THE
ADMINISTRATION
OF IRELAND,
1920.
'' i
THE KT. HON. Siu IIAMAR OR KEN WOO J>, UT., K.C.
THE
ADMINISTRATION
BY
LONDON :
PHILIP ALLAN & CO.,
QUALITY COURT, CHANCERY LANE
First published in April,
Printed by WHITEHEAD BROS., WOLVKBHAMPTON.
PREFACE.
Those who set out to find in these pages a
sensational account of the happenings in Ireland
during the past year, a vigorous if picturesque
description of the rights and wrongs of people or
administration, will be disappointed. Sensational,
unfortunately, many of the incidents described
herein undoubtedly are ; but of eulogy, condem-
nation, support, I have endeavoured to steer
clear. Such comment as I have allowed myself
to make is solely for the purpose of emphasizing
an important point, of making clear a moral of
consequence. I do not pretend to have written a
history ; my endeavour throughout has been to
place before both general reader and historian
such material, authentic and ungarbled, as will
enable them to form trustworthy opinions.
I am glad to be able to take this oppor-
tunity of tendering my sincere gratitude to all
those who have helped me in my task, and to
those of whose labour and research I have so
copiously availed myself. ^
" I.O."
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
From the Outbreak of the War, to
the Easter Rebellion, 1916 1
CHAPTER II.
From the Rebellion to the end of 1919 43
CHAPTER III.
The First Six Months of 1920 69
CHAPTER IV.
The Latter Half of 1920 96
CHAPTER V.
The Same (continued) 129
CHAPTER VI.
The Forces of the Republic 162
CHAPTER VII.
The Arming of the Republic 186
CHAPTER VIII.
The Campaign of Outrage - 210
CHAPTER IX.
The Troops and the Railway Situation 238
CHAPTER X.
The Royal Irish Constabulary - 269
CONTENTS (continued).
CHAPTER XI. PAGE
The Question of Reprisals 299
CHAPTER XII.
The Question of Ulster 326
CHAPTER XIII.
Ireland and America 354
CHAPTER XIV.
The Policy of the Government 385
APPENDIX A.
The Government of Ireland Act, 1920 432
APPENDIX B.
Mulcahy's Memoranda 442
APPENDIX C.
The Treatment of Prisoners 448
APPENDIX D.
The Organization of Sinn Fein 453
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Although the object of this book is, as its title
indicates, to give some account of the state of
Ireland during the year 1920, and of the
problems that confronted the Administration of
the country during that period, it is necessary to
examine briefly the course of events which led
up to the situation then existing. For this
purpose there is no need to go back earlier than
the outbreak of war in 1914, for this event
occurred at a very critical period in Irish affairs,
and may be said to mark the end of one phase
of the Irish question and the beginning of
the next. The declaration of war came at
a time when the Ulster Volunteers and
the National Volunteers were confronting one
another, prepared to fight upon the question of
Home Rule. Both sides had prepared for the
conflict by importing arms and distributing
them to their followers. Gun-running on behalf
of the Ulster Volunteers took place on a large
scale on April 24th and 25th, 1914, at Lame
and other ports in Ulster. Similar operations
B
2 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
were carried out by the National Volunteers at
Howth, on July 26th, and at Kilkool, County
Wexford, on August 1st. It seemed as though
nothing could restrain the opposing forces from
flying at one anothers' throats, as soon as their
leaders had secured the necessary munitions for
the purpose.
About the time of the outbreak of war the
Ulster Volunteer Force was about 85,000 strong,
and was believed to have in its possession some
53,000 rifles. Towards the end of September,
1914, the strength of the National Volunteers
was about 181,000, but on 10th December of the
same year it was estimated that the rifles in
their possession only numbered some 9,000,
with very little ammunition.
The war affected these two forces very
differently. On the outbreak of the European
War at the beginning of August there was a
notable relaxation of the political tension in
Ulster, and a considerable suspension of active
military preparations on the part of the Ulster
Volunteers; though before the month was past
about 1,400 rifles and a large quantity of
ammunition were landed at Belfast for their use.
All classes displayed a strong patriotic and
anti-German feeling, and joined, irrespective of
creed and politics, in giving a hearty send-off
to reservists and recruits when leaving to join
the Army. Nevertheless considerable unrest
prevailed alike in the Unionist and Nationalist
ranks as to the action which the Government
would take with regard to the Home Rule Bill.
INTRODUCTORY. 3
The anniversary of the Relief of Deny, on the
12th of August, passed off without disturbance,
picquets of both Volunteer Forces being posted to
assist in preserving order.
During September the Ulster Volunteers
continued to drill, but less enthusiasm was
shown, a large number of the officers and
instructors who were reservists having joined
their regiments and gone to the war.
The signing of the Home Rule Bill on
the 8th September also passed off without any
disturbance, but there was a very bitter feeling
on the part of the Unionists against the
Government and against His Majesty for
signing it. This was shown by the disrespect
with which His Majesty's picture was greeted at
cinema houses, and by the action of members of
the congregation at several Protestant churches
in walking out during Divine Service when the
National Anthem was being sung.
The Ulster Unionist Council met on three
occasions during this month.
On Sunday, the 27th September, there was a
large turn-out of Ulster Volunteers at the various
churches and halls in Belfast and elsewhere, it
being the anniversary of " Covenant Day," and
on the following day a large public meeting was
held in the Ulster Hall at which speeches were
delivered by Sir Edward Carson, M.P., Mr.
Bonar Law, M.P., and others. On the return
of the speakers from the meeting 5,000 armed
Ulster Volunteers lined the streets.
During the remaining months of the year the
4 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
movement in opposition to Home Rule became
gradually less acute, but this should be attributed
to the War and not to any abatement of their
opposition to Home Rule on the part of the
northern Unionists. At the same time whilst
open displays in the way of parades became less
frequent, the organisation was well maintained.
Before the outbreak of the War the Ulster
Volunteer Force was, as we have said, nearly
85,000 strong. Up to the end of September
about 12,000 had joined the Army either as
reservists or on enlistment. To fill up the
vacancies thus created recruiting for the Force
was re-opened.
On the outbreak of the War Mr. Redmond
undertook in Parliament, on behalf of the Irish
Volunteers, that they, in union with the Ulster
Volunteers, would defend the shores of Ireland
from the enemy. His announcement was accepted
with approval not only by the vast bulk of the
Irish Nationalists but also by many prominent
Unionists, who had nothing in common with his
political views. On 16th of September, Mr.
Redmond issued a Manifesto calling upon the
people of Ireland to take their part in the great
national crisis, and asking that Irish recruits
for the Expeditionary Force should be kept
together in an Irish Brigade under the command
of Irish Officers. Later on at the meeting in
the Mansion House, Dublin, on the 25th
September, which was addressed by the Prime
Minister, Mr. Redmond spoke strongly in favour
of recruiting.
INTRODUCTORY. 5
Although there was no outward manifestation
of dis-union in the new Committee of the
Volunteers, there can be little doubt that the
members of the original Provisional Committee
who belonged to anti-British Associations not
only dissented from Mr. Redmond's pronounce-
ment on the War and in support of recruiting,
but were determined to thwart his efforts in every
way. On the eve of the meeting at the Mansion
House in furtherance of recruiting, a manifesto
was issued, signed by the members of the original
Provisional Committee, as follows :
" Ten months ago a Provisional Committee
commenced the Irish Volunteer movement with
the sole purpose of securing and defending the
rights and liberties of the Irish people. The
movement on these lines, though thwarted and
opposed for a time, obtained the support of the
Irish nation. When the Volunteer movement
had become the main factor in the national
position, Mr. Redmond decided to acknowledge
it, and to endeavour to bring it under his control.
" Three months ago he put forward the claim
to send twenty-five nominees to the Provisional
Committee of the Irish Volunteers. He
threatened, if the claim was not conceded, to
proceed to the dismemberment of the Irish
Volunteer organisation.
"It is clear that this proposal to throw the
country into turmoil and to destroy the chances
of a Home Rule measure in the near future must
have been forced upon Mr. Redmond. Already
6 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
ignoring the Irish Volunteers as a factor in the
national position, Mr. Redmond had consented
to a dismemberment of Ireland which could be
made permanent by the same agencies that forced
him to accept it as temporary. He was now
prepared to risk another disruption, and the
wreck of the cause entrusted to him.
' The Provisional Committee, while recognis-
ing that the responsibility in that case would be
entirely Mr. Redmond's, decided to risk the
lesser evil, and to admit his nominees to sit and
act on the Committee. The Committee made no
representations as to the persons to be nominated,
and when the nominations were received, the
Committee raised no question as to how far Mr.
Redmond had fulfilled his public undertaking to
nominate ' representative men from different
parts of the country.' Mr. Redmond's nominees
were admitted purely and simply as his nominees,
and without co-option.
' Mr. Redmond, addressing a body of Irish
Volunteers on last Sunday, has now announced
for the Irish Volunteers a policy and programme
fundamentally at variance with their own
published and accepted aims and pledges, but
with which his nominees are, of course,
identified. He has declared it to be the duty of
the Irish Volunteers to take foreign service under
a Government which is not Irish. He has
made this announcement without consulting the
Provisional Committee, the Volunteers them-
selves, or the people of Ireland to whose service
alone they are devoted.
INTRODUCTORY. 7
" Having thus disregarded the Irish
Volunteers and their solemn engagement, Mr.
Redmond is no longer entitled, through his
nominees, to any place in the administration and
guidance of the Irish Volunteer organisation.
Those who, by virtue of Mr. Redmond's
nomination, have heretofore been admitted to
act on the Provisional Committee, accordingly
cease henceforth to belong to that body, and from
this date until the holding of an Irish Volunteer
Convention the Provisional Committee consists
of those only whom it comprised before the
admission of Mr. Redmond's nominees.
" At the next meeting of the Provisional
Committee we shall propose :
1. To call a convention of Irish
Volunteers for Wednesday, 25th November,
1914, the anniversary of the inaugural
meeting of the Irish Volunteers in Dublin.
2. To re-affirm without qualification the
Manifesto proposed and adopted at the
inaugural meeting.
3. To oppose any diminution of the
measure of Irish self-government which
now exists as a Statute on paper, and which
would not now have reached that stage but
for the Irish Volunteers.
4. To repudiate any undertaking, by
whomsoever given, to consent to the
legislative dismemberment of Ireland; and
to protest against the attitude of the present
Government, who, under the pretence that
' Ulster cannot be coerced, ' avow themselves
8 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
prepared to coerce the Nationalists of Ulster.
5. To declare that Ireland cannot, with
honour or safety, take part in foreign
quarrels otherwise than through the free
action of a National Government of her
own ; and to repudiate the claim of any man
to offer up the blood and lives of the sons of
Irishmen and Irishwomen to the service
of the British Empire, while no National
Government which could speak and act for
the people of Ireland is allowed to exist.
6. To demand that the present system
of governing Ireland through Dublin Castle
and the British military power, a system
responsible for the recent outrages in
Dublin, be abolished without delay, and
that a National Government be forthwith
established in its place."
This Manifesto was published in the issue of
The Irish Volunteer* of 3rd October, 1914, the
organ of the disloyal section, under the following
heading :
A STRAIGHT ISSUE.
FOR IRELAND OR THE BRITISH EMPIRE ?
WORK ENOUGH IN IRELAND.
And it was openly acknowledged that the
Manifesto was issued because an attempt was
* A monthly journal, the official organ of the Irish
Volunteers. It subsequently became An T'Oglac.
INTRODUCTORY. 9
being made to identify the Volunteers with the
recruiting meeting held in the Mansion House on
September 25th.
In a strongly worded leading article of this
issue, the people of Ireland are reminded of
" the traditions of centuries of fighting against
England," and are called upon to refrain from
joining the Army or from being " led to the
foreigner that English trade may flourish and
England's arms dominate the world."
A Convention of the Irish Volunteers was held
in the Abbey Theatre, Dublin, on Sunday, 25th
October, which was attended by a number of
delegates of dubious character from various parts
of the country. Mr. John McNeill presided,
and, in the course of a lengthened address,
referred to Mr. Redmond's attitude on the
question of Irishmen joining the Army for
.service with the Allies. He then proposed the
following Declaration of Policy for the Irish
Volunteers, which was in due course adopted :
" DECLARATION OF POLICY.
1. To maintain the right and duty of the
Irish Nation henceforward to provide for its own
defence by means of a permanent armed and
trained Volunteer Force.
2. To unite the people of Ireland on the basis
of Irish Nationality and a common national
interest ; to maintain the integrity of the nation,
and to resist with all our strength any measures
10 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
tending to bring about or perpetuate disunion or
the partition of our country.
3. To resist any attempt to force the men
of Ireland into military service under any
Government until a free National Government
of Ireland is empowered by the Irish people
themselves to deal with it.
4. To secure the abolition of the system of
governing Ireland through Dublin Castle and the
British Military power, and the establishment
of a National Government in its place."
Apart from the question of recruiting for
the Imperial Army, the columns of The Irish
Volunteer contained from week to week, articles
and letters of an extremely disloyal and seditious
character in which national independence and
complete separation from the Empire were put
forward as the ultimate aim not only of the
Irish Volunteers but of their supporters and
sympathisers on whose behalf the writers claimed
to have a right to speak. The following is an
extract from an article in the issue of the 10th
October, headed,
" WHO ARE THE COWARDS ? '
' Ireland's national individuality, Ireland's
national Soul, demands that Ireland should take
no part, either through its leaders or through its
masses, in promoting this iniquitous war.
England, the Bully of the Nations, is in a
difficulty. It is our duty to our ancestors, who
risked and lost their lives to free Ireland from
INTRODUCTORY. 11
England, it is our duty to ourselves, who live
under the heel of the mass of the same
hypocritical power, it is our duty, above all, to
those who will come after us in the inheritance
of this land, to declare Ireland's neutrality; to
refuse, in the words of the Volunteers' Mani-
festo, any foreign service under a Government
which is not Irish, and to decline all part in
foreign quarrels for which the Irish people have
no responsibility."
The result of the dissensions in the National
Volunteers was to split the force into three
distinct sections, namely, National Volunteers
following Mr. John Redmond, National Volun-
teers following Mr. John McNeill, and the Irish
Volunteers under the influence of Sinn Fein.
From the latter developed the present Irish
Republican Army.
Figures of the relative strengths of these
forces at various times, from the cleavage up to
the Easter Week Rebellion (1916) are as follows :
National National Irish
Volunteers Volunteers Volunteers
(Redmond) (McNeill)
1914, Oct. 7th ... 178,649 ... 7,443 ... 2,150
1914, Dec. 16th ... 152,090 ... 11,247 ... 2,100
1915, Mar. 31st ... 135,760 ... 9,062 ... 2,180
1915, June 30th ... 122,472 ... 5,612 ... 5,685
1915, Sept. 27th ... 117,360 ... 5,492 ... 6,022
1915, Dec. 27th ... 112,446 ... 5,112 ... 8,362
1916, April 17th ... 104,984 ... 4,457 ... 10,606
The figures of recruiting in Ireland for the
British Army during 1915 are interesting. They
12 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
are here classified by Provinces, showing the
sources whence the recruits came :
National
Ulster Not known
Volunteers.
Volunteers. to be
Total.
Volunteers.
Ulster ... 3,471
8,139 12,304
23,914
Leinster ... 3,814
27 12,333
16,174
Munster . . . 2,602
4 6,274
8,880
Connaught ... 907
33 1,233
2,173
Totals 10,794
8,203 32,144
51,141
In a handbook of the Constitution and Rules
published by order of the Council of Sinn Fein
in October, 1908, the object of Sinn Fein
is stated to be ' The establishment of the
Independence of Ireland." The rules exclude
members of the Army and Navy from member-
ship. One of its aims is " The withdrawal of
all voluntary support to the British Armed
Forces," and branches are urged " to do their
utmost by every legitimate means to keep young
men from joining the British Army and Navy or
Police forces." The class of persons who
became Sinn Feiners were such as held
extreme views and disbelieved in the efficacy of
Parliamentary agitation.
A campaign against recruiting for the British
Forces had been commenced ; but the society made
no progress and had fallen into insignificance
when the Irish Volunteers were formed in
November, 1913. Some of the former exponents
of Sinn Fein became prominent in the Irish
Volunteers, and members of the Irish Republican
INTRODUCTORY. 13
Brotherhood and extremists in the Gaelic Athletic
Association were attracted to it by the
opportunities it afforded for drilling and being
openly trained in arms. About the middle of
1914 the movement was captured by the Irish
Parliamentary Party, to counteract the hostile
attitude of the Ulster Volunteers towards Home
Rule. The outbreak of the War, however,
caused a split in the force. The majority who
sided with Mr. Redmond's policy of supporting
the Empire became henceforward the National
Volunteers, while the minority still designated
the Irish Volunteers pursued the Sinn Fein policy
under the leadership of Mr. John McNeill. The
minority included the more militant and extreme
members, many of whom were already connected
with other disloyal and revolutionary societies.
The old cry " England's difficulty Ireland's
opportunity ' was then revived. Organisers
were soon at work forming new branches all over
the country, promising an abundant supply
of arms from America; and simultaneously a
determined campaign was started to prevent men
joining the Army. As soon as certain newspapers
began to advocate compulsory service, the
Sinn Fein press published seditious articles in
opposition to it, and the Irish Volunteers pledged
themselves to resist any form of conscription by
force. By this means members of the farming
class and others not hitherto in sympathy with
the objects of the Irish Volunteers were induced
to join that body with a view to avoiding
military service.
14 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The stronghold of the Irish Volunteers was in
Dublin, where, at the beginning of 1915, they
had a membership of 2,100. Furthermore, in
Dublin the Irish Volunteers associated them-
selves with Larkin's labour organisation. In the
provinces Mr. McNeill' s followers numbered
about 9,000, but the greater part of these
were still nominally attached to the National
Volunteers.
About this time (Spring 1915) all the activities
of the extreme societies in Ireland were merged
in the Irish Volunteers, which was an
openly seditious and revolutionary organisation.
Although small in numbers compared with the
more constitutional body which acknowledged
the leadership of Mr. John Redmond, and having
among its leaders practically no one of any
influence, yet by its activity and revolutionary
propaganda it soon gained an importance which
its numbers did not warrant.
As showing the trend of the Irish Volunteers
it may be mentioned that at a meeting of the
Council of that body held on 30th May, 1915,
Mr. McNeill in the chair, a resolution of the
Irish Volunteers declaring themselves in favour
of an immediate insurrection was proposed by
Bulmer Hobson and only defeated by the casting
vote of Mr. McNeill.
At a meeting of the Executive Council of the
Irish Volunteers held in Dublin on the 4th July,
1915, instructions were issued to County Boards
directing them to assist organisers in forming
new branches, and to resist the Registration Act
INTRODUCTORY. 15
should any attempt be made to enforce it in
Ireland. At this meeting a sum of 3,000 dollars
recently received from America was distributed,
of which 40 was sent to Limerick.
During the winter months the Irish Volunteers
were daily improving their organisation. Some
drill was practised here and there, but their
activities were mainly directed to promoting
sedition and hindering recruiting for the
Army. As already stated forcible resistance to
conscription was also part of their programme.
The prospect of compulsory service was generally
resented, and the action taken by the Irish
Volunteers in the matter naturally appealed to
the farming classes and others, who determined
to turn a deaf ear to every call upon them to
enlist.
In October it was reported that the Irish
Volunteers had planned a ' ' rising ' ' in the event
of conscription being introduced into Ireland,
and this was perhaps the one project in which
they would find many Redmondites in agreement
with them.
In February, 1916, there were 165 branches of
the Irish Volunteers in the provinces with a
membership of 7,615, which, with its members
in Dublin, brought up the total membership to
close on 10,000. The increase in membership
during the month was small, due, no doubt, to
the fact that conscription was no longer
imminent, since Ireland had been excluded from
the scope of the Military Service Bill. In
addition to the farming classes, a great many
14 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The stronghold of the Irish Volunteers was in
Dublin, where, at the beginning of 1915, they
had a membership of 2,100. Furthermore, in
Dublin the Irish Volunteers associated them-
selves with Larkin's labour organisation. In the
provinces Mr. McNeill's followers numbered
about 9,000, but the greater part of these
were still nominally attached to the National
Volunteers.
About this time (Spring 1915) all the activities
of the extreme societies in Ireland were merged
in the Irish Volunteers, which was an
openly seditious and revolutionary organisation.
Although small in numbers compared with the
more constitutional body which acknowledged
the leadership of Mr. John Redmond, and having
among its leaders practically no one of any
influence, yet by its activity and revolutionary
propaganda it soon gained an importance which
its numbers did not warrant.
As showing the trend of the Irish Volunteers
it may be mentioned that at a meeting of the
Council of that body held on 30th May, 1915,
Mr. McNeill in the chair, a resolution of the
Irish Volunteers declaring themselves in favour
of an immediate insurrection was proposed by
Bulmer Hobson and only defeated by the casting
Tote of Mr. McNeill.
At a meeting of the Executive Council of the
Irish Volunteers held in Dublin on the 4th July,
1915, instructions were issued to County Boards
directing them to assist organisers in forming
new branches, and to resist the Registration Act
INTRODUCTORY. 15
should any attempt be made to enforce it in
Ireland. At this meeting a sum of 3,000 dollars
recently received from America was distributed,
of which 40 was sent to Limerick.
During the winter months the Irish Volunteers
were daily improving their organisation. Some
drill was practised here and there, but their
activities were mainly directed to promoting
sedition and hindering recruiting for the
Army. As already stated forcible resistance to
conscription was also part of their programme.
The prospect of compulsory service was generally
resented, and the action taken by the Irish
Volunteers in the matter naturally appealed to
the farming classes and others, who determined
to turn a deaf ear to every call upon them to
enlist.
In October it was reported that the Irish
Volunteers had planned a ' ' rising ' ' in the event
of conscription being introduced into Ireland,
and this was perhaps the one project in which
they would find many Redmondites in agreement
with them.
In February, 1916, there were 165 branches of
the Irish Volunteers in the provinces with a
membership of 7,615, which, with its members
in Dublin, brought up the total membership to
close on 10,000. The increase in membership
during the month was small, due, no doubt, to
the fact that conscription was no longer
imminent, since Ireland had been excluded from
the scope of the Military Service Bill. In
addition to the farming classes, a great many
16 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
National Volunteers had joined the Sinn Fein
corps in order to fortify themselves with an
excuse for not joining the Army. The bait was
a good one, but on the omission of Ireland from
the scope of the Bill it was no longer effective.
Up to the fourth week of April, 1916, nothing
unusual occurred to cause anxiety as to the
general peace of Ireland except the continued
disloyal and dangerous activity of the Sinn Fein
movement. The Irish Volunteers showed no
slackening in carrying on military exercises and
evolutions. On Sunday the 9th of April, how-
ever, the Irish Volunteers in Dublin assembled in
Rutland Square to the number of about 13,000,
and marched through the City with the recruits
who had joined during the previous week. On
the same day the police seized a motor-car in
College Green and found that it contained a
quantity of shot-guns, revolvers, ammunition,
etc., which were being conveyed to Wexford.
Two men in the car, who were identified as Sinn
Fein Volunteers from Ferns, were afterwards
sentenced to three months' imprisonment. Easter
parades were ordered throughout the country,
and this mobilisation was arranged to coincide
with the expected arrival of Sir Roger Casement
and a ship laden with arms from Germany.
Early in the morning of Good Friday, April
21st, a Kerry peasant walking along the seashore
at Banna, not far from Fenit, came upon an
empty collapsible boat, and noticed the footprints
of three men leading to the sandhills. Later on
he reported the matter to the police, who
INTRODUCTORY. 17
discovered buried in the sand some revolvers and
a quantity of ammunition. Subsequently a tall
man was observed near a ruin, who, when covered
by a rifle, told the constable not to shoot, and
surrendered. He gave an English name and
address, but on being taken to the Tralee Police
Barracks it was noticed that he resembled Sir
R. Casement's portrait. Meanwhile his two
companions in the boat had walked to Tralee
and interviewed the local leaders of the Irish
Volunteers. One of these men, who called
himself Mulcahy, returned in a motor-car with
two Volunteers in search of Sir R. Casement and
was arrested by the police; the other made his
escape. On April the 22nd Casement, who
refused to give his true name, was sent to
Dublin Detention Barracks, and thence direct to
London, t and on that (Saturday) evening Mr.
John McNeill, President of the Irish Volunteer
Council, issued orders countermanding the
Easter Parades.
On Easter-Sunday night, April the 23rd, the
prisoner Mulcahy made a voluntary statement to
the District Inspector at Tralee. He told him
that the prisoner who had gone to Dublin was
really Sir R. Casement, that the name of the
third man who landed with them at Banna was
Robert Monteith, and that his own name was
Daniel Julian Bailey, a private in the Royal
Irish Rifles. He stated that he was taken
t He was tried on June 26th on a charge of high treason,
was sentenced to death on June 29th, and hanged at Fentonville
Prison, London, on August 3rd.
C
18 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
prisoner by the Germans early in the war and
that he subsequently joined the so-called Irish
Brigade at the instigation of Sir R. Casement.
He further deposed that he, Casement and
Monteith left Wilhelmshaven in a submarine
together with a German ship full of arms and
ammunition bound for the Kerry coast to arm the
Irish Volunteers, that there was to be a rebellion,
and that the plans included an attack upon
Dublin Castle.
In view of the facts that the ship with arms on
board had been discovered and sunk,* that Sir R.
Casement was a prisoner, and that Mr. McNeill
had cancelled the Volunteer mobilisation, a
' rising " seemed unlikely. Owing, however, it
is said to some information which reached them
on Sunday night, the leaders of the movement,
fearing that their Headquarters in which they
had large stores of explosives and arms would be
raided by the Military and they themselves
arrested, decided to overrule Mr. McNeill and
launch the rebellion. It was heralded on the
morning of the outbreak by the publication of the
following proclamation :
* She was named Aude, and was sunk off the south coast
of Ireland.
POBLACHT NA H'EIREANN.
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
OF THE
>
IRISH REPUBLIC.
To THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.
' Irishmen and Irishwomen. In the name of
God and of the dead generations from which she
receives her old tradition of nation-hood, Ireland,
through us, summons her children to her flag and
strikes for her freedom.
' Having organised and trained her manhood
through her secret revolutionary organisation, the
Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her
open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers
and the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently
perfected her discipline, having resolutely waited
for the right moment to reveal itself, she now
seizes that moment, and supported by her exiled
children in America and by gallant Allies- in
Europe, but relying in the first on her own
strength, she strikes in full confidence of victory.
' We declare the right of the people of
Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to
the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to
be sovereign and indefeasible. The long
usurpation of that right by a foreign people and
government has not extinguished the right, nor
20 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
can it ever be extinguished except by the
destruction of the Irish people. In every
generation the Irish people have asserted their
right to national freedom and sovereignty. Six
times during the past three hundred years they
have asserted it in arms. Standing on that
fundamental right and again asserting it in
arms, in the face of the world, we hereby
proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign
Independent State, and we pledge our lives and
the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of
freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation
among the nations.
' ' The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby
claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and
Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious
and civil liberty, equal rights and equal
opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its
resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity
of the whole nation and of all its parts,
cherishing all the children of the nation equally,
and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered
by an alien government, which have divided a
minority from a majority in the past.
" Until our arms have brought the opportune
moment for the establishment of a permanent
National Government, representative of the
whole people of Ireland and elected by the
suffrages of all her men and women, the
Provisional Government hereby constituted will
administer the civil and military affairs in trust
for the people.
" We place the cause of the Irish Republic
INTRODUCTORY. 21
under the protection of the Most High God,
Whose blessing we invoke upon our arms, and we
pray that no one who serves that cause will
dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity or rapine.
In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by
its valour and discipline and by the readiness of
its children to sacrifice themselves for the common
good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny
to which it is called.
" Signed on behalf of the Provisional
Government,
THOMAS J. CLARKE.
SEAN MACDIARMADA. THOMAS MACDONAGH.
P. H. PEARSE. EAMONN CEANNT.
JAMES CONNOLLY. JOSEPH PLUNKETT."
On Easter Monday, 24th April 1916, at noon,
the storm burst in Dublin, and for the following
six days the City and the suburbs were the scene
of grave loss of life and destruction of property.
The revolution was organised by the Irish (Sinn
Fein) Volunteers, and it was carried out by them
with the assistance of the Citizen Army,
Hibernian Rifles, and other similar bodies.
Twelve o'clock in the day was the hour fixed
for the beginning of the operations, and at that
time or shortly afterwards bodies of armed Sinn
Feiners quietly entered the buildings to which
they had been assigned, turned out the occupants
and took possession. Anyone who resisted was
promptly shot. In this way the principal
buildings in the City were captured, and the
22 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
rebels at once set about erecting barricades, and
taking precautions against attack.
The General Post Office in Sackville Street
proved to be the central fortress of the rebels. It
was here that P. H. Pearse, " the Commandant-
in-Chief of the Army of the Republic and
President of the Provisional Government,"
established his Headquarters and issued his
orders. All corner houses commanding the
approaches were garrisoned with snipers, who
were hidden behind sandbags. Kelly's, the
gunsmith's, at the corner of Batchelor's Walk,
and Hopkin's jewellery shop at the corner of
Eden Quay, were held in this way in great
strength. Other houses on each side of Lower
Sackville Street, and in particular those at the
four corners of Abbey Street, were garrisoned in
like manner. Then the work of provisioning the
various garrisons having the Post Office as their
centre was actively proceeded with, every variety
of foodstuffs being commandeered at the point of
the bayonet. All the telegraph wires were cut,
thus isolating the City from tbo rest of the
country. The failure of the Volunteers to seize
the Telephone Exchange in Crown Alley proved
a great advantage to the military in dealing with
the insurgents.
The proceedings at St. Stephen's Green Park
were somewhat similar. At mid-day small
groups of Sinn Fein Volunteers were standing
about the entrance gates, and at a given signal
they quietly walked inside, closed the gates,
posted armed guards at them, and then set about
INTRODUCTORY. 23
clearing all civilians out of the Park. In
an-hour the Park was cleared of all non-
combatants. The next move of the rebels was
to take possession of a number of houses
commanding the approaches, and amongst the
places occupied were the Royal College of
Surgeons at the corner of York Street, and
Little's public-house at the corner of Cuffe Street.
The houses at the other approaches were not so
advantageously situated, but numerous snipers
were placed in them.
Dublin Castle, the Headquarters of the Irish
Executive, was attacked by a handful of Volun-
teers, and had any force of Sinn Feiners joined
in the attack the Castle would almost certainly
have been captured, as there were only a few
soldiers on duty. A policeman on duty at the
Upper Castle Yard was shot in cold blood, but
the small garrison came to the rescue and the
invaders were driven off. Other bodies of rebels
succeeded in taking possession of buildings over-
looking the approaches to the Upper Castle
Yard. In this way the offices of the " Daily
Express " and " Evening Mail " were entered,
and the staff turned out at the point of the
bayonet. The City Hall, the rear of which
commands the offices of the Chief Secretary's
Department, the Prisons Board and other
Government Offices, was also filled with snipers.
Simultaneously with these incidents, attempts
were made to occupy the railway termini in the
City. Westland Row Station and Har court
Street Station were early in the possession of the
24 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
rebels, and the rails on the Kingstown line were
torn up at Lansdown Road. The Harcourt Street
Station was found unsuitable for defence, and
was abandoned at three o'clock in the afternoon.
Abortive attempts were made to secure Amiens
Street Terminus, Kingsbridge Terminus, and
Broadstone Terminus. Where they did not
succeed in occupying the stations the rebels either
attempted to blow up railway bridges or cut the
lines, and nearly all the train communication
with the City was stopped for a week.
All the points in the City which were
considered of strategical importance having been
occupied by the rebels, their plans were further
developed by the taking possession of positions
controlling the approaches from military
barracks. The Four Courts were early in their
hands, and men were posted all over the building
to attack troops which might approach along the
quays from the direction of Phoenix Park. The
Four Courts Hotel, which adjoins the Courts,
was garrisoned. On the bridges over the railway
on the North Circular Road and Cabra Road
strong barricades were erected. Liberty Hall
was strongly held by the rebels, but the Custom
House was left unmolested. Across the river,
on the South side, Boland's Mill was fortified in
every possible manner, and constituted a
stronghold of great strategical importance.
Round by Northumberland Road, Pembroke
Road, and Lansdown Road, private houses were
occupied and garrisoned to resist the approach
of reinforcements for the military from the
INTRODUCTORY. 25
Kingstown direction. Portobello Bridge, which
commands the approach to the City from the
military barracks at that place, was the scene of
a short but severe fight shortly after mid-day on
Monday. The rebels had taken possession of
Davy's public-house, which is close to the bridge
and faces the barracks. Their presence was
disclosed at an early stage by an attempt to
capture an officer who happened to be passing
over the bridge. He fortunately escaped, and
gave the alarm. A small number of soldiers was
turned out at once, but they were unable to dis-
lodge the rebels. Strong reinforcements were
sent out, and after a short and sharp fight the
public-house was captured by the military, who
remained in possession afterwards.
At more remote places in the southern suburbs
rebels had taken up positions of defence, but
strong cavalry patrols hunted them from point
to point and finally dispersed them, though not
until many of the soldiers had been wounded.
The South Dublin Union in James's Street and
a distillery in Marrowbone Lane were two other
strong points in the Sinn Fein plan. The
workhouse was attacked by the Military on
Monday, and after a stiff fight, during which
many casualties occurred on both sides, the
remnant of the rebel garrison was driven into one
part of the premises, where they maintained their
struggle until Sunday.
Jacob's Biscuit Factory in Bishop Street,
though it does not occupy a strategical position
of any importance, was filled with foodstuffs of
26 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
various descriptions, and probably in this respect
it was deemed necessary to instal in it a large
garrison, so as to make certain that supplies
would be available for the rebels in other places.
If this was the idea it never had the slightest
chance of succeeding, as the factory was
surrounded early in the week by a military
cordon.
The foregoing are the outlines of the position
on the evening of the first day of the rebellion.
Several instances of non-combatants being shot
by Sinn Feiners took place during the day in
various parts of the City. The most shocking
was the shooting down of several members of the
Veteran Corps on Haddington Road. A large
muster of this Corps had gone out on a route
march to Ticknock, and when they were
returning in the afternoon to their Headquarters
at Beggar's Bush Barracks they were ambushed
/
in Haddington Road by a body of Sinn Feiners,
who poured volleys of rifle shots into the ranks
of the defenceless Veterans. Five were fatally,
and many others seriously, wounded. The rest
of the Veterans got to their Barracks where they
had to remain until the following week.
On learning that several of his men had been
shot by the rebels the Chief Commissioner of
the Dublin Metropolitan Police ordered the
withdrawal from the streets of the entire
uniformed force within an hour or two of the
outbreak. The " underworld ' of the City
quickly realised its opportunity, and first tackled
the shops in Lower Sackville Street. The windows
INTRODUCTORY. 27
were smashed and hordes of people crowded into
the shops, returning with bundles of wearing
apparel of all descriptions. Noblett's at the
corner of Earl Street, and Lemon's in Lower
Sackville Street, were tit-bits for the younger
section of the roughs, who made merry with boxes
of chocolates, sweets, etc., all the afternoon.
The toyshops were also centres of great activity,
and then having exhausted Lower Sackville
Street, the crowd swept round into Earl Street
and Henry Street, where they found an
abundance and variety that suited every taste.
On Easter Monday a Proclamation was issued
by the Lord Lieutenant enjoining all loyal
citizens to abstain from acts of violence, and on
the following day, 25th April, Martial Law was
proclaimed in the City and County of Dublin.
On the 26th the whole of Ireland was placed
under the same regime.
The country generally remained quiet, and in
only four counties Dublin, Louth, Galway East
and West Ridings, and Wexford did the
Volunteers rise up in arms. In a few others
destructive acts were committed, obviously
intended to further the rising. For example,
on the night of Easter Sunday in Queen's County
a portion of the railway line between Mary-
borough and Abbeyleix was pulled up by a band
of men, some of whom were armed, whilst in
Longford the telegraph wires were cut in several
places. In Kildare telegraph wires were also
cut, and a party of 14 armed Irish Volunteers
marched to Dublin, the leader threatening to
28 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
shoot a police patrol if it followed them.
In Louth a party of Irish Volunteers marched
from Dundalk to Slane and on the way took
possession of 20 rifles the property of the
National Volunteers at Ardee. On their return
(April 24th), at Lurgan Green, near Dundalk,
they were informed by a messenger that the
Irish Republic had been proclaimed in Dublin.
They at once arrested two of the Royal Irish
Constabulary who had been keeping them under
observation, and began commandeering motor-
cars, then, after firing at and wounding a farmer
who refused to stop, they proceeded to the village
of Castlebellingham. Here they obliged Lieut.
Dunville, Grenadier Guards, to give up his
motor, placed him and Constable Magee against
some railings, and shot at them both, the latter
being mortally wounded. They then made off in
the direction of Drogheda and thence to Slane.
On April 25th, in the West Riding of Galway,
a strong party of Irish Volunteers assembled
under arms and tore up the railway line between
Galway and Oranmore, cutting telegraph wires
and posts, and injuring the bridge at Oranmore.
Barricades were erected on the road at Claren-
bridge and motor-cars were commandeered.
Five police were captured singly in the
neighbourhood, and the rebels opened fire on the
police barracks at Clarenbridge and Oranmore.
Having summoned the police at Clarenbridge to
surrender and give up their arms, and being met
with a refusal, the rebels withdrew from Claren-
bridge and joined forces with the party attacking
INTRODUCTORY. 29
Oranmore. About 200 were attacking the
barracks when a relief party of police arrived on
the scene from Galway in motor-cars and put
them to flight. These two barracks are in the
vicinity of the sea, and the rebels expected a
German landing.
On the following day, April 26th, a party of
23 R.I.C. under the District Inspector, with 10
military, left Galway at 4-15 a.m. to reconnoitre,
and encountered a force of about 80 rebels at
Carnmore Cross Roads. In the brief engagement
that ensued the R.I.C. had one man killed. The
rebels then retreated, whilst the combined party
of police and soldiers took up a strong position
outside Galway to oppose Sinn Feiners advancing
to attack the City. The rebels took possession of
a rocky hill, but from this they were speedily
routed by gun-fire from a warship in the Bay.
Next day the East and West Galway rebels
joined forces at Moyode Castle. Desertions,
however, began to thin their ranks, and hearing
next day that a large force of military and R.I.C.
had arrived at Loughrea, a few miles distant,
they moved to Lime Park, dispersing as they
went along. When a party of police reached
Moyode on the 29th they found that the rebels
had vacated it, abandoning five police prisoners
and a quantity of provisions which they had
looted.
The same day, April 27th, in County Dublin
a party of rebel Volunteers from Swords and
Donabate (who had previously overpowered and
captured the small R.I.C. garrisons at those
30 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
places) raided Garristown Police Barracks, but
the police had been already withdrawn, taking
their arms with them. The rebels then marched
on Howth, intending to cut the English
cable, but finding themselves opposed by twenty
military and eight police, and seeing two gun-
boats on their way from Kingstown to Skerries
with troops, they turned west and, next day
(28th April), attacked the police barracks at
Ashbourne, County Meath. County Inspector
Gray and District Inspector Smith with fifty-
four R.I.C. men drove out from Navan in motor-
cars to engage them. It was estimated at the
time that the rebels numbered 400. The police
fought for five hours, when, having lost one
officer and six men killed, and their County
Inspector and 14 men wounded, being surrounded
and having expended practically all their
ammunition, they surrendered. The survivors
were disarmed and then released. The rebel
force remained in the locality for a couple of
days, gradually melting away, and on the 30th
the thirty-two who still held together surrendered
to the military.
In Wexford the Irish Volunteers at
Enniscorthy took possession of the town at
4 a.m. on April 27th. They cut the telegraph
wires, commandeered provisions and motor-cars,
and besieged the Police Barracks and the Post
Office. As, however, the police were well
supplied with ammunition, they were able to
defend their barracks, the Post Office, and the
Bank of Ireland, and to hold the rebels at bay
INTRODUCTORY. 31
for five days until relieved by troops. On May
1st these rebels surrendered to the military.
In West Cork, at Ballinadee, on April 30th,
a party of Irish Volunteers held up Sergeant
Crean, R.I.C., on the road, searched him, and
threatened to shoot him if seen near them again.
On the same night the telegraph wires were cut
between Clonakilty and the War Signal Station
at Galley Head, but this appears to have been
the only exploit of the rebels in this district.
These were the principal events in the
provinces between April 23rd and May 1st,
1916. There were a number of minor incidents,
such as the cutting of wires, obstructing and
pulling up rails, commandeering vehicles and
food; but with the surrender of the Enniscorthy
rebels on May 1st the rebellion in the provinces
may be said to have come to an end.
To return, however, to the situation at Dublin.
On Easter Monday, 24th April, at 12-15 p.m.,
a telephone message was received by the Military
Authorities from the Dublin Metropolitan
Police announcing that Dublin Castle was being
attacked by armed Sinn Feiners. The Military
Authorities at once ordered all available troops
from Portobello, Richmond and Royal Barracks
to proceed to the Castle, and the 6th Reserve
Cavalry Regiment towards Sackville Street.
The fighting strength of the troops available
in Dublin at the moment was : 6th Reserve
Cavalry Regiment : 35 officers, 851 other ranks;
3rd Royal Irish Regiment : 18 officers, 385 other
ranks ; 10th Royal Dublin Fusiliers : 37 officers,
32 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
430 other ranks; 3rd Royal Irish Rifles: 21
officers, 650 other ranks.
Of these troops an inlying picquet of 400 men,
which for some days had been held in readiness,
proceeded at once, and the remainder followed
shortly afterwards.
At 12-30 p.m. a telephone message was sent to
the General Officer commanding at Curragh to
mobilise the mobile column, which had been
devised to meet any emergency, and to despatch
it dismounted to Dublin by trains which were
being sent from Kingsbridge. This column,
under the command of Colonel Portal, consisted
of 1,600 officers and other ranks from the 3rd
Reserve Cavalry Brigade.
Almost immediately after the despatch of this
message telephone communication in Dublin
became very interrupted.
As the occupation of the General Post Office
by the Sinn Feiners prevented the use of the
telegraph, a message reporting the situation in
Dublin was sent at 1-10 p.m. to the naval centre
at Kingstown, asking that information of the
rising might be transmitted by wireless through
the Admiralty to the War Office. This was done.
The first objectives undertaken by the troops
were to recover possession of the Magazine in
Phoenix Park, where the rebels had set fire to a
quantity of ammunition; to relieve the Castle ;.
and to strengthen the guards at the Viceregal
Lodge and other points of importance. The
Magazine was quickly re-occupied, but the troops,
moving on the Castle were held up by the rebels,,
INTRODUCTORY. 33
who had occupied the surrounding houses and
had barricaded the streets with carts and other
material.
Between 1-40 p.m. and 2 p.m. 50 men of the
3rd Royal Irish Rifles, and 130 men of the 10th
Royal Dublin Fusiliers, reached the Castle by
the Ship Street entrance. At 4-45 p.m. the first
train from the Curragh arrived at Kingsbridge
Station, and by 5-20 the whole Cavalry column,
1,600 strong, had arrived, one train being sent
on from Kingsbridge to North Wall by the loop
line to guard the docks.
During the day the following troops were
ordered to Dublin :
A battery of four 18-pounders, R.F.A.,
from the Reserve Artillery Brigade at
Athlone.
The 4th Dublin Fusiliers from Temple-
more.
A composite battalion from Belfast.
An additional 1,000 men from the
Curragh.
During the afternoon and evening small parties
of troops were engaged with the rebels. The
3rd Royal Irish Regiment on its way to the Castle
was held up by the rebels in the South Dublin
Union, which they had attacked and partially
occupied. A detachment of two officers and 50
men from the 6th Reserve Cavalry Regiment,
which was conveying some ammunition from the
North Wall, was surrounded in Charles Street,
but succeeded in parking its convoy and defended
D
34 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
this with great gallantry for 3^ days, when it
was relieved; during this defence the officer in
command was killed and the remaining officer
wounded.
The rebels in Saint Stephen's Green were
attacked, and picquets with machine-guns were
established in the United Service Club and the
Shelbourne Hotel with a view to dominating the
Square and its exits.
At 9-35 p.m. Colonel Kennard, Officer Com-
manding Troops, Dublin, reached the Castle with
another party of 86 men of the 3rd Royal Irish
Regiment.
The defence of the docks at North Wall was
undertaken by Major H. F. Somerville, com-
manding a detachment from the School of
Musketry, Dollymount, reinforced by 330 officers
and men of the 9th Reserve Cavalry Regiment.
The occupation of the Custom House, which
dominated Liberty Hall, was carried out at
night, and was of great assistance in later
operations against Liberty Hall.
The situation at midnight on Monday, the
24th, was that the Military held the Magazine,
Phoenix Park, the Castle, and the Ship Street
entrance to it, the Royal Hospital, all barracks,
the Kingsbridge, Amiens Street and North
Wall Railway Stations, the Dublin Telephone
Exchange in Crown Alley, the Electric Power
Station at Pigeon House Fort, Trinity College,
Mount joy Prison, and Kingstown Harbour.
The Sinn Feiners held Sackville Street and blocks
of buildings on each side of this, including
INTRODUCTORY. 35
Liberty Hall, with their Headquarters at the
General Post Office, the Four Courts, Jacob's
Biscuit Factory, South Dublin Union, St.
Stephen's Green, all the approaches to the Castle
except Ship Street entrance, and many houses
all over the City, especially about Ballsbridge
and Beggar's Bush.
On April 25th Brigadier-General W. H. M.
Lowe, Commanding the Reserve Cavalry Brigade
at the Curragh, arrived at Kingsbridge Station
at 3-45 a.m. with the leading troops from the
25th (Irish) Reserve Infantry Brigade, and
assumed command of the forces in the Dublin
area. These forces were, roughly, 2,300 men of
the Dublin garrison, the Curragh mobile column
of 1,500 dismounted cavalrymen, and 840 men
of the 25th Irish Reserve Infantry Brigade.
In order to relieve and get into communication
with the Castle, Colonel Portal, commanding
the Curragh Mobile Column, was ordered to
establish a line of posts from Kingsbridge Station
to Trinity College via the Castle. This was
completed by 12 noon on the 25th April, and with
very little loss. It divided the rebel forces in
two, gave a safe line of advance for troops
extending operations to the north or south, and
permitted communication by despatch-rider with
some of the commands. The only means of
communication previous to this had been by
telephone, which was unquestionably being
tapped. The Dublin University Officers' Train-
ing Corps held the College Building until the
troops arrived, thus separating the rebel centre
36 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
round the General Post Office from that round
Stephen's Green, and also preventing the rebels
from entering the Bank of Ireland, which is
directly opposite to and commanded by the
College buildings.
During the day the 4th Royal Dublin Fusiliers
from Templemore, a composite Ulster Battalion
from Belfast, and a battery of four 18-pounders
from the Reserve Artillery Brigade at Athlone
arrived, and this enabled a cordon to be
established round the northern part of the City
from Parkgate, along the North Circular Road,
to North Wall. Broadstone Railway Station was
cleared of rebels, and a barricade near Phibs-
borough was destroyed by artillery fire.
As a heavy fire on the Castle was being kept
up by the rebels located in the Corporation Build-
ings, ' Daily Express ' office, and several
houses opposite the City Hall, it was decided to
attack these buildings. The assault on the
' Daily Express ' ' office was successfully carried
out under very heavy fire by a detachment of the
5th Royal Dublin Fusiliers.
The main forces of the rebels having now been
located in and around Sackville Street, the Four
Courts, and adjoining buildings, it was decided
to try to enclose that area north of the Liffey by
a cordon of troops, so as to localise as far as
possible the efforts of the rebels. Towards
evening the 178th Infantry Brigade began to
arrive at Kingstown, and in accordance with
orders received the brigade left Kingstown by
road in two columns : the left column, consisting
INTRODUCTORY. 37
of the 5th and 6th Battalions Sherwood
Foresters, by the Stillorgan-Donnybrook Road
and South Circular Road to the Royal
Hospital, where it arrived without opposition;
the right column, consisting of the 7th and
8th Battalions Sherwood Foresters, by the
main tram route through Ballsbridge and
directed on Merrion Square and Trinity
College. This column, with the 7th Battalion
leading, was held up at the northern corner
of Haddington Road and Northumberland Road,
which was strongly held by rebels, but with
the assistance of bombing parties the rebels were
driven back. At 3-25 p.m. the 7th Battalion
Sherwood Foresters met great opposition from
the rebels holding the schools and other houses
on the north side of the road close to the bridge
at Lower Mount Street, and two officers were
killed and seven wounded. At about 5-30 p.m.
orders were received that the advance to Trinity
College was to be pushed forward at all costs.
At about 8 p.m., therefore, after careful
arrangements, the whole column, accompanied
by bombing parties, attacked the schools and
houses where the chief opposition lay. The
battalions, charging in successive waves, carried
all before them, but suffered severe casualties in
doing so. Four officers were killed, 14 wounded,
and of other ranks 216 were killed and wounded.
In view of the opposition met with it was not
considered advisable to push on to Trinity
College that night; so at 11 p.m. the 5th South
Staffordshire regiment reinforced this column,
38 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and by occupying the positions gained allowed
the two battalions of the Sherwood Foresters to
be concentrated at Ballsbridge.
Meanwhile severe fighting had taken place in
the Sackville Street quarter. At 8 a.m. Liberty
Hall, the former headquarters of the Citizen
Army, was attacked by field guns from the
South bank of the River Liffey and by a gun from
the patrol ship Helga, with the result that
considerable progress was made. During the
night of the 26-27 th April several fires broke out
in this quarter and threatened to become
dangerous as the fire brigade could not get to
work owing to its being fired upon by the rebels.
Throughout the day further troops of the 176th
Brigade arrived in the Dublin area.
On April 27th the
5th Leinsters,
2 /6th Sherwood Foresters,
3rd Royal Irish Regiment,
The Ulster composite battalion,
under the command of Colonel Portal, began and
completed by 5 p.m. the forming of a cordon
round the rebels in the Sackville Street area,
which operation was carried out with small loss.
About 12-45 p.m. Linen Hall Barracks, which
were occupied by the Army Pay Office, were
reported to have been set on fire by the rebels
and were destroyed.
By nightfall the 177th Infantry Brigade had
arrived at Kingstown, where it remained for the
night.
About 2 a.m. on the 28th April Sir John
INTRODUCTORY. 39
Maxwell arrived at North Wall, and after a
conference with Major-General Friend and
Brigadier-General Lowe the latter was instructed
to close in on Sackville 'Street from East and
West, and to carry out a house-to-house search
in areas gained. The 2 /4th Lincolns then formed
a cordon along the Grand Canal, so enclosing the
southern part of the City and forming a complete
cordon round Dublin.
During the afternoon the 2 /5th and 2 /6th
Reserve Cavalry Regiments, which had been
escorting ammunition and rifles from North Wall
and had been held up in Charles Street, were
relieved by armoured motor lorries. These had
been roughly armoured with boiler plates by the
Inchicore Railway Works and placed at the
disposal of the Military by Messrs. Guinness.
Throughout the night the process of driving
out the rebels in and around Sackville Street
continued, though these operations were greatly
hampered by the fires in this area and by the fact
that some of the burning houses contained rebel
stores of explosives which every now and again
blew up. In other parts of the City the troops
had a trying time dealing with the numerous
snipers, who became very troublesome during the
hours of darkness.
Owing to the considerable opposition at
barricades, especially in North King Street, it
was not until 9 a.m. on 29th April that the Four
Courts area was completely surrounded.
Throughout the morning the squeezing out of
the surrounded areas was vigorously proceeded
42 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
In addition, ex gratia grants, amounting to a
total of more than one million pounds sterling,
were paid, on the recommendation of the
Committee, in respect of the .stock, fittings, etc.,
of these premises, other chattel losses, and minor
damage to various buildings.
It is only fair to add that these sums came out
of the pocket of the British tax-payer.
CHAPTER II.
FROM THE REBELLION TO THE END OF 1919.
We may confine our record of conditions in
Ireland from the rebellion in 1916 to the end of
the year 1919 to an examination of the
growth of Republican spirit and its influence
upon British interests, especially during the
continuance of the War. For this purpose it will
be better to quote from the yearly reports of the
various districts than to attempt an historical
development of the period, if only upon the
grounds of limitation of space. Furthermore, it
is perhaps too early to deal historically and in
correct perspective with the many events that led
up, during this period, to the state of Ireland
during 1920. Some idea of the tendencies at
work in the country may be gleaned from the
extracts from the official reports upon the state
of various districts which are quoted below.
We may begin with reports for that part of the
year 1916 which followed the rebellion. Here
is one from Dublin :
44 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
" Of political societies in County Dublin the
United Irish League has lost a good deal of its
influence, and its meetings are few and far
between. The National Volunteers, who have a
nominal membership of 1,289, are a waning force
and many of them would break away and join
the Sinn Feiners if they saw it was to their
advantage to do so ; the Irish Volunteers, though
their membership is small, have much influence
w T ith the labouring classes and shop-boys, and
through their relations with the rebels attract
the sympathies of the disloyal. . . . After
the rebellion the Sinn Fein movement attracted
many new adherents, including some of the
younger Roman Catholic clergy. Recruiting is
bad."
Here are some reports from other counties,
which also deal with the state of recruitment :
' The main result of the rebellion, so far as
County Kildare was concerned, was a stoppage
of recruiting. The Roman Catholic clergy were
not in sympathy with the rebellion, and thought
it politically stupid. In some cases they openly
condemned it. . . . Before the rebellion
recruiting was very fair, and in some districts
decidedly creditable; after the rebellion it was
distinctly bad."
' Prior to the rebellion recruiting in County
Kilkenny was satisfactory, but since then the
number of recruits has diminished to about eight
or ten a month."
' During the early part of the year the Sinn
Fein party in King's County became active. The
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 45
Sinn Feiners at Tullamore were very truculent,
and, on 19th March, held a ' Flag Day ' to raise
money for the purpose of buying arms to resist
conscription. On the following day a number of
Sinn Feiners began jibing and jeering at soldiers
returning from the Front."
The prosperous state of the country from the
agricultural point of view at this time, owing to
war conditions, is shown by the following :
" In the East Riding of County Cork, as
showing the prosperity among the farming
classes, it may be mentioned that the deposits in
a certain bank, which has its head office in Cork
and is largely a farmers' bank, increased by the
sum of one and a half millions during the year."
" Recruiting for the army in County Kerry
was very bad during the year, only 158 recruits
having been obtained out of a population of
317,000."
" The feeling of the people generally in the
East Riding of County Galway was one of
intense indignation at the action of the rebels,
particularly as it was felt that the rebellion was
organised in Germany. The consequence of the
rebellion was, however, to turn most of the people
into Sinn Feiners, or at least into Sinn Fein
sympathisers. This state of affairs was brought
about by two causes : the speeches delivered by
Mr. John Dillon in the House of Commons, and
the action of the Government in trying to effect a
Home Rule settlement immediately after the
rebellion, thereby convincing the majority of the
people that constitutional agitation was no use
46 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and that the Sinn Fein policy of physical force is
the only means of remedying alleged grievances. 7 '
These extracts from the official reports for the
year 1916 are typical of those received from
every county in Ireland, and show how the
evidence of life in the Republican movement,
demonstrated by the fact that the rebellion had
been possible, impressed the people of Ireland
and strengthened their disinclination to serve in
the British Army in support of a cause of which
they never understood the rights and wrongs.
The reports for 1917 demonstrate the
logical sequence of this, and show how fear of
conscription was seized upon by the Republican
organisers to secure supporters for their cause.
" On the 19th of July the Countess Markievicz
was presented with the freedom of the City of
Kilkenny. She was accompanied by a number of
Sinn Fein leaders, and advantage was taken of
the occasion to deliver a number of violent and
disloyal speeches. The death of the sitting
member for the city gave rise to another test of
strength between the Sinn Fein and Nationalist
parties. W. T. Cosgrave, a released rebel
prisoner, was selected to represent the former,
and John Magennis, an ex-Mayor of the city, the
latter. The compaign was carried on with great
vigour during the latter half of July and early
part of August. De Valera and other Sinn Fein
leaders delivered a number of violent speeches in
support of Cosgrave, who was successful, polling
almost two-thirds of the entire votes recorded.
Throughout the remainder of the year Sinn
I
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 47
Feinism continued to make progress, and at the
end of December there were 21 Sinn Fein clubs in
the county, with a membership of 1,869, an
increase of 15 clubs and 1,290 in membership
since June."
" The spread of the Sinn Fein movement did
much to interfere with recruiting in Queen's
County. Sinn Fein flags were put up on the
anniversary of the rebellion, and to celebrate the
return of Sinn Fein candidates. In connection
with the first-mentioned celebration, there was
some disturbance at Rathdowney, where a Union
Jack was pulled down and torn up by the
crowd."
' The number of persons in County West-
meath who sympathised with the Sinn Fein
movement was large, the chief reason being the
belief that the insurrection of the previous year
saved the country from conscription."
' The only special protection afforded in
County Wicklow was that given to Mr. John
Redmond, M.P., who received protection by
patrols when he was at Aughavanagh."
' County Clare was quiet up to the beginning
of June, but at the same time disaffection lurked
under the surface ready to break out on very
small provocation. In June there was great
unrest due to the flooding of the country
with Sinn Feiners, released rebel prisoners, and
canvassers for De Valera, the Sinn Fein
candidate for the parliamentary vacancy in East
Clare caused by the death in action of Major
Redmond, the sitting member. The Nationalist
48 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
candidate was Mr. P. Lynch, K.C. Violent,
disloyal, and inflammatory speeches were
delivered on behalf of the Sinn Fein candidate.
The turmoil increased with the approach of the
election day, intimidation was freely practised,
and there was a growing disregard for all law
and order. De Valera's statement to the effect
that if the people combined they could make the
English law impossible, and that English law
had no moral or legal sanction in Ireland, went
a long way in bringing about this state of affairs.
De Valera was successful at the polls, receiving
5,010 votes to 2,035 recorded for Lynch.
' De Valera's sweeping success gave a great
impetus to Sinn Fein not only in Clare but
throughout the entire county, and numerous
Sinn Fein clubs were formed and drilling was
taken up again. ... A tendency to boycott
persons who voted for Mr. Lynch at the election
showed itself. During October the condition of
the county was bad owing to the growth of Sinn
Feinism and revolutionary ideas. Drilling was
extensively carried on, numerous Sinn Fein clubs
were formed, and a strong spirit of disloyalty
prevailed. . . . The position at this time may
be summed up in the statement that Sinn Fein
held the field and was practically the master of
the situation."
" In June the release of the rebel prisoners
had a very disturbing effect on the people of
Cork, and led to many demonstrations and to
serious disturbances in the city. Sedition and
disaffection increased as the result of the growth
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 49
of Sinn Feinism, On the 8th July a number of
female munition workers returning in brakes
from an excursion singing patriotic songs were
mobbed in the city by Sinn Feiners. ' '
In Galway the movement was fostered to a
considerable extent by the clergy. " About the
middle of the year the Sinn Fein movement began
to make headway in County Galway, owing
mainly to the action of the Roman Catholic
clergy, who are nearly all ardent Sinn Feiners.
The action of the clergy led to some friction in
the town of Loughrea, where the majority of the
people are followers of Mr. John Redmond.
Elsewhere the movement caught on, especially
among the young men, who were glad of any
excuse to avoid joining the Army.
University College, .Galway, became a hotbed of
Sinn Feinism, which the students took no trouble
to conceal."
The reports for 1918 show a remarkable
increase in the activities of Sinn Fein, and a
growing boldness in the methods employed by
the organisation. In County Clare saw-mills
working for Government contracts were forcibly
stopped, and trees that had been sold or were
about to be sold for Government use were cut
down by large parties of men, who openly stated
they would allow no timber to leave Ireland for
British use. Boycotting was not generally
resorted to. It was not necessary. The people
were too much afraid of the lawless element to
risk coming under its displeasure.
' Intimidation was and is rampant in the
E
50 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
County (Clare)," states another report. " It is
done secretly and takes the form of threatening
letters, attacks on houses, and firing shots,
sometimes with effect. It has reached such a
pitch that the people are afraid of incurring the
displeasure of their neighbours or the Sinn Fein
leaders in their locality. Consequently no
evidence can be obtained in cases of outrage."
' The tone of the local press is now Sinn Fein,
and it has become so through sheer necessity, as
there would be no sale for the papers in the
county otherwise. The owner of three of the
papers is a loyal man with sons serving as officers
in the Army, but he said that he has to go with
the times or he might shut up his business."
It fact, Sinn Fein was now paramount : it had
gathered to itself the remaining elements of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood.
' It is safe to assume that all political parties
are now merged in Sinn Fein. Those that existed
in this county the United Irish League, the
Ancient Order of Hibernians, the Irish National
Volunteers, the Gaelic Athletic Association, and
the Gaelic League have all been inactive for a
long time. All their members are now Sinn
Feiners outwardly if not inwardly."
A report from another county (Kerry)
corroborates this :
" The Volunteers are included in the term
Sinn Fein Movement, as they are entirely Sinn
Fein and are the backbone of the movement. The
threatened application of conscription to Ireland
brought in a great volume of support to Sinn
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 51
Fein. It was the only political party directly
opposed to recruiting for the Army, and the only
political organisation showing any signs of
existence at the time the Conscription Bill was
passed. The people, therefore, flocked to its
standard, and in the campaign that followed
Sinn Fein took the lead in the anti-conscription
movement. This movement embraced all sections
of the community. . . . It is apparent from
its literature that Sinn Fein was the driving
force at the back of the movement, and all the
anti-conscription platforms were in reality Sinn
Fein."
The Gaelic Athletic Association, primarily an
association for the promotion of sports, soon
developed into an adjunct to Sinn Fein.
' Its members are practically all Sinn Feiners.
It exercises considerable influence over young
men, brings them together for football matches,
and considerably helps to foster the Sinn Fein
spirit among its followers. Similarly the Gaelic
League, ostensibly an organisation for promotion
of the Irish language, is now a purely political
organisation, more concerned in fostering an
anti-British atmosphere in Ireland by
educational means than the promotion of the
language movement. It exercises considerable
influence amongst the younger generation, and
it is now practically impossible for a young man
to learn the Irish language without at the same
time having to become a rebel. The Cumann na
m'Ban is a female offshoot of Sinn Fein. It may
correctly be stated that Sinn Fein has captured
52 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
all the political organisations in the county; in
other words the members have deserted to Sinn
Fein."
In the West Riding of County Cork, on the
announcement that conscription would be applied
to Ireland, an outbreak of raiding private
houses for arms took place. In the months of
April and May there were 29 such cases in this
Riding alone. From their similarity and the
methods employed the raids appeared to be the
work of a central organisation. The victims
selected were the loyalist population, usually
living in remote places and therefore the more
likely to be intimidated.
At the end of September, County Cork West
Riding was declared by the Army Council to be
a Special Military Area. Special restrictions
were forthwith placed on certain localities where
serious and organised crime had occurred, and
other steps were taken to suppress disloyalty.
Two battalions of cyclists were brought into the
Riding and detachments were quartered in each
of the principal towns, and from there the
military patrolled in every direction. The effect
on the Riding of these restrictions was
remarkable. In the first nine months of 1918
there were 112 outrages, of which 59 were
attributable, in the opinion of the police, to Sinn
Fein. In the last three months of 1918 only
21 outrages were committed, and only two of
these were due to Sinn Fein. In December these
crimes numbered six, and not one was the work
of Sinn Fein. It is a striking example of the
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 53
effect which a mild system of military control can
have on a community.
With their increase in strength, Sinn Fein soon
resorted to bolder tactics. An attempt to murder
two policemen in the streets of Tralee was
described as " a most daring outrage committed
in daylight in the presence of over a hundred
inhabitants, who were too terrified to interfere
or subsequently identify the culprits."
In the early part of 1918 Sinn Fein was strong.
De Valera had been elected for East Clare in
July, 1917, and swept the country with Sinn
Fein ideas. In all his addresses he referred to
the danger of conscription; this, no doubt,
caused many people to join young men who did
not want to fight, young women, mothers all
of whom exercised their influence in the one
direction. During the spring of 1918 and on
into the summer the anti-conscription movement
was strongly taken up by Sinn Fein, and all the
leaders and the clergy spoke against it and
recommended the young men to arm and die at
home rather than die in France. Large sums of
money were collected and a house-to-house
collection was made. In short, the people
believed that Sinn Fein alone prevented
conscription in Ireland. And it must be added
that in this anti-conscription movement the
reports show that the Irish Nationalists joined
with Sinn Fein, " and have remained with
them."
It is noteworthy that the Sinn Fein movement,
which became so active and strong during this
54 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
year appeared to be remarkably well supplied
with funds. " Hundreds of young men are
practically living on it," states another report.
' There are 60 clubs in the county, and the
nominal membership is 6,500, but it exercises a
greater influence than this membership would
indicate, and its adherents, including men and
women of all ages and classes, probably exceed
five times that number."
The proposals of the Government to put in
force conscription brought matters to a climax.
The Roman Catholic Hierarchy took up the
question as a challenge, and at once proceeded to
make its position clear. In Thurles the
Archbishop of Cashel headed a procession from
the Cathedral to the Confraternity Hall, where,
after signing the anti-conscription pledge, he
addressed a large meeting, calling upon the
audience to oppose the plans of the Government
to the utmost, and denouncing conscription as a
' blood-tax." Some of the clergy preached
openly that it would be a sinful act for a police-
man to assist in enforcing conscription, and one
of them ' told his congregation that each
conscript should be ' able to kill at least three or
four before he was taken.' Those who are
acquainted with the Irish in Ireland can judge
for themselves the effect which such a pronounce-
ment would have upon the congregation.
The arrest of Sinn Fein leaders in Dublin in
May had the effect of nipping in the bud a
dangerous movement by the revolutionaries at a
time when it was believed in Ireland that the
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 55
British Forces would be driven out of France.
Unfortunately it had also the converse effect of
strengthening Sinn Fein by creating a sympathy
for the men who were arrested.
" Sinn Fein was never more highly organised
than at present," says another report. ' Its
members are very enthusiastic and loyal to each
other, and if any scheme were planned no
matter how ill-considered or fantastic it might
be men would be readily found to give it effect.
For the present the young men are carried away
by what we should consider ' high-falutin '
notions, but they do not believe them to be such
and rely strongly on the belief that they
are within reach of entire independence of
England."
In King's County " there were two elections
during the year. At each election the Sinn Fein
candidate was returned unopposed. The Irish
Parliamentary Party could not have succeeded in
returning a member at either of these elections.
At the same time it cannot be denied that there
are a large number of moderate men who have no
sympathy with Sinn Fein, especially now that
the dread of conscription is removed.
' It must not, however, be forgotten that in
this county the police have acted with great
firmness in the matter of prosecutions for illegal
drilling, unlawful assembly, and using seditious
language ; but it is one of the anomalies of Irish
life that the greater the firmness displayed the
greater their popularity with the mass of the
country people."
56 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
In County Meath the Sinn Fein movement
" made great progress during the year." In
addition to the farmers who supported it in the
belief that it would be the means of staving off
conscription, labourers and small-holders rallied
to it under the impression that it would ' * become
powerful enough to compel the division of large
grazing farms and their distribution among the
landless men." Many more were carried away
by the cry : ' Freedom for Ireland/ It must be
remembered that hostility to England has always
been more or less ingrained in the Irish character.
The conversion of Mayo to Sinn Fein during 1918
was rapid. " Sinn Fein, which at the beginning
of the year found scant acceptance generally in
County Mayo, has now become first in the field and
has absorbed or crushed all its rivals. It derived
its first great impetus from the proposal to extend
the Military Service Act to Ireland. The young
men flocked to its standards in thousands. These
it rapidly organised and banded together, and
with the passing of the conscription dread, which
it claimed and got credit for staving off, it
strengthened its hold upon its members and
availed itself of their services to form an almost
unrivalled Electoral Organisation, resulting at
the recent General Elections in the complete
discomfiture of its political rival. It now holds
the four seats in this county; three by virtue of
contests and one a walk-over. It has probably
from four to five adherents to one of the
Parliamentary Party. The young men had not
time to disintegrate from its branches before the
FROM EEBELLION TO END OF 1919. 57
fever of the election was upon them, and they
worked tooth and nail for the organisation that
saved them from the dreaded conscription."
In Galway the action of the clergy is again
emphasised. " In the East Riding the moment
the anti-conscription movement amalgamated the
clergy and Sinn Fein, the former appear to have
thrown off all restraint and indulged in the most
extreme Sinn Fein propaganda, utilizing their
position as priests to push their political
opinions. The Sinn Feiners here, as in other
parts of Ireland, took a prominent part in
opposing the application of conscription to
Ireland, and the failure of the Government to
enforce it has greatly improved the position of
Sinn Fein, as that body gets the chief credit for
defeating conscription. At the beginning of the
year about 20 to 25 per cent, of the population
were Sinn Feiners, now they are about 80 per
cent."
In some places in the same county during the
General Election campaign, when followers of
the Irish Parliamentary Party attempted to hold
meetings ' ' they were hissed, booed, and groaned
at by the Sinn Feiners; in some instances they
were refused a hearing altogether."
The following figures are interesting, as
showing the growth of the Sinn Fein movement
during the year.
58 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
On 31st December 1917. On 31st December 1918.
Number of Number of Number of Number of
Clubs. Members Clubs. Members.
Ulster
230
12,534
308
24,103
Leinster
243
15,125
320
23,234
Connaught
239
14,917
310
26,317
Minister
327
23,694
416
38,426
Totals 1,039 66,270 1,354 112,080
That the Irish Volunteers meant to stop at
nothing in order to resist conscription, is proved
by a pamphlet issued by their Headquarters, of
which the following is a copy.
MEASURES FOR COMBATING CONSCRIPTION.
I. Preventive Measures.
" The only preventive measure is the working
up of all public opinion against Conscription,
unifying that public opinion and giving it the
greatest possible amount of publicity both
national and international. The greater the
uproar and publicity created and the more the
international character of the matter is
emphasised, the less likely is the Government to
try to enforce it.
" The following means of arousing public
opinion and securing publicity should be resorted
to. (1) Pronouncements against Conscription
by the Clergy, (2) resolutions by public bodies,
Trades Unions, and public meetings against
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 59
Conscription, (3) securing the support of the daily
Press and of the local Press through the country,
(4) insisting on Members of Parliament opposing
it, (5) letters in the Press and pronouncements
by public men, (6) circulation of anti-
conscription leaflets in various ways.
II. Evasive Measures.
' Only in towns would enforcement of
Conscription be at'all feasible; consequently all
men of military age should as far as possible
leave the towns. Shop assistants and others
should make provision to return to their homes
in the country. It should be made quite
clear to employers that the enforcement of
Conscription would entail the dislocation of their
business, and they should be compelled to agitate
against it as a body. Similarly, dues might be
withheld from Clergymen who did not protest
against it.
III. Militant Measures.
' The Irish Volunteers afford the only unified
basis of resistance to conscription. The rest of
the population should set about co-operation with
them in the most effective way, (1) all men of
military age should at once join the Volunteers,
(2) all householders and others in a similar
position should render the Volunteers all material
assistance in their power. Those who do not do
so voluntarily should be compelled, (3) women
60 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and children could be used for carrying
information, cooking, etc. In general the
method of opposition to conscription in any
district would be determined by the local
circumstances, and in particular by the extent to
which the district was organised for such
purposes.
IV. Tactical Measures.
" To attack troops or police would be a
mistaken policy. The method adopted should
be to act in small numbers in suitable localities,
thus compelling the authorities to disperse in
search of them. The English Conscripts who
would be employed to enforce the measure are all
town-bred, and would be at great disadvantage in
such cases.
" Destruction of communications should be
carried out as systematically as possible.
* ' Telegraphs and Telephones can be destroyed
by (a) removing the instruments in County Post
Offices, (&) throwing a stone at the end of a rope
across the wires near pole, and hawling them
down, (c) quietly cutting wires in obscure places.
" Railways can be rendered useless for a time
by (a) rolling down boulders or felling trees in
a cutting or tunnel, (b) lifting a section of line
which should be done at a curve (c) jamming
points at quiet spots and wrecking Signal Boxes,
(d) removing vital parts of locomotives, (e)
inducing Railway employees to go on strike.
' ' Roads can be made useless by (a) barricades
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 61
of different kinds, (b) systematically destroying
motor-cars, bicycles and stores of petrol. All
these demolitions should be done as often and
in as many places as possible. Any considerable
gain in time from these causes would be of
extreme value.
" Always when possible fighting by day should
be avoided. Fighting by night in familiar
localities would offer advantages.
' ' No kind of weapon should be despised ;
certain farming implements can be turned into
formidable weapons. Thus (a) a hay fork is
quite as good as a rifle and bayonet in hand-to-
hand fighting, (b) a billhook, axe, graip, spade
or sledge-hammer, though inferior to a hay fork
may be formidable in close fighting at night, (c)
a scythe-blade securely lashed with wire to a pole
is equal to a hay fork.
" Sometimes it will be possible to destroy a
body of troops by a stone shoot, from which a
concentrated shower of great stones would be
discharged from a height.
" Every firearm should be utilized; a volley of
bird-shot in the face of a motor-driver will wreck
his car and stop any cars following it; so, too,
with rook rifles and revolvers. Good rifles
should be given to the best shots.
Supplies of Material, etc.
" Additional strong boots, warm overcoats
and the like should be laid in. Bicycles and
bicycle accessories should be procured in the
62 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
largest possible quantities. Preserved foods
should be procured in as large quantities as
possible. Any not able to be secured should be
destroyed the same rule applies to arms of all
kinds.
' Of other materials supplies of barbed and
plain wire, nails and staples, hammers, saws,
and axes would be useful for many purposes, and
stores of these should be laid in."
In the Reports for the year 1919 we find
evidence of the consolidation of the Sinn Fein
organisation and of the evolution of the Irish
Volunteers, or Irish Republican Army as this
body now begins to be termed, as a force
definitely at war with the Forces of the Crown.
The statistics of Indictable Offences (other
than those due to agrarian causes) for the whole
of Ireland demonstrate the growth of the
Republican Campaign. The following is an
extract of these statistics.
NATURE OF CRIME. 1917. 1918. 1919.
Murder
11
10
26
Firing at the Person ...
23
37
50
Assault with intent to murder . . .
3
2
11
Threatening letters or notices . . .
98
130
245
Intimidation otherwise ..
11
15
51
Injury to property
215
285
671
Firing into dwellings ...
28
29
58
Unlawful assembly
1
19
Injury to, or attempt to injure
or obstruct Railway Trains or
Highways
4
7
13
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 63
Some interesting reasons of a set-back in the
popularity of Sinn Fein during 1919 are given in
a report from County Kildare.
' ' Sinn Fein, to a certain extent, got a set back
in not being able to obtain a hearing at the Peace
Conference, and locally it lost power for two
reasons. First, its opposition to hunting in the
Spring, to which the Hunt Club retaliated by
stopping Punchestown Races which are greatly
appreciated and are a sort of County holiday.
Secondly, the labour strike in many cases found
Sinn Fein labourers opposed to Sinn Fein
employers and Sinn Fein tradesmen, and the
bad feeling that occurred has not in some cases
been forgotten. During the strike Sinn Fein
employers were of necessity on the same side as
Nationalist and Unionist employers and are still
more or less bound up with them over the labour
question.
' ' It is believed that if a General Election were
held to-morrow, Sinn Fein would not sweep the
polls as it did in 1918. The more level-headed
Sinn Feiners are not in sympathy with the
outrages in the South of Ireland, though many
of the young hot-heads are."
County Meath also reports a lull in the
outward and visible growth of Sinn Fein during
1919. " Sinn Fein cannot be said to have made
any marked progress during the year.
It is, however, probable that there are a larger
number of people imbued with Sinn Fein
tendencies than in 1918. The hope of
active assistance from America in obtaining
64 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
independence, which in many people's minds
means release from the present increased burden
of taxation, is probably responsible for this.
Patriotism and national aspirations have little
influence, except amongst a very small class."
It is in the Provinces of Munster and
Connaught that we find the greatest development
of Republican tendencies during this year.
In the East Riding of County Galway " The
Sinn Fein movement has advanced considerably
during the year, the large majority of the people
are Sinn Feiners, and the few who are not
are afraid to lift hand or voice against the
movement."
In the West Riding of the same county
' During the year the Riding was in a disturbed
and unsatisfactory condition. In many cases
where persons were brought to justice for
breaches of the Defence of the Realm Regulations
during the year they declined to recognise the
jurisdiction of the Court, stating that they were
soldiers of the Irish Republic and could not
recognise the law of any foreign Government.
In one case where a man was convicted and bound
to the peace for an offence against the Defence of
the Realm Regulations, because he gave the
required bail for his future good behaviour he
was expelled from the local Sinn Fein club for
three months.
" The police are looked upon with grave
suspicion, and marked unfriendliness is shown
to them in many places. The people are not
inclined to give them any assistance, and even
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 66
persons upon whom outrages have been
committed are not disposed to give the police
any information which might lead to the
discovery of the perpetrators of the outrages,
fearing that by so doing further outrages would
be committed upon themselves or their property,
and on the whole the police are receiving no
support from the people in the Riding."
' In County Clare Sinn Fein was practically
supreme at the opening of the year (1919).
. . . Its policy held full sway, and no person
dare act openly in opposition, except in the towns
of Ennis and Kilrush. A regular system of
terrorism was instituted against all persons
opposing it, with the result that the Sinn Fein
sway was tacitly acquiesced in by roughly 80
per cent, of the population of the County. Sinn
Fein has established Courts to settle disputes,
and the people abide by their decisions in nearly
all cases."
Towards the end of the year, signs were not
wanting that the turbulent situation was getting
beyond the official control of Sinn Fein. " Their
followers began committing outrages for their
own private ends, using the name of Sinn Fein
as a lever," states another report. " It is not
improbable that Sinn Fein may find that it has
let loose a spirit of unrest which may be a factor
in breaking its own power."
' The West Riding of County Cork has been
in a disturbed condition during the whole of
1919, and in the latter part of the year matters
have got worse. The condition of things is
F
66 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
directly attributable to Sinn Fein and the Irish
Volunteers. A system of universal terrorism
exists, and this prevents the law-abiding section
of the community from asserting itself or even
assisting the authorities in maintaining the
supremacy of the law and bringing offenders to
justice. The principal efforts of Sinn Fein and
the Irish Volunteers are directed against the
R.I.C., whom they regard as the chief obstacle
in their path, and who are now working under a
strain which is almost unbearable. Their
numbers are too small to deal with the existing
state of things, and everything possible is being
done by the Sinn Feiners and Irish Volunteers to
break their spirit. The ordinary processes of
the law are useless now. The people in general
will not give evidence in criminal cases, fearing
attack. The result is that the lawless section
commit crime and outrage with comparative
impunity, and police inquiries as to their
movements are met with a refusal to answer any
questions or make any statements. Under these
circumstances the police are fighting with their
hands tied and can achieve very little success in
spite of much hard work. No hope of any
improvement under present conditions is
anticipated.
' The members of the Sinn Fein organisa-
tion are usually young people filled with
revolutionary ideas," the same report continues.
* Farmers and shopkeepers are opposed to these
ideas, but, fearing the consequences, lack the
moral courage to express their true opinions
FROM REBELLION TO END OF 1919. 67
publicly. The activities of Sinn Fein and the
Irish Volunteers are now carried on secretly
owing to the proclamations suppressing them*.
The police in the Riding have done their best
to make the proclamations effective, and have
prosecuted and convicted a large number of
persons who were trying to carry on the work of
these two societies. The Irish Volunteers are
well organised in the Riding, and represent the
striking force of Sinn Fein for purposes of
violence and outrage. On 13th August 1919 a
training camp of the Irish Volunteer leaders in
the Riding, assembled at Glandore. It was
raided and dispersed by a large force of military
and police, and five of the ringleaders received
terms of imprisonment. I am afraid this
organisation has a strong hold on young men in
this Riding. . . . It is responsible for the
attacks on police and soldiers and arms raids
which take place from time to time."
Much the same is reported from the South
Riding of Tipperary. ' ' Crime has increased of
late to an almost alarming extent. The
beginning of the year was marked by the wanton
murders of two constables escorting explosives by
men masked and armed. t . . . This was the
beginning of the state of things that has led to
the terrorism of the whole country-side. . . .
The terrorists are young men, many of them tools
in the hands of more designing rascals."
* These Proclamations were made by the Lord Lieutenant
from time to time under the Act of 1881. (See page 188.)
t This was the Solo Head Beg outrage. (See page 142.)
68 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The figures of membership of Sinn Fein Clubs
on the 31st December 1919 are as follows.
Number of
Number of
Clubs.
Members.
Ulster
354
26,185
Leinster
342
24,315
Connaught
325
29,022
Munster
433
39,127
Totals 1,454 118,649
It must be remembered that in these statistics
' Ulster ' includes the whole geographical
province, not only the * Six Counties ' which
form the Ulster of the Home Rule Bill.
CHAPTER III.
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920.
In the two previous chapters something has
been shown of the forces which were at work at
the beginning of the year 1920. On the one
hand stood Irish Republicanism, represented by
Sinn Fein and its subsidiary organisations,
working through sedition, outrage, and alliance
with the enemies of the Empire towards an
impossible ideal an Irish Republic. On the
other hand stood the Government, anxious to find
a settlement of the age-long Irish Question which
should be acceptable to the majority of Irishmen,
and determined at the same time to fulfil its duty
of restoring law and order to a distracted
country.
There is no doubt that, even apart from
the obvious impossibility of allowing the
establishment of an admittedly hostile Republic
at the gateway of Europe, the majority of the
Irish people would not welcome a solution of the
Irish Question which involved the detachment of
Ireland from the British Empire. The status
of an Independent nation would undoubtedly
appeal to Irish sentiment, but nations cannot
exist upon sentiment alone, and the material
advantages of partnership in the Empire make a
70 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
stronger appeal to the mind of an agricultural
community than even sentiment. The problem
before the Government was therefore the
restoration of law and order, and particularly
the suppression of the campaign of murder and
terrorism, while at the same time proceeding
with a measure of Home Rule which would
satisfy the inarticulate majority, whose
existence was screened by the conspicuous
activities of the extremists. The history of
Ireland in 1920 will show the details of the
problem and the measures taken for its solution.
The year opened with the Municipal Elections,
in which Sinn Fein once more asserted its hold
upon the South and West. There can be no
doubt, however, that these elections did not give
a true indication of the real political aspirations
of the people. By its methods of intimidation
and propaganda Sinn Fein secured many votes
which it would otherwise have lost, and certainly
succeeded in preventing the recording of votes
adverse to it. But the result of the elections
was undoubtedly one of the causes that led to
the intensifying of the campaign of murder and
outrage. The Irish Volunteers, from their
Headquarters to individual officers, felt not so
much that they had the sympathy of the people
behind them, but that their influence was such
that their numbers were secure from capture,
because the majority of the people would not
dare to report their actions to the police. A
man who had committed a crime would be safe
so long as he continued " on the run." He
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 71
could move about from place to place, secure in
the knowledge that the local inhabitants would
not only refrain from revealing his whereabouts
to the police, but would afford him food and
shelter for so long a time as he cared to billet
himself upon them. And it was this sense of
security which alone made the continuance of the
outrage campaign possible.
Events showed that even in the capital city
of the country the escape of murderers was
connived at by the population. On the 21st of
January Assistant Commissioner Redmond, of
the Dublin Metropolitan Police, was murdered
while walking through the streets of Dublin from
his office at the Castle to the Standard Hotel,
where he was staying. Two shots were fired at
him in Harcourt Street, and he fell mortally
wounded. After the shots had been fired, two
men were seen running away from the scene,
but no attempt was made to stop them. Mr.
Redmond was a native of Newry, County Down,
and had been fifteen years with the Royal Irish
Constabulary in Belfast, as an officer in the
Detective Department. He had recently been
transferred to Dublin, and his murder was
undoubtedly part of a campaign to assassinate
anyone who might be suspected of endeavouring
to unearth the threads of the murder-gangs.
He left a widow and two daughters. At the
inquest, the jury found a verdict as follows :
' That deceased died from the effects of a bullet,
and we find a verdict of wilful murder against
some person or persons unknown. We wish to
72 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
express our abhorrence of the dastardly outrage,
and tender our deepest sympathy to the relatives
of the deceased."
On the 22nd January, 1920, the following
statistics of outrages were officially issued :
OUTRAGES ATTRIBUTED TO SINN FEIN.
Official Returns from 1st May, 1916, to 31st December, 1919.
Raids for Highway
Murder.
Firing
at the
Person.
Assaults
on
Rbbbery of,
Burglary for, and
Larceny of Arms,
Ammunition, and
I I
Firing
into
Dw'llings
I
1
Explosives.
S
3
o
00
4
c* o
tt
3
O
5
<O
o
_o .
S
"
c
H
*o **
C h*
Pu-g ^
B
.
<e
I !
n
1
3
"3
&
I!l
1 I |
.2 3
8" | |
M &
c
H
.S
si s
(2 5
"3 .
p^ o
111
1 1
ULSTER
1 2
3 5
1 5 40
15 40
9
13
134
LEINSTER
(includ
ing D.M.P. Di
strict)
6 1
15 4 2
33 4
6 20 127
14 48
4
30
115
429
CONNADGHT
1
523
4 1
5 60
11 39
1 9
36
28
205
MONSTER
11 1
29 7 7
6 7
13 37 275
30 152
2 25
105
54
761
TOTALS
18 2
50 13 14
46 17
20 67 502
70 279
3 38
180
210
1529
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 73
On 25th January a Proclamation was issued
from Dublin Castle offering a reward of 10,000
(double the amount previously offered) for
evidence to convict any of the offenders in five
cases of murder of Dublin Metropolitan Police
and nine cases of the Royal Irish Constabulary.
One thousand pounds was offered for secret
information.
The Proclamation gave the following names
of the victims :
D.M.P.
Detective Sergeant Patrick Smith.
Detective Constable Daniel Hoey.
Constable Michael Downing.
Sergeant John Barton.
Assistant Commissioner W. C. Redmond.
\
R.I.C.
Constable J. McDonnell, Co. Tipperary.
Constable Patrick O'Connell, Co. Tipperary.
Constable Martin O'Brien, Co. Limerick.
District Inspector Michael Hunt, Thurles.
Sergeant John Riordan, Co. Clare.
Constable Michael James Murphy, Co. Clare.
Constable William Agar, Ballivor.
Constable E. Bolger, Co. Cork.
Constable Luke Finnegin, Thurles.
During the early morning of 31st January, a
raid was made by the police, supported by troops,
74 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
with the object of arresting certain prominent
Sinn Feiners, who were suspected of seditious
acts. The raid took place simultaneously in the
City of Dublin and the counties Cork, Tipperary,
Limerick, and Clare. Some fifty men in all were
arrested and imprisoned.
In February the Curfew Order was made in the
Dublin Metropolitan Police District by the
Competent Military Authority under the Defence
of the Realm Regulations. This Order, which
was dated 20th February, came into force on the
23rd. It required every person within the
Dublin Metropolitan Police District to remain
indoors within the hours of 12 o'clock midnight
and 5 o'clock a.m. unless provided with a
permit in writing from the Competent Military
Authority or some person duly authorised by him.
Permits were granted to clergymen, registered
medical practitioners, and nurses engaged on
urgent duties. A warning was attached to the
Order to the effect that " every person abroad
between the hours mentioned in the Order, when
challenged by any policeman, or by any officer,
non-commissioned officer or soldier on duty, must
immediately halt and obey orders given to him,
and, if he fails to do so, it will be at his own
peril."
This Order had the required effect of keeping
undesirable people off the streets at night. The
hours included under the Order were varied from
time to time according to the hours of darkness.
On 5th March the Viceroy inspected detach-
ments of the Royal Irish Constabulary and
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 75
Dublin Metropolitan Police, and awarded
decorations for bravery and distinguished
service. His Excellency's speech on this occasion
throws a very clear light upon the conditions
existing at that time. Here are some extracts
from it :
' I am glad that it has been possible to hold a
joint parade of the Royal Irish Constabulary and
the Dublin Metropolitan Police. Both forces
have been fighting with the utmost gallantry
against a common foe who are sworn enemies of
law, order, and government, and whose cowardly
and diabolical methods have put the courage,
tenacity and endurance of the police forces to the
highest test.
1 I trust that the trying time through which
the two forces have passed during the last few
years, the splendid work they have done together
and the credit for Irish loyalty which they have
thus maintained, will ever bind them in bonds of
mutual regard and comradeship.
' On more than one occasion during the last
two years I took the opportunity to warn you
that you would certainly be subjected to still
greater tests of your loyalty, devotion and
courage. The autumn and winter which have
just passed by have proved clearly that these
warnings were not unnecessary.
' The most determined efforts have been made
to undermine your loyalty. Many of your
comrades have been foully murdered in the dark,
and outrages of every description have been
76 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
directed against the Dublin Metropolitan Police.
As regards the Royal Irish Constabulary your
barracks have been subjected to violent attacks in
all parts of the country, by men who sometimes
could be counted in hundreds, and who were
well armed with revolvers, rifles, bombs, and
explosives.
" During the last six months some thirty or
forty of these attacks have been made, but in
nearly every case they have been gallantly
repulsed by a handful of disciplined, determined,
brave men.
" You have had the most terrible disabilities
to contend against. Police barracks in Ireland
were never built with a view to defence against
such numbers and such weapons. Many of them
were erected a long time ago, so that buildings,
and even whole villages, have grown up round
them, which renders their effective defence a
matter of the utmost difficulty.
" Another terrible drag on you has been the
impossibility of inducing people who are other-
wise loyal to come forward and give information
to establish the guilt of these men.
" And here I cannot do better than quote the
words which were used by a great Irish judge
and lawyer, Lord Justice O'Connor, in his able
charge to the Grand Jury in Clare. The Lord
Justice said :
' What gives more reason for grave
reflection is the fact that the Government
have not the active co-operation of the people
in putting down crime of this sort. The
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 77
vast majority of the people, as I think,
disapprove of crime, but they do not
help to stop it. It is an extraordinary and
anomalous state of affairs, without a parallel
amongst any other of the white races
inhabiting the British Empire.'
* Before I conclude let me once more repeat
what I have so often told you the Irish
Government are just as determined as ever they
were to crush these forces which are fighting
against law and order, and I can assure you that
no effort will be spared, and no sacrifice will be
considered too great to give you every possible
help and support in carrying on this great work.
I feel sure that you will not allow the threats
and intimidation which are flung broadcast all
over the country to influence you, or to turn you
away from the performance of your duties."
During the month of March the Assizes were
held throughout the country, and the importance
of justice in the face of almost universal
terrorism became manifest. So great was the
intimidation practised that juries could not be
secured, witnesses dared not come forward to
give their testimony, and in many cases the police
could not secure evidence against the perpetrators
of crime.
Lord Justice Ronan, in his address to the
Grand Jury on the opening of North Tipperary
Assizes, said there were only three trivial
cases, arising out of a trade dispute, for their
consideration. If these trivial cases were not to
78 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
go before them they should have the mockery of
his being presented with white gloves, supposed
to show that the county was free from crime
and in an almost satisfactory condition. He
regretted to say that the figures and facts
supplied to him by the authorities told a far
different story. In the corresponding period last
year there were 8 specially reported cases,
and the number and class, taken on the whole,
were such as one would naturally expect in a
large community, but in the corresponding period
this year, for the number 8 they should
substitute the number 49, an increase of 41.
Moreover, these cases included 2 murders, 2
attempts to murder, 3 cases of wounding,
4 cases of robbery, and attempts to rob, 3
cases of arson, 3 reports of killing and
maiming cattle, 13 cases of malicious injury, 12
of threatening letters, 4 raids for arms, 2
attacks on police barracks, and 1 incident of
firing into a dwelling-house. This Lord Justice
Ronan characterised as a terrible record of crime,
and added that their County Inspector had told
him it extended practically over the whole
Riding, but that perhaps the worst area was that
around Thurles. Dealing with the fact that no
one had been made amenable for these crimes, he
said it was obvious that there could be but two
causes : one was that the people sympathised with
crime and the other that the community was so
terrorised that no one dared give evidence.
The state of affairs in North Tipperary was
typical of that existing over a great part of the
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 79
country, and many judges placed on record
opinions similar to those of Lord Justice Bonan.
It became evident that steps must be taken to
secure the operation of justice by some other
procedure than that of a Court of Law.
During the night of March 19th there occurred
an incident which produced a deep sensation
throughout Ireland, the facts of which have
never yet been satisfactorily determined. The
Lord Mayor of Cork at this time was Alderman
MacCurtain, a man of advanced Republican
views. He had taken a leading part in
organising the Irish Republican Army in Cork,
was implicated in the rising of Easter Week,
1916, and had been arrested and deported to
England in connection with that affair. Upon
his release he returned to his Republican
activities, and was eventually elected Lord
Mayor of Cork by a Sinn Fein majority of the
Corporation. After he had retired to bed on the
19th March, 1920, a loud knocking was heard
at the door of his house. His wife opened the
door, and was immediately brushed aside by
three or four armed men with blackened faces,
who made their way upstairs, knocked at
Mr. MacCurtain 's bedroom door, and called
upon him to come out. He did so, and was
immediately fatally wounded by revolver shots.
His assailants then made their escape, and it
was asserted that the sound of a motor-car was
heard as they did so.
An inquest was held, and after protracted
sittings a verdict was returned attributing the
80 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
murder to members of the police. It has since
been conclusively proved that no members of the
police were concerned in the attack, and the
matter remains at present a mystery. Many
theories have been put forward, of which two
would seem to contain the elements of a possible
solution. One of these is that certain members
of the Irish Republican Army had conceived the
idea that the Lord Mayor was about to reveal
certain details of their operations of which he
disapproved. The second is contained in an
article of the London Times of March 29th, 1920,
an extract from which is as follows :
' ' A well-informed correspondent writes : ' It
has now been ascertained that on the night of
1 7th- 18th March there was a meeting of the
Circle of the Irish Republican Brotherhood,
attended by the Lord Mayor of Cork, Alderman
Thomas MacCurtain, and other prominent
persons. At this meeting seven members of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood were expelled.
It is significant that one of the persons present
was shot after leaving the meeting, and that two
nights later the Lord Mayor was shot. It is
stated that at this meeting accusations were made
of infidelity to the cause of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood.' "
It may be noted that Mr. MacCurtain was
succeeded as Lord Mayor of Cork by Alderman
Terence McSwiney, the Commandant of the 1st
Cork Brigade, I.R.A.
On March 26th the world was horrified by the
murder of Mr. Alan Bell, a resident magistrate,
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 81
who was dragged from a tram in broad daylight
in the streets of Dublin, and brutally murdered.
The incident is dealt with elsewhere.* It is
mentioned here only to record the progress of the
Sinn Fein campaign of murder. Mr. Bell
was regarded as specially dangerous to that
organisation, as he was engaged at the time in
examining the relations between Sinn Fein and
certain Irish Banks.
The beginning of April witnessed a change in
the administration of Ireland. On 1st April it
was announced that Mr. Ian Macpherson had
resigned the office of Chief Secretary to the
Viceroy of Ireland, and two days later came the
further announcement that Mr. Macpherson
had been appointed Minister of Pensions in
succession to Sir Laming Worthington-Evans,
while Lieut. -Col. The Rt. Hon. Sir Hamar
Greenwood, Bart, K.C., had been appointed
Chief Secretary.
Sir Hamar Greenwood was born in Canada in
1870 of Welsh parentage. In 1895 he came to
England, studied law at Gray's Inn, and was
called to the Bar in 1906. In 1903 he had
adopted a parliamentary career, and three years
later was elected Member of Parliament for
York, sitting on the Liberal side of the House.
Defeated at the poll at the General Election in
January, 1910, in December of the same year he
stood for Sunderland, and was duly elected. He
has since represented this constituency without a
break. During the War, he commanded the 10th
* Page 224
82 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
(Service Battalion) the South Wales Borderers,
and served in that capacity in France. Having
been created a Baronet in 1915 for his
conspicuous success in the organisation of
recruiting, he was called to the War Office by
Lord Derby in 1916 and appointed Deputy
Assistant Adjutant General. In 1919 Sir Hamar
received his first Ministerial appointment as
Under-Secretary to the Home Office.
No happier choice could have been made for
the difficult and arduous post of Chief Secretary.
Ireland was rapidly drifting into anarchy, the
Government was fast losing its hold upon the
situation. Here was a man of world wide
experience in peace and war, not bound by
insular prejudice, capable of treating the Irish
situation and 'the Irish people without fear or
favour. Fear indeed was unknown to him,
perhaps his chief characteristic is an absolutely
fearless outlook upon difficulty and danger.
Above all, here was a strong man, a man who
had faced the world and knew his power ; a man
with the gift of work and of making others work
gladly for him; a man with a personality which
had the supreme power of inspiring confidence
when things seemed at their darkest. Even his
bitterest critics, in the height of their opposition
to his policy, have never denied his courage or
his ability; there is no one of them but has, at
one time or another, been forced often, perhaps,
against that critic's own will to acknowledge
the honesty of his purpose and the earnestness of
his determination to do that which was right.
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 83
This was the man who was called upon in April,
1920, to assume what seemed to many a hopeless
task. The months which have since passed bear
witness to his success.
Sir Hamar's appointment necessitated a bye-
election in his constituency, but of the result
there was never a doubt. On May 7th the result
was announced, and Sir Hamar was found to
have topped the poll with a majority of over
8,000. His message on this occasion was typical
of the directness of his outlook. ' The result of
the election is most gratifying. To have secured
such a majority (3,369) over the combined polls
of my opponents in a three-cornered fight is a
victory which gives Lady Greenwood and myself
the greatest encouragement in our task in
Ireland. The election was fought by me on the
Irish question, because I consider it the most
important question before the English-speaking
world to-day. The result is an emphatic vote of
confidence in the Coalition Government, and in
myself as Chief Secretary for Ireland."
Sir Hamar was right. It was a personal
triumph, a vote of confidence which has never
been misplaced.
At the time of the appointment of the
new Chief Secretary the question of political
prisoners was embittering feeling throughout
Ireland. In an endeavour to quell the rising
storm the Administration had arrested a number
of prominent Sinn Feiners. Of these a small
proportion had been convicted, others were
awaiting trial for various offences, and a large
84 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
number had been arrested on suspicion under the
Defence of the Realm Regulations.* These men
were lodged in Mountjoy Prison, Dublin, and in
Wormwood Scrubbs, London, and had gone on
hunger-strike. On April 12th Mr. Denis Henry,
the Attorney-General for Ireland, announced
that of the 151 so-called political prisoners in
Mountjoy 88 were on hunger-strike, and that of
these some were approaching the danger zone.
The hunger-strikers in Wormwood Scrubbs had
abandoned their tactics by this date.
The condition of the prisoners caused
grave concern throughout Ireland. Scenes were
witnessed outside Mountjoy Prison and Worm-
wood Scrubbs : the National Executive of the
Irish Labour Party and Trades Union Congress
called a general strike : Irish opinion of all
shades found itself for once in unison in
protesting against the retention of men against
whom no definite charges had been formulated.
Sir Hamar saw an opportunity for initiating a
policy of conciliation, such as would show the
majority of the Irish people that his attitude
was one entirely devoid of prejudice. By his
advice the Viceroy received the Lord Mayor of
Dublin on 14th April and informed him that
* Regulation 14b, which provides that the Chief
Secretary shall have power, on the recommendation of
the Competent Military Authority, to intern " any
person who is suspected of acting or of having acted
or of being about to act in a manner prejudicial to the
public safety or the defence of the Realm." An order
under this Regulation may require the person to whom
the order relates to reside or to be interned in any
place in the British Islands.
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 85
certain of the hunger-strikers in Mount joy
Prison could be released on parole for the
purposes of receiving medical treatment outside
the prison for periods to be specified in each case
by the Medical Officer of the prison. On the 15th
Mr. Bonar Law read in the House of Commons
a message from the Viceroy as follows :
" Following the O'Brien precedent, authority
was given to the Governor of Mount joy Prison
to liberate any persons awaiting trial or
deportation, who were certified by doctors to be
in imminent danger of death and requiring
treatment which could not be given in the prison.
Under this order, 66 prisoners have been released
on parole for periods differing in each case
according to their particular needs. I should
perhaps tell you that owing to a mistake made by
the Prison Authorities, some of these 66 men
were persons who had been convicted and
sentenced, and were in no way entitled to be
released on parole. I think this should be
expressly made known, so that such action will
not form a precedent. The whole action taken
in regard to the hunger-strikers was strictly
based on the decision in regard to ameliorative
treatment. The release on parole was never
intended to apply to cases of men who were
convicted after trial."
On the 20th the Irish Government issued a
statement to the press defining the status of these
prisoners and making clear the treatment which
would be accorded to them. This statement is
included at the end of this volume (Appendix C).
86 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
On May 17th General Sir Nevil Macready, who
had assumed command of the Forces in Ireland
on the 14th April, inspected men of the Royal
Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan
Police at the depot in Phoenix Park, for the
purpose of awarding the King's Police Medal to
ten members of the Forces.*
On May 15th General Tudor was appointed
Police Advisor to the Viceroy of Ireland, with
general supervisory powers over both Irish
police forces, and on the 24th the following
announcement was made :
' In order to relieve the pressure of work in
the Chief Secretary's Office the following
appointments have been made :
Sir John Anderson, K.C.B., Chairman of
the Board of Inland Revenue, to be Under-
secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, jointly
with the Right Hon. James MacMahon.
* The following extract from his speech on this
occasion will be of interest : ' ' In many cases the Police
Medal represents practically the V.C. of the Army,
because many of the deeds that a man wins the medal
for are deeds where he risks his life, and very often
is incapacitated, in doing his duty. Also the medal
has another feature, which I think no other medal has,
and that is on occasions it is given for long and
distinguished service as distinct from any actual deed
such as I mentioned just now. As an old Commissioner
of the Police I know how it is sought after. I know
how when one sees a policeman or constabulary man
with the blue and white ribbon on him one at once says,
' There is a man who stands out and has had the luck,
possibly, to make a reputation which makes him stand
out from his fellows/ and he wears a decoration which
every policeman is only too proud to have."
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 87
Mr. A. W. Cope, second Secretary of the
Ministry of Pensions, to be Assistant
Under-Secretary, on the retirement of Sir
John Taylor, K.C.B., who has completed
forty years' service.
" Sir John Anderson and Mr. Cope are
appointed to hold office during the continuance
of the present pressure of business, with the
intention that they should in due course resume
the exercise of their previous functions."
These appointments completed the reinforce-
ment of the Irish Executive, as far as the
higher posts were concerned. Certain minor
appointments followed until the Executive was
sufficiently staffed to deal with the enormous
amount of work thrown upon it by the disturbed
state of the country.
About this time began the very serious
situation caused by the refusal of Irish dock and
railway employees to handle * munitions, ' under
which heading they included all stores destined
for the police or military forces. On May 20th
the Dublin dockers refused to handle the cargoes
of vessels coming into the port laden with
military stores. On the 22nd the steamer
Polberg arrived at Kingstown with a consign-
ment of cars and stores for the troops at Cork.
The vessel was unloaded by a party of soldiers,
and the stores loaded into railway wagons, but,
acting under instructions from their leaders, the
drivers of the engine which should have taken
the train to Cork refused to act. The men's
leaders stated that they were acting on the same
88 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
principle as the English workers who had refused
to handle munitions consigned to Poland. It
was not until the 26th that the train was allowed
to proceed to its destination, and even then there
was no abandonment of principle. It appeared
that the railwaymen were under the impression
that the stores consisted of ammunition, but
upon inspection they discovered that they were
in fact nothing more than a consignment of
' bully-beef.' Instructions were given to the
engine-drivers by their leaders that they might
proceed with their duties, and the incident came
to an end.
But this did not alter the general situation.
The dockers on strike at the Port of Dublin
refused to return to work unless they were given
an undertaking that they would not be required
to handle munitions, while the employers
demanded an unconditional return. The result
was a complete deadlock. Attempts at
negotiation proved abortive. By the middle of
June the position was virtually the same. On
June 14th the President of the National Union
of Railwaymen made an attempt to find a way
out of the difficulty, but was unsuccessful.
Shortly after seven o'clock he issued the follow-
ing ' official ' statement :
' I communicated with the officials of the
L. and N.W.R. Co. yesterday and was informed
that Mr. Cotton was proceeding to London, upon
which I made the following suggestion : ' The
Company will agree that work will be resumed
on the basis existing prior to the commencement
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 89
of the dispute, and that in the event of any
question arising in connection with the carrying
out of the work, the Company's representatives
to meet representatives of the men with a view to
obviating any difficulty.'
' Mr. Cotton conveyed the suggestion and we
received to-day a reply from London as follows :
" ' General Manager to Cotton, North
Wall. Railway Companies are under statutory
obligations to deal with all traffic handed
to them, and cannot, therefore, discriminate
against any particular traffic. These obligations
must be carried out. The Company are quite
willing for the men to resume work on the basis
existing prior to the commencement of the
dispute, and the men can do so at once if they
agree to handle all traffic. (Signed) Williams,
Euston.'
' This was reported to the Strike Committee
this afternoon, who regretted that they could
not accept this position, and, unless anything
new transpires, the dispute will therefore go on."
A similar statement was also issued from the
Company's office.
Commenting upon the situation generally, the
President* of the N.U.R. said :
' I am not disposed to place all the blame for
the breakdown of the negotiations upon the
Company, as, in my opinion, they are acting
under instructions from the Government. I have
nothing to confirm this except my own point of
view, but it does appear to me that the Govern-
* His name was Cramp.
90 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
inent are refusing all offers of conciliation such
as I have made, and are thus forcing the issue."
The strike hit every section of the community
in Ireland except the Government, who were
able to use their own vessels, their own labour,
and their own motor transport to convey such
material as they chose to any part of Ireland. As
a measure against the enforcement of law and
order, which was undoubtedly its intention, it
failed utterly. That the men realised this is
proved by the extension of their embargo to the
conveyance of troops a few days later. However,
this matter is dealt with at some length
elsewhere,* and its effects need not be referred to
here. It is merely another example of the
perverse effects of Sinn Fein teaching, the result
of which has always been to bring ruin upon the
very country for which it professes to be fighting.
During the early part of the year the Sinn Fein
organisation endeavoured to ingratiate itself
with the mass of the people by establishing
' Courts,' which were widely advertised as
dealing out justice to Republican litigants who
refused, under pressure of intimidation, to
recognise the legal courts. These Sinn Fein
courts sat irregularly and in many cases in
secret. In most cases they were in fact merely
arbitration courts, and, as such, within the law.
In a few cases they dealt with offenders brought
before them on various charges, and sentenced
these offenders to fines and ' banishment ' from
their homes for various periods. They seem to
* Chapter IX.
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 91
have existed mainly for propaganda purposes,
in order to afford evidence that Sinn Fein was
capable of government. That the leaders of the
movement put no faith in them as genuine
instruments of justice is shown by their actions
on several occasions. Of these, one of the most
interesting is the case of a cinema proprietor in
County Meath, which is worthy of a brief
account.
On August 8th this gentleman wrote to
Alderman Murphy asking for his advice in the
following circumstances. In October, 1919, he
returned a box of films to an agent in Belfast,
but the Railway Company lost the box and were
unable to trace it. The agent served him with a
writ for 60, the value of the films. The further
recital of his difficulties is in his own words :
" I of course will have to pay this, or some
amount for the loss of the films. I must defend
the case to show I delivered the films to the
Railway Company, and also to ascertain the
actual value of the films. Then I must go for the
Railway Company. This is what I want you to
assist me in. Can I take the Railway Company
into a Republican Court ? I am quite sure they
would refuse to recognise our Courts, but suppose
they do, and that I can establish my claim against
them in our Courts, are we in a position to recover
the agreed amount from the Railway Company ?
I am sure that you can find out all particulars,
and will you kindly let me know as early as
possible? '
Alderman Murphy wrote across the top of this
92 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
letter " Please give this matter your immediate
attention and oblige " and sent it to the ' Local
Government Department ' of Dail Eireann, the
4 Government ' of Sinn Fein. The ' Minister for
Local Government ' copying, perhaps uncon-
sciously, the practice of less idealistic Govern-
ment Offices, minuted it to the ' Secretary for
Home Affairs ' as follows :
41 A Chara,
Enclosed letter has been sent me by Alderman
Murphy. I expect as it is a law question your
Department ought to deal with same. May I
take it that you will inform Alderman Murphy ?"
Some days later the ' General Secretariat '
returned the correspondence to Alderman
Murphy, with the following minute :
" A Chara,
The Secretary for Home Affairs has asked
me to write to you in connection with the attached
letter, and to say that in this case the applicant
may sue the Railway Company in the British
Courts."
A very pretty little comedy, and one that
shows better than pages of reasoned argument
the opinion of the " Secretary for Home Affairs"
concerning his own Courts.
The progress of the campaign of outrage was
very rapid during the first six months of 1920.
The whole question of outrage is dealt with in
Chapter VIII., and it will therefore be unneces-
sary to do more than mention the subject here.
The following figures give an idea of the rapid
increase in murder and destruction. Only such
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 93
outrages as were directly attributed to the
Republicans are included.
From the 1st January, 1919, to the end of
June, 1920, the totals of various forms of crime
are as follows :
Court-houses destroyed ... ... ... 33
Vacated R.I.C. barracks destroyed ... 351
Vacated R.I.C. barracks damaged ... 105
Occupied R.I.C. barracks destroyed ... 15
Occupied R.I.C. barracks damaged ... 25
Raids on Mails 98
Coastguard Stations and Lighthouses
raided 19
Police killed 66
,, wounded 79
Soldiers killed 5
,, wounded ... 2
Civilians killed 15
,, wounded . ... 41
It has been shown (page 62) that during the
years 1917 and 1918 the cases of murder and
assault with intent to murder, for the whole of
Ireland, numbered 14 and 12 respectively. The
above table shows that from the 1st January,
1919, to the end of June, 1920, these crimes
numbered 208.
The most ominous feature of this increase in
outrage was the fact that outside Ulster the
voice of the people remained silent. Such were
the measures of intimidation employed by the
Republicans that no man dare speak his mind
about the tragedy which was overtaking the
94 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
country. Dail Eireann, the self -constituted
' Government of the Irish Republic,' although
it never acknowledged openly its opinion of
brutal murder, must yet be held responsible for
it, since never did it utter a word of protest or
take any steps to repress it. It pointed to the
Irish Republican Army as a body of gallant
soldiers at war with the Forces of the Crown,
obliged in self-defence to carry out definite
military operations. The notorious Michael
Collins, ' Adjutant General of the Irish
Republican Army ' was indeed a member of An
Dail, in his capacity of ' Minister of Finance.'
Terence McSwiney, Commandant of the First
Cork Brigade, I.R.A., and Lord Mayor of Cork,
was another of its members. It is impossible for
Sinn Fein, as a political aspiration, to dissociate
itself from the operations of the murder-gangs,
while the men who by their own showing were
responsible for the operations of these gangs
were the elected representatives of the Sinn Fein
party.
This fact it was that made impossible direct
negotiations between the British Government
and the representatives of Sinn Fein. The
most essential preliminary to the opening of
negotiation must be the cessation of outrage.
Had Sinn Fein guaranteed this cessation, it
would have confessed itself responsible for the
direction of outrage and murder, and the
Government would have been invited to grasp a
hand red with the blood of Government servants.
Nor did Sinn Fein dare to repudiate its
THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF 1920. 95
own familiars, and denounce their policy of
assassination. Terrorism is a double edged
weapon, apt to recoil upon the persons of those
who wield it. The leaders of the murder-gangs
were desperate men, and desperate men are no
respecters of persons where their own safety is
concerned. The opposition of Dail Eireann
could and would have terminated the murder
campaign, but not before the murderers, driven
to bay and feeling the halter already about their
necks, had wreaked a fearful vengeance upon
those who had first encouraged and then betrayed
them. The grim tragedy of MacCurtain, and
of many more found done to death with the
ominous notice ' ' Spies and informers beware ! ' '
pinned to their clothing, conveyed a warning
which none dare disregard.
CHAPTER IV.
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920.
The events of the latter half of the year 1920
are of too recent occurrence for it to be necessary
to set them down in chronological order. Every
reader of the newspapers is aware that by the
autumn of 1920 the Irish question had resolved
itself into a struggle between the Government
and the forces of disorder, a struggle in which
the Government was steadily asserting its
supremacy. It will be sufficient for the purposes
of this book to deal with certain of the leading
events of the period, selecting those events which
have had a definite effect upon Irish affairs, or
which illustrate the condition of the country at
this time. Certain aspects of the situation are
dealt with in the succeeding chapters at greater
length than would be possible in a brief review.
The following table will give some idea of the
extent to which outrage is being committed by
the Republicans. The figures include only those
crimes known to have been carried out by
members of the Republican organisations, and
omit certain minor forms of outrage, such as
intimidation, cattle-driving and the like. They
do not include casualities in Ulster rioting
during the period. An account of these latter
will be found in Chapter XII.
1
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Courthouses destroyed
R.I.C. vacated Barracks des
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R.I.C. occupied Barracks dc
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Raids on mails
Raids on Coast-guard Static
Lighthouses
Raids for arms
Policemen killed
wounded
fired at, disarme
Soldiers killed
wounded
fired at, disarmed
Civilians killed
,, wounded ...
Total number of outrages ea
98 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
These figures deserve some comment. Dealing
first with the total number of outrages in each
week, it will be observed that these increase
towards the beginning of September, and then
decrease fairly regularly. The total number of
outrages committed is a rough measure of the
numbers of people engaged in committing them.
The reason of the fluctuation is probably that
during the increase the perpetrators of outrage
were encouraged by the comparative safety with
which their depredations were being committed.
As the police and troops became more expert in
stamping out crime, the more faint-hearted of
the desperadoes found their courage forsaking
them, and abandoned a pursuit which involved
risk of capture. It will be observed that it is
what we may term minor outrage that accounts
for the greater part of the fluctuation, while
major outrage remains comparatively constant.
The smaller men became frightened by the danger
of arrest, while the really desperate characters,
those for instance who specialised in murder,
knowing that they must ultimately be ' rounded
up ' and could not escape the penalty of their
crimes, continued their career of assassination,
careless whether they were hanged for a sheep or
for a lamb.
The statistics of arrests and court-martials
bear out this theory. They are as follows :
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 99
Arrests Courts-Martial.
Week ending Number. Numbers Held. No. of
Convictions.
Aug.
7th ...
48
,,
14th ...
59
8
8
> j
21st ...
37
2
2
,,
28th ...
32
13
12
Sept.
4th ...
49
16
15
j >
llth ...
89
25
20
lf
18th ...
47
39
33
j >
25th ...
133
31
21
Oct.
2nd ...
64
72
50
9th ...
42
78
71
s
16th ...
71
44
36
j >
23rd ...
74
24
15
,,
30th ...
84
77
70
Nov.
6th ...
49
29
25
13th ...
110
52
41
s
20th ...
137
40
29
5
27th ...
189
39
25
Dec.
4th ...
58
43
35
>}
llth ...
130
70
60
jj
18th ...
66
54
39
,,
25th ...
66
53
48
Jan.
1st
216
48
36
It will be observed that the arrests and
convictions show a progressive increase. This
is more clearly shown by comparing the arrests
for the months with the total number of outrages
during that month. In August, the percentage
of arrests to total outrage was 30. In September
100 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
it was 15, a figure affected by the extraordinary
outbreak of raiding for arms during that month.
If we exclude raids for arms and arrests for that
offence, the percentage becomes 49. In October
it rose to 67 per cent. It must not be thought
that these figures give a measure of the
percentage of offenders arrested, as many
offenders may participate in a single crime.
But they do show how the chances of arrest of
offenders have increased, and it is just this
chance which deters the more faint-hearted
among the perpetrators of outrage.
There is another most important factor which
has acted as a deterrent against crime. In the
past it has been the Government's policy to
release hunger-strikers when their condition
became sufficiently serious. This is not the place
to discuss the wisdom of that policy. It was
decided upon in the hope that clemency towards
criminals would result in the birth of a more
generous outlook in Ireland upon the aims of
British government in that country. This hope
proved illusory. Instead of the Republicans
welcoming these releases as a sign that the
Government were disposed to deal with the Irish
Question in a sympathetic manner, and for that
purpose to waive their rights upon a point which
produced acrimony, they hailed them as a great
victory for their cause, as a sign of the weakness
of the Government, and as an encouragement
to the continuance of the campaign of outrage.
There was therefore no alternative before the
Government but to break once and for all the
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 101
policy of the hunger-strikers. It had become an
open boast of any Irish criminal that he had but
to endure a certain amount of discomfort m
order to secure his release, and that therefore this
discomfort was the only penalty he need pay for
any crime which he cared to commit. Further
than this, the forces of law and order were
discouraged from the performance of their duty.
What, they argued, was the use of enduring
great hardship and undergoing grave risk of
death in order to capture a criminal who
forthwith secured his release by hunger-striking
and returned to the scene of his crime, to mark
down for murder the men who had effected his
arrest ? From any point of view it was obvious
that release by hunger-striking must be ended,
and that without delay.
The full consequences of this decision
must be realised. The weakness of previous
administrations both in England and Ireland,
bowing before the menace, had created a
mischievous precedent. It had become almost
an accepted principle that a convicted person
had only to threaten suicide in order to evade
his or her sentence. Sentimentalists of every
shade of opinion were ready upon the slightest
provocation to proclaim such persons as martyrs
for their cause, however ridiculous such a cause
might be. Sentiment is nowhere more rampant
than in Ireland, and the Government were faced
by a dilemma : either to render justice a farce
and release criminals who indulged in a more
or less genuine hunger-strike, or to retain
102 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
such men in custody and incur the wrath of
sentimentalists.
To a man of the strength of mind of Sir Hamar
Greenwood there could be no hesitation between
these two courses. The upholding of justice
was the first need of Ireland, and any policy
which tended to weaken it was unthinkable.
Further, putting sentiment aside, the attitude
of the hunger-striker was indefensible. A man
who takes measures to end his life is a suicide,
whether he takes poison or abstains from taking
anything. The manner in which he takes his
life has no bearing on the justification of the act.
It is the duty of a Government holding a person
in custody to take every precaution against that
person committing suicide, but the argument
that it should release him lest he should evade
those precautions is untenable. The spectacle
of the long drawn out agony of a brave man
determined to die in this manner may be pitiable,
but it is no argument for his release. It must
never be forgotten that the remedy is in his own
hands.
It was not long before the Government were
called upon to face a case of this nature which,
from the standing of the criminal, attracted the
attention of the whole civilised world. On the
12th August, 1920, Terence McSwiney, Lord
Mayor of Cork, member of Dail Eireann and
Commandant of the First Cork Brigade of the
Irish Republican Army, was arrested at the City
Hall, Cork. McSwiney was then 37 and was a
teacher by profession and a native of Cork. He
THE LATTER HALE OF 1920. 103
was a highly educated man with a fanatical
hatred of all things British. Formally a teacher
under the Department of Agriculture and
Technical Instruction, he afterwards became a
paid organiser of the Irish Volunteers in Cork
City. He attended the meeting of the executive
of Irish Volunteers in Dublin prior to the
Rebellion, was interned after the rebellion, but
was released in December, 1916. He was again
arrested on February 22nd 1917 and deported
to England, but was released in June 1917,
whereupon he resumed his Volunteer activities
in Cork, wearing the uniform of the Irish
Republican Army. He attended the Sinn Fein
Convention in Dublin in October, 1917, was tried
by District Court Martial at Cork on November
16th 1917 for illegal drilling and wearing
uniform, and was sentenced to six months'
imprisonment, but was released on hunger-strike
five days later. On December 12th 1917 he was
again wearing uniform and drilling in Cork;
accordingly he was re-arrested on March 10th
1918 and committed to Belfast Gaol. On
completing his sentence he was deported to
England and interned at Lincoln.
During his internment he was elected
unopposed for Mid- Cork and was released from
Lincoln on March 17th 1919. He attended
meetings of Dail Eireann and accompanied the
Irish- American Delegates to Limerick on the 8th
May. On October 5th 1919 he was found
holding a meeting in Macroom Sinn Fein Hall,
to organise a collection for the Republican Loan,
104 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and a receipt for a volunteer application fee was
also found on him. On the 26th October he held
a similar meeting at Ballingeary. On the 30th
March 1920 he was elected Lord Mayor of Cork
after the murder of Thomas McCurtain the
previous mayor. Prior to this he was reported
to have been a member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee of Dail Eireann. On the 16th
August 1920 he was tried by District Court
Martial at Cork on charges under Regulations
22a and 27 of the Defence of the Realm. He
was found guilty under Regulation 22a of having
a cipher under his control, and under Regulation
27 of having in his possession two documents the
publication of which would be likely to cause
disaffection to His Majesty, and was sentenced
to two years' imprisonment without hard labour.
According to the evidence, the City Hall at
Cork was searched by the Military Authorities
on the 12th August. In a desk used by the
accused was found a secret cipher issued to the
Officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary for use
as from the 28th July 1920. In a shed at the
back of the City Hall, where the accused and ten
other persons were assembled, was found a
decoded cipher message sent on the previous day
by a police officer in Cork to an official in Dublin.
There was no question of McSwiney's right to
possession of the cipher in his capacity of Lord
Mayor. The cipher was for police use only,
and was issued only to officers of the R.I.C.
In McSwiney's desk were also found :
(1) A sealed typewritten copy of a resolution
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 105
passed by the Corporation of Cork acknowledg-
ing the authority of Bail Eireann as the duly
elected Government of the Irish people.
(2) Typewritten notes for a speech, containing
the following passages : ' Our first duty is to
answer that threat in the only befitting manner
by showing ourselves unterrified, cool and
inflexible for the fulfilment of our chief purpose
the establishment of the independence and
integrity of our country, the peace and happiness
of the Irish Republic. To that end I am here.
' If the present aggravated persecution by our
enemies could stop us voluntarily in the normal
discharge of our duties, it would help them very
materially in their compaign to overthrow the
Irish Republic now established and functioning
according to law notwithstanding the English
Army of Occupation.
' Our spirit is but to be a more lively mani-
festation of the spirit in which we began the
year to work for our City in a new zeal, and
because of our initial act we had dedicated
it to the Republic, and formally attested our
allegiance, to bring by our administration of the
city glory to our allegiance, and by working for
our city's advancement with constancy in all
honourable ways in her new dignity as one of the
first cities of the Irish Republic, to show our-
selves eager to work for, and if need be, to die
for, the Irish Republic.
"Facing our enemy we must declare an attitude
simply. We see in their regime a thing of evil
incarnate. With it there can be no parley
106 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
any more than there can be a truce with the
powers of Hell. This is our simple resolution
We ask for no mercy and we will make no
compromise."
In the City Hall was found at the same time
a letter addressed to McSwiney in his capacity
of Commandant 1st Cork Brigade I.R A. from
the Republican ' Director of Munitions '. This
letter is quoted in full on page
At the Court Martial McSwiney objected " To
the whole Court as being an illegal Court not
assembled by the Irish Republic." He refused
to plead, and his refusal was treated as a plea of
Not Guilty. After the finding of the Court,
upon being asked if he wished to address the
Court, he replied : " I have decided that I shall
be free alive or dead in a month, as I will take
no food for the period of my sentence. ' '
He was transferred to Brixton Gaol on the
16th August, to undergo his sentence. He had
been on hunger-strike since the date of his arrest,
and it became evident that his hunger-strike was
to be a trial of strength between all arrested
Republicans and the Government. Appeals
were made for his release from many quarters;
many of these appeals being made by persons who
hardly understood the principles involved. The
Government's reply to one of these appeals, made
by the Labour Party, contains passages which
put forward very clearly the reasons that made
his release impossible.
" The Lord Mayor was one of the leaders of
the Irish Republican Army, which has declared
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 107
itself to be at war with the Forces of the Crown,
and according to his own written word in one of
the seditious documents for possession of which
he was convicted, he and his followers were
determined to pursue their ends, asking for no
mercy and making no compromise. He was
arrested while actively conducting the affairs of
a rebel organisation under cover of a Mayoral
Court. Had he been taken at his word and dealt
with as an avowed rebel, according to the
universal practice of civilised nations he would,
having regard to the circumstances of his
capture, have been liable immediately to be shot.
Instead he was tried by a legally constituted
tribunal, sentenced to a moderate term of
imprisonment, and given at once all the
privileges of a political prisoner.
' From the moment of his arrest he thought to
defeat the ends of justice, and to reduce the
Forces of the Crown to impotence by refusing
food, no doubt in the belief that that course
would lead to his speedy release. It is the clear
duty of the Government not only to take every
step possible to suppress disorder in Ireland, but
also to protect those brave men who are carrying
out their duties as servants of the Crown, in
daily peril of their lives. To release prisoners
who, like the Lord Mayor, have been guilty of
complicity in a movement which uses as one of
its main instruments assassination and outrage
would be nothing short of a betrayal of those
loyal officers on whose devotion to duty the
fabric of social order in Ireland rests. Since the
108 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
arrest of the Lord Mayor fifteen officers have been
brutally and treacherously done to death without
even a chance of defending themselves. Surely
the sympathy which has been given in such full
measure to the Lord Mayor, whose condition has
been brought about by his own deliberate act, is
due rather to the bereaved widows and families
of the murdered Irish Policemen. The Govern-
ment fully realise how large a part sentiment
plays in all human affairs, and if it were
possible they would gladly have taken the
attitude of the English King who said of an
opponent ' He is determined to make himself a
martyr and I am equally determined to prevent
it.'
' Greatly as the Government sympathise with
those who desire to see peace and order restored
in Ireland they cannot take a course which, as
the Prime Minister has said, would inevitably
lead to a complete breakdown of the whole
machinery of law and Government. The policy
of the Government has been made clear from the
outset, and if the Lord Mayor dies in prison the
responsibility will rest in some degree upon those
who by their repeated appeals have encouraged
the belief that the Government would prove
insincere in their determination, and the hope
that notwithstanding all declarations to the
contrary his misguided action would eventually
lead to his release."
The Press were quick to realise that the
retention of McSwiney was no act of mere petty
spite, but was due to a decision based upon the
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 109
highest policy. The result was the issue of a
Manifesto to the English Press by the relatives
of McSwiney through the Irish Self -Determina-
tion League in London, an organisation which
had issued bulletins as to McSwiney 's condition.
This document, which is as follows, exhibits,
better than any other evidence could do, the
political capital which was being made out of
the slow death of a brave man, even by his nearest
relatives.
For Publication. With the Compliments of
Art O'Brien.
\
THE LORD MAYOR OF CORK.
No more information to be given to the English
Press.
' The following is a statement by the relatives
of the Lord Mayor in reference to the campaign
of mis-representation in the English Press :
' The progress of the agony of the Lord Mayor
of Cork, symbolising as it does the age-long
struggle of his country for her freedom, has day
by day increased the interest and, what is more
important, the knowledge of the Press and People
of Europe, America, Australia, Africa, and
110 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Asia, not alone in the Lord Mayor, but also in
the cause which he advances by his suffering.
' At the commencement of the struggle in
Brixton Prison, most of the organs of the English
Press (then apparently not subject to any
particular Government control or instruction on
this subject), treated the matter fairly, or as
fairly as could be expected, in their columns.
As the interest of the public in England was
stirred by the reports in the Press, and demon-
strations were taking place nightly in front of
Brixton Prison, the English Government got
apprehensive, and, at a certain stage, the Chief
Commissioner of Police issued a note to the
members of the Newspaper Proprietors' Associa-
tion asking them, should certain information
come to their knowledge, to withhold it from
publication. Therefore statements given to the
Press by the relatives and friends of the Lord
Mayor were, in the case of many of the English
papers, distorted from their proper meaning,
and, in many instances, absolutely false reports
were given, words and statements being
attributed to the relatives and friends which
they had never used or made. The Lady
Mayoress, Miss Mary McSwiney, Miss Annie
McSwiney, and Father Dominic (the Lord
Mayor's Chaplain) have all been victims of this
campaign of falsehood, and have all been obliged,
on more than one occasion, to write letters of
contradiction to the papers concerned. These
letters have, at times, not been published, or have
been bowdlerised beyond recognition.
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. Ill
" As the interest of the struggle of the Lord
Mayor extended itself to the four quarters of the
earth, and as the eyes of the world thereby got
more and more riveted on the struggle between
Ireland and England, the English Government
got still more apprehensive and greater efforts
have been put forth in an endeavour to counteract
the telling effects made by the statements of the
relatives and friends of the Lord Mayor. Higher
authorities than Scotland Yard have taken a
hand in the attempt to discredit the relatives
and to confuse the issue.
" The Home Office, in other words the
Secretary of State for Home Affairs, has issued
statements, which where not false, are purposely
misleading. The same authority has further
inspired statements in the English Press, as, for
instance, in the case of the Evening News for
20th September, which gave figures from an
* Authoritative Source ' which are only available
for publication to the Home Office. This same
report also suggested that the health bulletins
published by the friends and relatives of the Lord
Mayor were not true. The report further
contained statements in reference to the Lord
Mayor which were false and misleading. A
letter sent to the editor of the Evening News,
controverting these statements and challenging
him to produce his ' authoritative source ' and
asking for the same prominence to be given to
this letter as to the original report, was not
published.
" The circumstances related above have
112 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
gradually made it quite evident to the relatives
and friends of the Lord Mayor that a deliberate
campaign of misrepresentation and falsehood
has been engineered by the English Government,
and that the English Press is allowing itself to be
used as an instrument of this campaign. In
these circumstances, the relatives and friends of
the Lord Mayor have decided that, after the issue
of this present statement no further information
either by personal interview, written bulletin or
otherwise will be given to any organ of the
English Press, or to any English News Agency.
They will, however, continue to issue bulletins to
the Foreign Press and Foreign Agencies.
' In arriving at this decision, the relatives
have taken into account that some organs of the
English Press have resisted the attempts of their
Government to make them the instruments for
this despicable campaign. In order, however, to
make it still more clear that this struggle is one,
not between individuals, but between the two
nations of Ireland and England, they deem it
advisable to break relations with the English
Press organisations as a whole. The torture,
agony, and slow murder of the Lord Mayor
affects the honour of the nation to which the
English Press belongs and, just as the Chief
Commissioner of Police issued an instruction
to the Members of the English Newspaper
Proprietors' Association to suppress certain
news, so now the relatives of the Lord Mayor
leave it with the members of that Association to
protect the honour of their nation and to deal
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 113
with the case of the Lord Mayor on those
grounds.
Signed :
MURIEL McSwiNEY, LADY MAYORESS OF CORK
MARY McSwiNEY, SISTER OF LORD MAYOR
ANNIE McS WINE Y, ,, ,, ,, ,,
JOHN McSwiNEY, BROTHER OF LORD MAYOR."
It is hardly necessary to remark that the
allegations concerning the influencing by the
Government of the opinions of the English Press
are ridiculous, and show a strange ignorance of
the freedom of expression enjoyed by the English
newspapers.
McSwiney died at 5.30 a.m. on the 25th
October, despite every effort on the part of the
prison authorities to keep him alive and induce
him to take food. He had from the first been
given every possible attention and comfort. He
was constantly attended by a nurse, and his room
was specially kept at the most favourable
temperature for prolonging life. The spectacle
of a strong man deliberately committing slow
suicide with the direct encouragement of his
friends despite every effort of those whom he
styled his ' enemies, ' the British Government, is
one of the saddest examples of the utter confusion
of thought of the Republicans.
The lack of animus on the part of the Govern-
ment was shown by the fact that McSwiney's
funeral cortege, decked with every conceivable
i
114 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Republican emblem, and escorting a coffin upon
which was an inscription in Republican terms,
was allowed to pass publicly through the main
streets of London in the middle of the day.
Naturally, however, such an incitement to
rebellion could not be permitted in Ireland
without grave risk of disorder endangering
innocent lives. The funeral party were
therefore informed during their journey to
Holyhead that a special steamer had been placed
at their disposal to convey the body direct to
Cork, together with twenty of the mourners and
the guard of honour. The purely political
outlook of the Republicans on the whole pitiful
incident was then once more shown. The guard
of honour and McSwiney's relatives preferred to
proceed direct to Dublin in order to take part in
the celebrations which had been prepared there
in expectation that the coffin would be landed
at Kingstown; whilst the body of Terence
McSwiney was allowed to proceed to Cork
unattended by mourners, and under the care of a
party of the R.I.C.
The day prior to McSwiney's arrest, eleven
prisoners in Cork Gaol had begun hunger-
striking in order to secure release. These men
were awaiting Court Martial for various
offences, and adopted the method of abstension
from food in order to render themselves unfit for
trial. The official statement upon the matter
is as follows :
' In the statement on the subject of the
hunger-strike at Cork Prison, issued to the Press
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 115
on 16th August, it was made clear that
prisoners on hunger-strike awaiting trial who
were arrested either in the act of making
murderous attacks upon police or soldiers, or
upon direct and clear evidence of complicity in
such attacks, or for other very serious offences,
will not be released unless, after trial, they are
acquitted of the offence with which they have
been charged; and that if, in consequence of
their voluntary abstension from food, they
render themselves unfit to take their trial, the
Government must disclaim responsibility in the
matter; but that, on the other hand, it has been
decided temporarily to release from custody a
certain number of prisoners awaiting trial for
less serious offences.
' In view of the fact that many of those who
began hunger-strike on llth August are now in
such a state of health that it has been necessary
to postpone the trials fixed for them, the Govern-
ment think it right, in order that there may be
no misunderstanding as to their action, to make
public the offences with which they are charged,
and the circumstances in which they were
arrested.
' Michael Fitzgerald. This man is charged
with having murdered Private Jones at Fermoy
on September 7th last. He was duly committed
for trial, and at Cork Assizes on 21st July last
a true Bill was found against him, but it was
impossible, owing to the absence of jurors, to
proceed with the trial. He will be tried at the
earliest possible moment.
116 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
" John Power. On the night 6th August a
military patrol near Fethard alleges that it found
three men, of whom John Power was one, lying
behind a hedge with two guns and cartridges
from which the shot had been extracted and
replaced by heavy lead slugs. He is awaiting
trial by Court Martial.
' Thomas Donovan, Matthew Reilly, John
Crowley, Peter Crowley, Christopher Upton.
On the night 16th July a party of police entering
Ballylanders were heavily fired upon from
several houses. They returned the fire, where-
upon a patrol of military and police near by
came to their assistance, entered the houses from
which it is alleged the police were being fired
upon, and arrested several men one of whom was
seriously wounded. These men are awaiting trial
by general Court Martial in connection with the
occurrence.
' Michael Burke. This man was arrested on
9th August, and it is alleged that he was found
in possession of an automatic revolver, which
had been taken from Constable Maloney, who was
in company with Sergeant Tobin when Tobin was
murdered. Burke lives about three miles from
the scene of the murder. He is awaiting trial
by Court Martial.
" John Hennessy. This man is charged in
connection with an attack by a party of armed
men on a military lorry at Inchimore on 28th
July last. The lorry was captured and burnt.
He is awaiting trial by Court Martial.
" Joseph Murphy and Joseph Kenny. These
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 117
men were arrested on various dates and it is
alleged that they were in possession of arms or
ammunition. They are both awaiting trial by
Court Martial."
Michael Fitzgerald died on the 17th October
and Joseph Murphy on the 25th. But the
firmness of the Government showed the futility
of prolonging the struggle. On the 12th
November Mr. Arthur Griffith, the ' Acting
President of the Irish Republic,' wrote a letter
to the Lord Mayor of Cork, McSwiney's
successor, in which he said " I am of the opinion
that our countrymen in Cork prison have
sufficiently proved their devotion and fidelity,
and that they should now, as they were prepared
to die for Ireland, prepare again to live for her."
This letter was transmitted to the nine surviving
prisoners, who immediately consented to receive
nourishment.
The prompt obedience to the terms of this letter
show that the official heads of the Sinn Fein
Movement are solely to blame for the deaths of
McSwiney, Fitzgerald, and Murphy. If they
could terminate the hunger-strike when they did,
they could have done so as soon as it became clear
that the Government would not give way upon
the question, and so could have saved the lives
of their followers. It is impossible to avoid the
conclusion that Sinn Fein were determined to
encourage the deaths of these men, in order to
proclaim them martyrs for propaganda purposes.
It is a poor cause which would treat its most
devoted adherents so callously.
118 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The case of Archbishop Mannix caused some
sensation during the early part of August. The
Archbishop had long been a fomenter of discord
in Australia, where he had made several speeches
directed against the British Empire and the
Government. In July he reached America,
where he repeated his oratorical tirades, and
finally announced his intention of landing in
Ireland. He embarked on the Baltic at the
end of the month, amid a display of enthusiasm
by Irish sympathisers in New York, with the
intention of landing at Queenstown. Owing,
however, to the danger of the smuggling of arms
and ammunition into Ireland, the Government
had issued an order that eastward-bound liners
from America were not to call at Queenstown, and
this order did not come into operation until after
the Baltic had sailed from New York. Prepara-
tions were made by Republican sympathisers in
Liverpool to welcome Dr. Mannix on his arrival
there, and it seemed likely that considerable
disorder would take place, as anti-Republicans
had expressed their intention of interfering with
the demonstration.
It was impossible to allow Dr. Mannix to land
in Ireland, for by so doing fuel would only have
been added to the fires of unrest. A destroyer
was therefore sent to intercept the Baltic, and
Dr. Mannix was transferred to her and brought
to Penzance, from which port he proceeded to
London.
The incident caused a considerable amount of
excitement in Dublin. Bonfires were lighted in
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 119
many places throughout the City on the 9th
August in honour of the Archbishop, and as a
demonstration against his exclusion from
Ireland. A patrol of soldiers and police found
a party of men round one of these fires after
Curfew hour, and attempted to effect their
arrest. The men refused to halt when
challenged, with the result that one of them was
shot and died almost immediately afterwards.
This incident had the unfortunate effect of
causing an outburst of feeling against the troops,
who had not hitherto been interfered with. On
the night of August 13th several attacks were
made on detached parties of soldiers, one man
being thrown into the Liffey and only rescued
with difficulty; and in consequence of this a
number of soldiers quartered in the Castle broke
out and attacked a hostile crowd with the handles
of their entrenching tools. A few stray shots
were fired at them as the crowd ran away, but no
casualties occurred.
Both the McSwiney and Mannix incidents
were not without their sinister influence upon an
event which might have been the most important
in recent Irish history, the meeting of the
' Peace Conference " in Dublin on August 24th.
The importance of this Conference is such that
the circumstances attending it may well be
described at some length.
It is one of the most conspicuous tendencies of
the Irish character to mistrust any offer coming
from the British Government, and to attribute
any catastrophe, from Sinn Fein outrage to the
120 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
failure of the potato crop, to the machinations
of that Government. There is consequently no
doubt that a solution of the Irish problem
emanating from the Irish themselves would stand
a far better chance of acceptance in Ireland than
an alternative solution (although possibly more
favourable to the Irish) emanating from the
British Government. This has always been
universally recognised, and by no one more clearly
than the Prime Minister. On many occasions
he has endeavoured to secure from the responsible
body of Irish opinion some proposals for Irish
self-government upon which a settlement could be
based. On July 22nd he stated to a Labour
deputation that he would be prepared to
negotiate with any representative body of Irish
opinion. Early in August he suggested to a
deputation of Unionists from County Cork
that they should endeavour to crystallise Irish
moderate opinion for the purpose of formulating
definite proposals for Irish Home Rule.
Symptoms were not wanting throughout the
South that such a course would be acceptable to
many individuals and schools of thought. The
net result was the appearance in the Irish Press
of the following advertisement :
THE IRISH PEACE CONFERENCE.
INVITATION.
" To all who desire PEACE rather than
WAR in Ireland, and who are in sympathy with :
THE RECENT RESOLUTION OF THE DUBLIN CHAM-
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 121
BER OF COMMERCE, THE ACTION OF THE CORK
DEPUTATION TO THE PRIME MINISTER, THE RECENT
RESOLUTION OF THE DEPUTY-LIEUTENANTS AND
MAGISTRATES OF QUEEN' S COUNTY, THE RECENT
RESOLUTION OF THE UNIONIST ANTI-PARTITION
LEAGUE,
and who are willing to take part in a Conference,
free from all entanglement with any political
party, association, league, or group, with a view
to securing a firm offer of National Self-Govern-
ment to the People of Ireland.
THE CONFERENCE WILL BE HELD ON
TUESDAY, 24TH AUGUST.
Please apply for tickets without delay.
PLEASE NOTE
1. Place and hour of meeting will be
notified later.
2. Applications for tickets cannot be
answered until the tickets are
actually posted towards the end of
this week.
Write to
The Hon. Secretary,
Irish Peace Conference Offices,
13, St. Stephen's Green, Dublin.
The Conference met on Tuesday, 24th August,
and it seemed as though the destiny of misfortune
that is claimed for the Irish presided over its
122 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
birth. The preceding week-end had witnessed
one of the worst periods in the campaign of
murder, no less than seven members of the police
having been assassinated in widely different
parts of the country. The McSwiney hunger-
strike and the Mannix incident had aroused
many sections of the community to a state of
mind which was hardly conducive to a discussion
of peace. The Restoration of Order Act had
just come into force in an atmosphere tainted
with wilful misunderstanding. And, beyond
these disturbing influences, there was a brooding
feeling that the opportunity was lost, that the
moderates, in allowing the country to be captured
by Sinn Fein, had forfeited their right to speak
as the mouthpiece of the Nation.
But, notwithstanding the misfortunes which
surrounded it, the Conference was not entirely
hopeless from its inception. It was quite as
representative in its composition as could have
been expected, and the most significant feature
of it was that it was called together not by
invitation sent to individuals, but by general
advertisement in the Press. This was striking
evidence of the earnestness of the desire for
peace by those who attended it. Another
feature was the fact that the assembly contained
leading converts from both extremes; for
instance, Lord Shaftesbury from extreme
Unionism, and Mr. Sweetman, one of the
original founders of Sinn Fein.
The Sinn Fein organisation, while taking no
part in the Conference, showed tacit consent to
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 123
its convening. It is believed that Irish
Volunteers were present in order to prevent
interruption or disorder by individual Sinn
Feiners. The Lim,erick Leader, the Sinn Fein
organ of the Irish town most in sympathy with
Sinn Fein, declared that ' A Peace Conference
in Ireland without representatives of the
majority of the people may be looked upon as
staging Hamlet with the part of the Prince of
Denmark omitted, but no one can deny that the
lead given in this Conference to Irish Moderates
is sound, and no Irishman can deny the influence
of the men who formed the meeting.' On the
other hand, the Unionist Belfast News Letter
stated that ' Irish peace is something for which
any person in Ireland with any feeling of
responsibility is hungering.'
The Conference must be regarded as an earnest
effort on the part of moderate men to find some
basis upon which an equitable and lasting settle-
ment of the Irish constitutional question could be
founded. Among those present were Sir Horace
Plunkett, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Sir Stanley
Harrington, Lord MacDonnell, Captain Stephen
Gwynn, the O'Connor Don, Col. Sir T.
Hutcheson Poe, Sir Nugent Everard, Lord
Monteagle, Lord Athlumney, Sir Algernon
Coote, Mr. Thomas Lough, Sir Thomas Grattan
Esmonde, The High Sheriff of Dublin (Alderman
Dr. McWalter), Sergeant Hanna, K.C., and Mr.
John Sweetman. The last-named gentleman
was one of the original founders of Sinn Fein,
but he is not now connected with that party.
124 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The following resolutions which were proposed
by Lord MacDonnell were carried with few
dissentients :
' 1. That in the judgment of this Confer-
ence, the grant of full Nationalist self-
government within the Empire can alone
bring peace to Ireland, and that complete
administrative, fiscal and financial
independence is the decisive test and
characteristic of National self-govern-
ment.
' 2. That this Conference welcomes the
acceptance by North East Ulster of the
principle of self-government, and
repudiates the coercion by armed force of
any part of Ireland, and that while
expressing its unalterable repugnance to
any form of partition of Ireland, it
recognises that in any negotiation
concerning the relations of North East
Ulster to the rest of Ireland, the former
must be " accorded the status of a free
contracting party.
"3. That the grant of such National self-
government, which is wholly different
from the provisions of the Bill for the
Better Government of Ireland at present
before Parliament, is quite compatible
with the Prime Minister's recent
declaration of the Government's Irish
policy."
In submitting the above resolutions Lord
MacDonnell stated that he accepted the two
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 125
limitations laid down by the Prime Minister on
the Government's willingness to re-open the
discussion of the Irish Question, viz. : that the
demand for an Independent Republic could not
be considered and that there should be no coercion
of Ulster. On the latter point, however, he
claimed that it was not inconsistent with the
special treatment of Ulster that Ireland should
have complete administrative, fiscal and financial
authority over her own revenue.
The proposals embodied in these resolutions
were regarded by many of the speakers as
committing the Conference to the adoption of
the policy of Dominion Home Rule ; but this view
was resisted by Sir Horace Plunkett, who
advised that they should be discussed and
accepted without reference to any particular
scheme for giving them practical effect. The
most important criticism came from Lord
Shaftesbury who, while expressing himself as
otherwise in general agreement with the
proposals, held that the declaration in the second
resolution regarding Ulster's acceptance of the
principle of self-government was an over-
statement of fact, and from Mr. Sweetman, who
urged that instead of putting forward a state-
ment of agreement on general principles the
Conference would be better advised to endorse a
practical suggestion which had been made by
Lord Hugh Cecil for ascertaining the wishes of
the Irish people and for giving effect thereto if
they should prove to be compatible with the
security of the Empire. The suggestion referred
126 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
to was that the Government should withdraw
their present Bill and substitute therefor a Bill
to set up a Constituent Assembly in Ireland,
empowered to formulate and present to Parlia-
ment a Bill which would represent whatever
measure of agreement could be attained by the
Irish people themselves. Lord Hugh Cecil
proposed that this Constituent Assembly should
be elected on a basis of proportional representa-
tion, and Mr. Sweetman urged that in addition
it should be free to present any plan it pleased,
including a plan for making Ireland an
independent Republic, and that no oath of
allegiance should be required from any member
of the Assembly. It was apparently Mr.
Sweetman 's idea that proposals of a moderate
and conciliatory character were more likely to
come from an assembly which was absolutely
unfettered than from a body working under
prescribed restrictions.
A resolution urging the immediate release of
the Lord Mayor of Cork in the interests of
conciliation was carried unanimously at the
commencement of the proceedings of the
Conference, and later the following resolution
proposed by Mr. Thomas Lough was also
carried :
' That this Conference calls upon the Govern-
ment in the interests of peace, and in order to
create a suitable atmosphere for a policy of
general appeasement upon the lines indicated in
the preceding resolutions, to abate forthwith the
stringency of the policy of repression and to
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 127
adopt a policy of amnesty, and pledges itself, if
a truce be thus begun, to assist in the formation
of local Committees of Conciliation for the
purpose of furthering the cause of local and
general pacification."
The Conference concluded its proceedings by
electing a Standing Committee to communicate
the resolutions passed to the Prime Minister and
the Cabinet, with full power to take such other
steps as they might deem necessary to give effect
to the resolutions, and to reconvene the Confer-
ence if necessary.
A deputation from the Standing Committee
then waited upon the Lords Justices in Dublin
Castle to lay before them the resolutions passed
by the Conference appealing for the release of
the Lord Mayor of Cork and other political
prisoners. The deputation was received by the
Lord Chancellor, General Macready, and the
Under Secretary (Sir John Anderson) who under-
took to forward the terms of the resolution to
the Government.
It will be observed that nothing tangible
resulted from the sitting of the Conference, but
it was hoped that the Standing Committee would
produce more definite proposals. On the larger
issue, it became daily more obvious that any such
Conference must be regarded as of a purely
academic interest so long as no abatement could
fo discovered in the campaign of outrage. And
unfortunately during the weeks following the
Conference this campaign increased rather than
diminished in intensity. Though the Moderates
128 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
might desire a settlement of the Irish Question
which would be acceptable to the British Govern-
ment, they were powerless to restrain the lawless
minority determined to make any form of settle-
ment impossible. And so the Conference passed
into history, having failed to prove that it
represented any body of Irish opinion which
would justify the Government in altering the
terms of the Government or Ireland Bill.
CHAPTER V.
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920 (Continued.)
We may now revert to the question of the
punishment of offenders against the peace. As
will be seen by reference to the figures given on
page 99, the numbers of arrests and courts
martial have steadily increased. Until the
Restoration of Order in Ireland Act came into
force (see page 412) courts martial were held
under the Defence of the Realm Regulations and
varying sentences were imposed. Courts martial
in Ireland are precisely regulated by the
provisions of military law, and these are such as
to give every possible security to the accused, as
will readily be admitted by all who have any
knowledge of court martial procedure. In many
cases the records of the courts reveal new
phases of the activities of the Republicans. A
few recent examples of such courts martial may
be of interest.
Cornelius McNamara of Blackboy, County
Limerick, was sentenced by a district court
j
130 ADMINISTEATION OF IRELAND.
martial held at Cork on September 15th to six
months' imprisonment without hard labour, for
an offence under Regulation 27 D.R.R. The
evidence showed that the accused, at Garryowen
on July 17th, when engaged with four or five men
in making a house-to-house collection, was
searched by the police and a manuscript found
in his pocket as follows :
Boycott of the R.I.C. No. 6.
' Volunteers shall have no intercourse with
the R.I.C., and shall stimulate and support in
every way the boycott of this force as ordered by
the Dail. Those persons who associate with the
R.I.C. shall be subjected to the same boycott,
and the fact of their association with and
toleration of this infamous force shall be kept
public in every possible way. Definite lists of
such persons in the area of his command shall be
prepared and retained by each Company,
Battalion and Brigade Commander."
William Tynan of Ballybrittas, Queen's
County, was tried before a district court martial
held at Dublin on the 18th September, 1920, for
offences under Reg. 27, Reg. 79, and Reg. 18
R.O.I.R. and Reg. 9AA D.R.R. The evidence
showed that on searching the premises of Thomas
Tynan, the father of the accused, a .number of
documents and eleven sporting cartridges were
found, alleged to belong to the accused. The
documents included the following :
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 131
" IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY."
To Commandant. Brigade Headquarters.
Battalion.
A Chara,
You will furnish answers to the accompanying
queries.
Brigade Adjutant.
Subject " Police Boycott "
Query. Reply.
1 . How has boycott been declared
in your area?
2. What are the visible results of
Boycott Order?
3. Do general population speak
to members of the R.I.C. ?
4. Has a list been compiled of
persons who are " friendly "
with the police?
5. Are police forced to com-
mandeer supplies?
6. Have merchants been ordered
to refuse supplies ?
7. What steps have been taken to
deal with persons who disobey
the Order?
8. Have you any suggestions to
offer as a means of intensi-
fying the boycott in your Area ?
132 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
A copy of An T'Oglac, the official organ of the
Irish Volunteers, containing the following
passage was also found :
" Some of the failures to take police barracks
were excusable; some were inexcusable. There is
not a barrack in the country that cannot be taken
if proper methods are employed, but no fortified
building was ever taken by firing rifle shots at it
from a distance. Volunteers who go out on such
an attack must go out with their minds made up
that they are going to win. In the lexicon of the
Volunteers there must be no such word as
' fail.' "
The accused, who refused to recognise the
Court, was found guilty of the charges under
Reg. 27 R.O.I.R. and Reg. 9AA D.R.R., and
sentenced to be imprisoned with hard labour for
eighteen months.
John Cottrell, of Graigue-na-managh, County
Kilkenny, was tried by a District Court Martial
which assembled at Cork on the 17th September,
1920, for an offence against Reg. 27 of the
R.O.I.R. The evidence showed that on a search
being made of the licensed premises of Mr. Joyce,
Maine Street, Graigue-na-managh, on 24th
August, 1920, there were found in a room
upstairs some photographs of the accused and a
waistcoat in the pocket of which was a paper
signed " Kit " to the following effect :
" I am going to Ballymurphy and will be back
as soon as possible, if you think we could take the
barrack send for all the Innistiege men. I am
going to Growran to-morrow so arrange for nine
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 133
more men with cycles or a waggonette, make the
usual collection at Parade to-night and use your
own judgment in all things. ' '
The accused, who refused to recognise the
Court, stated that he had never seen the paper
before. He was found guilty and sentenced to
imprisonment with hard labour for one year.
Patrick Landers of Listowel was tried by a
District Court Martial held at Limerick on the
21st September, 1920, for offences against
Regs. 27 and 79 R.O.I. R. The evidence showed
that on searching the bedroom of the accused on
the night August 12th/ 13th in Mrs. Nolan's
public-house at Listowel, a number of documents
were found including confidential R.I.C. reports.
The accused was arrested on 3rd September, and
when searched found to be in possession of the
following documents :
" Gentlemen, Monday, August 9th, 1920.
At a meeting of the Batt. Council of the North
Kerry Battalion, I.R.A., held on yesterday, it
was decided that * should any solicitor refuse to
take the oath of allegiance to Dail Eireann before
entering a Parish or District Court, he is not to
be allowed to plead at any of these Courts.'
Should any solicitor be allowed to act who
refuses to take the oath, the services of the
Volunteers will be immediately withdrawn.
(Signed) P. LANDERS, Listowel.
J. SUGRUE, Listowel.
S..GRADY, Lixnaw."
The accused refused to recognise the Court,
134 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
but stated that the above letter was a copy and
not written by him. He was found guilty of an
offence against Reg. 27 R.O.I.R., and sentenced
to 12 months imprisonment without hard labour.
James Cullen was sentenced to three months'
imprisonment without hard labour by a District
Court Martial held at Cork on 28th September,
1920, for having in his possession, contrary to
Regulation 27 R.O.I.R., a copy of the official
organ of the Irish Volunteers containing the
following :
' Arrival of English Cavalry.
In view of the arrival of English Cavalry
Regiments in Ireland the Company Captains of
the Irish Republican Army in areas where these
Cavalry units are quartered will immediately
take steps to give their companies a thorough
training in fighting against mounted troops.
The following suggestions for their guidance will
be found instructive :
1. The engagements in '98 at Old Kilcullen,
Saintfield, Tubberneoring, and Ballyellis should
be carefully studied and explained to the men.
They were all victories of badly trained and
badly armed men, but determined and well
handled infantry over cavalry.
2. The men will be taught to select ground
unsuitable for cavalry, to improve that ground
by spikes and other handy obstacles, and to act
in formation so offering no suitable mark for
cavalry attack.
3. Attention will be directed to the possibility
of ambushing mounted columns on the march
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 135
especially at night and the helplessness of
horsemen in such circumstances.
4. Care must be taken to impart instruction
for dealing with single horsemen or small
mounted bodies. In this respect the men must
be trained individually.
5. The individual infantry man must be
instructed in the use of all weapons against
cavalry. Especially is it necessary to understand
how to disable or disorganise the horses.
6. Action against the led horses when all or
some of the cavalry dismount is also to be studied.
7. English cavalry are not instructed in how
to use their fire-arms with effect when mounted;
they are thus vulnerable unless able to deliver a
charge.
8. If the mounts of a unit include a number
of mares in season, the neighbourhood of a
stallion will occasion disorder. In 1870 a French
Cavalry regiment horsed with Arab stallions
caused considerable trouble in Lorraine. Com-
pany Captains are recommended to map out
their scheme of instruction beforehand which
will make for clearness and brevity."
Shamus O'Neil, John O'Keefe and Edward
McGrath were charged before a district court
martial held at Cork on 1st October, 1920, with
unlawful assembly, and under Reg. 79, R.O.I.R.
with doing an act calculated to promote the
objects of an unlawful association. The accused
refused to recognise the Court.
The evidence showed that at Blackcastle, Co.
136 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Tipperary, on the 15th September, 1920, at about
3-30 p.m., a mounted military patrol saw men
running out of a farm outhouse. In giving chase
military were shot at. Fourteen bicycles were
found in an adjacent wood, also a haversack
containing intelligence reports and some 50
rounds of ammunition. The documents included
the following :
Intell. Dept.,
1st Batt.
Tipp. No. 3 Bde.
" To BDE CHIEF OF INTELL. 4^920.
1. Orderly LIMERICK JUNCTION reports that
a patrol of 6 peelers from JUNCTION BKS. patrol
the main road on three nights each week.
Patrols are termed " RISING PATROLS." They
leave Brks. between 12 midnight and 3 a.m.
The Sgt. in charge of Brks. always accompanies
patrol. Patrol generally goes out on SATURDAY
and SUNDAY nights and one night during week.
Orderly can have moved at 7 p.m. any night this
patrol is going out. LT Qp INTELL
2. Despatch rider for yesterday didn't arrive
back yet. It is rumoured that two were captured
yesterday and are in military Brks. here. If
our despatch rider was captured, the names of
Coy., Capts. and all officers in Stn. 8 were got on
him as well as all BDE. Adjts. papers.
(Sgn.) L.O.I."
John O'Keefe stated that he ran in a spirit
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 137
of self preservation. Shamus O'Neil stated that
he did not consider case proved. Edward
McGrath stated he had never seen the haversack.
The accused were found guilty of the second
charge and sentenced to imprisonment with hard
labour for a period of two years.
Bernard Mallon and Michael Mallon, of Derry-
chrin, Eglish, Patrick Crawford, of Coalisland,
and Thomas Morris, of Moneymore, Co. Tyrone,
were charged before a District Court ^Martial
held at Londonderry on the 15th October, 1920,
with offences under the D.R.R. and R.O.I.R.
The evidence showed that when the house of
Bernard Mallon, senior, at Eglish was searched
on the morning of 15th September, a loaded
revolver was found under the bed which had been
occupied by Bernard Mallon, junior, and Michael
Mallon. Immediately outside the window of
another room occupied by Patrick Crawford and
Thomas Morris a second revolver was found
also loaded. In a coat which Thomas Morris
afterwards put on, a letter was discovered
addressed to a car owner in the district, in the
following terms :
" H.Q., SINN
Co. Derry, FEIN
I.R.A. 9 CREST.
To. ...
You are hereby ordered not to drive any more
Police or Military. Failing to comply with same
you will be doomed and not your car as
compensation would have to be paid by that
138 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
district. So you have now been put under
observation by the I.R.A.
Any further report of your misconduct will
lead to your death.
H.Q.,
Co. Derry,
I.R.A."
All the accused refused to recognise the Court.
They were found guilty of having fire-arms and
ammunition without a permit. Morris was also
found guilty of an offence under Reg. 27
R.O.I.R. The two Mallons and Crawford were
sentenced to imprisonment with hard labour for
eighteen months. Morris was sentenced to
imprisonment with hard labour for two years.
We may refer here to the court martial on
Kevin Berry which created some attention at the
time owing to the fact that it was the first court
martial in Ireland on a capital charge which
resulted in the hanging of the accused. The
circumstances were as follows :
On the morning of the 20th September an
unarmed ration party from Collinstown Camp
called at Monk's Bakery in Upper Church Street,
Dublin, with a motor lorry, in order to draw
bread for the troops. The party consisted of
a non-commissioned officer, a driver, and two
fatigue men, and was accompanied by an
armed escort of six men. They reached
the bakery at 11 o'clock, and the n.c.o.
and two fatigue men went into the passage
leading into the bakery, leaving the lorry
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 139
in charge of the armed escort. While they
were absent four men dressed in ordinary
civilian clothes were seen walking down Church
Street. When these men came up to the lorry
they produced revolvers and shouted to the escort
to put their hands up and to hand over their
arms. As they did so they opened fire, with the
result that one man of the escort, Private
Washington, was shot dead, and two, Privates
Whitehead and Humphries, mortally wounded in
the abdomen. These two men were subsequently
removed to hospital and operations performed,
in the course of which a bullet fell from Private
Whitehead 's body. The operations were un-
availing, and the men died the same day.
Having fired upon the escort, some of the
attackers rushed up the street, being joined by
other men.
Meanwhile in the bakery itself the ration
party had been attacked. One of the
privates was wounded in the ankle, the other
in the elbow. The latter stated that as he was
going up the passage he heard shouts of " Hands
up ! " and on turning round saw fifteen or twenty
men firing at the lorry. The n.c.o. managed to
get back to the lorry and arm himself with a
rifle. He then found a man lying underneath
the lorry with an automatic pistol in his hand.
This man was arrested and proved to be Kevin
Berry, or Barry, a ' corporal ' in the Irish
Republican Army and a medical student. He
was taken to the North Dublin Union, and there
he stated that he had been ordered by an
140 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' officer/ presumably of the Irish Republican
Army, to attack the lorry that morning and to
seize the arms and ammunition of the escort.
Kevin Berry was tried by general court martial
at Dublin on the 20th October, charged with the
wilful murder of Privates Whitehead, Washing-
ton, and Humphries, of the Duke of Wellington's
Regiment. The case concerning Private White-
head was taken first. Berry refused to be
professionally represented, and declined to
recognise the Court or to make any statement.
In the course of the evidence two members of the
escort identified the accused as one of the men
who fired into the lorry, and as having actually
fired the shot which killed Private Washington.
The bullet found in Private Whitehead's body
corresponded exactly with those found in Berry's
pistol, which showed evidence of having been
recently discharged. Berry was found guilty of
the wilful murder of Private Whitehead, and
accordingly the charges concerning the other two
murdered men were not proceeded with. The
Court sentenced the accused to be hanged, and
the sentence was duly confirmed.
Many appeals were made for reprieve, chiefly
based on the fact that Berry was only eighteen
years of age. The plea was invalidated by the
fact that the murdered men were only a year or
two older. The Army in Ireland is a young
army, and the murderers have never allowed this
consideration to hinder assassination. For
instance, Private Squibb, of the Hampshire
Regiment, murdered at Cork on August 8th,
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 141
1920, was only seventeen at the time. The sen-
tence on Berry was duly carried out at Mount joy
Prison, Dublin, on the 1st of November at 8 a.m.
The records of some of the leaders of the
murder organisations will serve to illustrate the
type of man with which the authorities are called
upon to deal. Michael Collins, the ' Adjutant
General ' and chief of the Irish Republican
[Army, is a member of Dail Eireann, having been
elected for South Cork, and is responsible for the
administration of its finances under the title of
Aire Aergid, or Minister of Finance. He is thus
a definite link between An Dail and the murder
gangs. He is the son of Michael Collins, a small
farmer of Woodfield, near Rosscarbery, County
Cork, and was born in 1890, being educated at
the National School. He left home at the age of
twenty, lived for a while at Cork, and then went
to London, where he was employed in the Sorting
Branch of the General Post Office. Fear of
conscription drove him from England. He
returned to Ireland in March, 1916, and became
'
a clerk to a firm of Chartered Accountants
in Dublin. He took part in the Easter
Week rebellion, was subsequently interned at
Frongoch, but was released in December, 1916.
Returning to Dublin, he became secretary to the
Sinn Fein organisation, also acting secretary to
the Irish National Aid Association, a body
formed to assist rebel prisoners and their
relatives. He also became Adjutant General of
the Irish Volunteers, and personally commanded
the Volunteer Guard on the occasion of the
142 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
funeral of O' Donovan Rossa in Dublin.
Collins spent the greater part of 1917 touring
the country and making turbulent and seditious
speeches. At Skibbereen he stated publicly that
the policy of the Volunteers was to punish
British military or police officers if any harm
was done to Volunteer officers. He addressed
meetings in uniform at Longford, and made a
speech urging that police barracks should be
attacked and arms seized. For this speech he
was summoned and returned for trial. He gave
bail but did not appear, and a warrant was issued
for his arrest. He has been ' on the run ' ever
since.
Daniel Breen, for whom a reward of 1,000
was offered, is a criminal of a somewhat different
type. He is an active member of the Irish
Republican Army, in which he holds the rank of
Commandant of the Third Tipperary Brigade.
He was formally a labourer, and is now 27 years
of age. He first attained notoriety in criminal
circles in 1919, in connection with the Solo Head
Beg outrage. This was the first murder of
members of the Royal Irish Constabulary since
the Easter Week rebellion of 1916. On 21st
January, 1919, two constables, James McDonnell
and Patrick O'Connell, were escorting a car
carrying gelignite for use in Solo Head Beg
Quarry near Tipperary. They were ambushed
by six or seven armed men, of whom Breen was
one, and shot dead, the gelignite being stolen.
Breen is suspected of complicity in many other
murders, the latest of which is the murder of
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 143
Major Smyth and Captain White at Drumcondra
on the llth October, 1920.
Breen's immediate associate, John Tracy, the
Vice- Commandant of the Third Tipperary
Brigade I.R.A., was shot dead during a raid by
the troops on notorious Republican premises in
Talbot Street, Dublin, on the 14th October, 1920.
He first appeared publicly in 1917, when De
Valera visited Tipperary. Tracy on this
occasion commanded a Volunteer ' Guard of
Honour ' in uniform. He was prosecuted and
sentenced to imprisonment, but secured his
release by hunger-striking. He was concerned
with Breen and another man named Hogan in
the Solo Head Beg affair, and had been ' on the
run ' ever since. Hogan was arrested and taken
to Thurles police barracks. Tracy and his
accomplices attacked the escort which was con-
veying Hogan to prison at Knockalong Railway
Station, murdered two of the escort, and rescued
Hogan. Tracy was next concerned in the attack
at Oola on the mail lorry in which General Lucas
was escaping from the hands of the Sinn Feiners.
A soldier died of wounds sustained in this affair.
In endeavouring to escape from Talbot Street he
committed his last murder, that of one of the
soldiers engaged in his arrest. He was shot dead,
and a clip of pistol cartridges with dum-dum
bullets was found in his pocket.
Towards the end of the year there was strong
evidence that the failure of the murder campaign
to achieve the desired result had caused a great
144 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
weakening of the influence of Sinn Fein. This
evidence may well be summarised here, but before
this is done it must be pointed out that this
weakening of influence is not in itself sufficient
to end the murder campaign. At the head of
the terrorists are many men who could not hope
to escape the capital penalty should they be
captured, and these men will strain every nerve
to wreck the course of justice before they meet
their inevitable fate. Desperate deeds continue
to occur, but Ireland as a whole has no sympathy
with them, and there are signs that widely
differing opinions in the country are combining
to put an end to them. And it is only when
public opinion refuses to tolerate outrage that
true peace can be restored.
The main heads of evidence concerning the
crumbling of Sinn Fein authority are, very
briefly, as follows :
The Sinn Fein Courts (referred to on page 90),
although instituted with a great flourish of
trumpets, were soon proved to be inefficient and
incapable of enforcing their findings. The people
lost confidence in them and preferred to bring
their cases before the legally constituted British
Courts. A short experience of Republican
judicial practice had taught them that in this
respect at least Sinn Fein was incapable of carry-
ing out its undertakings.
The failure of the campaign against the police
was so marked that even the most fervent
supporters of Sinn Fein could not fail to notice
it. Far from the numbers and morale of the
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 145
Police Forces diminishing, they increased at an
unexpected rate. The figures of strength of the
Forces alone are sufficient to show this. The
total strength of the R.I.C., including the
Auxiliary Division of Temporary Cadets, was,
on the 19th September, 9856. By November 21st
it had risen to 11,766. On the same date the
strength of the Auxiliary Division alone was 969,
as a result of some five months' recruiting.
The Force was enabled to extend from its
concentration, and to re-occupy stations from
which it had previously been withdrawn.
During the year it had become the policy of
Sinn Fein to induce the local authorities to
withdraw their allegiance from the Local
Government Board and to recognise only the
authority of Dail Eireann. This policy soon
proved futile, and many leading local authorities
realised that their only chance of effective
working was alliance with the British
authorities. During November, for instance,
County Galway Council*, which had proved
recalcitrant for some months, issued instructions
to their rate collectors to place all moneys to the
credit of the legally constituted treasurer.
The attempt of Sinn Fein to induce the
railwaymen to persist in their policy of refusing
to convey troops and munitions met with no
support in the Irish Press. As soon as the issue
reached the point where no alternative was
possible to the closing of the railway system as a
whole, the men yielded. This was a distinct blow
* See also page 417.
146 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
to the authority of Sinn Fein, which had
instigated the refusals from the first*.
The firmness of the Government on the question
of hunger-striking brought about a complete
surrender of this policy by the ' Acting
President ' himself t.
The economic pressure brought to bear upon
Sinn Fein by frequent seizures of funds held by
the various organisations is as complete as the
preventive pressure. Two captured letters well
illustrate these points. The first of these is
addressed to Terence McSwiney, then Lord
Mayor of Cork and ' Commandant of the First
Cork Brigade, I.R.A.,' and was found on the
premises of John O'Connell, the ' Captain of the
Queenstown Co. I.R.A.' It is dated 25th May,
1920, and reads as follows :
" The drain on our prisoners' dependants fund
is 20 per week. . . . The bearer of this letter
is Sean (John) O'Connell, just released from
Wormwood. He organised and carried out
successfully the capture of six rifles at Rush-
brooke last February, and his arrest was
accomplished soon after. This resulted in
his dismissal from Haulbowline Dockyard.
Although we allow himself and his people 3
weekly we cannot do so for long more. His
brother was out in Easter Week with himself and
our small section and surely his case deserves our
attention. Above is one of many similar cases,
* See page 250. t See page 117.
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 147
and where we suffer in common for the cause we
might also unite in helping each other."
The Rushbrooke affair referred to in this letter
was the capture and disarming of four soldiers
by twenty armed and masked men. One of the
former, Corporal Gooder, of the Sherwood
Foresters, was murdered in the affray.
The second letter is addressed to Daniel Breen.
It is dated 26th September, 1920, and contains
one of the earliest indications of the intentions of
the terrorists to extend their activities to
England.
" Tipperary No 3 Brigade.
26920.
" Re yours to the Chief of Staff.* For God's
sake, Dan, have a bit of sense. What the hell
do you or I need to care about the Dublin
Corporation ? Besides, Dan, the evidence that
Beatie really was there to burn the Town Hall
wouldn't hang a cat in any court of justice.!
Of course he may really have been one of the
burners and the Corporation may be wrong, but
is that any reason why everyone in the army
should get out and leave it all to the Dublin
Corporation? I should think not. Try to
reconsider the whole matter and let me know.
I'll hold over your resignation until I hear from
* Richard Mulcahy, one of the ablest members of the
murder gang. See Appendix B.
t This appears to refer to the burning of Tipperary Town
Hall some time previously.
The I.R.A.
148 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
you. E. Dwyer is resigning because there is too
much fight. He thinks the enemy's way of
burning is a knockout blow to active service. I
felt like chucking it myself because like yourself
I think things are too slow and that we should
burn England, but there is such a lot of terror
creeping into the Republican Ranks that my
monkey is up and I will see matters through this
crisis if I can. Re yours to myself. I quite
agree with you, Dan, and I don't at all think
your idea a bit too wild. As to your suggestion
of a South Tipp. Contingent going to England,
I'll speak to G.H.Q. on the matter. However, I
believe G.H.Q. is quite alive to facts. They
don't want to start till the world sees England's
acts clearly. That takes a little time, I assure
you. Write soon, cheerio."
The allusion to Dwyer in the above letter is
interesting. Edward Dwyer was ' Adjutant G
Company 1st Battalion 3rd Tipperary Brigade,
I.R.A.' Francis Dwyer, his brother, was
' Captain F Company ' of the same battalion and
brigade. They were shot dead by masked
men outside their houses at Ballydavid, near
Tipperary, about 11 p.m. on the 18th October,
1920. It is not too much to infer that they
were suspected of dangerous weakness by their
accomplices, and paid the invariable penalty in
such cases.
Having now glanced at the evidence of the
weakening of Sinn Fein influence, we may well
consider what is the natural corollary of such
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 149
weakening. The position of the authorities grows
stronger every day, the troops and police are
learning the best methods of dealing with
assassins in a country admirably suited to the
operations of the latter, and are undoubtedly
securing evidence against those who are guilty
of outrage. The members of the murder-gangs
are well aware of this, and the knowledge is
causing a sharp cleavage in their ranks. The
rank and file, poor dupes of the designing
criminals who pose as their officers, know the risk
they run by continuing their campaign, and,
having nothing to gain but false promises, are
disposed to remain peaceful citizens rather than
incur the risk of imprisonment. The leaders,
however, reason differently. They know that
their necks are in nooses already, that only by a
continuance of the campaign of murder and
intimidation can they escape for a time the just
reward of their crimes. They are desperate men,
fighting like cornered rats against the fate which
they may delay but cannot avert.
The natural result is that minor outrage, such
as may be perpetrated by the rank and file,
continues to decrease, while desperate murder,
the acts of the principal assassins, continues to
flame out upon the least opportunity. Towards
the end of November two massacres occurred,
which displayed the brutality of the Republican
assassins on a scale that horrified the whole
world.
The first massacre took place about 9 a.m. on
Sunday, 21st November. A party of murderers
150 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
arrived in Dublin on the Saturday, taking
advantage of the influx of crowds to the City to
attend a hurling match at Croke Park on Sunday
afternoon. The headquarters of the Republican
Army evidently required these men for the
purpose of a combined assassination of officers
whom they suspected of dealing with the mass of
accumulating evidence against members of the
murder-gangs. Many of these officers were living
unprotected in Dublin. They were attacked
almost simultaneously at 9 o'clock on Sunday
morning, with the result that fourteen servants of
the Crown were murdered in cold blood. The
following are the full details of this appalling
outrage, set down in the dispassionate language
of the official report.
CASE A. 28, Erlsfort Terrace. 1 Murder.
' The murderers' leader rang the bell and
asked the maid for ' Colonel Fitzpatrick.' She
disclosed the whereabouts of the bedroom of
Captain Fitzgerald. The leader then called in
about 20 men, placed them in position in the hall
and then entered Fitzgerald's room. The maid
heard his shouts and the assassin's voice say
' Come on.' Four shots were fired into Captain
Fitzgerald's body in rapid succession. The police
found him in bed in a pool of blood, his forehead
shattered with bullets, another through his
heart, and one through his wrist, which he had
held up to ward off the shot. All the shots had
been fired point blank. Captain Fitzgerald, the
son of a Tipperary doctor, had recently been
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 151
employed as a defence officer of police barracks
in County Clare. While thus engaged he was
kidnapped by the I.R.A. His captors tried to
shoot him with his own revolver, which
miraculously missed fire. They then twisted
his arm till it was dislocated, dragged him to a
field, propped him against a wall and fired at
him. He contrived to leap over the wall, and so
escaped. He had come to Dublin for surgical
treatment of his arm, and had only been a few
days out of hospital before he was assassinated."
CASE B. 22 Lower Mount Street.
* 1 murder in the house. 2 further murders
resulting near by.
" The maid opened the door, whereupon
twenty men rushed in and demanded to be shown
the bedrooms of Mr. Mahon and Mr. Peel. Mr.
Mahon's room was pointed out to them, where-
upon they rushed in and fired five shots into his
body at a few inches range, killing him on the
spot. Meanwhile some others of the murderers
attempted to enter Mr. Peel's room, of which the
door was locked. Seventeen shots were fired
through the panels, but Mr. Peel escaped
uninjured. Another servant, hearing the shots,
shouted from an upper window to a party of
cadets of the Auxiliary Division who had left
Beggars Bush Barracks to catch an early train
southwards for duty. These cadets at once
attacked the house, after despatching two of
their number, cadets C. A. Morris and Frank
Garniss, to their depot for reinforcements. They
152 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
chased the assassins through the house and
captured one whom their fire had wounded and
three others, all of whom were armed. The
reinforcements on their arrival were asked what
had become of Morris and Garniss. They replied
that they had never seen them, that they had
never arrived at the depot, and that they them-
selves had only come out on hearing the firing.
A search was made, and the bodies of the missing
men were found by a Red Cross nurse lying in a
neighbouring garden. They had apparently been
intercepted by the murderers' pickets, led to the
back of the house, placed against a wall, and
murdered. Morris lived at Mitcham, had served
in France as a Lieutenant in the M.G.C.,* and
was aged 22. He had joined the Auxiliary
Division on the 12th October. Garniss had
joined the very next day, after fifteen years'
service in the Army. He lived at Hull. These
were the first Auxiliary Cadets to be murdered,
and the tragedy caused great resentment among
their comrades. It is interesting to note that
Mr. Mahon had the previous night told Mr. Peel
to be especially watchful, as he had an idea that
they were being followed. ' '
CASE C. ' Briama,' 117 Morehampton Road.
Murder of one officer and two civilians.
' Just before nine o'clock a party of between
ten and twenty armed men knocked at the door,
which was opened by a boy of ten, the son of Mr.
Smith, the householder. They rushed into the
* Machine Gun Corps.
THE LATTER H^LF OF 1920. 153
house, and dragged Mr. Smith and Captain
McLean, who were in bed with their wives, into a
front spare bedroom. Mr. Caldow, the brother
of Mrs. McLean, was thrust in beside them and
all three were shot in cold blood. Captain
McLean and Mr. Smith were dead before an
ambulance could arrive. Mr. Caldow was
seriously wounded. Mr. Thomas Henry Smith,
who was about 45 years of age, left a
wife and three children. Captain McLean,
who had served in the Rifle Brigade during
the War, had come with Mr. Caldow to
Ireland with a view to securing employ-
ment in the police. Captain McLean left
a wife and child. Both Mrs. Smith and Mrs.
McLean were with their husbands when the
assassins entered. The latter dragged their
victims to an empty room to murder them, as
Captain McLean when overpowered implored
them not to murder him under the eyes of his
wife. On completing their dastardly work the
murderers ran out of the house and disappeared. ' '
CASE D. 92, Lower Bagot Street. 1 murder.
1 A party of murderers numbering about a
dozen were let in by Mrs. Slack, the landlady.
They asked for Captain Newbury, Court
Martial Officer, who lived there with his wife.
Seeing the crowd, the landlady rushed upstairs
in terror, and saw nothing of the subsequent
happenings. Some of the men knocked at
Captain Newbury 's door. Mrs. Newbury opened
it and seeing a crowd of men with revolvers,
154 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
slammed it in their faces and locked it. The men
burst the door open, but Captain and Mrs.
Newbury escaped to an inner room and tried to
hold the door against them. They had almost
succeeded in shutting it when the men fired
through the door, wounding Captain Newbury,
who nevertheless got to the window, flung it open,
and was half way out when the murderers burst
into the room. Mrs. Newbury flung herself in the
way, but they pushed her aside and fired seven
shots into Captain Newbury 's body. The police
found the body half in and half out of the
window, covered with a blanket which Mrs.
Newbury, although prostrate, had flung over it.
It is significant that in this case, as in many
others, the assassins had made a diligent search
for papers, hoping perhaps to find and abstract
documents or evidence upon which the officers had
been working."
CASE E. 28, Upper Pembroke Street.
2 officers murdered and four wounded.
" The residence of Mrs. Gray was raided at
nine o'clock by about twenty men, some of whom
came on bicycles. The house consisted of several
flats. The raiders, who were armed and undis-
guised, held up Mrs. Gray and her maid on the
stairs. The house appeared to be familiar to them
as they broke up into parties, each of which went
straight to its objective. Ten to twelve shots
were heard, and following these the assassins
decamped. Mrs. Gray and her maid visited the
rooms immediately and found that Major
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 155
Bowling of the Grenadier Guards had been shot
dead at his bedroom door. Captain Price of the
Royal Engineers was found dead in the room next
door. Captain Keenlyside of the Lancashire
Fusiliers, whose wife most gallantly struggled
with the murderers and thereby frustrated their
purpose, was wounded in the arm. Colonel
Woodcock was fired at as he came down stairs.
He appears to have taken the raiders who were
in the hall by surprise. He called out to Colonel
Montgomery who, on coming out of his room was
wounded in the body, from which wound he died
some days later. While running towards his
room to secure a weapon Colonel Woodcock was
also wounded. A sixth officer, Mr. Murray, of
the Royal Scots, was also wounded as he came
down the stairs. A lady resident in the house
went from room to room seeking help, and in
every room found only dead, dying, or wounded
men."
i
CASE F. 38, Upper Mount Street. 2 murders.
c This house was entered at J9.10 a.m. by
twenty armed, unmasked men, who were let in by
a servant. She unwillingly pointed out the rooms
occupied by Lieutenant Aimes of the Grenadier
Guards and Lieutenant Bennett of the Motor
Transport. The maid rushed upstairs and told
an officer sleeping on an upper floor and another
male lodger that murder was being done down
stairs. A fusilade of shots was heard by these
three, and when they came downstairs they
found two bodies in a pool of blood in Mr. Aimes '
156 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
bedroom. Mr. Bennett had evidently been
dragged from his room in his bedclothes into his
brother officer's room where both were shot
together, their bodies lying side by side."
CASE G. Gresham Hotel, Sackville Street.
2 murders.
' A party of fifteen to twenty men entered the
open door of the hotel, held up the Boots and head
porter, at the point of their revolvers, and forced
the latter to lead them to the rooms occupied by
Captain McCormack, of the Army Veterinary
Corps, and Lieutenant Wilde. The party, one
of whom carried a huge hammer, knocked first at
the door of room 14, occupied by Mr. Wilde. He
opened it and asked them what they wanted.
For answer three shots were fired into his chest
simultaneously. The party then moved to room
24, occupied by Captain McCormack, who was
sitting up in bed reading his paper. Without a
word five shots were fired into his body and head
as he sat there. The bed was saturated with
blood, and the body, and especially the head,
was horribly disfigured. Possibly the assassins
had used the hammer as well as their revolvers to
finish off their victim. ' '
CASE H. 119, Lower Bagot Street. 1 murder.
' This raid was presumably similar to the
others. Captain Baggally, Court Martial Officer,
was shot dead. When the police arrived every
occupant of the house had left and no witness was
available to describe the circumstances. Captain
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 157
Baggally had lost a leg in the war and was a
barrister by profession. He had been employed
as a prosecutor under the Restoration of Order in
Ireland Regulations. ' '
Immediate steps were taken by the authorities
to discover the assassins. In view of the fact that
it was known that many persons had come to
Dublin from Tipperary, a notorious centre of the
murder-gangs, it was thought advisable to search
the crowds assembled at Croke Park for the
hurling match. It had been arranged that a
cordon was to be drawn round the ground, and
that an officer with a megaphone should announce
to the crowd the object of the cordon and of the
search, in order to avoid a stampede. But a
stampede was exactly what the murderers among
the crowd desired, in order that they might slip
away in the ensuing confusion. Accordingly, as
soon as the forces of the Crown appeared,
picquets posted by the murderers fired upon them,
and at the same time men in the crowd itself
discharged their revolvers, with a view to
creating a panic.
The police were compelled to return the fire,
with the result that ten persons were killed and
eleven wounded. Two others were killed and
several others injured in the stampede. It was
found impossible to search those escaping from
the ground, but over thirty revolvers were
subsequently found in the field, having been
thrown away by their owners.
The second massacre took place on the follow-
158 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
ing Sunday, 28th November, at Kilmichael,
between Macroom and Dunmanway, in County
Cork. The full and exact details of this tragedy
will probably never be accurately known, owing
to the fact that only one of the party attacked
escaped, and he was very severely wounded.
It appears, however, that during the afternoon
of the 28th, the District Inspector at Macroom
took out, in the ordinary course of duty, a patrol
of seventeen members of the Auxiliary Division
of the R.I.C., accompanied by a temporary
constable. The patrol, which travelled in two
Crossley tenders, was going in search of a
wanted man, and had been operating with
a detachment of the Essex Regiment from
Dunmanway. Shortly after dusk, about 5 p.m.,
the patrol was proceeding along the Macroom-
Dunmanway Road, and had reached a point
where the road takes a slight curve. At this
point the road is flanked by low stone walls,
beyond which are narrow strips of bogland,
sloping up to boulder-strewn hills on either side.
Here an ambush had been prepared by members
of the murder-gangs who were ' on the run ' in
this wild country. The assassins, who wore
khaki trench-coats and steel helmets, had drawn
a motor-lorry across the road, and were thus
mistaken by the patrol in the dark for a military
escort. The first car halted, and its occupants
dismounted to get in touch with the supposed
troops. A fierce fire was at once opened upon
them. Three cadets were killed outright, and
the survivors, seeing their mistake, began to run
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 159
back to their cars for cover. The second car,
which had been following some hundred yards
behind the first, now came up, and its occupants
dismounted to assist their comrades. As they
did so, from a depression in the adjoining hill-
side came a close-range, devastating fire. The
patrol was caught between three fires, from the
lorry and from the walls on either side of the
road. After many of the patrol had been
disabled, overwhelming forces of the assassins
came out of hiding and disarmed the survivors.
A brutal massacre followed, it being the policy
of the murder-gangs to allow no survivor to
escape and reveal their identity. The dead and
wounded were indiscriminately hacked with
axes and bayoneted, shot guns were fired into
their bodies, and many were savagely mutilated
after death. Of the whole patrol of eighteen,
sixteen were found lying dead on the spot, one
had disappeared, and one was found terribly
wounded and taken to Cork Military Hospital.
He had two bullet wounds in his body, and had
been struck on the head with an axe and left for
dead. The bodies of all had been rifled, even
their clothes being taken.
The intimidation of the local inhabitants is
shown by the fact that many people going to Mass
in the morning, had been diverted from the
locality of the ambush, yet no one of them had
informed the police. No news reached Macroom
until 9-30 the following morning, when a party
went out and found the site of the massacre. An
examination showed that the stone walls border-
160 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
ing the road had been heightened and loop-
holed, and that the depression in the hillside,
from which the flanking fire had been opened,
had been shielded by camouflage representing
rocks and boulders.
This was the last sensational outrage of the
year, if we except the bombing of a party of
Auxiliary Cadets at Dillon's Cross on the llth
December, which resulted in the death of one of
the party and the wounding of several others,
and was one of the contributory causes of the
burnings in Cork on that night.
There can be no doubt that at the close of the
year the outlook in Ireland was considerably
brighter than could have been anticipated some
months earlier. The Government of Ireland Act
was on the Statute Book, the Irish had obtained
a far more generous measure of Home Rule than
they had any right to expect. The future of the
country lay in the hands of its own inhabitants,
they had but to prove their capacity for govern-
ment to secure such political liberty as their
fathers had never contemplated. The power of
the assassins was broken; although they might
achieve further sporadic outrages, the forces of
law and order were steadily hemming them in.
And, finally, and most hopeful of all, was the
rapidly accumulating weight of evidence thai the
great mass of the people had recognised the folly
of a policy of lawlessness, and were increasingly
anxious for peace which should bring in its train
a new era of prosperity to their distracted
THE LATTER HALF OF 1920. 161
country. And indeed what further need was
there of fighting ? The granting of Home Rule
had swept the nightmare of Republic out of the
brains of all sane men, leaving in its stead the
vision of an Ireland remaining an integral part
of the Empire, yet waiting to be governed by
those of her sons who should prove capable of
holding the reins.
CHAPTER VI.
THE FORCES OF THE " REPUBLIC."
Throughout the preceding chapters reference
has frequently been made to the various
organizations responsible for the disturbances in
Ireland. In the present chapter some attempt
will be made to give an account of these
organizations, of their constitution and aims,
and of their methods of operation.
It may be stated in general terms that the
Irish Republican Brotherhood is the nucleus
round which are grouped the various military
organizations. The principal of these is the
Irish Volunteers, or (as they have now become)
the Irish Republican Army. It is alleged that
The Brotherhood is responsible for the direction
of what may be termed " major outrage," such
as the murder of individuals who have rendered
themselves obnoxious to it, whilst the Volunteers
are employed upon more strictly military
operations, such as raids for arms and attacks
upon barracks. It must be realized from the
outset that during the period dealt with in this
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 163
book the various republican organizations con-
sidered themselves as the directing force of a
de facto Irish Republic, of which the Government
was Bail Eireann, and the policy the conduct of
war upon the British Empire in general and the
Forces of the Crown in particular.
The Constitution of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood is a lengthy document*, and space
does not permit of its quotation in full. But it
is of such great importance in enabling the
general reader to grasp the problem underlying
the solution of the Irish Question, that fairly
extensive extracts from it must be given.
' The object of the Irish Republican Brother-
hood (hereinafter sometimes called the ' ' Organi-
zation ") is to establish and maintain a free and
independent Republican Government in Ireland.
' The Irish Republican Brotherhood shall
do its utmost to train and equip its
members as a military body for the purpose of
securing the independence of Ireland by force of
arms; it shall secure the co-operation of all Irish
military bodies in the accomplishment of its
object, and shall support every movement
calculated to advance the cause of Irish National
Independence consistent with the preservation
of its own integrity.
' Every Irishman, irrespective of class or
creed, whose character for patriotism, truth,
*It is in the form of a printed octavo pamphlet, and bears
no indication of the printer's name or place of printing.
164 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
valour, sobriety and obedience to superior officers
can bear scrutiny, and who accepts the Constitu-
tion of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, is
eligible for membership of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood.
' Names of prospective candidates for mem-
bership shall be proposed and seconded at a
Circle meeting. If accepted by a Circle, the
Centre shall direct a member to ascertain in an
approved manner whether said prospect is
willing to join the organization. When a
prospect is approached for this purpose, only the
investigator shall be present with him.
' Each candidate who qualifies for admission
into the Irish Republican Brotherhood shall
affirm on oath that he does not belong to any other
oath-bound society, and shall, as a requisite for
acceptance, take the following oath :
" IN THE PRESENCE OF GOD I
DO SOLEMNLY SWEAR THAT I WILL DO MY UTMOST
TO ESTABLISH THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE OF
IRELAND, THAT I WILL BEAR TRUE ALLEGIANCE TO
THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE IRISH REPUBLICAN
BROTHERHOOD AND GOVERNMENT OF THE IRISH
REPUBLIC : THAT I WILL IMPLICITLY OBEY THE
CONSTITUTION OF THE IRISH REPUBLICAN
BROTHERHOOD AND ALL MY SUPERIOR OFFICERS,
AND PRESERVE INVIOLATE THE SECRETS OF THE
ORGANIZATION. So HELP ME GOD."
" Should any man, while a member of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood, be asked to
join any other oath-bound society, he shall
immediately inform his Superior Officer in the
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 165
Irish Republican Brotherhood, who shall at once
transmit the information to the Supreme Council
in the appointed manner. Each Officer of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood shall be em-
powered to at any time demand that any member
under his jurisdiction shall on oath affirm that
he does not belong to any other oath-bound
society.
" No man who is a member of any other such
Society shall be admitted to, or allowed to retain
membership of, the Irish Republican Brother-
hood without the express permission of the
Supreme Council.
" The unit of organization shall be known as
a ' Circle ' ; the members of which shall elect an
officer, entitled a ' Centre,' to direct and govern
same. Each Circle shall also elect a ' Sub-
Centre,' a Secretary and a Treasurer.
" Each Circle shall meet at least monthly.
" (a) The Governing Body of the Organiza-
tion shall be entitled ' The Supreme Council.'
It shall consist of one member for each of the
eleven divisions enumerated in this clause. The
eleven members so elected shall co-opt four
additional members, whose names are to be known
only to the members of the Supreme Council.
The total membership of the Council shall thus
be fifteen.
" (b) The Irish Republican Brotherhood shall
be divided into ELEVEN Electoral ' Divisions.'
' The District Centres and County Centre in
each Division shall, in Convention assembled,
elect by ballot a committee of FIVE of their
166 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
number, who shall, under oath of secrecy, elect
by ballot a member of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood as ' Divisional Centre,' who shall
represent the Division on the Supreme Council of
the Organization.
" Each member of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood shall pay a monthly fee of sixpence,
one-third of which will be retained by the Circle,
one-third by the County Treasurer, and one-third
remitted to the Supreme Council through the
Divisional Centre. Each member shall also
contribute according to his means for the
purchase of war materials, and shall pay any
special levies which the Supreme Council may
impose as the necessity arises.
" Any member of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood may be suspended by his Centre, or
by a majority vote of the ' Circle,' on any of the
following grounds : (a) abstention from Circle
meetings without valid excuse, (b) failure to pay
membership fees; (c) failure to pay levies
for purchase of arms; (d) loss of arms entrusted
to his care; (e) speaking of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood (I.R.B.) on any occasion other than
at Circle meetings, unless with the express
permission of his Centre or Circle ; (/) intemper-
ance ; (g) being guilty of any act derogatory to the
interests of the Irish Republican Brotherhood.
" Should any grave misdemeanour or serious
breach of discipline warrant it, Trial by Court
Martial may be ordered by a majority vote of the
Circle, by the Centre or any other Supreme
Authority. If found guilty said member shall
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 167
be expelled from the Organization and the
expulsion reported to the Supreme Council
through the proper channels. All charges
against members shall be made in writing.
' ' No member of the Irish Republican Brother-
hood shall receive any information respecting the
work of the Organization except what is
necessary for the performance of his duty.
Should any member inadvertently acquire such
information he shall not be at liberty to divulge
or make use of same, but shall report to his
superior officer.
" At all meetings of the Organization where
any officer is elected the following oath shall be
taken :
" IN THE PRESENCE OF GOD, I.... ,
DO SOLEMNLY SWEAR THAT I SHALL NOT DISCLOSE
TO ANY PERSON THE BUSINESS OF THIS MEETING OR
THE NAMES OF THOSE PRESENT THEREAT.
" There shall be no State religion in the Irish
Republic. Each citizen shall be free to worship
God according to the dictates of his conscience.
" There shall be no privileged persons, or
classes, in the Irish Republic. All citizens
shall enjoy equal rights therein.
" THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE IRISH
REPUBLICAN BROTHERHOOD is HEREBY DECLARED
IN FACT AS WELL AS BY RIGHT, THE SOLE GOVERN-
MENT OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC. Its enactments
shall be the laws of the Irish Republic until
Ireland secures absolute National Independence,
and a permanent Republican Government be
established.
168 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' The authority of the Supreme Council shall
be unquestioned by any member of the Irish
Republican Brotherhood.
' The Supreme Council of the Irish Re-
publican Brotherhood shall have power to levy
taxes, raise loans, make war and peace, negotiate
and ratify treaties with Foreign Powers, and do
all other acts necessary for the protection and
government of the Irish Republic.
' A Declaration of War shall be supported by
at least TEN members of the Supreme Council,
and a decision so arrived at shall be binding on
all Members of the Council.
' There shall be an ' Executive ' of the
Supreme Council, composed of the President,
Secretary and Treasurer of that Body, whose
election shall, if possible, take place at the first
meeting of a new Supreme Council to which all
members shall have been summoned.
' This Executive shall be vested with all
powers and prerogatives of the Supreme Council
when the Supreme Council is not in Session;
except those of declaring War, and altering the
Constitution.
' A majority vote of the Executive shall be
binding on all three of its members.
' The President of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood is in fact as well as by right,
President of the Irish Republic. He shall
direct the working of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood subject to the control of the Supreme
Council or the Executive thereof.
"The Supreme Council shall have power to
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 169
appoint a Secret Court for the trial of any
member or members charged with the commission
of treason or grave misdemeanours.
' 'Any member of the Irish Republican Brother-
hood who unlawfully appropriates money
entrusted to him for National purposes shall be
expelled from the Irish Republican Brotherhood.
The Supreme Council shall circulate the name
or names of such offenders throughout the
Organization, anjl to representative Irishmen
living in foreign countries as may be deemed
advisable.
' The Supreme Council alone shall have power
to inflict a sentence of Capital Punishment and
to give it effect; and this only in cases of treason.
The crime of treason is hereby defined as any
wilful act or word on the part of any member of
the Irish Republican Brotherhood calculated to
betray the cause of Irish Independence, or sub-
serve the interests of the British or any other
foreign government to the detriment of Irish
Independence.
' There shall be a * Military Council ' of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood which shall be
attached to, and at all times be subject to, the
Supreme Council, and shall have no power to
direct, or interfere with, the policy of the
Government of the Irish Republic nor in any way
to alter the Constitution of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood.
GENERAL ORDER OF BUSINESS AT CIRCLE MEETINGS.
1. Post Guard at door.
2. Centre opens meeting in the name of the
170 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
IRISH REPUBLIC, members standing to atten-
tion.
3. Roll call by Secretary, and reports on
absentees.
4. Introduction of new members.
5. Reports on candidates for membership
proposed at previous meeting of Circle.
6. Nominations of prospective candidates.
7. Orders from District Board.
8. Collection of subscriptions^
9. Announcement of next meeting date.
10. Other business.
11. Military training through lectures, discus-
sions, etc., as arranged by District Board.
12. Centre declares meeting closed members
standing to attention."
It will be seen from the above extracts of the
' Constitution ' that the Irish Republican
Brotherhood is a secret society, whose members
are bound by oath, penalty, and threat to carry
out its orders, whatever they may be. There is
no attempt at limiting the scope of these orders ;
the expression " by force of arms " is sufficient
in itself to include any act of violence which
might be considered expedient. Murder could
but be regarded as an incident to such an
organization, as a judicial execution of an enemy
to its avowed aspiration the establishment of an
independent Irish Republic. Regarded in the
light of this policy, the motives underlying even
such cold-blooded outrages as the murders of
Captain Lendrum and Mr. Alan Bell become
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 171
clear. It may be stated here that not one of the
publications issued by the Republican organiza-
tions bears any indication of place of origin.
Even the printer's name is withheld.
Of the purely military organizations, the Irish
Republican Army is the most important, indeed
it may be said to have absorbed all the lesser
bodies that have existed from time to time. It
is the offspring of the Irish Volunteers, a force
which was originally formed as a counterblast to
the Ulster Volunteers. A large proportion of
the Irish Volunteers displayed their loyalty to
the Crown in 1914, but the residue took up a
definitely Republican standpoint, and from this
residue developed the Irish Republican Army.
The general scheme of organization of the
Irish Volunteers shows them to be a purely
military force, modelled upon accepted military
lines.
' All Irishmen who subscribe to the following
objects :
1. To secure and maintain the rights and
liberties common to all the people of Ireland.
2. To train, discipline, and equip for this
purpose an Irish Volunteer Force.
3. To unite, in the service of Ireland,
Irishmen of every creed and of every party
and class,
are eligible for membership of the Irish
Volunteers, and all Irishmen having signed this
declaration :
' I, the undersigned, desire to be enrolled
for service in Ireland as a member of the
172 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Irish Volunteer Force. I subscribe to the
Constitution of the Irish Volunteers, and
pledge my willing obedience to my superior
officers. I declare that in joining the Irish
Volunteer Force I set before myself the
stated objects of the Irish Volunteers and no
others '
shall be members of the Irish Volunteer Force."
Another document* lays down that the tactical
unit of the force shall be the Company, consisting
of not less than 76 and not more than 100 men
including eight Squad Leaders and four Section
Commanders. Each Company is to have three
officers, the Captain, the Right Half Company
Commander, who ranks as a First Lieutenant,
and the Left Half Company Commander, who
ranks as a Second Lieutenant. In addition to
these, two additional Non-Commissioned Officers,
ranking as Section Commanders, are provided
for, whose duties are to be those of Adjutant and
Quartermaster respectively. In each Company
twelve men are to be specially trained in
signalling, eight in each of the special services
of engineering, scouting and despatch-riding,
transport and supply, and first aid, and four in
musketry. It is, however, suggested that all the
men in the Company should receive at all events
elementary training in these subjects.
" The Company and Half-Company Com-
manders shall be elected by the Company at a
general meeting summoned for that purpose.
The election must be by ballot and shall not take
* " Constitution of the Irish Volunteers " (a small pamphlet
without any indication of place of origin).
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 173
effect unless and until ratified by Headquarters.
Every Company Officer, upon ratification of his
election, shall be given a Commission by Head-
quarters, such a Commission to be his authority
to act as a Company Officer of the Irish
Volunteers."
A rather curious feature of the Force is the
express provision which is made for the
discussion of matters submitted to any unit ' ' for
its recommendation " by that unit's Commander
or by higher authority. It is expressly laid down
that officers of the unit shall form an Advisory
Council, presided over by the unit Commander,
which council, however, shall have no authority
over matters of discipline, command, or efficiency,
for which the Commander is wholly responsible.
This institution of Councils commences with the
Company, whose Council is to consist of the
Captain, First and Second Lieutenants,
Adjutant, and Quartermaster, and extends to
the Battalion and the Brigade.
The Battalion is to consist of not less than
four or more than seven Companies, and its
officers are to be as follows : Commandant,
Vice-Commandant, Adjutant, Quartermaster,
Lieutenant of Engineers, and Chiefs of
Signallers, Medical Services, and Scouting and
Cycling, the last three ranking as Lieutenants.
The Commandant, Vice-Commandant, Adjutant,
and Quartermaster are to be elected by ballot at
a meeting of all the officers of the Companies
comprising the Battalion. The election of the
remainder is to be in the hands of the Battalion
174 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Council. The Brigade is to consist normally of
from three to six Battalions. Its officers are to
be a Commandant, Vice- Commandant, Adjutant,
Quartermaster, and Captains of Engineers,
Signallers, Medical Services, and Scouting and
Cycling. The Battalion Commandants, Vice-
Commandants, Adjutants, and Quartermasters
of each Battalion comprising the Brigade shall
elect the Brigade officers.
The supreme authority is to be Headquarters,
a directing body operating from Dublin, to
which only indirect reference is made in the
" Constitution."
The Irish Volunteers publish an official organ
under the title An T'Oglac, from which may be
gleaned many interesting facts bearing upon the
outlook of the force and the methods adopted by
it in the course of its campaign of outrage. An
extract from the number dated April 1st, 1920,
throws an interesting light upon the Republican
attitude towards British aims in the late War.
It has been the cry of these very sections of the
people of Ireland that since the war was fought
for the rights of small nations, they were entitled
to benefit from the results of the British victory
in that war. How far the Irish Volunteers were
prepared to lift a finger in the defence of a
certain " small nation," Catholic in faith as is
Ireland, is shown by the following :
" The duty of the soldiers of the Irish
Army at the present juncture is to keep as
calmly efficient, as * ready and steady,' as
they were before that other murderous
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 175
menace of the enemy in 1918 called
' Conscription.'
" Then, as now, the people of Ireland
were threatened with slaughter (sic), and
then as now the Irish Volunteers stood pre-
pared to risk their lives to defend the rights
and liberties of the citizens of the Irish
Republic. Our organisation was improved,
arming and equipping were carried on
vigorously, with the result that the close of
the war in France found our Republican
Army able to carry on a vigorous campaign
of guerilla warfare in this country
against the foreign Army of Occupation,
and particularly that most essential and
dangerous part of it, those traitorous Irish-
men who in the garb of ' policemen ' act as
spies for the enemy and use their local
knowledge for his advantage."
Another sentence from the same article reads
as follows :
' Meanwhile our guerilla warfare against
the enemy forces must be pushed on even
more vigorously than ever. The situation
must be made more impossible for the enemy
daily. ... If our organisation and
discipline are good we shall strike blows that
will make the enemy tremble."
It must be observed that in every publication
issued by the Volunteers there is insistence upon
the hypothesis that the Irish Republican Army
is actually at war with the British Government,
which is repeatedly described as ' the enemy.'
176 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
This is a matter of great importance, for it has a
direct bearing upon the whole question of
outrage. The point is again emphasised in
another passage in the number of An T'Oglac
from which quotation has already been made.
' Reports show that the state of organisation
in some of the Brigade areas is far from
satisfactory. In cases where a loose and
imperfect state of organisation exists the Brigade
staff are generally to blame. Brigade officers
who have been negligent in their duties are
warned to ' get a hustle on ' in regard to Brigade
organisation if they wish to retain their
positions. Headquarters cannot tolerate any
slackness at the present time. There is a war on,*
and those officers who are unable or unprepared
to work hard and efficiently must make way for
those who can and will."
The same article goes on to discuss a subject
of considerable interest, namely, the question of
emigration. The attitude of the Republican
Army is very frankly expressed :
' * A certain number of cases have occurred from
time to time where Volunteers whose freedom of
movement and means of earning a livelihood have
been interfered with as the result of enemy
activity have sought the assistance of Head-
quarters in being sent out of the country to
America or elsewhere. It is necessary to make
clear the position of the responsible authorities
of the Irish Volunteers with regard to this
* The italics are mine.
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 177
important subject of emigration from Ireland.
In common with all bodies who have the national
welfare at heart, the Executive of the Irish
Volunteers is strongly opposed to the departure
from Ireland of a single citizen of the Irish
Republic. The emigration of any able-bodied man
or woman under the circumstances is a national
loss, an addition to the depopulation from which
our country suffers as the result of the enemy's
policy ; but the departure of any Irish Volunteer
during the most critical time of the War of
Independence can only be regarded as cowardly
desertion. Only those men who are sent abroad to
do special work or for very exceptional reasons
will be facilitated in any way by Headquarters in
leaying this country."
That this question was regarded very seriously
by the Administration of the Republic is proved
by the fact that the Minister of Defence of Dail
Eireann issued a manifesto in the form of a hand-
bill, dated June 5th, 1920. This document reads
as follows :
' The enemy has declared that there are too
many young men in Ireland, and he is anxious
to clear them out. It suited his purpose to
refuse them passports during the war, but he
will now give them every facility to emigrate.
These facilities must not be availed of. Ireland
wants all her young men. Their presence in the
country is more necessary now than ever. It is
because of their growing numbers and their
efficient military organisation that the British
Army of Occupation is in its present state of
M
178 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
disorganisation. The long-drawn-out struggle
has reached its final stages, and Ireland is
winning. No one realises this more clearly than
the enemy. His recent admissions prove it.
His cunning and his brute force have availed him
nothing in the end. There is just one chance left
for him, that is, to stimulate emigration. It
saved him once before and it might do so again.
The young men of Ireland must stand fast. To
leave their country at this supreme crisis would
be nothing less than base desertion in the face
of the enemy. We look upon those Irishmen who
have joined the enemy forces as degenerates, and
rightly so. But the Irishman who at this stage
leaves his country, or withdraws his aid in the
vital struggle, is little better. In fact, he is
worse in a sense : because the others may never
have seen the light, but he has; and he now
deliberately turns his back upon it. There can be
no possible excuse for desertion at the present
time. The plea of want of work will not do.
Employment is no scarcer now than it was during
the years that the enemy kept the ports closed and
compelled Irishmen to stay at home. There will
be plenty of employment for everyone in Ireland
in future. The Government of the Republic is
at present engaged upon work which will ensure
this. All tnat is needed is a little more patience,
and then a bracing up for the final tussle. After
that no Irishman need leave his native land in
order to live under decent conditions. Before
that we must have no deserters. ' '
Finally, an extract from the ' General Notes '
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 179
appearing in An T'Oglac for July 15th, 1920,
shows the policy of hindering emigration in
active operation :
' Kerry Volunteers have taken direct action to
prevent emigration. Young men of military age
have been arrested and forbidden to leave the
country."
In spite, however, of the warlike tone of An
T'Oglac, it is evident that one of the tasks of
Headquarters is to keep up a perpetual campaign
against indiscipline and slackness of recruiting.
An article entitled ' KEEP UP THE OFFENSIVE ! '
which is the chief feature of the issue of July
15th, 1920, displays this very clearly. A short
extract will suffice :
" The sense of discipline of the Volunteers
is not like the machine-made discipline of
mercenaries; it has its basis in a lofty ideal of
service to and self-sacrifice for the nation. It
is strange that men who by their membership of
the Army of Ireland show their willingness to
risk death for the Republic should in some cases
show a reluctance to subject themselves to the
slight discomforts and restraints of a strict
discipline.
" The Volunteer Force, being a voluntary
army, has attracted to its service young Irishmen
of spirit, courage and a sense of national duty;
but there do undoubtedly remain a large number
of young men who would make good Volunteers
at present outside the force. This is particularly
so in some parts of the country, where it is chiefly
due to imperfect organisation; but everywhere
180 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
suitable men are available who for some reason
have not been got. Recruiting for such a body
as the Volunteers must, of course, be done
cautiously. Only suitable men, who are known
and vouched for, should be admitted; but there
are many such still untapped (sic), and a serious
effort should be made to increase our strength
everywhere. Many young Irishmen who are not
in the ranks would readily and gladly join, and
once they have come under the influence of the
Volunteer atmosphere would make good soldiers
of Ireland.
' It is necessary that all the strength, all the
energy, all the enthusiasm and all the efficiency
of the armed manhood of Ireland should be
thrown into this fight against the enemy at the
present time. . . . His strongholds must be
attacked, his forces surprised and disarmed, his
communications interrupted, his despatches
seized, his activities watched, his machinery
interfered with, his supplies cut off in every part
of the country with such persistence, speed, and
ubiquity that he will not be able to get his
' system ' solidly established anywhere. . . .
All should vie with one another to make them-
selves fit and worthy soldiers of Ireland and to
play a man's part in this glorious war which we
are waging for our country's freedom."
Two interesting examples of the methods by
which funds were raised for the purposes of the
Irish Volunteers may be adduced. The first is
contained in a leaflet issued by the Brigade
Commandant of the Kilkenny branch of the Irish
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 181
Volunteers and dated July, 1920. This leaflet,
which was distributed by being placed in the
letter-boxes of houses in the district, reads as
follows :
" Dear Sir (or Madam),
The Irish Volunteers, in addition to their
usual duties, have had, recently, the
responsibility of preventing crime, arresting
criminals, affording protection where required,
etc. This work has exhausted the funds at our
disposal and has gone beyond the financial
resources of individual Volunteers and it has
been found absolutely necessary to issue this
appeal for funds to enable them to carry on the
necessary public work. The Volunteers have
fully expended their energies in these activities
and the efficiency of their work has been admitted
on all sides. It is expected that those who are
not called upon to give their time will help
financially."
It should be observed that although the ' usual
duties ' of the Volunteers are referred to, they
are not specified. Presumably the recipients of
the leaflet might hesitate to finance a campaign
of murder and outrage. But the veiled threat
contained in the last sentence is obvious, and the
police reports contain many examples of its
enforcement. For instance, at 3 a.m. on October
15th, 1920, a resident of Mountpleasant, near
Wexford, was aroused by the sound of his front
door lock being blown in by a rifle shot. Nine
masked and armed men entered and demanded
at the point of the revolver a ' ' Munitions Levy '
182 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
of 5, which was perforce given them.
The zeal of the Volunteers for activity such
as would evidence that ' efficiency ' so desired by
Headquarters has sometimes led to ludicrous
incidents. On the fourth of October, 1920,
twenty barrels of treacle were stolen from the
railway goods yard at Ballina, Co. Mayo, by a
number of armed men, who broke the barrels and
rolled them into a pond. The stationmaster,
subsequently received a note to the effect that the
treacle had been " confiscated by order of the
Adjutant, A Company, No. 1 Battalion, North
Mayo Brigade, I.R.A." Credit where credit is
due!
The Irish Republican movement has not been
content to rely solely upon the manhood of
Ireland. Both the women and the boys have been
enlisted, the former in an organisation known
as Cumann na m'Ban, and the latter in the
Fianna Eireann, which their own pamphlet
describes as ' The Irish National Boy Scouts
Organisation.'
In a pamphlet dated 1914, issued by the former
body, entitled ' The Volunteers, the Women and
the Nation,' the following passages occur, and
are sufficiently illustrative of the aims of the
movement :
"It is now on all sides acknowledged that
Cumann na m'Ban the Irishwomen's Council
is the most vigorous and enterprising of all the
movements that have grown out of the idea of
arming and drilling the nation.
" The destiny of small nations always finally
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 183
depends on their women. This is a truth that
every leader of any movement in this country
must take into account; it was fully realised by
the great leader of the last victorious movement
in Ireland Michael Devitt when he founded
the Ladies' Land League as the last line of
defence. It is a truth perfectly accepted by the
young captains and secretaries of the Volunteers,
who help us of the Cumann na m'Ban to found
our branches throughout the country."
" From the ranks of these young, daring, and
self-sacrificing men will come perhaps the great
leader we are all looking for."
" We stated the aims of our new-born political
organisation thus :
1. To advance the cause of Irish liberty.
2. To organise Irishwomen in furtherance of
this object.
3. To assist in arming and equipping a body
of Irishmen for the defence of Ireland.
4. To form a fund for these purposes to be
called ' The Defence of Ireland Fund.' "
" Every day some body of women struggling
by themselves in a country town to find an outlet
for their patriotism, and their desire to work for
Ireland, realise that their place is in Cumann na
m'Ban. And so steadily the movement grows
and the spirit grows. Where the members of
Cumann na m'Ban are most numerous the spirit
of the Volunteers is best. What are recognised
as the best drilled and most efficient regiments in
the country are backed by the strongest force of
women."
.
184 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
" From the start we of Cumann na m'Ban
decided to do any national work that came within
the scope of our aims. We would collect money
for arms, we would learn ambulance work,
learn how to make haversacks and bandoliers, we
would study the question of food supplies, we
would practise the use of the rifle, we would
make speeehes, we would do everything that came
our way nothing is too low or too high for us
to attempt, for we are not the auxiliaries or
the handmaidens or the camp-followers of the
Volunteers we are their allies. We are an
independent body, with our own executive and
our own constitution. If some unhappy fate
were now to destroy the Volunteers, Cumann na
m'Ban is not only capable of still growing and
flourishing, it is capable of bringing the whole
Volunteer movement to life again."
' ' Men who fight the battles of other people are
either fools or mercenaries."
Perhaps this last sentence may help to explain
the refusal of Irish Republicans to assist in the
fight for the liberties of Belgium.
In 1916 Cumann na m'Ban took a prominent
part in the insurrection of Easter Week. One of
ite widely distributed handbills says " Cumann
na m'Ban is proud that its members rallied under
the Republican flag in Easter Week, 1916. . . .
by taking their places in the firing line and in
every way helping in the establishment of the
Irish Republic."
The Constitution of the Fianna Eireann sets
THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC. 185
out the policy of the organisation as follows :
" Object. To re-establish the Independence
of Ireland.
Means. The training of the youth of Ireland,
mentally and physically, to achieve this object
by teaching scouting and military exercises,
Irish history and the Irish language.
Declaration. ' I promise to work for the
Independence of Ireland, never to join England's
armed forces and to obey my superior officers.'
The Fianna, whose chief in 1920 was Countess
Markievicz, has an organisation modelled upon
that of the Irish Volunteers, distinctly military
in its principles. The unit is the Slaugh (Troop),
and the governing body the Ard-Choisde (Central
Council). The nature of its appeal is shown by
a widely distributed hand-bill, of which the
following is the wording :
' Boys ! Ireland is calling you, Ireland wants
your help in the ranks of Fianna Eireann, the
only organisation which trains boys on Irish-
Ireland lines, without distinction of creed, class,
or politics.
' Boys ! Join the young army of Ireland
which has already given so many martyrs to the
cause of Irish Independence, and help to win
the crown of freedom for your Motherland ! '
The Headquarters of all organisations are in
Dublin, while the rest of the country is divided
into Brigade Areas, in the case of the Volunteers,
and similar districts in the case of the affiliated
bodies.
CHAPTER VII.
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC.
The preceding chapter contained some account
of the forces of the * Irish Republic," a
Republic that was never recognised outside
Ireland, and existed only in theory in that
country. The Irish Republic is, however, a
convenient phrase in which may be included the
various Sinn Fein organizations having for their
object the establishment of an independent
nation. The Irish Volunteers constantly describe
themselves as the Irish Republican Army in their
orders and proclamations, and have been
constantly referred to as such throughout the
last few years. It will be convenient at this stage
to examine the means by which the Republican
forces have been supplied with arms, and the
measures taken by the Government to disarm
those whose possession of arms was a source of
danger to the community and a menace of murder
to those engaged in the maintenance of law and
order.
To deal first with legislation. By an Act of
Parliament of 1847 power was given to the Lord
Lieutenant to proclaim certain regulations to be
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 187
enforced in any specified district of Ireland.
Among these regulations was one to the effect that
" it shall not be lawful for any person whom-
soever (except Justices of the Peace, Persons in
Her Majesty's Naval or Military Service, or in
the Coast-Guard Service, or in the Service of the
Revenue, or in the Police or Constabulary Force,
or Special Constables, or Persons duly licensed
to kill Game, or Persons to whom any Licence
shall have been granted under this Act as herein-
after secondly mentioned) to carry or have within
the District specified in any such Proclamation,
elsewhere than in his or her own dwelling-house,
any Gun, Pistol, or other Fire-arm, or any part
or parts of any Gun, Pistol, or other Fire-arm,
or any Sword, Cutlass, Pike, or Bayonet, or
any Bullets, Gunpowder, or other Ammunition;
and every Person carrying or having any Gun,
Pistol, or other Fire-arm, or any Sword, Gutless,
Pike, or Bayonet, or any Bullet, Gunpowder, or
Ammunition, contrary to the Provisions of this
Act, shall be guilty of a Misdemeanour, and shall
be liable on conviction thereof to be imprisoned,
with or without hard labour, for any term not
exceeding two years. ' '
This Act appears to have been continued until
1856, when it was superseded by " The Peace
Preservation, Ireland, Act, 1856." This latter
Act continued the provisions of the Act of 1847
as regards possession and carrying of arms, but
reduced the penalty to " imprisonment for any
Period not exceeding one Year. ' '
In 1870 " The Peace Preservation, Ireland,
188 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Act, 1870 " became law, and by it the penalty
for carrying and possessing arms was raised once
more to imprisonment for any period up to two
years. Certain other modifications of the original
Act were also introduced. Of these the principal
were as follows :
No person, although holding a licence to carry
arms, was allowed to carry or possess " any fire-
arm of the description known as a revolver,"
unless the licence specially sanctioned such a
weapon. Persons holding game licences must
also have a licence to carry arms. Arms must
only be sold to persons licensed to have them.
This Act was continued under the provisions
of the Expiring Laws Continuance Act until
1875, when a new Act became law, slightly
modifying the Act of 1870, once more reducing
the penalty from two years' imprisonment to one,
and simplifying the machinery for granting
licences. This Act in its turn was continued
under the Expiring Laws Continuance Act until
1881, when " An Act to amend the Law relating
to the carrying and possession of Arms and for
the Preservation of the Public Peace of Ireland '
was passed, and became known as The Arms Act.
The purport of this Act was to place the whole
question of arms in the hands of the Lord
Lieutenant. He was empowered to " proclaim '
any particular district, and by his proclamation
to make such regulations for the possession and
carrying of arms as seemed good to him. Certain
paragraphs of the Act are worth quoting in full.
" In a proclaimed district a person shall not
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 189
carry or have any arms or ammunition save as
authorised by the conditions set forth in the
V
proclamation hereinafter mentioned.
' Any person carrying or having, or reason-
ably suspected of carrying or having any arms
or munitions in contravention of this Act may
be arrested without warrant by any constable or
peace officer, and, as soon as reasonably can be,
conveyed before some justice of the peace in
order to his being dealt with according to law.
' The Lord Lieutenant may by warrant direct
any person named in such warrant to search in
houses, buildings, and places situate in a pro-
claimed district and specified in the warrant, for
any arms or ammunition suspected to be therein
in contravention of this Act.
' The Lord Lieutenant, by and with the
advice of the Privy Council in Ireland, may
from time to time by proclamation declare this
Act to be in force within any specified part of
Ireland, and this Act shall thereupon after the
date specified in the proclamation be in force
within such specified part, and any such specified
part of Ireland is in this Act referred to as a 'pro-
claimed district ' ; and any such proclamation
may set forth the conditions and regulations
under which the carrying of arms and ammuni-
tion is authorised, and make provision for the
appointment of persons to give effect to the same
and the manner of the promulgation thereof."
The Arms Act originally covered a period from
the date of it becoming law until June 1st, 1886.
It was extended under the provision of the Expir-
190 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
ing Laws Continuance Act until 1906, and was
then allowed to lapse, during the time that Mr.
Bryce was Chief Secretary.
It will be seen that under these various Acts
the traffic in and possession of arms in Ireland
was suitably controlled, and there is no doubt
that in 1906 the possession of arms was
practically limited to such well-affected citizens
in whose hands they could safely be trusted.
But from 1906 onwards all control was removed,
and from that date importation began afresh,
and arms of all kinds, from service rifles to the
more dangerous automatic pistol, began to be
distributed all over the country. It was not to be
expected that the Irish Republican Brotherhood
and the organizations it controlled, especially
the Irish Volunteers, and at the same time the
corresponding but antagonistic societies of
Ulster, would allow such an opportunity to slip.
The rate of distribution increased with the
threatening horizon of events in 1914, and
during the early months of that year the import
of arms into Ireland reached very grave propor-
tions. It was not until the outbreak of the War
that the Defence of the Realm Act gave powers
to check this importation, and then only
indirectly.
Regulation 31, framed under this Act, is as
follows :
' No person shall bring into the United King-
dom or remove from or to Great Britain to or
from Ireland any fire-arms, parts of fire-arms,
military arms, parts of military arms, or
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 191
ammunition or any explosive substance or bring
into Ireland any military equipment or com-
ponent parts of ammunition without a permit
from the competent naval or military authority,
and if any person does so he shall be guilty of an
offence against these regulations, and any person
who has in his possession or custody or under his
control any article so brought or removed in con-
travention of this regulation shall be guilty of
an offence against these regulations, unless he
proves that he did not know, and could not with
reasonable diligence have ascertained, that the
article was so brought or removed in contraven-
tion of this regulation."
This regulation, as will be seen, dealt only with
the further importation of arms into the country.
It was still no offence to carry or possess arms,
and even after the lesson conveyed by the Easter
Rebellion of 1916 no steps were taken to render
the having of arms illegal. Regulation 9AA
under the Act provides as follows :
' In any area in respect of which the operation
of Section 1 of the Defence of the Realm (Amend-
ment) Act, 1915, is for the time being suspended
(in other words, in areas such as Ireland where
offenders against the Regulations are necessarily
tried by Court Martial), the competent naval or
military authority may make orders prohibiting
or restricting . . . the carrying, having or
keeping of fire-arms, military arms, ammunition
or explosive substances."
Nothwithstanding the powers conferred on the
Competent Military Authority under this
192 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Regulation, it was not until 28th September,
1918, that any order was made. On that date,
however, the following was issued :
' Whereas in many parts of Ireland private
dwelling houses and other places have been
illegally raided by lawless men, and firearms,
military arms, ammunition and explosive sub-
stances have been seized therefrom, and whereas
such seizures have been made and are likely to be
made for purposes prejudicial to the public
safety and the Defence of the Realm, and it is
necessary for the purposes of securing the public
safety and the Defence of the Realm, to have
under effective military control all firearms, mili-
tary arms, ammunition and explosive substances
at present not under such control,
' Now I, Lieutenant-General the Right
Honourable Sir F. Shaw, K.C.B., General
Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Ireland, Com-
petent Military Authority for Ireland, in exer-
cise of the powers conferred on me by Regulations
9AA of the Defence of the Realm Regulations,
Hereby Order that throughout Ireland (being an
area in respect of which the operation of Section
One of the Defence of the Realm (Amendment)
Act, 1915, is for the time being suspended), the
carrying, having or keeping of fire-arms, military
arms, ammunition of explosive substances, is
prohibited, unless such articles are under effective
military control.
' This prohibition shall not apply in the case
of any member of His Majesty's Forces or of any
member of the Forces of His Majesty's Allies, or
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 193
of any member of the Royal Irish Constabulary,
or of any member of the Dublin Metropolitan
Police, or in the case of any person to whom a
Competent Naval or Military Authority, or any
person authorised by him, has given permission
in writing to carry, have or keep fire-arms, mili-
tary arms, ammunition or explosive substances.
' ' This Order, so far as it relates to the having
or keeping of fire-arms, military arms, ammuni-
tion or explosive substances shall take effect as
from the 9th day of October, 1918, inclusive."
Details are added to the Order, setting out the
method of obtaining Permits, and also the
method of disposal of arms by such persons who
have not obtained a Permit. This latter instruc-
tion is interesting.
' Persons who have not obtained a permit as
required by this Order, and are, therefore, pro-
hibited from carrying, having or keeping fire-
arms, military arms, ammunition or explosive
substances should, as soon as possible, and in any
case, on or before the 9th day of October, hand
in all articles of the kind in their possession to
any Military Centre, or, if the owners prefer, to
any Police Barrack or Police Station. Arms so
handed in should be previously cleaned and well
oiled, and all articles, packages, etc., should be
distinctly and securely labelled with the name
and address of the owner and with a description
of the arms, etc.
' The owner should ask for, and is entitled
to receive therefor, a receipt from the official to
whom they are handed.
N
194 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' Cartridges should be securely packed in
boxes or strong paper with the total number of
them stated on the label.
' All articles handed in will be carefully and
safely kept under effective Military control by
the Military authorities, and will be returned to
the owner or his legal representative if, and
when, in the opinion of the Competent Military
Authority, this can be done with due regard to
the public safety, or, if in the opinion of the
Competent Military Authority they are required
for the defence of the Realm."
The issue of this Order makes the having of
fire-arms without a permit an offence under the
Regulations throughout the whole of Ireland,
and thus renders the possessors of any such
weapon liable to be tried by Court Martial.
As was to be expected, the total number of
arms surrendered was wholly disproportionate to
the number of arms in possession of the civil
population at the date of the issue of the Order.
The position in October, 1918, was therefore
that a large number of arms of all descriptions,
sporting and military rifles of all kinds, new and
obsolete, shot guns of various types, and pistols
of every conceivable variety, were held by the
populace contrary to law. Although the Regu-
lations gave power to the authorities to search
for these.
" The competent naval or military authority
or any person authorised by him, or any police
constable :
(a) If he suspects that any fire-arms, military
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 195
arms, ammunition or explosive substances are,
or are kept, in or upon any house, building, land,
vehicle, vessel, or other premises in contravention
of an order under this regulation, may enter, if
need be by force, the house, building, land,
vehicle, or premises at any time of the day or
night and examine, search, and inspect the same
or any part thereof, and may seize any fire-arms,
military arms, ammunition or explosive sub-
stances found therein or thereon which he
suspects to be, or to be kept therein or tnereon in
contravention of this order ; and
(b) If he suspects that any person is carrying
any fire-arms, military arms, ammunition or
explosive substances in contravention of any
such order, may stop that person and search
him;"
it can well be imagined that in a country like
Ireland, affording every facility for concealment,
any such search must frequently prove unavail-
ing, and that a systematic combing of the
country-side for concealed arms was out of the
question.
The possessors of arms in the country might be
roughly classified under three heads : civilians
possessing arms with a permit under the order,
civilians possessing arms unlawfully, and the
various Forces of the Crown military, police,
and coast-guards. Of these three classes, the
first were mainly well-disposed citizens, owning
merely sporting weapons as a rule, the
second mainly Republican sympathisers, owning
weapons of all kinds either in their capacity
196 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
of Volunteers or for some private and sinister
purpose, while the third carried the weapons
peculiar to their calling, rifles, automatic
pistols, and revolvers. The policy of the
authorities was to diminish the numbers of
arms-holders of the second class as much as
possible, by searches based upon information
received and confiscation of any weapons found.
The policy of the Volunteers was to capture the
arms held by the first and third class, in order to
augment their own supplies. It was this latter
policy that led to two well-marked varieties of
their activity, namely raids for arms upon
private owners and organised attacks upon
barracks, coast-guard stations, lighthouses, and
parties of men carrying arms.
We may deal first with the question of raids
for arms, it being understood that for this
purpose " arms " may be taken to include what
the Regulations style " ammunition or explosive
substances. ' '
It must be realized that the capture of arms
already in Ireland was the main source of supply
to the Republican sympathisers. The importa-
tion of arms was difficult, although smuggling
undoubtedly took place to a certain extent,
mainly through the medium of passengers'
baggage. It was indeed the difficulty of carry-
ing out a sufficiently thorough examination of
baggage that was one of the contributory causes
of the closing of Queenstown to eastward-bound
Atlantic liners. Occasionally, too, it happened
that vessels lying in Irish harbours were raided
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 197
by the Volunteers for the purpose of seizing such
arms as they possessed; for instance, about mid-
night on 30th August, 1920, a party of armed
men boarded the Swedish steamer Thyra, which
was lying in Fenit Harbour, Co. Kerry, and
carried away three rifles and eight hundred
rounds of ammunition. But opportunities such
as these were of course comparatively rare, and
reliance had necessarily to be placed upon arms
previously imported.
The Volunteers were most careful to organize
raids for arms in order to secure the maximum
result from them and the most suitable distri-
bution of such arms after their capture. Fre-
quent references occur in An T'Oglac to an order
that individual Volunteers were not to carry out
raids on their own initiative, but were only to
act under instructions from the proper authority.
A " general order " issued on 14th June, 1920,
by the " Adjutant General " of Oglaigh na
h'Eireann (the Irish Volunteers, Oglaigh = a
soldier) refers to the matter and indicates the
anxiety felt by the Headquarters of the Volun-
teers lest the authorities should be beforehand in
securing arms in any district. It runs as
follows :
' Seizure of Arms by the Enemy. All
seizures of arms and military stores in Brigade
Area will be immediately reported to Head-
quarters. Full details of the circumstances
under which they were taken will be indicated."
Another " general order " dated 26th May,
1920, lays down that " No action of anything
198 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
like a military nature (a definition which includes
raids for arms) shall be taken or ordered to be
taken by any Volunteers, except in so far as this
is covered by definite orders or permission
actually received from his superior officer."
The number of raids for arms soon reached
extraordinary proportions, as can be gathered
from the following figures. From 1st January
1920 to 1st January 1921 the number of raids for
arms reported to or discovered by the police was
2,801, of which 982 were carried out in a single
week, from 29th August 1920 to 4th September
1920. This week appears to have been the
beginning of a centrally organized policy on the
part of the Volunteers. Until then these raids
appear to have been due to the activities of the
local companies and battalions, but from that
week they were evidently conducted upon some
general plan embracing the whole country, and
probably therefore directed by Headquarters.
The Provinces of Leinster and Ulster were chiefly
affected in this particular week. In the former
alone between three and four hundred raids were
made, well over a hundred of which took place in
County Meath. In Ulster raids took place in
every county except Londonderry and Antrim,
and numbered in all about three hundred. The
total number of arms secured in these raids
throughout the whole country during the week
was over six hundred, including weapons of all
kinds, but mainly sporting guns. In a number
of cases the owners of the weapons resisted the
raiders, of whom five were known to have been
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 199
killed and eight wounded. On the other hand,
one peaceful citizen was killed and five, including
a woman, were wounded while defending their
property.
The methods of carrying out these raids varied
very little, and a few examples will serve to show
what those methods were.
On the night of August 31st, 1920, nine houses
in the . Clones district, Co. Monaghan, were
raided by armed men in search for arms. A
woman aged 65 was shot and dangerously
wounded in one of these houses.
On the same date a retired County Inspector of
the R.I.C. was dangerously wounded in the
course of a raid for arms upon his house in Co.
Tipperary.
On the 20th September, 1920, six houses in the
Howth district, Co. Dublin, were raided for arms
by a party of armed and masked men, who
secured six shot guns and twenty -nine cartridges.
The cases were not reported to the police until
they called at the houses for the purpose of
collecting the arms for safe custody ,>pv
This last case illustrates the difficulties in the
way of securing accurate information as to raids
for arms in particular and outrages in general.
There were always two reasons which deterred
the ordinary civil population from reporting the
activities of the Volunteers to the police. The
first was the rule of intimidation under which
the country had fallen, and the second was a
possibly uneasy conscience. The question of
intimidation is dealt with elsewhere, it is
200 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
sufficient here to state that persecution of some
kind almost invariably overtook the conveyor of
information to the police. As for the possession
of an uneasy conscience, there were many owners
of arms who, although they kept them normally
for innocent purposes, had failed to take steps to
apply for a permit, very often from a suspicion
that their records were not such as to facilitate
the granting of a permit.
From the Volunteers' point of view the opera-
tions were simple. In the first place, the objects
of their attention were usually owners of arms
with permits, who had therefore no reason for
concealment of their weapons. In the second the
raiders were local men, who found no difficulty
in learning who owned arms and where these were
kept. All that was necessary was for a party of
men, who might or might not take the trouble to
disguise themselves, to force their way into a
house by night, hold up the occupants at the
points of their revolvers, take the arms, and
disappear, long before the alarm could be con-
veyed to the nearest police. Even if they were
recognized, the chances were enormously against
information being laid against them. From the
point of view of the despoiled owner, it was far
better in the long run to bear the loss of his
property in silence than to incur the enmity of
the local Volunteers. Boycott and even personal
violence are two evils against which any possible
form of police protection is practically powerless.
Organized attacks upon Government establish-
ments containing arms or explosives, or upon
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 201
parties of armed men for the purpose of disarm-
ing them, may be divided into attacks upon
police barracks, military barracks, coast-guard
stations and lighthouses, policemen, and soldiers.
These attacks were necessarily somewhat
different, both in scope and execution, from
simple raids upon the houses of civilians. They
required a greater force to carry them out and
more careful preparation in order to ensure their
success. Further, the percentage of success was
very much smaller. Although attempted with
the advantages of surprise and overwhelming
numbers on the side of the attackers, it frequently
happened that the latter were driven off with
considerable loss. The whole question of these
attacks is dealt with in another chapter, here we
need be concerned with them only as they affect
the question of the securing of arms by the
raiders.
It must again be stated that ' ' arms ' ' must be
understood as including not only weapons but
explosives and military stores of all kinds.
Explosives were required for many purposes,
such as the destruction of property and the manu-
facture of bombs. It may be remarked in
passing that light was thrown upon the latter
activity of the Volunteers by a letter found in the
City Hall at Cork on the occasion of the arrest
of Terence McSwiney. This letter is headed
" G.H.Q. Dublin," under date 30th of June,
1920, and is addressed to O.C. Cork, No. 1
Brigade, the post held by Mr. McSwiney. It
runs as follows :
202 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' ' Will you kindly report as soon as possible if
there are any facilities in your area for the
manufacture of grenades. By this I do not
necessarily mean heavy foundry work. If you
can get a man who understands moulding to cast
iron cases from a pattern which we can supply,
it will meet the situation. We can then supply
necks in required numbers, these containing
spring, striker, percussion cap, fuse and
detonator, and if it be possible to cast even two
cases a day, something at least will be done to
speed up output. The need for this is very
pressing just now."
The letter is signed " T. Me., Director of
Munitions. ' '
The manufacture of bombs by the Republicans
was not always profitable to themselves. On 13th
October, 1920, an unoccupied house at Saltmills,
near Tintera, Co. Wexford, was shattered by
an explosion. An armed party rushed to
the spot from the nearest police barracks, and
found the building totally wrecked. Seven
corpses were found, and five badly wounded
people were taken to hospital in custody. Two
others known to have been there were missing,
and were believed to have been blown to pieces.
Some less seriously wounded had been taken away
by the survivors. A local body of Republicans
had been engaged in manufacturing bombs for
the purposes of attack on police and soldiers.
The usual type of bomb made on these occasions
is a rough iron casting containing explosives and
fragments of metal. This is provided with a
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 203
short fuse which has to be ignited by the thrower.
Similar accidents to amateur Republican muni-
tion makers had occurred before, but they were
kept quiet by the Republicans and the relatives
of the victims were simply informed that the
latter had " gone to America." The type of
bomb manufactured is easily made out of
explosives raided from quarries and lighthouses.
Military and police equipment was required
not only for the normal fitting out of the Volun-
teers, but also for purposes of disguise. On
many occasions Volunteers disguised as police-
men or soldiers effected entry into barracks, and
even caused local disturbances in order to inflame
opinion against the Forces of the Crown.
Parties of them so disguised are known to have
driven through villages at night, firing revolvers,
in order to make capital out of the subsequent
report of the " shooting up " of the villages by
uniformed men.
The best method of illustrating the various
outrages into which raids upon Government
establishments and personnel have been classified
will be to give statistics and examples. Attacks
on military and police barracks are dealt with
statistically elsewhere, but examples of the
capture of arms in these attacks can properly be
dealt with here.
Dealing first with police barracks, the attack
upon Schull R.I.C. barracks is a good example
of the methods of the Volunteers. At eight
o'clock in the evening of 4th October, 1920, a
large party of armed and disguised men made
204 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
their way towards the barracks, which are
situated in the Skibbereen district. Two or
three of them knocked on the back door, and upon
being challenged, gave the correct countersign.
The door was opened, and about twenty men of
the party rushed in and held up the police inside,
while others held up the six police who were on
duty outside the barracks. The raiders then
proceeded to seize all the arms they could lay
their hands upon, consisting of four service
rifles, nine carbines, four shot guns, eight
revolvers, three automatic pistols, four Verey
pistols, 1,300 rounds of rifle ammunition, 256
rounds of revolver ammunition, 40 shot gun
cartridges, 63 rounds of automatic pistol
ammunition, 36 Mills bombs, 24 hand grenades,
48 rounds of Verey pistol ammunition, and 10
parachute cartridges. In addition to this haul
the raiders took 13 sets of accoutrements, and a
number of arms which had recently been sur-
rendered to or captured by the police, consisting
of 13 shot guns, 44 shot gun cartridges, 3
revolvers and 5 rounds of revolver ammunition.
The raiders placed all the police records and
most of the barrack bedding in a pile and burnt
them together with the buildings. The police
were searched, stripped of their accoutrements,
and then conducted at the point of the revolver
to certain houses in the village.
This was an exceptional case, and is quoted
merely to illustrate the method. The success of
raids upon occupied barracks has been very slight,
in many cases small bodies of police have put up
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 205
heroic defences against parties of raiders many
times out-numbering them. Further particulars
of such defences will be dealt with in the chapter
dealing with the R.I.C.
The same remarks may be applied to attacks
upon military barracks. On a few occasions the
raiders succeeded in surprising the garrison and
capturing arms, but far more frequently they
were driven off with heavy losses, which could not
be determined owing to the secrecy displayed by
the Volunteers in the disposal of their casualties.
It became a common expression in Ireland that
a man had * ' gone to America, ' ' a phrase imply-
ing that he had been killed in the course of
fighting with the police or military and had been
secretly buried.
Perhaps the best example of a successful attack
upon a military barracks occurred at Mallow,
Co. Cork, on 28th September, 1920. In this
case the surprise was most carefully planned.
A party of fifty armed men waited until half
past nine in the morning, when the majority of
the occupants of the barracks, the 17th Lancers,
were out exercising horses. They then rushed
the sentry, disarmed him, swept into the guard-
room, and engaged the guard. In the fight
which ensued the sergeant of the guard was
fatally wounded, and his men were eventually
overpowered. One, however, escaped and leap-
ing on a horse galloped out to recall the rest of the
garrison. The raiders meanwhile loaded up all
the arms they could find into two motor-cars,
and made an effort to burn down the barracks by
206 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
placing trusses of hay in the barrack-rooms,
saturating them with petrol, and setting them
on fire. In this they were not successful, owing
probably to their eagerness to decamp before
they were interrupted. The arms captured on
this occasion consisted of 25 service rifles, 2
Hotchkiss machine guns, 4,000 rounds of
ammunition, and 20 swords and lances, together
with some boots and equipment.
Raids on barracks, both military and police,
are dealt with elsewhere, as has already been
explained. But raids on lighthouse and coast-
guard stations, since they have for their exclusive
object the capture of arms and explosives, may
be fully dealt with here. These establishments
are equipped with explosives and signalling
apparatus for the sole purpose of assisting
navigation. Lighthouses in many cases give
warning during foggy weather by means of
explosive sound signals, similar to " maroons."
Coast-guard stations are supplied with devices
for saving life from wrecks, including rockets,
and signalling devices which involve the use of
explosive substances. Through long custom
shipping has learnt to depend upon these con-
ditions, and any interference with them could
not but tend to induce mariners to avoid coasts
where such interference was apt to take place.
But the incidental causing of danger to shipping
did not weigh with the Republican leaders in
their desperate search for explosives. Between
1st January, 1920, and let January, 1921, forty-
six raids were made upon lighthouses and coast-
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 207
guard stations, and in nearly every case the
essential equipment of the establishment was
removed.
On 31st July, 1920, six men, masked and dis-
guised and some carrying rifles, made their way
into Mizen Head lighthouse, demanded the key
of the magazine from the lighthouse keeper on
watch, and took away all the explosives they
found there. Mizen Head lighthouse is situated
in the extreme south-west of Ireland, and is of
the first importance as the landfall for eastbound
vessels proceeding to Queenstown and Liverpool
via St. George's Channel.
On 24th September, 1920, at five minutes past
eleven in the morning, thirteen armed men forced
their way into Hook Head lighthouse, on the
south coast of Co. Wexford, and took away 820
charges of gun-cotton, 2,165 detonators, and 2
telescopes. In both the above cases the lighthouses
in question were thus rendered utterly useless as
aids to navigation in foggy weather.
Raids upon coast-guard stations were carried
out upon very similar lines. The most striking
example is the practically simultaneous attack
on two stations five miles distant from one
another : at Castletownbeer and Ballycrovane on
the northern shores of Bantry Bay, on July 25th,
1920. The former station was attacked by a
number of armed men shortly after mid-day.
Two of the raiders dressed in khaki rode up to
the station on military bicycles, and were allowed
to approach by the coastguardsman on duty,
who naturally took them for British soldiers.
208 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
They suddenly held him up at the points of their
revolvers, whereupon their companions broke
cover and rushed in. Some attacked the
Divisional Officer with an axe, while others set to
work to find arms. After a sharp tussle the
raiders were driven off before any injuries had
been sustained by the garrison. One of the
raiders was subsequently found in the vicinity
with a broken leg, and was arrested.
Twenty minutes later the storm burst upon
Ballycrovane. Here there was no attempt at
surprise. A party of about 150 men rushed the
station and killed Chief Officer Snowden and
Petty Officer Brown while they were endeavour-
ing to defend the place against such overwhelm-
ing odds. The remainder of the garrison, eight
men in all, were compelled to surrender when
they had expended their ammunition. The
raiders, who are known to have suffered heavily,
carried off with them twelve rifles, four pistols, a
typewriter and some rockets.
The subject of attacks upon isolated
individuals or bodies of soldiers or police is dealt
with elsewhere, as in most cases the principal
object of these attacks was murder, and the cap-
ture of arms or equipment was only incidental.
But in many cases ambushes were laid for lonely
men or for small parties, apparently with the sole
purpose of disarming them or taking their
equipment. For instance, at 3 p.m. on 19th
September, 1920, a soldier on a bicycle conveying
a despatch from Mullinahone to Knockvilla, in
County Tipperary, was held up by a party of
THE ARMING OF THE REPUBLIC. 209
armed and masked men who deprived him of his
bicycle and uniform. He was astute enough to
conceal his despatch from his assailants and
succeeded in delivering it intact.
During the morning of 15th September, 1920,
a train was held up at Morley's Bridge, Co.
Kerry, by a party of armed men. Two con-
stables of the R.I.C. who were travelling in the
train were disarmed.
It would be possible to cite many more
instances of the capture of arms by the Volun-
teers, but sufficient has already been said to
enable some idea to be gained of the methods by
which the Republicans endeavoured to augment
the stores of arms at their disposal in despite of
the efforts of the Government.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE.
Having now traced the organization and arma-
ment of the Republican forces, we are in a
position to deal with the campaign of outrage
carried out by them, a campaign which has
spread horror throughout the civilized world.
The point of view of the organizers of the out-
rage campaign is difficult to understand. It is
easy to imagine that the rank and file, and even
the junior officers, of the Volunteers, having been
carefully trained in military duties, might wel-
come the exhortations of An T'Oglac to carry out
a guerilla warfare against the British armed
forces. Throughout their history Irishmen have
shown a fighting spirit which could, by the arts
of skilful leaders of men, be turned into any
channel. The valour of the Irish regiments of
the British Army is proof enough of this. The
murder of policemen and soldiers is perhaps only
the perversion of this fighting spirit under the
influence of malignant leadership. The Volun-
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 211
teers have been laboriously trained to regard the
English as their natural enemies, and after a
time they have developed the instinct to slay these
enemies upon any favourable opportunity, by fair
means or foul.
But the same reasoning cannot apply to the
responsible leaders of the Republican movement.
They cannot have believed at any time that the
British Empire could be defeated by any methods
which they could adopt, or even be terrorised into
granting the status of an independent Republic
to Ireland at any cost of destruction and blood-
shed. In turning the country into a shambles
they have proclaimed their own incompetence to
rule, have made it the more impossible for
British troops and police to withdraw and leave
an intimidated population at the mercy of a
gang of murderers. They have preached a war
upon England, a war in which, as England has
refused to recognize it, they must take the offen-
sive in their own country, which must therefore
suffer destruction at their own hands. If Eng-
land has not in the past been wholly innocent of
offence to Ireland, her guilt is as nothing com-
pared with the guilt of those who have in recent
years let loose every weapon of outrage upon their
unfortunate compatriots. It is indeed, in the
words of the Prime Minister, ' ' a hellish policy, ' '
and a policy that can have no shadow of justifica-
tion nor hope of condonation.
Although the outrage campaign has been in
operation for some years, it will be convenient to
deal with its manifestations in 1920 alone, in
212 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
order that its relation to Irish administration in
that year may be more clearly understood. It
was in this year that the number and brutality
of the outrages committed by the Republicans
reached their climax, as the statistics and
examples that follow will indicate.
For the purposes of examination, the outrages
committed under the auspices of the Republican
organisations may be classified as follows.
Attacks on members of the police forces.
Attacks on members of the military forces.
Attacks on civilians.
Destruction of court-houses.
Destruction of police barracks.
Raids on mails.
Raids on coast-guard stations and lighthouses.
Raids for arms.
The last two forms of outrage have been dealt
with in the preceding chapter, and there is no
need to refer to them again here.
We may begin with an account of attacks on
members of the police forces. This heading
covers the ambushing of parties of police (a very
favourite form of Volunteer activity), police
casualties sustained during raids upon barracks
or in the course of riots, attacks upon solitary
policemen, and the deliberate murder of
particular members of the police forces.
During the period from the 1st January, 1920,
to 1st January, 1921, 165 members of the police
forces have been killed, 225 wounded, and a very
large number fired at in attempts at murder.
The nature of these outrages can best be demon-
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 213
strated by taking the records for a given week,
and also by describing certain particular cases.
For this purpose, the week from noon on Septem-
ber 25 to noon on October 2nd may be selected,
not because more attacks were made on police
during that week than during any other, but
because it was a fair average week as regards
outrage on the whole.
During this week 6 police were killed, 6
wounded, and 22 fired at without their sustaining
injury. Two other police died during the week
from the result of wounds previously received,
bringing the total police mortality up to eight.
Short details of the killings and woundings are
as follows.
At 9 p. in. on 25th September a party of five
police were fired upon in the village of Broad-
ford, in the Six-Mile-Bridge district of County
Clare, by a party of armed men. Constable
Brogan was shot dead, and Constable Brennan
was seriously wounded. The others escaped
injury.
During the afternoon of 29th September,
Constables Downey and O'Keefe were shot dead
beside the police barrack in a public-house
at O'Brien's Bridge, County Clare. The
assailants escaped.
At 1.30 p.m. on 29th September a police patrol
consisting of four men, while returning from
Borrisoleigh to Goldings Cross in the Temple-
more district of County Tipper ary, was
ambushed midway between the two places. Two
of the patrol, Constables Flood and Noonan, were
214 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
shot dead. Of the others, one was wounded and
one escaped injury. The police returned the
fire but it could not be ascertained whether the
assailants suffered any casualties. The body of
Constable Flood was found completely riddled
beside a hedge.
At 2.20 p.m. on 29th September a sergeant
and six constables were attacked and fired upon
by fifty armed and masked men near Waterville,
in the Cahirciveen district of County Kerry.
The police fought valiantly, and all escaped with
the exception of one man who was not very
severely wounded. The raiders took seven
bicycles, two rifles, and six police capes.
At 10 p.m. on 28th September Sergeant Dee
was fired at in the village of Drimoleague in the
Bantry district of County Cork. He was
seriously wounded, receiving five bullet wounds
in the body.
At 5.30 p.m. on 30th September a motor lorry
patrol was fired on at Leitrim, between Bunadden
and Tubbercurry, County Sligo. District
Inspector Brady was shot dead and Head Con-
stable O'Hara seriously wounded in the leg.
Constable Brown was slightly wounded in the
head. The police returned the fire, with what
result is not known.
Such, in the bald language of the police
reports, is the record of an average week of
murder and attempted murder by the Republi-
cans. In no single case is there any indication
of open warfare, the methods of the assailants
are those of common assassins, careful never to
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 215
act until they are in overwhelming numbers and
have covered their line of retreat. Fuller
accounts of the murders of policemen merely
emphasise the cowardly and brutal methods of
the ruffians who style themselves soldiers of the
Irish Republic. Of these, three instances will
be sufficient, the murders of District Inspector
Brady, mentioned above, of County Inspector
Smyth, and of Sergeant Mulherne.
The following is an extract from a report
(made on the spot) of the ambushing during
which District Inspector Brady was killed.
" I beg to state that on 30th September Dis-
trict Inspector Brady, Head Constable O'Hara
and seven men from Tubbercurry went to Sligo
on duty per motor lorry by direct road. They
left Sligo for their station about 4 p.m. taking a
different route via Ballymote.
' When they arrived at Leitrim, which is
about 2 miles from Tubbercurry on the road
between Bunadden and Tubbercurry, they were
fired on with rifles from an elaborately prepared
ambush behind loopholed walls situated on
elevated ground on each side of the road. The
spot was a regular death-trap and afforded no
chance of success to the police even if they had
been in a position to dismount and attack.
District Inspector Brady received three dreadful
wounds in the region of the kidneys, apparently
caused by expanding bullets. The calf of Head
Constable O'Hara's right leg was practically
blown away and the big toe of his left foot
shattered. Constable Brown received a slight
216 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
superficial wound on the cheek. The lorry drove
on, under a heavy fire, to which the police replied
as well as^they could. They could not see their
cowardly assailants, who were safely entrenched
in strong numbers behind their loopholed walls.
On their arrival at Tubbercurry they found the
telegraph wires to Sligo had been cut, and so a
party of police from Tubbercurry had to come
into Sligo by the motor lorry to inform the
County Inspector, arriving there at 9.15 p.m.
D. I. Russell of Sligo took a party of sixteen
police from Sligo, together with D. I. Dease
(who was returning to Tubbercurry off sick-
leave) and a party of ten soldiers under an officer,
and they all arrived at Tubbercurry shortly after
11 p.m. D. I. Russell and Dease went into the
R.I.C. Barracks and found that D. I. Brady
had died at about 8.30 p.m., and his naked body
was lying on the kitchen floor having just been
washed after death." (It is a peculiarly sad
feature of the case that D. I. Brady was to have
returned to his permanent station, Ballymoney,
County Antrim, on the next day). " Head
Constable O'Hara was lying in a room off the
kitchen, suffering intense pain.
' 'An attempt to hold an inquest on the body of
D. I. Brady yesterday was abortive. Only
seven persons attended. The state of terrorism
which now prevails in the county generally
renders any attempt to hold an inquest on a
murdered member of the R.I.C. a pure farce and
waste of time. The remains of poor young D.I.
Brady were carried through the town of Tubber-
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 217
curry yesterday evening on the shoulders of the
local police. No outsider had the moral courage
to show any sympathy by joining in the little
cortege composed of the forces of the Crown.
This ostracism affects the men of the R.I.C. very
much. Living or dead they are social outcasts.
I went to the scene of the ambush with police and
a few soldiers and made a thorough search and as
much inquiry as time permitted of. There was
every evidence that a large gang took part in the
ambush and there is reason to believe the other
road by which this lorry might have returned was
also ambushed. Stone walls on each side of the
road had been loopholed and the raiders had
brought supplies of food and drink judging by
the bottles and paper littered about. They had
also made themselves temporary couches of straw
on which to lie. The military officer who was
with me says that a person with a good deal of
military knowledge must have selected the spot
and had something to do with the loopholing.
After the shooting a number of men carrying
rifles were seen retiring in a southerly direction,
so that there is a strong probability that Irish
Volunteers from South Sligo and the localities
of Gurteen, Mullaghmore, and the country west
of Lough Gar a took a part.
' The ambushing of small parties of R.I.C.
now appears to be a definite plan of campaign
of the Irish Volunteers, who select suitable spots
and place fairly large forces in them to deal with
any forces of police passing that way. A party
of police passing through a wood near Tubber-
218 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
curry on October 1st were fired at by a party
in ambush. So far, as a result of the activities
of the South Sligo Irish Volunteers, we have had
one District Inspector and two constables
murdered, and one Head Constable and four
constables wounded . ' '
The murder of Colonel Smyth was an instance
of deliberate and cold-blooded assassination
carried out by emissaries of the Republicans.
The circumstances that led up to it are worthy
of a short description, for they form a remark-
able indictment of the methods of the Volunteers.
On the 10th July, 1920, a certain section of
the Irish Press published an extract from the
' Irish Bulletin " (a multigraphed sheet issued
periodically by the propaganda department of
the Sinn Fein organisation). The gist of the
extract was that Colonel Smyth, Divisional Com-
missioner R.I.C., had, on the 19th June, 1920,
made an inflammatory speech to the men at Lis-
towel barracks, in County Kerry. It was
alleged that the speech was an incitement to
murder, and it was widely advertised as such by
the Republicans as an example of encouragement
given by the authorities to the police to murder
innocent Irish people.
Colonel Smyth gave a correct report of the
speech which he had made at Listowel on 19th
June, which report was subsequently published
in " The Times " of 30th July, 1920. It was
evident that the original report of the speech, as
given by the " Irish Bulletin," had been a com-
plete misrepresentation of Colonel Smyth's
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 219
actual words, and was probably based upon the
verbal account of a disaffected constable who had
been present on the occasion.
A month later, on July 17th, Colonel Smyth,
who had just returned to Ireland from a three
days' visit to England, was sitting in the
smoking-room of the County Club at Cork with
County Inspector Craig. At 10.30 p.m. a
number of armed men forced their way into the
Club, overpowering the hall porter, and fourteen
of the party made their way into the smoking-
room. One of them pointed out Colonel Smyth,
who was promptly riddled with revolver bullets
and died within a few seconds. County Inspec-
tor Craig was also wounded.
Colonel Smyth was one of two gallant
brothers, both of whom had magnificent war
records, and both of whom had been wounded in
the service of their country. The second
brother, Major Smyth, was shot dead on the llth
October by assassins whom he was endeavouring
to arrest in a house in Drumcondra, Dublin.
This murder is described below.
There is one feature in the case of the shooting
of Sergeant Mulherne which distinguishes it
from many other brutal murders which took
place during the year. The unfortunate man
was in the act of leaving the Roman Catholic
Church of Bandon, County Cork, at a few
minutes past eight in the morning of 25th July,
when he was shot dead actually in the porch of
the church by four or five armed men who had
been waiting for him. It is noteworthy that in
220 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
this case the Bishop of Cork pronounced an
interdict against the murderers.*
It must be clearly realised that the cases cited
above are not mere isolated incidents, but are
chosen as representative of a series of murders
which have been carried out by Republicans
throughout the year. These cases illustrate two
forms of assassination : ambush by overwhelming
forces, and deliberate and carefully planned
murder of selected victims. It may be of interest
to note that at the time of the murder of Colonel
Smyth, at Cork, Terence McSwiney, then Lord
Mayor of Cork, was also Commandant of the
First Cork Brigade of the Irish Republican
Army, f
Attacks upon members of the military forces
were carried out by much the same methods.
During the period from 1st January, 1920, to
1st January, 1921, 53 military were killed, 118
wounded, and a very large number fired at
ineffectually. The majority of these men were
attacked while making arrests in the execution of
their duty, or in the course of ambushes, or while
acting as sentries in exposed positions. An
example of each of these forms of attack will
sufficiently illustrate the methods employed.
During the night of October llth- 12th, a party
of troops, commanded by Major G. O. S. Smyth,
and including Captain A. P. White, demanded
admittance to a house known as Fernside, in
Drumcondra, on the outskirts of Dublin, the
* See the statement printed at the end of this chapter
(page 236).
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 221
residence of Mr. John Carolan, with the object
of arresting a suspected person said to be lodging
there. Entry to the house was not opposed, and
the ordinary room-to-room search proceeded
normally until the top floor was reached. As
Major Smyth entered a room on this floor, he was
shot at point-blank range while opening the door,
and fell dead. A hail of fire was then opened
from the room down the narrow passage outside,
and Captain White, who had dashed to Major
Smyth's assistance, was so severely wounded that
he died shortly after. Corporal Worth, who was
on the stairs, was also seriously wounded. The
remaining members of the party, assisted by Mr.
Carolan, the owner of the house, made a gallant
attempt to enter the room, in the course of which
Mr. Carolan was seriously wounded. Two of
the party who had been guarding the rear of the
house rushed into the building when they heard
the firing. During their absence the assassins
are believed to have jumped from the window of
their room on to the roof of a glass-house in the
garden, and so to have made their escape.
At 6-15 p.m. on 20th July, 1920, a military
lorry going from Macroom to Bally vourney, in
County Cork, was ambushed by a party of armed
men who fired two volleys into the lorry while it
was passing between high banks which overhung
both sides of the road. All the members of the
military party, together with a naval wireless
operator, were wounded, more or less severely.
Captain Airey subsequently died from the effects
of his wounds.
222 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The Volunteers, however, did not always find
the ambushing of troops a profitable occupation,
as the following account shows :
At about a quarter to four in the afternoon of
8th September, 1920, a military lorry carrying
an officer and a party of eight men of the Essex
Regiment was travelling along the road from
Ballineen to Dunmanway, County Cork, when
the officer in charge noticed a band of about
twenty men collected on the road some three
quarters of a mile ahead. When these men saw
the lorry they jumped into the ditches that border
the road. The lorry prepared for action, and
drove slowly on. When it reached the point
where the band had first been observed, the
members of the latter were seen with arms in
their hands running for the cover of a wood
near by. Half of the military party gave chase,
and were promptly fired on, but without effect.
They returned the fire and wounded two of their
assailants. The other half of the party remained
to guard the lorry. They, too, were fired upon-
by about thirty men and returned the fire.
Although in such overwhelming numbers, the
attackers thought better of the matter, and
decamped. On the scene of the ambush, and
about five yards from the road, a man, John
Murray, was found lying in the gorse. He
stated that he was told to lie there till he saw
the lorry and then to give a signal. He was
searched, but no arms were found on him, and in
order to keep him out of mischief he was
subsequently removed to the local workhouse. On
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 223
22nd of September he was tried by Court Martial
at Cork and acquitted.
Just previous to the firing, another man,
riding a skewbald horse, was seen about the spot.
He saluted the officer in charge, but subsequently,
when the latter was climbing the hedge to begin
his pursuit of the raiders, he fired two revolver
shots at him and rode away.
A fair was going on in the village of Ballineen
at the time, and this gave the attackers the
opportunity of concentrating unobserved. The
site of the attack is particularly adapted to the
purpose of an ambush, there being a hedge and a
deep ditch on either side of the road, which is
flanked by heavy undergrowth and a wood.
As an example of the murder of a soldier on
patrol that of Lance- Corporal Maddox, who was
shot dead at Bandon, County Cork, at 12-30
a.m. on 27th July, 1920, may be mentioned.
Attacks upon civilians by the Republicans are
usually in the nature of murders of marked
men whom the various organizations consider
dangerous, or of persons whom they suspect of
informing or of betraying their secrets. During
the period from 1st January, 1920, to 1st
January, 1921, 43 civilians were murdered, and
103 wounded. The most sensational murders of
marked men were those of Messrs. Alan Bell and
Frank Brooke and of Captain Lendrum.
Mr. Alan Bell was a Resident Magistrate, and
during March, 1920, he was engaged in Dublin
upon investigations into the relations between
certain Irish Banks and the Sinn Fein
224 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
organizations. At about ten o'clock in the
morning of March 26th, 1920, he boarded a tram
at Monkstown on the outskirts of Dublin in order
to proceed from his home to his office in Dublin
Castle. When the tram reached a stopping place
at the end of Sandymount Avenue, a party of
about half a dozen men, who had evidently been
awaiting the arrival of the car on which Mr.
Bell was travelling, boarded the car. Two of
them stepped up to their victim and tapped him
on the shoulder, saying " Come on, Mr. Bell,
your time has come." They then dragged him
from the car on to the footpath beside the road,
and shot him dead with their revolvers.
It is important to note that this affair took
place actually in Dublin itself during one of the
busiest periods of the day, when the inhabitants
of the suburbs were coming into the City to their
work; and the fact that no attempt was made
by any of the onlookers to prevent the crime or to
impede the escape of the murderers is a striking
illustration of the reign of terror established by
the Republicans even in the capital of the
country.
The case of Mr. Brooke was very curious. The
Right Honourable Frank Brooke, D.L., was
chairman of the Dublin and South Eastern
Railway Company. He was an Irish Privy
Councillor, and a member of Lord French's
Advisory Committee. For some time previous
to his murder he had received a series of
threatening letters, and he was under constant
police protection. At 12-30 p.m. on July 30th,
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 225
1920, he was seated in his office at Westland Row
Station, Dublin, when a small band of armed
men burst in and shot him dead. The motives
for the deed are obscure, but it is probable that
the part he had played in the railway dispute
was responsible for the murder. The verdict of
the Coroner's jury on the affair is interesting.
It is as follows : " Francis H. Brooke died on the
30th of July, 1920, from shock and haemorrhage
caused by bullets fired from a revolver by persons
unknown. We consider this a premeditated
wilful murder and we express our abhorrence of
the crime and tender our sincere sympathy with
the family and friends of the deceased."
Captain Lendrum, a Resident Magistrate for
County Clare, was ambushed on 22nd September
while motoring from Ennistymon to Ennis, in
County Clare. Nothing more was heard of him,
and the local police threatened reprisals unless
news of him was forthcoming. Some days later
two men interviewed the District Inspector and
informed him that Captain Lendrum had been
shot dead at the time of his ambush on the 22nd,
but that the Republicans would give up his body
if the police were withheld from the threatened
reprisals for a period sufficient to enable them to
obtain the body, as "at present there were
difficulties in the way." The informants stated
to the District Inspector that they were compelled
to deliver the information under a threat from
the Irish Volunteers. Information was received
at 10 a.m. on 1st October, 1920, that a coffin had
been seen on the railway line at Kilmurray, and
p
226 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the police on proceeding to that place found the
body, which bore traces of immersion in sea-
water, and was wrapped in a sheet enclosed in a
rudely-constructed coffin of white wood. On the
lid of the coffin was pencilled in capital letters
" To Kilkee." The fact of the body showing
signs of having been in the sea for some days
would account for the " difficulty in the way '
referred to by the informers.
The following is one out of the many instances
of the murders of men suspected by the
Republicans of having betrayed them :
On the evening of 21st September, 1920, the
body of an unknown man with a bullet wound
in the head was found in a field of corn at
Knockroe, in the Bagenalstown district of
County Carlow. A label was attached to the
man's clothing, bearing the words " Spies and
Informers Beware ! '
l | , -. . i
We may now turn from the consideration of
outrages upon the person to outrages upon
property. It has long been part of the policy of
the Republicans to destroy Government property
whenever possible, regardless of the fact that the
results of such destruction must inevitably be
borne by their own country, and would be most
severely felt by themselves if they succeeded in
forming the Republic they desire.
The first heading under this description of
outrage is the destruction of court houses. These
establishments besides being the centres of
justice usually contain the records of the district
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 227
and such public property as standard weights
and measures. It is easy to believe that criminals
such as those forming the ranks of the Irish
Republican Army would regard the destruction
of court houses with special delight, and it is
quite possible that certain sections of the general
populace would hesitate to interfere with them.
During the period from January 1st, 1920, to
January 1st, 1921, 68 court houses were
destroyed, mostly by the simple expedient of
burning them down. Three of these destructions
took place during the week from 28th August to
4th September, 1920, and the extracts from the
police reports for this week will illustrate them.
In the morning of August 31st, 1920, the
court house and vacated R.I.C. barracks at
Celbridge, County Kildare, were maliciously
destroyed by fire.
At 1 a.m. on September 3rd, 1920, the court
house at Ballinamore, County Leitrim, was set
on fire and completely destroyed.
At 3 a.m. on 4th September, 1920, the court
house and vacated R.I.C. barracks at Mount-
mellick, Queen's County, were maliciously
burned down.
Another example, showing the destruction of
records, is as follows :
During the morning of 23rd August, 1920, a
party of men attacked Collooney court house, in
the Ballymote district of County Sligo. They
broke up the furniture and burned it, together
with the statutes and books.
Of perhaps more importance is the organised
228 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
campaign of destruction of police barracks. It
was found, soon after the inauguration of the
outrage campaign, that it was impossible for the
police to defend themselves when they were
scattered in small parties all over the country.
A policy was therefore put into operation by
which the police were withdrawn from outlying
stations and concentrated at the larger and more
important centres, the vacated barracks being
thus left unoccupied. The Republican reply to
this policy was to begin a campaign of systematic
burning of vacated barracks, while at the same
time organizing attacks upon such occupied
barracks as they felt strong enough to capture
without much risk.
During the period between 1st January, 1920,
and 1st January, 1921, 507 vacated barracks
were destroyed and 114 damaged, mostly by
parties of armed and masked men who were able
to burn them down without much fear of
interruption. But it frequently happened that
the Volunteers did not have things all their
own way. On more than one occasion the
vacated barracks were kept under observation,
and the destruction parties were routed with
considerable loss as soon as they started their
operations.
The figures of the destruction of occupied
barracks tell a very different tale. During the
period from 1st of January, 1920 to 1st January,
1921, 23 occupied barracks were destroyed and
49 damaged. The story is always much the
same : an overwhelming force of raiders arrives
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 229
upon the scene armed and equipped with
combustibles, and proceeds to lay regular siege
to the threatened barracks. A few results of
successful resistances are as follows :
At 1-45 a.m. on 13th August, 1920, Castle-
baldwin R.I.C. barracks were attacked by a large
party of armed men. The police garrison
returned their fire, and after three quarters of
an hour of ineffectual firing the attackers with-
drew. None of the police was injured.
Perhaps the best example is contained in the
reports- on a series of attacks delivered within a
five mile radius in County Donegal early in the
morning of the 30th August, 1920. The brief
reports speak for themselves.
At 1 a.m. on August 30th Bally shannon
R.I.C. barracks were attacked by a large party
of armed men. The attackers were driven off
without loss to the garrison.
At 1-50 a:m. on 30th August Bundoran R.I.C.
barracks were attacked by armed raiders for an
hour. The attackers were driven off without loss
to the garrison.
In the early hours of the morning of 30th
August Donegal R.I.C. barracks were attacked
by a large party of armed men. The attackers
were repelled. None of the police was injured.
Surely this night's work bears out the acid
comment in An T'Oglac of June, 1920, that " no
fortified place was ever taken by firing rifle
shots at it from a distance ! '
An instance of the success of the Volunteers
230 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
against an occupied barracks is contained in a
report as follows :
At 10 a.m. on 5th September, 1920, a party of
armed men disguised as soldiers entered the
police barracks in Bellah, County Fermanagh.
Having gained entry through their disguise, they
overpowered the occupants and seized all the
arms and ammunition they could find. The
barracks were then set on fire and destroyed.
There is no doubt that in the case of attacks
upon occupied barracks, the balance of advantage
rests upon the side of the police, whose heroic
defence of their stations against overwhelming
numbers would in itself make a chapter of
history.
We now come to a form of outrage which
became extremely prevalent throughout the year,
namely, raids upon mails. These raids appeared
to be undertaken by the Volunteers on behalf of
their intelligence service. By examination of the
mails and the removal of official correspondence
they hoped to discover the counter-measures taken
by the authorities to deal with the campaign of
outrage. Further than this, they hoped to obtain
evidence of local feeling, to discover possible
informers and the sentiments of the population.
Their methods varied from the holding up of
trains to the stopping of solitary postmen. It is
obviously impossible to provide armed escorts for
every man or vehicle carrying the mails, and in
a country like Ireland, abounding in spots
favourable to ambush, there is no possibility of
guarding against a wholesale campaign of mail-
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 231
raiding. During the period from 1st January,
1920, to 1st January, 1921, there were 998 raids
on mails of various kinds, of which typical
examples are as follows :
At 7-10 a.m. on July 15th, 1920, about twenty-
two armed men entered the sorting and mails
department of the Dublin General Post Office* at
the Rotunda Rink. They held up all the
officials and took away the following bags of
correspondence : a bag for the Secretary, G.P.O.,
several bundles of letters for the Accountant,
G.P.O., a pouch for the Registrar-General, a
sorting box for the Engineer, G.P.O., a bag for
the Local Government Board, a bag for the
Surveyor of Taxes, a bag for the Under
Secretary's office, two bundles containing about
fifty letters for the R.I.C., about a hundred
miscellaneous letters for Dublin Castle, eighty
letters for the Vice-Regal Lodge, a bag for the
General Prisons Board, and a bag for the
Cashier Irish Command.
Three men carried the letters and bags to a
motor-car which was in waiting at the western
side of the Square outside the office. A large
bag containing the correspondence for the R.I.C.
was lying on the floor partly under a table in the
State Letter Department and was apparently
unnoticed by the raiders, who remained twelve
minutes in the building, leaving at 7-22 a.m. on
a signal given by their leader, who blew a whistle.
* The G.P.O. building in Dublin was burnt out during the
Easter Week Rebellion, 1916. Since then the various postal
services of the City have been carried out in various
temporary offices.
232 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
He was the last to leave the premises, and
counted off his men as they left. The premises
are entered by gates at the eastern and western
sides of the Rotunda, and the raid was carried
out simultaneously at each side, the raiders
driving the officials before them into the centre
of the building at the point of their revolvers.
When the raiders entered they immediately took
possession of the telephones and emergency
switches in the building and so prevented any
information being conveyed until the raid was
completed. The superintendent was at his
post and immediately the raiders had left he
telephoned to the police. At the time of the raid
there were in all about a hundred and fifty
officials, including postmen and overseers, on the
premises.
Examples of other forms of raids on mails are
as follows :
At 7 a.m. on 10th September a rural postman
from Monaghan to a neighbouring village was
held up about three miles from Monaghan by a
masked and armed man, and 47 in old-age
pension money was taken from him.
This form of robbery is extremely common.
It shows that the Republicans make war, not like
the highwaymen of old, upon the richer classes,
but upon rich and poor alike.
At 10-30 a.m. on 13th October, 1920, the mail-
car from Tipperary to Limerick Junction,
conveying the general night mail, was held up at
Bohercrowe in the Tipperary district by armed
and masked men, and the contents of the mail-
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 233
car, sixteen bags, were taken. On the morning
of the 14th the mailbags were f ound by a postman
with their seals broken about half a mile from
the scene of the raid. The letters were all open
and mixed up, and five registered letters were
missing.
On 30th August the 4-45 p.m. train from
Mountmellick, Queen's County, was held up by
four armed and masked men one mile outside the
town. Four mail-bags were rifled and two taken.
The passengers' luggage was also searched and
some of it taken.
Instances of mail robberies might be multiplied
indefinitely, but enough has been said to enable
the position to be realised. So serious did it
become that on 12th October, 1920, the Irish
Government issued the following statement :
"The Government has had under consideration
the constantly repeated attacks upon post offices
and mails under conveyance in Ireland, and the
threatening letters which have been addressed to
individual post office servants in connection with
the performance of their duty. As these attacks
render it impossible for the Post Office to fulfil
its obligations to safeguard the secrecy of the
correspondence committed to its care, the
Government feels bound to issue a clear warning
to the public whose letters are liable to loss or
violation to an even greater extent than those of
the Government (seeing that the more important
Government mails do not go through the post),
that, if the practices above referred to are not
discontinued, postal services will be curtailed, or
234 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
even altogether withdrawn, in the districts
affected."
Other forms of outrage which are not included
under the classification on page 212 have occurred
in great numbers, but these can only be very
briefly referred to on account of lack of space.
For instance, during the months of April and
May, 1920, 119 raids were made on Revenue
Offices, resulting in the destruction of many
official documents and much other public
property. A word must also be said upon the
subject of Republican war upon women. In
pursuance of their policy of boycott against the
Forces of the Crown, the Volunteers make a
practice of attacking those who are seen speaking
to members of these forces. In the case of women,
the favourite punishment is the cropping of their
hair. Instances where this has occurred are as
follows :
At 8-45 p.m. on 31st July, 1920, when two
soldiers and two girls were out walking near
Navan, Co. Meath, four men presented revolvers
at them, knocked down the girls, and cut off their
hair.
At 11 p.m. on 29th September, when Bridget
Wynne and Lily Colburn, resident in the Birr
district, were returning to their homes at
Banagher, King's County, accompanied by two
soldiers of the Somerset Light Infantry they were
set upon by a party of armed and disguised men,
some fifteen or twenty in number, and their hair
cut off.
At 12-30 a.m. on 5th October, 1920, the house
THE CAMPAIGN OF OUTRAGE. 235
of John Kean, at Shaurahan, in the Cahir
district of County Tipperary, was entered by
three masked and armed men who cropped his
daughter's hair.
Other brutal outrages upon women are
common. The following is a good example :
At 10-30 p.m. on 14th September, 1920, a
barrack servant, sixty years of age, was taken
from her lodgings in a village in County Donegal
by armed and masked men. They gagged her
and took her to a field nearby, where she was
kicked in the body and her hair cut off.
Finally we may give an example of a type of
outrage which sufficiently exhibits the mentality
of the perpetrators.
On the morning of the 28th September, 1920, a
donkey, the property of Anne McEvoy, of
Portarlington, Queen's County, was stabbed in
the forehead by a masked man. The animal had
been employed in carting turf for the police.
A statement showing cases of police shot or
attacked on their way to or from their churches,
and cases where the absence of police at Mass has
been taken advantage of to attack barracks.
County, Cork. District, Ballincollig.
When Constables Michael Sweeney and
Michael Walsh were leaving Berrings
Chapel on 28th September, 1919, they were
attacked by a party of 12 men, knocked
down, and kicked. Two shots were fired at
Constable Sweeney, passing through hia
236 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
body at the upper portion of his lung. The
other lodged in his body.
County, Tipperary. District, Nenagh.
Constables Jas. Rock and C. Healy,
Toomevara, were murdered on 16th
March, 1920, when returning from evening
devotions.
County, Clare. District, Kilrush.
Sergeant P. J. Carroll murdered and
Constable Collins seriously wounded on 18th
April, 1920, when returning from Mass at
Kilmihill.
County, Cork. District, Fermoy.
On 24th April, 1920, Arraglen Barrack
was raided by a party of 12 armed men while
the party (with the exception of the B.O.)
was at Divine Service. They overpowered
the B.O. after he had twice fired, wounding
one. They blindfolded and bound him,
placed him in the lock-up, and took away
all arms and ammunition, also the official
books.
County, Cork. District, Bandon.
On 25th July, 1920, Sergeant Mulherne,
R.I.C., entering the R.C. Chapel in Bandon
was murdered in the porch of the chapel.
County, Cork. District, Bandon.
When Constable Walsh, Mountpleasant,
was going to Mass on 2nd May, 1920, he was
fired at, the bullet grazing his back. He
was also struck by some shots on the face.
County, Cork. District, Youghal.
Head Constable Ruddock was fired at
THE CAMPAGN OF OUTRAGE. 237
and wounded when returning from Divine
Service on 1st August, 1920, at Youghal.
County, Fermanagh. District, Kesh.
A party of armed men dressed in soldiers'
uniform, in motor cars, entered the R.I.C.
Barracks, Belleek, at 10-15 a.m. on 5th
September, 1920. They overpowered the
occupants and seized the arms and
ammunition. Some of the police were at
Divine Service, and the raiders locked the
church door to prevent them coming to the
assistance of their comrades. The raiders
also burned the barracks.
County, Meath. District, Trim.
At about 9 a.m. on 26th September, 1920,
Trim R.I.C. Barracks was rushed by a party
of masked and armed men, during the
absence of five of the garrison at Divine
Service. They wounded the Head Constable,
took all the arms and ammunition, and
burned the barracks.
CHAPTER IX.
THE TROOPS IN IRELAND AND THE RAILWAY
SITUATION.
Republican sympathisers in Ireland habitually
refer to the troops stationed in Ireland as an
Army of Occupation, as though the duties of
these troops were to keep in subjection a hostile
populace. A single fact is sufficient to prove
that the British Military forces in Ireland are in
no sense an Army of Occupation the fact that
that country is not administered by martial law.
That martial law has been proclaimed at
different times in eight counties to deal with
temporary situations in no way alters the main
fact. British troops are maintained in Ireland
for the sole purpose of assisting the police to
maintain law and order, and they can act in
political matters only at the request of the police
authorities.
In a statement issued to the press by the
Irish Government in July, 1920, the facts were
set out as follows :
' British troops are now stationed in Ireland
in greater strength than is usual in time of peace
for the sole purpose of assisting the Civil Power
in maintaining law and order, and in defence of
RAILWAY SITUATION. 239
Ireland and the Irish. The policy of the Irish
extremists has been shown to be one of destruction
of life and property, and it is obvious that
whatever may be the future of the country the
burden of this destruction must fall upon the
shoulders of the Irish nation. It is in order to
check the ravages of the extremists that troops
are required in augmentation of the police forces.
The military in Ireland are in no sense an Army
of Occupation ; military law has not been
proclaimed, and the mere presence of the troops
has been found to act as a check upon the
campaign of outrage.
" That the intervention of armed forces is
welcomed by the responsible body of Irish
opinion has been proved abundantly. Their
assistance was recently invoked by the authorities
of Londonderry, and their presence on that
occasion undoubtedly helped in preventing the
development of a still more serious situation.
The military precautions taken last week were
approved by both Nationalists and Unionists in
Ulster, and it is probable that these precautions
influenced the marked lack of disorder that
accompanied the celebrations of July 12th.
' Finally, it would be impossible, by with-
drawing British troops from Ireland, to leave
the law-abiding majority of that country and the
peaceful agents of civil government at the mercy
of the forces of disorder, or to remove the sole
agency capable of keeping the peace between
rival sections of the community."
This 1 statement sets out the position of the
240 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
British Army in Ireland, and the reasons for its
presence. It must be remembered, also, that
Ireland has always been a training ground for
British troops, and that consequently the mere
fact of troops being in Ireland has nothing to do
with the political situation. The number of
troops in the country has necessarily been
increased, in order to cope with the activities of
the Republicans. These troops, composed mainly
of young soldiers, have behaved, under conditions
of extreme difficulty, in a manner that must
compel the admiration of the civilized world.
Their position is very similar to that of the
Royal Irish Constabulary, which was described
in the previous chapter. They are, to all intents
and purposes, living in a hostile country, without
the advantage of being confronted by a visible
enemy from whom they can seek vengeance for
injuries sustained. Their duties are perhaps
more arduous than those occasioned by active
warfare. They are called upon to furnish a
constant succession of guards, patrols, and search
parties, and when their tour of duty is over they
are compelled to spend the greater part of their
leisure in barracks. There is no single minute of
the day or night in which they can relax their
vigilance. They may at any moment be attacked
by overwhelming numbers, their barracks may be
stormed, each individual may be waylaid and
shot without warning.
Nor do the actions of the Republicans cease at
murder and bodily injury. Soldiers are insulted
every day in a thousand different ways. Every
RAILWAY SITUATION. 241
effort is made by the Republicans to prevent them
from associating with the Irish population.
They are treated as pariahs and outcasts in the
country which it is their duty to defend. As a
consequence they dislike their surroundings, are
forced to regard the Irish as their enemies, and
long for an opportunity of retaliation upon them
by legitimate means.
Yet in spite of this provocation, they have
maintained the traditions of the British Army,
have proved their steadiness and their discipline,
and with it all have kept up that wonderful
cheerfulness and spirit which were the
admiration of the world throughout the War.
There is abundant evidence that the troops are
popular with the Irish population where the
latter are not under the influence of Republican
terrorism, that in the more law-abiding parts of
the country they are welcomed and treated as
honoured visitors. But it is of course in the
disturbed areas that their qualities of discipline
have had the greatest chance of being displayed.
In Cork City, for instance, the troops have
suffered every possible form of outrage and
insult. It might well be imagined that their
self-restraint would have succumbed to the
provocation they have received, that they would
have seized the first opportunity of wreaking
their vengeance on their cowardly assailants.
Yet the incident of the attack on General Strick-
land on 24th September, 1920, revealed a state of
discipline almost unparalleled. The Chief
Secretary referred to the incident in the House of
Q
242 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Commons on 20th October, 1920, in the following
words :
" The other day in Cork, General Strickland,
one of the most distinguished Commanders of the
late War, was motoring through the streets. He
was ambushed, many shots were fired at him, and
some pierced his car, but he came through the
fusilade owing to the courage of his driver. He
commands, let us say, ten thousand troops in the
Cork area. He drove at once to his headquarters
in his car, and he issued the most drastic
commands that every man in his command should
fall in, including officers. Why? Because he
did not want any reprisals in that force of his,
and there was not a sign or a suspicion of
reprisal. ... I want to point out to this
House what a strong discipline there must be
in an army that will allow its popular and
distinguished general to be ambushed, to be shot
at by assassins, and yet not strike back. No
other army under any other flag in the
world can boast, and rightly boast, of such stern
discipline. This is only one out of many instances
of the exercise of a restraint that is indeed
marvellous."
The position of the soldier in Ireland is very
well set out in a pamphlet entitled " Sinn Fein
and the Irish Volunteers ' published by
authority and issued to the troops in October,
1920. After giving an account of the origin and
history of Sinn Fein, and of the organization and
methods of the Republican forces, the pamphlet
proceeds to deal with the attitude of the Army
RAILWAY SITUATION. 243
towards these forces in the following words :
" As soldiers, we of the garrison of Ireland
have nothing to do with the political opinion or
differences of opinion of the Irish, but we are here
to ensure that law and order are maintained,
to support the police in maintaining order and in
suppressing violence, sedition, and disloyalty to
our King and Empire.
" It will be seen ... . that the chief
disturbers of the peace in this country are the
extreme sections of Sinn Fein. These men are
mostly enrolled in, and many are leaders of, the
Irish Volunteers. There are considerable numbers
of these all over Ireland, and their organization
is good and complete. Their intelligence service
is good, and they are always anxious to obtain
information about military dispositions. They
want more arms, they want explosives, and they
want to commit outrages against the members of
the police or military and do all the damage they
can to Government property in Ireland without
running any risk to themselves.
' These are the reasons why so many guards
have to be mounted on Government property in
Ireland, why sentries have to be doubled, why
armed men are not allowed to go about in parties
of less than six. A soldier in Ireland must be
particularly careful that no military matters are
discussed in the presence of civilians and to
ensure that every precaution is taken that arms
and ammunition, or explosives, do not fall into
the hands of unauthorised persons. He must be
ready at all times to go to the assistance of the
244 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
police if called upon. He must always be vigilant
and never allow himself to be lulled into a sense
of security by the apparently peaceful appearance
of his surroundings, and he must be well trained
in the use of his weapons so as to defend himself
should the necessity arise.
" Every soldier in Ireland must realise that
the most harmless looking civilian may be armed
and hostile, that he has cunning and desperate
men to deal with who will stop at nothing, and
are capable of committing any outrage provided
the risk to themselves is not great, but who, if
stood up to, generally consider that discretion is
the better part of valour.
' ' It may be taken for granted that every move
of military or police detachments on patrol,
escorts, etc., and every guard are carefully
watched at all times by the members of the Irish
Republican Army, and that the slightest slack-
ness is detected and leads to attack. The fact
that an attack is not made on a patrol, escort,
guard, etc., means not that the opportunity for
attack has not been sought, but that the military
precautions in such particular cases have been
such that an attack would be likely to entail
risk of life and limb to the attackers."
One of the methods employed by the
Republicans to harass the military authorities,
and also the police, in the execution of their
duties was to bring pressure to bear upon
railwaymen throughout Ireland in order to
induce them to refuse to work trains carrying
soldiers, members of the police force, or stores
RAILWAY SITUATION. 245
intended for the use of the military or police.
As was to be expected, the effects of this policy
were felt most strongly in the South and West of
Ireland, where the influence of the Republicans
was strongest. The usual tactics employed by
the intimidated railwaymen were to refuse to act
as soon as parties of soldiers or police entered the
trains. This policy began to take a serious turn
in June, 1920. The following examples of its
action during that month show the methods
employed.
On June 21st a party of police who were
proceeding to their headquarters for a course of
instruction boarded the 7-30 a.m. train from
Cloughjordan, County Tipperary. The engine-
driver refused to proceed until the police left the
train. The police received instructions to remain
in their carriages, and the train remained in the
station. This was the first symptom of direct
action in the matter, and it challenged the
maintenance of ordinary civil government. The
engine-driver was summoned to Dublin by the
officials of the G.S. and W. Railway Company,
and was dismissed. A suggestion was promptly
made by certain Republican sympathisers that
the deadlock was deliberately created by the Irish
Government with the view to producing a test
case, and forcing an issue upon a dispute that
was raging at the time over the carriage of
ammunition upon Irish railways. This dispute
had begun with the refusal of the L. and N.W.
Railway employees in Dublin to unload cargoes
of military stores from that Company's steamers
at North Wall, Dublin.
246 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The suggestion that the authorities had
provoked the situation was entirely unfounded,
as future events proved. On the 23rd the
situation was unchanged. No trains were
running through Cloughjordan Station, and the
station was guarded by troops. Traffic was
held up on the whole section of line between
Ballybrophy, the junction for Nenagh on the
main G.S. and W. line, and Nenagh. Would-be
passengers were obliged to travel by Limerick
Junction or to make use of such local facilities
for road transport as they could find. Later on
the same day the trouble spread to Limerick. A
party of police going from that city to Nenagh
were held up at Limerick Station by the railway-
men refusing to work the train. On the same
evening the night mail train from Cork to
Dublin was held up at Blarney at 9 p.m. The
two guards of the train were kidnapped and
removed to an unknown destination. The
telegraph wires in the vicinity were also cut. The
police remained in their train and were protected
there by other police who were not travelling. On
the 24th the railway deadlock spread still
further. No trains left Limerick in any
direction. An engine-driver at Athenry, in
County Galway, on the M.G.W. Railway
refused to drive a train containing a party of
police from that station to Tuam. The police
refused to leave the train, and the line was
blocked.
The blocks at Cloughjordan, Blarney, and
Athenry isolated large parts of the south-west of
RAILWAY SITUATION. 247
Ireland, and caused great hardship to the
innocent population. It has, however, always
been typical of the operations of the Republicans
that they have caused far more distress to the
civil population of the country than they have to
the Forces of the Crown. The latter, so far as
transport is concerned, can always fall back on
other means than those provided by the railways,
but the civil inhabitants are dependent upon an
uninterrupted railway service for their very
existence.
The full particulars of the Limerick incident
form a very good example of the procedure in
such cases. At 2-45 p.m. on June 23rd, 1920,
eight R.I.C. recruits boarded a train at Limerick
Railway Station en route for Nenagh. The driver
and guard refused to handle the train, and both
were dismissed. A second driver and guard were
procured, and at 4-30 p.m. another attempt was
made to get the train away, but the police refused
to leave, and the driver and guard, upon refusing
to handle the train, were also dismissed. A
similar occurrence at 6-15 p.m. resulted in a
third driver and guard being dismissed. No
further attempt was made on that day to run a
train on the line from Limerick to Nenagh.
Limerick Station was closed and locked, and the
police returned to barracks.
On the 24th, eight constables from Dundrum,
who had been to Tipperary Quarter Sessions,
entered the 6-15 p.m. train at Tipperary Station.
The engine-driver refused to work the train any
further while the police remained in it. The
248 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
police refused to leave the train, and traffic was
therefore stopped.
The next day, six police with some prisoners
for trial boarded the 8-54 a.m. train from
Carrick-on-Suir to Waterford. The train was a
' ' mixed ' ' one, consisting of both passenger and
goods stock. The engine-driver shunted the
passenger carriages into a siding and took the
goods portion on to its destination, leaving the
police with their prisoners in occupation of the
carriages, where they were forced to remain for
the greater portion of the day.
On the same day (June 25th) the 2-45 p.m.
train from Cork to Dublin did not run, as the
guards refused to work it, giving as their reason
that as the two guards who had refused to work
the corresponding train from Tipperary to
Dundrum on the previous day had been
dismissed, they would be looked upon as blacklegs
if they worked the train. There was no question
in this instance of police or military being on the
train. The guards were dismissed.
Another incident occurred on the 25th. The
guard and the driver of the down day mail train
from Castlebar, County Mayo, refused to work
the train any further owing to the fact that a
small detachment of soldiers was travelling in
it.
It may be well to give at this stage some very
brief particulars of the Irish Railway System.
Four companies' lines radiate from Dublin :
the Great Northern of Ireland, running to
RAILWAY SITUATION. 249
Belfast and Derry, with a terminus at Amiens
Street and a mileage of about 600 ; the Midland
Great Western, running to Sligo, Galway and
the West, with a terminus at Broadstone and a
mileage of about 500; the Great Southern and
Western, running to Cork and the South-west,
with a terminus at Kingsbridge and a mileage
of about 1,100; and the Dublin and South
Eastern, running to Wexford and the South
East, with termini at Westland Row and
Harcourt Street, and a mileage of about 156,
Two companies' lines radiate from Belfast, the
Belfast and County Down, with a terminus at
Queen's Quay and a mileage of about 80, and the
Northern Counties, now owned by the Midland
Company of England, with a terminus at York
Road and a mileage of about 250. In addition
to these, there are several small local railways
operating throughout the country.
Only those railways operating exclusively in
the six counties of Ulster have been unaffected
by the policy adopted by the Republicans. There
is very little doubt that the railwaymen them-
selves are bitterly opposed to a scheme which can
lead to nothing but dismissal for themselves and
acute distress for the inhabitants of the districts
served by the lines upon which the disturbances
occur. But such are the methods of intimidation
employed by the Republicans that they have no
option. A few instances of this intimidation
will make the matter clear.
A notice, printed on the back of a post-card,
has been widely circulated, apparently by hand,
250 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
to railway servants throughout the country.
The notice is as follows :
GOVERNMENT OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC.
Acting under instructions, you are hereby
notified that after this date you are forbidden to
drive any train, or to assist in any way, the
transport of armed forces of the English
Government.
By Order,
MINISTRY OF WAR.
Date. .
A copy of this notice, addressed to " Mr. P.
Carty of Bundoran " bears the date 20/8/20.
In a very large number of cases loyal railway
servants who ignored this ' order ' were
waylaid by members of the Irish Volunteers and
illtreated. Examples of these cases are as
follows :
At 9 a.m. on 17th July, 1920, on the arrival of
a train at Enniskeen Station, in the Carrick-
macross district of County Monaghan, the driver
and fireman were forcibly removed from the
engine by about twelve armed and masked men
and taken away in a motor-car in the direction
of Dundalk.
At 8-15 a.m. on 19th July, 1920, when an
engine-driver in the service of the Great Northern
Railway (of Ireland), in the Dundalk district,
was on his way to work, he was attacked by a
crowd of armed men, dragged into a side street
and tarred and feathered. He was left bound
RAILWAY SITUATION. 251
with a rope which he eventually succeeded in
undoing.
At 12-45 on 2nd of July, 1920, a party of
armed and masked men raided five signal cabins
on the Great Northern Railway in County
Louth. They forced the signalmen on duty to
sign a declaration that they would not in future
signal any train which was carrying military or
police, and they also disconnected the telephone
wires. A shunter was also held up and forced
to sign a similar declaration.
At 10-35 a.m. on 30th July, 1920, on the
arrival of a train from Clones at Newbliss,
County Monaghan, six men, four of whom were
armed, rushed the engine. The driver and fire-
man were dragged off it and driven away in a
motor-car to an unknown destination.
At 9-30 p.m. on 1st August, 1920, two men
entered the house of an engine-driver in the
service of the Londonderry and Lough Swilly
Railway, in Londonderry City, and carried him
off in a motor-car to another district. He was
subsequently released after being compelled to
promise that he would not in future drive trains
containing military or police.
At 1 a.m. on 15th of August, 1920, an engine-
driver in the Dundalk district was fired at and
wounded in the leg.
At about 10 p.m. on 15th September, 1920, a
fireman in the employ of the Great Northern
Railway in County Armagh was held up by
masked and armed men who took him to a field
and made him sign a declaration that he would
252 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
not drive " objectionable " trains in future. On
the same night and in the same district two
engine-drivers in the service of the same company
were held up by a party of about twelve or
fourteen armed and masked men, who took them
to a field and tarred one of them.
It will be noticed that all these incidents
occurred in localities where the population
was comparatively free from Republican
intimidation. In other parts of Ireland the mere
threat of danger to themselves was sufficient to
induce the men to carry out the policy of the
Volunteers.
The Republican campaign against the use of
the railways for the conveyance of the Forces of
the Crown and of military stores did not end
with the refusal of the railwaymen to work trains
and with the intimidation and illtreatment of
loyal men. Stations and trains have been raided
and military stores destroyed during transit,
and in some cases deliberate attempts have been
made to derail trains, regardless of the loss of
innocent life which might be entailed. Examples
of the destruction of public property are as
follows :
At 1-5 p.m. on 19th July, 1920, separate
parties of armed men converged upon Kings-
bridge railway terminus in Dublin. Some of
the men arrived in two motor-cars, some came up
on foot, and others gained access to the station
by hanging on to a wagon which was being
shunted. Three wagons loaded with military
stores were standing in the goods yard. The
RAILWAY SITUATION. 253
raiders, who numbered in all about fifty, held
up, at the point of their revolvers, the two
sentries who were on guard, and disarmed them.
They then saturated the wagons with petrol and
set them on fire. On their departure they took
with them 9 rifles, 450 rounds of ammunition,
and the equipment of the guard, which consisted
of nine men. The fire brigade upon its arrival
on the scene refused to act.
At about 3 a.m. on 19th August, 1920, the
goods shed at Swinford Railway Station, County
Mayo, was broken into, and two wagons
containing ten tons of coal and foodstuffs
belonging to the military were removed and
burned.
At 11-30 p.m. on 24th August, 1920, a party
of armed men entered the railway station at
Mullingar, County Westmeath, and destroyed a
consignment of asbestos sheeting consigned to
the Royal Air Force at Oranmore, County
Gal way.
Examples of sabotage are as follows :
On the night of 12th July, 1920, about ten
yards of the rails on the Letterkenny and Burton-
port Railway in County Donegal were torn up,
and the telegraph wires on the Donegal Joint
Committee Railway and on the Lough Swilly
Railway were cut.
On 15th July, 1920, the watchman at Meigh
railway crossing, in the Bessbrook district of
County Monaghan, was held up by armed men,
who prevented him from opening the gates until
a goods train ran through and broke them.
254 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Fortunately no damage was done to the train and
no one was injured.
At 4 a.m. on 22nd July, 1920, an attempt was
made to derail a goods train travelling from
Cavan to Redhills, in County Cavan, by a party
of men estimated to number about eighty.
Railway sleepers and the trunks of eleven trees
were placed across the line, but the driver dashed
through and reached Ballyhaise junction in
safety. The engine of the train was damaged.
On 4th of August, 1920, the railway line
between Letterkenny and Dungloe was torn up
for a distance of thirty yards.
The attitude of the Irish Administration
towards the railway situation can best be shown
by a series of extracts from official reports upon
these matters. Before quoting them, however, a
short account of the difficulties to be met must be
given.
The policy of the Railway Companies was to
dismiss every railway servant who refused to
work trains on the ground that military, police,
or munitions were being carried. This policy
was perfectly logical, as the men had obviously
disobeyed orders. But if the Government were
to insist that members of the Forces of the Crown
should claim the right to travel upon the
railways, the consequent dismissals of staff
would so deplete the numbers available that
the operation of the railways would become
impossible, as indeed actually happened in
certain cases. This would punish the whole of
the land, and not merely the minority who sympa-
RAILWAY SITUATION. 255
thised with outrage. On the other hand, it is
obvious that all means of public transport must
be equally available to all members of the
community, whether they be servants of the
Crown or private citizens. Mobility of military
and police forces is essential if order is to be
kept throughout the country and if assistance is
to be rendered to local authorities petitioning for
forces to avert threatened disturbances. It must
be borne in mind that very frequently it is
authorities of declared Sinn Fein sympathies
who call for protection, as in the case of Derry
during the month of July, 1920. If the attitude
of the railwaymen were to be tolerated, the effect
would be that the movement by rail of extremists,
such, for instance, as members of the outrage
gangs, would remain unrestricted, whilst the
forces of law and order would be compelled to
rely upon such road transport as could be
improvised.
In a report dated 12th July, 1920, the situation
is expressed as follows :
' The Railway situation is developing steadily
in the direction of a general deadlock, but it has
not yet been necessary to have recourse to
emergency measures to deal with essential traffic.
. . . The police and military have been
instructed to exercise their ordinary rights to the
use of the railway service, both on the main and
branch lines, without taking any steps with a
view to precipitating a crisis. On the M.G.W.
Railway no trains have run during the week
westward from Castlerae, Athenry, and Castle-
256 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
bar. On the G.S. & W. Railway the Limerick-
Ballybrophy branch is blocked by a train held up
at Cloughjordan since the 5th instant* and the
use of the Limerick to Charleville line for
passenger traffic has been discontinued. The
passenger service on the Drimoleague and Bantry
Extension has been suspended, but a goods train
operates each way daily. The G.N. Railway
maintained a normal service until the 9th instant,
when it was found impossible to find a substitute
for a driver who refused to convey a party of
military from Drogheda, and the Drogheda-Kells
branch of the line has been closed in consequence.
No hold-up has been reported on the D. & S.E.
Railway, which is running a normal service.
" The dismissals resulting from the local dead-
locks have considerably depleted the staff of
drivers and firemen on the M.G.W. and G.S. &
W. Railways, and has caused a general curtail-
ment of the passenger service throughout the
whole extent of these lines, and some irregularity
in the goods traffic. Reports from the various
holiday resorts of the South and West show that
the tourist season is being very adversely affected
and is likely to be one of the worst on record."
The report for 26th July, 1920, contains the
following.
" The railway situation stands very much
where it did a week ago. ... A number of
further dismissals occurred on the G.S. & W.
Railway, in consequence of the drivers refusing
* See page 245.
RAILWAY SITUATION. 257
to convey a party of R.I. C. from Kingsbridge to
Kildare on the 21st and the 22nd instant, for the
purpose of attending rifle practice at the
Curragh. The Constabulary were instructed to
travel on any train that might be available, and
accordingly boarded the race specials for the
Curragh races when drivers of the ordinary
trains refused to proceed. This action had the
effect of causing a stoppage of all race trains for
the Curragh Meeting and the unavoidable
infliction of a considerable amount of annoyance
to the racing public. Owing to the lack of train
facilities the Powerstown Park Meeting fixed for
the 24th instant was abandoned."
On 4th August, 1920, the following remarks
appear.
" Owing to intimidation and attempts to
derail trains the staff of the Londonderry and
Lough Swilly Railway have refused to operate
the branch line between Letterkenny and
Strabane which has accordingly been closed since
the 30th ultimo. In consequence of the numerous
seizures of petrol on the M.G.W. Railway during
the early part of last month it has been necessary
to issue a general prohibition on the carriage of
petrol on that line, but steps are being taken to
arrange for transport under Military escort of
the amount necessary to meet immediate civil
needs."
This last sentence once again emphasises the
fact that it is for the care of the civil population
that the troops are in Ireland. The hardships
resulting from these thefts of petrol will be seen
below. B
258 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
On 8th August, 1920, the Report states that
' An extension of the area of stoppage on the
M.G.W. system took place on the 2nd instant,
when the passenger service on the Athlone,
Castlerea, and Claremorris branch was taken off
owing to shortness of staff. ' '
On 15th August, 1920, it is reported that
1 The only incident of note . . . was the
temporary hold-up at Fermoy on the 13th instant
of a party of unarmed soldiers belonging to the
Buffs, who were proceeding on leave prior to
embarkation for India. This is the first instance
of a refusal to drive unarmed members of mili-
tary and police forces, and the action of the
railway men was inconsistent with their declared
policy, which prohibits the carriage of armed
forces only." On 10th September, 1920, the
Report says " The hardships caused by the dis-
location of cross country traffic (on the M.G.W.
system) is being severely felt in the western
districts. The frequent raids on petrol con-
signed for purely commercial purposes have
necessitated the imposition of restrictions on the
carriage of this article on the M.G.W. line.
" The resulting shortage of petrol has inflicted
serious loss and inconvenience on farmers and on
traders engaged in the salmon fishing industry.
Large quantities of salmon intended for the
English markets have perished owing to the want
of petrol for its conveyance by road from out-
lying places where rail transport is not avail-
able."
During September still more pressure was
RAILWAY SITUATION. 259
brought to bear upon those railwaymen who
remained loyal. On the 10th a G.N. railway
driver was attacked by a crowd of railwaymen
in Dublin, and having been gagged and hand-
cuffed was chained to a lamp standard in Amiens
Street and exposed to public ridicule for half an
hour until released by the police. By the 23rd
the shortage of staff necessitated the closing of
three more branch lines on the G.N.R. : the
Dundalk to Enniskillen line, the Carrickmacross
branch, and the Cootehill branch.
On the 6th October, however, the following
significant passage occurs in one of the official
reports :
' There is reason for believing that the long
protracted struggle is being maintained with
increasing difficulty by the recalcitrant section
of railwaymen. It is reported that subscrip-
tions have practically ceased and that the strike
funds are now very low." On the 10th October
Sir Eric Geddes, the Minister of Transport,
crossed over to Dublin, and conferences were held
at Dublin Castle as to the measures to be adopted
to deal with the refusal of the railwaymen to
handle military and police traffic. During the
previous days several further cases of refusal to
convey troops and military stores had occurred,
these resulting in the suspension of a number of
employees and the closing of yet another branch
line (the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Rail-
way between Buncrana and Carndonagh, which
ceased working on the 7th).
The Railway situation at this time may
260 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
be summarised as follows : The Government
have agreed, as in the case of English Railways,
to subsidise the Irish Companies to an extent
sufficient to enable them to pay their pre-war
dividends. Owing to the action of the railway-
men in refusing to convey troops, police and
munitions, the Government is unable to make use
of the railways for its own traffic. There is no
question of the Government acquiescing in this
state of affairs. Whenever the necessity arises,
soldiers and police present themselves as passen-
gers by train. If they are carried, well and
good, if not, the defaulting railwaymen are
suspended, and a shortage of staff ensues, result-
ing eventually in a curtailment of services. It
is obvious that sooner or later complete paralysis
must overtake the Irish Railway system. When
this occurs, it will be impossible to institute an
alternative road transport service such has been
improvised in England during railway strike
periods. In the first place, the necessary lorries
and drivers are not available; and in the second,
it is unlikely that the Republicans would allow
such a service to operate without interruption.
The final result would be that large parts of
Ireland would be deprived of the supply of the
necessities of life, and the action of the Volun-
teers would culminate in acute distress, if not
actual famine, throughout large areas of the
country.
This is merely another example illustrative of
the fact that the whole tendency of the Sinn Fein
movement is not to produce prosperity, but, in the
RAILWAY SITUATION. 261
course of its striving after an end undesired by
all but a turbulent minority, to ruin the very
country which it professes to wish to render free,
independent, and thriving.
During the later months of the year the railway
situation became still worse. Early in November
the M.G.W. railway warned its employees that
owing to the drain upon its staff it would be com-
pelled to discharge its men and to close its entire
system on the 14th November. On the 12th
November a new Regulation was published under
the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act, giving
the competent naval and military authority
power to make orders " regulating, requiring,
restricting, or prohibiting the carriage of passen-
gers and articles on railways in Ireland." An
order under this regulation may be made to apply
(either generally in relation to all railway under-
takings in Ireland, or to any particular railway
or part of it, and it may be made to apply to the
carriage of all passengers and articles or to
certain specified passengers and articles. For
the purpose of securing compliance with the
provisions of any order made under this regu-
lation, the competent naval or military authority
may take possession of any railway undertaking,
or any part of it.
On 15th November the Chief Secretary summed
up the situation in the following words in the
House of Commons :
' The Railway situation in Ireland is clear.
For many months past certain drivers, guards
and signalmen on the railway-lines running West
262 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and South from Dublin have refused to carry
Irish Policemen, British Soldiers and their
munitions. All Railways in Ireland are sub-
sidised by the British Government, and the
increased wages of Irish railwaymen and the
dividends of shareholders are made certain
because of these subsidies. As a result of their
refusal to carry Government traffic many of these
railwaymen have been dismissed from time to
time. So many of the key men have been dis-
missed because of their refusal, that certain Irish
railways must now cease operating, as they
cannot carry-on. The railway running North
from Dublin and the lines in North-East Ireland
are running normally, and with few exceptions
their railwaymen have not refused to do their
duty.
" The refusal to carry police and soldiers is
due to two causes. First, because some extreme
Sinn Fein railwaymen hoped by their refusal
to embarrass the Government. Second, the Sinn
Fein murder gang terrorised other railwaymen
into a refusal to do their duties. Loyal railway-
men have been shot, tarred and feathered,
assaulted and terrorised by Sinn Feiners.
" The Government have insisted and will insist
on the carriage of Government traffic on Irish
Railways. The stoppage of these railways, as
I pointed out months ago, will mean economic
disaster to part of Ireland, but the responsibility
for that, among many other disasters, is on the
shoulders of the leaders of the Sinn Fein move-
ment. They, in their murderous endeavour to
RAILWAY SITUATION. 263
smash the British Empire and weaken the Anglo-
American friendship, are bringing the South and
West of Ireland to political anarchy and
economic ruin. As a result of the stoppage of
the railways there will follow the stoppage of the
mails and the stoppage of the payment of Old
Age and other Pensions that now depend upon
mail deliveries. The Irish Government and the
British Government are naturally most anxious
to restore Ireland and Irish railways to normal
conditions, but no Government can allow railway-
men subsidised out of the pockets of the tax-
payers to refuse to carry police and soldiers."
The reply of the Republicans to the new Regu-
lation was the commencement of a campaign of
sabotage. On the night of 14th November rail-
way lines were torn up in the Counties of Cavan
and Monaghan, causing in the latter case damage
to a passing train. Fortunately this tendency
did not spread.
On the 1st December the position on the
railways was thus described in detail in answer
to a question in the House of Commons :
' Passenger and goods trains have ceased to
run on the under-mentioned sections :
' Great Southern and Western Railway :
Limerick to Waterford; Limerick to Tralee;
Ballingrane Junction to Foynes ; Patrickswell to
Charleville; Killonan to Nenagh; Birdhill to
Killaloe; Clara to Banagher.
' Cork, Bandon and South Coast Railway :
Kinsale Junction to Kinsale; Clonakilty Junc-
tion to Clonakilty.
264 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
* ' Ballinascarthy and Timoleague Railway and
Timoleague and Courtmacsherry Extension Rail-
way : Ballinascarthy to Courtmacsherry.
' ' Great 'Northern (Ireland) Railway : Dun-
dalk to Enniskillen ; Inniskeen to Carrickma-
cross; Ballybay to Cootehill; Ballyhaise to Bel-
turbet; Bundoran Junction to Bundoran.
" Londonderry, Lough Swilly and Letter-
kenny Railway and Burtonport and Carndonagh
Extensions : Tooban Junction to Burtonport ;
Buncrana to Carndonagh.
' Passenger services have ceased to run on the
under-mentioned systems or sections, but a goods
service is maintained, in almost every case a
reduction from the normal and in some cases a
reduction of considerable magnitude :
' Great Southern and Western Railway :
Roscrea to Nenagh; Kildare to Kilkenny, via
Carlow ; Limerick to Sligo ; Mallow to Tralee.
" Midland Great Western Railway : Athlone
to Achill; Manulla Junction to Killala.
' Cork, Bandon and South Coast Railway :
Drimoleague Junction to Bantry; Cork to Skib-
bereen.
' Cork and Macroom Direct Railway.
' Cork and Muskerry Light Railway and
Donoughmore Extension.
" Tralee and Dingle Railway.
" West and South Clare Railways.
' The following systems or sections have been
affected, but a passenger and goods service has
been maintained with varying degrees of reduc-
tion from the normal :
RAILWAY SITUATION. 265
* ' Great Southern and Western Railway :
Tralee to Valentia Harbour; Roscrea to Birr;
Maryboro' to Waterford; Sallins to Tullow;
Mallow to Waterford; Waterford to Wexford
and Rosslare Harbour; Wexford to Rosslare
Harbour; Clonmel to Thurles; Kingsbridge to
Cork.
' Midland Great Western Railway : Broad-
stone to Clifden; Mullingar to Sligo; Inny Junc-
tion to Cavan; Clonsilla to Kingscourt; Eden-
derry Branch; Killeshandra Branch; Athboy
Branch; Ballinrobe Branch.
' Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway :
Londonderry to Buncrana.
' Listowel and Ballybunion Railway. ' '
This represents the utmost extent which the
railway strike attained.
It soon became evident, however, that a strong
desire for the return to work of the railway-men
was growing in every part of the country. On
December 15th the following advertisement
appeared in the Irish Press :
NATIONAL EXECUTIVE.
TO THE RAILWAY AND DOCK WORKERS.
Over six months ago, responding to a patriotic
impulse, you decided that you would not handle
266 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Munitions of War or drive trains containing armed
men. In this protest you were supported by all right-
thinking Irish men and women; and when, after the
struggle began, you asked this National Executive for
advice and guidance, we readily gave you all the
support within our power.
In response to our appeal for funds to support the
dismissed men, the country has subscribed most
generously.
In the early stages of the struggle it became evident
that the British Government's design was to force a
quick close-down of the railway services, while at the
same time seeking to make it appear that the Railway
workers were responsible. We advised you to frustrate
this plan by refusing to strike, but rather to accept
individual suspension. We assured you then that every
new development would be watched and would be met
by new tactics, when such were called for.
As a result of your loyal acceptance of the advice
given, the country has been spared much hardship and
loss, and your protest for six months has been unique
in the annals of the Labour Movement.
Notwithstanding the defeatist campaign in the Press,
inspired by that section of the trading community which
reckons National well-being in terms of s. d., we
have, during the past few weeks, received ample
evidence of the willingness of the Railwaymen, and
workers generally, to suffer whatever loss and sacrifice
the National interest may require.
We have been well aware that the cessation of Rail-
way transport would necessitate a drastic re-organisa-
tion of the country's economic life, calling for consider-
able sacrifice and entailing a great organising effort
which would require the unimpeded activities of the
Nation's best brains.
The British Authority, which assumes governmental
power in Ireland, has, with deliberate intent, sought
to interfere with and destroy the preparations being
made to cope with the problem of providing food, milk
and fuel for the people; they have seized the papers
and records of our Food Committee, have arrested and
imprisoned without charge the members of these Com-
mittees, and have placed a barrier against the
RAILWAY SITUATION. 267
organisation of the Motor Transport service for the
distribution of food supplies.
These acts have been followed by the proclamation
of Martial Law, accompanied by Mr. Lloyd George's
insulting offer to allow the elected representatives of the
Irish people to meet together under police protection for
the purpose of denouncing their colleagues and dis-
cussing subjects strictly denned beforehand by himself.
Not to be niggardly in his insolence, he couples this
so-called " peace offer " by a threat to intensify the
campaign of frightfulness. His cue is immediately
taken up in the City of Cork; the published threats to
utterly destroy the city being carried a long way
towards fulfilment.
In the light of the foregoing, the National Executive
has given careful thought to the position as it lies
before us to-day; changed conditions require a change
of tactics, and we have decided to advise the Railway
and Dock Workers to alter the position, and to offer
to carry everything that the British Military
Authorities are willing to risk on the trains. Whatever
the risks that may be involved in carrying out this
advice, we feel confident that the Railway men are not
less willing to face them than the travelling public.
We ask the Rail way men to continue to hold them-
selves ready to respond on the instant to any call that
may be made by this Executive in pursuance of our
policy, assuring them that no call will be made without
the fullest consideration, and only when vital National
interests justify it.
SIGNED FOR THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE,
THOMAS FORAN, Chairman.
THOMAS MacPARTLIN, V ice-Chairman.
WILLIAM O'BRIEN, Treasurer.
THOMAS JOHNSON, Secretary.
32, Lower Abbey Street, Dublin, 14th December, 1920.
Finally, on 21st December, a Conference of
Irish railwaymen was held in the Mansion
House, Dublin, at which a resolution in favour
268 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
of unconditional resumption of work was carried
unanimously. By the end of the year consider-
able progress had been made towards a resump-
tion of normal conditions upon all the lines
affected.
CHAPTER X.
THE POLICE FORCES.
In the year 1787 the Irish Parliament, more
usually known as Grattan's Parliament, passed
an Act for the policing of Ireland, which set up
a primitive body of constables for the purpose of
enforcing order in the country. This Force
never achieved any measure of success, although
a further Act was passed in 1792, designed to
render it more efficient. With the Union the
Force became practically obsolete, and nothing
further was done until 1814, when an Act was
passed by the Parliament at Westminster which
empowered the Lord Lieutenant to appoint a
Chief Magistrate, a Chief Constable, and fifty
constables for each county. These appointments
were known as the * ' Peace Preservation Force, * '
and as such remained in existence until the Act of
1836. Meanwhile, in 1822, Sir Robert Peel had
founded the Irish Constabulary, consisting of
an Inspector- General for each Province, con-
trolling between them a force of between five and
six thousand officers and men. These men were
dressed in a dark green uniform, and were armed
with flint-lock carbines.
270 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Although the Irish Constabulary of Sir Robert
Peel were undoubtedly the forerunners of the
present R.I.C., it was not until " Drummond's
Act " of 1836 that the Force took on anything
like its present shape. This Act is worth quot-
ing somewhat fully, for it still forms the basis
of the constitution of the Force. It consolidated
and placed under a central control the whole of
the police of the country, except in the City of
Dublin, both the Peace Preservation Force and
the Irish Constabulary, and was entituled " An
Act to consolidate the Laws relating to the Con-
stabulary Force in Ireland." The Act repeals
certain previous Acts of the reigns of George III.
and George IV., which gave powers to appoint
constables " in certain cases." Constables pre-
viously appointed are to be merged in the new
force now created. Power is given to the Lord
Lieutenant to appoint an ' ' Inspector-General of
Police throughout Ireland, who shall reside in
Dublin and shall be charged and invested with
the general Direction and Superintendence of the
Force to be established under this Act," also
' One or Two fit and proper persons to be
Deputies to the said Inspector-General."
'* And in order to provide for one uniform
System of Rules and Regulations throughout the
whole Establishment of Police in Ireland, be it
enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for such
Inspector-General . . . from time to time
to frame . . . Rules, Orders, and Regula-
tions for the general Government of the several
Persons to be appointed under this Act."
THE POLICE FORCES. 271
Power is also given for the appointment of
County Inspectors and Sub-Inspectors. Finally,
power is given for the appointment of the actual
rank and file of the Force.
" And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful
for the Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governor
or Governors of Ireland to appoint from time to
time at his Will and Pleasure, in and for each
County of a City and County of a Town, except
the said County of the City of Dublin, One Chief
Constable, Two Head Constables, and any such
Number of Constables and Sub- Constables, not
exceeding One hundred, as may be deemed by him
or them to be necessary and sufficient for the
Preservation of the Peace therein, and in and
for each Barony*, Half Barony, or other
division of Barony in each County at large, One
Chief Constable, Two Head Constables, and any
Number of Constables and Sub-Constables, not
exceeding Sixteen.
' And be it enacted, That no Person shall be
appointed to be a Chief or other Constable or
Sub-Constable under this Act unless he shall be
of a sound Constitution, able-bodied, and under
the Age of Forty Years, able to read and write,
of a good Character for Honesty, Fidelity, and
Activity; and that no Person shall be appointed
to be such Chief or other Constable or Sub-Con-
stable who shall be a Game-keeper, Wood-ranger,
Tithe Proctor, Viewer of Tithes, Bailiff,
* The Baronies are the most ancient territorial divisions of
Ireland, and they existed under other names prior to the
introduction of Christianity. The Census of 1901 enumerates
327 Baronies, varying in extent from 310,386 to 1,693 acres.
272 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Sheriff's Bailiff, or Parish Clerk, or who shall be
a hired Servant in the Employment of any Person
whomsoever, or who shall keep any House for the
Sale of Beer, Wines, or Spirituous Liquors by
Retail.
" And be it enacted, That no Person appointed
under this Act . . . shall be capable of
holding the said Office or of acting in any way
therein, until he shall take and subscribe the Oath
here following ; (that is to say)
"I, A .B., do swear, That I will well and truly
serve our Sovereign Lord the King in the Office
of (Inspector, Constable, etc.), without Favour of
Affection, Malice or 111- Will; that I will see and
cause His Majesty's Peace to be kept and pre-
served, and that I will prevent to the best of my
Power all Offences against the same; And that
while I shall continue to hold the said Office I
will, to the best of my Skill and Knowledge, dis-
charge all the Duties thereof, in the execution of
Warrants and otherwise, faithfully according to
Law; and that I do not now belong, and that I
will not, while I shall hold the said Office, join,
subscribe, or belong to any political Society what-
soever, or to any secret Society whatsoever, unless
to the Society of Freemasons. So help me
GOD.
" And be it enacted; That it shall be lawful for
the Lord Lieutenant . . . to fix and appoint
such annual Salaries as to him . . . may
from Time to Time seem proper, not exceeding
the several Sums herein-after specified .
(that is to say) to the Inspector-General of Police
THE POLICE FORCES. 273
an annual Salary not exceeding One thousand
five hundred Pounds, to each Deputy Inspector
an annual Salary not exceeding Eight hundred
Pounds ... to each County Inspector an
annual Salary not exceeding Five hundred
Pounds, to each Sub-Inspector an annual Salary
not exceeding Two hundred and fifty Pounds
. . . to each Chief Constable an annual
Salary not exceeding One hundred and fifty
Pounds, to each Head Constable an annual
Salary not exceeding Seventy Pounds, to each
Constable an annual Salary not exceeding
Thirty-five Pounds, to each Sub- Constable an
annual Salary not exceeding Twenty-five
Pounds."
It is interesting to note that the saving clause
in the Oath, permitting membership of the
Society of Freemasons, has now been withdrawn.
The original rates of pay have, of course, been
considerably improved.
Such are the main provisions of the Act setting
up the Irish Constabulary, and the Force may be
said to date its foundation from this Act. Since
its establishment the Force has been the back-
bone of law and order in Ireland, through all
the troubled years that have elapsed since that
date. A Special Correspondent of the Morning
Post of 17th November, 1920, in the course of an
article dealing with the Force, states the matter
in a nutshell.
' From the first the Irish Constabulary have
had semi-military duties to perform. Crisis
after crisis has brought them into collision with
274 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
a brave and excitable populace. The clash of
creeds, the war of races, the conflict of rival
policies and interests, the intrigues of exiles and
aliens, have kept the island in a chronic state of
unrest; and all the time the police have been
expected to keep order. The crushing of two
other rebellions stands to their credit, and in the
wild days of the Emancipation movement, of
the Tithe War, of the Young Ireland rising, of
the Fenian outburst, and of the Land League
War, it was the police who had to bear the brunt
of the struggle. It is no wonder, then, that the
R.I.C. is a semi-military force, armed and
drilled and concentrated in those little barrack
forts that are the blockhouses of Imperial rule in
Ireland."
The Force acquired its designation " Royal '
from Queen Victoria in 1867, in recognition of
the conspicuous bravery and loyalty displayed
by the Force in the suppression of the Fenian
Rising.
The condition of the country during 1920 was
no new experience for the Force, it was merely
an extreme aggravation of a condition which was
almost chronic. The Republicans had the wit to
see that if they were to succeed in their mad
scheme of driving the British out of Ireland the
R.I.C. was the first obstacle to be removed from
their path. During the latter months of 1919,
therefore, they began a campaign of murder
directed against the members of the Force, which
was pursued with the utmost rigour.
It is obvious that the campaign of outrage and
THE POLICE FORCES. 275
intimidation carried out by the Volunteers was
bound to have a prejudicial effect upon the
recruitment of the Force. It was not so much
that prospective recruits feared for their own
safety, notwithstanding the number that
suffered outrage at the hands of their cowardly
assailants. The campaign of intimidation
stretched out far beyond the recruit himself. A
man might be able to protect his own person, but
he could not always protect his family. The
Volunteers made a practice of concentrating
their forces against the relations of a recruit,
proclaiming a boycott of them and even assault-
ing those whom they suspected of being able to
bring influence to bear upon him to resign.
Threatening letters have been received by rela-
tives of constables, the surrounding population
has shunned them, fearing to incur the wrath of
local sympathisers with the Republicans; in fact
their position has become virtually that of lepers.
And not only the relatives of men in the Force,
but anyone suspected by the Volunteers of inter-
course with the police has been made to suffer.
For instance, on the 4th July, 1920, a party of
armed men raided a house in County Sligo and
fired at the occupant with a shot-gun, giving as
their reason the suspicion that he was " not
sufficiently unfriendly with the police."
The measures adopted by the Volunteers
against the police are sufficient indication of the
efficiency of the Force and of the consequent fear
and hatred it inspires among the ranks of the
Republicans. In the edition of An T'Oglac
276 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
dated the 15th July, 1920, appears an article
which, in speaking of ' the enemy, ' that is to say
the British Government, mentions " his first
instrument of executive power, his eyes, ears, and
right arm, theR.I.C."
A ' General Order ' of Oglaich na h'Eireann
(the Irish Volunteers), numbered 1920 (New
Series) No. 6, and issued from ' General Head-
quarters ' on the 4th June, 1920, is headed
BOYCOTT OF R.i.c., and is as follows.
' Volunteers shall have no intercourse with
the R.I.C., and shall stimulate and support in
every way the boycott of this force ordered by
the Dail.
' Those persons who associate with the R.I.C.
shall be subjected to the same boycott, and the
fact of their association with and toleration of
this infamous force shall be kept public in every
possible way. Definite lists of such persons in the
area of his command, shall be prepared and re-
tained by each Company, Battalion and Brigade
Commander.
By Order
ADJUTANT GENERAL."
But the campaign of the Volunteers against
the police is not limited to measures of boycott.
In a previous chapter some account has been given
of the constant succession of murders of police
which have disgraced Ireland. The men of the
R.I.C. have been harassed in every conceivable
way. They have been murdered, boycotted and
illtreated ; their families have been made to suffer
THE POLICE FORCES. 277
for their loyalty in every possible way. The
very barrack servants have been beaten and
insulted, the policy of violence has been extended
even to those whose only offence is that of
having been seen speaking to a policeman.
Threatening letters have been sent to members of
the Force by the score, letters which usually only
serve to show the futility of their opponents'
methods. It is scarcely to be wondered at that
under these circumstances Irishmen, however
loyal they might be, hesitated to enlist in the
Force, knowing the dangers and inconveniences
which they would bring upon themselves and
their acquaintances by so doing.
The result was that the supply of recruits
failed to keep pace with the demand, and the
Government decided to draw upon a fresh
source of supply. Recruiting for the Force was
therefore opened in England on 1st January,
1920, and it soon became obvious that service in
the Constabulary had great attractions for a
large number of young Englishmen. Ex-service
men in particular found the life congenial and
attractive, and so great was the flow of recruits
that the authorities found themselves enabled to
exercise considerable choice in the selection of
candidates. In fact, far from Republican
intimidation being able to deplete the ranks of
the Force, so many recruits were obtained that
by October, 1920, the total strength of the
R.I.C., not including the Auxiliary Division, to
which reference will be made later, was greater
than at any time since 1912. During this time
278 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the rate of increase was such that approximately
sixteen recruits were added to the Force for every
three losses caused by resignation or otherwise.
The actual figures for a typical week in this
month are as follows :
Regular Force (not including Auxiliary Division).
Total strength on 3rd October, 1920 10,208
Deaths during week ... 2
Retirements ... ... 4
Resignations ... ... 66
Dismissals ... ... 8
Total Wastage ... 80
Recruits during week
Ireland ... ... 6
Great Britain ... ... 329
Total Recruitment 335
Net Increase . 255
Total strength on 10th October, 1920 10,463
The total strength on 31st December, 1920,.
was 12,755.
With recruits coming in at this rate, it was
impossible for a time to secure sufficient
quantities of the dark green uniform of the
Force with which to clothe them. The R.I.C.
was therefore compelled to look for some other
source of uniform with which to equip its-
recruits until the temporary deficiency of its own
clothing could be made good. The most natural
source of supply was the store of service dress
in the possession of the military authorities.
THE POLICE FORCES. 279
The recruits were fitted out with Constabulary
uniform as far as possible, and any shortcomings
were made good with service dress. The result
was that they appeared in a strange medley of
khaki and dark green, with perhaps a khaki
tunic and trousers, a dark green cap, and black
accoutrements. This hybrid dress acquired for
the recruits their now familiar nickname. At
Limerick there was once a famous pack of
hounds known locally as the ' Black and Tans,'
and upon the appearance of the first members of
the R.I.C. dressed in their unfamiliar costumes,
the inhabitants promptly applied to them the
familiar title.
But the mixture of military and police uniform
had another result, and perhaps a more serious
one. It gave the impression that the men were
not members of the R.I.C., in the sense of being
regular constables as heretofore. It was thought
by some that their uniforms indicated that they
were a quasi-military force, half soldiers, half
policemen, and that they were under the control
of the Military Authorities. This impression
died hard, and there is no doubt that it still
exists in many of the country districts of Ireland,
although by the end of the year all deficiencies of
uniform had been made good, and the men had
been equipped with the standard kit. It is quite
possible that this belief was the cause of a certain
amount of distrust displayed towards the men by
well-disposed but ignorant people, who had
always been on excellent terms with the members
of the Force until this time.
280 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
On Tuesday, 12th October, 1920, the Chief
Secretary inspected a draft of some three
hundred R.I.C. recruits at Gormanstown Depot,
some twenty-five miles north of Dublin, and on
this occasion they certainly presented an
extraordinary appearance, wearing a mixture of
dark green and khaki, with, in some cases,
civilian head-gear. But beneath this curious
dress they were a very fine body of men, showing
intense enthusiasm for their new profession, and
a degree of intelligence that was a distinct
menace to the criminal designs of the
Republicans. Here is an extract from the Chief
Secretary's speech on this occasion :
' Your first duty will be to prevent crime, and
your second to detect the criminal. You know as
well as I do the difficult times through which
Ireland is now passing, and I would urge each
one of you to do his best to live up to the
traditions of the different units in which you have
so honourably served during the late great war.
' I also urge you to remember that it is your
duty and mine, and the soldiers who are assisting
us, to serve to the best of our ability the well-
disposed and loyal people. The great majority
of Irish people throughout this island want
peace, need peace, and pray for peace. But there
is a small minority who are prepared to murder
you, and murder me, and murder everyone who
wants to restore peace and maintain order in
this splendid old country. It is our duty to
prevent them from committing crime, to detect
them, to arrest them according to the law of this
land."
THE POLICE FORCES. 281
Side by side with the regular R.I.C. a body
of Temporary Cadets has been formed into an
organisation known as the Auxiliary Division
of the Royal Irish Constabulary. It was found
that the Volunteers, in pursuance of their policy
of making war upon the Force, had embarked
upon an organised campaign of attacks upon
their barracks. These barracks had not originally
been built with a view to their withstanding
such attacks in force, and it became necessary to
put them into a suitable state of defence, by the
employment of barbed wire, steel shutters, and
other strictly military devices. The materials
for this purpose were procured, but it was found
that the regular members of the R.I.C. (which, it
must always be borne in mind, is primarily a
police, as opposed to a military, Force) had no
experience in the proper utilisation of this
material. In July, 1920, therefore, the
authorities decided to enrol five hundred
ex-officers, of the highest military and personal
records, to act as the advisers of the regular
members of the Force on matters of defence.
These men were enlisted as Temporary Cadets,
on a short service system, and were given pay at
the rate of 1 per day, with certain allowances
in addition. They were also awarded the
standing of Sergeant in the R.I.C. The
experiment proved extremely successful, and the
original establishment of five hundred was
enlarged. At the same time the value of a
mobile force of specially trained police was
recognised, and the Temporary Cadets were
282 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
organised into companies, commanded by their
own officers, and equipped with the form of
transport which had been found so useful by the
Royal Air Force, namely, Crossley tenders.
These consist of a Crossley motor chassis fitted
with a wagonette body, and they are capable
of carrying eight to ten men with their
equipment.
The Auxiliary Division may be regarded as
a striking force, kept in reserve for use in
disturbed areas in aid of the regular police, and
operating in Companies under the orders of the
District and County Inspectors. The new body
became exceedingly popular among ex-officers, to
such an extent that the recruiting authorities
were enabled to select their men very carefully.
The Auxiliaries became, in fact, a corps d' elite,
composed only of such officers as could show the
highest credentials. For this reason they became
the terror of evil-doers, whose sympathisers did
their best to discredit them by every sort of
malicious misrepresentation. But in spite of its
calumniators, the Auxiliary Division grew and
prospered to an extraordinary extent. The
figures of its enlistment for the last week of 1920
are instructive. They are as follows :
THE POLICE FORCES. 283
Strength on 26th December, 1920 ... 1,154
Resignations ... ... 8
Discharged on medical
grounds ... ... 2
Dismissed ... ... 1
Total Wastage ... 11
Recruits during the week 84
Net Increase ...
Strength on 2nd January, 1921 ...
A typical illustration of the Auxiliary
Division is afforded by the following account of
an inspection, by the Lord Lieutenant, of a
Company of the Division at the Vice-regal
Lodge, Phoenix Park, Dublin, on the morning of
the 14th October, 1920.
" The unit marched through Dublin headed
by the R.I.C. band, and made a very favourable
impression. Their uniform and equipment is
novel, but is admirably adapted to the needs of
the Division. The men wear large tam-o-shanter
scotch bonnets, on which is the crowned harp,
the badge of the R.I.C. Their tunics, breeches
and puttees are khaki, and their accoutrements,
of black leather, consist of a bandolier worn
across the chest, a belt, with bayonet and
scabbard, and a revolver, carried not on the belt
but in the American manner, in an open holster
lying on the right thigh. The men in the ranks
are armed with rifles, and a machine-gun section
is attached to each Company. The men made an
excellent and soldier-like appearance on parade.
284 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Many of them had decorations in addition to
war medals, and special distinctions of all kinds
were in evidence. His Excellency inspected the
men, who then formed a hollow square while he
addressed them. The proceedings terminated
with a march past, at which His Excellency
took the salute."
Lord French's speech on this occasion was as
follows :
" I wish to say a few words to express the
pleasure it has given me to see you here to-day,
and to congratulate you upon the very fine
appearance which you present. You have all
served as officers in that magnificent Army which
saved the Empire from destruction in the most
critical and dangerous years of its history, and
I am personally proud to know that I can claim
many of you as comrades in the field during the
earlier period of the war. Arduous and perilous
as that splendid service was, you have once more
offered yourselves for service which is not free
from either hardship or peril. You have taken
up the duty of assisting and supporting the
Royal Irish Constabulary in putting down
rebellion and re-establishing law and order
throughout Ireland. To strengthen and support
such a magnificent Force as the Royal Irish
Constabulary is a task worthy of soldiers who
have proved their prowess and mettle on many
a bloodstained field of battle. I have myself
many times in the last two or three years
acknowledged publicly the bravery, skill and
discipline of the Royal Irish Constabulary, and
THE POLICE FORCES. 285
their work was eloquently and worthily eulogised
by the Chief Secretary only a week or two ago,*
and I wish to say how heartily I concur with
every word which fell from him then.
" The work which lies before you is arduous
and difficult, because it demands the exercise of
so many different qualities. You have all shown
yourselves to be possessed of courage, energy,
skill and discipline, in a very high degree, but
in the performance of the duties which lie before
you tact, judgment and self-restraint are also
required, and I feel sure that you will in this
respect as in all others act up to the glorious
record you have established in the field. You
may rest assured that in carrying out that work
you will have the good-will, sympathy, and active
support of every loyal subject of the King, in
Ireland or elsewhere. ' '
Some idea of the conditions under which the
police lived in Ireland during the year may be
gathered from the account which has already
been given of the outrages committed upon them.
It would be hard to imagine any type of existence
which could be more trying to morale, or more
wearing to the nerves of individuals. A few
indeed have found themselves unable to endure
the strain, and have resigned in consequence.
But, as has already been mentioned, the flow of
recruits has been far more than sufficient to
make good this wastage. It is the finest possible
tribute to the traditions of the Force and to the
* On the occasion of the presentation of medals to members
of the R.I.C. in Phoenix Park on 30th September, 1920.
286 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
character of its members that the morale of the
R.I.C. is as good if not better now, after an
unexampled period of murderous persecution,
than it has been during any other period of its
existence.
The following circular letter shows how
carefully the republican conspiracy against the
Force was thought out :
OGLAIG NA H'EIREANN.
General Headquarters,
Dublin.
1st November, 1919.
' To Brigade Commandant,
' In order better to organise and supervise the
getting of all information, Brigade Com-
mandants will have appointed at once a
Brigade Captain of Intelligence, and Battalion
Lieutenants of Intelligence, for each of his
Battalions, and Company Captains will appoint
a Volunteer to co-ordinate the * Company
information for him.
' Forms Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 ( copies of
each) are sent you herewith. Their use will
standardise the form of record of information
which at present in different Brigade Areas is
kept in different forms. Together with a copy
of this instruction, they should be placed
without delay in the hands of all your Company
Captains, and of your Outpost men in such
Parishes or Church Areas in which a Company
has not yet been formed.
" Company Captains and Outpost men should
THE POLICE FORCES. 287
be made responsible for the complete compilation,
without delay, of the information of their own
Areas, and Brigade Commandants will be
responsible that the compilation is complete for
their whole Brigade Areas.
' Forms 1, 2, 3 and 4 should be prepared by
Captains and Outpost men in triplicate, and the
copies should be filed by the Brigade and
Battalion Commandant, who should make proper
arrangements for having their records kept up
to date and summarised.
' Form 1 is intended to indicate a comparison
between the available material of military age,
and Volunteers, and Enemy Forces.
' Form 2 is intended to indicate in a simple
way full particulars of the Military Forces.
" Form 3, ditto for Police Force. N.B.
Where such is not done already, one good man
should be allocated to each Barracks or Station,
and his duty should be to get plans of the
Barracks, etc., and details of its whole internal
life.
' Form 4 is intended to indicate those persons
other than the Military and Police who go to
form the actual machinery of oppression in the
country, i.e., R.M's, J.P's, Crown Solicitors,
and all Agents and spies of the English
Government, Official or Unofficial, active or
inactive.
' Form 5 indicates the form of a record which
should be kept in respect of (1) every policeman,
and (2) every person classed as hostile or
aggressive in Form 4. The record should be kept
288 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
in Book Form, loose leaf if possible, ruled as
indicated in the form. This record should be
made retrospective.
' ' Company Captains and Outpost men should
make a review of the population in their Area,
and note and record all persons capable of helping
them in any way. In this connection it is
remarked that all young men are potential
Volunteers, and any of them who have influence,
or ability, or qualification likely to make them
useful to us, should be specially kept under
notice. Reference should be made to the ' Voters'
Lists ' in this connection.
" The standardising of information records
has been unduly delayed and this instruction
should be given effect to at once.
By Order,
DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF."
The only one of these forms which need
concern us here is number 3. The headings of
this form are interesting. They are as follows :
" Date.
Name of Company or Outpost Area.
Name of Barracks or Station.
Number of Constables.
Number of other officers.
Beats or Patrols.
Time.
From.
To.
Number in Patrol.
Area covered.
THE POLICE FORCES. 289
Plans filed (yes or no).
Espionage arranged (yes or no).
Remarks."
It is obvious from this that the murder of
police was part of a deliberate and well thought
out scheme.
Let us try to form a mental picture of the life
of the average constable at the height of the
outrage campaign. He lived in a fortified
barrack, probably overcrowded owing to the
concentration of the Force, and certainly never
designed to resist determined assault with
modern weapons. He was surrounded by a
populace which, if not definitely hostile, was at
all events so intimidated that the members of
the civil population hardly dare be seen speaking
to him. Lurking throughout the countryside
were the members of the Republican Army, who,
instigated by their leaders, regarded him as an
enemy not to be faced in the open but to be
persecuted by every means from petty annoyance
to treacherous murder. His life was spent in
constant apprehension of danger. His barracks
might be attacked at any hour of the day or night,
but usually the latter, by overwhelming numbers
of callous ruffians, who would use every weapon
of brutality against him. If he would go out of
barracks, he was compelled to do so as one of a
party operating in practically an enemy's
country. He could never predict the moment
when a hail of bullets would burst upon him from
a carefully prepared ambush, his assailants being
the apparently harmless citizens who surrounded
290 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
him every day. Every means was employed to
tempt him from his allegiance. Letters reached
him warning him to resign if he wished to
escape the death penalty, and in some cases
guaranteeing him employment under Republican
auspices if he did so.
In this connection the following circular,
which was widely distributed through the post
during the latter days of September, 1920, is
interesting :
" A Chara,
' At the present moment a large number of
R.I.C. have left the Force owing to their
repugnance to the outrages that are taking place
and in which they are required to take part.
Some of these men have narrowly escaped with
their lives. In one case, of which I have the
details, a man was dismissed for refusing to
participate in sacking a town, and was fired at
on leaving the barracks.
' ' These men, whether they were dismissed for
refusing to carry out instructions or whether they
resigned as a protest, are now without any means
of support.
' ' I am addressing this to you as I believe you
to be one who would object on principle to the
outrages on the people that are taking place,
and that you would view with horror the burning
of creameries and homesteads, and burning and
looting towns, and the daily terrors the people
have to suffer from the callous shootings from
which so many have lost their lives.
' In expectation of your being willing to come
THE POLICE FOECES. 291
to the aid of men victimised because they would
not allow themselves to be used for such work, I
write to ask you to co-operate with me in finding
work for these men, and I would ask you, if there
are any vacant jobs under your patronage for
which they would be suitable, to communicate
with me. ,
" The majority of these men seek employment
as clerks, agricultural workers, stewards, watch-
men, agents, motor drivers, caretakers, etc.
Miso do Chara,
CONSTANCE DE MARKIEVICZ.
' Please reply to the Secretary, General
Employment Agency, 61, Highfield Road,
Eathgar, Dublin."
This document is headed " Dublin, September,
1920," and was presumably signed by Countess
Markievicz in her capacity as ' Minister of
Labour ' of Dail Eireann.
In commenting upon this circular the Morning
Post remarked : " A circular . . . which is
in reality designed as an appeal for funds in aid
of Sinn Fein, though it appears on the surface to
be a benevolent effort on behalf of the Royal
Irish Constabulary. The signature is apparently
impressed by a rubber stamp. Nobody but a
member of Sinn Fein will believe that the
constables are ordered by their officers to commit
outrages on pain of dismissal ; and the suggestion
that men ostensibly resign because they cannot
face the strain of organised ambush and murder,
but really as a protest against these ' orders, ' is
just the kind of false statement which is so
292 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
sedulously spread in America and in the
Dominions. Its authors apparently rely on the
short memory of the average man. Yet scarcely
anybody who reads the newspapers can be
ignorant of the fact that the declared policy of
the Irish ' Republic ' is to deprive every
constable of his life or of his livelihood. More-
over, Countess Markievicz is a woman who was
condemned to death for her share in the Dublin
Rebellion of 1916, when wounded soldiers back
from France were butchered in the streets of
the Irish capital ; is a prominent member of Sinn
Fein, which is responsible for so many murders
of policemen; and has never by a single word
indicated that she disapproves of these crimes.
If she is so desirous to recompense men of the
R.I.C. who have been driven to resign by Sinn
Fein terrorism she has a ready means of showing
it. Sinn Fein is itself abundantly provided with
funds and could easily spare money to aid the
victims of its murderous methods."
The suggestion that men were dismissed or
called upon to resign for refusing to take part in
reprisals is of course absurd. Such dismissals
as took place were for misconduct alone, and
resignations have been due to a variety of causes,
mainly personal.
One result of the state of disturbance existing
in Ireland was that the police, practically
confined to their barracks in many districts, were
unable to obtain news except through the medium
of local newspapers, whose descriptions of events
were almost always tinged with the colour of
THE POLICE FORCES. 293
1
hostility towards the Forces of the Crown. In
order to provide them with an unbiased summary
of news, the police authorities produced a news-
sheet of four pages, know as the Weekly
Summary, consisting almost entirely of extracts
from the leading British and Irish newspapers.
This publication was purely for free and private
circulation in police barracks, and was not for
sale. The first number is dated 13th August,
1920.
This paper was eagerly welcomed by the
members of the Force, and has been of
considerable value in providing them with a
wider range of information than that contained
in the local Irish Press. A single extract from
it must suffice as an illustration, and for that
purpose we may select its ' leader ' of 1st
October, condemning reprisals :
" POLICE AND PUBLIC.
The Police Force is the guardian of the law.
The ' Irish Republican Army ' is a criminal
organisation.
It has declared war on the law.
Its first aim is avowedly the destruction of the
Police Forces in Ireland.
The Police, who see their friends and comrades
foully murdered, suffer intense provocation, but
they must continue to maintain, in spite of
this provocation, that self-control which has
characterised them in the past.
The Police will thus earn the respect and
admiration of Ireland and the world at large.
294 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
The Police exists for the welfare of Ireland
and to lift her from the terror of the pistol.
The destruction of factories, houses, and other
buildings only impoverishes Ireland.
Do not hurt Ireland.
Put out the ' murder gang ' and free her from
the thraldom of terror.
To hunt down the murderers is the paramount
duty of the Police.
The Police Force is the guardian of the law."
This staccato admonition is typical of the
general tone of the little paper. For the rest,
each number consists of interesting extracts from
other papers, such as might be expected to
interest the members of the Force.
In addition to the Royal Irish Constabulary,
there are two other Police Forces in Ireland.
It will have been observed that the Act of
William IV. (Drummond's Act) already quoted
(page 270) specifically excludes Dublin from the
territory in which the Constabulary of Ireland
was to operate. A separate Act (6 and 7 William
IV. Cap 29) of 4th July, 1836, provides for the
setting up of a Police Force for the City of
Dublin. This Act is very similar in its terms to
the Act setting up the Constabulary of Ireland.
" Whereas it is expedient to substitute a new
and more efficient System of Police within the
limits of the District of Dublin Metropolis, and
to constitute an Office of Police, which, acting
under the immediate Authority of the Chief
THE POLICE FORCES. 295
Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant shall direct and
control the whole of such new System of Police
within those limits . . . Be it enacted, That
a sufficient Number of fit and able Men shall from
Time to Time, By the Directions of the Chief
Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant ... be
appointed as a Police Force for the whole of such
District, who shall be sworn in ... to act
as Constables for preserving the Peace, and
preventing Robberies and other Felonies, and
apprehending offenders against the Peace.
" And be it enacted, that it shall be lawful
for any Man belonging to the said Police Force,
during the Time of his being on Duty, to
apprehend all loose, idle, and disorderly Persons
whom he shall find disturbing the public Peace,
or whom he shall have just Cause to suspect of
any evil Designs."
The form of oath to be taken and subscribed
by every person under this Act is similar to that
to be taken by members of the Constabulary of
Ireland.
The Force so set up is known as the Dublin
Metropolitan Police. The Dublin Police District,
which comprises the City of Dublin and part of
the County of Dublin, is divided into six
Divisions, each under the charge of a superin-
tendent of Police. The population of * Greater
Dublin,' approximating to the Police District,
was 371,936 at the time of the last census (1911).
The Dublin Metropolitan Police is maintained
at a more or less constant strength, with very
small fluctuations. Typical weekly figures of
recruitment are as follows :
296 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Strength on 19th October, 1920 ... 1,133
Retirements ... ... 3
Recruits :
Great Britain ... 5
Ireland 8
13
Net increase 10
Strength on 26th October, 1920 ... 1,143
During September, 1920, it was decided to
form a Special Constabulary in Ireland in order
to assist in dealing with the abnormal situation
then existing. An announcement was made
during that month that the Government would
enroll well-disposed citizens for this purpose.
On 22nd October a statement was issued outlining
the scheme and the conditions of service. The
terms of this statement were as follows :
The scheme, which applies to the whole of
Ireland, will be brought into operation area by
area as circumstances may require. The first
Class of constable is Class A that is to say a
whole-time man enlisted to serve for a minimum
period of six months, during which he will serve
in the regular Royal Irish Constabulary, but only
within the divisional area wherein he is
recruited. These men get uniform, quarters (or
an equivalent rent allowance), pay at 10s. a day,
and sundry other allowances, making the total
weekly pay 3 17s. 6d. Married men, if
required to live in barracks, get a separation
allowance of 14s. a week, and sundry rent
THE POLICE FORCES. 297
allowances according to the conditions under
which they serve. After approved service, a
bounty at the rate of 25 for each year's service
in lieu of pension rights is also given, and in
case of death or injuries due to the execution of
his duties a special constable or his legal
representatives will be entitled to claim
compensation under the Criminal Injuries
(Ireland) Act, 1919, payment of the award being
guaranteed by the Government. Arms and
equipment will be similar to those borne by the
Boyal Irish Constabulary.
Membership of Class B entails occasional duty,
usually one evening per week, exclusive of
training drills, in an area convenient to the
member. Day duties will not be required except
in emergency. These services will be unpaid,
but a 5 allowance will be paid for each six
months of service, to cover wear and tear of
clothes and boot-leather. Caps and armlets will
be provided, but arms and equipment will be
determined by the authority of the county. They
will usually be the same as those borne by the
regular police of the district at the time. For
each drill attended in excess of one per week
2s. 6d. will be paid. This class will be under its
own officers, but these will be under the police
authority of the area in which they serve. Class
C is a reserve. Members will serve in a district
convenient to themselves, and will be called on
only in case of an emergency. They draw no
pay or allowances, and do only occasional drills.
During the year 1920 this new Force of Special
298 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Constabulary was established only in Ulster, but
there it performed most useful service, and the
experience in police duties gained by its members
will no doubt be of great service to the
authorities of the Ulster Government when the
latter is set up under the Government of Ireland
Act, 1920.
CHAPTER XI.
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS.
The question of ' f reprisals, ' ' as they have been
universally termed, is one that caused a good deal
of discussion during the latter months of 1920.
Reprisals in this case may be defined as
unauthorised measures taken by members of the
Forces of the Crown in revenge for injuries
inflicted upon them by disorderly elements of
the Irish population.
The Press has devoted considerable space to
the question, and the occurrence of these reprisals
has been widely condemned throughout the world.
In many cases a wholly false inference has been
drawn from such instances of reprisals as can
be substantiated. Ireland has been described as
suffering under a terror brought about by the
police and the troops ; the Government of Ireland
has been accused of actual complicity in this
terror, even of creating and encouraging it. It
has been represented that the discipline of the
Royal Irish Constabulary and British Army in
Ireland has completely disappeared, that savage
acts by members of these forces are the order of
the day. The Republican murder-gangs are
eulogised as patriots, struggling to defend their
300 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
country against the tyranny of brutal English
oppressors. In short, Republican sources of
information have so distorted the facts of such
reprisals as have occurred that they are beyond
recognition and even credence.
Now let us examine the facts. Enough has
been placed on record in preceding chapters to
show the conditions obtaining in Ireland during
the year 1920 and the outrages there committed.
We have considered the objects and the
achievements of the Republican organisations,
and we have touched upon the constitution and
the duties of the forces of law and order. We
are therefore in a position to form an idea of the
state of Ireland during 1920, and to estimate the
value of reports emanating from Republican
sources.
Reprisals have occurred, and cannot be
sufficiently deplored. There can be no legitimate
grounds for the condonation of the undisciplined
acts of a disciplined force. No member of the
Irish Administration has at any time approved
or condoned these acts, and every possible
measure has been taken to prevent their
recurrence. But the matter of reprisals goes
deeper than condemnation, than orders and
punishment. It goes to the root of human
nature. However perfect discipline may be,
however rigorous the punishment meted out to
those who err against it, there must always be a
certain number of men in every Force whose
self-control is insufficient to restrain them from
taking vengeance under certain circumstances.
V,
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 301
In the following pages an attempt has been made
to deal with the whole question of reprisals, and
of the circumstances which have led up to them.
One of the most widely published stories of
" reprisals " dealt with the occurrences in the
three villages of Milltown Malbay, Ennistymon
and Lahinch, all in the extreme west of County
Clare, on September 22nd, 1920. Reports were
published of the " sacking " of these towns by
the police, and of the general misery that had
been caused in consequence. The actual facts
are as follows :
By the morning post on 22nd of September the
police at Ennistymon received an anonymous
letter which ran as follows :
' Dear Sir, I am giving you a warning to
make your men look out for themselves for the
S.F. is going to make a raid on them some day.
Let your men look out and the two officers that is
going by themselves in the black motor. They
will give them a downfall as sure as you are
reading this. They would want to look out for
themselves : we cannot stop our young innocent
sons. Sure the leading man of them all is John
O'Loughlin the man that is going to all the
races, why he has plenty of powder and fire-
arms. We would have an easy mind if you would
frighten those murderers. They want more
blood. . . ."
The letter is in itself one of the most valuable
lights that could have been thrown upon the
situation in Ireland. It shows how the older
generation regards the operations of the
302 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Republican Army, and the impossibility of
controlling the younger men. But we must leave
it in order to continue the account of the events
that followed.
At eleven o'clock in the morning a military
non-commissioned officer in Ennistymon was
given a hint that a police car was to be ambushed.
He went straight back to barracks and reported
what he had heard, whereupon a party of troops
was dispatched along the Milltown Malbay road
with instructions to examine likely positions for
ambushes. Shortly after passing a place called
Lahinch, where the roads to Milltown and
Liscannor separate, shots were heard ahead.
The party pushed on and came into touch with
the rebels as the latter were scattering inland.
The troops came under fire from both flanks and
the driver of a motor lorry was wounded. But a
Lewis gun was brought into action and a few
minutes later a second small party of troops came
up in support, whereupon the rebels scattered
and fled. The rebels took skilful advantage of
cover behind banks, whins and hedges.
The troops now came back to the road, and at
a point where the road is about twenty-five yards
from the railway line found the bodies of the
victims and the wrecked car. It was easy to
re-construct the tragedy. Between the railway
line and the road the ambush had been prepared
with boughs and other cover to conceal the
assailants. Behind the cover hay was strewn,
and there were signs of a regular bivouac which
had clearly been occupied from before dawn.
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 303
Hay was strewn about and there were a few
haversacks and coats as well as some bread and
some meat tins. Empty rifle and shot-gun
cartridges lay about and also sharp-nosed bullets
whereof the points had been carefully filed,
converting them into dumdums. The car, which
was travelling slowly uphill at the time of the
assault, had been hit by a bullet which put out
of action the two front cylinders and must have
stopped it at once. At the same time fire was
opened on the police from some fifty rifle and
shot-guns. Twelve-bore cartridge cases and wads
showed the ammunition used. The original
wounds caused by the dumdum bullets were bad
enough, but the bodies showed that after the men
had fallen the criminals had further fired at
their victims at short range with shot-guns.
The evidence of this bestiality was indisputable.
Search was made for the body of a missing
constable, but it was not found until next
morning. The wounded man had managed to
crawl nearly four hundred yards, but as the
tracks showed had been hunted down and
butchered in cold blood. The arrival of the
troops had been too late to save him.
It has been said that the murderers took cover
and kept up a fusillade for some time, under the
impression of course that the first military party
to arrive on the scene consisted only of a few
men in a car. During the fight the rebels fired
from two houses, and it is certain that the
occupants of these houses not only were fully
aware of the ambush (they could not have avoided
304 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
noticing it) but also deliberately refrained from
giving any notice thereof as they certainly could
have done. However, they did not get off scot-
free, for the houses were set on fire and burned
to the ground.
There were other people who could have given
warning and did not do so and who are therefore
accessories to the murders. Two trains passed
within from six to ten feet of the ambush, every
detail of which must have been visible from the
line. The guard and driver of each train must
have known of the ambush, and it is impossible
that some of the station officials at Milltown
should not have been informed. It is worth
noting that a priest wearing what appeared to be
military medals was reported to have formed one
of the ambush party.
The murder of District Inspector Brady near
Tubbercurry on 30th September, 1920, has
already been dealt with (page 215). Some
quotations from a report made at the time are
there given. The report continues as follows :
' The police who had come from Sligo entered
the barracks and saw the dead officer on the floor.
D.I. Russell was getting details of what
happened when the police were ambushed, when
he suddenly heard shots being fired outside the
barracks and battering of doors. D.I. Russell
took a carbine and ran out, together with D.I.
Dease and Lieutenant Morrison. He found that
a shop next the barracks belonging to a Mr.
Howley had been broken into and that some of
the police and soldiers were wrecking it and
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 305
preparing to set it on fire. D.I. Russell
challenged them and ordered them to desist and
leave the premises, and the military officer called
on his men to do the same. The men obeyed the
order very reluctantly and sullenly. D.I. Russell
then collected his men and told them there was
no damage to be committed to property. This
quietened the men for a few minutes but there
was a good deal of murmuring and grumbling,
and after a short interval some of the men broke
away and were followed by the rest. The D.I.
tried to get them back but his efforts were of no
avail. A large general store owned by a Mr
Cooke was set fire to. At this time the men had
scattered in all directions and there was a great
amount of rifle firing and throwing of bombs
and shouting by the men to the Irish Volunteers
to come out and fight them. The town and
surrounding country is a hot-bed of Irish
Volunteers of the worst type. Other houses were
set on fire. The D.I. appealed to the men over
and over again to desist, but the men were simply
mad with passion and all restraints of discipline
were thrown to the winds. The turmoil continued
for about three hours. Finally D.I. Russell
managed by appealing to some of the police who
had been fired at to get their comrades to desist,
to regain control, and got his men into the motor
lorries. He then went to give some directions
to D.I. Dease who was remaining in Tubber-
curry, and while he was doing so the lorries
started off and went to Tubbercurry Creamery,
which is about half a mile from the town, and it
u
306 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
was burned down. The military lorries came
back shortly after the lorries left Tubbercurry
and went on to Sligo, but the police lorries did
not return for about an hour. D.I. Russell then
managed to get started to Sligo at about 5 a.m.
He was in the rear car. When the first car
reached Achonry Creamery about four miles from
Tubbercurry the two cars pulled up, and in spite
of the D.I's efforts the creamery was burnt down.
After a great deal of persuasion the D.I.
managed to get his men to resume the journey to
Sligo. I visited Tubbercurry on morning of 2nd
instant with C.I. Nylon who returned off leave
on 1st instant.
' The following shops were completely
destroyed : E. J. Cooke's, publican, draper and
grocer; Patrick J. Gallagher's, publican and
grocer; John Coleman's, grocer. The licensed
premises of Kate Armstrong, Philip Durkan and
M. J. Howley were partly burned.
' Windows were broken in the shops and
houses of the following : J. Mullorkey, H.
Crydn, Gallagher Brothers, Elizabeth Morran,
Bernard Madden, and M. J. Howley, and Miss
Sheridan. The reason these particular houses
were attacked appears to have been because
either the owner or the shop boys employed by
him were active in the Sinn Fein or Irish
Volunteer Organisations. So far as I could
learn no person in the town suffered any personal
injury."
The Chief Secretary for Ireland referred to
both these cases in a speech in the House of
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 307
Commons on 20th October, 1920. His words are
worth quoting as being the sanest and most
reasonable comment upon the question of
reprisals that has yet appeared.
The quotations are from Hansard. Dealing
with the Ennistymon case, he said :
" Five policemen, in the course of their duty,
were operating in the western part of Clare near
two villages called Ennistymon and Lahinch.
They were ambushed by a large number of men,
probably fifty. Shots were fired that at once
stopped the car. Expanding bullets rained on
them. Four of the men were killed instantly as
a result of the bullets, and the car was
bespattered with blood and the mutilated remains
of the four. The fifth, though badly wounded,
managed to crawl away from the car for 400
yards. He was pursued. Shot-guns were used
within a foot of him to blow his body to pieces.
The car was on the road, with these men
mutilated beyond recognition, when, within ten
minutes, another car containing soldiers and
police came along. They lost their heads. They
went to the villages of Ennistymon and Lahinch.
I am sure the House, whatever their opinion may
be as to this Resolution,* will, at any rate, give
* The Resolution, moved by Mr. Arthur Henderson, was
defeated by 346 votes to 79. It was as follows : " That this
House regrets the present state of lawlessness in Ireland and
the lack of discipline in the armed forces of the Crown, result-
ing in the death or injury of innocent citizens and the destruc-
tion of property; and is of the opinion that an independent
investigation should at once be instituted into the cause, nature
and extent of reprisals on the part of those whose duty is the
maintenance of law and order."
308 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
me their sympathy in trying to bring peace out
of chaos in Ireland. It is true that reprisals
followed the murder of these five gallant men.
Sixteen houses and shops were destroyed houses
that were considered to be occupied or owned
by notorious Sinn Feiners.
' Here, again, I am convinced that the people
of these two villages knew of this ambush. (An
Hon. Member: ' How do you know? ' The
Chief Secretary : ' On the evidence.' The Hon.
Member: ' Let us have the evidence.') I will.
The place of ambush covered a long stretch on
both sides of the road, and from the evidence of
the bandoliers, haybeds, haversacks, coats,
blankets, meat tins, and so on, it was clear that
the bivouac had been there at least twelve hours,
and possibly twenty-four hours. The place was
within sight of f many houses. I am admitting
what is called a reprisal. I am putting to you
the provocation that comes to brave men .
I hope I have shown that the ambush must have
been present to many people in the vicinity. The
Irish Republican Army is particularly strong in
that area. We have lists of the members. We
have the muster roll in that area. We know
exactly, as far as it is humanly possible to know,
the persons who connived at and helped in that
ambush, which resulted in the mutilation and
death of five members of the Royal Irish Con-
stabulary."
Dealing with the case of District Inspector
Brady, the Chief Secretary in the same speech,
said : ' ' District Inspector Brady served through-
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 309
out the war as an officer in the Irish Guards, and
won the approval of his superiors for his courage
in the field. He became a District Inspector in
the Royal Irish Constabulary in Monaghan,
which was looked upon, as things go in Ireland,
as rather a peaceful county. He volunteered to
go into a disturbed area to exchange with a
married man with a family. He was a real
Irishman of the best sort. He was travelling
in the front seat, the seat of danger, in a patrol
lorry in the ordinary course of his duties towards
a village called Tubbercurry, in Sligo. He and
his men were ambushed just before they arrived
at the village. The ambush was carefully
planned. Over fifty men waited hour after
hour for this lorry to come along. Shots
expanding bullets were fired into the lorry.
Poor Brady was seriously wounded in three
places. . . . The motor driver brought the
car into the yard. Brady, dying, was taken out
by his men. I want to show two things in this
ghastly chapter of Irish History, not reflecting
the real Irishman, but the grossest form of brutal
assassination. Brady's clothes were cut off him.
He was wounded horribly in three places by
expanding bullets, and anyone who knows
anything about the effect of expanding bullets
can visualise that gallant District Inspector a
ghastly mass of mutilation on the floor of the
barracks. Another policeman had the calf of
his leg blown off by an expanding bullet, and,
unconscious, was groaning in pain. A third
had his face full of gun-shot pellets. That was
310 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the scene that met some soldiers and policemen
who came on afterwards. They saw Brady on
the floor. They knew him. They loved him.
Soldiers and policemen trained under the British
flag love their officers. They so love them that
they go to their death for them. I admit that
when they saw Brady's form on the ground they
saw red. I admit there was a reprisal. They
went out and they burnt three shops of three
notorious Sinn Feiners. They smashed several
other shops all owned or occupied by notorious
Sinn Feiners, and I am convinced, on the
evidence, that every one of those persons who
suffered through the reprisal connived at,
possibly helped, and certainly all condoned that
murder of District Inspector Brady."
Perhaps of all the cases of reprisals which
occurred during 1920, that of Balbriggan is most
widely known. The circumstances that led up
to this incident were as follows.
Balbriggan is a village of over two thousand
inhabitants, lying on the east coast of Ireland
some twenty miles north of Dublin. On the 20th
September, 1920, Head Constable Burke, of the
Phoenix Park R.I.C. Depot, Dublin, accom-
panied by his brother Sergeant Burke, went out
to Balbriggan for a day's leave. Head Constable
Burke had taken a prominent part in the defence
of a barracks in County Clare, for which he had
received special promotion, and was undoubtedly
regarded by the Republicans as a marked man.
While he was in the bar of an Hotel, he was
recognised by members of the Irish Volunteers,
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 311
and shot in cold blood, his brother being wounded
at the same time.
The news of this outrage spread to Gormans-
town Camp, some four miles distant, which had
recently been converted into a R.I.C. depot, and
was therefore occupied by men who had all passed
through Burke's hands during their training.
Burke was exceedingly popular with these men,
and upon the news of his murder reaching them
they got completely out of hand. Burning with
a thirst for revenge against the murderers and
the village which sheltered them, they broke out
of barracks and proceeded to Balbriggan. There
they seized two prominent Republicans, officers
in the local Irish Volunteers, and shot them dead.
Subsequently damage was inflicted upon the
village to the extent of 1 factory, 4 public-houses,
and 19 private houses being burned and 30
private houses wrecked. The damage was esti-
mated at between 130,000 and 150,000.
It cannot be denied that these outbreaks by the
Forces of the Crown were indefensible. The
authorities have never attempted to defend or
condone them. In a statement to the Press on
28th September the Chief Secretary said :
' There is no truth in the allegation that the
Government connives at or supports reprisals.
The Government condemns reprisals and has
issued orders condemning them and has
taken steps to prevent them." Nothing could
be clearer than this. In the speech that has
already been quoted the Chief Secretary referred
to the Balbriggan episode in the following terms :
312 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
%
" I will face Balbriggan as all these cases,
because in the present abnormal state of Ireland
those persons, generally of an ansemic and it may
be hysterical disposition, who expect things to
work on the lines of the ordered routine you will
find in this favoured country, expect too much,
and are dealing not with facts but with visions.
Take Balbriggan. This case has been stated, I
think, by the right hon. Gentleman, the Member
for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), to be comparable with
a Belgian town in the war. I believe the right
hon. Gentleman said he had seen some of these
places. So have I. Has he seen Balbriggan?
(Mr. Asquith : ' No. ') I have. I claim to be an
authority on Balbriggan. I will give the case as
it is, and I will admit at the start it is a case
which I, more than anyone else, have every right
to regret, because it did mean a certain break in
the splendid discipline of the Irish police. But
when the right hon. Gentleman or anybody else
compares Balbriggan with a village at the front,
at the Belgian front or any other place in the
War, the statement has no relation to facts,
either in the cause which led to destruction or in
the amount of destruction which resulted.
Head Constable Burke, who had recently been
decorated for his gallant defence of a barracks,
became a marked man for the assassins in
Ireland. Everyone in Ireland who gets the
Royal Irish Constabulary Medal for courage, or
who does anything out of the ordinary in his
loyal devotion to duty, is a marked man by the
terrorists in Ireland. Head Constable Burke
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 313
was in Balbriggan with his Brother Sergeant
Burke of the Royal Irish Constabulary. It is
true they had gone into a public-house. But the
suggestion that the murder of Head Constable
Burke and the dangerous wounding of his brother
the sergeant was due to the effort of the Irish
Volunteers to bring about peace, as my right hon.
friend the Member for Widnes suggested, is
really so remote from the fact that it is in the
dark. This head constable, unarmed, and his
brother, unarmed, were surrounded by what I
call assassinsr I know no other name for them
and the head constable was shot dead. The
brother was shot and dangerously wounded.
Then the assassins fled. Head Constable Burke
was not only a man of great courage but a very
popular man with the police. In two depots,
miles away from Balbriggan, when they heard
of this murder they came in lorries to Balbriggan.
When they saw the bodies of Burke and his
brother they I admit it they saw red. I
admit it with regret. I always view these
actions with the profoundest regret. In
Balbriggan that night 19 houses of Sinn Feiners
were destroyed or damaged, 4 public-houses
were destroyed, and 1 hosiery factory, which
employed 200 hands, was also destroyed. I
admit at once that it is difficult to defend the
destruction of that factory. (Lieut. -Commander
Kenworthy : ' Two men were also killed.') And
two men were killed. (Mr. Asquith : ' Mur-
dered.') If the right hon. Gentleman the Mem-
ber for Paisley gets any satisfaction out of it I
314 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
will say * murdered.' I myself have had the
fullest inquiry made into the case. I will tell
the House what I found. I found that from 100
to 150 men went to Balbriggan determined to
avenge the death of a popular comrade shot at
and murdered in cold blood. I find it is
impossible out of that 150 to find the men who did
the deed, who did the burning. I have had the
most searching inquiry made. I have laid down
a code of still more severe discipline for the
Royal Irish Constabulary, and I shall be glad to
know that it will meet with approval. I myself
had a parade of a large number of the Royal
Irish Constabulary. I addressed them. I saw
that what I said was published in nearly every
paper in Ireland. I do not want to weary the
House with a repetition of my speech, but I put
the matter in as strong words as I could command
that their business, and mine, was to prevent
crime and to detect criminals, and when there
was great provocation they must not give way.
But I cannot in my heart of hearts and, Mr.
Speaker, I say this it may be right or it may
be wrong I cannot condemn in the same way
those policemen who lost their heads as I
condemn the assassins who provoked this
outrage. My quarrel with the right hon.
Gentleman the Member for Paisley and his
friends is that they put all the emphasis on
reprisals in Ireland. I put it on the provocation.
(Mr. Mills : 'Look at Ulster !') The best and the
surest way to stop reprisals is to stop the murder
of policemen, soldiers and loyal citizens. I
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 315
regret these reprisals beyond words. It is a
reflection on the discipline of a famous force.
It is a reflection on my administration as political
head of that force. But if I could bring to the
minds and hearts of every member of this House,
I do not care on what Benches they sit, the two
years of agony, of the intolerable provocation
that these policemen, and in some cases soldiers,
have gone through, the situation would be better
understood, and reprisals, whilst condemned, and
properly condemned, would also be understood."
The address to the Royal Irish Constabulary
referred to by the Chief Secretary in this speech
was delivered at the Depot in Phoenix Park on
30th September, 1920. It contains the follow-
ing passages.
' You are a disciplined force, and I con-
fidently count upon you to maintain that dis-
cipline, no matter what the provocation.
Accounts of reprisals in certain newspapers are
always misleading, and frequently misrepresent
acts of justifiable self-defence as reprisals, but
there are cases in which unjustifiable action has
undoubtedly been taken. These cases are being
carefully investigated. Meanwhile it is neces-
sary to repeat and to emphasise that reprisals
will ruin the discipline of the force, and cannot
be countenanced by those in authority. The
great provocation under which men suffer who
see their comrades and friends brutally mur-
dered is fully recognised, and by no one more
than myself; but the police are urged to main-
316 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
tain, in spite of this, that self-control that has
characterised the force in the past."
Both police and military authorities have
repeatedly made it clear to the forces under their
command that reprisals would not be tolerated,
and there is every evidence that the measures
taken by them have been successful in putting a
stop, so far as is humanly possible, to the evil.
The measure of their success is to be gauged not so
much by the reprisals which have taken place,
which in all cases have been due to hasty local
action taken under intense provocation, but by
the number of woundings and murders of mem-
bers of the Forces of the Crown which have not
been followed by the slightest suggestion of a
reprisal. After all, the whole spirit of any
organised force lies in its esprit de corps, and it
is only natural for a man who realises the whole
meaning of that phrase to seek revenge on a
cowardly enemy who has inflicted injury upon
his comrades. There is only one way of ensuring
that reprisals shall cease for good in Ireland,
and that is to stop the campaign of outrage
carried on by the Republicans. If those who
protested against the occurrence of reprisals were
sincere, they would refrain from encouragement
of the Republicans and lend their influence to the
suppression of outrage.
The following Order, issued from the Royal
Irish Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, on 28th
September, 1920, and headed " Alleged acts of
reprisals by police and soldiers " is only one of
the many examples of the orders that have been
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 317
issued on the subject, by both military and police
authorities. It begins with the words of the
Chief Secretary already quoted, and goes on :
" The police exist to restore and maintain
order in the country. Destruction of buildings
and institutions cannot but impoverish the
country and increase want and disorder. 'It
must however be made clear to all ranks that the
effective use of weapons when threatened or
attacked is only legitimate self-defence, and that
it is their duty to hunt down murderers by every
means in their power. The power of the
Government to bring to justice those who commit
crimes is increasing every day. The police will
be fully supported and protected in the discharge
of their duties by every means available."
The Order is signed " C. A. Walsh, Deputy
Inspector-General," and was circulated to all
Divisional Commissioners, County Inspectors,
District Inspectors, and to all stations.
As has already been stated, both the number
of reprisals which have occurred and the damage
done has been greatly exaggerated in certain
quarters. On 29th September, 1920, a list,
supplied from Republican quarters, appeared in
certain sections of the British and Irish Press,
giving what purported to be the dates and locali-
ties of reprisals carried out by the Forces of the
Crown. Ninety-eight out of the total of 101
incidents were alleged to have taken place during
1920. It would be impossible to give the facts
underlying each one of these allegations, but we
318 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
can examine the figures, and take a few typical
examples.
Of the 98 cases alleged, 18 were genuine
reprisals, and a brief note of the circumstances
attending them follows. The remaining 80 may
be divided up as follows.
In 17 cases, mostly accusations of towns being
1 shot up " by police, there is no foundation
whatever for the allegation.
In 11 cases, no record or information can be
obtained of the alleged occurrence.
In the remaining 52 cases, activity of some
kind took place at the place and date alleged,
such activity being due to legitimate action on
the part of the Forces of the Crown, or to
unknown individuals. In no one of these cases
did any form of " reprisal " take place, nor was
there any action by police or military beyond the
lawful execution of their duty. Instances of the
allegations and the corresponding facts will be
given below.
Dealing first with the cases in which
' reprisals ' ' actually took place :
On 22nd January it is alleged that the town of
Thurles, in the County Tipperary, was sacked by
troops. The facts are that following the murder
of Constable Finnegan on the 20th, the local
police attacked the houses of twelve prominent
Sinn Feiners.
On 27th April, it is alleged that many houses
in Limerick City were wrecked by troops. The
facts are that some slight damage was committed
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 319
by troops as a reprisal for the murder of a
soldier. There was no shooting.
On 27th June, it is alleged that Fermoy,
County Cork, was sacked by troops. The facts
are that 18,000 worth of damage was committed
by troops as a reprisal for the kidnapping of
General Lucas.
On 20th July, it is alleged that Tuam, County
Galway, was sacked by police. The facts are as
follows. On the night of 19th July a R.I.C.
motor-van returning from Galway Assizes was
ambushed three miles from Tuam, and two con-
stables were shot dead. At 4.30 a.m. the follow-
ing day a party of military and police arrived at
Tuam to assist the local police in their search
for the murderers. When these police saw the
bodies of their fallen comrades lying dead on the
floor of the mess-room their pent-up feelings
overcame them and they broke loose in a fierce
attack upon the town of Tuam, and committed
much destruction of property. The Town Hall
was burnt to the ground. No person was
attacked or injured in this outbreak.
On 31st July, it is alleged that Tipperary
Town was partially sacked by troops. The
facts are that about twelve windows were broken.
A soldier had been murdered on the previous day.
On 8th August, it is alleged that Kildorrery,
County Cork, was wrecked and looted by police.
The facts are that on the 7th a police constable
was shot dead. During the night some shops in
the village were wrecked.
On 26th August, it is alleged that Shana-
320 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
golden, County Limerick, was partially sacked
by police. The facts are as follows. On 26th
August, two sick constables, one in plain clothes
and the other in uniform, were partially stripped
and were marched through the streets surrounded
by jeering and insulting crowds. Later in the
day shots were fired on a police patrol. The
creamery and several shops were burned down
during the night, probably by either the police or
soldiers or both, but it has not yet been possible
to say with certainty that either of these Forces
carried out the reprisal.
On 26th August, it is alleged that Naas,
County Kildare, was " shot-up ' by police.
The facts are that a boot shop was burned and
shots fired by persons whom the police believe
were ' ' Black and Tans ' or persons dressed as
such." No provocation is assigned.
On 27th August it is alleged that Queenstown,
County Cork, was sacked by troops. The facts
are that sixty shops were damaged by troops and
five looted as a reprisal for an attack upon them
two days previously, when an officer of the
Cameron Highlanders was killed and one soldier
of the same regiment was killed and another
wounded.
On 2nd September it is alleged that Inniscarra,
County Cork, was partially sacked by police.
The facts are that on the 1st a military patrol wa&
fired upon and one soldier wounded. One house
was burned as a reprisal. The police report
states that this was done by the military.
On 10th September it is alleged that Tullow,
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 321
County Carlow, was sacked by police. The facts
are that two shops were burned. It is stated
that the perpetrators were military, probably
assisted by local police. If this is so, it was in
the nature of a reprisal for the murder of two
constables shot dead on patrol. The dead bodies
of the constables were found by their comrades
at the scene of the attack about an hour later.
On 20th September, it is alleged that Bal-
briggan, County Dublin, was sacked by police.
This is the ' ' Balbriggan incident ' ' previously
described.
On 21st September, it is alleged that Balbrig-
gan was " shot-up " by police. The facts are
that a few shots were fired, but no person was
injured and no damage was done.
On 22nd September, it is alleged that Ennis-
tymon, County Clare, was sacked by police.
On 22nd September, it is alleged that Lahinch,
County Clare, was sacked by police.
On 22nd September, it is alleged that Mill town
Malbay, County Clare, was sacked by police.
(These refer to the " Ennistymon incident,"
see page 301. The damage done amounted to the
burning of 8 houses in Ennistymon, 9 in Lahinch,
and 9 in Milltown Malbay. Four civilians sus-
pected of complicity in the ambush were killed.)
On 9th September it is alleged that the Galway
police ran amok, resulting in three deaths. The
facts are that a constable was attacked and
murdered at the railway station about midnight.
In self-defence he killed a civilian who was one
of the attackers. Two hours later the police
v
322 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
attacked several houses and killed a leading
Sinn Feiner, whom they suspected of complicity
in the murder of their comrade.
On 20th September, it is alleged that two
civilians were shot dead and their houses burnt
at Abbey feale, County Limerick. The facts are
that two civilians were shot dead by a police
constable who stated that they ran when called
upon to halt. A military Court of Inquiry was
held upon the matter, and found that there was
not sufficient evidence to enable them to decide as
to the circumstances in which the shots were fired
by the constable.
It will be observed that these cases occurred
between 1st January, 1920, and 22nd September,
1920, and that as a result of reprisals by the
Forces of the Crown seven civilians are admitted
to have been killed, one was shot by a constable in
self-defence (at Galway on 9th September), and
two were shot under unexplained circumstances
(at Abbeyf eale on 20th September) . The murder
of these seven civilians is unjustifiable, although
great provocation can be urged on behalf of the
men who did the deeds.
Now let us glance at the other side of the
picture. During the period between 1st
January, 1920, and 22nd September, 1920, 84
policemen and 12 soldiers were murdered by the
Republicans without provocation of any kind.
Well might the Chief Secretary point the moral
in the House in the course of his speech already
quoted !
" I have a right to complain of reprisals,
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 323
because I am responsible for the discipline of the
Irish Constabulary. The Commander-in-Chief
has a right to complain of reprisals, because he is
responsible for the discipline of the British Army
in Ireland. But these men who acquiesced in,
connived at, condoned or supported the murder
of District Inspector Brady, or members of the
Royal Irish Constabulary, have no right to com-
plain of reprisals. They are members of the
Irish Republican Army that is pledged by force
of arms to set up an independent Republic in
Ireland, to defy the authority of this House, and
to claim the right to assassinate the officers of
the Crown."
A passage in An T'Oglac of 15th August,
1920, explains the last words of the above
quotation. It is as follows : " We realise that it
is far more profitable to kill for Ireland than to
die for her/'
To return to the 52 cases of alleged reprisals,
in which activity took place at the place and date
alleged. Space does not permit of our dealing
with each of these, but we may take 6, typical
of all the rest.
On 1st March it is alleged that Thurles,
County Tipperary, was partially wrecked by
troops. The facts are that eleven panes of glass
in the Sinn Fein Hall were broken, also two plate-
glass windows in shops. One of the injured
persons, who is a loyalist, attributed the damage
to the work of Sinn Fein.
On 28th June it is alleged that Limerick City
was partially sacked by police. The facts are
324 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
that malicious damage, which consisted of the
breaking of nine windows and injury to the doors
and floor of the Railway Hotel and the burning
of a business premises, was committed by persons
unknown. There was no looting, and it is
thought that the motive was personal spite
against the owner of the properties.
On 15th July it is alleged that Tralee, County
Kerry, was partially sacked by police. The facts
are that a shot was fired by a sentry who thought
he saw some persons trying to get through the
barbed wire entanglement in front of the Court-
house, where the Assizes were being held.
On 17th and 18th July it is alleged that Cork
City was " shot-up " by police. The facts are
as follows. The only firing on the 17th was in
self-defence. The police were fired at and
returned the fire. No person was injured and no
damage was done. On the 18th attacks were
made on parties of soldiers. The military were
turned out to clear the streets. General firing
took place throughout the city and considerable
damage was done. The police were not fired
upon and did not fire during that night.
On 22nd July, it is alleged that Leap, County
Cork, was sacked by police. The facts are that
a mixed party of military and police were fired
upon from the Sinn Fein Hall. The police
returned the fire and broke into the Hall. Some
damage was done in the process. The houses of
local suspects were searched.
On 21st August, it is alleged that Oranmore,
County Galway was sacked by police. The facts
THE QUESTION OF REPRISALS. 325
are that a police patrol was fired on. Earlier in
the day a constable from Oranmore had been shot
dead when proceeding to Galway. The police in
searching for the assailants of the patrol bombed
and burned the house of a leading Sinn Feiner in
which the assailants had taken refuge. The
County Inspector, reporting the following day,
stated that the discipline of the men was admir-
able.
From the above examples, chosen at random but
all typical of the allegations emanating from
Republican sources, the facts underlying the
majority of the accounts of " reprisals " which
have appeared may be adequately gauged.
CHAPTER XII.
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER.
The Province of Ulster consists of the Counties
of Antrim, Armagh, Cavan, Donegal, Down,
Fermanagh, Londonderry, Monaghan, and
Tyrone, with a population, according to the
census of 1911, of 1,581,696. But geographical
Ulster has ceased to have a separate political
existence, and in speaking of Ulster the " Six
Counties," and these alone, are usually implied.
This new division of Ireland is denned by the
Government of Ireland Bill in the following
words :
' For the purposes of this Act Northern
Ireland shall consist of the Parliamentary coun-
ties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh,
Londonderry, and Tyrone, and the Parliamen-
tary boroughs of Belfast and Londonderry; and
Southern Ireland shall consist of so much of
Ireland as is not comprised within the said
Parliamentary counties and boroughs."
The population of Northern Ireland as thus
defined was 1,250,531 at the time of the census
of 1911, or rather more than 28% of the popula-
tion of the whole of Ireland at that time. This
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 327
population differs from that of the rest of the
country in being, generally speaking, industrial,
" Unionist," and Protestant, rather than agri-
cultural, " Nationalist," and Roman Catholic.
As illustrating the first two of these distinctions,
it may be said that in 1912 Belfast claimed to
handle seventy per cent of the whole export trade
of Ireland, and that in the present Parliament
the Six Counties are represented by 23 Unionist
members out of a total of thirty.
It is the existence of these differences that has
caused the people of the Six Counties to take up
a different attitude from that assumed by the
people of the rest of Ireland. Finding them-
selves to be in a numerical minority, they have
been forced to combine to resist absorption into
the majority. They have felt that their needs
would never be served, or their conditions under-
stood, by a Parliament of All Ireland, in which
the majority would legislate for the needs of a
community differing from themselves in every
respect. Racially and economically they have
felt themselves to be more closely allied to the
British people than to the Irish, and they have
resolutely set their faces against political incor-
poration with the latter, preferring union with
Great Britain or some form of self-government
for themselves. The history of this tendency is
practically the history of Ulster in recent years.
The agitation to resist Home Rule, by which is
meant the institution of a single Parliament for
the whole of Ireland, was from its inception until
the outbreak of war, controlled and guided by the
328 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Ulster Unionist Council. That body first came
into existence on 2nd December, 1904. On that
date a conference of delegates from the various
Unionist organisations was held in Belfast, at
which it was resolved " That an Ulster Council
be formed, and that its objects shall be to form
an Ulster Union for bringing into line all local
Unionist Associations in the Province of Ulster
with a view to consistent and continuous political
action; to act as a further connecting link
between Ulster Unionists and their Parliamen-
tary representatives; to settle in consultation
with them the Parliamentary policy, and to be
the medium of expressing Ulster Unionist
opinion as current events may from time to time
require, and generally to advance and defend the
interests of Ulster Unionism in the Unionist
Party." The first meeting of the Council was
held in the Ulster Hall, Belfast, on 3rd March,
1905.
The intention to oppose Home Rule by armed
resistance appears to have first taken shape in
December, 1910, when the following Manifesto
was issued to the Orange Lodges in Ireland.
MANIFESTO FROM THE GRAND LODGE
OF IRELAND.
BROTHER ORANGEMEN,
We address you at a grave crisis in the
history of Ireland. Mr. Redmond and the party
servants of the American Fenians have procured
for their schemes the help of the Socialists and
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 329
Radicals of England. Under cover of an attack
on the House of Lords they are striking a deadly
blow at the Union. If they obtain a majority at
this election, Home Rule may be carried over the
veto of the Second Chamber in two years. In
these circumstances you have two duties to per-
form. You must use every effort to defeat them
at the polls, neglecting no opportunity of
influencing votes in Great Britain. But you are
equally bound to prepare for a struggle in this
country if we should fail to carry the Elections.
Already steps are being taken to enrol men to
meet any emergency. Orangemen must set the
example to other Unionists by volunteering their
services. Be well assured that if we do our duty
now, and show ourselves worthy of our liberties,
the God of our fathers will give us strength to
hand down those liberties to our children.
Signed on behalf of the Grand Orange Lodge
of Ireland,
ERNE, G.M. (Grand Master)
R. H. WALLACE, G.s. (Grand Secretary).
Dublin, 7th December, 1910.
This was followed by a letter from the Grand
Secretary, Colonel R. H. Wallace.
Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland,
Secretary's Office, Grand Orange Hall,
10, Rutland Square East,
Dublin.
December, 1910.
Worshipful Sir and Brother,
In pursuance of a resolution passed by the
330 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland at the half-
yearly meeting on the 7th December, 1910, I beg
to forward to you a Form of Particulars as
regards the Members of your Lodge who, in the
event of Home Rule becoming law, are willing
to take active steps to resist its enforcement.
Please take the greatest care in filling in this
form, and see that each Brother signs his name
in the column headed " Signature," returning
the same to me at this address at your very
earliest convenience. It would be advisable to
mention this subject in the summons for your
next regular meeting in order to ensure as large
an attendance as possible.
Your fraternally,
ROBERT H. WALLACE,
Grand Secretary.
GRAND ORANGE LODGE OF IRELAND.
Return from L.O.L. No.
District of.. . Countv of.
Whether
Name
Address.
Age.
ever
enrolled,
and, if so,
in what
Force and
rank
branch i>.
whether
Cavalry,
Infantry,
Artillery,
Length
of
Serrice.
Transport,
if what
Carts,
Horses, etc.
could you
supply.
If fit
for
Serrice.
Signature.
attained.
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(6)
fC)
(7)
(8)
(9)
About the same time the Standing Committee-
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 331
of the Ulster Unionist Council took steps to
resuscitate the Unionist Clubs in Ulster which
had been formed in 1893 to oppose Mr. Glad-
stone's Home Rule Bill.
The first muster of the Unionist Forces in
Ulster to protest against Home Rule was held at
Craigavon, near Belfast, on Saturday, 23rd
September, 1911. The police stated that not less
than 300,000 travelled on the road to Craigavon
from the City to attend the meeting.
A series of demonstrations was held through-
out the Province, all leading up to the signing,
on " Ulster Day " Saturday, 28th September,
1912, of a solemn Covenant to resist Home Rule.
This Covenant was as follows :
ULSTER'S SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT.
"Being convinced in our consciences that Home
Rule would be disastrous to the material well-
being of Ulster as well as of the whole of Ireland,
subversive of our civil and religious freedom,
destructive of our citizenship, and perilous to
the unity of the Empire, We, whose names are
underwritten, men of Ulster, loyal subjects of
His Gracious Majesty King George V., humbly
relying on the God whom our fathers in days of
stress and trial confidently trusted, do hereby
pledge ourselves in solemn Covenant throughout
this our time of threatened calamity to stand by
one another in defending for ourselves and our
children our cherished position of equal citizen-
ship in the United Kingdom, and in using all
332 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
means which may be found necessary to defeat
the present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule
Parliament in Ireland.
And in the event of such a Parliament being
forced upon us, we further solemnly and
mutually pledge ourselves to refuse to recognise
its authority.
In sure confidence that God will defend the
right we hereto subscribe our names.
And, further, we individually declare that we
have not already signed this Covenant.
The above was signed by me at . ,
" Ulster Day," Saturday, 28th September, 1912.
GOD SAVE THE KING."
The signing of the Covenant was preceded in
most places by religious services in the Protestant
places of worship. It was reported that the
Covenant was signed by 219,206 men in Ulster,
and by 19,162 Ulster men resident elsewhere,
making a total of 238,368.
As showing the zeal with which the Unionist
Club movement was taken up, the number of these
clubs by May, 1913, was 315, with a membership
of 61,454. Their distribution was as follows :
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 333
County. Number of Clubs.
Membership.
Antrim
42
11,953
Armagh
35
5,188
Belfast
25
16,628
Cavan
16
1,949
Donegal
6
483
Down
56
12,190
Fermanagh
17
1,405
Londonderry . . .
29
3,894
Monaghan
15
1,779
Tyrone
74
5,985
Totals ... 315 ... 61,454
It will be observed that over 93 per cent, of this
membership was derived from the 'Six Counties.'
During the month of December, 1913, 1,742
drill practices were held, in which 29,979 persons
took part. These drillings varied in character
from the most elementary to practice with
wooden rifles. Throughout the years 1911, 1912,
and 1913 large numbers of rifles, mainly of a
discarded Italian Army pattern, were imported
into Ulster.
In pursuance of the policy adopted at a private
meeting in December, 1912, by the Unionist
Council in Belfast, persons who had signed the
Covenant were called upon to enrol themselves
for either military or political service in the cam-
paign against Home Rule. For the former it
was decided to enrol a body to be known as the
Ulster Volunteer Force, and, at the same time,
334 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
to raise a Volunteer Force of two thousand men
to act as police under the proposed Provisional
Government for Ulster in the event of its being
called into existence.
During April, 1913, the movement to resist
Home Rule was concentrated on the organisation
of the Volunteer Force. The invitation to join
the Force met with a good response, and at the
end of April it was reported that 41,000 people
had agreed to join 20,000 in Belfast and 21,000
in the rest of Ulster. At the same time it was
stated that rifles had been purchased to some
extent by Unionist Clubs and private indi-
viduals. The Orange Order took up the Volun-
teer movement and urged its members to join;
and the City of Belfast was divided into sections,
over which commanders were appointed in order
to mobilise the Force quickly.
In August the organised hostilities of Union-
ists towards the Home Rule Bill became more
marked. The Home Rule question, to a large
extent a religious one, aroused a very bitter
sectarian feeling, which was further accentuated
by rioting which broke out at Londonderry on
12th August, the anniversary of the Relief of
Derry in 1689. A large number of Orangemen
and ' 'Prentice Boys " went by special train
from Belfast and other places to take part in the
celebration. These excursionists on their way
through the country kept up an almost continuous
fusilade of revolver shots from the train, though
liappily this feu-de-joie was unaccompanied by
fatalities. In the riot in Londonderry firearms
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 335
were freely used by the crowd, and a constable
received a dangerous bullet wound. The dis-
turbance was renewed on the night of 14th
August, when a citizen named Armstrong was
shot dead. Nearly all the Unionists of every age
in Londonderry carried revolvers at this time,
and it was believed that the Nationalists were
also arming themselves with modern weapons.
The Ulster Volunteer Force was now being
organised on a military footing, with a General
Officer and Headquarters Staff at Belfast.
Efforts were made in the City to enlist the hooli-
gan element, as the leaders of Unionism were
anxious to acquire a disciplinary control over
that class. The strength of the Ulster Volunteer
Force on 30th September, 1913, was 56,651, dis-
tributed as follows :
County. Strength.
Antrim 10,067
Armagh 5,447
Belfast 10,700
Cavan 2,730
Donegal 1,178
Down 11,611
Fermanagh 2,090*
Londonderry 4,510
Monaghan 1,209
Tyrone 7,109
Total 56,651
Including the Enniskillen Horse of 230 men.
336 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Party feeling could hardly be more intense
than it was at this period, but at the same time
the Commissioner of Police at Belfast reported
that anything in the nature of compromise would
be a relief to both sides; for although deeply
determined, neither party looked forward with
any pleasure to the prospect of riot and blood-
shed.
On 23rd September a conference of the Irish
Unionist Parliamentary Party was held at
Craigavon, near Belfast, when arrangements
were completed for the meeting of the Ulster
Unionist Council on the following day. This
meeting took place as arranged. The gathering
numbered between 500 and 600, and every dis-
trict of the Province was represented. The
meeting was conducted in private, but an official
report of the proceedings was subsequently sup-
plied to the Press, according to which a
Provisional Government Executive and a number
of Committees were appointed to carry on the
government of Ulster in the event of the Home
Rule Bill becoming law. It was also decided to
raise an Indemnity Fund of 1,000,000 to
indemnify the members of the Ulster Volunteer
Force and their dependents in respect of any
personal injury or loss of life sustained by them
in the execution of any order of the Provisional
Government.
Towards the end of January, 1914, steps were
taken in Belfast to organise a Corps of 3,000
men specially selected from the Ulster Volunteer
Force. The members of this Corps were to
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 337
receive 1 per week, free mess and uniform. The
decision to organise this Corps was come to, it
was understood, at a meeting of the Standing
Committee of the Ulster Volunteer Force on 20th
January. The objects for which this Corps was
raised were not definitely known at the time, but
it was probably intended for use in policing Bel-
fast in the event of a Provisional Government
being established.
The members of the Ulster Volunteer Force
were observed by the police to be particularly
active on the night of 19th March and for a short
time subsequently. Generally throughout Ulster
there were some steps taken for a quick mobilisa-
tion on the night of 20th March, and in several
districts considerable numbers of the Volunteers
answered to the call for mobilisation. In the
County of Tyrone it is stated that the total num-
ber of men assembled at the various centres
amounted to upwards of 7,500.
During the month of March the organisation of
the Ulster Volunteer Force went steadily on.
Considerable quantities of military equipment
uniforms, haversacks, bandoliers, etc. were im-
ported into Ulster and served out generally
throughout the Province. Medical stores in
considerable quantity were also imported and
distributed among the branches of the Ambu-
lance and Nursing Corps, of which sixteen were
formed during the first three months of the year.
In addition, it was stated that a number of
private houses had been placed at the disposal
of the organisation for use as hospitals in the
w
338 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
event of their being required as such, many of
these houses being the residences of leading
Unionists in the Province.
On several occasions about this time members
of the Despatch Riders and Signalling Corps of
the Volunteer Force were observed to be engaged
in carrying despatches on motor-cycles through-
out the Province. These despatch-riders had in
many cases maps of their routes with the houses
on the road marked ' Protestant * or ' Catholic '
as the case might be, for the guidance of the
riders in case of accident. Protestant houses
were marked ' friendly ' or ' doubtful ' accord-
ing to the politics of their occupants.
The following table shows the strength of the
Ulster Volunteer Force in the several Counties
of Ulster on 31st March, 1914, and the number
of rifles believed to be in the possession of
Unionists on that date :
County
Name of Regiment
No. of
Battal'ns
Strength
Total
County
Strength
No. of
Kifles
Antrim
Armagh
South Antrim
Central
North
Armagh
3
3
2
7
4,009
5,118
2,461
11,588
5,740
3,010
7,378
Belfast
North Belfast
7
7,596
Cavan
South
East
West
Cavan
7
7
2
3
6,400
9,113
1,400
24,509
4,528
2,676
3,406
Donegal
Donegal ...
4
3,099
1,299
Down
Fermanagh . . .
North Down
East
West
South
Fermanagh ...
2
3
2
3
3
2,715
3,783
1,603
2,820
10,921
4,120
183
2,920
Londonderry . . .
Monaghan
Derry City
County
Monaghan
4
4
2
3,475
5,630
9,105
655
561
2,070
Tyrone
Tyrone
5
9,544
2,107
TOTALS
19
73
84,540
24,879
340 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Tension in Ulster increased rapidly until
' The Curragh Incident,' and it is difficult to
say what might have been the outcome had not
the outbreak of war changed the whole aspect of
affairs. The war averted all chance of a Home
Rule Bill, unacceptable to Ulster, becoming law ;
and consequently Unionist activity in the
Province diminished. The anniversaries of the
Battle of the Boyne (July 12th) and the Relief
of Derry (August 12th) have always been the
occasions for a certain show of party feeling, and
as the Home Rule issue became less urgent, so
disturbance in Ulster tended to partake more and
more of the nature of a faction fight. The old
feud between Nationalists and Unionists became,
during the war and after it, obscured by
religious differences between Protestants and
Catholics. Sinn Fein has done its best to increase
its footing in Ulster, with a view to the
conversion of that Province to its policy of an
Irish Republic. The result has been that the
Protestant element has tended to regard all the
Catholics of Ulster, whether they proclaim them-
selves Unionists or Nationalists, as being
in reality secret agents of the Sinn Fein
propaganda. The outcome of this is seen in the
serious outbreaks which took place in 1920.
These outbreaks caused widespread destruction
and loss of life, especially in the cities of Belfast
and Londonderry, and they have led on the one
hand to an economic boycott of Ulster by Sinn
Fein, and on the other to the expulsion of the
Catholic workers from the shipyards of Belfast.
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 341
These matters are dealt with at greater length
below.
At the General Election of 1918 the Sinn Fein
party put forward a candidate in each of the
nine divisions of the City of Belfast, as well as
at Queen's University, and the party polled
nearly nine thousand votes in all. Sinn Fein had
joined with the Nationalists in the activities of
the anti-conscription crusade, and gained some
support in consequence, but the fact that the
Nationalist candidate for the Falls Division
secured a majority of over five thousand at the
General Election showed that Sinn Fein had not
made as much progress as might have been
expected, even in a quarter most favourable to its
development. On two occasions, however, signs
were visible of the dangerous nature of the
Sinn Fein element, in June and December
1918 respectively, when numbers of Sinn Fein
prisoners in Belfast prison gave trouble. During
the December outbreak the prisoners gained
access to the roof of the gaol, and were promptly
stoned by the Unionist population.
In County Londonderry, and especially in the
City, Sinn Fein made considerable progress
during 1918. The strength of the Sinn Fein
party, taking the County and the City together,
was not so great as that of the Irish
Parliamentary Party; but in the case of the
Election in the City the Parliamentary Party
voted for the Sinn Fein candidate, who was
elected. In North Derry also the Parliamentary
Party voted with Sinn Fein, but a Unionist was
342 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
elected. In South Derry the three parties voted
independently, and a Unionist was elected, with
the Sinn Fein candidate at the bottom of the poll.
During 1919 the Unionist political organisa-
tions were most active in Belfast in renewing
their pre-war machinery to combat any attempt
which might be made to coerce Ulster or any part
of it into any form of Home Rule. The chief of
these organisations were the Unionist Clubs, and
as they were quiescent during the war, steps were
taken to have them reorganised, new and active
officers being appointed to bring them up to their
pre-war state of activity. The general effect of
these Clubs was to bring together the forces
of Unionism into a compact body which, from
its weight and power, secured a controlling
influence as far as the North of Ireland was
concerned.
No attempt was made during 1919 to revive
the Ulster Volunteer Force, or any other armed
Force, nor could it be said that there was any-
thing like the same number of Unionists so deadly
in earnest in their attitude towards self-
government for Ireland as there were before the
war. On the other hand Sinn Fein, in spite of
every effort, failed to improve its holding in
Belfast to any appreciable extent.
During June, 1920, there was serious rioting
in Derry City. The trouble began on the 19th,
and quickly assumed grave proportions. The
population of the City is approximately equally
divided into Nationalists and Unionists, and the
City has always been a danger-spot for the out-
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 343
break of sectarian disturbances. By the 21st
trade and business were at a standstill, and the
citizens were afraid to appear in the streets,
owing to the activities of the rival mobs, who
used their weapons indiscriminately. The
magistrates and representative citizens sent an
urgent message to the authorities requesting
further military protection, and the proclamation
of martial law. The attitude of the authorities,
however, was that while they were willing to
send as many troops and police as might be
necessary to preserve order, the proclamation of
martial law could be no remedy for a constantly
recurring state of disorder. The proper course
was for joint action by responsible leaders on
both sides to enforce order upon their followers.
During the early morning of the 22nd two
civilians were killed and two wounded in
desultory firing which continued until the after-
noon of the 23rd. The position in the City at
this time was that sniping was being carried on
from various points of vantage, together with
burning and looting of shops. The magistrates
again communicated with the authorities,
receiving the reply that further troops had been
sent and that every effort was being made to get
the situation in hand. On the 24th the state of
affairs improved somewhat, although parties of
police and troops were fired upon at intervals,
and on the 25th the original suggestion of the
authorities was acted upon. A meeting was
held at which the two joint Under-Secretaries,
clergymen of all denominations, members of the
344 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Chamber of Commerce and of the Harbour
Board, and representatives of all the commercial
interests of the City were present. It was
decided that business in the City should be
resumed at once, and the members of the meeting
pledged themselves to use their influence to bring
about a spirit of peace and goodwill between all
classes and parties in the City. A Committee
was formed to carry out this policy, and by its
good offices peace was gradually restored.
On 27th June symptoms of disorder again
appeared in Belfast. Shops and houses belonging
to Catholics were attacked and looted, and
considerable firing and stone-throwing took place
in the streets. The situation appeared very
threatening for a time, but the excitement
subsided before any great damage was done. A
significant symptom was the appearance on the
walls of houses of threats against Sinn Feiners,
ordering them to leave the City before the 1st
July.
The celebrations of the July Anniversaries of
1920 in North East Ulster were attended by no
disorder, and the leaders of both political parties
contributed material assistance to the Police and
Military Authorities in the maintenance of order
in that district. A striking instance of this
occurred at Lurgan on 14th July, when rival
crowds assembled in the vicinity of the barracks,
where a Sinn Fein prisoner had been lodged. A
serious riot appeared to be in prospect but was
averted by the prompt action of the District
Inspector of Police, who at once obtained Police
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 345
and Military reinforcements, and with the
assistance of men of both political parties
succeeded in dispersing the crowds before a
collision occurred.
Unfortunately, however, events proved that
disorder was only postponed. Rioting on an
extensive scale broke out in Belfast about noon
on 21st July, and continued without intermission
for three days and nights, resulting in the loss of
many lives and much destruction of property.
The origin of the trouble was a meeting of
Unionist workmen during the dinner hour of the
21st, at which it was decided to expel all
Catholics from the shipyards. It was alleged
that a few Sinn Feiners on the outskirts of the
meeting indulged in provocative and seditious
remarks. At 3 p.m. attacks began to be made
upon Catholics in the yards, several men being
thrown into the water, and others badly beaten.
These attacks continued until about 4-30, when
police and troops arrived on the scene.
In consequence of this outbreak and of wild
rumours that a number of Catholics had been
killed, party feeling throughout the whole of the
City soon reached a state of intense excitement,
and fierce rioting began about 6 p.m. The Police
were unable to separate the crowds, who attacked
each other with bricks and stones. The troops
were called upon to intervene about 8-15 p.m.,
and later a party of troops and Police, going to
assist a body of workers who were unable to
leave a workshop in the Falls Road, were
heavily stoned by a Nationalist crowd, who also
346 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
fired several revolver shots. After a number of
the police and military had been injured, the
troops found it necessary to fire, and one man
was killed. The firing had the effect of quieting
matters for a short time, but rioting was again
resumed with fierce stone-throwing and revolver
shots, and the troops were again called upon to
fire, with the result that two men were killed,
both members of the attacking Nationalist crowd.
Later, after dusk had set in, a band of hooligans
extinguished the street lamps and fired revolver
shots at the police and troops, who were once more
compelled to fire, with the result that a woman
was killed.
During the night a large part of the City was
given over to looting and considerable damage
was done to property, mainly spirit-grocers and
public-houses. Matters quieted down the follow-
ing day, but gangs of Unionists visited a number
of industrial establishments on the look-out for
Catholic workmen whom they wanted to expel
from the works, and sporadic outbreaks of looting
and rioting took place. The situation again
became serious towards evening, when a large
Unionist crowd, many of whom were heavily
intoxicated, made an attack on the Roman
Catholic Church of St. Matthew. The troops
and police endeavouring to protect the church
were fired on by the crowd, and a soldier and
several policemen were badly wounded. In
order to dislodge the crowd the troops were
compelled to open fire with Lewis guns, and
several people were killed. In the district
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 347
between Shankhill Road and Falls Road, hostile
crowds assembled and fired at one another and at
the troops. After several persons of both parties
had been killed and a large number wounded,
the troops were eventually compelled to use
machine-guns to disperse the crowds.
On the following day (23rd July) the state of
the City was much quieter, but about 10 p.m. a
huge crowd attacked and set fire to a convent in
the vicinity of St. Matthew's Church; the flames,
however, were quickly extinguished by the fire-
brigade. The crowd then fired at the troops,
who returned the fire and soon restored order.
No further dangerous riots occurred, and
although looting continued, there were no serious
incidents. The total number of deaths recorded
for the three days was eighteen, and it is believed
that several others occurred. Over two hundred
arrests for assaults and looting were effected.
The clergy of all denominations assisted in
organising peace patrols on the 24th, and these
were of great assistance to the police in
preventing further disturbances. A proclamation
issued by the Lord Mayor on the 26th called upon
all citizens to devote their best efforts to the
restoration of law and order, and stated that the
authorities would take the most drastic measures
to deal with disorders of any kind.
On the 22nd, 23rd and 24th attacks were made
on the houses and shops of Catholic residents in
the neighbouring towns of Dromore, Banbridge
and Bangor. Two civilians were killed and
several injured, and a considerable amount of
348 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
destruction of property and looting took place.
Disturbances of a less serious nature also took
place in Lisburn and Ballymena.
A special meeting of the City Council of
Belfast was held on 31st July, on the requisition
of a small number of Nationalist and Labour
members, to consider a resolution calling upon
the Council to use its influence with employers
and others concerned with a view to enabling the
displaced Catholic workmen to return to their
employment. An amendment to the effect that
this object could only be obtained when the
criminals responsible for the assassinations
committed in the South of Ireland had been
brought to justice was carried by 35 votes to 5.
A slight recurrence of disorder took place in
Belfast City on the night of 15th August.
Bonfires were lighted in Seaforth Street and
Short Strand, and an attempt was made to hoist
a Sinn Fein flag in the latter area. It became
evident that party feeling was unlikely to subside
so long as the policy of excluding Catholics from
the shipyards was persisted in. The suggested
imposition of an anti-Sinn Fein declaration upon
Catholic workmen by their Protestant fellows
was keenly resented by the former, many of
whom were ex-Service men, and in every case
they refused to comply with this condition.
Unfortunately the efforts made by Ulster
employers to secure their return met with very
little success.
The murder of District Inspector Swanzy
in Lisburn on 22nd August and the
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 349
consequent disorders in that town had an
immediate effect upon party feeling all over
Ulster. Further expulsions from the Belfast
shipyards took place, and attacks were made on
public-houses and spirit-groceries in Bally-
macarett, a Catholic area. Several encounters
between opposing crowds of the rougher element
of the City resulted in a number of serious
injuries on both sides, but the police succeeded
in restoring order without calling upon the
assistance of the troops. On the 25th, however,
rioting and stonethrowing on a dangerous scale
broke out in various parts of the City, and it
became necessary to call upon the troops to assist
in quelling the disturbances. Over thirty houses
were set on fire, and a considerable amount of
looting and destruction of property took place.
The troops were attacked and fired upon, and
were compelled to return the fire, with the result
that a man was killed and two women wounded.
On the 27th, the Lord Mayor issued an urgent
appeal through the Press, calling upon citizens
to remain within their own districts and to
support the efforts of the Authorities in restoring
order in the City. A number of Special
Constables were enrolled, and a stringent Curfew
order was made to come into force on the 31st.
The uncompromising hostility displayed
towards the Catholic workers in the Belfast
shipyards provoked serious resentment in the
South of Ireland, and especially among the Sinn
Fein element. Bail Eireann proclaimed a boycott
of Ulster trade as a measure of retaliation, and
350 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
immediate steps were taken to make this boycott
effective. Travellers representing Ulster firms
were expelled from Nationalist and Sinn Fein
districts, bread vans belonging to Ulster
distributors were destroyed, and a series of
attacks were made on property belonging to
Ulster business houses. A serious outrage of this
character was perpetrated in Dundalk on the
morning of the 27th, when a large drapery
establishment was set on fire and three shop
assistants sleeping in the building were burnt to
death.
Strict enforcement of the Curfew order had
the effect of gradually restoring order in Belfast.
By 5th September peaceful conditions had been
practically regained, and although Catholic
workmen were still intimidated from returning to
work in the shipyards, numbers engaged in
other occupations were able to resume employ-
ment. Much credit was due to the police and
troops for their efforts in restoring order : both
Forces displaying admirable restraint and
discipline under extremely trying conditions.
The unemployment of the Catholic shipyard
workers continued, however. At the beginning
of September some eight thousand workers in
Belfast were idle owing to political and religious
troubles. In some cases the Trades Unions were
paying out-of-work donations, and in all cases
the National Insurance allotment was paid. A
public subscription fund was opened for the
whole of Ireland and secured a liberal response.
Employers and managers were anxious that
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 351
Catholics should be allowed to resume employ-
ment, but feeling was very bitter among the
Protestant workers, who insisted upon the
imposition of a signed declaration against Sinn
Fein as a condition of the readmission of
Catholics to the works. The Catholics refused to
sign this document, and the deadlock continued.
Early in September the appointment of
an additional Assistant Under-Secretary was
decided upon, in order that a representative of
the Irish Government might be permanently in
Belfast, and on the 16th Sir Ernest Clarke
proceeded to the City to take up this appoint-
ment. His first activities were directed towards
solving the question of the resumption of work
by the Catholic shipyard men. Owing largely to
his efforts an arrangement was come to whereby
the Protestants agreed to substitute, for the
condition that Catholics desiring to return to
work should sign a declaration disclaiming
adherence to Sinn Fein, an honourable under-
standing that any man taking advantage of a
general permission to return should be regarded
.as having by so doing signified his loyalty to the
Crown and his disapproval of attempts to subvert
the Constitution by outrage and violence. It
was confidently expected that a general
resumption of work on these terms would begin
on 27th September.
But a section of the Sinn Fein party desired
nothing less than a settlement and the cessation
of anarchy which such a settlement would bring.
On the morning of the 26th, two separate parties
352 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
of police, engaged in the performance of their
ordinary duties, were almost simultaneously
attacked by armed men, with the result that one
constable was murdered in cold blood and two
others wounded. Immediately following these
outrages three prominent Sinn Feiners were shot
in their houses by unknown civilians, and a
general outbreak of party rioting took place.
Order was eventually restored, but all hope of
the possibility of a peaceful return to work by
the Catholics was past. None of the expelled
workers returned, and an added complication
was produced by the action of the Carpenters'
and Joiners' Union, which forbade any of its.
members to continue working unless the ban
upon Catholics were withdrawn. This order
threatened to cause very serious distress in the
City, but it was not very generally obeyed.
During the period from June to September,
1920, 20 civilian deaths are known to have
occurred during rioting in Derry, and 62 during
rioting in Belfast.
Disturbances in Ulster have always been
attributable to religious rather than to political
causes, except during those periods when,
legislation has been threatened which would
bring Ulster under the power of a Southern
majority. The most hopeful sign of peace in the
North occurred during the debate on the Third
Reading of the Government of Ireland Bill in
the House of Commons on Armistice Day, llth
November, 1920, when Sir Edward Carson,
speaking as the leader of Ulster opinion, said :
THE QUESTION OF ULSTER. 353
" As far as I understand the facts the Ulster
people, having accepted the view of the Govern-
ment that it was essential that they should be
put under a Parliament of their own, which they
did not ask for, have set themselves to get ready
for that Parliament, and they have resolved
and determined to work it in the best interests
of their own country and of the Empire. ... I
am now even better fitted than before to give the
pledge that Ulster will do its best to perform the
obligations put upon it under this Bill."
CHAPTER XIII.
IRELAND AND AMERICA.
The interest of America in the Irish Question
dates from the time when that great country first
opened her shores to colonisation, that is from the
very dawn of her history. The Irish have always
sought in a new land that prosperity which their
own country failed to afford them. In the case
of America, geographical considerations have
influenced the trend of emigration. Ireland, the
western outpost of Europe, almost necessarily
stretches out her hands to America, endeavour-
ing to bridge the intervening ocean with a bond
of sympathy and understanding. She has sent
her sons out to the Promised Land, to become
citizens of the New Republic, not perhaps quite
realising that the price of citizenship must
inexorably be the surrender of the old nationality
for the new. There can be no misunderstanding
upon this point, loth though Irishmen may be to
admit it. It is a natural characteristic of the
race to wish to have the cake and to eat it too,
but in this case the world's sympathy is against
it. The citizens of their adopted State must be
Americans first and before all things; their
allegiance must be unquestionably to the country
of their adoption, else are they but sojourners
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 355
and scarce trusted guests. There can be no
room in the great Republic for half-hearted
citizens, as she proved so uncompromisingly
during the Great War.
Of the history of the United States' interest
in Irish affairs little need be said. It is very
doubtful whether the Republic as a whole has
ever had any real interest in Ireland. A noisy
and demonstrative section of the least reputable
part of her population have always represented
themselves as the friends of what they proclaimed
to be " Ireland," but what was in reality only
the voice of the agitator, mainly from interested
motives and from a desire to participate in the
benefits that sometimes accrue to those who fish
in troubled waters. There are others, principally
those whose families have recently emigrated
from Ireland, who feel the bonds of association
and recollection drawing them towards the Old
Country, and are ready to lend themselves to
any agitation which may secure what they believe
to be the aims of their old-time compatriots.
But that the great body of true American opinion
has ever actively interested itself in Irish affairs
is a fallacy.
History bears out this contention. The
disaffected party in Ireland has always appealed
for help to any nation which may at the moment
be able to exert an influence upon England, or
alternatively may be unfriendly to her. During
the last years of the Eighteenth Century the
appeal was to France, then at war with England.
Later, on the conclusion of the Civil War, when
356 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
America was inclined to blame England for her
supposed partiality towards the Confederates,
the Irish thought to have found another
champion. To quote Professor Henry's
admirable little book, The Evolution of Sinn
Fein:
' ' The Irish in America were only too ready
to return to Ireland to overthrow the Government
in whose authority they saw the source of their
country's misfortunes and their own exile. On
the conclusion of the American War thousands
of Irishmen who had fought under Grant or
Jackson were ready to place their services at the
disposal of an Irish leader. But they found no
one of sufficient ability and prestige to lead
them. Smith O'Brien and the other survivors
of the Young Ireland Party, had become con-
stitutionalists. John Mitchel, though he went to
Paris to act as treasurer for the Society, refused
to take any more active part. O'Mahony and the
Americans wanted to equip and despatch an
expedition. James Stephens, who had under-
taken to organise the movement in Ireland,
insisted that American assistance should be
confined to money. The money came slowly, and
though Stephens could enrol a revolutionary army
he could not equip it. The Americans too
wanted the rising to take place before Stephens
thought the time was ripe, and the consequent
quarrel between the Irish and American leaders
was fatal to the chance of success. In any case
little real progress was made until the year 1865,
but the work of preparation went steadily on.
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 357
. . . The subsequent attempt in '67 under
American leaders fared no better; and General
Massey, arrested at Limerick Junction, judged
it better to avoid bloodshed by giving full
information to the Government."
Such was the result of the appeal to the ' Irish
in America ' not the American Nation, be it
observed. The American Nation was not the
enemy of England, and was not therefore likely
to give countenance to the rebel tendencies of an
insignificant section of the latter's subjects. The
disaffected Irish had learnt their lesson, and their
next appeal was to the avowed enemy of England,
and, incidentally, of civilisation, though this
latter fact does not seem to have perturbed those
who boast that ' The Irish, an ancient race,
enjoyed a civilisation and disseminated learning
before the invasion by England." In 1914 the
rulers of Imperial Germany threw down their
challenge to the world, and in the issue of this
challenge the disaffected Irish once more saw
their opportunity.
We must credit them with a certain measure
of foresight. In 1912 the journal Sinn Fein
contained the following words : " We have, for
instance, no illusion whatever on the subject of
Germany. If Germany, victorious over England,
comes to Ireland, Germany will come to stay and
rule the Atlantic from our shores. She will give
us better terms than England offers. She will
give us that Home Rule which all the States
of the German Empire enjoy. . . . We have
no doubt whatever that Ireland under German
358 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
rule would be more prosperous than she has ever
been under the rule of England."
The whole story of the negotiations between
Sinn Fein and Germany have been exposed in a
White Paper entitled Documents relative to the
Sinn Fein Movement (Command Number 1108,
1921), and it is therefore unnecessary to pursue
the matter further than to quote two extracts
from this document. The first is a letter from
Roger Casement to Professor Eoin McNeill, and
is as follows :
" Not to go through post on any account.
Professor Eoin McNeill
19, Herbert Park,
Ballsbridge, Dublin. Berlin.
28th November, 1914.
' Please have this official declaration of the
German Government, stating its intentions and
declaring the goodwill of the German people
towards Ireland and the desire of both Govern-
ment and people for Irish national freedom,
published throughout Ireland by every possible
means.
" You know who writes this. I am in Berlin,
and if Ireland will do her duty, rest assured that
Germany will do hers towards us, our cause, and
our whole future.
" The enemy are doing everything to keep the
truth out of Ireland, and are even going to try
to get the Vatican on their side, as in the time of
Parnell. Once our people, clergy and volunteers
know that Germany, if victorious, will do her
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 359
best to aid us in our efforts to achieve an
independent Ireland, every man at home must
stand for Germany and Irish freedom.
' ' I am entirely assured of the goodwill of this
Government towards our country and beg you to
proclaim it far and wide. They will do all in
their power to help us to win national freedom,
and it lies with Ireland and Irishmen themselves
to prove that they are worthy to be free.
" Send to me here in Berlin, by way of
Christiania, if possible, one or two thoroughly
patriotic Irish priests young men best. Men
like Father Murphy of Vinegar Hill and for the
same purpose.
" Rifles and ammunition can be found and
good officers, too. First send the priest or
priests, as I need them for a special purpose here,
you can guess for
' If the priest or priests can get to
Christiania (Norway), they can get here through
the German Legation at Christiania. Our friends
in America will pay all expenses. Warn all
our people, too, of the present intrigue at Rome
to bring pressure of religion to bear on a question
wholly political and national. Our enemy will
stick at no crime to-day against Ireland, as you
will soon know. This official declaration of the
German Government has been sent out to all the
German representatives abroad for world-wide
publication. It may be followed by another still
more to the point but much depends on your
staunchness and courage at home.
" Tell all to trust the Germans and to trust
360 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
me. We shall win everything if you are brave
and faithful to the old cause. Try and send me
word here to Berlin by the same channel as this.
Tell me all your needs at home, viz., rifles,
officers, men. Send priest or priests at all costs
one not afraid to fight and die for Ireland.
The enemy are hiding the truth. The Germans
will surely, under God, defeat both Russia and
France and compel a peace that will leave
Germany stronger than before. They already
have 550,000 prisoners of war in Germany, and
Austria 150,000, and Russia has been severely
defeated in Poland.
' India and Egypt will probably both be in
arms. Even if Germany cannot reach England
to-day, we can only gain by helping Germany
now, as with the understanding come to, Ireland
will have a strong and enlightened friend to help
to ultimate independence.
' We may win everything by this war if we
are true to Germany ; and if we do not win to-day
we insure international recognition of Irish
nationality and hand on an uplifted cause for
our sons.
' Reply by this route : A letter for me,
addressed to Mr. Hammand, 76, Wilhelmstrasse,
Berlin, to be enclosed in one addressed to Messrs.
Wambersin and Son, Rotterdam."
The second is a notice issued by the Irish
Republicans. Early in 1915, after the promulga-
tion in Ireland of military orders under the
Defence of the Realm Act for the action of the
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 361
inhabitants in the event of invasion, counter
notices were placarded calling on the people to
disobey the orders issued and to welcome the
German troops as friends. The following is a
specimen notice :
" PEOPLE OF WEXFORD.
Take no notice of the police order to destroy
your own property, and leave your homes if a
German army lands in Ireland. When the
Germans come they will come as friends, and to
put an end to English rule in Ireland. There-
fore, stay in your homes, and assist as far as
possible the German troops. Any stores, hay,
corn, or forage taken by the Germans will be
paid for by them."
These two extracts are typical of the evidence
contained in the White Paper, which should be
perused by all those who wish to understand the
Irish point of view. For all history, both recent
and remote, shows that the Irish appeal to
America is based upon self-seeking and not at
all upon racial affinity. The Irish Republican
Movement is and always has been the child of an
almost incomprehensible selfishness, as the very
title of its latest advocates, Sinn Fein, ' ourselves
alone,' sufficiently indicates.
But we must abandon the historical aspect of
the foreign relations of Ireland for a review of
the conditions of the present day. Finding
Germany a broken reed, the Irish malcontents
have turned once more to America, as being the
country whose population might be expected to
362 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
be most in sympathy with Irish ideals. The
so-called President of the Irish Republic himself
made the United States his headquarters for Over
a year, contriving in the process to fall foul of
an earlier centre of Irish sympathisers, the
Friends of Irish Freedom, which was established
in 1916. And for the last few years there has
been a fog of misunderstanding between the two
great cousin nations, America and England,
which it should be the earnest endeavour of every
true citizen of either to dissipate.
And much of it we may dissipate with one
comprehensive sweep. It cannot be too widely
realised in England that a very great part of the
Irish Question in America is nothing but the
conventional cry of the politicians, that the great
bulk of the reasoning multitude are no more
interested in Ireland than they are in the South
Pole. Owing to the fact that in America there
are some twenty millions of persons of Irish
descent, the Irish vote is something to be angled
for. Politicians of every shade of opinion always
have and always will dangle the bait of speeches
in the Irish Republican interest before the noses
of the electors, whenever such tactics seem likely
to procure them votes. We on this side of the
Atlantic are sufficiently aware of such party
cries, and of the sudden oblivion which descends
upon their subjects when the fruit of the cries
themselves has been harvested. We may there-
fore put aside from us such matters as the vexed
question of the Irish " plank " in the American
elections and the collection of funds for the Irish
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 363
Republican Loans in the United States. We have
one guarantee which can never fail us : that the
only type of man who can influence American
policy is the man who is a Citizen of the United
States first and an Irishman incidentally, almost
as a hobby, we might say. The converse, the man
who places his abandoned nationality first and
his American citizenship second, is a man who
gains nothing but mistrust in the State in which
he dwells. For America the Irish question is one
of politics only, to be indulged in at election
times. What we are really interested in, for the
purposes of this book, is the true attitude of
genuine American opinion towards the Irish
Question in Ireland.
That America is interested to a certain extent
in Irish events there can be no doubt, even though
the Irish tragedy may be merely one of the dramas
played before her upon the stage of Europe. The
Irish Republicans have always done their best to
present their case in the most favourable light
to the people of America, and in so doing have
gained their interest if not their sympathy. Let
us endeavour to reproduce their case as they have
shown it.
The chief weapon of the Irish Republicans in
America is propaganda, and the most important
of the propaganda societies is the Friends of
Irish Freedom. For the part that this Society
played in the War, reference may be made to the
White Paper already mentioned. A single
extract from it will suffice for the present
purpose.
364 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
" Shortly before the rebellion of Easter, 1916,
there was founded in the United States the
association known as ' The Friends of Irish
Freedom.'
" In February, 1916, Judge Cohalan, T. St.
John Gaffney, and Jeremiah A. O'Leary issued
a call for an Irish Race Convention which was
held in New York on the 4th and 5th March,
1916. A permanent organisation was then
formed. The president, three of the vice-
presidents, the treasurer and secretary were
members of the Clan-na-Gael. Judge Cohalan
was first of the board of directors; Jeremiah
O'Leary and Joseph M'Garrity were on the
executive. Of the 52 permanent members of the
board of directors 37 were members of the
Clan-na-Gael, and of the 17 members of the
executive 15 belonged to the Clan-na-Gael. John
Devoy was one of the association and T. St. John
Gaffney was appointed representative of the
Friends of Irish Freedom for Europe. A bureau
was established at Stockholm, whither Gaffney
repaired, and from there and at Berlin
maintained, along with George Chatterton-Hill,
close relations between the German Government
and the various Irish- American and Sinn Fein
Organisations. De Valera, Monteith, Mellowes
and others of the Irish Sinn Fein rebels who
went to America after the Rebellion became
participators in the work of the Friends of Irish
Freedom.
" This congress was convoked for the
purpose of ' arranging means to enable Ireland
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 365
to recover independence after the war.' The
convention demanded the recognition of Ireland
as an independent nation, and passed a resolution
that
" ' We hereby appeal to the Great Powers to
recognise that Ireland is a European island and
not an English island, and to appreciate the fact
that the complete independence of Ireland from
the Britannic Empire is the essential and
indispensable condition of the freedom of the
seas.'
' The Friends of Irish Freedom maintained
close touch with the German organisations in
America both before and after the rebellion."
In 1920 a pamphlet was published by ' Friends
of Irish Freedom, Inc., 280, Broadway, New
York,' entitled ' English Atrocities in Ireland,
A Compilation of Facts from Court and Press
Records, by Katherine Hughes, with a Foreword
by Hon. James D. Phelan.' We need not concern
ourselves with the contents of this pamphlet,
except to say in passing that it is so obviously
propaganda as to carry very little conviction.
But it is of interest for the reason that in the
foreword is contained the very essence of Irish
Republican propaganda in America.
' The Irish, an ancient race, enjoyed a
civilisation and disseminated learning before the
invasion by England. They resent in this
enlightened age the denial of their liberty and
the indignities and cruelties which have been
practised upon them. Ireland will only be
366 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
peaceful when she is free ; and the influence of the
Irish throughout the world, unless freedom be
granted, will be an implacable and disturbing
element. The only permanent peace is a peace of
justice. . . .
' The Irish are actuated by the spirit of
Liberty, and they have won the applause of the
world because they are resolved never to lay down
their arms."
One might assume from a perusal of Irish
propaganda in America that Ireland throughout
the last few years has been the scene of an endless
succession of brutalities perpetrated by the
Forces of the Crown upon innocent and harmless
Irishmen, that the ' liberty ' by the spirit of
which the Irish are actuated, and for the
attainment of which they propose to be the
implacable and disturbing element of the world,
has been maliciously withheld from them.
But let us consider for a moment the means
by which Ireland, or rather the Republican
minority in that country, has sought to obtain
' liberty,' which appears in the minds of the
disaffected to be synonymous with the establish-
ment of the Irish Republic. We need not concern
ourselves with the crimes of the Fenians or of
the Invincibles, nor even with the Easter Week
rising of 1916. It will be quite sufficient if we
confine ourselves to the events of the last two
years.
The Irish Republicans would have us believe
that during that time their sole object has been
to achieve ' liberty ' in the form of an Irish
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 367
Republic by means completely justified by their
end. That these means are such as are
universally judged by civilisation to be criminal
does not appear to them to affect the matter. It
is perfectly justifiable to murder the representa-
tives of British rule in Ireland, with every
attendant horror of brutality and treachery.
They are the instruments of vile oppression, and
as such are fair game for the patriotic bullet.
Never for a moment do the Republicans suspect
that their blood might soil the white robes of
their ideal ' liberty.' These incidents are but
the events of a sacred war waged against the
powers of darkness by a nation struggling
towards the light.
But let a hair of a saintly Republican's head
be touched, and observe what a storm arises !
The enforcement of justice, the first principle
of civilisation, is instantly proclaimed as a
manifestation of ruthless oppression. Should a
single one of those who are doing their best to
turn their unhappy country into a hotbed of
crime and a wilderness of desolation be sentenced
for his misdeeds, the Republican propagandists
proclaim him a stainless patriot suffering for his
native land. The extreme penalty of the law is
a sure road to martyrdom for the bloodiest
murderer. To hunger-strike is the sublimest act
of a hero. By such strange fictions is the
Republican cause kept brightly burning.
Now let us endeavour to close our ears to all
this idealistic clamour, which is at its loudest in
America, and examine the question of oppression
368 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
in Ireland in the light of hard facts.
In addition to being one of the British Isles,
Ireland is an integral part of the British Empire,
and the great majority of her people have no
desire that she should cease to be such.
Because a few idealists have stirred up a
section of the young men of the country, who for
the most part have no direct interest in her
welfare, to a state of rebellion against the
British power, these idealists have proclaimed a
War of Secession against England.
The position of the Irish Republicans as
aggressors in a War of Secession is not analogous
to that of the American Colonists in 1773, who
were fighting * Taxation without Representa-
tion, ' and who would undoubtedly have leapt at
a far less generous measure of ' Home Rule '
than is contained in the present Government of
Ireland Act, in order to avoid the conflict. The
position of that section of the Irish people who
wish to secede is far more approximate to that
of the Confederate States in 1861. They wish
to rebel against long-standing partnership, to
the detriment of both partners. And no one now
will doubt the wisdom of the policy which held
the South by force to the Union.
The methods of the Irish Republicans have
been those of a secret society of murderers, a fact
which should be sufficiently obvious from the
instances cited in the previous chapters of this
book. But the Irish propagandists make no
mention of the deeds of those whom they are paid
to support, and endeavour to confuse the
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 369
issue by excusing the long list of outrage and
destruction as being justified by the actions of the
Forces of the Crown, whom they accuse of wanton
brutality and of ' reprisals,' apparently missing
the point that without original murders by the
Republicans there could have been no ' reprisals '
by the Forces of the Crown.
The accusation of ' reprisals ' first came into
prominence in The Irish Bulletin, a multigraphed
and anonymous sheet issued to the Press by
the Irish Republican propagandists, about the
middle of the year 1920.
During 1919 the following are the statistics
of outrages committed by the Republicans.
Outrages against property are not included :
Members of the Police Forces killed ... 17
Members of the Police Forces wounded ... 39
Members of the Military Forces killed ... 1
Members of the Military Forces wounded ... 4
Civilians killed ... 2
Civilians wounded ... 5
From the 1st January, 1920, to the 31st July,
1920, the figures are as follows :
Members of the Police Forces killed ... 53
Members of the Police Forces wounded ... 69
Members of the Military Forces killed ... 8
Members of the Military Forces wounded ... 29
Civilians killed 16
Civilians wounded 40
Y
370 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
During 1919 the Republican propagandists
themselves, in a list of ' reprisals ' published in
the Freeman's Journal of 29th September, 1920,
and elsewhere, claim only three ' reprisals.'
These were alleged to have taken place at Fermoy,
Kinsale, and Cork respectively. A certain
amount of damage was certainly caused in these
three towns by members of Forces of the Crown
infuriated by the murder or ill-treatment of their
comrades, but the damage was confined to
property, and in no one of the three cases was a
single civilian injured.
From the 1st January, 1920, to the 31st July,
1920, forty-six ' ceprisals ' were claimed in the
list mentioned above. In five of these cases
damage was caused to property by members of
the Forces of the Crown, following murders of
their comrades or attacks upon them, but again
no civilian was hurt. In the remaining cases
claimed, either no incident of the nature
described can be traced, or some damage was
caused by the Forces of the Crown while acting
in the necessary discharge of their duties.
These facts should be sufficient to refute
the principal claims of the Irish Republican
propagandists. For the rest, the foregoing
chapters of this book will provide a fair
indication of the state of Ireland during the
year, and will serve to show how the terrible
condition of that unhappy country was brought
about solely by the machinations of those who
represent themselves as its saviours, the Irish
Republicans.
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 371
Before we leave this subject of reprisals the
following document will be of interest. It is an
example of the attitude of certain of the Irish
citizens of the United States. It was received
by the Chief Secretary through the post :
Sir Hamar Greenwood,
Chief Secretary for Ireland, New York.
London, England. October 24th, 1920.
Dear Sir,
We hereby inform and warn you that if there
are any more reprisals in Ireland on and after
the fourteenth day of November, 1920, that the
men of Irish blood in this country and their
sympathisers, will immediately begin reprisals
on Englishmen here, who are not citizens of the
United States.
For every man, woman or child who is
murdered after the above date, by the cowardly
English soldiers and police, three Englishmen in
this country will pay the penalty.
Amalgamated Irish Societies of America.
(Sd.) J. V. O'CONNOR,
President.
It may be objected that America draws her
ideas of the responsibility for the state of
Ireland, and her evidence as to the brutality of
British rule, not alone from the statements of
propagandists but also from the British Press,
of which a section appears to support the claims
of the Republicans. The reply to this objection
372 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
is one that Americans will be the first to
appreciate. The Irish Question is and always
has been, in England as in America, a question
of politics. It is a political maxim that what-
ever course the Government of the day may
pursue, those in opposition to it must attack that
course in every one of its channels. It might be
imagined that the question of Ireland, being, as
it is, of vital importance to the Empire, would
be allowed to remain outside the arena of party
strife, but unhappily this is not so. Attacks
have been made upon the policy of the Govern-
ment not so much because the attackers disagree
with that particular policy but because they hope
to weaken the support of the Government in the
country. These attacks are liable to be mistaken
for an admission that a section of the British
people believe that the Irish Republicans have
right upon their side.
It would be impossible to examine even a small
proportion of these attacks, but we may select
one of the most prominent of them for comment.
On the 30th November, 1920, a Commission
appointed by the British Labour Party to enquire
into the whole question of 'reprisals' and violence
in Ireland left London for Dublin. The Com-
mission returned to London on December 15th,
during which period it travelled over Ireland
collecting evidence. Shortly after its return it
published a voluminous Report, which consisted
mainly of a series of stories of incidents gathered
from Sinn Fein sources. The true object of the
Report is somewhat naively revealed in the
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 373
Introduction* prefacing it : " The main burden
of our Report is a denunciation of the Govern-
ment's policy." Which is exactly what one
would expect of a report published by a party in
opposition to the Government.
It would be sheer waste of time to examine and
*
refute each one of the allegations against the
Forces of the Crown contained in this Report;
indeed the great majority of them is incapable
of refutation, being merely a record of the
impression made on members of the Commission
by local gossip. But it is somewhat unfortunate
for the credibility of the Report as a whole
that on one single occasion alone it reports an
occurrence of which a wholly disinterested
spectator was a witness, and that on this
occasion this impartial witness totally disagrees
with the story as told in the Report.
The incident was the ambush that took place
at Ballymacelligott, County Kerry, on 12th
November, 1920, and the witness was the Corres-
pondent of The Yorkshire Post, who may be
allowed to describe the events in his own words.
The following is an extract from The Yorkshire
Post of 20th January, 1921 :
( The fight at Ballymacelligott, near Tralee,
on the afternoon of November 12, which I
described in The Yorkshire Post at the time, has
again come into prominence by reason of the
references to it in the ' revised ' report of the
* Report of the Labour Commistion to Ireland, published
by The Labour Party, 33, Eccleston Square, London, 8.W 1
1921. Page 2, line 15.
374 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Labour Commission to Ireland. The statements
in this part of the report are so flagrantly
inaccurate that doubt is cast upon all the rest.
Impartiality is difficult to believe, in view of the
spice of malice which appears in the repeated use
of the phrases ' The Dublin Castle circus ' and
' The Battle of Tralee. 1 The latter phrase was
certainly not originated by officials of the
Government, and any suggestion that the party
travelled into the Tralee district for ' the fun of
the thing ' is to be deplored. County Kerry
holds too much tragedy to be made the object of
a sporting tour.
' The nature of the report provokes curiosity
regarding the methods of the Commission in the
pursuit of their investigations. Have they ever,
in any of the cases with which they have dealt,
made an attempt to interview every one who
could throw light on the affair ? In the case of
the fight at Ballymacelligot, those actually pre-
sent comprised representatives of the Dublin
Castle authorities, residents of the district (in-
cluding a doctor from Tralee), two London
cinema operators in the employ of Pathe Freres,
Limited, and myself, as representative of an
English newspaper.
' Perhaps the Commission found during their
short stay, as, I suppose, most investigators have
discovered, that it is sometimes extremely diffi-
cult for the inquirer to make up his mind what is
the truth of certain affairs which have happened
in Ireland. What is usually a fairly simple
matter in England is complicated in Ireland by
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 375
racial antagonism, religious prejudice, the fear
of reprisal, and the nimble imagination and
almost reckless eloquence of the typical Irish-
man. The forensic power and agile wit and
fancy which have been such a delight to play-
goers and book-lovers, are sometimes a great
hindrance when a man is simply searching for
the naked truth. They are apt to confuse the
issue. Still, they provide no excuse for the
abandonment of the search for any avenue which
may lead to the truth, and they do not absolve
the perpetrators of such an astounding statement
as The story of the ambush is due, apparently, to
the hectic imagination of those from whom the
Chief Secretary obtained his information. . . .
' The battle of Tralee ' is a figment of the im-
agination, though no doubt the participants on
the Government side will still believe that ( 'twas
a famous victory.'
1 As one who was an actual eye-witness of the
affair, and was not responsible for any of the
information conveyed to Sir Hamar Greenwood,
perhaps I may be pardoned for contributing my
comments, unsolicited by the Commission, upon
certain statements, in the order in which they
occur.
(1) The members of the Commission were
unable to obtain any corroboration of the allega-
tion that, on the morning of November 12, police
were fired on from the creamery. On the after-
noon of the same day a party of journalists and
photographers were stated to have been fired
upon from the creamery and the manager's house,
376 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
and dozens of shots rang out. We frankly do
not believe a word of this statement. As I was
not present on the morning of the 12th, I am
unable to give personal testimony on what hap-
pened then. Unless the second part is mere
quibbling in the matter of words, it is quite
inaccurate. If it is suggested that no journalist
or photographer was in the party, I can only
repeat my former statement that it included two
photographers and myself. In addition, there
was present a former well-known writer in Fleet
Street. The creamery itself abutted upon the
road, with the manager's house perhaps thirty
yards away in the rear, and behind this, a few
hundred yards distant, lay three or four home-
steads. The car in which I travelled was not
more than a hundred yards behind the first car,
travelling at about twenty-five miles an hour,
and as it passed the creamery shots rang out.
Before I could climb out of the car, which was
stopped immediately, three bullets whizzed past
my head, and two more came unpleasantly near
before I could reach the side of the road. Thence-
forward, for some twenty-five minutes they
were timed bullets came across the road pretty
constantly. They were real bullets. Some of
them hit up the mud at the other side of the road,
and the party every one of whom, I believe,
had seen service in France was not likely to
mistake the familiar ' ping.' As the range
varied from about 250 to 1,500 yards, I can only
conclude that bad shooting was the reason for the
party sustaining no casualties.
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 377
" (2) After the ( Dublin Castle circus '
opened fire, probably half a dozen shots were
fired in return, but not from either the creamery
or the manager's house. The naive manner in
which the Commission contradict the previous
sentence needs no comment. The estimate of the
number of shots returned is reminiscent of the
rural residents' idea of distances. They were
fired from the far side of a field adjoining the
creamery, and from the direction of three or four
farms behind the manager's house, in which lay
a wounded man. I have not seen it suggested
that any shots came from the creamery. The ten
or twelve men whom we saw running when we
turned the corner were going from the direction
of the creamery.
" (3) The Commission do not agree that
there were about 70 armed men near the creamery.
Seven men were captured, including a doctor and
his servant, and there has been no further state-
ment as to the discovery of arms and ammuni-
tion. I have it on the authority of one who was
among the company at the creamery shortly
before our arrival, that six men armed with rifles
were standing outside the manager's house, dis-
cussing which posts they were to take up. The
members of the party which I accompanied re-
ported that in the lanes, hedges, and fields beyond
the field to which I have referred, they encoun-
tered three parties, each of fifteen or more men,
and there were several smaller groups and in-
dividual snipers. The officer in charge of the
cadets was shot at from a distance of twenty -five
378 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
yards by a man equipped with rifle and bando-
lier.
" (4) The Commission could not find the
trench part of the ambush, which was stated still
to be there. As we drove along that afternoon
our driver drew our attention to a trench, partly
filled up, which crossed the road about three
hundred yards from the creamery, and he
slackened speed as he passed over it. It is quite
possible that after the heavy rains which inter-
vened the Labour Commission were quite unable
to distinguish the trench from the rest of what is
a very indifferent road.
' (5) No one ever saw any dead or wounded
men. The party reported that four men had
been shot at very short range, and had not moved
again. One man was found with blood on his
hands, and another with blood on his face, and
bloodstains formed a track through one of the
farmyards. Our party were hurriedly recalled,
and were obliged to leave the casualties. On the
following morning there was no trace of the
latter for reasons which would be obvious to
most people.
" (6) There was no evidence of the arrival of
' reinforcements,' and the retirement of the
police was not a retirement in the face of superior
forces, but merely the undisturbed departure of
the ' Dublin Castle circus ' with the prisoners
who had been taken. The party were recalled
from their pursuit of the attackers simply on the
ground that further up the road, about 250 yards
away, where the road turned sharply to the right
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 379
and became hidden behind a wood, the movements
of several men who kept dodging behind the walls
suggested the possibility of an attack from that
direction. A motorist coming from that direc-
tion said there were ' not more than a dozen '
men there, and previously I had seen five men
running across some fields at the opposite side of
the road. The retirement was disturbed only by
a renewed outburst of fire from the hillside, where
twenty or thirty men could be seen.
" (7) There was not a shred of evidence that
from the homesteads in the vicinity of the
creamery heavy fire was directed upon the police.
In the later stages of the fight, and when the
police party retired, a considerable volume of fire
came from that direction.
' The Commission lay stress upon the fact that
we sustained no casualty. As I have already
said, poor shooting could be the only reason, and
that was perhaps partly due to the unexpected-
ness of the counter attack by the police. Most of
the bullets went too high, and the vigorous attack
apparently led to hurried aiming. If, as the
Commission assert, in their humorous way, the
party was not fired upon or, alternatively,
probably half-a-dozen shots were fired in return
why did the prisoners who were taken crawl
on their hands and knees in the shelter of the
roadside bank of turf, in preference to walking
comfortably ?
' Altogether, the document is astounding, and
it arouses great doubt whether the Commission
380 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
took the trouble to interview any one but those
who suffered loss by the subsequent partial
destruction of the creamery, or the burning of
those hayricks from which came the sharp reports
of exploding cartridges. There were three wit-
nesses of the whole affair who were neither resi-
dents of the locality nor members of the Crown
forces. Presumably the Commission were aware
of our existence. For myself, I received no invi-
tation to appear before the Commission/'
The Labour Party's Report, and the criticism
to which it is open, are typical of the adverse
comment upon the policy of the Government
emanating from British Opposition sources.
The pity of it all is that such comment, based
upon demonstrably false premises though it may
be, is a very serious hindrance to the peaceful
settlement of the Irish Question. Those who
criticise the methods of the Government profess
to do so with the object of achieving a settlement
in Ireland. Yet by their very criticism they
encourage the Irish Republicans to believe that a
section of the British people sympathises with
them, and so give moral support to the outrage-
gangs in their resistance to the forces of law and
order.
It may seem as though this is a digression from
the subject of the relations between Ireland and
America, but in fact it is not. The Irish
Republican propagandists have chosen America
as the main field of their activities, and they
take good care that every statement damaging to
IEELAND AND AMERICA. 381
i
British rule receives every possible form of
publicity. In England we know what value to
attach to such statements, but in America the
general reader has usually no test by which to
determine the relative value of conflicting
accounts which reach him of events in Ireland.
And it is only by means of such a demonstration
as has just been given that the value of criticism
of Government methods can be gauged.
Having thus endeavoured to clear the air as
regards the claims of the Republican propa-
gandists in the past, let us endeavour to examine
their claims for the present day. They claim, in
effect, that the Republicans are fighting for free-
dom against the tyranny of British rule. But
what are the facts ? The Government of Ireland
Act* gives Ireland a more complete form of Home
Rule than was ever contemplated by those who
urged the repeal of the Union. Ireland is offered
control of all essentials, with the promise implied
that if she seizes the opportunity and shows her-
self capable of self-government, she may obtain
by constitutional methods the essential status of
a Dominion. The cry of ' partition ' is a foolish
evasion of responsibility. It lies in the hands
of the Irish to abolish partition at a single stroke,
as soon as the Irish people, and they alone, so
desire.
For what then are the Republicans continuing
their campaign of murder, why do their
apologists endeavour to make America resound
* See Appendix A.
382 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
with their cries for ' liberty ? ' Liberty they are
already offered, short of the establishment of
their ridiculous republic, which only an insigni-
ficant percentage of Irishmen really desires.
It is hard to avoid the conclusion that the
Republicans believe that by a policy of terrorism
and disturbance they can extort from the British
Government better terms than they could obtain
by constitutional means. This is a most
dangerous attitude, and it contains a menace to
the whole of civilization. It is a form of black-
mail which it is the duty of every nation, in its
own interest, to discourage to the full extent of
its powers. It is based upon a true appreciation
of the way in which the Irish Question is
regarded by a not inconsiderable section of
British opinion. The Republican propagandists
love to display the British race as a ravening
lion, thirsting for the blood of the Irish people.
As a matter of fact, if the British are to be
symbolised by a lion, it is a lion wearied by a
recent fight, and desiring rest beyond all things,
but harassed by the persistent buzzing of an
insignificant gnat. And there is some danger
lest the lion should be tempted to purchase by
concession an elusive peace, only to find that the
gnat, elated by success, will return and resume
its annoyances with redoubled vigour.
It is an axiom that before a nation can achieve
any degree of liberty, it must prove its capacity
for self-government, and must then evolve the
degree of liberty it desires by the will of the
majority working through constitutional chan-
IRELAND AND AMERICA. 383
nels. A short exposition of the Government of
Ireland Act, which offers Ireland the most exten-
sive opportunity possible for setting up her own
Government and so attaining whatever may
prove to be the desires of the majority of her
people, is given in Appendix A of this volume.
Finally we may devote a few lines to conjecture
upon the position of America were an Irish
Republic ever to become a reality. Many people
consider that so far as America would be con-
cerned the establishment of a Republic would be
the end of the perpetual Irish disturbances which
are a never-ceasing annoyance to that country.
The Irish Republicans would have achieved their
end, and nothing further would be heard of their
aspirations for liberty or of their strange methods
of achieving it. But it is safe to say that this
would be very far from being the case. The
rulers of an Irish Republic in being would use
every endeavour to work up sympathy for their
country in America, and would leave no stone
unturned to evoke her active co-operation in
whatever might be their policy at the moment.
The danger to America's policy of non-interfer-
ence in European affairs has only to be indicated
to be fully realised.
It cannot be too strongly urged that those in
America who desire to see Ireland happy and
peaceful should do their utmost to persuade the
Irish people to accept the present Act loyally and
cheerfully, and to settle their internal difficulties
as a preliminary to a declaration of a United
Ireland, and then, by demonstrating to the world
384 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
their capacity for successful government, gradu-
ally to work for such modifications of the present
measure of Home Rule as will prove acceptable to
Ireland, the British Empire, and the World.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
A brief account of the political forces at work
in Ireland is an essential preliminary to any
appreciation of the policy of the British Govern-
ment with regard to Irish affairs during 1920.
It would be impossible to trace, within the limits
of the present work, the historical development
of Irish political thought; the subject is so com-
plex that a rough sketch would not only be inade-
quate but misleading. We must therefore con-
tent ourselves with a cursory review of the lead-
ing influences at work during the year under
examination.
In the first place, a word of warning must be
spoken. The murder campaign of the Irish
Republican Army has so shocked the imagination
of the civilised world that many people have
come to regard Ireland as being populated by a
race of assassins, who in their blind fury hesitate
at nothing which would inflict damage upon their
distracted country; but this is very far from
the truth. The great majority of Irishmen,
whatever their political faith, however much they
may differ among themselves as to the best solu-
tion of the problems that beset their native land,
z
386 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
stand appalled at the terrible deeds of the
minority. But this minority, desperate, con-
scienceless, outlawed by its own free will, has
seized upon the weapons of anarchy, and, utterly
ruthless towards all who oppose it, has im-
posed its will by force of terror upon the law-
abiding majority of its countrymen. Thus
Ireland drags along a weary existence under the
sway of a terrorism she abhors, the prey of
murder and suspicion, and a reproach to civiliza-
tion.
It will be convenient to deal with the position
of Southern Ireland first, and here again it is
necessary to remind the reader that the term
Southern Ireland includes the whole country out-
side the Six Counties of Ulster. Here we may
consider first the party known as the National-
ists. This party, which was for many years the
most powerful Party in Ireland, may be described
as having for its chief political aim the repeal
of the Union as it had stood since 1801, and its
substitution by some form of Home Rule. The
Nationalists pursued their aims by constitutional
methods, and their schemes did not contemplate
the divorce of their country from the Empire.
This ' Parliamentary Party,' as it came to be
called, lost heavily to Sinn Fein in the General
Election of 1918, for a variety of reasons which
have already been touched upon.* It seemed
indeed as though the Party had become utterly
submerged, until during the latter months of
1920 a tendency became noticeable of a desire on
* Bee Chapter II.
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 387
the part of the inarticulate sections of Irish
opinion to incline towards Nationalist rather
than Sinn Fein ideals. The country was grow-
ing weary of anarchy and outrage, it saw with
secret approval a Government determined to rule
with firmness and refusing to be shaken in its
decisions by intimidation. The history of Ire-
land teaches that firmness on the part of its rulers
is the first step towards winning the trust of the
population. The attitude of the Government
towards the Government of Ireland Bill demon-
strated that Home Rule for Ireland was one of
the principal items of its policy. Even though
Nationalist opinion might consider that it had
not achieved its aims in full, yet it saw that by
constitutional means alone could it proceed
towards its goal. A campaign of lawlessness is
the most convincing demonstration of the in-
ability of its authors to govern themselves.
There is no doubt that the force of this argu-
ment is being realised with ever-increasing clear-
ness by the majority of the Irish people, and it
is inevitable that this should be so. Sinn Fein
proclaimed war upon the Government with the
object of breaking it down, and so of exhibiting
to Ireland and the world at large its own power.
The Irish people have witnessed the failure of
its efforts, the resolution of the authorities to en-
force law, order and good government in the teeth
of every weapon of its opponents. The slightest
weakening, the very least concession to methods
of terrorism, would have utterly discredited the
Government in the eyes of the whole country, and
388 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
would have thrown the whole population into the
arms of Sinn Fein. And once the Sinn Fein
ideal had really permeated the majority, once the
vision of an Irish Republic had really gripped
the hearts of the people, the only alternatives
would have been Civil War or the loss of Ireland
to the Empire. The brightest prospect for the
future lies in the Nationalist spirit.
Opposed to the Nationalists are the Unionists,
but their opposition is now rather theoretical
than practical. The Unionists are those who
believe that the best interests of the country
would be served by the maintenance of the Union.
In Southern Ireland they are numerically weak,
but their influence is greater than their numbers
would indicate. It seems unlikely that the
Union will ever be restored in the sense of 1801,
but only the future history of a self-governing
Ireland can determine whether or not the prin-
ciple of self-determination is correct, whether or
not union between Great Britain and Ireland best
serves the interests of the latter country.
Sinn Fein, although of later birth than either
of the Parties already mentioned, demands
rather fuller consideration, owing to the influence
it has exerted throughout the troubled years since
1916. Professor Henry, in his book The Evolu-
tion of Sinn Fein, has given an excellent account
of the history and development of the movement.
For our present purpose we may confine ourselves
to quoting his words which define its policy and
aim.
' ' Sinn Fein is an expression in political theory
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 389
and action of the claim of Ireland to be a nation,
with all the political consequences which such a
claim involves. It differs from previous national
movements principally in the policy which it out-
lines for the attainment of its ultimate end, the
independence of Ireland; though it should be
understood that nearly every point in the Sinn
Fein political programme has been at least sug-
gested by some previous Irish Nationalist
thinker."
This is borne out by a resolution passed at the
great Sinn Fein Convention which was held at
the Mansion House, Dublin, on the 26th and 27th
of October, 1917, and also by the Sinn Fein Con-
stitution* a precis of which was circulated in
1917 in small booklet form, printed in Irish and
English, for the purpose of enrolling members.
It is as follows :
" CUMANN SINN FEIN.
" CONSTITUTION.
' Whereas the people of Ireland never relin-
* A pamphlet issued by the organization which sets out its
scheme of formation will be found in Appendix D of this
volume. It is a four-page octavo, printed in Dublin.
This pamphlet bears the printer's name, ' P. Mahori,
Printer, Yarnhall Street, Dublin.' Mr. Patrick Mahon was
subsequently arrested (6th November, 1920,) and sentenced by
a Court Martial on 13th January, 1921, to five years penal
servitude for the following offences :
" (1) Having on 6th November, 1920, without lawful authority
two books relating to an unlawful association, viz., Cumann na
m'Ban;
" (2) Having a document relating to an unlawful association,
viz., Dail Eireann;
" (3) Having two metal discs for printing documents relating
to the Irish Volunteers;
" (4) Having documents consisting of 18 proof-sheets relating
to drill."
390 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
quished the claim to separate Nationhood, and
" Whereas the Provisional Government of the
Irish Republic, Easter, 1916, in the name of the
Irish people and continuing the fight made by
previous generations, re-asserted the inalienable
right of the Irish Nation to Sovereign Indepen-
dence, and re-affirmed the determination of the
Irish people to achieve it : and
" Whereas the Proclamation of an Irish
Republic, Easter, 1916, and the supreme courage
and glorious sacrifices of the men who gave their
lives to maintain it, have united the people of
Ireland under the flag of the Irish Republic, be
it Resolved, that we, the delegated representa-
tives of the Irish people, in Convention
assembled, hereby declare the following to be the
Constitution of Sinn Fein :
' 1. The name of this organisation shall be
Sinn Fein.
' 2. Sinn Fein aims at securing the Inter-
national recognition of Ireland as an In-
dependent Irish Republic.
' Having achieved that status the Irish people
may by referendum freely choose their own form
of Government.
' 3. This object shall be attained through the
Sinn Fein Organisation which shall, in
the name of the Sovereign Irish
people :
' (a.) Deny the right and oppose the will of
the British Parliament and British
Crown or any other foreign govern-
ment to legislate for Ireland :
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 391
" (b.) Make use of any and every means avail-
able to render impotent the power of
England to hold Ireland in subjection
by military force or otherwise.
" 4. Whereas no law made without the
authority and consent of the Irish people
is or ever can be binding on their con-
science.
" Therefore in accordance with the Resolution
of Sinn Fein adopted in Convention, 1905, a
Constituent Assembly shall be convoked, com-
prising persons chosen by the Irish Constituencies
as the supreme National authority to speak and
act in the name of the Irish people and to devise
and formulate measures for the welfare of the
whole people of Ireland."
This Convention of October, 1917, was the
climax towards which the Sinn Fein activities
throughout Southern Ireland had been leading.
De Valera was appointed President and Arthur
Griffith Vice-President ; two treasurers were
named, and Arthur Stack and Barrel Figgis
became honorary secretaries of an organized
executive. Professor Eoin McNeill and twenty-
three others were appointed an executive com-
mittee. After the election De Valera addressed
the Convention and stated : * ' The constitution of
the new movement which you have adopted says
this organization of Sinn Fein aims at securing
the International recognition of Ireland as an
Independent Irish Republic."
A resolution was passed " That all national
392 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
activities be sub-divided into clearly defined
departments, as follows :
' 1. Department of Military Organization;
'2. Department of Political Organization;
' 3. Department of Education and Propa-
ganda ;
'* 4. Department of Foreign Relations;
' 5. Department of Finance ";
and six other departments were specified dealing
with other matters.
It is, in the interests of lucidity, somewhat
unfortunate that the term ' Sinn Fein ' has been
used to cover all forms of Republican enterprise.
Strictly speaking, Sinn Fein (Ourselves Alone)
is a political party, electing members to represent
it in a National Parliament or Dail Eireann.
The various other Republican organisations are
nominally bound to it, in the sense that their
members are also members of Sinn Fein. How
far mutual control could be exercised, how far,
for instance, Dail Eireann could influence the
Irish Republican Army, is problematical. Forces
of disorder are very apt to become impatient of
the control even of their own sympathisers. And
behind the whole network of associations and
organisations stands the Irish Republican
Brotherhood, as it stood behind the Fenians and
the Invincibles, working darkly for its own ends.
If we require a parallel to the influence exerted
by the Brotherhood, we may trace something
similar in the influence exerted by the Parte
Guelfa upon the government of the Florentine
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 393
Republic in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
turies.
The originators of Sinn Fein would, no doubt,
have welcomed an appeal to force to secure their
aims, had such an action showed any prospect of
success. Throughout the War they brought every
possible influence to bear to secure England's
defeat, hoping that in a crushed and beaten
England they would find an enemy capable of
being finally overthrown. But it was no part of
their policy to engage in such hopeless enterprises
as the Easter Week rising, and it is hardly
credible that they can have believed that the
murderous operations of the I.R.A. could ever
achieve Irish independence. They failed to keep
their more lawless elements in check, and the
latter, emboldened by the immunity which fol-
lowed their earlier outrages, gradually loosened
the bonds of discipline until they became a law
unto themselves.
But this circumstance does not absolve Sinn
Fein from blame. Even though the murder-
gangs were beyond their direct control, they
extended a tacit approval to their outrages.
Either through intimidation, or through some
hopeless feeling that somehow the Government
might be terrorised into granting independence
as the price of peace, Sinn Fein has never, collec-
tively or individually, expressed its disapproval
of crime. On the contrary, it has done every-
thing to encourage it. There is evidence that
funds collected on behalf of Sinn Fein have been
applied to the purposes of the Irish Republican
394 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Army ; indeed the posts of ' Minister of Finance '
of Dail Eireann and ' Adjutant- General ' of the
I.R.A. are held by one and the same man,
Michael Collins. De Valera, the ' President of
the Irish Republic,' proclaimed from the safety
of America his approval of the Dublin massacre
of 21st November, 1920. Finally, individual
members of the Sinn Fein executive have not
hesitated to identify themselves with every
variety of crime and outrage.
In these circumstances, although strictly
speaking Sinn Fein and the murder-gangs are
not identical, there is no possibility of exonerat-
ing the former from responsibility for the crimes
of the latter. The instinct of British soldiers
and police, rarely at fault in such matters, has
been to dub all those with whom they come in
conflict as ' Shinners,' rightly refusing to dis-
criminate between the criminals themselves and
their instigators. And, until Sinn Fein dis-
associates itself from such horrors as the Dublin
massacres and the Macroom ambush, the charge
of complicity must go against it by default.
The folly of Sinn Fein in this respect needs
little demonstration. It is at least conceivable
that had Sinn Fein worked for independence by
constitutional means, had their elected members
chosen to take their seats at Westminster instead
of in some obscure back room in Dublin, they
might in course of time have achieved their aim.
Sinn Fein has been a great power in Ireland, it
might have controlled the country far more
effectively than any form of British rule has ever
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 395
succeeded in doing, and thus it might have
exhibited to the world the spectacle of Ireland
contented under the direction of her elected re-
presentatives. What better argument for com-
plete independence could be imagined? Sinn
Fein could have argued that if even within the
limits of British rule it had pacified the
country, how much more could it not effect if
only Ireland were entirely surrendered to it?
By a policy of pacification and order Sinn Fein
could have secured a solid body of sympathetic
opinion, both in England and abroad.
But Sinn Fein decided otherwise, ignoring the
lesson of history which teaches that every tur-
bulent State has by its very turbulence demanded
the control of some stronger Power. Instead of
peace, Sinn Fein has brought the sword, and by
the blood-thirstiness of its methods has alienated
every civilised opinion. In place of government,
Sinn Fein has stirred up Ireland into a land of
seething discontent, where men walk in peril of
their lives and where prosperity is the prey of
lawlessness. And having accomplished this, the
world is asked to believe that the very hands
which have been most active in creating the tur-
moil are those most suited to holding the reins
of government. Nor is this all. Sinn Fein has
believed that the British Empire could be
terrorised into granting its demands. With
almost inconceivable ignorance of British
psychology it has countenanced a campaign of
murder, hoping that by this means it can destroy
the morale of the Forces of the Crown. Indi-
396 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
vidual members of these Forces it has indeed
succeeded in destroying, but the manhood of
Britain flocks to fill their places, undismayed by
the fate which has overtaken its comrades.
Nor is the failure of its policy the sole price
which Sinn Fein has had to pay for murder.
The conscience of the Empire and of the world,
which might have sympathised with the aspira-
tions of Sinn Fein had this organisation known
how to address itself to its hearers, is horrified
by the appalling details of massacre and outrage.
Sinn Fein has done its utmost to shock those who
at one time might have upheld it. And, as a
crowning act of folly, it has threatened the ex-
tension of dastardly deeds to England itself, and
has backed these threats by acts such as those
which led to widespread destruction in Liverpool
on the night of 27th November, 1920, thus finally
embittering British opinion and deferring any
possibility of the realisation of its aims to a
future so remote as to be beyond the range of
human vision. By its own acts Sinn Fein has
shown the world the folly of its dream.
In Northern Ireland, that is to say the Six
Counties of Ulster, the arrangement of the politi-
cal parties is entirely different. Conditions in
Ulster have already been dealt with in another
Chapter, and there is no need to refer to them
again here, except in so far as they affect the
question of partition. This is a matter upon
which considerable difference of opinion exists.
The claim of Ireland to be a nation, one and in-
divisible, is insisted upon by Nationalists and
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 397
by Sinn Fein. How far this claim is borne out
by history is a question which need not concern us
here. It is sufficient to suggest that the rival
and conflicting claims of an industrial popula-
tion such as, that of the Six Counties and of an
agricultural population such as that of the rest
of Ireland may be of greater importance in their
bearing on the matter of partition than consider-
ations of national unity, based largely upon
sentimental grounds. If the two can eventually
be reconciled, well and good. Ulster has decided
that, if the Union must be sacrificed, it is better
for her interests that she should govern herself
than be governed by a Parliament of all Ireland.
If this be her opinion, and if equal facilities be
given to the rest of Ireland for similar self-
government, it is difficult to see what objection
can reasonably be raised to such partition as is
provided for in the present Act, in which all
these conditions are complied with.
Further, it must be remembered that it is not
England who is imposing partition, but a section
of the people of Ireland themselves. It may
almost be said that the Act treats partition as a
necessary and temporary evil. It is expressly
provided that almost the first actions of the newly
constituted parliaments of Northern and
Southern Ireland may be to break down the wall
of partition by proclaiming the union of Ireland
and setting up a single Parliament for the whole
country. The matter lies wholly in the hands of
the Irish people. Power is expressly given them
to settle the question for themselves, secure from
any outside interference whatever.
398 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
In pursuance of its policy of securing an Irish
Republic, Sinn Fein has used every effort to in-
fluence feeling in Ulster against partition. As
an instance of this propaganda a periodical
known as The Red Hand Magazine may be cited.
This periodical is intended for circulation in
Ulster, as its name implies, and contains matter
calculated to appeal to that somewhat nebulous
conception, ' the Soul of Ireland,' and to demon-
strate to the hard-headed Ulsterman that the
anarchy of the South is far preferable to the
peacef ulness of his own counties. For instance,
the first number, which is dated September, 1920,
contains a paragraph headed OUR POLICY.
' We are calling upon minds of the present
in Ireland, and we are conjuring up the great
spirits of the past to present before our readers
a clean-cut conception of the first principles of
every Irishman's relationship to his fellow-
Irishman, and thence to the rest of the world.
' On the bedrock of his own traditions alone
may an Irishman stand no slave ; there alone can
he be armoured and girded by the genius of his
Motherland, and from there alone can he set
forth powerful to do good and resist evil.
' We need not recall long centuries of blood
and tears to impress upon our readers that if we
be Irish we cannot be British. To us, in so far
as it is Irish, everything is clean and sweet and
good, and in so far as it is English every Irish
growth is blighted. We therefore accept and
endorse in 1920 the policy of Wolfe Tone in
1798 :
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 399
' To break the connections with England,
the never-failing source of all our political
evils, and to assert the independence of my
country, these were my objects. To unite
the whole people of Ireland, to abolish the
memory of all dissentions and to substitute
the common name of Irishman in place of
the denominations of Protestant, Catholic,
and Dissenter, these were my means. '
' In fine, we hope to retune the dumb
string of '98 in the sub-consciousness of the
Ulstennan till it vibrates, as it vibrated in our
forefathers a century ago, through the whole
Irishman."
The meaning to be drawn from this expression
of policy, not over lucid though it be, is
sufficiently obvious. Recruitment in Ulster, the
transformation of a peaceful and prosperous land
into a terrorised desert, is one of the most
cherished desires of Sinn Fein.
Enough has now been said to convey some idea
of the circumstances with which the authorities
were called upon to deal. We are now in a
position to examine the policy of the Government
in the face of these circumstances.
The first and most obvious necessity imposed
upon the rulers of Ireland was to terminate the
campaign of outrage and to restore law and order
to the position they should hold in any civilised
country. This is certainly the first duty of
government, and everything else must be
subordinated to it. But, once this duty has been
performed, there is the 'urgent need of giving
400 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Ireland that form of rule which is desired by
the majority of her inhabitants, while at the same
time safeguarding the principles of the minority.
Thus it may be said that the policy of the
Government divides itself under two heads, but
that each section is being proceeded with
simultaneously. Throughout the distractions of
the year the Government held unwaveringly to
this policy, and its aims have never for a moment
been abandoned.
In examining the means by which the desired
ends have been approached, we may deal first
with the restoration of law and order and the
suppression of murder and outrage. Treating
this as a problem by itself, we may consider the
various methods by which the solution of the
problem might possibly have been achieved, and
the disadvantages attaching to each of them.
It has been suggested that the cheapest and
easiest course would have been acknowledgment
of the claims of Sinn Fein, and the recognition
of the Irish Republic. In the first place, it is
certain that this step would have betrayed
Ireland into the hands of her enemies (not to
mention her lawless minority), and would have
produced a state of affairs far worse than that
already existing. Sinn Fein has shown no such
symptoms of its aptitude for rule as would
justify the surrender to it of an integral unit of
the British Empire. It the second place, it has
never been part of the policy of a civilised people
to abandon a portion of its territory because a
band of criminals give themselves over to an
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 401
orgy of assassination and bloodshed. And
finally there would be the grave danger of the
infant Republic falling into the hands of the
enemies of the State and of civilisation.
Another suggestion, and one which has
received wide support, is that the Forces of the
Crown should be withdrawn from the country,
either to England or to the shores of Ireland,
apparently in the hope that the objectives of the
murderers having been removed, the operations
of the latter would perforce cease. Presumably
the advocates of this policy would insist, if they
were suffering from the onslaughts of some
organism which attacked the brain, that the
brain should be removed in order to defeat
the organism. For no less vital than is the
brain to the human body are the Forces of the
Crown to Ireland. Upon their removal there
would be no restriction upon crime. The armed
minority of the population would seize upon the
opportunity to wage open warfare upon the
peaceful majority which disagreed with them.
Upon the ashes of a devastated country would
rise a monstrous domination of murderers,
upholding their authority at the point of the
revolver. For it is not only the Forces of the
Crown upon whom the Republicans have
declared war. Every loyal citizen is menaced by
them, as their own proclamations are never tired
of asserting. Two of these, issued during the
month of November, 1920, may be quoted in this
connection. The first of them is as follows :
AA
402 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' Whereas the Irish Republic has declared
war on England, we hereby give notice that
anyone guilty of treasonable conspiracy will be
shot without warning as a traitor to the Republic.
Signed on behalf of the aforesaid Republic :
(name in Irish script)
GOD SAVE IRELAND."
God save Ireland indeed, and from the hands
of those who penned so dastardly a threat.
The second proclamation is as follows :
" HEADQUARTERS DUBLIN.
WHEREAS the Irish Republic has declared war
on England, we hereby warn all enemies of Sinn
Fein who in any way assist the enemy or obstruct
the soldiers of the said Republic that they are
traitors to their country and therefore liable to be
SHOT WITHOUT WARNING.
By order of the
IRISH REPUBLIC.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
LONG LIVE THE REPUBLIC! '
These proclamations were circulated by the
Irish Republican Army as a threat to loyalists in
Ireland. Surely they alone are a sufficient
answer to those who advocate the withdrawal of
the Forces of the Crown.
There is yet another objection to this most
dangerous suggestion. Throughout Irish history
every concession to outrage, every act of
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 403
conciliation towards the rebels, has always been
hailed by the latter as a victory and an
encouragement to further excesses. The with-
drawal of the Forces of the Crown would mean
the abandonment of Ireland to the Republicans,
and most probably the extension of the outrage
campaign to Great Britain. Further, it would
mean that the murders which have already been
perpetrated would remain unpunished, and the
criminals who have committed them would
openly be acclaimed as heroes. Neither the
cause of justice or of peace would be served by
this expedient.
A third suggestion has been that Ireland
either as a whole or in two parts, Northern and
Southern, should be granted what has been
termed Dominion Home Rule. This has proved a
very loose expression; it has been used to cover
widely differing policies, ranging from self-
government as enjoyed for instance by Canada,
through the federal powers exercised by the
component States of the United States of
America, to the proposals embodied in the present
Government of Ireland Act. But, as a matter of
fact, Dominion Home Rule must mean a very
complete measure of self-government, and must
include the rights of control of harbours,
customs, excise and taxation, together with the
power to maintain naval and military forces.
It is upon this last point that Dominion Home
Rule, as applied to Ireland, fails to meet the
situation. Whatever may have been the naval
lessons of the late war, it has at all events been
404 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
proved that a fleet of submarines, based upon a
defended harbour, can do incalculable damage
before it can be exterminated. The methods
of the Republicans have been sufficiently
demonstrated to prove the impossibility of
placing such a potential weapon in Irish hands.
The coasts of Ireland are far too favourable, both
strategically and tactically, for submarine
operations against British shipping, to permit
of their use by any other Navy than the British.
The argument against permitting Ireland to
control her own army is very similar. Although
it is not to be imagined that the country could or
would support an Army of such a size as to be a
standing menace to the British Empire, it is
impossible to avoid realisation of the fact that
the Irish Republican Army is already in
existence, and would almost certainly develop
into the regular armed force of the Irish nation.
The deeds of this Army have already been
sufficiently demonstrated. A legalised armed
force with such traditions would hardly be
conducive to peace.
A fourth suggestion for the attainment of
peace in Ireland is that Martial Law should be
proclaimed throughout the country, in order to
facilitate the extermination of the murder-gangs.
This is a suggestion meriting serious considera-
tion. The chief value of a declaration of Martial
Law in a region suffering under conditions such
as those obtaining in Ireland lies in the
opportunities it offers for rapid measures to be
taken by the man on the spot. It only indirectly
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 405
assists in the capture of malefactors, how-
ever, and in any case is probably more
valuable from its moral than from its direct
effects. But the danger of a precipitate
declaration of Martial Law lies in the grave
probability of a resulting guerilla campaign.
Had Martial Law been proclaimed too early,
the result might well have been that the
members of the Irish Republican Army would
have mobilised to resist it, and that irregular
warfare would have taken place between them
and the Forces of the Crown, with all the
advantages, strategical and tactical, in favour
of the insurgents. They would have been
operating in their own country, with the factors
of terrain, initiative and concealment on their
side, and, although the ultimate issue of the
struggle could never have been in doubt, yet it
might have been so prolonged that at its close
Ireland would have been is such a state of
prostration that she could not have recovered
for years. And it must be remembered that it is
the duty of the Government to stamp out murder
and the murder-gangs with the least possible
disturbance of the property of the peace-loving
majority.
There comes a time, however, when a sufficient
mastery has been obtained over the lawless gangs
and when the imposition of Martial Law may
be the most rapid method of bringing them to
their knees. Towards the end of the year it
became obvious that Martial Law would afford
the most satisfactory means of securing the
406 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
disarmament of the rebels in the southern
counties of Ireland. The first step was taken
on the 10th December, when the following
Proclamation was issued :
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS certain evilly disposed persons and
associations with the intent to subvert the
supremacy of the Crown in Ireland have
committed divers acts of violence whereby many
persons, including members of the Forces of the
Crown and other servants of His Majesty, have
been murdered and many others have suffered
grievous injuries and much destruction of
property has been caused AND WHEREAS in certain
parts of Ireland disaffection and unrest have been
especially prevalent and repeated murderous
attacks have been made upon members of His
Majesty's Forces culminating in the ambush,
massacre and mutilation with axes, of sixteen
Cadets of the Auxiliary Division, all of whom
had served in the late War, by a large body of
men who were wearing trench helmets and were
disguised in the uniform of British soldiers and
who are still at large :
NOW I, JOHN DENTON PINKSTONE VISCOUNT
FRENCH Lord Lieutenant General and General
Governor of Ireland, do hereby proclaim by
virtue of all the powers me thereunto enabling
that the following counties namely :
The County of Cork (East Riding and West
Riding),
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 407
The County of the City of Cork,
The County of Tipperary (North Riding),
The County of Tipperary (South Riding),
The County of Kerry,
The County of Limerick,
The County of the City of Limerick,
are and until further order shall continue to be
under and subject to
MARTIAL LAW,
AND I do hereby call on all loyal and well-
affected subjects of the Crown to aid in uphold-
ing and maintaining the peace of this Realm and
the supremacy and authority of the Crown and
to obey and conform to all orders and regulations
of the Military Authority issued by virtue of this
Proclamation.
Given at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin
this tenth day of December, 1920.
FRENCH.
GOD SAVE THE KING.
This Proclamation was followed by the first
Proclamation of the Military Authority on the
14th December. The latter was posted broadcast
in the proclaimed area, and was as follows :
PROCLAMATION No 1.
BY
G.O.C IN C. THE FORCES IN IRELAND.
MARTIAL LAW has been declared in the
408 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
counties of Cork, Tipperary, Kerry and
Limerick.
IRISHMEN !
Understand this :
Great Britain has no quarrel with Irishmen;
her sole quarrel is with crime, outrage and
disorder; her sole object in declaring MARTIAL
LAW is to restore peace to a distracted and
unhappy country ; her sole enemies are those who
have countenanced, inspired, and participated in
rebellion, murder and outrage.
It is to put an end, once and for all, to this
campaign of outrage that MARTIAL LAW has been
declared.
The authorities named in the schedule
hereto annexed are hereby appointed MILITARY
GOVERNORS for the administration of MARTIAL
LAW in the above counties, and all persons will
render obedience to their orders in all matters
whatsoever.
NOTE THIS:
(a) All arms, ammunition and explosives in
possession of any person not a member of His
Majesty's Naval, Military, Air or Police Forces,
or who is not in possession of a permit, will be
surrendered by the 27th of December, 1920, to
such persons and at such places as are named in
the 2nd schedule hereto annexed.
(b) After the 27th of December, 1920, any
unauthorised person found in possession of arms,
ammunition or explosives, will be liable, on
conviction, by a Military Court, to suffer DEATH.
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 409
(c) Any unauthorised person wearing the
uniform or equipment of His Majesty's Naval,
Military, Air or Police Forces, or wearing
similar clothing likely to deceive, will be liable
on conviction to suffer DEATH, and any person in
unauthorised possession of such uniform, cloth-
ing, or equipment will be liable on conviction by
a Military Court to suffer penal servitude.
(d) NOTE WELL :
That a state of armed insurrection exists, that
any person taking part therein or harbouring
any person who has taken part therein, or
procuring, inviting, aiding or abetting any
person to take part therein, is guilty of levying
war against His Majesty the King, and is liable
on conviction by a Military Court to suffer DEATH.
(e) All law courts, corporations, councils, and
boards are hereby directed to continue to carry
out their functions until otherwise ordered.
(/) The Forces of the Crown in Ireland are
hereby declared to be on active service.
Signed this 12th day of December, 1920.
(Sgd.) C. F. . MACREADY,
General.
Commanding-in-Chief The Forces in Ireland.
1ST SCHEDULE.
The Generals or other officers commanding 6th
Division, 16th, 17th, 18th, and Kerry Infantry
Brigades.
2ND SCHEDULE.
To a military or police officer at any military
or police barracks or to a priest or other minister
410 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
of religion, who will at once arrange for their
delivery to the nearest military or police barracks.
The effect of this Proclamation was somewhat
curious. Practically no arms were surrendered,
but all the same the desired result was to a large
extent achieved. Arms and ammunition were
thrown away in large numbers, and many were
subsequently found by troops and police. Others
were hidden in holes dug in the fields, and on
several occasions these hiding places wtere
discovered. The lessons of this imposition of
Martial Law have been that although it was
successful at a comparatively late stage, it would
not have been a desirable policy during the early
months of the year.
Having considered these various alternatives,
we may now deal with the actual methods
pursued by the Government during the year.
These were, in brief, designed to deal with the
abnormal situation in Ireland with the least
possible inconvenience to the law-abiding section
of the community.
It must be repeated that the first necessity
facing the authorities was the restoration of law
and order. This could only be accomplished by
strengthening the Forces of the Crown and by
equipping them with the necessary powers for
dealing with the disturbers of the peace. The
first of these measures was comparatively simple :
the number of troops in Ireland was increased,
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 411
the R.I.C. was rearmed and to some extent
reorganised, and a force auxiliary to the
latter was created. This was the ' Auxiliary
Division ' of temporary cadets.* But the
question of bringing captured criminals to justice
was not so simple.
Owing to the terrorism rampant in the country,
the ordinary machinery of criminal justice had
completely broken down. Witnesses and juries
refused to attend the courts, or, even if willing,
were forcibly prevented from so doing. In cases
where they had the courage to present themselves,
they were subjected to every form of ill-treatment
by the Republicans, many of them indeed
being murdered in cold blood. Under these
circumstances it was obvious that if criminals
were to be brought to book, some alternative
means for the administration of justice must be
devised.
As a matter of fact an alternative means
already existed, but it was incomplete. Under
the Defence of the Realm Regulations, prisoners
could be tried by courts martial for offences
specified in those Regulations. But there were
many offences requiring punishment which did
not come within their scope. In order to
empower courts martial to deal with these
offences, The Restoration of Order in Ireland
Bill was introduced, and became law on August
12th.
An official announcement issued on August
21st sufficiently explains the scope of the Act.
*8ee page 281.
412 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
RESTORATION OF ORDER IN IRELAND REGULATIONS.
' Regulations have now been made by an
Order in Council under the Restoration of Order
in Ireland Act, and will be brought into operation
forthwith.
' The Act authorises the issue of Regulations
under the Defence of the Realm Consolidation
Act, 1914, for effecting the restoration and
maintenance of order in Ireland where it appears
to His Majesty in Council that, owing to the
existence of a state of disorder, the ordinary law
is inadequate for the prevention and punishment
of crime, or the maintenance of order.
' The Regulations have been rendered
necessary by the abnormal conditions which at
present prevail in certain parts of Ireland,
where an organised campaign of violence and
intimidation has resulted in the partial break-
down of the machinery of the ordinary law and
in the non-performance by public bodies and
officials of their statutory obligations. In
particular it has been found that criminals are
protected from arrest, that trial by jury cannot
be obtained because of the intimidation of
witnesses and jurors, and that Local Authorities
and their officers stand in fear of injury to their
persons or property if they carry out their
statutory duties.
' The Order in Council provides among other
things :
(1) For the putting into operation of
many of the existing Defence of the
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 413
Realm Regulations for the purpose of the
restoration or maintenance of order.
(2) For the trial of crimes by Courts
Martial or by specially constituted Civil
Courts, and for the investment of those
Courts with the necessary powers.
(3) For the withholding from Local
Authorities who refuse to discharge the
obligations imposed upon them by Statute
of grants which otherwise would be payable
to them from public funds and for the
application of the grants so withheld to the
discharge of the obligations which the Local
Authority has failed to fulfil.
(4) For the holding of Sittings of Courts
elsewhere than in the ordinary Courthouses,
where these Courthouses have been destroyed
or otherwise made unavailable.
' Although the Regulations are not, in terms,
restricted to any particular part or parts of
Ireland, it is the Government's intention that
they shall not be applied in substitution for the
provisions of the ordinary law in places where
the judicial and administrative machinery of the
ordinary law are available, and are not obstructed
in their operations by the methods of violence and
intimidation above mentioned. For instance,
under the Regulations an ordinary crime can
only be tried by a Court Martial or by a specially
constituted Civil Court, if the case is referred
to the Competent Naval or Military Authority.
Instructions will be issued by the Irish Executive
to ensure that such cases will not be referred to
414 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the Competent Naval or Military Authority
except where the prevalence of actual or
threatened violence or intimidation has produced
conditions rendering it impracticable for them
to be dealt with by due process of ordinary law."
The Restoration of Order in Ireland Regula-
tions have been of great service in enabling
persons to be brought to justice. The
simultaneous strengthening of the Forces of the
Crown, which put them in a position to secure
evidence against the members of the murder-
gangs, was the principal factor in producing the
remarkable improvement in the situation which
occurred towards the end of the year. So great
was this improvement that, as we have seen
(Chapter IV.), during the latter months of
the year the Republican element began to make
tentative overtures towards some slackening of
the campaign against them. They realised that
the net was slowly closing in upon them, and that
they were threatened with annihilation as the
result of the successful measures taken by the
Government. Outrage became less frequent, the
rank and file of the I.R.A. began to see ever more
clearly that immunity from punishment was no
longer to be relied upon. The murder-gangs
dissolved owing to the defection of their
members, and only the leaders, too deeply
involved in terrible crime to cherish any hope of
mercy, desperate, fighting like rats in a corner,
were left, banded together, to carry on their
dreadful orgy of bloodshed. A more complete
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 415
justification of the official policy can hardly be
imagined.
Here we must digress a little to refer to the
attitude of the Government towards proposals
for ' peace ' emanating from Sinn Fein sources.
In the House of Commons on 10th December,
1920, the Prime Minister propounded the policy
of the Government in regard to this matter in
the following words :
" During the last few weeks the Government
have been in touch with intermediaries who have
been anxious to bring about a better understand-
ing. There have been no negotiations, but certain
people who offered their services have seen both
sides and have thus enabled the Government to
arrive at certain conclusions about the position in
Ireland. As the result of their consideration,
they have after a very careful survey of the
situation decided upon the course which I now
propose to unfold to the House.
' They are convinced that the majority of the
people of Ireland of all sections are anxious for
peace and for a fair settlement. The Government
on their side are no less anxious for peace and a
fair and lasting settlement, and in this respect I
feel confident they represent the views of the
whole of the people of Great Britain. On the
other hand, the Government are also very
regretfully convinced that the party, or rather
the section which controls the organisation of
murder and outrage in Ireland, is not yet ready
for a real peace, that is to say for a peace that
will accept the only basis on which peace can
416 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
be concluded an acceptance which would be
consistent with the unbroken unity of the
United Kingdom. Their communications are all
conceived in the spirit of proposals from an
independent belligerent power offering peace to
another independent belligerent with whom they
are at war, and to whom they are in a position to
dictate. . . .
' [The Government] feel they have no option
but to continue and indeed to intensify their
campaign against that small but highly organised
and desperate minority who are using murder
and outrage in order to obtain the impossible and
bring peace neither to Ireland nor to Great
Britain, but, on the other hand, to open and
encourage every channel whereby the forces in
Ireland which are really anxious for an
honourable settlement can find expression and so
lead to negotiations which may produce a real
and lasting peace.
' This is the general policy of the Government,
and I want the House to understand that this is
a considered policy that aims on the one hand
at the repression of crime and on the other at
preparing the way towards a better under-
standing between the two peoples.
' Two very important documents have been
received in Ireland in the course of the last few
days. The first, and the most important of them,
is a document which I have received from the
Galway County Council. It is a very remarkable
document, and it is remarkable from the fact that
the Galway County Council, I believe, is almost
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 417
entirely Sinn Fein. It has proclaimed its
adhesion to the Republican party and I rather
think to the Dail Eireann, which is supposed to
be the assembly that speaks on behalf of this
body.
" They sent a resolution, which has already
appeared in the Press. This, if I may so put it,
is the first area of dry land which has shown
itself after the deluge of unconstitutionalism in
that part of the country. It is a return on the
part of a very important body to constitutional
methods an avowed return. After all, the
Galway County Council is a body set up under
the authority of the Imperial Parliament. It
derives its authority from this Parliament, and
it is a constitutional exponent of the views of
that particular part of the country. It has a full
constitutional right to communicate with the
Imperial Government upon any question which
affects the peace of that area, and a communica-
tion from that body to the Imperial Government
couched in these terms is in itself, I think, a
very welcome sign of the new spirit coming over
Ireland. I think it is our duty to encourage it,
because in doing so we encourage a return to
constitutional methods in an area which has been
one of the most disturbed in Ireland, one of the
most difficult in Ireland, and which, if I may
use the term, has until quite recently been
completely in the hands of the rebel forces in
Ireland. It is only a very short time ago that I
was talking to the General Officer Commanding
that area, and his opinion at that time was that
BB
418 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the recognition of authority would be difficult to
establish in that county. This is, therefore, a
very important and promising episode in the
relations between the two countries. The
resolution was carried, I believe, against the
protests of the Sinn Fein leaders in that area.
That makes it still more important. A similar
resolution, not in exactly the same terms, but
breathing the same spirit was carried by the
Gal way Urban Council.
' There is also a telegram which was sent to
me by a distinguished, a very able and very highly
respected Irish priest, Father O'Flanagan. It
is true and one must not forget it that
although he calls himself, in the absence of Mr.
De Valera, ' acting President of Sinn Fein, ' his
action has been repudiated by the heads of the
organisation which is responsible, in our judg-
ment, for murder in Ireland. The House must
bear in mind, when they come to seek the reason
for our adopting a two-fold policy, that, although
Father O'Flanagan, speaking on behalf, as he
thought, of at least one section of Sinn Fein, has
indicated the desire for peace, yet the moment he
sent that telegram he was repudiated by the heads
of the organisation who are responsible for
murder. That is why I say that, in my judg-
ment, that organisation is not of the same opinion
as the majority of the people in Ireland at the
present moment.
' We base our policy upon a recognition of
those two facts. The resolution of the Galway
County Council has been very widely advertised
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 419
in all the Press, and rightly so. It condemns the
murders. It condemns reprisals, but under the
circumstances I think it is too much to expect a
Sinn Fein body not to express some condemnation
of that character they would lose their
authority with Irish opinion if they did not.
But it requires great courage on their part to
condemn the murders committed by the Irish
Republican Army, and let us frankly admit their
courage in doing so. I may begin with that, and
it is the first resolution of the kind that I have
received from any body. They say that they
believe that this unfortunate state of affairs is
detrimental to the interests of both countries in
such a crisis of the world's affairs. That is quite
true. Now they come to a practical suggestion :
' We, therefore, as adherents of Dail
Eireann, request that body to appoint three
delegates. '
' They suggest that the initiative lies with the
British Government, who should withdraw the
ban on the meeting of Dail Eireann for the
purpose of appointing delegates. That is the
practical suggestion which they put forward.
At the present moment that body is not
permitted to meet, and of course we cannot
recognise it, for to recognise it as a separate
body is to recognise that the part of the country
which they represent constitutes a separate
republic apart from the United Kingdom. That
cannot be, and it is right that, although I have
said it here once or twice, that should be repeated,
because unfortunately in Ireland they are apt to
420 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
emphasise the things that suit them and not call
attention to the things that do not suit them. I
do not think they are any exception in that
respect to people in other parts of the world. It
is necessary that that should be emphasised,
because it is no use encouraging impossible hopes.
" We do not, therefore, recognise the body
called the Dail Eireann. But when you come to
the members individually, they are the people
who have been elected under the constitution of
this country to this House. They are the people
who have been elected by the constituencies
which have been parcelled out by this House, on
a franchise which has been agreed upon by this
House at the general election at which this House
of Commons was elected. They are not permitted
to meet at the present moment, and the question
is whether it is desirable that they should be
permitted to do so in order to consider the new
situation which has arisen in Ireland. There are
very practical difficulties in the way. Some of
these members have, in our judgment, been guilty
of crimes which would make them liable to
prosecution and punishment, whether in Ireland
or Great Britain, or in any other civilised
country in the world. We cannot possibly grant
to those who have been guilty of crimes of
violence, of murder, of very brutal murder, a
safe conduct which we would not grant to any
British Member of the House of Commons in
similar circumstances. It is too much to ask of
any Government, however desirous they might be
for peace in Ireland, that they should ask the
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 421
Forces of the Crown, who have been subjected
to all these outrages and whose comrades have
been struck down through the action of these men,
to permit them to go through under the safe
conduct of the British Government. We must
therefore make an exception in the case of those
men. This is the reply which it is proposed I
should send to-day to the Secretary of the Galway
County Council :
' I have received your letter of the 4th
inst., forwarding copy of a resolution passed
by the Galway County Council, and wish
to assure your Council that the Government
welcome every indication on the part of
representative persons and bodies in Ireland
of a desire to co-operate in bringing to an
end the present unhappy state of lawlessness
and ensuring a return to constitutional
methods in that country.
' The first necessary preliminary to the
re-establishment of normal conditions is that
murder and crimes of violence shall cease.
It is to that end that the efforts of the Irish
Executive have been constantly directed, and
until it has been attained no progress can be
made towards a political settlement.
' The Government are prepared to
facilitate the meeting together for this
purpose of persons duly elected to represent
constituencies in Ireland or any part of
Ireland. There are, however, certain
individuals who are gravely implicated in
the commission of crime so serious that the
422 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Government cannot consent to abandon their
elementary duty of bringing such persons
to trial. To all members except these
individuals a safe conduct would be granted
by the Government. It should be clearly
understood that His Majesty's Government
must insist that effective measures be taken
to ensure the cessation of murder and other
crimes of violence and the surrender of all
arms unlawfully held.'
' Before reading the next paragraph I should
say that the Galway County Council did not
recognise the authority of the Irish Local
Government Board. They have now returned
to their allegiance in that respect, and that in
itself is a promising incident.
' The letter proceeds :
c I would add that the Government have
learnt with satisfaction of the action of
your Council in submitting their accounts to
audit by the Local Government Board, and
that the fullest support can be assured to
every local authority which loyally carries
out its obligations under the law.'
" It will be clear from this letter that the
Government, while anxious to explore every
avenue which may lead to peace, and to remove
as far as possible any obstacle which may stand
in the way of persons in Ireland who desire
peace, are determined to use all the forces at
their command to stamp out murder and outrage,
and to disarm ill-affected persons. With this
object the Government have decided to take
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 423
further action to which I shall refer later.
Perhaps I had better before doing so, read the
letter which has been sent in reply to the
communications of Father O' Flanagan :
' I have received your message. His
Majesty's Government does not lag behind
any section of the Irish people in the desire
that Ireland should enjoy to the full the
blessing of peace and prosperity. We are
prepared to afford facilities for the free
discussion of the whole situation by the duly
elected representatives of constituencies in
Ireland or any part of Ireland. There are,
however, certain individuals who are gravely
implicated in the commission of crime so
serious that the Government cannot consent
to abandon their elementary duty of bringing
such persons to trial. To all members except
these individuals a safe conduct will be
granted by the Government. It should be
clearly understood that His Majesty's
Government must insist that effective
measures be taken to ensure the cessation
of murder and other crimes of violence and
the surrender of all arms unlawfully held.
I have in the House of Commons on the 16th
August and on several subsequent occasions
denned the fundamental conditions to which
any political settlement must conform. His
Majesty's Government adhere absolutely to
those conditions, and would be glad to learn
that the party which you represent are
prepared to accept them.'
424 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
' ' That is the reply which it is proposed to send
to Father 0' Flanagan.
" Let me say at once I think it is very
important to say it that there should be no
suspicion of any breach of faith if they do meet.
What I mean is that it would be very unfortunate
if the Members came to a conference under the
impression that they had a safe conduct, and
later the feeling was created that there had been
an act of treachery on the part of the British
Government. Nothing could be worse than that
from the point of view of our honour and of the
peace of Ireland. We shall certainly let them
know beforehand who are the Members to whom
we are prepared to give a safe conduct, and who
are the Members to whom we could not possibly
give a safe conduct. Due protection will be
afforded to those who have a safe conduct by the
police and by the whole Forces of the Crown, who
will be available against any possible attack upon
them.
' I come now to the second part of my state-
ment. After a good many consultations which
the Chief Secretary, my right honourable friend
the Lord Privy Seal (who is not here at present)
and I have had with many individuals who
stated that they were in communication with
representative men in Ireland, which communica-
tions might be utilised in the interests of peace,
we have come to certain conclusions. It is very
difficult, of course, to know to what extent those
persons can really speak on behalf of those they
assume to represent in this matter.
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 425
" That is no imputation upon the good faith
of those concerned not the least. My right
honourable friend opposite (Mr. Asquith) and I
during the War had to measure the value of
communications of that kind in reference to
Germany, Austria, Turkey, and other countries,
for there were constant communications with
men who came with the very best faith and a
certain amount of authority. As he knows very
well, in the vast majority of cases when we
pursued the matter we found it ended in nothing.
That was disappointing. Therefore that
experience made me a good deal more cautious
when I came to deal with men who professed to
be in a position to make peace so far as Ireland
was concerned.
" However, it is our business to give them
every opportunity, because peace is so very
important. But one thing has to be made quite
clear. I regret it. But as regards the men
whom we know to be directing the murders, I
think it will be found that they have not given
us any indication that they are prepared to
surrender upon the only terms which this country
could possibly accept, consistently either with
its own self-respect or with a prospect of
enduring peace for Ireland. I very much regret
that. We must consider that side by side with
the encouragement which we are prepared to give
to all those who are anxious for peace %nd they
are growing in numbers, in influence, and what is
much more significant, in independence. This
means that intimidation is breaking down. We
426 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
are determined to do all in our power to break up
these terrorists who are more or less organised,
because I do not think it will be possible for
Ireland to recover that independence which is
essential to her if she is to make peace, until
these men have been brought to justice or at any
rate to surrender."
Of those who made earnest endeavours to
persuade the Republican leaders to listen to
reason, two men, both members of the Catholic
Church, may be mentioned. The first is Father
O'Flanagan, referred to by the Prime Minister,
who had been associated with the Sinn Fein
Movement from the first, and was in fact one of
the vice-presidents of the Sinn Fein Executive.
As his negotiations with the Government were
taking a most favourable turn towards the close
of 1920 he encountered such opposition from the
Republican extremists that he was compelled to
abandon them. The second is Monsignor Clune,
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Perth, Western
Australia, who devoted the greater part of a
holiday in Europe to an endeavour to find a basis
of agreement between the Government and Sinn
Fein. He met with the same difficulties as hi&
predecessor, and once more the obstinacy of the
Republican extremists proved a fatal barrier to
the completion of an agreement which would have
saved Ireland from a terrible toll of murder and
destruction.
Meanwhile the Government of Ireland Bill
had been proceeding through Parliament, and
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 427
had been definitely accepted by Ulster. It
became law on 23rd December, and thus at a
stroke altered the whole political entity of
Ireland.
It is not necessary here* to set out in full the
provisions of the Act, but it may be useful to give
a general idea of their purport. Briefly, then,
the Act sets up two Parliaments for Ireland, one
for the North, that is to say for the counties of
Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, London-
derry and Tyrone, and one for the South, that is
to say the rest of Ireland. In each case the
Parliament consists of a House of Commons and
a Senate. These Parliaments are given legislative
powers in their own spheres, with certain
exceptions, of which the most important are
naval and military services, foreign relations,
and taxation. On the administrative side
certain services are reserved, either for varying
periods or until the date of Irish Union.
Complete powers are given to the Parliaments
to settle the vexed question of ' partition * for
themselves. At any time they may by identical
Acts proclaim the Union of Ireland, and
substitute a single Parliament for the two set
up by the present Act. This point is evidently
not understood by those who deride the Act under
the foolish designation of ' The Partition Act.'
Until such times as the Irish people shall have
decided to unite, a Council of Ireland is set up,
as a kind of committee of both Parliaments, to
* It is given in fuller detail in Appendix A of this volume.
428 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
deal with matters which involve both North and
South.
This Council consists of a President, to be
nominated by the Lord Lieutenant, twenty
members elected by the Parliament of Northern
Ireland, and twenty elected by the Parliament of
Southern Ireland. The appointment of these
members is to be the first business of both
Parliaments. The constitution of the Council
may, from time to time, be varied by identical
Acts passed by the two Parliaments. The
Council is given control over railway and fishery
administration throughout the country and
Private Bills affecting both parts of Ireland.
In addition to the direct powers given to the
Council it has important advisory functions. It
is to consider and advise upon any questions
affecting the welfare of both Northern and
Southern Ireland, ascertaining what services
could, in the common interest, be transferred to
a body having jurisdiction in the country as a
whole. Should the Parliaments choose to adopt
such a suggestion of the Council, they may, by
identical Acts, transfer certain of their powers
to it. Upon the declaration of the Union of
Ireland the Council automatically ceases lo
exist.
The present Act follows the Act of 1914 in
assigning to Ireland 42 members in the British
Parliament, to be elected by the existing
Parliamentary counties, boroughs or divisions, or
by groups of them ; but, unlike the previous Act,
it gives in addition representation in the British
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 429
House of Commons to the Irish Universities.
Until the next British General Election, however,
the existing Irish members will retain their seats
at Westminster.
The Act thus provides a generous measure of
Home Rule for Ireland, and may be considered
to be the only possible compromise between
conflicting views in Ireland as they exist at
present. It is impossible to solve the long-
standing Irish Question in one measure, however
comprehensive. The Government have wisely
considered that the best course to a permanent
solution lies through the grant of a definite
measure of Home Rule to Ireland, in the hope
that through the exercise of this measure, and as
the result of experience gained during its
operation, it may ultimately be possible to
develop a final and satisfactory solution to the
problem of the relation of Ireland to the British
Empire.
The problem offered to Sinn Fein by the passing
of the Act merits a moment's consideration.
The Act provides that in the event of less than
half of the members of either House of Commons
taking their seats, that part of Ireland repre-
sented by the defaulting House shall be adminis-
tered by the British authorities by what is in
effect Crown Colony government, namely by a
Legislative Council appointed by the Lord
Lieutenant. In the face of this provision Sinn
Fein has three alternatives before it : to ignore
the Act altogether, to put up candidates at the
elections who would be pledged not to take their
430 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
seats, or to renounce its ridiculous pretensions to
an independent Republic and permit its members
to sit in the Parliaments.
We may consider these alternatives in order.
Should Sinn Fein ignore the Act altogether, there
is no doubt that candidates in non-Sinn Fein
interests would come forward in more than
sufficient quantities to ensure the establishment
of a Parliament even in Southern Ireland.
The elections will be held in circumstances which
will preclude the possibility of intimidation of
electors or candidates, all who wish to record
their votes will be enabled to do so without fear
of persecution. Sinn Fein would then find itself
without a voice in the affairs of the country, and
would thus have perpetrated an even worse
strategical error than it did in 1918, when its
members refused to take their seats at West-
minster.
If Sinn Fein nominated candidates for the
election who would be pledged not to take their
oaths on election, with a view to rendering the
formation of a Southern Parliament impossible
owing to lack of sufficient members, a curious
position would arise. A vote recorded for a
Sinn Fein candidate would mean a vote recorded
for the continuance of British rule in the
country, which rule it is the whole object of Sinn
Fein to destroy, and this rule would be continued
solely by the Sinn Fein vote. A vote recorded
against Sinn Fein would, on the contrary, be a
vote in favour of the government of Ireland by
the Irish. Indeed a situation which might be
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 431
expected to appeal to the Irish People, but one
which would exhibit very clearly to their sym-
pathisers that their future destiny lies in their
own hands.
The third alternative is for Sinn Fein to
renounce the republican ideal, and to consent to
its representatives sitting in the Southern Parlia-
ment, and for that purpose taking the oath. By
what means this change of attitude could be
accomplished it is not our business to enquire.
It is not, however, beyond the bounds of rational
hope that those who are now members of the
Sinn Fein party may one day be found in session
in an Irish Parliament in Dublin, striving by
constitutional methods to secure a new ideal of a
free and unfettered Ireland within the Empire.
Nor is it difficult to conceive the British people,
convinced by the novel experience of an Ireland
capable of wise self-government, granting to her
the proud status of an autonomous Dominion.
APPENDIX A.
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND ACT, 1920.
1. WHAT THE ACT DOBS. The Government of Ireland
Act recognises the aspirations of the great bulk of the
Irish people, and gives to Ireland, South and North, a
larger measure of Home Rule than Mr. Gladstone's Bill
of 1893, the principles of which had been accepted by
Mr. Parnell, or the Government of Ireland Act, 1914,
which was accepted by Mr. Redmond. It sets up a
Parliament for Northern Ireland (i.e., the counties of
Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry and
Tyrone, and the cities of Belfast and Londonderry) and
another Parliament for Southern Ireland (i.e., the rest
of Ireland) a Government for Northen Ireland, to be
administered under Ministers who must be members of
the Parliament of Northern Ireland and responsible to
it, and a Government for Southern Ireland, to be
administered under Ministers who must be members of
the Parliament of Southern Ireland and responsible
to it.
Although at the beginning there are to be two Parlia-
ments and two Governments in Ireland, the Act con-
templates and affords every facility for union between
North and South, and empowers the two Parliaments by
mutual agreement and joint action to terminate parti-
tion and to set up one Parliament and one Government
for the whole of Ireland. With a view to the eventual
establishment of a single Parliament, and to bringing
about harmonious action between the two Parliaments
APPENDIX A. 433
and Governments, there is created a bond of union in
the meantime by means of a Council of Ireland which
is to consist of twenty representatives elected by each
Parliament and a President nominated by the Lord
Lieutenant. It will fall to the members of this body
to initiate proposals for united action on the part of
the two Parliaments and to bring forward these pro-
posals in the respective Parliaments.
2. HOW THE PARLIAMENTS ARE TO BE FORMED. Each
Parliament is to include a House of Commons and a
Senate. The members of the House of Commons are to
be elected by the people of Ireland (men and women)
on the proportional representation system.
The Senate of the Southern Parliament is to consist
of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the Lord Mayors of
Dublin and Cork, and sixty-one other members, includ-
ing four archbishops or bishops of the Roman Catholic
Church, two archbishops or bishops of the Protestant
Church of Ireland, seventeen representatives of com-
merce, labour, and the learned and scientific professions,
sixteen Irish peers, eight Irish Privy Councillors and
fourteen representatives of the county councils of
Southern Ireland.
The Senate of the Northern Parliament is to consist
of the Lord Mayor of Belfast, the Mayor of London-
derry and twenty-four other members, who are to be
elected by the Northern House of Commons on the pro-
portional representation system.
3. POWERS OF THE PARLIAMENTS. Each Parliament
will have power to make laws for the peace, order and
good government of Southern or Northern Ireland in
all matters relating exclusively to Southern or Northern
Ireland, as the case may be. Certain matters are
definitely excluded from the powers of the Parliaments
(see below), but, with these exceptions, the whole field
of legislation will be open to them.
It would be impossible to give any complete list of
CC
434 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the subjects with which the Parliaments can deal, but
the following list includes some of the matters on which
they can make new laws or alter the existing law :
Agriculture, allotments, Bills of Sale, blind and
other afflicted persons, census and statistics, charities
and non-commercial associations, such as friendly
societies, building societies and trade unions, children
(employment, cruelty, maintenance, &c.), civil rights,
companies and other commercial associations, county
courts and magistrates (resident magistrates after an
interval not exceeding three years), criminal law, death
duties, education in all its branches, factories and work-
shops, health insurance, hospitals, housing, industrial
schools and reformatories, industries, labour, labourers'
cottages, land (including land improvement and
development, relations of landlord and tenant, increase
of rent and mortgage interest, town tenants, &c.),
liquor trade, local government and local authorities
(including county councils, district councils, boards of
guardians and town commissioners), local taxation
grants [under the Malicious Injuries (Ireland) Act,
1919], mines and minerals, motor car licensing and
registration, old age pensions, piers and harbours,
police (after an interval not exceeding three years),
poor law, prisons, public health, public works (including
arterial drainage, reclamation, and afforestation),
regulation of trades, business and professions, taxation
(other than the reserved taxes), transfer, transmission
and devolution of property, unemployment and wages
boards.
4. POWERS OF THE GOVERNMENTS. All matters
within the jurisdiction of the Parliaments of Southern
Ireland and Northern Ireland will be administered by
the Governments of Southern Ireland and Northern
Ireland respectively. There will be separate Depart-
ments in Southern and Northern Ireland. It will rest
finally with each of the new Governments and Parlia-
APPENDIX A. 435
ments to decide what their Government Departments
are to be; but for each part of Ireland there will be a
Treasury, and, in all probability, Departments with
functions corresponding to those of the present Local
Government Board, Insurance Commissioners, Depart-
ment of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, Com-
missioners of National Education, Intermediate Educa-
tion Board, Board of Works, and Commissioners of
Charitable Donations and Bequests. Each new depart-
ment, or group of departments, in South or North will
have at its head a Minister of the Southern or Northern
Government who will be responsible to the Southern
Parliament or the Northern Parliament, as the case
may be, for the work of his departments. Irish
administration will thus be placed, for the first time,
under Irish control. Before the Act of Union, even in
the time of Grattan's Parliament, there were no Irish
Ministers. Irish administration was conducted by
Ministers and officials who were appointed and removed
by the British Government. They were not responsible
to the Irish Parliament.
5. POWERS OF THE COUNCIL OF IRELAND. In order to
secure necessary uniform administration throughout the
whole of Ireland three matters are placed within the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Council of Ireland, viz.,
railways, fisheries, and contagious diseases of animals.
Regarding these the Council will act as a central legisla-
tive and administrative body for the whole of Ireland,
and if the two Parliaments agree that there are any
other matters affecting the whole country which ought
properly to be administered uniformly throughout
Ireland by such a body, they can transfer those matters
to the Council.
In addition the Council will have power to pass
private Bill legislation with respect to matters affecting
interests both in Southern and Northern Ireland.
6. FINANCE. Only three descriptions of taxes are
436 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
excluded from the powers of the two Parliaments, viz.,
customs and excise, income tax (including super tax),
and any other taxes on profits. They are also pre-
cluded from imposing a general levy on capital. Apart
from these exceptions, each Parliament will have power
to impose whatever taxes it thinks proper, to be collected
by it and paid into its own Exchequer. It will also
have power to grant relief in reduction of the rate of
income tax or super tax. The descriptions of taxes
mentioned above are reserved to the United Kingdom
Government and Parliament, and will continue to be
imposed and levied by them, and the proceeds will be
paid into the United Kingdom Exchequer. But the
Act applies Irish taxes to Irish purposes, and so, after
deducting the Irish contribution to Imperial liabilities
and expenditure, and the cost of any services which
may be still administered in Ireland by the United
Kingdom Government (see below), the whole balance
will be paid over to the Southern and Northern
Exchequers.
The annuities payable by tenants who have bought
their holdings under the Land Purchase Acts are to be
collected by the Southern and Northern Governments.
Instead of having to pay over the sums so collected, the
Governments will retain them, thus acquiring a free
surplus revenue (estimated to amount to something over
three and a quarter millions) for their own use. They
will, however, be accountable to the United Kingdom
Government for any new purchase annuities.
It is not possible to forecast accurately the amount
of revenue that will be at the disposal of the two
Parliaments to meet the requirements of their respective
Governments, but it is estimated that on the existing
basis of Revenue and Expenditure they will have
between them a surplus of over seven and a half millions
in hand, after paying the contribution to Imperial
liabilities and expenditure, and meeting the cost of the
APPENDIX A. 437
reserved services still administered by the United King-
dom Government and the cost of their own services.
In addition, each Government is to receive from the
Imperial Exchequer the initial cost of providing the
necessary buildings and equipment for the accommoda-
tion of the new Parliament and Public departments.
For the purposes of the financial provisions of the
Act a Joint Exchequer Board is established, whose duty
it will be to determine various questions affecting the
financial relations of Great Britain and Ireland and of
Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland. The Board is
to consist of two members to be appointed by the
Treasury of the United Kingdom, one member to be
appointed by the Treasury of Southern Ireland, one
member to be appointed by the Treasury of Northern
Ireland, and a Chairman to be appointed by His
Majesty.
7. IRISH CONTRIBUTION TO IMPERIAL LIABILITIES AND
EXPENDITURE. Ireland is to make an annual contri-
bution to Imperial liabilities and expenditure. For
each of the first two years the contribution is fixed
provisionally at 18,000,000, of which 56 per cent, is
to be borne by Southern Ireland and 44 per cent, by
Northern Ireland. After the end of the second year
the contributions are to be revised by the Joint
Exchequer Board and to be fixed according to the rela-
tive taxable capacities of Southern Ireland and
Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom, and, should
the Board be of opinion that the 18,000,000 contri-
buted in each of the first two years was excessive, or
that the amount of the contribution in those years ought
to have been apportioned between South and North in
some other manner, the excess payments are to be
credited to Ireland or to South or North, as the case may
be, and the accounts adjusted accordingly.
8. JUDICATURE. The present Supreme Court for the
whole of Ireland is to be abolished, and in its place
438 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
there is to be a Supreme Court for Southern Ireland, a
Supreme Court for Northern Ireland and a High Court
of Appeal for all Ireland to which appeals will lie from
each of the new Supreme Courts. Decisions of the new
High Court of Appeal for Ireland will be subject to an
appeal to the House of Lords. The office of the Lord
Chancellor of Ireland is to cease to be a political or
executive office, and the Lord Chancellor is to be Presi-
dent of the High Court of Appeal for Ireland.
9. MATTERS EXCLUDED FROM THE JURISDICTION OF THE
PARLIAMENTS AND GOVERNMENTS. Certain subjects are
excluded expressly from the powers of the two Parlia-
ments and Governments. They fall into two broad
groups : first, matters of Imperial concern ; and,
secondly, matters affecting external trade and com-
merce, as regards which it is important to maintain a
uniform system throughout the United Kingdom.
Within the first group come the Crown, the making of
peace and war, treaties and foreign relations, and naval,
military and air force matters.
Within the second group come trade with places out-
side the area of the Parliament, marine navigation,
merchant shipping, &c., also customs and excise; but,
on Irish union, the Joint Exchequer Board is to take
into consideration the transfer to the United Parlia-
ment and Government of the powers of imposing cus-
toms duties and excise duties, and to report thereon to
the Parliament of the United Kingdom and the Parlia-
ment of Ireland.
Certain other subjects are temporarily reserved to the
United Kingdom Parliament and Government, viz.,
the postal service, post office and trustee savings banks,
designs for stamps, the registration of deeds and the
Public Record Office of Ireland. All these subjects
can, however, if the two Parliaments so dasire, be
transferred at any time to the Council of Ireland, and
when a single Parliament and Government is established
APPENDIX A. 439
^
for the whole of Ireland these subjects must be trans-
ferred to the United Parliament and Government, unless
the Southern or Northern Parliament prefer that they
should continue under United Kingdom control.
Land purchase is also reserved to the United King-
dom Parliament and Government, the completion of
land purchase being a matter which requires the assis-
tance of Imperial credit. This reservation does not,
however, include the general functions of the Congested
Districts Board.
Matters relating to the Supreme Courts of Southern
Ireland and Northern Ireland are reserved until a single
Parliament has been established for the whole of
Ireland.
9 A. REMOVAL OF RELIGIOUS DISABILITIES AND PRE-
VENTION OF RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION. The Act prO-
vides that no subject of His Majesty is to be disqualified
to hold the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on
account of his religious belief, thus repealing any
statutory disqualification of Roman Catholics for this
office. It also repeals any existing enactments imposing
penalties, disadvantages or disabilities on account of
religious belief, or upon members of religious orders,
as such.
The Parliaments are precluded from making laws
directly or indirectly prohibiting or restricting the free
exercise of any religion, or giving any preference *r
imposing any disability on account of religious belief
or religious or ecclesiastical status, and, similarly, the
executive is precluded from conferring any preference
or advantage or imposing any disability or disadvantage
upon any person on account of religious belief.
10. REPRESENTATION OF IRELAND IN THE UNITED KING-
DOM HOUSE OF COMMONS. The present representation of
Ireland in the United Kingdom House of Commons is
to be reduced from 105 members to 46, but this reduc-
tion is not to be effected before the next dissolution of
440 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
the United Kingdom Parliament. This gives Irishmen
the power to take part in legislation affecting the United
Kingdom as well as managing their own affairs under
the new Act.
11. CIVIL SERVANTS AND MEMBERS OF THE POLICE
TORCES. The Civil Servants who are employed in the
existing public departments will be transferred to the
Governments of Southern and Northern Ireland when
the work of the existing departments is taken over by
those Governments, and the Act contains provisions for
securing to these transferred Civil Servants the continu-
ance of their present salaries and terms of employment,
and for protecting them against arbitary dismissal or
unjust treatment and enabling them to retire volun-
tarily on pension if they so desire. A Civil Service
Committee is to be established to carry out these pro-
visions and to determine any questions that may arise
as to the rights and claims of Civil Servants and as to
the manner in which they are to be allocated between
the Governments of Southern and Northern Ireland.
The Act contains provisions of a similar character
with reference to the members of the Royal Irish Con-
stabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan Police on the
transfer of those forces to the new Governments.
12. DATES ON WHICH THE ACT IS TO COME INTO FORCE.
The Act is to come into force normally on the 2nd
August, 1921, but His Majesty in Council may fix an
earlier date as the date when the Act as a whole or any
particular provision is to come into force or may fix a
later date, not being later than the 2nd March, 1922,
provided that the two Parliaments must be summoned
to meet on or before the 2nd December, 1921.
13. REFUSAL TO " WORK THE ACT." The members of
each Parliament before they sit as members will be
required to take an oath in the following form, but a
solemn affirmation or declaration to the same effect may
be substituted in certain cases, viz. :
APPENDIX A. 441
"I do swear that I will be
faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King
George, his heirs and successors according to law, so
help me God : "
This is the oath of allegiance which must be taken
not only by the members of the Parliament of the
United Kingdom but also by the members of the Parlia-
ments of the self-governing dominions, Australia, South
Africa, and Newfoundland. A similar oath is taken by
the members of the Parliaments of Canada and New
Zealand.
If a majority of the total number of members of the
House of Commons of Southern Ireland or Northern
Ireland fail to take this oath within fourteen days
after the date fixed for the first meeting of the Parlia-
ment of Southern Ireland or Northern Ireland as the
case may be, then it will be assumed that Southern
Ireland or Northern Ireland is not willing to accept the
system of Parliamentary Government proposed by the
Act, and thereupon the Parliament of Southern Ireland
or Northern Ireland as the case may be will be dissolved
and its place will be taken by a Legislative Assembly
appointed by His Majesty, and the Government of
Southern Ireland or Northern Ireland as the case may
be will be administered by the Lord Lieutenant with
the assistance of a Committee of members of the Privy
Council of Ireland appointed for the purpose by His
Majesty.
The failure of one part of Ireland will not affect the
operation of the Act in the other part of Ireland except
in so far as it will postpone the possibility of the estab-
lishment of a united Parliament and Government for
the whole of Ireland.
It will therefore be for Irishmen themselves to decide
in the near future whether they will themselves take up
the reins of Government in their own country or be
ruled by the Government of the United Kingdom under
a system analogous to Crown Colony Government.
APPENDIX B.
On 16th November, 1920, during a raid by the
Forces of the Crown in Dublin, a number of
papers belonging to Richard Mulcahy, the
' Chief of Staff ' of the ' Irish Republican
Army ' were captured. The following docu-
ments were among them :
GLANDERS IN HORSES.
"It should be possible to give horses Glanders. I
know they can be inoculated, but that method would
be impossible. The disease is got from Harness and by
putting a horse in a stable from which an infected horse
had been removed. Therefore, it should be possible to
pass the infection by means of doctoring the oats, and
it should be possible to get the oats at Railway Stations
and so forth.
" METHOD : Any Doctor or V. Surgeon will be able
to tell you how to grow the microbes. If they don't
know they can look it up in any text book on
Bacteriology. It is necessary to get a fresh culture,
that is, microbes grown from the discharge of an in-
fected horse. This should be easily got round the
Veterinary College or some place. Microbes kept in a
Laboratory lose their virulence with each sub-culture.
If you get the microbes they can be grown in a chicken
incubator if you can't get them grown in a laboratory.
Any Doctor can find out the medium in which they
grow. Assume you have half a pint of active microbes,
then : take a hollow stick or piece of piping. Get
another stick to fit in this like a ramrod of a gun. Put
APPENDIX B. 443
this stick down in the sack of oats. Withdraw the ram-
rod. Then pour in the microbes while you, at the same
time, withdraw the hollow stick or piping. In this
way you can distribute the microbes from the bottom
of the sack to the top without disturbing the oats, and
it can be done quickly.
" CAUTION : Operator must not allow any of the
fluid on his hands or clothes. The stick and bottle
should be burned after use.
" A couple of thousand horses infected would make
a sensation. Saddles, etc. would have to be burned,
and stables disinfected.
" TROOPS THEMSELVES : How about spreading
Typhoid Fever among them? I know of no other
ordinary disease that could be spread among them with
safety to the rest of the population. They might
retaliate, but that is for consideration.
" To get Typhoid Fever one must eat or drink the
Typhoid Bacillus (or microbe). It is easy getting fresh
and virulent cultures. The best medium of conveying
it is through the milk. They multiply rapidly in the
milk. They can also be conveyed in the water, but
through the water is difficult, unless there are special
cisterns or tanks near each place into which a pint or
so could be poured.
The milk is far the best medium, but is milk used?
It can be investigated.
" CAUTION : There is no danger to the operator
unless he gets the microbes on hands or clothes. The
Cans would have to get special attention after the in-
fected milk had been emptied. They could, in turn,
convey the disease to the civil population. If theee
ideas are of any use you will need expert advice, so I
need not go into the matter further.
" If these are thought practical let me know and I'll
study other things on same line in the hope of discover-
444 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
ing possibilities. At the moment I can't think of any-
thing else in that line.
" Give my regards to all and hope the success will
continue. I enjoyed my visit, and will now feel in
personal touch more than ever. God bless you all."
There were also detailed schemes for the
destruction of Stuart Street Power House, Man-
chester, and the docks and cotton warehouses at
Liverpool. An extract from the document deal-
ing with Manchester is as follows :
MEMORANDUM RE STUART STREET POWER
HOUSE, MANCHESTER.
" This place is worked by three shifts, namely, 6 to
2 ; 2 to 10, and 10 to 6. The best day for an operation
would be Sunday, say about 9 a.m. as there is a mini-
mum number of men working in the station. This place
is undoubtedly of great importance not only in
connection with the tramways, but also with the coal
mines in the vicinity. I attach herewith a sketch plan
(not drawn to scale) showing the lay-out of the place.
The principal points to be attacked are 10 Turbines in
the Engine Room, 10 Balancers, the Switch Board and
the Large Marine Type Engine.
" The plan of operation would be somewhat as
follows :
" At the appointed time 6 men enter the time office,
of whom 3 should immediately go to the telephone and
hold up the system, while the other 3 should remain in
the office and hold up any person who may happen to be
there. A second party of 6 should enter the gate
marked A ; 3 of these 6 should remain at the gate to
admit the motor car carrying tools, and the other 3
should go to fitting shop and take up position at gate of
APPENDIX B. 445
same, this shop to be used as a place to hold any persons
who were rounded up inside the works. The third party
of 6 should be divided as follows : 2 to take up position
at the door of the general office to keep persons from
coming out, 2 at the outside of gate marked B for the
same purpose, and 2 at the end of the line marked L.
The demolition party should then enter the main gate,
30 men to the Engine room, 3 for each Turbine, 2 armed
with sledges and 1 with oil and waste. The first 2
should destroy the casing while the third should, by
means of the oil, set fire to the casing. Ten others
should destroy the casing of the balancers and also
destroy by fire. Four men armed with 7-lb. hammers,
can easily destroy Switchboard, 3 others with hatchets
and oil will attack the marine engine. The total num-
ber of men required as outlined above is 65 with say, &
officers. You will find attached a report by G. H.
which explains the location of the very important
pumping stations at Clayton Vale. I consider the best
method of attacking this is to destroy the Crank, for
which purpose 30-lbs. of * g.c. ' will be adequate. Six
men will be required for this operation."
The Liverpool scheme is interesting because a
part of it, the destruction of cotton warehouses,
was actually put into operation with partial
success on 28th November, 1920.
MEMORANDUM RE LIVERPOOL.
" In its main features, the scheme as outlined by
your friend T. K. can be carried out. It will of course
be impossible to make a clean sweep of the whole line of
docks. If men and material are available a large
amount of work can be done but the amount to be done
must be regulated by these conditions. I submit a
446 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
scheme for dealing with 21 points. This scheme in-
volves the use of 800-lbs. of ' g,' 23 engineers, 75 rank
and file and about 20 others, 98 revolvers.
' ' The scheme is carried out as follows :
1. Dislocation of Telephone communication.
2. Holding up all Dock Board Police.
3. The opening of inner- gates by means of the
pumps.
4. Demolition of these pumps, 4 in number.
5. Demolition of 8 gates.
" The pumps used for opening the gates are a
different set to those used for pumping water into the
docks. It is necessary to open the inner gates before
blowing up the outer and for this operation it would be
necessary to use these pumps in addition to having men
operating at the inner gates.
" There are four Power Stations containing pumps
for the opening of the gates. These pumps could be
destroyed by the use of 200-lbs. of ' g,' 4 engineers, 20
rank and file and 24 revolvers.
" For the whole job as outlined I estimate the total
number of men required is 23 officers, 27 engineers and
75 rank and file. It would, I think, be necessary for the
officers, or many of them, to reside in the locality for
at least one week before the operation and to complete
the arrangements as outlined above, I consider it would
take three weeks from date.
"If it is not considered feasible to carry out such a
large operation as outlined, a portion might be selected
from the Schedule attached hereto which gives in detail
the name of each gate, method of dealing with it, num-
ber of men required, number of enemy forces to be
dealt with and the line of approach and retreat. For
instance, it might be decided to tackle only the Canada
Dock. This would only require 100-lbs. of ' g,' say 10
men, or perhaps two or three docks might be tackled
requiring a proportionate number of men and material,
APPENDIX B. 447
but in any event I would strongly recommend that the
four power stations be dealt with.
" I adhere to the view already expressed that the
blowing up of a dock gate will not result in a rush of
water sufficient to carry any large ship into the river.
The most that can be expected from such an operation
is that a boat would lie down and be seriously damaged.
" The diversions suggested would consist of numerous
fires in cotton and other warehouses, starting half an
hour before other operations."
The scheme in detail follows.
APPENDIX C.
i
A statement issued to the Press by the Irish
Government on the 20th April, 1920, defining
the status of, and treatment to be accorded to,
those prisoners in Mount joy Prison, Dublin, then
awaiting trial, charged under the Defence of
the Realm Regulations, Reg. 14b. (See page 84).
The Irish Government think it right to at once define
and make public the treatment to which persons arrested
and imprisoned will in future be entitled when in
custody.
The following provisions have accordingly been made,
and will be adhered to.
The general principle which has been adopted, and
which is now enunciated in detail, is, that persona
arrested and imprisoned for political offences shall be
treated as political prisoners, and shall be entitled to be
differently treated, both as regards place of confinement
and treatment therein, to persons arrested and im-
prisoned for ordinary criminal offences.
It is also thought desirable, in order to avoid possible
future misconception, to state that the following offences
shall not be deemed to be political offences, even though
the motive for such offences may be, or may be alleged
to be, a political motive :
(a) Homicide, assaults, or similar offences,
against the person.
(6) Burglary, housebreaking, larceny, malicious
damage, cattle-driving, or similar offences
against property.
(c) Riot; carrying, keeping, or having firearms,
ammunition or explosive substances; unlaw-
APPENDIX C. 449
ful assembly (as defined by Common Law or
by Statute, but not by an assembly rendered
unlawful merely because it is a meeting of a
political or suppressed association) ; speaking
or writing words inciting or encouraging
persons to commit any of the offences set out
at (a), (6), or (c).
All persons committed to prison for a political
offence, who have not been tried, shall from the time
of their commitment be granted the special ameliora-
tive treatment set out in Schedule A annexed hereto.
As soon as arrangements can be made, after a person
is committed to prison for a political offence, he shall be
detained in a place of confinement in which ordinary
criminals are not detained, and shall, on reception into
such a place, be entitled, in addition to the ameliora-
tions in Schedule A, to the further ameliorations set out
in Schedule B.
Prisoners bound over to keep the peace and be of good
behaviour, and who have been committed to prison in
default of giving sureties, shall be dealt with as
prisoners who have not been tried, and if the offence
disclosed in the warrant is a political offence, shall
receive the treatment of a political prisoner who has not
been tried, and if the offence disclosed in the warrant
is not a political offence, shall receive the treatment of
an ordinary untried prisoner.
Prisoners who have been tried for a political offence
before any Court, and have been convicted, shall, unless
sentenced to penal servitude, undergo their imprison-
ment in a place in which ordinary criminal prisoners
are not detained for punishment. They shall be en-
titled to the ameliorative treatment of untried political
prisoners as set out in Schedule A and B, except that
they :
(i) Shall not be permitted freedom of movement
within the precincts of the prison, or association or
DD
450 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
conversation between prisoners, save at such limited
times during each as the Governor shall consider
reasonable.
(ii) Shall not be entitled to more than one visit
per week from one person.
(iii) Shall only be entitled to write and receive
one letter per week, except under such special cir-
cumstances as the Governor and the Visiting Com-
mittee shall consider reasonable.
The special treatment for political prisoners set out
above is conditional upon an orderly submission to the
rules and regulations prescribed for such prisoners.
Should any such prisoner refuse to carry out such rules
and regulations he shall be liable to forfeit any or all of
the ameliorations, and may be removed to a different
prison.
If a prisoner who when first committed to prison is
entitled to the treatment of a political prisoner should
be subsequently charged with an offence which is not
political, he shall be entitled to treatment as a political
prisoner until such time as he shall be returned for
trial or tried. If convicted of such non-political offence
he shall lose his right to the ameliorative treatment,
and shall thereafter be treated as an ordinary prisoner.
If a prisoner is committed to prison pending trial for
an offence which in the opinion of the Irish Law Officers
is a non-political offence, and the prisoner claims that
the offence is a political one, and that he is, therefore,
entitled to political treatment, the question shall be at
once referred for decision in accordance with the rules
hereinbefore set forth to a Committee of three composed
as follows :
One member of the Visiting Committee of the prison
where the prisoner is confined to be nominated by the
prisoner ;
One member of the same Visiting Committee to be
nominated by the Chief Secretary for Ireland, or in his
APPENDIX C. 451
absence by the Under-Secretary for Ireland;
The Committee to be presided over by one of His
Majesty's Judges.
The names of three Judges who will be willing to
act being placed on a rota and taken in turn. If one
Judge is unable to act in any particular case, the Judge
next on the list to act in such case. Should the prisoner
decline to nominate a member of the Visiting Com-
mittee to act on such special Committee, the members
of the Visiting Committee will themselves nominate one
of their number so to act. Should the member of any
Visiting Committee so nominated or both of them be
unable or decline to act a second nomination shall be
made by the person entitled. Should all the members
of any Visiting Committee decline or be unable to act,
the question shall be referred to the Judge alone for
his decision.
In addition to the Visiting Judges appointed to visit
prisons under the Prisons (Ireland) Act, 1877, his
Excellency the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland as regards
the special prisons and places of confinement men-
tioned herein in which political prisoners tried and
untried will be confined, will request the Roman
Catholic and Protestant Bishops of the Dioceses in which
such selected prisoners are situated to act as special
visitors to such prisons and places of confinement, and
to report on any matter which they may think right to
report upon to his Excellency.
SCHEDULE A.
(i) Shall be kept apart from other classes of prisoners.
(ii) Shall be exempted from a bath on reception.
(iii) Shall be searched only by an officer specially
appointed for that purpose.
(iv) Shall be allowed to occupy a room or cell
furnished with suitable bedding and other articles, in
addition to, or different from those furnished for
ordinary cells.
452 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
(v) Shall be allowed at own cost the assistance of some
person appointed by the Governor to relieve the pri-
soner from the performance of any unaccustomed tasks
or offices.
(vi) Shall be allowed unconvicted prisoners' diet, or
to supply at own cost, own food, subject to the under-
mentioned restrictions as to supply :
Due notice to be given beforehand.
Food to be received only at such times as are fixed
for that purpose, and to be inspected, if considered
necessary by the officers of the prison.
Not to receive or purchase during the 24 hours more
than one pint of malt liquor, fermented liquor, cider,
or wine.
(vii) Shall be entitled to wear own clothes.
(viii) Shall be exempted, if desired, from hair-
cutting and shaving.
(ix) Shall be allowed, at own expense, to have sup-
plied such books, newspapers, or other means of occu-
pation other than those furnished by the prison, as are
not, in the opinion of the Governor, of an objectionable
kind.
(x) Shall be exempted from obligation to work.
(xi) Shall be allowed to write one letter daily to
relations or friends, and to receive one letter daily, and
to write and receive such additional letters for special
reasons as the Visiting Committee shall approve.
(xii) Shall be permitted to smoke, unless forbidden
by the medical officer on medical grounds.
SCHEDULE B.
(i) Freedom and movement within the precincts, and
association and conversation between prisoners between
the hours of 9 a.m. and 6 p.m. subject to orderly
behaviour.
(ii) Two visits a week by one person on each occasion
will be allowed.
APPENDIX D.
SINN FEIN.*
SCHEME OF ORGANISATION, RULES, &C.
The Sinn Fein Organisation shall include a President,
two Vice-Presidents, two Hon. Secretaries, two Hon.
Treasurers, four National Trustees, an annual Ard-
Fheis, an Ard-Chomhairle (with its standing Commit-
tee), Comhairli Ceanntair and Cumainn.
Membership shall be open to all adults of Irish birth
and parentage, irrespective of sex, class, or creed, who
accept the Constitution of Sinn Fein save that no
member of the British armed forces, nor pensioner
thereof, nor any person who has taken an oath of
allegiance to the British Government, shall be eligible
so long as he retains the office or position involving that
oath.
All elections throughout the Organisation shall be by
ballot, and all positions specified in these Regulations
shall be honorary.
No person shall be eligible to, or competent to hold,
the same honorary office in any Cumann or Comhairle of
the Organisation, after the Ard-Fheis of 1917, for more
than two consecutive years.
ARD-FHEIS.
1. The supreme Governing and Legislative Body
shall be the Ard-Fheis, which shall be convened yearly,
and shall consist of :
* This is an exact reprint of the pamphlet mentioned on page 389.
454 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
(a) The President, Vice-Presidents, Secretaries,
Treasurers, and Standing Committee of the
Ard-Chomhairle.
(b) ONE delegate from each Comhairle Ceanntair.
(c) Two delegates from each duly affiliated
Cumann.
Cumainn having a paid-up membership of 150 shall
be entitled to three delegates; 200 to FOUR, and 250 to
five, on payment of 1 in addition to the affiliation fee
for each delegate ABOVE TWO, but in no case may any
Cumainn have more than five delegates.
Members of the Ard-Chomhairle (other than its
Standing Committee) and members of the Dail Eireann
(Constituent Assembly or National Parliament) who
have not been chosen as delegates from their own clubs
or Comhairli Ceanntair shall be entitled to be present
at the Ard-Fheis and to speak, but shall not have a vote.
2. The place and date of meeting of the Annual Ard-
Fheis, as well as rules governing its procedure, shall be
at the discretion of the Ard-Chomhairle, and shall be
announced two months in advance. Clubs must be
affiliated at least three months prior to Convention;
delegates chosen, and their names forwarded to Head-
quarters at least five weeks prior to the date of the open-
ing of the Ard-Fheis.
Nominations for the Ard-Chomhairle and Resolutions
for the Ard-Fheis must also be received five weeks in
advance.
Cards of admission and copies of the Ard-Fheis
Agenda (including reports of officers, balance sheet, and
list of nominees for the Ard-Chomhairle, Presidency,
etc.), must be forwarded to delegates at least nine days
in advance.
3. An Extraordinary Ard-Fheis may be summoned
for a special purpose on a requisition endorsed by
either :
(a) The Standing Committee, unanimously;
APPENDIX D. 455
(b) Two-thirds of the Ard-Chomhairle ;
(c) Ten Comhairli Ceanntair ;
(d) 200 Cumainn of at least six months standing.
The Standing Committee in such cases shall have
discretionary power either to summon the delegates
chosen for the previous Ard Fheis, or to direct all
Cumainn of three months standing to choose delegates
anew.
At least one clear week's notice must be given to
delegates.
4. Delegates to an Ard-Fheis must be bona-fide resi-
dent members of at least three months' standing in the
Cumainn they are to represent.
The delegate chosen by a Comhairle Ceanntair must
be a member of that body.
Substitutes for delegates incapacitated by illness, etc.,
may be allowed at the discretion of the Standing
Committee but they must in all cases be previously
chosen at a duly convened meeting of their Cumainn or
Chomhairle Ceanntair.
5. Resolutions for the Ard-Fheis must stand in the
names of either :
(a) The Standing Committee;
(b) The Ard-Chomhairle ;
(c) A Cumann;
(d) A member of the Standing Committee.
In cases (a) (b) the resolution must be passed
UNANIMOUSLY at a meeting of these bodies duly
summoned with adequate notice of the motion given.
Cumainn alone shall have power to nominate
candidates for the Board of Officers or for membership
of the Ard-Chomhairle.
6. The aims of Sinn Fein as set forth in the
" Constitution " may not be altered or amended except
by a two-third vote at an Ard-Fheis, on the Agenda of
which notice of the proposed alteration or amendment
has duly appeared.
456 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
All other changes may be made by an Ard-Fheis on
the usual majority vote, and shall take immediate
effect if the Ard-Fheis so desire.
ARD-CHOMHAIELE .
1. The Ard-Chomhairle shall consist of:
(a) Officers' Board, viz. : The President, two Vice-
Presidents, two Hon. Secretaries and two Hon.
Treasurers ;
(b) Twenty-four members, of whom at least twelve
must be ready to attend WEEKLY meetings in
DUBLIN ;
(c) One representative from each of the
Parliamentary Divisions in which there are
at least five affiliated Clubs, and one from each
Parliamentary Division of a Borough in which
there is a membership of at least 300; in the
case of a double-member constituency two
representatives to be chosen, if there be at least
600 members.
(d) Not more than twenty co-opted members,
power of cooption being at the discretion of
the Ard-Chomhairle, but no member to be
co-opted on less than a two-third vote of the
entire Ard-Chomhairle.
Nominations for (a) and (b) and for (c) lie with the
Cumainn only.
Elections for (a) (b) are to be by ballot at the annual
Ard-Fheis, and for (c) by ballot of the Comdala
Ceanntair to be held in each constituency within one
month after the Annual Ard-Fheis.
Unless elected in classes (a), (b), (c) and (d) the
National Trustees shall be ex-officio members of the
Ard-Chomhairle without a vote.
No member shall be eligible for nomination on the
Ard-Chomhairle unless he has been at least six months
a member of a Cumann.
APPENDIX D. 457
2. When the Ard-Fheis is not in session the supreme
direction and government of the organisation shall
reside in the Ard-Chomhairle, which shall have plenary
powers except as regards changes in the Constitution
(which are altogether ultra vires). Modifications or
amendments of other decisions affirmed at an Ard-Fheis
can be affected by the Ard-Chomhairle only on a two-
third vote at an ordinary meeting after due notice of the
intended alteration has been given to all its members.
The Ard-Chomhairle shall have power to make rules,
bye-laws, etc., in accordance with the spirit of the
Constitution.
3. Between five and seven weeks after the Annual
Ard-Fheis the first meeting of the Ard-Chomhairle
shall be summoned. It shall thereat appoint from
amongst its members directors of the several depart-
ments into which it decides to sub-divide its activities.
These directors (who must all be prepared to attend
weekly meetings in Dublin) shall, with the " Officer
Board," form a Standing Committee, to which the
Ard-Chomhairle will be at liberty to delegate such
powers, functions and duties as it may deem expedient.
Until the constituency representatives have been
elected and the first meeting of the Ard-Chomhairle
held, the Officer Board and the twenty-four members
elected by the Ard-Fheis shall exercise the functions of
the Standing Committee.
4. Members of the Standing Committee who shall
absent themselves without satisfactory reasons from
four consecutive meetings shall be deemed to have
vacated their seats.
A seat or office on the Ard-Chomhairle rendered
casually vacant by any cause shall be filled or not at
the discretion of the Ard-Chomhairle, which shall also
have power to direct in what manner the selection shall
be made.
458 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
5. The ordinary meetings of the Ard-Chomhairle will
be held quarterly (once in each of the four provinces)
and of the Standing Committee weekly (in Dublin) on
stated days. A special meeting of these bodies can be
summoned on three days' notice by a majority of the
Standing Committee or by the President on a requisition
signed by at least one-third^ of the total membership.
One of the quarterly meetings of the Ard-Chomhairle
shall be its annual meeting, which must be held at such
a time as will allow of its recommendations, balance
sheets, reports, etc., being inserted in Ard-Fheis
Agenda.
One-fourth of the total membership of these bodies
shall constitute a quorum except for routine business.
6. The Ard-Chomhairle and Standing Committee
shall be competent to settle its own rules of procedure,
which shall be communicated to each member
immediately he or she is adopted.
7. Members of the Ard-Chomhairle may attend and
speak, but may not vote, at any ordinary meeting of
the Standing Committee. They shall have the same
rights as regards any meeting of any Cumainn or
Comhairle within the organisation.
8. A member of the Standing Committee shall be
entitled to ask for and to examine at any time the roll
of members, the minute book and accounts of any
Cumainn or Comhairle. Any member of the Ard-
Chomhairle shall, if appointed by the Ard-Chomhairle
to represent it, have the same rights.
9. A member of the Ard-Chomhairle holding a public
representative position shall be expelled the organisation
if the Ard-Chomhairle, on holding an inquiry, decides
by a two-thirds majority that he has violated the spirit
of the Constitution by his vote or other public actions.
10. No member of the Ard-Chomhairle may seek or
accept for himself or any other person any place or
position at the disposal of the British Government
APPENDIX D. 459
COMHAIRLI CEANNTAIR.
1. Within one month after the termination of the
Ard-Fheis, a Convention (Comhdhail) shall be held in
each Parliamentary Constituency to elect
(a) The Constituency Representative on the Ard-
Chomhairle (Governing Body);
(b) The Officer Board (viz., President, two Vice-
Presidents, two Hon. Secretaries, and two
Hon. Treasurers) for the Chomhairle Ceanntair
(Constituency Executive) ; and
(c) Its Standing Committee.
This Convention shall consist of
(a) The Officer Board of the outgoing Comhairle
(Executive) ;
(b) Two delegates from each duly affiliated Cumann
(Club) within the Constituency.
2. The new Officer Board and the delegates sent by
the Clubs shall constitute the permanent Comhairle
Ceanntair for the direction and government of the
Organisation within the Constituency. It shall meet
at least quarterly, and shall sanction the Reports, the
Lists of Cumainn and their membership, Audited
Balance Sheets, etc., for transmission to Headquarters
in time for the Quarterly Meetings of the Ard-
Chomhairle.
3. Each Comhairle Ceanntair may co-opt at its
discretion not more than five members, on a two-third
vote of entire membership. Its Standing Committee
may have delegated to it such powers, duties, and
functions as the Comhairle Ceanntair may determine,
and shall meet as often as may be necessary.
4. In forming its Standing Committee the
advisability of having a representative from each
County Council Electoral District should be considered.
N.B. Clubs are recommended to send its Secretary
as one of its representatives to this Comhdhail
(Convention). In very exceptional circumstances, on
460 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
special application to Headquarters, variations of the
above may be made by the Ard-Chomhairle.
CUMAINN.
1. Membership of the Organisation shall be
obtainable only through membership of a Cumann.
2. A Cumann shall, as far as possible, be established
in each Chapel District in rural areas and in every
Ward in cities or towns.
3. A Cumann shall consist of not less than 15
members, and shall be directed by a Committee
composed of a President, Vice-President, Secretary, two
Treasurers, and not less than three others elected
annually by the members of the Cumann.
4. Candidates for membership must be proposed and
seconded by two members, and their nominations be
sent to the Committee of the Cumainn, which shall
accept or reject the nomination at its next meeting.
5. Application or nomination for membership of a
Cumann shall be deemed to be adoption of the
objects and methods of the Organisation and submission
to its rules for the time being in force, including the
rule that no member or ex-member shall have any right
as against a Club or against any of its members or
officers in respect of any act or omission done in
pursuance of its rules.
6. The membership fee shall be I/- per annum.
Each Cumann shall forward monthly one-fourth of
the fees thus received to its Comhairle Ceanntair, and
the remaining three-fourths to the Ard-Chomhairle.
7. In addition to the membership fee, a Cumann
shall have power to levy on its members such further
periodical sum or sums as it may think fit or find
necessary, provided it obtains the sanction of its
Comhairle Ceanntair.
It may also raise funds by concerts, etc., on receiving
a similar licence from the Comhairle.
8. Every Cumann shall keep, in strict custody, a
APPENDIX D. 461
roll of its members, a minute book, and an account of
its receipts and expenditure.
9. Every Cumann shall pay an annual affiliation fee
of 2 to the Hon. Treasurers of the Ard-Chomhairle.
10. The Ard-Chomhairle shall have power to refuse
affiliation of any Cumann or to suspend a Cumann by a
majority vote, or to expel a Cumann by a two-third
vote of the members present at any regular meeting.
A Cumann shall be competent, by vote of an
absolute majority of its members present at a meeting
duly convened with notice of the business, to expel any
of its members, or supersede any of its officers before
expiry of his normal term, for adequate cause, subject
to a right of appeal to the Comhairle Ceanntair and an
ultimate appeal to the Ard-Chomhairle.
All charges against members must be made in
writing; the member or members so charged shall be
notified by the Secretary to appear at the next meeting
of the Club to answer said charge or charges.
11. Any difference arising within a Cumann, or
between Cumainn, which the body or bodies concerned
are unable to settle, shall be referred to and settled by
the Comhairle Ceanntair.
12. Any member of a Cumann holding that any
particular decision of the Cumann is contrary to the
principles, objects or policy of the Organisation may
require a statement of such decision, signed by the
President, Secretary and Objector, to be sent for
consideration to the Comhairle Ceanntair. Any
matter of difference arising thus or otherwise may,
after decision by the Comhairle Ceanntair, be submitted
to the Ard-Chomhairle for ultimate decision.
13. No Cumann shall be named after any living
person; and if any such name be adopted it shall be
ignored.
P. Mahon, Printer, Yarnhall Street, Dublin.
INDEX.
Act, The Arms, 188.
, Defence of the Realm, 190
194.
, Drummond's, 270, 294.
, Government of Ireland, 397,
427431, App. A.
, Restoration of Order in
Ireland, 411414.
Acts concerning Arms, 186 195.
,Police, 269273.
Agricultural Prosperity in Cork,
45.
Aimes, Lieut., Murder of, 155.
Ambushes, see ' OUTRAGES/
, plans for, 136.
America, see ' UNITED STATES.'
Anderson, Sir John, becomes
Under-Secretary, 86.
An T'Oglac, 8, 8n, 10, 132, 174,
176, 179, 229, 275, 323.
Arms Act, The, 188.
Arms, Importation of, by National
Volunteers, 2; by Ulster Volun-
teers, 1, 2.
, Legislation concerning, 186
195
,' Raids for, 52, 196, 209 :
methods of, 199; statistics of,
198.
, Surrender of, 193.
Arrests, Table of, in 1920, 99.
Ashbourne, fight at, 30.
Aude, sunk, 18n.
Auxiliary Division, The, 281
285; Lord French's Speech to,
284; Strength of in 1920, 145;
in January, 1921, 283.
Baggally, Captain, Murder of, 156.
Balbriggan, Outrage and Re-
prisal at, 310314.
Ballycrovane Coast Guard Station
raided, 208.
Ballymacelligott, Outrage at, 373
380.
Baronies, Irish, 271n.
Barracks, destruction of, 228230.
, raids on, 203206.
Belfast, rioting in, 344352; Sinn
Fein activities in, 341.
Bell, Mr. Alan, his murder, 80,
81, 223.
Bennett, Lieut., Murder of, 155.
Berry, Kevin, The case of, 138
141.
Black and Tans, 279.
Bombs, Sinn Fein manufacture
of, 202.
Boycott of Police, 130, 131, 137
Brady, Inspector, Murder of, 215
217, 304, 308310.
Breen, Daniel, 142; letter to, 147.
Brooke, Mr. F. H., Murder of, 224.
Burke, Sergt., Murder of, 310.
Cadets, see AUXILIARY DIVISION.
Casement, Sir Roger, lands at
Banna, 16; sent to London,
tried, and executed, 17 and 17n;
letter to Prof. McNeill, 358.
Cashel, the Archbishop of,
denounces conscription, 54.
Castletownbeer Coast Guard
Station raided, 207.
INDEX.
463
Cavalry, Sinn Fein Instructions
for fighting, 134.
CLARK, Co., Condition in 1918, 49;
De Valera elected for, 47; In-
timidation in, 50; Sinn Fein in,
47 48- Sinn Fein growth in,
65.
Clarenbridge barracks attacked,
28.
Clarke, Sir Ernest, visits Belfast,
351
Clergy, The Roman Catholic,
their adherence to Sinn Fein,
44, 49, 57; they denounce con-
scription, 53, 54.
Cloughjordan, Train block at, 245,
256
Clune, Monsgr., 426.
Coast Guard Stations, raids on,
206208.
Collins, Michael, 141.
Commission, The Labour Party's,
372380.
Conference, A Peace, at Dublin,
119128.
CONSCRIPTION, denounced by
clergy, 53, 54; by R. C.
Hierarchy, 54; fear of, in Cork,
52; in Kerry, 50, 51; " Measures
for Combating/ 3 5862; the
Nationalists against, 53; Sinn
Fein influence against, 53.
Constabulary, see ROYAL IRISH
CONSTABULARY.
Constabulary, The Special, see
" Special Constabulary."
Cork, Lord Mayor of, (Mac-
Curtain) murdered, 79, 80; is
succeeded by McSwiney, 80
(see McSwiney).
CORK, Co., agricultural prosperity
of, 45; declared a special
military area, 52; raids for
arms in, 52; the rebellion in,
31; Sinn Fein in, 48, 49; Sinn
Fein growth in, during 1919,
65, 66, 67.
Cosgrave, W. T., elected for
Kilkenny, 46.
Court Houses, destruction of, 227.
Courts Martial, examples of, 129
138; table of, in 1920, 99.
Courts, Sinn Fein, 90, 144.
Craigavon, Conference at, 336.
Creamery, at Tubbercurry, burnt,
305; at Achonry, burnt, 306.
CRIMES, table for 1917, 1918 and
1919, 62.
Croke Park, affray at, 157.
Cumann na m'Ban, 182 184.
Curfew Order, made in Dublin,
74.
Dail Eireann, Manifesto concern-
ing emigration, 177; Mr.
Lloyd George's refusal to
recognise, 420.
Defence of the Realm Act, 190
194.
De Valera, speaks at Kilkenny,
46; disloyal speeches by, 48; is
elected for East Clare, 48; is
appointed President of Sinn
Fein Convention, 391; approves
Dublin massacre, 394.
Dillon, Mr. John, the effect of his
speeches, 45.
Dillon's Cross, Outrage at, 160.
Dockers' Strike in Dublin, 87, 88.
Donkey, Outrage on, 235.
Dowling, Major, Murder of, 154.
Drummond's Act, 270, 294.
Dublin Castle attacked, 23, 31.
DUBLIN, County, the Rebellion in,
29, 30; situation in, during 1916,
44.
DUBLIN METROPOLITAN POLICE, its
formation, 294; its strength in
1920, 296.
Dundalk, Outrage at, 350.
Dunville, Lieut., shot by Rebels,
28.
Dwyer, Edward, 148.
Emigration discouraged by Sinn
Fein, 177.
Enniscorthy, The Rebels take, 30.
Ennistymon, Outrage at, 302
307.
Equipment, Raids for, 203.
Fermoy, Train held up at, 258.
Fianna Eireann, 182, 185.
Fitzgerald, Captain, Murder of,
150.
French, Lord, His speech to the
police, 7577; to the Auxiliary
Division, 284; his proclamation
of Martial Law, 406.
Gaelic Athletic Association :
Members join the Irish Volun-
464 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
teers, 13, 14; become Sinn
Fein, 5051
Gaelic League, joins Sinn Fein,
5051.
GALWAY, Co., The Rebellion in, 26,
29; condition of, in 1916, 45; in
1917, 49; action of the clergy in,
57; Sinn Fein in, 57; Sinn Fein
progress in 1919, 64.
Galway County Council disavows
Sinn Fein, 145, 416417; Mr.
Lloyd George's reply to, 421
422
Galway, University College at,
becomes Sinn Fein, 49.
Garniss, Cadet, Murder of, 152.
Geddes, Sir E., attends a con-
ference at Dublin, 259.
George, Mr. D. Lloyd, His
speech on Sinn Fein Peace Pro-
posals, 415426.
Germany and Sinn Fein, 357
361; the Aude sunk, 18n (see
also Casement).
Glandore, Training Camp at,
raided, 67.
GREENWOOD, SIR HAMAR, becomes
Chief Secretary, 81; his career,
81, 82; his character, 82; his
speech at his election, 83; he
releases political prisoners, 84,
85; inspects R.I.C. recruits at
Gormanstown, 280; his speech
on Reprisals in Parliament,
311315, 323; ditto to R.I.C.,
315; threatening letter from
America, 371.
Gun-running by National Volun-
teers, 2; by Ulster Volunteers,
1, 2.
Henderson, Mr. A., His Resolu-
tion, 307n.
Henry, Professor, His book on
Sinn Fein, 356, 388.
Hibernians, The Ancient Order
of, joins Sinn Fein, 50.
Hobson, Bulmer, proposes an
insurrection, 14.
Hook Head Lighthouse raided,
207.
Hunger-Strikers : Death of Fitz-
gerald and Murphy at Cork,
117; fallacy of releasing, 100
102; official statement concern-
ing those in Cork gaol, 114
117; the ' President of the
Republic ' absolves those in
Cork, 117.
Hunger-Striking, Treatment of
political prisoners who are, 84;
see also McSwiney, Terence.
Intimidation, 93, 94, 200, 275; in
Co. Clare, 49, 50, 65, 66; of
railway-men, 245, 250252, 411;
murder of an informer, 226.
Irish Bulletin, The, 218.
IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY, THE (see
also SINN FEIN), " At War with
Britain," 175, 176; discourages
emigration, 177 ; effort to recruit
for, 179; its foundation, 171;
organization, 172174; raising
funds, 181.
IRISH REPUBLICAN BROTHBRHOOD,
the, Constitution of, 163;
declares itself sole govern-
ment of the Irish Republic,
167; joins Sinn Fein, 50;
members join the Irish Volun-
teers, 1214; oath of, 164, 167;
procedure at meetings, 169;
responsibility for outrage, 162
(see also SINN FEIN).
Irish Volunteer, The, 8, 10 (see
also An T'Oglac).
IRISH VOLUNTEERS, THE (see also
IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY) ; 8 COn-
vention held, 9; how to recruit
for, 180; Mr. Redmond's pledge
for, 4; orders concerning raids
for arms by, 197; they proclaim
a Rebellion, 1921; progress in
1915 and membership, 15; rais-
ing funds, 181; their influence
in 1916, 44; their strength at
the Rebellion, 11; the reply of
the Provisional Committee to
Mr. Redmond's pledge, 5 8;
they develop into the I.R.A.,
11, 162, 171; they parade in
Rutland Square (April, 1916),
16 (see also Oglaigh na
H'Eireann).
Jacob's Biscuit Factory garrisoned
by Rebels, 25; surrenders, 40.
KERRY, Co., Recruiting in, 45;
Sinn Fein in, 50, 51.
KILDARB, Co., Rebellion in, 27;
Sinn Fein set-back in, 63;
situation in during 1916, 44,
INDEX.
465
KILKENNY, Co., Cosgrave elected
for, 46; Countess Markievicz at,
46; De Valera speaks at, 46; re-
cruiting in 1916, 44; Sinn Fein
Clubs in, 47.
Kilmichael, Outrage at, 158160.
KING'S COUNTY, Sinn Fein in,
44, 45, 55.
Knockalong, Outrage at, 143.
Labour Party Commission, Re-
port of, 372380.
Lahinch, Outrage at, 301304,
307.
Lendrum, Capt., Murder of, 225.
' Liberty Hall/ Dublin, taken, 38.
Lighthouses, Raids on, 206.
Lloyd George, Mr. (see George,
Mr. D. Lloyd).
Londonderry, Rioting in, 342.
LOUTH, Co., The Rebellion in, 28.
LUCAS, GENERAL, Reprisal for
kidnapping, 319.
Lynch, Mr. P., defeated at East
Clare election, 48.
McCormack, Captain, Murder of,
156
MacCurtain, Alderman, His
murder, 79, 80.
MacDonagh, Thomas, signs
Proclamation of Rebellion, 21;
surrenders, 40.
McLean, Captain, Murder of,
152.
MacMahon, The Hon. James,
becomes joint Under-Secretary,
86.
McNeill, John, 9, 11, 13, 14;
presides at a Convention of
Irish Volunteers in the Abbey
Theatre, Dublin, 9; leader of
the Sinn Fein party of National
Volunteers, 11, 13; strength of
his party in Dublin, 14; and
in the provinces, 14; presides at
a meeting and votes against an
insurrection, 14 ; is over-ruled at
Easter Rebellion, 18; appointed
to committee of Sinn Fein, 391.
Macpherson, Mr. Ian, resigns, 81.
Macready, Sir Nevil, assumes
command of forces in Ireland,
86; his speech to police, 86n; a
proclamation by, 406 409.
Macroom, Outrage at, 158 160.
McSwiney, Terence, becomes
Mayor of Cork, 80; his arrest,
102; his career, 103 104; docu-
ments found in his possession,
104 106 ; is court-martialled,
106; transferred to Brixton
Gaol, 106; Government's reply
to appeals for his release, 106
108; manifesto by his relatives,
109113; his death, 113; funeral,
113, 114; letter concerning
bombs, 201 ; possible connection
with Col. Smyth's murder, 220.
Mahon, Mr., Murder of, 151.
Mails, Proclamation concerning,
233; raids on, 230234.
Mallow, Attack on Barracks at,
205.
Mannix, Archbishop, His case,
118-7-119.
Markievicz, Countess, presented
with Freedom of Kilkenny, 46;
Chief of Fianna, 185; her letter
concerning unemployment, 290.
Martial Law, proclaimed in
Dublin, 27; in all Ireland, 27;
the use of, 404 406; proclama-
tion of, 406.
Maxwell, Sir John, arrives in
Dublin, 38-7-39.
MAYO, Co., Sinn Fein in, 56.
MEATH, Co., Sinn Fein in, 56;
Sinn Fein set-back in, 63.
Metropolitan Police, see DUBLIN
METROPOLITAN POLICE.
Milltown Malbay, Outrage at, 301
304.
Mizen Head Lighthouse raided,
207.
Montgomery, Col., Murder of, 155.
Morning Post, comment on
Countess Markievicz, 291; on
R.I.C., 273.
Morris, Cadet, Murder of, 152.
Moyode Castle, The Rebels at, 29.
Mulherne, Sergeant, Murder of,
219.
NATIONAL VOLUNTEERS, The, Gun-
running by, 2; membership in
Dublin in 1916, 44; numbers
recruited for army, 12; strength
of, 1; they split into three, 11;
their strength at Rebellion, 11;
they join Sinn Fein, 53.
Newbury, Capt., Murder of, 153.
EE
466 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
O'Connell, John, letter about him
to McSwiney, 146.
O'Connor, Lord Justice : His
charge to Grand Jury, 76, 77.
O'Flanagan, Father, 418, 424, 426.
Oglaigh no, H'Eireann (see
also IRISH VOLUNTEERS), 197;
circular letter concerning pplice
forces, 286; general order of, 276.
Orange Lodges, Manifesto by the,
328.
Oranmore barracks attacked, 28.
OUTRAGES (for attacks on in-
dividuals see under proper
names; see also under ' Mails,
Raids on') ; classification of, 212 ;
statistics of on civilians, 223;
ditto on Military Forces, 220;
ditto on police, 212; ditto on
police returning from Mass,
235 237; outrages on women,
234; ditto on donkey, 235; table
of in 1919, 93; table of those
attributed to Sinn Fein, 72 ;
totals for second six months of
1920, 97.
At Balbriggan, 310314;
Ballymacelligott, 373 380;
Ballyvourney, 221; near Borri-
soleigh, 213; Broadford, 213;
Dillon's Cross, 160; Drimo-
league, 214; Dublin, 150; Dun-
dalk, 350; Dunmanway, 222;
Ennistymon, 301 304, 307; near
Golding's Cross, 213; Kil-
michael, 158160; Knockalong,
143; Lahinch, 301304, 307;
Leitrim, 214; Macroom, 158
160; Monk's Bakery, 138;
O'Brien's Bridge, 213; Queens-
town, 320; Rushbrooke, 147;
Solo Head Beg, 142; Thurles,
318; Tuam, 319; Tubbercurry,
215217, 304, 308310; Tullow,
320; near Waterville, 214.
Peace Conference at Dublin, 119
128; its constituents, 123; resolu-
tions, 124.
Peace Preservation Act of 1856,
187; of 1870, 188.
Peace Preservation Force, 268.
Pearse, P. H., signs Proclamation
of Rebellion, 21; becomes Com-
mander in Chief of I.R.A., 22;
surrenders, 40.
Petrol, Raids for, 258.
Police, Dublin Metropolitan, see
" DUBLIN METROPOLITAN POLICE."
Police Forces, Acts concerning,
268273.
Medal, 86n.
, the Irish, see " ROYAL IRISH
CONSTABULARY."
Political Prisoners, The question
of, 83, 84; hunger-striking by,
84; they are liberated, 85; their
status denned, 85.
Post Office, Dublin, Raid on, 231.
Price, Captain, Murder of, 155.
Prime Minister, see George, Mr.
D. Lloyd.
QUEEN'S COUNTY, The Rebellion
in, 27; recruiting in, 47; Sinn
Fein in, 47.
Queenstown, Outrage at, 320.
Raids on mails, 230 234; procla-
mation concerning, 233; on rail-
way stations, 252, 253.
RAILWAY-MEN, IRISH, Dismissal of,
254, 257; intimidation of, 244
252; outrages on, 250252;
proclamation by Union of, 265
267; refusal to convey troops,
245 248; refusal to handle
munitions, 87; unpersuaded by
Sinn Fein, 145.
Railway Stations, Raids on, 252,
253.
RAILWAY STRIKE, The Irish, 87
90; policy of Railway Com-
panies, 254; report on, 255
257.
RAILWAYS, Description of Irish,
249; situation at end of 1920,
260265, 268; stoppages on,
245258.
REBELLION, THE EASTER (1916),
heralded by a proclamation, 19;
begins, 21; its progress in the
country, 27 31; its total
casualties, 41; and cost, 41 42.
RECRUITING in Ireland, figures for
in 1915, 12; the campaign
against, 12 13 ; in Kerry during
1919, 45; in Kildare during 1916,
44; in Kilkenny, 44; in Queen's
County, 47.
INDEX.
467
Red Hand Magazine, The, 398.
Redmond, Cmsr., murdered, 71.
Redmond, John, gives a pledge
for Irish Volunteers, 4; issues
a manifesto on outbreak of war,
4; his pledge denounced by Pro-
visional Committee, 5 9; leader
of the National Volunteers, 11;
strength of his followers up to
the Rebellion, 11 (see NATIONAL
VOLUNTEERS); is protected by
patrols, 47.
Regulations, see " Acts."
REPRISALS, Sir H. Greenwood's
speech on, in Parliament, 311
315, 323; ditto to R.I.C., 315;
order from Dublin Castle on,
316; refutation of alleged, 318
325; Sinn Fein propaganda on,
317 325; Sinn Fein reports on,
370; statistics for 1919, 369.
At Abbeyfeale, 322; Balbrig-
gan, 310314; Ennistymon, 301
304; Fermoy, 319; Galway,
321 ; Inniscarra, 320 ; Kildorrery,
319; Lahinch, 301304, 307;
Limerick, 318; Milltown Malbay,
301304; Naas, 320; Queens-
town, 320; Shanagolden, 319;
Thurles, 318; Tipperary, 319;
Tuam, 319; Tubbercurry, 304
306, 308310; Tullow, 320.
Republican Army, The Irish, see
IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY.
Republican Brotherhood, see
IRISH REPUBLICAN BROTHERHOOD.
Ronan, Lord Justice, His charge
to Grand Jury, 77, 78.
ROYAL IRISH CONSTABULARY,
acquires the title ' Royal/ 274;
Acts constituting, 268273;
auxiliary division of, see
AUXILIARY DIVISION; boycott of,
130, 131, 137, 276; daily life of,
289; difficulty in clothing, 278;
increase in strength, 145;
intimidation of, 276 277; plans
for attacking, 136; recruiting
for, 277; strength in 1920, 145,
278.
Rushbrooke, Outrage at, 147.
Sabotage, Examples of, 253, 254.
Secretary, The Chief, see GREEN-
WOOD, SIR HAMAR.
Shaw, Gen. Sir F. Proclamation
by, 192.
Sherwood Foresters, The, casual-
ties in, 37.
SINN FEIN, Activities in Belfast,
341, 398, 399; clubs, 47, 58, 68;
collections made, 53; conscrip-
tion, movement against, 53;
ditto, " Measures for Combat-
ing," 58 62; constitution of,
12, 389 392; Convention in
Dublin, 389; courts established
by 5 9092, 144; elections,
success "at, 48, 70; discourages
emigration, 177; funds of, 54;
relations with Germany, 18,
357361 (see also Casement);
Government of Ireland Act,
their position under, 429 <*31;
growth of, 11, 13, 48, 55, 56,
341, 398399; hunger-strikers,
responsibility for deaths of,
117; intimidation of railway-
men by, 244 252; leaders,
effect of arresting, 54, 55; local
authorities unpersuaded by,
145; Londonderry, progress in,
341; meaning of name, 392;
membership, in 1915, 14, 47;
in 1917 and 1918, 58; in 1919, 68;
murder campaign, failure of,
144, 149; responsibility for, 94,
95, 393394; objects of, 390392;
pamphlet issued by, 389; their
peace proposals, 418; Mr. Lloyd
George's reply thereto, 418-^426 ;
their policy, 395399; political
parties absorbed by, 50 52;
press captured by, 50; procla-
mations by, 402; railway-men
intimidated by, 244252; their
order to ditto, 250; outrages on,
250 252; are unpersuaded by,
145; refusal of Government to
recognise, 400 403; their rise
from National Volunteers, 11,
13, 48, 55, 56, 341, 398399;
their strength, 11, 13, 48, 55,
56, 341, 398399; Ulster activi-
ties of, 341, 398, 399; their
weakening, 63, 149.
Smith, Mr. T. H., Murder of, 152.
Smyth, Col., Murder of, 218.
Smyth, Major, Murder of, 220.
468 ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.
Solicitors, Sinn Fein instructions
concerning, 133.
Solo Head Beg, outrage, 142.
Special Constabulary, The, 296.
Strickland, Gen., Attack on, 242.
Thurles, anti-conscription meet-
ing at, 54; outrage at, 318.
Thyra, S.S., raided, 197.
TIPPERARY, Co., Increase of Crime
in, 67; the Town Hall burnt,
147.
Tracy, John, 143.
Tralee, an attempt to murder at,
53.
Troops in Ireland, Government
statement concerning, 238 ;
discipline of, 241, 242; their
duties, 240 244; number in
Dublin at Rebellion, 31 et seq.
Tuam, Outrage at, 319.
Tubbercurry, Outrage at, 215
217, 304, 308310; reprisal at,
304306.
Tudor, General, appointed Police
Adviser, 86.
Tullow, Outrage at, 320.
ULSTER (see also BELFAST, LONDON-
DERRY), conference at Craig-
avon, 336; Covenant by, 331;
definition of, 326; population of,
326; Sinn Fein activities in,
388, 399; Solemn League in,
331; Unionist Clubs in, 333, 342;
Unionist Council of, 328.
ULSTER VOLUNTEERS, THE, Disloy-
alty shown by, 3; enlistment in
Army by, 4, 12; gun-running
by, 1 2; organization of corps,
336338; statistics of, 333335;
strength of, 2, 4, 335, 339.
United Irish League, joins Sinn
Fein, 50.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Con-
vention held at New York, 364;
" Friends of Irish Freedom,"
364; Irish propaganda in, 363
370; Irish question a political
one in, 362, 372; maintains
relations with Germany, 364,
365; money received from, 15.
Veteran Corps Ambushed, 26.
Viceroy, The, see French, Lord.
Volunteer, The Irish, 8, 10.
Volunteers, see IRISH VOLUN-
TEERS, NATIONAL VOLUNTEERS.
Waterville, Outrage near, 214.
Weekly Summary, The, 293.
WESTMEATH, Co., Sinn Fein in, 47.
WEXFORD, Co., Rebellion in, 30.
White, Captain, Murder of, 221.
WICKLOW, Co., Mr. Redmond in,
47.
Wilde, Lieut., Murder of, 156.
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