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ADVOCA.TE

HROUCH JUXTICE

January, 1928

American Peace Society

Its Beginnings

At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at Minot, Febru-
ary 10, 1826, a motion was carried to form a national peace
society. Minot was the home of William Ladd. The first
constitution for a national peace society was drawn by this
illustrious man, at the time corresponding secretary of the
Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution was pro-
visionally adopted, with zdterations, February 18, 1828; but
the society was finally and officially organized, through the
influence of Mr. Ladd and with the aid of David Low Dodge,
in New York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society: "The New York
Peace Society resolved to be merged in the American Peace
Society . . . which, in fact, was a dissolution of the old
New York Peace Society, formed 16 August, 1815, and the
American, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

Its Purpose

The purpose of the American Peace Society shall be to
promote permanent international peace through justice; and
to advance in every proper way the general use of concilia-
tion, arbitration, judicial methods, and other peaceful means
of avoiding and adjusting differences among nations, to the
end that right shall rule might in a law-governed world.

— Constitution of the
American Peace Society
Article II.

Bound

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Arthur Deerix Call^ Editor

Leo Pasvolsky, Associate Editor

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Pounded 1828 from Societies some of whicli hegsm in 1815.

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, $3.00 a year. Single copies, 30 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter. June 1, 1911, at the Post-Offlce at Washington,
D. C. under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of
the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility
for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

CONTENTS

The American Peace Society, Some Facts 3

The Foundations of Peace Bettween Nations 4

Editorials

Nature of the Centennial Celebration — The Celebration in Maine — The
Gentle Critic — Four Corners of Our Congressional New Year — ■
We Must Know — German Policy Relative to Further Borrow-
ings— Nicholas Titulescu — The Britten Metric Bill — Editorial
Notes 5-19

World Problems in Review

New Cabinet in Albania — Currency Stabilization in Poland — Great
Britain and the Origins of the War — French Foreign Policy — Five
Years of Fascism — The Soviet Army — Reorganization of the
Belgian Cabinet — Russia and Disarmament — Polish-Lithuanian
Conflict 20-38

A Symposium of New Year Views 39

General AlRticles

Dr. Ellery's "The Saving Truth" 42

Reviewed by Etna McCormick
Woman's War for Peace 44

By Lady Astor, M. P.
Abreast the New Year , 46

Four Quotations

Three Theories of the Binding Force of Treaties 47

By Theodore E. Burton

Inte3$national Documents

The United States Opposed to International Codes 58

Russo-Persian Guarantee Pact, 59

News in Brihif 61

Book Reviews .' 62

Vol. 90 January, 1928 No. 1
S -T

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

OFFICERS

President
Theodoee E. Burton

Vice-Presidents

David Jayne Hill

Secretary
Abthxtb Deebin Call

Jackson H. Ralston

Treasurer
Gbobge W. White

Business Manager

Lacey C. Zapf

Formerly

Assistant Director, Bureau of Research, Chamber of Commerce of the United States

Secretary, American Section, International Chamber of Commerce

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

(Asterisk indicates member of Executive Committee)

•Theodore E. Burton, President. Congressman
from Ohio. President, American Group, Interparlia-
mentary Union. Member House Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Member United States Debt Funding Com-
mission.

Philip Marshall Brown, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jer-
sey.

•Arthde Deerin Call, Secretary, and Editor of
the Advocate of Peace. Executive Secretary, Amer-
ican Group, Interparliamentary Union.

P. P. Claxton, Superintendent of Schools, Tulsa,
Oklahoma. Formerly United States Commissioner of
Education.

John M. Crawford, President, Parkersburg Rig &
Reel Company, Parkersburg, West Virginia. For
many years a Director of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States.

Tyson S. Dinks, Attorney of Denver, Colorado.

John J. Esch, Chairman, Interstate Commerce
Commission. Formerly Member of Congress from
Wisconsin.

Harry A. Gaefield, President, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass. United States Fuel Adminis-
trator during World War.

•Thomas E. Green, Director, National Speakers'
Bureau, American Red Cross.

Dwight B. Heard, President, Dwight B. Heard
Investment Company, Phoenix, Arizona. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States.

•David Jaynb Hill, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to
Germany.

Clarence H. Howard, President, Commonwealth
Steel Company, St. Louis, Missouri. For many years
a Director, Chamber of Commerce of the United States,
and member of American Committee, International
Chamber of Commerce.

Charles L. Hyde, President, American Exchange
Bank, Pierre, South Dakota.

William Mather Lewis, President, Lafayette
College, Easton, Pa.

Felix M. McWhirter, President, Peoples State
Bank, Indianapolis, Indiana. Director, Chamber of
Commerce of the United States.

E. T. Meredith, Des Moines, Iowa. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Member
American Committee, International Chamber of Com-
merce. Formerly Secretary of Agriculture.

Frank W. Mondell, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Congressman from Wyoming.

•Walter A. Morgan, D. D., Pastor, New First Con-
gregational Church, Chicago, Illinois.

♦George M. Morris, Washington, D. C. Partner of
the Chicago and New York law firm of KixMiller &

•Henry C. Morris, Attorney of Chicago and Wash-
ington, D. C. Formerly United States Consul.

Edwin P. Morrow, Member, United States Board
of Mediation, Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor
of Kentucky.

John M. Parker, formerly Governor of Louisiana,
St. Francisville, La. ^ .

Reginald H. Parsons, President, Parsons Invest-
ment Company, Seattle, Washington. Member Amer-
ican Committee, International Chamber of Commerce,
and for many years member of the National Foreign
Trade Council. ^,^ ^ ,,,

Jackson H. Ralston, Attorney, Palo Alto, Califor-

Arthur Ramsay, Southern Pines, North Carolina.
Founder, Fairmont Seminary, Washington, D. C.

Hiram W. Ricker, President, Poland Springs Com-
pany, South Poland, Maine.

•Theodore Stanfibld, Peace Advocate and Author,
New York City. Formerly Executive Manager, Amer-
ican Metal Company.

•Jay T. Stocking, D. D., Pastor, Pilgrim Congre-
gational Church, St. Louis, Mo.

Silas H. Steawn, Attorney of Chicago. Chairman
of Board, Montgomery Ward Company. Director, In-
ternational Chamber of Commerce. President, Ameri-
can Bar Association.

•Henry W. Temple, Congressman from Pennsyl-
vania. Member House Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Robert E. Vinson, President, Western Reserve
University, Cleveland, Ohio.

William Way, D. D., Rector Grace Episcopal
Church, Charleston, South Carolina. President of the
New England Society of Charleston.

Oscar Wells, President, First National Bank, Bir-
mingham, Alabama. Formerly President, American
Bankers Association. Member American Committee,
International Chamber of Commerce.

Frank White, Treasurer of the United States,
Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor of North
Dakota.

•George W. White, Treasurer. President, National
Metropolitan Bank, Washington, D. C. Treasurer
American Automobile Association.

William Allen White, Proprietor and Editor,
Emporia Daily and Weekly Gazette, Emporia, Eans.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

Elmer Ellsworth Brown, Chancellor, New York
University.

W. H. P, Fadnce, President, Brown University.

William P. Gest, President, Fidelity Trust Com-
pany, Philadelphia, Pa.

Charlbs Cheney Hyde, Hamilton Fish Professor
of International Law and Diplomacy, Columbia Uni-
versity. Formerly Solicitor for Department_of State,

George H. Jddd, President, Judd & Detweiler, Inc.,
Washington, D. C.

Elihd Root, Attorney, New York City. Formerly
Secretary of State, and for many years President of
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

James Brown Scott, Secretary Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, Washington, D. C.
President, Institute of International Law.

Charles F. Thwinq, President Emeritus, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Otxio.

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

SOME FACTS

It is a nonpartisan, nonsectarian, and
nonprofit-making organization, free from
motives of private gain.

It is a corporation under the laws of
Massachusetts, organized in 1838 by Wil-
liam Ladd, of Maine, aided by David Low
Dodge, of New York.

Its century of usefulness will be fittingly
celebrated in Cleveland, Ohio, and
throughout the State of Maine, during
the early days of May, 1928. The Cen-
tury Celebration will be the background
for an international gathering of leading
men and women from all parts of the
world.

The American Peace Society is the first
of its kind in the United States. Its pur-
pose is to prevent the injustices of war by
extending the methods of law and order
among the nations, and to educate the
peoples everywhere in what an ancient
Eoman lawgiver once called "the con-
stant and unchanging will to give to every
one his due."

It is built on justice, fair play, and law.
It has spent its men and its resources in
arousing the thoughts and the consciences
of statesmen to the ways which are better
than war, and of men and women every-
where to the gifts which America can
bring to the altar of a law-governed world.

The first society to espouse the cause
of international peace on the continent of
Europe was organized at the instigation
of this Society.

The International Peace conferences
originated at the headquarters of the-
American Peace Society in 1843.

The International Law Association re-
sulted from an extended European tour
of Dr. James D. Miles, this Society's Sec-
retary, in 1873.

Since 1889 it has worked to influence
State legislatures and the United States
Congress in behalf of an International
Congress and Court of Nations.

It has constantly worked for arbitration
treaties and a law-governed world.

In 1871 it organized the great peace
jubilees throughout the country.

The Secretary of the Society was se-
lected by the Columbian Exposition au-
thorities to organize the Fifth Universal

Peace Congress, which was held in Chi-
cago in 1893.

This Society, through a committee, or-
ganized the Thirteenth Universal Peace
Congress, which was held in Boston in
1904.

The Pan American Congress, out of
which grew the International Bureau of
American Republics — now the Pan Amer-
ican Union — was authorized after nu-
merous petitions had been presented to
Congress by this Society.

The Secretary of this Society has been
chosen annually a member of the Council
of the International Peace Bureau at
Geneva since the second year of the Bu-
reau's existence, 1892.

It initiated the following American
Peace Congresses: In New York, 1907; in
Chicago, 1909 ; in Baltimore, 1911 ; in St.
Louis, 1913 ; in San Francisco, 1915.

It has published a magazine regularly
since 1828. Its Advocate of Peace ia
the oldest, largest, and most widely cir-
culated peace magazine in the world.

It strives to work with our Government
and to protect the principles at the basis
of our institutions.

In our ungoverned world of wholly in-
dependent national units it stands for
adequate national defense.

It believes that the rational way to dis-
armament is to begin by disarming poli-
cies.

The claim of the American Peace So-
ciety upon every loyal American citizen is
that of an organization which has been
one of the greatest forces for right think-
ing in the United States for nearly a cen-
tury; which is today the defender of true
American ideals and principles.

It is supported entirely by the free and
generous gifts, large and small, of loyal
Americans who wish to have a part in
this important work.

MEMBERSHIPS

The classes of membership and dues are :
Annual Membership, $5 ; Sustaining Mem-
bership, $10; Contributing Membership,
$25; Institutional Membership, $25; Life
Membership $100.

All memberships include a full subscrip-
tion to the monthly magazine of the So-
ciety, the Advocate of Peace.

THE FOUiNDATIONS OF PEACE BETWEEN NATIONS

Adopted by the American Peace Society, November 30, 1925

The American Peace Society reaffirms, at
this its ninety-seventh annual meeting, its
abiding faith in the precepts of its illustrious
founders. These founders, together with
the men of later times who have shared in
the labors of this Society, are favorably
known because of their services to the build-
ing and preservation of the Republic. Their
work for peace between nations must not
be forgotten.

Largely because of their labors, the pur-
poses of the American Peace Society have
become more and more the will of the world,
and opponents of the war system of settling
International disputes have reason for a
larger hope and a newer courage.

At such a time as this, with its rapidly de-
reloping international achievements, it is fit-
ting that the American Peace Society should
restate its precepts of a century in the light
of the ever-approaching tomorrow.

Peace between nations, demanded by every
legitimate interest, can rest securely and
permanently only on the principles of jus-
tice as interpreted in terms of mutually ac-
cepted International law ; but justice between
nations and its expression in the law are pos-
sible only as the collective intelligence and
the common faith of peoples approve and de-
mand.

The American Peace Society Is not unmind-
ful of the work of the schools, of the
churches, of the many organizations through-
out the world aiming to advance Interest
and wisdom in the matters of a desirable
and attainable peace; but this desirable, at-
tainable, and hopeful peace between nations
must rest upon the commonly accepted
achievements in the settlement of interna-
tional disputes.

These achievements, approved in every In-
stance by the American Peace Society, and
In which some of its most distinguished mem-
bers have participated, have heretofore
been —

By direct negotiations between free, sov-
ereign, and independent States, working
through official representatives, diplomatic or
consular agents — a work now widely ex-
tended by the League of Nations at Geneva;

By the good offices of one or more friendly

nations, upon the request of the contending
parties or of other and disinterested parties —
a policy consistently and persistently urged
by. the United States;

By the mediation of one or more nations
upon their own or other initiative — likewise
a favorite policy of the United States;

By commissions of inquiry, duly provided
for by international convention and many ex-
isting treaties, to which the Government of
the United States Is pre-eminently a con-
tracting party;

By councils of conciliation — a method of
adjustment fortunately meeting with the ap-
proval of leading nations, Including the
United States;

By friendly comi)08ition, in which nations
in controversy accept, in lieu of their own,
the opinion of an upright and disinterested
third party — a method tried and not found
wanting by the Government of the United
States ;

By arbitration, in which controversies are
adjusted upon the basis of respect for law —
a method brought into modern and general
practice by the English-speaking peoples.

All of these processes will be continued,
emphasized, and improved. While justice
and the rules of law — principles, customs,
practices recognized as applicable to nations
in their relations with one another — fre-
quently apply to each of these methods just
enumerated, there remain two outstanding,
continuous, and pressing demands :

(1) Recurring, preferably iieriodic, confer-
ences of duly appointed delegates, acting
imder instruction, for the purpose of restat-
ing, amending, reconciling, declaring, and
progressively codifying those rules of interna-
tional law shown to be necessary or useful
to the best interests of civilized States — a
proposal repeatedly made by enlightened
leaders of thought in the United States.

(2) Adherence of all States to a Perma-
nent Court of International Justice mutually
acceptable, sustained, and made use of for
the determination of controversies between
nations, involving legal rights — an Institu-
tion due to the initiative of the United States
and based upon the experience and practice
of the American Supreme Court.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

VOLUME

January, 1928

NUMBER

NATURE OF THE CENTEN-
NIAL CELEBRATION

THE spirit of the celebration of the
one-hundredth anniversary of the
American Peace Society, May 7-11 next,
clearly appears in the invitation which
the Society is preparing to extend to all
of its members. That invitation will urge
that the members of the American Peace
Society, after carefullest consideration,
in conference assembled, lay before the
Board of Directors their best views as
to the aims and methods of the Society,
now and for the immediate future. It is
in this spirit that the program of the com-
ing celebration is being developed.

That proper opportunity may be offered
and results achieved, it is now clear that
the Conference will have to consist of three
major divisions, having to do with the
general public, with special Commissions,
and with the one hundredth annual meet-
ing of the Board of Directors of the Amer-
ican Peace Society.

The public will be admitted to the gen-
eral sessions as far as the seating capacity
permits.

The Commissions will be six in number,
each with conferences dealing with the fol-
lowing aspects of human endeavor, repre-
senting a rather inclusive transection of
public opinion: First, there will be a
series of Commission Conferences, devoted
to the international implications of In-
dustry, to which delegates will be invited
from trade bodies, manufacturers, labor
groups, bankers' associations, and kindred

organizations. Second, another on Inter-
national Justice, to which delegates will
be invited from the legislative, the execu-
tive, and judicial departments of the
government, from bar associations, inter-
national law societies, teachers of inter-
national law, and the like. Third, another
on Methods of Settling International Dis-
putes — past, present, and future — to
which delegates will be invited from peace
and patriotic organizations. Fourth, an-
other on Education, to which delegates
will be invited from schools, colleges, uni-
versities, learned societies, and the press.
Fifth, another on Religion, to which dele-
gates will be invited from the churches
and other religious groups. Sixth, an-
other on Social Agencies, with delegates
from the various groups of social workers,
such as specialize in the social sciences, the
American Association of Social Workers,
charities, libraries, and parent-teachers'
associations. Interest already shown in
the coming Centennial clearly indicates
that the invitation from the Centennial
Celebration Committee will be generously
accepted from a large number of these
bodies.

There will be the annual meeting,
through a number of sessions, of the
Board of Directors of the American Peace
Society. At this meeting the Board will
receive the annual reports of the officers,
the recoromendations of the conference,
and take such action upon these reports,
recommendations, or other matters as the
Board may see fit. The Board of Di-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

rectors, under the Society's Constitution,
is the only body capable of speaking for
the American Peace Society.

OflBcial delegates shall be the duly ac-
credited members of the American Peace
Society. As such they will have the
privilege of the floor and the right to vote
in the commissions and in the general
sessions.

Associate delegates will have the privi-
lege of attending the commissions and the
general sessions and, where agreeable to
the oflScial delegates, of participating in
the discussions.

All delegates, official or associate, wiU
have the right to reserved seats in all ses-
sions of the conference, commission or
general.

It has already been found necessary to
adopt the plan of sending out tickets,
which the various delegates will have to
exchange for reserved seats at all sessions
to be held in the Public Auditorium. Of
course, all members of the American
Peace Society will be given an oppor-
tunity to obtain, as official delegates, re-
served seats before the invitations go out
to the general public. Arrangements, un-
der the rules of the railroads, have been
made for a special passenger rate of one
and one-half fare for the round trip to
Cleveland for all delegates. In order that
these efforts to meet the wishes of the
members of the Society may be effective, it
will be necessary, however, that all pros-
pective delegates notify the officers, with
headquarters at the Hotel Cleveland,
Cleveland, Ohio, of their plans at the
earliest possible moment, certainly not
later than March 1st next. After that
date it is probable that all members of the
Society will be on the same basis as non-
members, so far as seating privileges and
other rights are concerned. In the mean-
time, the officials are reserving the largest
possible block of seats for the members of
the Society.

The management is pleased to announce
that Dr. James Brown Scott, former so-
licitor of our Department of State and
former President of the Institute of In-
ternational Law, well-known authority on
international matters, has accepted the
chairmanship of the Program Committee.

Thus, it will appear, the Cleveland cele-
bration in honor of the one-hundredth
anniversary of the American Peace So-
ciety is to be an event of importance. It
is the first opportunity offered since the
war for the members and other friends of
the American Peace Society to meet, to
discuss, and to aid the Society in its de-
sire to profit by counsel, to revise, to en-
large, and to improve its service as an
effective agency for the promotion of a
world order, better in the coming century
than has been possible through the hun-
dred years now past.

THE CELEBRATION IN MAINE

PEOPLE interested in the American
Peace Society will not need to be re-
minded that the Legislature of the State
of Maine unanimously voted last March a
joint resolution heartily endorsing the
efforts of the American Peace Society to
recall and honor the memory and services
of William Ladd, the founder of this So-
ciety. In this resolution the Legislature
requested the Governor of the State to
express to the American Peace Society
the appreciation of the people of Maine
for its purpose thus to honor its former
illustrious citizen, and to do what he may
consider lawfully proper to aid such ef-
forts. The resolution also requested the
Governor to appoint a committee to aid
in such a commemoration, and provided
that the American Peace Society be in-
vited to hold its Centennial exercises in
whole or in part in the State of Maine;
and, finally, that the resolution itself be
given the widest publicity, "to the end

1928

EDITORIALS

that the interest and support of every
loyal citizen of Maine, especially of her
boys and girls, may be enlisted in this
most worthy memorial celebration."

Under date of December 13, Governor
Ealph 0. Brewster wrote to the Secretary
of this Society the following letter:

"In accordance with the resolution of
the Eighty-third Legislature of the State
of Maine, and in compliance with the
unanimous desire of the committee in
charge of the Sesquicentennial of the birth
of Wilham Ladd, it is a pleasure to ex-
tend to the American Peace Society a
most cordial invitation to participate, to
such extent as they may find convenient
and advisable, in the exercises which it is
planned to carry out in the State of
Maine this coming spring in recognition
of the distinguished services of William
Ladd to the cause of peace.

"Maine is gradually awakening to the
shadow of the very great man who lived so
lonor within our midst.

"Will you please advise us at your con-
venience as to how far your organization
may be able to participate in this event,
together with any suggestions you may
have as to the manner in which this ob-
servance may profitably be carried out."

Of course, this invitation will be ac-
cepted in all its fullness. A great State
celebrating the one hundred and fiftieth
anniversary of the birth of one of its great
men and the one hundredth anniversary
of the Society which he founded is a fine
object lesson in the idealisms at the heart
of every people. The celebration by such
a State of the one hundred and fiftieth
anniversary of the birth of William Ladd
and of the hundredth anniversary of
the American Peace Society, which he
founded, will mark an epoch not only in
the history of the American Peace
Society, but of the peace movement
throughout the world. It, like the great
gathering planned for Cleveland, Ohio,
cannot but affect with a potent whole-
someness the views and feelings of men

and women not only in this country but
abroad.

The success of the celebration through-
out the State of Maine is already assured
by the fact that President Kenneth
Charles Morton Sills, of Bowdoin College,
which through the century has contributed
conspicuously to the development of the
American Peace Society, is chairman of
the Celebration Committee. Others, also
already appointed by the Governor to
serve upon this committee, are President
Harold S. Boardman, of the University
of Maine; President Clifton B. Gray, of
Bates College; Dr. Augustus 0. Thomas,
State Commissioner of Education, and
Mr. Hiram W. Ricker, all of whom have
accepted their appointments.

It is interesting to note that these
people of Maine are planning not only to
celebrate the memory of William Ladd;
they are proposing to emphasize that par-
ticular portion of Mr. Ladd's services that
relate to the development of Pan-Ameri-
canism. In the light of Mr. Ladd's well-
known interest in the attempt of Bolivar
to organize in 1826, at Panama, a confer-
ence of American States, the first effort of
its kind ; in the light, further, of the near-
ness of Canada to the State of Maine, and
in the light also of the great labors of
other distinguished men of Maine, par-
ticularly of James G. Blaine, in the
interest of a greater international under-
standing among the States of the West-
ern Hemisphere, this aspect of the cele-
bration in Maine will be peculiarly
appropriate. Incidentally, it should not
be overlooked, the Maine celebration will
be held early in June, at a time when the
glories of that State are at their best.

The people of Maine know with Mat-
thew Arnold that "Greatness is a spiritual
condition worthy to excite love, interest,
and admiration," and that it was great-
ness of that kind which marked the life of
William Ladd.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

THE GENTLE CRITIC

AT THIS the beginning of another year,
■l\. especially as it contemplates the
American Peace Society about to celebrate
its one-hundredth anniversary, the Ad-
vocate OF Peace wishes it might lay the
whole case of the Society before the peo-
ple of the world. It is convinced that if
that could be done the Society would have
the universal support of men and women,
with perhaps just enough opposition to
keep it respectably humble. Two difficul-
ties seem to lie in the way of this con-
summation. One is that there are a few
imfortunate people who do not read the
Advocate of Peace. Another, difficult
for the Editor to appreciate, is that some
who read it do not seem to understand it.

The position of the American Peace
Society, the only program of the Society,
is set forth regularly in the Advocate of
Peace, under the heading "The Founda-
tions of Peace between Nations," adopted
by the American Peace Society November
30, 1925. Everything else in the Advo-
cate of Peace is simply the effort of the
Editor to advertise these "Foundations"
and to measure by them the major happen-
ings of our world. That he may not em-
barrass the Society overmuch, he has an-
nounced faithfully every month since our
country entered the World War that he
accepts full responsibility in this business.

Since criticisms against the American
Peace Society are seldom addressed to the
Society's official platform, as set forth in
the "Foundations," the Editor sometimes
strongly suspects that few ever read even
that document. He is strengthened in this
view by a letter received from Kev. "Walter
Amos Morgan, D. D., pastor of the New
First Congregational Church, Chicago,
Illinois, a Director of the American Peace
Society and a member of its Executive
Committee. Among other things. Dr.
Morgan says :

"I am of the opinion that we need a
simpler statement concerning the program
of the American Peace Society than that
which is printed monthly in the Advocate
OF Peace. I took pains while in Wash-
ington to talk with a number of people
who took the Advocate of Peace and ask
them about the program of the American
Peace Society as set forth in that publica-
tion. Invariably they were ignorant of it.

"I am wondering if we could not put
somewhere regularly the statement of a
twofold fact: first, that the American
Peace Society theoretically is opposed to
all war, and that it works for an organized
world based upon laws to be interpreted
by a properly constituted court; that The
Hague conferences are American in their
genius and sound in principle. In the ex-
perience of America with forty-eight sov-
ereignties under one government without
the ultimate authority of force, we have a
method to present to the world. In the
second place, I would say that we ought to
state very clearly that in matters of crises
the American Peace Society wiU use its
judgment as to the next practical step to
be taken toward the ultimate realization
of our goal. The goal never can be
achieved at one great leap, and we can
only take steps toward it. The laying
down of a method of procedure to help us
arrive at the goal before the concrete
crisis arises probably woidd get us into
trouble in the long run. But we must
(1) keep before us the ideal and (2) use
judgment as to the next step to be taken,
which has meant, and may mean again,
war.

"As to what ought to be accomplished
at Cleveland, I find myself a bit up in the
air, not being very close to the situation.
Being a man, however, I am willing to
venture a suggestion.

"In my judgment, one of the things
needed most in the peace movement in
America and in the world, too, is an at-
tempt to unify the forces working toward
the same goal. If it could be possible at
the meeting in Cleveland to arrive at two
or three simple conclusions that could be
heralded as the conclusions of the men
present and of the American Peace So-
ciety, probably we could get the attention
of interested men more readily than we
can now. I know a number of peace work-

1928

EDITORIALS

ers here in Chicago. My judgment is they
are mostly 'nuts/ One or two of them
pester the life out of me. I am sorry to
say the average citizen thinks that all of
us who believe in a warless world are
'nuts.'

"Perhaps it is expecting too much to
correct that opinion, but I do feel that the
movement needs (1) simplifying; (2)
unifying; (3) energizing.

"You have my prayers, my dear fellow,
that you may be able to bring something
out of the Cleveland meeting. I only wish
I was able to do more to help you."

Among that type of letters most damp-
ening to editorial ambition, the Editor
selects this from Prof. Emily G. Balch,
prominently associated with the Women's
International League for Peace and Free-
dom. Professor Balch writes under date
of November 20 :

"I am extremely sorry to say that I do
not find myself in such sympathy with the
American Peace Society as to desire to
help sustain it.

"Its attitude as shown in its editorial,
Back-Seat Driving, last year distressed me.
I think the whole-hearted desire of this
country for arbitration instead of inter-
vention in Mexico, as shown last January,
was an enormous strengthening of Presi-
dent Coolidge's very real peace policy.
And there have been other matters in
which I felt the American Peace Society,
which ought to be a wise leader, was not
such. I meet this same feeling as to the
Advocate of Peace among people of
nation-wide reputation.

"I shall be interested to see the discus-
sion in the Advocate or Peace of Sena-
tor Burton's proposal in regard to refusing
shipment of munitions to an aggressive
nation. I am very happy over this initia-
tive of the chairman of the American
Peace Society."

The interesting thing about this letter
is that the particular editorial of last
year to which the distinguished professor
refers happens to be the one editorial that
has received the widest commendation of
any editorial the magazine has run for
many a year. Indeed, it was read and com-

mended both in the Senate and the House
of Representatives and appeared twice in
the Congressional Record. Any poor edi-
tor would be pardoned for slipping in a
fact like that. As for the "people of
nation-wide reputation," it might be re-
plied that among the supporters of the
American Peace Society are a few "people
of nation-wide reputation" — more, in fact,
than at any time in its honorable history.
The Editor still dares to hope that among
these will soon reappear Miss Emily Balch.
Still another type of criticism, more
difficult to answer, is set forth in a letter,
under date of December 12, from the dis-
tinguished Professor in Columbia Uni-
versity, the acting President of the New
York Peace Society, Dr. John Bates Clark.
Since Dr. Clark says that he would like to
feel at liberty to give publicity to his letter
and to our reply, we are here glad to aid
him in that respect. Dr. Clark says (the
paragraph numbers are ours) :

(1) "The invitation of the American
Peace Society to attend its Centennial
Jubilee has been received. The current
issue of the Advocate of Peace contains
an article by Mr. David Jayne Hill criti-
cising Monsieur Briand's proposal for
'outlawing war' between France and
America. The criticism is based on the
inalienable right of Congress to declare
war. The issue contains also an editorial
which arraigns the League of Nations for
dilatoriness in supporting the effort to
codify international law, though it admits
that in this respect the League is 'begin-
ning to see the light;' the italics are ours.
Of its covenant it says: 'The instrument,
so far as we are able to understand it, is
an attempt to set up an international or-
ganization opposed to the principles of
international law.' Efforts to disarm are
unsuccessful when nations are not assured
of safety after disarming. Plans sug-
gested for affording such security are
called, in your publication, futile, and the
only course of action that is pronounced
sane is developing international law. The
distinguished foreign statesmen whose
biographies are sketched in the Advocate.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

and who may be about to honor by their
presence the jubilee of the American Peace
Society, should certainly have before them
these frank expressions of the attitude of
that Society toward the League and its
policies.

(2) "There are three different ques-
tions at issue concerning the League of
Nations. One of them is whether our
country should or should not become a
member of the League. Another is
whether, while remaining outside of that
organization, it should or should not
effectively co-operate in its efforts to pre-
vent war. The third is whether the
League itself is or is not doing fruitful
work; whether the sum total of its many
activities is or is not an influence favorable
to peace and to human welfare. Only on
the supposition that it is not so can it
possibly be right to take either a hostile
or a contemptuous attitude toward it. At
the worst, it is a union of most of the
world for preventing future Armageddons,
and discrediting it would be working for
them.

(3) "It is impossible to claim with an
iota of reason that the efforts of the
League of Nations have been fruitless.
It is an almost equally unreasoning posi-
tion which would ignore the profound in-
terest that our own country has in its
further success. Its activities safeguard
our own vital interest, and a systematic
effort to thwart them would place among
the enemies of human welfare the man
or the organization making such an effort.
We are reluctant to place the American
Peace Society in that position, and till
recently it has not been so. We rejoice in
the further fact that there is nearly a half
year before its Centennial Celebration
will occur, and that by word and by action
within that time its position may be made
unquestionable.

(4) "The question of world disarma-
ment affords one practical test. As Lord
Cecil has recently said, nations shrink
from disarming unless their security is in
some way guaranteed. The League of
Nations has undertaken to give protection
against aggressive war and will give it if
its course has moral support. Disarming
may then be a safe measure. Does the
American Peace Society think that this
can be accomplished by any other agency

than the League of Nations? Will the
mere codifying of international law do it ?
If not, should the world forego more di-
rect efforts to keep the peace because there
are difficulties to be surmounted in do-
ing it?

(5) "The honored President of the
American Peace Society has introduced in
the House of Kepresentatives a bill that,
if enacted, will prevent the sending of
arms or war supplies from America to any
country that is making an aggressive war.
Doubtless the Peace Society will advo-
cate this measure. It is in order to say,
in this connection, that Article 16 of the
League's Covenant will unite all nations
that accept that covenant in a similar
course of action. It will align most of
the world in effective opposition to wars
of aggression.

(6) "If you are right in thinking that
the Covenant of the League is *an at-
tempt to set up an international organi-
zation contrary to the principles of inter-
national law,' it must be on the ground
that that law permits aggressive war.
The sacred right to attack an unoffending
State must be the one that Mr. Hill's
argimient contends for, since no other
right is affected by the measure referred
to. No one for a moment thinks of re-
nouncing the right of a people to defend
their country when it is attacked.

(7) "A mode of distinguishing offense
from defense is indispensable, and there
is good reason to hope that a clear and
workable distinction may in time be ac-
cepted by the League of Nations and con-
firmed by necessary treaties. It will then
become an established feature of interna-
tional law, thanks to the League of
Nations.

(8) "The supreme problem now at
issue is that of another Armageddon. If
eminent international lawyers formulate
the laws of nations as they stand, will the
laws of themselves prevent the catas-
trophe? If high authorities suggest an
amendment or an addition to the code,
who can adopt it and make it effective
except the nations themselves, and what
power but the League of Nations is avail-
able for securing such united action?

(9) "A sailor on a ship has exceptional
facilities for scuttling it, and a pilot at
the wheel has exceptional power to run

1928

EDITORIALS

it on the rocks. A peace society that turns
against its cause can damage it in a short
time more than it can advance it in a
long time. Will the coming celebration be
devoted solely to the codifying of inter-
national law? Will it belittle other aims
and efforts of the League of Nations?
Will it favor a policy of aloofness from it
so thorough-going that it will call for dis-
paraging it in its present sphere of ac-
tivity? We, and doubtless many other
organizations that are deeply interested in
efforts to avoid another Armageddon,
would value information on these points."

Taking up seriatim the major points of
Dr. Clark^s letter as he understands them,
the Editor begs leave to say that the
editorial to which the Doctor refers was
an attempt to congratulate the League of
Nations upon its decision to call at The
Hague a conference of all the nations in
the interest of international law, showing
thus a return to that fundamental prin-
ciple of the Covenant of the League as
set forth in its preliminary statement in
behalf of "the firm establishment of the
understandings of international law as the
actual rule of conduct among govern-
ments." The Editor finds it difficult to
believe that the friends of the League will
wish to object to that.

As to the three questions set forth by
Dr. Clark in the second paragraph, the
Editor is glad to reply categorically:
First, he does not believe that the question
whether or not the United States should
become a member of the League of Na-
tions is at this time of practical import-
ance. Second, he believes that the United
States will be glad to co-operate with the
League in every practical manner, in the
future as in the past. Third, he believes
that no person could possibly deny that
the League is doing hopeful work, and
that to "take either a hostile or contemp-
tuous attitude toward it" would be quite
unjust. Of course, the friends of the
League welcome every honest criticism.

for they know that they are often breast-
ing an unchartered sea. In the light of
what he has said, the Editor does not un-
derstand that paragraph 3 of Dr. Clark's
letter requires further reply.

Paragraph 4 relates to the problem of
disarmament. The Editor does not be-
lieve that the United States will enter into
any alliance to guarantee the security of
any nation or group of nations. He be-
lieves that all such alliances are more
of the nature of war than of peace. He
believes that security stands a better
chance by the gradual disarmament of
policy than by trying first to whittle off
here and there a fighting machine. He
believes, therefore, more in the ways set
forth in the American Peace Society's
"Foundation of Peace Between Nations"
as the bases of any enduring security be-
tween nations than in the variety of pro-
posals now current in Europe, plans based
upon the rather ancient and exploded,
not to say explosive, theories of alliances,
ententes, balances of power, and the coer-
cion of arms. He believes that the hope
for any adequate reduction of interna-
tional armaments must begin with inter-
national conferences of all the nations in
behalf of those agencies of justice essential
to abiding national interests and to that
feeling of security without which no re-
duction of armaments in the interest of
peace seems possible.

The Editor does not understand that
Dr. Clark, in paragraph 5, asks him to ex-
pound Article XVI of the Covenant of
the League, and the Editor confesses that
he had not before associated with that
article the resolution introduced by the
President of the Society in the House of
Representatives relative to the exporta-
tion of arms.

In reply to paragraph 6, the Editor is
quite willing to let Dr. David Jayne Hill's
argument stand on its own feet. Until
convinced of the contrary, he agrees with

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

Dr. Hill. Of course, the Society has
taken no position on the matter.

The Editor hopes that the view set
forth in paragraph 7 will be successfully
worked out.

In reply to paragraph 8, the Editor be-
lieves, as already indicated, that an inter-
national conference of all the nations,
aided by the League of Nations, is prob-
ably the hopeful direction along which
the most constructive effort to avoid an-
other Armageddon wiU proceed.

What has here been said, together with
the explanation elsewhere of what the
coming celebration of the one-hundredth
anniversary of the American Peace Society
aims to accomplish, answers, the Editor
dares to believe, the question set forth in
paragraph 9 of Dr. Clark's thoughtful and
helpful letter.

There remains one other type of criti-
cism of the American Peace Society which
involves the nature of the Peace Society
itself. This type of criticism is based
upon the theory that the American Peace
Society is faced with a dilemma due to the
fact that it is quite clearly a totally dif-
ferent organization from the American
Peace Society of years ago; that formerly
the Society was a non-resistant organiza-
tion, made up of radicals who in the eyes
of the general public, and especially of
government officials, were more or less
fanatical zealots, unanchored to practical
realities. One correspondent who has
been studying the American Peace Society
suggests that the Society should now re-
pudiate all radical pacifists and renounce
radical ideas on war and peace, and that
definitely and openly, quite as it has al-
ready done in its current and openly stated
aims indirectly.

The reply here is that the American
Peace Society has existed from the begin-
ning for the purpose of co-ordinating a
maximum amount of intelligent public

opinion in behalf of an attainable inter-
national peace. It is concerned to win
friends and support and not to engender
enmities and ill-will. The American
Peace Society has never been a non-
resistant Society, although many non-
resistants have worked with it. It has
stood throughout the years as an exponent
of the principles of international justice
found to be consonant with American prin-
ciples and the best practice of nations. Its
platform today clearly embodies the pro-
gram of its founder. The thing it is work-
ing for is the thing for which he gave his
life.

It has not been an easy course. As
early as 1831, in the third year of the
Society's existence, its founder felt con-
strained to unburden himself in the So-
ciety's magazine with these words:

"Some abandon us because we carry our
principles too far, and others because we
do not carry them far enough.

"Some think us too orthodox, while
others complain that there is nothing of
orthodoxy about us. For my own part
I have only one opinion, and that is that
it is incumbent on me to do the best I can
to promote the cause of peace on earth
and peace in the Society/'

Looking out over another hundred
years, the American Peace Society is quite
aware that it will have to face, as did
William Ladd, the barbs of criticism and
divisions among the brethren. The Edi-
tor, somewhat familiar with the record,
believes, however, that there is a di-
minishing unlovliness in the temper of
the critics, and that, as illustrated by Dr.
Morgan's suggestions at the beginning,
there is a wholesome, growing demand
that the peace movement shall be simpli-
fied, unified, and energized. To aid in
this business must be the American Peace
Society's answer to its critics. .

19£8

EDITORIALS

FOUR CORNERS OF OUR CON-
GRESSIONAL NEW YEAR

AS PAR as we can forecast the immedi-
xJl. ate efforts in Congress to promote
international peace on a world scale, they
will be associated with four names — two
members of the United States Senate and
two members of the House of Eepresenta-
tives — namely, Eepresentative Burton,
Senator Borah, Senator Capper, and Eep-
resentative Tinkham. The proposals rep-
resented by these men have been referred
to heretofore by the Advocate of Peace,
but we are glad here to recall them.

Eepresentative Burton, in his Joint
Eesolution No. 1, now before the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs of the House,
proposes that the United States declare it
to be its policy to prohibit the exportation
of arms, munitions, or implements of war
to any country which engages in aggressive
warfare against any other country in vio-
lation of an agreement to resort to arbi-
tration or any peaceful means for the set-
tlement of international controversy; that
whenever the President determines that
any country has violated such an agree-
ment by engaging in aggressive warfare
against any other country, and makes
proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful,
until otherwise proclaimed by the Presi-
dent or provided by act of Congress, to
export any arms, munitions, or imple-
ments of war from any place in the United
States or any possession thereof to such
country, directly or indirectly. This reso-
lution manifestly represents an effort to
forestall an illegally overt act by a would-
be aggressive nation, and thus to lessen
the chances of war. The resolution has
received widespread commendation from
various quarters, both in this country and
abroad. It is now in the realm of prac-
tical politics, a thing to be reckoned with.
In a very real sense, it is one of the four
corners of our Legislature's New Year.

December 12, Senator Borah submit-
ted his Senate Resolution, No. 45, setting

forth that it is the view of the Senate of
the United States that war should be a
public crime under the law of nations,
and that a Code of International Law
of Peace, based upon the outlawing of war
and on the principle of equality and jus-
tice between all nations, amplified and ex-
panded and adapted and brought down
to date, should be created and adopted;
and that, with war outlawed, a judicial
substitute for war should be created, or,
if existing in part, adapted and adjusted,
in the form or nature of an International
Court, miodeled on our Federal Supreme
Court in its jurisdiction over contro-
versies between our sovereign States. Mr.
Borah's resolution goes on to provide that
such a court shall possess affirmative juris-
diction to hear and decide all purely in-
ternational controversies, as defined by the
code or arising under treaties. The reso-
lution further provides that the judgment
of the court shall not be enforced by war
under any name or in any form whatever,
but shall have the same power for their
enforcement as our Federal Supreme
Court, namely, the respect of all enlight-
ened nations for judgments resting upon
open and fair investigations and impar-
tial decisions, the agreement of the na-
tions to abide and be bound by such
decisions and the compelling power of an
enlightened public opinion. Here, surely,
is another major effort to express the
opinion of America upon matters of peace
and war. Senator Borah has expressed in
the later provisions of this resolution the
faith of the American Peace Society
through a hundred years. It, too, is an
international corner stone in Congress'
effort to take an advanced step toward a
warless world.

In Joint Eesolution, No. 14, Senator
Capper approaches the problem from a
slightly different angle. He proposes
treaties with France and other Kkeminded
nations formally renouncing war as an
instrument of public policy and substitut-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

ing for it mediation, arbitration, and con-
ciliation. The Senator's resolution pro-
poses further to define an aggressive na-
tion as one which, having agreed to submit
international differences to conciliation,
arbitration, or judicial settlement, begins
hostilities without having done so; and
similarly to declare that the nationals of
the contracting governments should not
be protected by their governments in giv-
ing aid and comfort to an aggressive na-
tion. Here, again, is an honest effort to
enable our country to do something in
behalf of international peace. It is an
attempt to advertise the policy of the
United States to adjust and settle its in-
ternational disputes through mediation or
arbitration, as set forth in our practice
of a hundred years and as solemnly de-
clared by the Congress of the United
States on August 29, 1916. It is a pro-
posal to accept and widen the offer of
M. Briand of April 6, 1927. It is in-
spired in part by the fact that the existing
arbitration treaty between the United
States and France is to terminate Febru-
ary 27, 1928. It is aimed against those
of our private citizens who may aid or
abet the breach of similar agreements be-
tween other nations. It undoubtedly ex-
presses the opinion of a wide section of
our American people. It may be said to
be a third corner stone of the congressional
international thinking of our New Year.
House Concurrent Eesolution No. 2
was introduced in the House of Eepre-
sentatives December 5, the opening session
of Congress, by Eepresentative Tinkham.
Here, too, is a New Year corner stone in
the aspirations of Congress. This resolu-
tion would provide for the calling of a
Third Hague Conference for the purpose
of codifying itemational law. By this
Mr. Tinkham means that there shall be
an international conference of delegates
from all civilized States for the purpose
of restating, reconciling, and of declaring
the rules of international law. This reso-

lution conforms to the recommendation
of the Advisory Committee of Jurists as-
sembled at The Hague in 1920, represent-
ing ten different countries, a resolution
which was rejected by the League of
Nations.

Such a conference, however, is now
favored by the League, providing it be
held under the aegis of that body. With
this qualification, it is also favored by the
Special Commission on the Codification of
Internationl Law, set up by the League,
and by the Interparliamentary Union. It
now appears that such a conference is to
be held in Holland, probably in the year
1929, unless, by the passage of this resolu-
tion the convening of such a conference
be advanced as to the time of meeting.
In any event, this important resolution,
peculiarly American in its nature, is a
fourth corner stone in our congressional
outlook upon the New Year in interna-
tional affairs.

There is a fine unity running through
all these plans. They support, each in its
own way, the common wiU to find a
method for the settlement of international
disputes without resort to war, the effort,
often so scattered and sadly dissipated, to
lessen the tragic in human travail.

The hearings to be held upon these
resolutions will go far to clarify public
opinion in America on the world's most
diflBcult of problems.

Of course, other plans and projects will
be submitted to the Congress. Indeed,
Senator Lynn J. Frazier, of North Da-
kota, upon the initiative of the Woman's
Peace Union, has introduced a proposed
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, by the terms of which it
would be illegal for the United States to
prepare for, declare, or carry on war.
Senator Frazier believes, we understand,
that this amendment will solve the diffi-
culties now confronting the opponents of
treaties to outlaw war. This is the re-
introduction of an amendment originally

1928

EDITORIALS

introduced April 23, 1926. Whatever the
logic in this proposal, there is, we believe,
little chance of its adoption.

The other plans are, however, thought
to be suflficiently possible to be debatable.
They will be debated. The unity in these
proposals, as we see it, lies in their com-
mon requirement of a universal accept-
ance, if any one of them is to end in a
maximum effectiveness. This leads to the
conclusion that an international confer-
ence of duly accredited delegates from
all the nations is, perhaps, the outstand-
ing need, especially at this, the beginning
of another year. In such a conference,
and only in such a conference, could Mr.
Burton's type of non-intercourse. Senator
Borah's scheme for outlawing war.
Senator Capper's series of universal arbi-
tration treaties, become most effectively
the practice of nations. This, indeed,
seems to be the theory behind the Tink-
ham resolution, which contemplates just
such a Conference. It is the Tinkham
resolution, therefore, which rounds out
and completes the four major interna-
tional proposals now before the Congress.

WE MUST KNOW

WE MUST know and lead others to
recognize that a regime of positive
law is the normal status within a civilized
State, and that such a regime, supported
by a juristic system, is the hope of peace
between nations. In a carefully written
analysis of "A Working Theory of Sov-
ereignty," Prof. John Dickinson, of
Princeton University, concludes:

"It is therefore manifest that there will
from time to time be periods of political
development when sovereignty will be in
abeyance; when force or compromise will
dictate the outcome, not through law and
in an orderly fashion, but irregularly and
to the exclusion of law. These periods
are the great germinal epochs of politics;
but they are inevitably periods of disorder
and confusion, and commonly also of

bloodshed, and accordingly such periods
must be occasional and infrequent if prog-
ress is to be orderly and if society is to
enjoy the advantages of political organiza-
tion as contrasted with anarchy. Men
have not attained the unity of viewpoint,
the tolerance of adverse opinion, and the
breadth of understanding of the needs of
other classes than their own which will
enable them to live together fruitfully
under a regime of voluntary compromise
to the exclusion of positive law. A regime
of positive law must, therefore, be accepted
as the normal status of civil society; and
a regime of positive law presupposes and
requires the existence of juristic sov-
ereignty.'*

When we say that the overwhelming
moral sentiment of civilized peoples every-
where is against the cruel and destructive
institution of war, we mean, not that men
and women are afraid to die in defense of
their right, but that deep down in their
hearts they know that wars may be won
and justice defeated, and that therefore
war, as a means of settling international
disputes, is not only destructive, it is a
precarious, uncertain, and therefore dis-
credited, method of establishing the right.
It is for this reason that war is the
greatest existing menace to the common
weal. History clearly teaches that civili-
zation runs its course parallel with the
development of law and courts as substi-
tutes for the methods of coercive violence.
It is true that human beings have dis-
covered but two methods of compelling the
settlement of human disputes, namely, the
settlement by law and the settlement by
war. It is one or the other. There is no
"happy medium" here. All alliances or
plans to promote peace by basing security
upon the power of bayonets carry within
themselves the seeds of their own destruc-
tion. Americans familiar with the his-
tory of their own Union of States cannot
forget that it was founded, among other
things, upon the disarmament of the
States. They cannot forget that Madison,
Hamilton, Ellsworth, Mason, Sherman,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Janimry

Wilson, and the rest agreed in 1787 that
the use of force upon a people collec-
tively is war, and nothing else, and that
the peace of justice does not lie in that
direction.

Furthermore, we need to recall, as set
forth by the founder of the American
Peace Society through the many years,
that our Federal Supreme Court is a
practical and effective model for a real
international court, it itself hearing and
deciding controversies between free, sov-
ereign, independent States, and that, at
last, to the satisfaction of all. The difficul-
ties in the way of outlawing war as an
institution resolve themselves when men
recall that our Supreme Court for one
hundred and thirty-seven years has been
showing the way for States to settle their
disputes without resort to arms.

There remain, of course, many things
to do before the relations between law and
the sisterhood of nations can be made as
effective as the relations between law and
the settlement of controversies of the
States of our American nation; but the
principles in both cases are identical. In-
ternational law is no myth. Rules of
conduct, written and unwritten, have been
adopted by the nations in response to the
practical demands of international activ-
ity. These rides are looked upon and
regularly employed as legally binding
upon all States in their relations with
each other. Much of this law is dis-
tinctly legislation, resting upon voluntary
agreement, without any imposition from
above. This type of legislation among
free, sovereign, independent States par-
takes of the nature of contract, legal from
every point of view, theoretical or prac-
tical.

Addressing himself to the problem of
international legislation. Prof. Frederick
S. Dunn, of Johns Hopkins University,
has written:

"It need hardly be pointed out that the
great need in world affairs today is the
expansion and modification of the existing
body of international law to correspond,
with the rapidly changing character of the
international community, and to reduce
those wide areas of relationships now sub-
ject to no control but that of comity or
caprice. Present efforts to provide ade-
quate judicial and arbitral facilities in
the community wiU help to some extent,
but real progress can only be achieved
through recourse to the legislative process.
It is, therefore, of the greatest importance
that serious attention be given to the
forms in which this process has appeared
in the community in the past, its proper
place in the international legal system,
and the ways in which it may be made
more effective in the future."

At the beginning of another year the
Advocate of Peace knows no better way
to start its task than by recalling these
fundamental^ things.

GERMAN POLICY RELATIVE TO
FURTHER BORROWINGS

A DEFINITE policy for the control of
foreign borrowings by States and
municipalities has been formulated by
the German Government. Its loan ad-
visory committee (Beratungsstelle) has
had its powers broadened and has issued
new regulations, the commercial attache
at Berlin, Fayette W. AUport, has advised
the Department of Commerce.

A summary of the action and regula-
tions, as forwarded from Berlin, follows
in full text:

The demand for capital, which con-
tinues unabated, and the necessity of at
least a potential means to regulate and
supervise all borrowings from abroad
prompted the German Government to con-
sider reorganizing the Beratungsstelle
(loan advisory committee). On October

1928

EDITORIALS

19 the Beratungsstelle convened for the
purpose of formulating a definite foreign-
loan policy.

It was thought that the power of con-
trol conferred upon it should be altered
and, if possible, broadened ; thus, one issue
before the committee related to controlling
the amount of short-term foreign loans
and their conversion into long-term loans.

After the conference on October 19,
proposed changes were announced which
settled somewhat more precisely the
Beratungsstelle 's scope of authority.

The following terms were definitely de-
termined :

1. All foreign borrowing by States or
groups of municipalities, whether direct
or indirect, falls, potentially at least, un-
der the authority of the Beratungsstelle.
This provision includes practically any
form of transaction involving the use of
foreign funds. No foreign loans may be
contracted unless warranted from the
standpoint of the currency and of the gen-
eral business conditions of the country.

2. Foreign loans must run at least 10
years and be callable by the borrower after
five years at the latest.

3. Foreign short-term loans of the
States may extend for a maximum of one
year, and they may be used only to
strengthen operating capital. Assurance
must be given that they will be repaid at
maturity and not be converted into long-
term loans.

4. Proceeds of loans from abroad must
be used by the borrower alone and may
not be transmitted to private persons.

5. Foreign loans must serve a produc-
tive purpose — they must create revenue
for interest and sinking fund, and, in so
far as possible, by increasing exports or
decreasing imports. In any event, they
must serve the general economic welfare
of the country.

After a subsequent meeting of the
Beratungsstelle it was stated that long-
term and short-term loans by States and
municipalities, which fulfill the policy
formulated at the conference of October
19, would be temporarily exempt from
prior approval by the Beratungsstelle.

The regime of prior approval might be
resumed at any time by notifying the
States and municipalities. It was ex-
pected that such notice might be given
during the week ended November 12.

The composition of the Beratungsstelle
remains unchanged. It includes the
presidents of the Prussian State Bank
and of the Bavarian State Bank and a
representative each of the Ministry of
Finance, Ministry of Economics, the
Eeichsbank, and the State in which the
loan application originates.

A majority of votes determines the de-
cision of the Beratungsstelle; but if any
loan application be disapproved by even
one of the finance, economics, and Eeichs-
bank representatives, the dissenting mem-
ber may demand a rehearing. In this
case the Finance Minister, the Minister of
. Economics, and the President of the
Eeichsbank personally will replace their
representatives on the Beratungsstelle for
the particular occasion.

After an application for a loan is sub-
mitted, the Beratungsstelle is to take im-
mediate action upon it, and the decision
is to be made known, as soon as possible,
to the finance ministry of the government
and to the government of the State apply-
ing for the loan.

The foregoing regulations remain in
force for two years, and they are intended
to be sufficiently inclusive and exact in
their application to prevent any evasion
by prospective borrowers.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Januai'y

NICHOLAS TITULESCU

BRIEF biographical notes of distin-
guished speakers at the Cleveland
celebration next May have appeared in the
Advocate of Peace. Our readers will
be pleased to learn that Nicholas Titu-
lescu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Eumania, has accepted the Society's in-
vitation to be present and to address the
conference.

Nicholas (Nicolae) Titulescu was born
in Craiova in 1883. After brilliantly
completing his studies in Bucharest and
Paris, while still very young, he distin-
guished himself as one of the best lawyers
and orators of Rumania. He was a per-
sonal friend of Take lonescu. During the
war he entered Parliament, and in 1918
became Minister of Finance in the Coali-
tion Government presided over by Ion
Bratianu, and again in 1920 in the minis-
try presided over by General Averescu.
In this capacity Mr. Titulescu prepared
the first project for the reorganization of
the finances of Rumania after the war,
which, with small modification, was adop-
ted by his successor, Mr. Vintila Bratianu.
In 1922 he was sent as Minister Pleni-
potentiary to London, and as Rumania's
delegate to the League of Nations he
achieved great success every time the Ru-
manian interests were at stake. In 1926
he was sent to Washington by the Ru-
manian Government to negotiate with the
American Government in regard to the
arrangements for the payment of the war
debt, and on this occasion he came in
contact with many prominent persons in
the United States. In July, 1927, on the
eve of the death of King Ferdinand, he
entered the ministry presided over by
Ion Bratianu, as Minister of Foreign
Affairs, remaining, at the same time, the
Rumanian delegate to the League of Na-
tions, where he enjoys wide popularity and
a universal reputation.

THE BRITTEN METRIC BILL

STEPS should be taken in this Con-
gress to promote the use of the metric
system as a substitute for the system of
weights and measures now most in vogue
in this country and England.

If the people of these two countries
could master the words meter, liter, and
gram, with their modifiers, milli and kilo,
depending upon the division or multiple,
the trick could be turned. Such a task
does not seem Herculean. Or course, it
could not be accomplished at once. But
something has already been done and more
should follow.

There seems to be no doubt that our
present system is unsystematic, whereas
the metric system is simply an extension
of the cent and dollar system, already
more or less familiar. The system is al-
ready used extensively in science, in fac-
tories, in jewelry and optical industries, in
radio, in government departments, and
foreign trade. The importance of extend-
ing its use, from our point of view, re-
lates to the matter of international inter-
course. It is the system in use throughout
Latin America, and the inability on our
part to handle metric orders is an em-
barrassment in many ways, especially a
hindrance to international understanding.
If commerce, technology, and science find
it an advantage to use the system of
weights and measures common to practi-
cally all the other countries of the world,
it is reasonable to assume that it would be
of advantage to manufacturers.

The metric system is no new innovation.
It has been in exclusive use in France
since 1799, in Italy since 1861, in Ger-
many since 1872, in Japan since 1921.
The Britten Metric Bill represents a de-
sirable "reform."

THE Nobel Peace Prize for 1927 has
been granted to two university pro-
fessors, laborers in the world peace move-
ment— Ludwig Quidde, of Germany, and

1928

EDITORIALS

Ferdinand Buisson, of France, the former
sixty-nine years of age, the latter eighty-
seven. Nominations for this prize are
open to members and late members of the
Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Par-
liament, as well as the advisers appointed
at the Norwegian Nobel Institute; to
members of the governments of different
States, and to members of the Interparlia-
mentary Union; to members of the Inter-
national Arbitration Court at The Hague ;
to members of the Council of the Perma-
nent International Peace Bureau ; to mem-
bers and associates of the Institute of In-
ternational Law; to university professors
of political science and of law, of history,
and of philosophy; and, finally, to per-
sons who have received the Nobel Peace
Prize. According to the rule, the grounds
upon which any nomination is made must
be stated and handed in, together with
such papers as may be referred to. The
awarding of this prize, therefore, is
against the background of achievement.
As a friend of both of these men through
many years, the Advocate of Peace of-
fers its heartiest congratulations.

UNDER date of December 7, the Advo-
cate OF Peace received from the
Mexican Embassy the following state-
ment:

"In view of the fact that the Hearst
newspapers in their editions correponding
to yesterday and today have used his name
in connection with the ridiculous story of
alleged intrigue of his government, the
Mexican Ambassador feels compelled, rati-
fying his previous statements, to declare
again that the whole and every part of the
absurd story is a mere fabrication of ma-
licious falsehoods and forgeries."

COL. CHARLES A. LINDBERGH
seems to be the most important sin-
gle force for international peace through-
out all our groping world. One touch of
Lindbergh makes the whole world kin.

DIFFICULTIES in the way of dis-
armament appeared again in all
thei. barrenness throughout the sessions
of the Disarmament Commission ending
at Geneva December 3. The failure of
that conference, like the failure of many a
conference, was due to the collision be-
tween two irreconcilable views. One group
of States, standing irrevocably for the
Treaty of Versailles, insists that there can
be no disarmament until first security is
achieved. The other view is that dis-
armament is the necessary prelude to se-
curity. The former view is supported by
the French and their followers, the latter
in its most pronounced form by the Rus-
sian. Characterizing the situation as an
observer of the scene, the Editor of the
Journal de Oeneve, rather sarcastically ob-
serves :

"Listening to these discussions, it is
difficult to avoid an impression that every-
body is right. Thus, we may begin to dis-
arm, but we shall never get ahead because
nations will not dare to disarm without
guarantees of their security. But if we
begin with security we risk never getting
on to the next stage, that of disarmament.
So we have been discussing whether to
register, first, failure on disarmament, or,
secondly, on security. And we have finally
decided to fail on both at once. It is a
courageous decision."

THE failure of the Geneva Arms Con-
ference is another illustration of the
difficulty facing the governments in their
direct attempts to reduce arms. This
break-down at Geneva has been followed
by a renewed interest, rather widespread
throughout the United States, in substan-
tial additions to our Navy, by evidences of
resentment in England, and irritation in
Japan.

WHILE the crux of the difficulty be-
tween Poland and Lithuania, namely,
the right to Vilna, has not been settled,
the dispute is less acute because of the

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

conferences of the Council of the League
of Nations, where both sides appeared and
discussed their grievances. M. Pilsudski,
Prime Minister of Poland, and M. Walde-
maras, of Lithuania, will now enter into
direct negotiations to end the state of war
between the two countries, continuing for
more than seven years. Furthermore, the

Council of the League, through a special
committee, is to hear Lithuania's case
that her minorities are being wronged in
Poland. We believe the temporary ad-
justment of this controversy is but another
illustration of the beneficent services of
the League of Nations.

NEW CABINET IN ALBANIA

ON OCTOBEE 21 the President of
Albania asked for the resignation
of his cabinet and proceeded to the forma-
tion of a new one. At the same time he
inaugurated a number of rigorous meas-
ures against misappropriation of public
funds and ''graft" and granted an amnesty
to political prisoners and those political
offenders who had fled to Yugoslavia.

Composition of the New Cabinet

In the reconstructed cabinet the follow-
ing ministers retain office: Elias Bey
Vrioni, as Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Abdur Rahman Bey Libra, as Minister
of the Interior; and Jaffar Bey Ypi, as
Minister of Education. Suleiman Bey
Starova becomes Minister of Finance, a
post he held in an earlier cabinet; and
Ferid Bey Vokopolo, a hardworking and
energetic deputy, the first Minister of
Agriculture — a newly created ministry.
There remain to be filled the Ministry of
Justice and the Ministry of Public Works,
the duties of which will be carried out ad
interim by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs
and Agriculture, respectively.

The outgoing ministers include the
Minister of Finance, Faizi Bey Alizoti,
whose methods in the realm of finance
were neither successful nor popular and
whose patent Italian sympathies were
severely criticized throughout the coun-
try; Musa Bey Yuka, the Minister of Pub-
lic Works, whose fanaticism as a Moslem
while acting Minister of the Interior was.

in the opinion of many, the primary cause
of the revolt of the Catholic tribes of the
north in November of last year, and whose
accession to wealth, since becoming a
minister, has been the subject of much
comment; and the Minister of Justice,
Petro Pogo, whose advanced years proved
to be too great a handicap on his energy
and capacity for work.

Foreign Instructors and Advisers
A number of Italian officers have re-
ported for duty with the Albanian army
and will act as instructors in all the more
technical branches. Their advent has
given rise to a good deal of adverse criti-
cism in some Albanian quarters, but it
is obvious to the more thoughtful people
that, if the army is to be put on an efficient
and modern footing, it must have trained
instructors. Major General Sir Jocelyn
Percy, while still Inspector General of the
gendarmerie, remains in direct command
of the troops in the Northern Province of
Scutari and at present is actively en-
gaged, with the assistance of several of the
British officers attached to the Albanian
gendarmerie, in relief measures in con-
nection with the floods in Scutari. A con-
siderable river, the Kiri, has changed its
course and is now flowing through a part
of the town, causing much alarm and some
damage.

Lieutenant Colonel W. F. Stirling, for
some years adviser to the Ministry of the
Interior, has now been given an appoint-
ment immediately under the President as

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Chief Inspector of all Administrations,
and it is hoped that a general tightening
up in all departments may result. It is
understood that the President is still
anxious to find a Financial Adviser able
to remodel and simplify the financial sys-
tem, for it is evident that, so long as the
financial organization remains what it is,
the work of aU the foreign advisers and
inspectors will be largely stultified.

CURRENCY STABILIZATION IN
POLAND

AFTER long negotiations, the Polish
jl\. Government finally succeeded, on
October 12, in obtaining an international
loan for the stabilization of the currency.
In these negotiations the Polish Govern-
ment was represented by M, Czechowicz,
the Finance Minister, and the foreign
interests by Mr. H. Fisher (Bankers
Trust) and Mr. J. Monnet (Chase Na-
tional Bank of the City of New York).
The presidential decree concerning the
loan and the plan of stabilization of the
zloty was published in the oflBcial Journal
of the Laws of the Republic of Poland on
October 13.

Details of the Loan

The loan amounts to 62 million dol-
lars plus £2,000,000 — gross, less the costs
of the loan. Thus the 4th section of the
stabilization plan speaks only about 60
million in bonds to be repaid in 1947 and
to bear interest at the rate of 7 per cent
per annum; issue price, 92, less commis-
sion; redemption price, 103, duration of
loan 20 years, with the right, however, for
the Polish Government to redeem the
bonds before maturity, at 103, in whole
or in part, commencing October, 1937.
Eepayment of bonds and interest will be
secured by the revenues of the import
and export custom duties.

Mr. H. Fisher (Bankers Trust) and J
Monnet (Chase National Bank of the
City of New York) are appointed as fiscal
agents of the Eepublic for the service of
the stabilization loan 1927.

In connection with the inauguration of
the stabilization plan, based on the inter-
national loan, the Polish Government has

invited Mr. C. Dewey, former Assistant
Secretary of the U. S. Treasury, to act
as its financial adviser, Mr. Dewey's con-
tract runs for three years, during a part
of which he will be assisted by Dr. E.
Dana Durand, who has temporarily re-
signed for the purpose from the Depart-
ment of Commerce.

The Stabilization Plan and the Currency

The stabilization plan introduced by the
presidential decree is based on the recom-
mendations made by Prof. E. W. Kem-
merer, who had spent several months in
Poland last year studying the problem.
Under the plan, the gold content of the
Polish currency, the zloty, is reduced by
72 per cent. During 1924 and 1925 the
Polish Government attempted to maintain
its currency at parity with the gold franc,
but this proved impossible, and the gold
value of the zloty has been fixed in such
a way that one dollar equals 8.91 zlotys.

The principles of the monetary system
are fundamentally changed by the intro-
duction of the full gold standard. The
Bank Polski is henceforward obliged to
exchange the banknotes against gold,
gold coins or foreign exchange and checks
having full gold value ; on the other hand,
the Polish mint shall issue gold coins on
the account of the Treasury or that of
private persons, without limitation.

Thus the circulation of currency will
be composed of the (1) notes of Bank
Polski; (2) gold coins; (3) bullion, which
will be coined by treasury, but only to
the amount of 320,000,000 zlotys. The
government resign, once for all, the right
to issue government (treasury) notes, and
as well as the right of requiring advances
and credits of any kind on the part of the
Bank Polski. The new duties of the
Bank Polski will be secured by the gold
cover, which henceforward will amount to
40 per cent (instead of the former 30 per
cent) and shall be applied not only to
the notes of the Bank Polski, but also to
the treasury and private deposits. Three-
quarters of the cover shall consist of gold
bars and gold coins.

Other Provisions of the Plan

Under the stabilization plan, the State
budget must, during the next two years.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

not only be in equilibrium, but mitst show
an actual surplus, and the government
must increase the revenues by 300 millions
yearly. The taxation system shall be
amended under auspices of a specially ap-
pointed committee. In accordance with
the recommendations made by Professor
Kemmerer, the land, income and indirect
taxes shall be increased and partly
amended (income tax), the capital levy
shall assume a permanent character and
will be paid by yearly installments, while
the industrial tax will be reduced.

One of the most important provisions
stipulates that the Finance Minister shall
have no right to grant credits to State
banks, communities, public undertakings,
or credits of any kind, except to the com-
munities to an amount not exceeding one-
fifth of the taxes due to them, for one
year only, a procedure which gives such
credits rather the character of an advance
against these taxes. Another provision
deprives the government of the right of
contracting loans, foreign as well as in-
ternal, of any kind during the period of
three years, with the exception of those
for productive investment.

The State railway system will be reor-
ganized and based either on autonomy or
commercial principles, thanks to which
they are expected to yield profits in con-
formity with the capital invested. Hopes
are expressed that a large foreign loan may
be obtained for them, which would enable
the system to be extended, thus meeting
one of the most vital needs of the coun-
try, especially as regards agriculture.

Disposal of the Loan Proceeds

The larger part of the proceeds of the
loan (over 400 million zlotys) is destined
for stabilization purposes, namely, 75 mill,
zl. for increasing the share capital of the
Polish Bank, 140 mil. zl. for the redemp-
tion of the treasury bills, 90 mill. zl. for
the silver conversion, 25 mill. zl. for the
floating debt, 75 mill. zl. to form a treas-
ury reserve, while the remainder, amount-
ing only to 135 mill, zlotys, is destined for
economic purposes, especially for State
undertakings and agricultural credits.

GREAT BRITAIN AND THE
ORIGINS OF THE WAR

THE British Government has just is-
sued the first two volumes of British
Documents on the Origins of the War,
1898-191Jf (H. M. Stationery Office),
which have been edited by Mr. G. P.
Gooch and Mr. Harold Temperley. Vol-
ume I is entitled The End of British Isola-
tion, and Volume II The Anglo-Japanese
Alliance and the Franco-British Entente.
The decision to publish this selection of
diplomatic documents was made by Mr.
Eamsay MacDonald when Foreign Secre-
tary, and it was subsequently confirmed by
Sir Austen Chamberlain. Mr. Mac-
Donald's view was that as the secrets of
the archives of Berlin, Vienna, and St.
Petersburg had been disclosed to the
world, it would be in the interests of his-
toric truth that the contemporaneous
British dispatches and memoranda should
also be published.

The Policy of Isolation

The papers published in the present
volumes begin in 1898, when the decision
to abandon the traditional policy of
"splendid isolation'" and to substitute for
it one of alliances was taken, and they
end with the signing of the Anglo-French
agreements in 1904, which might properly
be described as the establishment of the
Entente Cordiale.

The grounds on which British min-
isters came to the conclusion that a new
departure in foreign policy was expedient
can be found in a dispatch from Lord
Dufferin when he was Ambassador in Paris
in 1893. He there described the senti-
ments of the French people of all classes
towards us as that of unmitigated and bit-
ter dislike. "Not a day passes," he wrote,
"that we are not taken to task for our
sordid politics; our overbearing manners,
our selfishness, our perfidy, and our other
inveterate bad qualities." Lord Dujfferin
concluded by saying that it was incum-
bent on him to call serious attention to
"the desirability of being prepared to meet,
and cope with, all eventualities."

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Anglo-German Negotiations

The first attempt at an Anglo-German
understanding appears to have been made
in March, 1898, but the matter was in the
hands of Mr. Chamberlain, and was
treated more or less as a private trans-
action, with the result that there is prac-
tically no evidence in the official records
of the Foreign Office as to what took place.
The effort was not attended with success.

In 1900 China was thrown into con-
fusion by the Boxer Rebellion, and it be-
came necessary for the Powers to send
forces to relieve the besieged European
legations at Peking. The German Em-
peror took the opportunity of making
overtures to the British Government with
a view to co-operation in maintaining the
principle of the "open door" in China, and
an agreement to this effect was arrived at.
Sir Eyre Crowe comments on this trans-
action in a memorandum dated 1907 :

About this time Germany secretly ap-
proached Russia with a view to the conclu-
sion of an agreement by which Germany
would also have obtained the much-desired
foothold on the Yangtze, then considered to
be practically a British preservej. These
overtures being rejected, Germany wished at
least to prevent England from obtaining what
she herself had failed to secure. She pro-
posed to the British Cabinet a self-denying
agreement stipulating that neither power
should endeavor to obtain any territorial ad-
vantages in Chinese dominions, and that if
any third power should endeavor to do so both
should take common action.

The British Government did not conceal
their great reluctance to this arrangement.
There was no obvious reason why England
should lend herself to this gratuitous tying
of her own hands. Nevertheless, the policy
of conciliating Germany by meeting her ex-
pressed wishes once more triumphed. The
sequences. Russian aggression in Manchuria
agreement was signed — with the foreseen con-
was declared to be altogether outside the
scope of what the German Chancellor took
care to style the Yangtze agreement, as if its
terms had referred specially to that restricted
area of China, and the German designs on
Shantung continue to this day to be tenaci-
ously pursued.

"The Triple or Dual Alliance?"

The next chapter is the proposal for
an Anglo-German alliance. According to
the German account, what took place was
that during a visit to Chatsworth in 1901
Baron Eckardstein was assured by Mr.
Chamberlain and the Duke of Devonshire
that the time for "splendid isolation" was
over; that England desired to settle all
pending questions, especially Morocco and
the Far East, in co-operation with the
Triple or the Dual Alliance; that, unlike
some of their colleagues, they would
prefer the former, and that, failing agree-
ment with the Triple Alliance, they would
turn to France and Russia.

Lord Lansdowne attributed the sug-
gestion of an alliance to Baron Eckard-
stein. However that might be. Lord
Lansdowne, in a dispatch to the British
Ambassador at Berlin on March 18, 1901,
stated that a conversation on the subject
with Baron Eckardstein took place at the
Foreign Office; that what the latter sug-
gested was "a purely defensive alliance
between the two powers, directed solely
against France and Russia,'" and that "so
long as Germany or England were at-
tacked by one only of the two other powers
the alliance would operate, but if either
Germany or England had to defend itself
against both France and Russia, Germany
would have to help England or England
Germany, as the case might be."

Lord Salisbury, then Prime Minister,
was abroad ill and nothing was done for
the time, though Lord Lansdowne re-
marked that Baron Eckardstein "several
times reverted to the subject." In a con-
versation with Count Hatzfeldt, the Ger-
man Ambassador, the latter told Lord
Lansdowne that the proposal was that "we
should join the Triple Alliance."

When he returned to England, Lord
Salisbury threw cold water on the whole
project. He pointed out that the liability
of having to defend the German and Aus-
trian frontiers against Russia was heavier
than that of having to defend the British
Isles against France. As to what the Ger-
man Ambassador had said about our isola-
tion constituting a serious danger for us,
he asked, had we ever felt that danger
practically, and insisted that "it would
hardly be wise to incur novel and most

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

onerous obligations in order to guard
against a danger in whose existence we
had no historical reason for believing."
"The British Government cannot/' he
said, "undertake to declare war for any
purpose unless it is a purpose of which
the electors of this country would ap-
prove."

"Tortuous" German Policy

A memorandum on the subject by Sir
F. Bertie clinches the arguments used by
Lord Salisbury. According to him, the
Germans had become more insistent in
their advice that we should lose no more
time in coming to terms with them, as
otherwise we should be too late, as they
had other offers. For years, he remarks,
they had constantly made use of these
threats and blandishments, but in con-
sidering the offers of alliance from Ger-
many it was necessary to remember the
history of Prussia as regards alliances,
and the conduct of the Bismarck Govern-
ment in making a treaty with Eussia con-
cerning and behind the back of Austria,
the ally of Germany, and also to bear in
mind the position of Germany in Europe
as against France and Eussia, and her
position in other parts of the world as
against the British Empire.

After pointing out that Germany was
in a dangerous position in Europe, and
that she was surrounded by governments
who distrusted her and peoples who dis-
liked her, he observed that it was her ob-
ject to create and maintain distrust be-
tween the powers not in alliance with her,
and particularly between England and
Eussia and between England and France.
She therefore did what she could to keep
open sores with England. He continued :

Numerous instances might be given of tlie
tortuous policy of the German Government,
but for a good example of it we need go no
farther back than last spring (March).
They then informed the Japanese Government
that they disapproved the Russian proceed-
ings in regard to Manchuria, and being, they
said, aware of the vital importance of the
Manchurian question to Japan, they would
observe a benevolent neutrality in the event
of matters coming to a crisis, and this atti-
tude would keep the French fleet in check,
while England would probably support Japan.
On inquiry it turned out that "benevolent"
neutrality meant "the strictest and most

correct" neutrality towards all parties. The
German Government could not answer for
France, but they were strongly of opinion that
France would follow the example of Germany.
A month later (April) the German Em-
peror described His Majesty's Government
as a set of unmitigated noodles for having
missed the opportunity afforded by the Man-
churian question of asserting the position of
England in the Far East — and, as he did not
say, of falling into the arrangement designed
for them by His Majesty, namely, that they
should ease the situation for Germany in
Europe by joining with Japan in a war
against Russia in the Far East. The Em-
peror further said that the Japanese were
furious with England for not giving them
active support, but of this we have not had
any indication from Japan.

A German Refusal

Lord Lansdowne then thought that the
objections to joining the Triple Alliance
would not apply to a much more limited
understanding with Germany as to our
policy in regard to certain matters of com-
mon interest to both powers, and he drew
up a memorandum outlining the heads of
such an agreement. But Lord Salisbury's
verdict was that it seemed to him to be
full of risks and to carry with it no com-
pensating advantage.

Lord Lansdowne then had an interview
with Count Metternich, the new German
Ambassador, on the subject, and asked
him whether, assuming that we could not
join the Triple Alliance, it might be pos-
sible for the two countries to arrive at an
understanding with reference to the policy
which they might pursue on particular
questions or in particular parts of the
world in which they were alike interested.
Count Metternich unhesitatingly replied
that no such minor proposal was likely to
find favor with the German Government.
It was a case of "the whole of none.*'

That might be said to have ended the
overtures and negotiations for an under-
standing with Germany. During the next
few years unofficial efforts were made to
bring about an improvement in the rela-
tions between England and France, and
proposals for a permanent treaty of arbi-
tration between the two countries were
made. When the matter was brought to
Lord Lansdowne's notice he gave a sympa-
thetic reply. In a conversation with M.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Etienne in July, 1903, he stated that
"nothing would give me greater satisfac-
tion than to promote a reasonable 'give
and take' arrangement between the two
governments, and that if the French Gov-
ernment would put their cards on the
table and say what they wished to obtain
and what they were prepared to concede
with that object, we should be ready to
meet them in a similar spirit."

The Agreement With France

President Loubet, who was accompanied
by M. Delcasse, then visited London, and
the two Foreign Ministers met and dis-
cussed all the outstanding questions be-
tween the two countries. M. Delcasse was
anxious that the French position in Mo-
rocco should be recognized, and Lord
Lansdowne was equally desirous that "the
Government of the French Eepublic
should recognize that the British occu-
pation of Egypt, which was originally in-
tended to be temporary, has, under the
force of circumstances, acquired a char-
acter of permanency."

An understanding on these points was
reached, and all the other vexed questions,
such as the Newfoundland fisheries, Siam,
the new Hebrides, Nigeria, Zanzibar, and
Madagascar, readily lent themselves to an
amicable solution. The convention and
declarations giving effect to the agreement
arrived at were signed on April 8, 1904.

These two volumes deal with a great
variety of other matters, such as the nego-
tiations that led to the signing of the
Anglo- Japanese alliance in 1902, the re-
lations between Great Britain, Germany,
and Portugal in 1898 and 1899, Anglo-
German friction in Samoa, the delimita-
tion of spheres of influence in North
Africa, and the proposals for intervention
or mediation in the South African War.

A German Contribution to the Subject

Almost simultaneously with the publi-
cation of the above two volumes, there
appeared in Germany a very interesting
contribution to the same subject. This
was the new book of Prince Karl von
Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador to
Great Britain in 1914, entitled On the
Way to a Precipice. Prince Lichnowsky
declares that Germany approved fully
Austria's wish to destroy the Pan-Serbian

movement, and while England at first
sympathized with Austria, the English
changed their attitude when the Austrian
ultimatum to Serbia was published.

All the world, he says, except Berlin
and Vienna, knew that a World War was
threatened. But Serbia's reply was more
docile than could possibly have been ex-
pected. "If Eussia and England wanted
war," Prince von Lichnowsky declares,
"one word to Belgrade would have been
sufficient, and the scandalous note would
have remained unanswered." Sir Edward
Grey then discussed the best way of set-
tling the A ustro- Serbian dispute and made
practical suggestions through the Prince
to the Eeich.

They were of no avail, however. Just
one gesture on the part of Berlin, he con-
tinues, would have sufficed to induce the
Austrian Foreign Minister to be satisfied
with his diplomatic success. On the con-
trary, pressure was exercised in favor of
an Austro-Serbian war. Sir Edward
Grey asked for German suggestions, but
Prince von Lichnowsky could not obtain
any satisfactory reply from Berlin and
the impression grew that Germany wanted
war.

Continuing, the Prince says :

Fervent requests and definite statements
by Sazonov and later by the Tsar's almost
humiliating telegrams. Italian warnings, my
urgent advice, all were unavailing. Berlin
was determined that Serbia should be chast-
ened. The latter wish, as the Prince shows,
was expressed by the Kaiser in most definite
manner in several of his notorious marginal
notes.

After the Austrian Foreign Minister, who
until then had showed strength, owing to his
backing by the Reich, decided to yield. Dr.
Bethmann HoUweg too lost courage. Russian
mobilization — Russia waited and negotiated
in vain — was answered by Germany's ulti-
matum and declaration of war.

Is it surprising, he asks, if in view
of these facts almost the entire civilized
world outside Germany charges Germany
with the responsibility for the war?
Prince Von Lichnowsky cites Herr Von
Jagow, then head of the German Foreign
Office, as having declared that Eussia was
not prepared for war. He moreover tells
how all the German ambassadors in Paris

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

denied that France really wanted revenge.
France was merely afraid of Germany,
the Prince writes. England, he depicts as
the nation working hardest for the main-
tenance of peace, which he proves hy
countless incidents.

FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY

ON NOVEMBER 30 the French
Chamber of Deputies began the dis-
cussion of the budget estimates for the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and, as
usual, the discussion turned into a debate
on the whole subject of the foreign policy
of France. The most striking feature
about the debate this year is that in it
Germany was scarcely mentioned. It
turned rather on the question of the
Franco- Yugoslav pact and the whole topic
of French policy in the Balkans and with
regard to Italy. The treaty with Yugo-
slavia has aroused a certain amount of
uneasiness in France, owing to the uncer-
tainty which exists as to its real implica-
tions. Public opinion in France is dis-
turbed at the thought that her new
obligations to Yugoslavia might bring her
into conflict with Italy, and she has a
strong desire for a satisfactory settlement
of her relations with that country. This
anxiety can be traced in political quarters,
which have little in common in their way
of looking at things. There is certainly
more anxiety at the moment in France
over French relations with Italy than over
those with Germany.

Foreign Minister Briand's Speech

In his reply to the critics of the gov-
ernment policy, especially representatives
of the Left groups. Foreign Minister
Briand made extremely friendly reference
to Signor Mussolini and seemed to be ex-
tending to him an invitation to come to a
frank settlement of the differences between
France and Italy. Signor Mussolini, he
said, was a great friend of France, who
had done good service for the Allied cause
during the war. He had met him at
Locarno and would meet him with pleas-
ure again. He was convinced that the
two countries would be able to reach an
agreement on all points without great diffi-

culty. It was impossible to conceive of
their ever being embroiled with one an-
other in war.

As for the Treaty with Yugoslavia, it
was absurd to think that France had
signed it out of pique, or that Italy could
find any reason to take offense by it. It
was the concrete realization of the friend-
ship between France and Yugoslavia
which had arisen out of the war. The
original intention had been to include
Italy in the treaty and make it a three-
cornered matter; its signature had been
postponed several times in the hope that
this could be realized, but the idea had
eventually had to be abandoned. Its text,
however, had been communicated to the
Italian Government six weeks before the
signature, so that there was no question of
its having taken Italy by surprise.

Provisions of the Franco-Yugoslav Treaty

In view of the great amount of specula-
tion caused by the provisions of the
Franco-Yugoslav treaty, the French Gov-
ernment has made public the text of the
pact. Following is a summary of the
provisions :

In the preamble the two ccntracting
parties express their desire to adhere to
the maintenance of peace in Europe and
to the political stability necessary to both
countries. They also declare themselves
attached to the principle of respect of
international treaties solemnly confirmed
by the League of Nations. Convinced of
the duty of modern governments to avoid
a return to war and to prepare for the
peaceful settlement of disputes they have
resolved to give mutual engagements of
peace, entente, and friendship.

Article 1. That France and Jugo-SIavia
I'eciprocally undertake not to engage in any
attack or invasion, nor to have recourse in
any even to war. This, however, does not
apply (a) in the exercise of the right of
legitimate defense, that is, in opposition to
a violation of the engagement taken in the
first paragraph; (&) in action taken under
the application of Article 16 of the Covenant
of the League of Nations; or (c) in action
taken by a decision of the Council of the
League or in the application of Article 15
of the Covenant, provided in the last case

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

that such action is directed against another
State which has been the first to attack.

[Article 16 of the Covenant deals with
the "sanctions" of the League, and
Article 15 with the method of dealing
with disputes not submitted to arbitra-
tion.]

Article 2. The contracting parties agree to
settle as follows all questions which may
divide them and which cannot be settled by
diplomatic means: those questions in which
each claims a right will be submitted to
judges by whose decisions they agree to
abide; all other questions will be submitted
to an arbitration commission, and if the
recommendations of this commission are not
accepted by both countries the question will
be brought before the Council of the League
of Nations. The methods and means for ar-
riving at such peaceful settlements are con-
tained in an annex to the treaty.

Article 3. The two countries undertake to
examine in common, subject to resolutions of
the League of Nations, any question the
nature of which may endanger the external
security of either country or the present
order as established by treaties of which one
or other country is a signatory.

Article 4. If the two countries find them-
selves attacked without provocation they will,
notwithstanding pacific aspirations, at once
consider future action, and proceed to carry
out their plans, always within the framework
of the League, with a view to safeguarding
their legitimate interests and to the main-
tenance of order as establishtd by treaties of
which one or other is a signatory.

Article 5. In the event of any modification
or attempted modification of the existing
political status of Europe, the two countries
will discuss, subject to any resolution which
may be taken by the League, the attitude
respectively to be observed towards such
modifications.

Article 6. Nothing in this treaty is to be
Interpreted in contradiction of treaties al-
ready in force concerning their foreign policy
and signed by either of the contracting par-
ties. Undertaking to exchange views con-
cerning European politics, with the object of
co-ordinating their efforts to maintain peace,
each party will acquaint the other with any
treaties or agreements they may conclude

with a third power in this connection and
aiming at the same peaceful ends.

Article 7. Nothing in this treaty can be
interpreted as being in opposition to the obli-
gations of both parties to the League of
Nations.

Article 8. The treaty will be communicated
to the League.

Article 9. The treaty will come into force
immediately upon ratification. It will re-
main in force for five years and can be
renewed at the end of the fourth year.

The annex setting forth the methods of
peaceful settlement of differences between the
two contracting parties contains 21 para-
graphs.

France and the Italo-AIbanian Treaty

While there is apparently nothing in
the Franco-Yugoslav pact to indicate dan-
ger for Italy, the Italian reaction to it
has been one of bitter resentment, built
on charges of alleged "secret*' clauses.
Italy's oflBcial reply to the signing of the
Franco-Yugoslav pact was the conclusion
of a new defense pact with Albania. The
purpose of the Italo-Albanian pact has
been stated in Eome to be "the stabiliza-
tion of the natural relations happily exist-
ing between the two States in order that
a policy of peaceful development may be
assured."

The term of the defensive alliance con-
templated is 20 years, and, unless de-
nounced during the eighteenth or nine-
teenth year of its duration, it will be con-
sidered as renewed for an equal period.
It is provided that all previous treaties
between the high contracting parties nego-
tiated after Albania's admission to the
League of Nations shall be fully observed,
so as to insure complete amity between the
two nations, and that each of the high con-
tracting parties shall protect the interests
of the other with a zeal equal to that shown
in the protection of its own. The mutual
efforts of the high contracting parties shall
be directed towards the maintenance of
peace and tranquility, and they are
pledged to employ all the means in their
power to guarantee each other's security
and to defend each other from external
aggression. Should one of the parties be
threatened with a war of aggression, the
other party shall use aU possible means to
prevent hostilities and to secure just satis-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

faction for the menaced party. In the
event of the failure of such efforts to
maintain peace, each party is bound to
provide the other with whatever military,
financial, or other assistance may be re-
quested. In the case of war neither party
shall initiate independent negotiations for
peace.

According to the two letters exchanged
between the signatories, which will con-
stitute an annex to the seven clauses of
the treaty and, as such, be ratified and
registered, the contracting parties agree
in case of war to confide the command
of their allied forces to the commander-
in-chief of the country attacked, and upon
the conclusion of peace to repatriate
within a period fixed by that commander-
in-chief the troops sent to his assistance.

The Italo-Albanian treaty was signed
eleven days after the signing of the
Franco- Yugoslav pact. In the Italian
press no attempt is made to disguise the
obvious connection between the two. The
Impero, for example, published the text
of the treaty with the following head-
lines : "While France and Yugoslavia are
plotting secret clauses and occult codicils,
Italy signs a treaty of alliance with Al-
bania in the light of day."

This attitude on the part of Italy is
naturally causing a great deal of uneasi-
ness in France. A part of the French
public opinion is worried over the pos-
sibilities of entanglements in the Balkans.

At the same time efforts are being made
to remove the strain which now character-
izes the relations between Italy and
France. At the December session of the
League of Nations Council attempts were
made to arrange a conference between
Briand and Mussolini. It is considered
that a frank discussion of the differences
would go far toward clearing up the sit-
uation.

FIVE YEARS OF FASCISM

ON October 28 Italy celebrated the
fifth anniversary of the Fascist
march on Eome. This occasion was made
use of by official writers for compiling and
publishing the accomplishments which the
Fascist Government had realized during
its fifth year in power. The balance

sheet, which fills many long columns in
Italian newspapers, has been summarized
as follows by European economic and
political survey :

Ministry of the Interior. — Eeadjust-
ment of provincial divisions and creation
of seventeen new provinces. Readjust-
ment of communal divisions and suppres-
sion of 188 small communes. Reform of
the law of public safety. Methodical ap-
plication of the law for the defense of the
State.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs. — Protocol
between Italy and Egypt concerning regu-
lations, decisions, and declarations of
motives which were elaborated by mixed
commissions under the Italo-Egyptian
agreement of December 6, 192'5, with re-
gard to the delimitation of the Cyrenaico-
Egyptian frontier. Convention of com-
merce and navigation, with two annexes
and one final protocol, concluded between
Italy and Greece. Pact of friendship and
security between Italy and Albania.
Treaty of conciliation and arbitration be-
tween Italy and Germany. Commercial
convention between Italy and the Republic
of Haiti. Treaty of friendship, concilia-
tion, and judicial settlement between Italy
and Chile. Treaty of friendship, concilia-
tion, and arbitration between Italy and
Hungary. General convention on air
navigation between Italy and Spain.
Treaty of conciliation and judicial settle-
ment between Italy and Lithuania. Com-
mercial convention between Italy and
Lithuania, with a final protocol.

Ministry of Public Works — Railways. —
Among the great works which were fin-
ished during the year V, first place be-
longs to the construction of the railway
Rome-Naples line. During the year work
proceeded on the following lines: Cuneo-
Vintimiglia, Fossano-Mondovi-Ceva-Sa-
vona-S. Guiseppe di Cairo, direct line
Bologna-Florence, Vittorio Veneto-Ponte
deUe Alpi, Ortiglia-Treviso, Aulla-Lucca,
Lucca-Pontedera, Sant-Arcangelo-Urbina,
Messina-Reggio.

Reconstruction of Devastated Regions. —
Great progress was made in the construc-
tion of cheap houses in the zone which
had suffered from the Calabro-Siculian
earthquake and in the construction of pub-
lic buildings in Messina.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

New Roads. — Among new constructions
mention is made of the termination of the
great artery Lago di Garda-Meran and of
the development of ordinary roads in the
south ; for instance, in Calabria and Sicily.
Moreover, important constructions of new
provincial roads have been undertaken
and many roads connecting with remote
localities or giving access to seaports and
railway stations have been completed.
The automobile road between Milan-Ber-
gamo has been finished.

Ports. — The important work of organ-
ization in the large seaports, a large part
of which was given on the concessionary
plan, has been greatly developed.

Land Improvement. — For the coming
year concessions for hydraulic improve-
ment of land have been granted over a
territory of 350,000 hectares. In San-
dinia, Sicily, and Basilicata various agri-
cultural villages were built with a view
to preparing for cultivation vast tracts
which are at present uncultivated or little
cultivated.

Hydro-electric Plants. — The production
of electric energy has increased consider-
ably. The power in the existing hydro-
electric plants has increased from 4,000,-
000 H. P. at the end of the fourth year to
4,200,000 H. P. in the present year.
Among the plants which have begun to
function, the following may be mentioned :
The plant on the lower Siro, in the prov-
ince of Sondrio (100,000 H. P.); the
Marlengo plant, in the province of Bol-
zano (40,000 H. P.) ; the Casseva plant
(11,000 H. P.), which is connected with
the water system of the Piave across the
lake of Santa Croce (Belluno), the latter
being already attached to another system
of 60,000 H. P. furnished by various exist-
ing plants; the barrages of Pavana and
Suvania, which hold the waters of the
Remo and the Limena and are to furnish
the energy for the electrified line of Por-
rettana; the first group of hydro-electric
plants of the Sila (utilization of the cen-
tral Neto, beginning from Timpo Grande,
with a production energy of 140,000
H. P.) ; the system of various plants des-
tined for the utilization of the waters of
the Neto and of the tributary rivers of
the Arbo and AmpoUino, which will con-
sist of six reservoirs with an aggregate
capacity of 190 million cubic meters and

of five central reservoirs; Sassari, with a
capacity of 342 million cubic meters and
a nominal energy of approximately 20,000
H. P. During the year, moreover, con-
cessions for hydro-electric utilities were
granted capable of producing another
400,000 H. P. of energy. Parallel with
the development of electric power the
utilization of water for irrigation purposes
has been intensified; during the year con-
cessions granted for irrigation purposes ex-
tended over a territory of 30,000 hectares.

Ministry of Corporations — Fundamen-
tal Act. — The labor charter approved on
April 21, 1927.

Corporative Action. — Elaboration of
standard rules of employment in banking
institutions. Collective labor contract
containing standard rules for discipline of
labor, the principle of co-operation, discip-
linary sanctions, provisions concerning
personal rights. Constitution of the Cor-
porative Executive Committee for regula-
tion of prices, production costs and sal-
aries, draft of corporative and organic
statute within public administraton with
a view to unifying the policies of the
Fascist State.

Ministry of Colonies — Libyan Col-
onies.— Organic rules for the functioning
of the governments of the Libyan colonies.
After repeal of the statutes of 1919 and
suppression of the parliaments, a govern-
ment council and a general consultative
assembly (Consulta Oenerale) were created
and the financial autonomy of both col-
onies was confirmed. By a royal decree
which is now on the eve of approval, the
legal rules for concessions of the State
domain to municipalities and colonists in
Tripoli and Cyrenaica will be fixed, leav-
ing a large measure of autonomy to the
local governments.

The study of the exploitation of great
salt deposits in Carenza, capable of pro-
ducing 400,000 tons, has been begun. In
Tripoli systematic experiments on an in-
dustrial scale have been conducted in con-
nection with the extraction of sodium
and magnesium salts from the saliferous
basins of Pisida (Bu Chammasse). These
saliferous basins will yield 10,000 tons of
magnesium chloride and 600,000 tons of
sodium chloride.

In the year V road constructions were
particularly important in Tripoli, which

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

already possesses 3,000 kilometers of
roads ; 1,000 kilometers being built on nat-
ural and 2,000 kilometers on artificial
foundations. In Cyrenaica the road be-
tween Benghazi and Barca (108 km.) has
been completed and other roads, notably
Barca-Cyrene (120 km.) and Derna-
Cyrene (90 km.), have been started, all
of these roads being constructed on artifi-
cial foundations. Furthermore, many
truck and caravan routes have been put
in proper condition. The first section of
the railway, which will run from Aziza
over the Jebel, has been contracted for.

Presidency of the Council. — Reorganiza-
tion of the "Dopolavorao." Constitution
of the National Organization "Balilla."
Provisions in favor of the National Fascist
Institute of Culture. Provisions cencern-
ing the functioning of the national in-
stitution "L'ltalica." Disciplinary regu-
lation governing the use of the Fascist
Lictorial Emblem. Provisions in regard
to the functions of the Italian Naval
League. Establishment of Lictorial rec-
reation and sport grounds. Complete
regulation of the statute governing right
of succession in the Italian nobility.

Ministry of War. — Application of the
new statute of the royal army, established
by law of March 11, 1926. Formation of
the new territorial army corps of Ales-
sandria. Formation of a new territorial
army corps (Udine). New regulations in
regard to the technical service in the ar-
tillery; institution of a service of special-
ists in the engineers' corps; new statute
concerning the command of the general
staff corps. Reorganization (organization
and instruction) of the officers' corps of
the royal army by application of the new
laws of March 11, 1926, numbers 396 and
398, regulating respectively the status and
promotion of officers. Exclusive authority
of the law on recruitment of the royal
army approved by royal decree of August
6, 1927. Gradual introduction of new
army equipment. Reorganization of sup-
ply of materials for artillery, engineer, and
automobile services. Constitution of the
"Union of Pensioned Officers of Italy."

Ministry of the Navy. — Order for con-
struction of four scouting ships of 5,500
tons and of five submarines of 850 tons.
Addition to the colonial radio-telegraphic
gystem of high power stations for short

and long waves; the radio stations of all
great and small men-of-war were refitted
and improved. Reform of the statute of
the Royal Naval Academy. Under the
direction of the office of the chief of the
naval general staff, great impulse has been
given to the consolidation and instruction
of the fleet and its personnel in all
branches of naval warfare.

Ministry of Aeronautics. — New organ-
ization which gives the royal air force
greater power in aerial warfare. The
necessary program of improvements has
been prepared. Enactment of provisions
relating to the formation of an air force
reserve and to pre-military aeronautical
instruction. Rules regarding recruitment
and treatment of noncommissinoer officers
and troops of the royal air force. Estab-
lishment of schools for pilots.

Ministry of Finance. — Issue of the
Lictor Loan of November, 1926. Institu-
tion of the Office of Amortization of the
Public Debt. Tax reductions amounting
to about 1,000 million lire. Establish-
ment of a society for production of natural
fertilizers. Reorganization of the Na-
tional Institute of Exchange. Guaranty
of credits to exporters. Disciplinary reg-
ulations of commerce and commercial
bonds. Amalgamation of the autonomous
bank for mining credits of Sicily with
the Bank of Sicily. New statute of the
Bank of Naples.

Ministry of Justice. — Law of November
25, 1926, for the defense of the State.
Law concerning the Lictorial Fasces as
emblem of the State. Establishment of
a Court of Appeal in Rodi. Provisions
for the Italianization of the names of the
new provinces. Law on rents and expul-
sion of tenants. Rules and regulations
for the exercise of professions. Reorgan-
ization of prisons and improvement of
agricultural and industrial penitentiary
colonies. Reform of all codes, which will
be completed in the year VI.

Ministry of Communications. — Intro-
duction of electric traction for all pas-
senger and freight traffic on the Spezia-
Leghorn line. The Ministry authorizes
the administration of the State railways
to buy and build, up to a cost of 80 rail-
lion lire, cheap houses to be rented to
railway workers. The management of the
"Providence' society's food section is

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

charged with selling its merchandise to all
State employees. Speeding up the estab-
lishment of the State hydro-electric gen-
erating station in Pavane, which is des-
tined to supply energy for electric traffic
on the line Bologna-Pistoria-Florence.
Speeding up the introduction of electric
traction on the section Bologna-Florence.
Eeduction of freight rates. Eeduction of
accessory fees on freight. Opening of the
straight railway line between Eome and
Naples. Speeding up the introduction of
electric traction on the section Pozzuoli-
Solfatara-Villa Literno. Establishment
of free ports. Submarine cable Anzio-
Barcelona-Malaga. New radio station
Eome-Torrenuova. Inauguration of the
railway station in Forli.

Ministry of National Economy. — Es-
tablishment of provincial offices and
councils of economy. Provisions for the
development of grain cultivation. Ap-
pointment of itinerant lecturers on agri-
cultural subjects. Establishment of State
domain concerns for exploitation of
forests. Eeorganization of agricultural
credit. Amendment of the law concern-
ing industrial property. Institution of
the National Office of Silk Industry. New
mining law. Establishment of national
standard for products of fruit cultivation
destined for export. Law concerning the
protection of savings. Eeorganization of
the Cooperative Alliance of Turin. Ee-
organization of the National Institute of
Cooperative Credit. Disciplinary regula-
tions concerning the flour-mill industry.
General regulations concerning hygiene of
labor.

THE SOVIET ARMY

IN VIEW of the participation of the
Soviet Government in the disarma-
ment discussion in Geneva, the question
of the strength and character of the Soviet
army acquires special significance. Ac-
cording to a "Military Correspondent" of
the London Times, the strength of the
Eed army is almost equal to that of the
pre-war imperial army.

In 1914 the peace establishment of the
Imperial Eussian army amounted to
1,300,000, all ranks, a number swelled
during the annual training period by about

500,000 reservists. Today the Eed army,
including the air arm, has a peace strength
of about 1,124,000. Of this number,
562',000 are provided by the regular army
(including the organized Ogpu (political
peace) troops) and the remainder by the
1st Line territorial divisions. It is esti-
mated that in time of war the Soviet Gov-
ernment would have at its disposal about
10,000,000 men between the ages of 18
and 31, all of whom would have received
varying degrees of military training.
But only a limited proportion could be
armed and equipped.

Recruitment

As in imperial days, the army is re-
cruited by conscription, and the men
selected for military service are called up
at the age of 21. But preliminary mili-
tary training begins at the age of 16, and
aU youths between the ages of 16 and 18
receive annually 160 hours of drill and
physical exercises. From the autumn of
the present year the students in the higher
educational establishments receive 180
hours of theoretical training (and in this
course women students are included) and
two months' practical training in camp.
At the age of 18 pre-conscription training
begins, and in the following two years
each youth undergoes a total of ten weeks'
military training, the instructors being
drawn from the army. In the 21st year
he is medically examined and, according
to the number which he draws at this
examination, is allotted to the regular
army, to the regular cadre of a territorial
division, to the territorials, or escapes em-
bodied service altogether.

The period of service with the regular
army is five years — two years with the
colors and three on "leave." In the air
force each man serves three years with the
colors. The territorial army, to which
many of the men not required by the reg-
ular army are sent (the remainder go
straight to the reserve), has a four-year
period of intermittent color service. After
the end of the five years of conscript serv-
ice, men are transferred to the reserve,
there to remain, with occasional course of
instruction, until they reach the age of 40.
Even then the country does not relax its
rights, and the time-expired reservists are
transferred to local formations.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Jcmuary

There are ten military districts (includ-
ing the Army of the Caucasus) in the
TJ. S. S. E., each under a commander with
a staS of 800. These commanders are re-
sponsible for the training and administra-
tion of all military formations, regular
and territorial, within the area allotted to
them. Their districts are subdivided into
divisional, regimental, and battalion areas
under commissariats entrusted with the
duty of registering men, animals, means of
transport, &c., for military purposes.

The army is organized into 21 corps
and three cavalry corps. As a rule, each
corps has three divisions and the usual
corps troops, to which is added a gas regi-
ment. Each infantry division (about
18,595, all ranks, on war footing) has
three regiments, each of three battalions —
artillery, engineers, and signal formations.
There are in all 69 infantry divisions, 30
of which are regular formations and the
rest territorial, and 12 cavalry and Cos-
sack divisions, one of which is territorial
(Cossack). New divisions are probably
in course of formation.

Automatic Weapons

The infantry regiment (1,683, all
ranks) is itself a composite body of three
battalions, with mounted and dismounted
scouting companies and a close support
brigade of two three-gun batteries of
76mm. guns. Each regiment has about
150 machine guns, light machine guns,
and automatic rifles.

Cavalry divisions (each with a war es-
tablishment of 8,500 all ranks) have six
regiments (each 900 strong, with 16 light
and 16 heavy machine guns), a mechan-
ized force, and a cyclist company. A re-
duction of the number of regiments per
division to four is under consideration.

The great number of automatic weapons
in use in the Eed army should be noted.
The dependence on machine guns implied
by the numbers supplied to units is ex-
plained, in part, by the relative inefficiency
of the Eussian soldier in rifle shooting,
and in part by the inherent difficulties of
the supply of gun ammunition to troops
operating, as Soviet troops must, in areas
lacking the means of communications
which are found in the territories of the
other great powers. The decision to in-
crease the complement of automatic weap-

ons gives some proof of the military ability
of those controlling the destinies of the
Soviet regime.

Transport is one of the more serious
problems which those directing the for-
tunes of the Eed army must face. An
infantry division has under present condi-
tions 3,900 vehicles and 9,000 animals and
very little mechanical transport. This
number is greatly in excess of that in any
other army of the first grade. Measures
are being taken to provide adequate me-
chanical transport and much use is being
made of the Fordson tractor, which has a
value also as an agricultural implement,
and can be made, therefore, to serve two
purposes — one in peace and the other in
war.

It is probable that, in the event of war,
the Soviet Government would decide to
expand its forces through the territorial
army. The regular army would be the
covering force and the cavalry the strik-
ing force. The territorial army would
complete its training — with relative rapid-
ity in view of the system of compulsory
military education — and would be the
nucleus from which new divisions would
be created.

In addition to the normal troops of the
red army, there are those controlled by
the Ogpu. They are a political weapon,
devised for the suppression of revolution,
the detection of espionage, the guarding
of the frontiers, and many other func-
tions for the protection of the government
in being. Because of these duties, they
are treated with special benevolence, are
trained and equipped with care, and are
maintained out of grants independent of
those for the Eed army proper.

The special section — the anti-revolu-
tionary troops and the arm of protection
for the Soviet Government — is organized
as follows : A three-regiment division with
one regiment at Leningrad and the other
two in Moscow, seven other regiments and
100 other sections (each of three infantry
platoons, a machine-gun platoon, and a
troop of cavalry) distributed throughout
the country. The majority of the person-
nel are Communists. The frontier guards
protect the frontiers and engage in espion-
age and contra-espionage and the convoy
troops are employed usually in the escort-
ing of prisoners.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

The Air Force

The air force is an organization apart
from the Red army, but is under the
direction of the Commissar for War. Its
reconstruction began in 1921 and today it
is attaining some recognizable degree of
efficiency. Many machines have been pur-
chased abroad and some have been con-
structed in Russia. There is a belief that
Russia will shortly be able to meet her own
air needs by internal construction. De-
signs have been purchased from other
countries, and skilled aeronautical engi-
neers have accepted service under the
Soviet Government. Some endeavor is
made to select special personnel for this
force, and youths who are sound in their
Communist principles are drawn from
secondary schools and undergo special
courses in the Red Air Normal School.
There are approximately 90 squadrons of
12 machines each. Of these about 50 are
reconnaissance squadrons, 25 are fighting
squadrons, and the rest bombing. There
are 14 schools for pilots and observers.
The most efficient machines are distributed
along the Russian western front.

Armored vehicles, including tanks,
armored cars, and armored trains, are
under the direction of the inspector of
artillery and armored forces. Careful
selection is made of the personnel in order
that none but professed Communists may
be recruited into the branch. Each must
have had initial training in mechanics.
There are few tanks in the Red army and
none of them of a modern type. Prepara-
tions are being made for the equipment of
tanks with anti-gas devices, and in the
matter of defense against enemy tanks it
is proposed that anti-tank mine fields
should be laid not only with explosive
mines, but also with gas mines.

Gas warfare is regarded as important
and endeavors are being made to devise
new gases and to extend the means of
production. At present there are few gas
masks in relation to the strength of the
Red army and only a small proportion of
these masks are of modern type. It is
said that during field exercises weak gas
is discharged in order to accustom the
troops to its use. As a form of training,
this method is not popular. Gas officers
are attached to corps, divisions, and regi-

ments and each infantry regiment has a
chemical section. There is a central gas
school at which courses of training of one
or two years are given.

OfiBcers

There is today a great lack of suit-
able officers for commissions. The Soviet
Government, anxious about its own se-
curity, has a preference for officers and
non-commissioned officers selected from
the Communist Party, a preference which
narrows the source of supply. There are
many military schools. Among them are
64 "normal schools," which take in sol-
diers or civilians between the ages of 17
and 23 and educate them to be platoon
commanders. There is also a senior offi-
cers' school for the training of brigade
commanders and officers of still higher
rank. The course is so arranged as to fit
these officers for the command of higher
formations. The course lasts for nine
months. The highest school is the Red
General Staff Academy, with a course of
three years. At this establishment a
thorough staff training is given. There is
also the Military-Political Academy at
Leningrad, where "military-political work-
ers" are trained. Graduates are to be able
to reply to the questions of Red soldiers.
They must understand the international
situation and must be able to set a correct
party course. Their military knowledge
should be satisfactory and in development
they should keep pace with the executive
officers.

The Red army lacks military materiel.
There is a plentiful supply of rifles, and
the means of production are adequate.
Several types of machine guns and auto-
matic rifles are in use, but many are badly
worn, and as yet the supply of new weap-
ons falls far behind the demand. Divi-
sional artillery is equipped, as a rule, with
one type of gun, but the heavy artillery
has many types, with consequent disad-
vantages in regard to the supply of am-
munition.

The moral of the Red army is good,
if the state of discipline can be accepted
as a standard. The Russian soldier has
not changed his attributes, and his powers
of stubborn fighting still remain. At the
same time his qualities in the offensive
have not increased, and in operations out-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

side his own country his military enthu-
siasm might decline rapidly. There are
signs that the Soviet Government has not
complete confidence in the loyalty of the
army to the Soviet regime, and the Ogpu
troops alone are fully trusted. All the
available evidence tends to show that,
though the Red army is a good defensive
force, it could not wage successful war
outside Soviet territories, and it is not in
itself a real threat to the peace of Europe.

REORGANIZATION OF THE
BELGIAN CABINET

BELGIUM has just passed through a
brief ministerial crisis, which re-
sulted in a reorganization of the Jaspar
Cabinet. The crisis was brought on by
the resignation of the four Socialist min-
isters, and the new cabinet has been
formed without Socialist participation.

The New Jaspar Cabinet

The Belgian Cabinet fell on November
21. For some days prior to that there had
been a great deal of uneasiness in parlia-
mentary circles in regard to the reorgani-
zation of the army and the introduction
by the Socialist Left of a bill to reduce the
period of military service from ten
months to six months. At a cabinet meet-
ing on November 21, the Comte de
Broqueville, Minister of National Defense,
made a general statement on the situation
in connection with army reorganization,
with particular reference to military
cadres, the fortifications system, and re-
duction in the period of service. He
stated that it was impossible for him to
introduce at present a bill dealing with
the period of military service which would
have the approval of all the ministers,
and he therefore proposed that the mili-
tary problem as a whole should be sub-
mitted to a commission similar to that
which dealt with the subject in 1920.

As there was disagreement among the
ministers in regard to this proposal, it
was decided that the ministry should re-
sign. The Socialist ministers were driven
towards resignation by the growing hos-
tility of their party to co-operation with
the Catholics and Liberals.

The new Jaspar Cabinet was formed
two days later. The places of the four
Socialist ministers was taken by two
Liberals and two Christian Democrats.
The program of the new ministry will be
limited to financial and economic prob-
lems and to questions connected with the
army reorganization. The new govern-
ment will meet Parliament on Tuesday.
M. de Brouckere has resigned his appoint-
ment as the Belgian representative on the
Disarmament Commission at Geneva.

The members of the Catholic Eight in
the Chamber and the Senate held a meet-
ing on November 23 to consider the po-
litical situation, and passed a resolution
expressing their confidence in the Catholic
members of the government. The Liberal
Deputies and Senators have decided to
support the new ministry, which wiU have
a majority in the Chamber of 17 in a
total of 187 deputies.

The Causes of the Crisis

The ministerial crisis which has thus
been ended has been considered as inevi-
table for some time past. The Catholic
and Liberal ministers refused to accept
the Socialist proposals for the reduction
of the period of military service from ten
to six months until such time as the de-
fense of the country was assured by the
necessary armaments, fortifications, mili-
tary cadres, and an adequate recruiting
organization.

The Socialist Ministers, bound by party
decisions, demanded, if not an immediate
diminution of the period of service to six
months, at least a promise from the gov-
ernment that it would be reduced at some
time in the future. The government could
not give the promise. The Comte de
Broqueville, Minister of National Defense,
had intended to draw up a bill for the
reorganization of the army, but the Belgian
general staff, which in 1920 had opposed
the introduction of ten months as the
period of military service, definitely de-
clared that in the present circumstances
it was impossible to consider a further
reduction. The Prime Minister, M. Jas-
par, then proposed that the whole military
problem should be referred to a comjnis-
sion of 21 members, half of whom would
be selected from members of Parliament

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

concerned with military affairs and the
other half from the army. This commis-
sion would have been instructed to report
to Parliament in the same manner as
did the 1920 commission. The Socialist
ministers were unable to accept this pro-
posal, not for reasons of procedure, but
for reasons of party tactics, as the Social-
ist Party had decided recently to begin
an energetic campaign all over the coun-
try in favor of the reduction of the
military service period to six months.
This was the actual cause of the min-
isterial crisis.

The new government will appoint the
commission and will refer to it the present
military problem. This commission will
be asked to carry out its work as quickly
as possible, but the Minister of National
Defense will in the meantime introduce
a bill dealing with military works and
credits for the purchase of armaments.
The reference to the commission will cer-
tainly have the support of the Chamber,
with the exception of the Socialists and
the two Communist deputies. The early
settlement of the crisis was due to M.
Jaspar's success in obtaining the support
of the Catholic Party and the Liberal
Party.

DISARMAMENT

THE Preparatory Commission of the
Disarmament Conference began its
fourth session on November 30. At this
meeting, for the first time, all the great
powers of the world were represented, in-
cluding Soviet Eussia. It was the Rus-
sian delegation that provided the sensa-
tion of the meeting.

The Russian Proposal

The Russian proposal, which was made
by M. Litvinoff, head of the Russian
delegation, was as follows :

(a) The dissolution of all land, sea, and
air forces and the non-admittance of their
existence in any concealed ^orm whatso-
ever.

(b) The destruction of all weapons, mili-
tary supplies, means of chemical warfare,
and all other forms of armament and means
of destruction in the possession of troops
or military or general stores.

(d) The discontinuance of the calling up
of citizens for military training, either in
armies or public bodies.

(e) Legislation for the abolition of mili-
tary service, either compulsory, voluntary, or
recruited.

(/) Legislation prohibiting the calling up
of trained reserves.

ig) The destruction of fortresses and
naval and air bases.

(h) The scrapping of military plants, fac-
tories, and war industry plants in general
industrial works.

(i) The discontinuance of assigning funds
for military purposes, both on State budgets
and those of public bodies.

(k) The abolition of military, naval, and
air ministries, the dissolution of general
staffs and all kinds of military administra-
tions, departments, and institutions.

(l) Legislative prohibition of military
propaganda, military training of the popu-
lation, and military education, both by State
and public bodies.

(m) Legislative prohibition of the patent-
ing of all kinds of armaments and means of
destruction with a view to the removal of
the incentive to the invention of the same.

(n) Legislation making the infringement
of any of the above stipulations a grave
crime against the State.

(o) The withdrawal or corresponding al-
teration of all legislative acts both of na-
tional and international scope, infringing the
above stipulations.

The Soviet Delegation is empowered to
propose the fulfillment of the above program
of complete disarmament as soon as the
respective convention comes into force, in
order that all necessary measures for the
destruction of military stores may be com-
pleted in a year's time. The Soviet Govern-
ment considers that the above scheme for
the execution of complete disarmament is the
simplest and most conducive to peace. In
the case of the capitalist States rejecting the
immediate abolition of standing armies, the
Soviet, in its desire to facilitate the achieve-
ment of practical agreement proposes a pro-
gram of complete disarmament, to be carried
out simultaneously by all the contracting
States by gradual stages during a period of
four years, the first stage to be accomplished
in the course of the coming year. Under this

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

proposal the national funds freed from war
budgets are to be employed in each State at
its own discretion, but exclusively for pro-
ductive and cultural purposes.

While insisting upon the views just stated,
the delegation is, nevertheless, ready to par-
ticipate in any and every discussion of the
question of the limitation of armaments
whenever practical measures really leading
to disarmament are proposed. The delega-
tion declares that the Soviet Government
fully subscribes to the convention on the
prohibition of the application to military
purposes of chemical and bacteriological sub-
stances and processes and expresses its readi-
ness to sign the convention immediately.

Replies to the Proposal

The Eussian proposal was discussed by
several delegates to the conference. The
first reply came from the French dele-
gate, M. Paul-Boncour, who pointed out
that the negotiations for disarmament are
carried on on the basis of Article 8 of the
League Covenant, and it would never do
to swap horses in midstream. For thou-
sands of years the world has longed for a
simple solution like that of the Bolshe-
vists, but the difficulties have to be met
one by one. The States concerned have
international engagements and responsi-
bilities. Even without armaments, small
nations would be at the mercy of the
larger, whose populations were more nu-
merous and whose industrial capacities
were greater. Soldiers, even when dis-
banded, would be soldiers still. First of
all, security must be established, and the
technical work they are trying to do was
the first step towards that end.

Dr. Benesh (Czechoslovakia) explained
that when they had first studied the busi-
ness of disarmament, in 1921 and 1922,
proposals very like the Soviet's had been
put forward, but they had found that the
only way of approach which promised a
practical result is the technical considera-
tion of the problem in a scientific spirit.
It was really time to say that M. Litvinoff's
proposals had been before the League in
its earliest days.

M. Politis (Greece) added the argu-
ment that there had not been in history
an organized society which had been able
to dispense with force altogether.

Committee on Security

An important feature of the meeting
was the creation of a Committee on Se-
curity, the principal object of which is
the interpretation and possible elaboration
of certain clauses of the League of Na-
tions Covenant. The committee consists
of representatives of the following na-
tions : The British Empire, France, Ger-
many, Italy, Japan, Canada, Chile,
China, Colombia, Cuba, Finland, the
Netherlands, Poland, and Rumania
(which are the 14 countries represented
on the Council), and, in addition, Argen-
tina, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Spain,
Greece, Yugoslavia, Sweden, Czechoslo-
vakia, and Uruguay. These are all the
nations represented on the Preparatory
Commission, with the exception of the
United States and Soviet Russia, both of
which will probably have observers.

After discussions lasting several days,
the commission adjourned for further
study of the questions on its agenda and
will meet again in March, 1928. It is ex-
pected that the plenary Disarmament Con-
ference will be held during the year 1928.

POLISH -LITHUANIAN CONFLICT

ON DECEMBER 10, through the in-
termediary of the League of Nations
Council, an important step was made in
the adjustment of a protracted conflict
between Poland and Lithuania. The two
Baltic countries had been in "a state of
war" for nearly seven years, and although
there had not been any armed encounter
the condition of affairs represented a
source of uncertainty and danger in east-
ern Europe. The present dispute arose
over the Lithuanian claim that Lithuanian
schools have been closed by the Poles in
the Vilna district, which claim was sub-
mitted to the League of Nations under
Article II of the Covenant. Back of this
dispute, however, is the conflict between
the two countries over the Vilna question.

The Vilna Question

The Vilna question came into existence
soon after the war, when the Poles oc-
cupied the Vilna district. Since then both
Poland and Lithuania have claimed this
territory, with the Poles in occupation.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

Ethnographically speaking, according to a
handbook prepared by the British Foreign
Office before the Vilna question became
acute, "there is no doubt that Polish in-
fluence is strong enough to make the
Province of Vilna and the northern dis-
tricts of Grodno form a Polish wedge be-
tween the Lithuanians on the north and
the White Russians on the south and east.
The Poles in the population of the whole
government of Vilna are probably about
a quarter of the inhabitants and their
center is the Vilna (town) district. The
remaining three-quarters are a mixture of
White Russians, Lithuanians, and Jews,
the latter residing exclusively in the
towns, Vilna especially. The land-OAvners
throughout are mainly Polish and of the
rest the White Russians are much more
numerous than either Poles or Lithu-
anians.

Historically, however, as the London
correspondent of The Christian Science
Monitor points out, Vilna has always been
the headquarters of the Lithuanian na-
tional movement. In 1905, for instance,
2,000 Lithuanian delegates assembled at
Vilna and demanded autonomy for Lith-
uania. Further back, in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, Vilnius, as the
Lithuanians call it, was the capital of the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which ac-
quired great military glory in wars against
the Teutonic Knights, the Poles and the
Russians. Later on, in the fifteenth cen-
tury, Poland and Lithuania were united
under a single scepter, which was when
the Polish infiltration into Vilna took
place. When Poland, with Lithuania, was
partitioned, in the eighteenth century,
however, the Vilna district was kept by
the Russians outside Russian Poland
proper.

In the confused period which followed
the Bolshevist revolution of November,
1917, Vilna changed hands about half a
dozen times, being held sometimes by
Lithuania, sometimes by Poland, and
sometimes by the Soviets. The Lithu-
anian State Council proclaimed the in-
dependence of Lithuania at Vilna on
February 16, 1918. A year later it was
captured by the Bolsheviks, from whom
the Poles took it on April 19, 1919, fore-
stalling a Lithuanian advance by a few
days, perhaps hours.

Friction between the two rival armies
rose to such a pitch that the Supreme
Council at Paris decided to establish a
demarcation line between them a week
later. The terms of the settlement were
not observed and on July 2, another line
was laid down, giving the Poles appreci-
ably more territory. A year later, at the
end of April, 1920, the Poles attacked the
Soviet Government and captured Kieff,
capital of the Ukraine, only to be driven
out again to lose more than they had
gained, including Vilna, which they evac-
uated on July 15, 1920.

The town was then occupied by the
Russians and by them handed over to the
Lithuanians in accordance with the treaty
of peace between the two countries signed
at Moscow on July 12, 1920.

For a brief three months thereafter the
Lithuanians held Vilna, their claim to
which had been recognized by the Allies
in Paris on December 8, 1919, when Vilna
was still in the hands of the Poles.
The Poles, however, protested to the
League of Nations in September, and as
there was every prospect of hostilities be-
tween the two rivals, an allied military
mission was sent to Vilna to try to keep
the peace. An armistice was negotiated at
Suvalki on October 7 and signed by a
couple of Polish officers on behalf of
Poland. This left Vilna on the Lith-
uanian side of the frontier pending a final
decision.

But a couple of days later a force of
Polish "irregulars" under General Zeli-
gowsky drove the Lithuanians from Vilna,
which has remained Polish ever sice. The
Allies recognized the fcuit accompli on
March 14, 1923, but their decision has
never been accepted as final by the Lith-
uanian Government, which still, as a re-
sult of the Zeligowsky coup d'etat, con-
siders itself at war with Poland.

The Present Dispute

The present dispute arose out of al-
leged attempts made by the Polish Gov-
ernment to close Lithuanian schools and
to remove Lithuanian refugees from the
Vilna District and scatter them through
other parts of Poland. Reports of this
aroused a great deal of excitement in
Lithuania, which communicated itself to
Poland and found expression in the

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

Polish press. The feeling in Lithuania
arose to such a pitch that a mobilization
was even ordered. In order to avoid an
outburst of armed activities, both sides
were persuaded to refer the whole question
to the League of Nations. The Polish
Government, in addition to agreeing to
this, also dispatched a note to all the
powers, protesting its desire for peace.

An interesting aspect of the situation
lies in the fact that Russia also stepped
into it. The Eussian Foreign Office ad-
dressed a note to the Polish Government,
in which it warned Poland against any
aggressive designs upon Lithuania. The
note stated that "public opinion in the
Soviet Union is disturbed by the fact that
there have appeared in the responsible
Polish papers, without eliciting any de-
nial from competent quarters, reports that
the Polish Government has decided upon
a drastic cutting of the knot of Polish-
Lithuanian relations." As to whether
these reports are well founded or not, the
Soviet Government does not inquire, but
it adds: "The Government of the Soviet
Union, being an immediate neighbor of
Poland and Lithuania, and by this very
fact particularly interested in the preser-
vation of peace in eastern Europe, feels
itself obliged to call the very special at-
tention of the Polish Government to the
immense danger that any attempt that
may be made by any country whatever
upon the independence of Lithuania would
constitute, whatever form it might take."

End of the State of War

The climax of the negotiations in Ge-
neva at the session of the League Council
was very dramatic. It is described as fol-
lows by the Associated Press corre-
spondent :

Marshal Pilsudski, Premier of Poland,
and Augustin Waldemaras, Premier of
Lithuania, faced each other at the Coun-
cil meeting, which was held in the office

of Sir Eric Drummond, Secretary General
of the League.

Before entering the session, the Polish
delegation said that broad lines had been
established for the settlement of the dis-
pute. It said, however, that the exact
formula had not been found.

While the Council was deliberating the
Lithuanian spokesman said that what
Lithuania really wanted was documents
signed by the powers and Poland that the
question of the sovereignty over the Vilna
District is not settled, and that Lithuania
had the right to open pourparlers with
Poland for a definite determination of the
Lithunian-Polish frontier.

The spokesman declared that Walde-
maras was ready to ask for such a docu-
ment in case the Council pressed him to
resume diplomatic relations with Poland.

The crisis in the negotiations occurred
when Marshal Pilsudski suddenly leaned
over the table, pointed his finger at the
Lithuanian Premier and said :

"I have a definite question to put to
the honorable representative of Lithuania ;
is it peace or war?"

The Lithuanian Premier did not quail
under the gaze of the Polish marshal. He
looked Marshal Pilsudski squarely in the
eye and answered clearly:

"It is peace."

A ripple of applause broke from the
members of the Council, and when this
had died down. Marshal Pilsudski de-
clared: "As it is peace, I no more need
personally to discuss details of the settle-
ment, which I leave to my foreign minis-
ter, Mr. Zaleski. I shall order a Te Deum
of joy to be sung in all the churches of
Poland."

Marshal Pilsudski then solemnly took
an engagement before the Council that
Poland will respect the independence of
Lithuania, while Mr. Waldemaras under-
took an engagement that Lithuania does
not consider herself in a state of war with
Poland.

1928

NEW YEAR VIEWS

To OUR request for a statement of
views as to the next steps in the in-
terest of international peace, we select the
following replies :

From the Chairman of the Committee
on Appropriations of the House of Rep-
resentatives :

My Deab Mb. Call:

Peace with all the world and entangling
alliances with none should be the watchword
of America. We should quit considering the
human race as fit only for gun fodder and
lead them on to the promotion of peace,
happiness, and good will.
Sincerely yours,

Martin D. Madden.

From the Junior Senator from the
State of Rhode Island :

My Deab Mb. Call:

I have your letter of December 12th, in-
viting me to submit a short statement for
publication in your magazine, the Advocate
OF Peace, and take pleasure in sending you
the following:

Any society that will work for peace, even
for one day, has my best wishes, but when
a society has worked for 100 years it has my
most hearty support, and I hope that it will
continue for another 100 years.

It has been my experience that when I
have loaned money to a friend that I have
lost that friend and made an enemy, and it
seems to work that same way between na-
tions. At the present time it is most im-
portant that these United States should by
word and deed show that our spirit and
ideals are those of true friendship to all.
So at this Christmas season let us renew the
pledge, peace on earth, good will to men, and
resolve to carry it out throughout the years.
Yours very truly,

Jesse H. Metcalf.

From the leader of the Republicans on
the floor of the House of Representatives :

My Dear Mb. Call:

In response to your very courteous request
of December 13, I have dictated a few lines
for your centennial number symposium.

If you think it too militant, throw it in the
waste basket, but it at least expresses my
own views.

If the words "next steps in the interest of
international peace" imply action or mean a
new movement of some character, then I am
not prepared at this time to make even a sug-
gestion. It seems to me that the cause of
peace is most surely advanced by a modest,
friendly attitude on our part and by a steady
march forward, with as little of ballyhoo
methods as possible in our progress. The
development of our means for national de-
fense especially should be along these lines.
A failure to keep our army and navy in a
reasonable state of readiness to perform the
functions for which they are maintained
would be inimical to the cause of peace
equally with swashbuckling demands for
sudden and immoderate increases in military
armament. We desire the good will of all
peoples everywhere. Without excellent rea-
sons to the contrary, we should assume that
we have it and act accordingly. Possessing
the good will of others, we can best serve the
cause of peace by pursuing a course that
will prove to all the world our desire to merit
and retain this good will.
Very sincerely yours,

John Q. Tilson.

From the Junior Senator of Connecti-
cut:

Dear Mb, Call:

You ask me for my views relative to the
next steps which ought to be taken in the
interests of international peace. I cannot
express my feelings more accurately than by
repeating the words of the President's re-
cent message to Congress, in which he says:

"While having a due regard for our own
affairs, the protection of our own rights, and
the advancement of our own people, we can
afford to be liberal toward others. Our ex-
ample has become of great importance in the
world. It is recognized that we are inde-
pendent, detached, and can and do take a
disinterested position in relation to inter-
national affairs. Our charity embraces the
earth. Our trade is far-flung. Our financial
favors are widespread. Those who are peace-
ful and law-abiding realize that not only
have they nothing to fear from us, but that

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

they can rely on our moral support. Pro-
posals for promoting the peace of the world
will have careful consideration. But we are
not a people who are always seeking for a
sign. We know that peace comes from
honesty and fair dealing, from moderation
and a generous regard for the rights of
others. The heart of the nation is more
important than treaties. A spirit of gen-
erous consideration is a more certain defense
than great armaments. We should continue
to promote peace by our example, and fortify
it by such international covenants against
war as we are permitted under our Con-
stitution to make."

Sincerely yours,

HiBAM Bingham.

From the Junior Senator of Kansas :
Deak Mb. Call:

More than ten years ago we entered the
war to end war.

Yet, as this is written, formal announce-
ment has just been made of a new naval
building program to involve an expenditure
over a period of years of more than $800,-
000,000 by our own country.

In this time of peace three nations —
France, Great Britain, and the United
States — spend not less than one billion dol-
lars a year for the upbuilding and main-
tenance of their navies.

No one wiU deny that the people of all
eiviUzed nations are single-minded in their
horror of war, in their desire to use every
honorable means to avoid another armed con-
flict.

Nevertheless, the melancholy fact is that
in the nine years that have elapsed since the
World War ended our own nation has made
little, if any, real progress on the path to
enduring peace with other nations. Indeed,
we are in danger of losing ground, for during
the year 1928 the Bryan treaties of arbitra-
tion with France, Great Britain, and Japan
all expire by their own terms.

We have put our faith in pious platitudes
and mere fond hopes of enduring peace. We
have not taken the first practical steps to
insure it. We have clung to a belief that
our geographical position isolated us from
the troubles of the remainder of the world.
Nothing could be farther from the truth.
Our isolation ended many years ago. Our
industrial and agricultural prosperity, the
comfort and convenience of all our people,
are largely dependent upon the maintenance
of peace among other nations, whether we
will that to be so or not.

As the most powerful and secure nation
in the world, we owe a duty to our own
people, as well as to those of less fortunate
nations, to take the initiative in transforming
mere talk of peace to actual insurance
against war.

The way is open to us. We have the in-
vitation of M. Briand, Foreign Minister of
France, extended many months ago, to enter
into negotiations for a treaty that will defi-
nitely outlaw war. Such a treaty would be
but the forerunner of many similar treaties
with and between other nations.

It is in acceptance of M. Briand's invita-
tion that I have introduced in the Senate of
the United States a resolution declaring the
policy of the United States to be:

1. To enter into treaty with France and
other like-minded nations formally to re-
nounce war as a means of settlement of in-
ternational disputes, and to substitute media-
tion, arbitration, and conciliation.

2. To regard as an aggressor that nation
which, having agreed to submit international
differences to conciliation, arbitration, or
judicial settlement, begins hostilities without
having done so; and

3. To refuse protection to nationals of the
contracting governments who give aid and
comfort to an aggressor nation.

By adoption of the resolution, the President
will be requested to enter into such negotia-
tions with France and other nations.

Mere public sentiment for peace cannot out-
law war. Action is needed. Adoption of the
resolution will be the first practical step to-
ward peace. The time has arrived for defi-
nite and absolute renunciation of war as a
legitimate means of settling international
disputes. The nation to lead in that re-
nunciation is the United States.

The responsibility rests on the United
States Senate.

Ahthub Oappeb.

From one of America's best-known
men:

My Deab Mb. Call:

I have your letter of the 9th and enclosure.

I do not feel that I can give you a well-
thought-out expression and would prefer,
therefore, to write you this informal letter,
with the understanding that I be not quoted
in the Advocate of Peace.

Commenting upon your letter to Dr.
Thwing, there is no question that if war is

1928

NEW YEAR VIEWS

forced upon this country every patriotic citi-
zen, including tlie membership of the Amer-
ican Peace Society, must uphold the hands
of the government. There can be no argu-
ment as to that. What we can do as a Peace
Society must be done before a declaration of
vi^ar is made or actual warfare begun.

The suggestion made by Mr. Steed, that
our government pass a resolution that we
would discontinue all relations, furnishing
no munitions, funds, and would not have
communication with any country in the
world that declared war without first having
submitted their case to arbitration, either
through the League of Nations or the World
Ck)urt, appeals to me as one of the ways to
prevent war, and particularly if it is done
in co-operation with practically every other
nation in the world making similar pledges.

For myself, I am anxious to see some ar-
rangement worked out which would make it
unnecessary for any nation in the world to
act upon the principle that they should have
a navy "second to none." This "second to
none" is likely to be an endless-chain affair,
the size of any navy being controlled only
by the amount of money that can be raised,
and it does seem to me that the effort should
be one for peace and agreements of mutual
co-operation and defense, rather than a con-
test for armaments.

I can see no objection whatever to our
having an air force sufiicient to control the
air in this country and its adjacent waters.

I favor the passage of such legislation as
would make all our resources, capital and
individuals at the call of the government.

I have no suggestions as to the Centennial
Celebration in Cleveland, other than such
program as might forward the above.

From the President of the American
Exchange Bank, Pierre, South Dakota :
Dear Mr. Call:

Personally I am more in favor of using
what influence we may have as against the
extremely large and excessive expenditures
by our government for the upbuilding and
maintenance of our great war machine, the
army and the navy; a smaller army and a
smaller or different navy would satisfy me
better. How much did we really use our
great battleships during the last great war?
They soon become obsolete and we use them
as targets, &c. I would spend more than we
are spending on aviation, which would be
the more effective, &c.

Agitation along these lines is what I ad-
vocate.

On the other hand, I stand for 100 per
cent patriotism and loyalty to our govern-
ment and all of its enacted laws.

For defense of home and country, 100 per
cent.

Our Society must stand full and always as
an upholder of such laws as the majority
have passed after due deliberation, and
placed upon the books. Respect for law,
for all law, is my own choice of method of
advocating peace, the upholding of law.

I have nothing but contempt and opposi-
tion for those who try to uphold their own
personal desires and judgments as proper to
take the place of duly enacted law.

Anything T ever say or write may be
quoted. I am neither afraid nor ashamed
of anything I stand for. If it is possible 1
am wrong, I desire more than any one to
get right.

Yours faithfully,

Chas. L. Htde,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

DR. ELLERY'S "THE SAVING TRUTH"
( 11,000 P. O*

Reviewed by ETNA McCORMICK

NOWHERE has Newton Ellery's his-
torical insight found happier expres-
sion than in his latest volume, The
Saving Truth, which was cerebelle-
graphedf to members of the Subliman
Scientific Society at the fifth magnetic
cycle yesterday. This history completes
his mental and spiritual evolutionary
series and in many ways is the most sig-
nificant of them all. The theme of the
book is our species's narrow escape from
annihilation. Dr. Ellery graphically pic-
tures the Super-Primate — the link be-
tween the Primates and the Presubli-
men — caught in the trap made by his own
fierce nature joined to his evolving men-
tality.

Dr. Ellery's excavations on the sites of
New York and London — those ancient
Super-Primate holds regarding which so
many legends have been handed up
through countless ascenderations to our-
selves— convince him that the Subliman
species passed through a dangerous period,
during which, in spite of a mentality
highly efficient in dealing with material
facts, the race had not yet stumbled on
the truth, obvious to the most atavistic
of our own day, that individuals or groups
ultimately prosper least when attempting
to prosper at the expense of other groups
and individuals.

Dr. Ellery suggests that during this
Super-Primate phase great numbers or-
ganized themselves into belligerent bands
for the destruction or exploitation of other

*P. C. refers to the period of the Cerebelle-
graph, the formulation of whose laws and
governing principles was deemed significant
enough to mark the beginning of a new era.
It would require volumes fully to discuss the
evolution of the cerebellegraph. The reader
is referred to The Fourth Brain and subse-
quent volumes.

tDuring this period the cerebellegraph was
used for transmitting most ideas. Print was
seldom employed, except for material which
might be valuable for future reference.

hordes of Super-Primates. He even sug-
gests that within the various groups a
similar system maintained, and that not
infrequently less influential members were
required to die toiling or fighting for the
material aggrandizement of their oppres-
sors. The author is further convinced
that an almost unbelievable proportion of
the time and energy of the earlier Super-
Primates was devoted to the production of
agents of destruction. Certain highly
complicated machines for hurling projec-
tiles and certain gaseous bombs unearthed
near Paris, another Super-Primate city,
had no connection, he believes, with the
promotion or betterment of life, but
rather were dedicated to the forces of
death and destruction. They were de-
liberately created, he believes, for the pur-
pose of wiping out large sections of popu-
lation, irrespective of the eugenic pos-
sibilities of those about to be destroyed.

The author presents the rather startling
view that during this critical Super-Pri-
mate phase of the Subliman racial de-
velopment there existed certain individuals
whom he designated as Men to diiferen-
tiate them from their contemporary
Super-Primates; that these Men had
begun to grasp the truth and to distin-
guish the factors of creation from those
of destruction ; and that for this they were
persecuted by their contemporaries, who
were intent upon maintaining the ancient
murderous and suicidal policy as the
established mode. Men increased, Dr.
Ellery believes, not so much through the
biological evolution of the species as by
the weight of the idea. Prophets arose
who pointed out what every schoolboy of
today accepts as axiomatic, but which at
that time were great and profound veri-
ties with the stamp of novelty upon them.
False faiths were swept away ; clear think-
ing became the aim; heaven here was ac-
cepted as the new Golden Rule.

Once well started, the new idealism
swept like liquid fire through the hearts

1928

DR. ELLERY'S "THE SAVING TRUTH" {11,000 P. C.)

of the more intelligent of the Super-
Primates. The eager and questioning
youth of all lands accepted the new doc-
trines and pledged themselves and their
lives and all their endeavors to creative-
ness as opposed to destruction. Thereby
the race, through both personal endeavor
and a conscious attention to the problem
of racial improvement, more and more
nearly approached the Pre-Subliman type.

The task was not an easy one. The
problem of intergroup appreciation had to
be solved. Strictly differentiated types
showed a tendency to regard their ideas
and their racial stock as worthy of pre-
dominance. At times. Dr. Ellery believes,
the very desire for heaven here led certain
groups of late Super-Primates or Pre-
Men, distinguished by numbers rather
than by real intelligence, to contemplate
launching attacks on rival groups. Dr.
Ellery offers convincing proof that at one
interval all that had been gained was
saved only by the appearance of a great
leader, who was able to demonstrate to the
conviction of all individuals that an ability
to appreciate the worth of antithical types
is the most conclusive evidence of one's fit-
ness for survival.

During this period of evolution — the
period of evolving Man — service became
an honor. In the Super-Primate period
certain false standards regarding honor-
able and dishonorable employment had
maintained, but under the newly dis-
covered truth any work was honorable
which promoted the realization of the new
Golden Rule; any activity was dishonor-
able which delayed this realization. Re-
sults alone became the test of rightness.
All the world was consciously toiling up-
ward toward a finer, gentler, braver, more
beautiful racial development. All the
people of the world regarded themselves
as tenants, passionately determined to
leave to future tenants bodies, houses,
lands which were more beautiful, more
useful, more delightful than any yet
known.

Dr. Ellery is not content to paint thus
emotionally the struggles of the early,
ugly, afflicted, mentally darkened, suffer-
ing, toiling Super-Primate species. He
voices a warning that our beautiful and
benign race is in one respect inferior to

those Pre-Subliman monsters. They were
swept onward toward the accomplishment
of the seemingly impossible by the strength
of their will and the potency of their
vision. Dr. Ellery urges us to aspire to
their energy and their altruism. The
motto of our own eon, he says, should be
every Subliman a god, for the Subliman
was created to accomplish the impossible.

The Saving Truth is an interesting
book, highly imaginative and almost con-
vincing. Dr. Ellery's contentions regard-
ing the conscious upward climb of the race
are, of course, not to be questioned. It
seems a bit far-fetched, however, to rep-
resent the Super-Primates as ever having
engaged in the wholesale intergroup de-
struction he believes once existed. Of
course, he goes far toward establishing
the plausibility of his theory by pointing
out that during the age of the Primates
life could exist only by struggle and blood-
shed, and that a million years of conquest
were in the muscles and nerves of the
Super-Primates. Even so, however, Dr.
Ellery's case seems imperfect.

The creation of the type of destroyers
he describes required a high degree of
mental activity and acumen. It is un-
thinkable that a species so skilled in me-
chanical intricacies would fail to grasp
the simple and fundamental truth that,
after achieving a modicum of mentality,
the inhabitants of a planet prosper only
by helping each other, and suffer and
decline by working at cross-purposes.
With the exception of this logical defect —
a serious one, to be sure — the book is
superior and should awaken new interest
regarding our origins. Perhaps the ex-
perts will busy themselves with an exhaus-
tive study of the facts or seeming facts
which inspired Dr. Ellery to his interest-
ing and stimulating work.*

♦Note. — Just as I conclude this review,
news comes of a significant discovery made
by Dr. Small, of the Battle Creek Excavation
Expedition. Dr. Small has unearthed a well-
preserved bit of pressed wood pulp bearing
the slogan "The food that's shot from guns."
This find, Dr. Small believes, will go far to-
ward esatblishing his theory that the instru-
ments for hurling projectiles long distances
through the air were used in the distribution
of food, and not, as Dr. Ellery contends, for
the purpose of intergroup destruction.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE January

WOMAN'S WAR FOR PEACE*

By LADY ASTOR, M. P.

T'^ HE last time I wrote to you, for I
-L am writing mostly to women, I wrote
on War and Peace. Since then there has
been not a storm in the teacup, but a
smash in China. It is hard to understand
China. I am told that their wars gen-
erally last a hundred years, and that there
are very few killed outright. Often it is
not the people who are killed that matter
most in wars, but the ones who are left
to live in a country devastated by war.

But to my mind the failure of the
Geneva Conference on the further limita-
tion of naval armaments is a more serious
world matter than the war in China. This
failure is a direct challenge to women —
not so much the women of the world, for
that would be simply using words — but to
the women of the English-speaking na-
tions and the other democracies where we
have the vote.

Most people in America and Britain
have at some time in their lives said that
war between our two countries was "un-
thinkable" or a "crime against civiliza-
tion." Yet countries, like human beings,
disagree, and frequently they quarrel most
over points of little importance. War is
the only way at present of deciding clashes
between our peoples. It will be too late
to try to find an alternative way of set-
tling differences when we are in the midst
of them; when national pride, jealousy,
suspicion, have blinded us temporarily.

At the Geneva Conference the United
States and Britain disagreed — amicably,
it is true, but yet dangerously. The main
reason was that the two delegations and
governments behind them looked at the
problem from the point of view of what
might happen in the event of war, instead
of first of all absolutely ruling out this
contingency and then thinking how they
might use their strength to preserve inter-
national peace and to vindicate interna-
tional justice. What is to become of our
civilization if the people of the British

♦Reprinted with permission from the
January Issue of McCalVs Magazine.

Empire and the United States dare think
in terms of war? It is because I believe
that civilization largely depends on us that
the failure at Geneva fills me with horror.

The people of the U. S. A. do not want
war any more than the people of Great
Britain. But let us face the fact that
there will often be points which will cre-
ate differences, misunderstandings, and
suspicions between them, and that unless
these two countries can find a way of
settling international disagreements by
some other method than war, then war we
shall have. I face facts, and one of the
sad facts of life is that people do disagree,
profoundly. They even quarrel. But in
enlightened countries people no longer re-
sort to fists and revolvers. They no longer
carry arms or learn self-defense. So it
should be with civilized nations. So it
must be if we want peace. Mothers must
declare that war is the greatest failure of
modern times. Ask the nations of Europe
what they think about war. Poor devils,
they have seen so much of war that some
of them cannot visualize peace.

The Washington Conference in 1921
was the greatest event in modern civiliza-
tion. England, the United States, Japan,
and France agreed not to build battle-
ships against each other. America made
great sacrifices and England gave up her
position as ruler of the waves. The Big
Navy Group in America did not like it;
nor did the Big Xavy Group in England.
Each thought that it was sacrificing too
much. Perhaps, too, certain business in-
terests which make money out of building
ships and preparing steel and other ma-
terials for ships did not like the results
achieved or wish to extend them further.
Mercifully for civilization at that Confer-
ence we had men like Mr. Hughes, Mr.
Elihu Boot, and Senator Lodge, with Lord
Balfour and Sir Eobert Borden, botli
former prime ministers within the British
Empire. They were accustomed to think-
ing as statesmen, not as naval experts.
The Geneva Conference failed largely be-

19 28

WOMAN'S WAR FOR PEACE

cause the admirals of both countries took
too leading a part. Navy departments
exist to win wars and to make sure that
they win. They would fail as navy de-
partments and admirals if they did not
aim at superiority in war time.

If Great Britain and the U. S. A. agree
to settle their differences by some other
method than fighting, it won't matter a
scrap what ships they have. They may
each have different needs. I think both
can be trusted not to start a war, and I
believe that they are the only countries in
the world to be trusted to stop a war.

Both the United States and Great
Britain stand for something good and
worth while in the world. Each has its
limitations and weaknesses, no doubt, but
the world would be infinitely poorer if
they were interfered with in their chosen
fields.

The United States has shown the mod-
ern world the practical road to democracy.
She has created the highest standard of
living for the mass of the people that has
ever been known. She has been able to
take millions from all the races of Europe,
free them of their racial hatreds, and turn
them into loyal American citizens. She
ought, and can, lead mankind in develop-
ing the ideas which she has evolved within
her own boundaries. It would be wholly
to the disadvantage of the British Com-
monwealth that this process should be
hindered. The only thing which could
hinder it would be war between the two
English-speaking nations, with the rest of
the world lined up on either side for what
they could get out of it. Such a war,
whichever side was victorious, would in-
flicti immeasurable loss and suffering on
the United States, would harden — indeed,
imperil — the liberty of her institutions,
and impose on her a military tradition
which it would be very hard to erase.

Great Britain has done and is doing an
immensely valuable work in both her sys-
tem of administering justice and in parlia-
mentary government. She has fought and
beaten the great military autocracies of
the world, one after the other. She has
given ordered government, economic de-
velopment, and peace to countless mil-
lions of politically backward peoples and
now is steadily training them in self-

government. If anyone wants to get some
idea of what British rule for backward
peoples means, let him read the remark-
able book Mother India, just written by
an American woman, Katherine Mayo. It
would be wholly to the disadvantage of
the United States that this work should
be interrupted or destroyed.

No question can arise between the
United States, Great Britain, Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa
which would justify settlement by war.
War is the most hideous, the most un-
civilized, the most unjust, and the most
expensive method of settling disputes
which man has conceived. In the past,
war has sometimes in some countries been
necessary in order to prevent still greater
evil. But, at this epoch and in the future,
it would be a crime that democracies like
ours should allow a situation to develop in
which war was forced on us.

Nothing is so inevitable as war, if once
nations drift into competition in arma-
ments or commercial suspicion and hos-
tility, if they have not previously vol-
untarily agreed to rule out war as a
method of settlement.

Let America and Britain (and if pos-
sible also France and Germany) decide to
rule out war between them.

I do not pretend to know exactly how
this outlawry of war is to be effected.
Some people suggest arbitration. Others
believe in the ideas embodied in the
League of Nations or in The Hague Con-
vention. Mr. Houghton, the American
Ambassador in London, has made the
extremely interesting proposal that our
democracies should not allow their govern-
ments to declare war upon each other ex-
cept after a direct popular vote.

I am not concerned at the moment as
to the exact method to be followed. I am
only concerned to point out the supreme
importance of the issue. The Geneva fail-
ure is proof that the drift towards war
has begun once more. Unless we tackle
the question now, it will become progres-
sively more difficult to deal with. The
root of the problem lies in the fact that as
between nations there are only two ways
of settling disputes — by peaceful methods
or by war. We all know how bitter par-
tisan political spirit can become inside

46 ADVOCATE OF PEACE January

OUT several countries, only there issues are men alone have failed to end war largely
settled by majority vote enforced by the because the appeal of heroism and sacri-
machinery of law and violence is pro- fice makes them blind to its hideous wick-
hibited by the police. Even more violent edness. It is women who see most clearly
partisan spirit arises between nations from the horrors and futile madness of war.
time to time, and these differences are They realize that almost no cause can
likely to become more and not less fre- justify the wholesale massacre of their
quent as time and space are annihilated, own children. Let it be the primary busi-
Only in this case there is no legislature to ness of our women to decide now that war
give effect to majority decisions, no court shall be ruled out as a method of settling
with unlimited jurisdiction, no policeman international disputes, at any rate be-
to intervene. Today between nations tween the most civilized nations of the
there is no redress save war. world. The time for them to act is not
The women must take the lead in this tomorrow or next year, but now, for the
crusade against war. I am for equal rights adversary is once more active in the land,
between the sexes, but it is obvious that The Geneva failure proves it.

ABREAST THE NEW YEAR

Let us, whatever our origin or creed and regardless
of our station in life, enter upon this new year with the
determination to recognize honest differences of opinion
and to make serious effort to get other peoples' point of
view; to credit others with good intentions; to think
and speak well of others; to ask no privileges for our-
selves we are not willing to accord to others; and to
remember that true personal liberty goes hand in hand
with self-control.

Percy B. Baxter.

Piracy used to be legal, but when made a crime it
disappeared. The same is true of slavery. Why should
war, the most stupendous of curses, wear the crown of
legality ?

William E. Borah.

A day will come when a cannon shall be exhibited in
our museums as an instrument of torture is now, and
men shall marvel that such things can be.

Victor Hugo.

He who is plenteously provided for from within
needs but little from without.

Goethe.

1928

THREE THEORIES

THREE THEORIES OF THE BINDING FORCE

OF TREATIES

By THEODORE E. BURTON

(The following discussion of the binding
force of treaties was given by Representative
Theodore E. Burton in the House of Rep-
resentatives, May 16, 1922. It is regretted
that the limits of space have made it neces-
sary to eliminate some portions of the dis-
cussion.— The Editor.)

In determining the respective powers of
the President, acting with the concur-
rence of the Senate, on the one hand, and
of the Congress, or the House of Repre-
sentatives, on the other, three distinct
theories have been advanced: First, this
treaty-making power is final and binding
on every subject for negotiation with a
foreign power. The concurrence of the
House of Representatives is obligatory,
and in its essential nature only formal or
perfunctory. In the language of Justice
Daniel in a Supreme Court opinion oppos-
ing this view, it would be a power single,
universal, engrossing, absolute. Second,
that it is the right of the House of Rep-
resentatives to nullify a treaty which con-
tains provisions which in any way in-
fringe upon the powers of the House or
may require its separate action, as in mak-
ing appropriations or fixing duties upon
imports, and that this right of confirma-
tion or rejection is a salutory check upon
the Executive and the Senate which may
be exercised at will. Third, that while the
right of the House to disapprove or nul-
lify exists, there is, nevertheless, a neces-
sary comity between the respective de-
partments of the Government, a binding
moral obligation, and it would be in viola-
tion of the established division of powers
to withhold action; also that the observ-
ance of good faith in dealing with other
countries requires that stipulations con-
tained in any treaty ratified in the man-
ner prescribed by the Constitution be
made effectual by action of the House.

The first view was strenuously main-
tained by President Washington in a letter
transmitted to the House of Representa-
tives March 30, 1796, in response to a
request for the papers relating to the Jay
Treaty. In this letter he expressed him-
self as follows :

Having been a member of the general con-
vention and knowing the principles on which
the Constitution was formed, I have ever
entertained but one opinion on this subject;
and from the first establishment of the gov-
ernment to this moment my conduct has
exemplified that opinion — that the power of
making treaties is exclusively vested in the
President, by and with the advice and con-
sent of the Senate, provided two-thirds of
the Senators present concur ; and that every
treaty so made and promulgated thencefor-
ward became the law of the land. It is thus
that the treaty-making power has been un-
derstood by foreign nations, and in all the
treaties made with them we have declared
and they have believed that, when ratified by
the President, with the advice and consent of
the Senate, they became obligatory. In this
construction of the Constitution every House
of Representatives has heretofore acquiesced,
and until the present time not a doubt or
suspicion has appeared, to my knowledge,
that this construction was not the true one.
Nay, they have more than acquiesced, for
till now, without controverting the obligation
of such treaties, they have made all the
requisite provisions for carrying them into
effect.

The same contention was supported by
Alexander Hamilton in a series of letters
and at other times. Mr. Hamilton as-
serted that the making of treaties was an
essential fact incident to the existence of
a nation ; that its proper prerogatives could
not be exercised unless complete authority
was given to some agency of the govern-
ment to negotiate agreements with other
countries and included all proper subjects
of compacts with foreign nations. He
argued with great force that the conten-
tion of those who objected to the right of
the President to make treaties with the
concurrence of the Senate leads to an ab-
surdity. Such a principle would interfere
with the making of treaties of commerce,
treaties of alliance, and treaties of peace,
and that on a minute analysis there were
hardly any treaties which would not in

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

some way clash with these objections, and
thus the power to make treaties granted in
such comprehensive and indefinite terms
and guarded with so much precaution
would become essentially nugatory. He
said :

But the construction which is advanced
would cause the legislative power to destroy
the power of making treaties. Moreover, if
•the power of the executive department be in-
adequate to the making of the several kinds
of treaties which have been mentioned, there
is then no iH)wer in the government to make
them, for there is not a syllable in the Consti-
tution which authorizes either the legislative
or judiciary departments to make a treaty
with a foreign nation. And our Constitution
would then exhibit the ridiculous spectacle
of a government without a power to make
treaties with foreign nations, a result as in-
admissible as it is absurd, since, in fact, our
Constitution grants the power of making
treaties in the most explicit and ample terms
to the President, with the advice and consent
of the Senate.

The same view was maintained by many
leading men of that time. Mr, Ellsworth,
who was later appointed Chief Justice
and was a member of the Constitutional
Convention, said:

The grant of the treaty-making power is in
these words: "The President, with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, shall make
treaties." The power goes to all kinds of
treaties, because no exception is expressed,
and also because no treaty-making power is
elsewhere granted to others, and it is not to
be supposed that the Constitution has omitted
to vest sufficient power to make all kinds of
treaties which have been usually made or
which the existence or interests of the nation
may require.

Mr. Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of the
Treasury in President Washington's ad-
ministration, imder date of March 26,
1796, wrote:

The obligations arising from public faith
when pledged by the representative organ of
our nation in all foreign concerns, agreeably
to the mode prescribed by the Constitution,
are justly and properly declared to be laws.
The legislative power is bound not to contra-
vene them; on the contrary, it is bound to
regard them and give them effect.

Chancellor Kent sustained this theory.
He wrote (vol. 1 of his Commentaries,
early edition, p. 165) :

If a treaty requires the payment of money
or any other special act which cannot be
done without legislation, the treaty is still
binding on the nation, and it is the duty of
the nation to pass the necessary laws. If
that duty is not performed, the result is a
breach of the treaty by the nation, just as
much as if the breach had been an affirmative
act by any other department of the govern-
ment. Each nation is responsible for the
right working of the internal system by which
it distributes its sovereign functions, and as
foreign nations dealing with it can not be per-
mitted to interfere with or control these, so
they are not to be affected or concluded by
them to their own injury,

Mr, Caleb Cushing, Attorney General,
in interpreting a treaty with Great
Britain, said on February 16, 1854:

The conventions being a contract between
the two nations, duly entered into and rati-
fied by the President of the United States, by
and with the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate, it thereby is a law of the United States
without any further action by the Govern-
ment of the United States, No act of Con-
gress is necessary to create or perfect the
vinculum juris. The stipulations of the con-
vention operate as a law to the courts of
justice. State and Federal; they are of a
character to operate of themselves as con-
stitutionally obligatory, without the aid of
any legislation by Congress. Such is the
effect of the Constitution of the United
States. A treaty, it is true, though it be as
such a iwrtion of the supreme law of the
land, yet may require the enactment of a
statute to regulate the details of a process or
of a right embraced in its stipulations; but
such necessity, if it exists, does not affect the
question of the legal force of the treaty per
se. 1. A treaty constitutionally concluded
and ratified abrogates whatever law of any
one of the States may be inconsistent there-
with.

So recently as the time when the pay-
ment of $20,000,000 to Spain under the
treaty of 1898 was under consideration in
the House of Eepresentatives, on February
14, 1899, Mr. Joseph W. Bailey, a very

1928

THREE THEORIES

thorough student of the Constitution,
afterwards Senator, said:

Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit this
proposition to the gentleman from Kentucky.
The Constitution makes the Senate and the
President "the government" in the making
of treaties. Now, when the President and
the Senate make a treaty with a foreign
nation, that foreign nation deals with the
government. The government, as recognized
by the Constitution, obligates itself to pay
a given amount of money. That obligation is
complete. The Constitution itself says that
the Senate and the President can make the
treaty, and when made it is the supreme law
of the land. Every nation in the world has
a right to deal with us on the ground that
the Senate and the President constitute our
government in the making of treaties. *

Mr. Carmack, of Tennessee, afterwards
Senator; Mr. Henry, of Texas; and Mr.
Clayton, now a Federal judge, though all
opposed the treaty, supported the same
view.

It was plainly not the intention of the
framers of the Constitution to require
legislative approval to insure the validity
of treaties. On August 23, 1787, Mr.
Gouverneur Morris moved in the Consti-
tutional Convention to add to the section
defining the treaty-making power the
words —

but no treaty shall be binding on the United
States which is not ratified by law.

In the vote on this proposed amendment
Pennsylvania alone voted in the affirma-
tive with North Carolina divided, New
York and New Hampshire not voting.
On September 7, James Wilson, of Penn-
sylvania, having stated that treaties were
to be the "laws of the land," moved to in-
sert, after the words "by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate,' the
words "and the House of Eepresentatives,"
maintaining that "as treaties have the
operation of laws they ought to have the
sanction of laws also." This motion re-
ceived only the support of his own State
of Pennsylvania. A proposition that no
rights acquired by the treaty of peace
should be ceded without the consent of the
legislature was not pressed to a vote.
Also, when a proposed draft of what is
now clause 15 of section 8, article 1, was

reported so as to read: "To execute the
laws of the Union, enforce treaties, sup-
press insurrections, and repel invasions,"
the words "enforce treaties" were stricken
out on the suggestion that they were
superfluous, since treaties were to be laws.
Mr. Crandall, in his review of the dis-
cussions in the Convention, concludes:

From these debates it appears that the
House was excluded from participation in the
making of treaties by the framers of the
Constitution, with the understanding that
treaties were to have the force of laws.
(Crandall, p. 48.)

One argument in favor of limiting con-
sideration of treaties to the President and
Senate frequently expressed in the Con-
vention was the necessity for secrecy and
dispatch. In the later debates on the rati-
fication of the Constitution in State con-
ventions and among the people it was
taken for granted that the negotiation and
ratification of treaties was vested exclu-
sively in the President and the Senate,
and this fact was one of the principal ob-
jections to ratification.

The second, or opposing, theory is to
the effect that the Constitution, laws
passed in pursuance thereof, and treaties
are all upon an equal footing and each
must be taken into account in determin-
ing the validity of a treaty. These three
fundamental features relating to govern-
mental action constitute, as it has been
termed, a trinity. Attention is called to
the fact that a statute may nullify a treaty
and a treaty may nullify a statute, the
one last ratified or enacted becoming bind-
ing. Under this theory, in order that a
treaty may become operative, it must have
the support of Congress if any action is
contemplated upon which the legislative
branch has power to act, such as the rais-
ing of revenue or the making of appro-
priations, control of the territory or prop-
erty of the United States, regulations
relating to commerce, provisions pertain-
ing to the Army and Navy — in fact, upon
any subject on which Congress has au-
thority to legislate. This means practi-
cally the House of Eepresentatives, as the
approval of the Senate may be taken for
granted if two-thirds of the Members
present have already advised ratification.
Foreign nations, it is alleged, must be

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

held to understand the limitations upon
the treaty-making power as interpreted
under the Constitution, and while the
failure to comply may create international
complications — indeed, may even lead to
war — the agreement is not binding upon
the people of the United States until the
necessary action has been taken by Con-
gress. There is also the argument that
certain forms of legislative action, as in
the case of the levying of duties, must
originate in the House of Eepresentatives.
Mr. Jefferson was a supporter of this view.
Perhaps the best statement of his opinions
may be found in a letter to James Monroe
of March 21, 1796, in which he says :

We conceive the constitutional doctrine to
be that though the President and Senate
have the general power of making treaties,
yet whenever they include in a treaty mat-
ters confided by the Constitution to the three
branches of legislature, an act of legislation
will be requisite to confirm these articles,
and that the House of Representatives, as
one branch of the legislature, are perfectly
free to pass the act or to refuse it, governing
themselves by their own judgment whether it
is for the good of their constituents to let
the treaty go into effect or not. On the prece-
dent now to be set will depend the future
construction of our (Constitution and whether
the powers of legislation shall be transferred
from the President, Senate, and House of
Representatives to the President and Senate,
and Piarningo or any other Indian, Algerine,
or other chief.

This differs somewhat from an earlier
expression of his recorded in the Anas
under date of April 9, 1792, which was
as follows:

The President has wished to redeem our
captives at Algiers and to make peace with
them on paying an annual tribute. The Sen-
ate were willing to approve this, but unwill-
ing to have the lower House applied to pre-
viously to furnish money ; they wished the
President to take the money from the Treas-
ury, or open a loan for it. * * * He
asked me if the treaty stipulating a sum and
ratified by him, with the advice of the Senate,
would not be good under the Constitution and
obligatory on the Representatives to furnish
the money. I answered it certainly would
and that it would be the duty of the Repre-

sentatives to raise the money; but that they
might decline to do what was their duty, and
I thought it might be incautious to commit
himself by a ratification with a foreign na-
tion, where he might be left in the lurch in
the execution ; it was possible, too, to con-
ceive a treaty which it would not be their
duty to provide for.

He was violently opposed to the Jay
Treaty and used the strongest expressions
against the treaty-making power while it
was under consideration.

In a letter to Madison, of March 17,
1796, he writes:

The objects on which the President and
Senate may exclusively act by treaty are
much reduced, but the field in which they
may act, with the sanction of the Legisla-
ture, is large enough, and I see no harm in
rendering their sanction necessary and not
much harm in annihilating the whole treaty-
making power except as to making peace

In a message to the Congress in 1803,
stating that a treaty had been concluded
with France for the cession of Louisiana,
Mr. Jefferson conceded that action by the
House and Senate was necessary for the
fulfillment of the treaty in this language :

You will observe that some important con-
ditions can not be carried into execution but
with the aid of the Legislature and that time
presses a decision on them without delay.

Another expression by Mr. Jefferson
was on the occasion of a treaty with an
Indian tribe for the acquisition of lands
for which a consideration was to be paid.
He said :

As the stipulations in this treaty also in-
volve matters within the competence of both
Houses only, it will be laid before Congress
as soon as the Senate shall have advised
its ratification.

Mr. Calhoun while a Member of the
House of Represenatives concurred in the
same view. In a debate in January, 1816,
he said :

To talk of the right of this House to
sanction treaties and at the same time to
assert that it is under a moral obligation not
to withhold that sanction is a solecism. No
sound mind that understands the terms can
possibly assent to it. I would caution the

1928

THREE THEORIES

House, while it is extending its powers to
cases whicli I believe do not belong to it, to
take care lest it lose its substantial and un-
doubted power. I would put it on its guard
against the dangerous doctrine that it can
in any case become a mere registering body.
. . . The treaty-making power has many
and powerful limits, and it will be foimd,
when I come to discuss what those limits are,
that it can not destroy the Constitution, or
our personal liberty, or involve us, without
the assent of this House, in war or grant
away our money.

But as Secretary of State in 1844, when
a commercial treaty had been negotiated
with the German States in 1843 and the
Senate committee reported adversely on
the ground of "want of constitutional com-
petency" to make it, Mr. Calhoun thus
commented on this action :

If this be a true view of the treaty-making
power it may be truly said that its exercise
has been one continual series of habitual and
uninterrupted infringements of the Consti-
tution. From the beginning, and throughout
the whole existence of the Federal Govern-
ment, it has been exercised constantly on
commerce, navigation, and other delegated
powers.

In treating of necessary appropriations
he said:

It — the power — is expressly delegated to
Congress, and yet scarcely a treaty has been
made of any importance which does not stipu-
late for the payment of money.

Mr. Clay, in a discussion on a treaty
relating to a boundary between Louisiana
and Mexico, in 1820, expressed himself
very vigorously against the binding power
of treaties without the concurrence of the
House. He said:

The Constitution of the United States has
not defined the precise limits of that power,
because from the nature of it they could not
be presented. It appears to me, however,
that no safe American statesman will assign
to it a boundless scope. ... If the con-
currence of this House be not necessary in
the cases asserted, if there be no restriction
upon the power I am considering, it may draw
to itself and absorb the whole power of the
government. To contract alliances, to stipu-
late for raising troops to be employed in a
common war about to be waged, to grant

subsidies, even to introduce foreign troops
within the bosom of the country, are not in-
frequent instances of the exercise of this
power ; and if in all such cases the honor and
faith of the nation are committed by the
exclusive act of the President and Senate, the
melancholy duty alone might be left to Con-
gress of recording the ruin of the Republic.

Mr. Blaine, on the occasion of a claim
by the Chinese Government for indemnity
under treaty provisions for Chinese killed
within the jurisdiction of one of the
States, said in a letter to the Chinese
minister :

Your observations to the effect that treaties
form a part of the supreme law of the land
equally with the Constitution of the United
States is evidently based on a misconception
of the true nature of the Constitution. . . .
Such is the language of the Constitution, but
it must be observed that the treaty, no less
than the statute law, must be made in con-
formity with the Constitution, and were a
provision in either treaty or a law found to
contravene the principles of the Constitu-
tion, such provision must give way to the
superior force of the Constitution, which is
the organic law of the Republic, binding alike
on the government and the nation.

Judge Cooley, in his work on Principles
of Constitutional Law, said:

The Constitution imposes no restriction
upon this power, but it is subject to the im-
plied restriction that nothing can be done
under it which changes the Constitution of
the country, or robs a department of the
government or any of the States of its con-
stitutional authority.

Perhaps the most extreme statement as-
serting the limitations on the treaty-mak-
ing power of the President and the Senate
is contained in an article by a German
publicist, Prof. Ernest Meier, of the Uni-
versity of Halle, as follows :

Congress has under the Constitution the
right to lay taxes and imposts, as well as to
regulate foreign trade, but the President and
Senate, if the treaty-making power be re-
garded as absolute, would be able to evade
this limitation by adopting treaties which
compel Congress to destroy its whole tariff
system. According to the Constitution, Con-
gress has the right to determine questions of

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

naturalization, of patents, and of copyright.
Yet, according to tlie view liere contested, the
President and Senate by a treaty could on
these important questions utterly destroy the
legislative capacity of the House of Repre-
sentatives. The Constitution gives Congress
the control of the army. Participation in
this control would be snatched from the
House of Representatives by a treaty with
a foreign power by which the United States
would bind itself to keep in the field an army
of a particular size. The Constitution gives
Congress the right of declaring war ; this
right would be illusory if the President and
Senate could by a treaty launch the country
into a foreign war. The power of borrowing
money on the credit of the United States re-
sides in Congress ; this power would cease to
exist if the President and Senate could by
treaty bind the country to the borrowing of
foreign funds. By the Constitution *'no
money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but
in consequence of appropriations made by
law" ; but this limitation would cease to exist
if by a treaty the United States could be
bound to pay money to a foreign power.
. . . Congress would cease to be the law-
making power as is prescribed by the Con-
stitution ; the law-making power would be
the President and the Senate. Such a condi-
tion would become the more dangerous from
the fact that treaties so adopted being on
this particular hypothesis superior to legisla-
tion, would continue in force until superseded
by other treaties. Not only, therefore, would
a Congress consisting of two Houses be made
to give way to an oligarchy of President and
Senate, but the decrees of this oligarchy
when once made could only be changed lay
concurrence of President and of senatorial
majority of two-thirds.

Professor von Hoist, in his work en-
titled "Constitutional Law of the United
States/' says:

As to the extent of the treaty-making power
the Constitution says nothing, but it evi-
dently can not be unlimited. The power ex-
ists only under the Constitution, and every
treaty stipulation inconsistent with a provi-
sion of the Constitution is therefore inad-
missible and according to constitutional law
ipso facto null and void.

According to the third theory, while it
is conceded that the House of Representa-
tives can refuse to render operative the

provisions of a treaty, it is nevertheless
maintained that there is a moral obliga-
tion to do so. The treaty is in the inter-
national forum a binding agreement, and
every consideration of good faith requires
its fulfillment. On this subject at the
time of the conference between the Presi-
dent and the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee of the Senate on August 19, 1919,
President Wilson contended that Article
10 of the Versailles Treaty constituted a
very grave and solemn moral obligation.
He said :

It is a moral, not a legal, obligation.

When asked by Senator Knox if in case
of external aggression against some power
which could not be repelled except by
force of arms we would be under any
legal obligation to participate, he an-
swered :

No, sir; but we would be under an abso-
lutely compelling moral obligation.

Senator — late President — Harding
asked him as to the scope of the obliga-
tions proposed to be incurred, and Presi-
dent Wilson replied:

There is a national good conscience in such
a matter. . . . Now, a moral obligation
is of course superior to a legal obligation,
and, if I may say so, has a greater binding
force.

And during the presidential campaign
of 1920 President Harding said, in speak-
ing of the right to refuse to perform a
treaty obligation :

Technically, of course —

Congress —

could do so. Morally, with equal certainty, it
could not do so, nor would it ever do so. The
American people would never permit a re-
pudiation of a debt of honor. No Congress
would ever dare make this nation appear as
a welcher, as it would appear and would be
in such an event before the eyes of the world.

Judge Cooley, when asserting that the
House of Representatives may in its dis-
cretion at any time refuse to give assent to
legislation necessary to give a treaty effect,
adds:

1928

THREE THEORIES

This would be an extreme measure, but it
is conceivable that a case might arise in
which a resort to it would be justified.

The facts which militate against the "un-
qualified admission of the first theory are
perfectly plain. There are three depart-
ments in the Federal Government. There
are two legislative bodies. In the per-
formance of the conditions of a treaty
action by the House in numerous cases
is essential. That action may be withheld.
The different legislative bodies or the de-
partments of the government may clash,
but the question arises whether the omis-
sion or refusal of the House to act differs
from failure to act by an official or by
Congress in other activities of the govern-
ment: The President after the ratifica-
tion of a treaty might decide not to carry
it out. It is conceivable he might omit
to enforce a law passed by Congress.

President Jackson is said to have re-
marked of a decision of the Supreme
Court :

John Marshall has made a decision, now
let him enforce it.

Congress might refuse to make appro-
priations for the established salaries of
Federal officials, or might decline to take
action in pursuance of the laws of the
land. Committees of the House such as
those on naval or military affairs might
recommend substantive legislation which
afterwards would become law, and the
Committee on Apropriations might post-
pone or refuse the insertion of the neces-
sary amounts in appropriation bills. The
whole theory of the machinery of gov-
ernment contemplates the possibility of
failure in co-operation, or in the per-
formance of duties by different organs of
the government. That, however, does not
render laws or treaties less obligatory, and
it must be reiterated that there are no
obligations of a higher type than those
which pertain to our relations with other
countries.

Acceptance of the second theory is
equally out of the question as contrary to
the intention of the framers of the Con-
stitution and as creating a situation which
would hopelessly embarrass us in our
foreign relations. Stated briefly, there is,
in the enforcement of treaties, a possible

conflict between international and mu-
nicipal law. Which shall prevail? Opin-
ions expressed upon this subject have not
been free from confusion. But if we
expect to maintain good faith in our deal-
ings with other nations and to secure the
fulfillment of promises made by them,
every consideration of national interest as
well as of national honor demands strict
compliance with agreements or treaties
made in conformity with the provisions
of the Constitution.

The question of the function of the
House of Eepresentatives in passing upon
treaties has been repeatedly under discus-
sion. The first instance was on the oc-
casion of the Jay Treaty. This treaty
was held to require action by Congress
and on March 24, 1796, a resolution was
carried by a vote of 62 to 37 requesting
President Washington to lay before the
House copies of the instructions to the
minister who had negotiated the treaty
with Great Britain, together with the cor-
respondence and other documents relating
thereto. President Washington on the
30th of March, 1796, in the message from
which quotation has already been made,
declined and a heated debate ensued. Two
resolutions were voted upon, one to the
effect that the treaty was highly objection-
able and another that it was objectionable.
The vote on both of these was a tie, 48 to
48 and 49 to 49, respectively, the deciding
vote being cast against the resolutions by
the Speaker. A resolution to carry the
treaty into effect was passed by a vote of
51 to 48.

In 1803, when Mr. Jefferson transmit-
ted his message asking for an appropria-
tion for the purchase of Louisiana, a
similar resolution asking for papers were
adopted. There was a difference in party
alignment in the support and opposition
to this resolution. It was rejected. Simi-
lar discussion occurred upon the commer-
cial treaty of 1815 with Great Britain.
Among other provisions, this treaty abol-
ished discriminating duties. It was con-
tended that no commercial regulation
could be made by treaty without the con-
currence of Congress.

After the purchase of Alaska in 1867,
which required a payment of $7,200,000
in gold, there was opposition to making
the appropriation on two grounds; first,

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

that the Territory was worthless and it
was a waste of money^ and, second, that
the treaty for the acquisition should not
have been enacted without the action of
the House. This led to a conference re-
port, the House asserting its rights in the
premises, and the Senate finally made the
concession that under some circumstances
treaty stipulations can not be carried into
full force and effect until the House shall
take action.

Again, in 1887 the question was before
the House of Eepresentatives upon the
question of an extension by a later treaty
of the reciprocity treaty of 1875 with the
Hawaiian Islands, which provided for the
free importation of rice, unrefined sugar,
and other products. The first treaty was
not to take effect until a law to carry it
into operation should be passed by Con-
gress. The second omitted this provision.
A very able report was prepared on this
subject by Mr. J. Eandolph Tucker, which
is printed as Report No. 4177, Forty-ninth
Congress, second session. This is monu-
mental in scholarship and strength of rea-
soning, and sets forth as clearly as any
document the arguments favoring the
necessary concurrence of the House of
Eepresentatives in treaties whenever modi-
fication of duties, appropriations, or sup-
plemental legislation are required.

The appropriation of $20,000,000 for
the purchase of the Philippines in the
treaty with Spain, which was ratified by
the Senate on February 6, 1899, was
adopted, and but slight opposition arose.
Another treaty of recent date, under
which the amount promised was appro-
priated without substantial opposition in
the House, was that of November 18, 1903,
with Panama. This treaty contained an
agreement that $10,000,000 should be
paid for the necessary rights acquired for
the building of the canal and for further
payments of $250,000 per annum begin-
ning nine years later. These later pay-
ments have been appropriated without
question. A substantial argument for the
binding force of treaties is found in this
provision for deferred installments of
$250,000 per year. How could Congress
have appropriated for these installments
in advance? On the other hand, such a
provision was an essential part of the
treaty. Very recently the treaty with
Colombia, involving the appropriation of

$20,000,000, was regarded as conclusive,
and no objection was made in the House
to an appropriation of $5,000,000 for the
first payment required.

It has been said that every President
from John Adams down to date, in
treaties requiring appropriations, has
asked Congress for action, but the ques-
tion may well be raised whether messages
asking for appropriations have been in
the nature of a request or of an injunction
to perform a duty.

President Johnson, in notifying Con-
gress of the treaty for the purchase of
Alaska, said, in a message of July 6, 1867 :

The attention of Congress is invited to tlie
subject of an appropriation for this payment.

And President Grant, in a message on
the 8th of March, 1870, transmitted a
communication from the Secretary of the
Interior relative to what he termed the
obligation of Congress to make the neces-
sary appropriations to carry out the Indian
treaties made by what is known as the
Peace Commission of 1867. Mr. Crandall
in his work on treaties, page 179, enu-
merates some 30 treaties carrying appro-
priations, all of which have been ap-
proved by the House. He adds that in no
case has the necessary amount been re-
fused, and that since 1868 little question
has been raised. In fact, there has never
been a failure to pass the necessary legis-
lation.

It will be seen from these facts that in
recent years the authority of the President
and the Senate in the making of treaties
has aroused little question.

Another class of treaties should be
named in which a condition has been in-
serted in the treaty itself to the effect that
duties should not be changed without the
concurrence of Congress. There is a
considerable number of these. They cre-
ate a condition, and notice is given to
foreign countries that the agreement is
not binding until Congress acts. In this
regard there has been a marked difference
between treaties relating to duties and
those which require appropriations. In
almost every treaty, beginning in 1854,
with the treaty with Great Britain for
reciprocity with Canada, followed by that
with Hawaii in 1875, and then by the
treaty with Cuba in 1902, in all of which
there were regulations as to duties, the

1928

THREE THEORIES

provision is inserted that the treaty must
be aproved by Congress or by the appro-
priate authorities. Section 3 of the
tariff act of 1897 authorized the President
to enter into reciprocal commercial con-
ventions with other countries. The pro-
posed reciprocity treaty with Canada in
1911, which failed because of the non-
concurrence of Canada, was submitted to
the Congress for approval.

Some Judicial Decisions Would Seem to
Limit the Binding Force of Treaties

As regards action by the Supreme
Court, it must be understood that the
judiciary have to do merely with interpre-
tations in accordance with the action of
the legislative and executive departments
of the United States. With the question
of observance of good faith they have
nothing to do. This fact was most clearly
stated in what is called the Cherokee To-
bacco case (11 Wall., pp. 616, 620, and
621), to the effect that an act of Congress
may supersede a prior treaty and a treaty
may supersede a prior act of Congress.
This was a very strong case. A treaty
with the Cherokee Nation exempted the
produce of the farmers from taxation.
Afterwards an internal-revenue tax was
levied on tobacco, and it was held not
only that the law imposing the tax applied
to the Cherokee Nation but that it an-
nulled the previous treaty. The treaty
was made in 1866 and the act levying the
tax was passed in 1868.

As a result of its distinctive position
the Supreme Court has repeatedly stated
that treaties must be in accordance with
the Constitution, and while as regards pri-
vate rights of individuals under treaties
it has frequently asserted that their con-
struction is the peculiar province of the
judiciary, the court has limited its deci-
sions upon political questions. The gen-
eral scope of the treaty-making power
from the standpoint of the judiciary is no-
where better stated than by Chief Justice
Marshall in the case of Foster v. Neilson
(2 Peters, 233, 314) :

A treaty is in its nature a contract be-
tween two nations, not a legislative act. It
does not generally effect, of itself, the object
to be accomplished, especially so far as its
operation is infraterritorial, but is carried

into execution by the sovereign power of the
respective parties to the instrument.

In the United States a different principle
is established. Our Constitution declares a
treaty to be the law of the land. It is, conse-
quently, to be regarded in courts of justice
as equivalent to an act of the legislature
whenever it operates of itself without the aid
of any legislative provision. But when the
terms of the stipulation import a contract,
when either of the parties engages to perform
a particular act, the treaty addresses itself
to the political, not the judicial, department ;
and the legislature must execute the contract
before it can become a rule for the court.

It has been asserted by the Supreme
Court, as in United States v. Arredondo
(6 Peters, 691), that a treaty is in its
nature a contract between two nations and
the legislature must execute the contract
before it can become a rule for the court.

That treaties are subject to such acts as
Congress may pass for the enforcement,
modification, or repeal is maintained in
Edye v. Kobertson (112 U. S. 580), in
which last case Justice MiUer says :

The Constitution gives it —

A treaty —

no superiority over an act of Congress . . .
nor is there anything in its essential char-
acter, or in the branches of the government by
which the treaty is made, which gives it this
superior sanctity. A treaty is made by the
President and Senate. Statutes are made by
the President, the Senate, and the House of
Representatives.

On this subject Justice Field says in
One hundred and thirty-third United
States, 266, 267—

The treaty power, as e'xpressed in the Con-
stitution, is in terms unlimited except by
those restraints which are found in that in-
strument against the action of the govern-
ment or of its departments, and those arising
from the nature of the government itself and
that of the States. It would not be contended
that it extends so far as to authorize what
the Constitution forbids, or a change in the
character of the government or in that of
one of the States, or a cession of any portion
of the territory of the latter without its con-
sent. But with these exceptions, it is not
perceived that there is any limit to the ques-

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

tions which can be adjusted touching any
matter which is properly the subject of nego-
tiations with a foreign country.

One of the latest discussions in which
the question of the duties of Congress to
take steps for the enforcement of a treaty
is in the case of De Lima v. Bidwell (182
U. S. 1). By the treaty of Paris, Porto
Eico was ceded to the United States.
After the treaty had been duly ratified
goods were imported into the United
States which if brought from a foreign
country would be subject to a duty. It
was maintained by the government that
until legislation was enacted for the ad-
ministration of the island and a recogni-
tion of its position as a Territory of the
United States, duties must be imposed
as in the case of all importations from a
foreign country. This case was elabo-
rately discussed, and by a majority the
court decided that Porto Rico became do-
mestic territory on the ratification of the
treaty and no further action by Congress
was necessary to make it such.

In the majority opinion, on page 198,
Justice Brown said:

We express no opinion as to whether Con-
gress is bound to appropriate the money to
pay for it. 'lliis has been much discussed by
writers upon constitutional law, but it is not
necessary to consider it in this case, as Con-
gress made prompt appropriation of the
money stipulated in the treaty.

He refuted the contention that ceded
territory might be treated in every par-
ticular except for tariff purposes as domes-
tic territory, and that until Congress
enacts otherwise it would remain a foreign
country. Yet the Supreme Court has sus-
tained treaties contravening State laws,
for illustration, relieving aliens from dis-
abilities under State laws pertaining to
land ownership; also in annulling dis-
criminatory taxes upon foreigners. Laws
of States and municipal ordinances under
State authority discriminating against
foreign immigrants protected by treaties
have been declared void. The same is true
of the enforcement of treaties superseding
or contrary to Federal laws.

There is a collateral question, which as-
sumes especial importance, of the right of
the Federal Government to assume juris-
diction for the protection of aliens under

treaty rights. On this subject President
Harrison, in his message of December 9,
1891, said.

It would, I believe, be entirely competent
for Congress to make offenses against the
treaty rights of foreigners domiciled in the
United States cognizable in the Federal
courts.

Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt sus-
tained this contention in messages; also
President Taft, in both his inaugural
address and his annual message of De-
cember, 1910. He also expresses himself
to the same effect in an address to the
members of the American Society of In-
ternational Law, in April, 1910, saying:

1 can not suppose that the Federal Con-
stitution was drawn by men who proposed
to put in the hands of one set of authorities
the power to promise and then withhold from
them the means of fulfilling them.

In a report to the Lake Mohonk Con-
ference of May 26, 1911, Senator Root
with Messrs. Baldwin and Kirchwey say:

After careful deliberation we have come
unanimously to the conclusion that the power
to make good its treaty obligations is now
vested in the government under the Con-
stitution.

Extended references on this subject are
contained in chapter 17 of Mr. CrandalFs
book on Treaties.

It is said that there are two classes of
treaties, executed and executory. The
fact is practically all treaties are execu-
tory. They do not pertain to something
that has been done. They pertain to some-
thing that is to be done. They constitute
a contract which is to be carried into
effect, and is quite as binding as any
agreements, so we can not, in judging of
the treaty-making power, give any especial
weight to this distinction. When the
treaty is negotiated by the President and
has the advice and consent of two-thirds
of the Senate, either it is complete or not
complete. There is no time when, like
Mahomet's coffin, it is suspended in the
air. There must be a time when those
with whom we are dealing know whether
minds have met. How desirable that is,
because if another nation knows that the
treaty must be mulled over by at least two

1928

THREE THEORIES

legislative bodies, that country by its rep-
resentatives will not make the concessions
to which it would otherwise agree. There
will be certain reservations made to meet
reservations.

I can not agree to the argument just
advanced that a treaty should be submit-
ted to the House of Representatives.
What would the House do with it ? When
would it be submitted ? When the parties
first meet for negotiations, should the
President transmit the subject under con-
sideration and ask for instructions, al-
though this House has no power to make
treaties ? Should he transmit it when the
first draft is completed? Should he send
it here before or after it is approved by
the Senate ? There is no possible warrant
for such a course. What good would it
do? What could happen except that it
would create confusion and interfere not
merely with the orderly course of proceed-
ings but with securing a favorable result.
I recognize very clearly that it is a bit un-
gracious for a Member of the House to in
any way decry its powers in treaty making.
In view of our larger relations with other
countries I regard it as one reason why
this House is at a disadvantage, that it
does not have more to do with foreign
relations, and I am always loath in any
way to say anything which would in the
least diminish the powers and prerogatives
of this House. Mr. Fisher Ames, the elo-
quent orator, expressed himself very aptly
upon the desire of a legislative body to
maintain its prerogatives. He said:

The self-love of an individual is not warmer
in its sense or more constant in its action
than the self-love of an assembly — that
jealous affection which a body of men is
always found to bear toward its own pre-
rogatives and powers. I will not condemn
this passion.

Following him, no more shall I. But
there is a point where our powers have
a limit.

I may add that I can not agree with the
argument which has been made on this
subject by the gentleman from Virginia
that a treaty can not override a statute of
the State in regard to the rights of aliens.
In addition to the general statements I
have made, reference may be had to the
case of Ware against Hylton (3 Dal., p.

199), decided in 1796 and repeatedly re-
ferred to with approval. Anyone who will
read that decision must come to a different
conclusion from that which the gentleman
has expressed. That involved the question
of a British subject.

In 1846 we made a treaty with New
Granada guaranteeing the neutrality of
the Isthmus of Panama, and after the
Boxer rebellion of 1900 we joined with
other powers and agreed to maintain a
military force at Peking and at Tientsin
in China, and those forces are there until
this day. In 1904 we guaranteed the in-
dependence of Panama. At one time our
warships were sent there to carry out
treaty provisions.

Let us look at the other side of the
shield, that in regard to treaties of arbi-
tration and for the promotion of peace.
In the Rush-Bagot agreement of 1817 we
agreed that there should be maintained
a warship of not more than 100 tons on
each of the lakes, Champlain and Ontario,
and two on the "upper" lakes, and no
more. Each of these ships, as I recall it,
was to carry one 18-pounder gun. We
did more than that. We agreed to scrap,
as in this treaty, the rest of our naval
armament upon those lakes, and President
Monroe issued a proclamation in 1817
saying that the treaty, or arrangement as
he termed it, having been approved by the
Senate, was of full force and effect.

He did not ask the concurrence of the
House. We have entered into arbitration
treaties almost without number, and it is
the most splendid phase in all of our
diplomacy. I need go no further than to
refer to the so-called Bryan treaties, some
20 in number. Those treaties provide that
when a dispute arises between our country
and any other which can not be settled
by the ordinary processes of diplomacy the
questions of law and fact shall be sub-
mitted to a commission of inquiry, and no
step looking toward war shall be taken
until that commission reports. Will some
member come in here and say that those
treaties are invalid because they disable
the House of Representatives from send-
ing bristling bayonets into the field?
They are binding on the country, and they
should be binding. Suppose Mr. Hughes
while he was speaking before that great
gathering and was received with so much

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

acclaim had said, "We are moving to stop
this mad race of naval expansion right
now." "The time for action has come,"
as he did actually say. "We will scrap
certain of our ships; we will abate our
naval program. We will take hold of every
golden chain to bind us in amity and co-
operation with those nations between
which and us there has been friction."
These were inspiring thoughts, but sup-
pose he had punctuated his remarks by
saying, "All this can be done, provided
the House of Representatives comes to the
conclusion it is not an interference with
a bill they passed in 1916 for an ambitious
naval program." What kind of a position
would have been occupied before the na-
tions of the earth if such a postscript had
been added? And in this day, this day
when the threat of chaos still hangs over
the world, I most earnestly desire to im-
press upon the members of this House the
importance of contracting in the easiest
and readiest way any treaty that looks
toward peace with nations. We no longer
can say, as did a distinguished United
States Senator, "What have we to do with
abroad" ?

Our relations extend to the remotest
bounds. Whatever happens in Petrograd
or in Tokyo or in far-off Bagdad is of
the utmost interest to the United States.
Our trade relations, our social relations,
all those things which make for the better-
ment of humanity, are bound up with the
hopes and fears of all the peoples of the

earth. The most ardent hope is that the
movement for peace may be a mighty pro-
cession, ever moving onward. Gentlemen
of the committee, it is not altogether a
constitutional proposition which concerns
us, though I think these treaties are
clearly binding under the Constitution.
If we concede it is within the power of
this House to stand in the way and stop
progress toward peace, we surely will
never do it. I hope this bill will pass by
a unanimous vote. This question of treat-
ies is of the utmost consequence to us
in our international relations, which are
assuming ever-increasing, almost supreme,
importance among our national policies.
We will not neglect the home life of the
nation; we will not neglect the welfare
of the weak and of the struggling. We
will endeavor in all our legislation to hold
the scales equally and to devise such laws
as, like gracious drops of dew, shall spread
their blessings all abroad.

But there is need of the broadest vision.
Our larger outlook is beyond the windows
which look out upon a narrow landscape.
It is upon the whole world, and in the
making of treaties we should define clearly
where that power rests. And may the
time never come when in pursuance of any
constitutional theory or any policy of ob-
struction this House shall for one moment
stand in the way of that great mission
which we have to perform for peace, for
good will, and for an advancing civiliza-
tion.

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

INTERNATIONAL LAW

CODES NOT FAVORED BY

THIS GOVERNMENT

Department of State Replies to
Three Questions Submitted by
Secretary of League of Nations

(U. 8. Daily, Dec. 20)

The Department of State has addressed
a communication to the Secretary General
of the League of Nations, Sir Eric Drum-
mond, which states that the United States

cannot agree to the advisability of the codi-
fication of three questions of international
law.

These three questions, according to infor-
mation made public by the Department of
State on December 19, are : Communication
of Judicial and Extra-judicial Acts on Penal
Matters ; the Legal Position and Functions of
Consuls; the Revision of the Classification
of Diplomatic Agents.

The full text of the announcement by the
Department of State follows:

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

The following communication was sent on
December 16, 1927, by the Department to the
Secretary General of the League of Nations
through the American Legation at Berne:

"The Secretary General of the League of
Nations, with a communication dated June 7,
1927, was good enough to transmit to the
Secretary of State of the United States cer-
tain questionnaires and reports prepared by
the Committee of Experts for the Progres-
sive Codification of International Law and
to request the opinion of the Government of
the United States as to whether the regula-
tion by international agreement of the sub-
jects treated in the questionnaires, having
regard both to their general aspects and the
specific points mentioned in the question-
naires, is desirable and realizable in the near
future.

Use of Letters Rogatory

"Question No. 8: With respect to the
amended draft convention on this subject
submitted with the report of the subcom-
mittee of the Committee of Experts, it may
be stated that the taking of the testimony
relating to criminal cases in foreign countries
by the use of letters rogatory, with which
Article I of the amended draft deals, is a
process for which no provision has been made
by the legislation of the Federal Government
and one which under the system prevailing
in the United States can be employed, if at
all, only pursuant to the laws of the several
States. It is not deemed advisable to make
commitments by international convention to
change the existing practice in this regard
prevailing in the United States. Moreover,
evidence obtained in foreign countries
through letters rogatory could not be used
in criminal cases in the United States, since
under the Constitution the accused must be
confronted by the witnesses against him.

"With respect to the second article of
the revised draft it may be stated that the
Government of the United States is not pre-
pared to commit itself to serve summonses
emanating with foreign courts on witnesses
or experts resident in the United States or
to surrender persons in custody, except
through the process of extradition.

"It is the view of the Government of the
United States that the matter of the sur-
render of exhibits dealt with in the third
article of the amended draft convention can
be adequately provided for in extradition
treaties. Indeed, provisions for the sur-
render of property in possession of fugitives
are contained in some of the extradition
treaties of the United States. The list of
treaties appended to the report, as examples
of judicial co-operation, indicates that the
subject as heretofore treated is closely re-
lated to extradition.

"While conventions on the subject of ju-
dicial co-operation doubtless serve a useful
purpose among cotintries in close geographic
proximity to each other, it is not apparent
that uniform application of such agreements
is necessary.

Agreement on Courts

"Question N^o. 9: The experience of the
Government of the United States has not
revealed any considerable uncertainty re-
garding the legal position and functions of
consuls. Furthermore, this matter has been
the subject of numerous provisions in bi-
lateral treaties. It is the view of the Govern-
ment of the United States that no compelling
necessity exists for the treatment of this
subject by a general international convention.

"Question No. 10: The Government of the
United States does not consider it desirable
to revise the classifications of diplomatic
agents as proposed. No circumstances or
conditions demonstrating the desirability of
changing the classification have been re-
vealed, nor is there reason to expect that the
purposed change, if made, would effect any
material improvement.

"The Government of the United States does
not consider that the regulation by multi-
lateral international agreement of questions
8 and 9 or the change of classification pro-
posed in question 10 is desirable or attain-
able in the near future.

"Question No. 11: The Government of the
United States is inclined to the view that an
international agreement on the subject of
competence of the courts in certain classes
of cases against foreign States, would serve
a useful purpose, and would therefore be
desirable, and that there should be no in-
superable obstacle to the concluding of an
agreement on that subject.

"The Government of the United States
thanks the Secretary General for the re-
port on 'effect of the most-favored-nation
clause, forwarded with the communication of
June 7."

RUSSO-PERSIAN GUARANTEE
PACT

(Note. — Following is the text of (I) Pact
of guarantee and neutrality between Russia
and Persia, signed at Moscow on October 1,
1927, and (II) Note addressed on the same
day by the Persian Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs to the Soviet Commission for Foreign
Affairs.)

I. Text of the Treaty

Article 1

The mutual relations between Persia and
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics con-
tinue to be based on the Treaty of February
26, 1921, all articles and stipulations of
which remain in force and the authority of
which extends over the entire territory of
the Union of Socialist Republics.

Article 2

Each of the contracting parties undertakes
to abstain from every attack and aggressive

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

action against the other party and from ad-
vancing its armed forces into the territory
of the other party.

In case, however, one of the contracting
parties should be attacked by one or several
third powers, the other contracting party
undertakes to remain neutral during the en-
tire conflict, which neutrality the party at-
tacked must not violate regardless of all
strategic, tactical or political considerations
or advantages that might accrue to it from
such violation.

Article 3

Each of the contracting parties undertakes
not to participate either de facto or formally
in political alliances or agreements directed
against the security of the other party, on
land or at sea, or against its integrity, in-
dependence or sovereignty.

The two contracting parties, moreover, re-
nounce all participation in economic boycotts
and blockades oi-ganized by third powers and
directed against one of the contracting
parties.

Article 4

In view of the obligations assumed under
articles 4 and 5 of the Treaty of February
26, 1921, the two contracting parties, desiring
not to interfere in the internal affairs of
each other and to abstain from carrying on
propaganda or struggle against the govern-
ment of the other, will strictly forbid their
officials to carry on such activity on the ter-
ritory of the other contracting party.

If nationals of one of the contracting
parties residing on the territory of the other
party should carry on propaganda or struggle
prohibited by the authorities of the latter
party, the government of this territory will
have the right to put an end to their activity
and to apply to them the legally established
penalties.

Likewise, in conformity with the stipula-
tions of the above-mentioned articles, the two
contracting parties undertake not to support
and not to allow on their respective terri-
tories the formation or the activity of: (1)
organizations or groups, regardless of the
name by which they are known, whose object
is to struggle against the government of the
other contracting party by means of violence,
insurrections or attacks; (2) organizations
or groups which arrogate to themselves the
r61e of the government of all or part of the

territory of the other contracting party and
whose object is likewise to struggle against
the government of the other contracting
party by the above-mentioned means, to vio-
late its peace and security or to attempt
against its territorial integrity.

Inspired by the above-mentioned principles,
the two contracting parties undertake to
prohibit the formation on, as well as the
entrance into, their territories of armed
forces, arms, ammunitions, and all kinds of
military supplies intended for the above-
mentioned organizations.

Article 5

The two contracting parties undertake to
settle by peaceful means, suitable to the oc-
casion, all disputes that might arise between
them and which could not be settled through
the ordinary diplomatic channels.

Article 6
Outside of the obligations undertaken by
the two contracting parties in virtue of the
present agreement, the two parties reserve to
themselves entire freedom of action in their
international relations.

Article 7

The px-esent agreement is concluded for a
period of three years and shall be submitted
at the earliest possible date to the approval
and ratification of the legislative bodies of
the two parties, after which it shall enter
into force.

The exchange of ratifications shall take
place at Teheran within one month following
the ratification.

Upon expiration of the first established
period, the agreement shall be considered as
automatically prolonged each time for the
peri 'd of one year unless one of the contract-
ing parties notifies its intention of denounc-
ing it. In the latter case the agreement shall
remain in force for a period of six months
after the notice of denunciation made by one
of the contracting parties.

Article 8

The present agreement shall be drawn up
in the Russian, Persian, and French lan-
guages in three authentic copies for each of
the contracting parties.

For purposes of interpretation, all three
texts are authentic. In case of any dispute
as to interpretation, the French text shall be
regarded as authentic.

NEWS IN BRIEF

II. Note of the Persian Minister of Foreign
Affairs

Moscow, October 1, 1927.
Mb. People's Commissar:

At the time of the signature of the pact of
guarantee and neutrality signed at this date
between Persia and the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, I have the honor to in-
form you of the following:

Whereas the Persian Government always
endeavors to fulfill entirely all its obligations
voluntarily, it signs the present agreement
with the desire to respect sincerely all the
obligations deriving from it, and, according
to the conviction of the Persian Government,
the above-mentioned obligations are in no
way contrary to the obligations of the
Persian Government toward the League of
Nations.

The Persian Government declares to the
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics that the Persian Government shall
also respect and fulfill all its obligations as
a member of the League of Nations.

I have the honor, etc.,
(Signed)

Ali Gholi Khan Ansari.

News in Brief

An Association of Mutual Co-operation
for American Concord has been organized in
Buenos Aires. Its purposes are to co-operate
with "all steps initiated for the establishment
of American concord, and to combat preju-
dices, errors, imperialism, and injustice
which stand in the way" ; to publish a maga-
zine in Spanish, Portuguese, and English; to
found a news service which shall be gratis,
non-sensational, and impartial ; to foster pub-
lic meetings and lectures in accord with its
general purpose ; and to foster the founding
of affiliated associations to help in mutual
understanding and fraternal relations.

The Government of Paraguay has signed
a contract with a French company for a tri-
weekly air service between Asuncion and
Buenos Aires, with stops at five or more

ports along the Parana River, a distance of
about 850 miles.

The foety-eighth session of the Council

of the League of Nations ended December 12,
after the harmonious settlement of several
trying problems.

Education of public opinion, publicity on
all international issues, and establishment of
a high moral standard for international deal-
ings were advocated as the most effective
means of insuring the world peace, by Jere-
miah Smith, Jr., before the Academy of Po-
litical Science, in New York City, November
18. Mr. Smith, who was the Commissioner-
General for the financial reorganization of
Hungary, further stated that laws and reso-
lutions to outlaw war would not be enough.
A well-informed public opinion on interna-
tional affairs should be the objective of every
peace society.

The State Department has announcbi)
that hereafter a committee composed of
officials from the State Department and
the Agricultural Department will have con-
trol of decisions regarding embargoes on
plant and animal products. This decision
follows long negotiations of the Argentine
Embassy, which resulted in the practical lift-
ing of Agricultural Department embargoes on
grapes and chilled meat and modifying that
on alfalfa seed.

Professor Anzilotti of Italy has been
elected President of the World Court for the
term 1928-30, succeeding Dr. Huber, of
Switzerland. John Bassett Moore, of the
United States, was elected member of the
Chamber for transit and communication
cases and substitute member in that for
labor cases.

An International House at the Univer-
sity of California, Berkeley, will be erected
by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. It will be a large
and modern dormitory, planned to accom-
modate 300 foreign students and 200 Ameri-
cans each year. It will be similar to the
International House in New York City. Per-
manent friendships, resulting in a strong
influence for international peace and under-
standing, is expected to grow from the con-
tacts formed in these houses.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

January

The Bow School of London Invited, this
year, a group of Frencli boys and their
masters to spend three weeks with them in a
summer camp for study and out-of-door life.
This was in return for hospitalities extended
by French schools to the English boys on
their holiday trips to France.

The Intebnational Radio - Telbgbaph
Conference completed on November 22 the
formulation of an international treaty gov-
erning the uses of radio in international
communications. The conference had been
in plenary session for seven weeks. The
convention decided to meet in Spain in 1932.

The Sixth International Conference of
American States, to be held in Havana,
Cuba, January 16, is of immediate interest to
the Western World. It is reported that
President Coolidge and Secretary Kellogg
will attend the conference. The United
States delegation, headed by Charles Evans
Hughes, will be made up of James Brown
Scott, Henry P. Fletcher, Oscar Underwood,
Dwight Morrow, Morgan O'Brien, Leo S.
Rowe, and Ray Lyman Wilbur.

The numbek of unemployed in Germany
has decreased from about 3,000,000 a year
ago to 100,000, according to a statement of
Dr. Jacob Gould Schurman, American Am-
bassador to Germany. This has been made
possible largely through foreign loans,
especially from American sources. In former
days the army alone kept 700,000 men from
productive work.

The Ratification of the Lausanne
Treaty between the United States and
Turkey will be the chief purpose of the mis-
sion to this country of Ahmed Moukhtar Bey,
new Turkish Ambassador, The Ambassador
assumed his post on November 29.

A MEETING at 10 DOWNING STREET, Con-
vened November 24, by Mrs. Baldwin, in
support of the World Alliance for Promot-
ing International Friendship Through the
Churches, was addressed by the Archbishop
of Canterbury, Lord Balfour, and others.

A SERIES OF LEX!TURE8 On international re-
lations, given under the auspices of the
Social Sciences Faculty of the University of
Washington, began October 18 and are to
continue fortnightly for the remainder of the
year. The theme for the autumn quarter
was "Problems of the Pacific."

The Social Studies Section of the Penn-
sylvania State Education Association met at
Lancaster on December 29 and considered
the topic "Promoting international under-
standing through teaching the social studies."

An INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE in Civil

aviation, to meet next December, was sug-
gested by President Coolidge in a letter from
the White House addressed to the Civil
Aeronautics Conference, which held a five-
day meeting closing December 9.

BOOK REVIEWS

Imperialism and World Politics. By
Parker Thomas Moon. Pp. 566 and index.
Masmillan, New York, 1927. Price, $3,50.

Believing that the ideas and interests pro-
ductive of the war in 1914 had caused many
previous wars, and that they are in large
measure still working, Mr. Moon has sought
for the principle underlying these ideas.
Imperialism seems to be the best word avail-
able to designate the main operative prin-
ciple in the last century and the first quarter
of this one.

The book is analytical and historical rather
than controversial. The author candidly
says that he sees no immediate solution of
the problems he states, though an enlightened
public opinion and a better working inter-
national co-operation would greatly hasten
a solution.

He does not define imperialism, but it is
evident from his use of the word that he
takes it in an elastic sense. In the case ot
the relations of the United States with Latin
America, for instance, economic or financial
control, or even pressure, is called imperial-
ism. At the same time he credits public
opinion in this country with the belief that
actual seizure of territory is akin to theft.

There are many studies in the book par-
ticularly discriminating. That of Cecil
Rhodes in relation to South Africa is one

1928

BOOK REVIEWS

useful interpretation. The battle of conces-
sions in the Far East is another ; especially
good is its unprejudiced exposition of the
part the United States has played in the
Pacific.

But of real moment to us just now is the
study of Pan-Americanism, It should help
the North American reader to understand
that the proper position for the United States
ought to be the acceptance of Latin Ameri-
can nations as our associates rather than our
prot^g6s.

Unlike many serious studies of our times,
this book does not focus on the World War.
The war is merely incidental or interpretive
of the main current of influences, still flow-
ing on.

The economic imperialism of the last
decade, he thinks, is quite as threatening
as the earlier forms of the struggle for na-
tional mastery. But we see things foggily.
Imperialism seems to be able to call out a
flow of humanitarian sentiment quite as
fervid as that elicited by anti-imperialism.
Both are hung about with glamorous mists
hiding unpleasant facts. Mr. Moon is not
quite clear as to the path we should follow,
but his book is like a keen fresh wind blow-
ing through the mists and showing us at
least where we now stand.

A clearing up of the present ought to
enable both the extreme patriot and the
extreme "pacifist" to see each other more
distinctly. It ought to help them find their
mutual path, with further patient study.

France and America. By Andre Tardieu.
Pp. 311. Houghton Mifflin & Co., Boston,
1927. Price, $3.00.

America Comes of Age. By Andre Siegfried.
Tr. by H. H. Hemming and Doris Hem-
ming. Pp. 353 and index. Harcourt, Brace
& Co,, New York, 1927. Price, $3,00.

We are prone to take ourselves for granted
and forget that facts basic to ourselves may
need to be explained to some one else. There-
fore the two books above are particularly
salutary. They are written by Frenchmen,
and France differs from America even more
than does Great Britain, Moreover, they are
written by Frenchmen who know their
America through residence and intimate,
thoughtful study. Besides all this, they are
written for a French public, only secondarily
for American readers.

M, Tardieu takes for a subtitle "Some ex-
periences in co-operation," He begins by
demonstrating that it is an erroneous though
common assumption that Franco-American
friendship Is a natural and sentimental af-
finity. On the contrary, he says all the past
has made the two nations opposite in their
manner of thinking. Twenty centuries of de-
fense of frontiers and wresting liberty from
tyrants has made France primarily national-
istic. Her activities are political in their
nature, but she takes nationalism and national
defense for granted. Her people are a unit
here, however they may differ on economic
or political policies.

In America, on the other hand, he finds the
spring of action to be economic. Personal
equality before the law is the thing here taken
for granted. Nationalism may be a subject
of discussion, as it could not be in France.

The contrasts which he finds are interesting,
but as he goes on one sees that in his at-
tempts to explain America M, Tardieu does
not take sufficient cognizance of the fact that
we are really, here, a federation of separate
States, while France is a single untiy. It
explains many things.

M. Tardieu gives generous space to Ameri-
can participation in the world war and recon-
struction, showing how our fundamental
differences forced a separation afterwards.
But he shows clearly the French viewpoint,
that since America withdrew from the peace
treaty, she has no right to exact full payment
from France of debts which were pledged on
the assumption that America would stay in
and help collect reparations.

Far more searching is M. Siegfried's book.
An economist himself, he perhaps under-
stands the essence of American life more
naturally. But he is as well, a historian of
no mean caliber.

A friendly book, but it is not altogether
pleasant to read some of his analysis of us,
unprejudiced and logical though it is. We
wish he would not make the "Babbitt" and
"Main Street" conception of America quite
so general. It seems too that he lays too
much stress on the conflict between Protes-
tant and Catholic thought here.

Yet, when all is said, the book is a master-
piece, a work to ponder over, a statement to
make us pause. Our slavery to public opin-
ion, our elaborate machinery of propaganda,
are at least dangerous. Our "Fordism" has

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

made artisanship out of date. Creative ef-
fort cannot survive under mass production.

Tlie analysis of prohibition is astonishiingly
unbiassed. Tlie outline of political parties
is clear and quite different from one that
might be done by an Anglo-Saxon.

The book is decidedly one to be read and
with alertness. Furthermore, the transla-
tion is in itself an achievement in distin-
guished, lucid English.

Jefferson and the Embargo. By Louis Mar-
tin Sears. Pp. 320, bibliography, and in-
dex. Duke University Press, 1927. Price,
$4.00.

When the philosopher becomes an ad-
ministrator his ideas receive the acid test.
Dr. Sears, who had made a previous study of
Jefferson's pacificism, was led to pursue a
larger study involving Jefferson's whole phi-
losphy, and the application he made of it as
an executive. He finds that the second Presi-
dent's practical ability has been generally
underestimated.

As proof of the essential sanity and logic
of this great soul, he takes the embargo ap-
proved by Jefferson in December, 1807, and
shows how it was the most perfect substi-
tute for war up to that time devised. It was,
too, a direct outcome of Jefferson's idea of
combating war with the instruments of peace.

The book shows, through quotation, refer-
ence, and summary, a harassed Jefferson, ap-
pearing "at his unhappiest, yet at his best."
The book has two outstanding excellencies.
It is an undoubted contribution to the his-
tory of our foreign policy ; it is a fresh help
to the study of the man, Jefferson. It shows
him larger than the opportunist, a man "pos-
sessed of a philosophical consciousness of
his own purposes." If not the greatest of
world heroes, "he should," says Dr. Sears,
"rank high as a friend of man."

The Spibit of '76. By Carl Becker, J. M.
Clark, and WilUam E. Dodd. Pp. 135.
Robert Brookings Graduate School of Eco-
nomics and Government, Washington, 1927,

The three lectures here bound together
were delivered at the Robert Brookings
Graduate School in November, 1926. The
subjects were chosen because of the 150th
anniversary of the Declaration of Independ-
ence and of the publication of Adam Smith's
"Wealth of Nations." The authors have each
covered a particular field and have viewed
past events in relation to the present.

Mr. Becker chose the narrative method.
He gives a fragmentary manuscript which he
professes to have found, which expounds the
developing Federalist principles of one Jere-
miah Wynkoop, a merchant in New York City
just preceding the Revolution. So realistic
is the paper that one has to look up the list
of members of the Continental Congress to
convince oneself that no Wynkoop was among
them. It is an interesting study of the
thought of '76 and quite in harmony with
the trend of contemporary letters.

The second lecture, by Professor Clark of
Columbia, takes up Adam Smith and his
exposition of the case for individualism. The
subject is considered chiefly in its economic
setting, though political implications are not
neglected. The author attempts, too, the in-
teresting task of guessing how Adam Smith
would write today.

The last lecture, "Virginia takes the road
to revolution," is centered upon the per-
sonality of Patrick Henry. It shows how
inevitably one event after another committed
Virginia to the Revolution before the signing
of the Declaration.

The little volume throws us back in spirit
to the beginnings of our nation.

Hispanic-Amebican History ; a Syixabus.
By WilUam Whatley Pierson, Jr. Pp. 169.
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel
Hill, 1926. Price, $1.50.

Schools and colleges today are giving much
more of Latin American history than ever
before. The two continents of the hemisphere
are rapidly discovering their innate relation-
ship. The syllabus here given by Professor
Pierson is quite as useful for the student who
is studying alone as for the class.

In the introduction a reading list is given
which has two rather unusual qualities ; it is
full, but not so voluminous as to be discourag-
ing, and all the books are to be had in the
English language. The ten chapters of the
syllabus, arranged by historic periods, are,
even without the reading references, an inter-
esting and logically conceived outline of His-
panic-American history.

The author, with the modern outlook, em-
phasizes the institutional, social, and eco-
nomic aspects of his subject. As it stands, it
is a book to invite study, and its topics are
suggestive of many new approaches to inter-
national understanding.

ADVOCATE

:fT

[%M .

■T • %

THROUGH JU/TI

The Latchstring Is Out

February, 1928

American Peace Society

Its Beginnings

At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at Minot, Febru-
ary 10, 1826, a motion was carried to form a national peace
society. Minot was the home of William Ladd. The first
constitution for a national peace society was drawn by this
illustrious man, at the time corresponding secretary of the
Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution was pro-
visionally adopted, with alterations, February 18, 1828; but
the society was finally and officially organized, through the
influence of Mr. Ladd and with the aid of David Low Dodge,
in New York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society: "The New York
Peace Society resolved to be merged in the American Peace
Society . . . which, in fact, was a dissolution of the old
New York Peace Society, formed 16 August, 1815, and the
American, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

Its Purpose

— Constitution of the
Amtrican Peace Society
Article II.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Aethuh Dbhein Call, Editor

Lho Pasvolsky, Associate Editor

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Founded 1828 from Societies some of which began In 1815.

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, f3.00 a year. Single copies, 30 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Office at Washington,
D. C, under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticuhle to express in these columns the divergent views of
the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility
for the utterances of this magazine is assum-ed by the Editor.

CONTENTS

The American Peace Society, Some Facts 67

The Foundations of Pe:a.ce Between Nations 68

Editorials

New Encouragement for the Cleveland Celebration — The Kellogg
Reply — Rescinding Our Calendar — Interparliamentary Union
Studies Migration — ^The International Whale — Pan American Ad-
vances— Our Country's Greatest Peace Society — Editorial Notes. . 69-81

WoBLD Problems in Review

The Lira on the Gold Basis — French Financial Policy — Third Year of
the Dawes Plan — Italy and Albania — The Syrian Mandate —
Chinese Nationalist Break at Moscow — ^The Nobel Prize Winners —
The Brookings Institution 82-^

General Abticles

Thy Part (a Poem) 93

By Charles Ramsdell Llngley
The Way of the Law 94

By Lyle W. Ohlander
Practical Labors for Peace 100

By Hon. William R. Castle

Our Constructive Foreign Policy 103

By Hon. Walter Scott Penfleld

Outplaced Children in the Near East Relief 107

By Mabell S. C. Smith

National Defense in Peace 109

By Dr. Harry Vanderbilt Wurdemann
International Documents

Efforts to Renounce War

The United States Note of December 28, 1927 112

The French Note of January 5, 1928 113

The United States Note of January 11, 1928 113

The French Note of January 22, 1928 115

President Coolidge's Havana Address 116

President Machada's Havana Address 121

News in Brief 123

Book Reviews 125

Vol. 90 February, 1928 No. 2

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

OFFICERS

President
Theodobe E. Burton

Vice-Presidents

David Jatnb Hux

Secretary
Abthub Deebin Caix

Jackson H. Ralston

Treasurer
George W. White

Business Manager

Lacet C. Zapf

Formerly

Assistant Director, Bureau of Research, Chamber of Commerce of the United States

Secretary, American Section, International Chamber of Commerce

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

(Asterisk indicates member of Executive Committee)

Philip Marshall Brown, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jer-
sey.

♦Arthur Deerin Call, Secretary, and Editor of
the Advocate of Peace. Executive Secretary, Amer-
ican Group, Interparliamentary Union.

P. P. Claxton, Superintendent of Schools, Tulsa,
Oklahoma. Formerly United States Commissioner of
Education.

John M. Crawford, President, Parkersburg Rig &
Reel Company, Parkersburg, West Virginia. For
many years a Director of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States.

Tyson S. Dines, Attorney of Denver, Colorado.

John J. Esch, Chairman, Interstate Commerce
Commission. Formerly Memlier of Congress from
Wisconsin.

Harry A. Garfield, President, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass. United States Fuel Adminis-
trator during World War.

♦Thomas B. Green, Director, National Speakers'
Bureau, American Red Cross.

Dwight B. Heard, President, Dwight B. Heard
Investment Company, Phoenix, Arizona. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States.

♦David Jayne Hill, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to
Germany.

Charles L. Hyde, President, American Exchange
Bank, Pierre, South Dakota.

William Mather Lewis, President, Lafayette Col-
lege, Easton, Pa.

Felix M. McWhirter, President, Peoples State
Bank, Indianapolis, Indiana. Director, Chamber of
Commerce of the United States.

E. T. Meredith, Des Moines, Iowa. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Member
American Committee, International Chamber of Com-
merce. Formerly Secretary of Agriculture.

Frank W. Mondell, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Congressman from Wyoming.

♦Walter A. Morgan, D. D., Postor, New First Con-
gregational Church, Chicago, Illinois.

♦George M. Morris, Washington, D. C. Partner of
the Chicago and New York law firm of Kix-MiUer &
Barr.

♦Henry C. Morris, Attorney of Chicago and Wash-
ington, D. C. Formerly United States Consul.

Edwin P. Morrow, Member, United States Board
of Mediation, Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor
of Kentucky.

John M. Parker, formerly Governor of Louisiana,
St. Francisville, La.

Jackson H. Ralston, Attorney, Palo Alto, Califor-
nia.

Arthur Ramsay, Southern Pines, North Carolina.
Founder, Fairmont Seminary, Washington, D. C.

Hiram W. Ricker, President, Poland Springs Com-
pany, South Poland, Maine.

♦Theodore Stanfield, Peace Advocate and Author,
New York City. Formerly Executive Manager, Amer-
ican Metal Company.

♦Jay T. Stocking, D. D., Pastor, Pilgrim Congre-
gational Church, St. Louis, Mo.

Silas H. Strawn, Attorney of Chicago. Chairman
of Board, Montgomery Ward Company. Director, In-
ternational Chamber of Commerce. President, Amer-
ican Bar Association.

♦Henry W. Temple, Congressman from Pennsyl-
vania. Member House Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Robert E. Vinson, President, Western Reserve
University, Cleveland, Ohio.

William Way, D. D., Rector, Grace Episcopal
Church, Charleston, South Carolina. President of the
New England Society of Charleston.

Oscar Wells, President, First National Bank, Bir-
mingham, Alabama. Formerly President, American
Bankers Association. Member American Committee,
International Chamber of Commerce.

Frank White, Treasurer of the United States,
Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor of North
Dakota.

♦George W. White, Treasurer. President, National
Metropolitan Bank, Washington, D. C. Treasurer
American Automobile Association.

William Allen White, Proprietor and Editor,
Emporia Daily and Weekly Gazette, Emporia, Kans.

HONORARY VICE-PRESTDENTS

Elmer Ellsworth Brown, Chancellor, New York
University.

W. H. P. Faunce, President, Brown University.

William P. Gest. President, Fidelity Trust Com-
pany, Philadelphia, Pa.

Charles Cheney Hyde, Hamilton Fish Professor
of International Law and Diplomacy, Columbia Uni-
versity. Formerly Solicitor for Department of State.

George H. Judd, President, Judd & Detweller, Inc.,
Washington, D. C.

Elihu Root, Attorney, New York City. Formerly
Secretary of State, and for many years President of
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

James Brown Scott, Secretary Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, Washington, D. C.
President, Institute of International Law.

Charles P. Thwino, President Emeritus, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

SOME FACTS

It is a nonpartisan, nonsectarian, and
nonprofit-making organization, free from
motives of private gain.

It is a corporation under the laws of
Massachusetts, organized in 1828 by Wil-
liam Ladd, of Maine, aided by David Low
Dodge, of New York,

The American Peace Society is the first
of its kind in the United States. Its pur-
pose is to prevent the injustices of war by
extending the methods of law and order
among the nations, and to educate the
peoples everywhere in what an ancient
Roman lawgiver once called "the con-
stant and unchanging will to give to every
one his due."'

It is built on justice, fair play, and law.
It has spent its men and its resources in
arousing tlie thoughts and the consciences
of statesmen to the ways which are better
than war, and of men and women every-
where to the gifts which America can
bring to the altar of a law-governed world.

The first society to espouse the cause
of international peace on the continent of
Europe was organized at the instigation
of this Society.

The International Peace conferences
originated at the headquarters of the
American Peace Society in 1843.

The International Law Association re-
sulted from an extended European tour
of Dr. James D. Miles, this Society's Sec-
retary, in 18T3.

Since 1829 it has worked to influence
State legislatures and the United States
Congress in behalf of an International
Congress and Court of Nations.

It has constantly worked for arbitration
treaties and a law-governed world.

In 1871 it organized the great peace
jubilees throughout the country.

The Secretary of the Society was se-
lected by the Columbian Exposition au-
thorities to organize the Fifth Universal

Peace Congress, which was held in Chi-
cago in 1893.

This Society, through a committee, or-
ganized the Thirteenth Universal Peace
Congress, which was held in Boston in
1904.

The Secretary of this Society has been
chosen annually a member of the Council
of the International Peace Bureau at
Geneva since the second year of the Bu-
reau's existence, 1892.

It initiated the following American
Peace Congresses: In New York, 1907; in
Chicago, 1909; in Baltimore, 1911; in St.
Louis, 1913; in San Francisco, 1915.

It has published a magazine regularly
since 1828. Its Advocate of Peace is
the oldest, largest, and most widely cir-
culated peace magazine in the world.

It strives to work with our Government
and to protect the principles at the basis
of our institutions.

In our ungoverned world of wholly in-
dependent national units it stands for
adequate national defense.

It believes that the rational way to dis-
armament is to begin by disarming poli-
cies.

The claim of the American Peace So-
ciety upon every loyal American citizen is
that of an organization which has been
one of the greatest forces for right think-
ing in the United States for nearly a cen-
tury ; which is today the defender of true
American ideals and principles.

It is supported entirely by the free and
generous gifts, large and small, of loyal
Americans who wish to have a part in
this important work.

MEMBERSHIPS

The classes of membership and dues are :
Annual Membership, $5 ; Sustaining Mem-
bership, $10; Contributing Membership,
$25; Instituuonal Membership, $25; Life
Membership $100.

All memberships include a full subscrip-
tion to the monthly magazine of the So-
ciety, the Advocate of Peace.

THE FOUNDATIONS OF PEACE BETWEEN NATIONS

Adopted by the American Peace Society, November 30, 1925

The American Peace Society reaffirms, at
this its uinety-seventli annual meeting, its
abiding faith in the precepts of its illustrious
founders. These founders, together with
the men of later times who have shared in
the labors of this Society, are favorably
known because of their services to the build-
ing and preservation of the Republic. Their
work for iKjaee between nations must not
be forgotten.

I^argely because of their labors, the pur-
poses of the American Peace Society have
become more and more the will of the world,
and opponents of the war system of settling
International disputes have reason for a
larger hope and a newer courage.

At such a time as this, with Its rapidly de-
veloping International achievements, it Is fit-
ting that the American Peace Society should
restate Its precei>ts of a century In the light
of the ever-approaching tomorrow.

Peace between nations, demanded by every
legitimate Interest, can rest securely and
permanently only on the principles of jus-
tice as interpreted In terms of mutually ac-
cepted international law ; but justice between
nations and its expression in the law are pos-
sible only as the collective intelligence and
the common faith of peoples approve and de-
mand.

These achievements, approved in every in-
stance by the American Peace Society, and
in which some of its most distinguished mem-
bers have participated, have heretofore
been —

By direct negotiations between free, sov-
ereign, and Independent States, working
through official representatives, diplomatic or
consular agents — a work now widely ex-
tended by the League of Nations at Geneva;

By the good offices of one or more friendly

nations, upon the request of the contending
parties or of other and disinterested parties —
a policy consistently and persistently urged
by the United States;

By the mediation of one or more nations
upon their own or other initiative — likewise
a favorite policy of the United States ;

By commissions of inquiry, duly provided
for by international convention and many ex-
isting treaties, to which the Government of
the United States Is pre-eminently a con-
tracting party ;

By councils of conciliation — a method of
adjustment fortunately meeting with the ap-
proval of leading nations, Including the
United States;

By friendly composition, in which nations
in controversy accept, in lieu of their own,
the opinion of an upright and disinterested
third party — a method tried and not found
wanting by the Government of the United
States ;

By arbitration, in which controversies are
adjusted upon the basis of respect for law —
a method brought into modern and general
practice by the English-speaking peoples.

(1) Recurring, preferably periodic, (!Oufer-
ences of duly appointed delegates, acting
under instruction, for the purpose of restat-
ing, amending, reconciling, declaring, and
progressively codifying those rules of interna-
tional law shown to be necessary or useful
to the best interests of civilized States — a
proposal repeatedly made by enlightened
leaders of thought in the United States.

(2) Adherence of all States to a Perma-
nent Court of International Justice mutually
acceptable, sustained, and made use of for
the determination of controversies between
nations, involving legal rights — an institu-
tion due to the initiative of the United States
and based upon the experience and practice
of the American Supreme Court.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

VOLUME

February, 1928

NUMBER

CXEVELAND CELEBRATION

RECEIVES

NEW ENCOURAGEMENT

THE celebration of the one hundredth
anniversary of the American Peace
Society, to be held in Cleveland, Ohio,
May 7 to 11 next, seems to have no opposi-
tion. Talk about it is aU one way. It is
friendly and most encouraging, and the
encouragements are coming in from prac-
, tically every "school of thought." The
church, including the Quakers, govern-
ment officials, universities, peace organiza-
tions of every stripe, patriotic organiza-
tions, Daughters of the American Revo-
lution, Kiwanis clubs, chambers of com-
merce, are but a few of the groups kindly
offering to help the Celebration.

Something of the nature of this friendly
and encouraging co-operation is set forth
in a set of resolutions, adopted January
14, 1928, by the National Executive Com-
mittee of the American Legion, meeting
at Indianapolis, Indiana. These resolu-
tions, typical of others, will be especially
gratifying to every member of the Ameri-
can Peace Society. The resolutions read:

"Whereas the American Peace Society
is to observe in May, 1928, the one hun-
dredth anniversary of the founding of that
Society, by holding its convention in the
city of Cleveland, Ohio, and by sponsoring
in connection with that convention a
gathering of distinguished representatives
of the leading nations of the world at a
so-called World Conference on Interna-
tional Justice ; and

"Whereas the policies of such Society
are under the guidance of officers and di-

rectors, most of whom are of outstanding
and recognized experience in matters of
national or international policy; and

"Whereas, upon the entry of the United
States into the World War, the officers of
the American Peace Society supported the
United States Government and, as evi-
denced by the published editorials of the
Society, loyally and repeatedly announced
this position ; and

"Whereas the declared purpose of the
American Peace Society is 'to promote
permanent international peace through
justice; and to advance in every proper
way the general use of conciliation, arbi-
tration, judicial methods, and other peace-
ful means of avoiding and adjusting dif-
ferences among nations, to the end that
right shall rule might in a law-governed
world'; and

'^^hereas, in seeking the accomplish-
ment of such purpose, the Society is not
unmindful of the present responsibilities
of our government to provide for itself
reasonable defense and has published the
following statement of its attitude on that
subject: 'In our migoverned world of
wholly independent national units, it (the
American Peace Society) stands for ade-
quate national defense. It believes that
the rational way to disarmament is to be-
gin by disarming policies' ; and

"Whereas the Society has secured the
acceptance of many men of outstanding
international influence and responsibility
to address the World Conference on Inter-
national Justice to be held next May, in-
cluding, among many, such speakers as
President Calvin Coolidge, Hon. Aristide
Briand, French Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs; Sir Austen Chamberlain, British
Minister of Foreign Affairs ; and Dr. Gus-
tav Stressemann, German Minister of For-
eign Affairs; and

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Febriiary

'Whereas the above-quoted purposes
and policies of the American Peace So-
ciety are thoroughly in accordance with
the declared principles of the American
Legion; and

"Whereas the American Legion owes it
to its members and to the public to take
a definite and constructive stand upon all
matters of importance pertaining to the
promotion of international peace; now,
therefore, be it

"Resolved, That the National Executive
Committee of the American Legion hereby
expresses the belief that on this basis
the forthcoming World Conference on
International Justice sponsored by the
American Peace Society has great poten-
tial promise of substantial and well-
directed progress toward the 'promotion
of peace and good will,* as sought in ac-
cordance with the principles of the Amer-
ican Legion in a sane, conservative, con-
structive and loyal advance toward an
honorable self-respecting international
peace; and be it further

"Resolved, That National Headquarters
of the American Legion announce this
attitude of helpful encouragement to the
American Peace Society in the forthcom-
ing World Conference on International
Justice and give proper publicity to this
action through the press and through the
AmeHcan Legion Monthly as long as the
American Peace Society and the other
sponsors of the World Conference on In-
ternational Justice continue to support the
principles of an adequate national defense
and as it is defined by the National De-
fense Act, to the end that the public and
the members of the American Legion may
not misunderstand the significance and
character of the proposed conference and
the attitude of the American Legion to-
ward peace/'

There is reason for believing that the
coming Cleveland Celebiation will result
in a co-ordination of many agencies con-
cerned to place the peace movement once
again upon its enduring principles, a co-
ordination perhaps unprecedented in the
history of America. Peace and patriotic
organizations can and ought to be shoulder
to shoulder in this peculiarly American
enterprise of finding substitutes for war.

THE PATENT MEANING IN AN
ASTONISHING PROPOSAL

THE most astonishing proposal in the
name of international peace, at least
within the last decade, came from our
Secretary of State in a note to the French
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Aristide
Briand, December 28, 1927, which note
was made public January 3. The note
proposed "an effort to obtain the adher-
ence of all the principal powers of the
world to a declaration renouncing war as
an instrument of national policy." This
means that our Department of State is
ready to join with the other principal
powers to renounce all war as an instru-
ment of national policy. To one at all ac-
quainted with the struggle of the peace
workers during the last one hundred years
this is an astonishing statement indeed.

When, upon the proposal of the Polish
delegation, the Assembly of the League of
Nations adopted last September a decla-
ration that all wars of aggression are, and
shall always be, prohibited ; that every pa-
cific means must be employed to settle dis-
putes of every description which may
arise between States; and that the States,
members of the League, are under obliga-
tion to conform to these principles, there
was little enthusiasm among the delegates
in the Assembly. It was generally felt,
notwithstanding the unanimity with which
it was passed, that the action was little
more than an innocuous gesture. The
declaration received little attention from
the press. Members of the League do not
seem to have changed their policies in any
way because of this action.

When M. Briand transmitted to our
government last June his "draft of pact"
between France and the United States,
his proposed treaty aroused little interest
in this country except among a few. It
proposed that the United States and
France should condemn resort to war and
renounce it as an instrument of national

19S8

EDITORIALS

policy. From the text, it is clear that
M. Briand proposed the renunciation of
all war as an instrument of national policy
for France and the United States.

While there was considerable enthusi-
astic support by a limited number of per-
sons in our country, the proposal was defi-
nitely condemned by others. It was
pointed out, for example, that the pro-
posal, if accepted, would be in violation
of our policy of treating all nations alike ;
that it was more in the nature of a politi-
cal expedient than an extension of those
judicial processes upon which rests most
securely the abiding processes of peace.
It was further pointed out that the pro-
posal could not be accepted under our
Constitution, because under the terms of
that instrimient Congress is specifically
given the right to declare war. It was
felt by some that if the plan were gen-
erally adopted it would establish the dis-
interestedness of the United States in
every European conflict and make it im-
possible for this country to extend aid to
a deserving nation, as we chose to do in
1917. In short, it might mean, under cer-
tain circumstances, that the United States
would find itself deprived of the right to
defend the right by force. And yet our
State Department has accepted M. Bri-
and's original proposal with the under-
standing that it be extended to include all
the principal powers of the world.

In this situation it is proper to recall
that Judge William Jay, son of John Jay,
and for the last ten years of his life Presi-
dent of the American Peace Society, wrote
in 1842 his little work, entitled "War and
Peace,'" in which he proposed what is now
familiarly known in international prac-
tice as the clause compromissoire. This
clause has been incorporated in many
international treaties. An interesting
aspect of Mr. Jay's proposal was that he
suggested that it be inserted "in our next
treaty with France." The clause in the

form which Mr. Jay advocated it is as
follows :

"It is agreed between the contracting
parties that if, unhappily, any controversy
shaU hereafter arise between them in re-
spect to the true meaning and intention of
any stipulation in this present treaty, or
in respect to any other subject, which con-
troversy cannot be satisfactorily adjusted
by negotiation, neither party shall resort
to hostilities against the other; but the
matter in dispute shall, by a special con-
vention, be submitted to the arbitrament
of one or more friendly powers; and the
parties hereby agree to abide by the award
which may be given in pursuance of such
submission."

While there were certain forms of the
clause in earlier treaties, for example, our
treaty with Tripoli in 1796, Mr. Jay's idea
was incorporated in Article XXI of the
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, between the
United States and Mexico, signed Feb-
ruary 2, 1848. This article of the treaty
makes use of many of the exact phrases of
Mr. Jay's proposal. Out of such back-
ground sprang the Eoot treaties, the Bryan
treaties, and the various arbitrations of
actual disputes between nations. In a real
sense the suggestion of William Jay has
served to outlaw war. It was what is now
the original Briand proposal; and, if ex-
tended to "all the principal powers of the
world," it would represent with no little
exactness the position now taken by Mr.
Kellogg.

Nevertheless, Mr. Kellogg's proposal
has aroused astonishment, especially in
Europe. One reason for this astonish-
ment, of peculiar interest to the United
States, is the unanimity with which the
European press points out that the pro-
posal runs counter to certain articles of
the Covenant of the League of Nations —
indeed, of the Locarno Treaties — which
articles provide under certain circum-
stances for the waging of war by the
League or by allies. Mr. Kellogg's pro-
posal, if adopted, would do away with the

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

machinery of sanctions contemplated by
the Covenant and with the guarantees in
the treaties of Locarno. This is found,
particularly in France, to constitute an
insuperable objection. Then, too, the Eng-
lish press finds it difficult to square Mr.
Kellogg's principle with our government's
enlarged naval program. Furthermore,
there is the United States Senate. How
it will treat the proposal, once it appears
before that body, in the light of that sec-
tion of our Constitution which grants to
Congress the right to declare war, remains
to be seen. Some are led to ask if the
United States is proposing to renounce its
right to uphold the Monroe Doctrine by
force, if necessary. Others wonder what is
meant by the phrase first used by M. Bri-
and, "an instrument of national policy."
The fact is that Mr. Kellogg's proposal is
astonishing.

In it, however, there is one patent mean-
ing. It is a recognition of the demand
by peoples everywhere that some way
shall be found for the maintenance of a
general international peace. There is a
solidarity uniting the community of na-
tions. War as a means of settling inter-
national disputes is viewed at last with a
general disfavor. Men and women re-
sponsible for the work of the world are ex-
pecting their statesmen to find better and
saner ways for adjusting differences be-
tween nations. This is the patent mean-
ing in the astonishing correspondence be-
tween France and the United States.

CAN WE RESCIND OUR
CALENDAR?

THE difficulties facing the effort to
achieve something definite in behalf
of international peace appear when con-
fronted with a specific proposal. This is
true of the definite need for the abolition
of our present calendar and for the adop-
tion in its place of a new and more sensi-
ble substitute.

There is nothing sacrosanct about our
calendar. It is a sort of illegitimate child
of foolishness and egotism. In a vain-
glorious attempt to improve upon the
Egyptian set of months, Julius Cassar
grabbed a day from February and made
and named one of the longer months July,
after himself. Later, Augustus Caesar,
sensitive to have a month quite as big as
Julius', took the next month, added to it
another day, which he also took from Feb-
ruary, and had it named August, after
himself. He then proceeded to jumble
some other days and to give us the hodge-
podge known as our modern calendar.

The word month is quite meaningless.
It may mean twenty-eight, twenty-nine,
thirty, or thirty-one days. It may mean
a calendar month or a lunar month. And
there are different kinds of lunar months.
Our poor calendar, as a measure of time,
is both inaccurate and varying. It is im-
possible for business men to compare their
business results by months. It is impos-
sible to compare one month with the next,
or a month with the same month in an-
other year, for each year every month is
different from the same month in the
year before and the year after. The silly
calendar gives the workmen a maze of
pay-days. As a result of it, days have a
different economic value. The date for
Easter jumps around through March and
April over a bewildering gamut of thirty-
five days. It has been ascertained that a
weekly periodical gets a larger daily av-
erage of receipts on Monday than on any
other day of the week. It charges its
salaries and wages to Saturday and its
other expenditt^res to Wednesday, In,
1922, for example, there were four months
in which there were five Saturdays, four
months in which there were five Mondays,
and four months in which there were five
Wednesdays. But those months did not
coincide. In January there was an extra
Monday; so the periodical's income that

19 £8

EDITORIALS

month was, disproportionately large. In
March there was an extra bill-paying day.
In April there was an extra salary day.
In May there was an extra income day
and an extra bill-paying day. In July
there was an extra salary day and an extra
income day. In August there was an
extra bill-paying day. In September there
was an extra salary day. In October
there was an extra income day and an
extra bill-paying day. And in December
there was an extra salary day. This ir-
regularity not only makes it impossible to
compare one month with the next, but it
also makes it impossible to compare the
month with the same month in another
year, for, as has been said, each year every
month is different from the same month
in the year before and the year after.
Under these conditions, what do monthly
comparisons mean? Nothing. In some
cases it means worse than nothing, for it
misleads directors and confuses executive
officers.

As a piece of business machinery, it
must be confessed, the month is a joke.

In the presence of such a situation it
is reasonable to hope for, at least to desire,
an international fixed calendar.

Such a calendar is possible. The year
can be divided into thirteen months of
twenty-eight days, each comprising four
complete weeks, beginning on Sunday and
ending on Saturday. This would necessi-
tate provision for an extra month in the
calendar. This month could be inserted
between June and July by combining the
last thirteen days of June and the first
fifteen days of July. In this way the
twenty-ninth, thirtieth, and thirty-first
days from the present months would dis-
appear and we would have thirteen
months of four weeks each, with every
month in every year exactly alike as to
dates and as to names of the days of
the week. The last day in every year
would be dated December 29 as an extra

Sabbath ending the last week. In leap
years the difficulty of an additional day
might be met by inserting another extra
Sabbath, to be known as June 29. Indeed,
this rearrangement of the calendar is pro-
vided for in substantially these ways by
what is known as the Cotsworth Plan.

The advantages of this plan, if adopted,
would be many. All months being equal,
the day of the week would always indicate
the monthly date, and the monthly date
would indicate the week-day name. Both
day and date could then be simply re-
corded on the dials of all clocks and
watches. Weekly wages could be harmo-
nized with monthly rents and other ac-
counts. Pay-days would come around on
the same date each month. Fractions of
weeks at month-ends would cease. The
new calendar would simplify accounting
and statistical reports, not to mention in-
terest amounts. It would simplify one's
plans for Easter. It would save money
in printing and circulating calendars. It
would save time in referring to calendars.
It would do away with holidays in the
middle of the week and assure workers of
two or three days when holidays occur.

There is no argument against changing
the calendar except inertia. Since the
calendar has been changed from time to
time; since, indeed, nations with a popu-
lation of more than three hundred mil-
lion inhabitants have changed their cal-
endars since the late war, the Turkish
Government changing the Mohammedan
Sabbath from Friday to Sunday, this ar-
gument is not impressive.

Under date of October 7, the Secretary
to the League of Nations Committee hav-
ing to do vnth the reform of the calen-
dar wrote to Mr. M. B. Cotsworth, of the
Fixed Calendar League, Rochester, New
York, as follows:

"The folloveing letter was sent to the
United States and other governments on
September 30th:

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

The Secretary General of the League of
Nations has the honor to communicate to
the United States Government the following
resolution which was adopted by the Ad-
visory and Technical (Committee for Com-
munications and Transit during its eleventh
session, held at Geneva from August 19th
to 22nd, 1927:

"The Advisory and Technical Committee
for Communications and Transit decides to
request the Secretary General of the League
of Nations to invite all the administrations
and organizations concerned to give the com-
mittee all information of value to it on any
action taken on the suggestions contained in
the report of the Committee of Enquiry into
the Reform of the Calendar, and more par-
ticularly on the national proposal for the
establishment of committees of enquiry to
study this reform."

"In accordance with this resolution, the
Secretary General has the honor to re-
quest the United States Government to
forward to him any useful information
on this subject which it may possess."

Simplification of the calendar is a ques-
tion of immediate and international im-
portance.

Calendar simplification will be of the
greatest value to all classes and all pro-
fessions. It involves no controversies of
any kind. It is a scientific proposition
backed by leaders in all walks of life.
Mr. George Eastman, of Kodak fame, and
many other leading men of affairs are
especially interested.

The International Chamber of Com-
merce and the League of Nations have
both investigated and acted favorably on
it. The Chamber of Commerce of the
United States, on the recommendations
of its board of directors and national
counselors, has just formed a special com-
mittee of eleven men to investigate the
subject and report. The Department of
State has just canvassed all government
departments on the question, with the
result that all are favorable.

An international conference, similar to
the one held in this country which estab-

lished standard time, will eventually be
called by international agreement to con-
sider the equalization of the months for
universal adoption.

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION

INVESTIGATES THE PROBLEM

OF MIGRATION

THE Interparliamentary Union hopes
to discuss at its Twenty-fifth Confer-
ence, to be held in the City of Berlin, prob-
ably in July next, certain aspects of mi-
grations. At the Twenty-second Confer-
ence, meeting in 1924, at Berne and Ge-
neva, the Union established a Permanent
Committee on Social Questions and in-
structed it to study the problems of emi-
gration and immigration. The committee
is devoting itself especially to certain
political features of the problem. Since
the members have been kind enough to ad-
dress specific inquiries to us, we believe
our foreign friends will be interested in
the following attitudes of our country to-
ward given phases of the matter.

Briefly, public opinion in the United
States may be said to favor our immigra-
tion laws as they exist. Some there are
who would like to see the act somewhat
liberalized; others who would do away
with all immigration to the United States.
In the main, however, our people seem to
favor our present selective immigration
law, which lets into the country only the
better class of immigrants, irrespective of
the country of embarkation.

Our government does not interest itself
in emigration from the United States, for
the reason that few Americans emigrate
to other countries, these consisting of a
comparatively few immigrants and their
children born here.

Our government welcomes immigrants
from the learned professions, visitors,
tourists, transients, and students, no mat-
ter from what country they come. Immi-
gration from Asia is practically forbidden,

1928

EDITORIALS

due, it would seem, to certain incompati-
bilities between Oriental and American
tastes. Immigration from the south of
Europe is restricted because of the feeling
that the better class of persons from that
section of Europe do not come for the pur-
pose of settling in America. Immigration
from the north of Europe is favored be-
cause immigrants from that part of the
world belong to stocks similar to our
own and assimilate more readily with our
people.

The authorities of our country do not
seek to maintain ties of a political, social,
or other nature between immigrants to our
shores and their mother countries. Emi-
g^rant Americans remain Americans until
they expatriate themselves. The govern-
ment neither encourages nor discourages
such emigrant Americans. It pursues the
same policy in all countries to which our
nationals may go.

Our government makes no attempt to
assimilate the Orientals, expecting that
such persons will soon return to their own
homes. This is true also of many who
come from the south of Europe. Those
who come here with the intention of re-
maining, however, are helped to become
assimilated. Assimilation schools exist to
teach immigrants American ideas. These
schools are usually of a local nature and
often supported by private enterprises.
They exist for the benefit of the more
ignorant and less favored classes, wholly
independent of the country of origin.

The people of this country would prob-
ably not be interested in any general
treaty concerning immigration or emigra-
tion affecting the United States. There
would be no opposition, of course, to other
countries adopting general treaties of such
a character.

These remarks, offered in reply to the
questions submitted from the committee,
should include the assurance to our friends
abroad that all thoughtful persons in
America will be glad to know that the

Interparliamentary Union is studying the
problem, and they will await with interest
the results of its investigations.

THE INTERNATIONAL WHALE

THE conservation of the whale, in the
view of our government, is entitled to
an international conference. The in-
formation has cropped out in corre-
spondence between Washington and the
League of Nations. Our Department of
State, according to this correspondence,
is not favorable to' the suggestion that we
permit testimony relating to criminal
cases in foreign countries to be carried on
by the use of letters rogatory on the
ground that there is no provision for such
a procedure in the laws of our Federal
Government. Since such proceedings
CQuld be carried on only pursuant to the
laws of the several States, our Depart-
ment of State does not deem it advisable
to make commitments by international
conventions to change the existing prac-
tice. Moreover, evidence obtained in for-
eign countries through letters rogatory
could not be used in criminal cases in the
United States, since under the Constitu-
tion the accused must be confronted by
the witnesses against him. The Govern-
ment of the United States is not prepared
to serve summonses emanating from for-
eign courts on witnesses or experts resi-
dent in the United States or to surrender
persons in custody except through the
process of extradition.

Our authorities have recently held that
conventions on the subject of judicial co-
operation will doubtless serve useful pur-
poses among countries of close geographic
proximity; but that it is not apparent
that uniform applications of such agree-
ments is necessary. It appears that we
would not look with favor upon any gen-
eral international convention regarding
the legal positions and functions of consuls.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

It is the view of the Government of
the United States that international ar-
rangements on the general subject of (1)
nationality, (2) territorial waters, (3)
diplomatic privileges and immunities, and
(4) responsibility of States in respect of
injury caused in their territory to the per-
son or property of foreigners would serve
a useful purpose and would, therefore, be
desirable; and that there should be no in-
superable obstacles to the concluding of
agreements on these general subjects. It
is in relation to the exploitation of the
products of the sea that the Government of
the United States has turned to the matter
of whales. It has expressed the opinion
that information as to the status of fisher-
ies for most of the true fishes is not suf-
ficiently completed to admit of adequate
regulations at the present time; that in
most cases fisheries may best be regulated
by treaties between the nations most di-
rectly concerned; that investigations to
determine the best interests of various
fisheries should be encouraged, and that
an international conference is desirable to
consider the problem of conserving the
whale.

PAN AMERICA ADVANCES

THE Sixth International Conference
of American States convened in the
city of Havana, January 16, is a major
international fact. It is devoting itself
to an examination of the Pan American
Union as an organization, to matters of
justice in the Western Hemisphere, to
problems of communications, to intellec-
tual co-operation, to economic and social
problems, to reports on treaties, conven-
tions, and resolutions, and to the possi-
bilities of future conferences.

These conferences, the first one of
which met in Washington in the winter
1889-90, the second in Mexico City in
1901, the third in Rio de Janeiro, 1906,

the fourth in Buenos Aires in 1910, the
fifih in Santiago, Chile, in 1923, have all
contributed to the upbuilding of Paji
Americanism. Indeed Pan Americanism
may be said to date from 1826, when,
upon the initiative of Simon Bolivar, it
was attempted to organize at Panama a
conference of envoys from republics of
the Western World "to deliberate upon
objects of peculiar concernment in this
hemisphere." This early will to co-opera-
tion in our Western World found vibrant
expression in Henry Clay, "the most de-
termined champion in the United States
of the Latin American nations"; in the
work of John Quincy Adams, and, much
later, in the energetic initiative of James
G. Blaine, who, as Secretary of State in
the Cabinet of President Benjamin Harri-
son, planned in 1889 the conference "to
consider and discuss methods of prevent-
ing war between the nations of America,"
which conference began the series of which
this is the sixth.

The fact that President Coolidge saw
fit not only to appoint a commission of
most distinguished jurists to represent us
at the Conference in Havana, but himself
to go to the conference and to deliver at
the opening session a carefully prepared
address, is evidence of the importance at-
tached to the event. This address, appear-
ing elsewhere in these columns as an in-
ternational document, was an address in
the interest of peace. It pointed out that
one of our strongest characteristics in
this Western Hemisphere is "a determina-
tion to adjust differences among ourselves,
not by resort to force, but by the applica-
tion of the principles of justice and
equity." Mr. Coolidge clearly showed his
faith in the sovereignty of small nations.
Not for a long time has the position of
the American Peace Society been so ade-
quately stated by one in official position
as by President Coolidge when in his
address he said :

EDITORIALS

"It is a high example that we have set
for the world in resolving international
differences without resort to force. If
these conferences mean anything, they
mean the bringing of all our people more
definitely and more completely under the
reign of law. After all, it is in that di-
rection that we must look with the great-
est assurance for human progress.

"We can make no advance in the realm
of economics, we can do nothing for edu-
cation, we can accomplish but little even
in the sphere of religion, imtil human
affairs are brought within the orderly rule
of law. The surest refuge of the weak
and the oppressed is in the law. It is
pre-eminently the shield of small nations.
This is necessarily a long, laborious proc-
ess, which must broaden out from prece-
dent to precedent, from the general ac-
ceptance of principle to principle.

"New activities require new laws. The
rules for the governing of aviation are
only beginning to be considered. We shall
make more progress in the end if we pro-
ceed with deUberation. No doubt you will
find in your discussions many principles
that you are ready to announce as sound
and settled rules of action."

Persons acquainted with the facts can-
not accuse the United States of imperi-
alistic designs in Latin America. This
country contemplates the acquisition of
no territory anywhere south of the Rio
Grande. On the contrary, it is our con-
cern that freedom and self-government
shall become increasingly the pride and
strength of our sister American republics.
When President Machado of Cuba, speak-
ing at the opening sessions of the con-
ference, referred to the people of this
country as "the great people whom Cuba
had the honor of seeing at her side in
her bloody struggle for independence,
which she enjoys without limitation," he
said not only a true and gracious thing,
he aroused the justifiable pride of us all.

There is no dobut that the Sixth Inter-
national Conference of American States

will register an advance in what Presi-
dent Machado called "the welfare and
glory of this hemisphere, root of a new
humanity and crucible of a new civiliza-
tion."

It is the view of many that there is a
wide difference of opinion between the
Latin Pan- Americans and the North Pan-
Americans; that, indeed, these divergent
views represent two dangerous opposing
forces. It appears that Latin Pan-Ameri-
cans crave a fuller share in the decisions
affecting inter-American affairs. We are
told that Latin America's chief grievance
against the United States is that we are
altogether too willing to dominate the
Western Hemisphere. There may be some
ground for this view. The Conference in
Havana will lessen these frictions.

One acquainted with the history of
these American conferences, with the rec-
ord of the men serving as delegates in
Havana, cannot "view with alarm" any of
these differences. The Monroe Doctrine
is a common possession of our twenty-
one republics. It will remain such for
a long time. Objections to it are of no
appreciable importance. Every delegate
at Havana representing the United States
is known to recognize the equality of
American republics under the law of na-
tions. We may believe that our own dele-
gates stand for the territorial integrity
of all the Latin American nations, and
that they are opposed to all acts of ag-
gression between any of these States.
When Charles Evans Hughes, head of the
United States delegation at Havana, pre-
sented as Secretary of State, on March
2, 1925, the thirty projects prepared by
the American Institute of International
Law to the Governing Board of the Pan
American Union, he knew that Project
No. 7 was a declaration of the rights and
duties of nations. In presenting these

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

projects, including this declaration of the
rights and duties of nations, he referred
to them as marking "a definite step in
the progress of civilization and the pro-
motion of peace." It should be added
that the man who drafted this declara-
tion of the rights and duties of nations,
James Brown Scott, is also one of our
delegates at Havana. There is no reason
for doubting that the conference in Ha-
vana will recognize that every State has
duties as well as rights, and that these
correlative rights and duties relate to the
existence, equality, protection, and happi-
ness of all the States.

It is fair to presume that the confer-
ence in Havana will facilitate the peaceful
settlement of international disputes on
this hemisphere. Judging from a recent
address by President Coolidge, nothing
will be done at Havana to imperil the
Panama Canal or to belittle the fact that
disturbances in the Cai;ibbean are almost
always of special concern to us. Our
Latin American friends, as a result of
the conference, will see more clearly than
seems to have been possible of late that
this country seeks no additional territory,
and that the chief aim of the United
States is to advance the processes of
friendly co-operation, upon which depend
the common interests of all the peoples.

Latin American States will learn again,
what in their innermost consciousness they
have always known, that the United States
has no designs upon the independence of
any of them. They will realize afresh,
as pointed out by Mr. Hughes in his able
speech of January 21, that the primary
motives of this country are to advance sta-
bility, mutual good-will, and co-operation
throughout this Hemisphere. These are
not merely pious wishes with us of the
northern regions of our western world.
They represent a desire to play our part
actively, constructively, and worthily in
the business.

OUR COUNTRY'S GREATEST
PEACE SOCIETY

IT WOULD contribute to sanity if the
various peace societies of our country
would recall from time to time that, im-
portant as is their work, there is a peace
society greater than the greatest of them,
namely, our Department of State. This,
our greatest peace society, is financially
supported by the membership of over one
hundred eighteen million of us. It is
working through ambassadors and minis-
ters in fifty-five different countries. These
ministers and ambassadors are aided in
their work by approximately six hundred
persons. This peace society is working
also in over four hundred cities, scattered
through fifty-seven countries, with a per-
sonnel of nearly three thousand others.
No other peace society in America — in-
deed, not all of the other peace societies
put together — can compare, even in per-
sonnel, with such an organization.

The head office of this, our greatest,
peace society, located in Washington,
D. C, is itself an impressive organization.
Acting under the President of the United
States, the chief officer of this Society is
known as the Secretary of State, ranking
member of the President's Cabinet.
There is an Undersecretary of State and
four Assistant Secretaries of State.
There is a legal department in this society
headed by an official known as the Solici-
tor of the Department of State. There is
a chief clerk, with an administrative
assistant. There is a Division of Far
Eastern Affairs, another of Latin Ameri-
can Affairs, another of Mexican Affairs,
another of Near Eastern Affairs, another
of Eastern European Affairs, and another
of Western European Affairs. There is
an economic adviser. There are divisions
having to do with publications, with the
control of passports, with current infor-
mation, and with our foreign service ad-

1928

EDITORIALS

ministration. There is a Bureau of Ac-
counts and another of Indexes and Ar-
chives. There are other divisions. Over
six hundred persons carry on the im-
mediate labors of the main office of this
functioning society of peace.

An interesting thing about this peace
society is that it does not devote its entire
time to discussing theoretical questions
and controversial problems of moral as-
piration. It deals directly, continually,
and almost always effectively with definite
international situations.

Some of the work of this peace society
has to do with our foreign trade. This
trade is not a negligible matter. In 1927
our country's exports amounted to $4,968,-
318,000, representing an increase of 41/^
per cent over the export values of 1926.
The merchandise purchased by the United
States from foreign countries in 1927 was
$4,252,024,000. Thus during 1927 our
foreign trade amounted to $9,220,342,000.
This business affects all of our consular
officers in foreign fields and often our
diplomatic representatives. There are the
customs invoices, the issuing of bills of
health, shipping, seamen's rights, landing
certificates, trade disputes, customs rul-
ings, and countless other duties, some of
them affecting war and peace.

The statistics of the activities of the
consular officers give a clear picture of
some of the effects of our foreign trade
upon the activities of the Department of
State during the fiscal year 1927. During
that year the consuls certified 964,566
invoices of merchandise shipped to the
United States; they rendered 172,912
notarial services; they cleared 19,349
American vessels; they shipped and dis-
charged 40,467 seamen; they issued 45,-
263 bills of health; they made more than
100,000 reports on trade conditions for
the information of American business
men and the Department of Commerce;
their correspondence reached the total of

2,918,157 pieces; the total number of the
services rendered by them was 1,949,516,
and the total amount of fees collected was
$7,116,495.92, which was $267,183.48
more than the amount collected in 1926,
and far more than enough to pay the
entire cost of the consular branch of the
foreign service. Mr. Wilbur J. Carr,
Assistant Secretary of State, speaking
before the subcommittee of the House
Committee on Appropriations last No-
vember, gave the following interesting in-
formation relative to the simple matter
of passport fees. He said :

"It follows, as matter of course, that
the more our interests in foreign countries
multiply and our trade increases, the
greater is the number of Americans who
go abroad. This increase in travel is
shown by the number of passports issued
by the Department of State. The number
issued in 1927 was 189,762, an increase
of 3.7 per cent over the number issued in
1926 and 53 per cent over the number
issued in 1923. The fees received there-
from amounted to $1,587,409, enough to
pay the entire cost of operating the De-
partment of State in Washington, with
$181,204 to spare."

Thus we have here a peace society rep-
resenting us all and dealing with sizable
business. Take the matter of our private
investments abroad. According to our
Department of Commerce, these invest-
ments, increasing from 1923 to 1926 by
38.3 per cent, reached at the end of 1926
the grand total of $11,215,000,000.
Nearly one-half of these investments are
in Latin America. One of the most im-
portant functions of this our common
peace society is to protect and further the
interests of American citizens in foreign
countries, including their investments.

It is engaged in the practical peace
task of maintaining peace conditions in
which international trade and intercourse
may flourish. It aims to promote peace

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

in the interest of peaceful pursuits. It
tries to achieve this end through its agents
abroad and through various international
conferences.

These conferences relate to a variety of
problems. We have participated in a
series of meetings in Geneva relating to
the reduction of arms. We have suc-
ceeded in getting unconditional favored-
nation treatment for our investors in
Spain. We have participated in the larg-
est international conference ever held, as-
sociating ourselves with eighty different
governments, concerned with problems af-
fecting radiotelegraphy. We are at the
present time negotiating commercial
treaties with a score of countries. We are
in conference at this moment with our
sister republics to the south. We are deal-
ing with complicated situations in China.
Our Department of State is a peace so-
ciety working at the job twenty-four hours
of every day.

The success of this organization is di-
rectly attributable to the wisdom with
which it handles realities. This wisdom
is not an accident; it is carefully pre-
pared for and guarded. As has been said,
there is a solicitor. It is to this legal ad-
visor, with his twenty-three assistants and
a clerical staff, to whom is submitted a
very large volume of questions, ranging
over the entire field of legal jurispru-
dence. This is why it is possible for the
department to act effectively through its
wide area of problems, involving diplo-
matic claims, boundaries, aliens, con-
tracts, official rights, shipping, citizen-
ship, extradition, and many others. It is
the solicitor, functioning as the legal ex-
pert of the department, to whom the Sec-
retary of State turns for advice and coun-
sel in matters of Federal and State laws,
or the laws of foreign countries, treaties,
and international law. The solicitor finds
that practically every case submitted to
him involves the consideration and appli-

cation of from one to four different legal
tests — its relations to municipal law, to
the laws of a foreign country, to treaty
provisions, and to the principles of inter-
national law. It is the solicitor who has
charge of the duties of negotiating and
drafting as well as construing treaties,
conventions, proctocols, and executive
agreements with foreign governments.
The solicitor deals with legal questions in-
volving millions of dollars of claims.
Upon his recommendations our govern-
ment admits or denies millions of dollars
of claims. Upon his advice we present to
foreign governments a variety of claims,
often amounting to millions. The depart-
ment, when it acts, acts with the advice
of its legal department, headed by the
solicitor.

This very effective peace society, which
has grown up in our midst, quite outside
the Constitution and in answer to definite
needs, commands the attention and sup-
port of every peace society concerned to
advance the interests of justice between
nations.

IACK of information about our De-
J partment of State has a direct
bearing upon the quality of our for-
eign relations. We of the United States
should know more of this department and
its work. In particular, we should know
that it is insufficiently manned and re-
munerated. Out of 633 employees in the
department, 79 per cent receive salaries
below the average compensation for their
grades. The inevitable result is an un-
satisfactory morale and a disturbing turn-
over in personnel. During 1927 the
turnover in the stenographic section alone
was 68 per cent, due almost entirely to a
lack of adequate compensation. Clerks
required to know French and Spanish
and to have a "pretty thorough knowl-
edge of American history" receive $1,680

1928

EDITORIALS

a year. Mr. Tyler Dennett, Chief of the
Division of Publications, recently told the
House Committee on Appropriations of a
young woman engaged upon the archives,
a graduate of Eadcliffe College, who had
studied abroad and had several years' ex-
perience teaching French and Spanish,
rated on the civil list as a typist at $1,320
a year. Salaries of men at the head of
the important department divisions are
wholly inadequate. The Undersecretary
of State receives $7,500; the Solicitor,
$7,000 ; the Chief Clerk, $4,200 ; Chief of
the Division of Latin American Affairs,
$6,000 ; Chief of the Division of European
Affairs, $4,000; Chief of the Division of
Publications, $4,200, one of the chiefs
receiving as low as $3,600. Invaluable
papers stored away in damp basements are
going to tragic ruin because there is in-
sufficient money properly to repair and
to house them.

countries are, we understand, the first to
respond to the invitation of the League.
It is reasonable to expect, however, that
others will follow.

\\/"HEN the League of Nations recom-
* » mended the co-operation of States in
the interest of the progressive extension
of arbitration by means of special collec-
tive agreements on the Locarno model,
the recommendation aroused interest in
various quarters. Both Sweden and Nor-
way have submitted model draft treaties
of conciliation and arbitration, proposing
that all disputes between the contracting
parties over the interpretation of treaties
should go to the Permanent Court of In-
ternational Justice. The drafts further
provide, however, that parties in dispute
may, if they choose, set up a judicial
court of their own. Councils of concilia-
tion are provided for in the case of politi-
cal disputes. Both treaties provide for a
recourse to the League of Nations under
certain circumstances. Neither provides
for any reservations as to the questions to
be dealt with. The Norwegian treaties go
the further in direction of compulsory
arbitration. These two Scandinavian

nPHE clarification of American views
-^ relative to the Codification of Inter-
national Law will be appreciably aided
by the research in this field now under-
taken by a group of American specialists
in preparation for the Conference on the
Codification of International Law, to be
held at The Hague next year. These
studies and research are to be conducted
in co-operation with the special commit-
tee set up two years ago by the League of
Nations. The work will be under the
direction of Prof. Manley 0. Hudson, of
the Harvard Law School. It is to re-
late to the problems of nationality, under
the direction of Eichard F. Flournoy,
of Washington; of territorial waters, un-
der the chairmanship of Prof. Charles
Grafton Wilson, of Harvard University;
of the responsibility of States for dam-
age done on their territory to the person
or property of foreigners, this committee
to be headed by Prof. Edwin Borchard, of
Yale University. There is an Executive
Committee composed of Joseph E. Beale,
Manley 0. Hudson, Charles Cheney Hyde,
Eldon E. James, Francis B. Sayre, James
Brown Scott, and George W. Wickersham.
The Advocate of Peace is pleased that
this important work is to be done and by
men of this standing. It regrets, how-
ever, that they are not to act as official
spokesmen for the United States Govern-
ment.

THE invisible items, we have long be-
lieved, have entered too little into the
calculations of our international econo-
mists. When told, as is frequently the
case, that because we buy from abroad less
than we export, that therefore it is physi-
cally impossible for Europe to pay her

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

debts to the United States, we have had
our doubts. The "balance of trade" for-
mula has never quite seemed convincing.
We now know from the Department of
Commerce that the invisible item of tour-
ists' expenditures from abroad last year
amounted to probably over $700,000,000.
The Director of the United States Bureau
of Foreign and Domestic Commerce has
been quoted recently as saying that "if the
whole of Europe had ratified the entire
debt settlement agreement, the entire

costs for the year would have been only
$213,000,000. It was estimated that ap-
proximately $375,000,000 was spent in
France alone. Furthermore, it appears
that while our trade with Europe fell off
slightly last year, it has not fallen as
much as European trade in other parts of
the world. Furthermore, it is interesting
to note, while our trade is increasing with
Australia, England's trade with Aus-
tralia is increasing also.

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

THE LIRA ON THE GOLD
BASIS

ON DECEMBER 21, the Italian Gov-
ernment promulgated a decree plac-
ing the lira on the gold basis. Although
this important step in Italy's financial
policy has been expected for some time, the
actual action of the government came as
a surprise.

Details of the Decree

The decree fixed the following exchange
rate of the lira as from December 22: 19
to the dollar, 92.46 to the pound sterling.

The gold parity is fixed at 7.919 grams
of fine gold to 100 lire. No change is
made in the validity of the silver and
paper currency at present in circulation.
The Bank of Italy is authorized to esti-
mate its whole reserve of gold or foreign
gold-standard currencies in Italian lire at
the gold parity fixed by the decree. Any
balance resulting from this revaluation of
the Bank of Italy's reserve is to be placed
to the credit of the State. The Bank of
Italy must hold reserves in gold or foreign
gold-standard currencies for not less than
40 per cent of the value of its notes in
circulation.

Mussolini's Explanation of the Decree

Signor Mussolini, in presenting the
decree for the approval of the cabinet,

recalled the passage in his speech at
Pesaro in August, 1926, in which he de-
clared his determination to defend the lira
to the utmost; and then reviewed the re-
sults of that pledge, culminating in the
return to the gold standard.

The revaluation policy had, he said,
stopped, once for all, all speculation on the
fall of the lira. An even higher revalua-
tion would at present be possible, but un-
desirable, because it might lead to inter-
national speculation, would aggravate the
economic crisis, and impose unbearable
burdens on the State, and therefore on its
citizens. The present value of the lira
corresponded to the gold index of world
prices, and represented the point at which
State and private interests found the fair-
est equilibrium. It had never been the
intention of the Fascist Government to
return to pre-war parity, but the estab-
lishment of a gold standard was easier to
achieve with a rising than with a falling
currency value.

The Council of Ministers, Signor Mus-
solini concluded, could take the present
decision with clear consciences, certain
that it would close the period of exchange
fluctuations and place Italy once more
among the nations which enjoyed a stable
exchange. Italy's return to a gold stand-
ard would not only have a profound effect
upon the development of national econ-
omy, but would contribute toward the

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

definite and peaceful reconstruction of
world economy.

Collaboration of Foreign Banks

In explaining the measures taken for
the accomplishment of this important step,
before a meeting of the cabinet, Count
Volpi, the Minister of Finance, told how
the Bank of Italy, following the example
of the Bank of England in 1924, had,
before taking the present step, assured
for itself the collaboration of the interna-
tional banking world. He outlined the
negotiations recently concluded in London
between Signor Stringher, director gen-
eral of the Bank of Italy, the governor of
the Bank of England, and representatives
of American Banking. The Bank of Italy
would in all probability have to avail itself
of the credits for a total of $125,000,000.
The return to a gold standard did not.
Count Volpi continued, constitute a solu-
tion of all Italian economic difficulties.
The efforts to reorganize industry and
agriculture must continue unabated, but
in the long run the country could not fail
to reap incalculable benefits from the
present decision.

The Bank of Italy has arranged special
agreements with a group of the central
banks, headed by the Bank of England
and by the Federal Reserve Bank, for a
credit of $75,000,000, and with a group
of ordinary banks, headed by J. P. Mor-
gan, for a further credit of $50,000,000.
These credits are at its disposal for the
defense of the new Italian gold lira (new
parity). With these credits Italy wiU
have in gold or its equivalent 16,497,000,-
000 lire, against 17,500,000,000 lire
(nearly) of notes, which gives a propor-
tion of about 94 per cent.

FRENCH FINANCIAL POLICY

THE financial policy of France is defi-
nitely headed in the direction of a
legal stabilization of the franc. With Bel-
gium on a stable monetary basis for over
a year and with Italy on a gold basis, it
becomes increasingly difficult for the
French Government to delay the final step
in formally placing the currency on a
stable basis, since in reality the franc has
been stable for nearly a year and a half.

Two important events have recently taken
place which indicate the approach of
stabilization. These were the adoption of
a balanced budget for the next fiscal year
and the promulgation of a decree per-
mitting the export of capital; but, on the
other hand, the financial and political sit-
uation in France is such that the final
step may still be delayed for some months
to come.

The Budget for 1928

The financial bill, embodying the budget
for 1928, did not pass the two chambers of
the French Parliament without much de-
bate and bitter controversy. The Cham-
ber passed the bill on December 12, but
the Senate took exception to several items,
with the result that the final passage of
the bill was delayed until December 26.
The final figures of the budget are as fol-
lows: Revenues, 42,496,616,196 francs;
expenditures, 42,441,457,260 francs. This
leaves a surplus of 55 million francs,
which, it is expected, wiU be used up for
extra expenditures.

In a comprehensive review of the bud-
get, prepared for the Senate by its re-
porter, M. Henry Cheron, every 100 francs
paid by the French taxpayer is applied as
follows :

Francs

Public debt and sinking fund .... 41.50
Old age, war, and war victims'

pensions 16.44

Civil and military personnel 16.44

National defense 15.61

Public authorities 0.15

Civil expenditure 7.25

New public works 0.70

Social insurance and relief 1.85

International expenditure 0.06

Total 100.00

It is, of course, not possible to judge the
exact meaning of these figures without
more detailed information than is at pres-
ent available; but, accepting them as a
rough indication, they show, as they are
obviously meant to show, the extent to
which France is burdened with debt and
pensions arising directly out of the war
and the reaction of this burden upon the
present and future welfare of the country.
The figures indicate that considerably

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

more, than half the revenue is devoted to
paying for the war and its consequences,
and that military expenditure as such does
not occupy in the French budget the
formidable position generally supposed.
M. Cheron observes with satisfaction that
at least there has been no new increase in
the debt, and that as the result of the
various consolidating operations the pub-
lic has been relieved of disturbing fluctua-
tions and the treasury has reaped con-
siderable advantage.

Export of Capital

The question of introducing freedom of
export of capital has been one that has
received a great deal of discussion.
France has maintained through the whole
post-war period more or less stringent gov-
ernment regulation of the movement of
capital; but lately there has been a rather
insistent demand that this system be re-
laxed.

The question was raised in the course
of the debate on the budget, and on De-
cember 13, in replying to M. Margaine,
a Socialist-Eadical deputy, who asked for
the removal of restrictions, M. Poincare
said that the governor of the Bank of
France was opposed to liberty of export.
The Prime Minister added that personally
he was trying to re-establish freedom of
export, but in the present period of finan-
cial restoration the government should be
in agreement with the bank of isue as to
the time at which freedom of export can be
restored. He asked the Chamber to have
confidence and leave it to the government
to choose the proper moment.

The government chose this "proper
moment" about a month later, and France
now has free export of capital, which is a
necessary prerequisite to legal stabilization
of the currency. There seems little doubt,
however, that this measure was taken as
a means of testing the situation. The
huge reserves of foreign currency held by
the Bank of France have been accumu-
lated largely through an influx of foreign
capital since the de facto stabilization. It
is obviously necessary for the government
and the Bank of France to test in some
way how much of this capital is likely to
leave the country again.

THIRD YEAR OF THE DAWES
PLAN

THE Agent General for Separation
Payments has issued his report on the
third year of the operation of the Dawes
Plan. The report is dated December 10
and the general observations extend into
the first few months of the fourth year.
These observations have been awaited with
eagerness in consequence of the warnings
contained in the interim report of last
June and the striking criticisms of Ger-
man public finance which the agent gen-
eral conveyed in a special memorandum on
October 20 (which is published in full,
together with the German Government's
reply, as an appendix to the annual re-
port). If the observations are, as was
expected, expressed in somewhat milder
terms than the memorandum, the agent
general adheres firmly to the general
views he has already expressed. He takes
note of the various admissions in the Ger-
man reply to the memorandum, of the
various reforms announced, and of the im-
provements already effected during the
last two months, and expresses the hope
that they foreshadow a period of sounder
finance in the interests both of Germany
and of the Dawes Plan.

During the six months that have elapsed
since the presentation of the interim re-
port, the agent general says, the plan has
continued to function normally in the
field of reparation payments and trans-
fers; the latter have gone forward regu-
larly and currently without disturbance to
the exchange and to an increasing extent
in the form of foreign currency payments.
During these same months, however, the
dangerous tendencies which had already
appeared developed still further. "It ac-
cordingly became necessary, on October
20, 1927, for the Agent General for Eep-
aration Payments to present to the Ger-
man Government a memorandum" to draw
attention to the dangers which these ten-
dencies seemed to involve for the German
economy and the Experts'' Plan. It will
be noticed that the agent general makes
no references to a request by the German
Government for the presentation of the
memorandum.

1928

WORLD PROBLEM IS IN REVIEW

Foreign Borrowings and the Budget

After a brief summary of the memoran-
dum, the agent general turns to the Ger-
man reply, which, he says, expressed its
general agreement with the need for econ-
omy in public finance, and stated that if
the plans which the government was mak-
ing could be successfully carried out, the
period of high extraordinary expenditures
by the Eeich might be looked upon as
closed. The reply also indicated the in-
tention of the government to work for ad-
ministrative reform and for a better de-
velopment of the finances of the States
and communes, and a better organization
of their foreign borrowings. "It is to be
hoped that actual results will follow along
these lines, and already some positive steps
have been taken."

In the section devoted to the budget Mr.
Gilbert recalls his various earlier warn-
ings and again points out that the last two
Eeich budgets have not been soundly
balanced. He suggests that the lesson was
driven home only when the government
tried to borrow in an exhausted home mar-
ket to cover its extraordinary expenditures.
But, whatever the cause, a change was
made. The results, as seen in the draft
budget for 1928-29, which has become
available early enough this year for treat-
ment in his report, he finds welcome and
promising, particularly the reduction of
the extraordinary expenditure — 471,000,-
000 marks last year to 176,000,000 marks
with no fresh authorization to borrow.
He also welcomes the simplifications in
the accounting system. Although these
changes do not represent much advance in
the essential control of expenditure, he re-
gards them, together with recent evidences
of more resistance to new expenditure in
other ways, as an encouraging sign.

Moreover, he calls attention to indica-
tions that public opinion in Germany is
becoming more and more united on the
opportunities for administrative reform
which undoubtedly exist, and welcomes
the conference of State premiers sum-
moned for next month to consider them,
as well as the efforts of the Foreign Loans
Advisory Committee to obtain by means
of questionnaires a comprehensive survey
of the total loan requirements of States
and municipalities.

The agent general expresses, but with-

out very strong conviction, the hope that
the lead given by the Eeich will be fol-
lowed by the States and communes, whose
extravagance he continues to criticize.
He makes an interesting comparison be-
tween the restraint on private and public
borrowing. In the case of the local pub-
lic bodies, he mentions such considerations
as "matters of prestige of one city against
another, questions of social or political ad-
vantage/' which do not influence the pri-
vate borrower, who is guided by plain
business principles. He also points out
that, owing to the inflation. State and
municipal debts in Germany, even after
revalorization, remain relatively low, a
consideration which influences the foreign
banker, for the service of whose loan the
general taxing power can be relied upon.
The distribution among the States of rev-
enue collected by the Eeich under the
present provisional system is criticized
along the now familiar lines, especially in
view of the increased revenue expected
next year, which may tempt the States and
communes to expand their expenditures to
keep pace with the increasing transfers
from the Eeich and lead to their being
unwilling in any final settlement to take
less than the maximum they have received
under the provisional system.

Problem of Transfers

In an important section on transfer, Mr.
Gilbert reasserts the legal claim of the
Eeparation Commission and the Transfer
Committee to the priority of reparation
payments and transfers. He points out
that the only German public loan which
has been excepted from this provision
under Article 248 of the Versailles Treaty
is the German external loan of 1924.
Fifteen State loans have been placed
abroad so far, and in no case has applica-
tion been made for such an exception. In
only one case, the Prussian loan of 1926,
was the loan formally brought to the at-
tention of the reparation authorities. On
that occasion Mr. Parker Gilbert replied,
stating that he had consistently advised
both the Eeich Finance Minister and the
issuing bankers that, in the absence of an
express exception by the Eeparation Com-
mission, an external loan of the State of
Prussia must be regarded as ranking sec-
ondary to reparations. In the case of the

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

external loan, the Eeparation Commission
had granted a priority over reparation pay-
ments, "and the Transfer Committee, by
appropriate resolution, recognized that
priority as against the transfer of repara-
tions."

In the absence of an application for an
exception, the Transfer Committee under-
stood that the secondary character of the
Prussian loan was recognized. In the
same letter exception was takan to the
wording of the prospectus "unless quali-
fied ^y reference to the priority of repara-
tion payments and transfers."" In fact,
whenever the question has arisen the rep-
aration authorities have fully reserved the
legal rights of the creditor powers and
have made it quite clear that they regard
all the State loans as secondary in respect
of transfer as well as of payments.

Future of the Plan

In his conclusions Mr. Gilbert touches
upon the future of the Dawes Plan. He
points out that the Experts' Plan estab-
lished a protected system, designed to
safeguard the German exchange and se-
cure the maximum of transfers without
involving a general control over Ger-
many's affairs. It is fundamental to the
experts' conception that the plan should
be given a fair test, during which Ger-
many should exercise prudence and not
dissipate her resources and credits through
overspending and overborrowing by the
public authorities. The assurances con-
tained in the government's reply to the
memorandum furnish a basis for proceed-
ing with the test of practical experience.

In forming judgments, the weaknesses
of the protected system must be considered.
Transfer protection tends to save the Ger-
man public authorities from some of the
consequences of their actions, and the un-
certainty as to the total amount of the
reparation liabilities inevitably tends
everywhere in Germany to diminish the
normal incentive to do the things and
carry out the reforms that would be clearly
in the country's own interests. The re-
port regarded the protected system as a
means to meet an urgent problem. The
only alternative is the final determination
of Germany's liabilities on an absolute
basis that contemplates no measure of
transfer protection. The experts did

not — indeed, could not — say when they
considered such a settlement would be-
come possible, but they described their
plan as providing "a settlement extending
in its application for a sufficient time to
restore confidence."
Mr. Gilbert concludes :

We are still in the testing period, and
further experience is needed. . . . But
confidence in the general sense is already
restored, and the proof of it is present on
many sides. ... As time goes on and
practical experience accumulates, it becomes
clearer that neither the reparation problem
nor the other problems depending on it will
be finally solved until Germany has been
given a definite task to perform on her own
responsibility, without foreign supervision
and without transfer protection. This, I be-
lieve, is the principal lesson to be drawn from
the past three years, and it should be con-
stantly in the minds of all concerned as the
execution of the plan continues to unfold.

ITALY AND ALBANIA

ON DECEMBER 4 the Italian Parlia-
ment ratified by acclamation the
treaty of Tirana, signed on November 27,
1926, and the Italo- Albanian Treaty of
Defensive Alliance, signed on November
22, 1927. The two treaties are now in
full force.

Mussolini on the Albanian Problem

In presenting the second treaty to Par-
liament, Signor Mussolini appended to it
a report on the Albanian situation and
the wisdom, from Italy's point of view, of
the two treaties.

Had Italy really desired to apply the
Treaty of Tirana in the manner mali-
ciously attributed to her, Signor Mus-
solini pointed out, it would have been suffi-
cient for her to allow the threatening sit-
uation which arose between Yugoslavia
and Albania last March to develop. By
sounding a note of warning on this occa-
sion Italy proved that she desired not only
the peaceful application of the treaty, but
was anxious to collaborate with all the
interested powers in assuring the main-
tenance of peaceful relations between Al-
bania and her neighbors. The Duce re-
stated the pacific intention of the treaty

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

and Italy's fundamental need to guarantee
through the independence of Albania her
own security in the Adriatic. "Italy," he
said in conclusion, "finds in the Treaty of
Tirana the conditions necessary for the
liberty of her commerce and the safety of
her shores, which means conditions neces-
sary to establish her equilibrium, liberty,
and security in other seas.** On these
grounds she is convinced that she has
added a further factor toward the main-
tenance of that peace upon which her
policy of development and reconstruction
is based.

In a short speech the rapporteur of the
treaty, Signor Torre, compared the respec-
tive positions of Italy and Albania with
those of Great Britain and Belgium. The
independence of Albania is, he considered,
of even greater importance to Italy than
is that of Belgium to Great Britain, be-
cause the latter is the strongest naval
power and has no land frontiers to protect.
Were the independence of Albania not
guaranteed, a situation similar to that of
Macedonia would inevitably arise. Italy's
justification, if nothing else, lies in the
fact that during the last 40 years it had
been Balkan incidents which had most fre-
quently upset the peace of Europe.

The Reaction in Yugoslavia

According to the Belgrade correspon-
dent of the Central European Observer,
Yugoslav public opinion was not greatly
disturbed by the new treaty between Italy
and Albania, since it has not really
changed the situation created by the
Treaty of Tirana. Moreover, the Yugo-
slavs believe that the present President of
Albania, who may soon become King, is
a man of tremendous cunning and can be
counted upon eventually to drive the
Italians out, just as they were thrown out
of Valona some years ago.

THE SYRIAN MANDATE

SYRIA has cost France much life and
treasure and has given her in return
"a lonely and thankless furrow to plow,"
according to a British observer, who has
recently visited the mandated territory.
One of the greatest difficulties faced by the
mandatory power was Syria's lack of

homogeneity. Lebanon, already for 50
years accustomed to a form of independ-
ence, was Christian with a strong Moslem
and Druse minority. Jebel Hauran was
Druse, the home of warlike Arab nomads
with a form of Unitarianism, neither
Christian nor Moslem, as a religion, whose
nature it was to live according to their own
lights and customs and whose inaccessi-
bility had ever rendered the imposition of
foreign control in any form hazardous and
difficult. Major Syria, the provinces of
Damascus and Aleppo, was Arab and
Orthodox. The Alouites, the "moun-
tainy" folk of the northwest, were yet an-
other separate entity.

It is no secret that in 1919 many
Frenchmen looked askance at the accept-
ance of responsibilities so foreign to their
national genius and so fraught with ill-
assorted problems. To begin with, there
was never an idea of Syrian unity. The
country lacked the elements of cohesion,
and the French rightly concentrated on a
policy of a federation of self-governing
States under an ever-lessening mandatory
control. Syrian history since the Armis-
tice is the story of the evolution of this
policy.

The Damascus Rising

As a beginning, they retained the exist-
ing organizations of Occupied Enemy Ter-
ritory Administration, replacing British
by French officers to assist and guide the
native personnel on behalf of the man-
datory. But within nine months trouble
had started in Damascus as a result of the
Emir Feisal's subscribing to the cry of
the Nationalist Party for independence
"without any form of foreign interfer-
ence." Feisal was expelled and his gov-
ernment abolished. Having thus cleared
the air, the French were ready to embark
upon their federation policy, and in the
winter of 1920 the Lebanon was declared
independent and three autonomous gov-
ernments were established in the Damas-
cus, Aleppo, and Alouite provinces.

Meanwhile the Turks had begun raid-
ing across the frontier, which then ran
north of Cilicia to the Euphrates. The
raids quickly became a war, and the out-
come was the Franklin-Bouillon-Mustapha
Kemal agreement and an economically un-
sound readjustment of the frontier on a

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Fehruary

line just north of Aleppo. In making this
arrangement with Angora the French
acted independently of their allies, with
results disastrous for all Western interests
in the Near East. The immediate local
reaction was a rising of the Alouites round
Antioch and a year of exhausting guerilla
fighting before mandatory authority was
re-established in the district.

Federation Policy

On the return of peace, however, the
French were able to resume their federal
policy and in 1922 followed up the 1920
arrangement by promulgating the federa-
tion of the three autonomous States under
a Federal Council responsible to the man-
datory. A year and a half of non-co-
operation and racial and religious jeal-
ousies sufficed to prove the scheme un-
workable; the federation and its council
were abolished; Aleppo and Damascus
were amalgamated into one administra-
tive unit, and the country reverted to de-
centralized government. The next crisis
was the outbreak of the Druse rebellion in
the south and southeast, which dragged on
for eighteen months.

M. de Jouvenel succeeded General Sar-
rail, whom the Druse rebellion had un-
seated. He celebrated the conclusion of
a twelve months' mission of pacification by
surprisingly endowing the Lebanon with a
complicated and top-heavy Parliamentary
regime. This body, at his departure,
rushed into opposition against the man-
datory over certain provisions of the Leb-
anese budget; whereupon M. Ponsot, the
new High Commissioner, had the un-
pleasant task of bringing it to reason.
He then went on leave to Paris, which,
orientalwise, was interpreted as fore-
shadowing a change in French policy ; but
his only pronouncement since his return
has been to reaffirm the idea of federation.

British Impressions

The British observer sums up his im-
pressions of mandated Syria in the fol-
lowing words:

Syria makes curious impressions on the
British traveler. He will be as embarrassed
by the unvarnished French condemnation of
our mandatory vagaries as by the stories told
by Lebanese notables, Maronite priests, and
Damascus waiters of how the French are

driving the country to the dogs. He will
instinctively react against the ubiquitous
policing of French troops, mostly black. He
will be shocked that an anachronistic cen-
sorship still cramps the activities of, among
others, reputable and recognized foreign
journalists. But on the balance his sym-
pathies will be with the French in their un-
grateful duties, in their past experiences, and
in their anxieties for a future which is still
complicated.

CHINESE NATIONALISTS
BREAK WITH MOSCOW

TWO outstanding events took place in
southern China during the month of
December. In the first place. General
Chiang Kai-Shek returned to active par-
ticipation in public affairs and was named
virtual dictator of the territory held by
the Nationalists. In the second place,
the government formed under his direc-
tion, influenced by a Communist uprising
in Canton, broke off relations with Mos-
cow.

Communist Uprising in Canton

The city of Canton was seized by Com-
munists on December 10. While they re-
mained in control only three days, their
short reign and the series of fights by
means of which the government troops
finally dislodged them almost reduced the
city to ruins.

The experience which Canton under-
went is said to be the worst in living
memory. It is estimated that 70 per cent
of the shops were wholly or partially
looted and the damage caused by fire was
serious. The Central Bank was destroyed,
but the strong room and its contents, it
is reported, have been found intact, while
the post office and customs were untouched,
and no attempt was made to molest for-
eigners. A Chinese correspondent during
a walk of one mile counted over 200
bodies.

The rapidity with which government
troops acted in dealing with the Canton
situation undoubtedly prevented the
spread of the Communist movement to
other portions of the Nationalist territory.
Plans were discovered for a more or less
concerted Communist rising in several im-
portant centers.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

The following communique was issued
by the Nationalist Government:

Under the instigation and direction of the
Russian Soviet consul in Canton on the night
of December 10, 1927, the Communists, to-
gether with the local bandits and some few
disloyal soldiers, ransacked the city of Can-
ton, setting on fire important business sec-
tions, occupying administrative offices, rob-
bing, raping, and murdering. The govern-
ment of Canton on the night of December 12,
with the revolutionary army under the leader-
ship of Chang Fah-hui [Chang Fat-Kwai],
Huang Chi-chang, Li Fu-lin, Hsueh Au, and
Chu Hui-yet, successfully and completely de-
feated and destroyed Communism in Canton.
Peace and order were restored on the follow-
ing day.

Break with Moscow

As a result of the Canton uprising, the
Nationalist Government ordered the clos-
ing down in all of the Nationalist terri-
tory of Eussian consulates and other gov-
ernmental agencies and the deportation
of their personnel. A note to this effect
was sent to the Eussian Government,
which in reply sent the following note,
signed by Chicherin, the Commissary of
Foreign Affairs:

The Soviet Government has never recog-
nized the so-called Nationalist Government
at Nanking, on whose behalf was handed
to the Soviet consulate in Shanghai the note
of December 15. The Nationalist Govern-
ment at Nanking must know that all the
consulates of the U. S. S. R. exist on Chinese
territory by virtue of the treaty between
China and the Soviet Union signed in Peking
in 1924, and that every appointment of con-
suls at Shanghai as well as at any other
point in China occurred with the knowledge
and agreement of the Peking Government.
The Shanghai authorities, just as any other
local Chinese authorities, merely took cogni-
zance of those appointments. [The Peking
Government broke off relations with the
Soviet following the raid on the Soviet com-
pound in Peking.]

Therefore the statement contained in the
note of the "Nationalist Government" at
Nanking terminating the recognition of the
consuls in the various provinces can only

mean that the generals who have seized
power in Nanking have, under pressure from
the Imperialists, found it convenient to have
in the area under their control mainly con-
suls of those countries which have main-
tained "the unequal treaties" with the Chi-
nese.

The Soviet Government must most em-
phatically reject the unproved statements,
contained in the note of December 15 that
the Soviet consulates and State commercial
agencies are being used for Red propaganda
and as refuges for Communists.

Particularly we must most emphatically
reject the charge against our consulate in
Canton, which is alleged to have served as
a basis for directing the revolutionary move-
ment of workers and peasants in Kwangtung,
It is no novel thing for the revolutionary
movement of the workers and peasants in
China to be looked upon as a result of the
activities of official Soviet institutions. For
several years now the enemies of the Chinese
people, Imperialists in all countries, have,
viewed the great revolutionary movement of
the Chinese people as a result of the in-
trigues of "alien forces." The fact that the
"Nationalist Goverimaent" at Nanking is now
repeating the counter-revolutionary legend of
the oppressors of the Chinese people is the
best evidence as to whose will it is now
doing.

The Soviet Government is convinced that
the position taken up by the Chinese authori-
ties in Shanghai above all prejudices the
Chinese people and China's national interests,
and that those who so lightly embark on a
policy hostile to the U. S. S. R. will be the
first to feel its negative consequences.

In a communication acknowledging the
receipt of this note. Dr. Wu, the National-
ist Minister of Foreign Affairs, pointed
out that the Nationalist possess docu-
ments from the Canton consulate showing
Moscow's complicity in the catastrophe
there. The purport of these documents
is that the disarmament of the gentry
classes must take place in accordance with
the program of the agrarian revolution
and that the poor class of peasants were
to be armed. The friendship of National-
ists toward the Communist Party and the
Soviet in the past was due to the belief

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

that these latter were sincere in their sym-
pathy for the Chinese Nationalists move-
ment, but recent events fully showed that
the Soviet had attempted to denationalize
the Nationalist movement with the object
of converting China into a mere appan-
age of the Soviet Union. Elementary con-
siderations of self-defense required a re-
moval of centers of hostile activity.

Dr. Wu mentions that he gave warning
last June, but the warning had no effect.
He concludes: "In taking this purely de-
fensive measure, it is immaterial to us
whom such action happens to please or
displease."

Chicherin Blames Great Britain

On December 23 Chicherin issued a
statement, in which he said:

The People's Commissariat for Foreign
Affairs has repeatedly had to point out that
whenever a revolutionary movement occurs
in any country the enemies of the Soviet
Union invariably declare it has been pro-
voked by agents of the Soviet Government
Thus, the counter-revolutionary generals in
that country who have drowned in torrents
of blood the great revolt of the workers in
Canton, heaping the corpses of tortured
workers in the streets, have manifested
especial hatred toward the Soviet citizens
who were in Canton and who were among
the first of innumerable victims.

But although the crimes of the Canton
generals against the Soviet Union are unpre-
cedentedly serious, the heavy responsibility
for these cannot be confined to Canton. The
political responsibility for these atrocities
rests on all persons in the region of so-called
"Nationalist" governments. Not only Gen-
erals Chang Fat-kwei and Li Fu-ling, who
acted at Canton, but also others, such as Li
Chi-sheng, Chiang Kai-shek, and Pei Chung-
shi, are guilty of these crimes.

Responsibility also falls on other forces of
world reaction which are hostile to the Soviet
Union. It may be said that a decisive factor
in causing these events was the instigation
by all the Imperialist and "White Guardist"
groups in Shanghai, Hongkong, and other
centers of colonial policy in China, and by
Inspiration from London. This fact was per-

fectly clear, and has now been confirmed by
the jubilations of the English press.

British Imperialist reaction must be recog-
nized as the chief motive force of the Canton
slaughter and the acts of violence perpe-
trated on Soviet citizens. The toilers of the
Soviet Union are deeply afflicted at the death
of their comrades, tortured by henchmen of
the South Chinese counter-revolutionaries,
but their martyr blood has not been shed in
vain.

The Soviet Government sees in the bar-
barous acts of the Chinese counter-revolu-
tionaries and of the forces standing behind
them an open attack on the Soviet Union.
While immutably pursuing its policy of peace,
a new expression of which was the proposal
for general disarmament made recently at
Geneva, the Soviet Union is at the same time
ready for the worst and will not be taken
unawares. On behalf of the Soviet Govern-
ment, the People's Commissariat for I'oreign
Affairs protests before the whole world
against the outrages of the Chinese counter-
revolutionaries. The Soviet Government re-
serves the right to undertake all measures
which it may deem necessary in view of the
bloody crimes committed in South China
against the Union. These savage acts can-
not remain unpunished.

THE NOBEL PRIZE WINNERS

'T^HE Nobel Peace Prize this year was
-■- awarded, as was last year's prize, to
two persons. They were Prof. Ludwig
Quidde, of Germany, and M. Ferdinand
Buisson, of France. Following are the
biographies of these two workers for
world peace :

Professor Quidde

Dr. Ludwig Quidde was born in Bre-
men in 1858. He studied history at the
Universities of Strasburg and Gottingen.
After taking his doctor's degree in 1881,
he spent some years in Frankfurt, Konigs-
berg, and Munich working on old Ger-
man parliamentary records. In 1890 he
founded and published for six years a his-
torical review, the Deutsche Zeitschrift
fiir Geschichtswissenschaft.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

From 1893 onward Dr. Quidde took an
increasingly prominent part in the demo-
c itic and pacifist movements. In 1894
h : caused considerable excitement by pub-
lishing a study entitled "Caligula," which
contained some sharp criticism of the
joung Kaiser Wilhelm II and his methods
•oi government. The book went through
30 editions. Dr. Quidde continued to
write along the same lines and in 1896 he
was sentenced to three months' imprison-
ment for lese-majeste. Later he became
.a town councilor in Munich, and in 1907
he was elected to the Bavarian Second
Chamber. After the revolution in 1918
he was vice-president of the Bavarian
Provisional Council and he also attended
the Weimar Assembly.

The international peace movement has,
Jiowever, absorbed even more of Dr.
Quidde's attention than home politics.
He founded the Munich Peace Society in
1894 and has been a member of the Inter-
national Peace Committee since 1901.
Dr. Quidde is now the leader of the Ger-
man pacifist movement, being president of
the German Peace Society. His pen has
Always been active in the cause of peace
and it got him into trouble for the second
time in 1924.

Although a convinced pacifist, Dr.
Quidde has never shared the view of some
of the more fanatical German pacifists,
that the best way to serve the cause of
peace is to work against their own coun-
try. He is gifted with a certain dry hu-
mor which has generally preserved him
from exaggerations. His feelings with
regard to the treaty of Versailles and the
Ruhr occupation were hardly distinguish-
.able from those of the Nationalists. Early
in 1924 he came to the conclusion that
the activities of the illegal semi-military
Nationalist organizations were merely pro-
viding the French with the very material
as to the failure of Germany to disarm
which they desired as pretexts for main-
taining measures of coercion. He wrote
:an article to this effect, expressing at the
.same time the opinion that the higher

military authorities were not responsible
for these harmful activities, but hinting
that Germany's position would be im-
proved if the illegal organizations were
not shielded by certain other authorities
particularly as the Allied governments
knew all about them.

Dr. Quidde had some difficulty in get-
ting any newspaper to publish the article.
Eventually it appeared in the pacifist Welt
am Montag in Berlin. The extreme Na-
tionalists in Bavaria, against whom it was
chiefly directed, were furious, and the
Munich judicial authorities were prevailed
upon to have Dr. Quidde arrested on a
charge of treason, for which he was in-
formed he might receive a death sentence.
His treatment while under detention in
Bavarian prisons was harsh, and he
claimed afterwards that it was contrary
to a number of regulations. He was not
even taken before a magistrate for three
days. Eventually it was found impos-
sible to uphold the charge.

M. Buisson

M. Ferdinand Biiisson was born in
Paris in 1841 and educated at the College
of Argentan and the Saint-Etienne and
Condorcet Lycees. From 1866 to 1870 he
taught in Switzerland, and in 1871 he
returned to France and was appointed
inspector of schools. His advocacy of
non-sectarian education met with strong
opposition, and he was forced to resign
after being denounced in the National
Assembly. In 1875 he was sent as official
delegate to the Vienna Exhibition and in
1876 and 1878 he carried out similar
duties at the Philadelphia and Paris ex-
hibitions. He became director of primary
education in 1879 and successfully re-
sumed his campaign in favor of non-sec-
tarian schools. M. Buisson entered Par-
liament as Deputy for the Seine in 1902
and became a Senator in 1919. After the
war he became a leading figure in the
movement for peace and conciliation, pre-
sided over the dinner at which M. Caillaux
was welcomed back to public life, and be-
came president of the Ligue des Droits de
I'Homme. He has published several
works on political and educational sub-
jects, is a Commander of the Legion of
Honor, and holds the degrees of Agrege
de Philosophic and Docteur es Lettres.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Fehruary

THE BROOKINGS INSTITU-
TION

LAST December a unique type of re-
i search and training center in the
humanistic sciences was established in
Washington. This center, which has been
named the Brookings Institution, is the
outgrowth of experimentation in research
and training conducted at the National
Capital for some years past by the Insti-
tute of Economics, the Institute for Gov-
ernment Kesearch, and the Eobert Brook-
ings Graduate School of Economics and
Government. The institution is to have
an international as well as national scope.

Purposes of the Institution

The new institution, which is the
amalgamation of the three existing agen-
cies, is designed to cover eventually the
whole range of the humanistic, or social,
sciences, providing facilities for research
and for advanced research training in such
subjects as economics, government ad-
ministration, political relations, history,
law, and social organization. The Insti-
tute of Economics and the Institute for
Government Eesearch will retain their
names and continue their activities as
divisions of the Brookings Institution;
similar institutes devoted to other
branches of the humanistic sciences are in
contemplation.

The Brookings Institution will be
unique in its provision for a series of spe-
cialized research institutes equipped to
carry out comprehensive and interrelated
research programs. Such researches are
expected not only to promote a greater
realism in economic, social, and political
thought, but also to render important
service in connection with public affairs.

In its training function, the institution
will not attempt to give an ordinary
graduate training leading to a Ph. D. de-
gree. The design is rather to extend the
period of research training and of re-
search opportunity to those who have
already completed the formal work of
graduate schools. By providing an op-
portunity for selected young scholars to
spend from one to three years in a well-
equipped research organization, the gradu-
ate work now done by universities will be
supplemented.

A third major purpose of the institu-
tion is to provide headquarters for visiting
scholars from both the United States and
foreign countries. Increasingly, students
from all over the world come to Washing-
ton to pursue research work in the field of
the humanistic sciences. The National
Capital is a vast repository of materials
bearing upon economic, political, histori-
cal, social, administrative, and legal prob-
lems. It is not merely the materials which
are to be found in the great collections of
published books and documents in the
Library of Congress and in the libraries
of the various departments of the govern-
ment and of specialized institutions in
Washington that are important. Of even
greater significance to the student of the
living processes of economic, social, and
political life are the materials contained
in the records and files of the regular de-
partments of the government — of such
official agencies as the Federal Reserve
Board, the Federal Trade Commission, the
Bureau of Agricultural Economics, the
Interstate Commerce Commission, and the
Supreme Court of the United States, and
of unofficial agencies such as the Chamber
of Commerce of the United States, the
Bureau of Railway Economics, the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor, the International
Labor Office, and the innumerable trade
associations whose headquarters are lo-
cated in the capital. The Brookings Insti-
tution will endeavor to enable such
scholars to realize the maximum oppor-
tunities which the capital affords.

Officers and Finances

The institution is named in honor of
Robert S. Brookings, formerly of St. Louis
and during recent years a prominent
figure in the National Capital, well known
for his war service and as the founder
of the separate institutions which form
the nucleus of the new Brookings Insti-
tution. An endowment of several million
dollars is already assured.

The trustees who are responsible for
the formation of the Brookings Institu-
tion are as follows :

Robert S. Brookings, President, Washing-
ton University Corporation.

Leo S. Rowe, Director General, Pan Ameri-
can Union.

1928

THY PART

Frederic A. Delano, formerly member of
Federal Reserve Board.

Arthur T. Hadley, President Emeritus,
Yale University.

John C. Merriam, President, Carnegie In-
stitution of Washington.

Jerome D. Greene, Lee, Higginson and
Company, New York City.

Whitefoord R. Cole, President, Louisville
and Nashville Railroad.

Frank J. Goodnow, President, Johns Hop-
kins University.

Samuel Mather, Pickards, Mather and
Company, Cleveland.

John Barton Payne, Chairman, American
Red Cross.

George Eastman, President, Eastman Ko-
dak Company.

Vernon Kellogg, Permanent Secretary, Na-
tional Research Council.

Ernest M. Hopkins, President, Dartmouth
College.

Harold G. Moulton, Director, Institute of
Economics.

Raymond B. Fosdick, Curtis, Fosdick and
Belknap, New York City.

Bolton Smith, President, Bolton Smith and
Company, Memphis.

Paul M. Warburg, Chairman, International
Acceptance Bank, Kew York City.

David F. Houston, President, Mutual Life
Insurance Company, formerly Secretary of
the Treasury.

The officers of the Board of Trustees
are : Robert S. Brookings, Chairman ;
Leo S. Eowe, Vice-Chairman ; Frederic A.
Delano, Treasurer.

Primary responsibility for formulating
general policies and co-ordinating the ac-
tivities of the various divisions of the in-
stitution is vested in a president. Dr.
Harold G. Moulton, Director of the Insti-
tute of Economics and chairman of the
Problems and Policy Committee of the
Social Science Research Council, has been
elected to this office.

Housing Facilities

For an institution of this unique type,
the location and character of housing ac-
commodations are of more than ordinary
importance. Financial provision, in the
form of a memorial gift, has already been
made for an adequate and attractive home
for the institution. Plans have been
nearly matured for a group of buildings of
an exceptionally attractive as well as utili-
tarian character. The buildings as pro-
jected provide for individual offices, sta-
tistical, conference, and seminar rooms,
an assembly hall, and an attractive and
commodious library. Provision is also
made for living accommodations and rec-
reational and club facilities.

THY PART

By Charles Ratnsdell Lingley

He speaks not well who doth his time deplore,
Naming it new and little and obscure.
Ignoble and unfit for lofty deeds.
All times were modern in the times of them.
And this no more than others.

Do thy part
Here in the living day, as did the great
Who made old days immortal !

— From "Since the Civil War."

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

THE WAY OF THE LAW

February

The Judicial Settlement of Disputes between the States of the United States
In their Relation to International Law

By LYLE W. OHLANDER
Member of the Bar of the District of Columbia

THERE has been some conjecture as
to the value of an international court
of justice for clarifying the rules of inter-
national law and for the practical work
of rendering impartial justice between
nations. The purpose of this paper is to
call attention to some of the things that
may be expected of such an international
tribunal from the experience of the United
States Supreme Court as the court of jus-
tice for the States of the United States.

Certain Implications

The United States of America, as a
nation, consists of a Union of many
States, each having a certain degree of
autonomy and independence in local mat-
ters, but with a central Federal Govern-
ment, to which all the sovereign rights
and powers of nationality are assigned.
The relations between these States are, for
the most part, governed by the Constitu-
tion; but in many cases concerning boun-
daries, rights, and relations that instru-
ment is silent or ambiguous. In answer-
ing questions that have arisen in such
disputes as are submitted to it, the United
States Supreme Court, the common tribu-
nal for the States, has turned freely to the
principles of international law, and in a
number of cases has discussed and decided
questions according to the law of nations.

The Federal Government of the United
States is alone a complete international
person; but the member States of the
Union, being for the purposes of their in-
ternal government separate sovereignties,
independent of one another, may be said to
enjoy a degree of international personality.
These States are not nations, either among
themselves or toward foreign nations;
but, in the controversies that arise be-
tween them, these States take on the char-
acter, to a certain degree, of independent
nations, and in the settlement of disputes
between them the Supreme Court, their
common tribunal under the Constitution,
gives due regard to the characteristics of

statehood that each State possesses. And
in no other instance is the distinct, quasi-
international character of the States more
clearly seen than in the history of the judi-
cial settlement of controversies between
these States, from the time they were yet
the original colonies up to the present.

When the original States were still
colonies they enjoyed complete independ-
ence of one another; they were distinct
entities and looked only to England as
their sovereign. Disputes that arose be-
tween them were referred to the courts of
England. A dispute between the colonies
of Rhode Island and Connecticut over
their mutual boundary was submitted to
the Privy Council in 1727, and in 1746
a boundary dispute between Rhode Island
and Massachusetts was submitted to the
same body. A dispute between the heirs
of Lord Penn and Lord Baltimore over
mutual boundaries was heard in Chancery
in 1745 and 1750. (See 12 Pet., 657,
739-743.)

Under the Declaration of Independence,
1776, the colonies asserted that they had
assumed the position of nations in the
society of nations, like other independent
States, with the power in each to "declare
war, make peace, contract alliances, and
of consequence to settle their controversies
with a foreign power or among themselves,
which no State or power could do for
them." But there was no longer any com-
mon tribunal to which the States might
resort in the settlement of their contro-
versies, and interstate friction, mutual re-
criminations and reprisals in boundary
disputes were a continual source of serious
trouble.

Under the Articles of Confederation
there were eight interstate disputes. New
Hampshire and New York each claimed
the territory now comprising the State of
Vermont. A dispute between Rhode Is-
land and Massachusetts was not settled
until after the adoption of the Constitu-
tion. Connecticut claimed part of Penn-

J928

THE WAY OF THE LAW

sylvania and New York, and although she
submitted to a decree of commissioners
under the Ninth Article of Confederation,
maintained her right to certain soil until
1800. New Jersey disputed her boundary
with Delaware and was in a dispute with
New York over other matters. Maryland
and Virginia were in a dispute over their
boundary line. Disputes between Vir-
ginia and North Carolina and between
South Carolina and Georgia were settled
by mutual agreement.

A tribunal established under the Ninth
Article of Confederation to settle such
controversies was merely temporary,
though there was an appeal to Congress;
but the general weakness of the central
government and the lack of confidence by
the States made such a system of inter-
state justice unavailing.

Edmund Randolph, before the Virginia
Constitutional Convention, said as to in-
terstate controversies: "There have been
disputes respecting boundaries ... re-
prisals have been made by Pennsylvania
and Virginia on one another. ... It
is with respect to the rights of territory
that the State judiciaries are not compe-
tent. If the claimants have a right to
the territories, it is the duty of a good
government to provide means to put them
in possession of them."

Then came the Constitution and the
establishment of the Supreme Court as
the arbiter between the States, a tribunal
of last resort, with original jurisdiction
over the disputes between two or more
States of the Union.

For more than a century the States of
the United States have availed themselves
of the opportunity provided in the Con-
stitution for the settlement of their dis-
putes by judicial means. They were not
allowed the process of diplomatic settle-
ment, and the thought of war was abhor-
rent to the most contentious; so a third
method, that of litigation before a com-
petent court, was left invitingly open. It
was for this specific purpose that the origi-
nal jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was
extended to ". . . . controversies be-
tween two or more States. . . ."

The States by their union did not lose
their separate and independent autonomy,
and the maintenance of their governments
and the preservation of their remaining

quasi-sovereign interests are as much
within the care of the Constitution as the
preservation of the Union and the Na-
tional Government. The Supreme Court,
in Texas vs. White (7 WaU., 700, 725),
held that "the Constitution, in all its pro-
visions, looks to an indestructible Union
composed of indestructible States." No
State may legislate for another, nor im-
pose its authority or decrees upon another.
But conflicting claims of States may al-
ways be referred for settlement to the Su-
preme Court, whose jurisdiction, said
Justice Story, "extends to controversies
between two or more States, in order to
furnish a peaceful and impartial tribunal
to decide cases where these States claim
conflicting rights, in order to prevent gross
irritations and border warfare."* (Story
on the Constitution (1840), xxxi.)

The actual decisions of interstate litiga-
tion have covered questions concerning the
characteristics of statehood in interna-
tional law, the extent of territorial juris-
diction, the determination of boundaries,
control over territorial waters, and rights
in interstate streams. In several cases
the Supreme Court has had to consider
the responsibility of States in the matter
of their debts.

International law is a system of rules
of conduct generally accepted as a reason-
able guide to the rights and duties of na-
tions; deduced by reason, as a consonant
to justice, from the nature of the society
existing among independent nations ; with
such definitions and modifications as may
be established by the general consent of
nations. It is a law in equity. There
being no superior sovereign to dictate what
the law shall be, international law has
been evolved from abstn\ct reasoning, cus-
toms and usages, and the conclusions of
publicists, based on consent and admitted
practices, and, finally, from judicial de-

* The distinct quasi-international character
of the States has led to many cases not
strictly of States against States which never-
theless involve the peculiar status and rela-
tions of the several States of the United
States and so have raised many questions of
international law. These cases cannot be in-
cluded, however, within the limits set by the
title of this thesis. (See Keith vs. Clerk,
on the continuity of States, 97 U. S., 454, and
Coleman vs. Clark, 97 U. S., 509, on military
occupation; The Collector vs. Day, 11 Wall.,
113, on power to tax, and others.)

'96

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

cisions which involve questions of inter-
national law and relations.

The value of judicial decisions lies in
the reasoning of the judges and the au-
thorities collected; and, moreover, judi-
cial decisions tend to render certain and
stable the loose general principles of in-
ternational law, and to show their applica-
tion and how they are understood in the
countries where the tribunals are sitting.
The consideration of the methods of judi-
cial approach in the determination of in-
terstate disputes within our American
Union is of some importance, therefore,
to the whole problem of international judi-
cial settlement. This will readily appear
from even a cursory study of a few of the
cases.

Illustrative Cases

In the case of the Cherokee Nation vs.
Georgia (5 Pet., 1) the characteristics of
nationality are considered in determining
that an Indian tribe or "nation" is not a
nation qualified as a member of the family
of nations.

It was there held that a true State in
international law is a distinct political
entity, capable of managing its own af-
fairs and interests and governing itself by
its own authority and laws, sovereign and
independent of any outside power, respon-
sible in its political character for its for-
eign engagements, and capable of main-
taining the relations of war and peace.
It is formed of a body of men united for
their mutual protection and advantage; it
takes resolutions in common, as an artifi-
cial person; it has an understanding and
will peculiar to itself; it is capable of
entering into contracts and of assuming
obligations; and it may possess property
apart from the private property of its
individual members.

The position of the States of the United
States is that of constituent parts of the
United States, their status as independent
nations in the family of nations having
been surrendered to the Federal Govern-
ment. (New Hampshire vs. New York,
108 U. S., 76, 90.)

The greater number of the disputes be-
tween States settled in the Supreme Court
have concerned the establishment of boun-
dary lines. These cases are very impor-
tant, for thy involve private and public
title, jurisdiction, and sovereignty.

The territorial property of a State con-
sists of all area, land and water, included
within certain boundaries, over which a
State exercises complete jurisdiction.
These territorial limits are ascertained by
treaty or prescription, together with such
land as may be added by accretion; and
when the territory abuts upon the sea, the
right of jurisdiction extends over a certain
margin of the water.

The exercise of territorial jurisdiction,
therefore, is limited to a State by the ex-
tent of its boundaries, and because of this
it becomes very necessary at times to de-
termine with great exactness the line of
demarcation between neighboring States.

Boundary lines may be classed as artifi-
cial and natural. Artificial lines are
those traced by certain astronomical lines,
parallels of latitude or meridians of longi-
tude, or they may be straight lines be-
tween two points. Natural lines are those
traced in such natural barriers as rivers,
streams, and lakes, the sea, and coastal
inlets.

When an artificial line has been estab-
lished and run out and acquiesced in for
a long time, it is conclusive, even if it
happens to vary somewhat from the courses
given in the original grant. (Virginia vs.
Tennessee, 148 U. S., 503, 522.)

Said the Supreme Court in New Mex-
ico vs. Texas (1927), 48 S. Ct., 126, 134,
"It is well settled that governments, as
well as private persons, are bound by the
practical line that has been recognized and
adopted as their boudnary.'''

Long acquiescence in the possession of
territory and the undisputed exercise of
dominion and sovereignty over it is con-
clusive of a State's title and rightful au-
thority. This doctrine of prescription,
fostered by Vattel, is adopted by the
United States Supreme Court. (Virginia
vs. Tennessee, supra, 523 ; Khode Island
vs. Massachusetts, 4 Howard, 591, 639.)

Boundary lines may be designated in
treaties. When so done, the entire in-
strument must be examined in case of a
dispute as to the meaning and the real
intentions of the parties; and maps men-
tioned in the treaty are to be considered
as a part of the treaty. But a map im-
perfectly made may be considered only as
a general guide where a more perfect sur-
vey is provided for, and will not stand

19£8

THE WAY OF THE LAW

where an astronomical line is provided for
in the treaty. (United States vs. Texas,
162 U. S., 1; Missouri vs. Kentucky, 11
Wall., 395, 410.)

Where a navigable river constitutes the
boundary between two States, the interests
of those States including, as it does, an
equitable control of the navigation of the
stream, the boundary line extends to the
center of the main navigable channel.
This doctrine is known as "thalweg."
(Iowa vs. Illinois, 147 U. S., 1, 13; Louis-
iana vs. Mississippi, 202 U. S., 1, 49.)
Where there are several channels, the main
channel is that one habitually followed
by vessels of the largest tonnage. (Min-
nesota vs. Wisconsin, 252 TJ. S., 273.)
But where the States have agreed as to
which of the channels shall govern the
boundary line, that must stand. (Wash-
ington vs. Oregon, 211 U. S., 127, 135.)

Gradual changes in the channel, due to
erosion and accretion, carry the boundary
line with it. Erosion and accretion occur
together, the bits of dirt being taken from
one side of the stream and deposited on
the other — a gradual and almost imper-
ceptible change. But if the stream sud-
denly and violently abandons its old chan-
nel and finds a new one, the boundary re-
mains in the old channel, though water
may cease to flow therein. (Arkansas vs.
Tennessee, 246 U. S., 158, 175; Nebraska
vs. Iowa, 143 U. S., 359 ; Arkansas vs.
Mississippi, 250 U. S., 39.)

When a boundary river remains, by vir-
tue of treaty or otherwise, within one
State, that State's jurisdiction extends to
the entire bed of the stream, which is de-
fined as that portion of the soil "...
adequate to contain it (the river) at its
average and mean state during the entire
year ..." without reference to extra-
ordinary freshets or extreme droughts.
(Alabama vs. Georgia, 23 How., 505, 513-
515.)

The usual line of demarcation as to non-
navigable streams that form boundaries is
a medial line between the banks of the
stream. (Alabama vs. Georgia, supra, p.
513.) And that applies also to shallow
boundary lakes. (Minnesota vs. Wiscon-
sin, 252 U. S., 273.)

As to navigable boundary lakes and
landlocked seas, where there is no par-

ticular track of navigation, the line of
demarcation is drawn in the middle; and
this is true of narrow straits separating
the lands of two States; but where there
is a deep water channel for sailing, the
rule of thalweg applies. (Louisiana vs.
Mississippi, 202 U. S., 1, 50.)

And with respect to such water boun-
daries as sounds, bays, gulfs, estuaries,
straits, and other arms of the sea, where
these are navigable, the rule of thalweg ap-
plies. (Louisiana vs. Mississippi, supra.)

Similarly with respect to fishing rights,
islands located in the boundary waters,
and bridges, the rules that govern the de-
marcation of the boundary line in that
particular body of water apply. (Louis-
iana vs. Mississippi, supra, as to fishing
rights; Indiana vs. Kentucky, 136 U. S.,
479-507-512, as to islands; Georgia vs.
South Carolina, 257 U. S., 519; Iowa vs.
Illinois, 147 U. S., 1, 11, as to bridges.)

A number of cases involving the right
to divert waters of an interstate stream
have come before the Supreme Court in
interstate disputes. The decisions have
been aimed at maintaining an equality of
use by the States of such interstate
streams; and therefore, in Kansas vs.
Colorado, 206 U. S., 46, Colorado was
not restrained from using the waters of
the Arkansas for irrigation, because it was
found that the watershed being toward
Kansas, the waters so diverted percolated
through the soil, and thus Kansas received
as much benefit as if the water was left in
the stream. The decision was without
prejudice to another suit by Kansas if in
the future Kansas found that she was
being injured by the diversion of the
water.

But in the case of Wyoming vs. Colo-
rado, 259 U. S., 419, where it was found
that the watershed was away from the
complaining State, that State did suffer
from the diversion of water and an in-
junction was permitted. The principle
of equitable division of the water is an
elastic one and is based on the public
needs of each State.

Where a State is divided into several
States the public debt of the former State
may be apportioned. (Virginia vs. West
Virginia, 220 U. S., 1.)

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

Principles of International Practice and the
World Court

Said Elihu Root at the laying of the
cornerstone of the Pan American Build-
ing at Washington, May 11, 1918 : "There
are no international controversies so seri-
ous that they cannot be settled peaceably
if both parties really desire peaceful settle-
ment, while there are few causes so trivial
that they cannot be made the occasion for
war. The matters in dispute between
nations are nothing ; the spirit which deals
with them is everything."

At the present time the idea of an In-
ternational Court of Justice has taken the
form of reality. The elimination of the
causes of conflict between nations has
gradually evolved through diplomatic ad-
justment and arbitration to the establish-
ment of an impartial and competent tribu-
nal for the settlement of international dis-
putes, the Permanent Court of Interna-
tional Justice at The Hague; and in the
study of the problems that might con-
front that court, and in regard to juris-
diction, practice, and procedure, the
student of international affairs might well
turn to that prototype of an international
court, the Supreme Court of the United
States, in its peculiar position as a court
of justice for the States of the United
States, to see what has been the experience
of that court in the handling of its quasi-
sovereign litigants.

Before any court can entertain a case,
it must ask itself whether or not it has
jurisdiction over the cause. The question
of jurisdiction is not waived either by
silence of counsel or their consent; the
court must be possessed of jurisdiction
either by law or by the instrument which
created it.

Sovereign nations cannot be sued in any
court unless they have consented to such
suit, or may be presumed to have con-
sented to such suit. Thus, by accepting
the Constitution, the States of the United
States have been presumed to have con-
sented to suit by a sister State, according
to the terms of that pact, without further
signifying consent. (Ehode Island vs.
Massachusetts, 12 Pet., 657, 720; Kansas
vs. Colorado, 206 U. S., 46, 83.) And so,
also, the Permanent Court must consider
whether the parties, sovereign States, have
consented, expressly or tacitly, to its

jurisdiction. And that court held, in its
fifth advisory opinion, relating to the
Eastern Carilian affair, that, as Eussia had
never consented to any submission of the
dispute, it had no jurisdiction. "The
court, being a court of justice, cannot,
even in giving advisory opinions, depart
from the essential rules guiding their
activity as a court." (See Congressional
Digest, December 17, 1925, pp. 602, 603.)

States alone may be the parties before
an international court. Before the Su-
preme Court, the case must be between the
States as such, and not by a State in be-
half of its citizens or individuals (New
Hampshire vs. Louisiana, 108 U. S., 76,
81, 91), although if an individual cedes
his interests to the State, then the State
may sue in its own name. (South Da-
kota vs. North Carolina, 192 U. S., 286.)

Before the Permanent Court the State
must espouse the cause, frame the issues,
and conduct the litigation. Judgment is
for or against a State; and when for a
nation, that nation in its sovereign capac-
ity may dispose of the proceeds of the
judgment as it sees fit.

The next question is whether the court
has jurisdiction over the subject-matter
of the suit. The greatest objection to
rendering a judicial decision in a matter
in dispute between two nations is that the
dispute is political and not judicial, and
that a judgment may directly affect the
safety of the State. (Vattel, Law of Na-
tions (1760), I, 244.)

At first glance, all disputes in which
States are parties are more or less politi-
cal, because they affect the sovereignty of
the State; but, as pointed out by Justice
Baldwin in Rhode Island vs. Massachu-
setts, 12 Pet., 657, 736-8, such questions
are political which a State reserved to itself
for settlement through diplomatic chan-
nels, and such questions are judicial which
a State in its sovereign capacity is willing
to submit to a court of justice to be de-
cided by the proper rules of jurisprudence
and recognized rules of international law.

The Permanent Court of International
Justice, in its establishing protocol, is
given jurisdiction over such cases as fail
of diplomatic adjustment (Art. 33), with
the power to hear causes of a "legal na-
ture" concerning, "(a) The interpreta-
tion of a treaty; (&) Any question of In-

1928

THE WAY OF THE LAW

ternational law; (c) The existence of any
fact which, if established, would con-
stitute a breach of international obliga-
tion; {d) The nature or extent of repara-
tion to be made for a breach of an inter-
national obligation; (e) The interpreta-
tion of a sentence passed by the court"
(Article 34).

Having jurisdiction over the parties, the
United States Supreme Court may proceed
ex parte if the respondent State refuses to
appear in a case brought by a sister State,
though with exceeding caution, recogniz-
ing the character of the parties (Rhode
Island vs. Massachusetts, supra, 755, 761 ;
New Jersey vs. New York, 5 Pet., 284;
3 Pet, 46i; 6 Pet., 323); and the Per-
manent Court of International Justice is
empowered to do likewise, if it has juris-
diction of the parties, when satisfied "that
the claim is supported by substantial evi-
dence and well founded in fact and in
law" (Art. 52).

Because of the character of the parties
and the nature of the suits, the Supreme
Court has held that ordinary principles
of private litigation should be so modified
that neither State should be embarrassed
by technicalities nor be hurried in their
part to the suit. (Massachusetts vs.
Ehode Island, 14 Pet., 210, 257; Virginia
vs. West Virginia, 220 U. S., 1, 27 ; 222
U. S., 17, 19; 234 U. S., 117, 121.)

It is often the case that settlement of a
dispute will affect not only the parties in
question, but also other nations as well.
Hence these other nations should be al-
lowed to appear and bring in evidence,
and under such appearance be bound by
the judgment of the court. This is the
practice before the Supreme Court of the
United States (Oklahoma vs. Texas, 252
U. S., 372; Florida vs. Georgia, 17 How.,
478, 491) and before the Permanent
Court as well (Art. 60, 61 ; The Wimble-
don case, involving the Kiel Canal, de-

cided by the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice (The Hague, 1923.)
Where there is no cause for intervention,
such has been denied. (Kansas vs. Colo-
rado, 206 U. S., 46, 85-92.)

Article 62 of the protocol establishing
the Permanent Court provides that "im-
less otherwise directed by the court, each
party shall bear its own costs." In a re-
cent case before the United States Su-
preme Court (North Dakota vs. Minne-
sota (1924), 263 U. S., 583), it was held
that where the settlement was beneficial
to both parties, as in the case of a settle-
ment of a disputed boundary, each party
should bear an equal share of the costs,
while in a case of a purely litigious char-
acter, if the suit has failed, the com-
plainant must bear the costs; but if the
suit succeeds, the defendant must bear the
costs.

It must be realized, also, that the court
can only handle the controversy in hand;
that it cannot investigate the motives of a
State legislature in its acts, nor the chief
magistrate of the State in enforcing the
laws of a State in his own discretion ; and
it is against public policy to impute to
an authorized official any other than legiti-
mate motives. (Louisiana vs. Texas, 176
U. S., 1, 18.)

It cannot be hoped that an international
court will render perfect decisions, nor
that the parties will always be ready in
accepting the decrees of the court; but
every decision that is acknowledged to be
just and every instance of ready com-
pliance with the decisions of the court wiU
make the way more possible for the estab-
lishment of the rule of justice in inter-
national affairs. The real value of good
courts, said James Brown Scott, "is that
they develop the habit of peaceful settle-
ment at the expense of the habit of fight-
ing."

lOO ADVOCATE OF PEACE February

PRACTICAL LABORS FOR PEACE*

By WILLIAM R. CASTLE
Assistant Secretary of State

NO QUESTION" is more vitally impor-
tant to the world than that of peace.
For this reason it is always worthy of
discussion, but because it is so vital the
discussion should be carried on with due
regard to historical facts, with a frank
recognition of the weakness of human na-
ture, as well as its idealism. In other
words, I believe that when the pursuit
of peace becomes a fad, the cause of peace
is injured. There are many altogether
good and otherwise intelligent men and
women who believe that when once an
ideal has been written into law or into
a treaty it becomes an inviolable prin-
ciple. There are many, for example, who
believe that if the United States signed
agreements with other nations to outlaw
war, or treaties guaranteeing that under
no possible circumstances should we go to
war, there would inevitably be no war;
but this is to ignore realities, to ignore
human weakness, to miss the fact that
nations are not sublime moral entities,
but, rather, groups of fallible and passion-
ate human beings. As Mr. Hoover once
admirably expressed the idea, "National
character is the sum of the moral fiber of
individuals." A nation is morally great
exactly in proportion to the moral sound-
ness of its inhabitants, and the most suc-
cessful worker for peace is he who up-
builds and strengthens the moral fiber of
individuals. This is a long process and
there are many who believe that some-
where we can find a short cut.

There is another thingi to remember.
Peace, to be real, must be a state of mind.
Mere absence of war does not necessarily
mean peace any more than the passing
of night means sunshine when the sky is
heavy with clouds. There is no real peace
when nations are angrily suspicious of
each other, glaring at each other across
national boundaries. The aspiration of
the American Government is for that real
peace which comes of international un-

• From a recent address.

derstanding. But this permanent peace
cannot be achieved by waving a magician's
wand. It is the result of the growth of
character and of understanding, of the
gradual elimination of the causes of inter-
national misunderstanding, of willingness
to let others live their own lives as they
see fit, so long as their choice does not
interfere with the happiness of the rest
of the world ; of a consistent and unselfish
support of national rights.

A nation which is unwilling to defend
its own rights does not help on the cause
of peace. During the World War Swit-
zerland and Holland, for example, were
kept out of the maelstrom because all the
combatants knew they were ready to de-
fend their frontiers. These small nations
had no belligerent tendencies, neither did
they propose to be trampled on; and be-
cause of this the tides of war broke harm-
lessly against their borders.

Every fair-minded person knows that
the United States has not the smallest
desire to go to war with anyone. And,
beyond this negative statement, every
fair-minded person knows also that the
United States is determined to maintain
an honorable peace with all the world.
The Department of State exists largely
for the purpose of maintaining this hon-
orable peace, and our efforts along this
line cannot be measured by proposals for
arbitration treaties or for pacts to prevent
war.

It is well known that wars have some-
times begim through trivial, apparently
unimportant, causes. It is the business of
diplomacy so to handle these matters that
the United States may be respected for
the just exercise of its power. We must,
for example, support an American citizen
living abroad when he has obeyed the law ;
but we cannot, because we are powerful,
support him in wrong doing. We must
be generous; but we must not permit

1928

PRACTICAL LABORS FOR PEACE

101

generosity to bear the badge of weakness.
In drawing treaties of commerce, we must
not demand from others what we are un-
willing to give ourselves ; but, on the other
hand, we must not hasten to give to others
what they are unwilling to give us.

The Department is trying continually
to break down unnecessary barriers to
commerce, to simplify commercial prac-
tice, because all this makes misunder-
standing less likely. It was in this same
pursuit of peace that John Hay stood for
the policy of the open door, and that Mr.
Kellogg stands solidly on the principle
of general most-favored-nation treatment.
We are always willing to extend to every
nation the treatment we extend to any one
nation, on condition, of course, that it
does the same for us. We ask no special
favors of anyone and give no special fa-
vors. We demand that others shall not
discriminate against us so long as we do
not discriminate against them.

The Department of State believes firmly
in the principle of arbitration for the
settlement of international disputes of a
judicial character, which cannot be settled
by diplomacy in their initial stages. We
prefer to handle such disputes in such
manner that the necessity of arbitration
shall not arise. We believe that others
have good will, as we know that we our-
selves have good will. We believe that
in most cases of misunderstanding two
men of different nationalities can sit
down quietly and settle almost any dis-
pute that has arisen between their two
countries; and, therefore, we think that
even in non-justiciable matters recourse
should be had to conciliation.

Recently, in the matter of the claims
with Great Britain arising out of the late
war, we believed that a settlement could
be made by frank joint discussion, and
that it has been made shows the progress
of the last few years. I remember say-
ing to an older and much more experi-
enced man soon after the war, "Why don't
we get to work and settle these British
claims?" I felt very new and inexperi-
enced in the game of diplomacy when he
answered, "Absurd. Don't you know that
the claims of the War of 1812 were only
settled a few years ago?" It took 100
years for Great Britain and the United

States to settle the claims of 1812, and
six months, when we really began to dis-
cuss the matter, to settle the claims of
the recent war. All that is the kind of
thing that makes for peace.

I said that we want to make commercial
treaties alike with all nations. Equally,
when we make treaties of arbitration or
other treaties drawn with the direct pur-
pose of preserving world peace, we want
to make them alike with all. Let me give
you one example of what I mean. It is
an example typical of the attitude of the
American Government, and at the same
time it shows that the government must
act calmly, must not be stampeded into
ill-considered action. All the world knew
that M. Briand last summer suggested to
this government a pact by which France
and the United States would agree never
to go to war with each other. The French
note was received at a time when, as it
happened, neither Ambassador, French
nor American, was at his post. The
Secretary of State said that he would dis-
cuss the matter whenever the French were
prepared to do so; but, obviously, it was
not urgent, as war between the two coun-
tries was, in any case, unthinkable. Im-
mediately, however, the agitators became
vocal. Professional peacemakers did not
want us to think, to consider the matter
in all its angles, but to act instantly. It
is not very long since one of them tele-
phoned me about it. He was so eagerly
in favor of peace that he was positively
belligerent. "It is an outrage," he said,
"that our government should hang back
in a matter of this kind. I am going to
make speeches about it and I warn you
that I shall attack the Department of
State as it deserves. I am absolutely in
favor of the Briand Treaty. Will you
tell me what is in it?"

Parenthetically I might say that I wish
you could realize how muich agitation
there is for things which are not under-
stood even in the most elementary way.
It is agitation, to be sure, based on gen-
erous and humanitarian aspirations; but
it is too often combined with muddled
thinking. Let me assure you that there
is far more danger in peace pacts based
on muddled thinking than there is in re-
fusing to sign new pacts at all.

102

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Fehriuj/ry

In this French matter, the Department
of State took the stand that it was in
favor of any agreement which, in stating
unequivocally a moral principle, would
diminish the danger of international con-
flict, but that to sign an agreement with
one nation which we were not ready to
sign with others was not a step toward
general peace. We felt that an agreement
that under no circumstances would we at-
tack France might cause irritation and
unrest in other nations. It would almost
inevitably have been looked upon by them
as something closely approaching a de-
fensive alliance. The Secretary therefore
proposed a new treaty of arbitration with
France to replace that which expires by
limitation in February, and at the same
time wrote a note on the Briand proposal
which you have all seen in the press. In
this note we welcomed the French idea of
making a declaration that we should no
longer consider resort to war in the settle-
ment of international disputes as a na-
tional policy; but we said that this agree-
ment must, in order to be useful in the
preservation of peace, be drawn up in the
form of a multilateral treaty, to be signed
by the principal nations of the world. It
remains to be seen whether this idea can
be carried out. Such matters, whatever
the extremists may think, cannot be for-
mulated without the most careful thought
and analysis; but even if nothing comes
of this particular discussion, the world
wiU be no worse off. I think it would
have been had we followed the advice of
the professional peacemakers and hastened
to sign a bilateral pact with France.

"If the multilateral pact should be
signed," you may ask me, "why will the
world be any better off, since you said
yourself that human nature was still fal-
lible, and that no treaty will inevitably
prevent war?" The answer is that open
and public acceptance of an idea makes a
nation, as well as an individual, think
seriously before publicly repudiating th9
idea. It is no absolute guarantee of
peace; that comes certainly only with the
development of the moral worth of the
citizens who make up a nation. It is, on
the other hand, a strong moral deterrent,
and it is fair to say that the longer a
nation holds back from war, the greater
is the chance of peace.

Arbitration treaties with several nations
are expiring shortly. The department
plans to renew them all and to make them,
if possible, more comprehensive. An ar-
bitration decision is a judicial settlement,
which must be followed like any court
decision ; and it is, therefore, important
to define clearly and specifically the ques-
tions which are not subject to arbitration,
not to leave that decision to the more or
less arbitrary decision of one or the other
nation. All the remaining questions still
open to conciliation must be referred
under the Bryan treaties to conciliation;
and I believe that the delay thus necessi-
tated will go a long way to prevent war.

You know of the consistent co-operation
of the American Government with the
League of Nations in the work of the
Preparatory Commission on Disarma-
ment. You know of the meeting on naval
limitation called by the President. Even
if this conference reached no conclusion,
it pointed the way to later achievement
and certainly did not interfere with the
good understanding between the partici-
pating nations.

You know of the good will and the
patience of the American Government in
its dealings with Mexico, its steady resist-
ance to the urging of those Americans who
wanted to break relations forthwith; and
the result of that is that many of the com-
plaints bid fair to be settled; that our
relations with Mexico are better than they
have been for a long time.

The work of the Department of State
is always to bring about better under-
standing, to appreciate the point of view
of other nations, without once losing our
own American point of view. It is not
dramatic. It means watchfulness and
good humor and friendliness. It epito-
mizes the lives of those of us who are
in the work, and it is an inspiring work
because, whether or not its results are
recognized, they are very real.

All this is logic, the daily grind, if
you will, of diplomatic action. It all
makes for peace, enduring peace; but I
should be telling only half the story if
I omitted altogether the matter of senti-
ment. Sometimes an accident does more
to stir up the generous feelings of respect
and affection between nations than years
of honest endeavor. When Lindbergh

19£8

A CONSTRUCTIVE AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY

103

landed in Paris there was an outburst of
enthusiasm for the United States that
made people forget for a moment the
debts and all other matters of dispute.
Through Lindbergh the French and later
the Mexicans felt the real spirit of Amer-
ica, and the propaganda of the agitators,
which like a veil of smoke keeps others
from seeing us as we are, was blown away.
It was real sentiment, real enthusiasm for
an ideal. Exactly the same feelings were
aroused in America through the reception
that Lindbergh received; and so, for a
time, the hearts of both nations beat in
unison. Every time this happens we move
a step nearer peace. The same generous

sentiments are today, I hope, in the minds
of the Cubans and our other Latin Amer-
ican friends, as they welcome the Presi-
dent of the United States in Havana.

It is the duty of the Department of
State, then, to clear up misunderstand-
ings, big and little; to recognize and sup-
port friendly enthusiasm wherever we see
it; to criticize only when we must and to
praise whenever we can; to support the
rights of America everywhere, and to see
to it that rights are never in conflict with
the right. It is an inspiring work, and
it becomes always more inspiring when
we know that we have the American peo-
ple back of us.

A CONSTRUCTIVE AMERICAN FOREIGN

POLICY

By WALTER SCOTT PENFIELD

Mr. Penfield, a lawyer with a wide inter-
national practice, has served in our Depart-
ment of State and represented our country in
cases before the Permanent Court of Arbitra-
tion at the Hague. — Editor.

THE only thing permanent in life is
change. It is constantly about us in
the material world. As it goes on, our
American foreign policy must necessarily
vary in some particulars to meet the new
international situations that may confront
us ; and yet there are certain phases of our
foreign policy which are a permanent part
of us — policies which in the lapse of years
since their adoption have proved their
worth and afforded us protection in time
of stress. It would be ideal if we could
adopt formulae by which our foreign policy
in all respects could be permanently de-
fined. But, until human nature changes
and the millennium arrives, that would
appear to be impracticable.

The Conduct of Our Foreign Relations

Both before and subsequent to our in-
dependence, we had our contacts and re-
lations with foreign countries. These
necessitated the inception and mainte-
nance of a foreign policy. Under our
Constitution and laws the President, act-
ing through his Secretary of State, is
charged with the conduct of foreign af-
fairs. The latter acts through his foreign

service officers, to whom he sends instruc-
tions and from whom he receives reports,
and is assisted by departmental oflicials,
most of whom have served in the country
or particular group of countries where
there may arise a new question requiring
the determination by the Executive as to
what our policy should be.

When such a question arises the Presi-
dent reaches his decision only after con-
ferences with his experts and study of
his documents. The question may find its
way to the Committees of Foreign Affairs
of the Senate and House. It may be de-
bated in Congress. It may be published
in the newspapers, written about in the
magazines, discussed in organizations
such as the American Peace Society,
argued by men in their daily work, and
talked over by women in their homes.
From all these sources our American
foreign policy is finally formulated.

Is it not, then, rather difficult for us to
say whether the policy thus formed is or
is not constructive? We may have heard
the debates of Congress, read the news-
papers and magazines, and been present
at discussions of various kinds ; but unless
we have studied the confidential communi-
cations from our diplomatic and consular
officers abroad and availed ourselves of the
information possessed by our experts in
the Department of State, we are not fully
qualified to say what our foreign policy

104

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Fehruary

should be with reference to a particular
question. For these reasons when ques-
tions— sometimes somewhat prolonged —
arise between our government and that of
a foreign country, we should not hastily
criticize the policy of our President and
Secretary of State.

Any conclusion as to whether we have a
constructive policy is a matter of indi-
vidual judgment. A passive policy may
be constructive. In diplomacy it is often
better to know what not to do than to
know what to do. To do nothing, to fol-
low a passive policy, may in the long run
be a constructive policy.

Our Past Policies Were Constructive

In reaching a conclusion as to what a
constructive American foreign policy
should be, would it not be well for us to
consider our past policies ?

In his farewell address Washington
cautioned us to observe good faith and
justice toward all nations and to cultivate
peace and harmony with all. He advised
us it would be unwise to implicate our-
selves in European politics or the combi-
nations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities. He inquired why "entangle our
peace and prosperity in the toils of Euro-
pean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor,
or caprice." Thomas Jefferson, in his
first inaugural address, counseled us to
maintain "peace, commerce, and honest
friendship with all nations, entangling
alliances with none." The doctrine pro-
mulgated by President Monroe has been
one of the beacons in our foreign policy.
His declaration and counsel are as vital
today for our national protection as they
were at the time of their pronouncement,
in 1823.

The United States has been interested
in treaties of arbitration. In 1908 it
made conventions for the arbitration of
questions of a legal nature, or relating to
the interpretation of treaties, provided
they did not affect our vital interest, inde-
pendence, or honor.

In 1911 treaties were signed, but not
ratified, to extend the scope of those of
1908, so as to exclude the exceptions and
to provide for the peaceful solution of all
questions of difference which it shall be
found impossible to settle by diplomacy.

They provided for the arbitration of dif-
ferences that were justiciable in their
nature, those that were susceptible of de-
cision by the application of the principles
of law or equity.

In 1915 treaties were made for the ad-
vancement of peace which provided that
all disputes be submitted for investiga-
tion and report to a permanent interna-
tional commission. The parties agreed
not to resort to any act or force during
the investigation, the theory being that
it would give them an opportunity to cool
off before taking any action.

The United States has had a construc-
tive policy with reference to Central
America. It initiated two conferences of
those countries, both held in Washington,
the first in 1907 and the second in 1923,
x\mong the results were general treaties
of peace and amity, conventions provid-
ing those governments would not recog-
nize any other government which mignt
come into power in any of the republics
as a consequence of a revolution against
the recognized government, and conven-
tions for the establishment of a Central
American Court of Justice.

The United States has also shown a
constructive policy in regard to all of the
countries of Latin America by the pro-
motion of the Pan-American conferences.
In November, 1881, James G. Blaine, then
Secretary of State, issued an invitation
for the first international American con-
ference "for the purpose of considering
and discussing the methods of preventing
war between the nations of America."
Since then five conferences have been held.
At the sixth, which will convene in Ha-
vana next month, twelve projects will be
presented pertaining to public interna-
tional law. It is interesting to note that
none of them will deal with the rules and
regulations of international war.

The United States showed a construc-
tive policy in its participation in The
Hague conferences of 1899 and 1907.
The objects of these conferences were to
secure the benefits of a real and endur-
ing peace. Their programs included
limitation of armaments, good offices,
mediation, and arbitration.

The United States can well point with
pride to the Washington and Geneva dis-
armament conferences and to the part it

1928

A CONSTRUCTIVE AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY

105

played in providing the membership of
the Dawes Commission.

After the war came the Versailles
Treaty and the discussion concerning the
League of Nations. Some believed that
we ought to stay out of the League.
Others considered that our failure to join
showed a lack of a constructive policy.
The League has proven its value to the
countries of Europe, and the United
States should do nothing to discourage its
existence. But the majority of our people
believe they voted correctly when they de-
cided the United States should not become
a party.

An incident occurring during the last
session of the League caused some of us
to conclude that our decision to refrain
from membership had been wise. It was
a mere gesture, but, in case we had been
a member, it had possibilities of proving
a source of embarrassment. The delegate
of Panama raised the question as to
whether, under the treaty between Pan-
ama and the United States for the con-
struction of the canal, Panama transferred
to the United States its right of sover-
eignty over the Canal Zone or only con-
ceded to the United States the power and
authority as though the United States
were sovereign. He suggested that if the
Government of the United States did not
accept the Panaman interpretation there
then remained the recourse of submitting
this difference to the decision of a court
of impartial justice.

If the United States had been a party
to the League, it seems probable that the
gesture of the representative of Panama
would have gone further, and that we
might have been required to submit the
question of our sovereignty over the canal.
Would there be anything in the nature of
a constructive foreign policy in joining a
European League when conceivably it
might lead to the loss of our rights to
the Panama Canal?

We have always favored the establish-
ment of an International Court of Justice.
The present World Court is a wing of
the League of Nations. If we become a
party to that court, it should be with
proper reservations; otherwise we should
continue to decline membership and lend
our efforts to the establishment of a new
court, totally divorced from the League.

Our Present Policies Are Constructive

Today we have our international prob-
lems. Some of them are in the countries
to the south of us. While our effort to
solve the Tacna-Arica dispute has not yet
been successful, it was a constructive at-
tempt to solve a long-pending question
between two of the principal governments
of South America. We have a problem
with Nicaragua, but a reading of the docu-
ments discloses that President Coolidge
was correct in upholding the sanctity of
the Central American Treaty of 1923,
providing against the recognition of anj
government that should come into power
through a revolutionary movement; and a
study of the constitution and laws of
Nicaragua make clear that the recognition
of the Government of Diaz was the only
policy that the President could properly
pursue.

The problem with Mexico involves the
Constitution of 1917 and legislation en-
acted subsequent thereto of a confiscatory
and retroactive nature. It has required
the greatest amount of patience, but the
revelations, if correct, of our newspapers
of the last month demonstrate that there
is, as has been many times alleged, a con-
nection between Moscow and Mexico City,
and that at least prima facie evidence has
been produced which would tend to in-
volve the Government of Mexico in the
promotion of agitation and revolutionary
disorder in Nicaragua as well as elsewhere.

The Mexican question is somewhat re-
lated to that of Eussia. We do not desire
to interfere in the internal affairs of
Eussia. We recognize its right to develop
its own institutions. But when it comes
to the matter of is recognition, the ques-
tions that must be answered must be with
reference to its disposition to discharge
its international obligations, its assurance
of the validity of obligations, and its
guaranty that rights shall not be repudi-
ated and property confiscated.

In our relations with China we have
developed constructive policies — the open
door, the maintenance of its integrity,
equality of commercial opportunity, co-
operation with other powers in the decla-
ration of common principles, limitation
of naval armament and of fortifications
and naval bases. The special customs con-

106

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

ference and the commission on extrater-
ritoriality were results of a constructive
policy. But while the unfortunate con-
flict exists in China and there is lacking
a responsible government with which to
deal, our policy must necessarily be held
in abeyance. The chief problem in China
is that of internal pacification.

Our Future Policy With Reference to World
Peace Is Constructive

What should our policy be with refer-
ence to international peace? War is an
abnormal condition. We should take
every possible step to prevent its arising.
Can this be accomplished by bringing
about an outlawry of war?

Among the most interesting suggestions
of this year was Monsieur Briand's pro-
posal of perpetual peace by nations agree-
ing to outlaw war. This could have a
favorable reception if our system of gov-
ernment would permit it. While authority
to enter into such a treaty may be a part
of the treaty-making power, declaring the
President empowered to make treaties
with the advice and consent of the Senate,
this power does not abolish other dele-
gated powers.

Under the Constitution the Congress is
empowered to declare war. This is to be
distinguished from the treaty-making
power granted to the President and Sen-
ate. While the Constitution gives Con-
gress the right of declaring war, neither it
nor any other organ of the government
can abolish that right. At any time that
it sees fit, Congress may declare war. A
present Congress cannot prevent a future
Congress from declaring war whenever it
may deem it to the national interest to
do so.

Notwithstanding, it would appear the
Senate has the power to make such an
agreement, and that it would be binding
'On our government. But in case the Con-
gress should subsequently desire to declare
war, it would have the inherent right to
•do so. In such an event, the law of the
land would be the declaration of war and
not the treaty. It is a fundamental prin-
ciple of law that when there is a conflict
between the terms of a treaty and a law,
the one that was made last is the one that
would be eifective. So if the Congress
should declare war, it would thereby re-

peal the treaty so far as domestic law is
concerned. But with reference to inter-
national law it would be a case of the
breaking of a treaty, and we would stand
before the world as being guilty of treat-
ing our treaty as a scrap of paper,
especially if the world should judge that
our act of war was without just founda-
tion or cause. Under such circumstances
we might move slowly in declaring war,
when we knew that by doing so we were
violating the terms of a treaty; also we
might move slowly in making such a
treaty if we thought there would be a pos-
sibility of our being forced, for self-
protection, to break it.

Undoubtedly there will be a public de-
mand that we enter into such a treaty ; but
from observations of such matters in.
Washington, it is not likely that the
Senate will consent to its passage.

In 1916 Congress declared as the inter-
national policy of the United States the
adjusting and settling of "its interna-
tional disputes through mediation or arbi-
tration, to the end that war may be honor-
ably avoided," and stated that it looked
"with apprehension and disfavor upon a
general increase of armament throughout
the world," but realized "that no single
nation can disarm, and that without a
common agreement upon the subject every
considerable power must maintain a rela-
tive standing in military strength."

In December, 1926, Senator Borah,
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs of the Senate, introduced a resolu-
tion providing that it is the view of the
Senate that war between nations should
be outlawed, making it a public crime, and
that every nation should be encouraged to
agree to punish war instigators and war
profiteers; that a code of international
law of peace based upon the outlawing of
war should be created, and that a judicial
substitutioa for war should be created in
the nature of an international court
modeled on our Federal Supreme Court.

At the next session Congressman Bur-
ton, of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the House, will present a joint resolu-
tion declaring it to be the policy of the
United States to prohibit the exportation
of arms, munitions, or implements of war
to any country in violation of a treaty,
convention, or other agreement to resort

1928

NEAR EAST RELIEF CHILDREN

107

to arbitration or other peaceful means for
the settlement of international contro-
versies; and Senator Capper, of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate,
will introduce a resolution providing for
the renunciation of war as an instrument
of international policy and the settlement
of international disputes by arbitration or
conciliation.

These resolutions demonstrate the de-
sire on the part of members of Congress
to promote a constructive foreign policy.

The diplomatic center of the world is
at Washington. In that city are found
more diplomatic representatives of more
nations than are accredited to the capitals
of any of the other countries of the world.
The United States is today the most
powerful nation. How are we going to
use this world power? Shall it be in the
martial sense, in the terms of aggressive
war, or in the moral sense, in the terms
of ideals? Nations and empires have
risen and fallen. If we are to preserve
ours, it must rest on principles of law
and Justice. It must not be by force.
Never have we had an opportunity to ex-
ercise the power of peace as we have today.
Our aims have always tended toward
peace, even though on occasions they may
have appeared otherwise.

But who and what are to determine our
policy of peace? Who can say whether
our foreign policy of the future will be
constructive or passive? It will not be
the President, the Congress, the press, or
any class. It will be public opinion. It
is a matter of educating from a false to a
true standard. If it is possible to educate
public opinion in one country, it can be
done in others, and eventually we may
have a public opinion that shall be inter-
national. A law does not make men good
and a treaty will not necessarily make na-
tions good. This has been proved by the
frequent breaking of laws by individuals
and treaties by countries.

Therefore, in order to enforce national
or international law, there must be public
opinion back of it. Then, and only then,
is it a living force. With it all things are
possible and without it there is little for
which we may hope. Public opinion is a
powerful agency. As a former officer of
tlic League has stated, there should "be
an international public opinion which will

insist on higher standards of international
morality in international dealings."

Whether our foreign policy shall be
passive or constructive must necessa-
rily depend on international develop-
ments. Until now it has been construc-
tive and is constructive. We can well
be proud of the world position which we
occupy. The nations look to Washington
as a diplomatic center of no little im-
portance. They would not do so if they
did not believe we had something of a
constructive nature in our foreign policy.
Whether one believes our foreign policy to
be constructive or passive, must one not
agree with President Coolidge, who, in
one of his messages to the Congress, has
said : "The policy of our foreign rela-
tions, casting aside any suggestion of
force, rests solely on the foundation of
peace, good will, and good works."

INFLUENCE OF OUTPLACED NEAR
EAST RELIEF CHILDREN

By MABELL S. C. SMITH

NEAE East Eeliefs first task was a
life-saving job. It was done on a
huge scale. The Armenian patriarch has
said that a million people are living today
in the Caucasus alone who would not be
living if it were not for the salvage work
of the American organization.

The next task was one of education.
That, too, was done on an immense scale.
One hundred and thirty-two thousand
children have passed through the hands
of Near East Eelief, receiving, each, a
simple schooling and training in trades for
self-support.

During the years when the orphan pop-
ulation of the institution at Leninakan in
Armenia hovered about 20,000 every child
was at some time or other a hospital case.

These instances of mass opportunity
suggest the value of mass work. The
technique of relief was developed quickly
and thoroughly because of the need of
giving immediate help. Probably no-
where else in the world has there ever
been such a chance for mass education as
in the Caucasus. Certainly no oculist has
ever elsewhere studied the dreaded eye

108

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Fehruary

disease, trachoma, while giving over 2,400
treatments a day.

And these large numbers are a consider-
able factor in the influence that the boys
and girls who have been in the orphanages
and are now outplaced in homes or in in-
dustry or are married and taking their
place in the social system, have on the
communities in which they live. The
East is a world for the old. Wisdom, they
think, abides only under white hair and
behind a long beard over there. The im-
pression made by just one or two children
when they told what they had learned
about hygiene and sanitation or about new
methods of work or ideals of living would,
as a general thing, be slight. There are
few personalities so strong as that of the
young girl "graduate" found by a Near
East Relief State director when he visited
a village in the Caucasus. Her room was
brilliant with sunshine and neat as a pin
in strong contrast to those of her neigh-
bors. She was a great believer in the
value of education, insistently urging the
village fathers to open a school, and until
that should happen, herself teaching all
the children who came to her. She had
learned the usefulness of the visiting
nurse, and until the village fathers made
arrangements to have a visiting nurse she
passed on what she had learned of first aid
and preventive medicine, of proper food
and skilful baby tending. She was a shin-
ing light. There are very few like her.

But the influence of a dozen or twenty
boys and girls, American reared, on a
small village in Armenia or Syria, on a
tobacco farm or in a silk mill in Greece,
is something to be depended on. When
girls who have belonged to the home-
making classes at the orphanages on the
island of Syra or at Leninakan go out into
service or are adopted into families or set
up their own homes somewhere near each
other and do things as they have been
taught to do them to secure greater effi-
ciency and saner results, the power of
numbers is bound to be felt. When lads
in Greece and Armenia are taught by
American experts to use agricultural

methods that are up-to-date and at the
same time adjusted to local needs, there
are enough of them to relegate the old
nail plow to the discard and to supplant
hit-or-miss seed selection by scientific
ways of getting good crops.

In Cairo there is a Working Boys'
Home which is a sort of spiritual refuge
for lads who are "graduates" of Near
East Eelief and are now earning their liv-
ing, but who need oversight and friendly
guidance such as they would receive from
relatives if they had any. Several hun-
dred of these boys have been taken there
from Greece and are becoming assimilated
in the business world of the Egyptian city.
Not one boy has gotten into trouble or
has thrown his companions into disrepute
by any infraction of the law. They are
clean living, industrious, spontaneously
religious. They are a product of wise
training and they are setting their stamp
on their companions because there are
enough of them to make what they do
noticeable.

That these thousands of boys and girls
of the Near East are going to be a force
for peace there is little doubt. This
crossroads of the world, the meeting point
of Europe and Asia, has been called the
beginning spot of every large war that has
ever afflicted Europe. The root of every
disagreement is a lack of understanding,
and in this pot that is not a melting pot
there has boiled every sort of misimder-
standing.

But now there is a new element. Here
are scores of thousands of boys and girls,
the growing generation, reared together,
knowing each other well, unaffected by
differences of customs because they have
taken on new customs, knowing the good
points of companions whose very names
were anathema to the small town feudists
that were their ancestors. These young
people are not going to quarrel with each
other or come to blows. And there are
132,000 to enforce the doctrine of peace.
There is such a thing as a spiritual im-
pact. Here is an example of it.

1928

MEANS OF NATIONAL DEFENCE IN PEACE

109

MEANS OF NATIONAL DEFENCE IN PEACE

By HARRY VANDERBILT WURDEMANN,
Colonel Medical Reserve, General StafE, United States Army

Since there is general agreement that in
our ungoverned world our country sliould be
protected by "adequate defense," and since
"adequate defense" is subject to differing in-
terpretations, the Advocate of Peace wel-
comes articles calculated to clarify the prob-
lem.— JiJditob.

THE program of the American Peace
Society advocates "patriotic and
staunch support of American traditions"
and "adequate national defense." It like-
wise advocates periodic assemblages of
enlightened leaders of the various peoples
for useful discussions of world problems,
upon which concerted action may aliect
permanent friendships among peoples and
nations.

Who in our country is a militarist, who
that wears the uniform of our country's
national police forces, the army and the
navy, ever wanted war? What President,
what Cabinet officer, or what Congress
ever acceded to war unless forced by pop-
ular clamor, which has many times called
for aggressive action, but has been re-
fused until the conscience of the common
citizen could not stand for any more de-
lay? President McKinley kept us out of
the Spanish-American War until the pop-
ular cry, "Remember the Maine" forced
us into it. President Wilson kept us out
of war, even though the bomb from the
German Seehoote carried down the Lusi-
tania and until the menace of becoming a
subject to the "All Highest" brought us to
the realization that we would have to fight
to preserve our standing as a nation, as
sometimes we have to fight to keep the
peace. Has not President Coolidge kept
us out of war and aggression on Mexico
despite the demands from the capitalists,
the Ku Klux Klan, and the religionists?

One department of our government lias
a misleading title ; it should be called the
Bureau of National Defense. The War,
N'a\7^, and State Departments are not and
never have been busy, and never will be,
in preparing for war, except for defense.
More than ^',300 years ago Plato ad-
vised that every precaution should be
taken to avoid the occasions of war. He

showed that the primary cause was in-
crease in population, meaning land hun-
ger, which has become very acute in some
European and Asiatic nations. The sec-
ond is foreign trade, which causes inev-
itable disputes — indeed, "competitive trade
is a form of war; peace is only a name"
(Laws 622). Foreign trade requires a
large navy to protect it, and "navalism is
as bad as militarism." He warned that
"unless the Greeks form a Pan-Hellenic
league of nations the virile Greek race
would some day fall under the yoke of
barbarism"; for with peoples there always
has been "a will to war, a will to power,
and a will to overpower,'" as Nietsche
says. The wars of the last 50 years have
been economic wars, by virtue of which
283,000,000 white "Christians" rule 920,-
000,000 "backward" colored people.

There is, too, another cause, the one
which overthrew the ancient nations. The
fat and sleek herd goes all to beef and
udders, breeding progeny without horns,
and does not show that bristling wall
against the foe. It can only moan and
bellow while the wolves of disorder, of
Communism, mingle with the flock and
hamstring the few protectors from the
rear. Are we not passing through the
phase of national existence with our peri-
odic private assemblages, our village
democratic meetings, which may interfere
with the orderly routine of republican
government. For more than a century
our Constitution, and that of the British
for more than two centuries, has estaB-
lished a balance of power, peace, and
prosperity which has not yet been radi-
cally disturbed, but which may some day
find its last affinities in mediocracy by
equalization of the classes, the result of
Socialism and Communism.

The struggle for human existence is
war, in which we individually and collec-
tively daily fight for peace. This is a
peaceful people, as all the world knows;
but to dream idly of peace or to diminish
our national insurance against war by
further cutting down of our police forces

110

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

is not a guarantee against attack, but is an
incitation from without and a sure way to
invite a million or more of misfits and
morons in this country to envy and to
attack us who have homes and families
well worth working for and well worth
defending. The surest means of preserv-
ing an honorable peace is that which is
one of the axioms of this association, a
"real and adequate system of national de-
fense."

In the fable of Antisthenes the lions
said to the hares when, in the council of
beasts, the latter began haranging and
claiming equality for all: "Where are
your claws ?"

We are even now engaged in a civilian
war with malcontents, who at the instiga-
tion of Communists from without have
duped by unholy propaganda, which is far
more dangerous than shot or shell or
poison gas, at the instigation of Com-
munists from without, which is aimed at
the undermining of the foundations of
our Government. This little handful of
Communists has already more than a mil-
lion dupes, who are fed with more than a
thousand publications a year. It has sev-
eral hundreds of hireling and glib-tongue
speakers who have insinuated themselves
into respectable organizations, who advo-
cate action which would destroy all we
cherish, by leading us into the uncharted
seas of internationalism and Communism.
This scum at the top and the dregs at the
bottom are very weU known to those who
are watching for the welfare of our in-
stitutions, but the War Department in
times of peace has to leave then* supervi-
sion to the civilians. They have made
little impression upon such fine organiza-
tions of working men as the American
Federation of Labor, which has blown
away the scum and strained out the
settlings.

My profession is a war for the preserva-
tion of life and the conservation of human
effort. For forty years I have fought
disease; during these four decaSes I have
also been a citizen-soldier, trained and
ready at any time to protect my family,
my home, and my neighbors at the call of
my country. During this time I have
never found a militarist resulting from
the education of our youth by training in

the schools and colleges. I have seen
many eminent men developed as the re-
sult of this training in obedience and
command. I have never in all my ex-
perience met a man whose hand was worth
shaking who would refuse to take his part
in the protection of his country by up-
holding the fundamental law of the land.
Those who will not support our Constitu-
tion have no right to our protection and
should get out of our country.

There is no question about the outlawry
of war; it ever has been beyond all man-
made laws. It is fatal to the individual,
but it is sometimes good for the race.
Our country was born by the War of the
American Revolution; it grew by the
French and Indian War, that of 1812,
and the Mexican War; was preserved by
the War of the Rebellion, and now only
exists as a sovereign entity, the greatest
of all nations, by the fact that we refused
to be vassals of a foreign-language power
some ten years ago.

My own profession was advanced a life-
time by the lessons gained by medical
military service; our span of life has
gained five years ; our children average an
inch taller, and, although we preserve
some of the physical defectives, perhaps
to our disadvantage — all are largely by
the result of medical knowledge gained
in military service to our country. Yel-
low fever, smallpox, typhoid and typhus
fevers, malaria and other scourges have
been conquered, and venereal disease is
greatly lessened by our medical national
defense supervised by the National Gov-
ernment. The morals of the military
trained man is, on the average, much bet-
ter than that of one who has not had this
education. Aviation is years and years
ahead. The young men of the country
learned habits of obedience and of com-
mand and learned of our institutions from
the lessons given them during the war.

The plans for the national defense in
peace have been confined to the minimum
by reason of the insufficient appropria-
tions of Congress, and therefore less than
50 per cent of our national defense would
be available for our protection in case of
national emergency. While our resources
in men are almost inexhaustible, it would
take six months to train them. We need

1928

MEANS OF NATIONAL DEFENCE IN PEACE

111

nearly 300,000 officers, of whom 240,000
would come from civilian life. Officers
cannot be even partially trained in a year.
However, the 12,000 of the Eegular Army
and 10,000 of the Guard form a cadre to
which may be immediately added the
110,000 business men now holding com-
missions in the Eeserve, although only
one-fourth of the latter have had reason-
able training for service. Under the As-
sistant Secretary of War, the resources and
manufactures of the country have been
and are being thoroughly studied, and the
co-operation of the business men for na-
tional defense has been secured. For in-
stance, in Seattle some 500 prominent
citizens are studying resources of the
Northwest each year, prepared to assist
in the supply of the civilians and of the
96th Division, which is allocated to Wash-
ington, Oregon, and Alaska.

Our influence has uniformly been used
for peace. For more than forty years our
State Department has been seeking to
solve the long-standing dispute between
Chile and Peru over the possession of the
Province of Tacna-Arica, arising out of
the war between those countries in 1879.

The friendly efforts of the United States
are being exerted to secure the settlement
of such a boundary question in no less
than five cases : Between Peru, Colombia,
and Brazil ; between Haiti and the Domin-
ican Republic ; between Panama and Costa
Rica; between Nicaragua and Honduras;
and between Honduras and Guatemala.
Better evidence of our pacific policy could
hardly be offered.

Our Government has been asked and
has granted its assistance in matters re-
quiring expert advice — matters of sanita-
tion, finance, economic development, or
military instruction. Examples of such

cases are General Gorgas' visit to Guaya-
quil, Ecuador, for yellow-fever prevention ;
mission of another health specialist to
Chile; of a police expert to Panama; of
experts on financial administration to
Colombia, Peru, and several other coun-
tries; military or naval missions of in-
struction to Brazil and Peru. Our Gov-
ernment schools of agriculture and our
Military Academy at West Point are open
for instruction to their young men.

All countries have plans for defense, and
the authorities know the plans of most of
them, not only for their own defense, but
those which have been studied out for an
attack upon the United States of America.
However, there is one great power and its
constitutional provinces with whom any-
thing but academic difficulties are almost
unthinkable, and that is Great Britain in
Europe, America, Africa, and Australia.

Jesus Christ said : "When a strong man
armed keepeth his palace, his goods are
in peace. But when a stronger than he
shall come upon him and overcome him,
he taketh from him all his armor wherein
he trusteth, and divideth the spoils."

To know one another by intervisiting
of educated people, as those of Canada and
America, with like laws and customs, is
the greatest guarantee against anything
but trivial disputes, which are readUy
settled by arbitration. But, until the
millennium arrives, others will not be free
of jealousy and covetousness ; we will
have to keep up our national insurance by
a reasonable national defense system, ac-
cording to the Constitution of the United
States, which requires every able-bodied
male citizen between the ages of 18 and 45
to be a potential arms bearer, to protect
our lives, our liberty, and to insure oppor-
tunity for the pursuit of happiness.

112

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

EFFORTS TO RENOUNCE WAR

UNITED STATES NOTE OF DECEMBER
28, 1927

On the 28th of December the State De-
partment sent a note to the French Govern-
ment in reply to the proposal of M. Briand,
which is as follows:

"I have the honor to refer to the form of
treaty entitled 'Draft of Pact of Perpetual
Friendship between France and the United
States,' which His Excellency the Minister
of Foreign Affairs was good enough to trans-
mit to me informally last June through the
instrumentality of the American Ambassador
at Paris.

"This draft treaty proposes that the two
powers should solemnly declare in the name
of their respective peoples that they condemn
recourse to war, renounce it as an instru-
ment of their national policy towards each
other, and agree that a settlement of dis-
putes arising between them, of whatsoever
nature or origin they may be, shall never
be sought by either party except through
pacific means. I have given the most care-
ful consideration to this proposal and take
this occasion warmly to reciprocate on behalf
of the American people the lofty sentiments
of friendship which inspired the French
people, through His Excellency M. Briand, to
suggest the proposed treaty.

"The Government of the United States wel-
comes every opportunity for joining with the
other governments of the world in condemn-
ing war and pledging anew its faith in
arbitration. It is firmly of the opinion that
every international endorsement of arbitra-
tion and every treaty repudiating the idea
of a resort to arms for the settlement of
justiciable disputes materially advances the
cause of world peace. My views on this sub-
ject find a concrete expression in the form
of the arbitration treaty which I have pro-
posed in my note to you of December 28,
1927, to take the place of the arbitration con-
vention of 1908. The proposed treaty ex-
tends the scope of that convention and re-
cords the unmistakable determination of the

two governments to prevent any breach in
the friendly relations which have subsisted
between them for so long a period.

"In view of the traditional friendship be-
tween France and the United States — a
friendship which happily is not dependent
upon the existence of any formal engage-
ment— and in view of the common desire of
the two nations never to resort to arms in
the settlement of such controversies as may
possibly arise between them, which is re-
corded in the draft arbitration treaty just
referred to, it has occurred to me that the
two governments, instead of contenting
themselves with a bilateral declaration of
the nature suggested by M. Briand, might
make a more signal contribution to world
peace by joining in an effort to obtain the
adherence of all of the principal powers of
the world to a declaration renouncing war as
an instrument of national policy. Such a
declaration, if executed by the principal
world powers, could not but be an impressive
example to all the other nations of the world,
and might conceivably lead such nations to
subscribe in their turn to the same instru-
ment, thus perfecting among all the powers
of the world an arrangement heretofore sug-
gested only as between France and the
United States.

"The Government of the United States is
prepared, therefore, to concert with the Gov-
ernment of France with a view to the con-
clusion of a treaty among the principal
powers of the world, open to signature by all
nations, condemning war and renouncing it
as an instrument of national policy in favor
of the pacific settlement of international dis-
putes. If the Government of France is will-
ing to join with the Government of the
United States in this endeavor, and to enter
with the United States and the other prin-
cipal powers of the world into an appropriate
multilateral treaty, I shall be happy to en-
gage at once in conversations looking to the
preparation of a draft treaty following the
lines suggested by M. Briand for submission

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

113

by France and the United States jointly to
the other nations of the world."

At the same time the Secretary of State
transmitted to the French Government a
draft of a proposed treaty of arbitration re-
placing the Arbitration Treaty of February
10, 1908, which expires on February 27, 1928.
This proposed treaty of arbitration is, of
course, entirely separate from the reply to
M. Briand's proposal. Identic arbitration
treaties are being submitted to other powers
having arbitration treaties with the United
States which expire shortly.

NOTE FROM THE FRENCH AMBASSA-
DOR TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE,
DATED JANUARY 5, 1928

"Mr. Secretary of State:

"By a letter of December 28th last Your
Excellency was kind enough to make known
the sentiments of the Government of the
United States concerning the suggestion of
a treaty proposed by the Government of the
Republic in the month of June, 1927, with
a view to the condemnation of war and the
renunciation thereof as an instrument of
national policy between France and the
United States.

"According to Your Excellency, the two
governments, instead of limiting themselves
to a bilateral treaty, would contribute more
fully to the peace of the world by uniting
their efforts to obtain the adhesion of all
the principal powers of the world to a dec-
laration renouncing war as an instrument of
their national policy.

"Such a declaration, if it were subscribed
to by the principal powers, could not fail to
be an impressive example to all the nations
of the world and might very well lead them
to subscribe in their turn to the same pact,
thus bringing into effect, as among all the
nations of the world, an arrangement which
at first was only suggested as between France
and the United States.

"The Government of the United States,
therefore, would be disposed to join the Gov-
ernment of the Republic with a view to con-
cluding a treaty between the principal powers
of the world which, open to the signature of
all nations, would condemn war, would con-
tain a declaration to renounce it as an in-
strument of national policy, and would sub-
stitute therefor the pacific settlement of dis-
putes between nations.

"Your Excellency added that if the Gov-
ernment of the Republic agrees thus to join

the Government of the United States and the
other principal powers of the world in an
appropriate multilateral treaty, Your Ex-
cellency would be happy to undertake im-
mediately conversations leading to the elabo-
ration of a draft inspired by the suggestions
of M. Briand and destined to be proposed
jointly by France and the United States to
the other nations of the world.

"The Government of the Republic ap-
preciated sincerely the favorable reception
given by the Government of the United States
to the proposal of M. Briand. It believes
that the procedure suggested by Your Ex-
cellency and carried out in a manner agree-
able to public opinion and to the popular
sentiment of the different nations seems to
be of such nature as to satisfy the views of
the French Government. It would be ad-
vantageous immediately to sanction the gen-
eral character of this procedure by aflfixing
the signatures of France and the United
States.

"I am authorized to inform you that the
Government of the Republic is disposed to
join with the Government of the United
States in proposing, for agreement by all
nations, a treaty to be signed at the present
time by France and the United States, and
under the terms of which the high contract-
ing parties shall renounce all war of aggres-
sion and shall declare that for the settle-
ment of differences of whatever nature which
may arise between them they will employ all
pacific means. The high contracting parties
will engage to bring this treaty to the atten-
tion of all States and invite them to adhere.

"The Government of the Republic is con-
vinced that the principles thus proclaimed
cannot but be received with gratitude by the
entire world, and it does not doubt that the
efforts of the two governments to insure uni-
versal adoption will be crowned with full
success.

"Accept, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of
my high consideration, etc.

"Patji. Claudel."

UNITED STATES' REPLY OF JANU-
ARY 11

On the 11th of January the Secretary of
State sent the following note to the French
Ambassador :

"Excellency:

"In the reply which your government was
good enough to make to my note of December

114

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

28, 1927, His Excellency the Minister of For-
eign Affairs summarized briefly the proposal
presented by the Government of the United
States, and stated that it appeared to be of
such a nature as to satisfy the views of the
French Government. In these circumstances
he added that the Government of the Re-
public vpas disposed to join with the Gov-
ernment of the United States in proposing
for acceptance by all nations a treaty to be
signed at the present time by France and the
United States, under the terms of which the
high contracting parties should renounce all
wars of aggression and should declare that
they would employ all peaceful means for the
settlement of any differences that might
arise between them.

"The Government of the United States is
deeply gratified that the Government of
France has seen its way clear to accept in
principle its proposal that, instead of the bi-
lateral pact originally suggested by M.
Briand, there be negotiated among the prin-
cipal powers of the world an equivalent
multilateral treaty open to signature by all
nations. There can be no doubt that such a
multilateral treaty would be a far more effec-
tive instrument for the promotion of pacific
relations than a mere agreement between
France and the United States alone, and if
the present efforts of the two governments
achieve ultimate success, they will have made
a memorable contribution to the cause of
world peace.

"While the Government of France and the
Government of the United States are now
closely in accord so far as the multilateral
feature of the proposed treaty is concerned,
the language of M. Briand's note of Jan-
uary 5, 1928, is in two respects open to an
interpretation not in harmony with the idea
which the Government of the United States
had in mind when it submitted to you the
proposition outlined in my note of December
28, 1927. In the first place, it appears to be
the thought of your government that the pro-
posed multilateral treaty be signed in the
first instance by France and the United
States alone, and then submitted to the other
powers for their acceptance. In the opinion
of the Government of the United States this
procedure is open to the objection that a
treaty, even though acceptable to France and
the United States, might for some reason be
unacceptable to one of the other great powers.
In such event the treaty could not come into

force and the present efforts of France and
the United States would be rendered abor-
tive. This unhappy result would not neces-
sarily follow a disagreement as to termi-
nology arising prior to the definitive ap-
proval by any government of a proposed form
of treaty, since it is by no means unreason-
able to suppose that the views of the gov-
ernments concerned could be accommodated
through informal prelimintary discussions
and a text devised which would be acceptable
to them all. Both France and the United
States are too deeply interested in the suc-
cess of their endeavors for the advancement
of peace to be willing to jeopardize the ulti-
mate accomplishment of their purpose by in-
curring unnecessary risk of disagreement
with the other powers concerned, and I have
no doubt that your government will be en-
tirely agreeable to joining with the Govern-
ment of the United States and the govern-
ments of the other powers concerned for the
purpose of reaching a preliminary agreement
as to the language to be used in the proposed
treaty, thus obviating all danger of confront-
ing the other powers with a definitive treaty
unacceptable to them. As indicated below,
the Government of the United States would
be pleased if the Government of France
would agree that the draft treaty submitted
by M. Briand last June should be made the
basis of such preliminary discussions.

"In the second place, and this point is
closely related to what goes before, M.
Briand's reply of January 5, 1928, in express-
ing the willingness of the Government of
France to join with the Government of the
United States in proposing a multilateral
treaty for the renunciation of war, apparently
contemplates that the scope of such treaty
should be limited to wars of aggression.
The form of treaty which your government
submitted to me last June, which was the
subject of my note of December 28, 1927,
contained no such qualification or limitation.
On the contrary, it provided unequivocally
for the renunciation by the high contracting
parties of all war as an instrument of na-
tional policy in the following terms :

"Article 1

" 'The high contracting powers solemnly
declare, in the name of the French people and
the people of the United States of America,
that they condemn recourse to war and re-
nounce it respectively as an instrument of
their national policy towards each other.

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

115

"Abticxe 2

" 'The settlement or the solution of all dis-
putes or conflicts, of whatever nature or of
whatever origin they may be, which may
arise between France and the United States
of America shall never be sought by either
side except by pacific means.' "

"I am not informed of the reasons which
have led your government to suggest this
modification of its original proposal, but I
earnestly hope that it is of no particular
significance, and that it is not to be taken as
an indication that the Government of France
will find itself unable to join with the Gov-
ernment of the United States in proposing,
as suggested above, that the original formula
submitted by M. Briand, which envisaged the
unqualified renunciation of all war as an in-
strument of national policy, be made the sub-
ject of preliminary discussions with the other
great powers for the purpose of reaching a
tentative agreement as to the language to be
used in the proposed treaty.

"If your government is agreeable to the
plan outlined above and is willing that fur-
ther discussions of the terms of the proposed
multilateral treaty be based upon the original
proposal submitted to me by M. Briand last
June, I have the honor to suggest that the
Government of France join with the Gov-
ernment of the United States in a communi-
cation to the British, German, Italian, and
Japanese governments, transmitting the text
of M. Briand's original proposal and copies
of the subsequent correspondence between
the governments of France and the United
States for their consideration and comment,
it being understood, of course, that these
preliminary discussions would in no way
commit any of the participating govern-
ments pending the conclusion of a definitive
treaty.

"Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur-
ances of my highest consideration.

"Frank B. Keixogg."

M. BRIAND'S NOTE

Following is the text of the latest note
sent to Secretary Kellogg by Foreign
Minister Briand, according to the New
York Times of January 22 :

Your Excellency was pleased to communi-
cate to me by letter on tlie 11th instant,
observations which were suggested by my

letter of January 5, replying to your com-
munication of December 28, 1927. My gov-
ernment has asked me to express its satis-
faction, seeing that, thanks to Your Excel-
lency, our government's views draw more
closely together concerning the best method
to follow to realize the project based upon
essential principles on which they appear in
accord.

The original French proposal of June, 1927,
envisaging a private act between Prance and
the United States, appeared, in the opinion of
the French Government, as desirable and
realizable by reason of the historic relation
between the two republics.

Agreeing only to place at the head of the
Franco-American arbitration treaty in pro-
cess of renewal, a declaration proposed by
the French Government, the Government of
the United States for its own motives, of
which the French Government is willing to
take account, it esteemed that it was advis-
able to extend this manifestation against war
and make it the subject of a separate act,
calling in other powers to participate.

The Government of the Republic did not
refuse to see its original plan thus amplified,
but did not dissimulate, and even decided to
emphasize, that the new negotiations pro-
posed would be more complex and of a
nature to encounter divers difficulties.

The question of knowing whether the act
thus envisaged as being multipartite would
gain or not by being first signed by France
and the United States or whether it should
first be prepared between certain of the prin-
cipal powers of the world and offered for
signatures of all is essentially one of pro-
cedure.

The Government of the Republic only
formulated its suggestion in the desire of
arriving more quickly and surely at the re-
sult which it seeks, together with the United
States — that is to say, it is disix»sed to adopt
tlie method, whatever it may be, which may
appear most practical.

There exists, however, a situation of fact
upon which my government has asked me
particularly to draw your attention.

It cannot have been overlooked by the
United States that the great majority of
world powers are making, for the organiza-
tion and strengthening of peace, common
efforts, which they are following out within
the bounds of the I^eague of Nations. They
are already bound one to the other by a com-

116

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

pact creating for each other reciprocal obli-
gations, both by accords such as those con-
cluded at Locarno in October, 1925, and by
international conventions relating to guaran-
tees of neutrality, and all of them are en-
gagements which impose upon them duties
they cannot break.

THE PRESIDENT'S HAVANA
ADDRESS

Before the Pan American Conference at
Havana, Cuba, on the 16th day of January,
1928, in the forenoon. President Coolidge
spoke as follows:

Mb. President and Members of the Pan

American Conference:

No citizen of any of the Americas could
come to the queen of the islands of the West
Indies without experiencing an emotion of
gratitude and reverence. These are the out-
posts of the new civilization of the Western
Hemisphere. It was among them that the
three small ships of the heroic Admiral came
when, with the assistance and support of
Spain, Columbus presented to Europe the first
widespread, public, and authoritative knowl-
edge of the New World. Other points may
have been previously visited, but for these
was reserved the final revelation. The Great
Discoverer brought with him the seed of more
republics, the promise of greater human free-
dom, than ever crossed the seas on any other
voyage. With him sailed immortal declara-
tions of independence and great charters of
self-government. He laid out a course that
led from despotism to democracy. Edward
Everett Hale, a seer of New England, tells
us that this gallant seaman, who rose above
the storms to become the forerunner of an
age of pioneers,

"Left blood and guilt and tyranny behind.

Sailing still West the hidden shore to find ;

For all mankind that unstained scroll un-
furled,

Where God might write anew the story of
the World."

In the spirit of Christopher Columbus all
of the Americas have an eternal bond of
unity, a common heritage bequeathed to us
alone. Unless we together redeem the prom-
ise which his voyage held for humanity, it
must remain forever void. This is the des-
tiny which Pan America has been chosen to
fulfill.

As we look back over the accomplishments
of the past four centuries, we can see that
we are warranted in asserting that the West-
ern Hemisphere has not failed in the service
that it seemed destined to render to human-
ity. Progress does not go forward in a
straight line. It is a succession of waves.
We cannot always ride on their crest, but
among our republics the main tide of human
advancement has been steadily rising. The
people have taken charge of their own affairs.
In spite of some temporary discouragements,
they have on the whole been successful. The
fertility of a virgin soil, a wealth of mineral
deposits, an abundance of water power, a
multitude of navigable rivers, all at the com-
mand of a resourceful people, have produced
a material prosperity greater in amount and
more widely distributed than ever before fell
to the lot of the human race. The arts and
sciences have fiourished, the advantages of
education are widespread, devotion to re-
ligion is marked by its sincerity. The spirit
of liberty is universal. An attitude of peace
and good will prevails among our nations.
A determination to adjust differences among
ourselves, not by a resort to force, but by
the application of the principles of justice
and equity, is one of our strongest character-
istics. The sovereignty of small nations is
respected. It is for the purpose of giving
stronger guaranties to these principles, of in-
creasing the amount and extending the
breadth of these blessings, that this confer-
ence has been assembled.

The very place where we are meeting is a
complete demonstration of the progress we
are making. Thirty years ago Cuba ranked
as a foreign possession, torn by revolution
and devastated by hostile forces. Such gov-
ernment as existed rested on military force.
Today Cuba is her own sovereign. Her
people are independent, free, prosperous,
peaceful, and enjoying the advantages of self-
government. The last important area has
taken her place among the republics of the
New World. Our fair hostess has raised her-
self to a high and honorable position among
the nations of the earth. The intellectual
qualities of the Cuban people have won for
them a permanent place in science, art, and
literature, and their production of staple com-
modities has made them an important factor
in the economic structure of the world. They
have reached a position in the stability of
their government, in the genuine exoression

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

117

of their public opinion at tlie ballot box, and
In the recognized soundness of their public
credit that has commanded universal respect
and admiration. What Cuba has done others
have done and are doing.

It is a heavy responsibility which rests upon
the people and the governments represented
at this conference. Unto them has been
given a new land, free from the traditional
jealousies and hatreds of the Old World,
where the people might come into the fullest
state of development. It is among the re-
publics of this hemisphere that the principle
of human rights has had its broadest appli-
cation ; where political freedom and equality
and economic opportunity have made their
greatest advance. Our most sacred trust has
been, and is, the establishment and expansion
of the spirit of democracy. No doubt we
shall make some false starts and experience
some disappointing reactions; but we have
put our confidence in the ultimate wisdom of
the people. We believe we can rely on their
intelligence, their honesty, and their char-
acter. We are thoroughly committed to the
principle that they are better fitted to govern
themselves than anyone else is to govern
them. We do not claim immediate perfec-
tion, but we do expect continual progress.
Our history reveals that in such expectation
we have not been disappointed. It is better
for the people to make their own mistakes
than to have some one else make their mis-
takes for them.

Next to our attachment to the principle of
self-government has been our attachment to
the policy of peace. When the republics of
the Western Hemisphere gained their inde-
pendence, they were compelled to fight for it.
They have always been a brave, resolute, and
detei'mined people, willing to make any sacri-
fices to defend what they believed to be their
rights. But, when once their rights have
been secured, they have been almost equally
solicitous to respect the rights of others.
Their chief efforts have been devoted to the
arts of peace. They have never come under
the delusion of military grandeur. Nowhere
among these republics have great military
establishments ever been maintained for the
purpose of overawing or subjugating other
nations. We have all nourished a commend-
able sentiment of moderate preparation for
national defense, believing that for a nation
to be unreasonably neglectful of the military
art, even if it did not invite and cause such
aggression as to result either in war or in

abject humiliation, it must finally lead to a
disastrous disintegration of the very moral
fiber of the nation. But it is one thing to be
prepared to defend our rights as a last ex-
tremity and quite another to rely on force
where reason ought to prevail. The form of
our governments guarantees us against the
Old World dynastic wars. It is scarcely too
much to say that the conflicts which have
been waged by our republics for 150 years
have been almost entirely for the purpose
of securing independence and extending the
domain of human freedom. When these have
been accomplished, we have not failed to
heed the admonition to beat our swords into
plowshares.

We have kept the peace so largely among
our requblics because democracies are peace-
loving. The are founded on the desire to
promote the general welfare of the people,
which is seldom accomplished by warfare.
In addition to this we have adopted a spirit
of accommodation, good will, confidence, and
mutual helpfulness. We have been slow to
anger and plenteous in mercy. When this
attitude prevails it is not diflicult to find
practical means of adjusting differences.
The statesmanship of the southern American
republics has shown a peculiar skill and
aptitude in this field. It began with mutual
consultation. The first Pan American Ck)n-
gress assembled at Panama City about 100
years ago. The purpose of that gathering
has never been forgotten and it may be said
to have marked the beginning of a permanent
Institution. The republics south of the Rio
Grande have produced a most impressive rec-
ord of a resort to mediation, arbitration,
and other peaceful methods of the adjust-
ment and adjudication of their international
differences. A study of their treaties will
disclose some of the finest examples of
mutual covenants for the limitation of arma-
ments and the avoidance of hostile conflict.
In the discovery of the true principles of
international relations and in the practical
ability of putting them into effect, they have
demonstrated a moral power and strength
of character for which the whole world
should be profoundly grateful.

The Pan American Ck>nferences meet for
the purpose of maintaining and extending
these important principles. It is impossible
to conceive of a more inspiring motive which
men could entertain in dealing with the
affairs of this world. You have convened

118

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

to take counsel together for increasing thie
domestic welfare of the free people of our
independent republics and promoting inter-
national peace. No other part of the world
could provide constituencies which all have
such a unity of purpose. The whole at-
mosphere of the conference is animated with
the spirit of democracy and good will. This
is the fundamental concept of your organiza-
tion. All nations here represented stand on
an exact footing of equality. The smallest
and the weakest speaks here with the same
authority as the largest and the most power-
ful. You come together under the present
condition and the future expectation of pro-
found peace. You are continuing to strike
a new note in international gatherings by
maintaining a forum in which not the selfish
interests of a few, but the general welfare
of all, will be considered.

If you are to approximate your past suc-
cesses, it will be because you do not hesitate
to meet facts squarely. We must consider
not only our strength but our weaknesses.
We must give thought not only to our
excellence but to our defects. The attitude
of the open mind must prevail. Most of all,
you must be guided by patience, tolerance,
and charity, judging your sister nations not
only by their accomplishments, but also by
their aspirations. A Divine Providence has
made us a neighborhood of republics. It is
impossible to suppose that it was for the
purpose of making us hostile to each other,
but from time to time to reveal to us the
methods by which we might secure the ad-
vantages and blessings of enduring friend-
ships.

Like the subjects which have occupied the
attention of your predecessors, the topics
contained in the agenda of the present con-
ference call for co-operative international
action. They belong to the class of inquiries
that produce closer international relations,
promoting the good of aU in the political,
economic, social, and cultural spheres. Your
predecessors have shown great wasdom in
directing their attention to the matters that
unite and strengthen us in friendly collabo-
ration— subjects that develop an inter-Amer-
ican unity of sentiment which alone can
make our common endeavors fruitful.

The existence of this conference, held for
the consideration of measures of purely
American concern, involves no antagonism
toward any other section of the world or any

other organization. It means that the inde-
pendent republics of the Western Hemi-
sphere, animated by the same ideals, enjoy-
ing the common blessings of freedom and
peace, realize that there are many matters
of mutual interest and importance which can
best be investigated and resolved through
the medium of such friendly contact and
negotiation as is necessary for co-operative
action. We realize that one of the most im-
portant services which we can render to
humanity, the one for which we are pecu-
liarly responsible, is to maintain the ideals
of our Western World. That is our obliga-
tion. No one else can discharge it for us.
If it is to be met, we must meet it ourselves.
We must join together in assuring condi-
tions under which our republics will have
the freedom and the responsibility of work-
ing out their own destiny in their own way.

The proceedings of the successive Pan
American conferences reveal a record of
achievement which, without attempting the
spectacular, constantly builds on the solid
foundation of the immediately attainable.
With each succeeding conference the agree-
ments for the orderly settlement of such
differences as may arise between the Ameri-
can republics have been extended and
strengthened, thus making their relationship
more certain and more secure. Each con-
ference has contributed its share toward de-
veloping more intimate cultural ties among
the nations of this hemisphere and establish-
ing new currents of mutual imderstandlng.
Obstacles to closer economic relations have
been removed, thus clearing the pathways
of commercial intercourse.

Of scarcely less importance have been the
many special conferences which from time to
time have assembled for the puri>ose of deal-
ing with the more technical questions in the
relations between the republics of America.
The meetings of the International Commis-
sion of Jurists, the Pan American Highway
Conferences, the Child Welfare Conferences,
the Sanitary Conferences, the Conference on
Consular Procedure, the Scientific Congresses,
the Financial Conferences, the Red Cross
Conferences, and the highly important and
significant Congress of Journalists have all
served to strengthen that spirit of Pan
American solidarity which, in the last anal-
ysis, represents one of the greatest achieve-
ments of our American civilization and one

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

119

which, in the future, is destined to play so
important a part in the fulfillment of the
high mission intrusted to the republics of
this hemisphere.

It has been most gratifying to witness the
increasing interchange of tmiversity profes-
sors and the constantly growing stream of
student migration from one country to an-
other. No other influence can be more potent
and effective in promoting mutual compre-
hension of national aims and ideals. It is
sincerely to be hoped that this cultural inter-
change will with each year assume larger
proportions.

It is not desirable that we should attempt
to be all alike. Progress is not secured
through uniformity and similarity, but rather
through multiplicity and diversity. We
should all be intent on maintaining our own
institutions and customs, preserving the
purity of our own language and literature,
fostering the ideals of our own culture and
society. In a territory reaching from the
north temperate zone through the tropics to
the south pole, there is room enough for
every worthy activity which is profitable and
every ideal which is good. Our geographical
location, as well as our political ideals, has
endowed us with a self-contained unity and
Independence. Instead of considering our
variations as an obstacle, we ought to relize
that they are a contribution to harmonious
political and economic relations.

In this great work of furthering inter-
American understanding, a large responsi-
bility rests upon the press of all countries.
In our present stage of civilization, knowl-
edge of foreign people is almost wholly sup-
plied from that source. By misinterpreting
facts, or by carelessness in presenting them
in their true light, much damage can be
done. While great progress has been made
toward the publication of fuller information
and unbiased views, a better exchange of
news service would do much to promote
mutual knowledge and understanding. What
happens in this hemisphere is of more vital
interest to all of us than what happens
across any of the oceans.

An increase of information depends largely
on an increase in the means of communica-
tion. During the entire nineteenth century
intercourse between the American republics
was exceedingly diflScult, and this isolation
proved a serious obstacle to closer under-
standing. The twentieth century, however.

and especially the last ten years, have wit-
nessed astonishing changes in this respect.
Trasportation by water has become rapid,
comfortable, and relatively inexpensive.
Shipping facilities from the United States
have been largely improved. Our govern-
ment is greatly interested in increasing their
efiiciency. Railway lines have been extended,
so that it will soon be possible to travel with
practically no interruption from the northern
border of the United States to the southern
border of El Salvador, and in South America
from Peru to Patagonia. During very recent
years every government of this hemisphere
has been giving special attention to the build-
ing of highways, partly with a view to estab-
lising feeders to the railway lines, but also
to provide great arteries of inter-American
communication for motor transport. On the
wall of my office hangs a map showing pro-
posed highways connecting the principal
points of our two continents.

I am asking the United States Congress
to authorize sending engineering advisers,
the same as we send military and naval ad-
visers, when requested by other countries,
to assist in road building. These gratifying
changes are about to be supplemented by the
establishment of aviation routes, primarily
for the transportation of mails, which will
afford to our republics a channel of inter-
change which will find its ultimate expres-
sion in closer cultural and commercial ties
and in better mutual comprehension. Our
Congress also has under consideration pro-
posals for supporting such air routes. Citi-
zens of the United States are considering
installing them.

Private organizations of a civic, cultural,
and educational character also have a great
opportunity to help in the development of a
closer understanding amongst the nations of
America. The fine co-operation of the Red
Cross Societies of the American continents
is an outstanding instance of the field for
service open to the civic and philanthropic
organizations of this hemisphere.

In the domain of commercial relations, the
last few years have witnessed an extraor-
dinary strengthening of the economic ties
binding together our republics. In both agri-
cultural and industrial production the coun-
tries of America are now complementing one
another to an unusual degree, resulting in an
increasing exchange of commodities. Fur-
thermore, recent years have witnessed a

120

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

most gratifying rise in the standards of liv-
ing of tlie wage-earners througtiout tlie
Americas. Tliey enjoy a greater productive
and earning capacity, with a consequent
increase in their purchasing power, which
has been reflected in the growing volume
of inter-American commerce, destined to be-
come more and more important as it com-
bines a scientific utilization of natural re-
sources with an increasing economic power
of the masses of the people. The greater a
nation becomes in wealth and production, the
more it has for the service of its neighbors,
the larger its markets for the goods of others.
The operation of natural forces, supple-
mented by the conscious purpose of the gov-
ernments and peoples of the Americas, has
increased their mutual interest in each other
and strengthened the commercial ties among
them.

In this work of inter-American co-opera-
tion, an important part has been played by
the Pan American Union. It stands as the
permanent organ of these conferences. This
international organization has labored im-
ceasingly to give effect to the treaties and
resolutions adopted by the successive con-
ferences. Its scope of usefulness is con-
stantly being enlarged and its ability to
serve the American republics is strengthened
with each year that passes.

In the area of political relations the re-
sults have been no less gratifying and even
more significant. It is almost impossible
fully to appreciate the remarkable record
achieved by the republics of America in the
settlement of the differences that have arisen
among them. Because of ill-defined bound-
aries of the sparsely settled political sub-
divisions of the old Spanish colonial em-
pire the independent States of America
carved out of it fell heir to a large number
of territorial disputes, which in many cases
were of an exceedingly delicate and difficult
nature. It is a tribute to the spirit of good
will and mutual accommodation which has
dominated the relations among the nations of
of the Western World that most of these
disputes have been settled by the orderly
process of negotiation, mediation, and arbi-
tration. The adjustment of international
differences on the American continents has
happily advanced to a stage at which but
few questions remain unsolved. This ex-
traordinary record of achievement places
heavy responsibility upon the present gener-

ation to advance the great work that has
been so auspiciously begun.

It is a high example that we have set
for the world in resolving international dif-
ferences without resort to force. If these
conferences mean anything, they mean the
bringing of all our people more definitely
and more comi)letely under the reign of law.
After all, it is in that direction that we must
look with the greatest assurance for human
progress. We can make no advance in the
realm of economics, we can do nothing for
education, we can accomplish but little, even
in the sphere of religion, until human affairs
are brought within the orderly rule of law.
The surest refuge of the weak and the op-
pressed is in the law. It is pre-eminently
the shield of small nations. This is neces-
sarily a long, laborious process, which must
broaden out from precedent to precedent,
from the general acceptance of principle to
principle. New activities require new laws.
The rules for the governing of aviation are
only beginning to be considered. We shall
make more progress in the end if we proceed
with deliberation. No doubt you will find in
your discussions many principles that you are
ready to announce as sound and settled rules
of action. But there are certain to be other
questions concerning which it is not possible
at the present time to lay down a specific
rule of law. This need not discourage any-
one. It is rather the most conclusive evi-
dence that the results which have been se-
cured are not of a temporary and ill-con-
sidered nature, but a mature statement of
sound and conclusive principles.

The foimders of our republic sought no
peculiar preferment for themselves. That
same disinterested spirit which has animated
the conduct of our past conferences has given
the American family of nations a high place
in the opinion of the world. Our republics
seek no special privileges for themselves,
nor are they moved by any of those pur-
poses of domination and restraints upon
liberty of action which in other times and
places have been fatal to peace and progress.
In the international system which you repre-
sent the rights of each nation carry with
them corresponding obligations, defined by
laws which we recognize as binding upon
all of us. It is through the careful observ-
ance of those laws which define our rights
and impose our duties that international co-
operation is possible. This lays on us all a

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

121

continental responsibility which none of us
wish to avoid and the fulfillment of which
is one of the most important guaranties of
international friendship.

While the law is necessary for the proper
guidance of human action, and will always
remain the source of freedom and liberty
and the ultimate guaranty of all our rights,
there is another element in our experience
which must always be taken into considera-
tion. We read that "the letter killeth, but
the spirit giveth life." Oftentimes in our
international relationship we shall have to
look to the spirit rather than to the letter
of the law. We shall have to realize that
the highest law is consideration, co-opera-
tion, friendship, and charity. Without the
application of these there can be no peace
and no progress, no liberty and no republic.
These are the attributes that raise human
relationships out of the realm of the me-
chanical, above the realm of animal exist-
ence, into the loftier sphere that borders on
the Divine. If we are to experience a new
era in our affairs, it will be because the
world recognizes and lives in accordance
with this spirit. Its most complete expres-
sion is the Golden Rule.

The light which Columbus followed has not
failed. The courage that carried him on still
lives. They are the heritage of the people
of Bolivar and of Washington. We must lay
our voyage of exploration toward complete
understanding and friendship. Having taken
that course, we must not be turned aside
by the fears of the timid, the counsels of
the ignorant, or the designs of the malev-
olent. With law and charity as our guides,
with that ancient faith which is only
strengthened when it requires sacrifices, we
shall anchor at last in the harbor of justice
and truth. The same Pilot which stood by
the side of the Great Discoverer, and the
same Wisdom which instructed the founding
fathers of our republics will continue to
abide with us.

PRESIDENT MAGHADO»S
SPEECH

The text of President Machado's speech,
made in welcoming President C!oolidge and
the Pan-American delegates January 16, fol-
lows:

Intense is our joy and complete our faith
in the future destinies of our hemisphere

when, gazing over this hall, adding brilliancy
to this transcendental occasion, we behold
the illustrious person of His Excellency Cal-
vin Coolidge, Chief Executive of the greatest
of all democracies, head of the great people
whom Cuba had the honor of seeing at her
side in her bloody struggle for independence,
which she enjoys without limitation, as stated
in the joint resolution of April 20, 1898, hon-
orably applied and inspired by the same
ideals set forth in the ever-famous Declara-
tion of Independence of North America, lib-
erty's greatest monument and the gospel of
the rights of men and countries; and the
select group of distinguished persons who
constitute the delegations of the nations of
America, which, throughout a century, have
contributed with intense activity to the wel-
fare of the world and to the great progress
of its latest historical period.

I offer to all of you the effusive greetings
of the people of Cuba, whom I have the
honor of representing on this solemn occa-
sion ; to your peoples I express fervent wishes
for their prosperity and greatness, and to the
chiefs of State the prophecy that, as a prod-
uct of this new gathering of all Americans,
we may complete, during their incumben-
cies, that which constitutes our common as-
piration, the rule of peace and justice.

The representatives of the American re-
publics gather once more with the practical
purpose of the consolidation of a mutual,
beneficial and positive brotherhood, both in
spirit and in interest. The International
American Conference, initiated at Washing-
ton thirty-nine years ago, and continued at
Mexico, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and
Santiago, Chile, again meets to toil for the
welfare and glory of this hemisphere, root
of a new humanity and crucible of a new
civilization.

Voices Pride in Gathering

Cuba is proud of your presence in her capi-
tal for the celebration of such an extraor-
dinary event. Regarding myself, I have
never before felt as much pleasure as I do
in these solemn moments in which I behold
my country as the scene of an assembly that,
animated by the most serene conciliatory
spirit, directs its efforts toward the approxi-
mation, development, and strengthening of
the spiritual and material bonds between
States that have been destined for fraternal
love by geography and history.

122

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

Pan-Americanism is a constructive work
that does not imply antagonisms, but, on the
contrary, co-operates for imiversal peace, for
a better understanding among all peoples,
toward the spiritual and moral unity of the
nations of the world. It is something that,
if in any manner it wishes to signify itself,
it is in the desire of being placed at the
front, bearing in mind that in international
life greatness should not be judged by stand-
ards inspired by admiration for brute force,
but by the efforts of each nation within the
scope of its civilization.

Pan-Americanism is not merely the result
of civilization, treaties, or noble institutions ;
it is also, and primarily, public spirit, the
will of the people and collective ideals.

This public spirit, this will and these
ideals, must be molded upon the progress
made in individual fields, with due regard
for the fact that a victim deserves respect
and an aggressor condemnation ; it must be
molded upon regard and affection, the coun-
try that in constant labor carries its valu-
able contribution toward collective well-
being; and upon admiration, the State that
places at the service of the common cause
of progress its daily efforts, civil activity,
hopes and aspirations. The great principle
of co-operation must substitute the idea of
separation of interests. Pan-Americanism
is the synthesis of all principles of good that
rise from the lives of the individuals to that
of the State.

Sees Union and Freedom

It is not my purpose to suggest rules of
conduct to such an illustrious assembly, but,
if I am permitted to express the sentiments
of my people, I will say to you that Cuba,
one of the last republics to join this family
of nations, aspires, with the faith of a novice,
to see this hemisphere as the exponent of
the most sincere cordiality, of the firmest
union; to see the nations here represented,
although politically separated, united in the
common name of America, some refusing to
allow their control by unjustified prejudices
that may reveal impotence, and others any
demonstration that might result in an in-
voluntary threat.

I will say that we Cubans can feel the
magnificent effect of our common traditions
and see with clear vision the great enterprise
that the future expects from our countries

and our men, while maintaining our love
for the countries of our respective births and
paying them due homage, for which no sac-
rifice is excessive, no matter how great it
may be.

The constitution of the Pan American
Union upon a judicial foundation ; the codi-
fication of the generally accepted principles
of international law ; the consideration of
the results of the technical conferences held
with specific aims ; of communications, cus-
toms, sanitation, etc., and the promotion of
more profitable economic relations, constitute
a beautiful program that may meet the as-
pirations of our peoples.

The work outlined will not be diflicult if
we direct our thoughts toward good, with the
determination of being useful to humanity
and to ourselves.

No person nor anything can now oppose
the tide that impels the destinies of the
Western Hemisphere toward its definite
brotherhood under the shelter of the judicial
standards that are indispensable for the
maintenance of peace. If we reach that end
in the Sixth International American Con-
ference, and a similar aim prevails in the
minds and souls of all here present, this
alone will be sufficient to mark the meeting
of your assembly at Havana as a brilliant
milestone in the annals of modem interna-
tional life.

Peace and Justice the Aim

All of you feel the desire to find basic
formulas that will harmonize the common
interests of all Americans : peace through
the absolute prei>onderance of justice, with-
out which happiness is not possible, neither
among individuals nor among nations ; jus-
tice secured upon adequate resolutions freely
accepted by all nations, without discrimina-
tion.

But I have not come here to state axioms
already accepted by all. It is sufficient for
me to affirm that this nation has directed
and directs all her energies toward the fruit-
ful labors of peace, order, liberty, and prog-
ress, upon which her glory rests ; and if
success has crowned her efforts, it is due to
that spirit of admiration that she had at
birth for all lands of America and for those
nations that preceded her in the conquest of
independence, which constitutes the supreme
good of all coimtries. A free nation, she

1928

NEWS IN BRIEF

123

today offers you her hospitality and in her
name I say to you that in her bosom you will
find the warmth of the hearth, the shelter of
the ally, and the love of the fellow-citizen.

Delegates, receive my welcome, my
prophecy of success, and my encouragement
for victory.

News in Brief

The Grand Council of the Fascisti, at
Mussolini's behest, have ruled that suffrage
shall not be universal in Italy. Only those
whom Fascists judge to be active contributors
to the welfare of the nation shall vote. Depu-
ties are to be reduced from 560 to 400 in num-
ber. The new system is a sort of oligarchy,
with the Grand Council holding all the power.
Mussolini himself nominates the Grand Coun-
cil. It is backed by secret police, press cen-
sorship, and denial of free speech and as-
sembly.

Japan's 60 million people subsist on only
a quarter of an acre of crops per person.
Intensive agriculture and efficient utilization
of land make this remarkable fact possible.

Commissions feom Uruguay and Bolivia
have been meeting in Buenos Aires to settle
a boundary dispute. Argentina offered her
good offices, but did not preside. Later she
offered her services as arbitrator.

New Zeiaxand Maori are many of them
prominent in the political and cultural life of
the country. A member of the race has been
acting Prime Minister lately. Others are in
Parliament and eminent in science and edu-
cation.

Colombia and Nicaragua some weeks ago
appointed commissioners to formulate a plan
for the settlement of an old dispute over the
possession of islands of the St. Andrews
archipelago, in the Caribbean.

The Tacna-Arica Boundary Commission
resumed its deliberations November 29th.

Airplane service for passengers and mail,
to ply between the Canal Zone and Colombian
ports, has been inaugurated by a Colombian
company.

Air passengers between Key West and
Havana were carried for the first time, on
the mail planes, November 15. Regular pas-
senger service opened on January 1.

The French Chamber of Deputies, on the
first day of the new session, November 2,
voted, by a majority of 43, to liberate from
prison during the time Parliament is sitting,
four Communist deputies. The four were
imprisoned during the summer for anti-
militarist propaganda.

The Abyssinian Government has negoti-
ated a contract with a firm of American en-
gineers for the construction of a dam across
the Blue Nile near Lake Tsana. The irriga-
tion of tremendous desert tracts is the pur-
pose of the dam. The expected substantia]
profits from the sale of water which will ac-
crue to the Abyssinian Government will en-
able the reigning regent to embark on a
scheme of education, health, and sanitation
for the betterment of the country.

The International Associations Against
Communism met in a congress at The Hague
November 9-12. Jurists from various Euro-
pean countries attended the meetings for the
discussion of a draft code containing legal
measures against Communism. The Burgo-
master of The Hague attended the opening
session. The press was excluded from the
conference.

Two native African women, teachers from
South Africa, have come to the United States
to study educational systems here. They hope
to take home new ideas for the advancement
in education of African women. They have
come to the conclusion that that country can-
not go forward while at least half of the
population remains ignorant and untrained.

Requests for Douglas fir seeds have come
from Australia, New Zealand, Germany,
France and Czechoslovakia for forest plant-
ing. This fir is the principal timber crop of
the Pacific coast, and some 3,000 bushels of
cones have been secured by the forestry de-
partment of the Long-Bell Lumber Co., from
which seeds will be extracted and shipped
abroad.

Leon Trotzky left Moscow January 16
to begin a sentence of banishment in Vierny,
Russian Turkestan. Other leaders of the
opposition Communists have been either ban-

124

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

F eh mart/

Ished or given party posts in remote spots
of Russia.

The Soviet Govebnment has appointed M.
Tboyanovsky, an expert on foreign trade,
ambassador to Japan to succeed M. Dovga-
levsky, lately transferred to Paris.

The Third Conference on the Cause and
Cure of War, held in Washington January
15-19, adopted a resolution approving of
Secretary Kellogg's proposal for a "multi-
lateral treaty with France, Great Britain,
Japan, Germany, and Italy and other like-
minded nations for the renunciation of war
as an instrument of national policy."

Esperanto is to be the only language
used at the next conference of the "New Edu-
cation," which will be held in Denmark in
1929. The same arrangement is announced
for the Fellowship of Reconciliation Con-
ference, to be held at The Hague next sum-
mer.

The German Reichstag has ratified
within a month the international convention
relative to health insurance of workmen
and employees in trade and commerce; also
of agricultural workers.

Central Europe and the Balkans, con-
sidered in terms of economics, are said, by a
correspondent of the New York Times, to
have completed the most successful year since
the war. Unemployment has decreased an
average of 20 per cent, and all countries ex-
cept Rumania have Improved in this respect.
Commerce is improving, especially in Czecho-
slovakia, and slightly even in Bulgaria,
Greece, and Albania.

The American Historical Association
passed resolutions in its conference in Wash-
ington in January stating, "Genuine and in-
telligent patriotism, no less than the require-
ments of honesty and sound scholarship, de-
mand that text-book writers and teachers
should strive to present a truthful picture
of the past and present, with due regard to
the different purposes and possibilities of
elementary, secondary, and advanced instruc-
tion."

A BOUNDARY DISPUTE OF LONG DURATION has

recently been settled between South Ameri-

can republics through the good offices of the
United States. The boundary line between
Peru and Columbia was in dispute, and,
though settled by treaty in 1922, the terms
were protested by Brazil. The matter has
now been finally and satisfactorily settled.

A NEW passenger liner SERVICE Under the
American flag is announced soon to be in-
augurated. Four-day steamers are promised,
which leave each side of the Atlantic every
other day.

The proposed highway from Canada to
Chile was lauded at the American Road-
builders Association in Cleveland in Jan-
uary as one of the most promising steps to-
ward international amity.

Canada's success in establishing diplo-
matic relations at Washington has decided
the Dominion Government to appoint a min-
ister plenipotentiary to France, it is officially
announced. Phillip Roy, the present high
commissioner at Paris, will be appointed to
the post, while the French Government will
make Baron VitroUes, Consul General for
France, the first Minister to Canada.

An advisory committee, to work with the
committee of experts on the codification of
international law set up two years ago by
the League of Nations, met at the Harvard
Law School recently.

The Turkish Government last spring
ordered all of the 2,879 remaining Russian
refugees to evacuate Constantinople, unless
they obtain citizenship by February 6, 1928.
Only a few technicians have been able to
obtain citizenship, and since over five hun-
dred of the Russians there are young or in-
firm the problem of removing them is diffi-
cult. The Turkish Government will extend
the time if one-half of the number is trans-
ported on the specified date. The High Com-
mission of the League with the Labor Office
plan to send one-half the number to be settled
in South America; the others to islands in
the Mediterranean. At least $100,000 of the
$230,000 needed for this work is to be raised
in America.

1928

BOOK REVIEWS

125

Norway and Sweden are the first coun-
tries to respond to the request of the League
of Nations that the nations draft model
treaties of conciliation and arbitration.

The China Institute in America has re-
cently published a bulletin listing 568 theses
and iiissertations written by Chinese students
in the United States since 1902. Of these
essays 152 deal with China and her problems.
The statistics come from 32 colleges and uni-
versities, and, while not complete, the list is
an interesting record of much of the work of
Chinese youth in this country.

The present arbitration treaty of the
United States with France expires in Feb-
ruary, 1928 ; that with Great Britain in June,
1928.

Six Afghan youths of good family, who
are later to become officers in the police force
which King AmanuUa is building up, went
to England the latter part of December.
After learning English in private families,
they are to study the British provincial and
metropolitan police service. Others will be
sent later. The king hopes by this means to
pacify Afghanistan, so that all races may
travel there in safety, railroads may safely
be built and operated, and his country may
enter the family of nations.

It has been announced by the President
of Yeuching University, which is in Peking,
China, that an institute of Chinese studies
will be established in both Yenching and
Harvard universities, where advanced stu-
dents of Orient and Occident may carry on
research after crossing the seas.

A conference of Yugoslavia, Poland, Ru-
mania, perhaps Hungary and Bulgaria, is
probable in the near future, to study the best
method of maintaining international com-
merce in the Greek port of Saloniki.

The South Ambkican Educational Ad-
vance has announced a renewal of its cam-
paign for funds with which to foster cultural
understanding between North and South
America. Among its objects is the inter-
change of specialists and lectures and the dis-
semination of the best literature in both
Spanish and English.

The Polish Government is said to have
sent a special courier to Lithuania to suggest
resumption of negotiations. As topics for
the initial discussions, the note suggests the
regulation of communication between the two
countries along the border and the resump-
tion of postal, telegraphic, and railway com-
munications.

Plans for a building for the League of
Nations have been approved by the commit-
tee of judges. The building, the plan for
which was submitted by a Frenchman, is
severely classical in design.

The cost of the World War to the United
States is estimated by Secretary Mellon to
be $35,119,622,144.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Outlawry of War: A Constructive
Policy for World Peace. By Charles
Clayton Morrison. Pp. 319. Willett, Clark
& Colby, Chicago, 1927. Price, $3.00.

Here is a book which is welcome to the
Advocate of Peace. It speaks a clear,
courageous word, and one of hope, to an
America of bitter disillusionment. The rank
and file in this country accepted our part
in the World War only as a necessity, be-
cause we had ideals of righteousness — in-
deed, because we hoped we might advance
the peace of justice. Results have not proven
satisfying.

The many developments in Europe during
and since the peace conference at Paris, the
revelations of secret documents and treaties,
the violent opposition of interests, the side-
stepping by governments of real issues —
all contribute to the havoc of soul which is
bound to accompany any sudden and pro-
found disillusionment.

Here is a book, however, which in its
main propositions is thoroughly constructive.
Indeed, its line of argument is buttressed
throughout with interpretations of events
which are as true as they are frequently
misunderstood. It is clear thinking of this

126

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

sort which will, if anything can, put war
out of commission as a human institution.

Dr. Morrison speaks as an American, be-
lieving in his country's institutions ; he gives
full credit to America's historic achievement
in abolishing war between soverign States ;
he thinks that America was quite sound in de-
ciding to "have no part in the structural com-
mitments with which the League is bound" ;
he scouts the idea of "enforcing" peace or
of any military sanctions for international
treaties. He treats all these themes with
logical incisiveness.

Disarmament he places in its place, as a
result of and not a prelude to security, as
secured by the abolition of war. He aims
surely and consistently, as the Advocate of
Peace has for one hundred years striven to
do, at War as an institution.

It is of interest, also, to note that the
author sees that the Geneva Protocol of 1924
rested solidly on military force, as do the
Locarno Treaties. Therefore he smiles at
the "Europeanized" mentality of Professor
Shotwell, who names his own draft treaty,
which entirely omits the military guarantee,
as "An American Locarno." The sentiment
of former attachment to a European back-
ground, he says, "must express itself some-
how, if only in the choice of a nickname."

The "Afterword," by John Dewey, does
not, in the reviewer's opinion, strengthen
the book. The word internationalism, which
he uses pretty freely, is full of dynamite
unless defined so that it allows for the sur-
vival of nations. The possible idea of a
superstate is a shadow which it seems un-
necessary to cast upon Dr. Morrison's very
sane and pragmatic book.

The Revolt of Asia. By Upton Close. Pp.

325. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1927.

As an explorer, journalist, or secret serv-
ice man, Josef Washington Hall, whose pen
name is Upton Close, spent ten adventurous
years in the Orient. He claims to be a re-
porter rather than a prophet. For this task
his thorough inside knowledge of tendencies
in China, India, and Japan are invaluable.
But after he has translated into western lan-
guage the recent thought of the East it re-
quires no prophet to convince us that we
have come to the end of the white man's
dominance in Asia.

"We have come," says Mr. Hall, "to the be-
ginning of the white and colored man's joint

world, when each shall have control in his
own house and a proportionate say in the
general convocation of humanity."

He quotes Philip Guedalla on China, that
ancient race which exasperates England "be-
cause the inhabitants of China are Chinese —
a singular fact which has so often baffled
European statesmanship."

There are interesting outlines of the differ-
ent ways in which Chinese, Japanese, and
Indians react to the western education which
has been so largely given to their youth ; but
all point to the necessary recognition of the
differences between East and West. And the
West needs certain qualities which are native
to the East. Hence co-operation must replace
the "white push."

One of the most revealing chapters is that
on Russia in the revolt. Of even more im-
portance in understanding the East is the
discussion with Ghandi at his spinning wheel.

The book is well printed, unburdened with
notes, rapid to read, and should be of use in
popular education toward a spirit of toler-
ance as opposed to force.

An Introduction to the Study of the
American Constitution. By Charles E.
Martin, Ph. D. Pp. 426 and index. Oxford
University Press, American Branch, New
York, 1927. Price, $3.

"Ours is a government of laws, but a gov-
ernment by men," says Professor Martin in
the preface to this book. The Constitution —
that is to say, is a framework or skeleton
giving form and substance to the living or-
ganism it supports; but without human per-
sonalities the Constitution is lifeless.

Dr. Martin does not close his eyes to the
defects in our government, nor in the Consti-
tution which systematizes it. Yet the Consti-
tution is so excellent ; it seems to be the best
thing so far devised for its purpose, that he
wishes to meet recent criticism with a rea-
soned study of it. Criticism is only helpful
if it is informed and constructive. Hence
this careful analysis of the growth of the
constitutional system of government and of
the ideals, national and international, upon
which it is based. Then the development of
these ideals, especially in the Constitution of
the United States.

The work is carried out logically and thor-
oughly, though in fairly brief manner. Many
illustrations are, naturally, merely summa-
rized. Controversial questions, particularly.

1928

BOOK REVIEWS

127

are analyzed in an unbiassed way. Discus-
sions and decisions as to tlie proposed Cliild
Labor Amendment, the Proliibition Amend-
ment, and other constitutional questions are
outlined as briefly and clearly as possible.

The appendix, however, is of more than
passing importance. It contains more valu-
able documents relative to our constitutional
history than are to be found in other books of
this kind. The Constitution itself precedes
the body of the book. The appendix has,
however, besides the usual Declaration of In-
dependence, Articles of Confederation, May-
flower Compact, the Virginia Bill of Rights,
the Virginia Statute of Religious Liberty, and
the Virginia Plan for the Constitution ; also
the New Jersey Plan, Pinckney's and Hamil-
ton's. There are, too, half a dozen selections
from the Federalist and brief biographical
notes on persons prominent in our constitu-
tional and judicial history. Finally, there are
lists of acts of Congress which have been de-
clared unconstitutional, and declarations of
persons and parties regarding the Constitu-
tion and the Supreme Court during the presi-
dential campaign of 1924.

The South Africans. By Sarah Gertrude
Millin. Pp. 287. Boni & Liveright, New
York, 1927. Price, $3.50.

"The past is the present. But the present
is the future." Thus Mrs. Millin, the novelist,
speaks in her essay on the Kaffir. But it
might easily be taken for the motive of this
whole book of essays. In order to guess of
the future of South Africa, one must read,
as one does here, of its past and hear an
estimate of its present.

Mrs. Millin does all this for us with thor-
ough understanding and courageous honesty.
Whites and blacks, Dutch and English, are
impartially delineated. Moreover, the whole
manner of telling is delightful. Seeing with
imagination, she writes with facile touch, yet
with authority. One's attention is often
arrested, too, by a whimsical turn of phrase
or a flash of Attic wit. Yet she leaves no
uncertainty as to the great problem of South
Africa, which is the terms of future adjust-
ment between the negroes and the whites.
The problem is similar to, but not identical
with, our own negro problem in the United
States.

The book is as absorbing as a novel and
deeply informing. There is no prophecy ex-
cept as a clear stating of a problem helps in

its solution. And that racial problem must
be understood, not only by South Africans,
but somewhat by the rest of the world, if it
is to be harmoniously solved.

The Case of the German South Tyrol
Against Italy. By C. H. Herford. Pp. 96.
George Allen «& Unwin, London, 1927.

The documents here translated and edited
were originally published by a committee of
citizens of the South Tyrol. The editor is an
English professor and reviewer of note, who
has published many books of his own, espe-
cially on Shakespeare, and also on the great
poets of Germany and Italy.

This book shows, by documents and notes,
how the population of the South Tyrol pro-
tested from the first against consolidation
with Italy without a plebiscite. It shows the
many restrictions which Fascist Italy has
imposed on the German-speaking people of
this region. These laws are summarized in
chapter xxil. They include laws regulating^
and changing to Italian the names of places
and families which have always heretofore
been German. As though to add insult to
injury, the translation from German to
Italian has often been quite absurd and
erroneous. There are laws limiting the rights-
of property, changing public Inscriptions,
prohibiting pictures of national heroes, and,
worse than all, the suppression of the native-
language press, the German language In
schools and the prohibition of all private
instruction in any language.

Since German-speaking people have inhab-
ited this region for about thirteen hundred
years, according to Professor Herford, and
are the bulk of the population, these regula-
tions create intolerable hardships. He sug-
gests, as a possible compromise and a bit of
far-seeing statesmanship, the creation of a
university, perhaps at Bozen, as a mediating
center, with chairs of both German and
Italian cultures. Methods of cooperation in-
stead of oppression would, he thinks, bridge
over this difficult period of adjustment.

Occupied Haiti. Edited by Emily Oreene
Batch. Pp. 180 and index. Writers' Pub-
lishing Co., New York, 1927.

This represents the results of a study of
Haiti in relation to the American occupation.
The committee was organized by the United
States section of the Women's International

128

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

February

League for Peace and Freedom. The find-
ings of this committee, given here, conclude
in a series of recommendations along the gen-
eral lines which one would expect from the
personnel of the committee. Briefly stated,
they advise an ultimate policy of leaving
Haiti to her own people, with an interim
policy of education, Haitian responsibility,
and neutralization.

The chapters, written by the different mem-
bers of the committee, are interesting and
quite temperate. All admit that the time for
study was too brief to be adequate and some
of the topics too technical for final opinions.
The investigators hope, however, for a fur-
ther and official study to be inaugurated in
Haiti. The book is at least informational
and thus worth reading.

SiLVEB Cities of Yucatan. By Oregory Ma-
son. Pp. 340. Putnam, New York, 1927.
Price, $3,50.

The splendid early civilization attained by
the Maya Indians of the first empire in
Mexico has been fairly well guessed from its
various ruins. Then came the conquests by
that great emperor of the Toltecs, Quetzal-
coatl. With an advanced philosophy of life
and ideals of statehood, the conqueror was
also great as a scientist, an architect, and a
priest. He lived in the twelfth century. Be-
fore King John of Britain granted the Magna
Charta to his barons, this Toltec emperor had
established a beneficent system of local self-
government among his conquered peoples.
The era following him, up to the Spanish
conquest, in the early sixteenth century, has
not yet been fully read. There are many un-
explained mysteries, and so far no Maya
Rosetta Stone has been found to aid in de-
ciphering the records. Furthermore, what
monuments there are have been largely inac-
cessible, or even unknown, because of the
jealousy of their present guardians, the mod-
ern Yucatan Indians.

This book tells of the Mason-Spinden Expe-
dition, which visited Yucatan in 1926. Dr.
Spinden is one of the leading authorities on
Maya archeology. Perhaps for that reason
Mr. Mason, no mean archeologist himself,
keeps his account largely to the cruise itself
and adventures of the men who went. He
describes the discoveries, to be sure, but with
a sort of holiday enthusiasm, as if leaving

the placing of things in their setting to an-
other member of the expedition. It was a
journey taken in strange conveyances, along
a dangerous, practically uncharted coast
But what are charts to an intuitional captain,
whose compass is incidentally discovered one
day, hidden away in the engine-room?

The story is a gay one, spiced with thrills,
a popular book that probably serves its pur-
pose, because he who runs not only may
read, but wishes to know more. And that
may be the legitimate object of the book.

The Land of Magellan. By W. 8. Barclay,
F. R. G. 8. Pp. 236, index, and maps.
Brentano, New York, 1927.

The story of the archipelago stretching
around Cape Horn has a meaning for several
reasons. Not only is the history of naviga-
tion in its waters a long and thrilling one,
but the region itself has strategic importance
for the present day. Setting aside the com-
parative ease with which the straits could be
blockaded, it is the nearest habitable laud to
that vast subcontinent newly discovered about
the South Pole. It is, too, a spot of real im-
portance in meteorological observations, af-
fecting the forecast of crop conditions in
South America, and an excellent vantage
ground for charting the ocean bottom, ocean
and air currents in the extreme south. Fur-
ther than that, much of the land in the archi-
pelago is entirely habitable, and with im-
proved communications might easily be ex-
ploited. The inner F^egan country, along its
tortuous water channels and seas, is a land of
rare beauty, which will one day be accessible
to tourists. All this and much more one
learns from this delightful and carefully
documented book.

Beginning with the little squadron of Ma-
gellan, which started on its memorable voy-
age in 1519, the author follows the tale for
the succeeding four centuries. Hardship,
genius, success, disaster, heroism, and vil-
lainy, all have a place in the long story. Fi-
nally, the lands as they appear to the modern
traveler close the narrative. The story has
never been so fully and connectedly told in
English before. It should be read as a pleas-
ant preliminary to further understanding of
the Antarctic ventures which are already
under way.

ADVOCATE OF

THnOUGH~^'^U JTICE

^"^"3,

5g^3F^^^-

Plowshares in the Making

from Chttstian Seitnct Monitor

Vxicc30f

March, 1928

American Peace Society

Its Beginnings

At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at Minot, Febru-
ary 10, 1826, a motion was carried to form a national peace
society. Minot was the home of William Ladd. The first
constitution for a national peace society was drawn by this
illustrious man, at the time corresponding secretary of the
Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution was pro-
visionally adopted, with alterations, February 18, 1828; but
the society was finally and officially organized, through the
influence of Mr. Ladd and with the aid of David Low Dodge,
in New York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society: "The New York
Peace Society resolved to be merged in the American Peace
Society . . . which, in fact, was a dissolution of the old
New York Peace Society, formed 16 August, 1815, and the
American, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

Its Purpose

— Constitution of the
American Peace Society
Article 11.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Arthur Deeein Call, Editor

Leo Pasvolsky, Associate Editor

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Founded 1828 from Societies some of whlcli liegan in 1815.

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Wasliington.")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, $3.00 a year. Single copies, 30 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter. June 1, 1911, at the Post-Offlce at Washington,
D. C, under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

CONTENTS

Publications of the American Peace Society 131-132

Editoeials

Why our Conference in Cleveland? — A Successful Congress — Re-
grettable— Mr. Burton's Resolution — German Sense and Security —
Catholic Association for International Peace — A Sample European
Difficulty— Editorial Notes 133-148

World Problems in REV^EW

Sixth Pan American Conference — The Problem of Security — French
Army Reform — E\iture of the German Reich — Trotsky's Exile to
Siberia 149-160

General Articles

History of the Advocate of Peace 162

By M. S. Call
Should Any National Dispute be Reserved from Arbitration? 170

By Jackson H. Ralston, Esq.
International Relations 173

By Mrs. Rufus C. Dawes
Our Army 175

By Honorable Ross A. Collins
A Letter 179

Prom "Bill" Adams
Geneva and After 181

By the Correspondent and Editor of the London Times
The Trees that Died in the War (A Poem) 184

By Angela Morgan
Whereas (A Poem on the Centennial of the American Peace Society) . 187

By Alice Lawry Gould

International Documents

Arbitration Treaty between the United States and France 185

Anglo-Iraq Treaty 186

News in Brief 188

Book Reviews 190

Vol. 90 March, 1928 No. 3

■^ r

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

David Jayne Hux

Secretary
Abthub Deerin Cau.

OFFICERS

President
Theodoee E. Burton

Vice-Presidents

Business Manager
Lacet C Zapf

Jackson H. Ralston

Treasurer
George W. White

Formerly
Assistant Director, Bureau of Research, Chamber of Commerce of the United States
Secretary, American Section, International Chamber of Commerce

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

(Asterisk indicates member of Executive Committee)

Philip Marshall Brown, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jer-
sey.

•Arthur Deerin Call, Secretary, and Editor of
the Advocate of Peace. Executive Secretary, Amer-
ican Group, Interparliamentary Union.

P. P. Claxton, Superintendent of Schools, Tulsa,
Oklahoma. Formerly United States Commissioner of
Education.

John M. Crawford, President, Parkersburg Rig &
Reel Company, Parkersburg, West Virginia. For
manjr years a< Director of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States.

Tyson S. Dinks, Attorney of Denver, Colorado.

John J. Esch, Chairman, Interstate Commerce
Commission. Formerly Member of Congress from
Wisconsin.

IlARRr A. Garfield, President, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass. United States Fuel Adminis-
trator during World War.

•Thomas E. Green, Director, National Speakers'
Bureau, American Red Cross.

Dwight B. Heard, President, Dwight B. Heard
Investment Company, Phoenix, Arizona. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States.

•David Jaynb Hill, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to
Germany.

Charles L. Hyde, President, American Exchange
Bank, Pierre, South Dakota.

William Mather Lewis, President, Lafayette Col-
lege, Baston, Pa.

Felix M. McWhikter, President, Peoples State
Bank, Indianapolis, Indiana. Director, Chamber of
Commerce of the United States.

B. T. Meredith, Des Moines, Iowa. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Member
American Committee, International Chamber of Com-
merce. Formerly Secretary of Agriculture.

Prank W. Mondell, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Congressman from Wyoming.

•Walter A. Morgan, D. D., Postor, New First Con-
gregational Church, Chicago, Illinois.

•George M. Morris, Washington, D. C. Partner of
the Chicago and New York law firm of Kix-Miller &
Barr.

•Henry C. Morris, Attorney of Chicago and Wash-
ington, D. C. Formerly United States Consul.

Edwin P. Morrow, Member. United States Board
of Mediation, Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor
of Kentucky.

John M. Parker, formerly Governor of Louisiana,
St. Francisville, La.

Reginald H. 1'arsons, President, Parsons Invest-
ment Company, Seattle, Washington. Member Amer-
ican Committee, International Chamber of Commerce,
and for many years member of the National Foreign
Trade Council.

Jackson H. Ralston, Attorney, Palo Alto, Califor-
nia.

Arthur Ramsay, Southern Pines, North Carolina.
Founder, Fairmont Seminary, Washington, D. C.

Hiram W. Ricker, President, Poland Springs Com-
pany, South Poland, Maine.

•Theodore Stanfield, Peace Advocate and Author,
New York City. Formerly Executive Manager, Amer-
ican Metal Company.

•.Tay T. Stocking, D. D., Pastor, Pilgrim Congre-
gational Church, St. Louis. Mo.

Silas II. Sthawn, Attorney of Chicago. Chairman
of Board. Montgomery Ward Company. Director, In-
ternational Chamber of Commerce. President, Amer-
ican Bar Association.

♦Henry W. Temple, Congressman from Pennsyl-
vania. Member House Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Robert E. Vin.son, President, Western Reserve
University, Cleveland, Ohio.

William Way, D. D., Rector, Grace Episcopal
Church, Charleston, South Carolina. President of the
New England Society of Charleston.

Oscar Wells, President, First National Bank, Bir-
mingham, Alabama. Formerly President, American
Bankers Association. Member American Committee,
International Chamber of Commerce.

Frank White, Treasurer of the United States,
Washington, D. C Formerly Governor of North
Dakota.

•George W. White, Treasurer. President, National
Metropolitan Bank, Washington, D. C. Treasurer
American Automobile Association.

William Alle.v White, Proprietor and Editor,
Emporia Dally and Weekly Gazette, Emporia, Kans.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

Elmer Ellsworth Brown, Chancellor, New York
University.

W. H. P. Faunce, President, Brown University.

William P. Qest. President, Fidelity Trust Com-
pany, Philadelphia, Pa.

CiiARLKs Cheney Hyde, Hamilton Fish Professor
of International Law and Diplomacy, Columbia Uni-
versity. Formerly Solicitor for Department of State.
Charles F. Thwing, President Emeritus,

George H. Jddd, President, Judd & Detweiler, Inc.,
Washington, D. C.

Blihu Root, Attorney, New York City. Formerly
Secretary of State, and for many years President of
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

.Tames Brown Scott, Secretary Carnegie End
ment for International Peace, Washington, D.
I'resldent. Institute of International Law.
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN
PEACE SOCIETY

612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. G.

The following pamphlets are available at the headquarters of the American Peace Society, the
price quoted being for the cost of printing and postage only :

ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Published Monthly Except September, $3.00

PAMPHLETS

ETHICAL AND GENERAL: Published
Butler, Nicholas Murray :

The International Mind 1912 $0.05

Call, Arthur D. :

Cumber and Entanglements 1917 .10

Carnegie, Andrew :

A Lea^e of Peace 1905 . 10

Christ of the Andes (illustrated), 7th

edition 1914 . 05

Franklin on War and Peace .10

Gladden, Washington :

Is War a Moral Necessity? 1915 .05

Morgan, Walter A. ;

Great Preaching in England and

America 1924 . 05

Palace of Peace at The Hague (illus-
trated) 1914 .OS

Peace seals in six colors. Sheets of 12 .10

12 sheets 1.00

Stanfield, Theodore :

The Divided States of Europe and

The United States of America.. 1921 .10

Tolstoi. Count Leon :

The Beginning of the End 1898

EDUCATION :
Bush-Brown, H. K.

A Temple to Liberty 1926

Military Training for Schoolboys :

Symposium from educators 1916

Taft, Donald R.

History Text Books as Provoca-
tives of War 1925

Walsh, Rer. Walter :

Moral Damage of War to the School

Child 1911

Oordt. Blenland v. :

Children Bnildlng Peace Palace ;
post-card (sepia)

MUSIC :
Cole, Evelyn Leeds :

Hymn for Universal Peace.
12.

HISTORY
Call, Arthur D. :

Federal Convention, May-Septem-
ber. 1787. Published 1922, re-

ptibllshed

James Mndison, America's greatest

constructive statesman

The Will to End War

Emerson, Ralnh Waldo :

"War." Address before the Ameri-
can Peace Society in 1838. Re-
printed

Estoumelle de Constant :

The Limitation of Armaments (Re-
port at Interparliamentary Union

Meetint?, London)

Hocking, Wm. E.

Immannel Kant and International

Policies

Kant. Immanuel :

Perpetual Peace. First published

in 1795. republished in

Levermore, Charles H. :

Synopsis of Plans for International
Organization

1924

1926
1920

1924

.10

.10
.05

.15

.05

.10
1.00

.25

.10
.15

.15

1906

.10

1924

.10

1897

.20

1919

.10

BIOGRAPHY :
Beals, Charles E. :

Benjamin F. Trueblood, Prophet of
Peace

Hemmenway, John :

William Ladd, The Apostle of
Peace

1916

1891

.05

Penn, William : Published.

Peace of Europe. First published

in 1693, republished in 1912 $0.10

Scott, James Brown :

The Development of Modern Di-
plomacy 1921

Trueblood, Benjamin F. :

International Arbitration at the

Opening of the 20th Century

Trueblood, Lyra :

18th of May, History of its Ob-
servance

Tryon, James L. :

A Century of Anglo-American

Peace 1914

New England a Factor in the

Peace Movement 1914

Washington's Anti-Militarism

Worcester, Noah :

Solemn Review of the Custom of
War. First published Christ-
mas, 1814, republished in 1904

.05

.05
.05

.10
.10

Staub. Albert W. :

David Low Dodge, a Peace Pioneer

and his Descendants 1927 . 10

Wehberg, Hans :

James Brown Scott 1926 . 10

JAPAN AND THB ORIBNT :
Deforest, J. H. :

Is Japan a Menace to the United

States? 1908 .05

Kawakami, Isamu :

Disarmament, The Voice of the

Japanese People 1921 . 10

Tolstoi, Count Leon :

letter on the Russo-Japanese War 1904 .10

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS :
Call. Arthur D. :

Three Facts in American Foreign

Policy 1921 .05

A Governed World 1921 . 05

Hughes, Chnrles E. :

The Development of International

Law 1925 . 10

Root. Elihu :

"The Great War" and International

Law 1921 .10

See also Interparliamentary Union
Scott. James Brown :

Orgnnization of International Jus-
tice 191T .10

Government of Laws and not of

Men 1926 . 15

Published. •
Should There be a Third Hague

Conference ? 1925 . 10

Snow, Alphens H. :

International Reorganization 1917 .10

International Legislation and Ad-
ministration 1917 . 10

League of Nations According to

American Idea 1920 . 10

132

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

Spears, Brig. -Gen. E. L. : Published.

Demilitarized Zones and European

Security 1925 $0. 10

Stanfleld, Theodore :

A Coercive League 1920 . 10

Trueblood, Benj. P. :

A Periodic Congress of Nations... 1907 .05

Tryon, James L. :

The Hague Peace System in Opera-
tion 1911 $0.10

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION :

Call, Arthur D. :

The Interparliamentary Union.... 1923 .10

20th Conference, Vienna 1922 . 10

21st Conference, Copenhagen 1923 .10

Twenty-third Conference in the
United States and Canada, in-
cluding 1925 .25

Story of the conference Published.

Who's who of the conference
Addresses by —

Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary

of State
Senator William B. McKin-
ley, President of the U. S.
Group
Elihu Root, Codification of

international law
Theodore E. Burton, Codifi-
cation of international
law
Senator Claude E. Swanson,
The Pan American Union
Farewells at Niagara Falls
Resolutions adopted by the
conference
Tryon, James L. :

The Interparliamentary Union and

its worli 1910 .05

Call, Arthur D. :

Our Country and World Peace.

BOOKS

Johnson, Julia E. (Compiler) :
1926 $1.25 Permanent Court of International

Justice 1923

Scott, James Brown :

Peace Through Justice 1917 . 70

Slightly shelf-worn books at reduced prices

.60

Balou, Adin :

Christian Non-resistance. 278
pages. First published 1846, and

republished 1910 . 50

Crosby, Ernest :

Garrison, the Non-resistant. 141

pages 1905 . 25

La Fontaine, Henri :

The Great Solation. 177 pages.. 1916 .70

Lynch, Frederick :

Through Europe on the Eve of

War. 152 pages 1914 .25

Von Suttner, Berthe :

Lay Down Your Arms (a novel),

435 pages 1914 .50

White. Andrew D. :

The First Hague Conference. 123

pages 1905 . 50

REPORTS

5th Universal Peace Congress, Chi-
cago 1893 . 50

First National Arbitration and Peace

Congress, New York 1907 . 50

Second National Peace Congress, Chi-
cago 1909 . 50

Third American Peace Congress, Bal-
timore 1911 . 50

Fourth American Peace Congress, St.

Louis 1913 .50

Fifth American Peace Congress, San

Francisco 1915 . 50

Twenty-first Annual Conference on
International Arbitration. Lake
Mohonk 1915 . 30

APPLICATION FOR MEMBERSHIP IN AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Please enroll me as a member, of the class checked. Thus, I understand, I shall
receive a free subscription to The Advocate of Peace, the Society's monthly magazine.

MEMBERSHIPS

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D Sustaining 10 a year

n Contributing 25 a year

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D Life, $100 in one payment.

Date

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n I enclose $

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Address

(D Subscription, only, to Advocate of Peace, $3)

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March, 1928

WHY OUR CONFERENCE IN
CLEVELAND?

THE celebration of the one hundredth
anniversary of the American Peace
Society in Cleveland, Ohio, May 7-11
next, will be a worthy tribute to a worthy
labor carried on for one hundred years
in the interests of a worthy cause. It is
doubtful, however, if it would warrant
the expense of time, money, and energy
if the only purpose were to celebrate the
record of a society.

There is a deeper reason. The threat
of another world war hangs over us.
Whether or not that war shall break de-
pends upon the men and women engaged
in the work of the world during this gen-
eration. An unofficial conference of
world leaders, therefore, and that in the
United States, ought to be of major im-
portance.

That eternal vigilance which is the
price of liberty is also the price of peace.
Vigilant or not, men and women every-
where recognize the failures of men.
And failures there are.

There is the failure of the Geneva Arms
Conference of a few months ago. It ap-
pears that peoples everywhere wish to
disarm, or at least materially to reduce
their arms to mere police necessities; yet
they can't find the way. Ten years after
the war to end war, the world finds more
men under arms than in 1914. Poison-
ous gases, flying forces, and submarines are
being developed increasingly, and that

by the major powers of the world. Fears
of a navy race, fears of every kind, are
agitating well-nigh every nation, and that
more than in the days before Sarajevo.

There is the failure of men successfully
to counteract these fears. Argentina,
Brazil, and Spain have withdrawn from
the League of Nations. There is the will
to have and to hold versus the will to
regain territories. There are the mil-
lions of minorities sweating under yokes
they dislike, with no apparent means of
achieving justice for both sides to the
dispute. Great powers have returned to
the old methods of military alliances and
to their ancient faith in the principle of
the balance of power. France, benefi-
ciary of the Treaty of Versailles, of Lo-
carno, and of the League, has military
alliances with nine other powers. This
group finds itself in more or less hostile
opposition to the Entente, composed of
Italy, Albania, and Hungary, and pos-
sibly Bulgaria. Italy's desire for expan-
sion, her will to revive past glories, her
resentfulness of French dominance in the
League, certain evidences of her designs
on Nice and Savoy because of French
dominance in Tunis, Algeria, and Mo-
rocco, confuse and disturb. Men talk
frankly of the possibilities of a war in
the Adriatic, which, if it should happen,
might easily lead Germany, Hungary,
Austria, and Bulgaria to move for the
return of their lost territories. Then, in-
deed, the world would sense its failures.

Enmities there are, also, aplenty:

134

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

France against Italy, Italy against Yugo-
slavia, Hungary against Eumania, Ku-
mania against Russia, Eussia against
Poland, Poland against Lithuania,
France against Germany. Dictatorships
present their confusing issues. Poland,
existing under a government set up by
coup d'etat in 1926, is said to have ninety-
two political associations and thirty politi-
cal parties. There were fourteen changes
of Poland's cabinet between 1918 and
1926. There are dictatorships elsewhere
and of a variety of kinds. The Mediter-
ranean question, befogged by the pro-
cesses of secret diplomacy which we know
not of, creates the fear that Europe is
developing into two armed camps, quite
as before the war. Italy has intervened
in Tangier quite as Germany did in
Morocco. There are suspicions that
powers employing the old methods of
secret diplomacy are now planning to
partition North Africa and North Arabia,
with the possibility that Spain will ex-
change Morocco for Tangier, with the
view of trading it later for Gibraltar, and
that France shall turn Syria over to Italy
and assume the control of all Morocco.
It is possible that Britain is co-operating
with these operations, with the view of
holding the oil lands of Mosul and of
having her own way in Egypt. If these
things are in any sense true, with Ger-
many, Eussia, and Turkey outside, the
two armed camps may have for their cen-
ters of operation, respectively, Morocco
and London. Such a division would rep-
resent the climax of human failure.
Surely the world needs to know more of
tliese things.

Too, the enigmas of our time are un-
usually baffling. They need examination.
What, for example, is the meaning of
Eussia, and her evident return to cap-
italistic forms? What of China, in her

celestial throes of civil war? How far
are chauvinists controlling affairs in
Japan and elsewhere ? How many of our
international diseases are due to the
lowered vitality of leaders incident to the
drains of the World War? What is the
meaning of the Polish corridor and kin-
dred strange products of the Treaty of
Versailles? Is it possible to adjust sur-
plus populations to their imhappy en-
vironment? What has India, radiant
with her sheen of mysticism, to offer?
Who is to disentangle the conflicting na-
tional ambitions and programs? Again,
it would appear, an outstanding need just
now is study and conference, not to men-
tion faith and prayer.

We poor peace workers need the best
help of the best minds. Those of us with
the Jehovah complex, even, can be
brought to listen and to learn. Bootleg
pacifists, with what is called their "gran-
diose garrulity," can be brought to realize
that their goal of absolutes, if a thing to
be striven for, can never be attained.
Calm and dispassionate men and women,
thoughtfully concerned to do something
worthily, want to know more of the mean-
ing of the word "security," which the
world seems unable to achieve in terms
of force. Is it true that there is to be
another European war by 1935, when the
Allied armies are due to evacuate the
Ehineland? Is it true that the world is
only technically at peace, and that at a
time when statesmen and peoples every-
where are crying for peace? Is it true,
as said, that there would be a general
European war now if the nations had the
cash?

There is need for counsel, discussion,
study, and common conference. These are
the advantages offered by the Conference
on International Justice to be held in the
city of Cleveland, May 7 to 11, 1928.

19S8

EDITORIALS

135

A SUCCESSFUL CONGRESS

THE Sixth Pan American Conference,
held in Havana, Cuba, came to an
end February 21. While it was impos-
sible to produce unanimous agreement
upon all questions, such as those relatmg
to the tariff and intervention, it was able
to produce real achievement, probably
more than any of the series heretofore. As
a result, for example, the Pan American
Union may have upon its governing
board men other than the diplomatic rep-
resentatives accredited to Washington.
The Pan American Union is now on a
more permanent basis. There has been
agreement upon a draft treaty on the
rights and duties of neutrals in the event
of war, upon a commercial aviation agree-
ment, upon a treaty placing aliens abroad
on the same footing as nationals, upon
a treaty providing for international co-
operation for the suppression and preven-
tion of revolutions on each other's terri-
tories, upon the adoption of a Pan Amer-
ican Sanitary Code. Plans for an inter-
American automobile highway, to extend
from Canada to Patagonia, have been
materially advanced.

Wliile the United States could not on
constitutional grounds agree to the code
of private international law, nor wholly
to the convention on maritime neutrality
forbidding the arming of merchantmen
for defense in time of war, progress in
these respects is a fact.

The conference agreed upon the prin-
ciple of arbitration for the settlement of
inter-American disputes, except those
pertaining to the sovereignty and inde-
pendence of nations.

This resolution on compulsory arbitra-
tion means the calling of a conference
within a year, which conference is to be
held in Washington. At this conference
minimum and maximum exceptions and

a Pan American convention for arbitra-
tion will be drafted. This is good Amer-
ican procedure, quite in line with the
achievement of the two Hague conferences
of 1899 and 1907.

The aviation convention, guaranteeing
the commercial development of aviation
in this hemisphere, was undoubtedly pro-
moted by the visit of Col. Charles A.
Lindbergh to Havana during the con-
ference.

Another outstanding achievement,
somewhat negative in its nature, was the
refusal to turn the Pan American Union
into a political body. If it were to come
about that the Pan American Union
should appear as a competitor with legis-
lative and executive departments of the
various governments, the Union would
undoubtedly disintegrate and cease to be.

Eeaders of this journal will be particu-
larly gratified at the achievements of the
Committee on Public International Law.
The treaties proposed stand a much better
chance of ratification, because for the first
time they represent all of the American
republics and, further, because the treaties
deal with problems regarding which there
is substantial international agreement,
both as to content and procedure.

The outstanding achievement of the
conference was the endorsement of the
doctrine of compulsory arbitration, due
largely to the efforts of Eauel Fernandez,
president of the Brazilian delegation, sup-
ported by our own Mr. Hughes. The
provisions of this proposal are so impor-
tant we repeat them here:

"One. That the republics of America
adopt obligatory arbitration as the means
which they ^dll employ for the pacific
solution of their international differences
of a juridical nature.

"Two. That the republics of America
will meet in Washington within a period
of one year, in a conference of conciliation
and arbitration, to draw up a convention
for the realization of this principle with

136

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

the m^mimi expectations which they
consider indispensable to safeguard the
independence and the sovereignty of
States, as well as its exercise in matters
within their domestic jurisdiction, and
also excluding matters involving the in-
terests or relating to the action of a State
not a party to the convention.

"Three. That the governments of the
American republics will send for this pur-
pose plenipotentiaries with instructions
regarding the maximum and the mini-
mum which they would accept with re-
gard to obligatory arbitral jurisdiction.

"Four. That the convention or conven-
tions of conciliation and arbitration which
they succeed in drawing up should leave
open a protocol of progressive arbitration
which will permit the development of this
beneficent institution to the greatest pos-
sible extent.

"Five. That the convention or conven-
tions which may be drawn up, upon sig-
nature should be submitted immediately
to the respective governments for their
ratification in the shortest possible time."

The open protocol will permit nations
willing to go further than others in sub-
mitting their disputes to arbitration to do
so. In this convention the representa-
tives of the American republics have de-
clared that they do not want war; that
they do wish to advance the cause of arbi-
tration without interfering with inde-
pendence and sovereignty, without inter-
fering with purely domestic matters, or
with the interests of States not a party
to the convention.

Furthermore, and far from least, the
Western Hemisphere knows that the
United States of America has no im-
perialistic designs against the sovereignty
or the liberty of any other power.

REGRETTABLE

THE resignation of Dr. Honorio
Pueyrredon as Argentine Ambassador
to Washington and leader of his country's
delegation to the Sixth Pan American
Conference, announcement of which ap-

peared February 16, four days before the
end of the conference, was not only a re-
grettable incident of the conference, but
it is regretted by a wide circle of the am-
bassador's friends all over the United
States. Dr. Pueyrredon ranked high in
the diplomatic corps in Washington. He
has been one of the most active members
of the Pan American Union.

The reason for Dr. Pueyrredon's action
was the refusal of the conference to accept
an amendment to the preamble of the con-
vention relating to the organization of the
Pan American Union. The proposed
amendment was as follows :

"Since economic co-operation is an es-
sential factor in carrying out the forego-
ing purposes, the signatory States shall
favor the suppression of unjust obstruc-
tions and excessive artificial barriers
which may hinder natural commercial in-
tercourse or restrain reasonable commer-
cial liberty among the American nations,
without, however, construing this to mean
the granting of special privileges or the
taking of measures of exclusion."

It is evident that Dr. Pueyrredon has
not been satisfied with the operations of
the Pan American Union. He has viewed
that organization as an agency for the
promotion of inter-American commerce,
and that as such the interests of Argen-
tina have not always been satisfactorily
looked after.

It must be admitted that Dr. Pueyrre-
don has had some unhappy experience.
When our farmers asked our Tariff Com-
mission to increase the tariff rates on corn
and flaxseed 50 per cent, and it was pro-
posed that experts of our country should
be sent to Argentina for the purpose of
investigating the cost of production, Ar-
gentina did not receive the proposal with
favor. Indeed, the Argentine Embassy
gave the Tariff Commission to understand
that such experts would not be received
in its country. This leaves our Tariff

1928

EDITORIALS

137

Commission to get along as best it can in
the matter of fixing rates on Argentine
corn and flaxseed. Again, our Depart-
ment of Agriculture placed an embargo
on all Argentine chiUed meat, on the
ground that Argentine cattle were largely
infected with foot and mouth disease. Dr.
Pueyrredon vigorously fought this em-
bargo, and proved that the indictment of
Argentine cattle was without justification.
Upon his intiative we are now recogniz-
ing certificates of the Argentine Depart-
ment of Agriculture as to the condition of
meats shipped to this country. The em-
bargo no longer exists. Furthermore,
upon the theory that alfalfa seed imported
from Argentina is unsuitable for sowing
in any part of the United States, the
Department of Agriculture issued a de-
cree that no alfalfa seed could be imported
from Argentina unless 10 per cent of it
was first colored red. This meant practi-
cally a complete embargo. The argument
for this embargo was that alfalfa seed
grown in the milder climate of Argentina
is unsuitable for sowing in the colder
regions of the United States. The injus-
tice of this embargo lay in the fact that
the climate of the seed-growing region of
Argentina was quite the same as that of
the southern half of the United States.
The department therefore changed its de-
cree to require that the 10 per cent of the
seed be colored orange-yellow, indicating
its suitability for certain regions of thp
United States. Since, however, the neces-
sity of coloring 10 per cent of the seed
costs so much, even this new decree is
practically an embargo. Another diffi-
culty which the Ambassador has had to
meet related to grapes. California grape-
growers induced the Department of Agri-
culture to place an embargo on all ship-
ments of Argentine grapes on the ground
that Argentine vineyards were infected
with the Mediterranean fly. The Argen-
tine Department of Agriculture declared

the charges to be unjust and demanded
that an entomologist make personal inves-
tigations on the grounds. In 1927, fol-
lowing an examination by one of its own
experts, our Department of Agriculture
lifted the embargo, agreeing to accept cer-
tificates of origin issued by the Argentine
Department of Agriculture. These are
some of the irritating experiences endured
by Dr. Pueyrredon during his experience
as Ambassador.

True, he has handled each of these
situations with marked ability. It must
be said that he has come out victor in
most of the disputes. But it is easy to
understand, in the light of his experience,
why he is so sensitive about "unjust ob-
structions," "excessive artificial barriers,*'
and "reasonable commercial liberty" in
future relations between his country and
ours.

Nevertheless, it is difficult to see how
his resignation will help toward the estab-
lishment of that better "economic co-
operation" which he craves.

Mr. Hughes' reply to Dr. Pueyrredon,
while satisfactory to the other members of
the subcommittee, was not satisfactory to
the Ambassador. Everybody, including
the Ambassador, seems to agree that the
Pan American Union exists for the promo-
tion of Pan American co-operation. The
economic barriers to which Dr. Pueyrre-
don objected are, as Mr. Hughes pointed
out, provisions established by the legisla-
tures of States. No one can question the
right of a nation to protect its people, to
determine what goods shall enter a coun-
try, what duties shall be imposed, or what
export taxes shall be levied. Every coun-
try has provisions relating to the import
and export of products and raw materials.
Mexico decides her own policies with ref-
erence to the production of oil and the
taxation of exports; Chile does the same
for her nitrates, and so on. These are
legislative acts and not subject to change

138

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

by the Pan American Union. They may
be debated and congresses may be peti-
tioned, but all such acts are legislative in
character and outside the activities of the
Pan American Union, Countries enact-
ing these laws do not consider them artifi-
cial or unjust.

Evidently the Pan American Union is
not organized to handle such delicate mat-
ters. It is probably well that it isn't. In
the language of Mr. Hughes :

"To introduce the Pan American Union
into these most delicate of all subjects, re-
lating to the exercise by independent and
sovereign States of their will with respect
to the articles coming in or leaving their
boundaries, would be simply to invite the
destruction of the Pan American Union
by making it the center of controversies
which it could not resolve and to put it in
opposition to the parliaments and con-
gresses of the various States.

"If any particular country has a ques-
tion with another country as to particular
goods, or duties, or taxes, the way to ap-
proach the subject, it would seem to me,
would be through negotiations and
through the presentation of facts which
can reach the proper legislative authority.
And such facts may be considered by each
country as it determines its action as to
its exports and imports.

"I think it was for these reasons — not
for any special reasons relating to the
United States, but for the reasons which
would apply to other countries — that the
members of the subcommittee, with the
exception of the President of the Argen-
tine delegation, felt that we should not at-
tempt to introduce special economic prob-
lems in the preamble relating to the or-
ganization of the Pan American Union.

'It was to save the Pan American
Union for the good it could do, and not
to prevent it from accomplishing purposes
which it could hold, that it was thought
best not to introduce subjects with which
it was incompetent to deal."

Dr. Pueyrredon has agreed that the Pan
American Union should not be burdened
with political functions. Tariffs are usu-

ally political matters. It is difficult, how-
ever, always to draw the line between po-
litical and economic questions. It has
been the aim of the Pan American Union
to facilitate commerce between all of the
American republics. But even commer-
cial relations may become political, and
then the difficulties connected with them
are not always easy to resolve. In the
light of these facts, it is easy to under-
stand that irritations over many differ-
ences of opinion are sure to arise in the
settlement of disputes, even between
States of our Western Hemisphere. It is
difficult to see, however, how Dr. Puey-
rredon's resignation can promote the in-
terests of the Pan American Union or ad-
vance the high purposes of the Sixth Pan
American Conference at Havana.

MR. BURTON'S RESOLUTION

THEODORE E. BUETON, under
date of January 25, introduced in the
Hotise of Eepresentatives a resolution,
now known as House Joint Kesolution
183. This resolution was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs and
ordered to be printed. Five days later,
approved by the Committee, it was re-
ferred to the House Calendar. In sub-
mitting the resolution, Mr. Burton, speak-
ing for the Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs, said:

"The Commttee on Foreign Affairs of
the House of Representatives, having had
under consideration House Joint Resolu-
tion No. 183, on the 26th of January
unanimously voted in favor of reporting
the same and recommending that it do
pass.

"The first section of this resolution, in
unequivocal language, declares it to be
the policy of the United States to pro-
hibit the exportation of arms, munitions,
or implements of war to any nation which
is engaged in war with another.

*"rhe second section provides that when-
ever the President recognizes the existence

19£8

EDITORIALS

139

of war between foreign nations by making
the usual proclamation of neutrality, it
shall be imlawful, except by the consent
of the Congress, to export or attempt to
export any arms, mimitions, or imple-
ments of war from any place in the
United States or any possession thereof to
the territory of either belligerent or to
any place from which the ultimate des-
tination is such territory, or for any mili-
tary or naval force of a belligerent.

*'The third section defines in very con-
siderable detail, in 14 subsections, what
is meant by 'arms, munitions, or imple-
ments of war.' This has been thought
necessary in order that in the enforce-
ment of the law there may be no am-
biguity as to what is included in the pro-
hibition of exportations ; also, in order
that it may be made clear that other
articles not included in the enumeration
can be exported without violation of the
law. While Congress undoubtedly would
have the right to suspend or repeal the
prohibitions enumerated in the resolution,
it is thought best to make specific men-
tion of the fact that 'by the consent of
the Congress' the inhibition of the resolu-
tion may be removed. This would mean
that, as to any or all of the belligerents,
Congress could remove the prohibition.

"The fourth section specifies the pen-
alty, a fine not exceeding $10,000 and
imprisonment not exceeding two years,
and imposes upon the Secretary of the
Treasury the duty of reporting violations
to the United States district attorney for
the district wherein the violation is al-
leged to have been committed.

"This resolution marks a notably ad-
vanced step for the prevention of war and
the promotion of universal peace.

"It is certainly a well-known fact that
no nation can wage war for any consider-
able time, or on any large scale, unless
implements of warfare can be obtained
from neutral nations. In every great
contest the demand has been made upon
the neutral nations for necessary sup-
plies. It has not been thought best to
prohibit the exportation of food or articles
used alike by the civilian population as
well as in the prosecution of war.

"It must be said that the United States
has taken a leading part in detaching our
own country from the quarrels of other

nations and seeking to establish prin-
ciples of neutrality. On this subject
Professor Oppenheim says in his work
on International Law (vol. 2, p. 357)
that in the development of rules of neu-
trality the most prominent and influential
factor was the attitude of the United
States of America toward neutrality from
1793 to 1818. He then describes the
measures taken by President Washington
and by the Congress during and after his
administration, and adds that the example
of the United States initiated the present
practice, according to which it is the duty
of neutrals to prevent the sending out
and arming on their territory of cruisers
for belligerents, to prevent enlistments
on their territory for belligerents, and the
like.

"Under principles of international law,
already established, a neutral nation is
forbidden to furnish implements of war-
fare to a belligerent, though its citizens
may at their own risk seek to furnish
such supplies. In this latter particular,
the resolution seeks to create an im-
portant change.

"Again, it is established and is set
forth in article 8 of convention 13 of the
Second Hague Conference (to which the
United States is a party) that a neutral
government is bound to employ the means
at its disposal to prevent the sending out
or arming of any vessel within its juris-
diction which it has reason to believe is
intended to cruise or engage in hostile
operations against a power with which
that government is at peace. Also, there
is a prohibition, in the absence of specific
provisions, to the effect that belligerent
warships are not permitted to remain in
the port of a neutral power for more than
24 hours except in the cases covered by
that convention. Such warships are for-
bidden to revictual in neutral ports ex-
cept to bring up their supplies to the
peace standards, and may only ship suffi-
cient fuel to enable them to reach the
nearest port in their own country. The
resolution seeks to harmonize the policy
of this country in the furnishing of mili-
tary supplies to certain regulations per-
taining to naval warfare.

"As the United States has taken a lead-
ing part in the establishment of bene-
ficitd principles of neutrality and has

140

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

adopted regulations tending to promote
peace, it is regarded as of the greatest
importance that this resolution should
pass. It will be a declaration on the part
of the United States that we do not de-
sire that our citizens should participate
in the profits derived from the furnishing
of implements of destruction. It is
thought also that this will be a restrain-
ing influence when nations are about to
embark in war, and it is hoped that other
countries may, should this become a law,
adopt similar regulations.

"There can be no question of the ear-
nest desire of the great body of the Amer-
ican people to promote peace and prevent
the horrors of war. Among all pending
measures which look to this result, this
may be regarded as one of the most salu-
tary and most helpful.

"The following is a copy of the resolu-
tion :"

Joint Resolution to Prohibit the Exportation
of Arms, Munitions, or Implements of War
to Belligerent Nations.

Resolved T>y the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That it is hereby de-
clared to be the policy of the United States
of America to prohibit the exportation of
arms, munitions, or implements of war to
any nation which is engaged in war with
another.

Seo. 2. Whenever the President recognizes
the existence of war between foreign nations
by making proclamation of the neutrality
of the United States, it shall be unlawful,
except by the consent of the Congress, to ex-
port or attempt to export any arms, muni-
tions, or implements of war from any place
in the United States or any possession
thereof, to the territory of either belligerent
or to any place if the ultimate destination of
such arms, munitions, or implements of war
is within the territory of either belligerent
or any military or naval force of either bel-
ligerent.

Sec. 3. As used in this joint resolution, the
term "arms, munitions, or implements of
war" means —

1. Rifles, muskets, carbines.

2. (a) Machine guns, automatic rifles, and
machine pistols of all calibers; (6) mount-

ings for machine guns; (c) interrupter
gears.

3. Projectiles and ammunition for the
arms enumerated in numbers 1 and 2 above.

4. Gun-sighting apparatus, including aerial
gxm sights and bomb sights, and fire-control
apparatus.

5. (a) Cannon, long or short, and howitz-
ers, of a caliber less than five and nine-
tenths inches (fifteen centimeters) ; (6)
cannon, long or short, and howitzers, of a
caliber of five and nine-tenths inches (fifteen
centimeters) or above; (c) mortars of all
kinds; (d) gun carriages, mountings, re-
cuperators, accessories for mountings.

6. Projectiles and ammunition for the arms
enumerated in number 5 above.

7. Apparatus for the discharge of bombs,
torpedoes, depth charges, and other kinds
of projectiles.

8. (a) Grenades; (6) bombs; (c) land
mines, submarine mines, fixed or floating,
depth charges; (d) torpedoes.

9. Appliances for use with the above arms
and apparatus.

10. Bayonets.

11. Tanks and armored cars; aircraft de-
signed for purposes of warfare.

12. Arms and ammunition not specified in
the above enumeration prepared for use in
warfare.

13. Poisonous gases, acids, or any other
articles or inventions prepared for use in
warfare.

14. Component parts of the articles enum-
erated above if capable of being used in the
assembly or repair of the said articles or
as spare parts.

Sec. 4. Whoever exports or attempts to
export any arms, munitions, or implements
of war in violation of the provisions of this
resolution shall, upon conviction thereof, be
punished by a fine not exceeding $10,(X)0, and
by imprisonment not exceeding two years.
It shall be the duty of the Secretary of the
Treasury to report any such violation of the
provisions of this resolution to the United
States district attorney for the district
wherein the violation is alleged to have been
committed.

The effect of this resolution would be
greatly enhanced if it were to become the
acknowledged policy of aU the major arms
producing countries.

1928

EDITORIALS

141

GERMAN SENSE AND SECUR-
ITY

GEEMAN practical sense is needed,
apparently, in the study of the prob-
lem of international peace. Amid all the
irrelevant talk about this major problem
of the world, seemingly the most irrele-
vant has to do with the problem of secur-
ity. But this cannot be rightfully said of
Germany. "Under date of January 37, the
German Government offered some observa-
tions to the Aribitration and Security
Committee of the Preparatory Disarma-
ment Commission of the League of Na-
tions. These views, in the nature of a
memorandum, are entitled to more consid-
eration than they seem as yet to have re-
ceived.

From this memorandum it is apparent
that the German Government is little in-
terested in merely theoretical schemes for
promoting security or for stopping war
when war is on. It believes the important
task to be the establishment of practical
measures, necessary and attainable in
present political situations. A theoretical
system, however defensible in logic, can-
not be trusted to solve the problem of se-
curity. Indeed, such a system might
easily prove to be more dangerous than
otherwise. The secret of security is to
avoid entanglements leading to war. Such
entanglements can be avoided by making
it possible for all conflicts to be subjected
to peaceful methods of settlement, and
that with some prospect of public support.
This, it may be mentioned, is the position
of the American Peace Society. It ought
to be possible for nations to achieve their
interests without resort to war. The
American Peace Society believes that this
is possible. Germany believes that it is
possible. The "optional clause'* of the
statute of the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice offers a satisfactory pos-
sibility of settling disputes of a judicial

character. Germany has agreed to abide
by this clause. Germany naturally won-
ders why all members of the League can't
also accept it. Furthermore, she calls the
attention of the committee to the familiar
practices of conciliation and urges a re-
turn to them in the interest of a real
security.

In one respect the German note is in
error. It expresses regret that there is no
general system of procedure for dealing
with disputes of an exclusively political
character. It holds that the submission of
every imaginable dispute of an exclusively
political character, under a system of com-
pulsory jurisdiction to arbitration, cannot
be practical under existing circumstances.
This position, it must be said, is not justi-
fied by our American history. In the ex-
perience of our own States, for example,
it has been held by the Supreme Court,
and found to be workable in practice, that
any dispute between States referred to the
court by mutual agreement becomes by
that agreement judicial and a matter for
the court to decide. This fact applies also
to the processes of arbitration. We gather
the impression, therefore, that Germany
underestimates the possibilities of arbitra-
tion. Her attitude toward judicial settle-
ment and conciliation, however, wiU be
quite acceptable in the United States.

The German memorandum repudiates
the plans for establishing security by mili-
tary alliances, such as are provided for in
certain sections of the Covenant of the
League of Nations, in the Geneva Proto-
col, and in a variety of proposals offered
particularly by France. In this respect
Germany will find a responsive chord, not
only in the United States, but in Great
Britain.

The hard-headed German is peculiarly
qualified to speak upon this matter of se-
curity. His own country has had no lit-
tle experience with a military machine of
no mean proportions. He now knows the

142

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

result. He wants no more of it for him-
self. He wonders that other peoples, in
the light of his experience, should seek se-
curity only in military sanctions or pen-
alties. He believes that, in case peaceful
means are not adequate, there are cer-
tainly enough military possibilities lying
around without organizing any more.
There are clauses in the Covenant of the
League relating to the prevention of war.
Why not try them out? It is the task of
the Council to prevent disputes from driv-
ing interested powers to arms. Why not
trust it? He points to Article XI, with its
practical proposals, which could be supple-
mented by voluntary obligations. Why
not give them a fair test ? This has been
done in the Locarno Agreement. Similar
agreements can be drawn up between
other groups, taking into account the se-
curity of special districts, as long as they
are voluntary and do not conflict with the
interests of non-participating States.

The German believes there can be no
security of one State predicated upon
another's insecurity. And of course he is
right. Alliances within the League of
Nations endanger the League, paralyzing
all common action in times of crises. Se-
curity in its final forms must rest not
upon sanctions of the penalty or warlike
kind, but upon confidence in the mutually
accepted ways of peaceable settlement.

Peace between nations must rest, of
course, upon a consciousness of security.
In time of war, security may depend upon
sufficient military strength to overcome
the enemy. Too, in time of peace, a meas-
ure of security may for a time depend
upon a certain amount of military force.
But huge military machinery is a war-time
and not a peace-time basis of security.
We doubt that disarmed Germany, or dis-
armed Bulgaria, or disarmed Austria, or
disarmed Hungary are worried about
their security. France, on the other hand,
occupies the Ehineland, basks under the

Treaty of Versailles, knows that her se-
curity along the Ehine is guaranteed by
the armies and navies of Great Britain
and Italy, boasts of her faith in the Cove-
nant of the League of Nations, rides her
military alliances with nine other powers,
each one of which is better armed than
Germany; she is the beneficiary of the
Dawes Plan, and supplements all with
over a half million soldiers, and yet she
worries continually about her security.

The security of Europe depends upon
the avoidance of warlike complications,
upon a return to and the use of the well-
known and established methods for arriv-
ing at justice. The German Government
is right when it says that for the commit-
tee to take as its starting point an out-
break of hostilities and a provision for
military sanctions, instead of the peaceful
settlement of all sorts of international
conflict, would be like starting to build a
house from the roof downward. War is
not to be averted for long by military al-
liances for a war against war. This seems
now to be the German doctrine. It is
American doctrine. It is the belief of the
American Peace Society.

CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION FOR
INTERNATIONAL PEACE

THE Catholic Association for Inter-
national Peace has given a recent il-
lustration of wise church procedure in
the interests of peace. A report on inter-
national ethics, prepared by a committee
of nine leading Catholic college and uni-
versity professors and revised following
a meeting of the national organization,
was released February 17. In present-
ing this report of one of its committees
on international ethics, the association
announces that it is taking its first step
toward the development of a peace pro-
gram and that it is in the nature simply
of a preliminary report to the organiza-

1928

EDITORIALS

143

tion. Since the coining Conference of
the American Peace Society at Cleveland
is to have a Study Commission devoted
to the international implications of re-
ligion, to include Catholics, we hope, this
report of our Catholic bretliren is of
special interest.

The report takes up, in general, the
obligation of governments to follow the
moral law, their duties under the precept
of justice, their duties in charity, the
conditions of a just war and the obliga-
tions to promote peace, and is prefaced
by a brief account of the relation between
international law and international ethics
and the growth of modem international
law from the writings of Spanish Cath-
olic theologians after the discovery of
America.

"States, like individuals," the report
says, "are subject to the moral precepts
of both nature and revelation. Every in-
ternational action of a State must be
justified or condemned in the light of its
effect upon the welfare of human beings;
and the moral claims of all State groups
are of equal intrinsic worth."

Under the heading the precept of jus-
tice, the report in considering the sov-
ereignty of a State declares that while
the sovereignty of all States or govern-
ments is equal, the term sovereignty is
not identical with moral authority and
does not permit a State to do wrong, and
that even a government which does not
possess full sovereign authority still pos-
sesses its moral rights against the State
that is sovereign over it and against aU
other States.

"The principal rights of States relate
to self-preservation and self-develop-
ment," the report continues. Under
these headings it brings up the much-
disputed question of intervention. The
question is considered again under the
obligation of charity to other nations.

"Self-preservation includes," the re-
port reads, "protection of the lives and
property of nationals in foreign countries.
The circumstances permitting it and the
type of intervention permitted are both
narrowly circumscribed in the report.

"Conditions in a foreign territory,"
the committee says, "might be so dis-

turbed, the political authority might be
so inadequate and so insecure, that so-
journers or investors there would have no
moral right to call upon their own gov-
ernments for protection of either life or
property. While citizens have in general
a valid claim to protection by their gov-
ernment in foreign lands, it is limited by
the right of their country and their fel-
low-citizens not to be exposed to dispro-
portionately grave inconvenience. Trav-
elers and investors in foreign lands have
no right to expect as much protection
from their governments as they would
have obtained had they remained at
home."

The report makes a distinction between
intervention and armed intervention.
"In any case," it says, "armed interven-
tion on behalf of the former interests is
never justified when they can be secured
through peaceful means, such as negotia-
tions, arbitration, severing diplomatic re-
lations, and putting an embargo upon
trade with the offending State." The re-
port places a similar limitation upon the
protection due diplomatic immunity and
says in this connection that "national
honor" has many times been used as a
pretext for wars of aggression.

The report returns to the right of in-
tervention when it considers the duty of
charity to other peoples. Governments
have the duty, and therefore the right, to
intervene in the affairs of other nations,
the committee says, when, for example,
"there is grave and long-continued op-
pression of one State by another, the re-
volt of a people or a nation against in-
tolerable tyranny, the unsuccessful efforts
of a State to put down a rebellion which
injures national or international welfare,
grossly immoral practices, such as can-
nibalism and human sacrifices under the
guise of religion, and continued anarchy
in a State that is for the present unable
to maintain a tolerably competent gov-
ernment."

These evils, the report says, must,
however, be "definite, certain, and ex-
treme. The motive of the nation which
intervenes must be free from selfishness.
A State has no right whatever to use
armed force in the affairs of another, so
long as milder methods, even those of
moral coercion, are sufficient."

144

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

Considering the right of self-develop-
ment of nations, the committee hedges it
about with strict limitations.

"The right to self-development must
be exercised with due regard to the rights
of other States," the committee declares.
"It does not justify conquest nor making
the flag follow either migration or trade
nor forcible annexation of territory which
had once been subject to the State that
thus seeks expansion.'" The report grants
the right of colonization, but restricts it
"to sparsely developed territory, which
lacks an organized government worthy of
the name," and declares that the govern-
ment occupying the territory must "safe-
guard all the natural rights of the natives,
including that of property,'' and must
"provide for their education — physical,
mental, and moral — and develop their
capacity for some measure of govern-
ment." Withdrawal from a colony or
protectorate is, in turn, a conditional
obligation that becomes certain "when in-
dependence becomes essential to the wel-
fare of the people."

The report does not give universal
validity to the "right of self-determina-
tion," but describes a national group that
"might occupy a distinct territory, might
have an average capacity for self-govern-
ment, might have formerly enjoyed politi-
cal independence, and might be in a posi-
tion to exercise it without violating the
rights of the State in which it is now
incorporated," which would undoubtedly
"possess a moral right to separation and
self-rule." The claim is justified "by the
end of all governments, namely, human
welfare." The report continues: "Na-
tional minorities have a right to maintain
their language, customs, sense of unity,
and all their other national characteris-
tics, so long as their possessions are not
clearly and gravely detrimental to the
welfare of the majority or of the State
as a whole." The report warns govern-
ments of the delicacy of such a task and
adds that in such cases they are prone to
underestimate the problems and their
obligations.

International intercourse — the "ex-
change of goods, material, moral and in-
tellectual"— the committee declares, is
based on the general need of co-operation
and is proven most strikingly, in the

committee's opinion, by the "common
right of all persons to use and enjoy the
bounty of Nature." Barriers to inter-
national intercourse, such as tariflfe, ex-
port taxes, embargoes, and immigration
restriction, are analyzed in relation to the
obligations of justice and charity. Ex-
cessive export taxes and embargoes are
considered generally to inflict upon other
nations "much greater injury than to re-
duce the opportunity of marketing prod-
ucts" by import tariffs. Immigration
restriction is considered probably not a
violation of justice to other peoples and
may not be a violation of charity, but is
a violation of charity "when maintained
by a rich and powerful State over one that
is weak and overpopulated."

Following this, treaty obligations, the
conditions of the obligation to fulfill an
unjust treaty and the obligations of new
governments to meet obligations of their
predecessors are discussed as obligations
of justice.

Duties of charity — of "love and assist-
ance"— are incumbent upon States, the
committee declares, as well as duties of
justice. Curbing "nationalism and exces-
sive patriotism" and developing and pro-
moting "a reasonable and moderate in-
ternationalism" stand among the chief
duties of charity, according to the mind
of the committee. "All peoples," the re-
port continues, "are equal in nature and
intrinsic worth and are of equal im-
portance in the sight of God. All the
nations have claims upon one another,
both in justice and in charity. All have
certain common interests. All wiU pros-
per best if they recognize those claims
and interests, both in theory and in prac-
tice. Sane internationalism does not in-
volve the destruction nor the diminution
of reasonable patriotism any more than
good citizenship requires neglect of one's
family."

The committee rejects the proposition
that "all employment of force among
nations is immoral." It proceeds then to
lay down two preliminary assumptions
and five conditions for a just war :

1. "A sovereign authority — not a pri-
vate person or group, nor a subordinate
political division — possesses this right."

2. "Equally obvious is a right inten-
tion; even though engaged in justifiable

1928

EDITORIALS

145

warfare, a State should not include
wrongful ends among its objectives/'

3. "A State may make war only to
safeguard its rights, actually violated or
in certain or imminent danger; hence a
war is not morally justified which aims
at extending national territory, enhanc-
ing national power and prestige, promot-
ing an international 'balance of power,'
or forestalling some hypothetical or
merely probable menace. Utterly inade-
quate are the formulations 'the good of
the community,' 'public peace,' 'neces-
sity,' and similar general terms, which
can be and have been used as pretexts
for unnecessary wars. Moreover, legiti-
mate defense of rights implies that the
aggrieved State is not simultaneously
violating the rights of the State against
which it contemplates war."

4. "The violation of national rights
must appear to the aggrieved State as
morally certain. No degree of prob-
ability, nor even a great preponderance
of probability, is sufficient. 'A declara-
tion of war is equivalent to a sentence
of death; to pronounce the latter with a
doubtful conscience is murder.' "

5. "Neither actual violation of national
rights nor moral certainty about it, nor
both combined, are sufficient to make war
lawfully moral. War, particularly in
modern times, inflicts so many, so vari-
ous, and such enormous injuries upon
innocent and guilty alike that it cannot
be justified except by very grave reasons,
by the gravest Imown to human society."

6. "Even though all three of the fore-
going conditions are fulfilled, a declara-
tion of war is not justified. Eecourse to
war is not justified until all peaceful
methods have been tried and found inade-
quate. The principal pacific means are
direct negotiation, diplomatic pressure of
various kinds, such as trade embargoes,
boycotts, and rupture of normal interna-
tional intercourse, and mediation and ar-
bitration." If all these fail, the com-
mittee adds, quoting the words of the
1920 Pastoral Letter of the American
Hierarchy, "the calm, deliberate judg-
ment of the people rather than the aims
of the ambitious few should decide
whether war is the only solution,"

7. "A government should have solid
reasons, proportionate to the evil alterna-
tive of defeat, for expecting victory."

The committee states, in addition, that
"an honest attempt by the nations to ob-
serve all these conditions would make war
practically impossible," and it adds that to
continue a war, once it is justly declared,
longer "than is necessary for the protec-
tion or vindication of rights is quite as
immoral as to begin it unnecessarily,"
and that during a war "justice may
change sides."

In the making of peace treaties the
laws of justice and charity, the committee
declares, must be observed. Victory,
even when "the cause is just," confers
no right to exact more than "adequate
reparations and indemnities, while char-
ity may require these obligations to be
postponed or reduced or entirely condoned
and canceled." Because "no victorious
nation can be trusted to treat the con-
quered nation with either justice or char-
ity, it is desirable that peace treaties
should be made under the supervision of
some impartial tribunal."

The final section of the committee re-
port treats the obligation of a govern-
ment to promote peace both as an obliga-
tion of justice to its own people and an
obligation of charity to other peoples.
"These duties rest," the committee af-
firms, "not only upon governments, but
upon peoples, and particularly upon those
persons and organizations which can exert
influence upon public opinion and upon
political rulers."

"Human brotherhood," the committee
says regarding education, "must be in-
tensively and extensively preached to all
groups and classes. It is not enough to
declare that 'every human being is my
neighbor.' Men must be reminded that
'every human being' includes French-
men, Germans, Italians, Englishmen,
Japanese, Chinese, and all other divisions
of the human family. And this doctrine
should be repeated and reiterated. The
duties of patriotism must be expounded
in a more restrained and balanced way
than that which has been followed hereto-
fore. Men must be taught that it is not
'sweet and becoming to die for one's
country' if one's country is fighting for
that which is unjust. Without denying
or weakening the sentiment of national
patriotism, we can set forth that wider
and higher patriotism which takes in aU
the peoples of the earth. A large part

146

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

of our efforts in this field must be specifi-
cally, courageously, and persistently di-
rected against the spirit of exclusiveness
and narrowness which characterizes that
perversion of national sentiment now stig-
matized as nationalism. The task of ar-
resting and counteracting it will be long
and arduous. Until it is accomplished,
however, no fundamental progress can be
made in the prevention of war and the
safeguarding of peace.

^'Instead of laying stress upon the law-
fulness of engaging in a war of self-de-
fense, we should clearly and fully and fre-
quently set forth the conditions which
are required according to the principles
of morality. We should challenge dis-
proof of the conclusion that these con-
ditions have rarely been available to
justify the outbreak of war. If it be ob-
jected that statesmen have assumed the
presence of these conditions, and there-
fore have made war in good faith, the
reply is that statesmen have seldom given
the question an amount of honest con-
sideration proportionate to the evils en-
tailed by a declaration of war. We
should put particular emphasis upon the
fourth condition, namely, the exploration
of all pacific methods for avoiding a
bloody conflict.

*^orld peace is largely, if not mainly,
a matter of human faith. If the majority
of people believe that peace can be es-
tablished and secured, peace will be estab-
lished and secured. We must persis-
tently show that a reign of peace is feas-
ible, until this idea and this faith be-
come a dominating and effective element
in the habitual thinking of an average
man and woman.

"As regards indefinite preparedness,
two facts should be emphasized: First,
this doctrine and policy provokes inter-
national distrust, suspicion, and competi-
tion in armament building. The second
point to be stressed about preparedness
refers to more than one country. All
that a nation can hope for, all that any
nation is warranted in attempting, is to
be adequately prepared against reason-
ably probable contingencies. On the
other hand, it is neither necessary nor
wise to reduce considerably present mili-
tary and naval equipment until the most

powerful foreign States agree to do like-
wise.

"The second great duty is to consider
fairly and to support, so far as our abili-
ties and conscience permit, practical pro-
posals and arrangements for preventing
war and making peace secure. In gen-
eral terms, these methods are : That moral
right be substituted for the material force
of arms in the reciprocal dealings of
nations; the nations enter upon a just
agreement for the simultaneous and re-
ciprocal reduction of armaments; armed
force be replaced by the noble and peace-
ful institution of arbitration, with the
provision that penalties be imposed upon
any State which should refuse either to
submit a national question to such a tri-
bunal or to accept the arbitral decision.

"World peace seems to be unattainable
unless every one of these proposals and
devices is somehow made to function. As
sincere lovers of peace, it is our duty to
consider them sympathetically and ade-
quately, and, in the light of that examina-
tion, to support any of them that wins
our approval. Unless we strive for peace
by specific and practical methods, all our
peaceful professions are empty and futile.
The obligation to attain an end implies
an obligation to use the appropriate
means."

A SAMPLE EUROPEAN
DIFFICULTY

A SAMPLE European difficulty, not
easily appreciated in the United
States, is the controversy between Poland
and Lithuania over the city of Vilna. The
seriousness of this situation lies in the
fact that France and her allies favor the
claims of Poland, while Germany and her
friends, not to mention Eussia, are in-
clined to side with Lithuania. The issue
between Lithuania and Poland, therefore,
may reasonably become a European prob-
lem of major importance. Since the
Council of the League is to meet in
March, the controversy may become again
acute at that time.

The complicated nature of tlie situa-

1928

EDITORIALS

147

tion, apparent enough, is not beyond an-
alysis. An unauthorized Polish force, un-
der General Zeligovski, seized the city of
Vilna in October, 1920. Unable to retake
the place by force of arms, Lithuania has
recognized since that time a state of war
with Poland, never giving up her claim to
Vilna. Premier Waldemaras told the
Council of the League, December last,
that he was ready to give every guarantee
of his country's peaceful intentions and
of his willingness to set up a neutral zone
between Lithuania and Poland, but that
"Lithuania has a legal title to Vilna which
she does not contemplate surrendering.'"
Being in possession of Vilna, Poland's
attitude is, "Let's be friends and resume
normal relations." Lithuania's position is
that to renew normal relations would be
to acquiesce in the permanent possession
of Vilna by Poland. Lithuania, wishing
to regain Vilna, is for action. Poland,
naturally, is for keeping things as they
are. In spite of the fact that the Coun-
cil of the League adopted the resolution,
December 10 last, declaring the state of
war between Poland and Lithuania to be
at an end, a virtual state of war persists.
The frontiers are closed and diplomatic
relations are still suspended. No negotia-
tions between Poland and Lithuania have
begun. Poland aims to establish neigh-
borly relations. Lithuania can find no
reason for discussing frontier traffic with-
out first agreeing as to where the frontier
is. No wonder the Polish-Lithuanian
problem continues to disturb the chancel-
lories of Europe.

OCE Department of State, January
86, last, authorized by telegram the
payment to the Secretariat of the League
of Nations a total of $16,748.60 as the
American share of the League's secretarial
expenses in connection with certain recent

conferences in which the United States
has participated. Of this sum $5,475 are
for the four sessions of the Preparatory
Commission for the Disarmament Con-
ference held to date; of the remainder the
greater part is for the Economic Confer-
ence, while smaller sums are for the
Conference on Export and Import Prohi-
bitions and Eestrictions and the Confer-
ence on Communications and Transit. All
of these conferences were held last year
in Geneva. The American contribution is
the same as the British, which is the larg-
est sum hitherto paid by any country.
This government also buys documents
from the League to the amount of $400
annually.

SOVIET dependence on the capitalistic
* system came to light rather vividly
again on February 1. On that day our
Department of State obected to financial
arrangements involving the flotation of a
loan in the United States or the employ-
ment of credit for the purpose of making
an advance to the Soviet Regime. In ac-
cordance with this policy, the department
said that it does not view with favor
financial arrangements designed to facili-
tate in any way the sale of Soviet bonds
in the United States. When one recalls
other bonds repudiated long ago by the
Soviets one wonders how circumstances
could have arisen calling for such an an-
nouncement from our government.

ANOTHER evidence of human unity.
J\. At 11:10 a. m., January 19, 1928,
our Secretary of State, sitting in Washing-
ton, conversed with the Honorable Hugh
Gibson, American Ambassador to Bel-
gium, sitting in Brussels, by telephone.
The Secretary of State requested Mr. Gib-
son to present his compliments to the
Prime Minister of Belgium, to the Minis-
ter for Foreign Affairs, and to compli-

148

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

ment the Belgian Minister of Posts and
Telegraphs upon the notable accomplish-
ment of inaugurating telephone communi-
cation between the United States and Bel-
gium. Afterward the Secretary of State
and the Belgian Minister of Posts and
Telegraphs, Mr. Maurice Lippens, carried
on a brief conversation. Later in the day
our Department of State received a com-
munication from the Belgian Ambassa-
dor in Washington, to the effect that dur-
ing a conversation which he had that
morning with Mr. Maurice Lippens the
latter requested the Ambassador to convey
the following message to the Government
of the United States :

"The Government of the King is happy
to see inaugurated this new line of com-
munication between Belgium and the
United States of America.

"I am his interpreter in addressing in
the name of the Belgian people a message
of friendship to the American people and
I hope that the telephonic relations which
are inaugurated will be the beginning of
closer economic relations which will con-
tribute to the strengthening of the bonds
of amity which history has forged between
the great friendly Eepublic and Belgium.'*

On February 10 our Acting Secretary
of State had a radiotelephone conversation
with the German Chancellor at Berlin, the
first oflBcial opening of the trans-oceanic
radiotelephone between Germany and the
United States.

JUST how militaristic are our military
men? Peace workers are prone to
condemn "militarists." These bloody per-
sons are rarely referred to, however, by
name. One's first impression is that the
reference is to our soldiers. Our acquain-
tance with the men in our army and navy
has not led us to believe that this impres-
sion is justified. Our Secretary of War
has recently addressed himself to this
matter. He has said, and in the main we

think truly, that "military men are the
last ones to desire war, and they have
nothing whatever to do with declarations
of war. Their function is to restore peace
when it has been lost. Their whole pur-
pose is to end a war as rapidly, as cheaply,
and as effectively as possible. It is a mis-
take to suppose that military men are
more militaristic than their fellow citi-
zens. The reverse I believe to be true.
Militarism is a point of view or state of
mind. The soldier who knows war and
its consequences, and who realizes that he
himself must bear wounds and hardships,
and perhaps lose his life, is disposed to be
concerned in any action that may lead to
hostilities. On the other hand, the civil-
ian who is not directly influenced by a
knowledge of the realities of war may,
through enthusiasm or excess or prejudice
or partisanship, be more militaristic than
the soldier. There may be individual and
national exceptions, but the trend of mili-
tary thought in time of peace is to place
one's own nation in a position beyond the
reach of war." It is our opinion that wars
today are fought upon the initiative not
so much of our military forces as of the
people themselves. From what we know
of war, we believe that there is more
magnanimity and compassion toward en-
emy soldiers among the men who do the
fighting than among the people back
home. Everyone who believes at all in
an army and a navy wishes that both these
should be as efficient as possible. We do
not promote the cause of peace between
nations by advertising ill-considered
views of soldiers and sailors or by blink-
ing the fact that there is little chance of
war except with the advice and consent of
us who make up the common people.

THE hope of the peace movement
thrives on that impregnable persist-
ence of righteousness at the heart of our

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

149

human kind. There is no doubt that that
righteousness exists. Without it men
would still be living in caves, brothers
only of the beasts. When Leonard D. and
Arthur J. Baldwin, brothers and partners
in a New York law firm, recently gave
$1,500,000 for the establishment of a
school of liberal arts at Drew Theological
Seminary, Madison, New Jersey, it was
stipulated that the new school be known
as "Brothers College." When it was pro-
posed to call the new liberal arts college
"Baldwin," the brothers decided against
this because of their desire to perpetuate
not their own names, but the idea of the
brotherly relationship existing between
them. Together from childhood, they
were students at the preparatory school

and graduated together from Cornell
in the class of 1892. They entered
business together, married within three
months of each other, and for more than
thirty years the two families lived in the
same home. Their earnings go into the
same purse. They have brought their
children up together like brothers and sis-
ters. Having worked their own way
through the schools, they have chosen
Drew Seminary as the location for the new
college of liberal arts, as north Jersey of-
fers unusual opportunity for the many
boys who wish to work while getting their
education. "Brothers College" indeed!
Incidentally, here is a sample of that dis-
criminating spirit of high morality upon
which rests the hope of the world.

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

SLXTH PAN AMERICAN CON-
FERENCE AT HAVANA

SUMMARY OF RESULTS

THE Sixth Pan American Conference,
held in Havana, Cuba, January 16 to
February 20, was attended by representa-
tives of all the twenty-one republics of this
hemisphere. Canada was not represented.
Although the conference was unable to
come to any agreement on all the ques-
tions of public international law, seven
projects relating to asylum, treaties, mar-
itime neutrality, diplomatic agents, con-
suls, neutrality in civil strifes, and to the
status of foreigners, were adopted. The
United States is a party to all except the
first. There is also a long list of eco-
nomic, social, and cultural achievements.

Convention on Aviation Adopted

Among these are the adoption of a con-
vention on commercial aviation, the con-
vention reorganizing the Pan American
Union, the passing of resolutions urging

frequent meetings of journalists, a lower
tariff of books and educational matter
between the Americas, and the exchange of
professors and students.

The American delegation, according to
their summary, refrained from voting in
the committee on private international
law, due to the impossibility of guaran-
teeing adoption by the several States of
the United States.

The American delegation also refused
to approve the proposal to study immi-
gration, maintaining that immigration is
a purely domestic problem.

The summary of the conference follows :

Committee I, Pan American Union, ap-
proved a resolution and a project of con-
vention on Pan American Union.

Committee II, Public International
Law — One of the most important proj-
ects approved by this committee is the
resolution condemning war as an instru-
ment of national policy and calling a con-
ference in Washington within a year to

150

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

draft treaties for obligatory arbitration
and also treaties for conciliation.

A full report on the subject of public
international law will be submitted at a
later date.

Committee III, Private International
Law. — This delegation refrained from
voting. This committee adopted resolu-
tions as follows : Eecommends adoption
of uniform laws on bills of exchange and
other credit instruments based on Hague
rules of 1912; recommends an inter- Amer-
ican commission for the study of the civil
and political equality of women; recom-
mends commercial arbitration as set forth
by Fifth Conference; recommends strict
legislation to facilitate organization of
stock companies; provides for continua-
tion of the commission of jurists of Eio
de Janeiro.

Resolution for Congress on Roads Was Adopted

Committee IV, Communications. —
This committee adopted a convention on
commercial aviation and resolutions as
follows: The holding of a congress on
roads next July, at Rio de Janeiro ; recom-
mends to the States that signed the elec-
trical communication convention of Mex-
ico and the Radio Telegraph Convention
at Washington consideration and ratifi-
cation of them by the respective govern-
ments; recommends that the Pan Amer-
ican Union call an expert committee to
study the establishment of additional
steamship facilities between American
States and the elimination of unnecessary
port formalities ; recommends the study of
the rivers of the Americas with a view of
their navigability; recommends to the
States which have not done so to complete
Pan American railway along Andean route
and expresses gratitude to the Pan Amer-
ican Railway Commission in Washington;
recommends a subcommittee to the Pan
American Railway Committee for the
study of the facilitation of railway traffic ;
recommends that inter-American steam-
ship lines have their steamers stop at the
ports of the West Indies and Central
America; recommends construction of an
inter- American highway ; expresses warm-
est sympathy for a civil aviation interna-
tional conference, to be held in Washing-
ton next December; recommends to the

next road conference the study of a longi-
tudinal highway.

Committee V, Intellectual Co-operation,
approved projects as follows : Urges peri-
odic conferences of journalists, with cer-
tain recoromendations and another reso-
lution giving additional recommendations
for this agenda by Mexican delegation;
recommends lowering of mail and cus-
toms tariffs on books and periodicals;
urges publication of geodetic, geological,
and agricultural maps ; charges Pan Amer-
ican Union with calling of a bibliographic
congress and completion and publication
of Cuervo dictionary by subscription;
urges interchange of professors and stu-
dents, establishment of scholarships, the
establishment of special chairs for the
study of Spanish, English and Portuguese
and the establishment of special depart-
ments for the study of commercial legisla-
tion in the American republics, all of
which is to be under the supervision of
an inter- American intellectual institute;
urges that technical study be given to
the matters on the agenda of future con-
ferences dealing with treaties; urges su-
pervision over production and distribution
of moving-picture films; urges instruction
in financial and economic subjects in
American States; urges laws for the pen-
sioning of journalists.

Two conventions were also adopted by
this committee: 1. Modifying the pres-
ent copyright convention. 2. The estab-
lishment of a geographic institute.

Committee VI, Economic Problems, ap-
proved projects as follows : Conclusion of
the Pan American Commission on con-
sular procedure and recommends a second
meeting thereof; recommends that Pan
American Commercial Conference shall
devote special study to developing relations
among commercial organizations of Amer-
ican States (chambers of commerce) ; ab-
stains from complete study of immigra-
tion, in view of approaching conference
on this subject, but states certain prin-
ciples, the American delegation making
the reservation "immigration is a matter
of purely domestic concern." Resolution
on trade-marks provides for a conference
at a time and date to be fixed by Pan
American Union. Owing to lack of data,
uniformity of communication statistics

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

151

was referred by resolution to Pan Ameri-
can Union, to be dealt with by an expert
committee. Resolution recommends a
third standardization conference, with pre-
paratory data to be furnished by Inter-
American High Commission. Two reso-
lutions urging the continued study of the
decimal metric system, a resolution rec-
ommending continental agricultural co-
operation and the holding of a conference
on this subject, and a resolution recom-
mending the study of a common American
money.

Committee VII, Social Problems,
adopted resolutions as follows :

1. Eecommends ratification of the Pan
American sanitary code by those countries
that have not yet ratified.

2. Continued application of the prin-
ciples and procedures in public health ad-
ministration, in view of the benefit already
derived from their application.

3. The formation of capable sanitary
personnel through (A) training in special
schools and (B) the formation of a pro-
fessional sanitary organization whose offi-
cers will be entitled to promotion on merit,
fixed tenure of office, and retirement on
pension.

4. The Ninth Pan American Sanitary
Conference to establish general bases for
the training and formation of the sani-
tary personnel previously mentioned.

5. Requests that governments send tech-
nical advisers to future conferences.

6. Requests governments to send re-
ports on progress achieved in public health
since previous conferences.

7. When specialized sanitary personnel
are created, a corps of graduated and reg-
istered public health visiting nurses should
be included and unqualified personnel
should not be employed.

8. Recommends establishment of inter-
changes of specialists in public health be-
tween countries.

9. Recommends that the Pan American
Sanitary Bureau study types and stand-
ards used in their preparation of biologic
products, so that the Ninth Pan American
Sanitary Conference may attempt to ob-
tain uniformity in their preparation.

10. Recommends that the Pan Ameri-
can Sanitary Bureau make known the
fact that a Spanish edition of the 10th

revision of the United States Pharmaco-
poeia is now available.

11. Takes note of the conclusions of the
first Pan American Conference on Eugen-
ics and Homoculture and recommends
that the various countries study and apply
such portions as they may deem conveni-
ent.

12. Requests the Ninth Pan American
Sanitary Conference and the Second
Pan American Conference in Eugenics
and Homoculture to study the best
method of combining their functions and
authorizes the office of eugenics and homo-
culture to continue to function in the
meantime.

13. Urges those American countries
that have no technical representatives for
the examination of emigrants in their
country to begin to utilize the services
of representatives of other countries.

14. Takes note of conclusion of First
Pan American Conference of Representa-
tives of Public Health Services.

15. Recommends that future confer-
ences of representatives of health services
deal preferentially with interchange of
experiences and ideas relative to sanita-
tion on account of the value of such inter-
changes and of their utility in preparing
program for future sanitary conferences.

16. Recommends that an official repre-
sentative of the Pan American Sanitary
Bureau attend future conferences of pub-
lic health representatives.

17. Calls attention to importance of
work performed by the Pan American Red
Cross.

18. Expresses pleasure at results ob-
tained from Pan American Red Cross con-
ferences of 1923 and 1926 and recom-
mends that American governments lend
their aid to the Third Pan American Red
Cross Conference, to be held in Rio de
Janeiro.

19. Recommends that the Pan Ameri-
can Union continue to co-operate with the
Red Cross in America.

Committee VIII, Reports and Treaties.
— The reports of action taken by States on
matters approved at past conferences have
been submitted, but are not published.

Committee IX, Initiative. — The site of
the next conference is Montevideo.

In addition to the above projects, there

152

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

were adopted at plenary sessions resolu-
tion as follows: Eecommending the im-
provement of the standard of living of
laborers and the inclusion of this subject
on the agenda of the next conference;
recommending laws for compulsory leave
of absence for women forty days before
and after childbirth and certain memo-
rial resolutions.

Parley Ends in Harmony

Dr. L. S. Rowe, in a statement after
the close of the conference, said:

The Sixth International Conference of
American States, which adjourned today,
will go down in history as in many x'espects
the most significant, as well as the most
fruitful of the series of conferences inaugu-
rates by the first conference, held at Wash-
ington in 1889.

None of the preceding conferences has had
as varied a program nor have the programs
included so many important questions closely
affecting the larger interests of all the re-
publics of the American continent. It is a
significant fact that in each and every one
of the questions included in the program
of the present conference important and con-
structive forward steps have been talsen.

As regards the Pan American Union, the
fact that unanimous agreement was reached
in the formulation of a convention is in itself
an indication of the importance which the
American republics attach to the Pan Amer-
ican Union. This convention places the
Union on a firmer basis than it has ever
before occupied.

Pan-Americanism Strengthened

Furthermore, the discussions in the con-
ference relative to the organization and func-
tions of the Pan-American Union indicated
the deep interest of all the republics in the
development of the fimctions of the Union
and in the strengthening of its position as
the oflScial international organization of the
American republics.

The decision of the conference not to en-
trust political functions to the Union will
serve to enlarge the Union's iisefulness in
the field of commercial, educational and cul-
tural co-operation between the republics of

America, for it will remove any misgivings
that may have existed that the Union will
interfere with the sovereignty of the con-
stituent States.

In the domain of public and private Inter-
national law the conference made important
steps forward. The acceptance by the dele-
gations of twenty States of the code of pri-
vate international law prepared by Dr. An-
tonio S. De Bustamente is a step of deep
significance to the future of Pan American
relations.

The greatest triumph of the conference in
the field of public international law is the
resolution, unanimously adopted, providing
that disputes of a judicial nature be submit-
ted to arbitration, and that a conference of
the American republics be held in Washing-
ton within twelve months for the negotiation
of a convention to render obligatory arbitra-
tion effective.

A further resolution of great importance,
also unanimously adopted, outlaws aggres-
sive war and commits the republics of
America to the use of peaceable means for
the settlement of all disputes that may arise
between them.

Law Code and Aviation Compact
The codification of international law for
the American republics has begim and the
sixth conference has been able to prepare
and agree upon conventions dealing with
public international law on:

1. The rights of asylum.

2. Duties of neutrals in civil strife.

3. Maritime neutrality.

4. Treaties.

5. Diplomatic agents.

6. Consular agents.

7. Status of foreigners.

The signing of a convention on commer-
cial aviation and the action taken on the
Pan-American Railway and on the Pan-
American Highway constitute real achieve-
ments in the field of communications.

The program of the conference was also
carried forward in the field of cultural rela-
tions. The establishment of a geographical
institute and of a Pan-American Institute of
Intellectual Co-operation will mean much to
the development of better understanding be-
tween the nations of America.

Extension of Sanitation Code
In the field of social problems, the unani-
mous purpose to give the Pan-American

1988

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

163

Sanitary Code full effect in all the republics
of the American continents carries with it
the possibility of far-reaching results in the
field of public sanitation, especially the pos-
sibility of Pan-American co-operation in this
important matter.

The full significance of the results of the
conference will become fully apparent when
the conventions and resolutions are made
effective, and in this respect a large respon-
sibility will devolve on the Pan-American
Union.

Too great praise cannot be given to the
Cuban Government and officials entrusted
with the organization of the conference.
They have spared no effort. The distin-
guished President, Dr. Bustamente, and the
Secretary General, Dr. Carbonell, have
placed the entire continent under obligations
to them for the admirable manner in which
they conducted the work of the conference.

Due praise also goes to every member of
the delegation of Cuba, and especially to Dr.
Ferrara, for his constant and unfailing co-
operation with the delegations from the
other countries.

Bustamente Lauds Progress Made

The farewell exercises and speeches of the
Sixth Pan-American Conference occupied the
final session. Dr. Antonio Bustamente, Presi-
dent of the conference, in the name of the
Cuban Government, bade Godspeed to the
delegates.

Dr. Bustamente reviewed the work ac-
complished by the considerable progress in
the codification of international, private, and
public law, better organization in the Pan-
American Union, giving it a strictly con-
tractual form, remarkable progress in plans
for aerial, land, and maritime communica-
tion, most fruitful efforts for intellectual co-
operation and the advancement and the
solution of numerous economic, social, and
sanitary problems.

We convert international law, which for
many years was the law of war, into an in-
strument of good works, of solidarity,
equally preoccupied with individuals and na-
tions, which operates intensely for the hap-
piness of both — to make the latter prosper-
ous and great and the former cultivated and
healthy.

The decision to hold the activities by the
conference in public, he said, gave the gath-

ering an enormous prestige by allowing the
public opinion of America to follow the de-
velopments.

He also congratulated the conference for
having allowed the women to make their
voice heard in favor of equal rights. America,
he said, owes a special debt to women, since
it was a woman, Isabella of Spain, who en-
abled Columbus to em^bark on his voyage
of discovery.

Varela Stresses Reconciliation

Upon Jacobo Varela, of Uruguay, as the
representative of the country where the next
Pan-American Conference will be held, fell
the honor of replying to Dr. Bustamente in
the name of the governments which had been
the guests of Cuba.

The chief function of Pan-Americanism, he
said, was "to reconcile the magnificent civili-
zation" which is flourishing under the Stars
and Stripes and "the other civilization so
characteristic of twenty republics" which
perpetuate Hispanic traditions.

"To say that everything joins the United
States and Latin America and nothing sepa-
rates them," said Seuor Varela, "would only
create deep misunderstandings or danger-
ous prejudices.

The Americas have much in common, es-
pecially in democratic principles and com-
mercial and financial intercourse and tradi-
tional policy regarding the rest of the world,
which one republic enunciated and many
lauded. But important interests and for-
malities hold back perfect harmony and col-
laboration.

Tribute to the United States

More than mere stock, different tempera-
ments, a different intellectual outlook, those
economic interests which remain apart, and,
above all, language, are diverging forces
which only come together when the abyss of
misunderstanding which still exists in im-
portant sections of public opinion in the
North and South shall be conquered.

The highest aim of the Pan-American
Conference, Seiior Varela added, was to "pro-
mote a better understanding for a fuller
knowledge of the cultural and moral worth
of both civilizations and for dispassionate
examination and comparison of their inter-
ests and aspirations in an effort to reconcile
them, in a spirit of harmony, and not in-
transigence.

154

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

"The United States," he continued, "is not
only a marvel of industrial organization, an
Eldorado which its citizens knew how to
conquer, but a prodigious country, which
gave to the world a model of free institu-
tions, which later even made objects speak,
through the genius of Edison, and sent with
wings, which the Wright brothers created,
Lindbergh to conquer the heart of France
and Europe."

Argentina Declared for Unity
Dr. Laurentino Olascoaga, who succeeded
to the leadership of the Argentine delegation
during the last few days, after the resigna-
tion of Dr. Honario Pueyrredon, gave a
short address, in which he said his country
came to Havana "to unify itself with the
majority of American thought without with-
holding its convictions, which were declared
at all times with the high respect due the
(pinions of other delegates."

THE PROBLEM OF SECURITY

ON PEBKUARY 20 the newly formed
Security Committee of the League
of Nations met at Geneva under the pres-
idency of its chairman, Dr. Benesh. Some
time prior to the meeting of the commit-
tee, Dr. Benesh sent to all interested gov-
ernments a questionnaire, in which he re-
quested their views on the whole problem.
Important replies were received from the
British and the German governments,
summaries of which are given below, to-
gether with French comments on each re-

piy-

British Policy on Arbitration Treaties

In the British memorandum, the prin-
ciple is laid down that arbitration treaties
in general have no sanction but public
opinion. The rendering of a decision is
not so important as the acceptance and
execution of it ; and the times hardly seem
to be ripe for any general system of sanc-
tions for the enforcement of arbitration
treaties. Moreover, in such conventions
there is always need for reservations. The
imitations may vary in form but their
existence indicates consciousness on the
part of governments that there is a point
beyond which they cannot count on their
peoples giving effect to the obligations of
the treaty. Article XIII of the Covenant,

indeed, recognizes such limits. By it the
members of the League accept in princi-
ple, but not definitely, the obligation to
arbitrate justiciable disputes.

There are two lines along which prog-
ress appears possible to the British Gov-
ernment. Already there is a clause in sev-
eral British treaties binding the signa-
tories to arbitrate their disputes which
may arise in interpreting their clauses.
The time is considered ripe for investi-
gating whether this obligation could not
be extended further and made to include
agreements "of a nontechnical character."
The second method would be by widening
the scope of agreements dealing with jus-
ticiable disputes generally and pledging
the parties in advance to submit such dis-
putes to arbitration.

It is also the opinion of the government
that the time may have come to re-ex-
amine the formula as to "vital interests,
honor, independence, and the interests of
third States," which, first adopted a quar-
ter of a century ago, has limited the scope
of several arbitration treaties. At the
same time no State can agree to the sub-
mission to an international tribunal of
matters falling within the range of its
national sovereignty. Instances are also
cited of disputes that have arisen where
a mere decision on the point of law would
not settle the case.

British Attitude Toward the "Optional Clanse"

The reasons why the British Govern-
ment does not see its way to sign the "op-
tional clause" (Article XXXVI) of the
statute of the Permanent Court at The
Hague are again noted. It is explained
that in contracting an international obli-
gation towards another State a country
must take into account the nature of its
general relations with that State ; and ob-
ligations which it may be ready to as-
sume with one country may not be pos-
sible with another. Therefore the British
Government holds that more progress is
likely to be achieved through bilateral
agreements than through general treaties.
The British Government is "profoundly
in sympathy" with the system of concil-
iation commissions. They are especially
recommended for the settlement of non-
justiciable disputes. During the Locarno

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

155

Conference the Powers found that Ar-
ticle XV of the Covenant satisfactorily
expressed their views in this respect.

The distinction insisted upon between
justiciable and non-justiciable disputes.
Disputes which, being non-justiciable, are
brought before a Conciliation Commis-
sion should not be carried to the Perma-
nent Court at The Hague, even if no
agreement were reached before the com-
mission, for the two bodies are qualified
to deal witli different types of dispute.
The doubt is expressed whether many
States will be found ready to accept the
form of treaty proposed to the Assembly
by Dr. Nansen, which would invest a body
of arbitrators with power to deliver bind-
ing decisions in non- justiciable disputes.

British Interpretation of Locarno Agreement

Turning from arbitration more specifi-
cally to security, the terms of the Locarno
Agreement are examined and interpreted,
and the opinion is expressed that this
treaty, with its clear definition of a spe-
cific danger and the character of the meas-
ures which may be taken to meet it, is
"the ideal type of security agreement."
It knits together the nations most immedi-
ately concerned and whose differences
might lead to a renewal of strife. In a
region where the particular interests of
the British Government are concerned it
has given its formal guarantee to support
the League's judgment — if necessary by
force — in the event of an act of aggres-
sion being committed in defiance of the
treaty and of the covenant and the Brit-
ish Government looks forward to the
growth of this system. For such agree-
ments may undoubtedly be a contribution
to security in proportion as they relieve
the anxiety of the States which conclude
them.

British Interpretation of Articles of the
Covenant

The memorandum contains an impor-
tant passage defining the obligations of Ar-
ticle X of the Covenant as interpreted by
the British Government. It is recalled
that the Fourth Assembly of the League
adopted an interpretive resolution with one
adverse vote, and it is remarked that this
interpretation is generally regarded as ac-
cepted, in spite of the lack of formal una-

nimity; it is, at any rate, "in harmony
with the view of His Majesty's Govern-
ment in Great Britain." The interpreta-
tion referred to laid down that, in regard
to the preservation of the territorial in-
tegrity and political independence of a
country against whom an aggression had
been committed, the Council should be
bound to take account of the "geographi-
cal situation and of the special conditions
of each State" in recommending the appli-
cation of military measures ; and also that
it was of the constitutional authorities of
each State to decide "in what degree it was
bound to assure the execution of this ob-
ligation by employment of its military
forces."

Similarly, Article XI is declared to be
"a valuable guide" rather than a precise
definition of obligations. This view, it
may be said, was that which was approved
by a committee of the Council and adopted
by the Eighth Assembly.

Proceeding to Article XVI of the Cove-
nant, the interpretation is recalled which
was placed upon it in the collective note
addressed to the German representatives
by the other Locarno powers at the time
of the signature of the treaty, according
to which it was understood that each mem-
ber was bound to co-operate loyally in sup-
port of the covenant and in resistance to
aggression "to an extent which is com-
patible with its military situation and
takes its geographical position into ac-
count."

In conclusion, the British Government
is opposed to the application of hard and
fast rules to the interpretation of articles
of the Covenant. The strength of the Cov-
enant is held to lie "in the measure of
discretion which it allows to the Council
and the Assembly in dealing with future
contingencies which may have no paral-
lel in history." Similarly, it is resolutely
opposed to any attempt to define the ag-
gressor. The objections are made clear by
quotation from Sir Austen Chamberlain's
speech in the House of Commons on No-
vember 24, 1927, when he said that if
"strict rules" were made it would be pos-
sible that "by some unhappy turn in your
definition" "the aggressed and not the of-
fender" might be declared to be the ag-
gressor. Definition, in fact, might prove to

166

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

be "a trap for the innocent and a sign-
post for the guilty."

It may be noted that the British Govern-
ment is called throughout the memoran-
dum "His Majesty's Government in Great
Britain."

German Memorandum of General Nature

The German memorandum is an ex-
pose of a general nature which avoids con-
crete proposals for the solution of indi-
vidual problems. By implication it repu-
diates the Geneva Protocol, which, as far
as Germany is concerned, may be consid-
ered dead and buried at last.

The "essence of the problem of security
is the avoidance of warlike complications,"
and what is needed is a solution for "all
conflicts which have hitherto been the
cause of wars." Every other solution must
remain artificial and without real founda-
tion. The memorandum accepts the op-
tional clause of the Permanent Hague
Court as offering "a satisfactory possibil-
ity" for the settlement of "all disputes"
of a judicial nature. It will be the task
of the League Security Committee to find
means of inducing more States to accept
this clause.

Settlement of Non-justiciable Disputes Empha-
sized By Germany

The settlement of non-justiciable dis-
putes— that is to say, of political disputes
— ^is "of the highest importance," and the
German Government " is convinced that
in this respect there are possibilities that
have not been utilized hitherto." It will
be the committee's task to try and discover
a procedure that will provide "an easy
and peaceful solution to all conceivable
disputes without exception." The idea
that disputes of a purely political nature
can be settled by the obligatory procedure
of an arbitration court "is not practicable
in present circumstances," but some ap-
proach to this idea is possible if methods
of procedure are adopted that "as good as
secure the settlement of disputes in actual
practice" while "taking into account the
legitimate requirements of national life
and development."

The memorandum urges that the idea
of mediation, either by the League Coun-
cil or by some other authority, be further
developed. Such a system could be in-

corporated in treaties between two States
as well as in treaties between several
States. Bilateral treaties would gain if
they could be brought "into organic con-
nection" with the authoritative bodies con-
stituted by the League. The value of such
systems does not invariably depend "on
special measures guaranteeing the agree-
ment embraced by them." If those bodies
constituted to settled disputes "are pro-
vided with adequate authority," it can
'Tiardly be assumed that a State would
dare to override its decisions."

"Sanctions" Condemned by German
Memorandum

In this important passage the German
memorandum expresses its skepticism with
regard to the universal value of sanctions
(penalties). Indeed, the whole memoran-
dum is a criticism of the rigid system of
sanctions like the Geneva Protocol. The
memorandum states categorically that in
case peaceful means are not adequate the
League Covenant, with its clauses "relat-
ing to the prevention of war and com-
bating breaches of the peace, is available"
and it is "the task of the League Council
to prevent a dispute from driving the in-
terested powers to an appeal to arms."

The study of Article 11 of the Covenant
"leads to the elaboration of the number
of practical proposals which could be sup-
plemented by voluntary obligations such
as have already been undertaken in the
Locarno Agreement." All these measures
will, of course, be rendered much more
effective by general disarmament, "which
in itself contains one of the most essen-
tial elements of security."

A general action by all members of the
League in case of a breach of the peace
is not possible at present because gen-
eral disarmament is still outstanding. Ke-
gional agreements that take into account
the security of special districts can act
as substitutes, but such agreements must
be voluntary, although they must not con-
flict with the interests of the non-partici-
pating States.

The security of one must not be achieved
at the cost of another's insecurity. This
condition is fulfilled by the Locarno Agree-
ment, whereas "the formation of allied
groups within tbe Ijeague of Nations"
may easily lead to "a split in the League"

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

157

and "paralyze all common action in times
of crisis." The memorandum emphasizes
the fact that security must proceed from
the peaceful treatment of all conflicts and
not from sanctions or warlike measures,
which would be like "building the roof
first and the house afterwards."

French Reaction to British and German
Memoranda

The British memorandum was not well
received in the French press. The semi-
officia Temps argued, in its comments,
that the British attitude is an insur-
mountable obstacle to the attainment of
"any general formula of security that
would permit a reduction of armaments."

The Temps further maintains that it is
sheer illusion to suppose that the advent
of a new government in Great Britain,
even a Labor Government, would bring
any essential change. "Whatever party
the men in power in London may belong
to, they are all alike absolutely obliged
to take account of the particular interests
of the British Empire. The experiment
of Mr. Ramsay MacDonald's Labor Cabi-
net is conclusive in that respect."

M. Jacques Bainville, writing in Action
Frangaise, considers that as Great Britain
is purely a naval power, her contributory
value to European security or to the ap-
plication of League sanctions is nullified
by the United States. He says:

If England refuses to tie her hands or sign
a blank check, it is not merely because of her
tradition of splendid isolation nor because of
her sacred egoism. The knot of the crucial
problem is to be found in the phrase "free-
dom of the seas." If the American Senate
disavowed President Wilson it was because
he had yielded to Mr. Lloyd George on this
question. If, after the failure of the Ge-
neva Conference for the limitation of cruis-
ers, President Coolidge announces the con-
struction of an armada it must be under-
stood as meaning simply this — that one of
the greatest naval powers in the world in-
tends to declare that in the future Great
Britain must, like any other coimtry, re-
nounce the right of blockade or fight if she
means to keep it.

Now, if the worst came to the worst,
Great Britain might well fight to preserve
this arm of blockade for her personal de-
fense. It is imlikely that she would enter

into conflict with the United States in order
to use the right of blockade as a sanction
on behalf of the League of Nations and for
the benefit of other countries.

The German memorandum was better
received in Paris than the British. Even
the Temps stated that the spirit of the
memorandum is conciliatory, and that it
puts forward certain principles, especially
concerning arbitration, that merit the at-
tention of the committee. The paper
noted, not without a certain satisfaction,
that on the question of arbitration there
is great dilference between the British and
German points of view, and that the Ger-
man memorandum goes further in this
matter than any other.

On the other hand, the French press
maintains that the German point of view
differs profoundly from the French, es-
pecially on the question of security, and
is, in fact, as incompatible with the prin-
ciples of the Geneva Protocol as is the
British.

Swedish Suggestion of a General Locarno

The Swedish Government, in a memo-
randum addressed to the League, has
taken the view that the League Assem-
bly, in its instructions on the subject of
security, had contemplated an extension of
arbitration procedure on the principles
already established by special agreements.
The Swedish Government expresses the
opinion that the simplest way of effecting
this purpose would be to draw up a draft
collective agreement, based so far as pos-
sible on the four Locarno agreements on
arbitration and conciliation. The contents
of these agreements may be summarized
as follows :

Disputes with regard to which the par-
ties are in conflict as to their respective
rights are submitted for decision to the
Permanent Court of International Justice
or an arbitral tribunal. Other disputes
must, at the request of either of the par-
ties, be submitted, with a view to amica-
ble settlement, to a permanent concilia-
tion commission, and, if agreement is not
reached before that body, to the Council
of the League for settlement in accord-
ance with Article XV of the Covenant. If
the parties agree thereto, disputes of a
legal nature may also be submitted to the

158

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

Permanent Conciliation Commission be-
fore any resort is made to procedure be-
fore the Permanent Court of International
Justice or to arbitral procedure.

Similar provisions having been adopted
for the settlement of international dis-
putes in a large number of special agree-
ments, the Swedish Government is, there-
fore, convinced that it would be desirable
to give this type of agreement a more gen-
eral form, as contemplated in the instruc-
tions received from the Assembly. The
Swedish Government accordingly submits
a draft convention based upon these prin-
ciples. In so doing it points out that the
advantages to be derived from a more gen-
eral application of the provisions con-
tained in the Locarno agreements consist,
first, in the fact that these provisions
afford appropriate methods for the settle-
ment of the various classes of international
disputes, seeing that disputes so handled
would not, as a rule, be submitted to the
Council of the League of Nations until
they had been carefully and impartially
investigated by a Conciliation Commis-
sion. When examining the matter afresh,
the Council would thus be in a better
position to devise the most appropriate
solution and to put forward unanimous
proposals for a settlement.

Another argument is also advanced in
favor of the extension of arbitral proced-
ure. It is that, when a dispute is investi-
gated by the Council, there is always some
risk that that body may fail to reach una-
nimity, and that the States members of
the League may consequently reserve "the
right to take such action as they shall con-
sider necessary for the maintenance of
right and justice." The reference of a
dispute to a tribunal, on the other hand,
secures the final settlement of the legal
points at issue.

FRENCH ARMY REFORM

ON JANUAEY 19 the French Cham-
ber of Deputies passed the Army Ee-
cruiting Bill, which provides for the re-
duction of conscripted military service to
one year. Prior to the passage of the bill
a sharp conflict arose between the Army
Committee of the Chamber and the Min-
ister of War, M. Painleve. In the original

bill, as introduced by the government, the
question of the date at which the new
term of recruitment was to be introduced
was left open. The committee demanded
the fixing of the date in the bill itself
and won its point.

M. Painleve declared in his statement
before the committee that he could not
consent to the introduction which the
committee had made into Article 102 of
the recruiting measure of a definite date
for the reduction of the period of service
for conscripts to one year, and that it was
impossible to foresee at present when the
rate of recruitment of regular soldiers and
of men for the auxiliary services would
allow the one-year period to be put into
force. If the committee stipulated that
the class which would be called up in May,
1929, should be released in May, 1930,
it would force Parliament to commit it-
self to a possible weakening of national
defense. M. Painleve said that the Gov-
ernment intended to use all its authority
in support of the original text of the
measure, which fixed no definite date for
the reduction of the period of service. He
insisted that the committee should reserve
its earlier decision and reconsider the
matter. This the committee refused to do.

M. Painleve's argument was strongly
opposed by the Socialist and Eadical-So-
cialist members of the committee, who de-
clared that as the debate on the recruit-
ing law had been begun the committee
could not withdraw its decision. They
said that the fixing of a date was intended
to hasten the action of the military au-
thorities in applying the reform, and that
it was essential, from the electoral point
of view, to inform the country when this
change, which was one of the essential
promises of the present legislature, would
be made.

Later on, however, the committee modi-
fied its position slightly and, as a result,
the general staff agreed to accept Novem-
ber 1, 1930, as the date, and this was
adopted by the government as a new text
for the bill. It was accompanied by the
reservation that, if by any mischance and
against expectation events render this un-
desirable, the soldiers might be retained
with the colors for a further period of six
months.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

159

In the new scheme of defense the back-
bone of a short-service army is to be pro-
vided by a professional service of 106,-
000 men. On them will fall the bylk of
the highly specialized functions due to
the ever-increasing technical demands of
a motorized and mechanized army. These
men are being sought chiefly through ad-
vertisement by posters setting forth the
attractions of the service, and it would
appear that they are coming forward in
satisfactory numbers, though trustworthy
calculations are said to indicate that the
maximum will not be reached before 1930.
This is why the military authorities
sought to extend the period during which
the new measure is to be introduced.

FUTURE OF THE GERMAN
REICH

A CONFERENCE of the Eeich and
the Federal States to discuss the
possibilities of constitutional and admin-
istrative reform was held in Berlin on
January 16-18. The conference opened
under the presidency of Herr Marx, the
Chancellor, in the historic hall of the
Chancellor's Palace in the Wilhelmstrasse,
which has been known as the "Congress
Hall" since Bismarck presided there, over
the Congress of Berlin, in 1878. Nearly
100 persons were present, including all
the members of the Eeich Cabinet who
were free to attend; Dr. Saemisch, the
Eeich Economy Commissioner; Herr
Braun, the Prussian Premier, and the
members of his government; and the pre-
miers and ministers of the Interior and
Finance of the remaining 17 States.

Opening Speech by the Chancellor

In his introductory speech the Chancel-
lor laid emphasis upon the historic im-
portance of tlie Congress Hall, recalling
not only the Congress of Berlin, but the
fateful gathering of November, 1918, of
the representatives of the young free
States to discuss the situation with Fritz
Ebert, who was shortly to become the first
President of the Federal Eepublican
Eeich. In outlining briefly the task of the
conference, Herr Marx insisted that any
change in the relations between the Eeich
and the States must be carried out on

the basis of complete mutual loyalty. He
intimated that the contribution of the
Eeich would be, as was expected, sugges-
tions for assisting individual States by
taking over certain branches of adminis-
tration and for the straightening out of
interstate frontiers by abolishing with as
much dispatch as possible the two hundred
odd enclaves.

Most of these illogical intrusions of one
State upon the natural confines of another
owe their existence to dynastic complica-
tions of a past era, upon which not even
the most sentimental Federalist could rea-
sonably base a claim for their permanence
in present circumstances. Perhaps the best
illustration of the manner in which they
preserve the extravagant administrative
difl&culties which the conference is engaged
in eliminating is provided by a road in
the Harz, which in the course of 60 kilo-
metres passes through six different States,
each with its own traffic regulations. An-
other road in Thuringia crosses State
frontiers fourteen times in a stretch of
about six miles.

Work of the Conference

The sessions of the conference were
secret. Its agenda consisted of the fol-
lowing three points:

1. Improvements in the relationship be-
tween Reich and States calculated to reduce
the overlapping of functions.

2. Measures to insure the most economical
conduct possible of public finances.

3. Administrative reform in Reich and
States.

The various States brought to it their
own schemes, which are the result of long
discussions. The Socialists and the Demo-
crats desire a highly centralized, unitary
State. The Nationalists have a plan for
a return to the Bismarckian structure
based on Prussia, with the President of
the Eeich, strengthened in authority, at
the same time State President of Prus-
sia, and the Chancellor of the Eeich at
the same time Premier of Prussia.

The opposition of the Southern States,
particularly Bavaria, to any change involv-
ing a decrease of State sovereignty has
been expressed in no uncertain terms, es-
pecially since Herr Luther founded his
"League for the Eegeneration of the

160

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

Reich," although it should be noted that
the Bavarian People's Party, as distinct
from the Bavarian Premier and a number
of Agrarian leaders, have adopted a not
unfriendly attitude towards the League,
which, after aU, was very cautious in
drafting its program.

All these conflicting views were voiced
at the conference. At the end of the meet-
ing a long and rather vague communique
was issued. After Herr Held, the Bava-
rian Premier, had declared categorically
that Bavaria would "never" enter a uni-
tary Eeich, however organized, and Herr
Braun, the Prussian Premier, had chided
him with showing himself lacking in the
historical sense, it was not surprising that
an agreed statement was found difficult of
achievement, and that it said little when
it had been achieved.

Results of the Conference

Judging by the communique of the con-
ference, the leading official representatives
of the Reich and the Federal States could
not reach general agreement on anything
more definite than the statement that the
regulation of relations between Reich and
States by the Weimar Constitution is un-
satisfactory and requires fundamental re-
form. The conference was unable, accord-
ing to its communique, to agree whether
the reform should strengthen unitarian or
Federalistic authority, or whether an
amalgamation of both in a new form
would be possible. It did, however, agree
that a strong Reich authority was neces-
sary.

The conference decided that a partial
solution would be inadvisable, and it was
opposed to the absorption of weak States
by the Reich as "Reich States." The con-
ference resolved that the Reich must not
seek to increase its authority by "finan-
cial undermining" or similar measures to
the detriment of the States. If small
States showed a desire to merge themselves
in larger neighbors, they should be en-
couraged. The abolition of enclaves by
voluntary arrangement would be desirable.
The solution of the problem as a whole
was to be prepared in the report of the
special commission, of which the Chan-
cellor would be the chairman.

Both the Reich and the State govern-
ments were agreed on the necessity of

measures to insure the economical con-
duct of public finances, and for this pur-
pose a special finance committee would
be appointed. All the governments agreed
to work out schemes of administrative
reform, especially with a view to the fu-
sion of overlapping departments and the
readjustment of local and provincial (but
not State) boundaries in conformity with
present-day traffic conditions. In order to
insure uniformity of method, the State
governments undertook to submit their
schemes to the Reich Economy Commis-
sioner, who would make recommendations
"if requested."

It is generally assumed in Berlin that
the two administrative departments chief-
ly affected at first by fusion schemes,
whether between the Reich and individual
States or between State and State, will be
those of Finance and Justice.

TROTSKY'S EXILE TO SIBERIA

THE next act in the drama of fac-
tional strife in the Russian Commun-
ist ranks, after the expulsion from the
Communist Party of all those opposed to
the present dictator of Russia, Joseph Sta-
lin, has been the exile, to Siberia and other
remote portions of the Russian realm,
of Trotsky and several other prominent
leaders of the Opposition. The Moscow
correspondent of the Berliner Tagehlatt,
in describing Trotsky's departure from
Moscow, says that the deposed Communist
leader arrived at the railroad station
shortly before the train was due to start,
closely guarded by political police. A
large crowd, which had gathered to watch
his arrival, greeted him with cheers and
the singing of the International. There
was little opportunity for Trotsky to re-
ply, even if he had wished to do so; it
was noticeable, however, that the police
made no particular attempt to prevent
him from speaking. As the train moved
out, the crowd raised cheers for the Com-
munist Party, the Communist Interna-
tional, and the Soviet Republic. Trot-
sky's bearing as he began his long journey
to Viernyi, the remote place on the fron-
tier between Russian Turkestan and
China, which has been chosen for his ex-
ile, was dignified, but he looked rather

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

161

pale. On the previous evening Eadek and
several other Opposition leaders were sent
from Moscow to unknown destinations in
the eastern Urals. A large crowd assem-
bled on this occasion also.

Official Soviet Statement
In connection with the exile of the Op-
position leaders the official Soviet news
agency has issued the following state-
ment:

The Soviet governmental organs have es-
tablished that a number of persons adhering
to the Opposition groups of Trotskyists and
Sapronovists, which were expelled from
the party by the Fifteenth Congress of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Republic
immediately after the congress and after the
disintegration of the Opposition bloc devel-
oped illegal anti-Soviet activities, namely at-
tempts to create a secret organization to pre-
pare a series of anti-Soviet actions and to
establish close contact with representatives
in Moscow of foreign bourgeoisie, by whom
the Trotskyists transmitted malignantly false
information to other countries and estab-
lished connections with their supporters
abroad.

In view of these facts, it has been recog-
nized as a necessary measure for the ensur-
ing of the interests of the proletarian State
to deport from Moscow 30 active members of
these groups, including Trotsky, Ivan Smin-
nov, Serebriakov, Radek, MJuralov, Beloboro-
dov, Sapronov, Vladimir Smirnov, Kha-
retchko, Smilga, Vardin, Safarov, Sonovsky,
and others. A number of other persons, in-
cluding Rakovsky, Boguslavsky and Drobnis,
have been enjoined to leave Moscow.

As regards Zinoviev, Kamenev, and others
who have left the Opposition bloc, in view
of their declaration to submit to all condi-
tion and decisions of the Fifteenth Congress
they have been sent by the party organiza-
tions to take up work in the provinces.

Exiles' Appeal to the Communist International

Just before their banishment, Trotsky,
Eakovsky, Radek, Smilga, Smirnov, and
several others of the exiled Opposition
leaders addressed an appeal to the Com-
munist International, which is about to
convene its Sixth Congress. The appeal
begins :

We, the undersigned, expelled from the
Russian Communits Party in connection with

the decisions of the fifteen conference of our
party, held it to be necessary to appeal
against this decision to the Sixth Congress
of the Comintern. But by order of the Ogpu
(Cheka) we, old Bolshevist Party worke"rs,
are being banished to the most distant ter-
ritories of the Union without any charges
being brought against us, with the sole pur-
pose of severing our communications with
Moscow and other labor centers, and conse-
quently also with the Sixth Congress.

They, therefore, decided on the eve of
their departure to address this appeal to
the Comintern Executive, with the request
that it be brought to the notice of the
central committees of all Communist par-
ties.

The Opposition leaders then enter upon
a long defense and explanation of their
policy and conduct. The domestic strife
which has led to their exclusion from the
party is, they say, the result of their try-
ing to express their views. Under Lenin
it could not have arisen, because disputes
were then threshed out thoroughly in pub-
lic. The present system, they argue, will
prove fatal to the Comintern and to the
international proletarian movement, which
cannot afford to dispense with experienced
revolutionary leaders.

Because they were deprived of their
normal right to place their views before
the party conference they were driven to
make use of a State printing press inde-
pendently, and at the jubilee demonstra-
tion they carried posters calling attention
to the dangers of the "JSTepmen" (private
traders), Kulaki (well-to-do peasants),
and bureaucrats, and the departure from
pure Leninism. If the parties of the
Comintern have had no means of judging
properly the historical importance of the
Opposition in the Russian Communist
Party, the bourgeoisie of the world had al-
ready delivered its unambiguous judg-
ment. All serious bourgeois organs in all
countries regard the Russian Communist
Opposition as their deadly foe, and, on the
other hand, look upon the policy of the
present controlling majority in Soviet
Russia as a necessary stage in the transi-
tion of the U. S. S. R. to the ways of the
"civilized" — that is to say, capitalistic —
world. The banishment of themselves,
soldiers of the October Revolution and

162

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

comradas-in-arms of Lenin, was the clear-
est expression of the class changes which
liad occurred in Soviet Russia and of the
adoption by the political controller of a
policy of opportunism.

In conclusion, the Opposition leaders,
who make it clear that they refuse to
abandon one iota of their program, appeal
to all Communist parties at the Comin-

tern Congress to examine thoroughly the
questions at issue in the broad daylight
and with the fullest participation of the
party masses. In the meantime "we bow
to force and leave the scenes of our party
and Soviet labore for a senseless and aim-
less exile. . , . We address to the Sixth
Congress of the Communist International
a demand for readmission into the party.*'

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE

A Little History

By M. S. GALL

EAELY in the last century a Congre-
gational minister, who had seen serv-
ice in the war of the Revolution, pub-
lished an epoch-making essay. He was a
man of remarkable mentality, a devout
Christian and benign gentleman. The
essay, published on Christmas day, 1814,
was called "A Solemn Review of the Cus-
tom of War." The man was Noah Wor-
cester, then in his middle fifties, a ripe
student of ethics and religion, and withal
a man of tremendous, though quiet, force.

He recommended in his essay, after
dealing logically with the intolerable as-
pects of war, that a confederacy of nations
and a high court of equity be substituted
as a method of ironing out international
difficulties. Then, in order to create a pub-
lic sentiment which would demand and
support such methods as a substitute for
war, he recommended the organization of
peace societies, the circulation of peace
literature, the giving of peace sermons
and addresses.

After forming, with William Ellery
Channing, the Massachusetts Peace So-
ciety, December, 181e5, he issued at in-
tervals a forty-page pamphlet containing
arguments for peace instead of war. The
series was called "The Friend of Peace."
The first number, appearing in 1816, was
really a tract, with the title, "Six Letters
from Omar to the President." Almost im-
mediately, however, the numbers began to
contain several shorter articles, and by the
time Number III came out news items
were included. Names of the officials of
the Massachusetts Peace Society and reso-
lutions passed by that body appeared

in The Friend of Peace, as well as notices
and reviews of a few other publications.

It had become in reality a magazine. A
volume stretched over several years.
Volume IV, for instance — the final one —
contained fourteen numbers and four ap-
pendix issues, extending over the years
1824-1828.

In the third appendix, appearing in the
summer of 1828, the fact is recorded that
on May 8 the American Peace Society had
been formed. Mr. William Ladd, prime
mover in organizing this central society,
had been mentioned previously in the
Friend of Peace as having formed five
auxiliaries to the Massachusetts Peace
Society.

Shortly before this time the venerable
Dr. Worcester had desired, because of age
and infirmities, to cease publishing his
magazine, and so stated at a meeting of
the Massachusetts Peace Society; but fear
was expressed at that meeting that if this
periodical were relinquished the cause
would be left without a means of circulat-
ing its appeal. At that juncture William
Ladd solemnly pledged the Society that if
God spared his life and health there
should be a peace periodical, whether he
could get the assistance of others or not.

In tlie same issue of the Friend of
Peace that noted the formation of the
American Peace Society, mention is made
of the Harbinger of Peace edited by
William Ladd. It was this "Harbinger of
Peace" that marked the American Peace
Society's first eft'orts to publish a monthly
magazine. The fourth and last appendix
to the Friend of Peace contains an an-

192S

HISTORY OF THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE

163

nouncement of number five of the Har-
binger of Peace. "This work," says Dr.
Worcester, "contains a variety of matter
adapted to the objects of the Society and
})romises to be extensively useful, should
it be encouraged according to its merits."

Here ended, in 1828, the Friend of
Peace, quite truly the parent of the Har-
binger of Peace.

Beginning with the American Peace
Society itself and edited by its first Cor-
responding Secretary, William Ladd, the
first number of the Harbinger, May, 1828,
makes the following statement:

"Though in our official capacity we shall
leave wholly uutouched the question whether
war strictly defensive be consistent with
Christianity, ... we shall lay no such
restraints on our correspondents and will re-
ceive with pleasure any well-written essays
on the great cause, should the writer take
either side of the question for granted."

Thus was inaugurated the broad policy
of working only upon the major prob-
lem of war as a custom. With few ex-
ceptions, the same policy as to the right
of individual decision in specific cases has
been followed by the twelve editors who
have succeeded Mr. Ladd. The whole
system of war as a policy of nations has
been, itself, the object of attack, and
many apparently associated subjects have
repeatedly been refused admission to the
magazine, in order that the main issue
be not confused.

For some time after its beginning, the
Harbinger was published monthly, its
volume beginning in May each year. The
duodecimo, twenty-four page numbers
had one column to the page and contained
one leading article, four to six pages long.
Usually there was also each month a short
peace address or abridged sermon, fol-
lowed by anecdotes relating to war, and
by comments, letters, and news of branch
societies. There was often a poem on the
last page, and, once a year, fairly com-
])lete reports of the annual meeting.

Since Mr. Ladd, who resided in the
little town of Minot, Maine, was continu-
ally traveling about New England and
New York, preaching peace, his editing
and writing were done on the ^ving, and
tlie magazine was printed, sometimes in

New York, sometimes in Portland or
Boston, or wherever he chanced to find the
nearest printer. For two years the peri-
odical was issued in this "difficult and
vexatious manner." Yet, selling at ten
cents a copy, the magazine was circulated
for a time without pecuniary loss to Mr.
Ladd, though he received no compensation
for his services and expenses "except the
luxury of doing good."

Then arrangements were made with a
New York publisher, and all copy was
mailed to that city. It was a matter of
some four hundred miles from Minot to
New York, with irregular semiweekly
mails; so tliis, too, proved to be an un-
satisfactory method. Then, in May, 1830,
liev. L. I). Dewey, living in New York
city, volunteered to act as assistant editor,
and to take charge of all subscriptions
except those from Maine. But even this
arrangement left so great a burden upon
Mr. Ladd, so much of whose energy was
thrown into preaching and organizing,
that in May, at the close of the third year,
the first number of the new volume was
delayed until the directors could reach
some decision as to the future.

In June, 1831, therefore, some decided
changes were made. An editorial board,
headed by Ladd, was appointed. The
magazine was enlarged to thirty-two
octavo pages and the name changed to
"The Calumet." It was now to be issued
bimonthly.

Mr. Ladd continued to furnish the bulk
of the material until May, 1833, when,
two days after the annual meeting of the
Society, he suifered a slight paralytic
shock. The directors then, at Mr. Ladd'^s
earnest request, engaged the part-time
services of a theological student in New
York as editor, Mr. E. M. Chipman, soon
succeeded by Eev. George Bush, who was
with difficulty persuaded to attempt the
work. However, after two more issues,
the Society's slender funds were exhausted
and the editing of the magazine fell back
again upon Ladd.

Mr. Ladd did not entirely approve of
the editorial policies of the less experi-
enced editors, and by anonymous contri-
butions on various topics he tried in the
last four numbers of Volume TV to coun-
teract the damage he conceived they had
done. In Mr. Ladd's reduced state of

164

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

health, however, the continuance of the
Calumet on the old lines was impossible.

By that time the Connecticut Peace So-
ciety, through the enthusiasm and ability
of William Watson, of Hartford, had be-
gun, June, 1834, the publication of a
quarterly called the "American Advocate
of Peace/' edited by C. S. Henry. The
Connecticut Society was not then auxili-
ary to the American Society, and for a
year the two magazines struggled on side
by side. Then, feeling that it was "better
for one periodical to be well supported
than for two to starve," Mr. Ladd, through
the exercise of considerable diplomacy,
succeeded in arranging for the Calumet to
be united with the American Advocate of
Peace, to be published in Hartford for the
American Peace Society.

Thus arrived the new title, American
Advocate of Peace, preserved with minor
changes ever since. Beginning in June,
1835, therefore, it became the organ of the
national Society, with Francis Fellowes
as its editor. It remained a quarterly,
containing two or more scholarly essays in
each issue, a number of book reviews, and
a meager page or two of peace-movement
news.

At the same time the executive depart-
ment of the American Peace Society moved
to Hartford, which now became the head-
quarters not only of the Connecticut Peace
Society and the Hartford County Peace
Society, but of the national Society as
well. Worthy material for the maga-
zine began to pour in richly. William
Ladd continued his labors as general
agent of the American Peace Society and
Mr. Watson assumed entire responsibility
for the magazine. With this division of
labor, both the Society and the periodical
flourished better in Hartford than before.
For a year and a half the magazine went
out from there to a growing number of
subscribers and branch society members.
But William Watson, the mainspring of
local opeartions in Hartford, died in No-
vember, 1836. His death dealt a heavy
blow to the magazine.

The directors decided that, without Mr.
Watson, Hartford was not so well adapted
to the publication of the pamphlets and
the periodical as was Boston, which
seemed to them "a sort of moral observa-
tory and lighthouse to the nation."

Therefore the headquarters of the Ameri-
can Peace Society were removed, in May,
1837, to Boston.

At its first meeting there, the executive
committee voted to call the magazine
simply the "Advocate of Peace," and to
begin a new series with the June number.
Mr. Ladd began again to contribute the
bulk of articles and reports, some signed
with his own name, some with pen names.
He was now president of the Society,
while Mr. George Beckwith was corre-
sponding secretary and very active as
an agent. Later the sole editor of the
magazine, Mr. Beckwith served a valuable
apprenticeship under Mr. Ladd in the
committee of publications and for some
time before Ladd's death as general super-
intendent of publications.

At the beginning of the second year in
Boston, June, 1838, the editor announced
a prosperous first year, with an edition of
3,000 copies, distributed for the most part
to paying subscribers. The expense, how-
ever, had been heavy. An appeal for more
subscribers was followed by the announce-
ment that the magazine would be changed
from a quarterly to a monthly, the number
of pages increased one-third, but that the
price would remain unchanged.

From 1839 to 1842 the magazine was
issued rather irregularly. This was due
partly to lack of adequate funds, partly to
the effort to work the volumes around so
that they would begin in January instead
of June.

Mr. Ladd, through a period of reduced
health, had forged on with his arduous
and sacrificial labor for the Society. He
died in 1841. The American Peace So-
ciety and its periodical then found them-
selves in serious plight. Ladd had often
carried the greater part of the expenses
personally, besides contributing his en-
tire time and services. New workers,
however, rallied to the support of the
Society, and its activities went on.

Mr. Beckwith now took full charge of
publications. The subject of a congress
and court of nations, so ably advocated
by Ladd, continued to be presented in
the magazine, and Eev. Mr. Coues, who
succeeded Mr. Ladd as president, fre-
quently contributed the leading articles.

It is perhaps worthy of note, in connec-
tion with M. Briand's proposal in 1937 of
a treaty outlawing war between France

1928

HISTORY OF THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE

165

and the United States, that the October-
November number of the Advocate of
Peace for 1842 contained the following
paragraph, quoted from William Jay:

"Supi)ose that in our next treaty with
i'^ance an article were inserted of the fol-
lowing import: 'It is agreed between the
contracting parties that if, unhappily, any
controversy shall hereafter arise between
them in respect to the true meaning and in-
tention of any stipulation in this present
treaty, or in respect to any other subject
which controversy cannot be adjusted by
negotiation, neither party shall resort to hos-
tilities against the other; but the matter in
dispute shall, by special convention, be sub-
mitted to the arbitrament of one or more
friendly powers; and the parties agree to
abide by the award which may be given in
pursuance of such submission'."

Judge William Jay was the son of
John Jay, first Chief Justice of the United
States. He was then a vice-president,
and later president of the American Peace
Society, a position which he held through
the last ten years of his life.

In January, 1843, the new volume of
the magazine announced a slight change
of policy. Shorter articles, more facts
and statistics, more anecdotes designed to
interest both old and young, were intro-
duced. News of foreign and domestic
peace work became more continuous. The
number of pages was reduced, and one
volume covered two years. An edition of
from 5,000 to 8,000 was distributed, much
of it gratuitously.

The account of the first international
peace congress, in London, June, 1843,
occupied several numbers. During these
years, too, it was customary to publish
frequently lists, not only of the officers of
the Society, but also, at times, of life
members and all contributors of funds.
Such lists have now no little historic value.

The Society always saw clearly the im-
portance of its organ as a means of propa-
ganda for peace, but the production of it
was often a serious burden. The execu-
tive committee considered this aspect of
the case very seriously at its meeting. May
27, 1845. The combined duties of general
agent, which meant traveling about, and
editor, which meant much desk work,
were an onerous burden to successive sec-

retaries. At this May meeting, Mr. Amasa
Walker advised the moving of the maga-
zine to Worcester and the editing and
publishing of it there by Mr. Elihu Bur-
ritt, who had shown great ability and
resourcefulness in publicity for the cause.
The matter was considered pro and con,
and finally, at the November meeting of
the committee, 1845, it was voted, first,
"that from January, 1845, we transfer the
Advocate of Peace into Mr. Burritt's
hands, to be published entirely on his
own responsibility" ; second, "that the So-
ciety take 500 copies at fifty cents each
per volume and allow Mr Burritt the first
cost for all the others which the Society
may need." The Society further retained
the right of appointing the editor, and for
the present appointed Mr. Burritt. It
also retained the right to take back into
its own hands the conduct of the Advo-
cate of Peace, upon proper notice and
remuneration to Mr. Burritt. At the
same time it decided to keep the head-
quarters of the Society in Boston, and Mr.
Beckwith was to devote his whole time to
the administration of its business.

Beginning January, 1846, therefore, the
magazine, in better type, with "an orna-
mental cover" and double its former size,
was issued regularly from Worcester, Mas-
sachusetts, the city in which Mr. Burritt
then had his home. Its full title now
became "The Advocate of Peace and Uni-
versal Brotherhood." The "Learned
Blacksmith" had for some time been in-
terested in the League for Universal
Brotherhood and conceived the two move-
ments as one.

The new series contained much less
news about the American Peace Society
than before; but it was filled with many
short articles, essays and poems on peace,
with two or three pages usually devoted
to the progress of peace principles in the
world. Mrs. Sigourney, the poet, con-
tributed frequently; Longfellow and W.
W. Story were among the several other
poets appearing in the issues of this year.
It is recorded that the number of sub-
scribers increased under the new manage-
ment.

In October, 1846, Mr. Burritt published
in the Advocate a pledge put out by the
League of Universal Brotherhood in Wor-
cester, Massachusetts, and in Binning-

166

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

ham, England, and urged its general adop-
tion by persons in this country. The
pledge added to the anti-war-system idea
the abolition of all customs and institu-
tions tending to make or keep men un-
equal. It contained, explicitly, the re-
fusal to serve in any war, and was con-
sidered by many to be implicitly anti-
capital punishment, anti-slavery, and, even
in its final interpretation, anti-govern-
ment.

Meanwhile the Executive Committee of
the American Peace Society had restated
its policy in May, 1846. It resolved
"That the Society, in accordance with its
constitution, as it has ever done, will con-
fine itself definitely to the single object of
abolishing international war." It reit-
erated its intention to keep entirely clear
of anti-government propaganda, or anti-
capital punishment, or any issue other
than that of international war as a custom
of settling disputes between nations.

Such drastic difference of opinion as
to the province of the Society and its
organ was bound to precipitate a crisis.
Therefore, in December 1846, Mr. Burritt
and others of the more radical members of
the board of directors and the executive
committee resigned from office. This al-
lowed those who believed, for instance, in
capital punishment or who believed that
occasions might arise when defensive war
would be righteous, to work in the Society
against the occasions for war.

The magazine, therefore, reverted to
the central office for publication, and Mr.
Burritt, though friendly to the Society, de-
voted the most of his time for some years
to more radical reform movements. He
and all the group, however, retained mem-
bership in the Society and became later
active again in its work, though on the
conservative program.

In January, 1847, the title became once
more the "Advocate of Peace." It was
issued again under Mr. Beckwith's editor-
ship, on alternate months, two years to
the volume. It again sought subscribers
among all, "without regard to sect or
party," who wished to labor for the abol-
ishing of international war. The con-
tents included an increasing number of
articles on concrete situations in this

country and abroad. Foreign wars were
often used as illustrative material for
peace principles.

The Mexican War, never popular in the
^N'orthern States, was opposed without
taint of treason, in the Advocate of
Peace. In the belief that a review of
that war would point the moral of peace,
a prize was offered through the Advocate
for the best book on the subject. The
prize was awarded April, 1849, to Eev.
Mr. Livermore, of Keene, New Hamp-
shire; but, since he had to be abroad for
some months just at that time, the first to
be published was the second choice, the
manuscript written by Judge William Jay,
then President of the Society. This re-
view of the Mexican War remains today a
little classic on the subject. It was adver-
tised extensively in the magazine, and
\videly circulated.

In the year 1849, nearly the whole of
the issue covering July, August, and Sep-
tember was filled with the annual address
delivered before the Society by Charles
Sumner, then one of the executive com-
mittee. This, too, remains one of tlie
classics of peace literature.

The international peace congresses in
Europe, coming on the scene from 1843
to 1853, were fully reported in the maga-
zine. Meanwhile the editions increased,
both because of an additional number of
subscribers and because many gratuitous
copies were circulated where they might
be supposed to do good.

Mr. Beckwith's health failed in 1856,
and J. P. Blanchard volunteered as tem-
porary editor. The brevity and popular
form of articles in the magazine mark the
transition. Considerable fiction with a
j)eace moral, including some stories by
T. S. Arthur, appeared at this time. Mr.
Beckwith, however, returned to his edi-
torial duties a few months later, and the
character of the articles became again
more solid in nature.

In the number for December, 1856, the
slavery question forced its way into the
Advocate. An article on "Peace and
Slavery" was reluctantly admitted to its
columns, with the following note by the
editor: "This article, though somewhat
aside from our usual course of discus-

192S

HISTORY OF THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE

167

sion, deserves very serious consideration.
. . . We should be glad to regard its
leading topic a aide issue, but we fear it
will too soon be found to lie directly
across the path of our cause."

As in every other war which the Society
has weathered, it had tried desperately
through its organ to advise other means of
settlement of this crisis. Many possible
solutions of the conflict of ideas between
the North and the South were admitted to
the magazine's pages, but in the end its
only path lay in the abandonment of all
search for the course proper for individ-
uals to pursue in the war which broke out.
Each individual must use his own judg-
ment,, and the Society published the fact
that as a Society it was not concerned with
the methods of governments in dealing
with insurrection ; but that it was still, as
always, unalterably opposed to the system
of international war.

The dilemma of subscribers to the
Advocate of Peace, many of whom were
abolitionists as well, was also serious. The
war was on. The government called for
soldiers. The Society and its maga-
zine had to content itself with marking
time. Succeeding numbers of the Advo-
cate continued to clarify its support of
the government, but rigidly adhered to
its opposition to the war method between
nations. It declared its great work to be
"to educate the entire community in the
principles of peace — ... a hercu-
lean task, but it can be done."

Organization activities of the Society
ceased, perforce, during the war. It main-
tained its office, however, and tlie maga-
zine, appearing regularly and unfalter-
ingly, was, through the labors and gener-
osity of a few men, sent gratis to thou-
sands of religious groups and to about a
thousand periodicals. An edition of
about 40,000 copies was at times dis-
tributed in this way.

By the year 1866, however, it was
deemed that the time had come to return
to a policy of paid subscriptions. This
materially reduced the size of the editions
printed.

The necessity of clarifying its views,
precipitated by the Civil War, was no new
thing for the Society. It had before and
has since faced specific situations blocking

the path of preconceived, absolute doc-
trines. Fortunately, Ladd and his cowork-
ers had sanely laid firm foundations. It
was only necessary to dig away the irrele-
vant to come to tenets which could well be
accepted and emphasized. The magazine
\\as found, at the close of the war, to have
settled upon its two main points, which it
stressed : 1. The formation of a code of in-
ternational law; 2. The establishment of
means for arbitration and the judicial set-
tlement of disputes between nations.
While arguments on the desirability of
peace still appeared, the emphasis was now
upon these points dealing with the rela-
tions between nations. The thought was
to open the way for nations to achieve
their interests by means other than war.

In January, 1869, the magazine was
given a larger page and better type.
Brief articles and poems broke up the
solid columns. Oliver Wendell Holmes,
John Gr. Whittier, Julia Ward Howe, and
William C. Bryant frequently appeared
among the contributors.

This era was marked by the organiza-
tion of a Western Department, reports of
which were frequently printed in the
magazine. Then, too, short notes of the
doings of foreign governments which
might be of general interest appeared
quite regularly.

During 1870, notes on the editorial
page refer to the illness of Mr. Beckwith,
and in March, Rev. Amasa Lord was an-
nounced to have come East from the
Western Department to take charge of the
office and publications. In May, Mr.
Beckwith died, after thirty years of ardu-
ous labor in behalf of the Society and its
magazine. Thanks to his work, the small
circulation of the Advocate was reported
doubled in 1870, though large numbers of
copies were still sent gratis to organiza-
tions and to some persons.

Indeed, all lines of work were enlarged
that year, and the fact that many other
papers gave space to peace articles was
hailed by Mr. Lord as the "end of the
stage of martyrdom and the beginning of
the stage of statesmanship."

In August, 1870, the last leaf of the
Advocate was called "The Child's Advo-
cate of Peace." It carried illustrations
and matter intended to interest children.
In 1872 it was issued separately for chil-

168

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

MoA'ch

dren and called "The Angel of Peace."
This continued as a separate paper,
though under the same editorship as the
Advocate of Peace, until 1905, when it
was discontinued "from lack of support."

In 1871, Mr. Lord, because of ill health,
relinquished much of his work, and the
new secretary, Eev, James B. Miles, be-
came editor of the Advocate.

In the Boston fire, the latter part of
that year, the Society lost many of its
plates and much of its other material
which was at the publishing house, though
its offices in the Wesleyan Building were
untouched. These losses, combined with
the financial depression of the seventies,
caused the magazine to suffer heavily, as
is evident from its appearance. The elec-
tion of Charles H. Malcolm as secretary
in 1876 gave the Advocate a new editor,
but the periodical changed its aspect very
little. When Mr. Howard C. Dunham
became its tenth editor, October, 1879, it
was a paper of only eight quarto pages
and there were only four or less issues to
the volume. New volumes began any-
where from July to January.

A decided change, however, can be no-
ticed with the arrival, in 1884, of Rev.
Rowland B. Howard as editor. The last
volume of the preceding series had been
numbered XV. The new volume, how-
ever, was given the number 47, perhaps
because the magazine under the general
title. Advocate of Peace, which it now
carried, had been running for forty-seven
years, though, as a matter of fact, many
volumes had covered more than one year.
From now on it was the policy to make
the beginning of each volume coincide
with the year. The entire appearance was
now changed and the title read the "Amer-
ican Advocate of Peace and Arbitration."
Each number contained sixteen pages, in-
cluding the cover, which was white like
the pages. The price was announced at
fifty cents a year ; but this was raised two
years thereafter to one dollar — a price
which was maintained until after thfl
World War.

Mr. Howard died in Rome, January,
1892, and his place was filled by Benja-
min F. Trueblood, LL. D., who served as
secretary and editor for the next twenty-
three years. The changes which Dr.
Trueblood made in the magazine were not

drastic at first, but gradual improvement
kept pace with general magazine develop-
ment for those years. The title was
changed again to "American Advocate of
Peace," and later, in June, 1894, to Ad-
vocate of Peace. Editorials were in-
creasingly able. The short paragraph
news dealt with political and economic
affairs where they obviously toviched
upon peace matters. The new series of
world peace congresses, which had already
begun in 1889, in Paris, were attended
usually by the editor and carefully re-
ported in the magazine.

Among the fundamental improvements
in the Advocate was the appearance of
an annual index, at first a very simple
one. Less poetry appeared now and no
fiction. The themes of arbitration and a
world court were continually kept to the
fore._^

The crisis of the Spanish-American
War was met and survived without seri-
ous breakdown of the policy of the maga-
zine. By 1900 the editor called attention
to the century's growth in the public atti-
tude toward peace. The secular press and
general literature then took often the
peace point of view for granted, and at-
tention was already concentrated upon
methods of securing it.

In February, 1904, three auxiliary so-
cieties were reported in the Advocate.
By 1908 there were ten. This made
greater demand for the periodical, so that
in that year an edition of 5,500 was dis-
tributed. Two years later, 7,000.

In May, 1911, the Advocate of Pea^e
announced another removal of its head-
quarters, this time to Washington, D. C.
With the rapid growth of branch socie-
ties, it was felt by the directors that a
truly national center could better extend
its work. The June number for that
year, therefore, was published in Wash-
ington.

The following year there was a general
reorganization of the Society on a feder-
ative basis, the Advocate reporting twenty-
five branch societies.

The present editor of the Advocate of
Peace was called to the central office as
executive director in 1912. He had al-
ready helped, in 1906, to organize the new
Connecticut Peace Society, of which he
became president, and since 1910 he had

1928

HISTORY OF THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE

169

been a member of the board of directors
of the American Peace Society.

Dr. Trueblood was taken ill the fol-
lowing year, 1913, and, although he re-
covered sufficiently to resume his editorial
duties for a time, his reduced health com-
pelled him to lay down his responsibilities
finally in June, 1915. A member of the
Society of Friends, Dr. Trueblood had
always taken so broad a position on peace
questions that men of many minds in
other matters could co-operate in the work
of the American Peace Society. Shortly
after the resignation of Dr. Trueblood,
Mr. Call was elected secretary and editor.

This was in the midst of the World
War. Like all other wars, but in a
greater degree, the World War worked
havoc with the membership of the Amer-
ican Peace Society and also with the sup-
port of its magazine. Mr. Call carried
the work on, however, in the same general
lines as those laid down by his prede-
cessors.

When the United States recognized the
state of war with Germany, a war situ-
ation again confronted the magazine.
Once more it was decided that a specific
condition arising from the maladjustment
of the world must be met and that with-
out violence to the purposes of the Society.
So the Advocate, in this crisis, supported
squarely the government, recognizing that
the only way out of the war was through.
Meanwhile the war itself was pointing the
moral so long preached in the Advocate
of Peace.

However, the Society suffered heavy
losses. Its branches largely melted away
because of the strenuous efforts to win the
war, and support of the Advocate natu-
rally lessened. It was published regularly,
nevertheless, and some improvements
were inaugurated in type and general
make-up during the war.

When the war closed, the whole peace
movement was found to be split up into
countless fragments and factions. Voices
were raised to preach doctrines ranging
all the way from anti-government to the
enforcement of peace and support of the
new League of Nations.

A reorganization, this time away from
the federative principle, took place in the
Society in 1921, and in 1924 the format
of the magazine underwent a complete
change. It took the shape of most of the
best monthlies of the day, with a smaller
page than before, two columns to the
page, sixty-four pages to the number, a
blue cover, and the title amended to read,
"Advocate of Peace Through Justice,"
with the words "For International Under-
standing" at the top of the front cover.
Gratuitous distribution largely stopped
with the rising costs of production, and
the magazine, on a sounder basis of sup-
port, took its place among the better mag-
azines dealing with international affairs.

The policy is still to emphasize inter-
national justice, with special stress, at the
moment, upon the codification of interna-
tional law. To this it has added the pre-
sentation, by unbiased contributors, of po-
litical, economic, and social trends
abroad.

It is hoped that by its present policy
the magazine may advance better under-
standing between nations. It gives space
to news of any kind pertinent to the
growth of a rational peace between peo-
ples. The methods of working for peace
are now so varied, carried on by so many
men and women of differing ideas, that
the magazine finds a widening field upon
which it can draw. As an aid for all those
seriously interested to advance the cause
of the friendly settlement of international
disputes, it apparently meets a demand.

As one views the varied peace currents
of today, especially the longing for a
closer community of effort, it looks as if
this magazine, the oldest of its kind in the
world, together with its reprints, scat-
tered far and wide for a century, has not
been without effect. There is still need
for further development of the periodical.
Only lack of funds stands in the way. It
may be expected, in any case, however, to
go on with its insistence upon the sure,
if unspectacular, methods of reason and
justice.

So there the Advocate of Peace stands
at the end of its first hundred years of
existence.

C^SK^

170

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March,

SHOULD ANY NATIONAL DISPUTE BE
RESERVED FROM ARBITRATION?*

By JACKSON H. RALSTON, Esq.

(Mr. Ralston, author of "Interaatioiial Arbitral Law and Procedure," has repre-
sented the United States in a number of international cases.)

A MAN presents himself at the portals
of Ellis Island. Our laws, the jus-
tice or efficacy of which we do not discuss,
require us to question him. "Do you be-
lieve in organized government?" He an-
swers, "I believe in government, of course,
but let it not interfere with me. I ac-
cept it so long as it does not affect my
personal independence, so long as it leaves
me master of whatever concerns mine
honor and permits me to avenge myself
upon all who infringe upon that honor.
I believe in government so long as it al-
lows me, as sovereign over my own destiny,
to determine for myself what interests
are vital to me and to slay those who, in
my opinion, trench upon them." To the
man who so replies we say: "Your recog-
nition of government is formal; your ap-
preciation of right as between man and
man is undeveloped. If admitted to our
country, you would be a danger to our
well-being. In very essence you are an
anarchist and as such may not enter."

Let us suppose a new state has arisen
demanding recognition and admission to
the family of nations. Its representatives,
when entering into treaty obligations
with other nations, are permitted to with-
draw from submission to the judgment
of any tribunal formed to adjudicate in-
ternational difficulties all questions which
affect its independence, its honor, or its
vital interests. Whether in fact a dispute
involves any of these elements, the State
retains, and is recognized as having a right
to retain, the privilege of determining
for itself. At most today we ask, not in-
sist, that it shall arbitrate pecuniary
claims.

*The demand for this statement, first made
in address by Mr. Ralston before the Penn-
sylvania Peace Congress, May 18, 1908, has
exhausted our supply. For that reason it is
here rei)roduced. — Editor.

When such a position is taken in in-
ternational law, is not the wildest anarchy
legitimatized? Little harm can the senti-
ments of one man do. His opinions
and interests will be corrected and con-
trolled by the opinions and interests of
his neighbors. Perforce he must submit to
the judgment of his fellows all the ques-
tions as to which the man at Ellis Is-
land claimed the right of self-determina-
tion. But when a State — which, after all,
is but a collection of human units — de-
termines, without restraint, its justifica-
tion for war over such questions and even
settles for itself their very existence, thus
claiming the right, governed only by its
own sense of justice, to steal from and to
murder another million of human units
who exercise a similar power, we have
chaos unspeakable — chaos sanctified. By
international law, paradoxically speaking,
thus we have regulated chaos. And yet
analysis shows that after all there is pre-
sented to us but the simple problem with
which we opened — the right of anarchy
— a problem confused only by the indefi-
nite multiplication of the participants.

We will not lose sight of the fact that,
even as to pecuniary claims, in almost
every case a nation may refuse arbitra-
tion, upon the pretense that the very ad-
vancement of such claims is a reflection
upon its honor, perhaps because there is
offered a suggestion deemed disgraceful
to its administrative or judicial officers,
to which suggestion it refuses to submit.
Must we not, then, conclude that our in-
ternational law is but taking its first few
feeble steps; that we are just entering
upon a long and painful period of edu-
cation, the end of which will be to assim-
ilate international justice to national jus-
tice?

Taking a look into the future, we may
recognize that the time must come when

1928

ARBITRATION

such a thing as international law relating
to warfare will be as obsolete as is to-
day common and statute law relating to
the status of slaves. I remember as a boy
reading a book^, then old, laying down
the rules of the Code Duello. Today such
a work prescribing the amenities of pri-
vate murder would seem as out of place
in our civilization as, let us hope, in the
future will seem the half of the volumes
of international law which are now given
over to the examination of the courtesies
of public slaughter.

But our course seems clear. We must
develop the idea of arbitration, insist that
no question is too small, no interest too
great, to be subjected to the judgment of
disinterested and competent men; for, in-
ternationally as well as in our private
lives, something on its face immaterial
may lead to consequences coloring history.
Tracing the causes of wars to their ob-
scure beginnings, how often we find that
foolish jealousies, accidental or intentional
lack of observance of the smaller courtesies
of life, have led on and on to the slaugh-
ter of thousands. But if apparently small
things can with justice and advantage be
settled between man and man and nation
and nation by submission to impartial
men, with how much more obvious reason
should the larger and more dangerous
matters take the same course ! And, after
all, can those who take part in them best
determine whether the matters in dispute
be large or small, great enough to justify
the killing of thousands or insignificant
enough to be atoned for by the payment
of a few dollars?

How needless does calm investigation
show to have been even modern wars con-
ducted by men priding themselves upon
their civilization? Can any one living
tell beyond a peradventure what was the
Schleswig-Holstein question, which in-
volved a bloody conflict? Was there just
and sufficient cause for the Franco-Prus-
sian struggle? Does any one attach large
importance to the supposed questions lead-
ing to the Crimean War, and was the
charge of the Light Brigade, immortalized
in poetry, sufficient return to the world
for thousands of deaths among the sub-
jects of four nations ?

When we look back upon all these strug-
gles, standing in the disinterested attitude
of strangers to them, living as short a
time as from forty to sixty years after,
and consider their doubtful or inadequate
causes, can we not agree that the arbitra-
ment of a group of cool and disinterested
men living contemporaneously could, if
asked, have afforded a peaceful and honor-
able solution? And if in any of these
cases the causes were so slight or so in-
volved and so difficult of reasonable state-
ment as to preclude reference to arbitra-
tion, may we not think such fact to be
sufficient to condemn States engaging in
such wars as mere brawlers in the family
of nations?

Visible advances toward the goal I have
indicated have been made, and in the
making America has taken an honorable
and leading part. Repeatedly have we ar-
bitrated boundary questions, questions of
a nature which, in a less civilized age or
with less cultivated participants, would
have led to frightful wars and have been
regarded by the countries in dispute as
affecting their honor and vital interests.
Very many commissions to which we have
been parties have settled claims disputes
touching wrongs to individual citizens of
a character which, under less happy cir-
cumstances, would have spelt war, and for
even smaller aggravation than has been
involved in them less favored nations have
with heartiness entered upon throat-cut-
ting and destruction. Can we not even to-
day take pride in the Alabama Claims
Commission, which satisfactorily solved
questions which might be classified as of
honor and vital interests, although osten-
sibly determining only pecuniary liability,
and which made this settlement at a cost
which, compared with that of a few weeks
of war, was infinitesimal ?

Even in the small matter of claims of
individual citizens, no nation can properly
be a judge in its own cause. Many a
time has this been illustrated, and I will
refer but briefly to a recent demonstra-
tion with regard to Venezuela. When the
ten commissions sat in Caracas, in 1903,
to determine the claims of as many na-
tions against Venezuela, there were pre-
sented before them demands aggregating

172

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Ma/rch

in round numbers $36,000,000. The com-
missions and umpires determined that but
$6,500,000 should be paid, or, roughly, 18
per cent of the original amount of the de-
mands. One nation, as a condition preced-
ent to the execution of the protocol of ar-
bitration of her remaining claims, de-
manded payment in full in advance of cer-
tain claims aggregating nearly $350,000.
For precisely similar claims submitted to
arbitration she received 28 per cent of her
demands, indicating fallibility, as I be-
lieve, when she acted as her own judge
and demonstrating that the advance pay-
ment was largely unjustifiable. The ex-
perience of other nations before like tri-
bunals was of the same general nature.
And the history of claims arbitrations fur-
nishes many similar instances.

But what is honor, about which na-
tions hesitate to arbitrate ? For theft, for
murder, we have a definite measure, born
of the universal conscience, the same yes-
terday, today, and forever; but honor, as
the term is applied, is a mental concept
varying with the mood of the times. He
who accuses my honor does not rob me.
Honor is only to be lost by my personal
act. The impeachment of my honor may
call for self-examination to determine
whether the accusation be well founded.
The death of the offender does not adju-
dicate the falsehood of the accusation.

If the delivery of an insult be consid-
ered to be an impeachment of honor,
should the reply come in the shape of
war? If a man or a nation is insulted,
as we term it, is the insult extinguished
by the death of the insulter? Does not
the killing convict the slayer of want of
discretion and temper? Is not the best
answer a well-ordered life and established
good reputation? Should not other re-
sort be forbidden than declination of fur-
ther relations with the offender, who, in-
dividual or nation, has merely sinned
against good manners?

A reservation of independence as not
the subject of arbitration seems, on anal-
ysis, meaningless though harmless. Arbi-
tration postulates an agreement between
equals. Questioning the independence of
one party or the other involves a doubt
as to their equality and is foreign to the
idea of arbitration.

When we treat of vital interests we
touch a subject never properly to be
withdrawn from arbitration. What are vi-
tal interests? They are today whatever
the nation declares to be such and with-
draws from arbitration. The so-called
vital interests are matters of commerce,
trade and politics. As to matters of trade
and commerce, we shall submit that their
advancement as a basis for vital interests
is founded upon a misconception of the
purposes of government. As I take it,
governments are formed to preserve the
true liberty of the individual, to protect
him in his rights of person and, as sub-
ordinate to his rights of person, his rights
of property. They are not formed to ex-
tend and develop commerce and trade as
such. Properly speaking, no nation has
political interests beyond its own borders,
and were we to enter upon the reign of
arbitration no question of political inter-
est, as we shall attempt to demonstrate,
could properly arise.

Politically speaking, vital interests are,
when analyzed, found to be based upon
either a desire to ultimately possess some-
thing now belonging to another or a fear
that a strong nation may violently so en-
large itself as to endanger us. With the
thorough establishment of unrestricted ar-
bitration we will not be able to indulge
our predatory instincts at the expense of
our neighbors. With such condition, we
will not fear lest another nation so ag-
grandize itself by violence as to be a
source of danger to us. At one and the
same time we would restrain our own un-
just acquisitiveness and we would lose
our fear. The thorough establishment,
therefore, of arbitration means the can-
cellation of the term "vital interests" as
applied to politics.

Can we hope for justice from arbitra-
tion? We might, in view of the course
of our discussion, respond by asking. Has
justice been obtained from war? Long
ago legislators found that the wager of
battle failed to secure justice hetween
man and man. Without lengthening the
discussion, we may believe that armed
conflict has not on the whole advanced
the rule of right. When at one time war
has served to check inordinate ambition,
at as many others it has furthered its

1928

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

173

purposes. We may concede that in private
matters justice has often gone forward
with halting steps, has even at times
seemed to go backward ; yet who among us
would dispense with the conclusions of
judge and jury and revive the wager of
battle?

From the beginning, with the advan-
tage of national precedents and experi-
ences, we may expect arbitration to bring
us approximate justice. That always exact
justice should be rendered may not be ex-
pected. The members of our Supreme
Court, differing as they frequently do
most vitally, will not say that this tri-
bunal has never erred. But, despite the
possibility of error, we find that order and
the well-being of the community must be
maintained even at the chance of indi-
vidual injustice, a chance which no human
skill can eliminate.

Arbitral history leads us to the con-
clusion that more than an approximation
of right may be expected, that a tribunal
which is the center of observation by the
whole world will seek to give, and will
give, a judgment as nearly righteous as
may be. In the whole history of arbitra-

tions, but one tribunal has ever been sus-
pected of corruption, and, by joint agree-
ment, its findings were reviewed. Slight
criticism may be made of the generality
of other like tribunals. Today, doubtless,
even the English will agree that the find-
ings of the Alabama Joint High Commis-
sion were just.

Of the arbitral sentences given by the
Permanent Court of Arbitration at The
Hague, one alone — that in the Venezuelan
Preferential Case — has received serious
criticism. Even in this case judicial set-
tlement, though perhaps erroneous, was
immensely valuable.

Let it not be said that the ideas to
which I have sought to give expressions
are too advanced, are impractical. It is
only by "hitching our wagon to a star"
that we may progress. Let us not for-
get that there is nothing blinder and stu-
pider, nothing less practical, than the so-
called practical man ; that only among the
dreamers of dreams of human advance-
ment are to be found those whom the
flow of events demonstrates to have had
the clearness of vision of the truly practi-
cal man.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS'

By Mrs. RUFUS C. DAWES

Retiring Chairman of the Department of International Relations of the General Federa-
tion of Women's Clubs

IN CONNECTION with the work of
this department for international re-
lations, many interesting letters have come
from peace societies on the one hand and
defense societies on the other. The time
is coming when representatives of these
two schools of thought will either have to
work together for a common end or cease
trying to be the moulders of American
opinion. At present they are occupying
opposite and increasingly hostile camips.
They are using a great deal of time and
energy in fighting each other that ought
to be used in the service of humanity.
Each side declares that its objective is
peace, but the activities of both sides are
not suggestive of peace so much as of the
age-old urge to war.

♦Reprinted from Oeneral Federation News,
Vol 8, No. 7, January, 1928.

"The peace societies quote President
Washington's sentiments in favor of world
peace when he said, 'My first wish is to
see this plague of mankind banished from
the earth and the sons and daughters of
the world employed in more pleasing and
innocent pursuits than in preparing im-
plements and exercising them for the de-
struction of mankind.' The defense so-
cieties quote General Washington in favor
of defense: *To be prepared for war is
one of the most effectual ways of preserv-
ing peace. A free people ought not only
to be armed but to be disciplined.'

Urges Study of Washington

"It would pay us all to study how
Washington was able to combine these
two ideas. He was neither an isolation-
ist, advocating a great standing army.

174

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Ma/rcli,

nor a preacher of passive resistance. The
only alliances he warned against was the
entangling kind. He did not at any time
express the fear that future Americans
would be unable to cultivate friendly re-
lations with the rest of the world. He
was too good a business man to believe
that America could retain trade relations
with the other nations and at the same
time avoid political contacts. Washing-
ton had plans for a great citizen army,
as effective for peace as the citizen army
of Switzerland, but free from its com-
pulsory features. If it had not been that
the jealousy of the various States pre-
vented the carrying out of his plan as
originally intended, America might have
proved as effectively as Switzerland has
done that a citizen army is really a great
power for peace.

"We have in America 82 peace societies,
many of native origin, and some which
are branchces of foreign organizations.
Some of these societies are doing effective
work for peace. Too many, however, are
trying to run the government by driving
from the back seat. Patriotic Americans
should not use their ballots to send their
representatives to Washington and then
encourage another group, who have elected
themselves, to tell those representatives
what to do. It is the right of American
citizens to criticize their government, but
those critics who have had no experience
in politics and who find fault with the
government, no matter what it does, are
not the people to be trusted with leader-
ship. They are the same type that in
private life attribute mean motives to
everybody except themselves.

"Peace societies lay themselves open
to charges of being unpatriotic when they
ask the colleges to urge young men to
decide for themselves whether or not they
will defend their country in case of war.
"These societies would do better to
suggest that young men use their minds
to study the causes of war and to help
to discover how peaceful settlements of
international disputes may be worked out.
Patriotism is not a matter of choice, but
of duty, and deciding to shirk in time
of war is not offering a lasting contribu-
tion to the cause of peace.

"On the other hand, what can be said
for those near-sighted patriots who quote

W^ashington as in favor of national de-
fense, but ti-y to brand as enemies of the
Eepublic everybody who quotes him in
favor of doing away with war? Such
people set themselves up as the sole
judges of patriotism and indiscriminately
charge those who are laboring for peace
with being in league with communists.
National defense alone might mean peace
if we were an isolated country, but so
long as the great prosperity, of which we
are so proud, is linked up with our for-
eign trade, we must have international
friendship.

Illogical So-called Patriot

"There is another type of so-called
patriot who is not worthy of the title.
It is represented by the man who refuses
to consider any plans for the doing away
with war because he maintains that human
nature and common sense are opposed to
any such plan. Because men have al-
ways fought and always will, he argues
that nations will always go to war. He
refuses to examine the arguments of the
greatest statesmen of the world and he
overlooks one of the greatest factors in
history in connection with the making of
war. I refer to the fact that the modern
type of war, carried on by means of high
explosives, is less than 500 years old. It
had its first try-out in 1453, at the seige
of Constantinople, and we are told that
in its last try-out it will not only destroy
civilization, but may wipe out the whole
human race. This is not human; it is
diabolical. It is not common sense, but
arrant nonsense, to argue that men, having
brought civilization to a high level by
means of ingenious inventions, should
proceed on the theory that the logical out-
come of such civilization is suicide.

"People who preach national isolation
in the name of patriotism are about as
wise and far-seeing as that famous bird
with long legs and a small brain that
feels safe and satisfied only when its head
is buried in the sand.

"Our ignorance is often betrayed by
the things we laugh at. In letters and
in marked editorials I have noticed the
ridicule heaped on those who speak about
outlawing war, 'as if,' says one con-
temptuous critic, 'war could be stopped
by the simple process of saying it is out-
lawed!' If anybody has ever suggested

192S

OUR ARMY

175

such a meaning for the term it has been
these critics themselves, and the only ex-
planation of their mental attitude is that
it is easier to be ignorant than to be in-
formed. To outlaw murder does not do
away with murder, but it defines murder
as a crime against society and makeis
legal prosecution of the murderer pos-
sible. If a statute were embodied in in-
ternational law making aggressive war a
crime, the nation waging aggressive war-
fare would be an outlaw among the nations
of the world and should be brouglit to tlie
bar of international justice.

"Contempt for tlie imagined opinions
of the opposing party is characteristic of
much of the argument that is obscuring
the whole questions of national security
and international friendship. The 'See
Eeds' in one group and the color-blind
sentimentalists in the other are not the
stuff from which true leaders are made.
The great mass of intelligent, patriotic
citizens of this country should clear their
ranks of fanatics of both extremes and
should work together in one united com-
pany for patriotism and peace."

OUR ARMY

By ROSS A. COLLINS

Member of Congress from Mississippi

OUR army is generally spoken of as
a small affair — a skeleton organiza-
tion, if you please — one that could easily
be built to in the time of national stress.
This may have been true at one time, but
it is not true now. The skeleton has lots
of meat on its bones. In fact, it has be-
come rather corpulent.

The army can be well divided into six
])arts — the Regular Army, the federalized
National Guard, the Organized Reserves,
the reserve Officers' Training Corps, the
citizens' military training corps, and na-
tional rifles matches. The last five named
of these are spoken of as civilian organi-
zations. They are, however, promoted,
controlled, and instructed by Regular
Army officers and enlisted men — about
2,000 officers and about 25,000 enlisted
men being directly or indirectly in charge
of their military training and instruction.
In the main, these so-called civilian or-
ganizations are well versed in the art of
warfare. They constitute a fine lot of
men. The Regular Army officers largely
in charge of them know what they are
after. They have worked up programs of
enlargement ranging from five to fifteen
years, and all of these organizations are
growing in size, power, and strength like
weeds in a farmer's field. Their influ-
ence is extensive and their wishes are
highly respected by public officials, and
with continued growth and enlargement
their influence will grow with their in-
creased size.

The beginning of another unit has now
the sanction of the law. It is called the
munitions unit. Congress authorized it
by an amendment to the national defense
act, which was approved June 8, 1926.
This subcommittee, however, saw fit to
prevent its beginning. The purpose of this
unit was to take young men after gradu-
ation from college and give them three
moutlis' training in the Regular Army,
then send them to college for nine months
and after this to put them in the factories
of the country for six months, giving in
all eighteen months' specialized training
in factory work and management, and in
the event of hostilities these men would
become officers and would take charge of
the factories of our country and operate
them under the supervision of the Regu-
lar Army. It was proposed to begin with
250 such students and later to bring it
up to 400, and thence to a larger figure.
The law says that one-half of 1 per cent
of the enlisted strength of the Army and
2 per cent of officers can be trained an-
nually, and with our Regular Army es-
tablishment at its present size, this would
provide approximately 840 students to be
trained annually, and with the retirement
figure at sixty-four years it would be pos-
sible to have about 34,500 such officers.
Of course, this figure is the outstanding
one and should be reduced by one-half on
account of deaths, resignations, and other
causes; but even with 17,250 such officers
its size and expense would be enormous.

176

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

This scheme has never been tried out. No
country has it now or has undertaken it.
The student trained may or may not fol-
low the work for which he was specially
trained. If he did not, his training was
wasted. If he did pursue the work for
which he was trained, it would be foolish
to let him contract with himself in the
purchase of supplies for the government or
to permit him to adopt work standards,
with the War Department backing him
in his every whim. Aside from this, it is
a dangerous undertaking in a republic to
put its factories, including management
and men, under the control of the military
establishment.

The Eegular Army has an enlisted
strength of 118,750 men, with 13,000
officers, and to the enlisted strength should
be added the Philippine scouts with 6,060
men. There are 1,215 warrant officers.
There are also 165 retired officers on ac-
tive duty. There are also thousands of
civilians working for the Eegular Army.
Their number is becoming legion. Count-
ing all officers, their number is 13,380,
and the enlisted strength, including the
Philippine scouts, is 124,810. Of course,
to the Regular Army goes the lion's share
of the appropriation carried in this bill.

The actual enlisted strength of the
army is about 5,000 more than it was in
1926 and 1927. The officers are about the
same. The actual increased size of the
army can easily absorb the 1,248 enlisted
men that were added to the Air Corps in
1928 and the 1,248 added to the Air
Corps in the bill now before Congress.
Personally I take it that the Air Corps
increases the efficiency and effectiveness
of the army, and enlisted men who have
been used in other ways have an increased
value when they are transferred from a
less effective service to one more modern
and more serviceable in a military way.
There is no loss, therefore, by the trans-
fer, but a gain.

The federalized National Guard has
grown by leaps and bounds since the war.
In 1920 it had 1,939 officers and 47,019
enlisted men. On June 30, 1927, there
were 12,010 officers and 182 warrant offi-
cers and 168,750 enlisted men, a total of
180,920 men. This bill carries an appro-
priation sufficient to increase this number

to 188,000, of whom 13,630 are officers.
Next year, according to General Summer-
all, 190,000 is the program. Gen. C. C.
Hammond, Chief of the Militia Bureau,
says that after that their immediate pro-
gram will seek a total aggregate strength
of 210,521 National Guard troops. The
national defense act authorized a federal-
ized National Guard strength of 435,000.
I dare say that it will not be very long
before this will be their goal.

The federalized guard is no small affair.
It is a highly efficient organization. This
bill now before Congress provides for
forty-eight drills a year and fifteen days'
intensive trianing at camps. Officers and
men participating in these drills and tak-
ing this intensive training are paid for
doing it. Quite a number of the members
of the guard have yearly status and are
paid accordingly. The guard is trained
just the same as the Regular Army. It is
organized along the same lines. It has an
Air Corps, Tank Corps, engineers, field
artillery, chemical warfare sections, ob-
servation sections, and so forth. Three
hundred and ten of its officers and 125
enlisted men go to service schools and are
there given special training. Three hun-
dred and seventy-five thousand dollars is
provided for this schooling. Guard affairs
and the instruction of its officers and men
are in the charge of Regular Army officers
and enlisted men. One thousand and forty-
four Regular Army officers and 1,316 en-
listed men are specially detailed for this
work.

Of these specially detailed enlisted men
727 are sergeant instructors. It has a cav-
alry branch, and on March 1, 1927, had
10,420 horses. Nine thousand are fed-
erally owned and 1,400 are State owned.
It has more now. It has nineteen organ-
ized air squadrons, with 326 officers and
766 men. They each averaged seventy-five
flying hours last year. Pilots in the Regu-
lar Army average around 200 hours a
year. The guard acquired recently forty-
six primary training planes, forty-nine ob-
servation planes, and twenty-two special
service or advance training planes, and
this bill provides for the purchase of fif-
teen service planes and twenty-five special
service or advance training planes. It had

1928

OUR ARMY

177

on November 30, 1927, 1,266 artillery
units, of which 684 were motor drawn.
These units include harbor defense, anti-
aircraft artillery; in fact, practically all
kinds of modern artillery guns. They
have ambulances, automobiles, tanks, trac-
tors, trucks, searchlights, and motorized
vehicles up to 12,666 in number as of De-
cember 31, 1927. In addition to these,
the War Department has on hand 9,998
modern-drawn vehicles of various classes
for free issue to the guard, and which
will later be transferred to it.

The total cost to the federalized guard
during the past four years has been
around $52,000,000 per year. This bill
carries $31,659,101, and with the State
contributions and free issues the costs will
be over $51,000,000. This does not mean
that appropriation is less — free issues are
merely falling off.

The per capita cost of members of the
guard to the Federal Government is
$175.53 and to the States $77.15, or a
total of $252.68. These figures do not
include pay of Kegular Army officers and
enlisted men and many other items that
could be properly charged for by the gov-
ernment. Neither do they include free
issues running into the millions. The fed-
eralized guard has on hand property of
estimated value of $115,000,000, and most
of this property is free issues. The real
per capita cost of members of the guard
is nearer $500 or more.

I believe I have already said enough
to convince the skeptical that the federal-
ized National Guard is a highly efficient
organization and growing more so daily.
In some respects it is equally efficient with
the Regular Army.

The Organized Reserves is largely an
officer organization. It is an after-the-
war thought. Its growth has also been
rapid. On June 30, 1926, it had 68,232
officers and no enlisted men. On June
30, 1926, it had 103,829 officers and 5,775
enlisted men. On June 30, 1927, it had
110,014 officers and 5,735 enlisted men.
Its officer strength increased 6,185 in that
year, the last one for which available fig-
ures are possible.

Certain of these officers, to wit, 16,382,
have been or will be given training out of
funds appropriated in the 1928 bill, and

of this number 627 will have more than
fifteen days' training. The bill now being
considered is supposed to provide fifteen
days' training for 16,000 men and more
than fifteen days' training for 600 men.
This committee increased the number to
be trained over that recommended by the
Budget by 875 officers. This bill also pro-
vides for the training of 110 Air Corps
officers. They will receive one year's in-
struction. This number will soon increase,
until the number of 330 is annually
trained, and shortly afterwards the num-
ber will go to 550 annually. Reserve offi-
cers are also given correspondence courses.
Under this practice up-to-date military
instruction is provided to them.

These officers are likewise divided into
various units, the same as the Regular
Army and the federalized guard. They
have Regular Army officers totaling 413
and 524 enlisted men assigned to their
instruction and other activities. Of course,
members of the Organized Reserves are
officers to start with, and it is not neces-
sary to furnish them with intensive train-
ing at all times.

This organization is likewise growing.
In 1920 the number of officers was 68,000.
It remained at this figure for two years.
In 1923 it went to 76,000; 1924, 81,000;
1925, 95,000; 1926, 103,000; 1927, 110,-
000 in round numbers. The increase in
1927 over 1926 was 7,000, and these in-
creases will continue at about the same
rate until the goal of 125,000 is reached.
This will all be done in spite of the fact
that only 65,833 of these officers can pos-
sibly be used in the mobilization of three
and a half million men. This is not my
statement. It is the testimony of War De-
partment officials. They are War Depart-
ment studies and calculations.

The Reserve Officers' Training Corps
are those young men going to college who
are trained at college in the science of
war under officers of the War Department.
They are given four years of military
training under officers and enlisted men
of the Regular Army, and certain of the
advanced students go to Regular Army
Camps, where they are given fifteen days'
intensive training. This bill provides for
the summer training of 7,200 such ad-
vanced students.

178

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

There are now 125,141 young men wlio
are in this lieserve Officers' Training
Corps. This is an increase of 9,000 over
1928. These young men are given sub-
sistence allowance at school and are also
provided with uniforms. They are also di-
vided into infantry, cavalry, field artillery,
coast artillery, air corps, engineers, sig-
nal corps, and other corps units just the
same as the Eegular Army. They are
young men well trained in the art of war-
fare by 685 Regular Army officers, 114
retired Eegular Army officers, twenty
warrant officers, 502 active non-ommis-
sioned officers, twenty-six retired noncom-
missioned officers, and 388 other enlisted
men, all from the Regular Army.

No age limit is placed on these young
men. Practically all of them are from
14 to 21 years of age.

This bill increases the uniform allow-
ance to the advance classes. This is done
to popularize military work in the schools
and to induce the young college man to
take the advance course and otherwise in-
crease the number of these officer students
and ultimately popularize the military
idea.

General Summerall stated that it was
his hope by doing this to "stabilize the
units and induce the young men to take
the last two years ... we want them
to have something that will inculcate pride
and make them proud to wear the uni-
form."

The citizens military training camps are
provided for the training of citizens gen-
erally. This activity is regarded by the
War Department as the least vital from
a standpoint of national defense. They
are trained at Regular Army camps.
Thirty-eight thousand five hundred and
ninety-seven were trained in 1927. This
bill provides for the training of 35,000,
an increase of 5,000 over that recom-
mended by the budget. An intensive cam-
paign has to be carried on to secure the
necessary number of trainees. Army offi-

cers and enlisted men are in charge of this
training, all of which is paid for by the
government out of funds appropriated by
Congress. One thousand three hundred
and eighty-five Regular Army officers and
11,751 enlisted men have been used in
connection with the yearly training of
these citizens. They are likewise pro-
vided with hostesses to look after their
social affairs and activities and as anti-
dotes against homesickness. The citizens'
military training corps likewise has an
ambitious program. Captain Lord testi-
fying stated that the plan is to ultimately
provide for the training of 100,000 such
citizens ; that he hopes to reach 60,000 by
1930 or 1931.

Rifle matches are not included in this
bill, but this activity will go on in 1930
and afterwards every two years under pres-
ent War Department policies. However,
a bill has recently passed the House pro-
viding for these matches every year. They
will cost in the neighborhood of a million
dollars. The number includes thirty-four
civilian teams of thirteen men each, or
442 men. All others that attend these
matches belong to the Regular Army or
some other citizen branch of it, or to the
navy. Some belonging to these citizens'
rifle clubs range in age between sixty and
seventy years. These civilan teams come
from rifle clubs all over the country.

It will be seen from the statements that
I have made that we train them almost
from the cradle to the grave in military
science and tactics. The total number in
all of the establishments is over 600,000 —
an army very much larger in size and
equipment than the popular notion. It
must be conceded, however, that some in
these War Department citizens organiza-
tions are there purely for propaganda pur-
poses. However, this does not matter. We
are face to face with the facts that we
have a military establishment of over 600,-
000 men, and its gain in 1928 will be
in excess of 22,000 officers and men.

There is an idea abroad among moral people that they should
make their neighbors good. One person I have to make good:
myself. But my duty to my neighbor is ... to make him
happy if I may. — R. L. Stevenson.

1928

A LETTER

1?9

A LETTER FROM "BILL"
ADAMS*

**T HAVE recently received copies of
X the Advocate of Peace and have
also received your literature. I can assure
you that no one more utterly detests war
than do I. I look back to a morning some
thirty-four years ago. I was then a boy.
I was in the library of my school. A few
larger boys were present. A word was
spoken. A sort of shiver ran — a chill,
foreboding — through the room. While
my father was American, I was educated
at an English public school, one of those
schools to which the sons of the better
class are sent. I there heard all about the
history of England, and all the way
through school years I heard war glorified.
It was war, war, war, from first to last.
Roman, Dane, Scot, Pict, Anglo, Jute,
Norman, French, Spanish, Holland, and
by and by, as the thing called empire grew,
Eussia, India, Afghanistan, Ashanti, Zu-
luland — to say nothing of course of the
American colonies. War, war, war, al-
ways glorified. War was a part, the great-
est part, of schoolboy life. There was
never any of its horror shown; never a
hint of its brutality. The sword was
glorious; sword, arrow, shield, lance,
battle-axe, spear, and, later, culverin and
musket, rifle, bayonet, bomb, machine-
gun, were all to be desired — stamps of a
nation's greatest, of its prowess ; stamp of
its manhood's worth. So childhood
learned !

"We in America, what have we? What
do the children of France, of Germany,
hear? I gee small boys playing at battle
on the vacant lots near by. In France,
in Germany, in Britain, little children
play at battle. Toy battleships float in
puddles. Enemies lie dead. AH is well.
The victory is ours ! If ever you are to
do away with war, you will have to change
the system that lets youth everywhere
grow up to the tune of the war bugles.

"That word that was spoken that bright
morning in the library of that English
public school was 'Germany.' The echoes
of the Crimea had not yet died away.
Even the rumble of Napoleon's guns, the
thunder of his cuirassiers, might yet be

i-Modesto, California, February 15, 1928.

heard. And all the time little wars went
on — Ashanti Land, the Soudan, Chitral,
and so forth. And now, low on the hori-
zon, 'Germany!'' And thenceforward that
word was heard ever more frequently. We
know what has come to the world since.

"What a fine thing it would be might
the shame of war be taught to children.
What a fine thing if they might be taught
that there are other victories, victories
more worth while, than those of the battle-
field ! Battlefield victories, are they ever
worth while ? How much more worthy of
our humanity would have been the vic-
tory of their avoidance ! Broken bones
and bloody grasses, stained waves every-
where ! And all, in the minds of the chil-
dren, fraught with a glory.

"What do our children hear of the
worth of the Indian whom we have swept
from his plain? No son of any flag is
ever allowed to know that on that flag
there has ever been a stain.

"It seems to me that mankind is come
to a cross-roads today. Bloody roads
stretch far behind him. Two roads stretch
before — one bright, one darker yet than
any road has ever been. It seems to me
today that this nation, born for a hope to
men, holds destiny in its hands. On one
side, watching, stands Hope; and on the
other Despair.

"How to go forward, how to choose
which road to take, I cannot say. That is
for wiser minds. I am no politician; I
am one of the mass. We of the mass, so
many of us, are Oh so weary of shadows
on the sun, and there are many of us who,
leaving everything to our leaders, just
don't think.

"Today it seems to me that another day
has come similar to that day when first I
heard the word 'Germany' and sensed the
shiver that wakened. I pick up a paper
here, a periodical there, and I sense
another shiver. Men in high places whis-
per 'England' — war on the far, far hori-
zon, this time between America and Eng-
land!

God forbid that I or any man should
magnify the mutter of diseased imagina-
tion into the awful terror of an actuality ;
but I cannot forget that other day. Let
us look in the face of woe and see if it
cannot be turned to a brightness. Some
means of escape must be found.

180

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

"The man in the street is grown some-
what cynical of Teace Palaces/ of Hagues,
and Genevas, and the man in the street
is fond of forgetting, of ignoring. There
are so many things to amuse; so we play
while the shadows rise. We are children,
all.

"We old generations have made a grand
mess of things. We have founded our
civilizations upon foundations that rust.
Instead of trying to remodel our building
by taking things down from the top, we
should do well to build us a new temple
on a surer foundation — education.

"This is too great a matter for a letter,
and I am a poor craftsman ; but for God's
sake, unless mankind is ere long to throw
all belief in a God of mercy and gracious-
ness to the discard, do something about it !

"I live on a street where dwell the sons
of many nations. We dwell all under one
flag — a flag in the birth of which arose a
hope for humanity. We are neighbors to-
gether, helping one another in our griefs,
sharing our joys. Shall never the day
come when the nations that gave us birth
can live as we, their children, live?
Surely humanity is greater than these
boundaries we have made? Surely a "way
may yet be found whereby nations all over
the earth may dwell in peace?

"Realizing all too well the intricacies
of commerce, the jealousies that, caused
by them, rankle, I shiver. Our civiliza-
tion seems to have grown beyond our con-
trol. The cross-roads stretch before us.

"Idealism is regarded as a foolish fet-
ish, Utopia as a silly dream; yet unless
we seek IJtopia we are lost. If ever we are
to do away with mankind's greatest vil-
lainy, war, we must change the system
that lets youth grow up to the tune of the
war bugles.

"You know all this as well as I. I tell
an old, stale tale. What is to be done
about it? This world won't last forever.
Shall its children welter to the last in
blood ?

"A hard matter ; for I, too, thrill to the
tune of the war bugle. The sound of sol-
diers marching sets my pulses racing. Be-
ing human, I delight in conflict. The old
savage throbs within me. As a child, I
gloried in my father's tales of Sherman
riding to the sea. And yet, deep within

me, lies the consciousness that could it
have by any upright means been found,
peace would have been the better way.
Had I a son I should feel all shame did
he not leap to the first call for men, so are
we carried away by our patriotisms. And
yet, after all, what is patriotism? Is it
not, when one has sifted the matter aU
over, a love for humanity rather than a
love for just one nation ? Is it not a love
for universal justice ? And, when we have
well sifted all this matter over, was ever
a war really just?

"Looking back on history, can we not
see that, had men been a little patient, a
little willing for self-sacrifice, war might
somehow have been avoided? There is, I
think; there was, I think, always justice
on one side ; perhaps not always, for there
have been many wars from naught but
desire for self on both sides. We in Amer-
ica asked but justice when we chose our
way; that we know; that the whole earth
knows. We chose and took our way. We
have grown to the leadership of the na-
tions, to where, at any rate, the leader-
ship, it seems to me, may well be ours.

"One might think for a month, might
write for a month his thoughts. One can
but pray, pray that the dark blot hover-
ing on our horizon may be dissipated by
the glory of a newly rising sun.

"As I have already said, there seems a
shiver in the air today. I think that the
President of these United States will ere
long have a question weightier than any
other question faced by any President yet
has been. I think that he has it now. I
think that our aspirations must ere long
come to their greatest trial. One cannot
hesitate at cross-roads.

"The American Peace Society, through
justice, may the God of our fathers, a
God of graciousness indeed, show you the
way!

"One of our greatest infamies these
days is propaganda — black propaganda!
We saw enough of it during the war; or,
if we did not suspect it then, we at least
see it plainly now. There is also a white
propaganda. Unlike the black type, there
is nothing of cowardice about it. It is in-
deed the world's bright, best hope. It is
yours. May you prosper !"

1928

GENEVA AND AFTER

181

GENEVA AND AFTER

By THE LONDON TIMES*
(From a Correspondent Lately in America)

HAVING just returned from a pro-
longed tour in the United States,
I should like to confirm the statements
made by your Washington correspondent
in your issue of January 24 about the
effect of the Geneva failure. President
Coolidge and his colleagues were, as your
correspondent says, "profoundly disturbed
and greatly annoyed" by the failure, and
they believe that the British Government
— or rather that dominant section of it —
deliberately decided to "challenge" the
United States and broke off the confer-
ence accordingly. And that conviction is
based largely upon Mr. Winston Church-
ill's speech rejecting "mathematical par-
ity" and Lord Cecil's speech in the House
of Lorda.

I have no doubt that to the aver-
age Briton the legend of British "Chal-
lenge" to the United States in August
last sounds like the raving of a lunatic;
yet it is solemnly believed in Washington.
But the legends of the lunatic asylum are
not confined to Washington; they extend
equally to London. I have found just
as abysmal misconceptions of the Ameri-
can standpoint on this side of the Atlan-
tic as I have of the British standpoint on
the other side of the Atlantic. The Geneva
Conference not only failed to yield a naval
agreement, but succeeded in producing
an entirely erroneous impression in the
two nations about the attitude of the
other, which the war-mongers everywhere
are busily trying to exploit.

British Insecurity

It is impossible in a short article to
discuss the matter in detail. I will con-
fine myself to stating what seem to me
the fundamental misunderstandings. On
the American side there is absolutely no
comprehension that their basic demand
was a demand that the British Common-
wealth should accept an interpretation of
parity which in fact would give the United
States the right to permanent supremacy
by sea, and that this was the reason for
the rejection of their proposals by Great
Britain. Nor, in a position of absolute

security themselves, do they understand
the relative insecurity of the far-flung
British Commonwealth. Nor do they real-
ize that it was their own insistence on
the 10,000-ton ship armed with 8-inch
guns, resisted by Great Britain at both
the Washington and the Geneva Confer-
ences, which made large tonnage demands
by Great Britain at Geneva practically
inevitable for reasons of security. I think
that the inner group in the United States
Navy Board understood the significance
of the 10-000-ton 8-inch gun ship per-
fectly; it was their business to do so, and
I don't blame them for it ; but I am pretty
certain that the statesmen of Washing-
ton have not yet grasped that their in-
sistence on the right to put the total
cruiser tonnage into a type of cruiser
which can annihilate the type of cruiser
which we must build because of our geo-
graphical needs was, in fact, a demand
that the United States should have the
right to create an instrument of war
which could destroy the interior communi-
cations of the British Empire — a demand
which naturally had no chance whatever
of being accepted by Parliament.

But on the British side there is equally
no comprehension that the British Govern-
ment on its side invited the United States
to accept an interpretation of parity which
it was equally impossible for Congress to
approve. The United States believes she
has an absolute moral right to "parity"
because it was acceptance by Great Britain
of the all-round standard of parity at
Washington which alone led the United
States to agree to break up twelve super-
dreadnaughts of about 43,000 tons each, in
various stages of construction, on which
she had spent hundreds of millions of dol-
lars, and which she believes would have
given her sea supremacy if they had been
completed. Their strong feeling about our
laying down fourteen 10,000-ton 8-inch
gun cruisers against their own two since
1923 is that our program is really a
breach, not of the terms, but of the spirit

♦January 30, 1928.

182

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

of a solemn bargain, and that our insist-
ence on maintaining it made "economy"
impossible. There obviously was not the
slightest chance of securing approval from
Congress for the British interpretation of
parity — that is, that the number of 10,-
000-ton cruisers should be limited to
twelve, and that no other cruisers should
be larger than 6,000 tons and armed with
6-inch guns, because that implied that
the United States, in order to attain par-
ity, would have had to spend vast sums
on constructing ships which they were ad-
vised by their Navy Board were entirely
unsuited to their needs, while at the end
of it Great Britain would still have had
almost complete supremacy at sea out-
side the Western Atlantic and the North
Pacific.

"Mathematical Parity"

The truth is that at Geneva both sides
rejected "mathematical parity," that the
problem of determining what "parity" is
is still unsolved, but that Lord Cecil is
perfectly right in saying that an agree-
ment could have been reached if Great
Britain had been less insistent on the
United States having no more 10,000-ton
cruisers than herself, and if the United
States had been less insistent on their
all being armed with 8-inch guns.

There is nothing to be done about the
misimderstanding at present. The only
serious objection to the New American
naval program is that it has been formu-
lated in anger — an anger which I believe
will be seen to be quite unwarranted
when the full complexity of the problem
of determining "parity," which was so
lightly confided to the Geneva Conference,
is really understood. The overwhelming
mass of the American people are perfectly
friendly to Great Britain and do not
dream of the possibility of war; but they
do not mean to have a navy second to
anybody else's, and I believe your corre-
spondent is right in saying that the pres-
ent program will be approved in substan-
tially its present form. We ought to say
and do nothing to try to influence the
United States in any way until they have
decided for themselves what addition to
their own navy they wish to make.

But, once that decision is taken and the
question of parity is thereby out of the

way, a serious, if unostentatious, effort
should be made to consider Anglo-Ameri-
can relations in that broad political way
which ought to have been undertaken be-
fore ever the Geneva Conference assem-
bled. My own view is that, looked at from
a more imperial angle on our side and
a more international angle on the Amer-
ican side, the interests of the United
States and of Great Britain are almost
identical, and that when that is under-
stood we shall both have not larger but
smaller navies, and shall both see that
they ought to be used to support interna-
tional peace through arbitration and not
in competition.

But an essential step in that direction
is to find some means for bringing the
jjolitical leaders of the two countries into
some kind of personal contact. The im-
provement in the European situation in
the last few years is largely due to the
confidential personal relations which have
been established between Sir Austen
Chamberlain, M. Briand, and Herr Strese-
mann. There is no such contact between
London and Washington today, and it is
difficult to see how it can be brought
about. Yet if Mr. Baldwin could spend a
couple of days with President Coolidge
and Sir Austen Chamberlain with Mr.
Kellogg, I believe that the present mi-
asma of understanding would rapidly dis-
appear in a cordial recognition of the real,
though by no means unsurmountable, dif-
ficulty of the problems to be solved, and
that the growing war talk of admirals and
big-navy propagandists would be recog-
nized as the grotesque absurdity which it
really is.

Referring to the above article, the Editor of the
London Times wrote an editorial as follows :

MISUNDERSTANDINGS

A CORRESPONDENT who has re-
cently traveled through the United
States and is a keen and intelligent ob-
server of national tendencies, describes
in an adjacent column his impression of
the effect of the failure of the Geneva
Naval Conference on Anglo-American re-
lations. He takes a serious but by no
means a pessimistic view. Like him, we
have ourselves urged from the first that,
the Geneva Conference having failed, the

1928

MISUNDERSTANDINGS

183

only Bensible course was to recognize a
complete liberty of action for both sides
within the still revelant provisions of the
Washington Agreement; that is to say,
since the attempt to supplement the
Washington Agreement by an agreement
for limitation of the construction of cruis-
ers and other craft did not prove suc-
cessful, nothing is to be gained either by
recrimination or by any futile harking
back. For the present, until some new
opportunity naturally arises in the prog-
ress of events for a fresh consultation on
naval issues, each nation — Great Britain
and the United States — must go its own
way and determine its own naval policy
in accordance with its own conception of
the needs of national defense, without
any too close consideration of what the
other is doing. For many reasons it has
been thought advisable by our government
to delay the execution of the current
cruiser program. That decision is gen-
erally approved. In the United States, on
the other hand, Congress now has under
consideration a bill providing for heavy
expenditure on an immediate increase in
the strength of the American navy, par-
ticularly in large 10,000-ton cruisers. All
the prospects are that the bill will be
passed by both houses of Congress — in
spite of the protests of that minority who
think, like Senator Borah, that such ac-
tion, in the present condition of the world,
is "sheer madness" — and this is, of course,
entirely the affair of the American peo-
ple, their representatives in Congress, and
their government. Nothing can usefully
be said from this side either in approval
or in criticism of a determination greatly
to increase the strength of the American
navy. Naturally, the motive is not quite
understood in this country, and that be-
cause it is impossible for British people
exactly to appreciate all the factors in-
volved— whether political and economic
interests, financial capacity, or national
feeling. But just as we, with due regard
to existing treaties, feel ourselves wholly
at liberty to frame and carry out all rea-
sonable technical plans for the defense of
the British Empire, so we could not dream
of resenting the fact that the United
States has exactly the same liberty in de-
termining her own naval requirements.

A frank and mutual recognition of com-
plete freedom in this respect is the first
step towards a clearer understanding.

For the present, naval developments
must take their course. A good deal of
harm has already been done by Lord
Cecil's interpretation of the proceedings
at the Geneva Conference. The Big Navy
group at Washington have found in it just
the political weapon which they wanted to
influence wavering minds in favor of their
schemes. There can be no doubt that this
criticism of our government's attitude on
that occasion has greatly influenced Amer-
ican opinion in favor of the program for
a very substantial sea armament, and has
strengthened the anti-British tendencies
of its advocates. Sir Herbert Samuel has
adopted Lord Cecil's view for the pur-
poses of the Liberal campaign; Labor, on
occasion, takes up the cry; an inter-
national misunderstanding is again being
used and fomented for party reasons. It
is really an extraordinary state of affairs.
Enthusiasts for disarmament, by their
misdirected attacks upon their own gov-
ernment, are actually stimulating a move-
ment for a large increase of naval arma-
ments in another country. As a matter of
plain fact, the British delegation at the
Geneva Conference did make a sincere and
strenuous effort to reach agreement in very
difficult circumstances. The conference
was not called by Great Britain. She did
not lay down the conditions of the de-
bate. The American thesis on which dis-
cussion had to center was not revealed
until the conference met. Our delegation
had to adapt itself to the exigencies of
a prescribed program in formulating
which it had no share. It appeared in
the course of the debate that certain fun-
damental questions ought to have been
threshed out beforehand — more particu-
larly that difficult question of "parity,"
to which our correspondent refers today,
and which has been the chief cause of
misunderstanding. The difference between
the "parity" that means an effective equal-
ity in British and American naval strength
and the "mathematical parity" that
would put an American navy in a posi-
tion to threaten the internal communica-
tions of the British Empire, has yet to
he fully explained both to the British and

184

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

the American public. It ought to be pos-
sible to reach a clear understanding on
this point, and there is no reason to sup-
pose— in spite of the present setback, in
spite of the launching of a big American
naval program in a presidential election
year, when political excitement runs high
— that in time, with care and under more
favorable conditions, the narrow contro-
versy over tonnage and guns will not be
forgotten in a broader mutual comprehen-
sion of vital issues. The world is small
and in that world the British Empire and
the United States must play too large a
part together to quarrel seriously. It may
not indeed be altogether a disadvantage
that this naval misunderstanding has once
more concentrated attention on the very
important question of Anglo-American re-
lationships and has made it necessary that
they should be reviewed and established
afresh on a firmer basis.

The problem, of course, is far easier to
state than to solve. Our correspondent
sums up his impressions by declaring that
many difficulties will be overcome through
fuller and franker intercourse between
Great Britain and the United States. He
is obviously right. As we pointed out at
the time, the failure at Geneva might
have been avoided if there had been any
opportunity for informal and confidential
consultation beforehand. But it is just
this question of intercourse that presents
peculiar difficulties. In a general sense,
the intercourse between the British and
the American peoples is fuller and more
constant than between any other two peo-
ples on the face of the earth. Through
frequent visits, through associations in
business and finance, through literature,

science, and philanthropy, contact between
British and Americans is close and in-
tense. What is seriously lacking is a cor-
responding facility of political intercourse,
and this defect may easily lead to politi-
cal misunderstandings which would jeop-
ardize all the rest. It is perfectly true, as
our correspondent points out, that there
is little direct contact between British
statesmen and the statesmen of the
United States. Europe has found a
remedy for many of its ills in frequent
meetings between its foreign ministers.
The condition of Europe is far better
than it was a few years ago, largely
because Sir Austen Chamberlain, M. Bri-
and, and Herr Stresemann are close per-
sonal friends and continually exchange
views on a variety of problems. It is not
so easy to meet American statesmen. They
are far away, and for them, in view of
the present state of American opinion,
Geneva is forbidden ground. Yet it is of
the greatest importance for the immediate
future of the world that political con-
tact between the British Empire and the
United States should be full, frequent,
and easy. It is important not merely for
our own country and for the Empire, but
for Europe, which is scrutinizing in some
perplexity the rapid growth in the United
States of a new type of civilization. The^
methods for promoting political inter-
course cannot be invented in a day. The
Dominions can help, particularly Canada.
The essential thing is that attention
should be directed at present, not to the
different shipbuilding programs, but to
the broader possibilities of promoting an
ultimate and deeper understanding.

The Trees That Died in the War

By ANGELA MOKGAN
To G. H. G.

So gentle they, yet glorious.

Living their lives unseen;
Treading the soil, victorious,

Brave gods with banners green.

They asked for naught but the pleasure
Of serving the sons of men,

Lavish with leafy treasure

When Spring should come again.

What answered we to their yearning ?

What gave we for their cheer?
Hatred and shells and burning.

Death in the Spring of the year.

Gone like a vanished city,

Tragic and far as Greece.
God! Shall they give us pity?

Men ! Shall they bring us peace ?
— From London Spectator.

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

185

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

AN ARBITRATION TREATY

BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, SIGNED AT
WASHINGTON ON FEBRUARY 6, 1928

The President of the United States of
America and the President of the French
Republic, determined to prevent, so far as
in their power lies, any interruption in the
peaceful relations that have happily existed
between the two nations for more than a
century; desirous of reaffirming their adher-
ence to the policy of submitting to impartial
decision all justiciable controversies that
may arise between them; eager by their ex-
ample not only to demonstrate their con-
demnation of war as an instrimient of
national policy in their mutual relations,
but also to hasten the time when the perfec-
tion of international arrangements for the
pacific settlement of international disputes
shall have eliminated forever the possibility
of war among any of the powers of the
world; having in mind the treaty signed at
Washington on September 15, 1914, to facili-
tate the settlement of disputes between the
United States of America and France, have
decided to conclude a new treaty of arbitra-
tion, enlarging the scope of the arbitration
convention signed at Washington on Febru-
ary 10, 1908, which expires by limitation on
February 27, 1928, and promoting the cause
of arbitration, and for that purpose they
have appointed as their respective plenipo-
tentiaries :

The President of the United States of
America, Mr. Robert E. Olds, Acting Secre-
tary of State, and the President of the
French Republic, His Excellency M!r. Paul
Claudel, Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of the French Republic to
the United States, who, having communi-
cated to one another their full powers, found
in good and due form, have agreed upon the
following articles :

Article I

Any disputes arising between the Govern-
ment of the United States of America and

the Government of the French Republic, of
whatever nature they may be, shall, when
ordinary diplomatic proceedings have failed
and the high contracting parties do not have
recourse to adjudication by a compeftent
tribunal, be submitted for Investigation and
report, as prescribed in the treaty signed af
Washington September 15, 1914, to the Per-
manent International Commission consti-
tuted pursuant thereto.

Article II

All differences relating to international
matters in which the high contracting par-
ties are concerned by virtue of a claim of
right made by one against the other, under
treaty or otherwise, which it has not been
possible to adjust by diplomacy, which have
not been adjusted as a result of reference
to the above-mentioned Permanent Interna-
tional Commission, and which are justiciable
in their nature by reason of being suscepti-
ble of decision by the application of the
principles of law or equity, shall be submit-
ted to the Permanent Court of Arbitration
established at The Hague by the convention
of October 18, 1907, or to some other com-
petent tribunal, as shall be decided in each
case by special agreement, which special
agreement shall provide for the organization
of such tribunal if necessary, define its pow-
ers, state the question or questions at issue,
and settle the terms of reference.

The special agreement in each case shall
be made on the part of the United States of
America by the Pi-esident of the United
States of America by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate thereof, and on
the part of France in accordance with the
constitutional laws of France.

Article III

The provisions of this treaty shall not be
invoked in respect of any dispute the subject-
matter of which (a) is within the domestic
jurisdiction of either of the high contracting
parties; (&) involves the interests of third
parties; (c) depends upon or involves the

186

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

maintenance of the traditional attitude of
the United States concerning American ques-
tions, commonly described as the Monroe
Doctrine; (d) depends upon or involves the
observance of the obligations of France in
accordance with the covenant of the League
of Nations.

Article IV

The present treaty shall be ratified by the
President of the United States of America
by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate thereof, and by the President of the
French Republic in accordance with the con-
stitutional laws of the French Republic.

The ratifications shall be exchanged at
Washington as soon as possible, and the
treaty shall take effect on the date of the
exchange of the ratifications. It shall thei'e-
after remain in force continuously unless
and until terminated by one year's written
notice given by either high contracting party
to the other.

In faith thereof the respective plenipoten-
tiaries have signed this treaty in duplicate
in the English and French languages, both
texts having equal force, and hereunto affix
their seals.

Done at Washington the sixth day of Feb-
ruary, in the year of our Lord one thousand
nine hundred and twenty-eight.

Robert E. Olds, [seal.]
Claudel. [seal.]

ANGLO-IRAQ TREATY

(Note. — Following is the text of the treaty
between Great Britain and Iraq, signed in
London on December 14. The preamble of
the treaty declares that the parties, recogniz-
ing that the treaties of alliance of October
10, 1922, and January 1.3, 1926, are no longer
appropriate, in view of the altered circum-
stances and of the progress made by the
Kingdom of Iraq, have agreed to conclude a
new treaty "on terms of equality.")

Article 1. His Britannic Majesty recog-
nizes Iraq as an indei>endent sovereign State.

Article 2. There shall be peace and friend-
ship between His Britannic Majesty and His
Majesty the King of Iraq. Each of the high
contracting parties undertakes to observe
friendly relations towards the other and to
do his best to prevent in his own country any
unlawful activities affecting peace or order
within the other's territory.

Article 3. His Majesty the King of Iraq

undertakes to secure the execution of all in-
ternational obligations which His Britannic
Majesty has undertaken to see carried out in
respect of Iraq.

His Majesty the King of Iraq undertakes
not to modify the existing provisions of the
Iraq organic law in such a manner as ad.
versely to affect the rights and interests of
foreigners or as to constitute any difference
in rights before the law among Iraqis on the
ground of difterence of race, religion, or lan-
guage.

Article 4. There shall be full and frank
consultation between the high contracting
parties in all matters of foreign policy which
may affect their common interests.

Article 5. His Majesty the King of Iraq
agrees to place His Britannic Majesty's High
Commissioner in a position to give informa-
tion to His Britannic Majesty regarding the
progress of events in Iraq and the projects
and proposals of the Iraq Government, and
the High Commissioner will bring to the
notice of his ^lajesty the King of Iraq any
matter which His Britannic Majesty con-
siders might prejudicially affect the well-
being of Iraq or the obligations entered into
under this treaty.

Article 0. His Majesty the King of Iraq
undertakes, so soon as local conditions in
Iraq permit, to accede to all general interna,
tional agreements already existing or which
may be concluded hereafter with the ap-
proval of the league of Nations in respect of
the following:

The slave trade ; the traffic in drugs ; the
traffic in arms and munitions; the traffic in
women and children ; commercial equality ;
freedom of transit and navigation; atrial
navigation ; postal, telegraphic, or wireless
communication, and measures for the protec-
tion of literature, art, or industries.

His Majesty the King of Iraq further un-
dertakes to execute the provisions of the
following instruments in so far as they apply
to Iraq : The Covenant of the League of
Nations, the Treaty of Lausanne, the Anglo-
French Boundary Convention, the San Renio
Oil Agreement.

Article 7. His Majesty the King of Iraq
undertakes to co-operate, in so far as social,
religious, and other conditions may permit, in
the execution of any common policy adopted
by the League of Nations for preventing and
combating disease, including diseases of
plants and animals.

1928

WHEREAS

187

Article 8. Provided the present rate of
progress in Iraq is maintained and all goes
well in the interval, His Britannic Majesty-
will support the candidature of Iraq for ad-
mission to the League of Nations in 1932.

Article 9. There shall be no discrimination
in Iraq against the nationals of any State,
member of the League of Nations, or of any
State to which His Majesty the King of Iraq
has agreed by treaty that the same rights
should be ensured as it would enjoy if it
were a member of the said League (includ-
ing companies incorporated under the laws of
such State), as compared with those of any
other foreign State in matters concerning
taxation, commerce, or navigation, the exer-
cise of industries or professions, or in the
treatment of merchant vessels or civil air.
craft.

Nor shall there be any discrimination in
Iraq against goods originating in or destined
for any of the said States.

Article 10. His Britannic Majesty under-
takes, at the request of His Majesty the
King of Iraq, and on his behalf, to continue
the protection of Iraqi nationals in foreign
countries in which His Majesty the King of
Iraq is not represented.

Article 11. Nothing in this treaty shall
affect the validity of the contracts concluded
and in existence between the Iraq Govern-
ment and British officials; in every respect
those contracts shall be interpreted as if the
British officials' agreement of March 25, 1924,
were in existence.

Article 12. A separate agreement shall
regulate the financial relations between the
high contracting parties. This agreement
shall supersede the financial agreement of
March 25, 1924, corresponding with the 19th

day of Sha'ban, 1342, Hijrah, which shall
thereupon cease to have effect.

Article 13. A. separate agreement shall
regulate the military relations between the
high contracting parties. This agreement
shall supersede the military agreement of
March 25, 1924, corresponding with the 19th
day of Sha'ban, 1342, Hijrah, which shall
thereupon cease to have effect.

Article 14. Mis Majesty the King of Iraq
undertakes to maintain in force the judicial
agreement signed on March 25, 1924, corre-
sponding to the 19th day of Sha'ban, 1342.

Article 15. Any difference that may arise
between the high contracting parties as to
the interpretation of the provisions of this
treaty shall be referred to the Permanent
Court of International Justice provided for
by Article 14 of the Covenant of the League
of Nations. In such case, should there be
any discrepancy between the English and the
Arabic texts of this treaty, the English shall
be taken as the authoritative version.

Article 16. This treaty shall come into
force as soon as it has been ratified and rati-
fications have been exchanged in accordance
with the constitutional methods of the two
countries, and shall be subject to review with
the object of making all modifications re-
quired by the circumstances, when Iraq en-
ters the League of Nations in accordance
with the provisions of Article 8 of this treaty.
Tills treaty shall replace the treaties of alli-
ance signed at Baghdad on October 10, 1922,
corresponding with the 19th day of Sa'far,
1341, Hijrah, and on January 13, 1926, cor-
responding with the 28th day of Jamadi-al-
Ukhra, 1344, Hijrah, which shall cease to
have effect upon the entry into force of this
treaty.

WHEREAS

(This year marking the centennial of the American Peace Society)
By Alice Lawky Gould

We who were blind have glimpsed a wondrous

sight.
For though it be but dimly, we have seen
Out of the darkness where dispair had been,
Men as trees walking in the blessed light.

And we shall sometime know them as they

are:
Not trees, nor beasts that hate and fear and

fight,
But seekers of true reason and of right.
All undistorted by the blight of war.

Dear Ix)rd, let not Thy ministrations cease:

Lay yet aagiu Thy hand upon our eyes

That we may see quite clearly which way lies

The road to lasting universal peace.

And let our grateful exultation be

That whereas we were blind, we see, we see !

188

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

News in Brief

Db. FeIEDEBICH WrLHELM VON Pbittwitz-
Gaffbon, the new German Ambassador, pre-
sented his credentials to President Coolidge
on January 31.

FoTJB Pak^-Amebican confebences were held
during the last six months of 1927. The
third Pan-American Congress of Architects
met in Buenos Aires, July 2-10; the eighth
Pan-American Sanitary Conference met in
Lima, Peru, October 12-20; the fifth Pan-
American Child Congress met in Havana,
December 8-13; the first Pan-American Con-
ference on Eugenics and Homoculture met in
Havana, December 21-23.

A Pan-Pacific Women's Oonfeeence will
be held in Honolulu, under the auspices of
the Pan-Pacific Union, August 2-12, 1928, In-
vitations have been sent to all governments
of countries bordering on the Pacific.

The coubse of the pboposed Adbiatio
BAIL WAY has now been definitely fixed by the
Yugoslav Government. It will run from Bel-
grade to Cattaro by the way of Mitrovitza
instead of by Vishegrad, as originally in-
tended. Parts of this route are already
under construction and the work can be
pushed to completion with this decision.

The beteothal has been announced of
Prince Chichibu, of Japan, and Miss Matsu-
daira, daughter of the Japanese Ambassador
to the United States. President Coolidge
sent to the Emperor of Japan, on January
20, his cordial felicitations on the event.

The Fbench aviatoes, Dieudonn^ Costes
and Joseph Lebrix, who made a nonstop
flight from Africa to South America, who
toured the capitals of Latin America, and
met Colonel Lindbergh in Panama, reached
Washington on February 8. An enthusiastic
crowd assembled on Boiling Field to wel-
come the "Good-will" fliers, including the
Secretaries of Navy, War, and Commerce,
together with numerous undersecretaries,
leaders of the Senate and House, and Am-

bassador Claudel of France, with his family
and secretaries.

A Confebence on Intebnational Rela-
tions was held in Buffalo, New York, Feb-
ruary 16-18. Organizations co-operating in
this conference were the Buffalo and Erie
County branches of the American Associa-
tion of University Women, Council of Catho-
lic Women, Council of Churches (Committee
on International Good-will), Federation of
Women's Clubs, Foreign Policy Association,
Interchurch Council of Women, League of
Women Voters, Women's Christian Temper-
ance Union, Women's Temple Society of
Temple Beth-Zion, and Young Women's
Christian Association.

To PBOHIBIT THE EMPLOYMENT OF ABMED

F0ECE8 to intervene in domestic affairs of any
foreign country. Representative McSwain, of
South Carolina, introduced, February 10, the
following joint resolution:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That neither the
President of the United States nor any offi-
cer of the United States shall order, com-
mand, or permit the use or employment of
any part of the armed forces of the United
States for the purpose of intervening in
the domestic affairs of any foreign country,
save and except only when the need for pro-
tecting the lives and persons of citizens of
the United States temporarily and lawfully
in such foreign country is so urgent as not
to admit of assembling the Congress.

The League of Nations Committee on
Security and Arbitration met in Geneva on
February 20. The Soviet Government sent
an observer to the meeting.

Afteb the signing of the new abbitba-
tion tbeaty with France, the United States
proposes to suggest similar treaties with
other countries as their present treaties ex-
pire. Great Britain and Japan will be among
the first to be approached. Germany, with
which this country has no arbitration treaty
at present, will, according to Secretary Kel-
logg, be asked to negotiate a treaty of similar
import.

The new Bolivian Ministeb to the
United States, Dr. Diez de Medina, pre-
sented his credentials to the President on
February 10. In his remarks on that oc-
casion he spoke feelingly of the need of

1928

NEWS IN BRIEF

189

Bolivia for a seaport. Since that time the
action taken at Havana permitting Bolivia
to receive in war time ammunition and arms
through neutral territory seems to Bolivian
officials a partial solution of the geographical
problems.

A TREATY BETWEEN SPAIN AND POBTUGAL,

providing for the obligatory arbitration of all
disputes, without exception, was signed Janu-
ary 21.

Abgentina and Brazil decreed in January
the return to Paraguay of all trophies of war
captured in the war which the triple alli-
ance— Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay —
fought In 1869 against Paraguay. Brazil has
lately remitted the war debt due from Para-
guay because of this war, Uruguay having
done the same thing forty years ago.

Uruguay put in force, on February 3, a
new law of nationality, under which a for-
eigner may become naturalized and still
retain allegiance to his native land.

The newly electeh) President of Costa
Rica, Mr. Cleto Gonzalez Vlquez, will be in-
augurated May 8. The elections took place
in February, with no disturbance of the
peace, the vote being 41,000 against 28,000.

Spain returned to Cuba, through the
Cuban minister in Madrid, on February 16,
the trophies of war captured in Cuba's war
of independence.

JuAif Buebo, former Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Uruguay, assumed late in Janu-
ary the newly created position of juridical
adviser to the League of Nations. He will
direct the legal section of the League.

The nbw buildings of the Egyptian Uni-
versity, on the eighty-five-acre site south-
west of Cairo, have been begun. These will
house the faculties of literature, law, and
natural sciences. There will also be exten-
sive playing fields.

The American Ambassador to Germany,
Mr. Schurman, is collecting funds from
Americans to restore and enlarge the Uni-
versity of Heidelberg.

Representatives of twenty Canadian
AND American chambers of commerce on

both sides of the Niagara River met io Buf-
, falo in February for the purpose of co-oper-
ating in the development of the Niagara
frontier. The delegates are looking forward
to the final establishment of an international
city in that region.

The Algerian program for the construc-
tion of Sahara Desert routes, divided into
northern and southern sections, is already
under way. These routes will facilitate
traveling for tourists across the desert.

Reopening of negotiations to join the
World Court was requested of the President
January 23 by the National Committee on
the Cause and Cure of War, which is com-
posed of nine women's organizations. On
February 6 Senator Gillett, of Massachusetts,
introduced a resolution in the Senate which
looks to the same end. His resolution was
referred to the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions.

The Division of Protocol, a new division
in the Department of State, began to func-
tion on February 7. This department will
be in charge of the reception of ambas.sadors
and ministers and of general diplomatic pro-
cedure. The division is in charge of James
O. Dunn, master of ceremonies at the White
House.

Italy has signified, through hee Am-
bassador to the United States, that she de-
sires to negotiate a new treaty to take the
place of the Root Treaty, which expired
some time ago. The Department of State is
authority for the statement that negotiations
will be taken up shortly.

A "Palace of France," some thirty-five
stories high, a hotel, mainly for French
travelers, is to be erected on Mfth Avenue,
New York City, at a cost of $20,000,000.

The new American legation at Tirana,
Albania, will be built, on an actual cost
basis, by students of the Albanian Vocational
School of that city. This school was founded
and is supported by the American Junior
Red Cross.

Thirty-six communions now have com-
missions on international relations, and fifty-
seven state and city councils of churches and

190

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

other intercommunion bodies have similar
committees, it is stated by the Federal Coun-
cil of Churches of Christ in America.

The tax on the embarkation and debar-
kation of passengers at French ports is now
in effect at Cherbourg. The proceeds of this
tax are to be turned over quarterly to the
marine pension fund.

General Josfi Maria Moncada and Dr.
Antonio Medrano, Judge of the Supreme
Court of Nicaragua, were unanimously nom-
inated for president and vice-president, re-
spectively, by the national convention of the
Liberal Party of Nicaragua on February 19.
General Moncada led the liberal armies sup-
porting Dr. Juan Sacassa against the forces
of Adolfo Diaz until the representative of
I'resident Coolidge, Henry L. Stimson, nego-
tiated an armistice last May. Under this
agreement President Diaz continues in office
to the end of his term, in 1928, while a Nica-
raguan constabulary, commanded by Ameri-
can officers, together with the U. S. Marines,
attempted the pacification of the country.
On the recommendation of General Moncada,
all the liberal commanders except Sandino
laid down their arms pending the elections,
which are slated for the first Sunday in
October.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Rise of American Civilization. By
Charles A. Beard and Mai-y B. Beard. Two
volumes. Macmillan, New York, 1927.
Price, $12.50.

Two thick, heavy volumes and a subject
broad as our continent itself need not dis-
hearten any ordinary reader interested in his
country's growth. These books are attrac-
tive from every point of view. They are
written with a modern historical sense of
balance, in language warm, imaginative, and
bold, infused throughout with the intent to
be impartial; also with a saving, not to say
an acid, sense of humor. As far as one can
judge from phraseology, the book was actu-
ally written by one only of the two authors.

Professor Beard, long a historian of note,
has in this work undertaken to trace the
whole course of civilization in the United
States. In this he has been fortunate in the
co-operation of his wife, whose special ex-
perience lies along the lines of the suffrage
and labor movements. Beginning with early
colonizing and following development through
the agricultural era — in fact, all the way
down to the present moment — economic prin-
ciples furnish the basis of classification and
outline.

Probably no other American historian has
managed to chronicle the Revolutionary War
and, for that matter, the Civil War, too, with
scarcely a reference to military events. These,
apparently, seem to Professor and Mrs.
Beard quite subsidiary to the great currents
which produced, fiowed through, and swept
out of those wars. One receives the im-
pression, especially from the narrative of
Civil War times, that what really moved
things was less political theories and social
ideals than economic and geographical
causes. This is not to say that political,
social, and even artistic movements are omit-
ted from the story. On the contrary, these
are carefully traced in each phase of de-
velopment, but grouped on the economic
thread.

The independent status of woman in this
pioneer land and her subsequent rise to recog-
nized civic importance is well pictured. In
the realms of business, invention, art, litera-
ture, even humor and caricature, lavish inci-
dent and biographical illustration vivify the
story. Nor are the great reform movements
of the nineteenth century neglected; labor
organization, missions, social work, and other
lines of attempt to ameliorate the hardships
of humanity are recognized.

It is in the field of the Peace Movement
where one finds the least sureness of touch,
the most meager of r4sum4s. This fact is
perhaps explainable because no complete nar-
rative of the American peace movement has
yet been published. Such a history, now in
preparation, will probably soon be accessible
to students. Yet many historians know that
the peace movement did not "spring up" in
1906, with the organization of the (second)
New York Peace Society. Historians familiar
with biographies of William Ladd, of Maine ;
of Anson G. Phelps, the Dodges and Freling-
huysens, of New York; of Channing, Emer-
son, Samuel May, Noah and Joseph Worces-

1928

BOOK REVIEWS

191

ter, and others, of Massachusetts; of Elihu
Burritt, Ellsworth, and Gallaudet, of Con-
necticut ; of Governor Oilman, of New Hamp-
shire; of Presidents Wayland of Brown,
Allen of Bowdoin, Lord of Dartmouth, Hitch-
cock of Amherst, Walker of Harvard, Nott
of Union College, Malcolm of Lewisburg,
Allen of Gerard, and other prominent men
of those years, must be aware of the fact
that a lusty peace movement was well out of
its cradle early in the nineteenth century.
For all those years the Beards merely men-
tion that the American Peace Society had
been organized nearly one hundred years
previous to 1912, when it moved from Boston
to Washington.

Whether intentional or not, there is a
whiff of grim humor lurking in the facts
which the Beards chose to tell of the works
of the League to Enforce Peace just before
the World War. The essential peacefulness
of the German Kaiser and all his cohorts, as
vouched for by Dr. Nicholas MuiTay Butler
and others, right up to 1914 has its tragi-
cally comic side, viewed from this end of the
war. The main thing about the peace move-
ment, as recognized in this work, is that it
was really significant in America by 1914.

The inaccuracies, as far as we can discover,
are surprisingly few in the volumes, how-
ever. We find the books stimulating reading
for one who is willing to see both the faults
and the greatness of his coiintry's civiliza-
tion. The work is, too, a revelation in the
new manner of lighting history. High-lights
fall, not primarily upon generals, politicians,
nor altogether upon statesmen. The spot-
light centers, rather, upon natural groups, in-
cluding outstanding representatives of each;
it focuses upon the river-like rush, often
turbulent, of human events, as determined
by the unique conditions in this American
continent and blended race.

The Pboblkms of Peiace. Lectures delivered
at Geneva Institute of International Rela-
tions. Pp. SGT). Oxford University Press,
1927.

Some seventeen lectures by men who are
world authorities in their several fields are
here published together. The lectures were
delivered in the summer of 1926, at the
Geneva Institute of International Relations.

This is the first publication of the Institute
and covers a field considerably enlarged since
the first summer school at Geneva, which
studied only the workings and constitution of
the League of Nations. The first three sec-
tions of this book take up the structure of
the League and the labor organizations, their
accomplishments and relation to the world
of today. Then follows a section containing
three lectures by Dr. James Brown Scott on
judicial settlement of international disputes
and one on non-official organizations. In both
these fields Dr. Scott gives much credit to
the American Peace Society and some of its
able officers in the early years for work al-
ready done toward justice and arbitration.

A lecture by Dr. Garnet, Secretary of the
League of Nations Union, discusses the psy-
chology of patriotism and explains the part
to be played by the League of Nations Asso-
ciation in moving public opinion through edu-
cation on the work of the League. The re-
mainder of the book contains appendix notes
embodying whatever worth-while points were
brought out in the discussions following the
lectures.

Such a volume is a fair substitute for at-
tendance upon the lectures themselves.

Documentary History of the Taona-Abica
Dispute. By William Jefferson Dennis.
Pp. 253 and index. University of Iowa
Press, 1927.

Touching the diplomatic prestige of the
United States hardly less than the political
and commercial welfare of Peru, Chile, and
Bolivia, the Tacna-Arica question is of real
interest to students of international affairs
in this country. It is the Alsace-Lorraine of
the new world. If, happily, some peaceful
solution of the dispute can by any means be
attained, the first requisite is an understand-
ing of the problem.

This brochure, offered in the University of
Iowa studies in the Social Science Series, is
a thorough and clear documentary history of
the dispute up to General Lassiter's report,
June, 1926. There are a few excellent, well-
explained diagrams and maps and a good
index. The brief historical introduction is
admirably judicial in tone, informative, and
easy to read. The whole is a valuable refer-
ence book on the Tacna-Arica question.

192

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

March

Thk Legacy of Wab: Peace. By Boris A.
Bakhmeteff. Pp. 53. Houghton, Mifflin
Co., Boston, 1927. Price, $2.00,

The war-time ambassador of Russia to the
United States delivered this address at Mil-
ton Academy in June, 1927. It was given
under the permanent foundation, which was
established in that school in 1922, in memory
of those alumni who gave their lives in the
World War. The noble and appropriate pur-
pose of the foundation is to provide lectures
and informal conferences dealing with demo-
cratic responsibilities and the opportunities
for leadership in the new day.

M. Bakhmateff, therefore, traces for his
young auditors the contrasting conditions in
Europe and the United States since the war.
He especially contrasts the unfortunate col-
lective "6tatism" in Russia, with individual-
istic democracy in the United States. Since
real peace is "a peaceful progress of life"
internally, rather than mere absence of war,
he finds greater political health in this coun-
try. We have, he says, attained personality
among the nations; we have little to fear
from subversive doctrines. It remains for
us to follow up the ideas already begun in
the way of open diplomacy, patience, good
will. In these lines America has already
inaugurated, since the war, a democratic
doctrine in international behavior which
holds the seed of future equity and freedom
for the world.

Building Imtebnational Good "VfiisL. By
various writers. Pp. 242. Macmillan Co.,
Nftw York, 1927. Price, $1.50.

Here is a well printed, but amazingly in-
adequate, book on its subject. It consists of
a series of small articles on large topics.
They are written by Jane Addams and Emily
Balch jointly, by J. H. Scattergood, Denys P.
Myers, and others.

In its historical portions no credit is given
to the first workers for peace in this country,
except in one sentence in the Addams-Balch
article. There William Ladd, mentioned in
four words, is called, astonishingly, "of Con-
necticut." Since he was born in New Hamp-
shire, lived, in Maine, and, except for a year
and a half, his peace activities were largely
centered in either New York or Boston, it
seems odd that the year and a half of his
Icmg work which did center in Connecticut

should have placed him there in the minds of
these ladies. Of the other articles some are
strongly pro-League, some non-resistant in
tone, absolute in doctrine; many of them
quite out of date.

The book is put out by the officers and
Executive Committee of the World Alliance
for International Friendship Through the
Churches. They claim it to be a "r6sum6 of
the various constructive methods" which are
now in use making toward universal peace.
The book is, we must repeat, lamentably in-
adequate to its purpose.

Beotheb John : A Tale of the Fiest Fban-
ciscANS. By Vida D. Scudder. Pp. 336.
Little, Brown & Co., Boston, 1927. Price,
$2.50.

Miss Scudder, Professor of English Litera-
ture at Wellesley College, has felt, with
many others, that the story of St. Francis
and his early disciples has somewhat to teach
the modem world. A close student of the
thirteenth century, she sees something akin
to our modern paradoxes in the "varying atti-
tudes of Lady Poverty's friends to questions
of property and war." The emphasis on joy
is another point which the Franciscans of
those days have in common with many in
the modern world, though perhaps today we
expect happiness to flow from Impossible
causes.

The book is not quite a novel, yet it is an
imaginative and dramatic narrative of the
absorbing struggles which moved the two
wings of the Franciscan order immediately
after Francis' death.

Brother John is a lovable and loving Eng-
lish youth, who leaves his estates in England
and becomes a sincere and humble Brother
Minor, finally a "spiritual, or zealot," and
dies in prison, singing. Other brothers are
vivid and living — Brother Bernard, Brother
Elias, Brother Thomas, Brother Giles, and
all.

The sunny Umbrian landscape, with its
hills, rivers and sky, as also the heavy po-
litical atmosphere of Rome, are represented
in a way to be remembered. Withal, there is
a sane recognition — Was it Brother John or
the twentieth-century author? — that poverty,
actual avoidance of responsibility, has its
dangers. It may burden others unfairly.
These are still, as they were then, questions,
and the answer is not yet.

ADVOCATE OF

gfe3*>at»-<

Delaying the Execution

Chttaf Tr^hum^

Frice3w

APRIL, 1928

American Peace Society

Its Beginnings

At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at Minot, Febru-
ary 10, 1826, a motion was carried to form a national peace
society. Minot was the home of William Ladd. The first
constitution for a national peace society was drawn by this
illustrious man, at the time corresponding secretary of the
Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution was pro-
visionally adopted, with alterations, February 18. 1828; but
the society was finally and officially organized, through the
influence of Mr. Ladd and with the aid of David Low Dodge,
in New York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society: "The New York
Peace Society resolved to be merged in the American Peace
Society . . . which, in fact, was a dissolution of the old
New York Peace Society, formed 16 August, 1815, and the
American, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

Its Purpose

— Constitution of the
American Peace Society
Article 11.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Aethue Dbeein Call, Editor

Leo Pasvolsky, Associate Editor

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Founded 1828 from Societies some of which began In 1815.

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Wasliington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, f3.00 a year. Single copies, 30 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter. June 1, 1911, at the Post-OflSce at Washington,
D. C, under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

It heing impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of
the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility
for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

CONTENTS

Publications of The Amebican Peace Society 195-196

Editorials

World Conference on International Justice — The Spirit of It — Other
1928 Anniversaries — The Havana Conference — The Search for Se-
curity— Ten Years of Czechoslovakia — Editorial Notes 197-209

WOELD PbOBLEMS IN REVIEW

Minutes Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting American Group Interparlia-
mentary Union — Great Britain and Egypt — Financial Situation in
India — Italy and Austria — Franco-Spanish Agreement on Tangier —
New Cabinet in Yugoslavia — Elections in Japan 210-237

General Articles

The War Prevention Policy of the United States 238

By Frank P. Kellogg, Secretary of State

American Contributions to Education for International Understanding 244
By President Bayard Dodge, the American University at Beirut

The Royce Plan of Insurance 248

By S. J. McFarran

International Documents

The Rejected Draft Treaty Between Great Britain and Egypt 249

News in Brief 252

Book Reviews 254

Vol. 90 April, 1928 No. 4

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

OFFICERS

President
Theodoee E. Bukton

Vice-Presidents

David Jatne Hill

Jackson H. Ralston

Secretary Treasurer

Abthub Deebin Call Geobge W. White

Business Manager

Lacey C. Zapf

Formerly

Assistant Director, Bureau of Research, Chamber of Commerce of the United States

Secretary, American Section, International Chamber of Commerce

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

(Asterisk Indicates member of Executive Committee)

•Theodore B. Bdrton, President. Congressman
from Ohio. President, American Group, Interparlia-
mentary Union. Member House Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Member United States Debt Funding Com-
mission.

Philip Marshall Brown, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jer-
sey.

•Arthur Deerin Call, Secretary, and Editor of
the Advocate of Peace. Executive Secretary, Amer-
ican Group, Interparliamentary Union.

P. P. Claxton, Superintendent of Schools, Tulsa,
Oklahoma. Formerly United States Commissioner of
Education.

John M. Crawford, President, Parkersburg Rig &
Reel Company, Parkersburg, West Virginia. For
many years a Director of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States.

TysoN S. Dines, Attorney of Denver, Colorado.

John J. Esch, Chairman, Interstate Commerce
Commission. Formerly Member of Congress from
Wisconsin.

Harry A. Garfield, President, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass. United States Fuel Adminis-
trator during World War.

♦Thomas E. Green, Director, National Speakers'
Bureau, American Red Cross.

Dwight B. Heard, President, Dwight B. Heard
Investment Company, I'hoenix, Arizona. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States.

•David Jayne Hill, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to
Germany.

Charles L. Hyde, President, American Exchange
Bank, Pierre, South Dakota.

William Mather Lewis, President, Lafayette Col-
lege, Easton, Pa.

Felix M. McWhirter, President, Peoples State
Bank, Indianapolis, Indiana. Director, Chamber of
Commerce of the United States.

E. T. Meredith, Des Moines, Iowa. Director,
Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Member
American Committee, International Chamber of Com-
merce. Formerly Secretary of Agriculture.

Frank W. Mondell, Washington, D. C. Formerly
Congressman from Wyoming.

♦Walter A. Morgan, D. D., Postor, New First Con-
gregational Church, Chicago, Illinois.

♦George M. Morris, Washington, D. C. Partner of
the Chicago and New York law firm of Kix-Miller &
Barr.

♦Henry C. Morris, Attorney of Chicago and Wash-
ington, D. C. Formerly United States Consul.

Edwin P. Morrow, Member. United States Board
of Mediation, Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor
of Kentucky.

John M. Parker, formerly Governor of Louisiana,
St. Francisville, La.

Jackson H. Ralston, Attorney, Palo Alto, Califor-
nia.

Arthur Ramsay, Southern Pines, North Carolina.
Founder, Fairmont Seminary, Washington, D. C.

Hiram W. Rickbr, I'resldent, Poland Springs Com-
pany, South Poland, Maine.

♦Theodore Stanfield, Peace Advocate and Author,
New York City. Formerly Executive Manager, Amer-
ican Metal Company.

♦Jay T. Stocking, D. D., Pastor, Pilgrim Congre-
gational Church, St. Louis, Mo.

Silas H. Strawn, Attorney of Chicago. Chairman
of Board, Montgomery Ward Company. Director, In-
ternational Chamber of Commerce. President, Amer-
ican Bar Association.

♦Henry W. Temple, Congressman from Pennsyl-
vania. Member House Committee on Foreign Aflfairs.

Robert E. Vinson, President, Western Reserve
University, Cleveland, Ohio.

William Way, D. D., Rector, Grace Episcopal
Church, Charleston, South Carolina. President of the
New England Society of Charleston.

Oscar Wells, President, First National Bank, Bir-
mingham, Alabama. Formerly President, American
Bankers Association. Member American Committee,
International Chamber of Commerce.

Frank White, Treasurer of the United States,
Washington, D. C. Formerly Governor of North
Dakota.

♦George W. White, Treasurer. President, National
Metropolitan Bank, Washington, D. C. Treasurer
American Automobile Association.

William Allen White, Proprietor and Editor,
Emporia Daily and Weekly Gazette, Emporia, Kans,

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS

Elmer Ellsworth Brown, Chancellor, New York
University.

W. H. P. Faunce, President, Brown University.

William P. Gest, President, Fidelity Trust Com-
pany, Philadelphia, Pa.

Charles Cheney Hyde, Hamilton Fish Professor
of International Law and Diplomacy, Columbia Uni-
versity. Formerly Solicitor for Department of State.

George H. Judd, President, Judd & Detweiler, Inc.,
Washington, D. C.

Blihu Root, Attorney, New York City. Formerly
Secretary of State, and for many years President of
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

James Brown Scott, Secretary Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, Washington, D. C.
President, Institute of International Law.

Charles F. Thwing, President Emeritus, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN
PEACE SOCIETY

612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

The following pamphlets are available at the headquarters of the American Peace Society, the
price quoted being for the cost of printing and postage only :

ADVOCATE OF PEACE, Published Monthly Except September, $3.00

PAMPHLETS

ETHICAL AND GENERAL: Published
Butler, Nicholas Murray :

The International Mind 1912 $0.05

Call, Arthur D. :

Cumber and Entanglements 1917

Carnegie, Andrew :

A League of Peace 1905

Christ of the Andes (illustrated), 7th

edition 1914

Franklin on War and Peace

Gladden, Washington :

Is War a Moral Necessity? 1915

Morgan, Walter A. ;

Great Preaching in England and

America 1924

Palace of Peace at The Hague (illus-
trated) 1914

Peace seals in six colors. Sheets of 12

12 sheets

Stanfleld, Theodore :

The Divided States of Europe and

The United States of America.. 1921
Tolstoi. Count Leon :

The Beginning of the End 1898

EDUCATION :
Bush-Brown, H. K.

A Temple to Liberty 1926

Military Training for Schoolboys :

Symposium from educators 1916

Taft, Donald R.

Historv Text Books as Provoca-
tives of War 1925

Walsh. Rev. Walter :

Moral Damage of War to the School

Child 1911

Oordt, Bleuland v. :

Children Building Peace Palace ;
post-card (sepia)

MUSIC :
Cole, Evelyn Leeds :

Hymn for Universal Peace. .
12..

HISTORY
Call, Arthur D. :

Federal Convention, May-Septem-
ber, 1787. Published 1922, re-
published

James Madison, America's greatest

constructive statesman

The Will to End War. . . :

Call. M. S. :

History of Advocate of Peace ....
Emerson, Ralph Waldo :

"War." Address before the Ameri-
can Pence Society in 1838. Re-
printed

Estournelle de Constant :

The Limitation of Armaments (Re-
port at Interparliamentary Union

Meeting, London)

Hocking. Wm. E.

Imraanuel Kant and International

Policies

Kant. Immanuel :

Perpetual Peace. First published
in 1795, republished in

1924

1926
1920

1928

1924

.10
.10

.05

.10

1.00

.10

.10
.05

.15

.05

.10
1.00

.25

.10
.15

.10

.15

1906

.10

1924

.10

1897

.20

Levermore, Charles H. : Published.

Synopsis of Plans for International

Organization 1919

Penn, William :

Peace of Europe. First published

in 1693, republished in 1912 $0.10

Scott, James Brown :

The Development of Modern Di-
plomacy 1921

Trueblood. Benjamin F. :

International Arbitration at the

Opening of the 20th Century

Trueblood, Lyra :

18th of May, History of its Ob-
servance

Tryon, James L. :

A Century of Anglo-American

Peace 1914

New England a Factor in the

Peace Movement 1914

Washington's Anti-Militarism

Worcester, Noah :

Solemn Review of the Custom of
War. First published Christ-
mas, 1814, republished in 1904

.05

.10

BIOGRAPHY :
Beals, Charles E. :

Benjamin F. Trueblood, Prophet of

Peace 1916 . 10

Hemmenway, John :

William Ladd, The Apostle of

Peace 1891 . 10

Staub, Albert W. :

David Low Dodge, a Peace Pioneer

and his Descendants 1927 .10

Wehberg, Hans :

James Brown Scott 1926 . 10

JAPAN AND THE ORIENT:
Deforest, J. H. :

Is Japan a Menace to the United

States? 1908 .05

Kawakami, Isamu :

Disarmament, The Voice of the

Japanese People 1921 .10

Tolstoi, Count Leon :

Letter on the Russo-Japanese War 1904 .10

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS :
Call, Arthur D. :

Three Facts in American Foreign

Policy 1921 .05

A Governed World 1921 .05

Hughes. Charles E. :

The Development of International

Law 1925 . 10

Ralston, Jackson H. :

Should Any National Dispute Be

Reserved from Arbitration 1928 .05

Root. Elihu :

"The Great War" and International

Law 1921 .10

Kee alfio Interparliamentary Union
Scott, James Brown :

Organization of International Jus-
tice 1917 .10

Government of Laws and not of

Men 1926 .15

Should There be a Third Hague

Conference ? 1925 . 10

196

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Snow, Alpheus H. : Published.

International Reorganization 1917

Internntional Legislation and Ad-
ministration 1917

League of Nations According to

American Idea . 1920

Spears, Brig.-Gen. B. L. :

Demilitarized Zones and European

Security 1925'

Stanfleld, Theodore :

A Coercive League 1920

Trueblood, Benj. P. :

A Periodic Congress of Nations... 1907
Tryon, James L. :

The Hague Peace System In Opera-
tion 1911

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION :
Call, Arthur D. :

The Interparliamentary Union 1923

20th Conference, Vienna 1922

21st Conference, Copenhagen 1923

Tryon, James L. :

The Interparliamentary Union and
its work 1910

.10
.10

.10

.10
.10

.05

.10

.10
.10
.10

.05

Published.
Twenty-third Conference In the
United States and Canada, in-
cluding 1925

Story of the conference
Who's who of the conference
Addresses by —

Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary

of State
Senator William B. McKin-
ley, President of the U. S.
Group

Eiihu Root, Codification of

international law
Theodore E. Burton, Codlfi-

Ciition of international

law
Senator Claude E. Swanson,

The Pan American Union
Farewells at Niagara Falls
Resolutions adopted by the
conference

.25

Call, Arthur D. :

Our Country and World Peace.

BOOKS

Johnson, Julia E. (Compiler) :
1926 $1.25 Permanent Court of International

Justice 1923

Scott, James Brown :

Peace Through Justice 1917

.70

.60

Slightly shelf-worn books at reduced prices

Balou, Adin :

Christian Non-resistance. 278
pages. First published 1846, and

republished 1910 .50

Crosby, Ernest :

Garrison, the Non-resistant. 141

pages 1905 .25

IjE Fontnine, Henri :

The Great Solution. 177 pages.. 1916 .70

Lynch, Frederick :

Through Europe on the Eve of

War. 152 pages 1914 . 25

Von Suttner, Berthe :

Lay Down Your Arms (a novel),

435 pages 1914 .50

White, Andrew D. :

The First Hague Conference. 123

pages 1905 . 50

REPORTS

5th Universal Peace Congress, Chi-
cago 1893 . 50

First National Arbitration and Peace

Congress, New York 1907 . 50

Second National Peace Congress, Chi-
cago 1909 . 50

Third American Peace Congress, Bal-
timore 1911 . 50

Fourth American Peace Congress, St.

Louis 1913 .50

Fifth American Peace Congress, San

Francisco 1915 . 50

Twenty-first Annual Conference on
International Arbitration. Lake
Mohonk 1915 . 30

Date

APPLICATION FOR MEMBERSHIP IN AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Please enroll me as a member, of the class checked. Thus, I understand, I shall
receive a free subscription to The Advocate of Peace, the Society's monthly magazine.

MEMBERSHIPS

n Annual $5 a year

n Sustaining 10 a year

D Contributing 25 a year

n Institutional 25 a year

D Life, $100 in one payment.

n Send me a bill.
n I enclose $

Name _.
Address

(D Subscription, only, to Advocate of Peace, $3)

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

VOLUME

April, 1928

NUMBER

WORLD CONFERENCE ON
INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE

THE World Conference on Inter-
national Justice to be held in con-
nection with the celebration of the one
hundredth anniversary of the American
Peace Society, in Cleveland, Ohio, is
arousing interest not only in this coun-
try but abroad. It promises to be one
of the most important nonpolitical con-
ferences America has entertained.

As announced by the Program Com-
mittee, of which James Brown Scott is
chairman, the program will consist of
two parts : one the general assemblies, to
be addressed by outstanding men and
women; the other a series of six study
commissions, to meet for discussion and
final report upon six key problems of
international life.

The work of the week has been pro-
visionally distributed as follows :

Sunday, May 6, will be "Peace Sun-
day.'" Pastors of all churches are invited
to address their congregations that day
upon some aspect of international peace.

Monday, May 7, will be "Ohio Day."
The first general assembly will be held
in the ballroom of the Cleveland Hotel,
at 10 o'clock. This meeting will be ad-
dressed by the Governor of the State, the
Mayor of Cleveland, the President of the
American Peace Society, and others. At
the meeting announcements will be made
relative to the rules of the conference,
registration, the organization and work of
the committees, and the like. The various
commissions will meet separately for

luncheon at 12 :30 o'clock and organize
their work for the succeeding four days.
A second general assembly is scheduled
for 4 o'clock in the Cleveland Auditorium.
It is our hope that President Coolidge or
some other representative of the Govern-
ment will speak on that occasion. A
third general assembly will be held in the
evening at 8 o'clock.

Tuesday, May 8, will be "American
Peace Society Day" in honor of the fact
that the American Peace Society was
founded May 8, 1828. On this day the
six commissions will meet separately from
10 to 12. At 3 p. m. there will be the
fourth general assembly, with an address
upon the history of the American Peace
Society; upon the work of its founder,
William Ladd; and with addresses by
representatives of various peace and pa-
triotic organizations. The fifth general
assembly will be held in the evening, at
8 o'clock.

Wednesday, May 9, will be "Neighbors
Day" with particular emphasis upon our
country's relations with Canada and
Latin America. The Commissions will
meet from 10 a. m. to 12 o'clock. At
3 p. m. there will be a sixth general ses-
sion to be addressed by representatives of
Canada and Latin America. A seventh
general session will be held in the evening,
at 8 o'clock.

Thursday, May 10, will be known as
"World Day." The commissions wiU
meet from 10 to 12. At 3 p. m. there
will be the seventh general assembly, to
be addressed by representatives of wom-

198

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

en's organizations. At 8 o'clock there
will be the sixth general assembly, to be
addressed by diplomatic representatives of
England, France, Germany, Italy, Japan,
and other governments.

Friday, May 11, will be "Report Day."
At 10 o'clock the commissions will hold
their final meetings. At 3 p. m. the
chairmen of the six commissions will sub-
mit their reports at the ninth general as-
sembly for discussion and adoption. At
8 o'clock the tenth and final general ses-
sion will be held.

The one hundredth annual meeting of
the Board of Directors of the American
Peace Society will be held at 10 a. m.,
Saturday, May 13, at the Hotel Cleve-
land.

The general assemblies and the com-
missions of the World Conference, as far
as seating capacity permits, will be open
to every one without charge; but seats
will be reserved for all delegates.

The six commissions, each manned by
specialists, will be open to all delegates,
the official delegates having the right to
the floor and to vote. Associate delegates
may attend and, with the approval of the
commissions, speak from the floor.

The First Commission, on the Inter-
national Implications of Industry — Hon.
John M. Parker, former Governor of
Louisiana, Chairman; Dr. Harold G.
Moulton, Vice-Chairman ; Whiting Wil-
liams, Secretary — will study and discuss
major international activities of banks,
trade organizations, chambers of com-
merce, labor and other groups, in their
relations to a better international under-
standing and behavior.

The Second Commission, on the Inter-
national Implications of Justice — Prof.
Philip Marshall Brown, Chairman — wiU
deal with the contributions of inter-
national law to the problems of inter-
national peace.

The Third Commission, on Methods of
Organization for the Promotion of Inter-
national Peace — President Ernest H. Wil-
kins, of Oberlin College, Chairman — will
be open to peace and patriotic groups in
the interest of a better understanding be-
tween them and a more effective co-
operation for their common ends.

The Fourth Commission, on the Inter-
national Implications of Education —
John J. Tigert, United States Commis-
sioner of Education, Chairman — will be
composed of representatives of schools and
colleges.

The Fifth Commission, on the Inter-
national Implications of Eeligion —
Bishop William Eraser McDowell, Chair-
man, Eev. WiUiam W. Van Kirk, Secre-
tary— will be open to the representatives
of all creeds.

The Sixth Commission, on the Inter-
national Implications of Social Agen-
cies— Dr. Edward T. Devine, Chairman —
opens to the peace movement a new and
important phase of world effort.

THE SPIRIT OF IT

T^O DESCEIBE with any adequacy the
-*- spirit of the one hundredth anniver-
sary celebration of the American Peace
Society would require the technical ability
of the historian, the trained insight of the
philosopher, and the subtle power of the
prophet. Furthermore, that spirit could
be phrased with greater detachment and
accuracy by one outside the Society. And
yet we, responsible for the maintenance
of the Society's traditions, appointed to
carry on its work, are not unmindful of
the Societ/s past, its present, or of the
problems relating to its future. We
know something of its spirit.

Out of its one hundred years the Amer-
ican Peace Society, anxious to avoid the
weakness of complacency and the silliness
of egotism, craves the friendly counsel of
its fellows.

1928

EDITORIALS

199

For the kindly things already said it
is very grateful. There is the City of
Cleveland, gracious and energetic host of
the Conference. There is the Eotary
International, writing from its headquar-
ters in Chicago, under date of February
11 : "This will inform you that the
Board designated President Sapp as its
official representative at this Conference,
with power to invite such other Eotarians
to participate as he sees fit. The Board
was of the opinion that numerous Eotari-
ans would be glad to attend this Confer-
ence. We will, therefore, give to all
Eotary clubs information concerning your
Conference and encourage all Eotarians
to attend who may find it possible to do
so."

Under date of February 4, the regent
of the Charter Oak Chapter of the Daugh-
ters of American Colonists, Cleveland,
Ohio, wrote:

"The ancestors of the Daughters of the
American Colonists were among those
who during the historic colonial days had
some worthy part in laying the foun-
dations of our great Eepublic.

"We surely must appreciate our heri-
tage and should deem it a great privilege
and our patriotic duty to join with the
forces of those who are endeavoring to
protect those foundations and build upon
them a firm structure of national defense
and good will, as sent forth in the plat-
form and purpose of the American Peace
Society, such as: To advance in every
proper way the general use of arbitration ;
to educate and crystallize public senti-
ment an effective force, to the end that
there may be better relations among na-
tions.

"May we not be blinded by false propa-
ganda, but know the truth that we are a
part of the whole; therefore we should
interest ourselves in the greater thought
of what we as individuals and organized
bodies can play to help promote inter-
national peace through justice.

"The Board of Governors of Charter
Oak Chapter, Daughters of American
Colonists, voted unanimously to send
twenty-five dollars as a gift to the

American Peace Society, this amount to
be applied as an institutional membership
as long as they can see their way clear to
pay this amount, provided the National
Society, D. A. C, grant us the privilege
of joining the American Peace Society."

This letter was signed by Mrs. Emma
S. Mead, Eegent, and Mrs. Sarah L.
Blong, Corresponding Secretary.

Under the date of February 6, at a
regular meeting of the Municipal Council,
United Spanish War Veterans, held in
the Old Courthouse, Cleveland, the follow-
ing resolution was presented by Walter
K. Patterson and approved:

"Whereas the American Peace Associa-
ation will hold its one-hundredth anni-
versary meeting in Cleveland, Ohio, on
May 7 to May 11, 1938, this meeting to
be known as a 'World Conference on
International Justice;' and

"Whereas the United Spanish War
Veterans heartily endorse the purpose and
aims of the aforesaid Association; and

"Whereas said Association includes in
its membership many leaders in govern-
mental, educational, and business activi-
ties of this and foreign countries; be it
therefore

"Eesolved, that as evidence of our ap-
proval and support of the policies and
aims of the American Peace Society we,
the Municipal Council of the United
Spanish War Veterans of Cleveland, Ohio,
instruct our secretary to forward to the
proper official of said Society a copy of
this resolution, and with it the assurance
of our co-operation with the members of
said Association in their efforts to pro-
mote peace and good will among nations."

Another evidence of the good will is
the record of institutional members shown
upon the books of the Society. This type
of membership, with its fee of twenty-five
dollars, is growing more rapidly than ever
before. They are coming not only from
peace and patriotic organizations, but
from women's clubs, churches, college
clubs, Eotary clubs, the Women's Over-
seas Service Legion, Councils of Jewish
Women, chambers of commerce.

200

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

In the presence of all this interest and
support, it is difficult for the American
Peace Society to express itself. In his
"Essay on Old Age," Cicero remarks:
"They advance no argument who say that
old age is not engaged in active duty;
they rather resemble those who would say
that the pilot of a ship is unemployed be-
cause, while some are climbing the mast,
others running up and down the decks,
others emptying the bilge water, he, hold-
ing the helm, sits at the stern at his ease.
He does not do those things that the
young men do, but in truth he does much
greater and better things."

The peace movement is filled with
many men of many minds. Some seem
to be climbing the mast, others to be run-
ning up and down the deck, others to be
emptying the bilge water, some to be
jumping overboard. These things have
been true of members of the American
Peace Society from time to time. Most of
such activities are necessary to keep the
ship going. Just now, however, mindful
of the experience of one hundred years,
the American Peace Society is not sitting
at the stern at its ease. It may not be
holding the helm; it is peculiarly inter-
ested, however, to get at that helm. That
is its spirit. It dares to believe that the
Cleveland Conference will help to reveal
the helm and to clarify the course.

In celebrating one's hundredth anni-
versary it is possible to lose perspective.
Emerson wrote in his Journal:

"Sad spectacle that man should live
and be fed that he may fill a paragraph
every year in the newspapers for his won-
derful age, as we record the weight and
girth of the big ox or mammoth girl. We
do not count a man's years until he has
nothing else to count."

But when Emerson wrote that he was
only thirty-seven years of age. When he

was forty-four he entered in his Journal
the following:

"The world wears well. These autumn
afternoons and well-marbled landscapes
of green and gold and russet, and steel-
blue river, and smoke-blue New Hamp-
shire mountains are and remain as bright
and perfect penciling as ever."

Again, when he was fifty-eight he
entered these words:

"I reached the other day the end of
my fifty-seventh year and am easier in my
mind than hitherto. I could never give
much reality to evil and pain. But now
when my wife says, 'Perhaps this tumor
on your shoulder is a cancer,' I say, 'What
if it is.' '''

Some days later :

"One capital advantage of old age is
the absolute insignificance of a success,
more or less. I went to town and read a
lecture yesterday. Thirty years ago it
had really been a matter of importance
to me whether it was good and effective.
Now it is of none in relation to me. It is
long already fixed what I can and what
I cannot do."

Somewhere near Christmas, the next
year:

"I ought to have added to my list of
benefits of age the general views of life
we get at sixty, when we penetrate show
and look at facts."

And, finally, when sixty-seven, he ob-
served again :

"My new book sells faster, it appears,
than either of its foregoers. This is not
for its merit, but only shows that old age
is a good advertisement. Your name has
been seen so often that your book must
be worth buying."

Going back to Cicero, who has written
with so much wisdom and detachment
upon the subject of old age, the American
Peace Society may be comforted by these
words: "The intellectual powers remain
in the old, provided study and application
be kept up."

1928

EDITORIALS

201

Writers on education have or did have a
learned way of saying that "phylogeny
repeats ontogeny/' by which they mean
that during the processes of growth a
race or group repeats the processes of de-
velopment peculiar to the individual. As
the American Peace Society views the
earnest efforts of some of its fellow-
workers in the cause of international
peace, it sees them repeating experiences
through which the American Peace So-
ciety has passed with no little travail. It
therefore finds itself thinking at times
that much of the tense effort of the day
is but a repetition of what the American
Peace Society did long ago and found
abortive. But for the labors of its co-
workers it has nothing but kindliest feel-
ings. All the friendly gestures and gentle
words cheer us up and hearten the So-
ciety as it looks out across another cen-
tury about to open.

The Cleveland Conference will be a
get-together conference. There will be
no restrictions placed upon the utterances
of the delegates. As great men were able
to state principles and forecast qualities
which have endured for a century, it is
hoped that those principles and policies
will come out of the World Conference on
International Justice in Cleveland en-
larged and improved.

1928 ANNIVERSARIES

AS THE American Peace Society
-^^ plans the celebration of its one hun-
dredth anniversary, it is fitting to recall
that the year 1928 marks other "high
tides in the calendar."

Sir William Randal Cremer, founder of
the Interparliamentary Union, was born
in Fareham, Hampshire, England, March
18, 1828. The passion of his life was to
do something toward the ultimate aboli-
tion of war. He conceived that the hope
for such a thing lies in international arbi-
tration. In 1871 he conceived a plan for

a High Court of Nations which was
adopted by the Council of the Inter-
national Arbitration League, of which he
was also the founder. Because of his
work in organizing the Interparliament-
ary Union, he received the Nobel Peace
prize.

The French novelist and author of
scientific romances, Jules Verne, was
born in Nantes, France, February 8, 1828.
His imaginary trips in the air, around the
world and under the sea are still the de-
light of old and young.

Franz Joseph Gall, founder of phrenol-
ogy, a reaUy distinguished scientist, died
in 1828, and, a hundred years before,
London's first auctioneer, one Samuel
Patterson, was born.

P. W. Wilson, writer for the New
York Times' magazine, has been looking
into this year 1928. He finds that H. G.
Wells is not the man who outlined his-
tory; that history outlining began in Ire-
land with Marianum Scolius, author of
the "Chronicon Universale," which in-
cluded everything from Creation to the
date of this history. This Benedictine
monk was born in 1028,

It is of interest to be reminded that
Chaucer, father of English literature,
was probably born in 1328; that Bunyan,
the author of "Pilgrim's Progress," the
most perfect English to be found any-
where outside the Bible, was bom in 1628;
that Goldsmith, author of the "Deserted
Village" and of "She Stoops to Con-
quer," was born in 1728; that George
Meredith was born in 1828, and that
Thomas Hardy died in 1828; that both
Tolstoi, master interpreter of the human
spirit, and Nikolai Tchernyshevsky,
founder of Nihilism, were born in 1828,
and that Henrik Ibsen, Norwegian dra-
matic poet and moralist, was born at
Skien, March 20, 1828.

We are under obligations to Mr. P. W.
Wilson for reminding us, further, that

302

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

Elizabeth Charles, whose family displayed
the deeper pieties of a Lutheran home,
and that Samuel Jackson Eandall, au-
thor of "Maryland, My Maryland" were
born just one hundred years ago. John
S. Earey of Ohio, astonished England
with his ability to tame a horse within
an hour. He was born in 1828. Luke
Hansard, who fooled himself into believ-
ing that if the debates in Parliament were
reported someone would take the trouble
to read them, died in 1828.

The author who has done us the serv-
ice of lining up the "Class of '28" writes
with such charm that we are glad here
to repeat some of his own words. He
writes :

"So, as Homer would say when enumer-
ating his heroes, we have philosophers
like Henri Taine, the Frenchman, and
Friedrich Albert Lange, the German;
novelists like George W. Thornbury; an
expert on Eussia like William Ealston
Shedden Ealston; the historian, Pierre
Lanfrey, who was too republican to praise
Napoleon, and Victor Eydberg, the
Swede — all born in 1828 and all a worry
to anybody who has to write or read these
words.

"In the grim realm of theology the
class of '28 has borne a strenuous part.
Four hundred years ago Patrick Hamil-
ton, protomartyr of Scottish Presby-
terianism, was tried before Archbishop
Beaton and burned alive. Two hundred
years ago Cotton Mather, whose eloquence
stimulated the witch hunts of Massachus-
setts, died a more peaceful death than his
victims. One hundred years ago Charles
Voysey, the Theist, was born — he whose
distaste for eternal punishment caused
such heartsearchings in the Church of
England that he had to leave it.

"Not that all ecclesiastics are thus
storm-tossed. John Parkhurst, born
1728, did no more than produce ^A
Hebrew and English Lexicon Without

Points,' for which he was neither incin-
erated nor excommunicated. Bishop
Lightfoot followed a hundred years later,
with the German theologian, Abraham
Kuenan, whose reconstruction of the Old
Testament was in part translated by that
early modernist. Bishop Colenso, who
gave his name to a town and, incidentally,
to a battle in Natal; who wrote about
algebra, and was one of the first men to
split the Church of England.

"Of the arts the earliest is architecture,
and the year 628 graduated that great
Anglo-Saxon churchman, Benedict Bis-
cop, who introduced stone edifices and
glass into England, whence these com-
forts were brought in due course to Amer-
ica. Witness the skyline of Broadway,
which should be set to his account.

"The architect and sculptor Desiderio
da Settignano, who designed the famous
tomb of Carlo Marsuppuni in Santa
Croce, before which the tourist to Flor-
ence pauses for three seconds at least by
the guide's stopwatch, was born, greatly
to his credit, in 1428. Eobert Adam, the
architect of Adelphi Terrace, where Ber-
nard Shaw and Joseph Pennell once were
neighbors, saw the light of day in 1728.
In 1828— or was it 1827?— there died
William Thornton, an architect of the
Capitol, Washington, D. C, while three
successors of his were born that year —
Eichard Morris Hunt, who designed
houses for the Vanderbilts; Henry Hob-
son Eichardson, who achieved a dim reli-
gious light in the Eomanesque Trinity
Church, Boston, and Eichard M. Upjohn,
who, following the measurements of late
Gothic, reproduced it in Trinity Church,
Wall Street.

"In the Class of Twenty-eight the
artists are an illustrious group. To
Albert Diirer, who died in 1528, a man
bred in the strict honesties of the gold-
smith's trade, painting and engraving
were a guild, serving society with serious

1928

EDITORIALS

203

and careful pictures. To be 'a pure and
skillful man' — that, as he said of his
father, was his ideal, and Diirer's art, ten-
der if angular, was consecrated to 'an
honorable Christian life.'

"^England's successor to Diirer was
Thomas Bewick, who, dying in 1828, had
been an engraver of painstaking exacti-
tude. He desired no beauty beyond the
plumage of birds and the glory of beasts
and flowers, which he studied with a
Japanese reverence.

"Diirer's death synchronized with the
birth of the magnificent genius — mag-
nificent is the exact word for it — of Paul
Veronese. To him art was no handmaid
of faith. It was rather that faith had
become the handmaid of art. He is much
less interested in Mary of Nazareth than
he is in the marble halls which he depicts
as her mansion. In his 'Marriage at Cana
of Galilee,'' which may be described as a
gorgeous anticipation of David Wark
Griffith, it is not easy, save by an identify-
ing halo, to discover the central figure.
Paul Veronese practiced his art at a mom-
ent when art was leaving religion behind
and entering fashionable society.

"Of Baroccio, also born in 1528, we
are told that when he was decorating the
Vatican jealous rivals tried to poison him.
At a centenary, however, we must let by-
gones be bygones. Enough that in Baroc-
cio we see the effects of light and shade
achieved no longer with painful experi-
ment but with a conscious mastery which
had not yet become the fated facility of
his successors.

"It was a free, pleasure-loving art —
painting, caricature, it mattered not what
— that Goya, the warm-blooded Spaniard,
dying in 1828, shared with the Bouchers
and the Troyons of France; an irresis-
tible virtuosity, unhampered by restraints.

"In 1828 died Gilbert Stuart, fairly
to be described as the founder of painting
in the United States. Born in Ehode
Island, he studied in England and, after

achieving success in London, opened his
studio in Kew York and Philadelphia.
What he did was not to create a school
of painting, but to import one. Whistler
and Sargent returned the compliment.
It is perhaps strange that an artist who
had painted a portrait of King George III
should proceed to record and indeed to
syndicate the countenance of Washington.
The Class of Twenty-eight should not,
however, be judged in this matter too
harshly. It includes not Stuart alone
but also Margaret Nicholson, the seam-
stress, who tried to stab King George III.
She died, 1828, in Bedlam, and Shelley
put out a volume of poems which he de-
scribed as her posthumous fragments.

"The year 1828 did its duty, indeed, to
art. It saw the birth of Johannes Schil-
ling, the sculptor, whose vast materpiece,
the Niederwald Monument of Germania,
opposite Bingen-on-the-Ehine, marked the
triumph over France in 1870.

As to lady members, Twenty Eight is
not too strong. Still there are evidences
of coeducation. Jeanne d'Albret, born in
1528 to become the mother of King Henry
of Navarre, was a poetess and a Hugue-
not of distinguished mind. Of less emi-
nence in virtue was Lady Caroline Lamb,
wife of the Prime Minister Melbourne,
who preferred to be the friend of Byron.
She died a hundred years ago, and two
hundred years ago died Hester Johnson,
Swift's Stella and his good angel. The
noblest of the women to be celebrated this
year is Josephine Butler, the heroic cham-
pion of her sex against the laws of shame.
Her cause is today central in the League
of Nations.

"The Class of Twenty-eight includes a
reasonably adequate orchestra and choir.
We may select Niccolo Piccini, rival of
Gliick, and Johann Adam Hiller, with his
operettas, who, born in 1728, deserves a
brief recall. But the encore must be re-
served wholly for Franz Schubert, who,
dying in 1828, when he was little over 30,

204

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

had composed 500 songs, ten symphonies,
six masses, with sonatas, quartets and
other details, yet had lived in penury.
Though prolific, Schubert produced mel-
ody harmony that revealed a singular
charm, as of a man who enjoys the happi-
ness of others which he may not share.
Prizes are offered this year for the best
ending to his 'Unfinished Symphony,' and
there are some who expect a competition
for completion of Venus of Milo to follow.

"It must not be supposed that the
Class of Twenty-eight studied life wholly
on the campus of civilization. In 1728 a
boy was born in a cottage who proceeded
to employment as a haberdasher. James
Cook then went to sea and assumed the
serious responsibility of charting the
coasts of Australia and New Zealand,
which have never been the same since.
No man added as much as did he to our
knowledge of the Southern Ocean, and if
he was slain on Hawaii it was merely be-
cause the natives had adopted their own
Monroe doctrine. Contemporary with
Captain Cook was Hyder-Ali, the advocate
of a Monroe doctrine for India, who gave
the British a run for their money.

"The Class is not crowded with states-
men. Still, there are a few that amuse.
In 1228 died Stephen Langton, the
Archbishop who acted as amanuensis for
the Barons when, unready with the quill,
they made their mark on Magna Charta.
The Duke of Buckingham, too, courtier to
King Charles I, was stabbed in 1628 by
the somewhat too impulsive Felton, who
should have waited for Cromwell's axe.
A hundred years ago died Lord Liverpool,
the permanent Prime Minister of his
period.

"In the Class of Twenty-eight we see,
finally, the march of science, invading the
realms of the unknown. Born in 1628,
Marcello Malpighi, as physician to Pope
Innocent XII, peered through his prim-
itive microscope at the structure of ani-

mals and flowers, A century later there
appeared Joseph Black, a Scottish-Irish-
man born at Bordeaux, who pondered over
the mysteries of latent heat. Contem-
porary with him was Johann Heinrich
Lambert, the mathematician, who meas-
ured the intensity of light. Thunberg,
the Swedish botanist, whose travels in-
cluded Java and Japan, died in 1828."

By taking a biographical dictionary
doubtless one could dig out other illustri-
ous events or persons whose anniversaries
might be celebrated this year. As final
examples, John Hunter, noted British
surgeon, now buried in Westminster
Abbey, was born in 1728. Andrew Jack-
son was elected President of the United
States in 1828.

While we celebrate in 1928 the birth of
the American Peace Society in 1828,
there is a certain pleasure in recalling
these other and interesting coincident an-
niversaries.

THE HAVANA CONFERENCE

WE FIND it difficult to understand
the criticisms of the Sixth Pan-
American Conference, held at Havana
Conference, January 16 to February 20.
We cannot believe that the work of that
conference is to mean greater embarrass-
ment for our United States.

It is undoubtedly true that the Pan
American Union, as a result of that con-
ference, is more definitely and more se-
curely fixed than before the conference.
The action which made this a fact was
unanimous. All Latin American coun-
tries are now in position to choose as their
representative upon the governing board
men other than diplomatic representa-
tives. It has been decided that the Pan
American Union will not exercise func-
tions of a political character. From now
on instruments of ratification of the
treaties and other diplomatic instruments
signed at the international conferences of

1928

EDITORIALS

205

American States are to be deposited at
the Pan American Union, which will com-
municate notice of the receipt of such
ratification to other States. There are to
be closer relations between the Pan Amer-
ican Union and other official Pan Amer-
ican organizations. New duties have been
imposed upon the Union, relating to the
calling of conferences, to educational
and social problems, special investiga-
tions.

These are not unimportant matters.
From now on the Pan American Union
will have intimate relations with the Con-
gress of Journalists, commercial confer-
ences, with labors connected with bibli-
ographies, with pedagogy, plant and
animal sanitary control, trade-marks,
steamship lines and port formalities,
agricultural co-operation. Red Cross
work, geography, and history. The con-
ference adopted a resolution relative to
the creation of an inter-American insti-
tute of intellectual co-operation. The
Pan American Union has been organ-
ized to formulate the bases of a proj-
ect for such an institute. The work
spreads out over the interchange of stu-
dents and professors, the publication of
commercial statistics, the use of interna-
tional rivers, the construction of a longi-
tudinal highway, a standard coin for all
the American republics, migration be-
tween States, and the codification of inter-
national law. It seems to have been over-
looked by our press that the Pan Amer-
ican Union was requested to co-operate in
the preparatory work of the codification
of international law and the studies that
may be undertaken relative to uniformity
and legislation. At the same time, the
project formulated by the permanent
Committee on International Law, estab-
lished at Rio de Janeiro, those prepared
by the Committee on Private Interna-
tional Law, established at Montevideo,
and the studies undertaken by the Com-

mittee on Comparative Legislation and
Uniformity of Legislation at Havana, are
to be transmitted to the Pan American
Union, which in turn shall forward them
for the scientific examination of the Ex-
ecutive Committee of the American Insti-
tute of International Law.

This is all constructive business, calcu-
lated, we believe, to promote acquaintance
and a better feeling between the peoples
of the Western Hemisphre.

THE SEARCH FOR SECURITY

THE search for security as a prelimi-
nary to any international peace in
Europe continues unabated. It is a major
issue in the League of Nations Assembly;
in the Disarmament Commission now in
session; and in the Arbitration and Se-
curity Commission, set up by the League's
Preparatory Commission on Disarma-
ment upon the request of the last assem-
bly of th'b League, which committee has
been in session in Geneva since February
10. The work of the Security Commis-
sion in behalf of a general security pact,
has been classified under three headings:
Arbitration Agreements, Security Agree-
ments, and Articles of the Covenant of
the League of Nations. A considerable
body of material has been brought to-
gether by these three subcommittees in
the nature of memoranda.

The memorandum on arbitration and
conciliation calls attention to the facili-
ties offered by the Council of the League,
to the possibilities set forth in the various
types of arbitration and conciliation
treaties, and to conciliation as a method
of settlement. It divides the different
types of treaties into three kinds: those
providing for the arbitration of all dis-
putes, either by the courts at The Hague
or by commissions of conciliation; those
providing for certain classes of disputes,
either by the courts at The Hague or by
committees of arbitration; and, finally,

206

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

treaties providing for the submission of
all disputes to conciliation commissions or
at last to the Council of the League.

In other words, from the point of view
of the issues involved and the method of
settlement, there is a type of security
treaty represented by the thirty treaties
already registered with the League; there
is the type represented by the Locarno
pacts, and there is a type represented by
the treaties between Switzerland and
Scandinavian powers. Under the first,
it is provided that all disputes shall be
arbitrated, and in the case of non-
justiciable disputes, conciliation is usually
compulsory. Under the second type
provision is also made for the arbitra-
tion of justiciable and the conciliation
of other disputes; but if conciliation
is impossible, there remains the settle-
ment by judicial decree quite in accord
with Article 36 of the Statute of the
Permanent Court of International Jus-
tice. The third type includes treaties
which provide for reservations relating to
vital interests, territorial status, internal
problems, or existing situations.

The Committee on Security Questions
finds it impossible to contemplate the
conclusion of a general security agreement
supplementing the obligations assumed
under the Covenant. This committee
holds that wider guarantees of security
must mean separate non-aggression
agreements, or compacts of arbitration or
mutual assistance, which it assumes to be
the highest possible type of security
agreement. Such pacts must necessarily
include the prohibition of force, pacific
procedures for the settlement of all dis-
putes, and a system of mutual assistance
in harmony with the Council of the
League. This commission calls attention
further to the possibilities of demili-
tarized zones, the definition of an aggres-
sor, the extension of the Lorcano Pact, the
refusal to aid an aggressor, and to the

necessity of disarming as the organization
of security permits, the guarantee by a
third State, and other matters.

The committee dealing with the Cove-
nant frowns upon extending any code of
procedure for the League in times of
emergency. The League exists to pre-
vent war, and can apply repressive meas-
ures only in extreme cases. It fears at-
tempts to define such words as "aggres-
sion" and "resort to war," as they might
mean action by the League at a time when
action might be undesirable. It believes
that the preparation of the military sanc-
tion provided for in Article XVI does not
seem likely to promote mutual confidence,
except accompanied by the organization
of pacific procedure and unless there is
also a general agreement on the reduction
and limitation of armaments. It agrees
that the Council should be able to declare
whether or not a breach of the Covenant
has taken place, and to point to the party
which has broken the Covenant. The
committee seems to regard with some
favor the possibilities of applying meas-
ures of economic pressure, but craves the
consultation of economic and financial
experts.

Thus again it is clear the problem of
attaining security is a difficult matter.

It may be possible to extend the Lo-
carno system, to increase bilateral agree-
ments, to submit more justiciable dis-
putes to the World Court, and to conclude
agreements for setting up more concili-
ation commissions. Great Britain seems
to favor these things; but they are all
somewhat less hopeful when we recall that
Great Britain stiU refuses to sign the
optional clause of the statute of the Per-
manent Court of International Justice.
The German position that war cannot
be prevented by preparing to wage war
against war is more in accord with our
American view. The hope of security is
to organize a world for protection against
the outbreak of war. Nations must be

1928

EDITORIALS

207

able to achieve their interests without re-
sort to arms. It is the task of statesmen
to show the way.

This is what the Secretary of State of
the United States and M. Briand are try-
ing to do. In the treaty signed by Mr.
Olds and M. Claudel, February 6, there
is no mention of a military alliance, of
plans for the coercion of States, of defi-
nitions, of guarantees. There is the rec-
ognition of diplomatic procedure, of ju-
dicial processes, and of investigation and
report. That is all. In our opinion, this
approach to the problem of security is
wiser and more hopeful in overcoming
war as an instrument of national policy
and as a means of promoting the interests
of security between States than all the at-
tempts to achieve such by the threat of
bayonets.

TEN YEARS OF CZECHO-
SLOVAKIA

CZECHOSLOVAKIA celebrates this
year its first decennary. During
these eventful ten years perhaps the most
important achievement, next to the for-
mation of the republic itself, is the man-
ner with which the nearly nine million
Czechoslovaks, the more than three mil-
lion Germans, the little less than a million
Magyars, the half million Euthenians, the
nearly one hundred thousand Poles, the
nearly two hundred thousand Jews, have
been brought together in a working unity.
This population of over fourteen mil-
lion is spread over Bohemia with approxi-
mately 333 persons per square mile, Mo-
ravia with 309, Silesia with about 394,
Slovakia with 159, and Buthenia with
124, representing a density of population
of over 251 persons per square mile as
against our thirty-five in the United
States. Over ten millions of the popula-
tion are Catholic, nearly a million Protes-
tant, the rest representing various faiths
or no religion at all.

The difficulties facing the organization
of this new and interesting republic
readily appear as one studies the schools.
There are nearly fourteen thousand ele-
mentary schools, &Q per cent of which are
Czechoslovaks, 231^ per cent German,
3.4 per cent Euthenians, 5.8 per cent
Magyar, and the rest Polish or miscel-
laneous schools. These differences, with
slight variations, are found in the higher
grade schools.

JSTo country is of greater interest to the
social scientists than Czechoslovakia.
There is Prague, sometime called the
"City of the Hundred Spires,'^ sometime
the "Eome of the North," with her many
signs of new life. There are the new
dwellings, the new public buildings, the
highway improvements, the development
of a new culture and of a new economic
life amid the walls of an ancient town.
It is a bustling place. While some of her
business firms establish connections in the
Balkans, others contract for engineering
work in China. And so it goes. No-
where, except possibly in England, do
sports play such a conspicuous part among
all classes of people.

There is diversity in Czechoslovakia.
There are the forests, the spas, and pils-
ner beer. Industry and agriculture are
making for the economic success of the
republic; but, above all, there is a demo-
cratic tolerance gradually weaving into a
homogeneous unit the divers peoples of
various interests and backgrounds.

These achievements have been possible
because Czechoslovakia is one of the rich-
est stretches of territory in Europe, gen-
erously endowed with woods, soft and hard
coal, iron, graphite, and salt. She also
produces gold, silver, copper, and lead.
There are textile, stone, and glass fac-
tories. She manufactures furniture, ma-
chines, metals, paper, and chemicals. She
exports woolen and cotton goods and
sugar. But, vastly more important, there

208

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

stands the saving grace of intelligence ex-
tending on into statesmanship and social
achievement, a new tribute to the benefi-
cence of democratic forms.

ALES BE02 has succeeded Dr. Soucek
- as editor of the Central European
Observer, published in Prague, capital of
Czechoslovakia. We count this publica-
tion among the best sources of our in-
formation relative to central European
affairs. For six years it has been an able
weekly exponent of the interests of
Czechoslovakia and of the Little Entente,
and, too, a dispassionate interpreter of
Austria, Hungary, Germany, and Poland.
From this distance we have gathered the
distinct impression that it has helped very
materially not only to maintain peaceful
relations between Czechoslovakia and her
sister States, but to solve those most diffi-
cult problems connected with the minori-
ties throughout Czechoslovakia. We ex-
tend to Mr. Broz, scholarly economist, our
best wishes in his new and important task.

IGNACE JAN PADEEEWSKI, who
is to speak at the conference in Cleve-
land, May 10, is more than the most
famous pianist of his day. He is that.
He is more than a great humanitarian.
He is all that. He is an orator and the
creator of modern Poland. Speaking
upon this point, Preston William Slos-
son. Assistant Professor of History at the
University of Michigan, in his recent
book, "Twentieth Century Europe," says:
"Paderewski represented Polish in-
terests so ably in Paris that he won most
of what he asked and more than he could
reasonably have expected to obtain. A
diplomat of ability, an orator of singular
force and charm, and a patriotic leader
whose personal ascendency can hardly be
matched in our day" — these are the meas-
ured views of the historian. His separa-
tion from affairs of state has been due

probably to his lack of interest in factional
strife and administrative technic. In
any event, the delegates to the Cleveland
conference will welcome the opportunity
to greet this distinguished man, this time
not because of his great achievements in
art, but because of those abilities which
made him the father of the Polish Ee-
public.

THE United States Government is
pursuing its persistent course in the
interest of peace. March 8 negotiations
between the United States and Italy, sim-
ilar to the treaty recently signed with
France, began. Already our government
was negotiating the same kind of a treaty
with Great Britain and Japan. March
10 we began negotiations with Norway
in the interest of such a treaty. March
13 the Secretary of State handed to the
German Ambassador, as a basis of negoti-
ation, a proposed draft of a treaty of arbi-
tration between Germany and the United
States, a treaty identical with the one
signed by the United States and France
on February 6. On the same day a sim-
ilar treaty was handed to the Spanish
Ambassador, of special interest because
the arbitration treaty between the United
States and Spain, signed April 20, 1908,
expired by limitation on June 2, 1923.
March 15 a proposed draft of a treaty
of arbitration between Japan and United
States was handed to the Japanese Am-
bassador in Washington.

THE principles upon which the Inter-
parliamentary Union rests, tested
throughout a generation, are finding ex-
pression in new and interesting ways.
There is an Interparliamentary Com-
mercial Union, which meets from time
to time. Scandinavian governments have
organized an Interparliamentary Group
among themselves. There has long been
an attempt to maintain a Japanese-

1928

EDITORIALS

209

American Interparliamentary Group, a
favorite interest of William D. B. Ainey,
former member of the United States Con-
gress. And now Hon. Eafael Brache,
member of the Santo Domingo Congress
and of its Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions, proposes an American Interparlia-
mentary Union, similar to the Interpar-
liamentary Union with headquarters in
Geneva. Mr. Brache during his recent
stay in Washington conferred relative to
this matter with members of the United
States Congress, among whom he found
no little interest. He proposes that such
a union, with headquarters in Santo Do-
mingo, holding annual meetings in various
American capitals, would co-operate
closely with the Pan American Union.
Speaking upon this matter, Mr. Brache
said:

"May .this idea of the American Inter-
parliamentary League be accepted with
enthusiasm by the governing board of the
Pan American Union, the diplomatic
corps, the Government of the United
States, and general public opinion of the
Americas, for, since it has been impossible
to create a League of American Nations,
it is necessary, in order to promote co-
operation among the peoples of the hemi-
sphere, that there be established some
organization along the lines of the Inter-
parliamentary League by which the peo-
ples of America may co-operate through
their respective legislatures, and which
may serve as a medium of information and
co-operation for the Pan American
Union."

In our opinion the distinguished states-
man from our sister republic might well
have added that such a group would of
course co-operate also with the older and
parent organization operating so success-
fully under the leadership of Dr. Chris-
tian L. Lange.

DE. HEINEICH KANNEE, distin-
guished scholar and interpreter of
international affairs, particularly of facts
relating to the World War, is the editor
of a new monthly magazine called Der
Krieg, published by E. Laubsche Verlags-
buchhandlung G. m. b. H., Berlin W. 30,
Gleditschstr. 6. The first number began
with February, 1928. The March number
has also arrived. From these numbers it
is already apparent that readers of the
German language are to have a regular
and worthily scientific interpretation of
the accredited peace movement. Dr.
Kanner knows his history. That the new
magazine is to relate to the actual experi-
ence of nations is ably set forth in the first
editorial of the first number, under the
title Zmeck und Ziel. Already it appears
that here is a magazine of incalculable
help for educated persons desiring to in-
form themselves further of the realities in
the movement to promote peace between
nations. We are proud to add that its
editor has long been a life member of the
American Peace Society, and pleased to
note that the cover adopted was inspired
by the cover of the Advocate of Peace.

THE Eussian proposal for complete
disarmament has met with decided
opposition in Geneva. The proposal in-
cluded a plan for the complete disbanding
of all military units on land or sea and
in the air within four years from the
entry into force of the proposals. In the
first year under the plan one-half of the
effectives in service shall be disbanded,
and in the following three years the re-
maining forces would be disbanded in
equal parts. It includes fortifications,
military industry, all land, sea, and air
armaments. Local police, customs, for-
est, and other guards would be limited
for a period of four years to the numbers
maintained on January 1, 1928. Protec-

210

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

tion at sea would be provided by mari-
time police service, for which the Eus-
sians propose to divide the waters of the
world into sixteen zones. Within three
months of the coming into force of the
proposed agreement a permanent commis-
sion of control would be established and
committees of control would be set up in
each of the contracting States. In our
opinion, this plan is of little interest, ex-
cept as an expression of a certain class of
opinion definitely opposed to war. We
believe it to be impractical, for nations
will not go about their business that way.
If adopted, it would not establish peace
because it nations wish to fight they will
do so, armaments or no armaments.

THE Academy of International Law
at The Hague, founded with the sup-
port of the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, is entering upon its
sixth year. Its headquarters in the Pal-
ace of Peace at The Hague will open for

its courses of instruction this year, July
2 to 28, and its second period from July
30 to August 25. The lecturers this year
will come from the Catholic Institute of
Paris, from the President of the Supreme
Court of Danzig, from professors in the
University of Paris, Columbia University,
New York, the University of Florence, the
University of Liege, the University of
Petrograd, the University of Athens, the
University of Brussels, the University of
Buenos Aires, the University of Geneva,
the University of Oxford, the University
of Lisbon, the League of Nations, the
University of Turin, the University of
Zurich, the University of Lwow, and the
University of Cambridge. The fore-
gathering of students from various parts
of the world listening to lectures and par-
ticipating in discussions led by men of
such standing and diverse experiences
creates a happy picture in the mind of
all concerned to create a more intelligent
international outlook.

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

THE AMERICAN GROUP OF THE INTERPAR-
LIAMENTARY UNION

Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting, February 24, 1928

STENOGRAPHIC REPORT OF THE MINUTES

THE Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting of
the American Group of the Inter-
parliamentary Union was held in the
Committee Eoom of the House Commit-
tee on Naval Affairs, House Oflfice Build-
ing, Washington, D. C, this day, begin-
ning at 10:30 o'clock a. m., Hon. Theo-
dore E. Burton, the President, presiding.
Those present who took part in the pro-
ceedings were : Hon, Theodore E, Burton,
President; Hon. Andrew J. Montague,

Vice-President; Hon. Adolph J. Sabath,
Treasurer; Arthur Deerin Call, Executive
Secretary; Hon. Sol Bloom, Hon. Fred A.
Britten, Hon. Carl E. Chindblom, Hon.
Henry Allen Cooper, Hon. Edgar How-
ard, Hon. Jed Johnson, Hon. James G.
McLaughlin, Hon. Melvin J. Maas, Hon.
Stephen G. Porter, Hon. Fred S. Purnell,
Hon. Elmer Thomas, and Hon. Henry W.
Watson.

19£8

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

211

The President: The meeting will
please come to order. Shall we listen to
the reading of the minutes?

The Executive Secretary (Mr.
Call) : Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, the
minutes of the last meeting were printed
in the Congressional Record for February
16, 1928. You may wish, therefore, to
omit the reading of the minutes.

Mr. Montague : I move that the read-
ing of the minutes be omitted.

(Upon being put to vote, the reading
of the minutes was dispensed with.)

The President: Now comes the Ex-
ecutive Secretary's report.

The Executive Secretary (Mr.
Call) : Mr. Chairman, the Congressional
Record for February 16 contains our by-
laws and a fairly complete report for the
year. The Paris conference report, how-
ever, lacks two things which ought to be
a part of the record, and I therefore call
your attention to them here.

One is the fact that Mr. Bartholdt, who
is a life member of the Interparliamen-
tary Union, delivered an address and pre-
sented a draft treaty for general arbitra-
tion. The address appears in the Compte
Rendu of the Conference, and the treaty
has been printed in the Bulletin of the
Interparliamentary Union.

Mr. William D. B. Ainey, of Harris-
burg, Pennsylvania, also a life member
of our group and of the Union, called a
meeting in Paris, at which he reviewed
the pre-war activities of the American-
Japanese Section of the Interparliamen-
tary Union, which were suspended during
the war.

On motion of Hon. Eoy G. Fitzgerald,
Member of Congress, Mr. Ainey was
unanimously elected President of this sec-
tion, and, upon a similar motion, Hon. K.
Nakamura, member of the Imperial Par-
liament of Japan, was unanimously
elected Vice-President.

Upon motion, it was unanimously
agreed that the president and vice-presi-
dent be authorized, after conference with
their respective groups, to arrange a pro-
gram for the next meeting of the Amer-
ican-Japanese Section. All the Japanese
and American representatives to the
Paris Conference of the Interparliamen-
tary Union, either personally or by au-
thority, expressed their adherence to and
interest in the organization of the Amer-
ican-Japanese Section.

A list of the representatives, either ac-
tually present or represented by such au-
thorizations, revealed that there are eight
Japanese and fourteen American mem-
bers of the group.

We have received twenty copies of the
report of the Paris Conference, all but
three of which have been distributed.
Extra copies have been ordered from
Geneva.

I think it ought to be mentioned again
that the Interparliamentary Union pub-
lishes bimonthly a periodical known as
the Interparliamentary Bulletin. That is
the official organ of the Interparliamen-
tary Union. It contains documents of
importance and outlines of what is going
on in the Interparliamentary Union from
time to time. If any of you wish that
Bulletin, it will cost forty cents a year in
American money. The Interparliamen-
tary Union publishes other publications.

Mr. Montague: How generally is that
Bulletin sent now to members of the
Union here?

The Executive Secretary: I think
it is about twenty copies now that are
distributed here. That is a copy of it
(exhibiting copy).

Mr. Montague: Is that in French?

The Executive Secretary: No; it
is in English. It is issued in English,
French, and German.

Now, gentlemen, you will be interested
to know that the Council of the Inter-
parliamentary Union is to have a meeting
on the 2d day of April, 1928, the place of
the meeting being Prague, Czechoslo-
vakia. The final convocation will be
shortly sent out. Here is the agenda of
that meeting of the Council. I mention
it to you because we have two members
of the Council, Mr. Burton and Mr.
Montague, and whether or not we should
be represented at the meeting of the
Council is for this body to decide.

There will be on the agenda the ap-
proval of the minutes of the previous
meeting; communication of the program
of the Bureau for 1928; report of the
auditors; convocation of the Twenty-fifth
Conference; fixation of the agenda of the
conference and communication of certain
draft resolutions to be submitted to the
conference; application of Article X of
the statutes fixing the number of votes

212

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

allowed to each group at the next con-
ference.

You know we are allowed now under
the rule to be represented by twenty-four
delegates. It is probable that on this
agenda there will be a revision of certain
provisions in the statutes and regulations
on the basis of proposals made by the or-
ganizations committee. It is probable
that they will nominate a Treasurer of
the Union.

There is nothing very startling on this
agenda. It is not expected that the
Council will make any vital alteration in
the program of the Berlin Conference,
which is fixed, as follows:

1. General Debate.

2. The Evolution of the Representative
System.

3. Migration Problems.

4. Drafting of "Fundamental Prin-
ciples for the Collective Life of States."

In connection with the Evolution of
the Representative System

Mk. Cooper: What was that last one?

The Executive Secretary: Drafting
of "Fundamental Principles for the Col-
lective Life of States."

Mr. Cooper: What does that mean?

The President : A platform in regard
to the relations of the respective States
to each other. The propositions that
have been laid down by the committee are
given on page 231 of the Interparlia-
mentary Bulletin for November and
December, and if we have time I will
read that.

The Executive Secretary: In con-
nection with the evolution of the rep-
resentative system, attention is called to
the publications which the Bureau has
issued, containing the answers of the five
specialists in political economy consulted
by the political committee on the ques-
tion of the representative system.

The President: If I may interrupt
there for a minute, I would suggest to the
members the reading of those articles.
They are exceedingly valuable to any stu-
dent of parliamentary procedure, the
place that the government parliaments
should have in the government of nations,
the question whether parliamentary
bodies are losing prestige, and the reasons
therefor. Those are to be published in a
book which costs four Swiss francs. I

am frank to say I have not read them
all. There is one by Professor Harold J.
Laski, professor of political science at the
London School of Economics which con-
tains some of the most valuable sugges-
tions in regard to legislative bodies that
I have ever met. Then there is Profes-
sor Bonn, professor of the Institute of
Higher Commercial Studies, at Berlin:
Professor Borgeaud, professor of the Uni-
versity of Geneva; Professor Larnaude.
dean and emeritus professor of the
Faculty of Law of Paris University, and
Professor Gaetano Mosca, Senator of the
Kingdom of Italy and professor at the
University of Rome.

One or two of these men represent a
class of representatives in legislative
bodies that we would hardly have in this
country, men whose main activities are
devoted to studies, professors in univer-
sities who are members of the senates or
of the other house and have thereby a
legislative connection. I most cordially
recommend the reading of those articles.
They are in English, and you will learn
a great deal that is valuable.

Mr. Howard: Where will we find
them ?

Tile President: They are scattered
through these issues of the Interparlia-
mentary Bulletin. For instance, the is-
sue for November-December has two.
They are entitled "The Crisis in the Par-
liamentary System." Some one made the
suggestion that legislative bodies were
losing their hold, and thus that expres-
sion, "The Crisis," is used as the title.
The November-December issue has the
articles by Professor Bonn and Professor
Gaetano Mosca.

Mr. Chindblom: Is that the begin-
ning of the series?

The President: No. Those are all,
I believe.

Mr. Cooper: They are to be in one
volume ?

The President: One volume.

A Voice: How can that be procured?

The Executive Secretary: If you
will give me your name and address, I
will send it or see that it is sent to you.

The President: Those discussions,
while in a measure academic, are one of
the most valuable activities of the Inter-
parliamentary Union.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

213

The Executive Seceetary: In addi-
tion to the Council meeting, which is to
be held in Prague, there will be held,
March 29 and March 30, meetings of the
Juridical and Political and Organization
committees, sitting simultaneously. These
two committees will have to prepare the
final draft of the resolutions on the
drafting of "Fundamental Principles for
the Collective Life of States" and "The
Evolution of the Eepresentative System,*''
to be submitted to the conference in
July.

The political and organization commit-
tee will also discuss the question of
amending certain provisions in the stat-
utes and regulations in order to bring
them into conformity with the present
practice.

On March 21 the Committee for Social
Questions, to prepare a report on immi-
gration problems, will meet with the Ex-
ecutive Committee.

Prague has been chosen as a place of
meeting on the invitation of the Czecho-
slovak group. The group, moreover, in-
tends to arrange for facilities to be ex-
tended to the delegates to enable them
to visit the country. Czechoslovakia, as
you know, is not only interesting for its
picturesqueness, but also offers to the stu-
dent of economic and political questions
a valuable study of a country in the proc-
ess of evolving national unity out of
fragments of what used to be the Austro-
Hungarian Empire. This, together with
the interesting nature of the questions
before the various committees, leads the
Bureau at Geneva to hope that they will
have present representatives from the
American group at Prague the latter part
of March and the first of April.

The President: In that connection, I
want to state that we are at very consid-
erable disadvantage at these meetings of
the Interparliamentary Union, for the
reason that the propositions to be brought
up before each successive conference are
considered at these meetings of the Coun-
cil. I consider that it would be imprac-
ticable for either Governor Montague or
myself to attend that meeting at Prague
at the ending of March and the begin-
ning of April, and the result, of course,
will be that we shall go to a meeting of
the conference and find certain resolutions

already drafted. We have always been
listened to with the utmost respect, but
in order to give the fullest effect to the
activities of this group, it is quite desir-
able that we should be present at those
sessions. That could be partly provided
for by our framing of resolutions on the
respective subjects to be considered and
forwarding them before the committees
of the Council meet.

Mr. Howard: Would it not be pos-
sible, in view of the fact that our Presi-
dent and Vice-President say that they
cannot attend, to secure volunteers?

The President : If anyone can go and
will volunteer, that will be very good,
but I take it that, it being a season when
the Congress is in session here, and prob-
ably at the height of its activity, it would
be very difficult to get anyone to go.
Again, it would have to be some one who
is familiar with the general work of the
Union and of the activities of the con-
ference.

Mr. How^ard: My colleagues have no
opposition in the primary.

Mr, Montague : Congress is in session.

The Execumve Secretary: Mr.
President, there is one other thing to re-
port, and that ends my report, and that
is that the next meeting of the confer-
ence of the Interparliamentary Union
will be held in the City of Berlin, upon
the invitation of the German group, prob-
ably from July 15th on, lasting for about
a week.

The President: It all depends on the
time the elections are to be held in Ger-
many. If the election is to be postponed
until some time, say, in the summer —
June or July — that means one thing. If
the elections are held earlier, there would
probably be an adjournment, and they
wish the conference to meet while the
Eeischstag is in session. I have very
strongly urged in the meeting of Council
the latest convenient date. In that I
was supported by the English delegates.
Their Parliament usually remains in ses-
sion until the end of July, and I am satis-
fied they will give all possible attention
to the joint requests of the two countries.

I should very much regret if we are
not to be represented at that meeting, be-
cause we were at Paris, and if we do not
attend the conference in Germany it

214

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

would evoke some unfriendly feeling. On
the other hand, it is a question whether
we could get away from here after the
adjournment of Congress in time to at-
tend. The promise is that they will cable
me when the Council meets, about the
first of April, and then I will circulate
the notice around as to when it is to
occur.

Is there anything further, Mr. Call?

The Executive Seceetary: No, sir.

Me. Porter: Mr. Secretary, I would
like to make an inquiry with regard to
procedure about the Union. As you will
recall, last summer in Paris all of the
American resolutions with regard to the
narcotic drug traffic were approved, but
before leaving I left another one which
reads as follows:

"The Interparliamentary Conference, rec-
ognizing that, according to the scientific
and medical opinion of the world, drug ad-
diction is a disease which demands public
regulation and correction, and believing that
the proper treatment of those given to drug
addiction, important as it is from a humani-
tarian standpoint, will also lessen the de-
mand for narcotic drugs, and thus effect a
curtailment of the illicit traffic and a reduc-
tion in production, recommends for the con-
sideration of the groups of the Union the
adoption of measures by the governments
concerned with a view to the compulsory
treatment of drug addicts.

"The Interparliamentary Bureau is re-
quested to transmit the present resolution of
the groups of the Union and to all the gov-
ernments and parliaments of the world."

I left that resolution with Mr. Lange,
assuming that that would become a part
of the record, but I have a letter here
from him in which he says:

"You handed me, before leaving Paris,
draft of a resolution containing recommenda-
tion for adoption of measures by the gov-
ernments as to compulsory treatment of drug
addicts. I had no occasion to lay this be-
fore the committee."

When would that be considered under
the rules of the Parliamentary Union?
As I understand it, it must go to the
committee first, as the other resolutions
did.

The President: Yes.

Mr. Porter: And then would be re-
ported out at the plenary session?

The Executive Secretary: That
would naturally come up, I should say,
before the Council in Prague.

Mr. Porter: Do you think it would
be necessary for me to reintroduce it or
send it in again?

The Executive Seceetaey: If you
will give me a copy of it, I will send it.

The Peesident: That would rather
emphasize it, I think. Suppose we intro-
duce a resolution with regard to that, and
if it be the opinion of the group that
that should be so, let us send that on to
the meeting there in March and April.
I can readily realize how that was lost in
the shuffle at the end of the session. Those
things have to go to the Council and com-
mittee before they are considered.

Me. Poeter: Well, I will say to the
group that it is in entire harmony with
a bill which I have introduced the other
day. We have about 6,500 prisoners in
the Federal penitentiaries, which can
only accommodate about 3,000. Between
two thousand and twenty-three hundred
of those prisoners are drug addicts. The
country, and I guess the medical profes-
sion, has now come around to the view
that drug addiction is a disease, and not
a vice, in an overwhelming majority of
cases. So I introduced a bill the other
day, in view of the fact that we had to
build new penitentiaries, that instead of
building new penitentiaries we build a
couple of institutions for the care of these
addicts, giving the Attorney General the
power to remove the addicts, in his dis-
cretion, from the penitentiaries to these
institutions for proper treatment.

I will not take your time too much
with it, but if a man is suffering from
drug addiction he will never recover in a
prison cell. He needs fresh air, good
food, and healthy environment, and the
moment they discharge the man with, say,
ten or fifteen dollars in his pocket and
with his frenzied desire for this drug, he
will commit many crimes in order to
secure money to buy the drug, and I have
discussed this with a great many people,
and it seems to meet with the unanimous
approval of everyone, especially of mem-
bers, and I am very anxious to have this
resolution considered at the next meeting
of the Interparliamentary Union. Of

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

215

course, our own local bill will take care
of the situation here.

The President : There are two courses
to pursue. It is already there and natu-
rally would be considered by the commit-
tee, but we can reinforce that by sending
a letter asking them — I could send it my-
self or the Secretary could — or if the
group thinks it best we might pass a reso-
lution giving special consideration to it.

Mr. Porter : That would give it greater
force.

The President : Yes. If you will in-
troduce such a resolution that the group
approve that proposition, we can discuss
and present it, and do I understand that
you do introduce it as a motion?

Mr. Porter: Yes.

The President: You have heard the
motion.

Mr. Howard: Just what was the
motion ?

The President: That the group ap-
prove the resolution presented by Mr. Por-
ter and transmit it to the Secretary Gen-
eral of the Interparliamentary Union, a
copy of which has been read.

Mr. Howard: I move that the group
approve that resolution.

Mr. Montague: I second that motion.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The President : Now, I think perhaps
it might be well for you, Mr. Porter, to
state briefly what occurred in the meet-
ings of the Union at Paris. I regarded
the acceptance of the American conten-
tions with regard to the use of narcotics
as one of the triumphs of our delegation
at that time. The resolution has been
pending for some time before the Paris
group. You may say that they accepted
in toto your contentions?

Mr. Porter: Yes. It is rather diffi-
cult to boil it down. As you know, the
Geneva Opium Conference was held in
1923 and 1924. I was chairman of the
American delegation, and we withdrew
largely because we could not get the Bri-
tish and French and Portugese and
Spanish to fix a definite time for the
suppression of the traffic in prepared
opium, as provided in Article VI of
Chapter 2 of The Hague Opium Conven-
tion. In that article the contracting
power agreed to suppress progressively
the traffic in prepared opium.

Prepared opium is that which is used
for smoking or eating. It is eaten in
India an(J smoked in the colonies of these
European powers out in the Orient. We
contended that, ten years having elapsed
and that no effort had been made to sup-
press this traffic in the colonies of these
four countries, we were entitled to have
a definite time fixed. We fixed ten years.
Later, we increased it to fifteen years, and
still later, in the final hope of coming to
some sort of an agreement, I offered to
make it fifteen years, and it should not
take effect until the treaty was ratified,
but I found that, largely on account of
revenue, it was impossible, and we with-
drew. There were other matters, but that
was the main one.

You see, they produce opium out there
by the hundreds of tons, and the seepage
from that opium or from the transporta-
tion of that opium enters our country
through the smokers and causes a great
deal of trouble. Brushing aside, of
course, the idea of having one law for
the East and one for the West, it is a
penitentiary offense to seU a grain of
morphine in the United States or Eng-
land or France or any of those coun-
tries, while you can buy it by hundreds
of pounds in the Orient, just like you
buy groceries.

When the Interparliamentary Union
met in Washington, Dr. Brabec, of
Czechoslovakia, brought over a resolution
urging ratification of the treaty which
was made at Geneva. As I recall the
language of his resolution it was this:
that, while these treaties made only some-
what of a modest advance, the Interpar-
liamentary Union urged their ratification,
and also that the defects be cured. I got
into conference with Dr. Brabec and final-
ly convinced him that a body represent-
ing the members of the highest legisla-
tive bodies in the world could hardly af-
ford to say that these treaties were prac-
tically valueless and still urge their rati-
fication. Dr. Brabec agreed with me
about it, and the resolution was put in
this form, that after the treaties had
been perfected, as suggested in the resolu-
tion, that they should be ratified.

It was not considered in Washington
for some reason. It was postponed to
Ottawa, so I went up to Ottawa about a

316

ADVOCATi: OF PEACE

April

week later, and there they had two items
on the agenda — the rights of minorities
and opium. The debate on the rights of
minorities was to be closed at 3 o'clock,
but they discussed it until 6, when Sir
Eobert Home got up, and I will never
forget it — I have seen steam rollers be-
fore— but he said, "I venture to suggest
in all humiliation that we have a dinner
with the Canadian Parliament at 8
o'clock, and this matter should go over
to the Geneva meeting next summer," and
the chairman of the meeting announced
that there would only be the one subject
heard, and there was a vote of 39 to 37
in favor of postponement. So then I
went to Geneva the next summer.

The Peesident : That was not a meet-
ing of the Conference. That was a meet-
ing of the committees.

Mr. Porter: Of the committees, and
I not only advocated Dr. Brabec's resolu-
tion, but introduced two of my own, one
the original American proposition, urging
the governments, or those governments
which had not done so, to agree to stop
the traffic in prepared opium within ten
years; also, a resolution urging the gov-
ernments to prohibit the manufacture of
heroin, which we have done in this coun-
try two years ago, on the recommendation
of the American Medical Association. I
may say, in regard to heroin, that it is by
all odds the most dangerous of these
drugs.

A Voice: What is heroin made of?

Mr. Porter: Heroin is made out of
morphine. It is briefly this: The med-
ical profession has never been able to find
a substitute for morphine. Without
morphine the practice of medicine would
be a most unhappy one, and that is the
difficulty in suppressing the traffic in mor-
phine. We must have it for people who
are dying with cancer and tuberculosis.
But it has the bad effect of nausea and
is habit-forming. For hundreds of years
we have been trying to find a substitute
for it. A German chemist about 1906
found a substitute. It was widely adver-
tised all over the world as the long-
sought-for substitute, but it was not ap-
plicable. It was taken up by many
American physicians, who became ad-
dicted to heroin, and we now know that
it is the most dangerous of all drugs,

and the American Medical Association in
1923 condemned its use. There is only
one instance where it is of any value, and
that is in the case of very severe bron-
chitis; but there is another drug, codeine,
which takes its place. But heroin — and
I want to impress this upon you — if we
can solve the heroin problem we have
gone a long ways. The discovery of
heroin and its sale throughout the world
is responsible for the serious condition
of addiction that we have today. The
morphine addict, as a rule, does not do
any particular harm to society, unless his
craze for the drug is such, and he cannot
buy it, he will resort to crime to obtain
it.

So I presented that resolution, and
your President will remember we had
quite a contest at Geneva, and the vote
on the heroin was unanimous, the vote
on the limitation of the production of ar-
senic was unanimous, but the vote upon
fixing a definite time for the suppression
of the traffic in opium was nine to seven.
Great Britain and Jugoslavia opposing it.

When we got to Paris the resolutions
were called up and they were all passed.
The only opposition came from the Brit-
ish, and that was for fixing a definite
period for the suppression of this traffic
in prepared opium.

The difficulty there, I might as well
be perfectly candid about it, is twofold:
In many of those colonies the revenue
derived from the government cocaine
shops goes quite a long ways toward pay-
ing the expenses of the colonial govern-
ments. In the Straits Settlements it is
about 47 per cent; in India it is about 7
per cent, and in the Dutch East Indies it
is about the same. In Indo-China the
French get about 26 per cent. Of course,
that was the real opposition, and then
there was another element in it. A great
many of the Chinese coolies drift into
these settlements, where they perform the
menial labor. They naturally seek the
association of their own countrymen.
Many of these are smokers and many of
the new men acquire the habit, and once
a man acquires the smoking habit he is a
slave ; he is helpless. It is not like a man
getting drunk, and they have to increase
the dose as the tolerance of the system
increases, until finally they get in a con-

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

317

dition of abject slavery, and it insures a
steady supply of menial labor throughout
the entire season at the rubber and poppy
and the other plantations.

There are two elements in it, the reve-
nue and the question of menial labor.

This resolution, while it may sound
rather innocent on its face, I think will
be quite helpful, because when we press
it, it is going to put these countries that
have held back on the suppression of drug
traffic in rather an awkward position.
They cannot recommend to their people
the compulsory treatment of drug ad-
dicts, while at the same time they are
deriving large revenue from the traffic.

I would like to say this : I regard these
meetings of the Interparliamentary
Union as very valuable; if for nothing
else, it gives one valuable contacts. I
have been enabled to reach an understand-
ing with two governments through these
conferences, and I know it is going to be
productive of very helpful results.

Mr. Watson: Where did the chief op-
position come from?

Mr. Porter: The British and Jugo-
slavs. '

Mr. Watson: Was it developed that
the people over there were stockholders
in the companies engaged in this traffic?

Mr. Porter: Oh, no; this is a Govern-
ment monopoly.

The President : It is a very old ques-
tion, reaching back to the war in China
in about 1838 or 1840. Jugoslavia also
is a producer of opium, and they oppose
it. It was a matter of very serious op-
position, especially in the meeting of the
Council and the Committee at Geneva in
1926, but at Paris in 1927 the resolution
was adopted substantially.

Mr. Watson: Where does Jugoslavia
produce opium?

The President : They produce a great
share, about a million pounds worth, they
say.

Mr, Watson : Of poppy ?

The President: Yes, of poppy, and
from that opium.

Mr. Watson: Where do they produce
it?

The President: I do not know what
part of the country it is.

The Executive Secretary: Their

sales amount to about five million dollars
a year.

The President: Jugoslavia and Tur-
key produce high class opium.

Mr. Sabath : I think it is in the state
of Herzegovina, in the southern section
of Jugoslavia.

The President : At any rate that was
the country that opposed the proposition
at Geneva.

Are there any other reports of dele-
gates to the Twenty-fourth Conference?
If there are no further remarks in regard
to the meeting at Paris, we will pass to
the election of officers. Has anybody any
motion with regard to that?

Mr. Montague: Mr. Chairman, I
move that Mr. Burton be elected presi-
dent of the American group of the Inter-
parliamentary Union.

Mr. Howard: I second the motion.
Mr. Montague: If it is agreeable, can
I occupy the chair for a moment and put
the question?

The President: Certainly.
(The question was put and unani-
mously carried.)

The President: I thank you, gentle-
men.

Now, with regard to the other officers,
the three vice-presidents, the treasurer,
the secretary, the executive secretary and
executive committee.

Mr. Chindblom: Who are the three
vice-presidents now, please?

The Executive Secretary : The three
vice-presidents are Eepresentative Andrew
J. Montague, Representative Henry W.
Temple and Eepresentative William A.
Oldfield.

Mr. Britten: Mr. President, I move
that the three vice-presidents be reelected.
(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The Executive Secretary: The
treasurer is Representative Adolph J.
Sabath.

Mr. Britten : Has he ever rendered an
accounting ?

The Executive Secretary: Oh, yes.
Mr. Britten: With that information
before the committee, I move that he be
re-elected.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

218

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

The President : The next is the secre-
tary.

The Executive Secretary: Eepre-
sentative John J. Mc Swain of South
Carolina.

The President: He is not here to-
day, but we all know that he takes quite
an interest in these matters.

Mr. Britten: I move that he be
elected to succeed himself.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The President: The Executive Secre-
tary is Mr. Call.

Mr. Howard : I nominate Mr. Call.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The President: The Executive Com-
mittee— will you please read the present
names ?

The Executive Secretary: The Ex-
ecutive Committee consists of Representa-
tive Theodore E. Burton, Chairman, ex-
officio; Representative Fred Britten, Rep-
resentative Tom Connally, Representative
Henry Allen Cooper, Representative
Clarence F. Lea, Representative James C.
McLaughlin, Senator Alben W. Barkly,
Senator Charles Curtis, Senator Joseph
T. Robinson, and Senator Claude A.
Swanson.

Mr. Chindblom: I move the re-elec-
tion of the executive committee.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The President: It is to be borne in
mind that no member is excluded from
the work of the Union because it does not
belong on that executive committee.
Now, the two members of the Council —
are they elected here?

The Executive Secretary: Yes, sir.
The two members of the Council are Mr.
Burton and Mr. Montague.

Mr. Howard: Mr. President, I nomi-
nate Mr. Burton and Mr. Montague.

Mr. Britten: I second the nomina-
tion.

(Mr. Howard put the motion and it
was unanimously carried.)

The President: That completes the
election of officers. The next item is
"Unfinished Business." I want to make
one suggestion. There has been a great
deal of correspondence in regard to the
problem of immigration. That has been

up before the Union and before the Con-
ferences for quite a number of years. We
have a definite opinion in this country
in that regard, I think, that it is exclu-
sively a domestic question. For instance,
in this statement of the fundamental prin-
ciples for the collective life of states —
this is a proposition which will be pend-
ing at the meeting at Geneva — I find this
statement. Section 13 :

"The right to admit or expulse" — that
word "expulse" was chosen by someone
not altogether familiar with English.

— "expulse aliens should be regulated
in international conventions containing
provisions for the right of appeal."

I think you can readily interpret what
that means, that if one country wishes
to send its redundant population into an-
other country, its right to do so shall be
regulated by treaty between them. It
takes it away from the position that we
have always maintained in this country,
that it is a purely local problem, and
makes it international.

After consultation with a considerable
number of members of the group I have
taken the liberty to send a cablegram in
December and later a letter to that ef-
fect, that we regard that as strictly and
purely a domestic problem. If there is
any other notion anybody has on it, I
would like to hear it.

Mr. Cooper: If I remember correctly,
more than one President has announced
that that position is not only non-justifi-
able, but that we could do nothing else
than retain exclusive power in such cases
to ourselves. President Roosevelt said
so, and he simply confirmed what I think
Cleveland had said before. This goes, as
I understand, as indicated by you in your
statement, to the very life of the nation,
because if they can force any people into
a country they can eventually control the
electorate. So it affects the very life of
a country, and the country itself, there-
fore, must be the sole judge in the mat-
ter.

Mr. Montague: I had a letter from
Mr. Lange upon that topic. He told me
he had written you, Mr. Burton. I wrote
at once to him and told him that that sub-
ject was always considered an internal,
domestic one, that it was not a subject
for international consideration. My at-

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

219

titude upon that subject was not solely
an American attitude, I told him; but
it was international law. In other words,
nations could not pretend to govern the
internal affairs of other nations.

The President : The query is whether
or not we ought not to introduce a resolu-
tion.

Mr. Watson: In view of the position
taken by the two members of the Council
in the absence of the group and speaking
for the group, I think it would be proper
now for this body to go on record as
ratifying and confirming the position
taken by our President and our Vice-
President, with reference to their declara-
tion of this unmistakably American prin-
ciple.

The President: Would you accept
that in any definite form, Mr. Howard,
a resolution that the group approves the
statements of the two members of the
Council ?

Mr. Howard: Oh, yes.

The President: That it regards the
question of immigration as purely a
domestic problem, to be decided by each
country, according to its own policies?

Mr. Howard: I would accept the very
words of the President as the motion.

The President: I do not anticipate
that they are going to adopt any such
provision as that, but our own policy on
that subject is unmistakable.

Mr. Howard: This would give notice.

Mr, Cooper: Who drew that, Mr.
President, and who approved it?

The President: It was this commit-
tee on the collective life of states. I have
no idea who drew that.

Mr. Sabath: Mr. President, though I
have been a member of the Committee on
Immigration for over twenty years, and
known as one who favors a liberal immi-
gration law, I will say right now that
I have always insisted that it is a purely
domestic proposition, and that we should
not be dictated to by any nation, but our
policy should be that it is for us to say.
I believe in fair and humane legislation,
treating all nationals as fairly as we can,
without discrimination; but that is as far
as I ever did go, and as far as I feel we
should go. Therefore, I second the
motion of the gentleman from Nebraska.

Mr. Howard: The substance of the
motion is the position assumed by the
President in his wire and letter.

Mr. Montague: The two members of
the Council.

Mr. Chindblom : Should we go a little
further, and not only declare our approval
of their position, but declare it as the
sense of this group?

Mr. Porter: It might not be out of
place to refer to the constitutional pro-
vision that gives us exclusive control.

The President : In submitting it over
there, I think it would be well to state
what the constitutional provision is. I
do not know but that maybe we better
have a committee to frame this resolution.
We all know what is in our minds.

Mr. Howard: I think that would be
better.

The President: Shall we submit to
vote the question of the general opinion
of the group, which is perfectly clear,
and then have a committee frame the
exact language?

Mr. Montague : As they sometimes do
in the English Parliament. They ap-
prove the object and refer it to a com-
mittee for the formal language.

The President: Yes. Shall we have
a vote on the general proposition?

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

The President : I will ask Mr. Chind-
blom, Governor Montague, and Mr. Por-
ter to frame the language of the resolu-
tion, and it might be well to do that at
an early date, because it wants to be over
there in plenty of time.

Mr. Britten : May I suggest also that
Mr. Sabath be on that committee?

The President: Mr. Sabath as well,
a committee of four. The only objection
to a larger committee is that it is some-
times hard for them to get together. Let
me impress upon you the desirability of
framing that at an early date. I think
it should be framed a little more carefully
than we can do just offhand.

Mr. Maas : Wouldn't it be well to dif-
ferentiate this question from others and
point out that it is purely domestic and
its effect is entirely local, so that later on
we may not be confronted with that reso-
lution when Mr. Porter seeks to press his
resolutions and the British raise the ques-

220

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

tion that it is a matter of internal rev-
enue?

The President: There is a clear dis-
tinction between the two, I think.

Mr. Montague: We have had that
principle involved in several cases. The
subjects of religion and education have
been brought up, and I think the Ameri-
cans have generally taken the ground that
it is our domestic and not an international
question.

The President: I am inclined to
think the sending of such a resolution as
that will prevent the presentation to the
conference of any radical proposition on
this subject.

Further, under the head of unfinished
business, this resolution of Mr. Britten's
should come up. Have you a copy of that ?

The Executive Secretary : Yes, sir.
The resolution reads :

[House Resolution 9205, Seventieth Con-
gress, first session]

In the House of Representatives,

January 12, 1928.
Mb. Bbitten Introduced thie following bill;
which was referred to the Committee on
Foreign Affairs and ordered to be printed:

A bill to authorize an appropriation for the
American group of the Interparliamentary
Union.

Be it enacted Jiy the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That in
order to assist in meeting the annual ex-
penses of the Interparliamentary Union there
is hereby authorized an appropriation of
$10,000.

The President: That is in general
about the expense of the Interparliamen-
tary Union,

The Executive Secretary: The
American group.

The President: Yes. That does not
have any specific mention of the expenses
of delegates.

Mr. Britten: No, it does not, Mr.
Chairman. I felt this way when I intro-
duced that resolution. When I learned
that the National Government has never
defrayed any part of the annual running
expenses of the American group of the
Interparliamentary Union, from the pur-
chase of stationery up or down, I intro-

duced this resolution. My thought is, if
we are going to continue this body, if
it is going to be the representative body
of members of the United States Govern-
ment that it should be, the sum of $10,-
000 is Httle enough to come out of the
National Treasury for its annual expense.

Mr. Howard: Wasn't there an appro-
priation right along?

Mr. Britten: No.

The President: There have been
$6,000 appropriated annually for the ac-
tivities at Geneva, and Congress did ap-
propriate $50,000 toward the expenses of
the twenty-third Conference here in 1925.
However, that is quite apart from Mr.
Britten's resolution.

Mr. Maas: Do any of the other gov-
ernments, the foreign governments, ap-
propriate regularly for the expenses of
their representatives ?

The President : Oh, yes, particularly
the northern countries of Europe, such as
Sweden and Denmark.

Mr. Chindblom : I want to suggest
that the resolution as it reads would re-
late to the expenses of the Interparlia-
mentary Union itself and not of the Amer-
ican group.

Mr. Britten: It is intended for the
American group alone and solely.

Mr. Chindblom: It will have to be
amended.

Mr. Watson: Is there anything being
paid by the particular groups to the gen-
eral expenses, by themselves?

Mr. Britten: Oh, yes. They have al-
ways paid their own expenses. This is
for the American group itself. You see
the difference between the two ?

The President : I take it your idea is
that this amount should be disbursed
under the direction of the American group
for whatever purpose they may conclude
to be proper?

Mr. Britten: Yes; all expenses, and
that might include traveling expenses. It
will include small expenses for clerical
expense, stationery, office rent, any form
of expense that may contribute directly
to the American group and to the Ameri-
can group only, and not to the main body
in Europe.

Mr. Bloom : How much money did
vou spend last year or did you have to
raise? You say^ here $10,000?

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

221

Mr, Beitten: Yes.

Mr. Bloom : How would that $10,000
be expended? Would that be too much
or not enough? What is the average ex-
pense ?

The President : There are certain ex-
penses which might be incurred right
here. I think it would be well to get a
certain amount of this literature that they
are putting out and circulating, so many
numbers. That is one thing. My conjec-
ture is, Mr. Britten, you have in mind
paying part at least of the expenses of
delegates who go abroad. Is that the fact?

Mr, Britten : If necessary, I will say
this, Mr, President, I have made a num-
ber of trips with the American group,
and have always paid my own way; but
then there are other members of the House
who would go, who would like to go, and
who should go, who might not be in a
position to pay their own traveling ex-
penses, and if that condition presents
itself and the American group desire to
be represented by certain distinguished
gentlemen of the House or Senate, I think
that the American group ought to pay
their expenses, at least their traveling ex-
penses. It is a small item, and in that
way the United States would be assured
of proper representation there.

The President: As regards the pay-
ing of expenses of the persons going
abroad, there are certain considerations
about that. Very reluctantly I am com-
pelled to say that some persons have gone
abroad and have received a portion of the
expenses advanced by the Carnegie En-
dowment, who have given very little at-
tention to meetings on the other side. It
has just been an opportunity for a trip
to Europe, and we should have, if the ex-
penses are paid in whole or in part under
this resolution, some assurance that those
who receive the amounts are going to
give close attention to the work of the
Union in these meetings; I mean to be
present and not be absorbed in the attrac-
tions of Paris or Berlin, so as to travel
aroimd and visit parks and museums, but
be regular in their attendance. The Con-
gress will want to know, if we bring this
up, just what use is to be made of the
money, and we will have to explain that.

I do think, however, that we are justified
in asking this as a recognition of the ac-
tivities of this group. It seems to me so.

Mr, Porter: Mr, Chairman, laying
aside for the moment the inconvenience
of paying your own expenses, and I must
confess it has been rather inconvenient
for me, although I have received substan-
tial help in the matter, there is another
element that appeals to me. By attending
these conferences in proper form and in
a proper way, we have opportunities to
wield a tremendous influence in world
afi^airs. If we go out as American mem-
bers, without any official recognition from
our Government, we have one-tenth of the
prestige we would have if we had back of
us the official recognition of our Govern-
ment, and by providing something to pay
our expenses would give us a little more
official status, too. It is really much more
important, to my view, than it is with re-
gard to the matter of expense. I would
suggest that a resolution be put in some
concrete form that the President of the
American Unit should be authorized to
designate five or ten members to go, rep-
resenting the United States Government,
and that is to be limited to actual travel-
ing expenses, because you have to eat here
just as you do over there, and I think
that it should be provided that the actual
traveling expenses be paid.

Mr. Britten : In a fixed amount ?

Mr. Porter: Oh, yes; fix the amount.
I would limit it to traveling expenses. I
think you would get it through the House
much easier that way than if you covered
all expenses. But the important thing
in my mind is this, I can see wonderful
possibilities in this matter if we go over
there in at least a semi-official capacity.
You go over there more or less as an in-
dividual, and you do not have the pres-
tige of this great Government behind you.
There are a great many people in the
world who want to do things the way
America does, because we are among the
successful nations, and we carry some
weight to these meetings, greater than any
of us realize. I am perfectly willing to
help out in this matter, and I hope my
colleagues on the foreign affairs commit-
tee feel likewise about it. But I would
limit it to traveling expenses.

222

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

The Peesident: That is, you would
limit the whole amount to the payment
of traveling expenses, and you would not
apply it to any other purpose?

Mr. Porter: Oh, printed matter and
documents, clerical work and things of
that sort should be included.

Mr. Purnell: What form of certifi-
cate do you give to the delegates ?

The President: A certificate signed
by the Executive Secretary.

The Executive Secretary : The Pres-
ident and Secretary sign the credentials
in the form of a credentials card.

Mr. Purnell: It is not a certificate
stating that he is a delegate representing
the United States?

The President: The American group
of the Interparliamentary Union.

Mr. Montague : Mr. President, I wish
to ask to be excused. I approve of this
resolution, but I have a very imperative
engagement.

The President : Very well.

Mr. Britten : May I say just one word
further, please? My sole desire, in pre-
senting this resolution, is the desire that
the United States be properly represented
abroad, and I think that great care should
be used by the President of the American
group and the other officers who select
these men to represent us abroad. If this
resolution does go through the House
finally and $10,000 is appropriated, I hope
that you, in your wisdom, will select the
men who are especially qualified to rep-
resent the United States in debate over
there, and not have some of them going
over there, as they may have done in the
past, on a mere junket at somebody else's
expense. I am very earnest about that.

Mr. Bloom : Would that only apply to
the people that the President selects to
attend these conferences?

Mr. Britten: Any others, like your-
self, for instance, who may desire to go
over there and pay their own way, back
and forth, may do so. But those vs^ho are
selected by the President should be espe-
cially qualified for that particular duty,
and the number is unimportant. Two or
three distinguished representatives are
vastly superior and of much greater value
to our country and to the entire issue than
fifty or sixty of them merely going over
there for joy rides.

Mr. Watson : Anyone would have the
privilege of debate when he is a delegate ?
Mr. Bloom : Any Member of Congress
is entitled to go over there, as I under-
stand it.

The President: There are so many
considerations to this that I think that we
need to give pretty mature consideration
to it, and I would suggest something like
this, that there be a committee composed
of the members of the foreign affairs com-
mittee, Mr. Britten and perhaps Governor
Montague, to consider this and get this
into shape. I think the views presented
here are very important. Mr. Porter's
suggestion that this gives official recog-
nition to our group and gives it a pres-
tige there that it otherwise would not have,
is a good suggestion. And then, Mr. Brit-
ten's suggestion — he is really the one who
initiated this movement — that the dele-
gates should be chosen with a view to their
taking part in the proceedings and attend-
ing faithfully on the meetings, is a good
suggestion. Of course, there are a great}
many who would wish to pay their own
expenses.

Mr. Britten: I wiU say for you, Mr.
President, that I think you are entitled
to the entire amount, so far as I am con-
cerned, because of the very, very valuable
work you have done over there.

The President: I have paid my ex-
penses in going over there.

Mr. Chindblom : I attended the meet-
ing at Copenhagen, which is the only one
that I have had the pleasure of attending.
My understanding is that we are entitled
to 24 votes in the conference?

The President : Yes.

Mr. Chindblom : We can send as many
delegates as we like, but we get 24 votes.
I remember at the conference at Copen-
hagen the Scandinavian countries had
hundreds of them from Stockholm, and
other Scandinavian countries, but they
only had their number of votes.

Mr. Bloom : Do we ever have 24 votes ?

Mr. Chindblom: We always have 24
votes, but we do not have that many del-
egates. As a matter of fact, they seldom
take any formal vote. Everything is usu-
ally done by unanimous consent.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

223

Mr. Maas : I do not think there should
be anything in a resolution that we are
to make an appropriation for the first two
years to send 24 delegates abroad, but we
should have assurance that there would
be no difference in the designation of the
delegates, or as to the number, so that we
won't have one set of official delegates and
another set of semi-official delegates, but
all delegates would have the same rights.
The President: That would inevi-
tably have to be so. Of course, the idea
of Mr. Britten, as he expresses it, is so
that we may be assured of having per-
sons go who take a real interest in the
proceedings and who will take part in the
deliberations.

Mr. Porter: The reason I suggested
five or ten was because I feel confident
we could get throgh the House a resolu-
tion providing for that; but if we go in
there and say that we were going to send
twenty-five, we would not get it through.
The real idea is the prestige it would give
us.

Mr. Bloom: Up to now, the Govern-
ment has really taken no recognition in
sending delegates ?

The President: No. Well, you have
to say that with some qualification. The
Government did do something. The Pres-
ident of the United States formally pre-
sented an invitation to the conference at
Berne in 1924 that the Union should come
to this country in 1925. He transmitted
a letter which was read by our Minister
to Switzerland before the conference in
1924. So you can hardly say that the
United States Government has given no
recognition to this Union.

Mr. Sabath : And it has appropriated
from time to time?

The President: The $6,000 annually
for the activities at Geneva.

Mr. Purnell: I think the Chair
would like to entertain a motion, perhaps,
that a committee consisting of the five
members of the Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee who are here. Governor Montague, Mr.
Britten, and with Mr. Porter as chairman,
of course, be appointed to give further
consideration to this question, with a view
of putting the matter in proper form — if
necessary, for the purpose of redrafting
the biU.

The President : Would you go further
than that in presenting it for approval?
Mr. Purnell: Well, I assume that
that would have to be done by the Foreign
Affairs Committee. You mean further
presenting it to the American group ?

The President: No. My thought
would be to present it to the Foreign
Affairs Committee.

Mr. Chindblom: With the approval
of this group?

The President: Yes, with the ap-
proval of this group.

Mr. Purnell : Then I make such a mo-
tion.

Mr. Maas : I amend that motion, that
the membership be composed by the nam-
ing of members, and not as members of
any committee of the House.

The President: That is, you mean
those who are to consider this motion and
present it?

Mr. Maas: No, by name, and not as
members of a committee.

The President : Leave it to the chair
to appoint the committee. Of course, the
Foreign Affairs Committee have particular
advantage because they are to consider the
question of reporting it.

The President : Those in favor of the
motion of Mr. Purnell, as amended, will
signify the same by saying "Aye."

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried. )

The President: I want to say that
I appreciate the interest being taken in
this meeting. This is altogether the larg-
est attendance we have ever had at any
meeting.

Mr. Chindblom: Will the Chair ap-
point that committee now?

The President : I think I had better
meditate a bit.

The Executive Secretary: The ar-
gument on the Britten Kesolution will be
found in the Congressional Eecord, should
you wish to look into the facts. Other
groups are supported by their Govern-
ments in various ways, and so far as we
have been able to get that information, it
is here. This is the Congressional Eecord
for February 16th, page 3215.

Practically every group of the Inter-
parliamentary Union provides for a grant

224

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

included in the State budget for the ex-
pense of the Union. Many of the groups
are supported by Government appropri-
ations. For example, the Danish group
received in 1926 5,400 Danish crowns and
a special grant toward the expenses of
the northern assembly of delegates. The
Estonian group provides from that por-
tion of the State budget entitled Inter-
national expenditure, official journeys,
for the traveling expenses of its delegates.
The German group receives a grant of
15,000 reichmarks from the Government,
9,000 of which are turned over to the
Geneva office and the balance used for
traveling expenses. The Swedish group
receives a grant of 15,000 Swedish crowns.
The Norwegian group receives 9,000 Nor-
wegian crowns for traveling expenses and
1,200 for administrative expenses. Sub-
stantial contributions for the traveling ex-
penses of delegates are received by the
Bulgarian groups, the Hungarian, the
Italian, Polish Rumanian, Yugoslav, and
Czechoslovak groups. A sum of 45,000
French francs is placed at the disposal of
the French group. Some of the groups —
for example, the Egyptian and the Japa-
nese— are officially constituted by the par-
liament and the expenses of their delegates
automatically paid. The South and Cen-
tral American groups fall also into this
category. It may be now regarded as the
exception for the members of the Union
not to receive contributions toward their
traveling expenses."

Mr. President, may I bring up one
other matter of business?

The Peesident: Certainly.

The Executive Seceetary: Gentle-
men, the fact is, after our Washington
conference we were complimented by
many groups for the nature of our enter-
tainment, and we were particularly com-
plimented by the French. They wrote
gracious letters to many officials of our
group. They sent presents to persons who
had helped them here, such as guides, in-
terpreters and other officials. France gave
the Legion of Honor to the President of
our group and to the Director of the Con-
ference.

Now, France has been our host dur-
ing the last summer. Though not in the
best of financial circumstances, France did

the best she could, and it was well done.
In addition to what has already been
said, we were taken by special train to
Chantilly one Sunday, as some of you
will remember. There were many recep-
tions, by the President of the Republic,
by the President of the Chamber of Depu-
tis, by the Secretary of War. We were en-
tertained with a magnificent dinner at the
end of the conference. So I have been
wondering if there is not something that
we of the American group might do that
would be gracious and acceptable to the
people who were responsible for this enter-
tainment in Paris.

I have in my hands here a book called
"The Treaty of 1778," and you will notice
it is in buff and blue, which were George
Washington's colors. It contains the
record of the conferences, the plans, the
journal of the Congress of September,
1776. It contains the treaties themselves,
the treaty of amity and commerce, and
the treaty of alliance. The treaty is in
English and in French, side by side, and
there is the final ratification. I do not
know what would have become of this
country of ours had it not been for the
treaty of 1778. It occurs to me that our
group might obtain a few copies of these,
that the officials of the group might in-
scribe their names somewhere, and that
copies be presented to the various officials
of the French group, expressing our ap-
preciation.

Mr. Chindblom : Who publishes that ?

The Executive Seceetaey: This is
published by the French Institute at
Washington, and it is printed by Johns
Hopkins Press on beautiful paper. It has
an introduction by James Brown Scott.
It is edited by Monsieur G. Chinard, a
distinguished French scholar.

The Peesident: Is it your idea that
we should send a few copies of that to
the French group?

The Executive Seceetaey: Yes.

Mr. Chindblom : Have we, as a group,
done anything, even to the extent of send-
ing a letter expressing our appreciation?

The President: I have written my-
self, personally.

Mr. Chindblom : I mean as a group ?

The President: No.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

225

Mr. Chindblom: Have we any funds
at all?

The Executive Secretary : We have
$254.20 in the treasury.

Mr. Howard: Mr. President, I move
that the Executive Secretary secure the
signatures of the delegates to this last con-
ference on ten copies and send them.

Mr. Bloom : I would like to make a
suggestion. If we are going to do that —
this is only a paper cover — why not have
copies made and bound in more beauti-
ful covers? We can have the same thing
reproduced in leather with a beautiful
binding and then present it to them. I
think, if we are going to present a book
it should not be a book in a paper cover.

Mr. Howard: I take it for granted
that that Secretary of ours so competent
in all directions, will attend to those de-
tails.

The President : You know in France
there are a great many books — and I have
been familiar with them since 1880 — that
are put forth in paper bindings?

Mr. Bloom : I mean, if we are going
to present them with a book, to present
them with a book like that in paper bind-
ings might look rather cheap.

The President : Cannot we leave that
to the Secretary?

Mr. Chindblom: I move that it be
left to the Secretary, and the Chairman
and First Vice Chairman, to obtain a suf-
ficient number of copies of this book, and
that we agree to underwrite the expense.
I do not know whether we have money
enough in the treasury or not.

The President : We have.

Mr. Britten : I agree with Mr. Bloom,
that this ten or a dozen books should be
well bound.

Mr. Porter : I agree as to the binding,
but we should not put a limit of ten on
this. Whatever is necessary should be left
to the Secretary.

The President: The motion amounts
practically to this, leave it to the Secre-
tary, by communication with the Presi-
dent of the French group to obtain from
him the names of persons to whom a copy
of the book should be sent, to provide for
a proper binding and send. the copies witli
the signatures.

Mr. Bloom : With such signatures as

he, in conference with the President and
Vice President, shall determine.

Mr. Howard : I second the motion.

(The motion was put and unanimously
carried.)

Mr. Chindblom : I move that the group
express its appreciation for his services
during the past year, the very efficient
and valuable services, of the President of
the group, the Executive Secretary and
the other officers, and that we tender them
this appreciation for their services.

Mr. Purnell : And in support of that,
Mr. President, I want to say, as one of the
very humble delegates last summer who
sat and hstened and said nothing, that
it was a real, genuine pleasure when the
distinguished President of this group took
the platform and spoke.

Mr. Chindblom : It was not my pleas-
ure to be there, but I know of the work
of this group, and let me refer to the
work of the Executive Secretary, I hope
that the work to be done in connection
with the Britten resolution will make it
possible that we can find ourselves in a
position to pay him a compensation for
his work which will be commensurate with
its value. If you are ready for the ques-
tion, I will put it.

Mr. Howard: Mr. President, speaking
in my capacity as delegate, I want to en-
dorse all that my colleague from Hoosier-
dom has had to say. Over in Paris, had
it not been for the guiding hand of the
President of our group, I would have
been lost every day in the maze of intri-
cacies incident to conducting a conference
in foreign languages ; and in all Paris, had
it not been for the guiding influence of
our Secretary, I had been hopelessly in-
volved in a labyrinth of my own ignorance.
So I am very grateful to both of them for
the services rendered to me, and as I be-
lieve, to my friends.

Mr. Johnson : Might I just add this ?
The distingished gentleman is indeed
very modest. When I saw him in Paris —
I happened to be a member of the Amer-
ican group — he was speaking more French
than a Frenchman, and, although I had
been over there and thought I knew some
French, he was my very guide. He told
me where to go and what to see, and I

226

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

considered him one of the most con-
spicious members over there. Seriously,
I enjoyed the meeting tremendously. It
was a wonderful thing to me to rub el-
bows with those boys over there, and to
see what they see and get their ideas of
us.

Might I add just here that I am very
much in favor of sending them something
to show our appreciation, for, wnile vot-
ing against us on every occasion, they cer-
tainly gave us a wonderful time.

The President: We have not heard
from Senator Thomas, who is here today.

Senator Thomas: I am very glad to
be here, I am sure.

The President: I believe that is all
the business we have. The meeting stands
adjourned.

(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock noon, the
meeting adjourned.)

(Signed) Arthur Deerin Call,

Executive Secretary.

GREAT BRITAIN AND EGYPT

THE relations between Great Britain
and Egypt have entered upon a new
phase of strain with the rejection by the
Egyptian Government of the draft treaty
between the two countries, negotiated by
Prime Minister Sarwat Pasha. Immedi-
ately after handing to the British High
Commissioner, Lord Lloyd, a communi-
cation containing the rejection, the prime
minister resigned his office. The results
of a long period of difficult and patient
negotiations have thus been undone by
one stroke of the pen, guided by the ex-
treme elements of the Egyptian nation-
alist movement.

In connection with the announcement
of the decision taken by the Cairo cabinet,
the British Government issued the text
of all the documents relating to the nego-
tiations. Following is a summary of
these documents.

Sir Austen Chamberlain's Memorandum

The first of the documents is a memo-
randum, dated July 13, 1937, by the Sec-
retary of State and Foreign Affairs, in
which he describes the conversations he
had had with Sarwat Pasha in London

in regard to Anglo-Egyptian relations.
Sir Austen Chamberlain's memorandum
states :

I said that I did not propose to enter into
the details of the past, but his Excellency
would, I thought, recollect that I had last
year drawn his attention to the reservations
which we had attached to the grant of Egyp-
tian independence and to the obligations no
Jess than the rights which those reservations
Imposed upon us. The rights v^ere vital to
us. No British government could afford to
ignore them. My predecessor [Mr. Ramsay
McDonald] had asserted them as plainly as
I could do. They were, in fact, so essential
to the existence of the British Empire that
every British government in the future, as
in the past, whatever its complexion, would
be obliged to insist upon them. I was old
enough to remember the circumstances of
our intervention in Egypt in the early
eighties. My father was a minister at that
time. I could recall the sincerity with which
the ministers of that day had declared that
our occupation was only temporary and that
it would be withdrawn at the earliest pos-
sible moment. But circumstances had been
too strong for us. The movement of with-
drawal had never come and the events of the
Intervening 40 or 50 years had shown that
neither of us could escape from the situ-
ation in which God had placed us or evade
the mutual relations which that situation
imposed upon us.

But if this was the position in regard to
our rights and interests, the obligations im-
posed by the declaration to foreign powers
with which we had accompanied the an-
nouncement of Egyptian independence were
not less imperative. We had warned foreign
powers that we should treat as an unfriendly
act any attack by them on the integrity of
Egypt or any intervention on Egyptian soil.

Sir Austen Chamberlain goes on to say
that he is more interested in the future
than in the past, and the real question
is whether the Egyptian Government are
going to collaborate heartily with the
British Government or not.

The fundamental requirements of British
policy were common to all parties in the
state, and a change of government made no
alteration in them. In reply to Sir Austen
Chamberlain, Sarwat Pasha said he entirely
shared the secretary of state's view of the

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

227

necessary connection between the two coun-
tries and of the true interests of Egypt. . . .
The Egyptian Parliament and public now
recognized there must be friendly collabora-
tion between us and that the aid of Great
Britain was necessary to Egypt. They were
well aware of the dangers which would
menace them from other quarters if they
stood alone.

The question of the army was dis-
cussed, and Sir Austen Chamberlain told
Sarwat Pasha that so long as the British
position was not frankly recognized by
the Egyptian Government it was al-
most unavoidable that any proposal by
them to strengthen the army or the re-
serves or to improve their equipment
should be regarded by Great Britain, not
as a measure of legitimate defense, but as
a preparation for, or at least a threat of,
opposition to Great Britain. "If," Sir
Austen Chamberlain said, "we had an
agreement — or an alliance, if he pleased —
the whole situation would be changed.
Our position would be recognized by
Egypt and the interests of the two coun-
tries in the defense of Egypt would be
concordant. We could then co-operate
whole-heartedly with the Egyptian Gov-
ernment to make the army as efficient as
possible."

The British Occupation

The second document is a memoran-
dum to Sir Austen Chamberlain by his
private secretary, Mr. Selby, enclosing a
draft treaty, communicated by Sarwat
Pasha on July 18, 1927. Eeference was
made in article 6 of the draft treaty to
the British occupation, and Sarwat Pasha
told Mr. Selby that some such clause was
"essential if he was to secure acceptance
of the treaty in Egypt." On July 28,
1927, the counter-draft to the Egyptian
draft treaty — the third of the documents
— was approved by the British Govern-
ment. Article 6 of the Egyptian draft
was as follows:

In order to facilitate and secure to Great
Britain the protection of the lines of com-
munication of the empire, the Egyptian
Government authorize his Britannic Maj-
esty's Government to maintain a military
force upon Egyptian territory. The pres-
ence of this force will in no way have the
character of an occupation and will in no

way prejudice the sovereign rights of
Egypt.

This military force, after a period of —
years, from the coming into force of the
present treaty, will be quartered in .

When Sarwat Pasha communicated the
draft to Mr. Selby he said the preliminary
period he had in view was some three to
five years, after which the British forces
should be stationed in the region of the
canal, and he mentioned Port Tewfik as a
possibility.

On this point the British counter-draft
— Article 5 — said:

In order to facilitate the co-operation of
the forces of the high contracting parties and
to facilitate and secure to his Britannic
Majesty the protection of the lines of com-
munication of the British Empire, his Maj-
esty the King of Egypt authorizes his Bri-
tannic Majesty to maintain upon Egyptian
territory such armed forces as his Britannic
Majesty's Government consider necessary for
the above purposes, and will at all times
afford the necessary facilities for the main-
tenance and training of the said forces. The
presence of these forces shall not constitute
in any manner an occupation and will in no
way prejudice the sovereign rights of Egypt.

After a period of ten years from the com-
ing into force of the present treaty the high
contracting parties will reconsider the ques-
tion of the localities in which the said forces
are to be stationed in the light of their ex-
perience of the operation of the provisions
of the treaty and of the military conditions
then existing.

Sarwat Pasha communicated his obser-
vations on the proposed treaty to Mr.
Selby at the British Embassy in Paris on
August 31, 1927. In his memorandum —
document 4 — to Sir Austen Chamberlain,
Mr. Selby wrote that Sarwat Pasha de-
clared that his observations were not to be
regarded as in any way a final statement
of his position. Sarwat Pasha, in his ob-
servations, referred to the British draft
as "vague." In regard to article 13 of
that draft — which dealt with the Sudan —
he observed :

I was careful in my draft to avoid broach-
ing the general question of the Sudan, in
which the two governments do not see eye
to eye. My object was to raise as few con-

ii28

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

troversial points as possible, and I confined
myself to touching upon certain concrete
questions which require an urgent solution.
In the British draft, on the contrary, the
issue is raised squarely, and a solution is
provided which accords with British policy
on this matter. I do not see my way to fol-
low the British Government in this. I prefer
to leave the question for later negotiations.

Later he declared, in regard to the po-
sition of the Egyptian army under the
proposed treaty, that "the limitation of
the effectives of an army in an offensive-
defensive alliance would be without prece-
dent and absolutely without justification.^'

Document 5 gives the text of a draft
note drawn up in consultation with Sir
John Maffey, Governor- General of the
Sudan, and Mr. MacGregor, of the Sudan
Government Office, in regard to irrigation
in Egypt and the Sudan, which was de-
sighed as a basis of an Anglo-Egyptian
agreement on the subject. This draft
note was communicated unofficially to
Sarwat Pasha on November 4, 1927.

Dispatch to Lord Lloyd

In a dispatch, dated November 24, 1927
— document 6 — to Lord Lloyd, British
High Commissioner for Egypt and the Su-
dan, Sir Austen Chamberlain referred to
the "long and friendly exchange of views"
with Sarwat Pasha, and wrote that, "sub-
ject only to the settlement of a suitable
text for the expression of the agreement
on a minor point which Sarwat Pasha and
I had already reached in principle, and to
the concurrence of his Majesty's Govern-
ments in the Dominions and India
(which, as I had already explained to his
Excellency, we considered necessary}, his
Majesty's Government in Great Britain
were prepared to accept the treaty as then
proposed.'''

I need not say that the treaty thus defi-
nitely approved differs in many and im-
portant respects from the draft which I had
earlier offered to Sarwat Pasha on behalf
of his Majesty's Government. It embodies
large concessions to his Excellency's own
views and to Egyptian sentiment, which,
after hearing Sarwat Pasha's explanations,
his Majesty's Government have felt it pos-
sible to make in order to reach agreement.

His Excellency was good enough to recog-
nize fully on more than one occasion the
friendly and sympathetic spirit in which his
Majesty's Government had received and con-
sidered his representations, and I gladly ac-
knowledge that his Excellency brought a
similar friendly spirit, largeness of outlook,
and earnest desire for agreement to our
common deliberations.

In its present form the draft treaty must
be regarded as expressing on the one side
and the other the limit to which each party
can advance in his wish to meet the other.
It was so understood between us, and it was
on this condition only that Sarwat Pasha
no less than I could go thus far. It was
common ground to us both that no further
changes could be made and that the treaty
must now be accepted or rejected as it
stands. . . .

I have now the pleasure to inform your
Lordship that his Majesty's Government in
Great Britain, after communication with his
Majesty's Governments in the Dominions
and India, accept the draft agreed upon be-
tween us, of which a copy is attached to this
dispatch, and that you are authorized to
sign the treaty on behalf of his Majesty as
soon as his Excellency is in a position to sign
for the Egyptian Government. [The text of
this draft treaty appears in the International
Documents section of this issue of the Advo-
cate OF Peace.] It is our earnest hope that
by this treaty, equally honorable to both
peoples, ensuring to Egypt her freedom and
independence and her due place among the
nations of the world, and to the British
Empire protection for her vital interests and
international obligations, we may have laid
the secure foundation of future amity and
concord between Egypt and the British
Empire.

I request that you will read this dispatch
to Sarwat Pasha and leave a copy of it with
his Excellency.

Request for Delay

Document 7 is a copy of a draft note
on the subject of the reform of the Capit-
ulations of Egypt, prepared after discus-
sion between Sir Cecil Hurst and Sarwat
Pasha, This is followed by a further
dispatch, dated February 5, 1928, from
Sir Austen Chamberlain to Lord Lloyd,
in which the Secretary of State reviews
the general course of the negotiations
since his dispatch of November 24, 1927.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

229

He states that when it was suggested that
the treaty should be signed and published
on about December 20^ 1927, Sarwat
Pasha "showed some surprise that so im-
mediate action on his part should be sug-
gested." Sarwat Pasha then said that his
intention was to divulge the contents of
the treaty and supplementary notes to
his cabinet colleagues and to the Presi-
dent of the Wafd. He later declared,
however, that he could not lay the docu-
ments before his colleagues until he had
discussed with Lord Lloyd "certain im-
portant issues which had not been cleared
up in London.'^ In view of further delay
which Sarwat Pasha urged, Sir Austen
Chamberlain sent a message to him in
which he wrote :

Your Excellency will recollect that in the
memorandum commenting on the first
British counter-draft of the treaty, handed
to Mr. Selby in Paris in August last, strong
emphasis was laid on the importance of
Great Britain relying less upon a cut-and-
dried scheme of safeguards than upon the ■
sentiment of mutual confidence which the
alliance would generate. This argument car-
ried considerable weight with me, and, as
your Excellency will admit, is reflected in
the final text of the treaty. But now to sug-
gest that his Majesty's Government should
define in advance what would be their in-
terpretation, in hypothetical circumstances,
of particular provisions of the treaty, seems
to me to be in conflict with the principle
which your Excellency yourself invoked. If
Great Britain should trust Egypt, Egypt
should equally trust Great Britain.

This was followed by a personal mes-
sage from Sir Austen Chamberlain to
Sarwat Pasha, in which he urged him
"to place the treaty before your colleagues
without delay, and to proceed, at the
earliest possible moment, to its signa-
ture/'

British Misgivings

In a further dispatch, dated March 1,
1928, to Lord Lloyd, Sir Austen Cham-
berlain summarized the course of the ne-
gotiations up to that time. Then, in a
second dispatch of the same date — docu-
ment 10 of the papers — Sir Austen
Chamberlain wrote to Lord Lloyd:

In view of the fact that Sarwat Pasha

had already communicated the text of the
ti'eaty to Nahas Pasha before accompanying
his Majesty King Fuad on his recent visit
to Upper Egypt, I thought it essential that
Nahas Pasha should be left under no illu-
sion as to the serious nature of the decision
which Egypt was called upon to make and
which he, as leader of the numerically
strongest group in the present Egyptian Par-
liament, would largely influence.

2. I accordingly authorized your Lordship
to inform his Excellency that in the event
of a rejection of the treaty his Majesty's
government would have to consider how the
enactment of certain projected legislation in
the Egyptian Parliament would accord with
their responsibilities under the Declaration
of the 28th February, 1922, and to add that
the wording of recent manifestos by students
and the reported association with them of
undesirable characters raised the question of
the obligation imposed on his Majesty's
government by that instrument for the pro-
tection of foreigners.

3. Your Lordship reported on the 27th
February that in the course of your inter-
view on the preceding day with Nahas
Pasha, the latter had stated that he felt it
useless to discuss what advantages might
or might not be afforded to Egypt in various
clauses of the treaty, inasmuch as the treaty
clearly failed to provide for the complete
evacuation of Egyptian territory by the
British army. You added that on the ques-
tion of the British army in Egypt he was
entirely uncompromising and repeated him-
self on this point again and again.

4. Nahas Pasha, in fact, is as little ready
as was Zaghlul Pasha in his conversations
with my predecessor in 1924 to recognize the
realities of the situation which Mr. Ramsay
MacDonald defined in his dispatch to Lord
Allenby :

No British Government in the light of
that experience (the European War) can
divest itself wholly, even in favour of an
ally, of its interest in guarding such a
vital link in British communications (the
Suez Canal). Such a security must be a
feature of any agreement come to between
our two governments, and I see no reason
why accommodation is impossible, given
good will.

The effective co-operation of Great
Britain and Egypt in protecting those com-
munications might in my view have been

230

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

ensured by the conclusion of a treaty of
close alliance. The presence of a British
force in Egypt provided for by such a
treaty freely entered into by both parties
on an equal footing would in no way be in-
compatible with Egyptian independence,
whilst it would be an indication of the
specially close and intimate relations be-
tween the two countries and their deter-
mination to co-operate in a matter of vital
concern to both. It is not the wish of his
Majesty's government that this force
should in any way interfere with the func-
tions of the Egyptian Government or en-
croach upon Egyptian sovereignty, and I
emphatically said so.

It was Sarwat Pasha's recognition of these
realities which made it possible to negotiate
the treaty with him; it is Nahas Pasha's
refusal to recognize them which, if adopted
by the Egyptian Government, will once
again have made a settlement impossible.
The fact that grossly inaccurate and mis-
leading versions of the treaty are appearing
in the Egyptian press makes it imperative
that publication of the full text should not
be further delayed. I shall, therefore, present
the text of the treaty and the covering corre-
spondence to Parliament in the immediate
future, probably during the course of next
week, and I request that your Lordship will
inform Sarwat Pasha of this step.

5. Unless, therefore, the final decision of
the Egyptian Government, which your Lord-
ship reported that Sarwat Pasha did not
expect to be able to give before March 1,
differs widely from the attitude adopted by
the leader of the Wafd, the situation con-
templated in the second paragraph of this
dispatch will have arisen. In this event
your Lordship should address an oflBcial note
to the Egyptian Government in the follow-
ing terms :

His Majesty's government have for some
time past viewed with misgiving certain
legislative proposals introduced in the
Egyptian Parliament which, if they were
to become law, would be likely seriously to
weaken the hands of the administrative
authorities responsible for the mainte-
nance of order and for the protection of
life and property in Egypt.

So long as there was any prospect of
the early conclusion of a treaty of alli-
ance between Great Britain and Egypt,
which would define anew the responsibili-

ties and rights of the two parties, his
Majesty's government were content to re-
frain from all comment in the expectation
that they might rely with confidence on the
Egyptian Government to avoid legislation
which might make it impossible for the
Egyptian administration to discharge suc-
cessfully the increased responsibilities in-
herent in the treaty regime.

But now that conversations with the
Egyptian Government have failed to
achieve their object, his Majesty's govern-
ment cannot permit the discharge of any
of their responsibilities under the decla-
ration of February 28, 1922, to be en-
dangered whether by Egpytian legislation
of the nature indicated above, or by ad-
ministrative action, and they reserve the
right to take such steps as in their view
the situation may demand.

Cairo Cabinet's Decision

On March 1 Lord Lloyd telegraphed to
Sir Austen Chamberlain :

Prime Minister [Sarwat Pasha] called on
me this evening to inform me that his gov-
ernment were unable to sign the treaty and
that news to this effect would be published
in the papers tomorrow. The decision of the
government was imposed upon it by the
Wafd, which had unanimously rejected the
treaty. He will let me have the text of the
decision tomorrow.

In reply Sir Austen Chamberlain tele-
graphed on March 2 :

Your telegram of yesterday.

My second dispatch of March 1 now on
its way to you was summarized in my tele-
gram of the same date and foresaw and
made provision for the situation which has
arisen. You should read declaration quoted
in my above-mentioned telegram and dis-
patch to Sarwat Pasha and hand him a
copy when he gives you the Egyptian reply.

On March 4 Lord Lloyd telegraphed
to Sir Austen Chamberlain :

Sarwat Pasha came to see me this eve-
ning to hand me reply of his cabinet, and to
inform me that he had this afternoon
tendered his resignation to the King.

I handed him a copy of declaration con-
tained in your telegram and dispatch of
March 1. I am seeing King tomorrow morn-

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

331

ing and will hand him a copy for the infor-
mation of Sarwat's successor.

My immediately following telegram con-
tains text of Egyptian cabinet's reply.

The following is the telegram contain-
ing the text of the Egyptian cabinet's
reply :

Excellency — I have the honour to inform
you that in accordance with the wish ex-
pressed by his Excellency Sir Austen Cham-
berlain in the message which he was so good
as to address to me through you, I have sub-
mitted to my colleagues draft treaty of
alliance which resulted from our conver-
sations last summer, at the same time ac-
quainting them with different phases of these
conversations as well as with the notes ex-
changed and discussions carried on subse-
quently.

My colleagues have reached the conclusion
that draft, by reason both of its basic prin-
ciples and of its actual provisions, is incom-
patible with the independence and sover-
eignty of Egypt and, moreover, that it
legalizes occupation of the country by British
forces.

My colleagues have accordingly charged
me to inform his Britannic Majesty's Prin-
cipal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
that they cannot accept this draft.

I shall be grateful if your Excellency will
be so good as to communicate the above
to his Excellency Sir Austen Chamberlain
and will at the same time repeat to him my
most sincere thanks for the friendly spirit
in which his Excellency began and carried
on our conversations.

I take this opportunity of thanking your
Excellency also for the cordiality which you
have shown in the course of our discussions
regarding draft treaty and to renew, &c.

FINANCIAL SITUATION IN
INDIA

ON FEBEUAEY 29, the Indian Legis-
lative Assembly, sitting at Delhi, re-
ceived from Sir Basil Blackett, the
finance member, the budget estimates
for the coming year. In the course of his
speech, introducing the new budget, Sir
Basil Blackett reviewed the financial year
1927-28. He called attention to the fact
that the visible balance of trade in the
first ten months was in India's favor by

1,019 lakhs more than last year. Both
imports and exports of merchandise had
increased in value by 8 per cent, while net
imports of treasure had diminished by
6V2 crores.^ Except for raw cotton, all
the principal articles had contributed to
the increase. Prices were stable and trade
figures reflected the advantages of stabili-
zation of the rupee. The remarkable
improvement in railway earnings enabled
important reductions to be made in rail-
way charges and would give new stimulus
towards business and agricultural pros-
perity. There were also indications that
Indian commerce had made steady ad-
vance, and the effects of the post-War
trade depression were being dissipated.
With regard to the budget, he pointed
out that the military expenditures re-
mained unchanged, the savings due to
troops being sent to China having been
used for urgent expenditure on moderni-
zation. The net result was that the total
expenditure stood at 12,774 lakhs, and the
total revenue at the same figure, includ-
ing the transfer of 169 lakhs from the
revenue reserve fund instead of the 172

lakhs originally estimated.

Capital Expenditures and Debts

Sir Basil next dealt with the capital
expenditures of the government and with
its borrowing and general debt position.
In 1927-28 the Indian Government had to
meet a railway capital outlay of 30 crores,
other capital outlay of 2 crores, and debt
payments of 33% crores. For this they
had raised rupee and sterling loans, and
obtained means from other sources.

In 1928-29 the railway capital outlay
would be 28 crores, including 4 crores for
the purchase of the Burma railways.
There would be other outlay of 4^/2 crores,
provincial demands would amount to 7
crores, and the net discharge of debt 19
crores. Cash balances could not be re-
duced by more than 2 crores, and taking
other receipts into account a loan of 32
crores would be necessary, including 13
crores of new money.

Referring to borrowing operations in
the current year. Sir Basil Blackett said :

* The currency of India is as follows : One
rupee is about 35 cents; 100,000 nipees con-
stitute one lakh ; 100 lakhs are equal to one
crore.

232

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

The reintroduction of treasury bills in
India was in full accordance with our plans,
as we deliberately desired to improve the
financial facilities of the Indian money mar-
ket and check seasonal fluctuations in the
market for government securities by this
means. We found it necessary in addition to
resort to external borrowing, first by raising
sterling bills to the extent of 5,000,000 ster-
ling in England in July last, which have
since been repaid, and later by the issue of
a sterling loan of 7,500,000 sterling about
a month ago. Even so the net cash receipts
from the rupee and sterling loans aggregated
only 27% crores, which was only about 2
crores more than the net amount of debt
discharged, and as much as 13 crores less
than the amount required for railways and
other capital outlay, including that of pro-
vincial governments. The total local remit-
tances would be 30,750,000 sterling for the
current year, including 28,500,000 sterling
through the market, and 36,000,000 sterling
next year.

The finance member then quoted the
debt statistics, which showed that the in-
crease in the external indebtedness of the
government in 1937-38 was considerably-
less than the amount of the sterling loan,
and that in the five years since March
31, 1933, the productive debt had in-
creased by 189 crores and the unproduc-
tive debt diminished by 76 crores. By the
end of next year the debt due to the five
years of revenue deficits, from 1918-19 to
1933-33, would be just about liquidated,
and at the recent rate of progress the un-
productive debt would vanish in 13 years.

Next Year's Budget

Turning to next year, the finance
member said he expected a net customs
revenue of 5,018 lakhs, after allowing for
a further fall of 40 lakhs on machinery.
Taxes on income would yield 17 crores
and salt 7 crores. The opium policy
would involve a net loss of 35 lakhs, and
the railway contribution would be 548
lakhs only.

Military expenditure was 5,510 lakhs,
including 10 lakhs for expanding the ter-
ritorial force. The government, after
careful consideration, had concluded that
the figure could not be reduced if India
was to make reasonable provision for de-
fense in modern conditions.

After allowing for 81 lakhs for the
premium on bonds maturing next year,
and 25 lakhs additional provision for the
bonus on cash certificates, the debt serv-
ices still showed a saving of 67 lakhs. This
was the result of the general debt and
debt redemption policy. In the five years
ending 1938-39 the saving in interest on
the deadweight debt was more than three
and a half times the increase in the pro-
vision for debt redemption, and over a
crore more than the actual provision on
this account next year.

Civil administration showed a rise of
41 lakhs, and included a number of items
relating to beneficial services. The ex-
penditure of the Indian Posts and Tele-
graphs Department included over 14
lakhs for further improvement of the con-
ditions of service of the lower paid staff.
The department showed a surplus of less
than a quarter of a lakh, which justified
no reduction in postal and telegraph
charges.

Revenue and Expenditure for 1928-29

The total revenue for next year was
13,333 lakhs, the expenditure 13,960
lakhs, and the surplus 363 lakhs, allowing
for the recovery of the unextinguished
balance of provincial contributions. But
the liability for the bonus on cash certifi-
cates was accumulating, and was esti-
mated at 3% crores on October 1, 1937.
As soon as finances permitted provision
from revenue, over and above that for
actual payments, would be necessary to
form a separate fund to enable the in-
creasing liability to be met, but the sur-
plus now disclosed could be treated as re-
current, seeing that the budget included a
special item of 81 lakhs for the premium
on bonds, and that there should be further
savings in interest and more revenue from
taxes on income. Even customs should
improve, though it would be in the inter-
ests of India's trade and industry to re-
duce the general revenue tariff when
finances permitted.

On the whole, government proposed
that, having regard to past commitments,
358 lakhs of surplus should be utilized
for the complete and final extinction of
provincial contributions, leaving a small
balance of 5 lakhs in the budget.

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

233

Sir Basil Blackett concluded as follows :

It is not a spectacular budget. After the
budget of 1927-28, and tbe railway budget
for 1928-29, with its large reductions in
passenger fares and in freights, it might al-
most be called an anti-climax. It imposes no
new taxation, and though it allows for re-
ductions in tbe customs tariff to tbe tune of
nearly a crore, these reductions were an-
nounced six months ago. What this budget
does is to provide a surplus, in spite of the
reduction in the customs tariff, sufficient
finally to extinguish the provincial contri-
butions.

ITALY AND AUSTRIA

THE question of the treatment by
Italy of the Austrian minority in the
Tyrol has again been brought to the at-
tention of the world by its discussion in
both countries concerned. The Austrians,
especially in the Austrian Tyrol, are
greatly agitated by what they regard as
the oppression of their countrymen on
the other side of the Italian frontier.
Speeches on the subject have been made
in the Tyrolese Diet, in the Parliament at
Vienna, and in the Chamber of Deputies
at Rome.

Austrian Resentment Against Italy

The debate in the Tyrolese Diet took
place on February 9, and was of so violent
a character that Signor Mussolini re-
quested the Vienna Foreign Office for a
verbatim report of the speeches. The
debate followed the receipt of news from
South (Italian) Tyrol of further alleged
provocation of the people by the authori-
ties, and the Diet adopted a resolution ap-
pealing to the Chancellor, Dr. Seipel, to
consider ways and means of drawing the
attention of Europe or, as an alternative,
of the League of Nations to the condition
of the German subjects of Italy. Nat-
urally, the speeches made at a session
which framed such an appeal were not of
the calmest character. As a matter of
fact, in the same session a resolution was
moved to strike a souvenir war medal to
form a lasting link between Northern and
Southern Tyrol and "be a perpetual re-
minder of Italy's acts of injustice towards
Germans."

The question came up before the Vienna
Parliament two weeks later and occa-
sioned a lively debate, in the course of
which Dr. Kolb, representing the Tyrolese^
declared that the treatment of Austro-
Germans who had become minorities in
several countries is worst in Italy. Dr.
Kolb remarked that, though Austria is
aware she has no jurisdiction beyond her
frontiers, there is such a thing as natural
human rights, and these compel a man to
go to the aid of a brother whom he sees
tortured, even if the torture is taking
place in a neighboring field. The Ger-
mans in South Tyrol are, he said, law-
abiding, but their loyalty cannot be ex-
pected to come from the heart. The
speech was warmly cheered by the whole
House, and the President spoke of the
scene as an impressive and solemn demon-
stration in the face of the whole world.

In his reply Dr. Seipel pointed out that
Austria can go to no forum to have her
wrongs redressed. He said no such prob-
lem has arisen for Austria on her other
frontiers. It is a problem regarding
which Austria cannot remain silent, as it
goes too near Austrian hearts. He asked
Italy to take this into consideration; he
is not interfering in internal Italian af-
fairs, but he would appeal to an interna-
tional sense of morality.

Mussolini's Reply and Warning

In reply to these discussions in Austria,
Premier Mussolini devoted a long speech,
on March 3, to a discussion of the Tyrol
question. The Italian Chamber received
his speech with great enthusiasm, and his
closing words, in which he declared that
"we make known to the Tyrolese, to the
Austrians, and to the whole world, that
on the Brenner there stands, with her liv-
ing sons and with her dead, united Italy/*
were drowned in a prolonged storm of
applause.

Signor Mussolini began his speech by
declaring that there was no Hannibal at
the gate, nor even Mgr. Seipel (the Aus-
trian Chancellor). He had at first hesi-
tated whether to reply at all to the
speeches in the Austrian Parliament, but
had been compelled to do so by the inter-
vention in the debate of the Austrian
Chancellor, in many respects an eminent

234

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

man. However, he hastened to add,
"This is the last occasion upon which I
shall speak on this subject. The next
time acts will take the place of words."
Signor Mussolini then went on to the
main theme of his speech, which was de-
signed to prove that the Austrian com-
plaints were not only not justified, but
were also provocative. If he now cited
examples of generosity towards Austria
he did so in order that the world at large
might once for all know the true facts.

Italy's Friendly Acts to Austria

As a first example he quoted the action
of Italy in retaining her troops in the
Klagenfurt area in 1920 at a moment
when the Austrians feared lest the arrival
of Yugoslav troops near the frontier
might influence the coming plebiscite, and
he read out the thanks of Dr. Eenner, the
then Austrian Chancellor. A year later
came the Burgenland dispute with Hun-
gary, and after the agreement reached at
Venice, Herr Schober, at that time Aus-
trian Chancellor, expressed thanks to
Italy. This friendly attitude had been
consistently maintained by the Fascist
Government, and only a fortnight ago the
Austrian Minister in Eome had presented,
on behalf of Mgr. Seipel, an expression of
gratitude for the extremely favorable at-
titude of Italy in the question of military
control and the new reconstruction loan.
"It is possible that in the interval of time
necessary for the completion of the new
Austrian loan Italy may temporarily
withhold her indispensable definite ad-
hesion."

Signor Mussolini proceeded to deny the
existence of any international aspects of
the Upper Adige question, which was not
referred to in the Peace Treaty or dip-
lomatic instruments. The Austrians
claimed that certain promises and as-
surances had been given by pre-Fascist
governments. That might be. *TBut it
is possible that those who made these
statements have repented later in view of
the arrogant interpretation of certain
promises." In any case, the Fascist Gov-
ernment would not necessarily feel bound
to observe all these vague and verbal as-
surances given by men representing sys-
tems and governments which the Fascist
Eevolution had superseded.

Fascist Tyranny Denied

Signor Mussohni rejected in strong
terms the charges of Fascist tyranny, and
declared that Italy was not the pupil of
an Austria "which for a century had filled
the territories of half Europe with exe-
cutioners, filled the prisons with martyrs,
and set up gallows without any interrup-
tion." The absurdity of such charges
was proved by the existence of 15 news-
papers printed in German, but Signor
Mussolini gave definite warning that they
would be suppressed unless the campaign
of calumny ceased. Further, there were
still 1,040 non-Italian speaking officials
in the Province of Bolzano [the Upper
Adige]. As this was not appreciated,
these men would be made to choose be-
tween either a transfer to another part
of Italy or else dismissal from the service.

Signor Mussolini went on to argue that
much of the agitation was purely arti-
ficial and that the general population was
happy to live under Italy and the Fascist
regime. The government had spent vast
sums of money in various enterprises
undertaken for the purpose of improving
the moral and material welfare of the peo-
ple. The shrieks from the Germans must
be regarded as a proof that they realized
that the game had been lost.

An appeal to Geneva, he said, is out of
the question, since if once the problem
of minorities were raised the League of
Nations would never come to the end of
it and the plaintiff of today would become
the defendant of tomorrow. It is time to
declare that insolent speeches, odious in-
sinuations, and vulgar insults have only
one result — namely, to make the Fascists
put on the screw still more firmly and to
drive a wedge between neighboring peo-
ples. Italy wishes to remain on good
terms with the German people on con-
dition that her security is in no way
threatened.

Reactions in Austria and Germany

In commenting upon Signor Musso-
lini's speech, the Austrian press points out
that the Germans in South Tyrol would
be happy if they enjoyed the treatment of
which the Italian subjects of Austria-
Hungary could boast when the situation

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

235

was reversed for Italy. All the threats
of Signor Mussolini that he will on the
next occasion reply to Austrian com-
plaints by acts, not words, and will delay
the realization of Austria's efforts for a
new international loan, are declared to
be arguments of strength, though not
strong arguments for the purpose of
silencing the complaints of those who are
anxious about the spiritual and cultural
fate of their kin beyond the Austrian
frontier. It is hoped that Signor Musso-
lini may deceive nobody by his claim that
the Upper Adige enjoys the same privi-
leges and bears the same burdens as the
rest of the 91 provinces, because the prime
minister in the same breath expresses con-
fidence that none but confessed Italian
subjects will be there in a few years' time.

The speech has produced a very un-
pleasant impression in Germany. The
German press points out the tactlessness
of the speech from the international point
of view. It is suggested that the repudi-
ation of the promises made by the prede-
cessors of the Fascist Government cannot
fail to weaken international belief in
Italian good faith. Hitherto, remarks the
Deutsche Tageszeitung, it has been cus-
tomary in civilized countries to attach im-
portance to the fulfillment in all circum-
stances of solemn obligations such as those
undertaken in this case by former Italian
governments, and by the king himself in
the name of the Italian people, with re-
spect to the German-speaking population
of South Tyrol. "The manner in which
Mussolini now declares all such assurances
invalid must further weaken confidence
in Italy's word and promises throughout
the world." The same newspaper sug-
gests that Signor Mussolini's threat to
make the South Tyrolese themselves pay
for any further demonstrations beyond
the Brenner frontier is evidence of the
fact that, in spite of his big words, he is
not indifferent to the truth about the con-
ditions in South Tyrol becoming known
to the rest of the world.

In most of the comments it is pointed
out ironically that Signor Mussolini con-
siders himself justified in crushing the
population of an area gained, not by
Italian arms, but through the military
successes of other countries. Particular
attention is paid to his statement that
Italy wishes to remain in friendly rela-

tions with the German-speaking countries
as long as the Brenner frontier is left
alone. No other frontier established by
the Peace of 1919, it is argued, has been
accepted by the German-speaking coun-
tries with more resignation.

FRANCO-SPANISH AGREE-
MENT ON TANGIER

ON March 3 a new Franco-Spanish
agreement regarding the administra-
tion of the Tangier zone was signed in
Paris. The negotiations which have re-
sulted in the new agreement have been in
progress for over eighteen months. In
November, 1926, it was agreed between
the governments of Paris, Madrid, Lon-
don, and Eome that the question of
changes in the existing administrative
system in the Tangier zone should be left,
in its initial stages, to France and Spain.
After agreement had been reached be-
tween these two powers, London and Eome
were to be promptly notified.

The following is an official summary
of the agreement reached by France and
Spain :

The agreement respects the sovereignty
of the Sultan of Morocco and does not
break through the framework of the
Statute of 1923. It does not interfere
with the rights of the legislative and ad-
ministrative authorities established by
that statute.

The agreement applies for the duration
of the existing statute, but its provisions
will be subject to revision if any unex-
pected difficulties should arise.

The agreement provides for a modifica-
tion of the various articles of the statute
and of the penal code, designed more ef-
fectively to suppress contraband in arms
and action against public order in Mo-
rocco.

A Spanish officer is to be nominated as
Inspector-General of Police, and a French
assistant will be appointed to his staff.
The duties of the Inspector-General will
not enable him to intervene in the admin-
istration of Tangier, but will qualify him
to advise the authorities on questions
connected with the neutrality and security
of the neutral zone, and with the dis-

236

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

solution of the existing police organiza-
tion and the establishment of the police
forces provided for in the statute. The
police forces will be temporarily strength-
ened.

The text of the agreement has been
communicated to the British and Italian
governments, which have been invited to
send representatives to take part in the
subsequent negotiations. A meeting will
be held shortly in Paris to examine the
Franco-Spanish proposals and the part
which Italy would be willing to take in
the Tangier administration. When an
agreement has been reached between the
British, French, Spanish, and Italian
governments it will be submitted to the
other powers for their approval. The
present agreement is merely the prelude
to the larger negotiations on the Tangier
administration as a whole.

A reminder that the United States is
a party to the Act of Algeciras and in-
sists upon the open door in Morocco was
transmitted to the governments of Great
Britain, France, and Spain, on March 16,
by the American ambassadors in the cap-
itals of those countries.

An announcement made by the De-
partment of State on March 16 follows in
full text :

The American ambassadors in Paris,
London, Madrid, and Eome have been in-
structed to present the following mem-
orandum to the respective foreign offices
today :

"The Government of the United States has
been interested to learn that representatives
of the French, Spanish, British, and Italian
governments will shortly meet in Paris to
discuss Moroccan affairs with a view to
reaching an agreement as to the future ad-
ministration of Tangier.

"It will be recalled that prior to a sim-
ilar conference held in the autumn of 1923
by the French, Spanish, and British gov-
ernments, this government took occasion to
remind the conferring powers of its position
as a party to the Act of Algeciras, and that
it stated that while it had no political in-
terest in Morocco, it had a fundamental in-
terest in the maintenance of the open door
and in the protection of the life, liberty, and
property of its citizens in Morocco. It fur-
ther indicated that it presumed that nothing
would be done by the conferring powers to

interfere with the principle of the open door
or with the rights and interests of the United
States.

"The views of the United States regarding
Tangier which were further set forth in its
correspondence with the French, Spanish, and
British governments regarding the possibility
of its adherence to the Statute of Tangier,
remain unaltered. The Government of the
United States would accordingly advise the
powers now about to confer that it makes
full reservation of its position on any deci-
sions taken by the conference which may in
any way affect or touch upon its rights and
interests in Morocco and in Tangier."

NEW CABINET IN YUGO-
SLAVIA

DUPING the month of February,
the Yugoslav Government passed
through another of its periodic crises.
The trouble began on February 8, when
the second Vukitchevitch Cabinet re-
signed, and lasted until February 23,
when Premier Vukitchevitch succeeded in
forming his third Cabinet. The new gov-
ernment represents both the Radical and
the Democratic parties, which were forced
into a coalition as a result of a violent
agitation conducted by Stephan Eaditch,
the Croatian Peasant Party leader, in
favor of a government headed by a non-
party General. As a reply to this demand
for a military premiership, the two prin-
cipal factions of the Democratic Party
united with the Radicals to form a par-
liamentary government.

The new Cabinet is made up as follows :
M. Velya Vukitchevitch (Radical),
Prime Minister; Dr. Marinkovitch (Dem-
ocrat), Foreign Affairs; Father Anton
Koroshetz (Slovene Clerical), Interior;
M. Vlada Andritch (Radical), Agrarian
Reform; M. Milorai Vuitchitch (Radi-
cal), Justice; Dr. Milan Groll (Demo-
crat), Education; M. Vlayko Kostich
(Radical), Posts and Telegraphs; M.
Chedo Radovitch (Radical), Social Re-
form; M. Bogdan Markovitch (Radical),
Finance; Dr. Mehmed Spaho (Bosniak),
Commerce; M. Velimir Popovitch (Radi-
cal), Public Health; M. Svetozar Stanko-
vitch (Radical), Agriculture; M. Milan
Simonovitch (Radical), Public Worship;
M. Petar Markovitch (Democrat), Public
Works; M. Atza Miyevitch (Democrat),

1928

WORLD PROBLEMS IN REVIEW

23^

Mines and Forests; M. Ilia Shumenko-
viteh (Democrat), Unification of Laws;
General Milosavlyevitch (no party), Com-
munications; General Hadjitch (no
party). War.

The Skupshtina (Parliament) met on
February 29, and on March 3 M. Pri-
bitchevitch, the leader of the Dissident
Democrats, who are in opposition to the
present government, read the official state-
ment of the Croat Peasant and the Dis-
sident Democrat groups, in which there
was included a threat to leave the Skupsh-
tina and refuse to accept the budget in
Croat districts unless a change were made
in the present state of affairs.

M. Eaditch, the Croat Peasant leader,
who has been temporarily suspended from
the Skupshtina, explained later to the
press that the Croat Peasants intended to
try to force the formation of a cabinet
with a non-political general as Prime
Minister at the earliest opportunity.
From these utterances, and the whole
character of M. Raditch's activities, it
seems certain that he has assured him-
self of the support of those interests out-
side Parliament which also aim at the
formation of a cabinet under military
leadership. His immediate object is to
make normal parliamentary work impos-
sible under the present cabinet and thus
provoke a fresh crisis, which might open
the way for the accession of a general to
office. He is supported in these inten-
tions by the Centralist section of the
Radical Party, led by Dr. Sershkitch and
M. Bozha Maximovitch, who have not been
in office since M. Vukitchevitch succeeded
M. Ouzounovitch as Prime Minister in
April, 1927, and are closely allied with the
military group.

The general feeling in Yugoslavia is
that the new cabinet is not likely to last
long. It is threatened both by the op-
position and by internal friction among
the groups composing it.

time of the dissolution of the Diet in Jan-
uary, has not succeeded in bettering its
situation. It came into power in April,
1927, following the overthrow of the Min-
seito government during the banking
crisis. Representing the Seiyukai Party,
it did not command a majority in the Diet
and escaped earlier defeat by not conven-
ing the Diet. Its very first encounter
with the Diet on January 21, 1928, showed
the untenability of its position and led
Baron Tanaka, the Prime Minister, to
request for the dissolution of the Parlia-
ment.

Election Returns

The elections resulted in giving the
Seiyukai (government) and the Minseito
(opposition) party an almost equal num-
ber of seats. The position of the parties
in the new Diet is as follows:

ELECTIONS IN JAPAN

ON February 20 Japan held her first
parliamentary elections under full
manhood suffrage. The government of
Baron Tanaka, which held office at the

Seiyukai 216 Labor 8

Minseito 215 Kaliushin (for-

Independents ... 14 mer Shinsei) . . 4
Business Men 4

The opposition relies on the support of
Labor, the Kakushin, and six Independ-
ents, giving it a total of 233. Its gains
are already five more than its organizers
expected, and it may still outnumber the
Government.

Labor's eight members but poorly rep-
resent the total votes cast for its candi-
dates. In several constituencies Labor
candidates were opposed to each other;
in others Labor polled heavily, though un-
successfully. Six of the eight Labor
members belong to the Right Wing, and
five are graduates of the Imperial Uni-
versity.

A New Electorate

The most interesting feature of the
elections has been the fact that the parties
have had to face what is practically a
new electorate. For over a generation
there had been a movement in Japan to
secure universal manhood suffrage. This
movement developed slowly, until the
Manhood Suffrage Bill was passed in
May, 1925. At a stroke it added 8,000,-
000 voters to the electorate and enabled
Labor to organize politically for the first
time. It is true that subsequent legisla-

238

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

tion has put an effective brake on the
activities of ardent Labor men, but at the
same time the movement towards demo-
cratic representation effected by the pass-
ing of the bill has been significant and
unmistakable. In the election of 1924

only 3,000,000 males out of a total pop-
ulation of 60,000,000 persons were en-
titled to vote.

To be entitled to a vote, a Japanese
must be a male citizen, 35 years of age,
and self-supporting.

THE WAR PREVENTION POLICY OF THE
UNITED STATES*

By HONORABLE FRANK B. KELLOGG

Secretary of State of the United States

IT HAS been my privilege during the
past few months to conduct on behalf
of the Government of the United States
negotiations having for their object the
promotion of the great ideal of world
peace. Popular and governmental inter-
est in the realization of this ideal has
never been greater than at the present
time. Ever since the World War, which
spelled death to so many millions of men,
spread desolation over so much of the
Continent of Europe, and shocked and
imperiled neutral as well as belligerent
nations, the minds of statesmen and of
their peoples have been more and more
concerned with plans for preventing the
recurrence of such a calamity. Not only
has the League of Nations been preoccu-
pied with studies of security and world
peace, but members of the League of Na-
tions have concluded additional special
treaties like those signed at Locarno in
1925, and recently at Habana, the United
States and twenty other American States,
including seventeen members of the
League of Nations, expressed by formal
declaration their unqualified condemna-
tion of war as an instrument of national
policy, and agreed to call a conference
to draft appropriate treaties of compul-
sory arbitration.

Our New Arbitration Treaty

The Government of the United States
will never be a laggard in any effective
movement for the advancement of world
peace, and the negotiations which I have
recently been carrying on have grown out
of this government's earnest desire to pro-
mote that ideal. They have had a dual

character, having been concerned in part
with the framing of new arbitration
treaties to replace the so-called Eoot
treaties, several of which expire by limi-
tation this year, and in part with the
anti-war treaty which M. Briand proposed
to me last summer.

In the first place, it should be clearly
understood that the treaty of arbitration
which was signed last month with France
has no relation whatsoever to the proposal
submitted by M. Briand for a treaty de-
claring against war and renouncing it as
an instrument of national policy. It is
true that the preamble to the arbitration
treaty recites that France and the United
States are "eager by their example not
only to demonstrate their condemnation
of war as an instrument of national policy
in their mutual relations, but also to
hasten the time when the perfection of
international arrangements for the pacific
settlement of international disputes shall
have eliminated forever the possibility of
war among any of the powers of the
world;" but a preamble is not a binding
part of a treaty. If war is to be abolished,
it must be through the conclusion of a
specific treaty solemnly binding the par-
ties not to resort to war with one another.
It cannot be abolished by a mere declara-
tion in the preamble of a treaty. Even
though without legal effect, however, a
formal expression of the peaceful aspira-
tions of the governments and their com-
mon desire to perfect a mechanism for the
pacific settlement of justiciable disputes,
such as that found in the preamble of the

♦From an address before the Council on
Foreign Relations, at New York City, Marcti
15, 1928.

1928

WAR PREVENTION POLICY— UNITED STATES'-

239

arbitration treaty, is, I believe, very help-
ful, since it publicly defines the positions
of the two governments in a matter the
importance of which is hard to exagger-
ate.

The arbitration treaty itself I regard
as a distinct advance over any of its
predecessors, and I hope it can serve as a
model for use in negotiations with other
governments with which we have no pres-
ent arbitration treaty or where the exist-
ing Root treaties shortly expire. I have
already instituted negotiations with the
British and Japanese governments on the
basis of the draft treaty which I sub-
mitted to France last December, and I
have indicated to all inquiring govern-
ments that I shall be pleased to conclude
with them new treaties similar to that
recently signed with France. If a com-
prehensive series of such bilateral treaties
can be put into effect between the United
States and the other nations of the world,
I feel that very effective mechanism for
the pacific settlement of justiciable dis-
putes will have been established. I attach
such importance to the treaty just con-
cluded with France that I shall discuss
its provisions briefly before proceeding to
a discussion of the correspondence which
has been exchanged with France on the
subject of the so-called Briand proposal.

Article 1 of the new arbitration treaty
contains the language of the first para-
graph of the first article of the Bryan
Treaty of 1914, providing for investiga-
tion and report by a permanent interna-
tional commission of all disputes not set-
tled by diplomacy or submitted to arbi-
tration. My purpose in including this
reference to the Bryan Treaty was to rec-
ognize anew the efficacy of the procedure
established under the Bryan treaties and
to unite by reference in one document the
related processes of conciliation and arbi-
tration. The force and effect of the
Bryan Treaty with France has in no sense
been impaired by the new treaty, nor was
it intended that it should be. This is the
understanding of both governments, and
notes to that effect have been exchanged.
So far as the legal effect of the new
treaty is concerned, Article 1 could be
left out entirely and mention of the Bryan
Treaty made only in Article 2, where
there is reference to the conciliation pro-
cedure under that treaty.

Article 2 provides that —

All differences relating to international
matters in which the high contracting parties
are concerned by virtue of a claim of right
made by one against the other under treaty
or otherwise, which it has not been possible
to adjust by diplomacy, which have not been
adjusted as a result of reference to the
above-mentioned Permanent International
Commission, and which are justiciable in
their nature by reason of being susceptible
of decision by the application of the prin-
ciples of law or equity, shall be submitted
to the Permanent Court of Arbitration estab-
lished at The Hague by the convention of
October 18, 1907, or to some other competent
tribunal, as shall be decided in each case by
special agreement, which special agreement
shall provide for the organization of such
tribunal if necessary, define its powers, state
the question or questions at issue, and settle
the terms of reference.

It also contains a clause providing that
the special agreement must in each case
be ratified with the advice and consent
of the Senate. This is the usual practice
in the United States, and I do not know
of a single case where the Senate has re-
fused to consent to any special agreement
of arbitration.

Article 3 excludes from arbitration
under the treaty disputes the subject-
matter of which is within the domestic
jurisdiction of either of the parties, in-
volves the interests of third parties, de-
pends upon or involves the maintenance
of the Monroe Doctrine, and depends
upon or involves the observance of the
obligations of France under the Covenant
of the League of Nations. It is difficult
for me to see by what claim of right any
government could properly request arbi-
tration of disputes covered by these ex-
ceptions, since few, if any, would present
questions justiciable in their nature. As
a practical matter, therefore, I do not feel
that the general applicability of the new
treaty is materially restricted by the four
clauses of exclusion. The Eoot Treaty,
which it supersedes, contained a clause ex-
cluding from its scope questions affecting
"the vital interests, the independence, or
the honor" of the contracting States.
This clause was borrowed from an Anglo-
French arbitration treaty of 1903 and
represented the reservations generally re-

240

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

garded as necessary twenty-five years ago.
Arbitration has repeatedly pro-?ed its
worth since then, and inasmuch as such
vague and all-inclusive exceptions can be
construed to cover almost any substantial
international dispute and might well op-
erate to defeat the very purpose of an
arbitration treaty, I decided to eliminate
them and to specify with particularity the
questions excluded from arbitration. In
this respect the new treaty is a much more
satisfactory and practical instrument for
the adjustment of justiciable interna-
tional controversies, and it is only justi-
ciable questions that are susceptible to
arbitration.

Universal Arbitration

I do not agree with the pronouncement
of many organizations and publicists en-
gaged in the discussion of international
arbitration, to the effect that every ques-
tion between nations should be arbitrated.
This is a very simple and all-inclusive
formula, but it will not stand the test
of careful examination, and never has and
never can be universally adopted. Let us
consider for a moment what questions are
susceptible of arbitration and can be sub-
mitted by nations to the decision of an
international court. They are exactly the
same kind of questions as can be arbi-
trated between citizens of the United
States or submitted to the decision of a
local court under our form of govern-
ment— that is to say, they are questions
arising under contract or under the law
of the land. Applying this analogy in
international relations, we find that the
questions which are susceptible of arbi-
tration or impartial decision are those in-
volving rights claimed under a treaty or
under international law. A political ques-
tion cannot be arbitrated because there
are no principles of law by which it can
be decided, and unless there are relevant
treaty provisions requiring construction,
no nation can agree to arbitrate purely
domestic questions like tariff, taxation,
immigration, and, it may be said, all po-
litical questions involving the exercise of
sovereignty within the nation's territorial
limits. There are no positive rules of
international law applicable to such ques-
tions to guide arbitrators in reaching a
decision.

I am confident that the enthusiastic
supporters of the theory that all questions
between nations should be submitted to
arbitration have not realized the vital dif-
ference between justiciable and political
questions. Take, for example, the ques-
tion of immigration, which at times
arouses bitter feelings between nations.
On what principle could a government
arbitrate this question, and what rules
could be applied to guarantee justice to
the disputants? It seems to me we must
realize that so long as the world is com-
posed of separate, sovereign nations, only
those questions can properly be submitted
to arbitration which, being justiciable in
their nature, are susceptible of determina-
tion by the application of recognized rules
of law or equity. Non-justiciable or po-
litical questions must, if they threaten to
bring on hostilities, be adjusted through
other means, such as conciliation, where
a disinterested effort is made to reconcile
conflicting points of view without finding
necessarily that either party was in the
wrong.

Conciliation

It is when arbitration cannot or will
not be invoked by the parties that concili-
ation treaties have their greatest value
for adjusting international irritations
tending to inflame public opinion and im-
peril the peace of the world. One of the
first of our treaties establishing a pro-
cedure for conciliation was the so-called
Knox Treaty of 1911. That treaty,
which was also a treaty of arbitration, was
never proclaimed by the President be-
cause of certain reservations attached by
the Senate in advising and consenting
thereto. These reservations, however, did
not affect the conciliation provisions of
the treaty and need not be discussed in
this connection. Our next conciliation
treaties were the Bryan treaties, to which
I have already referred. The first of
these was signed in 1913, and there are
eighteen of them now in force. In 1923
we became parties to two other concili-
ation treaties, namely, that signed at
Washington on February 7, 1923, between
the United States and the five central
American republics, and that signed at
Santiago on May 3, 1923, between the
United States and fifteen Latin-American
countries. Both of these treaties have

1928

WAR PREVENTION POLICY— UNITED STATES*

241

been ratified by the Untied States. They
are similar to the Bryan treaties, the prin-
cipal point of difference being as to th^
manner of constituting the commissions
of inquiry.

The Bryan treaties provide, you wilt
recall, that any dispute shall, when ord^
nary diplomatic proceedings have failed
and the parties do not have recourse to
arbitration, be submitted for investigation
and report to a Permanent International
Commission composed of five members,
two of whom, a national and a non-
national, being designated by each of the
two governments and the fifth member by
agreement. The commission is bound to
report within a year from the date on
which it takes jurisdiction of the case,
and the parties agree not to resort to any
act of force prior to the commission's re-
port, reserving, however, full liberty of
action with respect to the report itself.

The United States has been a party to
conciliation treaties ior fifteen years, and
while there has never yet been an occa-
sion for invoking them, I know of no
reason why this country should object to
an inquiry by a commission of concili-
ation if war is threatened. It is claimed
in some quarters that purely domestic
questions might be inquired into by these
commissions of conciliation. While I
cannot conceive that any government
would feel justified in demanding an in-
quiry by the commission into a matter
solely within the domestic jurisdiction of
another government, I do not feel that
the point is material. The object which
is sought to be attained by conciliation
treaties is the prevention of war, and in
my opinion any government can well af-
ford to submit to inquiry any question
which may threaten to involve it in the
horrors of war, particularly when, as in
the Bryan and other treaties I have just
mentioned, the findings of the commis-
sion have no binding force and to be ef-
fective must be voluntarily accepted.

The world is more and more alive to
the necessity of preventing war, and I
think it is significant that the Sixth
International Conference of the American
States, which recently concluded its labors
at Habana, adopted two anti-war resolu-
tions, one of which contains the unquali-
fied statement that "the American repub-
lics desire to express that they condemn

war as an instrument of national policy
in their mutual relations," which, it is
interesting to note, is the language of M.
Briand's original proposal to me. The
other resolution contains the statement
that "war of aggression constitutes an
international crime against the human
species,''' and the declaration that "all
^aggression is considered illicit and as such
is declared prohibited." It is the former
resolution that I regard as of the greatest
interest at this time because, of the
twenty-one States represented at the
Habana Conference, seventeen, while
members of the League of Nations, were
not prevented by such membership from
joining in an unqualified declaration
against war. This general resolution is
also important because it endorses the
principle of compulsory arbitration for
justiciable disputes and provides for the
calling of a conference in Washington
within a year to draft appropriate treaties
of arbitration and conciliation.

Treaty Against War

I have discussed at some length the pro-
visions of the new arbitration treaty with
France. I have also outlined the scope
and purpose of the many conciliation
treaties which the United States has con-
cluded with other governments. I know
of but one other form of treaty which can
be concluded for the purpose of prevent-
ing war, and that is a treaty in which the
parties specifically bind themselves not to
resort to war. It is this kind of treaty
which people have in mind when they dis-
cuss treaties for outlawing war, and it is
a novel idea in modern international re-
lations.

As you are all aware, in a communi-
cation dated June 20, 1927, M. Briand
proposed to the United States the conclu-
sion of a bilateral treaty, under the terms
of which France and the United States
would agree to renounce war as an instru-
ment of their national policy toward each
other. This treaty provided, first, that —

The high contracting powers solemnly de-
clare, in the name of the French people and
the people of the United States of America,
that they condemn recourse to war and re-
nounce it respectively as an instrument of
their national policy toward each other.

242

and, secondly, that —

The settlement or the solution of all dis-
putes or conflicts, of whatever nature or of
whatever origin they may be, which may
arise between France and the United States
of America, shall never be sought by either
side except by pacific means.

This important and inspiring proposal
was carefully and sympathetically studied
by the Government of the United States.
While we might well have hesitated to
take the initiative in proposing such a
treaty to Europe, the invitation from
France afforded us an opportunity to ex-
amine anew the whole question of world
peace and to determine in what practical
manner we could best co-operate. We
made that examination, and in my note of
December 28, 1927, after expressing the
sincere appreciation of the United States
for the offer which France had so im-
pressively submitted, I warmly seconded
M. Briand's proposition that war be for-
mally renounced as an instrument of na-
tional policy, but suggested that instead
of giving effect thereto in a bilateral
treaty between France and the United
States, an equivalent multilateral treaty
be concluded among the principal powers
of the world, open to adherence by any
and all nations, thus extending through-
out the world the benefits of a covenant
originally suggested as between France
and the United States alone. The powers
which I suggested be invited in the first
instance to join with France and the
United States in such a treaty were Great
Britain, Germany, Italy, and Japan.

France, I am happy to say, promptly
agreed in principle to the idea of a multi-
lateral treaty. France suggested, how-
ever, that the treaty provide only for the
renunciation of wars of aggression, ex-
plaining that while France could conclude
a bilateral treaty with the United States
providing for the unqualified renunciation
of war, the conclusion of a similar multi-
lateral treaty presented certain difficulties
in view of the obligations of France under
the Covenant of the League of Nations,
treaties such as those signed at Locarno
in October, 1925, and other international
conventions relating to guaranties of neu-
trality. The French Government also
pointed out that in September, 1927, the

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

members of the League of Nations
adopted a resolution condemning aggres-
sive war as an international crime. In
these circumstances France expressed the
opinion that the common object of the
two governments could best be attained
by framing the proposed anti-war treaty
so as to cover wars of aggression only. I
have not been able to agree to that reser-
vation.

My objection to limiting the scope of
an anti-war treaty to mere wars of aggres-
sion is based partly upon a very real dis-
inclination to see the ideal of world peace
qualified in any way, and partly upon the
absence of any satisfactory definition of
the word "aggressor" or the phrase "wars
of aggression." It is difiicult for me to
see how a definition could be agreed upon
which would not be open to abuse. The
danger inherent in any definition is recog-
nized by the British Government, which
in a memorandum recently submitted to
the Subcommittee on Security of the Pre-
paratory Committee on Disarmament of
the League of Nations, discussed at-
tempted definitions of this character and
quoted from a speech by the British For-
eign Secretary in which Sir Austen said:
I therefore remain opposed to this attempt
to define the aggressor because I believe that
it will be a trap for the innocent and a sign-
post for the guilty.

I agree with Sir Austen on this point.

It seems to me that any attempt to de-
fine the word "aggressor," and by excep-
tions and qualifications to stipulate when
nations are justified in going to war with
one another, would greatly weaken the
effect of any treaty such as that under
consideration and virtually destroy its
positive value as a guaranty of peace.
And in my last note to the French Gov-
ernment I stated expressly that I could
not avoid feeling that if governments
should publicly acknowledge that they
could only deal with this ideal of world
peace in a technical spirit and must insist
upon the adoption of reservations impair-
ing if not utterly destroying the true sig-
nificance of their common endeavors, they
would be in effect only recording their
impotence, to the keen disappointment of
mankind in general.

In my note of February 27, 1928, I also
discussed at some length the question

1928

WAR PREVENTION POLICY— UNITED STATES*

243

raised by the Government of France,
whether, as a member of the League of
Nations and as a party to the treaties of
Locarno and other treaties guaranteeing
neutrality, France could agree with the
United States and the other principal
world powers not to resort to war in their
mutual relations without ipso facto vio-
lating their present obligations under
those treaties. I pointed out that if those
obligations could be interpreted so as to
permit France to conclude with the
United States alone a treaty such as that
proposed by M. Briand, it was not un-
reasonable to suppose that they could be
interpreted with equal justice so as to
permit France to join with the United
States in offering to conclude an equiva-
lent multilateral treaty with the other
principal powers of the world. I stated
that it seemed to me that the difference
between the bilateral and multilateral
form of treaty having for its object the
unqualified renunciation of war was one
of degree and not of substance, and that
a government able to conclude such a bi-
lateral treaty should be no less able to
become a party to an identical multi-
lateral treaty, since it could hardly be pre-
sumed that members of the League of
Nations were in a position to do sepa-
rately something that they could not do
together.

In these circumstances I expressed the
earnest hope that France, which admit-
tedly perceives no bar to the conclusion
of an unqualified anti-war treaty with the
United States alone, would be able to
satisfy itself that an equivalent treaty
among the principal world powers would
be equally consistent with membership in
the League of Nations, adding that if
members of the League of Nations could
not, without violating the terms of the
covenant, agree among themselves and
with the United States to renounce war
as an instrument of their national policy,
it seemed idle to discuss either bilateral
or multilateral treaties unreservedly re-
nouncing war. In that connection I
called attention to the fact that the
twenty-one American States represented
at the recent Habana Conference adopted
a resolution unqualifiedly condemning
war as an instrument of national policy
in their mutual relations, and to the fact

that seventeen of the twenty-one States
represented at that conference are mem-
bers of the League of Nations.

I concluded my note with the unequivo-
cal statement that the Government of the
United States desires to see the institu-
tion of war abolished and stands ready to
conclude with the French, British, Ital-
ian, German, and Japanese governments
a single multilateral treaty, open to sub-
sequent adherence by any and all other
governments, binding the parties thereto
not to resort to war with one another.
This is the position of the Government of
the United States and this is the object
which we are seeking to attain.

I cannot believe that such a treaty
would violate the terms of the League
Covenant or conflict necessarily with the
obligations of the members of the League.
Even Article 10 of the covenant has been
construed to mean that League members
are not inescapably bound thereby to em-
ploy their military forces. According to
a recent statement by the British Govern-
ment, many members of the League ac-
cept as the proper interpretation of Ar-
ticle 10 a resolution submitted to the
Fourth Assembly, but not formally
adopted owing to one adverse vote. That
resolution stated explicitly :

It is for the constitutional authorities of
each member to decide, in reference to the
obligation of preserving the independence
and the integrity of the territory of mem-
bers, in what degree the member is bound
to assure the execution of this obligation by
employment of its military forces.

I earnestly hope, therefore, that the
present negotiations looking to the con-
clusion of an unqualified multilateral
anti-war treaty may ultimately achieve
success, and I have no doubt that if the
principal powers of the world are united
in a sincere desire to consummate such
a treaty, a formula can be devised which
will be acceptable to them all. Since,
however, the purpose of the United States
is so far as possible to eliminate war as
a factor in international relations, I can-
not state too emphatically that it will not
become a party to any agreement which
directly or indirectly, expressly or by im-
plication, is a military alliance. The
United States cannot obligate itself in
advance to use its armed forces against

244

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

any other nation of the world. It does
not believe that the peace of the world
or of Europe depends upon or can be as-
sured by treaties of military alliance, the
futility of which as guarantors of peace
is repeatedly demonstrated in the pages
of history.

Conclusion

I must not claim that treaties of arbi-
tration and conciliation, or even treaties
explicitly renouncing war as an instru-
ment of national policy, afford a certain
guaranty against those conflicts between
nations which have periodically broken
out since the dawn of world history. In
addition to treaties, there must be an
aroused public conscience against the
utter horror and frightfulness of war.
The peoples of the world must enjoy a

peaceful mind, as it has been said, and
treaties such as those I have discussed,
and the efforts of statesmen to advance
the cause of world peace, can only be re-
garded as a portion of the problem.

I am not so blind as to believe that the
millennium has arrived, but I do believe
that the world is making great strides
toward the pacific adjustment of inter-
national disputes, and that the common
people are of one mind in their desire to
see the abolition of war as an institution.
Certainly the United States should not be
backward in promoting this new move-
ment for world peace, and both personally
and officially as Secretary of State I shall
always support and advocate the conclu-
sion of appropriate treaties for arbitra-
tion, for conciliation, and for the renunci-
ation of war.

AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO EDUCA-
TION FOR INTERNATIONAL UNDER-
STANDING AND GOOD WILL

By BAYARD DODGE*
President of the American University at Beirut, Syria

ONE reason why nations misunder-
stand each other is because they
have different notions of training their
youth. People in America often think
that British institutions lack a note of the
practical as well as- the element of democ-
racy. At the same time they feel that
French schools are not enough concerned
with morality and rugged manhood and
are too much interested in the esthetic
and purely intellectual. In the same way
people in Europe misinterpret our Amer-
ican universities as being too materialistic
and using schoolboy methods of disci-
pline. When American schools are
planted in foreign lands, it is possible to
compare different systems of education, so
as to appreciate their several virtues and
weaknesses.

At Beirut, for instance, our academic
standards and diplomas are authorized by
the Board of Regents of the State of New
York. As we are in a French mandatory

♦President Dodge is a direct lineal de-
scendant of David Low Dodge, in whose
home the American Peace Society was born.

state, we are building up a French lycee
course side by side with our American
high school and junior college work. Our
medical course involves five years instead
of four, and our fifth-year men can sub-
stitute work at Lyon or Montpellier for
the last year at Beirut. With the co-oper-
ation of the French authorities, we are
building up a midwifery course which will
supplement our distinctly American work
for the trained nurse's certificate.

Our athletics were organized by an
Englishman along English lines. As
many boys come from British colonial
schools, we accept the British secondary
system as preparation for college entrance.
Students who hold French baccalaureate
diplomas and know English or students
who pass the Oxford-Cambridge entrance
examinations may pass on directly to our
higher classes. British educational offi-
cials are helping us to institute "honors"
courses for our upper classmen and sug-
gesting how we can adapt our teachers'
training courses so as to provide instruc-
tors for British Government schools.

1928

AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS

245

It is humbling to an American to realize
how often foreign methods are better than
our own. The French, for instance, teach
penmanship in their elementary schools
much better than we do. Their concep-
tion of secondary education is less bound
down by college entrance boards and their
insistence to have teachers properly pre-
pared is worthy of note. The British
thoroughness is a constant inspiration, as
well as the English system of relationship
between teacher and student.

At the same time our American meth-
ods are a help to some of the foreign
States. Just lately wealthy Greeks have
pledged $500,000 to entice Americans to
institute a college at Athens. Simul-
taneously the Bulgarian Government has
given $50,000 to help found an American
school at Sofia. Both the Greeks and
Bulgarians have been so much impressed
with the honest manhood of Eobert Col-
lege graduates that they wish to establish
model schools in their national capitals
to exemplify American methods of char-
acter-building to the teachers of their gov-
ernment schools.

I suppose that my house at Beirut is
typical of the homes of principals of
American schools in foreign lands.

During the past year we have enter-
tained the heads of the educational sys-
tems of three British territories, as well
as educational authorities of French
Syria. French Jesuit and lay professors,
French and British doctors, and military
officers, consuls of many continental
powers, and miscellaneous Europeans of
different types have been our guests.
Such points of contact are of great im-
portance, as they create good will between
Europe and America.

Interpretation of the East to People of the
West

For generations the Christians of the
West have been subject to prejudices con-
cerning Oriental sects of Christianity and
Islam. I remember a tourist who sat
down in our staff room in Beirut and said
with a strident voice: "How can I see
one of these barbarous Druzes?'* I an-
swered the question by introducing him to
a charming and cultured gentleman at his
left, who was a Druze professor on our
faculty.

Americans come in contact with immi-
grant peddlers in the United States. If
they travel, they see hotel servants and
shopkeepers. They read of massacres and
the attacks of persons biased against non-
Christian sects. Surely it is a duty for
our educational institutions to help
America to see the good in the ancient
races of the East.

The Confidence of the West Must Be Won by
the East

Orientals cannot rival Occidentals in
efficiency for modern life until they have
adequate training. To give the Oriental
a chance, we should help him to gain a
proper training, so that he can prove his
worth. If he is trained, he should be
given a real share of responsibility, so
that he can further prove himself.

Many Eastern teachers and administra-
tors in our American schools have been
given fair play of this kind. We know
how it has led to their shouldering respon-
sibility in China and India. We have
had similar experiences in the Near East.

Last year the teaching and administra-
tive force of the American University of
Beirut was composed in the following way :
86 Syrians, 69 Americans, 14 Armenians,
8 French, 8 Russians, 6 English, 5 Greek,
4 Palestinian, 3 Canadian, 3 Swiss, 1
Austrian, 1 Persian, 1 from Poland, and
1 from 'New Zealand.

All of these individuals of so many
different nationalities are paid on the
same basis; they have the same right to
sit on committees, to hear about matters
of confidence, and to take part in the ad-
ministration of the university. The di-
rector of the School of Pharmacy is a
Greek and the principal of the big pre-
paratory school is a Syrian, with many
French, American, and Syrian teachers
under him.

Such an organization gives the people
of Asia a chance to show their ability side
by side with people of the West so as to
gain their respect.

Foreign States Must Learn to Trust
Each Other

My experience is too limited to be able
to speak of chances for American schools
to foster friendship between the provinces

246

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

and principalities of India, or between
neighboring peoples of the Far East, like
China and Japan,

In the Near East there has always been
hatred between local States. It has been
the cause of war from the time of Eam-
eses to our own day, and I venture to say
that it will cause new wars unless our
cosmopolitan colleges can teach young
men and women of hostile countries to be
friends.

Last year the statistics for student
registration at Eobert College and the
American University of Beirut were as
follows :

Ro'bert College

Turkish 366

Greek 117

Armenian 92

Bulgarian 69

Israelite 38

Russian 26

Albanian 17

Persian 8

Syrian g

American 5

English 5

Arab 3

German ,

Egyptian

Tartar

Azerbaijanian
Caucasian . . .

Croatian

Czecho-Slovak

French

Hungarian . . ,

Irakian

Karaim

Rumanian . . . ,

American University of Beirut
Syrians 445 Irakian 172

Armenians 140

Egyptians 98

Greeks 30

Other Asiatics . . 10

Abyssinians .... 6

Palestinians 206

Persians 48

Other Euro-
peans 25

North and South
Americans . . 18

Of this number, 605 were non-Christians
and 593 were Christians.

When students of so many races play
on the same teams, eat in the same refec-
tories, sit alphabetically in class-rooms,
organize student societies, and live in har-
mony together, the significance of our
college work can be appreciated.

Just after the Greek-Turkish War I
saw a young Greek presiding over several
hundred fellow-students in the big study
room at Eobert College. No teacher was
in sight, but there was perfect order.
The student government had elected the
Greek as leader, and Turks, Albanians,
Bulgarians, and Armenians were willing
to obey him. Let this be a good omen
for peace in the Balkans.

Constructive Interpretation of Western Life

The old idea that "East is East and
West is West" is rapidly breaking down,
as modern inventions are drawing diflEer-
ent parts of the world together and as
modern culture is taking the place of the
old traditions and prejudices which sep-
arated people. During this period of ex-
change of thought and custom between
various parts of the world, it is most im-
portant that our American schools and
colleges should give a constructive inter-
pretation of Western ideas to the peoples
of the East.

In the wake of the war there has come
a flood of foreign influences pouring into
the countries of Asia. In the forefront
of this new "Western civilization^' are
British Tommies, French poilus, and for-
eign business agents. Closely following
them are liquor saloons, gambling clubs,
dance halls, licensed prostitution, cheap
movies, translations of "best sellers," yel-
low journals, poorly written articles on
science, and radical propaganda.

Half hidden across the sea are the true
brdwarks of Western progress, such as
British home life, French culture, and our
occidental respect for labor. One of the
greatest tasks of American education is
to step into the front line of this advance
of modernism so as to interpret the good
things of civilization in a constructive
way before the people of the East are
demoralized by the evil influences of West-
ern life.

We can aid the Orientals to realize that
democratic forms of government repre-
sent a responsibility rather than freedom
for individual ambition and selfish suc-
cess. The introduction of popular elec-
tions, legislative forms of government, re-
sponsible cabinets, and the doing away
with crowned heads has brought to the
front all of the temptations which we know
of in our own political life. We must
help the people of the East to realize these
dangers and to try to meet them by efforts
of a constructive nature.

We can also help Orientals to under-
stand the West by giving them a whole-
some attitude toward emancipated woman-
hood and a proper relationship between
the sexes. Furthermore, we can help
them to face modern science, so as to
realize that it may be a cause of faith and
tolerance rather than a basis for atheism.

1928

AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS

247

In many of our American colleges in
Asia there is coeducation. Student socie-
ties, athletic teams, and forms of self-
government teach the young men and
women how to administer their college
affairs in a democratic way, so that they
will feel the responsibilities involved.
Their contacts with professors of scien-
tific departments show them that scientifi-
cally trained men can be intensely re-
ligious, and their training in practical
matters helps them to gain respect for
the importance of work. Thus our Amer-
ican institutions can exercise a very great
influence in helping the growing genera-
tion of Asia to gain a constnictivQ inter-
pretation of Western life.

Realms in Which Men Unite

There are at least four great spheres
of thought and activity in which these
students can find common grounds for
unity, as they live together, play together,
and work side by side.

First of all, there is science, which is
absolutely international in its scope. A
short time ago a young French doctor
came to Beirut to teach and to conduct
some research experiments in connection
with Oriental fevers. He took over the
laboratory of a Canadian, who was con-
stantly near to him. His technician was
a Russian. His laboratory associate was
a Syrian Maronite. The professor of
bacteriology took part in some of his
work and was an American. An Ar-
menian boy, a Jewess, and a Sudanese girl
helped with the technical work. There
was also an Egyptian Mohammedan in-
tern who gave some time to the research.
All of these difl'erent races were drawn
together in a united effort to cure disease.
Galileo, Lister, Darwin, Pasteur, and a
host of others were international, tran-
scending differences of birth, because they
served humanity. As our American uni-
versities in foreign lands follow the mag-
nificent example of the Eockefeller Foun-
dation and seek a science that is inter-
national in its scope, they will find that
the cause of science is a veritable gospel
of peace.

Another field of endeavor which is in-
ternational is that of commerce. In a
number of our American colleges abroad

the importance of commercial and eco-
nomic work is emphasized. As young
men dream about developing the trade and
industry of their lands, they soon find
that international co-operation must re-
place the sort of selfish nationalism about
which agitators talk. If our schools can
give a few leaders the belief that national
prosperity can only be based upon indus-
try and trade, it will steady their judg-
ment and lead them to work for co-
operation rather than war.

Although religion has separated people
in the past, I feel sure that it is a third
sphere in which our students can find a
common basis for understanding. At
Beirut the Moslems, Jews, and Christians
of many sects conduct a religious organ-
ization which is voluntary. The name is
The Brotherhood and the motto is: "The
realm in which we agree is vastly larger
than the realm in which we differ." Oflfi-
cers are chosen from the different sects
on an equal footing. There is a special
collection of writings from famous re-
ligious scriptures to make it possible to
read passages that are not distinctly sec-
tarian. Many committees arrange for
social service work, for activities on the
campus, for delegations to schools and vil-
lages of the interior, and for the giving
of aid to refugees. Members of different
sects are drawn together for devotion, dis-
cussion, and practical service in a way
which unites them in a brotherhood of
common idealism.

As our American schools give the ad-
vantages of education without thought of
propaganda, they can prove that nations
may love and aid each other without ul-
terior motive. Once this fact is well
understood, it will do much toward creat-
ing a better understanding between peo-
ples of different lands. At Beirut, for
instance, we do not try to Americanize
our students or to carry on any propa-
ganda. We do not fly the American flag
from our college tower. English is taught
to the students as a language of science,
but we encourage them to learn their
native languages even more perfectly and
to take pride in their own forms of cul-
ture. We are trying to train teachers
who can adapt their courses to the East,
rather than to teach the kind of things
that are suitable in the United States.

The students are permitted to observe

248

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Api'il

their own holidays; they are not obliged
to attend Christian services, and every
effort is made to respect their native cus-
toms. A kosher restaurant is conducted
for the Jews and special arrangements are
made to enable Moslem students to keep
the Fast of Eamadan. The whole pur-
pose of the campus life is to stimulate an
interest in the things of the East, so that
the students will know that the university
is being supported to give reconstruction
to Eastern lands rather than to bring gain
either to the United States or to any one
sect.

The Mission Church has a definiteness
that the school may lack. On the other
hand, the school aims to create character
rather than to increase any one particular
denomination. As such, the school is
bound to break down prejudice and create
brotherhood.

Just after the Greek attack on Smyrna
a religious organization of Turkish girls
in the Constantinople Woman''s College
raised money to aid the poor. As the
Greek refugee families along the Bos-
phorus were in especial need, the students
gave their help to Greeks rather than to
their fellow Turks. Eeligioh for these
Turkish girls did not mean a holy war,
but love and forgiveness.

The other sphere which unites our
students may be called the realm of cul-
ture, for lack of a better name. Two
years ago an international congress met
at Beirut to encourage archeology. Many
of the delegates visited our campus, and
it was an inspiration to our students to
see how a cultural interest of that sort
could obliterate national prejudices. I
need not enlarge upon this matter, as we
all know how international art, literature,
archeology, the drama, and other cultural
interests can become, but in closing I
want to give an example of how music may
bind men together.

Last spring a German consul came to
Beirut to open a new office. He came
reluctantly, as he expected to find a hos-
tile reception in a territory administered
by a French mandate.

A week after his arrival he accepted an
invitation to attend a concert at the
American University, to celebrate the one
hundredth anniversary of his compatriot,
Beethoven. An orchestra composed of
Russians, French, Armenians, and Amer-
icans played the music. The French

High Commissioner, the French Admiral,
and a galaxy of French and Syrian offi-
cials were present, with a picturesque dis-
play of bright uniforms. The consuls of
seven or eight of the Entente powers were
much in evidence. The seven hundred
seats in the auditorium were filled by
members of the French, British, and
American communities, as well as by stu-
dents and people of Beirut. There had
not been such an assembly before that
winter. The enthusiasm was deep, as all
realized the greatiess of the German com-
poser.

After the concert the German consul
took his leave. He was too much touCi- 3d
to say very much, but he did grasp ine
firmly by the hand, as he told me that- e
was going back to his office to send a com-
munication to Berlin. He wished his
countrymen to know how much our uni-
versity could accomplish to bring a>out
international understanding and good
will.

When storm clouds are still hanging
black around us and men and women
everywhere are praying for peace, it is a
stirring thing to know that American edu-
cation can change prejudice into under-
standing and raise up leaders of the future
who may guide their peoples out of hate
to loftier realms of tolerance and trust.

THE ROYGE PLAN OF
INSURANCE

For the Discouragement of War and
the Relief of Its Victims

By S. J. MacFARRAN

^1"^ HE adoption of this crowning work*
-L of its distinguished author would in-
volve no change in the centuries-old prin-
ciples or practice of our established in-
surance, but merely the extension of their
use to new fields, enlarging their scale
from individual to community needs, as
in the familiar group insurance which our
government applied to the case of World
War veterans. The Eoyce Plan is just as
practicable as are scores of current trans-
actions in this familiar business. It con-
sists in the issuance of policies to nations
against disasters and calamities, from
pestilence to earthquakes, and including
war, on parallel lines to our present fire,

*"War and Insurance," an address by Joslah
lioyce, Aug. 27, 1014, and published In book form
by Macmillan Company the same year.

1928

ROYCE PLAN OF INSURANCE

249

life, and marine insurance, by a founda-
tion equipped for the work, managed by a
board of trustees composed of business
men and excluding politics in any form.
While not operated for profit, it would be
self-supporting and perpetuating.

Under present conditions, the enormous
capital necessary might be furnished by a
score or two of Morgans, Fords, and
Eockefellers in each of the great nations,
if the nations, upon which Professor
Eoyce depended, were slow in adopting it
as a substitute for war and navy costs.

Had the European countries held poli-
cies under the Royce Plan in 1914, Ger-
ni''ny's premiums would have been a total
loss when she entered Belgium or fired the
L 't shot, while, on the other hand, the
Allies would have had, in the form of in-
surance, the means for defense or their
price.

8o Mexico, insured under the plan,
wouid have had her defense fund in hand
before our guns were cool at Vera Cruz,
while we would have paid for nothing if
insured.

Neither courts nor diplomats could
have interposed between the victims and
the trustees, nor delayed relief while the
aggressor's foothold was secured. So with
China, Japan, Russia, Poland, Turkey,
Italy, etc. — the aggressor would lose and
the attacked gain by the prompt business
action of a board of trustees composed of
the Youngs, Daweses, and Roots of all the
world, trustees, supreme by the terms of
the policies in each case, just as recognized
arbitrators are supreme now in some —

perhaps soon to be many — of our States.

Perhaps the greatest advantage of the
Royce Plan would lie in reversing the
balance of world finance from war to
peace, making war unprofitable and dis-
reputable, while creating, by tested busi-
ness methods, free from politics, the inter-
national mind which must precede perma-
nent peace.

How it would do these things will
appear to the student of the plan itself, as
outlined in the lecture (at the Beverly In-
stitute) ; but our Mr. Gilbert's recent
criticism of Germany and its effect may
furnish an apt, if partial, illustration of
what business methods may effect when
backed by world opinion.

And the plan would brand with dis-
repute some current methods of war
financing by making peace financing dom-
inant "on change." By means familiar to
bankers, such as withdrawal of widespread
deposits or loans, it could have rebuked
the brag and bluster of imperial Germany,
in the interest of her people and the world,
long before 1914, making war prepara-
tions unprofitable, instead of tempting to
speculation.

In view of our holdings and commit-
ments in Panama and Nicaragua, it would
pay the United States as well as the canal
can to finance Royce Plan insurance for
the wrangling Central American States,
if not others, and it would do more the
first year of operation to cement the foun-
dations of real peace in our southern hori-
zon than the labors of all the statesmen
since Bolivar.

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

DRAFT TREATY BETWEEN

GREAT BRITAIN AND

EGYPT

(Note. — Following is the text of the draft
treaty between Great Britain and Egypt re-
jected by the Egyptian Government:)

His Majesty the King of Great Britain,
Ireland and the British Dominions beyond
the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty
the King of Egypt, being anxious to con-

solidate the friendship and to maintain and
perpetuate the relations of good understand-
ing between their respective countries. And
considering that in order to secure this
object it is desirable to give precision to the
relationship between the two countries by
resolving and defining the outstanding ques-
tions at issue which formed the subject of
the reservations which His Britannic
Majesty's Government considered it neces-
sary to make on the occasion of the declara-

250

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

tion of February 28, 1922, being anxious to
eliminate the possibility of interference in
the internal administration of Egypt, and
considering that these objects will best be
achieved by the conclusion of a treaty of
friendship and alliance, which in their com-
mon interest will provide for effective co-
operation in the joint task of ensuring the
defense and independence of Egypt, have
agreed to conclude a treaty for this purpose,
and have appointed as plenipotentiaries
His Majesty the King of Great Britain, Ire-
land, and the British Dominions beyond the
Seas, Emperor of India ; for Great Britain
and Northern Ireland, the Right Honor-
able the Lord Lloyd, G. C. S. I., G. O. I. E.,
D. S. O., member of his Most Honorable Privy
council; His Majesty the King of Egypt;
His Excellency Abdel Khalek Sarwat Pasha,
President of the Council of Ministers, who,
having communicated their full powers,
found in good and due form, have agreed
as follows :

Article 1
An alliance is established between the
high contracting parties in consecration of
their friendship, their cordial understanding
and their good relations.

Article 2

His Majesty the King of Egypt undertakes
not to adopt in foreign coimtries an attitude
incompatible with the alliance or liable to
create difficulties for His Britannic Majesty ;
not to oppose in foreign countries the policy
followed by His Britannic Majesty and not
to conclude with a foreign Power any agree-
ment which might be prejudicial to British
interests.

Article 3

If, by reason of any attack or act of ag-
gression whatsoever, His Majesty the King
of Egypt should be involved in war for the
defense of his territory or for the protection
of the interests of his country, His Britan-
nic Majesty will, subject always to the pro-
visions of the Covenant of the League of
Nations, come immediately to his aid in the
capacity of belligerent.

Article 4
Should circumstances arise likely to im-
peril the good relations between His Majesty
the King of Egypt and a foreign Power or
threaten the lives or property of foreigners
in Egypt, His Majesty will at once consult
with His Britannic Majesty with a view to

the adoption of the measures best calculated
to solve the difficulty.

Article 5
In view of the cooperation between the two
armies as contemplated in article 3, the
Egyptian Government pledge themselves to
carry out the instruction and training of the
Egyptian army in accordance with the
methods of the British army ; should the
Egyptian Government deem it necessary to
have recourse to the services of foreign offi-
cers or instructors, they will choose them
from among British subjects.

Article 6
In the event of His Britannic Majesty
being menaced with or engaged in war, even
though such war should in no way affect the
rights and interests of Egypt, His Majesty
the King of Egypt undertakes to furnish to
His Britannic Majesty in Egyptian territory
all the facilities and assistance in his power,
including the use of his ports, aerodromes
and all means of communication.

Article 7

In order to facilitate and secure to His
Britannic Majesty the protection of the
lines of communication of the British
Empire, and pending the conclusion at some
future date of an agreement by which His
Britannic Majesty entrusts His Majesty the
King of Egypt with the task of ensuring this
protection, His Majesty the King of Egypt
authorizes His Britannic Majesty to main-
tain upon Egyptian territory such armed
forces as His Britannic Majesty's Govern-
ment consider necessary for this purpose.
The presence of these forces shall not con-
stitute in any manner an occupation and
will in no way prejudice the sovereign rights
of Egypt.

After a period of ten years from the com-
ing into force of the present treaty, the high
contracting parties will reconsider, in the
light of their experience of the operation of
the provisions of the present treaty, the
question of the localities in which the said
forces are to be stationed. Should no agree-
ment be reached on this point, the question
may be submitted to the Council of the
League of Nations. Should the decision of
the League of Nations be adverse to the
claims of the Egyptian Government, the
question can, at their request and imder the
same conditions, be reinvestigated at inter-

1928

INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

251

vals of five years from the date of the
League's decision.

Article 8

In view of the friendship between the two
countries and of the alliance established by
this treaty, the Egyptian Government when
engaging the services of foreign officials will
as a rule give preference to British subjects.

Nationals of other Powers will only be
engaged if no British subjects possessing the
necessary qualifications and fulfilling the
requisite conditions are available.

Article 9
His Britannic Majesty undertakes to use
all his influence with the Powers possessing
capitulatory rights in Egypt to obtain the
modification of the capitulatory regime now
existing in Egypt so as to make it conform
more closely with the spirit of the times
and with the present state of Egypt.

Article 10
His Britannic Majesty will use his good
oflices for the admission of Egypt to the
League of Nations, and will support the re-
quest which Egypt will present to this effect.
Egypt for her part declares herself ready to
accept the conditions prescribed for admis-
sion to the League.

Article 11
In view of the special relations created
between the high contracting parties by the
alliance, His Britannic Majesty will be repre-
sented at the Court of His Majesty the King
of Egypt by an Ambassador, duly accredited,
to whom His Majesty the King of Egypt will
grant precedence over all other foreign re-
presentatives.

Article 12
Nothing in the present treaty is intended
to or shall in any way prejudice the rights
and obligations which devolve or many de-
volve upon either of the high contracting
parties under the Covenant of the League of
Nations.

Article 13

The arrangements for carrying certain
provisions of the present treaty into effect
form the annex hereto, which shall have the
same validity and duration as the treaty.

Article 14
The high contracting parties, although con-
vinced that by reason of the precise defini-

tions laid down above as to the nature of the
relations between the two countries no mis-
understanding is to be anticipated between
them, agree, nevertheless, in their anxiety
to maintain their good relations, that any
disagreement on the subject of the applica-
tion or of the interpretation of these pro-
visions which they are unable to settle by
direct negotiation shall be dealt with in ac-
cordance with the provisions of the Cove-
nant of the League of Nations.

The present treaty shall be ratified and
the ratifications shall be exchanged at
as soon as possible.

In witness whereof the undersigned have
signed the present treaty and have affixed
thereto their seals.

Done at Cairo, in duplicate, the
day of

The annex referred to in Article 13 is
as follows:

Annex
I.

(a) In default of previous agreement be-
tween the high contracting parties to the con-
trary, British personnel on the existing scale
shall be maintained in the Egyptian army
with their present functions and on the con-
ditions of the existing contracts during the
period of ten years provided for in article 7
of the treaty.

(6) The Egyptian Government will not
cause the personnel of the Egyptian army
to be trained abroad elsewhere than in Great
Britain. The Government of His Britannic
Majesty for their part undertake to receive
any mission which the Egyptian Government
may send to Great Britain for this purpose.

(c) The armament employed by the Egyp-
tian army shall not differ in type from that
of the British Army. His Britannic Majes-
ty's Government undertake to use their good
offices, whenever so desired by the Egyptian
Government, to facilitate its supply from
Great Britain.

(d) The privileges and immunities at
present enjoyed by the British forces In
Egypt shall continue. The Egyptian Gov-
ernment will continue to place at the dis-
posal of the said forces, free of charge, the
land and buildings at present occupied by
them until such time as an alteration is
made, in accordance with the second para-
graph of article 7 of the treaty in the local-
ities in which the said forces are stationed.

252

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

When any such alteration is made, the land
and buildings vacated shall revert to the
Egyptian Government, who will provide, free
of charge, in the localities to which the
forces are transferred, equivalent accommo-
dation to that provided by the land and
buildings vacated.

(e) Unless the high contracting parties
shall previously have agreed to the con-
trary, the Egyptian Government will pro-
hibit the passage of aircraft over the terri-
tory situated on either side of the Suez
Canal, and within 20 kilom. of it. This pro-
hibition will not, however, apply to the
forces of the high contracting parties or to
services already established under existing
agreements.

. II.

(a) The Egyptian Government, in agree-
ment with His Britannic Majesty's Govern-
ment, will appoint a financial adviser.
When it shall be so desired, the powers at
present exercised by the Commissioners of
the Debt shall be conferred upon him. He
will be kept informed of all legislative pro-
posals of such a nature that, to be applicable
to foreigners, they would require in present
circumstances the consent of the capitulatory
Powers. He shall be at the disposal of the
Egyptian Government for all other matters
in regard to which they may wish to consult
him.

(ft) Having regard to future changes in
the judicial organization as envisaged in
article 9 of the treaty, the Egyptian Govern-
ment will name, in agreement with His
Britannic Majesty's Government, a judicial
adviser. He shall be kept informed of all
matters concerning the administration of jus-
tice in which foreigners are concerned, and
will be at the disposal of the Egyptian Gov-
ernment for all other matters in regard to
which they may wish to consult him.

(c) Until the coming into force, as the re-
sult of agreements between Egypt and the
Powers concerned, of the reform of the capit-
ulatory system contemplated in article 9 of
the treaty, the Egyptian Government will
not modify, except in agreement with His
Britannic Majesty's Government, the num-
ber, status and functions of the British offi-
cials engaged at the moment in the public
security and police services.

News in Brief

An arbitration treaty with France was
ratified by the United States Senate, in ex-
ecutive session, on March 6.

According to the latest census taken by
the police there are now residing in the city
and suburbs of Peking, 1,297,718 Chinese and
2,289 foi'eigners.

Air mail service from France to South
America was inaugurated February 28. Mail
goes from Paris and the noi'th by airplane
to Marseilles, thence by air to St. Louis,
Senegal, fast boat to Brazil, and by plane
again to Buenos Aires. By this means mail
passes between Paris and Buenos Aires in
twelve to fifteen days.

The Council of the League of Nations,
meeting early in March, definitely approved
the plans for a building on the shores of
Lake Geneva. This automatically decides
the question as to whether the Secretariat
shall remain in Geneva or move to some
other city.

The Institute of World Unity, summer
school of the World Unity Magazine, will
hold its second annual session, at Green
Acre, Eliot, Maine, from July 30 to August
24.

The British Board of Film Censors has
declined to issue a license for "Dawn" the
British-made film depicting the life and
death of Nurse Edith Cavell. The film is
believed to be unhistorical, and therefore
"inexpedient to exhibit."

Spain and Brazil were invited to reenter
the League of Nations by the Council of the
League, meeting on March 8.

Peace and good will could be inculcated
through the circulation of books containing
accurate information about the different
countries, is the opinion of the Bibliograph-
ical Society of America. Plans were made
at the annual meeting of the society, in At-

1928

NEWS IN BRIEF

253

lantic City in March, to draw up good lists
of books for such uses.

Copies of draft treaties of arbitration
were handed by the Secretary of State to
the ambassadors of Germany and of Spain,
on March 12, thus beginning negotiations for
treaties with those countries, similar to the
treaty with France, just signed.

Norway honored the centenary of the
birth of Henrik Ibsen on March 15 with the
opening of an Ibsen exposition at the Uni-
versity of Oslo library.

The Preparatory Commission for the
Disarmament Conference held its fifth meet-
ing at Geneva, beginning March 15. Twenty-
four nations were present. The American
delegation was as follows: Hugh S. Gibson,
American Ambassador to Belgium, in charge;
Hugh R. Wilson, Minister to Switzerland;
Rear Admiral Andrew T. Long, U. S. N. ;
Major George V. Strong, U. S. A. Technical
assistants were Commander H. C. Train, U.
S .N. ; Major J. N. Greely, U. S. A. ; and Mr.
S. Pinkney Tuck, American Consul at Ge-
neva, was secretary to the American repre-
sentation.

The Mexican Independence Day, Septem-
ber 16, is to be made the date upon which
the "friendship school bags" sent from chil-
dren in the United States to Mexican chil-
dren will be distributed. Like the plan for
"friendship dolls" recently sent to Japan,
this scheme is sponsored by the Committee
on World Friendship Among Children.

Dr. Emanuel Malbran has been ap-
pointed Argentine Ambassador to the United
States, succeeding Honorio Pueyrredon, re-
cently resigned.

A South American tourist conference
has been organized to aid international com-
munications and foster travel. Argentine,
Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Panama, Peru,
Uruguay and Venezuela are represented in
the organization.

The Seventh Latin Press Congress con-
vened in Havana March 7 with representa-
tives from France, Italy, Rumania, Spain,
and various American nations. Stormy ses-
sions immediately began, in which Cuban
delegates carried their point for co-operation

against what has been generally character-
ized as dictatorial policies of a gi'oup of
French propagandists. Later sessions re-
sulted in various changes in general policy,
tending toward fuller co-operation.

Some seventy-five persons, many of them
men who have formerly held important posi-
tions in Chilean government, were arrested
in Santiago, on March 13, charged with plot-
ting against the government of Dictator
Ibanez. Most of these, including twenty-six
very prominent men, were sent to the exile
colony at Mas-Afuera ; the son of ex-Presi-
dent Alessandri and some six other impor-
tant persons were sent to Easter Island,
2,000 miles west of the coast of Chile.

Mr. Alexander P. Moore, former Ambassa-
dor to Spain, has been appointed United
States ambassador to Peru.

The boundary between Panama and
Costa Rica, which has been in dispute since
1921, is now the subject of direct negotia-
tions between the two governments, and will
probably be settled amicably very shortly.

The Ambassador of Cuba, Hon. Orestes
Ferrara, has accepted the chairmanship of
the permanent committee of the governing
board of the Pan American Union, on the
erection of a lighthouse on the coast of the
Dominican Republic, to honor the memory
of Christopher Columbus. The Minister of
Honduras and the Minister of the Dominican
Republic are the other members of the com-
mittee.

The Resident Commissioner of the Philip-
pines, lasuro Gahaldon, will resign from
Congress on July 16. He intends to return
to the Philippines to participate in a cam-
paign for independence for the Islands.

A World Youth Congress is to be held
in Eerde, Holland. August 17-26 to study the
causes of war and to focus the forces of
youth on its elimination.

The twenty-fifth anniversary of the
University of Porto Rico was celebrated the
week of March 12, with representatives of
more than a hundred American universities
in attendance. A series of graduate schools
is in process of development ; among them
there is the probability of a graduate school.

254

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

fathered by Cornell University, for the study
of tropical agriculture. Such a school would
be the first of its kind in the American
tropics.

The Woodrow Wilson award for distin-
guished service in furthering good will be-
tween nations was conferred, March 19, upon
Colonel Lindbergh. The first award made by
the Woodrow Wilson Foundation was to Vis-
count Cecil in 1924; the second to Elihu
Root in 1926. No award was made in 1927,
and this to Lindbergh is the third.

National Oratorical Contests on Out-
law War Treaties will be held this spring
for school children. There are various
stages in the contest. Bronze medal con-
tests are to be held before April 15; silver
medal contests, state gold medals and na-
tional cash prizes to be contested for later.
It is hoped by those sponsoring the contest
to bring the matter thus before pupils, teach-
ers and parents all over the land.

A statue to Kossuth, the Hungarian
champion of freedom was unveiled in New
York City, March 16, the gift of Hungarians
in the United States to this country. Five
hundred of Kossuth's countrymen came to
America for the ceremonies. Among them.
Dr. Roland de Hegedus, former Hungarian
Minister of Finance, stated, at a luncheon in
his honor on the 17th, that the safety and
happiness of the world depends upon Ameri-
can leadership for the next 2,000 years. He
declared that Europe needs, not American
money but American principles.

The University of Paris, a center of
world thought since before the days when
Abelard taught there, has set aside a tract
of seventy acres of wooded park, where it
has offered a free site to more than a score
of nations for the building of dormitories
for their own students. More than $250,000
of the $400,000 required for the American
building is reported now to be in hand. The
dormitory will house 260 persons.

A CONVENTION BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES

and Mexico was signed on March 16, 1928,
safeguarding the livestock interests of the
two countries. It is intended to prevent the
introduction of infectious and contagious
diseases across the border.

The SECOND part of the official German
WAR film, which has been recently released,
was not well received by German audiences.
There seems, according to Berlin reporters,
to be an unmistakable trace of the desire to
glorify battle in the film, which was regarded
by the majority of audiences as tactless and
harmful.

The Handbook of the Churches : A sur-
vey OF THE Churches in Action. Edited
by Benjamin S. Winchester. Pp. 408 and
index. J. E. Stohlmann, Baltimore, 1927.
Price, $2.00.

This is the ninth book in its series. The
name year-book, previously used has been
changed to Hand-book, since it is not pub-
lished annually. This book comes out under
the auspices of the Federal Council of
Churches of Christ in America. It is purely
a reference text. The first section is a re-
sume of significant events and movements;
the next four sections are directories of reli-
gious bodies, agencies and persons. Section
six is composed of religious statistics, sec-
tion seven is a bibliography. The hand-book
is included in the suggestive list of one hun-
dred reference books, issued by the American
Library Association.

Recent Revelations of European Diplo-
macy. By Q. P. Gooch. Pp. 214 and in-
dex. Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd., Lon-
don, 1927. Price, $3.00.

For the student of causes and results of
the world war, this summary of available
literature on the subject is of real import-
ance. Dr. Gooch makes no attempt to re-
view purely military writings, nor, indeed,
the economic and social history of the strug-
gle. These latter are voluminously covered
in the publications of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, still in course
of production. His field is particularly the
political and diplomatic revelations, which

1928

BOOK REVIEWS

255

have been published since 1914; the period
covered is that from the accession of Wil-
liam II to the treaty of Versailles.

One of the many results of the late war
is the opening of the archives. Another is
the effort, made by many leading actors
in the drama, to prove to the public their
innocence of responsibility for the holocaust,
or their efforts to bring it to a close. A
literature of tremendous importance there-
fore, is now available. It is this biblio-
graphy which Dr. Gooch runs through. He
gives condensed resumes of significant books
and documents, nation by nation, adding
often, interesting personal comments.

His style is delightful, accurate but not
pedantic, his outlook human. The conclud-
ing chapter is striking. The conduct, he
says, of each country, party to the conflict,
was what might have been expected — quite
natural. There was no arch-sinner. The
war was a tragedy of the sort defined by
Hegel, a conflict, "not of right with wrong,
but of right with right." The root of the
evil, says Gooch, "lay in the division of
Europe into two armed camps * * * and
in the doctrine of the Balance of Power,
which is as old as the sixteenth century."
The war was largely the offspring of fear.

Blind and deaf, the governments may have
been who stumbled and staggered into the
war. But their condemnation lies in the
fact that they managed to do little or noth-
ing to abate the international anarchy,
which they had inherited.

Thorough and careful studies, such as
this, leading to such conclusions point an
undoubted lesson for those who are now
determined to forestall and prevent war.
International organization and general recog-
nition of laws to govern international con-
duct seem the logical corollary of Professor
Gooch's proposition.

Novels of War
Right Off the Map. By C. E. Montague.
Pp. 325. Doubleday, Page & Co., Garden
City, 1927. Price, $2.

The Pallid Giant. By Pierrepont B.
Noyes. Fleming H. Revell Co., New York,
1927. Price, $2.

The two novels present theories as to war,
differently treated. The former is a satire,
fantastic, but interesting in development.
The characters lose somewhat in reality be-

cause of the ironic atmosphere of the tale.
Artistically, too, the conclusion is a bit too
tragic to harmonize with the burlesque flavor
of the whole thing. Nevertheless, it is an
interesting book, absurd, but suggestive.

The second book has the impetus of sus-
pense and adventure. It is two stories in
one, however, the longer being actually sub-
sidiary to the other. The finding of an an-
cient, mysterious manuscript and the method
of its deciphering are both thrilling. But
most impressive is the idea flowing out of
this old manuscript. We are told that
science, under the control of fear, quite
obliterated an advanced prehistoric civiliza-
tion. This sinister event is tied to the
modern portion of the story by the announced
discovery of the "death ray" just after the
world war. The implications are obvious.

Novels of Other Countries
Mother and Son. By Romain Rolland.
Translated from the French by Van Wyck
Brooks. Pp. 415. Henry Holt Co., New
York, 1927. Price, $2.50.

While this is the third volume of "The
Soul Enchanted," it is a unity in itself,
covering the period of the World War. The
author of Jean Christophe should be known
to one who wishes to follow the currents of
present French thought. He depicts, in this
book, war psychology with penetrating, if
disdainful, power. Rolland is trying in all
his work to think as a European, when in
fact Europe has no unity. Yet one agrees
with Gu^rard that he is a courageous fore-
runner of those who will follow in a more
genial and constructive effort to break down
international conflict.

The Motheb. By Orazia Deladda. Trans-
lated from the Italian by Mary O. Steeg-
man. Pp. 239. Macmillan Co., New York,
1927. Price, $2.

The 1927 Nobel prize for literature was
awarded to the author of this book. She
had her early home in Sardinia, which is the
scene of all her stories and sketches, though
now she lives in Rome. "The Mother," pub-
lished in Italy in 1920, only recently trans-
lated into English, is generally conceded to
be her best book thus far.

The story is staged in a little half-civil-
ized hill village in Sardinia. The tragedy of
the old peasant mother watching a secret
love affair of her son, who is the village
priest, is inevitable and simple as a Greek

256

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

April

drama. The problem is not church doctrine,
but, rather, the effect upon primitive human
nature of the man-made laws it cannot
understand.

A Wreath of Cloud. Third part of the tale
of Genji. By Lady Murasaki. Translated
from the Japanese by Arthur Waley. Pp.
312. Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1927.
Price, $3.50.

The third part of this long Japanese novel
surviving from the early eleventh century is
quite equal to parts one and two. Lady
Murasaki, we learn from the extracts from
her diary in the introduction, found court
life both sordid and stupid. Therefore, she
constructed, in her imagination, a court as
she would have it. Since she was a born
story teller, her episodes have real unity and
the development of character and incident is
surprisingly psychological.

The main interest, as before, is the living
picture of old Japanese culture. The book
sheds light not only on modern Japan, but on
China, which must always have been similar
in background.

Witch Wood. By John Buchan. Pp. 352,
Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1927. Price,
$2.50.

Here is a story of Scotland in 1644, a place
and time when superstition was still power-
ful. It is staged in a village planted in a
pass between the ancient forests — the wood
of Merlin — arid the prosy midlands of the
South. The young dominie hero finds him-
self engaged in a hopeless struggle with
sinister powers of darkness manifested in
the souls of his flock. But bigotry, backed
by hidden deviltry in high places, defeats
him. He disappears with a loyal follower
who was an old soldier. They seek the con-
tinent and its wars, where a man may fight
with visible foes. The little town of Woodi-
lee is still debating as to whether the min-
ister was carried away by the Devil, or
whether he was rescued by the fairies.

Jalna. By Mazo de la Roche. Pp. 347.
Ltitle, Brown Co., Boston, 1927. Price,
$2.

This novel of Canadian family life was
last year awarded the Atlantic Monthly
prize. Its author is a literary painter in
genre, delineating her characters with fine

finish. They are at the same time so strik-
ing and alive that the possibility of further
books, featuring one or another, reminds one
of Galsworthy's "Forsyte Saga."

The robust feudal family is observed
through the eyes of a New England profes-
sor's daughter, who marries one of the sons
and comes to live at Jalna. This gives a
sense of detachment which greatlly heightens
the effect. There is little plot in the several
love stories, the interest focussing entirely
on characters. Of the characters, perhaps
the greatest interest centers upon the two at
the extremes of the family, not involved in
any of the romances. These are the pre-
cocious boy of twelve and the domineering,
hundred-year-old "Granny," who has as
hearty an appetite for food as for praise or
power. They are both portrayed with
strength and delicacy, making us look for-
ward with real anticipation to Miss de la
Roche's further work.

Juno and the Paycock and the Shadow
OF A Gunman. Two plays. By Sean
O'Casey. Pp. 199. Macmillan Co., New
York, 1927. Price, $2.00.

Sean O'Casey, from a sombre past of pov-
erty and grim labor, has only within a few
years risen to his present high rank among
modern dramatists. It was Juno and the
Paycock, with the winning of the Hawthorn-
den Prize, in 1925, which introduced him to
the public. The play was then produced in
the Abbey theater in Dublin, and later in
London. During the past winter the Irish
Players have been in this country — the first
time for sixteen years and have given
O'Casey's plays here.

He writes vigorously of the tragedies that
come to the poor in the tenements of Dub-
lin, and well he knows these trials. The
characters are homely folk. They quarrel
and drink and are cheated; they are tender
and rough, hot-headed and wai*m-hearted.
Their sorrows are epic, however, because
universal. The iron which enters their souls
is of the same temper as that which pierces
all down-trodden people everywhere.

But over and through all the rest, O'Casey
weaves his spell of irresistible and uncon-
scious Irish humor, the lilting cadence of the
Irish tongue, the turn of a phrase, the group-
ing of pungent characters, which, all to-
gether give these plays individuality, and a
sure place in dramatic literature.

THROUGH JU/TICE

MAY, 1928

Price

American Peace Societx

Its Beginnings

At a meeting of the Maine Peace Society at Minot. Febru-
ary 10, 182o, a<mction was carried to form a national peace
-society." Mifrot was the home of William Ladd. The first
constitution for a national peace society was drawn by this
illustrious man, at the time corresponding secretary of the
Massachusetts Peace Society. The constitution was pro-
visionally adopted, with alterations, February 18, 1828; but
the society was finally and officially organized, through the
influence of Mr. Ladd and with the aid of David Low Dodge,
in New York City, May 8, 1828. Mr. Dodge wrote, in the
minutes of the New York Peace Society: "The New York
Peace Society resolved to be merged in the American Peace
Society . . . which, in fact, was a dissolution of the old
New York Peace Society, formed 16 August, 1815, and the
American, May, 1828, was substituted in its place."

Its Purpose

The purpose of the Am.erican Peace Society shall be to
promote permanent international peace through justice: and
to advance in every proper way the general use of concilia-
tion, arbitration, judicial methods, and other peaceful means
of avoiding and adjusting differences among nations, to the
end that right shall rule might in a law-governed world.

— Constitution of the
American Peace Society
Article II.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Aethue Dbeein Call, Editor

Leo Pasvolsky, Associate Editor

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

Founded 1828 from Societies some of wliich began in 1815.

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C.

(Cable address, "Ampax, Washington.")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

-■r. r

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate subscription
price, $3.00 a year. Single copies, 30 cents each.

Entered as second-class matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Offlce at Washington,
D. C, under the Act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917 ; authorized August 10, 1918.

CONTENTS

Publications of The Amebican Peace Society 259-260

Editorials

Centennial History of the American Peace Society — The Cleveland
Conference — The Program — Our Government's Peace Proposal —
Disarmament — Another Failure? — Cruelty — The Distress in China —
As to a Universal Draft— Editorial Notes 261-275

World Problems in Review

Disarmament Work at Geneva — Polish-Lithuanian Negotiations — End
of French Chamber of Deputies — Dissolution of the Reichstag —
Great Britain and Egypt — International Artists' League — The
World Court in the United States Senate — An American Program
for International Justice 276-296

General Articles

Tribute (To William Ladd and Woodrow Wilson) — Poem 297

By Alice Lawry Gould

Three Facts in American Foreign Policy 298

By Arthur Deerln Call

The Peace Movement and the Mid-Century Revolutions 305

By Professor Merle Eugene Curtl

A Turning Point in the History of the English Speaking Peoples 310

By Mr. Justice William Renwick Riddell

Cruelty as Pleasure, Man's Monopoly 319

By Dr. A. Shadwell

International Documents

The Kellogg Notes of April 13 322

M. Briand's Proposed Treaty 324

News in Brief. 325

Book Reviews 327

Vol. 90 May, 1928 No. 5

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

OFFICERS

President
Thexjdore E. Bubton

Vice-Presidents

David Jayne Hill

Secretary
Abthub Deebin Call

Jackson H. Ralston

Treasurer
Geobge W. White

Business Manager

Lacey C. Zapf

Formerly

Assistant Director, Bureau of Research, Chamber of Commerce of the United States

Secretary, American Section, International Chamber of Commerce

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

(Asterisk indicates member of Executive Committee)

♦Theodore E. Burton, President. Congressman
from Oliio. President, American Group, Interparlia-
mentary Union. Member House Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Member United States Debt Funding Com-
mission.

Philip Marshall Brown, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jer-
sey.

♦Arthur Deerin Call, Secretary, and Editor of
the Advocate of Peace. Executive Secretary, Amer-
ican Group, Interparliamentary Union.

P. P. Claxton, Superintendent of Schools, Tulsa,
Oklahoma. Formerly United States Commissioner of
Education.

John M. Crawford, President, Parkersburg Rig &
Reel Company, Parkersburg, West Virginia. For
many years a Director of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States.

Tyson S. Dines, Attorney of Denver, Colorado.

John J. Esch, Chairman, Interstate Commerce
Commission. Formerly Member of Congress from
Wisconsin.

Harry A. Garfield, President, Williams College,
Willlamstown, Mass. United States Fuel Adminis-
trator during World War.