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Vol. 88

January, 1926

No. i

Forecast for 1926

Ninety-Seventh Annual Meeting
American Peace Society

French Revolution and Our Policy
of Neutrality

Pershing's Proclamation

(Index of Volume 87 is now available)

'*,..

THE PURPOSE

HE purpose of the American Peace
Society shall be to promote perma-
nent international peace through
justice; and to advance in every proper
way the general use of conciliation, arbi-
tration, judicial methods, and other peace-
ful means of avoiding and adjusting differ-
ences among nations, to the end that right
shall rule might in a law-governed world.
— Constitution of the
American Peace Society
Article II.

• . jnti
ircat

Mo 22 '27

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Edited by AUTHOR DEEEIN CALL
Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

1815-1828
Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")
PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, $2.00 a year. Single copies, 20 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Office at Washington,
D. C., under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of
the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility
for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

CONTENTS

FOUNDATIONS OF PEACE BETWEEN NATIONS .............................. 3

PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY .................... 4 and 64

EDITORIALS

Household Matters — Tested Methods of International Settlement —
Advance in 1926 — General Pershing's Difficulties — Editorial Notes. 5-12

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Continuing Crisis in France — Mosul — New French Commissioner in
Syria — New Government in Poland — Homeless Children in Russia —
Chinese Tariff Conference — Important International Dates ...... 12-20

NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING, AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY ............ 21

The President's Report ........ . .................................. 22

The Secretary's Report ............................................ 25

The Treasurer's Report ........................................... 35

GENERAL ARTICLES

War in Stone ..................................................... 39

By Harrold D. Scarborough
The French Revolution and Our Policy of Neutrality . . c •" ......... 40

By Robbie Berkeley Burnet
Armistice Day in London ......................................... 50

By John W. Owens

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

The President on Our Foreign Relations ........................... 51

General Pershing's Proclamation .................................. 56

NEWS IN BRIEF ....................................................... 59

BOOK REVIEWS ............................. 61

Vol. 88 JANUARY, 1926 No. 1

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

It is the first of its kind in the United States. It
will be one hundred years old in 1928. It has helped
to make the fundamental principles of any desirable
peace known the world around.

Its purpose is to prevent the injustices of war by
extending the methods of law and order among the
nations, and to educate the peoples everywhere In
vvlint an ancient Roman law-giver once called "the
constant and unchanging will to give to every one
his due."

It is built on justice, fair play, and law. If men
and nations were just, this Society would never have
been started.

It has spent its men and its money in arousing
the thoughts and the consciences of statesmen to the
ways which are better than war, and of men and
women everywhere to the gifts which America can
bring to the altar of a Governed World.

Its claim upon you is that of an organization whici
has been one of the greatest forces for right think-
ing in the United States for nearly a century ; which
is today the defender of the principles of law, ol
judicial settlement, of arbitration, of international
conferences, of right-mindedness, and of understand-
ing among the Powers. It publishes ADVOCATE OB
PEACE, the first in point of time and the widest cir-
culated peace magazine in the world.

It is supported entirely by the free and generous
gifts, large and small, of those who are interested in
its work. It has never received a dollar from State,
city, or nation.

It is the American Peace Society, with its head-
quarters in Boston for three-quarters of a century,
but since 1911 in Washington, D. C. It has been
incorporated under the laws of Massachusetts since
1848.

FEES

The minimum fees for membership:
Annual Membership is two dollars ;
Sustaining Membership, five dollars ;
Contributing Membership, twenty-five dollars ;

Institutional Membership, twenty-flve dollars ;
Life Membership is one hundred dollars.

All memberships include a free subscription to
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON, President American
Peace Society, Member of Congress from Ohio, Wash-
ington, D. C.

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL, Secretary American Peace
Society and Editor of ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Washing-
ton, D. C.

lion. P. P. CLAXTON, Ex-United States Commis-
sioner of Education, Tulsa, Oklahoma.

Dr. THOMAS E. GREEN, Director Speakers' Bureau,
American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Senator from Illinois,
Washington, D. C.

Hon. ANDREW J. MONTAGUE, Member of Congress
from Virginia, Washington, D. C.

Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN, 1841 Irving Street N. W.,
Washington, D. C.

GEORGE MADRICE MORRIS, Esq., Union Trust Build-
ing, Washington, D. C.

HENRY C. MORRIS, Esq., 1155 Hyde Park Boulevard,
Chicago, 111.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

Prof. ARTHUR RAMSAY, Ex-President Fairmont Sem-
inary, Southern Pines, N. C.

THEODORE STANFIELD, 126 W. 74th Street, New
York, N. Y.

JAY T. STOCKING, D. D., Upper Montclair, N'. J.

Hon. HENRY TEMPLE, Representative from Penn-
sylvania, Washington, D. C.

Dr. GEORGE W. WHITE, President National Metro-
politan Bank, Washington, D. C.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON
ARTHUR DEERIN CALL
Dr. THOMAS E. GEEEN
Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY
Hon. ANDREW J. MONTAGUE
Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN

GEORGE MAURICE MORRIS
HENRY C. MORRIS
THEODORE STANFIELD
JAY T. STOCKING, D. D.
Hon. HENRY W. TEMPLE
Dr. GEORGE W. WHITE

OFFICERS

President:

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON, Member of Congress
from Ohio, Washington, D. C.
Secretary:

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL, Colorado Bldg., Washington,
D. C.

Treasurer:

GEORGE W. WHITE, National Metropolitan Bunk,
Washington, D. C.
"Vice-Presidents:

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Washington, D. C.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

JANE ADDA MS, Hull House, Chicago, 111.

A. T. BELL, Esq., Chalfonte, Atlantic City, N. J.

GILBERT BOWLES, Esq., Richmond, Ind.

Dean CHARLES R. BROWN, New Haven, Conn.

Pres. E. E. BROWN, New York University, New York.

GEORGE BURNHAM, JR., Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. FRANCIS E. CLARK, Boston, Mass.

Rt. Rev. Bishop J. DARLINGTON, Harrisburg, Pa.

Dr. W. H. P. FAUNCE, Brown Univ., Providence, R. I.

GEORGE A. FINCH, Washington, D. C.

EVERETT O. FISK, Esq., Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM P. GEST, Philadelphia, Pa.

Hon. CHARLES CHENEY HYDE, Washington, D. C.

CHARLES E. JEFFERSON, D. D., New York, N. Y.

Dr. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Stanford University, Calif.

GEO. H. JUDD, Washington, D. C.

Bishop WILLIAM LAWRENCE, Boston, Mass.

JOSEPH LEE, Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM H. LUDEN, Reading, Pa.

L. H. PILLSBURY, Derry, N. H.

Judge HENRY WADE ROGERS, New York, N. Y.

Hon. ELIHU ROOT, New York, N. Y.

Mrs. FREDERIC SCHOFF, Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. JAMES BUOWN SCOTT, Washington, D. C.

Mrs. RUTH H. SPRAY, Denver, Colo.

Senator THOMAS STERLING, Washington, D. C.

EDWARD STEVENS, Columbia, Mo.

*Pres. M. CAREY THOMAS, Bryn Mawr, Pa.

*Pres. C. F. THWING, Cleveland, Ohio.

Pres. MARY E. WOOLLEY, South Hadley, Mass.

* Emeritus.

The Foundations of Peace Between Nations

Adopted by the American Peace Society, November 30, 1925

The American Peace Society reaffirms, at
this its ninety-seventh annual meeting, its
abiding faith in the precepts of its illustrious
founders. These founders, together with
the men of later times who have shared in
the labors of this Society, are favorably
known because of their services to the build-
ing and preservation of the Republic. Their
work for peace between nations must not
be forgotten.

Largely because of their labors, the pur-
poses of the American Peace Society have
become more and more the will of the world,
and opponents of the war system of settling
international disputes have reason for a
larger hope and a newer courage.

At such a time as this, with its rapidly de-
veloping international achievements, it is fit-
ting that the American Peace Society should
restate its precepts of a century in the light
of the ever-approaching tomorrow.

Peace between nations, demanded by every
legitimate interest, can rest securely and
permanently only on the principles of jus-
tice as interpreted in terms of mutually ac-
cepted international law ; but justice between
nations and its expression in the law are pos-
sible only as the collective intelligence and
the common faith of peoples approve and de-
mand.

The American Peace Society is not unmind-
ful of the work of the schools, of the
churches, of the many organizations through-
out the world aiming to advance interest
and wisdom in the matters of a desirable
and attainable peace; but this desirable, at-
tainable, and hopeful peace between nations
must rest upon the commonly accepted
achievements in the settlement of interna-
tional disputes.

These achievements, approved in every in-
stance by the American Peace Society, and
in which some of its most distinguished mem-
bers have participated, have heretofore
been —

By direct negotiations between free, sov-
ereign, and independent States, working
through official representatives, diplomatic or
consular agents — a work now widely ex-
tended by the League of Nations at Geneva;

By the good offices of one or more friendly
nations, upon the request of the contending
parties or of other and disinterested parties —
a policy consistently and persistently urged
by the United States ;

By the mediation of one or more nations
upon their own or other initiative — likewise
a favorite policy of the United States ;

By commissions of inquiry, duly provided
for by international convention and many ex-
isting treaties, to which the Government of
the United States is pre-eminently a con-
tracting party ;

By councils of conciliation — a method of
adjustment fortunately meeting with the ap-
proval of leading nations, Including the
United States;

By friendly composition, in which nations
in controversy accept, in lieu of their own,
the opinion of an upright and disinterested
third party — a method tried and not found
wanting by the Government of the United
States ;

By arbitration, in which controversies are
adjusted upon the basis of respect for law —
a method brought into modern and general
practice by the English-speaking peoples.

All of these processes will be continued,
emphasized, and improved. While justice
and the rules of law — principles, customs,
practices recognized as applicable to nations
in their relations with one another — fre-
quently apply to each of these methods just
enumerated, there remain two outstanding,
continuous, and pressing demands :

(1) Recurring, preferably periodic, con-
ferences of duly appointed delegates, acting
under instruction, foe the purpose of restat-
ing, amending, reconciling, declaring, and pro-
gressively codifying those rules of interna-
tional law shown to be necessary or useful
to the best interests of civilized States — a
proposal repeatedly made by enlightened
leaders of thought in the United States.

(2) Adherence of all States to a Perma-
nent Court of International Justice mutually
acceptable, sustained, and made use of for
the determination of controversies between
nations, involving legal rights — an institu-
tion due to the initiative of the United States
and based upon the experience and practice
of the American Supreme Court.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

Limited numbers of the following pamphlets are available at the headquarters of the American
Peace Society, the price quoted being for the cost of printing and postage only :

PAMPHLETS

ETHICAL AND GENERAL: Published.

Butler, Nicholas Murray :

The International Mind 1912 $0.05

Call, Arthur D. :

Cumber and Entanglements 1917 .10

Carnegie, Andrew :

A League of Peace 1905 . 10

Crosby, Ernest H. :

War From the Christian Point of

Franklin on War and Peace .10

Gladden, Washington :

Is War a Moral Necessity? 1915 .05

Morgan, Walter A. :

Great Preaching in England and

America 1924 . 05

Stanfleld, Theodore :

The Divided States of Europe and

the United States of America. . . 1921
Tolstoi, Count Leon :

The Beginning of the End 1898

Wales, Julia G. :

"The Conscientious Objector".... 1918
Christ of the Andes (illustrated),

7th edition 1914

Palace of Peace at The Hague (Illus-
trated) . 1914

PEACE AND EDUCATION:

Darby, W. Evans :

Military Drill in Schools 1911

Military Training for Schoolboys :

Symposium from educators 1916

Taft, Donald R. :

History Text Books as Provoca-
tives of war 1925

Walsh, Rev. Walter :

Moral Damage of War to the School

Child 1911

Oordt, Bleuland v. :

Children Building Peace Palace ;
post-card (sepia)

HISTORY OF PEACE:

Call, Arthur D. :

Federal Convention, May-Septem-
ber, 1787. Published 1922, re-
published 1924

The Will to End War 1920

Dealey, James Quale :

Contributions of the Monroe Doc-
trine to International Peace.... 1923
Emerson, Ralph Waldo :

"War." Address before the Ameri-
can Peace Society in 1838. Re-
printed 1924

.10
.10
.10
.05
.05

.05
.05

.15
.05
.05

.25
.15

fO.10

.15

Estournelle de Constant :

The Limitation of Armaments (Re-
port at Interparliamentary Union

Meeting, London)

Hocking, Wm. E. :

Immanuel Kant and International

Policies

Kant, Immanuel :

Perpetual Peace. First published

in 1795, republlshed in

Levermore, Charles H. :

Synopsis of Plans for International

Organization

Penn, William:

Peace of Europe. First published

in 1693, republished in

Scott, James Brown :

The Development of Modern Di-
plomacy

Trueblood, Benjamin F. :

International Arbitration at the

Opening of the 20th Century

William Penn's Holy Experiment

in Civil Government

Trueblood, Lyra :

18th of May, History of its Ob-
servance

Tryon, James L. :

A Century of Anglo-American

Peace

New England a Factor in the

Peace Movement

Washington's Anti-Militarism

Worcester, Noah :

Solemn Review of the Custom of
War. First published Christ-
mas, 1814, republished in

BIOGRAPHY :

1906

1924

1897

1919

1912

1921

1914
1914

1904

Beals, Charles E. :

Benjamin F. Trueblood, Prophet of

Peace 1913

Call, Arthur D. :

James Brown Scott. Sketch of his
services to the cause of inter-
national justice 1918

Hemmenway, John :

William Ladd, The Apostle of
Peace 1891

JAPAN AND THE ORIENT:

Deforest, J. H. :

Is Japan a Menace to the United
States ? 1908

(Continued on page 64)

.10
.10
.20
.05
.10
.10

.05
.10

.05

.05
.05

.10

.05

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

VOLUME

JANUARY, 1926

NUMBER
1

HOUSEHOLD MATTERS

BECAUSE the American Peace So-
ciety begins this its ninety-eighth
year as publisher of a magazine devoted
exclusively to the cause of international
peace, and as the ADVOCATE OF PEACE
makes this its annual start for the eighty-
eighth time, no apology is necessary for
the amount of space here devoted to our
rather personal affairs. Other peace or-
ganizations may be interested in our prob-
lems as here set forth. Peace workers gen-
erally will wish to read, perhaps with some
attention, the intimate views and frank
confessions of men responsible for carry-
ing on the traditions at the heart of this
the veteran peace organization of America,
and of this the oldest peace magazine in
the world.

We are frequently asked if we plan to
start again the organization of branch so-
cieties throughout the States. The an-
swer is, Not as heretofore. Headers of the
reports published herewith will see why.
Under date of November 23, a gentleman
from Seattle, Washington, wrote:

"For about a year I have been a mem-
ber of your Society and mean to continue.
I am so much interested in the cause of
education and agitation for world peace
that I would like to help organize (or
revive) a branch society in this State.
May I have some direction from you to
that end ? If you could give me the names
of members in this State, I would en-
deavor to secure others and to plan for a
meeting for inaugurating a movement
here. A sample constitution and circular

literature would be helpful. May I hear
from you?"

To this letter we replied:

"Your interest in organizing a branch
of our Society in Seattle deserves our at-
tention and co-operation. Just how these
can best be extended is not wholly clear.

"We have just had a meeting of our
Board of Directors. We are planning to
run a stenographic account of that meet-
ing in the January number of the ADVO-
CATE OF PEACE. Perhaps it may be best
for you to defer action until after reading
with some care this report.

"You will see that we are not a mere
noise-making organization. We are not
interested in flash-in-the-pan movements.
We are concerned with the long job.

"We can see how local organizations, in
sympathy with our aims, might be of real
service throughout our democracy. Such
organizations, however, would have to be
made up of persons in tune with our aims.
Whether or not you are such a person, you
will be able better to say after reading the
account of our meeting. After reading it,
should you be so kind, please let us hear
from you again."

The American Peace Society, it is be-
lieved, is old enough to see that much of
today's propaganda in behalf of inter-
national peace seems but a faint imitation
of what was done in earlier generations.
Many, not all, of our peace addresses and
our written words were better made and
more nobly phrased in the long ago. To
sense this we do not need to go back to
the beginnings of our religions, we have
only to take down the writings, say, of
Erasmus in the early sixteenth century.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

Erasmus shone as a satirist. He looked
upon his world as a mess of folly and
threw his jibes at kings and princes and
popes; and yet he was admired by these
same kings and princes and popes. In-
deed, he was the most-sought-after man of
his day. Our modern reformers need to
catch something of that man's nonpartisan
nature, his infinite reasonableness, his
loathing of all fanaticism, his sound learn-
ing and abounding common sense. He
was a pacifist indeed, with an informing
poise that won rather than alienated in-
telligent men. Perhaps Erasmus' chief
interest — he was a man of many inter-
ests— was to convince men that war is con-
fusion and "a sink of all manner of vices,"
as he says in one of his colloquies. But
in his Quarela Pacis are these illuminat-
ing words : "I do not condemn every war,
for some are necessary; nor do I taunt
any prince; yet it cannot be denied that
when war breaks out, there is a crime on
one side or the other, if not on both/'
There would be less cantankerousness
among the peace workers of our day, per-
haps, if only we might catch something of
the fairness and of the vision of Erasmus.

The American Peace Society, by the
same token, clings to the teachings of its
fathers, not because it prefers to keep its
eyes upon the past ; rather, because any en-
during progress toward a less war-ridden
world must rest upon the experiences of
the men who knew and upon the practices
of governments as they are. This is not
an unfriendly conservatism; it is the only
hopeful liberalism, for achievements in
the international field depend upon the
will and collaboration of responsible
statesmen. The peace movement needs
the friendly support of intelligent men
and women of affairs. Such men and
women have but one lamp by which their
feet are guided, and that is the lamp of
experience. From time to time, therefore,
the American Peace Society is happy to

recall something of the ennobling visions
and the fine accomplishments responsible
for the soul of America.

TESTED METHODS OF INTERNA-
TIONAL SETTLEMENT

TTpKIENDS of international peace do
•*• well to keep an eye to the possibilities
of new and better methods than hereto-
fore tried or known for settling interna-
tional disputes. A healthy human spirit
instinctively reaches for what is beyond
its grasp. This is a fact of life properly
dwelt upon by the poets. It is the genesis
of progress.

But the practical man faced with a
difficulty will not ignore the familiar aids
which experience has taught him are
available and efficacious. The world need
is not so much for new machinery to settle
disputes as a new and better will to use
the means at hand. Statesmen are not
obliged to time their steps to the jazz of
the hour. Wars need not be fought be-
cause of any lack of better ways.

There are plenty of means for settling
disputes. All States, for example, have
their diplomatic or consular representa-
tives, through whom disputes are daily
adjusted and through whom nearly all
controversies may be amicably settled.
The League of Nations, composed of
diplomatic representatives, is a clearing
house for this method of international
negotiation and accommodation. The
League is something else; but it is that.
The mechanisms of diplomacy are always
available.

Where diplomacy has failed, there have
been other methods frequently tried and
not found wanting. They are also avail-
able at any time. States in dispute, for
example, confronted with the failure of
the ordinary methods of diplomacy, have
on many occasions found their difficulties
to vanish upon the moderating counsel of
a third party, in the interest of settlement

1926

EDITORIALS

by negotiation. This procedure or method
of composition may be launched upon the
invitation of one or both parties to the
dispute, or upon the initiative of a third
and disinterested agent. This method of
adjusting a difference is known to the
history of international relations as a set-
tlement by good offices — a term denned by
the first Hague conference in 1899, and
a method employed by Great Britain and
Portugal as early as 1703. It was the
role played by President Koosevelt in the
war between Japan and Russia. It is an
ancient practice.

There is the method of mediation — a
method somewhat more formal than_ that
of good offices, because the action of the
mediator, usually taken upon the request
of both parties to the dispute, goes beyond
mere suggestion and indicates a way of
settlement. The mediator serves under
a mandate and often conducts negotia-
tions. Mediation, while not always as
readily acceptable, is quite as familiar as
good offices. It was the method employed
by France in a dispute between Great
Britain and Sicily in 1836, by the Pope
in a dispute between Germany and Spain
in 1885, by Great Britain between Spain
and Portugal in 1668, and in many other
controversies.

There is the method of the commission
of inquiry, approved by both Hague con-
ferences. This method of settlement
carries with it more than a mere sugges-
tion, more than an indication of what
ought to be done; it is an adaptation of
the jury system, a method of ascertaining
the facts with the view that when the
facts are known the solution will appear.
This was the method employed in the
well-known Dogger Bank case in 1904 —
an investigation which probably prevented
a war between England and Russia. It
is a plan carefully provided for in the
projects prepared for the international
commission of jurists by the American

Institute of International Law for the
consideration of the republics of the West-
ern Hemisphere. The commission of in-
quiry is the central thought of over a
score of treaties to which the United States
is a party.

There is the method of the council of
conciliation. This method is also specially
provided for in the projects drafted by
the American Institute of International
Law. It is the chief means of settlement
set up in the Treaties of Locarno. The
permanent council of conciliation not only
collects the facts, it elucidates the ques-
tions in dispute and endeavors to bring
the parties to an agreement; indeed, it
may fix the terms of settlement.

There is the method of friendly com-
position, where a controversy, upon the
request of the parties to the dispute, is
submitted to a third person, say the chief
executive of a disinterested nation, when
such person or chief executive assumes
the functions of a "friendly compositor"
and renders an award. This method
proved most successful in the dispute be-
tween Chile and Argentina a quarter of a
century ago — a dispute settled to the
satisfaction of both parties by the King
of England.

There is arbitration, resorted to since
the beginning of history and introduced
to our modern world by the Jay Treaty of
1794. Since that time the United States
has settled more than seventy cases by
arbitration, not including many pecuniary
issues which have been settled by that
method. During our history as a nation
the States of the world have submitted
some 240 important cases to arbitration.
Arbitration is more formal than any of
the methods already enumerated. A
Permanent Court of Arbitration, upon the
initiative of John Hay, Secretary of State,
with the aid of Russia and of Great
Britain, was established by The Hague
Conference in 1899. The first case pre-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

sented to this arbitration tribunal in-
volved an issue between Mexico and the
United States. Nearly a score of cases
have been settled by the tribunal. In
1908 Mr. Boot, then Secretary of State,
negotiated twenty-two arbitration treaties,
under the terms of which the parties
agreed to submit their disputes of a legal
nature and relating to the interpretation
of treaties, which it has not been possible
to settle by diplomacy, to that tribunal.

There remains the method of judicial
settlement. The processes of arbitration
may relate to legal disputes, but often
have to do primarily with problems in
equity. Judicial settlement has to do
with legal disputes only. Arbitration may
deal with political disputes; not so with
the court of justice. A court of justice
cannot compromise, as a court of arbitra-
tion may, and sometimes should. For-
tunately, the world has both a Permanent
Court of International Arbitration and a
Permanent Court of International Justice,
each with headquarters in the Palace of
Peace at The Hague.

The methods here mentioned, not al-
ways wholly differentiated in practice,
clearly indicate that our world lacks noth-
ing in the nature of method or machinery
for the peaceful settlement of interna-
tional differences.

A DIRECTION OF ADVANCE
FOR 1926

TT7HILB there IB no lack of methods
» » for settling international disputes,
there is one sad hole in the armor of in-
ternational peace. All of the methods
referred to are dependent upon the rules
and principles recognized by States as
binding upon them in their relations with
each other. These rules and principles
are set forth in treaties and conventions,
in court decisions, in pronouncements by
States, in the writings of jurists, and in

the customs of peoples. These, taken to-
gether, make up international law. Then
there are new matters, because of the
exigencies of modern life, for which no
law exists. Lacking co-ordination, all
these present a confusion, a weakness, in
our international situation, sadly in need
of remedy. Confronted with this situation
as between persons within States, govern-
ments met the condition by the passage
of laws, bewildering now because of their
number. But, as between States, perhaps
our greatest concern is the absence of in-
ternational regulations, clearly phrased
and understood. The international situa-
tion, from the point of view of legal rela-
tions, is little short of anarchy.

This anarchy permeates the views of
the jurists. There is a marked lack of
agreement among the "authorities" on
international law. There is one school
made up of men bent upon new and un-
tried methods of bringing order out of
the chaos. They are not interested in the
older methods of international conference
for the development of international law.
They look for a revolution in method.
They have little faith in any codification
of international law. Codification they
interpret to mean the unification of exist-
ing national laws; the restatement of ex-
isting law; or the passage of new legisla-
tion. These modern reformers see no hope
for the codification of any of these. They
prefer international organization for the
direct settlement of differences as they
may arise, and for the indirect develop-
ment of international law out of these
settlements.

There is another school, however, dif-
ferent in kind. The followers of this
school remove the difficulties facing the
members of the other by dividing interna-
tional law into two kinds, the first relating
to general matters upon which practically
all nations of the world agree, the other
to special persons or customs peculiar to

1926

EDITORIALS

given schools of jurisprudence or to
regional problems. The followers of this
school believe that difficulties of codifying
international law become greatly simpli-
fied by this classification; for when they
speak of codification they are concerned
primarily with establishing the first kind
of law, the general rules of international
law by agreement of all the nations — a
set of universally accepted principles which
shall be to all nations what the Constitu-
tion of our country is to our Forty-eight
States. When this is done, the other, the
particular matters can be more easily
brought under the rules of law.

The first school is made up in the main
of the friends of the League of Nations;
the second contains those who look with
favor upon an international conference
of duly accredited delegates from all the
nations for the purpose of agreeing upon
these general laws, consonant with the
rules and customs of all nations.

Both schools agree that certainty in the
law is desirable. The fact that there are
differences in legal practices, of races, of
languages, of policies, make it difficult in-
deed to conceive of any codification of in-
ternational law in its specific phases. But
the victorious powers found comparatively
little difficulty in codifying their views of
a victory in terms of a covenant at Paris.
The developments of the League of Na-
tions grow out of that covenant. Codifi-
cation, therefore, in its larger aspects, is
not an impossible task. Our fathers codi-
fied law with no little success in 1787.
International law for the Western Hemis-
phere has been codified and set before the
twenty-one republics of our western world.

This codification is so necessary, par-
ticularly for the Permanent Court of In-
ternational Justice; it is so generally
urged, so distinctly demanded, particularly
in America, that it is reasonable to expect
that the year 1926 will witness a clearer

definition of international law and more
positive steps towards its codification in
its larger forms.

This clearing up of the ground will
mean three kinds of effort: The further
extension of special treaties and agree-
ments, such as those of Locarno; educa-
tion; and renewed effort at the clarifica-
tion of those rules and customs agreeable
to all nations — the codification of Inter-
national law.

The processes of education, which in-
clude the other two, are already widely
provided for. There are the rapidly de-
veloping courses in international law
among the colleges and universities of
the world. There are the international law
societies, particularly the Institute of In-
ternational Law, with headqurters in Eu-
rope; the American Institute of Interna-
tional Law, in this hemisphere; the As-
sociation of International Law, not to
mention the Union Juridique Inter-
nationale, the Iberian Institute of Com-
partive Law, and the rest. Then, of
course, there is the Academy of Interna-
tional Law, at The Hague, inaugurated in
1923, with its summer courses, attended
by students many of whom are sent by
their governments.

Never before in the history of the world,
it may be said without exaggeration, has
the "war to end war" been so nearly won
as now. That is a fact worth thinking
upon at the beginning of our new year.
The next point of attack, if we may use
the word, is in the legislative development
of world organization. Since justice can
express itself only in terms of law, and
since there can be no worthy peace be-
tween States save in terms of Justice,
the challenge of this new year is to ad-
vance with all the power at our command
the government of States by due processes
of law.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

GENERAL PERSHING'S
DIFFICULTIES

ALL is not well with General Persh-
-t\- ing's attempts to bring about a settle-
ment of the long-standing dispute between
Chile and Peru. There are conflicting re-
ports in regard to the situation, and our
State Department as well as the embas-
sies of Peru and Chile are maintaining
a perfect silence about the case. One fact
seems to be established, and that is that
the Chilean Minister in Bern, Mr. Mande-
ville, did present to the Secretary of the
League of Nations, on December 2, a state-
ment in which he pointed out that Chile
wishes the plebiscite to be held imme-
diately ; that Chile has always accepted the
decisions of General Pershing; that the
delay in holding the plebiscite is due to
Peruvian duplicity; that the situation in
the interior provinces is quiet, although
there have been "incidents" along the
boundaries; that General Pershing has
probably been badly advised by his Ameri-
can associates, who hardly speak Spanish;
and that Chile is determined to give all
the guarantees that General Pershing may
require. It was also pointed out that any
postponement of the plebiscite will have
great political results, not to mention
financial and economic dangers. This
statement by Chile to the League of Na-
tions has left an unfavorable impression
in Washington. The effect upon the
situation in South America cannot be said
to be promising. When steps are being
taken to adjust the dispute according to
a method accepted in full by both Chile
and Peru, the introduction of another au-
thority can only bring about confusion.
The wrangling which General Pershing is
obliged to witness must be discouraging.
This wrangling seems to be growing worse.
The efforts toward agreement are handi-
capped. Since the success of the plan to
settle this dispute depends upon General

Pershing's moral authority and mental
ability, these evidences of efforts to weaken
and to undermine are discouraging.

The evidences of confusion are plain.
Under date of November 24 the Chilean
commissioner refused to take part in fur-
ther discussions until steps are taken to
set a date for the plebiscite. In a speech
at Arica he charged that the American
members of the American staff were "sow-
ing war, discord, and hatred" between the
two nations. This break is supposed to
have been due to the requirements of Gen-
eral Pershing that the Peruvians should
have free entry into the territory in dis-
pute, and to the fact that Chilean officials
who had been removed from office upon
General Pershing's request were still al-
lowed to remain in the provinces and in
official positions. The general impression
in Arica at that time was, however, that
the break in the plebiscitary proceedings
would merely delay the elections. The
cruiser Denver was ordered to Arica No-
vember 25, to relieve the Rochester, which
has been in Arica since General Pershing's
arrival. General Pershing promised, No-
vember 27, to present a motion to the next
meeting of the plebiscitary commission,
proposing dates for registration, appeals,
and elections, thus acceding to the wish
of the Chilean commissioner. It was in
the face of these facts that Chile presented
her note to the League of Nations. The
proclamation issued by General Pershing,
and approved by the commission early in
November, appears elsewhere in these col-
umns. These seem to be all of the facts
available at the moment. On the whole,
they are not encouraging.

It is difficult to escape the conviction
that Chile, realizing that her case is lost,
is bound to save something out of the
situation by adding to the confusion.

And yet the disinterestedness of our
Commission will emerge and impress at

1926

EDITORIALS

the last Peruvians, Chileans, and the
world with the fact that now is the ac-
cepted time for the settlement of this long-
drawn-out controversy.

MHEXKI BEREXGER, appointed
• Ambassador from France to the
United States on December 8, will be re-
ceived here with every kindness and con-
sideration. The United States sympa-
thizes with the French view, that it will
be an advantage to have as the diplomatic
representative of France in Washington a
man so peculiarly qualified to treat with
our government concerning the questions
outstanding between us and France. Con-
versations there will be. They may spread
over many months. At no particular mo-
ment, we understand, will publicity be di-
rected to these conversations. The hurry
and crescendo of emotion with the possi-
bility of failure and disappointment should
be avoided. It is well that France and the
United States are at a meeting of minds
upon this point.

THE decisions of the Permanent Court
of International Justice and of the
Council of the League of Nations relative
to Mosul fail to carry conviction that the
problem is being adjusted according to the
principles of judicial settlement. The de-
cision of the Council is described by the
friends of the League as courageous. As
in the case of the Greco-Bulgarian settle-
ment, Geneva feels that these activities add
to the prestige of the League. A special
cable to the New York Times under date
of December 17 says that it is argued in
Geneva that its recent success, particularly
in the dispute between Greece and Bul-
garia, serves "as an excellent object lesson
to small nations whose exaggerated sense
of their importance threatens the peace
of the world." Such views are not hope-
ful; they are harmful. The sense of ex-
aggerated importance is not confined to
small nations. Furthermore, the attitude
of mind typified by such a statement is
the temper that begets not peace, but war.

THE churches of America seem to be
more alive to the problem of abolish-
ing the war system than for some time.
Mr. Fred B. Smith, who has assumed the
chairmanship of the executive committee
of the American branch of the World Alli-
ance for International Friendship through
the Churches, announces that he purposes
to devote the rest of his life in campaign-
ing in, behalf of world peace. He says
that he believes that the abolition of war
is the paramount world issue. He dis-
covers that ominous war clouds still hover
over the nations, but he firmly believes
that war can be abolished. He holds that
the great hope will only be realized through
the co-operation of all the agencies which
believe in God, and that this message is
the highest and most compelling Christian
apologetic. He says pointedly that Chris-
tianity will not become the religion of the
world in a million years unless it can be
purged of its war traditions. The noblest
service, he believes, that can be rendered
to America is to have her assume her full
place in this great undertaking. Various
denominations have recently been holding
their annual conferences. All of these
gatherings revealed a similar faith and
enthusiasm.

Our own view is that international peace
cannot wait for the Christianizing of the
world. There are some 566,000,000 Chris-
tians, of whom 273,500,000 are Eoman
Catholics, 121,801,000 Orthodox Catholics,
and 170,900,000 of whom are Protestants.
Over against these 566 million Christians
there are 1,052,568,000 non-Christians, of
whom 219,000,000 are Mohammedans,
133,161,000 Buddhists, 210.400,000 Hin-
dus, and 301,155,000 Confucianists and
Taoists. In other words only a third of
the world is Christian, and this confined
mainly to the peoples of Europe, America,
and Abyssinia. International peace must
mean the International co-operation of

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

peoples from all of these religions. An
elementary first principle in the work for
International peace is to recognize this
fact.

United States has taken over
the government of six of our neigh-
bors— Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, Porto
Rico, Cuba, and Panama. Marines are
located in each of these nations to protect
native presidents who are friendly to the

United States. Uncle Sam does not in-
tend to treat these people of darker races
as equals,1" etc., etc. These are views
quoted in the press from remarks by a
distinguished professor of government at
Harvard University, at a recent meeting
in the Rankin Memorial Chapel, at that
institution of learning. One may be par-
doned for wondering what joy a professor
of government can derive from such an
unhappy and inaccurate condemnation of
his own government.

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

CONTINUED CRISIS IN FRANCE

r I^HE political crisis in France continues
JL unabated. Governments are formed
and fall in rapid succession and still
the great problem that underlies all
of France's difficulties — the question of
finance — remains unsolved. The latest de-
velopments have been the fall of the Pain-
leve cabinet, the creation of a Briand Min-
istry, the resignation of Minister of Fi-
nance Loucheur, and the appointment in
his place of Senator Doumer.

Fall of the Painleve Government

M. Painleve's Government resigned on
November 22, following its defeat on arti-
cle 5 of its financial plan bill. This article
provided for a more or less forced con-
solidation of the short-term debts which
shortly fall due, with the exception of the
bonds of national defense. The whole op-
position declared that to do anything else
than simply pay these short-term debts
as they fell due was, in fact, a repudiation
of its engagements by the State and would
have a disastrous effect upon French credit
as a whole.

A resolution was moved for the recon-
sideration of article 5. M. Painleve, in
opposing it, put the question. By a bare
majority of 28 votes — 277 against 249 —
the resolution was rejected and the govern-
ment saved for the moment.

In this vote the Communists took no
part. The issue did not interest them.
But when article 5 itself came to the vote,
the Communists, true to their normal prac-
tice, went into the anti-governmental
lobby. The result of this addition to the
already swollen opposition was the defeat
of the government on a vital issue by one
vote— 277 against 276.

Briand's Return to the Premiership

After several futile attempts to form a
cabinet, President Doumergue finally en-
trusted Aristide Briand with the task of
premiership. On November 29 Briand an-
nounced to M. Doumergue that he had
succeeded in forming a Cabinet as fol-
lows:

M. Aristide Briand, Prime Minister and
Minister for Foreign Affairs ; M. Rene Re-
noult, Justice ; M. Camille Chautemps, In-
terior; M. Loucheur, Finance; M. Pain-
leve, War; M. Georges Leygues, Marine;
M. Daladier, Public Instruction; M. de
Monzie, Public Works; M. Daniel- Vin-
cent, Commerce; M. Leon Perrier, Colo-
nies; M. Jean Durand, Agriculture; M.
Jourdain, Pensions; M. Durafour, Labor
and Health.

The following Under-Secretaries o f
State have been appointed: M. Pierre
Laval (Prime Minister's Office and For-
eign Office), M. Paul Morel (Finance),

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

M. Ossola (War), M. Laurent Eynac
(Aeronautics), M. Danielou (Mercantile
Marine), M. Chauvin (Liberated Re-
gions), M. Paul Benazet (Technical and
Physical Education), and M. Levasseur
(High Commissioner for Housing).

The most important of these appoint-
ments was, of course, that of M. Loucheur.
It is no secret that M. Briand, with a view
to insuring the support of the Senate in
advance, would have preferred a Senator
as Minister of Finance. But his candi-
dates, who were M. Doumer and M.
Berenger, were objected to by the extreme
section of the Radical Party as being too
conservative in their ideas. M. Briand,
therefore, fell back on M. Loucheur, but
this suggestion was disapproved by those
who remembered the Socialistic amend-
ments which he had moved to the Pain-
leve Finance Bill. Eventually, M. Briand
effected a compromise by agreeing to the
appointment of a consultative committee
of financial authorities which should be
able to bring weighty representative opin-
ion to bear on the proposals of M. Lou-
cheur himself. On these conditions the
appointment was accepted.

This is the eighth cabinet that M. Bri-
and has formed since July 24, 1909, and
he has been a minister 15 times since
March 14, 1906.

Briand's Declaration of Policy

The new government's declaration of
policy was as follows :

We have decided to ask you at once to
vote the measures which will enable us to
avoid having recourse to the consolidation
of any portion of the national debt. But we
are going through a difficult period. We are
compelled to ask from Parliament temporary
facilities which will be limited to the abso-
lute needs of our treasury, and we shall set
before you today the measures which con-
stitute the counterpart of that operation, en-
abling its reabsorption to be effected in a
short time.

The government will place before you also
a number of measures which will provide
definite revenues for the independent sinking
fund. These revenues will be drawn from
all forms of acquired wealth in such a way
as to avoid prejudicing the productivity of
the country. The reconstruction of our
finances could not be ultimately brought about

without a loyal understanding with the great
nations which the war has made our cred-
itors.

We shall continue without intermission
the negotiations with our allies regarding
our debts, convinced that our allies and
friends will not fail to take into account our
circumstances and the necessity of collaborat-
ing in the restoration of our currency, in or-
der to make possible the execution of the
agreements which have already been con-
cluded.

The statement added that the govern-
ment intends to clear up the situation in
Syria and Morocco, guided by the spirit
of peace. It was stated that a reduction
in the period of military service will be
rendered possible as a result of the French
Government's policy of international
agreements.

Loucheur's Speedy Fall

Finance Minister Loucheur's tenure of
office proved to be very short. When he
appeared before the Parliament with his
program of financial reforms, he was de-
feated and immediately resigned. His
place was taken by Senator Doumer.

Possibilities of a Dictatorship

In the meantime there is developing in
France a movement in favor of a dictator-
ship along the Fascist lines.

The first French Fascist organization
has been founded in Paris. Its founders
are certain minor reactionaries of the
Royalist school; its adherents belong to a
sort of snobbish youth that has hitherto
found an outlet for its high spirits in
the ranks of the Camelots du Roi.

The speeches of the founders were ex-
tremely apologetic and not calculated to
minister to Signor Mussolini's pride. "We
are not Italians," declared M. Jacques
Arthuys ; "ours will not be an Italian type
of Fascism. It will not be a Fascism of
the bludgeon and castor-oil bottle, but a
Fascism adapted to our French tempera-
ment, more thoughtful and measured."

For the rest, the pure Fascist doctrine
was expounded. Liberalism was over, and
an end must be put to all politics, poli-
ticians, and parties. Parliaments were
out of date. In their place must be put
a dictator who could impose discipline.

In the place of parliamentarism, which

January

has now fallen into contempt, said M.
Georges Valois quite frankly, only two
alternative forms of government present
themselves — Communism and Fascism.
But for right-thinking, respectable people
was there any choice? Communism had
brought Eussia to ruin, and Fascism "had
restored their ancient grandeur to two
nations that had degenerated." In a ter-
rific peroration he announced the aim of
French Fascism, "to suppress parliamen-
tarism, and when that was done to give to
the new national State a real chief."

Amid the strains of the Marseillaise the
new legions were given their flags, and,
well escorted by police, marched solemnly
to the grave of the Unknown Soldier, there
to dedicate themselves. They passed un-
noticed through the streets, for they have
discarded the black shirt of the Italian
Fascist for one of a more hygienic blue,
which hardly differs, however, from that
worn by the ordinary working man.

The press of the Left has assumed an
ironic tone toward the Fascist movement,
attempting to ridicule it out of existence.
It also demands that the movement show
its real face by pushing its leaders into
the limelight, and accuses ex-President
Millerand of being the real guiding spirit
of French Fascism.

MOSUL

rI^HE question of the disposition of the
JL Mosul Vilayet, which has been a point
of contention between Great Britain and
Turkey for several years, has now, at last,
been finally disposed of, so far as the for-
mal side of the matter is concerned. The
decision handed by the Council of the
League of Nations, sitting as a court of
arbitration, has definitely assigned Mosul
to Great Britain. Whether or not Turkey
accepts this decision, or whether she at-
tempts to dispute it by force of arms, re-
mains to be seen.

Story of the Mosul Controversy

The Mosul controversy began imme-
diately after the war. In accepting the
League mandate for Mesopotamia, or Iraq,
Great Britain insisted upon the inclusion
in the mandated territory of the Mosul
district. Turkey refused to accede to this

arrangement. The question came up at
the Lausanne Conference and threatened
for a time to disrupt that parley. It was
disposed of by an agreement that the mat-
ter be referred to the Council of the
League. In the course of the negotiations,
the Marquis of Curzon assured the Turks
that their representatives would have a
voice in the making of the decision. This
assurance was in direct contradiction to
the procedure of the League Council, on
the point of unanimity, the rule being that
the interested powers do not vote.

However, when the Mosul question came
up before the League Assembly last Sep-
tember, the Turkish representatives re-
fused to accept the authority of the Coun-
cil and insisted upon their right to exer-
cise their veto over any decisions made by
the Council. The question was then re-
ferred to the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice, at The Hague. Specifi-
cally the court was asked for a ruling con-
cerning Article 3, paragraph 2, of the
Treaty of Lausanne. The Council asked
the court's opinion regarding the nature
of the decision to be taken by it in this
case (arbitration, recommendation, or sim-
ple mediation). In the next place, it re-
quested the court to state whether the de-
cision must be unanimous or might be
taken by a majority, and whether the rep-
resentatives of the parties interested might
take part in the vote.

The Court's Decision

The decision of the court was made on
November 21 at a public sitting. After
a detailed analysis of Article 3 of the
Treaty of Lausanne, the court arrives at
the following conclusion : the intention of
the parties in providing for recourse to the
Council was to assure a definitive and
binding solution of the dispute — that is
to say, the definitive determination of the
frontier. This conclusion is confirmed by
a comparison of Article 3 with other
clauses of the same treaty, and is not
weakened by an examination of the pre-
paratory work or of facts subsequent to
the conclusion of the Treaty of Lausanne.

As to the legal nature of this definitive
and binding solution, the court observes
that if the word "arbitration" is taken
in a wide sense — characterized by the bind-
ing force of the pronouncement made by

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

a third party to whom the interested par-
ties have had recourse — the Council's de-
cision is an "arbitral award," although
very different from the conception of ar-
bitration contained in The Hague Con-
vention of 1907 — a conception which is
not applicable to the functions of the
Council. These functions, as defined in
Article 15 of the Covenant, consist in
making recommendations without binding
force; but, as in the case of the deter-
mination of the frontier of Upper Silesia,
there is nothing to prevent the parties, by
an agreement entered into beforehand,
from recognizing that, in so far as they
are concerned, the recommendations of the
Council will have the effect of a decision
which compulsorily settles the dispute.

Since the decision which the Council
is to take in this case is more than a sim-
ple "recommendation," a fortiori it differs
from "simple mediation." But the par-
ties, in having recourse to the Council,
certainly did not lose sight of the concili-
ation procedure, which forms an essential
part of the functions of that body.

As to the second question, whether the
Council's decision is to be unanimous or
may be taken by a majority, the Court con-
cludes, for reasons based on an examina-
tion of the covenant, that the decision
must be unanimous ; but, on grounds taken
from the same source, it also expresses
the opinion that the votes of the repre-
sentatives of the interested parties shall
not be counted in ascertaining whether
the decision is unanimous.

The court, therefore, is of opinion :

(1) That the "decision to be taken"
by the Council of the League will be bind-
ing on the parties, and will constitute a
definitive determination of the frontier
between Turkey and Iraq.

(2) That the "decision to be taken"
must be taken by a unanimous vote, the
representatives of the parties taking part
in the voting, but their votes not being
counted in ascertaining whether there is
unanimity.

Turkish Reaction to the Hague Decision

According to a communique published
by the Agence Anatolie, The Hague de-
cision, "pronounced under influences
which are well known," was expected at
Angora. It is declared that the decision

manifestly flouts the clear principles of
justice and has produced a very bad im-
pression of the value and character of
The Hague Tribunal, which hitherto has
been considered as the organ of interna-
tional justice. That portion of the de-
cision referring to participation of the two
parties in the vote has specially aroused
ridicule.

The comments of the press show equal
discontent. The Vakit says the decision
is proof of Turkey's good sense in not be-
coming a member of the League of Na-
tions, and, though the second ruling is less
favorable to the British thesis, the news-
paper wants to know whether representa-
tives of the British dominions will have
the right to take part in the final vote of
the League.

The Jumhuriet declares that Turkey
will not accept the decision, which is not
based on justice, and the journal then pro-
ceeds to define justice in the terms of the
Turkish thesis. The Jumhuriet maintains
that unanimity in favor of the Turkish
point of view is impossible in the League
dominated by Britain, and as also it is
difficult to obtain unanimity for Great
Britain, it is to be expected that the
League will apply to The Hague Court to
give a decision by majority. Thus the de-
cision will be postponed by the intrigues
of Great Britain, which will seek to profit
by possible domestic difficulties in Turkey.

Action of the League Council

The League Council lost no time in act-
ing on The Hague decision. At its De-
cember meeting it decided the controversy
in favor of Great Britain, on the basis of
the boundary recommended by its com-
mission of inquiry, sent to Mosul last year.

NEW FRENCH COMMISSIONER
IN SYRIA

REPORTS from Damascus indicate that
the recall of General Sarrail, the
French High Commissioner in Syria, and
the appointment in his place of a civilian,
M. de Jouvenel, have produced a very
good impression in that troubled area.
General Sarrail is generally accused of
having been the principal cause of all the
trouble there. The Damascus correspond-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

ent of the London Times says that the ad-
ministration of Syria under the General
has been radically different from that
which had existed before his appointment,
and reports a prominent local citizen as
saying that "under Sarrail France has
exported to Syria the political and re-
ligious differences that have for so long
characterized her own life, and the result
has been disastrous for Syria, as well as
for France herself.

Causes of the Druse Affair

It is now generally admitted that the
causes of the Druse uprising have been as
follows : General Sarrail's refusal to in-
quire into the justification for the objec-
tions raised by the Druses to the return
of the French Governor, Captain Carbillet,
who had gone on leave; his discourteous
rebuff to the deputation which had come
to Beirut expressly to lay the Druse case
before him; his subsequent order that the
deputation should be allowed to go to Da-
mascus to see the local authorities, and —
grave breach of Arab ideas of hospital-
ity— arrested on its arrival — all of them —
acts that offended against the first prin-
ciples of governing Oriental peoples. The
Druses had no desire to revolt. They were
themselves suffering economically, as their
harvest had failed, and they were well
aware that hostilities could but mean an
intensification of their economic distress.
They were, in fact, prepared to accept a
French Governor, although by treaty they
were entitled to have one of their own.
But they did not want the officer General
Sarrail insisted on sending back, because
he had proved out of sympathy with their
ideas, and had tried, they contended, to
break down and infringe their old customs
and practices. They could not, however,
allow to pass unnoticed the slights suffered
by their representatives and their chiefs.
So they acted in the manner most natural
to a proud and virile tribe such as theirs,
and attacked the French garrison in
Sueida, the capital of the Jebel Druse.
The subsequent events and the manner in
which General Sarrail tried to hide them
are current history, and even today, three
months later, French prestige is not yet
restored in the Jebel Druse, while it has
since suffered severely everywhere else in
the country.

Brigandage and Politics

There was a political side to the Da-
mascus trouble, as there is to the wave of
brigandage that is at present sweeping
over the country. Even circles which at
the outset were strongly of the opinion
that the outbreak was merely one of pure
lawlessness, now agree that behind the
irruption of brigands into Damascus on
October 18 was the idea of starting a gen-
eral insurrection. There had, it is al-
leged, been a tacit understanding between
those arranging the movements outside
and certain people within the city that on
the arrival of the bands the signal should
be given for a general rising against the
French. That the populace knew some-
thing was in the wind may be assumed
from the fact that parents had already
withdrawn their children from the schools
on the Saturday, the day before the bri-
gands appeared in the city. The plan
failed, however, because, when the time"
came, those who were to give the signal
had not the courage to take action, alleg-
ing that the men who had come in were
insufficient in number to warrant the
townsfolk joining in — as indeed they were.

To that extent the authorities were per-
haps right in their assumption that there
was a revolutionary movement on foot.
At no moment, however, was it a serious
menace. No more than 250 men entered
from outside, and the total number of
armed men operating at one time never ex-
ceeded 500. Indeed, there are many who
affirm that the figure was well under
that number. But, even accepting for ar-
gument's sake the French contention, it is
incredible that, considering all that had
happened during the previous weeks, the
authorities should ever have allowed a situ-
ation to arise where, according to them, it
became a military necessity to destroy part
of the city.

The New Commissioner's Policy

M. de Jouvenel, the new High Commis-
sioner, arrived in Syria at the beginning of
December, and took the first opportunities
that presented themselves to make a series
of significant statements regarding the
policy he intends to pursue. In bestowing
the Croix de Guerre on General Gamelin,
the commander of the French troops in

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Syria, M. de Jouvenel said that France
preferred peace to victory, but as pillage
and massacre had compelled her to fight,
the operations would continue until se-
curity had been restored in the whole of
the territory which had been entrusted to
France by the League, and until it was
possible to establish the independence and
prosperity to which the peoples of the
Lebanon and Syria aspire and which the
present revolt alone retarded.

Later, receiving the foreign press, he
promised to removed the recent disabili-
ties and to give the fullest facilities in the
future. He asked a delegate to discuss
matters with him and added that whatever
impressions and views he had formed be-
fore he had naturally readjusted in the
light of what he saw on the spot, and it
would be a little time before he would be
able to decide on his actions.

In his address to the Rasheya garrison
M. de Jouvenel said, significantly, that if
it was permitted to him shortly to organize
in the Lebanon the institutions which
made free peoples, it would be thanks to
their heroism. He added that if he was
unable to accord today to the whole of
Syria the benefits of these institutions the
fault lay with those who conducted them-
selves as enemies.

This was obviously a hint to the rebels,
and it can be inferred that if the revolt
continues in Syria the new High Commis-
sioner will tackle the question of consti-
tutional reforms in the Lebanon as soon
as it is cleared, without waiting for the
pacification of the rest of the country.

THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN
POLAND

crisis cansed by the resignation of
X the Grabski Cabinet, which held office
from December 20, 1923, to November 13,
1925, lasted for a whole week, but after
various attempts M. Skrzynski succeeded
on November 20 in forming a new govern-
ment on a broad parliamentary basis. At
first Skrzynski had endeavored to form
an all-national coalition, but the first at-
tempt failed, owing to the resistance of
the parties of the Left. The attempt of
M. Rataj, the marshal of the House of
Deputies, to form a government of the

Center with the Left likewise broke down.
Thereupon Skrzynski was asked to form
an "Officials' " Cabinet, but he did not
accept the invitation, and it was precisely
the danger of such a government that
finally induced the political parties to take
up once more the idea of a coalition on
a broad basis and to make the necessary
sacrifices for its realization. The Presi-
dent of the Republic entrusted M. Skrzyn-
ski for the third time with the task of
forming a government, and this time M.
Skrzynski succeeded.

On November 20 the Polish President
issued a decree in which the following
Ministers were nominated :

Dr. Alexander Skrzynski, Prime Min-
ister and Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Wladyslaw Raczkiewiz, Interior ; J e r z y
Zdziechowski, Finance; Dr. Stefan Pie-
chocki, Justice; Dr. Stanislaw Grabski,
Religious Cults and Public Instruction;
Dr. Wfadyslaw Kiernik, Agriculture and
State Domains; Stanislaw Osiecki, Indus-
try and Commerce; Adam Ch^dzyriski,
Railways; J^drzej Moraczewski, Public
Works; Bronislaw Ziemi?ski, Labor and
Social Welfare; Gen. Stefan Majewski,
Administrator of War Ministry; Jozef
Radwan, Administrator of Agricultural
Reforms.

Of the above-mentioned ministers four
are in the cabinet as experts, and as such
do not represent any political party. They
are Skrzynski, Raczkiewicz, Majewski, and
Radwan. From the W. Grabski Govern-
ment there remain as ministers M. Skrzyn-
ski, who is also Prime Minister; M. St.
Grabski, M. Raczkiewicz, and M. Radwan.
MM. Moraczewski, Kiernik, Osiecki, and
Ziemi^cki have been ministers in former
Polish governments. MM. Cha.dzynski Pie-
chocki, and Zdziechowski are in office for
the first time. The Skrzynski Cabinet is
the thirteenth since the creation of the
Republic.

The Skrzynski Government is based on
the People's National Union, which has
99 seats in the House of Deputies, the
Piast party (50 seats), the Christian
Democrats (44 seats), the Polish Socialist
Party (41 seats), and the National Labor
Party (18 seats). It possesses, therefore,
a majority of thirty, the House of Deputies
containing 444 deputies. In addition, the
Christian-National Party has promised its

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

support in matters of State necessity. The
Wyzwolenie Party has so far maintained
an undecided attitude, but its entry into
the coalition is being counted upon and
the portefeuille of the Ministry of Agri-
cultural Keforms is being kept aside for
it; also, the Jewish Club has promised its
support on condition that its demands re-
garding economic affairs and schools, etc.,
are fulfilled.

In his speech of November 25 in the
Sejm, M. Skrzynski emphasized the fact
that Poland would continue to co-operate
closely with Czechoslovakia. This co-opera-
tion had already been shown at Locarno,
where he and Dr. Benes, the Czechoslovak
Foreign Minister, had followed the same
policy. The signature of the Locarno
treaties would without any doubt act as
a guarantee of lasting peace for Europe.

Eeferring to economic affairs, M.
Skrzynski declared that the government
would do all in its power to maintain the
level of the zloty. No notes would be
printed without cover. In the near future
the Finance Minister would bring before
the Sejm the new finance reform measures.

Economies were necessary, but the ex-
penditure on the army could not be ex-
cessively reduced. The necessity for the
execution of land reform was recognized
by all the parliamentary parties. The
land-reform measure would be definitively
put into operation in 1926. Long-term
credits would be granted to agriculture
and industry alike.

HOMELESS CHILDREN IN RUSSIA

THE Moscow correspondent of the
Manchester Guardian sends to his
newspaper a fearful description of a truly
tragic social problem confronting Eussia
at the present time. War and famine, he
says, have created in Eussia a whole army
of homeless orphans and waifs. These
ragged, dirty, and destitute children, "bez-
prizorni," as the Eussians call them, are
to be found in every large Eussian center ;
and they have come to represent a social
problem of the first magnitude. While
accurate statistics are naturally difficult to
compile, it has been recently estimated
that there are 9,000 bezprizorni in the city
of Moscow and 69,000 in the North Cau-

casus region, and a Moscow newspaper de-
clared that there are 300,000 such waifs
all over the Soviet Union.

These cast-off children, who have mostly
lost their parents in war, in famine, or
in the epidemics of disease which swept
Eussia during the period of civil war,
represent a very grave source of infectious
disease and criminality in the life of the
country. Few of them are normal in
mind or in body. Doctors who have had
an opportunity to examine some of these
children after they were brought in off
the streets testify that many of them are
sexual perverts and drug addicts, and it
is a known fact that the dealers who sup-
ply cocaine to the Moscow underworld of-
ten use these children as their agents.

The bezprizorni live by begging and
stealing, and some ominous cases of more
serious crimes of violence on their part
have already been reported. The Soviet
authorities are coming to realize more and
more that unless these children are re-
claimed the adult criminal population of
Eussia will be formidably augmented dur-
ing the next decade.

A few years ago the existence of the
bezprizorni might have been attributed to
the sheer inability of the State to support
the country's legions of homeless children.
Today this is not the case. If it were
merely a matter of providing food and
clothes and shelter, the Soviet Govern-
ment could doubtless solve the waif prob-
lem.

But the bezprizorni, for the most part,
are not docile children who can easily be
cared for. Years of adventurous wander-
ing life, stealing rides on trains, exploring
the streets of Moscow, lying in wait early
in the morning to filch the potatoes or
apples or carrots of a drowsy peasant on
his way to market, all these experiences
have developed in them a vagabond spirit
which rebels at even the mildest forms of
control. Then they go about mostly in
gangs, under the leadership of the oldest,
strongest, and most reckless of their num-
ber ; and these gangs have acquired a firm
hold on their members. A deserter may
expect to be beaten or even stabbed if he
falls in with his old companions.

Under these circumstances it is not sur-
prising that the attempts to place these
waifs in children's homes have not alwavs

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

met with success. In some cases, when
numbers of bezprizorni were introduced
into a children's home, they completely
upset the discipline of the institution.

Theoretically, probably the most hope-
ful of the government's experiments in
dealing with the waif problem is the estab-
lishment of farm colonies. The lack of a
trained directing personnel for such col-
onies is keenly felt, however, and some So-
viet authorities on social welfare are now
inclined to favor the idea of placing run-
away children with private peasant fami-
lies. A peasant who adopts an orphan gets
an extra share of land and a small sum
of money for the expenses of bringing up
the child.

CHINESE TARIFF CONFERENCE

THE successful termination of the Pe-
king Tariff Conference augurs well for
an improvement of the Chinese situation
in terms of the attitude toward China of
foreign powers. The Peking Conference
grew out of the Washington Conference on
the Limitation of Armament. On Feb-
ruary 6, 1922, the poAvers which had par-
ticipated in the Washington parley de-
cided to take "immediate steps'" for the
holding of a special conference regarding
increases of the Chinese import tariffs,
which have been fixed for China by out-
side powers for the past eighty years. The
conference was delayed for over three
years, and at least a part of the recent
troubles in China is attributable directly
to these delays.

Customs Tariff and Likin

The principal question taken up at the
Peking Conference concerned the aboli-
tion of likin, or internal tax levied in va-
rious provinces of China by the local war
lords. The foreign powers have insisted
upon this before allowing China to in-
crease effectively her import duties.

At the Washington Conference the pow-
ers decided to allow China, conditionally,
to impose another 2y2 per cent on her
present 5 per cent import duty, with rates
varying up to 10 per cent on certain un-
specified luxuries. The conditions looked
to the fulfilment of the terms demanded
by the Mackay and other treaties, dated

over twenty years ago, for an advance to
12y2 per cent.

The outcome of the conference in Pe-
king has been that the Chinese Govern-
ment has agreed to abolish the likin, while
the foreign powers ha^e agreed to restore
to China gradually a degree of tariff au-
tonomy.

Origin and Significance of Likin

At a meeting of the Council for the
Consortium for China, held in New York
on October 19 last, Sir Charles Addis, a
British outhority on China, described the
origin and significance of likin in the fol-
lowing terms:

Let me say just one word upon the origin
of likin. It is of comparatively recent ori-
gin. The word, or rather two words, means
in Chinese "contribution of a thousandth" —
that is, one-tenth of 1 per cent. Up to the
middle of last century, previous to the con-
clusion of treaties with foreign powers, there
was no well-defined distinction between cen-
tral and provincial government finance. The-
oretically, all revenues belonged to the Em-
peror. Practically, the provinces enjoyed
fiscal autonomy. Tribute was remitted in
kind or in bullion, but so long as collections
did not show any serious falling off from the
conventional estimates, no questions were
asked.

The creation in 1854 of the maritime cus-
toms as a substitute for the native customs,
which in consequence of the Taiping Rebel-
lion were unable to operate, completely
changed all this. The revenues continued
to flow, as before, into the provincial treas-
uries ; but the maritime customs now ren-
dered statements of cash receipts as opposed
to conventional estimates. To protect them-
selves, the provinces instituted likin. The
abuses of the system in the hands of the
local authorities and the uncertainty of the
tax led to a demand for the protection of
foreign commerce, which was met by the
introduction of what is known as the transit
pass system by the Treaty of Tientsin in
1858. Foreign merchants had now the op-
tion of clearing goods in transit by means
of a pass. If this revenue or part of it had
been allocated to the provinces as a substi-
tute for the likin, of which they had been
deprived, all would hav« been well. Un-
fortunately, no such provision was made, and

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

for 60 years the provinces have been driven
more and more to resort to other means to
supply the deficit.

Then came the period of foreign loans se-
cured upon the customs. In practice, this
did not lead to any material change. The
service of the loans was levied on the prov-
inces and the central government washed its
hands of the matter. As for the foreigner,
he cared little at that time where the money
came from, so long as the service of the loan
was paid. It was the revolution that changed
all that. The revenues then came under
strict foreign control — the customs revenue
became, in fact, a central government reve-
nue. Yuan Shih-kai did the same with the
salt gabelle. The provinces were left to fill
in the gap in their revenues as best they
could.

IMPORTANT INTERNATIONAL
DATES

(November 1 — December 15)

Nov. 2 — The Italian Debt-funding Com-
mission meets the American Commission
in Washington.

Nov. 3 — The Tariff Commission, meet-
ing in Peking, accepts, in principle,
China's proposal that tariff autonomy be
granted her upon the abolition of the likin
tax.

Nov. 6 — Henry de Jouvenal, editor-in-
chief of the Matin, is appointed by the
French Government High Commissioner
of Syria to replace General Sarrail.

Nov. 9 — The official German delegation
arrives in London to discuss the Anglo-
German Trade Treaty.

Nov. 11 — Greece informs the League of
Nations that she would welcome a Balkan
security and compulsory arbitration pact.

Nov. 12 — Italian and American debt
commissions agree upon the funding of
Italy's war-time debt to the United States.

Nov. 14 — Germany is informed by the
Conference of Ambassadors of the Allies
that the evacuation of Cologne will begin
on December 1.

Nov. 16 — The Conference of Ambassa-
dors agrees on the terms of a note to Ger-
many on disarmament, following the com-
plete agreement reached by the German
experts and the Interallied Military Com-
mittee.

Nov. 17 — The New Zealand and South
Seas International Exhibition opens at
Dunedin.

Nov. 17 — The German Cabinet author-
izes the Foreign Minister to prepare the
necessary bills for enabling the Eeichstag
to record its assent to the Locarno Trea-
ties.

Nov. 18 — The House of Commons ap-
proves the ratification of the Locarno
Treaty of Mutual Guarantee by 375 votes
to 13.

Nov. 20 — Queen Alexandra of Great
Britain dies at Sandringham, England.

Nov. 20 — The Italian Senate approves
by a large majority the bill for the sup-
pression of secret societies.

Nov. 21 — The Permanent Court of In-
ternational Justice renders its unanimous
opinion that the decision to be taken by
the Council of the League of Nations con-
cerning the frontier of Turkey and Iraq
will be binding on the parties.

Nov. 21 — The German bill to ratify the
Locarno Pact and to sanction the entry
of Germany into the League of Nations
is adopted by the Reichsrat.

Nov. 22 — The French Cabinet resigns,
twenty-four days after its formation, be-
cause of defeat on the Finance Bill.

Nov. 26 — M. Herriot abandons his at-
tempt to form a French Cabinet because
of refusal of the Socialists to co-operate.

Nov. 26 — The King of Siam dies.

Nov. 26 — A trade agreement between
Holland and Germany on the basis of
most-favored-nation treatment is signed.

Nov. 27 — The Eeichstag passed the
Locarno Pact Bill by 291 votes to 174.

Nov. 28 — M. Briand announces the com-
pletion of a new French Cabinet, with
M. Loucher as Minister of Finance.

Nov. 28 — President Von Hindenburg
signs the law, passed by the Reichstag,
covering the Locarno agreements and the
authorization for Germany to join the
League of Nations.

Dec. 1 — The Treaty of Locarno and the
subsidiary agreements are signed in Lon-
don by Great Britain, Belgium, France,
Germany, Italy, Czechoslovakia, and Po-
land.

Dec. 4 — The Rumanian debt-funding
agreement is signed by Secretary Mellon
for the United States and by Nicholas
Titulesco for Rumania.

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

Dec. 5 — The German Cabinet resigns
because of desertion by the Nationalist
followers.

Dec. 7 — The thirty-seventh session of
the Council of the League of Nations opens
with a crowded agenda of more than thirty
items.

Dec. 11 — The text of the invitation to
the United States to participate in the
special committee which is to make prepa-
rations for an international conference on

armament is approved by the Council of
the League of Nations. Invitations al-
most identical in text are also prepared by
the Council to be sent to Germany and to
Eussia.

Dec. 15 — The Council of the League of
Nations unanimously decides to give Mosul
to Iraq under the condition that Great
Britain renew its treaties for twenty-five
years.

THE NINETY- SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING OF

THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS OF THE

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Held at the Cosmos Club, Washington, D. C.
November 30, 1925

Board of Directors

Hon. Theodore E. Burton, President American
Peace Society, Member of Congress from Ohio,
Washington, D. C.

Arthur Deerin Call, Secretary American Peace So-
ciety and Editor of ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Hon. P. P. Claxton, Ex-United States Commissioner
of Education, Tulsa, Oklahoma.

Dr. Thomas E. Green, Director Speakers' Bureau,
American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.

Hon. David Jayiie Hill, Washington, D. C.

Hon. William B. McKinley Senator from Illinois,
Washington, D. C.

Hon. Andrew J. Montague, Member of Congress
from Virginia, Washington, D. C.

Rev. Walter A. Morgan, 1841 Irving Street N. W.,
Washington, D. C.

George Maurice Morris, Esq., Union Trust Build-
ing, Washington, D. C.

Henry C. Morris, Esq., 1155 Hyde Park Boulevard,
Chicago, 111.

Hon. Jackson H. Ralston, Palo Alto, Calif.

Prof. Arthur Ramsay, Ex-President Fairmont Sem-
inary, Southern Pines, N. C.

Theodore Stanfleld, 126 W. 74th Street, New York,
N. Y.

Jay T. Stocking, D. D., Upper Montclair, N. J.

Hon. Henry Temple, Representative from Penn-
sylvania, Washington, D. C.

Dr. George W. White, President National Metro-
politan Bank, Washington, D. C.

Executive Committee

Hon. Theodore E. Burton
Arthur Deerin Call
Dr. Thomas E. Green
Hon. William B. McKinley
Hon. Andrew J. Montague
Rev. Walter A. Morgan
George Maurice Morris
Henry C. Morris
Theodore Stanfield
Jay T. Stocking, D. D.
Hon. Henry W. Temple
Dr. George W. White

Officers

President. — Hon. Theodore E. Burton, Member of
Congress from Ohio, Washington, D. C.

Secretary. — Arthur Deerin Call, Colorado Bldg.,

Washington, D. C.
Treasurer. — George W. White, National Metropoli-

tan Bank, Washington, D. C.
Vice-Presidents — Hon. David Jayne Hill, Washing-

ton, D. C. ; Hon. William B. McKinley, Washing-

ton, D. C. ; Hon. Jackson H. Ralston, Palo Alto,

Calif.

Honorary Vice-Presidents

Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, 111.

A. T. Bell, Esq., Chalfonte, Atlantic City, N. J.

Gilbert Bowles, Esq., Richmond, Ind.

Dean Charles R. Brown, New Haven, Conn.

Pres. E. E. Brown, New York University, New York.

George Burnham, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. Francis E. Clark, Boston, Mass.

Rt. Rev. Bishop J. Darlington, Harrisburg, Pa.

Dr. W. H. P. Faunce, Brown University, Provi-

dence, R. I.

George A. Finch, Washington, D. C.
Everett O. Fisk, Esq., Boston, Mass.
William P. Gest, Philadelphia, Pa.
Hon. Charles Cheney Hyde, Washington, D. C.
Charles E. Jefferson, D. D., New York, N'. Y.
Dr. David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, Calif.
Geo. H. Judd, Washington, D. C.
Bishop William Lawrence, Boston, Mass.
Joseph Lee, Boston, Mass.
William H. Luden, Reading, Pa.
L. H. Pillsbury, Derry, N. H.
Judge Henry Wade Rogers, New York, N. Y.
Hon. Elihu Root, New York, N. Y.
Mrs. Frederic Schoff, Philadelphia, Pa.
Dr. James Brown Scott, Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Ruth H. Spray, Denver, Colo.
Senator Thomas Sterling, Washington, D. C.
Edward Stevens, Columbia, Mo.
*Pres. M. Carey Thomas, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
*Pres. C. F. Thwing, Cleveland, Ohio.
Pres. Mary E. Woolley. South Hadley, Mass.

*Emeritus.

STENOGRAPHIC REPORT OF THE
MEETING

meeting was called to order by
President Theodore E. Burton, chair-
man.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

THE CHAIRMAN: The first business in
order is the reading of the minutes.

THE SECRETARY: Since these minutes
were printed in the annual report, I move
that the reading of the minutes be dis-
pensed with.

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
tion, the reading of the minutes will be
omitted. There being no objection, we
shall take up the next order of business,
which is announcements and communi-
cations.

THE SECRETARY: I have no announce-
ments and no new communications, ex-
cept to say that I have heard from each of
the absentee directors, all of whom, except
our Treasurer, are out of the city. There
is a letter here from the Treasurer, which
will naturally come before us later.

THE CHAIRMAN: The next business in
order is the President's report.

REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT

To the Board of Directors of the American
Peace Society:

DEAR SIRS: Article 7 of the Constitu-
tion of the American Peace Society con-
tains this sentence : "The President and
Secretary shall make annual reports of
their work, which shall include the work
of the Executive Committee, to the Board
of Directors.1" Pursuant to this provision,
your President respectfully submits the
following report for the fiscal year 1924-
1925, the ninety-seventh year of the his-
tory of this Society.

This meeting of the Board of Directors
is held according to the following vote,
unanimously adopted at the annual meet-
ing of the Board, May 22, 1925 :

"Voted, That the ninety-seventh annual
meeting of the American Peace Society be ad-
journed until such time as will meet with the
approval of the President of the Society."

Executive Committee

Your Executive Committee has held
eight regular meetings during the year.
For this period the number of regularly
employed officers has not changed. Mr.
Arthur Deerin Call has continued as Sec-
retary of the American Peace Society and
as Editor of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, and
Mr. Leo Pasvolsky as Associate Editor.
Mr. W. I. Smalley has served during the

year as Assistant Secretary and Assistant
Treasurer. The names of all our officers
head this report.

We regret the necessity of recording the
resignation from the Board, under date
of January 30, 1925, of Paul Sleman,
Esquire, who had served the Society for a
number of years with faithfulness and
ability. This vacancy remains yet to be
filled.

The Finances of the Society

Since the last annual meeting thirty-
eight persons have contributed $5.00 or
over to the work of the Society. These
contributors were :

Mrs. E. L. Boas
Mrs. C. E. Brayton
Miss B. G. Brooks
Hon. Theodore E.
Burton

D. S. Carll
Robert Cluett
Harry Dietsch
S. E. Eastman

E. O. Fisk
Mrs. L. H. Fitch
S. J. Freiberg
Wm. P. Gest

M. Goldenberg
Ada H. Hersey
R. C. Jenkinson
G. H. Judd
Joseph Lee
A. L. Lincoln
James McGrath

Mrs. S. G. Meredith
H. C. Morris
Mrs. A. B. Neill
A. S. Ochs
Leo Pasvolsky
L. H. Pillsbury
J. H. Ralston
W. H. Schroder
T. J. Sidwell
E. J. Siller
Paul Sleman
Mr. and Mrs. I.

Sprague

Theodore Stanfield
Fannie T. Sturgis
William Thum
W. O. Tufts
G. G. Waite
George W. White
George Wood

The report of George W. White, Treas-
urer of the Society, is before us. The
balance of cash on hand May 1, 1925, was
$1,031.76, as compared with $3,219.45 on
May 1, 1924. The total of investments on
May 1, 1925, was $20,900.00 as compared
with $30,100.00 on May 1, 1924. Faced
with this situation, the Executive Com-
mittee has had frequent consultations with
Mr. H. C. Phillips, counsel in advertising
and business building. Mr. Phillips has
studied the activities of the Society and
has offered suggestions which have received
careful attention. A number of them are
already being carried out. While the facts
in this connection are known at the time
of this meeting, they will, of course, more
properly be recorded in the report for the
fiscal year 1925-1926. It is proper, how-

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

ever, to call attention to the fact that 13
new subscriptions to the ADVOCATE OF
PEACE were received during September,
24 new subscriptions during October, and
23 new subscriptions during November.

The Permanent Peace Fund

The Permanent Peace Fund, founded
by George C. Beckwith, D. D., has con-
tinued a valuable source of income. Dr.
Beckwith, it may be recalled, gave thirty-
five years of his life to the American Peace
Society, agent, secretary, and Editor of
the ADVOCATE OF PEACE. When he died,
in 1870, it was said: "The cause of peace
in the United States has lost its best
friend."

Our Society has received from Thomas
H. Russell, Esquire, of Russell, Moore &
Russell, 27 State street, Boston, Massa-
chusetts, a letter under date of May 13,
1925, as follows :

RUSSELL, MOORE & RUSSELL, COUNSELLORS AT
LAW, 27 STATE STREET

BOSTON, May 13, 1925.
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY,
ARTHUR D. CALL, Esq.,

Secretary, Colorado Bldg., Washington,
D. C.

MY DEAR MR. CALL :

The Trustees of the Permanent Peace
Fund held their annual meeting today and
voted, as has been our custom, to turn over
to the American Peace Society the net in-
come for the year, amounting to $6,407.83, as
shown by our report, to your Society for the
year May 1, 1924, to May 1, 1925, which I
enclose herewith, and I take pleasure in
enclosing check herewith for that amount.
Will you kindly have your Treasurer sign
and return the enclosed receipt.

I read a part of the article you kindly for-
warded to me and am glad that you are
putting in such good work for the cause. I
enjoyed your recent call and trust you will
not fail to favor me again the next time you
are in town.

With kind regards I am,
Sincerely yours,

THOMAS H. RUSSELL.

The report referred to in this letter is
as follows :

BOSTON, May 1, 1925.
To the American Peace Society:

The Treasurer of the Trustees of the Per-
manent Peace Fund submits the following
annual report for the period May 1, 1924, to
May 1, 1925 :

Gross income received by the Trus-
tees from real estate, bonds,
stocks and all other investments $9,692.91
Gross expenses paid for repairs
and taxes on real estate, salary
of bookkeeper and agents, tele-
phone, office rent, supplies,
stationery, safe-deposit box, in-
surance, services of trustees at-
tending meetings and expenses,
accrued interest on investments
made, etc 3,285.08

Net income from the fund for the
year, to be paid to the American
Peace Society $6,407.83

Check herewith to the order of the Amer-
ican Peace Society in full payment of net
income to date.

Respectfully submitted,

THOMAS H. RUSSELL,

Treasurer.

Our Secretary

This marks the tenth anniversary of the
services of Mr. Arthur Deerin Call as
Secretary of the American Peace Society
and as Editor of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
It will be granted that these have been
eventful years in the history of our So-
ciety as well as in the relations of States.
When Mr. Call assumed the work as Sec-
retary and Editor, he had served three
years as Executive Director of the Society
in closest relations with Dr. Benjamin P.
Trueblood, who had been Secretary and
Editor since 1892. The work of the
American Peace Society since 1915 has
been mainly Mr. Call's work. He has been
assisted by an office secretary and the part-
time services of other people ; but the poli-
cies, the editing, the direction of its af-
fairs, have been primarily his. He should
have had more help. But the officers of
this Society would do violence to their
own wishes and be remiss in their duty
if they did not express at this time their
heartiest appreciation of the devotion, in-
dustry, and ability which its Secretary

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

and Editor has put into this work in be-
half of a better international understand-
ing.

Mr. Call has served another year as
Executive Secretary of the American
Group of the Interparliamentary Union.
In that capacity he attended the twenty-
second conference of the Interparliamen-
tary Union in Bern and Geneva, Switzer-
land, August, 1924. He later attended
the twenty-third International Peace Con-
gress in Berlin. Largely upon his initia-
tive, the twenty-third conference of the
Interparliamentary Union was held in the
United States, upon the invitation of the
President of the United States, pursuant
to a special act of Congress. Mr. Call was
Director of the Conference. The report
of this conference, however, will naturally
appear in the next annual report of this
Society.

The Society's Library

Mrs. Arthur Deerin Call has continued
her invaluable services toward the im-
provement of our library. This work, at
comparatively little expense, would have
been impossible without Mrs. Call's aid.
The Society has had the benefit of the
services of a librarian at much less than
the cost of a clerk.

During the past year a large accumu-
lation of pamphlets, most of them dating
before 1918, have been sorted over and
useless material discarded. Approxi-
mately one-third were worth preserving
and have been put in cardboard covers,
classified, and cataloged with the other
books on the shelves. The total number of
such cataloged pamphlet volumes (many
of which contain several pamphlets each)
is 671.

The other cataloged books on the shelves
number 1,579. In addition there are some
176 volumes of bound periodicals un-
marked and approximately 25 new books
on hand not yet cataloged. In all, the
total number of volumes in the English
language is 3,451.

Two new bookcases have been pur-
chased, in which foreign-language books
and pamphlets have been placed, where
they are available, though they are not yet
finally classified. More than half of these
are in French. There are many in Ger-
man and a few each in Spanish, Italian,

Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, and one or
two in Japanese and Chinese.

Two other bookcases have been pur-
chased, and in them our periodicals, al-
phabetically arranged, are placed as they
come in. They are much easier of access
than they were when piled about on tables
and files.

Your librarian has also rearranged two
valuable files of cards containing topical
and biographical clippings and references,
so they are ready for editorial use.

The library is increasing, almost with-
out expense to the Society. Many valu-
able books are donated by the Carnegie
Endowment as they are published by them.
Besides these, we are frequently receiving,
gratis, upon our request, books for review
in the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, from all the
best publishers in this country and some
in Great Britain. It is the duty of your
librarian to keep track of the books that
are issued on the general themes treated
by the magazine and, if possible, secure
copies for review. She sees to it that they
are all reviewed, and then such as are use-
ful in our library are classified and card-
cataloged.

Your librarian has also made, in odd
moments, the index to the ADVOCATE OF
PEACE. This is done on cards each month,
as the magazine is printed, so that at the
end of the year the whole index is ready
for the printer. This saves time and also
the $25 previously paid to an indexer.

A few necessary reference books are
purchased each year; expense is also in-
volved in binding the more useful maga-
zines, including the ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

On the whole, however, the library is
growing decidedly more valuable from
month to month, at an expenditure very
small in comparison with its value.

The Work of the Society

While the Secretary's report will refer
more intimately to the aims and purposes
of our Society, it is fitting for your Presi-
dent to call attention to the fact that this
Society will celebrate its one-hundredth
anniversary, in the year 1928.

It is reasonable to expect that the
friends of the American Peace Society,
recognizing this epoch in its history, will
provide for a permanent home and a more
sufficient financial backing, to the end that

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

its great service to a better-ordered world
may be larger and more useful.

The annual subvention from the Car-
negie Endowment for International Peace
is greatly appreciated. Frankly, we wish
it might be larger. We dare to hope that
it will be. Mr. Carnegie personally con-
tributed through many years to this So-
ciety. The American Peace Society, as
we see it, stands boldly for the things
championed by the Endowment.

There should be an Assistant Editor of
the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, working on full
time. The selection of a director for each
of the States should be completed at the
earliest possible moment, if the work of
the American Peace Society is to be as
broadly representative as we wish.

Now, perhaps as never before, is the
time for the American Peace Society to
advertise its traditions and to spread the
teachings of its illustrious founders.
(Signed) THEODORE E. BURTON,
President of the American Peace Society.

Dr. GREEN : I move that the President's
report be accepted, placed on file, and
printed in the ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

Mr. MORGAN: I second the motion.

THE CHAIRMAN: Unless there is ob-
jection, the motion is carried. May I ask
the Secretary how far back the index to
the ADVOCATE OF PEACE goes.

THE SECRETARY: The ADVOCATE OF
PEACE is indexed year by year. There is
no complete index of the magazine.

THE CHAIRMAN: Have you complete
sets of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE ?

THE SECRETARY: Yes, in our library.
So far as I know, there is only one other
complete set, namely, in the Congrega-
tional Library, Boston.

Dr. HILL: And not in the Library of
Congress ?

THE SECRETARY: No.

Dr. HILL: Or in the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace ?

THE SECRETARY: No.

THE CHAIRMAN: It would probably be
impossible to get another complete set.

Dr. SCOTT : Would it not be well to have
a complete index of the ADVOCATE OF
PEACE, beginning preferably with the Har-
binger of Peace, in 1828? Such an in-
dex would make a wonderful showing.
This Peace Society has had before it on
numerous occasions speakers of the great-

est distinction. To a person not familiar
with the American Peace Society and with
what it has accomplished, it would be sur-
prising to find just what excellent material
there is there.

THE CHAIRMAN: There is no question
about that. Such an index would be val-
uable from another angle; it would show
that many of the peace movements grew
out of the labors of the officers of this So-
ciety, affecting treaties and arbitration.

Dr. SCOTT: There have been very re-
markable things that have been done along
the line the Chairman has mentioned.
There was the proposition of a conference
of nations, the idea of Mr. Ladd. The
Czar carried it out. Another project of
Mr. Ladd's was the codification of inter-
national law through a conference. There
is no doubt that this will be accomplished
before long; indeed, it has begun uncon-
sciously through various international con-
ferences. Another of his views was the
organization of an international court of
justice upon the model of the Supreme
Court of the United States, and so we
might go on enumerating them one after
another. These are of the greatest im-
portance, and they all came from the head
of William Ladd. I think that this ought
to be more generally known.

THE CHAIRMAN: There is no doubt of
that. The next business in order is the
report of the Secretary. Perhaps it should
be said that the report of the Secretary,
by the custom of the years, covers a field
wider than is usually indicated by a re-
port. We shall hear from the Secretary.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY

To the Board of Directors of the Ameri-
can Peace Society:

DEAR SIRS : The war had a marked in-
fluence upon the world peace movement.
Prior to 1914 there were many peace so-
cieties in this country and abroad, rang-
ing from mere forums for discussion of
international affairs to various groups of
particularists bent upon some specific pro-
gram or philosophy for the overthrow of
war. The fragility of these well-meaning
organizations sadly appeared when faced
with the clashes of the realities of war.
Most of them withered and disappeared.
The scores of branches and affiliated socie-
ties of the American Peace Society suf-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

fered that very fate. The American Peace
Society itself, however, survived the holo-
caust, purged, it is believed, by the terrible
fires. Indeed, the American Peace So-
ciety has endured through many wars. It
still lives. Through another year it has
maintained its work, in certain ways saner
and healthier, with its friends and sup-
porters, albeit too few, from every walk
of life.

Pros and Cons

There are people not in sympathy with
our efforts. Your Secretary aims to find
out who these persons may be and the
reasons for their disapproval.

In reply to a letter under date of No-
vember 5, asking for a subscription to the
ADVOCATE OF PEACE, a distinguished Bos-
ton banker replied: "I don't believe in
you."

A former member of President Wilson's
Cabinet wrote :

"I do not want to be a member of the
American Peace Society for the reason that
it is not militant enough to satisfy me. I
believe, dogmatically, that the League of Na-
tions is not only the world's greatest hope
for peace, and that if it is allowed to fail,
another world war will devastate modern
civilization. With this belief, I am unable
to join any society or movement which is
satisfied with anything less than whole-
hearted, explicit, and unreserved advocacy of
American adhesion to the League of Nations.
I beg you to believe that I think the Amer-
ican Peace Society and other societies more
or less like it are doing a useful work and I
am glad to see their membership grow among
those who are less intransigent than I."

An attorney in St. Louis expressed his
views as follows :

"I have received the five issues of the
ADVOCATE. You ask me to write my opinion
of it, and I do so. I think it is interesting
and informative, and some of its contribu-
tions, such as those of Mr. Ralston, useful ;
but on the whole I doubt its influence as an
agency for peace.

"I entertain peculiar ideas concerning the
peace problem. I feel that we'll never ob-
tain it through co-operation with politicians
and governments but only through the use of
coercion upon them. All processes and pro-
grams of the past predicated confidence in

government to reform itself, and all have
failed. No government ever reformed itself
or ever will ; no politician ever willingly sur-
rendered power or ever will. In my opinion,
a settled distrust of government in the people
is the first requisite toward peace and lib-
erty. Governments must be bound down
against the power to harm the citizen, na-
tionally and internationally ; we did it na-
tionally, but it must be done over and over
again. We have already slipped back into
absolutism; that is to say, the politician —
the political power-holder — constantly reach-
ing out for more power, has transformed ours
into practically an unlimited government.
We shall not abolish war until we take the
war power away from government. In our
internal concerns we have learned — and for-
gotten— how to protect ourselves against
some forms of arbitrary power by the imposi-
tions of prohibitions upon government. These
must be enlarged and extended to interna-
tional concerns.

"I deny that peoples make war, though
governmental propaganda agencies do in-
flame them when war is desired ; if peoples
make war, why the necessity for conscrip-
tion and compulsory military service?

"You have too many politicians in im-
portant places in your peace society ; they'll
see that you don't seriously disturb the con-
tinued growth of governmental power; it is
the meat they feed upon.

"I am asking John Byrne & Co. to send

you a copy of my book [ — ]. If

you read it you will see why I can't go along
with you."

A New York lawyer says :

"I take no interest in any so-called "Peace
Society" which opposes our entering the
League of Nations — the only practicable way
of obtaining peace among the nations. In-
stead of your Society being called 'The
American Peace Society,' it should be called
'The Un-American Society for the Continu-
ance of War.' "

But there are criticisms of still another
character. A gentleman from Cambridge,
Massachusetts, writes :

"I appreciate the many good points of the
ADVOCATE OF PEACE. It is attractive to look
at, of convenient size, and good print. But
it is not readable. I don't read it. I doubt

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

if many do. It is full of sound learning in
the way of documents and programs, but is
dull and heavy. You wish to increase the
circulation. The only right way is to make
it more readable for the average. The Amer-
ican has a reading public of 2,500,000 a
month. You can't be like the American
Magazine. But to do any good you must be
read and to be read you must write in an
interesting way, more entertaining. The
greatest evil is not the small circulation, but
the fact that the few who do take it don't
read it. The magazine is to help peace in the
world. It does not know how to get its ideas
'across.' "

A distinguished author and diplomat

writes :

"I have long used your very able little
paper in my work. As I once suggested to
Dr. Hill, I think you are terribly handicap-
ped by your name, which implies a pacifism
not generally acceptable to scholars and stu-
dents. Why not use your present title as a
subtitle and adopt a more specific one (like
International Register, for instance), I be-
lieve there is a great field for a cheaper
record of international events (like yours)
than at present exists, particularly if they
could be readily assembled afterwards. Dr.
Toynbee is going to do something like this,
I believe, for Great Britain."

An officer of the United States Marine
Corps, after praising the ADVOCATE OF
PEACE, writes :

"I am, of course, interested in the promo-
tion of peace, but do not feel that the present
is an opportune time to join a peace society,
especially in view of the circumstances under
which I am serving. While the magazine is
good, and of interest, I do not feel that I am
in a position to add it to the number of
magazines to which I subscribe. There are
at present such a great number of periodicals
devoted to all kinds of objects, most of which
are worthy and of interest, that one does not
find time to read them, or the means to sub-
scribe."

A lady of New York City, who finds
our magazine "beautifully printed, well
edited, and on excellent paper, with a good
cover," considers our

"point of view rather too much that of the
man who saw the mote in his neighbor's eye

and not the beam in his own — vide the Carib-
bean article and the Mexican one. I am still
looking for the writer who can point out
American faults to Americans so cleverly that
the 101 per centers won't cry, Treason ! Per-
haps you can't find him either. . . . Lastly,
could it (the magazine) be colored with
items of human interest? After all, popula-
tions are human and diplomats men."

Other typical quotations from the many
letters may be summarized as follows:
"Send no more; do not want it." "Find
it useful . . . cover is great. . . .
I use it in my (Federation of Women)
club work;" "fine piece of literature."

One of our best-known scholars and dip-
lomats writes: "Doing well. Keep on.*'
This man is one who enclosed a check for
$5.00.

The assistant dean of one of our best-
known schools of foreign service writes:

"We have found your magazine extremely
valuable and would not be without it. It is
the most concise, accurate, and up-to-date
publication of its kind that we have seen.
We have been particularly interested in the
official documents that are given in the maga-
zine. It is our humble opinion that much of
the misunderstanding in the world today is
due to ignorance of facts. So many writers
with an easy pen are likely to roam off into
the fields of inaccuracy because only a few
of them ever take the trouble to examine the
original documents. Your magazine, by mak-
ing these readily available, is performing a
real service, not only to readers on interna-
tional affairs, but to writers who wish to
make their writings accurate. The platform
of the American Peace Society is entirely in
accordance with my own opinions as to what
is the real basis of peace and the best method
of reaching it. As you say, peace without
justice will never endure. Peace at any price
is the platform of a coward."

A Washington lawyer says, among other
things :

"In this connection permit me to say that
I have the greatest regard and admiration
for the profound statesmanship, broad learn-
ing, and loyal patriotism of your President,
my good friend, and I count it an honor to
be associated with an organization of which
he is the chief officer. Therefore I take

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

pleasure in enclosing my check for $5.00 for
a sustaining membership. During the past
few months I received and very much en-
joyed the ADVOCATE, for which I thank you
most heartily. I think there is opportunity
for doing splendid work and feel that you
are proceeding along the right lines."

A professor of international law in one
of our largest and oldest eastern univer-
sities says :

"Referring to a recent letter from the
American Peace Society, I want to say that
as long as you are the responsible executive
of that Society I will be delighted to be a
member and to receive the ADVOCATE with
which I have long been in sympathy."

Another recognized expert in inter-
national law :

"I admire the ADVOCATE greatly and have
annually subscribed to an extra copy to be
sent to some address where I believed it
would be appreciated. I myself have been a
member for several years."

The wife of a United States Senator,
writing from abroad, says:

"I have read the magazine from cover to
cover with deepest interest. ... I can-
not too highly commend, at least from my
personal viewpoint, the periodical as a
whole."

From these typical expressions of opin-
ion, pro and con, your Secretary and Edi-
tor is of the opinion that the work of the
American Peace Society needs to be sharp-
ened and improved.

Reasons for the Continuance of Our Work

The reason for the continued and deep-
ening activities of the American Peace
Society, for the approval of our govern-
ment during the war, is undoubtedly the
fact that its traditions and precepts are
the traditions and precepts upon which
our America itself is built. Our aim for
international peace has been and is simply
to extend to the society of civilized States,
recognized since States began, the prin-
ciples which we as a people have found
so eminently satisfactory and successful
throughout the development of our own
political institutions.

When the forerunners of the American
Peace Society, Mr. David Lowe Dodge in
1809 and Noah Worcester in 1814, were
writing their most influential pamphlets
against war, they were uttering the Chris-
tian aspirations of our American people.

William Ladd, founder of the American
Peace Society, wrote in his "circular let-
ter," under date of May 8, 1828 :

"We hope to increase and promote the
practice, already begun, of submitting na-
tional differences to amicable discussion and
arbitration; and, finally, of settling all inter-
national controversies by an appeal to reason,
as becomes rational creatures, and not by
physical force, as is worthy only of brute
beasts ; and that this shall be done by a con-
gress of Christian nations, whose decrees
shall be influenced by public opinion that
rules the world."

When Mr. Ladd wrote those words he
had clearly in mind the method of settling
disputes between States provided by our
founding fathers at Philadelphia in 1787.
He was thinking also of our treaty with
Great Britain, with its provision for ar-
bitration, a treaty concluded November
19, 1794, by the first Chief Justice of our
Supreme Court, John Jay, father, it may
be appropriately added, of Judge William
Jay, President of the American Peace So-
ciety during the last ten years of his dis-
tinguished career, 1848 to 1858.

In his address before the annual meet-
ing of the American Peace Society in
1838, Ralph Waldo Emerson, proud voice
of our America at its best, said :

"If the universal cry for reform of so many
inveterate abuses, with which society rings;
if the desire of a large class of young men
for a faith and hope, intellectual and relig-
ious, such as they have not yet found, be an
omen to be trusted ; if the disposition to rely
more in study and in action on the unex-
plored riches of the human constitution; if
the search of the sublime laws of morals and
the sources of hope and trust, in man and
not in books, in the present and not in the
past, proceed ; if the rising generation can be
provoked to think it unworthy to nestle into
every abomination of the past, and shall feel
the generous darings of austerity and virtue,
then war has a short day and human blood
will cease to flow.

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

"It is of little consequence in what man-
ner, through what organs, this purpose of
mercy and holiness is effected. The proposi-
tion of the Congress of Nations is un-
doubtedly that at which the present fabric
of our society and the present course of
events do point."

Reference has been made to "William
Ladd, founder of the American Peace So-
ciety. No annual meeting of this Society
should omit reference to this man, of
whom Charles Sumner, in his annual ad-
dress before the American Peace Society
in 1849, some eight years after Mr. Ladd's
death, said:

"The idea of a congress of nations with a
high court of judicature is as practicable as
its consummation is confessedly dear to the
friends of universal peace. Whenever this
congress is convened, as surely it will be, I
know not all the names that will deserve
commemoration in its earliest proceedings ;
but there are two whose particular and long-
continued advocacy of this institution will
connect them indissolubly with its future —
the Abbe Saint-Pierre, of France, and Wil-
liam Ladd, of the United States."

Dr. HILL : I should like at this time, if
I may be permitted to interrupt the Sec-
retary, to do so by asking a question : Does
any one here present feel able to say at
what exact period of time William Ladd's
work was first discovered, or, shall we say,
rediscovered and brought to public notice ?
Was his work, which the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace has pub-
lished in full, under your editorship, Dr.
Scott, known long before it was actually
published by the Endowment?

Dr. SCOTT : I am not sure that I can
answer exactly.

THE CHAIRMAN: Dr. Scott, you de-
livered an address at one of our annual
meetings, held at Rauscher's, in which you
dwelt upon the principles advocated by
William Ladd.

Dr. SCOTT: I have a certain hesitancy
in replying to Dr. Hill. Many years ago
Dr. Trueblood asked me to attend a meet-
ing of the American Peace Society in Bos-
ton and to speak at its anniversary. I did
so and delivered a rather longish address
on Mr. Ladd, going into a number of
phases of his activity. That was shortly

after the adjournment of the Second Peace
Conference; I forget the exact date. For
many years I have been a great advocate of
Mr. Ladd's services, both through ad-
dresses and through publications relative
to his work.

THE SECRETARY: I am sure Dr. Scott
will pardon me if I add that Mr. Ladd's
essay, which he has made so easily avail-
able for the modern reader, was one of
six published in the year 1840. Those six
essays were brought together in a volume,
which volume was widely circulated at the
time, not only in this country, but abroad.
Following Mr. Ladd's essay, Mr. Elihu
Burritt, at one time Secretary of the
American Peace Society and Editor of the
ADVOCATE OF PEACE, pleaded before many
international peace conferences in Eu-
rope, beginning in 1848, for the views set
forth by Mr. Ladd. These international
conferences were not unimportant affairs.

Dr. SCOTT: One was under the presi-
dency of Victor Hugo.

THE SECRETARY : Yes, in Paris in 1849,
with an attendance of over 2,000 dele-
gates. It did seem in 1850 that Mr.
Ladd's ideas were about to become the
practice of nations, when broke the Cri-
mean War. From that time the teachings
of William Ladd were of little interest un-
til Dr. Scott rediscovered him. Does that
answer your question, Dr. Hill?

Dr. HILL : Yes, very satisfactorily. My
interest in asking the question is this:
The person in the Department of State,
in 1899, who made the report on the ac-
tion to be taken in response to the Czar's
rescript, calling for the first peace con-
ference at The Hague, undertook, among
other things, to write a resume of the
things done in the United States in behalf
of organized peace, particularly of an in-
ternational court. That person did not
know of the work of William Ladd, or it
would have been included in that resume.
It is, perhaps, to be regretted that that re-
porter was not better informed upon the
subject. The resume did go back to the
resolution passed in the general court in
the State of Massachusetts in 1832 upon
the subject, but strangely — or not
strangely, for ignorance is not strange —
it overlooked the contribution of William
Ladd, which is so important and which

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

would have been such an important ad-
dition to that resume, if the reporter had
known the facts.

THE SECRETARY: That resolution of
1832, to which you have just referred, was
put through the Legislature of Massachu-
setts largely upon the initiative of Mr.
Ladd.

Dr. HILL: The limitations of human
knowledge explain a great many things.

Dr. SCOTT: So that the record may be
accurate, if it were not for the deprecatory
remarks made by one of the gentlemen at
the table as to the reporter, I should like
to add my mite to the conversation and
say that he was none other than Dr. David
Jayne Hill.

THE CHAIRMAN: That was published
as an official document, I believe.

Dr. HILL: Yes, it was a part of Secre-
tary Hay's instructions to the American
delegates to the Hague Conference of
1899.

THE CHAIRMAN: By the way, Judge
Bustamante gives the date of the passage
of that resolution by the General Court of
Massachusetts as 1844.

Dr. SCOTT: That was another.

THE SECRETARY: Judge Bustamante
mentions another resolution passed by the
Vermont Legislature in 1852.

Dr. HILL : That also was later.

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not think he
mentions the name of Mr. Ladd. He does
speak of Elihu Burritt.

Dr. SCOTT: The remarkable thing is
that Elihu Burritt went through the world
preaching the doctrine of William Ladd
openly as the doctrine of William Ladd,
and proclaimed himself merely as a hum-
ble disciple and follower.

THE SECRETARY (continuing his re-
port) : It was against the background of
the teachings of William Ladd that an-
other distinguished leader of the Ameri-
can Peace Society, William Jay, in his
little book, "War and Peace," in 1842
raised the inquiry that ended in the incor-
poration in many treaties of the familiar
compromis clause. Judge Ja/s inquiry
was whether or not "a mode for preserving
peace may not be devised that will shock
no prejudice and excite no reasonable
alarm." He went on to answer his own in-
quiry by supposing that in our next treaty

with France an article were inserted of
the following import:

"It is agreed between the contracting
parties that if, unhappily, any controversy
shall hereafter arise between them in re-
spect to the true meaning and intention of
any stipulation in this present treaty, or in
respect to any other subject, which contro-
versy cannot be satisfactorily adjusted by
negotiation, neither party shall resort to hos-
tilities against the other; but the matter in
dispute shall, by a special convention, be sub-
mitted to the arbitrament of one or more
friendly powers; and the parties hereby
agree to abide by the award which may be
given in pursuance of such submission."

Dr. SCOTT : If I may interrupt the Sec-
retary, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Elihu Root
concluded in 1908, on behalf of the United
States, a treaty between the United States
and France, a treaty embodying just that
principle.

THE CHAIRMAN: As I recall it, the
principle was adopted in substance in our
treaty with Mexico after the war of 1848.

Dr. SCOTT: It was.

THE SECRETARY (continuing his re-
port) : Down the years, besides Ladd, and
Jay, and Burritt, and Emerson, and Sum-
ner, there was Francis Wayland; Jon-
athan Dymond; the devoted scholar, Dr.
Beckwith, to whom our President has re-
ferred; the poet Whittier, Eobert Treat
Payne, Dr. Trueblood, men who devoted
their lives — Dr. Trueblood, like Ladd and
Beckwith, sacrificing his life for the estab-
lishment of a permanent peace between na-
tions based upon the principles of justice.

America's ways of maintaining and pro-
moting this peace are known of all men —
the way of diplomatic and consular ne-
gotiations, of good offices, of mediation, of
commissions of inquiry, of councils of con-
ciliation, of friendly composition, of arbi-
tration, of a developing codification of
international law, of judicial settlement;
these are ways which our America has fre-
quently tried and not found wanting.

Our own President, Representative Theo-
dore E. Burton, of Ohio, is an outstand-
ing representative in our present day of
the principles consonant with the practice
of the United States of America — prin
'ciples approved and pleaded for by our
American Peace Society. During the year,

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

President Burton has prepared a report
for the Congress relative to the World
Court, bringing together for the first time
an historical resume of the relations of
the House of Representatives to the con-
trol of our foreign relations. As chairman
of our American delegation to the Geneva
Congress for the Control of International
Traffic in Arms, he was able to exercise a
marked influence upon that important
meeting, and to fashion the protocol re-
lating to the abolition of the use of poi-
sonous gases in time of war. As a mem-
ber of the United States Debt Funding
Commission, he has participated in the
refunding of the debts to the United
States from Belgium, Italy France, Ru-
mania, Czechoslovakia. He, too, attended
the Twenty-second Conference of the In-
terparliamentary Union at Bern and Ge-
neva. As a member of the Council of the
Interparliamentary Union, he attended its
meeting in Paris in April. He took a
leading part later in the Twenty-third
Conference of the Interparliamentary
Union recently closed in Washington.

The American Peace Society treasures
its reputation for holding aloft the noble
aspirations at the heart of America, and
for being true to the teachings of the great
men who have built their lives into the
history of this Society.

In this spirit your Secretary begs leave
to offer the following as —

The Foundations of Peace between Nations

The American Peace Society reaffirms,
at this its ninety-seventh annual meeting,
its abiding faith in the precepts of its
illustrious founders. These founders, to-
gether with the men of later times who
have shared in the labors of this Society,
are favorably known because of their serv-
ices to the building and preservation of
the Republic. Their work for peace be-
tween nations must not be forgotten.

Largely because of their labors, the pur-
poses of the American Peace Society have
become more and more the will of the
world, and opponents of the war system of
settling international disputes have reason
for a larger hope and a newer courage.

At such a time as this, with its rapidly
developing international achievements, it
is fitting that the American Peace So-
ciety should restate its precepts of a cen-

tury in the light of the ever-approaching
tomorrow.

Peace between nations, demanded by
every legitimate interest, can rest securely
and permanently only on the principles of
justice as interpreted in terms of mutually
accepted international law; but justice be-
tween nations and its expression in the
law are possible only as the collective in-
telligence and the common faith of peo-
ples approve and demand.

The American Peace Society is not un-
mindful of the work of the schools, of the
churches, of the many organizations
throughout the world aiming to advance
interest and wisdom in the matters of a
desirable and attainable peace; but this
desirable, attainable, and hopeful peace
between nations must rest upon the com-
monly accepted achievements in the set-
tlement of international disputes.

These achievements, approved in every
instance by the American Peace Society,
and in which some of its most distin-
guished members have participated, have
heretofore been —

By direct negotiations between free, sov-
ereign, and independent States, working
through official representatives, diplomatic
or consular agents — a work now widely ex-
tended by the League of Nations at Ge-
neva;

By the good offices of one or more
friendly nations, upon the request of the
contending parties or of other and dis-
interested parties — a policy consistently
and persistently urged by the United
States ;

By the mediation of one or more nations
upon their own or other initiative — like-
wise a favorite policy of the United States ;

By commissions of inquiry, duly pro-
vided for by international convention and
many existing treaties, to which the Gov-
ernment of the United States is pre-emi-
nently a contracting party;

By councils of conciliation — a method
of adjustment fortunately meeting with
the approval of leading nations, including
the United States;

By friendly composition, in which na-
tions in controversy accept, in lieu of their
own, the opinion of an upright and dis-
interested third party — a method tried
and not found wanting by the Government
of the United States ;

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

By arbitration, in which controversies
are adjusted upon the basis of respect for
law — a method brought into modern and
general practice by the English-speaking
peoples.

All of these processes will be continued,
emphasized, and improved. While justice
and the rules of law — principles, customs,
practices recognized as applicable to na-
tions in their relations with one another —
frequently apply to each of these methods
just enumerated, there remain two out-
standing, continuous, and pressing de-
mands :

( 1 ) Recurring, preferably periodic, con-
ferences of duly appointed delegates, act-
ing under instruction, for the purpose of
restating, amending, reconciling, declar-
ing, and progressively codifying those
rules of international law shown to be
necessary or useful to the best interests
of civilized States — a proposal repeatedly
made by enlightened leaders of thought in
the United States.

(2) Adherence of all States to a Per-
manent Court of International Justice mu-
tually acceptable, sustained, and made use
of for the determination of controversies
between nations, involving legal rights —
an institution due to the initiative of the
United States and based upon the experi-
ence and practice of the American Su-
preme Court.

THE CHAIRMAN: The question of the
adoption of these principles is before us.
The statement is certainly well written.
Do we approve it as a declaration of the
aims of the American Peace Society?

Dr. SCOTT: Mr. Chairman, I am a life
member of the American Peace Society,
and if I may be permitted to make a for-
mal motion, I move the adoption of this
resolution, with the understanding that it
be carried in each successive publication
of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

Dr. HILL : I second that motion.

THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any other
remarks ? If not, the question will be put.

The question was put and the motion
was agreed to unanimously.

THE CHAIRMAN: There are other
things that we should take up. There is,
for instance, the ever-present problem of
the financial affairs of the American Peace
Society. There is, perhaps, too little time
to discuss that today, but some means
should be devised for adding to the income

of the Society. Shall we have a committee
to consider that? I thought perhaps Mr.
Phillips might be present. It is the
method of the present day to appoint
somebody whom we might call a promoter.

Dr. SCOTT : Is he a promoter now ?

THE SECRETARY: Yes, his specialty is
advertising and business building.

Dr. SCOTT: Is he the one who used to
be at Mohonk?

THE SECRETARY: Yes.

Dr. SCOTT: Not at all seeking to de-
flect the course of the discussion, and cer-
tainly not wishing to eliminate the name
of Mr. Phillips from our consideration, I
should think it would be pre-eminently
fitting to have a carefully chosen com-
mittee appointed by the Chair, after con-
sultation of various interests, in order to
begin as soon as feasible its activities, to
see if it be not possible to secure some
form of permanent endowment and a
larger income, to be announced in 1928,
on the formal celebration of the hundred
years of successful existence of this very
remarkable Peace Society. I make that
motion at this time. It is a difficult thing
to do anything offhand in this way, and
it ought to be done after great delibera-
tion, but it should be done as soon as pos-
sible, so that appropriate measures might
be taken.

THE CHAIRMAN : As to what would be
an opportune time would be a matter for
consideration. The central idea is to have
a committee to consider this question of
finance. How large a committee?

Dr. SCOTT : I think it wise to leave that
to the discretion of the officers of the So-
ciety, the President and the Secretary.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the
motion. Are there any remarks upon the
subject? If not, I shall put the question.

The question was put and the motion
was agreed to.

THE CHAIRMAN: In this connection
let me suggest that I think we ought to
have some material prepared to be pub-
lished, perhaps in the form of a pamphlet,
which shall more clearly set forth what
this Society has done ; that it has been ad-
dressed by such men as Mr. Ralph Waldo
Emerson, Charles Sumner, Ellery Chan-
ning; that the principles it propounded
were carried into treaties; that it pre-
sented petitions to Congress year after

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

year, and State legislatures, which re-
sulted, in the case at least of two States,
and the Congress, in the adoption of reso-
lutions, and that during all these years
the Society was constant and untiring in
its advocacy of the cause of peace when
there was not as much agitation on the
subject as there is now. I am not at all
discouraged upon the prospect of obtain-
ing not only larger financial support, but
greater general support for the Society.
A committee ought to be appointed for
that purpose and it will be a committee
that will have to do some work.

Mr. MORRIS : Mr. Chairman, if I may
be permitted, I suggest, as a part of the
scope of the activity of that committee,
an endeavor to decide a question which
interferes in my own mind with every
consideration which I give to the financial
problems of the Society. I have never
been able to get absolutely clear in my
mind just exactly the kind of support the
Society really needs, or perhaps, the kind
of support that its program needs. There
seem to be two ways, separately considered
and in combination, by which great public
movements are accomplished : One is by
the public pressure of a great number of
people, some of whom are public-minded
and some of whom are simply public-
minded for the moment. The other is
by the successful arrangement of machin-
ery upon the part of the people who really
know what successful machinery is going
to result in. In other words, we have con-
stantly sweeping over this country, at least
we have since the World War, peace move-
ments of one kind and another, of varying
degrees of permanency and of varying de-
grees of soundness. However, we always
have a comparatively small group of people
who really influence the international de-
velopments of the world, and particularly
of the United States. I listen to these
constant debates about the circulation of
the ADVOCATE OF PEACE and about the
number of members of the American
Peace Society, and I am unable to get my-
self separated from the idea that possibly
there is in that discussion of those sub-
jects a waste of effort and energy. As I
have observed this organization, it seems
to have done its most effective work
through putting into the hands of men
who are in position to do something valu-

able materials for their purpose. I can-
not feel that a hundred thousand readers,
who also read the American Magazine and
the Saturday Evening Post, are necessarily
going to result in much benefit to this So-
ciety. They may. I do not know. That
is a thing that is puzzling me. Therefore,
until I am convinced that a hundred
thousand readers are desirable, I do not
see why any effort should be made particu-
larly to get a hundred thousand readers.
I do feel that if out of that hundred thou-
sand somebody can select five hundred or
five thousand whom we ought to have, that
those are the people upon whom the drive
should be made, and I think in all con-
siderations of our financial program and
our financial requirements that funda-
mental question has to be answered, be-
cause if we do not intend to endeavor to
affect the thinking of a hundred thousand
people, why go to all the labor and diffi-
culty of getting money enough to do it?
If our real effort is directed at some few
hundred or few thousand people, that is
the place to concentrate. What is the ul-
timate goal of this Society? Who are the
people we really want to interest? Until
that question is settled, I do not think that
we can decide what the financial require-
ments of the Society are. Anybody will
concede, and, of course, first of all myself,
that if we could get seventy-five million
people in the United States who are in-
terested in putting across the aims of the
American Peace Society, it would be
highly desirable ; but the chances are that
we cannot get that many. Where are we
going to stop, or what are we going to
aim for on the way up? Until that ques-
tion is thoroughly threshed out, until we
determine just in what field we shall op-
erate, we are not going to be able to set-
tle the question of how much money we
want, or of how many members we want,
or of how many readers of our magazine
we want, or what type of magazine we are
to publish. I am simply thinking out
loud on a theme that has always puzzled
me when our financial program is men-
tioned. I suggest that the committee in-
clude that in its scope of investigation.

THE CHAIRMAN: Of course, there is
another side to that question. The spread
of propaganda is one of the main occu-
pations today. The object of all those

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

who desire an international policy adopted,
or any cult to be accepted, generally speak-
ing, is to reach the largest possible num-
ber. Propagandizing on the largest pos-
sible scale has nowadays become a science.
I do not say this from any opinion that it
may be desirable to reach merely five hun-
dred or five thousand, but merely to com-
ment upon the methods of today. That is
a thing for the committee to consider. Is
it desirable to reach a very large number,
or is it desirable to reach a few who will
be active and influential in promoting the
cause which we advocate ? That is a thing
for the committee to consider carefully.

Dr. SCOTT: Mr. Chairman, I have said
so much that I hesitate to say anything
more, but I do think that what Mr. Morris
suggests is of immense importance. There
are peace movements, so called, starting
up, and new things come and new things
go. If this Peace Society does not join
with them, there is an outcry. The in-
stance which occurs to me at the present
time is the matter of the League to En-
force Peace. It really destroyed many of
the peace societies in the United States,
arbitration societies and other societies,
by annexing them to their one central or-
ganization, the purpose of which was to
bring peace into the world by the use of
force against those who were unwilling to
accept their peculiar form. I would sup-
port the restricted view of Mr. Morris, if
I understand it, because it is so easy to
go with the crowd. To follow the crowd
you must have a set of flexible principles.
As I say, this Society has its traditions.
They are good traditions. They are being
acted upon, and I should think the thing
to do would be to create some form of ef-
fective machinery in order to bring those
principles to and to familiarize a select
public with their importance, by appeal-
ing to the leaders of thought, by supply-
ing information and allowing them in dif-
ferent parts of the country to appeal to
their various constituents.

THE CHAIRMAN: That is an appeal to
leaders ?

Dr. SCOTT: That is what I conceive to
be Mr. Morris' idea and I think it is an
admirable one. If that is done, the influ-
ence of this Society may be untold, be-
cause, after all, it is the people who do
things, who think out things, who ac-

complish anything. Is that your idea, Mr.
Morris ?

Mr. MORRIS: Perhaps I should amend
by saying that what I have said is not
my idea at all, but that I gathered that
idea from my many conversations with
our able and successful Secretary. At
various times I have propounded to him
this popular idea, and I have always been
met by such intelligent representations
that he is gradually winning me over to
his point of view, and what I want to get
settled before I can become enthusiastic
about the matter is, What should be the
goal?

Dr. GREEN : I think a very good infer-
ence can be drawn from some of the let-
ters which the Secretary read. Some of
them come from people, evidently, who
think they are being propagandized. Some
say that they do not read the magazine.
Certainly they do not read it because it
does not appeal to their type of intelli-
gence; and if you get leaders convinced,
they will get at them from another angle
and you can handle them in that way.

Dr. SCOTT: Just one word more. Mr.
Root stated at a meeting of our Board of
Trustees that the two volumes of McMur-
ray's Treaties and Conventions concluded
by China, put out by the Endowment, en-
abled the Arms Conference, the Pacific
Conference meeting here in Washington,
to reach agreements on all of the Pacific
questions, which they could not have done
but for these publications, and he went
on to say that those two books, used in
that way, were worth all of the money
that had been allotted to the division of
international law since its creation. That
is a practical example of what I think the
American Peace Society can do. Let peo-
ple know that the principles of the Society
are true to the traditions of people like
Ralph Waldo Emerson and William Ellery
Channing, that it is carrying out the poli-
cies of the greatest minds which America
has produced.

THE CHAIRMAN: I really should like
to see in book form a history of the Ameri-
can Peace Society, which will include these
principles, and its methods in the way of
suggestions for arbitration treaties, and
its activities in the preparation and pre-
sentation of petitions. I do not think that
there is today any general understanding

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

of what the American Peace Society has
done.

Dr. SCOTT: I move that in celebration
of the one hundredth anniversary of the
organization and operation of the Ameri-
can Peace Society a centenary volume be
prepared, with a general index of the AD-
VOCATE OF PEACE.

Mr. MORRIS: Mr. Chairman, I second
the motion.

The motion was put and agreed to.

THE SECRETARY: Mr. Chairman, there
are two or three other matters that have
to be acted upon officially. One is the
adoption or not of the report of the Treas-
urer and the other is the election of offi-
cers. Shall I read the report of the Treas-
urer?

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes.

THE SECRETARY: The Treasurer's re-
port is as follows :

REPORT OF TREASURER

R. G. RANKIN & Co., ACCOUNTANTS AND
AUDITORS

Members American Institute of Accountants
NEW YORK, May 18, 1925.

Mr. GEORGE E. WHITE,

Treasurer, The American Peace Society,
Washington, D. C.

DEAR SIR : We have examined the accounts
of the American Peace Society for the year
ended April 30, 1925, and submit herewith
the following:

Exhibit "A," cash account for the year
ended April 30, 1925.

Schedule "1," Reserve Fund investments,
as at April 30, 1925.

In addition to the income, as shown by
cash receipts in Exhibit "A," the following
coupons had not been clipped and credited to
the income account at the close of the period
under audit :

On 4th U. S. Liberty $100.00 4^4 per
cent bond, coupons due October 15,
1924, and April 15, 1925 $4.25

On 2d U. S. Liberty $100.00 4^4 per
cent bond, coupons due May 15 and
November 15, 1924 4.25

On 1st U. S. Liberty $100.00 414 per
cent bond, coupons due June 15 and
December 15, 1924 4.25

On American Telephone and Telegraph
$200.00 6 per cent convertible bonds,
coupons due August 1, 1924, and
February 1, 1925 12.00

On 4th U. S. Liberty $100.00 4^4 per
cent bond, coupons due April 15,
1924 , 2.12

$26.87

We hereby certify that, in our opinion, the
accompanying statement of cash, together
with the statement of reserve fund invest-
ments, attached hereto accurately accounts
for the cash receipts and disbursements of
the Society for the year ended April 30, 1925,
and correctly sets forth the Reserve Fund
investments as at April 30, 1925.
Respectfully submitted,

R. G. RANKIN & Co.,
Members American Institute of Accountants.

EXHIBIT "A"

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, WASHINGTON, D. C.
Cash Account for the Year Ended April 30, 1925
Balance of cash on hand and on deposit May 1, 1924

$3,219.45

RECEIPTS

Memberships, including subscriptions to ADVOCATE OF PEACE $1,263 . 00

Special subscriptions to ADVOCATE OF PEACE 358 . 09

Sales of pamphlets and books 526 . 52

Contributions 1,274.00

Subvention from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 6,860 . 63

Permanent Peace Fund Trustees 5,693.32

Interest on bank deposits 27 . 50

Income from Reserve Fund investments 1,637 . 67

U. S. Treasury certificates of indebtedness sold 8,000.00

36 ADVOCATE OF PEACE January

Interparliamentary Union for printing 21 . 71

Miscellaneous income (sale of paper, etc.) 10.85

25,673.29

Total $28,892.74

DISBURSEMENTS
Department of Home Office:

Salaries of Secretary, Editor, Assistant Editor, office

secretary $10,500.00

Salaries — Clerks, librarian, extra help 345.02

Office rent 1,683.00

Postage, express, telegrams, etc 386.01

Office supplies 282 . 96

Office equipment 89 . 35

Telephone 100.44

Library 94.03

Newspapers and periodicals 108.35

Letter service, mimeographing, etc 363 . 50

Advertising 98.40

Annual meeting 100.00

Entertainment 196. 88

Books and pamphlets 25 . 05

Reporting convention 43 . 50

Miscellaneous, repairs, deposit box, membership in

learned societies, towel service, etc 125 . 81

- $15,048.30

Department of Field Work:

Subvention to New Hampshire Peace Society $50.00

Travel Expenses:

Mr. Call, expense account 153 . 12

Mr. Call, to Europe 1,200.00

Mr. Pasvolsky to Williamstown 100 . 00

1,503.12

Department of Publications:

Printing and mailing ADVOCATE OF PEACE $7,766 . 53

Printing and distribution of pamphlets 3,342.48

Printing for Interparliamentary Union 15 . 00

Miscellaneous printing — envelopes, cards, etc 185 . 50

11,309.56
27,860.98

Balance of cash on hand and on deposit April 30, 1925 $1,031. 76

Represented ~by —

National Metropolitan Bank — checking account $778 . 51

National Metropolitan Bank — savings account 236. 46

Petty cash on hand, in office 16. 79

$1,031.76

1926

THE NINETY-SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

SCHEDULE "1"

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, WASHINGTON, D. C.
Reserve Fund Investments as at April 30, 1925

$200 American Telephone and Telegraph Con-
vertible 6's, 1925

$100 U. S. Liberty, 1st 4%'s, converted

$100 U. S. Liberty, 2d 4^4's, converted

$100 U. S. Liberty, 4th 4Vi's, converted

$15,000 U. S. certificates of indebtedness, 4%'s,
due March 15, 1927

17 shares American Telephone and Telegraph Co.

24 shares Boston Elevated Ry. Co. Com

12 shares Pullman Company

1 share Puget Sound Power and Light Co. Com.

12 shares Puget Sound Power and Light Co. 5
per cent preferred

Par value

$200.00
100.00
100.00
100.00

No par

$20,900.00

Price

128 3/4
102 1/32
101 9/32
102 9/32

Market value

$257.50
102.03
101.28
102.28

15,000.00

102 3/32

15,314.95

1,700.00

136 1/8

2,314.12

2,400.00

1,848.00

1,200.00

131 1/2

1,578.00

100.00

49.00

996.00

$22,663.16

THE SECRETAKY: Mr. Chairman, we
have a reserve fund investment account,
the total of which is something over
twenty thousand dollars, and I have here
a letter relative to that from the Treas-
urer, Mr. White, which I desire to read.
That letter is as follows :

WASHINGTON, D. C., November 30, 1925.

ARTHUR D. CALL, Esq.,

Secretary, American Peace Society, Colo-
rado Building, Washington, D. C.

DEAR MB. CALL :

I regret exceedingly that, on account of
this being the end of the month and Monday,
I will have to lose the pleasure and privi-
lege of attending your luncheon today, but
I will be with you in thought.

I mentioned to you verbally some time
back, and now would like to put it in writ-
ing, that I think that the Society should not
own, as a general proposition, any stocks.
They have no definite maturity, and the mar-
ket is fluctuating from time to time, so it
would be my suggestion to your committee
that you authorize the sale, at the market
price, of all the stocks that the Society holds
and reinvest the funds in such secured obliga-
tions as you may elect, or I will be glad to
make several suggestions, from which you
could make a choice.

Most all stocks are unusually high at pres-
ent, and while they may stay around that
figure, I believe it would be advantageous for

the Society to sell their stock holdings and
invest in indebtedness that is secured.
Sincerely yours,

GEO. W. WHITE,
Treasurer American Peace Society.

THE CHAIRMAN: If we act on Mr.
White's suggestion, the motion would be
that with Mr. White's advice and consent
these shares of stock be sold at the market
value, and that the money be reinvested
in bonds which would meet his approval.

Dr. GREEN : Mr. Chairman, I make that
motion, but I should advise of course care-
ful consultation with Mr. White as to
when they should be sold. The market is
at the bottom now, and it is slowly com-
ing back after this tremendous debacle it
has had in the last thirty days.

THE SECRETARY: Instead of stating
that it be reinvested in bonds, I suggest
that the motion provide that it be merely
reinvested.

Dr. GREEN: Yes.

THE CHAIRMAN: As one who has had
some experience in the banking business
and also as trustee of educational institu-
tions, I am unalterably opposed to invest-
ments of the funds of such institutions in
stocks that fluctuate. I am a member of
the board of trustees of one institution
which invested in the stock of the Chicago,
Milwaukee and St. Paul, and that stock
went down clear out of sight. The aim of
such an organization as this is stability,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

not a high rate of return, and the elimina-
tion of anything that is speculative or
uncertain as to value. As I understand
the motion, it is that Mr. White, using his
judgment as to the time of disposition,
shall dispose of these stocks for reinvest-
ment. Are you ready for the motion?
If there be no further remarks, I shall put
the question.

The question was put and the motion
was agreed to.

THE SECEETARY: The Secretary's Ke-
port may well contain a list of the organi-
zations of our country devoted to promot-
ing the cause of peace. (This list will
appear in a later number of this maga-
zine.)

Dr. GREEN : Mr. Chairman, I move that
the reports of the Secretary and of the
Treasurer be received and printed in the
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

Mr. MORGAN : I second the motion.

The motion was agreed to.

THE CHAIRMAN: Next in the order of
business is the reports of committees. Is
there any committee to report?

THE SECRETARY : I think not, sir.

THE CHAIRMAN: The next business in
order is the election of officers for the next
year.

Dr. HILL : I move that the existing offi-
cers be re-elected.

The motion was seconded by Dr. Green
and was agreed to.

THE CHAIRMAN : There is a suggestion
in the report which I presented that there
should be an Assistant Editor of the AD-
VOCATE or PEACE, working on full time.
If he were to work on full time, the ex-
pense of such an assistant would be prob-
ably not less than three thousand dollars.

THE SECRETARY: That seems reason-
able.

THE CHAIRMAN: The query is, while
that is exceedingly desirable, whether in
the present financial condition of the So-
ciety we can quite do that. The desira-
bility of it is beyond question. I think
that would better be left to the committee
for consideration or perhaps to this gen-
eral committee.

Mr. MORRIS: I move that that also be
within the jurisdiction of this general fi-
nance committee.

The motion was agreed to.

Dr. SCOTT: In respect to the question

of getting a larger circulation for the AD-
VOCATE OF PEACE, I think a mistake would
be made if that be done at the expense
of letting down in order to make it ac-
ceptable to a less thoughtful class of read-
ers. You have got to sugar-coat your pill
all of the time if you do that. If, on the
contrary, you stand true to the traditions
of the past, and appeal to an intelligent
and effective audience, you are going to
advance the cause for which the founders
labored, and some of the things which
spring naturally from these resolutions are
going to find themselves incorporated into
the practice of nations; but you will not
make any progress if you button-hole the
man on the street and bore him into read-
ing a thing which he does not understand.
You will make progress only if you get
a few. You will remember, Mr. Chair-
man, when you were a young man, study-
ing a certain book which spoke about
where two or three were assembled in a
certain person's name. Very well. Get a
few people together who understand these
things, and then let them spread the gos-
pel.

THE CHAIRMAN: I should like to see
the ADVOCATE OF PEACE obtain a very
much larger circulation, say, among those
capable of appreciating it — say, among
clergymen. I have tried in a small way
myself by subscribing for copies for cer-
tain people whom I thought would be in-
terested, and I shall do that again this
year. Some of those have since become
permanent subscribers.

Dr. SCOTT : The trouble is that so many
people who sincerely desire peace lose
their heads and go off half-cocked. I
noticed the other day a copy of the Bulle-
tin, and it quoted some clergyman stating
that if we did not join the World Court we
would have eternal war. All of us here,
I take it, are in favor of the World Court,
but the idea of a man representing the in-
telligence of our people standing up and
saying such a thing as that is ridiculous.

THE SECRETARY: Mr. Morgan here is
a representative of the clergy. I wish he
would say something about this situation.

Mr. MORGAN: Mr. Chairman, I have
not much to say except from a personal
point of view. I just came from a meet-
ing of the Federal Council of the Churches
of Christ in America, holding a school for

1926

WARS IN STORE

two hundred representatives of different
denominations here in the city. So far as
the peace movement is concerned, I feel
that I would like to leave one or two copies
of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE around where
some of these gentlemen can read it. I do
feel that, by the very nature of our profes-
sion, the criticism which has been sug-
gested is justifiable; also, I feel that I
should stand up for my own profession.
We are a hard-worked lot. It is pretty
hard for us to be trotting up and down at
everybody's call and "to think straight all
of the time on all of these problems, where
even the leaders of the various movements
are tremendously divided. For instance,
there was the letter from a former Cabinet
member, read this afternoon by the Secre-
tary. Then Dr. Scott quotes the man who
said that we must join the World Court
or have eternal war. Well, I think that
should be put down to his enthusiasm.

I have found the ADVOCATE OF PEACE
to be of tremendous spiritual help to me.
I have one or two lectures, that I have
delivered to Rotarian clubs and the like,
on our American contribution to civiliza-
tion. Whatever success I have met with
I owe largely to the American Peace So-
ciety and to my friend, the Secretary, Mr.
Call. The ADVOCATE OF PEACE has been

of great significance to me. I may state,
though it is a matter at the moment con-
fidential, that I am now considering, and
perhaps shall accept, a call to one of the
strongest Congregational pulpits in the
city of Chicago. I have been thinking that
I could render a service to that city by get-
ting together perhaps one hundred or one
hundred and fifty of the clergymen of the
city and asking our Secretary here, Mr.
Call, to come and pay us a visit and hold
some sort of round-table conference with
them.

Dr. SCOTT: That is an excellent idea.
Mr. Chairman, before we adjourn, I move
that a vote of thanks be tendered to the
officers of the American Peace Society for
their activities during the past year.

THE CHAIRMAN: I suggest that the
motion be presented by some one else.

Mr. MORRIS : I take pleasure in present-
ing the motion.

Mr. MORGAN : I second the motion.

Mr. MORRIS : The question is on tender-
ing a vote of thanks to the officers of the
Society for their activities during the past
year.

The motion was agreed to.

THE SECRETARY: Mr. Chairman, I
move that the meeting do now adjourn.

The motion was agreed to and the meet-
ing accordingly adjourned.

WARS IN STONE*

By HARROLD D. SCARBOROUGH

"It was Sunday morning, such an almost
perfect autumn Sunday as London gets
once or twice a year — blue sky, a mellow,
hazy sunshine, and above the petrol fumes
an occasional pungent whiff of burning
leaves and brushwood from somewhere in
the suburbs. The setting was almost per-
fect for the flood of khaki splashed with
crimson that displaced at and about Hyde
Park corner the usual church parade and
the riders in Rotten Row. It might have
been a review for foreign royalty or a
trooping of the colors for the King's birth-
day— except for one thing.

"But that one thing, which these gran-
dees and generals had turned out to un-
veil, furnished a strangely discordant note.

* From Herald-Tribune for November 3,
1925.

And it will go on sounding that note, in
marble, long after everybody who saw last
Sunday's ceremony shall have passed from
the scene. That nine-point-two howitzer
will be thrusting its ugly nose into the
sky, and the weathering and grime of the
London smoke will not soften the fact
that about the base of this monster can-
non, which is the Royal Artillery war
memorial, there lies the figures of mangled
and dead men, their agony frozen into
the imperishable stone.

"Is there in the world any other war
memorial like this group by Jagger?
There are the Arc de Triomphe, Nelson's
column, the Lion of Lucerne, the Siekesal-
lee, the crosses in many a little English
village, the bronze plaques, and the 'Pro
Patria's'. But here, in the heart of Lon-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

don, is something new. It idealizes noth-
ing, it conceals nothing. It is war in stone.
It says in marble what Verestchagin
painted, what Andreyev and Stephen
Crane wrote. The Cenotaph in Whitehall
commemorates the Unknown Soldier. At
Hyde Park corner there is the Unknown
Soldier. He lies beneath his gun, dead,
his tunic flung hastily over his mangled
face, because his fellows had no time to
do more while they served the howitzer.

"Millions of Londoners must look at
him every day, whether or not they like
it. It will be interesting to see whether,
passing him, they take off their hats, as
they do when they pass the Cenotaph.

"That sculptured group seems to me to
be as significant, in its way, as the security
pact. Jagger might or might not have
seen the nine-point-twos in action and still
as a talented sculptor might have been
able to imagine the Royal Artillery War

Memorial. But unless the governing
classes of England had known and learned
to hate war, Jagger's design would not
have stood the ghost of a chance against
the stained-glass conventionality that a
hundred other sculptors could have turned
out. Unless most of the 800,000 English-
men who, from 1914 to 1918 passed
through the Eoyal Artillery, did not still
remember war's real meaning, there would
be such a public outcry that there would
very soon be a different bit of statuary at
Hyde Park corner.

"On principle, almost everybody ap-
proves the security pact, although few
people, so far as I can find, know any-
thing more about it than in some indefinite
way it is supposed to lessen the chances of
future war. But there is nothing vague
or indefinite about this latest addition to
London's sculpture. Its meaning is as
grimly evident as that of a casualty list."

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND ONE FOREIGN
POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

By ROBBIE BERKELEY BURNET

RACIOUS God, what a people !" So
said Governeur Morris in 1789, as
he watched the Paris mob drag the naked
body of M. de Toulon through the streets.1
It was a far cry this from the scenes of
dumb, patient misery of two years before,
as depicted in 1787 by Arthur Young in
his "Travels in France."

Where do we look for a cause for such
a transformation scene? Primarily, per-
haps, in the history of our own country.2

American Public Opinion

The successful revolt of the English col-
onies in America, their democratic doc-
trines in their Declaration of Independ-
ence, and their republican constitution;
also, the fact that the French had helped
the colonists and had fought with them,
had led the French to watch the New

World with intense interest. All the is-
sues involved in the American Eevolution
were widely discussed by the French peo-
ple.

With no less interest was the cause of
the French Eevolution likewise followed,
with almost Gallic enthusiasm, by the
new-born American Republic.3

After the independence of the United
States had been secured, in 1783, the at-
tention of the Americans was undisturbed
from their domestic affairs and a remark-
able settlement of conditions among them
was accomplished, starting them with
unique success on their new political ca-
reer. The final acceptance of the Federal
Constitution by the last of the thirteen
States, in 1789, was practically simulta-
neous with the outburst of the French
Revolution.4

1 "Life and Diary of Gouverneur Morris," by

Jared Sparks, p. 323.
*G. Morris to Washington, Paris, April 29,

1789. "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur

Morris," Vol. I, p. 68, edited by Anne Carey

Morris.
E. Channing: "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV,

Ch. V, p. 125.
A. J. Beveridge : "Life of John Marshall,"

Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 2.

* E. Channing : "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV,

Ch. V, p. 125.
S. F. Bemis: "Jay's Treaty," Chap. VII, p.

136.
J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 92.
C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American Opin-
ion of the French Revolution." Amer. Hist.

Assoc., 1895. p. 456. Writings of Jefferson,

Madison, Monroe.
4 A. J. Beveridge : "Life of John Marshall,"

Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 2.

1926

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

As a rule, the leaders in a country, to
a great degree, formulate the opinions of
their fellows of lower estate; but in this
case, with one accord, all classes in
America shared an absorbing interest in
French affairs. To Jefferson, in 1789,
that confirmed francophile, "the millen-
nium seemed about to come." When
movements turned to massacres he still re-
tained faith that all would be for the best.
"If kings and aristocrats were eradicated,
lives of thousands or a million men and
women would be well spent." 5 To Wash-
ington it seemed : "The revolution which
has been effected in France is of so won-
derful a nature that the mind can hardly
realize the fact." 6 Hamilton, broad con-
strnctionist and patriot that he was, in
the first flush of the French Eevolution
expressed himself thus : "The impressions
naturally produced by similarity and po-
litical sentiment are justly to be regarded
as causes of national sympathy, calcu-
lated to confirm the amicable ties which
may otherwise subsist between nations." 7
John Marshall wrote : "A great revolu-
tion had commenced in that country, the
first stage of which was completed by lim-
iting the powers of the monarch, and by
the establishment of a popular assembly.
In no part of the globe was this revolution
hailed with more joy than in America
. . . on this subject, therefore, but one
sentiment existed." 8 In such manner
spoke John Marshall, "archpriest of con-
servatism." Also Gouverneur Morris, at
this time an onlooker in Paris, an aristo-
crat par excellence, wrote: "But before I
quit the subject I must express the wish,
the ardent wish, that this great ferment
may terminate not only to the good, but
to the glory of France." 9 And again : "I
consider France as the natural ally of our
country . . . besides, I love France 10
. . . the leaders here are our friends,

5 B. Charming : "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV

Ch. VIII, p. 125.
« Washington to G. Morris, Oct. 13, 1789, Vol

XI, p. 435. "Writings" (edited by W. C.

Ford).

7 Washington to the President of the National

Assembly of France. (Draft of Hamilton,
sent verbatim.) Alexander Hamilton's
Works, Vol. IV, p. 350, edited by J. C.
Hamilton.

8 John Marshall : "Works," Vol. II, p. 155.

9 "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris,"

edited by A. C. Morris. Letter to Comte de
Monstier, Paris, February, 1789, Vol. I, p.
21.

10 Ibid. : Letter to William Carmichael, at Ma-

drid, 1789, Vol. I, p. 27.

many of them have imbibed their prin-
ciples in America, and all have been fired
by our example." " It seems that every
great figure in the public life of the
United States felt a fraternal thrill for
those who lent such timely aid, though
from a motive, perhaps, somewhat apart
from "friendship for us." 12

It was to be expected that all Americans
would greet with enthusiasm the new re-
public, and they did with ardent enthusi-
asm and lively sympathy." 13 The Ameri-
can newspapers acclaimed even in per-
fervid rhetoric, "Liberty will have another
feather in her cap. . . . This is the
commencement of (a new) a golden age."
The American theaters produced such
plays as "Liberty Restored," "The Dem-
olition of the Bastile," "Tyranny Sup-
pressed," and the audiences applauded
wildly.14

As events shaped themselves, however,
so rapidly and unexpectedly in France,
certain voices in America began to sound
a note of caution. In the midst of the
furor and high feeling, Washington
wrote: "Nobody can wish more sincerely
for the prosperity of the French nation
than I do ... they are making more
haste than good speed in their innova-
tions. So much prudence, so much per-
severance, so much disinterestedness, and
so much patriotism are necessary among
the leaders of a nation, in order to pro-
mote the national felicity, that sometimes
my fears nearly predominate over my ex-
pectations." 15 And Gouverneur Morris
wrote from Paris: "The materials for a
revolution in this country are very indif-
ferent. Everybody agrees that there is an
utter prostration of morals ; but this gen-
eral position can never convey to an
American mind the degree of depravity

. . inconsistency is so mingled in the
blood, manner, and every essence of this
people ... the great mass of the

11 Ibid. : G. Morris to Washington, April 29.

1789, Vol. I, p. 68.

12 Alexander Hamilton's "Works " Vol VI o

207. Essay entitled "France."

13 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American Opin-

ion of the French Revolution." Am Hist

Assoc., 1895, p. 246.
E. Channing: "History of the U. S." Vol V

p. 126.
S. F. Bemis : "Jay's Treaty," Ch. VII, p. 136.

14 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American

Opinion of the French Revolution. Am.
Hist. Assoc., 1895, p. 458.
Ibid., p. 455.

15 Washington to the Marquise de la Luzcerne

"Writings," April 29, 1790, Vol. XI, p. 478.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

J&nuary

people have no religion but their priests,
no law but their superiors, no morals but
their interest." 16 Two months later he
added: "All these things in a nation not
yet fitted by education and habit for the
enjoyment of freedom give me frequently
suspicions that they will greatly overshoot
the mark/7 if they, indeed, have not al-
ready done it." And again, less than a
month later: "This country is ...
as near to anarchy as society can approach
without dissolution." 18

We have evidence of the correctness of
these views, for the National Assembly
soon fell under the domination of the mob
elements, creating anarchy most appall-
ing; which accounts for the degeneration
of what was, at its beginning, perhaps one
of the most promising movements in his-
tory.

The fall of the Bastile, on July 14,
1789, caused delight unbounded among
the American people, for here was liberty,
equality, and fraternity enthroned in
place of tyranny and grinding taxation.
Lafayette sent the key of the Bastile to
Washington through Thomas Paine,19
that popular exponent of republicanism
and "common sense," author of "The
Eights of Man," the ingenius phrase
which was made the excuse for the shed-
ding of the blood of many innocent people
and the enthroning of a despotism little
less degrading than that emanating from
the worst of hereditary monarchs.

In October, 1790, John Quincy Adams
wrote: "In the stagnation of our own
politics the people who have a fondness
for the subject turn their attention to
those of Europe, which seem to be now as
much as ever it could be "un repaire d'-
horreurs." 20 Paris was indeed a den of
horrors, as the terrible women brought
back with them to the Palace of the Tuil-
eries "the baker, the baker's wife, and the
baker's little boy." But this stagnation
in our politics cannot entirely account for
the interest throughout America in the
French Revolution. That revolution, at

18 Gouverneur Morris to Washington, April 29,
1789. "Diary and Letters of G. Morris,"
Vol. I, p. 68, edited by A. C. Morris.

"Ibid., July 1, 1789, Vol. I, p. 109.

18 Gouverneur Morris to Washington, July 31,
1789. "Am. Rev." Jared Sparks, Vol.
IV, p. 270.

"A. J. Beveridge: "Life of John Marshall,"
Vol. II, p. 10.

20 J. Q. Adams to John Adams, October 19, 1790,
edited by W. C. Ford, Vol. I, p. 63.

the first, was almost a part of the life of
America, a continuation of its own strug-
gle, and it now seems, whatever the con-
ditions might have been at home, that
Americans would still have felt the same
keen interest.

To the people of the United States, at
first, the revolution appeared to be purely
local in France; when France was threat-
ened by Prussia and Austria, purely local
to the continent. But our ancestors of that
day followed the early defeats and the vic-
tory following the proclamation of the
Duke of Brunswick with "lively discus-
sions." 21 It seemed to Americans that a
great republic was about to arise, and con-
sequently enthusiasm knew no bounds.22
In Philadelphia excitement ran high,
church bells rang, shops were closed, and
everywhere there was celebrating; while
in New York the reveling was still wilder,
Boston surpassed them all. There a great
"civic feast" was held, the people wore
cockades, "the fat ox was Aristocracy im-
molated on the altar of Democracy as a
peace offering to Liberty and Equality
and the Rights of Man."23 All titles
were to be given up. Every one was now
to be "citizen," whatever his former title
of respect.24 American popular opinion
was delirious with republicanism. Says
John Marshall, "American conservative
writers were branded as advocates of roy-
alty and of aristocracy." 2S John Quincy
Adams, in his letters signed "Publicola,"
was one of the few who dared brave the
"hurricane" of American sympathy with
the French Revolution. These letters
were met with a storm of abuse by the
public, saying he was "trying to build up
a system of monarchy and aristocracy
. . . on the ruins both of the reputa-
tion and liberties of the people." 26

It seems indeed that the Americans
were as drunk with a mania for France
as were the French revolutionists for
blood, and the warnings of the few were
almost lost in the general acclaim.

21 S. P. Bemis : "Jay's Treaty." Ch. VII, p.
13o.

22 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary Opinion of the

French Revolution." Amer. Hist. Assoc..
1895, p. 459.

23 C. G. Fenwick : "The Neutrality Laws of the

U. S.," p. 16.
J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S." Vol. II. Ch. VIII, p. 92.
"Ibid., Vol. II. Ch. VIII, p. 94.
25 A. J. Beveridge : "Life of John Marshall,"

Ch. I, p. 19.
28 Ibid. : "Life of John Marshall," Vol. II, p. 19.

1926

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

Opinions in France

The best picture of the situation in
France in regard to the attitude there
toward America is given by Governeur
Morris, our minister to France from 1792
to 1794. He said: "The royalists and
aristocrats consider America and the
Americans as having occasioned their mis-
fortunes. The former charge it upon our
ingratitude, seeing that it was the king
who stepped forward to our relief ; on the
other hand, the republicans consider any-
thing short of downright democracy as an
abandonment of political principle in
America. To stand well with all parties
is impossible.27 . . . Some persons
have spoken to me of the disposition of
the United States in a tone of irony, but
I assure them very sincerely that our
grateful sentiments for the conduct of this
nation would be demonstrated by our con-
duct whenever occasion should require/' 28
Gouverneur Morris was a loyalist in his
every inclination ; it is even said to the ex-
tent of assisting in the plan for the King's
escape.28

In the early months of 1793 no news
reached America from abroad; but ru-
mors were afloat, coming through sea cap-
tains recently back from the West Indies,
of terrible conditions in France. In April
a British ship arrived with the shocking
news of the execution of Louis XVI.30
Even Thomas Paine said in a letter to
Danton: "I now despair of seeing the
great object of European liberty accom-
plished, because of the tumultuous miscon-
duct of the present revolution." 31 The
execution of the King raised a storm of
horror and apprehension in Europe, and a
coalition was formed in which almost ev-
ery State in Europe joined in defense of
"law and order.1"

Rise of Clashing Views in America

When, early in 1793, the French rev-
olutionists declared war on England, im-

2T Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris,
edited by A. C. Morris, Vol. I, Ch. 23, p.
513.

28 Ibid. : Letter of G. Morris to Jefferson, August

1, 1792.
*• Diary and Letters of G. Morris, edited by

A. C. Morris, p. 556.
80 J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, p. 96.
41 A. J. Beveridge : "Life of John Marshall,"

Vol. II, p. 27.

mediately a change took place in the atti-
tude of many Americans. There was a
decided diversity of feeling and opinion,
producing partisans of France on one
s i d e — extreme republicans — and parti-
sans of England on the other. Washing-
ton's cabinet was separated as far as the
poles on the issue.32 Hamilton and Jef-
ferson— his closest friends and advisers —
became the leaders of the opposite camps.
"Politically and personally the two men
had come to hate each other." 33 Jeffer-
son was Minister to France in 1784, where
he became a confirmed French sympa-
thizer. He reveled in the philosophy in
vogue there, as unfolded by Eousseau and
Voltaire; yet, strange as it may seem, in
his own country he more nearly sensed
the signs of the times than any public
figure of his day, and always governed
himself accordingly. Said Jefferson:
"There are in the United States some
characters of opposite principles; some of
them are high in office, others possessing
great wealth, and all of them hostile to
France and fondly looking to England as
the staff of their hope." 34 In this Jeffer-
son alluded to Hamilton, his antagonist
of long standing. Because Hamilton be-
lieved in a central government and in the
tried institutions of England, his oppo-
nent accused him of leaning toward mon-
archy, which he, Jefferson, abhorred above
and beyond all things.35

This "war of opinions" was present
everywhere — in Congress, in the State leg-
islatures, and among the people through-
out the country.36

The situation was one of colossal im-
portance to the United States, practically
a life-and-death struggle, as much for
them as for France. Spain controlled the
mouth of the Mississippi, England had
never lived up to the Treaty of 1783,37
still holding to the frontier posts. Be-

82 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American Opin-
ion of the French Revolution." Am. Hist.
Assoc., 1895, p. 455.

88 S. F. Bemls: "Jay's Treaty," Ch. VII, p. 139.

84 "Writings," Thomas Jefferson to William
Short, 1792-1793 ; January 3, 1793.

35 S. F. Bemls : "Jay's Treaty," Ch. VII, p. 139.

88 "Writings," J. Q. Adams (1850), pp. 243-245.

37 E. Channing : "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV,
Ch. V, p. 118.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

sides, there was constant friction with the
Indians, which added much to the an-
noyance of the country, amid its ferment
of various opinions.

How could America defend herself ? By
the Treaty of Alliance and the Treaty of
Commerce of 1778 she was allied with
France.38 These treaties, made with
Louis XVI, guaranteed the defense of his
West Indian possessions. Also, it bound
the United States to admit into its ports
French ships with their prizes of war, ex-
cluded the ships of other nations when
carrying prizes taken from France, and
forbade enemies of France from fitting
out privateers in American ports.39

Almost simultaneously with the news
of war between France and England, "Cit-
izen Genet," minister from the new-born
French Republic, arrived in the United
States at Charleston. "He was received
with a frenzy of enthusiasm almost in-
describable in its intensity." 40

Great Britain naturally thought that
France would not call in vain for assist-
ance from her ally; confidently, therefore,
England looked for war with the United
States.41

In this dilemma Washington wrote:
"War has commenced between France and
Great Britain. It behooves the govern-
ment of this country to use every means
in its power to prevent the citizens thereof
from embroiling us with either of these
powers, by endeavoring to maintain a
strict neutrality. That such measures be
taken as shall be deemed most likely to ef-
fect this desirable purpose without delay,
for I have understood that vessels are al-
ready designated privateers and equipped
accordingly." 42

American statesmen were unanimous in
the opinion that the United States should

38 S. P. Bemls : "Jay's Treaty," Ch. VII, p. 137.
88 C. G. Fenwick: "The Neutrality Laws of the
United States," p. 16.

"A. J. Beveridge: "Life of John Marshall,"
Ch. I, Vol. II, p. 28.

41 E. Channing : "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV,

Ch. VII, p. 127.

A. Bertrand : "Les Etats-Unls et la Revolu-
tion Francalse." Revue des deux humdes,"
mai 15, 1906, Vol. 33, p. 405.

42 Washington to Jefferson : "Works," April 12,

1793, Vol. XII, p. 278.

keep out of European affairs ; *3 otherwise,
trade would be destroyed, exports would
stop, prices would fall, business be ru-
ined." 4*

Washington called a conference, which
met on April 19, 1793, at which it was
determined by his cabinet that a procla-
mation be issued forbidding citizens to
take part in any hostilities on the seas
with or against any of the belligerent
powers, and warning them against carry-
ing to any such powers any of those ar-
ticles deemed contraband according to the
modern 4S usage of nations, and enjoining
them from all acts and proceedings incon-
sistent with the duties of a friendly nation
toward those at war.40

Another vital question arose in Amer-
ica, namely: Was America bound, under
the Treaty of Alliance, to protect the
French West Indian possessions? Jeffer-
son thought not, because he deemed the
treaty suspended and, furthermore, be-
cause the question need not be raised un-
less France wished it.47 Hamilton argued
the treaty dead, because it was made with
the King of France,48 now no longer alive.
"N"o stipulation," wrote John Quincy Ad-
ams, "contained in a treaty can ever oblige
one nation to adopt or support the folly
or injustice of another." 49 Happily,
America was never called upon to fulfill
this guarantee, because the theater of war
was in Europe, not in America.50 It is
difficult to think that Vergennes expected
that guarantee to be kept, considering the
weakness of the American navy.

It was unanimously agreed by the Cab-

48 E. Channing: "History of the U. S.," Vol. IV,

Ch. V, p. 127.
44 J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. 8, p. 97.
46 Jefferson : "Writings," Vol. VI, p. 485. Con-
traband not food, hoped-for interpretation.
44 Alexander Hamilton: "Writings'" (Cabinet

Opinion), Vol. IV, p. 368.
41 E. Channing: "History of U. S.," Vol. IV,

Ch. 5, p. 128.
48 Alexander Hamilton : "Writings," Vol. IV,

pp. 362-382.
48 J. Q. Adams : "Writings," Vol. I, p. 93,

edited by W. C. Ford.
50 C. G. Fenwick : "Neutrality Laws of the U.

S.," p. 16.

1926

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

met, April 8, 1793. that a minister from
France be received.51 When, two weeks
later, Washington issued his proclamation
the word "neutrality" was not used in
deference to Jefferson's French sympa-
thies, but quickly he fell into the habit of
using it himself. To Gouverneur Morris
he wrote : "Indeed, we shall be more use-
ful as neutrals. In this spirit let your as-
surances be given to the government with
which you reside." 52 To Madison he
wrote that he favored neutrality, although
it might prove "a disagreeable pill to
our friends." 53 So spoke this "intriguing
politician."

The neutrality of the United States was
proclaimed a short time after the arrival
of Genet in Charleston ; but he, misled by
the enthusiasm of the welcome given him
there, imagined that the American people
could override their government. On this
theory he proceeded to carry out his
instructions. He had been furnished by
his government with blank commissions
with the thought that privateers could be
fitted out in American ports. He in-
trigued with Governor Moultrie, of South
Carolina, for assistance in all his plans,
the Governor aiding him in his scheme
that "each consul" should be "a court of
admiralty for trial and condemnation of
prizes." 54 Genet also brought instructions
to negotiate" a national agreement in
which two great peoples shall suspend
their commercial and political interests
and establish a mutual understanding to
defend the empire of liberty, wherever it
can be embraced, to guarantee the sover-
eignty of the people and punish those pow-
ers who still keep up an exclusive colonial
and commercial system, by declaring that
their vessels shall not be received in the
ports of the contracting parties." 55

"He has, I think, more of genius than
ability," 56 said Morris of Genet, after
meeting him in Paris. He has indeed the
genius to plan great things for France,
but, as events showed, he had no ability
to carry out any of them. Three weeks
after his arrival in Charleston, Jefferson
received a protest from Hammond, minis-
ter from England, that the neutrality
proclamation was not being obeyed. An
English vessel, The Orange, was captured
by a French frigate in the Delaware
Eiver.57 Jefferson wrote to M. Ternant,
the then French minister, in regard to
Genet's activity in violation of American
policy; but Genet did not seem to under-
stand the meaning of that policy, for a
week after he wrote a note proposing "that
the two peoples should, by a true family
compact," establish a commercial and po-
litical system on a liberal and fraternal
basis.88 And this was in the face of
Washington's proclamation of neutrality
of April 22.

And well might Citizen Genet think
that the cause of France was that of the
people of America, for as he journeyed to
Philadelphia he was greeted by one ova-
tion after another,59 He was met by a
delegation outside the city and brought in
in triumph. From that day he was "made
an idol of by the people." He represented
France, who had brought about independ-
ence from the tyranf s yoke. All over the
country democratic clubs sprang up, "re-
flections by no means pale of their great
Jacobin original in Paris." 60 Everything

64 J. B. McMaster: "History of the People of
the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 98.

01 Washington's "Works," footnote, p. 281, Vol.
XII.

52 Thomas Jefferson to G. Morris : "Writings "

April 20, 1793.

53 Jefferson : "Writings," Vol. VI, p. 232.

M John Basset Moore : "Digest of International
Law," Vol. VI, 899, pp. 32, 33.

M "Diary and Letters of G. Morris," Vol. II.
edited by A. C. Morris. Letter, G. Morris
to Washington, January, 1793.

w J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, p. 99.

C. G. Fenwick : "Neutrality Laws of the U.
S.," p. 18.

58 Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., I, pp. 708-709
(note written May 23, 1793).

58 A. J. Beveridge: "Life of John Marshall,"
Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 28.

40 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary Opinion In
America of the French Revolution." Am.
Hist. Assoc., 1895, p. 461.
A. Bertrand : "Les Etats Unis et la Revolu-
tion Frangaise." "Revue des Deux Mondes,"
mai 15, 1906, Vol. 33, p. 398, "des trans-
ports d'enthusiasme."

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

was done in imitation of- France; it was
the rage.

Far different was the treatment of
Genet at the hands of the government.
Washington himself was cold and distant,
and Genet left his presence furious at his
reception and at "seeing certain medal-
lions of Capet and his family" 61 there
displayed.

But Genet had one unshakable friend
of France in Jefferson. Jefferson was
with "the people" in that regard; but
when it came to the protection of his coun-
try he, too, was adamant. When Genet
proposed the treaty according to his in-
structions, Jefferson told him that Con-
gress would not be in session until the fall,
and that that body was essential to the
ratification of a treaty.62 When he asked
money of Hamilton on the French loan,
the reply was that there were "no funds in
the treasury," and, beyond that, money ad-
vanced at that time would be a violation
of neutrality which England would not
stand.63

The affair of the capture of The Grange
was one of the first official acts of Genet
after he was received as minister from
France. In reply to Jefferson's note on
the subject, Genet cited the Treaty of
Commerce of 1778 in regard to French
prizes and defended the capture on that
ground. Jefferson replied that the United
States was a neutral, and that impartial
treatment was a law.64 In reply, Genet
again cited the article in the treaty relat-
ing to French prizes. Jefferson replied
there was no permission to equip vessels.65
In April, 1793, Jefferson had written to
Madison, "Shall we permit France to fit
out privateers? The treaty does not stip-

n J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 101.
C. R. Fish : "American Diplomacy," p. 101.
•' J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 101.
68 J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 102.
"Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., I, p. 149.
•* C. G. Fenwick : "Neutrality Laws of the

U. S.," p. 20.

ulate that we shall, though it says we shall
not permit England to do it." 66 In proof
of his position, Jefferson wrote to Genet:
"Under the law of nations, founded on the
general sense and usage of mankind, we
have produced proofs from enlightened and
approved writers that a neutral nation
must exact impartiality toward the bellig-
erents." 67 These principles Genet scoffed
at, calling them "diplomatic subtleties'"
and "aphorisms of Vattel and others." He
continued: "There must be something
more than this to prove them." 6S Jeffer-
son wrote Genet that it was "the right of
every nation to prohibit acts of sover-
eignty from being exercised by any other
within its limits, and the duty of a neu-
tral nation to prohibit such as would in-
jure one of the warring powers." 69

Privateers were still fitted out in Amer-
ican ports, despite the fact that the gov-
ernment was insisting upon its neutrality.
On August 4, 1793, Hamilton issued in-
structions to the collectors of custom "to
be vigilant in detecting any acts in viola-
tion of the laws of neutrality, and to give
immediate notice of such attempts to the
proper authorities." It was unlawful to
arm or equip vessels in the ports of the
United States by either belligerent; no
asylum was to be given to vessels or their
prizes, as stipulated by the Treaty of 1778,
of the countries at war with France.70

Jefferson wrote Genet, August 7, 1793,
that the President held the United States
bound, under the laws of neutrality, to
demand the restitution of a compensation
for all prizes "taken subsequent to June
5 by privateers fitted out in our ports." T1

During June and July the second
"Eeign of Terror" had been doing its

84 Jefferson to Madison, April 28, 1793, "Writ-
ings," 1792, 1793.
87 Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., I, pp. 167, 168.

68 Jefferson: "Works," Vol. IV, p. 34.

69 Jefferson to M. Genet, June 5, 1793.

J. B. Moore : "International Law Digest,"
Vol. VII, p. 886.

70 Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., I, p. 140 (Phil-

adelphia, August 4, 1793).
n C. G. Fenwick : "Neutrality Laws of the U.

S.," p. 21.

Ibid., p. 23 : No evidence that any more
privateers were fitted out after Hamilton's
instructions.

1926

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

lurid work. Gouverneur Morris wrote:
"The murders continue all day long."
Still the people of America were as en-
thusiastic as ever for the liberty of the
French people. Streets were renamed;
"Liberty Squares" abounded; "Queen"
Streets were changed to "Pearl" — songs,
dances, cockades, clubs, everything in
honor of Prance.72 It is said that much
of the diabolical work of "The Terror"
was not published in American newspa-
pers.73 It is fair to presume that such was
the case.

On the other side of the water, Gouver-
neur Morris was concerned with the revo-
lution only in so far as his official duties
required. He protested against the de-
crees affecting the commerce of the United
States, remonstrated against the outrages
of French privateers upon American ship-
ping, and tried for the release of Ameri-
can citizens.74 We read: "Whilst Mr.
Morris was thus representing his country
in France with dignity, firmness, and pro-
priety, the Citizen Genet was by some
strange infatuation practicing a very ex-
traordinary series of experiments upon the
forbearance of the American people." 75

In July, 1793, rAmbuscade captured a
British ship, Little Sarah, and brought
her to Philadelphia. The government or-
dered the surrender of the vessel. Instead,
Genet changed her name to Little Demo-
crat and fitted her out as a privateer.76
He promised Jefferson to hold the ship.
This he did not do. On August 3 Jeffer-
son wrote to Madison : "We have decided
unanimously to require the recall of Genet.
He will sink the Republican interest if
they do not abandon him." 77

Ever since Genet had first encountered
the wall of governmental opposition to
his schemes for France in fitting out pri-
vateers, in intriguing with the people in

72 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American Opin-

ion of the French Revolution." Am. Hist.
Assoc., 1895, p. 463.

73 A. J. Beveridge : "Life of John Marshall,"

Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 29.

74 "Life and Letters of Gouverneur Morris," by

Jared Sparks, p. 415.

75 Ibid, p. 418.

78 C. R. Fish : "American Diplomacy," p. 103.
77 "Writings," 1792-1793, Thomas Jefferson to
James Madison, August 3, 1793.

Kentucky, in enlisting Americans for
French service, his communications with
American officials had grown more and
more insulting in tone, until Washington
was driven to write: "Is the minister of
the French Republic to set aside the acts
of this government at defiance with im-
punity? . . . What must the world
think of such conduct, and of the govern-
ment of the United States for submitting
to it?"78

After his recall was asked for, Genet
was allowed to remain until his successor
should arrive.

At this time Pennsylvania affairs were
at fever heat. Shrewd politicians, under
the declared fear of danger to America if
she lost the friendship of France, made a
great deal of Genet, praised him through
the press, condemned neutrality 79 — Mon-
roe had declared it unconstitutional 80 —
founded so-called "Democratic societies,"
in which they criticized the government,
and made themselves generally obnoxious.
Added to this, Washington was attacked
in the most vicious fashion.81 "Freneau's
and Bache's papers are outrages on com-
mon decency," wrote Washington.

Bolstered up by his Philadelphia ad-
herents, Genet grew more bold. He re-
solved to appeal directly to the people of
the United States, and at the same time
he wrote a most insulting letter to the
President.82 From this time the cause of
France in America was dead, in so far as
Genet was concerned.

A reaction began to take place in the
sentiments of the people in their enthu-
siasm for France. The Genet correspond-
ence was made public. It was "considered
as an insolent outrage offered to the man
who was avowedly the object of their
grateful affection." 83 Genet had ex-
pressed contempt for the opinions of the

78 Washington to Jefferson : "Works," Vol. XII,

p. 302. Philadelphia, July 11, 1793.

79 "Writings," James Monroe, p. 262, June 27,

1793, Vol. I.

80 J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the TJ. S.," Vol. II, pp. 109, 111.

81 Washington to Henry Lee, July 21, 1793,

"Writings," Vol. IV.

82 J. B. McMaster : "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, p. 145.

88 "Writings of J. Q. Adams," edited by W. C.
Ford, Vol. I, p. 150.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

President and questioned his author-
ity.84 This was the last straw.

On the 16th of August, 1793, Morris
was instructed to ask for Genet's recall.85
The French Republic took this occasion
to do what it had long wished to do, re-
quested "the withdrawal" of Gouverneur
Morris, who had never been personally
acceptable.86 The remarkable thing is
that Morris had weathered the storm of
the revolution with his head on his shoul-
ders, either literally or figuratively. He
was advised many times to leave, after
having been arrested several times. His
house had been searched and various other
"difficulties and dangers" had been en-
countered; but his reply always was, "It
is not permitted to abandon a post in the
hour of difficulty." 87 After the downfall
of the King, Morris had not entered in
the remotest degree into the affairs of
France. He was, and always expressed
himself as being, shocked at the "enormi-
ties perpetrated in the name of liberty/' 88

The Turn to Neutrality

Until this time, only a few men in
America protested against the French
Revolution; but, as the people began to
grow disenchanted by Genet's unbounded
impudence and disrespect for the govern-
ment, they recalled the sound principles
of American republicanism and compared
them with those of the new so-called
French Republic.89 The merchants slowly
but surely came to realize the soundness
of the neutrality policy. They remem-
bered John Quincy Adams' letters, signed
"Publicola," with their sound good sense
and logic, and Hamilton with his defense
of neutrality. As they became saner, the
horrors of the "Terror" appalled them.
"When will these savages be satisfied with
blood?" said John Adams. The people

84 J. B. Moore : "International Law Digest,"

Vol. IV, p. 247.

85 Amer. State Papers, For. Rel., Vol. I, p. 167.
88 Ibid., p. 173.

87 "Life and Letters of G. Morris," edited by J.

Sparks, p. 415. Letter of G. Morris to
Robert Morris.

88 J. B. McMaster: "History of the People of

the U. S.," Vol. II, Ch. VIII, p. 142.
88 C. D. Hazen : "Contemporary American Opin-
ion of the French Revolution." Am. Hist.
Assoc., 1895, pp. 463, 464.

who had refused to listen, finally listened.
As a last charge against the French Revo-
lution, John Adams gave voice to the final
judgment of America: It was a "just
cause" ; it "became contemptible." 90

On June 5, 1794, Congress passed
America's first neutrality act. This act
provided that Americans entering the
service of a foreign state were liable to a
fine of $1,000 and three years' imprison-
ment; it prohibited the fitting out and
arming of vessels within the ports of the
United States to be used by a foreign
State ; it appropriated for its enforcement
the sum of eighty thousand dollars.

Fauchet was sent as minister to Amer-
ica from France. Genet's actions were
disavowed. France proposed his extradi-
tion,91 but such procedure did not appeal
to the Government of the United States.
Assistance for France in Kentucky was
abandoned and the neutrality of the
United States was recognized.92

When Gouverneur Morris was released
from his post in Paris, he advised that
a man friendly to France should be ap-
pointed, as his own influence was prac-
tically dead.93 "His former devotedness
to the cause of the King and the boldness
with which he always expressed his po-
litical sentiments had fixed impressions,
not to be removed or softened." 94

Robert Livingston, first offered the post,
promptly declined. Finally James Mon-
roe was selected.95 Monroe, a follower of
Jefferson in thought and feeling, was a
deep-dyed sympathizer of France and the
"rights of man." It was not easy to keep
him from expressing his friendship over-
much and from placing the United States
in an awkward position.

His instructions were to assure France
of the firm friendship of the President,
but to make it clear that the United States
did not recognize the right of foreign in-

90 C. D. Hnzen : "Amer. Cont. Opinion." Am.

Hist. Assoc., 1895, p. 465.
n C. E. Hill : "Leading American Treaties," p.

62.

92 C. R. Fish : "American Diplomacy," p. 106.
98 B. W. Bond : "The Monroe Mission to

France." Introduction.
M "Life and Letters of G. Morris," edited by

Jared Sparks, p. 419.
85 E. Chnnning: "History of the U. S.," Vol.

IV, Ch. 5, p. 144.

1926

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

tervention in the affairs of the French
Revolution; that the strict neutrality of
the United States must be declared; that
he must correct any impression Fauchet
might have made by reporting that there
were two parties in the United States —
"one, republican and in sympathy with
France ; the other, monarchical and aristo-
cratic." 96 Added to this, he was to make
no commercial treaty with France.

At this time, 1794, John Jay was in
England, negotiating for a commercial
treaty. Monroe was given no information
on the subject, except that it would not
conflict with the treaties of 1778 with
France ;97 that it was only to "obtain com-
pensation for plundered property and to
secure the restitution of the western
posts." It appeared strange to Monroe
that Jay was to make a treaty with Eng-
land and he none with France — the former
country a recent enemy, the latter an ally.

When Monroe arrived in France, Robes-
pierre had fallen from power and the
Committee of Safety was in command of
the situation. This Committee were not
pleased at the course of events between
France and the United States, nor had
Gouverneur Morris strengthened the bond ;
quite the contrary.98

Monroe was not immediately recognized,
so he appealed to the President of the
National Convention; whereupon he was
received with fervor, as coming from the
"sister republic." A reception was given
him by the Convention, on which occasion
he made a speech far more cordial in tone
than the occasion called for, according to
his instructions, involving the United
States at once on the question of its neu-
trality. This act of Monroe's placed Jay
in an embarrassing situation in England.
"Was the United States a neutral?"
This was what the English Foreign Office
was asking.

The Federalists refrained from publicly
criticizing Monroe because, as Randolph,
now Secretary of State, said, if Jay got
no treaty with England it would be fatal
to antagonize France.99

Monroe had a difficult position to oc-
cupy. American vessels were being con-
stantly seized and the cargoes confiscated.
It was hard to keep out of war either with
England or France. So sincerely was
Monroe a friend of France, it turned out,
that he was able to accomplish much more
for his country than could his predecessor.
"He was able to secure fair treatment for
American seamen and a withdrawal of
decrees against American shipping." 10°

Monroe made one unfortunate mistake
in sending the flag of the United States
to hang in Convention Hall. He wrote
to the President of the National Assembly,
"I pray you therefore to accept it, as a
proof of the sensibility with which my
country receives every act of friendship
from an ally, and of the pleasure with
which it cherishes every incident which
tends to cement and consolidate the union
between the two nations." 101 This was
a sad breach of neutrality; but it seems
that Monroe did not realize the fact, for
not until six months later did he mention
the fact officially, and then in a most
casual statement.102 The incident did at
the time restore good feeling in France
for America.

In December, 1794, Jay wrote to Mon-
roe in regard to the treaty, telling him
that it "should not create any uneasiness
in France.1" 103 In regard to this word
from Jay, Monroe wrote to Secretary
Randolph that he had received "a letter
from Mr. Jay, announcing that he had
concluded a treaty, and which contained
a declaration that our previous treaties
should not be affected by it."104 Of
course, Jay's work in London did relate
vitally to the relations between France
and America. Monroe, not without cause,
resented being made a cat's-paw of by
his country.

When the news of a treaty was received
in France the Committee of Public Safety

'The Monroe Mission to

98 B. W. Bond :
France," p. 12.

97 Ibid., p. 13.

98 J. B. McMaster : "History of the American

People," Vol. II, Ch. VII, 145.

99 B. W. Bond : "Monroe Mission to France,"

pp. 17, 18, 19.

100 B. W. Bond : "Monroe Mission to France,"

p. 22.

101 Monroe to the President of the National As-

sembly, September 9, 1794. "Writings,"
Vol. II, p. 55.

102 Monroe to Randolph (Secretary of State):
"Writings," Vol. II, p. 227.

103 B. W. Bond : "Monroe Mission to France,"

p. 30.

104 Monroe to Randolph, January 13, 1795:

"Writings," Vol. II, p. 169.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

asked Monroe as to its content.105 He
replied that he "was not in correspondence
with Jay."106 When some inkling was
learned of the provisions of the treaty,
Monroe encouraged the French to look
for a palliation of it by an incoming po-
litical party, an action which certainly was
not in accord with his instructions.107

Shortly after this episode, Monroe was
recalled and Charles Coatesworth Pinck-
ney named to succeed him.

In Conclusion

The United States emerged from the
throes of the French Revolution baptized,
it may be said, with one sentiment : absten-
tion from European affairs. It seemed
at one time as though the country would
be torn in half by sentiment for or against
a foreign nation; but guided by firm and
wise hands, it became united again and
alive once more to its own interests.

American neutrality, as enunciated dur-
ing the French Revolution, was thus one
of the most important facts in the history
of American foreign policy, if not the
most important. "It was the first attempt
ever made on the part of a neutral nation
to pronounce definitely that certain acts
would be considered by it a violation of
neutrality," says Fenwick. This policy
has exercised no little influence upon the
existing system of international laws of
neutrality.

The French Revolution gave rise to the
Napoleonic wars, which, for the next
twenty-five years, engrossed the energy of
the chief powers of Europe. This enabled
the United States, with very little danger,
to settle its many difficulties, including
frontier problems with England and
Spain. In this isolation from foreign
affairs, furthermore, it was able to expand
south and west, so that now only the
waters of the Atlantic and the Pacific
limit it on the east and on the west. But
the point of this paper is that the French
Revolution was directly responsible for the
development of the American policy of
neutrality.

108 C. R. Hill : "Leading American Treaties,"

p. 62.
1(* B. W. Bond : "The Monroe Mission to

France," p. 31.
107 C. E. Hill : "Leading American Treaties," p.

63.

ARMISTICE DAY IN LONDON

By JOHN W. OWENS

(From the London Bureau of the Balti-
more Sun. John W. Owens, one time assist-
ant editor of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, has been
writing for a year a valuable and interpre-
tive series of articles under the heading
"From a Window in Fleet Street." Novem-
ber 11, 1925, he wrote for his paper the fol-
lowing.— EDITOR. )

FIS a commonplace that we of the
United States did not really feel the
war. We talk that way when discussion
turns to debts and taxes, and to all forms
of material losses, and we talk that way
when, as happens occasionally, discussion
is guided into losses on the field. But, in
truth, hardly anyone at home understands
and feels the tremendous difference be-
tween our experience and that of the na-
tions on this side of the seas.

To have a genuine, actual, living sense
of the difference between our fate and that
of these peoples of Europe, to have that
sense really throb with life within your
own being, one must have seen the Armis-
tice Day services, or rather the outward
expression of Armistice Day memories,
that have been held here. The dispatches
say there were reverent services and the
two minutes' silence at home, and of
course there was deep sincerity and truth
in them. But those services could not
have been like England's, or like the equiv-
alent in other European nations of either
side in the war.

Here millions of people became molten
in a single surge of sorrow — literally mil-
lions of them ; and it was not a vague sor-
row, not a passing melancholy, not the
suffering for a moment of dark clouds of
memory. There was poignant sorrow, so
individual and yet so universal as to call
for the inspired imagery of some Psalmist
of old, lamenting the woes of Israel. It
was the revelation for a day of the wound
that is permanent. In hundreds of thou-
sands of English, Welsh, Scotch, and Irish
homes a light had failed. And seven years
had not lifted the darkness. Rather, those
years had extinguished the fitful, flicker-
ing gleams of light that victory and relief
had brought in the first days after the war.

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

Never, I think, will memory lose the
picture of the humble men and women
passing the Cenotaph in Whitehall on this
day — a cold, bleak, gray day, meet for a
sorrowing world. The great of the land
had been there earlier, and their tributes,
none the less formal because sincere, had
been paid. When they were gone the
ordinary men and women were allowed to
pass the memorial to the war dead.
Formed in triple lines far up Whitehall
and in one of the cross streets, they slowly
made their way to the Cenotaph, halted a
moment, the men to bare their heads, the
women often to place a few simple flowers,
and then, still slowly, almost aimlessly,
they wandered away. It seemed a cease-
less procession of pain.

Hours later, when the sun was fading,
I went back and the procession of the
humble seemed exactly as when I had left.
Still they were forming far up the street
and still they were making their way, a
step at a time, toward the shrine, and
still there were bareheaded men in the
cold of a November evening and tired-
faced women with little bunches of flow-
ers. There were moments when it seemed

that the plain, stern Cenotaph was no
longer a thing of stone but a living spirit.
Now and again, when one's eyes passed
from the patient, sad people to the symbol
they were seeking, it seemed that the sym-
bol was animate — that somehow the worn,
simple souls of all these inarticulate
mourners had given it the breath of life.

And there was a strange dignity about
everything. The pomp of the day was
long past, and the great traffic that sweeps
down Whitehall halted for the early cere-
monies, was again in full play. Busses
and lorries and cabs rushed up and down
the street, passing close to the triple line
of mourners in the center. On the pave-
ments was the bustling crowd. But in
some way the nobility of the day's
thoughts governed the physical movement.
Lorry drivers, passing the Cenotaph, stood
and lifted their caps with a certain noble
grace. And the nondescript crowd on the
top of a bus, standing with bared heads in
the moment of passing, made that action,
usually so awkward, a thing of grave
beauty. On this one day of the year, at
least, mind reigned over body and made
it a worthy agent of worthy thought.

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

(President Coolidge's message was read to
Congress December 8. The portions of this
message relating to foreign affairs follow.)

Foreign Relations

The policy of our foreign relations, cast-
ing aside any suggestion of force, rests
solely on the foundation of peace, good-will,
and good works. We have sought, in our
intercourse with other nations, better under-
standings through conference and exchange
of views, as befits beings endowed with rea-
son. The results have been the gradual
elimination of disputes, the settlement of
controversies, and the establishment of a
firmer friendship between America and the

rest of the world than has ever existed at any
previous time.

The example of this attitude has not been
without its influence upon other countries.
Acting upon it, an adjustment was made of
the difficult problem of reparations. This
was the second step toward peace in Europe.
It paved the way for the agreements which
were drawn up at the Locarno Conference.
When ratified, these will represent the third
step toward peace. While they do not of
themselves provide an economic rehabilita-
tion, which is necessary for the progress of
Europe, by strengthening the guarantees of
peace they diminish the need for great ar-
maments. If the energy which now goes
into military effort is transferred to produc-
tive endeavor, it will greatly assist economic
progress.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

The Locarno agreements were made by the
European countries directly interested with-
out any formal intervention of America, al-
though on July 3 I publicly advocated such
agreements in an address made in Massachu-
setts. We have consistently refrained from
intervening except when our help has been
sought and we have felt it could be effec-
tively given, as in the settlement of repara-
tions and the London Conference. These
recent Locarno agreements represent the suc-
cess of this policy which we have been in-
sisting ought to be adopted, of having Euro-
pean countries settle their own political prob-
lems without involving this country. This
beginning seems to demonstrate that this
policy is sound. It is exceedingly gratifying
to observe this progress, which both in its
method and in its result promises so much
that is beneficial to the world.

When these agreements are finally adopted,
they will provide guarantees of peace that
make the present prime reliance upon force
in some parts of Europe very much less nec-
essary. The natural corollary to these treat-
ies should be further international contracts
for the limitation of armaments. This work
was successfully begun at the Washington
Conference. Nothing was done at that time
concerning land forces because of European
objection. Our standing army has been re-
duced to around 118,000, about the necessary
police force for 115,000,000 people. We are
not proposing to increase it, nor is it sup-
posable that any foreign country looks with
the slightest misapprehension upon our land
forces. They do not menace anybody. They
are a rather protection to everybody.

The question of disarming upon land is so
peculiarly European in its practical aspects
that our country would look with particular
gratitude upon any action which those coun-
tries might take to reduce their own military
forces. This is in accordance with our policy
of not intervening unless the European
powers are unable to agree and make request
for our assistance. Whenever they are able
to agree of their own accord it is especially
gratifying to us, and such agreements may
be sure of our sympathetic support.

It seems clear that it is the reduction of
armies rather than of navies that is of the
first importance to the world at the present
time. We shall look with great satisfaction
upon that effort and give it our approbation

and encouragement. If that can be settled,
we may more easily consider further reduc-
tion and limitation of naval armaments. For
that purpose our country has constantly,
through its Executive and through repeated
acts of Congress, indicated its willingness to
call such a conference. Under congressional
sanction it would seem to be wise to par-
ticipate in any conference of the great
powers for naval limitation of armament pro-
posed upon such conditions that it would hold
a fair promise of being effective. The gen-
eral policy of our country is for disarma-
ment, and it ought not to hesitate to adopt
any practical plan that might reasonably be
expected to succeed. But it would not care
to attend a conference which from its loca-
tion or constituency would in all probability
prove futile.

In the further pursuit of strengthening the
bonds of peace and good-will we have joined
with other nations in an international con-
ference held at Geneva and signed an agree-
ment which will be laid before the Senate for
ratification providing suitable measures for
control and for publicity in international
trade in arms, ammunition and implements
of war, and also executed a protocol provid-
ing for a prohibition of the use of poison gas
in war, in accordance with the principles of
Article 5 of the treaty relating thereto signed
at the Washington Conference. We are sup-
porting the Pan-American efforts that are
being made toward the codification of inter-
national law, and looking with sympathy on
the investigations being conducted under
philanthropic auspices of the proposal to
make agreements outlawing war. In ac-
cordance with promises made at the Wash-
ington Conference, we have urged the call-
ing of and are now represented at the Chinese
Customs Conference and on the Commission
on Extraterritoriality, where it will be our
policy so far as possible to meet the aspira-
tions of China in all ways consistent with
the interests of the countries involved.

Court of International Justice

Pending before the Senate for nearly three
years is the proposal to adhere to the proto-
col establishing the Permanent Court of In-
ternational Justice. A well-established line
of precedents marks America's effort to effect
the establishment of a court of this nature.
We took a leading part in laying the founda-
tion on which it rests in the establishment

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

of The Hague Court of Arbitration. It is
that tribunal which nominates the judges
who are elected by the Council and Assembly
of the League of Nations.

The proposal submitted to the Senate was
made dependent upon four conditions, the
first of which is that by supporting the court
we do not assume any obligations under the
League ; second, that we may participate
upon an equality with other States in the
election of judges; third, that the Congress
shall determine what part of the expenses we
shall bear; fourth, that the statute creating
the court shall not be amended without our
consent ; and to these I have proposed an ad-
ditional condition to the effect that we are not
to be bound by advisory opinions rendered
without our consent.

The court appears to be independent of
the League. It is true the judges are elected
by the Assembly and Council, but they are
nominated by the Court of Arbitration, which
we assisted to create and of which we are a
part. The court was created by a statute,
so called, which is really a treaty made
among some forty-eight different countries,
that might properly be called a constitution
of the court. This statute provides a method
by which the judges are chosen, so that
when the Court of Arbitration nominates
them and the Assembly and Council of the
League elect them, they are not acting as
instruments of the Court of Arbitration or
instruments of the League, but as instru-
ments of the statute.

This will be even more apparent if our
representatives sit with the members of the
Council and Assembly in electing the judges.
It is true they are paid through the League,
though not by the League, but by the coun-
tries which are members of the League and
by our country if we accept the protocol.
The judges are paid by the League only in
the same sense that it could be said United
States judges are paid by the Congress. The
court derives all its authority from the
statute and is so completely independent of
the League that it could go on functioning
if the League were disbanded, at least until
the terms of the judges expired.

The most careful provisions are made in
the statute as to the qualifications of judges.
Those who make the nominations are recom-
mended to consult with their highest court
of justice, their law schools and academies.
The judges must be persons of high moral

character, qualified to hold the highest judi-
cial offices in that country, or be jurisconsults
of recognized competence in international
law. It must be assumed that these re-
quirements will continue to be carefully met,
and with America joining the countries al-
ready concerned it is difficult to comprehend
how human ingenuity could better provide
for the establishment of a court which would
maintain its independence. It has to be
recognized that independence is to a consi-
derable extent a matter of ability, character,
and personality. Some effort was made in
the early beginnings to interfere with the
independence of our Supreme Court. It did
not succeed because of the quality of the
men who made up that tribunal.

It does not seem that the authority to give
advisory opinions interferes with the inde-
pendence of the court. Advisory opinions in
and of themselves are not harmful, but may
be used in such a way as to be very bene-
ficial, because they undertake to prevent in-
jury rather than merely afford a remedy
after the injury has been done. As a prin-
ciple, that only implies that the court shall
function when proper application is made
to it. Deciding the question involved upon
issues submitted for an advisory opinion
does not differ materially from deciding the
question involved upon issues submitted by
contending parties. Up to the present time
the court has given an advisory opinion
when it judged it had jurisdiction, and re-
fused to give one when it judged it did not
have jurisdiction. Nothing in the work of
the court has yet been an indication that this
is an impairment of its independence or that
its practice differs materially from the giving
of like opinions under the authority of the
constitutions of several of our States.

No provision of the statute seems to me
to give this court any authority to be a polit-
ical rather than a judicial court. We have
brought cases in this country before our
courts which, when they have been adjudged
to be political, have been thereby dismissed.
It is not improbable that political questions
will be submitted to this court, but again up
to the present time the court has refused to
pass on political questions, and our support
would undoubtedly have a tendency to
strengthen it in that refusal.

We are not proposing to subject ourselves
to any compulsory jurisdiction. If we sup-
port the court, we can never be obliged to

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

submit any case which involves our interests
for its decision. Our appearance before it
would always be voluntary, for the purpose
of presenting a case which we had agreed
might be presented. There is no more danger
that others might bring cases before the
court involving our interests which we did
not wish to have brought, after we have ad-
hered, and probably not so much, than there
would be of bringing such cases if we do not
adhere. I think that we would have the
same legal or moral right to disregard such
a finding in the one case that we would in
the other.

If we are going to support any court, it
would not be one that we have set up alone
or which reflects only our ideals. Other
nations have their customs and their institu-
tions, their thoughts and their methods of
life. If a court is going to be international,
its composition will have to yield to what
is good in all these various elements. Neither
will it be possible to support a court which
is exactly perfect, or under which we assume
absolutely no obligations. If we are seeking
that opportunity, we might as well declare
that we are opposed to supporting any court.
If any agreement is made, it will be because
it undertakes to set up a tribunal which can
do some of the things that other nations
wish to have done. We shall not find our-
selves bearing a disproportionate share of
the world's burdens by our adherence, and
we may as well remember that there is ab-
solutely no escape for our country from bear-
ing its share of the world's burdens in any
case. We shall do far better service to our-
selves and to others if we admit this and
discharge our duties voluntarily, than if we
deny it and are forced to meet the same
obligations unwillingly.

It is difficult to imagine anything that
would be more helpful to the world than
stability, tranquility, and international jus-
tice. We may say that we are contributing
to these factors independently, but others
less fortunately located do not and cannot
make a like contribution except through
mutual co-operation. The old balance of
power, mutual alliances, and great military
forces were not brought about by any mutual
dislike for independence, but resulted from
the domination of circumstances. Ultimately
they were forced on us. Like all others en-
gaged in the war, whatever we said, as a
matter of fact we joined an alliance, we be-

came a military power, we impaired our in-
dependence. We have more at stake than
any one else in avoiding a repetition of that
calamity. Wars do not spring into existence.
They arise from small incidents and trifling
irritations which can be adjusted by an in-
ternational court. We can contribute greatly
to the advancement of our ideals by joining
with other nations in maintaining such a
tribunal.

Foreign Debts

Gradually, settlements have been made
which provide for the liquidation of debts
due to our government from foreign govern-
ments. Those made with Great Britain,
Finland, Hungary, Lithuania, and Poland
have already been approved by the Congress.
Since the adjournment, further agreements
have been entered into with Belgium,
Czechoslovakia, Latvia, Esthonia, Italy, and
Rumania. These eleven nations, which have
already made settlements, represent $6,419,-
528,641 of the original principal of the loans.
The principal sums without interest, still
pending, are the debts of France, of $3,340,-
000,000; Greece, $15,000,000; Jugoslavia,
$51,000,000; Liberia, $26,000; Russia, $192,-
000,000, which those at present in control
have undertaken openly to repudiate; Nic-
aragua, $84,000, which is being paid cur-
rently, and Austria, $24,000,000, on which by
act of Congress a moratorium of twenty
years has been granted. The only remaining
sum is $12,000,000, due from Armenia, which
has now ceased to exist as an independent
nation.

In accordance with the settlements made,
the amount of principal and interest which
is to be paid in the United States under these
agreements aggregates $15,200,688,253.93.

It is obvious that the remaining settle-
ments, which will undoubtedly be made, will
bring this sum up to an amount which will
more than equal the principal due on our
present national debt. While these settle-
ments are very large in the aggregate, it has
been felt that the terms granted were in all
cases very generous. They impose no undue
burden and are mutually beneficial in the ob-
servance of international faith and the im-
provement of international credit.

Every reasonable effort will be made to
secure agreements for liquidation with the
remaining countries, whenever they are in
such condition that they can be made. Those

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

which have already been negotiated under
the bipartisan commission established by the
Congress have been made only after the most
thoroughgoing and painstaking investigation,
continued for a long time before meeting
with the representatives of the countries con-
cerned. It is believed that they represent
in each instance the best that can be done
and the wisest settlement that can be secured.
One very important result is the stabilization
of foreign currency, making exchange assist
rather than embarrass our trade. Whenever
sacrifices have been made of money, it will
be more than amply returned in better un-
derstanding and friendship, while in so far
as these adjustments will contribute to the
financial stability of the debtor countries, to
their good order, prosperity, and progress,
they represent hope of improved trade rela-
tions and mutual contributions to the civili-
zation of the world.

Alien Property

Negotiations are progressing among the
interested parties in relation to the final dis-
tribution of the assets in the hands of the
alien property custodian. Our government
and people are interested as creditors; the
German Government and people are in-
terested as debtors and owners of the seized
property. Pending the outcome of these
negotiations, I do not recommend any af-
firmative legislation. For the present we
should continue in possession of this prop-
erty which we hold as security for the settle-
ment of claims due to our people and our
government.

Immigration

While not enough time has elapsed to af-
ford a conclusive demonstration, such results
as have been secured indicate that our im-
migration law is on the whole beneficial. It
is undoubtedly a protection to the wage-
earners of this country. The situation should,
however, be carefully surveyed, in order to
ascertain whether it is working a needless
hardship upon our own inhabitants. If it
deprives them of the comfort and society of
those bound to them by close family ties,
such modifications should be adopted as will
afford relief, always in accordance with the
principle that our government owes its first
duty to our own people, and that no alien,
inhabitant of another country, has any legal
rights whatever under our Constitution and

laws. It is only through treaty, or through
residence here, that such rights accrue. But
we should not, however, be forgetful of the
obligations of a common humanity.

While our country numbers among its best
citizens many of those of foreign birth, yet
those who now enter in violation of our laws
by that very act thereby place themselves in
a class of undesirables. If investigation re-
veals that any considerable number are com-
ing here in defiance of our immigration re-
strictions, it will undoubtedly create the
necessity for the registration of all aliens.
We ought to have no prejudice against an
alien because he is an alien. The standard
which we apply to our inhabitants is that
of manhood, not place of birth. Restrictive
immigration is to a large degree for economic
purposes. It is applied in order that we
may not have a larger annual increment of
good people within our borders than we can
weave into our economic fabric in such a way
as to supply their needs without undue in-
jury to ourselves.

National Defense

Never before in time of peace has our coun-
try maintained so large and effective a mili-
tary force as it now has. The army, navy,
Marine Corps, National Guard, and organized
reserves represent a strength of about 558,400
men. These forces are well trained, well
equipped, and high in morale.

A sound selective service act giving broad
authority for the mobilization in time of peril
of all the resources of the country, both per-
sons and materials, is needed to perfect our
defensive policy in accordance with our
ideals of equality. The provision for more
suitable housing, to be paid for out of funds
derived from the sale of excess lands, pend-
ing before the last Congress, ought to be
brought forward and passed. Reasonable
replacements ought to be made to maintain
a sufficient ammunition reserve.

The navy has the full treaty tonnage of
capital ships. Work is going forward in
modernizing the older ones, building aircraft
carriers, additional fleet submarines, and fast
scout cruisers, but we are carefully avoid-
ing anything that might be construed as a
competition in armaments with other nations.
The joint army and navy maneuvers at
Hawaii, followed by the cruise of a full
battle fleet to Australia and New Zealand,
were successfully carried out. These demon-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

strations revealed a most satisfactory con-
dition of the ships and the men engaged.

Last year, at my suggestion, the General
Board of the navy made an investigation
and report on the relation of aircraft to
warships. As a result, authorizations and
appropriations were made for more scout
cruisers and fleet submarines and for com-
pleting aircraft carriers and equipping them
with necessary planes. Additional training
in aviation was begun at the Military and
Naval Academies. A method of co-ordination
and co-operation of the army and navy and
the principal aircraft builders is being per-
fected. At the suggestion of the Secretaries
of War and Navy, I appointed a special
board to make a further study of the prob-
lem of aircraft.

The report of the Air Board ought to be
reassuring to the country, gratifying to the
service, and satisfactory to the Congress. It
is thoroughly complete and represents the
mature thought of the best talent in the
country. No radical change in organization
of the service seems necessary. The Depart-
ments of War, Navy, and Commerce should
each be provided with an additional assistant
secretary, not necessarily with statutory
duties but who would be available under
the direction of the Secretary to give especial
attention to air navigation. We must have
an air strength worthy of America. Pro-
vision should be made for two additional
brigadier generals for the Army Air Service.
Temporary rank corresponding to their duties
should be awarded to active flying officers
in both army and navy.

Aviation is of great importance, both for
national defense and commercial develop-
ment. We ought to proceed in its improve-
ment by the necessary experiment and in-
vestigation. Our country is not behind in
this art. It has made records for speed
and for the excellence of its planes. It
ought to go on maintaining its manufactur-
ing plants capable of rapid production, giv-
ing national assistance to the laying out of
airways, equipping itself with a moderate
number of planes, and keeping an air force
trained to the highest efficiency.

While I am a thorough believer in national
defense and entirely committed to the policy
of adequate preparation, I am just as thor-
oughly opposed to instigating or participating
in a policy of competitive armaments. Nor
does preparation mean a policy of militariz-

ing. Our people and industries are solicitous
for the cause of our country, and have great
respect for the army and navy and for the
uniform worn by the men who stand ready
at all times for our protection to encounter
the dangers and perils necessary to military
service, but all of these activities are to be
taken not in behalf of aggression but in be-
half of peace. They are the instruments by
which we undertake to do our part to pro-
mote good-will and support stability among
all peoples.

GENERAL PERSHING'S
PROCLAMATION

(The following is a translation from La
Prensa, New York, of General Pershing's
proclamation as president of the plebiscitary
commission of Tacna-Arica, setting forth the
conditions for the carrying out of the Tacna-
Arica plebiscite in accordance with the sug-
gestions of President Coolidge:)

SECTION I

The Plebiscitary Commission of the Arbi-
tration of Tacna and Arica resolves that the
requisites preliminary to carrying out a free
plebiscite in Tacna and Arica, as enumerated
below, are essential at this time, in order
that the work undertaken by the Commis-
sion may proceed :

First. The removal from the plebiscitary
territory of the military forces now stationed
in such territory in excess of a number ap-
proximately equivalent to the force main-
tained by the Peruvian Government in an
area lying immediately to the north and
equivalent in extent to the plebiscitary ter-
ritory, with the exception, however, of such
additional forces the retention of which
within the plebiscitary territory may be con-
sidered necessary by the Chilian Government
and whose presence may not be considered
by the Commission as incompatible with the
holding of a free plebiscite.

Second. The transfer from the plebiscitary
territory of the carabineer (rural guard)
forces now stationed therein in excess of a
number equal to that maintained in the ter-
ritory on July 20, 1922, with the exception
of such additional personnel as may have
been retained in the territory, or may have
been transferred to it in replacement, whose
presence may be considered necessary by the
Chilian Government and may not be judged

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

by the Commission as incompatible with the
holding of a free plebiscite.

Third. The transfer from the plebiscitary
territory of the number of members of the
secret service force now stationed therein in
excess of the number in each class of such
force serving in the territory on July 20,
1922, with the exception of such additional
personnel retained in the territory or trans-
ferred to it in replacement whose presence
may be considered necessary by the Chilian
Government and whose presence, in the
opinion of the Commission, may not be in-
compatible with the holding of a true plebi-
scite.

Fourth. The removal of every person be-
longing to the army, the carabineers, the
police, and to the secret service from posi-
tions as subdelegates of districts, inspectors,
and from any other positions in the civil
administration of the plebiscitary territory,
which persons shall be replaced, for the
period of the plebiscite, by Chilian civilians
appointed by the Chilian authorities.

Fifth. The removal, when requested by the
Commission, of any public official in the
plebiscitary territory, of every person be-
longing to the army, to the carabineers, to the
police or to the secret service, or to the civil
administration, who, in the judgment of the
Commission, during the period of the plebi-
scite, may use his position and his powers in
a manner tending to suppress or impede the
legitimate manifestation and free expression
of opinions in regard to the problems to be
resolved by the plebiscite; each person so
removed to be replaced by another appointed
by the Chilian authorities.

Sixth. The removal from within the bound-
aries of the plebiscitary territory of every
subdelegate of district, or other official of
the civil administration who has been re-
moved from office, and who belongs to the
military forces, to the carabineers, to the
police or to the secret service, and who is
not a native of the plebiscitary territory.

Seventh. The repeal of all restrictive regu-
lations in regard to entering the plebiscitary
territory or departing therefrom which may
conflict with the rights of persons held to
be voters to enter, remain in, or leave the
territory, or with the rights of persons desir-
ing to carry on legitimate forms of propa-
ganda or other electoral work within the
plebiscitary territory in the interests of
either one of the candidates for the definitive

sovereignty, such rights comprising the free-
dom of the representatives of the press. This
shall not be construed as preventing the exer-
cise by the Chilian Government of a reason-
able control and limitation, in such manner
and for such purposes as the Commission
may not consider incompatible with the hold-
ing of a just and legal plebiscite.

Eighth. The removal of all restrictions re-
lating to travel within the plebiscitary ter-
ritory and the modification of laws and regu-
lations governing guests at hotels applying
to this territory, which laws and regulations
shall not hamper the liberty essential to the
holding of a true plebiscite. This provision
shall not be construed as preventing the ap-
plication of reasonable regulations for sani-
tary policing promulgated by the Chilian
Government, which regulations may not be
incompatible, in the opinion of the Commis-
sion, with the holding of a legal plebiscite.

Ninth. The establishment of equal oppor-
tunities, and the furnishing of equal protec-
tion against annoyance and interruptions,
for public assemblies, meetings, speeches, or
other legitimate form of public propaganda
in regard to the plebiscite, as well as for the
private discussions of plebiscitary questions,
within the plebiscitary territory, whether
such efforts be made in the interests of Chile
or of Peru.

The granting of like opportunities and the
furnishing of like protection for the display,
in the plebiscitary territory, either by private
individuals or by organizations, of the flags
of either one of the two nations candidates
for the definitive sovereignty of the territory,
which opportunities and protection are not
to be construed as excluding the right of the
Government of Chile to exercise a reasonable
control and limitation thereover, in ways and
for purposes which the Commission may not
deem insistent with the holding of a legal
plebiscite.

Tenth. The lifting of the censorship on
cablegrams, and of any censorship on mes-
sages transmitted by express, radio, tele-
graph, or telephone between points within the
plebiscitary territory, from points outside
into, or from points within to points outside
such territory.

Eleventh. The return to the plebiscitary
territory, by and at the expense of Chile, of
every man now in Chilian jurisdiction who,
directly or through the Peruvian Commis-
sioner, claims the right to vote in the plebi-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

scite and alleges that he left the plebiscitary
territory involuntarily prior to April 13, 1924,
and proves by prima facie evidence, to the
satisfaction of the Commission, his electoral
right and his involuntarily departure.

SECTION II

Resolved, That the President of the Com-
mission be charged with the duty of present-
ing a certified copy of this resolution to the
Chilian member of the Commission, so that
he in turn may bring to the knowledge of
the proper Chilian authorities the preceding
resolution, approved by the Plebiscitary Com-
mission of Tacna and Arica on the second
day of November, 1925.

ABICA, December 4.

The resolution proposed by Chile, as a sub-
stitute for that presented by General Persh-
ing, and rejected by the Plebiscitary Commis-
sion on the Arbitration of Tacna and Arica,
was as follows :

"Be it resolved, That the following guaran-
tees and ratifications be now approved and
made a part of the regulations of the plebi-
scite :

"First. That every public official, member
of the military forces, the carabineers, the
police or secret service, civil official, or mem-
ber of the judicial commission who has used,
is using, or during the period until the plebi-
scite be completed may use his position or
his powers in a way intended to repress or
impede the legitimate expression of will con-
cerning that which is to be determined by
the plebiscite shall be arraigned in the usual
form before the Chilian Government, so that
he may be reprimanded or, if necessary, re-
lieved from duty.

"Second. Without limiting the general pro-
visions of the preceding paragraph, the Com-
mission shall bring before a special court, es-
tablished in accordance with Decree-law No.
451, of May 14, 1925, the public officials,
carabineers, members of the police or secret
service forces, or civil functionaries who, in
the judgment of the Commission, have been
guilty of intimidation, coercion, fraud, or
other crime in connection with the registra-
tion of voters, or with the election, or who
show intention of obstructing the work of
the Plebiscitary Commission or that of any
of its members. Such persons so accused
shall be removed from their positions for the
purposes contemplated in the proceedings.

"Third. The prosecuting attorney appointed
by the Commission shall represent the Com-
mission in legal proceedings before the court,
demand the prompt formulation of the indict-
ment, the finding of judgment, and the
punishment of the guilty.

"Fourth. That the Chilian Government was
invited to repeal all restrictive regulations
which impeded free entrance into or de-

parture from the plebiscitary territory, in-
compatible with the freedom of entry, resi-
dence, or departure of persons held to be
plebiscitary electors or of persons who desire
to take part in a legitimate form of propa-
ganda, publicity, or other form of electoral
activity in the interests of either one of the
candidates for the definitive sovereignty,
either now or during the plebiscite ; which,
however, does not exclude a reasonable vigi-
lance or limitation for the sake of public
order.

"Fifth. That the Chilian Government has
been invited to remove all restrictions upon
travel within the plebiscitary territory to
avoid interference with the freedom and
proper carrying out of the plebiscite. This
regulation should not preclude the reasonable
application of the police and sanitary regu-
lations of the Chilian Government.

"Sixth. Like opportunities and like protec-
tion against annoyance for public meetings,
demonstrations, speeches, and other forms of
legitimate propaganda ; also, for private dis-
cussions of matters connected with this plebi-
scite, will be conceded without distinction as
to whether the efforts are being made in the
interests of Chile or of Peru, together with
like opportunities and like protection for the
display, by individuals or by legitimate or-
ganizations, of the flag of either one of the
candidates for ultimate sovereignty; this,
however, is not to be construed as preclud-
ing the exercise of reasonable control or
limitation by the Chilian Government for the
sake of public order.

"Seventh. The Commission will notify the
Chilian Government of any situation arising
during the work of the plebiscite which in
its judgment makes necessary a reduction in
the number of carabineers, police or secret
service men in any specified section of the
plebiscitary territory, provided, however, that
such reduction be compatible with the main-
tenance of public order.

"Eighth. The punishments applicable to
persons convicted of expulsion, intimidation,
bribery, or fraud connected with the plebi-
scite shall be those provided for similar
offenses by the laws of Chile. The Commis-
sion, however, reserves the right, which the
Decree-law No. 451 of May 14, 1925, recog-
nizes, of providing additional punishments
if those established by the present legisla-
tion of Chile prove inadequate.

"Ninth. All persons qualified to vote, who
allege that they have been expelled and de-
ported from the plebiscitary territory, and
provided such persons be found in Chilian
territory south of the southern part of the
boundaries of the Department of Arica, will
be brought back to the plebiscitary territory
in accordance with the offer of the Chilian
Government and at its expense."

The following resolution was presented by
the Peruvian delegation of the Commission
several days before the discussion and final
approval of General Pershing's resolution :

1926

NEWS IN BRIEF

"Be it resolved-

"First. That the Chilian Government is un-
der obligation to return to their homes all
those Peruvian citizens here mentioned who
were expelled and also those who were de-
ported to the South and to other regions, and
all other persons whose names have been
cited as being in similar situations.

"Second. That the neutralization of the
territory of Tacna and Arica shall be re-
quired as the only just means of insuring
a free expression of will on the part of those
who are to decide the question by their
votes."

Before the final vote by the Commission
on the Pershing resolution the Chilian mem-
ber stated his exception as follows :

"A few words suffice me for stating the
position of Chile in regard to the resolution
presented by the President. In the first
place, I wish to place on record the fact that
in respect to the conditions which the Presi-
dent calls 'preliminary requisites,' but which
I consider should be described, as being more
appropriate to the award, as 'guarantees and
ratifications,' there is no fundamental differ-
ence, in the opinion of Chile, who is disposed
to adopt the means proposed and those which
may be necessary for the carrying out of a
free plebiscite ; and it is my duty to em-
phasize this point, for it would be unjust to
say that Chile refused to satisfy the demands
of the Commission with respect to guaran-
tees. Unfortunately, however, I have to dis-
agree with respect to the manner in which
it is proposed to carry out those measures,
especially with reference to the definition of
the powers of the Commission, as stated in
the resolution setting forth the preliminary
requisites and in the report on which the
resolution is based.

"During all the discussions of the ques-
tion in the sessions I have expressed the
opinion of my government and have per-
sisted in the offer to adopt the measures
requisite to assure a legal and true plebiscite.
At the same time I have repeatedly declared
that the rights which Chile has under Ar-
ticle 3 of the Treaty of Anc6n may not be
annulled or limited by the Plebiscitary Com-
mission, and I want now to confirm each of
those statements, and to express the hope
that in the vote about to be taken no effort
will be made to threaten or to undermine
our sovereign rights in the territories, since
these sovereign rights were also respected in
the arbitration protocol and in the supple-
mentary act of July 20, 1922.

"In defense of those sovereign rights I
formulate, in the name of my government,
the strictest reserve.

"I consider, therefore, that it is my duty
to vote against the resolution setting forth
the requisites drawn up by the President.
It is not the requirements themselves which
I refuse to accept, for they are all included
in the motion of guarantees and ratifications

which I have had the honor to present, but
the implication contained in the resolution
tending to amplify the powers of the Com-
mission. Otherwise, the Government of Chile
is willing to aid the Commission in carrying
these measures into effect in so far as they
do not undermine our laws or weaken our
authority."

In the vote which followed, the Peruvian
delegates voted for the Pershing resolution,
the Chilians against it, and the resolution
stood approved November 2, 1925.

News in Brief

A PROPOSED AGREEMENT between Syrian em-
issaries and a French representative is, ac-
cording to the Tribune d'Orient (Geneva), on
the following lines: Abolition of the French
mandate; independence of Syria and admis-
sion to the League of Nations ; a French
naval base at Beyrout and a garrison in the
Lebanon; Syria to supply troops to France,
in case of war, and to be defended by France.

A NEW GOVERNMENT, under the presidency
of General Primo de Rivera, was sworn in
by King Alphonso of Spain on December 3.
The government is half military and half
civilian, instead of entirely military, as be-
fore. Its policy is still that of a dictatorship,
though it announces a program of reorganiza-
tion in financial and economic matters. It is
not intended to return to a parliamentary
form of government, nor to introduce any
electoral or constitutional reforms at this
time.

THE IRISH FREE STATE and Great Britain
came to an agreement in December, which
removes yet another international question
from the danger zone. Great Britain releases
the Free State from any obligations in the
British war debt; the Free State undertakes
to pay compensation for damage done in Ire-
land during the Irish troubles, and Ulster
keeps her boundary. President Cosgrove be-
lieves that the new arrangement will "tend
more surely and speedily toward ultimate
political unity between the two sections of
Ireland." It also lifts a serious financial
burden from the Free State.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

THE COMMISSION FOB THE REFORM of the
Moslem calendar has decided in favor of the
adoption of the Gregorian calendar, and a
bill for the adoption of the Christian Era
will shortly be laid before the Turkish Grand
National Assembly. Hitherto the Moslem
calendar, which is lunar, has been in force
in Turkey except for purposes of finance, for
which a solar year with an official date which
corresponded neither with the Gregorian,
Julian, nor Moslem era, has been in use.

PURCHASES BY THE COMMISSION established
by the German Government to reconstitute
the library of the University of Louvain have
now been resumed in Belgium and France.
During the occupation of the Ruhr, buying
was done principally in Italy. Up to the
present the works furnished amount to 355,-
081 volumes, 218 manuscripts, 240 documents,
and 671 incunabula.

A CONFERENCE ON INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERA-

TION in the Pacific is proposed for January,
1927, or thereabouts, to be held in Honolulu.

A TREATY OF AMITY was signed by Turkey
and Bulgaria late in October. It is under-
stood that this treaty settled all outstanding
questions, such as the method for liquidating
the property of Turkish refugees in Bulgaria
and of Bulgarian refugees in Turkey. One
of the results of the conference, important
for the maintenance of peace in the Balkans,
was the agreement that an arbitration treaty
should be arranged for the settlement of fu-
ture disputes between Turkey and Bulgaria.

A PAGEANT OF PEACE upon a large scale is
planned for New York next spring. A book
by Hendrik Van Loon, now in preparation,
will be dramatized by Percy MacKaye, and
Otto H. Kahn has promised the Metropolitan
Opera House Orchestra for the production.
The pageant, which is to depict man's prog-
ress thus far toward good-will, will employ a
cast of several thousand people.

THE UNITED STATES CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
has endorsed America's adherence to the
World Court in three successive annual con-
ventions.

THE AREA OF FOREST LAND in the United
States, not including Alaska, is now approxi-

mately 470 million acres, says the last report
of the Department of Agriculture. It is in-
creasingly plain that not much more of this
amount will be taken up for farming pur-
poses. Agricultural economists believe that
the present acreage of forest lands may be
maintained with full justice to the future
food requirements of our population.

COMPLETE ABOLITION OF SUBMARINES by all
nations is proposed by the chairman of
Lloyd's (a famous London association of
merchants, shipowners, and insurance agents) .
Article 4 of the Washington Treaty already
binds the United States, Great Britain,
France, Italy, and Japan not to employ sub-
marines in time of war as commerce-destroy-
ers. "All the great maritime nations," says
Chairman Perry G. McKinnon, "have suffered
heart-breaking losses by this deadly machine,
which treacherously destroys those in charge,
and it is feared inflicts slow torture as well
as death." The recent great British sub-
marine disaster is the occasion of Mr. McKin-
non's pronouncement. "It is unusual," he
says further, "for business men to obtrude
advice in matters of high policy, but it is felt
that this is an occasion when an institution
whose work for centuries has related to the
sea . . . might now make its voice heard
in an appeal to stop the use of a war machine
which brings about war disasters in peace."

AT THE PEKING INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
on the Chinese tariff, the nations agreed
with China that all interior taxes on inter-
provincial commerce will be abolished, that
a 2% per cent surtax and a 5 per cent tax
on luxuries will be enacted, and that after
1929 China will have full sovereignty over
her own tariff problems and her own inter-
ests. It is also understood that China is now
at liberty to enact stricter regulations against
narcotic importation. Should the new plan
fail of ratification by the majority of the
nations before January, 1928, another confer-
ence of the nations will meet in May of that
year to consider further needs.

SINCE THE ABOLITION OF VISAS as between
Austria and Germany, the Austrian Govern-
ment has been in communication with four
other countries — Czechoslovakia, Italy,
France, and Switzerland — with a view to
doing away with the necessity for visas be-
tween these countries and Austria. Czecho-

1926

BOOK REVIEWS

Slovakia has declared her readiness to en-
ter into negotiations, and the Austrian pro-
posals have been submitted to the appropriate
authorities for consideration. Negotiations
with Italy have proceeded for some time, but
Italy has put forward conditions unacceptable
to Austria. France has not yet replied, but
negotiations have started with Switzerland.

THE ECONOMIC DEPARTMENT of the Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs of Czechoslovakia
is now engaged in fixing the preliminaries
for several further commercial treaty nego-
tiations. These include treaties with Switz-
erland, Germany, Yugoslavia, and Hungary.
Draft proposals for a commercial treaty with
Finland on the basis of most-favored-nation
treatment have also been submitted to the
Finnish Government, and it is expected that
definite negotiations will open very shortly.

BOOK REVIEWS

THE GREAT PACIFIC WAR. By Hector C. By-
icater. Pp. 317. Houghton Mifflin Co.,
Boston, 1925. Price, $2.50.

If read with intelligence, this description
of an imaginary war with Japan becomes a
powerful argument for peace. Mr. Bywater
assumes that such a war, while not inevi-
table, is quite possible. He stages the event
for 1931-1933 and follows its strategy as if
it were veritable history. Names of persons
and vessels are entirely fictitious. The au-
thor indulges in no sensational jingoism, but,
with great technical care and knowledge of
maritime affairs, he follows the problem he
sets for himself as if it were a puzzle in
chess. The conclusion is that "war is never
a paying proposition from any national point
of view," and that it is "scarcely less dis-
astrous to victor than to vanquished."

EXTRATERRITORIALITY, ITS RISE AND DECLINE.
By Shih Sliun Liu. Pp. 235. Longmans,
Green Co., New York, 1925.

Extraterritoriality, that condition of law
existing in certain countries of the Orient
where foreigners are exempt from local juris-
diction, is the subject of Dr. Liu's careful
work. He confines himself to a historical

study of its beginnings in the ancient world,
its persistence in the middle ages, and es-
pecially in the Mohammedan world, to which
the Koran is both civil and religious law. He
explains its continuance in the present age
by the "alleged imperfections in the native
judicial systems" where it is in force.

Dr. Liu's assumption, that with the perfect-
ing of international law extraterritoriality
is doomed to decay, is quite the most logical
conclusion following the perusal of its his-
tory.

When one considers all that an educated
Chinese gentleman might have said in a book
on this subject, Dr. Liu's attitude of detach-
ment is quite extraordinary. He maintains
throughout the book his dispassionate and
dignified manner. It is, therefore, a schol-
arly book and is written in clear, delightful
English ; a reference work, but more than
this, a book to read.

THE RECENT AIMS AND POLITICAL DEVELOP-
MENT OF JAPAN. By Rikitaro FujisaAoa.
Pp. 222. Yale University Press, New Ha-
ven, 1923. Price, $2.50.

These lectures, first given at Williams-
town, were admittedly composed in some
haste. They are weighted with Oriental for-
malism, though direct and sincere in thought.
The result is a body of expert and interest-
ing information, clothed in a heavy style.

Mr. Fujisawa makes a real contribution to
western knowledge of Japan in his sum-
maries, based on familiar knowledge, of bi-
ography and political parties in Japan. He
characterizes such men as Kato, Terauchi,
Kara, Takahashi, and other leaders of recent
days. He performs the valuable service of
interpreting, at every opportunity, the traits
common to his countrymen. Taciturnity, for
instance, so natural a characteristic to the
Japanese, he robs of its sinister appearance
to the more voluble Occidental.

In closing his exposition of current events
in modern Japan, Mr. Fujisawa takes ex-
ception to Kipling's much-quoted words of
East and West, "never the twain shall meet."
"It is at least premature," he says, "to say
anything definite on this vital question." He
thinks the least we can do is to try our best
to make them meet. "And in that serenely
noble task the two neighboring countries,
facing each other across the Pacific, which
pride themselves in their historic friendship,
should work hand in hand."

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

SUN YAT SEN AND THE CHINESE REPUBLIC.
By Paul Linebargei: Pp. 371. Century
Co., New York, 1925. Price, $4.00.

First drawn into an admiration of Sun
Yat Sen through the devotion of his own cook
in the Philippines, and that of other "Dare-
to-dies," Judge Linebarger himself later be-
came one of Dr. Sun's warmest supporters.
He edited the Chinese Nationalist and put
both his legal and literary powers at the dis-
posal of the Chinese patriots.

While the volume he has written about Dr.
Sun does not measure up to the exacting
standards of the perfect biography, it is very
well worth reading. It sheds much light, not
only on the idealist leader himself, but on
many Chinese customs ; the patriarchal char-
acter of village life, the curious system of
education, and other matters of which an
understanding is necessary in order to fol-
low intelligently the recent course of events.

It is said that Sun, the socialist, found the
germs of his doctrine in the primitive de-
mocracy of the village guilds ; but one senses
the difficulties there have been, and still will
be, to fashion any mechanism of government
out of the "Cycles of Cathay."

This book was written before the death of
Sun Yat Sen. It is effiusively partisan. We
are glad to know where his admirers place
him ; but in order to attain a knowledge of
his permanent place in modern China, other
and later criticisms will have to be given us.

THE SHADOW OF THE GLOOMY EAST. By
Ferdinand Ossendowski. Pp. 203. E. P.
Button, Boston. Price, $3.00.

Gloomy indeed is this book of essays by
the author of "Beasts, Men and Gods." Mr.
Ossendowski, as a Pole, feels that he looks on
Russia with the "detachment of an unpreju-
diced foreigner." His book is confessedly in-
tended to show that the masses of that vast,
mysterious land possess a confusion of de-
graded characteristics. It is this fact, he
thinks, which makes them a sinister and
hostile influence in the world today.

The essays consist of short studies in Rus-
sian literature, and recollections of men and
events in Russia, his personal observations.
The book is entirely dark, wholly depressing,
if one judged its testimony conclusive. It re-
cords an "anarchic Tartar people, who rec-
ognize only the superiority of physical
strength."

The Homeric task of awakening anew and
educating the populace of Russia will, he
says, "be left as a heritage by the red flag
of Bolshevism."

PEACE AND PATBIOTISM. Edited by Elva 8.
Smith. Pp. 318. Lothrop, Lee & Shepard,
Boston, 1919. Price, $1.50.

Here is an excellent collection of poems,
speeches, and other selections voicing patriot-
ism and the love, also, of international good-
will. It was first printed too soon after the
World War to be absolutely impartial in its
choice of literature. Nevertheless, within its
scope and considering the year of its publi-
cation, it is an unusually excellent anthology.
Schools will find it valuable, especially for
recitation purposes. It would, of course, be
unfair to allow Wilson's speech on a "League
of Nations," delivered September, 1918, to be
applied by children to the League of Nations
exactly as it exists today. The inspirational
literature, however, is well selected and per-
manent in its significance.

THE TALE OF GENJI. By Lady Murasaki.
Translated by Arthur Waley. Pp. 300.
Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1925. Price,
$3.00.

BEFORE THE DAWN. By Toyohiko Kagawa.
Translated by I. Fukomoto and T. Satchell.
Pp. 398. George H. Doran, New York,
1924. Price, $2.50.

If to read a literature is to understand a
race, then the reader of these two widely dif-
ferent books out of Japan will find himself
sorely perplexed and look for further light.
Not only are they written in different man-
ner, from different ages and cultures, but
they tell of widely separate social classes and
were evidently written for different ends.

The Tale of Genji dates from about 1000
A. D., a time when in Europe the Northmen
were pouring into France, the Danes into
England, and the Crusades had not yet been
launched. It was written by Lady Murasaki,
one of the ladies in waiting to Queen Akiko.
Though it is a unity in itself, it is but the
first part of a narrative, 54 volumes long,
written by this Japanese Scherazade of long
ago. It recounts the amours of a fabulously
beautiful prince, though with such delicacy
and beauty of diction that it is hardly fair
to compare it with either Tom Jones or Don
Juan.

1926

BOOK REVIEWS

The outstanding wonder to the American
reader of today is the stress laid, in that
early time, upon refinements and beauty.
Grace and individuality of handwriting is
always a matter of concern to the recipient
of a note. The ceremonial dancing of Prince
Genji is represented as so exquisite that even
elderly cabinet ministers are moved to tears.

The book has survived in Japan. It is
direct and sensitive in style and ranges from
tragedy to humor. Apparently, the transla-
tion is a work of creation in itself.

Quite different and, from a literary stand-
point, less admirable is the modern realistic
novel by Kagawa. Yet it is said that more
than a quarter of a million copies were sold
in Japan before its appearance in English.
The hero of this book is a neurotic, tubercu-
lar weakling, whose only claim to coherence
is a certain inner revolt against things as
they are.

The relation of father and child in Japan
may, perhaps, be realistically shown in that
of Eiichi and his rascally father. Over an
inner disapproval the boy still feels a sense
of inferiority. His modern independence suc-
ceeds in staging only a few senseless and fu-
tile demonstrations.

At length, but without sufficient explana-
tion of the change, Eiichi determines to adopt
Christianity. He betakes himself to a room
in the slums. Always a weakling, however,
he becomes the prey of criminals of all kinds.
They crowd into his domicile and, to the
Western mind, create a perfect culture
ground for all the diseases known to cities.
A faint effort to organize the workers ap-
pears at the end of the book. But Eiichi is
never anywhere a stalwart minister to the
poor.

As a picture of a socialized religion, the
book is an utter failure. If, on the other
hand, it be regarded as a true picture of la-
mentable conditions among the Japanese mid-
dle and lower classes, it is a dark and power-
ful work.

We await with interest the appearance of
the promised sequel.

THE POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE EAST. By
George Matthew Butcher. Pp. 272. Abing-
don Press, N. Y., 1925. Price, $2.00.

Professor Dutcher, of Wesleyan Univer-
sity, a lover of history and a teacher of it,
had a great desire to see for himself the his-
tory that is now being made in the Orient.

In his sabbatical year he went to some of the
old, old lands as an observer. On his return
he delivered in his university the fifth series
of Bennett lectures, which are now published
in book form. Each section might well be
published by itself as a hand-book on the
country of which it treats. The countries
are Egypt, India, China, Japan, and the
Philippines.

The question in Professor Butcher's mind
as he traveled was, "How are modern ideas-
and methods penetrating those of the East?"
The net result is a greater interest in the
past of the Orient, and, with a continued re-
spect for science and its methods, we do feel
an increased compunction for Western pride
of race and general cock-sureness.

An excellent summary of the whole rela-
tion of East and West is contained in the
last chapter, whose caption is "The problems
of progress." Index and bibliographies will
delight the student of Oriental affairs.

BOOKS RECEIVED

HARBORD, MAJ. GEN. JAMES G. :
Leaves from a War Diary. Dodd & Mead,
1925. Pp. 407. Price, $5.00.

PALMER, ALBERT W. :

The Human Side of Hawaii. Pilgrim
Press. Pp. 144.

HALL, HUBERT :

British Archives and the Sources for the
History of the World War. Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1925. Pp. 445.

NAVAL WAR COLLEGE :

International Law ; Decisions and Notes.
1923. Government Printing OflSce, 1925.

THE UNITED STATES SENATE AND THE INTER-
NATIONAL COURT. By Frances Kellor and
Antonia Hatvany. Thomas Seltzer, New
York.

AMERICAN GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS. By
Charles A. Beard. Macmillan Company,
New York.

THE NEUROSES OF THE NATIONS. By C. E.
Playne. George Allen & Unwin, London.

OUR FEDERAL REPUBLIC. By Harry Pratt
Judson. Macmillan Company, New York.

THE CONFESSIONS OF A REFORMER. By Fred-
erick C. Howe. Charles Scribner's Sons,
New York.

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICIES. By Wil-
liam Smith Culbertson. D. Appleton & Co.,
New York.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

(Continued from page 4)
Kawakami, Isamu : Published.

Disarmament, The Voice of the

Japanese People 1921 . 10

Tolstoi, Count Leon :

Letter on the Russo-Japanese War 1904 .10

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS :
Call, Arthur D. :

Three Pacts in American Foreign

Policy 1921 .05

Governed World, A. Three Docu-
ments 1921 .10

Hughes, Charles E. :

The Development of International

Law 1925 .10

Ralston, Jackson H. :

Should any National Dispute be

Reserved from Arbitration?.... 1908 .05
Root, EHhu :

"The Great War" and International

Law 1921 . 10

See also Interparliamentary Union.
Scott, James Brown :

Organization of International Jus-
tice 1917 . 10

Public Opinion versus Force 1915 .05

Should There be a Third Hague

Conference ? 1925 . 10

Snow, Alpheus H. :

International Reorganization 1917 . 10

International Legislation and Ad-
ministration 1917 . 10

League of Nations According to

American Idea 1920 . 10

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. :

Demilitarized Zones and European

Security . 1925 . 10

Stanfleld, Theodore : Published.

A Coercive League 1920 .05

Trueblood, Benj. F. :

A Periodic Congress of Nations... 1907 .05
Tryon, James L. :

The Hague Peace System in Opera-
tion 1911 .10

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION :

Call, Arthur D. :

The Interparliamentary Union... 1923 $0.10
Twenty-third conference in the
United States and Canada, in-
cluding :

Story of the conference
Who's who of the conference
Addresses by —

Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary

of State

Senator William B. McKin-
ley, President of the U. S.
Group
Elihu Root, Codification of

international law
Theodore E. Burton, Codifi-
cation of international
law

Senator Claude E. Swanson,
The Pan-American Union
Farewells at Niagara Falls
Resolutions adopted by the

conference 1925 . 25

Tryon, James L. :

The Interparliamentary Union and

its work 1910 . 05

FOR SALE ALSO :

Peace seals in six colors. Sheet of 12.. $0.10
12 sheets.. 1.00

BOOKS

Books For Sale At Reduced Prices ; Some of Them Slightly Shelf-worn

Published.

American Foreign Policy. State-
ments of Presidents and Secre-
taries of State. Introduction by
Nicholas Murray Butler. 132 pages 1920 $0.90
Angell, Norman :

Arms and Industry. 248 pages... 1914 .50
Balou, Adin :

Christian Non-resistance. 278
pages. First published 1846, and

republished 1910 . 50

Crosby, Ernest :

Garrison, the Non-resistant. 141

pages 1905 . 25

Dymond, Jonathan :

Inquiry into the Accordancy of
War with Christianity (paper).

182 pages. (1892 edition) 1834 .50

Janson, Gustaf :

The Pride of War (novel). 350

pages 1912 . 25

Johnsen, Julia E., Compiler :

Permanent Court of International

Justice 1923 . 60

La Fontaine, Henri :

The Great Solution. 177 pages... 1916 .70

Lynch, Frederick :

The Peace Problem, 127 pages.... 1911 .50
Through Europe on the Eve of

War. 152 pages 1914 . 25

Scott, James Brown :

Peace Through Justice. 102 pages 1917 .70
Second Pan-American Congress.
The Final Act. Commentary by
James Brown Scott. 516 pages. . 1916 1.00
Von Suttner, Berthe :

Lay Down Your Arms (a novel).

435 pages 1914 . 50

White, Andrew D. :

The First Hague Conference, 123

pages 1905 . 50

REPORTS :

13th Universal Peace Congress, Bos-
ton. Cloth 1904 . 50

Paper 1904 . 30

New England Arbitration and Peace

Congress, Hartford 1910 . 50

First National Arbitration and Peace

Congress, New York 1907 .50

Second Nation-il Peace Congress, Chi-
cago 1909 . 50

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Edited by ARTHUR DEERIN CALL
Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

1815-1828
Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")
PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, $2.00 a year. Single copies, 20 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter, June 1, 1911. at the Post-Office at Washington,
D. C., under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent vieies of
the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility
for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

CONTENTS

WHY JOIN THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY .............................. 67

THE FOUNDATIONS OF PEACE BETWEEN NATIONS ........................ 68

EDITORIALS

The Month in Arica — Our "Imperialism" in Nicaragua — Our Prob-
lem with Mexico — Our United States and the World Court — Can
We Glorify the Attainment of Citizenship in this Republic? —
Why not a United States of Europe? — Editorial Notes .......... 69-76

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

The Disarmament Conference — Abdel Krim's Move for Peace —
Spain under Civilian Government — Allied Control in the Rhine-
land — Land Policy of the British Liberal — New Irish Agreement —
Fascist Terror in Florence — Persian Coup d'Etat — Important In-
ternational Dates ............................................. 77-88

GENERAL ARTICLES

Institute of International Law .................................... 89

By Hnns Wehberg
The Balkans ..................................................... 91

By Gordon Gordon-Smith
Jewish Immigrants in Palestine .................................... 95

By McEwan Lawson
A Temple to Liberty (Illustrated) .................................. 97

By H. K. Bush-Brown
How the World Looks from Moscow ................................ 101

From the Pravda
Not Yet (Poem) .................................................. 118

By David Starr Jordan
INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

The Plebiscitary Commission's Resolutions .......................... 105

Coolidge's Reply to Chile's Appeal .................................. 109

Austen Chamberlain on Locarno .................................... 112

Report to League on Mosul Atrocities .............................. 119

Secretary Kellogg and Our Foreign Policy .......................... 120

NEWS IN BRIEF ........................................................ 122

BOOK REVIEWS ........................................................ 124

Vol. 88 FEBRUARY, 1926 No. 2

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

It is the first of its kind in the United States. It
will be one hundred years old in 1928. It hns helped
to make the fundamental principles of any desirable
pence known the world around.

Its purpose is to prevent the injustices of war by
extending the methods of law and order among the
nations, and to educate the peoples everywhere in
wlint an ancient Roman law-giver once called "the
constant and unchanging will to give to every one
his due."

It is built on Justice, fair play, and law. If men
and tuitions were just, this Society would never have
been started.

7* /ia« spent Its men and its money in arousing
the thoughts and the consciences of statesmen to the
ways which are better than war, and of men and
women everywhere to the gifts which America can
bring to the altar of a Governed World.

Its claim upon you Is that of an organization which
has been one of the greatest forces for right think-
ing in the United States for nearly a century ; which
is today the defender of the principles of law, of
judicial settlement, of arbitration, of international
conferences, of right-mindedness, and of understand-
ing among the Powers. It publishes ADVOCATE OF
PEACE, the first in point of time and the widest cir-
culated peace magazine in the world.

It is supported entirely by the free and generous
gifts, large and small, of those who are interested in
its work. It has never received a dollar from State,
city, or nation.

It is the American Peace Society, with Its head-
quarters in Boston for three-quarters of a century,
but since 1911 in Washington, D. C. It has been
incorporated under the laws of Massachusetts since
1848.

FEES

The minimum fees for membership:
Annual Membership is five dollars ;
Sustaining Membership, ten dollars ;
Contributing Membership, twenty-five dollars ;

Institutional Membership, twenty-five dollars ;
Life Membership is one hundred dollars.

All memberships include a free subscription to
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Hon. THEODORE B. BDRTON, President American
Pence Society, Member of Congress from Ohio, Wash-
ington, D. C.

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL, Secretary American Peace
Society and Editor of ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Washing-
ton, D. C.

Hon. P. P. CLAXTON, Ex-United States Commis-
sioner of Education, Tulsa, Oklahoma.

Dr. THOMAS E. GREEN, Director Speakers' Bureau,
American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.

lion. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Senator from Illinois,
Washington, D. C.

Hon. ANDREW J. MONTAGUE, Member of Congress
from Virginia, Washington, D. C.

Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN, 1841 Irving Street N. W.,
Washington, D. C.

GEORGE MADRICE MORRIS, Esq., Union Trust Build-
ing, Washington, D. C.

HENRY C. MORRIS, Esq., 1155 Hyde Park Boulevard,
Chicago, 111.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

Prof. ARTHUR RAMSAY, Ex-President Fairmont Sem-
inary, Southern Pines, N. C.

THEODORE STANFIELD, 126 W. 74th Street, New
York, N. Y.

JAY T. STOCKING, D. D., Upper Montclair, N'. J.

Hon. HENRY TEMPLE, Representative from Penn-
sylvania, Washington, D. C.

Dr. GEORGE W. WHITE, President National Metro-
politan Bank, Washington, D. C.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON
ARTHUR DEERIN CALL
Dr. THOMAS E. GREEN
Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY
Hon. ANDREW J. MONTAGUE
Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN

GEORGE MAURICE MORRIS
HENRY C. MORRIS
THEODORE STANFIELD
JAY T. STOCKING, D. D.
Hon. HENRY W. TEMPLE
Dr. GEORGE W. WHITE

OFFICERS

President:

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON, Member of Congress
from Ohio, Washington, D. C.
Secretary:

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL, Colorado Bldg., Washington,
D. C.

Treasurer:

GEORGE W. WHITE, National Metropolitan Bank.
Washington, D. C.
Vice-Presidents:

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Washington, D. C.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

JANE ADDAMS, Hull House, Chicago, III.

A. T. BELL, Esq., Chalfonte, Atlantic City, N. J.

GILBERT BOWLES, Esq., Richmond, Ind.

Dean CHARLES R. BROWN, New Haven, Conn.

Dr. E. E. BROWN, Chancellor New York University,

New York.

GEORGE BURNHAM. JR., Philadelphia, Pa.
Dr. FRANCIS E. CLARK, Boston, Mass.
Rt. Rev. Bishop J. DARLINGTON, Harrisburg, Pa.
Dr. W. H. P. FAUNCE, Brown Univ., Providence, R. I.
GEORGE A. FINCH, Washington, D. C.
EVERETT O. FISK, Esq., Boston, Mass.
WILLIAM P. GEST, Philadelphia, Pa.
Hon. CHARLES CHENEY HYDE, New York, N. Y.
CHARLES E. JEFFERSON, D. D., New York, N. Y.
Dr. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Stanford University, Calif.

GEO. H. JUDD, Washington. D. C.

Bishop WILLIAM LAWRENCE, Boston, Mass.

JOSEPH LEE, Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM H. LUDEN, Reading, Pa.

L. H. PILLSBURY, Derry, N. H.

Judge HENRY WADE ROGERS, New York, N. Y.

Hon. ELIHU ROOT, New York, N. Y.

Mrs. FREDERIC SCHOFF, Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. JAMES BROWN SCOTT, Washington, D. C.

Mrs. RUTH H. SPRAY, Denver, Colo.

Senator THOMAS STERLING, Washington, D. C.

EDWARD STEVENS, Columbia, Mo.

*Pres. C. F. THWING, Cleveland, Ohio.

• Emeritus.

WHY JOIN THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

It was organized in New York City, May 8,
1828.*

It is a non-partisan, non-sectarian cor-
poration, aiming to promote a better interna-
tional understanding.

It was formed by the merging of many
State and local societies, the oldest of
which — the New York — dated back to 1815.

It early offered a prize of $1,000 for the
best essay on a Congress of Nations.

In 1840 it published a large volume "Prize
Essays on a Congress of Nations," which an-
ticipated every essential principle embodied in
The Hague conferences and the international
courts.

It offered a prize of $500 for the best re-
view of the Mexican war, and the literature
thus evoked was a contribution to American
history.

Much of the best literature of the peace
movement was originally produced for the
annual meetings and conferences of this So-
ciety— e. ff., addresses by Channing, Ladd,
Emerson, Summer, Jay, Burritt ; and writings
of Francis Wayland, Jonathan Dymond,
Beekwith, Whittier, Payne, Trueblood, and
various others.

The first society to espouse the cause of in-
ternational peace on the continent of Europe
was organized at the instigation of this So-
ciety.

The International Peace conferences orig-
inated at the headquarters of the American
Peace Society in 1843, and to all of these con-
gresses it has sent accredited delegations.

The International Law Association resulted
from an extended European tour of Dr. James
D. Miles, this Society's Secretary, in 1873.

Since 1829 it has worked to influence State
legislatures and the United States Congress

* At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at
Mlnot, February 10, 1826, a motion was carried to
form a national peace society. Minot was the
home of William Ladd. The first constitution for
a national peace society was drawn by this Illus-
trious man, at the time corresponding secretary of
the Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution
was provisionally adopted, with alterations, Febru-
ary 18, 1828 ; but the society was finally and offi-
cially organized, through the influence of Mr. Ladd
and with the aid of David Low Dodge, In New
York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society : "The
New York Peace Society resolved to be merged In
the American Peace Society . . . which, in
fact, was a dissolution of the old New York Peace
Society, formed 16 August. 1815, and the Ameri-
can, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

in behalf of an International Congress and
Court of Nations.

It has constantly worked for arbitration
treaties and a law-governed world.

In 1871 it organized the great peace jubilees
throughout the country.

The Secretary of the Society was selected
by the Columbian Exposition authorities to
organize the Fifth Universal Peace Congress,
which was held in Chicago in 1893.

This Society, through a committee, organ-
ized the Thirteenth Universal Peace Congress,
which was held in Boston in 1904.

The Pan American Congress, out of which
grew the International Bureau of American
Republics — now the Pan American Union —
was authorized after numerous petitions had
been presented to Congress by this Society.

The Secretary of this Society has been
chosen annually a member of the Council of
the International Peace Bureau at Geneva
since the second year of the Bureau's exist-
ence' 1892.

This Society kept a representative at The
Hague during the first Conference, 1899,
when the International Court of Arbitration
was created.

Its Secretary and Editor was in Paris dur-
ing the Paris Conference, 1918-19.

It helped to originate and to foster the ob-
servance of the eighteenth of May — Hague
Day — by the peoples of the world.

It initiated the following American Peace
Congresses: in New York, 1907; in Chicago,
1909 ; in Baltimore, 1911 ; in St. Louis, 1913 ;
in San Francisco, 1915.

Its Secretary is the Executive Secretary of
the American Group of the Interparliamen-
tary Union. He was Director of the Twenty-
third Conference held in Washington, Oc-
tober, 1925.

It has published a magazine regularly since
1828. Its ADVOCATE OF PEACE is the oldest,
largest, and most widely circulated peace
magazine in the world.

The World War has left to humanity every-
where its supreme challenge — to perfect now,
in this generation, the will and the way to
forestall the devastating ills of war. The
time is now. By another decade it will be too
late. A world-wide campaign of education is
the only basis of our abiding hope. The call
to the culture and the learning of the world,
to the expert, is to "inject moral and spiritual
motives into public opinion. Public opinion
must become public conscience"

THE FOUNDATIONS OF PEACE BETWEEN NATIONS

Adopted by the American Peace Society, November 30, 1925

The American Peace Society is not unmind-
fulj of the work of the schools, of the
churches, of the many organizations through-
out the world aiming to advance interest
and wisdom in the matters of a desirable
and attainable peace; but this desirable, at-
tainable, and hopeful peace between nations
must rest upon the commonly accepted
achievements in the settlement of interna-
tional disputes.

These achievements, approved in every in-
stance by the American Peace Society, and
in which some of its most distinguished mem-
bers have participated, have heretofore
been —

By the good offices of one or more friendly

nations, upon the request of the contending
parties or of other and disinterested parties —
a policy consistently and persistently urged
by the United States ;

By the mediation of one or more nations
upon their own or other initiative — likewise
a favorite policy of the United States ;

By commissions of inquiry, duly provided
for by international convention and many ex-
isting treaties, to which the Government of
the United States is pre-eminently a con-
tracting party;

By councils of conciliation — a method of
adjustment fortunately meeting with the ap-
proval of leading nations, including the
United States;

By arbitration, in which controversies are
adjusted upon the basis of respect for law —
ti method brought into modern and general
practice by the English-speaking peoples.

(1) Recurring, preferably periodic, con-
ferences of duly appointed delegates, acting
under instruction, for the purpose of restat-
ing, amending, reconciling, declaring, and pro-
gressively codifying those rules of interna-
tional law shown to be necessary or useful
to the best interests of civilized States — a
proposal repeatedly made by enlightened
leaders of thought in the United States.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

VOLUME
88

FEBRUARY, 1926

NUMBER

THL: MONTH IN ARICA

THE Plebiscitary Commission, under
date of December 9, adopted a series of
important resolutions, appearing else-
where in these columns. Chile appealed,
December 14, to President Coolidge, dis-
senting from the resolutions adopted by
the Commission and notified General
Pershing that Chile would take no part in
any work of the Commission not related
exclusively to the fixing of the dates and
to the preparation for and holding of the
plebiscite. Under date of December 18,
Mr. Augustin Edwards, Chilean member
of the Plebiscitary Commission, with his
principal adviser, Melaro Foster, an-
nounced that they were leaving Arica im-
mediately for Santiago.

President Coolidge, as arbitrator of the
Tacna-Arica dispute, asked the Plebisci-
tary Commission to continue its work as
usual while Chile's appeal against the
resolutions of the Commission was being
considered. In the meantime the boun-
dary commission of the plebiscite decided
to suspend work until April 15, due, it
was alleged, to the conditions of the cli-
mate. Under date of December 23, it was
announced that Colonel Ordonez, of Peru,
had returned to Lima, and that Colonel
Morrow and other members of the Ameri-
can delegation would sail shortly for New
York. They are on the way. Under date
of December 28 it was formally announced
that General Pershing would shortly re-
turn to the United States for medical

treatment, and that Ambassador Mathieu,
for many years Chile's representative in
Washington, had been recalled to serve
under the new government of President
Figueroa Larrain as Minister of Foreign
Affairs. January 5, it was announced that
Chile had withdrawn that portion of her
appeal to the arbitrator referring to the
dates set for the plebiscite.

Later important events may be summa-
rized. Thirty-six Peruvian voters, on their
way to register for the plebiscite in Tacna,
were attacked on arrival at the station in
Tacna by about five hundred Chileans.
Five of the Peruvians had to be taken to a
hospital. It was reported, January 8,
that former President Alessandri of Chile
declared in a public address that, "so long
as a Chilean is alive to defend it, the flag
shall never be lowered from the Morro of
Arica." The same day it was also re-
ported that, at the commemoration of the
battle of Miraflores, which resulted over
forty years ago in the complete dispersion
of the Peruvian army, President Leguia
of Peru presented a special insignia to the
Peruvian troops, with the request that the
emblem be worn until the lost provinces
are once more under the Peruvian flag.

January 12, there were many reports that
Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil were be-
ing approached to act as mediators in the
Tacna-Arica dispute as aids to the arbi-
trator. At this writing nothing has come
of this. The same day Augustin Edwards,
Chilean commissioner, returned from San-
tiago, saying that he was taking up his

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

work again on the commission, "since my
government is determined to go on with
the plebiscite at any cost/' That was the
day that an American citizen attached to
the Peruvian delegation in Arica, on go-
ing ashore to sell copies of the Peruvian
propaganda paper, was attacked by Chile-
ans in front of the residence of General
Pershing. Apologies were afterward of-
fered by Chilean authorities. Another
American, a press photographer, who tried
to take pictures of the attack, was driven
from the street. An auto carril, an auto-
mobile with flanged wheels, bearing sev-
eral Peruvian naval officers and lawyers,
was derailed on the way to Tacna, and the
travelers were attacked and beaten.
January 14, Mr. Edwards, president of
the Chilean delegation, issued a general
proclamation to the public in the prov-
inces, asking that "peace, union, and re-
spect for discipline" be maintained. The
proclamation went on to state that the
members of the Peruvian delegation "have
the right to demand respect, and to be
considered as coworkers with Chile in the
preparation of the plebiscite."

This pronouncement by the Chilean
representative was issued two days after
President Coolidge had appointed General
William Lassiter, commander of the
American forces in the Panama Canal
Zone, to be president of the Tacna-Arica
Plebiscitary Commission, succeeding Gen-
eral John J. Pershing.

Whether or not General Lassiter will
prove to be the man for the job, able to
carry on General Pershing's work, remains
yet to be seen. He is a trained gentleman,
with an excellent reputation for courtesy
and ability. He is said to be a man with
genuine diplomatic skill.

President Coolidge handed down his de-
cision upon Chile's appeal from the report
of the Plebiscitary Commission, which
decision appears elsewhere in these col-
umns, January 15.

Thus the month presents more reasons
for encouragement than for discourage-
ment. The date for the plebiscite, the
time and method of registration, the man-
ner of voting, have not yet been deter-
mined ; but the return of the Chilean dele-
gation, the new note of accommodation,
the entrance of General Lassiter upon the
scene, President Coolidge's emphasis upon
the importance of a fair and orderly plebi-
scite— these are grounds for a new hope.
The work of the Plebiscitary Commission
has been going on for some five months.
That is not a long time. Other methods
of settlement have run through forty
years. We do not share the view that our
government is engaged in a hopeless or
an "ungrateful task." It is doing the best
it can to help two sister republics to com-
pose a most difficult dispute. It is a
worthy business. If the outcome be fail-
ure, neither party to the dispute can be
"ungrateful" for our effort. If the work
ends in success, all sides will be grateful
indeed.

OUR "IMPERIALISM" IN
NICARAGUA

TT is not altogether contrary to human
-•- nature to look for approval, and, when
found, to brag about it. This magazine
has taken the position that our United
States Goveiziment is quite guiltless of
pursuing any policy of imperialism in
Latin America, and it has always stood
by the theory that no permanent peace be-
tween nations can be based upon military
force. Confirmation of these two posi-
tions has recently appeared from an un-
expected quarter, namely, La Prensa, the
able Spanish paper published in New
York.

We have held that our government is
pursuing no policy of imperialism in
Nicaragua, where the former revolution-
ary dictator, Emiliano Chamorro, defeated

1926

EDITORIALS

in the general elections of last fall, then
made minister of war, set about the busi-
ness of declaring himself president.
When Carlos Solozano, the actual presi-
dent, duly elected, was forced to resign,
Chamorro assumed the presidency by a
coup d'etat, January 17. The vice-presi-
dent, Juan B. Sacara, now in Washington,
had not resigned; but the Congress of
Nicaragua, under the heel of Chamorro,
voted to oust this vice-president from
office and to forbid his return to Nica-
ragua for two years. Latest dispatches
indicate that the United States and the
other Central American States will not
recognize the self-appointed dictator,
holding that Vice-President Sacara is the
legal head of the Nicaraguan Government.
It is expected that this will bring on a
revolution in Nicaragua. Eeferring to
the attitude of the United States, La
Prensa says editorially that the paper has
had "few occasions to approve so heartily
of the attitude of the United States."

La Prensa recognizes that the condition
of affairs in Nicaragua has been produced
by intrigues. In the presence of similar
intrigues, the United States and Cen-
tral American States had signed a treaty
in which they agreed not to recognize
governments set up by force. There is
every indication that Chamorro has not
only violated the letter and the spirit of
this treaty, but that he has also violated
the constitution of his own country. La
Prensa points out that history will make
no mistake in this instance; that many
chapters, not so clear in their deductions,
might be written on former cases of this
sort in Central America. But this gov-
ernmental crisis in Nicaragua, brought
about by and for the personal benefit of a
former president and one-time minister to
Washington, cannot possibly be blamed
upon any one other than those who have
brought it about. The United States is
acting in defense of a treaty and is oppos-

ing the recognition of the right of physi-
cal force to rule a country whose sovereign
rights are thereby destroyed. Foreign in-
fluence, therefore, is now to be felt in
Nicaragua solely because of the acts of a
misguided faction. "There is no use of
talking loudly of 'imperialism' here," says
La Prensa; "there is naught of it, not even
a shadow of it, in the present attitude of
Washington." This is confirmation num-
ber one.

There is another.

"The United States is keeping a solemn
promise," says La Prensa, "made repeat-
edly to Hispanic America. Governments
established by force, it has stated, must be
ended. . . . We hope that the conces-
sions and brilliant promises may not turn
the Secretary of State from his expressed
policy. After denouncing, justly, the
holders of power obtained illegally, it
would be a scandal to treat with them in
exchange for such concessions or prom-
ises." This is good doctrine.

The policy of the United States toward
Nicaragua in this situation seems justified
in politics and in morals. It is for Nica-
ragua to demonstrate that she will not en-
dure a president who holds his office by no
mandate except the sword.

OUR PROBLEM WITH MEXICO

r I^HE announcement, January 9, that
-*• our government had made formal
representations to Mexico against certain
features of the new Mexican land law pre-
sents no new situation. Gossip to the
effect that we "may withdraw our recog-
nition" of Mexico is also now an old story.
The crux of the whole problem now, as
during the administrations of Presidents
Taft, Wilson, and Harding, is this: Is
Mexico planning to adopt retroactive leg-
islation that will mean the confiscation of
property in Mexico owned by citizens of
the United States ?

February

Section 1 of Article 27 of the Mexican
Constitution provides that only Mexicans,
by birth or naturalization, and Mexican
companies have the right to acquire own-
ership in lands, waters, and their appur-
tenances, or to obtain concessions to de-
velop mines, waters, or mineral fuels in
the Eepublic of Mexico. The same sec-
tion provides further, however, that the
nation may grant the same right to for-
eigners, provided they agree before the De-
partment of Foreign Affairs to be consid-
ered Mexicans in respect to such property
and accordingly not to invoke the protec-
tion of their governments in respect to the
same/' It further provides: "Within a
zone of 100 kilometers from the frontier
or within 50 kilometers from the seacoast,
no foreigner shall, under any conditions,
acquire direct ownership of lands and
waters."

Our government raises no question as to
the right of Mexico to adopt such a consti-
tution or to pass legislation of such a
kind. The question which agitated this
country greatly when this section of the
Constitution was adopted, in 1917, and
which has agitated our country from time
to time since, is : Does that section of the
Constitution apply to citizens of the
United States who owned properties con-
trary to these provisions before the pro-
visions were adopted ? If so, Mexico may
have done violence to the rights of Ameri-
can citizens by practicing an indirect
confiscation.

When trouble over this matter first
arose, it was pointed out that the Mexican
Constitution contains elsewhere a provi-
sion against retroactive application of
laws to be framed under it. Indeed, the
Mexican Supreme Court proceeded to
hold in five specific cases that Article 27
could not be given retroactive effect. Be-
cause of this, we have found it possible
heretofore to iron out our difficulties with
Mexico.

The cause of the new outbreak of feel-
ing is found in the new land law, which
has passed both houses of the Mexican
Congress and which has been promul-
gated, although not yet in effect. Article
2 of this new law contains these words:
"In order that an alien may form part of
a Mexican company which may have or
may acquire ownership of lands, . . .
he shall satisfy the requirements set out
in the same section of Article 27 of the
Constitution." A new petroleum bill sets
forth substantially the same requirements.
These new laws seem to deny recognition
to legally acquired rights under the old
law for subsurface deposits and make ret-
roactive application of Article 27 of the
Constitution. That is one of the new
causes of trouble. Furthermore, it has
been held by the Mexican Supreme Court
where an owner of surface title, or of sub-
surface rights legally acquired from a
surface title holder under pre-constitu-
tion mining laws, has performed certain
specified positive acts of exploitation
within a fixed period of time, he has made
good his legal rights to such deposits.
This so-called "positive-act" doctrine
seems to have been scrapped by the new
petroleum bill. It is thought also that the
new act ignores the preferential rights of
surface owners to exploit oil deposits,
heretofore recognized.

While Mexico -is exercising her rights
as a sovereign nation, there is little evi-
dence that there is any cause for alarm.
It is within the power of the Mexican
President to declare that the new laws are
not to be retroactive. It does not seem
reasonable that Mexico will resort to con-
fiscation or to repudiation without full
compensation. It is an encouraging fact
that where foreign interests have resorted
to the Mexican courts, their rights in all
instances have been sustained. We under-
stand that President Coolidge takes the
attitude that our United States must be

1928

EDITORIALS

patient with Mexico; that our neighbor
to the south has her difficulties; that the
points of view among the Mexican people
are different from ours ; that we should be
helpful, in every possible way, instead of
trying to oppress our Mexican friends in
any manner. The attitude of the Mexi-
can Government is similarly friendly.
The Department of Industry and Com-
merce in Mexico issued a statement,
January 13, in which are these words:
"This department wishes to indicate the
application of the laws in the most ample
spirit in equity, and invites the oil com-
panies to send representatives to explain
their point of view regarding their appli-
cation/' The Minister of Trade and Com-
merce, in an exclusive statement to the
Associated Press, January 16, said: "The
Mexican Government has only one desire
in its relations with the petroleum in-
dustry— to make it each day more im-
portant. The co-operation of all com-
panies, foreign and Mexican, is welcomed.
There is no reason for doubting the spirit
of abundant welcome with which Mexico
always has received and always will re-
ceive foreign business men who are dis-
posed to comply with the laws of the
Mexican Republic. . . . The only thing
the Mexican Government cannot offer for-
eigners are privileges not enjoyed by
Mexican investors themselves."

The improvement shown over previous
"crises" is indicated by the fact that our
press has not raised the usual war-cry.
It is apparent that our people are study-
ing the Mexican problem with more calm-
ness than formerly. We are more inclined
to grant that Mexico should be given a
free hand in the development of her gov-
ernment and territory. Our statesmen
and business men see more clearly that
precipitate and threatening attitudes are
fruitless. They are relying more upon
prudence and upon intelligent discussion.
They seem to understand better the Mexi-

can sensitiveness in regard to interference
with her private affairs. This is all hope-
ful. Neither the United States nor any
other country, much less Mexico, cares to
suffer any interruption to the advantages
afforded by foreigners in that rich terri-
tory. The processes of common sense
are more apparent just now than in any
of our controversies with Mexico during
the last ten years.

OUR COUNTRY'S ATTITUDE TO-
WARD THE WORLD COURT

THE question whether or not our
United States should be a member of
a world court of international justice
would be answered in the affirmative, un-
doubtedly, by a large majority of our
people. And yet our attitude toward the
proposal that we adhere to the existing
Permanent Court of International Justice
seems to be neither dignified nor hopeful.
We seem to be maneuvered into a false
position. Even the issue is not clear.
Are we asked to join a League Court, or
a World Court? If a World Court, why
these reservations, indicating that there
may be danger of some sort lurking
around the institution? Entering the
court with reservations is an unhappy
makeshift, complimentary neither to the
court nor to ourselves. If the court is the
court we wish, we should join it, heads up
and unafraid. If the court is a court we
cannot approve wholeheartedly, we should
stay out until it is changed to our liking.
Statesmen differ widely about the issue
and about the manner in which it should
be met. On the opening day of Congress,
Congressman Tinkham, of Massachusetts,
introduced a resolution calling for a third
Hague Conference by the United States
for the establishment of a Permanent In-
ternational Court of Justice representing
directly the sovereign nations, and for the
codification of international law. S. 0.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Levinson, Esquire, of Chicago, widely
known advocate of the "outlawry of war,"
has recently charged that the League of
Nations World Court is the most stupen-
dous fraud ever attempted for the purpose
of exploiting the United States for foreign
profit. Able newspapers, some of them
administration papers, are fighting our
adherence to the existing court with all
their energy and ability. At this writing
there is a probability that our decision
upon this question will be considerably
postponed.

That the situation is befogged is most
apparent. Foolish things are being said
in the Senate; but most thoughtful
arguments also are being presented upon
both sides of the question. Indeed, never
before in our history has the problem of
an international court been so widely dis-
cussed or so generally understood. This,
of course, is the hopeful factor in an other-
wise hopeless mess.

We do not aim to place the blame for
this lack of unanimity about a matter
upon which we are all but unanimously
agreed. Nothing would be gained if we
were to fix and to advertise this blame.
The simple fact is that there is nothing to
be gained by going ahead until we are per-
fectly clear in our own minds why we are
going at all and what we are going for.
This is no time for action upon any arti-
ficial impulse. The discussions in the
Senate, in the press, and throughout our
country will bring appreciably nearer the
day when we, together with the other na-
tions of the world, shall be a member of a
Permanent Court of International Jus-
tice, the nature of which shall be per-
fectly clear and the jurisdiction of which
will be accepted by all nations as a mat-
ter of course.

Our policy should be to keep the dis-
cussion going. There is a right way to
act in this matter.

CAN WE GLORIFY THE ATTAIN-
MENT OF CITIZENSHIP IN THIS
REPUBLIC

THE best answer to this inquiry ever
brought to our attention will be
found in the article by H. K. Bush-Brown,
the sculptor. The article by this well-
known artist offers a matter of primary
importance to every believer in a more
co-operative human society. It seems to
us that such a Temple to Liberty might
well be erected in Washington at an early
date, for our own delight. Furthermore,
it would naturally serve as an example to
other nations; for if they should erect
temples to liberty in their capitals, ex-
pressing the ideals of their peoples, they
would go a long way toward establishing
a spiritual unity, without which treaties
are but temporary expedients and peace
an uncertain armistice.

We choose, however, to do no violence
to Mr. Bush-Brown's presentation by try-
ing to paraphrase it here. Yet we would
call the attention of our readers es-
pecially to one aspect of his proposal,
which newly opens an important vista,
certainly for our America. It relates to
a method of glorifying the attainment of
citizenship in this Eepublic. The author
says:

"An important use for the temple could
be the annual assembly of the young
people who have become of age during the
year, and qualified foreigners, to be in-
vested with citizenship by the President
of the United States in the presence of
the Supreme Court. By the use of the
radio the ceremonies could be transferred
to the capitals of the States, where similar
assemblies could be presided over by the
governors of the several States. Such an
annual ceremony would invest citizenship
with its duties and responsibilities as well
as a better understanding of its rights
and privileges."

That is the thought.

1 926

EDITORIALS

It is a human instinct to glorify some-
thing. Our American people have always
glorified our boys who have gone forth to
war, especially the ideal for which they
offered themselves. We have tried to
glorify the great men of our history, in
prose and in poetry, in painting, sculpture
and architecture ; but especially the ideals
for which these leaders stood. On the last
analysis, it is the ideal we glorify. Citi-
zenship in this Eepublic is more than a
right to vote, a right to the protection of
the laws. It is an ideal. The more
we think upon an ideal, especially this
ideal, the more glory we see in it. It
ought to be possible to make use of this
fact unto the greater glorification of the
choice of citizenship. Mr. Bush-Brown
shows how it can be done.

His suggestion, naturally, is an artistic
thing. It is part of his statue of Liberty
bringing peace to the world. The accom-
plishment of his plan would itself be a
work of art. That is the way it should be,
for it is art that arouses the purest and
most beautiful of our emotions. Only art
can satisfy and quiet the best in our hu-
man desire for expression. Art breathes
a breath of beauty into the life of the
humblest, sets our slaveries free, and
cleanses us from the dirt of the daily
grind. Art is harmony. It is a universal
thing, and where discordant opinions and
interests defy, as Friedrich Paulsen said
a quarter of a century ago, "Art fills all
hearts with the same feelings and makes
the popular soul conscious of its unity."

The thought of our young men and
women, as they become of age each year,
being invested with citizenship by the
President of the United States in the
presence of the Supreme Court, against
the background of such a Temple to Lib-
erty as proposed, seems to answer with
a strong affirmation the question, "Can
we glorify the attainment of citizenship
in this Eepublic ?" Our times need, very
much need, something quite like that.

WHY NOT A UNITED STATES
OF EUROPE

THE theory of a United States of
Europe is receiving attention again
in this country. It is opposed by the
friends of the League of Nations on the
ground that it is an attempt to draw a
red herring across the path of that organ-
ization, but the idea meets with no little
favor just the same.

The theory of Pan Europa is that there
can be no European peace until artificial
tariffs and economic barriers have been
broken down and political co-operation for
European States becomes possible. The
ideals of the Pan-Europeans are twofold:
the United States of America and the
Pan-American Union.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, of Czecho-
slovakia, now lecturing on the Pan-Euro-
pean movement before various audiences
in this country, defines the aims of the
Pan-European movement as the union of
all democracies of the European conti-
nent on a basis of peace, good will, and
prosperity, and the close co-operation
of the European and the Pan-American
unions with the British Commonwealth
for the reorganization of world peace on
the basis of a better understanding among
the twenty-six governments of continental
Europe. The plan contemplates the Brit-
ish Commonwealth and the Soviet Union
as independent political entities.

The Count does not see how Eussia can
become a member of the League of Na-
tions, since she is now a federation of
republics. As such, she would claim
under the League covenant as many votes
as she has republics, after the example of
the British dominions. The reason for
excluding Great Britain from Pan Europe
is that she has dominions far removed
from Europe.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi feels that
the world may naturally be divided into

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

five groups: Pan America, Pan Asia, the
Russian Federation, Great Britain, and
the United States of Europe, excluding
Great Britain, Eussia, and Turkey. Since
the United States of America have elim-
inated wars between themselves, similarly
a union of the European States, by the
same processes, could eliminate wars be-
tween themselves. It may be remarked
that this conception is not new, especially
to Americans who have endured the hard-
ships of travel over the innumerable bor-
ders of Europe. Many writers have called
attention to the importance of setting up
a United States of Europe. Alfred Fried
with almost his last breath pleaded for a
Pan Europa after the pattern of Pan
America.

To the criticism that such a European
organization might be used against the
interests of Great Britain or the Union of
Soviet Republics, it is replied that their
security may be easily established by mu-
tual guarantee treaties. It is thought fur-
ther that such an organization of Euro-
pean States would not meet with opposi-
tion from America, because under such an
arrangement we would be free from en-
tanglements in European difficulties on
the one hand and from European inter-
ference on the other.

It ought to be clear that modern de-
velopments in science have brought Eu-
rope face to face with the alternatives of
a closer co-operation or economic ruin and
war. When the League of Nations has
definitely operated for the maintenance of
peace, it has been in the main as a United
States of Europe. If the primary purpose
of the League is to maintain world peace,
and we have no doubt that this is the ob-
ject of the League, it would seem proper
for it to look upon this less ambitious
proposal of a Pan Europa with kindly and
beneficent interest.

SINCE writing this last editorial Mr.
Leon Trotsky has told the members
of the Moscow business men's club that
all attempts of European bourgeois coun-
tries to establish a United States of
Europe were destined to failure. And
yet the movement is going on. The
question of a physical union between
Austria and Germany is still a subject of
conversation. Of course, the trouble here
is that certain political factors seem to
outweigh economic considerations. France
might not look with favor upon this
accretion of German strength. Mussolini
said last May that any union of Austria
and Germany is not permissible. But
if Locarno is possible, if a Locarno for
the Balkins is possible, if Russian partici-
pation in a conference for the reduction of
armaments is possible, if Great Britain
and Italy are willing to guarantee existing
western boundaries, if many leading men
of Europe, particularly officers of the
League of Nations, favor it, who shall say
that it is impossible to set up a continental
zollverein, to found a United States of
Europe ?

117 HEN an American woman puts a
• » war out of her front yard and wins
a medal for bravery, our editorial instinct
is to rise and salute. In effect this is what
Miss Emma D. Cushman, of Boston, head
of a Near East training school for 1,500
orphans at Corinth, did to the commander
of a Greek battleship after the war craft
had made its appearance arrayed for
battle in the trouble zone in which the
school is located. It appears that five air-
planes belonging to the rebel forces had
parked in her school yard. Miss Cush-
man ordered the commander to "clear
out/' When it was noted that the com-
mander had refused to obey orders, Miss
Cushman took one of her biggest boys,
and they together rolled the airplanes off

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

the school property. Shells from a battle-
ship were dropping uncomfortably near
Miss Cushman's office; whereupon she
sent peremptory letters to the command-
ers of the opposing forces, demanding that

they move their war away from her or-
phanage. They obeyed. For "bravery
under fire/' Miss Cushman has been
awarded the Near East Relief Distin-
guished Service Medal.

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

THE WORLD DISARMAMENT
CONFERENCE

THE decision of the United States to
participate in the World Disarma-
ment Conference which is being called by
the League of Nations and the appropria-
tion by Congress of $50,000 for the ex-
penses of our delegates add a new impor-
tance to the decision of the December
meeting of the League Council to hold
such a conference during the current
year. The first session of the preliminary
committee will take place February 15.
The only important question that still
remains is whether or not Soviet Russia
will agree to take part.

History of League Disarmament Effort

During the first years of the League's
existence the possibility of the realiza-
tion of disarmament seemed so far away
that the governments of the big powers
represented in the League Council refused
themselves even to examine the disarma-
ment problem, and only consented to pre-
liminary studies by the so-called Tempo-
rary Mixed Commission, composed of
private people. From the deliberations
of this commission was born the great
problem of the connection between disar-
mament and security, and its discussions
finally resulted in the Geneva Protocol of
September, 1924, which seemed to open
the way towards disarmament. The re-
fusal of the British and Italian govern-
ments to sign the Geneva Protocol then
prevented the League Co-ordination Com-
mission, newly created by the Council
with a view to preparing a disarmament
conference, to start its work.

During the sixth League Assembly the
delegates of the Scandinavian States and
Holland strongly insisted that a thorough
examination of the disarmament problem
should be initiated without delay. Not-
withstanding some opposition from the
British and a good deal from the Italian
side, the League Assembly finally accepted
a resolution with such a tendency. Lo-
carno then gave a fresh impetus to the
disarmament movement, with the result
that this Council session has taken de-
cisive steps in the desired direction.

Nations Which Are to Participate

It is possible that examination of the
various sides of the problem may still
create great difficulties and cause some
delay in convening a disarmament con-
ference, but the fact remains that now
a special League organ exists, composed
of responsible representatives of at least
seventeen governments, entrusted with the
exclusive task of preparing a disarmament
conference.

It is expected that the following nine-
teen nations will participate: Belgium,
Brazil, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Finland,
France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy,
Japan, Netherlands, Poland, Rumania,
Soviet Russia, Spain, Sweden, United
States of America, Uruguay, and Jugo-
slavia.

One of the most remarkable statements
in Dr. Benes's report to the Council on the
disarmament question is that France,
Italy, and Japan have categorically de-
clared that they could not see their way
to dissociate the various kinds of arma-
ments and to study them separately at
separate conferences. As to the main dif-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

ference between France and Great Britain
concerning the list of questions to be sub-
mitted by the Council to the preparatory
commission, concessions have been made
by both countries.

Russia and the Conference

Reports from Moscow state that Soviet
Russia- is willing, in principle, to par-
ticipate in the League Disarmament Con-
ference, but on condition that it takes
place outside Switzerland. The Soviet
Government refuses to send delegates to
Geneva because of the assassination of
Mr. Vorovsky at Lausanne during the
Turkish peace conference there and be-
cause the murderer was acquitted by a
Swiss jury.

Russia's position in this regard was con-
firmed by the Soviet Commissary for For-
eign Affairs, Chicherin, before he left
Paris last December.

4 BDEL KRIM, the leader of the
IJL Riffs, has made an abortive effort to
obtain peace from the French and Span-
ish governments, with which he is at war.
On November 13 Captain Gordon Can-
ning, an Englishman in the Riff service,
presented himself at the office of the
French Resident General of Morocco with
a letter from Abdel Krim accrediting
him as an official envoy to the French
authorities for the purpose of conducting
peace negotiations. He then presented
himself to the Spanish authorities, after
which he went to Paris to seek an inter-
view with Premier Briand.

Abdel Krim's Terms

Captain Canning was authorized by his
chief to negotiate on the following terms :

(1) The administrative independence of the
Riff, which would possess a status similar to
that enjoyed by the British overseas domin-
ions; (2) the recognition of the spiritual
sovereignty of the Sultan of Morocco; (3)
permission to organize an army; (4) com-
mercial freedom; (5) the title of Emir for
Abdel Krim, who would have Tetuan as his
capital; (6) the recognition of Spanish sover-
eignty over the Melilla, Ceuta, and Larache
zones with a hinterland of nine to twelve

miles; and (7) the appointment of a commis-
sion to define the frontier between the Riff
and the French Moroccan zone.

The French and the Spanish govern-
ments have, however, refused to negotiate
on these terms.

French Position Stated by Premier Briand

Captain Canning's mission provided the
Communist Deputy in the French Parlia-
ment, M. Cachin, with an opportunity for
interrogating the Premier on the status of
the Moroccan peace negotiations.

Replying to M. Cachin, M. Briand said
he had taken every opportunity to bring
about peace in agreement with Spain, and
declared that he had no knowledge of the
statements concerning peace negotiations
which had appeared recently in certain
Spanish newspapers.

France had been attacked without provo-
cation. She was seeking for no conquests,
and her sole idea was to safeguard the
territories the interests of which were un-
der her care. The joint proposals of
France and Spain had been made known
to Abdel Krim by men specially entrusted
with this mission. France had thus
proved her desire for peace. Abdel Krim,
on the other hand, had sent an envoy,
without any definite official mandate, at
the very moment when the French authori-
ties had secured possession of bundles of
leaflets and propaganda intended to stir
up revolt among the Moslems against
France and Spain, who, for their part, had
endeavored and were endeavoring to bring
about a real peace.

Then M. Briand said :

We do not desire that our soldiers should
have to engage in fresh sanguinary conflicts
next spring. The situation has, moreover,
improved considerably, and the Moroccans
themselves are policing their frontiers, while
more than 10,000 families have returned to
their allegiance to us in order to escape the
terrible cruelty and tyranny of Abdel Krim.
We shall not abandon them, and we are at
present pursuing our negotiations with the
tribes. Abdel Krim is not in any way quali-
fied to speak in the name of the tribes, par-
ticularly the Djebalas and the Riffs. We do
not recognize any individual. We only rec-
ognize the Djebalas and the Riffs, with whom
France and Spain desire to have peace with-
out thought of conquest.

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

We do not doubt the generous sentiments
of Captain Canning, but his attempts are
only likely to strengthen the weakening au-
thority of Abdel Krim. In the terms put
forward by Captain Canning, Abdel Krim de-
mands Tetuan as a capital and concessions
near Wezzan in order to cut out communi-
cations between Fez and Algeria. France
and Spain cannot engage in such negotiations,
and the government will not be the dupe of
Captain Canning's desire to stir up public
opinion in France with the object of making
us accept Abdel Krim's terms. We warned
Captain Canning accordingly, upon his ar-
rival at Marseilles, that he would not be re-
ceived officially by the government.

Why the French Refused to Treat With
Captain Canning

M. Briand then stated that if he had
refused to treat with Captain Canning, it
was because he did not think that Cap-
tain Canning could help in any way to
bring about peace, and he did not desire
to give Abdel Krim any fresh prestige
which might permit him to regain au-
thority among the tribesmen.

Replying later in the debate to the letter
of Captain Canning (summarized below),
M. Briand said that a letter seized at the
residence of a suspect person whose hus-
band was in the service of Abdel Krim
had put ministers in a position to become
acquainted with the real designs of Cap-
tain Gordon Canning; those designs were
to obtain a general signature of the condi-
tions proposed by Abdel Krim, but not
in an absolute manner, so that it would
be possible to settle the dispute by arbitra-
tio, according to the conditions of Abdel
Krim.

The Premier concluded as follows :

The peace terms are already unknown. If
the Riffs want to enter into peace negotia-
tions, all they have to do is to appoint pleni-
potentiaries. I repeat, that we have no idea
of territorial conquest. We have won back
all our territory and we defy Abdel Krim to
go there again. Captain Canning will re-
ceive from an official of the Quai d'Orsay a
reply that will give him to understand, po-
litely and courteously, that even if he con-
tinues going the round of the newspapers he
will not be able to finish that round in my
room.

Captain Canning's Letter

Following upon M. Briand's statement
in the Chamber, Captain Gordon Canning
issued to the press a copy of his letter to
M. Briand asking for an audience. In the
letter, Captain Canning recalls that he
was received at the end of October by M.
Painleve, who was then Premier and "War
Minister; by M. Malvy and by M. Leon
Perrier, the Minister for the Colonies.
Captain Canning undertook to proceed to
the Riff to advise Abdel Krim to send offi-
cially for the Franco-Spanish peace terms.

M. Painleve was a little doubtful, he
says, about giving the necessary permis-
sion at first. However, after considera-
tion and a visit to M. Briand, "he handed
me a personal letter to M. Steeg" (then
Resident General for Morocco) and for-
warded the necessary orders through the
official channels. M. Painleve stated that
many people would criticise him (says
Captain Canning) "for offering the same
terms now, in October, after our victories,
as last July, but France is a great power
and can afford to be generous. The gov-
ernment leaves the offer of the July condi-
tions still open to acceptance by Abdel
Krim or as a basis to commence negotia-
tions/' M. Painleve accepted the Free
State of Ireland as a possible example for
the Riff.

The letter says that Captain Canning
was received by M. Steeg at Rabat on No-
vember 13, when M. Steeg said that all
that Abdel Krim had to do was to send
for the July peace terms, and it would
then be easy for the French and Spanish
governments to carry on negotiations.
Captain Canning brought back what the
French Government definitely asked him
and succeeded in obtaining Abdel Krim's
assent to autonomy instead of independ-
ence.

The letter concludes by stating that Cap-
tain Canning hoped to be received by M.
Briand and to return to Abdel Krim with
the official Franco-Spanish reply, thus
paving the way to an armistice and a con-
ference at Tangier.

After the present refusal of the French
and Spanish governments to renew the
offers which they made in July last, Cap-
tain Canning was authorized by Abdel
Krim to withdraw his proposal to receive
and consider those offers. Abdel Krim re-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

turns to his demands for full independence
as opposed to autonomy and will continue
to fight for this. The present attitude
of the French Government Captain Can-
ning attributes to pressure from Spain.
He asserts that when he left the Kiff at
the beginning of December Abdel Krim
was stronger than ever.

Censorship to Continue

SPAIN UNDER CIVILIAN GOVERN-
MENT

SPAIN has officially returned to a civil-
ian government. General de Rivera,
the dictator, has metamorphosed himself
into a premier, and a civilian cabinet has
been appointed, which, however, consists
of exactly the same personnel as had con-
stituted the directory of the dictatorship
period.

The New Cabinet

The new cabinet was formed imme-
diately upon the resignation of the di-
rectory. It is made up as follows :

Prime Minister, General Primo de
Eivera; Vice Premier and Minister of the
Interior, General Martinez Anido (for-
.merly Under Secretary for the Interior) ;
Minister of Justice, Sefior Galoponte
(formerly public prosecutor) ; Public
Works, Marquis Guadalhorce ; Instruction,
Professor Eduardo Callejo (professor of
law at Valladolid University) ; Foreign
Affairs, Seiior Jose Yanguas Messia (pro-
fessor of international law in Madrid Uni-
versity) ; Labor, Seiior Auros (formerly
Under Secretary of Labor) ; War, Duke of
Tetuan (formerly Under Secretary for
War) ; Marine, Bear Admiral Cornejo
(formerly Under Secretary for the
Marine).

General Primo de Kivera stated that the
new cabinet would maintain the constitu-
tion inviolate, since the constitution lived
on in spirit, even though it had been sus-
pended. Experience, he said, had shown
the need for creating a vice-premiership,
and this post in the cabinet would be set
up at once. The under secretary ships and
private secretaryships hadi been abolished,
as they were "nests of political jobbery."
The cabinet would meet twice a week,
apart from questions of vital national im-
portance.

The censorship of telegrams and of the
press would remain in force as before, the
object being to prevent criticism affecting
the Moroccan question, international pol-
itics, the personal character of individuals,
or the national credit. The right of asso-
ciation and of holding meetings of a politi-
cal character would continue, subject to
the existing restrictions.

Governors belonging to the army would
be replaced by civilians. In connection
with the financial situation a budget
would be drawn up which would effect a
balance of revenue and expenditure, which
was essential in maintaining the coun-
try's credit in the eyes of foreign coun-
tries. The solution of the problem lay
in an assessment of the country's wealth
at its true value.

The Prime Minister added that capital
would find its best defense in the greatest
possible volume of production. The gov-
ernment would go into the problem of la-
bor output, not only where public officials
were concerned, but also among the work-
ing classes, for he considered that the peo-
ple of Spain were not working hard
enough. The government would favor
any legislation in the interests of the
working classes, but asked for a maximum
output in return.

The new cabinet's program would be
published at once, as would also be the
decree, which had already been drawn up,
thanking the generals, senior officers, and
soldiers of the army and navy who had
borne the brunt of the nation's affairs
since 1923.

Army's Exclusion from Politics

The regulation excluding the army
from taking part in politics, which had
been suspended when the directory came
into power, would at once be re-established
by decree.

General Primo de Rivera concluded his
remarks by paying a tribute to the gen-
erals who had been associated with him
in the directory, and mentioned that the
King was inviting them to lunch on Satur-
day. As soon as these members of the
directory had handed over their work to
the respective ministries they would re-
sume their military duties.

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Finally, the General said that the aboli-
tion of the Under Secretaryships of War
and the Navy would be followed by a re-
organization of the headquarters staff and
the creation of a new central authority
to be established at the Ministry of War.

ALLEVIATION OF ALLIED CON-
TROL IN THE RHINELAND

THE Inter-Allied Ehineland Commis-
sion made on December 1 a number
of important changes is the administra-
tion of the Ehineland. In the announce-
ment issued at Coblenz it is explained that
the alleviations of the Allied regime in
the occupied portions of Germany are in-
tended to further a spirit of peace and
mutual trust. The most important
changes are the consent of the Commission
to the appointment of a German High
Commissioner and the withdrawal of the
regulation under which all orders issued
by the German authorities are subject to
approval by the Commission. The Com-
mission merely retains the right to revise
or nullify, according to the Ehineland
agreement, such orders as may affect the
security or dignity of the occupation
troops.

The Commission will require the noti-
fication of the appointment of only the
highest officials. Special cases may be
subjected to arbitration between the Al-
lies and the German authorities. The
conditions for the dismissal of officials
will be made less stringent.

Legal Changes

Certain punishments laid down in the
ordinances will be annulled and the right
to deal with certain offences which has
hitherto been exercised by the military oc-
cupation authorities will be transferred to
the German legal authorities.

Certain persons employed by the Com-
mission, who have hitherto been exempt
from German administration, will now be
amenable to German authority, subject to
mutual arrangement between the Allied
and German authorities.

The number of periodical statistical re-
ports to be issued is lessened and greater
facilities are given for persons traveling
in the occupied areas. (This paragraph

has special reference to identity cards and
passes.)

The authority hitherto exercised by the
Commission delegates will be discontinued.
A new regulation will be drafted to deal
with this. The right to administer pun-
ishment will still belong to the High Com-
mission and the commander-in-chief of
the armies. Official measures will be taken
by the High Commission only after they
have been brought before a legal commit-
tee having a German member.

The right to forbid public meetings,
hitherto exercised by the delegates, is re-
scinded. It is reserved by the Commis-
sion, but will be exercised only in garri-
son towns.

Permits to Possess Guns

The issue of permits for fire-arms hith-
erto carried out by the Commission is
handed over to the German authorities,
subject to an arrangement with the occu-
pation authorities.

An arrangement is to be made in regard
to possession of sporting guns. The con-
trol of and transport formalities for hom-
ing pigeons will be considerably revised.
The necessity of reporting the intention of
hoisting flags and the right of the occupa-
tion authorities to forbid certain flags, or
in any way to regulate this matter, will be
completely removed.

Prices will no longer be subject to con-
trol by the Commission, and certain other
trade formalities will be dropped.

Film censorship is withdrawn.

The Allied authorities have intimated
their intention to permit the use of wire-
less receiving sets, which will be under the
control of the German authorities.

The aviation question (with special ref-
erence to the flying of German machines
over occupied territory) will be dealt with
by a competent Allied civil and military
authority.

The intervention of the occupation au-
thorities in regard to strikes and lockouts
will be limited to the maintenance of es-
sential supplies and the security of the
troops of occupation. Postal censorship
will be abolished. Eegarding the control
of Ehine shipping, certain police ordi-
nances on the necessity of filing copies of
manifests with the Commission will be re-
pealed. These revisions will be the sub-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

ject of a subordinance which will be pub-
lished in due course.

With regard to the previous and future
revision of its ordinances, the High Com-
mission intends to adjust and explain
those orders still remaining in force. This
will reduce the number of ordinances to
about 20.

LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH
LIBERAL

THE British Liberal and Eadical Can-
diates' Association has issued a state-
ment of the land policy which the can-
didates of the Liberal Party intend to
advocate in future elections. The state-
ment of policy asserts the right of the
agricultural worker to —

(a) A living wage.

(6) A full opportunity of rising from
and through wage-earning to independ-
ence.

(d) Social and political freedom, based
on a fair wage and a fair opportunity of
advancement.

The Candidates' Association is of opin-
ion that it is essential to set up some
such new county agricultural authority as
is proposed in the rural report. The ob-
ject of rural land reform can only be
achieved "if national interest in the use
of the land is made plain and effective
by giving wide power of direction and
control to a body representing the people."
There should be a popularly elected body
in every county, "elected either by pro-
portional representation or by some such
method as that on which the old
school boards were successfully constituted,
namely, the cumulative vote." It will be
the duty of this authority :

First, to meet the demand for cottage
ground, for cottage holdings, for small
holdings, or for an increase in the num-
ber of agricultural holdings generally;

Second, to keep under survey all the
land in its area and the use made of it, to
insure the best use of all agricultural
land for the supply of home-grown
produce; to take over land lying waste
which could be reclaimed or used for af-

forestation, and so provide employment
and at the same time enrich the nation by
developing its wasted or latent resources;
to increase the population maintained on
the land, and to improve the conditions
of all who work upon the land.

To insure that the county agricultural
authorities shall represent all classes of
agriculturists, it is proposed that mem-
bers should receive payment of expenses
and for loss of time.

Where the Policies Differ

The main difference between the candi-
dates' proposals and those put forward in
"The Land and the Nation" is that the
modified policy is partial and gradual,
whereas the original policy was universal
and simultaneous. Graduality is to be
achieved by giving the new county agri-
cultural authority a duty of taking over
land in certain circumstances. This duty
will be performed whenever agricultural
land is put up for sale, whenever there is
a vacancy on a farm, whenever an estate
is badly administered, or whenever a farm
is badly cultivated.

It will be noted that the authority has
a duty, not a power. The authority is
under an obligation to take over the land
under these modified proposals unless it
satisfies the Minister of Agriculture that
it can meet the need for small holdings
and foster good cultivation without tak-
ing over more land.

Four Kinds of Tenure

If these proposals are carried out there
will be four different kinds of tenure:

1. Landlord tenancy — i. e., the present
system would continue subject to provi-
sion for security of tenure and fair rents
wherever estates were not put up for sale
and wherever cultivation and manage-
ment were satisfactory.

2. Occupying ownership — i. e., the pres-
ent system would continue where farm-
ers now own their farms, and would be
extended to farms bought if sitting tenants
use the second option provided for them
above.

3. Tenancy with the county authority
as landlord — t. e., existing small holdings
and possibly other land acquired by the
county authority would be under this
tenure.

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

4. Cultivating tenure — t. <?., the normal
form of tenure of land acquired by county
authorities.

The principle that the wages of labor
shall be the first charge on the industry
and that, if necessary, rents shall be ad-
justed in order to enable a living wage to
be paid, is maintained in these modified
proposals as it was in "The Land and the
Nation" and in the 1913 land inquiry
report.

The question of the price at which agri-
cultural land should be acquired is dealt
with by suggesting that the monopoly
value of the land should be excluded, that
the cultivator should not pay more than
the agricultural value of the land used by
him, and that it may or may not be paid
by annuity.

NEW IRISH AGREEMENT

ON December 3 a new Irish agreement
was signed in London, disposing of
all the outstanding difficulties between
Northern and Southern Ireland. Pro-
tracted and difficult negotiations preceded
the agreement, and there was a general
feeling of relief when a satisfactory com-
promise was reached between the views of
Ulster and of the Irish Free State.

Text of the Agreement

The text of the new Irish agreement, as
read to the House of Commons by Prime
Minister Baldwin, is as follows:

Agreement Amending and Supplementing the
Articles of Agreement for a Treaty be-
tween Great Britain and Ireland to Which
the Force of Law Was Given by the Irish
Free State (Agreement) Act, 1922, and by
the Constitution of the Irish Free State
(Saorslat Eireann) Act, 1922.

Whereas on the sixth day of December
nineteen hundred and twenty-one Articles of
Agreement for a treaty between Great Brit-
ain and Ireland were entered into ;

And whereas the said articles of agreement
were duly ratified and given the force of law
by the Irish Free State (agreement) act,
1922, and by the constitution of the Irish
Free State (Saorstat Eireann) act, 1922;

And whereas the progress of events and
the improved relations now subsisting be-

tween the British Government, the Govern-
ment of the Irish Free State, and the Govern-
ment of Northern Ireland, and their respec-
tive peoples, make it desirable to amend and
supplement the said articles of agreement,
so as to avoid any causes of friction which
might mar or retard the further growth of
friendly relations between the said govern-
ments and peoples ;

And whereas the British Government and
the Government of the Irish Free State being
united in amity in this undertaking with the
Government of Northern Ireland, and being
resolved mutually to aid one another in a'
spirit of neighborly comradeship, hereby
agree as follows :

1. The powers conferred by the proviso to
Article XII of the said articles of agreement
on the commission therein mentioned are
hereby revoked, and the extent of Northern
Ireland for the purposes of the Government
of Ireland Act, 1920, and of the said articles
of agreement, shall be such as was fixed by
subsection (2) of section one of that act.

2. The Irish Free State is hereby released
from the obligation under Article V of the
said articles of agreement to assume the li-
ability therein mentioned.

3. The Irish Free State hereby assumes all
liability undertaken by the British Govern-
ment in respect of malicious damage done
since the twenty-first day of January, nine-
teen hundred and nineteen, to property in
the area now under the jurisdiction of the
Parliament and Government of the Irish Free
State, and the Government of the Irish Free
State shall repay to the British Government,
at such time or times and in such manner as
may be agreed upon, moneys already paid
by the British Government in respect of such
damage, or liable to be so paid under obli-
gations already incurred.

4. The Government of the Irish Free State
hereby agrees to promote legislation increas-
ing by 10 per cent the measure of compen-
sation under the Damage to Property (Com-
pensation) Act, 1923, in respect of malicious
damage to property done in the area now
under the jurisdiction of the Parliament and
Government of the Irish Free State between
the eleventh day of July, nineteen hundred
and twenty-one, and the twelfth day of May,
nineteen hundred and twenty-three, provid-
ing for the payment of such additional com
pensation by the issue of five per cent com-
pensation stock or bonds.

84:

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

5. The powers in relation to Northern Ire-
land which by the Government of Ireland
Act, 1920, are made powers of the Council of
Ireland, shall be and are hereby transferred
to and shall become powers of the Parlia-
ment and the Government of Northern Ire-
xttnd ; and the governments of the Irish Free
State and of Northern Ireland shall meet to-
gether as and when necessary for the pur-
pose of considering matters of common inter-
est arising out of or connected with the ex-
ercise and administration of the said powers.

This agreement is subject to confirmation
by the British Parliament and by the Oi-
reachtas of the Irish Free State, and the act
of the British Parliament confirming this
agreement shall fix the date as from which
the transfer of the powers of the Council of
Ireland under this agreement is to take ef-
fect.

Dated this 3rd day of December, 1925.

The agreement was signed by the fol-
lowing representatives of the three parties
concerned :

On behalf of the British Government:
Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Churchill, Sir William
Joynson-Hicks, Lord Birkenhead, and Mr.
Amery.

On behalf of the Irish Free State: Mr.
Cosgrave, Mr. O'Higgins, and Mr. Blythe.

On behalf of the Government of North-
ern Ireland : Sir James Craig and Mr. J.
Blackmore (Secretary to the Northern
Ireland Cabinet).

Satisfaction in the Irish Free State

The following statement on the agree-
ment was issued by Mr. Cosgrave, the head
of the Irish Free State Government:

A great event has happened. The cloud of
division between North and South, which has
hung over the country for the last 50 years,
has begun to lift. The political leaders of
both sections of the Irish people have come
together and, with members of the British
Government, have signed an agreement. Its
provisions are short, but important; and
more important still is the spirit in which it
was signed. It provides for the retention of
the existing boundary between the Irish Free
State and the area under the jurisdiction of
the Northern Government, and closes all fi-
nancial questions which were left open by the
Treaty of 1921 between us and the British
Government. I believe that this agreement.

signed in the spirit of good-will which pre-
vailed between all parties, lays the founda-
tion of a new era in Irish history — an era in
which North and South will make a united
effort for the betterment and development of
the country as a whole, and in which good-
will and the security which comes from mu-
tual confidence will bear fruit in the political
life of the nation.

I do not say that age-long problems have
been suddenly solved, but I am confident that
the way has at last been opened for their
solution. I know that the carrying out of
the policy inaugurated by this agreement will
require patience on the part of every one con-
cerned. It will mean leaving old prejudices
behind and forgetting old wrongs. I believe
Ireland is on the road to success and achieve-
ment which will entitle her to an honored
place among the nations of the world. It is
by leaving old controversies behind and by
uniting our efforts for the good of the coun-
try as a whole that political strains will
be relaxed and political life will be evolved
in which minorities do not suffer oppres-
sion and in which every Irishman feels
that he is afforded every opportunity of mak-
ing his contribution through democratic in-
stitutions to the life of the people as a whole.

Ulster Is Also Content

Sir James Craig, Prime Minister of
Northern Ireland, made the following
statement after the Irish agreement was
signed :

I desire to thank the people of Ulster for
their restraint and patience during a pro-
longed period of anxiety and suspense. I am
fully satisfied with the outcome of the ne-
gotiations today concluded. The signatories
to the agreement separate with a cordiality
which I sincerely trust may result in more
friendly relations being permanently main-
tained among all classes and creeds through-
out Ireland. I return tomorrow with nothing
but feelings of relief, and rejoice that states-
manship has succeeded in surmounting a
grave situation.

FASCIST TERROR IN FLORENCE

THE current number of the English Re-
view of Reviews publishes a vivid ac-
count of the Fascist terror in Florence on
October 2-4, written by Professor Sal-
vemini, a noted Italian historian.

1926

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

After a fortnight of violent press cam-
paigning against Freemasonry, says Pro-
fessor Salvemini, the Fascists "began to
suit the deed to the word/' and in three
days (September 26-29), in Florence,
some 50 persons were thrashed and several
shops and lawyers' offices sacked. Then,
on the evening of October 3, came the
visit to the house of the "Venerable" Free-
mason Bandinelli, a man about 60 (who
had been thrashed by Fascists the day be-
fore), by a Fascist squad, who demanded
the names of the members of his lodge and
ordered him to follow them to Fascist
headquarters, which he refused. Every-
body knows in Florence that at Fascist
headquarters anti-Fascists are thrashed
within an inch of their lives. Another
Freemason, Becciolini, a railway official,
came in and, "exasperated by the conduct
of the young Fascist bullies towards his
old friend and fellow-Mason," he fired a
revolver, fatally wounding Giovanni Lu-
porini and wounding slightly Gambacci-
ani, his companion.

Of these two Professor Salvemini says:

Luporini had been in command of a squad
of cudgelers on the preceding days. He held
senior rank in the "National Fascist Militia"
and belonged to the Fascist Directorate of
Florence. In one of the many "punitive op-
erations" in which he had taken part during
these last five years of civil war in Italy he
had killed two workmen in a cafe\ The
other, his companion, was Renato Gambac-
ciuni, who had twice benefited by an am-
nesty— once for "killing" in the course of a
"punitive operation" and once for having
knocked out the eye of a compositor with a
stick.

After Becciolini had been riddled with
bullets and his and Bandinelli's flats ran-
sacked and the contents burned, the Fas-
cist "reprisals" began :

Assembling at their headquarters, the Fas-
cist squads received their instructions; and
two hours after the death of Luporini, be-
tween half past nine and 10 at night, the
work began. The central streets of the city
were first cleared. People going home late
were thrashed. Thus a double effect was
obtained — the appearance of a silent mani-
festation of sympathy with the "martyr" and
the elimination of all non-Fascists who might

become compromising witnesses. The cafe's
were compelled to close. The theaters were
invaded and the performances stopped.

Driven from the streets and the theaters,
the people took the trams by storm, so as to
get away as quickly as possible.

Soon after 10 o'clock the work of destruc-
tion began. The offices of eleven lawyers
and of one accountant, a tailoring business,
several shops, including a chemist's shop
and a boot shop, were wrecked and looted —
nearly all in the center of the city not far
from the Prefecture, the police headquarters,
and the barracks of the carabineers. Furni-
ture and fittings, after being thrown into the
street, were set on fire. Some of the looters
took advantage of the opportunity to carry
away boots, silk stuffs, typewriters, and other
objects of value. To this end they even com-
mandeered an omnibus.

An hour later the operations extended
to private dwellings, paying special at-
tention to the dwellings of leading Social-
ists. Professor Salvemini continues:

Meanwhile watchers on the hills round
Florence could see columns of flame and
smoke rising from the city.

Towards midnight a B'ascist squad silently
approached the dwelling of Signer Pilati, a
former Socialist member of Parliament. To
this squad belong the Fascists reputed to
have done the most ferocious deeds at Flor-
ence and in the neighborhood during the past
few years. Pilati had lost his right arm in
the war and had received the medal for
military valor. Though living in humble
circumstances, he was widely respected for
his kindly character, his intelligence, and his
hard-working life. He and his little family,
knowing nothing of what had gone on, were
asleep, the windows being open on account of
the heat. Silently placing a ladder against
the sill, the Fascists climbed into the bed-
room through the window and ordered the
light to be turned on. Awaking suddenly,
Pilati mechanically turned the switch, while
his wife, who was sleeping by him, also
awoke.

"Come with us to headquarters," com-
manded one of the Fascists, covering Pilati
with a revolver.

"Are the police here?" asked the unfortu-
nate man.

"Are you Pilati?"

"Yes, I am Pilati."

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Febriiary

"Then it is useless for you to come." re-
plied the Fascist, as he emptied his revolver
point-blank into Pilati's body.

His fourteen-year-old son rushed in from a
neighboring room. The Fascists ordered Sig-
nora Pilati on no account to mention their
names; otherwise they would kill her son.
Then they stole 30,000 lire in cash and sacked
the whole house, while their companions in
the streets began a fusillade against the win-
dows of the neighboring houses, so as to pre-
vent their tenants from looking out and
identifying the aggressors.

From Pilati's house the Fascist squad — it
seems certain that it was the same — went
to the villa of Signor Console, a lawyer, at
No. 10, Via Timoteo Bertelli. Consolo had
been arrested last May on a charge of having
helped to distribute the clandestine anti-
Fascist paper Non Mollare (Hold Fast), and
after 40 days' imprisonment he was acquitted.
But if judges acquit, Fascists slay. During
the evening Consolo's chambers had been
wrecked and looted. At home with him were
his wife and two children, one aged ten, the
other seven. . . . Towards 1 a. m. the
villa was surrounded by Fascists firing re-
volvers and shouting their war-cry. This
time Consolo tried to telephone for help, and
was put through to the prefect, but mean-
while the Fascists beat down his door. . . .
Apparently the prefect took his time; for
when a lorry-load of policemen arrived from
headquarters they found the house sacked,
the furniture thrown into the street and
burnt, and the widow and the children sob-
bing on the bleeding corpse of their husband
and father. Shortly afterwards the Signora
Consolo went out of her mind and the eldest
child fell ill with meningitis.

The exact number of victims cannot be as-
certained. The police figures are four killed,
46 wounded. A large number of persons have
disappeared. Nobody knows whether they
are hiding or have been "suppressed." Si-
lence is imposed on the press. . . .

It would seem that on the morning of
Sunday, October 4, instructions reached the
prefect of Florence from the government in
Rome to "cease operations." The Fascist
authorities issued a manifesto ordering all
violence to cease "in the name of our be-
loved Duce." But the authority of the "be-
loved Duce" was insufficient. On the Sunday
evening Fascist squads marched through the
outlying districts of the city, firing revolvers

and ordering the inhabitants to go to bed, and
at last the government was obliged to con-
centrate in the city 500 carabineers from
neighboring provinces.

Next day, Monday, October 5, the funeral
of the "martyr" Luporini took place. All
who failed to hang out a flag bound with
crGpe or to close their shops in sign of
mourning were threatened with looting. Em-
ployers were ordered by the head of the po-
lice to give a holiday to their workmen, so
that the workmen could join the funeral pro-
cession. Those who refused were thrashed
and threatened with looting. At the entrance
to some factories armed Fascist groups
awaited the workmen, formed them into col-
umns as they came out, and marched them
to the procession like prisoners of war. Thus
"the manifestation of grief was general and
the procession imposing." As a contrast, the
corpses of Becciolini, Consolo, and Pilati were
taken secretly to the cemetery in lorries es-
corted by carabineers. Some dead men in-
spire fear.

THE PERSIAN COUP D'ETAT

THE recent revolution in Teheran,
which deposed the reigning dynasty
and placed the Government of Persia in
the hands of Riza Khan, has been the
culmination of a movement that has been
gathering momentum for some time. Riza
Khan has been in effect the ruler of Persia
for several years, as Prime Minister and
Minister of War. An attempt was made,
principally under his guidance, to change
the regime in Persia in the spring of 1923.
The attempt succeeded only in part, but
the feeling in favor of a real change had
remained. The prolonged absence of the
Shah from his capital and his obvious in-
difference to the affairs of his country
finally gave Riza the opportunity he had
been waiting for.

Riza Khan's Preparations

After the attempt of 1923, Riza Khan's
first effort was devoted to reorganizing the
War Department and the army. However
much the War Department might deplete
the treasury, it at least showed some tan-
gible return for heavy expenditure. No
one could have foreseen ten years ago that
Persia would ever possess an army of
40,000 men, well trained, well equipped

1986

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

with motor transport, aeroplanes, and ar-f^ple, fearing trouble and scarcity of sup-

mored cars, and, more important than all,
regularly paid. This sweeping change
has been effected without the assistance of
European advisers or instructors.

Having reorganized the central army,
Riza Khan turned his attention to the
available provincial forces and brought
them in such close touch with himself
that in 1924 he was able to defy all pos-
sible internal opposition. All the cam-
paigns he conducted in Persian Azerbai-
jan proved successful. He routed the
Turkomans, who had always been a source
of trouble in the Near East. His most
signally successful campaign was that in
Arabistan and Khuzistan, which resulted
in the submission of the Sheikh of Mo-
hammerah, the reopening of the trade
route through Luristan, and the actual
garrisoning of Dizful and Shushtar by
government troops.

Riza Khan and the Populace

On his return to Teheran on the first
day of 1925 the demonstrations in honor
of Riza Khan were greater than had ever
been made for any Shah, and it was no
wonder that the general public began to
regard him as the real ruler of Persia.
The presence of the Valiahd (heir pre-
sumptive), who, as the representative of
the Shah, was in supreme command of
the army, naturally interfered with Riza
Khan's freedom of action, but to stop this
interference he persuaded the Mejlis to
appoint him "chief of all the defense
forces of the country,'"' and thus secured,
within the limits of the law, practically
all the power he wanted.

In the meantime agitation against the
Shah was increasing, particularly in the
provinces, whence telegrams began to de-
scend upon the deputies in person instead
of upon the Mejlis collectively. The re-
peated invitations to the Shah praying
for his speedy return, were ignored, but
on September 21 the local press published
the Shah's message to Riza Khan, under-
taking to leave Paris on October 2 and
return to his beloved country. Riza's
reply expressed overwhelming joy at the
good news and said that he was looking
forward to meeting His Majesty again.

Apparently at this point a process of
"reawakening" began. A number of peo-

plies, robbed the bread shops of Teheran.
Agitation increased. The government was
called upon to explain the scarcity and
the Minister of Finance assured the As-
sembly and the general public that there
was no fear of supplies giving out, but
on the following day (September 23)
large crowds assembled in the mosques
and there was rioting at the bakeries.
The bazaars were closed, but a small party
of demonstrators managed to approach
the Soviet legation and about 200 of them
forced their way in, demanding "bast"
(refuge) in connection with the return of
the Shah and cheaper bread.

On the 24th a procession headed by
women and children approached the
Mejlis buildings and finally penetrated
into the session chamber, where they
mauled some of the deputies present and
caused a good deal of damage. When a
far larger procession gathered in the ba-
zaars and made its way toward the Mejlis
the police were reinforced and attempted
to divert and disperse the crowd, but they
were met with volleys of stones and bricks.
A warning volley was fired into the air,
troops were called out, and eventually the
procession evaporated without having done
much damage.

At the same time another crowd man-
aged again to approach the Soviet Lega-
tion and effect an entrance. Those who
thus took refuge were manifestly "pro-
Shah.'" By this time the military were
out in force. The approaches to the lega-
tion were guarded and the streets and
bazaars patrolled. The following day was
a Friday, and in this part of the world
nothing ever seems to happen on a Fri-
day, this being the Moslem day of rest
and recreation. During the week-end con-
ditions seemed to be returning to normal.

There had been a general air of mystery
as to the real purpose of these demonstra-
tions. It is, however, divulging no secret
to state that they were, generally speak-
ing, made in favor of Riza Khan in order
to frighten the Shah, which they effec-
tively did, for his promise to leave Europe
on October 2 did not mature. No one
expected the counter-agitation in the
Shah's favor, the bread demonstrations,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

or the storming of the Mejlis, and still
more unexpected was the flight of refu-
gees to the Soviet Legation.

Government's Explanation

On October 27 the Mejlis summoned
the government to account for the events
mentioned above. The Minister for Pub-
lic Works, on behalf of the cabinet, ex-
plained the position in regard to supplies,
emphasizing the difficulties which the
government had had, owing to the bad
harvest and lack of transport. To remedy
the latter the War Ministry had been
obliged to place every available motor
transport vehicle at the disposal of the
food-supply service. Orders had been
given to the bakers to carry on and there
was no question of any deficiency. In
spite of the government's orders, not only
the bakers, but the entire bazaars had
closed their shops and held meetings and
demonstrations. A certain number had
even come to the Mejlis, making demands
totally irrelevant to the bread problem,
such as the recall of the Shah. The gov-
ernment, therefore, had thought it high
time to intervene and discover the real
motives of the -agitators. It was found
that a certain numbe rof people had gone
to a place which every Persian must con-
sider it beneath his dignity to approach
in such circumstances. After full in-
quiry, some arrests had been made among
the agitators, who would be released if
not guilty of attempting to disturb the
public peace.

There the matter ended for the time
being. Messages urging a change con-
tinued to pour in from the provinces.
They caused the Mejlis such difficulties
that the speaker (Motamen el Mulk) was
obliged to resign. On October 29 a de-
bate was begun in the assembly which was
devoted to the provincial agitation, and
at the session of October 21, 80 out of the
85 deputies present voted in favor of the
change of government. The Shah was
declared deposed and the Kajar dynasty
at an end. Eiza Khan Pahlevi was nomi-
nated temporarily as the ruler of Persia,
pending the decision of a meeting of the
National Assembly.

The decision was received with general
apathy throughout the country. There
was a general holiday, which lasted for
three days and included a grand recep-

tion of all the nobility and aristocracy
and the foreign representatives at the
Mejlis. On October 31 the deputies called
on Pahlevi to congratulate him on his
great achievements. They requested him
to bear in mind the needs of the Kajar
in the country and to grant a general
amnesty to political prisoners. Pahlevi
answered that he would give a guarantee
for all the Kajar interests so long as they
behaved themselves, and also granted the
amnesty demanded, although, as he re-
marked, the majority of the political pris-
oners had been condemned to be hanged.
At a suitable moment he dramatically
called in the chief of police and gave or-
ders for the immediate release of the of-
fenders. He also ordered that the price of
bread should be decreased.

1925

Dec. 15 — M. Loucheur, French Finance
Minister, resigns.

Dec. 16 — Senator Paul Doumer is ap-
pointed French Minister of Finance.

Dec. 17 — Mr. Claude Swanson, of Vir-
ginia, introduces into the Senate a reso-
lution for the adherence of the United
States to the World Court, with the Hard-
ing-Hughes-Coolidge reservations.

Dec. 22 — President Coolidge announces
that he will accept the invitation of the
League of Nations to a preliminary con-
ference on disarmament.

Dec. 28 — It is announced that General
Pershing will shortly return from Arica
to the United States for medical attention.

1926

Jan. 9 — The State Department makes
formal representations to Mexico in re-
gard to Mexico's new alien land laws and
petroleum laws.

Jan. 12 — General William Lassiter,
army commander of the Panama Canal
Zone, is appointed to succeed General
Pershing as President of the Tacna-Arica
Plebiscite Commission.

Jan. 12 — The allies demand the abdi-
cation of Admiral Horthy as Regent of
Hungary.

1926

THE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

Jan. 13 — M. Henry V. Berenger, new
French Ambassador, arrives in America.

Jan. 13 — A treaty is signed by Great
Britain and Irak extending Great Brit-
ain's mandate to a maximum of 25 years.

Jan. 13 — The Jugoslav debt-funding
commission arrives in the United States.

Jan. 14 — The Austrian cabinet, under
Rudolf Ramek, resigns, declaring that it
has completed the fiscal reforms outlined
by the League of Nations.

Jan. 14 — German Foreign Minister
Herr Stresemann tells the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee of the Reichstag that

Germany's application for admission to
the League of Nations must be postponed
as long as the Allies persist in maintain-
ing 75,000 troops in the Rhineland.

Jan. 15 — President Coolidge hands
down his decision on the appeal which
Chile made on December 11 from the
resolutions of the. Plebisicitary Commis-
sion passed on December 9.

Jan. 15 — The United States notifies
the League of Nations that it will trans-
mit to the League all its international
agreements, and that it does not object to
their inclusion in the Treaty Series.

THE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

By DR. HANS WEHBERG (Berlin)

NO annual session held so far by the
Institute of International Law has
been attended so well as the most recent
session, which met July 28 to August 5,
in the Peace Palace at The Hague, with
Loder, the former President of the In-
ternational Court of Arbitration, as the
chairman. About 70 of the 120 members
(membret or associes) of the Institute at-
tended, among whom were, as representa-
tives from the United States, Fr. Coudert,
Esq., of New York; Philip Marshall
Brown, Professor at the University of
Princeton, and James Brown Scott, Sec-
retary of the Carnegie Endowment for In-
ternational Peace. The other American
republics were represented by Alvarez,
Chile, Secretary General of the American
Institute of International Law ; Anderson,
former Minister of Costa Rica; de la
Barra, former President of Mexico; Bus-
tamante, Cuba, Judge on the Interna-
tional Court of Arbitration (who was
elected as one of the vice-presidents of the
Congress) ; de Peralta, Minister of Costa
Rica at Paris; Planas Suarez, Minister of
Venezuela at Lisbon ; and Urrutia, Minis-
ter of Colombia at Bern. Great Britain
sent as her representatives Sir Thomas
Barclay, Professor Pearce ITiggins, Sir
Cecil Hurst, and Lord Phillimore. It is
noteworthy also that all German and Aus-
trian mem'bres and associes were present,
since the Institute is a real international
society, in which representatives of all na-
tions work on the development of inter-

national law. Among the representatives
of other nations might be mentioned well-
known scholars, such as Anzilotti, Erich,
Hammarskjbld, Max Huber, de Lapra-
delle, Baron Nolde, Baron Taube, and
Andre Weiss. Among the well-known po-
litical persons there were noticed the Bel-
gian Minister-President, Poullet; the Bel-
gian Minister of the Interior, Baron
Rolin-Jaequemyns ; Henri Rolin, Chief of
the Cabinet for the Belgian Department
of Foreign Office; Adatci, Ambassador of
Japan; Politis, the Minister of Greece,
etc. During the session there were ad-
mitted as new members Hammarskjold,
of Sweden, greffier at the International
Court of Arbitration ; Hyde, former Solic-
itor of the Department of State of the
United States; Oda Japan, Judge at
the International Court of Arbitration;
the Greek scholar Seferiades, and Pro-
fessor Fernand de Visscher, Belgium. As
honorary members were chosen : Gram,
Norway; Holland, England; Root and
Bassett Moore, United States of America ;
and Roguin, Switzerland.

The discussions on territorial seas were,
from a political point of view, of especial
interest. At the session of 1854, at Paris,
the Institute had had this subject under
discussion and had favored an extension
of the territorial sea to six nautical miles.
The International Law Association also
took up this question recently and favored
extending the territorial sea. The reports
by Sir Thomas Barclay and Th. Niemeyer

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

formed the basis for the discussions at
The Hague. The latter favored the recog-
nition of the principle of absolute sover-
eignty of states to the extent of three
nautical miles, but the establishment also
of a second zone, within which the State
would be permitted to exercise certain lim-
ited powers in regard to fishery, customs,
etc. Politis, the representative of Greece,
opposed the old idea of sovereignty and
tried to prove that the sea is not res nul-
lius, but res communis omnium. Lord
Phillimore (Great Britain) defended on
principle the freedom of the sea, but also
pointed out that another phase must be
considered — i. e., the protection of the
State. De Lapradelle (France) explained
that there was no common territorial sea,
but only several territorial seas — one for
customs, for fishery, for rights of neutral-
ity, etc. In agreement with this he cited
the words of Niemeyer, that the society of
States has no property rights on the high
seas, but possesses only the legislative
power for the regulation of navigation,
etc., on the open sea. He favored an in-
ternational legislation and jurisdiction
over the seas, and referred especially to the
regulation of the right of international
harbors, at the Second Conference of In-
tercourse of the League of Nations. After
some discussion, the idea of passing a
resolution on this question was abandoned
for the present.

Also the discussions on The Place of
the Execution of a Contract in Interna-
tional Private Law (Sitz des Rechtsver-
hdltnisses im internationalen Privat-
rechte) brought forth no tangible results.
According to the reporter, Baron Nolde,
former Assistant Secretary of the Foreign
Office of Eussia, the decision as to the law
to be applied in international private law
is not to depend on the parties, and the
place of the execution of a contract should
be considered in all cases as the place of
obligation. There was great opposition to
this. Anzilotti, Lyon-Caen, and Poullet
were against establishing one common
principle and wanted to leave it to the
judge to apply whatever law would fit the
special nature of the Rechtsverhdltnis.
The question was not considered ripe for
decision and the reporter was commis-
sioned to make a thorough investigation
as to which law in the different types of

treaties would have to be applied accord-
ing to the nature of the thing and to sub-
mit to the next conference a supplemen-
tary report.

On the other hand, following a report
by Politis- Visscher, a minute resolution
was formed on the problem of Prescrip-
tion of Financial Claims in International
Law. Prescription was recognized as
valid international law for practical rea-
sons of order, stability of law, and peace.
Eeference was made to the extensive prac-
tice of international courts of arbitration.
A definite term of limitation was not pro-
posed. It was left to the opinion of the
judge to determine it in each individual
case. Interruption of prescription should
also be able to be brought about by a diplo-
matic reclamation. It was suggested to
the States to make special arrangements
on the question of prescription in their
obligatory treaties of arbitration, treaties
of commerce and navigation, treaties on
intellectual properties, etc. These pro-
posals were accepted against one opposing
vote, with seven not voting. Of those ex-
pressing doubt, there were some who were
of the opinion that prescription in inter-
national law in reality did not, or did not
yet, exist in international law; others
feared the far-reaching consequences
which a recognition of prescription of
financial claims might have on other in-
ternational rights which by their nature
are non-prescriptible.

Since other questions bearing on inter-
national law were not discussed, the posi-
tive results of the session were not very
important. All the more noteworthy does
it seem that a good deal of time was spent
at The Hague on the reform of the meth-
ods of procedure of the Institute, and that
new standards were arrived at. An advi-
sory committee (Adatci, Alvarez, Loder,
Nerincx, Politis, Alberic Rolin, Scott, and
de Visscher) is to make more thorough
preparation for the next sessions than has
ever been made before. The commissions
are no longer to be appointed by chance,
through a suggestion of a member who
happens to be interested, but by the Bu-
reau. The members and the reporter will
be appointed by the Bureau. In order
to be able to make proper preparation for
the next session, the next conference will
take place in 1927, at Washington (with
Dr. James Brown Scott as President).

19 2G

It is important to note the decision by
which are to be examined former projects
of the Institute with respect to how far
they still correspond to the demands of
international life. The Bureau will de-
cide on other questions to be discussed.
In doing this, the tendency will be to put
aside for the present, as much as possible,
questions having strong connections with
politics. So one can understand why the
Commissions on Rights and Duties of Na-
tions, as well as the one on the League of
Nations, were abolished for the time being
in spite of great opposition; but the op-
posing members succeeded in maintaining
the Commission on Minority Rights.

The Institute accepted also a report by
Bustamante and Scott on the Codification
of International Private and Public Law
in America. Recognizing the Commission

for Codification, appointed by the Council
of the League of Nations, it was decided
to appoint a special committee which is to
assist in the work of this commission.

The impression of the session as a
whole was an excellent one, although the
scientific results were not significant. The
personal opinions of so many scholars of
international law from all countries, ex-
pressed in this session, are of great value.
Through such sessions we Germans espe-
cially can be encouraged for further co-
operation on the structure of international
law when we realize how, in the confer-
ences of the Institute, scholars of inter-
national law of many countries meet us
without any prejudice. Through such ex-
change of opinions, differences on the
problems pertaining to international law
cannot be done away with, but they can
more easily be reconciled on such ground.

BALKAN PROBLEMS AND BALKAN PEACE

By GORDON GORDON-SMITH

living on good terms with one another and
willing to combine to resist the invasion
of any power desirous of dominating the
Near East, they would have formed a
barrier so formidable that it would have
checkmated all designs of conquest.

The Great Powers accordingly saw to
it that there was never "a fight to a fin-
ish" between the Balkan States. They
encouraged and envenomed their rivalries,
but took good care that a sort of balance
of power was maintained, such as allowed
of each State aspiring to domination over
the other two, as all three were about
equal in population and in military
strength. This state of things existed
right down to the beginning of the World
War.

But, as the result of the victory of the
Allied Powers, the whole situation has
been changed. The little Kingdom of
Serbia of 1910, with its two and a half
million inhabitants, has become the pow-
erful Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and
Slovenes, with its population of nearly
thirteen millions. Bulgaria has the same
population it had before the World War —
that is to say, four and a half millions —
while Greece has about half a million less.

improvement brought about in
_ the international political situation in
Europe by the conclusion of the Locarno
treaties has raised hopes that a series of
similar pacts might be entered into for
the settlement of the political relations
of the Balkan States. For a century past
the Balkan Peninsula has been looked
upon as a sort of political powder maga-
zine, liable to explode at any moment,
with disastrous consequences to the peace
of the world.

That such conditions formerly existed
is to a certain extent true; but they were
not entirely due to the political relations
of the various Balkan States. There was
no question which these States, if left to
themselves, could not have settled, either
by force of arms or by diplomacy. The
danger to the peace of Europe did not
lie so much in the rivalries of the three
Balkan kingdoms as in the designs and
ambitions of some of the Great Powers —
Germany and Austria on the one hand
and Russia on the other — which desired
to dominate the Near East. The road to
Asia Minor lay through the Balkans. If
the inhabitants of that peninsula should
have been free and independent peoples,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

As a result, all the former rivalry for
the leadership in the Balkans has disap-
peared forever. The superiority of the
Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slo-
venes (or, as it is more popularly known,
Jugoslavia), from the point of view of
population, armed strength and economic
importance, is so overwhelming that there
never can be, in the future, any war in
the Balkans. There might, of course,
under certain circumstances, be a breach
of the peace, but this would only entail
police operations on the part of Jugo-
slavia; for no war, in the strict sense of
the term, is possible. A state of war pre-
supposes something like equality on the
part of the belligerents. This is now en-
tirely lacking.

One would suppose that the realization
of this on the part of Greece and Bulgaria
would result in the abandonment of their
former aspirations and lead to a conse-
quent amelioration of their relations with
Jugoslavia. This, unfortunately, is not
the case, as a considerable amount of fric-
tion still exists between Belgrade on the
one side and Athens and Sofia on the
other.

The trouble with Greece is on an eco-
nomic nature and dates back to the Balkan
War against Turkey in 1912. As the re-
sult of the victory of the Balkan League
(the alliance of Serbia, Greece, and Bul-
garia) over the Ottoman Empire a large
part of Macedonia, including the ports of
Saloniki and Cavalla, were annexed by
Greece. Saloniki was and is, however, the
port of its hinterland — that is to say,
Jugoslavia. The exports and imports of
Greek Macedonia are completely negligi-
ble, whereas without the trade of the
Jugoslav hinterland Saloniki could not
live. As a consequence, when in 1913,
Serbia and Greece concluded a treaty of
alliance, one of the chief provisions was
that Serbia should, for a period of fifty
years, be entitled to make use of the port
of Saloniki for her foreign trade. Serbia
demanded that part of the harbor should
be transformed into a free port, under
the jurisdiction of the Serbian customs
authorities; in other words, it should be,
so to say, a prolongation of Serbian ter-
ritory. This proposal the Greek Govern-
ment rejected almost without discussion,
and replied with a counter-proposal to
create a free port under Greek jurisdic-

tion, to which the Serbs would have access.
A convention to this effect was signed in
1914, but was never ratified, as a few
weeks later the World War supervened.

When, in 1915, the occasion arose for
Greece to carry out the terms of her
treaty of alliance with Serbia, she failed
to do so, and the treaty ipso facto lapsed.
In 1923 the necessities of Serbian com-
merce caused the Belgrade Government to
enter into fresh negotiations with the
Athens Government for the conclusion of
a convention regarding the port of Salon-
iki. This was signed at Belgrade on May
10, 1923.

By this convention a Serbian Free Zone
was created in the port of Saloniki, which
while still forming an integral part of
Greek territory, was declared to be a Ser-
bian customs region. As a consequence,
the administration of this zone was to be
assured by Serbian officials appointed by
the Belgrade Government, "which was
under the obligation of drawing up a list
of such officials and communicating it to
the Greek Government." All the duties
carried out by the captain of the port of
Saloniki were, in the Serbian Zone, car-
ried out by a Serbian functionary "under
the control (but not under the orders) of
the captain of the port of Saloniki."

The administration of the zone is thus
to be entirely in the hands of the Serbian
authorities, the maintenance of Greek
sovereignty being assured by the fact that
the service of the police and the judiciary
in the zone is accorded to the Greek au-
thorities. Article IV of the convention
provides, however, that for the accom-
plishment of these services the captain of
the port, and he alone, shall be authorized,
in case of need, to enter the Serbian Zone.

In addition, the administration of the
Serbian Free Zone has to hand to the
Greek authorities a duplicate of the mani-
fest of all merchandise entering or leaving
the free zone; but such manifest only in-
dicates the amount of such merchandise
and does not indicate its nature. By Ar-
ticle V the Greek Government undertakes
not to exercise on its territory any prohi-
bition or hinder in any way the free tran-
sit of merchandise from and to the zone,
whatever its nature.

It might, therefore, be assumed that the
convention of 1923 created a Serbian Free
Zone at Saloniki, such as guaranteed suf-

1926

. BALKAN PROBLEMS AND BALKAN PEACE

fieiently the liberty of Serbian commerce
and at the same time safeguarded Greek
sovereignty in the region ceded. In prac-
tice, however, this is not so. Since the
convention was signed the Athens Gov-
ernment (or, rather, the succession of
governments which have been in power)
have raised difficulties of every kind,
which have ended by making the privi-
leges accorded entirely illusory, with the
result that in January, 1926, more than
two and a half years after the signing of
the convention, the Serbian Free Zone is
as far from functioning as ever. What
the object of the Greek Government is in
bringing about this state of affairs is dif-
ficult to say, the Jugoslav Government
being itself unable to understand the pol-
icy and aims of the Athens Government.

A year . ago the treaty of alliance be-
tween Serbia and Greece (which, as I have
explained above, the Serbians considered
as lapsed when, in 1915, the Greeks failed
to carry it out) was formally denounced.
The Belgrade Government at the same
time expressed its willingness to negotiate
a fresh treaty based on the political and
economic situation which has developed
since the war.

In the opinion of the Jugoslav Govern-
ment, the military advantages of such a
treaty are all on the side of Greece. Jugo-
slavia, a nation with a population of near-
ly thirteen million, possesses a powerful
army, recognized today as one of the best
and most efficient in Europe. The guar-
antee by treaty of the integrity of Greek
territory by Jugoslavia would, therefore,
be of immense advantage to Greece. But
that country cannot, to any great degree,
contribute to the armed force of such an
alliance. In the opinion of the Belgrade
Government, the quid pro quo furnished
by Greece must be entirely in the form of
economic advantages.

It was in this spirit that the Belgrade
Government began the negotiations with
Athens. But from the first it encountered
great difficulties. The Greek Government
showed no tendency to facilitate matters
in any way. On the contrary, it offered
both active and passive resistance to the
proposals from Belgrade for the ameliora-
tion of the Serbian Free Zone in Saloniki.
What the origin and aim of this attitude
was it is difficult to say. In the opinion

of many competent persons in Belgrade,
it is due to a fear on the part of the Greek
Government that Jugoslavia has designs
on Saloniki and desires, sooner or later,
to seize that port. M. Nintchitch, the
Jugoslav Minister of Foreign Affairs, has,
however, made most emphatic and cate-
gorical declarations to the Greek Govern-
ment disclaiming any such intentions on
the part of Jugoslavia and offering every
possible pledge and assurance of the com-
plete loyalty of Jugoslav policy.

It would seem only logical that the
most effective way of preventing the gene-
sis of any desire on the part of Jugoslavia
for the possession of Saloniki would be
for Greece to afford that country such
commercial facilities as would render such
possession superfluous, while the surest
way of arousing such a desire would be an
attitude of intransigent opposition to all
concessions to the needs of Jugoslav com-
merce. Strange to say, the latter course
is the one which the Athens Government
seems to favor. It cannot, of course, de-
prive Jugoslavia of the free zone, as thai
is already an acquired right; but it has
endeavored to neutralize and nullify the
privileges accorded by the creation of a
Greek Free Zone three times greater than
the Serbian one and entirely surrounding
it on all sides. No goods can be sent from
the Serbian Free Zone without passing
over the Greek one. The Serbian Free
Zone is, therefore, cut off from all direct
communication with the city of Saloniki,
as all the gates leading from the harbor
into the city are in the Greek zone.

Then there is the question of the rail-
way running from Saloniki into Jugo-
slavia, which renders the situation still
more unsatisfactory. This railway, from
Belgrade to Saloniki, has a total length
of about 500 miles, of which 40 miles, the
section between Ghevgili and Saloniki, is
on Greek territory. Though this section
is merely a continuation of the trunk line
from Belgrade and is practically the prop-
erty of the Jugoslav Government, as the
latter took over the majority of the shares
from the former Austrian company, the
Greek Government refuses to allow the
Jugoslav railway authorities to administer
the Ghevgili- Saloniki section, on the
ground that such administration would
be incompatible with Greek sovereignty.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

At the same time the Greek Government
administers the railway line running from
Saloniki to the Serbian town of Monastir,
and this in spite of the fact that the sec-
tion of the line from the frontier town of
Kanali to Monastir is on Jugoslav ter-
ritory.

Until recently, the freight and pas-
senger rates on the Ghevgili-Saloniki sec-
tion were four times greater than those
charged on the Jugoslav section. In ad-
dition, the Greek railway administration
has proved entirely unsatisfactory. Wag-
ons which would reach the Greek frontier
from Belgrade in 48 hours would spend
days, and sometimes weeks, in traversing
the 40 miles separating it from Saloniki.
As much of the goods exported from Jugo-
slavia are of a perishable nature, such
delays are disastrous and have done much
to discourage the business world in Jugo-
slavia from making use of Saloniki as a
port for exports. So chronic has this mal-
administration become that many people
believe that it is systematic and deliberate.

Now, as to the Serbian Free Zone it-
self. This has a total superficies of 94,-
000 square meters. Of this, 40,000 square
meters are water, leaving 54,000 square
meters of land. On this restricted space
the Jugoslav authorities have to construct
post and telegraph offices, customs offices,
bureaus for the administration of the
zone, sheds to shelter cattle, and maga-
zines and warehouses. In addition, space
must be found for storing lumber, which
forms a large part of Jugoslav export.
For these purposes the space available is
utterly inadequate. The single quay in
the Serbian Zone is only 296 feet in
length and is only able to accommodate
two steamers of 3,500 tons or one of
7,500 tons.

The inadequate and unsatisfactory ad-
ministration of the Ghevgili-Saloniki sec-
tion of the railway delays the loading and
unloading of the vessels in the Serbian
Zone, and thus still further restricts its
usefulness. The main trunk line running
through Jugoslavia to Saloniki taps an
immensely rich and fertile country, the
export trade of which runs into the hun-
dreds of thousands of carloads per annum.
The estimates of the Jugoslav chamber
of commerce in Saloniki of the merchan-

dise which could be sent from that port
in the year 1926-27 are as follows:

Horses, 30,000; cattle, 150,000; pigs,
100,000; sheep and goats, 400,000, and
2,000,000 poultry. The export of meat is
estimated at 1,600 carloads, cheese at 260
carloads, eggs at 3,000 carloads, and raw
hides at 350 carloads. The export of
grain from southern Serbia is very large,
wheat and flour being estimated at 40,000
carloads, maize at 70,000 carloads, barley
and oats at 5,000 carloads, beans at 5,000
carloads and potatoes at 2,500 carloads.
The export of fruit is estimated at 5,600
carloads.

The amount of wood and lumber is es-
timated at 30,000 carloads of firewood,
80,000 carloads of timber for house con-
struction, and 900,000 railway ties. Char-
coal also figures for 4,000 carloads. The
export of tiles is also very large, being
estimated at 20,000,000 pieces. The ex-
port of hemp and cordage, cement, metals
and ores, paper, sugar, tobacco, and other
products is estimated at over 60,000 car-
loads.

A few weeks ago, when I was in Sa-
loniki, I made an exhaustive investigation
of the Serbian Free Zone, and I do not
hestitate to say that even when it is thor-
oughly organized it will not be in a posi-
tion to handle a quarter of the goods
available for export by Saloniki. It is
possible that the present policy and atti-
tude of the Greek Government is inspired
by a desire to create an object of barter,
and that when the negotiations for a treaty
of alliance are resumed the Greek Gov-
ernment will be ready to accord far-reach-
ing concessions in return for the signa-
ture of the Jugoslav Government to that
document; but, even if this is so, the
Athens Government is carrying out a
very dangerous policy, as it is trying the
patience of the Jugoslav business world to
a great degree.

The cession of Fiume to Italy, to which
the Jugoslav Government only consented
in order to preserve the peace of Europe,
had already struck a severe blow at the
commerce of Jugoslavia. The inadequacy
of the present debouche from Saloniki is
bound, if prolonged, to end by causing an
economic crisis in Jugoslavia which might
have a most regrettable repercussion on the
political relations of the two countries.

1926

Another feature of the situation in
Greek Macedonia which tends to increase
the tension between Belgrade and Athens
is the fashion in which the immigration
of the Greek refugees expelled from Asia
Minor is being handled. These immi-
grants, of whom there are half a million
in Greek Macedonia, are being billeted on
the section of the population which is of
Serbian descent. These Macedonian Serbs
are, of course, nominally Greek subjects.
This is due to the fact that when the
Balkan allies, after their victory in 1913,
each took over its share of the conquered
territory, no provision was made for the
protection of the various nationalities. In
Greek Macedonia, there were tens of thou-
sands of inhabitants of Serbian, Bul-
garian, Turkish, and Vlach, or Rumanian,
descent. As a matter of fact, the inhabi-
tants of Greek descent were in a minority.

In the administration of its share of
Macedonia, the Greek Government has

made a distinction in its treatment of the
various sections. In Jugoslavia it is be-
lieved that the present policy of the Greek
Government is inspired to overwhelm the
elements of Serbian origin under a flood
of Greek immigrants from Asia Minor
and render their lot so unhappy that they
will prefer to lose all their worldly posses-
sions and emigrate to Jugoslavia, where
they will at least be among their brothers
in race.

Needless to say that the belief, whether
well founded or not, that such is the pol-
icy of the Greek Government has caused
and continues to cause great bitterness
in Jugoslavia and has done nothing to
improve the relations of the two countries.
It is hoped that the negotiations between
Belgrade and Athens which have now been
resumed, will find both sides animated by
a desire to reach a settlement such as will
tend to ameliorate the existing conditions
and lead to a sincere rapprochement be-
tween the two countries.

MAKING AN OLD LAND NEW*

Success of Jewish Immigrants in Palestine: A Communistic Colony
By McEWAN LAWSON

I HAVE just been out to a colony of
immigrant Jews at Degania, six miles
from Tiberias. The road to it winds along
by the Sea of Galilee, which is not unlike
a big Grasmere, and then at a bright green
spot of overhanging trees and rushes you
cross the Jordan as it leaves the lake, and
two hundred yards beyond, up an avenue
of newly planted trees, is the new Jewish
settlement.

In the center of it is a dovecot, and
round it a large, cleanly kept, and efficient-
looking farmyard. Behind the farm build-
ings and surrounded by carefully kept
gardens are the two well-built white three-
storied buildings where live the fifty-two
colonists and eighteen of the healthiest
and best-nourished children I have ever
seen. The houses are simple and clean,
with high rooms, balconies, plenty of air,
and flat roofs, where twenty or thirty
beds were spread for the summer night.

* Reprinted from the Manchester Guardian
Weekly, Friday, July 31, 1925.

There is a common dining-room which
is also the room where the weekly com-
munity meetings are held, but each family
has its own private rooms. The members
of the community came mainly from Rus-
sia and Poland. They were students, or
the sons and daughters of merchants,
tradesmen, and farmers, dissatisfied with
the social order which held them, with the
restricted educational facilities which were
theirs and the cramping conditions in
which they were forced to live. They
wanted a place for experimentation in a
new way of living, and it has been found
for them by the Jewish National Fund in
the land from which their forefathers were
driven. The Fund built their first com-
munity house, and bought from the Arab
land-owners seven hundred and fifty acres,
which they have planted with olives, figs,
apricots, tobacco, banana, and alfalfa.
They also produce general farm and dairy
products. They make their own clothes,
raise enough food for their own needs,
and an increasing quantity of produce is

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

being sent every year to Tiberias, Haifa,
Jerusalem, and Damascus, where it is sold
through the Jewish co-operative societies.

A Communistic Colony

These steadily growing Jewish colonies
throughout Palestine are of every type —
religious, social, individualistic, co-opera-
tive, and communistic. The colony at
Degania, or, to give it its full title, "De-
gania A," is communistic. All work, all
produce, and all proceeds are shared. As
each new colonist arrives, he or she is given
the work by means of which the commu-
nity can best be served. One goes to the
agricultural experimentation station ad-
joining the colony, another works at poul-
try farming or pickle-making, another
plows, others help in transport work, while
others make the clothes or assist on the
domestic or teaching side of the communal
life. They have no president, but a secre-
tary and a treasurer, and a small elected
committee which meets every evening.
Each Saturday night the whole community
meets in the dining hall to discuss the
general concerns of the colony and to plan
the work for the coming week.

They have no elaborate code of rules.
The disputes which, of necessity, arise in
every community are, so they tell me, soon
settled in the general spirit of fellowship
which prevails, and the brightness of their
ideals has, up to now, been their driving
force and the antiseptic against laziness.
Some have left, not because they were dis-
satisfied, but because a situation not yet
sufficiently stabilized has not always made
it possible for every new-comer to find
sufficient employment throughout the
whole year. The spirit among them is
wonderful. It is not the exclusive prop-
erty of any particular type of Jewish com-
munity, but it is in and through them all
and it reflects itself in their faces. The
type of immigrant Jew who is coming
back to work on the land in Palestine
astonishes one who only knows the city
Jew. Here is one who has found, at last,
space in which to breathe and to live
healthily; here, above all, are men and
women with ideals and with hope. Physi-
cally they are excellent to look upon. The
men dressed in open collarless shirts and
khaki football knickers, the women in ath-
letic serviceable white, and look like tennis

players. Their faces glow with health and
their limbs are brown with the sun, and
as one looks at them one realizes with as-
tonishment what a splendid type the Jew
is when out of the Ghetto or the shop in
which he has been forced to live and back
again on the land.

Jews and Arabs

Degania A, as many another Jewish
colony in Palestine, has been bought not
only with money, but with blood, for in
the early years of the settlement no less
than twelve of the early members were
killed by native Arabs, fearful that these
returning Jews would not merely buy this
strip of land, but gradually would possess
the whole land and dispossess the resident
population. It is probably true that some
of the returning Jews have not been wise
in their attitude to those who are already
in the land. They have, of course, had
causes for fierce resentment, but on the
other hand they have not always recog-
nized the rights of others. Some from
among them have behaved as though they
were the sole natural heirs of the land and
have not recognized that others were there
before their forefathers occupied Palestine
and have also come after them. Some, in
their new-found freedom, have been care-
less toward the ancient conventions of the
land and of Arab etiquette and custom.

The returning settlers are, of course,
mixed in character, as all mankind is
mixed in character. There are very good,
good, mediocre, and bad. But, when all
has been said which can be said, almost all
out here affirm without hesitation that
during the new years for Palestine which
have followed the war the Jewish immi-
grants are utterly transforming large
stretches of land. They are farming with
science and with zeal. They are forming
new types of communities, new types of
village and of town, and are making what
was desert land into a garden again. It
seems there is room enough for all in the
land, for Jew and native Christian and
Arab. All that is needed is an increasing
spirit of mutual understanding, forbear-
ance, toleration, and co-operation.

All education is self -education; a fact
as true of nations as of persons.

.1 TEMPLE TO LIBERTY

A TEMPLE TO LIBERTY

By H. K. BUSH-BROWN

AIERICAXS proclaim their ideals to be
personal liberty and government by law:
but they have not expressed these ideals
in architecture. That these things may be
more thoroughly understood, we have designed
a Temple to Liberty, which we deem necessary
in this period of reconstruction after the
World War. for it seems as though every
existing form of government and every civili-
zation is on trial, our United States among
the rest.

It is not too much to say that our America
is at a crisis in its history, that requires a new
emphasis on the meaning and value of our
fundamental law. the Constitution.

We have designed this temple with these
essential feature :< : A flight of steps leading
up to an open portico supported by three
rows of Corinthian columns, six in each row.
From this portico one enters the nave, with
its side aisles and side chapels. The temple
is in the form of the early basilica with a
large apse at the end. The central position
in the apse is for the colossal statue of "Lib-
erty Bringing Peace." Peace is not an entity
by itself; rather an attribute of liberty.
Therefore, only Liberty can bring a per-
manent peace. With her right arm extended,
expressive of benediction, she holds in her
left hand the scroll of peace. The conditions
of peace which she brings should be inscribed
on the base of the statue as follows: "G-ivc
me libertii in- (/ire me death. With malice
toirard none and chariti/ for all. ire arc xtrir-
inf/ t)iat ereri/ our shall hare the right to
life, liherti/. and the pursuit of happiness;
that aorcrnmcnt of tlie people. />// the i>eo-
l>le. for the people shall not perish from the
earth : that the irorld may he made safe for
republics ami ileni ocracii ; therefore, give me
liberti/ or fjire me death."

The figure stands on a hemisphere on which
is inscribed "I'eaee on eartli for men of good
irill" and "Lore thii nei(/hbf>r," the great prin-
ciples from which have sprung the character
of the American people.

At the base of the statue is to be a fountain,
with the pure waters of Liberty ever flowing,
where should be inscribed "WhoKoerer drinks
here dedicate* himself to the cause of Lib-
erty and to the lirotherhood of m fin."

There are eighteen side chapels, the four
corner ones to be devoted to pictorial presen-
tation of the development of government, the
subjects being the family, the tribe, the city,
and the state. These are the stepping stones
by which we have arrived at nationality.
One chapel should be for the deposit of the
flags of our country, that have been borne on
the fields of victory, and the remaining
thirteen for showing the adoption of the Con-
stitution by the original States, thus making
the temple the shrine of our fundamental
law.

The site suggested for the building is on
high ground on the Virginia side of the

Potomac, on the axial center of the Mall, as
part of the development of the Virginia ap-
protch to the new Memorial Bridge. It will
add appropriately a new meaning to tins
approach, inasmuch as the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution were both
originally drafted by Virginians.

Incidentally, this is also to be the termina-
tion of the Lee Highway from San Diego to
Wa :hington. This location may symbolize,
therefore, the loyalty to the Constitution of
all the people, because the difference between
the North and the South was largely on the
interpretation of the Constitution, and be-
cause after the war General Lee devoted the
remainder of his life to inspiring, unity of
purpose in the citizens of the country, that
pence might prevail.

From this commanding position all of
Washington is 1 efore one, and, correspond-
ing! v. the Temple to Liberty can be seen from
most parts of the city. The Capitol Build-
ing on the east and the Temple to Liberty
on the west supplement each other and make
the picture complete.

It is designed to make the approach to this
temple from the Memorial Bridge by ar-
chitectural placing of trees with recessed
bays to form a background for statues, as
follows : First, group of those leaders of men
seeking freedom from earliest time, showing
we are but an incident in the development
that has been going on for centuries; for
the Hebrews. Moses, who led them from
bondage to the Promised Land ; for the
Greeks, Plato, who first put in written form
the outline of a republic ; for the Romans,
The Gracchi of the Roman Republic; for the
Swiss, say. Hoffer : for the Netherlands, Wil-
liam of Orange : for the French, Jean Jacques
Rousseau or Voltaire; for the British, Crom-
well. Looking past this first group, from
whom we have derived our inspiration and
our hope, one sees our Temple to Liberty.

Immediately following these might be the
Mayflower Compact, by Elder Brewster ; some
one for the Mecklenburg Declaration ;
Thomas Paine or other influences preceding
1770.

Then, passing an architectural treatment,
we come to the long vista with its tapis rert
and bordering trees for the statues of our
signers of the Declaration of Independence,
who gave their fortunes and risked their
lives that we might have a constitution.

Ascending some steps, we enter the plaza
surrounding the temple, the culmination of
our hopes.

This plaza should be bordered by trees
to make it like the approach, a secluded
and sacred place. In the recesses of these
tree: might be placed the statues of the
heroes of other nations who have attained
their liberties since we adopted our Consti-
tution and who have found the way easier

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

of attainment because of our success and
stability.

This would include all of Central and South
American republics and, since the late war,
all or nearly all of Europe and Asia.

We do not always realize how much we
have been the inspiration and the leader in
free government, and that ours is the oldest
written constitution. France has rightly ex-
pressed the relation of the United States to
other countries by the statue erected in New-
York harbor, "Liberty Enlightening the
World." We furnish an object-lession of
general prosperity enjoyed under our consti-
tutional government. The proposed Temple
to Liberty, when erected, will further embody
and express this fact.

Switzerland, in her mountain fastnesses,
towers head and shoulders above the rest
of Europe today, demonstrating by her own
mixed population that the warring people
of Germany can live at peace with the French
and Italians when they have a common pur-
pose and ideal of co-operative unity. She is
the best balance-wheel in Europe for the
orderly steadying of the political machinery.

We are the most cosmopolitan people in
the world. All countries of Europe are repre-
sented in large numbers in our population ;
all are brothers in peace and freedom under
our Constitution — a still greater example
than Switzerland in finding unity by follow-
ing a great ideal. Each unit of foreign na-
tionality would be only too glad to have its
people represented separately in the monu-
ment to American Liberty. For instance, the
Hebrews of our population could be depended
on to contribute their statue of Moses : the
American Greeks, their Plato ; the Italians,
their statue representing the Roman Re-
public ; the Swiss Americans their Hoffer ;
the French, their statute of Voltaire; the
Netherlands, their statue of William of
Orange; the British, their Cromwell. So, fol-
lowing the supplementary treatment, will
come the tribute from each nationality to
complete the chronological series of the de-
velopment of representative government sub-
sequent to our Constitution. These tributes
from the citizens of foreign nationalities will
give us a great spiritual unity, by joining
in the song of praise for those who founded
our government.

The completion of this temple in all its de-
tails will, and should, require years to accom-
plish, for it can be done only with loving
care by the best artists, which each group
can select from among themselves. The com-

pletion of such a building in Washington
would demonstrate that all people can live in
harmony together only when they have a com-
mon purpose in the pursuit of happiness for
themselves and each other. This is no mere
theory, for we are doing it now in these
United States under our Constitution. The
inference is that it can be done also in Eu-
rope and Asia under similar circumstances.
Just what form it is to take for them, it is
for them to decide.

Inasmuch as all nations will be represented
in the sculptural decorations as contril.utors
to the acknowledgment of and understand-
ing of liberty, this temple becomes not only
a national shrine, but also an international
one. and may we not hope a means of better
international understanding by which through
brotherhood, law, and order, wars may cease
and the spirit of man lie set free for the de-
velopment of the human soul.

An important use for the temple could be
the annual assembly of the young people
who had become of age during the year, and
qualified foreigners, to be invested with
citizenship by the President of the United
States in the presence of the Supreme Court.
By the use of the radio the ceremonies could
be transferred to the capitals of the States.
where similar assemblies could be presided
over by the governors of the several States.
Such an annual ceremony would invest
citizenship with its duties and responsibili-
ties as well as a better understanding of its
rights and privileges.

Naturally, this would increase the propor-
tion of those who fulfill these duties by vot-
ing, on which fulfillment depends the perpetu-
ity of the Republic.

The temple should stand for free speech
protected by loyalty to the government, and
this is the message it would always bring
to our own people; and it would also carry
the message of peace to the world, which
seems justified by our faith in Liberty.

As we have this faith, we should proclaim
it to the world in permanent terms of art. so
that all may see that we are serious about
this liberty, which has cost us so many lives
and for which every one of us is ready to
die at any time ; for the spirit of Patrick
Henry in us is not dead. Such a temple as
here suggested is offered in the name of Lib-
erty bringing peace to mankind.*

* It should be understood that the following de-
signs for the temple arc- only sketches ;tnd should
be considered as largely diagrammatic to Illustrate
a principle.

STATUE OF LIBERTY BRINGING PEACE

By H. K. BUSH-BROWN
(From a photograph of the model in the studio)

APPROACH TO WASHING

SED TEMPLE TO LIBERT}

riOIJSI'KCTlVK. PLAN AXD SICTTINCJ FOIl T1IK I'ltOI'OSIOD TKMI'hK To I.IIUOKTV,

FOH WASHINGTON. I). <'.

PltOFESSOU IlAUor.D I5USH-BKOWX II. K. I'>r.SII-I!uu\VN

.\i-i-ltitect

1926 HOW THE WORLD LOOKS FROM MOSCOW 101

HOW THE WORLD LOOKS FROM MOSCOW

(The following article is the translation
of a survey of international affairs originally
published in the Moscow Pravda, the official
organ of the Russian Communist Party, on
December 6, 1925. It is a typical example
of how world problems are presented to Rus-
sian readers by the official Communist press
— and there is no other press in Russia — and
an interesting picture of what the world
must look like from Moscow. — THE EDITOR.)

THE first act of the Locarno comedy
is completed. The guarantee pact
made by Germany, France, and Belgium,
with England and Italy as warrantors, in
the month of October, was signed in Lon-
don on the first day of December.

At the solemn procedure of the signing
of the agreement almost all of the inter-
ested governments were represented by
their prime ministers and the ministers
of foreign affairs. Only Mussolini made
up his mind not to set foot on British
soil, as the English Labor Party had
threatened the leader of the Fascisti
with dire consequences if he dared appear
in London.

And now comes the time for the ful-
fillment of the promises made to the par-
ticipants in the Locarno Conference.
Germany seeks an alleviation of the terms
of the Allied occupation of the Rhine-
land; asks for colonial mandates, and for
credits; it was for this purpose that
she really agreed to sign the guarantee
pact. Briand, the French Premier, and
Skrzynski, the head of the Polish Govern-
ment, also solicit loans. But England, at
present, is very little concerned with the
fortunes of her allies and assistants. The
center of attention is the Soviet Union,
the S. S. S. R., around which the pacifist
comedy is being enacted.

Numerous telegrams from London ad-
vise that the question of the signing by
the Soviet Union of some kind of a "guar-
antee pact" and of the admission of the
S. S. S. R. to the League of Nations was
widely discussed during the last public
appearances of the most prominent states-
men. Briand. Vandervelde, Benesh, and
even Chamberlain himself, endeavor to
make the Soviet Government understand
that now is the moment for the Soviet
Union to enter the "family of the civil
ized peoples." They aim at "another

Locarno," in which, according to Cham-
berlain, the role of Germany is to be
played by the Soviet Union.

The English diplomats evidently base
their game on the fact that from now on
the S. S. S.R. will be obliged to negotiate
with the whole of Europe, united into a
League of Nations under the leadership
of England, and not with each govern-
ment separately. In this manner the idea
of an anti-Soviet block, the main purpose
of the Locarno Conference, would have
been accomplished. And, indeed, the
position of the Soviet Union would have
been very unfavorable if not for the dis-
sonance and the divergency of interests
of the participants of the Locarno Con-
ference, which they cannot overcome. .

Already, in London, Briand, when dis-
cussing with Chamberlain the regulation
of the relations with S. S. S. R., pointed
out that for France it is not so much the
question of the political consequences in-
volved in relations with the Soviet Union,
which is so important for England, but
the hope of obtaining payment of the
pre-revolutionary debts. Germany also
declares that she is not at all willing to
weaken her standing with the Soviet
Union, which is the best market for her.

But, on the other hand, an estrange-
ment between Germany and the S. S.
S. R. fully serves the interests of France
and Poland. No wonder Germany is
made uneasy by Comrade Tchicherin's
trip to Paris.

Even though Tchicherin so far has not
entered into any negotiations with the
representatives of the French Govern-
ment, the French press made his presence
in Paris an excuse for conjectures on the
changes of the present French-Soviet re-
lations and for discussing the method of
improving them. Quite in accordance
with the statements made by Briand in
London, Le Temps, the semi-official organ
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, pub-
lished, on November 28, an editorial which
advocated the theory that the consent of
the Soviet Government to pay the pre-
revolutionary debts would be the very best
way to establish friendly relations between
France and the S. S. S. R. The editorial

102

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

further implies that the present moment
is very favorable for the opening of suit-
able negotiations.

The financial problem is at present the
chief and fundamental concern of the
French politicians. The newly formed
Briand Ministry experiences great diffi-
culties in putting their project of finan-
cial reforms through the Deputies Cham-
ber. The characteristic feature of this
reform is careful consideration of the rev-
enues of the big capitalists and the land-
owners. It is true that the income taxes
and assessments are somewhat higher, but
it is only the wages that are being assessed
and not the colossal riches made by the
capitalists on war supplies, speculation,
and the "restoration" of the regions de-
molished by the war. The main purpose
of this reform, as worked out by the new
Minister of Finance, Loucheur, himself a
big capitalist and manufacturer, is to
print a new batch of paper money to the
value of seven and a half milliards of
francs. The "right" parties, of course,
voted for the financial project of the new
ministry.

The Briand Ministry in its platform
propaganda pledged to terminate the war
in Morocco and Syria only "when the in-
terests of France will be secured there/'
This means that the war is to continue in
order to insure the interests of the big
banks, who are represented by the Min-
ister of Finance, Loucheur. At the same
time absolutely nothing is being done to
check the Fascist danger, which may be-
come quite serious if the Fascist bands
formed under Millerand and General Cas-
telnau are not disbanded and dispersed.
Until now, however, the French police are
very lenient with the Fascists.

Under these conditions, the organiza-
tion of self-defense units becomes an im-
mediate necessity, and it is not only the
Communists who resort to it, irat also the
Bourgeois Democrats. In the radical
French press are published appeals of the
"Eepublican Union of Young People" to
the Republican youths to organize their
units in opposition to Fascist "hundreds."

The leaders of the British Labor Party
also begin to recognize the necessity for
the organization of self-defense units
against the Fascist violence encouraged
by the government. The day is probably

nearing when the British Fascists will be-
gin to do their duty as prescribed by their
organizer and protector, the Minister of
the Interior, Joynson-Hicks. Such move-
ment might start in connection with the
expected strikes in the largest branches
of British industry or in connection with
the new parliamentary elections, the ne-
cessity for which becomes more and more
self-evident.

The conservative government of Eng-
land, proud of their successes in for-
eign politics, the guarantee pact, the an-
nihiliation of the nationalistic movement
in Egypt, and their diplomatic victories in
Arabia; confident of their popularity be-
cause of these successes, attempt to make
fundamental changes in home politics.
The very first move would be the intro-
duction of a customs tariff. Even though
last year, during the election campaign,
the Conservative Party, speculating upon
a certain falsified "Zinoviev letter,"
pledged itself not to introduce any cus-
toms duties, and only on that ground
could secure a considerable number of
votes, now that the manufactures and the
landowners are in power, they hasten to
take advantage of it and to introduce pro-
tective tariffs in a roundabout way by
presenting them as "laws for the protec-
tion of trades." Of course, the higher
duties are immediately reflected in the
prices of goods. Workingmen and clerks
protest, as the cost of living becomes
higher. Part of the tradesmen, especially
those who deal in raw materials, such as
textile manufacturers, also protest. These
tradesmen constitute the core of the
Liberal Party. They demand that, in
order to solve the problem of the customs
tariff, the present Parliament should be
dissolved, new elections ordered, and the
election campaign be conducted exclu-
sively in reference to the questions of
protectionism and freedom of trade.

The British Liberal Party loses its ad-
herents every year, and at present does
not represent an important political force.
It can hardly expect big victories in fu-
ture elections. This weakening of the
Liberal Party is explained by a lack of
social ground on which it could firmly
stand. The leaders of the Liberal Party,
headed by Lloyd George, in search of a
solid social base, turn to the rural com-

1926

HOW THE WORLD LOOKS FROM MOSCOW

103

munities and intend to re-establish their
old popularity by the project of an
agrarian reform and the formation of the
new caste of the peasant owners.

It is a well-known fact that the peasan-
try, as we understand this word, does not
exist in England at all; the land belongs
to the big landowners (landlords), and
they rent the land to the farmers. Like
the French radicals, the English liberals
believe that they will find a new source of
strength in rural communities of small
landowners. But here they are up against
the Labor Party, the platform, and espe-
cially the tactics of which, hardly differ
from those of the Liberals.

Under the leadership of MacDonald and
his fellow-thinkers, the British Labor
Party becomes more and more a party of
bourgeosie radicalism, which denies the
class struggle and advocates social re-
forms. Under such circumstances, Left
radicals prefer to join the ranks, of the
Labor Party, which has the support of the
working class. In reply to Lloyd George's
appeal to the Liberals to accept his pro-
ject of agrarian reform, MacDonald of-
fered the Liberals to join the Labor Party
instead. It is reported that a considerable
number of members of the Liberal Party
have followed MacDonald's advice. The
rumors that Lloyd George himself has
joined the Labor Party are not confirmed
yet, but there is nothing improbable in
such a supposition.

In the matter of narrow-mindedness
and inability to satisfy even the most ele-
mentary demands of the working class,
the British Labor Party is surpassed only
by the German Social-Democrats, whose
representative, Deputy Wissel, during the
discussion of the German-Soviet trade
agreement in the Reichstag, showed much
more hatred towards the Soviet Union
than even the "Eight" Bourgeois parties.
The interests of German capitalism found
eager defenders in the Social-Democrats,
all the more eager and sincere since
their predictions of the speedy fall of the
Soviet regime are belied by the facts, and
willy-nilly they have to reckon with the
strengthening of the Soviet Union and the
growth of sympathy for it on the part of
the working masses.

These sympathies caused the Social-
Democratic press and the central organ of

the party, Vorwdrts in particular, to speak
of the desirability of friendly relations
with the Soviet Union, which "no longer
attacks, but merely observes." These dec-
larations go but poorly with the accusa-
tions of "red imperialism" directed
against the Soviet Government. They
show the perplexity of the Social-Demo-
cratis leaders, aware that they are losing
the confidence of the masses, whom they
have been deluding with false information
concerning life in the Soviet Repub-
lics. The results of the elections for the
provincial council in nine provinces in
Prussia again showed a considerable in-
crease of the communist vote, while all
the other parties count their losses. The
revolutionary spirit among the German
workingmen undoubtedly will grow rapid-
ly, in view of the nearing industrial crisis
and lack of employment in connection
with it.

The pressure of the working masses
shows its influence upon the position of
the most zealous enemies of the revolu-
tionary tactics. The British proletariat
definitely stands for the single labor front
and firmly defends the idea of collabora-
tion with the trade unions of the Soviet
Republics.

At the conference of the British trade
unions with the Bureau of the Amsterdam
International, which is now in progress in
London, the British trade-union leaders
insist upon calling a conference between
Amsterdam and all-Russian Council of
Trade Unions, without the conditions
which Amsterdam has demanded in the
hope of thus breaking the agreement.
These preliminary conditions were that
the Russian unions must first declare their
desire to join the Amsterdam Interna-
tional, and only after that and on such a
basis may the negotiations be opened. If
one is to judge by the reports from Lon-
don and by the forced statements of Oude-
geest, the secretary of the Amsterdam
International, all obstacles to the calling
of the conference are now overcome.
However, Oudegeest adds that the final
decision rests with the plenary session of
the executive committee of the Amster-
dam International.

Nevertheless, even if the reformists do
yield to the pressure of the masses every
now and then, still they do not give up

104

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

their relentless war on the revolutionary
wing of the labor movement. In the West
as well as in the East, compliance is but
an open co-operation, not only with the
bourgeoisie, but also with the police.-
Thus, in Japan, the attempt to form a
party of peasants and workingmen has
utterly failed. This attempt was under-
taken at the initiative of the left elements
of the labor movement. In order to make
the task easier for the organizers and to
prevent their being molested by the police,
the Communists decided to abstain from
participation in the constituent assembly.
Nevertheless, the peasant workingmen
party was dispersed by the police on the
very next day after it was formed. It
seems that the reformers fully approve of
the action taken by the police and declare
that now they can comfortably commence
forming their Labor Party, which will aim
only at "sober, practical things."

The kindly interest with which some of
the Japanese liberal press treat the at-
tempts of the Japanese workingmen to
obtain the right of self-determination does
not cover the same rights of the Chinese
workingmen. The nationalistic civil war
in China, which touches the interests of
the Japanese bourgeoisie, meets with very
careful treatment in Japan. The fall of
the Manchurian dictator, Chang-Tso-Lin,
the demoralization of his troops, and the
movement of the people's armies toward
Manchuria give the Japanese bourgeoisie
and the Japanese Government cause for
anxiety. They fear that their influence
and their interests in North China are
endangered.

It is difficult to say what policy Japan
will choose to pursue during the new de-
velopments in China. Will she uphold
Chang-Tso-Lin at all costs? Will she
come to terms with the new pretender for
the post of the Manchurian Governor
General, Go-Sun-Lin, or will she recognize
the invincibility of the Chinese national
movement and try to make friends with
it? This last move would best conform
to the interests of China, as well as of her
nearest neighbor, Japan.

As the masses, which had organized
huge anti-governmental demonstrations in
Peking and Shanghai, demand the re-
moval of the present head of the govern-
ment, the Japanophile Duan-Tsi-Chu,

General Fyn-Uy-San, who practically
rules the metropolis, has undertaken to
transform the government and to intro-
duce into it his followers, and this meets
with wide sympathy and approval of the
population.

Of course, until the quarrel of the two
war factions is settled by the sword, it is
too early to speak of the victory of the
nationalistic liberating movement. But,
at any rate, in China, because of the de-
feat of the reactionary Chang-Tso-Lin
and the subsequent loss of power by the
reactionary Marshal WTu-Pey-Fu, there
are no more persecutions of the labor
movement and the cruel repressions of the
labor leaders has stopped. In this respect
the Chinese proletariat, who took active
participation in the revolutionary move-
ment, accomplished far more than the
peasants and the workingmen of a great
many European countries, and of Ru-
mania in particular.

During the trial of the Tatarbounar
peasants' case the Rumanian Government
was forced to admit Henri Barbusse, a
well-known French writer, to certain ses-
sions of the Kishinev Military Court.
When the Bukharest Government granted
Barbusse permission to enter Rumania,
they did so under pressure of the public
opinion of other European countries,
especially France, who affirmed that the
so-called uprising in Tatarbounar was no
more nor less than a trick of the Ru-
manian secret police force and the Ru-
manian War Department.

Although due measures were taken to
prevent Barbusse and his fellow travelers
from obtaining correct information (even
the Fascists were mobilized to assist, anl
they almost lynched the foreign visitors),
Barbusse succeeded in closely acquainting
himself with the case and became firmly
convinced that the peasants on trial for
the uprising were perfectly innocent, and
that the uprising was forced by the Ru-
manian Government.

All this, of course, gave no direct re-
sults. The Tatarbounar peasants were
sentenced to many years of hard labor and
will expiate in jail the crimes of the Ru-
manian administration, who drove the
peaceful population of Bessarabia into a
mass protest, which was magnified and

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

105

instigated by the police and the War De-
partment representatives till it assumed
the proportions of an "uprising," pro-

voked for the purpose of justifying the
cruel punishment meted out to the pro-
testing peasants.

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

THE CASE FOR THE PLEBISCI-
TARY COMMSSSION, TACNA-
ARICA ARBITRATION

(It is the following position taken by Gen-
eral Pershiug's Commission, December 9,
1925, from which Chile appealed to President
Coolidge, arbitrator. — EDITOB. )

1. Whereas, since April 13, 1924, the date
of submission of the counter-cases to the
arbitrator, and March 9, 1925, the date of
the promulgation of the award of the arbi-
trator, the Chilean authorities in Tacna-
Arica, in disregard of obligations arising
from the submission and in violation of the
award, not only have failed and neglected
so to exercise the powers of government as
to render progress toward a fair plebiscite
possible, but have used those powers unlaw-
fully to reduce, by means of expulsion and
deportation, the number of Peruvian voters
in the plebiscitary territory, and to place
and continue Peruvian voters remaining in
that territory in a state of fear and subjec-
tion inconsistent with the free exercise of
electoral rights.

2. Whereas the award of the arbitrator
conferred upon the Plebiscitary Commission
"marks complete control over the plebis-
cite, . . . subject only to the provisions
of this opinion and award" (Award, page
55).

3. Whereas in view of conditions actually
existing in the territory and in the exercise
of authority conferred by the award, the
Plebiscitary Commission, on November 2,
adopted a resolution, hereinafter referred
to as the prerequisites resolution, enumerat-
ing certain prerequisites to a fair plebiscite
in Tacna-Arica.

4. Whereas His Excellency the Chilean
member of the Commission, at the session
of November 6 and on other occasions,
though refraining from expressing an opin-
ion with regard to the legality of the pre-

requisites resolution, gave assurances that
as a practical matter his government would
co-operate in giving effect to the provisions
thereof.

5. Whereas the Commission has passed
various resolutions designed to carry into
effect the prerequisites resolution, includ-
ing a resolution respecting entry into and
departure from the plebiscitary territory.

6. Whereas compliance by the authorities
responsible for the government and control
of Tacna-Arica with necessary demands made
by the Commission in the performance of
its duty has, when accorded at all, been
formal rather than substantial.

7. Whereas under date of November 21,
1925, in note number 100, addressed to the
President of the Commission, His Excellency
the Chilean member made statements as
follows :

(A) That his government has given him
"instructions to state that Chile will here-
after abstain from participation in any of the
proceedings of the Commission or its subsid-
iary agencies unless they are directly and
closely connected with the registration and
election regulations and provide for fixed
dates for the registration and voting. . . ."

(B) That "as and when Plebiscitary Com-
mission is prepared to proceed with the enact-
ment of those regulations and with the fixing
of the corresponding dates the Chilean Gov-
ernment will be very glad to co-operate in the
adoption of all measures compatible with the
exercise of its sovereignty over these terri-
tories which the Plebiscitary Commission
may deem necessary to carry out a free and
fair plebiscite."

(C) That "the Chilean authorities in
Tacna and Arica have received instructions
to ignore each and every one of the decisions
of the Plebiscitary Commission or its sub-
sidiary agencies which may require their co-
operation until the registration and election
regulations shall have been enacted and the
dates for registration and the holding of the
plebiscite shall have been fixed."

(D) That he would not resume his "attend-
ance at the meetings of the Plebiscitary Com-
mission until they shall include in their

106

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

agenda the registration and election regula-
tions and the dates for the opening of the
registration for the holding of the plebiscite."
(E) That accordingly he proposed a mo-
tion which provides in substance that the
committee on registration and election regu-
lations shall present its report not later than
the 10th of December, 1925; that the Com-
mission shall enact the regulations not later
than the 15th of December, 1925; that the
registration board shall begin to function not
later than the 20th of December, 1925, and
conclude their labor on the 10th of January,
1926 ; that all appeals from registration board
shall be decided not later than 20th of Jan-
uary, 1926; and that the plebiscitary vote
shall be taken on the 1st of February, 1926.

8. Whereas in his note number 103, dated
November 23, 1925, His Excellency the
Chilean member, replying to a communica-
tion dated November 21, with which the
President of the Commission transmitted an
authenticated copy of a resolution of the
Commission passed pursuant to the pre-
requisites resolution, for the purpose of
carrying out said resolution and requesting
the Chilean Government to remove from
office, among others, Senor Don Juan Solis
and Senor Don Jos6 Canales, stated that:

"Senor Don Juan Solis and Senor Don
Jos6 Canales, sub-inspectors of police, Tacna,
will not, in accordance with the stipulations
of my vote number 100 of the 21st, be re-
moved from office."

9. Whereas under date of November 27,
1925, the President of the Commission ad-
dressed a communication to His Excellency
the Chilean member in reply to the latter's
note number 100, of November 21, in which
the following statements, among others, were
made:

(A) "If Your Excellency's statements are
to be taken literally, they are inconsistent
with any intention to abide by the Treaty of
Ancon, the protocol of arbitration, the award
of the arbitrator, and the decisions of the
Plebiscitary Commission."

(B) "If Your Excellency or Your Excel-
lency's Government considers that the Plebis-
citary Commission has made an incorrect
decision, either affirmative or negative, either
by way of doing something that it ought not
to have done or by refraining* from doing
something that it ought to have done, and,
far more, if it has exceeded its authority
under the award or failed to obey its pre-
scriptions, the award itself and the rules of
the Plebiscitary Commission provide for ap-
peal to the arbitrator, whereby any error of
judgment, positive or negative, or any action
ultra vires on the part of the Commission
may be speedily and summarily corrected.
It is clear, therefore, that in failing to take

an appeal to the arbitrator, in announcing
Your Excellency's intention, under the in-
struction of the Chilean Government, to ab-
sent yourself from the further meetings of
the Plebiscitary Commission until the Com-
mission sees fit to take certain action de-
manded by Your Excellency, and in announc-
ing that the Chilean authorities in Tacna-
Arica have been instructed to 'ignore each and
every one of the decisions of the Plebiscitary
Commission or its subsidiary agencies which
may require their co-operation, until the Com-
mission has taken such action, Your Excel-
lency and Your Excellency's Government have
disregarded the prescriptions of the award."

(C) "If this attitude is persisted in by Your
Excellency's Government, the Commission
will be left with no alternative except to re-
port to the arbitrator the failure of its ef-
forts to carry out the plebiscite under the
award owing to the refusal of the Chilean
Government to permit the Commission to
function."

(D) "The continuation and completion of
this task (i. e., the preparation of the election
and registration regulations) would, of
course, involve Your Excellency's co-operation
in the proceedings of the Commission and,
without waiting for promulgation of registra-
tion and election regulations, the renovation
by Your Excellency's Government of the in-
structions given to the Chilean authorities
in Tacna-Arica to ignore the decision of the
Plebiscitary Commission and its agencies.
Your Excellency will, I am sure, appreciate
that this is vital." . . .

(E) "In this connection I must remind
Your Excellency that it is not within the
competence of the Plebiscitary Commission
finally and unalterably to 'fix' dates for the
registration and for the polling. The para-
graph of the award to which Your Excellency
has more than once referred, which makes it
the duty of the Commission to 'fix the date for
plebiscite and time and places of registra-
tion and voting,' is followed by the provision
'the dates, times, and places so fixed may be
changed by the Commission.'

Considering both of these prescriptions, it is
plainly the duty of the Commission, when
determining dates for registration and vot-
ing, to select dates that are not only fair to
both parties, but which the Commission has
reasonable grounds to believe will enable each
of the parties to take all intermediate steps
necessary to protect rights and meet obliga-
tions."

(F) "I believe that, with good will all
around, the committee on registration and
election regulations should be able to report
to the Commission by the end of December.
If this were done, it seems to me that the
Commission might be able to adopt and pro-
mulgate the regulations by on or about Jan-
uary 15th ; that registration might begin
within about 30 days thereafter, and, al-
lowing an equal period for registration and
the same for appeals, we might look for-
ward to a vote about the middle of April.
This is an estimate based on assumed good

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

107

will all around.' No matter how brief
nor how long a time it takes, I cannot par-
ticipate in any plebiscite which does not, in
my judgment, truly represent the free and
untrammeled will of the plebiscitary elec-
torate."

(G) "I trust that, in view of the foregoing
frank exposition of my view in the premises,
Your Excellency will see your way to resume
participation in the work of the Plebiscitary
Commission, and that Your Excellency's Gov-
ernment will give such instructions as may
be necessary to secure the co-operation of the
local authorities, upon the understanding that
the work of framing the registration and
election regulations will be continued and
completed with all practicable energy and
dispatch."

10. Whereas the letter written by the
President of the Commission on November
27 was delivered to His Excellency the
Chilean member about 9 a. m. on Saturday,
November 28, and at the meeting of the
Commission which took place about 11 a. m.
of the same date the Chilean member read
an address in which the proceedings of the
Commission are reviewed in a manner that
is fragmentary rather than comprehensive
and critical rather than constructive, and
which abounds in direct attacks upon the
motives of his Peruvian colleague and in-
direct, but none the less evident, reflections
upon the motives of the President of the
Commission.

11. Whereas said address was given to the
press by His Excellency the Chilean mem-
ber, as he stated in pursuance to the in-
structions of his government, in direct viola-
tion of the understanding under which the
Commission had theretofore operated and
pursuant to which only decisions of the Com-
mission and certain documents pertinent
thereto collected by the press committee were
to be given to the public, and after the Presi-
dent of the Commission had specifically
drawn the Chilean member's attention to this
agreement, advising him that the publication
of his aforesaid address could not but be
regarded by the Commission as a conspicious
and most unfortunate violation thereof.

12. Whereas the reading and giving to the
press of the foregoing address of His 'Ex-
cellency the Chilean member has undermined
the work already accomplished by the Com-
mission, interrupted its regular labors, post-
poned and rendered more difficult its task,
the accomplishment of a free and fair ple-
biscite, and impaired conficler.ee in the pur-
pose of the Chilean authorities to meet their

obligations in connection with the plebiscite
except upon their own terms.

13. Whereas His Excellency the Chilean
member of the Commission, in the course of
his address of November 28, said, among
other things:

"In obedience to the instructions of my
government I have the honor to state that
should the Plebiscitary Commission reject
any of the proposals contained in my motion
to fix a date for the plebiscite, I shall act in
strict accordance with my note number 100
of the 21st of this month, and I must formally
reserve, on behalf of my government, the
right to adopt any course or attitude which
it may deem necessary to safeguard Chile's
rights and to save the principle of arbitra-
tion and respect for arbitral sentences from
the dangers to which that principle is now
exposed at the hand of the majority of this
Commission."

Thus serving notice that even such co-op-
eration as the Chilean member of the Com-
mission and the Chilean authorities had ac-
corded the Commission in the past would be
resumed only upon terms dictated by him-
self and his government.

14. Whereas the letter of November 27
from the President of the Commission to His
Excellency the Chilean member has not been
answered by the latter, except in so far as
his address of November 28 may be regarded
as a rejection of the constructive sugges-
tions presented in the President's letter.

15. Whereas His Excellency the Chilean
member of the Commission has repeatedly
announced that his government declines and
refuses to comply with the decisions of the
Plebiscitary Commission within the scope of
its authority under the award of the arbi-
trator, except upon the condition that the
Commission submit to all the demand of the
Chilean member as outlined in the motion
set forth in his letter number 100.

16. Whereas respect for the arbitrator and
the rule laid down by him in the award, to
the effect that the Commission shall act by
majority vote, forbid the Commission to
permit any member thereof to dictate the
conditions upon which compliance with its
legitimate decisions will be accorded.

17. Whereas the conditions sought to bt-
established by means of the resolution pro-
posed by His Excellency the Chilean member
of the Commission are unjust and destruc-
tive of the right of the plebiscitary electorate
to be afforded an opportunity to participate
in a free, fair, and orderly plebiscite.

108

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

18. Whereas from every practical point of
view and upon every practical assumption,
the holding of a plebiscite In conformity
with the schedule of dates proposed by His
Excellency the Chilean member of the Com-
mission is impossible.

19. Whereas if a free, fair, and orderly
plebiscite is to be held in Tacua-Arica, con-
ditions in the territory must undergo modi-
fication, and the accomplishment of that
modification obviously depends upon adequate
and harmonious co-operation by the Chilean
authorities with the Commission.

20. Whereas, as pointed out by the Presi-
dent of the Commission in his letter of No-
vember 27, the Commission, in the natural
and orderly course of events, would have
been able to adopt registration and election
regulations on or about the 15th of January
next, and notwithstanding the interruption
of its labors and the division of the time and
attention of its members caused by the
arbitrary action of His Excellency the Chil-
ean member, as set forth in his communica-
tion number 100 of November 21st and his
address of November 28th, it may still be
possible, with the good will and co-operative
effort of all concerned, for the Commission
to complete the registration and election
regulations on or about the 15th day of Janu-
ary, 1926; now, therefore, be it

Resolved by the Plebiscitary Commission,
Tacna-Arica Arbitration, That, conscious of
its responsibility to the arbitrator, to the
parties, and to the people of Tacna-Arica,
and in view of impossibility from an ad-
ministrative standpoint of holding the pre-
scribed plebiscite in conformity with the
schedule of dates proposed by His Excellency
the Chilean member, the Commission is com-
pelled to decline and does decline to accept
that schedule.

SECTION 2. That the committee appointed
by the Commission to study drafts of regis-
tration and election regulations presented by
the Chilean and Peruvian delegations respec-
tively and to render a report to the Com-
mission shall present its report, or, in case of
difference of opinion the reports of its mem-
bers, as soon as practicable, with a view to
the adoption and enactment of such regula-
tions by the Commission on or before the
15th day of January, 1926,

SECTION 3. That the registration and elec-
tion board shall begin to function as registra-
tion boards on the 15th day of February,

1926, or as soon thereafter as the Commis-
sion shall deem it practicable to do so,
and shall continue to function as such for
a period of one month.

SECTION 4. That proceedings designed to
correct any alleged erroneous ruling of regis-
tration board may be begun immediately
after such ruling shall have been made
of record, and all appeals from such rulings
shall be decided at or before the end of three
weeks next following the close of the regis-
tration.

SECTION 5. That the plebiscitary vote shall
be taken on 15th day of April, 1926, or as
soon thereafter as the Commission shall deem
it practicable to have the vote taken.

SECTION 6. That the foregoing schedule of
dates is based upon the assumption that both
parties to the plebiscite will proceed expedi-
tiously and in good faith to give full effect
to the resolutions and regulations heretofore
adopted or which may hereafter be adopted
by the Commission, to the end that a fair
and orderly plebiscite may be held, it being
understood that the schedule is subject to
change from time to time if, in the judgment
of the Commission, any such change shall ap-
pear to be necessary or advisable.

SECTION 7. That the Commission hereby re-
spectfully calls upon His Excellency the Chil-
ean member formally to advise the Commis-
sion clearly and specifically whether or not
the Chilean Government is prepared hence-
forth to co-operate effectively with the Com-
mission, and especially to instruct its officials
and representatives in Tacna-Arica, effective
as of the date of the Chilean member's reply
hereto, thereafter to co-operate adequately in
carrying out the regulations and resolutions
heretofore adopted or which may hereafter
be adopted by the Commission, always hav-
ing the right of appeal to the arbitrator, in
accordance with the provisions of his opinion
and award and the rules of procedure of the
Commission.

SECTION 8. That the President of the Com-
mission be and he is hereby instructed to
cause an authenticated copy of this resolu-
tion to be presented to His Excellency the
Chilean member of the Commission, and that
the Chilean member of the Commission be
and he is hereby instructed to cause this
resolution to be brought to the attention of
the proper Chilean authorities.

The foregoing resolution was adopted by
the Plebiscitary Commission, Tacna-Arica
Arbitration, on the 9th day of December, 1925.

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

109

TACNA-ARICA

President Coolidge's Reply to Chile's Appeal

IN THE MATTES OF THE ARBITRATION BETWEEN
THE REPUBLIC op CHILE AND THE REPUBLIC
OF PERU, WITH RESPECT TO THE UNFUL-
FILLED PROVISIONS OF THE TREATY OF PEACE
OF OCTOBER 20, 1883, UNDER THE PROTOCOL
AND SUPPLEMENTARY ACT SIGNED AT WASH-
INGTON, JULY 20, 1922.

Opinion and Decision of the Arbitrator upon
the Appeal from the Decision of the Plebis-
citary Commission made on the Ninth Day
of December, 1925.

1. On December 9, 1925, the Plebiscitary
Commission adopted a resolution to the fol-
lowing effect:

(a) The Commission declined to accept a
schedule of dates proposed by the Chilean
member for the adoption of registration and
election regulations, for the commencement
of the functioning of registration boards, for
the early disposition of appeals from rulings
of the registration boards, and for the tak-
ing of the plebiscitary vote.

(6) The Committee appointed by the Com-
mission to prepare drafts of registration and
election regulations was directed to report as
soon as practicable with a view to the adop-
tion and enactment of such regulations on or
before January 15, 1926.

(o) The registration and election boards
were directed to begin their functions on
February 15, 1926, or as soon thereafter as
practicable, and to continue to function for
a period of one month.

(d) Proceedings to review rulings by the
registration boards were required to be ex-
pedited, so that appeals from such rulings
should be decided within three weeks follow-
ing the close of registration.

(P) The date of the plebiscitary vote was
fixed at April 15, 1926, or as soon thereafter
as the Commission should deem practicable.

(/) It was provided :

SECTION 6. "That the foregoing schedule of
dates is based upon the assumption that both
parties to the plebiscite will proceed expedi-
tiously and in good faith to give full effect
to the resolutions and regulations heretofore
adopted or which may hereafter be adopted
by the Commission, to the end that a fair
and orderly plebiscite may be held, it being
understood that the schedule is subject to
change from time to time if, in the judgment
of the Commission, any such change shall
appear to be necessary or advisable."

(<7) It was further provided:

SECTION 7. "That the Commission hereby
respectfully calls upon His Excellency the
Chilean member formally to advise the Com-
mission clearly and specifically whether or
not the Chilean Government is prepared

henceforth to co-operate effectively with the
Commission, and especially to instruct its
officials and representatives in Tacna-Arica,
effective as of the date of the Chilean mem-
ber's reply thereto, thereafter to co-operate
adequately in carrying out the regulations
and resolutions heretofore adopted or which
may hereafter be adopted by the Commission,
always having the right of appeal to the
arbitrator in accordance with the provisions
of his opinion and award and the rules of
procedure of the Commission."

(h) The President of the Commission was
instructed to transmit an authenticated copy
of the resolution to the Chilean member, who
was in turn instructed to bring the resolution
to the attention of the proper Chilean au-
thorities.

2. On December 16, 1925, the Plebiscitary
Commission by resolution certified to the ar-
bitrator, under the appropriate provisions of
the opinion and award of March 4, 1925, that
portion of "the dissenting opinion and re-
quest for certification on appeal" of the Chil-
ean member "which sets forth a dissent and
appeal from the action of the Commission on
December 9, 1925, in substituting for a reso-
lution to fix the date of the plebiscite intro-
duced by the Chilean member a resolution on
the same subject introduced by the President
of the Commission, and in adopting the lat-
ter," as presenting "a question of general
importance in relation to the holding of re-
sult of the plebiscite." Under the same reso-
lution of December 16, 1925, the Plebiscitary
Commission transmitted to the arbitrator all
other portions of the said dissenting opinion
for such consideration as the arbitrator
might deem proper on his own motion.

3. On December 22, 1925, the arbitrator
made an order allowing the appeal so cer-
tified and reserving for further consideration
the question of entertaining an appeal with
respect to other matters than those embraced
in the resolution of December 9, 1925, and as
to these matters the arbitrator directed the
party seeking appeal to present in writing, on
or before January 15, 1926, a statement show-
ing with suitable precision the action or reso-
lution of the Plebiscitary Commission of
which complaint is made. The order further
provided that the Commission's authority
should not be regarded as suspended pend-
ing the appeal, and that the Commission
should proceed with the performance of its
duties under the opinion and award of March
4, 1925. Pursuant to the said order of the
arbitrator, the parties on January 9, 1926,
filed briefs accompanied by the pertinent

110

February

documents required for consideration of the
appeal and of the other matters referred to
in the dissenting opinion and in the resolu-
tion of December 16, 1925.

4. The agent for the Republic of Chile, on
January 9, 1926, filed on behalf of his gov-
ernment a communication addressed to the
arbitrator, which, among other things, de-
clares that the appeal of Chile from the reso-
lution of December 9, 1925, "is respectfully
withdrawn in so far as such resolution fixes
the time for the submission and adoption of
rules and regulations governing the plebiscite
and also the times for registration of voters,
appeals, and casting of the ballots." This
communication proceeds to state: "As to
other portions of the resolution, however,
which make the fixing of such times de-
pendent or conditional upon Chile's giving
full effect to certain resolutions and regula-
tions heretofore adopted or which may here-
after be adopted by the Plebiscitary Commis-
sion, Chile continues her appeal and submits
herewith, in addition to the documents set
forth in Your Excellency's order of December
22, 1925, a memorandum pointing out the
provisions in the said resolution of December
9, 1925, to which Chile particularly objects
as especially affecting the operation of the
last-mentioned resolution. The agent for
Chile further declares that her appeal upon
the resolution of December 9, 1925, is prose-
cuted in this sense "in order that the resolu-
tion may be amended or modified by elimi-
nating therefrom the objectionable assump-
tions and conditions." From the memoran-
dum referred to by the agent for Chile and
accompanying his communication, it appears
that the "objectionable assumptions and con-
ditions" thus drawn into question are found
in the provisions of sections 6 and 7 of said
resolution hereinabove quoted.

5. The arbitrator, on due consideration, is
of opinion that permission to withdraw the
appeal, in so far as the schedule of dates
fixed by the resolution of December 9, 1925,
is concerned, should be granted.

When the order allowing the appeal was
made, on December 22, 1925, the only spe-
cific decision of the Plebiscitary Commission
certified for review was apparently the re-
jection of one schedule of dates and the adop-
tion of another. On examining the two pro-
visions of the resolution to which Chile ob-
jects on this appeal, the arbitrator is of the
opinion that section 6 should not be taken as

setting forth conditions modifying or limiting
the action of the Plebiscitary Commission in
fixing the schedule of dates, but rather as
intended to express the desire and request
that both parties should give their earnest
co-operation, to the end that a fair and or-
derly plebiscite may be held in accordance
with the terms of the opinion and award.
Section 7 would seem to be a similar appeal
addressed particularly to the Chilean Gov-
ernment as the party charged with the re-
sponsibility of administration in the plebisci-
tary area. These requests do not appear to
the arbitrator to furnish grounds for objec-
tion or to constitute specific action of the
Commission requiring review. The Commis-
sion, under the terms of the opinion and
Award, has authority to change the dates
fixed by the resolution in question, and the
reference to this authority in the resolution
and the manifest desire that the exercise of
this authority should not be required does
not, in the opinion of the arbitrator, present
ground of appeal.

6. The arbitrator is not disposed, however,
to take a technical view of the situation, and
desires, in a considerate and helpful spirit,
to assist, so far as he can, in eliminating the
differences which have arisen between the
parties, acting, of course, within the limits of
the powers which the parties themselves
have conferred upon him.

The holding of the plebiscite is but the ex-
ecution of the agreement of the parties as
found in the Treaty of Ancon. In the sub-
mission to the arbitrator it was explicitly
agreed that the arbitrator was empowered
"to determine the conditions" of the plebi-
scite. The agreement for a plebiscite mani-
festly would not be satisfied by the holding
of a plebiscite as a mere matter of form, and
the purpose in empowering the arbitrator to
determine the conditions of the plebiscite
was to the end that there should be proper
safeguards for the holding of a fair plebi-
scite. Hence the arbitrator concluded, as the
award states, that the conditions of the ple-
biscite should be such as would "work sub-
stantial justice between the parties in the
present circumstances." As it was plainly
impossible that all the requisite conditions
should be fixed in detail by the award, it was
necessary that a suitable agency should be
constituted. The arbitrator stated in the
award states, that the condition of the plebi-
scite should be such as would "work sub-

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

111

pervised by competent and impartial author-
ity." It was for this purpose, and as one of
the conditions determined by the arbitrator
under the submission, that the Plebiscitary
Commission was established. The construc-
tion of its powers and duties should be de-
termined in the light of the end to be
achieved — that is, the holding of a fair ple-
biscite in accordance with the agreement of
the parties.

It was provided in the award that the
Plebiscitary Commission should have "in gen-
eral complete control over the plebiscite."
The specification of the particular powers of
the Commission in relation to registration
and the casting and counting of the vote was
not intended by the arbitrator to detract
from this "complete control," and this con-
trol, for which the award provides, embraces
all authority necessary for the determination
of the requisites of a fair plebiscite. The
action of the Commission in determining
these prerequisites, and in making its re-
quirements accordingly, is at all times sub-
ject to review by the arbitrator upon proper
appeal ; but the determinations and require-
ments of the Commission taken in the exer-
cise of the full authority thus conferred by
the award constitute conditions of the pleb-
iscite with the same force and effect as if
prescribed by the arbitrator directly under
the submission, and these conditions are bind-
ing upon both parties. From the very mo-
ment of its organization, the conditions for
the holding of a fair plebiscite in Tacna and
Arica became the primary concern of the
Plebiscitary Commission. It was and is the
duty of the Plebiscitary Commission, in
order that appropriate requirements for a
fair plebiscite might be made, to take note
of the actual situation in the plebiscitary ter-
ritory and to form its judgment with respect
to appropriate measures.

This authority of the Plebiscitary Commis-
sion does not derogate from the administra-
tive powers of Chile conferred by the Treaty
of Ancon over the plebiscitary territory. As
the arbitrator pointed out in the award, it
was not deemed to be necessary to discuss
any question of sovereignty over this terri-
tory. It was sufficient to take the express
words of the treaty under which the terri-
tory was to be in Chile's possession and sub-
ject to Chilean laws and authority pending
the plebiscite. But this retention of posses-
sion and administrative authority were sub-

ject to the provision for the taking of the
plebiscite, and it was stated in the award
that the evercise by Chile of legislative,
executive, and judicial power should not go
to the extent of frustrating the provision for
a plebiscite. As both parties had agreed to-
a plebiscite, both parties were bound to take
proper action that it should be fairly held.
The agreement of Chile and Peru that the
arbitrator should establish the conditions of
the plebiscite carried with it the undertaking
to abide by these conditions, and these con-
ditions prescribed by the award include, as
has been said, the requirements made by the
Plebiscitary Commission under the authority
conferred by the award. The execution of
these requirements is but the exercise by
both parties of their jurisdiction respectively
in accordance with their agreement. The
carrying out of these requirements of the
Commission in the plebiscitary area is not
in derogation of the administrative authority
of Chile, but is the use of that authority in
accordance with the terms of the treaty and
the award. This does not involve the as-
sumption either by the arbitrator or by the
Commission of any authority other than that
of determining the conditions upon which a
fair plebiscite may be held, and if these con-
ditions are not observed by either party the
responsibility must rest upon the party or
parties to which the failure may be at-
tributed.

Conclusion

The arbitrator accordingly decides upon
the present appeal :

1. That the appeal from that portion of
the resolution of December 9, 1925, which
fixes the time for the submission and adop-
tion of rules and regulations governing the
plebiscite, and also the times for registration
of voters, for the institution and conclusion
of proceedings to review the rulings of the
registration boards, and for the taking of
the plebiscitary vote, having been withdrawn,
be and the same is hereby dismissed of
record.

2. That sections 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the reso-
lution of December 9, 1925, be, and they are
hereby, construed as an order of the Com-
mission fixing "the date for the plebiscite
and the time and places of registration and
vo'ting," subject to the power of the Com-
mission to change the same as provided in

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

the opinion and award, but not conditioned
by or dependent upon any of the other pro-
visions or recitals contained in said resolu-
tion.

(Signed) CALVIN COOLIDGE,

Arbitrator.
By the arbitrator:

(Signed) FRANK B. KELLOGG,

Secretary of State.
JANUARY 15, 1926.

GREAT BRITAIN AND LOCARNO

(Speech delivered in the House of Com-
mons by Austen Chamberlain, Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, on the occasion of
his moving a resolution for the approval of
the Locarno treaties.)

In accordance with the promise which I
gave to the House at an earlier stage of the
negotiations which resulted in the Treaty of
Locarno, I now submit a motion which
brings under the review of the House the
obligations which it is proposed that His
Majesty's Government should accept before
His Majesty's Government tender advice to
the King to ratify that treaty. I have been
encouraged to hope, by the very generous
acknowledgment of the work done at Lo-
carno which has been made in public
speeches by the leaders of the two opposition
parties, that such a motion as I have placed
on the paper would receive the unanimous
acceptance of the House. I am sorry,
though it is not for me to criticize it, that
the opposition parties should have found it
necessary to put down any amendments to
my motion, but I gladly take note of the fact
that neither of the amendments criticizes the
agreement which was come to or challenges
the policy of His Majesty's Government in
accepting the limited obligations imposed by
the Treaty of Locarno. What both amend-
ments do is to assert that the work of Lo-
carno will not be complete until it is fol-
lowed up by further steps of general pacifica-
tion and appeasement, and I hope it is not
necessary for me to say that it has always
been the view of His Majesty's Government —
a view which I have more than once publicly
expressed — that the agreements made at
Locarno, valuable as they are in them-
selves— and I beg the House not to under-
rate their intrinsic value — are yet more
valuable for the spirit which produced them,
which informed them, and which is already

at work in our international relations; and
that we regard Locarno, not as the end of
the work of appeasement and reconciliation,
but as its beginning.

The policy which His Majesty's Govern-
ment have pursued has already received the
general approval of the House. I was able
to satisfy myself in our earlier discussions,
particularly in the month of June, that the
policy which His Majesty's present advisers
were pursuing was accepted by all parties in
the House, and that not only were the aims
of all parties the same, but that there was
general agreement as to the conditions which
must govern our search for those aims. The
House will observe that in the policy which
we have pursued we have built on the foun-
dation afforded to us by our predecessors,
that we have taken up the work which they
were pursuing in their time, but which they
were unable to complete, and that we have
carried it on with the same desire to help
Europe to move out of the rut of war thought
and war suspicion and war fears into a better
atmosphere, which is the only sure founda-
tion for future peace.

Circumstances and Men

I was myself, let me acknowledge, very
fortunate in the circumstances in which I
was called upon to deal with this question
and in the men with whom I had to co-
operate as the representatives of other coun-
tries. It was a great thing for His Ma-
jesty's present Government, and for their
Foreign Secretary in particular, that the
reparation question had been removed from
the field of controversy before we were called
upon to deal with the international situation,
and I desire once again to express my indebt-
edness to the work of my predecessors and
to recognize that, if they could not in the
time allotted to them carry the work as far
as we have carried it today, they were aim-
ing at the same object and pursuing the same
end, not always, I admit, by exactly the same
means, but animated by the same purpose,
which is not a party purpose, but a national
purpose common to all parties and all sec-
tions of opinion in this country.

I was not only fortunate in what preceding
British governments had accomplished ; I was
fortunate in the colleagues with whom I had
the honor of working at Locarno. I had not
met representatives of the German Empire
until I met them at that conference. I very

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

113

soon was able to satisfy myself that they
came there animated by the same sincere
desire for peace and reconciliation that ani-
mated the Western nations, and that they
would work with us in the same whole-
hearted spirit to secure an end so essential
for the prosperity of all our peoples. I was
particularly fortunate in the character of the
great Frenchman who represented his coun-
try there. M. Briand is a man of singular
courage, of great clearness of vision, and of
a wide and generous liberality of thought.
When he sets to work to make peace he does
it in the largest spirit, and I think I am not
saying too much when I say that the success
of the Locarno Conference was essentially
due to the character of the representatives
of Germany and the representatives of
France at that conference. The representa-
tive of Belgium assisted the peaceful purpose
of the representative of France. The repre-
sentative of Italy took exactly the same posi-
tion as the representative of His Majesty's
Government and contributed with us to the
settlement of difficulties, to the alleviation
of fears and the dispersion of suspicion, that,
without the aid of our two countries, might
never have been possible of solution by the
parties immediately concerned.

I think it is true to say that all of us in
that conference and observers watching it
from the outside felt from the first meeting
of the conference that we were face to face
with something new after the last four years.
For the first time the nations who had been
enemies met on a footing of perfect equality,
free to give or to refuse, to undertake or not
to undertake; they met, not at the summons
of the victors of yesterday addressed to the
vanquished to come and render an account of
what they were doing or of their failure to
fulfill obligations, but on the initiative taken
by the German Government itself, made our
own by the governments of the Western

nations, and we met to consider not terms

prepared in advance by the Western nations
for submission to and acceptance by the
representatives of Germany, but a document
in which their jurists had co-opei-ated with
our jurists, and that was the only document
that was before the conference.

A Conference of Free Nations

It was, therefore, as free nations meeting
by common consent on a footing of perfect
equality to discuss their differences and, if

they could, remove them, that members of
the Conference of Locarno assembled. I
would undertake to say — and I observed it
to some of my colleagues in that conference —
that had some inhabitant of another world,
ignorant of all that had passed in the last
few years in this world of ours, not knowing
who we were who were gathered in the
court-house of Locarno, dropped into our
gatherings and found us at work, he would
never have guessed that we were the repre-
sentatives of nations so recently involved in
a bitter feud ; he would have taken us for
business men who had been associated in the
past, among whom certainly grave differ-
ences had arisen as to present or future
policies, but who were determined that those
differences must be overcome, so that their
associations might be maintained. It was in
such a spirit of good will on all sides, of
confidence and friendliness, that the Con-
ference of Locarno met, conducted its delib-
erations, and came to its conclusions, and it
was the feeling of us all when we separated
that, though what has been achieved there
did indeed mark a turning point in the his-
tory of Europe, and it may be in the history
of the world, yet it was, as I have said, but
an earnest and an omen of the new inter-
national spirit and of the relations which
would grow and develop between us as the
years rolled by.

Complaint is made or criticism is sug-
gested in the amendments on the paper, not
of what we did but of what we did not do.
It is suggested that our work was incomplete
because among the documents initialed at
Locarno was none which provided for general
disarmament. That is true; but Locarno
was not the place, nor were we who were
assembled there competent alone to produce
that scheme of general disarmament. What
we have done is to bring a new assurance
of peace and security to many of the nations
which felt themselves most threatened and
insecure. In so doing, it is our belief, the
belief of all of us who were there, which
we placed on record, that we have hastened
the possibility of effectively dealing with the
question of disarmament, and that we have
brought a new support to the work of the
Assembly of the League of Nations and of
its Council. I would remind the House that
the Council, in pursuance of resolutions, will
itself be discussing this question in a very
few weeks' time, and that a committee of the

114

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

Council is to meet in advance of the meet-
ing of the Council in order to prepare the
way for the effective handling of it.

It was not possible to deal with disarma-
ment at Locarno. Other nations must be rep-
resented besides those who were at Locarno
in order to deal with this question effec-
tively. But not only did we do nothing at
Locarno to make disarmament more difficult,
but we did much to make it easier. The
whole of our work must result in making
that problem one of greater immediate ur-
gency and of practicability, and in assisting
the Council and the Assembly in bringing
it to a successful conclusion.

Russia and the League

The second criticism which is suggested — I
will not say criticism; it is not really criti-
cism, but advice which is tendered — is that
the treaty should be followed by positive
steps to secure the adhesion of Russia to
the League of Nations. It might, perhaps,
be sufficient for me to say that that is really
not relevant to the particular motion before
the House ; but as it has been thought suffi-
ciently relevant to appear upon the notice
paper, I think I ought to say a few words
more. It is the desire of His Majesty's
Government, as I think it must be the desire
of every member of the League, that the
League should become as widely, as univer-
sally representative as possible. The absten-
tion of great nations from the League does
pro tanto weaken the League's authority and
powers of usefulness, although it would be,
in my opinion, a great mistake to underrate
the present power and influence of the
League, even as it is now constituted, as an
instrument of peace, an aid to conciliation
and reconciliation between nations, and a
moral authority, apart from any sanctions
which it may have got in international af-
fairs, which no nation can afford to disre-
gard.

But the admission of Russia must depend,
in the first place, upon the attitude of the
Government of Russia. It is not for the
League to go begging in one quarter or an-
other. That would be derogatory to the
League; it would be a minimizing of its au-
thority and its position, which, I think, no
friend of the League could countenance or
support. The will to join the League must
be spontaneous in the government concerned.
Is there any will on the part of the Soviet
Government to join the League? As far as

my information goes, and my latest informa-
tion is drawn from accounts of what M.
Tchitcherin has said in the last two days in
Berlin, the Russian Government is not pre-
pared to join the League on any terms what-
ever ; it finds a difficulty about joining a
body the seat of whose secretariat and the
habitual place of whose meetings is in
Switzerland. But it has more fundamental
objections than those. It regards the League
as an association of nations, each of them
constituted on a system which is incompatible
with the view which the Soviet Government
takes of what the world should be, and it
has a fundamental objection to joining a
League of Nations based upon such a con-
stitution of society. If that be, as I have
every reason to believe, the view of the
Soviet Government, it is really not possible
for anybody to accuse His Majesty's Govern-
ment of being an obstacle to the entrance
of Russia into the League.

With those preliminaries, I come more im-
mediately to the documents themselves and
to the proceedings of the conference. We
were dealing with Germany, and I think
every friend of the League and every friend
of international peace and good-will will re-
joice that the German Government has seen
its way to propose entrance to the League
of Nations. There were two questions which
presented considerable difficulty to us in the
course of the conference. One was this very
question of the entrance of Germany into
the League. The other was the relations
created by past treaties between France and
Poland and their reactions on the new
treaties which we were endeavoring to carry
through. I must confess that I was taken
completely by surprise when I found that by
far the most serious of those difficulties was
constituted by our condition, or our request,
that Germany should enter the League. The
question of the reaction of the French
treaties and of the relations of France with
Poland and Czecho-Slovakia was found, on
examination, to be far less difficult than any
of us had supposed. I must say that some
injustice was done to Poland and to the
distinguished representative of Poland in
that conference, because, whenever there was
thought to be a hitch in our proceedings, the
press representatives, whom we could not
inform from hour to hour of all that was
passing among us, perhaps, not unnaturally,
assumed that Poland must be the obstacle
in our path. It was not so.

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INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

115

German Misapprehensions

The greatest obstacle was the entrance of
Germany into the League. How that has
resolved appears from the letter (printed on
page 57 of the White Paper) which it is pro-
posed that the other governments repre-
sented at the Locarno Conference should ad-
dress to the German Government on the day
of the signature of the treaty. I came to the
conclusion that the German objections were
due to apprehensions, which were very
largely misapprehensions, of what the obliga-
tions of a member of the League were and
of what would be the policy of the League
in given events. All of us who initialed that
letter felt that, in the declaration which we
made to the German Government, we were
saying no more than what has been declared
by the Assembly, in resolution after resolu-
tion, and no more than what is the common
sense of the documents which we had to
interpret. No member can enter the League
except with the same rights and the same
obligations as every other member. I pause
for a moment — perhaps it is hardly neces-
sary— to say that there is a single possible
exception afforded by Switzerland, I think
because it is the seat of the League, and
for no other reason. But the very founda-
tion is that all nations in it are equal, be
they big nations or be they little nations;
that they have the same rights and, conse-
quently, the same duties; and it would be
impossible to create a new class of member-
ship with restricted rights and restricted
duties, or, alternatively, with full rights and
with restricted duties. The duties of a na-
tion must be proportionate to the capacity
of the nation to fulfill them, and no one can
anticipate that the Council would ask of any-
one a service which it is materially incapable
of rendering. We have, therefore, said noth-
ing which in any way weakens the authority
or the position — we have carefully explained
that we have no authority to speak on behalf
of the League — but we have given as our
own an interpretation of the obligations of
the members of the League which, I believe,
will be accepted in every quarter.

A Mutual Guarantee

If I turn to the actual Treaty of Locarno,
that treaty of mutual guarantee which is the
only treaty that His Majesty's Government
propose to sign, I would make, first, about it
three observations : In the first place, it is a

treaty which is aimed at no one, pointed at
no one, threatening no one, and menacing
no one. In the second place, it is a treaty
of mutual guarantee. The obligations of
France to Germany are the same as the
obligations of Germany to France. The same
is true of Belgium and Germany, and the
obligations of the guaranteeing powers, Italy
and Great Britain, are the same to Germany
as they are to France or to Belgium. This
is not, then, a treaty directed by one group
of powers against any power or group of
powers, but is a mutual treaty of guarantee
among the powers concerned to preserve
peace on their frontiers and between them-
selves. The third point that I would ask
the House to observe is that all the agree-
ments initialed .at Locarno conform strictly
to the spirit of the Covenant and the spirit
of the League of Nations, that they are
placed under the guardianship of the League,
that the League is the ultimate authority in
regard to the issues which may be raised,
and that what we have done is not to sub-
tract from the power or the authority of
the League, but to support and to underpin
that authority and power for the settlement
and reconciliation of conflicts between na-
tions.

I need only run very briefly through the
articles of the treaty. Article 1 is a guaran-
tee by all the contracting parties of the
inviolability of the western frontiers and the
maintenance of the territorial status quo. By
Article 2, France and Germany and, simi-
larly, Belgium and Germany undertake not
to invade or make war except in special
cases. The first is self-defense — that is,
where one of the parties has already broken
the obligations which it has undertaken ; and
the second is where a flagrant breach of
treaty obligations has taken place, and where
such breach constitutes an unprovoked act
of aggression, and by reason of the assembly
of armed force in the demilitarized zone
immediate action is necessary. That is again
a case of self-defense. The third is action in
pursuance of the Covenant and the decision
of the Council or the Assembly of the League.
Article 3 provides for arbitration and con-
ciliation, and the details are filled in by the
conventions regarding arbitration which were
also initialed at Locarno. Article 4 is the
one which most immediately concerns us,
because it embodies our guarantee. Article
5 is the guarantee of the Arbitration Con-

116

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

vention. Article 6 protects the treaty rights
of the powers. Article 7 makes clear that
these treaties are not an infringement of
the authority or power of the League, but
are supplementary to it and in support of
it. Article 8 fixes duration. Article 9 deals
with the position of the Dominions and India,
to which I shall return later, and Article 10
deals with the entry of Germany into the
League.

British Liabilities

What the House will want to know is what
is the obligation that we undertake. There
is no case in which we can be called upon to
take military action except in pursuance of
the Covenant and the action of the League,
or where action is taken by one of the parties
in breach of its obligations which leads to
such an immediate danger that you cannot
wait even the few days that may be neces-
sary for a meeting of the Council. In that
case the British Government of the day re-
mains the judge, and the only judge, of
whether that case of immediate danger has
arisen. I say the British Government is the
only judge. Of course, the Italian Govern-
ment, as joint guarantor, is in exactly the
same position as ourselves. Each guarantor
is judge of whether the circumstances have
arisen which bring its guarantee into imme-
diate play.

I have no doubt that, as a matter of prac-
tice, the two guarantors would at once ex-
change views upon the situation. Indeed, I
think it is probable that the powers which
are guaranteed will be anxious to know what
views the guarantors take of the situation
before they themselves take action. Though
undoubtedly the Italian Government and our
own would in such circumstances exchange
views, the decision rests in each case with
the particular government. It is not a joint
decision of the guaranteeing powers. It
is the British Government as far as we are
concerned, that must be satisfied that the
situation contemplated has arisen.

What is that situation? It is this: "In
case of a flagrant violation of Article 2 of
the present treaty, or of a flagrant breach of
Articles 42 or 43 of the Treaty of Versail-
les"— those are the articles which regulate
the demilitarized zone — "by one of the high
contracting parties, each of the other con-
tracting parties hereby undertakes imme-
diately to come to the help of the party

against whom such a violation or breach has
been directed, as soon as the said power has
been able to satisfy itself" — that is our
discretion, we must be able to satisfy our-
selves— "that this violation constitutes an
unprovoked act of aggression, and that by
reason either of the crossing of the frontier
or of the outbreak of hostilities or of the
assembly of armed forces in the demilitarized
zone immediate action is necessary." I do
not need to remind the House that under
Article 44 of the Treaty of Versailles the
signatory powers are entitled to consider any
breach of any provision of Articles 42 and 43
as a hostile act by Germany against each of
them. Any one of those hostile acts might
have led to war. Now we provide that imme-
diate war follows only if the act is of such a
character that delay becomes dangerous to
the innocent party and might be fatal to his
safety.

Action in Self-defense

You cannot argue that the French or we
should sit still while the demilitarization of
the demilitarized zone is rendered ineffective,
and that we should take no action in our
self-defense until German troops have ac-
tually crossed the French frontier. That
would be to destroy the whole value of the
demilitarized zone. On the other hand, it
would be a monstrous crime against hu-
manity that some trifling infringement, or
even some serious infringement, of these
same demilitarization treaties which does
not immediately endanger peace should be
the cause of an immediate outbreak of war.
Suppose a siding is constructed for military
purposes. That is an infringement of the
treaty. Suppose a fortress is erected. That
is an infringement of the treaty. But these
things cannot be done in a day. The fact
that some workman is at work here or there
is not a cause for war. These are cases
which should go through the process of ju-
dicial decision or conciliation provided in
the treaty. It is only in cases where any
delay endangers the security of any innocent
party that we contemplate action before the
decision of the Council has been given, and
even then we provide that the Council shall
still be seized of the matter, and that when
it has given its decision we will all conform
to it. I do not think that the obligations of
this country could be more narrowly cir-
cumscribed to the conditions under which we

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

117

have an actual vital national interest than
they are in this treaty of Locarno, and I do
not think that without that amount of re-
sponsibility undertaken by Great Britain
anyone could have achieved that detente in
the international situation which has already
taken place in consequence of the Confer-
ence of Locarno.

Eastern Frontier States

I should have felt that the work of Lorcano
was only half done if it had not produced
also a detente on the eastern frontier of Ger-
many and contributed to render secure peace
in that part of Europe. Recent events must
have taught us all that if war breaks out
anywhere, no man can say where the con-
flagration will be arrested, and we cannot be
indifferent to the prospects of peace in any
part of the world, least of all in any part of
Europe. But more. We took obligations
when we joined the League of Nations. We
become in greater or less degree participants
in any conflict which breaks out, and it is,
therefore, doubly our interest to see that the
danger of war is removed as far as possible
from every quarter of the world, and, above
all, from every quarter of Europe in which
the danger of war may arise. The Treaties
signed between Poland and Germany and
Czechoslovakia and Germany naturally could
not be exactly the same as those which were
signed by the western nations. Great Britain
was unprepared to accept any new obliga-
tions in that part of the world, but I am
thankful that by their free agreement, by the
good-will which their representatives brought
to the discussion of their special problems,
the security of the eastern frontiers of Ger-
many and of the neighboring States has come
out of Locarno, not weakened but strength-
ened, and the danger of war has been ren-
dered much more remote there, just as it has
been rendered much more remote in the
western half of the continent of Europe.

M. Briand, in his final word to the Con-
ference at Locarno, made in reply to the
statement by Herr Stresemann on behalf of
the German delegation, observed that if the
initialing of the Treaty at Locarno were to
have been the end, as it was the beginning,
of Locarno, and nothing more was done, he
would have thought it an act of bad faith
to have come and he would never have come.
I do not say that those treaties when rati-

fied make war impossible. It is not given
to any human instrument to do that, but I
do say that they render war infinitely more
difficult, and they make it far less possible
that war should break out on some obscure
or doubtful incident or claim, and with those
agreements in operation I think it will be
difficult for one of the nations signatory to
them to make war against one of its fellow-
nations without clearly putting itself in the
wrong before the whole civilized world and
bearing the odium of such wrongdoing.

War Spirit Left Behind Us

After all, half the conflicts between nations
arise immediately out of some petty incident
that was not worth the loss of a soldier's
life: but where the honor or the pride or
the national sentiment of two countries be-
comes engaged and neither deems it possible
to yield, I do not believe that such incidents
can create war among the parties who have
signed these treaties; and if these incidents
which kindle the flames of war cannot be
wholly removed by written instruments, at
least it is true to say that the spirit which
brought us to Locarno and which inspired us
there has found immediate results in the
policies of the governments concerned, and
that there is good hope today that we have
turned over a new leaf, that we have put the
war spirit behind us, and that we shall work
with a common will to preserve peace. Look
at what has happened. At the moment when
we met at Locarno thousands of German in-
habitants of Poland were under an order of
expulsion, not in pursuance, or at any rate
not directly in pursuance, of rights drawn
from the Treaty of Versailles, but under an
agreement come to between the Polish and
the German Governments for dealing with
their nationals who opted to retain their
nationality — and in Locarno as to the right
of the Polish Government to expel those men
I never heard any question — but hardly had
the Foreign Minister gone back from Lorcano
carrying the treaty with him to the capital
of his own country than the Polish Govern-
ment decided to suspend the decree of ex-
pulsion against these men, and the German
Government on its side decided to suspend
the decree of expulsions against the Polish
nationals in Germany. And on our side, al-
though it has taken a little longer, the fruits
are also apparent.

118

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

Cologne Evacuation

The settlement of the outstanding question
about disarmament has been facilitated at
least by the good-will engendered by
Locarno; but, more than that, the new spirit
of confidence of the Treaties of Locarno en-
ables us to say that we will no longer wait
for the execution of all that has to be done,
but that on December 1, the day on which
these treaties are signed, the evacuation of
Cologne shall begin, and it shall be carried
through with all the expedition that the ma-
terial circumstances of the case permit. The
whole administration of the remaining por-
tion of the occupied Rhineland has been un-
der review with a view to changing its char-
acter. When we stood — the Western nations
and Germany — at arm's length, menacing,
threatening, things were necessary which be-
come meaningless the moment that there is
confidence and good-will between our respec-
tive nations, and accordingly, not only shall
we welcome what we have had in view for
some years past — the presence of a Reichs-
kommissar to discuss matters with us — but
the whole administration will be revised
with a view to reducing our interference with
German life and German administration to
the narrowest limits compatible with the
safety of the troops that remain. I believe
that a great work of peace has been done.
I believe it, above all, because of the spirit
in which it was done and the spirit which
it has engendered. It could not have been
done unless all the governments — and, I will
add, all the nations — had felt the need to
start a new and better chapter of interna-
tional relations. But it could not have been
done, and it would not have been done, un-
less this country was prepared to take her
share in guaranteeing the settlements so
come to. I regret — nobody more so — that the
circumstances of the British Empire made
it impossible for all parts of the British Em-
pire to be represented throughout all our
discussions and to conduct these interna-
tional negotiations from day to day in com-
mon.

Dominions Fully Informed

It was the desire of His Majesty's Govern-
ment before ever they embarked on this
policy to get into conference with the govern-
ments of the dominions and of India. That
was not found possible. All that we have
been able to do is to keep those governments

fully informed of everything that has been
done from first to last. Their liberty and
freedom of action are safeguarded specifically
under the treaty. It is recognized that only
their own governments, acting with the au-
thority of their own parliaments, can under-
take for them the obligations that we are
asking the House of Commons to undertake
for Great Britain, but we hope that we may
discuss this matter fully whenever the next
Imperial Conference is set up, and that that
Imperial Conference may not be too long de-
layed. I do not think that it is possible to
treat matters of this great consequence,
covering so wide a field, by dispatch or cable
across thousands of miles of ocean. For a
true appreciation of the position, personal
contact and personal explanation are neces-
sary. It is, therefore, that His Majesty's
Government will submit to the dominions
that the best way to proceed is that we shall
confer together whenever they and we are
able to arrange a future meeting. Mean-
time we who live close to the continent, we
who cannot dissociate ourselves from what
passes there, we, whose safety, whose peace,
and the security of whose shores are mani-
festly bound up with the peace and security
of the continent, and, above all, of the West-
ern nations, must make our decision, and we
ask the House to approve the ratification
of the Treaty of Locarno in the belief that
by that treaty we are averting danger from
our own country and from Europe, that we
are safeguarding peace, and that we are lay-
ing the foundations of reconciliation and
friendship with the enemies of a few years
past.

NOT YET

The God of Bounds,
Who sets to seas a shore,

Came to me, on his rounds,
And said- "No more!"

— Emerson

And I made bold to answer:
"My work is only play;

'My Father worketh hitherto,'
And I must work today/'

DAVID STARR JORDAN
January 19, 1925

1926

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

119

LEAGUE COMMISSION'S REPORT
ON MOSUL ATROCITIES

(NOTE. — Following Is the text of the report
presented to the League Council by the com-
mission sent to Mosul last fall to investigate
charges of Turkish atrocities. The commis-
sion was headed by General P. Laidoner, of
Esthonia, and consisted, besides, of a Czecho-
slovak and a Spanish member.)

After an exhaustive study of the documents
and after investigations and inquiries on the
spot, I am able to formulate the following
conclusions :

1. Raids by Tribal and Village Chiefs

Raids made by tribal and village chiefs
from one side of the Brussels line into the
territory of the State on the other side can
not be regarded as exceptional occurrences.
In that very mountainous and wild district,
almost the entire male population carries
arms, the tribes are frequently quarreling and
sometimes attack each other in the territory
of the same State.

Moreover, I found that the provisional
frontier, as fixed at Brussels, is not a natural
frontier. Certain parts of it, indeed, are
1 (lively fictitious and can readily be crossed.
Accordingly, as the frontier question is at
present unsettled and as it is so easy to cross
the provisional line at various points, tribal
and village chiefs naturally find circum-
stances very favorable to brigandage.

Although no attack of serious importance
has occurred, it is essential to realize that
disturbances will always be possible until
the frontier question has been finally settled
and the line marked out on the ground.

2. Occupation of Certain Villages by Turkish
Military Posts and Patrols

From time to time during last summer and
autumn the Turkish authorities occupied cer-
tain villages to the south of the Brussels line
with military posts and sent patrols through.
The British Government in its protests men-
tions the villages of Sinat, Dershish, Nuzur,
Sul, Rusi, Hurki, and Arush, and lays special
emphasis on the occupation of the village of
Nuzur. Accompanied by Lieutenant Colonel
Jac and by two British represensatives, Mr.
Jardine and Captain Sargon, I visited Nuzur
and other frontier villages and found that
the existing maps do not accurately repre-
sent the Nuzur area.

Very fortunately, however, the Brussels
line was described according to the configura-
tion of the ground and the watercourses, and
we were thus able to establish the line fairly
accurately and to ascertain on the spot that
all the villages mentioned above are situated
to the south of it.

I think the Turkish local authorities are
now pretty well aware of this fact, for there
are no longer any Turkish posts south of
the Brussels line, and if the Turkish authori-
ties refrain from now onwards from send-
ing military posts and patrols into this area,
the question of the violation of the frontier
might almost be regarded as settled.

3. Flight Over the Line by British Aircraft

As regards the flight over the Brussels line
by British aircraft, I am not in a position
to express a formal opinion, as I have not
been able to make an investigation in the
Turkish zone. . . .

THE REFUGEES' EVIDENCE
4. Deportations of Christians

With regard to this question I have the
honor to report as follows:

In the district of Zakho there are at pres-
ent some 3,000 deported Christians, and every
day isolated groups continue to arrive in
Irak. These refugees come from the villages
situated in. the zone between the Brussels
line and the line claimed by the British
Government. . . .

I instructed my assistant, M. Ortega, and
the two secretaries, M. Charr£re and M.
Marcus, to make an exhaustive inquiry
among the refugees.

This subcommittee made very detailed and
impartial investigations during four days.
It interviewed separately, from different vil-
lages various social classes of different ages
and se'xes.

All the refugees' statements are in abso-
lute agreement and may be summarized as
follows :

1. Turkish soldiers, under, the command
of officers, occupied the villages, and in the
first place obtained delivery of all the arms ;
they then imposed very heavy fines and
demanded women ; they then pillaged the
houses and subjected the inhabitants to
atrocious acts of violence, going as far
as massacre.

2. The deportations were deportations en
masst, and, according to the statements

120

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

made, the refugees were conducted to a dis-
trict farther removed from the provisional
line.

During the deportations several persons fell
111 on the way and were abandoned ; others
died of starvation and cold, for when leav-
ing their homes they had to abandon every-
thing and were unable to carry with them
either food or clothing. During the inquiry
several cases were discovered in which mem-
bers of families who have taken refuge in
Irak are now in Turkish concentration
camps.

This is the general account given by the
depositions. We have, moreover, seen our-
selves that all those who have arrived are
in an absolutely pitiable state.

Victims of Force

In order to ascertain the real causes of
these deportations, it would be necessary in
the first place, to hear the explanations of
the Turkish authorities and then to make
an inquiry in the localities where the evac-
uated villages are situated, which I have
not been able to do. Definite evidence that
all the Christian refugees were constrained
by force and violence to leave their villages
and their homes is, however, to be found in
the fact that they arrived in Irak without
any means of subsistence.

At the present time the situation of these
people, in spite of the subsidies of the Irak
Government and the financial help1 of in-
stitutions and private persons in England,
is still deplorable.

Among all the incidents which have taken
place in the zone of the Brussels line, it
is beyond question that the deportations of
Christians constitute the most important
fact. . . .

General Conclusions

Most of the incidents which took place in
the zone of the Brussels line during last
summer and autumn are ordinary frontier
incidents, inevitable so long as the frontier
question is not definitely settled and the
line has not been marked out on the spot.
During my stay in Irak there were no im-
portant incidents, and with the exception of
the deportations the former incidents were
not repeated. The incidents mentioned in sec-
tions 2 and 3 of the present report do not,
in my opinion, present any importance from
the point of view of the decision of the
Council.

The question of the deportations of Chris-
tians is infinitely more important, for these
deportations are causing fairly serious and
easily comprehensible agitation and nervous-
ness among the Christian population living
south of the Brussels line and in the vilayet
of Mosul, and also among the Moslem popu-
lation of Mosul, which favors the claims of
Irak. . . .

(Signed) F. LAIDONER.

MOSUL, November 23, 1925.

SECRETARY KELLOGG ON OUR
POLICY OF ISOLATION

Excerpts from His Address in New York,
December 14, 1925

I suppose all men will agree that the fea-
ture of our policy which gives it its chief dis-
tinction and at the same time is least under-
stood and appreciated bj the rest of the fam-
ily of nations is the fixed determination to
avoid participation in purely European politi-
cal matters. This policy has its roots deeply
embedded in our history and we have clung
to it consistently ever since we came to be a
nation. Its influence is no less controlling
today than when the farewell address of
Washington was delivered. Not since 1798
has the United States been a party to any
military alliance with a foreign power.

We shall go to the very limit of reasonable
co-operation for all legitimate purposes, but
we will not under any circumstances com-
mit ourselves to the European system of al-
liances and counter-alliances to maintain the
balance of power upon that continent. In
Europe for centuries there have existed po-
litical combinations formed among nations
to maintain the so-called balance of power —
alliances offensive and defensive containing
military commitments, such as the Holy Al-
liance, the Triple Alliance, and the Triple
Entente, which preceded the World War.
These undoubtedly have been caused in some
cases by a feeling of insecurity, many times
caused by national jealousies, racial animosi-
ties, or commercial antagonisms.

It is doubtful if they have ever really con-
tributed to the maintenance of peace. They
have- contributed to competition in building
both naval and military armament, and when
war has come have broadened its scope and
intensified the conflicts. It is these political
commitments and military alliances which it

W26

KELLOGG ON OUR POLICY OF ISOLATION

121

has been the policy of the United States to
avoid.

Denies This Is Isolation

Much is constantly being said, especially
in the foreign press, about our isolation as
a country, our refusal to co-operate with
other countries in the settlement of the eco-
nomic and political problems now confront-
ing the world. The difference between being
a party to a political or military alliance
and co-operating with and lending assistance
in the economic restoration of the world is
very wide. I believe that, within the limita-
tions of its policy the United States has co-
operated in every way in solving the grave
problems confronting Europe and lending en-
couragement and assistance in this economic
reconstruction.

The United States has never turned a deaf
ear to the call of distress, nor has it ever
refused assistance when its aid has been
sought in a way which would not involve
us in any political controversies and domestic
affairs of other countries. As a further evi-
dence that the United States is not holding
aloof from world affairs, I may say that this
government has sent representatives to pos-
tal, sanitary, and telegraph conferences; is
represented in the agricultural conference,
and has had representatives in the opium
conference and the conference for the limi-
tation of the sale of munitions of war, and
many others.

The United States has always been willing
to attend these conferences and to aid in
every way in the establishment of principles
for the advancement of science, of trade and
commerce, for the amelioration of the hor-
rors of war, the settlement of the principles
of international law, the prevention of dis-
ease, the aiding of agricultural and other ac-
tivities which are the subject of international
consideration.

Foreign Loans

In March, 1922, after a consultation with
various financial houses, the President di-
rected the Department of State to publish a
circular requesting in substance that those
desiring to float foreign bond issues in the
American market should notify the Depart-
ment of State, giving such information as
they could furnish in reference to loans. The
Department of State would then give the
matter consideration in order that, in the
light of the information in its possession, it

might, if it so desired, say whether objection
to the loan did or did not exist. It was
stated, however, that the department could
not require bankers to consult it; that it
would not pass upon the merits of foreign
loans as business propositions nor assume
any responsibility in connection with the loan
transactions and that offers of foreign loans
should not state or imply that they were
conditioned upon the expression of the de-
partment's views regarding them, nor should
any prospectus or contract refer to the at-
titude of the government.

The object of this was that the govern-
ment might state whether it believed certain
loans were not in the public interest, such
as loans for armament, loans to countries
not making debt settlements with the United
States, or loans for monopolistic purposes.

The department has received notice of a
great many loans to foreign governments,
municipalities, and industries. It has ob-
jected to loans to countries which had not
settled their debts to the United States, as it
believed that it was not in the public interest
to continue to make such loans, and it has
objected to certain loans for armament and
the monopolization of products consumed in
the United States. The department has not
assumed and could not assume to pass upon
the validity of loans or the security. It has
not the authority of law and it will be im-
possible for any department of the govern-
ment to parcel out foreign loans, pass upon
their merits, their security, or upon them as
business propositions.

The department has further called the at-
tention of the bankers to the fact that they
should consider very carefully the question
whether such loans were for productive pur-
poses which would aid in procuring funds for
transfer. It will probably be remembered
that all the reparations paid into the Reichs-
bank must be transferred with the consent
of the Transfer Committee, of which Mr. S.
Parker Gilbert is the head, and the question
naturally occurs whether the Transfer Com-
mittee would place obstacles in the way of
States and cities procuring the necessary
funds for transfer.

I have no desire whatever to throw ob-
stacles in the way of legitimate loans, but
I do think American bankers should consider
the question as to what extent State and
municipal loans should be made.

122

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

News in Brief

THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT HAS ADOPTED
the entire Swiss civil code. This will entirely
revolutionize Turkish civil life, since the
Swiss constitution was largely modeled upon
that of the United States, which, in turn, is
of Anglo-Saxon origin. The new code will
suppress polygamy, make divorce more dif-
ficult, and greatly improve the position of
Greek, Armenian, and Jewish minorities,
which will now be on the same footing legally
as the Turkish citizen. Under the new fed-
eral code Switzerland has made great ad-
vances toward pure democracy, in which
minorities, while possessing no specifically
defined separate rights, may constantly check
the work of a legislative majority and cause
an appeal to the whole nation by referendum.
Turkey, therefore, is taking a long step for-
ward in the handling of minorities.

THE INAUGURATION op MR. HERNANDO SILES
as President of Bolivia took place on Jan-
uary 10. Mr. Alberto Gutierrez was an-
nounced Minister of Foreign Relations in the
new cabinet.

CENTRAL AMERICAN AND MEXICAN TREES
and forest resources are to be especially
studied this year by Professor Record, of the
Yale School of Forestry.

A WORLD RELIGIOUS CONVENTION seeking to
bring about greater understanding and to
establish further co-operation among religi-
ous workers of different religions existing all
over the world is proposed by the Shukyo
Konwakai of Tokyo. This is an organiza-
tion formed by leaders of Christianity, Budd-
hism, and Shintoism and scholars interested
in religion.

GOVERNMENT CHEMISTS BELIEVE that the
problem of making cheap synthetic ammonia
on a commercial scale has been worked out ;
in other words, of fixing nitrogen from the
air. This means that the vast reservoir of
atmospheric nitrogen may soon be placed at
the disposal of the American farmer.

JAPAN is SAID TO BE the only country with
a children's department attached to its asso-
ciation of the League of Nations. This de-
partment has just issued peace stamps. On
one is the slogan "Join us for peace" and
on another, "Love, not force."

IMPROVEMENT IN POLAND'S ECONOMIC CON-
DITION was reported by Prof. Edwin Kem-
merer, of Princeton University, on January
12. The country has a small per capita debt
as compared with other European nations;
last year's crops were good, the country has
a favorable trade balance, and the value of
the zloty has been steadily rising since early
in December. These facts, combined with
the government's present financial policy,
should, he thinks, insure a balanced budget
for the coming year, in spite of the financial
panic which has lately prevailed in Poland.
Professor Kemmerer has recently concluded
a financial study of that country. This is his
preliminary report to American bankers
through the Polish legation in Washington.

COPIES OF ALL INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS

made by the United States will hereafter be
transmitted to the Secretariat of the League
of Nations. While this does not imply regis-
tration, by agreement with the Secretary,
treaties of the United States may be pub-
lished in the League Treaty Series.

A PRELIMINARY DISARMAMENT CONFERENCE

called by the League of Nations will be par-
ticipated in by the United States. On Jan-
uary 18 the House of Representatives passed
a bill appropriatting $50,000 for expenses of
American delegates ; this bill now goes to the
Senate, and when passed President Coolidge
can formally accept the invitation to the con-
ference. Russia, it was reported from Mos-
cow on January 15, will not attend the con-
ference if it is on Swiss soil. This refusal
is based upon the fact that Vorovsky, a Rus-
sian, was assassinated at Lausanne in 1923
and the assailant was acquitted by the Swiss
courts.

A FOURTH INTERNATIONAL MORAL EDUCA-
TION CONGRESS is to be held in Rome, Italy,
from April 16 to April 20, 1926. Previous
congresses were held in London in 1908, The
Hague in 1912, and Geneva in 1922. The fol-
lowing statement accompanies the announce-
ment: Object— To enlist the active co-opera-

1926

NEWS IN BRIEF

123

tion of all, irrespective of race, nation, and
creed, in promoting the work of moral educa-
tion. Basis — The congress does not advocate
the views of any society or party, but affords
to all who are interested in moral education,
whatever their religious or ethical conviction,
nationality, and point of view, an equal op-
portunity of expressing their opinions and
comparing them with those of others.

neutrality. Russian spokesmen have inter-
preted it as an answer to Locarno. Turkish
representatives imply that it will strengthen
Angora in the negotiations with Great Brit-
ain in reference to the League of Nations'
Mosul award. Official French opinion be-
littles the pact as "a simple case of misery
loving company."

ACCORDING TO THE STATEMENT of the U. S.
Treasury, October 20, 1925, the following
countries were then indebted to the United
States :

Countries Which Have Funded Their Debts
to the United States

ONE OF THE MOST VIGOROUS international
organizations of Japan is the Women's Peace
Association, whose president is Mrs. Hideko
Inouye, of the Japan Woman's University.
Some recent activities of the association
were lectures by prominent speakers, includ-
ing a talk by Mrs. Keyes, and assistance in

arranging for a lecture by Dr. Anna Louise
Total Indebtedness
Counties to U. S. Strong.

Belgium $416,904,160

Czechoslovakia 115,000,000 AN IMPORTANT STEP toward the further

Esthonia 13,830,000 unification of Europe, following Locarno, is

Finland 8,910,000 expected to be taken next March when the

Great Britain 4,554,000,000 Central European Institute of Political Eeon-

Hungary 1,972,883 omy begins its sessions in Vienna. The ob-

Latvia 5,775,000 ject of the Institute is to ascertain ways and

Lithunia 6,045,225 means of uniting six countries — Austria,

Poland 178,560,000 Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Jugoslavia,

and Rumania — in an economic, financial, and

Principal Debts to the United States Still transportation union.
Unsettled

Armenia $14,959,479 KING HAAKON OF NORWAY, in opening the

Austria 30,550,750 seventy-fifth ordinary session of the Storting

France 4,210,556,948 January 12, announced plans for the organi-

Greece 17,625,000 zation of the new national defense system,

Italy 2,138,543,852 which are to be introduced at the present ses-

Jugoslavia 65,414,997 sion, adapted to the country's needs and

Liberia 32,768 means and having in view the changed ideas

Nicaragua 84,090 evidenced in last year's international rela-

Rumania 46,508,661 tions. In anticipation of reorganization, lim-

Russia 256,083,232 itations of the army organization and aboli-
tion of the land fortresses are suggested in

Since October, Italy and Rumania also the budget draft. Regiment exercises will be

have funded their debts to the United States. suspended and one.third of the recruit forces

will not be called up.
T\ RANGELL ISLAND, off the northeastern

Siberian coast, which for a century has been

. . , ., . . . ,. TT ., , „. AGREEMENTS HAVE BEEN REACHED between
claimed alternately by the United States,

Canada, Great Britain, and Russia, will soon the governments set up by Great Britain in

be colonized with families of Eskimos by the T™nsjordania and Irak, on the one hand,

Soviet Government. The government will and the leader of the Wahabi Mohammedans

also erect a wireless station on the island of NeJd> wno have recently overrun central

capable of communication with the United and southern Arabia. The importance of

States and Russia. these agreements, whereof the chief feature

is that they provide, in a hitherto lawless,

THE REPRESENTATIVES OF RUSSIA AND TUR- much-fought-over region of Asia, a system

KEY SIGNED, on December 11, in Paris, a for the settlement of frontier disputes is not

treaty of friendship and mutual benevolent altogether dissimilar to that of the interna-

124

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

tioual joint commission which has so long
kept peace upon the borders of the United
States and Canada.

THE WORLD PRESS CONGRESS is invited to
Geneva for September, 1926, by the Society
of Geneva Citizens.

THE NEW BUILDING of the International
Labor Office at Geneva is to be embellished
by gifts from many nations. The American
Federation of Labor will honor the memory
of Samuel Gompers by sharing in the decora-
tion of one of the halls of the building.

LEON TROTSKY CONTRIBUTED in January an
article to Pravda, suggesting that French in-
dustries need a market, and that Russia
needs credit. He declared that the Soviet
Government was prepared to pay more than
the normal market rate of interest for
French credit, and suggested that the surplus
interest might constitute a fund for the re-
imbursement of French holders of Russian
bonds, adding the stipulation that the initial
Soviet payments should be small, growing
as the prosperity of the country increased.

THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR INTEL-
LECTUAL CO-OPERATION began its meetings at
the Sorbonne, in Paris, on January 17. Re-
markable gatherings of diplomatists, savants,
writers, and educators were assembled for
the sessions. Professor Einstein of Germany
is quoted as saying that as technicians the
mathematicians wish to collaborate in the
task of peace-making. M. Deladier, French
Minister of Education, said that the very
existence of such an institution was an evi-
dence of solidarity.

BOOK REVIEWS

THE LITTLE WORLD. By Stella Benson. Pp.
206. Macmillan Co., New York, 1925.
Price, $2.50.

"It is, of course, a happy thing that we
have optimistic imagination to make fools,
or, in other words, tourists of us all ; at least
it is a happy thing for hotel-keepers, hungry
tigers, white ants, and what not." With a

whimsical manner of seeing and describing
things, Miss Benson, of the open eyes, is a
most interesting travel companion. This
book of sketches compiled from her records
of random journeys is charming.

The author finds "being alive at all is an
incessant shock," and naturally communi-
cates some of her thrill to her reader. Among
other unusual traits, she seems to have a
penchant for the countenances of animals.
There are the gharry horses in India, with
their "industrious and wistfully hopeful
look"; unfortunate buffaloes, who "wear
their horns with pessimism and without
chic" ; benevolent, humorous-faced elephants,
"each with its little eyes set in a wreath
of smiles" ; sleepy crocodiles, with "little
buttonhook smiles of peace and complacency"
curling the corners of their mouths; and
camels who "carry their heads at an angle
that suggests sour prudishness, their eyes
forever shocked and frigid."

There is much, too, of apparently unpre-
meditated poetry in the book. The Grand
Canyon, so often described, comes upon us
with a very fresh effect. And in China, Yun-
nan, Hanoi, she gives poignant impressions
to us "who are deaf to the . . . fading
flutes of the wandering musicians and the
sound of the leaping wind coming over the
mountains."

WHAT THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Is. By //.
Wilson Harris. Pp. 128. George Allen &
Unwin, Ltd., London, 1925. Price, 2/6.

RECONSTRUCTION. By Maurice Fanshawe.
Pp. 336. George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., Lon-
don, 1925. Price, 5 shillings.

THE SENATE AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS.
By Henry Cabot Lodge. Pp. 424. Scrib-
ner's, New York, 1925. Price, $4.00.

The first of these three books is a small
hand-book, light and well printed, outlining
the functions of the League and its method
of work. This is all adequately illustrated
by a narrative of matters that have come
before the League and of the manner of their
settlement. The last chapter, "After four
years," indicates the gaps yet to be filled in
the machinery of the League. It is a very
convenient, informative book.

The volume by Maurice Fanshawe, three
or four times the thickness of that by Har-
ris, goes into considerably more detail as to
the membership and work of the Assembly
and Council. Twenty-two pages are allotted

1926

BOOK REVIEWS

125

to the Permanent Court ; twelve to the Inter-
national Labor Organization, and a good deal
of space to the work of the various organiza-
tions and commissions of the League. Events
are brought down to the early summer of
1925. An appendix on personnel, a bibliog-
raphy, and an index complete the book.

The posthumous book by Senator Lodge
canvasses the League of Nations by the way
of personal reminiscences and keen analysis
of its covenant. As an irreconcilable oppo-
nent to the entrance of the United States,
Mr. Lodge kept a valuable record. "Whatever
the future may have in store for us," he
says at the beginning, "the importance of
the Senate debate and of their rejection of
the treaty in 1919 and 1920 cannot, I think,
be questioned." As leader of the Republi-
cans in the Senate and chairman of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, Senator Lodge
had opportunities to know all phases of this
momentous transaction better than most men.
Therefore the value of the book.

As a continuation of a bitter personal con-
troversy between President Wilson and Sen-
ator Lodge, both now dead, this large book
would not be worth printing. It does, how-
ever, vindicate Mr. Lodge from the charge
of ignorance and bigotry on world affairs;
the grounds of his beliefs may be debatable,
but the grounds are here plainly stated. The
book does throw into the spot-light once more
the covenant of the League and the exact
reasons why the United States Senate finally
rejected it. Almost half the book is com-
posed of appendices, containing speeches and
reports of conferences. It is, historically, a
valuable book.

THE BOOK OF AMERICAN NEGEO SPIRITUALS.
Edited by James Weldon Johnson. Musical
arrangement by J. Rosamond Johnson and
Lawrence Brown. Pp. 187. Viking Press,
New York, 1925.

The religious song of the American negro
has long been recognized among us as music
of touching beauty. In the preface to this
volume of spirituals, Mr. Weldon Johnson
carries us much further into an understand-
ing and appreciation of the negro and his
songs. Wondering at the miracle of this
noble music, he goes back into Africa. There
he finds a folklore that is rich, an art that
is vital. African music, however, he finds
to be not so much melody, weirdly individual,
as that is ; still less harmony ; but pre-emi-
nently rhythm. All sorts of complex and

syncopated rhythms are beaten out by drums,
hands and feet of native Africans. A large
part of the character inherent in American
negro song, both secular and religious, Is this
racial feeling for rhythm.

The American black man, however, has
built upon the weird primitive melodies and
accents a music full of dignity and emotion.
He has discovered, too, a feeling for har-
mony all his own, as was shown in the part-
singing of the slaves, and which has been
worked into the accompaniments of the
sixty-one songs which compose the bulk of
this book.

The sadness of slave life in America, pass-
ing through the native happiness of the
negro, found its expression in religion, as he
understood it. Thus we have the many glow-
ing and poetic pictures of a heaven of bliss.
The words may be naive ; the music, however,
is always full of beauty, and both are Inter-
fused with yearning, patience, and dignity.
"Swing, low, sweet chariot," "Deep River,"
"Go down, Moses," and "Steal away to Jesus"
are but four of the titles that are beautifully
harmonized and preserved in this collection.
The whole book is authoritative and well
worth careful study by those who wish to
appreciate better the race whose music por-
trays every emotion but malice.

THE CALIPHATE. By Sir Thomas Arnold.
Pp. 223. Clarendon Press, Oxford, Eng-
land, 1924.

Sir Thomas Arnold, an English scholar
and professor of Arabic, covers in this book
the whole period of the Caliphate, from the
death of Mohammed, in 632, to the abolition
of the Ottoman Caliphate, in 1924. He has
drawn upon the researches of many scat-
tered authors, who have written not only in
English, but in Arabic, Persian and Turkish.
The early history is interesting to the gen-
eral reader, but the chapter on "Later Otto-
man sultans," reaching, as it does, into the
present era, is particularly pertinent to an
understanding of the problems of the Near
East. Appendices on the doctrines of the
Caliphate, its spiritual power, and the his-
tories of the titles, caliph and sultan, add
materially to the book's interest.

GERMANY. By George P. Gooch. Pp. 360.
Charles Scribner, New York, 1925. Price,
$3.00.

If the Weimar constitution is to survive, it
is obvious that the sentiment of those out-

136

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

side, as well as within Germany, must be
sympathetic with the democracy there or-
ganized. Mr. Gooch surveys in this book the
history of Germany with rare penetration.
The early history is outlined with a sure
but swift touch. Then comes the story of the
war. Upon this question there are always
divergent opinions about nearly every event.
Yet one is steadily impressed with the ac-
curacy and impartiality of Mr. Gooch's
study. He succeeds in telling many essential
details without wearying the reader. The
narrative of the revolution is dramatic.
Then, through the many problems of the
peace, the story moves on to present - day
Germany, young Germany, and the "German
mind." Here the attitude of Germany in
many recent events is studied with amazing
clarity.

The book was finished in March, 1925, be-
fore the Locarno treaties were accomplished.
It is the best of introductions to a true inter-
pretation of future events as they come.

EUROPE TUBNS THE CORNER. By Stanley High.
Pp. 308. The Abingdon Press, New York,
1925. Price, $2.00.

Written before Locarno, but after the
Dawes plan had been adopted, this book by
Mr. High is a hopeful indication of a pro-
gressing Europe. He is not too optimistic;
he sees the dangers ahead, but in a calm
and quite inimitable way he marshals facts
and draws conclusion. One of his objects
in writing the book is, quite probably, the
influencing of Americans in favor of the
League of Nations. However, there is no
subtle propaganda and little of real argu-
ment.

Other phases of the book — its graphic pic-
tures of events and tendencies in Europe,
its plea for a deeper spiritual basis upon
which to build the new Europe — are illumi-
nating and convincing.

INTRODUCTION TO AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. By
Frederick A. Ogg and P. Orman Ray. Pp.
937. Century Co., New York, 1925. Price,
$3.75.

The second edition of this work, first pub-
lished in 1922, has been so thoroughly re-
vamped as to make it almost a new book.
Omissions, additions, and rearrangement have
followed its actual use in the classroom for
three years. The aim of the authors is to
bring out the development of political ideas

rather than the history of institutions. It
has marginal topic heads, charts, footnotes,
and an excellent index. The book is an
unusually good critical history of our own
government, useful for consecutive reading
or for library reference.

THE REFORGINQ OF RUSSIA. By Edwin Ware
Hullinger. Pp. 402. E. P. Button Co.,
New York, 1925. Price, $3.00.

"Valuable, sincere, and reliable" are the
words used by Petirim Sorokim, himself a
Russian, about this book by an American
journalist. Mr. Hullinger tells us the story
of the new Russia, as it is slowly rising to
its feet. He dates the time of reconstruc-
tion from the abandonment of Communism
as a national policy and the beginning of
the new economic policy, in 1921. That Rus-
sia today is not a Communist country is an
important fact not quite appreciated by
Americans.

The Bolshevist Government found the Rus-
sian peasant, like his brother agriculturist
the world around, a strongly individualistic
man. It became in time, therefore, easier to
drop the Communist question than to put up
with the passive sabotage of the peasant,
who refused to sow crops which in the end
were to be taken away by the government.

Mr. Hullinger illustrates his articles with
many thrilling stories of personal adventure,
all bringing out some point in the interpre-
tation of Russia's struggle to build up life
anew. His guesses as to her future gifts to the
race, his observations as to the potential
dominance there of Germany, are in the na-
ture of a shock; but, through the intuitions
of the trained, daring, and sensitive observer,
we are shown a condition of things appalling,
to be sure, but we also see paths appearing
which are, he thinks, sure to lead to a better
day.

IMMIGRATION. By Henry Pratt Fairchild.
Pp. 520. Macmillan Co., New York, 1925.

This is a revised edition of a book orig-
inally brought out in 1913. The after-war
tendency of European peoples to migrate in
greater numbers than ever before, meeting
the recent immigration restriction of the
United States, makes a new survey of the
subject specially timely.

The problem of immigration has for the
United States many aspects. Industrial re-
sults and assimilation are not the whole story,

1926

BOOK REVIEWS

127

important as they are. Professor Fairchild
believes that solid scientific grounds for an
international policy in this matter can be
found. Each nation must hereafter make
population increase a matter for internal
measures either curative or preventive. If
war is to be avoided, the time has come when
mass movements of population must be def-
initely discarded, since these can now be
carried out only by means of force.

The book studies specifically the recent
misunderstanding with Japan. The author
maintains that restriction should not be re-
garded as a charge of inferiority. He dis-
cusses the so-called Japanese exclusion clause
in the immigration bill passed in April,
1924. It was an affair badly handled dip-
lomatically on both sides, but it merely takes
the Japanese out of a class by themselves.
Japan might have "saved her face," he thinks,
by saying, 'The new law does not touch us.
We are already preventing the immigration
of laborers."

The whole issue of racial inferiority or
superiority can well be left out of immigra-
tion discussions. Mere difference in race
should be a sufficient basis of policy. Never
again should indiscriminate, unlimited im-
migration be allowed. There is still much
to be done on this vital, but purely domestic
problem. There are hardships at present
which are avoidable ; the policy of racial se-
lection should be positive rather than
negative.

A vast amount of research remains to be
done, but certain fundamentals are already
well established: First, no nation can hope
to solve its internal problems by dumping
a surplus population on another nation ; sec-
ond, economic considerations alone should
not govern an immigration policy ; third,
migration movement for a higher standard
of living is now proved to lower the stand-
ard of the country of destination. On the
other hand it does not, according to the
figures, elevate that of the country of source.

The book is an important contribution to
the study of a question on which no interna-
tionally minded citizen should be ignorant.

PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY AS TOLD BY CONTEM-
PORARIES. By Asa Earl Martin and Hiram
Shenk. Pp. 621. Macmillan Co., New
York.

This is much more than a State history.
The important part played by Pennsylvania

in our colonial life, our struggle for free-
dom, and our general political development
makes this a book interesting to the student
of general American history. The method of
telling such events through letters, diaries
and other documents written by men con-
temporary with the events is always an in-
teresting one. The authors have covered the
entire field remarkably fully in this manner.
Beginning with the authorization of a Swed-
ish colony by Gustavus Adolphus, short ex-
planatory notes connect documents about the
conquest of new Sweden by the Dutch, of
the Dutch by the English, and then we read
the charter given in 1G81 to William Penn.
The topical arrangement of the book is fol-
lowed rather than the historical ; yet under
each topic the history is followed up to the
present century, at least.

Benjamin Franklin, naturally, tells a great
deal of the story. A fair amount of space
is devoted to the Quakers, and the estab-
lishment of the Federal Government, since it
took place in Philadelphia, occupies much
of the book. The archives of Pennsylvania
and other places have evidently been searched
and many out-of-the-way bits of information
about the beginnings of well-known events
brought to light. It is not only interesting
but is a delightful reference book.

LA "QuEREiA PACIS" (LA PLAINTE DE LA
PAIX) D'fiRASME (1517). By Mme. Elise
Constantinescu Bagdat, LL. D. Paris,
Les Presses Universitaires de France, 1924.
Pp. xv, 218. Distributed by Martinus
Nijhoff, The Hague.

When this scholarly book is translated into
our own tongue, it will be widely read
throughout the English-speaking world. The
reason will be, not that we have no edition
of that remarkable work, "The Complaint of
Peace," in English, for there are a number
of editions available ; rather because nowhere
in English, or probably in any other language,
is there any such illuminating commentary
upon the origin of the work, upon its vari-
ous editions, upon Erasmus' ideas of war, or
upon the historical and philosophical value
of this early sixteenth century expression
of the will to world peace.

The text of Erasmus' work, appearing here
as a translation from the edition of Clericus,
Lugduni Bativorum, 1703-1706, is preceded
by a letter from the author to Philippe, Bish-
op of Utrecht. It is followed by notes, a

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

It is the first of its kind in the United States. It
will be one hundred years old in 1928. It has helped
to make the fundamental principles of any desirable
pence known the world around.

Its purpose is to prevent the Injustices of war by
extending the methods of law and order among the
nations, and to educate the peoples everywhere in
what an ancient Roman law-giver once called "the
constant and unchanging will to give to every one
his due."

It is built on Justice, fair play, and law. If men
and mi lions were Just, this Society would never have
been started.

Its claim upon you is that of an organization which
has been one of the greatest forces for right think-
ing in the United States for nearly a century ; which
is today the defender of the principles of law, of
judicial settlement, of arbitration, of international
conferences, of right-mindedness, and of understand-
ing among the Powers. It publishes ADVOCATE OF
PEACE, the first in point of time and the widest cir-
culated peace magazine in the world.

It is supported entirely by the free and generous
gifts, large and small, of those who are Interested in
its work. It has never received a dollar from State,
city, or nation.

FEES

The minimum fees for membership:
Annual Membership is five dollars ;
Sustaining Membership, ten dollars ;
Contributing Membership, twenty-five dollars ;

Institutional Membership, twenty-five dollars ;
Life Membership is one hundred dollars.
All memberships include a free subscription to
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Hon. THKODORB E. BURTON, President American
Peace Society, Member of Congress from Ohio, Wash-
ington, D. C.

AKTIIITR DEERIN CALL, Secretary American Peace
Society and Editor of ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Washing-
ton, D. C.

Hon. P. P. CLAXTON, Ex-United States Commis-
sioner of Education, Tulsa, Oklahoma.

Dr. THOMAS E. GREEN, Director Speakers' Bureau,
American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Senator from Illinois,
Washington, D. C.

Hon. ANDREW J. MONTAGUE, Member of Congress
from Virginia, Washington, D. C.

Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN, Oak Park, III.

GEOEGE MAURICE MORRIS, Esq., Union Trust Build-
ing, Washington, D. C.

HENRY C. MORRIS, Esq., 1155 Hyde Park Boulevard,
Chicago, 111.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

Prof. ARTHUR RAMSAY, Ex-President Fairmont Sem-
inary, Southern Pines, N. C.

THEODORE STANFIELD, 126 W. 74th Street, New
York, N. Y.

JAY T. STOCKING, D. D., Upper Montclair, N'. J.

Hon. HENRY TEMPLE, Representative from Penn-
sylvania, Washington, D. C.

Dr. GEORGE W. WHITE, President National Metro-
politan Bunk, Washington, D. C.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON
ARTHUR DEERIN CALL
Dr. THOMAS E. GREEN
Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY
Hon. ANDREW J.- MONTAGUE
Rev. WALTER A. MORGAN

GEORGE MAURICE MORRIS
HENRY C. MORRIS
THEODORE STANFIELD
JAY T. STOCKING, D. D.
Hon. HENRY W. TEMPLE
Dr. GEOEGE W. WHITE

OFFICERS

President:

Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON, Member of Congress
from Ohio, Washington, D. C.
Secretary:

ARTHUR DEERIN CALL, Colorado Bldg., Washington,
D. C.

Treasurer:

GEORGE W. WHITE, National Metropolitan Bank.
Washington, D. C.
Vice-Presidents :

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, Washington, D. C.

Hon. WILLIAM B. MCKINLEY, Washington, D. C.

Hon. JACKSON H. RALSTON, Palo Alto, Calif.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

JANE ADDAMS, Hull House, Chicago, 111.

A. T. BELL, Esq., Chalfonte, Atlantic City, N. J.

GILBERT BOWLES, Esq., Richmond, Ind.

Dean CHARLES R. BROWN, New Haven, Conn.

Dr. E. E. BROWN, Chancellor New York University,

New York.

GEORGE BURNHAM, JR., Philadelphia, Pa.
Dr. FRANCIS E. CLARK, Boston, Mass.
Rt. Rev. Bishop J. DARLINGTON, Harrisburg, Pa.
Dr. W. H. P. FAUNCE, Brown Univ., Providence, R. I.
GEORGE A. FINCH, Washington, D. C.
EVERETT O. FrsK, Esq., Boston, Mass.
WILLIAM P. GEST, Philadelphia, Pa.
Hon. CHARLES CHENEY HYDE, New York, N. Y.
CHARLES E. JEFFERSON, D. D., New York, N. Y.
Dr. DAVID STARR JORDAN, Stanford University, Calif.

GKO. H. JUDO, Washington. D. C.

Bishop WILLIAM LAWRENCE, Boston, Mass.

JOSEPH LEE, Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM H. LUDEN, Reading, Pa.

L. H. PILLSBUEY, Derry, N. H.

Judge HENRY WADE ROGERS, New York, N. Y.

Hon. ELIHU ROOT, New York, N. Y.

Mrs. FREDERIC SCHOFF, Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. JAMES BROWN SCOTT, Washington, D. C.

Mrs. RUTH H. SPRAY, Denver, Colo.

Senator THOMAS STERLING, Washington, D. C.

EDWARD STEVENS, Columbia, Mo.

*Pres. C. F. THWING, Cleveland, Ohio.

* Emeritus.

WHY JOIN THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

It was organized in New York City, May 8,
1828.*

It is a non-partisan, non-sectarian cor-
poration, aiming to promote a better interna-
tional understanding.

It was formed by the merging of many
State and local societies, the oldest of
which — the New York — dated back to 1815.

It early offered a prize of $1,000 for the
best essay on a Congress of Nations.

In 1840 it published a large volume "Prize
P^ssays on a Congress of Nations," which an-
ticipated every essential principle embodied in
The Hague conferences and the international
courts.

It offered a prize of $500 for the best re-
view of the Mexican war, and the literature
thus evoked was a contribution to American
history.

Much of the best literature of the peace
movement was originally produced for the
annual meetings and conferences of this So-
ciety— e. ft., addresses by Channing, Ladd,
Emerson, Summer, Jay, Burritt ; and writings
of Francis Wayland, Jonathan Dymond,
Beckwith, Whittier, Payne, Trueblood, and
various others.

The first society to espouse the cause of in-
ternational peace on the continent of Europe
was organized at the instigation of this So-
ciety.

The International Peace conferences orig-
inated at the headquarters of the American
Peace Society in 1843, and to all of these con-
gresses it has sent accredited delegations.

The International Law Association resulted
from an extended European tour of Dr. James
D. Miles, this Society's Secretary, in 1873.

Since 1829 it has worked to influence State
legislatures and the United States Congress

* At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at
Minot, February 10, 1826, a motion was carried to
form a national peace society. Mlnot was the
home of William Ladd. The first constitution for
a national peace society was drawn by this Illus-
trious man, at the time corresponding secretary of
the Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution
was provisionally adopted, with alterations, Febru-
ary 18, 1828 ; but the society was finally and offi-
cially organized, through the influence of Mr. Ladd
and with the aid of David Low Dodge, in New
York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society : "The
New York Peace Society resolved to be merged in
the American Peace Society . . . which, in
fact, was a dissolution of the old New York Peace
Society, formed 16 August. 1815, and the Ameri-
can, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."