Jbi ii> syzb
The Adverbial and Prepositional
Prefixes in Blackfoot.
TER VERKRIJGING VAN DEN GRAAD VAN
Doctor in de Nederlandsehe Letterkunde
AAN DE RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE LEIDEN,
OP GEZAG VAN DEN RECTOR-MAGNIFICUS
Dr. G. KALFF,
HOOGLEKRAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGKERTE,
VOOR DE FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE
TE VERDEDIGEN
op Donderdag 18 October 1917, des namiddags 2 uur
GERARDUS JOHANNES GEERS,
GEBOREN TE DELFT.
y^
LEIDEN - N. V. BOEKDRUKKERIJ v/h. L. VAN NIFTERIK Hz.
/e.
AAN MIJNE OUDERS.
Bij het verschijnen van dit proefschrift wil ik de
dankbaarheid uitspreken, die ik gevoel jegens de Hoog-
leeraren Blok, Uhlenbeck, Kalpf, Vogel en den
oud-Hoogleeraar Verdam, voor hetgeeu zij tot mijne
vorming hebben bijgedragen ; dat ik deze betuiging slechts
tot de nagedachtenis van wijlen Prof. Bussemaker kan
richten, smart mij.
Wat ik U, Hooggeachte Promotor, Professor Uhlenbeck,
verschuldigd ben, moge voor altijd tusschen U en mij
blijven als een hechte band.
Edel-Groot-Achtbare Heeren Curatoren der Leidsche
Universiteit, op wier goedgunstige aanbeveling ik eenige
jaren lang door de beschikking der Hooge Regeering
een Rijksstudiebeurs heb genoten, ook U betuig ik mijne
erkentelijkheid.
Ten slotte mijn hartelijken dank aan coUega Deeldee.
aan de H. B. S. te Schiedam, die mijn „ General Remarks"
met het oog op het Engelsch wel heeft willen doorzien.
STELLINGEN
■s
STELLINGEN.
Kroeber (Arapaho Dialects p. 92) ziet niet scherp, en
dwaalt althans, voorzoover het Blackfoot betreft, als
hij beweert: „it seems possible that we may ultimately
be justified in speaking of Algonkin as truly „holo-
phrastic" or „polysynthetic". But if so these terms will
essentially be only a convenient designation for the
linguistic process which allows two verbs to consolidate
into a single one."
II.
Kroeber (Arapaho Dialects p. 91) dwaalt als hij zegt:
„that in „ incorporating" languages noun and verb can
be combined to form verbs, whereas in other idioms
they combine only into nouns."
in.
Als Kroeber (Arapaho Dialects p. 92) beweert dat
„the principles of Algonkin verb-formation are in some
respects conspicuously difi'erent from those of Indo-
European", toont hij te weinig inzicht in het oudere
Indogermaansch.
4
IV.
In het Blackfoot komt een parasitische spirant voor,
zooals Kroeber (Arapaho Dialects p. 82) die aanneemt
voor het Arapaho, Cheyenne en Yurok.
V.
Dr. W. Jones' opmerking over de „ stress" (Algon-
quian Word-formation ; Am. Anthrop. N. S. VI p. 375),
waaruit bhjkt, dat deze klemtoon die syllabe op den
voorgrond brengt, die in de combinatie het meest de
aandacht moet ' trekken, gaat niet op voor het Blackfoot.
VI.
De verbale uitgang stempelt in het Blackfoot even-
tueel elk taalelement, hetzij dit al of niet samengesteld
is, tot een verbaalvorm,
VII.
H. Gering's vertaling -van Atlakvi|)a 32, 4 (holkve
hvTlbe|)jar) „beim Schlafgemach" is te verwerpen.
VIII.
Bij de etymologic van „sprokkelmaand^^ dient men aan
oud-germaansche vruchtbaarheidsgebruiken te denken.
Noch de verklaring van J. Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie
p. 749), noch die van Weinhold (Deutsche Monatsnamen
p. 57), Bilfinger (Zeitschr. f. D. Wortf. V p. 264) en Ehris-
mann (P. Br. B. XX p. 64) voldoen.
/
5
IX.
D. durcMrennen moet in semantisch verband gebracht
worden met oostvl. inhranden.
De verklaring van den titel van Vondels Geusevesper
is te zoeken in den toon en de bedoeling der Roomsch-
Katholieke Vesper.
XI.
Het taalgebruik van sommige primitieve volken en
dat van moderne (realistische en impressionistische)
woordkunstenaars vertoonen opmerkelijke punten van
overeenkomst, die nog te weinig bestudeerd zijn.
xn.
De door Prof. Kalff terecht gelaakte gewoonte van
Huyghens (Studien p. 364) : een sneldicht met een rijm
als b.v. wonderhoeck te besluitexi met een vers op onder-
broeck, is te verklaren uit het betrekkelijk argelooze van
dien tijd, die nog niet de uit zelf-analyse geboren schaamte
over een dergelijken lust tot onkiesche taal kende.
XIII.
In Schrijnen's opmerking (Nederl. Volkskunde I p. 288)
naar aanleiding van het volksrijmpje :
„Een bloem buiten den tijd
Is een bruid of een Hjk".
„Ook hier de verwantschap van dood en huwelijk als
het telkens wederkeerend refrein" moet huwelijk ver-
vangen worden door concepiie.
XIV.
Ten onrechte eischt J. de Meester (de Gids, Nov. 1916
p. 373 — 377) sprookjesachtigheid bij de opvoering van
een Indisch drama als de Mrcchakatika. Even onjuist
is zijn qualificatie „kinderlijk" voor dit stuk.
XV.
Oldenberg's geringschatting voor het Hindoedrama,
speciaal voor de karakters daarin (Literatur des alten
Indien p. 262 — 275) is te eenzijdig Westersch.
XVI.
Kinclus vs. 460—464:
Hier vormaels brachtmen altoes
dien wive, die haren man verloes,
enen hoet van wilgen groene geloeft.
De dichter maakt hier gebruik van de omstandigheid,
dat de wilg het symbool was van onvruchtbaarheid en
kuischheid.
XVII.
Ten onrechte vertaalt v. d. Bosch (Zwolsche Her-
drukken, Granida vs. 311):
„(het Hof) jaecht de lusten voor, u zijn se toeghe-
[smeten,
het w.w. voorjaghen door : wegjagen. Beter is : najagen.
7'
XVIII.
Bij de verklaring van 't ndl. heunhaas dient men
althans te denken aan „bastardierte Lehniibersetzung"
(cf. Mauthner, Die Sprache p. 58) van gr. (3ixvxv<}-oi;.
XIX.
Dr. E. C. God§e Molsbergen (N. R. C. 16 Sept. 1916
Ochtend) kan niet bewijzen, dat Plaatje (Native Life in
South Africa, before and since the European War and
the Boer Rebellion) zijn stam- en landgenooten misleidt,
als hij spreekt van de wreedheid der Boeren tegenover
de oude bevolking.
XX.
Dr. Jac. V. Ginneken in zijn brochure ^Als ons moe-
dertaalonderwijs nog ooit gezond wil worden" (p. 18)
verwaarloost bij zijn overwaardeering van het „moeder-
taalonderwijs" vooral de paedagogische waarde van dat
in de Geschiedenis.
1
PART I.
General remarks.
With reference to the title of this monograph I first
of all wish to declare candidly, that it has been chosen
from the standpoint of modern Indo-European langu-
ages, i. e. that I have in view those prefixes which agree
most with our prepositions (praeverbia) and adverbs,
and that for the moment I will not and dare not decide,
whether these Indo-European grammatical categories re-
present as many logical categories in Blackfoot, in short,
that I am not sure, whether these grammatical distinc-
tions ought to be made in Blackfoot. Cf. F. Misteli,
Typen des Sprachbaus, p. 16 *).
*) „Im Siamesischen (sieh hinterind. Abschn. 3 fin.) nimmt die den
prapositionalen Begriff enthaltende Verbal wurzel ofters die zweite Stelle
ein: au ma „herbeibringen", lihin ma „heraufsteigen", khau ma „her-
einkommen", aber : pai ma „gehen, kommen, besuchen" (ma „kommen
her, herbei" ; khin „steigen, auf" ; khau lat. „intrare" und „intra") ;
pen khin „aufleben", luk khin „sich erheben" ; khau pai „hineingehen" ;
ein klarer prapositioneller oder adverbialer Begriff existiert auch hier
nicht, weil man nicht genau weiss, welche Verbal wurzel die andere
bestimmt und ob nicht vielmehr beide gleichwertige Bestandteile der
Verbindung sind,"
1
I have not tried to register all the prefixes which
might be called prepositional or adverbial, confining my-
self to only the most obvious of them, and leaving aside
all more or less dubious matter, as also the prefixes of
a markedly nominal and adjectival character.
In Blackfoot, in Algonkin in general, and in other
North American languages the prefixes to be dealt with
have already often drawn the attention of students of
language. Still, an extensive and I hope a sound treat-
ment of this matter in Blackfoot may not prove super-
fluous, may even deepen our insight into the structure
of Algonkin. But I emphatically declare that I draw
conclusions only as far as Blackfoot is concerned, and
that I do not wish to follow the example of Jones*)
and Michelson **) who both talk of „Algonquian" word-
formation, etc., whereas they only deal with material
from Fox, one of the dialects of the so-called Central-
Algonkin. In this respect Kroeber ***), whose publica-
tion on Arapaho dialects has been of great service to
me, expresses himself much more guardedly, or perhaps
I had better, say much more scientifically.
One passage, surely, from this article of Kroeber's I
might have placed as a motto above my treatise scil. :
„In short the undetermined and, in the writer's mind,
fundamental problem of Arapaho, Fox, and Algonkin
in general is, whether these languages say „he enter-
looks", „he enters-lookingly'', or „enteringly he looks."
*) W. Jones, Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation. Ameri-
can Anthropologist, N(ew) S(eries) VI (1906) p. 369 sqq.
**) W. Jones and T, Michelson, Algonquian (Fox) in Handbook of
American Indian Languages I.
***) A, L, Kroeber, Arapaho Dialects (Un. of California Publications,
etc. Vol. XII. No. 3, June 28, 1916).
And indeed this question is also for Blackfoot of the
greatest importance and the solution of the problem
which I think I have found, and which is suggested by
the material handled in Part II. I will try to work out
in the next pages.
The fact that Kroeber and the present author look
upon this problem as the basis of the study of Algonkin,
tallies with the inference already drawn by Powell :
„Thus it is that the study of an Indian language is,
to a large extent, the study of its verbs" (Ann. Rep.
Bur. Ethnol. I, p. 11). By the side of these words of
one of the earlier Americanists, which by their generality
sound almost classical, I will, with special reference to
Blackfoot, quote the words of one of the latest in this
branch of science, namely Uhlenbeck (Some General
Aspects of Blackfoot Morphology *) p. 33) : „When treat-
ing the nouns and other parts of speech, we have seen
already how marked a predilection Blackfoot has for
verbal constructions, and the knowledge of kindred lan-
guages has prepared us to meet also in this dialect with
a complicate verbal system absorbing and incorporating
all kinds of elements." So Uhlenbeck calls Blackfoot
holophrastic or polysynthetic (see : Conjunctief-achtige
Modi van het Blackfoot. Versl. Meded. der Kon. Akad.
van Wetensch. Afd. Lettk. 4e Reeks. Deel XII. Amster-
dam 1913 p. 244.)
Also Jones, Michelson and Kroeber use these terms
when speaking about Algonquian dialects which they
seem to take for representatives of Algonkin in general.
As Blackfoot is therefore also included in their inferences
') Verhandelingen der Kon. Akad. v. Wetensohappen Amsterdam. Afd.
Letterk. N. R. Deel XIV. No. 5. Juni 1914,
we must of necessity examine their opinions on this
point more closely. That Jones is thinking ofholophrasis,
becomes evident from these words : „Some of the dialects,
like the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi, are disinte-
grating. The breaking up is not uniform throughout a
dialect ; it is faster in the regions where civilized in-
fluences predominate or play a controlling force, while
the purer forms are maintained in the places where ideas
of the old-time life and associations have a chance to
live and survive" (Algonquian Word-formation. Amer.
Anthr. N. S. VI. p. 370) and from p. 384 of the same
article : „It would perhaps be more correct to use the
term sentence instead of ivord ; because the combined
effect of all the elements in a combination is really that
of a sentence or an approach to something more like
a sentence." Expressed in this general way no objection
can be raised to the opinion of Jones, as concerns Black-
foot. But let us now consider what he thinks of the
essential point of holophrasis or polysynthesis, in other
words, what his idea of the composition of verbal forms
really is. In his treatise on Fox (Handbook of American
Indian Languages I) edited and in some places enlarged
by Michelson, we read : ,,The principal process used for
grammatical purposes is composition of stems. The stems
are almost throughout of such character that they require
intimate correlation with other stems, which is brought
about by a complete coalescence of the group of com-
ponent elements. These form a firm word-unit. Except-
ing a number of particles, the word unit in Algonquian
is so clearly defined that there can be no doubt as to
the limits of sentence and word." (A modern linguist
not forgetting that language itself is something living
would probably have worded that first sentence somewhat
differently). Then we read (op. cit. p. 759) : „Most of
the elements that enter into composition are so nearly
of the same order, that we can not properly speak of
prefixes or suffixes", and a little farther: „The extended
use of composition of verbal stems is particularly cha-
racteristic of the Algonquian languages. These stems
follow one another in definite order. A certain diffe-
rentiation of the ideas expressed by initial stems and
by those following them, which may be designated as
secondary stems, may be observed, although it seems
difficult to define these groups of ideas with exactness."
And then we get, notwithstanding this „difficulty", a
somewhat vague philosophizing about these two groups,
the latter of which is once more divided into two classes
— to clear up the „ difficulty", probably !
Let us consider what, according to Jones and Michel-
son, is to be stated about these stems.
A. The so-called „initial stems'':
1^. they are capable at times of standing alone, with
the function of adverbs.
2®. an initial stem can enter into composition with
only a formative and express an independent statement,
though not always with a sharply defined meaning.
3^. many „initiai stems'' occur in combination with
each other, sometimes followed by so-called secondary
stems, sometimes not.
N.B. Amongst the 123 „initial stems" which Michel-
son adds to the examples of Jones, only a few stand
in „initial" position.
B. The „secondary stems" :
1^. they never occur alone.
2^. they are rarely found in conjunction with only a
formative.
6
3^. they sometimes occupy the first place, even in a
nominal form like tci'mani canoe (Handbook, p. 793).
4*^. some of them are frequent in nominal forms (ib.
p. 794), and look more like „ incorporated" nouns than
like verbal stems.
5^. according to Jones the so-called „secondary stems
of the second order" show a general similarity with
„initial stems" in the ideas they express.
6^. Michelson remarks (ibid. p. 802) : „that at present
there is no reason why the so-called second class of the
second order should not be relegated to oblivion and
the entire body merged with the stems of the first class
of the second order. The proposed division of stems of
the first class of the second order into two subdivisions
strikes me as sound in principle ; but too few secondary
stems have been thus far pointed out to make the
division feasible at present."
I will not follow Michelson in his use of subjective,
uncritical expressions and say that the whole concep-
tion of Jones and himself „ strikes" me as forced and
doctrinary. Without, for the present, pronouncing my
private opinion on this head, which would in any case
necessitate a thorough study of the Fox material, I
leave it to the reader to weigh and compare the state-
ments made sub A and B. Only I should like to draw
the reader's attention to the fact that according to
Michelson himself the stems of the second order prac-
tically form one whole ; — that some noun-incorpora-
tions proper should be left out of consideration ; — further,
that amongst these „ secondary stems" there are a number
which in meaning strongly resemble initial stems; —
that, moreover, initial and secondary stems have some
common characteristics after all; cf. Kroeber's remark,
cited on p. 11. Only one more statement of Jones I
should like to insert here (Algonquian Word-formation,
p. 402) : „The components seem to stand toward each
other in the position of qualifiers, the sense of one
qualifying the sense of another with an efifect of direct-
ing the meaning toward a particular direction. But
whatever be the influence at work, the result is a spe-
cialization of meaning, not only of the single member
in the group but of all the members as they stand
together with reference to one another. The stems seem
charged with a latent meaning which becomes evident
only when they appear in certain relations; out of those
relations they stand like empty symbols. It is important
to emphasize the fact that the order of stems in a group
is psychologically fixed." Put side by side with the
remarks mentioned sub A 1 and 2, B 2, 3 and 4 it is
not easy to see how Jones has come to the conclusion
worded in the last sentence but one. As to the last
sentence, we shall see later on that this „ psychologi-
cally fixed place" does not necessarily lead to the making
of such a psychologically lifeless classification into initial
and secondary stems.
In his „Arapaho Dialects," p. 90sqq. Kroeber expa-
tiates on the Arapaho verb and that of Algonkin in
general, following Jones-Michelson. Kroeber starts from
„the more conservative premises of prefix, stem, and
suffix.' His main conclusions are as follows:
1^. „ Word-forming prefixes, in turn, are often difficult
to separate from independent words. Thus, tas-i- and
tcan-i- mean „on" and „ under" in verbs ; but provided
with the locative suffix -i-hi' they are adverbs which
stand alone. Just so xou-wu-hu', „straight", and xanou,
„immediately", are employed, in the forms xou- and
8
xanou-, as prefixes to verbs. Verbs themselves, like tcasis,
„to begin", and S-a»ku-h, „to follow", are used as pre-
fixes to other verbs" (p. 90).
2^. „It is true that even when these elements are
themselves verbs they are not used merely with the
personal suffixes, but that second elements such as -hi-,
-ni-, -ku-, -xa-, -h- are added to them. Now these added
elements, which are frequent on indubitable verb stems,
have all been listed as suffixes. But the possibility is by
no means precluded that these ,, suffixes" whose signifi-
cance usually is of the vaguest and most general, are
themselves the real stem of the verb ; in which case the
preceding element, which is so much more specific in
meaning as usually to carry the principal idea conveyed
by the complete word, would after all be a prefix of the
adverbial or prepositional type familiar from so many
other languages" (p. 90).
3^. „That Arapaho, like Shoshonean and some other
American languages, possesses true compound verbs —
verbs functioning as such and composed of two verbs —
is thus probable" (p. 91).
4^. „In short, it would seem that the Arapaho verb
is frequently, perhaps normally, compounded of elements
which themselves either are, or can become, verbal in
force" (p. 91).
5^. „In fine, the Algonkin verb, so far as Arapaho
is representative of it, can not in any ofF-hand manner
be broken up into the usual elements of „ prefix", „stem",
and a suffix" ; and any attempt to apply such a procedure
leads quickly to contradictions and inconsistencies that
reveal the arbitrariness of the method" (p. 92).
More politely than truthfully Kroeber continues : „The
late Dr. William Jones reached exactly the same con-
elusion as regards the Fox dialect" (p. 92\ For Jones,
it is true, says : „Most of the elements that enter into
composition are so nearly of the same order, that we
can not properly speak of prefixes or suffixes" (Hand-
book p. 759), but as we have seen, instead of those old
categories he uses the new names „initial stems", „secon-
dary stems of the first order", ,, secondary stems of the
second order'', and ,, secondary co-ordinative stems", to
which he wishes to give a fixed place in the word-com-
pound, which is the very characteristic of prefixes and
suffixes.
Still greater is Kroeber's deviation from the truth
when he says : „That the principles of Algonkin verb
formation are in some respects conspicuously difi"erent
from those of Indo-European Dr. Jones has made very
clear ; and a realization of this fact is the first requisite
to a true understanding of Algonkin structure" (p. 92).
This mistake may perhaps be due to Kroeber's warm
sympathy with and admiration of Jones, whose true
merits are, however, great enough to enable him to
dispense with that erroneously ascribed to him here.
Uhlenbeck (Internationales Archiv f. Ethnographic, Bnd.
XXIV 1916, p. 37), when reviewing this pamphlet of
Kroeber's, has already referred to this passage and has
made the following remarks on this head :
1^. „What do we know, after all, about Indo-European
verb-structure ? .... As I take it, the Indo-European
verb-formation is just as enigmatic as the Algonquian
verb-structure."
2^. „that the students in that field [scil. of American
Indian linguistics! have some more or less erroneous
ideas about Indo-European, and that for that reason they
had better leave the Old World languages alone, when
10
discussing the fundamental traits of the aboriginal langu-
ages of America".
3^. ,,we can expect more light to be thrown on Indo-
European or Semitic by a thorough study of phenomena
of relatively „primitive" languages than vice-versa".
This is surely sufficient to put Kroeber's implicitely
pronounced assertion on Indo-European simply aside,
but we might even make a positive attack on his con-
tention that „the principles of Algonkin verb-formation
are in some respects conspicuously different from those
of Indo-European" by pointing to such works as : P.
Persson, Wurzelerweiterung und Wurzelvariation 1891 and
P. Persson, Indogermanische Wortforschungen 1912. See,
moreover, some articles and notes of R. M. Meyer (Indo-
germanische Forschungen XII, p. 46), K. Brugmann
(I. F. XII, p. 150), Johansson (Beitrage zur Geschichte
der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur XV, p. 227 and
Zeitschrift f. Deutsche Philologie 31, p. 296) and others,
all of which point to the fact that there are undoubt-
edly Indogermanists who admit the possibility of poly-
synthetic verbal structure or at least of the composition
of verbal stems in Indo-European and are fain to show
some traces of this phenomenon.
In conclusion Kroeber contends: „there seem to be
only three possible descriptions of the Algonkin verb
that have a usable meaning" (p. 93) scil. :
„The first interpretation is that of the verb as the
result of a process of composition similar to that of
noun composition, but extended in Algonkin also to
verbs. This essentially is the conclusion of Dr. Jones;
and it is also the inference of the present writer. But
it cannot be too clearly recognized that even if this
explanation is in substance the correct one we do not
11
yet really know anything as to the rules and condi-
tions and limitations of this verb-compounding.
The second interpretation of the Algonkin verb is
that of a stem followed by a greater or less number
of suffixes. In this case the ^initial" stem of Dr. Jones
would be the only true stem, his „secondary stems"
the suffixes. In support of this explanation is the fact
that the initial elements of verbs come nearest to having
the power of forming words by themselves, in both
Arapaho and Fox ; and the statement of Dr. Jones
(Am. Anthr. N. S. VI, p. 401) that on the whole initial
stems more definitely perform the function of verbs. If
this view is correct, the type of Arapaho verb-building
would be somewhat analogous to that of Eskimo.
The third possible interpretation is also that of
a verb stem with afiixes, the word-forming ones,
however, being chiefly or wholly prefixes, the stem
coming last, except for grammatical endings. In favour
of this last view is the fact that practically all the
„ secondary stems of the second order" given by Dr.
Jones are naturally translated by words which in most
other languages are verbs, whereas substantially all his
cited „initial stems" and ^secondary stems of the first
order" can actually be rendered, without much distor-
tion as adverbs, nouns, auxiliary verbs, or modal par-
ticles. It is not certain how far Dr. Jones's examples of
each class are fully representative of that class, his list
obviously aiming at well translated instances rather
than at fullness; but it is clear that his own presenta-
tion of evidence leaves the interpretation of the „secon
dary stems of the second order" as being true verb
stems defined by prefixes, in a position where it cannot
be summarily dismissed."
12
In special reference to Dr. Jones's sketch of Fox revised
and enlarged by Dr. Michelson for the „Handbook",
Kroeber gives his view on the Fox verb. He says (p.
95): ,,The secondary stems of the first order are clearly
not the principal stems of the verb- complexes. The
^initial stems" may be verbs. If they are, the „secon-
dary stems of the second order" are either suffixes or
other verbs compounded with the ^initial stems". That
they are suffixes does not seem likely from the charac-
ter of the examples given. If their number is substan-
tially limited to those quoted, their suffix nature might
be conceived of; but if their number is indefinitely large
they cannot well be anything but true verb stems. The
evidence of quantity, then, becomes as decisive on this
point as that of quality; and this evidence must be
awaited with interest from Dr. Michelson or some other
authority competent to carry on Dr. Jones's analysis.
Meanwhile the strong probability is that if the „ initial
stems" are truly verbal in nature, the normal Fox verb
is a compound binary verb. [T^'hy „binary" ? or, in other
words, what has become of the poor ^secondary stems of the
first order'^ ?] If, on the other hand, the „initial stems"
are essentially adverbial, prepositional, or modal in qua-
lity, they deserve only to be ranked as prefixes, even
if some of them may have reached this condition by
the way of once having been subsidiary verbs; and in
that case Fox, and with it no doubt Algonkin in general,
possesses verbs that are built up around a kernel of a
normal verbal stem or root, as in most languages, and
these stems or roots are the „ secondary stems of the
second order".
In my opinion we have now given sufficient space
to Kroeber which, to be sure, he fully deserves on ac-
13
count of his careful and critical way of reasoning, and
we now know his view. So we had better summarize
at once what we have to find fault with in his con-
clusions and what inferences may be drawn on this head
by an investigation of the Blackfoot material.
On p. 3 we already quoted Uhlenbeck when he deals
with the „ marked predilection of Blackfoot for verbal
constructions". The words, e.g., which have an indepen-
dent form in - u a are verbal : they have the function
of a 3 prs. sg. (Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects, p.
9 and 16) ; nomina loci with prefixed it- and ending
in - 0 p i, and nomina instrumenti with prefix i x t - and
ending in - o p i are 1 prs. plur. inclusive ; many per-
sonal names are verbal forms e. g. : suyeniki Kills-in-
water etc. sub sui- Part II; an adjective used attributively
is generally an inseparable verbal prefix (loc. cit. p. 18) ;
used predicatively it is an intransitive verb. The majo-
rity of pronouns are often verbalized; the independent
cardinals (animate and inanimate) occur with verbal
endings just like difi'erent other series of numerals (e. g.
to count days and nights, or one's age, the ordinalia).
Pure verbal forms (and with these I mean those forms
which, looked upon from the point of view of modern
English, we should call verbal) possess, moreover, an
almost unlimited capacity to absorb all sorts of ele-
ments. Local and instrumental case-suffixes and post-
positions, e. g., do not exist in Blackfoot, but the langu-
age incorporates local and instrumental prefixes into
the verb. Also noun-incorporation plays a rather import-
ant part (loc. cit. p. 58 — 59). With special regard to
the compositional power of the Blackfoot verb, we may,
starting like Kroeber from „the more conservative pre-
mises of prefix, stem, and suffix", state the following:
14
1^. Prefixes have sometimes arisen because a verbal
root was very often used as the first part of a com-
pound (cf. Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects, p. 59, who
also mentions some suffixes of similar origin). See in
Part He. g. : amat-, mat-, omat-, aumatap-,
kot(s)-, djskak-, apam-, tap-, u%s-, etc. Also
compare the results of Kroeber, p. 8 sub 2.
2*^. Many prefixes also occur as independent adverbs,
although they have always a suffix - o % t s fi) ,
- a Ai t s (i), - i s t s (i), in this function, e. g. : akim6%ts,
ako^ts, amlto%ts, anauko%ts, ap^mo;tts, ap^t6;^tsik' sp6%ts,
namists, ksisto^tsi, etc. (cf. the similar results of Kroe-
ber, p. 7 sub 1).
3^. Many prefixes may acquire verbal force (cf. p. 8
sub 4, where Kroeber draws the same conclusion) ; exam-
ples are to be found Part II passim.
4^. The elements referred to sub 3® may be turned into
verbal forms by means of a verbal ending, occasionally
preceded by a verbalizing suffix or incorporated noun.
5*^. Probably this verbalizing suffix does not even
deserve that name and may also turn out to be a com-
positional element with a very vague general meaning.
Cf. the notes of Kroeber on suffixes (loc. cit. p. 105 —
106): „What at first appears to be the stem preceding
this suffix is in most cases an element which itself is
normally a prefix. Whether the „ prefix" tcabi- or the
„suffix" -xa is the true verbal „stem" remains to be
determined as in so many other cases".
As such apparent suffixes seem, e. g., to occur- ap (i) -,
ixk-(-o%k-), -ixp-(-o%p-), -i x t-(-o % t-), though
they also occur as so-called prefixes, sometimes even
as independent verbs, e. g. : ixto ; see Part II a p -, i x k -,
i x p -, 1 X t -.
15
6°. At first sight the last element to which the verbal
ending is joined, looks very much like the verbal stem
proper; but that they are by no means always original
verbs and that, indeed, the verbal ending as such turns
the whole combination into a verbal form is proved by
forms like:
isksa%kuspiniu she had earth on her cheeks nbt. 73, 16
(cf. ksa^kum earth; motstsipina cheek) -iu is verbal
ending).
ki matopiu and he had also an arrow nbt. 46, 1 (mat-
again, also; cf. ^pssi arrow).
iiksimiko the snow was deep nbt. 120, 8 (ik(s)- very]
imi- deep\ koni, rarely used for koniskuyi snow).
aiksistsmikinau then she had done skimming (lit.; then
she had completed the leghones-soup) nbt. 11, 16 (ai- see
Part II; ksist- done, Part II; nitsinikin^ni my soup of
the leghones').
7^. It surely follows from the Blackfoot material in
Part II, that in every form every element has its „psy-
chologically fixed place", but this place may be quite
difi'erent in another combination and depends entirely
on the order in which the elements of thought rise be-
fore the speaker's mind, owing to their greater or lesser
importance or to the association of ideas. Thus the
element, which in one case heads the compound and
might be called a prefix, has in another combination
changed places with what in the first case might have
been called stem or even sufiix.
8^. Besides, owing to their vagueness, some elements
may occur more than once in one complex e. g. : ai-,
i t (s) -, i X t -.
As we see (especially sub 1^, 2^, 3*^, 5^) there is indeed
a remarkably great similarity between the facts in Ara-
16
paho and Blackfoot and also between Fox and Black-
foot, as became evident from the careful examination
by Kroeber and ourselves of Dr. Jones's results. And if
the present author draws a conclusion from these facts,
which does somewhat dififer from that of Jones and
Kroeber, this is mainly due to some of the other cha-
racteristics, noted about Blackfoot verb-structure (sub 6^,
7^, 8^). For on account of these, there can be no question
in Blackfoot of the even for Fox very doctrinary stem-
classification of Jones, the weak points of which are
brought forward by the characteristics noted on p.
5-6.
Nor should I like to say with Kroeber (see above
p. 12) that „the verbs are built up around a kernel of
a normal verbal stem or root", nor speak of „compound
binary verbs". And for this very reason I cannot agree
with Kroeber when he says about holophrasis and poly-
synthesis: „ these terms will essentially be only a con-
venient designation for the linguistic process which
allows two verbs to consolidate into a single one."
The less because we may get a quite different con-
ception of holophrasis, as it is found in Blackfoot and
perhaps in Algonkin in general, if we consider what
Jespersen (A Modern English Grammar II Syntax I.
p. 6) says on the verb in modern English, scil. that
it is especially sentence-building. As we stated already,
any word or group of words may be a verb in such
languages; or, what is equally true, any word there
can be sentence-building. So, we can not, as a rule,
find a kernel (the verb) and other parts, but the whole
sentence is a verb, cf. Jones's statement quoted on
p. 4. E. g. : aukanaiksistsipuyisi when they all stood in
a circle nbt. 73, 13; it^paisauakstsitsikiop then we began
17
to put 0)1 other moccasins nbt. 29, 2; aitamauksoyiau
they ate the raw entrails, being happy nbt. 166, 1 ; tam-
anistsipitotsau%kyapiksiuaie then he suddenly threw up
his head out of the water right in front nbt. 79, 33.
But we must not lose sight of the fact that, supposing
the present view, nowadays taken by grammarians of
modern European languages, — starting from the sen-
tence as being a unit, and the expression of one thought
or feeling — to be the right one, the difference with
Blackfoot c. s. is not great. It is really only a gradual
difference, in so far that the unit of sentence in such
„primitive" languages as the Algonquian is much stronger
(in consequence of which, e. g., incorporated nouns are
frequently as it were only represented by an index),
and on the other hand it is more capricious and un-
systematical and consequently more difficult, because
the order of words, which in a language such as mo-
dern English has even made inflexion of forms super-
fluous, is much less fixed. Interesting on this point is
also the following remark of Jespersen: „Very often
such a verb form [in the old Arian (Indogermanic) langu-
ages, as well as in some languages belonging to other
groups] was sufficient in itself to express a whole com-
posite thought ; what could not be incorporated into the
verb form, stood more or less isolated, outside the sen-
tence proper, in what may be called extraposition. In
course of time, the tendenz has been to strip the verbal
idea or root idea of these accessory notions ; but though
in a form like must there are no longer any indications
of person, number, tense, or mood, most other verb forms
still retain some or all of these accessory ideas..." (O.
Jespersen. op. c. 1. 44). Another student of Indo-European
linguistics, therefore, who accepts for the ancient Indo-
18
European, as well as for some other languages a liolo-
phrasis differing somewhat from that meant by Kroeber.
The more reason for me, not to consider myself bound
down to the three interpretations of the Algonkin verb
proposed by Kroeber, although he remarks in a somewhat
prophetic tone : „ until the science of language is revolu-
tionized by entirely new methods of thinking about it,
there seem to be only three possible descriptions of the
Algonkin verb that have a usable meaning" (see above,
p. 10). And I will make bold to propose a fourth inter-
pretation which I consider documented and explained
in the material dealt with in Part II:
„The Blackfoot verb and, — seeing the apparent agree-
ment with the facts given by Jones and Kroeber —
the Algonkin verb in general, is a compound of various
elements (verbal, adverbial, nominal, etc.) characterized
as a verbal form by means of a verbal ending".
PART II.
List of prefixes.
ai-, au-.
Monophthongizations of a i - (scil. a -, a-) are frequent
immediately before -s- and perhaps also before -a- (cf.
s a i -) e. g. :
ixtastuyimiu (;the people) ivintered with nbt. 8, 11.
aa%kai}n he ivas on his way home nbt. 77, 9.
aa%kyapipiksiu [tlie ivar-party) ran home nbt. 18, 2.
In many other cases we have to do with a prothetic
i - and not with a rest of a i - (as it seemed a moment
to the present author) e. g. :
iska%k6sii they .stretched their hands hack (i. e. they
went hack to help) nbt. 24, 9.
isksa%kuspiniu she had earth on her cheek nbt. 73, 16.
istuisoiau it was ivinter, when they went on the raid
nbt. 23, 13.
iskunata;iikumiks those that shot hard nbt, 12, 14.
isikiztoiiksistsikuyi Monday nbt. 231, 1.
isikotuyiks Black-tails nbt. 7, 20.
As far as I can see, a i -, a u - is the only prefix
that is also used as an infix in the strict sense of the
word, e. g. :
20
kaiixtsipiniki Spotted-kills (woman's name).
paiota Fly(ing) (woman's name).
kaiiskstakip^Kpaukau he had had a heaver-dream nbt.
84, 10.
amaie paiiskiua over there is somebody corralling nbt.
120, 19.
kaiisto%s!nai he stuck himself nbt. 21, 21 (cf. ibidem:
ixtsiksisto^sinai he stuck himself with).
paiiskiua {tlie people) ivas corralling obt. 18, 1.
anno%k kaiokuixk this night obt. 13, 11.
kaikitoto%paipiinai maiaii slie just jumped to her robe
nbt. 138, 17.
kauko^tokiaiks they had only their ears left nbt. 18, 1.
aikauko%t;i;skunixkiuaie lie just shot with it nbt. 183, 12.
The prefix a i -, a u - (just like i t -) may be found
more than once in the same form ; e.g.:
aitsauaipa;skaii oto^kemaiks Jiis wives were the only
ones that did not dance nbt. 73, 1.
ki aiaianikapimatsiuaie and he had him for a single
man ivith him nbt. 84, 8.
itauauakoau we ivould chase nbt. 1, 22.
aiaiakapotsiu then he began to pack his meat (on a
horse) nbt. 2, 8.
Syntactical.
1^. ai-, au- has a durative force (in contrast to it-
that expresses perfectivity as well as „being defined as
to place or time or circumstances"). So ai-, au- is
frequent in forms of the temporal conjunctive, and of
the indicative used as such, to express the unlimited
space of time, out of which one special moment is
pointed at by a form with it-.
Examples :
aipjxskaii they were dancing nbt. 72, 1.
21
autusi in spring (when it is spring) nbt. 76, 23.
In other words we can say that with a i -, a u - the
situation of things is summarized, and that with it-
forms the narrative proceeds. E. g. :
aipixtsiu she was far away nbt. 125, 26.
aupoka%kaiimiuaie she went home with her nbt.
124, 12.
auk^naiokaiau ; oma kipitakeu itsipiiau all of them
slept; that old ivoman got up nbt. 128, 17.
2^. a i -, a u - is also iterative and then it may be
rendered by the EngHsh verb „to use". E. g. :
kailsto%sinai he stuck himself ('scil. the father of each
married man who was Jcilled) nbt. 21, 21.
auanit say every time obt. 2, 2.
aip^skasi . . . auaksipuyiau when they danced . . . they
stood in a circle nbt. 72, 4.
itauakimau then (the people) chased the buffalo nbt.
3, 6.
auaua%kisixk they ivere shaking their heads (^= danc-
ing) nbt. 85, 4.
<jsnni nitainausinai that way he used to dress nbt, 73, 34.
aist<xmsatapiksixp otokoauaists then they would throw
out their kidneys nbt. 1, 29.
asotsimani itaismakiauaists they made marks on the
parfleches (N.B. it- is local) nbt. 2, 19.
itauamiaupiu = {the people) began to get on their horses
nbt. 3, 6.
aini- cf. sub in- below ; down.
aip(i)st8ik- a little; scarcely; cf. sub ipistsik-.
aist(8)-, ast(s)- (cf. ai-, sai-) close, near to.
22
1*^. frequent as independent verbal stem, i. e. only
followed by a verbalizing suffix :
aistslsi ivhen they are close by nbt. 77, 3.
aiikaistsiu {the time) is getting very near nbt. 85, 24.
aistslsi when it is close to the time {that . . .) nbt. 77, 6.
itstsixki aistoyi if some one comes nbt. 175, 19.
2^. combined with the verbal stem -a;t;k-, -o%k-
„to go, to come". E. g. :
aisto%kima moyists he got near the lodges nbt. 81, 5.
ma%kaisto%koyis that he might get closer to him nbt.
80, 6.
otaisto%kokoaiauaie when she came near them nbt.
110, 6.
otsitsiikaistokokoaiauaie she was very close to them
nbt. 110, 12*).
aisto%kimiau omim otapimanoai they came near their
lodge nbt. 24, 7.
aiisto^koyiu oml unnasini she got near the men nbt.
168, 28.
aiista;^^kixk when we were near to nbt. 7, 2.
aisto^kim he got near it nbt. 79, 32.
akomataisto^kixp lue shall get close there nbt. 26, 27.
3*^. combined with various prefixes:
a%kaistsaipisko%toaiiks let us charge on them close (i. e.
when they are close by) nbt. 17, 7.
matsito%kanauaistoma%kaii they all ran again to him
nbt. 208, 9.
4^. aistsikai-Pekaniua the Peigan tribe of not long
ago (lit.; near-old) nbt. 203, 9.
*) - a i s 1 0 k- stands for - a i s t o ;<; k. Examples of such inconstant
aspiration are numerous.
23
1*^. al£(s)- nearly, about to, soon ; cf. a u t ;ij m - a k -
almost^ about to.
1^. seldom as independent verbal stem :
nitaiak I shall; cf. nito^kot 1 com.
2^. as a prefix with the meaning nearly^ soon :
aksikoko it was nearly night obt. 58, 1.
itaksinetsiu he was nearly drowned obt. 64, 20.
aksimiu he was about to drink obt. 64, 10.
itakotoyiuaie he was nearly taking it nbt. 158, 22.
tautjxmakotoau / am nearly taking it nbt. 158, 24.
akanetoyiau tJiey were going to separate nbt. 2, 30.
akapinako towards morning nbt. 27, 8.
3". nearly as a tense-prefix of the future:
akamistutsop we shall move up nbt. 1, 15.
akopakiop ive shall move nbt. 1, 18.
akitakauop ice shall 7nake a circle {to chase the buf-
falo) nbt. 3, 1.
nitaksip^sk / shall dance nbt. 78, 8.
matako%totakixp 1 will not take from them nbt.
78, 2.
nitaksam I shall hunt obt. 7, 9.
kitakauato;^pinan we shall eat you obt. 8, 26.
4^. The next future seems to be expressed by the
combination a i - a k - ; e. g. :
ann6%k aiaksikokuixk now this coming night nbt.
119, 6.
aiaksistuyiu it ivill be cold obt. 13, 16.
anno^kaie nitukska aiaksip^iskau now it is {only) one
{night more) they will dance obt. 21, 30.
kitaiako^kot 1 shall give it to you obt. 59, 8.
5^. In connection with the adverbial meaning of
a k (s) - about to, almost, the sense of a future in
24
the past is rather intelligible. These forms often have
nearly the same value as those with iterative a i -
(cf. ai- sub 20):
akanistsiuaie he tvould tell her nbt. 1, 33.
otsitaka%kaiixp ivlien he ivas to go home nbt. 77, 26.
autosaie akitanistsiuaie ivheii she came back, he would
say to her nbt. 2, 1.
atakskunakinai he ivas going to shoot again obt.
30, 28.
akst;t;m>5Jsikomoauaie it tvould be broken for him nbt. 2, 3.
akitomonimaie he tvould roll {the marrotv) in (the
manifold) nbt. 2, 5.
akitaip;ikstsimaie he tvould burst it by chewing it
nbt. 2, 6.
akautsim they tvould take it nbt. 3, 9.
ais7.moyixk ataksamiixk after a long while he was
going to hunt obt. 23, 6.
N.B. omi einiua tuksk^xmi auka;\;;tsenikiop tve shall
kill one of the buffalo nbt. 165, 32.
2'^. ak(8)- round. For different forms see : u % s o k -,
u % s 0 % k -.
P. as an independent verbal stem, only followed by
a verbalizing suffix :
t(;imitap.xksiniinai then it circled around to nbt.
156, 25.
2''. as a prefix in nominal forms :
akokatsists the circle-camp nbt. 18, 12.
Perhaps also in : amoi aka%k6 itoto he came to a
round hill nbt. 198, 1, although this form may be
regarded as verbal like :
itakitsoaskuyiu the Round-forest nbt. 14, 25.
3*^. as a verbal prefix ;
25
akak^uhop we shall go in a circle after buffalo nbt.
90, 23.
aitakopiiau ilieTj sat in a circle nbt. 45, 22.
auaksipuyiau they stood in a circle nbt. 72, 4.
itauaksipuyimiauaie theij were all standing around
them nbt. 41, 11.
N.B. aukanaiksistsipuyisi when they all stood in a
circle nbt. 73, 13. It is doubtful whether „in a circle"
is expressed here by ak- (c. q. to be found in auk-)
or by - k s i s t - (cf. 1^ k s i s t - sub 3").
ak(ai)-, ak(au)-, (i)kai- ; cf i k -.
These prefixes are to be divided in two rather dif-
ferent semantic groups with the meanings much, many
and already. A similar expansion of use and sense is
to be noted by the prefix a m a i - (omai-, umai-,
imai-) which besides replaces a k a i - already after a
negative, e.g. sauumai-, matomai-; cf. amai- and
Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 49. Especially
for this reason I did not hesitate to identify a k a i -
much with a k a i - old, already.
So we have the following meanings:
1^. many, much, plenty of.
a) as an element of nominal forms or as an indefinite
pronoun, animate and inanimate (when used predi-
catively this is verbalized):
akditapisko many people together (= town).
akaitapi many people nbt 121, 1.
ikakauoyi auaua%sists there is plenty of food nhi 76,19.
ski'miks akaiimi 7na7iy mares nbt. 224, 14.
matakauoa istuyists it was not many years nbt. 224, 16.
Kyaiakaiimmi Many-hears (name of a Blood-Indian
man).
26
akail'mmixki they were many obt. 3, n®. 11.
itakaiimi notasiuaniks then were many our horses
nbt. 224, 17.
akauoyi many {were) nbt. 224, 38.
h) as an independent adverb ending in - o % t s ;
sometimes used in a verbal form:
ak6%tsi apito%so%tsi very far north obt. 5, 1.
aka %tsiaie otoka'ni far do-wu was her hair nbt. 137, 6.
c) as a prefix of verbal forms:
itakautotau he made plenty of fire {a big fire) nbt.
176, 8.
nimataikautsipa / do not often swim.
2^. old, already. On account of the latter meaning we
might call akai- a prefix of the perfect tense („ein
perfektisches Praefix", as German philologists would
say), just like k s i s t - (N.B. they are often found
together).
a) with substantives former, ancient:
ikai-Pek<xniua the ancient Peigan tribe obt. 5, 1 ;
nbt. 1, 1; nbt. 51, 6.
(xkai-tapiua the ancient people obt. 57, 1.
b) as a verbal prefix already:
akauksikinakiminai slie had already turned into bones
obt. 25, 12.
^kaitautsiksistopin {the people) was already sitting nbt.
199, 11.
nikaumotsaiau I have killed {all those) obt. 48, 1.
kikato%ko;^kemi you have got another ivife obt. 38, 19.
«kato%ko%keminai he has got another ivife obt. 38, 16.
^kainim omik apauk he had seen there a flint-knife
obt. 47, 18.
kikau%koi you have got something to eat obt. 37, 3.
Ikaumatapakimiu she was already hammering nbt. 11, 21.
27
nikainitau I have killed him obt. 46, 25.
i^^kaumitaiiasiu lie had turned into a dog obt. 11, 6.
ikaitaiksistsauyiau they had already done eating obt.
3, nO. 10.
iaikainauasiu he has become a chief obt. 53, 28.
^kainim he had seen it obt. 46, 13.
^kaiokau he has fallen asleep obt. 22, 16.
ij^kainii they ivere dead already obt. 46, 9.
okainokai he was already seen by him obt. 20, 8.
nikainitiinaii we have killed her obt. 28, 16.
kikaip;K%tsan you have said wrong obt. 54, 27.
aikaistapaipyapsapinai he kept looking about farther
away nbt. 143, 9.
^kais^ismomato it is already a long time that she started
obt. 39, 23.
clksiisixnio it is already a long time obt. 26, 22.
kaiiksipixtsiau they went already very far off nbt.
130, 1.
mi'nists ^kaitsii the berries are ripe already nbt. 4, 13.
kikaisksinok he already knows you nbt. 120, 20.
ikaitsistapu he was going away already nbt. 73, 24.
^kauoma%ksimiau they had already got big obt.
25, 13.
c) From the meaning mentioned sub b may be also
derived the use of this prefix with the value of still
which is found to be in some cases the best suitable
translation for the combination ok-anist- (cf . m a-
n 1 s t - sub 8°). The single variant ok- occurs : okai-
nokai he was already seen by him obt. 20, 8.
Here follow the places where okanist- has been
met with :
okanistaiixtsixpiaiks they were still there obt. 64, 14.
okanistsitaixtsixp fhey were still there nbt. 198, 17.
28
ki okanistaia%kitspiaie and it was still smoking obt.
19, 15.
okauistauamotsiixpi they still invite each other nbt.
54, 8.
okanistaixtsixpi tliey (inan.) are still there nbt.
54, 19.
okanistaixtsixp {his lodge) ivas still there nbt. 153, 26.
d) Remarkable is a k a i - with imperatives :
i^kaitopik sit down!
inni ixkaitaupit sit there for a moment! obt. 20, 12.
If we may recognize in these forms the perfectic
a k a i -, we may compare constructions like Dutch
nu flink doorgeloopen ! nu den lofzang aangeheven!
(a)kap- often ; from ak-(akai-) + ap- (cf. a p -).
Compare for similar formation and meaning a m a p -.
The form i k a p - is also noted :
mataksikapo%tskiinakiopa ive will not often shoot with
it nbt. 183, 5.
Examples: aikapisimianistutsimaie he does it often
secretly.
aikapisimiitapaumixkau he is often fishing alone se-
cretly.
nitsikakapanistutsixp I often do it.
(a)kim- ikim- at (to) the upper end of the lodge.
The independent adverbial form is often met with:
akimo^ts st^^mitakaupiu at the upper end he sat down
obt. 45, 1.
akimo^ts at the upper end nbt. 22, 14.
akimo^tsim in the upper part of the lodge nbt.
156, 32.
29
1'^. as an independent verbal stem only followed by
a verbalizing suffix :
itsikimau he went to the upper part of the lodge nbt.
124, 4.
t<zmikimo he ivent to the upper end of the lodge nbt.
136, 15.
2^. as a prefix:
nanauaikimauoyinai he finally went to the upper part
of the lodge nbt. 125, 3.
etsekimaixtsenea otseuanoaie their gamhling- wheel was
lying in the west-end of the lodge, de J. de J. bt. 43,
23. About this place Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes *) p. 27
says: „:= itsikimaixtsinai('a). The prefix kim- refers
to the upper end of the lodge". Indeed the inter-
pretation of de J. de J. is supported by no other
place.
a%k - is untranslatable.
Etymologically a % k - may be connected with the
relative ending - a % k (s), cf. sub II (-pi).
Syntactically a % k - is in the first place the charac-
teristic of the final conjunctive. Moreover it is not
only prefixed to a conjunctive, but also to indicative
forms, and forms of the so-called false final conjunc-
tive (cf. Uhlenbeck, Conjunctief-achtige Modi p. 17).
Another false conjunctivus finalis is found with in-
transitive verbal stems in - a - ; from these stems
abstracta are formed with the suffix - n i and to these
a;tk-, najn;k-, etc. is prefixed (ibid. p. 18). The
") C. C. Uhlenbeck. Philological Notes to Dr. J. P, B. de Josselin de
Jong's Blackfoot Texts. Verhandelingen der Kon. Akad. v. Wetenschappen.
Afd. Letterkunde. N.R. Dl. XVI. No. 1. Amsterdam, Juni 1915.
30
a % k - forms are made negative by means of s t a i -,
stau-, perhaps a phonetical secondary variant of
sai-, sau- in the proximity of the k.
In a polysynthetic language like Blackfoot, where it
is so difficult to distinguish between the syntactic and
the morphologic, and where e. g. a firmly maintained
characterization of modes and tenses hardly could be
pointed out, it will prove best to consider a % k -
morphologically, a % k - stands in 3 morphologically
different constructions and in each of them it may
perform various syntactic functions,
a % k - c, indicativo.
a) purely relative (to translate by our adjective clauses) :
annik kokuyik na^^ksok wlipn I sleep during the
7iiglits obt. 67, n^. 6.
omiaie kinnuna a^kauanistsiu tltere is the one, our
father told us about obt. 28, 22.
b) with final, sometimes consecutive meaning:
a%ko%tsitokopstai {give them) that she might malce soup
with them obt. 38, 22.
a%kitsoyiu {tell him) that he ynay eat obt. 32, 23.
pu%sapuk, kito%kemauaiks ka^kitsaipiauaii come here,
that you take your wives out obt. 43, 28.
a^kitsoatai {make haste) that we may eat it obt. 37, 9.
ka;^k6tomoki {there will be none) that will take {this
backfat) from you obt. 42, 16.
d%kitsipim {tell her) that she should enter obt. 18, 23.
N. B. The verbal abstracta in - a n i may also find
here a place:
ka^kstatakaatskani (/ told you) that you should never
have a partner obt. 53, 17.
ma%k§,%kuitskani {he was always thinking) that he
might have a fight obt. 4, n*^. 19.
31
k6ka, na%kipitapaiakani wait a moment, that I may
have a chance to confess.
c) with potential meaning:
ka%kst^.mo%toki they might hear you obt. 44, 15.
a%kaut^makotap6tsiu he might soon he here with the
•pieces of the carcase obt. 27, 3.
ka%ksistsk6kixpinan (/ am afraid) that you might make
us dirty obt. 33, 19.
saksist ka%ksistsk6ki go out, you might make us dirty
obt. 56, 21.
na^ksinauayisitoki he might hit me obt. 40, 8.
ka%ko%toki they might hear you obt. 41, 32.
a^kitsitokiokimoki {if it is a long time) he may get
angry with us obt. 60, 11.
(l) to indicate a great probability, a modestly ex-
pressed certainty (Eng. auxiliary, „must").
ma;^kauko%tsok usi it must have been given to him
by his son-in-law obt. 37, 4.
a%kaumainitayii they must he crazy obt. 46, 11.
a%ksistsinikatakanistaistutoyiuatsiksaie it must be a
long time, that he has treated him that ivay obt.
40, 12.
e) as imperative (adhortative), cf. above sub c.
a;^;ksikamauopi let us walk fast obt. 62, 13.
ka%kitsapitsim you had better fill your pipe obt.
45, 14.
ka%kota%k6spuaiixk {he would say:) you are tvanted
to stretch your hands out obt. 35, 10.
ka^^kitapaiksima you might go and touch! obt. 42, 3.
a%ka%kapiaiiks let us take them home obt. 53, 24.
a^ksikakotoaii ki a%kita%kaiop let us only take {the
backfat) and let us go home obt. 44, 24.
a%kstais<zmoyi let it not be a long time obt. 60, 8.
32
The same may also be expressed by forms without
a % k -, but in the conjunctive :
iiks6po%sisa let if blow harder nbt. 176, 25.
f) some particular cases :
kfnnlk kitsim a^kstaiaiapiua there is the door, does
he not see? obt. 23, 20.
a^kakitsakaiainitsiuaie he will never he able to Jiill it
obt. 30, 10.
ka^kstayinomoki there is nohody to prevent me fromkilling
you (lit. : that you may yiot die for me) obt. 39, 34.
II. a ;^^ k - c. indicativo with -pi.
To the relative idea expressed by -pi a % k - adds
a modal one.
a) final and consecutive ; also with only -pi:
£i;tjkstaisimo3a a^kitapistutsixpi let it not he a long
time {before^ tJiat) tve shall fix {these lodges) obt. 60, 9.
ma%ksoato%piau {he ivould not give them) something
that they might eat obt. 35, 16.
ma%ksoata%pi {they were nearly all dead) for some-
tliing that they might eat obt. 12, 16.
ka%kak%osixpixk {these are) that you can boil obt.
38, 26.
Cf. the purely relative idea of -pi alone :
itsinita^pi {it is a long time) that she was Tiilled obt.
26, 23.
nitsksinixpists {things) which I know nbt. 217, 29.
b) in the equivalents of our dependent questions :
kitakanik ka%kitapo%pi she will tell you, ivhere you
can go obt. 51, 31.
nitaksksinixp ka%kanistspiimmo%pi 1 shall know the
way I shall Jielp you.
ka%kanistsitapiixpi (lie will tell you) how you can live
obt. 52, 22.
83
Cf. without a % k - : otsit6%kota:%pi [she heard there
some one singing) where {while) she cut wood obt. 12, 19.
otsftaupixp {they would get to the place) where he
used to sit obt, 35, 23.
III. a % k - c. conjunctivo.
a) final ; also without a % k - :
a%kstaminakfljta%s {why did our father say) that we
should not roll it eastward? obt. 27, 12.
ma;:tkstatsaks that they must not go out obt. 10, 29.
(may be also a false conjunctive, for the verbal root
is s^ks-).
(o)ma%ksoyis {they put hy him) that he might eat obt.
44, 11.
na%k6takoa%sau {they told me) that I must give them
a drink obt. 15, 11.
na%kotomoaipiksista%s {she told me) that I should
gather up {these pieces) obt. 42, 26.
ma%ksinisaie (they wayited to stop it) that it might
die obt. 27, 15.
ma%ksksinoa%saie (he is thinhing) that he may Ttnow it
obt. 38, 15.
Without a % k- :
otsumma%s {he tried hard) that he rubs obt. 54, 24.
anistsis ixtsfska^^s tell him that he must make a sweat-
lodge obt. 56, 6.
anis(ts)lsau inita%sauaie ; ak^ko^nasisaie, maksita%sauaie
say to them^ that they Jcill him; if it is a girl, that they
wrap her up obt. 38, 1.
b) in cases, corresponding with our dependent clauses
with „that", e. g., noun clauses, imperatives in the
oratio indirecta, etc.:
ma%ksinita;tsauaiks ki ma^ksitsoata^js^uaiks {they said)
that they should Mil and eat them obt. 10, 30.
3
34
ka%kainoa%s (it is not good) that you see him obt. 6, 19.
ka%kitomisi {it is all right) that you (fern.) get married.
a%ksiiiit£i%s (i don't think) that he is killed obt. 53, 20.
a%ksuyisksanoias {he says) that he wants curly arrows
to be made for him obt. 30, 14; cf. suyisksanoiokit
make a curly arrow for me.
ma^kitsipiksistsis (she says) that she will show the people
that I am a warrior nbt. 76, 1.
c) in sentences, which we would render by adjective
clauses, with a potentialis:
amom ninauyis ka%kitsipisi that one is a man's-lodge,
where you ought to go in obt. 41, 24; cf. kipitauyis
omim otsitsipixp the lodge he went into was an old-
woman' s-lodge obt. 41, 23.
ka%kitapotakis {with some stick there) that you can look
about for obt. 33, 30.
a%k-, a;^^ky-, a%kyap- home.
Probably a % k y a p- is compounded with - (t) a p-,
see tap-.
Once an independent adverbial form is noted:
omam a%kyapo%t(x;m akeu^j^m a woman over there at
home nbt. 26, 10.
1^. as an independent verbal stem followed by a verb-
alizing suffix:
avkuna%kaiop let us go home nbt. 102, 19.
a%kita%kaiop lei us go home obt. 44, 25.
kitakit5j%kai you will go back (scil. home) nbt. 76, 24.
t^ma^kapiuaie then he took {his wife) home nbt.
150, 12.
a%kapiuaie he brought it home nbt. 186, 8.
N. B. In the last two forms we recognize the causa-
tive suffix -pi-.
35
2^. as a prefix. Properly speaking the form a % k-
only once has been met with :
it;6%kenikatsimau she ran home for help nbt. 145, 10.
it:x%kyapukskasiu she ran home nbt. 90, 2.
it^^kyapasainikyayayiu he ran home crying nbt. 126, 16.
it^%kyapistsipatakayayiu she ran home fast nbt, 109, 30.
itaua%kyapapotsiu they (Ht. he) would go home with the
carcases nbt. 3, 10.
it;»i%kyapautsimaiau then they went home to get their
things nbt. 22, 34.
itaua%kyapa%pummau then {the people) would go home
after buying nbt. 14, 15.
a.%kiapap6tsinai he came home with the pieces of the
carcase nbt. 124, 18.
nitsita%kyapistotspinan we moved over to our ranch
nbt. 238, 17.
it^%kyapapotsiau they came back with the pieces of the
carcases nbt. 113, 2.
a%kiin- ; as to the form and the functions cf. a % k -
(I c and e).
It stands always at the beginning of a word-complex,
and the two initial sounds a % - often are subject to
aphaeresis,
1^. adhortative in the 1 prs. plur. imperative (cf.
a%k- le):
omixk a%kuna;i^tapauaua%kau let us travel that way
obt. 53, 10.
a%kuna%poka%kaiop let us go home together obt. 6, 15.
a%kuna%kitapauop ninna let us go to my father obt.
9, 20.
a^ktinistapauop let us go away nbt. 1, 26.
kuna%kaiop let us go home nbt. 9, 17.
36
kunitapauop let us go {to) nbt. 8, 34.
2^. with potential meaning (cf . a % k - Ic):
a%kunauotoi he might come obt. 37, 9.
aiau a%kunauaipokakiu annam nlnauizm . . . mis-
k^tsaksist oh, before that man wakes up (lit. he might
wake up) . . . you had better go out obt. 45, 3.
a%tso- instead.
sot(3im«%tsoamitapaupinai then he just stayed around
instead {of Round-cut-scahhy-rohe) nbt. 90, 35.
dua^tsauaikimmatapsiu he became poor instead {of the
ancient Peigans) nbt. 166, 16.
amai-, omai-, umai-, imai- very, much; as to functions
cf. a k a i -.
1^. as an independent verbal stem, i. e. only followed
by a verbalizing suffix :
itotsotau; iktimaitau it then began to rain; it {rained)
hard nbt. 231, 34. It is not quite impossible that here
we have to do with another stem for „to rain".
2*^. in substantives:
amaitsoaskuists thick forests nbt. 60, 13.
stixmitotoiau, tsiskaie amaipitakein then they came to
that^ which was a very old woman obt. 62, 15.
3^. as a verbal prefix.
a) very, in a high degree:
amaistuyiu it is very cold nbt. 23, 23.
imakumaistuyis even if it was very cold nbt. 12, 8.
stamatamaiiksaiitsimau then she denied it hard nbt. 150, 6.
Imakomaiskunatapsis even if it is a bad case (i. e. a
bad wound) nbt. 57, 9.
maiaii tamiama%sin her robe then was very fine nbt.
137, 7.
37
nittimaistuyis because 1 am very much ashamed nbt.
73, 42.
netomaya^tuyeuaie (nit-omai-o%toyiuaie. Uhlenbeck,
Philol. Notes p. 21) he plainly {entirely^ very well)
heard her {say so) de J. de J. bt. 34, 24.
netumaisoaskakanika he energetically did not consent to
say („yes'') to tne de J. de J. bt. 31, 21. Uhlenbeck,
Philol. Notes p. 19 says about this form: „^= nitomai-
sau;*;skakanika. The prefix nit-, which is the com-
positional form of nitukska owe, emphasizes the
strengthening value of -omai- (=^amai- „in a
high degree'').'' Cf. sub nit-.
nitumiainoyiuaiks he saw them plainly nbt. 189, 14.
mikskumaiikotsisiu he smoked harder instead obt. 28, 11.
b) as a verbal prefix still ; cf. a k a i - (3^) :
imaitskamiu he is still fighting (him) obt. 49, 4.
ki anno%k anauko%t a%kumitop;ijmapaitapiu akai-
Pek^ni and now half of the ancient Peigans is still
living about across obt. 5, 29.
imainanaitsiauaiks they still own those (things) nbt.
91, 15.
imainixka^toyiauaie they still sing to {the moon) nbt.
92, 19.
c) as a characteristic prefix of the perfect, like k s i s t -
and a k a i-. Only combined with the negative pre-
fixes mat- and s a u -, which combinations are best
of all rendered by not yet:
nimatomaisksinipa aua;t^kautsisists 1 do not know yet
about wars nbt. 75, 26.
matomapixtsiuaiks they had not gone far yet nbt.
200, 8.
matomaisixmoats it was not yet a long while obt. 46, 4.
sauumaipuausi before {all the people) got up obt. 3, n^. 10.
38
sauumaisopuyinakus before day-light obt. 13, 14 (lit.
may-be: wJien there is yet no wind and day-light).
sauumaisopuyinakus before day-light obt. 39, 7.
(amap-) umap- always ; amai--[-ap-; cf. akap-.
isaists otauma.pipu;^:;pii%simato%s as they were always
melting fat obt. 1, 3.
amat- to try.
amato;^to%kouimat try to find {a piece) from it nbt.
138, 30.
(mistaputaminaso%tsi) amatsepitotot try to get (down
on the other side of it) during the night obt. 52, 12.
amata^kusksinos, oma%taka%kuinixpi try to find out
from her., what will cause her death nbt. 104, 35.
ami- wp, on high.
1^. up^ on a horse :
an^tsimiaupik sit up again nbt. 31, 14.
itauamiaupiu then {the Peigan tribe) would sit up nbt. 3, 6.
matsitauamiaupiu then (the party) sat on their horses
(lit. up) again nbt. 30, 31.
nitsitsitamia'^pauau I jumped on him (scil. on the horse)
nbt. 219, 23.
2^. up to the prairie, away from the river :
itapau^miaksistutsiu {the Peigan tribe) turned back and
moved up nbt. 14, 28.
timamistutsiu then {the Peigan tribe) moved up nbt. 1, 16.
dkamistutsop we shall move up {away from the river)
nbt. 1, 15.
tfljmamisamiu then {the tribe) went up {to the prairie) to
hunt nbt. 12, 5.
I
39
itauamistutsiu then {the tribe) moved up (on the prairie)
ubt. 14, 16.
matsitskamistutsopa we moved bach {towards the prairie)
nbt. 5, 29.
3°. m sight of (esp. of a camp) ; nearly always the com-
bination o t - a m i - was noted. Cf. o t -.
paua%kuyi totamiaupiu he sat in sight on a hill nbt.
83, 6.
akotami^taiayiau they would come in sight of the camp
in a circle nbt. 32, 8.
itjumiatayayiu he came up going in a circle nbt. 126, 5.
tamotamiopiu then {the people) sat in sight {of the enemy's
camp) nbt. 79, 16.
N.B. ot6tomioma%kaiau they came in sight of nbt.
79, 11.
N.B. N.B. atamipu%saput come up {to my camp) after a
while nbt. 226, 30. Perhaps we have to see in this
form haplology for : a t as m - + a m i -.
4^. up in general.
itsitapamisoyinai she went up to them nbt. 110, 18.
ipis6a%s autamiskapiu the morning-star was coming up
nbt. 27, 9.
miskst(»;mamiapiksatsiuaie he jumped at him in spite
{of his shooting) nbt. 17, 14.
amisl[ap- south. As to the derivation it is not clear, whether
it contains the prefix ami- and the verbal stem
s k a p - to pull ; or perhaps the prefixes ami-, s k -
and (t) a p -. Cf. 6ma%tapautamiskapi tvhere {the sun)
rises obt. 51, 2.
ipis6a%s autamiskapiu the morning-star was coming up
nbt. 27, 9.
It is taken down among the prefixes on account of
40
its meaning, entirely fitting in this list, though it has
been only noted as independent verb and adverb:
amiskapo%tsk {they went) south obt. 48, 5.
nitak<zmskapo / shall go south obt. 48, 3.
amiskapo%tsi in the south nbt. 167, 17.
amit- up the river (especially used of the rivers east of
the Rocky Mountains). Perhaps combination of ami-
4- i t - up . . . there {there means : that generally known
place, the river). In the examples -it- has nowhere
been found, which is an indication the more^ that
we have to see in the tof amit- a form of -it-.
Often amit- has been conceived as, and so may
be rendered by, westward^ cf. p i n a p - down the river ^
eastward.
The independent adverbial form is also noted :
amlto^ts higher up the river obt. 44, 2.
amlto%tsk higher up the river obt. 41, 19.
ameta;^tsk (up the river) westward de J. de J. bt. 44, 23.
dko%tamitapaukekaup we sliall camp about along the
river nbt. 6, 23.
akametsistutskixtsip we shall move up nbt. 6, 21.
nis6ta;ma%tamitoma%k 1 then went higher up {up the
river or up the prairie?) nbt. 241, 10,
amotap. all over^ all about.
Probably consisting of the elements : amai--|-mo t(ui)-
-fap-; cf. motui-, motap-.
Three times the form o m o t a p - was noted.
aistamamotapipo%to%pi that were all carried about nbt.
3, 38.
aist^cmamotapipiaii itapotsopiks the horses thai had meat
on them would be taJcen all over (the camp) nbt. 3, 36.
41
aikakitomautapauaukiu they moved about just a little
nbt. 5, 18.
aitomotapa;^pokya%piinai while he was jumping about^
the arrow was going in the same direction nbt. 182, 22.
ikatomotapaiaksistapiksiu he began to be ready to jump
about nbt. 182, 21.
nin6%komotapaiakstsip / kept trying to steer the ears
of the lodge about nbt. 138, 15.
an- now ; cf. the demonstrative anno this one right
here and the relative pronoun a n n o % k , nearly
always used as temporal adverb now (Uhlenbeck, Some
General Aspects of Blackfoot Morphology, p. 22—23).
Only noted as first prefix at the beginning of impe-
rative forms; variants to be found are «n-, an(n)i-,
X n (n) i -, n - :
;i;nsakapu%s let him come out obt. 53, 5.
(^innisaksist come out nbt. 104, 17.
anikakitaupit just sit there obt. 39, 17.
anikipu%ksikiakoki quickly make a trap for me obt.
31, 14.
annaitsinomokit make me moccasins nbt. 22, 1.
annopakiit now move nbt. 165, 17.
(znskot go back nbt. 180, 22.
isinsamik go and hunt nbt. 23, 23.
xnccisainik go again and hunt nbt. 107, 24.
«n^t;tjmiaupik get on your horses again nbt. 31, 14.
(Sjnisominit now take off your clothes nbt. 47, 16.
aninisau(o)k now get off! obt. 10, 24.
anno;^it6takitau noiv take from them nbt. 77, 30.
annapaiinimat now begin to catch your horses nbt. 3, 5.
napanisau(o)t begin to get off about nbt. 31, 2.
Sometimes a n n o % k - is found as a prefix :
42
ann6;t;kanit you must say now nbt. Ill, 24.
anno%k6kit give me her now nbt. 147, 28.
ann6%ko%potomitsit now you must take the lead nbt.
171, 14.
ann6%kota%kosit go and get the carcase.
Perhaps also the form annauk- in:
naukit;sj%k^naisaksiau now they all came out (of their
holes) nbt. 117, 15.
anauk- half; one (of a pair).
Independent adverbial forms:
anauko^tsi tacmomyanistainimiau they cut one side in
different pieces nbt. 31, 13.
anauko;t;tsi otokisi half of the hide nbt. 25, 10.
k^nauanauko%tsi the half of it nbt. 80, 26.
As a prefix :
1^. in substantives:
omi ot^nnaukotokemi ^nnimaie itoti^itsipotsim she put
{them) down on her half of a hide nbt. 11, 4.
2o. in verbs:
no^tokisi takauanaukupistokia%s 1 will keep down one
of my ears nbt. 141, 22.
aia%kanaukupistokia%siau they all kept one ear down
nbt. 141, 24.
takauanaukit6mika%s I will throw one of my legs out in
front nbt. 141, 25.
aia%kixnaukitomika%siau they all throw one of their legs
out in front nbt. 141, 26.
anaukapiniu he was one-eyed nbt. 198, 13.
anan-, ani-.
Only noted in some names of months:
aniotsltaisisksemoku%pi ivhen the grass grows = April.
43
anauotsitaisaisuyopoksko%pi when the leaves come out =
May.
anauotsistsinistsotsitaiitspi when the strawberries get ripe
z= June.
anauitapo%kiakiopi when we are cutting hay = September.
anauotsitauapipits%ko%pi tvhcn the leaves dry up =
October.
anist- cf. m a n i s t -.
aiiit(s)- separately, all separately.
1^. as a verbal stem, i. e. only followed by a verbaliz-
ing suffix:
akanetoyiau they were about to separate nbt. 173, 21.
itanetoiau they separated nbt. 232, 8.
Several times in a formula used by raconteurs to
finish their stories;
ki anetoyi imitaiks and the dogs have separated (after
having had their meal) nbt. 186, 32.
kinnyaie anetoyi imitaiks and now the dogs have separ-
ated nbt. 41, 16.
2^. as a prefix = all separately with only a slight stress
on „ separately" :
it^nitjt;%kaiiu then all of them went home nbt. 73, 35.
dukanauanitotuipstosiu all of them went to enter their
holes nbt. 122, 19.
3^. as a prefix to pieces:
anitsiniotsika tear them up nbt. 49, 15.
matakanitsiniotsima he would not tear them nbt. 49, 16.
otsit^xnnitsiniautomok he tore his clothes to pieces nbt.
43, 3.
aiakixnaitsiniotakii (read : aiak^nitsini . . .) they would
tear them to pieces nbt. 48, 20.
44
Prof. Uhlenbeck himself supposes that he has mis-
heard a i for i, but contamination in the Indian mind
of k a n a i - with a n i t - is possible as well.
N. B, anauko%tsi t^momyanistainimiau they cut one
side in different pieces nbt. 31, 13. One is led to think
that here too anit- would fit much better than
- a n i s t -.
4®. separately ; in different directions:
itinetoma%kaiau and they ran away separately nbt.
173, 16.
itauanitsistutsiu then {the people) separated {by hands)
nbt. 5, 23.
okoauaists itauanitsitapa%kaiiau they separated going
home to their lodges nbt. 32, 18.
itinitsauma%kaiaiks then they ran out separately nbt.
192, 23.
sot(zmanitsipiksiu then it (the buffalo-herd) ran all in
different directions nbt. 142, 17.
5^, always.
anitsip6tapo%kistau he would always lay one of them
pointing to {the moon) nbt. 77, 25.
ap- about, round.
Once at the end of a substantive :
maksiniapi the carcases ahout nbt. 4, 4.
The combination i t a p - which occurs rather fre-
quently seems to mean to begin, and so it is to be
analysed as it- -}- tap(o), cf. tap-. Indeed there
are many cases in which it is difficult to decide,
whether we have to do with a p - or tap-.
1^. ahout:
aist^mitsinapapaukunaiiu there {tlie people) would he
camped about nbt. 7, 26.
46
kitdpas<xmmok he is looking about for you nbt. 76, 26.
t<zmo%tsapapauaua%kaiinai walking about, he then fol-
lowed {the road) nbt. 143, 4.
apasatsimiau they began to look about nbt. 30, 5.
ako%tamitapaukekaup we shall camp about along the
river nbt. 6, 23.
a%sa kima%tapau^ua%kaup what are you travelling about
for? nbt. 75, 23.
apaistaukatskat go about to get lodge-pins! nbt. 1, 15.
itapaisaistoyi^u they went crying about the camp nbt.
1, 14.
t<%matapaisaisto then again he cried about the camp nbt.
2, 23.
sot^mapsiemmokaie then he looked about for him nbt.
73, 36.
tiimo%tapauaua%kau he then walked about nbt. 79, 8.
2^. In many cases ap- apparently has lost its literal
meaning referring to space and has become a colour-
less suffix to other prefixes, cf. akap-, .a%kyap-
(tap-?), ksisap-, ksistap-, manistap-,
nitap-, pinap-, satap-, etc. E. g. :
manata%kapinausiu those that had a new way of dressing
nbt. 73, 14.
eini 6ma%tapautsatsixp where the buffalo would come
the nearest nbt. 7, 27.
N.B. 6maie apaipuyiuaie over there is {a man) standing
up nbt. 79, 24.
apaiksimatsimmotseiauaie they were happy to meet one
another nbt. 77, 2.
itdpa^patskotsiu {the people) made a rush {crowding one
another) nbt. 81, 14.
apam- across {the river , the water).
46
After other elements we find in compounds also:
-opam-, -upam-.
1^. as an independent verb, that is to say only im-
mediately followed by verbalizing sufiixes:
aup^jsmo he crossed obt. 5, 11.
aup<ajmo she crossed nbt. 129, 29.
no%kop<zmipiokinan take us across nbt. 129, 8.
amom psoaup^j^mipiok why does not this one take me
across? nbt. 129, 31.
2^ as a prefix:
a%kumitopiSjmapaitapiu is still living about across obt.
5, 29.
aut^makopixmistaiiua he was nearly diving across nbt.
88, 16.
aiisop^s^motototaiau they went on ahead across the river
to build a fire nbt. 23, 7.
3^. The adverb a p <:« m o % t (s i) is rather frequent.
N.B. tapopOma%tsi towards the other side of the river
nbt. 88, 14.
api%t- behind; back.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by verb-
alizing suffixes :
ninitapatau I was the last one nbt. 232, 22.
2^. in substantives:
otap^to%katsists his hindlegs.
3^. as a prefix of verbal forms:
nisot^mitapataupi 1 sat behind it nbt. 229, 26.
itap<%tskapinai then he pulled back nbt. 168, 23.
minap^tsapit do not look back nbt. 207, 12.
Combined with -u%s- (-a%s-, -o%s-) back (cf.
sub u%s-) ap«t- occurs several times with the
meaning {to the) north, e. g. :
47
dp;Kto;^sais;tjpiu he was looking north nbt. 66, 19.
6ma;^kauk ap;tto%so they went north over that way nbt.
167, 33.
The adverbial form of this combination is ap;ito%so%tsi
{it is over north nbt. 187, 3), not to be confounded
with the adverbial form of a post- scil. ap;it6%tsik
(long ago obt, 1, n^. 2) which is often verbalized :
pa%tsikapato%tsikaukin he was just a little behind her
obt. 19, 18.
ap^t6%tsikaukinai he was coming behind obt. 43, 9.
pa%tsikapata%tsikaukinai {his partner) was right behind
him nbt. 82, 1.
apokap- reversed.
Cf. makap- bad^ ikokap- very bad.
apokapitapiu he is a person with tvhom everything is
reversed nbt. 49, 24.
ixtapokapinixkatau he was called the reverse of it nbt.
67, 14.
otapokapinixkakoaie {people) reversed their name (lit.
called them reversed) obt. 1, n^. 2.
isto%kanauapokapitapiu he is the person with whom
everything is most reversed nbt. 49, 25.
asi- just.
Usually noted with an imperative and often combined
with -kip- just., for a moment (cf. sub kip-),
kasikipsketso / just scare you for a while obt. 40, 15.
sisikit (from: asi-slkit) just break it nbt. 2, 3.
N. B. asopatsis chair (lit. a thing to sit upon for a moment).
Perhaps asi- may be connected with as- little, young,
which has only been noticed in substantive forms
48
(see: C. C. Uhlenbeck, Het identificeerend karakter
der possessieve flexie in talen van Noord-Amerika,
p. 18)*).
aso- covering (?)
soksistslkui cloud; cf. ksistsiktii dat/.
sokdsimi shirt.
asokaiis trunk, cf. kaiis dried meat.
a8kak(8)- consent, will, can.
P. as an independent verb:
nitiskak 1 consent.
2^. as a verbal prefix, most times, but not always,
with a negation:
askakaniu he consents.
matixskaksipuauats she would not get up nbt. 103, 29.
mat;uskaksapiksiaua {the buffaloes) tvould not run in
obt. 13, 25.
matixskaksauatom he refused to eat them obt. 6, 29.
mat(i»;)skakspummoyiuaiksauaie they did not want to
help him nbt. 213, 24.
mat^Kskaksooa she did not consent to go in nbt. 151, 2.
aSk^S- always.
In the forms recorded it is always the first element
of the compound, at least if we leave out of account
the personal prefixes and the prefix mat- not by
which it is preceded.
*) Versl. en Meded, d. Kon. Akad. v. Wetenschappen. Afd. Letterkunde.
5e R. Dl. II. 1916. Amsterdam.
49
anna%kaie fl5sk%saipiskiu those were the people (that)
were always corralling nbt. 37, 19.
£xsk%saiiksinoksiu he "had always plenty of food to eat
with delight nbt. 200, 15.
^sk%saikoanimiuaie she is always playing with him
nbt. 102, 23.
<xsk;^;s;!jstaiinai he was always thinking obt. 4, n*^. 19.
ask%kspaum6ksakiuae always he had it under his arm
obt. 11, 7.
^sk^sau^sainiu he always cried nbt. 74, 11.
asok- about, across one another.
I have only noted it in combination with an-:
aist;tjmauasokoyiau they would go about nbt. 3, 15;
nbt. 3, 39.
itauasokoma%kaup ive began to run across one another
nbt. 18, 16.
1°. at(s)-, cf. 20. mat (s) - again.
2^. at(s)- around, in a circle.
1^. as an independent verb, scil. only followed by a
verbalizing suffix :
auautsiau they made a circle nbt. 16, 24.
2^. as a prefix:
usk^ini atsisto%kinatsiuaie he had his younger brother
round his neck nbt. 79, 29.
t£;^matsisto%kinatsiuaie he then wore him round his neck
nbt. 79, 4.
itatsotopatom (the people) sat all around it nbt. 119, 8.
itotamiat^yaiiua (the war-party) came in a circle in sight
of the camp nbt, 89, 22.
4
50
dkotami^taiayiau they would come in sight of the camp
in a circle nbt. 32, 8.
anmatap-, omatap-.
A compound of 2 verb-stems, scil. a u m a t (o)- and
tap (o)- with the respective meanings of to start and
to go ; cf. 3^. mat -, and tap-.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
aisti«momatap5iau they then went obt. 34, 20.
stixmsepiomatapoiau then they started in the night obt.
89, 9.
ikiomatapoyinai they all were going on a raid nbt.
79, 7.
2*^. as a verbal prefix to begin:
itaumatapasainiu he began to cry nbt. 75, 6.
dumatapiitsimau {the people) began to skin nbt. 3, 8.
matsitomatapiksisau (the buffalo-herd) had started again
to run obt. 15, 24.
otaumatapsekotsisauaists when they began to gather them
up obt. 26, 15.
stimatomatapip^iskau then {the buffalo-herd) began to
dance again obt. 21, 10.
itomatapita%siu and then (the Peigan tribe) began to have
the scalp-dance nbt. 82, 24.
dumatapotsim he started to swim nbt. 79, 30.
A peculiar form has omatap- in: JH
nitsitomatapioyi I began to eat nbt. 226, 8.
totamatapinokit begin holding me obt. 38, 30.
N.B. aumatap-, omatap- may not be mistaken
for a m 0 t a p - ; see there.
ant-, cf . o t-, o t a m i -, o t s a t -, o t a k -.
61
tL{VL)txni- after a ivhile. It is most times found in im-
peratives; in other forms it nearly always occurs in
combination with futural a k (s) - (cf. a u t is; m a k -) ;
but we find also :
itautaministutsiu [the people) moved down after a while
nbt. 14, 24.
1*^. with the obvious meaning after a while:
atdmipi^%saput come up {to my camp) after a while nbt.
226, 30 (possibly haplology for a t iss m i - a m i -, cf.
ami-).
ati^^minoksatok after a while you must own them (inan.)
obt. 44, 27.
at,zminoksatot after a while be owner of them, (inan.)
obt. 41, 4.
2°. This meaning is weakened to then:
atamo%takaiit then you must go from obt. 48, 31.
at^manistsisau say then {to your pets) obt. 19, 26.
at^mikstsinixtsit no%t6kisi bite then the end of my ear !
nbt. 128, 16.
aut;t^m-ak..
P. on the very verge of, on the point of about :
autamakixtiitsikaiksistsiku it was about noon nbt.
231, 1.
nitaut<;i5maksinisi / was about to fall off nbt. 232, 25.
aut;i;mataksa%pi(u) (the rope) ivas just about to come off
nbt. 228, 7.
2°. soon.
aut^.makot5 she will soon be here obt. 33, 14.
aut^makomktapo he will soon go obt. 52, 26.
3^. nearly.
kitaut(zmsauat^ksino 1 nearly donH see you any more
obt. 29, 8. Cf. kitatamisauatsina (= kit-aut^mi-sau-ats-
52
ino ; Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 29) 1 nearly do not
see you any more now de J. de J. bt. 47, 10.
aut;tjmaksiko;^patsiuaie he nearly felled it obt. 17, 15.
aut;imc4kseniua {the people) nearly died {for something to
eat) nbt. 131, 16.
aut;ijmaksakutsiu {the pot) is nearly boiling over obt. 26, 30.
aut;imaka%k.%naiiiiu (the people) were nearly all dead
obt. 12, 15.
aut;ijmakopjiimistaima he was nearly diving across nbt. 88, 16.
aut^iimaksikoko it was nearly night obt. 57, 16.
aut5smaksiksistsip.;i;skaup we have nearly done dancing
nbt. 192, 20.
aitamakitsuyinipitsiau they tvere nearly frozen in the
water nbt. 23, 12.
ann6%k aut.xmaksapanistsoyi nitotokani mists now I have
pretty near enough of my scalps nbt. 108, 13.
tau.t;imaksipu%soixpinan we are nearly smothered from
smoke obt. 28, 3.
N.B. moksiks nitakot.5:mo%ts§ni 1 can only die hy awls
(cf. nbt. 106, 14: / would die by awls) nbt. 106, 5.
ik(s)- very.
ik(s)-, which may be cognate with ak- much, occurs
in different combinations, e.g.: i k s k a i - (from :
iks-ikai-), iik(s)- (^Zerdehnung" as German phi-
lologists would say, ergo this form is not a „ combi-
nation") and even : i k s k a i i k (s) -.
Ikakauoyi auaua;^saists there are very many foods nbt.
76, 19.
Ikakauoiau mi'nists there are very many berries nbt. 5, 3.
iikitosatom he became a great medicine-man obt. 63, 9.
aiiksiksistujdu it got very hot obt. 37, 11.
diiksis^mo after a very long time obt. 15^ 17.
53
1^. ikixm- quick.
P. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by a
verbalizing suffix :
ikimsin he tvas fast nbt. 189, 2.
iksik>;xmo he is very fast.
ikamo get up! (talking to horses).
2*^. as a prefix :
itsikamistutsiu then {the people) moved fast nbt. 7, 5.
it^k^ijmo^kanaupaistutoaii imoianiks then they all began
quickly to make robes nbt. 13, 4.
3^. as a prefix with a somewhat dififerent, though un-
doubtedly, derived meaning, scil. eventually, perhaps.
a) c. subjunctivo :
kamo^kitstsixki there might be some one nbt, 73, 5.
b) c. conjunctivo :
ik:s;ma%sitakis^ie if he is pleased obt. 6, 9.
k^mltatsapsis if she was foolish nbt. 33, 23.
ikizmitsaiisinias if he does not hit if nbt. 242, 27.
ik^mitakiasi if he hits {the ball) nbt. 242, 10.
ik^mfpixtsii if {the buffalo-herd) is far away nbt. 68, 29.
c) with a % k - :
a%ksik;sjmsksinimaie perhaps she ivill know it obt. 51, 10.
a%ksik;ijmatsinii some more may die yet nbt. 114, 7.
a^iksik^maipiau just about ten nbt. 236, 37; cf. a%kai-
stokiimi nitomixkaniks 1 catch about two fishes nbt.
236, 27.
d) with a k - (futurum conjunctivi, see Uhlenbeck,
Conjunctief-achtige Modi p. 19):
kaksik^mitotanik he will perhaps go and tell you obt. 6, 10.
naksik:sjmo%koaimau I shall perhaps have use of him
obt. 6, 13.
e. with the irrealis, see Uhlenbeck, Conjunctief-achtige
Modi p. 27.
54
2P. ik^m- straight, right.
Perhaps cognate with 1^. i k ^ m -, although it has
secondary forms, which never occur with the mean-
ing of 1^. ik^tm-, scil. -okam- and mokam-
(cf. itom-, otom-, matom-). The prefix m o-
k a m - always and i k a m - nearly always take the
first place in a word-complex ; -okam- never ex-
cept in:
okdmipuyisaamists the war-honnets standing straight up
nbt. 19, 23.
Examples :
mok^man£luko;t:t right half {of the huffalo-herd) nbt.
139, 23.
st^maukamotspu%paipiiixk he just jumped straight up
obt. 46, 17.
st6kamotspu%piis if it goes straight up in the air nbt.
242, 28.
iukamipapiksistaiau they were put straight up nbt.
1, 25.
sot-^Kmokamotaitapo then he went straight {to) obt. 11, 25.
ikit- over, across.
ponoka'mitaiks itaikitatsimaiau they (the dead) tvere
laid across on horses nbt. 21, 4.
(i)kin- l*^. soft, in substantives:
ikinauksisakiii soft meat nbt. 145, 1.
2^. slowly, as a verbal prefix:
kinautamiso he went slowly up nbt. 180, 1.
nis6t^mikinaua%ka%pinan we then went slowly nbt.
231, 35.
3^. easy, gently^ as a verbal prefix :
ikindikaiinimiau they opened it easy nbt. 204, 6.
55
otsltsikinana^kimok^e she gently laid his head down
nbt. 197, 9.
atsikikinautamio^ki^kiu then he agai^i very gently looked
over the hill at him obt. 63, 19.
ikin- all (together).
iki6matap5yinai {the Peigan tribe) were all going on a
raid nbt. 79, 7.
ikiuokunaiiu {the people) was all camping together nbt.
112, 1; 126, 11.
iki6matap6 {the Peigan tribe) all ivent obt. 57, 2.
N.B. itaukiota%piimm^u {the people) all went on to
buy nbt. 14, 1.
ikjai- finally.
ikyaiainitsiuaie {the Peigan tribe) killed him after a
hard fight nbt. 103, 3.
nitsikyaiaiskota%kaiixpinan we finally got back home
nbt. 231, 36.
ikyaiaupitsisoo he had a hard time to get out of the
water nbt. 170, 34.
itslkyaiaiksistaua%kautseiau then they finally stopped
fighting nbt. 213, 3.
ikyaia;i;;k6inimiu he finally found {the enemy) nbt. 83, 18.
ikyaia%konoyiuaie she finally found him nbt. 159, 7.
10. ixk- becomes -o%k- in ito%k-; cf. mo;t;k-.
See as for this change : - i x p -, and - i x t -, also :
apeko%kiiminim^u „Round'Cut-scabby-robe'\ and ixk-
umlnitsiuaie she had cut it around nbt. 73, 20; ixk-
otsluaie she gave him those nbt. 82, 23 and klto%kot
I give it to you. Cf. also Uhlenbeck, Flexion of substan-
tives in Blackfoot p. 29.
56
It is best translated by : on, on top of', e. g. :
aito%kitopmaie she sat on top of it nbt. 202, 31.
ixkit6pisoo (the party) went to war on horseback
nbt. 16, 13.
tsanistsinami kitakixkitopixp and what color (of horse)
will you ride on? obt. 1, 17.
ixksksinoyiu he knows about them nbt. 43, 22.
2^. ixk- gone, ended.
1®. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by a
verbalizing suffix :
aketsinixkaiaiks they were nearly all gone nbt. 172, 7.
itsitsinixkauaie then it was all gone nbt. 178, 28.
mataketsinixkaua all of them will not be gone nbt.
208, 28.
2*^. as a prefix:
(^^nnyauk ixkixtslu there was the end of the smoke nbt.
157, 12.
kinnimaie ixkaktitsiu and now the boiling is ended
nbt. 92, 21 (one of the many formulas used by story-
tellers to conclude their narrative),
ixksinoyiua ot^kai it was the last he saw of his partner.
ixp-. Sometimes - o % p -, e. g. : mato%pitomatapo%koka-
kiniapiks(iu) he began to buck with me again nbt. 233,
4 ; cf. -ixk-, - i x t - and m o % p -.
The general meaningof ixp- is: with, accompanied by.
ixpitslnapistaiiua he dived with him down the river
nbt. 89, 15.
ixpltj!i%kayiuaie she went home with it nbt. 103, 13.
ixp(SJ%k<»;naua%kaiiau they went home with them all
obt. 58, 13.
67
ixpltsiiiotsimaie then he swam in the river with him
nbt. 80, 17.
ixpististuyimiau they were four years with it.
kinni ot^^k^i innixpitotsa^kyapiksiuaie and there close
to his partner he threw his head up out of the water
with him nbt. 80, 24.
N.B. the very real meaning of i x p - in :
kixpit6matap6yinai (= ki ixpit6matap6yinai) and then
{the wolf) started off (soil, with the magic trick) nbt.
170, 18.
ixt- cf. m o % t -.
P. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by a
verbalizing suffix:
ixto he weyit along nbt. 182, 1.
2^. as a prefix with the meaning: from. In some
cases it may be translated by along. Often it is used
to emphasize another local prefix:
anna tamisokixtsiso there was one that came forward
nbt. 73, 16.
itaixtsisauyi then they came forward nbt. 73, 13.
ixtsits;tjpauaniauaie then they flew along after {him) nbt.
190, 21.
a%k6yi ixtsoyinai he was walking along on the water
nbt. 74, 15.
ixtsitamiso he came up from nbt. 172, 1.
ixtslstapitstsiu {this it is) it started from nbt. 101, 15.
ixtslnapapauaua;^kaiixk he was walking about along
down the river obt. 63, 12.
3^. as a prefix: /or, for the sake of.
ixto%klamiu he makes noise for nbt. 175, 24.
ixtapaiokaiixk he therefore slept about, {that he might
have a dream) nbt. 85, 7.
58
nist6yi ixtsoyiua I cause him to eat (lit. he eats he-
cause of me).
4^. as an instrumental prefix :
Ixtsinauasiua he became a chief hy it nbt. 122, 18.
ixtaupimiskaupiau it was tnade into ropes nbt. 6, 7.
ixtaisokinakii they doctored with it nbt. 53, 9.
imak- even.
P. as an element of nominal forms :
imaksfkapseks even hard-seed-berries nbt. 7, 16.
imaksinaka%tsi atsinaiiu even a small piece of fat obt.
13, 4.
imaksi'nakstsimiks even the young ones obt. 2, n^. 7.
2^. as a verbal prefix :
imaketokuyito%k5nim^sau notoka'ni if they find only
one hair of my head obt. 19, 27.
imaksfnokapis even when they had supplies obt. 1, 4.
imakumaistuyis even if it was very cold nbt. 12, 8.
imat- nearly.
imata;^kanain6pitsiu {the people) nearly all froze nbt.
76, 10.
aumatsipuauyaiks they nearly got up nbt. Ill, 8.
imata^kanaisopokokapsiau they were nearly all bad
obt. 3, nO. 11.
nitsimato%t^ukitsk I nearly vomit from you obt. 33, 18.
otslmatayisitokaie he was nearly hit by him obt. 40, 7.
nitsfmato%tsinets / was nearly drowned obt. 65, 4.
in- down, off.
Now and then the forms i n i -, a i n i -, xn{i)- are
found.
59
P. in the combination i n - i s - to go doivn, to
get off.
itsksinis5 then she went back down nbt. 168, 25.
aikaksinis^u he only got off nbt. 33, 17.
pa;t^tsika%kokinis^u (the war-party) all got from their
horses just for a moment nbt. 30, 30.
ti^^miniso then he werit down nbt. 163, 6.
napanisau(o)t begin to get off about nbt. 31, 2.
ki ainisiixk and he got thrown off nbt. 241, 2.
stsikiks ainisii some of them fell off nbt. 209, 13.
anisau(o)t come down nbt. 158, 23.
no^kitsisinisoiauaniu he also jumped off in front nbt.
17, 12.
it^nisoauaniaiks they jumped off their horses nbt.
17, 11.
2^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by a
verbalizing suffix:
k^jndinipiok hri)ig them all doivn nbt. 169, 5.
stimini^piuaie okoaists then she took him down to
their lodges nbt. 168, 33.
3^. as a verbal prefix :
stj^mino%patsistuyiuaie he then shot her down nbt.
HO, 30.
kinnaie itsitinnoyiu from there (the people) shot down
nbt. 40, 5.
inasinai she was stuck {in the snow) nbt. 135, 1.
otsitsinisokotakaie it spat down on him nbt. 186, 18.
tsitsinap;csi;piu he looked down all round obt. 57, 13.
a%k§ inamatsuiepuyiu he stood down in the water
nbt. 146, 7.
md%ksinist^ts that they moved dow7i nbt. 7, 25.
nisooyi otsfnixtanists four were the things he put in
the pot nbt. 155, 13 (?)
60
itautaministutsiu {the people) moved down nbt. 14, 24.
itsmnaukimiuaie she put his head down nbt. 125, 23.
inni-, ino- long.
P. as predicative adjective; see: Ublenbeck, Some
General Aspects p. 19.
2^. as an element of nominal forms :
inuiskinetsimani long sacks nbt. 2, 20.
Inokimists Long-lakes nbt. 5, 25.
inoksi'aists they were long sticks nbt. 34, 20.
Inoyiso^tsani Long-ass-John (nickname).
Iny6kakinya';^tso Long-hack-Joe (nickname).
3^. as a verbal prefix:
m4tsinoaipuy6atsiks (i. e. matsinoaipuyiuatsiks) he did
not say anything for a long time de J. de J. bt. 20, 7.
iii(i).?
nitslna%ka%kokaie he has already given it to me nbt.
187, 20.
inatsitomatsoo then he went on another raid nbt. 83, 17.
nitsino^kokaie he has already given it to me nbt. 188, 5.
6m^%kskimiks ina%k5tiji%piau what has been given to
big rocks nbt. 188, 12.
ki'mauksinioka^ks why do you sleep? obt. 45, 13.
itsinianistutoyiuaiks he did the same thing to them
nbt. 115, 4.
inipit- 1°. as an independent verb to be cold, freeze:
mlnipitsiau they could stand much cold (lit. they were
strong being cold) nbt. 12, 17.
auotasaininipitsiu the {people) cried for cold nbt. 12, 20.
imdta;^^kanain6pitsiu {the people) nearly all froze.
61
2^. in composition with other verbs, and then it is
sometimes almost a prefix :
itomatapenepita;^kumiua he then started to cry as if
he were cold.
ip-. The form - i p i - also occurs (cf. a p -, ixva.-),
fortuitously just in cases where the first i - has
disappeared, because of which some compounds are
more or less difficult to analyse, e. g. :
aitspyoma^k^s when he ran. into the camp nbt. 19, 2.
itspiu%tom apskotok he put a white stone among them
nbt. 162, 28.
eini itimsokitspiaupiiau they suddenly sat among the
buffaloes obt. 14, 20.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes to enter.
pik coyne in! nbt. 156, 32.
aupitsiplmaie she entered with it nbt. 165, 26.
aupipimaie she entered tvith it nbt. 160, 9.
matsitsitsipimats she did not go in.
2^. as a verbal prefix in{to), to.
itsipinixtsiuaie he put him in {the pot).
ixtsitsips;ijpomaj^kau she followed nbt. 110, 4.
aitspy6ma%kas when he ran into the camp nbt. 19, 2.
no%kitspistutsisau i%kai-Pek,a;ni when they moved to the
ancient Peigans obt. 3, n*^. 12.
3®. in combination with other prefixes:
a) very often with -ist-, e.g.: i p i s t-, i p s t-, cf.
i s t - ; nearly always with the meaning : in{to\ withifi :
anatsipstoma;^;kat run in again obt. 35, 25.
aipstoma;^^kaii they then would start for a run nbt.
41, 12.
aipstsokapistutsixp it was fixed up inside nbt. 53, 28.
62
dipstsiskapiau einl they would lead out the buffalo
nbt. 41, 13.
nitsitsipstaupt:Kk6ma%k I was running around inside
obt. 19, 1.
Here has to be mentioned the adverb pist6%ts
(i p - i s t - o % t s) :
pist6%ts ki saua';^;ts on the inside and the outside obt.
59, 9.
pistoA^tsi inside nbt. 167, 12.
h) i p - combined with - o t - :
ipot6;t;tsim near the door nbt. 160, 9.
itslpotapiksistsiuaie she threw him towards the door
nbt. 108, 4.
ipot6%tsiks those standing in the lower part of the circle
nbt. 46, 4. Cf. akim6%tsiks those at the upper end
nbt. 45, 24.
? misksfppotapoiau they went in the opposite direction
nbt. 213, 21.
c) i p - combined with - i x k ; nearly always adverb :
pixko^ts in front of [the first lodge) obt. 59, 18.
^sk%ksaitsitaipuyiu pixka%tsim napioyis he is always
standing alone before the house.
pfxko^tsim tixmitso%ko;^:;piinai it fell down near the
door^ just in front of it nbt. 156, 26.
itsiplxkaipuyiu napioyis = itsa^kaipuyiu napioyis he
is standing before the house. Cf. i t s o % k -.
Ipistsik- a little^ scarcely; cf. aipistsik- (with the
durative prefix ai-).
aipstsikslinoau it is scarcely seen nbt. Ill, 86.
aipstsikaiSi;iimspikaii {the people) would rub them a little
(scil. their knives) nbt. 1, 26.
63
dksipstsikapauakiuaie she would hit it {the tree) lightly
nbt. 10, 5.
nisoUmipistsikit^upi I stayed there a while nbt. 230, 37^
oapsp aipistsikasapinai he looked a little out of one of
his eyes nbt. 181, 15.
The combination with - s « m - is too frequent to need
many examples:
aipstsIksis;»imos after a short while nbt. 29, 16.
ip(u)- standing J up ; see : n i p u -.
is- ahead, in front.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes :
itsisoiau they went ahead obt. 58, 19.
itaixtsisauyi then they came forward inside {of the circle)
nbt. 73, 13.
itsiso he went ahead obt. 53, 25.
itsiniso he went down to nbt. 79, 18.
itapauasainisoiau they begafi to go about crying nbt. 15, 16.
2^. as an element of nominal forms:
otsfso;t^katsists his front-legs.
3^. as a verbal prefix:
itsisanistsiu he said ahead obt. 37, 2.
diisap^sapii they went ahead to look about nbt. 16, 16.
itsfsoma^kaiau they went ahead nbt. 79, 10.
otsltsis.xskunakiik he was shot at from a distance by
him obt. 40, 6.
isatsit look ahead nbt. 75, 11.
otsltaiisipuyimokaie then she ivould stand in front of
him nbt. 198, 8.
N.B. the adverb iso^tsik in the future nbt. 51, 24;
44, 8; 215, 12.
64
4". is- combined with - s o - (s u i -) near the shore :
omim a^kunitapisoauop let us go over there near the
shore nbt. 103, 19.
Also as an independent adverb, e. g. : iso6%tsi near the
edge of the water nbt. 74, 8.
N.B. potani iso6%tsim right near the fire nbt. 153, 1 ;
cf. the two meanings of s u i -.
I'', ist- in(to).
mataistokitokuats he would not be shot through the
body nbt. 57, 22.
automitsistaniaipiksim otslsts (the people) first stuck their
hands in {the snow) nbt. 12, 10.
itsfst^piksiu he ran into {a hole) nbt. 189, 9.
aist^%kapiaiks they crawled in nbt. 195, 16.
itsfst;t%kapiixk he then went in there {in a hole) nbt.
195, 8. Cf. however s t (a % t) -.
amom atsiuaskui aita^k^naistsokSk^m all of them were
camping in the forest there nbt. 186, 2.
istslno%tot£iua put them in (your beaver-rolls) nbt. 99,
2 ; cf. however i t (s) -.
A special meaning of ist (s) - is in(to) the forest, the
brushes', perhaps we had better speak of a second
prefix i s t (s) -. The examples are numerous (as well
of the independent as of the prefixed form) :
itsistso she went into the forest nbt. 103, 15.
kitsistso he entered {a forest) nbt. 195, 20.
otaistsipiokaie he was taken into the forest by her nbt.
196, 27.
itsi'stskpiksiau they fled into the brush nbt. 211, 13.
itsfstsaupiu ?ie is sitting in {this bunch of timber) nbt.
102, 28.
65
istslppiksiu jled into the brushes nbt. 213, 23.
2^. ist- two. The independent numeral is : n a t o k a.
nitsimistsitapiau they were only two nbt. 79, 9.
Cf. no%ki^tsistok;>jmi also two {horses) nbt. 30, 17.
Properly we have to do with the compositional form
of n i s t - ; see there.
3*^. ist-. A prefix to denote the superlative; usually-
combined with -kanai- (-kanau-), which standing
by itself has the same function.
ist6ma%ksim = kanauma^ksim is the biggest {oldest)
of all.
In general, prefixed to -kanai-:
isto^kanaukapsiu he is the worst of all.
sp6%tsim isto^kanaitapiua all the people on high obt.
68, nO. 9.
See: Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 19.
it(8)-, see: ai-, au-; and: Uhlenbeck, Vormen van
het Blackfoot p. 35; Some General Aspects p. 49.
The meaning of i t (s) - is : m a certain place, at a
certain moment, under certain circumstances. So it
often has a perfective character; e.g.:
Napi itaiokau, nietiaj;^tai itaiokau Napi was sleeping,
near a river he was sleeping *).
autosaie akitanistsiuaie when she came back, he would
say to her nbt. 2, 1.
ki Itstuyiu and then it was cold nbt. 30, 22,
See also: nbt. 21, 6—26.
') Uhlenbeck, Festschrift Tboonsen, p. 75, Leipzig 1912.
66
In the 2 prs. sg. and plur. of the imperative i t (s) -
is changed into i s t (s) - :
istsfno^totaua put them in {your heaver-rolls) nbt. 99,
2 ; cf. however 1^. i s t (s) -.
anno staupit stay right here! nbt. 79, 26.
dnistaupit sit there obt. 15, 5.
istsiplt then enter nbt. 75, 18.
Also twice in the conjunctive:
istaupisi, saiitaupisi (you will know) if she is there or
if she is not there nbt. 139, 28.
st6kamotspu%piis if it goes straight up in the air nbt.
242, 28.
Remarkable is it- in verbal forms of the 1 prs.
plur. inclusive to define the place where:
itsiputsimaup the Battle-coulee nbt. 1, 6.
Cf. also: itsitautoaie then {the war-party) came near to
nbt. 17, 1.
otaitoto%si'a when he came to it nbt. 97, 13.
In combination with other prefixes i t (s) - often has
only an emphatic force. Hence one can find it more
than once in one form: itsito;tkitopiuaie okakini he
lighted down on her hack nbt. 100, 8.
Combinations as itsit-, itsin-, itso%k-, ito%k-,
i t a p -, i t a; m -, i t s i p -, a. o. are frequent :
ma%kitsitakaikamotaniaiks that many of them might
have escaped him nbt. 180, 29.
itskitapo he then went hack to nbt. 198, 15.
nikaitaiksito%kitsok ^ksm I have slept on a bed.
iti^m-, cf. t ^ m -, s (o) t ^ m -, a u t a m -.
ito%k- = it- + ixk- on {top) ; cf. i x k - :
ito%kltaupiu he sat on it obt. 55, 23.
67
ito%kltauaiaki Strikes-on-top (name of a woman).
ito%klto%sinama%ka Takes-good-gun-on-top (name of
a man),
ito^kftsipuyiauaie they stood on it obt. 63, 6.
itom- =it--|-o^"i cf. aumatap-, omatap-.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by verb-
alizing suffixes:
Itomo Jie went first obt. 5, 9.
oma itamoa that leader nbt. 23, 22.
2^. as a prefix:
itomaipiksiu he struck first nbt. 4, 23.
ftomauai^ki Strikes-first (name of a woman),
itomipuyiu fhe first runner nbt. 242, 7.
itomapauaua%kau he was on the lead nbt. 200, 7.
itomainitsiuaie he kills him first.
itom- always takes the first place in verbal forms,
in contrast with two cognate prefixes : - o t - o m -,
and - a t - 0 m - (twice - o t ^ m -) :
atotamakutsisau when they once start to boil nbt. 25, 33.
atotimoko%potfl;si whe^i it snowed first in the fall nbt.
7, 24.
matomautstuyiu in the beginning of the winter nbt.
7, 31.
matomsotsikat you must slide first obt. 47, 9.
aista:matomipiksiu he takes the first strike nbt. 242, 5.
moyists matotomo%kiisksinim he also first found out
the lodges nbt. 81, 7.
aistamotomapauauaniu he would be ahead and fiy
about nbt. 96, 15.
dutomoauakoaiau they were chased first nbt. 1, 23.
st<zmotomitapu%paipiu he first jumped to obt. 43, 11.
nitakotomapiksistau I shall throw it first obt. 47, 28.
68
The question is, how these forms -otom-, -atom-
and a third m a t o m - (cf. 3^. mat -) are related to
each other. Are the first two only compositional forms
of m a t o m - or stands -otom- by itself as one
of the numerous combinations of prefixes with the
element - o t - ? See sub o t -.
10. itsin- all
aketsinixkaiaiks they were nearly all gone nbt. 172, 7.
itsitsinixkauaie then {his earth) was all gone nbt.
178, 28.
2^. itsin- among.
tamitsinapauaua%kau otapi'sisin he then travelled about
among the wolves nbt. 117, 17.
nimataitsinspaiksau I am not with them nbt. 175, 8.
tsa kanist^pitsinapauaua%ka%pa api'siks how did you
come to travel about among the wolves? nbt. 119, 24.
6tsitsinauaua%kani txnnik matapiin [they saw) a person
walking with (the wolves) nbt. 119, 11.
itsisto^k-; serves to indicate that the subject of the
verb is in a lying position ; e.g.:
nitsitsisto^kaipuyi I talk while lying. See : Uhlenbeck,
Some General Aspects p. 59.
N.B. nitakitsts / shall lie nbt. 154, 22.
it80%k., itsa^k- before, by.
itsitsa'^kipuyiau they stood in front of it nbt. 22, 30.
kemauketsa^kapuixpuauaisks =^ kimaukitso%kaipuix-
puauisks why are you standing before {the hole)? de
J. de J. bt. 28, 15.
its6%koplu he sat by {a creek) obt. 20, 4.
69
itsk-. Perhaps ^= i t - s k - (cf. s k - hack).
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by verb-
alizing suffixes:
nitsi'tsko I went on the prairie (scil. from the river
hack) nbt. 218, 6.
aipitskoiau they had got far on the prairie nbt. 187, 8,
aitsko he went on the prairie nbt. 196, 18.
t<xmo%tsitskoaie he just went past them nbt. 180, 13.
autsitskoaie he went past them nbt. 180, 12.
2^. as a verbal prefix:
a) with the meaning on the prairie:
a%kitsiko%pitskitau we shall leave (our game) out on the
prairie nbt. 109, 6.
itauamistutsiu ; aitsksistutsiu then (the people) moved up
on the prairie; {the people) had moved on the prairie
nbt. 14, 16.
h) combined with i x t - (- o % t -) past :
tiimo%tsitsko%sokuyinai her tracks went past them nbt.
147, 16.
ako^tsitskixpiu he will dance by nbt. 141, 19.
ixtsitsitskokskasiuaiks th&n he ran past them nbt. 189, 13.
sot^mo%tsitskokskasiuaie he then just ran past him nbt.
173, 17.
tixma;t;k7.no%taitskokskasinai then they all ran past him
nbt. 207, 30.
c) forming the comparative :
itsitska%siu it was better (lit. it was good past it) obt.
33, 3.
There is also a form u t s i t s k - .
kak- just, only ; a i - (a u -) is often infixed :
kakatosi star (lit. just a sun?).
70
kaksistomiu he tvas just naked (lit. he just had a body)
nbt. 45, 6.
kakitsinim he just saw it obt. 61, 22.
kaauyi kaksaixtsis that you are sticking out with your
mouth only obt. 52, 16.
kakokasatominai he just picked it up obt. 9, 1.
kdko^pomoksakiu he just pressed it under his arm
obt. 9, 2.
kakitaixtsii were just there obt. 49, 20.
aikakauoyiu [the people) only ate nbt. 5, 17.
kauko%t6kiaiks they had only their ears left nbt. 18, 1.
aikauko%tjcskunakiuaie he just shot with it nbt. 183, 12.
k^m-, see i k ^ m - (1^. and 2''.).
kanai-, kan(au)- all.
1^. as an element of substantives:
kan^umsta%s all the calves obt. 20, 5.
spo^tsim isto^kanaitapiua all the people on high obt.
68, nO. 9.
With the help of k a n a i - each, all distributive
numerals are formed from the animate and the ina-
nimate genders ; their value is one to each, two to each,
etc. (Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 32).
2^. as a verbal prefix :
aukanaipimiau they all came in obt. 13, 1.
kanaisai^pitsiu all of them tell lies obt. 67, n'^. 8.
kiaJnistapiautomo he was far ahead of the others nbt.
81, 5.
aukanaiksistsipuyisi when all of them stood in a circle
nbt. 73, 13.
Often k a n (a i) - is preceded by i x - (i x k - ?) at
71
the beginning, by - o % - (- o % k - ?) in the interior
of a compound:
kito;^kano%kot I give you all obt. 11, 3.
ota%kjinanik all of them said to him obt. 30, 21.
ixtsita%kanauyiauaie all of them ate obt. 8, 1.
ki amoistsi it;ij%kixnaisinikiu and on these raids he each
time counted a coup nbt. 90, 14.
ita'%kixnaitsoya;^satau all of them were yelled at nbt.
72, 9.
Frequently k a n a i - is affixed to several words of
the sentence for the sake of congruence :
kanaipim kanainiua all of the buffalo went in nbt.
164, 23.
kanaitapiua ti;^ma;^kiunaisksinim then all the people 'knew it.
ki!inau%so%tsi nita'j^k^naipuyiau they were all standing
behind nbt. 72, 6.
About k « n (a i) - denoting a superlative, see 3®.
is t-.
10. kat(ai)-.
a) a negative prefix:
kataiimiks Not-laughers (name of a clan) obt. 1, n". 2.
kikitaukitskata;t;pists these that you did not vomit up
obt. 8, 11.
oma k^taukemiua the unmarried man.
kataisokasimi No-coat (name of a man).
k^taukyaio No-bear (name of a man).
k^taisepisto No-owl (name of a woman).
k>3itaiata%si (properly kataiita%si) No-really-good (name
of a man).
6) an interrogative prefix:
kik^tainokixpa did you see me? obt. 59, 15.
kik^taitaiapixpa don't you see something? obt. 58, 26.
72
kikixtaikimmoka who does not pity you? obt. 68, n*^. 11.
k<;Ktauaniuats is he used to tell? obt. 17, 10.
2^. kat(ai)- that is why ; e. g. : •
kataisamiaiia that's why they wear the war-bonnet nbt.
91, 8.
katsau^uiau that's why they don't eat nbt. 174, 9.
ki autoiatsis k<xto%tautoanisoyi'a and that is why they
use the forked stick as a cane nbt. 91, 9.
kdtaisaikimii that's tvhy they are short-furred nbt. 191, 15.
katautsinaiau thafs why they are fat nbt. 174, 1.
kixkixt- now and then, in different places.
aikixkixtopiu {the war-party) would sit down now and
then nbt. 27, 5.
sot<;Kmitsikixkixtaukunaiiu then (the people) camped in
different places nbt, 7, 30.
itsikixkixtaukunaiiu amo Pekiniua, this Peigan tribe
camped along in different places nbt. 32, 5.
ak§,%tsixkixtsiksisau (the buffalo) were running far nbt.
166, 15.
itaikixkixtsokau then he would sleep at times nbt. 192, 18.
kip-. 1^. for a moment:
kipinisau(o)t get off for a ivhile obt. 5, 16.
a%kipito%p6ksotsikau(o)p let us slide together for a while
obt. 47, 2.
kipipu%saput come here for a while obt. 47, 24.
ttikskau akipo^pokotsisop only one time we shall smoke
together for a while nbt. 157, 3.
kipotonaukit look for a while on my head for lice nbt.
149, 22.
akipsimiop we will have a drink for a moment nht. 35,21.
73
a%kunikipstsimots^iop let us ivrestle for a while obt.
47, 17.
23. within a moment, soon:
na%ksikipin6a%s that I may sec him soon nbt. 202, 19.
kipanistsi in a hurry! (adverb belonging to the verb
anistsiu he does).
kip;^tsamit soon hunt! obt. 7, 16.
kip6%ksistauatom6kit quickly raise him for me obt. 25, 5.
anikipu^ksikiakoki quickly make a trap for me obt. 31, 14.
30. falsely, hy accident:
timikipaniu then he falsely said nbt. 145, 30.
aikipanistau she was told it just for fun nbt. 106, 10.
ka.%kipa%to%puau 1 might shoot you by accident nbt.
Ill, 4.
kitaikipan yoti are fooling nbt. 221, 16.
sa, kimataikipanixpa mo, 1 don't fool nbt. 221, 17.
N. B. kixpitsitakotoyinai he was just about to get to
obt. 40, 9 ; perhaps we must analyse : k i i x p . . . .
kot- can.
10. as an mdependent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
nito^kot I can.
20. as a prefix:
matato;^k6tskitsipimats [the buffalo) could not go hack
into obt. 1], 20.
kimato%kotsinikixpuaua you can never kill me.
mato%kotsa%pauaniuatsiks he could not get out of the
water.
ksik-.
10. away.^ out:
auksiksis5 he had just gone out of sight nbt. 196, 6.
74
s6t«miksikskk.akaie she then walked away from him nbt.
168, 30.
otaistamiksikskaakaiks thcij would just walk away from
him nbt. 169, 7.
itsaiksika%paipiinai then she jumped out nbt. 138, 18.
ako%taksiksauma%kaiinai it would run out by (him) nbt.
166, 14.
2^. ksik-sk- (with infixed - a i - becomes k a i i k s k-)
on one side. On account of this form with the infix,
it is evident that ksiksk- is assibilated from
kiksk-; cf. ksist- and kaiist-.
kaiikskatsiuaie he went on one side of them nbt. 180, 11.
kslksko%t kmnauk itaiiskixtsiu there on one side he hid
himself lying loiv nbt. 145, 32.
Cf. otsipsksisto%tsi on one side {of them) nbt. 79, 8.
ksisap- down^ to the river ; from : k s i s - + (t) a p -.
akitsiksisapistutsop we shall move down over on (Little
Creek) nbt. 2, 25.
itaiksisapistutsiu (the people) used to move down (to the
river) nbt. 37, 26.
Twice found as an independent verb:
diksisapoiau they went down alongside the river nbt.
190, 1.
am6ia einiua omo%taiksisap6%p where the buffalo would
come down (to drink at the creek) nbt. 140, 2.
ksiskan- early:
ksiskiasnepuaus when they got up early obt. 3, n''. 10.
itaplnako ksiskanautunii then it was early in the mor-
ning nbt. 27, 12.
1°. ksist- done^ complete.
75
1^. as an independent verb, i, e. only followed by verb-
alizing suffixes :
itaiksistsiaiks then they were, completed nbt. 9, 6.
ots6;(:;soaists aika;j;kanaiksistsii their food tvould all he
ready nbt. 107, 15.
20. as an element of nominal forms:
t^tsiksistokuyi midnight] cf. kokuyi night.
N.B. t<:^tsikaiksistsikuyi noon; cf. ksistsikuyi day.
30. as the usual prefix of the perfect tense, often com-
bined with a k a i - ; see there.
(^tkatsitaiksistopiu he was already sitting down again nbt.
185, 5.
aitsiksistapauyiuaie'a he had done eating nbt. 98, 30.
aksistaiksistotsisop ive shall quit smoking nbt. 157, 19.
itaiksistsipo%ksiaiks they had done shedding their hair
nbt. 1, 11.
aiksistanistsiaua tkey had done this nbt. 97, 16.
sotimiksistsipuyiaiks then they stood in their places nbt.
181, 2.
aukanaiksistsipuyisi when all of them stood in a circle
nbt. 73, 13.
aiksistapaiksisto^soiau they had done warming themselves
nbt. 23, 15.
itaiksistaua%kautseiau then (the people) quit fighting
nbt. 21, 2.
t<zmiksistsip:j:skau then the people had done dancing nbt.
73, 34.
aiksistapimau he had done making a lodge nbt. 172, 14.
aiksistslnikinau she had done skimming nbt. 11, 16;
cf. nbt. 11, 21 : nitslnikinani my soup of the leg-hones.
20. ksist-, ksistap- out of: k s i s t- + (t) a p- ; with in-
fixed -a i -, k a i i s t (a p)-.
76
10. as an independent verb :
nitsitsiksistapo then I lost my way nbt. 218, 18.
2^. as an element of nominal forms wild, false, of no
account.
ksistomita wild dog.
ksisto%pu's tvild cat (pu'sa cat).
ksistapiapikoan Dutchman (lit. false, or not real, white man).
matsiksistapitapiuats ha is not a person of no acxount
obt. 30, 17.
30. as a verbal prefix:
a) for nothing, without purpose:
ponoka'mita kailstuitapuyiu the horse is standing with-
out use.
nimatatsiksisto%kokinanats they did not give us any more
for nothing nbt. 225, 5.
Cf. the adverb : ksist6%tsi for nothing.
b) fdlse{ly):
maukaiksistapanistsiuaie why does he tell him something
false? nbt. 133, 10.
kitaiksistapauaniksi that you falsely said to me nbt.
100, 18.
c) to an unknown place:
takstjiimiksistapanistapu I shall go to an unknown place
nbt. 73, 41.
aksiksistapanistapauop tve shall go somewhere to an
unknown place obt. 34, 9.
ksistak- over, across:
itsikslstaka%paipiu {the horse) jumped over him nbt. 205, 16.
aist:zmiksistako%paipiinai he would just jump over {the
fire) nbt. 176, 14.
ksist^kapiksistsis poktini nieta%tai throw the ball across
the river.
77
man., iiiani8k(8)- young, newQy).
Frequent as an element of nominal forms:
manisksist;Kmiki young huffalo-bulls nbt. 189, 11.
manotapotsists the new pieces obt. 7, 29.
omanokoauaiima their new home.
manokini New-breast (name of a man of the Fat_
melter clan).
manake New-woman nbt. 234, 36.
omixnnomi her new husband nbt. 94, 13.
manaisto New-crow (name of a man),
manakitapiua the new-grown-up people.
But also in verbal forms:
manata^kapinausiks (those) that had a new wai/ of dress-
ing nbt. 73, 14.
manokimiua he has a new lodge nbt. 42, 28.
oma tuksk;im manaukin mdnoto there tvas a young
wolf (lit. a new-breast) {that) had just come nbt.
117, 19.
maii(ist-), according to, in proportion to, how.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by verb-
alizing suffixes :
matsikioaists nituyi ^nist.;^pii their moccasins were of the
same nbt. 167, 7.
anist^psin amoksisk moki^ikiapakein she was such as
these {that are) wise women nbt. 216, 27.
2^. as a verbal prefix; together with the interrogative
particles t s a (a), etc. it is often found in questions :
tsa takanistsipixpa how shall I enter? nbt. 75, 16.
tsa kanistap«pauaua%ka;tp ivhat do you travel about
for? obt. 51, 26; cf. a%sa klmo%tapauaua%ka%p what
do you walk for? obt. 51, 4.
78
tsaa kanisti^^papauanixpa what are you talking about?
obt. 18, 26.
tsa kanistapapai^kstsima%pa how did you steer the
ears of the lodge about? nbt. 138, 14.
tsa%tau takanist6%pa%tau how shall I be able to go there ?
nbt. 74, 16.
N. B. tsa a%kanistaps6p what shall we be? nbt. Ill, 13.
3^. as a verbal prefix.
a) after demonstratives :
kf'nnyaie kanfsto%kot that way 1 give it to you obt.
59, 12.
«nni na'%kanista%tsim£itau that way 1 heard about it
nbt. 84, 12.
ki annyaie kanisto%koto%pinan and then this is all we
have to give you obt. 55, 10.
Annyaie «nist^pitapiau that kind of people they were all
nbt. 49, 26.
N. B. ij;nni%kaie ixnni^nisti;pakeu nito%pokaupimau,
<znna%kaie nimo^taksini such kind of woman 1 was
living with, that I shall die through her obt. 61, 31.
b) after n i t (u y i) - the same :
nittiyi matanistautsim in the same way he stuck arrows
nbt. 154, 9.
nittiyi akanista^sii they were just as good nbt. 51, 18.
nituyi ixkan(3inistaikimato%koyimi they all suffered in
the same way nbt. 21, 26.
manist<xpoma%ksipiau, nitopiiau as they were big (i. e.
according to their sizes) they sat nbt. 110, 13.
N.B. imaksinakstsimiks anist^tsokinakii even the young
ones doctored obt. 2, n^. 7.
c) to state a duration:
nanistsfsamitopixpi (5 months) I stayed there.
4^. as a relative verbal prefix to form distributive
79
numerals, which, in the same way as the ordinal
numbers, have the ending -pi in the animate, and
-%pi in the inanimate gender (Uhlenbeck, Some
General Aspects p. 32) ; also with nouns :
^nnist;ijpin^kuists manisto%kokaie every morning he would
give him nbt. 78, 5.
anistsikokuists every night nbt. 107, 19.
anistslksistsikuists disamiixk he hunted every day obt.
23, 5.
b^. as a correlative prefix:
manistsfnomatapu%s tamanistsippiautomo when they
had started down, he was far ahead of the others nbt.
81, 16.
manistapikaua%kusko%pi, ixtauanist/ipauaua^kaiau
where the coulees were about, they went that way nbt.
16, 17.
manistotaspinan, ^xnni nanistait<s!skima;t:pinan as we
owned horses separately, so we drove them separately nbt.
223, 26.
6*^. prefixed to verbal forms ending in -pi, to form
relative clauses.
manisti^tpakanapixpi where they were hidden from view
nbt. 16, 14.
annom Pek^niua matsitstsixp a%ssi manista;^^sp Okoisau
of these Peigans there was none as good as Belly-fat obt.
33, 2.
kixtanistaia^sp ake there was no such fine-looMng woman
nbt. 168, 27.
anistainauspi the way he dressed nbt. 85, 6.
manistauaua^kautsiixp how they fought in war nbt.
1,4.
manlststokimixp because the water was so cold nbt.
23, 12.
80
manistapisj:mistuyixp as it was far in the winter nbt.
13, 9.
7^. with the conjunctive:
manistsapsi when he looked nbt. 87, 11.
oma M^ky^ksiua anlsta%kiapiksat^s amom mistsls^jsm
every time Red-scar hutted that tree obt. 17, 13.
manistslnom^tapu^s when they had started down nbt.
81, 15.
8^. to emphasize other prefixes, e. g. k a k -, m o % t -,
nit-, nit-o%k-, ok- (of. a k a i -), etc. :
okanistauamotsiixpi they still invite each other nbt.
54, 18.
okanistaixtsixpi they are still there nbt. 54, 19.
okanistaia%kitspiaie it was still smoking obt. 19, 15.
okanistaixtsixp (his lodge) was still there nbt. 153, 26.
okanistaiixtsixpiaiks they were still there obt. 64, 14.
aitanistutsinaiau they were fat like {dog -ribs) nbt. 6, 27.
matsikakanistapo%kyakanapiua akopists one never turned
his head away from the soup nbt. 7, 15.
aiisoists kakanistauaiitsistainim he just cut the meat
down to the ends of the boss-ribs nbt. 25, 22.
nimo%tanist^pauaua%k therefore 1 am travelling nbt.
76, 22.
Ponakiksi <znnyaie nit6%kanisto%taikakimau it is Cut-
bank river, where they always cut lodge-poles from nbt.
7,7.
1^. mat(s)- is a negative prefix, which in certain cases
is replaced by s a u - (s a i -) and k :55 1 a i - (see : Uhlen-
beck, Some General Aspects p. 38 — 41). It always
stands in the first place, only the personal prefixes
precede,
matsisa^moa after a short while nbt. 73, 10.
81
matsfpiotoisiuaiks they did not go far for picking berrie
nbt. 6, 15.
mato%kusksinoauats he was not known nbt. 74, 2.
2^. mat(8)- again, another^ too.
1^. as an element of nominal and pronominal forms
oma matstsiki that is another one.
kokit mato^kos --= mato;^jk6kit kos give me another cup.
2^. as a verbal prefix again^ also:
matsito^kanitautaipiu all the people also ran up to him
nbt. 81, 1.
matotsiminai he took it also nbt. 80, 27.
mataisaipiin he too went stretching obt. 43, 9.
nittiyi matanistsiu he did it the same obt. 16, 1.
mata%kanaukapsiixkiau they were also all bad obt. 3,
nO. 11.
iti;^msokatsinoyiu he suddenly saw again (a person) obt.
47, 15.
atsisixmo again after a long while obt. 15, 27.
matsipiskiop they had another buffalo-corralling obt. 18, 11.
otatanikaie he was again told by him nbt. 75, 7.
tizmatsokau then he slept again nbt. 74, 18.
atomatap^paskunakataiau they commenced again to be
shot nbt. 6, 26.
motuiinaiks mata%tsinixk^simiau they got All-chiefs as
another name obt. 2, n^. 7.
kikato%ko%kemi you got another wife obt. 38, 19.
akato%ko%keminai he has got another wife obt. 38, 16.
sotixmato%kuika%tsiau thenthey had another game nbt. 35, 1.
matsiskot go back again obt. 56, 5.
N.B. The combination of this mat- with a negative
prefix is best rendered by not any more or no more:
matatsitapiuasiuatsinai he was not living any more nbt. 79, 4.
6
82
matatsikopumats ; matato;^:;kotskitsipimats he was not
afraid any more; {the buffalo) could not go bach into {the
lake) any more obt. 11, 24 and 20.
3^. In many cases we might neglect m a t (s) - in the
translation, its meaning being very much weakened :
ixnnistsiaie mato%tainauasiu from those (coups) {too) he
became a chief nbt. 83, 22.
a;t;ko%katsitsinoau that we can see them (too) nbt. 73, 11.
manata^kapinausiks (those) that had (also) a new way of
dressing nbt. 73, 14.
no;^kjito%skunfljk<xtsiuaie he (too) shot him with it nbt.
80, 14.
ataksamiixk he was going to hunt again obt. 23, 6.
matatapistutsiuaiks they did not move about {any more)
nbt. 5, 16.
matato%kapitsixtauats then there was nothing to think
about {any more) nbt. 9, 7.
Especially in connection with s k - back :
nitaist7.matsksinisa;^pinan we go right back down nbt.
240, 9.
matsksylpo;^ipiik fall back in the same place!
matsitsk6ma%kaiau they ran back again nbt. 79, 12.
In the same way :
omatsitoto%saie when he came back to her (cf. u % s -
back).
3^. mat- = omat-; cf. a u m a t a p -.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
otsitakomato%p that they will start nbt. 77, 6.
2^. as a verbal prefix. The form mat- only occurs
at the beginning of imperative forms.
itomatsamiu then (the people) went on a hunt nbt. 3, 6.
83
matsekakomato%patskoyiuats he could not fell it hy
kicking it nbt. 101, 1.
sti;tmomatauaniu he then started to fly away.
matanistsis go and tell! nbt. 100, 33.
mat;:Ksiststot take and wash it! nbt. 2, 1.
mat6takos go and give him a drink obt. 33, 16.
matsaiakstsit go out and steer! obt. 19, 14.
matotos go and take him! nbt. 9, 22.
mato%kotatsistatos go and persuade him nbt. 9, 7.
N.B. matuisajmis go and see it (an.) obt. 37, 38.
mank- why?
The forms of the 2 prs. end in - s, - s k s, - (%) k s ;
those of the first and third persons have no parti-
cular ending.
kimauksfsijps why did you look out? nbt. 132, 10.
kimaukanisks why did you say {that)? obt. 42, 12.
kimauksipisks why did you come in? obt. 45, 4.
klmauksinioka^ks why do you sleep? obt. 45, 13.
kimaukixsk^saipisks ivhy do you alivays come in? obt.
56, 24.
kimauksauo%tauisks why don't you eat from? obt.
7, 3.
kimauksot.;*jmauanisks why do you say that? obt.
14, 11.
kimaukitspiaist^miskokixpu^iisks ^zkssls why do you
give me then to eat {meat) with round fat {fat of the
guts) ebt. 41, 29; obt. 44, 12.
kimaukst.xiQitautsipuyisks annlksi osakiks why do you
just stand hy those pieces of hack- fat? obt. 42, 24.
kimaukauasainisks why do you weep? obt. 50, 15.
kimauksau%kaip.xska%ks why don't you go and dance?
nbt. 73, 4.
84
kimauk«to%kiskataisks natseks why do you have my
leggings for pillow?
kimaukstiJimitokyauapima^ks what is the reason you
are making one shelter after another?
mdukaniu why did he say? obt. 27, 12.
nimauksauanists why did not 1 do it thus?
N. B. kimaumais:>jmitapinakuyiks why were you seen
about during such a long time? obt. 36, 25.
kimaumaiso^kanisks why do you say {that) aloud?
obt. 41, 31.
mi- strongily).
1^. as an element of nominal forms:
myapakeks careful (lit. hard) women nbt. 7, 18.
mlko^poniks ot^siks their long-winded (lit. hard-winded)
horses nbt. 16, 11.
miikitapi brave men nbt. 16, 15.
2^. as an independent verb :
otaiisau because they were hard nbt. 223, 33.
3^. as a verbal prefix:
minipitsiau they could stand much cold (lit. they were
strong being cold) nbt. 12, 17.
miskapiu he is strong.
miauansakit cook them hard! nbt. 133, 30.
matoxtaiopimisk^upiau they were also made into hard
ropes nbt. 6, 9.
mi8k(8)-, mi(8)ksk-, mikska%tsin-, -ksk- instead^ notwith-
standing, opposite.
1^. as an element of nominal forms:
mikskapayini biscuit (lit. instead of bread, napayini).
2®. as a verbal prefix ;
85
miskskitomato then {the war-party) went instead {of
going in day-time) nbt. 27, 4.
miskaist^jmopakiau they moved notwithstanding {the
cold) nbt. 12, 20.
mikskumaiikotsisiu he smoked harder obt. 28, 11.
soti;^misketakaupiiau then instead of running off they
sat down nbt. 214, 25.
misksi'ppotapoiau they went in the opposite direction
nbt. 213, 21.
misk^ts^ksist you had better go out obt. 45, 6.
mi'skstjxmami^piksatsiuaie he jumped at him in spite
{of his shooting) nbt. 17, 14.
mikskitsinisokotaiixk nevertheless she spat at him obt.
16, 15.
miskitskunakatsiua he shot it (an.) in spite of {his
partner who forbade him) nbt. 158, 17.
miksk^^tsi'uaumato he went instead.
nitaksko%pilmmatop I shall buy it instead.
min- see : pin-.
(iii)ist(ap)- away. The simple form (m) i s t (s)- also
occurs, so we have here a compound of m i s t -
t a p (o) -.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
ti^tmistapoiau theM they went away nbt. 79, 22.
a%kunistapauop let us go away nbt. 113, 8.
2^. as a,veTha\-pTe^xaway,ononeside; ci. pa%k- (4&)*
autsistapskapiu it was afternoon nbt. 146, 19.
anistapapiksit throw it on one side.
itsistsipu%tuyiuaie oto%k6maniaii he ran away with that
other's wife obt. 1, 11.
86
itsistapukskasiau they ran atvay nbt. 213, 16.
ikaistapotoyiinai he had already taken away nbt. 161, 8.
ixtsistapinok'&mitaisko they are from those horses nbt.
209, 19.
stimistapoma%kaiinai he then ran off obt. 20, 13.
diistapu%papiksinai then he was jumping away from
him nbt. 80, 13.
3**. almost without a sharply distinguished meaning
it serves to emphasize other prefixes; especially often
it is combined with s a k s i u to go out :
st^^^mistapsaksiu then she went out obt. 6, 20.
mist^tpsaksist go outside obt. 6^ 18.
mfstfljpsaksik go out obt. 43, 21.
nis6tixmo%tsistapamito%pinan the^i we went higher up
nbt. 229, 32.
mistisjpukit6%ts on the other side of a hill (or a mountain)
nbt. 234, 7 (adverb).
mist^pamito%ts higher up nbt. 231, 12 (adverb).
mistaputaminaso%tsi on the other side of a hill (or a
mountain) obt. 51, 29; obt. 52, 12 (adverb).
mlst(xpupixmo%tsi on the other side {of a water) nbt.
218, 17 (adverb).
There are some questionable forms, which I will
place here :
koniskuyi ako^kanistapainokatom {the war-party) would
clear the snow nbt. 27, 10.
tixmat^uatomaists ; tixmistsistamaists then he ate them;
then he ate them up nbt. 178, 15.
itslstsapoma%k it would not go straight nbt. 227, 22.
mokam-, see : 2^. i k <» m -.
mokak- wise, careful.
87
mok^^kit be careful nbt. 28, 1.
itaiikokakiu then {the people) ivas very careful nhi. 15,11.
mokakiake the ivise ivoman nbt. 101, 5.
Enlisted for the sake of analogy though for the
moment I have no examples of its use as a verbal
prefix.
mo%k-, cf. i X k -.
Rarely noted in this full form:
nimo%ksksmoau I hioiv of {Belly- fat) obt. 34, 11.
Cf. ixksksinoyiu he knows about them nbt. 43, 22.
mo%p-. Properly speaking m o % p - is a hypothetical
form ; only - o % p - is taken down, so we can not
decide whether we have to do with a compositional
form of i X p - or of m o % p - :
t^mo%ps^ksiuaiks then he went out with them (scil.
those hoofs) nbt. 207, 2.
tsanistapi kitako%pakitopixpa ivhat is it you will ride
idth? obt. 1, 4.
N.B. aupipimaie she entered with it nbt. 160, 9 (per-
haps a secondary form without %).
mo%t-, ma%t-, -0%t-, -%t- ; cf . i x t -.
1^. with a local meaning along, from^ of:
ako^tamitapaukekaup ive shall camp about along the
river nbt. 6, 23.
sakia%tauaua%kau he was still walking along {that
river) nbt. 170, 5.
aka%tas7.miuaie {the war-party) ivould look at him from
{where thoy sat) nbt. 29, 20.
itimsoko%tasaininai something suddenly cried from {the
water) obt. 37, 12.
88
ako^tsikakimaup we shall cut our lodge-poles from
{Cut-hank river) nbt. 7, 1.
st^mo%tsoyiu then he ate of (the black alcali) obt. 6, 26.
mdto%tsoyiauaists they did not eat of them obt. 7, 29.
nita%tauyiauaists they ate of them alone obt. 7, 28.
mato^tsitsisoyiu he gave them again to eat of {those
last pieces) obt. 8, 3.
kimo%totam I invited you to take one of them nbt.
76, 8.
t<jemo%tapauaua%kau he then walked along nbt. 79, 8.
^nn6%k kima^tsinixp nokoai now that you have seen
my lodge obt. 59, 7 (here the prefix has a temporal
meaning).
aist;Kmo%toto%k;i;nainotataiau they were all skinned from
the hack down nbt. 1, 28.
amok nimo;tjt6to over that way I came nbt. 81, 13.
s6t^mo%tapauaua%kau he went travelling along about
nbt. 98, 26.
2^. for, on account of:
amoksa%ks nitsimato%tsinets for these I was nearly
drowned obt. 65, 4.
annistsiaie mato%tainauasiu from those {coups) too he
became a chief nbt. 83, 22.
ma'%tstuyisop we are ashamed of him obt. 9, 9.
nimo%tstuyis I am ashamed of {what that woman said)
obt. 50, 16.
nimo%tsipi I entered on account of obt. 18, 20.
a%sa kimo;^tapauaua%ka%p what do you walk for?
obt. 51, 4.
annixkaie nlmo%tsiS(ims that's why I stayed a long
time obt. 36, 29.
nimo;t^tapo I am going for {my scar) obt. 51, 6.
a%sa kima%taiimixpuai why are you laughing? obt. 66, 1.
89
nima%taiimixpinan we are laughing at {him) obt. 66, 3.
nfmo;^;;taistunn6anani we are afraid of (wolverines) obt.
61, 34.
nlmo%tanistapaudua%k 1 am travelling for (my poverty)
nbt. 76, 22.
3^^. denoting instrumentality:
ako^tsitapiop we shall live by means of (him) oht.S7, 15.
<xnni akak^tsinitsiuaiks he would just kill them with
that nbt. 56, 17.
nimo%taksini I shall die through (her) obt. 61, 32.
na;^tsip;s%pakixpa with (which) shall I brush? obt.
33, 28.
ako%taiiniu (the buffalo) will die by {flints) obt. 12, 1.
ako%taiiitau (the buffalo) will be skinned with (flints)
obt. 12, 2.
kimo%tsitsiksiska%k6ki you then touched w?e with (your
arrow) obt. 19, 2.
(m)ot(ni)-.
P. as an element of nominal forms:
motaia'^ke ocean (lit. all-over-ivater).
mot6ma%ksikimi everywhere-lakes : lakes-all-over.
2^. as a verbal prefix.
a) all, every:
motuiekakim^k try hard, all of you nbt. 210, 3.
aumotapaistutsiminai she did everything she could obt.
19, 12.
sot^motepuyiu then all of them stood about nbt.
207, 5.
nim6tsipitakeixpinan we are all old women obt. 41,25.
b) very, in all respects, every bit; especially combined
with -sap- to express the idea of imitation :
nistoi nitottiisapinausiu she dressed like me nbt. 75, 25.
90
itaitotilisapin£iusiau they dressed like {their lovers) nbt.
72, 2.
stottiisapinausokiau that they were imitated in dressing
{by the women) nbt. 72, 8.
ma^kaitotuisapin^us that they must dress like {their
lovers) nbt. 72, 23.
tixmotuikixmikunamaiau then they began to make roasts
in a hurry nbt. 24, 15.
c) all over ; cf. a m o t a p - :
motapoma^kaii they were running all over nbt. 226, 1.
motuixtsii miksiniks the carcases were scattered all
over nbt. 3, 7.
imitaiks m6tuiatoii the dogs howled all over nbt. 132, 6.
aistamotosikskiu he blacked his face all overnbt. 18, 11.
1^. nam- east{ward).
pinaminakatok do not roll it eastward obt. 27, 10.
a%kstaminak(ita%s that we should not roll it eastward
obt. 27, 12.
aiamistsipatakayayin he was running east nbt. 66, 6.
Adverb: namists on the eastside.
2^. nam- only, just. See the numerals (Uhlenbeck, Some
General Aspects p. 33).
namltsitapiau they were just lonely people obt. 23, 4.
nitsixmistsitapiau they were only two nbt. 79, 9.
nam6%kitaisaiepitsit you can just tell lies obt. 67, n^. 8.
nam6%kitaipuyit you just can talk obt. 67, n^. 8.
namipaupiinai then she sat just up obt. 27, 1.
namapikauani^iks they just shook their legs nht. 111,5.
nano-, nanau-, nanai- finally:
ndnayitaut5yinai he got there finally obt. 23, 16.
91
dinoa%konoyiu eini {the people) finally found the buffalo
nbt. 15, 1.
nanauaiksistotsisiua he ended his smoking.
nanauauanikaie finally he was told hy (him) nbt. 78, 8.
ndnauaitapoaie he went finally obt. 47, 8.
nanauauatsistotoyiuaie he finally persuaded him obt.
26, 7.
nanoaikoko finally it ivas night nbt. 30, 28.
otaip;ij%ksimisaie, nanoato;t^tainixkataiau because they
smelt bad^ {from that) they ivere finally called {Skunks)
obt. 3, 23.
nanoainitsiu he finally killed her obt. 28, 12.
nap- see n i p u -.
P. nats- last, farthest.
Also used as ordinal numeral, sell. natsau%ts the last.
As a prefix :
natsaupiu timo%kotauaists they were given to the last
one (the man, sitting on the end) nbt. 26, 5.
As an adverb: ki omi natsau%ts and over there on the
farthest end nbt. 181, 14.
2°. nat(s)- just:
ninatflisau I am just wiping him nbt. 129, 18.
nata%tanists (Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 14 interprets •
(ni)nato%tanists(i) ) therefore I am just doing it de J.
de J. bt. 22, 7.
kenata;^;kanist (Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 14: ki-nat-
o%k-anist) I will just tell you de J. de J. bt. 22, 1.
kenata%k<a;nasto (Uhlenbeck, ibid. p. 32 : ki-nat-o%k-
anisto) / will just tell you de J. de J. bt. 53, 21.
92
nini- wrsf :
itsfmsflipiu he looked west nbt. Q6, 5.
As an independent adverb: ni'mists.
nipu- standipg, up ; see : i p u -, and nap-.
1^. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
aipuau she got up nbt. 100, 29.
itsiptiau he stood up nbt. 83, 7.
itaipuyiu he stands there.
nipuaut get up!
2^. as a verbal prefix, sometimes modified by the old
Algonquian „ change" and by reduplication (see: Uh-
lenbeck. Some General Aspects p. 59 sqq.):
itsiptisapiu then he looked up nbt. 74, 15.
aipokoyis ivhen his lodge was finished (lit. was stand-
ing up) nbt. 42, 25.
ni-pmsojku&mt jump up! nbt. 156, 3.
nipti%paipiit jmnp up ! obt. 40, 9.
aitsipaipuyiu he was standing up alone nbt. 169, 10.
aksipuyimikia'^sataiau we shall push the grass up nbt.
127, 4.
ixtsitaipuimikiakiua he pushed the grass up with (the
lodge-pole) nbt. 127, 7.
itsipuisuiauaniu he jumped up {from his bed) nbt.
199, 22.
nitapaipu%paipiiau they jumped up at the same time
nbt. 39, 21.
napaipuyiu he talks while standing.
napopuyisimiu he drinks while standing.
nitsipdisinaki / write while standing.
nist- two ; see : - i s t -.
93
iilt(8).) nitap-, nitui-, nito- one ; cf. the cardinal numeral
n i t u k s k a. It is not difficult to understand the
rather differentiated functions of n i t (s) - etc. out of
this fundamental meaning.
1^. alone, only:
ann6%k ^sk%saitsitaupop now we are always living here
alone nbt. 106, 2.
nito%kemiu he had one wife obt. 13, 23.
ki aitsitapainauasiu and he became the only chief nbt.
84, 9.
nitainitsiu {the people) only killed (those) nbt. 40, 8.
nita%tauyiauaists they ate of them alone obt. 7, 28.
aist^mitsitapaukunaiixk he camped about alone nbt.
123, 2.
nitslsoyisoau he is fed with only four things nbt. 2, 14.
nits^mistsitapiau they were only two nbt. 79, 9.
aitsauaipixskaii they were the only ones that did not
dance nbt. 73, 1.
kitaitsau^ipjijsk you are the only one that does not
dance nbt. 73, 7.
imaketokuyito^konimasau if they find only one hair
obt. 19, 27.
2^. Semantically most akin to the meaning one is that
of the same^ alike. The independent adverb n i t u y i
is met with:
nittiyi nita%sii {their things) were fine the same nbt.
167, 14.
nituyi nitaixtsau she is laid down in the same way nbt.
54, 3.
Often n i t (s) -, etc. is combined with (m) a n i s t -
(which in many cases has a similar function) or with
(m) 0 t -. See m a n i s t - and mot-,
aitanistsinatsiaists they looked like nbt. 20, 5; cf. <«nni
94
nitoapiksim^ists this way they threw them nbt. 34, 12.
itsitotosapinausinai she dressed like him nbt. 85, 6.
itaitotiiisapinausiau they dressed alike nbt. 72, 2.
nituianist;spsi they are the same nbt. 53, 21.
aitanistutsinaiau they were fat like (dog-ribs) nbt. 6, 27.
aitanistsiaiks inni aipo%pokuyi they would he like as
if their hair ivere brushed nbt. 8, 12.
nltanistsinatsiau £^nni ^skak%kuyi they looked like a
short-back butte nbt. 24, 17.
The meaning at the same time belongs here :
nlto;^piksista%kumiuaie he shot at the same time with
him obt. 30, 30.
ki nitapaipu%paipiiau and they jumped up at the same
time nbt. 39, 21.
3^. Derived from the meaning sub 1^. only^ alone is
that of real:
nitdpskinetsim^ni the real sacks nbt. 2, 20.
aitapsuiinisi when it was real warm weather nbt.
12, 22.
nlnitsapixpinan ive really saw nbt. 28, 17.
nitapoauapo%siau (their horses) were really fat nbt.
1, 10.
nitapipitakesin the state of being a real old woman.
kanaitsitapiua all Indians (lit. all the real people) obt.
67, nO. 8.
4^. always, still:
kineto%kanisto%kot / still give you nbt. 28, 3.
kineto%kanistaiakainoau you will always see him obt.
67, nO. 8.
i^snnyaie nit6%kanisto%taikakimau there it is they always
cut lodge-poles from nbt. 7, 7.
aist^.mitapotsiminai he would always swim to (the beaver-
den) nbt. 75, 4.
95
For the combination nit-o%k-anist- cf. akai-
(2 c).
5^. emphasizing; best rendered by self:
aitsitsoya;^siu all of them yelled nbt. 79, 32.
aita%piiiimiau their bodies were oily nbt. 1, 24.
nitsitotoaie he walked right up to him nbt. 80, 13.
nistoa nitakotomitapamiso I shall go up there first nbt.
168, 14.
nita%tsakoauma%kau he was the last one running obt.
16, 11.
nitsis^maukksiksisau {the buffalo-herd) had made a long
run around obt. 16, 19.
ninitapatau 1 was the last one nbt. 232, 22.
no%ketsitotoiau they came at last there nbt. 173, 21.
ii&%k-, no%k- to he sure, it is true, though.
1^. prefixed to imperative forms, to mitigate the com-
mand:
no^katsim^t give an invitation! nbt. 2, 16.
na;(jksisokik give me to eat! obt. 38, 34.
no%ksikimmokit pity me! obt. 68, n^. 10.
no%k6%tokit hear me! obt. 68, n^. 10.
no%kspummokit help me! obt. 68, n^. 10.
na^ksikiakiatskokit maJce me a trap! nbt. 161, 30.
2^. after interrogative particles:
tsa kina'%kanistapsp which hind of being are you? obt.
7, 1.
tsima kina';t;kitapaiitapiixp where are you roaming about ?
obt. 8, 18.
na%kato%tapoyiskoa (which way) are there any more
lodges? obt. 44, 1.
kina'^kakimmok (which of these your children) pities
you? obt. 41, 7.
96
na;tkaitapoa%tau {tvhere) is she going to? obt. 62, 17.
no%k;etoyisko {where) are there more lodges? obt. 46,28.
no;i:;ko%tapitapiskoa {which way) are there any people?
obt. 41, 17.
3^. Combined with prefixes, mitigating their strict
meaning :
a) with nit- only :
no%kitautsinaiau {there) is the only place they have fat
nbt. 174, 8.
b) with (m) a n i s t - :
nina'%kanista;^tsimata%pi the way 1 heard about them
nbt. 1, 6.
nina'^kanistsksinoau what 1 know about them nbt. 169, 19.
nina';^;kanistsksinoaiau {that is all) I know about them
nbt. Ill, 39.
c) with (m) at- also, the same :
no%kita%k;tnaisoo they came also all to the shore of the
river nbt. 79, 20.
na%k.5itakapinausiu whoever has a new way of dressing
nbt. 73, 11.
a%ko;^;katsitsinoau that we can see them nbt. 73, 11.
no%k^to%skunakatsiuaie he shot him with it nbt. 80, 14.
no%katsistokixmi he had also two.
na;^k«tanistsinokdtakiu he the same was very glad nbt.
144, 14.
d) after demonstratives; cf. sub b:
^nni na'%kanista%tsimdtau that way I heard about it
nbt. 84, 12.
kfnniaie na'^kokamaatsimaie that one was her lover
nbt. 73, 33.
-^^nniaie kin6%kop£iu 1 give her to you in payment nbt.
82, 28.
e) with k a n a i - (see k a n a i - 2^.).
97
4^. in general as an expression of doubt and caution:
kamo^kitstsixki there might be some one nbt. 73, 4.
anno%ka pisk^uki, nitako%ksip^sk yiow when ive have
a dance, I shall dance nbt. 73, 9.
nina'%kainoki they can see me obt. 66, n^. 4.
mata;^ksipioats he did not go far nbt. 185, 3.
nena';^ksapapauk it is true, 1 had a dream de J. de J.
bt. 44, 1 (Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 27 : „nin6%ksi-
papauk. The prefix n o % k (s) (i) - is often conces-
sive and then it might be rendered in German by
„freilich").
kenata%kanist / ivill just tell you de J. de J. bt. 22, 1.
(Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 14: The value of -o%k-
(= n 0 % k -) in this form is concessive, wherefore
I rendered it by ^will").
no%kets(i)-, no%kit8(i) different.
1) in nominal forms:
no%k6tsitapi the enemy nbt. 79, 20.
2) as a verbal prefix :
no;^ketsipuyiau they stood separately nbt. 181, 7.
no^ketsitotoiau they came there at last nbt. 173, 21.
omat-, see 3^. mat -.
Omoi- together:
itomooyi Matokeks the Women-society gathered nbt.
19, 6 (independent verb).
kakskapaumoaikinau he just went hack gathering them
up nbt. 179, 28.
aumoiiskapatsiu he pulled them together nbt. Ill, 1.
Omo%t-, see : m o % t -. 0 m o % t - is formed by means
7
98
of the personal prefix o- about which Uhlenbeck,
(Some General Aspects p. 50) says: „The prefix o-
(o t -, o t 0 % -, 0 t s -, 0 t s i -) is used to indicate the
4 prs. in centripetal forms, but in the conjunctive it
also often denotes the subject of the 3 prs."
Examples :
oma;^^ta'%pau^nis that {the buffalo) were jumping off
obt. 13, 21.
6ma;^^tako;^jkiiienixpi what he will die with obt. 17, 10.
6ma;^itauaua%ka%p where they used to go obt. 25, 18.
6ma%taksisapsimixpi where (the buffalo) used to drink
obt. 20, 3.
6ma;t;tapitsikima%pi the direction she was in obt.
9, 14.
6maj^to%pi the way they went obt. 11, 18.
6ma%tsip<iskani that she danced for nbt. 73, 31.
6ma%tap^utamiskapi where he rises obt. 51, 2.
a%keyi omo^tautsisaie that he was swimming in the
water nbt. 75, 2.
oma%tauyospists the things they cooked with nbt. 1, 2.
6ma%tapakidpi where there tvere many {buffalo) nbt.
15, 3.
opit-, apit-.
1°. as an independent verb, i. e. followed only by
verbalizing sufiixes or incorporated nouns = to loose:
aika%kapitsiuaie he cut {the horse) loose nbt. 30, 12.
otdpitotoksks^uaiks they peeled the bark from them
nbt. 10, 17.
^kitaupitotoksksiuaie she would knock off the bark of
it nbt. 10, 4.
manistsikijf%kapita;kixpiau how they cut loose the horses
nbt. 32, 25.
99
2^. as a modifying prefix, usually combined with
other prefixes :
QM'pitsisksi'pxtxxs when he was pulled ashore nbt.
192, 36.
a) combined with -so- ashore, from the fire ; see
s u i -, so-:
akitopitsosimaie then she would pull it from the fire
nbt. 11, 11.
aupitsotsimiau they pulled it ashore nbt. 23, 13.
itopi'tsotoyiuaiks he pulled them from the fire nbt. 175, 15.
h) witb i s - (s) o - :
sotji^mapitsiso I then went ashore nbt. 219, 12.
sot^mopitsisoo then she went ashore nbt. 94, 11.
itopitsisoo theri he came out of the toafer nbt. 190, 29.
pinapo%ts na;^tapopitsis6a%si'a that I will come out of
the water below nbt. 88, 12.
ostoyi ikyaiaupitsisoo he himself had a hard time to
get out of the water nbt. 197, 21.
ixtbpitsasoo he came out of the water nbt. 210, 19.
c) with s a i -, sat-:
kakopitsaipiksistsiuaie she just pulled it ashore nbt.
145, 21.
(zkaitopitsaipuyiu^ he was standing out of the water
{on the lank) nbt. 87, 12.
ma%kopitsa%paUis;nisaie that she might jump out {of
the snow) nbt. 135, 3.
itdupitsatapiksists^iaiks then they threw each other out
(of the ashes) nbt. 174, 26.
d) some forms cannot be analysed sufiiciently:
itopltsia%kimiau they pulled {a charcoal) from the fire
nbt. 29, 5.
no%ksistapopitsikaniksisinai she {the crow) started for
the shore with her wings spread nbt. 151, 8.
100
opltsaua%ksin6ka he was seen {by the Snake Indians)
{that he dived in) nbt. 88, 14.
ot-, aut- ; certainly cognate with o t o to come to, cf. :
ki 6ma%kauk autikiakiu and over there he went to
trap nbt. 161, 3.
l'^. combined with s t u y i winter with the meaning
to approach, to begin :
itotstujdu then the winter came on nbt. 164, 25.
aitapotstuyis when they had real winter nbt. 10, 24.
dkotstuyiua it was near winter nbt. 94, 4.
atotstuyiu it was winter again nbt. 12, 5.
matomautstuyiu in the beginning of the winter nbt
7, 31.
itstsitstsautstuyiu in the beginning of the winter nbt.
8, 14.
2^. near, to, close by:
itautaupiuaie {the ivar-party) sat near by them nbt. 17, 2.
t^mitoto%sokuyinai her tracks went up to him nbt.
147, 16.
itsitotauaniau they flew to him nbt. 124, 19.
timitotsokauaie then he slept near her nbt. 208, 16.
itsitotatsimiuaiks she met them nbt. 104, 23.
itotauaniu he flew to {where there were many elks)
nbt. 100, 5.
timitotsipuyiuaie he stood by (the buffalo-head) nbt.
116, 12.
itotsisatsiuaie then he went in front of her nbt. 168, 31.
itotauanii they came flying home nbt. 190, 10.
totok^kasaie when he was camped near nbt. 114, 16.
t^mitotopiuaie he then sat by him nbt. 136, 15.
ka%kitotsapinakumis that you may be close by in the
morning nbt. 205, 6.
101
nitautskoa;t^s^u ivhen 1 had driven tliem hack to camp
nbt. 230, 13.
3**. o t - often occurs in regular combination with
certain prefixes :
a) with a k -, scil. otak-, autak- nearly always
with the meaning in a circle, around :
aitotakixpisau tvhen they are dancing in a circle nbt.
141, 18.
stimaut;s;k^tominai then he went around it obt. 23, 17.
nisooyi ot6tako%sists four times he went around (lit.
four ivere his goings- around) nbt. 152, 6.
itautakaniau they went round saying nbt. 1, 18.
itsitaut;>jkauaniua he flew around nbt. 96, 26.
itot^tjksoyauanin he jumped around obt. 64, 2.
itaut;skoma%kau then he would run around nbt. 16, 3.
ixtautaksaistoiauaie they went through the camp crying
nbt. 34, 3.
autakatsiuaiks he began to go around them nbt. 117, 9.
t^Kmitotautakoyinai then he was going around nbt.
152, 5 (independent verb).
6m;i5%ksikimists otiSjk6%tsi around the lakes nbt. 37, 22
(adverb).
Here belong also :
itotakaupiuaie he sat hy him obt. 18, 15.
matsitotakaupinai he sat down by him again nbt.
136, 24.
aitotakaupiu he sat hy (his partner) obt. 59, 14.
b) with -ami-; the meaning will appear from the
examples :
itotizmi^upiau they were sifting on the edge (of the cliff)
nbt. 135, 8.
itautamianiu he said from where he was on high nbt.
39, 10.
102
itdutamiataiaii they came up in sight in a circle nbt.
32, 11.
ipis6a%s dutamiskaplu the morning-star was coming up
nbt. 27, 9.
6ma%tapautamiskapi where {the sun) rises obt. 51, 2.
paua%kuyi toUmi^upiu he sat in sight on a hill nbt,
83, 6.
tixmotamiopiu then {the war-party) sat in sight {of the
enemy's camp) nbt. 79, 16.
ototamisoo^sau when they came in sight (of the place
where the lodges had been) nbt. 127, 26.
akotamiat^iaiop we shall have a circle in sight nbt.
18, 13.
kindutamiso he went slowly up {to a lake) nbt. 180, 1.
c) with -sat-; meaning to be near, to come near :
aiikotsato he is very close obt. 40, 2.
itotstsiu he came nbt. 191, 6.
autSixto%kim moyists {the war-party) came near the camp
nbt. 18, 5.
amom otsata;(;;tsim here, close by nbt. 156, 17 (adverb).
autsatstsisaiks when they were close by nbt. 17, 8.
eini 6ma;^tapautsatsixp where the buffalo would come
the nearest nbt. 7, 27.
pan- during the night, before day-light) often with infixed
- a i -, scil. p a i a n - :
paijinnauapiksiu he made his flight all night nbt. 30, 26.
panauamisok go before day-light on high obt. 42, 1.
paiiznnauatoiau thf-y travelled all night nbt. 213, 5.
paiinnauapiksiau they were running all the night nbt.
146, 15.
N.B. dipjjnnixtsii they laid (the bullberries) over night
{they kept them through winter) nbt. 10, 23.
103
|)a%t(s)-, pa%k-. As for the different meanings is to be
compared 2". k s i s t (a p) -.
1''. as an element of nominal forms:
pa%ts6pis5a;^s False-ynorning-star obt. 54, 29.
pa%ka';^;keyi Bad water {a laJce) nbt. 3, 1.
pa%tsikak;i%tanai false-roots nbt. 10, 11.
p;ij%tsiksistsikiimi false-thunder nbt. 210, 6.
2^, as a verbal prefix torong, bad ;
oma pa%ka';^sinikai a had death to her nbt. 103, 6.
kikaip;»5%tsan you said wrong obt. 54, 27.
kfnnyaie matanistsipaj:^tsapsiu and that was another
mistake he made nbt. 170, 35.
matsitsip;4;%tsistot6%siu he had made again a mistake for
himself nbt. 183, 17.
nitsip;&%tso%to%pinan we put {one hone) wrong obt.
27, 8.
3°. as a prefix hy accident (the independent adverb is
pa^tsapi):
pa^tslsaisksinisaie if he happened to forget nbt. 35, 23.
pa%tuyiuaie he shot him hy accident.
4^. combined with other prefixes :
a) with - i k, not much, a little, for a while:
pa%tsikapato%tsikaukin he was just a little behind her
obt. 19, 18.
pa^tsika^kokinisau all of them got off their horses for
a while nbt. 30, 30.
p^%tsika%k6m;i%k6 it was a little bigger nbt. 143, 23.
p;K%tsikaminakatsiau by little and little they rolled it
eastward nbt. 156, 23.
pix;^tsika;^kakiskiminai she just touched it nbt. 151, 8.
p;ij%tsikapata%tsik^ukinai he was right behind him nbt.
82, 1.
omamauk pd%tsikaitapiu there he is hardly living.
104
h) with (m) i s t - it means : aside, cf. in i s t a p -
(sub 2):
omi mistsisi itsitsip^x^ksistspiniuaiks he hit them with
thai stick alongside of their necks nbt. 181, 18.
ponoka'mitaiks pa;^ksistsepuyiau the horses are standing
aside.
pi(0)- far [aivay).
1^. as an independent verb :
piixtsis einlua when the buffalo-herd was far nbt.
1, 15.
^ikaipixtsii they ivere far already nbt. 110, 3.
matsipioats he did not go far nbt. 83, 2.
a%kaipiuoiau they must he far away nbt. 108, 7.
aipstslksipiuos when she had gone a little way nbt.
109, 17.
ma^ksipixtsis that he might get far away nbt. 30, 28.
ki aipiuo and he went far away nbt. 83, 18.
matsiksipioats it was not far nbt. 74, 5.
2^ as a verbal prefix:
kixnistsippiotomipuyiu she ivas standing far ahead nbt.
82, 18.
taist:zmitapipinapo / then go long ways doivn nbt. 235, 30.
aipistosisi when (the people) have moved far nbt.
131, 9.
nato'siua aipispskapiu the sun was rising high nbt.
31, 1.
py6ma%kau he went far nbt. 4, 12.
timanistsippiautomo then he was far ahead of the others
nbt. 81, 16.
N.B. aipiixtsisoiau they came later than others nbt.
72, 12.
The independent adverb is : p i o 6 % t.
105
pin-; negative prefix of the 2 aud 3 prs. imperative,
often replaced by m i n - :
pinsimis don't look at him obt. 23, 12.
annam ksikunistau^m pinapanas (tahe care) that that
white buffalO'Calf may have no blood on it obt. 32, 25.
minstunnit don't he afraid of {arrows) nbt. 55, 10.
(p)inap- down^ down-stream, east{ioard) ; of. ami- up {the
river) the fundamental meaning of which occurs much
more frequently than that of p i n a p - [down).
Properly it is only once noted :
kyotsftsinapotokai (= ki-ots-its-inap-otokaie) and he was
let down by him de J. de J. bt. 60, 21.
I*', down-stream :
taka%pitsinapistai 1 will dive down-stream with him nbt.
88, 10.
ixtsinapapauaua%kaiixk he was walking about down the
river obt. 63, 12.
aist^mitsinapapaukun^iiu there {the people) would be
camped about down on the river nbt. 7, 26.
ixtsiuapautsimma he is swimming along down the river
de J. de J. bt. 6, 22.
nitaksikaupinikipainapistai 1 shall feign to dive down-
stream with him. nbt. 79, 27.
nis6t^matsksinapo%pinan then we went down {afoot)
nbt. 229, 34.
The independent adverb:
pinapo%ts below (=: down-stream) nbt. 88, 12.
piinapo%ts far down {the river) nbt. 210, 19.
2^. east(ward), scil. down-stream the rivers east of the
Rocky Mountains; e.g.:
Pinapitsaikatoyis Eastern Sweetgrass hills nbt. 214, 16.
106
(xnnamaie ftomaipinapo he was the first that went east
nbt. 218, 2.
Adverb: pinapu^tsk eastward de J. de J. bt. 43, 4
(Uhlenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 27 : „the proper meaning
of pinapo%tsi is „down the river". Nevertheless
Dr. de Jong is right in translating pinapu%tsk =
pinapo%ts-k by „eastward". The prefixed form of
pindpo%tsi is pinap-, but after another prefix
the initial p is lost").
N.B. it&%k(:KnainMpsaipiu they all charged down the river
nbt. 80, 22.
pok- right after, with.
10. as an independent verb :
ito%p6kiuaie he followed her obt. 61, 18.
st^mo;t;pokomiuaie then he went together with him nbt.
96, 8.
a%kuno%pokisop let us be together nbt. 123, 14,
N.B. otoA:;p6ksimiks his companions nbt. 83, 22; nbt.
21, 25.
20. as a modifying prefix ; the forms p a k - and
p o k i - are also met with :
ki ito;t;p6kistsoaie and she entered the forest after her
nbt. 102, 11.
ita'^pokyapauauatutsiu then {the people) moved about that
way {where the buffalo were many) nbt. 15, 3.
tsanistapi kitako%pakitopixpa what is it you will ride
with obt. 1, nO. 3.
dito%pokiap^ipuyit you must repeat right after him obt.
39, 32.
mato%p6kepuyit talk back to him obt. 40, 4.
ixp6kiuaua%kaiinai then he walked after him nbt. 80, 8.
4ko%pokotsisimau we shall smoke with (her) obt. 27, 24.
107
ito%p6ksokaminaie then he slept with her.
istuyi ma%ko%pokaupima%s thai he should stay with
him during the winter nbt. 76, 14.
<^nniaie tako;^pok^%kaiimmau with him 1 will go home
nbt. 78, 3.
a%kito%poksistapausi'a so that I might go away with you.
pot- in the direction of, towards, together:
soUmiamipotaupiu then (the war-party) just sat there
facing the other party nbt. 79, 21.
anitsip6tapo;t;kistau he would always lay one of them
pointing to (the moon) nbt. 77, 25.
itaipoto^tomiauaists they put them together nbt. 35, 8.
imako^ksipotauotsinikaiks even if they were shooting
back at him nbt. 56, 14.
Soatsixpotamiso Came-up-over'the-hill-with-the-eagle-tail-
feathers (name of a man).
itsipotanistsiuaie he said back to him obt. 39, 35.
pnm- good, strong :
aksipummoaiau they would he initiated nbt. 43, 4.
matsipummapi it is not good nbt. 76, 12.
matsiptimapiu it is not good nbt. 2 10, 8.
kataipumotksiua those that had not good horses nbt.
13, 18.
pii%8- hither. Perhaps we may see in this prefix a com-
bination of an element p - (cf. Fox p y a hither)
with the prefix u % s - back. Often p u % s - is com-
bined with - (t) a p -. Examples :
aist;umipu%sapistutsiu then {the tribe) would move this way
nbt. 5, 23.
ti«matsipu%saput then come here again nbt. 77, 7.
108
itapaipu%sapistutsiu then {the tribe) was moving this way
nbt. 14, 29.
kf'nni nis6t;!jmipu%sapaia%saupixpinan and then we lived
together allright till now nbt. 222, 13.
nitsipti%sotas«m I come here to see you obt. 15, 4.
matsipu%sapakauo ksistsikulsts a few days later nbt.
212, 31 (N.B. in the past, ergo: nearer to the speaker).
ixkanaipu%Sfl:psaksiau they all came out to me nbt.
216, 24.
1*^. sai- out. Other forms are : s ^ - (cf. a i -) before s, ss-
also before s ; s -. E.g. :
pinS(;^s;ttmis don't look out at him obt. 23, 10.
itsfsapiau they looked out obt. 13, 18.
aitasakutsiu it boiled over nbt. 25, 28.
itsciskapatsiuaie /le jmlled him out nbt. 117, 13.
ixtsizs;(;miauaie a^ki^tnnixk^ie they looked out at him
through a hole in the lodge nbt. 116, 10.
pin<xtsfS;2jpit ; mats^p^niki don't look out; if you look
out again nbt. 132, 12.
otaukanaisauma%kani when all of them ran out obt. 11, 19.
nitsautokiau they pulled me out nbt. 119, 28.
akst^msautoyiu otOi;Kn then he would take out his knife
nbt. 29, 25.
sa%paipit jump out! nbt. 154, 11.
itaisaikimiskkiau then {the water-bags) leaked nbt. 46, 11.
sau'nikiu he killed (one) out (of the enemies) nbt. 89, 26.
N.B. itsiKst;6;^kapiu he crawled out from the lodge nbt.
108, 21 ; cf. saiista;%kapin one crawled out obt. 45, 21.
The independent adverb is to be found in:
amoi saa'^tai the people on the outside nbt. 138, 20.
saa'^tsim outside nbt. 121, 2. '
The prefix sai- has only one meaning, sell. out.
109
Some remarkable cases however are to be mentioned:
1^. doubling of s a i - :
ki ita';(;;kinaisaisaipiau and then all the people ran out
on a charge to them nbt. 32, 14.
2^. Several forms wherein s a i - seems to function
as an independent verb, only followed by verbalizing
suffixes :
itaumatapsaixpiu then {the people) made a rush out nbt.
18, 14.
ka%kitsaipiauaii that you take them out obt. 45, 25.
20. sai.
■, see s a u -.
sak- out ; perhaps ^ sai--|-ak-.
At all events sai- and sak- are related to each-
other.
1®. as an independent verb with the suffix - s -.
st^^msaksiua he then went out nbt. 99, 5.
otsiksai that he went out nbt. 85, 26.
ito^kcxnais^iksii'a then they all went out nbt. 86, 1.
akitsi'saisaksiu then he will go out nbt. 59, 11.
sepisaksisi tvhen he goes out in the night nbt. 59, 4.
saksi'st go out! nbt. 76, 26.
^nnisaksist come out! nbt. 104, 17.
2°. as a verbal prefix:
i,isakayayiu they ran out fast nbt. 20, 11.
oma%kanistapsakapoma%kaniaii that one of them might
run out on the prairie nbt. 17, 2.
aisaksistutsop then irc had moved away {from the river)
nbt. 6, 24.
a) Besides sak- also a form s o k - occurs :
disok^stanitsiuaie each time he would cut out a piece of
it nbt. 190, 25.
110
itom^tapsoko^sayiu it boiled over nbt. 155, 20.
b) Frequently s a k - is connected with (t) a p - :
(jtnsakapu^s no%k6a let my son come out obt. 53, 5.
matsitsksakapo she came back out of the forest nbt„
102, 13.
ixmsakapo then he went out on the prairie nbt. 77, 1.
sakapot go out on the prairie! nbt. 76, 26.
sakapiis when she came out nbt. 101, 26.
sat- out; cf. sai- and sak-.
itsatapiksimaie then he pulled it out nbt. 80, 12.
ixtaisatsikataiau with them they cut their backs open
nbt. 1, 27.
aist^msatapiksixp otokoauaists then {the people) would
throw out their kidneys nbt. 1, 29.
The adverb: sat6%tai {the people) on the other side of
the mountains nbt. 113, 22.
saki- still'.
saki^upii they still sat there obt. 43, 20.
sakiaitapii they were still alive obt. 46, 10.
matsakiaistuyiu it is cold no more.
sakiaupisi when he was still at home nbt. 3, 40.
sakiaiokau he is still sleeping obt. 31, 33.
sakiauaua^kau {the war-party) was still travelling nbt.
28, 9.
sakiitautstsiu apssii the arrow is still there nbt. 199, 24.
otsakiaiokani while he was asleep nbt. 74, 12.
sakiautsisiiau they were still smoking obt. 18, 12.
sako- last.
1^. as an element of nominal forms:
Sakoake Last-woman (name given to Mrs. Uhlenbeck).
sakoapotsists the last pieces obt. 8, 2.
Ill
2^. as a modifying prefix :
sakoiipim he came in the last nbt. 125, 2.
nlt;»j%tsakoauma%kau {that) was the last one running
obt. 16, 11.
sakoapa';tjkumi Last-howls-ahout (name of a Blood
Indian man).
The independent adverb:
sak6a%tsim otduaksini later on his corralling (i. e. now
comes the story of his corralling) nbt. 162, 17.
Cf. sak6o%tsists the latter {pieces) obt. 8, 6.
8<3Km- a long time.
1°. often as an independent verb, i. e. only followed
by verbalizing suffixes:
^kais^mo it is a long time obt. 26, 23; etc.
2^. as a verbal prefix:
kitaksis^mainoki you will see me a long time obt. 67,
nO. 8.
ais:5:mik6ko it was late in the night nbt. 199, 8.
dis^motsisiau they had smoked a long time obt. 27, 27.
ais;i:mip.zskau {ilie buffalo) danced a long time obt. 21, 11.
ais^mit^upiu he would sit a long time obt. 19, 30.
ais^ismotonaiuaie a long time she was looking for lice 07i
his head obt. 15, 13.
itais^maukunaiiau they camped a long time nbt. 4, 4.
manistapisixmistuyixp as it was far in the winter nbt.
13, 9.
Very often it is combined with aip(i)stsik- a
little ; e. g. : aipstslksis^mos after a short while nbt. 29, 16.
1^. sap- into; in the tracks; following; like.
1^. as an independent verb :
«nnixkaie autsapo he followed it {the trail) nbt. 143, 11.
112
mo^sokuyi tsapok follow my trail! nbt. 193, 19.
sot*mo%tsapoiau tliey followed it (the trail) nbt. 127, 30.
tiimo%tsapoaie then he followed him nbt. 153, 9.
itsipau ainakasi he got into the waggon.
2^. as a modifying prefix :
a) in{to) {the fire, the boat, a pot, etc.):
timitsapa%kim he put it in the pot nbt. 25, 25.
nikaitaisapinitau I have killed him in there nbt. 195, 14.
matsksip^pum^ki back-in, spri^ig-hird ! nbt. 195, 25.
staisapiksikaiit dep in it! {one of my steps) nhi. lb, 11.
o%t6kisi itsitsipstaixp she drove it into her ear nbt.
149, 28.
itaisapo%tomikuaists tJiey put them in nbt. 6, 17.
itsitsapu^paipiiuaie he jumped in into it obt. 46, 7.
a^keyi itsisapasoyinai he poured water {on the hide)
nbt. 25, 21.
sotizmsapotoksiniuaie she stuck her hands in near {her
elder sister's) kidneys nbt. 104, 2.
stamitsap5piuaie then he sat down in {the boat) de J.
de J. bt. 66/67.
b) on the trail; after; following:
tsits^poma%kat then follow up nbt. 131, 10.
mo%sokuyik autsapoma%kau he was going back on the
trail nbt. 199, 14.
t^mo%tsapapauaua%kaiinai walking about, he then fol-
lowed {the road) nbt. 143, 4.
ixta%kanaisapukskasiu all the people followed {that way)
running obt. 11, 18.
ixtsitsips.xpoma;^kau she followed nbt. 110, 4.
mato%tsitaisapokskasinai then she would run after them
nbt. 146, 18.
c) {to follow) to act like a person, only taken down with
the verb -inausiu to dress :
113
nist6i nitot^isapinausiu she dressed like me nbt.
75, 25.
ona';^;;kitotuisapinaus whom she dressed like nbt. 73, 29.
itditotilisapinausiau they dressed like nbt. 72, 2.
2^. sap- on each side; complete; right.
1^. One example of that meaning which seems to be
the fundamental one :
nistoi sapanisi let {buffalo) fall down on each side of
me nbt. 184, 8 ; cf. : ki einii omf aitsistotanisiinai and
buffalo fell down on each side of him nbt. 184, 9
(mist- 20 + (m)ot-?).
2^. completely :
saisapijjnnistsiiks they did not do it completely nbt.
174, 13.
aisap<3£nistsoiaists the nights were complete = this was
the last night nbt. 174, 13.
ki sapanistsau and (now) it is completed = the story is
at an end obt. 60, 18.
aisap^^nnistsepiksis if he has completed his strikes nbt.
242, 32.
sapistutoaji^k if he was satisfied nbt. 55, 20.
aisapiznnistsosaists when {the dances) were completed
nbt. 46, 7.
annauk sapanlstsim there he (i. e. his body) was com-
pleted nbt. 143, 26.
aisapanistsiuaie he had completed it nbt. 183, 16.
aisap^nnistsimi natosiks all the moons were in nbt.
77, 27.
ki aisap^jsnistsoyi otslnixksoaists and (when) their four
songs were finished nbt. 232, 7.
4ko%tsapanistsotokaniiu she will complete her scalp-robe
with {pur scalps) nbt. 109, 4.
114
30. right:
mataisapistutsimatsaie she could not fix it {the lodge)
nbt. 138, 8.
sap<%mstsitsinainiki if you catch him right nbt. 141, 3.
sau-, sai- not. Besides m a t (s) -, s t a i -, k « t a i -, in
certain cases sai- (sau-) is used as a negative
prefix :
1^. always in the subjunctive:
saiokainiki if you donH sleep obt. 21/22.
aisauauotoieniki if I do not come [hacTi) obt, 19, 25.
saiitaiapiniki if you do not see anything nbt. 26, 19.
2^. in conjunctive forms, except when these are pre-
ceded by a % k - which is always followed in the
negative by -stai- (-stau-):
saiepixtsis when they were not far nbt. 1, 20.
p^%tsisaisksinis£lie if he happened to forget nbt. 35, 23.
sauumaipuausi hefore {the people) got up obt. 3,
nO. 10.
aisauatsinakiis when it is seen no more obt. 50, 17.
otaisauoto%s when she did not come obt. 14, 21.
otsauasaks when she would not come out obt. 24, 20.
3*^. in the negative irrealis of the main clause ; see :
Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 47 — 48; Con-
junctief-achtige Modi p. 25 — 27.
4^. in the negative imperative 1 prs. pi. incl. after
a % k u n -, and in the forms of this mood which
properly belong to the conjunctive system; see: Uh-
lenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 42 — 44.
5^. in some indicative forms after certain modifying
prefixes:
klmauksauo%tauisks why dont you eat {from these bark,
etc.) obt. 7, 3.
115
kimauksau%kaip(xska%ks why donH you go and dance
nbt. 73, 4.
mauksaietapiskoiau why are there no 'people about them
nbt. 104, 25.
itsauatstunnoyi^uaiks then they were not afraid of
them any more nbt. 72, 20.
sti3£msauata%k6uasiu [and this lake) was then no water
any more obt. 49, 18.
itsauata^siau they (inan.) were not good nbt. 13, 11.
itsaiitapiu he became not a person = he became sick
obt. 61, 28.
aitsaitapiso%k5aiau no one went ahead of them nbt.
4, 2.^
st<a;matamaiiksaiitsimau then she denied it hard nbt.
15a, 7.
kitautij5msauataksino I nearly do not see you any more
obt. 29, 8.
aistamsoksaito%konoyiuaie he would not find her nbt.
96, 20.
itsau^skaksaiiua (the smoke) will never clear out.
anno^k nlmo%tsaunakioto%pi now, why I did not come
soon nbt. 172, 3.
aikaitsauapotoyiu (the people) would not turn them loose
nbt. 15, 8.
akaisauainakuyi they (inan.) have disappeared (lit. they
already not have been seen) nbt. 127, 15.
sank-, see so k-.
seknn- continually. Properly never met with but com-
bined with - (m) at- again + - a k - in the future or
with - a k - alone. Examples :
sekun<^t^kaniu he kept on saying nbt. 196, 14.
116
ots6kunaksekak he went on kicking him obt. 22, 12.
sekunako^kumsoyiau they kept on squealing nbt. 175, 13.
sekun^xt^ko^kuminai {his anus) kept on making noise
nbt. 175, 24.
sekunakstatsiauaie they continually wanted to stop it
obt. 27, 14.
sepi-, sipi- in the night.
1^. as an element of nominal forms :
s§pisto owl (pist6 night-hawk).
2^. in personal names :
sepisisoiake Cuts-in-the-night-woman.
sepinama%ka Takes-gun-at-night (name of a man).
sepioto Comes-in-the-night (name of a man).
sepainixki Sings-in-the-night (name of a Blood Indian
man).
sepfsepista'%kumi Owl-yells-in-the-night (idem).
sepiomotstake Night-massacre-woman (Blood).
3^. as a verbal prefix:
itsfpiotoisimiu he went in the night to get a drink nbt.
199, 10.
aisepiomatoiau they started during the night nbt. 23, 1.
am4tsepit6tot try to get [down on the other side) during
the night obt. 52, 13.
koktiyi . . . sepiapainixkiuoiau in the night they were
going about singing nbt. 203, 10.
anno^k koktis dksepiauaua^kaup this night we shall
travel on during the night nbt. 27, 1.
sik- to stop; done.
1". as an independent verb:
aisik6 he stopped running nbt. 189, 22.
2°. as a modifying prefix:
117
aisjsmo itsiksopu after a long while the wind stopped
blowing nbt. 177, 1.
Cf. sikat6iksistsikiii Monday (lit. holy-day-past).
sik%k8- separateQy) ; cf. ksik-sk- (2*^) on one side:
aisik%ksauyiau they ate hy themselves obt. 3, 15.
simi- secretly, on the sly:
otsisimyanik he was secretly told by him obt. 21, 9.
sot^misimio%kotsiu he just gave secretly {the dog to his
father) obt. 11, 8.
itsiksfminixkatau he was secretly called obt. 65, 10.
tamltaiisimiksisatsiua she was secretly jealous of her
nbt. 149, 17.
sini-.
siniksistsauyiks Eat-before-other s obt. 3, n^. 10.
sisapok- through:
st<;tfmsisapoksist(jj%kapiu he then crawled through the hole
nbt. 194, 32.
ixt^psis;tjpoksaixtsiua {his leg) went clear through nbt.
97, 15.
otaisis;'.poko%pisi that {his food) fell through nbt. 152, 29.
sesiptikaukskauaie (the pole) came out elsewhere de J. de
J. bt. 28, 10 (cf. Ublenbeck, Philol. Notes p. 18).
st:zmo%sisap6ks«ksoaiea (=: stimo%sisap6ks«ksiuaie'a)
he passed through out de J. de J. bt. 28, 11.
sk- baclc.
1". as an independent verb, i. e, only followed by
verbalizing sufl&xes:
itomatapsko then they started back nbt. 82, 17.
118
a^kitskoyi that he must come hack nbt. 99, 12.
2'^. as a verbal prefix :
matsitskamistutsopa we moved back {towards the prairie)
nbt. 5, 29.
stimitskitau then he was left there obt. 9, 10.
itsksipfm she came back into the lodge obt. 38, 3.
takskitoto / shall come back here nbt. 88, 9.
iska%k6sii they stretched their hands back (i. e. : they
went hack to help) nbt. 24, 9.
it<%skoma%kaiau then they ran back nbt. 16, 19.
matsksapepumjski hack-in, spring-bird! nbt. 195, 25.
it^skauaniu the he would fly hack nbt. 96, 16.
nimatakatskitapo%p I shall not go hack obt. 12, 8.
6mapists matsitsksapokeka%s let them come hack and
camp again in their old camp-grounds nbt. 133, 17.
SOat- cf. s u i -, so-.
Once noted:
nitsitsoata%pinan we crossed it (sell, a cree/c) nbt. 219, 8.
sokap- good^ fine, ivell.
1^. as an independent verb:
sokapsiu (an.), sokapiu (inan.) is good, is fine.
2^. as a verbal prefix well:
sokdpiita%saie that he may skin it well obt. 32, 10.
aksokapsEltsim {the people) would carefully look nbt.
7, 29.
aipstsokapistutsixp it was fixed up inside nbt. 53, 28.
SOk-, sank- straight; suddenly; aloud.
a) The original meaning is perhaps to be found in :
itsaukoksk^siu she ran straight on nbt. 104, 14.
119
h) suddenly :
soksinim he suddenly saiv nbt. 75, 20.
timsokitotoyin then suddenly {one) came to him nbt.
74, 12.
t;iimsoki:to%toyiu he then suddenly heard him obt. 25, 1.
it<zmsokomatapiksis^u theyi {the buffalo) suddenly started
to run obt. 32, 16.
iti%msoka%tsaksiau then they suddenly came out {of the
lake) obt. 9, 23.
it^msoksinim theyi {the people) suddenly saw obt. 5, 7.
itimsoksinoyiu then he suddenly saw him nbt. 77, 1,
aist.j:msoksaito%konoyiuaie ayid he would suddenly not
find her nbt. 96, 20.
aisok7.tsi;ksiu she would go out ever and again nbt.
138, 9.
anna timisokixtsiso there was one that came forward
nbt. 73, 16,
einl itimsokitspiaupiiau they suddetily sat among the
buffalo obt. 14, 20.
itimsoksinisiin then he suddenly fell obt. 30, 31.
timsoko%tsimm then she suddenly heard obt. 23, 14.
otaut^smsoksinokoaiau they were suddenly seen by them
obt 3, nO. 10
c) aloud ; specially with the verb a n i - to say :
aisokaniu he ivould say nbt. 8, 1.
aisokanistsiu he always said to him obt. 34, 18.
aisokanistsiuaie he always said to him obt. 22, 10.
aisokanii they would say nbt. 3, 42.
aisokaniau they ivould say nbt. 35, 20.
aist;ijmsokaniau then they would say nbt. 3, 4.
disok^tanistsiuaie he ever and again said to her obt.
19, 13.
N.B. itsa';^kauasainiu he then wept aloud.
120
kimaumaiso%kanisks why do you say {that) aloud?
obt. 41, 31.
soto^m-, stAim- ; see : Uhlenbeck, Conjunctief-achtige
Modi van het Blackfoot p. 3 — 4.
1^. after a little while; just; cf. aut^xm-, which is
also found with imperative forms:
sotaimitaupit just stay obt. 48, 23.
oki sotimipit noiv^ come right in! nbt. 75, 17.
sot^lmauyit just eat! obt. 39, 28.
soti:xmikakotsit just take it obt. 41, 3.
t4kst;ijmiksistapanistapu I shall go to an unknown place
nbt. 73, 41.
2''. then. Uhlenbeck I.e. says: „althans wanneer men
het verloop beschrijft van regelmatig terugkeerende
gebeurtenissen." E. g. :
autaklisi tdistiSjmo;^t6 . . . nitaist;*jmo%po%t^ua in the
afternoon I am going {I take my traps and a cow-head)
I carry them along nbt. 236, 1 — 3.
Cf. the description of base-ball: nbt. 242.
3^. then {in the past), especially frequent in narratives
told by youthful, unskilled raconteurs :
nis6t;!jmo;tjtsinap5, nis6t^mo;t:tsoau a;^ke; nis6t.xmitoto
noktinan ; nis6t^mapi:s^mau ponoka'mitaiks / then went
down, I then went through the water; 1 then went to
our ranch; I then teas looking for the horses nbt. 243,
II sqq. ; also nbt. 227 ; nbt. 225 (all boys' experiences
told by themselves).
sotamotapotsiu then he came home with the meat nbt.
2, 9.
aist^mamotapipiaii itapotsopiks then the horses that had
meat on them would be taken all over {the camp) nbt.
8, 36.
121
sot^mokosimiuaie then he had him for a child nbt.
33, 11.
st^minisau(o) ihen she got off obt. 5, 17.
aist^maniau ihen they would say nbt. 1, 14.
st^zmaukasiu then he picked up obt. 8, 31.
st^mitskitau then he was left obt. 9, 10.
st^mitoto then he came nbt. 79, 6.
osot^mo^kokaie he was then given to him hy nbt. 76, 13.
soti^imsuyistutsiu Jie then moved on (on the ice) obt. 5, 10.
4^. presently^ just now:
nisot^mst, a%kspumauos I think just now^ that we should
go up.
kimauksot^mauanisks tvhy do you say that just now?
Cf. sot(%minoyiau they suddenly saiv obt. 10, 25.
sp- hig\ above^ up.
1^. as an independent verb, specially as a predicative
adjective :
spitau is high, is tall (of persons),
spi'miu is high (of animals),
spiksim (an.), spiksiu (inan.) is high (of trees),
spin is high (of things that are considered as inani-
mate). Cf. Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 19.
2^. as a verbal prefix :
it^sSspskunakatsiua then he shot up at it nbt. 161, 24.
t<xmispiuaua%kau then he went in deeper nbt. 80, 8;
cf. lat. mare altum.
itspjcniu he said upwards obt. 56, 28.
itspsapiu he looked up obt. 16, 17.
manlstspsaps when he looked up obt. 65, 3.
t^mitspiniuaie then he lifted him up nbt. 153, 12.
N.B. nitslstsispi / have head-ache.
Adverbial forms are :
122
sp6%ts(i) on high obt. 57, 13.
spo^t^ik above obt. 66, n*'. 3.
spo^tsim on high obt. 68, n". 9.
sp6%tm on high obt. 67, n^. 7.
8t(a%t)- under (especially: under the water):
Perhaps we have the kernel of this prefix in the
verb-stem for „to dive" ; e.g.:
itsuistaiiu he dived in {the water) obt. 64, 12.
itsistaiiu he dived under the ivater nbt, 79, 33.
Otherwise these forms may be compounds with ist-
in. Probably also the following forms contain an element
akin to s t a % t - :
stimatsista%kapiinai he crawled in again nbt. 108, 5.
itsi^sstix^kapiu he crawled out from the lodge.
aist^%kapiu the sun went down nbt. 27, 4.
aist;ij%kapiaiks they crawled in nbt. 195, 16.
st(;^msisap6ksista%kapiu he then crawled through the hole
nbt. 194, 32.
itsist;s%kapiu he crept in among it nbt. 107, 28.
Examples :
ista^tsikokuto it {the creek) ivas frozen under {the sur-
face) nbt. 219, 8.
§,%ke it.xsta%taupiu he stays under water obt. 10, 16.
itizstapiniuaie she pulled {the crow's) head under the
water nbt. 151, 19.
The adverbial form in:
ista%tsim a;^;;k6 under the water nbt. 93, 22.
Stan-, stai- not. It seems to be a secondary form of
s a u -, s a i -, e. g., after a % k -, produced by pho-
netical influences.
123
sui-, so- in{to), close by (the water, the fire).
1®. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
ita;j^kinaiso6iau theij all went in {to the water) nbt.
23, 9.
niet<a5%taii t^misoo then he went into the river nbt.
79, 25.
2®. as an element of nominal forms:
annfisk suietapiisk that person of the water obt. 49, 5.
sui^st(xmik water-bull obt. 8, 24; obt. 10, 12.
suyaiksini Hog-in-water (name of a woman).
3^. as a verbal prefix; frequently as the last member
of combinations, e. g. -opits-is-(s)o-, -opit-
s o -, and - i s - (s) o - ; cf . o p i t (s) - 2a and 2 J ; and
is- 4 :
itstiiapautsim she swam about in the water nbt. 151, 2.
itsitapsuia^paipiuaie he jumped into the water towards
him nbt. 80, 2.
6%kotoki ^kaitaisuyixtakiop they have already a stone
in the fire nbt. 59, 22.
no%kitsui^p0tokit you must put me into the water obt.
12, 11.
otsuiauksk^sau when they ran into the water obt. 10, 23.
suifsapiu he looked into the water obt. 58, 24.
itsoyiapijkimaie he paddled them {the logs which were
tied together) in obt. 57, 10.
itsuistaiiu he dived in obt. 64, 12.
ixpitsuiotsimaie then he swam in the water with him
nbt. 80, 17.
omatsuyisaps when he looked in again into the water
obt. 64, 14.
itstiya;^kumi Yells-in-the-water (name of a man).
124
itsuinoka^kumi Elk-yells-in-the-water (name of a
woman).
suyeniki Kills-in-ihe-water (name of a woman).
sot^xmsuyistiitsiu he then moved on {across the frozen
water) obt. 5, 10.
itautsuistutsiuaie they used to move to the water obt. 5, 4.
annimaie itsuitomo there was a hutte right close to
the creek nbt. 214, 17.
Adverb: potani iso6%tsim right near the fire nbt. 153,
1; cf. however the adverbial form of is-: iso^^tsik
in the future nbt. 51, 24; 44, 8; 215, 12.
t^m-, cf. avLt xTo.-, s (o) t ^ m -.
1^. after a while, later on, with imperatives:
timanikit tell me later on nbt. 73, 25.
t^mapSiimmokit look for me later on nbt. 74, 3.
2^. after that; then:
otj^misksinokaie then she was known by him nbt. 73, 29.
t^mitaupiu then he stayed nbt. 76, 24.
ti;^mitoto then they got to nbt. 3, 5.
tim;t;;>;k^iiu then he went home nbt. 79, 2.
timipim then he entered nbt. 77, 10.
t^-miksistsip^skau then [the women) had done dancing
nbt. 73, 34.
t^m6tapa;^ikaiiau then they started home obt. 1, n^. 3.
tiscmitapo then he went nbt. 77, 9.
timsakapo then he went out on the prairie nbt. 77, 1.
Often t « m - is combined with s o k - (see there
sub b for examples).
1°. tap- to go; to{wards).
1^. as an independent verb, e.g.: aitapo he starts;
cf. aumatap- sub 1*^.
125
2°. as a verbal prefix (N.B. in most of the following
examples it is not easy to make out whether we have
to do with (t) a p - or with a p -) :
itsitapsuia%paipiuaie he jumped into the water towards
nbt. 80, 2.
itapaisumistsim he began to lick {his arrow) nbt. 110, 27.
amo;t;k amito%ts tdpipiksik run that way higher up
nbt. 201, 7.
tapopOm§,;^tsi towards the other side of the river nbt.
88, 14.
itsitapsooi he went into the water towards him nbt.
88, 19.
itsitapsuyist^ii then he dived into the water (towards)
nbt. 88, 13.
itapo%patskotsiu (the people) then began to rush nbt.
79, 17.
itapaisauakstsitsikiop then we began to put on other
moccasins nbt. 29, 2.
tapaisinikimatsiuaie then (the people) began to make
coups on him nbt. 81, 2.
matsit,jipskoma;\:;kdt run back again nbt. 187/188.
anapautsimM take quickly nbt. 146, 10.
anapaiakot be prepared to go quick nbt. 122, 15.
annapaiakitapiit notv prepare yourself nbt. 140, 4.
annapaiinimat now begin to catch (your horses) nbt.
3, 5.
2*^. tap-. Only once noted in an adverbial form:
ki amoksi tap6%tsik otsinanoaii and (the stick) of those
on the other side nbt. 34, 26.
tatsik- in, to the middle; between:
dupixtixtsikiotsimaie he swam to the middle (of the
river) nbt. 80, 20.
126
nitstjitsikistokioko / am hit between the ears nbt.
184, 13.
os^utatsiksiketan his saddle-blanket nbt. 36, 9.
The independent adverb is rather frequent:
t<;^tsika%tsim in the centre nbt. 181, 8.
omlm 6m;ij;^ksikimiu titsika^tsim there in the middle
of a lake nbt. 74, 7.
u%8-, a%s- back(wards)f behind (perhaps akin to (m)o%-
soyfs tail).
P. as an independent verb, i. e. only followed by
verbalizing suffixes:
ita'%so they moved back (to the north) nbt. 8, 17.
ot6to%saii ivhen they came back nbt. 49, 5.
20. in adverbial forms:
k;tnau%so%tsi behind nbt. 72, 6.
a;^^s6kapo%tsi on the back-side nbt. 35, 4.
3^. as a verbal prefix:
a) in the combination o % s o (%) k - (cf. 2^. a k (s) -
round) :
nisotjumiksas, nitsfto%soko, nitaut^mixsaimmau 7 then
hid myself^ I went around him {being out of sight), I
looked up at him nbt. 216, 15.
matslto%so%katokskasimiuaie he ran again around after
him, being out of sight nbt. 178, 10.
matsito%so%katatsiuaie he again went around to him,
being out of sight nbt. 179, 1.
b) combined with a p a t - back :
dpiZto%s^is5jpiu he was looking north nbt. QiQ, 19; see
a p a t - sub 3^.
c) See pu%s(ap)-.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
P. 2, 1. 7 from beneath. Read : I had better say, (instead
of: I had better, say).
P. 3, 1, 4. The full stop is to be cancelled.
P. 11, 1. 4 from beneath. Read: „secon- (instead of:
„secon).
P. 14, 1. 11. Read : ap;^.t6%tsik, (instead of: ap^t6%tsik').
P. 14, 1. 5 sq. from beneath. These lines are to be can-
celled. There are many verbal forms ending in -ixk,
but there we have the relative suffix - % k in its
palatalized form. The forms ending in -ixp(i) and
- o % p (i) are compounded with the relative suffix
-pi.
P. 36. Before a%tso- ought to have been mentioned the
nominal and verbal prefix a;^s- good, well, belonging
to a % s i good. Examples :
kfnni nis6t;(jmipu%sapaia%saupixpinan and then we
lived together all right till now nbt. 222, 13.
a%sapist\itsitau take good care of (my pariner^s clothes)
nbt. 159, 11.
a%sauauaksis^t run ivell! obt. 14, 4.
P. 36, 1. 12. Read: -omai-, -nmai- (instead of: omai.,
umai-). Reference ought to have been made here to
128
Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 19, as to the
use of this prefix in adjectives.
P. 40, 1. 23. The words „or up the prairie?'''' are to be
cancelled.
P. 44, two last lines. The correct translation of the
form is: there down the river {the people) would then he
camped about.
P. 45, 1. 7. Read: kima%tapauaua%ka%p (instead of:
klma%tapauaua%kaup) .
P. 52, 1. 11 — 7 from beneath. Read: ik(s)-, or iik(s)-
(with „Zerdehnung", as German philologists would
say), is also found in the combinations i k s k a i -
(from iks-ikai-), and i k s k a i i k (s) -. Perhaps
ik(s)- is cognate with ak- many, much. Cf. for its use
in adjectives : Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 19.
P. 53, 1 20. The form ik^mi'pixtsii is morphologically
an indicative. It might be called a „ false" conjunc-
tive, like the indicative-forms with a % k -.
P. 54 sq. The articles ikit- and (i)kin- ought to change
places.
P. 55, 1. 6 from beneath. The comma after - i x p - is
to be cancelled.
P. 61, 1. 6 from beneath. Read: as (instead of: e.g.).
P. 62, 1. 17 sq. This form does not belong here (cf.
p 0 t -)•
P. 63, 1. 17. The form itsiniso belongs together with
those mentioned sub in- 1^ (p. 59). The opposite
of i n i s - is a m - i s - (i. e. ami- -j- i s -), e. g.
auamiso he is going up, itsitdpamisoyinai she went up
to them nbt. 110, 18 (cf. p. 39, 1. 20).
P. 66. Before it^m- ought to have been mentioned the
verbal prefix itam- happy, belonging to the verb
itamitakiu, e. g. :
129
ait^miksistsikiii it was a fine day nbt. 25, 6.
ait^mauaua%kaiiau they went happy about nbt. 25, 7.
P. 71, 1. 12 from beneath. Read: k^^jtaiimiks (instead of:
kataiimiks).
P. 73, 1. 5 from beneath. Read: he could not jump out
(instead of: he could not get out of the water).
P. 75, 1. 8. Read: t^tsikaiksistsikuyi (instead of: tatsi-
kaiksistsikiiyi).
P. 75, 1. 7 from beneath. Read : then {the people) had done
dancing (instead of: then the people had done dancing).
P. 77, 1. 3. Besides the example given here there are
many other nominal compounds with m a n i s k (s) -,
e. g. manisksinokamita young horse^ maniskoma%kstoki
young mule, maniskomit^ young dog., maniskdiksini
young hog, manisko^kyaio young hear, maniskeini yoww^
buffalo, etc.
P. 77, 1. 13 from beneath. Add: An extended form of
manist- (anist-) is manistissp- (anist<zp-),
P. 78, 1. 5. takanisto%pa%tau is a dependent interroga-
tive form from the verbal stem a n i s t o, and so it
belongs sub 1^ (p. 77).
P. 78, 1. 16. (znistipitapiau is a verbalized nominal form.
P. 81, 1. 1. Read: berries (instead of: berrie).
P. 81, 1. 5. Read: forms: (instead of: forms).
P. 85, 1. 5. The translation ought to be: he smoked
harder instead.
P. 89, 1. 4 from beneath, nimotsipit^keixpinan is, of
course, a verbalized nominal form.
P. 91, 1. 3. The correct translation is: he finally ended
his smoking.
P. 93, 1. 4. Reference ought to have been made here
to Uhlenbeck, Some General Aspects p. 19, as to the
use of n i t (s) - in adjectives.
130
P. 94, 1. 4 from beneath. Read: {the people) (instead of
they).
P. 99, 1. 5. Read : combined with -so- it has the
meaning asJiore, from the fire (instead of: combined
with -so- ashore, from the fire).
P. 104, 1. 18. Read: very far (instad of: far).
IV
ABBREVIATIONS, ETC.
obt. = C. C. Uhlenbeck, Original Blackfoot Texts. Ver-
handelingen Kon. Akad. van Wetensch., Amsterdam ;
Afd. Letterk. N. R. Deel XII n^. 1. 1911.
nbt. = C. C. Uhlenbeck, A New Series of Blackfoot Texts.
Verhandelingen Kon. Akad. van Wetensch., Amster-
dam; Afd. Letterk. N. R. Deel XIII n^. 1. 1912,
de J. de J. bt. = J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong, Black-
foot Texts. Verhandelingen Kon. Akad. van Wetensch.,
Amsterdam; Afd. Letterk. N. R. Deel XIV n^. 4.
1914.
As to the numbers which are placed after these ab-
breviations, the first denotes the page, the second, after
the comma, the line.
I have also made use of materials in manuscript col-
lected by Dr. Uhlenbeck and by Dr. de Josselin de
Jong.
nv
I
CONTENTS.
Preface.
Part I. General remarks
Part II. List of prefixes
Addenda et corrigenda
Abbreviations, etc. .
Page.
1
19
127
131
r
I <£ CO:
o>
to
O
i
Pi;
CD!
(SI
f-<i
Oi
ci
•r-t
U
Oil
o
4>
T-t
coi.
a
pit
a>:
Pi
3
c
c
c
•H:
^;
<D:
3i.
Universily of Toronto
Library
DO NOT
REMOVE
THE
CARD
FROM
THIS
POCKET
Acme Library Card Pocket
Under Pau "Rel. Index FUt"
Made by LIBRARY BUREAU
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11