos^i (v. 510). 

Celestino V], Celestine V (Pietro da 
Morrone), elected Pope at the age of nearly 
80, at Perugia, July 5, 1294; abdicated at 
Naples, Dec. 13 of the same year. After the 
death of Nicholas IV in 1292, the Cardinals 
had been in conclave for nearly two years 
without electing a new Pope, when on the 
suggestion of the Cardinal of Ostia they sum- 
moned the venerable hermit, Pietro da Mor- 
rone, from his cell in the remote Abruzxi to 
assume the papal crown. Pietro, who was of 
humble birth, was on account of his extra- 
ordinary austerities regarded by the people as 
a man of the highest sanctity. Scarcely, how- 
ever, had he ascended the pontifical throne 
than, weary of his dignity, he began to long 
for his former solitude, and to cast about for 
some way of vacating his office. 

* Neg^i anni di Cristo 1994 del mese di Luglio, 
essendo stata vacata la Chiesa di Roma dopo la 
morte di papa Niccola piii di due anni, per dis- 
cordia de* cardinali ch'erano partiti, e dascuna 
setta volea papa uno di lore, esseodo i cardinali 
in Perugia . . . furono in concordia di non chiamare 
niuno di loro collegio, e elessono uno santo uomo, 
ch* avea nome firate Piero dal Morrone d* Abruzxi. 
Questi era romito e d'aqxa vita e peoitenzia, e 


Celestino V 

Celestino V 

per lasciare la vanita del mondo . . . se n*and6 a 
(are penitenzia nella montagna del Morrone, la 
quale ^ sopra Sennona. Questi eletto e fatto 
venire e coronato papa, per rifonnare la Chiesa 
fece di Settembre vegnente dodici cardinal! . . . 
ma perch^ egli era semplice e non litterato, e delle 
pompe del mondo non si travagliava volentieri, 
i cardinal! il pregiavano poco, e parea loro che 
a utile e stato della Chiesa avere fatta mala ele- 
zione. II detto santo padre aweggendosi di ci6, 
e non sentendosi sofficiente al govemamento della 
Chiesa, come quegli che piii amava di servire a Dio 
e Futile di sua anima che Tonore mondano, cercava 
ogni via come potesse rinunziare il papato.' 
(Villani, viil 5.) 

According to the current belief, which was 
shared by D. (Inf. xix. 56), Celestine's abdica- 
tion was brought about by the crafty Benedetto 
Gaetani, who a few days after, through the 
interest of Charles II of Naples, secured his 
own election, and became Pope as Boniface 

'Intra gli altri cardinal! della corte era uno 

messer Benedetto Guatan! d'Alagna molto savio 

di scrittura, e delle cose del mondo molto pratico 

e sagace, il quale aveva grande volontk di per- 

venire alia dignitk papale, e quello con ordine 

avea cercato e procacciato col re Carlo e co' 

cardinal!, e g^a aveva da loro la promessa, la quale 

poi gli venne fatta. Questi si mise dinanz! al santo 

padre, sentendo ch* egli avea voglia di rinunziare 

il papato, ch' egli facesse una nuova decretale, che 

per utilitk della sua anima ciascuno papa potesse 

U papato rinunziare, mostrandogli I'esemplo di 

santo Clemente, che quando santo Pietro venne 

a morte, lascib ch* appresso lui fosse papa ; e 

quegli per utile di sua anima non voile essere . . . 

e cosl come il consigl!6 il detto cardinale, fece 

papa Celestino il detto decreto ; e c!6 fatto, il di 

di santa Lucia di Dicembre vegnente, fatto con- 

cestoro di tutti i cardinal!, in loro presenza si 

trasse la corona e il manto papale, e rinunzi6 il 

papato, e partiss! della corte, e tornoss! ad essere 

cremita, e a fare sua penitenzia. £ cosl regn6 

sel papato cinque mesi e nove dl papa Celestino.' 

<Vin. viii. 5.) — *Vero h che molt! dicono, che il 

^etto cardinale gli venne una notte segretamente 

«:on una tromba a capo al letto, et chiamollo tre 

^^olte, ove Papa Celestino gli rispose, et disse, 

hi sei tu? Rispose quel dalla tromba, lo sono 

'angel da Iddio mandato a te come suo divoto 

rvo; et da parte sua ti dico che tu abbia piii 

Tanima tua che le pompe di questo mondo, 
subito si parti. Di che Papa Celestino non 
ch' egli rinunti6.' {Pecorone, xiii. 9.) 

In order to secure himself from any attempt 
t opposition on the part of Celestine, Boniface 
ut him in prison, where he died in 1296. He 
canonized a few years later (in 1313) by 
^Ilcment V. [BonifiEiaio^.] 

Celestine is alluded to as the predecessor of 

^oniface VIII, in connexion yith his abdica- 

"^ion, Inf. xxvii. 105 ; and according to the 

Qiost general opinion (dating from the earliest 

^xuunentators) he is the person indicated by 
D. as * colui Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuto,' 

whose shade he saw among the souls of those 
' Che visser senza infamia e senza lodo,' and 
who were not worthy to enter Hell, Inf. iii. 36, 
59-60. It has been objected to this identifica- 
tion that D. would hardly have condemned so 
severely one whom the Church regarded and 
honoured as a saint ; but this objection does 
not hold good inasmuch as, though Celestine 
was canonized in 1313, the decree of canoniza- 
tion was not made public until 1328, during 
the pontificate of John XXII, seven years 
after D.'s death, as is recorded by Villani : — 

< Nel detto anno 1398, papa Giovanni co* suoi 
cardinal! appo la citta di Vignone in Proenza, ov' 
era lo corte, canonizz6 santo Pietro di Murrone, il 
quale fu papa Celestino quinto.* (x. 89.) 

This point is noted by Boccaccio, who 
says : — 

' Quando Tautore entr6 in questo cammino . . • 
questo san Piero non era ancora canonizzato . . . 
fu canonizzato molt! anni dopo, cio^ al tempo di 
papa Giovanni vegesimo secondo : e per6 infino a 
quel dl che canonizzato fu, fu lecito a ciascuno di 
crederne quello che piii gl! piacesse, siccome h di 
ciascuna cosa che della chiesa determinata non 

It must be borne in mind that by his abdi- 
cation Celestine rendered himself in D.'s eyes 
a traitor to mankind, in that he betrayed the 
sacred office of the 'summus pontifex, qui 
secundum revelata humanum ^enus perduceret 
ad vitam aetemam* (Mon. iii. 16'^^"®); that 
he for the time being extinguished all hopes of 
a reform in the Church ; and finally, that he 
had left the way open for D.'s bitterest enemy, 
Boniface VIII. What D. stigmatizes as coward- 
ice the Church chose to regard as humility, 
but as Milman remarks : — 

' Assuredly there was no magnanimity contemp- 
tuous of the Papal greatness in the abdication of 
Celestine ; it was the weariness, the conscious in- 
efficiency, the regret of a man suddenly wrenched 
from all his habits, pursuits, and avocations, and 
unnaturally compelled or tempted to assume an 
uncongenial dignity. It was the cry of passionate 
feebleness to be released from an insupportable 

Of the old commentators, Pietro di Dante 
seems to have no doubt that Celestine is in- 
tended : — 

' Inter quos nominat fratrem Petrum de Murrono, 
ut credo, qui dictus est Papa Celestinus V ; qui 
possendo ita esse sanctus et spiritualis in papatu 
sicut in eremo, papatui, qui est sedes Christ!, 
pusillanimiter renuntiavit.' 

The rest are almost unanimously of the 
same opinion, but most of them mention Esau 
as an alternative. Benvenuto, on the other 
hand, energetically maintains that D. could 
not have meant Celestine, since his abdi- 
cation was an act, not of cowardice, but of 
noble self-renunciation ; his own opinion is 




that the reference is to Esau, but he adds that 
if D. did mean Celestine it was through 
ignorance that he was a holy man, and because 
he made way for Boniface VIII : — 

' Certe communis et vulgaris fere omnium opinio 
esse videtur, quod autor noster hie loquatur de 
Celestino . . . sed, quicquid dicatur, mihi videtur 
quod autor nullo modo loquatur nee loqui possit 
de Celestino. Primo, quia licet Celestinus fecerit 
maximam renuntiationem, non tamen ex vilitate, 
imo ex magnanimitate ; fiiit enim Celestinus, si 
verum loqui volumus, vere magnanimus; magn- 
animus ante papatum, in papatu, et post papatum. 
. . . Quis ergo fuit iste tristissimus ? Dico breviter 
. . . quod fuit E^u: iste enim fecit magnam 
refutationem quando renunciavit omnia primo- 
genita sua fratri suo Jacob . . . ista fuit maxima 
renunciatio; nam ex primogenitura Isaac patris 
eorum descensurus erat Christus. ... Si tamen 
quis velit omnino resistere, et dicere autorem 
intellexisse de Celestino . . . pro excusatione 
autoris dicam quod nondum erat sibi nota sanctitas 
hominis. . . . Praeterea autor erat iratus Bonifacio, 
autori exilii et expulsion is ejus. Qui Celestinus 
donaverat sponte Bonifacio summum pontificatum.' 

Fazio degli Uberti in the Dtttamondo(w[\ti^ii 
before 1360) names Celestine as being in Hell, 
evidently in allusion to this passage of the 
D. C. :— 

*Tra lor coriper cattiTo si danna 
II miaero Giovanni lor Delfino, 
Che rifiut6 Tonor di tanta manna, 
Onne h in inferno papa Celeatino.* (iv. ai.) 

Among the various persons suggested by 
modem commentators are Diocletian, the 
Roman Emperor who abdicated ; Augustulus, 
the last Roman Emperor of the West ; Giano 
della Bella ; and Vieri de* Cerchi, the incap- 
able head of the Florentine Bianchi. (See 
Barlow, II gran Rtfiuto). 

Centauri, Centaurs, mythical race, half 
horses and half men ; they are said to have 
been the offspring of Ixion, King of the 
Lapithae, and a cloud in the shape of Hera, 
hence D., who introduces them as examples of 
gluttony in Circle VI of Purgatory, refers to 
them as * i maladetti Nei nuvoli formati/ Purg. 
xxiv. 1 2 1-2 ; their fight with the Lapithae and 
Theseus at the wedding of Pirithoiis, their 
half-brother, and Hippodame, is alluded to, 
w, 122-3 [Qoloai: Teaeo]. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

r During the wedding- feast the Centaur Eurytus, 
inflamed with wine, attempts to carry off the bride, 
while his companions seize the other women.] 

'Duxerat Hippodamen andad Ixione natat, 
Nabigenasque feros, posttia ex ordine mensitf 
Arbonbus tecto dtacambere jaawrat antro . . . 
Bcce cannnt hymenaeon, et ignibus atria fumant ; 
Cinctaque adest vinp matrura, naruomqae caterva^ 
Praesi{rnis facie; fenceni diximus ilia 
Conjajfre Pirithoam: quod paene fefellimnt omen. 
Nam tibi, saevorum saeviwime Centauronim 
Euryte, qoam vino pectus, tam vir^ji^ine visa 
Ardet; et ebrietas geminata libidine regpoat. 
Prottnoa eversae tnrbant convivia niensae; 
RapCatorqae comis per vim nova nupta prehensia. 

Earytna Hippodamen, alii, qoam qaiaqne pr(rf> 
Ant poterant, rapiont.* 

[Theseus rescues Hippodame and the 
becomes general.] 

'"Quae te vecordia,** Theaens 
*'Bnryte, pulsat,'* ait, "qui, me vivente laceai 
Pirithodm, violea^ae daoa ignaroa in uno?** 
Neve ea magnantmas fmatra memoraverit hei 
Subroovet instantes, raptamque fiirentibua aof 

[In the sequel, af^er a bloody conflic 
Centaurs are defeated.] {Metam. xii. aio fil 

D. places the Centaurs as guardians ( 
Tyrants and Murderers in Round i of < 
VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 56; Jiere sneiie, t 
they are armed with bows and arrows (v 
60), and shoot any of the spirits who atl 
to evade their punishment {w. 73-5) ; thi 
them, Chiron, Nessus, and Pholus, ad 
from the troop (w, 59-60) ; Nessus thrc 
D. and Virgil (t/v, 61-3), but is rebuk< 
the latter (vz/. 64-6), who explains to D 
they are {w. 67-72) , and requests Chir 
give them an escort (w. 91-6) ; Chiron 
Nessus with them, who points out the difi 
sinners to them as they go along (w, 97 
[Chirone: Folo: Nesso: Violenti]. 

Elsewhere D. refers to the Centaurs as 
brothers of Cacus,' Inf. xxv. 28. [Caoc] 

The Centaurs, with their semi-bestial 
typify the sins of bestiality (Inf. xi. 83). 
venuto regards them as representative c 
foreign mercenaries (* stipendiarii,* the 
dottieri ' of later times), who were beginni 
overrun Italy : — 

' Isti centauri figuraliter sunt stipendiarii, « 
militares praedatores . . . proh dolor! in 
tempora infelicitas mea me deduxit, ut vi< 
hodie miscram Italiam plenam bart>aris soci 
omnium nationum. Hie enim sunt Anglici sang 
Alcmanni furiosi, Britones bniti, Vascones ra] 
Hungari immundL' 

Centauro, Centaur ; of Nessus, Inl 
61, 104, 115, 129 [iSTesso]; of Cacus (wh< 
not properly speaking a Centaur), Inif. xj 

Ceperano, town in Latium on the ban 
the Liris (branch of the Garigliano), 1 
there forms part of the frontier betweei 
Papal States and the kingdom of Naples. 

D. mentions C. in allusion to the betra; 
Manfred by the Apulians just before the 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, I26f), Inf. a 

Hearing of the approach of Charl< 
Anjou, Manfred directed all his energies t 
defence of the passes into his kingdom, 
the point called the bridge of Ceperano, v 
the road crosses the Liris, he posted the C 
Giordano, and his relative, the Cour 
Caserta ; the latter, however, turned trait< 
revenge, it is said, for a private wrong) 
abandoned the pass, leaving Charles to ad^ 
unopposed : — 




* Lo re Manfredi sentendo la venuta del detto 
Carlo, e poi della sua gente . . . incontanente mise 
tutto suo studio alia guardia de' passi del Regno, 
e al passo al ponte a Cepperano mise il conte 
Giordano e quello di Caserta . . . con gente assai 
a pi^ e a cavallo. . . . Awenne che, giunto il re 
Carlo con sua oste a Fresolone in Campagna, 
scendendo verso Cepperano, il detto conte Giordano 
che a quello passo era a guardia, vcggendo venire 
la gente del re per passare, voile difendere il 
passo ; il conte di Caserta disse ch' era meglio a 
lasciame prima alquanti passare, si gli avrebbono 
di la dal passo sanza colpo di spada. II conte, 
quando vide ingrossare la gente, ancora voile 
assalirli con battaglia ; allora il conte di Caserta, il 
quale era nel trattato, disse che la battaglia era di 
gran rischio, imperciocch^ troppi n'erano passati. 
Allora il conte Giordano veggendo si possente la 
gente del re, abbandonarono la terra e il ponte, 
chi dice per paura, ma i piii dissono per lo trattato 
fatto dal re al conte di Caserta, imperciocch' egli 
non amava Manfredi . . . e voile fare questa 
vendetta col detto tradimento. £ a questo diamo 
fede, perocch^ furono de' primi egli e' suoi che 
s*arrenderono al re Carlo, e lasciato Cepperano, 
non tornaro all' oste del re Manfredi a san Ger- 
mano, ma si tennero in loro castella.* (Villani, 
vii. 5.) 

D. implies that there was a battle at Cepe- 
rano, but as a matter of fact no engagement 
took place at the bridge ; he has perhaps con- 
fused what happened there with the action at 
San Germano, which was besieged and taken 
a few days later (Vill. vii. 6) ; or possibly, since 
the context seems to point to an engagement 
in which there was great loss of life, his words 
(taken somewhat loosely) refer to the decisive 
battle at Benevento itself, during which, at 
a critical moment, as Villani relates : — 

'la maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del 
Regno, . . . o per viltk di cuore, o veggendo a loro 
avere il peggiore, e chi disse per tradimento, . . • 
si iidlirono a Manfredi, abbandonandolo e fuggen- 
dosi.' (vii 9.) [Benevento : Manfiredi.] 

Cephas (a Syriac word, answering to the 
Greek Peter, and signifying a rock), name 
grvta by Christ to Simon : — 

'When Jesus beheld Simon, he said. Thou art 
Si anon the son of Jona : thou shalt be called 
O^sphas, which is by interpretation, A stone/ {John 

St, Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
iptrasts the simplicity of St. Peter (whom he 
by the name of Cephas) and St. Paul 
th the luxury of the prelates of his day, Par. 
' 127-8 [Piotro 1]. 

Cepperano. [Ceperanc] 

Cerbero, Cerberus, huge dog-like monster, 
th three heads, who guarded the entrance to 
infernal regions ; the last and most difficult 
of the twelve labours of Hercules was to bring 
Cerberus into the upper world, which he ac- 

complished by putting the monster in a chain 
and carrying him off. 

D., taking C. as the type of gluttony, places 
him as guardian of Circle HI of Hell, where 
the Gluttonous are punished, Inf. vi. 13 ; Jiera 
crudele e diversa^ 2/. 13 ; il ^an vermo^ v. 22 ; 
demoniOy v, 32 ; he is described as a cruel and 
uncouth brute, with three heads, scarlet eyes, 
a greasy black beard, a huge belly, and paws 
armed with nails, with which he claws and 
rends the spirits under his charge {tw, 13-18), 
while he deafens them with his barking {w, 
32-3) [Qoloei] ; when he catches sight of D. 
and Virgil, he shows his tusks at them, but V. 
appeases him by throwing handfuls of earth 
down his throats (w, 22-31). The incident 
is imitated from Virgil ; — 

'Cerberus haec ing^ns latratn regna trifaaci 
Personat, ad verso recabans tnmanis in antro. 
Cut vates^ horrere videns jam coUa colubris, 
Melle soporatam et medicatis frugibas oflfam 
Objicit. Ille fame rabida tria ^ttura pandena 
Corripit objectam, ^t^ue inmania terga resolvit 
Pusos bomi, totoque logens extendftur antro.' 

{Aen. vi. 417-23.) 

The heavenly messenger at the gate of Dis 
mentions C. as having had 'his chin and 
throat peeled,' in allusion to his having been 
chained and carried off to the upper world 
by Hercules, Inf. ix. 98-9: — 

'Tartareora ille (Alcides) mana cnatodem in vincla 

Ipsios a 80H0 rej^is, traxitque trementem.* 

{Aen. vi. 395-6,) 

Cerchi, wealthy Florentine family of low 
origin, who originally came from Acone, a small 
village in the neighbourhood of Florence ; in 
1 21 5, when Florence was divided into Guelfs 
and Ghibellines, they espoused the cause of 
the former, and were already at that date 
rising into prominence; subsequently, when 
the Florentine Guelfs split up into Bianchi and 
Neri, by which time they were wealthy mer- 
chants, and very powerful in the commercial 
world, they became the leaders of the former, 
while the Donati, who were of noble origin, 
headed the Neri. Villani, whose father was 
a partner in the house of Cerchi, and who 
acted as their agent in England, says : — 

* Nel sesto di porte san Piero furono de* nobili 
guelfi gli Adimari, i Visdomini, i Donati, i Pazzi 
. . . e gill i Cerchi cominciavano a salire in istato, 
tutto fossono mercatanti.' (v. 39.) — *£rano di 
grande afiare, e possenti, e di grandi parentadi, 
e ricchissimi mercatanti, che la loro compagnia era 
delle maggiori del mondo ; uomini erano morbidi 
e innocenti, salvatichi e ingrati, siccome genti 
venuti di piccolo tempo in grande stato e podere.' 
(viii. 39.) 

The Cerchi are mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who laments the 
extension of the city of Florence, which brought 
them from their original home at Acone within 
its walls, Par. xvi. 65 [Aoone i] ; he alludes 
to their residence in the Porta san Piero, where 


L 2 



the Ravignani) the ancestors of the Conti 
Guidi (whose palace the Cerchi bought in 
1280), dwelt in his time, and speaks of them as 
'nuova fellonia di tanto peso, Che tosto fia 
jattura della barca,' in reference to their up- 
start origin, and to the ruin which the Biancni 
and Neri feuds were destined to bring upon 
the city {w, 94-8) [Guidi, Conti: Bavi- 

In reference to the Cerchi as leaders of the 
Bianchi, the latter are called by Ciacco (in 
Circle III of HeU) 'la parte selvaggia/ i. e^ 
the rustic (the Cerchi having only recently 
come into the city from the country), and 
hence boorish, savage, party (just as Villani 
calls them ' salvatichi,' and speaks of their 
'bizarra salvatichezza '), Inf. vi. 65 [Bianohi]. 

After their purchase of the palace of the 
Conti Guidi (Vill. iv. 11) the Cerchi became 
the near neighbours of the more ancient but 
less wealthy Donati, and in consequence great 
jealousy, ending in a deadly feud, arose be- 
tween the two houses, which led to constant 
breaches of the peace in Florence. The 
degree of jealousy and suspicion with which 
they regarded each other may be gathered 
from the following incident, related by Dino 
Compagni : — 

' Intervenne, che una famiglia che si chiamavano 
i Cerchi (uomini di basso stato, ma buoni mercatanti 
e gran ricchi, e vestiano bene, e teneano molti 
famigli e cavagli, e aveano bella apparenza), alcuni 
di loro comprorono il palagio de* conti (Guidi\ 
che era presso alle case de' Pazzi e de* Donati, 
i quali erono piii antichi di sangue, ma non si 
ricchi : onde, veggendo i Cerchi salire in altezza 
(avendo murato e cresciuto il palazzo, e tenendo 
gran vita), cominciorono avere i Donati grande 
odio contro a loro. . . . Di che si gener6 molto 
scandalo e pericolo per la citta e per speziali 
persone. . . . Essendo molti cittadini uno giorno, 
per seppellire una donna morta, alia piazza de' 
Frescobaldi, essendo Tuso della terra a simili 
raunate i cittadini sedere basso in su stuoie di 
giunchi, e i cavalieri e dottori su alto in sulle 
panche, essendo a sedere i Donati e i Cerchi in 
terra (quelli che non erano cavalieri), Tuna parte 
al dirempetto all* altra, uno, o per racconciarsi 
i panni o per altra cagione, si lev6 ritto. Gli 
awersari anche, per sospetto, si levomo, e missino 
mano alle spade ; gli altri feciono il simile : e 
vennono alia zuffa : gli altri uomini che v* erano 
insieme, li tramezzorono, e non gli lasciomo 
azzufiare. . . . Non si pot^ tanto amortare, che alle 
case de' Cerchi non andasse molta gente ; la quale 
volentieri sarebbe ita a ritrovare i Donati se none 
che alcuni de' Cerchi non lo consentl.* (i. ao.) 

Cerere, Ceres, daughter of Saturn and 
Rhea, and sister of Jupiter, by whom she 
became the mother of Proserpine. Jupiter, 
without her knowledge, had promised her 
daughter to Pluto, the god of the lower world, 
and while Proserpine was gathering flowers 
near Enna in Sicily, *she herself, a fairer flower, 

was plucked ' by the infernal god, and c 
off to the lower regions. After wan< 
many days in search of her daughter C. 
from the Sun that Pluto had carried h< 
whereupon she quitted Olympus in angc 
caqie to dwell on earth among men, beo 
the protectress of agriculture. 

D. mentions her as goddess of Corn, 
ii. 5*3~* ; and alludes to her as the mot 
Proserpine, to whom he compares Matil 
she appeared to him gathering flowers 
the banks of the river Lethg, Purg. xxviii. 
[Matelda: Proserpina]. The descripl 
taken from Ovid : — 

'Hand procal Hennaeia lacus est a moenibas 1 
Nointne Fergus aquae : . . . 
Stlva coronat aquas^cineens latns omne; onis 
Frondibus, at velo, Fhoebeos submovet icttu. 
Frigoia dant rami, Tyrios hamns hnmida flor 
Peipetnam ver est; quo dnm Proseipina Inco 
Laoit, et aut violas, aat Candida lilia carpit, 
Damqae paellari studio calathosqae sinomqae 
Implet, et aeqoales certat saperare legenda 
Paene simal visa est, dilectaque, raptaqae I>it 
Usque adeo properatur amor ! Dea territa m 
Et matrem, et coinites, sed matrem saepiua, < 
Clamat; et, ut suinroa vestem laniArat ab on 
Collect! flores tunicis ceddere remiasis. 
Tantaque nmpHcitas paerilibus adfuit annia, 
Haec quoque virgineum movit jactura doloren 

{Meiafm. v. 385 

Certaldo, village in Tuscany, in th 
d'Elsa, about seven miles from Pogg 
on the road between Florence and i 
mentioned, together with Campi and F 
by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars 
laments the immigration into Florence 
habitants from these places, and the const 
debasement of the Florentine charactei 
xvi. 50. [Campi.] 

Benvenuto sees a special allusion to > 
tain Jacobo da Certaldo, one of the Pri 
Florence, who, when the Podestk thres 
to resign, insolently asked him if he th 
he was the only person who could % 
Florence, and coolly himself assumed the 
of Podestk : — 

'Hoc dixit autor propter quemdam doi 
Jacobum de Certaldo, qui fuit tantae teme 
quod cum Potestas Florentiae ex certo casu 
retur se depositunim sceptrum, iste, qui tui 
de prioribus, arroganter respondit : Nonne 
quod sit alius sciens regere terram istan 
continuo assumpta virga Potestatis, acces 
palatium Potestatis et coepit sedere ad banc 
jura reddenda ; et hoc fecit aliquot diebus.' 

Certaldo was the residence of Boccacci 
Benvenuto, who calls him 'venerabilis 
ceptor mens,' takes this opportunity of si 
the praises of the author of the Decanter 

Cervia, small town in the Emilia (; 
old Romagna) on the Adriatic, about 1 
miles S. of Ravenna ; it was a place of 
importance in the Middle Ages, as en 
a salt monopoly, which appears to 
yielded a considerable revenue. Ben^ 
says : — 




' Habet haec dvitas praerog^tivam salis ; uude 
cardinalis ostiensis dominus Bononiae et Roman- 
diolae erat solitus dicere : Plus habemus de Cerviola 
parvula, quam de tola Romandiola.' 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da 
Montcfeltio (in Bol^a 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as to the condition of Romagna, D. in- 
forms him that the Polenta family, who had 
long been lords of Ravenna (since 1270), were 
at that time (in 1300) also lords of Cervia, 
Inf. xxvii. 40-2. 

Philalethes states that in 1292 Bernardino 
Polenta, a brother of Francesca da Rimini, 
was Podestk of Cervia, while another brother, 
Ostasio Polenta, was Podestk of Ravenna. 
The lord of Ravenna at the time D. was 
speaking was Guido Vecchio da Polenta 
(d. 1 3 10), father of Francesca da Rimini, and 
grandfieither of Guido Novello, D.'s future host 
of Ravenna. Cervia subsequently passed into 
the hands of the Malatesta of Rimini. [Mala- 
testa: Polenta.] 

^, Caius Julius Caesar (bom B.c. 100), 
according to D.*s theory, the first of the Roman 
Emperors; he was Consul in 59, conquered 
Gaul and invaded Britain between 58 and 
49 (in which year he passed the Rubicon 
smd marched on Rome), and subsequently de- 
feated Pompey*s lieutenants in Spain ; in 48 
he crossed over to Greece and defeated 
Pompey at Pharsalia, and pursuing him into 
£fiyP^ ^^f ^is death, made war upon 
Ptolemy in 47 ; in 46 he defeated Scipio and 
Juba in Africa at Thapsus, and in the next 
year crossed over to Spain and defeated 
Pompey's sons at Munda; in the autumn of 
45 he returned in triumph to Rome, where in 
the following spring (March 15, 44) he was 
assassinated by Brutus and Cassius. 

D. places Caesar, whom he represents as 
armed and as having the eyes of a hawk 
('fuisse traditur . . . nigris vegetisque oculis,' 
says Suetonius), among the great heroes of 
anti(][uity in Limbo, in company with the 
Trojan warriors Hector and Aeneas (the 
mythical founder of the Roman Empire), Inf. 
iv. 122-3 [liimbo] ; he is mentioned in con- 
nexion with his crossing the Rubicon, Inf. 
sxviiL 98 ; Epist. vii. 4 [Curio : Bubioon] ; 
liis campaign in Spain against Pompey's lieu- 
tenants, Afranius and Petreius, Purg. xviii. 
101 [Ilerda}; the belief that he had been 
piilty of sodomy, Purg. xxvi. 77 (see below) ; 
&8 victories in Gaul, Spain, Greece, and 
Egypt, Par. vi. 57-72 [Aquila i] ; his victory 
*t Thapsus, Conv. iii. 5^235 Mon. ii. 5^®^ 
[Catone 2] ; his office as ' first supreme 
prince * (i.c. Emperor of Rome), Conv. iv. 5^^ ; 
called Julius by Virgil (in his first speech to 
^-)t Inf. i. 70 [Julius] ; alluded to (by 
St. Thomas Aquinas in the Heaven of the 
Sun), in connexion with the story of the fisher- 

man Amyclas, as Colui ch* a fufto il mondo 
f^ paura. Par. xi. 69; and mentioned in the 
same connexion, Conv. iv. 13118-19 [Ami- 

In the passage, Purg. xxvi. 77-8, D. alludes to 
an incident which is said to have taken place 
during one of Caesar's triumphs, when he was 
l^reeted by the crowd with shouts of * Regina/ 
m allusion to the common belief that while in 
Bithynia he had committed sodomy with King 
Nicomedes. The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

'Poi che Cesare cbbe vtnta Tultima battaglia contro a* 
figliaoli di Pompeo appresso a Monda . . . torn6 a Roma, 
dove g\\ furon tatti anqac triunfi ; et per6 che lecito era 
a ciascuno di rimproverare al triunfatore ogni suo visio . . . 
ano grid6 a Cesare : O rejrina di Bitinia, come se* ogn 
OQorato! rtmproverandoglt il vizio di sodomitaf il qnaJe 
avea usato in lai ii re di Bitinia.* 

Suetonius, in his life of Caesar, in a chapter 
headed De pudicitia ejus prostrata apud JVicofnedent 
f^S^^t gives the following account : — 

'Pudicitiae Caesaris famam nihil quidem praeter Nico- 
medis contabernium laesit, gravi tamcn et perenni opprobrio^ 
et ad omnium convicia exposito. Omitto Calvi Licinit 
notissimoe versoa Bithynia qatcqoid et paedicator Caesaris 
unqaam habait. Praetereo actiones Doiabellae, et Carionis 
patris, in quibas cum Dolabella pcllicero reginae spondam 
tnteriorem r^tae lecticae, et Cnno stabalura Nicomedis, et 
bithjrnicum fomicera dicunt. Missa etiam facio edicta 
Bibttli, quibas proscripsit collegam suum bithynicam reginam 
dque regem antea fuisse cordi, nunc esse rqn^um. Quo 
tempore, ut M. Qrutns refert, Octavius etiam quidam vali- 
tudine mentis liberius dicax conventu mazimo, quuro Pom- 

S'ium regem appellasset, ipsum reginam salutavit. . . . 
allico denique tnumpho milites ejus mter caetera carmina 
qnalia currum prosequentes joculariter canunt, etiam vulga- 
tissimum tllnd pronundaverunt, 

Gailias Caesar subeg^it, Nicomedes Caesarem. 
Ecce Caesar nunc tnumphat, qui subegit Gailias, 
Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Caesarem.* 

The commentators suppose that P., who speaks 
of Caesar's having been greeted as * Regina ' 
during a triumph, confused the two incidents 
referred to by Suetonius, viz. his being saluted as 
* Regina' in a public assembly, and his being 
mocked by his soldiers during a triumph on ac- 
count of his supposed unnatural intercourse with 
Nicomedes. D.'s authority, however, was probably 
not Suetonius, but the Magnae Derivaiiones of 
Uguccione da Pisa, whose version of the incident, 
given under the word triumphus, exactly agrees 
with that of D. :— 

*In ilia die licebat cuilibet dicere in personam trium- 
phantis auicquid yellet: unde Caesari tnumphanti fertur 
quidam oixisse cum deoeret induci in civitatem: Aperite 
portas regi calvo et reginae Bitiniae, volens significare quod 
calvus erat et quod succuba extiterat regis Bitiniae. E^ 
alius de eodem vitio : Ave rex et regina ! * 

D. was well acquainted with this work of 
Uguccione, of which he made considerable use, 
and which he quotes by name in the Convivio 
(iv. 6**'). [Uguccione ^] 

D. consistently regards Julius Caesar as the 
first of the Roman Emperors, hence he ad- 
dresses Henry VII of Luxemburg as * Caesaris 
successor,' Epist. vii. i ; and it is as traitors to 
Caesar, the representative of the highes{ civil 
authority (*primo principe sommo,* Conv. iv. 
5^^®), that he condemns Brutus and Cassius to 
the lowest pit of Hell, along with Judas, the 
betrayer of the representative of the highest 
spiritual authority. [Brute ''^.'\ 




Cesare ^, Caesar, appellative of the Roman 
Emperors, applied by D. to the sovereigns of the 
Holy Roman Empire as well ; of Frederick II, 
Inf. xiii. 65; V. E. i. 1221 [Federico^]; of 
Albert I, Purg. iv. 92, 1 14 [Alberto Tedesool ; 
of Henry VII, Epist. v. 2 ; vi. Sfjin, [Arrigo^j ; 
of the Roman Emperor in general. Par. i. 29 ; 
xvi. 59 ; Mon. iii. i6^85 > Epist. v. 3, 5, 9 ; 
vii. I ; of Justinian, Par. vi. 10 [Qiustiniano] ; 
of Tiberius, who, as having succeeded Julius 
Caesar and Augustus, is called /7 ferso desare^; Mon.ii. 13*^; Epist. v. io[Tiberio]; 
of Julius Caesar, Mon. ii. ^^^ ; Epist. vii. 1, 4 
Cesare^]; of Augustus, Mon. li. 9^<'2^ 12^ 
Auguato^] ; of Nero, Mon. iii. I2**» *'^» ^» ^^ 

D. lays g^eat stress on the fact that to the 
Roman Emperor, in the person of his represen- 
tative, Pontius Pilate, was granted the glory of 
satisfying the divine justice (Par. vi. 88-90), since 
by the crucifixion of Christ the wrath of God on 
account of the sin of Adam was appeased (Par. vii. 
40-48). The argument is developed in the Z># 
Monardiia : — 

* Si Romannm imperium de jare non fait, peccatum Adae 
in Christo non fait punitom. ... Si er^o sub ordinario 

J'ndice Chmtus passus non fuisset, ilia poena pnnitio non 
nisset; et judex ordtnarias esse non poterat, nisi supra 
totum haroannm genus jurisdictionenoi habeas. . . . Et 
supra totum humanuro gvnus Tiberius Caesar, cnjns vicarius 
erat Pilatus, jurisdictionezn non habnisset, nisi Romanum 
imperium de jure fiiisset.' (ii. 13'"^^.) 

Cesena]y town of N. Italy in the Emilia (in 
the old Komagna), on the Savio, midway 
between Forll and Rimini, at the foot of the 
hills belonging to the Etruscan Apennine 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da Monte- 
feltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as to 
the condition of Romagna, D. refers to Cesena 
as the city * a cui il Savio bagna il franco,' and 
remarks that, just as it is placed between hill 
and plain, so it has alternate experience of 
tyranny and freedom. Inf. xxvii. 52-4. 

Cesena, about the time of which D. is speak- 
ing (1300), appears to have been to a certain 
extent independent. Galasso da Montefeltro 
(cousin of Guido) was Captain and Podest^ 
in 1289, and Podestk again in 1299; on his 
death in 1300 Ciapettino degli Ubertini be- 
came Podestk, while Uguccione della Faggiuola 
and Federigo da Montefeltro (Guido's son) 
were Captains, but they were driven out in the 
following year. In 13 14 the lordship of the 
town was assumed by Malatestino, lord of 

Chermontesi. [Chlaramontesi.] 

Cherubi, Cherubim (in rime for Cherubiniy 
coupled with Serafi for Serafini)^ Par. xxviii. 
99 (: dubi : udi). [Cherubini.] 

Cherubini, Cherubim ; Guido da Monte- 
feltro says that on his death St. Francis 
claimed him, but that he was carried off to Hell 

by a devil, one of the black Cherubim, and 
thrust into Bolgia 8 of Circle VI II (Malcbolge), 
Inf. xxvii. 1 12-14. The commentators point 
out that, as the Cherubim preside over the 
eighth Heaven (see below) ^ so the fallen mem- 
bers of that order are appropriately put in 
charge of the eighth Circle of Hell. 

Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions the Cherubim, in her exposition of the 
arrangement of the Angelic Hierarchies, as 
ranking second in the first Hierarchy, the 
Seraphim ranking first of all. Par. xxviii. 98-9 
(rf. Conv. ii. 6^>^*) [Gerarohia] ; they con- 
template the second Person of the Trinity, 
God the Son, Conv. ii. 6^1"* ; they preside over 
the Heaven of the Fixed Stars. [ParadiBo 1.] 

The Cherubim were said to excel in know- 
ledge, the Seraphim in ardour ; as these were 
respectively the characteristics of the two orders 
of St. Dominic and St. Francis, the Dominicans 
being more especially distinguished by their 
attention to doctrine, the Franciscans by their 
good works, a parallel was established between 
the two angelic and the two monastic orders. 
St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) alludes to this when he says of St. Francis 
and St. Dominic (Par. xi. 37-9) : — 

*L'nn fu tutto serafico in ardore, 
L*altro per sapienza in terra tiie 
Di cherubica luce ono splendorc* 


Chianay river in Tuscany, noted in D.'s 
time for the sluggishness of its stream ; the 
silting up of its bed turned the whole Valdi- 
chiana into a malarious swamp, which was 
a byword for its unhealthiness. At the begin- 
ning of the present century the valley was 
drained, and the river converted into a canaly 
connecting the Amo (at a point close to Areizo) 
with the Lago di Chiusi and the Paglia (a tribu- 
tary of the Tiber), which it enters a little N. of 
Orvieto. The Chiana is remarkable as having 
entirely changed the direction of its current ; 
formerly the stream flowed S. towards the 
Tiber, now it runs in the reverse direction 
towards the Amo. 

D., referring to its sluggishness, saysr that 
the dancing of the two garlands of stars in the 
Heaven of the Sun as greatly surpassed such 
dancing as we are accustomed to, as the 
motion of the Primum Mobile, the most swiftly 
revolving of the Heavens, surpasses that of the 
Chiana, Par. xiii. 22-4. [Mobile Prime.] 

D. mentions the Valdichiana, the district 
between Arezzo, Cortona, Montepulciano, and 
Chiusi, and alludes to the crowded state of its 
hospitals in the month of August on account 
of Its unhealthiness, coupling it with the 
malarious Maremma of Tuscany and the low- 
lands of Sardinia, Inf. xxix. 46-8. 

Benvenuto states that there was a larm 
hospital for poor fever-patients at Altopasso in 
the Valdichiana district. 


Chiara, Santa 


Chiara, Santa], St. Clara, the first founder 
of conventual institutions for women ; she was 
bom of a noble family of Assisi in 1 194; founded 
in 1212, under the direction of St. Francis, the 
order of nuns which bears her name ; died in 
1253, and was canonized, by Alexander IV, in 
1255. The rule of her order, which was con- 
firmed in 1246 by Gregory IX, was character- 
ized by extreme austerity. 

St. C. is alluded to by Piccarda Donati (ad- 
dressing D. in the Heaven of the Moon), who 
had been a nun of the order, as Donna . . . alia 
cut norma Nel vostro mondo giti si veste e vela^ 
Par. iii. 98-9. [Piccarda.] Benvenuto says of 
her: — 

' Fuit conterranea et contemporanea beati Fran- 
cisci, ejus dilecta et devota, quae in omnibus 
illius vestigia voluit imitari, in paupertate, caritate, 
humilitate, sobrietate, puritate, et simplicitate.* 

Chiaramontesi], ancient noble family of 
Florence, alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) as having been among the 
l^eat families of his day ; he speaks of them, 
m reference to a fraud of a member of the 
house when overseer of the salt-customs, as 
Quel ch* arrossan per lo staio, * those who 
blush for the bushel,' Par. xvi. 105 ; this same 
fraud is alluded to again, together with that of 
Niccola Acciaiuoli, in connexion with the 
ascent to the church of San Miniato, the steps of 
which D. says were made in the days ' when 
the ledger and the stave were safe' in Florence, 
Purg. xii. 103-5 [Acciaiuoli, Niccola]. 

The perpetrator of the fraud in question 
was a certain Durante de' Chiaramontesi, who, 
about the year 1299, when overseer of the salt 
customs in Florence, used to receive the salt 
in a measure of the legal capacity, but dis- 
tributed it in a measure of smaller capacity 
from which a stave had been withdrawn, and 
thus made a large profit on the difierence. 
The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Essendo un ser Durante de' Cherroontesi doga- 
nieri e camarlingo della camera del sale del co- 
mune di Firenze, trasse il detto ser Durante una 
doga dello staio, applicando a s^ tutto il sale, owero 
pecunia che di detto avanzamento perveniva.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Era usanza di mensurare il sale et altre cose 
con stara fatte a doghe di legname, come bigon- 
duoli ; un cittadino della famigUa de* Chiaramontesi 
fu camerlingo a dare il sale; appresso questi, 
quando il recevea dal comune, il riceveva collo 
staio diritto ; quando il dava al popolo ne trasse 
una doga picciola dello staio, onde grossamente 
ne venia a guadagnare. Scopersesi il fatto ; et 
saputa la verita, questo cittadino fu condennato et 
gravemente et vituperevolmente, onde poi i di- 
scendenti suoi, che sono antichi uomini, essendo 
loro ricordato arrossono et vergognonsi ; et fessi 
di ci5 in lor vergogna una canzoncella che dicea : 
EgU i iratta una doga del sale, Et gli uffici son tutti 

Benvenuto states that the culprit was be* 
headed, and that to prevent similar frauds it 
was ordained that for the future the measure 
should be of iron. 

Neither Villani nor Dino Compagni makes 
mention of this particular fraud, which by 
Lana, and one or two of the other old com- 
mentators, is laid at the door, not of the 
Chiaramontesi, but of the Tosinghi, who are 
said to have cheated in the distribution not of 
salt, but of com. 

Villani, who mentions the Chiaramontesi 
among the Guelf families (v. 39), says of them: — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san PMero erano . . . 
i Galligai, e Chiarmontesi, e Ardinghi che abita- 
vano in orto san Michele, erano molto antichi.* 
(iv. II.) 

According to the Ottimo Comento they had 
fallen into decay in D.'s time : — 

' Ebbero nome ed hanno Chermontesi ; e se 
alcuna cosa erano, caddero quando i Cerchi furono 
cacciati si come Bianchi.' 

Ld. Vernon states that members of the 
family are named in early records as having 
held office in Florence quite at tjie beginning 
of Cent, xiii ; while one of them was among 
the Priors in 1301. Their name pccurs in the 
Riforma of 131 1 among the families condemned 
to banishment and perpetual exclusion from 

Chiarentana, Carinthia, mountainous pro- 
vince of Illyria, which lies between Styria and 
the Tyrol, and is separated from Venetia by 
the Camic Alps ; as at present constituted it 
forms part of the Austrian Empire, but the 
mediaeval duchy of Carinthia was considerably 
more extensive than the modem province of 
that name. 

D . mentions C. in connexion with the Brenta, 
the floods of which he says are caused by the 
melting of the snows in that district during the 
summer. Inf. xv. 7-9. [Brenta.] 

Modem commentators have made a difficulty 
about identifying Chiarentana with Carinthia, 
inasmuch as the Brenta takes its rise a long 
way to the W. of that province ; but, as Butler 
points out, in early mediaeval times the duchy 
of Carinthia embraced not only the Val Sugana, 
where are the head-waters of the Brenta, but 
extended even as far as the city of Padua, the 
lordship of which, as Villani records (ix. 192), 
was exercised by the Dukes of Carinthia as 
late as 1 322. 

Witte favours the suggestion that the refer- 
ence is to a mountain-group, called Canzana or 
Carenzana, in the neighbourhood of Trent, 
which is described as lying between Valvignola 
and Valfronte on the E. of the lake of Levico, 
and as stretching, under various names, along 
the left bank of the Brenta. Chiarentana^ 
however, is the regular Italian term for Carin- 
thia in mediaeval writers, and is used as such 




repeatedly by Villani (e. g, ix. 92 ; xii. 67) as 
well as by Fazio degli Ub«rti (Dittam., iii. 3) ; 
•and it was understood in that sense by Ben- 
venuto : — 

' Brenta flumen oritur in Alemannia in parte 
quae dicitur Carinthia, ubi regnant quidam domini 
qui vocantur duces Carinthiae.' 

Boccaccio apparently understood it in the 
same way : — 

* Chiarentana ^ una reg^one posta neir Alpi, che 
dividono Italia della Magna.' 

Chiascio. [Chia^Bi^.] 

Chiassi^, the Roman Classis, the ancient 
harbour of Ravenna, which under Augustus 
was an important naval station. Chiassi, 
which was at one time a large town, was 
destroyed by Liutprand, King of the Lombards, 
in 728. The name is preserved in that of the 
church of Sant' Apollmare in Classe, which 
stands on the site of part of the old town. 
D. mentions it in connexion with the ' Pineta ' 
or pine-forest, which extends along the shore 
of the Adriatic for several miles N. apd S. of 
Ravenna, Purg. xxviii. 20. [Pineta.] 

Chiassi^], the Chiassi or Chiascio, stream 
in N. of Umbria, which rises in the hill near 
Gubbio, on which St. Ubaldo lived as a hermit 
before he was made Bishop of Gubbio, and 
enters a branch of the Tiber a few miles S.E. 
of Perugia. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the 
Heaven of the Sun) in his description of the 
situation of Assisi, which stands on the S.W. 
slope of Monte Subasio, between the streams 
of Tupino (on the £.) and Chiassi (on the W.), 
alludes to it as Vacqua che discende Del colU 
eleito dal beato UbaidOy Par. xi. 43-4 [AsoeBi]. 

Chiavari. [Chiaveri.] 

Chiaveri, now Chiavari, town in Liguria, 
on the Riviera di Levante, some 20 miles £. of 
Genoa; mentioned by Pope Adrian V (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with the 
Lavagna, which runs into the sea between 
that town and Sestri Levante, Purg xix. 100 

Chiesai the Church, Par. v. 77; vi. 22; 
xxii. 82 ; Conv. iii. 6^^ ; iv. 23^*2 . Ecclesia^ 
Men. ii. 13»": iii. 3*^"^''^^ 6^, lofi-lao, ,313-76, 
14'-*", iJ^Hii. Mater Ecclesia, Mon. iii. 3*2; 
Epist viii. 6 ; santa Chiesa^ Purg. iii. 137 ; 
xxiv. 32 ; Par. iv. 46 ; v. js ; vi. 95 ; x. 108 ; 
xxxii. 125 ; Conv. ii. 4^1, 6^ ; Chiesa militante^ 
Par. xxv. 52 ; Ecclesia militam^ Epist. viii. 4 ; 
Vesercito tii Crisio^ Par. xii. 37 ; Sposa diDio^ 
Par. x. 140; Sposa di Crista^ Par. xi. 32 ; xii. 
43; xxvli. 40; xxxi. 3; xxxii. 128: Sposa e 
Suntaria di Crista^ Conv. ii. (^^^\ Sponsa 
ChHsti, Mon. iii. i^^\ Epist. vii. 7; viii. 11; 
Mater piissima^ Sponsa Christie Epist. vii. 7 ; 
Crucifixi sponsa^ Epist. viii. \ ; bella Donna^ 
Inf. xix. 57; VigHa^ Par. xviu. 132; Orto di 

Crista, Par. xii. 72, 104; xxvi. 64; Barca di 
Pietro, Par. xi. 119; Navicella, Purg. xxxii. 
129; Navicula Petri, Epist. vi. i; la Sedia 
che fu benigna . , . ai poveri ^usti, Par. xii. 
88~9 ; Apostolica Sedes, Epist. viii. 2, 11; 
Chiesa di Roma^ Purg. xvi. 127 ; spoken of by 
St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) as il 
loco miOy Par. xxvii. 22 ; and by St. James (in 
the same) as nostra Basilica, Par. xxv. 3a 

In the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise the Church is represented as a two- 
wheeled Car, Carro, Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; 
XXX. 9, 61, loi ; xxxii. 24, 104, 115, 126, 132; 
Bastema, Purg. xxx. 16 ; Difido santo, Purg. 
xxxii. 142 ; VasOy Purg. xxxiii. 34. [Prooes* 

Childerico]. Childeric HI, last of the 
Merovingian Kings of France, sumamed * Lc 
Faineant ' ; he was bom circ. 734, succeeded 
to the throne in 742 (after an interregnum of 
5 years, his predecessor, Thierry IV, having 
died in 737), and was deposed by Pepin le 
Bref in March, 752. After his deposition he 
was compelled by Pepin to become a monk, 
and was shut up in the convent of Sithieu at 
St. Omer, where he died in 755. D. has appa- 
rently confused Charles, Duke of Lorraine, the 
last of the Carlovingian line, with Childeric, 
the last of the Merovingians, in the passage, 
Purg. XX. 53-60. [Carlo •'.] 

Chilofi, of Lacedaemon (circ B. c 590) ; 
one of the Seven Sages of Greece, Conv. iii. 
1 1 38. [Biante.] 

Chirone, Chiron, the Centaur, son of 
Saturn and Philyra, daughter of Oceanus. 
Saturn being enamoured of Philyra, and fear- 
ing the jealousy of his wife Rhea, changed 
himself mto a horse, and in this shape begat 
Chiron, who hence had the form of a Centaur. 

C. educated Achilles, Aesculapius, Hercules, 
and many other famous Greeks. 

D. places C, along with Nessus and Pholus, 
as leader of the Centaurs, who act as guardians 
of the Violent in Round i of Circle VI I of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 65, 71, 77, 97 ; Purg. ix. 37 [Centauri]; 
Virgil, being questioned by Nessus as to his 
errand, replies that he will give his answer to 
Chiron (Inf. xii. 61-6) ; F. then points out to 

D. the latter, who is represented as stationed 
between Nessus and Pholus with his face bent 
down on his breast, describing him as * il gran 
Chirone, il qual nudri Achille ' (w, 70-1) ; as 
D. and V. approach C. puts aside the beard 
from his mouth with an arrow, and observes 
to his companions that D. moves what he 
touches (z/t/. 77-82) ; V. explains to him that 
D. is alive, and asks him for an escort, which 
C. grants, bidding Nessus accompany them 
{yu, 83-99) [Neaso] ; C. is mentioned again 
as the tutor of Achilles in connexion with the 
feet that Thetis took her son away from him 
and hid him in Scyros for fear he should he 




8cnt to the Trojan War, Purg. ix. 37. [ Aohille 1 

Chiusiy the ancient Clusium, formerly one 
of the twelve great Etruscan cities ; it is 
situated in the Valdichiana, close to the lake 
of the same name, on the borders of Tuscany 
and Umbria, midway between Florence and 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) 
mentions Chiusi, together with Siniga^lia, 
and says that these two once-powerful cities 
were rapidly falling into decay, as Luni and 
Urbisaglia had already done, adding that if 
cities decay and perish we ought not to be 
surprised that families should come to an end, 
Par. xvi. 73-8. 

The sentiment is perhaps borrowed from the 
letter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero on the 
death of Tullia : — 

*Ex Asia rediens, quum ab Aegina Megaram 
versus navigarem, coepi reg^ones circumcirca 
prospicere ; post me erat Aegina, ante Megara, 
dextra Piraeus, sinistra Corinthus : quae oppida 
quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nunc pro- 
strata et dinita ante oculos jacent. Coepi egomet 
mecum sic cogitare, Hem, nos homunculi indig- 
namur, si quis nostrOm interiit aut bccisus est, 
quorum vita brevior esse debet : quum, uno loco, 
tot oppidorum cadavera projecta jaceant.' {Ad 
FafH. iv. 5.) 

The decay of Chiusi was doubtless in great 
part due to the unhealthiness of its situation 
m the malarious Valdichiana, as Benvenuto 
points out. [Chiana.] 

Chremes, imaginary personage, the typical 
fother in a comedy ; introduced by Horace in 
the Ars Po'etica, in a passage (w, 93-5) which 
D. quotes in illustration othis argument that 
the language of comedy is more lowly than 
that of tragedy, Epist. x. 10. 

ChtisUatULy De Doctrlna^ [Doctri^a ChriS' 
UMMUif De.] 

Christiani, Christians, Mon. iii. 3^0. [Cris- 

Christianus, Christian ; ^des Christiana^ 
Mon. ii. 12^ ; Christiana religio^ Mon. iii. 3^32, 

Christus. [Cristo.] 

Chrysippus, celebrated Stoic philosopher, 
bom at Soli in Cilicia, B.C 280 ; died B.C. 207, 
aged seventy-three. C., who studied at Athens 
under the Stoic Cleanthes, disliking the Aca- 
demic scepticism, became one of the most 
strenuous supporters of the principle that 
knowledge is attainable, ai>d may be esta- 
blished on certain foundations. D. (quotes 
from Cicero's De Officiis (iii. 10) the dictum 
of C. that a man who runs in a race should do 
his best to win, but should in no wise try to 
trip up his rival, Mon. ii. 8»*-^o^ [Eurialo.] 

Ciacco, a Florentine, contemporary of D. 

(possibly identical with the Ciacco dell' An- 
guillaia, one of whose poems is printed from 
Cod, Vat. 3793 by D'Ancona and Comparetti 
in Antiche Rime Volgari^ iii. 178-81), placed 
among the Gluttons in Circle III of Hell, Inf. 
vi. 52, 58; una (ombra)^ v, 38; ella^ v, 39; 
leiy V, 43 ; eglij v, 49 ; animd trista^ ^' 55 ; 
gli, V, 38 ; egii, v. 64 ; /«/, v. 77 ; quegli, 
V. 85 [QoloslJ. As D. and Virgil pass over 
the shades of the Gluttons which lie prone on 
the ground, one of them (that of Ciacco) raises 
itself to a sitting posture and addresses D. 
(Inf. vi. 34-9) ; he asks, since D. was bom 
(1265) before he died (1286), whether D. re- 
members him (w. 40-2) ; D. says he does not 
recop^ize him, and asks who he is (irv, 43-8) ; 
C, in reply, names himself, saying that he 
was a Florentine, and that he and his com- 
panions are being punished for gluttony 
\vv, 49-57) ; D. expresses pity for his fate, 
and then inquires as to the future of Florence, 
whether any just men yet be there, and why 
it is so torn with discord {w, 58-63) ; C, in 
reply, foretells that the rivalry between the 
Bianchi and Neri will result in bloodshed (May 
I) 1300)1 that the Bianchi, after expelling the 
Neri (1301), will within three years (April, 1302) 
be in their turn overthrown by the Neri with 
the aid of an ally (3oniface VIII or Charles 
of Valois), and that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long while, and will grievously 
oppress the Bianchi (w. 64-72); he adds in con- 
clusion that there are two just men yet in 
Florence (supposed to be D. himself and Guido 
Cavalcanti), but that no heed is paid to them 
there, and that pride, envy, and avarice are 
the sparks which kindled the flame of discord 
in the city (w, 73-6); D. then inquires for 
news of five Florentines, Farinata degli Uberti 
(Inf. X. 32), Tegghiaio Aldobrandi (Inf. xvi, 
41), Jacopo Rusticucci (Inf. xvi. 44), a certain 
Arrigo, and Mosca de* Lamberti (Inf. xxviii. 
106), whether they are in Heaven or Hell 
(w, 77-84); C. replies that they are among 
the blackest souls, and that if D. goes far 
enough down into Hell he will see them 
(w, 85-7) ; he then, after begging D. to keep 
his memory alive in the upper world, declines 
to speak any more, and with a lingering glance 
at D. falls prone again among the other shades 
(z/z/. 88-93). 

Ciacco (a name which, according to Fan- 
fani, is often met with in old Florentine re- 
cords, and which is apparently an abbreviation 
of Giacomo) is descnbed by Boccaccio as a 
great glutton and parasite, but for all that 
a man of good parts and good breeding : — 

^Fu costui uomo non del tutto di cprte, ma 
perciocch^ poco a^ea da spendere, erasi, come 
egli stesso dice, dato del tutto al vizio della gola. 
Era morditore di parole, e le sue usanze erano 
sempre co' gentili uomini e ricchi, e massimamente 
con quelli che splendidamente e dilicatamente 




mangiavano e beveano, da* quali se chiamato era 
a mang^are v* andava, e similmente se invitato 
non era, esso medesimo s'invitava ; ed era per 
questo vizio notissimo uomo a tutti i Fiorentini ; 
senzach^ fuor di questo egli era costumato uomo, 
secondo la sua condizione, ed eloquente e afTabile 
e di buon sentimento ; per le quali cose era assai 
volentieri da qualunque gentile uomo ricevuto.* 

Benvenuto says the Florentines had the 
reputation of being sober in drink and diet as 
a rule, but adds that when they did exceed 
they outdid every one else in gluttony; he 
thinks it was on this account, apart from the 
fact that D. was personally acquainted with 
him, that Ciacco was selected as an example : — 

' Nota quod autor potius voluit ponere istum 
quam alium, turn quia melius noverat eum, turn 
quia Fiorentini, quamvis sint communiter sobrii in 
cibo et potu, tamen, quando regula fallit, excedunt 
gulositatem omnium hominum mundi, sicut testan- 
tur duo alii Fiorentini poetae, scilicet Petrarcha et 

Boccaccio tells a story in the Decamerone 
(ix. 8) of how Ciacco was fooled by a fellow- 
parasite named Biondello in the matter of a 
dinner at the house of Corso Donati, where, 
instead of lampreys and sturgeon, as he had 
been led to expect, he got nothing but pease 
and fried fish ; and of how he revenged himself 
by embroiling Biondello with the hot-tempered 
Filippo Argenti,who gave him a sound hiding: 

' Essendo in Firenze uno da tutti chiamato 
Ciacco uomo ghiottissiroo, quanto alcun' altro 
fosse giammai, e non possendo la sua possibility 
sostenere le spese, che la sua ghiottomia richiedea, 
essendo per altro assai costumato, e tutto pieno 
di belli e piacevoli motti, si diede ad essere non 
del tutto uom di corte, ma morditore, et ad usare 
con coloro, che ricchi erano, e di mangiare delle 
buone cose si dilettavano, e con questi a desinare 
et a cena (ancor che chiamato non fosse ogni 
volta) andava assai sovente. Era similmente in 
que' tempi in Firenze uno, il quale era chiamato 
Biondello, piccollettodellapersona, leggiadro molto, 
e pill pulito che una mosca, con sua cuffia in capo, 
con una zazzerina bionda, e per punto senza un 
capel torto avervi. II quale quel medesimo 
mestiere usava che Ciacco. II quale essendo una 
mattina di quaresima andato la, dove il pesce si 
vende, e comperando due grossissime lamprede 
per Messer Vieri de* Cerchi, fu veduto da Ciacco, 
il quale avvicinatosi a Biondello disse : Che vuol 
dir questo? A cui Biondello rispose: lersera 
ne furon mandate tre altre troppo piii belle, che 
queste non sono, et uno storione a Messer Corso 
Donati, le quali non bastandogli per voler dar 
mangiare a certi gentili uomini m' ha fatte com- 
perare quest' altre due ; non vi verrai tu ? Rispose 
Ciacco : Ben sai, che io vi verr6. £ quando 
tempo gli parve, a casa Messer Corso se n' and6, 
e trovollo con alcuni suoi vicini, che ancora non 
era andato a desinare. Al quale egli, essendo da 
lui domandato, che andasse facendo, rispose : 
Messere, io vengo a desinare con voi, e con la 
vostra brigata. A cui Messer Corso disse : Tu sie 

'I ben venuto, e perci6 che egli ^ tempo, andianne. 
Postisi adunque a tavola primieramente ebbero 
del cece, e della sorra, et appresso del pesce 
d'Arno fritto senza piu. Ciacco accortosi dello 
'nganno di Biondello, et in se non poco turbato, 
sene propose di dovernel pagare.* 

In the sequel Ciacco revenges himself on 
Biondello by sending a feigned message from 
him with a bottle to Filippo Argenti asking 
for some wine ; whereupon the latter, suspect- 
ing that he is being made fun of, in fury falls 
upon Biondello and cruelly beats him. [Ar- 
genti, Filippo.] 

Ciacco de' Tarlati. [Cione de' TarlatL] 

Ciampolo], name given by the commen- 
tators to a native of Navarre, whom D. places 
among the Barrators in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxii. 48 ; uno {fiecca- 
iore)y V, 32 ; Io sciagurato, v, 44 ; quei, v. 47 ; 
il sorco, I/. 58 ; lui, 'V'lJ \ Io spaurato, v, 98 ; 
Io Navarrese^ v, 121; quegli^ v, 128; guei^ 
V. 135; il barattier^ v, 136 [Barattieri]. In 
the boiling pitch where the Barrators are tor- 
tured, D. and Virgil see one of the sinners 
with his snout above the surface, who is hooked 
by the demon Graffiacane (Inf. xxii. 31-6) ; at 
D.'s request V. asks who he is (w, 43-7) ; the 
sinner replies that he was a native of Navarre, 
that his father had been a spendthrift, and 
that in consequence his mother had placed 
him in the service of a nobleman (w. 48-51) ; 
that he afterwards became a retainer of King 
Thibaut, and took to working jobbery, for 
which he was now being punished (w. 52-4) ; 
as he concludes his story a demon, Ciriatto, 
nps him with his tusk, and another, Barba- 
nccia, grips him in his arms, and tells V. to 
ask what more he wants to know of him 
(w. 55-63) ; V. then inquires of C. if there 
are any of * Latin * race with him there {w, 
64-6) ; C. replies that there was one of a 
neighbouring race (i.e. Sardinian), whom he 
would be glad to rejoin beneath the pitch, in 
order to escape the maulings of the demons 
(w. 66-9) ; the latter thereupon set on him 
again (w, 70-5) ; after a while, V. having 
asked to whom he was referring, C. names 
two Sardinians, Fra Gomita and Michael 
Zanche (irv. 76-90), and, after being once 
more interrupted by the threats of the demons, 

Promises to summon some Tuscan and Lom- 
ard barrators if the demons will withdraw 
{ifv. 91-105) ; the latter suspect a trick, but 
are persuaded by Alichino to retire (w. 106- 
20), whereupon C. leaps into the pitch and 
escapes from them {w. 12 1-3); Alichino, 
furious at being tricked, pursues him, but C. 
ducks down and disappears (?/?'. 124-32) ; to 
vent his rage one of the other demons, Calca- 
brina, flies at Alichino, and they fall together 
into the pitch, whence they are fished out by 
four of their companions {w. 133-50). 



Benvenuto supposes that D. heard of this 
Navarrese (whose name sounds more Italian 
than Spanish — Ciampolo or Giampolo, i. e. 
Giovanni Paolo) in Paris ' cum ibi esset gratia 
studii post indignam expulsionem suam.' Ac- 
cording to his account C.'s father, after wasting 
all his substance, hanged himself: — 

'Iste infelix fuit natione hispanus de reg^o 
Navarriae, natus ex nobili matre et vilissimo patre. 
Qui cum prodigaliter dilapidasset omnia bona sua, 
ut audio, tandem desperate suspendit se laqueo. . . 
Iste ergo filius vocatus est nomine Ciampolus, 
quem mater sua nobilis domina posuit ad standum 
cum quodam nobili; qui scivit ita sagaciter se 
habere, quod factus est illi in brevi carissimus ; et 
sic £una prosperante et favore domini coadjuvante 
iste intravit curiam regis Thebaldi^ qui ultra reges 
Navarriae fuit vir singularis justitiae et clementiae, 
et summa sagacitate tam mirabiliter adeptus est 
gratiam et favorem regis : qui rex amoratus de eo 
commisit totam curiam regendam manibus ejus, 
ita quod conferebat beneficia, et omnia ministrabat. 
Tunc coepit astutissime baratare et accumulare ; 
et licet saepe fieret querela de eo, rex nihil cre- 
dere volebat ; et sic continuo crescebat audacia 

Philalethes observes that if tradition had 
not assigned the name Ciampolo to this indi- 
vidual he would have been inclined to identify 
him with GeofTroi de Beaumont, Thibaut's 
seneschal, to whom the king entrusted the 
government of Navarre during his absence in 
the East. [Tebaldo ^.J 

dSJofSLf according to the old commentators, 
a member of the Donati family of Florence : 
one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) placed 
by D. among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle 
VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxv. 43 [Ladri] ; 
D. hears three spirits talking, and one of them 
asks what has become of Cianfa (w, 35-43) ; 
presently he sees a serpent with six feet (iden- 
tified by the commentators with Cianfaj, which 
fastens itself to one of the three (tti/, 49-51), 
and gradually the two forms, of serpent and 
man, are blended together and become in- 
distinguishable {vv, 52-78) [Agndl : Puodo 

The Anonimo (ed. Selmi) says of Cianfa : — 

'Fu cavaliere de' Donati, e fu grande ladro di 
bestiame, e rompia botteghe e votava le cassette.' 

A * Dominus Cianfa de Donatis/ who is pos- 
sibly the Cianfa referred to by D., is mentioned 
in Uie will of Corso Donati, from which it 
appears that he was alive in 1282, in which 
year he was a member of the * Consiglio del 
Capitano per il Sesto di Porta san Piero.* (See 
Torraca, Nuove Rassegne^ p. 378.) 

Cianghella, Florentine lady of ill repute, 
contemporary of D. ; said to have been the 
daughter of Arrigo della Tosa, and to have 
died circ. 1330; she is mentioned by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, speaking 
of the degenerate state of Florence, says that 

in his day such a person as she would have 
been as great a marvel in that city as Cornelia 
would be now. Par. xv. 128 [Comiglia]. 

The old commentators say C. was notorious 
for her arrogance, extravagance, and profligacy. 
Benvenuto states that she married a certain 
Li to degli Alidosi of Imola, a native of his 
own city, after whose death she returned to 
Florence and led a disreputable life. He 
says he had heard many stories of her from 
a neighbour of hers in Imola. One of these 
he records as a specimen, to the effect that 
on a certain occasion when she had gone 
to church to hear a sermon she was so in- 
furiated, because none of the ladies present 
rose to make room for her, that she violently 
assaulted several of them ; her blows being 
returned, a free fight ensued, greatly to the 
amusement of the male members of the con- 
legation, who could not restrain their laughter, 
in which the preacher himself joined, and thus 
the sermon was brought to an end. She 
appears also to have been in the habit of beat- 
ing her servants with a stick : — 

' Ista Cianchella fuit nobilis mulier florentina de 
stirpe illorum de la Tosa, quae fuit maritata in 
civitate Imolae cuidam Lito de Alidosiis, fratri 
domini Alidosii qui olim abstulit Imolam Bononiae 
cum Maghinardo Pagano. . . . De ista possem 
multa et vera rcferre, quae audivi ab optimo patre 
meo magistro Compagno, qui diu legit tam lauda- 
biliter quam utiliter juxta domum habitationia 
praedictae dominae. Ergo quia autor ponit istam 
pro prava muliere, dicam aliquid jocosum de ea. 
Haec siquidem mulier fuit arrogantissima et in- 
tolerabilis ; ibat per domum cum bireto in capite 
floreutinarum et baculo in manu, nunc verberabat 
famulum, nunc coquum. Accidit ergo semel quod 
cum ivisset ad missam ad locum fratrum praedica- 
torum de Imola, non longe a domo ejus, quidam 
frater praedicabat a casu. Et cum nulla domina 
assurgeret sibi, Cianchella accensa indignatione et 
ira coepit injicere manus atroces nunc in istam, 
nunc in illam dominam, lacerando uni crines et 
trichas, alteri bindas et velamina. Aliquae non 
patientes, coeperunt reddere sibi vicem suam. £x 
quo orto magno strepitu cum clamore in ecclesia, 
viri circumstantes audientes praedicationem coepe- 
fiint omnes fortissime ridere, et ipse praedicator 
similiter; et sic praedicatio fuit soluta, et risu 
finita. Quid ultra ? Haec mulier defuncto marito 
reversa est Florentiam, et ibi fuit vanissima, et 
multos habuit procos et multum lubrice vixit. 
Unde ipsa mortua, quidam frater simplex, prae- 
dicans super funere ejus, dixit quod invenerat in 
ista foemina unum solum peccatum, scilicet, quod 
oderat populum Florentiae/ 

Lana describes her as having been the 
arbitress of fashion in the matter of dress : — 

'Fue ed t una donna di quelle della Tosa, la 
quale per tutta questa etade h stata la inven trice 
di tutte le novitadi nelli abiti delle donne ; k. stata 
molto bella donna, e Taltre, credendo parer si 
belle, hanno voluto contrafTarla, onde sono venute 


Ciapetta, Ugo 

Ciapetta, Ugo 

in tanta incontinenzia, ch' ello gli perdeno le pub- 
bliche e comuni.' 

Ciapetta, Ugo, Hugh Capet, King of 
France, 987-996, the first king of the Capetian 
line; placed by D. among the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 49; quello 
spirtOfV.'^O] essOfV.^i; am'ma,v, 24'^ ^£^^h 
V, 40; essOf V, 124 [Avari]. As D. and Virgil 
go forward they hear the voice of a spirit 
(that of Hugh Capet) proclaiming instances of 
liberality and self-denial (Purg. xx. 16-33) > ^' 
approaches the spirit and inquires who he 
was and why he alone utters these praises (w. 
34-9) ; the spirit replies that he was the founder 
of the evil race of Capetian kings (w. 40-5) ; 
after referring to the iniquitous dealings of 
Philip the Fair with Flanders, and invoking 
the divine vengeance upon him {w. 46-8) 
[Fiandra], he names himself, and says that 
from him were sprung the Philips and Louises 
by whom of late France had been ruled (w, 
49-51) [Cai>6ti]; he then states that he was 
the son of a Parisian butcher (v. 52), and that 
when the Carlovingians had all died out save 
one, who became a monk, he found himself so 
powerful that he was able to promote his own 
son to the * widowed crown ' of France {w, 
53-60) [Carlo vingi : Carlo *] ; after remark- 
mg that it was with the annexation of Provence 
to the French crown that the kings of his race 
began their evil career (w, 61-5) [Provenza], 
be refers to their seizure of Ponthieu, Normandy, 
and Gascony {t/v, 65-6) [Ponti : Nonnandia : 
OuaBcogna] ; to the murder of Conradin and 
St. Thomas Aquinas by Charles of Anjou 
(w, 67-9) [Carlo *] ; to the mission of Charles 
of Valois to Italy, to his treacherous dealings 
with Florence, and to his ill-success {7n/, 70-8) 
[Caxlo^]; to Charles IPs infamous n^arriage 
of bis daughter Beatrice to Azzo VIII of Este 
(w, 79-84) [Carlo 2] ; to the imprisonment of 
}3oniface VIII at Anagni by Philip the Fair, 
and to the destruction of the Templars by the 
latter ( w. 85-93) [Bonifasio ^ : Templari] ; 
after again invoking the divine vengeance 
{w, 94-6), he explains to D, that during the day 
he and the spirits with him utter the praises 
D. had heard, but that during the night they 
recall examples of avarice and of the lust of 
wealth (w. 97-102), of which he gives instances 
(vv, 103-17) ; he adds that they speak loud or 
low according as their devotion urges them 
{vv. 118-20), and in conclusion answers D.'s 
second question (tn/. 35-6) by explaining that 
the praises are uttered by them all, but that 
he was the only one who was uttering them 
aloud at that time (tw. 121-4). 

The statements put by D. into the mouth of 
Hugh Capet as to the origin of the Capetian 
dynasty are in several respects at variance with 
the historical facts, and can only be explained on 
the supposition that D. has confused Hugh Capet 
with his father, Hugh the Great, some of them 

being applicable to the one, some to the other. 
The facts are as follows : — Hugh the Great died 
in 956 ; Louis V, the last of the Carlovingians, 
died in 987, in which year Hugh Capet became 
king; on his death in 996, he was succeeded by 
his son Robert, who had previously been crowned 
in 988. 

D. makes Hugh Capet say: — firstly, that he 
was the son of a butcher of Paris {v. 5a), whereas 
common tradition assigned this origin not to 
Hugh Capet, but to his father Hugh the Great 
{s€€ Mow) ; — secondly, that when the Carlo- 
vingians came to an end he was so powerful 
that he was able to make his son king {w. 53-60), 
whereas on the failure of the Carlovingian line 
Hugh Capet himself became king (987); and 
though it is urged in explanation of the expression 
'widowed crown' (v, 58) that he associated his 
son Robert with him in the government and had 
him crowned in the year 1,988) after his own 
accession, while he himself appears never to have 
been actually crowned, and that therefore, strictly 
speaking, he did advance his son Robert to the 
'widowed crown,' it is not by any means likely 
that D. was aware of these facts; nor do they 
explain Hugh Capet's further statement {vu, 59-60) 
that with his son the Capetian line began, whereas 
in fact it began with himself. On the other hand 
this statement could not apply to I^ugh the Great, 
of whom D. seems to have been thinking, because 
he had already been dead more than 30 years 
when the crown became vacant by the death of 
Louis V, and was seized by Hugh Capet. 

The tradition that Hugh the Great, who in 
reality was descended from the Counts of Paris, 
was the son of a butcher, was commonly believed 
in the Middle Ages, and was, as Villani records, 
accepted as true by most people in D.'s time : — 

* Vffo CiapetUL falUto il legnaggio di Carlo Mafino, fit 
re di Franda nelu anni di Cristo 087. Qaesto Ugo m <mca 
d'Orliens (e per alcano si scrive. cne far aempre i sooi — "'~*~* 
e duchi e di grande lignags^io), figjiuolo (TUgo il s 





Benvenuto supposes that D. found o\it about 
the origin of the Capets while he was in Parts, 
and stated it here in order to correct the erroneous 
belief that they were of noble descent : — 

* Altqai dtcnntf auod iste fait nobiliasimns miles de Nor- 
mandia; alii qaod fait dax Aoreliani. Sed Dantea cnrio- 
atssimas investigator renun memorandaram, com esaet 
Parisius gratia stodii, reperitf qaod iste Hago de rei Teritate 
foerat filias camificis. Ideo repatat fictom qaidqaid aUter 
dicatar, ad colorandam vilitatem originis, neat moltifacipnt.* 

The legend is recounted at length in an Old 
French poem dealing with the life and adventures 
of Hugh Capet, in which the author, speaking of 
Capet's father, says : — 

' Boachier fa li plus riche de trestoat le pals.* 

The tradition lingered on as late as Cent, xv, for 
Villon, in one of his Ballades, speaks of 

'Hae Capel, 
Qai fat extraict de boacherie.* 

It is mentioned also, with a reference to D., in 
the Satyn Menippee (Cent, xvi) : — 




ToCa familia Borboniorom descendit de becarioy ttve 
inavaltis de lanio, qui carneni vendebat in laniena Parisina, 
at aunerit quidam poeta valde amicus Sanctae Sedis Apo- 
stolkae, et idco qui nolutsset mentiri.' (p. 107, td. Read.) 

Cicero, Marcus Tullius Cicero, the cele- 
brated Roman writer, philosopher, and states- 
man; bom B.C. 106, died B.C. 43. He was 
elected Consul, B. C. 63, and during his consul- 
ship crushed the famous Catiline conspiracy. 
D. alludes to this incident in his career, with 
especial reference to the fact that he was a 

* novus homo * : — 

' Non pose Iddio le mani quando uno nuovo 
cittadino di piccola condizione, cio6 Tullio, contro 
a tanto cittadino quanto era Catilina, la Romana 
Hberti difcse ? ' Conv. iv. 5'^*^. [Catilina.] 

C. is placed among the great men of antiquity 
in Limbo, Inf. iv. 141 [Iilmbo] ; D. usually 
speaks of him as Tully, Tuliio^ Inf. iv. 141 , 
Conv. i. iiw, I2i»; ii. 96«, 13I7, 16*; iv. 5I74, 

35K 27l»» "1» 13*» 1«1, 281*» «, 2973 ; Tullius, 

V. E. ii. 6^ (according to some edd.) ; Mon. 
ii. 3I6, ui, 142^ 896, ,o22, 37 ; Epigt. x. 19 ; CiceTO, 
Mon. i. l23 ; ii. 5 •4» <^7, 84. 

The inclusion of Cicero among the writers 

* qui usi sunt altissimas prosas * (V. E. ii. 6^^"^) 
is due, as Rajna points out, to a misreading, 
the MSS. reading not * Tullium, Livium, PU- 
nium/ but ' Titum Livium, Plinium.' 

D. quotes Cicero's works upwards of thirty 

times ; the following are quoted by name : — 


27iii> !»• ; ujfiaa^ JVlon. ii. q"^» *''«, fi'^, 10^. 
[Omdis, De.] 

De FinibuSj quoted as Di Fine de* Beni, 
Conv. i. ii»S; iv. 6IIO; Del Fine d^ Beni, 
Conv. iv. 22I®; De Fine Bonorum^ Mon. ii. 
385,141. [PinttMia, De.] 

De Amicitia, quoted as D'Amicizia^ Conv. 
i.i2i9; DeirAfmstd,QonwM.ii^^. [Amicltia, 

De Senectutey quoted as Delia Vecchiezza^ 
Conv. ii. 9*7 J Di Senettute^ Conv. iv. 21^1, 
24*a» w 27I8, 161, 281^. [Senectute, De.] 

De Inventione Rhetorica (commonly known 
as De Inventione)^ quoted as Rhetorica^ Mon. 
ii. 5^' ; Nova Rhetorica^ Epist x. 19. [loveii- 
Uone^ De.] 

Paradoxa^ quoted as Di Paradosso^ Conv. 
iv. 12*^. \Paraidoxa.] 

Besides the above D. made use of the Acor 
demicae Quaestiones, whence (i. 4) he took his 
account of the various philosophical schools, 
Conv. iv. 6^''^^^'^^ [Academlcae Quaestiones] ; 
and perhaps of the Tusculanae Quaesliones, 
whence (v. 3) he may have derived his state- 
ment as to the invention of the terms ' philo- 
sophy' and 'philosopher' by Pythagoras, Conv. 
ii. 16102-3; if,. II41-4 [pittagora]. The only 
trace of an acquaintance on D.'s part with the 
Orationes appears in the description of Cassius 

as 'membruto' (Inf. xxxiv.. 67), which Mai 
suggested was perhaps a reminiscence of a 
passage from the Catiline Orations (iii. 7) 
where Cicero speaks of the obesity of Lucius 
Cassius. According to Mai the Catiline Ora- 
tions were used in the schools in D.'s day, 
which would account for his acquaintance with 
the passage. [Cassio.] 

D. ascribes to Cicero the saying that 'the 
son of a worthy man ought to strive to bear 
good witness to his father/ Conv. iv. 29. This 
passage has not been identified in any of 
Cicero's works. D. probably got it at second- 
hand from some collection of adages. (See 
Moore, Studies in Danie^ i. 258-73.) 

Cicilia, island of Sicily, Inf. xii. 108 ; Purg. 
iii. 116; Sicilia, Conv. iv. 2695* la® ; V. E. i. 8", 
lo^T, 1231 . Trinacria^ Par. viii. 67 ; V.E. i. 12^*; 
ii. 6*®; Eel. ii. 71 ; alluded to as Visola del 
fuocoy Par. xix. 131 ; quella terra. Par. xx. 62 ; 
the sufferings of the island under Dionysius, 
tyrant of Syracuse, Inf. xii. 107-8 [Dionisio^] ; 
Manfred (in Antepurgatory) speaks of his 
daughter Constance, wife of Peter III of 
Aragon and Sicily, as genitrice DeW onor di 
Cicilia e d*Aragona (* the honour of Sicily and 
Aragon * being either her eldest son, Alphonso 
III, King of Aragon, who succeeded to both 
crowns, but had resigned that of Sicily to his 
brother James; or her two younger sons, 
Tames and Frederick, who at the time were 
Kings of Aragon and of Sicily respectively), 
Purg. iii. 115-6 [Alfonso^ : AragonaJ ; Charles 
Martel (in die Heaven of Venus) speaks of the 
island as la bella Trinacria (there being prob- 
ably a special significance in his use of this 
particular name), and refers to the smoke from 
Aetna which overhangs its E. coast. Par. viii. 
67-70 [Catania : Trinaoria] ; he says that his 
descendants would have been ruling in Sicily if 
the misgovemment of his grandfather, Charles I 
of Anjou, had not brought about the massacre 
of theFrenchat the 'Sicilian Vespers *(z/v. 71-5) 
[Carlo 1: Carlo 3]; the Eagle m the Heaven 
of Jupiter refers to the island as Visola del 
fuoco (on account of the eruptions of Aetna), 
in connexion with Frederick II of Aragon 
(King of Sicily, 1296- 1337), and alludes to the 
fact that Anchises died there. Par. xix. 130-2 
[Anohise : Federioo 3] ; the Eagle refers to 
It again, in allusion to its sufferings during 
the war between Frederick of Aragon and 
Charles 1 1 of Naples, as ' quella terra Che piange 
Carlo e Federico vivo,' Par. xx. 62-3 [Carlo 2] ; 
Aeneas leaves there his aged followers in 
the care of Acestes, Conv. iv. 26^2-6 [Aoeste] ; 
trains Ascanius to arms there, Conv. iv. 26^®"^ 
[Asoanio] ; and institutes games in memory of 
Anchises, Conv. iv. 26137-8 [Bnea] ; Sicily one 
of the S. limits of the Italian language, V. £. 
i. 8^3-7; to be reckoned with Sardinia as on 
the right side of Italy, if the Apennines be 
taken as the dividing line (from N. to S.), 



Cielo Cris 

V. E. i. io*®~® ; its dialect distinct from that 
of Apulia, V. E. i. io®i-2 ; the seat of the Court 
(in the time of the Emperor Frederick II), 
whence the name Sicilian applied to Italian 
poetry, V. E. i. 1 2^^^^ ; the Sicilian dialect the 
most famous of all the Italian dialects, both 
because all poems written in Italian were called 
Sicilian, and because many important poems 
were written by Sicilians, V. E. i. I2®~i^; this 
fame a reproach to the princes of Italy, who 
neglected letters, V. E. i. I2i^~^; the common 
Sicilian dialect unworthy of preference, that 
spoken by the nobles worthy of commenda- 
tion, but neither the Sicilian nor the Apulian 
to be reckoned the most beautiful dialect of 
Italy, V. E. i. 1 2*3-7*; the Italian vulgar tongue 
employed by Sicilian poets, V. E. i. 19^^''; 
the fruitless expedition of Charles of Valois 
against Sicily, V. E. ii. 6*® [Carlo*]; Aetna 
the most rich in pasture of all the Sicilian 
mountains, Eel. ii. 71-2. [Etna.] 

The name Sicily is sometimes loosely applied to 
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, comprising 
Naples (Apulia and Calabria) and Sicily proper. 
This kingdom was ruled successively by Norman 
(1139-1194), Swabian (i 194-1966), and Angevin 
(ia66-ia8a) sovereigns [Napoli: Puglia]. In 
ia8a the Sicilians rose against the house of Anjou, 
and expelled the French, after the massacre known 
as the * Sicilian Vespers ' [Vespro Siciliano]. This 
revolt led to the separation of the two kingdoms, 
Sicily passing to the house of Aragon, while 
Naples remained in the hands of the Angevins 
[ Carlo M Carlo': Federico': Jaoomo^ : Table It: 
Table iv. A]. 

Ciciliano, Sicilian, Inf. xxvii. 7 ; Sicilianus^ 
V. E. i. I2«' «» 8» 33, 44 . siculus, V. E. i. 1271 ; 
Eel. ii. 72 [SioilianuB] ; // bue Ciciiiany i. e. 
the brazen bull made by Perillus for Phalaris, 
tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, in which human 
beings were tortured by being roasted alive, 
and which was so constructed that the shrieks 
of the victims sounded like the bellowing of 
the bull, Inf. xxvii. 7-12 ; D. alludes to the fact 
that Phalaris tested the contrivance first of all 
upon Perillus himself (w, 7-9), and compares 
the shrieks of the damned in Bolgia 8 of 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), who are tor- 
tured in flame, to those which issued from the 
bull (w. 10-15). [Perillo.] 

Ciclope. [Cyclops.] 

Ciclopi. [Cyolopes.] 

Cieldauro, the church of San Pietro in Ciel 
d'Oro (* Golden Ceiling *) at Pavia ; mentioned 
by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) in connexion with Boethius, who was 
buried there after his execution by Theodoric 
in 524, Par. x. 128 [Boezio]. Boccaccio 
introduces this church in the Decamerone 


C/elo e Mondo, Dl. [Caelo, DeJ] 

Cielo Cristallino, the Crystalline Heaven, 
Conv. ii. 4^^""^^; 15^22. origin of the name, 
Conv. ii. 4I2-13 ; the ninth Heaven, Conv. 
ii. 4^13^ 1^62 ; A. T. § 21 3-* ; Otherwise called 
the Primum Mobile^ or First Movement, Par. 
XXX. 107 ; Conv. ii. 3*1-2, 420, 61*9, 15I22; Mon. 
i. 9II; A. T. % 2i3; the origin of the motion 
of all the other Heavens, Conv. ii. 15132-6. 
Inf. ix. 29; Par. xxvii. 106-8; xxviii. 70-1; 
its existence first conceived by Ptolemy to 
account for the complex motion of the Heaven 
of the Fixed Stars, Conv. ii. 336-45 [Cielo 
Btellato] ; its revolution accomplished in some- 
thing under 24 hours, Conv. li. 3*^* ; imper- 
ceptible to sense save for its motion, Conv. iL 
49-10 . its almost inconceivable velocity caused 
by its longing to be united with the Empyrean, 
Conv. ii. 4^<>"7 ; has its two poles * firm, fixed, 
and immutable' as regards all things else, 
those of the lower Heavens being fixed only 
as regards themselves, Conv. ii. 4**-*! ; like 
the other Heavens, has an equator or circle 
equidistant from each pole, where the motion 
is most rapid, Conv. ii. 4^2-68 . resembles Moral 
Philosophy, inasmuch as it directs by its motion 
the daily revolutions of all the other Heavens, 
Conv. ii. 1462-8^ 1 5 122-38 . if its motion were to 
cease a third part of the Heavens would be 
invisible to every part of the Earth, while there 
would be neither life nor measure of time on 
the latter, and the whole Universe would be in 
disorder, Conv. ii. i5i3»-67 [^ee below) \ the 
largest of the corporeal Heavens (the Empyrean 
being incorporeal), Par. xxvii. 68; xxx. 39; 
is encircled by the Empyrean, and itself en- 
circles all the other Heavens, Son. xxv. i ; 
Par. i. 122-3; "• 113-M; xxiii. 112; xxviL 
112-13 ; the most rapid of the Heavens, Conv. 
ii. 420 ; Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; Par. i. 123 ; xiii. 24 ; 
xxvii. 99 ; its motion not measured by that of 
any of the other Heavens, but their motion 
measured by it, hence it is the origin of time. 
Par. xxvii. 115-19 (cf. Conv. ii. 15164-6) ; *has no 
other where than the mind of God,' Par. xxviL 
109-10; is perfectly uniform throughout, Par. 
xxvii. loo-i ; A. T. § 2i3-«. 

D. refers to the Crystalline Heaven as la 
spera che pi'U larga "gira^ Son. xxv. i ; // del 
che tutto giruy Inf. ix. 29 ; il cielo che piik alto 
festinoy Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; // ciel che ha maggior 
fretta^ Par. i. 123; corpo nella cut virtute 
Lesser di tutto suo contento giace, Par. iL 
113-14,; II ciel che tutti gli altri ovcmMa^ 
Par. xiii. 24 ; £j) real manto di tutti i volumi 
Del mondoy Par. xxiii. 1 12-13 ; testo. Par. xxvii. 
118; // maggior corpo^ Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; 
del yelocissimoy Par. xxvii. 99; volume^ Par. 
xxviiL 14 ; // del che tutto quanto rape Valtro 
universo seco, Par. xxviii. 70-1. 

In the passage, Conv. ii. 15'**-*% D. sUtes that, 
if the movement of the Primum Mobile or Crystal- 
line Heaven, on which depends the daily motion 
of all the other Heavens, were suspended, there 


delo Cristallino 

Cielo Empireo 

would remain only the almost insensible move- 
ment of the Starry Heaven from W. to E. of one 
degree in a hundred years (corresponding to what 
is now called the Precession of the Equinoxes). 
In this case the Earth would cease to revolve, 
and, as only i8o° of the Heavens would then be 
visible to us, the Sun and other planets would 
be invisible for half their revolutions, being hidden 
behind our backs during the rest of the time ; 
further, a third part of the Heavens would never 
have been seen from the Earth, since from the 
Creation to D.'s day (which he estimates at about 
6,400 years) the Starry Heaven would only 
have moved from W. to E. about 60°, hence 
60^ + 180° oi 940° would be the whole amount of 
the Heavens which would have been visible, 
leaving 360° — a40°s lao*', i.e. one-third part of 
the Heavens which had never been seen. 

The €Uita as to the periods of the several planets 
D. got from Alfraganus, who in his chapter De 
orbibtts pianetarum says : — 

* Fit orbis Lonae 29 dieram et la horamm et dimidiae et 
qaartae anitia horae. Mercurii ac Veneris ac Solis, unioscujas- 

Sie istorum rotatos fit 365 diebos et quarta unias dtei fer^ 
artia aatem in anno Pereico et 10 mensibos et aa diebus fer^ 
Tovii verb in circulo egressae cuspidis in 1 1 annis et 10 mensi- 
fans et 16 dtebos. In circulo autem st£noram, minus uno die 
et dimidio ferfe. Et Saturni in circulo e^rressae cuspidis in 
▼igintinovem annis et c^uinque mensibus, et anindecim diebus. 
lo circalo signoram minus hoc per novcm aies.' (Cap. 17.) 

D. has calculated the half revolutions roughly 
from these data\ according to his figures the 
periods would be, for Saturn, 14 1 years x a 
« 39 years (as against og years, 5 months, 15 days, 
given by Alfraganus) ; for Jupiter, 6 years x a 
a la years (as against 11 years, 10 months, 
16 days) ; for Mars, i year nearly x a » a years 
nearly (as against i year, 10 months, aa days) ; 
for the Sun, Venus, and Mercury, i8a days, 

14 hours X a <B 365 days, 4 hours (as against 
365 da3rs, 6 hours) ; and for the Moon, 14^ days 

X a «a 99 days (as against 39 days, ia| hours). 

The Crystalline Heaven is the ninth in D.*s 
conception of the Universe, Conv. ii. 4^, 14^2 . 
A. T. ^ 21* [Faradiso^]; resembles Moral 
Philosophy, Conv. ii. 1462-3, 15I 22-64. jt is 
presided over by the Seraphim, Par. xxviii. 
71-3 [Berafini]. 

On leaving the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, 
D. and Beatrice ascend to the Crystalline 
Heaven (Par. xxvii. 78-99) ; B. explains to D. 
the working of the Primum Mobile, and its 
effect upon the other Heavens (w, 100-20) ; 
D. sees a point of dazzling brilliancy around 
which revolve nine concentric circles of flame 
(Par. xxviii. 1-39) ; B. explains that this point 

15 the Deity, and the fiery circles are the nine 
Angelic Hierarchies, the order of which she 
expounds to him (w, 40-139) [Gerarchia] ; 
after B. has discoursed further of the angels 
and other matters, they ascend to the Empy- 
rean (Par. xxix. i-xxx. 39). 

Witte gives the following summary account 
of the system of the universe (in which the 
Primum Mobile plays such an important part) 
adopted by D. : — 

'The Ptolemaic system, as D. knew it, con- 

sisted of ten perfectly concentric Heavens. The 
Earth was the fixed immovable centre of this 
system, and equally immovable was the outer- 
most Heaven, or Empyrean, the abode of the 
Blessed, by which the Universe is surrounded. 
Its desire towards this dwelling of the Deity 
lends to the next, the ninth or Crystalline Heaven, 
the Primum Mobile^ so rapid a motion that in 
spite of its immeasurable circumference it revolves 
upon its axis in a little under twenty-four hours, 
carrying with it in its circuit all the other eight 
Heavens, without, however, interfering with their 
special revolutions. Such a special revolution, 
and the slowest of all, viz. of but one degree 
from W. to E. in a hundred years, is that of the 
eighth Heaven, in which the Fixed Stars are set, 
at equal distances from the Earth, and receiving 
their light from the Sun CPar. xx. 6; xxiii. 30; 
Conv. ii. 14"*; iii. ia**~*). In this movement of 
the Heaven of the Fixed Stars all those enclosed 
by it partake. Then follow the Heavens called 
after the seven planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the 
Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon ; all of which, 
besides the two movements common to them all, 
have their own special revolution. ... It is, how- 
ever, no inanimate gravity which impels the mani- 
fold motions of these heavenly bodies ; each one 
is occasioned by the will of a supernatural being, 
an Angel, an Intelligence (Par. ii. 137-9 ? Conv. ii. 
5*"*). These Intelligences are the inhabitants of 
each separate Heaven, and the motion of the 
planets is nothing else than the force of the thought 
of these holy spirits. Their power exerts that 
influence upon the Earth which the astrologers 
often ascribed to the planets and constellations 
themselves — an influence which imparts certain 
tendencies and inclinations to man, but which, 
through his exclusive privilege of free-will, can be 
combated and overcome.' 

Cielo decimo. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Cielo del Sole. [Sole, Cielo del.] 

Cielo della Luna. [Luna, Cielo della.] 

Cielo delle SteUe Fisse. [Cielo Stel- 


Cielo di Giove. [Qlove, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Marte. [Marte, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Mercurio. [Merourio, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Satumo. [Saturno, Cielo dL] 

Cielo di Venere. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo Empireo, the Empyrean, the highest 
Heaven, the abode of the Deity, * the pure 
Empyrean where He sits High throned above 
all highth,' Inf. ii. 21 ; Conv. ii. 4^*, I5^«5. 
Epist. X. 24, 26 ; meaning of the name, Conv. 
ii. 4i^i«; Epist. x. 24; the tenth or last 
Heaven, Conv. ii. 4i3-i5' 26, 5101, 1463 ; Purg. 
XV. 52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Epist. x. 24 ; 
or, regarded from the opposite point of view, 
the first, Purg. xxx. i ; Par. iv. 34 ; Epist. x. 
25, 26 ; in it is contained the Primum Mobile, 
Par. i. 122-3 ; ii. 1 13-14; xxvii. 112-14 [Cielo 
CriBtallino] ; contains all bodies and is con- 



Cielo Empireo 

Cielo Stellato 

tained by none, Conv. ii. 435-7 j Purg. xxvi. 63 ; 
Epist. X. 24, 25 ; within it all bodies move, 
Epist. X. 24 ; but itself remains motionless in 
eternal peace, Conv. ii. 417-19, 25, 28^ i^ibm . 
Par. i. 122; ii. 112 ; Epist. x. 24; immaterial, 
Par. XXX. 39 ; Epist. x. 24 ; composed purely 
of light, Par. xxiii. 102 ; xxx. 39 ; of which it 
receives more than any other of the Heavens, 
Par. i. 4 ; Epist. x. 25, 26 ; does not exist in 
space, but in the divine Mind, Conv. ii. 487-» ; 
the abode of Angels and of the Blessed, Conv. 
ii. 430-2 J Par. xxx. 43 - xxxi. 27 ; and of the 
Deity, Conv. ii. 428^ ; Par. xxxiii. 52-141 ; 
hence replete with love, Purg. xxvi. 63 ; Epist. 
X. 24 ; resembles the divine science of Theology, 
inasmuch as it is full of peace, Conv. ii. 14®^"^, 
15I65-7. whereas the other Heavens are pre- 
sided over by the several Angelic Orders or 
Intelligences, God himself is the Intelligence 
of the Highest Heaven, Conv. ii. 6^^^^^ ; Par. 
xxvii. 112; xxxiii. 124-6. 

D. refers to the Empyrean as cie/o divinis' 
simo e quiet o^ Conv. li. 4^^ ; luogo quieio e 
Pacifico^ Conv. ii. 4^^; cielo quieto, Conv. ii. 
14®^ ; il sovrano edijicio del mondo, Conv. ii. 
486 ; spera suprema^ Purg. xv. 52 ; Par. xxiii. 
108 ; prima cielo, Purg. xxx. i ; primo giro. 
Par. iv. 34 ; primum caelum, Epist. x. 25, 26 ; 
ultima spera. Par. xxii. 62 ; caelum supremum, 
Epist. x. 24 ; decimo cielo, Conv. ii. 4^^, 6^01^ 
I4<*3 ; il ciel . . . Ch^i pien etamore e piii ampio 
si spazia, Purg. xxvi. 62-3 ; // ciel che pii^ delta 
luce prende. Par. i. 4 ; it ciel sempre quieto, 
Nel qual si volge quel ch* ha maggior fretta. 
Par. 1. 122-3 ; il ciel delta divina pace. Par. ii. 
112 ; il ciel piii, chiaro. Par. xxiii. 102 ; il del 
ch* h pura luce, Par. xxx. 39. 

The nature of the Empyrean is thus ex- 
pounded by D. in the Convivio : — 

' Fuori di tutti gli altri cieli, li Cattolici pongono 
lo Cielo Empireo, che tanto vuol dire, quanto cielo 
di fiamma owero luminoso ; e pongono esso essere 
immobile, per avere in s^, secondo ciascuna parte, 
ci6 che la sua materia vuole. . . . E questo quieto 
e pacifico cielo 6 lo luogo di quella somma Deitii che 
S^ sola compiutamente vede. Questo ^ lo luogo 
degli spiriti beati, secondo che la santa Chiesa 
vuole, che non pu6 dire menzogna. . . . Questo 6 
il sovrano edificio del mondo, nel quale tutto il 
mondo s'inchiude, e di fuori dal quale nulla 6 : 
ed esso non 6 in luogo, ma formato fu solo nella 
prima Mente, la quale li Greci dicono Proionoe, 
Questo ^ quella magnificenza, della quale parl6 il 
Salmista, quando dice a Dio : Levata t la magnifi- 
cenza tua sopra li cieli.* (ii. 4""*'.) 

The Heaven of the Empyrean is the tenth 
in D.'s conception of the Universe, Purg. xv. 
52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Conv. ii. 42^, 
5101^ I4«^ ; Epist. X. 24 [Paradise ^] ; resembles 
Theology, Conv. ii. 14®^"^, 15!^^"'; it is pre- 
sided over by the Deity, Conv. ii. 6^^102, 

On leaving the Crystalline Heaven D. and 
Beatrice ascend to the Empyrean, where a 

great brightness surrounds them (Par. xxx. 
38-60); Paradise appears first as a river of light 
i^w. 61-96); afterwards, as D. sees more clearly, 
it assumes the appearance of a vast white Rose, 
in which are the seats of the Blessed (Par. xxx. 
97 - xxxii. 84) ; B. points out to D. the seat 
prepared for the Emperor Henry VII (Par. 
xxx. 133^) ; St. Bernard explains the arrange- 
ment of the seats, and points out, among the 
spirits already there, the Virgin Mary, Eve, 
Rachel, Beatrice, Sarah, Rebekah, Judith, 
Ruth, St. Anne, St. Lucy, Adam, Moses, St. 
Peter, St. John the Evangelist, St. Jolm the 
Baptist, St. Francis, St. Benedict, and St. 
Augustine (Par. xxxi. 1 15-17; xxxii. 1-35) 
[Rosa]. After the manifestation of the Deity 
(Par. xxxiii. 76-108), the Trinity {w. 109-26), 
and of Christ (ttv, 127-39), the Vision ends. 

Cielo nono. [Cielo Criatallino.] 

Cielo Ottavo. [Cielo Stellate.] 

Cielo primo. [Xiuna, Cielo della.] 

Cielo quarto. [Bole, Cielo del.] 

Cielo qtiinto. [Marte, Cielo dL] 

Cielo secondo. [Merourio, Cielo di.] 

Cielo sesto. [Qlove, Cielo dL] 

Cielo settimo. [Satomo, Cielo di.] 

Cielo Stellato, the Starry Heaven, or 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, V. N. § 2^0 ; Conv. 
"• 3*^1 4^^ 15^® ; caelum stellatum, A. T. § 2i» ; 
cielo delte Stelle Fisse, Conv. ii. 3^3^ 48 ; la 
spera stellata, Conv. ii. 14*^ ; Vottava speroj 
Conv. ii. 32*, 14^9 ; Par. ii. 64 ; octava sphaera^ 
A. T. § 21^-10; V ottavo cielo, Conv. ii. 4*; lo 
ciel . . . che ha tante vedute. Par. ii. 115; il 
ciel, cut tanti lumi fanno bello. Par. ii. 130; 
il cerchio che piii tardi in cielo i torto, Purg. 
xi. 108 (cf. Conv. i). 15) ; erroneously believ«l 
by Aristotle, who held that there were only 
eight Heavens, to be the outermost and last <» 
the Heavens, Conv. ii. 319-26 ; Ptolemy, noticing 
its complex motion, conceived that there must 
be another Heaven beyond, viz. the Primum 
Mobile^ Conv. ii. ^^^r-U . ^^e Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars the eighth in order of position, 
Conv. ii. 323-5, 48-9 ; A. T. § 2i» ; those of its 
stars which are nearest to its equator possessed 
of the greatest virtue, Conv. ii. 4^5-7 j jng. 
sembles Physics and Metaphysics, Conv. ii. 
1459-62^ 1 5*-i2i ; reasons for this resemblance, 
Conv. ii. 15I8-121 J the number of its stars 
estimated by the wise men of Egypt at 1,032* 
Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [Stelle Piaae]; its Galaxy, 
Conv. ii. 1 54^86 [Galassia] ; one of its poles 
visible, the other invisible, Conv. ii. ly^^^t 
87-94 ^^sgg below) ; its double motion, one from 
£. to W. (i. e. the daily motion of the heavens), 
and another hardly perceptible from W. to E. 
(i. e. the precession of the equinoxes), this latter 
being so slow that it only advances one degree 
in a hundred years, and hence the revolution 


Cielo Stellato 


will never be completed, the world being 
already in its last a^e, and only a little more 
than a sixth psut of its revolution having been 
accomplished since the beginning of the world, 
Conv. ii. i5ia-i4, 95^118 (see Maw); if the 
motion of the Primum Mobile were to be sus- 
pended, and only this motion of the Starry 
Heaven to remain, a third part of the Heavens 
would not yet have been seen from the Earth, 
and the Sun and planets would be hidden for 
half their revolutions, Conv. ii. 15I39-62 [dolo 
Cristalllno] ; the Starry Heaven had moved 
one-twelfth part of a degree towards the £. 
since the birth of Beatrice (which took place 
therefore about eight years and four months 
before), V. N. § 2»-i2 [Beatrice]. 

D/s information with regard to the two poles 
and the two motions of the Starry Heaven 
was borrowed from the EUmenia Astronomica 
of Alfraganus; of the two celestial poles, he 
says: — 

*Caeliiin . . . cam oninibiu stellis convertitar circalari 
rootn, soper daobiu poHa, fixis et immotis: qaoram alter 
in pla||[a boreali consistit, alter in aostrali ' (the visible pole, 
of coarse, bein? the one in the northern recion of the sky; 
the invistble, that in the toothem region). (Cap. a.) 

Of the two celestial motions he says : — 

' Dice itaqae dnos in caelo obsenrari principales motos : 

SDorom primus totom versat caelam, fadtqoe noctem et 
iem. Is namqoe circamagit Solem, et Looam, omnesqae 
Stellas reliqoas ab oriente in ocddentem, ana qaotidie con* 
versione . . . Motos autem secundos is est, qao Solem et 
■tellas Tersari oemimas ab occidente in orientem, in partes 
prime motai contrarias.* (Cap. 5.) 

Tiie nature of the second motion (^from W. to £.) 
he explains as follows : — 

'Stellanim fixarom sphaera . . . cajas motos ... est oni- 
verms stellis erranttbos commnnis . . . ab occidente gyratar 
in orieotem super sodiaci polis, centenis qaibosque annis, at 
Ptolemad est sententia, per spatium onios grados. Bodem 
moto an4 convertontur septem planetarom sphaerae ; ita at 
. . . totom sodiacom percorrant annis 36ooa*^ (Cap. 13.) 

The astronomy of D.'s time, following Ptolemy, 
put the revolution of the Starry Heaven, i. e. the 
cycle of the precession of the equinoxes, at 36,000 
jrears (a hundred years for each of the 360 
degrees) ; this is too much, it being really a6,ooo 

D.'s calculation, that only a little more than 
a sixth part of the revolution had been accom- 
plished since the beginning of the world, is based 
upon the belief that the creation took place five 
thousand years and more before the birth of Christ ; 
so that in the thirteenth century a. d. more than 
six thousand years had elapsed, and the Heaven 
had moved through rather more than 60 degrees, 
or one-sixth of the whole circuit. (Orosius puts 
the period from Adam to Abraham at 3,184 years, 
and from Abraham to the Nativity at 2,015 years, 
making 5,199 years from the creation to the 
Nativity ; thb sum, with the addition of the 1,300 
jrears of the Christian era, gives a total of 6,499 

The Heaven of the Fixed Stars is the eighth 
In D.'s conception of Paradise, Par. ii. 64; 
Conv. ii. 32*, 48, 14*' ; A. T. § 2i»-io [Pars- 
diio^] ; resembles Physics in three respects 
and Metaphysics also m three respects, Conv. 

ii. i5*-i2i ; it is presided over by the Cherubim 
[Cherublni]. Inside of the Empyrean re- 
volves the Primum Mobile^ in which originate 
the influences which are distributed by the 
Starry Heaven to the various spheres which 
make up the Universe, Par. 1. 122-3; ii. 
1 1 2-1 7. 

On leaving the Heaven of Saturn, D. and 
Beatrice ascend with incredible velocity to that 
of the Fixed Stars, entering it in the constella- 
tion of Gemini, under which D. was born (Par. 
xxii. 100-23); they here behold the triumph 
of Christ and the coronation of the Vir^n 
Mary (Par. xxiii) ; St. Peter examines D. con- 
cemmg the nature and matter of faith (Par. 
xxiv) ; St. James examines him concerning 
hope (Par. xxv. 1-96) ; St. John then appears 
(w, 97-139), and examines him concerning 
love (Par. xxvi. 1-66) ; after which Adam ap- 
pears, who resolves certain doubts of D. re- 
specting the first state of man {yv, 67-142) ; 
then St. Peter inveighs against the iniquity of 
the Popes (Par.xxvii. 1-66) ; afterwards D.and 
B. ascend to the Crystalline Heaven (z^. 67-99). 

Cielo terzo. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo d'Alcamo. [CiuUo d'Aloamo.] 

Cimabue, Giovanni Cimabue, the great 
Florentine artist, and master of Giotto, com- 
monly regarded as the regenerator of painting 
in Italy; he was bom circ. 1240, and died, not 
in 1300 as Vasari states, but in or after 1302, 
since he is proved by documentary evidence 
to have been painting in Pisa in that year ; he 
was buried m Santa Maria del Fiore at 

Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) mentions 
him in illustration of the brief endurance of 
fame, that of C. having been speedily eclipsed 
by the fame of Giotto, Purg. xi. 94-6. Vasari 
says: — 

' Oscurd Giotto veramente la lama di lui, non 
altrimenti che un lume grande faccia lo splendore 
d*un molto minore : perciocchd,sebbene fu Cimabue 
quasi prima cagione della rinnovazione dell' arte 
della pittura ; Giotto nondimeno suo creato,mosso 
da lodevole ambizione ed aiutato dal cielo e dalla 
natura, fu quegli che, andando piii alto col pensiero, 
aperse la porta della veritk a coloro che T hanno 
poi ridotta a quella perfezione e grandezza, in che 
la veggiamo al secolo nostro.' 

The Ottimo Comento (quoted by Vasari) 
says : — 

'Fu Cimabue di Firenze pintore nel tempo di 
I'autore, molto nobile di piii che homo sapesse, et 
con questo fue si arogante et si disdegnoso, che si 
per alcuno Ii fusse a sua opera posto alcun fallo 
o difetto, o elli da s^ 1* avessi veduto (che, come 
accade molte volte, Tartefice pecca per difetto della 
materia, in che adopra, o per mancamento ch'^ 
nello strumento con che lavora), inmantenente 
queir opra disertava, fussi cara quanto volesse.' 

Vasari quotes an epitaph on C. (evidently 





based upon Purg. xi. 94-5) which, he says, was 
placed in the Cathedral at Florence : — 

* Crrdidit at Cimabos picturae castra tenere, 
Sic tenuit, vivena; nunc tenet astra polL* 

C.'s portrait, according to Vasari, was intro- 
duced by Simone da Siena in one of his frescoes 
in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella 
at Florence : — 

' II ritratto di Cimabue si vede di mano di Simone 
Sanese, nel capitolo di Santa Maria Novella, fatto 
in profile nella storia della Fede, in una figura che 
ha il viso magro, la barba piccola, rossetta ed 
appuntatA, con un cappuccio secondo Tuso di quei 
tempi, che lo fascia intomo intomo e sotto la gola 
con bella nianiera. Quello che gli 6 allato, ^ 
I'istesso Simone maestro di queir opera, che si 
ritrasse da s^ con due specchi per far la testa in 
profilo, ribattendo Tuno nell' altro/ 

Cincinnato, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, 
one of the heroes of the old Roman republic, 
the Roman model of frugality and integrity ; 
he lived on his farm, which he cultivated him- 
self. In B.C. 458 he was called from the plough 
to assume the dictatorship, in order to deliver 
the Roman army from the Aequians ; having 
accomplished this task, and defeated the enemy, 
he returned to his farm, after holding the dic- 
tatorship only sixteen days. In 439 he was a 
second time appointed dictator, at the age of 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions him in connexion with the 
exploits of the Roman Eagle, referring to him 
(in allusion to his surname Cincinnatus, i.e. 
* shaggy-haired *) as Qutnjn'o che dal cirro 
NegUtto fu nomato^ Par. vi. 46-7 [Aqulla^] ; 
he is mentioned again (as Cincinnato) by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, 
speaking of the degenerate state of Florence, 
says that in his day such a person as Lapo 
Salterello would have been as great a marvel 
in that city as Cincinnatus would be now, Par. 
xy. 127-9 [I'ftpo*]; his laying down of the 
dictatorship and voluntary return to the plough 
are referred to, Conv. iv. 5I30-* ; and, with a 
reference to Livy (iii. 28), though D. was more 
probably thinking of the account of Orosius 
(ii. 12, §§ 7, 8), and to Cicero iFin, ii. 4), Mon. 
li. 57«-8». 

Cincinnatus, the dictator, Mon. ii. 576' 88. 

Cino, Cino (i. e. Guittoncino) di ser Fran- 
cesco de' Sinibuldi of Pistoja, commonly known 
as Cino da Pistoja, the fnend of D., and one 
of the principal poets of the new lyric school 
in Italy (which comprised, among others, Lapp 
Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Guido Orlandi, 
Gianni Alfani, Guido Cavalcanti, and Dante 
Alighieri), was bom at Pistoja in 1270; he 
was a lawyer by profession, and was the author 
of several legal works, the most important of 
which if the Lectura in Codicem^ a commentary 

on the first nine books of the Code of Justinian ; 
after studying at Pistoja (whence he was exiled 
in 1307) and Bologna, he received his doctorate 
at Bologna (131 4)) and lectured on law succes- 
sively at Treviso (1318), Siena (1321), Florence 
(1324), Perugia (1326), where he had among 
his pupils the famous Bartolo da Sassoferrato, 
and Naples (1330). Towards the dose of his 
life he returned to Pistoja, which he had re- 
visited at various intervals, and held several 
official posts in his native town, where he died 
at the end of 1336 or the beginning of 1337. 
He was buried in the Cathedral of San Jacopo 
at Pistoja, where a monument by Cellino di 
Nese of*^ Siena was erected to him ; on it is a 
bas-relief representing Cino lecturing to nine 
pupils, among them Francesco Petrarca, who 
afterwards composed a sonnet on his death. 
In politics Cino belonged to the Bianchi party, 
with decided Ghibelline leanings, as appears 
from the fact that he accompanied Duke Louis 
of Savoy as his assessor when the latter went 
to Rome in 13 10 to make preparations for the 
reception of Henry VII of Luxemburg, on 
whose death he wrote a poem in which he 
speaks of the Emperor as colui in cui virtute 
Com' in suo proprio loco dimorava.' Among 
Cino's friends, besides D., who in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia usually speaks of him- 
self as * amicus Cini ' (V, E. i. lo^o, 17** ; ii. 
2®*i 5*®, 6*^3)^ ^ere Onesto da Bologns^ Cecco 
d'Ascoli, Bosone da Gubbio, and his pupil 

Cino was one of those who replied to D.'s 
sonnet, ' A ciascun' alma presa, e gentil core ' 
(V. N. § 3'''^) ; among nimierous poems of his 
which have been preserved, several of them 
addressed to D., is a canzone on the death of 
Beatrice, and another on the death of D. him- 
self. His love-poems are said to have been 
inspired by his passion for Selvaggia, daughter 
of Filippo Vergiolesi of Pitecchio, who after- 
wards married Focaccia de* Cancellieri of 
Pistoja. He himself married (in 1300) Mar- 
gherita degli Ughi, by whom he had ^'^iz 
children. (See G. Carducci, Rime di Cino da 
Pistoja \ Bartoli, Lett. Ital.y iv. 1-133; ^^'^ 
D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. Ital., i. 306-15.) 

D. addressed two sonnets to Cino (Son. 
xxxiv, xlvi) ; and a letter (' Exulanti Pistonensi 
Florentinus exul immeritus ') in which he re- 
plies to C.'s inquiry whether the soul ' can pass 
from passion to passion ' (Epist iv.) ; Cino is 
named. Son. xxxiv. 2 ; xlvi. 12 : Cinus Pistori' 
ensis, V. E. i. io30, ,337, 1724-6. ii. ^m 547. 

Cinusy V. E. ii. 2« ; Cinus de Pistorio, V. E. 
ii. 6"^^; he is addressed by D. as carissinu^ 
Epist. iv. I ; frcUer carissime, Epist. iv. 5 ; his 
poems are quoted, V. E. ii. 2»^, 5*«, 6"" ; D. 
couples C. with himself as having written 
poems in the vulgar tongue, V. E. i. lo**"** ; 
and with Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, and 
himself, as having rejected the Tuscan dialed. 


Ginus PistorienBis 


C. being mentioned last on account of D.'s 
hatred to Pistoja, V. E. i. i333-« ; the excellence 
of the vulgar tongue exemplified in the canzoni 
of C. and D., V. E. i. i7i8-2« ; C. the poet of 
love, D. the poet of rectitude, V. E. ii. 2^2-3 . 
he and D. both made use of eleven-syllabled 
verses, V. E. ii. 589-60 . and both employed the 
most excellent form of canzone^ V. E. ii, 6'^^3. 

Cinus Pistoriensis. [Cine] 

Cinyras, King of Cyprus, son of Apollo, 
and father of Adonis by his own daughter 
Myrrha, who deceived him by disguising her- 
selif as another woman. 

D. alludes to the incest of C. (the story of 
which is told by Ovid, Metam, x. 298 ff.). Inf. 
XXX. 38-41 ; and compares Florence to Myrrha, 
Epist. vii. 7. [Mirra.] 

Ciolus, Ciolo, said to be the name of one 
of the Florentine exiles who submitted to the 
degrading terms imposed upon those who 
were desirous of returning to Florence. D. 
says in his letter to a Florentine friend, in 
which he scornfully rejects any such terms 
for himself, that it would ill become a man 
who was familiar with philosophy to so far 
humiliate himself as to submit to be treated 
like a prisoner after the manner of Ciolo and 
other infamous wretches, 'more cujusdam 
Cioli et aliorum infamium/ Epist. ix. 3. 

This Ciolo is not improbably the Ciolo degli 
Abati, who, alone of his house, was expressly 
excepted by name (* Omnes de domo de Abba- 
tibus, excepto Ciolo ') from the decree known 
as the ' Riforma di messer Baldo d'Aguglione' 
issued in 131 1 (Sep. 2) against the contu- 
macious exiles, I), being one of them. (See 
Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di 2?., p. 137 ; Dino 
Camfa^i^ iii. p. 289, n» 24.) Some suppose 
the mdividual in question to be a certain Lippo 
Lapi Ciole, who among others is said to have 
been allowed to return to Florence in 131 6 
on condition that he should walk behind the 
Carroccio with a fool's cap on his head. (See 
Witte, Dante- Forschun^en^ i. 498.) A certain 
Ser Ciolo da Firenze is the hero of one of 
Sacchetti's tales (Nov. Ii) in which he plays 
a part somewhat resembling that ascribed to 
Ciacco in the Decamerane, [Ciacoo.] 

Clone de' Tarlati. [Quccio de' Tarlati.] 

Ciotto di Gerusalemme. [Gerusa- 

Cipriy Cyprus, the most easterly island in 
the Mediterranean ; mentioned by Pier da 
Medidna (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of HeU) 
together with Majorca, one of the most 
westerly, to indicate the whole length of the 
Mediterranean Sea, Inf. xxviii. 82 ; it is alluded 
to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter by 
the mention of two of its chief cities, Fama- 
^fosta and Nicosia, with reference to the suffer- 
ings of the island under the misgovemment of 

Hennr II of Lusignan, Par. xix. 145-7. [Ar- 
pigo 8 : Table v. A.] 

Benvenuto, apropos of this passage, launches 
out into a peculiarly fierce tirade against the 
luxury, effeminacy, and wantonness of Cyprus 
and its king : — 

* Regnum Cypn . . . rixatur propter regem suum 
bestialiter viventem, qui rex non discordat, nee 
recedit a latere aliarum bestianim, idest aliorum 
regum vitiosiorum. Et vere non discohaeret, et 
non dissociatur a vivere bestiali aliorum, immo 
vincit et ezcedit cum sua gente Cypri omnes reges 
et gentes regnorum christianitatis in superfluitate 
luxuriae, gulae, mollitiei, et in omni genere volup- 
tatum. Sed velle describere genera epulanim, 
sumptuositatem, varietatem, et nimietatem, fasti- 
diosum esset narrare, et taediosum scribere et 
pemiciosum audire. Ideo viri sobrie et temper- 
anter viventes debent avertere oculos a videndo, 
et aures ab audiendo mores meretricales lubricos 
et foetidos insulae illius, quam permittente Deo 
nunc januenses invaserunt, expugnaverunt et male 

Ciprigna, Cypriote, name applied by D. 
to the planet Venus, Cyprus having been 
regarded as the birthplace of the goddess. 
Par. viii. 2 [Venere i] ; he explains how the 
name of Venus, goddess of love, came to be 
given to the planet, describing how the ancients 
worshipped not only her, but also her mother 
Dione, and her son Cupid, as being endowed 
with the power of inspiring love (7't/. 1-12) 
[Cupido: Dione]. 

Circe, the enchantress Circe, daughter of 
Helios (Uie Sun) and PersS, who dwelt in the 
island of Aeaea, upon which Ulysses was cast, 
and had the i)ower of transforming men into 
beasts; she is mentioned by Ulysses (in 
Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell), who describes 
how he stayed more than a year with her in 
the neighbourhood of Gaeta, before Aeneas 
had so named it. Inf. xxvi. 91-3 [Ulisse] : — 

'Ta qaoqne Htoribos nostris, Aenela nntrix, 
Aetemam moriena famam, CaieU^ dedisti ; 
Bt nunc servat honos sedem tuns, otsaqae nomen 
Heq>ena in mas^a, si qua est ea gloria, signat . . . 
Proxuma Circaeae raduntur litora terrac' 

{Aen. vii. 1-4, la) 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
compares the inhabitants of the Valdamo to 
the men transformed by her into beasts, Purg. 
xiv. 40-2 [Amo] : — 

* Hinc exandiri gemitns iraeqne leonnm, . . . 
Saetigerique tnea, atque in praeaepibua ursi 
Saevire, ac formae roagnomm ululare iaporam, 
Qooe hominnm ex facie dea saeva potentibua berbis 
Indnerat Circe in voltos ac terga ferarum.* 

(Aen. vii. 15, i^-aa) 

Ciriatto, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 
5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), deputed 
by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 
122; xxii. 55; he is represented as being 
tusked like a boar ('sannuto'), Inf. xxi. 122; 
and with one of his tusks he rips up the bar- 
rator Ciampolo, Inf. xxii. 55-7 [Alichino: 


u 2 


Civitate Dei, De 

Ciampolo]. Philalethes renders the name 
* Schweinsborst.' 

Giro, Cyrus the elder, founder of the 
Persian Empire, son of Cambyses, a Persian 
noble, and of Mandan^, daughter of Astyages, 
King of Media; he led the Persians against 
Astyages, defeated him and took him prisoner, 
and became King of the Medes, B. C. 559 ; 
conquered the kingdom of Lydia and took 
Croesus prisoner, B.C. 546 ; conquered Babylon, 
B. C 538; was defeated and slain in a battle 
against the Massagetae, a Scythian people, 
B. C. 529. 

D. includes him among the examples of 
defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. 
xii. 56 [8ui>erbi] ; and refers to the story (for 
which his authority was Orosius, Hist, ii. 7, § 6) 
of the vengeance of Tomyris, Queen of the 
Massagetae, whose son he had slain, how after 
his defeat and death she had his head cut off 
and thrown into a vessel filled with human 
gore, and mocked it, saying, ' For blood thou 
hast thirsted, drink thy fill * (w, 55-7) ; his 
conquest of Babylon, and dream of universal 
empire, and his subsequent defeat and death 
at tne hands of Tomyris, are referred to, Mon, 
ii. 9*3-8 [OroBlo : Tamiri]. 

Cirra, Cirrha, town in Phocis, on the Cris- 
saean Gulf, about 15 miles S.W. of Delphi, 
often confused with Crissa, an inland town 
a few miles distant, of which it appears to 
have been the port ; both towns were inti- 
mately connected with Delphi, the seat of the 
oracle of Apollo, hence Cirrha was sometimes 
used as a synonym of Delphi (cf. Statius, 
Thtb, iii. 106, 455, 474). The name was also 
applied to one of the peaks of Parnassus, to 
that namely which was sacred to Apollo (the 
other, Nisa, being sacred to Bacchus), as is 
explained by Isidore of Seville in his Ori- 
gines :— 

' P«rnmtus mons est Thessaliae, juxta Boeotiam, 

3ui gem in o vcrtice est erectus in caelum. Hie in 
uo finditur Juga, Cirra et Nisa, unde et nuncu- 
patui, eo quod in singulis jugis colebantur Apollo 
etUber.' (xiv. 8.) 

Hence Cirrha was also used as a synonym 
of Parnafiui (cf. Statius, Theb, i. 62, ii. 63, 
Hi, 611). fPamaso.] 

\). mentiont Cirrha in connexion with Apollo 
in his capacity at god of song, and suggests 
that he himself is but the forerunner of more 
mitfhty poets, Par. i. 35-6. 

M'Mit of the old commentators are silent on 
the subject of Cirrha, but both the Ottimo 
Cmnento and Benvenuto hold that D.'s refer- 
ence is to one of the peaks of Parnassus :— 

' II tcmpio d'Apollo, dove si viene a pregare, h in 
Mil gfofo di Parnato dctto Cirra; e nell* altro 
fiogo, d«tt#i NisJl, 6 il tempio di Bacco.'— 'Cirra, 
MmI Atmllo, qui colitur in Cirrha, altero jugo 
moiilUi Parmuii/ 

Citerea^ Cytherea, name of Venus (Aen. 1. 
261, 661, &C.), who was so called from Cythera 
(now Cerigo), an island off the S.£. point of 
Laconia, near which she is said to have risen 
from the foam of the sea. 

D. applies the name to the planet Venus, 
the time indicated being the early morning 
before dawn, Purg. xxvii. 95. As a matter of 
fact in April, 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision, Venus was not actually a morning-star, 
but rose after the Sun. [Venere 2.] 

Cittk di Castello. Castellana Civitas. 

Ciuffagni], one of the Florentine families 
which received knighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenburg, *• il gran Barone,* Par. 
xvL 128. [Qangalandi.] 

Ciullo d'Alcamo], the author (called by 
some Cielo d'Alcamo or Cielo dal Camo) (H 
the poem, the third line of which (' Tragemi 
d'este focora, se t'este a boluntate,' or, ac- 
cording to the reading of Cod, Vat, 3793, the 
only MS. in which the poem has been pre- 
served, * Trami d'este focora se t* estc a bolon- 
tate ') is quoted by D. as an example of the 
Sicilian dialect as spoken by the lower classes, 
V. E. i. I2S«. 

Alcamo is a town in the N.W. of Sicily, 
about 25 miles S.W. of Palermo, and 7 S.£. 
of Castellamare. Ciullo, according to Nan- 
nucci, represents the Sicilian Nzullo, an abbre- 
viation of VincenciuUo, VincenzuUo, the dimi- 
nutive of Vincenzio. The poem, which consists 
of thirty- two stanzas of five lines each (riming 
aaa bb^ ccc dd^ &c.), is in the form of a dialogue 
(' contrasto ') between a lover and his mistress, 
and was written, as is proved by internal 
evidence, between 1231 and 1250, so that the 
author was a contemporary of the £mperor 
Frederick II. (See D'Anconaand Comparetti, 
Rime Antiche Volgari, i. 165-377; Monad, 
Crest, Ital.f 106-9 > and Nannucci, Lett. IteU*^ L 

Civitas Castellana. [Castellana Ci^- 


CMtate Del^ De, St. Augustine's work 
(in twenty-two books) On the Lity of God, an 
apologetic treatise (written between 413 and 
426) in vindication of Christianity and the 
Christian Church; his comparison of the 
significant and insignificant parts of a narrative 
to the share and other parts of a plough, Mon. 
iii. 4fii-» {jCiv, Dei, xvi. 2) :— 

*• Non sane omnia, quae gesta narrantur, aliquid 
etiam significare putanda sunt; sed propter ilia, 
quae aliquid significant, etiam ea, quae mbol 
significant, adtexuntur. Solo enim vomere tern 
proscinditur ; sed ut hoc fieri possit, etiam cetera 
aratri membra sunt necessaria'— a passage which 
is quoted, in a mutilated form, by Boccaccio in 
his Comtnto at the close of Ltaione vi. 

Though D. only once quotes the De Civitate 



Dei by name, he was evidently familiar with the 
work, from which he derived details, for in- 
stance, as to Pythagoras, the Seven Sages of 
Greece, &c. [Agostino *.] 

Claudianus], Claudian (Claudius Claudi- 
anus), the last of the Latin classic poets ; he 
was bom at Alexandria and came to Italy in 
A.D. 395, where he enjoyed the patronage of 
Stilicho, the famous general of the Emperor 
Theodosius I ; he died circ. 408. C, who was 
a pagan, wrote a number of poems, many of 
which are extant, remarkable for the purity of 
their Latin. 

A (juotation from his De Bella Gildonico^ 
'minuit praesentia famam' {v, 385), occurs in 
the so-called letter of D. to Guido da Polenta, 
in which the passage is erroneously ascribed 
to Virgil ; for this reason, among others, the 
authenticity of this letter is suspected. 

Some think D. borrowed from Claudian's 
De Raptu Proserpinae (ii. 262) his description 
of Proserpine, Purg. xxviii. 50-1 ; but his 
authority here was Ovid (Metam, v. 38J-401), 
and it is doubtful whether he had any ac- 

2uaintance with Claudian. (See Academy^ 
)cc. 2, 1893.) 

Clemens, Pope Clement V, Epist. v. 10. 
[Clemente 2.] 

Clemente 1, Clement IV (Guy Foulquois), 
a native of Languedoc ; created Cardinal (by 
Urban IV, whom he succeeded), 1261; elected 
Pope at Perugia, Oct. 8, 1264 ; died at Viterbo, 
Nov. 29, 1268. 

Manfred (in Antepurgatory) mentions him 
in connexion with the Bishop of Cosenza, who 
by his orders disinterred M.'s body from its 
grave beneath the heap of stones at the bridge 
of Benevento, and had it cast outside the 
limits of the kingdom of Naples, Purg. iii. 
124-9 [Benevento : ManfrediJ. Some think 
Clement IV is included among the Popes 
mentioned by Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of 
Circle VIII of Hell), Inf, xix. 73-4 [Nioool62]. 

Clemente^], Clement V (Bertrand de 
Goth), a native of Gascony ; appointed Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux by Boniface VIII, 1299 ; 
elected Pope (in his absence) at Perugia, 
June 5, 1305, in succession to Benedict XI ; 
crowned at Lyons, Nov. 14 of the same year ; 
died at Roquemaure, near Avignon, April 20, 
1314. It was during the Pontificate of Cle- 
ment V, who appears never to have entered 
Italy, that the Papal See was removed to 
Avignon, where it remained in what Italian 
writers call the * Babylonian Captivity,* for 
over seventy years ; at the end of which period 
(1378^ the Great Schism took place, Clement VI I 
reignmg as Pope at Avignon, Urban VI at 
Rome. The Schism came to an end with the 
election of Alexander V in 1409. 

Clement owed his election to an intrigue 
between Philip the Fair and the French party 

among the Cardinals. After a long contest 
between the latter, headed by Napoleone degli 
Orsini and the Cardinal Niccol6 da Prato, and 
the partisans and kindred of Boniface VIII, 
headed by Matteo degli Orsini and Francesco 
Gaetani, a compromise was arrived at. It 
was agreed that one party should nominate 
three Ultramontane (Northern) prelates, not 
members of the Sacred College, and that the 
other party should within forty days elect one 
of these to the Papacy. The Gaetani party 
having named three Archbishops (among them 
the Archbishop of Bordeaux), of whom they 
felt sure, as they had all been appointed by 
Boniface VIII, Niccol6 da Prato made up his 
mind that their choice should fall upon the 
Archbishop of Bordeaux. He at once entered 
into secret communications with Philip the 
Fair, and brought about an interview between 
him and the Archbishop, in the course of 
which the King told the latter that he had it 
in his power to make him Pope, but that he 
must first agree to six conditions. These 
having been named, with the exception of the 
last (relating probably to the suppression of 
the Templars), which the King kept secret, 
the Archbishop gave his consent to them, 
pledging himself in a solemn oath upon the 
Host, and delivering up his brother and two 
nephews as hostages. Thef result of the inter- 
view having been communicated to the French 
Cardinals, the Archbishop of Bordeaux was 
unanimously chpsen Pope, the Gaetani party 
remaining in entire ignorance of the intrigue 
by which the election had been brought about. 

' II savio e provveduto cardinale da Prato si 
pens6, che meglio si potea fornire il loro intendi- 
mento a prendere messer Ramondo del Gotto 
arcivescovo di Bordello, che nullo degli altri, con 
tutto che fosse creatura del papa Bonifazio, e non 
amico del re di Francia, per offese fatte a' suoi 
nella guerra di Guascogna per messer Carlo di 
Valps ; ma conoscendolo uomo vago d'onore e di 
signoria, e ch' era Guascone, che naturalmente 
sono cupidi, che di leggieri si potea pacificare col 
re di Francia; e cosl presono il partito segreta- 
mente, e per saramento egli e la sua parte del 
collegio . . . e per fi<jati e buoni corrieri ordinati 
per gli loro mercatanti (non sentendone nulla 
Taltra parte), mandarono da Perugia a Parigi in 
undici di, ammonendo e pregando il re di Francia 
per'I? tfenore delle loro Icttere, che s' egli volesse 
racquistare suo stato in santa Chiesa, e rilevare i 
suoi amici Colonnesi, che '1 nimico si facesse ad 
amicOy ci6 era messer Ramondo del Gotto arcives- 
covo di Bordello, Tuno de' tre cletti piii confidenti 
dell' altra parte, cercando e trattando con lui patti 
larghi per se e per gli amici suoi, perocch^ in sua 
mano era rimessa la lezione dell* uno di que' tre 
cui a lui piacesse. Lo re di Francia avute le dette 
lettere e commissioni, fu molto allegro e sollecito 
alia impresa. In prima mandate lettere amichevoli 
per messi in Guascogna a messer Ramondo del 
Gotto arcivescovo di Bordello, che gli si facesse 
incontro, che gli volea parlare . . . e udita insieme 




la messa, e giurata in su Taltare credenza, lo re 
parlament6 con lui, e con belle parole, di ricon- 
ciliarlo con messer Carlo, e poi si gli disse : Vedi 
arcivescovo, i* ho in mia mano di poterti fare papa 
s' io voglio, e per6 sono venuto a te : e perci6, se 
tu mi prometterai di farmi sei grazie ch' io ti 
domander6, io ti far6 questo onore : e acciocch^ 
tu sie certo ch* io n* ho il podere, — trasse fuori e 
mostrogli le lettere e le commissioni dell' uno 
collegio de' cardinali e dell* altro. II Guascone 
covidoso della dignita papale, veggendo cosi di 
subito come nel re era al tutto di poterlo fare 
]>apa, quasi stupefatto dell* allegrezza gli si gitt6 
a* piedi, e disse : Signore mio, ora conosco che 
m* ami piii che uomo che sia, e vuoimi rendere 
bene per male: tu hai a comandare e io a ubbidire, 
e sempre sar6 cos! disposto. Lo re il rilev6 suso, 
e basciollo in bocca, e poi gli disse : Le sei speziali 
grazie ch* io voglio da te sono queste. La prima, 
che tu mi riconcili perfettamente colla Chiesa, e 
facci perdonare del misfatto ch* io commisi della 
presura di papa Bonifazio. II secondo, di ri- 
comunicare me e' miei seguaci. II terzo articolo, 
che mi concedi tutte le decime del reame per 
cinque anni per aiuto alle mie spese c' ho fatte 
per la guerra di Fiandra. II quarto, che tu mi 
prometti di disfare e annullare la memoria di papa 
Bonifazio. II quinto, che tu renda I'onore del 
cardinalato a messer Jacopo e a messer Piero della 
Colonna, e rimettigli in stato, e fai con loro insieme 
certi miei amici cardinali. La sesta grazia e pro- 
messa mi riservo a luogo e a tempo, ch' ^ segreta 
e grande. L*arcivescovo promise tutto per sara- 
mento in sul Corpus Domini, e oltre a ci6 gli die* 
per istadichi il fratello e due suoi nipoti ; e lo re 
giur6 a lui e promise di farlo eleggere papa.' 
(Villani, viii. 80.) 

Having been elected under these circum- 
stances, Clement naturally, as Pope, was little 
more than a creature of the French king, whose 
behests he was forced to carry out one after 
the other. The condemnation of Boniface VIII, 
however, he managed to avoid, Philip*s atten- 
tion beingdiverted to a more profitable matter, 
viz. the plundering and ultimate suppression of 
the Order of the Templars. 

' Per sua avarizia si mosse il re, e si ordm6 e 
fecesi promettere segretamente al papa, di disfare 
I'ordine de' tempieri, opponendo contro a loro 
molti articoli di resia: ma piii si dice che fu per 
trarre di loro molta moneta, e per isdegni presi 
col maestro del tempio e colla magione. II papa 
per levarsi d'addosso il re di Francia, per la 
richesta ch' egli avea fatta del condannare papa 
Bonifazio . . . o ragione o torto che fosse, per 
piacere al re egli assent! di ci6 fare.* (Villani, 
viii. 9a.) 

When in 1308, on the assassination of the 
Emperor Albert of Austria, the Imperial crown 
became vacant, Clement was pressed by Philip 
to support ^as some suppose, in fulfilment of 
the secret sixth condition of his election) the 
candidature of his brother, Clemenl*s old enemy, 
Charles of Valois. Ostensibly the Pope com- 
plied, but, dreading any further extension of 

the formidable power of France, he secretly 
exerted all his influence against Charles, and 
favoured the claims of his rival, Henry of 
Luxemburg, who was elected as Henry VII. 
When the new Emperor descended into Italy 
to assert his imperial rights Clement for a time 
loyally co-operated with him ; but, yielding to 
the menaces of the French king, he gradually 
withdrew his support, leaving Henry to carry 
out his task alone, unaided, if not actually 
opposed, by the Papal influence. Clement 
survived the Emperor he had betrayed less 
than a year, his death having been hastened, 
according to Villani, by his apprehensions as 
to the fate in store for him in the next world, 
which had been revealed to him through witch- 
craft, by means of a vision. 

' Neir anno 1314 di ao d*Aprile, morl papa 
Clemente. . . . Questi fu uomo molto cupido di 
moneta, e simoniaco, che ogni beneficio per danari 
s*avea in sua corte, e fu lussurioso ; che palese si 
dicea, che tenea per amica la contessa di Pelagorga 
bellissima donna, figliuola del conte di Fusci. £ 
lasci6 i nipoti e suo lignaggio con grandissimo e 
innumerabile tesoro : e dissesi che, vivendo il 
detto papa, essendo morto uno suo nipote cardinale 
cui egli molto amava, costrinse uno grande maestro 
di negromanzia che sapesse che dell* anima del 
nipote fosse. II detto maestro fatte sue arti, uno 
cappellano del papa molto sicuro fece portare 
a* dimonia, i quali il menarono alio 'nfemo, e 
mostrargli visibilcmente uno palazzo iv* entro uno 
letto di fuoco ardente, nel quale era Tanima del 
detto suo nipote morto, dicendogli, che per la sua 
simonia era cosl giudicato. £ vide nella visione 
fare un altro palazzo alia 'ncontra, il quale gli fu 
detto si facea per papa Clemente ; e cosl rapport6 
il detto cappellano al papa, il quale mai poi non fu 
allegro, e poco vivette appresso : e morto lui, e 
lasciatolo la notte in una chiesa con grande 
luminara, s'accese e arse la cassa, e '1 corpo sua 
dalla cintola in giu.* (ix. 59,) 

D. assigns to Clement, who is not mentioned 
by name in the D, C, a place among the 
simoniacal Popes in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xix. 82-7 [Bimoniaoi] ; 
Nicholas III, who is already in Hell, foretells 
his coming there next after Boniface VIII (the 
intervening Pope, Benedict XI, having by his 
uprightness escaped condemnation), speaking 
of him as * a lawless pastor from the Westward* 
(i.e. from Gascony) *of fouler works* than 
Boniface {w, 82-4) ; and alludes to his deal- 
ings with Philip the Fair in the matter of his 
election to the Papacy, comparing him to 
Jason, * who laboured underhand to be high- 
priest ' {Mace, iv. 7) by bribing King Antiochus 
\w, 85-7) [Antioco : Jaaone 2 : Niooold ^J ; 
his dealings with Philip are alluded to again 
(by Hugh Capet in (jircle V of Purgatory) 
with especial reference to the destruction of 
the Templars, Purg. xx. 91-3 [Templari] ; 
and also in the mystical Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise, in which the Church, 




with especial reference to Boniface VIII and 
Clement V, is figured as a whore ('puttana 
sciolta,' 'fuia'), which dallies with a giant 
(Philip IV), Purg. xxxii. 148-56 ; the removal 
of the Papal See to Avignon being alluded to, 
w» 157-60 [Filippo 2 : Prooeasione] ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers to his 
betrayal of the Emperor Henry VII, and in 
allusion to his nationality speaks of him as 
il Guascoy Par. xvii. 82 [Arrlgo^] ; St. Peter 
(in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), in reference to 
the simony and extortions of him and John XXI I 
(a native of Cahors), says * Del sangue nostro 
Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparecchian di here,' 
Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsino : Quasco] ; finally, 
Beatrice (in the Empyrean) denounces C.*s 
treachery to Henry VII (these being her la^t 
words in the poem), foretelling that his death 
(April 30, 13 1 4) shall follow hard upon that of 
the Emperor (Aug. 24, 13 13), and that for his 
simony he shall be thrust into Hell, making 
Boniface VIII go lower down, Par. xxx. 142-8 

D. mentions Clement in his letter to the 
Princes of Italy, in connexion with his support 
of Henry VII in Italy, Epist. v. 10 ; and refers, 
in his letter to the Italian Cardinals, to his 
death, and his removal of the Papal See tq 
Avignon, Epist. viii. 10, 11. 

Some think D.'s apostrophe. Par. xviii. 
130-6, is addressed to Clement V, but the latter 
was already dead when this passage was written; 
the Pope in question is John XXI I. [Qiovanni 

demenza, Clemence, either the widow or 
the daughter of Charles Martel of Hungary, 
apostrophized by D. as bdla Clen^ensa, Par. 
ix. I [Ciurlo^]. There is considerable doubt 
as to which Clemence D. is here address- 
ing. Charles' widow, Clemence of Hapsburg, 
daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, died in 
1 30 1, the year after the assumed date of the 
Vision, but long before the Paradiso was 
written. Charles' daughter Clemence, who 
married Louis X of France, and was still living 
in 1328, at the assumed date qf the Vision can 
have been only seven or eight years old. The 
large majority of commentators take the refer- 
ence to be to the latter, since it is difficult to 
understand how D., in his own person, could 
address, as still living, Charles' widow, who 
had been dead some twenty years at the 
time at which he was writing. On the other 
hand, D. refers to Charles Martel in his apo- 
strophe to Clemence as * Carlo tuo' (z/. i), 
which is an unusual and unnatural way of 
speaking to a daughter of her father; not a 
few of the commentators, therefore, decide in 
£itvour of the elder Clemence, including Pietro 
di Dante (who, however, speaks of her as 
'filia^;ttgis Alberti de Austria'), and Benvenuto 
Cdingens sermonem ad Clementiam uxorem 

Caroli, autor dicit . . . Carlo tuoy vir tuus pulcer 
dilectus '). 

Cleobulo, Cleobulus, of Lindus in Rhodes 
(circ. B.C. 580); one oif the Seven Sages of 
Greece, Conv. iiL ii*<^. [Biante.] 

Cleopa],the disciple Cleophas,one of the two 
to whom Christ appeared on the road to Em- 
maus after His resurrection (Luke xxiv. 13-35) > 
alluded to, Purg. xxi. 8. 

Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, daughter of 
Ptolemy Auletes, celebrated for her beauty. 
At the death of her father (B.C. 51) she became 
joint sovereign with her brother Ptolemy, but 
was expelled from the throne by the guardians 
of the latter. She was replaced upon the 
throne by Julius Caesar, by whom she had 
a sop, Caesarion. After Caesar's death she 
became the piistress of Mark Antony, and was 
present with him at the battle of Actium, 
where he was defeated by Octavianus. She then 
fled to Alexandria, and, Antony having stabbed 
himself^ tried to gain the love of Augustus; 
but failing in this, and seeing that he was 
determined to carry her captive to Rome, she 
put an end to her life with the poison of an 
asp (b. c 30). The dynasty of the Ptolemies 
thus came to an end in Egypt, which now 
became a Rqman province. 

D. places C. among the Lustful, together 
with Dido, in Circle II of Hell, speaking of 
her as Cleopatra (ussuriosa^ Infc v. 63 [IiUBSU- 
riosi] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven 
pf Mercury) mentions her in connexion with 
the victories of the Rqman Eagle, and refers 
to her flight frqm Actium and to her death, 
Par. yi. 76-8 [Aqulla i]. 

Cleopatras, [Cleopatxa.] 

Cleto, Cletus (or Anacletus), Bishop of 
Rome from 76 (or 78) to 88 (or 90), successor 
of Linus, who is held to have been the im- 
mediate successor of St. Peter [Iiino i]. C, who 
was martyred under Domitian, is mentioned 
by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), 
together with Linus, in connexion with their 
' martyrdom and his own. Par. xxvii. 41. 

Climen^, Clymene, mother of Phaethon by 
Phoebus; D. compares himself, in his un- 
certainty as to what Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) was going to prophesy about 
his fate, to Phaethon, when he went to his 
mother Clymene to learn if he were really the 
son of Phoebus, Par. xvii. 1-6. 

Phaethon's comrade, Epaphus, having in- 
sinuated that he was not the son of Phoebus, 
C. swears to him by Phoebus himself that he is 
truly the son of the god, and urges him to go 
and ask Phoebus in person. The result is that 
Phaethon induces his father to let him drive 
his chariot, an enterprise that proves fatal to 
him [Fetonte]. D. got the story from Ovid : — 




* Putt huic (Bpapho) animb aeqoalis et annis 
Sole satus PhaSthon, qaem quondam roan^a loquentem, 
Nee sibi cedentem, Phoeboque |Mirente superbnm, 
Non tulit Inachides : Matrique, ait, omnia demens 
Credis; et es tumidus genitona imapne faki. — 
Enibuit PhaCthon, tramque pudore repressit ; 
Et tulit ad Clymenen Bpapni convicia matrem: 
Onoque magis doleaa, snenitrix, ait, ille ego liber, 
Iile fcrox tacui; pndet naec opprobria nooia 
Et dici potnisse, et non potuisse repelli. 
At tu St raodo sum caelesti atirpe creatns, 
Ede notara tanti generis; meqne aasere caelo. — 
Dixit, et implicuit matemo brachia collo.* 

(Uf/am.l 750 ff.) 

Cli6y Clio, the muse of History; mentioned 
by Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), in 
reference to the fact that the latter had invoked 
her at the beginning of the Thebaid (i. 41 ; 
of. X. 630), thus proving that he was a pagan, 
Purg. xxii. 58. 

Cloelia, Roman maiden, one of the hostages 
given to Porsena, King of Clusium, who made 
her escape and swam across the Tiber to 
Rome, but was sent back by the Romans. 
Porsena was so struck with her exploit that he 
set her at liberty, together with some of the 
other hostages. 

D. refers to the incident of her escape, his 
account being borrowed from that of Orosius, 
whose description (ii. 5, § 3) of Cloelia's * admi- 
rabilis transmeati fluminis audacia' he echoes, 
Mon. ii. 4«5-70, 

Cloto, Clotho, the spinning fate, the youngest 
of the three fates, who at the birth of every 
mortal was supposed to wind on the distaff of 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount of 
yam, the duration of the individual's life being 
determined by the length of time it took to 
spin. [Atropbs.] 

Clotho and Lachesis are mentioned by Virgil, 
who explains to Statius (in Purgatory) that 
D.'s life has not yet run its course, Purg. xxi. 
25-7. [Iiaohesls.] 

Clugniy Cluny, town in France, about 10 
miles N.W. of Macon, the site of a famous 
Benedictine abbey, founded in 910 ; it had 
2,000 monastic communities directly under its 
sway in France, Italy, Spain, England, and 
other parts of Europe, the inmates of which 
formed the congregation of Cluniac monks. 

A few modem edd. (e.g. Witte and Phil- 
alethes) read Clugn\y instead of Cologna (the 
reading of most of the old edd.), Inf xxiii. 63. 

CocitOy Cocytus, * named of lamentation 
loud Heard on the rueful stream,' river ol Hell, 
whose waters are frozen and form a vast sheet 
of ice in the nethermost pit, in which, im- 
mersed to various depths, and in various 
postures, are placed the tour classes of Traitors, 
Inf. xiv. 119; xxxi. 123; xxxiii. 156; xxxiv. 52; 
stagnoy Inf. xiv. 119 (cf. Aen, vi. 323); lago^ 
InfTxxxii. 23 ; la ghiaccia^ Inf. xxxii. 35 ; xxxiv. 
29 ; lagelatina^ Inf. xxxii. 60; i gclati guazzi^ v. 
72 ; /i dove i peccatori stanno freschiy v,i\7\ la 

gelaia^ Inf. xxxiii. 91 ; lafredda crosta^ v. 109 ; 
le gelate croste^ I nf. xxxiv. 75 . [TraditorL] 

Like Acheron, Styx, and PhlegethoOf C. 
owes its origin to the tears of the * gran v^lio 
di Creta' (Inf. xiv. 1 12-19) [Creta] ; these 
unite in a stream which under various names 
flows down to the bottom of Hell, where it 
forms Cocytus, the waters of which are col- 
lected into a lake, and frozen by the wind 
generated by the wing^ of Lucifer (Inf. xxxiv. 
46-52) [Fiiuni Infemali : Iiuoifero]. 

CaetOt De. [Caelo^ De.] 

Colchi, Colchians, inhabitants of Colchis; 
mentioned by Virgil, in connexion with the 
expedition of Jason and the Argonauts in 
search of the golden fleece, Inf. xviii. 87. 
[Colco: Jasone^.] 

Colchus, Colchian; vellera colcha^ 'the 
golden fleece,' Eel. ii. i. [Coloo.] 

Colco, Colchis, country of Asia, bounded 
on the W. by the Euxine, on the N. by the 
Caucasus, on the £. by Asian Iberia ; famous 
as the land to which Jason and the Argonauts 
sailed in search of the golden fleece. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the Argo- 
nauts, whom he speaks of as Quei gloriosi eke 
passaro a Colco^ Par. ii. 16 ; he here warns his 
readers that their wonder at the contents of 
the Paradiso will surpass that of the Argonauts 
'when they saw Jason turned ploughman' 
(w. 17-18) [Argonaut!]. There is probably 
a reminiscence of Ovid (Metam. vii. 120) : — 

' Mirantnr Colchi ; Minyae daxnoribas implent, 
Adjicinntque animos; 

but D. has transferred the ' wonder ' from the 
Colchians to the companions of Jason 
[ Jasone ^]. 

Colle, town in Tuscany, in the Valdelsa, 
situated on a hill about 10 miles N.W. of 
Siena, and 14 E. of Volterra. It was the scene 
of a battle (June, 1269) in which the Sienese 
Ghibellines, with a mixed force of Germans 
and Spaniards, under Provenzano Salvani 
(who was slain) and Count Guido Novello, 
were defeated by the Florentine Guelfs with the 
help of some of the French troops of Charles 
of Anjou. Colle is mentioned by Sapfa (in 
Circle II of Purgatory) in connexion with this 
engagement, Purg. xiii. 115. [Sapia : Pro- 
venzano Salvani.] 

By this victory the Florentines avenged the 
disastrous defeat of Montaperti nine years 
before : — 

* Gli anni di Cristo 1269 nel mese di Giugno, i 
Sanesi, ond'era governatore messere Provenzano 
Salvani di Siena, col conte Guido Novello, colle 
raasnade de' Tedeschi e di Spagnuoli, e con gli 
usciti ghibellini di Firenze e dell' altre terre di 
Toscana, e colla forza do' Pisani, i quali erano in 
quantita di millequattrocento cavalicri e da ottomila 
pedoni, si vennono ad ostc al castello di Colle di 
Valdelsa, il quale era alia guardia de' FiorentinL 


Collina Porta 

Colonne, Ouido delle 

... £ postisi a campo alia badia a Spugnole, e 
venuta in Firenze la novella il venerdi sera, il 
sabato mattina messer Giambertaldo vicario del re 
Girlo per la taglia di Toscana si parti di Firenze 
coUe sue masnade, il quale allora avea in Firenze 
seco da quattrocento cavalieri franceschi ; e sonando 
la campana, i Guelfi di Firenze seguendolo a ca- 
vallo e a piede, giunsono in Colle la cavalleria 
la domenica sera, e trovarsi intorno di ottocento 
cavalieri, o meno, con poco popolo, perocch^ cosl 
tosto, come i cavalieri, non poterono giugnere a 
Colle. . . . Sentendo i Sanesi la venuta della 
cavalleria di Firenze, si levarono da campo dalla 
detta badia per recarsi in piii salvo luogo. Messer 
Giambertaldo veggendogli mutare il campo, sanza 
attendere piii gente, pass6 coUa cavalleria il ponte, 
e schierata sua gente colla cavalleria di Firenze, e 
quelle popolo che v'era giunto, e' Colligiani (mn 
per la subita venuta de' Fiorentini nuUo ordine 
aveano di capitani d'oste, n^ d'insegna del comune) 
. . . bene awenturosamente, come piacque a Dio, 
ruppono e sconfissono i Sanesi e loro amista. . . . 
II conte Guido Novello si fuggi, e messere Pro- 
venzano Salvani signore e guidatore dell' oste de' 
Sanesi fu preso, e tagliatogli il capo, e per tutto il 
campo portato fitto in su una lancia. ... In questa 
battaglia i guelfi di Firenze fecero grande uccisione 
de' nemici per vendetta di loro parenti e amici che 
rimasono alia sconfitta a Montaperti ; quasi nuUo 
o pochi ne menarono a pregioni, ma gli misono 
a morte e alle spade; onde la cittk di Siena, a 
comparazione dd suo popolo, ricevette maggiore 
danno de* suoi cittadini in questa sconfitta, che non 
fece Firenze a quella di Montaperti.* (Villani, vii. 31 .) 

Collina Porta, the Colline gate, the most 
N. of the gates of ancient Rome, dose to the 
Quirinal and Viminal hills ; Lucan's mention 
of it [Phars. ii. 135), in connexion with the 
battle between the Samnites and the Romans 
under Sulla (B.C. 82), quoted, Mon. ii. 11**. 

Cologna^ Cologne on the Rhine ; men- 
tioned by D. in his description of the Hypo- 
crites, who, he s^ys, had ' cowls with hoods 
down in front of their eyes shaped like those 
worn by the monks of Cologne,' Inf. xxiii. 61-3. 

According to the old commentators the 
hoods worn by the Cologne monks were pecu- 
liarly ungainly, and were so fashioned by order 
of the Pope as a pimishment for their pre- 
sumption in having petitioned for leave to 
wear scarlet cowls and other decorations. 
Lanasays: — 

' £ da sapere che elli 6 uno ordine di monaci Ii 
qnali hanno lo capo in Cologna, che h in Alemagna 
ed h molto ricchissima e nobilissima badia quella ; 
3 quale abbate gik pid tempo sentendosi esser 
■gnor di tanto ordine ed avere, cresc^ per arro- 
fuizia in tanta audada che elli and6 ricchissima- 
nente a corte di messer lo papa, e a lui domandd, 
fiiocadoli notevile lo suo esscre, che Ii piacesse di 
dtfli parola ed eziandio fare scrivere in canone, 
TabUite del detto luogo potesse avere la cappa 
e '1 cappuccio ; ancora, che le manu- 

brette delle sue cinture fosseno d*argento sovra 
dorate. Udito lo papa cosl inonesta domanda, 
procedette ver^ lui che elli e Ii suoi frati non 
potesseno avere cappe se non nere e di panno non 
follato, e avesseno quelle cappe dinanzi e di drieto 
tanto lunghe, ch* elli menasseno coda per derisione 
di loro ; ancora che Ii cappucci delle predette cappe 
fosseno si grandi ch' elle tenesseno una misura di 
formento, che 6 tanto quanto 6 uno staro ; e per 
quell* arroganzia del detto abbate, die volea alle 
sue cinture guamimento d'argento e d'oro, che 
non potesse avere n6 elli n6 Ii suoi frati, overo 
monaci, altro guarnimento ad esse se non di legno. 
£ a quel tempo in qua hanno quelli monaci e '1 
suo abbate tenuto e usato tale abito.' 

Zambonl (in Gli Ezzelini^ Dante e gli 
Sckiavi) identifies the Cologna mentioned 
here, not with the German town, but with 
a village of that name in the neighbourhood 
of Verona, which he says was in D.'s time the 
centre pf a woollen industry for the manufac- 
ture of monks' cowls ; while Philalethes and 
Witte, reading Clugnl (for which there appears 
to be very slight authority) instead of Cologna, 
take the reference to be to the famous Bene- 
dictine abbey of Cluny in France. [Cliigni.] 

Cologna, Alberto di, Albert of Cologne, 
i. e. Albertus Magnus, Par. x* 98. [Alberto ^.] 

Colonia. [Cologna.] 

Colonna, Egidio. [Egldio 2.] 

Colonpa, Jacopo], one of the Colonna 
cardjnals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, ' col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [ColonneBi: Or- 
Bini, Napoleone.] 

Colonna, Pietro], one of the Colonna 
cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, * col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- 
sini, Napoleone.] 

Colonna, Sciarra], one of the leaders in 
the attack upon Boniface VIII at Anagni; he 
and William of Nog[aret are alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) as 
' vivi ladroni,' Purg. spc. 90. [Alagna : Boni- 
fttzio ^ : Colonnesi : d'Uglielmo di No- 

Colonna Guido delle, a judge of Messina 
in Sicily, who belonged to the Sicilian school 
of poetry which flourished under the Emperor 
Frederick II and his spn Manfred. Besides 
poems Guido also wrote a romance of Troy in 
Latin prose, the Historia Trojana, which was 
widely popular in the Middle Ages ; it was 
avowedly compiled from the apocryphal his- 
tories De Excidio Trojae and be Bella 
Trojano of Dares and Dictys, but is in reality 
a more or less close translation of the O. F. 
Roman de Troie (written circ. 1160) of Benott 
de Sainte-More. This history (which is said 
to have been undertaken at the instance of 
Matteo della Porta, Archbishop of Palermo, 


Colonne di Eroole 


1 263- 1 272) 18 in twenty-eight books, of which 
the first was written about 1270, and all the 
others in Sep.-Nov, 1287; the interruption in 
the work was caused by Guido's having ac- 
companied Edward I to England, when the 
latter was on his way home from the Crusade 
after the death of Henry III. In 1276 (or 
perhaps earlier) Guido was made Judge of 
Messina, whence he is commonly known as 
Guido delle Colonne, Giudice di Messina. 
According to an English chronicler he was 
still alive during the pontificate of Nicholas IV 
( 1 288-1 292). Guido was well known in Eng- 
land ; he is mentioned by Chaucer in the 
Hotis of Fame as * Guido de Columpnis * (iii. 
379), while his Hisioria Trojana was trans- 
lated into Middle English under the name of 
the * Geste Hystoriale * of the Destruction 
of Troy (E. E. T. S. 1869-74). A small number 
of Guido's poems has been preserved, including 
two (printed by Nannucci, Lett, Ital,y i. 73-81, 
and by Monaci, Crest, Ital,^ 218-23) which 
are quoted by D. 

The origin of Guido*s surname delle Colonne is 
uncertain. Gorra thinks that it was derived from 
the old name (* Columnae Herculis ') of Terranova 
on the S. coast of Sicily, to which Guido himself 
refers in his Hisioria (Bk. xiii). Mqnaci, on the 
other hand, holds that Guido was not a Sicilian at 
all, but belonged to a branch of the Roman 
Colonna family, the title 'Judex Messanae/ by 
which he is referred to in Sicilian documents, 
being of itself sufficient proof that he was not 
a native of Messina, it being the recognised custom 
at that time to appoint judges from outside. 
(This, however, is contested by Torraca, Giorn, 
Dant.y V. 145-74.) Gaspary doubts the identity of 
the poet with the author of the Hisioria Trojapta^ 
and suggests that the latter was the son of Guido 
delle Colonne the poet. (See D'Ancona and Bacci, 
Leii. Hal,, i. 39-40.) 

D. (who makes no reference to the Historia 
Trojana) quotes, but without mentioning the 
author*s name, the first lines of two of Guido's 
canzoni (* Ancor che I'aigua per 1q foco lassi,' 
and * Amor che lungamente m' hai menato *) 
as examples of the lofty style of Sicilian poetry, 
V. E. i. 12^2, 14. the latter line is quoted agam 
as an instance of the use of the eleven- syllabled 
line, the author's name being given 2l% Judex 
de Columnis de Messina^ V. E. ii. 5*3-4. 

Some think that Guido delle Colonne is one 
of the Guidi referred to by Oderisi (in Circle I 
of Purgatory), Purg. xi. 97-8. [Quido *.] 

Colonne di Ercole], the 'Columns of 
Hercules,* i.e. Mt. Abyla in N. Africa and Mt. 
Calpe (Gibraltar) in Spain, so called from the 
tradition that they were originally one moun- 
tain, which was torn asunder by Hercules ; 
they were supposed to mark the W. limit of 
the habitable world. Brunetto Latino says : — 

* En Espaigne . . . est la fins de la terre, selonc 
ce que les anciennes gens proverent, et meisme- 

ment le tesmoigne la terre de Calpe et Albina, ou 
Hercules ficha les colonnes quant il vainqui toute la 
terre, au leu ou la nostre mer ist de la mer Oceane, 
et s'en va parmi les .11. mons ou sont les .ii. isles 
Gades et les colonnes Hercules.' {Trisor, i. 134.) 

And in the Tesoretto : — 

*Appre8so qnesto mare 

Vidi diritto stare 
Gran colonne, le qaali 

Vi miae per segnali 
Ercttles il potente. 

Per mostrare alia gente, 
Che loco sia finata 

La terra, e terminata.* (xL 119-36.) 

Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) 
refers to the Pillars of Hercules in connexion 
with the Strait of Gibraltar, which he describes 
as * quella foce stretta Ov' Ercole segn6 Ii suoi 
riguardi,' Inf. xxvi. 107-8 ; they are spoken of 
as the W. limit of the habitable world, ' ter- 
mini occidentales ab Hercule positi,' A. T. 
§ I9«-*^. [Abile: Calpe: Setta.] 

Colonnesi], the Colonna family of Rome ; 
their war with Boniface VIII, who proclaimed 
a crusade against them, is alluded to by Guido 
da Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), Inf. xxvii. 85-7, 96-1 1 1 [I<aterano : 
Penestrino] ; the Colonna cardinals, Jacopo 
and Pietro, are referred to by D. in his letter 
to the Italian cardinals as the colleagues of 
Napoleone Orsini, * collegae Ursi,* Epist. viii. 
10 [Oraini, Napoleone]. 

The feud between the Colonnesi and Boni- 
face, whjch existed throughout his reign, came 
to a head in 1297, in which year it appears that 
Sciarra Colonna robbed part of the Papal 
treasure. The Pope in consequence deprived 
his two uncles, Jacopo and Pietro, of their 
rank as Cardinals, excommunicated them and 
the rest of their house, and razed to the ground 
their palaces in Rome. The Colonnesi there- 
upon left Rome and openly defied Bonifoce 
from their strongholds of Palestrina and Nepi. 
The latter was captured, but Palestrina held 
out, and was only surrendered on promise of 
a complete amnesty. No sooner, however, did 
the Pope get the fortress into his hands than 
he had it completely destroyed; and the 
Colonnesi, who had received absolution on 
their submission, furious at this piece of 
treachery, again defied the Pope, and were 
again excommunicated. During the remainder 
of Boniface's reign they remained in exile. 
They had their revenge when Sciarra Colonna, 
as agent of Philip the Fair, captured Boniface 
at Anagni. The Colonna cardinals were 
eventually reinstated in their dimities by 
Clement V at the bidding of Philip the Fair. 
[Alagna: Clemente'^.] 

Villani's account of the struggle between 
Boniface and the Colonnesi closely resembles 
that of D. in several details : — 

^ Negli anni di Cristo 1297, a di 13 del mese di 
Maggio, tenendosi papa Bonifazio molto gravato 


Coiossenses, Bpistola ad 

da'signori Colonnesj di Ronu, perchi in piii com 
Taveano conlastato per isdegna di loro maggior- 

inu, ma piii si (enea il papa gravato, perchi 
messer Jncopo e mesSET Piero della Colonna 

Diai non si pensd se non di mettergti al nientc. E 
in queato avvenoe, che Sciarra della Colonna loro 
nipote, vegnendo al muUre dclla corte di Alogna 
■lie some degli amesi e tesoro della Cbiesa, le 
nibd e prese, e menolle in Sua terra. Per la qual 
cagione aggiugncndovi la mala voloatadeconceputa 
per addietro, i! detto papa contro a loro fece pro- 
cesao in questo modo; ch'e' delti measer Jacopo 
e messer Piero della Colonna diaconi cardinali, 
del cardinalata e di molti altri beneficii ch' aveano 
dalla Chiesa, gli dispuose e priv6 ; e per simile 
nodo condannb e privfi tutti quegli della casa 
de' Colonnesi, cberici c laici, d'ogni beaelicio 
erclesiastico e secolare, e scomunicolll che mai 
non potessono avere benelicio ; e fece disfare le 
case e' palazzi loro di Rcma, onde parve molto 
male ■' lorn amici romani ; ma non poterono 
contradire per la forza del papa e degli Oiaini loro 
contrari ; per la qual cosa si rubellaroDo al tullo 
dal papa e cominciarono guerra, perocch' eglino 
erano molto poasenti, e aveano gran aeguito in 
Roma, e era loro U fqrte citti di Pilestrino, e 
quella di Nepi, e la Colonna, e plii altre caaCella. 
Per la qual coaa il papa diede la indulgenza di 
colpa e pene chi prendesse la croce contro a loro, 
e fece fare oste sopra la citti di Nepi ; . . . e tanto 
■tetle I'oste all' assedio, che la citti s'arrend^ al 
papa a patii, ma molta gente vi mori e ammal6 
per comizione d'aria ch' ebbe nella detta oste. . ■ . 
Hegli anni di Crialo 1398 del meae di Settembre, 
eaaeodo traltato d'accordo da papa Bonifazio a' 
Colonnesi, i detti Colonneai ciierici e laici vennero 
a Rieti ov* era la corte, e gittarai a fit del detto 
papa alia misericordia, il quale perdon{i loro, e 
anolvettcgli della scorn untcazione, e voile gli 
rendeaaono la citta di Pilestrino ; e co^ feciono, 
nromettendo loro di ristituirgli in loro slato e 
digniti, la qual coaa non attenne loro, ma fece 
dUare la detta citti di Pilestrino del poggio e 
forteue ov* en, e fecene rilare una terra al piano, 
alia quale puose nome Civita Papale; p tutto 
questo trattato falao e frodolente fece it papa per 
consigtio del coule da Honlefeltro, allora fraXc 
Bunore, ove gli disae la mala parola : Lunga 
promessa coll'attender corto. I detti Colonnesi 
trovandosi ingannati di d6 ch'era loro promesso, 
e diabtta sotto il detto inganno ta oobile fortezza 
di PQestrino, innanii che compiesse I'anno si 
mbcllarono dal papa e dalla Cbiesa, e 'I papa ^ 
tronunicb da capo con aspri pracessi ; e per tema 
di Don easere preai o morti, per la pcrsecuzione 
dd detto papa, ai partirooo di terra di Roma, e 
i^MTMnai ebi di loro in Cidlia, e chi in Francis, 
• ia altre paiti, naacondendoai di luogo in luogo 
Dcr non essere conascjuti. c di non dare di loro 
I, spczialmcntc mesaer Jacopo e messer 
i cardinali; e coal stettono in 
il detto papa.' (Villani, viii. 

Coloagenaes, Epiatola ad. [ColoeMOBL] 
Colossensi, Colossians ; Epistle of SL Paul 
3, quoted, Conv. iv. 14*'''^''^ (Colott. liL 30). 


Colunmis, Judex de, Guidodelle Colanne, 
V. E. ii. 5«. [Coloime, Quldo delle.] 

Comentatore, H, the Commentator, i.e. 
AverroCs, whose most famous work was a 
commentary on Aristotle, Conv, iv, 13**; 
Cammentalor, A.T. §§ 5", i83B(cf. Inf. iv. 144). 


I, Comedy, title given by D. to 
his poem, Inf. xvi. 128; xxt. 3; Eptst. x. 3, 
10. 1^ : his reasons for so calling it are given 
Can Grande :^ 

Comoedia Dantia 

an moribus. . . Est 
"ationis, ab 


in his letter 

' Libri titulua est : Incipil 
Atlagherii, Florentini natione, 
Con^oedia genus quoddam poeticae na 
omnibus aliis differons. Differt ergo . 
in materia per hoc, quod Tragoedia in principio 
est admirabilia et quieta, in fine sive exitu est 
foetida et horribilis . ■ . ut patet per Senecam in 
aula Tragoediia. Comoedia vero inchoat asperita- 
tom aiicujus rei : sed ejus materia prospere temii> 
natue, ut patet per Terentium in suis Comoediia. . . 
Similiter diBerunt in modo loquendi; elate et 
sublime Tragoedia ; Comoedia vero remisse et 
bumititer. . . Et per hoc patet, quod Comoedia 
dicitiir praesena opus. Nam ai ad materiam re- 
spiciamus, a principio hoiribilis et foetida est, quia 
IttfimMi ; in fine prospers, deaiderabilis et grata, 
quia PaTitdiaiia. Si ad modum loquendi, remissus 
est modus et humilis, quia loquutio Vulgaris, in 
qua et mulierculae communicant' [Epist. x. lo.) 

The title Divina Commedia is subsequent 
to D. ; it appeu-s in some of the oldest MSS. 
and in Boccaccio's 'Vita di Dante.' The first 
printed edition bearing this title is the Venice 
oije of 1555 ; in a previous edition, with the 
commentary of Landino (Florence, 1481), the 
epithet 'divino' is apphed to D. himself, but 
i)ot to the poem. In the earliest printed 
editions (Foligno, 1472; Jesi, 1472) the title 
is simplv 'La Comedia di D. A.' Aldus 
entitlea his first edition (1J02) 'Le tene rime 
di D.' ; his second he calls simply ' Dante.' 
The title Divina Commedia perhaps had its 
origin in D.'s own description of the poem as 
' lo sacrato poema,' Par. xxiii. 62 ; ' il poema 
sacro,' Par. xxv. i. 

The form of the poem is triple, the three 
divisionscorrespoDdingwiththe three kingdoms 
of the next world, Hell, Purgatory, Paradise. 
Each division or Caniica contains thirty-three 
Cantos (with an introductory one to the first 
Cantica), perhaps with a reference to the years 
of Christ's life upon earth, while the triple 
form of vene ('terza rima') may be regarded 
as symbolical of the Trinity. The opening 
Canto of the /n/^rftD forms an introduction to 
the whole poem, which thus contains 100 
Cantos, the square of the perfect number ten 
(V. N. 5 30»-'«»; Conv. li. isa»-«). These 
contain m all 14,333 lines, viz. 4,730 in the 


Compagni, Dinio 

In/emOy 4,755 in the Purgatorio^ and 4,758 in 
the Paradiso. The average length of each 
U^ Canto is 142*33 lines ; the longest being Purg. 
• xxxii, with 160 lines, the shortest, I nf. vi , with 

II g lin es. D. himself applies the term ^tf/i-»^«^ 
(Inf. XX. 3) or cantica (Purg. xxxiii. 140) to the 
three main divisions of the poem, and canto 
(Inf. XX. 2 ; Par. v. 1 39) to the subdivisions. 

D. places the date of the action of the poem 
in the Jubilee year 1300. Thus he describes 
the Vision as having taken place *' Nel mezzo 
del cammin di nostra vita' (Inf. i. i), i.e. in 
his thirty-fifth year, the days of our life, ac- 
cording to the Psalmist, being * three-score 
years and ten' (Psalm xc. 10), and D. having 
been bom in 1265. Further, he says (Inf. xxi. 
112) that Christ's descent into Hell took place 
1266 years ago, which, with the addition of 
the thirty-four years from Christ's Incarnation, 
gives the date 1300. 

As regards the duration of the action of the 
poem there is much difference of opinion. The 
most probable estimate, on the whole, seems 
to be that which puts it at seven days. Of 
these, twenty-four hours would be occupied 
in traversing Hell (i. e. from nightfall on the 
evening of Good Friday, April 8, 1300, until 
shortly after sunset on Easter-eve), four days 
in traversing Purgatory (i. e. one day in Ante- 
purgatory, two days iii Purgatory proper, and 
one day in the Earthly Paradise at the summit 
of the Mt. of Purgatory), and one day in 
traversing Paradise ; the remaining time being 
occupied by the passage from Hell to Purga- 
tory, and from Purgatory to Paradise. 

The chronology of the poem (according to 
Moore, Time- References in the D, C) is as 
follows : — 

(Thursday^ April 7, 1300) night. Inf. i. 21 ; 
(Good Friday y April 8) morning, w. 17, 37; 
nightfall. Inf. ii. i ; midnight, Inf. vii. 98 ; 
(Saturday, April 9) 4 a.m., Inf.xi. 113 ; 6 a.m., 
Inf. XX. 125; 7 a.m., Inf. xxi. 112; i p.m., 
Inf. xxix. 10 ; 7.30p.m., Inf.xxxiv. 96; (Easter 
Sunday, April 10) circ. 4 a.m., Purg. i. 19-21 ; 
circ. 5 a.m., z/7/. 107-15 ; sunrise, circ. 5.15 a.m., 
Purg. ii. I ; 6 a.m., tnj. 55-7 ; 6-6.30 a.m., 
Purg. iii. 16, 25 ; circ. 9 a.m., Purg. iv. 15 ; 
noon, 7/. 138; evening, Purg. vii. 43, 85 ; just 
after sunset, Purg. viii. i ; circ. 7.30 p.m., 
V. 49 ; circ. 8.45 p.m., Purg. ix. 1-9 ; (Monday, 
April II) before dawn, viu 13, 52; circ. 
7.30 a.m., 7'. 44 ; circ. 8.30 a.m., Purg. x. 14; 
circ. noon, Purg. xii. 81 ; 3 p.m., Purg. xv. i ; 
circ. 6 p.m., v. 141 ; circ. 6.30 p.m., Purg. xvii. 
9 ; twilight, 7^7'. 62, 72 ; towards midnight, 
Purg. xviii. 76; {Tuesday, April 12) circ. 
430 a.m., Purg. xix. 1-6; daylight, v, 37; 
II a.m., Purg. xxii. 118; circ. 2 p.m., Purg. 
XXV. 1-3 ; circ. 4-5 p.m., Purg. xxvi. 4-6 ; circ. 
6 p.m., Purg. xxvii. 1-5 ; sunset, 7'. 61 ; twilight, 
v» 70; starlight, v. 89; (Wednesday, April 13) 
before dawn, v, 94 ; sunrise, 7^^ 109-12 ; sun 

up, t'. 133 ; noon, Purg. xxxiii. 103 ; (Thursday ^ 
April 14) day, Par. i. i-xxxiii. 145. 

The dates of the completion of the several 
parts of the poem have been calculated from 
mtemal evidence by several writers, but with 
widely different results, chiefly owing to the 
difference of opinion with regard to the identi- 
fication of the * Veltro ' of Inf. i. 101. 

The following limitations, however, may be 
fixed with tolerable certainty : — 1. The Inferno 
must have been completed after April 20, 1314, 
the date of the death of Clement V, because 
of the allusion to that event, Inf. xix. 76-%7 ; 
and not later than 13 19, since it is referred to 
as finished in a Latin poem addressed to D. 
in that year by Giovanni del Viigilio, as well 
as in D.'s Eclogue in reply. — 2. The Purga- 
torio must have been completed not later than 
1319, since it is also alluded to as finished in 
the above-mentioned poems of Giovanni del 
Virgilio and of D.— 3. The Paradiso must 
have been completed after Aug. 7, 1316, the 
date of the accession of John XXII, since that 
Pope is alluded to, Par. xxvii. 58-9 ; the latest 
limit being fixed by the date of the poet's 
death, Sep. 14, 1321. (See Witte, Dante* 
Forschungen, i. 134-40.) 

There are between 500 and 600 MSS. of the 
D, C. known to exist, but none claiming to be 
earlier than 1335 or 1336, i.e. none earlier than 
fourteen or fifteen years after D.'s death. 

Of printed editions there are between 300 and 
400. The earliest are dated 147a, in which year 
three editions were published, viz. at Fpligno, at 
Mantua, and at Jesi. The first Florentine edition 
appeared, with the commentary of Landino, in 
1 48 1. Two editions were printed in the next 
century by Aldus, the first in 150a, the second in 
151^ ; in the former (and in another book printed Jn 
the same year) the Aldine anchor began to be used 
for the first time, but it does not appear in all copies. 

The British Museum Catalogue registers four- 
teen editions of the Italian text in Cent, xv (from 
147a to 1497), twenty-nine in Cent xvi, three only 
in Cent, xvii, fifteen in Cent, xviii, and about ninety 
between 1800 and 1886. The total number of 
editions in various languages printed in the present 
century now amounts to between soo and 300. 

Commentator, Averroes, A. T. §§ 5*, iS^*. 

Coajoedia, the Divina Commedia, Epist. 
X* 3) 10, 13. \CommediaJ\ 

Compagni, Dino], Florentine Guelf, of the 
Bianchi faction, bom circ. 1260, died Feb. 26, 
1 32 J. Dino was one of the promoters of the 
democratic reform of 1282, and a supporter of 
Giano della Bella, the great law-maker and 
champion of the commons. He was Prior in 
1289, Gk>nfalonier of Justice in 1293, and Prior 
again in 1301, in which year his tenure of 
office was brought to an abrupt termination by 
the violence of the Neri on the occasion of the 
coming of Charles of Valois to Florence ; he 


Cbnfessionl, Le 

was only saved from sharing the fate of Dante 
and the other exiles by pleading; the privilege 
of a taw in virtue of which no one who had 
filled the office of Prior could be in any way 
proceeded against until after the expiry of a 
year from his term of office. Dino was the 
author of the weil-known Chronicle (written 
between 1310 and 1312) which bears his name, 
as well as of several poems, amon^ them a 
sonnet addressed to Guido Cavalcanli. He is 
supposed by some 10 be one of 'the two just 
men' alluded to by Ciacco (in Circle 111 of 
Hell), (the other being D.), InL vi. 73. 
[OftTaloantl, Ouido.] 

CoattMalonl, Le, the Confessions of SL 
Augustine, an autobiographical account (in 
Ibirteen books), written circ. 397, of the re- 
formation of his life ; mentioned as the kind of 
work in which it is allowable for the author to 
q>eak of himself, Conv. i. 2I"*, [AgoBtino^.] 

Conio, castle in Roma^a, not fer from 
Fori), now totally destroyed; its Counts, who 
appear to have been for the most part Guells, 
are mentioned among the degenerate families 
of Romagna, together with those of Castrocaro, 
by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
who laments that they had not died out, Purg. 

According to the Anonimo Fiarentino, the 
Countsof Conio styled them Con ti da Barbiano. 
Though their castle was destroyed soon alter 
1395, Benvenuto records that a family bearing 
the title of Counts of Conio was still in existence 
■D bis day. 

Coaalderatloae, De, treatise of St. Bernard 
(in five books) On Consideration ; cited in 
support of the contention that the memory is 
powerless to retain the most exalted impres- 
■iotu of the human intellect, Epist. x. 36 
[Bamardo^]. Witie quotes the following 
passage from the De Censideratieite ad Eu- 
genium :— 

' Ad □mnium maiimus viator, qui spreto ipso 
■uu rerum et sensuum, quantum quidem humuue 
fraKJlitati fas est. non asceasoriis gradibus, aed 
inopinatis exccssibus avolare interdum conlem- 
plando ad ilU sublimja consuevic. Ad'^hoc 
uttimum ^aus illos pertinere reor excessus- 
PuUl...- (V,) 

ConslKUeii Frodolentl], Counsellors of 
evil, placed among the Fraudiileni In Bolgia 8 
of Circle VlII of Hell (Malebol^e) ; their 
punishment is to be tormented within a flara«, 
in which they are enveloped and concealed 
horn view, thus symboliiing the hidden ways 
by which they worked evil during their lifetime, 
lid. xxvi. 31-Kxvii. 132 [Frodolentl]. £jt- 
pmfitts'. tflysses and Diomed (enveloped in 
one *0d the same Rame) [UliBse : Dlomeda] ; 
odkUootefeltro [OtiidoUontefeltrano). 
/Doe PbH<Mophlme, De, work uf 
11 lin five booksi, On the Ccnsolation of 

Conso/atlone PhUosophiae, De 

PiiUtopky ; quoted by D. as De Consolatiene, 
Epist. X. 33 ; Di Consolatiom, Conv. ii. 1 1"* ; 
iv. 123^ 13'^'; referred to as guello, non 
conosciuio da molli, libra di Boexio, Conv. ii. 

'3'*"!* ... 

This work, which is in the form of a dialogue, 
in prose and verse, between the author and his 
visitant. Philosophy, was composed by Bofthius 
during his imprisonment at Pavia. ' It breathes 
a spirit of resignation and hope, and is based 
upon a firm belief in Providence, but so far as 
theology is concerned it is the work of a pagan.' 
It was in very high repute in the Middle Ages, 
and was translated into Anglo-Saxon by King 
Alfred, into French (circ 1285) by Jean de 
Meun, one of the authors of the Raman ds la 
Rase, into Italian (in 1332) by Alberto Fio- 
rentino, into English (bef. 1382) by Chaucer, 
and into various other European languages, in- 
cluding Greek, before the end of Cent. xv. 

D., who was intimately acquainted with the 
work, relates (Conv. ii. 13'""^) that it and the 
De Amid/ia of Cicero were the two books 
which he read in order to get consolation after 
the death of Beatrice. He somewhat oddly 
spieaks of it as ' non conosciuto da mohi ' ; his 
meaning perhaps being that comparatively few 
people recognized its real value as a source 
of consolation. He quotes from it, direcUy or 
indirectly, some twenty times as follows: — 
Inf. V. 131-3 {Cons. ii. ^. 4 ; ' In omni advcr- 
sitate fortunae infelicissimum est genus in- 
fortunii fuisse felicem ') ; Purg. xiv. 86-7 iCons. 
ii. pr. 5 : ' O igitur angustas inopescjue dtvittas 
quas nee habere totas ptoribus licet, et ad 
quemlibet sine ceterorum paupertate non 
veniunt'i; Par. xut. 85 {Cons. iii. Z^-. 3 : ' O 
terrena animalia'); Conv. i. iss-ioo {Cons. i. 
pr.4); Conv. i. ii**~* (Co/u. iii./r. 6: 'Popu- 
larem gratiam ne comroemoratione quidem 
dignam puto, quae nee judicio proveuit nec 
umquam firma perduiat ) ; Conv, ii. 8'*"^ 
{Cons, iv, fir.y. ' Evenit igitur, ut quern trans- 
formalum vitiis videas hominem aestimare non 
possis. Avaritia fervet alienarum opum vio- 
lentus ereptor ? lupi similem dixeris. Ferox 
atque inquies linguam lidgiis exercet? cani 
comparabis. Insidiator occultus subripuisse 
fraudibus gaudet ? vulpiculis exaequetur. Irae 
intemperans fremit? leonis animum gestare 
credatur. Pavidus ac fugax non metuenda 
formidat? cervis similis habeatur. Segnis ac 
slupidus toipit ? asinum vivit. Levis atque 
inconstans studia perrautat I nihil avibus 
difiert. Foedts inmundisque libidinibus in- 
mergitur? sordidae suis voluptate detinetur. 
Ita Bt, ut qui probitate deserta homo esse de-